A10327	----	An excellent oration of that late famously learned Iohn Rainolds, D.D. and lecturer of the Greek tongue in Oxford Very usefull for all such as affect the studies of logick and philosophie, and admire profane learning. Translated out of Latine into English by I.L. schoolmaster. Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. 1638 Approx. 86 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A10327 STC 20610 ESTC S115564 99850783 99850783 16010 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A10327) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 16010) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1150:12) An excellent oration of that late famously learned Iohn Rainolds, D.D. and lecturer of the Greek tongue in Oxford Very usefull for all such as affect the studies of logick and philosophie, and admire profane learning. Translated out of Latine into English by I.L. schoolmaster. Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. Leycester, John, b. 1598. [14], 130, 129-145, [5] p. Printed by Tho. Harper for Thomas Slater and William Aderton, and are to be sold at their shops in Duck-lane, London : 1638. Translator's note "To the well affected Christian reader" signed: Iohn Leycester. With a final imprimatur leaf; the last leaf is blank. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXCELLENT Oration of that late famously learned Iohn Rainolds , D. D. and Lecturer of the Greek tongue in Oxford . Very usefull for all such as affect the studies of Logick and Philosophie , and admire profane Learning . Translated out of Latine into English by I. L. Schoolmaster . Thy wisdoms and thy knowledge have caused thee to rebell . Isa. 47. 10. LONDON , Printed by Tho. Harper for Thomas Slater and William Aderton , and are to be sold at their shops in Duck-lane , 1638. To the well affected Christian Reader . ANatomists do write , that in the brain of man , there is a Rete mirabile , an admirable Net , that is , an heape and conjugation of Arteries , that for the many windings , turnings , and intricate foldings cannot be anatomized ; and so indeed , as if that of the body were to signifie that of the minde ; in the wit and wisdome of man there is a Rete mirabile , an admirable net , a heape and a cōjugatiō of manifold infolded Subtilties , which for the Maeandrian windings and turnings , and intricate devices cannot be be anatomized ; with this admirable net the pernicious perverters of Learning ▪ do catch the poor fish and foul they deal withall . But if ever this net was discovered ; and that monstrous Sphynx of corrupted knowledge e●ploded to the World , this our English Oedipus that Atlas of Learning ( as * one stiles him ) Reveren● Rainolds hath ( as I think ) in this most exquisite and pathetical Oration sufficiently and perspicuously effected , insomuch that ( in my opinion ) that * Eulogie may very well suit to this Oration , Huc usque turpi nubilo pressum caput , Inter que cunas artium pect us rude vincti tenemus . Nunc illa rerum monstra ridemus , Chaos Cacumque pondus , sole perfusi novo . Englished thus . Till now an ugly cloud our heads and hearts Opprest , and in the Cradles of the Arts Were tyed fast . But with a new Sun beam● our eyes made ope , Now see that Chaos , which wee late did grope , And laugh at it at last . But notable is that testimony of a grave and learned Divine , which may very wel excite thee ( Courteous Reader ) to the reading , as it did partly induce mee to the version of this Oration . Vt enim Academicis & nobis , qui egregia ipsius sanctitatis & pietatis certamina admirati sumus difficile fuit judicare , an vir melior , vel doctior ille fuerit ; ita illi qui Orationes hasces●ri● legerint , haerebunt , ( opinor ) aliquandiù , an ipsi ex earum lectione doctiores vel meliores evaserint . For as it was an hard matter both for the Vniversity and us , who have admired the Conflicts of his rare holines and piety to determine , whether hee excelled in learning or in goodnesse ; so they who shall seriously reade these Orations wil be in some doubt awhile ( I thinke ) whether they are become better men , or better Schollars by reading them . Then pitty it were surely , that the Cabinet of the Latine tongue should locke up so rich a Treasure , or that the shel of one Language should exclude many ( though not expert in the Latine tongue , yet judicious to apprehend ) from participating of this delectable kernel of sound Learning & pious affectiō . I have therfore according to my poor skill turned this one into English , hoping that I shall be found fidus Interpres , in rendring the genuine sense & true meaning thereof , though my stile be not equivalent either to the we●ght of the argument , or to the Ciceronian sweetnesse , and eleganc●e of the Originall As for the usuall Cavils against Translations of profitable things , let that most learned Andraeas Hyperius answer for me , An exact Translation makes things so perspicuous , that it deserveth to bee esteemed instead of a Commentary . But howsoever I expect not to escape the stings of Censure especially of the common adversaries of the Truth ( the vindicating wherof is the very Center of this Oratiō ) yet this is my Comfort , that I have in this point kept within the Circle of my calling , and imployed my small Talent for the publique good . So farewell . Thine in the common faith , Iohn Leycester . Aprill 30. 1638. THE ORATION . IF any here present in this Assembly , ( honoured Auditors ) seeing hee hath not heard what I have formerly expounded in Aristotles Rhetori●ques , may perhaps mervaile what moved mee , who have taken upon me the Lectureship of the Greek tongue ▪ to discourse of Aristotles Summum Bonum , when the same party heares the Blessednesse spoken of by Aristotle to be now explaned by me , and that it ought of necessity bee taught , that yee may both know how to perswade aright , & what the proper end of good things is , let him not dislike the reason that moved me , but let him attend to the matter now in handling . After hee perceives , that it is the drift of my discourse to shew Aristotles e●roneous opinion concerning Sūmum Bonum , hee will ( I feare me ) in his thoughts condemne my drift and purpose , that I , but a young man , should so transgresse against the fashion of the Vniversitie , as to cry downe Aristotles credit . But when he shall understand , that I am enjoyned , as I am a publike Teacher , to deliver sound and true opinions , not errors in the expounding of Authors , I hope hee will not censure mee too hardly . Will hee demand what reasons induced me to be of a contrary opinion to most of Aristotles Interpreters now a days ? Truly , if I have any judgment at all , the vulgar and triviall Expositors of Aristotle do always , as much as they can , and sometimes more then they ought , adhere unto him in their expositions . And even as the Romans did highly extoll all Neroes actions , yea his Villanies , as sacred ; in like manner they , as it were approving al Aristotles sayings , though never so false , doe greatly applaud him . I being therfore very inquisitive after the truth , when I had perused such writers as were not so much inclined to Aristotle , I was upon sundry good groūds induced to believe , that Aristotle was greatly deceived . For I did not onely rest upon the opinions of Ludovicus Vives , and Peter Martyr ( as some malicious persons do object ) whose authority notwithstanding , I doe , ( as I ought ) much esteeme of ; but omitting others , who have handled this point before Vives and Martyr , both Talaus & Fox have of set purpose lately confuted this Blessednesse of Aristotles . And those ancient , and excellent men have long agoe so condemned it , that Gregorie Nazi●nze● calls it contemptible and base ▪ Eusebius unreasonable & false ▪ Ambrose , Augustine , Origen , Lactantius , Gregorie Nyssen call it very fooli●● in part , and all of them do fl●tly affi●me it to be contrary to tru●h and piet●e . Whose authoritie when it is confirmed by Christ himselfe , who alone , w●thout any other ▪ ought to be imbraced 〈◊〉 all authorities in the World let no man think it strange , that I had rather concuire in opinion with such and so great Clerks , then to hold an errour with Aristotle . I heartily wish , that this opinion were well setled in your minds , ●s both reason and Religion doe require ; that so , I might have lesse trouble in speaking , and you lesse irkesomnesse in heating those things , which should be as well pleasing , as they are wont to be distastfull unto you . But because this conceit is so deeply rooted in you , namely , that Aristotles opinion , which hath been approved and defended with the great labour and pains of so many learned Interpreters cannot be shaken ; I wish you not sodainly to lay aside this conceit of yours , although you see it so strongly opposed by so many , and so great authorities ; onely I crave , that you wold not obstinately prejudicate those things which I shal speak against it . I suppose , that such , as are not obstinately bent in defending Aristotle , will grant , that so great authorities have some weight , but yet they will deny , that Aristotles opinion can be cōfuted with any Arguments drawne from his own Principles . I will not complain , that I am hardly dealt withall by them , who will have the question decided by those Principles , which being falsly framed have caused this false opinion , which I so dislike , especially when Aristotle himselfe useth first of all to shake the opiniōs of those Philosophers he contradicts in the fundamentall points , before he confutes them ; as we may observe in Plato's Idea . But yet I will accept of this condition , to prove Aristotle to be in a manifest errour by his own Principles . But because there are some other things , which for the present doe more concern us ▪ I intreat your patience , that the handling of this point may be deferred till another time ; for as the husbandman , when hee intends to til his ground , that is overrunne with briats and thornes , doth first rid the ground of them , that hee may the more conveniently proceed in his tillage , & sow his seed ; even so , before your mindes can be setled in the true opinion of Summum Bonum , some distinctions , which , ( like thornes and briars ) have encumbred them , must be removed ; that so the see● of truth may take deeper root , and spring up more fruitfully . For there is risen up in this last age of the world , a sort of men unknowne to the Ancients , & hated of the Learned , who , not out of any desire to si●t out the truth , but to confirme their own perverse opinions , would bee thought of ignorant people , in their rufflin● disputes , to defend grosse absurdities with their no lesse absurd , and foolish distinctions ; in very deed they doe expose them to the judgement of all wise men to bee laughed at . There was one Callico ( as Eustathius reports ) none of the wisest , when hee went to sleepe , used to lay a brasse pot under his head for a pillow ; an hard ●olster sure , but very fit for his doltish pate ; at the last awaking , and not very well pleased with his hard pillow , hee filled the pot with straw , to make it softer ; the pot certainly was not softer , but it was enough for Callico , all the while the fool perswaded himselfe that it was softer . After the same manner , when we seek for case and rest to our perplexed mindes ; certaine pa●try Philosophers do put under them this leaden Blessednesse of Aristotles , & when they c●mplain it is very hard , t●●y fill it with the Chaffe ●f Distinctions , & perhap● they perswade themselves , that it is sof●er , when neverthelesse , it is a leaden lumpish Blessednesse still . Whose blockisnesse is so much the more worthy blame , because that out of an obstinate wilfulnesse of upholding Aristotle , they do so labour to reconcile the opinions of other Philosophers dissenting in the very judgement of Aristotle himselfe , that even as Proteus , sometime a stone , by and by a stock , anon fire , then again water . Omnia transformant sese in m●racula rerum . They change thēselves to wōderments of things . So these men are sometimes Stoicks , by and by Epicureans , anon Platonicks , then again Aristippians , and yet wholy Peripateticks , and so it seemeth they would be all things and nothing . Cicero laughs at L. Gellius , who , when he came Proconsul into Greece , called together all the Philosophers in Athens , and exhorted them earnestly to leave off all wranglings , and to spend no more time in contentions , which if they would promise to doe , he promised likewise to hold with them in opinion . But are not Distinguishers like unto this Gellius ? They see well enough , that Philosophers do dissent in opinion ? and what then ? they , like pittifull men , go about to reduce them to an unity on equall conditions . But , because an unskilfull person does undertake the businesse , it is the more ridiculous ; And must the busines be quite done & finished , because they make Aristotle the Iudge ? Wheras , if those ancient Philosophers Plato , Aristotle , and Tully did but heare a●ter what manner their own repugnant opinions , are accorded now adayes , it is to bee doubted whether they would laugh or chafe at it . But if you please let us produce some one of these Distinguishers , which can defend the matter to their faces . Whom will yee have then , Buridanus , or Bricottus ? I know ye cannot understand them , if they spake . Whom therfore wil ye have ? whom ? Donatus Acci●iolus the Florentine , both more eloquent , then the rest , and better acquainted with you ; who , if hee should appeare in place , and behold these Philosophers standing here with Cicero , he would perhaps thus accoast them . Why are yee thus in an uprore , and perplexity , O yee Philosophers ? why are ye thus distracted with severall opinions about Summum Bonum ? What , do yee not know , how that all your jar●ing , and differing opinions may easily be reconciled by distinguishing ? Have any of you wrote any thing concerning felicity or Summum Bonum , which ( although it be clean contrary to all other opinions ) yet may not be accounted true in his kinde ? I lesse indeed wonder , that thou O Cicero , doest not understand the Philosophers , for thou hadst no distinctions ; Be not ostended with mee , I say thou wantest distinctions . Otherwise why doest thou teach in thy Books de Finibus , is in thy first Book , that Epicurus placed Sūmum Bonum in v●luptuousnes , in the third Book ; that Zeno assigned it to moral honesty ; & in thy fifth Book , that Aristotle placed Summum Bonum in the comprehension & composition of all good things internal , and externall ; Why else didst thou refute the first opinion in the second Book , and the second opinion in thy fourth Book ? Doest thou not understand Distinctions , how , and in what manner all these opinions may bee true in their kinde ? For wheras Epicurus resolves Voluptuousnes to be Summum Bonum , hee means carnall Felicity ; Zeno Vertue ; he meanes Felicity simply ; And whereas Aristotle ascribes Summum Bonum to united , and compacted good things , hee meanes added , or associated Felicity . Why didst thou Cicero waste so much labour about confuting Zeno's , and Epicurus their opinions , when with one onely distinction , they may easily be accorded ? But ( O Aristotle ! ) ( whom I admire as the Philosophers God ) what reason hadst thou ●o to calumniate Plato's Idaea , and to wrest his meaning , that even thy most favourable Interpreters do leave thee there ? Thou wilt perhaps acknowledge this one fault of thine . But where is thy sharpe judgement become ? Thinkest thou , that thine opinion cānot be true , unlesse Plato be con●ute● ? Thou 〈◊〉 wide all the World over For I in my life time taught , & thy Zuing●rus after my death wrote , that thou & Plato were both in 〈◊〉 truth ; for his Blessednesse was divine , and thine humane , his was after this life , and thine in this life . What , it by distinguishing I do so reconcile their opinions , that differ from thine , and thine , whic● s●ems to contradict it sell that there shall appear no d●fference at al● ? Eusebius teacheth , that Chr●stians do 〈…〉 then B●esse●nesse in the knowledge & worship of God ; If wee should deny this , wee should be accounted impious ; Therefore in thy behalf I thus distinguish . That is an heavenly ●lessednesse , and thine a civile Blessednesse , that is true in Divinity , a●d thine is true in Philosophy . He●●l●us the Philosopher pla●ed his Summum Bonum in knowledge ; this felicity of man consists in the minde onely ; thy feli●city , so far forth , as it consists of body and minde . The Stoicks assigned felicity to vertue , and honesty ; this also is an active felicity ; but thine is both active and civill . Now forsooth thou mayst perceive , that externall good things are sometimes the necessary parts , somtimes not the parts , but the appurtenances of felicity . Here we make a medicine of simple felicity , & compacted felicity ; Priamus is not happy with an associated happinesse ; again Priamus is happy in misery with a single happinesse . One rub is yet behinde ; wheras in the first Booke of thine Ethicks , thou ascribest an happy li●e to men in action ; and again in thy tenth Booke , thou ascribest it to men in contemplation ; We will decide the controversie , we love not contentions ; Wee allow those active blessednesse , and these contemplative blessednes . And thus , Aristotle , thou seest the sundry opinions of other Philosophers , & thine owne to be all true in their kinde . If Donatus should speake thus , what answere doe you thinke those Ancients would make him ? If Horace , Zeno , Epicurus and Plato were present , they and all things else would rejoyce over him , & give Donatus hearty thanks in the like Verses almost , as he gave Damasippus . Horat lib. 2. Satyr . 3. — Dii te Donate Deaque Rectum ob judictum doment tonsore ; Sed undè tàm benè distinguis ? For thy right judgement Donatus , The sexes both divine Give thee a Barbers blessing but Where hadst thou such fine distinctions ? Philosophers would much wonder , that a foolish fellow understāds not , that these distinctions are frivolous by the very definition of Summum Bonum ; which is termed of all Philosophers the upshot of all things , as that , whereon all other good things depend , but Blessednesse it selfe is no where subsisting onely in GOD. Cicero would exclaime against the words and manners of these doltish monsters , and tell them , that they had disgraced all Philosophy with their basenesse . Thus would Cicero speak . Truly I doe not ( Donatus ) account thee unlearned , as I have often done , nor brutish , as I have always done ; but a witlesse mad man by thy distinctions . For certaine it is ( although the Dunscotists doe repine at it ) that long ago I wrote upon the like subject , and I doe here again recite it ; that it may very well be , that not one of so many severall opinions of Philosophers is true ; for how is it possible that so many opinions , so much differing , & disagreeing bee all true ? Fire and water may sooner bee reconciled together , than those opinions , which thou so strivest to compose . But ô the times we live in ! O the manners of men now adays ! O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam ! O daughter Rome most fortunate , when I was Consull there ! I searched out the true Art of reasoning , and did apply it to the practice of Eloquence ; but yee obtrude upon yong Schollars , I know not what , monstrous Distinctions , and Demonstrations in stead of true Logicke , I searched out Philosophy by the light of Nature , living creatures , plants , & the probable conjectures of God ; yee for the most part search after nothing but certaine trifling conceits , of motion , time , infinite , empty matter , and privation ; which you apply to no practice , but pul in pieces ( as it were ) with your disputations . I have declared the severall opinions of Philosophers concerning Summum Bonum ; I have confuted them that were false ; I approved the most probable ; but you have so transformed their Opinions with your Medusaean ●orceries of distinctions , that if you had pleaded with me at the bar , you might have maintained by your distinctions , that Clodius was at one and the same houre both at Rome , and ●erano . But what doe I mean ? Let us set aside Cicero and other Philosophers ; for what doe they here ? If they should come into our Schooles , they would bee so troubled with distinctions , that they would suppose themselves to bee in Epicurus middle Worlds , and not in the Schools of the ancient Arts. Do but observe these distinctions , they will serve the turne very well in the Schooles in Lent. Blessednesse , divine , humane , civill , heavenly , simple , associated , active , contemplative , carnall spirituall , in this life , after this life , according to man consisting of soule and body , and according to man subsisting of soule onely ; ( of soule onely ? who is that ? what ? doe yee aske ? The Schollar must believe his Master . ) So farre forth as man is of a simple substance , and a compound substance , in ● Philosophicall truth , and ●n a Theologicall truth , & in his kinde ; fifteene distinctions a very compleat number of even , and odde ; marke them well : But first of all let in his kinde be well noted ; for when all fails , in suo genere , will never faile . Varro reports , that a man may collect 288 severall opinions , concerning Summum Bonum . It is very strange , if they be not all true in their kinde . Rhetoricians contend , whether Rhetoriques proper end bee to perswade soundly , or to speake elegantly and neatly ; what need they trouble themselves ? each end is good in his kinde . Why do we make any difference between Arts and Sciences in their conclusions , for , to speak finely , to pronounce well , or to speak rudely , to perswade and not to perswade , are all Rhetoricall ends in their kinde . For , what is it to be in action , or contemplation , vertue , or voluptuousnesse , the narrow path , or the broad path , doe they not all tend to life in their kinde ? The Canonists are hardly censured , because they called the Romish Bishop God , as the Romans of yore called the Emperour Domitian so . If they had had any brains , they might have distinguished him to be a God in his kinde : A murthering God as Mars , or God of the Romans , as Romulus , or God of this World , as ●athan is . Doe yee not thinke , that the Physician does comfort his sicke Patient well enough , if he tell him , that hee is a sound man in his kinde ? Surely these fellowes are sharp-witted Logicians in their kinde , but simply they are wrangling pratling Sophisters , who like A●tolycus , Candida de nigris , & de candentibus atra . The black to white , and white to black they turn . They make miserable men of happy , and happy men of miserable . I would they had been appointed Iudges betwixt us , and the Councell of Trent ; I suppose they would have affirmed each Religion to be true in his kinde , that to a carnall man , and ours to a spirituall man. But lest some jesting companion may sya , that I am fowly fallen out with distinctions , I must therfore distinguish distinctions , that I may resolve what distinctions are true , and learned , and what are false & foolish . I embrace learned and true distinctions , which are used in disputes ; but I scorne , and reject those distinctions as false , and absurd , which are propounded either simply , or in his kinde . But heere I would not have the authority of Distinguishers objected unto me . For there are some , who , if you deny this unhappy Blessednesse to be true in his kinde , doe presently betake themselves to this th●ed-bare Maxime , ●he Scholar must be ●●ve the Master . Truly I do not conceive to what purpose they produce th●s , unlesse perhaps they will thus argue ; therefore these felicities are true in their kinde . O wondrous witty ! You have hit the naile on the head ▪ Is this a demonstration , because it is ? Ar●●totle himselfe could not more strongly demonstrate . — Si Pergama dextra , Defendi possent ●na hac defensa fuissent . If Fates to Troy had granted a defence , This hand of mine had beat the Greeks from thence . If demonstrations make such thunder-claps , I have done . Hostis habet mu●os , ruit alto à culmine Troia . The Enemy hath wonne the walls , and Troy comes tumbling down . But certainly the Scholler must believe the Master , for so says Aristotle ; And surely , he that teacheth must not lie , for so sayes Aristotle also . If you will observe Aristotles law in teaching , unlesse I keep the same also in learning , I shall transgresse . But if you teach false doctrines , which I ought not to believe ; it is an absurd part in you to cōpell me to believe them . If you would have men believe what you teach , you must teach those things , which you ought to teach ; if you will not discharge your duty in teaching , I will not discharge mine in the hearing ; for oftentimes the Teachers authority is very prejudiciall to the Scholers profit . Thus said Cicero , I like not that Pythagorean ipse dixit in mens resolutiōs . But they that are bound must obey ; what must , if thy commands be unjust ? A Scholar must bee credulous ; if you teach false doctrine ? Hee that hath twice suffered shipwrack is but a fool to trust Neptune . Wherefore if they will be ruled by mee ; let them leave these poore shifts , and sticke fast to their surest refuge , as men use to doe in dangerous cases ; namely , that they , which speak against Aristotle , doe not understand Aristotles meaning . They think , perhaps , that Aristotle was a jugler , which casts a mist ●●ore his Readers eyes . Do not we understād Aristotles meaning ? O poore shift ! So Cicero reports of Torquatus , who , when Epicurus opinions were called in question , said , that Philosophers did not understand Epicurus meaning . Certaine Pythagoreans said , that when the Heavens are turned about , they make an admirable harmony , but men cannot heare it . In like manner Democritus said , that his subtile moates were dispersed thr●ugh the frame of the whole universe , but all men did not perceive them . What were Aristotles slaves able to understand him , and shall not we be able ? Dio reports , that there is a certain cave at Hierap●lis in Asia , whose vapours no living creatures , saving onely gelded men , are able to endure . Is not Aristotles stile like unto this Cave , whose savo●r , none but Eunne●es , that is , such as want the masculine liberty of judgement , and are Aristotles slaves can abide ? it is even so . But perhaps they are like to that franticke fellow Horatia●us , who , the day after the publique playes were ended , would clap his hands in the Theater , & when his friends came running , and demanded the reason of his acclamations , seeing that no body acted ; hee answered , that hee saw Actours , though they could not . These men surely see some strange things in Aristotles Theater , and doe applaud them , which wee cannot discern . But what if I can shew , that they themselves do not understand him but being blinded with a self-conceit of Aristotles worth , as men distempered with some malady , doe with that franticke fellow imagine , that they see that , which they do not . And what if I proove unto you that Cicero , Diogenes , Laertius , and Alexander Aphrodisaeus himselfe do interpret Aristotle , as I do ? What if I shew those notable Champions and Lights of the Christian Church both the Greek and Latine Doctors , doe not onely so expound , but also confute Aristotle ? What refuge have they then ? I know not what answer they wil make to Cicero , Laertius , and Alexander ; unlesse perhaps they will say that credit is not to be given to examples ; at least wise , that the places cited , are but probable , not true . And mee thinkes I smell what they will say of Christian Writers . They wil not ( except I be much mistaken ) deny , that those things , which so worthy men have wrote against Aristotle are true , and yet they will deny that Aristotle cried . How then can it be possible , that in this very point they write truly that Aristotle erred , & yet ( say they ) Aristotle erred not ? You shall heare : there is a twofold Truth ; a Philosophicall Truth , and a Theologicall Truth . Aristotle was in an error according to a Theologicall Truth , and in that sense he is blame worthy ; but Aristotle erred not in a Philosophicall Truth , for in that sense hee could not bee mistaken without doubt , for hee is a miracle of Nature . What is this I heare ? A Philosophicall Truth ? and a Theologicall Truth ? This is pulling in pieces , not distinguishing . Now indeed , I nothing marvell at those men , who use to scoffe and deride the simple Truth , when 〈…〉 can hatch two Truths for one ; as drunken men use to see two Lanthorns for one ; and Plautinus found two Masters for one Messeinus , and mad Pentheus beheld two Suns for one . They have so well profited in the Art of wrangling , that they have quite forgotten how to dispute . For what is Truth ? The Learned in the Greeke Tongue doe call Verum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i● esse to be , because it is the same , which it is said to be . Therefore as Philosophers teach , that Contraries cannot stand together at one , and the same time in the same subject ; so the same Philosophers teach , that contradictories cannot both be true of one and the same thing . Is it not then a shame for our Logicians to disable , and enervate the very first Principles of Logicke ? For wheras Aristotle doth teach , that to affirme and deny the same thing not onely in the generall , but also in the particular must needs be cōtradictorious ; these men do in very deed deny this truth ; albeit they oppose a frivolous distinction ( like a Cloud against the Sunne , to obscure the truth . Aristotles felicity is not true felicity , this they grant to be true in Divinity ; again Aristotles felicity is true felicity ; this they will have to be true in Philosophy . O silly Epiphanius , who didst reck on the errours of Philosophers amongst Heresies ! O simple Iustin Martyr , to confute Aristotles opinions in so great a Volume ! D●d not they ( silly men ) know how to argue ma●ers in a phil●sophicall truth , when they embrace a divine truth ? But ô thou Apostle , Paul I am sorry for thee ! why doest thou dispute with the Stoicks & Epicureans at Athens , of the resurrection of the dead , and the life to come ? It needs no controversie at all . For although all Philosophers doe flatly deny the resurrection of the body , yet it is in a philosophicall truth ; but thou Paul dost affirme it in a Theologicall truth , as thou hadst learned of Christ. But why dost thou dissent from all Philosophers to no purpose ? Why doest thou not permit the Athenians to believe Philosophers ? Doest thou thinke they will the more hardly become Christians for that ? It is not reasonable to allow Eusebius the benefit of this distinction ; For he was in an error . He knew not this twofold truth . Hee sayes Aristotle doth impugne , and gainsay the Scriptures , in that hee did ascribe felicity to the externall welfare of the body in that hee said that Gods Providence extended not to every sublunary thing ; in that hee said the World was eternall , not created , and that the soule of man was not eternall but mortall . Eusebius affirmes , that in all these points Aristotles opinions are flat against the Scriptures . Thou art mistaken Eusebius ! Aristotle doth not thwart the Scriptures . Thou must learne to distinguish betweene a Philosophicall Truth , and a Theologicall Truth . Come hither Ambrose , come Augustine , come all the rest of Doctors , and learne of our Philosophers , that there is one Truth in Divinity , & another Truth in Philosophy . They do Philosophers much wrong . Plutarch reports , how that one bid a Painters boy who had painted a Cock ●l-favouredly to chase away all right Cocks from his picture . Those men that doe alienate divine Truth , doe the very same thing . Yet if these men had bin Painters , I doubt not , but they would have distinguished , that they had painted well according to the truth of the Picture , though not according to the truth of the Cocks nature . But as Tiridates King of Armenia called that wicked Wretch Nero his God ; So Aristotles Patrons , do ascribe the name of Truth to the vaine Opinion of Philosophy . Which if it be once granted , what can be so absurd , but it may be defended , or what so false , but it may be proved , either with an Epicurean , Platonicall , Stoicall , or Turkish Truth ; or with a Papisticall , or Hereticall Truth ; to cōclude , which way not ? And in this manner , as Democritus not satisfied with the opinion of one World , dreamed of infinite Worlds ; so we not contented with one truth , shall conceive innumerable truths of our owne braine . But this will be the issue of all at last in despight of Philosophers , that as Varro reckons up 30000 Gods amongst the Gentiles , when indeed there was but one onely ; even so , when they have forged 30000 Truths , they shall finde but one only , and that is the simple Truth , which they so deride . Here before I proceed any further , lest these things perhaps examined , which I have alleaged ( and I very gladly desire they may be ) are not to be found in Eusebius , which I have cited out of Eusebius ; yee shall understand , that they are not to be found in the Latine Eusebius . Trapezuntius , who was Aristotles great friend , translated Eusebius his Books de Euangelica praeparatione into the Latine tongue . Fourteene of his Books , which contain a consutation of Heathens and Philosophers , Trapezuntius translated into Latin , but as for his fifteenth Booke , which Eusebius wrote almost altogether against Aristotles errours , as concerning mans Felicity , the Worlds Fternity , the Providence of God , and the Souls Mortality , Trapezuntius never medled with that . Therefore lest any man , being deceived with the Table of the Booke , doe traduce me , ye shall know that Latine Eusebius de Evangelica praeparatione wants the fifteenth Book , in which are cōtained the things by me alleaged If any will look for it , hee may finde it in the Greeke Copy . Study therfore the Greek tongue , that ye may be able to discern the craftinesse of Interpreters , which is too frequent in prophane writings , but chiefly in the Scriptures . What Eusebius thought fit to write for the advantage of the Christiā faith , Trapezuntius thought not fit to be expounded , because it weakned Aristotles credit . How much worse then hee , are our men in these dayes , who , fearing lest they should savour too much of Christianity , desire to heare young Striplings speake finely , and to defend by arguments , points repugnant to godlines ; but are loth to hear those things , which are consonant to godlinesse . And yet they love Piety , they love Religion , So , I think , as the Ape loves her puppies , or as Iuno loved Hercules ; They love exceedingly ; they kill with loving ; They love , as Thais loved Phaedria . Misera prae amore exclusit hunc foràs , Shee poor soule for very love hath shut him out of doores . Let us speak like Philosophers ( say they ) when we dispute , when wee declayme . I had thought yee had rather have spoken like Christians . Are you to be saved , redeemed and judged of a Philosopher ? were yo● initiated in the Mysteries of Philosophers ? But what does this concerne us say they ? Wee may speak as Philosophers , we are not Divines yet . Divines ? It is a womans priviledge to say what she list ; for without doubt they will never bee Divines , unlesse perhaps they be Popes , as ( some say ) Ioane was of yore ; and albeit they may bee such , they may not bee Divines for all that . But why do they separate the bounds of Divinity and Philosophy , like the Borders of England and Scotland ? I thinke this was the Deputies doing . But yet we may speak as Philosophers . What ? as Diagoras , when hee denied there was a God ? as Protagoras , when hee doubted whether there was a God or no ? as Aristotle , when hee takes away ▪ Providence from God ? These are the words of Atheists . What then ? as Plato , when hee sets up a Purgatory ? or Porphyrius , who sayes that Angels are to be worshipped ? or as Aristotle , when he teacheth Free-will ? Let Papists picke out such stuffe for themselves . What then ? shall we say with Epicurus that the soule is mortall ? with Aristippus , that Pleasure is Summum Bonum ? or with Plato that a mutuall Participation of Wives is to be tolerated ? No , wee allow none of these ? But wee would have Declamations , not Sermons . What is a Declamation ? Is it to deny that to be a Poeme , which wants fabulous matter ? or shall not that be called a Declamation , which is not stuffed with impiety ? If such are no better , than base Strumpets , which esteeme nothing wittily spoken , but that which is obscene ; what kinde of Philosophers are they which account nothing spoken Orator-like , but that which is prophane ? But wee would heare Philosophicall points . If they be true and good they dissent not from holy things . If they bee naught and untrue , what are they to be esteemed ? The Persiās thought it a great fault in a childe , either to lie , or speak corruptly ; Do yee make our Christian Youth worse then the Heathen ? would you not have us speak as Philosophers ? I would have you speak like wisemen , not like the ignorant and unlearned . I call them wise men , who propound true matters , ●nd them ignorant , who teach untruths ▪ For Philosophy is the study of Wisdome ; Wisdome comprehends the knowledge of Divine and Human things ; moreover knowledge is of true things ; & therupon those things onely , which are said to be true , deserve the name of Philosophy . For Philosophers are not Philosophers , when they digresse from the truth . But because the name of Philosophy is commonly ascribed to the opinions of Philosophers , whether true or false , and not to true wisdome ; yee ought to remember what the Apostle warnes you to take heed of , Lest any m●n spoile you through Philosophy . Coloss. 2. 8. For there are some amongst us now adayes , who maintaining most pernicious errours contrary both to reason and religion , call it Philosophy . Nesci● furtivo : Dido meditatur am●res . C●njug●um vocat h●c prae texit nomi●e culpam . On amorous th●●●s runs Dido's b●●nded minde ▪ To hide her fault shee W●dlocks c●oak doth finde . She called it marriage , but she comm tred adultery ; They call it Philosophy , but they do defend impiety . You must not imitate Caracalla Caesar , who was so in love with the very name of Alexander , that he was much offended , that a base Ruffian ( whose name was Alexander ) was arraigned before him . Doest thou accuse Alexander ( said he ) hold thy peace , or else wo be to thee . Take yee heed , lest by loving the name of Philosophy , yee entertain Philosophers errors . He accused Alexander , but yet a Ruffian ; I reject Philosophy , yet that which is erroneous . But some ( like Caracalla ) will say to mee ; What doest thou condemne Philosophy ? ho●d thy tongue of Philosophy , or e●●e thou shalt heare ill news . I care not for bad dealing from b●● men : I accou●t not 〈…〉 to be Summ●m 〈◊〉 . I doe admonish you againe , and aga●ne ▪ to t●ke 〈◊〉 of Philosoph● . What admonitions the Ap●st●e , and ancient Fathers have given , what the learned of la●●● times have continually admonished you of , both by precepts and examples , that doe I likewise . Thus doth Lactantsus often presse , and repeate , that Philosophy is false , and frivolous ; The Philosophers could speak wel like learned men , but they could not speake truely , because they were not instructed by him who was Puiss●nt in Truth . So said Eusebius , that Philosophers erred from the truth , that Philosophy was stuffed full of vaine conjectures , divers errors , and trifling toyes . Thus Tertullian said , that Heresies were suborned and supported by the Philosophy of Plato , the Stoicks , Epicurus , Heracl●tus , Zeno , and Aristotle ; & that Heresies did spring , and spread from Secular Learning . What shall I recite Iustine Martyr , Saint Ambrose , Saint Augustine , and the rest , who doe frequently , and vehemently urge the same opinion ? What shall I say of later Writers , as Ludovicus Vives , Picus Mirandula , Hieronymus Savanorol● ? which three most learned men doe tell us with one consent , that they must be very warily perused ; who are they ? I say not Philosophers , but Aristotle and Plato the Princes of Philosophers . Why so ? because Aristotle makes men ungodly , and Plato superstitious . Doe ye desire examples ? Pomponatius became a wretched man by listning too much to Aristotle ; and Ficinus became superstitious from the Platonicall dreames of Spirits . Many pestilent errours , first entred into the Churches of Christians , & continued there a long fime , ( yea , and at this day doe spoile them ) from the errours of Plato's and Aristotles Philosophy . And is the world bewitched still , with the delusions of Satan , that Christians will defend Philosophers errours in publike Assemblies with idle and rotten distinctions ? They little thinke , that by this abominable custome , it is come to passe , that the Christian Faith hath not residence in the hearts , but in the Temples of Christians , and not there sometimes . O what a difference is betwixt even the Heathens , and us Christians ? Aristotle forsooke his Master Plato to uphold his owne errors , and wee will not forsake Aristotle , that we may defend Gods Truth . Virgill gathered gold out of the dunghil of E●●ius ; and shall we scrape together stinking filth out of the Philosophers Store-house ? Isocrates calleth speech the image of the minde ; Democritus calls it the shadow of workmanship ; shall we imagine that our thoughts and actions are agreeable to Christianity , if we speake as Heathens ? Wickedly and falsly spake those filthy Poets . Vita verecunda est ; Mus● jocosa mea est ; Lasciva est nobis pagina , vita proba . Demure my life , though merry be my Muse , An honest life lascivious lines may use . C●stum esse decet pium P●ctam ipsum , Versu●●os nihil necesse est . A Poet himselfe devout and chast must be , That his Verse bee so , there 's no necessity . Well said Socrates ; such as the minde is , such is thy speech . Speech is the badge of the minde . Is thy speech corrupt ? thy thoughts are impure . A prophane tongue , and a true Christian will never agree . What pains Christians bestow in the Church , Philosophers destroy in the Hall. Beate downe the affections as much as you can , and lop off the sprouts , yet they will spring again , quench the firebrands , yet they will kindle againe . Yee should inure your selves from tender age to the best things ; Children ought to be instructed in sound , and true opinions even from their infancie . There is no time , place , or occasion allotted for naughtinesse . There is no doubt , but Iulian the Apostate , ( who had his education from the Emperour Constantine ) heard many Sermons in the CHURCH , but those private Conferences at home with ●hat declayming Li●an●us instilled into his minde more naughtinesse , than all the Sermons hee heard could expell . Nero heard many notable precepts of his Master Seneca ; but those flattering wordes , All things are lawfull for a Prince , marred all those Precepts . Deceive not your selves , One sparke of fire is able to kindle more Gunpowder , than all the Ocean can quench . Concupiscence is so deeply rooted in us , that as it is easily kindled like Gunpowder , so it more contagiously rageth . Take heed of the flame , yea , the sparks of this fire . What doe our Philosophers answer to this ? Surely they laugh at my simplicitie , who require Godlinesse , and Christianitie in their Studies . What have wee to doe ( say they ) with this over-busie godlinesse and Holinesse ? Wee leave that to Divines , let them preach CHRIST devoutly , What have wee Philosophers to doe with Divinitie ? It is not our profession . Let us speake like Aristotle , like Philosophers . For whereas the Apostle commands the COLOSSIANS to beware , lest they be deceived through Philosophy , that ( say they ) belongs not to all Christians , but onely to Divines . It is written indeed unto the COLOSSIANS , and Geographers say , that COLOSSUS was a Citie , but COLOSSAE ( without doubt ) was a Divinitie Schoole ; or at least-wise because it is written unto Christians , it is an advice , not a precept ; of which sort there are some things in the Gospell , which are not prescribed to all , but to compleate Christians ; as the Expositors of Aristotles Moralls do teach . shall we leave off the old want of defending Aristotle , whom the most learned of the Vniversities have so long time highly esteemed ? nay , we will rather with the Augustinians maintain all Aristotles sayings even against the superstitious Stoickes , according to a Philosophicall truth , not according to a Divine Truth , not by the light of Faith , but of Reason , so farre forth as wee are Philosophers , not as we are Christians . Thus do these men in their cups bragge , and brave it out , though not perhaps in these very same words , yet in the same sense . But I wo●ld advise these men to cōsider , that since they wil live like Philosophers , let them take heed , that they die not Pagans . A certain plain Country fellow seeing a noble man of Germany cla● in armour in the morning , like a General of the field , and with his Mitre like a Prelate in the Church at evening , asked one of his servants , why his Lord and Master did sometimes weare an Helmet , & somtimes a Mitre ; he answered , because he was both a Prince , and Bishop of a City . A Prince , and a Bishop said the Countrey man ? I pray you ( Sir ) tell mee , if the Prince goe to Hell , whither shall the BISHOP goe ? If I had so much authoritie as the Countryman , I would aske these Philosophers , and these Centaure Christians , both men & monsters , these Hermaphrodites both men and women , or rather neither , who speake impiously as Philosophers in the Schooles , and holily in the Church like Christians , what thinke you will become of the Christian , if the Philosopher bee thrust down to Hell ? Let no body wrest my words otherwise , than I mean ; I know not how it may fall out , that I may hereafter lay the fault upon your tongues , seeing that those things , which I have spoken true , through your misreporting them , may be accounted false . I have at the last bid farewell to obscene Poets , such as ( for th● most part ) are not to be taught to children . I have fetched this out of Saint Augustine in his Confessions who averreth Terence expresly not worthy to be read , and blame such Grammarians as expound him . If this seemes absurd to them , why doe they finde fault with mee ? let them finde fault with S●int Augustine . But let no man so mistake my meaning , as though I condemned the reading of all Poets ; as though I should say , because children must be fed with milke , not with flesh , some Butcher , or other should inferre , that I spake against eating of flesh absolutely . Now if it bee reported againe to Butchers that my demand was , what will become of the Christian , when the Philosopher is thrust downe to Hell ; My answer is this to Butchers , that I speake of Philosophers in the same sense , that Tertullian did ; What likenesse is there between a Philosopher and a Chri●●ian ? What hath Athens to do with Ierusalem ? an Vniversitie with the Church ? or what have Heretiques to doe with Christians ? He calls Philosophers Heretiques . He was never acquainted with this absurde distinction of a P●ilosophicall truth , and a divine truth ; but he calls Philosophers Hereticks . He complains , that Philosophy hath bin many sundry ways distributed into Heresies , by the industry and labour of Philosophizing Fellows , which have corrupted the truth in the Church . What hath Athens to doe with Ierusalem ? an Vniversity with the Church , or Hereticks with Christians ? And yet shall any man marvell , why I am of opinion , that it is dangerous to speake like Philosophers ? Men speaking as Philosophers have long agoe infected the Greeke Church , and almost all Europe with divers errours . Men speaking as Philosophers have in our dayes polluted all Italy ( would to God it were but Italy only ) with most noysome opinions . Those two most vild and gracelesse men ( if they may be called men ) Cornelius Agrippa , and Nicholas Machiavell speak as Philosophers , of whom , the one in his naturall , the other in his Morall Philosophy have disgorged such Lessons . Qualia cred●●●●le est rictu ru●●●sse 〈◊〉 . ●●●be●on , & Stygii m●n stratremenda lacus . As if the Stygian Lake , or three chopt Cerberus , Had spued their monstrous ugly fil●h on us . Pomponatius , and Cardanus spake as Philosophers , whereof the one wrote that cursed Treat●se of the Souls mortality , the other broached many impious errours in his subtilties . I deny not , but they are both confuted , Pomponatius sleightly by Contarenus , & Cardane soundly and thoroughly by Scaliger . But how many in the meane time have they spoiled with their philosophicall sentences ? Poison hurteth moe , then the Medicine helpeth ; neither are all cured , that are poysoned . And is any man so foolish to seeke to bee wounded , that he may be cured ? What then will some say , doe you forbid the reading of prophane matters , l●st men be corrupted therby ? Shall we not reade Aristotle , Plato , Cicero , De●●osthenes ? shall wee not attaine to the knowledge of Historie , Philosophy , Eloquence ? And hereupon Philosophers w●ll ampli●ie , that a thing is not to be rejected for the abuse of it . F●e●ds are drowned with waters ; Houses are consumed with fire , the earth is scorched with the Sun , men are spoiled by buildings , and yet for all this water , fire , the Sun , houses and buildings are necessary . I would not have the thing it selfe , but the abuse thereof abolished , and the proper use therof restored again . I doe not say , that hee offendeth that reades profane Authors , so that he doe but lightly passe them over ; but this I take to be sin●ull , when profane things are believed ; for then art thou foyled , when thou givest credit to them . And in that case . I hold it dangerous to defend them ; for therby perhaps thou hurtest others , or else art hurt thy self . Thou must also take heed not onely what thou defendest , but also what , and in what manner thou readest ; For although thou doest but touch those things , that thou readest , yet be not so carelesse ; for many things , but touched doe hurt , and sometimes kil . Saint Augustine makes mention of a little Fly called a Cynips , which is of so small a substance , that , unlesse you be very sharp-sighted , you cannot discern her , yet when shee fastens on you , shee will sting soundly , so that shee , that you could not perceive cōming to sting , you shall too late repent her stinging . But if your judgements bee not so sharp-sighted , to discern those , which I call the stings of philosophy , yet know , that Philosophy is ● Cynips , which uses to sting heedlesse men ; feele it not after it is too late . The veriest foole that is learnes wit after a shrewd turn . The byting of an Aspe procureth a most sweet sleep , insomuch that one cannot be sensible of death approaching , but it is a deadly sleepe at last . Enjoy thy sweete sleepe Cleopatra , I envie thee not , for thine Aspes byting : I will propose to you Ieromes opinion set downe in his Epistle to D●m●sus concerning the Prodigal● sonne ; it is indeed rejected of the pertinacious , but embraced of the wiser sort , and is very necess●●r●●or al sorts of men . Ieromes words are these , Even as it was lawfull for the Iewes , if they had gotten a beautifull woman captive , to take her to wife upon this condition , that first her head should be shaved , her nails pared , & her captive garments cast away ; In like manner , it may be lawfull for Christians to use Philosophers , and ●ooks of Secular Learning , but with this condition , that whatsoever they finde in them , that is profitable and usefull , they convert it to Christian doctrine , and do , as it were , shave off , and pare away all superfluous stuffe concerning Idols , love and carnal cares of the world . And lest any should cavill and say , that those things , which wee ought to believe , appertain to faith , and yet men are not for all that forbidden to talke as Heathens ; Ierome proceeds , ( His meaning is not of such as speake profanely , but of such ●s read profane matters . ) Neither let us flatter our selves ( saith hee ) although wee do not believe those things which are written , when others consciences are wounded ; and wee may be thought to approove those things wee reade , when we do not reprove them . If any wi●l further object , that these things are written to the Bishop , or else they are to be understood of deeds , and actions ; let him know that Ierome speaks also of words ; yea , of all Christians in generall . For hee annexeth , Farre be it from ● Christians mouth to utter omnipotent love , so helpe Hercules , so help me Castor , and such like rather bug-beares , than divine powers . Therefore ●hosoever shall at any time utter such idle ●ords , hee is not to be allowed in that . Marke ●hat Ierome sayes , farre 〈◊〉 it from a Christians ●●uth to utter Omnipotent Iove , so help me Hercules , or Castor , and such ●ike rather bug-bears , than leities . What shal we not ●ame the immortal gods , not Iupiter ? What , not in verse ? not in our talke ? not when wee declayme , or dispute ? Why do yee aske mee ? Augustine reproves it , Ierome abhors it . Far be it from a Christian to speak thus . And if the most excellent men have been so strict about trifling words , let our wit lesse youngsters at length leave off their railing in every place where they come , that there are some upstarts of a new opinion , who would neither have others to defend Aristotle in all points , nor yet wil defend him themselves . O hainous fact ! My neighbour Q. ●uber● doth advertise thee C. Caesar of a crime never heard of before , Q. Ligarius is gone into Africa . That which all the Ancients both sacred and prophane , Greeks , Latines , Christians , and Heathens have freely done , that which the most learned amongst later Writers of Logicke , Rhetoricke , and Philosophie both naturall and morall , have not onely done themselves , but taught others to doe so , ( because men by nature , Philosophers by truth , discreet men by reason , wise men by piety , and Christians by religion are not perswaded , but commanded ; not intreated , but compelled ) some factious fellowes , who accuse Aristotle of many grosse errours ( although hee alone of all men the the Pope excepted could not erre ) have appeached us of a new crime never before heard of till now . What shall wee do therfore ? Whither shall wee turn our selves ? shall wee ●all to reasoning ? But it cannot be possibly that ever Aristotle should be refu●ed by arguments ; no , although hee should speake Contradictories Shall wee flie to authoritie ? You object modern Writers , Vives , Ramus , Talaeus , Martyr ; these are either unlearned , or proud . If you presse us with ancient Fathers , as Eusebius , Augustine , Tertullian , Ierome , they doe not condemne us , but the Heathens . If you alleage the Schools of Germany , and Switzerland ( who have reformed the manner of teaching Philosophy with Religion , ) they will be thought of some to have dealt superstitiously in this point ; although I doubt not , that learned judgements are nothing at all mooved with these pettie cavils , yet to give al men satisfaction , if I can ) not insisting upon these arguments , which they are wont to jest at ) I will produce certain witnesses , so fresh in memory , that have observed this manner of teaching , men so well practised in Letters , that doubtlesse they have been well versed in it . They are by place , and authoritie Bishops at least , for number almost two hundred ; namely the whole generall Councell of Lateran held at Rome within lesse , then these sixtie yeeres . Marke I pray you diligently what I alleage , for it is a place most worthy your observation , and it is extant in the third Volume of Councels in the Lateran Councell under Leo the tenth , the eighth Session ; if any be desirous , hee may see this more at large , which I doe but point at . About that time , when the Professors of Aristotle in the Vniversities had prevailed thus farre , that they defended by Aristotle the soule to be mortall , at least wise in a philosophicall sense ( otherwise perhups , then Aristotle himself meant ) because that Commentator Averroes thought , that Aristotle meant so ; it was declared by the Lateran Councell , That certain pernicious errours , alwayes abhorred of the faithfull , were sowed in the Lords field by that contagious Contriver of all mischiefe , and amongst the rest , that the soule of man is mortall ; which whosoever shall affirme , to be true , are taxed by that Councell for rash and ●nadvised Philosophers . And no more but so ? yea , they are all condemned , that doe affirme , or once question it . True may some say according to Divinity ; nay , but they are condemned , whosoever doe ●ouch it to be true even in Philosophy ; I say Philosophy ; for it is expresly named in the Decree . Heare the generall Decree annexed . Forasmuch as truth can in 〈◊〉 wise bee opposite to truth , wee doe resolve , that every assertion contrary to the Christian faith is altogether false ; and we doe straightly forbid all others to conclude otherwise . And wee doe decree , that all persons , who doe pertin●ciously mayntaine this errour , are to be taken heed of , and punished as breeders and dispensers of damnable heresies , and to be hated and abhorred in all points , as Hereticks and Infidels , who go about to extinguish the Catholike faith . You heare , that our rash●heady Philosophers are pronounced by a generall Councell to be hated and abhorred as Heretickes and Infidels . But now ( lest they might seem onely to make a de●cree against the defenc● of Aristotles errors ) they enjoyn further , that they be not onely not defended , but also , that they be ●●ongly opposed , and rejected . Which , let them ●ell consider , who have ●he charge of Philosophi●all disputations ; for thus 〈◊〉 follows in the Decree . Wee straightly charge and command all Professors of Philosophy in Vniversities and publique Readers elsewhere , that when they read , or expound to their hearers the points of Philosophy , which are contrary to the true faith , as of the soules mortality , the worlds eternity or such like opinions , that to their uttermost power , they vindicate the truth of Christian Religion from such errours , and explain it to their hearers , and ( as much as they can ) both by doctrine and exhortation ●root out , and confute these arguments of Philosophers , seeing they may be easily confuted . Thus ye have the Decree , the curse is denounced against all t●e violaters therof . And this Decree was not ratified by a few , but by the whole Councell in generall ; saving onely worshipfull Master Thomas Superintendent of the Preachers Order did not approve it . He , as it seems , more favouring Aristotle , then Piety , said that the second part of the Decree did not please him , wherin it was enjoyned that Philosophers should openly teach , and instruct their Auditories in the true Faith. Now then let it seeme doubtfull ( if it be possible ) whether the conceit of one onely Master Thomas a younger Brother of the Preachers Order , or the Decree of the general L●teran Coūcel ratified with an exec●ation annexed , is to be preferred . Moreover , if the Laterā Coūcel , if the R●mish Bishop , if the Cardinals themselves of the Romish Church ( many chief points of whose Religion rather agrees with Aristotle , and the Philosophers , than with Christ , and his Apostles ) doe denounce a Curse against all such , as shall affirme Aristotles opinion● dissenting from Christ to be true , though in a philosophicall sense , what will become of us thinke you , who have taken upon us the profession of pure Religiō purged from Superstition , freed from the rotten devices of men , and clensed from the drosse and dregs of all errours ? I omit the pressing of this point in the Nycene Assembly of Cardinals appointed for that purpose ; They held it a great abuse , and a matter of dangerous cōsequence for Philosophers to broach impieties in publique Schools , and not to discover how weake the light of nature is to discourse of God , the world , and such like arguments , and in all their disputations not to make piety their chiefest ayme . I presse no● the opinion of sworne Witnesses those Cardinals , Sadole● , Contare●●● , Poole ; I stick to the Laterane Councels Decree . Whosoever therefore affirmeth it to bee true but in a philosophicall sense , that the soule i● mortall , or that the world is eternall , if he feare God , let him know , that hee grievously prophanes Gods Name , when the authority of his Word is disabled , either in jest , or in earnest . If hee be a Papist , let him know , that he is pronounced an execrable Heretick , and Infidell , lyable to a Curse , and delivered up to Satan , by the Romish Bishop , and the Lateran Councell : if hee be an Atheist , let him take his liberty of philosophizing , defend his distinctions , and what hee list ; I forbid him not . To all others , whether they are godly , or seeme to be so , what I say of the Worlds Eternity , or the Souls Mortalitie , I say the same of all other questions , which dissent from Christian godlinesse ( amongst which is Aristotles opinion of Blessednes , condemned by the judgment of Eusebius , Lactantius , Augustine , Ambrose , Gregory Nyssen , naz●anzene , and many other most learned men : ) Let them look to it , which de●fend it . Let Philosophers distinguish the Sorbonists barke , Epicureans rage , Machiavili●ns scoffe , the Truth is conquerer ; They themselves totter , and shake , fall and rot , but the Truth will triumph Truth ( like the Palme-tree ) the more it is kept downe , the more it flourisheth , and by how much the more forcibly it is bended down-wards , by so much the more vigoriously it reflecteth upwards . The Sun ofttimes is darkned , but that darknesse is discussed . Proserpines golden branches are broke off , but they spring again ; Truth may be pressed , but it cannot be oppressed . But if any Novice in Philosophy be offended at these things , which are truly uttered ( neither can it bee expected but some will take offence at them ) let him not like a Momu● backbite in a corner , or maliciously traduce this , or that thing , which I have spoken , but let him refute mine Oration . He shall not need to goe to the Augustinian Monkes , let him writewithin his owne walls ; Words are but winde , writings will stick by it , let the learned judge . I will most willingly give him a copy of mine Oration . And so I doe heartily againe , and againe intreat the Aristotelians , if they have any confidēce in their cause , if they beare any true affection either to Aristotle , or Philosophy , or the Truth , that they will confute mine opinions . If they cannot doe it ( for I doubt not of their good will to do it ) let them leave their wonted obstinacie , and yield to the truth . Let them not object , they are not suffered to speak their minds openly , they have place enough to write their mindes , and that they may do more freely , and upon better deliberation . I acknowledge mine own weaknesse , no man more , but strong is the Truth . I doe not so much distrust my selfe , as I trust to my Cause . A very child may mayntain a good cause ; but Cicero himsefe is not a sufficient Patron for a bad cause But I would wish them to provide new distinctions ; for these , which I have handled , have been oftner boyled , than the Colewo●t in the Proverbe , not twice , but a thousand times , which the stomack of Polyphemus himself is not able to disgest , so that it is no mervaile our Schollers are sicke so often , when they are crammed with such distinctions . If any more sober minded hath either not understood , or not approoved what according to mine abilitie I rather pointed at , than explained , by reason of the shortnesse of the time , I intreat him to come to mee ; hee shall finde mee most ready to teach what I know , or to learn what I know not : We do not all know all things , I may erre , I am willing to be instructed . This onely I crave , that no man doe rashly carpe at what is done ; I neither contemne nor condemne the studie of Philosophy . But I see a deeper wound concealed . There are some in whose hearts impious profanenes is so fast rooted , that they make piety not onely to seeme harsh and unsavoury to others , but to be rejected and vilified by themselves . Truly as Saint Augustine wrote long agoe ( that the enemies of grace lay con●chedunder the name of nature ) so it may be as truly said in our times , that the enemies of the Faith lie couched under the name of Philosophy . I know indeed there are many that erre through lack of knowledge , but I mean the obstinate , and pertinacious Patrons of Philosophy ; of whom would to God that were untruly spoken , which I here speak againe with griefe , The enemies of the faith lie couched under the name ▪ of Philosophy . I shall be thought of some to be their enemy , now I have rub'd their soares : So mad Orestes in Euripides called his sister Electra a Fury of Hell , because she tied him fast in his bed , lest hee should run mad ; But her brothers outragious words nothing daunted Electra , neither shall these mens prejudicate censures disquiet mee , when they are whole , they will give me thanks . The Physician must bear with the frowardnesse of his patient ; For I am not ignorant how many and how bitter grudgings I shall meet with all , which did I know to bee spent upon these trifles of mine , I should be very stupid , if I should not esteeme them as matters of great importance , both for your benefit , true pieties sake , and Gods glory , which ( the Lord is my witnesse ) I onely aime at . These may seeme light matters , but the trees vigour consists in the root . The Scriptures and profane writings are like Hippocrates twins , laughing together , weeping together , sicke together , and sound together . In those Vniversities where the Gospell doth flourish , the ●ooleries of Duns Scotists are banished thence , witnesse Geneva , Leiden , Ba●ill , Germany is witnesse . In those places , where Aristotle beares sway , there all impiety rules and raignes ; Witnesse Paris , Padua , Italy is witnesse . But yet let all impediments to Pretie doe their worst , wee may defend Philosophy even to death , we may study profane Arts , but so , as they bee referred to pious things . This was the minde of that good old man Master Richard Fox , whose Image is every day before our eys ; This onely was his chiefest care . And howsoever hee fell into the error of the times , yet all his care was , that Religion , Piety , and godly Exercises should flourish and increase daily amongst us . Who , seeing hee hath left behind the expression of this his good desire rather in the Statutes of the house , than in our behaviour ( which is to be lamented ) therefore hee seemes to speake to us all continually , as a father to his children in this manner . Wheras I did heartily desire you young men , my sonnes by adoption , and brethren in Christ , to be brought up in the knowledge of God , which is true blessednesse ; lest the thorny cares of the world should choake the springing seeds of godlinesse in you , I built an house for you , that so you being freed from carking cares , might wholy apply your studies . I provided nourishment for your bodies , and soules . I admonished you to be mindfull , that your place assigned you on earth was not permanent , but transitory , and that you have here no abiding City , but must look after one in Heaven . I have ordained for you Professors of the tongues , and Arts , that so you attaining to the knowledge of them in your younger yeeres , might be enabled to underrgoe weighty affaires hereafter . I besee●ched you in the bowels of Iesus Christ , that you would devote all your studies to Gods glory . I have declared to the World , that this College of mine was founded for Divinitie sake . I have enjoyned the other Lecturers to designe all their labours , and studies to accommodate the Divine . I have earnestly exhorted , and enjoyned you all to strive , and contend with all possible diligence for the knowledge of Divinitie . I had good hope , that this Colledge would have sent forth many both excellently learned men , and sound Christians , who being well seasoned themselves with heavenly wisdom , would make the unsavory minds of others to relish pietie , bring the light of the Gospell to them that sit in darknesse , restore the sick to health , refresh the poore , strengthen the weak , direct them that go astray , and raise up the dead by the Gospell . But alasse my hopes are frustrate ; my labours are all in vaine ; yea , so short of arriving at the desired haven , that they are overwhelmed with a tempest in the very mid-way . That Origen , when he● taught profane learning to the Heathens at Alexandri● , had such good successe in teaching of Rhetorique , by sometimes interlacing Examples and Sentences of Godlinesse , that many of them were converted to Christiani●ty . I trust , Christians are not made impious by your Expositions of Morall Philosophy in Oxford ; but I am sure you corrupt weake Schollers with your Epicurean licentiousnesse of life . Thus the streams , which should refresh the dry soules of poore wretches , that the plants of piety might spring apace , are quite dried up in the very fountain ; so the fruit is perished in the blossome , the Corne is crushed in the blade , before it can come to a true ripenesse , and be fit for food . For what other thing , did that gracelesse Apostate Iulian practise , when hee laboured to extirpate Christian Religion out of the World , th●n command , that such opinions as opposed Christian piety should be publiquely taught , and defended in Schooles , that so the younger sort might loathe and distaste Christianitie quite . Impious likewise was the practice of that Heathenish Tyrant Maximinus , who caused such points , as were contrarie to syncere godlinesse , to be expounded to the hearers , and to be learned without book , yee that professe the Name of Christ , do yee think , yee have done very well , when yee have by your Declamations opposed the blasphemous errours of the Gentiles , ( which Basil ab●orreth once to mention ) and yet you still uphold the base opinions ( as Chrysostome calls them ) of Aristotle . O c●rva in terris animae , & coelestium inanes . You groveling Souls on earth that take delight , Of heavenly matter void , & empty quite . What madnesse hath so infatuated your senses , that yee suck poyson out of the Philosophers , convert helps into hinderances , em●race vanity for verity , take the dregs , when you may have the finer stuffe ? Do yee professe Christ in the Church in words , and Aristotle in the Schools in good earnest , and Epicurus your lives and actions ? What a shame is it , that may be verified of you , which Ambrose said of the Arrians , They have forsaken an Apostle , and followed Aristotle . Why doe yee waste good houres about trifles , divine wits about noxious things , and consume that precious time , which should be spent in History , Oratory , and Philosophy ( but especially in sacred matters , wherby Truth and Godlinesse might be promoted ) and lie ●aking in the filthy puddles of doting silly men ? Do yee thinke I was ever so sottish , as to forbid yee the imitation of Lyranus , and Hugo ( patternes for Divines ) in interpreting the Scriptures , or did the same I ever propose such Scums , as Stannihursts Logicke , Paulus Venetus his Analyticks , Niphus his Topicks or Donatus his Ethicks to be once medled withall of young Students ? Does not my Picture put yee in minde to what end yee were chosen Schollars of this house , what yee ought to ayme at , and to what purpose ye should designe all your endevours ? Are yee not d●ily stirred and incited ( like so many Be●● ) to dispose all your hony extracted out of the flowres of Truth to Gods glory ? Are yee not convinced in the judgements of those holy men EUSEBIUS , Saint Augustine , Lactantius , Iustine Martyr , and the rest of the Fathers , who have with so great industry , and exquisite knowledge plucked up by the roots , and trodden under foot the false opinions of Philosophers , and Aristotle ? Are yee not satisfied with the authoritie of the Later●n Councell , of so many Bishops , so many learned men , and choice Cardinalls , who , ( to the end , that Christians might in their tender yeers be informed in true opinions ) have most straightly charged , that the weaknesse of the light of Nature should be made knowne , laid open , and often pressed in Auditories ? What is in you or any of you ( young men ) unlearned in comparison of so many aged men , and so many Fathers renowned both for Learning & Pietie , that yee should account your selves wiser than they , either in training up such as yee ▪ instruct , or sharper-witted in understanding what ye reade , and that those points , which they condemned in Aristotle concerning Nature and Manners , as false and foolish , yee should censure to be unjustly condemned , and approve them by your absurde Distinctions ? Have I therefore erected Corpus Christs Colledge for Divines that Aristotle might have moe followers , and my Saviour no pious servants ? Have I therefore con●erred so large benefits upon you ▪ that yee should in your speeches pre●erre ungodly and unprofitable before good and wholsome matters , mans glory before Gods glory , the infernall gods before the most mightie God ? Have I therefore ordained that famous man Ludovicu● Vives to be your Lectu●er , who taught you in his life time by admonitions , and after his death by his writings , how the corrupted Arts might be thoroughly purged and clensed ? And are ye now so silly ( young men ) as to leave Viands for Acorns , Trees for Chips , and with the Dog return to his vomit , and with the Swine to wallowing in the mire ? It was my desire , and I enjoyned you to observe it , that such as were sound should not be corrupted , but the bad should be directed , the ignorant shold be instructed , and not the capable made fools , nor to regard what doting Philosophers dreamed of , but what true things were comprised in the Arts. Is not the flesh of it self raging enough , forward enough to defection , prone to naughtines , and flexible to every kind of vice , unlesse yee ●oment , and feed it with ●uell ●etched from Philosophers , to inflame the sparks of impietie , and so adde fire to fire ? ye think your selves not able enough to heare Aristotle , but yee are to heare Christ. Shake off this drowsines , trample upon prophane things , be wise in heavenly things , search out the truth , reverence godlinesse ; and that not lazily , but earnestly , with all your industry , and with your whole heart , night and day , at home and abroad , privatly , and publikely . The violent ●ay hold of the kingdome of Heaven . Not the slothfull , but the runners get the Crowne . Hee that knows not Christ knows nothing . True Religion is true Blessednesse . Let no man deceive himself ; learning without godlinesse is poyson . Whom it posssesseth , it puffs up , whō it puffs up it kils . The most glorious God enlighten your mindes with the brightnesse of his grace ; that yee may alwaies be mindfull of that account yee are to give to the severe Iudge not onely of wicked works , but of idle words ; and let go the trifling curiosities of worthlesse men , the glittering s●btilties of Philosophers , the apish toyes of Sophisters , & ●ooleries of Dunsists ; but lay hold on true and proficient Learning , wherewith yee being exquisitely furnished , and with Piety adorned may at length bring honour to God , salvation to your selves , and be helpfull to others . These things surely that pious olde man ( most respected young men ) doth daily speake unto us , though not in words , yet to the same effect in his desires ▪ Which if you carefully consider , I beseech you all in the presence of the Lord ( before whose dreadfull Majestie , their consciences that reject saving knowledge shall one day tremble and quake ) that yee abuse not your own , and others excellent wits . Ye that teach , and yee that are taught , be diligent , the one in delivering , the other in receiving convenient , not impertinent ; necessary , not frivolous ; profitable , not triviall things . ●ime posteth away ; the arts are difficult ; life is short ; error is dangerous ; trifles are hurtful , truth is precious . Christ is the Marke . Let them , that know not true wisedome , enquire after it ; and let them that know it , expresse it in their speeches ; lest others contemne wisdome before they know it ; and they themselves never attaine to a true , but a false wisdome to no purpose . Dixi. FINIS . Ian. 9. 163● . Imprimatur Thomas Wykes . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A10327-e170 * Sir 〈…〉 * In Technomatrian A●es● . H●n . I●ckson in his Epistle prefixed to this Oration . * In his Book 〈…〉 concion . 
A29780	----	Miracles, work's above and contrary to nature, or, An answer to a late translation out of Spinoza's Tractatus theologico-politicus, Mr. Hobbs's Leviathan, &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles, Scripture, and religion, in a treatise entituled, Miracles no violation of the laws of nature. Browne, Thomas, 1654?-1741. 1683 Approx. 131 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29780 Wing B5062 ESTC R1298 11781684 ocm 11781684 49094 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29780) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49094) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 17:3) Miracles, work's above and contrary to nature, or, An answer to a late translation out of Spinoza's Tractatus theologico-politicus, Mr. Hobbs's Leviathan, &c. published to undermine the truth and authority of miracles, Scripture, and religion, in a treatise entituled, Miracles no violation of the laws of nature. Browne, Thomas, 1654?-1741. [2], 68 p. Printed for Samuel Smith ..., London : 1683. Attributed to Thomas Browne. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Spinoza, Benedictus de, 1632-1677. -- Tractatus theologico-politicus. Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. -- Leviathan. Blount, Charles, 1654-1693. -- Miracles, no violation of the laws of nature. Miracles -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2006-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion MIRACLES WORK' 's Above and Contrary to NATURE : OR , An Answer to a late Translation out of Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico-Politicus , Mr. Hobb's Leviathan , &c. Published to undermine the Truth and Authority of Miracles , Scripture , and Religion , in a Treatise ENTITULED MIRACLES no Violation of the LAWS of NATVRE . Sicut non fuit impossibile Deo quas voluit instituere , sit ei non est impossibile in quicquid voluerit quas instituit mutare Naturas . D. August . de Civitate Dei , l. 21. cap. 8. LONDON , Printed for Samuel Smith at the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church-Yard . 1683. MIRACLES WORKS Above and Contrary to NATURE : OR , An Answer to a TRANSLATION , &c. In a TREATISE Entituled MIRACLES no Violations of the LAWS of NATVRE . TO the Compiler of this Treatise we are ingaged for two things . 1. The Collection of the several parts of his Work out of several Authors , and the tacking of them together . 2. The Translation of each part out of the Latin : A Method much in use of late , to Copy out the pernicious Authors , as well as Practices , of former times , and instead of sitting down and putting their own Invention upon the Rack , to take a more easie and compendious way of doing Mischief , by Transcribing or Translating for the greedy reception of the present Age , whatever has been formerly written tending to the subversion either of Religion or Civil Authority . The former of these is unquestionably the Design of this Treatise ; since the asserting , That there is no such thing as a Miracle , i. e. a Work above Nature , undermines the Foundations of both Law and Gospel , overthrows the Credit and Authority of Divine Revelation , and remits us either to a bare Religion of Nature and Morality , or to none at all . The Book ( to Assign to each Author his share in it ) consists of Two Parts . The latter , which is the main , from the middle of the third Page to the end of the Book , is wholly ( except two or three Authorities in the last page ) a bare Translation of the Sixth Chapter of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus , written by Spinoza . Which Chapter he seems to have made choice of out of that Author , as effectual by it self to compass the design of his whole Treatise : viz. To instill the Principles of Deisme or Atheisme into the minds of his Readers . The other part , which takes up the two first Pages and half of the third , is a Translation likewise of part of Mr. Hobbs's Chapter about Miracles in his Leviathan , from whence he has taken as much as he thought would make for his purpose , and seem to be of a piece with the other Translation out of Spinoza , to which he has prefixt it . Introductory to the Book there is a Premonition to the Reader . And here we might justly expect from him to speak himself , and to give us a free and ingenuous Account of his Authors , his Translation , and the Design of it . But the greatest part of this too is Borrowed ( or Translated , whether you please ) out of Mr. Burnett's Telluris Theoria Sacra , and the rest only some brief Touches of what he has after more at large out of Spinoza . Of his Three Authors , the last I believe , is not very proud of the company of the other two ; and therefore is not much obliged to his Translator for clapping him and them together as Confederates and Brethren in Opinion . But it is more pertinent to observe , that two of the three are clearly against him in their sense about the main point in Controversie . Spinoza indeed is the great Patron of his Assertion , viz. That there is no such thing as a Miracle , if we take the word to signifie a Work above or beside Nature . But Mr. Burnett and Mr. Hobbs are point blank of the contrary mind , and therefore either they must speak very inconsistently , nay in effect contradict themselves , or what he here produces out of them cannot be drawn to favour his and Spinoza's Opinion ; and so the co-herence of the several parts of the Collection will not appear to be very great , nor the Harmony very agreeable , to any that shall first consider each as they stand apart in the distinct Authors , before he examine them as they are here associated in the Rhapsody of this Treatise . To begin with Mr. Hobbs , whom we have least reason to suspect to have any wrong done him , we have no more to do but to read the rest of that Chapter , where the Translator leaves him , and we shall soon find that he admits and supposes Miracles in that very sense , wherein he is produced to deny them here . For , First , He defines a Miracle to be , A work of God beside his Operation by the way of Nature ordained in the Creation ; which is flatly contradictory to that Assertion , That nothing can fall out but according to the order of Nature . 2. He infers from that Definition , That a Miracle is not the effect of any Vertue in the Prophet whose Doctrine it confirms , but of the immediate hand of God : and that no Devil , Angel , or created Spirit can work a Miracle . Which Positions ( however questionable if understood of a delegated Power in Men or Angels ) are sufficient to demonstrate that it is his sense , that there are Miracles or Works above Nature . For if there are Works wrought which no finite Spirit , nothing but the immediate hand of God can effect , these certainly must surpass the force of Nature , she working by second Causes in all her Operations . It is to be confessed , That Mr. Hobbs does in his own way , as well as Spinoza , destroy the Authority of Miracles by his Doctrine : in as much as he does not admit them for sufficient Credentials of the Divine Mission of any Prophet , when the Doctrine he reveals does not square with the Religion established by the Civil Magistrate . So that all the Miracles of our Saviour and his Apostles were of no force , because the Doctrine they taught contradicted the established Tenets of the superstitious Jews , and the Idolatrous Gentiles . Yet , though these two Authors ( equally to be honoured for the good Service they have done the Christian Religion ) agree very well in the main Design , they differ notwithstanding very widely in the way of compassing it , as far as the opposite parts of a contradiction can set them at odds : the one Asserting that there are works above Nature , the other denying it : So that the Author of this Collection was not very well advised to think they would cotten so well together ; and ought rather to have tried first how far the Work might be done by one of them singly , and to have reserved the other for a new expedient if the former had failed . Mr. Hobbs then , we see , asserts there are Miracles . And so does Mr. Burnett in Words most express , and in the very same Paragraph , part whereof he has quoted out of him in the Latine in his last Page , and at very little distance from the very Words , there quoted to represent him as an abettor of the contrary opinion , Certissimum est ( says he ) à Divinâ Providentiâ ( pendere res omnes cujuscunque ordinis & ab eâdem ) vera miracula edita esse . It is , I think , a sufficient prejudice against the opinion which he produces these Authors to insinuate and patronize , or at least his judgment in the choice of his Authors , that two out of three declare flatly against him in that Point . Yet 't is possible that , as he produces them here , they may both better consist with him and Spinoza than with themselves . This therefore comes to be examined , and will lead us gradually to give a particular Answer to each part of the whole Work. We begin therefore with the Premonition to the Reader , he there with Mr. Burnett . What he takes from Mr. Burnett , is out of the eleventh and last chapter of the first book of his Theory . Mr. Burnetts Words are these , In eâ sum equidem sententiâ , Authores Sacros cùm de rebus Naturalibus Sermones habent , &c. Upon these the Translator thus varies in the first Words of his Premonition , It is the judgment of most of the Ancient Fathers of the Christian Faith , and of the most learned Theologues of the Moderns , that the Authors of the Holy Scriptures when they speak of Natural things , &c. And so goes on with the rest of that Page , which he translates more faithfully : what he designed in this amplification , whether to amuze his Reader , oblige Mr. Burnet , or to make a fair shew of his own great reading , I shall not enquire . The Summ of what he has out of Mr. Burnett is this , That the Authors of the Holy Scriptures where they speak of Natural things , design only to excite Piety and Devotion in us , not to improve us in the knowledg of Nature . That agreeably to this Design , they explain the visible Works of God in a manner suitable to the received opinions of the vulgar : they wrest the general causes and ends of the whole Creation in favour of the Peoples prejudices , as if all things were ordained only for the good and benefit of mankind : they do not make mention of the ordinary train of second causes in the productions of Nature , but recur immediately to God himself , the first Cause , Author and President of it , and compendiously refer all things to his immediate Power , and to his irresistible Will and Command . All Mr. Burnett's design in this , is to excuse himself for giving a Philosophical and Mechanical account of the Deluge and other grand Effects in the Sublunary World ; as the Original of the Mountains , Rocks , Islands , Ocean , Rivers , &c. in the Terraqueous Globe . The production of all these the Scripture immediately refers to God : and Divines ordinarily speak of them as Effects supernatural and miraculous ; viz. That God by the same powerful Word , whereby he created Heaven and Earth , cast up the Mountains , and cut out the Channels for the Rivers , and that vast cavity for the immense Ocean , commanded the waters into one place , and made the dry land appear . And by the like command , when the wickedness of man was great upon the Earth , and the end of all flesh was come before him , opened the Catarrhacts of Heaven , and broke up the Fountains of the Deep , and destroyed all mankind , except eight persons , by a deluge of Waters . To this Mr. Burnetts Answer is , That it is in no wise necessary that these effects should be conceived to have been wrought by miracle . For the Scripture , that it does not appear that they are recorded for Miracles there , because the Scripture immediately refers effects purely Natural to God , and makes no mention of the train of second causes subservient to God in their production : the design of the sacred Writers , when they speak of natural things , being not to instruct us in the knowledg of Nature by giving us a Philosophical account of their mediate causes , but to excite in us Piety and Devotion , by working in our minds a true sense of the Power and Providence of Almighty God , to which all things owe their original . This is the intent , scope , and drift of Mr. Burnett's Words , as they stand at home in their proper place ; but here they are applied to far different purposes , as appears by the Conclusion the Translator draws from them , when he comes to speak himself : viz. That these things considered . 1. We are not to admire , if we find in the Holy Scripture many memorable things related as miracles , which notwithstanding proceeded from the fixt and immutable order of Nature , &c. 2. ( Which is but the application of the former ) We ought not rashly to accuse any Man of Infidelity , only because he refuses to believe , that those Miracles were effected by the immediate Power of God , &c. Which conclusion of his 1. Is just the quite contrary to Mr. Burnett's . 2. Destroys the authority of Scripture , and leaves us free to disbelieve any Miracle recorded in it for such . 1. It is quite contrary to Mr Burnett's . Mr. Burnett's way of Arguing is this , The Scripture immediately refers to God things which are purely the effects of Nature . Ergo , we cannot justly conclude , that what effects the Scripture immediately refers to God , those it records for miracles . Yes ( says the Translator upon the same grounds ) we may conclude that it records them for Miracles , and this too we may conclude over and above , that the Scripture records such effects for Miracles which really are the Effects of Nature . 2. It destroys the authority of Scripture , and leaves us free to disbelieve any Miracle recorded in it for such . For first it makes the Holy Scripture guilty of Imposture , and that not in a small matter , but such whereupon depends the authority of all the revelations made therein by God to mankind : for upon the truth of those relations in Scripture , wherein these Miracles are recorded as matter of Fact , depends the certainty of the Divine Mission , of Moses and the Prophets , our Blessed Saviour and his Apostles , and consequently the authority of the Doctrine which they revealed . 2dly , It takes away the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have , to discern whether the effect it relates be a Miracle or not . The only thing whereby we can know it is from the Scriptures manner of relating it : if it relates one thing for a Miracle ▪ which is not , all may be , for ought we know , of the same Nature . And so farewel both the belief of Miracles and the Scripture it self . I presume that he does not play with us in a matter of this importance , i. e. That he does not mean by the Scriptures relating such things as Miracles , onely that it relates the production of them in such Terms , as Idiots and Illiterate Persons may from thence conceive that they are super-natural Effects ( for then all he says will be very true , but withal very impertinent ) but that it sets them down for Effects Miraculous and Supernatural as much as any in the whole Bible . And if he means thus , I have already hinted the ill Consequences of his Doctrine , and how disagreeable his Conclusion from Mr. Burnett's Principles is to that which Mr. Burnett himself draws from them , and shall proceed now to shew how unnaturally it is drawn from such premises . I shall not stand to make any tedious Reflection upon each particular in the summary Account which I have given above of what he has out of Mr. Burnett ; but I shall apply my self chiefly to the Consideration of that whereupon he seems wholly to build his Conclusion . All that I shall say to the rest is this , Touching the design of the Sacred Writers when they speak of natural things , I grant it to be such as is there suggested : And , That in subordination to that Design , they may be conceived to explain the visible Works of God in a manner suitable to the received Opinions of the Vulgar ; i. e. To speak their Sense and Dialect about Natural Things , when they do occasionally speak of them , and to comply therein with their common prejudices ; as Moses seem to do Gen. 1.16 . where he ranks the Moon with the Sun as the other great light , i. e. the next or only one besides of considerable magnitude ; speaking there agreeably to the appearance of sense , and the apprehension of the vulgar grounded thereupon . Yet not that they are obliged to comply with all their prejudices neither ; For this is one , That every considerable Effect in Nature is miraculous and supernatural : And the Design of the Sacred Writers does not oblige them to condescend so far to the apprehensions of the vulgar , as to relate every effect for Miraculous which they conceive to be so . Their Design is , Not to instruct us in the knowledge of Nature , but to excite Piety and Devotion in us . The utmost therefore that Design will oblige them to , in this regard , is to make no mention of the Train of second Causes in the Productions of Nature ( which effectually answers the first part of their Design ) and to ascribe all Effects to God as their Author ( which as fully answers the second ) and nothing of all this amounts to a Relation of the Effects of Nature for Miracles , as will appear immediately . To the next thing , That they wrest the general causes and ends of the whole Creation in favour of the peoples prejudices , as if all things were ordained only for the good and benefit of Mankind : I deny that the Scripture wrests the ends of the Creation ; for this were to make the parts of the World be Created by God for other ends and purposes than he created them for . All the Scripture does is , that it mentions only those ends of Nature ( out of many for which it is ordained in the Divine Wisdome ) that relate to the good and benefit of Mankind ( as for instance those ends only of the Heavenly Bodies , That they are for lights in the Firmament of Heaven , and for Signs , and for Seasons , and for Days , and for Years ) yet it does not deny but that there may be many other which to consider is not pertinent to its purpose . But the Principle from whence he draws his Conclusion , is in the last words of what he has out of Mr. Burnett : viz. That the Authors of the Holy Scriptures make no mention of the ordinary Train of second Causes in the productions of Nature , but recur immediately to God himself , the first Cause , Author , and President of it , and compendiously refer all things to his immediate Power , and to his irresistible Will and Command . Their recurring immediately to God himself , and referring all things to his immediate Power , is to be understood in this sense , Not that the Scripture declares these Effects to proceed from nothing but the immediate hand of God ( for this is to declare them to be spernatural , and such then they are unquestionably . ) But , That it ascribes them only to God , and makes no mention of any Train of second Causes subservient to him in their production . For Instance , the Scripture immediately refers the Effects of Nature to God himself , in those places of the 147th Psalm where it says , He giveth snow like wooll ; he scattereth the hoar-frost like ashes . He casteth forth his ice like morsels . — He sendeth out his word and melteth them , he bloweth with his wind and the waters flow . So when God says to Noah , I do set my bow in the cloud , and to Samuel , To morrow about this time I will send thee a man out of the land of Benjamin . These Instances are his and Spinoza's , as appears p. 17th and 18th below in his Treatise . And the Scripture refers these Effects immediately to God , as it mentions him only as the Author of them , and no other mediate cause ; not that it says that he alone Acts in the production of them , for this were to relate them for Miracles . This therefore being stated , his way of Arguing will appear to be this , The Authors of the Holy Scriptures make no mention of the ordinary Train of second Causes in the Productions of Nature , but recur immediately to God himself , &c. Ergo , they relate many things as Miracles , which yet notwithstanding are the Effects of Nature . The Connexion of this antecedent and consequent is by Vertue of this Proposition , That the Authors of the Holy Scripture must be conceived to relate those Effects as Miracles , which they immediately ascribe to God , without mention of any second Causes subservient to him in their production . The falshood whereof I shall evidently discover . 1. By Instance . 2. From the natural import of the words . 3. From the reason of the thing it self . 4. By shewing in some Instances what it is for the Holy Scripture to relate any thing as a Miracle . 1. By Instance . Infinite would be the number of Miracles Recorded in Scripture , if this were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereby we are to know what Effects are related therein as such . The Scripture teaches us ( from the mouth of our Blessed Saviour ) to pray to God immediately for our daily Bread , for our Food and Raiment , for the annual increase of our Corn , Wine , and Oyle , for the former and latter Rain in their Season . It takes no notice of the ordinary way whereby Nature it self supplies us with these Necessaries , how our Corn grows in our Fields , how the Vine sends forth her Grapes , how the Clouds drop Fatness : But in a word , refers all to God without any more ado . He , it says , Visiteth the Earth and blesseth it : He maketh it very plenteous : he crowneth the year with his goodness . In a word , He openeth his hand and filleth all things living with plenteousness . Yet , I suppose , it were very hard to infer that the Scripture sets down all this as supernatural and miraculous : That it obliges us to conceive ( not the Flood only , but even ) the former and latter rain to come down by Miracle : That it prompts us to expect as supernatural a provision of our daily bread , as the Israelites had in the Wilderness , Elijah in Horeb when the Ravens were his Purveyours , the Widow with whom he lodged , whose Barrel of Meal was preserved from wasting ; or lastly , the four or five thousand fed by our Saviour in the Gospel , which I suppose was a work of Nature , but related in Scripture as a Miracle , because it mentions not how the Corn grew in the hands and mouths of them that did eat it . 2. The Natural import of the Words disproves this conceit . To be related as a Miracle , is to be recorded for an effect of God's own immediate Hand and supernatural Power . To be immediately refer'd or ascribed to God , without mention of a Train of mediate causes , is quite another thing . There it is expresly or by consequence declared ; that the Work is above Nature ; here it is left in Medio , without any determination from the manner wherein it is related , whether it be a natural or supernatural effect of the Divine Power . For instance , the Scripture says in one place , Thou makest Darkness , and it is Night . in another , He sent Darkness , and made it Dark . In the former it speaks of the ordinary , in the latter of the Egyptian darkness ; and both it immediately refers to God , mentioning no natural causes of the one or the other . Both of them it may thus ascribe to God , though the one be the Effect of Nature , and the other a Miracle ; and therefore to ascribe any Effect immediately to God , is not to relate it as a Miracle . 3. This will farther appear from the very reason of the thing it self . The Scripture may justly ascribe to God all the Effects of Nature without mentioning any train of suborbordinate causes , and yet cannot thereupon be justly concluded to relate these things as Miracles . And this because first God is the Author of Nature , by his Power , and the Governour and President of it by his superintending Providence : therefore every Effect in Nature may be justly ascribed to him as it's Author . 2dly , The Scriptures designs to speak of the Effects of Nature only with regard to the Power and Providence of Almighty God ; therefore it may justly ascribe them to him without mention of the train of natural Causes whereby he mediately produces them . If then any Effect may be in this manner ascribed to God , and yet he be no farther the Cause of it , than as he is the Author and Governour of Nature by his Power and Providence : if so , then it is no just Conclusion , That the sacred Writers relate any thing as a Miracle , because they immediately refer it to God without meniion of the train of natural Causes subservient to him in the Production of it . 4. But to give as full satisfaction as may be in this Point , ( and withal to shew that , all this notwithstanding , there are some Effects so related in the Holy Scripture , as that it may be justly conceived to have recorded them for Miracles ) I shall state , What it is for the Scripture to relate any thing as a Miracle . It is not enough ( as we have seen already ) that it ascribes the Effect to God as its Author : nor that it immediately ascribes it to him , without mention that it is produced by the mediation of second Causes . For every thing proceeds from him , whether it be by the course of Nature ▪ or a Work of his supernatural Power , and therefore is to be ascribed to him : and the Scriptures ascribing of it to God without mention any other Cause , does not necessarily imply , that no other Cause had any hand in the Production of it . But to relate a thing as a Miracle , is to relate it for an Effect of Gods own immediate Hand , or , an Effect above , beside , or contrary to Nature . And this may be done two wayes : 1. By express Declaration : 2. By relating it in such a manner and with such circumstances as from thence we may rationally conclude the Effect to be miraculous . For the first , there may seem to be very few instances if any , wherein we can certainly assure our selves , that the Holy Scripture declares any Effect to be a Work above Nature . For though it may and often does use the Word Miracle , yet , that being Ambiguous , it may still be uncertain whether it be to be taken for any thing more than an Effect Wonderful and Surprizing indeed , yet purely Natural . All which notwithstanding , in some places we may truly vouch the express declaration of the Holy Scripture , that such and such Effects are miraculous . Joh. 2.11 . After the relation of our blessed Saviour's Turning the Water into Wine , the Text says , This beginning of Miracles did Jesus . So also John 4.54 . after the Cure of the Nobleman's Son , This is again the second Miracle that Jesus did . In these two places the Scripture does in a manner reflect upon the Works it had related , and declares them to be supernatural . But by the Word Miracle may possibly be meant no more than an Effect Strange and Wonderful , not a Work above Nature : unless we can give some certain proof of the contrary . And I think this one Consideration may be sufficient to evince it . The Design of the Scripture in relating these Works of our blessed Saviour , is to propound them to us as undoubted Evidences of his Divine Mission . Now Evidences of that they could not be unless they were Works above Nature , because an Effect of Nature cannot prove Gods immediate power and presence , nor consequently confirm the truth of any Prophets Commission from Heaven to reveal his Doctrine . For the Scripture therefore to relate these Works of our Blessed Saviour , as undoubted Evidences of his Divine Mission , will argue that the Scripture where it stiles these Works Miracles , Signs , and Wonders , must mean strictly such as exceed the power of Nature : Otherwise it would impose upon our belief , and oblige us under pain of Damnation to embrace a Doctrine as Divine , upon such Evidences , as are in no wise sufficient to confirm the Authority of the Person that reveals it . And upon this Ground we might discover many more instances of Effects , expresly declared in Scripture to proceed from God's immediate extraordinary Power . For it holds as well in the Miracles of the Apostles as our Blessed Saviour's , and in Moses's too , the Scripture relating them as wrought to evidence his Commission from Heaven to institute the Law , as well as those of our Saviour and his Apostles to evidence their Authority to Preach and Plant the Gospel . But if there were no such express Declaration in the Holy Scripture , there are yet , 2. Many relations of Matters of Fact couched in such Terms , as that we may justly conclude from thence that the Effects there spoken of are related as Miraculous and Supernatural . As , 1. Where the Effect is related as done without the use of Means . So in our Saviours curing Diseases ( and indeed Working most of his Miracles ) by the Word of his Mouth , turning the Water into Wine by the internal tacit Act of his Will , &c. 2. Where Mention is made of Means used , but those such as cannot be conceived to be in their own Nature proper or sufficient to produce the Effect . As the Clay wherewith our Saviour cured the Eyes of the Person born Blind , the Spittle wherewith he loosed the tongue of the other that was Dumb , &c. These effects may be justly affirmed to be related in Scripture as Miracles : not upon this account , that the Scripture refers them immediately to God without mention of any train of Natural Causes subservient to him in their Production : it appears we have some surer Grounds whereupon to proceed in examining what Effects in Scripture are related as Miracles , though that which he would possess his Readers with the Opinion that it is the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have , be ( as has been shewed ) not only false , but ridiculous and absurd . From what has been said , I may rationally draw these two consequences . 1. That for the Scripture to refer any Effect immediately to God , is not for it to relate the Effect as Miraculous : and therefore from its referring the Effects of Nature immediately to God , we cannot infer ( as he does ) that the Scripture relates many memorable things as Miracles , which yet notwithstanding proceeded from the fixt and immutable Order of Nature . 2. That there are yet many Effects plainly related in Scripture for Miracles ; by it 's express Declaration , and it 's relating of them in such Terms , from whence we may by undeniable Consequence gather as much . And so ( supposing that the Scripture is a true History , for which we have infinitely more evidence than for any other History in the World ) it follows evidently ( against his main Assertion ) from the relations of these miraculous Effects in Scripture , that there really have been Miracles in the sense wherein he denies them , i. e. Works beside , above , and contrary to Nature . But this Corollary ( though very pertinent to our purpose ) is ex abundanti : All that we were obliged to , was to shew , that the Conclusion which he draws from the Principles he takes out of Mr. Burnett is false and illogical . Since therefore Mr. Burnett asserts positively that there are Miracles , as is shewed above , and nothing here produced out of him can infer or insinuate the contrary : we may justly demand both in his Name , and in behalf both of Religion , Reason , and good Logique , that this part of the Premonition be returned into the Place from whence it came , where it may stand with more Truth and Coherence ; and the Conclusion of the Translator left to stand apart by it self , as a bold and ( I may say ) Impious Assertion without any Proof . But , not to wrong him , he has some Succedaneous Arguments in the close of the Premonition : but these ' as I before hinted , are only some brief Touches of what we have after more at large out of Spinoza . viz. That for God to work by a power immediate ( or supernatural ) is inconsistent with and Point-blank repugnant the Fundamental Laws and Constistutions of Nature . ( It sounds somewhat like to the King's Prerogative being inconsistent with the Fundamental Laws of Property and Priviledge . ) That these Laws are the Acts of the Divine Wisdom , & extend themselves to whatever events he hath Willed and Decreed : that the power of Nature is infinite , as being one and the same with the Power of God. He has one thing which he asserts besides , that among all the Miracles related to be done in favour of the Israelites , there is not one that can be apodictically Demonstrated to be repugnant to the established Order of Nature . Now here I am not bound to Demonstrate it for his sake , for two Reasons . 1. Because it were to prove a Negative , 2. Because his main Ground ( or Spinoza's rather ) why he denies all supernatural Effects , is not upon account of his own great reach in Natural Philosophy , whereby he could undertake to solve Mechanically all the effects related in Scripture for Miraculous ; but from Arguments purely Metaphysical proving in his Opinion , the impossibility of any such thing as a Work above Nature . For to this he holds and not the other , as appears from p. 21. of the Treatise where he concludes absolutely ( from his Arguments against the possibility of Miracles . ) That all the Events that are truly related in Scripture to have come to pass , proceeded necessarily according to the immutable Laws of Nature : And that if any thing be found which can be apodictically Demonstrated to be repugnant to those Laws , or not to have followed from them , we may safely and piously believe the same not to have been dictated by Divine inspiration , but impiously added to the Sacred Volumes by sacrilegious Men. So that unless the Scripture Miracles will submit to his Touch-stone , unless they will come and lay open their Occult Qualities , and the whole plot and confederacy of those natural Causes that combined to Effect them , he has an Index Expurgatorius to blot their Names out of the holy Scripture , and a Court of Inquisition for those that relate them , to arraign them for Sacriledge and Impiety : But I pass on to consider each part of the Treatise in order . The Treatise is divided between Mr. Hobbs and Spinoza . Mr. Hobbs speaks as far as to the middle of the third page , out of the Chapter about Miracles , in the third Part of his Leviathan . He first explains the signification of the Word , from its Etymology , and other words in sacred and profane Writers of like import with it . From its Etymology he deduces that it signifies , A Work of God which men admire or wonder at . Then proposes to enquire what works are such , and reduces them to two kinds . 1. Such as are rare , and the like thereof seldom or never seen . 2. Such as we cannot conceive to be produced by natural Causes , but only by Gods immediate hand . He gives some Instances of both : An Oxe or an Horse speaking , preter-natural Births , the Conversion of a man into Stone , and the first Rainbow that appeared . That such Effects as these seem Miraculous , because rare , or no natural cause of them conceivable . On the contrary , the Works of Art , however wonderful , not reputed to be Miracles , because their Causes known . Upon the same ground he observes , That the same thing may seem to be a Miracle to one Man , and not to another , in proportion to their different degrees of Knowledge and Experience . So , Eclipses Miracles to the vulgar , not to Philosophers : Simple Men made to believe that others can know their most secret Actions by Inspiration , when the more wary and prudent perceive the juggle . So far Mr. Hobbs here , in his Leviathan he proceeds to assign another property of a Miracle , viz. That it be wrought to confirm the Divine Mission of some Prophet or other , and then to give a definition of it : but there his Translator leaves him , and passes on to Spinoza . Before we follow him thither , we may reflect a little . 1. Upon Mr. Hobbs's Doctrine . 2. Upon the use whereto he applies it . Mr. Hobbs informs us , What Works are by Men wondered at and reputed miraculous : He shews by Instance , That they are such as are rare and unusual , or such as we cannot conceive to proceed from Natural Causes . He does not say , That this is all that goes to the making of a Miracle , nor that this is the only Rule we have whereby to discern what Effects are such : but that this is enough to make things seem to men to be miraculous , and that a true Miracle is indeed an Effect rare and inexplicable , and somewhat more . If he mean otherwise , he contradicts himself soon after , when he defines a Miracle to be a Work of God ( not conceived only , but really ) beside his Operation by the way of Nature ordained in the Creation : and infers from thence , That it cannot be the Effect of any thing but the immediate hand of God. Yet , to clear all ; That a man cannot conceive such an Effect to proceed from Natural Causes , may bear a double sense . 1. That he is not capable of assigning the Natural Cause of it , or farther , of apprehending how it can be effected by any . 2. That he clearly and distinctly perceives that it is impossible to be produced by the Course of Nature . I grant that this is enough to assure a man that it is a Miracle ; but if he concludes it to be so in the other case , he is guilty of presumption in measuring the extent of the force of Nature by the narrow reach of his own knowledge or capacity . This may prepare us to consider the use whereto Mr. Hobbs's Doctrine is applied by his Translator . His Design is , before he come to Spinoza's Arguments against the belief of Miracles , to make a discovery of the Causes that introduced this grand Mistake into the World. And the first , as a Corollary from Mr. Hobb's Doctrine , he makes to be , Admiration , and that proceeding from these two Causes , Rarity and Ignorance . That is , all the effects which the deluded World has mistaken for Miracles , are such as are only rare and unusual , and inexplicrable : and the Causes which make mankind so prone to admit them for Miraculous , are our ignorance of the Causes , and want of experience and observation of the Effects of Nature . The second cause which he Assigns of the belief of Miracles , is Superstition , viz. That it is our hopes and fears which make us conceive every unusual Event in Nature to be the effect of an extraordinary Divine Power , fore-bodding to us some good or evil . And here he takes Spinoza in hand , and we come at length to the main part of his Work , to which the rest is only Preliminary , and with what Coherence and how much to his purpose , hath already been shewed . Before I joyn Issue with him about the main Point in Controversy , I shall premise only this short observation , in regard to what he says of the Causes of the belief of Miracles . It may very well be granted him , that the generality of Mankind , who are the Ignorant and unthinking Sort , are very prone to admire and wonder at every considerable Effect of Nature , and to look upon it as proceeding from an extraordinary Power , and the immediate hand of God : And that the Causes of this may be their want of knowledg and experience , and their superstitious Hopes and Fears . But to insinuate thereupon the same to be the only ground of the belief of any Miracles , is very Presumptuous as well as Irrational : unless it could be evidently made out that all Miracles are impossible ; and to see how effectually that may be done is our next Work , viz. to examine the Method wherein Spinoza , and from him the Author of this Collection , attempts to demonstrate it . Spinoza begins with a brief Account of the chief Heads of this ( as he calls it ) popular mistake , and the first Authors of it . These he makes to be the People of the Jews , who to magnify their own Nation , as under a more peculiar care of the Divine Providence than any other , and to set forth the greatness of the God they adored above the Gods of the Heathen , recounted to them what mighty Works he had done for them , and how all the parts of Nature , which the Heathens Worshipped , were under his Command and Controul . The particulars of this Error which he recounts are these , That the ordinary sort of Men think that God's Power and Providence does then most eminently appear , when any thing happens contrary to what they conceive to be the Course of Nature . That they think Nature's swerving from her own Laws , to be the best Argument for the existence of a Deity . That they take those persons for Atheists , who attempt to deduce a Miracle from Natural Causes . That they think God sits idle when nature acts in her usual way , and Nature is suspended , whenever God pleases to interpose . That they form in their brain a Notion of two Powers numerically distinct , the one of God , the other of Nature , understanding not what they mean by either . And that all this they do partly out of superstition , partly out of a desire to oppose themselves to Men of more Wise and Philosophical heads . I need not stand to examine the Truth of this Account : it appears to be purely Declamatory , and not ( which might have been more justly expected ) a fair opening of the state of the Question , and a Declaration what those of his Adversaries hold concerning it , who take up the belief of Miracles upon better grounds than vulgar Prejudice and Superstition . I shall have Occasion to do that for him in what follows . He proceeds therefore , and proposes to do four things . 1. To prove , that nothing in the World happens contrary to Nature , but that Nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable Order . 2. To prove , that by Miracles we cannot know the Essence nor the Existence , nor consequently the Providence of God : but that all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable Order of Nature . 3. To shew by instances out of the Scripture , that by the Decrees and Volitions , and consequently the Providence of God , it understands nothing else but the very Order of Nature , which necessarily follows from his eternal Laws . 4. To treat of the manner of interpreting the Scripture Miracles , and what is chiefly to be observed in the Relations about them ; or ( as the Traslator ) to shew that most Men have erred in the manner of interpreting the Miracles recorded in the holy Scriptures . Of these Four , the first onely tends directly to prove his Assertion : the second Obliquely strikes at the being of Miracles , as it makes them no Evidences of the immediate Power and Presence of God , and so wholely useless and insignificant , as no Proofs of what they are designed for . The other two tend only either to draw the Scripture to his side , or to elude the force of the Arguments brought from thence against him . 1. He is to prove , That nothing in the World happens contrary to Nature , but that Nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable Order . Before I come to examine his Arguments , I shall 1. State what is meant by Nature , and the Laws of it , in this Controversy . 2. Lay down the main Grounds whereupon the possibility of Miracles depends . 1. What is the meaning of the Word Nature , and the Laws of it in this Controversy . A Miracle in the common acceptation of the Word , which Spinoza opposes , is taken for a Work beside , above , or contrary to Nature , beside the order , above the force , and contrary to the Laws of it . Now the Word Nature may be taken in many Significations . Eeither 1. For the Essence of any , but properly of Material and Corruptible Beings . Or 2. For the Aggregate of them , the Material World. Or 3. For the Author of Nature , God himself , called thence Natura Naturans . Or Lastly , For the Order of the several Bodies , as they act amongst one another , according to their innate Powers and Dispositions . Now the acception of the Word here , is for the Aggregate of Bodies in the World , and the Order wherein they act amongst one another : And so the Laws of Nature must be , such as determine the Manner wherein Natural bodies act among themselves ; whether they be the general Laws of Motion , which determine how each part of Matter must be moved upon the occurrence of other Bodies , or particular Laws impressed upon their several Natures , determining each to act in such or such a particular manner . The question therefore about the possibility of Miracles , must be this , Whether there can be any such Effects in the Material World , as are beside , above , or contrary to the Order wherein Natural Bodies are determined to act among themselves : i. e. such Effects as transcend their Power and Efficacy , and deviate from or are repugnant to the general or particular Laws of motion determining them to act . 2. The Question therefore thus stated , I am to shew , what are the main Grounds whereupon the Possibility of Miracles depends . And I think it may be rationally deduced from these Principles . God is able to effect any thing which neither does , 1. Imply a Contradiction in the Nature of the thing it self ; nor 2. Is repugnant to the Nature of God and his infinite Perfection . Omnipotence is properly a Power to bring any thing to Effect which does not imply a Contradiction : and the Contradiction must lie in one or the other of these two . I am to shew therefore that a Miracle , or a Work above Nature is , not impossible upon either Account . 1. A Miracle does not imply a Contradiction in the Nature of the Thing . Every Miraculous effect is either a Production of something by a Supernatural Power or a Suspension or utter Abolition of its Being . The thing produced or destroyed by Miracle , is either Matter it self , or a Form , Quality , Motion , or any other Accident of it . 1. Matter ; as suppose a new Portion of it created , beyond the extent of this World ; or the Matter of this World ; or any determinate Portion of it reduced to nothing . 2. A Form , Quality , Motion or any other Accident of Matter ; as suppose , 1. God should endue any part of Matter with a Form , Quality , or any other Accident , above or contrary to what it other wise might or should have , by the course of Nature . 2. God should devest any part of Matter of any Form , Quality , Motion , &c. which otherwise it must have by the course of Nature . Two kinds of Miracles therefore we have here : 1. When a portion of Matter is created a-new , or reduced to nothing . 2. When a Form , Quality , or Motion , or a-any other Accident of Matter , is produced , suspended , or destoyed in a Supernatural Manner . And to these two are reducible all Effects above or contrary to the Order of Nature ; as the whole Frame and Order of Nature , is made up of Matter , and the Forms , Qualities , Motions , and other Accidents thereof . Now neither of these implyes a Contradiction in the Nature of The thing ; 1. It does not imply a Contradiction for a Portion of Matter to be created a-new , or to be reduced to nothing . Matter in its own Nature is a Being possible and contingent : Possible , because its Idea or Conception is not a mere Chimaera and a Notion that destroys it self : contingent , because it 's Idea or Conception does not include necessity of Existence . If matter therefore be in its own Nature a thing possible , then ( unless the Matter of the present World be extended in infinitum ( which is a Contradiction ) there is still room and possibility for more to be created : but this must be by Miracle , quia ex nihilo nihil fit naturaliter . Again , if matter be in its own Nature a contingent being , the Matter of the World , or any determinate Portion of it may cease to be , or be reduce to nothing , but this too must be by Miracle , quia in nihilum nihil revertitur naturaliter . Possibile therefore it is in the Nature of the thing for a Portion of Matter to be created a-new , or reduced to nothing . 2. It does not imply a Contradiction for a Form , Quality , Motion , or other Accident of Matter to be produced , suspended , or destroyed in a Supernatural manner . For instance , the Form of a Serpent to be produced , and again destroyed , in Aarons Rod : the form and qualities of Blood , in the Waters of the Nile ; of Lice , in the Dust of the Earth ; of Wine , in the Water at the Marriage Feast at Cana of Galilee . The qualities and powers of Sight in the Blind , Hearing in the Deaf , Speech in the Dumb , Strengh in the Lame , Health in the Sick , Life in the Dead : lastly the form of Bread , or the very Humane Nature it self in the matter of a Stone : The motion of Ten degrees backward , in the Sun , for a Sign to Hezekiah , and the Suspension of his Natural Motion for a considerable time , at the request of Joshua . the production or determination of Fire from Heaven , at the Word and Prayer of Elijah , upon his Sacrifice , and the Captains &c. sent to apprehend him : and the suspension of the action of Fire in Nebuchadnezzar's Furnace . The production or determination of the Wind to bring the Locusts , and drive them back , and to force back the Waters of the Red-Sea : at the stretching forth of Moses's Rod : And the ceasing of the Wind and Storm at our Saviours command . In all these Instances there is nothing done , but only a Form , Quality , Motion , or the like , produced , suspended , or destroyed in the parts of Matter , by a Power above Nature . And that nothing of all this implies any Contradiction in the Nature of the thing , may be thus made to appear . Matter in its own Nature is indifferently susceptible of any Form or Qualities imaginable , and therefore is in it self capable at any time of being without those Forms and Qualities which it has , or of having any others instead thereof . Capable it is of being without any particular Forms & Qualities which it has , because they are each of them contingent & accidental to Matter considered in its own Nature : For instance , that it should have such Magnitude , Figure , Texture , Order and Scituation , Motion or Rest of its sensible or insensible parts , and constitute a Body of such a particular Nature , endowed with such and such Qualities peculiar to it . Capable likewise it is at any time of having any Forms or Qualities indifferently , because in its own Nature considered it is susceptible of any , and in it's own Nature considered , not determined to receive any one more than another . Now if this be so , it is then possible for any Form or Quality to be produced , in any part of Matter , at any time ; or to be suspended , or destroyed utterly , in that Body which is endued with it : and consequently for any part of Matter to be endued with such a Form or Quality , which otherwise it could or ought not to have by the Course of Nature ; or , on the other hand to be devested of that Form or Quality , which otherwise by the Course of Nature it must have had and kept ▪ For instance , the water at the Marriage Feast in Cana of Galilee , could not at the bare Word or Will of Christ by the Course of Nature have its Form changed into the Form of Wine , and yet the Matter in it's own Nature was capable of receiving the Form of Wine , and capable too of being without the Form of Water , though left to it self and the Order of Nature it must have kept it . If capable of losing the one and receiving the other , then it was possible for it to be turned from the one into the other : if possible , then within the Sphere of Omnipotence to effect it : by a Miracle though , Quia quid lilibet non fit ex quolibet Naturaliter . The like may be said of Motion in Matter : it is wholely contingent and accidential to it . It might in it's own Nature considered have for ever been without it , and so have continued one great unwieldy Mass : now it has so great a quantity of Motion impressed , yet all it's part may be again reduced to rest , not by the Course of Nature indeed , but yet by a Power working above and contrary to Nature . To press this further home , The whole order of Nature , ever since the Production of it , has depended upon the Motion first impressed upon the parts of Matters and the Power given them to transfer their Motions from one to another : for hereupon depends all the Variety of Forms and Qualities , all the various Productions in the World , wherein the Order of Nature consists . Now this Motion , and this Power of transferring and communicating it , was at first contingent , and so might not have been impressed upon Matter , is contingent still , and so may be now destroyed , and then what b●●omes of the Order of Nature . There are therefore things possible which it is above the power of Nature to effect , as the creation of Matter , &c. Other things which are contrary to Nature and it's established Order , as the annihilation of the Matter of the whole World , the suspension of that Motion in the parts of Matter , whereupon the whole Order of Nature depends , the Production of any Form or Qualities in Matter , howsoever in the Order of Nature unqualified to receive them , &c. In a Word , The Matter of the whole World , and every Form , Quality , and Motion of Bodies therein are things contingent , and so capable either not to be , or to be othewise . And consequently the whole Frame and Order of Nature may be altered , suspended , or reduced into nothing . A Miracle therefore , which is some of these Effects , does not imply a Contradiction in the Nature of the Thing . 2. A Miracle is not repugnant to the Nature of God , and his infinite Perfections . Not to his Power , because it is the Effect of it , and not of a Principle opposing it self to him . Not to his Justice , because all Nature is his own : nor his Goodness , because never made use of but to the best purposes . But rather highly Serviceable to both , as it pleases him to make use of it either to execute Judgment upon notorious Sinners in an exemplary manner , or to defend and protect the Innocent and Pious Man by the most signal instances of Providence and mercy . Not to his Wisdom , because the frame and order of Nature is admirably fitted to the ends of it : but Miracles are ordained for higher purposes and special and emergent occasions . For instance , if God be pleased to reveal himself to Man in an extraordinary manner , to enter into a new Covenant with us , and to propound to us new Terms of favour and reconciliation ; to authorize some holy and inspired Persons to be his Messengers and Embassadors from Heaven , and to attest their Commission by his Letters of Credence ; nay to cloath himself with Humane Nature , and yet to dart forth the Rays of his Divinity through the vail of Flesh . Upon these grand and important occasions , what sure and infallible Evidence can we have that God himself speaks to us either by his Prophets or his Son , but by a Miracle ? but by Nature's sitting down and being suspended a while , to shew that one greater than Nature is there , that God himself is then present by his immediate extraordinary Power as well as Revelation ? It is not therefore ( as Spinoza below profanely suggests ) that God has created Nature so impotent , and given her Laws and Rules so barren , as that he is compelled sometimes to help her by new Ordinances and Supplies of Vertue , in order to her Support and Conservation , and that things may succeed according to his intentention and design : It is not , I say , upon this Account that God has obliged himself to Work a Miracle upon special occasions ; but because Nature was only fitted to the ends of Nature , and supernatural and extraordinary means provided for Ends extraordinary and supernatural . Nor lastly , Is the Working of a Miracle in any wise repugnant to the immutability of the Divine Nature or Counsel , as if he Acted therein de novo , ex tempore , and upon the sudden : because he has by one eternal immutable Act of his Will , settled the Order of all events Natural or above Nature . But this will appear more clearly in the Answer I shall give to his Arguments , to which I now come . His Proposition to be proved is , That nothing happens contrary to Nature , but Nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable Order . His Arguments for the proof of this Proposition are two . 1. Because the Laws of Nature are the Decrees of God , and therefore involve eternal necessity and truth . 2. Because the Power of Nature is the Power of God , and therefore as infinite as God himself . 1. Because the Laws of Nature are the Decrees of God , &c. In the prosecution of this Argument ; it will appear : 1. That he takes the Word Nature in another sense than this Question properly admits . 2. That his Argument as it proceeds upon his own Principles , terminates directly in flat Atheisme or Idolatry . 3. That , setting aside his own Principles , his Argument may in some sense be true , and yet not infer the truth of his Conclusion . 1. He takes the Word Nature in another sense than this Question properly admits . By Nature ( as I shewed above ) is meant here , the whole aggregate and compages of Bodies in the World , and the Order wherein they act amongst one another . In this sense therefore Spinoza must be presumed to prove , That nothing happens contrary to Nature , which whether he does or no will immediately appear . In the Conclusion of this first Argument , to these Words , Nihil igitur in Naturâ contingit , quod ipsius Legibus universalibus repugnat , &c. He subjoyns this Marginal Note , N. B. me hîc per Naturam non intelligere solam materiam ejusque affectiones , sed praeter materiam alia infinita . The Translator , I confess , has it not ( whether omitted as impertinent only , or as that which would too openly discover the weakness of his reasoning , I do not determine ) but I shall take leave to consider what he has as Spinoza's and not his own . Now if Spinoza take the Word Nature in so great a Latitude as to understand by it an infinite number of other things besides Matter , he may find it pretty easie to reduce all things within its compass : and if he make the Laws of Nature in his sense of so great extent , it may be hard for any thing not to fall within their Circuit and Jurisdiction : but then the Philosopher's way of Arguing will be as much beside the Question , as a Miracle is beside Nature . The Schoolmen where they treat of Laws , make the first division of them into the Eternal Law , and those that are derived from it . The Eternal two-fold . 1. The Order whereby God eternally decreed to do all things . 2. The Order which he decreed to prescribe to his Creatures , to be observed by them according to their several Natures and Conditions . The latter is branched out in these particulars , the Law of Natural Agents , of Angels ▪ and Men ; and this , either the Law of Natural Reason , Divine Revelation , or Humane Institution . This second Eternal Law , and the branches of it , are such as that the several Agents to whom they were given , may swerve from and not Act in a constant and uniform obedience to them . So the Angels first violated their Law ; then Mankind theirs , as they daily do all Laws Natural and Positive , Divine and Humane . The natural Agents indeed , as not endued with freedom of Will , observe one constant Order and Tenor if left to themselves : yet may either cease to Act , or Act otherwise , if God in his eternal purpose think fit to interpose , who can then either suspend their Operations , or determine them to act beyond their Sphere , beside their usual course , and contrary to their natural tendencies and the Laws of their Motion . But the first Eternal Laws is of universal extent , and holds inviolably . Nothing can fall out beside , above , or contrary to it . It directs to its own grand purposes whatever strayes from the particular Laws of its Creation , draws good out of evil , and makes all Events conspire to the setting forth of the Glory of God. It ordains the sins of lapsed Angels and Men , to the irrevokable Damnation of the first , and the Redemption of the latter , by the most surprizing and mysterious Methods of love and mercy . It provides for a suppliment to the lost or decayed light of Nature , the Revelations of Law and Gospel by Moses and the Prophets , our blessed Saviour and his Apostles ; and to attest their Divine Authority and Mission , ordains Nature to act above or contrary to her self by an obediential Power . The same eternal Act of the Divine Counsel decreeing the production of miraculous Effects upon emergent occasions , which first determined into Act the whole Frame and Order of Nature . We see here an Vniversal Law from whence all things follow , and contrary to which nothing does or can fall out . An Order eternal , fixt and immutable , set down with himself by that Supream being , who worketh all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That by this he hath appointed times for Miraculous and Supernatural Effects , as well as this lasting Period for the constant and settled operations of Nature . If this be Spinoza's Law of Nature , where he extends the Signification of that Word infinitely beyond the compass of the material World , and the order whereby Natural Bodies act therein ; his Proposition may be true , That nothing falls out contrary to Nature , but Nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable Order . But then , 1. He takes the Word Nature in a different sense from all the World besides ; 2. Wholely leaves the Question about the possibility of Miracles , that being consistent with the Truth of his Proposition if taken in that sense . And I wish his sense were so Orthodox as this I have hinted , and that all his fault were only that he has mistaken the state of the Question , and the meaning of the Terms of it . But it will appear far otherwise when we come to examine upon what Principles his Argument proceeds . His Argument is this , The Laws of Nature are the Decrees of God , and therefore involve eternal necessity and truth . Ergo , nothing can fall out contrary to Nature , but Nature keeps an eternal , fixt , and immutable Order . The ground of the Argument lies in this , That whatever God Wills or Decrees , involves eternal necessity and truth . For the proof whereof Spinoza referrs us to his Fourth Chapter . The Argument which he brings for it there , is drawn from the Identity 〈◊〉 the Divine Will and Vnderstanding , and it proceeds thus , All the difference between the Understanding and Will of God is , he says , onely in our conception , and that in this manner , We conceive God to understand any thing , as , for instance , the Nature of a Triangle , when we regard only this , That the Nature ( v. c. ) of a Triangle is contained eternally in the Divine Nature as an eternal Truth . We conceive God to will the same thing , when we regard this farther , That the Nature ( v. c. ) of a Triangle is so contained in the Divine , not upon account of the necessity of the nature of a Triangle it self , but upon account of the necessity of the Divine Nature : and that all the necessity of the nature of a Triangle and its properties , as they are conceived as eternal Truths , depends not upon the necessity of its own Nature , but the Divine . So that for God to Will or Decree any thing , is for the same to be contained necessarily in the Divine Nature , by reason of the necessity of it , as an eternal truth : And therefore , Whatever God wills or decrees involves eternal truth and necessity . This is his Principle , which he borrows from his Fourth Chapter , and we see it is grounded upon a particular Notion which he had formed in his Brain of the Divine Will and Understanding . This conceit he does not farther explain or make out in his Tractatus Theologico-Politicus ; and therefore , to run up his Argument to the head , I shall consult his Opera Posthuma for a Scheme of his Principles from whence to deduce it . There , in the First Part of his Ethicks , which treats de Deo , he has this Doctrine , That there is but one Substance in the World , and that is God. That God is a Substance absolutely infinite , i. e. a Substance endued with an infinite number of Attributes , each infinite , each displaying his infinite Essence : two whereof are known to us , Cogitation and Extension . That from the necessity of the infinite Essence and Attributes of God do proceed ( as properties from an emanative cause ) infinite Modes wherein the Divine Nature and Attributes do subsist and act . That Nature and all created Beings are only these various Modes wherein the Divine Essence and Attributes do necessarily display themselves : In particular that all Bodies and finite Spirits are only various Modes of those two infinite Attributes in God , Extension and Cogitation . And from these Principles we may indeed deduce not only his conception of what it is in God to understand and to will : but many other Consequences admirably agreeable to Religion and Right Reason . As , 1. That God is an extended Substance , and extension infinite . 2. That God is the emanative cause of all finite Beings , and they therefore really and identically contained in the Divine Nature , and the same with him . 3. That God subsists in all Bodies and finite Spirits , as a Substance under its necessary Modes flowing from its Essence : and therefore both he himself material and bodily , as being extended , and every body in Nature a part of him . So that now we clearly see the ground whereupon Spinoza asserts , That nothing can happen contrary to Nature : viz. because God and Nature are one and the same , God Nature subsistent , and Nature God modified . And why he says , That for God to will or decree any thing , is for the thing to be contained in his Nature as an eternal truth flowing from the necessity of it , viz. because his Will is only that of an emanative cause , and every thing which we conceive produced by the Divine Will , is so only in regard that it flows necessarily from his Essence , as light in the Sun , and heat in the Fire from their very nature . And so likewise his understanding of the same thing , is only that he sees its necessary Existence proceeding from the necessity of his own Nature . Here we have a full discovery of his Sense and Scope in this Argument ; and it plainly terminates in one of these two , Atheism or Idolatry . For to make God and Nature the same thing , is either to advance a Creature into the place of God , or ( what Tully says of Epicurus ) Oratione relinquere Deum , re tollere . I shall not therefore prosecute his Argument , so far , as to confute him through the whole Set of his Principles : nor take my self to be obliged , in order to prove the possibility of a Work above Nature , to go so far about as to prove first the Being of a God above it . But his Argument may deserve a little Consideration , setting aside his Principles , and that only in order to state how far the Laws of Nature may be granted to be the Decrees and Volitions of God , and whether and how far thereupon they involve eternal necessity and truth . His Argument therefore is in form this , Whatever God Wills or Decrees , involves eternal necessity and truth . The Laws of Nature are the Decrees and Volitions of God. E. They involve eternal necessity and truth . E. Nothing can fall out contrary to them . The Laws of Nature may be considered as in Nature it self , or as in the Author of it . In Nature it self they signifie the determinations of Bodies to act in such or such a manner . In the Author of it they signifie those Decrees whereby the Order of Nature is established , and particular Bodies determined to act in such a particular manner . In this Sense , I grant that the Laws of Nature are the Decrees and Volitions of God. And how they are so , and how far thereupon they may be conceived to involve eternal necessity and truth , may appear from these Considerations : 1. That there is one grand Universal Law , Decree , and Purpose of the Divine Will , whereby he eternally set down with himself the Order wherein to work all things . This Conception is most agreeable to the simplicity and immutability of the Divine Nature . To his simplicity , that as his Nature , so the Act of his Will , should be perfectly one , and not multiplied in infinitum in proportion to the variety of Effects ordained and regulated by it . To his immutability , that we should not suppose him to be daily enacting new Laws and Decrees , but that he works all things by a Decree co-eternal to himself . And this Conception is cleared by our parallel apprehensions about the Divine Understanding . The Objects thereof are temporary , yet the Act of his Knowledg whereby he sees them eternal : they are manifold and various , yet that simple and uniform . Therefore as by one Act of his Understanding he sees ab aeterno all things future in their several times , so by one Act of his Will he ordains them all . 2. That in this universal Law are included , Secundum nostrum concipiendi modum , many particular Laws and Decrees establishing the Order of particular Events , necessary and contingent , natural and above Nature , in their particular times and places . 3. That these particular Laws and Decrees have each ( in subordination to the universal ) a limited and determinate compass of times , places , and events , wherein they take effect . 4. That yet each of them does certainly take effect within that determinate compass to which it is limited . And therefore 5. That a Proposition declaring that such a Law and Decree will certainly take effect , is true ; and the truth of it necessary and ab aeterno by vertue of that Law and Decree . 6. That yet as the Law it self and the Decree is , so is the necessary and eternal Truth of that Proposition : viz. It is necessary and true ab aeterno ▪ that this Law and Decree shall take effect within that determinate compass of times , places , and events , whereto it is limited , and no further . Now the Laws and Decrees by which the Order of Nature is established , are such particular Laws and Decrees ; and such is their eternal Truth and Necessity . For Instance , The motion of the Sun is an Ordinance in Nature , proceeding from Gods Will and Decree : Yet so limited ( in subordination to his universal Law and Purpose ) to a determinate compass , as not to take effect at some points of time within that period for which Nature is established : I mean at that time , when the Sun stood still at Joshua's word , and when it went back so many degrees for a sign to King Hezekiah . So that the same universal Purpose and Decrees of God might settle the order of the Suns motion , and thereupon it be necessary and true ab aeterno that the Sun shall move in this Order ; and yet withal ordain , that at such times notwithstanding the Sun should stand still or go back , and thereupon it be as necessary and true ab aeterno , that at those points of time the Sun should go back or stand still . The Laws therefore of Natural Agents may in this sense be the Decrees of God , and involve eternal necessity and truth ; and yet it may be possible for some certain effects to fall out contrary to them , viz. without that compass within which they are limited to take effect , and no farther . But if Spinoza will have it , That whatever God wills to come to pass in such a time , must therefore be always ; or , that whatever Order God settles for such a determinate compass , must , because he wills and settles it , hold eternally : I deny that in this sense every Law and Decree of God involves eternal Necessity and Truth . It is eternally necessary and true , That whatever God Decrees to be , shall be : if he decree any thing to be and endure to perpetuity , it is eternally true and necessary that it shall be perpetually ; if he decree it to such a compass , it is ab aeterno necessary and true that it shall hold so long , and his Decree or the truth and necessity of the Effect , consequent thereupon , is not violated if it hold no longer . So much therefore may be said in Answer to his first Argument to prove that Nothing can happen contrary to Nature , &c. The Sum is , That he mistakes the meaning of the Terms of the Question . That he makes Nature the same with God , and so ( besides his taking the word in a sense of his own ) he in effect rejects the Existence of a Deity in Order to overthrow the belief of Miracles . Lastly , That in the sense wherein I have considered his Argument , it may be true , and yet his Conclusion not follow from it . His Second Argument is , Because the Power of Nature is the power of God , and therefore as infinite as himself . E. Nothing can fall out without its compass , or contrary to it . His ground whereupon he proceeds in this Argument is to be sure the very same conception of the Divine Nature , viz. That Nature is nothing but an infinite variety of Modifications of the Divine Essence , and the power of it consequently nothing but the infinite fecundity of the Divine Essence determining it necessarily to exert it self in all the infinite variety of the modes of its being . I shall therefore onely give this Argument so much consideration as it may require , setting aside his Principles . The power of Nature is the force that natural causes have to act each in their several manners , and the vertue and efficacy of the whole arising from the joynt concurrence of the several parts in their distinct Operations : This , to speak properly , is all resolved into a Vismotrix impressed upon matter , enabled to act by Gods Power , and determined to do it by his Will. This therefore certainly must be different from the power of its Author , in as much as the powers must be different if the Subjects differ to which they belong . But granting that the power of Nature is virtually and origionally ( though not formally ) the Divine Power exerting it self in Nature as its Instrument : Yet it no more follows thereupon , that the power of Nature must be infinite , then it follows that because the motion of the Sun is the motion of Nature , therefore it is of as great extent as the motion of the whole frame of Nature besides . Or because the Power that moves the hand is the power of the Soul , that therefore the whole Sphere of the Souls Power in the Body is no larger than the hand . The Argument is from a particular to an universal . Gods power , though simple and indivisible , is yet unlimited . It may act far beyond that compass wherein it does , and therefore infinitly beyond the limits of Nature . It exerts it self both in a natural and supernatural way ; and both kinds of effects proceed from one and the same indivisible omnipotence : which is no more multiplied by the variety of effects that flow from it , than the power of the Soul as it moves the hands , and the feet , the eye , and the tongue . These are all the Arguments he brings for the proof of his first Proposition . The rest is the Conclusion he draws from the whole , viz. What a Miracle is : That ( it being proved that all Supernatural Effects are impossible ) a Miracle can be only an effect inexplicable by our own observation , or the Principle of Nature known to us . Having therefore proved that supernatural Effects are not impossible , and answered his Arguments for the contrary , I may take leave to draw a Conclusion contradictory to his , That a Miracle is not only what he says , but an Effect beside , above , or contrary to the Order of Nature . The second thing he undertakes is , To prove that by Miracles we cannot know the Essence , Existence , or Providence of God : but that all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable Order of Nature . His Design in this seems to be to destroy the Authority and Credit of Miracles , by shewing that they are not proofs sufficient of what they are designed for . But in the framing of this Proposition , he mistakes the end , for which they are design'd . For 1. The design of Miracles is not to make a discovevery ( at least immediately and by themselves ) of the Essence of God. They are proper and meet evidences of the truth of any Revelation , and if in that Revelation it please God to make any supernatural display of his own Nature , then Miracles may be said mediately to discover to us the Essence of God ; otherways they demonstrate no other Attribute of God but his power , viz. as it is able to suspend the Operations of Nature , or to act above it . 2. Neither do they tend in any peculiar manner to prove the Existence of a Deity , but rather suppose it : viz. That there is a Supream Being who is the Author of Nature , who gave it such a Power and set it such Laws whereby to act ; which Power and which Laws , a Miracle being either above or contrary to , proves thereupon ( not that God is , but ) that it is he who then acts by his own immediate hand , and not Nature . But , for any proof it gives us of the Being of a God , it is onely in the same way that every natural Effect demonstrates it , by leading us to a first Cause . 3. Miracles are indeed sufficient Evidences of the Divine Providence ; that God does take upon him and actually exercise the Government of the World ; that he does not leave Nature to her self , but sometimes interposes and sets her aside : That he does not sit an unconcerned Spectator of the Actions of Men , but sometimes in a most signal manner rewards or punishes them here in this life . Yet the demonstration of Gods Providence is not the proper and primary end of supernatural Effects , but 4. A Miracle is properly intended to prove , 1. Immediately , the immediate power and presence of God Acting himself in an extraordinary manner in the working of it . 2. ( By Vertue of this evident Demonstration of Gods immediate extraordinary presence ) the Divine Authority and Mission of that person whom God has been pleased to make his Instrument in the effecting of it ; at whose word or request the Order of Nature is suspended , which we cannot suppose God would permit either for no end at all , or for one so repugnant to his Sanctity and Goodness , as to assist an Imposture . Thus much therefore we may know by miracles , not what God is in his Nature , nor his Existence any better than we may know it by any Effect of Nature : but his Providence , his extraordinary presence and power , and the Authority of that person whose Divine Mission it attests . We are next to enquire whether his Arguments are more sufficient to disprove the authority of Miracles in this regard . His arguments for the Truth of his second Proposition are from Reason and Scripture . From Reason he attempts to prove it three wayes . 1. Because the belief of the possibility of a Miracle does vertually introduce meer Scepticisme , and consequently is so far from proving the Essence , Existence , or Providence of God , that it takes away the certainty both of the existence of a Deity and every thing else . 2. Because a Miracle is a work that transcends our Capacity to understand it , and therefore what we understand not , it self cannot lead us to the understanding of any thing else . 3. Because a Miracle is a thing finite , and therefore cannot be a fit Medium to prove the being of an Agent of infinite Power . 1. The belief of the possibility of a Miracle virtually introduces meer Scepticisme , and so takes away the certainty both of the being of God and every thing else . This Argument strikes as much at the belief of Miracles themselves as of any thing else upon their Credit and Authority : for there can be no Reason to believe any thing , which to believe obliges me to doubt of every thing else as impossible to be certainly known . The ground whereupon he asserts that the belief of Miracles , leads us to Scepticisme , is , because it takes away the certain Truth of those Notions from whence we conclude the being of a God or any thing else that we know ; and that this it does in as much as it supposes a Power in God able to alter the Truth of these Notions , for this too he must be able to do , if able to change the course of Nature . By these Notions may be understood two things ; 1. The Principles of Truth where upon we build all our knowledge . 2. Our own Idea's and apprehensions of things . The former are either the common Principles of Natural Light , viz. Axioms evident upon the first apprehension of the Terms , as That a thing cannot be and not be at the same time , the whole is greater than any part , &c. Or 2. the definitions of things , and propositions ascribing to them their Nature and Properties : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rationale , Triangulum habet tres angulos aequales duobus rectis , &c. Or 3. Propositions containing the mutual respects of things , as that Cruelty and Injustice are repugnant to the Nature of God , Theft and Murder to the Nature of a sociable Creature , &c. Now these principles of Truth are all necessary , and immutable , and the Truth of them does not depend upon the being or order of Nature : a possibility therefore of change in the order of Nature does not imply that by the same Power the truth of these Notions may be altered . They are , first , necessary and immutable , because it implies a contradiction for them to be false , v. c. for the whole to be no greater than any part , Man not to be a rational creature , God to be cruel or unjust , &c. 2. They are true independently upon the being or order of Nature . If God should destroy the whole frame of Nature , yet it were true notwithstanding , that the whole Body were bigger than any part . If he should reduce Mankind into nothing , it were still true notwithstanding , That the nature of Man consists in the Vnion of a rational Soul , and a Body endued with life and sense . God may turn one thing into another , and make the same Matter appear under a Form above or contrary to what it should have by the course of Nature , but he cannot make it be and not be , be of this Nature and of another , at the same time . He can suspend the Actions of his Creatures , but yet cannot make them Act and not Act both together . In short , however God by his Power may alter or suspend the Order of Generations in Nature , yet this Principle will hold true , that in an order of successive generations of Men there must be some first Man , and this first Man must have a Cause that is not Man , and this Cause must either be it self , or lead us at last to , an infinite Supream Being . So that the existence of a God may be deduced from certain and necessary Principles , though the Order of Nature be capable of being changed by his Almighty Power . The altering therefore of the course of Nature , makes no alteration in the principles of Knowledg . But does it not infer a Power in God to change our Notions and Apprehensions of them and of every thing else ? A Physical Power indeed it does , as it proves him Omnipotent : but this will not drive us to Scepticisme , while we are certain that it is as much repugnant to his Veracity and Goodness as compatible to his Power barely considered . For it is impossible that a Being infinitely Good and Holy should impose upon his Creatures , and implant such Notions in their Minds as would necessarily induce them to believe a Lye , or so alter their apprehensions of things , as to make it impossible for them to make a true Judgment by the use of their own reason . The belief of Miracles therefore does not lead us unto Scepticisme , and so does not take away the certainty of the Being of a God , but yet perhaps it may not be a fit Medium to prove either his Existence , or his Proovidence , or to declare bis Nature to us . And this upon two Accounts . 1. Because a Miracle is a Work that transcends our capacity to understand it , and therefore what we understand not it self , cannot lead us to the understanding of any thing else . 2. Because a Miracle is a thing finite , and therefore cannot be a fit Medium to prove the being of an Agent of infinite Power . To the First , a Miracle is a Work that transcends our capacity to understand it ; i. e. it is beyond the compass of our Knowledge to deduce it from natural Causes , and good reason , because it is beyond their power and efficacy to Effect it . But yet so far it is within our Capacity , that it is possible for us to know whether it be an effect supernatural or not , and when it is known to be such it is sufficient to demonstrate the immediate operation of God's Power and Providence . To the Second , nothing is more false or groundless than that Assertion . It is so far from being true , that a finite Effect cannot be a Proof of an infinite Cause , that every finite Effect is so ; either immediately , as when the Effect though finite exceeds the force and efficacy of any finite being in the Order and Sphere wherein it acts , or mediately when the Effect is produced by a train of finite Causes , which yet must have had their own being and their first motion or power to act from an infinite Agent . The argument for an Infinite from the existence of finite beings , proceeds thus , every finite being is contingent , and so might not have been ; therefore the reason of its being must not be in it self , but in something else , viz. the Cause that produced it . Again , every finite being has limits of Perfection ; these cannot be set by it self , but by something else which gave it such a degree of Perfection and no greater ; and this must be the cause that produced it . If this Cause be finite too , it must proceed from another , and the Question will recur till we stop , at last in a Cause self-existent and infinite . So much therefore may be said in answer to his Arguments from reason for the former part of his second Proposition , viz. That by Miracles we cannot know the Essence , Existence or Providence of God. To what he says for the other part , viz. That all these may be better known by the fixt and immutable Order of Nature , the Answer may be shorter . His reason is , because the Laws of Nature are infinite , eternal , and immutable , and therefore in some measure indicate to us the infinity , eternity , and immutability of God : or rather ( to make him speak more plainly out of his Opera Posthuma ) because God and Nature are all one , and the more I know of Nature the more I understand of the modifications of the Divine Essence . But if he tells us that the belief of Miracles leads us to Scepticisme , we may reply that this Discovery of the Divine Essence which he pretends to make from Nature , will rather carry us either to Atheisme or Idolatry . I proceed to his Arguments from Scripture , which are two . 1. He argues from Deut 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. Because a Miracle ( as is plain from that place ) may be wrought by a Person that designs to introduce the worship of a false God. 2. He argues from the corrupt notions the Israelites had of God and his Providence , notwithstanding so many Miracles wrought among them . The words in Deut. 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. are these . If there arise among you a Prophet , or a Dreamer of Dreams , and giveth thee a Sign or a Wonder , and the Sign or Wonder come to pass , whereof he spake unto thee , saying , let us go after other Gods ( which thou hast not known ) and let us serve them ; thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that Prophet , or Dreamer of Dreams ; for the Lord your God proveth you , to know whether you love the Lord your God with all your Heart and with all your Soul. And that Prophet or that Dreamer of Dreams shall be put to death , &c. From hence he argues , a Miracle may be wrought by one that designs to introduce the Worship of a false God. Ergo , by Miracles we may be as easily induced to embrace the Worship of a false God , as of the true . E. God cannot be made known to us by Miracles . This is a difficulty commonly propounded for these Words in Deut. viz. How Miracles can be an undoubted evidence of the authority of a Prophet and the truth of his Doctrine , & yet it be possible for a Miracle to be wrought by a false Prophet in the highest degree : viz. a Preacher of Idolatry . And the best way to give a clear and satisfactory Answer to it , will be to consider the utmost force of it as it is urged from this place . The Israelites to whom these Words were spoken , had already a Law given them , and the Authority of it attested by unquestionable Miracles ; the same Law repeated again in this book of Deut. with a repetition likewise of the History of those mighty Works which had been wrought for it's confirmation . Their Religion therefore being thus settled , to fortifie them against all Temptations that might draw them to the Worship of the Gods of the Nations round about them , they are fore-warned in this place not to give ear to any Person that should entice them to Idolatry , though he should work a Miracle to confirm the Authority of his false Doctrine ; for that God might possibly permit such a Person to work a Miracle meerly to try the stedfastness of their Faith and Adherence to his Worship . This is the Case wherein those Words ( Deut. 13. ) must be understood to be spoken ; and this is all that can be rationally drawn from them , that God may permit a Miracle to be wrought by a false Prophet after he has established the true Religion , and fore-warned his people not to believe a Miracle against it . We are to enquire therefore whether if this be possible , Miracles can be sufficient evidences of a true Prophet . The Argument is in form this , If God after he has established the true Religion , and fore-warned his people not to believe a Miracle against it , may permit a false Prophet to work a Miracle to try the stedfastness of their faith ; then Miracles are not sufficient Evidences of a true Prophet . But God may in this case permit a Miracle to be wrought by a false Prophet . Ergo. If the consequence is , That Miracles are not always sufficient Evidences , or not in this particular Case , I readily grant it : If , That they never are in any case ( which must be the Conclusion if to the purpose . ) I deny it : and the reason of my denial of it is this , because notwithstanding an Impostor may work a Miracle in this case , and so the Miracle he works be no evidence of a true Prophet : yet in any other case ( notwithstanding the force of these words ) it may be ( and I may positively say is ) impossible for a true Miracle to be wrought by an Impostor ; and therefore all other Miracles which are not reducible to this Case may be certain and infallible Evidences of a true Prophet . For Instance , two sorts of Miracles are excepted from this Case . 1. Those Miracles ( suppose ) that were wrought among the Israelites , after this warning given them not to believe any person that would seduce them to Idolatry , though he should work a Miracle , by persons that did not attempt to seduce them from the Worship of the true God. 2. Those Miracles which were wrought at any time by any persons whose Doctrine the people before whom they were wrought had not been fore-warned by God not to believe . And that neither of these could be wrought by an Impostor , but both were sufficient Evidences of a true Prophet , I shall demonstrate evidently from these Principles . 1. In every Miracle or supernatural Effect , God must be present ( not consenting and assisting only , but ) working it himself by his extraordinary Power . 2. This God cannot do ( viz. alter the course of Nature ) for no end , or for any that is mean and trivial . 3. Nor can his end be to deceive or impose upon those persons before whom it is wrought . 4. If his end cannot be to deceive us , and yet he cannot Work a Miracle , but for some great end : it follows , That every Miracle wrought by any person pretending thereupon a Commission to reveal any Doctrine , must either be ordained by God to ratifie and confirm his Commission , and this Miracle cannot be wrought by a false Prophet : or if it be not ordained by God to confirm his Commission , but may be done by him though he be a false Prophet , it must be onely in such a case where sufficient warning has been given to those before whom the Miracle is wrought , that they are not to believe the Authority or Doctrine of that Prophet though he work a Miracle . 5. Therefore in this one Case ( where sufficient warning is given us not to believe such a person though he work a Miracle ) God may work a Miracle by a false Prophet , and therefore it is no sufficient Evidence of a true : In any other case it is impossible he should work it by a false Prophet , and therefore it is not sufficient Evidence of a true . All this necessarily follows from the Wisdome , Veracity , and Holiness of God. His Wisdome cannot permit him to work a Miracle by any man for nothing or upon any trivial account : and his Veraciy and Holiness cannot permit him to bear witness to a Liar and Seducer ( working a Miracle and pretending thereupon to a Commission from Heaven to Preach his Doctrine ) which he does in working a Miracle by him , unless in such a Case where he gives us warning not to believe him upon the Authority of his Miracle : And in that Case he does not bear Witness to a Liar , because he fore-warns us that his Miracle is not done to attest the Authority of that Person by whom he does it : And so though it were the setting of his Seal to his Commission ( to use that expression ) yet we are sufficiently secured from being imposed upon thereby , because fore-warned that in this case his Seal is to be no Evidence to us , though otherwise it be the cleerest and most convincing Evidence imaginable . A Miracle therefore , where warning before-hand is given against it , may be wrought by a Seducer and Impostor , but where we are not fore-warned against it , it must be wrought by a true : Ergo , Though in that Case a Miracle is no Evidence of a true Prophet , yet in every other Case it certainly is , and consequently , Though an Impostor may work a Miracle , yet a Miracle is in most cases an undoubted Evidence of a true Prophet . Now the warning or notice given us in this case , may be either expressed , or implied . Expressed as in the place fore-mentioned , under the Law ; or where we are forbidden to hearken to false Prophets and false Christs , which shall do great Signs and Wonders ; or to an Angel from Heaven that should Preach another Doctrine , then that we have received under the Gospel . Implied , as where the Doctrine and Institution of the Gospel is declared to be the last Will of Almighty God , and a Law to endure without alteration or repeal to the end of the World ; for if God declare it to be such , this implies that no Doctrine contrary to it , no other Doctrine , is to be embraced , though the person preaching it should work a Miracle to confirm his Authority . All other Miracles therefore are Evidences of a true Prophet , except where such warning is given . And those I reduced to two sorts : 1. Those that were wrought among the Israelites after the warning given them Deut. 13. by any person that did not attempt to seduce them from the Worship of the true God ; for against such a person working a Miracle they had no warning , and therefore his Miracle was enough to command their belief . 2. Those wrought at any time by any persons against whose Doctrine there had been no warning eign to the persons before whom the Miracles were wrought . And under these two kinds are placed all the Miracles whose Authority Spinoza would destroy by this Argument . To begin with Moses's , they were wrought before the Isralites had any warning to reject the Authority of any Miracles whatsoever : and if after , they were wrought not to sedvce them to Idolatry but with the contrary design , viz. to settle the Worship of the true God among them . So also Elijah's , to reclaim that people from Idolatry . And the Miracles of our blessed Saviour and his Apostles , will not I suppose be said by any one to be wrought to seduce the Jews from the Worship of the true God. So that if all these Miracles must be excepted from the Case wherein a Miracle may be wrought by a false Prophet , his Argument from the possibility of it ( out of Deut. 13. ) against the authority of all Miracles , falls to the ground . His other Argument from Scripture is from the corrupt Notions the Israelites had of God and Providence , notwithstanding all the Miracles wrought among them . He instances in their Worshipping the Calf in Moses's absence : In the doubts the Author of the 73 Psalm says he had about a Providence ; and Solomon's Opinion that all things were governed by chance , which he confesses he once held . To this I answer , 1. I have already intimated that Miracles in themselves do not discover to us what God is in his Nature , any farther than as it is done in the Revelaion which they confirm . 2. Therefore I hope he will not say that the Revelation which the Israelites had concerning God , was such as was not sufficient if they would have attended to it , to have taught them that God was not to be Worshipped under the resemblance of a Creature , much less his glory to be turned into the similitude of a Calf . 3. The mighty Works that God did for the Children of Israel , were such as might easily have convinced them , that such a base Creature was not the God that brought them forth out of the land of Egypt . 4. Therefore he ought rather to impute it to the great stupidity and blindness of that People , there being newly converted from the worship of the Egyptian Apis , and their forgeting of God their Saviour who had done so great things for them , than to any insufficiency either in the Miracles to demonstrate God's Power and Providence to them , or in the Law he had newly given them to instruct them how he was to be Worshipped . I pass by what he says of Solomon and the Author of the 73 Psalm : their doubts were about such things wherein Miracles were not proper means to inform them : viz. Why the wicked prosper in this life ? What he has besides under this Head , is , 1. A profane abuse of the Scripture , instead of an Answer to those plain Expressions therein , where God is said to have wrought his Miracles , that he might make his power to be known , and that the Israelites might know that he was God. This , he says , is not as if the Scripture meant , that Miracles are in themselves convincing Arguments , but onely that the Holy Spirit makes use of them as Arguments ad hominem , that is ( for want of better Evidences ) he is fain to take all the advantage he can of their pre-conceived Opinions , however irrational and absurd , and makes these his Topicks , as most effectual to perswade or convince them , and in this sense he interprets what St. Paul says , that to the Jews he became as a Jew , to the Greeks as a Oreek , that is , argued with both not from any true and rational Principles , but by making the best use he could of their prejudices and prepossessions to gain them to his side . 2. That it is not consistent with true Philosophy , that God in the Order and Course of his Providence should be conceived to take greater care of one person or Nation than another ; viz. he is not only bound to provide for all whatsoever means are necessary for their happiness , but also obliged not to give any one Man over and above any degree of Grace which he does not equally impart to all the World. To answer these two Positions fully , we should be obliged to examine Spinoza's second and third Chapter of his Tractatus Theologico-Polit . whereto he refers us for the demonstration of both . I pass on therefore to the third thing he proposes to make out : viz. That the Scripture by the Decrees and Commands , and consequently the Providence of God understands nothing else but the fixt and immutable Order of Nature . This he attempts to prove two ways , 1. By Instance . 2. Because the Scriptute relates several Circumstances in the production of those Effects that are commonly held to be supernatural . His Instances are some that I mentioned above in my Answer to the Premonition , viz. God telling Samuel , He would send him a Man out of the land of Benjamin , which was onely Sauls coming to him to enquire about the Asses . God being said to turn the hearts of the Egyptians , so that they hated the Israelites , who yet it appears , were moved to hate them upon Politique Accounts . Gods saying , He would set his Bow in the Sky , and yet the Rainbow , and undoubted Effect of Nature . So also the melting of the Snow called Gods Word , and the Wind and Fire his Ministers . I grant that the Scripture in these Instances , by Gods Decrees or Commands means no more than the Laws of Nature : but his Argument ought to conclude universally , for which a few instances in such particulars wherein it holds , are not sufficient . It is enough for me to name some things which the Scripture relates as the Decrees and Purposes of God , which yet could never take effect by the mere Course of Nature . As for Instance , That a Virgin should conceive and bear a Child , That three Men should be cast into Nebuchadnezzar's Furnace , and the same Fire kill those persons that came so near to the Mouth of the Furnace as to throw them in , and yet not so much as singe a hair of their heads , though thrown into the midst of it . That the Sun should stand still at the word of a Man ; Fire come down from Heaven at the command of another ; the Sea be stilled , the Dead raised , the Devils cast out , at the Word , Touch , and Shadow of others . All these Effects the Scripture sets down as wrought by the Decree and Order of Almighty God , but not , I presume , by the Course of Nature . In a word , the Answer has been given before : That the Scripture a : scribes all Effects to God , natural or above Nature and as , from it's ascribing the Effects of Nature to God , without mentioning how he produces them , we cannot justly conclude that it records them for miraculous ; so on the other hand , from its speaking of supernatural Effects in the same manner , we have as little reason to infer , that it means nothing by them but the Order of Nature . His second Reason is , because the Scripture relates several Circumstances in the production of Miracles ; which Circumstances , he says do shew that these Miracles required Natural Causes . So the Sprinkling of Ashes required to produce the Plague of Scabs , an East Wind to bring the Locusts , and a West Wind to drive them away ; an East Wind likewise to drive back the Red Sea. Elijah's laying his Body upon the Body of the Shunamites Child , in order to raise it to life again . If he argue to the purpose , he must grant that these Circumstances , which he makes requisite in the Order of Nature to produce these Effects , were also proper and suffi●ient in the Order of Nature to produce them either wholely or in part . And indeed the Wind may seem a very proper Instrument to bring and carry away the Locusts , and to drive back the Sea : but the raising of the Wind , and determination of it is ascribed to another Circumstance not very proper to be the efficient Cause of it , viz. the stretching out of Moses's Hand and his Rod. And this commonly was the first Circumstance in every Miracle which Moses wrought , and therefore though it were not sufficient to produce those Effects immediately and by it self , yet it must be supposed proper to set all the other subordinate Causes on Motion . For their requiring natural Causes , because related with some Circumstances concurring to their production , must imply that these Circumstances were the Natural Causes requisite . And if so , then Moses's Rod had many great , many occult , yet Natural Qualities , very-hard indeed to explain or conceive , and very admirable though not miraculous ▪ as of raising and laying Winds and Storms of Thunder and Hail , turning the Water into Blood , bringing Frogs out of the River , producing Lace out of the Dust , Water out of the Rock , &c. To be short , the Circumstances commonly mentioned as concurrent to the production of Miracles , are so far from proving that they had Natural Causes , that they prove the contrary . For if they had any Natural Causes , these Circumstances must be all or part of them : but they are such as are in no wise qualified to produce the Effects ascribed to them in the Order of Nature , therefore must be qualified for it by a Supernatural Power , which can produce quidlibet ex quolibet , and make any thing instrumental to what Purposes and Effects it pleases . For Instance , the Clay and the Spittle were the immediate Instruments applied by our Saviour to the Eyes of the Blind , and Tongue of the Dumb-man , The mention whereof in the account of these Miracles , if it prove that they required Natural Causes , then these were the Causes requisite , these they had , and these immediately produced the Effects . This they could not by the force of Nature , therefore by Miracle ; and so his Argument destroys it self . But farther , what if many are produced without any Circumstances at all , but purely at the Word and Will of the person that works them ? This he says we cannot be assured of from the Scripture , because there may have been some though not mentioned there ( he refers to Exod. 14.27 . compared with Ex. 15.10 . ) But what if the Scripture does not only not make mention of any , but in a manner declares there were none ? So in our Saviours stilling the Storm , the very Reflection that his Disciples make upon that Miracle , proves that it was wrought by his bare Word , and not by the Application of any Means , much less , Natural . Before he draws his Conclusion from these Arguments , he answers an Objection from Scripture , viz. That Famins are said to be caused by the sins of Men , and the like : and Rain and Plenty restored by their Prayers , &c. His Answer is , that the Scripture does here speak ad hominem , and with the same Propriety as when it says that God is angry , sorrowful , repents , or the like ; and that it is not true that any of these are the Causes of the Effects ascribed to them . Here 1. Methinks he is wary in his Answer . He might have granted that Famine is sent for the sins of Men , and Rain and fruitful Seasons for a return to their Prayers and Repentance , and yet have denied that either of these is wrought by Miracle . For Nature is ordered and directed by the Wisdom and Providence of Almighty God , as well as preserved and upheld by his Power ; and therefore his Wisdom may so direct it , as often even by the Course of Nature to execute his divine purposes whether of Judgment or Mercy . He sees our Actions and hears our Prayers from all eternity , and therefore may , as he has the whole Order of Nature before his eyes , direct and determine the certain and necessary Events of it to their proper Seasons , and make them Instrumental to the accomplishing of his purposes , whether of shewing favour or executing wrath upon the Sons of Men. Thus therefore he need not be so strict as to deny any possibility of God's punishing us for our sins in the Order of Nature , for fear lest it should betray him unawares to the concession of a Miracle . Natural Causes indeed our Sins or P●ayers are not of these Effects , nor yet Supernatural neither , but moral only and meritorious , as God upon view of either determines to punish or reward us . But suppose it were not so , 2. He gives but a very mean Solution of the difficulty that the Scripture speaks improperly here , and in condescension to the Capacities and Opinions of the Vulgar , as it does when it says that God is angry , sorrowful or repents . We grant the Scripture may be conceived to be obliged to speak in this manner , concerning the incomprehensible Nature of God , and such of his Perfections the modes whereof it is not necessary we should have explained to us , how they are and act in him : but yet it is not necessary that it should speak of every thing in the same manner , or that every thing that it says should be shuffled off by this or the like suggestion . Nothing is more natural and easie to be conceived , than that God does punish or reward our good or bad Actions , and that in this life , and that his Justice and Wisdom will oblige him to do it as he takes upon him the Government of the World : though it be very hard for the Vulgar to conceive how he does it without anger or displeasure and the contrary affections . Therefore the Scripture may be conceived to speak of the one in condescention to our Capacities , though yet no reason why it should be presumed to speak of the other in like manner . I proceed to his fourth and last undertaking , viz. To treat of the manner of interpreting the Scripture Miracles , and what things are chiefly to be observed in the Relations about them . Or ( as the Translator ) to shew that most Men have erred in their way of interpreting the Miracles recorded in the Holy Scripture . To set us right he directs us in the reading of the Scripture-narrations about Miracles , to enquire into two things , 1. The particular Opinions and Prejudices of the Relator : 2. The Idioms , Phrases and Tropes , of the Hebrew Tongue . The first , because generally all Historians relate the events they speak of suitable to their own Conjectures , Opinions , and Prejudices . The other , because otherwise we may , from the Scripture-Style , conceive some things to be related for Miracles which really are not . For the first he instances in Joshua 10. v. 12 , 13. where the Account of the extraordinary length of that Day is given according to the common opinion of the Sun 's and not the Earth's motion . For the Second , in some , allegorical places out of the Prophets . Zachariah 14. v. 7. Isa . 13. v. 10.48 . v. ult . By these two insinuations he would elude the force of all the clear and plain narrations about miracles in Scripture . To the first , and the instance he brings for it , I answer , the truth of the Miracle which Joshua relates is not at all prejudiced though it were true that the Earth moves , and not the Sun ; for the course of Nature was stopped , whether in the motion of the Sun or the Earth , and therein consists the truth of the Miracle : As to the relation of it , it was not necessary either that Joshua should himself be so great a Philosopher or so far instructed by an extraordinary Revelation , as to put up his request to God that the Earth should stand still and not the Sun ; or that the Account of it which he gives should be otherwise than according to the appearance of sense , and the apprehensions of the Vulgar grounded thereupon . To the second , the truth of the Scripture-Miracles depends not upon any allegorical expressions in the Prophets , but upon the naked Relations of matters of Fact in the Historical Writers ; so that though in the former we are to proceed with some Caution , and not to take every thing for Miraculous , which is spoken of in an high strain of expression : yet in the latter we find no such danger of being imposed upon by the Tropes and Figures of the Hebrew Tongue , all things being delivered in the Historical part of Scripture with the greatest plainness and simplicity . I have run through the main of Spinoza's Chapter , which consists in the proof of his four Propositions at first laid down . What is behind , is , 1. An account of his different Method in this Chapter from that which he takes in his first and second Chapters about Prophecy and Prophets : but this is proper to his Tractatus Theologico Polit. 2. He attempts to prove from Scripture the Immutability of the Order of Nature , repeating also some of his former Arguments for it ; 3. He closes all with a passage out of Josephus , agreeable to his Opinion His places of Scripture which he alledges , are , Psal . 148. v. 6. He hath established them for ever : he hath made a decree , which shall not pass ; Eccl. 1. v. 9. That there is no new thing under the Sun , and other places parallel to them . To the first , the Order of Nature may be said to be established for ever , and yet that Term imply no uninterrupted or eternal duration of it : see Exod. 21.6 . 1 Sam. 1.22 . Deut. 29.29 . Levit. 23.14 , &c. To the second , it is possible , notwithstanding that place , that there may something new happen even according to the Order of Nature , for Solomon observes there no more than this , that ordinarily in Nature there is a constant vicissitude , a coming and returning of the several Species of Things : for all which , it is possible within the Period of Six thousand years that Nature may produce something new and not seen or heard of before : and if by Nature something thus new may be produced , there is no Reason from this place but the like may be done by Miracle too . To Josephus's Authority it is enough to oppose the learned Mr. Gregory's remark of him in his Opera Posthuma , p. 33. That he makes it his business to lessen and detract from the greatness of the Miracle which he relates out of the Scripture , only to gain a more easie approbation of his History among the Heathen : and this Mr. Gregory makes out by several instances , one whereof is the passage here quoted by Spinoza . To Spinoza's Quotation out of Josephus , the Translator adds one or two more out of Valesius , St. Austin , Mr. Burnett , and Dr. Sprat . Mr. Burnett , I have shewed above , in the very next Words almost to those which here he quotes out of him , asserts possitively that there are Miracles . I need not tire my self to examine whether the rest are as directly against him , as I make no question they are . Upon the whole then I have made it appear , that the whole Treatise is only a Collection out of other Authors . That all of them , except Spinoza , are against the opinion for which they are produced . And whether I have given a full Answer to his Arguments , I leave to the candid and impartial Reader to determine . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29780-e210 The Treatise about Miracles a Translation out of several Authors . The Authors Spinoza , Mr. Hobbs , and Mr. Burnett . Part 3. cap. 37. Lib. 1. c. 11. p. 114. Mr. Hobbs and Mr. Burnett against the opinion for which they are produced . How Mr. Hobbs's Doctrine destroys the Authority of Miracles . Lib. 1. c. 11. p. 138. The first part of the Premonition taken out of Mr. Burnett . The Summ of it . The design of Mr. Burnett in what he speaks there . Gen. 1. v. 9. Gen 6. v. ● , 1● . Gen. 7. v. 11. The conclusion which the Translator draws from Mr. Burnett's principles . This conclusion ▪ quite contrary to Mr. Burnett's . It destroys the authority of the Scripture , and the belief of Miracles . It does not follow from Mr. Burnett's Principles . How far each Particular , in what he has from Mr. Burnett , is true . Gen. 1.14 , 15. The Principle from whence he draws his Conclusion . Psalme 47. v. 16 , 17 , 18. Gen. 9.13 1 Sam. 9.16 . The ground of the Connexion of his Conclusion , with the Principle from whence he draws it . This ground proved to be false , 1. By Instance . Psal . 65. 9 , 11. Psal . 145.16 . 2. From the Natural import of the words . Psal . 104. v. 20 , 105. v. 28. ● . From the reason of the thing . What it is for the Scripture to relate any thing as a Miracle . Corollary 1. ●●●●llary ● . The rest of the Premonition considered . The Sum of what he has from Mr. Hobb's in the beginning of the Treatise . Treat . p. 2. Reflection upon what Mr Hobb's says . The use whereto the Traslator applies what he takes from Mr. Hobb's . Tr. p. 3. Where he takes Spinoza in hand . Tr. p. 3.4 , 5. Tr. p. 6. Four Propositons laid down by Spinoza . 1. Proposition . What is here meant by Nature and the Laws of it . The Ground of the Possibility of Miracles . A Miracles implyes no Contradiction in the Nature of the thing . It implies no Contradiction for Matter to be 〈…〉 . Nor for the Form Sec. of Natural Bodies to be Supernaturally produced , or destroyed . Ex●d 〈…〉 . John 2. 2 Kings 20. ● . 11 . Josh . 10. v. 13. 1 Kings 18.38 . 2 Kings 1.9 , 12. Dan. 3.27 . Exod. 10.12 , 14.21 . All Motion in Matter capable of being suspended or destroyed . The production of a Miracle not repugnant to the Nature of God. P. 7 Tr. p. 6. Spinoza's Arguments for the Truth of his first Proposition . Arg. 1. In this Argument he takes the Word Nature in another sense than the Question admits . Tractat. Theolog. Polit. c. ● . p. 100. His Proposition true , if he take the Word in this sense , but not to the Question . Eph. 1. v. 11. His Argument 〈…〉 proceeds upon his own Principles terminates in flat Atheisme or Idolatry . Tractat Theologico ▪ Polit. c. 4. p. 70. Ethic. p. 1. P●op . 1● , 1● , 16. De Naturâ Deorum l. 1. His Argument , setting aside his Principles , may be true , and yet not infer the truth of his Conclusion . How the Laws of Nature are the Decrees of God , and eternal Truth . Spinoza's second Argument for his first Proposition . Tr. p. 7. Tr p. 8 Proposition 2. Tr. P. 2. In the framing of this Proposition he mistakes the end for which Miracles are designed . His Arguments for his 2. Propos . from Reason , and Scripture . His first Argument for his 2 Propos . from Reason . The belief of Miracles does not introduce Scepticisme . Arg ▪ 2. Tr. p. 10. Arg. 2. Tr. p. 11. Arg. 1. from Scripture . Tr. p. 13. Though a false Prophet may work a Miracle , yet Miracles sufficient evidences of a true Prophet . Deut. 13. Matt 24.24 . Gal. 1.8 . Heb. 1 , 2.7.16 , 17. Argument 2. from Scripture . Tr. p. 14. Psal . 106.20 . Exod. 22.4 . Psal . 106.21 . Tr. p. 15. Psal . 106.8 . Ex. 10.2 . Tr. p. 16. Proposition 3. Tr. p. 16. Arg. 1. Tr. p. 17. 1 Sam. 9.15 , 16. Psal . 105.24 . Ex. 1. Gen. 9.13 . Tr. p. 18. Psal . 108.18 . and 104.4 . Is . 7.14 . Dan. 3. Josh . 10. Arg. 2. Tr. p. 19. Ex. 9 , 8.10.14.14.21 2 Kings 4.34 . Luk 8. v. 25. Tr. po . 2 Proposition 4. Tr. p. 21. Tr. p. 26. Tr. p. 27. 
A26553	----	Academia scientiarum, or, The academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in English and Latine / by D. Abercromby ... Abercromby, David, d. 1701 or 2. 1687 Approx. 176 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26553 Wing A77 ESTC R6380 11966133 ocm 11966133 51707 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26553) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51707) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 46:4) Academia scientiarum, or, The academy of sciences being a short and easie introduction to the knowledge of the liberal arts and sciences, with the names of those famous authors that have written on every particular science : in English and Latine / by D. Abercromby ... Abercromby, David, d. 1701 or 2. [24], 179, [12] p. Printed by H.C. for J. Taylor, L. Meredith, T. Bennet, R. Wilde ..., London : 1687. English and Latin on opposite pages. First ed. Cf. Wing. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Intellectual life. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Licens'd , Feb. 23. 1687. R. Midgley . Academia Scientiarum : OR THE Academy of Sciences . Being a Short and Easie Introduction TO THE KNOWLEDGE Of the Liberal ARTS AND SCIENCES . WITH The Names of those Famous Authors that have written on every particular Science . In English and Latine . By D. ABERCROMBY , M. D. LONDON , Printed by H. C. for J. Taylor , L. Meredith , T. Bennet , R. Wilde , Booksellers in St. Paul's Church-yard , Amen-corner , and Ludgate-hill , 1687. TO ALEX. CAMPBELL , OF CALDER The Younger , Eldest Son to Sir HUGH CAMPBELL , Knight Baronet , and Baron of CALDER . SIR , BEing of a temper quite contrary to the flatering Genius of this Age , I shall not follow the Example of most Writers of Dedicatory Epistles , and try your Patience with long Encomiums either of Yourself , or of your Family , since the Histories , and publick Records of the Kingdom of Scotland , have given the Publick so clear , and so full an account of its Antiquity ; as likewise of the Vertue , Generosity , great Atchievements , and unshaken Loyalty of your Illustrious Ancestors Yet I hope I shall not offend your Modesty , if I say , 't is the general opinion of all your Acquaintances , both at home and abroad , that as you follow in your greener years so closely their footsteps through the Temple of Vertue , to that of Honour and Glory , so you may perhaps , impove ( if possible ) to a Higher pitch , those very Great and Heroick Qualities they first excell'd in . May not I then b● allowed to say , without the least suspicio● of flattery , that you are not only th● la●ful Successor of the most Ancient , mo● Noble , and Loyal Family of the Thai● of Calder , and of their Estate and For ▪ tune , but also , that you are already possess'd of these good and great Endowments both of Body and Mind , which made them capable of the great Employments they were intrusted with , and enabled them on all occasions to render the Kings of Scotland and Great Britain such signal Services , as can never be forgotten . But not intending a Panegyrick , which I know would be uneasie to you , who hates the least appearance of flattery , I shall not insist on this Subject ; I must only tell you , that this small Treatise , since 't is the Academy of Sciences , could not but claim a peculiar Right to your Patronage , since you have given so singular and convincing proofs of your being thoroughly acquainted with the Subject it treats of ; for having seen by a lucky chance , before I had any acquaintance with yourself , your very learned and accurate Book , I found it to contain in short , almost all kind of useful Learning , the Systems both of the New and Old Philosophy , the choicest Flowers of Rhetorick ; as likewise evident marks of a not ordinary Piety and Loyalty , especially when you conclude the whole with your Father's , as well as your own dutiful Asserting and declaring for his Sacred Majesty , who now Reigns , ( then Duke , ) his undoubted Right of Succession , in expressions full of affection and zeal to his Person and Service , and that at a time when Loyalty and Duty of Subjects to the Royal Family , were not only seasonable , but seem'd to be necessary ; and you being hardly past the Sixteenth year of your age , I could not but be surprised , instead of promising Buds , to find so early Fruits both of Vertue and Loyalty . While this directed me whither I should send this small Present , it rais'd my Thoughts in revising of it with a Paulo majora canamus , to reform it so as to make it suitable to your Character , and give it the better pretence to your Acceptance . Only I hope , that as Travellers find some pleasure when settled at home , to review in a small Map , those vast and pleasant Countries they have visited abroad , so it may perhaps , prove some diversion in your spare hours , to consider now and then those very many Arts and Sciences , which both at home and abroad you have practised , and so successfull studied in larger Volumes . Though I treat nothing a fond , as the French speak , or thoroughly and to the bottom , yet besides some not despicable hints of the Material Principles of most Arts and Sciences , I do point every where at the Famed Authors , and greatest Masters of every Art and Science , that they may supply you with what my design'd brevity , and the scope of this Treatise , would not allow me to enlarge upon ; and so this not unpleasant method , whatever you think of the performance , may perhaps reconcile you to my design , of adding , though but little , to your greater improvements , while at the same time I shew to the World with what zeal I am , SIR , Your truly Affectionate Friend , and Humble Servant , D. Abercromby . Nobilissimo , Clarissimoque Domino . D. ALEX. CAMPBELL , A CALDER Juniori , D. HUGONIS CAMPBELL , Equitis Baronetti , & Baronis Calderae , filio natu maximo . Nobilissime Domine , CUM proclivem adeo in adulationem hujus saeculi genium omnino oderim praeter orum fere omnium morem qui mecaeati suo opusculum quodpiam inscri●nt , neque in tuas ipsius , neque in Familiae tuae laudes multis excurram , cum praesertim Historia ipsa publicaque Regni Scotiae instrumenta , non antiquissima solum ejusdem stemmata , sed & virtutem , fortitudinem , ingentia sacta , inconcussamque semper in reges nostros illustrium majorum tuorum fidem nec semel , nec paucis divulgarint . Nihil tamen , spero , proferam quod prae modestia aegrius ferre debeas , si dixero cum omnibus sive Britannis , sive exteris quibus non de facie tantum notus es , eorum te vestigia quamvis adhuc tantum aerate florentem per Templum Virtutis ad Templum Honoris & Gloriae , tam presso pede insequi , ut quibus illi aliquando dotibus claruere , has rerum a te gerendarum splendore illustriores forte aliquando fore , nec immerito , nec solus conjiciam . Quidni igitur hoc loco absque ulla adulationis suspicione liceat mihi profiteri te non modo conspicuum antiquissimae , nobilissimae , fidissimaeque regibus nostris Familiae , ac Thannorum Calderae , opumque , quibus potiuuntur , legitimum haeredem , sed videri etiam donatum a natura iis sive corporis sive animi ornamentis , quae ipsis ad sublimia quaeque regni munera additum aperuerunt , quibus ii recte administrandis insignia Regibus tum Scotiae , tum magniae Britanniae obsequia nulla proinde oblivione delenda pro re nata praestitere . Sed cum nullam hic Panegyrim mihi proposuerim , utpote quae tibi vel levissimam adulationis speciem refugienti ingrata foret , huic argumento pluribus non immorabor ; hic tantum dicam tractulum hunc , cum Academia Scientiarum sit , vel eo nomine tuo deberi patrocinio quod illius argumentum intime te , penitusque nosse indiciis haud obscuris non ita pridem demonstraveris , cum enim propitio mihi casu in librum a te sane perquam docte eleganterque conscriptum prius quam mihi notus fores , incidissem statim eo paucis , compendioque animadverti contineri non veteris modo novaeque Philosophiae Systemata , sed & omnem fere utilorem & alicujus momenti doctrinam , flosculosque etiam Eloquentiae selectiores , nec non conspicua Pietatis in Deum , Fideique in Regem ubique indicia , ibi praesertim ubi sub finem operis , tuo ipsius Patrisque tui nomine , Regis nunc regantis ( tum Ducis Eboracensis ) certissimum avitum ad diadema jus , spirantibus ubique tuum in ipsum amorem verbis pro officio declaras , eoque tempore quo debitae regiae Familiae fidei , obedientiaeque declaratio non opportuna tantum , sed & necessaria omnino videbatur ; cumque annum jam sextum supra decimum vix implevisses non potui non mirari maturos adeo tuo in hortulo solidae virtutis fructus , e quo teneriores tantum adhuc flosculi habita aetatis ratione expectari poterant . Dam haec me impellerent ut tuo tractatulum hunc nomini inscriberem novam mihi provinciam imposuerunt ut eum scilicet ad limam denuo revocarem , quo jam tuo dignior aspectu quantumvis tibi semper impar , faciliorem ad te aditum inveniret . Illud tantum sperare mihi liceat , ut qui longinquas regiones peragrarunt , domum reduces non absque voluptate aliqua exigua eas in Mappa revisunt , ita futurum tibi negotiis magis seriis libero non injucundum contemplari varias illas Scientias Artesque quas tanto successu grandioribuse voluminibus conquisitas , domi ●orisque foeliciter exercuisti . Caeterum licet nihil hic penitius attingam , praeter non contemnenda Artium plerarumque , ac Scientiarum principia , celebriores ubique Authores indico , ut ea tibi pluribus subministrent , quae paucis tantum proposita mihi brevitas ipseque tractatuli hujusce scopus a me exigebant ; hac itaque non injucunda scribendi methodo , quicquid de opere ipso censeas , forte fiet ut & concilium meum probes , & propositam mihi metam ; eo enim hoc opusculo collimavi , ut quidpiam quamvis modicum praeclaris animi tui ornamentis adderem , dum interim palam profiteor quam non ficte haberi velim tibi , tuoque ubi res feret , obsequio addictissimus . David Abercromby . THE PREFACE . BEcause of the shortness of Humane Life , and the little leisure of most Men to read large Volumes , an accurate and easie method for attaining to a general , and yet in some measure , sufficient Knowledge of most Arts and Sciences , has been long wish'd for , but never , for ought I know , undertaken , or at least , so compendiously , and so usefully performed , by any perhaps , either at home or abroad . For , 1. I have set down in these Papers , a part of what I judg'd most material in every Science ; as likewise fittest for every common capacity , that so this Treatise may prove of a more general use . 2. I have called it the Academy of Sciences , because here , as in an Academy , you may learn most of the noblest Arts and Sciences , especially if you peruse often what is offered to you in these few sheets : But if you desire to know more , though perhaps most Gentlemen will think this enough , I have supplied you with good Authors , who will give you a further , Instruction , if you are at leisuure to consult them . 3. The Virtuosi are concern'd in this Treatise , because it contains an Abridgment of what they have already learn'd , together with the Names of the Famed Authors that have treated of the Subject ; which is no inconsiderable advantage , the Learned as well others , being sometimes at a loss when they write Books , what Authors treat of this or that Subject ; wherein by having this Treatise at hand , they may be soon satisfied . I have written it both in English and Latine , to gratifie such as understand but one of the said Tongues . 4. For methods sake , in the order of the Sciences set down here , I have followed the Alphabet as far as conveniently I could , beginning with those whose first letter of their Names is A , and then with those whose first letter is B , &c. which engag'd me to keep the Greek and Latine Names , as the most known , and the fittest for this purpose . I need not now tell you , that this Treatise is of singular use to all sorts of Persons , of what condition soever , and not to Scholars only , but likewise to Masters , who have here in a few lines , what they may teach such as are committed to their trust ; yea , the very Ladies themselves , by the perusal of this Treatise , and a little help , may be furnish'd with such a variety of Knowledge , as may supply their not being bred in Universities . PRAEFATIO . CUM per humanae vitae brevitatem , otiumque ingentia evolvere volumina plerisque hominum non liceat , accuratam , facilemque methodum qua generalem quis , & tamen quae aliquatenus sufficiat , Artium praecipuarum Scientiarumque notitiam assequeretur , diu multumque plurimi exoptarunt , quam tamen indigenarum nemo , quod sciam , aut etiam alienigenarum scribendam adhuc suscepit , aut eo saltem , quo hic tradita est , compendio , fructuque forte hactenus conscripsit : primo enim quicquid praecipui quavis in Scientia momenti , & quicquid communem ad captum magis appositum judicavi , idcirco adduxi in medium ut eo pluribus tractatulus hic usui foret . 2. Academiam Scientiarum inscripsi ; hic enim velut in Academia Artes plerasque , Scientiasque nobiliores discere poteris si praesertim saepius relegas quae breve hoc scriptum tibi proponit : At si penitius omnia , pluraque scire volueris , quamquam nobilium plerique sat multa haec forte existimaturi sint , probatos tibi suggessi Authores , qui te plura docebunt si quidem per otium eos consulere tibi liceat . 3. Jam eos quoque qui ingenuis artibus ingenium excoluere opusculum hoc spectat , utpote eorum compendium quae jam didicere , complexum , celebriorumque propofito super argumento nomina Authorum : Quod non exiguae quid utilitatis est cum etiam docti aliquando , perinde atque alii nesciant , dum libros scribunt , quis de hac , illave re egerit ; quod seposito hujuscemodi ad usum hoc libello cito discent . Caeterum tum Anglico eum , tum Latino idiomate eo consilio scripsi , ut ●is inservirem qui alteram linguarum ●llarum non intelligerent . 4. Methodi gratia in serie Scientiarum hic exhibita , Alphabeti ordinem , quantum commode potui secutus sum , initio ab iis ducto quarum homina littera A , tum ab iis quarum homina littera B inchoat , &c. unde factum est ut voces Graecas & Latinas , utpote maxime notas , huncque in scopum magis idoneas retinuerim . Frustra jam hic subjungerem tractatulum hunc summe utilem fore omni hominum generi , aetati , conditioni , neque discipulis tantum , sed & Magistris quae hic perpaucis habent quae suae commissos curae docere queant : Quin etiam ipsae faeminae hujus tractatuli lectione exiguaque docentis opera eam cognitionis varietatem compare sibi poterunt , quae educationis , qua carent , Academicae , supplementum quoddam videri possit . Some Books Printed for , and Sold by John Taylor , at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . A Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Receiv'd Notion of Nature , made in an Essay , address'd to a Friend . In English and Latine , for the Benefit of Forreiners . By R. B. Fellow of the Royal Society . The Declimations of Quintilian , being and Exercitation or Praxis upon his Twelve Books , concerning the Institution of an Orator . Translated ( from the Oxford Theater Edition ) into English , by a Learned and Ingenious Hand , with the Approbation of several Eminent Schoolmasters in the City of London . The Happy Ascetick , or the best Exercise ; with a Letter to a Person of Quality , concerning the Lives of the Primitive Christians . By Anthony Horneck , D. D. Preacher at the Savoy . THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES . ACADEMIA SCIENTIARUM . Section I. Algebra . ALgebra , or the Analytical Doctrine , is the Art of finding an unknown Magnitude , taking it as if it were known , and finding the equality between it and the given Magnitudes : It implieth then a dissolving of what is suppos'd to be compounded , which is meant by the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Resolution : This Name may upon this account be given to the common operations of Arithmetick ; as for instance , to what we call Substraction , Division , Extraction of Roots , &c. for Substraction is nothing else but a Dissolution or Resolution of what is suppos'd to be compounded , or made up by Addition ; and Division a resolution of what is suppos'd to be made up by Multiplication ; as likewise Extraction of the square Root , is a resolution of what is supposed to be made up by squaring : But such resolutions being easie , are not called Algebra , for the resolution of things , whereof the composition is more intricate , is more properly understood by this harsh word . The Arabs call it Algibr Walmokabala , from the first of these two words we call it Algebra , which taken together , imply the Art of Restitution and Resolution . Lucas de Burgo , the most ancient European Algebrist , calls it the Rule of Restauration and Opposition . And indeed , this is its chief work ; a quantity unknown , which they commonly call Root , is supposed by Additions , Substractions , Multiplications , Divisions , and other like Operations , to be so chang'd , as to be made equal to a known quantity compared with it , or set over against it ; which comparing is commonly called Equation , and by resolving such an Equation , the Root so changed , transformed or luxated , is in a manner put into joynt again , and its true value made known , for the word Giabara , from which the word Algebra is derived , does signifie , to restore or set a broken Bone or Joynt . Theo says , that Algebra was invented by Plato ; however the chief Writers of Algebra are those whose names I have set down here , to gratifie such as would learn this noble Art. Lucas Pacciolus , or Lucas of Burgo , a Minorita Fryer , wrote an Italian Treatise of Algebra , in Venice , 1494. a little after the Invention of the Art of Printing ; there he mentions Pisanus , and several others that had written on the same Subject before him , but their Works are not Extant . Harriot , Oughtred , Descartes , Huddenius , Gelleus , Billius , and lately the fam'd Dr. Wallis has written a large Volume on this Subject . Sectio Prima . Algebra . ALgebra sive Doctrina Analytica est ars inveniendi magnitudinem incognitam eam accipiendo quasi cognita foret , inveniendoque aequalitatem eam inter , datasque magnitudines . Sonat itaque Resolutionem ejus quod compositum supponitur , hicque Graecae vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensus est : Hoc proinde nomen tribui poterit communibus Arithmeticae operationibus , puta Substractioni , Divisioni , Extractioni radicum quadratarum , &c. Substractio enim nihil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex Additione supponitur emersisse , compositi , Divisio quid ? nisi resolutio ejus quod ex Multiplicatione supponitur emersisse , compositi , Extractioque radicis quadratae nil aliud est quam resolutio ejus quod ex quadratione supponitur emersisse , compositi : Sed hujuscemodi resolutiones utpote faciliores Algebrae nomine intelligendae non veniunt , difficilium enim compositionum resolutio barbara hac voce , & magis proprie intelligitur . Arabibus dicitur Algiabr Walmokabala , a priore voce nos Algebram dici mus , geminae eae voces simul sumptae artem restitutionis , ac resolutionis sonant . Lucas Burgensis antiquissimus inter Europaeos Algebrista Algebram Restaurationis & Oppositionis regulam vocat . Et reipsa praecipuum hoc ejus opus est , quantitas adhuc incognita quam vulgo Radicem dicunt , quibusdam Additionibus , Subductionibus , Multiplicationibus , Divisionibus , aliisque ●d genus operationibus ita supponitur mutata , ut tandem aequalis fiat quantitati notae eidem comparatae , aut e regione ejusdem collocatae , quae comparatio aequatio dici solet : Hujus autem aequationis resolutione radix hunc in modum mutata , aut quasi luxata , priori rursus , ut ita dicam , situi restituitur , verusque ejus valor innotescit , vox enim Giabara unde Algiabr desumitur , fracti ossis restaurationem sonat . inventam asserit a Platone Algebram Theo ; ut ut sit praecipui Algebrae Scriptores hi sunt quorum nomina hic appono in eorum gratiam qui nobilem hanc artem discere voluerint . Lucas Pacciolus , aut Burgensis , Italicum de Algebra Tractatum scripsit Venetiis Anno nonagesimo quarto supra millesimum quadringentesimum ●aulo post inventam Typographiam ; ●bi commemorat Pisanum , aliosque ●on paucos qui de eodem argumento ●rius scripserant , at eorum opera jam ●on extant . Harriotus , Oughtredus , Cartesius , Huddenius , Gelleus , Billius , ●c nuperrime celeberrimus Vallisius ●oc super argumento amplum volu●en edidit . Sect. II. Arithmetick . ARithmetick is the Art of Numbering ; 't is either Practical or Speculative ; the Speculative Arithmetick contains some general truths relating to Numbers : As for instance , Unity is the beginning of every Number ; a Number is a Multitude compounded of Unites . An even part of a Number is that which by Multiplication produceth that number . As 2 is an even part of 10 , because 2 multiplied by 5 , give 10. An uneven part of a number is that which by Multiplication produceth not that number . Thus 3 is an uneven part of 10 , because however multiplied , it shall never produce this number 10. The proportion of Numbers is either according to their excess , defect , or equality , for that thing has some proportion to another that is either less , greater , or equal . A perfect number is that which is equal to all its even parts : The first perfect number is 6 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 3 , which together give 6. The next perfect Number is 28 , for all its even parts are 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , which by Addition give 28. These ensuing notions likewise may be referr'd to the Speculative part of Arithmetick , To Multiply one number by another , as 4 by 2 , is to take the Multiplicand 4 as many times as the Unity may be taken in the Multiplicator 2 , and so 4 being multiplied by 2 , the Product must be 8. To divide one number by another ; as for instance , 8 by 2 , is to find out how many times 2 are contained in 8. A plain number is the product of two numbers multiplied the one by the other ; 12 then is a plain number , because it is the product of 6 multiplied by 2. A Solid number is the product of three numbers multiplied , such is 24 , because 't is the product of those three numbers multiplied 2 , 3 , 4 , for multiplying 2 by 3 I have 6 , and 6 by 4 I have 24. A Square number is the product of two equal numbers muitiplied by one another , or of the same number multiplied by itself . 4 Is a Square number , as being the product of 2 multiplied by 2 , and 2 is called the Square Root . A Cube is the product of three equal numbers , or of the same number thrice taken ; for if you multiply 2 by 2 , you have 4 ; and if you multiply 4 by ● again , you have 8 , and 8 is called th● Cube Root . That part of Arithmetick that relate● to the Practice , contains , First Addition , which is the gathering of man● numbers into one Sum ; as if I add ● to 6 , the whole is 8. Secondly Substraction , as if I take 4 from 6 , ther● remains 2 ▪ Thirdly , Multiplication as if I enquire how many are four time● six , and I find 24. Fourthly , Division , as if I enquire how many times ● are contained in 24 , and I find the● to be contain'd four times in 24. Fifthly , the Fractions . Sixthly , th● Decimal Fractions , invented to supply broken numbers , very troublesome to Practitioners . Seventhly , the Extraction of Roots , Cubic and Square ▪ Eighthly , the four Rules of Proportion , of Society , Alligation , Falshood , the Doctrine of Progressions . We may reckon the ensuing Authors among the best Arithmeticians . Simon Stevinius invented the Decimal Fractions ; Neper supplies troublesome and intricate Divisions by his Rabdologick Plates , and his Logarithms ; and Tacquet has given us both the Theory , and the Practice of Arithmetick ; Euclid in the 7 , 8 , 9 , and 10 of his Elements of Geometry ; Jordanus , Nemorantius , Francis Maurolycus , Barlaamon , &c. Sectio Secunda . Arithmetica . ARithmetica est ars numerandi ; est autem practica aut speculativa ; haec manifeste vera quaedam , & generalia de numeris pronunciata complectitur : Cujuscemodi ea sunt quae sequuntur . Omnis numeri principium est unitas ; numerus est multitudo ex unitatibus composita . Pars aliquota numeriea est quae numerum metitur . Ita numerus hic 2 est pars ●iquota numeri hujus 10 , quinquies ●im 2 sunt 10. Pars aliquanta numeri est ea quae ●umerum non metitur . Ita numerus ●ic 3 est pars aliquanta numeri hujus ●o ; ter enim sumptus dat 9 , & qua●er dat 12. Proportio numerorum est nume●orum consideratio juxta excessum , defectum aut aequalitatem : Illud ●nim ad aliud proportionem habet , quod aut minus , aut majus , aut aequale est . Perfectus numerus dicitur qui omnibus suis partibus paribus aequalis est . Primus perfectus est 6 , illius enim omnes partes pares seu aliquotae sunt 1 , 2 , 3 , quae simul additae dant 6. Secundus est 28 ; nam illius omnes partes aliquotae seu pares sunt 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 , 14 , quae simul additae 28 producunt . Subsequentes pariter notiones ad Arithmeticam speculativam referri poterunt . Unum numerum per alium ●ultiplicare seu in alium ducere ut 4 ●n 2 est toties sumere multiplicandum ● quoties sumi potest in multiplicatore ● unitas : Quare si 4 ducas in 2 , summa ●utura est 8. Unum numerum divi●ere per alium ut 8 per 2 nihil aliud est quam invenire quoties 2 conti●eantur in 8. Numerus planus a duo●us numeris in se invicem ductis producitur , 12 igitur est numerus planus quia producitur a numero 6 in 2 ducto . Solidus numerus a tribus numeris multiplicatis oritur : Ejusmodi est 24 , ex tribus enim hisce numeris multiplicatis emergit 2 , 3 , 4 ; si enim 2 duco in 3 habeo 6 , & si duxero 6 in 4 , ha●eo 24. Numerus quadratus producitur a duobus aequalibus numeris inse invicem ductis , cujusmodi est 4 : Oritur enim a numero 2 in 2 ducto , qui radix quadrata dicitur . Cubus oritur ex multiplicatione trium numerorum aequalium , aut ejusdem numeri ter assumpti ita 8 cubus primus ex multiplicatione numeri 2 ter assumpti , producitur , si enim 2 ducas in 2 habes 4 , & si 4 rursus ducas in 2 habes 8 , & 2 radix cubica dicitur . Pars illa Arithmeticae quae spectat praxim complectitur primo Additionem quae est plurium numerorum in unam summam collectio , ut si addam 2 huic numero 6 summa integra futura est 8. Secundo , Substractionem ut si 4. subduco e numero 6 , supersunt 2. Tertio , Multiplicationem , ut si inquiram quot constituant quater 6 , comperiam 24. Quarto , Divisionem ut si inquiram quoties 6 contineantur in 24 comperioque in 24 quater contineri . Quinto , Fractiones . Sexto , Fractiones Decimales ad supplementum Fractionum practicis permolestarum excogitatas . Septimo , Extractionem radicum cubicarum , ac quadratarum . Octavo , Regulas proportionum , societatis : alligationis , falsi , & doctrinam progressionum . Annumerare possumus sequentes Authores primis Arithmeticis . Simo●em Stevinium fractionum decemalium ●nventorem ; Neperum Scotum qui divisionis molestiam laminis suis rabdologicis , & logarithmis omnem sustu●it ; Tacquetum qui Arithmeticae , & Theoriam , & praxim tradidit ; Eucli●em 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , Elementorum , Jor●anum , Nemorantium , Franciscum Maurolicum , & Barlaamontium , &c. Sect. III. Judiciary Astrology . JUdiciary Astrology is that Science , by the help of which Men pretend to judge of things to come , and more especially of Mens Good and Bad Fortunes . The Judiciary Astrologers do ascribe considerable vertues to the different Conjunctions amd Aspects of the Stars . They distinguish five kinds of mutual Aspects among the Planets : The first is called a Sextile , when one Planet is distant from another the sixth part of the Circuit of the Heavens , that is to say , 60 degrees . The second is called a Quartile , when the distance is but the fourth part of the circle or 90 degrees . The third is called a Trine , when the distance is but the third part of the circle , or 120 degrees . The fourth is called an Opposition , when the two Planets are in the two opposite points of the circle , and distant from one another 180 degrees . The fifth is called a Conjunction , when the two Planets are in the same Sign of the Zodiack . Astrologers divide the Heavens into twelve equal parts , which they call Houses ; they say that every Planet has eight dignities , viz. House , Exaltation , Triplicity , Term , Chariot or Throne , Person , Joy , Face . They say the Stars were not only made to give light : Hence 't is they take the station , direction and retrogradation ( as they speak ) of a Planet to be a certain reeling , or spinning of Fates and Fortunes : They distinguish all the Constellations into so many Triangles or Trigones : The first is the fiery Trigone , comprehending Aries , Leo , Sagittarius ; the second is the Earthly , comprehending those ensuing Constellations , Taurus , Virgo , Capricornus ; the third is the Aerial , comprehending Gemini , Libra , Aquarius ; the fourth Trigone is the Watery , comprehending Cancer , Scorpius , Pisces . If you desire to know more particularly the Principles of this Science , you may consult these following Authors . Vannius , Butler , Cardan , Gadbury , Albottazen , Haly , Julius Firmicus , Johannes Jovianus Pontanus , Pezelius , &c. Secttio Tertia . Astrologia Judiciaria . AStrologia Judiciaria ea est Scientia cujus ope de rebus futuris homines pronunciant , ac praesertim de faelici aut infaelici cujusque fato . Astrologi Judiciarii insignes ascribunt virtutes diversis conjunctionibus , aspectibusque planetarum . Quinos distinguunt aspectus planetarum . Primus dicitur Sextilis cum distat planeta unus ab alio sexta parte circuli , hoc est 60 gradibus . Secundus vocatur Quadratus cum distant invicem quarta parte ejusdem circuli , hoc est 90 gradibus . Tertius dicitur Trigonus quando tertia tantum parte , seu 120 gradibus . Quar●us Oppositionis cum uterque planeta sibi oppositi sunt , disjunctique 180 gradibus . Quintus est Conjunctionis cum duo planetae sunt in eodem signo Zodiaci . Universum Coeli ambitum secant Astrologi in duodenas partes aequales , quas vocant domos seu domicilia . Octonas planetarum dignitates numerant , quae sunt domus , exaltatio , trigonus , terminus , carpentum , persona , gaudium , facies . Stellas dicunt non creatas tantum ad orbem illuminandum : Unde aiunt stationem , directionem & retrocessum planetae esse nescio quam fatorum revolutionem , ac quasi netionem : Constellationes omnes distinguunt tot in triangula seu trigona : Primum trigonum igneum dicitur , complectiturque Arietem , Leonem , Sagittarium ; secundum terrestre appellatur , continetque Taurum , Virginem , Capricornum ; tertium aerium est complexum Geminos , Libram , Aquarium ; quartum appellatione aqueum , continet Cancrum , Scorpium , Pisces . Si propius hujus Scientiae principia intueri volueris , consulere poteris hos sequentes Authores , Vannium , Butlerium , Cardanum , Gadburium , Justinum , Philippum Melanctonum , Origanum , Ptolomaeum , Albohazen , Haly , Julium Firmicum , Johannem Jovianum Pontanum , Pezelium , &c. Sect ▪ IV. Astronomy . AStronomy gives us an account of the Motions of Coelestial Bodies , of of their distance , order , bulk , &c. The Babylonians will have Belus to have been the Inventor of it , the Aegyptians Mercury , the Moors Atlas and Hercules , the Grecians Jupiter , Orpheus and Atreus , the Scythes Prometheus . We may divide it into two Parts , the one Spherical , and the other we may call Systematical The Spherical is that part of Astronomy which treateth of the Sphere , whether Artificial or Natural ; the Artificial Sphere is made up of ten circles , whereof six are great ones , because they divide the whole Sphere into two equal parts , such we reckon the Horizon , the Meridian , the Equator , the two Colures , and the Zodiack . The little Circles are those that divide the Sphere into two unequal parts , as the two Tropicks , and the two Polar Circles : Every circle is divided into sixty parts , which they call first minutes ; and each Minute likewise into sixty parts , which we call second Minutes . The Natural Sphere , or the Coelestial Globe , besides the foregoing Circles , offers to our view divers Constellations : The Antients reckon'd eight and forty , comprehending in this number all the Stars to be seen in Greece , and all the known Parts of the World ; 12 of those Constellations are contain'd in the Zodiack , 21 are to be seen toward the North , and 15 towards the South ; but of late there are twelve other Constellations discovered towards the South . The Systematical Astronomy , which others call the Theorical , is that part which by the help of some Engines and Orbs , offers to our view those Coelestial Motions which are not so obvious to every common understanding . This part of . Astronomy comprehends several Hypotheses , as that of Anaxagoras and Democritus , who allowed a free motion to the Stars , but of no first Mover , or Primum mobile : Neither did they admit any second motion towards ihe East , but a simple motion only towards the West ; so in their Opinion , those Stars only could be said to move toward the East , that moved more slowly towards the West . There is another Hypothesis that considers the Stars as tied to solid Spheres ; and who hold this Hypothesis , hold likewise the Earth to rest in the Centre of the World. Copernicus allows motion to the Earth ; he fixeth the Sun in the Centre of the World , though it turns round about its own Axis within seven and twenty days , as 't is manifest by the motion of its spots . 1. In this System , the Orb of the sixed Stars is immoveable . 2. Mercury turns round the Sun in almost three months . 3. Venus in four months and a half , and the Earth itself in twelve months , and round the Earth the Moon tarneth every month . 4. Mars's revolution round the Sun is ended in almost two years , as Jupiter's in twelve years , and Saturn's in thirty . Tycobrahe orders his System thus : First the Firmament , or the Sphere of the fixed Stars , the Earth being the Centre of the World ; then the Orbs of Saturn , Jupiter and Mars ; Venus and Mercury turn round the Sun , and the Moon round the Earth . The Old System was ordered thus : The Earth was the Centre of the World , above it were plac'd the Planets and Heavens in this order ; the Moon , Mercury , Venus , the Sun , Mars , Jupiter , Saturn , the two Chrystalline Heavens , and the Primum mobile . Authors . Ptolomy , Aratus , Eudoxus , Calippe , Tycobrahe , Gassendy , de Billy , Courcier , de Sacrobosco , Fracastorius , Galilaeus . Sectio Quarta . Astronomia . AStronomia describit corporum Coelestium motum , distantiam , ordinem , magnitudinem , &c. Illius inventorem Babylonii volunt esse Belum , Aegyptii Mercurium , Mauri Atlantem & Herculem , Graeci Jovem , Orpheum & Atreum , Scythae Prometheum . Eam dividere possumus geminas in partes , alteram Sphaericam , alteram appellare possumus Systematicam . Sphaerica est ea pars Astronomiae quae agit de Sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali : Sphaera arte facta constat 10 circulis quorum 6 sunt majores quia dividunt Sphaeram in duas partes aequales ; cujusmodi numeramus horizontem & meridianum aequatorem , colurosque duos aequinoctii , & solstitii , & zodiacum . Minores circuli sunt ii qui Sphaeram in duas partes inaequales dividunt : Cujusmodi sunt duo tropici , totidemque polares : Quivis circulus dividitur in gradus 360 , & quivis gradus in 60 particulas , quas prima minuta vocant ; & minutum primum in sexaginta partes quas secunda minuta dicimus . Sphaera naturalis , seu Globus coelestis praeter commemoratos circulos aspicientibus exhibet varias constellationes : Antiqui octo supra quadraginta constellationes numerabant : Quo numero comprehendebant omnes stellas in Graecia conspicuas , atque in omnibus cognitis tum mundi partibus : 12 constellationes continebat zodiacus , 21 apparent ad boream , 15 ad austrum , versus hanc partem duodecim nuper aliae detectae sunt . Astronomia Systematica quam alii Theoricam vocant est ea Astronomiae pars quae aspectui nostro exhibet ope quarundam Machinarum Orbiumque eos coelestes motus qui omnibus non aeque obvii sunt . Haec Astronomiae pars varias complectitur hypotheses cujusmodi est hypothesis Anaxagorae ac Democriti , qui motum astris liberum assignabant sed nullum admittebant Primum mobile ; neque ulla proinde solidis Sphaeris alligabant sydera : Nec ullum secundum in ortum concedebant motum , sed simplicem tantum in occasum : Ita juxta eorum sententiam ea tantum sydera moveri dicuntur in ortum , quae lentius moventur in occasum : Alia quaedam est hypothesis quae sydera , ut solidis alligata Sphaeris intuetur ; quique hanc hypothesim tenent terram in centro mundi quietam volunt . Copernicus motum terrae attribuit ; solem constituit in centro mundi immotum , licet proprium circa axem moveatur spatio viginti septem dierum ut patet e motu ejusdem macularum in hoc systemate . 1. Orbis fixarum immotus est . 2. Mercurius spatio fere trium mensium circa solem vertitur . 3. Venus intra quatuor menses , & semissem , terraque ipsa duodecim mensibus , circaque terram quolibet mense gyrat Luna . 4. Martis periodus circa solem absolvitur duobus fere annis , ut Jovis duodecim , Saturnique spatio triginta annorum . Suum Tycobrahe systema ita constituit . Firmamentum , seu coelum fixarum primo loco statuit : Mundi centrum terra est ; fixarum coelo succedit coelum Saturni , tum Jovis , & Martis , Venus & Mercurius circa solem gyrant luna circa terram movetur . Antiquum systema ita se habebat : Terra mundi centrum occupabat ; supra illam erant aqua , aer , & ignis , succedebant planetae coelique hoc ordine , Luna , Mercurius , Venus , Sol , Mars , Jupiter , Saturnus , Firmamentum , duo coeli chrystallini Primum mobile . Authores . Ptolomaeus , Aratus , Eudoxus , Calippus , Tycobrahe , Gassendus , Billius , Courcierius , de Sacrobosco , Fracastorius , Galilaeus . Sect. V. Military Architecture . ARchitectonica Militaris , or Military Architecture , is the Art of Fortifying . This Art teacheth us how to encline towards the Angles of a Poligone , that is , a Figure of many Angles , certaines lines upon which the Fortress is to be built in such a manner , that the Enemy by whatever side he makes his approach , may be beat back by the lesser number . Every point of the circumference of the Fortress must be defended by some other part of the same . According to the Holland method of Fortifying , the Angle of the Bastion , or the Flanqued , and Defended Angle exceeds always by 15 degrees the half of the angle of the Polygone ; upon this account 't is that the angle of the Bastion is never streight , or of 90 degrees , unless in a place defended by 12 Bastions ; but in places defended by more than 12 , it is always streight . According to tht French method , if the Polygone be a triangle , the angle of the Bastion contains 45 degrees ; if it be a Pentagone , or of five angles , it contains 78 degrees ; if the Polygone have more than five sides , the angle of the Bastion is streight , or is open 90 deg . Authors . Errard of Barleduc , Samuel Marolois , Adam Fritach , Stevin in Italian , de Lorini , del Cavallero Francisco Tensimi , del Cavallero Alessandro Barone , de Groote , Herigone . Sectio Quinta . Architectonica Militaris . ARchitectonica Militaris est ars muniendi , ars autem muniendi docet qui inclinare debeamus ad angulos polygoni hoc est figurae variis terminatae angulis lineas quasdam super quibus propugnaculum aedificandum est , ita ut hostis quacumque parte invadat , minoribus viribus repelli possit . Omne punctum in procinctu munimenti debet defendi ab alia parte . Juxta methodum muniendi Hollandicam angulus propugnaculi , aut defensus excedit semper quindecim gradibus semissem polygoni , quamobrem angulus propugnaculi nunquam est rectus nisi locus duodecim propugnaculis defenditur , quoties autem locus pluribus , quam duodecim propugnaculis munitur , rectus semper est . Juxta Gallicam muniendi methodum si munitum polygonum triangulum fuerit , angulus polygoni est graduum 46 , si pentagonum fuerit , angulus propugnaculi est gradibus 78 ; si polygonum constet pluribus quam quinque lateribus , angulus propugnaculi est rectus , aut 90 graduum . Authores . Errardus Barneto-duceus , Samuel Marolois , Adamus Fritachius , Stevinius Italice , de Lorini , Franciscus Tensimi , Herigonius , &c. Sect. VI. The Military Art. THe Military Art of the Greeks and the Romans was on several accounts different from that of this Age. Of old an ordinary Grecian Army did contain 28672 , among whom we reckon not those that were upon the Elephants , who were sometimes in greater numbers , sometimes in lesser . This Army was divided into Horse and Foot : The Foot was divided again into Oplites and Psiles , the Oplites were those that wore a heavy Armour , the Psiles were slightly Arm'd . The number of the Oplites was always double of the number of the Psiles , and the Psiles double of the number of the Cavalry . All the Oplites of the Phalange were put in one Battalion , whereof the Front contained 256 men , and the Wing 16. Of all the Psiles of the Phalange , the Grecians made two Battalions , each having 128 men on a breast , and 8 in the slanks ; all the Cavalry of the Phalange was divided into 16 squar'd Turmes or Troops , whereof each did contain 64 men . In a Grecian Army made up of four Phalanges , there were four Battalions of Oplites , 8 of Psiles , and 64 Troops of Horse . In a Roman Legion there were four different sorts of men , not only as to Age , Riches , Warlick Science , but likewise on the account of their Arms , and way of Fighting ; for of the younger and poorer sort ( as Polybius assures us ) they made their Velites ; those that were somewhat above them upon the account of their age and riches , were Halbardeers , or Hasteries ; such as were richer , and in the full vigour of their age , were Princes ; and the oldest and most experimented , were the Triaries . The number of the Soldiers of every one of those different sorts , was different in different times , according as the Legion was less or more numerous . When the Legion did amount to 4200 , as it did in Polybius his time , there were 600 Triaries in the Legion , and 1200 of every one of the three other sorts , to wit , of Princes , Hastaries , and Velites . When the Legion was more numerous , those three different sorts were likewise encreased , the Triaries only excepted , who were always the same number . In the Militia of this Age , there is no such repartition observed , the Armies being not always divided into parts made up of the samo numbers ; for some Regiments have 10 Companies , others 15 , others 20 , &c. Likewise the Compapanies have not always the same number , some being a hundred men strong , others one hundred and twenty , others one hundred and fifty , &c. In this Age an Army is drawn up in Battel , or three Lines , and the French divide sometimes every Line into several little Bodies ; the Turks give sometimes to their Army the figure of a Cer●sont . The Camp , especially if the Enemy be near , ought to be in some place where there is a great abundance of Water , and Provisions : And if the Army is to make a long stay , 't is to be observed if the Air be good . Ye are not to Encamp near a Hill , which being taken by the Enemy , might incommode your Camp. Authors . Polybius , Stevin , Herigone . Sectio Secta . Ars Bellica . ARS Bellica , seu Militaris tum Graecorum , tum Romanorum varie discrepabat ab hodierna recentiorum . Communis Graecorum exercitus numerabat 28672 , quibus non annumeramus qui Elephantis insidebant qui non eundem semper numerum conflabant , sed interdum majorem , minorem interdum . Hic exercitus dividebatur in equites , peditesque , pedites rursus in Oplitas & Psilos , Oplitae erant gravis armaturae milites , Psili levis armaturae . Numerus Oplitarum duplus erat numeri Psilorum , & Psili equitum numerum geminabant . Omnes Oplitae unius Phalangis uno colligebantur in agmine cujus frons constabat 256 , & ala 16. Ex omnibus Psilis Phalangis constituebant Graeci duo agmina , a fronte stabant viginti octo supra centum , a latere octo . Omnes equites Phalangis distribuebantur in turmas quadratas sedecim , quarum quaelibet quatuor supra sexaginta milites continebat . In exercitu Graeco ex quadruplici Phalange conflato quatuor erant agmina Oplitarum , octo Psilorum , & sexaginta quatuor turmae equitum . Romana legio quatuor complectebatur hominum Genera diversa non aetate tantum , divitiis , scientiaque Bellica , sed & armis , modoque pugnandi : Ex junioribus enim , pauperioribusque , ut testatur Polybius seligebantur Velites , ex proximis hastarii , ex aetate florentibus Principes , senioresque , & magis experti seligebantur in Triarios . Numerus militum ex quibus diversi illi ordines constabant diversis temporibus diversus erat ; prout legio magis , minusque numerosa erat . Cum legio constabat ducentis supra quatuor millia , ut temporibus Polybii constabat ; sexcenti erant Triarii in legione , ducenti supra mille in quovis ordinum reliquorum , scilicet Principum , Hastariorum , & Velitum : At numerosiore jam legione tres varii ordines numerosiores omnes reddebantur , exceptis tantum modo Triariis quorum numerus idem semper erat . In Militia hujus saeculi nulla hujusmodi distributio observatur , cum exercitus non dividatur in partes eodem semper numero constantes : Quaedam enim legiones constant 10 cohortibus quaedam 15 , quaedam 20 , paucioribus aut pluribus ; cohortes pariter non semper eodem constant numero : Quaedam enim constant 100 militibus , aliae 120 , aliae 150 &c. Hoc saeculo exercitus pugnaturus in tres ordines distribuitur ; Galli unumquemque ordinem in varia agmina quandoque distribuunt , Turcae exercitum interdum ordinant in formam lunae crescentis . Castra , maxime si in propinquo fuerit hostis debent figi in loco tuto ubi magna adsit aquarum copia , commeatusque , & si diuturnior esse debeat exercitus mora , videndum an aura illic salubris sit . Cavendum autem imprimis ne castra prope montem statuantur , qui ab hoste occupatus exercitui noxius esse posset . Authores . Polybius , Stevinius , Heregonius . Sect. VII . Cosmography . COsmography is a Description of the World , and its chief Parts .. The World is the Highest Heaven , and whatever it contains , it is divided into the Sublunary Region , and the Coelestial : The Sublunary Region is obnoxious to divers Changes , and is contained in the concave surface of the Orb of the Moon : It contains the four Elements , the Earth , the Water , the Air , the Fire . The Semi-diametre of the Earth contains about 3436 Italian miles . The ordinary depth of the Sea is 500 Geometrical paces . The Surface of the Earth is almost equal to the Surface of the Sea , and somewhat higher , because we see that Rivers from their first rise to the Sea go always downwards . The Divines think that the Earth was entirely round , and surrounded with Waters on all sides , but after God had commanded the Waters to retreat , so many Hills were made as there are Concavities to receive the Seas . The Coelestial Region is that part of the World which is extended from the concave surface of the Heaven of the Moon , to the convex surface of the Highest Heaven ; which space comprehends the Heavens of all the Stars . Astronomers distinguish three sorts of Spheres ; the first is streight , when the Equator maketh streight angles with the Horizon ; the second is oblique , when the Intersection of the Horizon and Equator makes oblique angles ; the third is the Parallel Sphere , when the Equator and the Horizon are joyned together . Astronomers conceive ten Points , and ten chief Circles in the concave superficies of the first Mobile : The Points are the two Poles of the World , the two Poles of the Zodiack , the two Equinoctial , and two Solsticial Points , Zenith and Nadir . The Circles are the Horizon , Meridian , Equator , Zodiack , the Colures of the Equinox , and the Colures of the Solstice . The Cancer and Capricorne , the Arctick and Antarctick circles ; by Zenith and Nadir we understand two points , the first directly answering to our Heads , and the second to our Feet . Astronomers fancy divers Motions in the Heavens : the Primum Mobile turns round with it all the other Orbs in 24 hours . They allow to the other Heavens under the first Mobile a motion of Libration from the North to the South , and from the South to the North. The Eclipse of the Moon is a real privation of its light , by the interposition of the Earth between it and the Sun. The Eclipse of the Sun is not a real privation of light , because the Sun Eclips'd , is only hid from our eyes by the interposition of the Moon . All the Eclipses of the Moon are universal , or seen by all such as see the Moon ; all the Eclipses of the Sun are Particular ones , or not seen by every one that sees the Sun. There are five Zones , one Torrid , two Temperate , and two Cold ones . The torrid Zone is comprehended between the two Tropicks ; its breadth is 47 degrees , if we reckon according to the common Calcul 23 ½ on each side of the Equator ; the two temperate Zones are contain'd between the Tropicks and the Polar Circles , whereof one is South , and the other North ; the breadth of both is 43 degrees . The cold Zones are contain'd within the Polar Circles , distant from the Poles of the World 23 degrees ½ . Authors . Peter Aerte his World , in five Vol. Herigone , Garcy , Adrianus Metius . Sectio Septima . Cosmographia . COsmographia est descriptio mundi , praecipuarumque ejusdem partium . Mundus est caelum altissimum , & quicquid eo comprehenditur , dividitur in regionem sublunarem , & coelestem , regio sublunaris variis est obnoxia mutationibus , contineturque concava caeli lunaris superficie , quatuor complectitur elementa , terram , aquam , aerem , ignem . Semi-diameter terrae quadringenta fere & triginta sex supra tria millia , milliaria Ilalica complectitur . Communis marium altitudo est passuum Geometricorum quingentorum . - Superficies terrae est fere aequalis superficiei maris , atque aliquanto altior , quia animadvertimus flumina ab ipsa origine ad mare descendere , seu deorsum tendere . Putant Theologi terram initio rotundam fuisse , atque aquis undique circumcinctam : Sed postquam Deus aquas recedere jussisset , tot erupere montes , quot sunt concavitates aquis marinis recipiendis idoneae . Regio coelestis est ea pars mundi quae porrigitur a superficie concava coeli lunaris ad superficiem convexam altissimi coeli , quod spatium coelos omnium stellarum comprehendit . Astronomi triplicem sphaeram distinguunt prima est sphaera recta quando aequator rectos cum horizonte angulos constituit ; secunda est obliqua cum intersectio aequatoris , & horizontis constituit obliquos , tertia est parallela cum aequator , & horizon sibi congruunt , aut conjunguntur . Astronomi in concava primi mobilis superficie concipiunt 10 puncta , totidemque primarios circulos : Puncta sunt duo mundi poli , duo poli zodiaci , duo puncta aequinoctialia , duo puncta solsticialia , Zenith & Nadir . Circuli sunt horizon , meridianus , aequator , zodiacus , colurus aequinoctiorum , colurus solstitiorum , Tropicus Cancri , & capricorni , duoque polares : His vocibus Zenith & Nadir intelligimus duo puncta ex diametro opposita , alterum , scilicet zenith vertici nostro imminens , alterum nempe nadir , pedibus oppositum . Astronomi varios concipiunt in coelis motus . Primum mobile reliquos secum coelos 24 horarum spatio circumducit : Reliquis sub primo mobili coelis addunt motum librationis a septentrione in austrum & ab austro in septentrionem . Eclipsis lunae est vera luminis privatio interjectu terrae lunam inter & solem : Eclipsis solis non est realis privatio luminis . Sol enim deficiens tegitur tantum ab oculis nostris interpositu lunae . Omnes Eclipses lunae sunt universales aut conspicuae omnibus corpus lunare eo tempore intuentibus ; omnes Eclipses solis sunt particulares , aut non conspicuae omnibus qui solem ipsum intueri possunt . Quinque sunt Zonae , una torrida , duae temperatae , duaeque frigidae , torrida Zona comprehenditur duobus Tropicis : Ipsius latitudo est vulgari calculo 47 graduum ; nempe 23 ½ cis , ●ltraque aequatorem ; duae temperatae comprehenduntur tropicis , & polari●us circulis quorum alter meridiona●is alter borealis est , utriusque latitudo est graduum 43 ; frigidae Zonae comprehenduntur polaribus circulis dissi●is a mundi polis grad . 23 ½ . Authores . Petrus de Aerte , seu mundus ipsius ● voluminibus , Herigonius , Garcaeus , Adrianus Metius . Sect. VIII . Catoptrick . CAtoptrick is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Looking-glass , because it treats of the Rays , as being reflected by polish'd Bodies . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. If a Ray falling upon a glass , make equal angles , 't is reflected into itself . 2. Rays reflected from plain and convex glasses , do neither come together , nor are equi-distant . 3. Heights and Depths seem to be overturned in Convex glasses . 4. In Convex glasses , what is on the left hand , appears to be on the right ; and what is on the right hand , appears to be on the left . 5. If the eye were in the centre of ● Concave-glass , it would see nothing but itself . Authors . Euclid and Peter Herigone have written on this Subject . Sectio Octava . Catoptrica . CAtoptrica derivatur a Graeca voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod speculum sonat , quia agit de radio ut reflexo a laevigatis corporibus , sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. Si radius in qualecumque speculum cadens aequales facit angulos ipse in seipsum reflectitur . 2. Radii a planis , convexisque speculis reflexi neque mutuo concurrent , neque erunt paralleli . 3. Altitudines & profunditates in convexis speculis inversae apparent . 4. In speculis convexis sinistra videntur dextra , & dextra sinistra . 5. Si oculus ponatur in centro speculi concavi seipsum tantum cernet . Authores . Euclides , & Petrus Herigonius hoc super argumento scripserunt . Sect. IX . Chymistry . CHymistry is the Art of Analysing , or Resolving Bodies by the operation of the fire into their compounding principles . The Chymists do generally affirm Mercury , Salt , and Sulphur to be the compounding principles of all compounded things ; which Doctrine is learnedly and solidly confuted by the English Philosopher , I mean the Famous Robert Boyle in his Sceptical Chymist . Yet it cannot be denied but that it is useful and necessary likewise to mankind , upon the account of those many excellent Medicines it prepares to the great advantage of Physicians , and ease of their Patients , whereof these ensuing are some of the most considerable . 1. Aurum fulminans , or thundering Gold ; a very good Sudorifick ; it may be taken in the Measles from 2 grains to 6 in any convenient Electuary ; it stops Vomiting , and is a hindrance to the activity of Mercury , or Quick-silver . 2. Vitriolus Lunae taken inwardly , is prevalent against the Dropsie , and the Head-ach , of what sort soever ; you may take it from 2 grains to 6 in any Specifick water ; it is likewise a moderate purger . 3. Sal Jovis , is a great drier . 4. Magisterium Bismuth , softeneth the skin , and is good against Scabs and Itch , if you mix a drachm of it with 4 ounces of water , because it is a great destroyer of Salts and Acids , two general causes of most Distempers . 5. Sal Saturni taken inwardly , prevaileth against the Squinancy , the overflowing of the Flowers , Piles , Dysentery ; you may take it from 2 grains to 4 in Plantain-water . 6. Oleum Saturni cleanseth and drieth up Ulcers . 7. Spiritus ardens Saturni resisteth powerfully putrefaction ; it is beneficial to such as are troubled with too much Melancholy . You may take it from 8 to 16 drops , in any convenient liquor , a fortnight together . 8. Crocus aperitivus martis has a a peculiar vertue against all distempers occasioned by obstructions ▪ You may take it from 2 grains to 2 scruples in Lozenges or Pills . 9. Crocus martis astringens is of a peculiar vertue against the glitting of the Yard , the overflowing of the monthly Flowers and Piles ; you may take it from 15 grains to a drachm in Lozenges or Pills . 10. Mars Diaphoreticus cures effectually the most melancholy distempers , as likewise Quartan-Agues ; you may take it from 10 to 20 grains in Pills , or any convenient Liquor . 11. Sublimatum corrosivum eats up superfluous flesh , and drieth up Ulcers . 12. Sublimatum dulce , or Aquila alba , is very good against all Venereal Distempers ; 't is a great Deobstruent , and killer of worms ; it may be taken in Pills from 6 grains to 30 : 'T is a mild purger . 13. Praecipitatum rubrum drieth up wounds , and consumeth superfluous or proud flesh . 14. Turbith minerale , or The Yellow Praecipitate , is a strong purger , and worketh both upwards and downwards ; 't is good against Venereal Distempers ; you may take it in Pills from 2 gr . to 6. 15. Crudum Antimonium is a Sudorifick , but if you boyl it in any acid liquor , it will provoke you to vomit . 16. Regulus Antimonii purgeth upwards and downwards , if mixed with any Cathartick or Purger . 17. Vitrum Antimonii is the strongest Vomitory that is made of Antimony . 18. Antimonium Diaphoreticum resisteth powerfully Poison , and is likewise good against contagious Distempers , and against the Measlles . 19. Flores Antimonii provoke to Vomit ; and Rubri flores Antimonii as yet more ; you may take them both from 2 gr . to 14 , taking every quarter of an hour a spoonful of Broth wherein you have boyl'd a competent quantity of the Cream of Tartar. 20. Sulphur Antimonii is prevalent against the Distempers of the Breast ; you may take 6 grains of it in any appropriated liquor . Authors . Paracelsus , Beguinus , Helmontius , and the deservedly Renowned Robert Boyle , &c. Sectio Nona . Chymica . CHymica est ars reducendi corpora vi ignis in ea ex quibus constant principia . Fatentur Chymicorum plerique , asseruntque Mercurium , Sal , Sulphur , esse tria ut loquuntur , prima , seu constituentia omnium rerum compositarum principia : Quam doctrinam erudite more suo , ingenioseque ac solidis argumentis confutat Philosophus Britannicus celeberrimus merito Boylius in Chymico suo Sceptico . Nemo tamen inficias ierit Chymiam & utilem esse generi humano , & necessariam ob tot generosa quae parat medicamenta non mediocri medicorum emolumento , magnoque commissorum ipsis aegrorum levamine : Quae hic subjunguntur , quaedam sunt ●e praecipuis . 1. Aurum fulminans sudores provocat ; adhiberi potest adversus morbillos , minima dosis sit gr . 2 maxima gr . 6 sistit vomitum , obstatque activitati Mercurii . 2. Vitriolus lunae interius sumptus praevalet contra Hydropem , & quemcumque capitis dolorem : dosis minima gr . 2 maxima 6 in quacumque aqua specifica ; leniter quoque purgat . 3. Sal Jovis valde desiccat . 4. Magisterium Bismuth , emollit carnem , valetque contra scabiem & pruriginem si illius drachmam quatuor unciis aquae commisceas , quia salia , & acida , geminas plerumque morborum causas destruit . 5. Sal Saturni , si sumatur interius praevalet contra anginam , immoderatum menstruorum fluxum , Haemorrhoides , Dysenteriam ; dosis minima gr . 2 , summa 4 , in aqua plantaginis . 6. Oleum Saturni purgat , exsiccatque Ulcera . 7. Spiritus ardens Saturni potenter resistit putrefactioni ; nimia melancholia dejectis prodest : dosis 6 , 8 aut 16 guttae in quovis conveniente liquore per quatuordecim dies . 8. Crocus aperitivus martis peculiari virtute pollet adversus morbos ab obstructionibus ortos : dosis minima gr . 2 summa scrupuli duo in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 9. Crocus martis astringens peculiariter valet contra stillicidium penis , nimium menstruorum fluxum , & hoemorrhoides ; dosis ima gr . 15 , summa , drachma in trapeziis , aut pilulis . 10. Mars Diaphoreticus reipsa curat plerosque morbos a melancholia ortos , atque febres etiam quartanas ; dosis 10 aut 20 gr . in pilulis , aut conveniente quopiam liquore . 11. Sublimatum corrosivum exedit superfluam carnem , exsiccatque Ulcera . 12. Sublimatum dulce , aut Aquila alba pollet adversus omnem veneream intemperiem : insigniter Deobstruit , vermiumque excidium est ; si in pilulis sumitur ; minima dosis gr . 6 summa gr . 30 ; leniter purgat . 13. Praecipitatum rubrum exsiccat vulnera , consumitque superfluam carnem . Turbith menerale , aut Praecipitatum flavum valide purgat superne & inferne , valet adversus morbos venereos ; dosis ima in pilulis gr . 2. summa gr . 6. 15. Crudum Antimonium est sudorificum , sed si illud in acido quopiam liquore concoquas , vomitum provocabit . Regulus Antimonii Cathartico cuipiam immixtus superne , inferneque purgat . 17. Nihil ex Antimonio fit , quod po●entius Vitro Antimonii vomitum ex●itet . 18. Antimonium Diaphoreticum re●istit potenter veneno , valetque contra morbos contagiosos , & morbillos . 19. Flores Antimonii vomitum pro●ocant fortiusque , adhuc , Rubri flores Antimonii ; amborum dosis ima gr . 2 ●umma 15 , sume interim quovis qua●rante horae Cochleare jusculi in quo ●remoris tartari sufficiens mensura ●octa fuerit . 20. Sulphur Antimonii pollet adversus omnes pectoris morbos ; dosis ●r . 6 in quovis idoneo liquore . Authores . Paracelsus , Helmontius , Beguinus , meritoque celeberrimus ubique Boy●ius . Sect. X. Dioptrick . DIoptrick is that part of Astrology that searcheth out by Instruments the distance of the Sun , Moon , and other Planets . If you take it more generally , its chief end is to shew the apparent changes of our sight , and of visible objects look'd into through Prospective glasses . It treats of the broken or refracted Rays of light , and this is its chief principle : When a Ray passeth through a thin middle into a thicker , it breaks in the Superficies of the thicker towards the perpendicular line ; and when it passeth through a thick middle , or medium , to a thinner it deviates from the perpendicular line , which this obvious experiment demonstrates . Lay an Image , or any other visible object , in the bottom of a Vessel , and then go back till it vanish out of your sight ; now if you fill this Vessel with water , it shall presently be visible again , because the Ray coming from your eye , breaks downwards in the superficies of the water , as the same going streight up to the superficies of the water deviates from the perpendicular , because of the thinner air towards the eye , which renders the object visible again . This Science treats likewise of Convex and Concave glasses , as they may work some change in the sight , and may help it . It gives ▪ an account of those whom Aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who see remote things distinctly , and nearer objects confusedly ; and why those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , see both the remote and nearer objects confusedly . It teacheth likewise amongst other things , 1. That those whom we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see distinctly some things that are represented by Convex glasses in a streight situation . 2. That they see not distinctly through a Convex glass any of those objects that are overturn'd . 3. It sheweth the influence of Glasses applied one to another upon our sight . Authors . Kepler , Maurolycus , Euclide , &c. have written of this curious Science . Sectio Decima . Dioptrica . DIoptrica ea Astrologiae pars est quae instrumentis quibusdam distantiam Solis & Lunae , aliorumque planetarum indagat . Eam in genere si spectes , praecipuus ejusdem scopus est indicare apparentes visus mutationes , objectorumque per vitra optica ut microscopia , megaloscopia inspectorum , agit de radio fracto ; hocque primarium hujus scientiae principium est : Cum radius lucis progreditur a tenuiore medio ad dentius , frangitur versus perpendicularem in superficie spissioris ; cumque progreditur a medio spissiore ad tenuius , deviat a perpendiculari . Quod obvio hoc experimento manifestum fit : Imaginem aut quodvis aliud conspicuum objectum infundo vasis cujuspiam colloca : tum recede donec objectum non amplius appareat : Jam si vas hoc aqua impleas , oculis se mox imago oggeret : Quia radius lucis ab oculo ad fundum vasis porrectus frangitur deorsum in superficie aquae versus Perpendicularem , ut idem ad superficiem ascendens ob tenuiorem aerem deviat a perpendiculari versus oculum , unde fit ut objectum rursus conspiciendum se praebeat . Insuper haec Scientia agit de convexis concavisque vitris , quatenus visum aut variare , aut juvare possunt . Redditque pariter rationem cur ii quos Aristoteles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat , remota distincte videant , propinqua confuse ; & cur ii quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus tum remota , tum propinqua objecta confuse videant . Inter alia pariter docet , 1. Eos quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicimus , quaedam videre distincte quae a vitris convexis recto in situ exhibentur . 2. Minime eos videre distincte per vitra convexa ullùm eorum objectorum quae eversa sunt . 3. Ostendit vitrorum sibi invicem junctorum in visum nostrum operationem . Authores . Keplerus , Maurolycus , Euclides , &c. de curiosa hac Scientia scripsere . Sect. XI . Moral Philosophy . EThica is that Art which directs us how to act always conformably to right reason : It s chief principle is this , Do as you would be done by . It teacheth us that God is our last end , because he only is Bonum Sufficiens , the Sufficient Good , nothing else being able to content us . It teacheth likewise that we can never love any thing but under the shew and appearance of Good , whereof it offereth three sorts , Honour Profit and Pleasure . God alone is our Objective Beatitude or Happiness , ( as they speak in the Schools , ) our Formal Beatitude is that operation of the Mind by which we possess God , which is the Intuitive Vision or Contemplation of God. This Art sheweth that the Internal Principles of Humane Actions are either Natural , as Powers ; or Acquired , as Habits : That the Understanding moves the Will to act , and the Will our Understanding ; that a Habit being generated by the repetition of Acts , giveth the Soul not the real power of acting , but only enables it to act more easily . Authors . Aristotle , Seneca , Plato , Cicero , &c. Sectio Undecima . Ethica seu Moralis Philosophia . HAEC ea est ars quae nos ad agendum in omnibus conformiter rectae rationi dirigit : Primarium ipsius principium hoc est , Quod tibi vis fieri , & alteri feceris . Docet Deum esse ultimum nostrum finem quia ille solus est Bonum Sufficiens , cum nihil aliud beatos nos efficere queat : Docet pariter nihil nos amare posse nisi sub specie boni , cujus triplex genus proponit Jucundum , Utile Honestum . Beatitudo nostra Objectiva , ut loquuntur Scholae , solus Deus est , Formalis nostra Beatitudo est ea mentis operatio qua Deum possidemus , Intuitiva scilicet Dei Visio . Hic Habitus docet principia interna actionum humanarum , aut esse nobis congenita , cujusmodi sunt Potentiae ; aut acquisita , cujusmodi sunt Habitus ; docet intellectum movere voluntatem ad agendum , & vice versa ; habitum actuum repititione productum , animae tribuere non ipsam quidem agendi facultatem , seu potentiam , sed majorem quamdam facilitatem . Authores . Aristoteles , Seneca , Plato , Cicero , &c. Sect. XII . Geography . GEography is the Description of the Earth , and its chief Parts .. Because Geographers talk much of the Longitude and Latitude of a place , 't is of some use to know what is meant by these two words . The Longitude then of a place , or its distance from the East , is an Arch of the Equator intercepted between the Semicircle of the first Meridian , and the Meridian of the place , according to the order of the Signs . The Latitude of a place , or its distance from the Equinoctial line , is the arch of the Meridian , intercepted between the Equator and the place proposed , being always equal to the elevation of the Pole , which is the arch of the Meridian intercepted between the conspicuous Pole and the Horizon , because the latitude of a place , as likwise the height of the Pole , together with the arch of the Meridian intercepted between the Pole & the Zenith , are equal to the fourth part of the Meridian or the Quadrant . The whole World is now divided into four Parts , Europe , Asia , Africa , and America : Europe is bounded towards the North by the Hyperborean Sea , towards the West by the Atlantick Sea , and the Herculean by the Streights of Gibraltar and by the Ocean ; towards the East by the Egean Sea , the Hellespont , Propontis , Bosphorus Thracius , the Streights of Caffa , the Meotide Lake , the River Tanais , &c. till you come to a little Town called ●uria , from whence 't is bounded by a white line till you come to the White Sea. The chief Parts of Europe are Germany , Spain , France , Great Britain , Switzerland , the Low Countries , Ireland , Denmarck , Norway , Swedeland , Poland , Italy , Croatia , Sclavonia , Dalmatia , Albania , Grecia , Thracia , Bulgaria , Servia , Bosnia , Russia , Hungaria , Transylvania . Asia is bounded towards the North by the Scythian Sea , towards the East by the Sea called Eoum , towards the South by the Indian Sea or the Red Sea , towards the West by the Arabick Sreights and the Interne Sea. Africa is joyn'd to Asia by an Isthme , or a narrow piece of Ground dividing two Seas : 'T is bounded by several Seas , towards the East by the Red Sea , towards the South by the Ethiopian Sea , towards the West by the Atlantick Sea , towards the North by the Interne Sea. The chief Parts of Africa we reckon to be those following , Barbary Biledulgeride , Sarra , the Countrey of the Negroes , Egypt , Ethiopia both superior and inferior , the Kingdom of the Abyssins . America was wholly unknown to the Antients till about the year 1492 , it was discovered by Christopher Columbus , a Genoese , in the name of Ferdinand King of Castile . 'T is called America from Americus Vespucius , a Florentine , who the first after Columbus , in the Year 1497 , under the auspices of the King of Portugal , discover'd that Part of it that lyes beyond the Equinoctial line . America is divided into two Parts , the one Norrhern , and the other Southern , or the Peruane America ; they are both divided by an Isthme . The Northern America is called the Mexican , from its chief City Mexico . We know only those Countreys that lye near the shore , as Canada , the Land of Labrador , the adjacent Islands , New France or Norimbegra , Virginia or Apalchen , Florida , New Spain , New Grenade , California , Quivira , Ananian , Jucatan , Guatimala , Hondura , Nicaragna . In the Southern America you have Castile , the Golden Peru , Chili , Chica , the Countrey of the Pantagons , Brasilia , Caribana , Guiiana , Biquiri or the Countrey of the Amazons , Paguan , Picoram , Moxos , Uram , Charchas . Authors . Ptolomy , the Great Atlas , the English Atlas , Ortelius , Strabo , Solinus , Pomponius Mela , Philipp Cluvier , &c. Sectio Duodecima . Geographia . GEographia est descriptio terrae praecipuarumque ejus partium . Quia Geographi multum loquuntur de Longitudine ac Latitudine loci , utile fuerit scire quid reipsa sint . Longitudo itaque loci , aut ipsius distantia ab ortu , est arcus aequatoris inter semicirculum primi meridiani , & meridianum loci secundum ordinem signorum interceptus . Latitudo loci aut ejusdem distantia a linea aequinoctiali est arcus meridiani interceptus aequatorem inter , & locum propositum , estque semper aequalis elevationi poli , quae est arcus meridiani horizontem inter , & conspicuum polum interceptus , quod tam latitudo loci , quam elevatio poli cum arcu meridiani inter polum & zenith intercepto , aequent quadrantem meridiani . Totus terrarum orbis nunc dividitur in quatuor partes , Europam , Asiam , Africam , Americam : Europa terminos habet a septentrione Mare Hyperboreum , aut septentrionale , ab occidente Mare Atlanticum , fretum Herculeum , & Oceanum , ob ortu Mare Aegaeum , Hellespontum , Propontidem Bosphorum Thracium , Bosphorum Cimmerium , Lacum Maeotim , Tanais fluenta usque ad oppidum Tuia , inde lineam rectam ad sinum usque Granduicum , seu Mare Album . Praecipuae Europae partes sunt , Germania , Hispania , Gallia , Magna Britannia , Helvetia , Belgium , Dania , Suedia , Polonia , Italia , Croatia , Sclavonia , Dalmatia , Albania , Graecia , Thracia , Bulgaria , Servia , Bosnia , Russia , Hungaria , Transylvania . Asia terminatur versus septentrionem Mari Scythico , versus ortum Mari Eoo , versus meridiem Mari Indico , aut Rubro , versus occidentem sinu Arabico & Mari Interno . Africa Isthmo jungitur Asiae , terminos habet varias circum maria , ab ortu mare Rubrum , a Meridie Aethiopicum , ab occasu Atlanticum , a septentrione internum . Praecipuas Africae partes sequentes numeramus , Barbariam , Biledulgeridem , Sarram , Regionem Nigritarum , Aegyptum Aethiopiam utramque superiorem & inferiorem , Regnum Abyssinorum . America antiquis prorsus incognita fuit , donec sub annum quadringentesimum nonagesimum secundum supra millesinum detecta fuit a Christophoro Columbo Genuensi nomine Ferdinandi Regis Castiliae . America dicitur ab Americo Vespucio Florentino qui primus post Columbum anno 1497. sub auspiciis Regis Lusitaniae eam partem continentis detexit quae ultra lineam aequinoctialem jacet . America dividitur duas in partes alteram septentrionalem , meridionalem alteram aut Peruanam ; utraque Isthmo dividitur , septentrionalis America vocatur Mexicana a praecipua ejusdem civitate Mexico ▪ Regiones tantum littoribus adjacentes novimus , nempe Canadam , terram Laboratoris , atque insulas adjacentes , Novam Franciam sive Norimbregram , Virginiam sive Apalchen , Floridam , Novam Hispaniam , Novam Granatam , Californiam , Quiviram , Ananian , Jucatan , Guatimalam , Honduram , Nicaragnem . In meridionali America sunt Castilio Aurea , Peruvia , Chili , Regio Pentagonum , Brasilia , Caribana , Guiiana , Biquiri , Paguam , Picoram , Moxos , Uram , Charchas . Authores . Ptolomaeus , Magnus Atlas , Ortelius , Strabo , Solinus , Pomponius Mela , Philippus Cluverius . Sect. XIII . Geometry . THis Science teacheth us how to Measure the Earth , and to set limits to every Mans Lands ; 't is entirely contain'd in the Fifteen Books of Euclid's Elements : The first thirteen are acknowledg'd by all to be undoubtedly of this Author ; the two last are ascrib'd by some to Hipsicles of Alexandria . Euclid's Elements may be divided into four Parts ; the first Part , contain'd in the first six Books , treats of Plains ; the second , consisting of the three other following Books searcheth into the properties of Numbers ; the third Part of Euclid's Elements , consisting of the tenth Book only , treats of commensurable and incommensurable Lines ; and lastly , the fourth Part comprehending the remaining Books , treats of Solids , or Bodies . The first part of Euclid's Elements is again threefold ; the first four Books treat of Plains absolutely considered , of their equality and inequality ; the fifth treats of the proportion of Magnitudes in general ; the sixth sheweth the proportion of plain Figures . Geometry may be divided into these three subordinate parts , Altimetry , Planimetry , and Stereometry ; Altimetry is the Art of measuring streight Lines , Planimetry is the Art of measuring Surfaces , Stereometry is the Art of measuring Solids or Bodies . A line is measured by a line of a known magnitude , and a superficies or surface by a square of a known magnitude , and Solids are measured by a Cube of a known bulk . Authors . Euclid , Hero Mechanicus ▪ Fournierius , Malapertius , Maginus , Clavius , Nicolaus Tartalea in Italian , Adrianus Metius , Samuel Marolois , Simon Stevin , and Daniel Sant Bech . Sectio Decima tertia . Geometria . HAEC Scientia docet nos qui terram metiamur , atque unius cujusque praediis limites praescribamus : Integra continetur quindecim Libris Elementorum Euclidis : Priores tredecim sine ulla controversia Euclidi ascribuntur ab omnibus , posteriores vero duo , a quibusdam Hypsicli Alexandrino tribuuntur . Elementa Euclidis dividi possunt in quatuor partes ; quorum prima pars sex prioribus libris contenta , agit de planis ; secunda , quae ex tribus sequentibus conflatur , affectiones numerorum examinat ; tertia pars Elementorum Euclidis , quae solo libro decimo constat , de lineis commensurabilibus , ac incommensurabilibus agit ; quarta denique pars , quam residui libri constituunt de solidis , aut corporibus disserit . Prima pars Elementorum Euclidis rursus triplex est ; priores enim qua●uor libri agunt de planis absolute spectatis , de eorum aequalitate , aut inaequalitate ; quintus disserit de proportionibus magnitudinum in genere ; sextus planarum figurarum proportiones exponit . Geometria dividi potest in has tres partes subordinatas , in Altimetriam , Planimetriam , & Stereometriam ; Altimetria est ars dimetiendi lineas rectas , Planimetria est ars dimetiendi superficies , Stereometria est ars dimetiendi solida , sive corpora . Lineas metiuntur lineae notae magnitudinis , superficiem metitur quadratum mensurae notae , solidaque metitur cubus notae molis . Authores . Euclides , Hero Mechanicus , Fournierius , Malapertius , Maginus , Clavius , Nicolaus Tartalea Italice , Adrianus Metius , Samuel Marolois , Simon Stevinius , Daniel Sant Bechius . Sect. XIV . The Art of Dialling . GNomonica is the Art of Dialling , or of making Sun-dials . Of Sun-dials there are two sorts , some are Pendulums , and others are Fix'd ones . The Pendulums are those that being hung up , or held up , shew the hours by the height of the Sun , as the Astrolabe , the Cylinder , the Quadrants , the Astronomical Rings , and others of the same kind . The Fixed-dials require a certain situation , to shew the hours by the motion of the Sun from East to West , and upon this account they are more exact than the Pendulums . The Centre of the Dial , is that point of the plane of the Dial in which the axis of the World is cut by the plane . The perpendicular Style is a streight line drawn from the centre of the Earth to the plane of the Dial : The centre then of the World , or of the Earth in a Dial , is the top of the style , which is perpendicular to the plain of the Dial. The Pole of the plane of the Dial , is the Pole of a great circle equi-distant from the plane of the Dial. In all Astronomical Dials , that part of the style which by its shadow sheweth the hour , must be in the axis or axle-tree of the World. The Italians reckon 24 hours , beginning from the setting of the Sun ; the Babylonians reckon as many from the rising of the Sun , to the going down of the same ; but in the old Dials , the hours of the day , and of the night , are reckon'd separately , viz. 12 from the rising of the Sun , till the going down of the same ; and as many from the setting of the Sun , till the rising of the same . Authors . Maurolycus , Ptolomaeus , Kircherus , &c. Sectio Decima quarta . Gnomonica . GNomonica est ars construendi horologia solaria . Horologia solaria dividuntur in pendula , & fixa : Pendula sunt ea quae appensa , aut manu suspensa , horas indicant ope altitudinis solaris : Cujusmodi sunt Astrolabium , Cylindrus , Quadrans , Annuli Astronomici , aliaque ejusdem generis . Horologia stabilia , seu fixa , requirunt situm quemdam ut ostendant horas ope motus solis ab ortu in occasum , ideoque accuratiora sunt pendulis . Centrum horologii est punctum plani horologii , in quo axis mundi secatura plano . Stylus perpendicularis est recta a centro terrae ad planum horologii ducta , unde centrum mundi , sive terrae in horologio est vertex styli plano horologii normalis . Polus plani horologii , est polus magni circuli paralleli plano horologii . In omni horologio Astronomico ea pars styli quae umbra horam ostendit , debet esse in axe mundi . Itali numerant horas 24 initio ducto ab occasu solis ; Babylonii numerant totidem initio ducto ab ortu solis ; sed in antiquis horologiis horae diei , noctisque separatim enumerantur , duodecim scilicet enumerantur ab ortu solis ad occasum , totidemque ab occasu ad ortum . Authores . Maurolycus , Ptolomaeus , Kircherus , &c. Sect. XV. Grammar . GRammar is the Art of Writing and Speaking well ; it treats of Words and the Construction of Words . This Art considereth two things in Words , the Letters , and the Syllables ; as likewise two sorts of Letters for some sound alone , and are called Vowels , as a , e , i , o , u , ; others sound not alone , but together with some other letter , and they are called upon this account Consonants , as these following , b , c , d g k , p , q , t , which letters are called Mutes , as f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z are called half Vowels . A Syllable that has a full sound is made up either of a Vowel and a Consonant , or of Vowels and Consonants . In Words , Grammar considereth their accent or tone , whether acute , or grave , or mean ; their Derivation and Etymology , their Composition and Simplicity ; their numbers ; if the word be a Noun , Plural , singular ; their Cases , Nominative , Genitive , Dative , Accusative , Vocative , Ablative : If the word be a Verb , it considereth the Tenses , as Present , Imperfect , Perfect , Future or to come . It teacheth the Art of Construing words one with another , as the Adjective with the Substantive , in order to make a congruous Speech ; either continued or interrupted : It distinguisheth the sentences by three notes , which we commonly call Comma , Semicolon , Colon , or as the Latins speak , Punctum . The first is a short pause of respiration , which we express thus ( , ) the second is a longer pause , which we express thus ( ; ) the third is a full pause , and finisheth the sense , which we mark thus ( . ) Chief Authors . Alvares and Despauter . Sectio Decima quinta . Grammatica . GRammatica est Ars recte loquendi , scribendique ; agit de vocibus , vocumque constructione . Duo contemplatur in vocibus literas & syllabas , ut pariter duo genera literarum quaedam enim solitarie sonant , & vocales dicuntur , ut a e , i , o , u , ; quaedam solitarie non sonant , sed simul cum alia quapiam litera , & propterea consonantes dicuntur , cujusmodi sunt hae literae oppositae b , c , d , g , p , q , t , quae literae dicuntur mutae , ut f , l , m , n , r , s , x , z dicuntur semivocales . Syllaba quae integrum habet sonum , constat vel unica vocali , vel vocali addita consonante , vel vocalibus simul & consonantibus . In vocibus Grammatica considerat accentum , seu tonum , sive acutum , sive gravem , sive medium , earum derivationem , originem , atque etymologiam , compositionem , simplicitatem , Numeros , si quaestio de Nomine sit , Singularem , Pluralem ; Casus , Nominativum , Genitivum , Dativum , Accusativum , Vocativum , Ablativum ; si quaestio de Verbo sit , considerat Tempora , ut Praesens , Imper●ectum , Praeteritum , Futurum . Docet qui voces simul construere debeamus , ut Adjectivum cum Substantivo , ut fiat oratio congrua , continua , aut interrupta ; distinguit sententias tribus hisce notis , quas designamus appellationibus hisce Comma , Semicolon , Colon , aut ut Latini loquuntur , punctum . Prima nota indicat brevem a respirando cessationem , quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( , ) secunda est diuturnior cessatio quam exprimimus hunc in modum ( ; ) postrema est plena cessatio , sensumque absolvit , quam ita notamus ( . ) Authores primae notae . Alvares , Despauterius , &c. Section XVI . Hydrography . HYdrography is a Description of the Waters , especially the Seas . The Sea is the general Collection of Waters , 't is divided into the Ocean and Mediterranean Sea : The Ocean is that Sea which surrounds the whole Earth , 't is divided into the great Ocean , Gulfs and Streights . The Ocean hath four different names , from the four opposite points of the World , from the East , 't is called the Eastern Sea ; from the South , the Southern ; from the North , the Northern ; 't is divided into three vast Seas , Indian , or Red Sea ; the Atlantick Sea , so called from Atlas , a Hill in Mauritania ; and the Pacifick Sea. The Indian Sea reacheth from the Islands of Sumatra and Java to the Promontory of Good Hope , its chief Gulfs are the Ganget●ck Gulf , or the Gulf of Bengala , whose longitude is 120 deg . latitude 16 deg . the Persick Gulf , or Elcatif Sea , whose longitude is 76 deg . latitude 26 ; the Arabick Gulph , or the Red Sea , commonly called Mar di Meca , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 20 ; the Barbarick Gulf , whose longitude is 70 deg . latitude 4. These are the chief Islands of the Ocean , Lerne , or Madagascar , or the Island of St. Laurence , longit . 75 deg . lat 20. Discuriada , or Zocotara , longit . 48 deg . lat . 11. the Maldives , longit . 105. lat . 5. Nanigeris , commonly called Zeilan , longit . 113. lat . 6. Taprobana , Sumatra , longit . 130. lat 0. Java the Great , longit . 140. lat . 10. We reckon among the chief Islands of the Atlantick Sea , Albion , or Great Britain , longit . 22. lat . 52. Ireland , longit . 13. lat . 54. Hesperides , or the Islands of the Cap vert , longit . 353. lat . 17. Cuba , longit . 295. lat . 22. Jamaica , 298. lat . 18. The Pacifick , or Southern Sea , lies between Asia , America , and the Magellanick Gulf ; its chief Islands are Japan , longit . 170. lat . 36. The Molucs , longit . 157. lat . 1. Salomon's Islands , longit . 195. lat . 10. Authors . Herigone , Ortelius , Pomponius Mela , Joachim , Vadiam , Fournier . Sectio Decima sexta . Hydrographia . HYdrographia est descriptio Aquarum , maxime Marium . Mare est generalis aquarum collectio , dividitur in Oceanum , & Mare Mediterraneum : Oceanus est mare quod universam terram ambit , dividitur in vastum , sinuosum , & fretum . Oceanus quatuor sortitur appellationes a quatuor cardinalibus mundi partibus , ab oriente Eous dicitur , ab occidente Occiduus , a meridie Australis , a septentrione Septentrionalis ; dividitur in tria vasta maria Indicum , sive Rubrum , Atlanticum a● Atlante Mauritaniae monte sic dictum , & in Pacificum . Oceanus Indicus porrigitur ab Insulis Sumatra , & Java usque ad Caput Bonae Spei : Ejus praecipui Sinus sunt Gangeticus , sive Bengalensis , cujus longitudo 120 graduum , latitudo 16 graduum . Sinus Persicus , cujus longit . 76 graduum , latitudo 20 graduum . Sinus Arabicus , aut Mare Rubrum , vulgo Mar di Meca , cujus longit . 70. lat . 20. Sinus Barbaricus , sive Mare Asperum , cujus longit . 70. lat . 4. Primariae Oceani Insulae sunt Lerne , aut Madagascar , seu Insula Sancti Laurentii , cujus long . 75. lat . 20. Discuriada aut Zocotara , cujus long . 48. lat . 11. Maldiviae , longit . 105. lat . 5. Nanigeris , vulgo Zeilan , cujus longit . 113. lat . 6. Taprobana , Sumatra , longit . 130. lat . 0. Java Major , longit . 140. lat . 10. Praecipuae Insulae Maris Atlantici sunt Albion , sive Magna Britannia , ●ujus longit . 22. lat 52. Hibernia , ●ujus longit . 13. lat . 54. Hesperides , ●ut Insulae Promontorii viridis , longit . ●arum Insularum 353. lat . 17. Cuba , ●ujus longit . 295. lat . 22. Jamaica , ●ujus longit . 298. lat . 18. Mare Pacificum , sive Meridionale ●cet inter Asiam , Americamque , & ●retum Magellanicum ; Praecipuae ejus ●nsulae sunt Japonia , cujus longit . 170. ●t . 36. Molucae , longit . 157. lat . 1. ●nsulae Salomonis longit . 195. lat . 10. Authores . Herigonius , Ortelius , Pomponius Me● , Joachimus , Vadiamus , Fournierius . Sect. XVII . Logick . LOgick is the Art of Disputing wel● The three operations of the Min● make up its whole object , which are Apprehension , Judgement or Affirmation and Illation . It teacheth , that the truth of any of those three operations consist● in their confirmity to their objects : S● this compounded Apprehension , Go● Almighty , is true , because I apprehen● God to be , what he really is , that i● Almighty ; you may easily apply this t● the other two Operations . It s two chief Principles are these Dictum de omni , and Dictum de nullo : The first signifieth , that whatever 〈◊〉 generally affirmed of any thing , m●… likewise be affirm'd of whatever is contain'd under that thing , as if I s●… Every Animal is a living Creature , th●… it follows , that a Bird is a living Cre●tur● ▪ The second signifieth , that what ever is generally denied of any thing is denied likewise of whatever is contain'd under that thing ; as if I say No Animal is a Stone , then I may , an cught likewise to say , No Bird is Stone , No Man is a Stone , &c. Logick teacheth the Art of making Syllogism , which consisteth of three Propositions , whereof the first two being granted , the Conclusion must necessarily b● granted , because it was already implicitely admitted by him , who admitted of the Premises : As 't is evident in this Syllogism , Every Man is a living Creature , Peter is a Man , ergo , Peter is a living Creature . Logick is natural to all Mankind , because 't is nothing else but the use of our Reasoning Faculty . Artificial Logick is made up of some Rules and Precepts that help our Reasoning Faculty . Authors . Aristotle , Arriaga , Ruvius , Guilminot , &c. Sectio Decima septima . Logica . LOgica est ars recte disserendi : Ipsius objectum sunt tres mentis ●perationes ; Apprehensio , Judicium ●ut Affirmatio , & Illatio . Docet ●eritatem illarum operationum in ea●um cum ipsis objectis conformitate esse positam ; ut composita haec apprehensio , Deus Omnipotens , est vera , ●uia apprehendo Deum , ut reipsa est omnipotentem : Quod reliquis operationibus applicari facile potest . Duo praecipua Logicae principia sunt ista , Dictum de omni , & Dictum ●e nullo : Prius significat quicquid generaliter affirmatur de re quapiam , affirmari idem posse de omnibus sub eadem contentis , ut si dicam , omne animal est vivens , licebit dicere omnis volucris est vivens . Posterius ●nnuit , quicquid generaliter negatur de quapiam re , negari posse idem de omnibus eadem comprehensis ; ut si dicam , Nullum animal est lapis ; licebit etiam dicere , Nulla volucris est lapis ; Nullus homo est lapis , &c. Logica docet artem conficiendi Syllogismi , qui constat tribus propositionibus : Quarum duae primae si semel admittantur , tertia necessario admitti debet , quia jam tacite admissa est ab eo qui duas primas admisit , ut patet in hoc Syllogismo , Omnis homo est animal , Petrus est homo , ergo , Petrus est animal . Logica congenita est humano generi , cum nihil aliud sit quam facultatis nostrae rationalis exercitium . Artificialis Logica sunt praecepta quaedam hanc facultatem juvantia . Authores . Aristoteles , Arriaga , Ruvius , Guilminotius , &c. Sect. XVIII . Metaphysick . THis Science considers Beings , as abstracted from all matter ; and is so called , because it treats of things somewhat besides , above , or beyond Nature . It considereth two things in a Being , 1. It s Essence , which seems to have a real Being , though it does not exist , as a Rose in the midst of Winter . 2. It s Existence , which is actually in being , or by which a thing is actually in being , as the existence of a Rose is that by which it now is . It considereth three properties of every Being , its Unity , Goodness , and Truth ; Unity is that by which a thing is one , and not many . Truth or Verity , is the conformity of any thing to its real or consistent Principles , as true Gold consists in its conformity to the principles of this Metal . The Metaphysical Goodness of things , is that essential perfection which is agreeable to them . This Science treats likewise of Powers , Acts , Principles , and Causes , and proves , in opposition to Aristotle , and other ancient Philosophers , that the World was not eternal . Authors . Aristotle , Vasques , Suares , Valentia , &c. Sectio Decima octava . Metaphysica . HAEC Scientia considerat Entia , ut abstracta ab omni materia , nomenque hoc trahit inde quod agat de rebus aliquatenus praeter , vel supra , aut ultra naturam . Duo in Ente contemplatur , 1. Essentiam , quae videtur esse verum Ens licet non existat , ut Rosa media Hyeme . 2. Existentiam quae actu in rerum natura est , aut vi cujus aliquid actu existit , ut existentia Rosae est id vi cujus Rosa nunc existit . Contemplatur tres in quovis Ente proprietates , Unitatem , Bonitatem , Veritatem : Unitas est id vi cujus quidpiam est unum , & non multa . Veritas est conformitas unius cujusque rei cum principiis veris , & constituentibus , ut veritas Auri , aut Aurum verum est ejusdem conformitas cum constituentibus hujusce Metalli principiis . Metaphysica Bonitas rerum est essentialis illa perfectio quae rebus congruit . Haec Scientia agit pariter de potentiis , actibus , principiis , causis , contraque Aristotelem , aliosque antiquos Philosophos , probat mundum non fuisse aeternum . Authores . Aristoteles , Vasques , Suares , Valentia , &c. Sect. XIX . Musick . MUsick is a Science which teacheth us what belongs to the Theory and Practice of Harmony . Melody is that which has a certain order compounded of Sounds and Intervals . This Science treats of these seven ensuing things , of Sounds , of Intervals , of Genders , of Constitutions or Systems , of Tunes , of Changes , of the making of Melody . The Sound is a gentle falling of the voice upon the Note . The Interval is comprehended under two Sounds , the one sharper than the other . Authors . Guido Aretine , in the Year 1028 , Invented these six Syllables , ut , re , mi , fal , sol , la , of which mi , fa , or fa , mi , imply a half Tune , and the others following one another signifie a greater or lesser Tune ; Euclid , Ptolomy , Aristoxenus , Faber Stapulensis , Boetius , John Kepler , Salinas , Zarlins , and Vincentius Galilaeus in Italian . Sectio Decima nona . Musica . MUsica est Scientia quae Theoriam Praximque Harmoniae docet . Concentus est id quod certum habet ordinem ex Sonis & Intervallis compositum . Haec Scientia de septem hisce sequentibus agit , de Sonis , de Intervallis , de Generibus , de Constitutionibus , de Tonis , de Mutatione , de Melopaeia . Sonus est concinnus vocis casus ad unam extensionem : Intervallum est id quod continetur duobus sonis acumine , & gravitate differentibus . Authores . Guido Aretinus , anno salutis 1028 , invenit has sex Syllabas , ut , re , mi , fa , sol , la , quarum mi , fa , vel fa , mi , dimidium Tonum significant , ac sequentes sese invicem aliae Tonum absque discrimine majorem aut minorem ; Euclides , Ptolomaeus , Aristoxenus , Faber Stapulensis , Boetius , Joannes Keplerus , Salinas , Zarlinus , Vincentius Galilaeus Italice . Sect. XX. The Mechanicks . THis Science considereth the quantity of Moving forces , and of Duration of the time in which the Motion is performed . The gravity of a Body , is a certain capacity of falling downwards ; the center of gravity , is that place or point from which if we conceive the Body to be suspended , whatever situation you may give it , it shall retain the same . The Center of Magnitude , and of gravity , are not always the same , as 't is evident in a Bowl half Lead , half Wood. The Pendula diameter of gravity , or the handle , is a streight line drawn through the center of gravity perpendicularly to the Horizon . No weight can rest , unless the pendula diameter of gravity , or handle , pass through the place upon which it leans , or from which the weight is suspended . In all Planes , the center of the figure , is likewise the center of gravity . This Art teacheth in general , how to find out the ponderousness of every thing , and how to move things with little strength . We must not forget in this place a sort of Mecbanism , the knowledge whereof is of great concern for the good of Mankind ; I mean that of Trusses , and Instruments fit for restoring by degrees , any part of the Body to its natural place and situation . The burst Peritonaeum sometimes gives way to the Intestines , at other times to the Caul . and not seldom , to both , to get out of their natural place , into the Groins , or the Scrotum , there causing a Rupture , called Enterocele , or Hernia intestinalis ; if the Bowels come out , an Epiplocele , or Hernia omentalis ; if the Omentum or Caul be out . The Peritonaeum is made up of two strong , but soft Membranes , which do so contain whatsoever is included in the Belly , that , when sound , nothing can fall out . In Women , the Os pubis is its utmost limit . In Men , its outermost Membrane reacheth further , and constitutes the first proper coat of the Testicles . In the Groin , it comprehends the seminal Vessels , as in a Sheath , called Processus , which being stretched or inlarged , or coming to burst , is the immediate cause of the lately mentioned Ruptures . We must not nevertheless imagine , that the Peritonaeum cannot be distended , and burst in other places , and therein to cause a Rupture . The causes which make the Peritonaeum to Burst or Dilate , are falling , leaping , beating , bearing of heavy burthens , strong Vomitings or Coughing , Obstipation of the Belly , Winds pent in , and vehement motions of the Body . But I can do no greater service to the Publick , than to inform the World of two of the best Artists I know of in this kind , both living together in Black Fryers , in London , I mean the Famed Robert Smith , a Scotch Gentleman , and his Son-in-Law , Thomas Jewel , who give daily succesful proofs of their Skill in this kind of Mechanism , their Trusses of what kind soever being so light , so easie , and so fitted to all the motions of the Body , that they are not at all troublesome . They likewise cure effectually any Deformity in humane Bodies , occasioned by the preternatural bending outwards , inwards , or downwards , of any part thereof , and by such ingenuously contrived Engines , as force Nature gently into its first place and situation . Authors . Aristotle , Henry Monenthole , Joseph Blancan , Guid Ubald , Stevin , Hero , Robert Vulturius , Cedren , John Baptista Porta , Joseph Boillot , Ranelli , Barbette , Brown , &c. Sectio Vigesima . Mechanica . MEchanica est Scientia quae quantitates virium moventium , & temporum in quibus fit motus considerat . Gravitas corporis est quaedam potentia ad descensum . Centrum gravitatis est punctum ex quo vel sola cogitatione suspensum corpus , quemcumque situm dederis retinet . Centrum gravitatis , & centrum magnitudinis non sunt semper idem , ut patet in Sphaera plumbo ▪ lignea . Pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa est linea recta ducta per centrum gravitatis acta Horizonti perpendicularis . Nullum pondus quiescere potest nisi pendula gravitatis diameter , aut ansa transeat per locum cui innititur , aut e quo suspenditur corpus . In omni Plano figurae centrum , centrum quoque gravitatis est . Haec ars docet in genere modum reperiendae ponderationis , rerumque exiguis viribus movendarum methodum . Non est praetermittendum hoc loco aliud genus mechanismi cujus notitia non parum humano generi profuerit ; de mechanismo loquor , fasciarum , instrumentorumque , aut machinarum quibus paulatim quaevis corporis pars ad debitum a natura situm reducatur . Rupto Peritonaeo interdum intestina , omentum interdum , saepe & intestina , & omentum loco naturali excidunt in inguina , aut Scrotum , ibique Hernia producitur , dicta Enterocele , aut Intestinalis , si prolabantur Intestina , vel Epiplocele , aut Hernia Omentalis si Omentum excidat . Peritonaeum gemina valida quidem sed molli constat membrana , quae ita concludit quicquid imo ventre comprehenditur , ut cum sanum corpus est nihil procidere possit . Peritonaeum in mulieribus Osse pubis terminatur : In viris Tunica exterior ulterius procedit , ac Testiculorum involucrum primum proprium constituit . In Inguine vasa seminalia comprehendit , instar vaginae , Processus dictae : Processus hic laxatus , Dilatatus aut Ruptus est immediata herniarum mox commemoratarum causa : Non est tamen existimandum Peritonaeum non posse distendi , rumpique etiam aliis in locis ibique Herniam producere . Causae Peritonaei Rupti , aut Dilatati hae fere sunt , lapsus , saltatio , percussio , gravium onerum gestatio , vomitus violentior , aut tussis , constipatio ventris , flatus reclusi , vehementiorque omnis corporis motus . Sed nihil forte utilius rei Publicae praestitero , quam si hic nominatim indica vero duos peritissimos quos quidem norim hujusmodi mechanismi artifices simul conviventes Londini in ea regione urbis quae Black Fryers , dicitur ; sunt autem ii celebris Robertus Smith Scotus , ejusque gener Thomas Jewel , qui quotidiana magnoque successu suae hoc in genere mechanismi peritiae experimenta exhibent : Ipsorum enim fasciae cujuscumque generis , sive contra hernias Intestinales , sive Omentales , sive Umbilicales , sive Ventosas , aut contra aquosas , adeo leves sunt , gestatuque faciles , omnique corporis motui ita obsecundant , ut nihil omnino molestiae gestantibus secum afferant . Reipsa quoque praenominati tollunt quamcumque humanorum corporum deformitatem a praeternaturali partis cujuspiam extrorsum , introrsum , aut deorsum distentione ortam , instrumentisque ac machinis ingenii ejusmodi quibus natura suaviter ad pristinum situm reducatur . Authores . Aristoteles , Henricus Monentholus , Josephus Blancanus , Guidus Ubaldus ' Stevinus , Hero , Robertus Vulturius , Cedrenus , Joannes Baptista Porta , Josephus Boillotus , Augustus Ranelli , Paulus Barbettus , Johannes Brownius , &c. Sect. XXI . Medica : Or the Art of Conserving and Curing Humane Bodies . HErmes Trismegistus , a Fam'd Physician in Egypt , invented this necessary Art : 'T is either Empirical , that is , grounded upon meer Experience ; or Dogmatical , that is , grounded both upon Reason and Experience : Hippocrates and Galenus were the chief Masters of the Dogmatical part . This Art is either Speculative or Practical ; the former considereth , 1. The nature , and the outward causes of Distempers , as the six things that are called not natural , because they are not the constituent parts of our Bodies , such we reckon the Air , Meat , Drink , Sleep , Watching , Motion and Rest , what we throw off , and what we retain , Excreta & Retenta ; our Passions , Plethora , or fulness , Cacochymy , or an ill habit of our bloud . 2. It searcheth into the internal causes of our Distempers , as Wind , Worms , Acids . The practical part of this noble and useful Art relates to the method of Curing , which is either performed by Alteration or Evacuation . Whether this Evacuation be wrought by Bleeding , Vomiting , Stool , Urine , Sweat , or insenble Transpiration ; and upon this account , its true object is the whole Materia Medica , or whatever may be subservient to the Physician 's intention in either of the three Kingdoms , I mean , Animal , Vegitative , and Mineral . The whole Materia Medica may be reduc'd to the ensuing Heads . 1. the Attenuating Remedies , as Elicampe Roots , Wormwood Leaves , Camomile Flowers , the hot Seeds , Juniper , and Lawrel Berries , old Tallow , and Grease , especially that of a Wolf , and of a Bear , most Oyls , as of bitter Almonds , Walnuts , &c. the Plaisters of Betony , Diachylon , Oxycroceum , &c. 2. The Softening , as Marsh mallow Roots , Briony Roots , &c. 3. Such as dissolve Clots , as the Roots of round Birthwort . 4. The Deterging , as the Roots of Gentian , and Birthwort . 5 The Epicerasticks , that by a moderate moisture take off the sharpness of the humour , as Mallow , and Marsh-mallow Roots . 6. Alexipharmaca , that resist Venome , as Angelica Root . 7. The Thickening , as the Roots of Bugloss and Plantain . 8. The Cathartick , which either purge the Bile , as Cassia , Manna , Tamarinds , &c. or the Phlegm , as Carthamy , wild Saffron , Agarick , Turbith , Jalep , or the Melancholy , as Sena Oake-Fern , or the Watery Humours , as Dwarf Elder , Elder-seed , Bark , Juice , Mechoaca . 9. The Vomitory , whether milder ones , as Sarabacca Leaves bruised in Dill Water , or stronger ones , as the Spirit of Tobacco , the Infusion of Tobacco , Crocus Metallorum , &c. 10. Diureticks , as Radish Roots , Parseley Roots , &c. 11. The Sudorificks , as Harts horn , Diascordium , Angelica Roots , &c. 12. The Repelling Remedies , as the Sloe-tree Roots , Tormentil Roots , &c. 13. The Emplasticks that stop the passages of the Body , as Lilly Roots , wild Comphry Roots , &c. 14. The Absorbing Remedies , which by a great faculty of drying , consume the moisture , as all Cenders , Vineger , Brine , &c. 15. The Blistering , which raise Blisters , as the Cantharides , Mustard , Garlick , Water-cresses . 16. The Suppurating , that generate matter , as Marsh-mallow Roots , white Lilly Roots . 17. The Vulnerary , as Tormentil Roots , the Roots of both Comphreys . 18. The Sarcoticks , that remove whatever may hinder the breeding of Flesh , as the Roots of Birthwort , Tragacanth , Dragons Bloud , Sarcocolla , &c. 19. The Epuloticks , that generate a Callus , or Scarr , as Dragons Bloud , Myrtle Leaves . 20. The Anodines , as Marsh-mallows , and Lilly Roots . 21. The Narcoticks , which take away all feeling , as Oyl of Palm , Laurel , Turpentine , Opium , &c. 22. The Hypnoticks , that cause Sleep , as Requies Nicolai , Diascordium , Laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. Such as stop Bleeding , as Corals , the Bolus , Seal'd Earth . 24. The Cephalicks , as the Roots of Birthwort , Betony Leaves , Galanga . 25. The Errhina , that purge the Brains and the Breast , by bringing down the superfluous pituite lying about the Meninges , as the Juice of Betony , the Powder of white and black Hellebore . 26. The Ophthalmicks for the Eyes , as Eye-bright , and Celadine water , and also their Juices . 27. Otica , that ease the pains of the Ears , as Laurel Leaves , Leeks , Radishes . 28. The Cardiacks , as the Roots of Zodoaria , Great Leopards Bane , Thistle , and Balm water . 29. The Bechick , that render the humours contained in the Lungs and the Breast , fit to be thrown up , as the Syrup of ground ▪ Ivy. 30. The Aromaticks , as Roots of Cyperus . 31. Splenica , such as cure the Spleen , as the Powder of Style , Valerian Roots . 32 , The Nephritcks , that help the Reins , as Marsh-mallow Roots , Sal Prunella , &c. 33. The Lithontripticks , that break the Stone , as Elecampane Roots , Galanga , &c. 34. The Hystericks , that cure Hysterical Fits , as Purslain Seed , the Seed of Agnus Castus , the Trochisques of Myrrh , &c. 35. The Arthriticks , that prevail against the Gout , as Elecampane Roots , Night-shade , Plaintain , Marsh-mallow Leaves . Authors . Hippocrates , Galen , Trallian , Actuarius , Cornelius Celsus , Avicenna , Sennertus , Riverius , Macasius , Regius , Willis , Barbette , Harvey the Inventor of the Circulation of the Bloud . Sectio Vigesima prima . Medica : Sive Ars Conservandi & restaurandi Humani Corporis . HErmes Trismegistus celebris apud Aegyptios medicus necessariae hujusce artis inventor dicitur : Est autem aut Empirica , hoc est quae mera experientia , aut Dogmatica , quae ratione & experientia nititur : Medicinae Dogmaticae praecipui magistri extitere Hippocrates & Galenus . Est aut speculativa aut practica ; prior considerat , 1. Naturam , causasque externas morborum , ut sex res dictas non naturales quia non sunt partes corporis humani constituentes , cujusmodi censemus aerem , cibum , potum , somnum , vigilias , motum , & quietem , excreta , & retenta , animi pathemata , plethoram , sive Plenitudinem , Cacochymiam , sive pravum sanguinis habitum . 2. Scrutatur internas morborum causas , puta flatus , vermes , acidum . Practica pars nobilis hujus , utilisque artis methodum medendi spectat , quae posita est in Evacuatione , & Alteratione , quocumque demum modo evacuatio contingat , sive venae sectione , sive vomitu , dejectione , sudore , urina , aut insensibili transpiratione ; quocirca verum ipsius objectum est tota materia medica , aut quicquid in regno Animali , Vegetabili , & Minerali , Medici scopo inservire poterit . Porro totam materiam medicam ad sequentia capita reducere fere possumus . 1. Attenuantia , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Folia Absinthii , Flores Camomillae , Semina Calida , Baccae Juniperi , Lauri , Axungiae vetustiores maxime Vulpina , & Ursina , Olea pleraque , ut amygdalarum Amararum , Nucum , &c. Emplastra de Betonica , Diachylon , Oxycroceum , &c. 2. Emollientia , ut Radices Altheae , Bryoniae . 3. Grumos dissolventia , ut Radices Aristolochiae rotundae . 4. Detergentia , ut Radices Gentianae , Aristolochiae . 5. Epicerastica quae moderata humidate Acrimoniam humorum obtundunt , ut Radices Malvae , & Altheae . 6. Alexipharmaca quae resistunt Veneno , ut Radix Angelicae . 7. Condensantia , ut Radices Buglossae , & Plantaginis . 8. Cathartica que vel purgant Bilem , ut Cassia , Manna , Tamarindi , &c. vel Phlegma , ut Carthamus , Crocus Sylvestris , Turbith , Jalap , vel Melancholiam , ut Sena , Polypodium quercinum , vel Humores aquosos , ut Sambuci , & Ebuli Semen , Cortex , Succus , Mechoaca . 9. Vomitoria , sive mitiora , ut asari folia , aut validiora , ut Spiritus Nicotianae , Infusio Nicotianae , Crocus Metallorum . , &c. 10. Diuretica . ut Radices Raphani , Apii . 11. Sudorifica , ut Cornu cervi , Diascordium , Radices Angelicae . 12. Repellentia , ut Radices Pruni Sylvestris , Tormentillae , &c. 13. Emplastica quae corporis meatus obstruunt , ut Radices Symphiti , & Liliorum . 14. Absorbentia , quae valida exsiccandi vi absumunt humorem , ut omnes Cineres , Acetum , Muria . 15. Vesicatoria , quae vesicas excitant , ut Cantharides , Sinapi , Allium , Nasturtium . 16. Suppurantia , a quibus pus generatur , ut Radices Althaeae , Liliorum Alborum , &c. 17. Vulneraria , ut Radices Tormentillae , Consolidae utriusque . 18. Sarcotica , quae removent quicquid Carnis generationem prohibet , ut Radices Aristolochiae , Tragacantha , Sanguis Draconis , Sarcocolla . 19. Epulotica , quae callum generant , aut cicatricem , ut Sanguis Draconis , Folia Myrthi . 20. Anodina , ut Radices Althaeae , Radices Liliorum . 21. Narcotica , quae omnem sensum tollunt , ut Oleum Palmae , Lauri , Terebinthinae , &c. 22. Hypnotica , quae somnos conciliant , ut Requies Nicolai , Diascordium , Laudanum opiatum , &c. 23. Sanguinem Sistentia , ut Coralliae , Bolus , Terra Sigillata , &c. 24. Cephalica , ut Radices Aristolochiae , Galangae , Folia Betonicae . 25. Errhina , quae cerebum purgant & Thoracem , educta superflua circa meninges pituita , ut Succus Betonicae Pulvis albi & nigri Hellebori . 26. Ophthalmica , ut aquae & succi Euphrasiae , & Chelidoniae . 27. Otica , quae levant aurium dolorem , ut Folia Lauri , Radices Porri , Raphani . 28. Cardiaca , ut Radices Zedoariae , Doronici , aquae Cardui Benedicti , & Melissae . 29. Bechica , quae humores in Thorace , & pulmone conclusos ad faciliorem Tussiendo ejectionem disponunt , ut Sirupus & succus hederae terrestris . 30. Aromatica , ut Sirupi Absinthii , & Betonicae . 31. Splenica , ut Pulvis ex Chalybe , Radices Valerianae . 32. Nephritica , ut Radices Althaeae , Sal Prunellae . 33. Lithontriptica , quae calculum frangunt , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Galangae . 34. Hysterica , ut semen agni casti , Portulacae , Trochisci de Myrrha . 35. Arthritica , quae valent adversus Podagram , & Chiragram , ut Radices Aenulae Campanae , Folia Solani , Plantaginis , Althaeae . Authores . Hippocrates , Galenus , Trallianus , Actuarius , Cornelius Celsus , Avicenna , Sennertus , Riverius , Macasius , Regius , Willisius , Barbetius , Harveius circulationis Sanguinis Inventor , &c. Sect. XXII . The Art of Sailing . ARS Nautica , or Histiodromica , is that Art which teacheth how to direct a Ship through the Seas , to the propos'd Harbour . This Art requireth the knowledge of the Mariners Compass , and the Lead , of the Sea-coasts , Capes , Rocks , Promontories , Harbours , of the distances of one place from another , of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , of the latitude and longitude of every place . It requireth likewise the knowledge of several Instruments fit to take the latitude of a place , as of the Cross-staff , of the Quadrant , of the Nocturnal , of the Plane Scale , of Gunter's Scale , &c. The Mariners Compass is a round Plane , whose circumference is divided into 32 equal parts , by streight lines , called Rhombs , passing through the center . The height of the Pole , of so great benefit to Sailers , is found out thus : Observe first the height of the Sun at Noon-day , with an Astrolabe , or some other Instrument of that kind ; then take the declination of the Sun , from the height , if the Sun declines from the Equator towards the Northern Pole ; or add the declination of the Sun , to the observed height , if the Sun declines towards the Southern Pole ; the remaining number , or the sum made up by Addition , gives you the height of the Equator , whose Complement to 90 degrees ( as they speak ) is always the height of the Pole. Thus if the height of the Equator above our Horizon be 60 deg . the height of the Pole is 30 deg . because 30 added to 60 , make up 90 ; and if the Pole be elevated but 10 deg . the height of the Equator is 80 , because this number is the Complement of that . If their could be an Hour Glass , or ● Clock , so contriv'd , as to fall but very little short of the Measure of Time ▪ with the help of this Clock , to the great advantage of Sailers , the differences of the longitudes might be found after this manner : When the Ship sets off , let the Clock shew the hour in the place from whence you sail'd , without discontinuing : If then we would know the longitude of the place in which we now are , let us , by observation of the Sun , find the hour in that place we chance to be in ; which if it be the same pointed at by the Clock , or shewn by the Glass , 't is certain we are in the same Meridian we were in at our first setting out ; but if we find by observation , more hours than the Clock pointeth at , we have made a progress towards the East ; if we find fewer hours , we are gone towards the West ; and the differences of the longitudes may easily be known , if the differences of the hours be converted into degrees , and minutes of degrees . Authors . Seller , Everard , Wright , &c. Sectio Vigesima secunda . Ars Nautica . ARS Nautica , sive Histiodromica ea est quae docet qui dirigi debeat navis per maria ad propositum portum . Haec ars requirit notitiam pyxidis Nauticae , & Bolidis , orae Maritimae , Promontoriorum , Rupium , Portuum distantiarum inter loca , aestuum Maritimorum , latitudinis & longitudinis cujusque loci , instrumentorum pariter variorum ad investigandam syderum altitudinem , ut Baculi decussati , Quadrantis , Nocturnalis , Scalarum planarum , Scalarum Gunteri , &c. Pyxis Nautica est planum rotundum , cujus circumferentia in 32 partes aequales dividitur rectis lineis per centrum transeuntibus quae Rhombi dicuntur . Altitudo poli Navigantibus adeo utilis sic invenitur : Observa primo Meridianam solis altitudinem ope astrolabii , aut alterius cujuspiam instrumenti , tum substrahe declinationem solis ex altitudine jam inventa solis , ope instrumenti , si declinatio solis versus polum conspicuum sit , aut adde declinationem solis observatae altitudini si sol declinaverit versus polum meridionalem , residuum aut summa futura est altitudo aequatoris , cujus complementum est semper altitudo poli : Itaque si altitudo aequatoris supra horizontem nostrum sit graduum sexaginta , altitudi poli futura est graduum triginta : Quia si addas 30 ipsis 60 , summa futura est 90 ; & si polus 10 tantum supra horizontem gradibus extet , aequator supra eundem extabit 80 , quia hic numerus est complementum illius . Si posset construi Clepsydra , aut horologium quod ab accurata mensura temporis parum aberraret : Illius ope inveniri possent hoc modo longitudinum differentiae : Aptetur horologium ita ut dum solvit navis ostendat horas loci unde discedimus , deinde inter navigandum nunquam cesset : Cumque libuerit scire longitudinem loci in quo sumus , ex observatione coelesti inquiratur illius loci hora , quae si omnino convenerit cum hora quam horologium indicat , certum erit nos esse sub eo unde discessimus meridiano , si vero plures horas observatione invenimus , quam horologium indicet , progressi sumus versus ortum , si pauciores defleximus versus occidentem , dignosceturque differentia longitudinum , si reducantur differentiae horarum in gradus , & minuta graduum . Authores . Sellerius , Everardus , Wrightius , &c. Sect. XXIII . Opticks . THE Opticks , or Optica , gives us an account of various appearances of Objects . This Science treats of the streight Ray , as the Catoptrick of the reflected , and the Dioptrick of the refracted or broken Ray. These following Definitions belong to the Opticks . The proper Objects of Sense , are those that can be known but by one sense ; and the common Objects , such as may be known by more than one sense . Light and Colour , are the proper Objects of our sight ; the Light , upon its own account ; and the Colour , by the help of Light. These following things , are the common Objects of our Senses , Bulk , Figure , Place , Situation , Distance , Continuity , Discontinuity , Motion , and Rest. The visuel Rays , are the streight lines , by which the frame of the visible Object is in a manner carried to the eye . We may reckon among the chief principles of this Science , these following . The visible object radiates from all its least parts , to all the least parts of the Medium , to which one may draw a streight line . That is seen , and that only , from which to the eye the visuel Ray may be eztended . The more bodies there appear between the eye and the object , the more remote the objects appear to be . The Convergent Rays , are those that departing from the object , come together : Such are , the Rays of diverse parts of the object , which cut one another in the Chrystalline humor . The Divergent Rays , departing from the object towards the eye , recede from one another : The Rays of every point of the object , are divergent , till they come to the Chrystalline humour , beyond which they come together again towards the Retina . We may reckon these following Propositoins amongst the most considerable of the Opticks . No visible object is seen at first altogether , and perfectly . Magnitudes being in the same streight line , the remoter seem to be the lesser . Parallel intervals seem to be nearer one another , the farther they are from the eye . Rectangle Magnitudes being seen at a distance , seem to be round . Equal Magnitudes being under the eye , those that are farthest from the eye , seem to be highest . Authors . You may reckon amongst the best Masters of the Opticks , Euclid , Aquilonius , Scheiner , Vitellio , Alhazane , Herigone , &c. Sectio Vigesima tertia . Optica . OPtica variae objectorum apparentiae causas demonstrat . Agit de radio recto , ut Catoptrica de reflexo , & Dioptrica de refracto . Ad Opticam spectant sequentes definitiones . Propria objecta sunt ea quae ab uno tantum sensu percipi possunt . Communia sunt ea quae a pluribus sensibus percipiuntur . Lumen & color sunt propria visus nostri objecta , lumen quidem ratione sui , color ope lucis . Communia visus objecta sunt ea quae sequuntur , quantitas , figura , locus , situs , distantia , continuitas , discontinuitas , motus , & quies . Radii visorii rectae lineae sunt , quibus forma aspectabilis objecti ad visum porrigitur . Inter praecipua hujus Scientiae principia sequentia numerare licet . Visibile radiat e quolibet sui puncto ad quodlibet punctum medii ad quod recta duci potest . Id omne & solum videtur a quo ad oculum radius Opticus extendi potest . Quo plura corpora oculum inter , & objectum apparent , eo remotius existimatur objectum . Convergentes radii sunt ii qui recedendo ab objecto simul coeunt . Ejusmodi sunt radii variorum punctorum objecti qui se mutuo in humore Chrystallino secant . Divergentes radii progrediendo ab objecto versus oculum recedunt a se invicem donec ad humorem Chrystallinum pervenerint ultra quem versus retinam coeunt . Annumerare possumus praecipuis Opticae ; propositiones sequentes . Nullum visibile objectum simul totum , & perfecte videtur . Magnitudinum in eadem recta quae remotiores videntur , minores apparent . Parallela intervalla eo magis ad se invicem accedere videntur quo sunt remotoria ab oculo . Rectangulae magnitudines procul visae apparent rotundae . Aequalium magnitudinum sub oculo quae remotiores , videntur altiores . Authores . Inter praecipuos Opticae doctores censere possumus Euclidem , Aquilonium , Alhazenum , Scheinerum , Vitellionem Herigonium , &c. Sect. XXIV . Perspective . PErspective representeth every object seen in some Diaphane , or transparent Medium , through which the visual Rays are terminated or bounded on the object ; and generally what ▪ is seen through something , as through the Air , Water , Clouds , Glass , and the like , may be said to be seen in Perspective . The chief Contents of this Science , may be referred to these following Heads . The Ray is a streight line drawn from the Eye to the Glass perpendicularly . That point is called Primary , on which falls a perpendicular line drawn from the Eye to the Glass . The projection of a line , is not a crooked line . The object being a Point , there is but one visual Ray drawn from the Object to the center of the Eye , and this Ray is called the Axis , or Centrical , as being the most vivid , and the strongest of all . If the Object be a streight line , the visual Rays make a triangle . If the Object be a Surface , plane or spherical , the visual Rays represent a Pyramide . Ichonography is the Pourtraiture of the Platform or Plane upon which we would raise any thing . Orthography is the Pourtraiture of the fore part of the Object . Scenography representeth the Object wholly elevated and perfect , with all its Dimensions and Umbrages on all sides . The Horizontal line in Perspective , is taken from the height of our eye : This is the chief piece of the Picture , and which ought to be the rule of the dimensions and height of the Figure . The point of Perspective , or sight , is made by the centrical Ray above the Horizon . Authors . Amongst the chief Writers of Perspective , you have Roger Bacon , John Baptist Porta , Stevin , Marole , John Cousin , Daniel Barbaro , Vignola , Serlio , du Cereau , Salomon de Caus , Guidus Ubaldus , Niceronius , &c. Sectio Vigesima quarta . Perspectiva . PErspectiva quodlibet objectum exhibet conspectum permedium quodpiam diaphanum , per quod radii visorii transeuntes terminantur ad objectum , & generaliter loquendo quicquid per aliud quidpiam videtur , ut per aerem , per aquam , per nubes , per vitrum , & quaecumque alia sunt ejusmodi , dici possunt videri in Perspectiva . Quae praecipui momenti haec Scientia continet ad sequentia Capita reduci queunt . Radius primarius est recta ab oculo in vitrum ad angulos rectos ducta . Primarium punctum dicitur id in quod cadit perpendicularis ab oculo in vitrum ducta . Projectio lineae non est linea curva . Cum objectum est punctum unicus tantum est radius visorius ab objecto ad centrum oculi ductus , hicque radius dicitur Axis , aut radius Centricus , estque omnium vivacissimus , ac fortissimus . Si objectum recta sit linea , radii visiorii conflant triangulum . Si objectum sit superficies plana , aut sphaerica , radii visiorii conficiunt pyramidem . Ichonographia est delineatio plani super quod erigere quidpiam volumus . Orthographia est delineatio anterio●is objecti partis . Scenographia exhibet objectum omnino elevatum , perfectumque una cum omnibus ejusdem dimensionibus , um●risque undique . Linea horizontalis in Perspectiva ●ucitur ab altitudine oculi : Haec prae●pui in pictura momenti est , regu●que esse debet dimensionum , altitu●numque figurae . Punctum Perspectivae , aut visus fit ●entrico supra horizontem radio . Authores . Inter praecipuos Perspectivae scriptores hi censentur Rogerius Bacco , Johannes Baptista Porta , Stevinius , Marolus , Johannes Cousinus , Daniel Barbaro , Vignola , Serlio , du Cereau , Salomon de Caus , Guidus Ubaldus , Niceronius , &c. Sect. XXV . Poetry . POetry is the Art of making Verse and Poems : In order to this , 〈…〉 teacheth the quantity of Syllables , whether they be short or long , doubtful 〈…〉 common , I mean , either short or long 〈…〉 pleasure . It teacheth what feet every Verse compounded of , that feet are made Syllables of different quantities , as Spondee consists of two long syllables ; for instance , Doctos , and Pyrrichius ; of two short , as Rota ; a Dactyle consists of one long , and two short , as Pectora . A Poem implieth a Fiction : Upon this account , Verses that contain no Fiction , are not strictly considered ▪ a Poem ; and he that gives a meer Matter of Fact , without any ingenious Fiction adapted to the Subject , is rather styl'd a Versificator , than a Poet. Verses are either denominated from their Inventors , as Sapphick Verses , from the Greek Poetress Sappho , the first Inventress ; as Pindarick , from Pindarus , or from the feet whereof they consist ; as Iambick , from the Iambick● of which they are compos'd , or from th● matter they express ; as Heroick , from the Praises of Great Men ; as Elegiack from sad Narratives , or from the number of feet , as Hexameter , and Pent● meter , the first having six , and the othe● five . The Scansion of a Verse , is the measuring of a Verse by its feet . The Cesure is the making of a short syllable long at the end of a foot . Authors . Aristotle , Horace , Alvares , Despauter , Waller , Cowley , Dryden , & . Sectio Vigesima quinta . Poetica . POetica est ars pangendorum carminum quem in scopum docet quantitatem syllabarum an scilicet sint longae , breves , dubiae , aut communes , hoc est pro arbitrio , breves aut longae . Docet ex quibus pedibus quilibet versus constet , pedesque constare ex syllabis variae quantitatis , Spondaeum puta , duabus longis , ut Doctos , Pyrrichium ; ex duabus brevibus , ut Rota ; Dactylum ex una longa & duabus brevibus , ut Pectora . Poema fictionem necessario requirit : Quare versus nullam fictionem complexi stricte loquendo Poema dici nequeunt : Qui rem absque ingenioso ullo commento , ut reipsa contigit , carmine describit , Versificator potius quam Poeta dicendus est . Versus denominantur aut ab inventoribus , ut Sapphici versus a puella Graeca quae Sappho dicebatur , prima inventrice , ut Pindarici a Pindaro ; aut a pedibus ex quibus constant , ut Iambici ab Iambis , ex quibus fiunt ; aut a materia quam exprimunt , ut Heroici a laudibus Heroum , Elegiaci a maestis narrationibus ; aut a numero pedum , ut Hexameter , & Pentameter a numero pedum sex , & quinque . Scansio versus est ejusdem ope pedum dimensio . Caesuta est productio syllabae brevis sub finem pedis . Authores . Aristoteles , Horatius , Alvares , Despauterius , &c. Sect. XXVI . Philosophy . PHilosophy , if we take it generally , is the love of Wisdom ; if more particularly , the knowledge of Natural Bodies , or of the Natural Causes of Things : The Aristotelian Philosophy acknowledgeth three Principles of every thing , Matter , Form , and Privation ; for we can conceive nothing to be generated without these three ; for if I conceive the generation of fire in wood , I must of necessity apprehend the Wood as the Matter , as likewise the Privation of the Fire in the Wood , and also the Form of Fire taking place of that of Wood. This Philosophy resolveth all difficulties relating to Bodies , by Matter , Privation , and Form , Occult Qualities , and such like pretences to humane Ignorance : So every Mixt , according to Aristotles Principle , is compounded of Matter and Form : This Matter , the Peripateticks call the Subject of all Forms ; and this Form , the Act of Matter ; and both together , the two compounding Principles of all compounded Things Aristotles Followers teach , that Nature is such an Enemy to a Vacuum , that to shun it , she forceth heavy things upwards , and light things downwards . The New Philosophy holds but two simple Principles of all things , Matter , and Motion ; that , as the Material Cause ; this , as the Efficient . The Formal Cause of things , which School-men call a Substantial or Accidental Form , being nothing else , according to the Modern Philosophers , but a certain Texture of the compounding Particles ; and by the variety of Textures every where obvious , or by the various Modifications of Matter , they give us a rational account of all the differences we observe among Corporeal Beings . Authors of the School Philosophy . Aristotle , and all his Commentators , as Averroes , Alexander Aphrodisaeus , &c. Authors of the New Philosophy . Descartes , Verulam , the Honourable Robert Boyle , who in not a few things , has out-done them both , and is deservedly styl'd abroad , The English Philosopher ; he being indeed , the Honour of his Nation , as well as of his Family . Sectio Vigesima sexta . Philosophia . PHilosophia si latius sumatur , amorem sapientiae sonat , si propius & specialius , est corporum naturalium , aut naturalium causarum cognitio . Philosophia Aristotelica agnoscit tria rerum dum generantur principia , Materiam , Formam , & Privationem . Nihil enim generari concipimus nisi haec tria concipiamus : Si enim concipio generationem ignis in ligno , necessario concipio lignum , ut materiam , & privationem pariter ipsius in ligno , formamque ignis formae ligni succedentem . Haec Philosophia omnes fere difficultates ad corpora spectantes ope materiae , privationis , & formae resolvit , atque occultarum qualitatum beneficio , aliisque humanae ignorantiae velamentis ; unumquodque igitur mixtum juxta Aristotelica principia componitur ex materia , & forma : Hanc materiam vocant Peripatetici Subjectum omnium formarum , & hanc formam Actum materiae , componentiaque duo principia si simul sumantur , omnium rerum compositarum . Aristotelis Sectatores docent Naturam Vacuo adeo esse inimicam , ut illius vitandi gratia gravia sursum cogat , & levia deorsum . Nova Philosophia duo admittit simplicia omnium rerum principia Materiam , & Motum , illam ceu causam Materialem hanc ut Efficientem . Formalis enim rerum causa , quam Scholastici formam Substantialem vocant , aut Accidentalem , nihil aliud est juxta Philosophos recentiores , quam textura quaedam partium componentium . Hacque contextus varietate ubique obvia , aut variis materiae Modificationibus , rationalem , facilem , obviamque nobis reddunt rationem omnium quae observamus , corporea inter entia discriminum . Authores Philosophiae Scholasticae . Aristoteles ejusque Commentatores , ut Averroes , Alexander Aphrodisaeus , &c. Authores novae Philosophiae . Gassendus , Cartesius , Verulamius , illustrissimus Robertus Boylius , qui in multis his omnibus palmam praeripuit , meritoque Philosophus Britannicus cognominatur ; est que reipsa Nationis suae , & nobilissimae Familiae ornamentum & decus . Sect. XXVII . Rhetorick . RHetorick is the Art of Speaking well ; the duty of a Rhetorician , is to speak pertinently to the Subject , in order to perswade , and his chief scope must be to perswade by his discourse . Rhetorick consists of four parts , Invention , Disposition , Elocution , and Pronounciation : Invention is the contriving of an Argument fit to perswade , and those Arguments are always taken from some of these ensuing Heads . 1. From the Definition , when we declare what the thing is . 2. From the Division , when we distribute a thing into all its parts . 3. From the Etymology , when we shew its Origine and signification . 4. From the Species , when we frame an Argument from that particular kind of thing the Subject we treat of , belongs to . 5. From the Genus , when we bring some proof from that general thing the Subject we treat of , is contain'd under . 6. From the Similitude . 7. From the Dissimilitude . 8. From Contraries . 9. From Opposites , that can never concur together . 10. From Comparison . 11. From the four Causes , Efficient , Material , Formal , and Final . 12. From the Antecedents and Consequents of a thing . Disposition is the orderly placing of the things invented : This orderly placing consists of five things ; Exordium , by which the Speaker prepares the minds of his Auditors , to what he is to say . Proposition , when the Orator declares what he intends to make out . Narration , when he relates the Matter of Fact , with all its circumstances . Confirmation , when he proves his Proposition . Peroration , when the Orator endeavours to move the affections of the Hearers , by a fit Elocution . Elocution , made up of Tropes , as they speak in the Schools , by which Words change their signification ; and of figures , which are an Elegant , and not Vulgar manner of speaking , is the ornament of Speech . Pronunciation relates to the Voice , and the Gesture ; by the first , we please the Ear ; by the second , the Sight . These forementioned things ( necessary to the compleating of an Orator ) being seldom found together in any Eminency , gave occasion to Cicero to say , that We scarce find a good Orator in a whole Age. Authors . Aristole , Cicero , Suarez . Sectio Vigesima septima . Rhetorica . RHetorica est ars bene dicendi ; officium Rhetoris est loqui apposite ad scopum hoc est ad persuadendum ; praecipuus enim ipsius scopus est persuadere dictione . Rhetorica quatuor constat partibus , Inventione , Dispositione , Elocutione , Pronunciatione : Inventio est excogitatio argumenti ad persuadendum idonei ; haec autem argumenta ducuntur semper ab aliquo sequentium capitum . 1. A Definitione , cum declaramus quid res sint . 2. A Divisione , cum rem distribuimus in omnes partes . 3 , Ab Etymologia , cum indicamus ejusdem originem & significationem . 4. A Specie , cum argumentum quodpiam ducimus a particulari illa rerum specie , ad quam res , de qua agimus spectat . 5. A Genere , cum probationem de sumimus a generali illa re , sub qua id quod sub litem cadit , continetur . 6. A Similitudine . 7. A Dissimilitudine . 8. A Contrario . 9. Ab Oppositis , quae nunquam concurrere queunt . 10. A Comparatione . 11. A Quatuor causis , Efficiente , Materiali , Formali , & Finali . 12. Ab Antecedentibus & Consequentibus . Dispositio est ordinata rerum inventarum collocatio : Haec ordinata collocatio his quinque constat , Exordio , quo parat Orator auditorum animos ad ea quae dicturus est . Propositione , cum Orator quid probaturus sit exponit . Narratione , cum materiam facti omnibus vestitam appendicibus enarrat . Confirmatione , cum propositionem suam probat . Peroratione , qua conatur Orator auditorum animos apta Elocutione movere . Elocutio , composita ex Tropis , quibus voces ad alienam significationem traducuntur , & figuris quae sunt elegantes , & non vulgares loquendi formulae , est totius Orationis ornamentum . Pronunciatio spectat vocem , & gestum , ista recreamus aurem , hac oculum : Praememorata haec quae in perfecto Oratore requirimus cum vix uspiam simul summo in gradu concurrant , impulerunt Ciceronem ut dicere● vix singulis aetatibus singulos tolerabiles Oratores extisse . Authores . Aristoteles , Cicero , Suares . Sect. XXVIII . The Doctrine of the Sphere . SPhaerica is a Science which treats of the Sphere , whether Artificial or Natural . The Sphere is a solid figure comprehended under one surface , to which all the streight lines drawn from one of those points that are within the figure , are equal one to another . The Center of the Sphere , is the forementioned point . The Axis of the Sphere , is a streight line drawn through the Center , and terminated on each side in the surface of the Sphere ; about which the Sphere turneth round . The Poles of the Sphere , are the two extreme points of the Axis . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. The Sphere toucheth but in one point the Plane by which it is not cut . 2. In the Sphere , great Circles cut one another into equal parts ; and if they divide one another into equal parts , they are great Circles . 3. In the Sphere , the Pole of a great Circle is distant from the circumference of the same Circle , a full Quadrant , or a fourth part of the great Circle . 4. In the Sphere , Parallel Circles are about the same Poles ; and Circles that are about the same Poles , are Parallel . 5. In the Sphere , there are no more than two Circles , both equal-distant and equal . This Science teacheth how to find the Center , and the Pole of any Sphere , and sheweth likewise all the properties of the Circles of the Sphere . Authors . Theodosius , Maurolycus , Sacrobosco , Clavius , Mestlinus , Blancanus . Sectio Vigesima octava . Sphaerica . SPhaerica est Scientia quae agit de Sphaera , sive arte facta , sive naturali . Sphaerica est figura solida comprehensa una superficie , ad quam ab uno eorum punctorum quae intra figuram sunt , omnes rectae lineae ductae sunt aequales inter se. Centrum Sphaerae est punctum praememoratum . Axis Sphaerae est recta per centrum ducta & utrimque terminata in superficie Sphaerae circa quam volvitur Sphaera . Poli Sphaerae , sunt duo extrema puncta axis . Haec Scientia sequentes propositiones demonstrat . 1. Sphaera Planum a quo non secatur , non tangit in pluribus punctis uno . 2. In Sphaera , maximi circuli sese mutuo bifariam secant , & qui sese mutuo bifariam secant , sunt maximi . 3. In Sphaera , polus maximi circuli abest a circumferentia ejusdem circuli quadrante maximi circuli . 4. In Sphaera , paralleli circuli circa eosdem polos sunt , & qui circa eosdem polos in Sphaera sunt , sunt paralleli . 5. In Sphaera non sunt plures circuli aequales , & paralleli quam duo . Haec Scientia praeterea docet qui centrum , polumque cujuscumque Sphaerae invenire possimus , indicatque pariter proprietates circulorum Sphaerae . Authores . Theodosius , Maurolycus , Sacrobosco , Clavius , Mestlinus , Blancanus . Sect. XXIX . Divinity . THeology , or Divity , is wholly directed to the Glory of God , and Salvation of Mankind . The Speculative part of it , proposeth to us things that we are to believe , as whatever concerns Gods Attributes and Perfections , the Immortality of our Souls , and whatever is contain'd in the Apostolick Creed . The Practical part , proposeth to us things that we are to do , viz. whatever is contain'd in the Decalogue . The immediate object of Divinity , as it relates to Christians , we reckon whatever concerns Christ , directly , or indirectly ; as in general , the Old and New Testament . And in particular , the Prophecies relating to his Coming , his Miracles , his Doctrine , and the Conversion of the World by his Apostles : If then , a Man knew no other Divinity , but that which gives an account of Gods Attributes , he is not upon this account a Christian Divine , but a Philosopher , or Deist . Christian Divinity , besides the aforesaid things , teacheth all kind of Vertues , as Charity , Humility , Patience , Chastity , Adoration , Prayer to , and Praise of God , Faith , Obedience , Repentance , &c. It will have us moreover to pardon and love our very Enemies ; which no other Religion Commands : It offers to us the fundamental points of Christian Religion , Christs Godhead , Passion , Death , Resurrection , &c. and ( as I was saying ) whatever is contained in the Creed . Authors . The Master of Sentences , Thomas Aquinas , Scotus , Hammond , Lightfoot , and several other Doctors of the Church of England . Sectio Vigesima nona . Theologia . THologia ad Dei gloriam , salutemque animarum tota dirigitur . Speculativa pars proponit nobis credenda , ut quae spectant ad attributa divina , immortalitatem animae , quaeque in symbolo Apostolorum continentur . Pars practica facienda nobis proponit , quaecumque scilicet Decalogus nobis exhibet . Theologia prout spectat Christianos , immediatum habet objectum quicquid refertur ad Christum directe , aut indirecte ut in genere tum Antiquum , tum novum Testamentum ; & magis speciatim Prophetias ad ipsius adventum spectantes , miracula , doctrinam , hominumque ab Apostolis conversionem : Quocirca si nullum quis aliam noverit Theologiam quam quae divinorum attributorum reddit rationem non hoc nomine Christianus Theologus , sed Philosophus potius , aut Deista merus dici debet . Theologia Christiana praeter superius commemorata docet omnia virtutum genera , humilitatem , patientiam , castitatem , adorationem , orationem , laudem Dei , fidem , obedientiam , paenitentiam , &c. Vult insuper nos non tantum remittere injuriam , sed & diligere inimicos : Quod nulla nisi Christiana religio injungit . Proponit nobis religionis Christianae fundamenta , Christi Deitatem , passionem , mortem , resurrectionem , &c. atque ut superius dicebam quicquid in symbolo continetur . Authores . Majister Sententiarum , Thomas Aquinas , Johannes Duns Scotus a patria , Hamm●ndius , Lightfootius , aliique quam plurimi Ecclesiae Anglicanae Doctores . Sect. XXX . Spherical Trigonometry . SPherical Trigonometry teacheth us to measure Spherical Triangles , that is Triangles in the surface of the Sphere , made by the Arches of great Circles . Those sides of a Spherical Triangle are of the same kind that both exceed , or both fall short of 90 degrees ; but they are of a different sort , if the one exceed , and the other fall short of 90 degrees . This Science demonstrates these following Propositions . 1. In all Spherical Triangles , any side whatsoever , is less than a Semi-circle . 2. In all Spherical Triangles , any two sides , howsoever they be consider'd , are greater than the third . 3. Of a Spherical triangle equilateral , if each side be a quadrant , or of 90 deg . all the angles are streight ; and if each side be less than the quadrant , all the angles are obtuse . 4. In all Spherical triangles , when the angles are all acute , all the arches are less than the quadrant . 5. In all Spherical triangles , the three angles are greater than two streight angles , and lesser than six . Authors . Kepler , Afraganius , Julius Higinus , Garcaeus , Robert Hues , Adrianus Metius . Sectio Trigesima . Trigonometria Sphaerica . TRigonometria Sphaerica docet nos modum dimetiendi triangula Sphaerica , hoc est triangula ex tribus arcubus maximorum circulorum , in superficie Sphaerae composita . Latera ea trianguli Sphaerici ejusdem sunt affectionis quae simul excedunt , aut deficiunt a quadrante , aut nonaginta gradibus , sed non sunt ejusdem generis si unum latus excedat , & alterum sit infra nonaginta gradus . Haec Scientia sequentes hasce propositiones demonstrat . 1. In omni triangulo Sphaerico quodvis latus quomodocumque sumptum est minus semi-circulo . 2. In omni triangulo Sphaerico duo latera reliquo sunt majora quomodocumque sumpta . 3. Omne triangulum Sphaericum aequilaterum , si singula latera sunt quadrantes , habet singulos angulos rectos , si vero quadrante minora , ob , tusos . 4. In omni triangulo Sphaerico cujus omnes anguli sunt acuti arcus singuli quadrante minores sunt 5. Omnis trianguli Sphaerici tres anguli duobus quidem rectis sunt majores , sex vero rectis minores . Authores . Keplerus , Afraganius , Julius Higinus , Garcaeus , Robertus Hues , Adrianus Metius . Sect. XXXI . The Rectiline Trigonometry . THe Rectiline Trigonometry teacheth us how to measure Triangles made of streight lines . A streight line , is the shortest way between two extremes . Between two extremes , there can be but one streight line . Two streight lines can not cut one another , but in one point . An angle is measured by degrees , so a streight angle is an angle of 90 degrees , an acute angle is an angle of fewer than 90 , as an obtuse angle contains more than 90 degrees . A line falling even down upon another line , without inclining either to the one side , or to the other , is called a Perpendicular line , and makes two streight angles . Parallel lines , are those that are equidistant one from another . This Science demonstrates this Proposition , of great use in Mathematicks , that the three angles of all Rectiline triangles , are equal to two streight ones . All the angles of a triangle , may be acute , but there can be but one streight , or obtuse . If one of the three angles of a triangle be streight , the two others are equal to a streight angle . Who knows the degrees of two angles , knows the degrees of the third , because all three make up 180 degrees . All the angles of a triangle being equal , all the sides are likewise equal . Authors . Euclid , Clavius , Arnauld ; Malapertius , Fournier , &c. Sectio Trigesima prima . Trigonometria Rectilinea . TRigonometria Rectilinea docet qui triangula ex rectis lineis composita metiri oporteat . Linea recta est brevissima duo inter extrema via . Duo inter extrema unica tantum duci potest recta . Duae rectae nequeunt se invicem nisi in puncto secare . Angulum metiuntur gradus , angulus rectus est angulus 90 graduum , acutus angulus graduum pauciorum , angulus obtusus plures nonaginta gradibus gradus continet . Linea in aliam utrimque incidens ex aequo Perpendicularis dicitur , duosque utrimque rectos angulos constituit . Lineae parallelae , sunt lineae aequo a se invicem intervallo dissitae . Haec Scientia non exiguae Mathematicis in disciplinis utilitatis hanc propositionem demonstrat , omnis trianguli Rectilinei tres anguli duobus rectis sunt aequales . Omnes anguli trianguli rectilinei possunt esse acuti , sed unus tantum rectus esse potest , aut obtusus . Si unus trium angulorum trianguli sit rectus , duo reliqui recto aequales sunt . Qui novit duorum angulorum gradus tertii anguli gradus novit , simul enim tres anguli conficiunt numerum 180. Quoties omnes anguli trianguli sunt aequales , omnia latera quoque aequalia sunt . Authores . Euclides , Cicero , Clavius , Arnauld , Malapertius , Fournierius , &c. AN APPENDIX , Pointing at some of the chief Authors of this , and the foregoing Ages . By Authors , here are meant , those that are really such , and the first Inventors of any useful piece of Knowledge . READER , THou mayest rest satisfied with this very short and imperfect account of some of the chief new Inventions , either of this , or of the past Ages , since I design , at more leisure , to write a larger Treatise of this Subject , as likewise to set down the particular times every thing was Printed in , that so the unjust dealing both of Domestick and Foreign Transcribers , who have so often stolen the greatest , or ( at least ) the best part of their Writings from the Honourable Robert Boyle , Hook , Descartes , Gassendi , and Others , may to their confusion , be discovered ; and to the great encouragement of all ingenious Men , who shall the more willingly venture abroad their Notions , and new Contrivances , in what kind soever , if they ▪ are once secured from usurping Authors . I shall begin with the deservedly Famous Robert Boyle , though I may dispatch in one word , what relates to this Noble Author , if I say , as truly I may , that whatever he has publish'd , is in every respect new , both as to the subject it self , the Arguments he proposeth , and the particular Method : But because the curious Reader will not be satisfied with this general account , I come to particulars , but shall speak but of a very few things , as designing , at greater conveniency , a more accurate History of this Great Author's new Contrivances , whether Notions , Engines , or Experiments . As likewise whatever the Natives of this Island have invented towards the promoting of useful Learning . The famous Air-Pump was invented by the Honourable Robert Boyle : He giveth a full account of it , in his Discourse of Physico Mechanical Experiments ; by the help whereof , he proves the Elastick Power and Spring of the Air , and several other wonderful Phaenomena's relating to the nature , spring , expansion , pressure , weight of the Air , &c. He contrived the Experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of Salt-Peter ; whence he concludes , that motion , figure , and disposition of Parts , may suffice to produce all secondary affections of Bodies , and so banisheth the substantial forms and qualities of the Schools . But because I design a larger account in another Treatise of this Noble Author's new Inventions , I shall only tell you here , that his Physiological and Experimental Essays , his Sceptical Chymist , his Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy , his History of Cold , his Experimental History of Colours , his Hydrostatical Paradoxes , his Origine of Forms and Qualities , his Free Enquiry into the Receiv'd Notion of Nature , his Reconciliableness of Specifick Remedies to the New Philosophy , his History of Humane Bloud , his Discourse of Final Causes , not yet published ; as likewise all his other Treatises contain as many new Notions and Exepriments almost as lines . I shall not forget in this place , what that very Learned and Ingenious Gentleman , Sir Robert Gordon , of Gordistoun , has lately invented ; I mean , his famous Water-Pump , a piece of Mechanism , far beyond the Contrivances of all foregoing Ages , in this kind , as I shall easily make out by the following account of this useful Engine . This new Pump draweth twice as much water as any other ; it is wrought with half the force , and costs half the price , and takes up but half the room . The Experiment , performed at Deptford the Twenty Second of March , in presence of my Lord Dartmouth , and the Commissioners of the Navy ; appointed to give account of it to the King , was as follows . In a Sixth-Rate Frigat , this new Pump did fill the Gaged Cistern of two Tuns , in one minute and forty five seconds ; and the Shippump did the same in six minutes and some more , each Pump being wrought by four men . In a Fourth-Rate Frigat , this Pump being wrought by twelve men , did fill the Cistern in thirty one seconds ; and the Ship-Pump , being wrought by six men , fill'd it in four minutes and some more . The chief Authors of new Discoveries in Anatomy , we reckon to be these following : Fabricius ab aqua pendente discover'd the Valve of the Veins , as the Valve at the entrance of the great Gut Colon was found out by Bauhinus ; the Milky Veins of the Mesentery , by Asellius ; the Receptacle of the Chyle , hy Pequet ; the Ductus Virsungianus , by George Virsung , of Padua ; the Lymphatick Vessels , by Dr. Joliffe , Bartholin , and Olaus Rudbeck ; the internal Ductus salivaris in the Maxillary Glandule , by Dr. Wharton , and Dr. Glisson ; the Glandules under the Tongue , Nose and Palate ; the Vessels in the nameless Glandules of the Eye ; the Tear Glandule , by Nicolas Steno ; a new Artery , called Arteria Bronchialis , by Frederick Rusch ; the Circulation of the Bloud , by Dr. Harvey , though some , upon no very good grounds , ascribe it to Paulus Venetus , and others to Prosper Alpinus , and Andreas Caesalpinus . The Act of making Salt water Fresh , was lately invented in England , whereof the deservedly famous R. Boyle gave a very rational account , in a Letter written upon this Subject . Arithmetick was either invented , or much promoted by Pythagoras , by Euclid , not the Euclid that was Contemporary to Plato , and Hearer of Socrates , but the Famed Mathematician of that Name , who was after Aristotle , and at Ninety years distance from the former ; by Diaphantus , Psellus , Apuleius , Cardan , Gemma Frisius , Clavius , &c. Neper invented the Logarithms , by the help whereof we perform all the operations of Arithmetick by Addition and Substraction . He invented likewise an easie , certain and compendious way of accounting by Sticks , called Rabdology , as also Computation by Neper's Bones . The Telescope was invented by James Metius , of Amsterdam , though commonly ascribed to Galile , who indeed , improved it . Torricellius found the Barometer , whereby we weigh the Air itself . Printing , according to Polidore Vergile , was found by John Cuttemberg , of Ments , in Germany , though Others give the Honour to one Fust , of the same City ; and Some , to Lawrence , a Burgher of Harlem . The Chineses knew this Art before the Europeans . Flavius Goia , of Amalphis , in the Kingdom of Naples , is thought to be the Inventor of the Mariners-Compass , three hundred years since . FINIS . APPENDIX , Quosdam e praecipuis hujus , superiorumque saeculorum Authoribus indicans . Hic nomine Authorum intelliguntur ii , qui reipsa ejusmodi sunt , hoc est primi utilis cujuscumque Scientiae , seu cognitionis Inventores . AEQui bonique consulet Lector brevem hanc imperfectamque descriptionem eorum , quae sive hoc , sive praeterita saecula invenerunt ; cum enim per otium licebit , statui ampliorem hoc super argumento conscribere tractatum , ipsumque denotare tempus quo quidlibet e prelo in lucem prodiit , eo consilio ut Transcriptores tum domestici , tum extranei qui toties ties illustrissimo Boylio , Hookio , Cartesio , aliisque maximam aut praecipuam saltem lucubrationum suarum partem surripuere meritas ipso detecti furti pudore luant paenas : Quo fiet ut ingeniosi quique quaecumque de novo excogitant , facilius in lucem emissuri sint si tutos se ab Authoribus aliena usurpantibus noverint . Initium ducam a Roberto Boylio jure merito jam ubique celeberrimo , quamvis quae hic nobilem hunc Authorem spectant verbo absolvere queam , si dixero ut vere possum , quicquid ab ipso in lucem editum est esse omnino novum , sive argumentum ipsum spectes , sive rationes ab ipso propositas , sive denique peculiarem ipsius methodum : Sed quia his in genere dictis Lectoris curiositati factum satis non fuerit , propius quaedam attingam paucissima tantum commemoraturus , ut qui per otium accuratiorem scribere decreverim Historiam tum eorum quae magnus hic Author primus adinvenit puta Notionem Machinarum , Experiment orum , &c. Tum eorum quae indigenae hujus insulae ad utilium Scientiarum propagationem excogitarunt . Celeberrima Antlia Aeria ab illustrissimo Roberto Boylio excogitata fuit : Plenam ejusdem descriptionem tradit ibi ubi de Experimentis Physico-Mechanicis ; illius ope elasticam aeris virtutem , atque elaterem probat , variaque alia , quae merito miremur , Phaenomena ad naturam , elaterem , expansionem , pressionem , gravitatemque aeris spectantia . Primus ille Author experimenti est de diversis partibus , & redintegratione Salispetrae , unde concludit motu , figura , partiumque dispositione secundarias omnium corporum affectiones produci posse , proscribitque proinde substantiales Scholarum formas , & qualitates . Sed quia fusius alibi scribere statui de iis quae nobilis hic Author primus invenit , hic tantum suggeram , Physiologicis ipsius tent aminibus , atque Experimentalibus , Chymico Sceptico , Utilitate Experimentalis Philosophiae , Historia Frigoris , Experimentali Historia Colorum , Hydrostaticis Paradoxis , Origine Formarum & Qualitatum , Libera in Receptam Naturae Notionem disquisitione , Concordia Remediorum Specificorum & novae Philosophiae , Historia Humani Sanguinis , Dissertatione de Causis Finalibus , nondum edita ; variisque aliis ejusdem operibus , tot novas contineri Notiones , Experimentaque fere quot versus . Non praetermittam hoc loco quod doctissimus , ingeniosissim usque Rob. Gordonius , a Gordistoun eques , nuper● adinvenit ; notissimam scilicet jam ubique hauriendis Aquis Antliam , mechanismi quoddam genus , quod superiorum aetatum hoc in genere arte facta longe exsuperet , ut sequente utilis hujusce machinae descriptione facile demonstrabo . Nova haec Antlia duplo plus quavis alia aquarum trahit ; & dimidiis tantum viribus dimidioque solum constat pretio , & dimidium tantum modo implet locum . Experimentum hoc Deptfordii vigesimo secundo Martii coram Comite Darmouthensi Commissariisque classis regiae , ad rem ut reipsa erat Regi referendam constitutis ita se habebat . Imposita nova haec Antlia navi bellicae sexti ordinis mensuratam duorum doliorum Cisternam minuto uno , secundis quinque supra quadraginta implevit : Notaque navis Antlia idem sex minutis & aliqua parte septimi praestitit , utramque autem quatuor tantum operarii agebant . Navi bellicae quarti ordinis imposita coopera●tibus interim duodecim operario Cist●ruam secundis triginta , & uno implevit , navisque Antlia ope sex nautarum cand●●● quatuor minutis , & aliqua parte quinti implevit . Praecipuos rerum Anatomicarum detectores sequentes numeramus , vid. Fabricium ab aqua pendente , qui detexit Valvulas venarum , ut Valvula , sub introitum magni intestini quod Colon dicunt inventa fuit a Bauhino ; venae Lacteae mesenterii ab Asellio , receptaculum Chyli a Pequeto , ductus Virsungianus a Georgio Virsung Paduensi ; Lymphatica vasa a Doctore Joliffeo , Bartholino , & Olao Rudbeckio , internus ductus Salivaris in Glandula maxillari a Doctore Whartono , & Doctore Glissonio , Glandulae sub lingua , naso , palato , vasa sub innominata Glandula oculi , Glandula lacrymalis a Nicolao Stenone ; nova Arteria Bronchialis dicta a Frederico Ruschio , Circulatio Sanguinis ab Harvaeo ; quamvis alii quidam non sat probabiliter eam ascribant Paulo Veneto , ut nonnulli Prospero Alpino , & etiam Andreae Caesalpino . Ars aquae Salsae Dulcorandae inventa nuper in Anglia est , de qua celeberrimus merito Boylius conformia omnino rationi in Epistola quadam hoc super argumento scripsit . Arithmeticam aut invenerunt , aut multum promoverunt sequentes Authores , Pythagoras , Euclides , non is qui coaevus fuit Pl●toni , auditorque Socratis , sed celeberrimus Mathematicus hujus nominis qui post Aristotelem floruit , annis post priorem nonaginta ; Diaephantus , Psellius , Apuleius , Cardan●s , Gemma Frisius , Clavius , &c. Neperus invenit Logarithmos quorum ope omnia Arithmeticae praescripta exequimur sola Additione , & Substractione . Invenit pariter facilem , certam , brevemque numerandi methodum ope Baculorum , quam Rabdologiam dicunt , aut Computationem per Ossa Neperi . Telescopium inventum fuit a Jacobo Metio , Amstelodamensi licet vulgo Galilaeo tribuatur , qui quidem perfectius illud multo reddidit . Torricellius invenit Barometrum quo instrumento aerem ipsum metimur . Ars Typographica teste Polydoro Vergilio inventa fuit a Johanne Cuttembergio , Moguntiano , licet quidam hunc honorem tribuant cuidam Fustio ex eadem civitate , & nonnulli Laurentio civi Harlemensi . Sinenses hanc Artem prius Aeuropaeis noverant . Flavius Goia , ab Amalphi , in Regno Neapolitano creditur jam trecentis abhinc annis pyxidem Nauticam invenisse . FINIS . 
A30484	----	A review of The theory of the earth and of its proofs, especially in reference to Scripture Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. 1690 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A30484 Wing B5945 ESTC R7953 11802555 ocm 11802555 49396 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30484) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49396) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 18:4 or 175:4b) A review of The theory of the earth and of its proofs, especially in reference to Scripture Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. [2], 52 p. Printed by R. Norton for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1690. Attributed to Thomas Burnet. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Burnet, Thomas, 1635?-1715. -- Telluris theoria sacra. Creation -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy, Ancient. Cosmology. Earth. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-08 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A REVIEW OF THE THEORY OF THE EARTH , And of its PROOFS : ESPECIALLY IN REFERENCE TO SCRIPTURE . LONDON , Printed by R. Norton , for Walter Kettilby , at the Bishop's-Head in St. Paul's Church-Yard . 1690. A REVIEW OF THE THEORY OF THE EARTH . To take a review of this Theory of the Earth , which we have now finish'd , We must consider , first , the extent of it : and then the principal parts whereof it consists . It reaches , as you see , from one end of the World to the other : From the first Chaos to the last day , and the Consummation of all things . This , probably , will run the length of Seven Thousand Years : which is a good competent space of time to exercise our thoughts upon , and to observe the several Scenes which Nature and Providence bring into View within the compass of so many Ages . The matter and principal parts of this Theory , are such things as are recorded in Scripture . We do not feign a Subject , and then descant upon it , for diversion ; but endeavour to give an intelligible and rational account of such matters of Fact , past or future , as are there specified and declar'd . What it hath seem'd good to the Holy Ghost to communicate to us , by History or Prophecy , concerning the several States and general Changes of this Earth , makes the Argument of our Discourse . Therefore the Things themselves must be taken for granted , in one sence or other : seeing , besides all other proofs , they have the authority of a Revelation ; and our business is only to give such an explication of them , as shall approve it self to the faculties of man , and be conformable to Scripture . We will therefore first set down the things themselves , that make the subject matter of this Theory : and remind you of our explication of them . Then recollect the general proofs of that explication , from reason and nature : but more fully and particularly shew how it is grounded upon Scripture . The primary Phaenomena whereof we are to give an account , are these Five or Six . I. The original of the Earth from a Chaos . II. The state of Paradise , and the Ante-diluvian World. III. The Universal Deluge . IV. The Universal Conflagration . V. The Renovation of the World , or the New Heavens and New Earth . VI. The Consummation of all things . These are unquestionably in Scripture : and these all relate , as you see , to the several forms , states , and revolutions of this Earth . We are therefore oblig'd to give a clear and coherent account of these Phaenomena , in that order and consecution wherein they stand to one another . There are also in Scripture some other things , relating to the same Subjects , that may be call'd the secondary ingredients of this Theory , and are to be referr'd to their respective primary heads . Such are , for instance , I. The Longevity of the Ante-diluvians . II. The Rupture of the Great Abyss , at the Deluge . III. The appearing of the Rainbow after the Deluge : as a sign that there never should be a second Flood . These things Scripture hath also left upon record : as directions and indications how to understand the Ante-diluvian state , and the Deluge it self . Whosoever therefore shall undertake to write the Theory of the Earth , must think himself bound to give us a just explication of these secondary Phaenomena , as well as of the primary ; and that in such a dependance and connexion , as to make them give and receive light from one another . This part of the Task is concerning the World behind us , Times and Things pass'd , that are already come to light . The remainder is concerning the World before us , Times and Things to come : that lie yet in the bosome of Providence , and in the seeds of Nature . And these are chiefly the Conflagration of the World , and the Renovation of it . When these are over and expir'd , then comes the end , as S. Paul says . Then the Heavens and the Earth fly away , as S. John says . Then is the Consummation of all things , and the last period of this sublunary World , whatsoever it is . Thus far the Theorist must go , and pursue the motions of Nature , till all things are brought to rest and silence . And in this latter part of the Theory , there is also a collateral Phaenomenon , the Millennium , or Thousand years Reign of Christ and his Saints , upon Earth , to be consider'd . For this , according as it is represented in Scripture , does imply a change in the Natural World , as well as in the Moral : and therefore must be accounted for , in the Theory of the Earth . At least it must be there determin'd , whether that state of the World , which is singular and extraordinary , will be before or after the Conflagration These are the Principals and Incidents of this Theory of the Earth , as to the matter and subject of it : which , you see , is both important , and wholly taken out of Scripture . As to our explication of these points , that is sufficiently known , being set down at large in four Books of this Theory . Therefore it remains only , having seen the matter of the Theory , to examine the Form of it , and the proofs of it : for from these two things it must receive its censure . As to the form , the characters of a regular Theory seem to be these three ; Few and easie Postulatums : Union of Parts : and a Fitness to answer , fully and clearly , all the Phaenomena to which it is to be apply'd . We think our Hypothesis does not want any of these Characters . As to the First , we take but one single Postulatum for the whole Theory : and that an easie one , warranted both by Scripture and Antiquity : Namely , That this Earth rise , at first , from a Chaos . As to the second , Union of parts , The whole Theory is but one Series of Causes and Effects from that first Chaos . Besides , you can scarce admit any one part of it , first , last , or intermediate , but you must , in consequence of that , admit all the rest . Grant me but that the Deluge is truly explain'd , and I 'le desire no more for proof of all the Theory . Or , if you begin at the other end , and grant the New Heavens and New Earth after the Conflagration , you will be led back again to the first Heavens and first Earth that were before the Flood . For St. John says , that New Earth was without a Sea : Apoc. 21. 1. And it was a Renovation , or Restitution to some former state of things : there was therefore some former Earth without a Sea ; which not being the present Earth , it must be the Ante-diluvian . Besides , both St. John , and the Prophet Isaias , have represented the New Heavens and New Earth , as Paradisiacal ; According as is prov'd , Book the 4th . ch . 2. And having told us the form of the New-futureEarth , that it will have no Sea , it is a reasonable inference that there was no Sea in the Paradisiacal Earth . However from the form of this Future Earth , which St. John represents to us , we may at least conclude , That an Earth without a Sea is no Chimaera , or impossibility : but rather a fit seat and habitation for the Just and the Innocent . Thus you see the parts of the Theory link and hold fast one another : according to the second character . And as to the third , of being suited to the Phaenomena , we must refer that to the next head , of Proofs . It may be truly said , that bare coherence and union of parts is not a sufficient proof ; The parts of a Fable or Romance may hang aptly together , and yet have no truth in them . This is enough indeed to give the title of a just Composition to any work , but not of a true one : till it appear that the conclusions and explications are grounded upon good natural evidence , or upon good Divine authority . We must therefore proceed now to the third thing to be consider'd in a Theory , What its Proofs are : or the grounds upon which it stands , whether Sacred or Natural . According to Natural evidence , things are proved from their Causes or their Effects . And we think we have this double order of proofs for the truth of our Hypothesis . As to the method of Causes , we proceed from what is more simple , to what is more compound : and build all upon one foundation . Go but to the Head of the Theory , and you will see the Causes lying in a train before you , from first to last . And tho' you did not know the Natural history of the World , past or future , you might , by intuition , foretell it , as to the grand revolutions and successive faces of Nature , through a long series of Ages . If we have given a true account of the motions of the Chaos , we have also truly form'd the first habitable Earth . And if that be truly form'd , we have thereby given a true account of the state of Paradise , and of all that depends upon it . And not of that onely , but also of the universal Deluge . Both these we have shewn in their causes : The one from the Form of that Earth , and the other from the Fall of it into the Abyss . And tho' we had not been made acquainted with these things by Antiquity , we might , in contemplation of the Causes , have truly conceiv'd them , as properties or incidents to the First Earth . But as to the Deluge , I do not say , that we might have calculated the Time , manner , and other circumstances of it : These things were regulated by Providence , in subordination to the Moral World. But that there would be , at one time or other , a disruption of that Earth , or of the Great Abyss : and in consequence of it , an universal Deluge : So far , I think , the light of a Theory might carry us . Furthermore , In consequence of this disruption of the Primeval Earth , at the Deluge , the present Earth was made hollow and cavernous : and by that means , ( due preparations being used ) capable of Combustion , or of perishing by an universal Fire : Yet , to speak ingenuously , This is as hard a step to be made , in vertue of Natural causes , as any in the whole Theory . But in recompence of that defect , the Conflagration is so plainly and literally taught us in Scripture , and avow'd by Antiquity , that it can fall under no dispute , as to the thing it self . And as to a capacity or disposition to it in the present Earth , that I think is sufficiently made out . Then , the Conflagration admitted , in that way it is explain'd in the 3d. Book : The Earth , you see , is , by that fire , reduc'd to a second Chaos . A Chaos truly so call'd . And from that , as from the First , arises another Creation , or New Heavens and a New Earth ; By the same causes , and in the same form , with the Paradisiacal . This is the Renovation of the World : The Restitution of all things : mentioned both by Scripture and Antiquity : and by the Prophet Isaiah , St. Peter and St. John , call'd the New Heavens and New Earth . With this , as the last period , and most glorious Scene of all humane affairs , our Theory concludes , as to this method of Causes , whereof we are now speaking . I say , here it ends as to the method of Causes . For tho' we pursue the Earth still further , even to its last Dissolution : which is call'd the Consummation of all things : yet all , that we have superadded upon that occasion , is but Problematical : and may , without prejudice to the Theory , be argued and disputed on either hand . I do not know , but that our conjectures there may be well grounded : but however , not springing so directly from the same root , or , at least , not by ways , so clear and visible , I leave that part undecided . Especially seeing we pretend to write no more than the Theory of the Earth , and therefore as we begin no higher than the Chaos , so we are not obliged to go any further than to the last state of a Terrestrial consistency : which is that of the New Heavens and the New Earth . This is the first natural proof , From the order of Causes . The second is from the consideration of Effects . Namely of such effects as are already in being . And therefore this proof can extend onely to that part of the Theory , that explains the present and past form and Phaenomena of the Earth . What is Future , must be left to a further trial , when the things come to pass , and present themselves to be examin'd and compar'd with the Hypothesis . As to the present Form of the Earth , we call all Nature to witness for us : The Rocks and the Mountains , the Hills and the Valleys , the deep and wide Sea , and the Caverns of the Ground : Let these speak , and tell their origine : How the Body of the Earth came to be thus torn and mangled : If this strange and irregular structure was not the effect of a ruine : and of such a ruine as was universal over the face of the whole Globe . But we have given such a full explication of this , in the first part of the Theory , from Chapt. the 9th . to the end of that Treatise , that we dare stand to the judgment , of any that reads those four Chapters , to determine if the Hypothesis does not answer all those Phaenomena , easily and adequately . The next Phaenomenon to be consider'd , is the Deluge , with its adjuncts . This also is fully explain'd by our Hypothesis , in the 2d . 3d. and 6th . Chapters of the first Book . Where it is shewn , that the Mosaical Deluge , that is , an universal Inundation of the whole Earth , above the tops of the highest Mountains , made by a breaking open of the Great Abyss , ( for thus far Moses leads us ) is fully explain'd by this Hypothesis , and cannot be conceiv'd in any other method . There are no sources or stores of Water sufficient for such an effect : that may be drawn upon the Earth , and drawn off again , but by supposing such an Abyss , and such a Disruption of it , as the Theory represents . Lastly , As to the Phaenomena of Paradise and the Ante-diluvian World , we have set them down in order in the 2d . Book : and apply'd to each of them its proper explication , from the same Hypothesis . We have also given an account of that Character which Antiquity always assign'd to the first age of the World , or the Golden Age , as they call'd it : namely , Equality of Seasons throughout the Year , or a perpetual Equinox . We have also taken in all the adjuncts or concomitants of these States , as they are mention'd in Scripture . The Longevity of the Ante-diluvians , and the declension of their age by degrees , after the Flood . As also that wonderful Phaenomenon , the Rainbow : which appear'd to Noah for a Sign , that the Earth should never undergo a second Deluge . And we have shewn , wherein the force and propriety of that Sign consisted , for confirming Noah's faith in the promise and in the divine veracity . Thus far we have explain'd the past Phaenomena of the Natural World. The rest are Futurities , which still lie hid in their Causes ; and we cannot properly prove a Theory from effects that are not yet in being . But so far as they are foretold in Scripture , both as to substance and circumstance , in prosecution of the same Principles we have ante-dated their birth , and shew'd how they will come to pass . We may therefore , I think , reasonably conclude , That this Theory has performed its task and answer'd its title : having given an account of all the general changes of the Natural World , as far as either Sacred History looks backwards , or Sacred Prophecy looks forwards . So far as the one tells us what is past in Nature , and the other what is to come . And if all this be nothing but an appearance of truth , 't is a kind of fatality upon us to be deceiv'd . SO much for Natural Evidence , from the Causes or Effects . We now proceed to Scripture , which will make the greatest part of this Review . The Sacred Basis upon which the whole Theory stands , is the doctrine of S. Peter , deliver'd in his Second Epistle and Third Chapter , concerning the Triple Order and Succession of the Heavens and the Earth . That comprehends the whole extent of our Theory : which indeed is but a large Commentary upon S. Peter's Text. The Apostle sets out a threefold state of the Heavens and Earth : with some general properties of each : taken from their different Constitution and different Fate . The Theory takes the same threefold state of the Heavens and the Earth : and explains more particularly , wherein their different Constitution consists : and how , under the conduct of Providence , their different fate depends upon it . Let us set down the Apostle's words , with the occasion of them : and their plain sence , according to the most easie and natural explication . Ver. 3. Knowing this first , that there shall come in the last days scoffers , walking after their own lusts . 4. And saying , Where is the promise of his coming ? for since the fathers fell asleep , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation . 5. For this they willingly are ignorant of , that by the word of God , the heavens were of old , and the earth consisting of water and by water . 6. Whereby the world that then was , being over flowed with water , perished . 7. But the heavens and the earth that are now , by the same word , are kept in store , reserved unto fire against the day of judgment , and perdition of ungodly men . — 10. The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night , in the which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat ; the earth also and the works that are therein shall be burnt up . 13. Nevertheless we , according to his promise , look for new heavens and a new earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness . This is the whole Discourse so far as relates to our Subject . S. Peter , you see , had met with some that scoff'd at the future destruction of the World , and the coming of our Saviour ; and they were men , it seems , that pretended to Philosophy and Argument ; and they use this argument for their opinion , Seeing there hath been no change in Nature , or in the World , from the beginning to this time , why should we think there will be any change for the future ? The Apostle answers to this , That they willingly forget or are ignorant that there were Heavens of old , and an Earth , so and so constituted ; consisting of Water and by Water ; by reason whereof that World , or those Heavens and that Earth , perish'd in a Deluge of Water . But , saith he , the Heavens and the Earth that are now , are of another constitution , fitted and reserved to another fate , namely to perish by Fire . And after these are perish'd , there will be New Heavens and a New Earth , according to God's promise . This is an easie Paraphrase , and the plain and genuine sence of the Apostle's discourse ; and no body , I think , would ever look after any other sence , if this did not draw them into paths they do not know , and to conclusions which they do not fancy . This sence , you see , hits the objection directly , or the Cavil which these scoffers made ; and tells them , that they vainly pretend that there hath been no change in the World since the beginning , for there was one sort of Heavens and Earth before the Flood , and another sort now ; the first having been destroyed at the Deluge . So that the Apostle's argument stands upon this Foundation , That there is a diversity betwixt the present Heavens and Earth , and the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth ; take away that , and you take away all the force of his Answer . Then as to his New Heavens and New Earth after the Conflagration , they must be material and natural , in the same sence and signification with the former Heavens and Earth ; unless you will offer open violence to the Text. So that this Triplicity of the Heavens and the Earth , is the first , obvious , plain sence of the Apostle's discourse : which every one would readily accept , if it did not draw after it a long train of Consequences , and lead them into other Worlds than they ever thought of before , or are willing to enter upon now . But we shall have occasion by and by to examine this Text more fully in all its circumstances . Give me leave in the mean time to observe , that S. Paul also implyes that triple Creation which S. Peter expresses . S. Paul , I say , in the 8th chap. to the Romver . 20 , 21. tell us of a Creation that will be redeem'd from Vanity : which are the new Heavens and new Earth to come . A Creation in subjection to Vanity : which is the present state of the World. And a Creation that was subjected to Vanity , in hopes of being restor'd : which was the first Paradisiacal Creation . And these are the three states of the Natural World , which make the subject of our Theory . To these two places of St. Peter and St. Paul , I might add that third in St. John , concerning the new Heavens and new Earth ; with that distinguishing Character , that the Earth was without a Sea. As this distinguisheth it from the present Earth , so , being a Restitution or Restauration , as we noted before , it must be the same with some former Earth : and consequently , it implies that there was another precedent state of the natural World , to which this is a Restitution . These three places I alledge , as comprehending and confirming the Theory in its full extent . But we do not suppose them all of the same force and clearness . St. Peter leads the way , and gives light and strength to the other two . When a Point is prov'd by one clear Text , we allow others , as auxiliaries , that are not of the same clearness ; But being open'd , receive light from the primary Text , and reflect it upon the Argument . So much for the Theory in general . We will now take one or two principal heads of it , which vertually contain all the rest , and examine them more strictly and particularly , in reference to their agreement with Scripture . The two Heads we pitch upon , shall be , our Explication of the Deluge , and our Explication of the new Heavens and new Earth . We told you before , these two were as the Hinges , upon which all the Theory moves , and which hold the parts of it in firm union one with another . As to the Deluge , if I have explain'd that aright , by the Disruption of the Great Abyss , and the Dissolution of the Earth that cover'd it , all the rest follows in such a chain of consequences , as cannot be broken . Wherefore in order to the proof of that explication , and of all that depends upon it , I will make bold to lay down this Proposition , That our Hypothesis concerning the universal Deluge , is not onely more agreeable to Reason and Philosophy than any other yet propos'd to the World , but is also more agreeable to Scripture . Namely , to such places of Scripture , as reflect upon the Deluge , the Abyss , and the form of the first Earth . And particularly , to the History of Noah's Flood , as recorded by Moses . If I can make this good , it will , doubtless , give satisfaction to all intelligent Persons . And I desire their patience , if I proceed slowly . We will divide our task into parts , and examine them separately : First , by Scripture in general , and then by Moses his history and description of the Flood . Our Hypothesis of the Deluge consists of three principal Heads , or differs remarkably in three things from the common explication . First , in that we suppose the Antediluvian Earth to have been of another Form and constitution from the present Earth : with the Abyss placed under it . Secondly , in that we suppose the Deluge to have been made , not by any inundation of the Sea , or overflowing of Fountains and Rivers : nor ( principally ) by any excess of rains : but by a real dissolution of the exteriour Earth , and disruption of the Abyss which it cover'd . These are the two principal points , to which may be added , as a Corollary , Thirdly , that the Deluge was not in the nature of a standing Pool : the Waters lying every where level , of an equal depth and with an uniform Surface : but was made by a fluctuation and commotion of the Abyss upon the disruption : which commotion being over , the Waters retired into their Chanels , and let the dry Land appear . These are the most material and fundamental parts of our Hypothesis : and these being prov'd consonant to Scripture , there can be no doubt of the rest . We begin with the first : That the Ante-diluvian Earth was of another form and constitution from the present Earth , with the Abyss placed under it . This is confirm'd in Scripture , both by such places as assert a diversity in general : and by other places that intimate to us , wherein that diversity consisted , and what was the form of the first Earth . That discourse of St. Peter's , which we have set before you , concerning the past , present , and future , Heavens and Earth , is so full a proof of this diversity in general , that you must either allow it , or make the Apostle's argumentation of no effect . He speaks plainly of the natural World , The Heavens and the Earth : And he makes a plain distinction , or rather opposition , betwixt those before and after the Flood : so that the least we can conclude from his words , is a diversity betwixt them ; In answer to that Identity or immutability of Nature , which the Scoffers pretended to have been ever since the beginning . But tho' the Apostle , to me , speaks plainly of the Natural World , and distinguishes that which was before the Flood , from the present : Yet there are some that will allow neither of these to be contain'd in St. Peter's words ; and by that means would make this whole Discourse of little or no effect , as to our purpose . And seeing we , on the contrary , have made it the chief Scripture-basis of the whole Theory of the Earth , we are oblig'd to free it from those false glosses or mis-interpretations , that lessen the force of its testimony , or make it wholly ineffectual . These Interpreters say , that St. Peter meant no more than to mind these Scoffers , that the World was once destroy'd by a Deluge of Water : meaning the Animate World , Mankind and living Creatures . And that it shall be destroy'd again by another Element , namely by Fire . So as there is no opposition or diversity betwixt the two Natural Worlds , taught or intended by the Apostle ; but onely in reference to their different fate or manner of perishing , and not of their different nature or constitution . Here are two main points , you see , wherein our interpretations of this discourse of the Apostles , differ . First , in that they make the Apostle ( in that sixth verse ) to understand onely the World Animate , or men and brute Creatures . That these were indeed destroy'd , but not the Natural World , or the form and constitution of the then Earth and Heavens . Secondly , that there is no diversity or opposition made by St. Peter betwixt the ancient Heavens and Earth , and the present , as to their form and constitution . We pretend that these are mis-apprehensions , or mis-representations of the sence of the Apostle in both respects , and offer these reasons to prove them to be so . For the first point ; That the Apostle speaks here of the natural World , particularly in the 6th . Verse ; and that it perish'd , as well as the animate , these Considerations seem to prove . First , because the argument or ground these Scoffers went upon , was taken from the natural World , its constancy and permanency in the same state from the beginning ; therefore if the Apostle answers ad idem , and takes away their argument , he must understand the same natural World , and show that it hath been chang'd , or hath perish'd . You will say , it may be , the Apostle doth not deny , nor take away the ground they went upon , but denies the consequence they made from it ; that therefore there would be no change , because there had been none . No , neither doth he do this , if by the World in the 6th . Verse , he understands Mankind onely ; for their ground was this , there hath been no change in the natural World ; Their consequence , this , therefore there will be none , nor any Conflagration . Now the Apostle's answer , according to you , is this , you forget that Mankind hath been destroyed in a Deluge . And what then ? what 's this to the natural World , whereof they were speaking ? this takes away neither antecedent nor consequent , neither ground nor inference ; nor any way toucheth their argument , which proceeded from the natural World to the natural World. Therefore you must either suppose that the Apostle takes away their ground , or he takes away nothing . Secondly , what is it that the Apostle tells these Scoffers they were ignorant of ? that there was a Deluge , that destroyed Mankind ? They could not be ignorant of that , nor pretend to be so ; It was therefore the constitution of those old Heavens and Earth , and the change or destruction of them at the Deluge , that they were ignorant of , or did not attend to ; and of this the Apostle minds them . These Scoffers appear to have been Jews by the phrase they use , since the Fathers fell asleep , which in both parts of it is a Judaical expression ; And does St. Peter tell the Jews that had Moses read to them every Sabbath , that they were ignorant that Mankind was once destroyed with a Deluge in the Days of Noah ? or could they pretend to be ignorant of that without making themselves ridiculous both to Jews and Christians ? Besides , these do not seem to have been of the vulgar amongst them , for they bring a Philosophical argument for their opinion ; and also in their very argument they refer to the History of the Old Testament , in saying , Since the Fathers fell asleep , amongst which Fathers , Noah was one of the most remarkable . Thirdly , the design of the Apostle is to prove to them , or to dispose them to the belief of the Conflagration , or future destruction of the World ; which I suppose you will not deny to be a destruction of the natural World ; therefore to prove or perswade this , he must use an argument taken from a precedent destruction of the natural World ; for to give an instance of the perishing of Mankind onely , would not reach home to his purpose . And you are to observe here that the Apostle does not proceed against them barely by authority ; for what would that have booted ? If these Scoffers would have submitted to authority , they had already the authority of the Prophets and Apostles in this point : but he deals with them at their own weapon , and opposes reasons to reasons ; What hath been done may be done , and if the natural World hath been once destroyed , 't is not hard , nor unreasonable , to suppose those Prophecies to be true , that say it shall be destroyed again . Fourthly , unless we understand here the natural World , we make the Apostle both redundant in his discourse , and also very obscure in an easie argument . If his design was onely to tell them that Mankind was once destroy'd in a Deluge , what 's that to the Heavens and the Earth ? the 5th . Verse would be superfluous ; which yet he seems to make the foundation of his discourse . He might have told them how Mankind had perish'd before with a Deluge , and aggravated that destruction as much as he pleas'd , without telling them how the Heavens and the Earth were constituted then ; what was that to the purpose , if it had no dependance or connection with the other ? In the precedent Chapter , Verse 5th . when he speaks onely of the Floods destroying Mankind , he mentions nothing of the Heavens or the Earth : and if you make him to intend no more here , what he says more is superfluous . I also add , that you make the Apostle very obscure and operose in a very easie argument . How easie had it been for him , without this Apparatus , to have told them , as he did before , that God brought a Flood upon the World of the ungodly ; and not given us so much difficulty to understand his sence , or such a suspicion and appearance , that he intended something more ; for that there is at least a great appearance and tendency to a further sence , I think none can deny ; And St. Austin , Didymus Alex. Bede , as we shall see hereafter , understood it plainly of the natural World : Also modern Expositors and Criticks ; as Cajetan , Estius , Drusius , Heinsius , have extended it to the natural World , more or less ; tho' they had no Theory to mislead them , nor so much as an hypothesis to support them ; but attended onely to the tenor of the Apostle's discourse , which constrain'd them to that sence , in whole or in part . Fifthly , the opposition carries it upon the natural World. The opposition lies betwixt the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Heavens that were of old , and the Earth , and the present Heavens and Earth , or the two natural Worlds . And if they will not allow them to be oppos'd in their natures ( which yet we shall prove by and by ) at least they must be oppos'd in their date ; and as This is to perish by fire , so That perish'd by water ; And if it perish'd by water , it perish'd ; which is all we contend for at present . Lastly , if we would be as easily govern'd in the exposition of this place , as we are of other places of Scripture , it would be enough to suggest , that in reason and fairness of interpretation , the same World is destroy'd in the 6th verse , that was describ'd in the foregoing verse ; but it is the Natural World that is describ'd there , the Heavens and the Earth , so and so constituted ; and therefore in fairness of interpretation they ought to be understood here ; that World being the subject that went immediately before , and there being nothing in the words that restrains them to the animate World or to Mankind . In the 2d ch . ver . 5. the Apostle does restrain the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the World of the ungodly ; but here 't is not only illimited , but according to the context , both preceding and following , to be extended to the Natural World. I say by the following context too , for so it answers to the World that is to perish by Fire ; which will reach the frame of Nature as well as Mankind . For a conclusion of this first point , I will set down S. Austin's judgment in this case ; who in several parts of his works hath interpreted this place of S. Peter , of the natural world . As to the heavens , he hath these words in his Exposition upon Genesis , Hos etiam aerios calos quondam periisse Diluvio , in quâdam earum quae Canonica appellantur , Epistolâ legimus . We read in one of the Epistles called Canonical , meaning this of S. Peter's , that the aerial heavens perish'd in the Deluge . And he concerns himself there to let you know that it was not the starry heavens that were destroy'd ; the waters could not reach so high ; but the regions of our air . Then afterwards he hath these words Faciliùs eos ( coelos ) secundum illius Epistolae authoritatem credimus periisse , & alios , sicut ibi scribitur , repositos . We do more easily believe , according to the authority of that Epistle , those heavens to have perish'd ; and others , as it is there written , substituted in their place . In like manner , and to the same sence , he hath these words upon Psal. 101. Aerii utique coeli perierunt ut propinqui Terris , secundum quod dicuntur volucres coeli ; sunt autem & coeli coelorum , superiores in Firmamento , sed utrùm & ipfi perituri sint igni , an hi soli , qui etiam diluvio perierunt , disceptatio est aliquanto scrupulosior inter doctos . And in his Book de Civ . Dei , he hath several passages to the same purpose , Quemadmodum in Apostolicâ illâ Epistolâ à toto pars accipitur , quod diluvio periisse dictus est mandus , quamvis sola ejus cum suis coelis pars ima perierit . These being to the same effect with the first citation , I need not make them English ; and this last place refers to the Earth as well as the Heavens , as several other places in S. Austin do , whereof we shall give you an account , when we come to shew his judgment concerning the second point , the diversity of the ante-diluvian and post-diluvian World. This being but a foretaste of his good will and inclinations towards this doctrine . These considerations alledg'd , so far as I can judge , are full and unanswerable proofs , that this discourse of the Apostle's comprehends and refers to the Natural World ; and consequently they warrant our interpretation in this particular , and destroy the contrary . We have but one step more to make good , That there was a change made in this natural world at the Deluge , according to the Apostle ; and this is to confute the second part of their interpretation , which supposeth that S. Peter makes no distinction or opposition betwixt the antediluvian Heavens and Earth , and the present Heavens and Earth , in that respect . This second difference betwixt us , methinks , is still harsher than the first ; and contrary to the very form , as well as to the matter of the Apostle's discourse . For there is a plain antithesis , or opposition made betwixt the Heavens and the Earth of old ( ver . the 5th ) and the Heavens and the Earth that are now ( verse the 7th ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the adversative particle , but , you see marks the opposition ; so that it is full and plain according to Grammar and Logick . And that the parts or members of this opposition differ in nature from one another , is certain from this , because otherwise the Apostle's argument or discourse is of no effect , concludes nothing to the purpose ; he makes no answer to the objection , nor proves any thing against the Scoffers , unless you admit that diversity . For they said , All things had been the same from the beginning in the Natural World , and unless he say , as he manifestly does , that there hath been a change in Nature , and that the Heavens and Earth that are now , are different from the ancient Heavens and Earth , which perish'd at the Flood , he says nothing to destroy their argument , nor to confirm the Prophetical doctrine of the future destruction of the Natural World. This , I think , would be enough to satisfie any clear and free mind concerning the meaning of the Apostle ; but because I desire to give as full a light to this place as I can , and to put the sence of it out of controversie , if possible , for the future , I will make some further remarks to confirm this exposition . And we may observe that several of those reasons which we have given to prove , That the Natural World is understood by S. Peter , are double reasons ; and do also prove the other point in question , a diversity betwixt the two Natural Worlds , the Anti-diluvian and the present . As for instance , unless you admit this diversity betwixt the two natural Worlds , you make the 5th verse in this Chapter superfluous and useless : and you must suppose the Apostle to make an inference here without premises . In the 6th verse he makes an inference , * Whereby the World , that then was , perish'd in a Deluge ; what does this whereby relate to ? by reason of what ? sure of the particular constitution of the Heavens and the Earth immediately before describ'd . Neither would it have signified any thing to the Scoffers , for the Apostle to have told them how the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth were constituted , if they were constituted just in the same manner as the present . Besides , what is it , as I ask'd before , that the Apostle tells these Scoffers they were ignorant of ? does he not say formally and expresly ( ver . 5. ) that they were ignorant that the Heavens and the Earth were constituted so and so , before the Flood ? but if they were constituted as these present Heavens and Earth are , they were not ignorant of their constitution ; nor did pretend to be ignorant , for their own ( mistaken ) argument supposeth it . But before we proceed any further , give me leave to note the impropriety of our Translation , in the 5th . Verse , or latter part of it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This we translate standing in the water , and out of the water , which is done manifestly in compliance with the present form of the Earth , and the notions of the Translators : and not according to the natural force and sence of the Greek words . If one met with this sentence * in a Greek Author , who would ever render it standing in the water and out of the water ? nor do I know any Latin Translator that hath ventur'd to render them in that sence ; nor any Latin Father ; St. Austin and St. Jerome I 'me sure do not , but Consistens ex aquâ , or de aquâ , & per aquam : for that later phrase also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not with so good propriety signifie to stand in the water , as to consist or subsist by water , or by the help of water , Tanquam per causam sustinentem ; as St. Austin and Jerome render it . Neither does that instance they give from 1 Pet. 3. 20. prove any thing to the contrary , for the Ark was sustain'd by the waters , and the English does render it accordingly . The Translation being thus rectified , you see the ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth consisted of Water , and by water ; which makes way for a second observation to prove our sence of the Text ; for if you admit no diversity betwixt those Heavens and Earth , and the present , shew us 'pray , how the present Heavens and Earth consist of water , and by water . What watery constitution have they ? The Apostle implies rather , that The now Heavens and Earth have a fiery constitution . We have now Meteors of all sorts in the air , winds , hail , snow , lightning , thunder , and all things engender'd of fiery exhalations , as well as we have rain ; but according to our Theory , the ante-diluvian Heavens , of all these Meteors had none but dews and rain , or watery Meteors onely ; and therefore might very aptly be said by the Apostle to be constituted of water , or to have a watery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Then the Earth was said to consist by water , because it was built upon it , and at first was sustain'd by it . And when such a Key as this is put into our hands , that does so easily unlock this hard passage , and makes it intelligible , according to the just force of the words , why should we pertinaciously adhere to an interpretation , that neither agrees with the words , nor makes any sence that is considerable ? Thirdly , If the Apostle had made the ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth the same with the present , his apodosis in the 7th . Verse , should not have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. I say , it should not have been by way of antithesis , but of identity or continuation ; And the same Heavens and Earth are kept in store reserv'd unto fire , &c. Accordingly we see the Apostle speaks thus , as to the Logos , or the Word of God , Verse 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the same Word of God ; where the thing is the same , he expresseth it as the , same ; And if it had been the same Heavens and Earth , as well as the same Word of God , Why should he use a mark of opposition for the one , and of identity for the other ? to this I do not see what can be fairly answer'd . Fourthly , the ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth were different from the present , because , as the Apostle intimates , they were such , and so constituted , as made them obnoxious to a Deluge ; whereas ours are of such a form , as makes them incapable of a Deluge , and obnoxious to a Conflagration ; the just contrary fate . If you say there was nothing of natural tendency or disposition in either World to their respective fate , but the first might as well have perish'd by fire , as water , and this by water as by fire , you unhinge all Nature and natural providence in that method , and contradict one main scope of the Apostle in this discourse . His first scope is to assert , and mind them of that diversity there was betwixt the ancient Heavens and Earth , and the present ; and from that , to prove against those Scoffers , that there had been a change and revolution in Nature ; And his second scope seems to be this , to show that diversity to be such , as , under the Divine conduct , leads to a different fate , and expos'd that World to a Deluge ; for when he had describ'd the constitution of the first Heavens and Earth , he subjoyns , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quià talis erat , saith Grotius , qualem diximus , constitutio & Terrae & Coeli . W H E R E B Y the then World perish'd in a Flood of Water . This whereby notes some kind of causal dependance , and must relate to some means or conditions precedent . It cannot relate to Logos , or the Word of God , Grammar will not permit that ; therefore it must relate to the state of the ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth immediately premis'd . And to what purpose indeed should he premise the description of those Heavens and Earth , if it was not to lay a ground for this inference ? Having given these Reasons for the necessity of this Interpretation ; in the last place , let 's consider St. Austin's judgment , and his sence upon this place , as to the point in question . As also the reflections that some other of the Ancients have made upon this doctrine of St. Peter's . Didymus Alexandrinus , who was for some time St. Jerome's Master , made such a severe reflection upon it , that he said this Epistle was corrupted , and should not be admitted into the Canon , because it taught the doctrine of a Triple or Triform World in this third Chapter . As you may see in his Enarr . in Epist. Canonicas . Now this threefold World is first that in the 6th . Verse , The World that then was . In the 7th . Verse , The Heavens and the Earth that are now . And in the 13th . Verse , We expect new Heavens and a new Earth , according to his promise . This seems to be a fair account that St. Peter taught the doctrine of a triple World ; And I quote this testimony , to show what St. Peter's words do naturally import , even in the judgment of one that was not of his mind . And a Man is not prone to make an exposition against his own Opinion , unless he think the words very pregnant and express . But St. Austin owns the authority of this Epistle , and of this doctrine , as deriv'd from it , taking notice of this Text of St. Peter's in several Parts of his Works . We have noted three or four places already to this purpose , and we may further take notice of several passages in his Treatise , de Civ , Dei , which confirm our exposition . In his 20th . Book , ch . 24. he disputes against Porphyry , who had the same Principles with these Aeternalists in the Text ; or , if I may so call them , Incorruptarians ; and thought the World never had , nor ever would undergo any change , especially as to the Heavens . St. Austin could not urge Porphyry with the authority of St. Peter , for he had no veneration for the Christian Oracles ; but it seems he had some for the Jewish , and arguing against him , upon that Text in the Psalms , Coeli peribunt , he shows upon occasion how he understands St. Peter's destruction of the Old World. Legitur Coelum & Terra transibunt , Mundus transit , sed puto quod proeterit , transit , transibunt aliquantò mitiùs dicta sunt quàm peribunt . In Epistolà quoque Petri Apostoli , ubi aquâ inundatus , qui tum erat , periisse dictus est Mundus , satis clarum est quae pars mundi à toto significata est , & quatenùs periisse dicta sit , & qui coeli repositi igni reservandi . This he explains more fully afterwards by subjoyning a caution ( which we cited before ) that we must not understand this passage of St. Peter's , concerning the destruction of the ante diluvian World , to take in the whole Universe , and the highest Heavens , but onely the aerial Heavens , and the sublunary World. In Apostolicâ illâ Epistolâ à toto pars accipitur , quod Diluvio periisse dictus est mundus , quamvis sola ejus , cum suis coelis , pars ima perierit . In that Apostolical Epistle , a part is signified by the whole , when the World is said to have perish'd in the Deluge , although the lower part of it onely , with the Heavens belonging to it , perished : that is , the Earth with the regions of the Air that belong to it . And consonant to this , in his exposition of that hundred and first Psalm , upon those words , The Heavens are the work of thy hands , They shall perish , but thou shalt endure . This perishing of the Heavens , he says , S. Peter tells us , hath been once done already , namely , at the Deluge ; Apertè dixit hoc Apostolus Petrus , Coeli erant olim & Terra , de aquâ & per aquam constituti , Dei verbo ; per quod qui factus est mundus , aquâ inundatus deperiit ; Terra autem & coeli qui nunc sunt , igni reservantur . Jam ergo dixit periisse coelos per Diluvium . These places shew us that S. Austin understood S. Peter's discourse to aim at the natural World , and his periit or periisse ( verse 6. ) to be of the same force as peribunt in the Psalms , when 't is said the Heavens shall perish ; and consequently that the Heavens and the Earth , in this Father's opinion , were as really chang'd and transform'd at the time of the Flood , as they will be at the Conflagration . But we must not expect from S. Austin or any of the Ancients a distinct account of this Apostolical doctrine , as if they knew and acknowledg'd the Theory of the first World ; that does not at all appear ; but what they said was either from broken Tradition , or extorted from them by the force of the Apostle's words and their own sincerity . There are yet other places in S. Austin worthy our consideration upon this subject ; especially his exposition of this 3d chap. of S. Peter , as we find it in that same Treatise de Civ . Dei. There he compares again , the destruction of the World at the Deluge , with that which shall be at the Conflagration , and supposeth both the Heavens and Earth to have perish'd . Apostolus commemorans factum ante Diluvium , videtur admonuisse quodammodò quatenùs in fine hujus secult mundum istum periturum esse credamus . Nam & illo tempore periisse dixit , qui tunc erat , mundum ; nec solum orbem terrae , verùm etiam coelos , Then giving his usual caution , That the Stars and starry heavens should not be comprehended in that mundane destruction , He goes on , Atque hoc modo ( penè totus aer ) cum terra perierat ; cujus Terrae utique prior facies ( nempe ante-diluviana ) fuerat deleta Diluvio . Qui autem nunc sunt coeli & terra eodem verbo repositi sunt igni reservandi ; Proinde qui coeli & quae Terra , id est , qui mundus , pro eo mundo qui Diluvio periit , ex eâdem aquâ repositus est , ipse igni novissimo reservatur . Here you see S. Austin's sence upon the whole matter ; which is this , That the natural World , the Earth with the Heavens about it , was destroyed and chang'd at the Deluge into the present Heavens and Earth ; which shall again in like manner be destroyed and chang'd by the last fire . Accordingly in another place , to add no more , he saith the figure of the ( sublunary ) world shall be chang'd at the Conflagration , as it was chang'd at the Deluge . Tunc figura hujus mundi , &c. cap. 16. Thus you see , we have S. Austin on our side , in both parts of our interpretation ; that S. Peter's discourse is to be referr'd to the natural inanimate World , and that the present natural World is distinct and different from that which was before the Deluge . And S. Austin having applyed this expresly to S. Peter's doctrine by way of Commentary , it will free us from any crime or affectation of singularity in the exposition we have given of that place . Venerable Bede hath followed S. Austin's footsteps in this doctrine ; for , interpreting S. Peter's Original World ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 2 Pet. 2. 5. he refers both that and this ( chap. 3.6 . ) to the natural inanimate World , which he supposeth to have undergone a change at the Deluge . His words are these , idem ipse mundus est ( nempe quoad materiam ) in quo nunc humanum genus habitat , quem inhabitaverunt hi qui ante diluvium fuerunt , sed tamen rectè Originalis Mundus , quasi alius , dicitur ; quia sicut in consequentibus hujus Epistolae scriptum continetur , Ille tunc mundus aquâ inundatus periit . Coelis videlicet qui erant priùs , id est , cunctis aeris hujus turbulenti spaciis , aquarum accrescentium altitudine consumptis , ac Terrâ in alteram faciem , excedentibus aquis , immutatâ . Nam etsi montes aliqui atque convalles ab initio facti creduntur , non tamen tanti quanti nunc in orbe cernuntur universo . 'T is the same World ( namely , as to the matter and substance of it ) which mankind lives in now , and did live in before the Flood , but yet that is truly call'd the ORIGINAL WORLD , being as it were another from the present . For 't is said in the sequel of this Epistle that the World that was then , perish'd in the Deluge ; namely , the regions of the air were consumed by the height and excess of the waters , and by the same waters the Earth was chang'd into another form or face . For although some Mountains and Valleys are thought to have been made from the beginning , yet not such great ones as now we see throughout the whole Earth . You see this Author does not only own a change made at the Deluge , but offers at a further explication wherein that change consisted , viz. that the Mountains and inequalities of the Earth were made greater than they were before the Flood ; and so he makes the change or the difference betwixt the two Worlds gradual , rather than specifical , if I may so term it . But we cannot wonder at that , if he had no principles to carry it further , or to make any other sort of change intelligible to him . Bede also pursues the same sence and notion in his interpretation of that fountain , Gen. 2. 5. that watered the face of the Earth before the Flood . And many other transcribers of Antiquity have recorded this Tradition concerning a difference , gradual or specifical , both in the Ante-diluvian heavens ( Gloss. Ordin . Gen. 9. de Iride . Lyran. ibid. Hist. Scholast . c. 35. Rab. Maurus & Gloss. Inter. Gen. 2. 5 , 6. Alcuin . Quaest. in Gen. inter . 135. ) and in the Ante-diluvian Earth , as the same Authors witness in other places . As Hist. Schol. c. 34. Gloss. Ord. in Gen. 7. Al. cuin . Inter. 118 , &c. Not to instance in those that tell us the properties of the Ante-diluvian World under the name and notion of Paradise . Thus much concerning this remarkable place in S. Peter , and the true exposition of it ; which I have the more largely insisted upon , because I look upon this place as the chief repository of that great natural mystery , which in Scripture is communicated to us , concerning the Triple state or revolution of the World. And of those men that are so scrupulous to admit the Theory we have propos'd , I would willingly know whether they believe the Apostle in what he says concerning the New Heavens and the New Earth to come , ver . 13. and if they do , why they should not believe him as much concerning the Old Heavens and the Old Earth , past ; ver . 5 , & 6. which he mentions as formally , and describes more distinctly than the other . But if they believe neither past nor to come , in a natural sence , but an unchangeable state of Nature from the Creation to its annihilation , I leave them then to their Fellow Eternalists in the Text , and to the character or censure the Apostle gives them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men that go by their own private humour and passions , and prefer that to all other evidence . They deserve this censure , I am sure , if they do not only disbelieve , but also scoff , at this Prophetick and Apostolick doctrine concerning the Vicissitudes of Nature and a triple World ; The Apostle in this discourse does formally distinguish three Worlds ( for 't is well known that the Hebrews have no word to signifie the natural World , but use that Periphrasis , The Heavens and the Earth ) and upon each of them engraves a name and title , that bears a note of distinction in it ; He calls them the Old Heavens and Earth , the Present Heavens and Earth , and the New Heavens and Earth . 'T is true , these three are one , as to matter and substance ; but they must differ as to form and properties ; otherwise what is the ground of this distinction and of these three different appellations ? Suppose the Jews had expected Ezekiel's Temple for the Third , and last , and most perfect ; and that in the time of the second Temple they had spoke of them with this distinction , or under these different names , The Old Temple , the Present Temple , and the New Temple we expect : Would any have understood those three of one and the same Temple ; never demolish'd , never chang'd , never rebuilt ; always the same both as to materials and form ? no , doubtless , but of three several Temples succeeding one another . And have we not the same reason to understand this Temple of the World , whereof S. Peter speaks , to be threefold in succession ? seeing he does as plainly distinguish it into the Old heavens and earth , the Present heavens and earth , and the New heavens and earth . And I do the more willingly use this comparison of the Temple , because it hath been thought an Emblem of the outward World. I know we are naturally averse to entertain any thing that is inconsistent with the general frame and texture of our own thoughts ; That 's to begin the World again ; and we often reject such things without examination . Neither do I wonder that the generality of Interpreters beat down the Apostle's words and sence to their own notions ; They had no other grounds to go upon , and Men are not willing , especially in natural and comprehensible things , to put such a meaning upon Scripture , as is unintelligible to themselves ; They rather venture to offer a little violence to the words , that they may pitch the sence at such a convenient height , as their Principles will reach to . And therefore though some of our modern Interpreters , whom I mention'd before , have been sensible of the natural tendency of this discourse of St. Peter's , and have much ado to bear off the force of the words , so as not to acknowledge that they import a real diversity betwixt the two worlds spoken of ; yet having no Principles to guide or support them in following that Tract , they are forc'd to stop or divert another way . 'T is like entering into the mouth of a Cave , we are not willing to venture further than the light goes . Nor are they much to blame for this ; the fault is onely in those Persons that continue wilfully in their darkness , and when they cannot otherwise resist the light , shut their eyes against it , or turn their head another way . — but I am afraid I have staid too long upon this argument : not for my own sake , but to satisfie others . You may please to remember that all that I have said hitherto , belongs onely to the first Head : To prove a Diversity in general betwixt the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth , and the present : not expressing what their particular form was . And this general diversity may be argued also by observations taken from Moses his history of the World , before and after the Flood . From the Longevity of the Antediluvians : The Rain-bow appearing after the Deluge : and the breaking open an Abyss capable to overflow the Earth . The Heavens that had no Rainbow , and under whose benign and steddy influence , Men liv'd seven , eight , nine hundred years and upwards , must have been of a different aspect and constitution from the present Heavens . And that Earth that had such an Abyss , that the disruption of it made an universal Deluge , must have been of another form than the present Earth . And those that will not admit a diversity in the two worlds , are bound to give us an intelligible account of these Phaenomena : How they could possibly be in Heavens and Earth , like the present . Or if they were there once , why they do not continue so still , if Nature be the same . We need say no more , as to the Ante-diluvian Heavens : but as to the Earth , we must now , according to the second Part of the first Head ; enquire , If that Particular Form , which we have assign'd it before the Flood , be agreeable to Scripture . You know how we have describ'd the Form and situation of that Earth : namely , that it was built over the Abyss , as a regular Orb , covering and incompassing the waters round about : and founded , as it were , upon them . There are many passages of Scripture that favour this description : Some more expresly , others upon a due explication . To this purpose there are two express Texts in the Psalms : as Psal. 24. 1 , 2. The Earth is the Lords , and the fulness thereof : The habitable World , and they that dwell therein . FOR he has founded it upon * the Seas , and establish'd it upon the Floods . An Earth founded upon the Seas , and establish'd upon the Waters , is not this the Earth we have describ'd ? the first Earth , as it came from the hands of its Maker . Where can we now find in Nature , such an Earth as has the Seas and the Water for its foundation ? Neither is this Text without a second , as a fellow-witness to confirm the same truth : For in the 136. Psalm , ver . 4 , 5 , 6. we read to the same effect , in these words : To him , who alone does great wonders : To him that by wisdom made the Heavens : To him that stretched out the Earth above the Waters . We can hardly express that form of the Ante-diluvian Earth , in words more determinate than these are ; Let us then in the same simplicity of heart , follow the words of Scripture ; seeing this literal sence is not repugnant to Nature , but , on the contrary , agreeable to it upon the strictest examination . And we cannot , without some violence , turn the words to any other sence . What tolerable interpretation can these admit of , if we do not allow the Earth once to have encompass'd and overspread the face of the Waters ? To be founded upon the waters , to be establish'd upon the waters , to be extended upon the waters , what rational or satisfactory account can be given of these phrases and expressions from any thing we find in the present situation of the Earth : or how can they be verified concerning it ? Consult Interpreters , ancient or modern , upon these two places : see if they answer your expectation , or answer the natural importance of the words , unless they acknowledge another form of the Earth , than the present . Because a Rock hangs its nose over the Sea , must the body of the Earth be said to be stretched over the waters ? Or because there are waters in some subterraneous cavities , is the Earth therefore founded upon the Seas ? Yet such lame explications as these you will meet with ; and while we have no better light , we must content our selves with them ; but when an explication is offer'd , that answers the propriety , force , and extent of the words , to reject it , onely because it is not fitted to our former opinions , or because we did not first think of it , is to take an ill method in expounding Scripture . This Foundation or Establishment of the Earth upon the Seas , this Extension of it above the waters , relates plainly to the body , or whole circuit of the Earth , not to parcels and particles of it ; as appears from the occasion , and its being joyn'd with the Heavens , the other part of the World. Besides , David is speaking of the Origin of the World , and of the Divine power and wisdom in the construction and situation of our Earth , and these attributes do not appear from the holes of the Earth , and broken Rocks ; which have rather the face of a ruine , than of wisdom ; but in that wonderful libration and expansion of the first Earth over the face of the waters , sustained by its own proportions , and the hand of his Providence . These two places in the Psalms being duly consider'd , we shall more easily understand a third place , to the same effect , in the Proverbs ; delivered by WISDOM , concerning the Origin of the World , and the form of the first Earth , in these words , Chap. 8. 27. When he prepared the Heavens I was there , when HE SET an Orb or Sphere upon the face of the Abyss . We render it , when we set a Compass upon the face of the Abyss ; but if we have rightly interpreted the Prophet David , 't is plain enough what compass is here to be understood ; not an imaginary circle , ( for why should that be thought one of the wonderful works of God ) but that exterior Orb of the Earth that was set upon the waters . That was the Master-piece of the Divine art in framing of the first Earth , and therefore very fit to be taken notice of by Wisdom . And upon this occasion , I desire you to reflect upon St. Peter's expression , concerning the first Earth , and to compare it with Solomon's , to see if they do not answer one another . St. Peter calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , An Earth consisting , standing , or sustained by the waters . And Solomon calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . An Orb drawn upon the face of the Abyss . And St. Peter says , that was done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the wisdom of God : which is the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or wisdom , that here declares her self , to have been present at this work . Add now to these two places , the two foremention'd out of the Psalmist ; An Earth founded upon the Seas , ( Psal. 24. 2. ) and an Earth stretched , out above the waters : ( Psal. 136. 6. ) Can any body doubt or question , but all these four Texts refer to the same thing ? And seeing St. Peter's description refers certainly to the Ante-diluvian Earth , they must all refer to it ; and do all as certainly and evidently agree with our Theory concerning the form and situation of it . The pendulous form and posture of that first Earth being prov'd from these four places , 't is more easie and emphatical to interpret in this sence that passage in Job ch . 26. 7. He stretcheth out the North over the Tohu , ( for so it is in the original ) and hangeth the Earth upon nothing . And this strange foundation or no foundation of the exteriour Earth seems to be the ground of those noble questions propos'd to Job by God Almighty , ch . 38. Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the Earth ? Declare if thou hast understanding . Whereupon are the foundat●ons thereof fastned , and who laid the corner stone ? There was neither foundation , nor corner stone , in that piece of Architecture ; and that was it which made the art and wonder of it . But I have spoken more largely to these places in the Theory it self . And if the four Texts before-mentioned be consider'd without prejudice , I think there are few matters of natural Speculation that can be so well prov'd out of Scripture , as the Form which we have given to the Ante-diluvian Earth . But yet it may be thought a just , if not a necessary appendix to this discourse , concerning the form of the ante-diluvian Earth , to give an account also of the ante-diluvian Abyss , and the situation of it according to Scripture ; for the relation which these two have to one another , will be a further means to discover if we have rightly determin'd the form of that Earth . The Abyss or Tehom-Rabbah is a Scripture notion , and the word is not us'd , that I know of , in that distinct and peculiar sence in Heathen Authors . 'T is plain that in Scripture it is not always taken for the Sea ( as Gen. 1. 2. & 7. 11. & 49. 25. Deut. 33. 13. Job 28. 14. & 38. 16. Ps. 33. 7. & 71. 20. & 78. 15. & 135. 6. Apoc. 20. 1. 3. ) but for some other mass of waters , or subterraneous storehouse . And this being observ'd , we may easily discover the nature , and set down the history of the Scripture-Abyss . The Mother-Abyss is no doubt that in the beginning of Genesis , ver . 2. which had nothing but darkness upon the face of it , or a thick caliginous air . The next news we hear of this Abyss is at the Deluge , ( Gen. 7.11 . ) where 't is said to be broke open , and the waters of it to have drowned the World. It seems then this Abyss was clos'd up some time betwixt the Creation and the Deluge , and had got another cover than that of darkness . And if we will believe Wisdom , ( Prov. 8. 27. ) who was there present at the formation of the Earth , an Orb was set upon the face of the Abyss at the beginning of the World. That these three places refer to the same Abyss , I think , cannot be questioned by any that will compare them and consider them . That of the Deluge , Moses calls there Tehom-Rabbah , the Great Abyss ; and can there be any greater than the forementioned Mother-Abvss ? And WISDOME , in that place in the Proverbs , useth the same phrase and words with Moses , Gen. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the face of the Deep or of the Abyss ; changing darkness for that Orb of the exteriour Earth which was made afterwards to inclose it . And in this vault it lay , and under this cover , when the Psalmist speaks of it in these words ( Ps. 33. 7. ) He gathereth the waters of the Sea , as in a * bag ; he layeth up the Abyss in storehouses . Lastly , we may observe that 't was this Mother-Abyss whose womb was burst at the Deluge , when the Sea was born , and broke forth as if it had issued out of a womb ; as God expresseth it to Job , ch . 38. 8. in which place the Chaldee Paraphrase reads it , when it broke forth , coming out of the Abyss . Which disruption at the Deluge seems also to be alluded to Job 12. 14 , 15 , and more plainly , Prov. 3.20 . by his knowledge the Abysses are broken up . Thus you have already a threefold state of the Abyss , which makes a short History of it ; first , Open , at the beginning ; then covered , till the Deluge . Then broke open again , as it is at present . And we pursue the History of it no further ; but we are told , Apoc. 20. 3. That it shall be shut up again , and the great Dragon in it , for a Thousand years . In the mean time we may observe from this form and posture of the Ante-diluvian Abyss , how suitable it is and coherent with that form of the Ante-diluvian Earth which S. Peter and the Psalmist had describ'd , sustain'd by the waters ; founded upon the waters ; stretcht above the waters ; for if it was the cover of this Abyss ( and it had some cover that was broke at the Deluge ) it was spread as a Crust or Ice upon the face of those waters , and so made an orbis Terrarum , an habitable sphere of Earth about the Abyss . So much for the form of the Ante-diluvian Earth and Abyss ; which as they aptly correspond to one another , so , you see , our Theory answers and is adjusted to both ; and , I think , so fitly , that we have no reason hitherto to be displeas'd with the success we have had in the examination of it , according to Scripture . We have dispatch'd the two main points in question , first , to prove a diversity in general betwixt the two natural Worlds , or betwixt the Heavens and the Earth before and after the Flood . Secondly , to prove wherein this diversity consisted ; or that the particular form of the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth was such according to Scripture , as we have describ'd it in the Theory . You 'l say , then the work is done , what needs more , all the rest follows of course ; for if the Ante-diluvian Earth had such a form as we have propos'd and prov'd it to have had , there could be no Deluge in it but by a dissolution of its parts and exteriour frame : And a Deluge so made , would not be in the nature of a standing Pool , but of a violent agitation and commotion of the waters . This is true ; These parts of the Theory are so cemented , that you must grant all , if you grant any . However we will try if even these two particulars also may be prov'd out of Scripture ; That is , if there be any marks or memorandums left there by the Spirit of God , of such a fraction or dissolution of the Earth at the Deluge . And also such characters of the Deluge it self , as show it to have been by a fluctuation and impetuous commotion of the waters . To proceed then ; That there was a Fraction or Dissolution of the Earth at the Deluge , the history of it by Moses gives us the first account , seeing he tells us , as the principal cause of the Flood , that the Fountains of the Great Abyss were cloven or burst asunder ; and upon this disruption the waters gush'd out from the bowels of the Earth , as from the widen'd mouths of so many Fountains . I do not take Fountains there to signifie any more than Sources or Stores of Water ; noting also this manner of their eruption from below , or out of the ground , as Fountains do . Accordingly in the Proverbs , ( chap. 3.20 . ) 't is onely said , the Abysses were broken open . I do not doubt but this refers to the Deluge , as Bede , and others understand it ; the very word being us'd here , both in the Hebrew and Septuagint , that express'd the disruption of the Abyss at the Deluge . And this breaking up of the Earth at that time , is elegantly exprest in Job , by the bursting of the Womb of Nature , when the Sea was first brought to light ; when after many pangs and throes and dilacerations of her body , Nature was deliverd of a burthen which she had born in her Womb Sixteen Hundred Years . These three places I take to be memorials and proofs of the disruption of the Earth , or of the Abyss , at the universal Deluge . And to these we may add more out of the Prophets , Job , and the Psalms , by way of allusion ( commonly ) to the state of Nature at that time . The Prophet Isaiah in describing the future destruction of the World , chap. 24. 18 , 19. seems plainly to allude and have respect to the past destruction of it at the Deluge ; as appears by that leading expression , the windows from an high are open , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taken manifestly from Gen. 7. 11. Then see how the description goes on , the windows from an high are open , and the foundations of the Earth do shake . The Earth is utterly broken down , the Earth is quite dissolv'd , the Earth is exceedingly moved . Here are Concussions , and Fractions , and Dissolutions , as there were in the Mundane Earth-quake and Deluge ; which we had exprest before only by breaking open the Abyss . By the Foundations of the Earth here and elsewhere , I perceive many understand the Centre ; so by moving or shaking the foundations , or putting them out of course , must be understood a displacing of the Centre ; which was really done at the Deluge , as we have shewn in its proper place . If we therefore remember that there was both a dislocation , as I may so say ; and a fraction in the body of the Earth , by that great fall ; a dislocation as to the centre , and a fraction as to the surface and exterior region , it will truly answer to all those expressions in the Prophet , that seem so strange and extraordinary . 'T is true , this place of the Prophet respects also and foretells the future destruction of the World ; but that being by Fire , when the Elements shall melt with servent heat , and the Earth with the works therein shall be burnt up , these expressions of fractions and concussions , seem to be taken originally from the manner of the World's first destruction , and to be transferr'd , by way of application , to represent and signifie the second destruction of it , though , it may be , not with the same exactness and propriety . There are several other places that refer to the dissolution and subversion of the Earth at the Deluge : Amos 9. 5 , 6. The Lord of Hosts is he that toucheth the Earth , and it shall melt , or be dissolv'd . — and it shall rise up wholly like a Flood , and shall be drowned as by the Flood of Aegypt . By this and by the next Verse the Prophet seems to allude to the Deluge , and to the dissolution of the Earth that was then . This in Job seems to be call'd breaking down the Earth , and overturning the Earth , Chap. 12. 14 , 15. Behold he breaketh down and it cannot be built again , He shutteth upon man , and there can be no opening . Behold , he withholdeth the waters , and they dry up ; also he sendeth them out , and they overturn the Earth : Which place you may see paraphras'd . Theor. Book 1. p. 91 , 92. We have already cited , and shall hereafter cite , other places out of Job ; And as that Ancient Author ( who is thought to have liv'd before the Judaical Oeconomy , and nearer to Noah than Moses ) seems to have had the praecepta Noachidarum , so also he seems to have had the Dogmata Noachidarum ; which were deliver'd by Noah to his Children and Posterity , concerning the mysteries of natural Providence , the origine and fate of the World , the Deluge and Ante-diluvian state , &c. and accordingly we find many strictures of these doctrines in the Book of Job . Lastly , in the Psalms there are Texts that mention the Shaking of the Earth , and the foundations of the World , in reference to the Flood , if we judge aright ; whereof we will speak under the next Head , concerning the raging of the Waters in the Deluge . These places of Scripture may be noted , as lest us to be remembrancers of that general ruine and disruption of the Earth at the time of the Deluge . But I know it will be said of them , that they are not strict proofs , but allusions onely . Be it so ; yet what is the ground of those allusions ? something must be alluded to , and something that hath past in nature , and that is recorded in Sacred History ; And what is that , unless it be the universal Deluge , and that change and disturbance that was then in all nature . If others say , that these and such like places are to be understood morally and allegorically , I do not envy them their interpretation ; but when nature and reason will bear a literal sence , the rule is , that we should not recede from the letter . But I leave these things to every one's thoughts ; which the more calm they are , and the more impartial , the more easily they will feel the impressions of truth . In the mean time , I proceed to the last particular mention'd , The form of the Deluge it self . This we suppose to have been not in the way of a standing Pool , the Waters making an equal Surface , and an equal heighth every where ; but that the extreme heighth of the Waters was made by the extreme agitation of them ; caus'd by the weight and force of great Masses or Regions of Earth falling at once into the Abyss ; by which means , as the waters in some places were prest out , and thrown at an excessive height into the air , so they would also in certain places gape , and lay bare even the bottom of the Abyss ; which would look as an open Grave ready to swallow up the Earth , and all it bore . Whilst the Ark , in the mean time , falling and rising by these gulphs and precipices , sometimes above water , and sometimes under , was a true Type of the state of the Church in this World ; And to this time and state David alludes in the name of the Church , Psal. 42. 7. Abyss calls unto Abyss at the noise of thy Cataracts or Water-spouts ; All thy waves and billows have gone over me . And again , Psal. 46. 2 , 3. in the name of the Church , Therefore will not we fear , tho' the Earth be removed , and tho' the mountains be carried into the midst of the Seas . The waters thereof roar and are troubled , the mountains shake with the swelling thereof . But there is no description more remarkable or more eloquent , than of that Scene of things represented , Psal. 18. 7 , 8 , 9 , &c. which still alludes , in my opinion , to the Deluge-scene , and in the name of the Church . We will ser down the words at large . Ver. 6. In my distress I called upon the Lord , and cried unto my God ; He heard my voice out of his Temple , and my cry came before him into his ears . 7. Then the Earth sbook and trembled , the foundations also of the hills moved and were shaken , because he was wroth . 8. There went up a smoke from his nostrils , and sire out of his mouth devoured ; Coals were kindled by it . 9. He bowed the Heavens also and came down , and darkness was under his feet . 10. And he rode upon a Cherub and did flie , he did flie upon the wings of the wind . 11. He made darkness his secret place ; his pavilion round about him was dark waters and thick clouds of the skie . 12. At the brightness before him the thick clouds passed , bail and coals of fire . 13. The Lord also thunder'd in the Heavens , and the Highest gave his voice , hail and coals of fire . 14. Yea , he sent out his arrows , and scatter'd them : and he shot out lightnings and discomfited them . 15. Then the Chanels of waters were seen , and the foundations of the World were discovered ; at thy rebuke , O Lord , at the blast of the breath of thy nostrils . He sent from above , he took me ; he drew me out of great waters . This I think is a rough * draught of the face of the Heavens and the Earth at the Deluge , as the last Verses do intimate ; and 't is apply'd to express the dangers and deliverances of the Church : The Expressions are far too high to be apply'd to David in his Person , and to his deliverance from Saul ; no such agonies or disorders of nature as are here instanc'd i● , were made in David's time , or upon his account ; but 't is a scheme of the Church , and of her fate , particularly , as represented by the Ark , in that dismal distress , when all nature was in confusion . And though there may be some things here intermixt to make up the Scene , that are not so close to the subject as the rest , or that may be referr'd to the future destruction of the world : yet that is not unusual , nor amiss , in such descriptions , if the great strokes be fit and rightly plac'd . That there was smoke , and fire , and water , and thunder , and darkness , and winds , and Earth-quakes at the Deluge , we cannot doubt , if we consider the circumstances of it ; Waters dash'd and broken make a smoke and darkness , and no Hurricano could be so violent as the motions of the Air at that time ; Then the Earth was torn in pieces , and its Foundations shaken ; And as to thunder and lightning , the encounters and collisions of the mighty Waves , and the cracks of a falling World , would make flashes and noises , far greater and more terrible , than any that can come from vapors and clouds . There was an universal Tempest , a conflict and clashing of all the Elements ; and David seems to have represented it so ; with God Allmighty in the midst of it , ruling them all . But I am apt to think some will say , all this is Poetical in the Prophet , and these are hyperbolical and figurate expressions , from which we cannot make any inference , as to the Deluge and the natural World. 'T is true , those that have no Idea of the Deluge , that will answer to such a Scene of things , as is here represented , must give such a slight account of this Psalm . But on the other hand , if we have already an Idea of the Deluge that is rational , and also consonant to Scripture upon other proofs , and the description here made by the Prophet answer to that Idea , whether then is it not more reasonable to think that it stands upon that ground , than to think it a meer fancy and Poetical Scene of things : This is the true state of the case , and that which we must judge of . Methinks 't is very harsh to suppose all this a bare fiction , grounded upon no matter of fact , upon no Sacred story , upon no appearance of God in nature . If you say it hath a moral signification , so let it have , we do not destroy that ; it hath reference , no doubt , to the dangers and deliverances of the Church ; but the question is , whether the words and natural sence be a fancy onely , a bundle of randome hyperboles : or whether they relate to the history of the Deluge , and the state of the Ark there representing the Church . This makes the sence doubly rich , historically and morally ; and grounds it upon Scripture and reason , as well as upon fancy . That violent eruption of the Sea out of the Womb of the Earth , which Job speaks of , is , in my judgment , another description of the Deluge ; 't is Chap. 38. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Who shut up the Sea with doors , when it broke forth , as if it had issued out of a Womb ; When I made the cloud the garment thereof , and thick darkness a swadling band for it . And broke up for it my decreed place — hitherto shalt thou come , &c. Here you see the birth and nativity of the Sea , or of Oceanus , describ'd * ‖ how he broke out of the Womb , and what his first garment and swadling cloaths were ; namely clouds and thick darkness . This cannot refer to any thing that I know of , but to the face of Nature at the Deluge ; when the Sea was born , and wrapt up in clouds and broken waves , and a dark impenetrable mist round the body of the Earth . And this seems to be the very same that David had exprest in his description of the Deluge , Psal. 18. 11. He made darkness his secret place , his pavilion round about him were dark waters and thick clouds of the skies . For this was truly the face of the World in the time of the Flood , tho' we little reflect upon it . And this dark confusion every where , above and below , arose from the violent and confus'd motion of the Abyss ; which was dasht in pieces by the falling Earth , and flew into the air in misty drops , as dust flies up in a great ruine . But I am afraid , we have stayed too long upon this particular , the form of the Deluge ; seeing 'tis but a Corollary from the precedent article about the dissolution of the Earth . However time is not ill spent about any thing that relates to natural Providence , whereof the two most signal instances in our Sacred Writings , are , the Deluge and the Conflagration . And seeing Job and David do often reflect upon the works of God in the external creation , and upon the administrations of Providence , it cannot be imagin'd that they should never reflect upon the Deluge ; the most remarkable change of Nature that ever hath been , and the most remarkable judgment upon mankind . And if they have reflected upon it any where , 't is , I think , in those places and those instances which I have noted ; and if those places do relate to the Deluge , they are not capable , in my judgment , of any fairer or more natural interpretation than that which we have given them ; which , you see , how much it favours and confirms our Theory . I have now finisht the heads I undertook to prove , that I might shew our Theory to agree with Scripture in these three principal points ; first , in that it supposeth a diversity and difference betwixt the Ante-diluvian Heavens and Earth , and the present Heavens and Earth . Secondly , in assigning the particular form of the Ante-diluvian Earth and Abyss . Thirdly , in explaining the Deluge by a dissolution of that Earth , and an eruption of the Abyss . How far I have succeeded in this attempt , as to others , I cannot tell ; but I am sure I have convinc'd my self , and am satisfied that my thoughts , in that Theory , have run in the same tract with the holy writings : with the true intent and spirit of them . There are some persons that are wilfully ignorant in certain things , and others that are willing to be ignorant as the Apostle phraseth it ; speaking of those Eternalists that denyed the doctrine of the change and revolutions of the Natural World : And 't is not to be expected but there are many still of the same humour ; and therefore may be called willingly ignorant , that is , they will not use that pains and attention that is necessary for the examination of such a doctrine , nor impartiality in judging after examination ; they greedily lay hold on all evidence on one side , and willingly forget , or slightly pass over , all evidence for the other ; this I think is the character of those that are willingly ignorant ; for I do not take it to be so deep as a down-right wilful ignorance , where they are plainly conscious to themselves of that wilfulness ; but where an insensible mixture of humane passions inclines them one way , and makes them averse to the other ; and in that method draws on all the consequences of a willing ignorance . There remains still , as I remember , one Proposition that I am bound to make good ; I said at first , that our Hypothesis concerning the Deluge was more agreeable not only to Scripture in general , but also to the particular History of the Flood left us by Moses ; I say , more agreeable to it than any other Hypothesis that hath yet been propos'd . This may be made good in a few words . For in Moses's history of the Deluge there are two principal points , The extent of the Deluge , and the Causes of it ; and in both these we do fully agree with that sacred Author . As to the extent of it , He makes the Deluge universal ; All the high hills under the whole heaven were cover'd , fifteen cubits upwards ; We also make it universal , over the face of the whole Earth ; and in such a manner as must needs raise the waters above the top of the highest hills every where . As to the causes of it , Moses makes them to be the disruption of the Abyss , and the Rains ; and no more ; and in this also we exactly agree with him ; we know no other causes , nor pretend to any other but those two . Distinguishing therefore Moses his narration as to the substance and circumstances of it , it must be allowed that these two points make the substance of it , and that an Hypothesis that differs from it in either of these two , differs from it more than Ours ; which , at the worst , can but differ in matter of circumstance . Now seeing the great difficulty about the Deluge is the quantity of Water required for it , there have been two explications proposed , besides ours , to remove or fatisfie this difficulty ; One whereof makes the Deluge not to have been universal , or to have reacht only Judea and some neighbouring Countreys ; and therefore less water would suffice ; The other owning the Deluge to be universal , supplies it self with Water from the Divine Omnipotency , and says new Waters were created then for the nonce , and again annihilated when the Deluge was to cease . Both these explications you see , ( and I know no more of note that are not obnoxious to the same exceptions ) differ from Moses in the substance , or in one of the two substantial points , and consequently more than ours doth . The first changeth the Flood into a kind of national innundation , and the second assigns other causes of it than Moses had assigned . And as they both differ apparently from the Mosaical history , so you may see them refuted upon other grounds also , in the third Chapter of the First Book of the Theory . This may be sufficient as to the History of the Flood by Moses . But possibly it may be said the principal objection will arise from Moses his Six-days Creation in the first Chapter of Genesis : where another sort of Earth , than what we have form'd from the Chaos , is represented to us ; namely , a Terraqueous Globe , such as our Earth is at present . 'T is indeed very apparent , that Moses hath accommodated his Six-days Creation to the present form of the Earth , or to that which was before the eyes of the people when he writ . But it is a great question whether that was ever intended for a true Physical account of the origine of the Earth : or whether Moses did either Philosophize or Astronomize in that description . The ancient Fathers , when they answer the Heathens , and the adversaries of Christianity , do generally deny it ; as I am ready to make good upon another occafion . And the thing it self bears in it evident marks of an accommodation and condescention to the vulgar notions concerning the form of the World. Those that think otherwise , and would make it literally and physically true in all the parts of it , I desire them , without entring upon the strict merits of the cause , to determine these Preliminaries . First , whether the whole universe rise from a Terrestrial Chaos . Secondly , what Systeme of the World this Six-days Creation proceeds upon : whether it supposes the Earth , or the Sun , for the Center . Thirdly , Whether the Sun and Fixt Stars are of a later date , and a later birth , than this Globe of Earth . And lastly , Where is the Region of the Super-celestial Waters . When they have determin'd these Fundamentals , we will proceed to other observations upon the Six-days work , which will further assure us , that 't is a narration suited to the capacity of the people , and not to the strict and physical nature of things . Besides , we are to remember , that Moses must be so interpreted in the first Chapter of Genesis , as not to interfere with himself in other parts of his History ; nor to interfere with S. Peter , or the Prophet David , or any other Sacred Authors , when they treat of the same matter . Nor lastly , so , as to be repugnant to clear and uncontested Science . For , in things that concern the natural World , that must always be consulted . With these precautions , let them try if they can reduce that narrative of the Origine of the World , to physical truth ; so as to be consistent , both with Nature , and with Divine Revelation every where . It is easily reconcileable to both , if we suppose it writ in a Vulgar style , and to the conceptions of the People : And we cannot deny that a Vulgar style is often made use of in the holy Writings . How freely and unconcernedly does Scripture speak of God Allmighty , according to the opinions of the vulgar ? of his passions , local motions , parts and members of his body . Which all are things that do not belong , or are not compatible with the Divine nature , according to truth and Science . And if this liberty be taken , as to God himself , much more may it be taken as to his works . And accordingly we see , what motion the Scripture gives to the Sun : what figure to the Earth : what figure to the Heavens : All according to the appearance of sence and popular credulity ; without any remorse for having transgressed the rules of intellectual truth . This vulgar style of Scripture in describing the natures of things , hath been often mistaken for the real sence , and so become a stumbling block in the way of truth . Thus the Anthropomorphites of old contended for the humane shape of God , from the Letter of Scripture ; and brought many express Texts for their purpose : but sound reason , at length , got the upper hand of Literal authority . Then , several of the Christian Fathers contended , that there were no Antipodes : and made that doctrine irreconcileable to Scripture . But this also , after a while , went off , and yielded to reason and experience . Then , the Motion of the Earth must by no means be allow'd , as being contrary to Scripture : for so it is indeed , according to the Letter and Vulgar style . But all intelligent Persons see thorough this argument , and depend upon it no more in this case , than in the former . Lastly , The original of the Earth from a Chaos , drawn according to the rules of Physiology , will not be admitted : because it does not agree with the Scheme of the Six-days Creation . But why may not this be writ in a Vulgar style , as well as the rest ? Certainly there can be nothing more like a Vulgar style , than to set God to work by the day , and in Six-days to finish his task : as he is there represented . We may therefore probably hope that all these disguises of truth will at length fall off , and that we shall see God and his Works in a pure and naked Light. Thus I have finish'd what I had to say in confirmation of this Theory from Scripture . I mean of the former part of it , which depends chiefly upon the Deluge , and the Antediluvian Earth . When you have collated the places of Scripture , on either side , and laid them in the balance , to be weigh'd one against another ; If you do but find them equal , or near to an equal poise , you know in whether Scale the Natural Reasons are to be laid : and of what weight they ought to be in an argument of this kind . There is a great difference betwixt Scripture with Philosophy on its side , and Scripture with Philosophy against it : when the question is concerning the Natural World. And this is our Case : which I leave now to the consideration of the unprejudic'd Reader : and proceed to the Proof of the Second Part of the Theory . THE later Part consists of the Conflagration of the World , and the New Heavens and New Earth . And seeing there is no dispute concerning the former of these two , our task will now lie in a little compass . Being onely this , To prove that there will be New Heavens , and a New Earth , after the Conflagration . This , to my mind , is sufficiently done already , in the first , second and third Chapters of the 4th . Book , both from Scripture and Antiquity , whether Sacred or prophane : and therefore , at present , we will onely make a short and easie review of Scripture-Testimonies , with design chiefly to obviate and disappoint the evasions of such , as would beat down solid Texts into thin Metaphors and Allegories . The Testimonies of Scripture concerning the Renovation of the World , are either express , or implicit . Those I call express , that mention the New Heavens and New Earth : And those implicit , that signifie the same thing , but not in express terms . So when our Saviour speaks of a Palingenesia , or Regeneration , ( Matt. 19. 28 , 29. ) Or St. Peter of an Apocatastasis or Restitution , ( Act. 3. 21. ) These being words us'd by all Authors , prophane or Ecclesiastical , for the Renovation of the World , ought , in reason , to be interpreted in the same sence in the holy Writings . And in like manner , when St. Paul speaks of his Future Earth , or an habitable World to come , Hebr. 2. 5. or of a Redemption or melioration of the present state of nature , Rom. 8. 21 , 22. These lead us again , in other terms , to the same Renovation of the World. But there are also some places of Scripture , that set the New Heavens and New Earth in such a full and open view , that we must shut our eyes not to see them . St. John says , he saw them , and observ'd the form of the New Earth , Apoc. 21. 1. The Seer Isaish spoke of them in express words , many hundred years before . And St. Peter marks the time when they are to be introduc'd , namely after the Conflagration , or after the Dissolution of the present Heavens and Earth : 2 Pet. 3. 12 , 13. These later Texts of Scripture , being so express , there is but one way left to elude the force of them ; and that is , by turning the Renovation of the World into an Allegory : and making the New Heavens and New Earth to be Allegorical Heavens and Earth , not real and material , as ours are . This is a bold attempt of some modern Authors , who chuse rather to strain the Word of God , than their own notions . There are Allegories , no doubt , in Scripture , but we are not to allegorize Scripture without some warrant : either from an Apostolical interpretation , or from the necessity of the matter : and I do not know how they can pretend to either of these , in this case . However , that they may have all fair play , we will lay aside , at present , all the other Texts of Scripture , and confine our selves wholly to St. Peter's words : to see and examine whether they are , or can be turn'd into an Allegory , according to the best rules of interpretation . St. Peter's words are these : Seeing then all these things shall be dissolv'd , what manner of persons ought ye to be , in holy conversation and godliness ? Looking for , and hasting the coming of the Day of God : wherein the Heavens being on fire shall be dissolv'd , and the Elements shall melt with fervent heat . NEVERTHELESS , we , according to his promise , look for New Heavens and a New Earth , wherein Righteousness shall dwell . The Question is concerning this last Verse , Whether the New Heavens and Earth here promis'd , are to be real and material Heavens and Earth , or onely figurative and allegorical . The words , you see , are clear : And the general rule of interpretation is this , That we are not to recede from the letter , or the literal sence , unless there be a necessity from the subject matter ; such a necessity , as makes a literal interpretation absurd . But where is that necessity in this Case ? Cannot God make new Heavens and a new Earth , as easily as he made the Old ones ? Is his strength decay'd since that time , or is Matter grown more disobedient ? Nay , does not Nature offer her self voluntarily to raise a new World from the second Chaos , as well as from the first : and , under the conduct of Providence , to make it as convenient an habitation as the Primaeval Earth ? Therefore no necessity can be pretended of leaving the literal sence , upon an incapacity of the subject matter . The second rule to determine an Interpretation to be Literal or Allegorical , is , the use of the same words or phrase in the Context , and the signification of them there . Let 's then examine our cafe according to this rule . St. Peter had us'd the same phrase of Heavens and Earth twice before in the same Chapter . The old Heavens and Earth , ver . 5. The Present Heavens and Earth , ver . 7. and now he uses it again , ver . 13. The new Heavens and Earth . Have we not then reason to suppose , that he takes it here in the same sence , that he had done twice before , for real and material Heavens and Earth ? There is no mark set of a new signification , nor why we should alter the sence of the words . That he us'd them always before for the material Heavens and Earth , I think none will question : and therefore , unless they can give us a sufficient reason , why we should change the signification of the words , we are bound , by this second rule also , to understand them in a literal sence . Lastly , The very form of the words , and the manner of their dependence upon the Context , leads us to a literal sence , and to material Heavens and Earth . NEVERTHELESS , says the Apostle , we expect new Heavens , &c. Why Nevertheless ! that is , notwithstanding the dissolution of the present Heavens and Earth . The Apostle foresaw , what he had said , might raise a doubt in their minds , whether all things would not be at an end : Nothing more of Heavens and Earth , or of any habitable World , after the Conflagration ; and to obviate this , he tells them , Notwithstanding that wonderful desolation that I have describ'd , we do , according to God's promises , expect new Heavens and a new Earth , to be an Habitation for the Righteous . You see then the New Heavens and New Earth , which the Apostle speaks of , are substituted in the place of those that were destroy'd at the Conflagration ; and would you substitute Allegorical Heavens and Earth in the place of Material ? A shadow for a substance ? What an Equivocation would it be in the Apostle , when the doubt was about the material Heavens and Earth , to make an answer about Allegorical . Lastly , the timeing of the thing determines the sence . When shall this new World appear ? after the Conflagration , the Apostle says : Therefore it cannot be understood of any moral renovation , to be made at , or in the times of the Gospel , as these Allegorists pretend . We must therefore , upon all accounts , conclude , that the Apostle intended a literal sence : real and material Heavens , to succeed these after the Conflagration : which was the thing to be prov'd . And I know not what Bars the Spirit of God can set , to keep us within the Compass of a Literal sence , if these be not sufficient . Thus much for the Explication of St. Peter's Doctrine , concerning the new Heavens and new Earth : which secures the second Part of our Theory . For the Theory stands upon two Pillars , or two pedestals , The Ante-diluvian Earth and the Future Earth : or , in S. Peter's phrase , The Old Heavens and Earth , and the New Heavens and Earth : And it cannot be shaken , so long as these two continue firm and immoveable . We might now put an end to this Review , but it may be expected possibly that we should say something concerning the Millennium : which we have , contrary to the general Sentiment of the modern Millenaries , plac'd in the Future Earth . Our opinion hath this advantage above others , that , all fanatical pretensions to power and empire in this World , are , by these means , blown away , as chaff before the wind . Princes need not fear to be dethron'd , to make way to the Saints : nor Governments unhing'd , that They may rule the World with a rod of Iron . These are the effects of a wild Enthusiasm ; seeing the very state which they aim at , is not to be upon this Earth . But that our sence may not be mistaken or misapprehended in this particular , as if we thought the Christian Church would never , upon this Earth , be in a better and happier posture than it is in at present : We must distinguish betwixt a melioration of the World , if you will allow that word : and a millennium . We do not deny a reformation and improvement of the Church , both as to Peace , Purity , and Piety . That knowledge may increase , mens minds be enlarg'd , and Christian Religion better understood : That the power of Antichrist shall be diminish'd , persecution cease , and a greater union and harmony establish'd amongst the Reformed . All this may be , and I hope will be , ere long . But the Apocalyptical Millennium , or the New Jerusalem , is still another matter . It differs not in degree only from the present state , but is a new order of things : both in the Moral World and in the Natural ; and that cannot be till we come into the New Heavens and New Earth . Suppose what Reformation you can in this World , there will still remain many things inconsistent with the true Millennial state . Antichrist , tho' weakned , will not be finally destroy'd till the coming of our Saviour , nor Satan bound . And there will be always poverty , wars , diseases , knaves and hypocrites , in this World : which are not consistent with the New Jerusalem , as S. John describes it . Apoc. 21. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. You see now what our notion is of the Millennium , as we deny this Earth to be the Seat of it . 'T is the state that succeeds the first Resurrection , when Satan is lockt up in the bottomless pit . The state when the Martyrs are to return into Life , and wherein they are to have the first lot and chief share . A state which is to last a thousand years . And Blessed and Holy is he , that hath a part in it : on such the second death hath no power , but they shall be Priests of God and Christ , and shall reign with him a thousand years . If you would see more particular reasons of our judgment in this case , why such a Millennium is not to be expected in this World : they are set down in the 8th Chap. of the 4th Book , and we do not think it necessary that they should be here repeated . As to that dissertation that follows the Millennium , and reaches to the Consummation of all things , seeing it is but problematical , we leave it to stand or fall by the evidence already given . And should be very glad to see the conjectures of others , more lcarned , in Speculations so abstruse and remote from common knowledge . They cannot surely be thought unworthy or unfit for our Meditations , seeing they are suggested to us by Scripture it self . And to what end were they propos'd to us there , if it was not intended that they should be understood , sooner or later ? I have done with this Review : and shall only add one or two reflections upon the whole discourse , and so conclude . You have seen the state of the Theory of the Earth , as to the Matter , Form , and Proofs of it : both Natural and Sacred . If any one will substitute a better in its place , I shall think my self more obliged to him , than if he had shew'd me the Quadrature of the Circle . But it is not enough to pick quarrels here and there : that may be done by any writing , especially when it is of so great extent and comprehension . They must build up , as well as pull down ; and give us another Theory instead of this , fitted to the same natural History of the Earth , according as it is set down in Scripture : and then let the World take their choice . He that cuts down a Tree , is bound in reason to plant two , because there is an hazard in their growth and thriving . Then as to those that are such rigorous Scripturists , as to require plainly demonstrative and irresistible Texts for every thing they entertain or believe ; They would do well to reflect and consider , whether , for every article in the three Creeds ( which have no support from natural reason ) they can bring such Texts of Scripture as they require of others : or a fairer and juster evidence , all things consider'd , than we have done for the substance of this Theory . We have not indeed said all that might be said , as to Antiquity : that making no part in this Review , and being capable still of great additions . But as to Scripture and Reason I have no more to add . Those that are not satisfied with the proofs already produc'd upon these two heads , are under a fate , good or bad , which is not in my power to overcome . FINIS . BOOKS Printed for Walter Kettilby . H'Enrici Mori Cantabrigiensis Opera omnia , tum que Latinè , tum que Anglicè scripta sunt ; nunc vero Latinitate donata Instigatu & Impensis Generofissimi Juvenis Johannis Cockshuti Nobilis Angli , 3. Vol. Fol. — 's Exposition upon Daniel . quart . — 's Exposition upon the Revelations . quart . — 's Answer to several Remarks upon his Expositions upon Daniel , and the Revelations . quart . — 's Notes upon Daniel and the Revelations . quart . — 's Paralipomena Prophetica , containing several Supplements and Defences of his Expositions . quart . — 's Confutation of Judiciary Astrology against Butler . quart . — 's Brief Discourse of the Real Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ , in the Celebration of the Holy Eucharist . 40. stitcht . — 's Reply to the Answer to his Antidote against Idolatry . oct . — 's Remarks upon Judge Hales of Fluid Bodies . oct . The Theory of the Earth , &c. the two first Books , concerning the Deluge , and concerning Paradise . Fol. Telluris Theoria Sacra , &c. Libri duo Priores de Diluvio & Paradiso . quarto . Libri duo Posteriores de Conflagratione Mundi , & de futuro Rerum Statu . quart . Dr. Goodal's Royal Colledge of Physicians . quart . Sydenham Opera Universa Medica . oct . Ent. de Circuitione Sanguinis . oct . Charleton de Causis Catameniorum & uteri Rheumatismo . oct . Mr. L'Emery's Course of Chymistry . oct . An Answer to Harvey's Conclave of Physicians . Dr. Scott's Christian Life , in 3. Vol. Dr : Falkner's Libertas Ecclesiastica . oct . — 's Vindication of Liturgies . oct . — 's Christian Loyalty . oct . Dr. Fowler 's Libertas Evangelica . oct . Dr. Kidder's Christian Sufferer . oct . Mr. W. Allen's Twelve several Tracts , in 4. Vol. oct . Lately Printed . Mr. W. Allen's Nature , Series , and Order of Occurrences , as they are prophetically represented in the 11th . Chapter of the Revelations . oct . Mr. Raymond's Pattern of Pure and undefiled Religion . oct . Dr. Worthington's Great duty of Self-resignation . oct . reprinted . A Relation of the Proceedings at Charter-House , upon occasion of K. Fames's presenting a Papist to be admitted into that Hospital , by vertue of his Letters Dispensatory . Fol. stitcht . Mr. Mariott's Sermon , on Easter-day , before the Lord Mayor . — 's Sermon at the Election of the Lord Mayor . Dr. Pellings Sermon before the K. and Q. at White-hall . Dec. 8. 1689. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A30484-e90 1. Cor. 15 Apoc. 20. Theor. book 3 ch . 7 , & 8 Theor. Book 2. chap. 5. 2. Pet. 3. There was a Sect amongst the Jews that held this perpetuity and immutability of Nature ; and Maimonides himself was of this principle , and gives the same reason for it with the Scoffers here in the Text , Quod mundus retinet & sequitur consuetudinem suam . And as to those of the Jews that were Aristoteleans , it was very suitable to their principles to hold the incorruptibility of the World , as their Master did . Vid. Med. in loc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , per quae . Vulgat . Quamobrem , Beza , Quâ de causâ , Grot. Nemo interpretum reddidit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per quas ; subint elligendo aquas . Hoc enim argumentationem ApoQuod suppostolicam tolleret , supponeretque illusores illos ignorâsse quod olim fuerit Diluvium ; ni non posse suprà ostendimus . * This phrase or manner of speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not unusual in Greek Authors , and upon a like subject ; Plato saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but he that should translate Plato , The world stands out of fire , water , &c. would be thought neither Graecian , nor Philosopher . The same phrase is us'd in reciting Heraclitus his opinion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And also in Thales his , which is still nearer to the subject , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Cicero renders , ex aquâ , dixit , constare omnia . So that it is easie to know the true importance of this phrase , and how ill it is render'd in the English , standing out of the water . Book 2. c. 5. p. 233. Whether you refer the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . separately , to the Heavens and the Earth , or both to the Earth , or both to both , it will make no great difference as to our interpretation . Theor. I Book . c. 2. cap. 18. cap. 16 : De 6. dier . creat . See Theor. Book 2. ch . 5. * I know some would make this place of no effect by rendering the Hebrew particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 juxta , by or near to ; so they would read it thus , He hath founded the Earth by the Sea-side , and establish'd it by the Floods . What is there wonderful in this , that the shores should lie by the Sea-side ; Where could they lie else ? What reason or argument is this , why the Earth should be the Lord's ? The Earth is the Lord's , for he hath founded it near the Seas , Where is the confequence of this ? But if he founded it upon the Seas , which could not be done by any other hand but his , it shows both the Workman and the Master . And accordingly in that other place , Psal. 136. 6. if you render it , he stretched out the Earth near the Waters , How is that one of God's great wonders ? as it is there represented to be . Because in some few places this particle is render'd otherwise , where the sense will bear it , must we therefore render it so when we please , and where the sence will not bear it ? This being the most usual signification of it , and there being no other word that signifies above more frequently or determinately than this does , Why must it signifie otherwise in this place ? Men will wriggle any way to get from under the force of a Text , that does not suit to their own Notions . Book 1. p. 88. * This reading or translating is generally followed , ( Theor. book 1. p. 86. ) though the English translation read on a heap , unsuitably to the matter and to the sence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 38. Theor. book 2. p. 194 , 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Philo Iudaeus his description of the Deluge , both as to the commotions of the Heavens , and the fractions of the Earth . In his first Treatise de Abrahamo , mihi pa. 279. * Utì comparatio praecedens ‖ de ortu Telluris , sumitur ab aedificio , ita haec altera de ortu maris , sumitur ù partu ; & exhibetur Oceanus , primùm , ut foetus inclusus in utero , dein us erumpens & prodeuns , denique ut fasciis & primis suis pannis involutus . Atque ex aperto Terrae usero prorupit aquarum moles , ut proluvies illa , quam simul cum foetu profundere solet puerpera . ‖ Ver. 4 , 5 , 6. See Theor. Book 1. p. 99. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Isa. 65. 17. 2 Pet. 3. 11 , 12 , 13. 
A42816	----	Logou thrēskeia, or, A seasonable recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion against infidelity, scepticism, and fanaticisms of all sorts. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1670 Approx. 83 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42816 Wing G812 ESTC R23387 12068287 ocm 12068287 53425 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42816) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53425) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:9) Logou thrēskeia, or, A seasonable recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion against infidelity, scepticism, and fanaticisms of all sorts. Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [2], 36 p. Printed by E.C. and A.C. for James Collins ..., London : 1670. First two words of title transliterated from Greek. Attributed to Joseph Glanvill. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ΛΟΓΟΥ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑ : OR , A Seasonable Recommendation , and Defence OF REASON , In the Affairs of RELIGION ; AGAINST Infidelity , Scepticism , and Fanaticisms of all sorts . LONDON , Printed by E. C. and A. C. for Iames Collins at the Kings-head in Westminster-Hall . 1670. AD CLERUM . Rom. XII . the latter part of verse 1. — VVhich is your reasonable Service . THERE is nothing , that I know , hath done so much mischief to Christianity , as the disparagement of Reason , under pretense of respect , and favour to Religion ; since hereby the very Foundations of the Christian Faith have been undermined , and the World prepared for Atheism . For if Reason must not be heard , the Being of a GOD , and the Authority of Scripture can neither be proved , nor defended ; and so our Faith drops to the ground , like a House that hath no foundation . Besides , by this way , those sickly conceits , and Enthusiastick dreames , and unsound Doctrines , that have poysoned our Aire , and infatuated the minds of men , and exposed Religion to the scorn of Infidels , and divided the Church , and disturbed the peace of mankind , and involved the Nation in so much bloud , and so many Ruines ; I say hereby , all these fatal Follies , that have been the occasions of so many mischiefs , have been propagated , and promoted . So that I may affirm boldly , That here is the Spring-head of most of the waters of bitterness , and strife ; and here the Fountain of the the great Deeps of Atheism , and Fanaticism , that are broken up upon us . And now , to damme up this source of mischiefs , by representing the fair agreement that is between Reason , and Religion , is the most seasonable service that can be done unto both ; since hereby , Religion will be rescued from the impious accusation of its being groundless , and imaginary : And Reason also defended , against the unjust charge of those , that would make this beam of God , prophane , and irreligious . This I shall endeavour at this time ; and I think it proper work for the occasion , now that I have an opportunity of speaking to You Reverend Fathers , and Brethren of the Clergy ; For 't is from the Pulpit , Religion hath received those wounds through the sides of Reason ; I do not say , and I do not think , It hath from yours ; But we know , that indiscreet , and hot Preachers that had entertain'd vain , and unreasonable Doctrines , which they had made an interest , and the badges of a party ; perceiving that their darling opinions could not stand , if Reason , their enemy , were not discredited ; They set up a loud cry against Reason , as the great adversary of free-Grace , and Faith , and zealously endeavoured to run it down , under the misapplied names of Vain Philosophy , Carnal Reasoning , and the wisdom of this world : And what hath been the Issue of those cantings , we have sadly seen , and felt . So that , I think 't is now the duty of all sober , and reasonable men to rise up against this spirit of Folly , and infatuation : and some thing I shall attempt at present , by shewing , that Reason is very serviceable to Religion ; and Religion very friendly to Reason ; both which are included in these words of the Apostle . — WHICH IS YOUR REASONABLE SERVICE . He had proved in the preceding part of this Epistle , That the Gospel was the only way of happiness , and here , he enters upon the application of this Doctrine , and affectionately exhorts his Romans , to conform themselves unto It. I beseech you therefore Brethren by the mercies of God , that you present your bodies : By which no doubt he means , their whole persons , For they are to be a living sacrifice ; Living ; in opposition to the dead services of the Ceremonial Law ; Holy , acceptable unto God ; in opposition to those legal performances , that had no intrinsick goodness in them , and were not acceptable now that their institution was determined . And the motives whereby he enforceth his exhortation are these two , viz. The Mercies of GOD , which the Gospel hath brought , and propounded ; I beseech you Brethren by the mercies of God ; And the Reasonableness of the thing it self that he urgeth them to , — Which is your Reasonable Service . My business is with this latter , and I infer from it : That Religion is a reasonable thing . IN treating of this Proposition I shall ( I. ) State what I mean by Religion , and what by Reason . ( II. ) I shall demonstrate their harmony , and agreement . ( III. ) Indeaveur to disable the main Objections that are alledged against the use of Reason , in the affairs of Faith. And ( IV. ) Improve all by some Inferences , and Advices . TO BEGIN with the first , the settling the distinct Notions of Religion , and Reason . We know there is nothing in any matter of enquiry , or debate that can be discovered , or determined 'till the Terms of the Question are explained , and their Notions settled . The want of this , hath been the occasion of a great part of those Confusions we find in Disputes , and particularly most of the Clamours , that have been raised against Reason in the affairs of Religion , have sprung from mens mistakes of the nature of both . For while groundless opinions , and unreasonable practices are often called Religion on the one hand ; and vain imaginations , and false consequences are as frequently stiled Reason on the other ; 'T is no wonder that such a Religion disclaims the use of Reason , or that such Reason is opposite to Religion . Therefore , in order to my shewing the agreement between true Religion , and genuine Reason , I shall , with all that clearness that I can , represent the just meaning of the one , and of the other . FOR Religion First ; the name signifies Binding , and so imports duty ; and all duty is comprised under these two Generals , Worship , and Virtue ; Worship comprehends all our duties towards God ; Virtue all those , that relate to our Neighbour , or our selves . Religion then primarily consists in these , which are the sum of the Law , and the Prophets . But duty cannot be performed , without knowledge , and some Principles there must be , that must direct these Practices ; And those that discover , and direct men in those actions of duty , are called Principles of Religion . These are of two sorts , viz. Some are ( 1. ) Fundamental , and Essential ; others ( 2. ) accessory and assisting . Fundamental is a Metaphor taken from the foundation of a building ; upon which the Fabrick stands , and without which , it must sink to the ground : So that Fundamental Principles are such , as are supposed to the duties of Religion , one or more ; and such as are absolutely necessary to the performance of them respectively : Of this sort I mention four , viz. ( I. ) That there is a God of infinite perfection . The belief of this , is absolutely necessary to all the parts of Religion . ( II. ) That we are sinners and exposed to his displeasure . This is necessary to confession of sins , and repentance ; parts of Worship . ( III. ) That God is our Maker , and the Author of all our blessings . This is necessary to the Duties of prayer , praise , and adoration . ( IV. ) That there is Moral Good , and Evil : Without this there can be no Charity , Humility , Iustice , Purity ; or the rest . These Propositions I say are Fundamentals of Religion , for It supposeth , and stands upon them . There are others , which are not so absolutely necessary , as these , but yet very incouraging , and helpful ; I reckon Four here also : Viz. ( 1. ) THAT God will pardon us , if we repent . ( 2. ) THAT he will assist us , if we indeavour . ( 3. ) THAT he will accept of Services that are imperfect , if they are sincere . ( 4. ) THAT he will reward , or punish , in another world according to what we have done in this . This I count to be the summe of Religion general : and Christianity takes in all those Duties ; and all the Principles ; advancing the Duties to nobler measures ; and incouraging them by new motives , and assistances , and superadding two other instances , Baptism , and the Lords Supper . And for the Principles , It confirms those of natural Religion ; and explains them further , and discovers some few new ones ; And all these , both of the former , and the latter sort , are contained in the Creed . Here are all the Fundamentals of Religion , and the main assisting Principles also . And I call nothing else Religion , but plain Duties , and these acknowledged Principles , And though our Church require our assent to more Propositions ; yet those are only Articles of Communion , not Doctrines absolutely necessary to salvation . And if we go beyond the Creed for the Essentials of Faith ; who can tell where we shall stop ? The summe is , Religion primarily is Duty ; And duty is All that which God hath commanded to be done by his Word , or our Reasons ; and we have the substance of these in the Commandments : Religion also in a secondary sense consists in some Principles relating to the Worship of God , and of his Son , in the ways of devout , and virtuous living ; and these are comprised in that Summary of belief called the Apostles Creed . This I take to be Religion ; and this Religion I shall prove to be reasonable : But I cannot undertake for all the Opinions some men are pleased to call Orthodox ; nor for all those that by many private persons , and some Churches are counted essential Articles of Faith , and Salvation . Thus I have stated what I mean by Religion . THE OTHER thing to be determined , and fixt , is , the proper Notion of Reason . For this you may please to consider , that Reason is sometimes taken for Reason in the Faculty , which is the Understanding ; and at other times , for Reason in the object , which consists in those Principles , and Conclusions by which the Understanding is informed . This latter is meant in the dispute concerning the agreement , or disagreement of Reason , and Religion . And Reason in this sense , is the same with natural truth , which I said is made up of Principles , and Conclusions . By the Principles of Reason we are not to understand the Grounds of any mans Philosophy ; nor the Critical Rules of Syllogism ; but those imbred fundamental notices , that God hath implanted in our Souls ; such as arise not from external objects , nor particular humours , or imaginations ; but are immediately lodged in our minds ; independent upon other principles or deductions ; commanding a sudden assent ; and acknowledged by all sober mankind . Of this sort are these . That God is a being of all perfection . That nothing hath no Attributes . That a thing cannot be , and not be . That the whole is greater than any of its parts . And such like others , which are unto Us , what instincts are to other Creatures . These I call the Principles of Reason . The Conclusions are those other notices , that are inferred rightly from these ; and by their help from the observations of sense ; And the remotest that can be conceived , of all these , if it be rightly inferred from the Principles of Reason , or duly circumstantiated sense , is as well to be reckoned a part , and branch of Reason as the more immediate conclusions , that are principles in respect of those distant truths . And thus I have given an account also of the proper notion , and nature of Reason . I AM to shew next ( 2. ) That Religion is reasonable ; and this implies two things , viz. That Reason is a friend to Religion ; and that Religion is so to Reason . From these two , results their correspondence , and agreement . I begin with the FIRST : and here I might easily shew the great congruity that there is between that light , and those Laws , that God hath placed in our Souls ; and the duties of Religion that by the expressness of his written Word he requires from us ; and demonstrate that Reason teacheth All those , excepting only the two Positives , Baptism , and the holy Eucharist . But there is not so much need of turning my discourse that way ; and therefore I shall confine it to the Principles of Religion . which are called Faith , and prove that Reason mightily befriends these . It doth this ( I. ) By proving some of those Principles ; and ( II. ) By defending all . For the clearing both these , you may consider , That the Principles of Religion are of two sorts : Either ( 1. ) such as are praesupposed to Faith ; or such as ( 2 ) are formal Articles of it . Of the first sort are ; The Being of a God ; and the Authority of the Scripture . And of the second , such as are expressely declared by divine Testimony ; As the Attributes of God ; the Incarnation of his Son , and such like . ( I. ) For the former they are proved by Reason ; and by reason only . The others we shall consider after . ( I. ) That the Being of a God , the foundation of all , is proved by reason , the Apostle acknowledgeth , when he saith , That what was to be known of God , was manifest ; and to the Heathen , Rom. I.XIX. and he adds , ver . XX. That the invisible things from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made . And the Royal Psalmist speaks to the like purpose , Psal. XIX . The Heavens declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy works . And again , Psal. 148.3 . Praise him Sun , and Moon , praise him ye Stars , and Light ; which intimates , that these Works of his afford matter to our reasons for religious acknowledgments . And reason proves the existence of God , from the beauty , and order , and ends , and usefulness of the Creatures ; for these are demonstrative arguments of the being of a wise , and omnipotent mind , that hath framed all things so orderly , and exactly ; and that Mind is God. This Article then , Reason proves , which was the first branch of the particular ; and I add , that it is Reason only that can do it ; which was the other . This you will see when you consider , that there are but three things from whence the existence of any being can be concluded , viz. Sense , Revelation , or Reason . For Sense , it hath no more to do here but to present matter for our Reasons to work on ; and Revelation supposeth the being of a God , and cannot prove it ; for we can have no security that the Revelation is true , 'till we are assured it is from God ; or from some Commissioned by him . The knowledge of his Being therefore , must precede our Faith in Revelation ; and so cannot be deduced from it . Thus Reason befriends Religion by laying its corner stone . And the next to this is the other Principle mentioned . ( II. ) The divine Authority of Scripture . This also is to be proved by reason , and only by It. The great argument for the truth of Scripture is the Testimony of the Spirit in the miracles wrought by Christ , and his Apostles . Our Saviour himself useth this argument to gain credit to his Doctrines , Believe me for the works sake ; The works that I do bear testistimony of me ; and if I had not done among them the works that no other man did they had had no sin , Joh. 15.24 . And the Apostles continually urge that great miracle , the Resurrection of Christ from the dead for the conviction both of the Iews , and Gentiles , That he was the Son of God ; and his Doctrines true . Now Miracles are an Argument to our Reasons , and we reason from them thus : Miracles are Gods Seal , and they are wrought by his Power , and He is true , and good , and would not lend these to Impostours to cheat , and abuse mankind . Therefore whoever works real miracles for the confirmation of any doctrine , it is to be believed that He is taught of God , and Commissioned to teach us . And that Christ , and his Apostles did those things which are recorded of them , is matter of Testimony ; and Reason clears the validity of this , by the aggregation of multitudes of Circumstances , which shew , that the first Relators could not be deceived themselves , and would not deceive us ; nor indeed could in the main matters , if they had designed it . And the certainty of the conveyance of these things to us is evinced also by numerous convictive Reasons : So that , the matter of fact is secure ; and that such doctrines were taught , as are ascribed to those divine persons ; and those persons inspired that penned them , are proved the same way : And so it follows from the whole , that the Gospel is the Word of God ; and the Old Testament is confirmed by that . Thus Reason proves the Divine Authority of Scripture : and those other Arguments that use to be produced for it , from Its style , and Its influence upon the Souls of men ; from the excellency of its design ; and the Providence of God in preserving it ; are of the same sort , though not of the same strength . Reason then proves the Scriptures ; and this only ; For that they are from God , is not known immediately by sense ; and there is no distinct Revelation that is certain , and infallible to assure us of it ; and so Reason only remains to demonstrate this other Fundamental Article . These two great Truths , The Existence of God ; and Authority of Scripture , are the first in our Religion ; and they are Conclusions of Reason ; and Foundations of Faith. Thus briefly of those Principles of Religion that are Fundamentally such ; We have seen how Reason serves them , by demonstrating their Truth , and certainty . I COME now to the SECOND sort of Principles ; viz. those that are formally so ; They are of two sorts , mixt and pure ; The mixt are those that are discovered by reason , and declared by Revelation also ; and so are Principles both of Reason , and Faith : Of this kind are the Attributes of God ; Moral good , and evil ; and the immortality of humane souls . The Principles of pure Faith , are such as are known only by Divine Testimony , as the Miraculous Conception , the Incarnation , and the Trinity . The first sort Reason proves as well as Scripture , this I shew briefly in the alledged instances . ( 1. ) That the Divine Attributes are revealed in the Holy Oracles , 't is clear ; and they are deduced from Reason also ; For 't is a general Principle of all Mankind , That God is a Being absolutely perfect ; And hence Reason concludes all the particular Attributes of his being ; since Wisdom , Goodness , Power , and the rest are perfections , and imply nothing of imperfection , or defect ; and therefore ought to be ascribed to the infinitely perfect Essence . ( 2. ) That there is moral good ▪ and evil , s discoverable by Reason , as well as Scripture . For these are Reasons Maxims ; That every thing is made for an end ; and every thing is directed to its end by certain Rules : these Rules in Creatures of understanding , and choise , are Laws , and the transgressing these , is Vice , and Sin. ( 3. ) The immortality of our Souls is plain in Scripture , and Reason proves it , by shewing the Spirituality of our natures ; and that it doth from the nature of Sense ; and our perception of spiritual Beings , and Universals ; Of Logical , Metaphysical , and Mathematical Notions ; From our compounding Propositions ; and drawing Conclusions from them ; From the vastness , and quickness of our Imaginations ; and Liberty of our Wills , all which are beyond the powers of matter , and therefore argue a Being that is spiritual , and consequently immortal , which inference , the Philosophy of Spirits proves . Also , the Moral Arguments of Reason from the goodness of God , and his Iustice in distributing rewards and punishments ; the nature of virtue , and tendencies of religious appetites , conclude , I think , strongly , That there is a life after this . Thus in short of the Principles , I called mixt , which Reason demonstrates . BUT for the others , viz. ( II. ) Those of pure Revelation , Reason cannot prove them immediately ; nor is it to be expected that it should : For They are matters of Testimony ; and we are no more to look for immediate proof from Reason of those things , than we are to expect , that abstracted reason should demonstrate , That there is such a place as China ; or , that there was such a man as Iulius Caesar. All that it can do here , is to assert , and make good the credibility , and truth of the Testimonies that relate such matters : and that it doth in the present case , proving the Authority of Scripture ; and thereby in a remoter way , It demonstrates all the Mysteries of Faith , which the divine Oracles immediately discover . And it is no more disparagement to our Reasons , that they cannot evince those Sacred Articles by their own unaided force , than it is a disgrace unto them , that they cannot know that there are such things , as Colours , without the help of our eyes ; or that there are Sounds , without the faculty of hearing . And if Reason must be called blind upon this account , because it cannot know of it self such things , as belong to Testimony to discover ; the best eyes in the world may be so accounted also , because they are not sagacious enough to see sounds ; and the best Palate dull , and dead , because it cannot taste the Sun-beams . But though I have said , that Reason cannot of it self , immediately prove the truths of pure Revelation ; Yet ( 1. ) it demonstrates the divine Authority of the Testimony that declares them ; and that way proves even these Articles . If this be not enough , I add the second Assertion , ( II. ) That Reason defends all the Mysteries of Faith and Religion : and for this , I must desire you to take notice , that there are two ways , whereby any thing may be defended , viz. Either ( 1. ) By shewing the manner how the thing is ; or , if that cannot be done , by shewing ( 2. ) That it ought to be believed though the manner of it be not known : For instance , if any one denies all sorts of Creatures were in the Arke under pretense , that it is impossible they should be contained within such a space ; He that can shew how this might be , by a distinct enumeration of the kinds of Animals , with due allowance for the unknown Species , and a computation of the particular capacity of the Arke ; he defends the Sacred History the first way : But if another denies the conversion of Aaron's rod into a Serpent , upon the same account , of the unconceivableness of the manner , how it was done ; this cannot indeed be defended the former way : But then it may , by representing that the power of God is infinite ; and can easily do what we cannot comprehend , how it is effected ; and that we ought to believe upon the credit of the Testimony ( that being well proved to us ) though the manner of this miraculous performance , and such others as it relates , be unknown . And as it is in this last case , so it is in all the mysteries of Faith , and Religion ; Reason cannot defend them indeed the first way : But then it doth the second by shewing , that the Divine Nature is infinite , and ovr Conceptions very shallow , and finite ; that 't is therefore very unreasonable in us to indeavour to pry into the secrets of his Being , and actions ; and to think that we can measure , and comprehend them : That we know not the Essence , and ways of acting of the most ordinary , and obvious things of Nature , and therefore must not expect throughly to understand the deeper things of God ; That God hath revealed those holy Mysteries unto us ; and that 't is the highest reason in the world to believe , That what He saith is true , though we do not know how these things are . These are all considerations of Reason , and by the proposal of them , It sufficiently defends all the Mysteries , that can be proved to be contained in the Sacred Volumn ; and shews that they ought to be received by us , though they cannot be comprehended . Thus if any one should ask me , How the Divine Nature is united to the Humane ? and declare himself unwilling to believe the Article till he could be satisfied how ; My answer would be in short , That I cannot tell ; and yet I believe it is so ; and he ought to believe the same , upon the credit of the Testimony , though we are both ignorant of the manner . And I would suggest , that we believe innumerable things upon the evidence of our senses , whose nature , and properties we do not know . How the parts of matter cohere ; and how the soul is united to the body ; are questions we cannot answer ; and yet that such things are , we do not doubt : And why , saith Reason , should we not believe Gods revelation of things we cannot comprehend ; as well as we do our senses about matters as little understood by us ? 'T is no doubt reasonable that we should , and by proving it is so , Reason defends all the propositions of Faith , and Religion . And when some of These are said to be Above reason , no more is meant , than that Reason cannot conceive how those things are ; and in that sense many of the affairs of nature are above it too . Thus I have shewn how serviceable Reason is to Religion . I am next to prove , ( II. ) That Religion befriends it : and here I offer some testimonies from the holy Oracles to make that good ; and in them we shall see , how GOD himself , and CHRIST , and his APOSTLES , do own , and acknowledge Reason . I consider then that GOD , Isa. 1.18 . calls the rebellious Israelites to reason with him ; Come now , and let us reason together saith the Lord ; and by reason he convinceth the people of the vanity of Idolls , Isa. 44 9. And he expostulates with their Reasons , Ezek. 18.31 . Why will ye die ye house of Israel ? And Mich. 6.3 . O my people what have I done unto thee ? And wherein have I wearied thee ? Testifie against me . He appeals unto their Reasons , to judge of his proceedings . Isa. 5.3 . And now O inhabitants of Ierusalem , and men of Iudah , judge I pray you between me , and my vineyard ; are not my ways equal ? and are not your ways unequal ? In this he intimates the competency of their Reasons to judge of the equity of his ways , and the iniquity of their own . And OUR SAVIOUR Commands the Disciples of the Pharisees to give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars , and to God the things that are Gods ; implying the ability of their Reasons to distinguish between the things , that belonged to God , and those , that appertained to Caesar. And he in divers places argues from the Principles , and Topicks of Reason . From that which we call , a Majori ad Minus , from the greater to the less , Iohn 13.14 . He shews it to be the duty of his Disciples to serve their brethren in the meanest Offices , and to wash one anothers feet , because he had washed theirs , Ver. 14. inforcing it by this consideration of reason ; for the Servant is not greater than his Lord ; Ver. 16 and useth the same , Iohn 15.20 . to shew , that they must expect persecution , because He , their Lord , was persecuted . And Luke 12.23 . He endeavours to take them off from carking care and solicitude about Meat , and Rayment , by this consideration from reason , that the Life is more than Meat , and the Body than Raiment ; intimating that God having given them the greater , there was no doubt , but he would bestow the less , which was necessary for the preservation of that . To these instances I add some few from the Topick A Minori ad Majus , from the less to the greater , in the arguings of our Saviour . Thus Mat. 7.11 . If ye being evil know how to give good gifts to your Children , how much more shall your Father which is in heaven give good things to those that ask him ? The ground of the Consequence is this Principle of Reason , That God is more benign , and gracious than the tenderest , and most affectionate of our earthly Parents . So Luke 12.24 . He argues , that God will provide for Us , because he doth for the Ravens , since we are better than they ; How much more are ye better than the Fowles ? Which arguing supposeth this Principle of Reason , that that wisdom , and goodness which are indulgent to the viler Creatures will not neglect the more excellent . He proceeds further in the same Argument by the consideration of Gods cloathing the Lillies , and makes the like inference from it , Ver. 28. If God so cloath the grass , how much more will he cloath you ? And Mat. 12. He Reasons that it was lawful for him to heal on the Sabbath day , from the consideration of the general mercy that is due even to brute Creatures ; What man shall there be among you that shall have one sheep , and if it fall into a Pit on the Sabbath day , will he not lay hold of it , to lift it out ? How much then is a man better than a sheep ? Ver. 12. Thus our Saviour used arguments of Reason . And the APOSTLES did so very frequently . St. Paul disproves Idolatry this way , Acts 17.29 . Forasmuch then as we are the Off-spring of God , we ought not to think , that the Godhead is like unto Gold , or Silver , or Stone graven by Art. And the same Apostle proves the resurrection of the dead by the mention of seven gross absurdities that would follow the denial of it , 1 Cor. 1.15 . viz. If the dead rise not , Then 1. Christ is not risen ; And then 2. our Preaching is vain , and we false Apostles ; And if so , 3. your Faith is vain ; And then 4. you are not justified , but are in your sins ; And hence it will follow 5. That those that are departed in the same Faith are perished ; And then 6. Faith in Christ profits only in this life ; And if so , 7. we are of all men the most miserable , Because we suffer all things for this Faith ; From Ver. 14 to ver . 19. And the whole Chapter contains Philosophical Reasoning either to prove , or illustrate the Resurrection ; or to shew the difference of glorified bodies , from these . And St. Peter , in his second Epistle , Chap. 2. shews , that sinful men must expect to be punished , because God spared not the Angels that fell . Instances in this case , are endless ; these may suffice . And thus of the Second thing also which I proposed to make good , viz. That Religion is friendly to reason , and that appears , in that God himself , our Saviour , and his Apostles own it ; and use arguments from it , even in affairs of Faith and Religion . BUT Scripture , the Rule of Faith is pretended against it ; and other Considerations also : These therefore come next to be considered ; and the dealing with those pretensions was the ( III. ) General I proposed to discuss . AS for Arguments from Scripture against the use of reason , 'T is alledged ( 1. ) From 1 Cor. 1. where 't is said , That God will destroy the wisdom of the wise , ver . 19. And the world by wisdom knew not God , ver . 21. And not many wise men after the flesh are called , ver . 26. And God chose the foolish things of this World to confound the wise , ver . 27. By which Expressions , of wisdom , and wise 't is presumed that Humane Reason , and rational men , are meant . But these Interpreters mistake the matter much , and as they are wont to do , put arbitrary interpretations upon Scripture , without ground . For by Wisdom here , there is no cause to understand the reason of men ; but rather the Traditions of the Iews ; the Philosophy of the disputing Greeks ; and the worldly Policy of the Romans , who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Rulers of that World. That the Iewish learning in their Law is meant , the Apostle intimates , when he asks in a way of Challenge , ver . 20. Where is the Scribe ? And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies one that was skill'd in their Laws , and Customs . And that the Philosophy of the Greeks is to be understood likewise , we have ground to believe from the other question in the same verse ; Where is the Disputer of this World ? Which , though some refer , to the Doctors among the Iews also , yet , I humbly think , it may more properly be understood of the Philosophers among the Grecians , For the Apostle writes to Greeks , and their Philosophy was notoriously contentious . And lastly , that the worldly Policies of the Romans are included also , in this wisdom of this World , which the Apostle vilifies , there is cause to think from the sixth verse of the second Chapter , where he saith , He spake not in the wisdom of the Princes of this World ; And 't is well known that Policy was Their most valued wisdom ; Tu regere imperio — To govern the Nations , and promote the grandeur of their Empire , was the great Design , and Study of those Princes of this World. Now all these the Apostle sets at nought , in the beginning of this Epistle ; Because they were very opposite to the simplicity , and holiness , self-denial , and meekness of the Gospel . But what is this to the disadvantage of Reason , to which indeed those sorts of wisdom are as contrary , as they are to Religion ? And by this I am enabled , ( 2. ) To meet another Objection urged from 1 Cor. 2.14 . But the Natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they ate spiritually discerned . Hence the Enthusiast argues the Universal inability of Reason in things of Religion ; and Its Antipathy to them . Whereas I can apprehend no more to be meant by the words , than this , viz. That such kind of natural men as those Scribes , and Disputers , and Politicians , having their minds depraved , and prepossess'd with their own wisdom , were indisposed to receive this , that was so contrary unto it . And they could not know those things of God , because they were spiritual , and so would require a mind that was of a pure , and spiritual frame , viz. free from that earthly wisdom of all sorts , which counts those things foolishness ; and which by God , is counted so it self . 1 Cor. 3.19 . which place ( 3. ) Is used as another Scripture against reason . The wisdom of this World is foolishness with God : But it can signifie nothing to that purpose , to one , that understands , and considers the Apostles meaning . What is meant by the wisdom of this World here , I have declared already ; And by the former part of my Discourse it appears , that whatever is to be understood by it , our Reason cannot ; since that either proves , or defends all the Articles of Religion . ( 4. ) And when the same Apostle elsewhere , viz. 2 Cor. 1.12 . saith , that They had not their conversation in fleshly wisdom ; we cannot think he meant humane reason by that ; reason directs us to live in simplicity , and Godly sincerity , which he opposeth to a life in fleshly wisdom . By this therefore , no doubt , he means the reason of our Appetites , and Passions , which is but sense and imagination ( for these blind guides are the directors of the Wicked ) but not the reason of our minds , which is one of those lights that illuminate the Consciences of good men , and help to guide their actions . And whereas 't is objected , ( 5. ) From Col. 2.8 . Beware lest any spoil you through Philosophy . I answer , there is nothing can be made of that neither , for the disgrace of reason ; for the Philosophy the Apostle cautions against , is the same which he warns Timothy of , 1 Tim. 1.4 . Neither give heed to Fables and endless Genealogies that minister Questions ; calling these , prophane , and vain bablings , and oppositions of Science falsly so called , 2 Tim. 6.20 . By all which , learned Interpreters understand the pretended knowledge , of which the Gnosticks boasted , which consisted in the fabulous pedigrees of the Gods under the name of Aeones ; and it may be the Genealogies of which the Iews were so fond , and the disputing Philosophy among the Greeks , which was properly , Science falsly so called , and did minister Questions , and endless strife ; I say 't is very probable these might be comprehended also : But Reason is no otherwise concerned in all this , but as condemning , and reproving these dangerous follies . THUS we see the pretensions from Scripture against Reason are vain . But there are other Considerations by which it useth to be impugned , as , ( 1. ) OUR Reason is corrupted , and therefore is not fit to meddle in spiritual matters . To this I say , That Reason , as it is taken for the faculty of understanding , is very much weakened , and impaired ; It sees but little , and that very dully , through a glass darkly , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 13. And It is very liable to be mislead by our senses , and affections , and interests , and imaginations ; so that we many times mingle errors , and false conceits with the genuine dictates of our minds , and appeal to them , as the Principles of Truth , and Reason , when they are but the vain Images of our Phancies , or the false conclusions of ignorance , and mistake . If this be meant by the corruption of Reason , I grant it ; and all that can be inferred from it will be ; That we ought not to be too bold , and peremptory in defining speculative , and difficult matters ; especially not those , that relate to Religion , nor set our Reasonings against the Doctrines of Faith , and Revelation . But this is nothing to the disreputation of Reason in the object , viz. Those Principles of truth which are written upon our Souls ; or any Conclusions that are deduced from them : These are the same that they ever were , though we discern them not so clearly as the Innocent state did : They may be mistaken , but cannot be corrupted . And as our understandings , by reason of their weakness , and liableness to error , may take falshoods for some of those ; or infer falsly from those that are truly such ; so we know , they do the same by the Scriptures themselves , viz. they very often misinterpret , and very often draw perverse conclusions from them ; And yet we say not , That the Word of God is corrupted , nor is the use of Scripture decried because of those abuses . But here advantage will be taken to object again , ( 2. ) That since our natural understandings are so weak , and so liable to mistake , they ought not to be used in the affairs of Religion ; and 't will signifie little to us that there are certain Principles of eternal Reason if we either perceive them not , or cannot use them . To this I answer , That if on this account we must renounce the use of our natural understandings , Scripture will be useless to us also ; For how can we know the meaning of the words that express Gods mind unto us ? How can we compare one Scripture with another ? How can we draw any Consequence from it ? How apply General Propositions to our own particular cases ? How tell what is to be taken in the Letter ; what in the mystery , what plainly ; what in a Figure ? What according to strict , and rigorous truth ? What by way of accommodation to our apprehensions ? I say , without the exercise of our understandings , using the Principles of Reason none of these can be done , and without them Scripture will signifie either nothing at all , or very little , to us . And what can Religion get this way ? This inference therefore is absurd , and impious . All that can justly be concluded from the weakness of our understandings will be what I intimated before , that we ought to use them with modesty , and caution ; not that we should renounce them . He is a mad-man , who , because his eyes are dim , will therefore put them out . But it may be objected further , ( 3. ) That which men call Reason is infinitely various , and that is reasonable to one , which is very irrational to another ; Therefore Reason is not to be heard . And , I say , Interpretations of Scripture are infinitely various , and one calls that Scriptural , which another calls heretical ; Shall we conclude therefore , That Scripture is not to be heard ? Reason in itself , is the same all the world over , though mens apprehensions of it are various , as the light of the Sun is one , though colours , Its reflexes , are infinite . And where this is , it ought not to be denied , because follies , and falshoods pretend relation to it ; or call themselves by that name . If so , farewell Religion too . But ( 4. ) 'T is Socinianism to plead for Reason in the affairs of Faith , and Religion . And I answer , 'T is gross Phanaticism to plead against it . This name is properly applicable to the enemies of Reason ; But the other of Socinianism is groundlesly applied to those that undertake for it ; and it absurdly supposeth that Socinians are the only rational men ; when as divers of their Doctrines , such as , The Sleep , and natural mortality of the soul , and utter extinction , and annihilation of the wicked after the day of judgment , are very obnoxious to Philosophy , and Reason . And the Socinians can never be confuted in their other opinions without using Reason to maintain the sense , and interpretation of those Scriptures that are alledged against them . 'T is an easie , thing we know , to give an ugly name to any thing we dislike ; and by this way the most excellent , and sacred things have been made contemptible , and vile . I wish such hasty Censurers would consider before they call names ; No truth is the worse , because rash ignorance hath thrown dirt upon it . I need say no more to these frivolous objections . Those that alledge Atheism , and tendency to Infidelity against the reverence , and use of Reason are disproved by my whole discourse : Which shews that the enemies of Reason most usually serve the ends of the Infidel , and the Atheist ; when as a due use of It , destroys the pretensions of both . I COME now ( IV. ) to the Inferences that may be raised from the whole . 1. Reason is certain , and infallible ; This follows from the state I gave of the nature , and notion of Reason in the beginning . It consists in First Principles , and the Conclusions that are raised from them , and the observations of sense . Now first Principles are certain , or nothing can be so ; for every possible Conclusion must be drawn from those , or by their help , and every Article of Faith supposeth them . And for the Propositions that arise from those certain Principles , they are certain likewise ; For nothing can follow from truth , but truth in the longest series of deduction . If error creep in , there is ill consequence in the case . And the sort of Conclusions that arise from the observations of sense , if the sense be rightly circumstantiated , and the inference rightly made , are certain also . For if our senses in all their due circumstances deceive us , All is a delusion , and we are sure of nothing : But we know that first Principles are certain , and that our senses do not deceive us , because God , that bestowed them upon us , is true , and good . And we are as much assured that whatever we duly conclude from either of them , is as certain , because whatever is drawn from any principle , was vertually contained in it . ( 2. ) I infer , That Reason is , in a sense , the Word of God , viz. that , which he hath written upon our minds , and hearts ; as Scripture is that , which is written in a Book . The former is the Word , whereby he hath spoken to all Mankind ; the latter is that , whereby he hath declared his will to the Church , and his peculiar people , Reason is that Candle of the Lord , of which Solomon speaks , Prov. 20.27 . That light , whereby Christ hath enlightned every one that cometh into the world , John 1.9 . And , that Law whereby the Consciences of the Heathen either accuse , or excuse one another , Rom. 2.15 . So that Hierocles spoke well , when he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; To be perswaded by God and right reason is one and the same thing . And Luther called Philosophy , within its own bounds , The truth of God. ( 3. ) The belief of our reasons is an exercise of Faith , and Faith is an act of Reason ; The former part is clear , from the last particular , and we believe our Reasons because we have them from God , who cannot mistake , and will not deceive . So that relying on them , in things clearly perceived , is trust in Gods veracity , and goodness , and that is an exercise of Faith. Thus Luke 12. The not belief of Reason , that suggests from Gods cloathing the Lillies , that He will provide for us , is made by our Saviour , a defect of Faith , ver . 28. O ye of little Faith ! And for the other part , that Faith is an act of Reason , that is evident also ; For , 'T is the highest reason to believe in God revealing . ( 4. ) No Principle of Reason contradicts any Articles of Faith. This follows upon the whole . Faith befriends Reason ; and Reason serves Religion , and therefore They cannot clash . They are both certain , both the truths of God ; and one truth doth not interfere with another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Aristotle , Truth agrees with all things that are . Whatsoever contradicts Faith , is opposite to Reason ; for 't is a fundamental Principle of that , That God is to be believed . Indeed sometimes there is a seeming contradiction between them ; But then , either something is taken for Faith , that is but Phancy ; or something for Reason , that is but Sophistry ; or the supposed contradiction is an error , and mistake . ( 5. ) When any thing is pretended from Reason , against any Article of Faith , we ought not to cut the knot , by denying reason ; but indeavour to unty it by answering the Argument , and 't is certain it may be fairly answered . For all Hereticks argue either from false Principles , or fallaciously conclude from true ones : So that our Faith is to be defended , not by declaiming against Reason in such a case ( which strengthens the enemy , and , to the great prejudice of Religion , allows reason on his side ) But we must indeavour to defend it , either by discovering the falshood of the Principles he useth in the name of Reason ; or the ill consequence , which he calls , proof . ( 6. ) When any thing is offered us for an Article of Faith that seems to contradict Reason , we ought to see that there be good cause to believe that this is divinely revealed , and in the sense propounded . If it be , we may be assured from the former Aphorisms , that the contradiction is but an appearance ; and it may be discovered to be so . But if the contradiction be real , This can be no Article of Revelation , or the Revelation hath not this sense . For God cannot be the Author of Contradictions ; and we have seen that Reason , as well as Faith , is his . I mean , the Principles of Natural Truth , as well as those of Revelation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Aristotle , Truth is throughout contrary to falshood ; and what is true in Divinity , cannot be false in Reason . 'T is said indeed in the Talmud , If two Rabbins differ in Contradictories , yet both have their Opinions from Moses , and from God. But we are not obliged to such a non-sensical kind of Faith ; And ought not to receive any thing as an Article in a sense , that palpably contradicts Reason , no more than we may receive any in a sense that contradicts other Scriptures . Faith , and Reason accord as well as the Old Testament , and the New ; and the Analogy of Reason is to be heeded also , because even that is Divine and Sacred . ( 7. ) There is nothing that God hath revealed , to oblige our Faith , but he hath given us reason to believe that he hath revealed it . For though the thing be never so clearly told me , If I have not reason to think , that God is the Revealer of what is so declared , I am not bound to believe , except there be evidence in the thing it self . For 't is not faith , but vain credulity to believe every thing that pretends to be from God. So that we ought to ask our selves a Reason ▪ why we believe the Scripture to be the Revelation of Gods will , and ought not to assent to any sense put upon it , 'till we have ground to think , that that sense is his mind ? I say , we must have ground , either from our particular Reasons ; or the Authority of the Church , otherwise our Faith is vain credulity , and not faith in God. ( 8. ) A man may hold an erroneous opinion from a mistaken sense of Scripture , and deny what is the truth of the proposition , and what is the right meaning of the Text ; and yet not err in Faith. For Faith is belief of God revealing : And if God have not so revealed this , or that , as to give us certain ground to believe this to be his sense , he hath not sufficiently revealed it to oblige our Faith. So that , though I deny such , or such a sense , while I believe , it is not from God ; his veracity , and Authority is not concerned , since I am ready however to give a chearful assent to whatever is clearly , and sufficiently revealed . This Proposition follows from the former , and must be understood only of those Doctrines that are difficult , and obscurely delivered : And that many things are so delivered in Scripture , is certain ; For some are only hinted , and spoken occasionally ; some figuratively , and by way of Parable , and Allegory ; some according to mens conceptions ; and some in ambiguous , and Aenigmatical Phrases ; which obscurities may occasion mistake in those , who are very ready to believe what ever God saith ; and when they do , I should be loath to say that such err in Faith ; Though those that wrest plain Texts to a compliance with their interests , and their Lusts , Though their affections may bring their judgments to vote with them ; yet theirs is error in Faith with a witness ; and capable of no benefit from this Proposition . ( 9. ) In searching after the sense of Scripture we ought to consult the Principles of Reason , as we do other Scriptures . For we have shewn , That Reason is another part of Gods Word . And though the Scripture be sufficient to Its end , yet reason must be presupposed unto It ; for without this , Scripture cannot be used , nor compared , nor applied , nor understood . ( 10. ) The essentials of Religion are so plainly revealed , that no man can miss them , that hath not a mighty corrupt bias in his will and affections to infatuate and blind his understanding . Those Essentials are contained in the Decalogue and the Creed : Many speculative remoter Doctrines may be true , but not Fundamental . For 't is not agreeable to the goodness , or justice of God , that mens eternal interests should depend upon things that are difficult to be understood , and easily mistaken . If they did ; No man could be secure , but that , do what he could , he should perish everlastingly for not believing ; or believing amiss some of those difficult points , that are supposed necessary to salvation ; and all those that are ignorant , and of weak understanding must perish without help , or they must be saved by implicit Faith in unknown Fundamentals . THESE are some Propositions that follow from my discourse , and from one another . The better they are considered , the more their force will be perceived ; and I think they may serve for many very considerable purposes of Religion , Charity , and the peace of mankind . AND now give me leave to speak a word to You , my Brethren of the CLERGY , ( Those , I mean of the Younger sort , for I shall not presume to teach my Elders . ) You have heard , no doubt , frequent , and earnest declamations against Reason , during the years of your Education ; and Youth , we know , receives impressions easily ; And I shall not wonder if you have been possessed with very hard thoughts of this pretended terrible enemy of Faith , and Religion : But did you ever consider deeply since , what ends of Religion , or Sobriety , such vehement defamations of our faculties could serve ? And what Ends of a Party they did ? I hope these things you have pondered , as you ought , and discern the consequent mischiefs : But yet , I shall beg leave to refresh your thoughts , with some Considerations of the dangerous tendencies and issues of such Preachments . ( 1. ) To disclaim Reason , as an Enemy to Religion , tends to the introduction of Atheism , Infidelity , and Scepticism ; and hath already brought in a floud of these upon us . For what advantage can the Atheist , and Infidel expect greater , than this , That Reason is against Religion ? What do they pretend ? What can they propose more ? If so , there will be no proving , That there is a God ; or That the Scripture is his Word ; and then we believe gratis ; and our Faith hangs upon humour , and imagination ; and that Religion that depends upon a warm Phancy , an ungrounded belief , stands but , 'till a disease , or a new conceit alter the Scene of imagination ; and then down falls the Castle whose foundation was in the Air. 'T was the charge of Iulian the Apostate against the Primitive Christians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; That their only wisdom was to believe ; as if they had no ground for their Faith. And those that renounce , and decry Reason , justifie Iulian in his charge . Thus Religion will have no bottom , but the Phancy of every one that professeth it ; and how various , and inconstant a thing Imagination is , every man knows . These are the Consequences of the defamations of Reason , on the pretended account of Religion ; and we have seen , in multitudes of deplorable Instances , That they follow in practice , as well as reasoning . Men of corrupt inclinations , suspect that there is No Reason for our Faith , and Religion , and so are upon the borders of quitting it ; And the Enthusiast , that pretends to know Religion best , tells them , that these Suspicions are very true ; and thence the Debauchee gladly makes the desperate Conclusion . And when others also hear Reason disparaged as uncertain , various , and fallacious , they deny all credit to their Faculties , and become confounded Scepticks , that settle in nothing . This I take to have been one of the greatest , and most deadly occasion of the Atheism of our days ; and he that hath rejected Reason , may be one when he pleaseth , and cannot reprehend , or reduce any one , that is so already . ( 2. ) The Denial of Reason in Religion hath been the principal Engine , that Hereticks , and Enthusiasts have used against the Faith ; and that which lays us open to infinite follies , and impostures . Thus the Arrians quarrelled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was deduced by consequence , but not expressed in Scripture . The Apollinarists , would by no means allow of Reason ; And St. Austin saith of the Donatists , that they did calumniate , and decry It , to raise prejudice against the Catholick Faith ; and elsewhere , Doctores vestri Hominem dialecticum fugiendum potius , & cavendum , quam refellendum censuerunt . The Ubiquitarians defend their Errors , by denying the judgment of Reason ; and the Macedonians would not have the Deity of the Holy Ghost proved by Consequence . The later Enthusiasts in Germany , and other places , set up loud , and vehement out cries against Reason ; and the Lunaticks among us , ( that agree in nothing else ) do yet sweetly accord in opposing this Carnal Reason ; and this indeed is their common Interest . The impostures of mens Phancies must not be seen in too much light ; and we cannot dream , with our eyes open . Reason would discover the nakedness of Sacred Whimsies ; and the vanity of mysterious non-sense ; This would disparage the darlings of the brain , and cool the pleasant heats of kindled Imagination : And therefore Reason must be decryed , because an enemy to madness ; and Phancy set up , under the Notion of Faith , and Inspiration . Hence men had got the trick , to call every thing that was Consequent , and Reasonable , Vain Philosophy ; and every thing that was Sober , Carnal Reasoning . Religion is set so far above Reason , that at length it is put beyond Sobriety , and Sense ; and then 't was fit to be believed , when 't was impossible to be proved , or understood . The way to be a Christian is first to be a Brute ; and to be a true Believer , in this Divinity , is to be fit for Bedlam . Men have been taught to put out their eyes , that they might see ; and to hoodwink themselves , that they might avoid the Precipices . Thus have all extravagancies been brought into Religion beyond the Imaginations of a Fever , and the Conceits of Midnight : Whatever is phancied , is certain ; and whatever is vehement , is Sacred ; every thing must be believed , that is dream'd ; and every thing that is absurd , is a Mystery . And by this way , men in our days have been prepared to swallow every thing , but what is sober : whatever is wild , will be suck'd in , like the Air ; but what is reasonable , will be fled like infection . So that if a man would recommend any thing , for his life , to those enemies of Reason , it must be some odd non-sense , in the cloathing of Imagination ; and He that can be the Author of a new kind of madness , shall lead a Party . Thus hath Religion by the disparagement of Reason , been made a medley of Phantastick trash , spiritualized into an heap of vapours , and formed into a Castle of Clouds ; and exposed to every wind of humour , and Imagination . ( 3. ) By the same way great advantage is given to the Church of Rome : Which those of that Profession know very well ; and therefore Perronius , Gonterius , Arnoldus , Veronius , and other Jesuites , have loudly declaimed against Reason ; and the last mentioned , Veronius , presented the World with a Method to overthrow Hereticks , ( meaning those of the Protestant Faith ) which promised more than ordinary ; And that was , to deny , and renounce all Principles of Reason in affairs of Faith absolutely , and roundly ; and not to vouchsafe an Answer to any Argument against Transubstantiation , or any other Article of their new Faith ; but point-blank to deny whatever Reason saith , in such matters . And he affirms that even these Principles of Reason , viz. Non entis non sunt Attributa ; at omne quod est , quando est , necesse est esse ; and such like which are the foundations of all reasoning , are dangerous to the Catholick Faith ; and therefore not to be heeded . This man speaks out , and affirms directly , and boldly , what the other enemies of Reason imply ; but will not own . This is a Method to destroy Hereticks in earnest ; but the mischief is , all Christians , and all other Religions , and all other reasonings are cut off by the same Sword. This Book , and Method of Veronius was kindly received by the Pope , priviledged by the King of Spain , approved by Cardinals , Archbishops , Bishops , and all the Gallick Clergy , as solid , and for the advantage of Souls ; and the Sorbone Doctors gave it their approbation , and recommended it as the only way to confute Hereticks . Did these know what they recommended ? And did they , think we , understand the Interest of the Roman Church ? If so , we kindly serve their ends , and promote their Designs in the way , which they account best , while we vilifie , and disparage Reason ? If This be renounced in matters of Religion , with what face can we use it against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , or any other Points of the Roman Creed ? Would it not be blameless , and irreprovable for us to give up our understandings implicitly to the Dictates , and Declarations of that Church ? May we not follow blindly whatever the Infallible Man at Rome , and his Councils , say ? And would it not be vain self-contradiction to use Arguments against their Decrees , though they are never so unreasonable ? Or to alledge Consequences from Scripture against any of their Articles , though never so contrary to the Holy Oracles ? How easily may They rejoyn , when we dispute against them ; You argue from Reason , and by Consequences ; But Reason is dull , and carnal , and an enemy to the things of the Spirit , and not to be heard in the high matters of Religion ? And what can we say next , if we consent to the Accusation ? I say , by this way , we perfectly disable , or grosly contradict our selves in most of our disputes against the Romanists : And we are very disingenious in our dealings , while we use Reason against them , and deny It , when 't is urged against our selves by another sort of Adversaries : which implies , that when we say , Reason is not to be heard , we mean , 'T is not to be heard against us ; But It must , against the Church of Rome ; or any others we can oppugn by It. Thus , I say , our denying Reason in Religion is either very humoursome , and partial ; or , 't is a direct yielding up our selves to our enemies , and doing that our selves , which is the only thing They desire ▪ to undo us , and to promote their own interests upon our Ruines . And thus , My Brethen , I have represented some of the mischiefs , that arise from the disparagement of Reason ; and they are great ones , and big of many others , and such , as are destructive to all Government , and all the Interests of the sober part of mankind : And I hope I need not intreat You not to contribute to the promoting , and continuance of so false and dangerous a conceit . The assertion of this is properly Fanaticism ; and all that we call so , grows upon it . Here the enemies of our Church , and Government began ; upon this They insisted still ; and filled their Books , and Pulpits , and private corners with these Cantings . This was the Engine to overthrow all sober Principles , and Establishments ; with This the people were infatuated , and credit was reconciled to Gibberish , and Folly ; Enthusiasms , and vain Impulses . This is the food of Conventicles to this day ; the root of their matter , and the burden of their Preachments . Let Reason be heard , and tye them to sense , and most of their Holders-forth have no more to say . Their spirituality , for which they are admired , is besides Reason , and against It , rather than above it ; And while this Principle of the enmity between Reason , and Religion stands , the people will think Them the more Spiritual Preachers , because they are the less reasonable : And while they are abused by such a belief , 't will be impossible for sober men to have any success in their indeavours to convince them . These things I doubt not but you discern , and know ; and therefore I add no more , for I am sensible to whom I speak . But , there are another sort , and those Conformists too , who are made Divines by the Notes they formerly took from those Canters against Reason ; To such , I should not tell what to say , They will whine on , and vent their Iargon ; to perswade them to speak better sense , is to desire them to hold their peace ; which of all things they hate most ▪ But I hope there are none of Those , here ; and I could wish the Government would take special care of them , where they are ; For they are the most dangerous enemies the Church of England hath ; They keep alive the Principles of Phancy , and Faction , which otherwise would go out of themselves . But I let them pass , and conclude with a short Advice to the People . I HAVE in the foregoing Discourse shewn , with all the plainness , and perspicuity , that I could , the fair agreement between Reason , and Religion ; and the mischiefs that arise from the opinion that sets them at odds . If what I have said be not clear to your minds , 't is because I could not help it : All Subjects are not capable of being made alike plain to all Capacities ; I have all along designed distinct speaking , and have ( as much as I could ) avoided mixture of Languages , and Terms of Art , that so you might apprehend that , in which I take you to be much concerned , though I chiefly intended the Discourse for my Reverend Brethren the Clergy , who I doubt not apprehend it fully . What I have more to say to YOU is , That you would beware of those Teachers that rail against Reason ; For either they know not what they say ; or have a design to abuse you . Instead of hearkening to such , Indeavour to be informed of the Reason of your Faith , and Hope : For we are fallen into times , in which you will have frequent occasion to use it : And That faith which is reasonable will not make you ashamed ; and that hope which is well grounded will not disappoint you ; But the end of such an hope , will be the satisfaction of your desires , in the day of your expectations ; And the end of such a faith , the Salvation of your souls in the day of the Lord Iesus . To whom , with God the Father , and God the Holy Ghost , be ascribed all Glory , and Adoration henceforth , and for ever . FINIS . 
A28958	----	A discourse of things above reason· Inquiring whether a philosopher should admit there are any such. By a Fellow of the Royal Society· To which are annexed by the publisher (for the affinity of the subjects) some advices about judging of things said to transcend reason. Written by a Fellow of the same Society. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. 1681 Approx. 203 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28958 Wing B3945 ESTC R214128 99826341 99826341 30742 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28958) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30742) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1826:5) A discourse of things above reason· Inquiring whether a philosopher should admit there are any such. By a Fellow of the Royal Society· To which are annexed by the publisher (for the affinity of the subjects) some advices about judging of things said to transcend reason. Written by a Fellow of the same Society. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. Fellow of the same Society. aut [4], 94, [2], 100 p. printed by E.T. and R.H. for Jonathan Robinson at the Golden Lion in S. Paul's Church-Yard, London : 1681. Part 1 is by Robert Boyle; the authorship of part 2 is not established. "Advices in judging of things said to transcend reason" (caption title) begins new pagination on 2A1. In this issue, p.100 has 22 lines of text; last line reads "ciples of cosmography.". 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Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2006-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE OF Things ABOVE REASON . INQUIRING Whether a Philosopher should admit there are any such . By a Fellow of the Royal Society ▪ To which are annexed by the Publisher ( for the Affinity of the Subjects ) Some ADVICES About judging of Things said to Transcend REASON . WRITTEN By a Fellow of the same Society . LONDON , Printed by E. T. and R. H. for Jonathan Robinson at the Golden Lion in S. Paul's Church-Yard . 1681. An Advertisement . THe Later of the two following Dialogues is but a part of a Discourse , consisting of some Conferences , whereof , that was neither the First , nor the Last . This 't was thought fit the Reader should have notice of , that he may the more easily guess upon what account it is , that some Clauses in the first Page , ( and perhaps a few other Passages elsewhere ) contain somewhat that appears not altogether the same it would have done , if there had been no need to make any alteration at all in that Page . But because , tho there was a connection between that Dialogue and the rest of the Papers from which 't is dismembered , yet it 's dependency upon the others , is not so very great , but that the Publisher thought the divulging of it might be useful and seasonable : and therefore finding that want of Leisure , and much Diffidence , made the Author unwilling to revise , and part with the other Papers that accompanied this which now comes forth ; he prevail'd with him to suffer that Dialogue to take its Fortune , which the Publisher hopes may be such , as may incourage the Author to communicate what he has further meditated upon such Subjects . ERRATA . Pag. 3. lin . 3. read Arnobius . p. 9. l. 5. r. how . p. 25. l. 20. r. continui . p. ib. l. 21. r. hucusque superata . p. 38. l 20. for near read above . p. 56. l. 18. r. deny . p. 60. l. 5. r. sight . p 84 l. 7. r. men of . p. 86. l. ult . r. us ; for . p. 92. l. 22. r. Time will. p 93. l. 12. r. do . P. 4 l. 12. r. bare repetition . p. 34. l. 6. r. Body . p. 41. l. 3. r. instance ▪ p. 43. l. 10. r. ●gy . p. 48. l. 26. r. ●soners . p. 50. l. 3. r. thing . p. 62. l. 1. r. evidence of . A DISCOURSE OF Things ABOVE REASON . ENQUIRING , Whether a Philosopher should admit there are any such . The Speakers are , Sophronius , Eugenius , Pyrocles , and Timotheus . Euge. THE Seriousness you yet retain in your looks , and the posture we found you in at our entrance , makes me fear these two Gentlemen and I are unseasonable intruders , that are so unhappy as to disturb your Meditations . Sophron. Instead of doing that , you will much promote them , if you please to accompany me in them : For the subject that busied my thoughts is both so abstruse and so important , that it needs more than one to consider it , and deserves that He should be a far better considerer than I , who therefore must think my self far less fit for that task than you . Eug. I will punish the flattery of these last words , by declining to make any Return to it . Pyrocl. And I , Gentlemen , to prevent the loss of time and words between you , shall without farther Ceremony ask Sophronius , what his thoughts were employed about when we came in . Sophr. I was then musing upon a Subject , that was newly proposed to me by our common Friend Arnobiut , who would needs have my opinion , Whether , and if at all , how far , we may employ our reasonings about things that are above our Reason , as Christians grant some mysteries of their Religion to be . Euge. If , by things above Reason , be meant only those , that are undiscoverable by Reason without Revelation ; I should not hesitate to say , that there may be divers things of that kind : For the free Decrees of God , and his determinations concerning the Government of the World , and the future state of mankind ( to name now no others ) are things which no humane Reason can pry into , but must owe the fundamental discovery it makes of them , to the Revelation of him , whose purposes they are . But if , by things above Reason , be meant such , as though delivered in words , free from darkness and Ambiguity , are not to be conceived , and comprehended by our Rational Faculty , I shall freely confess , that I scarce know what to say upon so unusual and sublime a subject . Pyrocl. For my part , Gentlemen , I think it were very requisite to be sure in the first place , that the subject of our Discourses is not Chimerical , but that we can really know , that there are things we cannot comprehend , though they be proposed to us in expressions no less clear than such , as would suffice to make other things intelligible to us . Sophr. Your cautiousness , Pyrocles , must not be rejected by me , who when , before you came in , I was putting my thoughts into some order , judg'd it unfit to consider , either how one might know what things were to be look'd on as above Reason , how far we may discourse of them , or whether or no any supernaturally revealed Propositions , such as Divines call Articles of Faith , ought to be reckoned among them , till I should have first seriously enquir'd , whether in general we ought to admit any such Objects of our Contemplation , as these , and the like Questions suppose . Euge. I hope then that this being the first thing you purposed to enquire into , we may , without too much boldness , desire to know what came into your mind about it . Sophr. If I had brought my considerations to an issue upon that subject , I should with less reluctancy acquaint you with them ; but I since I have yet made but an imperfect progress in my enquiry , instead of delivering any positive opinion upon so abstruse a subject , I shall only tell you , that as far as I could yet discern , it seemed to me that among the Objects , our reason may contemplate there are some whose Nature we cannot comprehend , others whose Attributes or Actions are such , as that we cannot understand how they should belong to the Subject , or else that we cannot conceive how they should consist with some acknowledged Truth . Euge. So that if I apprehend you right , you do not only admit some things to be above Reason , but make no less than three sorts of them . Sophr. If you will needs have two of them to be coincident , I shall not much contend , but I think the number you have named may , without any great inconvenience , be admitted : For by things above Reason , I here understand ( not false or absurd ones , but ) such , as though the Intellect sees sufficient cause ( whether on the score of Experience , Authentick Testimony , or Mathematical Demonstration ) to assent to ; yet it finds it self reduc'd when 't is conversant about them , to be so with a notable and peculiar disadvantage : And this disadvantage does usually proceed either from the nature of the thing proposed , which is such , that we cannot sufficiently comprehend it , or from our not being able to conceive the manner of its existing and operating ; or from this , that it involves some notion or proposition , that we see not how to reconcile with some other thing , that we are perswaded to be a truth . The first of these three sorts of things , may , for brevity and distinction sake be called Incomprehensible , the second Inexplicable , and the third Unsociable . But for fear lest the shortness I have used in my expressions , may have kept them from being so clear , I shall somewhat more explicitly reckon up the three sorts of things that seem to me above Reason . The first consists of those whose Nature is not distinctly and adequately comprehensible by us : To which sort perhaps we may refer all those intellectual Beings ( if it be granted that there are such ) as are by nature of a higher order than humane Souls . To which sort some 〈◊〉 the Angels ( at least of the good ones ) may probably belong ; but more than probably we may refer to this Head , the Divine Author of Nature , and of our Souls , Almighty God , whose perfections are so boundless , and his Nature so very singular , that 't is no less weakness than presumption to imagine , that such finite Beings as our Souls , can frame full and adequate Idea's of them : We may indeed know by the consideration of his works , and particularly those parts of them that we our selves are , both That he is , and in a great measure What he is not ; but to understand throughly What he is , is a task too great for any but his own infinite Intellect : And therefore I think we may truly call this immense Object , in the newly declared sence , supra-Intellectual . Euge. I suppose I may now ask what is the second sort of Things above Reason ? Sophr. It consists of such , as though we cannot deny that they are , yet we cannot clearly and satisfactorily conceive , how they can be such as we acknowledge they are . As how Matter can be infinitely , ( or which is all one , in our present discourse , indefinitely ) divisible : And how there should be such an incommensurableness betwixt the Side and Diagonal of a Square , that no measure , how small soever , can adequatly measure both the one and the other . That Matter is endlesly divisible , is not only the assertion of Aristotle and the Schools , but generally embraced by those rigid Reasoners , Geometricians themselves ; and may be farther confirm'd by the other instance of the Side and Diagonal of a Square , whose incommensurableness is believed upon no less firm a proof , than a demonstration of Euclid , and was so known a truth among the Ancients , that Plato is said to have pronounced him rather a Beast than a Man , that was a stranger to it . And yet if continued quantity be not divisible without stop , how can we conceive but that there may be found some determinate part of the side of a Square , which being often enough repeated , would exactly measure the Diagonal too . But though Mathematical Demonstrations assure us , that these things are so , yet those that have strained their Brains , have not been able clearly to conceive how it should be possible , that a Line ( for instance ) of not a quarter of an inch long , should be still divisible into lesser and lesser portions , without ever coming to an end of those subdivisions ; or how among the innumerable differing partitions into aliquot parts , that may be made of the side of a Square , not one of those parts can be found exactly to measure so short a Line as the Diagonal may be . Euge. There is yet behind , Sophronius , the third sort of those things , which , according to you , surpass our Reason . Sophr. I shall name that too , Eugenius , as soon as I have premised that some of the Reasons that moved me to refer some instances to this head , do not so peculiarly belong to those instances , but that they may be applicable to others , which 't was thought convenient to refer to the second or first of the foregoing Heads : And this being once intimated , I shall proceed to tell you , that the third sort of things that seem to surpass our Reason , consists of those , to which the Rules and Axioms and Notions , whereby we judge of the truth and falshood of ordinary , or other things , seem not to agree . This third sort being such as are incumbred with Difficulties or Objections , that cannot directly and satisfactorily be removed by them that acquiesce in the received Rules of subordinate Sciences , and do reason but at the common rate , such Objects of Contemplation as this third sort consists of , having something belonging to them , that seems not reconcilable with some very manifest , or at least acknowledged Truths . This it may here suffice to make out by a couple of Instances , the one of a Moral , the other of a Mathematical Nature : And first , that Man has a free will , in reference at least to civil matters , is the general confession of Mankind : All the Laws that forbid and punish Murder , Adultery , Theft , and other Crimes , being founded on a Supposition , that men have a power to forbear committing them , and the sense men have of their being possest of this power over their own actions , is great enough to make Malefactors acknowledg their punishments to be just , being no less condemned by their own Consciences , than by their Judges . And yet ( some Socinians , and some few others excepted ) the generality of Mankind , whether Christians , Jews , Mahometans , or Heathens , ascribe to God an infallible Prescience of humane Actions , which is supposed by the belief of Prophecies , and the recourse to Oracles , by one or other of which two ways the Embracers of the several Religions newly mentioned , have endeavoured and expected to receive the informations of future things , and such as depend upon the Actings of men . But how a certain fore-knowledg can be had of contingent things , and such as depend upon the free will of man , is that which many great wits that have solicitously tryed , have found themselves unable clearly to comprehend , nor is it much to be admired that they should be puzled to conceive how an infinitely perfect Being should want Prescience , or that their will should want that liberty , whereof they feel in themselves the almost perpetual exercise . The other instance I promised you , Euge. is afforded me by Geometricians : For these ( you know ) teach the divisibility of Quantity in infinitum or without stop , to be Mathematically demonstrable . Give me leave then to propose to you a strait line of three foot long divided into two parts , the one double to the other . I suppose then , that according to their doctrine a line of two foot is divisible into infinite parts , or it is not : If you say it is not , you contradict the demonstrations of the Geometricians ; if you say that it is , then you must confess either that the line of one foot is divisible into as many parts as the line of two foot , though the one be but half the other , or else that the infinite parts , into which the line of one foot is granted to be divisible , is exceeded in number by the parts , into which the line of two foot is divisible , and consequently that the line of two foot has a multitude of parts greater than infinite . Which Reasonings may let us see that we may be reduced either to reject Inferences legitimately drawn from manifest or granted Truths , or to admit conclusions that appear absurd ; if we will have all the common Rules whereby we judge of other things to be applicable to Infinites . And now , Gentlemen , having acquainted you with what sorts of things seem to be above Reason , I must , to prevent mistakes , desire you to take along with you this Advertisement : That though the nobleness and difficulty of so uncultivated a Subject , inclined me to offer something towards the elucidating of it , by sorting those things into three kinds ; yet I shall not , and need not in this Conference , insist on them severally , or lay any stress on this partition . For though I have above intimated , that a Proposition may speak of somewhat that is supra-intellectual , or else contain somewhat which we cannot conceive how it may be true , or lastly teach us somewhat for a truth , that we cannot reconcile with some other thing , that we are convinced is true ; yet if but any one of these have true Instances belonging to it , That may suffice for my main purpose in this place , where I need only shew in general , that there may be things that surpassour Reason , at least so far , that they are not to be judged of by the same measures and rules , by which men are wont to judge of ordinary things , for which reason I shall often give them one common name , calling them Priviledg'd Things . Euge. Methinks that to manifest the Imperfections of our Reason , in reference to what you call Priviledg'd Things , you need not have recourse to the unfathomable Abysses of the Divine Nature , since for ought I know , Pyrocles , as well as I , may be non-plus'd by an instance that came into my mind de Compositione continui . Timoth. Since Sophronius has not thought fit to give us any of the Arguments of the contending party's , I shall be glad to know what difficulty occurr'd to you . Euge. Suppose a great Circle divided into its three hundred and sixty degrees , and suppose that as great a number as you please or can conceive , of strait lines , be drawn from the several designable parts of some one of these degrees , to the Centre , 't is manifest that the degrees being equal , as many lines may be drawn from any , and so from every one of the others , as from that degree which was pitched upon . Then suppose a Circular Arch , equal to the assumed degree , to be further bent into the circumference of a little circle , having the same Centre with a great one , it follows from the nature of a Circle , and has been geometrically demonstrated , that the semi-diameters of a Circle how many soever they be , can no where touch one another but in the Centre . Whence 't is evident , that all the lines that are drawn from the circumference to the Centre of the greater Circle ▪ must pass by differing points of the circumference of the smaller , ( for else they would touch one another before they arrive at the Centre ) and consequently that as many lines soever as can even mentally be drawn from the several points of the circumference of the great Circle to the common Centre of both Circles , must all pass through different points of the little Circle , and thereby divide it into as many parts ( proportionably smaller ) as the greater Circle is divided into : So that here the circumference of the lesser Circle presents us with a curve line , which was not possibly divisible into more parts than an Arch of one degree , or the three hundred and sixtieth part of the Circumference of the greater Circle , and yet without being lengthned , becomes divisible into as many parts as the whole circumference of the same greater Circle . And though we should suppose the circumference of the internal Circle not to exceed one inch , and that of the exterior Circle to exceed the circumference of the Terrestrial Globe , or even of the Firmament it self , yet still the demonstration would hold , and all the lines drawn from this vast Circle , would find distinct points in the lesser , to pass through to their common Centre . Timoth. Though I will not pretend to confirm what Sophronius has been proving , by adding Arguments a priori ; yet I shall venture to say , that I think it very agreeable both to the nature of God and to that of man , that what he has endeavoured to prove true should be so ; for we men mistake and flatter Humane Nature too much , when we think our faculties of Understanding so unlimited , both in point of capacity and of extent , and so free and unprepossest , as many Philosophers seem to suppose : For , whatever our self-love may incline us to imagine , we are really but created and finite Beings ( and that probably of none of the highest or●ders of intellectual Creatures ) and we come into the world , but such , as it pleased the Almighty and most free Author of our Nature to make us . And from this dependency and limitedness of our Natures , it follows not only that we may be ( for I now dispute not whether we are ) born with certain congenit Notions and Impressions and Appetites or Tendencies of Mind ; but also that the means or measures which are furnished us to employ in the searching or judging of Truth , are but such as are proportionable to Gods designs in creating us , and therefore may probably be supposed not to be capable of reaching to all kinds , or if you please of Truths , many of which may be unnecessary for us to know here , and some may be reserved , partly to make us sensible of the imperfections of our Natures , and partly to make us aspire to that condition , wherein our faculties shall be much enlarged and heightned . It seems not therefore unreasonable to think , both that God has made our faculties so limited , that in our present mortal condition there should be some Objects beyond the comprehension of our Intellects ( that is ) that some of his creatures should not be able perfectly to understand some others , & yet that he has given us light enough to perceive that we cannot attain to a clear and full knowledge of them . Pyrocl. I think , Sophronius , that I now understand what you mean by Things above reason , or as you ( not unfitly ) stiled them , priviledged things : But I presume you need not be told , that to explain the sence of a Proposition , and to make out the truth of it , ( unless in common Notions , or things evident by their own light ) are always two things , and oftentimes two very distant ones . Sophr. I need not scruple , Pyrocles , to grant the truth of what you say , but I must not so easily admit your application of it ; for among the examples , I have been proposing , there are some at least , that do not only declare what I mean by things above reason , but are instances , and consequently may be proofs that such things there are . And to those I could have added others , if I had thought it unlikely , that in the progress of our Conference , there may be occasions offered of mentioning them more opportunely . Pyrocl. I have long thought that the wit of man , was able to lay a fine varnish upon any thing that it would recommend ; but I have not till now found Reason set a work to degrade it self , as if it were a noble exercise of its power to establish its own impotency : And indeed 't is strange to me , how you would have our Reason comprehend and reach things , that you your sel● confess to be above Reason , which is methinks , as if we were told that we may see things with our eye● that are invisible . Sophr. I do not think , that ' ti● to degrade the understanding , to refuse to idolize it , and 't is not a●● injury to Reason , to think it a li●mited faculty , but an injury to th● Author of it , to think man's understanding infinite , like his . And if what I proposed be well grounded , I assign Reason its most noble and genuine Exercise , which is to close with discovered Truths , in whose embraces the perfection of the Intellect too much consists , to suffer that perfective action to be justly disparaging to it : And a sincere understanding is to give , or refuse its assent to propositions according as they are or are not true , not according as we could or could not wish they were so ; and methinks it were somewhat strange , that Impartiality should be made a disparagement in a Judge . But , Pyrocles , leaving the reflection with which you usher'd in your Objection , I shall now consider the Argument it self , which being the weightiest that can be framed against the opinion you oppose , I shall beg leave to offer some considerations , wherein I shall endeavour to answer it both by proving my Opinion by experience , and by shewing that experience not to be disagreeable to Reason . Pyrocl. I shall very willingly listen to what you have to say on such a subject . Sophr. I shall then in the first place alledge the experience of many persons , and divers of them great Wits , who have perplexed themselves to reconcile , I say , not the Grace of God , but even his Prescience to the liberty of mans will , even in bare moral actions : And I have found partly by their Writings , and by discourse with some of them , that the most towring and subtle sort of Speculators , Metaphysicians , and Mathematicians , perchance after much racking of their brains , confess themselves quite baffled by the unconquerable difficulties they met with , not only in such abstruse subjects , as the nature of God , or of the humane Soul , but in the nature of what belongs in common to the most obvious Bodies in the world , and even to the least portions of them : You will easily guess that I have my eye on that famous controversie , Whether or no a continued quantity ( which every body , as having length , bredth , depth , must be allowed to have ) be made up of Indivisibles . Of the perplexing difficulties of this Controversie , I might give you divers confessions , or complaints made by a sort of men too much accustomed to bold assertions and subtle Arguments , to be much disposed to make acknowledgments of that kind : But I shall content my self with the testimony which one of the more famous modern Schoolmen gives both of himself and other learned men , and which if I well remember , he thus expresses . Aggredimur comtinus compositionem , cujus hujusque non separata difficultas omnium Doctorum male ingenia vexavit , neque ullus fuit qui illam non pene insuperabilem agnoscat . Hanc plerique terminorum obscuritate , illorumque replicatis & implicatis distinctionibus , & subdistinctionibus obtenebrant , ne aperté capiantur desperantes rem posse alio modo tractari neque rationis lucem sustinere , sed necessario confusionis tenebris obtegendum , ne argumentorum evidentiâ detegatur . And though he had not been thus candid in his confession , yet what he says might be easily concluded by him , that shall duly weigh with how great , though not equal force of Arguments , each of the contending parties imputes to the opinion it opposes , great and intolerable absurdities as contained in it , or legitimately deducible from it . Eug. I have not the vanity to think that the weakness of my Reason ought to make another diffident of the strength of his : But as to my self , what Sophronius has been saying cannot but be confirm'd by several tryals , wherein having exerted the small abilities I had to clear up to my self some of the difficulties about Infinites : I perceived to my trouble , that my speculations satisfied me of nothing so much , as the disproportionateness of those abstruse subjects to my reason . But , Sophronius , may it not be well objected , that though the Instances you have given , have not been hitherto cleared by the light of Reason ; yet 't is probable they may be so hereafter , considering how great progress is , from time to time , made in the discoveries of Nature , in this learned Age of ours . Sophr. In answer to this question , Eugenius , give me leave to tell you first , that you allow my past discourse to hold good for ought yet appears to the contrary : Whence it will follow , that your Objection is grounded upon a hope , or at most a Conjecture about which I need not therefore trouble my self , till some new discoveries about the things in question , engage me to a new consideration of them . But in the mean while , give me leave to represent to you in the second place , that though I am very willing to believe , as well as I both desire and hope it , that this inquisitive Age we live in , will produce discoveries that will explicate divers of the more hidden mysteries of Nature , yet I expect that these discoveries will chiefly concern those things , which either we are ignorant of for want of a competent History of Nature , or we mistake by reason of erroneous Prepossessions , or for want of freedom and attention in our speculations . But I have not the like expectations as to all Metaphysical difficulties , ( if I may so call them ) wherein neither matters of Fact , nor the Hypothesis of subordinate parts of Learning , are wont much to avail . But however it be , as to other abstruse Objects , I am very apt to think , that there are some things relating to that infinite and most Monadical Being ( if I may so speak ) that we call God , which will still remain incomprehensible even to Philosophical understandings . And I can scarce allow my self to hope to see those Obstacles surmounted , that proceed not from any Personal infirmity , or evitable faults , but from the limited nature of the Intellect : And to these two considerations , Eugenius , I shall in answer to your question , add this also : That as mens inquisitiveness may hereafter extricate some of those grand difficulties , that have hitherto perplexed Philosophers ; so it may possibly lead them to discover new difficulties more capable than the first , of baffling humane understandings . For even among the things wherewith we are already conversant , there are divers which we think we know , only because we never with due attention , tryed whether we can frame such Ideas of them , as are clear and worthy for a rational seeker and lover of truth to acquiesce in . This the great intricacy that considering men find , in the notions commonly receiv'd of space , time , motion , &c. and the difficulties of framing perspicuous and satisfactory apprehensions even of such obvious things , may render highly probable . We see also that the Angle of Contact , the Doctrine of Asymptotes , and that of surd numbers and incommensurable Lines , all which trouble not common Accomptants and Surveyors , ( who though they deal so much in numbers and lines , seldom take notice of any of them ) perplex the greatest Mathematicians , and some of them so much , that they can rather demonstrate , that such affections belong to them , than they can conceive how they can do so : All which may render it probable , that mens growing curiosity is not more likely to find the solutions of some difficulties , than to take notice of other things , that may prove more insuperable than they . Tim. This conjecture of yours , Sophronius , is not a little favoured by the Rota Aristotelica ; for though the motion of a Cart-wheel is so obvious and seems so plain a thing , that the Carman himself never looks upon it with wonder ; yet after Aristotle had taken notice of the difficulty that occurr'd about it , this trivial Phaenomenon has perplex'd divers great Wits , not only Schoolmen , but Mathematicians , and continues yet to do so , there being some circumstances in the progressive motion and rotation of the circumference of a Wheel , and its Nave , or of two points assigned , the one in the former , and the other in the latter , that have appeared too subtle ( and even to modern ) Writers , so hard to be conceived and reconciled to some plain and granted Truths , that some of them have given over the solution of the attending difficulties as desperate , which perchance , Pyrocles , would not think strange , if I had time to insist on the intricacies that are to be met with in a speculation , that seems so easie as to be despicable . Sophr. Your Instance , Timotheus , must be acknowledged a very pregnant one , if you are certain that a better account cannot be given of the Rota Aristotelica , than is wont to be in the Schools , by those Peripateticks that either frankly confess the difficulties to be insoluble , or less ingenuously pretend to give solutions of them , that suppose things not to be proved , or perhaps so much as understood ( as Rarefaction and Condensation strictly so called ) or lose the question and perhaps themselves , by running up the dispute into that most obscure and perplexing Controversie de compositione continui . Eugen. I am content to forbear pressing any further at present an Objection ; much of whose force depends on future contingents , and I shall the rather dismiss the proof drawn from experience , that I may the sooner put you in mind of your having promised us another Argument to the same purpose , by manifesting the opinion to be agreeable to Reason . Sophr. I understand your pleasure , Eugenius , and shall endeavour to comply with it , but the difficulty and intricateness of the Subject of our discourse , obliges me to do it by steps ; and for fear we should want time for more necessary things , I will not now stay to examine whether all the things that hitherto have appeared above Reason , be impenetrable to us , because of an essential disability of our understandings , proceeding from the imperfection and limitedness of their nature , or only because of some other impediment , such as may be especially the condition of the soul in this life , or the infirmities resulting from its state of union with a gross and mortal body . Forbearing then to discourse how this came into my mind , and what thoughts I had upon it , I shall proceed in my considerations ; and to clear the way for those that are to follow , I shall in the first place observe to you , that whatever be thought of the faculty in abstracto , yet Reason operates according to certain Notions or Ideas , and certain Axiomes and Propositions , by which as by Prototypes or Models , and Rules and Measures , it conceives things , and makes estimates and judgments of them . And indeed when we say that such a thing is consonant to Reason , or repugnant to it , we usually mean that it is either immediately or mediately deducible from , or at least consistent with , or contradictory to one or other of those standard Notions or Rules . And this being premis'd , I consider in the next place , that if these Rules and Notions be such , as are abstracted only from finite things , or are congruous but to them ; they may prove useless or deceitful to us , when we go about to stretch them beyond their measure , and apply them to the infinite God , or to things that involve an Infiniteness either in multitude , magnitude , or littleness . To illustrate and confirm this notion , give me leave to represent in the third place , that in my opinion all the things that we naturally do know or can know , may be divided into these two sorts : The one such as we may know without a Medium ▪ and the other such as we cannot attain to , but by the intervention of a Medium , or by a discursive act . To the first belong such Notions as are supposed to be connate , or if you please innate , such as that Two contradictories cannot be both together true . The whole is greater than any part of it ; Every ( entire ) number is either even or odd , &c. And also those other Truths , that are assented to upon their own account without needing any medium to prove them ; because that as soon as , by perspicuous terms , or fit examples , they are clearly proposed to the understanding , they discover themselves to be true so manifestly by their own light , that they need not be assisted by any intervening Proposition , to make the Intellect acquiesce in them ; of which kind are some of Euclids Axioms , as that , If to equal things equal things be added , the totals will be equal ; and that two right lines cannot include a space . To the second sort of things knowable by us , belong all that we acquire the knowledge of by Ratiocinations , wherein by the help of intervening Propositions or Mediums , we deduce one thing from another , or conclude affirmatively or negatively one thing of another . This being supposed , and we being conscious to our selves , if it were but upon the score of our own infirmities and imperfections , that we are not Authors of our own nature ; for ought we know it may be true , and all the experience we have hitherto had , leads us to think it is true , that the measures suggested to us either by sensations , the results of sensible observation , or the other instruments of knowledge , are such as fully reach but to finite things or Beings , and therefore are not safely applicable to others . And divers of those very Principles that we think very general , may be ( if I may so speak ) but gradual notions of truth , and but limited and respective , not absolute and universal . And here give me leave , as a farther consideration , to take notice to you , that though perfect Syllogism be counted the best and most regular forms that our Ratiocinations can assume , yet even the laws of these are grounded on the doctrine of Proportions : For even between things equal there may be a proportion ( namely that of equality ) upon which ground I suppose it is , that Mathematical Demonstrations have been publickly proposed of the grand Syllogistical Rules . And in consequence of this , I shall add that Geometricians will tell you , that there is no proportion betwixt a finite line and an infinite , because the former can never be so often taken , as to exceed the latter , which ac●cording to Euclid's definition of Proportion , it should be capable to do . Of which Premises the use I would make is to perswade you , that since the understanding operates but by the Notions and Truths 't is furnished with , and these are its instruments by proportion to which it takes measures , and makes judgments of other things ; these Instruments may be too disproportionate to some Objects to be securely employed to determine divers particulars about them : So the eye being an instrument which the understanding employs to estimate distances , we cannot by that safely take the bredth of the Ocean , because our sight cannot reach far enough to discover how far so vast an object extends it self . And not only the common instruments of Surveyors that would serve to measure the height of an house or a steeple , or even a Mountain , cannot enable them to take the distance of the Moon ; but , when Astronomers do , by supposition , take a chain that reaches to the Centre of the Earth , ( and therefore is by the Moderns judged to be near four thousand miles long ) even then I say , though by the help of this and the Parallaxes , they may tolerably well measure the distance of some of the neerer Planets , especially the Moon● yet with all their great industry● they cannot by the same way ( o● perhaps any other yet known ) wit● any thing tolerable acurateness , measure the distance of the fixed Stars ; the Semidiameter of the Earth , bearing no sensible proportion to that of so vast a Sphere as the Firmament , whose distance makes the Parallaxes vanish , it being as to sence all one , whether at so great a remove , a Star be observ'd from the Centre , or from the surface of the Earth . Eug. In a matter so abstruse , a little Illustration by examples , may be very proper and welcome . Sophr. 'T is scarce possible to find very apposite examples , to illustrate things of a kind so abstruse and heteroclite as those may well be suppos'd , that do surpass our Reason . But yet some assistance may be borrowed from what we may observe in that other faculty of the mind , which is most of kin to the Intellect , I mean the Imagination : For when , for instance , I think of a Triangle or a Square , I find in my fancy an intuitive Idea ( if I may so call it ) of those figures that is a Picture clear and distinct , as if a figure of three sides or four equal sides , and Angles were placed before my eyes . But if I would fancy a myriagon , or a figure consisting of ten thousand equal sides , my Imagination is overpowered with so great a multitude of them , and frames but a confused Idea of a Polygon with a very great many sides : For if ( to speak suitably to what the excellent Des Cartes has well observed in the like case ) a man should endeavour to frame Ideas of a Myriagon or a Chiliagon , they would be both so confused , that his Imagination would not be able clearly to discriminate them , though the one has ten times as many sides as the other . So if you would imagine an Atome , of which perhaps ten thousand would scarce make up the bulk of one of the light particles of dust , that seem to play in the Sunbeams when they are shot into a darkned place , so extraordinary a littleness not having fallen under any of our Senses , cannot truly be represented in our imagination . So when we speak of Gods Primity ( if I may so call it ) Omnipotence , and some other of his infinite Attributes and Perfections , we have some conceptions of the things we speak of , but may very well discern them to be but inadequate ones : And though divers Propositions relating to things above Reason , seem clear enough to ordinary Wits , yet he that shall with a competent measure of attention , curiosity , and skill , consider and examine them ; shall find that either their parts are inconsistent with one another , or they involve contradictions to some acknowledged or manifest Truths , or they are veil'd over with darkness and incumbered with difficulties , from whence we are not able to rescue them . Thus when the side and Diagonal of a Square are proposed , we have clear and distinct Ideas of each of them apart , and when they are compared , we may have a conception of their incommensurableness . But yet this negative notion , if it be throughly considered , and far enough pursued , clearly contains that of a strait lines being divisible in infinitum ; and that divisibility is incumbred with so many difficulties , and is so hard to be reconciled to some confessed dictates of Reason , that ( as we have seen already ) Philosophers and Geometricians that are convinc'd of the truth , are to this day labouring to extricate themselves out of those perplexing intricacies . I will not trouble you with the puzling , if not insuperable difficulties , that incumber the doctrine of Eternity , as 't is wont to be proposed in the Schools of Divines and Philosophers , lest you should alledge that these difficulties spring rather from the bold assumptions and groundless subtleties of the Schoolmen , than from the nature of the thing it self : But I will propose somewhat that cannot be denyed , which is , that some substance or other , whether , as I believe , God , or as the Peripateticks say , the World , or as the Epicureans contend , Matter , never had a beginning , that is , has been for ever . But when we speak of an eternity à parte ante ( as they call it ) we do not speak of a thing whereof we have no conception at all , as will appear to a considering person , and yet this general notion we have is such , that when we come attentively to examine it , by the same ways by which we judge of almost all other things , the Intellect is non-plus'd : For we must conceive , that the time efflux'd since Adam ( or any other man as remote from us as he is said to have been ) began to live , bears no more proportion to the duration of God , or of Matter , than to those few minutes I have imployed about mentioning this instance . Nay if we would be Aristotelians , the same thing may be said as to those men , that lived many thousand millions of years before the time we reckon that Adam began to live in : For each of these times being finite and measurable by a determinate number of years , can bear no proportion to that infinite number of years ( or somewhat that is equivalent ) which must be allowed to a duration that never had a beginning . And as there are some things whose nature and consequences pose our Faculties , so there are others , whereof though we have a notion , yet the modus operandi is beyond our comprehension ; I do not mean only the true and certain modus operandi , but even an intelligible one . As , though divers learned men , especially Cartesians , and that upon a Philosophical account , assert , that God created the world ; yet how a substance could be made out of nothing ( as they , and the generality of Christians confessedly hold ) I fear we cannot conceive . And though all Philosophers , very few excepted , believe God to be the Maker of the World ( out of pre-existent matter ) yet how he could make it but by locally moving the parts of the Matter it was to consist of , and how an incorporeal substance can move a body , which it may pass through without resistance , is that which I fear will be found hardly explicable : For if it be said , that the Soul , being an immaterial substance , can never the less move the Limbs of the humane Body rightly dispos'd , I shall answer that it does not appear that the rational Soul doth give any motion to the parts of the Body , but only guide or regulate that which she finds in them already . Timoth. May it not then be rationally said , that by making observations of such things that are the proper Objects of our faculties , and by making legitimate deductions from such observations , and from our other knowledges whether innate or acquired , we may come to be certain , that some things are , and so have general and dark Ideas of them , when at the same time we are at a loss to conceive how they can be such , or how they can operate and perform what they do , supposing the Truth and sufficiency of some other things we are convinced of . To be short , negative apprehensions we may have of some priviledged things , and positive , but indistinct apprehensions we may have of others , and that is enough to make us in some sort understand our selves , and one another , when we speak of them , though yet when we sufficiently consider what we say , we may find that our words are not accompanied with clear , distinct , and symmetrical conceptions , of those abstruse and perplexing things we speak of . And since , as hath been already shewn , we find by experience , that we are unable sufficiently to comprehend things , that by clear and legitimate consequences may be evinc'd to be , why should not this cogently argue , that some of our conceptions may be of things , to which somewhat belongs that transcends our Reason , and surpasses our comprehension ? And if I would play the Logician with Pyrocles , I would tell him that his Objection destroys his Opinion : For since he talks to us of what is incomprehensible , that term must or must not be attended with some suitable Idea : If it be not , let him consider , whether in his own Phrase he speaks sence and not like a Parrot ; but if it be , let him then confess , that one may have some kind of Idea of a thing incomprehensible . But , Pyrocles , whether or no you think I prevaricate in this , you will not , I hope , suspect me of doing it , in adding that when natural Theology had taught men , ( as well Philosophers as others ) to believe God to be an infinitely perfect Being , we ought not to say that they had no Idea of such a Being , because they had not a clear and adequate one . And since Aristotle discourses ex professo and prolixly enough , de infinito , and cites the ancienter Philosophers for having done so before him , and since ( besides his Commentators and Followers ) Democritus , Epicurus , followed by Gassendus and other late Philosophers , maintain either that the world is boundless , or that space ( real or imaginary ) is not finite in extent , or that the world consists of Atoms infinite in number ; I hope you will not put such an affront upon all these great persons , as to think they said they knew not what , when they discoursed de infinito , as they must have done , if they spake without Ideas of the things they spake of , though it may be justly supposed , that the Subject being infinite , the Ideas they framed of it , could not be comprehensive and accurate . Eug. So that according to you , Sophronius , it may be said , that by reason we do not properly perceive Things above Reason , but only perceive that they are above Reason , there being a dark and peculiar kind of Impression made upon the understanding , while it sets it self to contemplate such confounding Objects , by which peculiarity of impression , as by a distinct and unwonted kind of internal sensation , the understanding is brought to distinguish this sort of things ( namely ) transcendent or priviledg'd ones from others , and discern them to be disproportionate to the powers with which it uses throughly to penetrate Subjects , that are not impervious to it . As when the Eye looks into a deep Sea , though it may pierce a little way into it , yet when it would look deeper , it discovers nothing but somewhat which is dark and indistinct , which affects the sensory so differingly from what other more genuine objects are wont to do , that by it we easily discern , that our sight fails us in the way before it arrives at the bottom , and consequently that there may be many things conceal'd there , that our sight is unable to reach . Timoth. I guess , Gentlemen , by the silence you seem to conspire in , after so long a debate , that you have now said as much as at present you think fit to say for and against this Proposition , that there are Things above our Reason . Sophr. I shall not , for my part , cross your Observation , Timotheus , but instead of adding any new proofs , shall only desire you to look back upon those I have presented you already , and to let me remind you , that of the two Arguments by which I attempted to shew that there are some things above Reason , the first and chiefest was suggested by Experience , and the other which was drawn from the nature of things and of man , was brought as 't were , ex abundanti , to illustrate and confirm the former , and give occasion to some hints about priviledg'd Subjects . And therefore though I hope what has been discours'd by these Gentlemen and me , may be able to perswade Pyrocles , that the acknowledgment that some things are above Reason may fairly comply with the dictates of it , yet whatever he thinks of the cogency of our discourse , the truth of the main conclusion may be sufficiently evinc'd by our first Argument drawn from experience : For if we really find , that there are things which our Reason cannot comprehend , then whether the account these Gentlemen and I have given , why our faculties are insufficient , for these things be good or not ; yet still some true account or other there must be of that insufficiency . And as we should very thankfully receive from Pyrocles , any better account than what we have propounded , so if he cannot assign any better , I hope he will joyn with us in looking upon this , as very agreeable to our Hypothesis ; since hereby some things must appear to us so sublime and abstruse , that not only we find we are not able to comprehend them , but that we are unable to discern so much as upon what account it is that they cannot be comprehended by us . Eug. I am not averse , Sophronius , from your Paradox about gradual notions , and I am the more in clin'd to think , that some of the Axioms and Rules that are reputed to be very general , are not to be in differently extended to all Subject and cases whatsoever ; when I consider the differing apprehension that the mind may frame of the same object , as well according to the vigour or ( if I may so call it rank of the understanding , as according to the differing information 't is furnished with : For if on● should propose to a child , for in●stance , of four or five years old the demonstration of the one hu●●dred and seventeenth Propositio● of Euclid's tenth Book , wherein 〈◊〉 proves the side and Diagonal 〈◊〉 a Square to be incommensur●●ble , thongh possibly he may be ●●ble to read the words that expre●● the Theorem , and though he ha● eyes to see the Scheme imploy●● for the demonstration , yet if 〈◊〉 should spend a whole year about 〈◊〉 you would never be able to make him understand it , because 't is quite above the reach of a Childs capacity : And if one should stay till he be grown a man , yet supposing him to have never learned Geometry , though he may easily know what you mean by two incommensurable lines , yet all the reason he has attained to in his virile age , would but indispose him to attain to that demonstration ; for all the experience he may have had of lines , will but have suggested to him as a manifest and general truth , that of any two strait lines we may by measuring find how many Feet , Inches , or other determinate measure , the one exceeds the other . And though one that has been orderly instructed in all that long train of Propositions , that in Euclid's Elements precede the one hundred and seventeenth of the tenth Book , will be also able to arrive at an evidence of this truth , that those two Lines are incommensurable ; yet ( as Sophronius formerly noted ) how it should be possible that two short Lines being proposed , whereof each by it self is easily measurable among those innumerable multitudes of parts into which each of them may be mentally divided , there should not be any one capable of exactly measuring both , is that which even a Geometrician that knows it is true is not well able to conceive . But Gentlemen , that you may not accuse my digression , I shall urge these comparisons no further , my scope in mentioning them being to observe to you , that for ought w● know to the contrary , such a diffe●rence of intellectual Abilities as i● but gradual in Children and Men● may be essential in differing rank● of Intellectual Beings . And so 〈◊〉 may be , that some of those Axiom that we think general , may , whe●● we apply them to things whereo● they are not the true and prope● measures , lead us into error , thoug● perhaps Intellects of an higher o●●der may unriddle those difficulti● that confound us men , which conjecture I should confirm by some things that would be readily granted me by Christians , if I thought it proper to play the Divine in a discourse purely Philosophical . Pyrocl. You , Gentlemen , have taken the liberty to make long discourses , and I shall not much blame you for it , because 't is a thing as more easily , so more speedily done , to propose difficulties than to solve them ; yet methinks amongst you all , you have left one part of my Objection unanswer'd , not to say untouch'd . Sophr. I suppose , Pyrocles , you mean what you said about discerning invisible things with the Eye , but I purposely forbore to take notice of that , because I foresaw it might be more seasonably done , after some other points had been clear'd : Wherefore give me leave now to represent to you , as a Corollary from the foregoing discourses , that nothing hinders but that we may reasonably suppose , that the great and free Author of humane nature , God , so framed the nature of Man , as to have furnish'd his Intellective Faculty with a light , whereby it cannot only make estimates of the power of a multitude of other things , but also judge of its own nature and power , and discern some at least of the limits beyond which it cannot safely exercise its act of particularly and peremptorily judging and defining . And now that God , who ( as I said ) is a most free Agent , may have given the mind of Man such a limited nature , accompanied with such a measure of light , you will not I presume deny but the question is , you will tell me , whether he hath done so ? But I hope what has been formerly discoursed by these Gentlemen and me , has put that almost quite out of question . However , I shall now invite you to observe with me , that the Rational Soul does not only pass judgments about things without her , but about her self , and what passes within her : She searches out and contemplates her own spirituality and union with the Body . The Intellect judges wherein it s own nature consists , and whether or no it self be a distinct faculty from the Will ; and to come yet closer to the point , be pleased to consider , that Logick and Metaphysicks are the works of the Humane Intellect , which by framing those disciplines , manifests , that it does not only judge of Ratiocinations , but of the very Principles and Laws of Reasoning , and teaches what things are necessary to the obtaining of an Evidence and Certainty , and what kind of Mediums they are from whence you must not expect any demonstrative Arguments , concerning such or such a subject . To these things it is agreeable , that if we will compare the bodily Eye with the Understanding , which is the Eye of the Mind , we must allow this difference , that the Intellect is as well a Looking-glass as a Sensory , since it does not only see other things but it self too , and can discern its own blemishes or bad conformation , or whatever other infirmitiesit labours under . Upon which consideration , we may justifie the boldness of our excellent Verulam , who when he sets forth the four sorts of Idols ( as he calls them ) that mislead the studiers of Philosophy , makes one of them to be Idola Tribûs , by which he means those Notions , that tho' radicated in the very nature of mankind , are yet apt to mislead us , which may confirm what I was saying before , that the Soul , when duly excited , is furnished with a light , that may enable her to judge even of divers of those original Notions , by which she is wont to judge of other things . To be short , the Soul upon tryal may find by an inward sence , that some things surpass her forces , as a blind man that were set to lift up a rock would quickly find it too unweildy to be manag'd by him , and the utmost exercise of his strength would but convince him of the insufficiency of it , to surmount so great a weight or resistance ; so that we do not pretend that the Eye of the Mind should see Invisibles , but only that it shall discern the limits of that Sphere of Activity , within which Nature hath bounded it , and consequently that some Objects are disproportionate to it . And I remember that Aristotle himself says , that the eye sees both light and darkness , which expression , though somewhat odd , may be defended by saying , that though since darkness is a Privation , not a Being , it cannot properly be the object of sight , yet it may be perceived by means of the Eye , by the very differing affection which that Organ resents , when it is imprest on by luminous or enlightned Objects , and when it is made useless to us by darkness . Timoth. What you have said , Sophronius , has in great part prevented one thing that might be said to strengthen Pyrocles his objection , namely , that whereas when we see with our bodily eyes , there is besides the outward Organ an internal and rational faculty , that perceives by the help of the eye , that which is not directly the object of sight in the Eye of the Mind , the Intellect , there is but one faculty to perceive and judge : For according to your notion , it may be well answered , that the Intellect being capable by its proper light , to judge of it self and its own acts as well as of other things , there is no need of two Principles , the one to perceive and the other to judge , since one is sufficient for both those purposes . Pyrocl. When I have time to reflect on all that I have heard alledg'd amongst you , Gentlemen , I shall consider how far your Arguments ought to obtain my assent : But in the mean while I must tell you , that they will scarce have all the success I presume you desire , unless you add somewhat to free me from what yet sticks with me of a scruple , that is much of the nature of that which I formerly proposed , being this ; How we can justifie our presuming to discourse at all of things transcending Reason ? For I cannot understand how a man that admits your opinions , can intelligibly speak ( and to speak otherwise mis-becomes a rational creature ) of what is infinite or any thing that surpasses our reason ; since when we discourse of such things , either our words are , or are not accompanied with clear and distinct Ideas or conceptions of the things we speak of : If they be not , what do we other than speak nonsence , or ( as hath been already said ) like Parrots entertain our Hearers with words , that we our selves do not understand ; and if they be , then we do in effect comprehend those things , which yet you would have me think to be on some account or other , Incomprehensible . Sophr. I acknowledge this difficulty , Pyrocles , to be a great one ; but yet I think it not so great as that it ought to interdict us all discoursing of things above Reason : And this would perhaps appear probable enough , if , as your objection borrows much of what you have formerly alledg'd , so I may be allowed , as well to repeat some things as propose others , in making answer to it . Timoth. I for my part shall not only give you my consent to do so , but make it my request that you would do it , for when I look back upon our conference , methinks I plainly perceive that partly the objections of Pyrocles , and partly some ( I fear impertinent ) interpositions of mine , have kept your discourse from being so methodical as otherwise you would have made it , and therefore to be reminded of some of the chief points of your doctrine , as well as to connect them with those you shall judge fit to strengthen or illustrate them , may much conduce to make us both understand it more clearly , and remember it better . Eug. I am much of your mind , Timotheus , but though my interpositions have been far more frequent and much less pertinent than yours , yet I am not troubled that the method of our conference has been so much disturb'd ; because I think such a free way of discoursing , wherein emergent thoughts if they be considerable , are permitted to appear as they arise in the mind , is more useful than a nice method in a debate about an uncultivated and highly important subject , in which I think we should aim at first rather to inquire than to resolve , and to procure as many hints and considerations as we can , in order to our fuller information against our next meeting , without suppressing any that is true or useful , only because it agrees not so well with a regular method , as it does with the design of our conference . Sophr. Without reflecting upon either of those Gentlemen that have been pleased to accuse themselves , I shall readily comply with the motion made by Timotheus , and after having proposed some distinctions make application of them . And the better to clear this matter in reference to Pyrocles's objection , I shall first take the liberty to make some distinctions of the Notions or conceptions of the Mind , and for brevity sake give names to those I have now occasion to employ . I consider then , that whether the conceptions or Ideas we have of things be simple or compounded , they may be distinguished into such as are particular or distinct , and such as are only general , dark , and confus'd , or indistinct : So when a Navigator to unknown Countries first gets a sight of Land , though he may be satisfied that it is Land , yet he has but a very dark and confus'd picture of it made in his eye , and cannot descry whether or no the shore be rocky , or what Creeks or Harbours ( if any ) it have in it ▪ much less whether the Coast be well inhabited , and if it be , what kind of buildings it has ; all which he may plainly and distinctly see upon his going ashore . And this mention of the Sea puts me in mind to point at another distinction , which is that of some things we have an adequate , of others , but an inadequate conception ; as if we suppose the Navigator I was speaking of , should look towards the main Sea , though he might see a good way distinctly , yet at length it would appear so darkly and confusedly to him , that at the verge of the sensible Horizon , his sight would make him judge that the Sea and Sky come together , and yet he would conclude that the utmost part of the Sea he could descry , was but a part of the Ocean , which may , for ought he knows , reach to a vast extent beyond the visible Horizon . To our confused , and often also to our inadequate conceptions , belong many of those that may be called Negative , which we are wont to imploy when we speak of Privations or Negations , as Blindness , Ignorance , Death , &c. We have a positive Idea of things that are square and round , and black and white , and in short of other things , whose shapes and colours make them the objects of our sight : Bu● when we say , for instance , that 〈◊〉 Spirit or an Atome is invisible 〈◊〉 those words are attended with a ne●gative conception , which is com●monly but dark and confused be●cause 't is indefinite , and remove● or lays aside those marks , by whic● we are wont clearly to perceive an● distinguish visible substances : An● when we say that such a thing 〈◊〉 impossible , we have some kind o● conception of what we speak of , b●● 't is a very obscure and indistinc● one at best , exhibiting only a gene●ral and very confused representat●●on of some ways , whereby on● might think the thing likely to b● effected if it were at all perform●●ble , accompanied with a percept●●on of the insufficiency of tho●● ways . There is yet another diff●●rence in the notions we have 〈◊〉 things , which though not wont●● be observed , is too important to 〈◊〉 here pretermitted , and it is thi● That of some things we have ●●knowledg , that for want of a fit●● term may be called primary or direct , and of some other things the knowledge we have is acquired but by inferring it from some more known or clearer truth ; and so may be called inferr'd or illative knowledge . As when a Geometrician defines to me an Hyperbole , I quickly gain a clear and distinct Idea of it , but when he proves to me that this Hyperbole may have such a relation to a strait line which he calls Asymptote , that this line being continued still comes nearer and nearer to the prolonged side of the Hyperbole , and yet how far soever both be drawn , 't will never come to touch it , his subtil demonstrations present me with an infer'd or illative truth , at which we arriv'd not but by the help of a train of ratiocinations , and on which if we exercise our imagination , we shall find this factitious truth , if we may so call it , accompanied but with a very dim and confused Idea . To the foregoing distinctions , give me leave to add but this one more , which belongs chiefly to the not●●ons we have of true or false propos●●tions , namely , that of our concept●●ons of things , some are Symmetrici●● ( if I may so call them ) or every wa● consistent , by which I mean th●● that have these two qualification● the one that all the parts are consi●●●ent among themselves , and the ●●●ther that the entire Idea is consi●●●ent with all other truths ; and so●● are Chymerical or Asymmetrical , 〈◊〉 which I understand those that a● either self-destroying by the contr●●riety of the parts themselves th●● are made up of , as if one sho●● talk of a triangular square , or a 〈◊〉 shiny night ; or being extravaga●● lead to some manifest absurdit●● that may be legitimately inferr●● from them , or into inextrica●● difficulties , or involve a real rep●●●nancy to some acknowledg'd tru● or rule of Reason . To what I have hitherto said 〈◊〉 must add these two observation ▪ The First , that the mind of Ma●● so framed , that when she is 〈◊〉 instructed and is not wanting to her self , she can perceive a want of light in her self for some purposes , or of clearness and completeness in the best Idaeas she is able to frame of some things , and on this account can so far take notice of the extent and imperfection of her own faculties , as to discern that some objects are disproportionate to her ; As when we attentively consider the dimensions of space , or ( if the Cartesians judge aright , that body is nothing but extended substance ) those of the Universe , we may by tryal perceive that we cannot conceive them so great , but that they may be yet greater , or if you please may exceed the bounds , how remote soever , which our former conception presum'd to assign them ; which may be illustrated by what happens to the eye , when it looks upon the main Sea ; since we easily grow sensible that how far soever we can discover it , yet our sight falls far short of the extent of that vast object . And 't is by the sense which the mind has of her own l●●mitedness and imperfection on cer●tain occasions , that I think we ma●● estimate what things ought no● and what ought to be looked upo● as Things above Reason ; for by th●● Term , I would not have you thin●● I mean such things as our ration●● faculty cannot at all reach to , 〈◊〉 has not any kind of perception 〈◊〉 for of such things we cannot in pa●●ticular either speak or think li●● men : But my meaning is this , th●● whereas the rational Soul is consc●●ous to her own acts , and feels , th●● she knows divers sorts of thin●● truly and clearly ; and thereby ju●●●ly concludes them to be within 〈◊〉 compass of her faculties ; when 〈◊〉 contemplates some few things th●● seem to be of another order , she● convinc'd that however she stra●● her power , she has no such Ide● or perception of them , as she 〈◊〉 or may have of those objects th●● are not disproportionate to her ●●●culties : And this is my first Obse●●vation . The other thing that I was to observe about the nature of the Mind is , that 't is so constituted , that its faculty of drawing consequences from known truths , is of greater extent than its power of framing clear and distinct Idaeas of things ; so that by subtle or successive inferences , it may attain to a clear conviction that some things are , of whose nature and properties ( or at least of some of them ) it can frame no clear and satisfactory conceptions . And that men should be better able to infer propositions about divers things , than to penetrate their nature , needs the less be wondred at , both because 't is oftentimes sufficient for our uses to know that such things are , though that knowledge be not accompanied with a clear and distinct Idaea ; and because oftentimes the Rules ( such as , whatever is produced must have a cause ; and , from Truth , nothing rightly follows but Truth ) are clear and easie that enable the Mind to infer conclusions about things , whose nature is very dark , and abstruse . Eug. I know , Sophronius , that you have not laid down these preliminary distinctions and remarks without designing to make use of them , which the little time that now remains to manage our conference in , calls upon you to proceed to do . Sophr. I was just going to say , Eugenius , that after what I have premised , I hope it may now be seasonable to apply the newly delivered Notions to the three sorts of things that I formerly represented as being in some sence above reason . For I consider , that there are some objects of so immense and peculiar a nature , that ( if I may so speak ) by an easie view of the mind , that is without any subtle and laborious disquisition , the Soul discerns , and as it were feels the Object to be disproportionate to her powers : And accordingly if she thinks sit to try , she quickly finds her self unable to frame conceptions of them fit to be acquiesc'd in , and this sort of Objects I do upon that account call inconceivable , or ( on some occasions ) supra-intellectual . But when by attentively considering the attributes and operations of things , we sometimes find that a thing hath some property belonging to it , or doth perform somewhat , which by reflecting on the beings and ways of working that we know already , we cannot discern to be reducible to them or derivable from them , we then conclude this property or this operation to be inexplicable ; that is , such as that it cannot so much as in a general way be intelligibly accounted for , and this makes the second sort of our things above Reason . But this is not all , for the Rational Soul that is already furnished with innate , or at least primitive Idaeas and Rules of true and false , when she comes to examine certain things and make successive inferences about them , she finds ( sometimes to her wonder as well as trouble ) that she cannot avoid admitting some consequences as true & good which she is not able to reconcile to some other manifest Truth or acknowledged Proposition : And whereas other Truths are so harmonious , that there is no disagreement between any two of them , the Heteroclite Truths I speak of appear not symmetrical with the rest of the body of Truths , and we see not how we can at once embrace these and the rest , without admitting that grand absurdity which subverts the very foundation of our reasonings , That Contradictories may both be true . As in the controversie about the endless divisibility of a strait line , since 't is manifest that a line of three foot for instance is thrice as long as a line of one foot , so that the shorter line is but the third part of the longer , it would follow that a part of a line may contain as many parts as a whole , since each of them is divisible into infinite parts , which seems repugnant to common sence , and to contradict one of those common Notions in Euclid , whereon Geometry it self is built . Upon which account I have ventured to call this third sort of things above Reason Asymmetrical or Unsociable , of which eminent instances are afforded us by those controversies ( such as that of the compositio continui ) wherein which side soever of the question you take , you will be unable directly and truly to answer the objections that may be urged to show that you contradict some primitive or some other acknowledged truth . These , Eugenius , are some of the considerations by which I have been induced to distinguish the things that to me seem to over-match our Reason , into three kinds . For of those things I have stil'd Unconceivable , our Idaeas are but such as a moderate attention suffices to make the mind sensible that she wants either light or extent enough to have a clear and full comprehension of them : And those things that I have called Inexplicable , are those which we cannot perceive to de - upon the Idaeas we are furnished with , and to resemble in their manner of working any of the Agents whose nature we are acquainted with : And lastly , those things which I have named Unsociable , are such as have Notions belonging to them , or have conclusions deducible from them , that are ( for ought we can discern ) either incongruous to our primitive Idaeas , or when they are driven home , inconsistent with the manifest Rules we are furnished with , to judge of True and False . Eug. I presume , Sophronius , that by sorting things above Reason into three kinds , you do not intend to deny but that 't is possible one object may in differing regards be referred to more than one of these sorts . Sophr. You apprehend me very right , Eugenius , and the truth of what you say may sufficiently appear in that noblest of Objects , God. Timoth. We owe so much to God , the most perfect of Beings , not only for other blessings , but for those very Intellects that enable us to contemplate him , that I shall be very glad to learn any thing that may increase my wonder and veneration for an Object , to whom I can never pay enough of either . Sophr. You speak like your self , Timotheus , and I wish I were as able as I ought to be willing , to satisfie your desire : But since we are now discoursing like Philosophers , not Divines , I shall proceed to speak of that gloriousest of Objects , But as his Nature or some of his Attributes afford me instances to the purpose , for which I presum'd to mention him . When God therefore made the World out of nothing , or ( if Pyrocles will not admit the Creation ) when he discerns the secretest thoughts and intentions of the Mind , when he unites an immaterial Spirit to a humane Body , and maintains , perhaps for very many years , that unparallel'd union with all the wonderful conditions he has annex'd to it ; when , I say , he doth these and many other things , that I must not now stay to mention , he supplies us with instances of things that are Inexplicable : For such operations are not reducible to any of the ways of working known to us ; since our own Minds can but modify themselves by divers manners of thinking ; and as for things without us , all that one body can do to another by acting on it , is to communicate local motion to it , and thereby produce in it the natural consequences of such motion ; in all which there is no action like any of those I just now ascrib'd to God. And if we consider that the praescience of those future events that we call contingent , being a perfection , is not to be denyed to God ; who is by all acknowledged the perfectest of Beings and that yet the greatest Wits that have laboured to reconcile this infallible praecognition with the liberty of mans will , have been reduced to maintain some thing or other , that thwarts some acknowledged truth or dictate of Reason : If we duly consider this ( I say ) it will afford us an instance of truths , whose consistency and whose symmetry with the body of other truths , our Reason cannot discern , and which therefore ought to be referred to that sort of things above Reason , that I call Unsociable . And now I come to the third sort of these things which is that I formerly mention'd , first under the name of Incomprehensible or supra-intellectual : which Title , whether or no it belongs to any other Object , ( which I will not now enquire ) doth certainly belong to God , whose Nature comprehending all perfections in their utmost possible degrees , is not like to be comprehensible by our minds , who altogether want divers of those perfections , and have but moderate measures , ( not to call them shadows ) of the rest . We are indeed born with , or at least have a power and divers occasions to frame an Idaea of a Being infinitely perfect , and by this Idaea we may sufficiently discriminate the Original of it , God , from all other Objects whatsoever . But then , when we come to consider attentively & minutely what is contained in the notion of Omnipotence , Omniscience , Eternity , and those other divine Attributes that are all united in that great confluence and abys● of perfections , God ; we may be● sure to find , that our faculties are exceedingly surmounted by the vastness and gloriousness of that unlimited and unparallel'd object 〈◊〉 about which , as we can discove● that it exists , and that it possesse● all the perfection we can conceive● so we may at the same time discern● that it must have degrees of perfection , which because of the inferiority of our Nature , we are not able to conceive . And yet this discovery of God● Incomprehensibleness may be mad● without subtle disquisitions , an● without trains of consequences● though not without due attention● by a direct view of the Mind ( if 〈◊〉 may so term it ; ) who finds her self upon tryal as unable fully to measure the divine perfections as the dimensions of space , which we can conceive to be greater and greater , without ever being able to determine any extent beyond whose limits they cannot reach . Pyrocles . I suspected Sophron. by the tenour of your Discourse that the last Questions these Gentlemen asked you , diverted you from saying somewhat more than you did by way of application of your preceding Discourse . Sophron. I was then indeed about to make , as I now shall , this use of what I had been saying ; that I readily acknowledge that 't is an arrogance to talk of infinite or of priviledg'd things , with the same confidence , or to pretend to do it with the same clearness , wherewith knowing men may speak of things unquestionably within the compass of our Intellect : But that this need not hinder us from speaking , nor doth disable us from speaking rationally of priviledg'd things themselves . For all the notions that are allowable are not of the same sort or order ; and if none were to be admitted but those that enable us to comprehend the Object , that is , which give us a clear and distinct knowledge of all that it contains or that belongs to it , I must confess that we have no good Notions of priviledg'd things in particular ▪ but then I must add , that I fear we have few or none even of many things that we think our selves very knowing in . And when we speak of things as being above Reason , though we have no clear , distinct and adequate Notion o● them , yet we may have a general confus'd and inadequate Notion of them , which may suffice to make us discriminate their respective Objects from all else , and from one another ; as may be observ'd in several , Idaeas that are negatively fram'd , such as those we have o● invisible , incomprehensible , and in others which I formerly call'd Inferr'd ; because they accompany the remote Inferences whereby one truth is concluded from another : as when Geometricians infer from some propositions in Euclid that any strait line may be divided farther and farther without stop . For of this and some other propositions about priviledg'd things , we are not quite destitute of allowable Notions ; as may appear by some of the admirably ingenious Speculations of Mathematicians about the Affections of surd Numbers , and about incommensurable Magnitudes ; about some of which we have no such clear and symmetrical Conceptions as we have of many other things , that are of a nearer and more intelligible order . And on this occasion I shall not scruple to acknowledge , that partly by my own Experience , and partly by the Confessions of others , and by their unsuccesful Attempts , I am induc'd to think that God , who is a most free Agent , having been pleas'd to make Intelligent Beings , may perhaps have made them of differing Ranks , or Orders , whereof Men may not be of the Principal ; and that whether there be such Orders or no , he hath at least made us Men , of a limited nature ( in general ) and of a bounded Capacity . Congruously to this I think also , that he hath furnished man either with certain innate Ideas or Models and Principles , or with a Faculty or Power and Disposition easily to frame them , as it meets with occasions ( which readily occur ) to excite them : But because that ( as I lately noted ) God intended the mind of Man but of a limited Capacity , his Understanding is so constituted that the inbred or easily acquir'd Idaeas and primitive Axioms wherewith it is furnished , and by Relation or Analogy whereunto it judges of all other Notions , and Propositions , do not extend to all knowable Objects whatsoever ; but reach only to such as have a sufficient Affinity , or bear some proportion to those Primary Idaeas and Rules of Truth , which are sufficient if duly improv'd , to help us to the attainment , though not of the perfect knowledge of truth 's of the highest Orders , yet to the Competent Knowledge of as much truth as God thought fit to allow our minds in their present ( and perchance laps'd ) Condition , or state of Union with their mortal Bodies . Eugen. Your Opinion , Sophron. if I apprehend it aright , contains two very differing Assertions ; one that it is allowable to contemplate and even to discourse of things above Reason , since we may have some Conceptions of them , though they be but very dim and imperfect : and the other , that we ought not to look upon , or speak of such Objects as things that we comprehend , or have even such a measure of knowledge of , as we have of things that are not priviledg'd . For of these we are not to speak but with a peculiar Wariness , and modest Diffidence . Sophron. You have express'd my thoughts Eugen. since I Intend not to injoyn silence , or disswade Curiosity , but yet forbid presumption , in reference to priviledg'd things . Timoth. And truly Sophron. I see no Reason to repine at the limits which your late Discourse hath in imitation of the Author of nature himself , assign'd to human Knowledg . For the number of priviledg'd things is altogether inconsiderable in comparison of the multitude of other things , to which our knowledge may be improv'd to reach ; and which it far more concerns us to know well , than it doth to resolve puzling Questions about things incomprehensible ; there being within the compass of those truths , enough to employ , and reward our Curiosity without straining and tiring our Reason about Objects that transcend it . And yet even about these , some disquisitions may be allow'd us , for an object that on the account of some of its properties may be a priviledg'd one ; may have divers other things belonging to it , that do not surpass our Reason , and whose knowledge may therefore be attain'd , by the due employment of it . Thus we usefully study the nature of Bodies , which make up the Object of the Excellent Science of Natural Philosophy ; though the true Notion of Body in general be a thing so difficult to frame , that the best of our Modern Philosophers can by no means agree about it . Which I do not wonder at ; because if we pursue the notion of a Body to the uttermost ; 't will lead us to the perplexing controversie , De compositione continui , and there you will not deny , but that the understanding will be left in the dark . Thus Surveyors , Carpenters , Architects , and many others know divers Affections of the square Figure that are of great use to them in their respective Employments , though that property of the square , that its side and diagonal are incommensurable , be unknown to most of them ; and if they were told of it , and would prosecute the Speculation , would involve them in exceeding great and probably insuperable difficulties . Sophron. To confirm what you have been telling us , Timoth. I shall venture to add , that even about priviledg'd things , our inquiries , if modestly and discreetly manag'd , may not only be allowable but sometimes profitable . For even of such Subjects a studious search may bring us to know more than we did , though not so much as we would , nor enough to be acquiesc'd in . So that such enquiries may probably teach us , to know the Objects better , and our selves better too ; by giving us such a sensible discovery of the insufficiency of our Understandings to comprehend all sorts of things , as may be very useful , though not pleasing , and may richly recompence us , for the pains that ended in so instructive a disappointment . And let me add to the pertinent instances that have been mention'd , the noblest that can be given ; I mean the Contemplation of God himself . For he hath so ordered all things , that 't is scarce possible for us , to be destitute of an Idaea of him , which will at least represent him as an existent Being , and more perfect than any other Being ; and yet when we come with sufficient Application of mind to pry into the wonderful Attributes of this most singular and adorable Being , we are , as was lately observ'd , sure to find our selves unable to comprehend so unbounded an Object . Which yet ought not to discourage us from so noble a Study , since we are allow'd the great contentment and honour to make further and further discoveries of the excellentest of Objects , by that very immensity of his perfections , that makes it impossible for us to reach to the bounds of his Excellency , or rather to discover that it has any bounds at all . But , Gentlemen , I perceive I have been so transported by the mention of this vast and divine Subject , in whose Contemplation 't is so easie , and so pleasant to lose ones self , that I have forgot the notice Eugen. gave me , a pretty while since , that the time allotted for our present conference was then near expiring . And therefore I shall leave you to pick out of the Excursions to which your interpositions tempted ( not to say oblig'd ) me , the Applications , that I intended to make more methodically of the distinctions I laid down . And I am the less troubled to be hindred from proposing to you my thoughts about the way of distinguishing priviledg'd things from others , because we have a domestick Monitor , or a kind of an internal Criterium always at hand to help us . For I think it may well be said , that the wise Author of Nature has endued the Understanding with such a quick , though internal , Sensation ( if I may so call it ) that when due attention is not wanting , it can feelingly discern between other Objects , and those that are disproportionate to its ability . As even in Beasts , the eye is so fram'd ( according to the institution of Nature ) that if it be obverted to the bright noon-day-Sun , there needs no Monitor , but the operation of the same Sun , to make it wink ; ( and perhaps water ) and thereby discover it self to be dazled and overpowr'd by the disproportionate Object . Pyroc . I confess your Discourses , Gentlemen , have made an unexpected Impression upon me ; but whether that will amount to a Conviction will scarce appear till our next Conference . Only thus much I shall tell you now , that it would much facilitate our agreement in Opinion , if you did not contend for altogether so much ; but would be pleas'd to leave it undertermin'd , whether Man's intellectual Faculty it self is uncapable by the help of any degree of light , to discover and know those things , which you call above Reason ? and would content your selves to say , That there are some things belonging to these Subjects , which we must confess we have less clear and distinct Notions of , than we have even of the difficultest of those things , that are acknowledg'd not to surpass our Reason : And that if we will take upon us , to determine positively and particularly about these transcendent things , we must employ ways of Reasoning , congruous to their peculiar natures . Sophron. I shall readily consent not to expect your final Resolution , before our next meeting , having no cause to fear that time , will be unfriendly to her Daughter Truth . Timoth. And in the mean while , Pyrocles , I am glad to find by the last part of what you just now said , that you seem to be no longer indispos'd to admit some things , that ( at least in our present state ) do some way or other surpass our Reason . For I think that instead of exalting that faculty , we injure and defraud it , if we do not freely allow it , as much enjoyment of Truth as we are able to procure it : And consequently if Geometry , or Revelation , or Experience , assure us of divers things of which we can know but That they are , and what they do , not , what they are , and how they act , we must neither refuse , nor neglect the study of such Truths , any more than we would refuse to look into any other Objects , than those that we can look through ; And therefore to enrich the Intellect as much as we are able , we must entertain , not only those Truths , that we can comprehend , but those also , how sublime soever , that we can have any certain , though but a very imperfect Knowledge of , Especially since those remote and abstruse Subjects may be as much more noble as more dark than others , and thereby render an imperfect Discovery of them , more desirable , than a far clearer one of Inferior things . FINIS . ADVICES IN JUDGING OF Things SAID TO TRANSCEND REASON . The Speakers Arnobius , Eugenius , Pyrocles and Timotheus . Arnob. I Was very glad , Gentlemen , to learn this morning of Sophronius some things , whence 't was easie to conclude , that by the Discourse you had with him last night , he has made it allowable for me to demand , and rational for you to grant , nay to proffer me , a Dispensation of the Task you imposed on me at our last meeting . For tho' he spake with the modesty that became him of your Conference , and gave me , but a hasty and imperfect Account of what pass'd between you ; yet I think I may presume , that by his Discourse Pyrocles himself was at least inclin'd , and you two , Gentlemen , fully perswaded to admit , that there are Things above Reason ; which was the main point about which you expected at our last Congress that I should entertain you , at our then next , or now present meeting . Eugen. I deny not , that Sophronius's Considerations were prevalent on Timotheus and me ; and have , I hope , made a good impression on Pyrocles himself ; but that ought not to hinder us from coming , as we now do , to claim your promise of entertaining us about things above Reason . And if you will needs be dispens'd with from repeating those Considerations that Sophronius has employed already , ( tho' I doubt not but by repeating them , you would both strengthen and advance them ; ) we will not be rigid Exactors of our Right : but yet we must not remit your Task , tho' we are content to change it . For I question not but these Gentlemen will consent with me , to discharge you of your promise of discoursing of the Arguments that may infer some things to be above Reason , if you will please to afford us your Thoughts , about the ways of avoiding to be imposed on by our selves or others , when such sublime Subjects are treated or discours'd of . Arnob. Tho' in the recital of your Conference , Sophronius did but touch on several Subjects whereon it would be proper for me to insist , in the Discourse you seem to expect from me ; yet I am apt to fear , that he has so prevented me in what I should say , that he has left little or nothing for me to do , but to make Repetitions of what you have heard already much better express'd : which will be an Employment far enough from being grateful , either to you or me . Eugen. Your Modesty , Sir , is not like to defeat our Curiosity ; and that you may not think your self hardly used , or condemned to bear Repetitions ; be pleased to take notice , both that , what we desire as a Favor , we might claim as a Compensation , and that the things we expect from you now , are not Arguments to make out that there are things above Reason , but that you would afford us some Rules and Directions how to regulate the Ratiocinations we make ; and estimate those we meet with , about such Transcendent Subjects . Arnob. I hope Eugenius , you do not in earnest think me so vain as to pretend to frame a Logick about things above Logick ; or magisterially to deliver Rules about things that are as Anomalous , as they are either Remote or Abstruse . Besides that all you have said , do's not exempt me from a fear , that by reason of Sophronius's omitting divers points of his Discourse , and my imperfect Remembrance of those he transiently and summarily mention'd , he has anticipated much of what were otherwise proper for me to say . But yet because 't is possible that his thoughts and mine , may have lead us , to have made some Reflections that are not at all the same ; and that even when others happen to be coincident , it may be not altogether useless , that I should endeavour to inlarge some things that he has but hinted , and illustrate or vindicate some others that will not be prejudic'd by being cleared , or confirm'd ; and above all this , because I would shew you , that I am willing to comply with you somewhat to the hazard of my Discretion , I shall not refuse to offer you some , not Rules , but Advices ; provided you freely interrupt me , when I begin to trouble you with the Repetition of any thing that you have , tho' I have not heard before ; and provided too , that you look not on these Advices so much as directions to find the truth in such abstruse matters , as Cautions that may chance to assist you to avoid some Errors and Mistakes . Eugen. We are not so scrupulous but that we shall upon your own terms gladly receive your thoughts , whatever names you please to give them . Arnob. I shall then without further preamble comply with your Commands , and propose as my First Advice . That about Priviledg'd Subjects themselves , we do not admit any ( affirmative ) assertion without such proofs , to evince it , as are sufficient in their kind . I hope Gentlemen that Sophronius has so far declar'd to you , what is to be meant by Priviledg'd things , that though it be a new term , yet I need not solicitously explain it ; and may think it sufficient to intimate in few words that they are things of a very Heteroclyte and Abstruse Nature , and have belonging to them such peculiar Affections and Attributes , as require that in judging and reasoning of them we should employ Notions and Rules congruous to their particular Condition ; some of them superadded to , & others perhaps differing from , those that men generally & safely enough make use of about common & familiar things , that are of a nature less impervious to our Understandings . And if the shortness of this Summary Description , should leave it less clear than I hope you find it ; I foresee there will divers occasions of illustrating it , by instances and other ways , occur in the Sequel of our Discourse : In order to which I shall , after this short and necessary Digression , return to the lately given First Advice ; and tell you that 't is grounded upon this Consideration , that 't is not reasonable to give assent to any thing as a Truth , but upon a sufficient Reason of that Assent . And tho' we may well grant in the general , that a thing which ●urpasses our Reason may have belonging to it some affection that is also above Reason ; yet we are not in particular to believe that this or that Affection doth belong to it , without particular and competent proof . For since about a Priviledg'd thing , as well as about any other , Propositions may be fram'd , and often are so , that are contrary to one another ; to assent to both , were to be sure to believe one falsity , if not two . And if we will assent but to one , we must either judge at Adventures , or allow our selves to examine the Mediums of Probation , employed on both sides , and thereupon judge , why one of the Propositions is to be assented to , and the other rejected . Pyrocles . I am glad Arnobius , that you allow your self and us this manly freedom without which our Understandings were lyable to be impos'd on in matters of the highest Concernment : For there scarce ever did , or I fear ever will , want some men who either out of Ignorance and passive Delusion , or out of self-Confidence , or out of Design , take upon them , with great boldness , to affirm what they please about priviledg'd Subjects , and when they are opposed in their Extravagancies by Ratiocinations they cannot answer , they urge , that these things being above Reason , are not to be judged of by it : But of such men as these I usually demand whether their own Assent to the things they would have us believe , be grounded upon some Rational Argument , or not : If they say , 't is not , they are fools to believe it themselves ; and I should add to the number of fools , if after this acknowledgment , I should believe them : But if they say they do , I desire them to produce their Argument ; for since 't is fram'd by a Human Understanding , the force of it may be also comprehended & judg'd of by a Human Understanding : And 't is to no purpose to say , that the Subject surpasses Human Reason ; for if it do so indeed , it will surpass theirs as well as mine , and so leave us upon even terms . And let the thing assented to , be what it will , the assent it self ought to be founded upon a sufficient Reason , and consequently upon one that is intelligible , to the Human Intellect that is wrought on by it . Eûgen . I willingly allow , that there is a great difference between the being able and oblig'd to know the nature or cause of a thing , and the being able to give an intelligible account of the motives that induce our assent to it ; and without such motives the assent may by chance be given to what is a truth , but that will not hinder it from being an irrational Assent . Timoth. I was not ill pleas'd Arnobius , with the Caution you employ'd in the close of your Advice , where , by saying that the positive Proofs you require to evince an Assertion about a priviledg'd thing , must be sufficient in their Kind , you plainly intimate that you do not exact rigid Demonstrations of such Assertions : And indeed it were not reasonable you should ; for since 't is manifest , that there are many Truths , such as Historical and Political ones , that by the nature of the things are not capable of Mathematical or Metaphysical Demonstrations , and yet being really Truths , have a just Title to our Assent , it must be acknowledg'd , that a rational Assent may be founded upon Proofs that reach not to rigid Demonstrations , it being sufficient that they are strong enough to deserve a wise mans Acquiescence in them . And therefore if any things can be made out to be reveal'd by God concerning his own Nature , or Actions , or Decrees , we ought firmly to believe them , because that , of some of those things , as his Praescience , Mercy , &c. We can have no better Proofes ; and of others , as what he did before our World was made ; and what he will do with us after we are dead , we can have no other considerable Proofes at all . And the Objection made by Pyrocles against the assenting to audacious Propositions fram'd by imposing Men , will not reach our Case : for there is no reason to think , that because an Object surpasses an humane Understanding , it must therefore surpass the Divine Intellect it self . And even in things that are transacted in the Mind of Man himself ; I may learn from another that is not my Superior , what I can by no means attain to know , unless he be pleased to discover it to me . As that he was at such a time , thinking of the Creation of the World , or resolving how to dispose of his Son , and what Recompence he designs to give a Servant that he has not yet entertained . Pyrocles . About things of such a kind as you now mention , Timotheus , I shall not dissent from you ; because these are things , that tho' not discoverable by our Reason till we be informed of them , are yet clearly knowable by our Reason , when we are informed of them . But that there should be things , which tho' perspicuously proposed , should not be comprehensible by our understanding , is such an affront to that noble Faculty , that I confess it has much indisposed me to grant ( what I am yet unwilling peremptorily to deny , ) that there are , as Sophronius would have us think , not only some priviledged things , but more than one kind of them ; which if we do admit , it will place such narrow Limits to our Understandings , that we must despair of the desireablest knowledge of all , namely that which is conversant about the noblest and sublimest Objects . Eugenius . Leaving to Sophronius the management of a Point he has studied , and which I have not now time solemnly to Argue ; I shall only tell you in general that I see no necessity , That Intelligibility to a humane Understanding , should be necessary to the Truth or Existence of a thing ; any more then that Visibility to a Humane Eye , should be necessary to the Existence of an Atome , or of a Corpuscle of Air , or of the Effluvium's of a Loadstone , or the Fragrant Exhalations of Ambergris , and Musk from a perfumed Glove ; I might here observe , that even by the same Sence some Creatures may discern things that may not be perceptible to others : as no attention or application of the Organ ( or the Nose ) will inable a man to perceive the Effluvia expiring from the stale Footsteps of a hunted and unseen Hare or Dear , tho' Hounds , and especially Blood-hounds , will have a vivid Preception of such Odours , and by their help , trace and persue the flying and unseen Beast . This , I say , may be observed in Favour of my present Argument ; but 't will perhaps be a more proper illustration to represent , that the natural Incapacity of a Childs Intellect , to understand the abstruse Affections of Parabola's , Hyperbola's and the incommensurable Lines of a Square , hinders not those Figures , from being contained in rerum naturâ , or their Affections from being true and demonstrable . And tho' we do admit some priviledged things in the Sence above declared , yet , ( to say somewhat to obviate Pyrocles's Fear ) there is no necessity that we should be interdicted all Knowledge of those sublime Objects , in which there are many things , whereof , or of their Consequences , we must confess our selves ignorant . Thus elder Geometricians knew very well what a Rectangular Triangle was , when they conceived it to be a Figure consisting of three strait Lines , two of which comprize a right Angle ; though probably for a great while they did not know so much as all its chief Properties or Affections : since for ought appears , before Pythagoras , ( who offered a Heccatombe to the Muses in gratitude for the Discovery ) it was not known that the Square of the Hypothenusa is equal to the Squares of both the other Sides ; and much more likely it is , that they were not able to solve those Difficulties ( that continue to perplex even our Age ) which attend that endless divisibility of Lines , that is inferrible from that Equality of the two Squares to the single Square . And besides the inscrutable Perfections of God , some of his Works are such , that , notwithstanding the compleat Knowledge of them surpasses our Forces ; yet there remains so many things , as well worthy to be known , as possible to be attained by us , that they will allow Exercise enough to the Wits of all the Philosophers in the World. And besides that , as I have been saying , even about these priviledged Subjects themselves , divers considerable things may be discovered , if they were altogether impenetrable by our Understandings , yet their Number is so small , that they would leave a large Scope for human Knowledge to diffuse and improve it self . For 't is not every thing that is hard to be understood or contrary to the common Rules of Probability , that has a right to pass for a priviledged thing , for so the Paradoxes about Srud Quantities , of Isoperimetal Figures ; duplicate and triplicate Proportion , and divers other surprising Doctrines that are capable of Mathematical Demonstrations , would be priviledged things . Nor are all those worthy of this Title that are by many proposed and embraced as Philosophical Mysteries , for , such are the Peripateticks Substantial Forms , which really are not priviledged things , but Scholastic Chimeras . But tho' I shall not presume positively to set down the discriminating Bounds and Signes of priviledged things , yet most if not all of them being such , as are either primary in their kind , as God himself , and the things whose Nature flows immediately from him , or else things that if thorowly inspected , do necessarily involve the consideration of some kind of Infinitum , or else are such that tho' in some main Questions about them one side must be taken , both sides are encombred with absurdities , or scarce superable Difficulties : Those I say being all ( or some of them ) the usual marks that belong to priviledged things , you will easily grant , that their Number is not near so great as their abstruseness ; and that therefore Pyrocles and his Philosophical Friends need not fear to want employment for their Curiosity . And for farther Answer to his Objection I shall add that we must regulate our Belief by our Perceptions , not our Wishes , and must not conclude , that because 't were desirable for us , that all things were penetrable to our humane Understandings , there is really nothing that is not so : and we can no more conclude that we are as knowing as Angels , because we wish we were so , than that we are as immortal as they , because we would never die . But as for those few things that have belonging to them , Properties so extraordinary , as to make it probable , even at the first sight , that their Nature must be very abstruse and difficult be fully discover'd by us , I hope Pyrocles will allow , that things of so Heteroclite a Nature may challenge an exemption from some of the rules imployed about common things ; And that really such Rules as I mean , and some also of the vulgar Notions cannot always be safely extended to such Subjects , I forbear to shew in this place ; only because I would not too long at once interrupt Arnobius ; and I expect to have a good opportunity to speak again of this Subject , before our Conference be ended . Tim. You may then , I presume , Arnobius , as soon as you please , favour us with your second Advice . Arnob. I shall readily obey you , Timotheus , by proposing it thus : The Second Advice , or Rule . That we be not hasty to frame Negatives about Privileg'd Things , or to reject Propositions or Explications concerning them ; at least , as if they were absurd or impossible . 'T is easie to observe in the Speculation of natural things themselves , how unsafe 't is not only to affirm , but in divers Cases also reject opinions , before men have any thing near a competent Historical Information of what belongs to the Subject they take upon them peremptorily to judge of . And therefore it must in reason be thought much more unwary to be forward to resolve upon Negative Propositions about things which we our selves acknowledge to be above the reach of Human Reason , which since they are , 't will become us at least to forbear a rude and insulting way of rejecting the opinions of Learned Men that dissent from us about such things ; since the sublimity of the Subject should make mistakes about them the more easie to be pardon'd , because they are difficult to be avoided ; and our own sharing in the disability of penetrating such abstruse things , should keep us from being over-confident , that we also may not be mistaken , and incline us to tolerate other mens opinions about matters wherein we our selves have but opinion , not science . Pyr. But have not you formerly advised us not to suffer our selves to be impos'd upon by proofless Assertions , even about privileg'd things ? Arnob. I did so , and do so still : but there is a great deal of difference between believing a proofless affirmation about things which the affirmer does not know to be true , and framing Negative Conclusions against Opinions , which , for ought we yet clearly know , may be true : and therefore my present advice is very consistent with my former : for here I counsel only , either a suspension of Judgment , when there appears no proof on either side sufficient to sway the Intellect ; or such a wary and unprejudic'd assent to opinions that are but faintly probable , that the mind may be ready to receive , without either obstinacy , or surprise , any better argument that shall conclude the contrary of the opinion we favour'd before . Eugen. But methinks 't is hard to avoid the framing of Conjectures , even about those sublime Subjects , concerning which we can frame but conjectures , and those often very slight ones . Arnob. I confess an absolute suspension of judgment is a very uneasie thing , nor do I strictly require you should entertain no conjectures ; but only that we should consider that we may be easily mistaken in them , and by further information see cause to lay them down , and perhaps exchange them for contrary ones : my thoughts of this matter may be perchance somewhat illustrated by supposing that we four were walking in a High-way , and discover'd as far off as our eyes could reach , some erected and moving body of human stature ; tho we should by its shape and walking safely enough conclude that 't were no other animal than a man , yet what manner of man he were , as old , or young , handsome , or ugly ; we should not be able to discern , and consequently , could have no sufficient ground to determine . And as if I should affirm him to be a young man or handsome , you may justly censure me of rashness ; so if because I cannot prove my conjecture , you should resolutely deny that he is a young man or handsome , I should think you guilty , tho not of an equal , yet of a censurable unwariness , because , for ought you know to the contrary , he may be what I guess'd him to be . And tho we are naturally so uneasie under fluctuation of mind , that for my part I confess ( and it may be you may be subject to the same Infirmity ) I should scarce forbear resembling in my thoughts the man we speak of to some body or other that I knew , yet I should justly think that Conjecture to be very fallible , and both expect that when I should come to have a nearer and clearer view of him , I might see cause to dismiss my first Idea for that which this new and better prospect would afford me , tho it were quite differing from that I ●ad formerly entertain'd , and should represent him , that my forward thought perhaps resemble , to a young man of my acquaintance with black curl'd hair , and a ruddy complexion , to be pale and wrinckled , with grey hair curl'd like a pound of Candles . The Application , I suppose , I may spare . But Gentlemen , I would not be understood in the preceding Discourse , as if I were against all framing of Negative Propositions about privileg'd Things ; my design being but to dissuade from hasty ones : For sometimes 't is much more easie and safe to deny things , than to affirm them to belong to a Subject that surpasses our Reason . And the observation may be of use , especially in two cases ; one , when the Negative we assert is grounded not upon Axioms taken from the usual course of Nature , or upon Propositions dubious , or remote from the first Principles of knowledge , but upon either Catholick and Metaphysical Axioms , or else upon Truths manifestly flowing from some clear , tho inadequate notion we have of the nature of the things we treat of . The other Case is , when we have a clear and sufficient proof by Revelation , or otherwise , of the positive Attributes of the things we contemplate ; for then we may safely deny of that Subject any other thing that is really inconsistent with that positive Attribute . Upon which account it is , that tho we do not fully comprehend what God is , yet knowing by the clear Light of Nature ( and if we be Christians ) believing it upon the account of Revelation , that he is a Being Intelligent and infinitely perfect , we may safely deny against Epicurus , Vorstius , and Mr. Hobbs , that he is a Corporeal Substance , as also that he is Mortal , or Corruptible . Pyrocl. I shall not trouble you , Arnobius , to inlarge upon your last Advice , but willingly receive the ●avour of your next . Arnob. Which shall be this : The Third Advice , or Rule . That a matter of Fact or other Truth about Privileg'd Things being prov'd by Arguments competent in their kind , we ought not to deny it meerly because we cannot explain , or perhaps so much as conceive the Modus of it . 'T is no very difficult Task to justifie this Advice ; but I may do it the better , if you give me leave to frame and premise a Distinction , for want of which I have observed a want of Clearness in several Discourses , where the term Modus has been employed : for sometimes we would deny so much as a possibillity , that one thing can belong to , or be truly said of another ; as when we say we understand not how one Creature can create another ; or how there can be a Line that is neither straight , nor crooked ; or a finite ( whole ) number that is neither even nor odd . But most commonly we mean by our not understanding the Modus of a thing , that we do not clearly and distinctly conceive after what manner the Property or other Attribute of a Subject belongs to it , or performs its operations . The first kind of Modus may , for distinctions sake , be called a possible Modus ; and the other , an actual modus . Now in both the foregoing Acceptions of the term Modus , we may find Instances fit for our present purpose . For we cannot imagine , How a short Line or other finite Quantity can be endlesly divisible , or ( on the contrary ) how Infinite Parts should make but a Finite Total : and yet Geometry constrains us to admit , That it is so . But tho there be but few Instances of this kind , yet of the other sort of our Nescience of the Modus of things , there may be found more Instances than we could wish there were ; for even in natural and corporeal things the eager disputes of the acutest Philophers , and the ingenuous Confessions of the most judicious and moderate , sufficiently manifest , that as yet we know not the manner of operating whereby several Bodies perform what we well know they bring to pass . And not to enter into those nice and tedious Disputes of the cause of the Cohesion of the parts of matter in the smallest , most principal , and most primary Bodies , perhaps without going out of our selves , the way whereby the Rational Soul can exercise any power over the humane body , and the way whereby the Understanding and the Will act upon one another , have not yet been intelligibly explain'd by any . And the like I may say of the Phaenomena of the Memory , especially in those in whom that faculty is eminent . For 't is a thing much more fit to be admired , than easie to be conceived , how in so narrow a compass as part of a Human Brain , there should be so many thousand distinct Cells or Impressions as are requisite to harbour the Characters or Signatures of many Languages , each of them consisting of many thousand differing Words , besides the Images or Models of so many thousand Faces , Schemes , Buildings , and other sensible Objects , and the Ideas of so many thousand Notions and Thoughts , and the distinct Footsteps of almost innumerable multitudes of other things : and how all these shall in so narrow a compass have such deep and lasting Impressions made for them , and be oftentimes lodged so exactly in the order wherein they were at first committed to the memory ( and that perhaps many years before ) that upon a sudden command of the Will , or a slight casual Hint , a whole set of Words , Things and Circumstances will in a trice , as it were , start up and present themselves even in the very Series , order and manner that so long before belong'd to them . And I doubt not , but that besides those abstruse things , about the Modus , of which the more candid Philosophers have confessed their Ignorance , there would many others have been taken notice of , if we did but as seriously and impartially inquire into the Nature of all the things we are pleased to think we know . And when I reflect on the yet depending Disputes between Philosophers and Mathematicians about the nature of Place and Local Motion , which are things so obvious and familiar to us , I should , tho I had no other Inducements , be inclin'd to think , that we should find difficulties enough in many other Subjects wherein we do not now take notice of any , if we particularly studyed their nature ; and that our acquiescence in what we have learned about many things proceeds not from our greater knowledge of their nature , but from our having exercised less curiosity and attention in considering it . And if in things Corporeal , that are the familiar objects of our Senses , we are often reduc'd to confess our Ignorance of the Modes of their inexisting or operating , I hope it will not be denyed , that to a Being wholly unapproachable by our Senses , natural Theology may be allowed to ascribe some things whose Modus is not attainable by our understanding : As the Divine Prescience of future Contingents ; which as 't were impious , to deny as to the truth of the thing ; so I fear 't is impossible to explicate as to the Modus of it . Eugen. If it were at this time proper for me to meddle with things of that kind , I should not much scruple to say in favour of the Christian Religion , that divers Tenents granted both by Christians , Jews , and Heathens , as parts of natural Theology , to me seem as difficult to be con●ived , as divers of those Mysteries that for their unintelligibless are fiercely opposed in Reveal'd Theology . I will not take upon me to judge of others ; but for my part I confess , I do not much better understand , how an Intellect and a Will and Affections are distinctly inexistent in God , in such sort as they are wont to be attributed to him , than how in him there can be a Trinity ; stated , not as some Schoolmen explicate , or rather darken it , but as the Gospel delivers it : I can as little explain by any thing in Nature , how God , who is an immaterial Substance , can move Matter , as how he can create it : nor would it at all satisfie me to tell me , that a Rational Soul moves a Human Body ; for I do not allow , that it gives any motion to the Body , but only guides that which other Agents have put the parts of it into . And tho it did produce motion in the Body , my scruple would yet remain ; for the Cartesians themselves confess , that the power the Soul has of so much as determining the motion of the Body belongs to it , not upon any Physical Account , but by the particular Appointment and immediate Power of God , who would have that Power one of the Conditions or Properties of the Union of the Soul and Body . So that to me , who desire to have it explained how an immaterial Substance can move Matter , and consequently , how God can do it , it will be no satisfaction to say , that the Rational Soul can move the Body 't is joyned to , since that Power is referred merely to God's Appointment : And the question is , how God himself can be conceived to move matter . Arnob. I know not whether upon the same Grounds which I do not disallow , I may not add , that whereas by many 't is looked upon as an inconceivable thing that God should see mens Thoughts , to me it appears as little intelligible how he can know their outward Actions : For since we have no way of discerning the particular motions of Mens Bodies , but by some of our Senses , especially our sight ; and since those Sensations themselves necessarily require Organs duly constituted , that is , made up of divers parts , fram'd and joyn'd after such a determinate manner , I see not how we can explain the Perception of visible Objects without an Eye , or so much as any Corporeal Organ , or Substance ; especially since 't is , and that very justly , asserted , that the Deity is not united to any portion of matter , as the Human Soul is to the Human Body . And to these Instances , others to the same purpose might be added , but that I think it fitter to mind you , that of those it already mention'd amongst us , there are some that I presume you will judg referable to that which I lately called a possible Modus ; since it seems , toto genere , as they speak , inexplicable , how the Attribute inexists in the Subject , and after what manner the Cause can produce the Effect ascribed to it . Tim. I know you too well , Gentlemen , to suspect , you mean , by this , to deny to God either the power of moving matter , or that of perceiving all its motions . Arnob. You may well take that for granted , and you may remember , that to prevent mistakes , I was careful in proposing my Advice to except those things for which there is some positive proof competent in its kind . Pyrocl. One may then , without surprising you , ask what kind of proofs those may be ? Arnob. A full Answer to that Question would take up too much of that little time that is allowed us before it grow dark , to go thorow the Advices that yet remain unspoken of . But yet to comply with you as far as my haste will permit , I shall name two or three kinds of positive proofs , that may be employed on such occasions as we speak of . And first , if there be an effect that we discern must proceed from such a Cause , or Agent , we may conclude that such a Cause there is , tho we do not particularly conceive how , or by what operation 't is able to produce the acknowledg'd effect : Thus , tho a man otherwise of a good Judgment , being wholly a stranger to the Mathematicks , cannot conceive how a skillful Astronomer can many years before hand fore-tell Eclipses to a day and hour , and perhaps to a few minutes ; yet when the success does , as it often happens , verifie such Predictions , he will be satisfied , that the maker of them had the skill to foreknow the things foretold in them . And so the generality of Learned Men among us , who are not so much acquainted with that part of Navigation , which some Moderns have by a Greek Name called Limen-Euretica , or the Art of steering to Harbours , cannot well conceive how a Ship , that is , for instance , in the vast Atlantick Ocean above a thousand miles from any shoar , should be so directed as to arrive just at a little Harbor not Cannon-shot over , which perhaps neither the Pilot , nor any other in the Ship ever saw . And yet as little as we can distinctly conceive how such an Art of finding Ports can be framed , we scruple not to allow there is such an one , because Navigators to the East and West Indies , could not without the Guidance of such an Art find the remotest Ports they are bound for . A second sort there is of positive proofs consisting of those Consequences that are clearly and legitimately inferr'd from any manifest acknowledg'd , or already demonstrated Truth . To this sort belong divers Mathematical Propositions and Corollaries , which tho being nakedly proposed they seem incredible to the generality of Learned Men , and sometimes to Mathematicians themselves , are yet fully assented to , because they clearly follow from either manifested or demonstrated Truths . Thus many cannot conceive how 't is possible there may be a million , for instance , of Circles , ( or as many more as you please ) whose Circumferences shall each of them come nearer and nearer to one another , and to a straight Line assign'd , and yet none of them either touch , much less cut , either any other Circle , or that Line but in one and the same point . And yet this is one of the odd Propositions that Geometers have rightly deduc'd as Corollaries from the sixteenth of Euclid's third Element . And tho we cannot clearly conceive how two Lines , that at their remotest ends are but little distant from each other , should perpetually incline towards each other without ever concurring ; yet Geometricians , that is , the rigidest Reasoners that we know of , have been compell'd admit this in the Linea Conchoides of Nicomedes , to name no more . But tho , ( not to touch the same strings too often ) I thought fit to mention these Instances ; yet whether you judge them sufficient or no , you will allow that which may be taken from the endless divisibility of a Line : For tho , if I misremember not , Sophronius told me , he took notice to you how unable we are to have a satisfactory apprehension , how a short line as well as a long , can be divided into more and more parts without any stop ; yet Geometricians generally admit this , because it may be clearly deduc'd from some Geometrical Truths , and particularly from the incommensurableness of the Side and Diagonal of a Square : And if you will allow me to have once more recourse to Divine Prescience , I may add another acknowledg'd instance by representing , that Philosophers have admitted that , because they judged it clearly to follow from the infinite Perfections of God ; tho , how he can foresee Contingency the most judicious and modest of them did not pretend their Reason was able to conceive . Timoth. To these two kinds of positive proofs mention'd by Arnobius , I doubt not but he will give me leave to add Divine Revelations , if competently attested ones can be produc'd ; and therefore I will not by going about to evince this , spend any of the time he reserves for the remaining Rules , to which he may , for me , advance assoon as he thinks fit . Arnob. I accept the Liberty you offer me , Timotheus , to proceed to my next Advice ; which is this . The Fourth Advice , or Rule . That when we treat of Privileg'd Subjects , we are not bound always to think every thing false , that seems to thwart some received Dictate of Reason . As great a Paradox as this may at first blush appear , yet it will need little more to make it out than the application of some things already delivered on occasion of the two foregoing Advices , of which this is indeed little more than a Corollary . For it being evident , that as a great part of the Dictates of Reason are Negative , so Negative Propositions do usually spring from the repugnancy we judge that some things have to some positive Dictate of Reason ; if those positive Dictates contain but gradual and limited Truths ( to borrow Sophronius his Terms ; ) and come to be unduly extended to privileg'd Subjectss it may very possibly happen , that a thing may be really true , that yet must appear false , if it be judg'd of by its congruity to one of those limited , and but respective Dictates of Reason . 'T is also clear , that not only in Philosophy , but natural ( as well as reveal'd ) Theology the usual ground on which we reject many things is , that we judge them unintelligible . And I censure not the practice in general , but I think it may easily mislead us , when it is extended to things that we may discern to transcend our Reason , as for ought yet appears , some of the Modus's even of things Corporeal are found to do . And we think we have made complete Enumerations of the several ways of inexistence of an Attribute in a Subject , or of the operation of one thing upon another , when indeed we have overlook'd one or other , and perhaps that which we have thus pretermitted may be the true one ; tho it may be also that no attention and diligence of ours could in some Cases have served our turn , the Modus inquired after being not conceivable to us , tho it may be too a higher than a human Intellect . Pyrocles . The School-Philosophers for many Ages in the Catalogues they made of the ways of a Bodies working upon another at a distance ; did not think of the true ways by which Odors and Sounds are communicated to us , and therefore had recourse to certain unintelligible things , which they were pleas'd to call Species Intentionales . Whereas those modern Naturalists that philosophize freely , acknowledge , that Odors are communicated by Effl●viums , exhaling from the odorous Body , and fitted to affect our Nostrils , and Sounds are transmitted to the Ear by the undulating motion which the Air is put into by the impulse of the vibrating , or otherwise agitated parts of the sonorous Body . Timoth. Methinks we need not go out of our selves to find Instances of both the parts of what Arnobius was last saying , if we admit , as I question not but we rationally may , this Tenet of the generality of Philosophers , both ancient and modern , That the Reasonable Soul is an immaterial Substance : For then ; whereas men think they have sufficiently enumerated the ways of determining the motion of a Body , by saying , that the determination must be made either in the Line wherein the Impellent that put it into motion made it move , or in the Line wherein it was determined to move by the situation of the resisting Body that it met with in its way ; the motions of the animal Spirits , if not also some other internal parts of the Body , may , the Body being duly disposed , be determined by the human Will ; which is a way quite differing from the other . And how this Attribute , I mean the power of determining the motion of a Body , without any power to impart motion to that Body , should belong to an immaterial Creature , which has no Corporeal Parts to resist the free passage of a Body , and thereby change the Line of its Motion , is not yet , nor perhaps ever will be in this life , clearly conceived by us men , tho there is no doubt , but that he , who indowed the Soul with this Attribute or Power , perfectly understands , both how it exists in the Soul , and how the Soul by exerting it , operates on the Body . Pyrocles . But can any thing seem more unreasonable than to embrace opinions that contradict the Rules of Reason ; which practice , if it be once allowed , why should we trouble our selves to investigate what is congruous or incongruous to Reason , since the making a discovery , that an opinion is repugnant to it , will not assure us of that opinions being false . Arnob. A person less knowing and equitable than Pyrocles would have spared this double Objection , if he had remembred , what hath been formerly said , applicable to our present purpose , and what kind of things they are that we are discoursing of : But to remind him a little of them , I shall desire him to consider with me , that I no way disallow the rejecting of Opinions that are found contrary to those Rules of Reason , at the framing of which the things opin'd about were duly taken into consideration : But in Cases not thought on when such Rules were devised , we are not always bound to submit to be judged by them ; and to maintain an opinion unconformable to such a Rule , may be not to oppose a genuine and absolute dictate of Reason , but to rectifie one that is erroneously thought so , by shewing , that the Rule is expressed in more Catholick and Indefinite Terms than it ought to have been . And of two opinions you will not deny that that is the most rational that is most agreeable to those Rules of Reason , that are framed upon the fullest Information . Eugen. 'T is not difficult to gather from what you have said , Arnobius , that in the Rule you proposed to us ; very few of the Cases that occur in ordinary discourse , or even in that of Philosophers , will be at all concern'd . And in these few Cases wherein you intend the Rule should take place , you are careful to obviate inconveniences by a double caution . The first that you suppose , that the opinion that claims an exemption from the common Rules , is not an arbitrary or precarious Tenet , but sufficisufficiently made out by proper Arguments . And the second , by declaring , that 't is not to contradict right Reason , but bad Reasoners to give limitation to Rules that have been too hastily fram'd and conceiv'd in too general Terms , by men , who either were not competently inform'd of the variety of Particulars , when they took upon them to make Analyses and Enumerations ; or else presum'd to infer , that a thing was not , because they did not understand the Modus of its existence or operation . Arnobius . You take my sense right , Eugenius , and I have often thought , that the causes of the great clamor that is made against some men for not obsequiously submitting to , what some others call the Rules of Reason , are , that men do not sufficiently understand the nature of things and themselves , but entertain too narrow conceptions of the former , and too high an opinion of the later . Pyrocles . The Dictates of Reason being the surest , if not the only safe Rules , that Nature has given us to frame our Discourses and Ratiocinations by ; I confess I am , tho not fully resolv'd , yet very unwilling , to allow any Conclusion that is not conformable to them : or to admit that any thing should be so highly privileg'd , as to be exempted from the Jurisdiction of Reason , whose genuine Declarations they are . Eugenius . This Objection , Pyrocles , seems to me to be grounded rather upon an ambiguity of Terms , than the true nature of Things . For Reason is oftentimes taken for a Set of Notions and Propositions employ'd and acquiesc'd in by this or that sort of Reasoners , that are wont to have names given them from this or that particular Discipline , as Astronomy , Chymistry , Opticks , &c. of whose receiv'd Doctrines they are supposed to be entirely maintainers . But it is also with at least as much propriety , used to signifie the rational faculty it self ; furnished with the light that accompanies it when it is rightly disposed and informed . In the first of these two Senses it seems but reasonable to allow , that some things ought to have the privilege to be exempted from being judg'd by some of the same Rules that are employ'd to judge of other things by ; for some of these Rules were fram'd upon a slight consideration of common and familiar things , either by the vulgar , or by men that for want of skill or application of mind did not critically consider the distinct natures of things , and yet presum'd to settle Rules that other mens inadvertence or laziness has made them receive for certain Dictates of Reason : whereas other natures should have been then considered as well as those : and by reason of their not having been so , the Rules I speak of are not always proper and safe , when they are applyed to these over-looked natures . Thus Successive Beings , as Time and Local Motion , do in some Cases require to be estimated by other measures than Substances , whether material , or incorporeal ▪ And so also the more nice Metaphysicians , especially among the Moderns , have thought themselves obliged to discourse of Moduses , Relations , Privations , Extrinsecal Denominations , &c. in a very differing way from that which belongs to Bodies and Spirits ; tho the unskilful ( even among otherwise learned men ) have been wont , and still are apt , to confound all these Subjects ; by applying to them indiscriminately the same Rules , or , as they think them , Dictates of Reason . But besides what may be said of these long unregarded or undistinguished natures , there are other entities that are more generally and familiarly taken notice of , wherein I may think one may find instances more applyable to my present purpose . For I observe , that tho all other actual Beings are compounded ( to speak in the language of the Schools ) of Essence and Existence ; yet according to the notion of Metaphysicians as well as Divines , it must be acknowledg'd , that the simplicity of the Divine Nature is such as to exclude from God even this kind of composition . And indeed the notion we have of a Being infinitely perfect , imports , that , tho in no other Being , yet in this , those two are inseparable ; for actual existence being a perfection , must needs belong to the Nature of a Being infinitely perfect . The generality of Philosophers , after Aristotle , conceive Place to be the immoveable and immediately contiguous concave Surface of the ambient Body , so that 't is a kind of Vessel that every way contains the Body lodg'd in it ; but with this difference that a Vessel is a kind of moveable place , as when a Bottle of Wine is carried from the Cellar to the Table ; but place is an immoveable Vessel , or a Vessel considered as immoveable : now supposing with : Aristotle , and the generality of Philosophers , the plenitude of the world , it may be truly said , that all Plants , Animals , Minerals , Stars and other Bodies are each of them in such an Aristotelian place as has been describ'd ; whence it has been usually said by Philosophers , that what is in no place ( I hope they meant it only of Bodies ) is not at all ; yet it appears not how the outermost Heaven , whether that be the Firmament , or no , I need not here inquire , can be properly said to be in a place , since these Philosophers asserting the World to be finite , must grant there is no ambient body without it to contain it . And I shall add on this occasion , that if the outermost Heaven should be impell'd by the irresistible power of God in a straight line this way , or that way , there should ensue a motion without change of place , for the outermost Heaven was in none before , and does not by its progression come to be contain'd by a new ambient Body . And in this case even according to those modern Favourers of Aristotle that approve Des ' Cartes his definition of local motion ( which indeed is far more intelligible than Aristotle's ) the world may be said to move without changing of place ; for it does not pass from the Neighbourhood of some Bodies to that of others ; since comprising all Bodies , and yet being bounded , there is no body for it to leave behind , nor any beyond it for it to approach to ; and tho the Cartesians in their Hypothesis of the indefinitess of the World do partly avoid the force of what I have been saying ; yet besides what may be rationally urg'd to shew , that if the world be not more than indefinite , it must be really finite ; I consider that the Cartesians , tho upon grounds of their own , must allow what I was observing , namely , that tho every particular body in the Universe is naturally capable of Local Motion . Yet the Universe it self is not ; and tho every particular body in the world have some determinate Figure ; yet the world it self , being indefinite , has not so . Whereas Aristotle and the Philosophers that have lived since his time , have generally admitted the division establish'd by him , of all Entities , into Substance , and Accident , and accommodated their Rules to one of them , or both : The Learned Gassendus and his Followers , have introduc'd a third sort of things , as not being either Substances , or Accidents : and these if you will admit , you will I presume , admit too , that they may be privileg'd from their Rules calculated for other Natures . Of this kind of things , the Gassendists make Place or Space to be . For they will not allow it to be a Substance , because it is neither body , nor spirit , but only somewhat that has a capacity to receive or contain bodies , and would subsist , tho God should annihilate all the Substances he has created . And for the same reason it is not to be called an Accident , since that necessarily requires a Substance to reside in ( according to that received Axiom ) Accidentis esse , est inesse , whereas in case of the annihilation of the world it self , and consequently all Substances that compose it , their place or space would still remain , and be capable of admitting a new world of the same extent , if God should be pleased to create it ; whence Gassendus wittily infers , that Bodies are rather accidental in respect of place , than space in respect of Bodies . But without staying to examine this Paradox , I shall venture to say in general , that he who shall with an heedful , and unprejudiced eye , survey the several Hypotheses , or Systems , maintain'd by the differing Sects of Philosophers , may find , that tho the Instances will not be all of them the same ; yet there is none of these Systems in which one may not observe some thing or other , to which every one of the Rules that reach to the other Snbjects treated of in that Philosophy , cannot safely be apply'd . And indeed the mind of man being naturally far more desirous to know much , than to take the pains requisite to examine , whether he does so or not , is very prone to think that any small number of things that it has not distinctly considered , must be of the same nature and condition with the rest that he judges to be of the same kind . For by thus attaining to the knowledge of things , by way of Inference , the mind gratifies at once both its vanity , and its laziness ; looking upon these Conclusions , as marks of the excellency of its rational faculty , whilst they rather proceed from a want of the due exercise of it . Pyrocles . But if the receiv'd Dictates of Reason be not always safe grounds to proceed upon in our Discourse , I would gladly know by what Rules we shall judge of those Rules , and discover them to be erroneous , in case they be so , and by what measures we shall estimate truth and falsehood , in those things wherein the use of those Rules must be laid aside . Arnobius . Your double objection , Pyrocles , I confess to be weighty enough to deserve a considerate answer , and to give you the sum of mine in few words , I shall tell you , that in my opinion , since there is no progress in infinitum in the Criteria of truth , and that our faculties are the best instruments that God has given us to discover , and to examine it by , I think a clear light or evidence of perception shining in the understanding , affords us the greatest assurance we can have , ( I mean in a natural way ) of the truth of the judgments we pass upon things , whether they be other things , or the vulgar rules of reasoning , or subjects that claim a privilege from those rules . And here give me leave to consider , that it is not by induction , but by evidence , that we know , that ex vero nil nisi verum sequitur . By which it appears , that the innate light of the rational faculty is more primary , than the very Rules of Reasoning , since by that light we judge even of the lately mention'd Axiom which is it self the grand principle of Ratiocinations made by Inference . Eugenius . This matter may be perchance somewhat illustrated by observing that , as the understanding is wont to be look'd upon as the eye of the mind ; so there is this Analogy between them , that there are some things that the eye may discern ( and does judge of ) organically , if I may so speak , that is , by the help of instruments : as when it judges of a Line to be streight by the applicasion of a Ruler to it , or to be perpendicular by the help of a Plumb-line , or a Circle to be perfect by the help of a pair of Compasses : But there are other things which the eye does perceive ( and judge of ) immediately and by intuition , and without the help of Organs or Instruments ; as when by the bare evidence of the perception it knows that this colour is red , and that other blue , and that Snow is white , not black , and a Char-coal black , not white ; and such a Picture is very like , or another unlike to the face it was drawn to represent . For thus there are some things that the Intellect usually judges of in a kind of Organical way , that is , by the help of certain Rules , or Hypotheses , such as are a great part of the Theorems and Conclusions in Philosophy and Divinity . But there are others which it knows without the help of these Rules more immediately , and as it were intuitively by evidence or perception ; by which way we know many prime notions and Effata , or Axioms Metaphysical , &c. as that Contradictory Propositions cannot both be true ; that from truth nothing but truth can legitimately be deduc'd ; that two things that are each of them equal to a third thing , are equal to one another ; that a whole number is either even or odd . And 't is also upon this evidence of perception ; that we receive with an undoubted assent many primitive Ideas and notions , such as those of extended Substance or Body , Divisibility , or Local Motion , a streight Line , a Circle , a right Angle , and many other things that it would be here superfluous to mention . Arnobius . I think the internal Light that the Author of Nature has set up in mans Intellect qualifies him , if he makes a right use of it , not only to apply the Instruments of Knowledge , but also to frame , and to examine them . For by the help of this Light , the Understanding is enabled to look about , and both to consider apart , and compare together , the natures of all kinds of things ; without being necessitated to employ in its Speculations , the Rules or Dictates of any particular Science or Discipline ; being sufficiently assisted by its own Light , and those general Axioms and Notions that are of a Catholick Nature , and perpetual truth ; and so of a higher order , than the Dictates , or Rules of any particular or subordinate Science or Art. And by these means the Understanding may perceive the imperfection and falsity of such Rules or Theorems , as those men that look no higher , nor no further than their own particular Science or Art , embrace for certain and unquestionable . Thus when Philosophers observ'd that they could frame a clear notion of a thing without considering whether it were actually in being or not ; or even when they suppose that 't is not actually in being ; as we can frame a clear conception of a Rose in Winter , when there are none to be found growing ; and have a clear notion of a Myriagon , tho 't is very like there is no such Figure really existent in the world . They have generally concluded , that the essence of things is differing and separable from their existence . And yet when we consider that God is a Being infinitely perfect , and that actual existence being a perfection , must belong to Him ; we may by the same light of Reason that dictated Essence & Existence to be two separable things in all other Beings , discern that they must be inseparable in God ; and consequently that the forementioned Rule , tho more general than almost any other , is not absolutely universal : but must be limited by the light of Reason . And thus also Philosophers , considering that not only all sorts of Bodies , but the immaterial Souls of Men , ( and Angels themselves , supposing such Beings ) are all endowed with Qualities which are Accidents , have included it in the very notion of a substance , to be the subject of Accidents , or as the Schoolmen speak , substare Accidentibus ; and accordingly substantia is wont to be derived à substando : But the infranchised Intellect , finding in it self a notion of an absolutely perfect , and therefore existent Being ; and considering that to be the subject of Accidents , is not a thing agreeable to the highest perfection possible ; it concludes , that in God there are no Accidents . And this Conclusion has been embraced as a part , not only of Christian , but of Natural Theology ; and maintain'd by divers Philosophers themselves , upon Metaphysical and other meerly rational grounds . In short , the native light of the mind may enable a man , that will make a free and industrious use of it , both to pass a right judgment of the extent of those very Dictates that are commonly taken for Rules of Reason , and to frame others on purpose for priviledg'd things , so far forth as they are so . But I fear , Gentlemen , the fourth Advice I have ventured to offer you , has by its tediousness , made you justly impatient of being detain'd by it so long : and therefore I shall advanced to the Fifth ; which imports , The Fifth Advice , or Rule . That where Privileg'd Things are concern'd , we are not always bound to reject every thing , as false , that we know not how to reconcile with some thing that is true . Pyrocl. You may call this an Advice , but I doubt others will style it a Paradox , and possibly , think it one of the greatest that ever was broach'd . Arnob. Yet perhaps you will find by and by , that it may be in great part made good by what has been already discoursed , and by you admitted . I think it will not be doubted , but that there are , or may be conceived streight Lines , whereof one is a hundred or a thousand times longer than another : 'T is also generally granted , that a longer Line consists of , or may afford more parts than a shorter ; for a Line equal to the shorter , being taken out of the longer , and consequently just as divisible as it , there will remain of the longer Line another Line , perhaps many times exceeding the shorter Line : And lastly , 't is generally acknowledged , that no Number can be greater than infinite ; since if the lesser number were capable of accession ( as it must be , if it fall short of another number ) it would need that accession ( or a greater ) to make it infinite , which yet 't is supposed to be already . Pyrocl. I see not yet to what all this may tend . Arnob. You will quickly perceive it , when I shall have desired you to reconcile these Propositions with the demonstrations of Geometers of the endless Divisibility of all streight Lines ; whence they deduce , that tho they be very unequal among themselves , yet the shortest of them contains , or may afford infinite parts . Pyrocl. But is there any thing more clear to humane understanding , or more supposed in almost all our Ratiocinations , than that two Truths cannot be contradictory to each other . Arnob. Tho I am far from affirming , that one Truth can really contradict another truth ; yet I think that which is but a gradual or limited truth , may in some few cases not be reconcileable by Us , to an absolute and universal Truth . For , I think we may ( with Sophronius ) distinguish those Propositions we call true , into Axioms Metaphysical , or Universal , that hold in all Cases without reservation ; and Axioms collected or emergent ; by which I mean such as result from comparing together many particulars that agree in something that is common to them all . And some of these , tho they be so general , that in the usual Subjects of our Ratiocinations they admit of no exceptions ; yet may not be absolutely and unlimitedly true ; of which I know not whether I formerly gave you an instance , even in that Axiom which ( almost ) all meerly Natural Philosophers have supposed and built on , that , ex nihilo nihil fit , which , tho at least one of the highest of gradual or collected Truths , may yet be not universally true , since , for ought we know , God that is acknowledged to be a Being that is infinitely perfect , may have , and may have exercised , the power of Creating . And in such Cases as this , not to be able to reconcile a truth concerning a privileged thing with a Proposition that generally passes for true ( and in other Cases is so indeed ) will not presently oblige us to reject either Proposition as false , but sometimes , without destroying either , only to give one of them a due limitation , and restrain it to those sorts of things , on which 't was at first grounded , and to which 't was , because of mans ignorance , or inconsiderateness , that 't was not at first confin'd . And if the Miracles vouch'd either for the Christian , or for any other Religion , be any of them granted to be true ; ( as almost all mankind agrees in believing in general , that there have been true Miracles ; ) it cannot well be deny'd but that Physical Propositions are but limited , and such as I called Collected Truths , being gathered from the settled Phaenomena of Nature , and are lyable to this limitation or exception , that They are true , where the irresistible power of God , or some other supernatural Agent is not interpos'd to alter the course of Nature . Pyrocl. But do you think , there are no inconsistent Propositions that you would call Truths , wherein you cannot shew that one of them is but a gradual or emergent Truth ? Arnob. 'T is one thing to inquire whether men have yet discerned , or I am able to make out , that one of the Propositions you speak of is but a limited truth ; and another , to inquire , whether speaking absolutely and universally , it may to any Intellect appear to be no more than such . For first I consider , that the Reason why we judge things to be repugnant , Being , that the Notions or Ideas we have of them seem to us inconsistent , if either of these notions be wrong framed , or be judged of by an unfit Rule , we may think those Propositions , to be contradictory that really are not so ; as , if you heedfully mark it , you shall find , that those that are wont to employ their imaginations about things that are the proper Objects of the Intellect , are apt to pronounce things to be unconceivable , only because they find them unimaginable ; as if the Fancy and the Intellect were Faculties of the same extent : Upon which account some have so grosly err'd , as to deny all immaterial Substances , and chose rather so far to degrade the Deity it self , as to impute to it a Corporeal Nature , than to allow any thing to have a Being that is not comprehensible by their Imagination , which themselves acknowledge to be but a Corporeal Faculty . But besides this mistake of things repugnant , which arises from the mis application or mis-management of our discerning Faculties , I consider in the next place , that there may be another that proceeds from the Imperfection and Limitedness of our Understanding , which being unable to judge of privileged things at the same rate that it does of other Objects , may sometimes be unable to discover that reconcileableness that a more illuminated and penetrating Faculty may discern . This may be illustrated by what usually happens at Sea , ( for there mens Prospect is the most free ) when looking towards the Main , the Sky and the Waters seem to meet at the edge of the ( sensible ) Horizon , tho indeed they are as far distant as Heaven is from Earth ; and on the other side if you skillfully mix together the dry and fine powder ef Orpiment , and that of Indico , you will produce a green colour , as is known to Painters , and the eye takes notice but of an uniform mixture , in which it sees neither blew nor yellow : But if , ( as experience shews ) you look on this mixture with a very good Microscope , the emergent colour will disappear ; and you will plainly see instead of it , blew and yellow grains of the powders distinct from one another . Which Instances may serve to shew the imbecillity of our visive Faculty ; and the later of them may teach us , that a thing may appear one and differing , as 't is looked upon by a more or less discerning sight . But an instance more home to our present purpose may be afforded by yellow Diamonds , which because of their Colour , not only other Men , but the generality of Goldsmiths ( in whose error I have sometimes shared ) take to be counterfeit Gems , or at best but right Topazes , whereas very skillful Lapidaries , will by sure signs discover and acknowledge them to be true Diamonds , notwithstanding their seeming difference from unquestion'd ones , and account them to be of the same nature with that noblest kind of Jewels . Whence we may learn that a more skillful Judge may discern an agreement in things that almost all other men think they see manifestly to be of distant natures . Eugenius . Give me leave , Gentlemen , to say on this occasion , that I have several times observed , that men judge some things to be irreconcileable , not only when they are both of them represented to the understanding in the form of Propositions ; but when one of them is but a notion , or a current difinition . For divers of these notions do contain in them a Proposition , or are equivalent to it ; As when a Circle is defin'd to be a Figure contain'd in a Line , all whose parts are equally distant from the middle-most Point or Center , this definition contains an affirmation of the essential property of a Circle ; and by the generality of Geometricians is therefore discriminated from that Conick Section which they call an Ellipsis , tho that be also a Figure terminated by one curve Line . And because you are versed in Mathematicks , I shall on this occasion shew you by a Geometrical Instance , that if a man have not genuine and adequate notions of the things he judges of , he may confidently , and even upon very probable grounds , judge things to be inconsistent , that in reality , are not so . For if an ordinary Cultivater of Mathematical Disciplines should hear one man say , that such a Figure is an Ellipsis , and another affirm it to be a Circle , he would think their assertions to be inconsistent , having his mind prepossessed with an Ellipsis's , being a Conical Section , whose properties must therefore ( he supposes ) be very differing from those of a Circle ; whereas such wary Geometricians as the Learned Doctor Wallis * will tell him , that the vulgar notions of Conick Sections are not adequate to the Figures producible by them : For when a right Cone is cut quite through by an inclining Plane , the figure produced by the Section agrees well with the received notion of an Ellipsis , in which the Diameters are of unequal length ; yet if the Plane cut the Cone parallel to the Basis , that Conick Section will be a true Circle , having all its Diameters equal . 'T is indeed an uncommon and unheeded account , but such an one upon which I have observed not only Logicians , but Philosophers themselves to err about judging things reconcileable or inconsistent ; that if a man be not sufficiently acquainted with the nature of any of the two things under consideration ( and much more if he be ignorant of , or mistaken about both ) he may think there is a contradiction between things , wherein a Superior or more piercing Intellect may discern a consistency ; for taking it for granted , that he knows one thing to be a truth , if some other thing be affirm'd to be so , which he has not understanding or skill enough to see how to reconcile to it , 't is no wonder , that how well soever this may be evinced , he should as little know how to admit , as how to reject it . This may be partly illustrated , and partly prov'd by instances drawn from the Mathematicks themselves : For a Novice in Arithmetick , for example , finding That , according to his Rules , there is not one mean proportional number between 4 and 32 , will scarce be able to reconcile that Proposition to this other , That there are two mean proportionals between the mentioned numbers ; For he may with great appearance of Reason ask , how , if there be not so much as one mean proportional , there can be two ? Whereas those that are acquainted with the nature of Ranks or Series of numbers proceeding in Geometrical Proportion , will easily discern that between those two recited , both the number 8 , and the number 16 ; are mean proportionals . Timotheus . Tho I disallow not your Instance , Eugenius , yet I shall be willing to hear one or two others of a less abstracted Nature . Eug. To obey you , Timotheus , I shall add , that if an old School-Philosopher , or a Mathematician not acquainted with the later Discoveries made by Telescopes , should hear one man say , that the Moon is the most enlightned , when she appears full to us , and another affirm that she is more inlightned at the New Moon than at the Full , he would readily conclude , upon the supposition ( which he makes no doubt of ) that the Moon receives all her light immediately from the Sun , that the affirmation of the later ( Astronomer ) cannot be true ; which yet he would not conclude , if he knew ( what is discovered by Telescopes ) that the Moon is as well inlightned by the Earth , as the Earth by the Moon ; upon which score , whereas at the Full she receives but those Beams that come to her directly , from the Sun , at the Change she receives both them in that part of her Body that is obverted to him , and those other Beams of his that are reflected from the Terrestrial Globe to that part of the Moon that is nearest to us . And to the foregoing Instance , I shall add one more , that seems apposite enough to Arnobius's Purpose , and 't is , that before Pythagoras , not only the vulgar of the Greeks , but their Philosophers and Mathematicians too , observing oftentimes that a bright Star preceded the Rising Sun , and that frequently also ( on other days ) after Sun-set , another Star appear'd , that was none of the fix'd ones ; they confidently concluded from the so distant times of Apparition , that the Sun was attended by two differing Stars , to which accordingly they gave two differing names : But Pythagoras , who was a far better Astronomer ( as may be guessed , among other things , by his maintaining in those early times the motion of the earth about the Sun ) undertook to disabuse them , and effected it . Now if one that had observed Venus only in the mornings , should have affirm'd , that besides the six known Planets , there was but a seventh ( namely the Phosphorus ) which preceded the Rising Sun ; and another , ( that had taken notice notice of her only in the Evenings ) should assert , that besides the same six known ones , the only seventh was that called Hesperus , which sometimes appear'd after his Setting ; a By-stander would presently have concluded , that their Assertions were not reconcileable , either to one another , or to the truth ; which ( in his judgment ) was , that there must be no less than eight visible Planets ; and yet Pythagoras , who had more skill , and more piercing wit , did , ( as was lately noted ) discern and teach , that these two Phaenomena were produc'd by one and the same Planet Venus , determined by its peculiar motion ( about the Sun ) to shew it self near our Horizon , sometimes before he ascends it , and sometimes after he had left it . Such instances as these , tho offered but as illustrations , may perswade us from being too forward to reject every proposition , that we see not how to reconcile to what we take for a truth ; provided the distrusted proposition be such as we would acquiesce in , if we could reconcile it to that supposed Truth . Timotheus . From this Discourse , Eugenius , and that of Arnobius , which preceded it , I think one may gather , that according to you two , when two Propositions are laid down , whereof one is made evident to us by Experience , or by Reason , acting within its own Jurisdiction or Compass ; and the other is sufficiently proved by being mathematically demonstrated , or duly attested by Divine Revelation , we ought not to reject either of these propositions , as no truth , meerly because we do not yet know how to reconcile them : but we should rather think , that the collected Proposition , is but a gradual , or limited truth ; or else we should consider , that we knowing but so imperfectly as we do the particular natures of privileg'd Subjects , for ought we know a superior Intellect may be able to discern a friendly agreement between what is deliver'd about that Subject , and the affirmation that seems repugnant to it , tho we are not quick-sighted enough to perceive this Agreement . And this , how strange soever you may think it , Pyrocles , may not only be countenanc'd by such things as Eug. lately said , but both you your self , and almost all mankind do de facto seem to practise it , in the case of the Divine Prescience of mans free Actions . Eugenius . What you contend for , Gentlemen , may perhaps be thought the more receivable , if one should argue thus : First either the Propositions said to be repugnant , are both really true , or they are not ; If it be answered , that they are not , the difficulty is at an end : for there is none at all to conceive a true Proposition , should contradict a false one . But , secondly , if both the Propositions be supposed to be true , it must be affirm'd , either that they are reconcileable , or that they are not ; if it be said , they are not , then Pyrocles his objection is out of doors ; for it cannot then be reasonable to say , that the two Propositions , tho inconsistent with one another , must necessarily be one or other of them inconsistent with the truth . But this I presume he will by no means assert , and consequently , must say , that the Propositions are reconcileable . Upon which answer I shall demand , how that can be , unless a superior Intellect , such as unquestionably the Divine is , can discover an agreement between Propositions wherein we cannot discern it . For our not being able to discern it , is you know professedly supposed in the case we discourse of . Pyrocles . But , Arnobius , will not this Doctrine make us very liable to have falsities imposed on us at the pleasure of bold and dictating men ? Arnob. Not , if it be limited to the subjects wherein alone I would have it admitted ; for if neither of the things treated of be a privileg'd one , but both in the jurisdiction of ordinary reason , I do not only consent , but ( in my first Advice ) require , that the Propositions fram'd about them be estimated according to the common Dictates of Reason . And even in cases where one of the Propositions is about a privileg'd thing , I do not at all think fit , that it should be received in spite of its being repugnant to the gradual truth delivered in the other , unless it can by some other Argument sufficient in its kind be proved to be true ; and in that case , that , what I plead for , ought to be admitted , is implyed by the suffrage of almost all mankind , in that case , which was just now pertinently mentioned by Timotheus : for tho men know not how to reconcile the Liberty of mans will , with the infallible knowledge that God has of those Actions that flow from it , yet they have unanimously judged it reasonable to believe both Free-will and Prescience ; the former , because they felt it in themselves ; and the later , partly because the foreknowledge of things being manifestly a perfection , ought not to be denyed to God , whom they looked upon as a Being supremely perfect ; and partly because some actions and events that they all judg'd to flow from mens free-will , were , as the generality of men believ'd , foretold by Prophetick Oracles . But except in such cases as I have been naming , I am altogether of Pyrocles's mind , that since we have scarce any way of discovering a Falsity , but by its being repugnant to somewhat that is true ; to deny , that in cases within the juridiction of ordinary Reason , the repugnancy of a Proposition to any manifest truth , ought to sway our Judgments , were to deprive us of the usefullest Criterion to discriminate between Falshood and Truth . Timoth. For my part , who believe with many Philosophers , as well Heathen as Christian , that humane Souls owe their origine to God , and with almost all Philosophers , ( for I know what the Stoicks held ) that as he is the supreme Being , so he is a most free Agent , I see not why , as he has given to Corporeal Beings divers Qualities , very differing in their degrees of Nobleness ; so he might not give to the Intelligent Productions of his Power and Will , various degrees of Intellectual Capacities as well as a limitedness of Nature . And as it will not follow , that because we can see with our eyes very small Objects , and imagine such as are yet much smaller , either the eye , or the imagination can ever reach to so small an Object as an Atome ; so it will not follow that because we are able to frame Conceptions of immaterial Beings , we must therefore be able to understand the nature of God , and the Harmony of all his Monadical Attributes . A little Boy may have a clear notion of three , four , five , or other smaller numbers , and yet may be unable to frame good conceptions of Triangular and other Polygon Numbers ( as some call them ) and much more of the abstruse affections of surd Numbers , and the Roots of the higher Algebraical Powers . To discern particular Truths is one thing , and to be able to discover the Intercourse and Harmony between all Truths , is another thing , and a far more difficult one ; as a Traveller may upon the English Shoar know that he sees the Ocean , and upon the Coast of Affrick be made to do the like , and at the East Indies also he may know that he sees the Ocean ; and yet not know how those so distant Seas communicate with each other , tho that may be manifest enough to a Cosmographer . Arnob. What you say brings into my mind , that I have sometimes thought God and men enjoy Truth , as differingly as they do Time. For we men , as we enjoy time but by parcels , and always leave far the greatest part of it unreach'd to by us ; so we know but some particular Truths , and are always ignorant of far more than we attain to . Whereas God , as his eternity reaches to all the portions of time ( or measured Durations ) so his Omniscience gives him at one view a prospect of the whole extent of Truth : ( As if a man could see the whole River of Nilus with all its turnings and windings from its hidden Springs to its entrance into the Sea. ) Upon which account he sees all particular Truths , not only distinct , but in their Systeme , and so sees a Connexion between those that to us seem'd the most distant ones . Arnob. There remains now , Gentlemen , but one part more of your penance to be undergone ; for 't is high time , I should hasten to the relief of a Patience I have so long distress'd , and therefore I shall give it but one exercise more , and conclude your Trouble with some reflections on this last Advice . The Sixth Advice , or Rule . That in Privileg'd Things we ought not always to condemn that opinion which is liable to ill Consequences , and incumbred with great inconveniencies , provided the positive proofs of it be sufficient in their kind . That this Advice may be the more easily admitted , I shall separately suggest three things , which I desire may be afterwards considered all together . First , that clear positive proofs , proportionate to the nature of things , are genuine and proper motives to induce the understanding to assent to a proposition as true ; so that 't is not always necessary to the evidence and firmness of an Assent , that the Intellect takes notice of the Consequences that may be drawn from it , or the difficulties wherewith it may be incumbered . This is plain in those Assents which of all others , at least that are meerly natural , are by knowing men thougt to be the most undoubted and the best grounded ; I mean the Assents that are given to the Truth of Geometrical Demonstrations : And yet , Euclid , for instance , in all his Elements of Geometry , in some of which surprising Paradoxes are delivered , ( as in the sixteenth proposition of the third Book , and the 117th of the tenth Book , to name no more ) contents himself to demonstrate his Assertions in a Mathematical Way , and does not , that I remember , answer or take notice of any one Objection : and the Geometricians of our days think they may safely receive his Propositions upon the Demonstrations annexed to them , without knowing or troubling themselves about the subtleties employed by the Sceptick Sextus Empiricus , or others of that Sect in their writings against the Mathematicians , and all Assertors of assured knowledge . The second thing I would offer to your consideration , is , that the former part of our Discourse has manifested , that there are some things which our humane and imperfect understandings either cannot , or at least do not , perfectly comprehend : and that nevertheless men have not refrain'd from presuming to dogmatize and frame Notions and Rules about such things , as if they understood them very well . Whence it must needs come to pass , that if they were mistaken ( as in things so abstruse , 't is very like they often were ) those that judge by the Rules they laid down , must conceive the Propositions opposite to their mistakes , to be liable to very great , if not insuperable Difficulties and Objections . And this second Consideration , in conjunction with the first , will make way for the third , as a natural production of them , which is , That , as we need not wonder that privileged things , which are wont to be so sublime as to have been out of the view of those that fram'd the Rules whereby we judge of other things , should be thought liable to great Objections by them who judge of all things only by those Rules ; so we should not require or expect more evidence of a Truth relating to such things , than that there are for it such sufficient positive Reasons , as notwithstanding Objections and Inconveniences , make it , upon the whole matter , worthy to be embraced . Pyrocles . But can that be worthy to be assented to , which is liable to Objections and Inconveniences , which the maintainers confess they know not how to avoid ? Does not your Euclid himself in some of his Demonstrations imploy that way of reasoning which some of his Latine Interpreters call Deductio ad Absurdum ? Arnob. Euclid indeed ( as well as other Mathematicians ) besides that more satisfactory way of direct probation , which perhaps he might have oftner imployed than he did , has sometimes where he thought it needful , made use of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you speak of . But in these cases he never goes out of the Discipline he treats of , and confining himself to Arguments drawn from quantity , he urges nothing as absurd , but what is undeniably repugnant to some Truth he had already demonstrated , or to those clear and undisputed Definitions , Axioms , or Postalata , which he supposes to have been already granted by those he would convince . But tho he thus argues to prove that his Readers cannot contradict him without contradicting themselves ; yet we find not that he was at all solicitous to clear those Difficulties that so quick-sighted a man could not but know some of his Theorems to be attended with : but contents himself to demonstrate the incommensurableness of the Side and Diagonal of a Square , without troubling himself to take notice of the Difficulties that attend the endless Divisibility of a Line , which would follow from what he demonstrated . But , Pyrocles , to look back to the first part of your Objection , tho what you say will hold in ordinary Cases , yet such peculiar ones , as we are speaking of , deserve a particular Consideration . About some privileged things there are , and about some others there may be contradictory Opinions ( taking that term in a strict sense ) maintain'd . Now as both of these cannot be true , so one of them must be so : as , tho it be hotly disputed whether Quantity be endlesly divisible , yet certainly it either must , or must not be divisible without end : And as was formerly observed which side soever you take , the Inconveniencies will be exceeding great , and perhaps there will lye Objections scarce to be directly answered . And since one of the two opposite Opinions must be true , it will not always be necessary , that an opinion must be false , which is incumbred with great difficulties , or liable to puzzling Objections . And therefore if the positive proofs on one side be clear and cogent , tho there be perplexing Difficulties objected by the other ; the truth ought not for their sake to be rejected ; because such difficulties proceeding usually either from notions that men presume to frame about things above their reaches , or from Rules that were not made for such points as are in dispute , the Objections are not to be judged so well founded , as is that acknowledged Principle in Reasoning , that from Truth , nothing but truth can be legitimately inferr'd . Eugen. I confess I have always thought it reasonable in such Cases to compare , as well the positive proofs of one opinion with those of the other , as those Objections that are urg'd on either side ; and there make my estimate upon the whole matter ; tho with a peculiar regard to that opinion that has a great advantage in point of positive Arguments ; Because , as Arnobius observ'd , those are the proper Inducements to the Assent of the Intellect : And then the Objections may well enough be suspected to proceed from the abstruse nature of privileg'd things , and the over-great narrowness of the Rules that men are wont to judge of all things by . For we may have a sufficiently clear proof that a thing is , whilst we have no satisfactory conception of its manner of existing or operating ; our illative knowledge , if you will allow me so to speak , being clearer , and extending further than our intuitive or apprehensive knowledge . Arnob. But even about things that we cannot sufficiently understand , we may in some cases exercise our Reason , in answering objections that are thought not to be at all answerable , because they are not directly so . For we may sometimes shew , by framing in another case a like Argument , which , the Adversary must confess , does not conclude well , that neither does the Argument that contains his Objection conclude aright . This I could exemplifie ( tho that may seem no easie Task ) but that I fear I should want time to propose Examples , whose being very paradoxical would make them need much proof ; which you who I fear are quite tired already , would want patience to hear . Wherefore I shall rather recommend to you one Observation , which I take to be of no small moment and use , when we contemplate things of the nature of those we have been discoursing of : and it is this , that we must not expect to be able , as to privileg'd things , and the Propositions that may be fram'd about them , to resolve all Difficulties , and answer all Objections ; since we can never directly answer those , which require for their solution a perfect comprehension of what is infinite : as a man cannot well answer the Objections that may be made against the Antipodes , the Doctrine of Eclipses , that of the different Phases of the Moon , and of the long days and nights of some months apiece , near the Poles , ( not now to name that more abstruse part of Astronomy , the Theory of the Planets ) unless he understand the nature of the Sphere , and some other Principles of Cosmography . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28958-e270 Ovied contr . 17. Phys . Rationem habere inter se quantitates dicuntur quae possunt multiplicatae , sese mutuo superare . Definit . 5. Elem. V. Euclidis . Notes for div A28958-e5520 * See his Treatise de Sectionibus Conicis . 
A24063	----	An account of the Oriental philosophy shewing the wisdom of some renowned men of the East and particularly the profound wisdom of Hai Ebn Yokdan, both in natural and divine things, which he attained without all converse with men, (while he lived in an island a solitary life, remote from all men from his infancy, till he arrived at such perfection) / writ originally in Arabick by Abi Jaaphar, Ebn Tophail ; and out of the Arabick translated into Latine by Edward Pocok ... and now faithfully out of his Latine, translated into English. Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. English Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd al-Malik, d. 1185. 1674 Approx. 212 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 63 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A24063 Wing A150 ESTC R7120 11967953 ocm 11967953 51770 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A24063) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51770) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 46:23) An account of the Oriental philosophy shewing the wisdom of some renowned men of the East and particularly the profound wisdom of Hai Ebn Yokdan, both in natural and divine things, which he attained without all converse with men, (while he lived in an island a solitary life, remote from all men from his infancy, till he arrived at such perfection) / writ originally in Arabick by Abi Jaaphar, Ebn Tophail ; and out of the Arabick translated into Latine by Edward Pocok ... and now faithfully out of his Latine, translated into English. Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. English Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd al-Malik, d. 1185. Pococke, Edward, 1604-1691. [6], 117 p. s.n.], [London : 1674. Translation of: Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in British Library. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, Islamic -- Early works to 1800. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Account of the ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHY , Shewing The Wisdom of some Renowned Men of the East ; And particularly , The profound Wisdom of Hai Ebn Yokdan , both in Natural and Divine things ; Which he attained without all Converse with Men , ( while he lived in an Island a solitary life , remote from all Men from his Infancy , till he arrived at such perfection . ) Writ Originally in Arabick , by Abi Iaaphar Ebn Tophail ; And out of the Arabick Translated into Latine , by Edward Pocok , a Student in Oxford ; And now faithfully out of his Latine , Translated into English : For a General Service . Printed in the Year , 1674. An Advertisement to the READER . THis Book or Epistle of Abi Jaaphar , is to be found in an Hebrew Version , according to the account of the Latine Translator ; and Moses Narbonensis , a learned Iew , hath writ Commentaries upon it . The Author , to wit , Abi Jaaphar , lived contemporary with Averroes , who died about the year of the Christian account , 1198. So that the antiquity of this Relation is about five hundred years old . Since the Latine Version of it came abroad ( which was in the year , 1671. ) it is translated into Dutch some considerable time ago : after it came into my hands , and that I perused it , I found a great freedom in mind to put it into English for a more general service , as believing it might be profitable unto many ; but my particular motives which engaged me hereunto was , that I found some good things in it , which were both very savoury and refreshing unto me : and indeed there are some sentences in it that I highly approve , as where he saith , Preach not thou the sweet favour of a thing thou hast not tasted ; and again where he saith , In the rising of the Sun is that which maketh , that thou hast not need of Saturn . Also , he showeth excellently how far the knowledge of a man , whose eyes are spiritually opened , differeth from that knowledge that men acquire simply by hear-say , or reading : and what he speaks of a degree of knowledge attainable , that is not by premisses premised , and conclusions deduced , is a certain truth , the which is enjoyed in the conjunction of the mind of man with the supreme Intellect , after the mind is purified from its corruptions , and is separated from all bodily images , and is gathered into a profound stillness . These with many other profitable things , agreeable to Christian Principles , are to be found here . But , Reader , I am far from urging thee to receive for certain , every thing in this Book ; nor do I recommend every thing in it unto thee for truth : yet whatever may be otherwise in it , doth not hinder to make a good use of the things which are both true and profitable contained therein , and if thy taste be sound , receive what is agreeable thereunto , and pass by what is otherwise . The design of the Author is far ( I believe ) from perswading men to slight or refuse the help of outward means of knowledge , such as the testimonies of good and wise men ; and indeed it is as far from my own design , who have undertaken this Translation : It is the too much relying and resting upon them , and neglecting those native and inward testimonies in the soul and mind of man it self , that both the scope of the Book and my design in the Translation doth fence against . If it appear unto thee , that the Author , or yet the person of whom he writeth , hath been a good man , and far beyond many who have the name of Christians , that have had better outward opportunities to learn to be good then he , such as the use of the holy Scriptures and other helps ; think not strange of it , but remember , there have been instances of good men mentioned in the Scriptures , who had not the Oracles of God outwardly delivered unto them , such as Job , the three wise men of the East , Cornelius and others . Yea , Justine Martyr stuck not to call Socrates a Christian , and that all who lived conform unto that divine reason and word in them , and which is in all men , ( as said the above-mentioned Author , in one of his Apologies ) were and are Christians . I shall conclude with a saying of Augustine , de civitate Dei , lib. 18. cap. 47. and another of Ludovicus Vives , in his Commentary on the same words : Nor do I think ( saith Augustine ) that the Jews dare contend , that none belonged unto God , but the Israelites . On which Ludovicus Vives saith thus ; So great a matter is it to be willing to be good , although thou hast not any from whom thou mayest be taught vertue : and in this sort of men , what is wanting but water ? seing they have obtained and received the holy spirit no otherwise then the Apostles , Peter witnessing , that some were filled with a divine inspiration , whom the mystical water had not touched : so the Gentiles not having a Law , and naturally doing the things of the Law , are a Law to themselves , and that light of so living is the gift of God , and cometh from the Son , of whom it is written , who enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world . An Account of the ORIENTAL PHILOSOPHY , IN AN EPISTLE OF Abi Iaaphar , Ebn Tophail , Concerning Hai Ebn YOKDAN . In the Name of the Lord the merciful Commiserator . THE wise Doctor , the Priest , the Knowing , the Excellent , the Perfect , the Learned Abu Iaaphar , Ebn Tophail saith , Praise unto God , the great , the greatest , the ancient , the most ancient , the knowing , the most knowing , the wise , the most wise , the merciful , the most merciful , the beneficial , the most beneficial , the bountiful , the most bountiful , who taught the use of the Pen , who taught man that which he knew not , because the goodness of God was great towards him . I praise him for his excellent gifts , and I give him thanks for his continual benefits , and I testifie that there is not a God but the one God , who hath not a Consort , &c. O excellent , sincere , and most dear Brother , ( God give thee an everlasting continuance , and bless thee with a perpetual happiness . ) Thou desired me to declare unto thee , what ever I could , of the mysteries of the Eastern Philosophy , which the Doctor , the chief Priest , Abu Ali Ebn Sina mentioneth : But know , that it belongeth unto him who would attain to the truth , that he seek it , and use diligence in the acquiring it ; and surely thy demand hath raised in me an excellent motion of mind , which hath brought me ( praise unto God ) to perceive the state which I saw not before , and hath promoved me to so remote a period , that the tongue cannot declare , nor can the eloquence of speech express it , whereas it is of another sort , and of another world , differing from them ; but that this state , in respect of the exultation , joy , pleasure , and gladness which is in it , is such , that he who hath attained it , or hath come to any period of it , cannot conceal it , or keep it secret , but that exultation , chearfulness , gladness , and delight befalleth him , which driveth , him to express it summarily , but not distinctly : But if he be of those whom the Sciences have not sharpened , he speaketh these things of it , which he doth not comprehend ; so that one said when it was so with him , O me to be praised , how great am I ! and another said , I am the truth : and another said , There is nothing under this cloathing , but God. But Doctor Abu Hamed Algazali , when he reached unto this state , he used this Verse Proverbially , And it was , what it was , of that , whereof I made not mention . Bat think thou , that it was good , neither enquire thou after what manner the thing is . For Letters had polished him , and the Disciplines had sharpened him : But take notice of the saying of Abu Becri Ebn Alsayegi , which is joyned to his discouorse of the description of the Conjunction [ of the Intellect with man , ] for , saith he , seeing the Intellect is the scope proposed in his Book , then it shall appear that the same cannot be perceived out of the usual Sciences , in that degree wherein it was : but what he conceived in his mind , of the sense of it , was acquired in a degree , in which he being placed , he saw himself abstracted from all former things , endued with other thoughts , which depend not from matter , and are more noble then to be imputed to the life which is from nature , but are certain properties from the properties of those who are blessed , very different from the composition of the natural life , but are properties of them , which are proper to the blessed ones , which it is fit that we call them , Divine properties , which God ( most highly to be praised ) giveth to whom he willeth of his servants . But this degree is attained unto , which Abu Becr insinuateth , by way of speculative Science and of cogitative disquisition : nor is it doubtful that he attained it , nor erred from it . But the degree which we first hinted at , is another from that although it is the same , because there is not any thing discovered in it , contrary unto what is discovered in the other . But it 's distinction consisteth in an ●●cession of perspicuity , and because he perceiveth , by the help of a thing which we call not a power , but Metaphorically , seing we find not , neither in words commonly used , neither in the proper terms of the Doctors , a name which declareth that thing , whereby that form of perception perceiveth . But this stare which we mentioned , and to the perceiving of some taste of which thy question moved us , is of that sort , which Sheich Abu Ali insinuateth , where he saith , Thereafter , when the will and the exercise hath come to a certain period , there appertaineth unto him pleasant forms , from the Aspect of the true Light , as if the , were Coruscations , lightly shining upon him , then they depart from him , then are these sudden occursions multiplied unto him , when he continueth in exercise , then he is accustomed to them , until they come unto him without exercise , and how oeeeeeeet he beholdeth any thing shortly , he inclineth from it , unto the border of holiness , and he holdeth somewhat in memory of his matters ; and then suddenly it meets him , so that almost he seeth the truth in every thing ; then exercise leadeth him to that perfection , whose state is turned unto him , into a firm tranquility of , mind , and it becometh familiarly known , which used but to steal on , and that which glanced lightly , becometh a manifest light , and their happeneth unto him a firm knowledge , as if it were a continual fellowship . These are the things , with others , which he described of the orderly progress of the degrees , until they come to the comprehension , so that his secret Looking-glass is polished , whereby over against him he beholdeth that part in which the truth is ; and then most choise delights flow down abundantly , and inwardly he rejoyceth in his mind , for the prints of truth which he seeth therein ; and when he is placed in this degree , he hath a respect unto the truth , and a respect unto his soul , and he is yet moved hither and thither , until at last he departs from his soul , and only looketh unto the border ( or Court of Holiness ) but if he respecteth his soul , it is because the soul respecteth that ; and there it is fit that the Conjunction be [ with God. ] And after those manners , which he described , he would have his tasting to be ; not by way of speculative apprehention elicited , and premisses premised , and conclusions deduced . And if thou would have a similitude , whereby the difference may appear unto thee betwixt the apprehension of this sect of men and the apprehention of others ; conceive in the mind the state of one who is born blind , but who is of an excellent ingine , a sagatious conjecture , firm memory , a well disposed mind and hath grown up from that time , wherein he first was in some Region where he ceased not to make known to himself the persons of men , there , as also , many kinds of things both living and wanting life , and the Streets of the Town , the Wayes , the Houses , the Marcat-places , by the other wayes of apprehending , which he hath , until he come to that that he can go round about the Town , without a guide of the way , and should know every one , who meets him , and should presently salute him , and should discern collours , and know their definition , by the descriptions of their Names , and some definitions , which should declare them . Then after he hath come unto this degree , that his eyes are opened , and that he hath a perception by sight and when he went through that whole Town and compassed it , that he found nothing at all contrary unto what he had beleived , and that he had known every thing , which was there and had found the collours to be after the same manner , which did shew the descriptions to be true wherewith they were described , but that in all these , two great things befel him following one another , to wit , a greater perspicuity and clearness of things , and a great pleasure . Therefore the State of Contemplants , who have not come to the degree of nearness [ unto God ] is the first state of that blind man , and the colours , which are known in this state by the explication of their names , are these things which Abu Becr , said , were more excellent then to be Imputed to the natural life , and which God giveth to whom he pleaseth of his servants . But the state of the Contemplants , who have come to the degree of nearness [ unto God , ] and upon whom , God hath bestowed that thing , which ( as we have said ) is not named a power , but metaphorically , is that second state . But now he is rarely found , who is of that degree , who was alwayes clear in sight , having opened eyes , who needed not contemplation . Nor do I understand here ( God honour thee with his nearness ) by the apprehension of the Contemplants , that which they apprehend from natural things , and be the apprehention of them , who are near unto God , that which they apprehend from supernatural things ( for these two manners of apprehending are very differing , among themselves . Nor is the one mingled with the other ) but that which we understand by the apprehension of the Contemplants is that which they apprehend from things Metaphysical , like unto that which Abu Becr apprehended , and in the apprehension of these things this condition is required , that it be manifestly true , and then falleth in a mid-speculation betwixt that , and betwixt the apprehension of them , who are near unto God , who apply their study unto these things , with an encrease of clearness , and with greater delight . But Abu Becr reproveth them , who should make mention of this pleasure among the vulgar , and he said it did belong to the immagining faculty , and he promised to discribe how the state of the blessed ones should be when they had attained this , in clear and manifest discourse . But it behoveth , that it be said to him , Preach not the sweetsavour of a thing , whichthou hast not tasted , neither passe over the necks of the true speakers . For neither did that man any thing of that sort , neither performed he his promise : for it is probable , that the straitness of time mentioned by him , hindred him from that undertaking , and because he was taken up in a Journey taken in hand to Wahran , or because he saw , if he should describe that state , the order of the discourse would compel him , to declare the things , in which , he was , which would be a reproach to him , in the manner of his life , and which would argue the precepts delivered by him , of a lye , whereby he incited men to multiply riches , and gather them together , and to use divers wayes of arts to acquire them . But the discourse hath led us off , somewhat to another thing , then that which thou didst move us to , by thy desire , as necesity required . And from what is said it is manifest , that , what is required by thee doth necessarily include one of these two Rocks , viz. that thou ask of that which they see , to whom it hath happened to see , and to tast , and to be present in that degree of nearnesse unto God ; and this is of the things which cannot be , so as they may be described in a Book , as they are indeed , and when any have undertaken it , and endeavoured whether in word or writ to expresse it , the true reason of it is changed , and passeth unto the parts of another speculative kind ; for when it is cloathed with letters , and voices , and becometh near unto the corporeal world , it doth not remain in that state wherein it was , in any manner or way , and the signification of voices differ far in expressing it , so that therein the feet of some err from the right way , and it is thought concerning others , that their feet are slidden , when they are not slidden : but the cause thereof is this , because it is a thing which hath no bound in the space of a large tract , which compasseth , is not compassed . But the second of the two Rocks , which as we said , thy question did necessarily include , is , that thou hast desired that a thing be made known unto thee , in that manner , as they do it who give themselves to contemplation ; and this is a thing ( God bring thee near unto himself ) the reason whereof requireth , that it be described in Books , and forms of words to express it : but that is more rare then the Reed Sulphur , and especially in these Regions wherein we live , because it is so strange a thing , that but one after one attaineth it but a little , and who have attained any thing of it , have not declared it unto men , but by some obscure tokens : for the Hanisitick Sect , and Mohammedick Law , forbiddeth men to dive into it , and admonisheth them to beware of it . And think not that the Philosophy which hath come unto us in the Books of Aristotle , and Abu-Nasri , and in the Book of Alshepha , doth suffice unto this design which thou desired , nor hath any of the Andaloseni , written any thing of it , which can suffice , for they who were educate in Andulusia , of men of an excellent ingine , spent their life in the Mathematical Disciplines , and attained a great degree in them , before the Science of Logick and Philosophy was propagated in that place , nor could they do any thing further . Then an age of men succeeded unto them , who exceeded them in some skill of Logick , to which they gave pains , but so , that it brought them not to the true perfection . Therefore one of themselves said , It troubleth me that there are two knowledges of men , nor is there any thing to be added unto them ; the one is the true knowledge , which is attained with difficulty , and the other false , the attaining of which is unprofitable . Then others more sharp-sighted succeeded unto those , and who came nearer unto the truth , among whom , none was of a quicker ingine , or who perceived things better , or more truly , then Abu-Becr-Ebn-Alsaijeg , but that the world did take him up , until death took him away before the treasures of his knowledge were manifested , or the secresies of his wisdom were published , and most of his Writings which are found , are imperfect , and mutilate in the end , as his Book of the Soul , and of the government of him who hath given himself to a solitary life , and what he wrot of Logick , and Natural Knowledge ; but his perfect Books are compendious Tractats , and Epistles hastily written ; and this he declared , saying that , whose demonstration was proposed to him , in the Epistle of Alette-sal , i. e. the conjunction of the intellect with man , is not altogether manifest in that discourse , but after great difficulty and trouble , and because the method of his Explication , in some places is not ordered in so perfect a way ; but if more time were given him , he purposed to change it . And thus is the matter , as to what hath come to us of the knowledge of this man : but we saw him not , and who were contemporary with him were such men , as cannot be said to be equal to him in degree , nor saw we any thing done by them : but who succeeded them that lived in our time , are but yet making progress , or have stood short of perfection , or how they have been truly , is not known to us . But as concerning the Books of Abu-Nasri , which hath come to us , most of them are of Logick : and such as are come to us of Philosophy , are full of doubts . For he affirmed in the Book Almellati Alphadelati , i. e. of the most excellent Sect , the duration of evil souls after death in everlasting torments ; then in the Politicks , he saith expresly , that they are dissolved and annihilated , and that only the souls endowed with vortue , and perfect , do remain . Then he describeth in his Book of Manners , somewhat belonging to the happiness of men , and that it is in this life , which is of this world : then he uttereth words having this sense , Whatever is mentioned besides this , is madness , and old Wives Fables . He therefore driveth all men to despair of the mercy of God , and putteth good , and bad in the same degree , while he maketh the end unto which all tend , to be Annihilation . But this is ane unpardonable error , and a fall after which there is not a restauration . These things , beside others he brought forth , wherein he judged badly of Prophecy , and that it properly belonged to the Imaginative faculty according to his opinion and that he preferred Philosophy unto it with other things not needfull to mention . But touching Aristotle his Books , Alsheigh-Abu-Ali , supplyeth their vice , in his Explication of them , having followed his sect , and going in the way of his Philosophy , in the Book Alshepha , i. e. of suficiency , in the beginning of which he plainly affirmeth , that in his opinion , the truth differeth from what he delivereth therein and that he made that Book according to the Doctrine of the Peripateticks ; but he who would see the truth , wherein is nothing obscure , should look on his Book of Philosophy Almoshrakia , i. e. Oriental : but if any take pains to read the Book Alshepha , and the Books of Aristotle , it will appear they agree in most things although there be some things in the Book Alshepha , which came not to us from Aristotle ; but when he hath received all things which the Books of Aristotle have given him , and the book Alshepha , according to the outward sound of the words , not turning the mind to the hidden , and inward sense of them , he shall no wayes be brought unto perfection by them as Alsheich-Abu-Ali in the Book Alshepha admonisheth , but as for the Books of Alsheich-Abu-Hamed-Agasali , he so far , as he spoke unto the vulgar one time bindeth another time loseth and reproveth some things of infidelity , then he professeth them then in the number of them , for which he accuseth the Philosophers of in fiidelity , in the Book Alta-Haphot ( comonly called Destruction ) is that , that they deny the resurrection of bodies , and affirm that reward and punishment belong to souls apart : then he said in the begining of the Book Almizan , ( i. e. the Scales , ) that this is the opinion of the Supphian Doctors precisely ; and again in the Book Almunkedh . Men-Aldelali-Walmophseh . Bel-Ahwali , i. e. freeing from error , and explaining the state , he saith , his opinion is the same with the opinion of the Suphij ; and that he is brought to it after a long search : And many things of this kind are in his Books which he shall see , who looketh on them and considereth attentively . And he seeketh to be excused for this deed in the end of the Book Mizan-Almal , i. e. the Scales of actions , where he affirmeth that , opinions are of a threefold kind , first , that which is common with the vulgar , in that which they think . Secondly the opinion , according to which ane answer is given to every enquirer , and that seeketh dirrection . Thirdly , the opinion , which one retaineth with himself , and which none knoweth , but who is his Consort in his opinion : then he saith after , But if there be not in these words , but to make thee doubt of thy opinion , which thou hast heritably received , this is enough to profit ; for who hath not doubted , doth not consider , who hath not considered , shall not perceive , who shall not perceive , shall remain in blindness and perplexity : then in place of a Proverb , he used this Verse , Receive what thou seest , and let alone what thou hast perceived by the hearing . In the rising of the Sun , is that which maketh , that thou hast not need of Saturn . And this is the manner of his Doctrine ; and the greatest part of it is by Aenigma's , and obseure Tokens , of which he receiveth not profit : but who first diligently looketh into these things with the eyes of the mind , then heareth them again from himself , or who is ready to understand these things , excelling in ingine , and to whom the least beck ( or nodd ) sufficeth : But the same Author saith , in the Book Alia-wahar , i. e. of Pearls , that he hath Books not to be communicated , but unto those who are fit to read them , and that he hath put in them the sincere truth ; but none of them came into Spain , so far as we know ; but there came Books into Spain , whom some think are those incommunicable Books , but it is not so ; for these Books are Almaareph , Alakliah , i. e. Intellectual Knowledges , and the Book Alnaphchi-Waltaswiati , i. e. of Inflation , and Aequation , and besides them , a Collection of divers Questions . But these Books , however some hints were in them , contain no great matter further to the discovery of things , beyond what is scattered in his known Books . Moreover , in the Book Almeksad Alasna , i. e. Most high marks , is found that which is deeper , than what are contained in these other : and he plainly affirmeth , that the Book Almeksad Alasna , is not communicable , whence it is necessarily gathered , that those who came unto us , are not these incommunicable Books , but some later Authors perswaded themselves , that in his discourse , which falleth in near the end of his Book Almeschat , i. e. of the little window , there is some great matter , which hath made them fall into a depth , whence they cannot extricate themselves , and that is , his saying , after he had reckoned up diverse kinds of them who were encompassed with lights , or who by the shining of the divine light , are prohibited from an access , then he passed unto the mentioning of them who came near unto God , wherein he saith , that they determined , that this Great Beeing is described by Attributes , which overturn the simple Unity , whence it seemed to them necessarily to follow , that he believed a certain multiplicity in the Essence of the true God. God is far above what the unrighteous say : nor is it doubtful among us , that Doctor Abu Hamed is of their number , who attained the chief happiness , and came unto these noble and holy places of conjunction , but his hidden or incommunicable Books , which contain the knowledge of Revelation , have not come unto us , nor was the truth clearly made manifest to us , which we have attained , and which was the Butt ( or Mark ) which we have reached unto by knowledge , until we followed his sayings , and the sayings of Doctor Abu Ali , and comparing them together , and joyning them to the sentences which arose in this our time , to which some are addicted , of them who have professed Philosophy , until the truth appeared unto us , first by way of disquisition , and inspection thereafter concerning it , we have found at present this small taste , from the present sense of things , and then we saw our selves fit to say something , which may be called our own . But we have determined that thou should be the first to whom we might give this which is beside us , and should give it to be looked on , which we have attained , because of the integrity of thy friendship , and sincerity of thy gentleness : but if we should propose unto thee the ends of that which we have attained in this sort , before we give thee the principles thereof confirmed , it would not be any thing profitable unto thee , more then a thing received by tradition , and generally said . This is it , if thou think well of us , according to the love and friendship which is among us , not that we are worthy that it should be received what we say . Nor do we wish unto thee , but what is above this degree , nor are we content with it , that thou be in this degree ; seing it sufficeth not to salvation , nor to obtain the highest degrees . But we will lead thee through paths wherein we have formerly walked , and we shall make thee sail in the Sea which we have first sailed our selves , that it may bring thee whither it hath brought us , and that thou mayst see of it what we have seen , and by thy own sight mayest have a certain knowledge of the things which we have certainly known , and that it be not needful unto thee to fix thy knowledge on that which we have known : but this needeth a certain space of time , and that not small , and that one be free from business , and with the whole bent of his mind apply himself to this kind . But if this be indeed thy purpose , and with a sincere affection of mind prepare thy self to reach this mark , in the morning thou shalt praise the tedious and irksome travel of thy night-journey , and shalt receive the blessing of thy labour , and thou shalt have God acceptable to thee , and he shall have thee acceptable to him , and I shall be unto thee such as thou loved and wished with thy whole heart and whole mind : and I hope to lead thee in a most right way , and most safe from evils and hurts . Although at present some small glance hath offered it self unto me , whereby I may kindle thee with desire , and may stir thee up to enter into the way , while I shall describe unto thee the History of Hai-Ebn-Yockdhan , and Absali , and Salamani , on whom Alsheich Abu Ali put these names , in the History of whom there is an example to the understanding , and an admonition to him who hath an heart , or who giveth ear , and let him be a witness . OUr pious Forbears have reported , that there is an Isle among the Isles of India , scituate under the Aequinoctial Line , wherein Men are born without Father or Mother . And that in the same , there is a Tree , which for the Fruit of it , bringeth forth Women , and these are they which Almasudi calleth the Wakwakian Damsels . For that Isle is of all places of the earth of an Air most temperate and perfect : the influence of the supreme light which ariseth upon it , so disposing the same : Although so to affirm , is contrary to the perswasion of the most of the chief Philosophers and Physicians ; whose sentence is , that the fourth Climate is the most temperate part of the earth . But if they affirm this , because they certainly know that the parts situat under the Aequinoctial are inhabitable , because of some impediment from the earth , some reason would favour their saying , that the fourth Climat is of the parts of the earth , the most temperat : but if they will this , that the parts scituat under the Aequinoctial Line , are extreamly hot ( which most of them manifestly affirm ) it is false , and the contrary is proven by certain demonstrations . For it is demonstrated in Natural Philosphy , that there is no cause of the generation of heat , but motion , or the contact and light of hot Bodies , and also in the same , it is proved , that the Sun in himself is not hot , nor indued with any such quality which pertaineth unto mixture : moreover therein is proved , that the Bodies , which in the most perfect manner receive the light , are smooth , not thin , but the Bodies fit in the next place to receive light , are thick Bodies , which are not smooth , but thin Bodies , wherein is no thickness , receive no light . This one especially in place of demonstration , Sheich Abu Ali brought forth , mentioned before by none . This being concluded , and seing the premisses are true , what necessarily follows , is this : that the Sun doth not warm the earth in that manner , as other hot Bodies , which touch , do warm Bodies ; because the Sun is not hot in himself . Neither is the earth warmed by motion , seing it resteth , and remaineth in one state , both when the Sun shineth on it , and when it is absent therefrom ; but that its properties as to heat and cold are contrary , at these two times , is manifest by sense . But neither doth the Sun first warm the Air , and next the Earth , by the mediation and heat of the Air ; for how could this be , when in the time of the heat , we find the Air next to the Earth , much hotter , than that which is superior , and further distant ? It remains therefore , that the Sun no other way doth warm the Earth , then by the force of its light : for heat doth always follow light ; so that where it is intended in Burning-glasses , it kindleth whatever is set before it . But it is proved by certain demonstrations in the Mathematical Sciences , that the Sun is of a round Figure , and also the Earth : and that the Sun is far greater then the Earth : and that part of the Earth always enlightened , is above the half of it , but that which is enlightened , the middle part thereof hath the most intense light , because of all places it is furthest distant from the darkness which is in the Circumference of the Circle , and because it is obvious to many parts of the Sun ; but these parts nearest the Circumference , have smallest light , until the last period of the Circle , which containeth the enlightened part of the Earth , it endeth in darkness . But some place is the midst of the Circle of light , when the Sun is vertical over the heads of the Inhabitants , and then the heat in that place shall be most intense . But if there be any Region where the Sun is furthest distant from the vertical point , that Region is the coldest . But it is demonstrated in Astronomy , that in these parts of the Earth , under the Aequinoctial , that the Sun is only twice every Year vertical unto the Inhabitants , when it entereth the beginning of Aries , and the beginning of Libra : but through the rest of the Year , six Moneths it declineth from them towards the South , and fix towards the North : so that they feel neither excess of heat nor cold , but for that cause enjoy an equal temper . These things need further explication , but which belongeth not to our purpose . This only we have hinted unto thee , because it is of them which give a testimony to the truth of what is reported , that a man in that place can be born without Mother or Father . For there are of them who downright affirm , and absolutely conclude , that Hai. Ehn. Yockdhan was of their number , who in that Region are born without Mother or Father . Others deny , and relate his History in that manner as we shall now mention unto thee . They report that over against that Isle , there is another great Isle , of a large tract , abounding with Commodities , inhabited by men , where at that time a man very proud , and of a suspicious nature did govern : he had a Sister that was very beautiful and comely , which he kept closs from marrying , because he found not an equal unto her . But there was one near unto him , called Yokdhan , who privatly married her , according to the Rites of that Sect of men , known in these times , of whom having conceived , she did bear a Son : She fearing the discovery of the matter , and that what she had kept closs should be made known , after she had given the Infant the Breasts , she put it into a little Coffin , which when she had firmly closed , and brought it to the Shore ( some Servants , and the most faithful of her Friends conveying her ) in the fore-part of the night her heart burning towards the Child with love and fear , having taken her farewel of the Child , spake thus , O God , thou hast created this Infant , when as yet it was nothing , and thou didst nourish it in the darkness of my bowels , and thou hadst a care of it until it came forth sound and perfect ; I being afraid of that unjust , proud , and contumacious King , commit the same unto thy goodness , hoping thou wilt be bountiful unto him , be thou an help unto him , forsake him not , who surpassest all in mercy . When she had said these things , she committed the little Coffin unto the Sea ; which the flowing of the water moved with force of the stream , the same night brought to the Shore of another Island , whereof we formerly made mention . But the flowing of the water at that time came as far up on the Land as could be , whither once in the year only it did reach : the water therefore by its force did cast the Coffin into a thick Grove full of Trees , a place of a fruitful soyl , fenced from winds , and rains , and defended against the Sun , which at its rising and setting declined from it . There the water decreasing ; and departing from the Coffin wherein the Infant was , so that it settled in the same place ; the Sands , by the blowing of the winds rose up thither , that they came to a heap , and obstructed the entrance of the light unto the Coffin , and hindered the coming in of any water unto it , that the flood might not reach it . And it came to pass , that when the water thrust the Coffin upon the Grove , the Nails of the Coffin loosed , and the Boards from one another : and when the Child being very hungry , cried bitterly , seeking help , and moved it self , its cry did come unto the ears of a wild Goat , or Roe , which wanted its Hind , which having come from its Den , was caught by a ravenous Bird ; she hearing the voice , and imagining it to be her young one , followeth the voice , until she came unto the Coffin , which she pulled with her Claws on every side , the Child in the mean time strugling within , so that out of the upper part a Board of the Coffin did leap off : but she having beheld the Child , pitied it , and moved with great affection thereunto , put to it its Duggs , and pleasantly nourished it with her milk ; and constantly coming unto it , fed it , and defended it from evil . And this is it which they record of its origine , who will not assent that it was born without Parents : But we shall afterwards declare how it did grow , and how it made several progresses one after another , until it reached unto great perfection . But who think it was born of the earth , say , that in some low place of that Island , in process of years and times , a certain Clay doth ferment so far , until heat and cold , moisture and dryness agree in it , in an equal temper , and in equal strength : and that there was a great masse of this clay , wherein some parts did exceed others , in the equality of temper , and were more fit for the generation of a mixt body ; and that the midst of it was of a most perfect temper , and most equal , like unto the humane temper : the matter being agitate bells ( or bublings ) rose up , as use to be in the bubling of water , because of the great clamminess of it : and it came to pass , that some viscous ( tough or clammy ) thing was in the midst of it , with a small bell ( or bubling ) full of a subtile and aery body , divided into two parts with a thin vail , of a most equal temper , which did agree unto it . Then at the command of the most high God , a Spirit being infused , joyned it self unto the same , and did cleave so closely unto it , that it could scarcely be separate therefrom , either by sense or understanding ; this Spirit still flowing forth from God , as is manifnst and like to the light of the Sun , which continually influenceth the world . But among bodies , some do not return the light , such as the thin air , very thin ; by others , the light is returned , but in an imperfect manner of illumination , such as thick bodies , which are not smooth : but these bodies differing , according to the reception of light , for the same reason , their colours differ also : but again , by others the light is returned in a most perfect manner of illumination , such ar smooth bodies , as Looking-glasses and the like : so that by these glasses , if they be concavated in a convenient figure , fire is kindled , because of the excess of light . After this manner , that Spirit , which is of the commandment of God , is infused continually into all creatures : But there are of them wherein no print of it doth appear , for want of a fit disposition in them , such are things without life , resembling the air in the former similitude . Again , some there are , wherein some print of it appeareth , as the divers sorts of plants , according unto their dispositions , and these answer unto these thick bodies in the same similitude . Again , there are some wherein the impression thereof is very conspicuous , and these are diverse kinds of living creatures , which resemble those smooth and shining bodies in the same similitude . But among those smooth bodies , some more plentifully receive light from the Sun , because they resemble the figure of the Sun and his similitude , and are formed according to his Image : such especially is man , which is signified where it is said , God made man according to his Image . But if this form prevail so in him , that in comparison thereof , all other forms be , as it were , reduced to nothing , and it only remaineth , so that the glory of its light burn up whatever it taketh hold of , then it resembleth those glasses which reflect light in themselves , and burneth up other things ; but this befalleth none but Prophets , and all this may become manifest in a fit place . But that we may now return , and speak more fully of what they affirm , who describe this manner of generation . They say , when that Spirit had joyned it self unto that receptacle , that all the other faculties yielded unto it , and obeyed it , being universally thereunto subjected by the commandment of God. But over against that receptacle , another bubling arose divided into three receptacles , among which , there were thin partitions , and open passages ; and they were filled with a body of air , not unlike unto that where with the first receptacle was filled , but that that was more thin ; and in these three ventricles divided out of one , some of those faculties were placed which were subject to it , and to the same was committed their custody and defence , and whatever should arise there , they should deferre it , whether much or little , to the first ( or chief ) Spirit , placed in the first receptacle . Also , over against this second receptacle , a third bubling rose up , filled also with a body of air , but thicker then the two former , and in this receptacle were placed some others of the inferiour faculties , for the preserving and sustaining of which , it was appointed : and these were the three teceptacles , to wit , the first , second and third , which were first made out of the great masse of that fermented clay , in the manner we have described . But they needed mutual help one of another , and the first needed the other two , for their obedience and service , and the two needed the first , as subjects need their Prince , and commanding them who are under command : yet every one of them , in respect of the members afterwards formed , was a Prince , not a Subject : but one of them , to wit , the second , was of a more absolute power then the third . But the first , by the force of that Spirit joyned thereunto , and of its burning heat , became into a conical figure of the fire ; and so that thick body which compassed it , was of the same figure , and became solid flesh , covered with a thick covering for its preservation . This whole member is called the Heart : Now in respect of the dissolution and losse of moisture , which followeth the heat , something was necessary which might serve to sustain and nourish it : and continually restore what was consumed , otherwise it could not endure . Also it was needful , that it should be touched with the sense of what was convenient for it , and might attract it unto it self , as also with the sense of the contrary , that it might thrust it back . To the supplying one of them , in things needful , one member is substitute with the faculties thereto belonging ; another member supplied another with things it needed . That member which did preside over the things belonging to sense , was the Brain ; that which ordered concerning the nourishment , was the Liver . Both of them needed that first member , that it might help them and their peculiar faculties proceeding of them with its heat : And for the good of all , there were interwoven diverse passages and opens , some wider then others , as the necessity of the thing required ; and so the Arteries and Veins came to be . After this , they proceed to describe the whole Structure of the body and all its members , in the same manner as the Physiologues use to depaint the formation of the Embryon in the womb , omitting nothing till the whole composure be perfected , and all its members compleated , and that it resemble an Embryon presently to come forth of the womb . And to describe these things fully , they call in for help , that great fermented masse of clay , which was of that condition , that of it was formed whatever is required to the procreation of Man , of the coverings which cover the body , and other things of that sort ; and when it was perfected , that these coverings being rent by it , fell away as in the grief of child-bearing , and that it broke through the other hardened part of the clay . At length that this Infant , the matter of the nourishment decaying , and hunger urging it , cryed for help , and that the Goat which had lost its young one , hearkened unto it . Then what they declare after this place , and what those declare who embrace the former sentence , are agreeable . For both say , that this Goat which received the child , having got a fruitful and large pasture , became fat , and had that abundance of milk , whereby to nourish the Infant after the best manner : and she was alwayes with it , and never departed therefrom , but when through necessity she went to eat . Also the Infant used the company of the Goat , so that if she stayed away longer then usually , it would cry bitterly , which when the Goat heard , presently she ran unto it . Nor was there any ravenous or hurtful beast in the whole Island . So the Infant encreased and grew , being nourished with the Goats milk , untill it was two years old , at which time it began by degrees to go , and have fore-teeth , and it alwayes followed the Goat , which kindly entreated it , and embraced it with tender affection , and led it unto places that were planted with fruitful trees , and she fed it with the sweet and ripe fruits which fell of from the trees , breaking them which had a hard shel with her teeth ; and when it sought milk , she gave it her Duggs , and when it desired water , she led it thereunto , and where the beams of the Sun troubled it , she shadowed it , where it suffered by the cold , she warmed it , and when night ensued , she led it to the former place , and covered it , partly with her own body , and partly with the feathers that remained of those wherewith the coffin was furnished when the Infant was put into it ; and as often as they either went forth at morning , or returned at evening a company of Goats accompanied them , which in the morning went forth with them , and at night lay in the same place with them . So the child still remaining among the Goats , did also imitate their voice with its voice , that scarce was there any difference . Also in the same manner , whatever voice it heard , whether of Birds or other liviving creatures , it exactly resembled them , by a faculty wherein it excelled , of apprehending whatever it would . But the voices which it mostly resembled were these of the Goats , whereby they sought help , or called their neighbours , or would that they should come nearer , or go farder off ; for unto these various ends , these living creatures have diverse voices : and so the Child and the wild Beasts accompanied one another , for neither did they shun him , nor he them . And now when the images of things became fixed in his mind , after they were removed from his sight , he was so affected , that he desired some of them , and had an aversion from others . In the mean time , while he vieweth , all the kinds of the wild beasts , he saw them all covered with Wool , or Hair , or diverse kinds of Plumes ; also he beheld their nimbleness and strength , and what armour they had to beat back the things which contended with them , as Horns , Hoofs , Spurs , and the like ; but whereas he looked to himself , he saw himself naked , destitute of armour , slow in motion , weakin strength , when they contended with him about the fruits that were to be eaten , so that they kept them to themselves , and pulled them from him , nor could he restrain them from him , or flee from any of them . Also he saw that his neighbours the little Hinds or Kids came to have horns to grow on them , which they first wanted , and that though they were weak to run , yet that at length they became nimble , but he perceived none of these to befal himself . Considering this in his mind , he was ignorant what was the cause thereof ; also he beheld the creatures where in was any fault or defect of members , nor did he find among them any like to himself ; considering also in the beasts the passages of the excrements which he saw covered , and that the passage which served to the grosser excrement , was covered with a tail , and that which served the thinner , was covered with hair , or something of that kind , and that their secret parts were more covered then his : all these bred grief and anxiety unto him , which when he he had long considered earnestly , and was now almost seven years old , he despaired of attaining that , the want of which troubled him . Then he took broad leaves of trees , some whereof he put on the hinder-parts of his body , and some on the fore-parts , and having made a Girdle of the Leaves of Palms and Rushes , where with he girded himself , he hung them to him thereby ; but after a small time the Leaves becoming dry and withered , fell off from him : therefore he ceased not to take others , adding others to others of them , in double plyes or folds , by which means they remained longer , but yet it was but for a short time . Also he took unto him a staff off the boughs of a Tree , and having made the ends of it handsome , and smoothed the middle of it , he began to threaten the beasts which opposed him , making an assault upon the weaker , and resisting the stronger . After this manner he somewat understood his own strength , and that his hand far excelled theirs , for it sufficed to cover his nakedness , and to make use of a staff for his own defence , so that now he needed not a tail , nor yet those natural Darts which he first wished . Things being thus , he grew up , and passed beyond the seventh year of his age , and when the frequent repairing of the Leaves was troublesome unto him , wherewith he covered himself , he thought in his mind to take to him the tail of some dead beast , and hang it to him , but that he saw the living beasts of its own kind to shun the dead , and flee from them , so that it would not be fit for him to enterprize any such thing , until at length he found a dead Eagle , whence he seemed to get his desire accomplished . Therefore taking an occasion thence , when he saw that none of the beasts fled from that , he coming unto it , he cut from it the wings and the tail , whole as they were , and he smoothed the feathers that were spread ' forth , and then he pulled off what remained of the skin , and dividing it in two parts , he hung the one to his back and the other to his belly , and to the parts under the same : also he fastned the tail to himself behind , and both the wings to the upper parts of his arms : after this manner , he had that which both covered him , and warmed him , and also which struck fear into the hearts of all the beasts ; so that none of them contended with him , nor resisted him , nor came near unto him , but the Goat which gave him milk and nourished him , for she never left him , nor he her , till she became old and weak ; and then he led her to the best pastures , and pulled sweet fruits , and gave her to eat : but weakness and languishing ceased not to prevail over her , and daily to approach , until death siezed on her , and all her motions became still , and all her actions ceased . But when the Child saw that it was so with her , he was greatly struck , so that almost for grief he had expired ; and he called upon her with the same voice which she used to answer when she heard it , and he stirred her up , with crying as loud as he could , but he perceived no motion nor change in her : he began therefore to look to her ears and eyes , but found no visible hurt in them , and in the same manner considering all the members of her body , he found nothing amiss in them : But he greatly desired to find that place where the defect was , that he might remove it from her , that she might return to her former state : but nothing of this sort was in readiness , nor could he do it . That which moved him to this consideration , was , what he noticed in himself ; for he saw when he closed his eyes , or ▪ covered them with any thing , that he could see nothing , until that hinderance were removed : also when he would put his fingers into his ears , and stop them , he would hear nothing until he removed them : also when he pressed his nose with his hand , he could find no smell until he opened his nostrils , whence he gathered , that all his senses and actions were obnoxious to hinderances , which could impede them ; but these hinderances being removed , that the actions returned . When therefore he had viewed all the outward members , nor found any default in them , and he observed an universal cessation of the whole , which could not more be imputed to one member then another ; at length it came into his mind , that the hurt which had befallen it was in some member remote from his sight , and hidden in an inward part of the body ; and that that member was such , that without its help , none of the outward members could do their office ; and so some disease falling into it , that the whole was damnified , and the want of motion was universal . He desired therefore , if he could , to find that member , and to remove what had befallen it , so it would become sound again , and thence a good would redound to the whole body , and her actions would return to their former condition . But first of all he noticed the dead bodies of Beasts and other Animals , that all the members were solid , and without any hollowness , except the scull , the breast , and the belly . Therefore he suspected that the member thus affected , was no where else but in one of these three places : but the opinion prevailed most with him that it was in the mid place of these three . When it was now fixed in his mind altogether , that all the other members needed this , and therefore it necessarily followed that its seat was in the middle . Moreover when he considered himself , he felt some such member in his own breast , and when he thought on the other members , as the hands , the feet , the ears , the nose , the eyes [ or head ] he could suppose that these could subsist without them : and also he supposed the same of the head , and he thought that he could be without the head : but when he thought of that which he found in his breast , he did not see that he could subsist without the same for one moment . Also when he did fight with any of the beasts , with great diligence he defended his breast from their armour , from the sense of the thing which was in it : when therefore he had certainly concluded that the member which this hurt had corrupted was in its breast , he determined to enquire and search into it , if perhaps he could find it , and when he had perceived the hurt that had befallen it , to remove it . But then he feared left this his endeavour should be worse then the hurt which first befel it , and whatever he did might be to its dammage : then he considered with himself , if he saw any of the beasts or other animals being once so affected , return to their former condition : but when he found none , hence it came to pass that he despaired of its returning to its former condition , if he should let it alone , but he had some hope that it might return to its former condition , if that member being found out , he could remove the disease from it : therefore he resolved to open its breast , and to enquire what was in it . Unto this work he furnished himself with the fragments of hard stones , and splits of dry Canes like unto knives , wherewith to make an incision among the ribs , untill the flesh being cut that is betwixt the ribs , he came unto that covering that is within the ribs , which when he found it strong , he much suspected that such a covering belonged to that member , and he was perswaded when he should get through that , he should find what he sought ; so he set about to dissect it , which was hard to him for scarcety of Instruments , and that he had none others but them made of stones and Canes . Therefore when he had repaired his Instruments , and sharpened them , he used his greatest Art in boring through that cover , until at last he broke through it , and came unto the lungs , which at the first sight he thought was that member which he sought , and he ceased not to turn them over , that he might find in them the seat of the disease . But first he fell upon that half of the lungs , which was on the one side , and he perceiued it leaned to one side , but he had concluded formerly with himself that that member could not be but in the midst of the body , in respect of latitude as well as longitude . He did not omit therefore to enquire further into the midst of the breast , until he found the heart , which being covered with a very strong covering , and fastened with most strong ligaments , the lungs also compassing it on that part where he began to make an entrance to it ; he said within himself , if it be so with this member on the other side , as it is on this , it is certainly in the midst , and so without doubt is that I was seeking , especially with what I see of the fitness of the place , it hath such excellency of figure firmness and solidity of flesh , and is covered with such a covering as I find in no other member : so he searched into the other part of the breast , where when he had found the cover within the ribs , and that the lungs were after the same manner there as in the other part , he concluded that that was the member which he sought . So he set to work to remove its cover , and diffect the pericadium , which at length , having used his utmost endeavours , with some trouble and difficulty he got done , and having uncovered the Heart , when he saw it was in every part solid , he viewed if he could find any observable fault in it ; but when he could find none , he pressed it with his hand , and so there appeared to him there was some hollowness in it : he said therefore , perhaps within this member is the last which I seek , and I have not as yet come unto it . So when he had opened it , he found two hollow places in it , one on the left part , another on the right ; that on the right side was full of a congealed blood , but that on the left was empty , and contained nothing in it . He said therefore , it cannot be , but the seat of that thing I am a seeking is in one of these two receptacles : Then he said , as concerning that on the right side , I see nothing in it but that congealed blood ; but without doubt , that blood had not congealed , untill the whole body had come unto the state wherein it now is : ( for he saw the whole blood , when it flowed forth from the body and passed out , that it congealed and grew altogether , and that this blood was not unlike to other blood ) but I see , that this blood also is found in the other members , and cannot be appropriat to one member rather than another : But what I seek is not of this sort , for that is somewhat to which this place is peculiar , without which I feel that I cannot subsist for one moment , and this I sought from the beginning . But as to this blood , as oft as any of the beasts assaulted me and wounded me , it flowed from me in great abundance ; nor did it hurt me any thing , nor did it hinder me to perform any of my actions : therefore what I seek , is not in this receptacle . But as concerning this receptacle placed on the left side , I see indeed that it is altogether empty , but I cannot think that it is made in vain ; for I see that every member is appointed for some office proper thereunto ; therefore , how can this receptacle that I see is of so excellent a fabrick , serve for no use ? I cannot imagine , but that the thing I seek was placed therein , but that it hath departed from it , and left its place empty ; and by this means , that cessation hath happened unto this body , so that it is destitute of sense , and deprived of motion . But when he saw that which dwelt in this house , that now it had departed before the house was destroyed , and that it had left the same when it was whole , he thought it most probable , that now it would not return to the body after it was so torn and rent . In the mean time , the whole body seemed contemptible unto him , and of no worth , in respect of that thing , which as he was perswaded , did once inhabit that body , and had afterwards relinquished the same : therefore he applyed himself wholly to think of that thing , what it was , and after what manner it was , and what had joyned it to the body , whither it had gone , out of what gate it went when it passed out of the body , what cause had driven it away , whether it went forth unwillingly or willingly , and if it went forth willingly , what cause had made the body so odious to it , that it had departed therefrom . By all these things his thoughts were troubled , and all care for its body passed out of his mind , and he threw it away ; and he now felt , that the thing which was gone was the Mother which did so indulge him , and give him milk , and that all its actions proceeded therefrom , and not from this unprofitable body , and that this body was wholly but in place of an instrument unto it , and like the staff which he himself used to fight with the beasts ▪ So now his desire was removed from the body , to that which governed the body and moved it , nor was his desire more to any thing , but to that . In the mean time , that body began to stink , and noisome smells to fume therefrom , so that he had the greate● aversion from it , and wished rather not to see it . Afterwards it fell out , that he saw two Ravens fighting against one another , untill the one had killed the other ; then the one that lived began to scrape the earth , till it made a hole wherein it covered the dead . Then he said with himself , how well hath this Raven done , in covering the carrion of its neighbour , although it did badly in killing it : how much rather should I do this unto my Mother ? therefore he digged a pit , and having cast its body thereinto , he threw earth thereon . But he proceeded to think of that thing which governed the body ; but he did not apprehend what sort of thing it was , but that observing all the Goats one by one , he saw them to be of the same figure and form with his Mother ; hence it was fixed in his mind , that something like : unto that which moved and governed his Mother , did move and govern every one of them : these Goats he accompanied , and loved them for their likeness unto her . In this condition he remained for some time , beholding diverse kinds of living Creatures and Plants , and walking along the shore of that Island , and seeking if he could find any like to himself , as he saw that every other living Creature and Plant had many like to one another , but he could find no such thing . But when he saw the Isle every where compassed with the Sea , he thought there was no other Land but that Isle . And it happened at a certain time , in some dry Wood , that by the collision of Branches one upon another , fire came to be kindled , which he beholding , he saw somewhat that did terrifie him , and being a thing he was not used unto , he stood long admiring it : nor ceased he by little and little to draw near unto it , and perceiving its radiant light and wonderful efficacy , that it took hold of nothing , but it converted it into its own nature ; therefore , in admiration of the thing , and from an innate boldness and courage , which God had put in his nature , he was induced to put his hand to it , and he would take hold somewhat of it : But when he felt it to burn his hand , and that he could not hold it , he essayed to take a stick which the fire had not wholly occupied , and taking hold of that part which was yet entire , when the fire was in the other part , he did the matter easily , and brought it to the place where he abode , and he withdrew to his Den , which he had chosen for himself , as commodious for his dwelling ; nor ceased he to propagate the fire , nourishing it with stubble and dry wood , and frequented it night and day , for the delight and admiration of it . But that which encreased his converse with it at night , was , that in the night season , it supplyed unto him the vice of the Sun , in respect of light and heat , so that he was held with a most great desire of it , and he esteemed it the most excellent of all things present with him . Also , seing it alwayes to lean upwards and to ascend , he perswaded himself that it was one of those heavenly substances which he saw , and he tryed its force on all things , throwing them into it , on which it prevailed more or lesse , according to the disposition of the body which he did cast into it , as it was more or lesse fit to be kindled . Among other things which he did cast into it , for the trying of its strength , there were some of these animals which live in the Sea , which the Sea had cast upon the shore , which being rosted with the fire , and the smell of them rising up , his appetite was stirred up , so that he tasted somewhat of them ; which when it was acceptable to him , he accustomed himself to the eating of flesh , and he used arts to catch them both in the Sea and the Land , untill he was skilful of them : and his love grew towards the fire , because by the means thereof , diverse kinds of good victuals were furnished unto him which he found not before . And when his affection was vehement thereunto , both for the good effects which he saw it had , and also for its great strength , it came into his mind , that that thing which had gone forth out of the Heart of his Mother the Goat which nourished him , was either of the same substance therewith , or of alike nature . He was confirmed in this sentence , by the heat which he observed in all living Creatures while they lived , and by the cold which happened unto them after death , both continual , without any intermission ; also by the great heat which he found with himself in his breast , anent that place which he had dissected in the Goat . Hence it came into his mind , that if he did take any living Creature and did open its Heart , and should look into that ventricle which he found empty in his Mother ; when he opened it , it should come to pass , that in this living Creature , he should find it full of that which dwelt there , and so he should be certain , if it was of the same substance with the fire , and if any light or heat was in it or not . Therefore , taking a wild Beast , he bound its shoulder , and in the same manner he dissected it as he had done the Goat his Mother , untill he came to its Heart ; and having first medled with its left side , he opened it , and he saw the receptacle full of air , like unto a vapour as a white cloud ; then putting in his finger , he found it so hot , that it burnt him : but immediately that living Creature died ; whence he certainly concluded , that that moist vapour was it which gave motion to the living Creature , and so in all the living creatures of whatever kind , that there is somewhat like thereunto , which departing , the living creature dieth : Then a great desire siezed on his mind to enquire into the other members of the living creatures , that he might find out their disposition and place , quantity and quality , and the manner of their mutual knitting , and how that moist vapour was furnished unto them , so that all things live thereby , how that vapour remaineth alive , how long it remaineth , whence it is supplied , and how its heat perisheth not . All these things he tried , dissecting wild beasts both living and dead : nor ceased he accuratly to enquire into them , and stretch his thought , until in all these things he attained unto the degree of the greatest Mysticks of Nature . And now it became manifest unto him that every particular Animal , although it had many members , and diverse senses and motions , is yet one in respect of its spirit , which derived its origine from one Center , whence its division into all the other members had its rise , and that all the members served unto that , or were furnished thereby . But that the office of that spirit in using the body , was like unto one who fighteth with his enemies with armour of all sorts , or who hunteth after a prey of all kinds , both in land and sea , and prepareth some instrument to every kind , whereby to catch it . But the armour whereby man fighteth , is divided into these , whereby he repelleth any evil offered unto him from others , and these whereby he offereth dammage unto others : and in the same manner the instruments of catching are divided into these which are fit to catch fishes , and these which are fit to catch other creatures belonging to the earth . Also the things which he used for cutting , were divided into them that were fit for cleaving , and them fit for breaking , and them fit for bor boring . And although the body was one , yet he used it several wayes , according to the use of every instrument , and according to the obtaining the ends he proposed . After the same manner he judged that the animal spirit was one , the action whereof was the seeing , when he used the instrument of the eye ; and the action whereof was the hearing , when he used that of the ear ; and the action whereof was the smelling , when he used that of the nose ; and the action whereof was the tasting , when he used that of the tongue ; and the action whereof was the touch , when he used that of the skin and flesh ; and the action whereof was motion , when he used any member ; and the action whereof was nutrition and perception of the aliment , when he used the liver ; and unto every one of these actions there were subservient members : but none of them could do their office but by means of that which was derived into it , by that spirit by passages , which are called the arteries : so that how oft these passages were either broken off , or stopped , the action of that member should cease . Now these arteries derive that spirit from the ventricles of the brain , the brain receiveth it from the heart : but there is great abundance of spirit in the brain , because that is the place wherein many partitions are variously divided : but if any member by any means be deprived of this spirit , its action ceaseth , and it becometh as an abject instrument , which none useth , and is altogether unprofitable : but if the spirit altogether depart from the body , or any way be consumed or dissolved , the whole body together is deprived of motion , and is reduced to the condition of death . Thus far had contemplation brought him , when he had reached the third seventh year from his birth , that is the 21. year of his age . And within , that time mentioned he found out many inventions , and he cloathed himself with the skins of beasts , which he had dissected , and he made shoes to himself therewith , making threeds of hairs , and of the bark of the reeds of wild mallows , malve's , hemp , or plants of that kind , whose rinds were fit to be threed : and he had learned to do these things from the former use of the rushes ; and he made himself awles of strong briers , and Canes sharpened on the stones : But he learned the Art of building from what he saw done by the swallows : Also he made himself a bed , and a place where to put the remnants of his meat , also he defended it with a door made of Canes joyned togegether , that no beast should come thither when he was absent about any business . Also he caught ravenous fowls , the help of which he used in fowling ; also he tamed fowls to himself , that he might have the profit of their eggs and young ones . He took also from the horns of wild bulls as it were points of spears , and fastning them to strong Canes , and rods of the tree Alzani , and others , and so by the help of the fire , and edges of stones , he fitted them that they were like spears . Also he made a shield of skins with diverse plyes : all these things he did because he saw himself destitute of natural armour . And now when he saw that his hand supplied the defect of all those things , and that none of all the sorts of beasts resisted him , but that they fled from him , and overcame him by running , he invented some device whereby to remeed this , unto which thing he thought nothing more profitable to him , then to tame some of the beasts that were of a swift course , and to feed them with convenient food , until he could get upon them easily , and thereby might pursue the other kinds of beasts . Now there were in that Isle wild horses , and asses , whereof he choosing some as seemed fit unto him , he tamed them , untill by their means he obtained his desire : and when he had made of ropes and skins which sufficed for bridles , and other furnishing , he accomplished what he expected of getting hold of those beasts , which otherwise by no Art he could attain . He discovered all these various inventions , while he was occupied in dissecting , and in the study of searching out the properties of all the parts of the animals , and wherein they differed one from another : and that in that space of time as we have declared , of twenty one years . Then he began to expatiat further in contemplation , and to view all bodies which are in this world obnoxious to generation and corruption , as the diverse sorts of animals , plants , minerals , and diverse kinds of stones , and also the earth , and the water , the exhalations , the ice , the snow , the hail , the smoak , the hoar-frost , the fire and heat ; in which he observed diverse qualities and actions , and motions partly agreeing among themselves , partly disagreeing . While he gave his mind seriously to the contemplation of these things , he saw them to agree in part of their qualities , and in part to disagree , and that they were one in the respect of that wherein they agreed , but in the respect of that wherein they differed , that they were many and various . So when he looked into the properties of things , as distinguished from one another , he saw them so various and manifold , that they exceeded number , and that the nature of things was so largely diffused , that it could not be comprehended . Also his own essence seemed manifold unto himself , while he considered that he had diverse members , every one distinct from another by some peculiar action or property . Also viewing every one of these members , he saw it could be divided into very many parts , whence he concluded its essence to be manifold , and in the same manner the essence of every thing . Then preparing himself to another contemplation , after a second manner , he saw all his members , although many , to be so connexed , that there was no discord at all amongst them , but were after a manner one , and that they differed not , but in respect of the diversity of actions ; and that this diversity proceeded from the force of the animal spirit , the nature of which by speculation he had first discovered : and that this spirit was one in essence , and that the true reason of the essence was the same , and that all the other members were but as instruments , and in this respect he saw his essence to be one . From this he turned himself to all the sorts of animals , and he saw that every one of them was one in this manner of contemplation : then particularly considering them as goats , horses , asses , and all sorts of fowls according to their kinds , he saw the individuals of every sort to be like one another , both as to their outward parts , and inward apprehensions , motions , and inclinations , and they differed not among themselves , but in some few things , in respect of these wherein they agreed : whence he concluded , that the spirit which was in the whole species , was one thing , and differed not otherwise , but that it was distributed into diverse hearts ; so that if it were possible that the whole of it , which is now scattered in those hearts , could be collected and put into one vessel , that the whole should be one thing : Like on water , or liquor first dispersed into diverse vessels , and again gathered into one , which in both states , both of dispersion and collection was one thing ; but that multiplicity had befallen it in some respect . In this manner of contemplation , he saw the whole species to be one , and he concluded the multiplicity of individuals to be but like the multiplicity of members in one person , which are not indeed many . Then he concluded to have all the species of animals present in his mind , and considering them , he saw them all agree in this , that they had sense , and were nourished , and did move themselves of their own accord , whither they would ; which actions now he did know to be the actions most proper to the animal spirit , but that other things , wherein they differed after this agreement , were not so proper to the animal spirit . From this consideration , it was manifest to him , that the animal spirit , in the whole kind of animals , was indeed but one , although there was some small difference which was proper more to one species then another , as of one water put into diverse vessels , perhaps one part may be hotter then another , resembling that which is in one degree of coldness , which is proper to that animal spirit in one species : and then , as that whole water is one , so also is the animal spirit one , although in some respect , multiplicity had befallen it : And so in this manner of consideration , he saw the whole kind of animals to be one . Then also having observed the various sorts of Plants , he saw the individuals of every sort to be like one another , as to the Branches , Leaves , Flowers , Fruits and Actions , and comparing them with the animals , he knew , that there was some one thing of which all were partakers , which in them resembled the spirit in animals , and that they were all in respect thereof , one thing , and so viewing the whole kind of Plants , he concluded them to be all one , in respect of the agreement which he saw in their actions , to wit , that they were nourished and did grow . Then with one conception of his mind , he joyned together the whole kind of animals and plants , and he saw them all to agree in this , that they received nourishment and growth ; but that the animals exceeded the Plants , and excelled in this , that they had sense and perception : and yet somewhat like thereunto seemed to be in the Plants , as that their Flowers turned themselves to the Sun , and their Roots moved themselves to that part which gave them nourishment , and other actions of this nature : whence it appeared to him , that both Plants and Animals were one thing , in respect of one thing common to both , which in one of them , was more perfect and compleat , but in the other was restrained by some impediment ; like to water divided in two parts , one parts whereof is congealed , another fluid . Thus far he concluded , that the Plants and Animals were one thing . Then he did contemplat the bodies which have neither sense nor nutrition , nor growth , such as the Stones , the Earth , the Water , the Air and the Fire , all which he saw to be bodies having dimensions , viz. longitude , latitude and profundity , and that they differed not otherwise among themselves , then that some were coloured others without colour ; some hot , others cold , with other such differences ; he saw also such as were hot to become cold , and the cold to become hot : also he saw the water to be converted into vapours , and again that of the vapours , water came to be generat ; and that whatever was burnt , to be turned into cinders , ashes , flame and smoak , and that the smoak while it ascended , meeting with any stone-arch , there it stuck together , and became like to other earthly substances : whence it appeared to him , that all these things were one , although in some respect , multiplicity had befallen them , in the same manner as to Animals and Plants . Then considering with himself , that wherein he perceived the Plants and Animals to be united , he saw , that necessarily there was some body like unto them , having longitude , latitude and profundity , and to be either hot or cold , as one of these other bodies , which neither have sense , nor receive nourishment ; but that they differed from them , in actions flowing therefrom , no otherwise , then in respect of the organs which belong to the Plants and Animals ; and perhaps that those actions were not essential , but derived thereunto from some other thing : so that if in the same manner , they were deferred unto those other bodies , those should be like unto this . Therefore , considering this in its essence , as denuded of these actions , which at first view , seemed thence to flow , he faw it was no other thing , but a body of the same kind with them : from this contemplation it appeared unto him , that all bodies were one thing both these that had life , and these who had not , and these that moved , as these who rested ; but that it appeared , that actions proceeded from some of them , by reason of the organs , which actions he knew not whether they were essential , or otherwise derived unto them . In this state , he considered nothing in his mind but bodies ; and after this manner , he saw the whole fabrick of the Creatures to be one thing , which at the first view he thought to be many , without number or end . And in this judgement and state he remained for some time : Then he considered all bodies both living and without life , which once seemed to him one thing , at other times many and innumerable : but he saw , that every one of them necessarily had one of these two things in them , viz. that either they aspired upwards , as smoak , flame and air , when detained under the water , or that they moved contrariwise , i. e. downwards , as the water , and parts of the Earth , and of Animals and Plants ; but that none of those bodies are free from one of these motions or rest , but when some impediment hindereth which stop their way , as when a stone descending , findeth the surface of the earth so hard , that it cannot pierce it ; which if it could do , it would not desist from its motion , as is manifest . Therefore , if thou lift it up , thou shalt find it resisteth thee , from its propension whereby it is carried downwards , seeking to descend . In the same manner , the smoak in its ascending , is not reflected , unless it meet with a hard Pend ( or Arch ) which restraineth it , then it will decline to the right and left hand , but where it hath escaped that Pend , it ascendeth , breaking through the air , which cannot restrain it . He saw also , that the air , where a bag of Skins is filled with it and hard stopped , if thou put it under the water , it will endeavour to ascend , and wrestleth against what holdeth it under the water , nor ceaseth it to do so , untill it come to the place of the air ; i. e. when it hath come out of the water ; but then it resteth , that reluctancy and propension to move upwards which first it had , departing from it . Also he enquired , if he could find any body , which at any time wanted both these motions , or the inclinations unto them ; but he found none among these bodies present with him : but this he sought , being desirous to find it , that from thence he might perceive the nature of a body , as it is a body , without any quality adjoyned , of these which induce multiplicity : But when this was difficult unto him , and having considered these bodies , which among others were less subjected unto these qualities , he saw them no wise to be destitute of one of these two qualities , which are called weightiness and lightness : he then considered whether weightiness and lightness agreed unto a body , as it is a body , or unto a notion superadded unto corporeity . But it seemed unto him that they agreed unto a notion , superadded unto corporeity ; for if they belonged unto a body , as a body , there should no body be found , in whom both of them were not : but if we find a heavy thing without all lightness , and a light thing having no heaviness : and these things without doubt are two bodies , in every one of which there is some notion , whereby it is distinguished from the other , that is superadded unto corporeity ; and that notion is the thing whereby the one differeth from the other , which if it were not , they should be one thing in every respect . It was therefore manifest unto him that the essence of both these , to wit , of a heavy and light thing , is compounded of two notions , in the one of which they both agree , and that is the notion of corporeity , the other is that , whereby the essence of the one differeth from the other : and that is weightiness ( or gravity ) in the one , and lightness ( or levity ) in the other : which notions ( whereby the one ascendeth , the other descendeth ) are joyned unto the notion of corporeity . Also thus he did contemplat the other bodies of things , both having and wanting life ; and he saw the true reason of every ones essence to be compounded of a notion of corporeity , and of some other thing superadded unto corporeity : whether that thing was one , or manifold : And so the forms of bodies appeared unto him , according to their diversity . These were the first things which became known to him of the spiritual world , seeing these forms are such as are not perceived by sense ; but are perceived some way by intellectual speculation . And among things of this kind which appeared unto him , it appeared unto him that the animal spirit ( the seat whereof is the heart , and which we have above explained ) necessarily hath some notion superadded unto corporeity , whereby it was fit to do these wonderful works , out of the various manners of sensation , and diverse ways of apprehending , and the diverse kinds of motions , and that that notion was its form and difference , whereby it is distinguished from other bodies , and that is it which the Philosophers call the Animal , i. e. the sensitive soul : and so that thing which supplieth unto Plants , the vice of the radical heat in animals , is somewhat proper unto them , which is their form , and that which the Philosophers call the vegetative soul : And thus ▪ that there is somewhat proper unto all bodies of animat things ( and these are they which are found , beside Animals and Plants , in the world of generation and corruption ) by the power whereof every one of them performeth the action proper thereunto , as various sorts of motions , and kinds of sensible qualities , and that thing is the form of every one of them , ( and is that which Philosophers signifie by the name of Nature . And when out of this contemplation , it certainly appeared to him , that the true essence of that Animal Spirit , to which his mind was continually intent , was composed of a notion , of corporeity , and some other notion added thereunto , and that the notion of this corporeity was common to it with other bodies , but that the other notion joyned thereunto , was peculiar unto it . The notion of corporeity became of no esteem unto him , and he rejected it , and his mind did altogether cleave unto that second notion , which is expressed under the name of the Soul ; the true reason ( or manner ) of which he desired to attain , therefore he fixed his thoughts upon it , and made the beginning of his contemplation , by considering all bodies , not as bodies , but as having forms whence the properties necessarily flow , whereby they are distinguished one from another : and instantly prosecuting this notion , and comprehending it in mind , he saw the whole multitude of bodies to agree in some form , whence some action , or actions proceeded ; but he saw some part of that multitude , although agreeing with all in that form , yet to have another form superadded thereunto , from which some actions slowed : also , he saw some classe of that part , although agreeing with that part in the first and second form , to be distinguished from them in a third superadded form , whence some actions flowed ; ( e. g. all earthly bodies , as Earth , Stone Minerals , Plants , Animals , and all other heavy bodies , they make up one multitude which agree in the same form , from whence floweth their motion downwards , so long as nothing hinders them to descend , and when by any force they are moved upwards , and then are permitted to themselves , by the force of their own form they tend downwards ) but some part of this kind , as Plants and Animals , although they agree with the former multitude in that form , they have yet another form , from whom nutrition and accretion do flow . But nutrition is , when that which is nourished placeth somewhat in the room of that which hath been taken from it , by converting some matter having affinity with it , which it draweth unto it self , into a substance like to its own : But accretion is a motion unto the three dimensions of longitude , latitude and profundity , according to a just proportion ; and these two actions are common to Plants and Animals , and without doubt arise from a form common to both , and that is it which is called the vegetative Soul : but some of this part , and particularly the Animals , although they have the first and second forms common with that part , yet they have a third superadded form , from whence come sensation and motion from place to place . Also he saw every peculiar species of Animals , having some property whereby it is divided from other species , and is distinguished and different from them ; and he knew that it flowed from some form proper thereunto , which was superadded to the notion of its form , common to it with other Animals , and so the same to befall all sorts of Plants . And it was manifest unto him , that as touching these sensible Bodies which are in the world , of generation and corruption , the essence of some of them is compounded of more notions superadded to the notion of corporeity , and that of others is compounded of fewer : and he knew , that the knowledge of the fewer , was more easie unto him then that of the more : and first he enquired to find the knowledge of the true reason of the form of some thing , whose essence consisted of fewer things . But he saw that the essences of Animals and Plants consisted of many notions , because of the diverse kinds of actions in them . So also as to the parts of the Earth , he saw some more simple then others , and he proposed unto himself to contemplat the most simple forms of all things , as much as possible ; and so he observed , that the water was a thing not of a manifold composition , because of the fewness of the actions which proceeded from its form . The same he also observed of the Fire and Air : and now formerly it had come into his mind , that of these four , some were converted into one another , and therefore , that there was some one thing which all did participate , and that was the notion of corporeity ; but it behoved that thing to be denuded of those notions , whereby these four were mutually distinguished one from another , and that it neither moved upwards not downwards , nor was hot , nor cold , nor moist , nor dry , because none of these qualities is common to all bodies , and therefore it belonged not unto a body , as a body ; and if a body could be found , wherein were no other form superadded to corporeity , none of these qualities should be in it , and it were impossible that any quality should be in it , but that which agreed to all bodies , informed with forms of whatsoever kind . Therefore , he considered with himself , if any one adjunct could be found which was common to all bodies , both animat , and inanimat ; but he found nothing that agreed unto all bodies , but the notion of extension unto the three dimensions which is found in all bodies , and that is it which they call longitude , latitude and profundity ; therefore he knew this notion belonged to a body , as a body . But the existence of a body did not offer it self to his sense , which had only this adjunct , so that it had not some other notion superadded to the former extension , so as to be void of all other forms . Then as concerning this extension unto three dimensions , he considered whether that was so the notion of a body , as that no other was in it , or if the matter was otherwise . But he saw beyond this extension , another notion , which was that wherein this extension did exist , and that this extension could not alone subsist by it self , nor could that which was extended subsist by it self without extension . And the same he considered further with himself , in some of these sensible bodies indued with forms ; as ( e. g. ) the clay , and he saw , that when any figure was made of it , as spherical , that it had longitude , latitude and profundity , according unto some proportion ; then if that same Sphere were taken , and were converted into a Quadrat or oval Figure , that the longitude , latitude and profundity came to be changed , and to have another proportion then formerly they had , but that the clay is the same and is not changed , but that of necessity it hath longitude , latitude and profundity , of whatsoever proportion it be , and that it cannot wholly want them : but that out of their successive mutation therein , it was manifest to him , that they had a notion different from the clay ; but because it could not be altogether destitute of them , it was clear to him that they were of its essence . So it appeared to him out of this contemplation , that a body , as a body , is really composed of two notions , the one whereof supplyeth the room of the clay in this example , as to its spherical shape ; the other sustaineth the place of the longitude , latitude and profundity in the spherical square , or any other figure ; and that no body can be understood , but what is made up of these two notions , and that the one of them cannot subsist without the other ; but that the form which could be changed , and successively put on various figures ( and that was extension ) did resemble the form in all bodies indued with forms : but that which remained in the same state ( and that was it , which in the former example supplied the room of the clay ) did resemble the notion of corporeity , which was in all bodies , indued with forms ; but this which is in the place of the clay in this example , is that which the Philosophers call the matter , and the hyle , which is altogether naked of forms . And when his contemplation had reached thus far , and had somewhat departed from sensible things , and that he had now approached to the borders of the intellectual World , he was somewhat astonished , and he enclined unto that of the sensible world , to which he was accustomed : Therefore he retired a little , and left the body in kind , because it was a thing which his sense could not conceive , nor could he comprehend it ; and he did take unto his consideration the most simple of the sensible bodies which he saw , and these were the four which his speculation had been formerly occupied about . And first , he considered the Water and he saw , when it was permitted to be in that state which its form required , that a sensible cold appeared therein , and a propension to move downward , but when it was warmed with the fire or heat of the Sun , that first the cold went from it , but the propension to move downwards remained ; but when it was vehemently heated , that then also its propension to move downward departed therefrom , and that it enclined upwards , and so both these qualities wholly departed from it , which alwayes flowed from it and its form . Nor was there any thing further known to him of its form , but that from thence proceeded these two actions , and when these two actions had forsaken it , the reason of the form was altogether taken away , and the wotery form departed from that body , when actions flowed therefrom which were proper to arise from another form , and that another form did arise which was not in it before , and actions flowed therefrom , the nature of which was not to proceed therefrom , while it was endued with the former . But he knew that it was necessary , that every thing which is newly produced , needeth a producer , and from this contemplation , some universal and distinst impression was made in his mind , of the effector of that form . Then he directed his speculation further unto these forms , the knowledge of which he had first attained , presenting them one after another . And he saw that they all existed of the new , and necessarily stood in need of an effector . Then he considered the essences of the forms , and he saw them to be nothing else , then such a disposition of the body from which these actions flow ; e. g. in water , which when it is vehemently heated , it is disposed to move upwards , and is made fit thereunto , and that disposition is its form : for there is nothing here but a body , and somethings flowing therefrom , which are perceived by the sense , which formerly did not exist , as the qualities and motion , and the effector which produced them , after they did not exist . But the aptitude of the body to other motions more then to others , is its disposition and form : and the same appeared unto him of all other forms . Also it was manifest to him , that the actions which flowed from them , did not really belong to them , but to the effector , who by those actions produced those attributes which are ascribed unto them : ( and that notion which appeared unto him , is that which is spoken by the messenger of God , I am his hearing , by which he heareth , and his seeing , by which be seeth ; and in the text of the Alcoran , [ Cap. Al. Anphal . ] You have not killed them , but God hath killed them ; and thou hast not cast them down , but God hath cast them down . ) But when he came to the knowledge of this Effector ( or Efficient Cause ) which appeard to him generally and indistinctly , a vehement desire siezed on him to know the same distinctly . But because he had not withdrawn himself as yet from the sensible world , he began to seek after this voluntary Agent among the sensible things : nor yet did he know whether it was one or many : therefore he considered all bodies present , to wit , these to which formerly his thoughts were fixed continually : and he saw that all of them were sometime generated , and sometime corrupted , and if he saw any of them not wholly corrupted , he saw parts of them corrupted , e. g. as to water and earth , he saw the parts of both corrupted by the fire , and also he saw the air so corrupted with the greatness of the cold , that from thence snow came to be generated , and that again from that came water : and also as to other bodies present , he saw none of them which did not exist of the new , and needed not a voluntary Agent : therefore he rejected all these things , and turned his thoughts unto the heavenly bodies . Thus far by his contemplation he had advanced , about the end of the fourth septenary of his age , that is , in the space of 28. years . Now he knew that the Heavens and all the Stars therein , were bodies extended according to the three dimensions of longitude , latitude , and profundity ; and that none of them wanted this property , and whatever wanted not this property was a body ; therefore that they were all bodies . Then he considered with himself if they were infinitly extended , and did proceed unto a perpetual longitude , latitude , and profundity , without end , or if they had periods , and were confined with limits , where they ended , so that there could be no further extension : but here he was a little astonished : then by the force of his apprehension , and sagacity of understanding , he saw that an infinite body was an absurd thing , and impossible , and a notion which could not be understood ; and this sentence was confirmed unto him by many arguments which occurred ; and that he so reasoned with himself , Surely this heavenly body is finite , from that part which is nearest unto me , and obvious to my sense . This is without all doubt , because I perceive it with the sight ; but also from that other part which is opposed to this part , of which this doubt in me hath arisen , I know that it is impossible to be infinitly extended . For I conceive two lines beginning from this part which hath an end , which in the profundity of the body , according to its extension , should go forth infinitly , then if I should suppone , that from the one of these two lines a great part is cut off , on that side whose extremity is finite , and then take that of it which rmaineth , and let the extremity of it , wherein the off-cutting is made , be applyed unto the extremity of that line , which hath nothing cut off from it ; and let that line which hath somewhat cut off it , be made parallel to that line from which nothing is cut off , the understanding going alone with them unto that part which is said to be infinite : and thou shalt either find two lines infinitly extended , so that none of them is shorter then another , and so that line from which somewhat is cut off , shall be equal to the other from which nothing is cut off , which is absurd . Or if it do not go forth continually with it , but be broke off of its progress on this side , and cease to be co-extended with it , then it shall be finite , and when that part shall be returned unto it , which was formerly cut off , which was finite , the whole shall be finite : then it shall not be shorter then that other line from which nothing is cut off , nor shall exceed it , therefore it shall be equal unto it : but this is flnite , therefore that also shall be finite : and therefore the body in which such lines are designed is finite ; for every body in which these lines can be designed , is finite ; but in every body these lines can be designed : therefore if we determine an infinite body , we determine that which is absurd and impossible . And when by his excellent ingine , which he had stirred up to excogitate such an argument , he was certain that the body of the Heavens was finite , he would know of what form it was , and how it was bounded with the ambient surfaces : and first having contemplated the Sun , and the Moon , and the other Stars , he saw that they all had their rising from the East , and their setting in the West , and that these which passed through by the Vertical Point described the greater Circle , but these which declined from the Vertical Point , North-ward , or South-ward , he saw that they described a lesser Circle in it : and that the Circle of every one , as it was more remote from the Vertical Point , towards any of the parts , was less then the Circle that was more near to the Vertical Point , so that the smallest Circles , in which the stars moved , were two Circles , the one of which is about the South-pole , to wit , the Circle of the star Sohail ( i. e. Canopi ) the other about the North-pole , to wit , the Circle Alphazkadain . And whereas he dwelt under the Aequinoctial Circle ( as we first shewed ) as these Circles were right ( or perpendicular ) to his Horizon , and after the same manner both South-wards and North-wards , and both the Poles together appeared unto him ; also he observed , when any star arose in a greater Circle , and another in a lesser , so that they arose together , that their going down was also at the same time , and this so did fall out in all the stars , and at all times , whence it appeared unto him that the Heavens were of a round figure ; which was further confirmed unto him from what he saw of the return of the Sun , Moon , and other Stars unto the East , after their setting in the West , and also that they all appeared unto him in the same proportion of magnitude both at their rising , and when they came to the midst of the Heavens , and at their setting : for if their motion were any other then Circular , of necessity at some times they should be nearer to his sight then at other times , and if it were so , their dimensions and magnitudes should appear unto him different , and he should see that when they were nearer , they should appear bigger then when further off : but when it was nothing so , it was thence manifest to him , of the roundness of its figure : nor ceased he to observe the motion of the Moon , and he saw her to be moved from the east to the west , and that the motions of the Planets were the like ; until at last a great part of the Science of Astronomy was manifest unto him : it appeared also unto him that their motions were in many Spheres , all contained in one , which is the supreme , and which moveth all the rest from the East to the West in the space of a day and of a night : but the way of his progress in this Science were long to explain , and it is divulged in many Books : nor is any thing more required to our purpose , then what we have brought . And when he had advanced thus far in knowledge , he found that the whole Celestial Orb , and whatever is contained , is as one thing , compounded of parts joyned together , and that all the bodies he had formerly considered , as the earth , the water , the air , the plants , the animals , and all the rest of such things were contained there in , and passed not its limits ; and that the whole of it , as near as could be , did resemble some individual animal , and the stars shining therein did answer unto the senses of the animal , and the various Spheres in contiguous to one another , did resemble the members of an animal ( or living creature ) and what was in it , of the world of generation , and corruption , to resemble the things in the belly of the animal , as the diverse excrements and humours , of which also frequently animals are generat , as they are generat in the greater world . But when it appeared unto him , that all theseethings were indeed as some one subsistent , which needed a voluntary Agent , and many parts of it seemed unto him one thing , in the same kind of contemplation , as the bodies in the generable and corruptible world seemed one : He proposed unto himself to contemplate the world generally , if it was any thing , which was generate of the new , after it had not been , and had come forth from privation into existence , or if it was a thing , which did ever exist , and which privation had no ways preceded : and he doubted greatly of this matter , and none of these opinions prevailed with him : and that because when he proposed to himself to believe an eternity , many objections came before him of the impossibility of an infinite existent , because the existence of an infinite body seemed impossible unto him ; and after the same manner he saw , that that which wanted not accidents produced of the new , is also produced of the new , for it cannot be said to be before them , but what cannot be said to be before the accidents newly produced , is also it self newly produced : Also when he proposed to himself to believe a new production thereof , other objections came before him ; and that because he saw that the notion of a new production of a thing , after it did not exist , could not be understood , except he supposed a time that was before it , but that time is of the number of the things which are of the world , and inseparable therefrom , therefore the world cannot be understood posterior unto time : and so he also reasoned with himself , if the world be produced of the new , it could not be without a producer , but this producer who hath produced it , why did he now produce it , but not before ? was it for any thing that hindred him ? but there was nothing besides him : or was it because of some change that had happened to his essence ? if so , what hath produced this change ? nor ceased he to consider these things with himself for some years , and many arguments offered themselves unto him , so that none of those opinions did preponderate with him . But when this was difficult unto him , he began to think with himself what necessarily followed both these opinions : for perhaps the consequence of both opinions should be the same ; and he saw , that if he supposed the world to be produced of the new , and to have had an existence after privation , necessarily it would follow , that the world by its own power could not come forth into existence , but of necessity required an Effector , to produce it into act , but that Effector could be perceived by none of the senses ; for if it could be perceived by any of the senses , it should be some body , but if it were some body , it should belong to the things of the world , and so it should have existence of the new , and should need somewhat to produce it of the new , and if this second producement were also a body , it should need a third to produce it , and that third a fourth , and so it should proceed infinitly , which is absurd ; and therefore the world must of necessity have an Effector , which is not a body , and it not being a body , there is no way to perceive it by any of the senses ( for the five senses apprehend nothing but bodies , or what adhere unto bodies ) but when it cannot be perceived by sense , neither can it be comprehended by imagination ( for imagination is nothing else but a representation of the forms of things perceived by sense , after the things themselves are absent ) and seing it is not a body , nor can any bodily properties be attributed unto it ; but the first property of a body is that extension into longitude , latitude , and profundity , but this is far from that , and from all the adjuncts of bodies following this property ; and seing it is the efficient cause of the world ; no doubt it hath power over the world , and knoweth it . Shall not he know who hath created ? for he is most high in knowledge , and knoweth all things . He saw also , that if he believed the eternity of the World and that it ever was , as now it is , and that no privation went before , that necessarily it should follow , that motion was from eternity , without any period , as to its beginning , seing no rest went before whence to take its beginning : but every motion necessarily requireth some mover , and that mover shall either be some power diffused in some body , to wit , in the body of the thing moved , or in some other body without it ; or some power that is not diffused in any body , nor spread forth therein . But now every power diffused in any body , and dispersed through the same , is also divided by the division thereof , and is doubled by its doubling ; e. g. as heaviness in a stone which moveth it downwards , if the stone be divided into two parts , also the heaviness shall be divided , and if another part equal thereunto be added , also another part of heaviness shall be added unto it ; and if it could be that the stone could grow infinite , also this heaviness should grow infinite ; and if the stone should come to a certain measure of greatness , and should there remain , also the heaviness should come to a certain period , and should there remain . But now it is demonstrated , that every body is necessarily finite , and therefore every power inherent ( or insisted ) in a body , is also finite . But if we can find some power , which produceth some infinit effect , that shall be a power which is not in a body : but we find , that the Heavens are moved with a perpetual motion , which hath no period nor cessation ; if we affirm that it is eternal , without beginning , therefore it necessarily followeth , that the power which moveth it is neither in that body , nor in any other body without it , and therefore that it is something abstract from bodies , and which can be described by no bodily adjuncts . But it was manifest to him , from his former contemplation of the generable and corruptible World , that the true reason of the existence of every body , is in respect of its form , which is its disposition to various motions , but that its existence which it hath , in respect of the matter , is very small , and which can hardly be conceived ; and therefore , the existence of the whole World is in respect of its disposition to the motion of this Mover , which is free from all matter , and all bodily adjuncts , abstracted from every thing which the sense can apprehend , or unto which , imagination can find out any way : And seing he is the Effector of the motions of the Heavens , ( although differing in kind ) so that they are free from all difference , innovation ( as of themselves ) and cessation ; without doubt , he hath power over them , and hath the knowledge of them . And in this manner , his speculation reached unto the same Butt , which it reached unto in the first manner : not in this respect was it hurtful unto him , that he doubted whether the World was anciently or newly , when on both parts , the existence of an incorporeal Effector was manifest to him , and which was joyned to no body , nor separate from any , and which was neither within any body , nor without it : for conjunction and separation to be within or without , are all the adjuncts of bodies , whereof he is free . And seing the matter of every body needeth some form , whereas it cannot subsist but there by , nor really exist without it ; but that the form hath no existence really , but from this voluntary Agent , it was clear unto him , that all things existent did need this Agent for their existence , and that none of them had existence but by his help , and therefore , that that was the cause of them , and they were the effect ( or work ) thereof , whether they be new , by a privation going before their existence , or whether they have no beginning , in respect of time , nor that any privation went before them : for in both states , they were the effect , and needed an efficient from which they depend , as to their essence ; so that they can neither remain , if it remain not ; nor exist , if it exist not ; nor could be from eternity , if it were not from eternity , but that it needeth not them , but is free from them . And how should it be otherwise ? for it is demonstrated , that his power and vertue is infinite , but that all bodies and whatever adhereth unto them , or any way dependeth from them , are finite and terminated ; and therefore the whole world , and whatever is in it , whether it be the Heavens or the Earth , or the Stars , and whatever is among them , either above or below , is his work and creation , and are posterior thereunto in nature , although they were not in time ; as if thou takest any body in thy hand , and then movest thy hand , that body necessarily shall move , consequentially at the motion of thy hand , with a motion which is posterior in nature unto the motion of the hand , although not in time , but that both begin together ; So this whole world is effected and created by this Efficient without time , whose commandment is , when he would have a thing done , that he say to it , Be thou , and it is . And when he saw all things existent to be his work , he considered them again having a respect unto the power of the Efficient , and with an admiration of so rare a workmanship , so exact wisdom and profound knowledge , and of a few things of them which did exist , much more of many ; these prints of wisdom and marvels of workmanship were conspicuous to him , by which he was affected with great admiration , and he was sure , that all these things flowed not , but from a voluntary agent , which was of highest perfection , yea , above all perfection , to whom the weight of an Atome could not be unknown , whether in the Heavens or in the Earth , nor any thing lesser or greater then it . Then he considered all the kinds of living creatures , how he had given to every one of them the sabrick of the body , and then taught it to use the same . For if he had not taught the living creature to use these members he had given it , to find out the advantages unto which it was appointed , it should perceive no benefit thereby , but be burdened therewith : Hence therefore he knew , that he was the most bountiful and most merciful of all . Then when among the things that did exist , he observed any thing which had ought of form , or beauty , or perfection , or power , or whatever excellency it had , in the kind of excellency he considered it with himself , and he knew it proceeded from the influence of that voluntary agent of excellent glory , and from his existence , and by his operation ; therefore he knew that to be the greater , because it was therein by nature , and that it was more perfect , more absolute , more beautiful , more excellent , and more lasting , and that there was no proportion betwixt these things which are in him , and the things which are in others : Neither ceased he to observe all the attributes of perfection , and he saw that they all belonged to him , and proceeded from him , and that we was worthy of them , above any other to whom they should be ascribed . Also , he searched out all the attributes of defects , and he saw him to be free of them , and separate from them ; and how could he not be free of them ? For what other motion is there of defect , but meer privation , or what dependeth therefrom ? And how can he have any fellowship or mixture with privation , who is a simple beeing , of a necessary existence in himself , which giveth existence to every existent thing , and besides whom there is no existence ? For he is the Existence , he is the Absolution , he is the Perfection , he is the Beauty , he is the Splendor , he is the Power , he is the Knowledge , and he , he , and all things perish beside him . Thus far his knowledge had brought him , about the end of the fifth septenary from his birth , that is , in the space of five and thirty years : and the consideration of this Agent was so fixed in his mind , that it hindered him to think upon other things beside him , and he did forget that contemplation of the natural existence of things wherein he was , and he ceased to enquire into them , untill he came to that , that his sight could not fall upon any thing , but presently he beheld in it some prints of the operation of this Agent , so that presently he turned his thoughts to the worker , passing by the work , so that his study was exceedingly fixed upon him , and his heart was wholly abstracted from the inferiour sensible world , being wholly addicted to the superiour intellectual world . And when he had attained the knowledge of this supreme Beeing , and permanent Existence , of whose existence there is no cause , but that is the cause of the existence of all things ; he would know by what means this knowledge came unto him , and by what faculty he did apprehend this existent : therefore he searched into all his senses , which are the hearing , the seeing , the smelling , the tasting and toutching , and he saw , that all these apprehended nothing but the body , or what is in the body : ( for the hearing apprehendeth sounds , and these arise from the agitation of the air , by the collision of bodies ; the sight apprehendeth colours , the smell odors , the tast savours , and the toutch apprehendeth temperatures , and hardness , and softness , roughness and smoothness ; so also the phantasie apprehendeth nothing , but as it hath length , breadth , and depth , but these things which are apprehended are all the adjuncts of a body , and these senses apprehend no other thing , because they are faculties diffused through bodies , and divisible according to their divisions ; so they apprehend nothing , but the body subject to division : for this faculty , seing it is diffused through a divisible body , it is necessary , that when it apprehendeth any thing , it be divided according to its divisions ; therefore every faculty belonging to the body ( or incite in the body ) can apprehend nothing but a body , or what is in a body . ) But now it was clear , that this Beeing of necessar existence , is free from all bodily adjuncts in any respect , and therefore , that there is no way of apprehending the same , but by something which is not a body , not a faculty inherent in the body , nor any way depending from bodies , neither in a body , nor without a body , nor joyned to a body , nor separate from a body . And now it was manifest to him , that he had apprehended it by its essence , and that he had a firm knowledge thereof : and thence it was manifest to him , that his own essence , by which he did apprehend that , was somewhat incorporeal , to which no bodily adjuncts agreed , and whatever corporeity he apprehended from his outward ( or exterior ) part , was not the true reason of his own essence , but the true reason of his own essence was that , by which he did apprehend that absolute necessary existent Beeing . Therefore , when he knew that his essence was not this bodily thing which he apprehended with his senses , and which the skin encompassed , his body seemed somewhat altogether contemptible unto him , and he addicted himself wholly to the contemplating that noble essence , by which he did apprehend that noble and necessary existent Beeing , and by his essence he did consider that noble Beeing , whether it could perish , or be corrupted and evanish , or were of perpetual duration : but he saw corruption and dissolution to be of the adjuncts of bodies , and to come to passe by putting off one form , and putting on another ; as when Water becometh Air , and when Air becometh Water , and when Herbs become Earth or Ashes , and when the Earth is turned into Plants , ( for this is the notion of corruption . ) But that there can be no corruption supposed of that which is not a body , nor hath need of a body to its subsistence , but is wholly separated from bodily things . And when he was sure that his essence could not be corrupted , he would know what the condition of it was to be , when it should cast off the body , and be separated therefrom ; but now he knew that it did nto cast it off , untill it was no longer an instrument fit for it : therefore , considering all his apprehensive faculties , he saw that every one of them sometime was in power , sometime in act ; as ( e. g. ) when the eye winks , or turneth it self from a visible object , it is in power apprehensive ; ( but that is apprehensive in power , which doth not now apprehend , but can afterwards apprehend ) but when it openeth it self , and turneth it self to a visible object , it becometh apprehensive in act , ( but by that which is called apprehending in act , is signified that which now apprehendeth ) and every one of these faculties may be one time in power , another time in act ; and if any of these faculties never apprehend in act , as long as it is only apprehensive in power , it doth not desire to apprehend any particular thing because as yet it hath no knowledge of it ; as in him who is born blind ; but if it once apprehend in act , and be afterwards apprehensive in power , so long as it remaineth in power , it desireth to apprehend in act , because it knoweth that apprehensible object , and is intent on it , and leaneth towards it ; as when one hath at any time enjoyed his sight , and then becometh blind , for he doth not cease to desire visible objects ; and how much the more perfect , splendid and fair that is which is apprehended , its desire shall be still the greater , and the grief shall be the greater for the want of it : therefore , his grief who is deprived of the sight which he had , after he hath seen , is greater then his grief who is deprived of the smelling , because these things which the sight apprehendeth , are more perfect and beautiful , then the things which the smelling apprehendeth : therefore , if there be any thing which hath no end of perfection , of beauty , of comliness , of glory , nor no period , but is above all glory , and beauty , so that there is no perfection , glory , beauty or comliness which doth not proceed and flow from it , who is deprived of the apprehension of that thing after he hath had the knowledge of it , no doubt , so long as he is deprived thereof , he shall be affected with an infinite grief , even as he who perpetually apprehendeth it , shall thence perceive a continual pleasure , a perpetual happiness , an infinite joy and gladness . But now it was manifest to him , that unto that necessary existent Beeing , all the attributes of perfection ought to be ascribed , and that he is separate and free from all attributes of defect : he was also certain in himself , that that thing by which man comes unto the apprehension of him , is a thing which is not like unto bodies , nor is corrupted with their corruption : and hence it appeared , that he who is endued with that essence which is not fit for such an apprehension , when he putteth off the body by death , or he who while he used the body , never knew this necessary existent Beeing , nor was joyned unto him , nor heard any thing of him ; when he goeth out of the body , he is not joyned unto that Beeing , nor is not grieved for want of him ( for as concerning all the bodily faculties , the body perishing , they cease , nor desire they these things , unto which these faculties are carried , nor encline they to them , nor are they affected with grief for want of them ; and this is the state of all the beasts whether they have the figure of a man , or not ) Or he , who in the time while he used the body , did know this beeing , and had knowledge of how great perfection , greatness , dominion and power it was , but that he hath turned himself away therefrom , and hath followed the affections of his mind untill death took hold of him , while in that state , so that he be deprived of that vision , and yet laboureth with the desire of it ; & therefore , he remaineth affected with a continual torment & infinit grief , whether after a long weariness he is to be delivered from that grief , and to come unto that vision which he formerly desired , or is to remain for ever in these torments , as in his lifetime he hath been disposed to either of them , while he was in the state of the body : Or he , who hath known that necessary existent Beeing before he put off the body , and hath addicted himself wholly thereunto , and who hath his thoughts continually fixed upon the glory , beauty and splendor thereof , and hath not turned himself therefrom untill death seised on him , while he was in the state of beholding him , and in the act of perceiving him , and that he , when he shall go out of the body , shall remain in perpetual pleasure and continual felicity , and joy , and gladness , for the continued vision of that necessary existent Beeing , and the integrity of that vision from all impurity and mixture , and that all sensible things shall depart from him , unto which these bodily faculties were intent , which in respect unto that state are torments , and evils , and impediments . And when the perfection of his own essence became known unto him , and that the pleasure thereof consisted in the vision of that necessary existent Beeing , to wit , in the actual vision continued for ever , so as not to turn himself from it for one moment , and so death should take hold of him in that state of actual vision , whereby his joy should be continued , no grief making an interruption of it ( which is that which Aljonaid , that Doctor and Priest of the Supphii , being near unto death signified , when he said to his neighbours , This is the time when men should begin to say , God is the greatest , and that he admonished them to be exceedingly given to prayer , & know this . Then he began to think with himself , how this actual vision might be continued , so that no turning from it might befall him ; and for some time he fixed his thoughts on that Beeing , but he could not continue , but that some sensible object presented it self unto his sight , or the voice of some living creature pierced his ears , or some phantasm did occur unto him ▪ or some grief in some member seized on him , or hunger or thirst came upon him , or cold or heat , or he needed to rise to disburden his nature , so that his meditation was hindered , and he departed from the state wherein he was ; so that he could not but hardly , and after great difficulty , return unto that state of vision wherein he first was , and he feared , lest he should be prevented by sudden death , whilst he was in this state of aversion , and should fall into the eternal misery and grief of separation : And when this state troubled him , nor could he find a remedy , he began to consider all the kinds of living creatures , and to behold their actions , and to what things they gave pains , if perhaps he could observe , that any of them perceived this Beeing , and moved towards it , that by them he might learn somewhat that might be for his safety : but he saw them all taken up in seeking their food , and fulfilling their desires of meat , drink and lust , and how they covered themselves with a shadow , or warmed themselves : and that they diligently gave themselves to these things both night and day , even to the time of their death , and going out of this life ; nor saw he any of them to decline from this design , or to be careful about any other thing at any time . And hence it was manifest unto him , that they knew not that Beeing , or had any desire of it , nor sought any knowledge of it by any means , but that they did all tend unto privation , or some state like unto privation ; and when he concluded this of animals , he saw it was more fit that he should conclude the same of Plants , who had not these apprehensions but in part , which the animals had ; for when that which is of a more perfect apprehension cannot attain this knowledge , much lesse can that attain it which is of a lesse perfection ; also when he saw , that all the actions of Plants were nothing beyond nutrition and generation . Then he considered the Stars and Spheres , and he saw that they had all motions that were orderly , and that they were all carried about with a course fitly disposed ; he saw also that they were bright and shining , and were far from undergoing any alteration , or corruption ; and he did exceedingly suspect , that beside their bodies they had essences , which might know that necessary existent beeing ; and that these intelligent essences were like to his own intelligent essence , and were neither bodies , nor insite in bodies : And how could they not have essences free from corporeity , when he also had an essence , who was so weak , and who had such need of sensible things ? for he was of the number of corruptible bodies ; but though defects of that sort were in him , yet this hindered not but that he had an essence free from bodies , and incorruptible ; and hence also it appeared unto him that the heavenly bodies were much more so , and he knew that they understood that necessary existent beeing , and did behold it in a perpetual act ; because nothing like unto these impediments ( which hindered him from continual vision , by sensible things falling in , ) was to be found in heavenly bodies . Then he began to consider with himself , for what cause he of all the sorts of animals was indued with this essence by which he resembled the Celestial Bodies : but now it was formerly manifest to him how the Elements were , and how they were changed into one another , that whatever was not above the surface of the earth , remained not in the same form , whereas generation and corruption continually succeeded one another , and that most of these bodies were mixed and compounded of contrary things , and therefore tended to corruption , but that nothing was found among them which was pure ; but what was nearest among them to purity and simplicity , without any mixture , that was furthest off from corruption ; as the body of Gold , and of the Iacynth ; and the heavenly bodies are simple , pure , and therefore furthest off from corruption : nor doth any succession of forms besal in them . Here also it was manifest to him , that as touching bodies in the generable and corruptible world , some had the reason of their essence consisting of some one form super added unto the notion of corporeity , as the four Elements , others whose essential reason consisted of more forms , as the animals , and the plants ; and that whose essential reason consisted of the fewest forms , had the fewest actions , and the greatest distance from life : but if a thing were altogether destitute of form , that there was no way in it to life , but it was in a state like unto privation : but that whose subsistence of the essential reason consisted of more forms , had the more actions , and a more ready entrance into the state of life , but if that form were so disposed , that there were no way of separating it from the matter to which it belonged , then its life should be very manifest , stable , and lively : but that which is destitute of all form is the hyle and matter , nor is any life in it , but it is like unto privation . And that which subsisteth by one form , is the four Elements , which are in the first degree of existence in the generable and corruptible world , and other things are compounded of them , having more forms ; but these Elements are of a weak life , seing they move but one way , also they are of a weak life , because every one of them hath a contrary , in manifest opposition to them , which resisteth them in that whereunto their nature incline , and laboureth to spoil them of their form , and therefore their essence is infirm and weak : but that the plants are of a stronger life ; and the animals are yet of a more manifest life then they ; and that because if there be any thing among these compounds , wherein the nature of one Element hath dominion , that , because of the power it hath therein , doth overcome the nature of the other Elements , and doth abolish their strength , so that the compound is in the power of that Element which hath dominion , and therefore it is disposed but unto a small portion of life , as the Element it self is : but when among these compounds there is that , wherein the nature of any one Element hath not dominion , then all are of an equal temperament therein , and of equal vertue , so that the one doth not weaken the vertue of another , more then that other doth of that one ; but they work upon one another in an equal operation , nor is the operation of one Element observable more then the operation of another , and it is far from being like unto any one of the Elements , but that it is , as if nothing were contrary to its form , that in this manner becometh fit for life , and the greater that this equality be , and the more perfect , and the further from inclining unto the other part , it is so far the further from having a contrary , and its life is the more perfect . And whereas the animal spirit , the seat whereof is in the heart , is of a most equal temperature , ( for it is more subtile then earth and water , and more gross then fire and air ) it hath the manner of a midst ( or medium ) contrary unto none of the Elements , in any observable manner of contrariety , and so it is disposed unto the form which doth constitute an animal : and that which followeth he saw to be this , to wit , that the most equal in temperature among these animal spirits , was disposed to the most perfect life , in the generable and corruptible world , and that it may near be said , concerning that spirit , that there is no contrary unto its form , and therefore that it is like unto these heavenly bodies , which have nothing contrary unto their form , and that therefore they are the spirit of that animal which hath the most perfect life , because it is indeed in the midst of the elements , neither simply moving it self upwards nor downwards : and if it could be placed in the midst of that space which lyeth betwixt the center , and that supreme place whither the fire reacheth , and that no corruption should befall it , there it should fix it self , nor should it desire to move either upwards or downwards , but if it were locally moved , it should be moved about the middle , as the heavenly bodies are moved , and if it were moved in one place , it should be moved about it self , and should be of a Spherical Figure , seing it could not be otherwise : and therefore that it was very like unto the heavenly bodies . And when he considered the properties of the animals , and saw not one among them , of which he could suspect that it had the knowledge of this necessary existent beeing , but that he knew that as to his own essence he did know it , thence he concluded that he was an animal that had a spirit of an equal temperature , like unto all the heavenly bodies , and it was manifest unto him , that he differed in kind from all the sorts of animals , and that he was made for another end , and appointed unto some great thing , unto which no other animal was fitted , and it was enough to signifie his Nobility , that the vilest part of himself , to wit , his bodily part , was likest of all others unto the heavenly substances , which are without the generable and corruptible world , free from the accidents of defect , and change , and alteration . But that his best part was that thing by which he did know that necessary existent beeing ; and this intelligent thing behoved to be some heroick and divine thing , which changed not , and was not obnoxious to corruption , and to which is not to be attributed any of these things which are attributed unto the body , and that it cannot be apprehended by any of the senses , nor by imagination , and whose knowledge is not acquired by any other instrument , then by it self , but that it cometh unto it by its own help , and that it is the knowing , the knowable , and the knowledge , and the scient , the science , and the scibile , nor that in any of these was there any thing different , seing diversity and separation belong to the attributes of bodies , and are the adjuncts of them , but this was neither a body , nor any attribute of a body , nor any thing adherent unto a body . And when the way was manifest unto him , whereby it was proper to him to be like unto the heavenly bodies , he saw it did necessarily belong to him to resemble them , and to imitate their actions , and that with all his strength he should endeavour to be like unto them . And also he saw by his more noble part , by which he knew that necessary existent beeing , that there was in himself some similitude thereof , as he was separated from the attributes of the body , as that necessary existent beeing was separated from them . He saw also that it was his duty to labour to acquire the properties thereof , by what way soever he could , and to put on his qualities , and to imitate his actions , and to be diligent in doing his will , and committing his affairs to him , and to acquiesce in his heart in all his appointments , both as to the outward and inward , so as he might rejoyce in him , although his body should be afflicted with grief , and should hurt him , yea , although altogether he should lose his bodily part . He saw moreover , that he resembled other sorts of animals , in his vilest part , which was of the generable and corruptible world , to wit , in the obscure and gross body , which required diverse sorts of sensible things from him , as meat , drink , and marriage . Also he saw that his body was not created in vain , nor joyned to him for no end , and that it belonged to him to provide for it , and fitly to keep it : but that he could not perform this care but by some action answering unto the actions of other animals . But the actions which seemed necessary unto him , had a threefold respect ; for they were either an action by which he did resemble the unreasonable animals , or some action whereby he did resemble the heavenly bodies or some action whereby he did resemble that necessary existent beeing : for the first assimilation was necessary to him , as he had an obscure and gross body , consisting of distinct members , and various faculties , and motions of diverse sorts ; The second assimilation was necessary unto him , as he had an animal spirit , the seat whereof was in the heart , and which was the beginning of the whole body , and of the faculties contained therein : Then the third assimilation was necessary to him , as he was himself , i. e. as he was that essence by which he could know that necessary existent beeing . And this was first of all certain unto him , that his happiness and freedom from misery was placed in the perpetual vision of that necessary existent beeing , so as to be in that state , as not to be turned away ( or averted ) therefrom for one moment . Then he considered the wayes whereby this continuation might be acquired , and his contemplation thence gathered , that he was to exercise himself in these three sorts of similitude . And as to the first similitude , that from the same he attained nothing of this vision , but that it rather drew him forth to another thing , and it was an hinderance to him , when he exercised himself in sensible things : for all sensible things are as a vail interposed unto this vision , yet this assimilation is needful to preserve the animal spirit , whereby the second assimilation is acquired , which is with heavenly bodies , and after this manner it is necessarily required , although it be not free from that hurt : but as to the second conformity , that thereby is acquired a great part of the continued vision , but yet such a vision as wherein there is a mixture , whereas every one who by that manner of vision continually seeth , seeth also together his own essence , and looketh into that , as shall be afterwards declared : but as to the third conformity , that thereby the perfect vision is attained , and the sincere attention , having no respect in any manner , but unto that necessary existent beeing , whereas his essence is absent from him who seeth this vision , and evanisheth , and becometh as nothing ; as also all the other essences , whether many or few , except the essence of that one , true , necessary , existent , great , high , and powerful beeing . And when it was manifest to him , that the sum of his desires consisted in this third conformity , but that this is not acquired but after exercise , and pains given for a long time , to the second conformity , and this space could not be continued , but by the first conformity , which although it was necessary , yet he knew , of it self it was an impediment , though it was an help by accident : he restrained his mind , that he permitted unto himself no part of the first conformity , but as much as necessity required , and that was in that largeness , as less sufficed not to the preservation of the animal spirit ; and he saw two things which necessity required to the preservation of this spirit ; one that whatever nourishment he took , it preserved the same inwardly , and refreshed it ; another that it preserved that which is external , and repelled from it diverse sorts of hurts , as of cold , and heat , and rain , and the warmth of the Sun , and of hurtful animals , and the like : and he saw , if he did rashly and hastily take any of these things which were necessary , it might come to pass that he should be obnoxious to excess , and should take above what were fit , and work against himself , whence he did not consider ; therefore he saw he would do most advisedly , if he should appoint limits to himself that he should not at all transgress , and measures which he should not exceed , and it was plain to him that he should put this rule to himself , about the kind of the things which he should eat , and the quality of them , and about their quantity , and the time when to make use of them . And first he considered the kinds of these things which he did eat , and he saw them to be three , viz. either to be Plants not fully ripe , nor attained to full perfection , such as the sorts of green herbs , which a man could eat : or the fruits of Plants that were perfect , and which were ripe , and yielded their seed , that from thence others could be brought forth , ( and these kinds of fruits were both green and dry ) or to be some animal either belonging to the earth , or the sea , which used to be eaten : now it was certain unto him , that all these things were made by that necessary existent beeing , in the approach unto which he saw his happiness was placed , and to which he desired to be assimilate ; and that it could not be , but to eat of them would be an impediment unto him , from attaining his perfection , and should come betwixt him and the end proposed unto him ; which were to oppose himself to the operation of the Agent , and that this opposition should be contrary to that propinquity and conformity unto that which he was seeking ; and so that he would do best ( if it could be ) to abstain from all food : but when this could not be , and that he saw an universal abstinence from food , should tend to the destruction of his body , which should be a greater repugnancy to his Creator , then the former ; whereas he himself was nobler then those things , the destruction whereof was the cause of his duration : he judged it best , of two evils to choose the least , and he permitted to himself that which was least repugnant : therefore it seemed good unto him to take any of these kinds , which were at hand , ( if others were wanting ) in that measure , which afterwards should appear agreeable unto him : but if all were present , then he behoved to deliberate with himself , and of them to choose that , the taking of which should not occasion a great opposition to arise against the operation of the Creator , such as the pulp ( or kirnel ) in fruits , which had greatest sweetness , and whose seeds were in them fit to the producing the like , so that he should keep the seeds , and neither eat them , nor destroy them , nor cast them into places that were unfruitful , as smooth Rocks , Salt , Earth and such like ; but if he could not get such fruits which had a pulp fit for nourishment , as Apples , Pears , Prunes , and such things , that then he was to take of fruits which had nothing fit to be eaten , but the seed it self , as Wall-nuts , Chesnuts and Herbs , which had not come to full ripeness ; after this manner , that of both kinds , he might take them of which there was most abundance , and power to produce their like , but that he should neither pull them up by the root , nor destroy their seeds ; but if these were wanting , that then he should take of the Animals , or their Eggs : after this manner , to take such of the Animals , whereof there is greatest abundance , so that he might not altogether destroy the sort of them : and these were the things which he judged fit to be observed , as to the kinds of his food . And as to the quantity he saw , he was to observe that which sufficed to satisfie hunger , so that he did not exceed it ; and as to the time that should come betwixt his males , he judged it best , that when he had taken as much meat as sufficed , he should remain content therewith , and should seek no other , untill some weakness should befall him , that might hinder him from performing any of these actions belonging unto the second conformity , which are these I am now to mention . But as to the things which necessity required to the preserving the animal-spirit , which might preserve him from without , it was a matter of no great difficulty unto him , seing he was covered with skins , and had a lodging that protected him from things that outwardly assaulted him , and these sufficed unto him and he thought it superfluous to take further care of them : But in eating he observed those rules which he had prescribed unto himself to wit , these as we have above declared . Then he applyed himself to the second operation , which was a conformity unto the heavenly bodies , and an imitation of them , and that he might resemble their properties in himself : but when he had considered their attributes in his mind , they seemed unto him to be comprehended under a threefold kind ; the first was with a respect unto inferiour things in the generable and corruptible world , which was the heat which they imparted unto them by themselves ; and the cold , which was by accident , and light , and rarefaction , and condensation , together with other things which they produce in them , by which they are disposed to receive the influxes of the spiritual forms into them , from that necessary existing Agent . The second sort of attributes which agreed unto them in themselves , was that they were bright , shining , and pure from dreggs , and free from all sorts of impurity , that they moved round-wise , some about their own center , others about the centers of others . The third sort of attributes was , which they had with a respect to that necessary existent Beeing ; e. g. that they did behold the same in a perpetual vision , nor turned themselves away therefrom , but continually did contemplat it , and were occupied in what he did appoint , and were alwayes obedient in doing his will ; neither did they move , but of his will , and by his power . Therefore , in every one of these three kinds , he endeavoured with his greatest pains to be like unto them : as to the first kind , the conformity thereof was placed in this , that he should so behave himself , as to see no Animal or Plant to want thing , or to have any hurt or dammage , or impediment which he could remove from them , but to remove it : and when he did cast his eyes upon any Plant , which somewhat intervement did hinder from the Sun , or to which some other Herb did cleave that hurt it , or if it had too much dryness that did endanger it ; he would remove whatever was interposed , if it was such as could be removed , and take away from it that which hurted , in that manner as it did not hurt that which hurted another ; and oft he would water it , so far as he could : and when he would look upon an Animal which some ravenous beast was pursuing , or which stuck fast in any lake , or had any thorn in it , or into whose eyes or ears any hurtful thing had fallen , or that hunger and thirst had seised on , all these things he did undertake to remove with all his power , and gave it meat and drink : and when he saw any water that flowed to water any Plant or Animal , if any impediment stopped its running , whether any stone that had fallen into it , or any thing carryed into it by the flood , all these things he removed : neither ceased he to go on in this kind of conformity , untill he attained great perfection therein . As to the second kind , his assimilation thereunto was placed in this , that he did keep himself in a continual cleanliness , by removing all impurity and filthiness from his body , and oft washing himself with water , and purging his nails and his teeth , and also the secret parts of his body , and smelling them with well-smelling herbs , as much as he could , and with diverse kinds of perfumes , and oft washing his garments and smelling them , untill with splendor , beauty and cleanness , he wholly shined : also , he used diverse kinds of circular motions , sometimes going round about the Isle and the Shore of it , and its utmost parts , and sometimes compassing his house , or some rock with various circuits , either walking or running , and sometimes whirling himself round about , untill a vertigo ( or giddiness ) took hold of him . As to the third kind , his assimilation thereunto was placed herein , that he might fix his cogitations upon that necessary existent Beeing , and then that he might remove from himself all impediments of sensible things , and shut his eyes , and stop his ears , and by all his strength he might restrain himself from following his imagination , and that he should endeavour as much as he could , that he should mind nothing but him , nor should admit any other thing with him ; and in this thing he laboured to promove himself , by wheeling himself about , and stirring up himself thereunto : and it came to pass , as he did vehemently wheel himself about , all sensible things did presently evanish , and his phansie , with the other faculties that needed bodily instruments , did languish , and the action of his essence , which was free from the body , became strong , so that at some time his cogitation would be pure from mixture , and thereby he would perceive that necessary existent Beeing : But afterwards , the bodily faculties again returning , did incerrupt this his state , and reduced him to the lowest condition , so that he returned to the first state . But if any weakness of body seised on him , which hindred him from his purpose , he would take some meat , according to the laws aforesaid , and then he would betake himself to the state wherein he was to assimilate himself to the heavenly bodies , in the three kinds above-mentioned , and he would continue intent in them for some good time , and would resist his bodily faculties , they also resisting him ; and in these times where in he overcame them , and had his thoughts pure from mixture , something appeared to him of the state of these , who have reached unto the third assimilation . Then he began to seek after the third assimilation , and endeavoured to attain it , and he considered the attributes of that necessary existent Beeing : But it was manifest to him , in the time of the theoretical speculation , before he set about the practice , that they were of two sorts , either affirmative , as knowledge , power and wisdom ; or negative , as freedom from bodily things , and from them which follow thereupon , and depend from them , though afar off : and that in the affirmative attributes , this freedom is required , that nothing be in them of bodily attributes , of the number of which is multiplicity , and therefore his essence is not multiplied by these affirmative attributes but that they all return to one notion , which is the truth of the essence . Therefore , he prepared himself to consider , how he might be like unto him in both of these kinds : as to the affirmative attributes , when he knew that all things returned to the verity of his essence , and that there was no multiplicity in them in any manner , seing multiplicity is of the attributes of the body : and he knew , that the knowledge of his essence was not a notion superadded unto his essence , but that his essence was the knowledge of his essence , and the knowledge of his essence was his essence : It appeared unto him , that if he could know his essence , that knowledge by which he should know it , should not be a notion superadded unto it , but should be the very same . Moreover , his assimilation unto him , in some affirmative attribute , seemed to be placed in this , that he might know him alone , admitting nothing with him of bodily attributes . Therefore he gave his mind very earnestly to this thing ; but as to the negative attributes , that they all had this tendency , to denote a separation from bodily things : therefore he began to cast off all bodily attributes from his essence , and now he had removed many of them by his former discipline , where by he endeavoured to affimilate himself to the heavenly bodies , but that yet many relicts of them remained , as the circular motion ( which is one of the most proper attributes of bodies ) and the care of Animals and Plants , and the commiserating them , and the endeavour to remove the impediments from them , ( since these things also belong to the attributes of bodies , because he first saw them not but by the bodily faculty , and then he took pains to do these things concerning them by the same ) Therefore he attempted to remove all these things from himself , seing they were all of these things which conduced not unto that state which now he sought ; nor ceased he so far to restrain himself , that in the lowest part of a cave , he sat quiet , his head bowed downwards , his eyes low , and averting ( or turning ) away himself from all sensible things and bodily faculties , he bended his mind and thoughts upon this one necessary existent , and did not admit any other thing : and when any other thing would offer it self occasionally unto his fancy , by his whole strength he would drive it back from his imagination , and reject it , and herein he exercised himself , and persisted long to do this , so that at sometimes , many dayes would pass over wherein he would take no food , nor would move himself . And while this vehement endeavour lay upon him , many times all essences but his own passed away out of his memory and thoughts ; but his own essence was not removed from him in that time , wherein he was deeply plunged in the vision of that first beeing , the true necessary existent , and this troubled him when he knew that this was a mixture in that simple vision , and an admission of another in that sight ; nor ceased he to endeavour that he might evanish from himself , and might be altogether in the vision of that true Beeing , untill he attained it ; and that the Heavens and Earth , and all things among them , and all spiritual forms , and bodily faculties , and all faculties separate from matter ( which are those essences having knowledge of that Beeing ) might be removed out of his memory and thoughts , and that among those essences , also his own essence be removed , and all being reduced to nothing , may evanish and become as scattered Atoms , and that nothing remained with him , but him who is the true Beeing , of perpetual existence , and so he spoke in this saying , ( which is not a notion superadded unto his essence ) To whom is now the Kingdom ? to the one omnipotent God : which words he understood , and heard their voice ; nor did his ignorance of speech , nor that he knew not to speak , hinder him from understanding the same : therefore he deeply plunged himself into this state , and he saw that which neither the eye hath seen , nor the ear heard , nor came into the heart of man to conceive it . But now , do not thou bend thy cogitations to the description of that thing , which is not conceived by the heart of man : for many of these things which are conceived by the hearts of men , are expressed with difficulty , how much more that thing , to which there is no way for conceiving it in the heart , and which is neither of the world , nor within its limits ? But by the heart , I do not understand the body of the heart , nor the spirit which is in the cavity thereof ; but by the same I understand the form of that spirit , which diffuseth it self by its faculties in the bodies of men : for every one of these three is called the heart . but there is no way whereby that thing can be conceived by any of these three , nor can any explication be had , but of that which is conceived in the heart ; so that whoever desireth to expresse that state , seeketh that which is impossible , and he is like unto him who would taste dyed colours , as they are colours , and desire that a black were either sweet or bitter . Yet , we shall not dismiss thee without some tokens , by which we may hint at what he saw of the wonderful things of that station , by way of similitude ; not so , as that we may knock at the gates of truth , seing there is no way unto the certain knowledge of what is in that place , but by coming thither . And now hear with the ears of thy heart , and see with the eyes of thy understanding , that which I am to declare ; thence perhaps thou shalt find a direction which may lead thee unto the right way ; but I make this condition with thee , that thou require not from me at present , a further explication in conference , beside what I deliver in these Papers : for the field is narrow , and it is dangerous to determine in words , of a thing which is of that nature , that it cannot be expressed in words . I say therefore , when he was abstracted from his own essence , and all other essences , and did behold nothing else in the nature of things , but that one living , permanent [ Beeing ] and had seen what he saw , and then had returned to behold other things different therefrom , when he returned unto himself from that state , which was like unto a drunkenness , it came into his mind that he had not an essence , by which he differed from the essence of that true excellent Beeing , and that the true reason of his own essence , was the essence of that true beeing , and that first he thought to be his own essence distinct from the essence of that true beeing , to be nothing indeed , nor to be any other thing but the essence of that true beeing ; and that it is as the light of the Sun , which falleth into thick bodies , and what thou seest to appear in them : for that , although it be attributed unto that body , wherein it appeareth , it is no other thing but the light of the Sun , and the body being removed , the light thereof is removed and only the light of the Sun remaineth , which is not diminished by the presence of that body , nor is it increased while it is absent ; and when a body happeneth , that is fit to receive such a light , it receiveth it , and the body being removed , also that receiving is removed and signifieth nothing . And this sentence prevailed with him from this , that it appeared manifest to him that the essence of that true , powerful , and glorious beeing , was no wise multiplied , but that his knowledge of the essence was the essence it self ; and hence it seemed unto him necessarily to follow , that with whom was the knowledge of that essence , that also the essence of the same was with him , but that the knowledge was present with him , and therefore that the essence was present : but that this essence was not present but with it self , and its presence was its essence , and therefore that it was the very essence ; and in the same manner , all essences separated from matter , which had the knowledge of that true essence which formerly he beheld as many , according to this sentence , they were one with him . And this doubt had altogether fastened it self deep into his mind , unless God had assisted him with his mercy , and had prevented him with his direction ; whence he knew that this doubt which he had , did arise out of the relicts of the obscurity of bodies , and the filthiness of sensible things . For that many and few , and unity and multiplicity , and collection and separation , were all belonging to the attributes of bodies , but as to these separated essences , which have knowledge of that true , powerful , and glorious essence , when they are wholly separate from matter , that they cannot be called many , or one , because multiplicity is of the distinction of other essences from others , and unity cannot be but by a conjunction , and nothing of these can be understood , but in composed notions , which are mixed with matter ; beside that the explication of things in this place is narrow and difficult : for if thou expressest what belongeth to these separate essences by way of multitude , according to the use of our speech , it should seem to denote in them a notion of multiplicity , but they are free from multiplicity ; and if thou expressest what belongeth unto them , by way of separation , that should seem to denote a notion of unity , which cannot befall them . And now I seem to behold some one standing in this place , ( who is of these Batts , whose eyes the Sun blindeth ) moving himself in the chain ( fetters or bands ) of his foolishness , saying , Thou hast exceeded measure in thy subtilty , so that thou hast removed thy self from the state of understanding men , and hast cast off the reason of intelligible things : for of these things which are determined by the intellect , 2 thing is either one , or many : But let him hasten slowly , and remit somewhat of the sharpness of his speech , and let him consider himself , and the things which are in this sensible world wherein he is contained , in that manner , as Hai Ebn Yokdan considered them , when viewing things in a certain manner of contemplation , he saw that they were many , in a multiplicity , which could not be comprehended , nor contained within any limite : then again viewing them in another manner of contemplation , he saw them to be one , and he remained doubtful in that thing , nor could he determine concerning it , unto one part , more then unto another : so it was , although this sensible world be the genuine place of multiplicity , and singularity , and their true nature is there understood , and therein is a separation , and union , and division into parts , and distinction and agreement , and disagreement : therefore what shall he think concerning the divine world ? wherein it is not lawful to say , all things , nor some , nor can any of the things belonging unto it be expressed in words , wherewith our ears are accustostomed , but that thou will have some conjecture , otherwise then the thing is , and which none can know but he who hath seen , and whose true manner is not perceived but by him who hath attained it . But as to what he saith , Thou hast passed beyond the nature of intelligent men , and hast thrown away the manner ( or reason ) of what is intelligible : Thus we grant unto him , and we dismiss him with his intelligent men ; for that intellect which he and such men doth mean , is the rational faculty , which contemplateth the individuals of the sensible things , and thence searcheth out an universal notion , and the intelligent men whom he meaneth , are these who use a speculation of that kind : but this sort of which we speak , is above all these things . Wherefore let him stop his ears against it , whoever understandeth nothing beyond sensible things , and their universals , and let him return to his company , to wit , them who knew the sensible things of this world , taking no care about the other : but if thou art of them unto whom this sort of tokens and signs doth suffice , as to the divine world , nor dost thou fix another interpretation upon our words , beside that which usually is put on them ; then we shall declare unto thee somewhat further of that which Hai Ebn Yokdan saw in that place of them who enjoy the truth , which we have above-mentioned : and that was this . After he was really plunged ( or sunk ) into these things , and was abstracted from all other things , and did truly comprehend those things ; he saw that there was an essence of a supreme Sphere , ( beyond which there is no body ) free from matter , which was not the essence of that one true beeing , nor yet the Sphere it self , nor somewhat different from them , but it was as the Image of the Sun which appears in some polite ( or smooth ) Looking-glass , for that is neither the Sun , nor the Glass , nor yet any thing distinct from them ; and he saw that such was the perfection of that separate Sphere , and such was the splendor and beauty of it , which is greater then can be expressed with the tongue , and more subtile then that it can be clothed with letters , or the voice ; and he saw that it was in the highest degree of pleasure , and joy , and exultation , and gladness , because of the vision of that true and glorious essence : also he saw the essence of the Sphere next unto that which is the Sphere of the fixed Stars , to be free from matter , which was neither the essence of that one true beeing , nor the essence of the supreme separated Sphere , nor the same , nor yet any thing different from them , but it was , as the Image of the Sun , which is seen in a Looking-glass , upon which the Image of the Sun is reflected from another Looking-glass opposite to the Sun ; and he saw that this essence had a splendor , and beauty , and pleasure , like unto that which belonged unto the supreme Sphere . Also in the same manner he saw the essence of the Sphere next unto that , to be separate from matter , and this was the Sphere of Saturn , which was none of the essences which he saw formerly , nor yet any thing diverse from them , which was as the Image of the Sun appearing in another Glass , which is reflected from the Image of the Sun appearing in a Glass opposite to the Sun ; and he saw the splendor and pleasure of this essence to be like unto that which was in the former ; nor ceased he to behold every Sphere , having its essence separate , free from matter , which was not any of the former essences , nor diverse from them , which was as the Image of the Sun reflected from one Glass unto another , in the order digested , according to the disposition of the Spheres : and he saw that every one of these essences had that beauty , splendor , joy , and pleasure , which the eye hath not-seen , nor the ear heard , and hath not come into the mind of man , until he came at length unto the generable and corruptible world , which is all that which is contained within the Sphere of the Moon ; and he saw also that the same had an essence separate from the matter , which was not any of the essences that he formerly saw , nor any thing diverse from them , and that this essence had seventy thousand faces , and every face had seventy thousand mouths , and every mouth had seventy thousand tongues , whereby it did praise and celebrate continually and did sanctifie the essence of that one true Beeing : and he saw that this essence which he suspected to have multiplicity , although it was not manifold , had a perfection , and a pleasure , like unto that which he first saw , and that this essence was as the Image of the Sun appearing in water that trembleth , which hath that image reflected upon it , from the last of those Glasses unto which that reflection did come , according unto the order aforesaid , from the first Glass opposite unto the Sun. Then he saw that he himself had a separate essence , which if that essence of seventy thousand faces could be divided into parts we would say were a part of the same , and unless this essence had been produced of the new , after it was not existent , we would say it were the same thing , and if it had not been made proper unto its body , when it did first exist , we would say it had not been produced of the new . And in this order he saw also other essences like unto his , which were necessary , then they were dissolved , whatever things necessarily existed with him , and that they were as many as could not be numbred , if it were lawful to call them many , or that they were all one , if it were lawful to call them one : And he saw that his own essence , and those with him in the same degree had an infinite beauty , splendor , and pleasure , which neither the eye hath seen , nor the ear heard , nor hath entred the heart of man , and which they cannot describe , who describe other things , and which no man can understand , but he who hath attained it . And he saw many essences separate from matter , which were as rusted Glasses , and defiled with uncleanness , which had their backs turned upon these po●ished Glasses wherein the Image of the Sun was impressed , and he saw that such filthiness and defectiveness was in these Glasses , which never came into his mind , and he saw them to be affected with infinite griefs and fighings , which could not be removed , encompassed , [ or inclosed ] within Fatts [ or boyling Cauldrons ] of pains , and burned with the fire of the vail of separation , and to be cut into pieces , betwixt the drawing unto them and beating off from them ; also he saw here other essences , besides those which were tormented , which appeared , and then evanished , and were connexed , and then dissolved . And here he restrained himself , and considered these things well , and he saw great terrors and huge matters , and a bufied company , and an effectual operation , and complanation , and inflation , and production , and destruction : and after some small time interveening , his senses again returned unto him , and he was awakened out of that state , which was as an extasie , and his feet did slide out of this place , and the sensible world appeared unto him , and the divine world departed from him : for these two cannot meet together in the same state : for this world , and the other , are as the two Wives of one Husband , the one whereof if thou dost please , thou shalt provoke the other unto wrath . But if thou dost say , that it seems from what thou hast said of this vision , that the separate essences , if they were in a body of perpetual duration , which is incorruptible , as the Heavens , that they also would be of a perpetual existence ; but if they be in a body that tendeth unto corruption , as are the reasonable animals , that they also shall be obnoxious to corruption , and shall evanish and be reduced unto nothing , according unto the similitude which thou didst propose of the reflecting glasses ; for that image hath no duration , but for the duration of the glasse , and when the glasse is corrupted , also the image is certainly corrupted , and evanisheth . But I say unto thee , how soon hast thou forgotten thy covenant thou didst make with me , and hast transgressed the fixed limits ? Hath it not been first told thee , that here the way of interpretation is narrow , and that the words upon one of the parts , make that men think otherwise , then the things are ? and what thou didst think hath made thee fall into this , to conclude , that that to which any thing is compared , and that with which it is compared , is of the same manner in every part : but that must not be in any kind of usual speech , how much less in this place , where the Sun and his light , and his image , and his representation , and the glasses , and his conspicuous similitude , are all things which are not separate from bodies , nor have any subsistence but by them , and in them , and therefore need them as to their existence , and those being taken , away , they are removed ? But the divine essences and heroick spirits are all free from bodies , and from the things that follow them , and are very far distant from them ; nor is there any connexion among them , nor any dependence from them , that it is all one in their respect , whether the bodies be removed or remain , whether they exist or not : but their connexion and dependence is from the essence of that one true Beeing , that doth necessarily exist , which is the first of them , and their beginning and cause , which maketh that they do exist , and giveth them duration , continuation , and perpetuity ; neither do they need the bodies , but the bodies need them , and if it could be that they were removed the bodies should also be removed , for they are their Principles ; even as if it could be supposed , that the essence of that one true , high and most holy Beeing , and removed from any such thing ( there is not a God beside him ) could be taken away , also all these essences should be taken away , and the bodies should also be removed , and this whole sensible world should evanish ; nor should any thing remain , seing all these things have a mutual connexion : But although the sensible world follow the divine world , as its shaddow , and the divine world needeth not it , and is free from it ; yet , to suppose its removing is absurd , because it followeth the divine world ; but in this consisteth its corruption , that it be changed , not that it altogether go into privation ( & of this did that excellent Book speak , where this notion falleth in , of moving the mountains , that they may become as wool , and that men shall become as candle-flies , and concerning the obscuration of the Sun and Moon , and the breaking forth of the Seas , in that day wherein the Earth shall be changed into another Earth , and the Heavens also . ) And this is the sum of what I can declare unto thee at present , concerning the thing which Hai Ebn Yokdhan saw in that excellent state ; neither ask thou , that any thing further of it be committed to words , for that is as impossible . But as concerning the finishing the history of him , that God willing , I shall afterwards declare . Whereas he returned unto the sensible world , that is after he had digressed , whither he had digressed , he loathed the troubles of the outward life , and travelled with the highest desire of a further life ; and he sought a re-entrance into that place of speculation , in the same manner wherein he first sought it , untill he attained it , with less travel then formerly , and he remained in it the second time , longer then in the first time : then he returned unto the sensible world , then again he fitted himself to attain unto his place of speculation , the access unto which was easier unto him , then at the first or second time , and his abiding therein was of longer continuance : Nor ceased the way of attaining unto that noble state , to become more easie unto him , and his remaining therein to be the longer from time to time , untill he arrived at this , that he could attain it when he desired , and removed not from it , but as he desired , [ or willed . ] Therefore he cleaved unto this his place , neither departed he from it , but when the necessity of the body required , which he had reduced unto that scarcity , that a lesser could hardly be found : and among all these things he wished , that the powerful and glorious God would altogether remove him from his body , which called him away from that place ; and that he might wholly and perpetually attend unto his pleasure , and might be free from that grief wherewith he was affected , how ost he was turned away therefrom , because of the necessity of his body : and in this state remained , untill he passed the seventh septenary from his beginning , that is fifty years ; and then the fellowship of Asal happened unto him : but the narration of his meeting with him is such , as God willing , shall afterwards follow . They report , that there is an Isle near unto that Isle wherein Hai Ebn Yokdhan was born , according to the one of these two differing opinions of the manner of his birth , unto which a certain Sect of these good Sects of men did betake it self , which had for their Author some of the old Prophets of pious memory , viz. A Sect which declared all things by composed Parables , which might represent the images of these things to the fancy , and might fasten their impressions in the minds of men , as useth to be in Discourses fitted for the Vulgar . Nor ceased that Sect to spread it self , and to prevail in that Isle , and to be made known ; so that the King thereof embraced it , and forced others to adhere unto him . Now there were born in the same Island two excellent men , and descious of that which is good ( the name of the one was Asal , the name of the other Salaman ) who meeting with that Sect , embraced it in the best manner , and prepared themselves to observe all its precepts , and were continually exercised in the works thereof , and for that end , they did enter into a fellowship . But at sometimes they enquired into that which was delivered into the words of the Law , of the description of the high and glorious God , and of his Angels , and of the descriptions of the resurrection , and reward , and punishment to come . Now as to Asal , the one of the two , he searched more into the most inwards of things , and sought out more the mystical senses , and he was studious to interpret them : but Salaman his neighbour did mostly observe the outward things , restraining himself more from interpretations , and abstaining from a curious search and speculation of things : In the mean time , both of them was diligent in outward works , and calling themselves to an account , and resisting their affections . But there were in that Law , some sayings which seemed to exhort men unto a solitude and a solitary life , and to signifie , that felicity and happiness is placed therein ; but there were more sayings , which seemed to exhort men unto company , and to embrace the society of men : Therefore Asal addicted his mind to seek after solitude , and he preferred those sayings which tended thereunto , when by nature he was given to perpetual contemplation , and to seek out the explications of things , and search after their significations ; for , a great hope of attaining this thing offered it self unto him , out of a solitary life : But Salaman was addicted unto company , and mostly regarded the sayings tending thereunto ; because of a fear which was in his nature of contemplation , and of a more subtile enquiry , and keeping of company seemed unto him , to be that which drived away evil thoughts , and removed opinions which did bear themselves in into his mind , and which did lead away from the instigations of devils . Therefore , their disagreement , as to this opinion , was the cause that they departed one from another . And now Asal had heard of that Island , wherein it is reported that Hai Ebn Yokdhan had his Original , and he knew the fruitfulness and advantages of it , and the temper of the air , and that his departing into it , would accomplish what he desired : Therefore , he determined to go thither , and there to withdraw himself from the fellowship of men , as to the remnant of his time . Therefore , gathering all his goods together which he had , with a part of them he hired a Ship , to carry him into that Island , the rest he did distribute unto the poor , and taking his farewell of Salaman , he committed himself unto the Sea : and the Mariners having transported him into the Island , when they had landed him on the shore , they departed from him . And so Asal remained in that Island , serving the powerful and glorious God , magnifying him , and meditating upon his glorious Names , and high Attributes , nor was his mind hindered , nor thoughts troubled . And when he needed food , he took of the fruits of the Isle , or of the things he catched in hunting , as much as sufficed unto his hunger : and in this state he remained for some time , and enjoyed great pleasure , and much tranquility , from the conference he had with his Lord , and he saw daily , that from his benefits and most precious gifts , and from what he brought ready to his hand what he sought , and was necessary for his food , that the certainty of his faith was confirmed , and it gave him comfort . In the mean time , Hai Ebn Yokdhan was taken up in sublime speculations , nor did he come out of his cave , but once in the week , to take unto him such food , as was most readily presented ; and therefore , Asal at the first time did not fall upon him , but walking along the utmost parts of the Island , and compassing its bounds , he neither saw any man , nor perceived the footsteps of any , whence he had gladness , and his mind being delighted in respect of what he had proposed unto himself , to wit , that chiefly he might seek after solitude and retirement , untill it came to pass at a certain time , that Hai Ebn Yokdhan coming forth to seek his food , at which time Asal had betaken himself unto that place , the one did cast his eyes upon the other , and Asal doubted not , but that he was one of the religious men given to solitude , who had betaken himself unto that Island , to be retired from the company of men , even as he had come thither . And he feared , left if he should meet him , and make himself known , he should be an occasion to trouble his state , and should be an impediment set betwixt him and his hope : But Hai Ebn Yokdhan knew not what the matter was , because he saw him to resmble none of these animals that he had formerly seen ; and he being cloathed with a black coat of hair and wool , which he thought had been some natural cover , he stood long astonished : but Asal turning himself from him , fled away , fearing lest he should detain him , from what he was occupied about ; but Hai Ebn Yokdhan followed him , from an innate desire to search out the truth of the matter , and when he saw , that he fled from him with all his might , he with-drew and hid himself , so that Asal thought he had departed from him , and gone further off from that part : therefore Asal began to take himself unto prayers , and reading , and to invocation , and weeping , and supplication , and complaints , untill these things had turned him away from every other matter . In the mean time Hai Ebn Yokdan drew near unto him by little and little , while Asal did not observe , until he was so near unto him , that he heard his reading , and praises , and saw his humble gesture and weeping , whence he heard a pleasant voice , and letters digested into order , the like whereof he had never perceived by any sort of the Animals ; also beholding his form and lineaments , he saw him to be of the same form with himself , and it appeared unto him , that the Coat wherewith he was clothed , was not a natural skin , but an habit taken from some other thing , like unto his own clothing , and when he saw the comliness of his humble gesture , and of his supplication , and weeping , he doubted not but he was one of the essences , which had the knowledge of that true Beeing , and therefore he was carried with desire towards him , desiring to see what the matter was with him , and what was the cause of that weeping and supplication . Therefore he came nearer unto him , until Asal observing it , he did hasten to run . But Hai Ebn Yokdan with a great strength did follow after him , until he reached him , in respect of the strength and power which God had given him , both of knowledge , and body , and he took hold of him , and kept him , that he could not flee away . Therefore when Asal beheld him covered with the hairy skins of Animals , and his hair so long that it covered a great part of his body , and saw that he was so swist in his course , and so excelling in strength , he was greatly afraid of him , and he began gently to entreat him , and to ask him in words which Hai Ebn Yokdan understood not , nor knew what it was , but that he observed in him the tokens of fear ; he did therefore appease him with the voices which he had learned from some of the Animals , and gently stroaking with his hand , his head , and the sides of his neck , he shewed kindly unto him , and gave a signification of his joy and gladness , until the fear of Asal was settled , and that he knew he willed him no evil . Now Asal of old had learned most of Languages , and was skilful of them , through his desire after the knowledge of the interpretation of things ; he began therefore to speak unto Hai Ebn Yokdan , and to ask him of his condition , in every Tongue that he did know , and he endeavoured to make him understand : but this he could not do . Also Hai Ebn Yokdan , in all these things wondered at what he heard , nor knew he what it was , but that he observed the fairness of his countenance , and his good-will . So every one of them admired the condition of the other . But Asal had by him some relicts of food which he had brought with him from the inhabited Island , which he offered unto Hai Ebn Yokdan , but he knew not what it was , for he had never seen any thing of that sort before ; therefore Asal eating somewhat of it himself , did signifie unto him that he might eat ; But Hai Ebn Yokdan did mind those Laws wherewith he had bound himself in the receiving of meat , and when he knew not the nature of that thing which was set before him , what it was , and whether it was lawful for him to take of it , or not , he restrained himself from eating ; but Asal ceased not to desire him , and kindly to invite him ; when therefore Hai Ebn Yokdan was held with the desire of him , he feared lest if he should continue to refuse , he should alienate him from him . Therefore taking that food , he did eat of it , but when he had tasted it , and liked it , it appeared unto him , that he had done evil , in violating the Covenant about the conditions which he had proposed to himself in taking meat ; and it repented him of his deed , and he willed to withdraw himself from Asal , and to betake himself unto his state , seeking to return unto his sublime speculation : but that vision did not presently return unto him ; therefore he thought it best to remain with Asal in the sensible world , until he was more certified of his condition , that no further inclination should remain in his mind towards him , that so afterwards he might return to his place , being distracted with no other thing . So he joyned himself to the fellowship of Asal ; and when Asal saw that he could not speak , he was certain that no hurt should besal his Religion from him , and he hoped it should come to pass that he should teach him Language , and Knowledge , and Religion , whence he should have a great reward , and a nearness unto God. So Asal began to teach him to speak , first by pointing unto him at particular things , and then by pronouncing their names ; and repeating them unto him , he willed him to pronounce them again , which he presently did , until he had taught him all names , and so by little and little gradually carried him on , that in a short space he could speak . Then Asal began to ask him of his condition , and whence he had come into that Island ; but Hai Ebn Yokdan told him that he knew not what beginning he had , nor father , nor mother , but the Goat [ or Roe ] which brought him up , and he described unto him his whole state , and what progress he had made in knowledge , until he had come unto that degree of conjunction with God. Therefore when Asal had heard of him , of those truths , and those essences , which are separate from the sensible world , and have knowledge of the essence of that one , true , powerful , and glorious Beeing , and had described unto him the essence of that supreme , powerful , true , and glorious Beeing , in his glorious attributes , and had unfolded unto him how much he could , of that which he saw , when he had reached unto that conjunction of the joys of them who are joyned unto God , and the griefs of them who are separate from him , he doubted not but that all the things which in their Law were delivered of the Commandment of the powerful and glorious God , and his Angels , and Books , and his Messengers , and the last Day , and of his Paradise , and the Fire , are the similitudes of these things which Hai Ebn Yokdan saw , and the eyes of his heart were opened , and his mind was enlightened , and that which he perceived by reason , and received by tradition , did well agree with him , and the manners of interpretation , were easie with him , nor was there any thing hard unto him in these precepts , which was not now manifest , nor any thing shut , which was not open , nor any thing which was not discovered unto him , and he became mighty in understanding ; and then he so admired Hai Ebn Yokdan , that he had a great account of him , and he did reverence him , and it was certain unto him that he was one of the Saints of God , to whom is no fear , and who shall not have grief . Therefore he made himself ready to serve him , to imitate him , and to follow his admonitions , in the works which did occurr unto him , in those legal things which formerly he had learned in his Religion . But Hai Ebn Yokdan began to ask him of his matters , and of his condition , that he would unfold them unto him , and Asal began to describe unto him the state of his Island , and what kind of men was therein , what was their conversation before that religious Sect came thither ; and how it was now after its coming unto them : also he declared unto him all things which were delivered in the Law , of the description of the divine World , and of Paradise , and the fire of Hell , and the being raised up , and the Resurrection , and the gathering unto Judgement , and the account which was then to be given , and the Scales wherein the actions of men should be weighed , and the way through which they were to pass . And Hai Ebn Yokdan understood all these things , nor did he perceive that any of them was unsuitable unto what he saw in his sublime place , and he knew that he who had described those things , and delivered them unto men , was true in describing of them , and in his sayings , was a true Messenger sent of God , and he believed him , and acknowledged the truth thereof , and gave a testimony unto his mission . Then he began to ask him of the precepts which he had brought , and of the Rites of the Worship which he had ordained , therefore he described unto him Prayer , and Alms-giving , and Fasting , and Travelling , and such kind of outward works ; and he received these things , and embraced them , and took upon him the performance of them , in obedience to that command , being perswaded of the truth of him who delivered the same ; but there were two things remained fixed in his mind , which he admired , nor did he perceive any manner of wisdom in them , wherefore that Messenger in his describing most things belonging unto the divine World , did use Parables unto men , and abstained from a clear unfolding of them , so that men , in a great part , sell into that , that they affirmed it to be corporeity , and believed that to be something of the essence of that true Beeing , from which it is far distant , and is free , and in the same manner , in the things belonging unto the way of reward and punishment . The other was , that he did not proceed beyond those Precepts and Rites of Worship , and that he permitted that men should endeavour to seek after riches , and that as to their feeding , they might enjoy their liberty , so that they vainly gave themselves unto vain things , and turned themselves away from the truth , seing it was his own opinion , that nothing ought to be taken from any , but to sustain the reliques of the life : but as to riches , they were of no value with him : also he saw what was decreed in the Law , concerning the things belonging unto riches , as to Alms-giving , and distributing of them , and Trading , and Usury , and Fines , and Punishments , and all these things seemed strange unto him , and he judged them superfluous , and he said , If men judged the matter according unto truth , surely they would turn away themselves from these empty things , and follow the truth , and so all this would be superfluous , nor would any have that propriety in riches , that these dues should be exacted from him , or that his hands should be cut off , for these things secretly taken by stealth , or that lives should be destroyed for taking them away openly . But that which put this opinion in his mind , was , that he thought all men were of an ingenuous inclination , and a sharp understanding , and of minds constant unto themselves ; nor knew he what dulness of mind they had , what scarcity of spirit , what evil counsel , and what inconstancy of mind , and that they were altogether like beasts , yea furder erring from the way . Therefore , when he had an exceeding great compassion upon men , and desired that salvation might come unto them by his help , a purpose of going unto them entered into his mind , that he might unfold and declare the truth unto them . Therefore he made this known unto his neighbour Asal , and asked of him , if he could think upon any way whereby he could come unto them : but Asal declared unto him , the defect of their ingenuity , and how averse they were from the commandment of God ; but he could not understand this , and his mind was intent upon that which he hoped : Asal also greatly desired , that God by his means , would direct some of his neighbours , who were easie to be guided , and were not so far from sincerity , and he promoved his endeavour . It seemed good therefore unto them , to betake themselves unto the Sea-shore , and not to depart therefrom day nor night , if perhaps God should give them an occasion to pass over the Sea ; and being intent upon this thing , they did supplicat with prayers the most high God , that he would direct them in their business . And it came to pass , by the commandment of the powerful and glorious God , that the motion of the wind and floods did carry a ship , which had gone out of her way at Sea , towards the shore of that Island ; the which coming near unto the Land , they who were in the Ship seeing two men upon the shore , they came unto them . Then Asal bespeaking them , desired that they would carry them with them ; and when they consented , and had received them into the Ship , God gave unto them an easie wind , which carried the Ship in a short space unto the desired Island ; where having gone forth upon the shore , they entered the Town , and there the friends of Asal did meet him , to whom he made known the condition of Hai Ebn Yokdhan : therefore they gathered about him earnestly , thinking great matters of him , and coming together unto him , they esteemed him much , and honoured him , and Asal told him , that that Sect of men did exceed all others in knowledge and sagacity , so that if he could not instruct them , much lesse could he instruct the vulgar sort of men . Now the Prince and chief man of that Island was Salaman , the friend of Asal , who thought it best to joyn himself to the fellowship of men , and thought it unlawful to give up himself unto solitude . So Hai Ebn-Yokdhan begun to instruct them , and to declare unto them the mysteries of wisdom ; but when he had proceeded a little beyond that which was plain , and began to explicat that , the contrary whereof had taken place in their minds , they began to withdraw themselves from him , and their minds abhorred from that which he spoke , and they were angry with him in their hearts , although before him , they carried a show of kindness , and honoured him so far , as he was a stranger among them , and out of their observance due unto their friend Asal . But Hai Ebn Yokdhan ceased not night and day to deal gently with them , and to manifest the truth unto them , both privatly and publickly ; but that had no other effect , but to encrease their enmity against him , and their flying from him , although they were lovers of that which is good , and desirous of the truth , but that from the defect of their nature , they sought not the truth in the due manner , nor did they apprehend it as it ought indeed to be ; nor did they search through what way the entry was open thereunto , but they sought the knowledge of it , after the manner of the vulgar sort of men , so that he despaired of reforming them , and lost all hope of bringing them unto a better condition , which was lesse acceptable unto them . And afterwards , observing diverse orders of men , he saw that every company rejoyced in that which was present with them , while they made their lusts their God , and had the same for the object of their Worship , and destroyed themselves by gathering together the trifles of the world , the desire of gaining holding them deceived , untill they went to the grave : but that no counsel prevailed with them , nor did good words move them , nor had reproof any effect upon them , but that they proceeded more obstinately . But as to wisdom , that they had no way open thereunto , nor did any part thereof belong unto them ; Foolishness had overwhelmed them , and what they sought after , had occupied their hearts as rust ; God hath sealed their hearts and ears , and a mist is before their eyes , and a great punishment abideth them . Therefore , when he saw them encompassed within the Fatts ( or Cauldrons ) of punishment , and covered with the darkness of a vail , and that all of them , except a few , keeped their Religion , no otherwise but with a respect unto the world , and did cast behind their backs their own works , although they were light and easie , and that they esteemed slightly of them , and that merchandising and trading had occupied them , and detained them from the remembrance of the most high God , and that they never were afraid , their hearts and eyes being taken up about these things ; it was manifest unto him , and certain , that it was impossible to speak unto them , in the manner of an open declaration , nor that it was expedient that works should be enjoyned unto them beyond this measure , and that part of the profit which came from the Law , unto the vulgar sort of men , was placed herein , that it respecteth their life in this world , to wit , that the manner of their life therein be in good order , and that no man be injurious to another , in the things which he may call his own , but that they do not attain unto the felicity of another world , but some very few of them , to wit , these who prepare themselves for that world , and give right diligence thereunto , such as he who believeth the truth , but to him who erreth , and doth prefer the life of this world , Hell shall be his place . And what greater labour is there , or what more grievous miseries then his , whose works if thou dost consider , from the time he riseth from his sleep , untill again he return unto sleep , there is none among them that shall be found , by which he doth not study to get the end of some of these sensible things , which are of no worth , to wit , either riches to heap up , or pleasure to take , or wrath , whereby to satisfie his mind , or power whereby to defend himself , or in the Law of some work commanded , whereby he may show himself or may have a care of his neck : and all these things are darkness , others upon others in the deep sea ; nor is there any of you who doth not go in thither , for so the decree of the Lord standeth firm . And so considering the state of men , and seeing the most of them to be in the degree of unreasonable animals , he knew that all wisdom , and direction , and amendment , were placed in that which the messengers of God had spoken , and the Law had delivered unto them , and that there was no other possible , nor could any thing be added , and that there were men appointed unto every work , and every one was mostly capable of that thing unto which he was ordained by nature , and that the Law of God was the same unto them who had gone away before , neither was there any change in the Law of God. And so having returned unto Salaman and his Companions , he asked leave for the things which he had spoken among them , and desired them to have him excused , and he told , that he thought the same things with them , and did walk in the same way with them : and he exhorted them that they would adhere unto their institution concerning the ends of the Law , and the observing the outward works , and that they should not meddle with things not belonging unto them , and that they should have faith in doubtful things , and give a ready assent unto them , and should be averse from new opinions , and bad affections , and that they should imitate their pious Forbears , and leave novelties ; and he commanded that they would shun that which is seen among the vulgar sort of men , in the neglect of the Laws , and the love of the world , and that he required them most of all to beware of . For both he and his friend Asal did know , that there was no salvation unto this obsequious and defective sort of men , but after this manner , and if from that they should be carried away unto a curious search of sublime things , that things would be worse with them , and that it was not possible that they could attain unto the degree of those who were happy ; but that they should hang in suspense , and be tossed upwards , and downwards , and their end should be evil ; but if they remained in the state wherein they are , until death should take hold of them , that they should obtain salvation , and should be among them who are placed upon the right hand , but as to them who had gone before , that they had gone before , and that those came near unto them . So bidding them farewel , they departed from them and took occasion to return unto their own Island , until at length the powerful and glorious God gave them a commodious passage . But Hai Ebn Yokdan sought after his sublime state of speculation , in the same manner as formerly , until he recovered it ; and Asal did imitate him , until he reached near unto it , or was not far from it . So they worshipped God in that Island , until death siezed on them . And this is that ( God help thee and us with his spirit ) which we have received of the History of Hai Ebn Yokdan , and Asal , and Salaman , making choice of such words as is found in no other Book , nor use to be heard in vulgar speech , and is a part of that hidden knowledge , which no man receiveth but who hath the knowledge of God , nor is any man ignorant of it , but who hath not the right knowledge of God. But we have gone away differing from our pious forbears , as to the keeping secret these matters , and the sparingness of declaring them . But that which readily perswaded us to divulge this secret , and to break through this vail , was , these evil opinions which are risen up in this our time , which the vain Philosophers of this world have commented , and sent forth unto the vulgar , so that they are dispersed into various Regions , and an evil proceeding thence was common , that we might be careful of the weak ( who have cast off what they received by tradition from the Prophets of pious memory , and have chosen what was delivered by foolish men ) lest they should think that these opinions are a secret to be kept up from them who are not capable thereof . and this should increase their desire after them , and for that cause should the more greedily affect them . Therefore it seemed good unto us to give some light discovery unto them , of this secret of secrets , whereby we may lead them unto the parts of truth , and divert them from that path ; yet neither have we left those secrets committed unto these few Leaves without a thin vail , which shall be easily unvailed unto them who are fit , but shall be thick unto him who is unworthy to go further on , so that he cannot pass through . And I desire of my brethren , as many as shall read this Treatise , that they have me excused in these things which I have so easily declared , and so freely described ; for I had not done this , but that I was carried unto those hights whereunto the sight cannot reach , and I endeavoured to make my speech easie to be understood , fitly placing the same , that I might stir up in men a desire of entering into the right way . But I ask of the Lord pardon and remission , and that he would bring us to the certain knowledge of himself , for he is bounteous and liberal . Peace be unto thee my Brother , whose promotion is decreed , and the mercy of God , and his blessing come upon thee . Praise unto God alone . The end . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A24063-e650 Cultivated . Is perceived . Number . Glancings . Court or threshold . Smoothed . Acted . Holy Court. i. e. Beyond Nature . Mediate . Or manner . Bodily . Pure Gold. Aims . Viz. with God. Or , Asali . A meer fabulous report , contrary to the truth , for all mankind is of Adam . This is probable , seing famous History recordeth somewhat like to this of Cyrus . Leanness . Rinds . Sadles . This exercise of wheeling himself about , seemeth altogether unprofitable and hurtful , and he afterwards did forsake it . Note . That he had now forsaken that unprofitable exercise of wheeling himself about . Note , that afterwards he came to see this opinion to be a gross error and mistake , and that his own particular essence was distinct from the essence of God. Note . This is conform to the doctrine of Dionysius Areopagita , de Divinis nominibus . Or , Curtains . Alc. cap. 3. altatfif . & cap. 2. or , Curtains . Alc. c. Alnur &c. Miriam . 
A34265	----	The morals of Confucius, a Chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. Confucius Sinarum philosophus. English. Selections Confucius. 1691 Approx. 151 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 80 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34265 Wing C5806 ESTC R23060 12062696 ocm 12062696 53303 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34265) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53303) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 60:8) The morals of Confucius, a Chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. Confucius Sinarum philosophus. English. Selections Confucius. Intorcetta, Prospero, 1626-1696. Confucius. Lun yu. English. Selections. 1691. [16], 142 p. Printed for Randal Taylor ..., London : 1691. Translated and abridged from the Latin translation of: Three books of Confucius / Prospero Intorcetta, et al. Cf. Pref. of 2nd ed. of The morals of Confucius; Backer-Sommervogel. "Licensed, Feb. 25, 1690/1. F. Fraser" Advertisement on p. [2]-[15]. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Ethics -- China. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Sara Gothard Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE MORALS OF CONFVCIVS A Chinese Philosopher , Who flourished above Five Hundred Years before the coming of our Lord and Savio●r Jesus Christ. Being one of the most choicest Pieces of Learning remaining of that Nation . LICENSED , Feb. 25. 1691. I. FRASER . LONDON : Printed for Randal Taylor near Stationers Hall. MDCXCI . Advertisement . THE Work here Publ●sh'd , and wherein , as in Epitome , is cont●ined all the Morals of Confucius the Chinese Philosopher , is very small , if we respect the number of Pages which compose it ; but it is doubtless very Great , if Consideration be had to the importance of the Things therein contain'd . We may say that the Morals of this Philosopher are infinitely Sublime , but 〈◊〉 the same time , pure , sensible , and drawn from the purest Fountains of Natural Reason . Certainly , a Reason destitute of the Lights of Divine Revelation , has never appear'd with so much ●●umination and Power . And as there 〈◊〉 not any Duty omitted by Confucius , so th●re is not any besides those here m●ntioned . He greatly extends his Morals , ●ut not farther than needs must ; his ●udgment ever telling him ho● far he must go , and where he must stop . In which he has a very considerable Advantage , not only over a gr●at number of Pagan Writers , that have Treated o● Things of this Nature , but likewise ove● several Christian Authors , who aboun● with so many false , or over-subtil● Thoughts ; who almost every where surpass the Bounds of their Duty , and who give themselves up to their own Fancy , or ill Humour ; who almost always digress from that just Mean , wh●re Virtue ought to be plac'd ; who , by their false Portraitures do render it impossible to our Practise , and who consequently make few Virtuous Men. The Author de la maniere de bien p●●ser dans les Ouvrages d'Espri● , who to a stile extreamly Polite and Exact , always adds an exquisite Iudgment very well remarks the weakness and falsity of these Words of a late Writer , Every one endeavours to possess the most Room he can in his own Imagination , and promotes and aggrandises himself in the World , only to Augment the Idea which every one has of himself . Behold the end of all the Ambitious Designs of Men. Alexander , &c. Caesar had no other Prospect in all their Battels than this . Indeed , Alexander and Caesar might in their Battels , not only have meditated o● their interiour Image , and altho' the Thought then had , might prove true in some Occurrence , yet it could not be so in the Extent that was given it . There is therefore nothing worse Thought than what he Vtters , who has Compos'd the first Treatise of the Moral Essays , and whose Words we have just mention'd . What the Author of these Essays lays down at first , and which he who Composes the Excell●nt Dial●gues already mention'd , would not take the Pains to revive , is al●ost of this Stamp ; 'T is even somewhat worse , to which very little Attention is requir'd . I conceive , saith he , that he who at first stil'd himself , High and Mighty Lord , look'd upon himself as Born upon the Head of his Vassals , and that it is this that he means by this Epithet high , so little suitable to the vileness of Men. What signifi●s all this ? or rather , How dares one from a serious and grave Air to ●dvance Things of this Nature ? Wha● i● m●ant by these Words , I imagine , tha● he who at the first Stil'd himself , Hig● and Mighty Lord , look'd upon himse●● as advanc'd over the Head of his Va●●sals . These Words can have but T●● Senses ; the one Proper , the other Figu●rative . The Prop●r and Natural Sens● is , That this Lord imagin'd that his F●●● were rested on the Head of his Vassal● and that he walk'd upon their Heads 〈◊〉 Higher ; and that to See and Comman● them , he was forc'd to look down . Th● Figurative Sense is , That this Lor● thought himself advanc'd in Authori●● over his Vassals , and that his Rank an● P●w●r were much more considerable than th●irs . It is ●vident , that unless this Lord had lost his Wits , he could not imagine what the first Sense signifies ; and a● for the second , which is Figurative , it is very true : This Lord had Reason to consider himself as advanc'd above his Subjects , it was his Right to assume Titles which denoted his Pow●r and Authority , and he did no more than what those , whom God has ordain'd to Command others , have always done . God himself , in his Scriptures , calls them G●d's , which is much more than High and Mighty Lords . So these other Words , This Epithete of High is so unsuitable to the lowness of Men , are no more intelligible than the f●rmer . These Places , which we have obs●rv'd , are not the only ones of this Nature , which are found in the Moral Essays . There are infinite other such like . And not to go from the first Treatise , can these possibly be Solid . Altho' Men should have made great Progress therein , ( the Author Speaks of the Knowledge of Things ) they would hardly be the mor● estimable ; seeing that these Barren Sciences are so incapable of bringing any Fruit , and solid Contentment to them , that one is as Happy in rejecting ●hem at first , as in carrying them by long Study , to the highest Pitch they can be carry'd . We are only capable of knowing one single object , and one single Truth at once . The rest remains buried in our Memory , as if it was not . Behold therefore our Knowledge reduc'd to a single Object . Who is he that is not Convinc'd , that 't is a baseness to think himself valuable because he is well Clad , well Hors'd , that he hath justly directed a Ball , and walks with a good Grace ? What! Do not the Scien●es and Excellent Discoveries render a Man more Happy , Content , and Complaisant , when he ●nd●rstands the right Vse thereof ? Is it not well k●own , that there are many Divines , who are of Opinion , That one of the Things which will comple●t the Happin●s● of the Saints in Heaven , will be a great Knowledge of an infinite number of Truth● which are unknown to us upon Earth ? Is it because our Spirit can at the same time Meditate only upon one ●ingle Obje●● , that it thence follows , that all the Knowledge of an Experienc'd M●n is limited to this single Object , that he knows no other . Behold th●refore our Knowledge reduc'd to a single Object . In fine , Is it a Basenes● for a Knight , or Co●rtier , to think he shall be the more ●steem'd , if he does what is suitable to his Rank ; if among ●ther Things , he is properly Habited , well Hors'd , and Walk● with a good 〈◊〉 ? A●d wo●ld ●e not be truly worthy ●f Conte●●t wo●●d he not discover a m●anness of Mind , if he had unproper Habilliments , if he should take no Care and Pains to be well Hors'd , if he should Ride without any Art , or Walk like a Paisant . We can aver , that in this Abridgement of Confucius's Morals , nothing will be found like what we have Remarkt . We sh●ll here see Moral Essays , which are Master-Pieces . Ev●ry Thing herein is Solid ; because that right Reason , that inward Verity , which is implanted in the Soul of al● M●n , and which our Philosopher incessantly Consulted without Prejudice , guided all his Words . Thus the R●les which he Prescrib●s , and the D●ties to ●h●ch he Exhorts , are such , that there is no Person which does not immedi●tely give his Approbation thereunto . There is nothing of Falsity in his Reasonings , nothing Extream , none of those frightful Subtilties , which are observ'd in the Moral Treatises of most Modern Metaphysitians * , that is to say , in Discourses where Simpl●city , Clearness , and P●rspicuity ought to prevail thro●ghout , and make it s●lf Sensible to Minds ●f the low●st Rank . We shall perhaps find this Maxim a little Relax'd , where Confucius saith , That there are certain Persons whom it is Lawful to Hate . Nevertheless , if the Thing be closely Consider'd , we shall find the Thought to be Iust and Reasonable . Virtue , indeed , Commands us to do Good to all Men , as Confucius states it ; but it requires not that we should effectually have Friendship for all sorts of Persons . There are some so Odious , that it is absolutely impossible to Love them : For af●er all , w● only can Love Good ; we Naturally have an Aversion for what appears extreamly Wicked and Defective . All that Charity obliges us to do on this Account , is , to shew kindness to a Person , when it is in our Power , as if w● Lov'd him , notwith●tanding the Vices , Malic● , and great D●fects , which are discover'd in him . Seeing that opportunity o●●ers , we shall take Notice , That the Duty of Loving our Enemies , which Iesus Christ so much Recommends in his Gospel , is generally too much stretched . This Duty is v●ry diffi●ult to perform in its just Extent , without our render●ng it yet harder , or rather impossible to Practise , and capable of casting us into Despair , and of making us fall into an entire Relaxation . The generality of those that explain this Duty , do speak as if we were obliged to retain in our Hearts a tender Amity for all our Enemies , how Wicked and Abominable so●v●r they be . Yet , this is not precisely that which the Son of God requires at our Hands , because he demands not Things absolutely impossible . His aim is to excite us to ●ehave o●r selves towards our Enemies , whoever they be , as we do to them that we Love. Indeed , the Scriptures does , in several places , by to Love signifies to do Good , almost in the same manner as we do to those for whom we have a great A●●ection . If this were a sit occasion , we might Verifie this with ●everal Passages . We shall satisfie our selves o●ly with alledging the Example of God himself , which our Saviour proposes ●or our Imitation . For , a●ter having said , Matth. 5.44.45 . Love your Enemies ; Bless them that Curse you ; do Good to them that Hate you ; and Pray for them which Despitefully use you , and persecute you ; ( for these are all as so many Synonymous Terms , ) he adds , That ye may be the Children of your Father which is in Heaven : For he maketh his Sun to Rise upon the Evil and on the Good , and sendeth his Rain on the Just and on the un-Just . Now , it is certain , That God Loves not the Wicked and Vnjust , altho' he may do them Good : He has had an extream Aversion for a Caligula , for a Nero , and other such like Monsters ; altho' he has caus'd his Sun to Shine , and sent his Rain upon them . But he has dealt with them as if he Lov'd them ; and 't is after this manner also that we ought to Deport our selves towards our Enemies . 'T is not that we are not bound sincerely to endeavour , what in us lies , to retain in our Hearts some Sentiments of Friendship for them ; but there are certain Persons so Lew'd , so Pros●igate , and so Abominable , for whom it is impossible to have these Sentiments . And 't is upon this Account that the Charity is yet greater , more generous , and Praise W●rthy , when notwithstanding that Aversion which we cannot hinder our selves from bearing to ●ertain Persons , we cease not to do them Good upon Occasion , with the Prospect of yielding Obedience unto God. As for the rest , by what we have hithirto said it may be judg'd how exceedingly the Publick is behold●n to the R. F. Incorcetta and Couplet , who have Translated , out of Chinese into Latin , the Three Books of Confucius , from which we have Extracted this Piece of Morality● which is now divulg'd . We have Selected the most important Things , and have let slip several , which , altho' good in themselves , and particularly agreeable to the Genius of the Persons for whom they have been Said and Writ , would have seem'd , perhaps , too common and inconsiderable in our Europe . And forasmuch , as in the Work of the R. F. Incorcetta and Couplet , a Discourse is made concerning the Origine of the Chinese Nation , and of the Ancient●st Books which this Nation enjoys , and which were Extant , several Ages before that of Confucius , we have therefore Translated what on ●h●s account is most necessary to be known . It is here requisite , for the Reader 's Satisfaction , to declare , That the Chineses , from the beginning of their Origine to the times of Confucius , have not been Idolaters ; that they have not had neither false Gods nor Images ; that they have paid Adoration only to the Creator of the Vniverse , whom they have al●ays called Xam-ti , and to whom their third Emperor nam'd Hoam-ti , erected a Temple , which was probable the first that was Built to God. The Name of Xam-ti , which they attribute to God , signifies Soveraign Master , or Emperor . It is observable , that there have been a great many of the Chinese Emperors that have very frequently assum'd the Sirname of Ti , which imports Master , Emperor , or that of Vam , which signifies King ● that there was one Prince of the Fourth Race , who was called Xi Hoam Ti , The Great , or August Emperor ; but there is not found any that has dar'd to assume the Title of Xam , that is to say , Soveraign , and that they have always respectfully left it to the absolute Iudge of th● Vniverse . It is true , that in China , Sacrifices have ever been offer'd to diverse Tutelary Angels : But in the times which preceeded Confucius , 't was in Respect of Honouring them infinitely less than Xam-ti , the Souveraign Lord of the World. The Chineses serv'd God with Extraordinary Pomp and Magnificence , but at the same time , with a very modest and very humble Behaviour ; and said , That all this external Worship was in no wise agreeable to the Divinity , if the Soul was not inwardly Adorn'd with Piety and Virtue . They highly Honour their Fathers and Mothers , and Persons advanc'd in Age. The Women were very Virtuous ; and in their Habits and all their Fashions great Modesty was observ'd . The Men and Women , Nobles and Peasants , Kings and Subjects , did greatly esteem Sobriety , Frugality , Moderation , Iustice , and Virtue . The Religion and Piety of the Chineses continued almost in this State unto the Time of the Philosopher Li Lao Kiun , who was Contemporary with Confucius , and who first declar'd there were several Gods. Confucius put a stop to the Torrent of Superstition and Idolat●y , which b●gan to overflow . But in fine , when Fohi's Idol was brought from the Indies , that is to say , Sixty five Years after Jesus Christ , this Torrent so strongly overflow'd , that it made an Irruption , the sad Effects whereof are still seen . 'T were to be wisht that there had from time to time been rais'd of these Confucius's . Things would not be in the posture wherein they are at China . This great M●n instructed , as well by his Manners and Example , as by his Precepts : And his Precepts are so just , so necessary , and propos'd with so much Gravity , and at the same time with so much Me●kness and Ingenuity , that th●y must needs easily insinuate into their Hearts , and produce great Eff●cts therein . Read only this little Treatise which is sufficient to give you a very great and plenary Satisfaction . THE MORALS OF CONFVCIVS THE Chinese Philosopher . The FIRST PART . Of the Antiquity and Philosophy of the Chineses . ALthough in this little Work our Design is only to relate what is most Remarkable in Confucius's Books , yet we are obliged to speak of some Books which have appear'd in China before this Philosopher . But this being not to be done without reflecting a little backward , we will discourse one word concerning the Origen and Antiquity of the Chineses . The Chinese Chronologers do almost all agree , that Fohi , who began to reign 2952 Years before the Birth of Jesus Christ , was the Founder of this Monarchy . The Chineses that have interpreted these Annals , make no difficulty to avow , that whatever is writ concerning China , before the Reign of this Emperor , is fabulous and suspicious : and one of their most renown'd Historians , named Taisucum , frankly confesses , that he is ignorant of what passed before the Reign of Xinum , the Successor of Fohi . There are only certain Annals which the Chineses call the Great Annals , wherein the thing is otherwise read . The Author of this Prodigious Chronology , which contains almost an Hundred and fifty Volumes , reports that after the Creation of the World , there were three Emperors : The one of Heaven , the other of the Earth , and the third of Men ; That the Progeny of this last succeeded one another for the space of above Forty nine thousand Years ; after which , Thirty five Imperial Families do successively Reign for several Ages without Interruption . This Author likewise adds , That he justifies not what he says , and at last agrees , that it is more certain to begin with Fohi , and herein to follow the most famous and best reputed Historians . 'T is not that in Fohi's Life they have not inserted an infinite Number of Fables , which might cause us to question whether this Emperor ever was ; For besides that in the Great Annals it is read , that Fohi's Mother accidentally stepping into a Place where a Giant had passed , she was suddenly encompass'd with a Rainbow , and that 't was at this very moment , that she perceiv'd her self with Child of the Founder of the Chinese Monarchy : where it is also related that this Founder had the Head of a Man , and Body of a Serpent . 'T is true , that these Fables being very gross , the Generality of the Chineses derides them . They report , that the Ground of this Ridiculous Tradition was the Colour of Fohi's Body , which was marked with several spots ; or rather , that it was an Hieroglyphick , whereby they intended to represent this Prince , as a Prince of extraordinary Prudence . But although we had not this Consideration and Prospect , the Genealogy of this King is so exact , so circumstantial , and so well prosecuted in the Chronological Tables of the Chineses , that it is not possible to imagine it only a Fancy ; so that there is certainly as little reason to deny , or even to question that Fohi ever was , as to maintain that Saturn , Iupiter , Hercules and Romulus are only Names , under pretence that the Poets and gravest Historians have intermixt the History of their Birth with a Thousand impertinent Fables . Nevertheless , these very Annals , which contain so many Fables upon the Account of Fohi's Birth , do say nothing of his Predecessor's , and do speak very imperfectly concerning his Country ; which makes us suspect that he was not Born in China , and that he came thither from some other place . They only intimate , that he was Born in a Province called Kensi , where he indeed must necessarily arrive , supposing that he came from some other Part into China : For after the Confusion of Tongu●s , and Dispersion of the People , he must come from Mesopotamia , or from the Territory of Sennaar , to Land at Kensi , and afterwards arrive in the heart of the Country , viz. in the Province of Honan , where it is writ that he kept his Co●rt . Although we cannot exactly know at what time Fohi laid the first Foundations of his Empire , yet it is very probable that it was not long after the Deluge : For indeed , if we vigorously follow the Computations of the Chineses , and Chronology of the Septuagint , 't was not till about 200 Years after , in a time when Noah was yet living ; so that we may readily believe that he is descended from this Patriarch by Sem , who according to the Sentiment of the whole World , had Asia for his Inheritance . And that which more confirms us in our Opinion , is , that in the Chinese Language , Sem , which signifies to ingender and produce , imports also Life and Sacrifice . Indeed , 't is from Noah's Children , that all Men since the Deluge are descended , and have received Life , and have learn't to offer Sacrifice unto God. Whereunto it might be added , that Fohi is by the Chineses called Pa●hi , which signif●es also a Victim , because that he was the first of Sem's Posterity that introduc'd the Service of God and Use of Sacrifices amongst them . But if we refuse to adhere to th● Computations before●ention'd , let us retrench , with their leave , the first six Emperors , whose History cannot in every thing be true , and let us begin to compute only from the seventh , viz. from the Emperor Yao . For from this Emperor's Reign , so many Persons have , by Cycles computed and writ , whatever has pass'd in this Kingdom , and have done it with so much exactness , and such a general Uniformity , that we can no more doubt of the Truth of their Calculation , than of that of the Greek Olympiads . For we shall also find , according to that Computation , that the Origin of the Chinese Nation was not long after the Flood ; for from the time of Yao , to the Year of this Age 1688. it is Four thousand forty and eight Years . This being so , it must n●c●ssarily follow that the first I●habitants of China had likewise the true Knowledge of God , and of the Creation of the World ; For the Idea of the true God , and the Remembrance of the World's Creation continued a long time after the Deluge , in the Minds of Men , and even of those that were most corrupted , as the Posterity of Cham for example . Indeed , besides that in the Annals of the Chineses , a Discourse is there made concerning the Creation o● the World , although after a different Method from Moses's History , yet it was not possible that these Idea's of the true God , which the Creation of the World , and after that the Deluge had deeply ingrav'd in their Hearts , could be so suddenly effac'd in such a manner , as that they should fall into Idolatry , and follow after other Gods than he that had created them . But the more throughly to convince us of what we have been discoursing , it is needful only to consider the Doctrine , Sen●iments and Manners of the Ancient Chineses , the Books of their Philosophers , and especially those of Confucius . Certainly we shall throughout observe the excellentest Morality ●hat ever was taught , a Morality which might be said to proceed from the School of Jesus Christ. The Books which the Ancient Chineses have writ , are exceeding numerous , but the chief are those which are called Vkim ; that is to say , The five Volumes , and those intituled Su Xu , that is to say , The four Books . The first and chiefest of these five Volumes is called Xu Kin. It is not necessary very amply to discourse of the Antiquity of this Work ; 'T is sufficient to say , that in perusing it we find , that the Author wrote a long time before Moses . At first there is seen the History of three great Kings , viz. Yao , Xun , and Vu , the last of which was the ●irst and chief of the Family Hia , the most considerable of all the Imperial Families ; and the two others have been famous Lawgivers , and , as it were , the Solon's of China . Therein is afterwards found the most important Constitutions that were made during the Reign of the second Family , or Imperial House called Xam and Vu , especially by Chimtam , who was the Founder thereof , and who arrived at the Empire 1776 Years before the coming of Jesus Christ. In fine , a Discourse is there made of the third Family , wherein is chiefly related what was said or done most remarkable under the Government of the five first Princes , and of the twelfth . There is represented the History of Vuvam , who was the chief of this third Family , and the Lucubrations and Instructions of the Illustrious Cheucum , the Brother of this Emperor , who was a Prince highly esteemed , both for his Virtue and extraordinary Prudence . This whole Volume , not to multiply words , is only an Historical Relation , and Collection of Moral Maxims , of Harangues spoken by Princes , of Sentences uttered by the Mouths of Kings , and particular Persons , and of Precepts and Councils given to Princes , wherein so much Prudence , Policy , Wisdom and Religion is ●et ●orth , that they might be given to all Christian Princes . The second Volume , which is properly a Recital of the Customs and Ordinances of almost twelve Kings , is intituled Xi Ki● . 'T is a Collection of Odes , and several other little Poems of this Nature : For Musick being greatly esteemed , and much used in China , and whatever is published in this Volume having respect only to the Purity of Manners , and Practise of Virtue , those that wrote it composed it in Verse , to the end that every one being enabled to sing the things therein contained , they might be in every one's Mouth . Virtue is there magnified and extolled to the highest degree , and there are so many things exprest after a method so grave and wise , that 't is impossible not to admire them . It is very true , that therein is contained things very ridiculous , extravagant Hyperboles in ●avour of certain Princes , and Murmurings and Repinings against God and Heaven : But the most Judicious Interpreters are of Opinion , that all this is suspicious ; that those to whom they are attributed are not the Authors ; that they are not to be credited , as being since added . Indeed the other Ancient Odes , they say , contain nothing ridiculous , extravagant , or criminal , as appears by these words of C●nfucius ; The whole Doctrine of the three hundred Poems is reduced to these few Words , Su Vu Si● , which import , That we ought not to think any thing that is wicked or impure . The third Volume is called Ye Kim . In this Volume , which is the Ancientest , if it may be called a Volume , nothing but Obscurity and Darkness is observed . Fohi had no sooner founded his Empire , than he gave Instructio●s to the Chineses ; but the use of Characters and Writing being unknown , this Prince , who could not teach th●m all with his Voice , and who was moreover imploy'd in the Advancement of his growing Monarchy , after a long and serious Consideration , thought at last upon making a Tabl● , composed of some little Lines which it is not necessary to describe . The Chineses being as yet dull and rustick , 't is probable that this Prince laboured in vain ; and if it is true , that he accomplished his Design , by the clear and easie Explications which he himself gave for the understanding of these Lines , it happen'd , at least insensibly , that this Table became useless . For it is certain , that after his Death nothing could make use thereof . Two thousand Years ●rom the Foundation of the Monarchy were near elaps'd , no one being able any way to decypher this Mysterious Table , when at last an O●depus was seen to appear : 'T was a Prince named Venvam . This Prince endeavoured to penetrate the sense of these Lines by a great number of others , which he disposed after different ways ; they were new Aenigma's . His Son , viz. Cheucum , attempted the same thing ; But had not the good fortune better to succeed . In brief , five hundred Years after appeared Confucius , who endeavoured to untie this Gordius's Knot . He explain'd , according to his Understanding , the little Lines of the Founder , with the Interpretations that had been made before him , and refers all to the Nature of Beings and Elements ; to the Manners and Discipline of Men. It is true , that Confucius being arriv'd at a more advanced Age , acknowledged his Mistake , and designed to make new Commentaries on this Aenigmatical Work : But Death hindered him from ful●illing his Resolution . To the fourth Volume Confuciu● has given the Title of Chun Cie● ; words which signifie the Spring and Autumn . He composed it in his Old Age. He discourses like an Historian of the Expeditions of divers Princes ; of thei● Virtues and Vices ; of the Fatigues they underwent , with the Recompences they received . Confucius designed to this fourth Volume the Title of Spring and Autumn , which is an Emblematical Title , because that States flourish when their Princes are endowed with Virtue and Wisdom● which is represented by the Spring ; and that on the contrary they fall like the Leaves , and are utterly destroyed , when their Princes are dispirited , o● are wicked , which is represented by the Autumn . The Fifth Volume entituled Li Ki , or Memoires of Ri●es and Duties , is composed of two Books , the Matter of which is extracted by Confucius out of several other Books , and of various Monuments of Antiquity . But about Three hundred years after , all the Copies of this Work being Burnt , by the Command of a cruel Emperor , called Xihoamti , and this Loss being impossible to be repair'd any other way , than by consulting the most Aged Persons that might have preserv'd any Idea's thereof , it is not to be question'd that the Work is at present exceedingly defective , even as the Interpr●ters themselves acknowledge ; There are indeed several things herein wanting , and a great many others added , which never were in Confucius's Copies . However , in this whole Volume , such as it now is , he Treats of the Rites as well Sacred as Prophane , of all sorts of Duties , such as were practis'd in the time of the three Families of the Princes Hia , Xa● , and Che● , but especially of that which Reign'd in Confucius's time . These Duties are those of Parents to their Children ; those of Children to their Parents ; the Duties of Husband and Wife ; those of Friends , those which respect Hospitality , and those which are necessary to be perform'd at home , or abroad , or at Feasts . He there discourses likewise of the Vessels of the Sacrifices , of the Victims that were to be offer'd up unto Heaven , o● the Temples to be chosen for that end , of the respect we ought to have for the Dead , and of their Obsequies or Funeral Rites . In a word , he therein Treats of the Liberal Arts , especially of Musick , of the Military Art , of the way of lancing a Javelin , and guiding a Chariot . Behold in brief what the five Volumes contain . The four Books , the three first o● which are Confucius's Books , whereof we design to speak , do comprehend the whole Philosophy of the Chineses , at least , whatever this Philosophy has most curious and considerable . They explain and more clearly illustrate what is writ in the five Volumes : and although the Authority of the five Volumes be infinitely greater , by reason of their Antiquity , than that of the ●our Volumes , yet the four Volumes exceed it , for the Advantage that may be receiv'd therefrom . Indeed , besides that the Chineses do thence derive their Principal Oracles , and what they believe to be eternal Verities ; The L●terati , which are Philosophers that follow Confucius's Doctrine , and which have in their own hands all the Employments of the Nation , cannot arrive at the degree of a Philosopher , and consequently to be Mandorims or Magistrates , without a great Knowledge of these four Books . They are , in truth , under an Obligation , to know one of the five Volumes , which they please to choose , according to their Fancy and Inclination : But as for the ●our Books , they are indispensably oblig'd to know them all four by heart , and throughly to understand them ; The principal Reasons of which are as follow : The first is , That Confucius and Memcius , who writ the fourth Book , have Collected what is best and most exquisite in the Works of the Ancients . The second is , That they have added several good things to the Discoveries and Thoughts of their Ancestors . The third , That Confucius and Memcius propose their Doctrine after a clearer and politer Method than was formerly done . In fine , 't is because that Confucius and Memcius have , in the four Books , avoided the dull and harsh style of the Ancients , and that by a smooth style , although without Pride and Arrogancy , they have added Ornaments to the naked Simplicity of the Golden Age. We have nothing to say concerning the Fourth Book , because that this Work of Memcius has not as yet appear'd in Europe : but before we proceed to speak of Confucius , it is necessary to publish the Merit of this Philosopher , together with the most remarkable Passages of his Life . Confucius was Born 551 Years before the coming of Jesus Christ. He was of a most Noble Extraction ; for , not to mention his Mother , who was of an Illustrious Birth , his Father , who had been advanc'd to the first and chiefest Offices of the Empire , was descended from the last Emperor of the second Family . Dispositions to Virtue appearing sometimes in the tenderest Years , Confucius , at six Years old discovered nothing of a Child : All his ways were Manly . At the Age of Fifteen Years , he apply'd himself to the Reading of the Ancients , and having selected those which were most esteemed , and which himself judg'd the best , he thence extracted the most excellent Instructions , with a design first to profit himself , thereby to make them the Rules of his own Conduct , and afterwards to propose them to others . At Twenty Years old he Married , and had a Son named Peyu , who died at Fifty . He was the only Child he had , but his Race extinguish'd not , he had a Grandson called Cusu , that was an Honour to his Ancestors . Cusu apply'd himself to Philosophy , he made Commentaries on his Grandfather's Books , was advanc'd to the highest Dignities , and his House is so well supported , and his Posterity have always been so considerable both for their Promotions and Opulency , that this Family is at present one of the most Illustrious in China . Confucius exercis'd the Magistracy at divers places with very good Success , and with a great Reputation ; His greatest Aim being the Publick Good , and the Propagation of his Doctrine , he ambiciously sought not after Vain-glory in these sorts of Employs . Insomuch , that when he accomplish'd not his end , when he saw himself frustrated in the hopes he had of being enabled more easily to diffuse his Lights , from an high Place , he descended and renounc'd the Office of a Magistrate . This Philosopher had Three thousand Disciples , among which , there were Five hundred that manag'd the most Eminent Charges in several Kingdoms , and Seventy two whose Virtue a●d Knowledge was so extraordinary , that the Annals have preserv'd their Names , Sirnames , and the Names of their Country to Posterity . He divided his Doctrine into four Parts ; so that Confucius's School was compos'd of four Orders of Disciples . Those of the first Order applied themselves to cultivate Virtue , and thereby to impress strong Dispositions in their Heart and Mind . Those of the second Order addicted themselves to the Art of Ratiocination and Rhetorick . The third studied Politicks . And the Business and Employment of the fourth Order , was to write in a smooth and neat style , what concern'd Morality . Amongst these Seventy two Disciples , there were Ten that signalized themselves , and whose Names and Wri●ings are in great Veneration . Confucius , throughout his Doctrine , had no other intent than to dissipate the Mists of the Mind , to extirpate Vice , and re-establish that Integrity which he affirm'd to have been a Present from Heaven . And the more easily to attain this end , he exhorted all those that heard his Instructions , to obey Heaven , to fear and serve it , to love his Neighbour as himself , to conquer and submit his Passions unto Reason , to do nothing , say nothing , nor think nothing contrary to it . And what was more remarkable , he recommended nothing to others , either in Writing or by word of Mouth , which he did not first practise himself . His Disciples also had for him a Veneration so extraordinary , that they sometimes made no scruple to pay him those Honors , which were us'd to be render'd to those only that sat upon the Throne : An Example of which we will give you . 'T was an Ancient Custom amongst the Chineses , to place Sick Persons Beds on the North-side : but because that this situation was the situation of the King's Beds ; when a King visited a Sick Person , the Bed was removed to the South-side , and 't was a Crime not to do it . Confucius had some Disciples , that , in their Sicknesses , render'd him such an Homage . We must not here forget one very remarkable Thing which the Chineses relate . They report that Confucius was us'd continually to say , That the Holy Man was in the West . Whatever his Thoughts were , it is certain that Sixty and five Years after Christ's Birth , the Emperor Mimti , excited by the Philosopher's words , and much more , as it is said , by the Image of the Holy Hero that appeared to him in a Dream , sent two Ambassadors into the West , there to find out the Saint and Holy Law. But these Ambassadors Landing at a certain Island not far from the Red-Sea , and not daring to venture farther , they advised about taking a certain Idol they found there , which was the Statue of a Philosopher called Foe Kiao , that had appear'd in the Indies , about Five hundred Years before Confucius , and brought into China Fohi's Idol with the Doctrine which he had Taught . Happy had been their Embassy , if instead of this Doctrine they had returned into their own Country with the saving Doctrine of Jesus Christ , which St. Thomas then Preach'd in the Indi●s ; but this Divine Light had not as yet reach'd thither . From this unhappy time , the Generality of the Chineses have follow'd after Idols ; and Superstition and Idolatry , daily , making new Progress , they by little and little forsook the Doctrine of their Master , have neglected the excellent Instructions of the Ancients , and in fine , being grown Contemners of all sorts of Religion , they are faln headlong into Atheism . They could not indeed do otherwise , in following ●he Execrable Doctrine of that Impostor Fohi , who taught , That the Principle and End of all things was Nothing . To return to Con●ucius , whose Doctrine was so repugnant to that of Fohi and his Followers ; This Illustrious Philosopher , who was so necessary and helpful to his Country , died in the 73 Year of his Age ; a little before the Sickness which snatch'd him from the C●ineses , he with great Bitterness of Spirit , lamented the Disorders of his Time ; and exprest his Thoughts and Grief , by a Verse which may be thus transl●ted , O great Mountain ! he meant his Doctrine , O great Mountain , what art thou become ! This Important Machine is subverted ! Alas ! There are no more Wis●men , no more Saints ! This Reflection so grievously af●licted him , that he presently languish'd ; and seven days before his Death , turning towards his Disciples , after having testified his regret and trouble to see that Kings , whose good Conduct was so necessary , and of such great Importance , would not observe his Maxims and Instructio●s , he dolourously subjoyns , seeing that things go thus , nothing more remains than to die . He had no soon●r utter'd these words , but he fell into a Lethargy , which ended with his Death . Confucius was Buried in his own Country , in the Kingdom of Lu , whither he was retir'd with his dearest Disciples . For his Sepulchre they chose a place near the City of K●oseu , on the Bank of the River Su , in that very Academy where he us'd to teach , and which is at present seen environ'd with Walls , like a considerable City . It is not possible to express the Af●liction which the Death of this Philosopher caus'd to his Disciples . They bitterly bewail'd him ; they put on Mourning Weeds , and were under such great anguish , that they neglected the care of their Nourishment and their Life . Never was a good Father more regretted by dutiful and well-bred Children , than Confucius was by his Disciples . They were all in Mourning and Tears a whole Year , some three Years : and there was one who being more truly sensible , than the rest , of the loss they had underwent , stirred not , for six Years , from the place where his Master had been Buried . In all the Cities , there are seen Magnificent Colleges which were built in honour of Confucius , with these and other such like Inscriptions , written in Characters of Gold. To the great Master . To the Illustrious King of the Learned . To the Saint . Or , which is the same thing amongst the Chineses . To him that was endow'd with an extraordinary Wisdom . And although it be Two thousand Years since this Philosopher's decease , they have so great a Veneration fo● his Memory , that the Magistrates never pass by these Colleges , without stopping their stately Palankins wherein they are carried for distinction sake . They alight , and after some few Moments Prostration , do march a little way on foot . There are even Emperors and Kings who disdain not sometimes to visit these Edifices where the Titles of this Philosopher are Engrav'd , and to perform it after a glorious manner . Behold , the exceedingly remarkable words of the Emperor Yumlo , who was the third Emperor of the preceding Family called Mim . He pronounced them on● day when he was dispos'd to go to one of these Colleges already mention'd . I adore the Mast●r of Kings and Emperors . Emperors and Kings are Lords and Masters of their People ; but Confucius has propos'd the true M●thods of governing these very People , and of instructing the Ages to come . It is therefore convenient that I go to the great College , and there offer some Presents to this great Master who is no more , to the end that I may shew how much I honour the Learned , and how greatly I esteem their Doctrine . These extraordinary marks of Veneration do intimate that the Virtue and Merit of this Philosopher have been extraordinary . And certainly this excellent Man was also endow'd with admirable Qualifications . He had an Aspect both grave and modest ; he was faithful , ●ust , chearful , civil , courteous , affable : and a certain serenity , which appear'd in his Countenance , gain'd him the hearts and respect of all those that beheld him . He spake little , and meditated much . He eagerly pursued his S●udy , without tiring his Spirit . He contemn'd Riches and Honours when they were Obstacles to his Designs . His whole Delight was in teaching and making his Doctrine savoury to many . He was severer to himself than others . He had a continual Circumspection over himself , and was a rigid Censurer of his own Conduct . He blam'd himself for not being assiduous enough in Instructing ; for not shewing vigilance enough in correcting his own Faults , and for not exercising himself , as he ought , in the practice of Virtue . In fine , he had one Virtue rarely found in great Men , viz. Humility : for he not only spake with an extreme Modesty of himself , and what concern'd him , but he with a singular sincerity declar'd to the whole World , that he ceased not to learn , and that the Doctrine he taught was not his own , but the Doctrine of the Ancients But his Books are his true Pourtraicture , which in this place we proceed to expose to view . The Second Part. A COLLECTION Out of Confucius's Works . The FIRST BOOK . THe First Book of Confucius was published by one of his most famous Disciples named Cemçu ; and this Learned Disciple writ very excellent Commentaries thereon . This Book is , as it were , the Gate through which it is necessary to pass to arrive at the sublimest Wisdom , and most perfect Virtue . The Philosopher here treats of three considerable Things . 1. Of what we ought to do to cultivate our Mind , and regulate our Manners . 2. Of the Method by which it is necessary to instruct and guide others . And , 3. Of the Care that every one ought to have to tend to the Sovereign Good , to adhere thereunto , and as I may so say , to repose himself therein . Because the Author chiefly design'd to address his Instructions to the Princes and Magistrates that might be called to the Regality , this Book is intituled , Ta-Hio , or , The Great Science . The great Secret , says Confuci●s , to acquire true Knowledge , the Knowledge , consequently , worthy of Princes , and the most Illustrious Personages , is to cultivate and polish the Reason , which is a Present that we have received from Heaven . Our Concupiscence has disordered it , and intermixt several Impurities therewith . Ta●e away therefore , and remove from it these Impurities , to the end that it may reassume its former Luster , and enjoy its utmost Perfection● This here is the Sovereign Good. This is not sufficient . 'T is moreover requisite , that a Prince by his Exhortations , and by his own Example , make of his People , as it were , a new People . In fine , after being , by great Pains , arrived at this Sovereign Perfection , at this chief Good , you must not relax ; 'T is here that Perseverance is absolutely necessary . Whereas Men generally pursue not the Methods that lead to the Possession of the Sovereign Good , and to a constant and eternal Possession , Confucius has thought it highly important to give some Instructions th●rein . He says , That after we know the end to which we must attain , it is necessary to determine , and incessantly to make towards this End , by walking in the ways which lead thereunto ; by daily confirming in his Mind the Resolution fixt on for the attaining it , and by establishing it so well , that nothing may in the least shake it . When you shall have thus fixt your Mind in this great Design , give up your self , adds he , to Meditation : Reason upon all things within your self : Endeavour to have some clear Idea's thereof : Consider distinctly what presenteth it self to you : Pass , without prejudice , solid Judgments thereon● Examine every thing , and weigh every thing with care . After Examinations and Reasonings of this nature , you may easily arrive at the End where you must fix , at the End where you ought resolutely to stand , viz● at a perfect Conformity of all your Actions with what Reason suggests . As to the Means which a Prince ought to use , to purifi● and polish his Reason , to the end that it being thus disposed , he may govern his States , and redress and beautifie the Reason of his People , the Philosopher proposes after what manner the Ancient Kings governed themselves . That they might at last govern their Empire wisely , they endeavoured , saith he , prudently to sway a particular Kingdom , and to excite its Members to improve their Reason , and to act like Creatures endow'd with Understanding . To produce this Reformation in this particular Kingdom , they laboured to regulat● their Family , to the end that it might serve as a Model to all the Subjects of this Kingdom . To reform their Family , they took an extraordinary care to polish their own Person , and so well to compose their Words and Actions , that they might neither say , nor do any thing that might ever so little offend Complaicence , and which was not edifying , to the end that they themselve● might be a Pattern and Example continually exposed to the Eyes of their Domesticks , and all their Courtiers . To obtain this exterior Perfection● they strove to rectify their Mind● by governing and subduing their Passions● because that the Passions do , for the most part , remove the Mind from its natural Rectitude , do abase and incline it to all sorts of Vice. To rectify their Mind , to rule and subdue their Passions , they so acted that their Will was always bent to Good , and never turn'd towards Evil. In fine , thus to dispose their Will , they studied to illuminate their Understanding , and so well to enlighten it , that , if it was possible , they might ignore nothing : for to Will , Desire , Love and Hate , it is necessary to know ; This is the Philosophy of right Reason . This is what Confucius propos'd to the Princes , to instruct them how to rectify and polish first their own Reason , and a●terwards the Reason and Person of all their Subjects . But to make the greater Impression , after having gradually descended from the wise Conduct of the whole Empire , to the Perfect●on of the Understanding , he reascends , by the same Degrees , from the illuminated Understanding to the happy State of the whole Empire . If , saith he , the understanding of a Prince is well enlighten'd , his Will will incline only to Good : his Will inclining only to Good , his Soul will be entirely rectified , there will not be any Passion that can make him destroy his Rectitude : The Soul being thus rectified , he will be composed in his exterior , nothing will be observ'd in his Person that can offend Complaisance . His Person being thus perfected , his Family forming it self according to this Model , will be reform'd and amended . His Family being arriv'd at this Perfection , 't will serve as an Example to all the Subjects of the particular Kingdom , and the Members of the particular Kingdom , to all those that compose the Body of the Empire . Thus th● whole Empire will be well govern'd ; Order and Justice will Reign there ; we shall there enjoy a profound Peace , 't will be an happy and flourishing Empire . Confucius afterwards certifies , that these Admonitions do not less regard the Subjects than the Princes ; and a●te● having address'd himself to Kings , he tells them , that they ought particularly to apply themselves rightly to govern their Family , to take care thereof , and reform it : For , he adds , it is impossible that he that knows not how to govern and reform his own Family , can rightly govern and reform a People . Behold what is most important in Confucius's Doctrine contained in the first Book , and which is the Text , as I may say , whereon his Commentator Cemçu has taken pains . This famous Disciple , to explain and enlarge his Masters Instructions , alledges Authorities and Examples which he draws from three very ancient Books , highly esteemed by the Chineses . The first Book he mentions , which is of a later date than the rest , is intituled Camcao , and makes up a part of the Chronicles of the Empire of Cheu . This Book was composed by a Prince called Vuvam , the Son of King Venvam . Vuvam does therein highly extol his Father ; but his Principal Design , in magnifying the Virtues , and admirable Qualities of this Prince , is to form according to this Model one of his Brethren● whom he would perfect in Virtue : And it is observable , that he ordinarily tells him that their Father had the Art of being Virtuous . Venv●m , said he to him , had the Art of polishing his Reason and his Person . The second Book from whence Cemçu cites his Authorities and Examples , is called Tar-Kia . This Book , which is a great deal ancienter than the first , was writ by a famous Emperor of Xam , named Y-Yin ; 'T is therein read , that this Y-Yin , seeing Tar-Kia the Grandson of the Emperor Chim-Tam degenerate from the Virtue of his illustrious Ancestors , and carry himself after a manner wholly different from theirs ; He commanded him to live three Years in a Garden , where was his Grandfathers Tomb ; That this made so great an Impression upon his Spirit , that he chang'd his course : And that the same Y-Yin who had done him so kind an Office , having afterwards advanc'd him to the Empire , Tar-Kia govern'd it a long time in great Prosperity . King Tam , said Y-Yin to Tar-Kia , King Tam always had his Mind disposed to cultivate that precious Reason which h●● been given us from Heaven . In fine , the third Book , which is much ancienter than the two former , is called Ti-Tien ; and upon the occasion of King Ya● it is there read , That this Prince could cultivate this sublime Virtue , this great and sublime gift which he had receiv'd from Heaven , viz. Natural Reason . It is evident , that Confucius's Disciple , by these Authorities , design'd to shew , or rather supposes that the whole World believes that we have all received from Heaven , those Lights which most Men suffer to extinguish by their Negligence , a Reason which most Men voluntarily slight and suffer to corrupt : And seeing that there were Princes which have perfected these Lights , which have bettered and improved their Reason , we ought to imitate them , and that we as well as they by their Endeavours , may attain to such a Perfection . We must not here forget a remarkable thing which Cemçu relates , touching a Bason wherein King Tam us'd to bathe and wash himself . He says , that these excellent words were there engrav'd ; Wash thy self , renew thy self co●●●nually , renew thy self every day ; R●new thy self from day to day : And that it was to intimate to the King , that if ● Prince which governs others has contracted Vices and Impurities , he ought to labour to cleanse himself therefrom , and to reduce his Heart into its first state of Purity . As for the rest , it has been an ancient Custom amongst the Chineses to grave or paint on their Domestick Vessels some Moral Sentences , and strong Exhortations to Virtue : So that when they bath'd themselves , or took their Repasts there , they had these Sentences and Exhortations continually before their Eyes . This ancient Custom is still preserv'd . There is only this di●ference , says he , that publishes Confucius's Works , that whereas heretofore the Characters were grav'd or painted on the inside of the Vessel , in the middle of the interiour Face , at present the Chineses do most frequently grave or paint them on the outside , satisfy●ng themselves in this Age with the outward appearance of Virtue . After Cemçu has spoken of the two ●irst parts of his Masters Doctrine , the one of which respects what a Prince should do for his own Perfection , and the other what he is obliged to do for the Perfection and Prosperity of others , he proceeds to the third and last part , wherein he discourses of the last end that every one ought to propose as th● Sovereign Good , and whereat he ought to fix . We must remember that by the last End and Sovereign Good , Confucius understands , as we have already observed , an entire Conformity of our Action● with Right Reason . After this , he alledges the Example of that Venvam , already spoken of : And certainly this Prince's Conduct was so wise and regular , that we cannot without Admiration understand , how by the sole Lights of Nature , he could have such Idea's as he had , and could arrive at so sublime a Virtue as that whereunto he attain'd . It will not be unpleasing to see something of it here . Venvam , saith the Commentator , acknowl●dged that the love which Princes bear to their Subjects , cannot but greatly contribute rightly to Govern and make them happy : And upon this Consideration , he made this love his principal business , which he incessantly endeavour'd to perfect . Behold the Method he took ! Because that the principal Virtue of a Subject is to honour and respect his King , Venvam being as yet a Subject , fixed himself to render this Honour and Respect ; and took so great a pleasure in these sorts of Obligations , that he always fulfill'd them with great Fidelity . As the first and most important Virtue of Children to their Parents , is Obedience , Venvam , in the Relation of a Son , adher'd to this Obedience ; and incessantly acquitted himself of this Duty with an extraordinary Piety . The principal Virtue of a Father , adds Confucius's Disciple , is a tender love for his Children : Thus Venvam , like a Father , stuck close to this Love , whereof he conti●nally gave very signal Proofs , not by a weak and criminal Indulgence , but by the continual Cares he took to reform and instruct them . In fine , Fidelity is a Virtue absolutely necessary to thos● that live in a Society : Thus Venv●m , in speaking and acting with the Subjects of his Kingdom , kept close to this Duty , and so strongly adher'd to it , that he never promis'd any thing which he effected not with an unspeakable Promtitude and Exactness . This Prince , says Cemçu , was Born of very Virtuous Parents , who had taken great Care of his Education , especially his Mother Taicin , who had been a pattern of Virtue ; but he himself had so well improv'd this Education , ●hat he render'd himself an accomplish'd Prince , and acquitted himself with so much Reputation , and such a general Esteem , even amongst Foreign Nations , that Forty four Kingdoms voluntarily submitted to his Empire . Nevertheless , adds he , this great Honour wherewith he was environ'd , was never capable of Eclipsing him : He was Endow'd with an inexpressible and unparallel'd Modesty and Humility : He very severely accus'd himself of not being Virtuous enough ; for one Day when he was Sick , the Earth being shook with prodigious Earthquakes , he sought the Cause of this Calamity , and of the Wrath of Heaven , only in his own Sins , although he was of a Consummate Virtue . That which most appear'd in Venvam's Actions , was an extraordinary Charity ; a Proof whereof we will here allege . In the Annals of China it is Recorded , That this Prince having found in the Fields the Bones of a Man , to whom the Honours of Burying were refus'd , he immediately commanded them to be Interr'd ; and some of th● by-standers saying , That the Master of the Deceased was unknown , and that for this Reason he might not concern himself , it being Founded perhaps on some Custom of the Country . What , replies the King , He that holds the Reins of the Empire , Is not he the Master of it ? He that Reigns , Is not he the Master of the Kingdom ? I am therefore the Lord and Master of the Dead , wherefore then should I refuse him these last Offices of Piety ? But this is not all ; he had no sooner utter'd these Words , but unstripping himself of his Royal Vestment , he commanded it to be us'd instead of a Winding-Sheet , to wrap up these Bones , and Bury them according to the Manners and Custom of the Country ; which his Courtiers observing with Admiration , they thus cry'd out , If the Piety of our Prince is so great towards dry Bones , how great will it not be towards Men that enjoy Life . They made some other Reflections of this Nature . Venvam's Charity had properly for its object , all sorts of Persons , but particularly ancient Persons , Widows , Orphans and the Poor , whom he protected and nourish'd as if they had been his own Children . It is believ'd , that these Charitable Actions were the principal Cause of the Re-establishment of a Pious Custom of the first Emperors , and of a Law which is still observed throughout China . This Law enacts , That in every City , even in the least , an Hundred poor Aged Persons shall be maintained at the Publick Charge . But Venvam not satisfied with having given , in his Life-time , Instructions and Examples of Virtue ; when he felt himself near Death , not sufficiently relying on the force of his preceding Instructions and Examples , and knowing that the last Words of dying Persons do make a great Impression , he likewise gave his Son Vuvam these three Admonitions . 1. When you see any Virtuous Action done , be not slack to practise it . 2. When the Opportunity of doing a reasonable thing shall offer , make use of it without hesitating . 3. Cease not thy Endeavours to extirpate and suppress Vice. These three Admonitions which I give you , my Son , adds he , do comprehend whatever may produce an exact Probity , and excellent Conduct . Behold doubtless an Example which shews , that in this Kings Life-time , the Chineses had very Rational Sentiments , and that Virtue , as I may say , was their Passion : For in a word , the People generally conform themselves to the Sentiments and Manners of their Kings . Regis ad Exemplum , totus componitu● Orbis . There is nothing that gives a greater Idea of the Virtue of the ancient Chineses , than what they have Writ and Practis'd , in respect of their Law Suits . They Teach , That Actions ought not to be commenc'd against one ; That Frauds , Severities , and Enmities , which are the general Attendants and Consequences of Law Suits , were unbecoming Men ; That the whole World ought to live in Unity and Concord , and that to this end it behoved every one to use their utmost Endeavours , either to prevent ●aw Suits from arising , or to stifle them in their Birth , by reconciling the Parties , or inspiring them with the Love of Peace ; that is to say , by engaging them to renew and improve their Reasons : These are Cemçu's own Words . But that which is most remarkable on this Subject , is , the extraordinary Precautions which the Judges took before any Cause was brought before their Tribunals . They , with the utmost Vigilance and Attention , Examin'd the outside of the Plaintiff , or him that began the Suit ; to the end , that by this means they might know whether this Man was thereunto excited by good Motives ; whether he believ'd his Cause good , or whether he acted Sincerely : And for this purpose there were Five Rules . By the First Rule , They Examin'd the placing of his Words , and manner of Speaking ; and this was called Cutim , that is to say , The Obs●rvation of the Words . By the Second , They consider'd the Air of his Countenance , and the Motion of his Lips , and this was called Setim , that is to say , The Observation of the Face . By the Third , They observ'd his manner of Breathing , when he propos'd his Cause ; this Rule was called Kitim , that is to say , The Observation of the Respiration . By the Fourth , They remark'd whether his Reply was quick ; whether he gave not intricate , ill-grounded , uncertain Answers , or whether he spake of any other thing than that in question ; or whether his Words were not ambiguous ; and this was called Vlht●m , that is to say , The Observation of the Answers . Lastly , By the Fifth , The Judges were carefully to weigh the Considerations and Respect , to see whether there was no Trouble , Digression , or Confusion ; if there appeared not any sign of a Lye and Fraud ; and this last Rule was called Motim , that is to say , The Observation of the Eyes . 'T was by these exteriour Marks that this Ancient Ar●opagite discovered the most hidden Thoughts of the Heart , render'd an exact Justice , diverted a great many Persons from Law-Suits and Frauds , and inspir'd in them the love of Equity and Concord . But a● present these Rules are ignor'd in China , or at least wholly neglected . To retur● to Con●ucius's Doctrine illustrated with the Commentaries of Cemçu . This Disciple set a high value upon a Maxim which he had frequently heard his Master repeat , and which himself also very strongly inculcated . ' ●was this ; Always behave thy self with the same Precaution and Discretion as you would do , if you were observ'd by T●n Eyes , and pointed at by so many Hands . To render Virtue yet more commendable , and more easily to inspire the Sentiments thereof , the same Disciple demonstrates , That , whatever is honest and advantagious , being amiable , we are obliged to love Virtue , because it includes both these Qualities ; that moreover Virtue is an Ornament which embellishes , as I may say , the whole Person of him that possesses it , his Interiour and Exteriour ; that to the Mind it communicates inexpressible Beauties and Perfections ; that as to the Body , it there produces very sensible Delights ; that it affords a certain Physiognomy , certain Transports , certain ways which infinitely please ; and as it is the Property of Virtue to becalm the Heart , and keep Peace there , so this inward Tranquillity and secret Joy do produce a certain Serenity in the Countenance , a certain Joy , and Air of Goodness , Kindness and Reason , which attracts the Heart and Esteem of the whole World. After which he concludes , that the principal Business of a Man is to rectifie his Mind , and so well to rule his Heart , that his Passions might always be calm ; and if it happen that they be excited , he ought to be mov'd no farther than is necessary ; in a word , that he may regulate them according to right Reason . For , as for instance , adds he , if we suffer our selves to be transported with excessive Anger , that is to say , if we fall into a Rage without any cause , or more than we ought when we have reason , we may thence conclude , that our Mind has not the Rectitude it ought to have . If we contemn and mortally hate a Person , by reason of certain Defects that we observe in him , and render not Justice to his good and excellent Qualities , if endow'd therewith ; if we permit our selves to be troubled by a too great ●ear ; if we abandon our selves to an immoderate Joy , or to an excessive Sorrow , it cannot be said that our Mind is in the state wherein it ought to be , that it has its Rectitude and Uprightness . Cemçu carries this Moral a great way further , and gives it a Per●ection which , in my Opinion , could never be expected from those that have not been honoured with Divine Revelation . He says , That it is not only necessary to observe Moderation in general , as oft as our Passions are stirred , but that also in respect of those which are the most lawful , innocent and laudable , we ought not blindly to yield up our selves thereunto , and always to follow their Motions ; it is necessary to consult Reason . As for Example , Parents are oblig'd to Love one another . Nevertheless , as their Amity may be too weak , so it may be also too strong ; and as to the on● and the other Respect , there is doubtless an Irregularity . It is Just ●or a Child to Love his Father ; but if a Father has any considerable Defect , if he has committed any great Fault , 't is the Duty of a Son to acquaint him with it , and tell him what may be for his Good , always keeping a due Respect , from which he ought not to depart . Likewise , If a Son is fallen into any Sin , 't is the Duty of a Father to Reprove him , and give him his Advice thereon . But if their Love is Blind ; if their Love is a mere Passion ; if it is Flesh and Blood which make them to Act , this Affection is an Irregular Affection . Why ? Because it dig●esseth from the Rule of right Reason . We should injure the Reader if we should omit Speaking of the Emperor Yao , whose Elogy is Recorded in the Work that affords the matter of ours . Never Man has more exactly practis'd all these Duties , which have been propos'd by Confucius's Disciple than he . It may be said , if his Portraiture is not Flatter'd , that he had a Disposition made for Virtue . He had a tender , but magnanimous and well-disposed Heart . He Lov'd those that he was oblig'd to Love , but 't was without the least weakness . He , in a Word , regulated his Love , and all his Passions , according to right Reason . This Prince arriv'd at the Empire 2357 years before Jesus Christ , he Reign'd an Hundred Years : But he Rul'd with so much Prudence , Wisdom , and so many Demonstrations of Clemency and Kindness to his Subjects , that they we e the happiest People of the Earth . Yao had all the Excellent Qualities desireable in a Prince : his Riches made him not Proud ; his Extraction , which was so Noble and Illustrious , puff'd him not up with Arrogancy . He was Virtucus , Sincere , and Kind without Affec●ation . His Palace , Table , Apparel and Furniture discover'd the greatest Moderation that ever was seen . He delighted in Musick , but it was a Grave , Modest , and Pious Musick : He detested nothing so much as Songs wherein Modesty and Civility were blemish● . 'T was not a Capricious Humour that made him dislike these sorts of Songs , 't was the desire he had of rendering himself in all Things pleasing unto Heaven . 'T was not Avarice that produc'd in him that Moderation which he observ'd in his Table , Apparel , Furniture , and every thing else ; it was only the Love he bare to those that were in want , for he only designed to relieve them . 'T was also his great Piety , and that ardent Charity wherewith he burn'd , which made him frequently to utter these admirable Words . The Famine of my People is my own Famine . My P●oples Sin is my own Sin. In the Seventy Second Year of his Reign ●e Elected Xun as a Collegue , who Govern'd the Empire Twenty Eight Years with him : But what is most remarkable , and which deserves the Praise and Applause of all Ages , is , That although he had a Son , he declar'd , that he appointed Xun , in whom he had seen a great deal of Virtue , an exact Probity , and judicious Conduct , for his Successor . And it being told him , that his Son complain'd of his Excluding him from the Succeession to the Empire , he made this answer , which alone may be the Subject of an Excellent Panegyrick , and render his Memory Immortal . I had rather my only Son shou'd be Wicked , and all my People Good , than if my Son alone was Good , and all my People Wicked . Confucius's chief aim , as we have declar'd , being to propose his Doctrine to Kings , and perswade them to it , because he thought , that if he could inspire them with the Sentiments of Virtue , their Subjects would become Virtuous after their Example ; Cemçu explaining this Doctrine expatiates largely on the Duty of Kings . He Principally applies himself to Three Things . 1. To shew that it is very important that Kings behave themselves well in their Court and Family , because that their Ways and Actions are certainly imitated . 2. To perswade them of the necessity there is in general of acquiring the Habit of Virtue , and of per●orming the Duties thereof in all places and upon all Accounts . 3. To engage them not to impoverish the People , but to do all ●or their Good and Ease . As to the First Article , he makes use of several Cogitations , which the Book of Odes affords him . But behold , in two Words , the most considerable part of his Discourse . If , saith he , a King as a Father , testifies Love to his Children ; if as a Son , he is Obedient to his Father ; if in quality of the Eldest Son , he is cour●eous to his youn●er Brethren , and lives peaceably with them . If , as the youngest , he has a respect and esteem for the eldest ; if he kindly uses those that are in his Service ; if he is charitable , especially to Widows and Orphans : If , I say , a King exactly acquits himself of all this , his People will imitate him , and every one will be seen to practise Virtue throughout his Kingdom . Parents will tenderly love their Children , and give them a good Education . Children will honour their Parents , and render them due Obedience , The Elder will shew Kindness to their Younger Brother , and the Younger will have a respect and esteem for their Elder , or for other Persons for whom Good Manners requires that they should have respect ; as , for example , for Persons advanc'd in Age. In fine , those that have Estates , will maintain some Widows , Orphans , and some sick Persons : ●or there is nothing that makes a greater Impression on the Minds of People , than the Examples of their Kings . As to the second Article , where Cemçu exhorts in general to the practise of Virtue , he alledges for a Principle this Maxim , to which Christ himself seems to refer all his Morality , Do to another what you would they should do unto you ; and do not unto another what you would not should be done unto you . Amongst those in the midst of whom you live , says Confucius's Disciple , there are some above you , others inferiour to you , and others that are your equals : There are some that preceded you , others that are to be your Successors ; you have them on your Right Hand , and on your Left. Consider , that all these Men have the same Passions with you , and that what you desire they should do , or not do , unto you , they desire that you should do , or not do , unto them . What you therefore hate in your Superiours , what you blame in them , be sure not to practise towards your Inferiours : And what you hate and blame in your Inferiours , practise not to your Superiours . What displeases you in your Predecessors , eschew , to give an Example to those that shall come after . And as in case that you should happen to give them such an Example , you would desire they should not follow it ; so you should not follow the bad Examples of those that have preceded you . In fine , what you blame in those which are on your Right Hand , practise not to those which are on your Left ; and what you reprehend in those on your Left Hand , be sure not to practise it to those that are on your Right . Behold , concludes Cemçu , after what manner we ought to measure and regulate all our Actions ! And if a Prince thus exercises himself , it will happen that all his Subjects will be of one Heart and one Mind , and that he will rather be called their Father , than their Lord and Master . This will be the Means to draw down the Blessings and Favours of Heaven , not to fear any thing , and to lead a quiet and peaceable Life : For in fine , Virtue is the Basis and Foundation of an Empire , and the Source from whence flows whatever may render it flourishing . 'T was upon this Consideration that an Ambassador of the Kingdom of Cu returned this excellent Answer to a Nobleman of the Kingdom of Cin , who asked him , Whether in his Masters Kingdom there were great Riches and Precious Stones ; Nothing i● est●emed Precious in the Kingdom of Cu●ut Virtue . A King of Ci returned almost the same Answer . This Prince treating of an Alliance with the King of Guei , and the King of Guei demanding of him , If in his Kingdom there were Precious Stones ; he answered , That there were none . How● reply'd this King all in amaze , Is it possible that tho' my Kingdom be lesser than yours , yet there is found a Carbuncle whose brightness is so great , that it can enlighten sp●ce enough for twelve Palanquins ; and that in your Kingdom , which is vaster than mine , there are none of these Preci●us Stones ! I have four Ministers , rejoins the King of Ci , who with great Prudence Govern the Provinces I have committed to them ; Behold my Precious Stones , th●y can enlighten a thousand Stadia . These are not the Men alone in China that have esteemed Virtue ; there were Women that have consider'd it as a Jewel of infinite Value , and preferable to all Treasures . An Illustrious Queen named Kiam , who Reign'd Two Hundred Years before Confucius , reclaim'd her Husband from Sensuality and Debauchery , by an Action which deserves to be Immortaliz'd . She seeing that this Prince continually resorted to the Pastimes of Debauchery , and abandon'd himself to all sorts of Pleasures , she one day pluckt her Pendants from her Ears , and laid aside all her Jewels , and in his Condition went to the King , and spake to him these Words with a sensible Emotion . Sir , is it possible that Luxury● and Debauchery are so very pleasing to you . You contemn Virtue ; but I esteem it infinitely more than the m●st precious Stones . She afterwards enlarged upon this Subject , and the Action and Discourse of this Princess toucht him so strongly , that he renounc'd his Extravagancies , and gave himself up entirely to Virtue , and the care of his Kingdom , which he Govern'd Thirteen Years with great Applause . In fine , as to the last Article , Cemçu represents to Kings , that they ought not to oppress their People , either by Impositions , or otherwise ; that to avoid being forc'd thereto , it is necessary to choose Wise , Faithful , and Virtuous Ministers , and consequently not to admit into the management of Affairs , those that are Unworthy , and who by their Cruelties , Ambition and Avarice , can only bring a vast prej●dice to the State. He shews them , that the● ought to lessen , as much as is possible the number of their Ministers , and of all those that live at the publick Expence ; to endeavour to excite all to Work , and so to Order it , that those who manage and disburse the Treasure , may do it with all the Moderation imaginable . Princes , adds he , ought never to seek private Interest ; they ought only to look after the Interests of their People : To be Lov'd and Faithfully Serv'd , they ought to convince their Subjects , by their Conduct , that they design only to make them Happ● ; which they will never do , if they heartily follow their particular Interests , if they oppress and impoverish them . A COLLECTION Out of Confucius's Works . The SECOND BOOK . THIS Second Book of Confucius was Published by his Grand-Son Cusu . It Treats of divers Things , but especially of that excellent Mediocrity , which must be constantly observ'd in all Things , between the too much , and too little . Thus this Book is Entituled , Chumyum , that is to say , The Perpetual Mean , a mean constantly observ'd . Confucius . Teaches at First , That all Men ought to love this Mediocrity , which they ought to search after with an extream Care. He says , that the perfect Man always k●eps a just Mean , what●v●r ●e undertakes ; but that the Wicked always swerves therefrom , that he does too much , or not enough . When the right Reason sent from Heaven , adds ●e , has once shew'd a Wiseman the Mean he ought to keep , he afterwards conforms all his Actions thereunto● at all times , as well in Adver●●ty as Prosperity ; he ●ontinually watches over himself , over his Thoughts , over the most secret Mo●io●● of hi● H●art , alw●y●●o square h●mself a●●ordi●g to t●is just Mean , w●i●h h● will never lose sight of● but ●he wi●ked b●ing not restrain'd , n●ither by Fear , Modesty , nor th● love o● Virtu● , their extrav●gant Passion● do always carry them into Extreams . This Philosopher cannot sufficien●ly admir● this happy Mediocrity , he look● on it as the sublimest thing in th● W●●ld , as a thing ●ost worthy of the Lov● and Employment of the highest Minds , as the sole Path of Virtue . H●●●mplains , that there always hav● been so f●w Persons that have kept it ; he ●●lig●ntly enquires after the cause ●her●of . He says , that as for the wis● Men of the Age , they slight and con●emn it , because they imagine it below th●ir great Designs , below their Ambitious Projects ; and that as for dull Persons they very hardly attain it , ●●th●r by Reason they understand it not , or b●cause the difficulty in at●aining it astonish●s and discourages them : And all this , adds Confucius , happens for want of Examination ; ●or if we diligently examin'd what is good in it self , we should find that all ●xtreams are prejudicial , and that the Mean alone is always Good and Gainful . He herein particularly alledges th● Example of Xun the Emperor ; H● cries out , How great was the Prudence of the Emperor X●n ? He was not satisfied in the Administration o● Stat●-Af●airs , with his single Examination , with his own particular Judgment and Prudence ; He likewise consulted the meanest of his Subjects . He ask'd Advice upon the least Things ; and he made it a Duty and Delight to weigh the Answers that were given him , how common so ever they appear●d . When any thing was propos'd to him , which , after a strict Examination , he was convinc'd was repugnant to right Reason , he acquiesced not , but with an open Heart represented what was amiss in the Counsel that was given him . By this means he made his Subjects to place a Confidence in him , and accustom themselves ●reely to give him Advertisements , ●rom time to time . As for the good and judicious Counsels , he follow'd , magnified , and extold them ; and thereby every one was encourag'd , joy●ully to declare his Opinion . But if , amongst the Counsels that were given him , he found that some plainly contradicted others , he attentively consider'd them , and after having examin'd them , he always took ● Mean , especially when it concern'd ●he Publick Interest● , Confucius here deplores the false Prudence of the Men of his Time. It had , indeed , very much degenerated from the Prudence of the Ancient Kings . There is not , saith he , any Person at present , who declares not , I have Prudence , I know what is necessary to be done , and what is not . But because that now , Profit and particular Advantage are the only Objects delighted in , it happens that we think not on the Evils which may thence ensue , on the Perils to which this Gain and Profit expose us ; and that the Precipice is not perceived by us . There are some that perfectly understand the Nature and Value of Mediocrity , who ch●s● it for their Rule , and square their Actions thereby , but who afterwards suffering themselves to be overcome by Sloath , have not the power to persist . To what end , in these sorts of Persons , does the Knowledge and Resolutions they have formed tend to ? Alas ! it was not thus with my Disciple H●ri ; He had an exquisite discerning Faculty ; He remarkt all the Di●ferences that occurred in things ; He always chose a Mean , and never forsook it . As for the rest , adds Confucius , 't is not a very easie thing to acquire , that Medium which I so much commend . Alas ! there is nothing so difficult ; 't is an Affair which requires great Pains and Industry . You will find Men capable of Governing happily the Kingdoms of the Earth . You will see some that will have Magnanimity enough to refuse the most considerable Dignities and Advantages : There will be some also that will have Courage enough to walk on Naked Swords : But you will find few , that are capable of keeping a just Mean ; That to arrive hereat , Art , Labour , Courage and Virtue are requir'd . 'T was upon the Account of this Mo●al , that one of his Disciples , who was of a Warlike and Ambitious Temper , ask'd him , Wherein Valour consisted , and what it was necessary to do to obtain the Name of Valiant ? Have you ●e●rd , says Confucius , of the Valour of those in the South , or those that dwell in the North , or rather of the Valour of my Disciples , who apply themselves to the study of Wisdom ? To act mildly in the Education of Children and Disciples , to be indulgent to them ; patiently to bear their Disobediences and Defects , is that wherein the Valour of the Southern People consists . By this Valour they conquer their violent Temper , and submit their Passions , which are generally violent , to Right Reason . To lie down couragiously in a Camp , to repose quietly , in the midst of a terrible Army ; to see a thousand Deaths before his Eyes , without daunting ; not to be disquieted , but make a pleasure of this sort of life : Behold what I call the Valour of the Northern Men ! But as generally ther● is a great deal of rashness in all this , and that oftentimes Men regulate not themselves according to that Mean which every one ought to seek after , 't is not this sort of Valour which I require of my Disciples . Behold what his Character ought to be ! A perfect Man ( for in short , the perfect Men only can have a true Valour ) ought always to be busied , in conquering himself . He must suit himself to the Manners and Tempers of others ; but he ought always to be Master of his own Heart , and Actions ; He must not suffer himself to be corrupted by the Conversation , or Examples of loose and effeminate Persons ; he must never obey , till he has first examined what is commanded him ; He must never imitate others , without Judgment . In the midst of so many mad and blind Persons , which go at random , he must walk aright , and not incline to any party : This is the true Valour . Moreover , if this very Person is called to the Magistracy , in a Kingdom where Vertue is considered , and he changes not his Morals , how great soever the Honours be , to which he is advanced ; if he there preserves all the good Habits , which he had when only a private Man ; if he permit not himself to be lead away with Pride and Vanity , this Man is truly Valiant : Ah! how great is this Valour ? But if on the contrary , he is in a Kingdom , where Virtue and Laws are con●emn'd , and that in the Confusion and Disorder which there prevail , he himself is depressed with Poverty , afflicted , reduc'd even to the loss of Life ; but yet , in the midst of so many Miseries , he remains constant , preserves all the Innocency of his Manners , and never changes his Opinion : Ah! how Great and Illustrious is this Valour ? Instead therefore of the Valour of the Southern or Nor●hern Countries , I require , and expect from you , my dear Disciples , a Valour of the Nature above-mentioned . Behold something which Confucius speaks , which is not less remarkable . There are some Men , saith he , which surpass the bounds of Mediocrity , by affecting to have extraordinary Virtues : They covet always to have something marvellous in their Actions , to the end that Posterity may praise and extol them . Certainly , as for my self , I shall never be enamoured with the●e glittering Actions , where Vanity and Self-love have ever a greater sha●e than Virtue . I would only know and practise what it is necessary to know and practise every where . There are four Rules , according to which the perfect Man ought to square himself . 1. He himself ought to practise in respect of his Father , what he requires from his Son. 2. In the Service of his Prince he is oblig'd to shew the ●ame Fidelity which he demands of those that are under him . 3 He must act in respect of his eldest Brother , after the same manner that he wou●d that his younger Brother should act towards him . 4. And lastly , He ought to behave himself towards his Friends , as he desires that his Friends should carry themselves to him . The perfect Man continually acquits himself of these Duties , how common soever they may appear . If he happen to perceive that he has done amiss in any thing , he is not at rest till he has repair'd his Fault : If he finds that he has omitted any ●onsiderable Duty , there is not any Violence which he does not to himself perfectly to accomplish it . He is moderate and reserved in his Discourses ; he speaks with Circumspection : If ●o him occurs a great affluence of Words , he ●resumes not to expose it , he restr●ins himself . In a word , he is ●o rigorous a Censurer of himself , that he is not a● rest when his Words correspond not to his Actions● and his Actions to his Words . Now the way , cries he , by which a Man arrives at this Per●ection , is a solid and constant Virtue . To this his Masters Doctrine , Cus● here adds a Moral worthy of their Meditation , who have a desire to perfect themselves . The perfect Man , says this worthy Disciple of so great a Philosopher , the perfect Man governs himself according to his present State , and cove●s not●ing beyond it . If he find himself in the midst of Riches , he acts like a Rich Man , but addicts not himself to unlawful Pleasures ; he avoid● Lu●ury , detests Pride , offends no Body . If he is in a poor and contemptible State , he acts as a poor and mean Man ought to Act ; but he does nothing unworthy of a Grave and Worthy Man● If he be remo●e from his own Country , he behaves himself as a Stranger ought to do ; but he is always like himself . If he is in Affliction and Adversity , he does not insolently affront his Destiny , but has Courage and Resolution ; nothing can shake his Constancy . If he is advanc'd● to the Dignities of State , he keeps his Rank , but never treats his Inferiours with Severity ; and if he sees himself below others , ●e is humble , he never departs from the Respect he owes to his Superiours ; but he never purchases their Favour with Flattery . He uses his utmost Endeavours to perfect himself , and exacts nothing of others with Severity : 'T is upon this account that he expresses no Discontent or Anger to any Person . If he li●ts up his Eyes towards Heaven , 't is not to complain , for that it has not sent him Prosperity , or to murmur , for that it Afflicts him : If he looks down towards the Ground , 't is not to reproach Men , and attribute the Cause of his Miseries and Necessities unto them ; 't is to testifie his Humility , that is to say , that he is always contended with his Condition , that he desires nothing beyond , and that with Submission , and an even Spirit , he expects whatever Heaven shall Ordain concerning him . Thus he rejoyceth in a certain Tranquillity , which may well be compar'd to the top of those Mountains , which are higher than the Region where the Thunder and Tempests are form'd . In the Sequel of this Book , he Discourses of the profound Respect which the ancient Chineses , and especially the Kings and Emperors , had for their Parents , and of the exact Obedience which they paid them . If a King , said they , Honours and Obeys his Father and Mother , certainly he will endeavour to excite his Subjects to follow his Example ; for brie●ly , a Man that loves Virtue , desires that all others should likewise esteem it , especially if it is his Interest that they should be Virtuous : Now 't is of great importance to a King , that his Subjects do love Virtue and practice it . Indeed , how can he hope to be obey'd by his Subjects , if himself refuses to Obey those that gave him Life . After all , if a Prince desires to bring his Subjects to be Obedient to their Parents , he must shew Kindness towards them , and treat them with that tenderness which Fathers have for their Children ; for we willingly imitate those whom we Love , and of whom we think we are Belov'd . But if this Prince , by his Conduct , excites his Subjects to give Obedience to their Parents , and afterwards Obey him , as their common Father , most certainly they will Obey Heaven , from whence Crowns and Empires do come : Heaven , which is the Soveraign Father of all . And what will be the effect of this Obedience ? It will happen that Heaven will diffuse its Blessings on those that shall thus well acquit themselves . It will abundantly recompence so admirable a Virtue , it will make Peace and Concord every where to Reign ; so that the King and his Subjects will seem as one single Family , where the Subjects Obeying their King , as their Father , and the King Loving his Subjects as his Children , they will all lead , as in a single , but rich , magnificent , regular , and convenient House , the happiest and most peaceable Life imaginable . To return to Confucius , as he knew that the Examples of Kings made a great impression on Mens Minds , so he proposes that of the Emperor Xun , in respect of the Obedience which Children owe to their Parents . Oh , how great has the Obedience of this Emperor been ! crys Confucius . Thus , continues he , if he has obtain'd from Heaven the Imperial Crown , 't is the Recompence of this Virtue . 'T is this Virtue that procured him so many Revenues , those immense Riches , and vast Kingdoms , which are only limited by the Ocean . 'T is this Virtue that has render'd his Name so Famous throughout the World. In fine , I doubt not but that long and peaceable Life , which he enjoy'd , ought to be consider'd as a Recompence of this Virtue . To hear this Philosopher speak , would it not be said , that he had read the Decalogue , and understood the Promise which God has there made to those that Honour their Father and Mother . But if , by what Confucius declares , it seems , that the Decalogue was not unknown to him , it will rather seem that he knew the Maxims of the Gospel , when we shall see what he Teaches concerning Charity , which he says it is necessary to have for all Men. That Love , saith he , which it is requisite for all Men to have , is not a Stranger to Man , 't is Man himself ; or , if you will , 't is a Natural Property of Man , which dictates unto him , that he ought generally to love all Men. Nevertheless , above all Men to love his Father and Mother , is his main and principal Duty , from the practice of which he afterwards proceeds , as by degrees , to the practise of that Universal Love , whose object is all Mankind . 'T is from this Universal Love that distributive Justice comes , that Justice , which makes us to render to every one his Due , and more especially to cherish and honour Wise and upright Men , and to advance them to the Dignities and Offices of State. That difference , which is between the Love we have for our Parents , and that we have for others , between the Love we bear to Virtuous and Learned Men , and that we bear to those which have not so much Virtue or Ability ; that difference , I say , is as it were a Harmony , a Symmetry of Duties , which the Reason of Heaven has protected , and in which nothing must be Changed . For the Conduct of Life Confucius proposes Five Rules , which he calls Universal . The First Regards the Justice that ought to be practis'd between a King and his Subjects . The Second Respects the Love that ought to be between a Father and his Children . The Third Recommends Conjugal Fidelity to Husbands and Wives . The Fourth concerns the Subordination that ought to appear between Elder and Younger Brothers . The Fifth obliges Friends to live in Concord , in great Unity , and mutual Kindness . Behold , adds he , the Five General Rules , which every one ought to observe ; behold , as it were the Five Publick Roads , by which Men ought to pass . But after all we cannot observe these Rules , if these Three Virtues are wanting , Prudence , which makes us discern Good from Evil , Vniversal Love , which makes us love all Men , and that Resolution which makes us constantly to persevere in the Adhesion to Good , and Aversion to Evil. But for fear least some fearful Persons not well verst in Morality should imagine , that it is impossible for them to acquire these Three Virtues , he affirms , that there is no Person incapable of acquiring them ; that the impotence of the Man is volu●tary . How dull soever a Man is , should he , says he , be without any Experience , yet if he desires to learn , and grows not weary in the Study of Virtue , he is not very far from Prudence . If a Man , although full of Self-love , endeavours to perform good Actions , behold him already very near that Universal Love , which engages him to do Good to all . In fine , if a Man feels a secret Shame , when he hears impure and unchast Discourses ; if he cannot forbear Blushing thereat , he is not far from that Resolution of Spirit , which makes him constantly to seek after Good , and to have an Aversion for Evil. After that , the Chinese Philosopher has Treated of these Five Universal Rules , he proposes Nine particular ones for Kings , because that he considers their Conduct , as a publick Source of Happiness or Misery . They are these . 1. A King ought incessantly to labour to adorn his Person with all sorts of Virtues . 2. He ought to Honour and Cherish the Wise and Virtuous . 3. He ought to Respect and Love those that gave him Birth . 4. He ought to Honour and Esteem those Ministers that distinguish themselves by their Ability , and those which Exercise the principal Offices of the Magistracy . 5. He ought to accommodate himself , as much as it is possible , to the Sentiments and Mind of other Ministers , and as for those that have less considerable Employs , he ought to consider them as his Members . 6. He ought to Love his People , even the meanest as his own Children , and to share in the various Subjects of Joy or Sorrow , which they may have . 7. He ought to use his utmost to bring into his Kingdom several able Artificers in all sorts of Arts , for the advantage and conveniency of his Subjects . 8. He ought kindly and courteously to receive Strangers and Travellers , and fully to protect them . 9. Lastly , he ought tenderly to love the Princes , and great Men of his Empire , and so heartily to Study their Interests , that they may Love him , and be ever Faithful to him . Rightly to understand the Morals of Confucius , it is here necessary to speak one Word concerning the distinction which he makes between the Saint and Wise. To the one and the other he attributes certain things in common : But to the Saint he gives some Qualities and advantages , which he says , that the Wise has not . He says , That Reason and Innocence have been equally communicated to the Wise , and to the Saint , and likewise to all other Men ; but that the Saint has never in the least declin'd from right Reason , and has constantly preserv'd his Integrity ; whereas the Wise has not always preserv'd it , having not always followed the Light of Reason , because of several Obstacles he has met with in the practice of Virtue , and especially , by Reason of his Passions , whereunto he is a Slave . So that it is necessary , that he does his utmost , that he use great Pains and Endeavours , to put his Heart in a good posture , and to govern himself according ●o the Lights of Right Reason , and the Rules of Virtue . Cusu Reasoning hereon , the better to illustrate his Masters Doctrine , compares those that have lost their first Integrity , and desires to regain it , to those wither'd and almost dead Trees , that notwithstanding have in the Trunk and Roots , a certain Juice , a certain Principle of Life , which makes them cast forth shoots . If , saith he , we take care of these Trees , if we Cultivate them , Water them , and Prune off the dead Branches , it will happen that this Tree will re-assume its former State. After the same manner , although one has lost his first Integrity and Innocence , he need only ●xcite the Good that remains , use Pains and Industry , and he will Infallibly arrive at the highest Virtue . This last State , saith Cusu , this State of the Wise is called Giantao , that is to say , The Road and the Reason of Man , or rather , the way which leads to the Origine of the first Perfection . And the State of the Saint is called Tientao , that is to say , The Reason of Heaven , or the First Rule which Heaven has equally distributed to all Men , and which the Saints have always observ'd , without turning either on the Right Hand , or on the Left. As Rules do in brief contain the principal Duties , and that we may easily retain them , Confucius gives Five to those that desire to chuse the Good and adhere thereto . 1. It is necessary , after an exact and extensive manner , to know the Causes , Properties , and Differences of all Things . 2. Because that amongst the Things which are known , there may be some which are not perfectly known , it is necessary carefully to examine them , to weigh them Minutely and in every Circumstance , and thereon to consult Wise , Intelligent and Experienc'd Men. 3. Although it seems that we clearly apprehend certain Things , yet because it is easie to transgress , through Precipitancy , in the too much , or too little , it is necessary to Meditate afterwards in particular , on the things we believe we know , and to weigh every thing by the weight of Reason , with all the attentiveness of Spirit , and with the utmost exactness , whereof we are capable . 4. It is necessary to endeavour , not to apprehend Things , after a confused manner , it is requisite to have some clear Ideas thereof , so that we may truly discern the Good from the Bad , th● True from the False . 5. Lastly , after that we shall have observ'd all these Things , we must reduce to Action , sincerely and constantly perform and execute , to the utmost of our Power , the good Resolutions which we have taken . We cannot better conclude this Book , than with these Excellent Words of Cu●u : Take heed , saith he , how you Act , when you are alone . Although you should be retired into the most Solitary , and most private place of thine House , you ought to do nothing , whereof you would be asham'd if you were in Company or in Publick . Have you a desire , continues he , that I should shew you after what manner he that has acquir'd some Perfection governs himself . Why , he keeps a continual watch upon himself ; he undertakes nothing , begins nothing , pronounces no Word , whereon he has not Meditated . Before he raises any Motion in his Heart , he carefully observes himself , he reflects on every thing , he examines every thing , he is in a continual Vigilance . Before he Speaks he is satisfied , that what he is about to utter is True and Rational , and he thinks that he cannot reap a more pleasant Fruit from his Vigilance and Examination , than to accustom himself Circumspectly and Wisely to govern himself in the Things which are neither seen nor known by any . A COLLECTION Out of Confucius's Works . The THIRD BOOK . COnfucius's third Book is quite of another Character than the two former , as to the Method and Expressions ; but in the ground it contains the same Morality . 'T is a Contexture of several Sentences pronounc'd at divers times , and at several places , by Confucius and his Disciples . Therefore it is intituled Lun Yu , that is to say , Discourses of several P●rsons that Reason and Philosophize together . In the first place there is represented a Disciple of this famous Philosopher , who declares , that he spent not a Day wherein he render'd not an account to himself of these three things . 1. Whether he had not undertaken some Affair for another , and whether he manag'd and follow'd it with the same Eagerness and Fidelity as if it had been his own Concern . 2. If when he has been with his Friends , he has discours'd them sincerely , if he has not satisfied himself with shewing them some slight appearance of Kindness and Esteem . 3. Whether he has meditated on his Masters Doctrine ; and whether after having meditated on it , he has us'd his utmost Endeavours to reduce it to practise . Afterwards appears Confucius , giving Lessons to his Disciples . He tells them , that the Wise ought to be so occupied with his Virtue , that when he is in his House , he ought not to seek his Conveniency and Delight ; That when he undertakes any Affair , he ought to be diligent and exact , prudent and considerate in his Words , and that though he have all these Qualities , yet he ought to be the Person on whom he ought least to confide ; he whom he ought least to please : That in a word , the Wise-Man always distrus●ing himself , ought always to consult those , whose Virtue and Wisdom are known unto him , and to regul●te his Conduct and Actions according to their Counsels and Examples . What think you of a Poor Man , says one of his Disciples to him , who being able to extenuate and diminish his Poverty through Flattery , refuses to accept this Offer , and couragiously maintains , that none but Cowards and low-spirited Men do flatter ? What think you of a Rich Man , who notwithstanding his Riches , is not proud ? I say , replies Confucius , that they are both praise-worthy , but that they are not to be considered , as if they were arrived at the highest degree of Virtue . He that is poor , ought to be chearful , and content in the midst of his Indigence : Behold wherein the Virtue of the Poor Man consists ; and he that is Rich , ought to do good to all : He that is of a poor and abject Spirit , does good only to certain Persons ; certain Passions , certain particular Friendships cause him to act , his Friendship is interested : He disperses his Wealth only with a prospect of reaping more than he sows ; he seeks only his own Interest : But the love o● the Perfect Man is an universal love , a love whose Object is all Mankind . A Souldier of the Kingdom of Ci , said they unto him , lost his Buckler , and having a long time sought after it in vain , he at last comforts himself , upon the loss he had sustained , with this Reflection ; A Souldier has lost his Buckler , but a Souldier of our Camp has found it , he will use it . It had been much better spoken , replies Confucius , if he had said , A Man has lost his Buckler , but a Man will find it ; thereby intimating , that we ought to have an Affection for all the Men of the World. Confucius had a tender Spirit , as may be judg'd by what we have said , but ●t was great and sublime . The Ancient Chineses Taught , that there were Two Gods which presided in their Houses , the one called Noao , and the other Cao . The First was respected as the Tutelar God of the whole Family , and the Last was only the God of the Fire-Hearth . Nevertheless , although the last of these Genius's was very much inferiour to the first ; yet to him were render'd greater Honours than to him that had all the Domestick Affairs under his Protection : And there was a Proverb which imply'd , That it was better to seek the Protection of Cao , than of Noao . As this Preference had something very Singular , and seem'd , in some measure , even to encounter those which were promoted to Grandeurs in Princes Courts . Confucius being in the Kingdom of Guez , and meeting one day with a Praefect , which had great Authority in this Kingdom , this Minister puff'd up with the greatness of his Fortune , supposing that the Philosopher design'd to procure some Favour from the King , demanded of him by way of Merriment , the meaning o● this Proverb , so frequent in every ones Mouth , It is better to seek the Protection of Cao , than of Noao . Confucius , who presently perceiv'd , that the Praefect gave him to understand , by this Question , that he ought to address himself to him , if he would obtain his Request from the King his Master , and who at the same instant , made this Reflection , that to gain the good Will of a Princes Favourite , it is necessary to offer Incense even to his D●fects , and to forc● ones self to Compliances , unworthy of a Philosopher , plainly told him , That he was wholly differing from the Maxims of the Age ; that he would not address himself to him , with any address he wanted , to shew him that he ought to do it ; and at the same time to Advertise him , that though he should Answer his Question , according to his Desire , he could reap no benefit thereby , he told him , That he that had Sinn'd against Heaven , should Address himself only to Heaven . For he adds , to whom can he Address himself to obtain the Pardon of his Crime , seeing that there is not any Deity above Heaven . Confucius Recommends nothing so much to his Disciples as Clemency and Courtesie ; always grounded upon this Maxim , That we ought to Love all Men. And to make them better to apprehend the Truth of what he said , he made an Instance of Two Illustrious Princes , that were distinguish'd for this very thing in the Kingdom of Cucho . These Princes , saith he , were so mild and courteous , that they easily forgot the most hainous Injuries , and horrible Crimes , when the Offenders shew'd any sign of Repentance . They beheld these Criminals , though worthy of the severest Punishments , as if they had been Innocent ; they not only forgot their Faults , but by their Carriage , made even those that had committed them , in some measure to forget them , and loose one part of the Disgrace , which remains after great Lapses , and which can only discourage in the way of Virtue . One of this Philosophers great designs being to form Princes to Virtue , and to teach the Art of Reigning happily , he made no difficulty to Addressing himself directly to them , and of giving them Counsel . A Prince , said he , one day to a King of Lu , called Timcum , A Prince ought to be moderate , he ought not to contemn any of his Subjects , he ought to Recompence those that deserve it . There are some Subjects that he ought to treat with Mildness , and others with Severity ; there are some on whose Fidelity he ought to Rely , but there are some also whom he cannot sufficiently Distrust . Confucius would have Princes desire nothing that other Men wish for , although they are sometimes good Things , which it seems they might desire without Offence ; he would have them to Trample , as I may say , upon whatever may make the Felicity of Mortals upon Ear●h ; and especially to look upon Riches , Children , and Life it self , as transient Advantages , and which consequently cannot make the Felicity of a Prince . The Emperor Yao , says this Philosopher , govern'd himself by these Maxims , and under the conduct of so good a Guide , he arriv'd at a Perfection , whereunto few Mortals can attain ; for it may be said , that he saw nothing above him but Heaven , to which he was intirely conformable . This incomparable Prince , adds he , from time to time visited the Provinces of his Empire ; and as he was the delight of his People , being met one day by a Troop of his Subjects ; these Subjects , after having call'd him their Emperor and Father , and a●ter having testified their exceeding Joy at the sight of so great a Prince , cry'd out with a loud Voice , to joyn their Wishes with their Acclamations , Let Heaven heap Riches upon thee ! Let it grant thee a numerous Family ! And let it not snatch thee from thy People , till thou art satisfied with Days ! No , replys the Emperor , send up other Petitions to Heaven . Great Riches produce great Cares , and great Inquietudes ; A numerous Progeny produces great Fears ! And a long Life is generally a Series of Misfortunes . There are found few Emperors like to Yao , crys Confucius after this . That which generally occasions trouble to Kings , that , which in some measure , redoubles the weight of the Burden annext to their Crown , is either the few Subjects over which they Reign , or the little Wealth which they possess . For in Brief , all Kings are not great , all Kings have not vast Dominions , and excessive Rich●s . But Confucius is of Opinion , That a King is too Ingenious to Torment himself , when these Reflections are capable of causing the least trouble in him . He says , That a King has Subjects enough , when his Subjects are Contented ; and that his Kingdom is Rich enough , when Peace and Concord Flourish there . Peace and Concord , saith this Philosopher , Are the Mothers of Plenty . In fine , Confucius , in Speaking of the Duties of Princes , teaches , That it is so necessary for a Prince to be Virtuous , that when he is otherwise , a Subject is oblig'd by the Laws of Heaven , voluntarily to banish himself , and to seek another Country . He sometimes complains of the disorders of Princes ; but the great Subject of his Complaints , is , The Extravagancies of private Men. He bewails the Morals of his Age ; he says , That he sees almost no Body that distinguishes himself , either by Piety , or some extraordinary Quality ; that every One is corrupted , that every One is deprav'd , and that it is amongst the Magistrates and Courtiers , chiefly , that Virtue is neglected . It is true , that Confucius seems to extend Things beyond Reason . Indeed , 't was not much for this Philosopher , when in a Princes Court he found but Ten or Twelve Persons of an extraordinary Wisdom , to cry out , O Tempora , O Mores . Under Vuvam's Reigns , there were Ten Men of a Consummate Virtue and Sufficiency , on whom this Emperor might repose all the Affairs of the Empire : Yet Confucius exclaims against so small a number , saying , That great Endowments , Virtue , and the Qualities of the Spirit , are Things very rare in his Age. He had made the same Complaints in respect of the Emperor Zun , the First of the Family of Cheu , although this Prince had then Five Praefects , of whose Merit some Judgment may be made by the History of one of these Ministers , whose Name was Yu . This Wise Minister had render'd his Memory immortal amongst the Chineses , not only because it was he that invented the Secret of stopping or diverting the Waters that overflow'd the whole Kingdom , and which made it almost uninhabitable , but because that being an Emperor , he always liv'd like a Philosopher . He was of an Illustrious Family ; for he could Name some Emperors of his Ancestors : But if by the Decadency of his House , he was fall'n from the Pretensions he might have to the Empire , his Wisdom and Virtue acquir'd him what Fortune had refus'd to the Nobility of his Extraction . The Emperor Zun so thoroughly understood his Desert , that he associated him to the Empire : And Seventeen Years after , he declar'd him his Lawful Successor , even to the Exclusion of his own Son. Yu refus'd this Honour , but as he vainly deny'd it , and that his Generosity might not suffer , in the pressing Sollicitations that were made him on all hands , he withdrew from the Court , and went to seek a Retreat in a Cell : But not being able so well to conceal himself , as not to remain undiscover'd in the Rocks of his Solitude , he was forceably advanc'd to the Throne of his Ancestors . Never Throne was more easie of Access than this Princes , never Prince was more Affable . It is reported , that he one day left his Dinner Ten times , to peruse the Petitions that were presented him , or to hear the Complaints of the Distressed : And that he ordinarily quitted his Bath , when Audience was demanded of him . He Reigned Ten Years with so much Success , with so much Tranquility , and in such great abundance of all Things , that of this Age it may be truly said , That it was a Golden Age. Yu was an 100 Years old when he Died ; and he Died as he had Liv'd : For prefering the Interest of the Empire before that of his Family , he would not let his Son succeed him , he gave the Crown to one of his Subjects , whose Virtue was known unto him . A Prince , doubtless , is happy , when he can some time discharge himself of the Cares which throw and press him on such a Minister ; and Zun only could be so , seeing that he at one time had Five , all worthy of being Seated on the Throne , but this Number was not great enough for Confucius , 't is what made him to grieve . Confucius says , That a Prince ought never to accept the Crown to the Prejudice of his Father , how unworthy soever his Father might be thereof ; That it is one of the greatest Crimes whereof a Prince can be Guilty ; and this occasion'd him to relate two little Histories , which Suit admirably to his Subject . Limcum , says this Philosopher , was a King of Guei , who was twic● Married . As Chastity is not always the Portion of Princesses , the Queen had unlawful Familiarities with one of the Nobles of his Court ; and this not being so privately manag'd , but one of Limcum's Sons by his ●irst Wife came to the Knowledge of it , this young Prince , jealous of his Fathers Honour , so highly resented it , that he design'd to kill the Queen , which he concealed not . The cunning and guilty Princess , who saw her self detected , and who had a great Influence over her ancient Spouse , alledg'd such plausible Reasons , to make him believe her Innocency , that this poor Prince , shutting his Eyes against the Truth , banish'd his Son : But as Children are not culpable for their Fathers Crimes , he kept Che with him : He was the Son of this disgraced Prince . Limcum died soon after . The People recalled the Prince whom the Queens Debaucheries had banisht ; and he went to receive the Crown , but his vicious Son oppos'd him , alledging that his Father was a Parricide : He rais'd Armies against him , and was proclaim'd King by the People . The Sons of a King of Cucho , continues he , follow'd not this way : Behold a memorable Example . This King , whose History we shall relate in two Words , had three Sons : And as Fathers have sometimes more tenderness for their youngest Children , than for the rest , he had so much for the last which Heaven had given him , that some days before his Death , he appointed him for his Successor , to th● Exclusion of his other Brothers . This Procedure was so much the more extraordinary , as it was contrary to the Laws of the Land. The People thought after the King's Death , that they might endeavour , without any crime , to advance the eldest of the Royal Family on the Throne . This was executed as the People had projected it ; and this Action was generally approved . There wa● none but the new King , who remembering his Fathers dying Words , refused to consent . This Generous Prince took the Crow● that was presented him , put it on his younger Brothers Head , and nobly declar'd that he renounc'd it , and thought himself unworthy of it , seeing that he had been excluded by his Fathers Will , and tha● his Father could not retract what h● had done . The Brother , touch'd with such an Heroick Action , conjur'd him the same moment , not to oppose the Inclination of all the People , who desir'd him to Reign over them . He alledged that it was he alone , that was the lawful Successor to the Crown , which he contemned ; That their Father could not violate the Laws of the State ; That this Prince was overtaken with a too great Fondness , and that in a word , it in some measure belonged to the People to redress the Laws of their Kings , when they were not just . But nothing could perswade him to act contrary to his Fathers Will. Between these two Princes , there was a laudable Contestation ; neither would accept the Crown : And they seeing , that this Contest would continue a long time , withdrew from the Court ; and Vanquish'd and Victorious together , they went to end their Days in the repose of a Solitude , and left the Kingdom to their Brother . These Princes , adds he , sought after Virtue ; but they sought i● not in vain , for they found it . He frequently relates short Histories of this Nature , wherein an Heroick Gen●rosity is every where seen to discover it self . The Women amongst the People , and even great Princesses , are therein observ'd rather to ch●s● Death , and ●hat with their own Hands , than to be exposed to the Violences of their Ravishers . The Magistrates are there seen to quit the greatest Employs , to avoid the Disorders of th● Court ; Philosophers to censure Kings upon their Throne , and Princes who mak● no difficulty to die , to appease the Anger of Heaven , and procure Peac● to their People . After this Confucius shews how th● D●ad ought to be buried ; and as this was perform'd in his time with a grea● deal of Magnificence , so in Funeral Pomps he blames whatever seems like Ostentation , and reproves it after a severe manner . Indeed , one of his Disciples being dead , and this Disciple being buried with the usual Magnificence , he cryed out when he knew it , When my Disciple was alive , he respected me as his Father , and I look'd upon him as my Son : But can I now behold him as my Son , since he has been buried like other Men ? He prohibits the bewailing the Dead with excess ; and if , constrain'd by his own Grief , he shed Tears for this very Disciple , he conf●ssed he ●orgot himself ; That in truth , great Griefs have no Bounds , but that the Wiseman ought not to be overcome with Grief ; That it is a Weakness , 't is a Crime in him . He gives great Praises to some of his Disciples , who , in the midst of the greatest Poverty , were content with their Condition ; and accounted as great Riches the Natural Virtues they had received from Heaven . He declaims against Pride , Self-Love , Indiscretion , and against the ridiculous Vanity of those that affect to be Masters every where , against those Self-Conceited Men , who momentarily cite their own Actions , and against great Talkers , and drawing afterwards the Portraiture of the Wiseman , in opposition to what he has discours'd , he says , that Humility , Modesty , Gravity , and Neighbourly Affection , are Virtues which he cannot one moment neglect , without departing from his Character . He says , That a good Man never afflicts himself , and fears nothing ; that he contemns Injuries , credits not Reproaches , and refuses even to ●ear Reports . He maintains , that Punishments ar● too common ; that if the Magistrates were good Men , the wicked would Conform their Life to theirs , and that if Princes would only advance to Dignities , Persons distinguish'd by their Honesty , and exemplary Life , every one would apply himself unto Virtue , because that Gra●deur being that which all Men Naturally Desire , every one willing to possess it , would endeavour to render himself worthy thereof . He would have us avoid Idleness ; to be serious , and not precipitate in our Answers ; and that setting our selves above every thing , we should never be troubled , either that we are contemn'd , or not known in the World. He compares Hypocrites to those lewd Villains , who the better to conceal their Designs from the Eyes of Men , do appear Wise and Modest in the Day tim● , and who by the favour of the Night , do Rob Houses , and commit the most Infamous Robberies . He says , That those that make their Belly their God , never do any thing worthy of a Man ; that they are rather Brutes than Rational Creatures● And r●turning to the Conduct of the great Ones , he very well Remarks , That their Crimes are always greater than the Crimes of other Men. Zam , the last Emperor of the Family of Cheu , says , Confucius on this occasion , had a very irregular Conduct . But how irregular soever his Conduct was , the Disorder● of this Emperor were only the Disorders of his Age. Nevertheless , when any Debauch'd , Crimi●al , and Infamous Action is mention'd , they say it is , The Crime of Zam . The Reason whereof is this , Zam was Wicked and an Emperor . Confucius relates an infinite number of other Things of this Nature , which concern the Conduct of all sorts of Men ; but most of the Things that he says , or which his Disciples do say , are Sentences and Maxims , as we have already declar'd , the most considerable of which are these that follow . Maxims . I. ENdeavour to imitate the Wise , and never discourage thy self , how Laborious soever it may be : If thou canst arrive at thine end , the Pleasure you will Enjoy will Recompence all thy Pains . II. When thou Labourest for others , do it with the same Zeal as if it were for thy self . III. Virtue which is not supported with Gravity , gains no repute amongst Men. IV. Always remember thou art a Man , that human Nature is Frail , and that thou mayst easily fall , and thou shalt never fall . But , if happening to forget what thou art , thou chancest to fall , be not discourag'd ; remember that thou mayst rise again ; that 't is in thy Power to break the Bands which joyn thee to thine Offence , and to subdue the Obstacles which hinder thee from walking in the Paths of Virtue . V. Take heed that thy Promises be Just , for having once promis'd , it is not lawful to Retract ; we ought always to keep our Promise . IV. When thou dost Homage to any one , see that thy Submissions be proportioned to the Homage thou owest him : There is Stupidity and Pride in doing too little ; but in over acting it there is Abjection and Hypocrisie . VII . Eat not for the Pleasure thou mayst find therein . Eat to Increase thy Strength ; Eat to preserve the Life which thou hast receiv'd from Heaven . VIII . Labour to purifie thy Thoughts : If thy Thoughts are not ill , neither will thy Actions be so . IX . The Wise-Man has an Infinity of Pleasures ; for Virtue has its Delights in the midst of the Severities that attend it . X. He that in his Studies wholly applies himself to Labour and Exercise , and neglects Meditation , loses his time : And he that only applies himself to Meditation , and neglects Labour and Exercise , does only wander and lose himself . The first can never know any thing exactly , his Lights will be always intermixt with Doubts and Obscurities ; and the last will only pursue Shadows ; his Knowledge will never be certain , it will never be solid . Labour , but slight not Meditation : Meditate , but slight not Labour . XI . A Prince ought to punish Vice , for fear lest he seem to maintain ●t : But yet he ought to keep his People in their Duty , rather by the Effects of Clemency , than by Menaces and Punishments . XII . Never slacken Fidelity to thy Prince ; conceal nothing from him which it is his Interest to know ; and think nothink difficult , when it tends to Obey him . XIII . When we cannot apply any Remedy to an Evil , 't is in vain to seek it . If by thy Advices and Remonstrances , thou couldst undo , what is already done , thy Silence would be Criminal ; but there is nothing colder than Advice , by which it is impossible to profit . XIV . Poverty and Human Miseries are Evils in themselves , but the Wicked only resent them . 'T is a Burden under which they groan , and which makes them at last to sink ; they even distaste the best Fortune . 'T is the Wise-Man only who is always pleas'd : Virtue renders his Spirit quiet : Nothing troubles him , nothing disquiets him , because he practises not Virtue for a Reward . The practise of Virtue is the sole Recompence he expects . XV. It is only the Good Man , who can make a right choice ; who can , either love or hate with Reason , or as need requires . XVI . He that applies himself to Virtue , and strongly addicts himself thereto , never commits any thing unbecoming a Man , nor contrary to Right Reason . XVII . Riches and Honours are Good ; The desire of possessing them is Natural to all Men : But if these Good Things agree not with Virtue , the Wise Man ought to co●temn , and generously to renounce them . On the contrary , Poverty and Ignominy are Evils ; Man Naturally avoids them : If these Evils attack the Wise Man , it is lawful for him to rid himself from them , but it is not lawful to do it by a Crime . XVIII . I never as yet saw a Man that was happy in his Virtue , or afflicted with his Defects and Weaknesses ; but I am not surpriz'd , because I would have h●m that delights in Virtue , to find so many Charms therein , that for it h● should contemn the Pleasures of the World : And on the contrary , that h● who hates Vice , should find it so hideous , that he should use all ways to keep himself from falling therein . XIX . It is not credible that he who uses his utmost Endeavours to acquire Virtue , should not obtain it at last , although he should labour but one single Day . I never yet saw the Man that wanted strength for this purpose . XX. He that in the Morning hath heard the Voice of Virtue , may die at Night . This Man will not repent of living , and Death will not be any pain unto him . XXI . He that seeks Pride in his Habits , and loves not Frugality , is not disposed for the Study of Wisdom ; thou oughtest not even to hold Correspondence with him . XXII . Afflict not thy self ●or that thou art not promoted to Grandure and Publick Dignities ; Rather grieve for that thou art not , perhaps , adorn'd with those Virtues that might render thee worthy of being advanc'd . XXIII . The Good Man employs himself only with his Virtue , the Wicked only with his Riches . The ●irst continually thinks upon the Good and Interest of the State ; but the last has other Cares , he only thinks on what concerns himself . XXIV . Do unto another as thou wouldst be dealt with thy self : Thou only needest this Law alone ; 't is the Foundation and Principle of all the rest . XXV . The Wise Man has no sooner cast his Eyes upon a good Man , but he endeavours to imitate his Virtues : But the same Wise Man has no sooner fixt his Sight upon a Man given up to his Vices , but mistrusting himself , interrogates himself in a trembling manner , if he be not like that Man. XXVI . A Child is oblig'd to serve and obey his Father . Parents have their Failures : A Child is oblig'd to acquaint them therewith , but he ought to do it with Moderation and Prudence : And if whatever Precautions he takes , he always meets with opposition , he ought to rest a while , but never desist . Counsels given to Parents do frequently draw Punishments and Severities upon the Child ; but on this account he ought to suffer , not to murmur . XXVII . The Wise Man never hastens , neither in his Studies , nor in his Words ; he is sometimes as it were Mute ; but when it concerns him to act , and practise Virtue , he , as I may say , precipitates all . XXVIII . The truly Wise Man Speaks little , he is little Eloquent . I see not , that Eloquence can be of very great use to him . XXIX . A long Experience is requir'd to know the Heart of Man. I imagin'd , when I was young , that all Men were Sincere ; that they always Practis'd what they said ; in a word , that their Mouth always agreed with their Heart : But now that I behold Things with another Eye , I am convinc'd that I was mistaken . At present I hear what Men say , but I never rely thereon , I will examine whether their Words are agreeable to their Actions . XXX . In the Kingdom of Ci there was formerly a Praefect that slew his King. Another Praefect of the same Kingdom , beholding with horrour the Crime of this Parricide , quitted his Dignity , for sook his Wealth , and retir'd into another Kingdom . This Wise Minister was not so happy as to find at first what he sought after ; in this new Kingdom he only found wicked Ministers , little devoted to their Masters Interest . This , saith he , shall not be the place of mine abode , I will elsewhere seek a Retreat . But always meeting with Men like to that Perfidious Minister , who by his Crime had forc'd him to abandon his Country , Dignity , and all his Estate , he wen● through the whole Earth . If thou demandest my Thoughts concerning such a Man , I cannot refuse telling you , that he deserves great Praises , and that he had a very remarkable Virtue . This is the Judgment that every Rational Man ought to make thereof . But as we are not the Searchers of Hearts , and as it is properly in the Heart , that true Virtue resides , I know not whether his Virtue was a true Virtue ; we ought not always to Judge of Men by their outward Actions . XXXI . I know a Man , who passes for Sincere in the Peoples Mind , who was asked for something that he had not . Thou imaginest , perhaps , that he ingeniously Confest , That it was not in his Power to grant what was ask'd of him . He ought to do it , if his Sincerity had answer'd the report it had amongst the People : But behold how he took it . He went directly to a Neighbours House ; he borrow'd of him what was requested of himself , and afterwards gave it him . I cannot convince my self that this Man can be Sincere . XXXII . Refuse not what is given thee by thy Prince , what Riches soever thou possest . Give thy Supersluities to the Poor . XXXIII . The defects of Parents ought not to be imputed to their Children . Because that a Father shall , by his Crimes , render himself unworthy of being promoted to Honour , the Son ought not to be excluded , if he renders not himself unworthy . Because that a Son shall be of an obscure Birth , his Birth ought not to be his Crime , he ought to be called to great Employments , as well as the Sons of the Nobles , if he has the Qualifications necessary . Our Fathers heretofore Sacrific'd Victims only of a certain Colour , and pitch'd upon these Colours according to the Will of those that sat upon the Throne . Under the Reign of one of our Emperors , the Red Colour was in Vogue . Think you , that the Deities , to which our Fathers Sacrific'd under this Emperors Reign , would reject a Red Bull , because it came from a Cow of another Colour . XXXIV . Prefer Poverty and Banishment to the most Eminent Offices of State , when it is a wicked Man that offers them , and would constrain thee to accept them . XXXV . The Way that leads to Virtue is long , but it is thy Duty to finish this long Race . Alledge not for thy excuse , that thou hast not strength enough ; that Difficulties discourage thee , and that thou shalt be at last for●'d to stop in the midst of the Course . Thou knowest nothing , begin to run : 'T is a sign thou hast not as yet begun , thou shouldst not use this Language . XXXVI . 'T is not enough to know Virtue , it is necessary to love it ; but it is not sufficient to love it , it is necessary to possess it . XXXVII . He that persecutes a Good Man , makes War against Heaven : Heaven created Virtue , and protects it ; he that p●rsecutes it , pers●cutes Heaven . XXXVIII . A Magistrate ought to honour his Father and Mother ; he ought never to faulter in this just Duty ; his Example ought to instruct the People . He ough● not to contemn old Persons , nor Persons of Merit : The People may imitate him . XXXIX . A Child ought to be under a continual apprehension of doing something that may displease his Father ; this Fear ought always to possess him . In a word , he ought to act , in whatever he undertakes , with so much precaution , that he may never offend him , or afflict him . XL. Greatness of Spirit , Power and Perseverance , ought to be the Portion of the Wise. The Burden wherewith he is loaded is weighty , his Course i● long . XLI . The Wise Man never acts without Counsel . He sometimes consults , in the most important affairs , even the least intelligent Persons , Men that have the least Spirit , and the least Experience . When Counsels are good , we ought not to consider from whence they come . XLII . Eschew Vanity and Pride . Although thou hadst all the Prudence and Ability of the Ancients , if thou hast not Humility , thou hast nothing , thou art even th● Man of the World that deserves to be contemn●d . XLIII . Learn what thou know'st already , as if thou hadst never learn'd it : Things are never so well known but that we may forget them . XLIV . Do nothing that is unhandsom , although thou shouldst have Art enough to make thine Action approved : Thou mayst easily deceive the Eyes of Men , but thou canst never deceive Heaven , its Eyes are too penetrative and clear . XLV . Never contract Friendship with a Man that is not better than thy self . XLVI . The Wise Man blushes at his Faults , but is not ashamed to amend them . XLVII . He that lives without Envy and Covetousness may aspire at every thing . XLVIII . Wouldst thou learn to die well ? Learn first to live well . XLIX . A Minister of State never ought to serve his Prince in his Extravagancies and Injustice . He ought rather to renounce his O●●●ce , than to tarnish it by base and criminal Actions . L. Innocence ceases to be a Virtue , most of the Great Ones are fallen therefrom . But if thou demandest what must be done to recover this Virtue . I answer , That it is necessary to conquer thy self . If all Mortals could , in one Day , gain over themselves this happy Victory , the whole Universe would , from this very Day , re-assume a new Form ; we should all be perfect , we should all be innocent . 'T is true , the Victory is difficult , but it is not impossible ; for in short , to conquer thy self , is only to do what is agreeable to Reason . Turn away thine Eyes , stop thine Ears , put a Bridle upon thy Tongue , and rather remain in an Eternal ●naction , than to imploy thine Eyes in beholding Sights where Reason is stifled ; than to give Attention thereunto , or to Discourse thereon . Behold how thou mayst overcome ! The Victory depends on thy self alone . LI. Desire not the D●ath of thine Enemy , thou wouldst desire it in Vain ; his Life is in the Hands of Heaven . LII . It is easie to obey the Wise , he commands nothing impossible ; but it is hard to divert him therefrom : That which often times Rejoyces others , makes him to Sigh , and forces Torrents of Tears from his Eyes . LIII . Acknowledge thy Benefits by the return of other Benefits , but never Revenge I●juries . LIV. In what part of the World soever thou art forc't to spend thy Life , correspond with the Wisest , associat● with the best Men. LV. To Sin and not to Repent , is properly to Sin. LVI . 'T is good to Fast som● times , to give thy Mind to Meditation , and to the Study of Virtue . The Wise Man is taken up with other Cares , than with the continual Cares of his Nourishment . The best cultivated Earth frustrates the hopes of the Labourer , when the Seasons are Irregular : All the Rules of Husbandry could not secure him from Death , in the time of a hard Famine ; but Virtue is never fruitless . LVII . The Wise Man must learn to know the Heart of Man , to the end ●hat taking every one according to his own Inclination , he may not labour in Vain , when he shall discourse to him of Virtue . All Men ought not to be instru●ted after the same way . There are divers Paths that lead to Virtue , the Wise Man ought not to ignore them . LVIII . Combat Night and Day against thy Vi●es ; a●d if by thy Cares and Vigilance , thou gainst the Victory over thy self , couragiously attack the Vices of others , but attack them not before this be done : There is nothing more Ridiculous than to complain of others defec●● , when we have the very same . LIX . The good Man Sins sometimes , weakness is Natural to him : But he ought to watch so diligently over himself , that he never fall twice into the same Crime . LX. We have three Friends that are Useful to us , a Sincere Friend , a Faithful Friend , a Friend that Hears every Thing , that Examines what is told him , and that Speaks little : But we have three also whose Friendship is pernicious , a Hypocrite , a Flatt●rer , and a great Talker . LXI . He that applies himself to Virtue , has three Enemies to conflict , which he must subdue , Incontinence when he is as yet in the vigour of his Age , and the Blood boils in his Veins ; Contests and Disputes when he is arriv'd at a mature Age , and Covetousness when he is old . LXII . There are three Things that the Wise Man ought to Reverence , the Laws of Heaven , Great Men , and the Words of Good Men. LXIII . We may have an Aversion for an Enemy , without desiring Revenge . The Motions of Nature are not always Criminal . LXIV . Distrust a Flatterer , a Man affected in his Discourses , and who every where boasts of his Eloquence . This is not the Character of true Virtue . LXV . Silence is absolutely necessary to the Wise Man. Great Discourses , elaborate Discourses , pieces of Eloquence , ought to be a Language unknown to him , his Actions ought to be his Language . As for me , I would never Speak more . Heaven Speaks , but what Language does , it use , to preach to Men , that there is a Sovereign Principle from whence all things depend ; a Soveraign Principle which makes them to Act and Move . It s Motion is its Language , it reduces the Seasons to their Time , it agitates Nature , it makes it produce : This Silence is Eloquent . LXVI . The Wise Man ought to hate several sorts of Men. He ought to hate those that divulge the defects of others , and take delight in discoursing therein . He ought to hate those that being adorn'd only with very mean Qualities , and who being moreover of a low Birth , do rev●●e and temerariously murmur against t●ose that are promoted to Dignities of State. He ought to hate a Valiant Man , when his Valour is not accompanied with Civility , nor Prudence . He ought to ha●● those sorts of Men that are puff'● 〈◊〉 with Self-Love ; who being always Conceited of their own Merit , and Idolaters of their own Opinions , do assault all , deride all , and never consult Reason . He ought to hate those who having very small Illuminations , do presume to censure what others do . He ought to hate proud Men. In a word , he ought to hate those who make it a Custom to spie out others Defects to publish them . LXVII . It is very difficult to associate with the Populace . These sort of Men grow familiar and insolent when we have too much Correspondence with them : And because they imagine they are slighted , when never so little neglected , we draw their Aversion upon us . LXVIII . He that is arriv'd at the Fortieth Year of his Age , and who has , hitherto , been a Slave to some Criminal Habit , is not in a conditio● to subdue it . I hold his Malady incurable , he will persevere in his Crime un●il Death . LXIX . Afflict not thy self at the Death of a Brother . Death and Life are in the Power of Heaven , to which the Wise Man is bound to submit . Moreover , all the Men of the Earth are thy Brethren ; why then shouldst thou weep for ●ne , at a time when so many others remain alive ? LXX . The Natural Light is only a perpetual Conformity of our Soul with the Laws of Heaven . Men can never lose this Light. It is true , that the Heart of Man being inconstant and wavering , it is sometimes covered over with so many Clouds , that it seems wholly extinguish'd . The Wise Man experiences it himself ; ●or he may fall into small Errors , and commit light Offences : Yet the Wise Man cannot be Virtuous , whilst he is in this state , it would be a Contradiction to say it . LXXI . It is very difficult , when Poor , not to hate Poverty : But it is possible to be Rich without being Proud. LXXII . The Men of the first Ages applied themselves to Learning and Knowledge , only for themselves , that is to say , to become Virtuous : This was all the praise they expected from their Labours and Lucubrations . But Men at present do only seek praise , they study only out of Vanity , and to pass for Learned in the esteem of Men. LXXIII . The Wise Man seeks the cause of his Defects in himself : But the Fool avoiding himself , seeks it in all others besides himself . LXXIV . The Wise Man ought to have a severe Gravity , but it ought not to be fierce and untractable . He ought to love Society , but to avoid great Assemblies . LXXV . The Love of Hatred of People , ought not to be the Rule of thy Love or Hatred ; Examine whether they have Reason . LXXVI . Contract Friendship with a Man whose Heart is upright and sincere ; with a Man that loves to learn , and who can teach thee something , in his turn . Other Men are unworthy of thy Friendship . LXXVII . He that has Faults , and strives not to amend them , ought at least to do his endeavour to conceal them . The Wise Man's Defects are like the Eclipses of the Sun , they come to every ones Knowledge . The Wise Man ought upon this account to endeavour to cover himself with a Cloud . I say the same thing of Princes . LXXVIII . Readily abandon thy Country when Virtue is there depress'd , and Vice encourag'd . But if thou designest not to renounce the Maxims of the Age , in thy retreat and exile , remain in thy miserable Country ; for what Reaso● shouldst thou leave it ? LXXIX . When thy Countries Safety is concern'd , stand not to consult , but expos● thy s●lf . LXXX . Heaven shortens not the Life of Man , 't is Man that does it by his own Crimes . Thou mayst avoid the Calamities that come from Heaven , but thou canst never escape those which thou drawest upon thy self by thy Crimes . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34265-e100 * Voyez le Traitte de Morale de l'Autheur de la Reche●che de la Verité . 
A28549	----	Summum bonum, or, An explication of the divine goodness in the words of the most renowned Boetius translated by a lover of truth and virtue. De consolatione philosophiae. English Boethius, d. 524. 1674 Approx. 246 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28549 Wing B3434 ESTC R7385 11899008 ocm 11899008 50573 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28549) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50573) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 55:15) Summum bonum, or, An explication of the divine goodness in the words of the most renowned Boetius translated by a lover of truth and virtue. De consolatione philosophiae. English Boethius, d. 524. Elys, Edmund, ca. 1634-ca. 1707. [12], 207 p. Printed by H. Hall, for Ric. Davis, Oxford : 1674. Translated by Edmund Elys. Running title: The consolation of philosophy. The first-[fourth] booke. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, Ancient. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Summum Bonum , OR AN EXPLICATION OF THE DIVINE GOODNESS , In the Words of the Most Renowned BOETIVS . Translated By a Lover of Truth , and Virtue . OXFORD . Printed by H. Hall. for Ric. Davis . 1674. Imprimatur Rad. Bathurst Acad. Oxon. Vice-Can : March. 6. 1673. / 4. To the Nobility , and Gentry of England . SIRS ! I Here Present you the most Profound Meditations of one of the Bravest Spirits , that was ever Cloath'd with Flesh , and Bloud , viz. the CONSOLATIONS of the most Honourable BOETIVS in the midst of His Greatest Sufferings ; With My Earnest Desires that Your Selves , and Your Posterity ( Escaping His Misfortunes ) may ever Follow the High Example of His Heroick Virtues : which Virtues whosoever shall Attein unto , he certainly will be More than Conquerour in All the Changes and Chances of this Mortal Life , which both in Sacred and Prophane Writt is term'd a WARFARE . That Famous Apophthegm of SOCRATES in Defyance of His Bloud . Thirsty Enemies , might well have been spoken in the like Case , By a Greater Philosopher than SOCRATES , the Renowned BOETIVS : They may Kill Me , but they Cannot Hurt Me. Though He does not make any Express mention of JESUS CHRIST in this Philosophical Discourse ; yet 't is well known , how Zealously He Contended for the Truth , Against those Execrable Haereticks that Deny HIM to be GOD , Whom theVniversal Church ( According to the Scriptures ) Acknowledgeth to be GOD of GOD , LIGHT of LIGHT , Very GOD of very GOD , Begotten , Not Made , Being of one Substance with the FATHER , By VVhom All things were Made . I Pray GOD we may All Hold the Mystery of the Faith in a Pure Conscience : As did this Excellent Man , Whose Thoughts of the Nature of True Happiness ( though in a Style , I must confess not Answearable to His Great Wit , and Eloquence ) I have Endeavour'd to Express in the English Tongue ; which has been no less Adorn'd by those Admirable Writings of Our late SOVERAIGN , than the Latine Tongue by those which the Learned BOETIVS compos'd IN HIS SOLITUDES , AND SUFFERINGS . HE , and BOETIUS , and All the Noble MARTYRS , give Testimony to this Truth , so Elegantly Exprest by His ROYAL Pen : The Assaults of Affliction may be Terrible , like Sampson's Lion , but they yield much Sweetness to those that dare Encounter , and Overcome them ; who know how to overlive the Withering of their Gourds without Discontent , or Peevishness , while they may yet Converse with GOD. Wishing You al the Experiences of the Unspeakable Sweetness of the onely True Honour , and Virtue , I Rest Your Affectionate Humble Servant To the Reader . AFter I had perfected the Translation of all I intended to Translate of BOETIUS , I receiv'd from a Learned Friend the Notice of a very good Translation of all His Five Bookes Consolationis Philosophiae , which was Publisht 1609. The Author has given us the knowledge but of Two Letters of His Name , I. T. Though I have not taken so much as one Expression from this Excellent Person , yet I think it my Duty to pay this Acknowledgement to His Memory , ( for I suppose He was in Heaven long since ) that His Booke affords Me an Abundance of the purest Delight , and Satisfaction , whilst I Double as it were Mine own Notions of the SOVERAIGN GOOD , by their Complication with His. I do not Appropriate these Notions to BOETIUS , and His Translators , and those others , who have been Addicted to the Study of this Incomparable Booke ; they are Common to Us with All those that LOVE the LORD JESUS in Syncerity : For this LOVE Essentially implies a Deep Sense of GODS ALL-SUFFICIENCY , And of the VANITY and Dissatisfaction of All things under the Sun. I Requested My ever Honour'd Dear Friend Mr. H. H. to send me some of His Reflexions on BOETIUS'S Discourse of the Soveraign Good , and He was pleas'd to Oblige Me with this Answear . " Dear Sr ! I receiv'd both your Letters , with the Copies of the Latin Tractate , you published ; wherin you endeavour to bring men to a right understanding of the Soveraign Good of Humane Minds ; a glorious employment in it selfe , and never more useful than in this our Age. For your desire that I would say something by way of Praeface to your Translation of Boetius , though I am sensible you may much better , and with greater Advantages recommend it to the World , than I , yet to assure you of that Great affection , and service I have for your Person , I have sent you my present thoughts . When Mankind was at first Created , they lived , and acted under the Divine life , and Nature , freely injoying , and participating of the Communications of the First , and Vniversal Good ; but being lapsed into a State of Sin , Indigency , and Penury , they quickly lost sight of those Glorious formes , and the Influences of Heaven were sealed up . But yet though their Case was sufficiently deplorable , the Deluge of Iniquity , and Vice , had not so far defac'd the Beauteous Structure of Virtue , but that the remaining Ruines shew'd the Glory of the Ancient Fabrick , and men still knew God , and searched after the Author of their Beings , and the Reason of their Natures led them to a Pursuit of Happiness . Hence it came to pass that the wise men of the World were divided in their Opinions concerning the Vniversal Good , and Happiness of Humane Nature ; some placing it in the bare , and naked Pleasure resulting from the exercise of Virtue ; others in a perfect Apathy , Insensibility , and deadness to all Passions whatever ; and others again in a full Gratification of all the Corporeal Faculties . But we , who through the Gracious Bounty of God , live under a more Radiant , and Refulgent light , than that of Nature , have a perfect sight of that which they through the clammy mists of Ignorance , and Darkness did but feele after ; and we know that the Happiness of Humane Nature consists in it's Vnion , and Conjunction with the Eternal Good. Which being the Highest , and Vtmost Perfection of our Soules ought certainly to awaken our drowsy , and stumbring minds to a vigorous Prosecution of so transcendent a state of life : a life , so full of solid , and substantiall Joy , and Pleasure , that if we did not take false measures , and estimations of things , we could not but think it infinitely beyond the fairest and best of all Sublunary Felicities . And indeed the Mind of man is then in a wrong state of Position , when it's Appetites , and Desires are fixed , and terminated upon Terrestrial Good , such as is so far from any Harmony , or Agreeableness with our Intellectual Frame , that it vilifies , and Degrades it , and sets it at a vast Disproportion to it's true , and Proper Object . And this is that false , and Adulterate Beauty , that so often cheats us into a liking , and Approbation of it : A meer Shadow of Happiness , which we possess only in our Fancies , and Imaginations . For if there were really any Substantial Felicity , or Good in Riches , Honors , Worldly Glory , and Corporeal Pleasures , the mind of man would then be full , and at Rest : it would then have no more Passionate Thirsts , and Aspirations , when once it were possest of it's True Object . But we finding still a Perfect Dissatisfaction , and Inquietude amidst the largest Measures , and fullest Comprehensions of Sublunary Injoyments , it is very easy to conceive that there is something else yet required to Perfect , compleat , and fill the Capacities of the Soule of man. And this can be no other than that Eternal , and Immortal Good , which has left some signatures , and Impressions of it selfe upon every thing in the Whole Creation : From whence it is that men beholding some Shadowes , and Adumbrations of the Absolute Good , are ready to catch at , and embrace it in the things below ; not considering that all the fine shows and splendid Appearances of the Corporeal , and Visible World , are but so many Powers full Charmes , and Inescations to allure , and draw our Minds from a steady Contemplation of that Holy One , in whose Presence is Life , and Felicity , truly so call'd . And that we may not fright our selves from so desirable a Condition , as our Vnion , and Conjunction with God , nor our Endeavours after this Immutable Good coole , and flag by drawing a Scene of Humane Life full of miseries , and Calamitous Circumstances , and representing unto our selves the black side of Providence , wherin Innocent Virtue is afflicted and oppressed , and Iniquity , and Vice Prosperous and Triumphant , we may consider that that Almighty Being , who Perpetually Interesseth himselfe in the Affairs of mankind , will at last settle Righteousness , and Truth in it's Just Throne , and Government of the World ; and thereby redress , and heal all the Evils Humane Nature is obnoxious unto ; which are for the most part made so to us by our unjust Apprehensions , and Estimations of them : For what are Fetters , and Imprisonment , but clogs of the Corporeal Life , while the Mind may Converse with God , and the Whole Creation , and be as Free , as the Air we breath in ? what is Death it selfe , but only the Awakening of our nobler Faculties to the Participation of a freer , and more enlarged life ? All which put together do not only depreciate the most Glorious satisfactions of the Animal life , but convert our Minds to their own Genuine Happiness ; that is , to an Vnion , and Conjunction with the Blessed Author of All things which is the Grand Design of this Treatise . Dear Sir if by this ( which I think is the summ , and scope of Boetius's Booke ) I may gratify you , I shall please my selfe , in being Your most Affectionate Friend and Servant HENRY HALLYWEL . From I feild in Sussex . June 3. 1672. DA , Pater , Augustam Menti conscendere Sedem , Da Fontem lustrare BONI , da luce repert● In Te conspicuos Animi defigere visus . O RIGHTEOUS FATHER , Shine upon Us in the Face of JESUS CHRIST , the Brightness of thy Glory ! Shed abroad thy Love in our Hearts By the HOLY GHOST , that we may Meditate Day , and Night on the INFINITE GOODNESS of Our CREATOR , REDEEMER , And SANCTIFIER , In whose Presence is Fullness of Joy , at whose Right Hand there are Pleasures Forevermore . To the Reader . ABused mortals ! you who think y 'ave All , When you have that which some men Riches call ; And you vain youths , who think that All is yours When you 'ave your sports your Hawkes your Hounds and — You Gallants too , Brave boys , and sons of fame Who think y 'ave All when you have gott a Name Read here and know , that all your fancy'd Joyes Your Wealth and Honours are meer childish toyes . And you blest Beggars , brothers of the Cross , Whose very Life seems Death , and Gain seems Loss , Who breathe out Nought , but Love , and Honesty , Aspire to Nought , but pure Simplicity , Possessing Nought , but what kind Nature gave , And loosing Nought , but Flesh when laid in grave , Read here and know , that you have All , and more , Infinit All , is your Eternal store . P. G. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE Consolation of Philosophy . THE FIRST VERSE . Wherein Boetius bewaileth his estate . I , Who was wont to make such chearfull Verse , Must now ( Alas ! ) Sad Notes rehearse . The wronged Muses teach Me what to write : My Tears True Elegies enaite . No Terror could them keep from following Me ; They fear not my Calamitie : They of my Sprightly Youth the Glory were , Of my Sad Age the Comfort are . Old Age comes on Me hasten'd by my Cares , An Hoary Head suits with my Tears . Griefe makes White Hairs spread o're mine Head , and Chin ; On my Dry Flesh hangs Shriv'led Skin . O Happy Death , which takes not men away In Joyfull Times ! nor , Call'd , doth stay When they are sunk in woe ! Alas , she Flies . And will not Close our Weeping Eyes ! Whilst Fortune did her flattring Goods bestow , I hardly ' scap'd a Fatall Blow : Now that her great Inconstancy she showes , Life unregarded sticks more close . Friends , why did yee so oft Me Happy call ? He stood not Firm , who could not ' scape this Fall. The FIRST PROSE . Containing the description of Philosophy . WHilst I revolv'd these Thoughts in my mind and began to Pen my Complaint , there seem'd a Woman of an (a) awfull countenance to stand over my head , her eyes were very (b) sparkling , and lively beyond the common strength of Men , her Colour exceeding fresh , and vigorous , though there was somewhat that discover'd her to be of so great Age , that it could not be thought but that she was in being long before our Times . 'T was impossible to discern what Stature she was of : for sometimes she shrunk her selfe into the common (c) Stature of Men ; sometimes she seem'd to touch the skies with her head : and when she lifted it up somewhat higher , she thrust it into Heaven , so that it was in vain to look any farther after her . Her (d) Garment was curiously wrought with the (e) finest threads , the Cloath was so (f) strong that it could never be worn out ; which Garment , as I understood afterwards by her own discourse , she made with her (g) own hands . Time had somewhat sullyed the colour of it with such a kind of (h) duskiness , as we may observe in Pictures that have been hung in some smoaky roome . In the nethermost hem of this Garment was woven Π [ that signifieth the Life Practical , or Active ] in the uppermost Θ [ that signifieth the Life Theoreticall , or Contemplative ] And betwixt these two Letters was a kind of (i) Ladder , by which a man might ascend from the lower to the higher Letter . This Garment the hands of some violent men had cut , and carried away such (k) pieces of it , as every one could get . And she had certain Books in her (l) right hand , and a Scepter in her (m) left . When she saw these Poetical Muses standing about my Bed , and dictating words agreeable to my Tears , she was somewhat mov'd , and with an Angry countenance , who , sayes she , has permitted these Wenches , that belong to the Stage to have to doe with this sick man ? they are so far from applying any Remedy suitable to his Distemper , that they very much encrease it with their delicious Venome . For these are they , who with the unfruitful thorns of divers Passions , destroy the good ground that abounds with the fruits of Reason ; and they do not free the minds of men from their Disease , but rather make it by custome to become Pleasing unto them . But if your flatteries should take from me any inconsiderable Person , as your common Practice is , I should bear it with less Indignation . For my main design would suffer no dammage in the loss of such a one . But this Man , who had so long addicted himself to the (n) Eleatick , and (o) Academick Studies ! But be gon ye Sirens , that Please men to their Destruction , and leave him to my Muses to be Cur'd , and reduc'd to his perfect Health : This Company , being checkt after this manner , cast their eyes on the ground , and confessing their shame by their Blushes , they depart very mournfully out of the room . But I , who had made my self allmost blind with weeping , so that I could not discern who the Woman was , that exercis'd such Authority , was quite Astonisht , and looking stedfastly on the ground , speaking not a word , I began to expect what she would do next . Then she came neer , and sate down on my Beds side , and observing the Sadness of my Countenance , she complains of the Perturbation of my mind in these words : The SECOND VERSE . Philosophy bewayleth the perturbation of Boetius his mind . AH , how the Mind sunk in deep woe Growes blind , and leaving her own light Out to Darkness she bends her might , When th' Winds of Earthly cares do blow ; And th' Waves of Grief roule to , and fro ! This Man sometime did freely Tread The high Paths of th' Aetherial Plains ; He saw unspotted Phaebus's Head , And could discern the Moons dark Stains : He held fast in sare Reckoning Those Stars , which often change their Course ; He searcht those Causes deep , that bring Such storms to th' Ocean : And what Force Makes that bright Star go down i' th' West Which riseth in the Ruddy East . He studied to find out what 't was That made the Spring bring Flowers , and Grass : Whence 't is that in Autumn we see Grapes come to their Maturitie . Those Causes which Nature did hide From others , His Quick Thought espie'd . This Man now wants the Minds clear Light , His Neck 's prest down with Chains : the Weight That He lies under , and the Pain Makes Him looke down to th' Earth again . The SECOND PROSE . Philosophy enquireth of Boetius his disease . BUT , sayes she , this is a time to apply Medicines , and not to make Complaints . Then looking very earnestly on me , thus she speaks . Art Thou He , who being nourisht with my Milk , and brought up with my stronger Meats , didst arrive to the strength of a Manlike Understanding ? But we bestow'd such (a) Armes on thee which if thou hadst not wilfully thrown away , would have serv'd for thy Defence against any Opposition whatsoever . Dost thou know me ? why holdest thou thy peace ? is it Shame , or Stupidity that hath seized on thee ? I had rather it were Shame ; but , as I perceive , Stupidity hath made thee Silent . And when she observ'd that I was not only silent , but in a manner quite Dumb , she layd her hand softly on my brest , and , Ther 's no Danger , sayes she ; he 's in a (b) Lethargie , the common Disease of deluded minds . He hath forgot himself a little ; hee 'll easily come to himself again , if he shall once understand , who I am . Which that he may do , let us clear his sight a little , that has been dark'ned by the thick Dust that arises from his Intention on Earthly things . When she had spoken these words , with a (c) part of her Garment , folding it in her hand , she wip'd the Tears from mine eyes . THE THIRD VERSE . How Boetius began to recover his knowledge and memory . THen did that Darkness from Me fly : at length Mine Eyes regain their wonted Strength : Just so , as when the Boystrous winds arise And stormy showers disturbe the skies , The Sun 's obscur'd , and whilst no Stars appear , Night 's spread or'e all the Hemisphear ; If Boreas sent from th' Thracian Cave display His speedy Force and Free the day From Darksome Clouds , Sol's Beams straight pierce the Skies , And strike with wonder our glad Eyes . The THIRD PROSE . How the persecution of Wise men is no new or strange thing . EVen so the Clouds of my excessive Melancholy being dissolv'd I recover'd the sight of Heaven , and came to my right mind again , so that I saw plainly who she was that had begun to worke such a Cure upon me . When I had fixt mine eyes on her , I perceiv'd that she was my Nurse PHILOSOPHY , in whose House I was brought up from my youth : And what , quoth I , art Thou , the Mistress of all Virtues , come from on (a) high to the uncomfortable Place of mine Exile ? hast thou a mind to undergoe such false Accusations , as have been brought against me ? What , quoth she , should I forsake thee my Son , and not bear a part of the Burthen , that is lay'd on thee for my sake ? But it cannot be that Philosophy should deny her Company to an Innocent man , wheresoever he goes . Should I be affraid of any false Accusation , and Startle at it , as if some strange thing had happen'd unto me ? For , is this the first time that Wisedome hath been brought into Danger amongst Wicked , and Pervers Manners ? Even in Ancient Times , before the Dayes of our Plato , have we not Fought a great Fight against the Rashness of Folly , and Ignorance ? And whilst He lived , did not His Master (b) Socrates obtain a glorious Victory , over an Unjust Death , by my Assistance ? Whose Inheritance whilst the Epicureans , and Stoicks Endeavour'd to seize on , every one for his own party , and lay'd hold on Me , as a part of their Prey , though I cry'd out , and strove against them , they cut this Garment , which I had woven with mine own hands ; and having thus taken some pieces of it , they went their way , each of them conceiting that he had gotten the whole to himself . Some of them , because they seem'd to goe in my (c) Habit , were Overborn through the error of the prophane Multitude , being judg'd to be of my Family . If so be that thou art ignorant of the Banishment of Anaxagoras , the Poyson of Socrates , and the Torments of (d) Zeno , because they were not of thine own Country ; yet thou couldst not but have heard very much of (e) Canius , of (f) Seneca , of (g) Soranus , and other such like Excellent Men , whose Memory is very fresh to this Day , and full of Renown : Whom no other thing brought to their Destruction , but that through a punctual Observance of my Discipline , they allwayes shew'd an Aversion from the Designs of Wicked People . Therefore ther 's no reason it should seem strange unto thee , if we are Tost with a continual Tempest in the Sea of this World , whose Principal Aim is , to do those things , which are most Displeasing to the Worst of Men : Whose Army , though it be exceeding Numerous , yet is it very Despicable ; because it has no (h) Leader ; but they run to , and fro according to the motions of their own foolish , and erroneous conceits . If at any time this Army come against us with all their Strength , our (i) Leader draws all Her (k) Forces into her (l) Castle ; They in the mean time are wholly intent upon their (m) Plunder , loading themselves with things of an inconsiderable value . But we looke down from on high and laugh at them , whilst they carry away those contemptible things , being out of all Danger of their rage , and fury , in that Place of Defence , which Folly , and Ignorance can never Approach unto . THE FOURTH VERSE . How we may resist the persecution of the wicked . WHoso his Life from Passions storms keeps free , And over Fate has got the Victory , Holds fast to that which he doth Rightly choose , And with an Vnchang'd Looke Both Fortunes views : This man the Rage of the Tempestuous Seas , When from the bottome they their waters raise , Can ne're dismay ; nor yet Vesuvius's Ire , Which tosses up to th' Skies it's smoak , and Fire ; Nor Burning Thunderbolts that strike high Towers . Why are stern Tyrants , who soon lose their Powers Admir'd by Mortals ? Cast off Hopes , and Fears , And thou breakst all the bloody Tyrants Spears . But be that Wishes ought , or Dreads his Foes , Sith he 's not fixt , and in his own Dispose , Has thrown away his Shield , has lost his Ground , And made the Chain wherewith himself is Bound . The FOURTH PROSE . Boetius discovereth the causes of his griefe . HAst thou any perceivance of these things , sayes She , and do they make any impression upon thy mind ? What , art thou (a) Asinus ad Lyram ? Why weepest thou ? why dost thou flow with Tears ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Speak out , disclose thy mind . If thou expect any good from the Physician , thou oughtest to lay open thy wound . Then I tooke courage to my self , and spake thus : And hast thou need yet to be told what aileth me , is it not apparent how cruelly Fortune deals with me ? Art thou not mov'd at the sight of this (b) Place ? Is this the Library , which thou didst choose for thy constant Seat in my House ? where thou didst so often sit , and discourse with me , touching the Knowledg of things both Divine , and Humane ? was mine Habit , and my Countenance such , as now thou seest , when with thee I searcht into the Secrets of Nature , when thou didst shew me the Course of the Stars , and didst form my Life , and Conversation according to that Order which is in the Heavens ? And is this the (c) Reward I must have for being so Observant of thy Instructions ? But thou didst confirm this Sentence by the mouth of Plato : That Common-wealths are Happy , where Philosophers have the Government , or where the present Governors begin at length seriously to Apply themselves to Philosophy . Thou by the mouth of the same Plato hast taught me that this is a Necessary Cause why Wise men should undertake the Administration of Publick Affairs , That the Government being left to men of crooked , and pervers dispositions , they would be a perpetual Plague to all Persons of true Honor , and Integrity . Therefore in submission to this Authority , what I learnt from thee in my Private Contemplations , I desir'd to bring into Practice , in the due Management of Publick Affairs . GOD , who hath fixed thee in the minds of the Wise , is my Witness , that no other Inclination brought me into any Publick Office , but to be Serviceable to all Good Men. Hence it was that I had so many (d) Occasions of grievous , and irreconcileable Discord with wicked , injurious People ; and , such is the Liberty of a pure Conscience , in the prosecution of Justice , I ever despis'd the Displeasure of Great Men. How often did I oppose (e) Conigastus , when he would have seiz'd the Fortunes of all Persons uncapable of Defending themselves ! how often did I disappoint Triguilla , the Controuler of the Kings Household , in his Injurious Designs ! how often did I Protect by my Authority those distressed People , whom the Avarice of the (f) Barbarians , that went allwayes unpunisht , did vex with infinite Calumnies , and False Accusations ! I was never drawn aside from Right to Injustice by Any man whatsoever . When I saw the Fortunes of those that liv'd in the Provinces so rackt and torn , both by Private Rapines , and Publick Taxes , I Griev'd no less than those very men , who suffer'd such great Oppressions . When in a time of extream Scarcity of Corn there was a most grievous Coemption establisht , which in all likelyhood would have impoverisht the Province of Campania , I strove against Him , who was Next in Authority under the King , for the Common Good , and Disputed the business with him touching the Coemption , the King himselfe hearing the Debate and I prevail'd , so that it was not exacted . Paulinus , a Worthy Person , that had been Consul , whose Estate those Palatine Dogs had already devour'd in their Hope , and Ambition , I drew from their Jaws , whilst they Gaped on him . That Albinus , who also had been Consul , might not Suffer by an Accusation , to which he was never call'd to make his Answear , I expos'd my self to the Hatred of Cyprianus , his Accuser . Do I not seem to have heaped up matter enough of Strife , and Contention against my self ? but I ought to have found the greater Regards amongst other men , having so Acted upon the Principles of Justice , and Integrity , that I deserv'd nothing for my selfe among the Courtiers , whereupon I might repose the least Confidence in any of them . (g) But by whose Accusations are we Ruin'd ? One of them , Basilius , being turn'd out of the Kings Service was compell'd by the Debts he had contracted to forge an Accusation against Me. But when the King had Decreed that Opilio and Gaudentius should suffer Banishment for their innumerable , and manifold Deceitful-dealings , and when they refusing to obey the Decree tooke Sanctuary , and the King had notice of it , he gave Commandement that if they did not go from Ravenna within a certain Day , they should be Mark't in their Foreheads with an Hot Iron , and driven out of the City : How could there be a greater Act of Severity ? Yet that same Day the Accusations of those same Persons were taken against Me. What then ? Did our Studies deserve this ? or could my Condemnation Fore determin'd Qualify Those men to be my accusers ? Was not Fortune in the least asham'd of Innocence Accus'd , or of the Baseness of the Accusers ? But wouldest thou know the (h) matter that is lay'd to my charge ? It is Affirm'd that I would have sav'd the Senate from great Danger . Wilt thou hear the Manner of it ? My Crime is to have hind'red an Informer from Impeaching the Senate of High Treason . O Mistress , what thinkest thou ? shall I Deny what I am Accus'd of , that I be not a shame to thee ? But indeed I did wish well to the Senate , and shall never cease to Desire their Safety . Shall I Confess it ? but so that Endeavour to hinder the Informer will become ineffectual . Shall I call that an Offence to have Desir'd the Safety of that Order ? They have indeed made it an Offence by their Decrees against Me. But Ignorance that is allwayes False to it selfe , cannot change the Merit of things ; neither do I think it Lawful , being of Socrates's Judgement , to conceale the Truth , or give way to a Lye. But be it how it will , I leave it to the Judgement of Wise Men. The Truth of this Affair that Posterity may not be Ignorant thereof , I have endeavour'd by Writing to keep in Remembrance . For as touching those Forged (i) Letters , whereby I am Accus'd to have hoped the Romane Freedome , to what purpose should I speak ? Their Fraud should have been lay'd open to all men , if it had been granted me , but to use the Confession of mine Accusers , which of all matters of this nature is of the greatest Importance . In which Affair Sorrow has not so dulled my Senses , as that I should complain that Wicked men Attempt such horrid things against Virtue : but I am quite Astonisht to see that they bring their Designs to such Effect . For to Will unrighteous things were perhaps but a part of Humane Frailty ; but that every Villain should be Able to accomplish the Mischief he has conceiv'd against a Person never so Innocent , (k) GOD Looking on , seemeth Monstrous unto me . Whence one of thy Family thought he had just cause to raise these Questions : If there be a GOD , whence come Evil things ? but whence come the Good , if there be none ? But be it so , that those Ungodly fellowes , who thirst for the Bloud of all good men , and of the whole Senate , should have the Will to Destroy Me , whom they saw so earnestly endeavouring to Defend Good men , and all the Senate . (l) But what , did I deserve the same hard measure even from the Senatours also ? Thou dost Remember , I believe , that when ever I was about to Say , or Do any thing , thou wast allwayes present to Direct Me. This , I say , thou dost well Remember : At Verona , when the King intending a Common Destruction , would fain have transfer'd the Accusation of Treason brought against Albinus , upon the whole Order of the Senate , with how great a Disregard of mine own particular Safety I Defended their Innocence . Thou knowest that what I say , is True : and that I was never wont to Praise mine own Actions . For it doth in a manner lessen the Secret Approbation that Conscience gives unto itselfe , when any man by declaring what good he hath done , receives Fame for his Reward . But thou seest to what my Innocency hath brought Me. Instead of the Rewards of True Virtue , I undergoe the Punishment of such Wickedness , of which I am Falsely Accus'd . (m) And what horrid Villany , so evident that it could not but be Confest , did ever ingage the Judges in such Unanimous Severity , that neither the sense of Humane nature , so inclin'd to Error , nor of the Condition of Fortune so Uncertain to all Mortals , should soften the Hearts of any of them . If I had been Accus'd to have design'd the Burning of Temples , the Murthering of the Priests , to have Plotted the Destruction of all Good men , yet Sentence should have been given against me being Present , either upon mine own Confession , or the Conviction of mine Accusers . (n) Now being remov'd frome Rome allmost five hundred Miles , and having no Liberty granted me to make my Defence , I am Condemn'd to Death and Proscription , for Studying the Safety of the Senate . O Excellent Men , that well Deserve that none should ever be Convicted of the like Crime ! The Dignity of which Offence , even they who Impeach me of it knew full well : that they might darken the lustre of it with the mixture of some real wickedness , they faign'd that I had defiled my Conscience with the guilt of (o) Sacriledge , whilst , did Aspire to Places of Honor. But Thou who Dwellest in Me didst drive out of my Mind all Desires of perishing things , and Sacriledge could never have leave to be in thy Presence . For thou didst dayly Instill into mine Ears , and into my Thoughts that saying of Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( FOLLOW GOD ) . Neither did it become Me to seek the Assistance of the Vilest Spirits , whom thou didst make capable of such an Excellency , that I should be Like GOD : And besides by the unstained Reputation of mine House , the Company of my worthy Friends , and also my Father-in-law , a Person of the greatest Integrity imaginable , and Venerable like thy self , I am defended from all suspition of any such Crime . But , oh Malice , and Ignorance ! they take occasion from Thee to make men believe that I am guilty of so great Wickedness , and for this very cause shall I seem to be skill'd in the most prodigious Impiety , that I have been Instructed in thy Discipline , that I have been endued with thy Manners . Thus it is not enough that the Reverence due unto Thee has profited me nothing , but thou also dost suffer (p) Reproach through the Hatred they have conceiv'd against Me But this is a great Addition to my Calamities that the Judgement of most men does not respect the Honor , and Virtue of our Vndertaking , but the Success of our Actions ; and they conceive that Fore-sight , and True Wisedome are only in those things which are commended by a Prosperous Event . Thus it comes to pass that a (q) Good Esteem in the first place leaves the Unfortunate . 'T is irksome to me to think of the various Reports of the People , how many Absurd , and disagreeing opinions men declare concerning Me. I shall only say this that 't is the heaviest Load that Fortune layes on the Oppressed , that when Calamitous Persons are charg'd with any Crime , they are thought to Deserve what they Suffer . And I being remov'd from the Conversation of all Good men , being depriv'd of my Dignities , wronged in my Reputation , have suffer'd most grievous Punishment for Well-doing . And now methinks I see the (r) Companies of the Wicked flowing in Mirth , and Jollity : every leud fellow thinking how he may frame the most pernicious False-Accusations : Good men cast down by the Terror that falls on them at the sight of My Ruine : every flagitious fellow being excited to Attempt the most horrid Injuries by Impunity , to Finish them by Rewards : Innocent men being not only depriv'd of Security from Accusation , but also of all capacity of making their Defence . Therefore I cannot but Cry out . THE FIFTH VERSE . Boetius complaineth , that all things are governed by Gods providence , beside the actions and affayres of men . O Thou , through All the World Renown'd , Father of Lights , who Sitting Still On thy Throne Turn'st the Hea'vns around , And makst the Stars Obey thy Will : Now Thou Command'st the Moon to Shine Meeting with all her Brothers Beams , Makeing the lesser Stars repine That she doth so obstruct their Streams : Now she 's depriv'd of that great Light , Lookes Pale as through such Loss Forlorn , And that (a) same Star that brings the Night Attends bright Phaebus in the Morn . In that Cold Time when Trees are bare , Thou dost cut short th' unpleasant Day : When Daies are Warm , and fields looke Fair , Thou makst the Nights to fly away . The Course of Times thy Power doth guide , So that the leaves which were all torn , And thrown away by Boreas's Pride Mild Zephyrus makes to return . The Dod-star burns the Corn full grown , Which coole (b) Arcturus would have sown . Ther 's nothing free from th' Antient Law ; Thee All things in their Stations serve : Thou keepst them in such constant Awe , That from thy Rule they never swerve : Why dost Thou men alone Neglect As if they were not worth thy Care ? Why dost Thou not their Works respect , So that Just men no Harms may Fear ? Why should we thus see Justice rent , And Broken on wild Fortunes Wheele , So that such grievous Punishment , As Felons Merit , Good men Feele ? But Wicked Manners sit on High , And splendid Thrones : they Tread on those , Who hold fast their Integrity , And all Base wayes will still Oppose . Black Fates obscure Bright Virtues Face : The Vpright man bears that Disgrace , Which his Vile Foes deserve . No Perjury , or base Deceit Brings them to Ruine : when they please To use their strength , with Armies Great , They Conquer Kingdomes , Lands , and Seas . Whoe're Thou art who Rul'st the Wind , Dost All things in their Stations hold , Looke down at length , and see Mankind In Troubles , and Confusion rowl'd . Of thy Great Worke a Part are we That may not be Neglected . Lo , How we are Tost in Fortunes Sea , Vpon the Waves of Various Woe ! O MASTER , let this Tempest cease ; And as Thou makst the Heav'ns Above To follow thy Commands in Peace , so bind the Earth with th' Bonds of Love. The FIFTH PROSE . Philosophy sheweth that Boetius is the cause of his owne misery . WHen I had breath'd forth these Complaints in the Anguish of my Soule She with an undisturbed Looke not at all mov'd with those expressions of my Sorrow , delivers these words : When I saw thee Sad , and pouring forth Tears , presently I understood that thou wast Miserable , and Remov'd from Thine a own Country , but at what Distance I could not judge till I found it out by thine own Discourse . But the truth is , thou art not Remov'd from thine own Country , but hast Wandred from it . But if thou wouldst rather have it said that thou art Violently Removed , or Expell'd , Thou thy selfe art the Author of Thy Expulsion . For truly no other man could ever have had that Power over Thee . For if thou dost Remember the Country from whence thou Camest , It is not Govern'd , as the Athenians sometime were , by a Multitude : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : There One Commands Alone , there is One King ; who Rejoyceth in the Great Company , and not in the Exile of His Citizens : To be Restrain'd by Him , and Kept in Subjection to His Righteous Will , is the Greatest Freedome . Art thou Ignorant that it is a Law of Thy Country , that none shall be Banisht , who Would rather Abide in It ? For he that loves to Dwell There can have no fear least he should Deserve to be an Exile . But he that ceaseth to be Willing to have an Habitation There , ceaseth also to be Worthy of it . Therefore I am not so much Mov'd at the Lookes of this Place , as I am at Thine : neither do I find the want of a Library adorn'd with Ivory , and with Glass ; but of the Seat of thy Mind . In which sometime I put not Books , but that which makes Books to be of any Value , to wit , the Sense of my Books . And indeed the things that thou hast spoken touching the Merit of thine Endeavours to Advance the Common Good , are very True : yet 't is but little that thou hast said , in respect of those many Actions , thou hast perform'd upon this Account . As concerning the Truth , or Falsehood of the Objections that have been made against thee , thou hast spoken things known to all men . Thou hast done well in that thou hast but lightly toucht the many-fold Frauds , and Wickedness of thine Accusers , sith the same things are better , and more copiously discourst of by the mouths of the common People , who well remember all these things . Thou hast also Reflected with great Severity on that Fact of the Unjust Senate : And thou hast exprest thy Sorrow for the Blame that has been lay'd upon Me , and thou hast with Tears lamented the loss of the good Opinion that men had of Thee : At length thy Griefe brake forth into Indignation against Fortune , and thou didst complain that she does not Deal with men according to their Deserts : In the Conclusion thy Raging Muse exprest her Desires that the same Peace , which Governs Heaven would Govern the Earth also : But because so great a Tumult of disorderly Affections hath seiz'd on thee , and Grief , and Anger so Vex , and Distract thee , whilst thy Mind is so distemper'd thou art not fit to receive the stronger sort of Remedies : Therefore let us use Lenitives a little while , that what has been hardn'd into a Tumour by a Flux of Sharp Humours , may be fitted by the softer kind of Applications for the most quick , and searching Medicines . The SIXTH VERSE . Philosophy proveth that order is necessary in all things . WHen Cancer with Sols Rayes doth burn , Then whoso trusts his Ground with Seed , Of which it makes him no return ; Deceiv'd , He may on Akorns feed . If Purple Violets thou wilt find , Goe not to th' Wood when Snow , and Frost Are thither brought by th' North-East Wind , And th' Fields have all their Beauty lost . Press not the Branches of the Vine In Spring-time with a greedy Hand , If thou desire to have good Wine , Or pleasant Grapes at thy command . Till Autumn Bacchus never brings His Gifts to Peasants , or to Kings . To sev'ral Times our God Above Their sev'ral Duties hath Assign'd : Courses Distinct hee 'l not approve Should ever be together Joyn'd . Ev'n so what is done in such hast That Order due we cann't forecast , It will not come to good at last . The SIXTH PROSE . Philosophy discovereth the inward causes of Boetius his griefe . WILT thou permit me to try the state of thy Mind by proposing a few Questions , that I may understand what course to take for the Cure of thy Distemper . I shall Answer , quoth I , to whatsoever thou shalt be pleas'd to Aske of me . Then she spake thus : Dost thou think that this World is hurried on in it's course by the Agitations of Chance , or meer Casualty , Or that it is Govern'd by REASON ? But , quoth I , never could I entertain such a thought , as this , that such Certain and Orderly Motions can proceed from Chance and Uncertainty . I know that GOD , the Maker of the Universe Sits on High , and Overlooks his own Worke ; neither shall that Day ever come that may enforce me to forsake this Truth . Thou sayst well , quoth she ; for what thou didst Sing a little while since suits well with thy present speech : and thou didst deplore Mankind , as Neglected by GOD , whilst All things else are under his Providence . Thou didst not seem in the least to doubt of those things ; but that they are Govern'd by REASON . But truly I cannot but wonder very much that thou shouldst still labour under such a Distemper having attain'd to so great a measure of the most Wholsome Doctrine . But let us search deeper ; I conceive that something , I know not what , thou lackest yet . Tell me , since thou dost not doubt but that the World is Govern'd by GOD , dost thou consider also by what Rule He Governs it ? I hardly understand , quoth I , the meaning of this Question , much less am I able to give an Answear thereunto . Was I mistaken , saith she , in that I thought there was something Wanting , through which Defect , as through an Hole these Perturbations have Crept into thy Mind ? But tell me , dost thou Remember what is the END of things ? or what it is that the Whole Course of Nature Tends unto ? I have heard what it is , quoth I , but Sadness has much weakned my Memory . But how knowest thou from what All things derive their Being ? I know from what , said I : from GOD. And how can it be that sith thou knowest what is the BEGINING of things , thou shouldst be Ignorant of their END ? But this is the custome of these Perturbations , and Distractions of mind , such is their strength , that they unsettle , and discompose a mans Thoughts , but cannot alienate him from the proper Sentiments of a Rational Nature . I would have thee give an Answear to this Question ; dost thou Remember that thou art a Man ? how is it possible , quoth I , that I should ever Forget this ? Art thou able then to tell me what Man is ? Is this the Sense of thy Question , whether I know my selfe to be a Living - Creature Rational , and Mortal ? I know , and confess that I am . And dost thou not know , quoth she , that thou art somewhat besides that ? No. Now , quoth she , I come to understand another , and that the greatest cause of thy Distemper , thou failest of the Knowledge of Thy Selfe . Wherefore I have plainly found out the grounds of thy Disease , or rather the way to recover thy Health . For because thou art in such Confusion of mind , by reason that thou Forgettest Who thou art , thou fallest into this extream Anguish , as if thou wast Exil'd , and Depriv'd of thy Proper Goods . Forasmuch as thou art Ignorant what is the END of things thou judgest that Lawless , and Ungodly men are in great Power , and Felicity . And forasmuch as thou hast Forgotten by what Rule the World is Govern'd , thou art so apt to conceit that the manifold Changes of Humane Affairs are not within the compass of any Government . Great causes indeed not only of Sickness , but of Death itselfe . But Thanks be to the Author of Health that Reason has not as yet wholly forsaken thee . We have very good grounds to undertake thy Recovery , in that thou retainest this Truth touching the Governance of the World , that it is not subject to the temerity of Chance , but to the Divine Wisedome . Therefore set thy heart at rest . We perceive ther 's Vital Heat in thee by this little Spark . But because it is not yet a fit time for stronger Remedies , and such is the nature of our Minds that as often as they cast away the Truth they Habituate , themselves to False Opinions , from which there arise such Fumes of disorderly Affections , which Darken the Eyes of our Understanding : These Fumes I shall endeavour to extenuate with the most soft , and gentle Remedies , that the Darkeness of the Deceitful Love of Earthly things being done away , thou mayst be able to apprehend the Brightness of the True Light. THE SEVENTH VERSE . Philosophy declareth how the perturbations of our minds do hinder us from the knowledge of truth . THe Stars cann't yield their Light , When Clouds keep them from sight . If stormy winds do blow , And make Seas Ebbe , and Flow , That Water which lookt Fair As Brightest Dayes , and Clear As Christal , Foul'd with Mud , Rais'd by the boystrous Floud , Obstructs our Sight . And so The River that doth flow From th' Hills is oft made stay By Rocks that lye i' th' way . And if thou Verity With a clear Eye wouldst see ; If thou wouldst find th' Right Way , And from it never stray , Cast off fond Joyes , and Fears , And Hopes : wipe off thy Tears . The Mind 's with Clouds o're cast , And with a Curb held fast , Where These our Powers do wast . THE SECOND BOOK OF THE Consolation of Philosophy . The FIRST PROSE . Of the deceits and inconstancy of Fortune . AFTER this , She held her peace for some time ; and when she had gather'd in my Attention by a sober , and grave Silence , thus she began : If I throughly understand the causes of thy Distemper , and the Condition thou art in , thou dost languish , and pine away for want of thy former Fortune : 't is Her Change , as thou makest thy selfe to believe , that hath overthrown the high State of thy Mind . I understand the manifold Deceits of that Prodigy , and that she is wont to shew the greatest Dearness , and Familiarity to those , whom she hath a mind to Delude , 'till she confounds them with intolerable Anguish , whom beside all expectation she hath forsaken , and left destitute . If thou wilt call to mind her nature , manners , and diserts , thou shalt understand that thou didst neither Enjoy , nor Lose any Excellent thing in Her Presence , or Departure . But , as I judge , I shall have no hard taske to bring these things to thy ▪ Remembrance . For whilst she remained with thee , and flatter'd thee continually , thou wast wont to speak Manfully unto her , and to persecute Her with sentences brought from the (a) Secret Place of my Temple . But a sudden Change of Things happens not without some Wavering of Minds . So it comes to pass that thou art gone a little from thy wonted Peace , and Tranquillity . But 't is now time that thou shouldst drink some Pleasant , and Delicious thing , which being receiv'd will Prepare thee for Stronger Potions . Therefore let us have the Perswasives of Sweet Rhetorick , which then only proceeds in the Right way , when she forsakes not our Instructions : and with Her let Musick , who is one of our House-hold Servants Sing Notes sometimes Light , and sometimes Grave . What is it then , ô Man , that hath cast thee into so deep Sadness , and Discontent ? I believe thou hast seen something new , and unusual . Dost thou think that Fortune is Changed in her Disposition towards Thee ? thou art mistaken . These are Her Manners : this is Her Nature . She hath rather kept her own Constancy in the Mutability she hath shown towards Thee . She was no other than now thou seest Her to be , when she flatter'd , and Deceiv'd thee with the Enticements of False Felicity . Thou hast found out the Deceitful Pretences of this Blind Goddess . She that covers Her selfe with a Vaile from the sight of other men has suffer'd thee to take a full View of Her : and to be fully acquainted with her Disposition . If thou Likest Her , use her Manners , do not complain . If thou dreadest her Perfidiousness , Scorn , and reject Her , that sports her selfe thus in doing mischiefe . For she that hath brought thee into so great Sorrowes should have been the cause of thy Tranquillity . For she hath left Thee , of whom no man can be Secure , but that she will leave him also . But dost thou think in good earnest that that Felicity , which thus passeth away , is any thing worth ? and can any Present Fortune be Dear unto thee , which gives thee no Assurance of her Stay , and when she shall Depart , will certainly involve thee in great Anguish , and Vexation ? If we cannot keep Her with us as long as we please ; and if when she flyes from us she makes us miserable , what is she else , being so ready to take her flight , but a Sign of future Calamity ? For it is not sufficient to Consider that which is lay'd before our Eyes . Prudence measureth the End of things ; whos 's Mutability in either State , should make us neither to Fear the Threat'nings of Fortune , nor Regard her Pretences of Friendship . Finally thou oughtest to bear with a patient mind , whatsoever is done within the Jurisdiction of Fortune , now thou hast submitted thy Neck to her Yoke . If thou wouldest impose a Law on her , whom thou hast freely chosen to be thy Mistress , to stay , or be gone at thy pleasure , wouldest thou not be Injurious , and by thine Impatience encrease the Bitterness of that Condition , which thou art not able to Change ? If thou shouldst commit thy Sailes to the Winds , thou shouldst not be carried whither thou Wouldest Arrive , but whither they will Drive thee . If thou wilt sow thy ground , thou must make account that some years are barren , and some fruitful . Thou hast submitted thy selfe to the Government of Fortune , 't is but requisite thou shouldst comply with the Humours of thy Mistress . But dost thou endeavour to put a stop to the Turning of her Wheele ? but , O Foolish man , if she begins to be Constant , she ceaseth to be Fortune . THE FIRST VERSE . Philosophy discribeth the conditions of fortune . WHen mighty things she turns about (a) Euripus Like she swiftly flowes ; She doth most dreadful Armies rout , And Potent Monarchs overthrowes : And Heads cast down she lifts on high : She hearkens not to sighs , and groans Of men plung'd deep in Misery , She tortures them , and scorns their Moans . These are Her sports , thus doth she try Her strength ; and 't is a wondrous feat , If in that Houre a man shall lye i th' Dust , in which his Power was Great . The SECOND PROSE . Fortune sheweth , that she hath taken nothing from Boetius , that was his . BUT I would discourse with thee a little in the words of Fortune . Observe if she speaks not right . O man , why dost thou thus complain of my carriage towards thee ? In what have I Injur'd thee ? what Goods , that thou mightest justly call Thine own , have we taken from thee ? Let any man be Judge betwixt us , whilst thou contendest with me touching the Possession of Riches , and Dignities : And if thou shalt prove that any of them do properly belong to any Mortal whatsoever , I will readily grant that those things , which thou desirest should be restor'd unto thee were Thine indeed . When Nature brought thee out of thy Mothers wombe , I tooke thee being Naked , and destitute of all things , I cherisht thee with my Riches , and , which makes thee now so Impatient against me , I gave thee the most tender , and delicate Education , and encompast thee with the Abundance , and splendour of all things , which are in my power . Now I think fit to withdraw my hand ; be Thankful as one that has had the use of things that are not Thy proper Goods . Thou hast no just cause to complain , as if thou hadst lost that which was Thine own . Why then dost thou sigh , and groan ? Riches , Honors , and all such like things are in my power : they acknowledge that I am their Mistress : they come , and go with me . I boldly affirm , that if those things had been Thine , which thou complainest that thou hast lost , thou hadst not lost them . Shall I only be hind'red from the exercise of my power ? 't is lawful for the Heavens to bring forth clear Dayes , and to shut up those Daies in Dark Nights . 'T is lawful for the Year now to adorn the Face of the Earth with Flowers , and Fruit ; now to cover it with Frost , and Snow . 'T is the right of the Sea , now to looke mild , and calm ; now to grow rough with waves , and storms . And shall the unsatiable Desires of men oblige Me to constancy , which is so contrary to my Manners ? This is the Part I am to Act : this is the play I play continually . I turn round a Wheele , and make the lowest , and uppermost things to change their places . Go up , if thou thinkst fit , but on that condition that thou do not take it for an Injury , if thou be made to go down again , when the Play requires it . Hast thou never been made acquainted with my Manners ? hast thou not heard how Craesus King of the Lydians , but a little before very formidable to (a) Cyrus , being brought to the Fire , a most doleful Spectacle , was sav'd by Water , pour'd down from Heaven , from the devouring Flames ? dost thou not remember that (b) Paulus wept at the Calamity of King (c) Perseus , whom he had taken Captive ? what is the loud complaint of Tragedies , but that Fortune disregards , and overturns the happiest Kingdomes ? didst thou not learn when thou wast a Boy , that in (d) Jupiters Entry there are Two large Vessels , one holding Evil things , and the other Good things ? what if I have not wholly withdrawn my selfe from thee ? what if this very Inconstancy of mine be a just cause why thou shouldest hope for Better things ? However do not repine at thy condition , and being seated in a Kingdome , which is govern'd by Lawes Common to all , do not entertain any vain desires of living by a Right Peculiar to thy selfe . The SECOND VERSE . Fortune complaineth of the unsatiable desire of men . IF so much Wealth , as th' Ocean casts up Sand , Men could at length obtain : Or had so many Gemms at their command As Heav'n doth Stars contain ; All this would not suffice , but they would still Complain , and Covet more . And if it were Our Great Creators Will To adde unto their Store , And make their Names with Glorious Titles shine , Yet they would seem to Want , Through their voracious Lusts they would Repine , Their Thirsty Soules would Pant , And Gape for more , and more . What Curbe can now Their Appetite restrain , Sith whilst they in so great abundance flow , Of Want they still complain : He is not Rich , who doth himselfe Deplore , And thinks that He is Poore . The THIRD PROSE . Philosophy proveth , that fortune had been more favourable , than contrary to Boetius . IF Fortune should speak to thee after this manner , certainly thou wouldst hardly find a word to say for thy selfe . Or if there be any thing , whereby thou mayst defend the complaint thou makst against her , thou oughtest to produce it ; thou hast liberty to declare thy mind . Then said I : Truly the things that thou hast spoken have a fair shew , and carry with them the Hony of Sweet Rhetorick , and Musick ; they delight us only so long , as we Attend to their Sound . But men in Misery have a deeper sense of the Evils that oppress them . Therefore when such things cease to Affect the Ear , that Anguish which is settled in the Mind becomes more grievous . And saith she , 'T is so indeed . For we do not as yet administer the Remedies of thy Distemper , but these things are to asswage the violence of the Pain , which will not admit our chiefest Medicines . For we shall apply such things , which will pierce into the roote of thy Disease , as soon as it shall be seasonable . But that thou mayst not reckon thy selfe in the number of Wretched men , what , hast thou forgotten the measure of thy Felicity ? To say nothing of this , that Persons of the Highest Quality tooke care for thee in thy Fatherless condition ; and that thou being chosen into the Affinity of the Principal men of the City didst first begin to be Dear , and then to be Near of Kin unto them , which is the most excellent kind of Alliance . Who has not Applauded thee , as a most Happy man , upon account of the Splendor , and Nobleness of thy Father-in-law , the Chastity of thy Wife , and the Towardly Disposition of thy Sons ? I pass by this ( for I like not to speak of common things ) that thou didst receive in thy Youth those Dignities which few Old men can attein unto : it delighteth me to come to the singular hight of thy Felicity . If there be any true , and solid Happiness in the most pleasant Fruit of Humane Affairs , can the Memory of that Day be blotted out , with never so great an inundation of over-flowing Evils ? when thou sawest thy sons being made Consuls , to be brought from thy House with so great a company of Senators , the People discoveing so much joy , and gladness ; when those thy Sons sitting in the Senate-House on their Ivory-Chairs , thou didst make an Oration in Prayse of the King , and deservedst the Glory of Wit , and Eloquence : when thou sitting between thy Two Sons being Consuls in the Place call'd Circus , didst satisfy the expectation of the Multitude , crowding about thee , with a Triumphal Largess . Thou didst flatter , and deceive Fortune , I beleive whilst she fawned on thee , and cherisht thee , as her Darling . Thou didst gett from her such a Gift , as she never bestowed on any Private man. Wilt thou therefore come to a reckoning with Fortune ? This is the first time that she ever cast a froward Looke on thee . If thou considerest the number , and the measure of things Sad , and things Joyful , thou canst not deny but that thou art Happy still . If therefore thou judgest that thou art not Fortunate , because those things which seemed to be Joyful are past , and gone ; ther 's no cause why thou shouldst think thy selfe Miserable , sith those things also , which thou apprehendest to be so Sad , and grievous are passing away . What , didst thou come forth but lately upon the Stage of this Life ? dost thou think ther 's any constancy in Humane Affairs , whereas 't is often seen that an Houres time makes an Healthy man return to the Durst ? For though the Goods of Fortune should remain with us , which seldome comes to pass , yet the Last Day of our Life would be as it were the Death of such constant Prosperity . What matter is it therefore , whether thou goest from it , or it from thee ? THE THIRD VERSE . Philosophy declareth , how all worldly things decay and fade away . WHen Phaebus , vanquishing the Night , Or'e th' Skies his Lustre spreads : The Stars , Abasht at such great Light , Grow Pale , and hide their Heads . Now Zephyrus with his soft Breath The Roses hath full blown : The cloudy South Wind blustereth , And straight their Beauty 's gon . Sometimes the Sea 's Still , like the Shore , And Radiant , like the Skies : Sometimes the stormy Winds do roar , And Boystrous Waves arise . Sith all this World is like the Dust , That 's Driven with the Wind , Why wilt thou to Mans Fortunes trust , Which none shall Constant find ? This is a Constant Law , can't Alter'd be , That nothing here shall have True Constancy . The FOURTH PROSE . Philosophy proveth , that Boetius is still fortunate , and that no man hath complete happiness in this life . THEN said I , thou speakst the truth , O Nurce of all Vertues , neither can I ●…y the swift course of my Happy Daies . But this doth most vehemently torment my soule , when I reflect on it , For in all Adversity whatsoever 't is the most Unhappy kind of Misfortune , To have been Happy . But , quoth she , what thou sufferest by thy False Opinion , thou mayst not impute to the Nature of things . And if thou art mov'd with the empty name of that Felicity , which is in the Power of Fortune , thou mayst account with me how much thou dost still retein of it . Therefore if that , which thou didst ever esteem as most pretious in the whole Treasury of thy Fortune , be still by the Divine Providence kept safe , and free from all harme , can'st thou have any cause to say that Fortune deals hardly with thee , whilst thou reteinest the more valuable Enjoyments ? But that most pretious Ornament of Mankind , thy Father-in-law Symmachus is still Alive , and in good health ; and ( which thou wouldest readily purchase with the price of thine own Life ) He , being a Man wholly made up of Wisedome , and Vertue , regardless of the wrongs that are done unto himselfe , bestowes his complaints on those , he sees thee to suffer . Thy Wife is still Living , a Woman Modestly Ingenious , Excelling in all the Perfections of Chastity , and , that I may briefly comprehend all her Endowments , she 's Like her Father . She Lives , I say , and keeps her Breath only for thee , being weary of this Life ; and , which , I confess , is a lessening of thy Felicity , she pines away with Tears , and sorrow for want of thy Company . What should I say of thy Sons , that have been Consuls , in whom , as in Youths of their Age , there shines the Resemblance of the Wit of their Father , and of their Grand-Father ? Sith therefore it is our chiefest care to preserve our Lives , O Happy man that thou art , if thou didst but know how to value thy Condition , who to this very day hast so great abundance of those things , which no man doubts but that they are more Pretious than Life it selfe ! wherefore wipe off these Tears from thine Eyes . Fortune has not as yet shown her utmost spight against thee ; neither has an over-violent Tempest falled on thee , whilst thine Anchors hold fast , which do not permit thee to want Consolation for the present , nor Hopes to see Better Times . And I pray , quoth I , they may hold fast ; for whilst they are Fixed , however the matter goes , I shall have hopes to overcome the Storme . But thou seest how my Honors , and Dignities are diminisht . And saith she , we have Advanc'd somewhat in our design if there be any thing in thy Condition , with which thou art not displeas'd . But I cannot away with this that thou art so nice , and tender , who makest such grievous complaints that there is some thing wanting , which thou wouldest have to compleat thy Happiness . For where is the man that hath attein'd to such a state of Ease , and satisfaction , that he is not in any regard Discontented with the quality of his present Fortune ? For the condition of the Goods of this World is full of Anxiety , and vexation , and such that it never comes whole , and entire , and never can be made stable , and permanent . One man abounds in Wealth , but is Asham'd of his Ignoble Birth . Another being Nobly Born is well Known throughout all the Country , but wanting an Estate Answearable to the Greatness of his Name , he would rather be hid in Obscurity with persons of the meanest Rank . This man is both Rich , and Noble , and bemoans himselfe for want of a Wife . That man hath a Good Wife , but hath no Children , and afflicts himselfe with the thoughts that he must leave his Wealth to a Stranger . Another rejoycing in his Issue turns his joy into mourning for the ill carriage of his Son , or of his Daughter . So that no man can easily suit his Mind with his own Condition . And let us moreover consider this , that the sense of every man that has been most us'd to Prosperity is exceeding soft , and delicate , and unless he can have all things at his beck , being unaccustom'd to any Adversity , is cast down with every little thing , that goes across to him : of such small moment are such matters , which detract from the perfection of the Happiness of those men , on whom Fortune has bestowd her choicest Favours . How many are there thinkest thou who would conceit themselves to be Advanc'd almost as high , as Heaven , if they could have but a part of the remains of thy Prosperity ? This very Place that thou callest Exile is the Country of the Inhabitants . Thus nothing is a Misfortune , but when thou deemest it so to be : And on the contrary Every Condition turns into Prosperity to those , who know how to Dispose themselves in it . What man is there so Happy , but he would be desirous to change his Estate , if he should once give way to Impatience ? what bitterness is the sweetness of Humane Felicity sprinkled with ! which if it seem joyful to him that possesteth it , yet it cannot be secur'd to him for a moment . 'T is evident therefore how Wretched that Happiness is which consists in the Enjoyment of perishing things , which neither remains with those that are contented , nor is wholly delightsome to persons of anxious , and disturbed minds . Therefore , O ye sons of Men , why do yee seek for True Happiness Without , which is plac'd Within Your selves ? You are confounded with Ignorance , and Wrong Opinions . I shall in a few words shew thee what is the Soveraign , and onely True Happiness . Is there any thing more Dear , and Pretious to Thee , than Thy Selfe ? Nothing , thou wilt say . Therefore if thou canst have the full Dominion of Thy Selfe , thou shalt Possess that which thou wouldest never part with , and which Fortune shall never be able to take from thee . And that thou mayst clearly perceive that True Happiness consists not in those things that are in the Power of Fortune , consider this Argument : If Bliss , or True Happiness be the Soveraign Good of Intellectual Nature , neither is that Soveraign Good which can by any means be taken from us ; because that Excells it , which we cannot be deprived of : 't is manifest that the Instability of Fortune can never bring us into the waies of True Happiness . Moreover he that is puft up with this unconstant Felicity either knowes , or doth not know , how Changeable it is . If he knowes it not , what Happiness can there be in Ignorance , the Blindness of the Soule ? If he knowes it , he must needs be in Fear of losing , what he doubts not but may easily be lost . Wherefore the Dread he is in continually suffers him not to be Happy . Or else he cares not if it be lost : Thus also it appears to be a matter of small moment , whose loss can be so easily born . And because thou art one of those who know , and are assur'd by many Demonstrations that the Soules of Men are Immortal ; and sith it is so clear , and unquestionable , that such Happiness , or Prosperity , which is in the Power of Fortune has it's Period by the Death of the Body ; it cannot be doubted , but if Death be able to deprive us of our Bliss , All Mankind must at length become Miserable . And sith we know that many a man hath earnestly pursu'd , and endeavour'd after Bliss , or True Happiness , not only by Death , but also by great Pains , and Torments ; how can it be that this present Life should be able to make men Happy , the End whereof makes them not Miserable ? THE FOURTH VERSE . Philosophy commendeth a meane estate . Who so intends to get A firm , and lasting Seat , That he may Safety find From Roaring Angry Wind , And scorn proud Neptunes Threats When all the Shores he Beats ; Let him not Build on High , From loose Sands let him fly . When stormy Winds do blow , High Houses they o'rethrow ; An House can never stand Vpon the sliding Sand. If thou wilt fly the great Dangers of a brave Seat , Build thy House very Low , And on a Rock : Although The Winds their Forces raise , And trouble Lands , and Seas , Thou mayst their Noise endure In thy Low Seat Secure , Thy Lookes will still be Clear Though Stormes disturbe the Aire . The FIFTH PROSE . How riches are neither pretious , nor our own . BUT because these soft , and gentle Reasonings , or Fomentations of the Mind begin to sink into thee , I think it would now be seasonable to use some stronger Medicines . Well then : Though the Gifts of Fortune were not so fraile , and transitory , what is there in them that can ever be truly , and properly Your own , and which being throughly discover'd what it is in it selfe , would not appear to be most vile , and despicable ? Are Riches to be Priz'd in regard of Your Nature , or of Their own ? what is the best kind of Riches ? is it not Gold , or great Heaps of Mony ? But these things make men to be sincerely Esteem'd when they are given away , rather than when they are kept in store : for Covetousness makes men Odious , Bounty Glorious . If that cannot remain with any man , which passeth from him to another : then is Mony Pretious , when , being confer'd on another , by the exercise of Bounty , it ceaseth to be in our own Possession . But if one man had All the Wealth in the World , it would leave others in the greatest Poverty . And indeed a Voice comes Whole , and Vndivided to the Ears of a Multitude of People at the same time ; but Your Riches , unless divided into many small Parts , cannot be communicated to divers Persons . And hence it is , that of necessity they expose such men to Poverty , from whom they come into the Possession of others . O then , how Narrow , and Contracted , how Beggerly are those Riches , which 't is impossible that Many men should have Whole , and Entire ; and which cannot come into the Hands of any one , without the Impoverishing of others ! Art thou taken with the Splendor of Gemms , or Pretious stones ? But if there be any Worth , or Excellency in their Brightness , that is the Light of those Stones themselves , not of Men : which Gemms I cannot but wonder exceedingly that Men should have in such Admiration . For what is there that wants a Soule , and a fit composure of Members , and Features , which should seem Beauteous and Amiable to a Rational Nature ? Which , although , as they are the Worke of our Creator , and in their own Rank they carry with them some of the lowest kind of Beauty , yet sith their Quality is so beneath Your Excellency , do in no wise deserve Your Admiration . Are you Delighted with the Beauty of Fair , and Fruitful Fields ? why not ? For it is a Fair Part of the Fair Worke of the Creation . Thus we delight also to see how pleasantly the Sea Lookes in a Calme , and Clear Day : thus we Admire the Heavens , the Stars , the Sun , and the Moon . What , doth any of these Peculiarly appertain to the ? darest thou to Boast thy selfe in the Brightness of the Heavens ? Art thou Adorn'd with the Various Colours , of the Flowers , that come forth in the Spring , and the Begining of Summer ? Or are those Fruits Thine that come forth so plenteously in their Seasons ? why art thou ravisht with vain Joyes ? why dost thou embrace External things , as if they were Thine own ? Fortune can never make that to be Thine , which the Nature of Things has Alienated from thee . The Fruits of the Earth indeed are without all doubt for the Nourishment of Living Creatures But if thou wilt Satisfy thy Need , which is all that Nature requires , ther 's no reason why thou shouldst desire that Fortune should make thee to Abound . For Nature is contented with a Few , and with very small things : whose Fullness if thou wilt oppress with Superfluity , that which thou dost Force upon her , will become either Unpleasant , or Hurtful . And dost thou think it a Brave thing to Shine in Rich Apparel ? which if it be pleasant to Looke on , I shall commend the Matter of which it is Made , or the Wit of him , that Made it . Art thou Happy in that thou hast a long Train of Servants to wait on thee ? who , if they be Vitious , are a Burthen to the House , and a Plague to their Master : But suppose them to be Vertuous , how can it be that the Goodness , and Vertue of other men should be reckon'd amongst Thy Goods ? By all that we have spoken it is clearly prov'd that not one of those things which thou accountest to be Thy Goods is Thy Good indeed . In which things if there be not any Beauty to make them so Desireable , what reason is there that thou shouldest either be Griev'd for the Loss , or Delighted with the Possession of them ? If they are Fair , and Beauteous in their own Nature , what is that to Thee ? For upon this account they might be as Pleasing , though thou couldest not pretend to have any particular Interest in them . For they do not therefore become Pretious , or Valuable , because they are a part of thy Riches ; but because they seemed to be Pretious thou didst desire to get them into thy Possession . But , what would ye have , that yee make so much adoe about the things that are in the power of Fortune ? I suppose ye would have such Plenty , that yee might not stand in Need of any thing . But the case is quite contrary with you : For you have Need of more helps to keep the Riches , you have gotten : And True it is , that they stand in Need of Many things , who have Many things in their Possession ; and on the contrary they Want very little , who measure their Abundance by the Necessity of Nature , not by the Superfluity of Ambition . But are you so void of any Proper , and Internal Good , that you should seeke Your Goods Without , in things remote from Your own Nature ? Is the course of things so monstrously chang'd , that a Living-Creature deserving to be esteemed as Divine upon the account of Reason , should not seem unto himselfe to be shining , and Illustrious , but by the Possession of things without Life ? And indeed other things are satisfyed with what they have in themselves : but you , Creatures Made after the Image of GOD , would fain Adorn Your selves being of so Excellent a Nature , with the Basest , and Lowest things ; not considering how great an Injury ye do to Your Creator . For He would have Mankind to Excel All Earthly things , but ye Advance the very Lowest of them Above Your own Dignity . For if it be a truth unquestionable that what ever is the Good of another thing , is more Pretious than that thing , whose Good it is ; sith ye conceit that such contemptible , and unworthy things are Your Goods , ye make your selves by your own Judgement to become Inferiour to them : and indeed ye deserve that so it should be . For such is the Nature of Man , that then only he Excells all other Creatures , when he Knowes Himselfe : but He becomes more Vile than the Beasts that Perish , when he ceaseth to retein this Knowledge . For 't is but the Nature of other Creatures here upon Earth , Not to Know Themselves : but in Men 't is Vice , or the Corruption of their Nature . But how great is your Error , who conceit that any thing can be Adorn'd with Ornaments that are not It 's own . That cannot be . For if any thing looke Bright , and Glorious with that which is put on it , that which is put on , is Praysed : but that which is cover'd therewith nevertheless remains in it's own Filth , and vileness . I deny that any thing is Good , which may become Hurtful to him that Possesseth it . Am I out in this ? No surely , thou wilt say . But Riches have often been Hurtful to those that have had them , sith every one that is extreamly Wicked , and so the more Desirous of External things , as Gold , or Pretious Stones , thinks him only , who hath such things , to be a most Worthy Person . Thou then who art now so sollicitous , and fearful of the Spear , and of the Sword , if thou hadst enter'd into the Path of this Life with an Empty Purse thou mightest Sing in the presence of a Robber . O Blessedness of perishing Riches , which when thou hast obtein'd thou ceasest to live in Safety ! THE FIFTH VERSE . Philosophy commendeth the former age , which was free from covetousness . " O the' too happy fathers of old , " Whose wealth was the plough , and the fold ! " Base Luxury ne're could destroy 'um , " Whose fare couldne're surfeit , nor cloy ' um . " An Akorn , or Chesnut at best " With them was an excellent feast . " Sack , and Sugar their throats ne'ver knew , " Nor their backs the Tyrian hue . " On th' grass they found Innocent dreams , " And Nectar in sweet sliding streams . " Then th' Pine served only for shade , " And not for the Mariners trade . " The Chinoise had no traffick with Spain " For their trifles as strange , and as vain . " Then men might sleep whole in their skins " Not affrighted with warlike Dins : " And America thought not upon " The greedy , and merciless Don : " For who could have thought 'em worth killing , " When they had not one poore shilling " To pay for the wounds should be made ? " Then Warr was a pityful trade . " Would God that our Saints , and Wise men , " Would be but so Holy as Then ! " But a Fire more Cruel than Hell , " Love of Wealth , is mixt with our Zele ; " Oh , what was their bloudy Zele , who " Sought out the long hidden Peru , " And brought home that dangerous Ore " By the Murther of so many score , " To make Pay for the Murthring of more ? P. G. The SIXTH PROSE . Of dignity and power . BUT what shall I say of Dignities , and Power , which you , being Ignorant of the True Dignity , and Power , do so highly Extol ? If they fall to the lott of Wicked men , what (a) Aetna with all the Flames , it belcheth forth ; what Deluge that rageth never so horribly , did ever make so great Desolation ! Verily , as I suppose thou dost remember , the Government of Consuls , which was the begining of the Roman Liberty , for the Pride of Consuls , your Ancestors had a desire to Abolish : who for the same Pride had formerly Banisht the Name of King out of the City . But if at any time , which is very seldome , Good men are invested with Power , and Dignities , what is there in them , that may give any Satisfaction , but the Vertue , and Integrity of those that use them ? Thus it is that Honor doth not accrue to Vertue from Dignities , but to Dignities from Vertue . But what kind of Power is that which you so Prayse , and Desire ? Do you not consider , O ye Earthly Creatures , What Your selves are , and What they are , whom You are Set over ? For if amongst the Mise thou shouldst see one to assume to himselfe a Power over the rest ; wouldest thou not break forth into Laughter ? But if thou considerest the Body , what canst thou conceive to be more Weak than Man , whom a Little Fly may have strength enough to Destroy ? And in what respect can one Man be said to exercise his Force on another , but only in respect of the Body , and that which is beneath the Body , I mean , Fortune ? what canst thou Enforce upon a Soule that has Attein'd to it's proper Freedome ? canst thou remove a Mind settled upon the Firm Principles of Truth , and Virtue , from the State of Peace , and Tranquillity ? When a (b) Tyrant thought by Torments to constrain a (c) Couragious Man , to discover those who were Privy to a Conspiracy made against him , he bi tt off his Tongue , and Spit it in the Face of that Cruel Tyrant . Thus did that Wise man make those Pains the Opportunity of exercising his Fortitude , whereby the Tyrant exercis'd his Cruelty . But what is there , which any one can do against another , which he may not suffer from another ? We have heard how (c) Busiris who was wont to Kill Strangers , was Slain by Hercules , a Stranger . Many Carthaginians had Regulus lay'd in Chains : but not long after He 's Bound himselfe by those very men , whom he had formerly Conquer'd . And dost thou think that such a Man hath any true Power , who is not Able so to Defend himselfe , that none shall Prevaile against him , as he doth against others ? Moreover if there were any Natural , and Proper Good in Dignities , and Powers , they could never be the Portion of Wicked men . For things so Repugnant will not be Brought together . Nature forbids that Contraries should be in one , and the same Subject . Thus , sith it is unquestionable that very often leud , and Ungodly men have the management of Dignities , 't is also manifest (d) that these things are not Good in their own Nature , which Adhere to Persons so void of Goodness . Which indeed we may Judge of all the Gifts of Fortune , of which the most Wicked men in the World have the greatest share . Here let us also consider that no man doubteth but that he is Valiant , in whom he seeth any Valour , or Fortitude : and 't is manifest that he is Swift and Active , in whom there is Swiftness , and Activity . Thus Musick makes Musicians , Physick Physicians , Rhetorick Rhetoricians . For the Nature of Every thing Acts according to it's Property , nor doth it Mix it selfe with the Operations of Contrary things , and it Drives away whatsoever is Repugnant thereunto . But neither can Riches extinguish the Desires of the Covetous man ; neither can Power make a man Able to Overcome Himselfe , who is Bound , with the Chains of his lusts . And Dignity confer'd on Persons of Base Inclinations doth not only not make them Worthy men , but discovers them rather , and shewes them to the World , as such who deserve the greatest Scorn , and Indignity . You take Pleasure to call Things by False , and Improper Names , which are easily confuted by the Effect of the Things themselves : Therefore neither can those Riches , nor that Power , and Dignity be Truly so Call'd . And we may conclude the same of all that comes from Fortune , in which 't is manifest ther 's nothing that we should Absolutely Desire , nothing of Native Goodness , since it neither Joins it selfe allwayes to Good men , nor doth it make those Good , to whose lot it falls . THE SIXTH VERSE . Philosophy declareth by the example of Nero , that dignities or power , do not make men better . HOw did (a) He wast with Fire , and Sword The City , and the Senators , Who to his (b) Brother could Afford No Safety from his Bloudy Force ! Who likewise his own (c) Mother Slew , And in that Horrid Slaughter Joy'd ; He did Her Naked Body View , And Prays'd the Beauty He Destroy'd ! Yet This man did All Nations Sway : They trembled at his Dreadful Name . Could NERO'S Power make him Obey His Reason , and his Fury Tame ? O Grievous Fate ! Abiss of woe ! What Poyson cann't , the Sword must do ! The SEVENTH PROSE . Of glory . THEN quoth I , Thou knowest that I have never been Enslav'd to the Desires of perishing things : but I was Desirous to have some Matter for my Virtue to worke on in Publick Affairs , that it might be made Known to the World. This indeed , saith she , is one thing , which some Generous Minds , but such as have not yet attein'd to the highest pitch of Virtue , may be much taken withall , to wit , the Glory or Fame that appertains to Persons that have Deserv'd well of the Common-Wealth : which Fame , or Glory , how small a thing it is , and of no Importance at all , thou mayst Understand thus : Thou hast learnt by Astronomical Demonstrations that All the Compass of the Earth is but as it were a Point , or the Least thing Imaginable in comparison of the large Space of the Heavens : that is to say , if it be compar'd to the greatness of the Celestial Globe , it would be judg'd to have no Space at all . And of this so small a Region of the World 't is about the Fourth Part as thou hast learnt from Ptolemy , which is Inhabited by such Creatures , which are known to us . If thou shalt substract from this Fourth Part what the Seas ▪ and Marrises take up , and the utmost Extent of the Dry Sands , and Desarts , there will be left but a very Narrow Space for the Habitations of Men. Being then Encompast , and Shut up within the least Part of this Extream Little Part of the Vniverse , do you Think of Enlarging your Fame , and making your Name Great ? But what hath that Glory of Amplitude , and Magnificence that is straitned with such Narrow Limits ? Moreover I would have thee to consider that in the Habitable Part of the World most Nations Differ very much one from another in their Language , and in their Dispositions , and their whole Kind of Life : so that by reason of the Difficulty of such Journeyes , or Voiages , and the Diversity of Languages , and the want of all Traffick , or Commerce , not only the Fame of Particular Men , but even of Great Cities may never come to some Nations . In the Daies of Marcus Tullius , as he himselfe (a) somewhere shewes , the Fame of the Roman Common-Wealth had not yet past beyond the Mountain (b) Caucasus , and at that time Rome was so Great , as to be a Terror even to the (c) Parthians , and the other Nations therabout . And dost thou not see then how Narrow , and Strait that Glory is , which you labour to spread , and dilate ? Shall the Glory of a Roman go thither where the Name of ROME could never arrive ? The Manners , and Institutions of Divers Countries do not Agree ; so that what with some men deserveth Prayse , with others is accounted worthy of the greatest Punishment . Hence it comes to pass that if any one delight to be Well spoken of , it is in no wise convenient for him that his Name should be carryed to Many People . Therefore Every man must be contented with the Glory that is propagated amongst those , who are Govern'd by the same Lawes with himselfe : and that Fame , and Lasting Renown , which they call Immortality , shall be confin'd within the Limits of one Country . But how many Persons of great Eminency in their Time had their Names Omitted by the Historians of that Age ! And what doth it profit a man to be mention'd in Histories , which at length together with their Authors fall into Oblivion ! But you seem to your selves to have gotten a kind of Immortality , when you think that your Fame shall endure in the Generations to come . If thou dost but compare that Duration to Eternity , thou wilt find that thou hast no cause to rejoyce in the Long Continuance of thy Name . For if we make comparison of One Moment with Ten Thousand Years , because both Spaces have their Bounds , it carries though but a little yet some Proportion therunto . But this Number of Years be it Multiplyed never so much , can in no wise be compar'd to that Duration , which shall never End. For between things Finite there is some Proportion , but Infinite , and Finite can never have any . Thus it comes to pass that the Fame which endures for never so long a Time , in comparison of Eternity , will not only appear to be very little , but as nothing at all . But you care not to Do well , unless for the Prayse of People , and the empty noice of Vulgar Applause , and disregarding the Excellency of your own Conscience , and Vertue , you expect your Reward from the Talk of others . Observe how Ingeniously a certain man reproves this kind of Folly. For when he saw a conceited Person , that had through vain Glory assum'd to himselfe the False Name of a Philosopher , to be assaulted with many sharpe Contumelies , and Revilings , and he had told him that now he should know him to be a Philosopher indeed , if he would bear those Injuries with Meekness , and Patience ; For a little while he tooke on him a kind of Patience , and Boasting as it were in the Contumelies he had receiv'd ; Dost thou not understand at length , sayth he , that I am a Philosopher ? Then replyes the other very Bitingly , I had understood it indeed , if thou hadst held thy peace . But what is Fame to Excellent Men ( for of such is our discourse ) who seeke for Glory in the way of Virtue ; what , I say , is Fame , or the Glory of this present World to them , when their Bodies return to the Dust ? For if Death seize on the Whole Man , which my Doctrine will not suffer you to believe , ther 's no such thing , as Glory : sith he who is said to be the Owner of it , is depriv'd of his Being . But if the Soule that is cleansed from all Impurity , being deliver'd from this Earthly Prison , Ascendeth into Heaven ; will she not despise all that is done here upon Earth , whilst she , being an Inhabitant of Heaven , rejoyceth that she is Exempted from all Earthly Concerns ? The SEVENTH VERSE . Of the smalness and shortness of fame . WHoever thinks that Earthly Glory is The thing that brings true Bliss : Let him Comtemplate the Large Skye , and see Earths small Capacity : Sith that such Narrow Space Exceeds his Fame , Hee 'll Blush at his Great name . Why do Proud Men in vain Desire to be Free'd from Mortality ? Though their Fame pass through People far , and near And make Whole Nations hear ; And though their House toth ' Highest Titles rises , This Glory Death despises ; It spares not Humble Heads , the Lofty neither ; Layes High , and Low together . Where lye the Bones now of (a) Fabricius ? Wher 's (b) Cato , or (c) Brutus ? Some Letters after Death preserve their Fame , That is , Their Empty Name . But may we Know Men long since Dead , and gone Because those Words are Known ? You surely ( turn'd to Dust ) we cannot Know , Fame can't your Persons show . If you conceit that 't is a Life to be Mention'd in History , When Time deprives you of the Peoples Breath , That is a Second Death . The EIGHTH PROSE . Adversity more profitable than prosperity . BUT that thou mayst not think me to be an Irreconcileable Enemy to Fortune , Ther 's a Time when she deserveth well of men , though she be so Deceitful . To wit , Then , when she shewes Her selfe , and discovers what Disposition she is of . Perhaps thou dost not yet understand what I mean. That which I vehemently desire to tell thee is a Wonderful thing , so that I have much adoe to fit Words to the Thoughts I have of it . For I Judge that Adverse Fortune is more Profitable for Men , than Prosperity . For the one allwayes cheats us with the empty shew of Felicity , whilst she seems to be very Kind : the other is allwayes True to us , whilst by her Change she demonstrates her Instability . The one Deceives , the other Teaches , and Instructs us : the one Fetters the Minds of those that Enjoy it with the Allurements of False Goods ; the other sets them at Liberty , by making them to understand the Vanity of all Earthly Happiness . Therefore thou mayst observe that the one is Windy , Loose , and allwayes void of the Knowledge of her selfe : the other is Sober , Strict , and encreasing in Prudence , by the most profound Exercise of Wisedome , in the Conquest of All Perturbations . Lastly Prosperity enticeth men , and drawes them away from the True Good : Adversity drawes them back to it , as it were , with an Hooke . And dost thou think this but a small thing that this Sharpe , this Horrible Fortune makes thee Know who are thy Faithful Friends : she hath Distinguisht the Certain , and Doubtful Countenances of thy Companions : At her Departure she carryed Her own Friends away with her , Thine she hath left with Thee . At how high a rate wouldest thou have purchac'd this , when thou seemedst to thy selfe to be a Fortunate Man ? Cease now to looke any longer after the Riches , thou hast Lost : thou hast found the most Pretious Kind of Wealth , viz. True Friends . THE EIGHTH VERSE . Philosophy praiseth true love and friendship . THat the World so Constant is In Alternate Variety , That so many Contraries Observe their League so Faithfully , That the Sweet Day , Queen of Light , Sol in his Golden Chariot Drawes , And that (a) Hesperus brings Night , That Night is Rul'd by (b) Phaebes Lawes , That the greedy Sea's restrain'd Least it 's proud Waves should seiz the Land : Things thus to each other Chain'd Are held by LOVES Almighty Hand Who Rules the Heav'ns , Earth , and Seas . If He let goe the Reins , they run Straight from the safe way of Peace , And Perish by Dissention . He keeps Men in Vnity , He Joyns in League far Distant Lands : He confirms by Chastity The Sacred Force of Nuptial Bands : He shewes True Friends how to prove That To Love is the Greatest Gain . Happy Men , if that same LOVE Which Raigns in Heav'n did in You Raign ! THE THIRD BOOK OF THE Consolation of Philosophy . The FIRST PROSE . Philosophy promiseth to explicate true felicity . SHE had now ended her Song , when the Sweetness of the Verse had fixed me in the deepest Attention . Therefore after a short pause thus I spake : O Soveraign Consolation of wearied Minds , how much hast thou refreshed me both with the weight , and importance of the Sense of this Excellent Song , and the pleasantness of it's Aire ! so that for the future I shall not looke on my selfe , as one that wanteth strength to grapple with any kind of Fortune . Therefore I am not only not afraid of those Remedies , which thou saidst were somewhat more Sharpe , and piercing , but I vehemently desire that thou wouldest impart them unto me . Then quoth she , I Thought so , when thou didst so greedily receive my words in such profound Silence , and with such earnest Attention ; and I expected that thou shouldest have this Temper , and Disposition of Mind , or ( which indeed is rather the very truth ) I wrought it in thee . Such are the things , that remain to be spoken of , that when first we do but touch them with our Tongue , they are very Tart , and Biting , but being receiv'd , and swallow'd down , they become exceeding Sweet , and Delightsome . But since thou sayst thou art so desirous to hear what I have to say , how wouldest thou be Enflam'd if thou didst understand whither I design to Conduct thee ? Whither quoth I ? To True Felicity , said she , which thy Mind apprehends as it were in a Dream ; but it 's Sight being employ'd about Images , and Phantasms , it cannot have any clear Prospect therof . Then quoth I : Do , I pray thee , as thou hast said , and shew without delay what is that True Felicity . I will do it , quoth she , most willingly : but first I will lay down in plain words that State , and Condition with which thou art most acquainted , that casting thine Eye the other way , thou mayst clearly Discern the Nature of True Happiness . THE FIRST VERSE . False felicity must be forsaken , that true happiness may be embraced . WHoso will sow his ground first he ( free , That ground from Stons , and Thorns must That Ceres may Find a plain way . Most sweet's the Hony , that comes next When Tasts unpleasant have us vext . We Joy to see the Stars Appear When Wind , and Rain have left the Aire . How Lovely is the Youthful Day , When Lucifer hath chac'd away The dismal Shades ! Thou , whose dull Eye Could never yet True Good descry , Lift up thine Head : thine Eye-sight shall be clear , And thou shalt see That Instantly , To him that Seeks for Truth , Truth shall Appear . The SECOND PROSE . How all men desire happiness , but many mistake it . THEN with a stedfast Looke , recollecting all her Thoughts into the depth of her Mind thus she began : All the Care of Mortals , which is exercis'd in the labour of various Studies , and Designs , Proceeds in Divers wayes ; but yet it Tends to One , and the same End , viz. to True Happiness . And that is such a GOOD , which when any man , hath Attein'd unto , his Desires can go no further . Which indeed is the Chiefe , and Soveraign of All Good things , and conteineth in itselfe All the Good that is , or ever can be . To which if any thing were wanting , It could not be the Soveraign Good , because some thing would be left our of it , which migh be Wisht or Desir'd . 'T is manifest therefore that Bliss , or True Happiness is a Perfect State consisting in the Collection of All Good things into One. This State , as we have said , All men desire to Attein unto by Divers wayes or Means : For there is Naturally in the Minds of Men a Desire of the True Good , but Error draws them aside to things that have but the meer Shew , or Appearance of Good. Some there are who believing that it is the Soveraign Good , to want nothing ▪ endeavour with all their strength to Heap up Riches : but others , judging that to be the Soveraign Good , which is most worthy of Veneration , endeavour by the getting of Honors , or Illustrious Titles , to render themselves Venerable to their own Country-men . Others there are that hold the Soveraign Good to consist in the Greatest Power , or Dominion . These men would either Raign themselves , or they endeavour to be Next to Him that holdeth the Scepter . And it seemeth to others that Glory , or Renown is the Soveraign Good. These make all possible speed to get a Glorious Name by the Arts of War , or Peace . But the greatest Number of men measure the Fruit of Good by Joy , and Mirth . These think it the most Happy State to overflow with Pleasure . And some there are that exchange the Ends , and Causes of these Goods ( viz. why they Desire them ) one for another : as they , who desire Riches that they may attein to Power , and Dignities , and have all the Means of enjoying such Carnal Pleasures , to which they are most inclin'd : or they , who would fain be in Power that they may get Money , or a Great Name . To these , and such like things is the Bent , or Intention of Humane Actions and Desires : Nobility , and the Favour of the People seem to procure an Illustrious Name : A Wife and Children are desir'd for the Pleasure , and Delight men hope to receive from them . But as for Friends , which are the most Sacred kind of Goods we do not judge of them as apperteining to Fortune , but to Virtue . But now 't is easy to apprehend how the Goods of the Body are refer'd to the things above mention'd . For Strength , and Greatness of Body seem to make us capable of the most Manlike Exercise ; Beauty , and Activity bring large Prayses ; Health fits a man for the Pleasures of the Body . By All these things 't is manifest that True Happiness is that which men Chiefly , and Principally Aim at . For that which every man desireth before all other things he judgeth to be the Soveraign Good. But we have concluded the Soveraign Good to be Bliss , or True Happiness . Wherefore that State , or Condition which every man desireth before all other things , he judgeth to be his Bliss . Therefore thou hast now lay'd before thine Eyes allmost the whole Form , or Model of Humane Felicity , Riches , Honors , Power , Glory , Pleasure . Which things Epicurus considering severally , and apart one from another , he judged the Soveraign Good to be Pleasure , because all those other things seem to bring Pleasure , and Delight to the Mind . But I return to the Studies , and Endeavours of men : whose Mind notwithstanding , though their Memory be so weake , and dull , strives to regain the Possession of the Soveraign Good , but it is like a Drunken man , who Mistakes the Path that leadeth to his House . For what , do they seem to be in an Error , who would fain Arrive to such a State , that they may no longer stand in need of any thing ? But there is nothing that so much perfects True Happiness , as the Abundance of All Good things , which wants not any thing foraign , and Extrinsecal to it's own Nature , and is in itselfe All-Sufficient . Are they mistaken who judge that the Chiefe Good is that , which is most Worthy of Veneration ? In no wise . For that is not vile , or contemptible , to obtein which , is the Aim , and Intention of All Mankind . Is not Power to be reckon'd in the number of Good things ? what ? is that feeble and without strength , which is unquestionably to be prefer'd before All things whatsoever ? Is Glory , or Renown nothing-worth ? But it cannot be but that whatsoever is most Excellent should be also most Glorious . To what purpose should I say that True Happiness cannot be Anxious , or Sad , or Subject to any kind of Sorrowes , and Perplexities ; sith in the least things That is Desir'd , the Having and Enjoying whereof is Delightsome . For this reason do men Desire Riches , Dignities , Kingdomes , Glory , and Pleasures , because they believe that by them they shall Attein a State Sufficient , Venerable , Powerful , Illustrious , and full of Pleasure , and Delight . 'T is GOOD therefore which men Aim at in their various Studies , and Designs : the Force of Nature we may perceive in this , that although the Opinions of men are so various , and Disagreeing , yet they all Consent in Choosing GOOD , as the End of their Actions . THE SECOND VERSE . How nature cannot be wholly changed . " HOw the strict Reins , of all things guided are " By powerful Nature , as the chiefest cause , " And how she keeps with a foreseeing care " The spacious World in order by her lawes , " And to sure knots , which nothing can unty , " By her strong hand all Earthly motions draws : " To shew all this we purpose now to try " Our pleasing Verses , and our Musick 's sound . " Although the Lybian Lions often lie " Gentle , and tame in willing fetters bound , " And fearing their incensed masters wrath " With patient lookes endure each blow , and wound : " Yet if their jawes they once in bloud do bathe , " They gaining courage with fierce noyse awake " The force , which Nature in them seated hath " And from their necks the broken chains do shake ; " Then he who once thought he had made them tame " Falls the first prey unto their raging flame . " The Bird shut up in an unpleasing cage " Which on the lofty Trees did lately sing , " Though men her want of freedome to asswage , " Should unto her with careful labour bring " The sweetest meats , which they can best devise : " Yet when on tops of houses fluttering " The pleasing shadowes of the groves she spies , " Her hated food she scatters with her feet , " And discontented to the woods she flies , " And there delights to tune her accents sweet . " When some strong hand doth tender plant constrain " With his debased top the ground to meete , " If it let goe , the crooked twigg again " Vp toward Heav'n ti selfe it streight doth raise . " Phaebus doth fall into the Western main , " Yet doth he back return by secret wayes " And to the East doth guide his Chariots race . " Each thing a certain course , and Lawes obeyes , " Striving to turn back to his proper place ; " Nor any settled order can be found , " But that which doth within itselfe embrace " The birthes , and ends of all things in around . The THIRD PROSE . That true happiness consisteth not in riches . O Earthly Creatures , ye have some kind of Perceivance of THAT from which you deriv'd your Being , and of the END for which you were Made , though it be very dull , and confus'd as it were in a Dream ; and therefore the Aim , or Intention of your Nature leadeth you to the True Good , and many Errors carry you out of the way to It. For consider whether those things , by which men think they shall Attein to True Happiness , will ever bring them to the End they design , and propose to themselves . For if Mony , or Honors , and those other things afore mentioned could put us into a Condition , to which no Good thing could seem to be Wanting , we would grant that a man might be Happy by the obteining of those things . If they cannot Performe that which they promise , Wanting many Good things , is it not manifest that they have but the False Shew of Felicity ? In the first place therefore I aske . Thee , who not long since didst abound with Riches : In the midst of that Abundance didst thou never feele any Anguish , or Disturbance of mind arising from a sense of the Injuries thou didst suffer ? I cannot remember , quoth I , that I was ever in so comfortable a Condition , but that I had allwayes some Trouble , or other . And was it not either because somewhat was Wanting , which thou wouldest not should be Wanting ; or that somewhat was Present , which thou wouldest not should be Present ? This is the case , quoth I. Therefore thou didst Desire to Have the one , and to be Free'd from the other . 'T is confest , quoth I. But every man Lacketh that which he Desireth . He doth so , quoth I. But whoso Lacketh any thing , has he Attein'd to a State of Sufficiency ? In no wise , quoth I. Therefore whilst thou didst most Abound with Riches , didst thou sustein this Insufficiency ? what else , quoth I ? Riches therefore cannot bring a man to such a State that he shall not stand in Need of any thing ; and it was this , which they seem'd to Promise . But I think that this is most worthy of Consideration ; That Mony hath nothing in it's Nature of such Power , and Efficacy , that it may not be taken away from those that Possess it . I confess it , quoth I. How shouldst thou not confess it , sith we see it so frequently that the Possessors are depriv'd of their Wealth ? For what is the ground of so many complaints that are made before the Judges , but that men endeavour to regain the Mony that hath been taken from them by Force , or by Fraud ? 'T is so , quoth I. Every man therefore , said she , will stand in Need of some Aid from without , by which he may Possess his Mony in Safety . That cannot be deny'd , quoth I. But he would have no Need of any such Aid , or Assistance , if he had no Mony that might be taken from him . That is unquestionable , quoth I. The matter then falls out quite contrary to what vain men expect : for those Riches , which were thought to make a man Sufficient , render him the more Necessitous , making him to stand in Need of such External Aid , or Assistance , which otherwise he might well be without . But how can Riches drive away Indigence ? Do not Rich men suffer Hunger , and Thirst ? Do not the Limbs of Mony'd men feel Cold in the Winter ? But Rich men thou wilt say have wherewith they may Satisfy their Hunger , wherewith they may Ease themselves of Thirst , and Cold. But thus they may have some Consolation in their Indigence , but they cannot be wholly free'd from it . Wherefore if Wealth cannot remove Indigence , and doth in many respects encrease it , can there be any reason that you should believe that all the Riches in the World can produce Sufficiency ? THE THIRD VERSE . How riches afflict their possessours in life , and forsake them in death . THough he that Loves the World 's vain Wealth had All The Gold that (a) Tagus yields , And had an Hundred Oxen in his Stall To Plow his ample Fields : Yet whilst he lives Care would Bow down his Head : Nor would his Wealth Availe him when he 's Dead . The FOURTH PROSE . That true happiness consisteth not in dignities . BUT Dignities render a man Venerable . Is there that Power , and Efficacy in Magistracy , or Civil Authority , that it may engraft Virtue in the Minds of those that use it , and drive away Vice ? But it is wont not to drive away Wickedness , but rather to make it more conspicuous . Hence it comes to pass , that our Indignation is so often stir'd , to see the most Wicked men invested with Power , and Dignities . For which cause (a) Catullus calls (b) Nonius though sitting in the Consuls Chair ( STRVMA ) an Impostume . Seest thou not how great disgrace Dignities bring upon Persons of Base , and Unworthy Dispositions ? But their Unworthiness would less appear , if they had no Honors to make them Eminent . Couldst thou be so wrought on by so many Dangers , as to be willing to bear Office with Decoratus , when thou didst discover in him the Mind of a Base Fellow , and an Accuser of Honest men ? But if thou shouldst see a man endued with Wisedome , is it possible thou shouldst not think him Worthy either of Reverence , or of the Wisedome with which he is endued ? 'T is not possible . For Virtue has Dignity of it's own , which it cannot but transfuse into those , which Join themselves unto it . Which because Popular Honors cannot perform 't is manifest they have not in them the Beauty of True Dignity . This ought to be very much thought on : for if every man be More Abject , and Despicable for being Contemn'd by a Greater Number of Persons , sith Dignity makes not Wicked men Reverend , 't is manifest that Shewing them to More People ; it makes them to be More Despis'd . But Wicked men are reveng'd on Dignities , by Defiling them with their own Impurities , by which they are so expos'd to Disgrace . And that thou mayst acknowledge that True Reverence cannot be obtein'd by these Shadowes of Dignity ; If any man that has been never so often Consul should come amongst Forraign Nations , would his Honor render him Venerable to those Strange People ? But if it did appertain to the Nature of Dignities to make men Reverend or Venerable , they would not cease to perform this Office in any Nation whatsoever . As Fire throughout the whole World never desists from it's Heat . But because this doth not appertain to their Nature , but is fastned on them by the False Opinion of men , they vanish presently , when they come amongst those , who do not esteem them to be Dignities . But this amongst Forraign Nations . But amongst those , with whom they have their Begining , do they allwayes Endure ? The Office of a Praetor was in Times past a Great Power , but now it is but an empty Name . In Times past he that was to Provide Corn for the People was esteem'd to be a Great Man. Now what is more contemptible than such an Office ? For , as I said a little before , that which hath not any Beauty in it selfe , hath sometimes a kind of Lustre , sometimes none , according to the Opinion of those that use it . If therefore Dignities cannot make men Venerable , if when Wicked men are Invested with them , they become Sordid , and Odious ; if by the change of Times , they lose their Splendor ; if by the estimation of People , they become vile , and nothing-worth ; what Beauty is in them that they should be Desir'd ? much less have they any to bestow on others . THE FOURTH VERSE . How Nero being most wicked , was in greatest dignity . THough Nero vaunt his Royalty With Scarlet , and with Pearles Adorn'd , Yet in his Pompous Luxury Is He of all men loath'd , and scorn'd . The Consuls Chairs ( hereby Disgras'd ) This man So full of Vice had in his own Dispose : Who then will ever think that Honor can Make Happy , which so Vile a Wretch Bestowes ? The FIFTH PROSE . Of Kings and their favorites . BUT may Kingdomes , and the Favour of Kings make a man Powerful ? How not , when their Felicity endures for ever ? But Antiquity is full of Examples , and so is our present Age , how the Felicity of Kings has been turn'd into Calamity . O glorious Power , which proves so Unable to preserve itself ! If the Power of Kingdomes be the Cause of Happiness , doth it not lessen Felicity , or bring in Misery , if in any part it be Defective ? But although Humane Empires be stretcht never so wide , Every King must acknowledge that there are many Nations without the compass of His Dominions . But where that Power can reach no further that makes men Happy , there entreth that Want of Power which makes them Miserable . Thus Kings of necessity have a larger portion of Misery , than of Felicity . A certain Tyrant , that had experienc'd the Danger of his Estate , set forth the Fears that are incident to Crowns , and Scepters by the Terror of a Sword hanging over a mans Head. What kind of Power then shall we account this , which cannot drive away the most Biting Care , and Sollicitude , which cannot avoid the continual Prickings of Dread and Horror ? They would fain live Securely , but Cannot , and yet they Boast of their Power . Dost thou judge that man to be Powerful , whom thou seest so Unable to do what he would ? Dost thou judge him to be Powerful , who is encompast with a Guard ? who is continually in fear of those , whom he keeps in Awe ? who depends upon his Servants to make him seem to be Mighty ? For what shall I say of the Favourites of Kings , sith I shew that the State of Kingdomes is so weake , and tottering ? who sometimes Fall by the Displeasure of their Kings , sometimes their Kings , and themselves are involv'd in the same Ruine . Nero enforc'd his Favorite Seneca from whom he had receiv'd so many good Instructions , to make choice of his own Death . Papinianus who had borne great sway a long time amongst the Courtiers Antoninus caus'd to be slain with the Swords of his Souldiers . But both these men would have relinquisht their Power : Seneca endeavour'd to deliver up all his Riches to Nero , and to betake himselfe to a Retired Life . But whilst their Fall is hasten'd by their own Weight , neither of them could accomplish his design . What shall we say then of such Power , as this , of which they are Afraid that have it , and when thou wouldest retein it , thou art not Safe , when thou wouldest lay it aside , thou knowest not how to be rid of it ? Canst thou expect Safety from such Friends , whom Fortune not Virtue has given thee ? But that man whom Prosperity has made a Friend , Adversity will make an Enemy . And what more pernicious plague can there be , than an Enemy that has gotten into an Intimacy with us ? The FIFTH VERSE . True power consisteth in conquering our owne passions . HE that will Great , and Powerful be Let him obtein the Victory Or'e the Fierce Motions of his Mind , To Peace , and Gen'rous Love Inclin'd : And let him Manfully Disdaign To yield his Neck to Cupids Chain . For though both th' Indies were His own , And All the world Admir'd His Throne , Yet 't is not Power , that Cannot Free The Mind from Black Anxiety Enlarging it from all Restraints , And put an end to all Complaints . The SIXTH PROSE . That true happiness consisteth not in glory . BUT Glory , many times how Deceitful , and Base is it ? so that the Tragedian had just cause to cry out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ! O Glory , Glory , thou art such a Cheat That thousands , who are Nought by thee seem Great . For it often comes to pass that Many men get a Great Name only by the False Opinions of the People , than which what can we ever conceive to be more Base , and Despicable ? For they who are Praysed without their Desert must needs Blush at their own Prayses . And if their Applause proceed from their Merits , yet what can it Add to the Conscience of a Wise man , who measures not his Good by the Rumour of the People , but by the soundness , and Integrity of his own Conscience ? If it seem a Brave thing to Spread , and Enlarge a mans Name ; it followes that it must be judg'd a Base thing not to Enlarge it . But sith , as I said a little before , there must needs be Many Nations , which the Fame of one man can never Extend unto , it comes to pass that he whom thou esteemest to be Glorious , in regard of the greatest part of the Earth , is Obscure , and Inglorious . Amongst these things I do not think the Favour of the People worthy to be mention'd , which neither proceeds from Judgement , nor ever becomes Firm , and unalterable . And now who does not see that the Name of Nobility is vain , and insignificant ? which if ye refer to Glory , or Renown , it must be consider'd that it is not Thine own . For Nobility seems to be nothing else but the Prayse of Ancestors procur'd by their Merits . If it be Prayse that makes Renown , or an Illustrious Name , they must needs have the Renown , who are the Persons Praysed . Wherefore the Renown of Others make Thee not Illustrious , if thou shinest not with the Brightness of any Merit of Thine own . If there be any Good in Nobility , I judge it to be only this , that it seems There is a Necessity impos'd upon those that are Nobly Born not to Degenerate from the Virtue of their Ancestors . The SIXTH VERSE . How all , but wicked men , are noble . ALl Sorts of Men from the same Stock arise , All things have One Original : The Lord of Lords , who Dwells Above the Skies , Did make them , and Preserves them All. Those Beams , wherewith the Sun hath ever Shin'd , He gave , and on the Moon confers Those splendid Horns : and to the Earth Mankind He gave , to th' Firmament the Stars . He did shut up within these Clods of Earth The Soules , which He brought from on High. We see then that All Men derive their Birth From th' Only True NOBILITY . Why do you Boast of your Large Pedigree ? If men consider whence they came , That their Descent is from the Deity , None ought to suffer the least shame , As if he were Ignobly Born , sith All May boldly Call GOD Father , but those , who Deny That He is so By their Impiety . The SEVENTH PROSE . That true happiness consisteth not in pleasure . BUT what shall I say of the Pleasures of the Body , the Desire whereof is full of Anxiety , the Full-filling of such Desire brings the greatest Anguish , and Remorse ? what Grievous Diseases , what intolerable Pains do those Pleasures bring to the Bodies of those that enjoy them , as the Fruit of their Iniquity ! What Joy may be had in such Motions , as they call Pleasures , I know not . But whosoever will remember Luxurious , and Dissolute Practices , shall understand that the Issues , and Events of such impure Delectations are very Sad , and deplorable . If such Motions of the Body could be the cause of Happiness , there is no reason , why Beasts also might not be said to be Happy ; sith their main Bent , and Intention is to satisfy the Appetite of the Body . The Delight that ariseth from the Enjoyment of Wife and Children is indeed a most Honest , and commendable thing : but it hath been said that a certain man , I know not who , found it was Natural to his Sons to Beat their Father . How Biting , and vexatious the condition of Children is for the most part , thou hast need to be Admonisht , sith thou hast not had Experience thereof , neither art thou at this time in any Anxiety upon that account . I approve the Judgement of my Euripides , who said that he who hath no Children is Happy in his Misfortune . THE SEVENTH VERSE . That there is no pleasure without paine . THis 't is , that Sensual Pleasures do They make men Joy in their own Woe , And like the Bee , that soon takes wing , Whoever sucks their Sweets , they Sting , And fill the Heart with Pains , that last , When all those foolish Joyes are past . The EIGTH PROSE . How all temporal goods are mixed with evil , and are small in themselves . IT cannot be doubted then , but that These are not the right wayes to True Happiness , neither can they bring any man thither , whither they promise to bring him at last . But with what Mischiefs they abound I shall shew thee in a few words . For what ! wilt thou endeavour to gather Riches ? thou must take them from him that hath them . Art thou Desirous of Dignities ? thou must make Supplication to such a one , who can Bestow them ; and thou who strivest to go before others in Honor , wilt become Vile , and contemptible by shewing thy selfe to be a Person of so Low a Spirit as to Beg for it . Is it Power , that thou wouldest have ? By the Treacheries of those whom thou keepst in Awe thou shalt be expos'd to many Dangers . Is it Glory that thou Aimest at ? thou shalt be hurried through all manner of Hardships , and never be in Safety ▪ wouldst thou lead a Voluptuous life ? but who does not scorn , and despise one , that is a Slave to that most vile , and fraile thing , the Body ? they that boast of the Goods of the Body , how small , how weak a Possession do they rely on ? Can ye ever be Greater , than Elephants , Stronger than Bulls ? Swifter than Tygers ? Behold the large Space , the Firmness , or Durability , the Swiftness of the Heavens , and cease at length to Admire things so vile , and contemptible . Which Heavens are not rather to be Admir'd for those qualities , than for the Rule , and Method by which they are Govern'd . As for Beauty how vain and transitory is it , how swiftly doth it pass away , more Fading than Flowers in the Spring ! If , as Aristotle saith , Men could see with Eyes of a (1) Lynx , and their Sight could pierce through all Obstacles , would not that Body of (b) Alcibiades , whose Outside appears so Beautiful , it's Bowels being lookt into , be found to be no other , than a most Filthy thing ? 'T is not therefore thy Nature , but the Infirmity of the Eyes of those that looke on thee , which render thee so Beautiful in the Sight of men . But esteem the Goods of the Body , as highly , as ye list , so that ye consider that whatsoever ye Admire may by a Fiery Feaver within a Day , or two , be dissolv'd , and turn'd into Ashes . From all that has been said we may collect thus much : That those Goods , which can neither performe what they Promise , nor are Perfect by the gathering-together of All that is Good , do neither make a man Truly Happy , nor any way Conduce to True Happiness . THE EIGTH VERSE . How men are wise in seeking for things of little value , and foolish in finding out their soveraigne good . AH , wretched Blindness ! which thus makes Mankind The Right way to decline ! Gold , or Rich Gemms , you do not hope to find On Trees , or on the Vine : On Mountains high you do not lay your Snares That you may Fishes take : Nor when you would persue the Roes , and Hares , Go you to th' Tyrrhene Lake . They Know the Crekes , and Windings of the Sea , Where Purple does abound , Or Pearls : they Know what of Kind Fishes may On ev'ry Coast be found . But whilst they See not what would Feed their Soules This Blindness they endure , And that which is Beyond the Starry Poles From Earth they would procure . What shall I wish to such Deluded Men ? Rich , Honor'd let them be , And when False Goods they have Heap'd up , even then The True Good let them See. The NINTH PROSE . Why true felicity cannot consist in temporal things . HItherto I have been giving thee a Description of False Happiness : it followes that I should now declare unto thee wherin the Nature of True Happiness properly consists . I see plainly , quoth I , that Sufficiency may not be gotten by Riches , nor Power by Kingdomes , nor Reverence by Dignities , nor True Renown by Glory , or Popular Applause , nor True Joy by Transitory Pleasures . And hast thou found out the Cause , quoth she , why it is so ? Indeed , quoth I , I have a Glimpse of it , but I would fain that thou shouldest give me a clear sight of it . The Reason is very easy to be known . For that which in it's own Nature is Simple , and Vndivided , the Error of Men has Divided into sundry Parts , and withdrawes their Mind from that which is True , and Perfect to that which is False , and Imperfect . Can that , thinkest thou , which hath Need of nothing , Want Power ? No surely , quoth I. Right , quoth she : for if there be any thing , which in any respect failes in it's Ability , in that respect it hath Need of the Assistance of some other thing . 'T is so , said I. Therefore the Nature of Power , and of Sufficiency is One , and the Same . But dost thou think that what includes Sufficiency , and Power in it's own Nature may be Despis'd ? or that on the contrary it deserves the greatest Veneration ? This , quoth I , cannot be doubted . Let us Add therefore Reverence , or Veneration to Sufficiency and Power , that we may judge these Three things to be One. We must do so , if we confess the very truth . What then ? quoth she : dost thou suppose that It is Obscure , and Ignoble , or that It shines with the Brightness of the greatest Glory ? Consider whether to that which hath Need of nothing , which is most Powerful , which is most Worthy of Honor , as has been prov'd , Glory can be Wanting , which it not being able to give unto it selfe , it may seem in some respect to be poore , and despicable ? I cannot but confess , quoth I , that it is most Glorious . It followes then that True Glory , or Renown does not Differ from the things above mention'd . It followes indeed , quoth I. This then , quoth she , which hath Need of nothing , which Can do All things by it's own Strength , which is Venerable , and Renowned , ye must grant also to be full of Joy , and Durable Pleasure . I cannot imagine , quoth I , how any Sadness , or Discomfort should ever get entrance into It. Wherefore if the former Positions remain firm , we must of necessity confess that it cannot but Abound with all manner of Joy. And this also necessarily followes from what has been said , that the Names of Sufficiency , Power , Veneration , Glory , Joy , are indeed Divers , but they do not Differ in their Substance , or Nature . Right , quoth I. This therefore which in it's own Nature is One , Simple , and Vndivided , the Perverseness of Men Divides into sundry Parts , ( as hath been said ) and whilst they endeavour to get a Part of That , which hath no Parts , they neither obtein any Portion thereof , for there is no such thing , nor That One , Simple , and Indivisible it selfe , which they do not in any wise Affect , or Endeavour after . How is that , quoth I ? Whoso desireth Riches through an Aversness to Want , or Penury , takes no care how to become Powerful : he chooseth to be Vile , and Obscure , and deprives himselfe of many Natural Pleasures , that he may not lose the Mony he hath gotten . But thus he failes of the Sufficiency he Aims at , being void of all Power , encompast with many Troubles , Obscure , and Inglorious . But he that desireth Power above al things scattereth his Riches , despiseth Pleasures , and accounteth that Honor , and Glory , that is not accompanied with Power to be nothing-worth . Thou canst not but see that many things are wanting to this man. For sometimes it comes to pass that he wants Necessaries , that he suffers much Anxiety , and disturbance of mind : and whilst he is not able to put off his troubles , and vexations , 't is manifest that he has not the Power , which he so much esteems . We may Reason in like manner concerning Honors , Glory , Pleasures . For sith Every one of These is the Same with the other , whosoever endeavours to get one of Them , without the other , misseth even that , which he desireth . But what , quoth I , If any man should desire to have All of Them together ? Such a man indeed would fain have That wherin the True Felicity doth consist : but shall he ever find it in those things , which we have demonstrated to be unable to perform what they promise ? No surely , quoth I. Then , quoth she , True Felicity is not to be sought in those things , which men believe to contribute Severally to the satisfaction of our various Desires . I grant it , quoth I , and a greater truth could never have been spoken . Thou hast then the Description of False Happiness , and the Causes of it . Looke now on the other side ; for there thou shalt see the only True Happiness , as I have promis'd thee . Verily quoth I , it may easily be seen , and thou didst shew it a little before , whilst thou didst open the Causes of that , which men Falsely call Happiness . For , if I am not mistaken , that is the True , and Perfect Happiness which makes a man Perfectly Sufficient , Powerful , Venerable , Renowned , Joyful . And that thou mayst understand that I have a deep Apprehension of the Truth , thou hast deliver'd , what One of These , sith they are All One , and the Same , has the Power verily , and indeed to give unto us , I certainly know to be this Full , and Perfect Happiness . O my Dear Child , quoth she , Happy art thou in thy Judgement , if thou add this there unto ! what , quoth I ? Dost thou think that any of these fraile , and perishing things can bring a man to this Estate ? No surely , quoth I , and as for that matter what we are to think thou hast so demonstrated , that there needs no more to be said . These things therefore seem to be but Shadowes of the True Good , or to give certain Imperfect Goods to men in this Mortal Life : but they cannot bestow the True , and Perfect Good. I heartily Assent , quoth I , to what thou sayst . Sith then thou art come to the Knowledge of True Happiness , and of such things which Deceive the World with the empty shew of it , now it remains that thou shouldst Understand How thou mayst Attein to this True Happiness . That is the thing , quoth I , which I most earnesly expect to hear from thee . But , saith she , as our Plato hath declar'd in his Booke entitled Timoeus , Even in things of the least Importance the Divine Assistance ought to be Implor'd , what dost thou think should be done now , that we may become Fit to find the Seat of the Soveraign Good ? We must Invoke the Father of All things , quoth I ; unless we make our Addresses unto Him , no Undertaking can Begin well . Right , quoth she , and forthwith thus she Sings : The NINTH VERSE . Philosophy craveth Gods assistance for the discovery of true happiness . O Thou , who dost with Boundless Wisedome hold The World in Order , didst th' Foundation lay Of Heav'n , and Earth , at whose Command Time Rowl'd In Circles from One Everlasting Day , And who , Vnmov'd dost cause All things to Move ; Whom no External Cause could urge to Frame These Various Shapes of Changing things , but LOVE And Boundless GOOD , Fit for this Boundless FLAME . From that Fair Model in thy Mind thou drawst The Formes of All things Made . — O Father , Grant our Thoughts may reach thy Throne , Grant we the Fountain of All Good may See , Grant that , this Blisful Light to us once shown , We may For ever Fix our Eyes on Thee . Scatter this Darkness , and these Clogs remove , And let thy Beams Appear . For Thou art LIGHT , Thou art True Rest to those that do Thee Love , Begining , End , both Way , and Guide : the Sight Of Thee is All thy Creatures can Desire : 'T is This Alone , to which our Soules Aspire . The TENTH PROSE . That there is some true happiness , and where it is to be found . SITH therefore thou hast had a Description of Imperfect and also of Perfect Good : it is fit that I should now demonstrate where the Perfection of Felicity is Seated . And here we must first make Inquiry , if there Be any such Good , as that which thou didst even now Define , least we should be Deceiv'd with a vain Imagination , there Being indeed no such thing , as that which we make the Subject of our Discourse . But that it doth Exist , or is Actually in Being , and that it is the Fountain , from whence All good things do flow , this is certain , and unquestionable . For whatsoever is said to be Imperfect , by Diminution of that which is Perfect it is call'd Imperfect . So it comes to pass that if there be any thing Imperfect in it's Kind , in the same Kind there must needs be something Perfect . For if ye take away Perfection , it cannot be conceiv'd from whence that which we call Imperfect should have Deriv'd it's Being . For the Nature of things tooke not it's Begining from that which is in any respect Faulty , or Defective , but proceeding from that which is Sound , and Free from all Imperfection , it descends at length to these Low , and Weak things . If there be a certain Imperfect Happiness , as we have already shown , it cannot be doubted but that there is an Happiness Entire , and Perfect . This Conclusion , quoth I , is Firm , and Irrefragable . But where It 's Abode is , Think with thy selfe thus . That GOD , who hath the Governance of All things is Good , this is Natural to the Minds of Men to conceive . For it is impossible that our Thoughts should fix upon any thing Better than GOD : and who can doubt but such a Being is Good , which nothing can surpass in Goodness ? but so doth Reason demonstrate GOD to be Good , that it doth also evince the Perfection of Goodness to be in Him. For unless He were Such a one He could never have the Governance of All things . For some thing , that hath the Perfection of Goodness , would be more Excellent , than He , in as much as it would be found to have the Priority of Being . For it is manifest that All Perfect things have their Being Before those things , which are Unsound , and Imperfect . Wherefore that we may not be endless in our Reasoning , it must be Granted that the Most High GOD is Full of the Highest , and Perfect Good. But we have Concluded that Perfect Good is Bliss , or True Happiness . Therefore it must needs follow that True Happiness is no where to be found but in the Most High GOD. I heartily Assent , quoth I , to what thou sayst , neither is it capable of any Contradiction . But , I pray thee , quoth she , see how thou mayst prove soundly , and Irrefragably that the Most High GOD is Full of the Highest , or Soveraign Good. How , quoth I ? Thou mayst not suppose that this Father of All things hath Receiv'd that Soveraign Good , of which he is said to be Full , from without , or that he has It by Nature in such a manner , that thou mayst think that the Substance , or Essence of GOD Having , and of the Soveraign Good Had , is not the Same . For if thou dost conceit that It is Receiv'd from without , thou mayst judge That which hath given , to be more Excellent than He which hath Receiv'd It. But we most worthily Confess Him to be the Most Excellent of All things . And if this Soveraign Good be in Him by Nature , but may be conceiv'd to be not altogether the Same with Him , sith we speak of Him , who is Acknowledg'd to have the Governance of All things , let any man Imagine , who it was that Join'd together these Divers things ? Lastly that which Differs from any thing Is not That thing , from which it Differs . Wherefore That which Differs in Substance , or Essence from Soveraign Good Is not Soveraign Good : And 't is the greatest Impiety to have such a Thought of GOD , than Whom there can be nothing more Excellent . For it is impossible that the Nature of any thing should be Better than That from which it Receiv'd its Being . Wherefore That from which All things Receiv'd their Being I may firmly Conclude to be in its own Nature the Soveraign Good. 'T is most certainly so , quoth I , as thou sayst . But it has been Granted that the Soveraign Good is True Happiness . Very right , quoth I. Therefore , quoth she , it must needs follow that GOD is True Happiness . There can be no Reason , quoth I , to Deny the Premises , and I clearly perceive that this is their true , and proper Consequence . See , quoth she , if the same thing may not be more firmly prov'd by this Argument , that there cannot be Two Soveraign Goods , Differing one from the other . For 't is manifest that One of those Goods , which are Different from each other , cannot be That , which the Other is : for which cause Neither of them can be Perfect , sith One is Wanting to the Other . But that which is not Perfect cannot be Highest or Soveraign . The things then that are Soveraignly Good cannot be Different from each other . But we have prov'd that both True Happiness , and GOD are the Soveraign Good : wherefore it must needs follow that Soveraign Happiness , and Soveraign Divinity is One , and the same Thing . Nothing , said I , could ever be concluded more True , as to the Matter ; more Firm , as to the way of Proving it ; or more becomming the Divine Majesty . Upon these things then , quoth she , as Geometricians having Demonstrated their Propositions , are wont to inferr certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Corollaries , as they call them , so shall I give thee a Corollarie . For sith Men become Happy by the acquiring of True Happiness , and True Happiness is Divinity it selfe , 't is manifest that they become Happy by the acquiring of Divinity . But as Men become Just by the acquiring of Justice , Wise by the acquiring Wisedome , so it must needs be that having gotten , or acquir'd Divinity , they become Gods. Every one then that is Truly Happy is a God : but indeed by Nature there is but One God , yet nothing hinders but that there may be very Many by the Participation of Divinity . And this , quoth I , is a Fair , and Pretious Corollarie indeed . But there is nothing more Fair than That which Reason perswades should be Annext to the things that have been spoken . What is that , quoth I ? Sith True Happiness , said she , conteins Many things , whether All these things make up One Body with a certain variety of Parts , or whether there be any one of them , which compleats the Substance , or Nature of True Happiness , the rest being refer'd Therunto ? I would thou stouldst explain what thou sayst by rehearsing those several things . Do we not judge True Happiness , quoth she , to be Good ? yea , said I , the Soverain Good. Add this , said she , to All the rest of the things aforemention'd . For the same Bliss or True Happiness is judg'd to be Soveraign Sufficiency , Soveraign Power , and also Veneration , Renown , and Pleasure , or Delight Soveraign . What then ? Are All these things as so many Limbs , or Parts of True Happiness , or are they refer'd to Good , as That , wherein the Nature of them All is contein'd ? I understand now , quoth I , what thou dost propose , as the subject of our Inquiry , but I would fain know how thou dost Determine the Question . Thus. If All these things were as so many Parts of True Happiness , they would Differ one from the other . For this is the Nature of Parts , that being Divers they make up One , and the Same Body . But it hath been already prov'd that they are All but One thing . Ther 's no doubt of that , quoth I , But I expect what thou wilt say next . This is manifest quoth she , that All those other things are refer'd to Good. For therefore is Sufficiency Desir'd , because it is judg'd to be Good , for the same Cause is Power Desir'd , and so Veneration , Renown , Delight . 'T is Good then , which is the Cause , For which any thing is Desir'd : sith that which retains not any thing in it selfe either Really , or Apparently Good , can in no wise be Desir'd . And on the contrary those things , which are not Good in their own Nature , yet if they Seem to be so , are Desir'd , as if they were Truly Good. Whence it comes to pass that Goodness is rightly judg'd to be the Cause , why any thing should be Desir'd . But that For which any thing is Desir'd is the Chief Object of the Desire . As if a man have a Will to Ride For his Health , 't is not so much the Riding , as Health that he Desires . Sith therefore that All things are Desir'd For the obteining of Good , Good is the Chief , or Principal Object of all Desires whatsoever . But it has been granted that True Happiness is That , For which any thing is Wisht , or Desir'd : wherefore it is evident that True Happiness is the Only thing Requir'd , or Sought after . And thus it cannot be Deny'd , that the Substance , or Nature of Good , and of True Happiness is One , and the Same . I see not how it is possible for any man to Dissent from this . But we have prov'd that GOD , and True Happiness is One , and the Same thing . Right , quoth I. Therefore we may Safely Conclude that the Nature of GOD consists in GOODNESS , and in Nothing else . THE TENTH VERSE . Philosophy exhorteth men to embrace true happiness . COme hither All , yee wearied Soules , Whose high Aspires base Lust controules , And holds you fast in her dire Chains . Here is a Cure for All your Pains , Here doth the Safest Harbour lye , A Refuge from All Misery . Not Tagus , which abounds with Gold , Nor All that (a) Hermus's Banks do hold Of that Bright Metall , nor Rich Inde , Where men such Pretious Stones may find , Can Clear our Sight : yea they add more Darkness to Soules made Blind before . That , wherewith Men are Ravished Earth in her lowest Caverns bred . The Brightness that 's Above the Skye , From Darksome , Ruin'd Soules doth fly . Whoe're perceives this Light , He sayes , " Phaebus lookes Dull with all his Rayes . The ELEVENTH PROSE . That goodness is the end of all things . I Assent , quoth I. For All these things hang one to another by a chain of the strongest Reasons , that were ever produc'd . Then said She , At how great a rate wouldest thou value it , if thou couldest know what Goodness is ? At an Infinite rate , said I : for thereby I shall know GOD also , who is Goodness it selfe , or Soveraign Good. But this I shall shew thee with the greatest evidence , only let those things remain as Granted , which have been Concluded already . They shall so remain , said I. Have we not prov'd , said she , that those things , which are Desir'd by the Generality of men , are not Truly , and Perfectly Good , because they Differ one from the other , and sith eace of them is Wanting to the other , that they cannot produce Full , and Absolute Good ? But that then they become True Good , when they are collected as it were into One Form , and Efficiency , so that what Sufficiency is , the Same is Power , Veneration , Renown , Delight ; and unless they are One , and the Same thing , that they have nothing in them , for which they may be numbred amongst things that are to be Desir'd ? It has been plainly Demonstrated , quoth I , neither can it be Doubted in the least . Is it not by the acquiring of Vnity that those things become Good which are in no wise Good , whilst they Differ , but become Good , when they are Vnited ? So it seemeth , quoth I. But dost thou grant that whatsoever is Good , is Good by the Participation of the Soveraign Good ? I grant it . Thou oughtest therefore to grant likewise that ONE , and GOOD is the Same . For the Nature of those things is the Same , whose Natural Effect is not Divers . I cannot Deny it , quoth I. And dost thou know , said she , that whatsoever is , does remain , and Subsist , so long , as it is One ; but that it Perisheth , and is dissolv'd , as soon as it ceaseth to be One ? How is that ? As in Animals , or Sensitive Creatures , whilst the Soule , and the Body remain together , we call it a Sensitive Creature . But when this Unity is dissolv'd by the seperation of one from the other , 't is manifest that it loseth the Being of a Sensitive Creature . And our very Body , whilst it remains in One Shape by the Conjunction of it's Limbs reteins the Resemblance of a Man. But if the Parts of the Body be Disunited it ceaseth to be what it was before . And in like manner Every other thing will be found to Subsist , or remain in Being so long , as it is One : but when it ceaseth to be One , it Perisheth . I cannot think but that it must needs be so . And is there any thing , quoth she , which so far as it Acts according to Nature , can cease from all Inclination to retein it's Being , and become Desirous of it's own Destruction ? If , quoth I , I consider Animals , or Sensitive Creatures either Rational or meerly Sensitive , which in some sort may be said to Will , or to be Unwilling , I find not any thing , which ( unless it be constrain'd from without ) leaves the Desire to continue it's Being , and of it's own Accord Hastens to Destruction . For Every Sensitive Creature labours to keep it selfe in Safety , and does all that it can to avoid Destruction . But I know not what I shall think of Herbs , and Trees , and of things neither Sensitive , nor Vegetative . But , quoth she , neither is there any reason why thou shouldest doubt of this , sith thou mayst behold Herbs , and Trees to grow first in Places most convenient for them , where they may not dye away , as long , as their Nature is capable of any further Subsistence . For some spring up in Fields , some on Mountains , some the Marishes bring fourth , some grow on Rocks , some are produc'd by the Barren Sands , which if any man endeavour to transplant in other Places , they will wither , and dye away . But Nature gives to All things that which is convenient for them , and takes care that they may not Perish , whilst they have any Possibility to Subsist . Do not all Herbs and Trees thrusting their Mouthes as it were into the Earth draw Nourishment by their Rootes , and diffuse their Strength , and Rinde through their Pith , or Marrow ? Does not every such Part , which is most soft , and tender , as the Pith , lye hid in the inmost seat , but without it is cover'd with that which is firm , and solid ; but the outmost Part of all is the Rinde , which is seated there to be a defense against the Violence both of the Sun , and of the Wind ? And thou seest how careful , and diligent Nature is that All things may be propagated by the Multiplication of Seed . Which things have these Engines , as we may call them , not only to preserve their Being for a time , but to make their Duration , as to their several Kinds , Perpetual . And do not those things likewise which are thought to be neither Sensitive , nor Vegetative , Desire that , which Properly belongs to them ? For why doth Lightness carry up the Flames , and the Earth is prest down by it's Weight , but that these Places , and Motions Properly belong to each of them ? That which is Agreeable to any thing preserves it's Being , as those things , which are Contrary therunto , destroy , and Corrupt it . Those things , which are Hard , as Stones , cleave fast to their Parts , so that it is very Difficult to Divide them . But Liquid things as Aire , and Water , yield presently to the Impressions of that which would Divide them , but ( that which kept them asunder being remov'd ) they instantly return into those things , from which they are Seperated . We treat not now of the Voluntary Motions of a Knowing Soule , but of the Natural Intention . Thus we Digest the Food , we receive , though we think not of it ; thus we draw our Breath , whilst we Sleep , though we Know it not . For even in Living-Creatures the Love they have to their own Being does not proceed from the Animal Inclinations of their Soules , but from the Principles of Nature . For it is often seen ( great causes constraining therunto ) that a mans Will , or Rational Appetite Embraceth Death it selfe which Nature Abhors : And on the contrary That by which alone the Kinds of Mortal things are Perpetuated , to wit , the Worke of Generation , which Nature allwayes Desires , the Will very often most earnestly Refrains from . Thus the Love which things have to Themselves doth not proceed from their Animal Motion , but their Natural Intention . For Providence hath given this even the greatest cause of preserving their Being , that they Naturally Desire to Subsist , as long , as 't is Possible . Wherefore there is no reason thou shouldst doubt in the least , that All things that are , do Naturally Desire to retain their Being , to avoid Destruction , I confess , quoth I , that I do now most clearly perceive those things , which awhile since seem'd very Uncertain . But that , said she , which Desireth to Subsist , and continue in Being , it Desireth to be One. For if this ( Being One ) were taken away , no Essense could remain to any thing whatsoever . 'T is true , quoth I. All things therefore Desire ONE . I consent . But we have Demonstrated that ONE , and GOOD is the Same . You have so . All things therefore have a Natual Propensity to GOOD : which indeed thou mayst thus Describe : Good is That , which All things Desire . A greater Truth , quoth I , could never be conceiv'd . For either All things are refer'd to Nothing , and being destitute of One Head they waver to , and fro without a Ruler to keep them in their due Course , or if there be any thing , which the Vniverse , and every Part therof has a Natural Propinsity unto , that must needs be the Chiefest , or Soveraign of all things , which are rightly term'd Good. O my Child , quoth she , how do I Rejoyce to hear these words ! for by them I clearly perceive that thy Mind has Receiv'd a full Impression of the very Truth : but in what thou hast now said that is most evidently imply'd , which but a little before thou didst tell me thou wast Ignorant of . What quoth I ? What is the END of All things . For certainly it is That , which All things Desire : which because we have found to be GOOD , we must of necessity confess that GOOD is the END of All things . THE ELEVENTH VERSE . How we may attein to the knowledge of truth . HE that would Search out Truth with Care Profound , And fain would Fix Allwayes upon Sure Ground , The Rayes of 's Inmost Sight let him Turn in Vpon Himselfe : let him Revolve , and Spin His Thoughts to th' Vtmost Length : And let his Mind Know this , that she Within Herselfe may Find Whate're she Seekes Without : That which did lye In a Thick Cloud of Error shall outvye The Sun in Brightness : For the Minds clear Light The Darksome Flesh has not Extinguisht quite . Ther 's sure some Seed of Truth lies deep within Which soon-springs up by Solid Discipline : For how could you such speedy Answears give . But that tke Truth , though Hid , does in you Live. If it be so , as Plato's Muse Defin'd , Whate're we Learn we do but Call to Mind . The TWELFTH PROSE . How the world is governed by God. THEN said I , I do most heartily Assent to Plato in this matter : for this is the Second time that thou hast call'd me to the Remembrance of these things . First when I lost my Memory by the Conragion of the Body , and then by the Dullness , and Stupidity which my Mind had contracted being opprest with such a weight of Immoderate Sorrow . Then she spake thus : If thou lookest back to the things that have been already Granted , it will not be long before thou shalt come to the Remembrance of that , which awhile since thou saydst that thou hadst no Knowledge of . What quoth I ? By what Rule , said she , is the World Govern'd ? I remember , quoth I , that I did confess my Ignorance of this : but though I do in a manner foresee what thou art about to say , yet I desire to hear it for my further Instruction . Thou didst diliver thine Opinion , said she , but a little before , that it could not be doubted in the least but that the World is Govern'd by GOD. Yea , quoth I , and I am of the same mind now , and ever shall be that this is most certain , and unquestionable : and by what Reasons I am induc'd to this Judgement , I shall declare in a few words . This World consisting of so Divers , and Contrary Parts could never have been brought into One Forme , if there were not ONE who did Join together such Divers things . And the Diversity of their Natures , which are so Repugnant to one another , would Seperate , and Disunite them being Join'd together , if there were not ONE , who did Hold together the things , which He has United . For the Course of Nature could not proceed in such certain , and never fayling Order , neither could it make such a shew of well-disposed Motions , by Places , Times , Efficiency , or Operation , Spaces , Qualities , if there were not ONE , who Being Himselfe Immutable did Order , and Dispose this Variety of Changes . This ( ONE ) whatever it is , on which All things Depend both as to their Being , and Motion , I Call GOD , which is a Word us'd by All People . Then spake she thus : Sith thou hast so deep a Sense of these things , I suppose the remaining Part of my Labour is not great , to bring thee Safe into Thine own Country , where thou shalt Enjoy the only True , and Perfect Happiness . But let us Reflect on those things , which we have already Discust . Have we not Agreed upon this that Sufficiency is included in the Nature of True Happiness : And that GOD is True Happiness it selfe . And therefore , quoth she , He will not Need any Helps , or Instruments from Without to Govern the World ; for if He had Need of any thing He could not have Full , and Perfect Happiness . It must be so , quoth I , as thou sayst . Therefore By Himselfe Alone He Governs , and Disposes All things . It cannot be deny'd , quoth I. But it has been prov'd that GOD is the Soveraign Good. I know it has , quoth I. By the Soveraign Good then He Disposes , and Governs All things , sith He Governs All things By Himselfe , whom we have Acknowledg'd to be the Soveraign Good , and He is as it were a certain Rule , and Method of Government , whereby the Whole World is kept in Order . I most heartily Assent , quoth I : and a little before I did foresee what thou wast about to say , though somewhat darkly . I believe it , quoth she ; for now , as I conceive , Thine Eyes are more Open to discern the Truth . But what I shall now say is no less perspicuous . What , quoth I ? Sith GOD , said she , is rightly believ'd to Govern All things By the Rule of GOODNESS , and All things , as I have taught , have a Natural Bent , or Intention to GOOD , can it be doubted but that they are Govern'd , as they Would themselves , and being Made to Comply with their Governour , All the Motions they have according to the Propensity of their Nature are no other , than the Results of that Complyance . So it must needs be , quoth I : neither could it be thought an Happy Government , if it were the Yoke of things Refractory , not the Safety of things Tractable , and Obedient . There is Nothing then , which , following the Course of Nature , can Endeavour to go Contrary to GOD. Nothing , said I. If any thing should Endeavour it , quoth she , would it ever Prevaile against Him , whom we have granted by the Right of True Happiness to be Almighty ? Nothing , quoth I , could ever in the least Prevaile against Him. Then , quoth she , there is not any thing in Nature , which hath either the Will , or the Power to Resist the Soveraign Good. No surely , as I conceive . Then , said she , That is the Soveraign Good , which Powerfully Governeth , and Sweetly Disposeth All things . Then said I : How am I Delighted not only with the main Scope , and Drift of thine Arguments , but even with the very words that thou usest , that at length Prating Folly may be Abasht , and put to Silence . Thou hast heard , quoth she , in (a) Old Stories how the Gyants endeavour'd to Invade Heaven , but even they , as it was most meet , were thrown down by Benign Fortitude . But wilt thou that we strike Arguments one against another , perhaps out of such a Conflict some bright Sparke of Truth will spring forth . Do as thou thinkest fit , say'd I. No man , said she , can ever doubt but that GOD is Almighty . No man , said I , that is in his right wits . But there is Nothing , which He that is Almighty hath not a Power to Do. Nothing , said I. What hath GOD a Power then to Do EVIL ? No surely , EVIL then , quoth she , is Nothing , viz. Hath not any Proper Being or Nature , sith He who Can Do All things , Cannot Do EVIL . Dost thou sport with me , said I , making an Inextricable Labyrinth with the subtle wayes of Thine Argumentation , Entring now , where thou didst Go forth , and then Going forth , where thou didst Enter ; or dost thou by these Intricate Reasonings shew that there is a Wonderful Circle in the Divine Simplicity ? For a little before begining with True Happiness , thou didst affirm it to be the Highest , or Soveraign Good , which thou saydst was plac'd in the Most High GOD : And thou didst Prove that GOD is this Soveraign Good , and the onely True , and Perfect Happiness : then thou gavest me this , as a Token of thy Bounty , That no man is Truly Happy , but therewith he must be a GOD. Again thou didst assert that the very Form of Good is the Nature of GOD , and of True Happiness : and thou didst shew that ONE is the very GOOD , which All things Naturally Desire : thou didst also Demonstrate that GOD Governeth the Universe By the Rule of GOODNESS , and that All things are Willingly Subject unto Him , and that EVIL hath not any Nature Properly so call'd : And these things thou didst evince by such Arguments , wherof there were none Extrinsecal to the Matter in hand , but one drawing Assent by the Connexion it hath with another , all of them being founded in the Subject of our Discourse . Then spake she thus : We do not Sport , but we have perform'd a Taske of the greatest Importance , by the Gracious Assistance of GOD , whose Name we did Invoke . For such is the Form of the Divine Substance , that It neither falls into the Condition of things Without , nor doth It admit any thing Without to come into the same State with It selfe ; but , as Parmenides saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It wheeles-about the Movable Circle of things , whilst It preserves It selfe in a State Immovable . And if we have us'd such Arguments which were not fetcht from without , but lie within the compass of the Matter , of which we did Treat , there is no cause that thou shouldst Admire , sith thou hast receiv'd it from the Testimony of Plato , that Words should be A-kin to the Things , of which we Discourse . THE TWELFTH VERSE . Philosophy exhorteth to perseverance in contemplation and vertue . O ever Blest is He Who once hath learnt to See The Fountain of All Good : Blest He , who hath withstood The Earth , and now obteins True Freedome from her Chains . When (a) Orpheus's Wife was gone To th' Shades how did he Groan ! When he had made the Trees To Dance in Companies Whilst Doleful Notes he Play'd ; When he had Rivers made To stand still : and the Hind His side to th' Lion Join'd , And Fear'd no Harm : the Hare Did also cease to Fear The Dog , by Musick Tam'd : When His Breast was Enflam'd With all the Fires of Love ; Nor could those Soft Notes Move Their Lord , and Mitigate The Sense of his Hard Fate , Which all things else or'ecame , And did their Fierceness Tame , He sayes Gods are Cruel , And down he goes to Hell. There fits he words to sounding Strings , Whate're his Mother Taught he Sings . He Sings in Doleful Strains His own Hearts constant Pains , And Grief-encreasing Love : Thus Orpheus Hell doth Move , And doth sweet Prayers repeat , And those Dark Powers entreat . Now (b) Cerberus doth gaze , New Songs do Him amaze : The Furies now shed Tears : The (c) Wheele Ixion spares : And (d) Tantalus the Stream Forgets , and minds the Theme Of Orpheus's Mournful Song : That Rav'nous Bird that hung On wretched (e) Tityus , drawes The Liver with his Clawes No longer now , whilst he Feeds on sweet Melodie . At length Hells cruel Lord Some Pity doth afford , We Vanquisht are , quoth He , Let this Mans Wife go free , From us he hath Her won With his Melodious Song : But only let Her go On this Condition , so That he ne're turn his Eye Till he see the Bright Skye . " But Lovers ne're were kept in Awe : " Love to Himselfe 's the greatest Law. Alas , when he had past Hells deepest wayes , at last Orpheus can't choose but See His Dear (f) Euridice : But that one Looke did cost Her Life : she 's ever lost : Well may he now Deplore , He ne're shall see Her more . To you belongs this Tale , Who fain would leave the Vale Of Constant Night , and find The Day-Light of the Mind . For he that will Looke back To Hell , and his Pace slack , Whatever Good he chose This sight doth make him Lose . THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Consolation of Philosophy . The FIRST PROSE . Boetius merveileth at the impunity and prosperity of evil men . WHEN Philosophy had most sweetly warbled out this Song , reteining all the while a Grave , and Venerable Countenance , then I , labouring still under a great Distemper of mind , interrupted her , as she was about to say somewhat else . And , O , said I , those things , which thy Speech bringing in the True Light , hath hitherto poured forth , appear to be no other than Divine , being Seen as they are in themselves ; and Irrefragable , as Demonstrated by Thine Arguments : and such are those things , which thou hast told me that though my Anxious resentments of the Injuries I have receiv'd did lately put them out of my Remembrance , yet I was not wholly Ignorant of them . But this is the greatest cause of the Perplexity I am in , that wheras the Governour of All things is Good , Evils should either be at all or that they should pass without their due Punishment . How much Admiration this one thing deserves , I am Sure thou dost well consider . But ther 's a greater matter than this , that is joyned with it ; for whilst Wickedness flourisheth , and bears the sway , Vertue doth not only want it's Reward , but is trodden under foot by Base , and ungodly men , and in the place of Villany suffers the most grievous Punishment . That such Transactions should be in His Kingdome who Knoweth All things , who Can Do All things , and Willeth nothing but what is Just , and Good , no man can sufficiently either Admire , or Complain . Then said she : And indeed this would be a matter of infinite Astonishment , and more horrible than all Monsters , if , as thou dost conceit , in the well-order'd House of so great a Master , Vessels of no worth should be most carefully lookt after , and the Pretious be neglected , and suffer'd to lye in the Dirt : but it is not so . For if those things , which were concluded a little before be Fixt in thy Mind , thou shalt Understand by His Instructions , whose Kingdome we speak of , That Good men are allwayes Powerful , and Evil men are allwayes Weak , and Contemptible ; and that Vices are allwayes Punisht , Vertues are allwayes Rewarded ; that All things that happen to Good men , are Good for them , but that Mischiefs allwayes betide the Wicked ; and many things of this nature , which will allay all thy Complaints , and establish thy Mind in the most firm , and solid Apprehensions of Truth , and Goodness . And sith I have already shewn thee , wherin True Happiness doth consist , and thou hast learnt in Whom it is to be found , all things being run over , which I think necessary to promise , I shall shew thee the way that leadeth to Thine House . And I shall fasten Wings to thy Soule , by which she may raise her selfe on high , that all Perturbations , and Disorderly Thoughts being done away , with these Wings , by my Conduct , in my Path , thou mayst be Carryed Safe into Thine own Country . THE FIRST VERSE . How Philosophy bringeth men to the contemplation of God. FOr I have nimble Wings that soare Above the Starry Skyes , Which when the Mind puts on , no more Will she Earth's Treasures prize . Beyond the Clouds she doth Aspire , ' Boue th' Aire she bends Her Force , And so transcends the Lofty Fire Stir'd by the Heav'ns Swift Course . Then she Ascends the Starry Plain , And runs with Phaebus bright : Or followes th' Tract of the Old Swain , * And to His joyns Her Light. And wheresoe're the Night lookes Clear , She runs among the Stars , And when her fill she ' hath taken here , She goes beyond Heav'ns Bars , And on the Top of Aether Treads , The Fields of Awful Light. Here Sits He o're Imperial Heads , Who guides the World aright , Who Vnmov'd Rules the nimble Sun ; Whose Power doth All things sway : If hither thou wilt come anon , Recov'ring thy Lost Way , I well remember 't thou wilt say , This is my Country Dear , Hence I came , I 'll stay Here. And if thou shalt be pleas'd to see This Darkned World agen , Thou wilt find that stern Tyrants be Themselves but Banisht Men. The SECOND PROSE . That good men are powerful , and evil men weake . THEN said I , O , how Great things dost thou Promise ! which I doubt not but thou art Able to Performe . But see thou do not slacken and coole him , whom thou hast excited , and enflam'd . In the first place then thou mayst easily understand that Good men are allwayes Powerful , that the Wicked are void of all Power : of which Assertions one is prov'd by the other . For sith Good , and Evill are Contraries , if it be manifest that Good is Powerful , 't is no less evident that Evill is Feeble , and Impotent : but if the Frailty of Evill be made to appear , the Strength and Firmness of Good cannot but be known likewise . That the Truth of that I say may be most clearly and abundantly demonstrated , I shall go sometimes this way , and sometimes that , in the pursuit of the Matter , I have undertaken to treat of . There are Two things , wherin all the Effect of Humane Actions doth consist , to wit , Will , and Power , of which if one be wanting nothing can be Done. For if the Will faile , no man Attempteth any thing : but if Power be wanting , 't is in vain to will any thing . So that if thou seest any man Willing to Get that , which he does not Get , thou canst not doubt , but that he wanteth the Ability to Obtein what he would have . 'T is as clear , as the Sun , quoth I. But canst thou doubt but that he had Power , whom thou seest to have Effected what he Will'd , and Design'd ? No. But what any man is Able to do , in that he is Powerful : but what he is not Able to do , in that he is judg'd to be Feeble , and Impotent . I confess it , quoth I. Dost thou not Remember , quoth she , that it has been already Prov'd , that All the Bent , or Intention of the Will of Man , which is exercis'd in Divers Studies , and Endeavours , tends unto True Happiness ? I well Remember , quoth I , that This has been Demonstrated . Dost thou Remember that True Happiness is the Soveraign Good , so that sith True Happiness is sought for by All men , Good must needs be Desir'd by them ? I cannot be said to Remember it , quoth I , because it is never out of my Mind . Have All men therefore Good , and Bad one Intention , viz. To Attein to the Possession of GOOD ? It must needs follow , quoth I. But it is most certain that by getting of GOOD , Men become Good. 'T is certain . Do Good men therefore get that , which they Desire ? So it seems . But Evill men , if they could get the Good , that they Desire would cease to be Evill . 'T is true . Sith therefore Both sorts of Men Desire Good , but some Attein therunto , others come short of it , it cannot be doubted but that Good men are Powerful ; but they that are Wicked are Feeble , and Impotent . Whoever doubts of this , said she , is neither capable of considering the Nature of Things , nor the Consequence of Reasons . Moreover said she : If there be Two persons , who have one Purpose , or Design to Perform that which their Nature requires : and one of them Performs his Intention ; but the other is not Able to execute that Natural Office , but takes some such course , which is not Agreeable to Nature , whereby he doth not Accomplish his Purpose , but Imitates one that doth Accomplish it : whether of these Two dost thou judge to be the more Able man ? Though I conjecture , said I , what thou wouldest be at , yet I desire thou wouldest speak it out more plainly . Wilt thou deny , said she , that to Go is a Motion Natural to men ? No , said I. And dost thou doubt that 't is Natural to the Feet to perform that Office ? Neither can I deny that . If any one then should Go on his Feet , and another , who wants this Natural Office of Feet , should endeavour to Go on his Hands , who of these might be rightly judg'd to be the more Able man ? Proceed , said I , for it is unquestionable , that he who has a Power to perform those Actions , which Nature requires , has more Strength than he , who is not Able so to do . But the Soveraign Good , which All men Aim at , Good , and Bad , Good men Attein unto by the Natural Office of Virtues : but the Wicked earnestly endeavour after this very Good by gratifying their various Lusts , and unruly Affections , which is not the Office that Nature requires us to perform , that we may Attein to the True Good. Dost thou think otherwise ? No surely , said I : the Consequence also is very clear . For from what I have granted , it must of necessity follow that Good men are Powerful , that Wicked men are altogether Feeble , and Impotent . Thou dost well , quoth she , thus to run before me ; and this , as Physitians are wont to hope , is a sign that Nature gathers Strength , and begins to resist the Disease . But because I perceive thee to be so Quick of Apprehension , I shall be sure to ply thee with Arguments . See how Weak are all Vitious Persons , who cannot so much as Attein to That , to which their Natural Intention leads , and in a manner compels them . And what ? if they were left destitute of this great , and almost irresistable Assistance of Nature encouraging , and directing them ? but consider , I say , how great Impotency lend , wicked men labour under . For the things they seek for , but are not able to obtein are of no small moment : but indeed they faile in that matter , which is the Chiefest of All their Concerns , they miss the fruits of all the Toyle , and hard labour they undergo night , and day : in which the Strength of Good men may easily be seen . For as thou wouldest judge Him to be a Most Able Foot-man , who Going on his Feet , should be Able to come at length to that Place , Beyond which 't is impossible that any one should Go : so thou must of necessity judge Him , who hath Attein'd to that GOOD , Beyond which 't is impossible that any one should extend his Desires , to be a Person Absolutely Accomplisht with the Greatest Strength , or Ability . From whence it is most evident that whosoever are Wicked , the same are destitute of all manner of Strength . For why do they leave Virtue , and follow Vice ? is it because they are Ignorant of the True Good ? but what is more Feeble than Ignorance , or Spiritual Blindness ? Do they Know what they should follow , and endeavour after , but their Lusts draw them aside some other way ? thus they appear to be most Feeble Creatures , who are so Unable to Resist their Vitious Inclinations . Do they Knowingly , and Willfully forsake that which is Good , and turn to the way of Vice ? But if so , they do not only cease to be Powerful , but they wholly relinquish their True , and Proper Being . For they who thus forsake the common End of All things that are , cease also to have their Being . Which perhaps will seem to some to be very strange , that we should say that Evill , or Wicked men , which are by far the greatest Number , should cease to Be. But so it is for certain . For those , who are Evill men , I do not deny to be Evill men : but I deny that they may Purely , and Simply be said be be Men. For as thou mayst say that a Carcass is a Dead Man , but thou mayst not call it Simply , and Absolutely a Man : so I shall grant that those , who are Addicted to Vice , are Evill men , but I cannot acknowledge Absolutely that they are Men. For that Is , or hath it's True , and Proper Being , which reteins Order , and preserves it's Nature : from which whatsoever doth revolt , it relinquisheth it's Proper Being , which lyeth in it's Nature . But Evill men thou wilt say have some kind of Power : neither shall I deny it ; but this their Power does not proceed from Strength , but Imbecillity : For they have the Power to Do Evill , which they would not have , if they had the Effectual Power of Doing Good. Which Possibility doth plainly shew that they have not any Power , Truly , and Properly so call'd . For if Evill have not any Proper Being , or Nature , as we prov'd a little before , sith Wicked men have only the Power to Do Evill , 't is manifest that they have no True Power . It cannot be deny'd . And that thou mayst better understand what kind of Power this is , we have determin'd a little before that ther 's nothing more Powerful than the Soveraign Good. I know thou hast , said I. But the Same ( Soveraign Good ) Cannot Do that which is Evill . No surely . Will any one conceit , said she , that Men Can Do All things ? None , but such a one , who is out of his wits . But they Can Do Evill . Would to God , said I , they had no such Power . Sith therefore He that Can Do nothing , but that which is Good , Can do All things ; but they Cannot Do All things , who Can Do Evill , 't is manifest that their Power is the less in as much as they are Able to Do Evill . Add hereunto that All True Power is in the number of things that are to be Desir'd , and we have prov'd that All things to be Desir'd are refer'd to Good , as to that wherin their Perfection doth consist . But the Possibility of Performing a Wicked Action Cannot be refer'd to Good : therefore it is not to be Desir'd . But all True Power is to be Desir'd . 'T is manifest therefore that the Possibility of Doing Evill is no True Power . Hence it appears that Good men are allwayes Powerful , that Wicked men are most Feeble , and Impotent . And the Truth of that Saying of Plato cannot be doubted . That Wise men onely Do what they Desire , but that the Wicked Exercise their Lusts , but are never Able to Accomplish their Desires . For they Do whatsoever their Lusts prompt them unto , whilst by those Courses , wherby they gratifie their Sensual Inclinations , they hope to Attein to that Good which they Desire ; but they never Attein therunto , for 't is impossible that Villany should Approach to True Happiness . The SECOND VERSE . Kings are not potent , if they be passionate . THose Tyrants , which thou seest on High Thrones , Cloath'd with Robes of Majesty , Their Guards Encompassing their Seats , Whilst all their Lookes are Silent Threats , Their Proud Hearts swoln with causless Ire ; If they were stript of their Attire , Of their False Shewes of Majesty , These Sov'raign Lords a man might see To be themselves fast Bound with Chains , That vex them with incessant Pains . Dire Lechery ( that Smiles , and Kills ) Their Cups with Sweet Wine Poyson'd fills : Wrath makes a Tempest in the Soule , Vnruly Thoughts , like Billowes , roule : Sometimes they sink in deep Despair , Sometimes Hope throwes them here , and there . Thou seest how such Fierce Tyrants be Enslav'd unto the Tyranny Of Many Lords : what they would , they can't do : But where those Lords command , there must they go . The THIRD PROSE . That good men are not without reward , nor evil without punishments . SEEST thou then what Filth all Villany walloweth in , and how great a Splendor there is in True Virtue , and Integrity ? In this it plainly appears that Good men are allwayes Rewarded , Evill men are allwayes Tormented . For that , for which any Action is Perform'd , seemeth to be the Reward of that same Performance : as a Crown , or Garland , for which a man Runs , is propos'd as a Reward to him that Runs a Race . But we have prov'd Happiness is that very GOOD for which All Actions are Perform'd : That GOOD therefore is the common Reward that is propos'd to All Humane Actions . But This cannot be kept from Good men . For he may not any longer be called a Good man , who is not Partaker of this Soveraign Good. Let the Wicked then Rage , a Wise , and Virtuous man keeps on his Crown , and it Fadeth not away . For the Iniquity of Other men can never deprive a Pious Soule of it's Proper Ornament . If he did Rejoyce in what he hath Receiv'd from Without , this any other man , even he , who confer'd it on him , might deprive him of . But sith it is confer'd on him by that Goodness , which is Within himselfe , he will never want his Reward , as long , as he continues to be Good. Lastly sith every Reward is therefore Desir'd because it is believ'd to be Good , who will ever judge that he who Possesseth the True Good can miss his Reward ? But what is this Reward ? certainly the Fairest , and Greatest of All Rewards . Remember the Corollary which I gave thee but a little before , and gather in the full Proofe of what I have said thus : Sith the Soveraign Good is True Happines , 't is manifest that All Good men even in this that they are Good do become Truly Happy . But it has been concluded that those , who are Truly Happy are Gods. Such therefore is the Reward of Good men , which shall not be worn out by the longest Time , nor diminisht by any mans Power , nor defil'd by any mans Iniquity , viz. To become Gods. And sith these things are so , what Wise man can ever doubt of the Pains , and Anxieties that are implyed in the nature of All Wicked Actions . For sith Good , and Evill , Punishment , and Reward are Opposite , it must needs be that whatsoever we see in the Reward of Good , that which is directly Contrary therunto may be seen in the Punishment of Evill . As Virtue therefore is the Reward of the Virtuous , so Vice and Impurity is the Torment of the Wicked . But now whosoever suffers Punishment doubts not but that he is opprest with Evill . If therefore they would rightly Judge of themselves , could it seem to them that they are free from Trouble , and Vexation , whom Wickedness the greatest of all Evils doth not only oppress , but Pierce through , seizing , and Perverting all their Faculties ? But Observe what Pains , and Anxieties attend the Wicked , in opposition to what we have said of the True Pleasure , and Satisfaction of those that are sincerely , and firmly Possest of True Goodness , and Virtue . For thou hast been taught a little before , that whatsoever Is , or hath any Proper Being , is One , and that ONE is GOOD . The Consequence of which is this , whatsoever hath any Proper Being , that also is Good. And thus whatsoever failes to be Good , ceaseth to Be : whence it is manifest that Evill men cease to Be , what they Were . But that they were Men is shown by the Shape of an Humane Body , which still remains . Wherefore the Temper of their Minds being Chang'd into such Evill Dispositions they have lost the True Nature of Man. But sith Goodness , and Piety only can Advance any one beyond the Condition of Men , it must needs be that those whom Wickedness hath Degraded from their Humanity , should fall beneath the Merit , or Dignity of a Rational Creature . Therefore whomsoever thou seest Transform'd by Vice , thou mayst not any longer Esteem him , as a Man. Dost thou see any one to commit Rapine , being Enflam'd with the Love of Riches ? thou mayst say that he is a Wolfe . Is any one Fierce , and Unquiet , exercising his Tongue perpetually in Brauls , and Contentious speeches ? thou mayst compare him to a Dog. If he delight in subtle Cheats , and Wiles , thou mayst compare him to a Fox . Is he unable to suppress his Anger , breaking forth into the greatest Fury upon the least provocation ? let him be Judg'd to have the Soule of a Lion . Is he exceeding Timorous , and ready to Flye , where there is not the least cause of any Fear ? let him be liken'd to the Hart. Is he Dull , and Slothful ? he leads the Life of an Ass . Is he light , and Inconstant , allwayes changing his Resolutions ? he is like the Foules of the Aire . Does he Wallow in the Mire of Filthy Lusts ? he is taken with the Pleasure ef a Dirty Sow . Thus it comes to pass that whosoever having deserted all True Goodness , and Piety ceaseth to be a Man , sith he cannot Attein to the Divine Condition , he is turned into a Beast . The THIRD VERSE . That vices are of greater force , than enchantments . ULysses with his Friends Arrives Vnto the Isle , where Circe Dwelt : With Cups Enchanted she receives Her Guests , whose Power they quickly felt . This Man is chang'd into a Bore : A Lions Shape another takes : A third , when he would fain Deplore These Changes , his own Shape forsakes . And now he doth not Weep , but Howle : One's Chang'd into a Tygress mild , Such , as the Indians do Controule , As though 't were not by nature Wild. But Mercury commiserates Ulysses , and him saves from harme : Though for him also Circe waits To plague him with her direful Charme . Yet those that Sailed with Him sup The Dregs of Her Enchanted Cup. The New-Made Swine their Akorns Eat , Estranged now from Their own Kind , In Voice , in Body , and in Meat , In all things else , except the Mind , Which for this Monstrous Change doth Grieve : O feeble Charme , which though it can Make Humane Shape the Shape receive Of Beast , it cannot Change the Man. The Life , and Vigor of Mankind Is Inward in the Heav'n-born Mind . This Poison ( Vice ) is stronger far , Man of Himselfe It quite deprives ; Although the Outward Man It spare Men lose by It Their proper Lives . The FOURTH PROSE . Of the misery of wicked men . BUT the Vulgar regards not these things . What then ? shall we be like them , whom we have demonstrated to be no other than a sort of Irrational Creatures ? What if any one having wholly lost his Sight , should forget that he had ever seen any thing , and conceit that there was nothing wanting to him of Humane Perfection , should we therefore judge those that retein their Sight to be Blind likewise ? For the Vulgar refuse their Assent to this also , which depends upon as firm , and solid grounds , as any thing we have formerly demonstrated , viz. That those Persons are more Miserable that Do an Injury , than those that Suffer it . I would fain hear , said I , what grounds thou canst shew for this . Dost thou deny , quoth she , that every Wicked man is worthy of Punishment ? No surely . But it appears by many Reasons that they are Miserable , who are Wicked . 'T is true , said I. Whosoever then are worthy of Punishment , thou doubtest not but they are Miserable . It cannot be deny'd , quoth I. If therefore thou didst sit , as a Judge , on whom wouldst thou conceive that Punishment should be inflicted , on him , who has Done , or on him who has Suffer'd an Injury ? I doubt not , said I , but that I should satisfie the Person Injur'd by the Griefe of him , that hath done the Injury . The Injurious therefore would seem to be more Miserable , than he , who hath receiv'd the Injury . It followes indeed , said I. By this Reason therefore and others of the like Importance , viz. that Vice and Impurity does by it's own Nature make men Miserable , it is most evident that he who offers an Injury , not he , who receives it , doth thereby become Miserable . But now , quoth she , our Advocates Act quite contrary to this . For they endeavour to move the Pity , or Commiseration of the Judges towards those , who have Suffer'd some Great Injury , wheras indeed they should be rather Pityed , who have contracted the Guilt of being so Injurious : whom their Accusers should not be mov'd to bring before the Judge by Wrath , and Indignation , but by a Generous Pity , and Desire of their Welfare , as Sick folk are brought to the Physitian , that by the Infliction of External Punishment they may be Cur'd of their Inward Distempers . And thus the Employment of those that Plead for Offenders would either totally cease , or if it should be continued for the Good of Mankind , it would be turn'd into the Form of an Accusation . The Wicked themselves if they could have but a Glimpse of Virtue , which they have Forsaken , and could perceive that they should be in some capacity of cleansing themselves from the Filth of their Vices by receiving their due Punishment , their Pains being recompenc'd with the obteining of True Goodness , and Piety , they would not esteem them to be the Object of their Horror , and Aversation , and they would refuse the Assistance of those men , that make Apologies for such who Deserve Punishment , and yeild themseles to be Dispos'd of according to the Pleasure of their Accusers , and of the Judges . Whence it comes to pass that among Wise men there is no Place left for Hatred . For who but an egregious Foole will Hate Good men ? And it is also against all Reason to Hate Wicked men . For if a Vitious , and Depraved Temper be the Sickness of the Soule ; sith we judge those that are Sick in Body in no wise to deserve our Hatred , but rather our Pity , much rather are they not to be Hated , but Pityed , whose Minds are opprest with Vice , and Impurity , a more Cruel Distemper than any that can afflict the Body . The FOURTH VERSE . No man is to be hated , the good are to be loved , and the evil to be pityed . WHy do you , Mortals , labour so To Get your Deaths with your own Hands ? Although you would , you cannot go From Fate : It 's Course no Power withstands . Those , whom the Wild Beasts would Annoy , And Tear both with their Teeth , and Clawes , Each other would with Swords Destroy . Is 't that they Differ in their Lawes , And Manners that they so Pursue Each other ? This we can't Approve . If thou wilt yeild to All their Due : The Wicked Pity , Good men Love. The FIFTH PROSE . Boetius complaineth , that prosperity and adversity are common both to good and badd . THEN said I. I see what Felicity is implyed in the Nature of Good , and what Misery in the Nature of Evil Actions . But in this Outward Estate about which the Generality of men are so much concern'd , it seemeth to me that there is somewhat of Good , and somewhat of Evill . For no Wise man would choose rather to be Banisht , Poore , Disgrac'd , than to remain Safe in his own Country , Rich , Honor'd , Powerful . For by such means Wisedome Acts her Part with greater Renown , and with more Advantage to the World , the Happiness of those that are in Authority being in a manner transfus'd into the People that are under them : especially sith Prisons , Lawes , and all Legall Penalties , are Ordain'd for those , that are Injurious . Therefore I am Astonisht to see things thus turned upside down , Good men lying under such Punishments , as are due to the Wicked , the Rewards of Virtue being snatcht away by those that have immerst themselves in the deepest Vices . But I should less wonder if I did believe All things to be huddled in Confusion by Chance , or Casualty . Now it encreaseth my Astonishment that GOD is the Governor of All things : sith He often distributes Ease , and Contentment to Good men , and Trouble , and Vexation to Wicked men ; and on the contrary much Hardship , and Affliction to Good men , and the greatest Prosperity to the Wicked , unless there may be a Reason given for these things , how doth his Government differ any whit from Chance , or meer Casualtie ? 'T is no wonder , said she , if any thing seem to be Disorder'd , and Confus'd , the Order therof being not discover'd . But although thou dost not understand the Cause of this Management of the Vniverse , yet sith it is Govern'd By Almighty GOODNESS , thou mayst not doubt but that All things are Done for the Best . The FIFTH VERSE . Admiration ceaseth , when the causes of things are known . WHo knowes not how Stars neer the Poles do slide , And how Bootes his slow waine does guide , Why he sets late , and does so early rise , May wonder at the courses of the skies . If the full Moon bereaved is of light Infested with a darkness like to night , An errour straight through Vulgar minds doth pass , To ease her labou'ring light they beat on Braess : But no one wonders why the Winds do blow , Nor why hot Phaebus beams dissolve the snow , These are well known , the other hidden lye , And therefore more our hearts they terrifie . Those strange Events , which Time but seldome brings , And the vaine people count as suddain things , If we our mind ; from ignorance could free , No longer would by us admired be . The SIXTH PROSE . Of providence and Fate , and why prosperitie and adversitie are common both to good and bad . 'T IS right , said I. But sith it is thy Taske to unfold the hidden Causes of things , and to Clear the Obscurest Truthes ; I pray thee Determine this matter : and because this Strange thing is that , by which I am most disturb'd , and perplext , Discourse therof at large . Then Smiling a little she spake thus : This Inquiry is the most difficult of all , which will hardly be satisfyed with any thing that can be said in Answear therunto . For the Matter is such that one doubt being Cutt of , many others Grow up like the Heads of the Snake Hydra : neither will there be any end of these Doubts , and Scruples , unless they are Burnt up with the most Lively Fire of an Ardent Mind . For here Questions are wont to be made of the Simplicity of Providence , of the Series of Fate , of sudden , and unexpected Accidents , of the Divine Knowledge , and Predestination , of the Liberty of the Will : And of how great Weight such Questions are , Thou thy selfe art not unsensible . But because the Knowing of these things is a part of the Medicine which thy Distemper requires , although I am much streightned with the shortness of Time , yet I shall endeavour to say somewhat in Answear to the Deep Question thou hast propos'd . But though thou art much taken with the sweet Harmony of our Verses , thou must defer this Pleasure a little while , 'till I shall have made a due , and orderly Contexture of such Reasons , as tend to the Solution of thy Doubts . Do as thou thinkst fit , said I. Then as if she past to another Subject , thus she Discourst . The Generation of All things , and All the Progress of Changeable Natures , and whatsoever has any kind of Motion , receiveth it's Causes , Order , Formes from the Stability of the Divine Mind . Which remaining Stedfast , and Immovable in the Hight of it's own Simplicity doth Assign a Manifold , and Variable Manner of Proceeding to the Affairs here below . Which Manner of Proceeding , whilst it is Beheld in the Purity of the Divine Intelligence , is called PROVIDENCE : but when it is refer'd to the things that it Moveth , and Disposeth , the Antients gave it the name of FATE . That these Two do differ thus from one another , it will easily appear , if any man shall consider the Importance of each of them . For Providence is that Divine Reason seated in the SOVERAIGN LORD of the Whole Creation , which Disposeth All things : but Fate is that Disposition inhaerent in things Movable , by which Providence Embraceth them All at once , though they are Divers , though they are Infinite : But Fate puts them into their several Ranks , according to Motion , Places , Formes , and Times : so that the Unfolding of the Order of things in Time , being Simple , and Undivided in the Prospect of the Divine Mind , is called Providence : but the same Vnity , or Simplicity , being as it were Sever'd , and Unfolded in the Successions of Time , is called Fate . Though these Two are Divers , yet one depends on the other . For the Order of Fate proceeds from the Simplicity of Providence . For the Artificer perceiving in his Mind the Form , or Fashion of the thing , he is about to Make , begins to Effect what he has Contriv'd ; and what he Saw all at once in his Mind , he Works out at Divers Times with his Hands : So GOD by Providence Disposeth All things at once firmly , and Unalterably : but by Fate these same things , which He hath Dispos'd , He Manageth in a Manifold , and Variable Manner . Whether therefore Fate be exercis'd by certain Divine Spirits , Attending upon Providence , or by the whole Course of Nature , or by the Motions of the Stars &c. Certainly it is manifest that Providence is the Immovable , and Simple Form of things to be Done : but that Fate is the Movable Connexion , and Temporal Order of those things , which Divine Simplicity hath Ordain'd . Whence it comes to pass , that All things , which are under Fate , are subject also to Providence ; which Fate it selfe is subject unto . But some that are under Providence are beyond the Compass of Fate . Such are those things , which being Fixt , and Immovable by their Neerness to the FIRST DIVINITY Transcend the Order of Fatal Alterations . For as of Orbs , or Circles which turn themselves about the same Centre , that which is Inmost comes neer to the Simplicity of the Centre , or Middle-Point , and is as it were the Centre to the other Orbs , about which they are turn'd : but the Outmost , by how much the farther it is from the Centre , with so much the Larger Compass it is Wheel'd about ; And if any Joyn it selfe to that Middle-point , it ceaseth from it's former Revolution : In like manner that which goes farther from the FIRST MIND is more Entangled in the Cords of Fate ; and by so much any thing is at Liberty from Fate , by how much Neerer it Approacheth to that Centre of All things . If so be that it constantly Adhere to the Firmness , and Stability of the Supream Mind , sith it Moves not to , and fro , it keeps above the Necessity of Fate . Therefore as Reasoning or Discourse is to the Intellect ; as that which is Produc'd to that which hath Being of it selfe ; Time to Aeternity ; a Circle to the Centre : so is the Movable Series of Fate to the Stable Simplicity of Providence . This Series of Fate Moveth Heaven , and the Stars , Ordereth , and Disposeth the Elements in their Commixtures and Transmutations . The same reneweth things that spring up , and dye away , by the wonted Courses of Seed , and that which it Bringeth forth . This * Binds together the Actions , and Fortunes of men with an Indissoluble Connexion of Causes : which , sith they proceed from those Immovable Causes , must needs be themselves also Immovable . For so are things Govern'd in the Best Manner , that can be , if Simplicity remaining in the Divine Mind , gives out a Necessary , and Unalterable Order of Causes ; but this Order by it's own Incommutability keeps all things Mutable within their several Ranks , and Conditions , which otherwise would run into Confusion . Whence it comes to pass , that although to you , who come short of the right Apprehension of Order , All things may seem to be turned upside down , never the less this Manner of Proceeding Assigned to them by Providence Directs them to the True Good. For even Wicked men themselves never propose Evill , as the End of any of their Actions : who , as hath been shown at large , are turn'd out of the way by their own Wicked Error , but ORDER Proceeding from the Centre of the Soveraign Good makes not any man to Decline from It 's own ORIGINAL . But , thou wilt say , what worse Confusion can there be than this , that sometimes Adversity , and sometimes Prosperity should happen to the Righteous , and also that the Wicked should sometimes Attein to that , which they Desire , and be sometimes Opprest with that which they would Avoid ? what then , do men shew such perfect Strength of Judgement , and Integrity of Heart in their Lives and Conversation , that those whom they Judge to be Righteous , or to be Wicked must needs be such , as they esteem them to be ? But we see the Judgements of men Differ in nothing more than in this : and those who are esteem'd by some to deserve a Reward , are by others esteemed worthy of the severest Punishment . But let us grant that any one could clearly Determine who are Righteous , and who are Wicked : what then , would he be able to Discern the Inmost Temper , and Constitution of Soules , as we use to express it , when we speak of Bodies ? For to one that understands it not , 't is no less wonder ; why to some Healthy Bodies Sweet things are Agreeable , to others Bitter things : Why some Diseases are Cur'd with soft , and gentle Medicines , others with those , which are most sharpe , and piercing : But it is no whit strange to the Physitian who searches into the state , and Condition of Bodies both in Health , and in Sickness . And what is the Health of Soules but Virtue , or True Goodness ? what is their Sickness , but Vice ? But who is there , that can either give that which is Good for us , or drive away that which is Evill , but GOD , the Governour , and Physitian of Soules ? who looking from the High Tower of his Providence Sees what the Inward Condition of Every man doth require , and Applies that which He Sees to be Requisite , and Suitable to his Condition . Hence it is that the Order of Fate is such Matter of wonder , and Astonishment to the World , viz. that Ignorant Men cannot but be Amus'd at that which is Done by the Infinitely Wise GOD. For that I may lightly touch at a few things , which Humane Reason is somewhat capable of being exercis'd about , concerning the Divine DEPTH : As for this man whom thou thinkest to be most Observant of Law , and Equity , the contrary is most Evident to Providence that Knoweth All things . And My Lucan saith that The Cause of the Conquerour was Pleasing to the GODS , but of the Conquer'd to Cato . Whatsoever then thou mayst see at any time to be Done here upon Earth , there is certainly a Right Order in the Things themselves ; but thine Opinion concerning them is Perverse , and Confus'd : But suppose there be any one so syncerely Virtuous that he is both Acceptable to GOD , and Approv'd of Men : yet , it may be , he wants a Courageous , and undanted Spirit : to whom if any Adversity should happen , perhaps he will no longer take care to preserve his Innocency , by which he could not retein his Fortune . Therefore the Wisedome of the Divine Dispensation deals Gently with him , whom Adversity might incline to Wickedness , that he may not be Affiicted , who is not Qualifyed to Endure Affiiction . Another hath Attein'd to the Perfection of All Virtue , an Holy Person , Fully Partaking of the Divine Nature , the All-wise GOD Judges that it would be contrary to the Rules of Justice , that this man should be toucht with any Adversity , so that He does not suffer such a man to be Affiicted even with any Bodily Distempers . For as one , more Excellent than I , Sayes ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But many times it comes to pass that the chiefe Management of things is by Providence put into the Hands of Good men , that Abounding Wickedness may be represt . To others the Supream Wisedome , and Goodness distributeth a Medley of Pleasing , and Bitter things According to the Temper and Disposition of their Soules : some He Curbs , and Restrains least they grow Wanton by long Prosperity : others He makes to suffer Hardship , that by the Use , and Exercise of Patience they may be confirm'd in All Virtue , and strength of Mind . Others are too Fearful of that , which they are Able to Endure : others are too apt to make light of that , which they are not Able to Endure . These men that they may Know themselves He brings into Adversity . Some have purchac'd a Venerable Name in this World at the Price of a Glorious Death . Some being Undanted in the greatest Torments have given to others an Example of this Truth , that Virtue is Invincible in any Calamity whatsoever : which how rightly , and Orderly it comes , and how it tends to the Good of those , whom we see to labour under it , may not be doubted . This also , that sometimes Sad things befall the Wicked , sometimes they have the things that they Wish for , doth proceed from the same Causes . No man wonders at this , that Sad things should befall them , whom every one Judges to deserve so Ill. Whose Punishments are a Terror to others that they may not be guilty of the like Offences , and they conduce to the Amendment of those , upon whom they are Inflicted : But the Prosperity of the Wicked is a clear Demonstration to those that Delight in Virtue , what they are to Judge of that kind of Happiness which they see to Attend upon the Worst of men . And here I conceive this also to be the Tendency of the Divine Dispensation , that some men are Naturally so Head-strong , and Violent in their wayes , that the want of Mony would excite them to commit the greatest Wickedness : Providence by distributing Riches to such kind of Persons applies a Remedy to their Distemper . This man observing his Conscience Defil'd with all manner of Impurities , and comparing Himselfe with His Fortune , is perhaps struck with a Fear least the Loss of that should be extream Grievous , the Enjoyment whereof is so Delightsome unto him : therefore he will betake himselfe to a New Course of Life , and whilst he Fears that his Fortune shall be Taken from him , he makes speed to Depart from his Iniquity . Others are suddenly brought to their Deserved Ruine by the Prosperity they have Abus'd . Some are permitted to have the Power of Inflicting Punishment for the Exercise of Good men , and the Vexation of the Wicked . For as there is no League between the Lovers of Virtue , and the Slaves of Vice ; so these Slaves of Vice can never Agree amongst themselves . How should it be otherwise ? their Consciences being torn in peeces by the Fury of their vile Affections , they Dissent from Their own Minds , and often Do those things , which when they have Done , they Determine that they ought not in any Case to have Done such things . Whence it is that the Divine Providence hath often produc'd this great Miracle , that even Wicked men make other Wicked men to become Virtuous . For whilst some Unrighteous Persons seem to themselves to suffer most Unjustly by those that are as Bad as themselves , or Worse ; Burning with Indignation against those , who have dealt so Injuriouslly with them , they return to the wayes of Virtue , whilst they endeavour to render themselves Unlike to those , against whom they have conceiv'd such Hatred . For 't is only the Power of the ALMIGHTY to which Evils become Good , whilst by the use He makes of them He draweth forth some Good Effect . For a certain Order Embraceth All things , so that whatsoever hath swerv'd from that Course , which by Providence was Primarily or Antecedently Assign'd unto it , it falls still within the Compass of Order , least any Chance , or Temerity should have any thing to do in the Kingdome of Providence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Wit of Man can never comprehend , nor his Eloquence Express all the Contrivances of the Divine Worke. Let it suffice that so much hath been made Known unto thee , that GOD , the Author of All Natures , so Ordereth , and Disposeth All things , as to Direct them to the True Good : whilst He makes those things , which He hath Produc'd to retein some Resemblance of Himselfe , by the Series of Fatal Necessity He Banisheth All Evill out of His Dominions . Whence it comes to pass that though Evill seems to Abound here upon Earth , if thou dost consider how All Events are Order'd , and Dispos'd by Providence , thou wilt not find any thing that deserves the name of Evill . But I see thou art over-burthen'd with the Weight of the Question , and wearied with the Prolixity of the Reasons I have produc'd for the Solution of it , and that thou dost expect to be Refresht with the Sweetness of Verse . Take a Draught then to strengthen thine Attention to that Part of my Discourse , which is yet behind . THE SIXTH VERSE . Philosophy praiseth Gods providence . IF with Pure Thought thou wilt Descry Jehovah's * Power , and Equity Looke up to Heav'n Above . There Natures League is kept : no Wars Were ever heard of there : the Stars Ne're broke the Bonds of Love. Sols Fiery Chariot keeps it's Course , Nor doth it with ungovern'd Force Phaebes Coole Wain o'rethrow . The Bear on High doth ne're Desire In the Deep Sea to plunge his Fire , Though other Stars do so . Vesper ne're failes to come at Night , And Lucifer still brings Day-Light , In which All things Rejoyce . Thus Love keeps them in their Right Way : Thus they all Discord drive away , And all Tumultuous Noise . This Peace the Elements doth guide : By This do Contraries abide In their Alternate Force . Drought yields to Moisture , Cold to Heat , Fire strives the highest Place to get , Earth downwards bends it's Course . And by those Causes doth the Spring New Leaves , and Flowres most fragrant bring : Hot Summer brings Ripe Corn : Autumn's the Time for Apples : then Black Winter brings the Cold agen , And makes large Showres return . Both Nourishment this Temper gives , And Birth , to ev'ry thing that Lives i th' Waters , or the Earth : And 't is the Same that Takes away What was Brought forth : All things Decay , That ever had their Birth . Whilst the Creator Sits on High , And Orders things both in the Skye , And in this World below , Almighty Lord , Eternal King , The LAW , and JVDGE , the Boundless Spring , From whence All Beings flow . He stops those Motions , which He gave : And settles things that fleet , and wave . For if Right Motions He Did not to Circlings turn again , Their Being things would not retain , But Vanish Instantly . All things Partake of this Great Love , That they may Rest in Good , they Move . For nothing could them save From Perishing , but Love that drawes Them back again to the First Cause Which Being to them gave . The SEVENTH PROSE . All fortune is good . DOST thou not see now what is the Consequence of all that I have said . What , quoth I ? That Every Fortune , or Outward Condition [ as it comes from GOD ] is Good. How is that , said I ? observe what I say , quoth she , sith Every Condition being either Pleasing , or Grievous , comes for the Rewarding , or Exercising of Good men ; or else for the Punishing , or Reforming of the Wicked ; whatsoever it is , it must needs be Good , which , 't is manifest , is the Instrument either of the Divine Justice , or Mercy . The Reason thou givest , said I , is most true : And if I consider Providence , and Fate , which thou didst shew me a little while since , this Conclusion is most Firm , and Irrefragable . But if thou wilt , let us put it into the number of those Positions , which , as thou saydst a little before are contrary to the Common Opinion . How so , quoth she ? Because quoth I , this speech is often in the Mouthes of men , that some have Ill Fortune . Wilt thou therefore , said she , that we yeild a little to the speeches of the Vulgar , least we seem to go too far from the Use and Custome of Mankind . As thou thinkest fit , said I. Dost thou not then judge that to be Good , which is Profitable ? yea surely , said I. But that Fortune , which either Exerciseth , or Correcteth is Profitable . True , said I. Therefore it is Good. Who can deny that ? But this belongs to them who being either Establisht in Virtue make War with Affliction ; or being Convinc'd of the Misery that comes on them by their Vices Break forth into the way of Virtue . I cannot but Acknowledge this , said I. But what , a Pleasing Condition , which is given as a Reward to Good men , do the Vulgar esteem it to be Evill ? In no wise : but , as it is , they judge it to be Exceeding Good. What of the other Condition , which , sith it is Sharpe , and Grievous , is for the Restraining of the Wicked by Just Punishment , do they suppose it to be Good ? Nay , quoth she , they judge it to be most Miserable . See then , if following even the Opinion of the Vulgar we have not Prov'd somewhat very contrary to the Common Opinion ? what , said I ? For from those things , said she , which have been granted , it must of necessity be infer'd that to Those who have Attein'd to the Full Possession of Virtue , or have made some Progress towards it , or are Really Inclin'd therunto , Every Condition is Good ; but to Those , who remain in their Wickedness Every Condition is Exceeding Evill . This is true , said I , though ther 's hardly any one , that dares Acknowledge it . Wherefore , said she , A Wise man ought not to be Troubled , when he is to Fight with Fortune , as it becomes not a Stout Souldier to be any way disturb'd when the Trumpet sounds an Alarm . For Hardship , and Difficulty is to the one an Occasion of enlarging his Renown , to the other of improving his Wisedome . And hence it is that True Goodness in the Hearts of Men is called VIRTUE , because it 's Virtue , Power , and Efficacy is such , that it can never be Overcome by any Adversity . For being Plac'd on the Borders of Virtue , you are not come hither to indulge to your vain Desires , and to lose your strength in the Enjoyment of Sensual Pleasures ; but here you must prepare your selves for a Fierce Encounter with Both Fortunes , that you may not be Cast down by Adversity , nor Corrupted by Prosperity . Stick to the Mean with all your Force . Whatsoever is beneath it , or goes beyond it , implies a Contempt of True Happiness , gives you not any Recompence for all your Labours . 'T is put to your Choice , what kind of Fortune you would rather have . For whatsoever seemeth to be Grievous , if it do not Exercise , or Reform , it Punisheth . The SEVENTH VERSE . Philosophy exhorteth to labours . HArd Labours made (a) Alcides Great : He did the Boasting (b) Centaurs Beat , He Skin'd the Lion strong , and Feirce With his own * Clawes : His Arrowes pierce The (c) Harpyes : He those Apples tooke , And scorn'd the Furious Dragons Looke : He Chain'd Black (d) Cerbe'rus : and 't is said That He Curs'd (e) Diomedes made Food for 's own Horses ; which he fed With Men , whose guiltless Bloud he shed . He made (f) Achelous loath to shew His Head : His strong Arm (g) Hydra Slew : (h) Antaeus on the Sands He cast : And made stout (i) Cacus breath his last . He Kill'd the Wild Bore : and at length High Atlas crav'd his Helpfull Strength : To bear up Heav'n He labour'd hard , And Heav'n it selfe was His Reward . Go , Valiant Men , where you are Led By Great Examples : let no Dread Or Sloth oppress your noble Brest : Endure these Pains , you 'll come to Rest . O're th' Earth extend your Victorys , And Heav'n above shall be your Prize . FINIS . ΗΣΥΧΙΑ . THer 's no disturbance in the Heav'ns Above , And Heav'nly Soules Do nothing else , but Love : No Anger , no Remorse , no Discontent Can seize a Soule , that 's Truly Innocent , And Aims at nought , but that she may Combine With All she finds , Like to Herselfe , Divine : And , Seeing things in such Confusion hurl'd , Does not Contend with , but Despise the World. DIVINE SOLITUDE . 1. BLest Solitude ! In Thee I found The only Way to Cure the Wound Of My Perplexed Heart . Here I Escap'd the Worlds loud Noise That Drowns Our Blessed SAVIOVRS Voice And makes Him to Depart . 2. Whilst thus Retir'd I do Attend To th' Words of MY Eternal FRIEND , How My Heart Leaps for Joy ! Love , and Rejoyce sayes He , but Know Ther 's no such thing , as Joy Below , The Pleasures There Destroy . 3. If Thou wilt Creatures Love , Be Sure Thou Keep Thy Heart In Me Secure : Know that I 'm ALL IN ALL. Then Whatsoe're those Creatures prove , Thou never shalt Repent Thy Love , Thy Hopes shall never Fall. 4. Thou shalt still have Thy Hearts Desire , And Sit down by th' AETHEREAL FIRE , When e're Thy Heart growes Cold. " But when I see a Friends Deep Griefe , " I 'm Griev'd , methinks , Beyond Relief , " This Griefe no words unfold . 5. If Thy Griev'd Friend will Love , sayes He , In Darke Affliction He shall See The Neerest Way to Bliss . But If He Mind the Worlds fond Toyes , And take the Sport of Apes for Joyes , He 's not Thine , Thou 'rt not His. 6. And thus we Talk , My LORD , and I : So do I Live Above the Skye Though Here I Move , and Breath . And when this Vapor's gone , I shall Enjoy to th' Full My ALL IN ALL , Not Dye , but Conquer Death . HALLELUIA . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28549-e1070 (a) Because she maketh her possessors reverend (b) Piercing and speculating the hidden nature of things . (c) Nalural and Moral Philosophy are not above mans common capacity : Astronomy toucheth the heavens , Metaphysicks or the knowledg of God and Angels , &c. Cannot be exactly comprehended . (d) Her aisputations or discourses . (e) Subtle Propositions . (f) Everlasting truth . (g) Because none without Philosophy can weave these discourses . (h) Learning neglected in the time of Boetius , and written obscurely by ancient Philosophers . (i) All sciences are to be obteined with Method . (k) Some sentences ill applyed to the defence of false opinions ; (l) She chiefly delighted in study and contemplation . (m) Next she was occupied in governing the Common wealth . (n) Logick from Elea , the City where Zeno was born cald therefore Eleates , and Aristotle studied , whose books of Logick Boëtius translated . (o) Such as Plato taught , whose school was cald Academia . (a) The intellectual and moral vertues . (b) Forgetfulness . (c) Some sentences which he could not altogether forget . (a) Philosophy the gift of God. (b) He was put to death at Athens for acknowledging one God and the immortality of the Soule . (c) False opinions alledge some sentences of Philosophy in a wrong sense . (d) He was wract by the Tyrant Nearchus , into whose face he spit out his tongue . (e) A Poet put to death by Caius the Emperour . (f) Neroes Schoole-master , who caused him to bleed to death . (g) A famous Poet acknowledging God , was crucified by some wicked men . (h) Because they follow not reason . (i) Right reason . (k) The powers of the Soule . (l) Of Vertue and contemplation . (m) Temporal things . (a) Proverbially spoken of those who are dull of apprehension , and no more mov'd with a discourse than an Ass with Musick . (b) The first cause of Boetius his griefe was his banishment and misery . (c) The second cause , because he had not deserved them , having a good intention in admitting promotion . (d) Thirdly , he deserved the contrary . (e) One of king Theodoricus his chiefest favorites . (f) The Gothes . (g) The fourth cause of his griefe , the baseness of his accusers and the open injustice of his accusation . (h) Fiftly , His chiefe offence was vertue . (i) Sixtly He was falsely accused and not permitted to use the testimony of his very accusers . (k) 7. He grieveth that wicked men are able to prevaile against the good . (l) 8. The Senators themselves of whom hee had deserved so well , were his enemies . (m) Ninthly , all conspired against him , no man had Compassion of him . (n) 10. He was condemned being abseat . (o) 11. He was falsly accused of Sacriledge . (p) 12. Philosophy and Learning dishonoured for his sake . (q) 13. The loss of estimation with the greatest part . (r) 14. The wicked encouraged and the good dismayed by his fall . (a) The same Star , is the Morning and Evening Star too , at several times of the year . (b) The name of a Star. a The Possession of thy selfe , and Right reason ▪ Notes for div A28549-e5540 (a) Profound wisdome and knowledge . (a) An arme of the Sea betwixt Phocides in Baeotia , and the I le Eubaea , which ●bs and flowes so swiftly 7 times in a day , that it carieth ships against the wind , yea the very wind it selfe Plin. lib. 2. (a) King of Persia ▪ (b) Paulus Aemilius , Consul of Rome . (c) Or Perses King of Macedonia . (d) This is taken out of Homer . Iliad . Vlt. (a) A burning hill in Sicily . (b) Nearchus or Diomedon . (c) Zeno Eleata . S●e Euseb . lib. 10 de praepar . Evang. & Suidas . (c) King of Egypt . (d) Marcus Attilius Regulus a Consul of Rome . (a) Nero caused Rome to burne for a weeke that he might conceive the overthrow of Troy. (b) Britannicus , to reign alone . (c) Agrippina . (a) In somnio Scipi●…nis . (b) A mountaine betwixt Scythia and India . (c) People of Asia maior . (a) A Consal of Rome , who made warre with Pirrhus King of the Epirotes , by whom hee could not be corrupted by bribes , and io whom he sent one that offered to , kill him . (b) A noble Romane , whom nothing could corrupt . (c) The first consul of Rome , who revenged Lucretias rape . (a) The Evening star . (b) The Moon . Notes for div A28549-e10290 (a) A river whose sands are sayd to be gold . (a) A famous Poet of Verona . (b) A wicked Romane his fir name was Struma which the Poet wittyly playd upon . Plin. lib. 37. nat . Hist . Vide * Aristotelis Eth. c. L. 8. C. 6. (1) The beast Lynx hath the quickest sight of any beast . Plin. lib. 32. Hist . nat . cap. ● . (b) A noble Captaine of Athens . (a) A river in Lydia . (a) Ovid Lib. 2. Metamor . & Macrob. Lib. I. Saturnal . (a) A Thracian Poet. (b) A three-headed Dog , Porter of Hell. (c) With which he is tormented in hell for attempting to commit adultery with June . (d) Who killed his own son to entertaine the Gods , and therefore is tormented with hunger and thirst . (e) Who would have committed adultery with Latona . (f) Orpheus's Wife . Notes for div A28549-e17340 * Saturn . * His meaning is not this , that men are Fatally , and Irresistibly Inclin'd to their Actions , but that those Fortunes , or Outward Events that befall them ( as we use to speake ) are Inevitably Assign'd to them by the Divine Providence , In the wayes of Justice , and Mercy Answerable to the Moral Goodness , or Pravity of their several Actions ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hierocles de Providentia , & Fato . * Jura . (a) Hercules . (b) Halfe men and halfe horses . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theocrit . Idyll : 25. (c) Huge birds in the fen called Stymphalas in Arcadia . (d) The Dog Cerberus who had 3. heads . (e) Diomedes King of Thracia , who fedd his horses with mans flesh . (f) Who had turned himselfe into the forme of a Bull. (g) A Serpent with 50. heads , which as fast as one was cut off had two grew up in the place . (h) The sone of Ne●tune , who by touching the earth recovered strength , and therefore Hercules held him up , and so slew him . (i) Vulcans son , who did cast out of his mouth fire and smoke . 
A34395	----	The principles of the most ancient and modern philosophy concerning God, Christ and the creatures ... being a little treatise published since the author's death, translated out of the English into Latin, with annotations taken from the ancient philosophy of the Hebrews, and now again made English / by J.C., Medicinæ Professor. Conway, Anne, 1631-1679. 1692 Approx. 210 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34395 Wing C5989 ESTC R8533 12029432 ocm 12029432 52717 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34395) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52717) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 60:15) The principles of the most ancient and modern philosophy concerning God, Christ and the creatures ... being a little treatise published since the author's death, translated out of the English into Latin, with annotations taken from the ancient philosophy of the Hebrews, and now again made English / by J.C., Medicinæ Professor. Conway, Anne, 1631-1679. Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713? [8], 168 p. Printed in Latin at Amsterdam by M. Brown, 1690, and reprinted at London, [London] : 1692. Attributed to Lady Anne Conway ; translation probably by Jodocus Crull. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.); DNB. Reproduction of original in British Library. 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God. 2006-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PRINCIPLES Of the most Ancient and Modern PHILOSOPHY , CONCERNING God , Christ , and the Creatures , viz. of Spirit and Matter in general ▪ whereby may be resolved all those Problems or Difficulties , which neither by the School nor Common Modern Philosophy , nor by the Cartesian , Hobbesian , or Spinosian , could be discussed . BEING A little Treatise published since the Author's Death , translated out of the English into Latin , with Annotations taken from the Ancient Philosophy of the Hebrews ; and now again made English . By J. C. Medicinae Professor . Printed in Latin at Amsterdam , by M. Brown , 1690. And Reprinted at London , 1692. ADVERTISEMENT . HAving the care of the Publication of this Piece committed to my Charge , I thought , for the Good of the Publick , to give them the knowledge of the following Elixir , &c. THE Elixir Proprietatis ( so highly commended by the Renowned Paracelsus and Helmont ) it resisteth all Putrefaction of the Blood , strengtheneth the Digestive Faculty . It s Excellent Virtues are prevalent in Curing of continual Fevers , Quotidian and Tertian Agues , Small Pox , and Measles , or Swine Pox , with other Pestilential Distempers ; as also the Palsy , Apoplexy , Falling-Sickness , Asthma's , Tabes , or Consumption of the Lungs . Its Dose is from 10 to 20 , 30 , or 40 drops in a Glass of Sack. This Noble Elixir is Philosophically prepared , by John Spire , Chymico Medicus , at four Shillings the Ounce . Who hath , by his Labour and Study in the Chymical Art , attained unto several secret Arcanums , ( not vulgarly known ) particularly a Soveraign Remedy for the Gout . If any one is desirous thereof , or the aforesaid Elixir Proprietatis , Let them apply themselves to my Friend , Mr. Dorman Newman , at the King's Arms in the Poultry , and the Author at his House in Horsty-down-Fairstreet , Southwark ; or at his Country House , at the upper end of Twitnam , near the Sign of the White-Hart , in Middlesex . TO THE READER . Courteous Reader . WE have ( for thy sake ) published this little Treatise , which was written not many Years ago , by a certain English Countess , a Woman learned beyond her Sex , being very well skill'd in the Latin and Greek Tongues , and excellently well vers'd in all kind of Philosophy ; who when she had first taken in the Principles of Cartes , and seeing its defects , afterwards by reading certain Writings of very Ancient Philosophy , she observed so many things , that she wrote these few Chapters for her own use ; but in a very dull and small Character ; which being found after her Death is partly transcribed ( for the rest could scarcely be read ) and published in Eatin , that thereby the whole World might be in some sort benefitted , and so the same become of Publick Good ; to the end that whosoever he be that worthily Esteems the Author , may acknowledge true Philosophy , and so the more easily shun those Errors , which are now , alas ! too common . Quibus tu fruere & vale . THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER . Judicious Reader , THOU may'st ( peradventure ) no less wonder at the strangeness of the Paradox , than at the publication hereof in an English Dialect , and the rather because it is no vulgar Theme , and consequently above the reach of vulgar Capacities , whom ( lest it should be more apt to distract than instruct ) I should rather advise to rest satisfied with what for the present they know , than either to covet or condemn more than they do , or are capable to apprehend : Yet , by the way , let me advise thee to suspend thy censures , ( which at first view , 't is probable , thou may'st be subject to entertain , ) as supposing the Doctrine herein asserted more easily oppugnable than indeed it is ) till thou hast passed a serious examination on all the particulars herein insisted upon : For Aliquando mens cogitat quae ratio non probat . As to the Translation it self , as I hope none but envious Criticks will be offended thereat , so I shall endeavour , though briefly , yet fully , to satisfie every impartial and unprejudiced Reader , both as to the Circumstance , and principal Reason inducing me hereunto , which is as follows . Being some time since in Holland , and in Conference with the renowned F. M. B. van Helmont , then resident at Amsterdam , it so hapned that I demanded of the said Helmont , if he had published , or did intend to publish any new Books of his own , or others Works , who presently directed we where I might procure certain Books , published by his Order , which accordingly I did ; two whereof were extant in Latin , the other in Nether-Dutch ; this being the Works of an English Countess ( after a brief perusal ) I have endeavoured to render into an English Stile , as familiar as the Language would conveniently admit , without some abuse to the Author . One Reason that led me to it , was the earnest request of a Friend ; the other was , that I did not doubt but this little Treatise might happen into the Hands of some ingenious and well-disposed Persons , who ( though not furnished with those artificial Helps and Advantages that Learning usually affords ; yet nevertheless being qualified by a natural pregnancy of parts , by many serious Studies and deliberate Thoughts of this or the like Nature ) might be competent Judges of such Mysteries ; or that it might fortunately light into the Hands of such whose eminency of Learning , and maturity of Judgment , might render them either willing to approve it , or able to refute it , and that too with a better Salvo of Divine Attributes than is done in this Treatise . Now , wishing thee the compleat enjoyment of all Temporal Blessings here , and the full fruition and possession of Eternal Happiness hereafter , I conclude this present Epistle , and subscribe myself Thine , in all real Service , J. C. The Principles of the Ancient and Modern Philosophy : Concerning God , Christ , and the Creature ; that is , concerning Spirit , and Matter in General . CHAP. I. Concerning GOD , and his Attributes . § . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Of God and his Divine Attributes . § . 6 , 7. How a Trinity may be conceived to be in God , according to the Scriptures ; and yet without Offence to Turks , Jews , or any other People ; though we should omit the Terms of Three distinct Persons , which are neither built upon Scripture or sound Reason . § . 1. GOD is a Spirit , Light , and Life , infinitely Wise , Good , Just , Mighty , Omniscient , Omnipresent , Omnipotent , Creator and Maker of all things visible and invisible . See Adumbratio Kabbalae Christianae , Chap. 2. § . 2. — 7. Kabbal . denud . Tom. 2. Part 3. § . 2. IN God there is neither Time nor Change , nor Composition , nor Division of Parts : He is wholly and universally one in himself , and of himself , without any manner of Variety or Mixture : He hath no manner of Darkness , or Corporiety in him , and so consequently no kind of Form or Figure whatsoever . See Philosoph . Kabbalistic . dissertatio . ch . 3. in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part 3. § . 3. HE is also in a proper and real sence , a Substance or Essence distinct from his Creatures , although he is not divided , or separated from them ; but most strictly and in the highest degree intimately present in them all ; yet so as they are not parts of him , nor can be changed into him , nor he into them : He is also in a true and proper sence a Creator of all Things , who doth not only give them their Form and Figure , but also Being , Life , Body , and whatsoever else of Good ▪ they have . See Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part 2. Pag. 30. 332. § . 4. SEEING then that in him there is no Time , nor any Mutability , hence it is that in him there can exist no new Knowledge or Will , but his Knowledge and Will are Eternal , and without or above time . See Philosoph . Kabbalistic . Dissertatio 3. Ch. 1. in Kabbal . denudat . Tom. 1. Part. 3. & ibid. Ch. 6. § . 5. LIKEWISE in God there can exist no Passion , which to speak properly comes from his Creatures : For every Passion is something Temporal , and hath its Beginning , and end with Time. § . 6. IN God is an Idea , which is the Image of himself , or a Word existing within him ; which in Substance or Essence is one and the same with him , by which he knows not only himself , but all other things , and according to which , yea by which Idea or Word , all things were made and created . § . 7. BY the like Reason in God is a Spirit or Will which proceeds from him , and yet as to Substance or Essence is something one with him , by which Creatures receive their Being and Activity : For Creatures have their Being and Existence simply and alone from him , because God would have them to be , whose Will is according to Knowledge most infinite . And thus Wisdom and Will in God , are not a certain Substance or Being distinct from him ; but only distinct Manners or Properties of one and the same Substance ; and seeing this is that which some of the Wisest and most Judicious Christians understand by the Word Trinity . If now we should neglect that ▪ Phrase of Three distinct Persons , which is a Stone of Offence to Jews as well as Turks , and other People , and indeed in it self hath no sound Reason , nor can be any where found in Scripture ; yet all would easily agree in this point : For they cannot deny that God hath Wisdom , and an Essential Idea , and such a Word in himself by which he knows all things ; and when they grant he giveth all Things their Being , they will be necessarily forced to acknowledge that there is a Will in him , by which he can accomplish and bring that into Act which was hid in the Idea , that is , can produce it , and from thence make a distinct Essential Substance ; and this alone is to create , viz. the Essence of a Creature : Nevertheless the Idea alone doth not give being to the Creature ; but the Will join'd with the Idea , as when a Master-Builder conceives in his Mind the Idea of an House , he doth not build that House by the Idea alone , but the Will is joined with the Idea , and co-operates therewith . Annotations on this first Chapter . THE Ancient Hypothesis of the Hebrews , as to what pertains to the latter Contents of this Chapter , is this : 1. Seeing God was of all the most exceeding great and infinite Light , and yet the chiefest Good : For this Reason he would make Creatures to whom he might communicate himself : But these could in no wise bear the exceeding greatness of his Light : And hereunto belong those Scripture sayings , God dwelleth in an inapproachable Light. No Man hath seen God at any Time , &c. 2. He diminished therefore ( for the sake of his Creatures ) the highest Degree of his most intense Light , that there might be room for his Creatures , from whence Place immediately arose , as it were a certain Circular Vacuity or Space of Worlds . 3. This Vacuum was not a mere Privation or Non ens , but a certain real Position of Light , diminutively , which was the Soul of the Messias , called by the Hebrews , Adam Kadmon , which filled all that whole Space . 4. This Soul of the Messias was united with that whole Light of the Divinity , which remained within that Vacuum , in a more mild degree , that could be born , and with it made up one Subject . 5. This Messias ( called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Word , or First Begotten Son of God , ) having made a new Diminution of his Light , for the benefit of his Creatures , framed or made within himself the whole Series or Orders of all Creatures . 6. To whom he might farther communicate the Light or Rays of his Divine Nature , as the Objects of Contemplation and Love ; which were the unitive Acts of the Creator and Creatures ; in which Union the Happiness of the Creatures did consist . 7. Here therefore occurs the Trinity of Divine Representation : And the first Conception is , that God is infinite , to be considered without and above Production . Secondly , God is the same as in the Messias . Thirdly , That God is the same , as when with the Messias in the Creatures fitted by the least degree of Light to the perception of his Creatures . Hitherto belongs that Scripture , saying , No ●lan hath seen God at any time : the Son who is in the Bosom of the Father hath revealed him to us . 8. But it is common with the Hebrews to use the Term of Persons , yet so as that by it they do not mean a singular Suppositum , but a Conception only , or kind of Representation , or Method of Consideration . See Adumbratio Kabbal . Christian . Chap. 23. CHAP. II. § . 1. Although Creatures are not Co-eternal with God ; yet they had infinite Times from the Beginning . § . 2. So that no Number of Years , no not the greatest that any created Intellect can conceive , can reach to their Beginning . § . 3. Creatures were in one sence from Eternity , and in another sence not from Eternity . § . 4. Infinity of Times is proved from the infinite Goodness of God. § . 5. It is an Essential Attribute of God to be a Creator . § . 6. What Time is , and how the same cannot be in God : § . 1. FORASMUCH as all Creatures are , and do exist simply , or alone from him ; because God willed them to be , whose Will is infinitely powerful , and whose Commandment , without any Instrument or Instrumental Cause , is the only Efficient to give Being unto his Creatures : Hence it necessarily follows , seeing the Will of God is Eternal , or from Eternity , that Creation must immediately follow the said Will , without any Interposition of Time : And though it cannot be said , that Creatures considered in themselves , are Co-eternal with God ; because after this rate Eternity and Time would be confounded together ; yet nevertheless the Creatures , and that Will which created then , are so mutually present , and so immediately happen one after another ; that nothing can be said to come in between ; even as if two Circles should immediately touch each other : Neither can we assign any other Beginning to Creatures , but God himself , and his Eternal Will , which is according to his Eternal Idea or Wisdom . Hence it follows by Natural Consequence , that Times from the Creation are Infinite , and without all Number , which no created Intellect can conceive : How then can this be Finite or Measured , which had no other beginning but Eternity it self . § . 2. BUT if any one will say , Times are Finite , then let us suppose the Measure of them from the Beginning , to be about 6000 Years , ( even as some do think that the whole Age of this World , from the Beginning , is of no greater Extent , ) or with others ( who think , that before this World , there was another invisible World , from whence this visible World proceeded ; ) let us suppose the Duration of this World to be 600000 Years , or any other Number of Years , as great as can be by any Reason conceived : Now I demand whether it could be , that the World was created before this time ? If they deny it , they limit the Power of God to a certain Number of Years ; if they affirm it , they allow Time to be before all time , which is a manifest Contradiction . § . 3. THESE things being premised it will be easie to Answer to that Question , wherewith Numbers have been so exceedingly perplexed : Whether Creation was made or could be made from Eternity , or from Everlasting ? If by Eternity , and Everlasting , they mean an Infinite Number of Times ; in this sence Creation was made from Everlasting : But if they mean such an Eternity , as God himself hath , so as to say , Creatures are Equal or Co-eternal with God , and to have no beginning of Time , this is false : For both Creatures and Times ( which are nothing else but successive Motions and Operations of Created Beings ) had a Beginning , which is God or the Eternal Will of God. And why should it seem strange to any one that Times in their whole Collection or Universality , may be said to be Infinite , when the least part of Time that can be conceived , contains in it self a kind of Infinity ? For as there is no Time so great , that a greater cannot be conceived ; so there is no time so small , but there may be a less ; for the sixtieth part of a Minute may be divided into sixty other parts , and these again into others , and so ad infinitum . § . 4. BUT the Infiniteness of Times from the beginning of Creation may be likewise demonstrated from the Goodness of God ; For God is infinitely Good , Loving , and Bountiful ; yea , Goodness and Charity it self ; an infinite Fountain , and Father of Goodness , Charity , and Bounty . Now how can it be , that this Fountain shall not always plentifully flow , and send from it self Living Waters ? And shall not this Ocean perpetually abound with its own Efflux to the Production of Creatures , and that with a certain continual Stream ? For the Goodness of God in its own proper Nature is Communicative , and Multiplicative , and seeing in him nothing is wanting , neither can any thing be added unto him , by reason of his absolute fulness , and transcendent fertility : And also seeing by the same reason he cannot multiply himself , which would be all one , as if we should imagine there were more Gods than one , which is contradictory : Now it necessarily follows , that he did give Being to his Creatures from everlasting , or Times without Number ; or else this Communicative Goodness of God , which is his Essential Attribute , would be something Finite , and its Duration consist of a certain Number of Years , than which nothing is more absurd . § . 5. IT is an Essential Attribute of God , to be a Creator , and so by Consequence God ever was a Creator , and ever will be a Creator , because otherwise he would be changed . And therefore Creatures ever were , and ever will be ; but the Eternity of Creatures is nothing else , but an Infinity of Times , in which they ever were , and ever will be without end : Neither is this Infiniteness of Times equal to the Infiniteness of God's Eternity ; because the Eternity of God himself , hath no Times in it ▪ nothing therein can be said to be past , or to come , but the whole is always present : He is indeed in Times ; but not comprehended of them . Although the Hebrews seem to speak somewhat different from this ( as appears in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part 2. pag. 29 , 30. and Philosoph . Kabbal . dissertat . 3. Ch. 6 , 7. in Kab . denud . Tom. 1. Part 3. ) yet they do not contradict this Opinion , because they allow an indefinite Duration of Times . Confes . Adumbrat . Kabbal . Christian . Ch. 7. § . 4 , 5 , 7. in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 2. Tract . ult . § . 6. AND the reason hereof is manifest ; because Time is nothing else but the successive Motion or Operation of Creatures ; which Motion or Operation , if it should cease , Time would also cease , and the Creatures themselves would cease with Time : Wherefore such is the Nature of every Creature , that it is in Motion , or hath a certain Motion , by means of which it advances forward , and grows to a farther perfection . And seeing in God there is no successive Motion or Operation to a farther perfection ; because he is most absolutely perfect . Hence there are no Times in God or his Eternity . AND moreover , because there are no Parts in God , there are also no Times in him ▪ for all Times have their Parts , and are indeed infinitely divisible , as before was said . CHAP. III. § . 1. God is the most free Agent , and yet of all the most necessary . § . 2. Indifferency of Will , which the School-men imagined to be in God , is a mere Fiction . § . 3. God created the World , not for any external necessity , but out of the internal impulse of his Divine Goodness and Wisdom . § . 4. Creatures were created Infinite , and there are Worlds Infinite . § . 5. The least Creature that we can conceive hath within it Infinite Creatures . § . 6. Yet that doth not make Creatures equal with God. § . 7. A refutation of those imaginary Spaces , which the Schools did imagine to exist without the Creatures . § . 8. Successive Motion hath no place in God. § . 9. An Answer to the Objection . § . 10. All Creatures are united after a certain manner . § . 1. MOREOVER , if the afore-mentioned Attributes of God be duly considered , and especially these two ; to wit , his Wisdom and Goodness , that Indifferency of Will , which the Schoolmen , and Philosophers falsly so called , have imagined to be in God , will be utterly refuted , and wholly turned out of Doors ; which also they have improperly called Free-Will ; for although the Will of God be most free , so that whatsoever he doth in the behalf of his Creatures , he doth freely without any external Violence , Compulsion , or any Cause coming from them : Whatsoever he doth , he doth of his own accord : Yet that Indifference of acting , or not acting , can by no means be said to be in God ▪ because this were an Imperfection , and would make God like corruptible Creatures ; for this Indifference of Will is the Foundation of all Change , and Corruptibility in Creatures ; so that there would be no evil in Creatures if they were not changeable . Therefore , if the same should be supposed to be in God , he must be supposed to be changeable , and so would be like corruptible Man , who often doth a thing out of his mere pleasure , not out of a true and solid Reason , or the guidance of Wisdom ; in which he is like to those Cruel Tyrants which are in the World , who act many things out of their mere Will or Pleasure , relying on their Power , so that they can render no other Reason for what they do , than that it is their mere Pleasure ; whereas any good Man of them that acts , or is about to act , can render a suitable reason for it ; and that because he knows and understands that true Goodness and Wisdom hath required him to do it , wherefore he Wills that it be effected , because it is just , so that if he should not do it he would neglect his Duty . § . 2. FOR true Justice or Goodness hath in it self no Latitude or Indifference ; but is like unto a certain right line , drawn from one point to another , where it cannot be said two or more Lines can be indifferently drawn between two Points , and yet all right Lines ; because there can be but one that is a right Line , and the rest will be crooked or bending , and that more or less as they depart , or are distant from that one right Line , above-mentioned : Whence it is manifest , this Indifference of Will hath no place in God , by reason it is an Imperfection ; who though he be the most free Agent , yet he is also above all the most necessary Agent ; so that it is impossible that he should not do , whatsoever he doth in or for his Creatures ; Seeing his Infinite Wisdom , Goodness , and Justice , is a Law unto him , which he cannot Transgress . Philosoph . Kabbal . dissertat . 3. Cap. 6 , 7. in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part. 3. § . 3. HENCE therefore it evidently follows , that it was not indifferent to God , whether he would give Being to his Creatures or no ; but he made them out of a certain internal impulse of his Divine Wisdom and Goodness , and so he created the World or Creatures assoon as he could : For this is the Nature of a necessary Agent , to do whatsoever it can ; therefore seeing he could create the World or Creatures in Infinite Times , before 6000 Years , or before 60000 Years , or 600000 , &c. Hence it follows he hath done it ; For God can entirely do that which implies no contradiction ; but this doth not imply a contradiction , if the Worlds or Creatures be said to have been or existed in Infinite Times , before this Moment ; even as they are Infinite Times after this Moment : If there be no contradiction in the latter , there is also no contradiction in the former . § . 4. THESE Attributes duly considered , it follows , that Creatures were created in Infinite Numbers , or that there is an Infinity of Worlds or Creatures made of God : For seeing God is infinitely powerful , there can be no Number of Creatures so great , that he cannot always make more : And because , as is already proved , he doth whatsoever he can do ; certainly his Will , Goodness , and Bounty , is as large and extensive as his Power ; whence it manifestly follows , that Creatures are Infinite , and created in Infinite Manners ; so that they cannot be limited or bounded with any Number or Measure : For Example ; Let us suppose the whole Universality of Creatures to be a Circle , whose Semi-diameter shall contain so many Diameters of the Earth , as there are Grains of Dust , or Sand , in the whole Globe of the Earth ; and if the same should be divided into Atomes , so small that 100000 of them could be contained in one grain of Poppy-seed : Now who can deny , but the Infinite Power of God , could have made this Number greater , and yet still greater , even to an Infinite Multiplication ? Seeing it is more easie to this Infinite Power , to multiply the real Beings of Creatures , than for a skilful Arithmetician to make any Number greater and greater , which can never be so great , but that it may be ( by Addition or Multiplication ) encreased ad infinitum : And farther , seeing it is already demonstrated , that God is a necessary Agent , and doth whatsoever he can do : It must needs be , that he doth multiply , and yet still continues to multiply and augment the Essences of Creatures , ad infinitum . Concerning Infinity see Philosoph . Kabbal . Dissert . 1. Cap. 6. Dissert . 3. C. 1. in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part. 3. Whence Creatures are rather termed Indefinite than Infinite . § . 5. ALSO by the like Reason is proved , that not only the whole Body or System of Creatures considered together , is Infinite , or contains in it self a kind of Infinity ; but also that every Creature , even the least that we can discern with our Eyes , or conceive in our Minds , hath therein such an Infinity of Parts , or rather entire Creatures , that they cannot be numbred ; even as it cannot be denied , that God can place one Creature within another , so he can place two as well as one , and four as well as two , so also eight as well as four , so that he could multiply them without end , always placing the less within the greater . And seeing no Creature can be so small , that there cannot be always a less ; so no Creature is so great that there cannot be always a greater : Now it follows , that in the least Creature there may exist , or be comprehended Infinite Creatures , which may be all of them Bodies , and after a sort , in regard of themselves , impenetrable one of another . As to those Creatures which are Spirits , and can penetrate each other , in every created Spirit , there may be some Infinity of Spirits , all which Spirits may be of equal extension , as well with the aforesaid Spirit , as they are one with another ; for in this case those Spirits are more Subtile and Aethereal , which penetrate the Gross and more Corporeal , whence here can be no want of Room , that one must be constrained to give place to another . Of the Nature of Bodies and Spirits , more shall be said in its proper place , this being sufficient to demonstrate , that in every Creature , whether the same be a Spirit or a Body , there is an Infinity of Creatures , each whereof contains an Infinity , and again each of these , and so ad infinitum . § . 6. ALL these do greatly extol and set forth the great Power and Goodness of God , for that his Eternity is clearly seen by the Works of his Hands ; yea in every Creature that he hath made : Nor can it be objected , we make Creatures equal with God ; for as one Infinite may be greater than another , so God is still Infinitely greater than all his Creatures , and that without any comparison . And thus indeed the Invisible Things of God are clearly seen , as they are understood by , or in those things , which are made ; for by how much the greater and more Magnificent the Works are , by so much the more is the Greatness of the Workman seen : Therefore those who teach , that the whole Number of Creatures is Finite , and consists of so many Individuals as may be numbred ; and that the whole Body of the Universe takes up just so many Acres or Miles , or Diameters of the Earth , according to Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , consider so great Majesty with too low and unbeseeming a Conception ; and so that God which they fansie to themselves , is not the true God , but an Idol of their own Imagination , whom they confine to so narrow an Habitation , as a few little Bees shut up within the limits of an Hive , containing the measure of a few Inches : for what else is that World , which they suppose , in respect of that truly great and Universal World above described ? § . 7. BUT if they say , they do not shut up God within this Finite Universe , but do imagine him to exist in Infinite imaginary Spaces , as well without as within it . To this may be answered , If those Spaces are merely imaginary ; certainly then they are nothing but Foolish Fictions of the Brain ; but if they are real Beings , what can they be but Creatures of God ? Besides , either God Works in those Spaces , or he doth not : if he doth not , then God is not there ; for wheresoever he is , there he worketh ; seeing this is his Nature , that he must so act , as it is the Nature of Fire to burn , or of the Sun to shine : For so God perpetually worketh ; and his Work is to Create , or give Being to Creatures , according to that Eternal Idea or Wisdom which is in him . According to the Hebrews , God is Infinite , whom they call Aensoph ; for that he is said to exist without the Space of the World , because the Creature could not contain the Immensity of his Light. See what is said in Annotations on the First Chapter . Neither is he said to exist in imaginary Spaces , because no place plainly agrees with God ; but he may be said to operate there by his simple activity : But whatsoever is wrought in , and by the way of the Creatures , is done by the Messias , who is not so Immense as Aens●ph himself . § . 8. BUT this continual Action or Operation of God , as it is in him , or proceeds from him , or hath respect unto him , is one only continual Act or Command of his Will , neither hath Time or Succession in it ; nor first , nor latter ; but is together , and always present with God ; so that nothing of him is either past or to come , because he hath not parts : But so far as he appears or terminates in Creatures , he hath Time and Succession of parts : And though this may seem very difficult to be comprehended , yet it can be sufficiently evinced by sound reason : And will not this plain and common Example following , a little help our Understanding herein ? Suppose a great Circle or Wheel to be moved by a Centre , whereas the Centre always remains in one place , even as some do think the Sun after this manner to be moved about his Centre ( by some Angel or Spirit remaining in the Centre ) within the space of so many days . Now albeit the Centre moves the whole Wheel , and causes a great and continual Motion in the same ; yet that always resteth , neither is it in the least moved : How much more then is the same in God , who is the First Mover in all his Creatures , according to all their true and appointed Motions , yet he is not moved of them ? But that in him which hath an Analogy or Agreement with the Motions or Operations of Creatures , is the Government of his Will , which ( to speak properly ) is not Motion , because every Motion is successive , and cannot have place in God , as is above demonstrated . § . 9. BUT against what we have delivered ( that the least Creature conceivable , hath in it Infinite Creatures ; so that the least Particle of Body or Matter may be Infinite ways extended , and divided into parts less , and yet still lesser , and lesser ) some may frame this following Objection . That which is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can any ways be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; but Matter or Body ( to wit , that Matter that is entire or compound ) is actually divisible so far as an actual division can any ways be made , therefore , &c. I Answer , this Argument labours under that fallacy which Logicians call Compositiones non Componendorum , which is a Conjunction of Words , or Terms , that imply a contradiction or absurdity , and that appears in this Term , actually divisible , which signifies one and the same thing to be divided , and not to be divided ; for Actually denotes Division , and Divisible not Division , but only a capacity to be divided , which is as absurd and contradictory , as if one should say visibly blind , or sensibly insensible , or livingly dead ; but if by the Terms Actually Divisible , they do not mean two , but only one thing , to wit , that it is either really divided , or only divisible , we shall easily discover the Fallacy : For , First , if by Actually Divisible , they mean nothing else but that which is divided , in this sence I grant the Major , to wit , that that which is really divided , so far as an actual division can any ways be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; but by the same reason the Minor is false , viz. that Matter is divided so far as an Actual Division can possibly be made . But , Secondly , if by that which they call Actually Divisible , they mean a thing only divisible , or in which there is a power or capacity to be so divided : Now I deny the Major , to wit , That that which is divisible , so far as division can be made , is divisible into parts indiscerpible ; and besides in this sence , that proposition is merely Tautological , and a needless repetition of the same thing , just as this would be ; whatsoever can be removed out of its place , in as much as it can be removed , may be removed to some certain distance ; but London or Rome may be removed out of their place , in as much as they may be removed , Ergo , &c. By the same way of Argument may be proved , that the Soul of Man consists of a Finite Number of Years only , in which it doth exist , or hath a Being , and consequently that it is Mortal , and hath an end ; to wit , thus , that whose Time or Duration is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can possibly be made , shall have an end , and is divisible into a Finite Number of Years ; but the Time or Duration of the Soul is actually divisible , so far as an actual division can possibly be made , Ergo , &c. But if it be denied , that the Time of the Soul ( if it should come to such a division of Years ) shall then have an end ; but that it is possible for it to re-assume another Time after this First , and so ad infinitum . Now , I say the same , which is , that Matter if it should come to such a division , may indeed have an end of that division ; but yet may admit of another division after this First , and so ad infinitum . And here is to be noted , when I say the least Particle of Body , or Matter so called , may be always divided into parts , less , ad infinitum ; so that no actual division can be made in any Matter , which is not always farther divisible , or capable to be divided into less parts , and that without end ; yet I would not hereby determine , what the Absolute Power of God will or can do ; as some do vainly and grosly dispute ; but only hint what the Power of God probably may do , or will do , so far as he operates in and with his Creatures , to wit , in as much as in all Productions , and Generations , as also in all Resolutions and Divisions , in the Nature of Bodies , or the Creature , he never divides nor never can divide any Body into such small parts , that each of these is not always capable of a farther division ; for the Body of no Creature can ever be reduced into its least parts ; yea , into such that it cannot be reduced back again , either by the most subtile operation of any Creature , or created Power : And this Answer may suffice to our present purpose : For God makes no division in any Body or Matter , but so far as he co-operates with the Creatures , and therefore he never reduces Creatures into their least parts ; because then all Motion and Operation in Creatures would cease ; ( for it is the Nature of all Motion to wear and divide a thing into subtiler parts ; ) for to do this would be contrary to the Wisdom and Goodness of God ; for if all Motion and Operation should cease in any particular Creature , that Creature would be altogether unprofitable and useless in the Creation , and so would be no better than if it were a mere non ens , or nothing . But as was said before , God cannot do that which is contrary to his Wisdom and Goodness , or any of his Attributes . [ Mathematical Division of Things , is never made in Minima ; but Things may be Physically divided into their least parts ; as when Concrete Matter is so far divided that it departs into Physical Monades , as it was in the first State of its Materiality . Concerning the Production of Matter , see Kab . denud . Tom. 1. Part 2. pag. 310. following ; and Tom. 2. the last Tract , pag. 28. Numb . 4 , 5. then it is again fit to resume its Activity , and become a Spirit , as it happens in our Meats . ] § . 10. MOREOVER the consideration of this Infinite Divisibility of every thing , into parts always less , is no unnecessary or unprofitable Theory , but a thing of very great moment ; viz. that thereby may be understood the Reasons and Causes of Things ; and how all Creatures from the highest to the lowest are inseparably united one with another , by means of Subtiler Parts interceding or coming in between , which are the Emanations of one Creature into another , by which also they act one upon another at the greatest distance ; and this is the Foundation of all Sympathy and Antipathy which happens in Creatures : And if these things be well understood of any one , he may easily see into the most secret and hidden Causes of Things , which ignorant Men call occult Qualities . CHAP. IV. § 1. Whether God Created all Creatures together , orin Succession of time . § . 2. That in the Man Christ all things consist , and have their Being . § . 3. That Christ according to his Humanity , is the First Born of all Creatures . § . 4. But no Creature can ever reach so far as to be equal with him . § . 1. FROM what hath been already said , it is easie to Answer to that intricate Question , viz. Whether God Created all Creatures together , or one after another ? If the Word Create hath respect to God himself , or the Internal Command of his Will , it is made altogether ; but if unto Creatures that is done successively ; for as it is the Nature , and Essential Attribute of God to be unchangeable , and without succession ; so the Nature of Creatures is to be changeable and successive : But if the Word Create respects the Universals , Seeds , and Principles of all Things which ( in subordination to God , who is the Principal Beginning of all Things ) are , as it were Springs and Fountains from whence Creatures did flow in the order of their succession ; so it may be said all Creatures were Created together , and especially if regard be had to the Messias , or Christ , who is the First Begotten of all Creatures , by whom all Things are said to be made ; as John declares it , and Paul expresly affirms , that by Jesus Christ all Things were made , both visible and invisible . § . 2. JESUS CHRIST also signifies whole Christ , who is God and Man , as he is God , he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Essential Word of the Father , as he is Man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Word expressed or brought forth , the perfect , and substantial Image of that Word which is in God , and eternally , or for ever united with him ; so that this is its Vehicle and Organ , as the Body is in respect of the Soul ; of which Word brought forth , which is the Wisdom of God , mention is made in divers places , as well of the New as of the Old Testament , as Prov. 8. 22. 31. and Prov. 3. 19. Psal . 33. 6. Psal . 22. 2. Psal . 110. p. 1. Joh. 11. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. Ephes . 3. 9. Col. 1. 15 , 16 , 17. Which place , viz. of Col. 1. 15 , 16 , 17 contains in it an Explication of the former , to wit , that by Son , by Word or Wisdom , or by any of his Attributes , God is not simply and nakedly understood : for how can any of his Attributes be called the invisible Image of God , seeing this is equally as invisible as himself , whence Image denotes something that is brought into visibility , and which after a peculiar manner reveals and represents the invisible God more than any Creature . § . 3. AND for the same reason he is called of Paul , in the place above-cited , the First Begotten of all Creatures , wherein is signified the relation he hath to Creatures , which were all in their Primitive State , as it were Sons of God ; whereas he is the First Begotten of all those Sons , who ( as I may so say ) are as it were the Sons of this First Begotten Son of God. And therefore in him all Things are said to consist or have their Existence ; for that they did arise from him as Branches from the Root , yet so as that they still remain in him after a certain manner . § . 4. NOT as though they were equal to him , or of the same Nature with him , because then none of them could ever have degenerated , and been changed from Good into Evil ; wherefore , they are of a Nature far inferior , in respect of the First Begotten ; so that , to speak properly , they can never be changed into him , nor he into the Father . The highest pitch they can reach unto is this , that is to become more like unto him , as the Scripture declares : Whence our Sonship ( who are but mere Creatures ) is called Adoption . CHAP. V. § . 1. That the Ancient Cabbalists acknowledged such a First Begotten Son of God , whom they called the Heavenly Adam , the First Adam , and great Priest . § . 2. That Christ is a Medium between God , and all Creatures . § . 3. That there is such a middle Being , is as demonstrable from the Principles of sound reason , as that there is a God. § . 4. That God is immediately present , as well in Christ , as in all Creatures . § . 5. That Christ is unchangeable unto Evil , and changeable unto Good ; and so partakes both of Divinity and Creaturality , and also of Eternity and Time. § . 6. That neither Christ , nor those that are perfectly united with him , are Subject to the Laws of Time , inasmuch as it denotes the Destruction of Things . § . 7. In what sence we are said to depart out of Time , and to climb above it into a higher Region . ALTHOUGH we have already , in the aforegoing Chapter , spoken a few things concerning the Son of God , who is the First Begotten of all Creatures ; yet more remains to be said of this matter ▪ very necessary for the right understanding of what follows ; to which purpose we have here designed a peculiar Chapter . § . 1. BY the Son of God , the First Begotten of all Creatures , whom we Christians do call by the Name of Jesus Christ , according to the Scriptures , as is above declared , not only is meant his Divinity , but also his Humanity , in Eternal Union with the Divinity ; that is , as his Heavenly Humanity was united with the Divinity before the World was , and so by consequence before he came in the Flesh . Of whom the Ancient Cabbalists have delivered many things , viz. concerning the Son of God , how he was created , and of his Existence in the Order of Nature , before all Creatures ; also that all receive Benediction and Sanctification in him , and by him , whom also in their Writings they call the Heavenly Adam , Adam Kadmon , or First Man , the Great Priest , Husband , or Spouse of the Church , as Philo Judaeus calls the First Begotten Son of God. § . 2. THIS Son of God , the First Begotten of all Creatures , to wit , this Heavenly Adam , and Great Priest , as the Jewish Doctors call him , is properly a Medium between God and the Creatures . And that there is such a Middle Being , is as ●●●onstrable as that there is a God ; wh●r● is meant such a Being , which in its own Nature is indeed less than God , and yet greater and more excellent than all other Creatures ; whence also for his Excellency he is properly called the Son of God. Concerning this Son of God , who is called by the Jews , Adam Kadmon , more may be seen in Kabbal . denudat . Tom. 1. Part. 1. p. 28 , 30. Part. 2. p. 33. following , 37 following . Part 3. p. 31. unto the 64. p. 37 , — 78 , &c. And Kabb. denud . Tom. 2. Part 2. p. 244. And Tract . ult . p. 6 , 7. — 26. § . 3. IN order to this Demonstration we must first consider the Nature or Being of God , the chiesest Being ; and then the Nature and Essence of Creatures , which are to be compared one with another , whence this middle Nature will immediately discover it self to us . The Nature and Essence of God , as is shown in the preceeding Chapters , is altogether unchangeable , which not only the Holy Scriptures , but also the Strength of Reason which God hath indued our Minds with , sufficiently declares ; For if there should be any Mutability in God , it must needs tend to some higher degree or measure of Goodness , and then he would not be the Chiefest Good , which is contradictory ; for if any thing advances to a greater degree of Goodness , this wholly comes to pass by reason of some greater Being , of whose Vertue and Influence it doth participate : But there is no greater Being than God , and so by consequence he is no way meliorated , nor can become better than he is , much less decrease , which would argue an Imperfection ; therefore it is manifest that God , or the Chiefest Being , is altogether unchangeable . Now seeing the Nature of Creatures is really distinct from the Nature of God , so that there are some Attributes of God , which are incommunicable to Creatures , among which is reckoned Immutability : Hence it necessarily follows that Creatures are changeable , or else they would be God himself : Moreover also daily experience teaches us that Creatures are changeable , and do continually vary from one State unto another : But there is a two-fold Mutability , the one whereof hath a Power in it of changing it self either unto Good or Evil ; and this is common to all Creatures , but not to the First Begotten of all Creatures ; the other is only a Power to , proceed from Goodness to Goodness . Here is therefore a three-fold Classis or rank of Beings : The First whereof is that which is wholly unchangeable : The Second changeable only to Good ▪ so that that which in its own Nature is Good , may become yet better : The Third is that which though it was in its own Nature indeed Good ; yet could be indifferently changed , as well into Good , as from Good into Evil. The first and last of these are Extreams ; and the second is a Natural Medium between them , by which the Extreams are united , and this Medium partakes of both Extreams , and therefore is the most convenient and proper Medium ; for it partakes of the one Extream , viz. Mutability , to wit , from Good to a greater degree or measure of Goodness , and of the other Extream , viz. that it is altogether unchangeable from Good into Evil ; and such a Medium was necessarily required in the very Nature of Things ; for otherwise there would remain a Chasm or Gap , and one Extream would be united with another , without a Medium , which is impossible , and repugnant to the Nature of Things , as appears in the whole Course of the Universe . By the Immutability of the Messias , here we must understand that which is Moral , not that which is Natural . There be some who object , Christ was tempted in vain , if he was naturally unchangeable . See Matth. 4. 3. 17 , 18. Chap. 4. 15. There are also more Arguments , merely Philosophical ; of which in Philosophia Kabbal . ( Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part 3. Dissert . 2. Chap. 1. ) 13. are urged to prove that from the First Beginning , there slowed forth only one thing begun and perfected ▪ which is also confirmed by the Authority of Ancient and Modern Philosophers , together with an Answer to the Objections made on the contrary . § . 4. THIS Middle Being is not to be understood in so gross a manner , as if it stood in a Middle Place , between two Extreams , as the Trunk of the Body is between the Head and Feet ; but is a Medium in respect of its Nature , as Silver is between Tinn and Gold , or Water between Air and Earth , which are but gross Comparisons in regard of the thing it self ; neither can any one suppose the Son to be such a Medium between God and the Creatures , as though God was not immediately present in all his Creatures , and immediately filled all things ; for he immediately operates in all things in a proper sence : But this is to be understood of that Union and Communion which Creatures have with God ; so that although God immediately operates in all things , yet he uses this Medium as an Instrument , by which he co-operates in his Creatures ; because it is , in regard of its Nature , more near unto them ; and yet because he is more excellent than all other Productions , which we call Creatures , and that too in his own Nature . Hence it is , he is deservedly called the First Begotten of all Creatures , and the Son of God , rather than a Creature of God ; and his Production is rather a Generation , or Emanation from God , than Creation , if the Word be taken in a strict sence ; although , according to the larger sence and use of this Word , he may be said to be created or formed , as the Scripture somewhere speaketh of him : But if the thing it self be duly understood , 't is needless to contend about Words : Yet nevertheless a Man's Son is rather said to be begotten of him , than made or created by him . Of an House , or a Ship , built or made by a Man , we do not say it is his Son , but his Work ; because his Son is the Living Image and Similitude of himself , which cannot be said of an House or a Ship : So this first Production of God , ad extra , or , to without , is more fitly and properly term'd his Son than a Creature ; because this is the Living Image of himself , and is greater , and more excellent than all Creatures . Now it follows that the Son himself must be immediately present in all these , that he may bless and benefit them . And seeing he is that true Medium , between God and the Creatures , he must needs exist within them , that so by his Operation he may stir them up to a Union with him : And seeing he is the most excellent Production of God , made ad extra , or , to without , and the most perfect and express Image of him , he must needs be like unto God in all his Attributes , which without contradiction may be said to be communicated to him ; and so by consequence he must necessarily be Omnipresent : Besides , if he were not present in all Creatures , there would wholly remain a Chasma , or wide Gap , between God , and the Creatures where he was not , which is absurd . § . 5. MOREOVER , as he is Partaker of the Immutability of God , and the Mutability of Creatures , and so a Medium between that , which is altogether unchangeable , and that which is altogether changeable , as partaking of both ; so also he may be said to be a Partaker of Eternity ( which is proper to God ) and Time , ( which is proper to Creatures ; ) and albeit it be said in the precedent Chapters , that nothing interceded between Eternity and Time , or between the Creatures , and the Will of God which created them . Time and Creatures are there to be taken in a larger sence , viz. with respect to all the Productions of God , made ad extra : So that this Middle Being is as well there comprehended as the rest : Neither can we conceive this Middle Being to be before Creatures in Time , but only in the order of Nature ; so that indeed nothing of Time strictly taken hapned between the Creatures , and the All-Creating Power and Will of God that created them . § . 6. BUT if by Time , according to the common signification of the Word , we understand a succedaneous increase or decrease of Things , according to which they grow and increase unto a certain pitch or period , and then again fail from it , until they die or are changed into another State or Condition of Life ; in this sence it may be positively affirmed , that neither this Middle Being , or any Creature perfectly united with the same , are subject to Time , or the Laws thereof ; for the Laws of Time reach but unto a certain Period or Age ; and when that Period is compleated , then those things which are subject to Time decay and are consumed , and so die and are changed into quite another Species of Things , according to that old Saying of the Poet. Tempus edax rerum , tuque invidiosa vetustas Omnia destruis . Which may be thus Englished . Thus spiteful Age , and Time that eats up Things , All Things consumes , and to Destruction brings . And for this Reason Time is divided into Four Parts , according to the Age of a Man living in this World , which is Infancy , Youth , Manhood , and Old Age , even until Death ; so that all things which are bounded with Time , are subject unto Death and Corruption , or are changed into another Species of things , as we see Water changed into Stones , Stones into Earth , and Earth into Trees , and Trees into Animals or Living Creatures : But in this most excellent Middle Being is neither Decay or Corruption ; nor to speak properly hath Death any place in him : He is a most powerful and effectual Balsam , which can preserve all things from Death and Corruption , which are joined to him or united with him ; so that here all things are perpetually new , springing up fresh and green ; here is perpetual Youth without Old Age ; and here is the Perfection of Old Age , to wit , great increase of Wisdom and Experience without any imperfection of Age. But when Christ came in the Flesh , and in that Body which he bare with him from Heaven ; ( for every created Spirit hath a certain Vehicle , either Terrestrial , Aereal , or Aethereal , as this was : ) He took upon him somewhat of our Nature , and by consequence the Nature of all Things , ( because the Nature of Man hath in it the Nature of all Creatures , whence also he is called the Microcosm ; ) which Nature having assumed in Flesh and Blood , he sanctified , that by that he might sanctifie all Things , and so was as that little Leaven that changed the whole Lump . He descended then within Time , and for a certain space or period , of his own accord subjected himself to the Laws of Time , so as to endure great Torments , even Death it self ; but Death did not long detain him , for the Third Day he rose again , and this was the end of all his Sufferings , even of his Death and Burial , viz. that he might Heal , Cure , and Redeem his Creatures from Death and Corruption , which came upon them by the Fall , and so at length hereby put an end to Times and elevate the Creatures above Times to himself , where he abideth , who is the same yesterday , today , henceforth , and for ever , without Decay , Death , or Corruption . In like manner , in his Spiritual and Internal Appearance in Man , whereby he purposeth to Save , Heal , and Redeem the Soul , he doth as it were , after a certain manner , subject himself to a kind of Death and Passion ; and so for a certain space submits himself to the Laws of Time , that he might elevate the Souls of Men above Time , and Corruptibility to himself , wherein they receive Blessing , and grow from one degree of Goodness and Vertue unto another , in insinitum . § . 7. BY the same Reason , those who are come unto a perfect Union with Christ , are mounted up into a Region or Sphere of perfect Tranquility , where nothing is seen or perceived to move or compel ; for although there exist the most swift and vehement Motions ; yet nevertheless because the same do so uniformly , so equally , and harmoniously move without the least contrariety or disorder , they seem altogether to rest , whereof many Examples may be given in External Things : For indeed there are two kinds of Motion , which to our bodily sight seem to want Motion , viz. that which is exceeding quick and speedy , and that which is exceeding slow ; so that the middle sort is only discernable by us . Now under Time , and the Laws thereof , may be comprehended not only the Earth , and Earthly Things ; but also the Sun , Moon , and Stars , and all the visible part of the World , together with more that is invisible : So that after a long Tract of Time , all those Things may be plainly changed into quite another Species of Things , and that by the same order and course of Divine Operation which God hath placed in all Creatures , as a Law o● Justice , whereby in his Divine Wisdom he hath purposed to reward every Creature according to its Works : So now this may suffice to have been said concerning that most excellent Middle Being ; of whom upon occasion farther mention may be made in the subsequent Pages . CHAP. VI. § . 1. That all Creatures in their own Nature are changeable . § . 2. How far this Mutability may extend it self , whether unto the Beings of Things , or unto the manner of their Existence . § . 3. That they are only Changeable in manner of Existence , and not in Essence . § . 4. That there are but Three Kinds of Beings essentially distinct one from the other , viz. God the highest , Christ the medium , and the Creature the lowest . § . 5. That this Distinction is very necessary , and keeps us from falling into Extreams on either Hand , whereof the one is Ranterism , and the other gross Ignorance , by which the Glory of the Divine Attributes is obscured and darkned . § . 6. An Example hereof . § . 7. The Justice of God most gloriously appears in the Transmutation of Things out of one Species into another . § . 8. That when the Spirit of a Man , through Impiety , shall change it self into the Qualities and Conditions of a Beast , it is but Justice in God , that the said brutish Spirit should enter into the Body of a Beast , and there for a certain time be punished . § . 9. How many and diverse are the depraved and wicked Opinions concerning God , and how he is conceived to be in Men by those corrupt Opinions . § . 10. Why the old World was destroyed by Water , and why this is to be destroyed by Fire , and that all Punishments are Medicinal . § . 11. That every Creature is composed of Body and Spirit , and how every Creature hath in it more Bodies , and so likewise more Spirits , under one general governing Spirit , which hath the command over the rest . § . 1. THAT all Creatures in their own Nature are changeable , the distinction between God and Creatures , duly considered , evidently evinces , and the same is by daily experience confirmed . Now if any Creature be in its own Nature changeable , it hath this Mutability , as it is a Creature , and consequently all Creatures will have the same , according to that Rule : Whatsoever agrees to any thing as placed under this or that Species , agrees to all comprehended under the same Species ; but Mutability agrees to a Creature ( which is the most general Name of that Species , under which all Creatures are comprehended , ) and from thence it is manifest ; for otherwise there would be no distinction between God and Creatures : For if any Creature were of it self , and in its own Nature unchangeable , that Creature would be God , because Immutability is one of his incommunicable Attributes . § . 2. NOW let us consider how far this Mutability may reach , or be extended ; and , First , whether one Individual can be changed into another of the same or a different Species ? This , I say , is impossible ; for then the very Essences of Things would be changed , which would make a great confusion , not only in the Creatures , but in the Wisdom of God , which made all Things : As for Example : If this Man could be changed into that , viz. Paul into Judas , or Judas into Paul , then he that sinned would not be punished for his sin , but another in his stead , who was both Vertuous and Innocent ; so then a Good Man would not receive the reward of his Vertue , but a Vicious Man in his stead : But if we suppose one good Man to be changed into another , as Paul into Peter , and Peter into Paul , Paul would not receive his own proper Reward , but Peter's ; nor Peter his , but Paul's , which would be a confusion , and unbecoming the Wisdom of God. Moreover , if the very individual Essences of Things could be changed one into another , it would follow , Creatures were not true in themselves ; and so we could not be assured , nor have any certain knowledge of any thing ; and then all the inbred Notions and Dictates of Truth , which Men generally find in themselves , would be false , and by consequence the Conclusions drawn from thence ; for every true Science , or certainty of Knowledge , depends upon the Truth of the Objects , which are commonly called Veritates Objectivae , or Objective Truths : If therefore these Objective Truths should be changed the one into the other , certainly the Truth of the Propositions depending thereon would be changed also ; and so no Proposition could be unchangeably true , no not the most clear and obvious as these are ; the whole is greater than its part , and two halves make a whole . § . 3. THE Second Thing to be considered , is , Whether one Species of Things can be changed into another ? Where we must diligently observe after what manner the Species of Things are distinguished one from another ; for there be many Species of Things , which are commonly so called , and yet in Substance or Essence differ not one from another , but in certain Manners or Properties , and when those Modes or Properties are changed , that thing is said to have changed its Species : Now whether or no this be not a certain manner of Existence , and not the Essence or Being of the Thing it self that is so changed ? As when Water indeed is not changed , but remains the same , and cold coagulates it , which before was fluid : When Water is changed into a Stone , certainly there is no reason , why we should here suppose a greater change of its Substance , than in the former Example of Water turned into Ice . And again when a Stone is changed into soft and tender Earth , here is made no change of its Substance ; and so in all other Mutations which we observe in Things , the Substance or Essence always remains the same , and there is only a change of Modus or Manner ; so that when a Thing ceases to be after this manner , it then begins to be after another manner . And indeed the same Reasons do prove , that one Species essentially or substantially distinct from another , cannot be changed into another , even as one Individual cannot be changed into another : For the Species of Things are nothing else but Individuals digested , or comprehended , under one general Idea of the Mind , or common Term of speaking : As a Man , inasmuch as he is a Species , comprehends under him all the Individuals of Men ; and a Horse is a Species , comprehending every individual Horse . Now if one Man cannot be changed into another , much less can this Man be changed into another Individual of a differing Species : For Example : If Alexander cannot be changed into Darius , he cannot be changed into his own Horse Bucephalus . § . 4. IN order to know how far the Mutations of Things can reach , we must examine how many Species of Things there be , which as to Substance or Essence are distinct one from another ; and if we diligently inquire thereinto , we shall find only Three , as before was said , viz. God , Christ , and the Creatures , and that these Three in respect of Essence , are really distinct one from another , is already proved ; but there can be no Reason alledged to prove , that there is any Fourth kind of Being distinct from the other Three ; yea , a Fourth kind of Being seems wholly superfluous : And because all the Phaenomena in the whole Universe may be sufficiently resolved into these Three before-mentioned , as into their proper and original Causes , there is no necessity to acknowledge any other , according to this Rule : ( Which if rightly understood , it is most true and certain ) Beings are not to be multiplied without necessity ; for seeing the Three before-mentioned remove all the Specifical Differences in Substance , which possibly can be conceived in our Minds ; and so by these alone is that vast and infinite possibility of Things filled up : How then can there be room or place found for a Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , or Seventh Being ? And that it is performed by these Three is already before demonstrated ; to wit , that whatsoever can be in any wise called a Being , the same is either wholly unchangeable , and such is God the Supreme Being , or is wholly changeable , viz. to good , or evil , and such is the creature or lowest being , or that which is partly unchangeable , viz. in respect of Evil , or partly changeable , to wit , in respect of Good ; by which is understood Christ , the Son of God ; that Middle Being between God and the Creatures ; into what Classis or Rank therefore shall we bring a certain Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , or Seventh Being , &c. which is neither wholly changeable , nor wholly unchangeable ; nor partly changeable , nor partly unchangeable : Besides , he that supposeth a certain Fourth Being , essentially or substantially distinct from the three before-mentioned , overthrows that most excellent Order we find in the universality of Things , to wit , that there is not only one Medium between God and the Creatures , but two , three , four , five , six , or as many as can be supposed between first and latter . Moreover , it is very consentaneous to sound Reason , and so also to the Order of Things , that as God is but One , neither hath he two , three , or more distinct Substances in him ; and Christ but one Christ , neither hath in him more distinct Substances , inasmuch as he is the Heavenly Man , and very First Adam ; so likewise the Creature , or whole Creation , is but one only Substance or Essence in Specie , although it comprehends many Individuals placed in their subordinate Species , and indeed in Manner , but not in Substance or Essence distinct one from another . And so that which Paul speaketh concerning Man , may in like manner be understood of all Creatures , ( who in their Original State were a certian Species of Man so called for their Excellencies , as hereafter shall be shown ; ) to wit , that God made all Nations , or Armies of Creatures , out of one Blood : And certainly here the reason of both is the same ; for as God made all Nations out of one Blood , to the end they might love each other , and stand in a mutual Sympathy , and help each other ; so hath he implanted a certain Universal Sympathy and mutual Love in Creatures , as being all Members of one Body , and ( as I may so say ) Brethren , having one common Father , to wit , God in Christ , or the Word made Flesh ; and so also one Mother , viz. that Substance or Essence alone , out of which they proceeded , and whereof they are real Parts and Members ; and albeit Sin hath in a wonderful Manner impaired this Love and Sympathy , yet it hath not destroyed it . § . 5. THOSE Three distinct Beings , before-mentioned , being granted , and no more , which are wholly inconvertible the one into the other , we shall tread in a secure path , in the mid-way of Truth , leaving those grand Errors and Consusions about Entity , both on the Right Hand and the Left : For , First , there are some , who teach , that there is but one Being of all Things , whereof the Creatures are real and proper Parts , and these confound God and the Creatures together , as though both were but one single Essence ; so that Sin and Devils would be nothing else but Parts , or at least Modifications of that Divine Being , from whence do arise very dangerous Consequences . Although I would not have it mis-interpreted to those who are unwarily faln into this Opinion ; yet I would warn the Reader , that he may the better consider whereunto such Principles tend , and avoid their absurdity . There are others again who allow only two Species of Things , viz. God the Supreme Being , wholly unchangeable ; and the Creature the lowest Being , wholly changeable ; but these do not duly consider that excellent Order by us above described , which is apparent in all Things ; because else peradventure they would have taken notice , that besides these Two Extreams , there is a certain Medium , which is partaker of both , and this is Jesus that Christ , whom not only the wiser sort of the Jews , but also some among the Gentiles so called , have acknowledged , viz. maintaining that there is such a Medium , which they called by divers Names , as Logos , the Son of God , the First Begotten of God , Mind , Wisdom , Heavenly Adam , &c. So that some also do call him the Eternal Medium : Which Things , if duly considered , may not a little conduce to the propagation and furthering of the true Faith , and Christian Religion , among the Jews , as well as Turks , and other Infidel Nations ; that is to say , if it appears we are able to prove that there is a Mediator between God and Man ; yea , between God and all Creatures , by as solid Reasons as those are , which prove God to be a Creator : And so they that believe on that , may be said truly to believe on Christ Jesus , though they should not as yet have known , or been convicted , that he came in the Flesh : For if they yield to the former , they will undoubtedly be forced ( if ingenious ) whether they will or no , to grant the latter . Others there are , who do as it were infinitely multiply the Specifical Beings of Things , in their distinct Essences and Essential Attributes ; which wholly subverts that excellent Order of Things , and greatly obscures and darkens the Glory of the Divine Attributes , so that it cannot shine forth in its due Splendor and Brightness in the Creatures : For so every Creature is so exceeding straitly bounded , and strictly included and imprisoned within the narrow limits of its own Species , that the Mutability of Creatures is wholly taken away : Neither can any Creature variously exercise any greater participation of Divine Goodness , or be advanced or promoted to any farther perfection . § . 6. ALL which we shall demonstrate by one or two Examples : And , First , let us take an Horse , which is a Creature indued with divers degrees of perfection by his Creator , as not only strength of Body , but ( as I may so say ) a certain kind of knowledge , how he ought to serve his Master , and moreover also Love , Fear , Courage , Memory , and divers other Qualities which are in Man : which also we may observe in a Dog , and many other Animals : Seeing therefore the Divine Power , Goodness , and Wisdom , hath created every Creature good ; and indeed so , that it might by continual augmentations ( in its Mutability ) be advanced to a greater degree of Goodness , ad infinitum , whereby the Glory of those Attributes do more and more shine forth : And seeing such is the Nature of every Creature , that it is always in Motion or Operation , which doth most certainly tend unto an higher degree of Goodness , as the Reward and Fruit of its Labour ; unless the Creatures hinder that good by a voluntary Transgression , and abuse of that indifferency of Will which God placed in them in their Creation . Now I demand , unto what higher perfection and degree of Goodness , the Being or Essence of an Horse doth or may attain after he hath done good service for his Master , and so performed his Duty , and what is proper for such a Creature ? Is a Horse then a mere Fabrick or dead Matter ? or hath he a Spirit in him , having Knowledge , Sence , and Love , and divers other Faculties and Properties of a Spirit ? if he hath , which cannot be denied , what becomes of this Spirit when the Horse dies ? if it be said it passeth into Life , and takes upon it another Body of an Horse , so that it becomes a Horse as before , which Horse may be stronger and fairer , and of a more excellent Spirit than before . Very well ! But if he shall die , two , three , or four times , &c. shall he always remain a Horse , though he be still better , and more excellent , by how much the oftner his Spirit revolves . Now I demand , whether the Spirit of an Horse hath in it such infinite perfection , that a Horse may always become better and better ad infinitum , and yet so as to remain a Horse ? For as the common received Opinion is , this visible Earth shall not always remain in the same State , which may be confirmed by undeniable Reasons : Now it necessarily follows , that the continual Generation of Animals in these gross Bodies shall cease also ; for if the Earth shall take on it another Form , neither any longer bring forth Grass , Horses and other Animals shall cease to be such as they were before : And seeing they want their proper Aliment , they cannot remain in the same Species ▪ yet nevertheless they are not annihilated , as may be easily conceived ; for how can any thing be annihilated , seeing the Goodness of God towards his Creatures always remains the same ; and the conservation or continuation of Creatures is a continued Creation , as is generally granted , and already before demonstrated , that God is a perpetual Creator ; and as he is the most free , so also the most necessary Agent : But if it be denied , that the Earth is unchangeable , as before was said , then it will come to pass that Horses and other Animals , according to their proportion , will be in like manner changed with the Earth , and the Earth according to the same proportion , will again produce or yield them Aliment or Food agreeable to their changed condition ; then I demand , Whether they shall always remain in the same Species under such a change ? Or , whether there will not be some difference between that State and this As for Example : There is between a Cow and a Horse , which is commonly granted to be Specifical . Again , I ask whether the Species of Creatures do so infinitely one excel another , that an Individual of one particular Species may still go forward in perfection , and approach nearer unto another Species ; but yet never reach so far as to be changed into that Species ? As for instance : An Horse in divers Qualities and Perfections draws near unto the Nature and Species of a Man , and that more than many other Creatures ; Is therefore the Nature of a Man distant from the Nature of an Horse , by Infinite Degrees , or by Finite only ? If by Finite , then certainly a Horse may in length of Time be in some measure changed into a Man , ( I mean his Spirit ; as for his Body that is a thing evident : ) If infinitely distant ; then unto any Man , even one of the vilest and basest Nature and Disposition , may be attributed a certain Infinite Excellence in Act , such as only agrees to God and Christ , but to no Creature ; for the highest Excellence of a Creature is to be Infinite only , in potentiâ , not in actû ; that is , to be still in a possibility of attaining a greater Perfection and Excellence , ad infinitum , though in can never reach this Infinite ; for how far soever any Finite Being may proceed , yet that is still Finite , although there be no limits to its progression : As for Example : If we could ever come to the least Minute of Eternity , or the like part of Infinite Duration , that would not be Infinite , but Finite : Neither do we herein contradict what is delivered in the Third Chapter , of the Infiniteness of Creatures ; for it is not meant of their Infinite Goodness and Excellence , but in respect only of Multitude and Magnitude ; so that the one cannot be numbred , nor the other measured , by the comprehension of any created Intellect : Yet the Individuals of Creatures , are always but Finitely good , and Finitely distant , quoad Species , or as to Species ; and only potentially Infinite ; that is , always capable of farther perfection without end . As if there should be supposed a certain Ladder , which should be infinitely long , containing Infinite Steps , yet those Steps are not infinitely distant one from another , otherwise there could be no ascension nor descension made thereon ; for Steps ( in this Example ) signifie the various Species of Things , which cannot be infinitely distant one from another , or from those which are next unto them ; yea , daily experience teaches us , that the Species of divers Things are changed , one into another , as Earth into Water , and Water into Air , and Air into Fire or Aether ; and the contrary , as Fire into Air , and Air into Water , &c. which yet are distinct Species of Things ; and so also Stones are changed into Metals , and one Metal into another ; but least some should say these are only naked Bodies and have no Spirit , we shall observe the same not only in Vegetables , but also in Animals , like as Barly and Wheat are convertible the one into the other , and are in very deed often so changed , which is well enough known to House-keepers in many Provinces , and especially in Hungary , where if Barley be sown Wheat springs up instead thereof ; but in other places more barren , and especially in Rocky Places , such as are found in Germany , if Wheat be sown , Barley cometh up , and Ba●ley in other places becomes mere Grass : And in Animals , Worms are changed into Flies , and Beasts , and Fishes that feed on Beasts , and Fishes of a different kind , do change them into their own Nature , and Species : And doth not also a corrupted Nature , or the Body of Earth and Water , produce Animals without any previous Seed of those Animals ? And in the Creation of this World , did not the Waters at the Command of God , produce Birds and Fishes ? And did not the Earth also at the same Command bring forth Beasts and Creeping Things ; which for that Cause were real and proper Parts of the Earth and Waters ? And as they had their Bodies from the Earth , so likewise they had their Spirits or Souls from the same ; for the Earth brought forth Living Souls , as the Hebrew Text speaketh , but not mere Corporeal Figures , wanting Life and Soul ; wherefore there is a very remarkable difference between Humane Creatures and Brutes : Of Man it is said , God made him after his own Image , and breathed into him the Breath of Life , and he became a Living Soul ; so that from hence Man received his Life , that principal part of him , ( by which he is become a Man , ) which is really distinct from that Divine Soul or Spirit which God breathed into him . And seeing the Body of Man was made out of the Earth , which ( as is proved ) had therein divers Spirits , and gave Spirits to all Brute Beasts ; then unto Man , no doubt , she committed the best and most excellent Spirits whom he was to contain ; but all these Spirits were of a far inferiour Species , in regard of the Spirit of Man , which he received from above , and not from the Earth : And the Spirit of Man ought to have Dominion over these Spirits , ( which were all but Earthly , ) so as to subdue them to himself , and exalt them to an higher degree , ( viz. ) into his own proper Nature , and that would have been his true Increase and Multiplication ; for all this he suffered the Earthly Spirits existing within him , to get Dominion over him , and so became like them ; wherefore it is said , Earth thou art , and unto Earth thou shalt return , which hath no less a Spiritual than a Literal Signification . § . 7. NOW we see how gloriously the Justice of God appears in this Transmutation of Things out of one Species into another ; and that there is a certain Justice which operates not only in Men and Angels , but in all Creatures , is most certain ; and he that doth not observe the same may be said to be utterly Blind : For this Justice appears as well in the Ascension of Creatures , as in their Descension ; that is , when they are changed into the better , and when into the worse ; when into the better , this Justice distributes to them the Reward and Fruit of their Good Deeds ; when into the worse , the same punishes them with due Punishments , according to the Nature and Degree of the Transgression . And the same Justice hath given a Law to all Creatures , and written the same on their Natures ; and every Creature whatsoever , that transgresseth this Law , is punished for it : But that Creature that observes and keeps it , hath this Reward , viz , to become better . So under the Law which God gave to the Jews , if a Beast killed a Man , that Beast was to be slain ; and the Life of Man is said to be required at the Hand of every Beast , Gen. 9. 5. And if any one had to do with a Beast , not only the Man , but the Beast , was to be slain ; so not only the Woman and her Husband did receive Sentence and Punishment from God after their Transgression , but the Serpent also , which was the brutish part in Man , which he took from the Earth . God hath also put the same instinct of Justice in Man , towards Beasts and Trees of the Field ; for whosoever he be that is a good and just Man , the same loves his Beasts that serve him , and taketh care of them that they have their Food and Rest , and what else is wanting to them ; and this he doth not do only for his own profit , but out of a Principle of true Justice ; for should he be so cruel to them as to require their Labour , and yet deny them their necessary Food , then certainly he transgresseth that Law which God hath written on his Heart ; and if he kills any of them , only to fulfil his own pleasure , he acts unjustly , and the same measure will again be measured unto him ; so likewise a Man that hath a certain Fruitful Tree in his Orchard , that prospereth well , he dungs and cleanses the same , that it may wax better and better ; but if it be barren , and incumbers the ground , then he heweth it down with an Ax , and burns it with Fire . And so here is a certain Justice in all these , as in all the Transmutation of Things from one Species into another , whether it be by ascending from the Ignobler or Baser unto the Nobler , or by descending into the contrary , there may be found the same Justice : For Example : Is it not just and equitable , if a Man on Earth liveth a pure and Holy Life , like unto the Heavenly Angels , that he should be exalted to an Angelical Dignity after Death , and be like unto them , over whom also the Angels rejoice ? But if a Man here on Earth lives so wickedly and perversly , that he is more like a Devil raised from Hell than any other Creature , if he dies in such a State without Repentance , Shall not the same Justice tumble him down to Hell ? and shall not such deservedly become like Devils , even as those who led an Angelical Life are made equal with the Angels ? But if a Man hath neither lived an Angelical nor Diabolical , but a Brutish , or at least-wise an Animal or Sensual Life on Earth ; so that his Spirit is more like the Spirit of a Beast than any other thing : Shall not the same Justice most justly cause , that as he is become a Brute , as to his Spirit ; whilst he hath left the Dominion of his more excellent Part , to that Brutish Part and Spirit within him , that he also ( at least , as to his External Form , in bodily Figure ) should be changed into that Species of Beasts , to whom he was inwardly most like , in Qualities and Conditions of Mind ? And seeing this Brutal Spirit is now become Superior and Predominant in him , and holds the other Captive , is it not very probable , when such a Man dies , that the very same Brutish Spirit shall still have Dominion in him , and carry the Human Soul with it whithersoever it pleaseth , and compel it to be subservient unto it ? And when the said Brutish Spirit returns again into some Body , and hath now Dominion over that Body , so that its Plastick Faculty hath the Liberty of forming a Body , after its own Idea and Inclination , ( which before , in the Humane Body , it had not ; ) it necessarily follows , that the Body , which this Vital Spirit forms , will be Brutal , and not Humane ; for the Brutal Spirit cannot produce and form any other Figure : Because its Plastick Faculty is governed of its Imagination , which it doth most strongly imagine to its self , or conceive its own proper Image ; which therefore the External Body is necessarily forced to assume . § . 8. HEREIN the Justice of God marvellously appears , whilst he assigns to every Kind and Degree of Transgression its due and proper Punishment ; neither doth he sentence every Sin and Transgression to Hell-Fire , and the Punishment due unto Devils ; for Christ hath taught the contrary , in that Parable , where he sheweth the Third Degree only is Doom'd to Infernal Punishment , ( viz. ) if one say to his Brother : Thou Fool ! What can be here objected against the Justice of God ? If it be said it doth too much lessen and disparage the Dignity and Nobility of Humane Nature , to suppose the same with respect to Body and Soul , convertible into the Nature of a Brute . To this I Answer , according to the common Maxim , Corruptio optimi fit pessima , The best Things by Corruption become the worst : For seeing Man by his voluntary Transgression hath so exceedingly polluted and brought down his own Nature ( which was so Noble ) into a far worse State and Condition , that the same could wax as vile and base in Spirit as the most unclean Beast or Animal ; so that he is become as subject to Earthly Concupiscences and Desires , as any Beast ; yea , is become worse than any Beast : What Injustice will this be , if God should also compel him to bear that Image outwardly in his Body , into the which he hath inwardly transformed himself ? Or , which thinkest thou is the worst Degeneration , to bear the Image of a Beast in Spirit , or in Body ? Certainly , every one will say , to be like a Beast in Spirit is far the greatest Degeneration ; and there is not one , who is indued with true Nobility of Mind , who will not confess , that , to be like a Beast inwardly , is worse than to be like the same outwardly ; for to be one with him in Spirit , is far worse than to be one with him in External Form and Figure of Body : But if any one shall say this Punishment is too little for such a Man , who hath lived all his Days a Brutish Life , if after Death he shall only return to the State or Condition of some Beast ; let such know , that the most just Creator and Maker of all Things is wiser than he , and knows best what Punishment is due unto every particular Sin ; who hath also so most justly and wisely disposed all Things , that no Man that lives carnally , and after the manner of Beasts , can enter into the Kingdom of Heaven ; and so also the Doctrine of Christ expresly informs us , that all Sins are not to be punished with the pains of Hell : And that where the Treasure is , there is the Heart also , and the Spirit of Man : Also if a Man is joyn'd or united with any Things , that then he becomes unum quid , or one with the same ; and that he that cleaves to the Lord is one with him in Spirit ; and he that cleaves to a Harlot is one Flesh with her . Why then doth not he that cleaves to a Beast , by the same reason , become one with a Beast ? And so in all other cases : For to whom any one yields himself in obedience , the same is his Master , so far as he obeys him ; as the Scripture saith . Moreover also it is said , With what measure soever ye mete , the same shall be meted unto you : As if it should have said , All Kinds and Degrees of Sin , have their proper Punishments , and all these Punishments tend to the Creatures Advantage ; so that Grace prevails over Judgment , and Judgment is turned into Victory to the Salvation and Restoration of the Creature : For seeing the Grace of God is extended over all his Works , Why should we think God a more severe and rigid Master to his Creatures than indeed he is ? Seeing this doth wonderfully obscure and darken the Glory of the Divine Attributes ; neither doth it beget a Love towards God , and an Admiration of his Goodness and Justice in the Hearts of Men , as it ought to be ; but the plain contrary . § . 9. FOR that common Notion of the Justice of God , that every Sin , how small soever it be , shall be punished with Hell Fire , and that without all end , begets in Men an horrible Idea or Conception concerning God ; to wit , as though he were a cruel Tyrant towards all his Creatures rather than a Gracious Father : But if the lovely Image of God was more known unto Men , such as indeed he is , and manifesteth himself in all his Dispensations to his Creatures ; and if our Souls could inwardly feel and tast him , viz. as he is Charity and Goodness it self , and as he inwardly reveals himself , by the Light and Spirit of Christ Jesus our Lord , in the Hearts of Men ; then indeed , and not till then , would Men come to Love God above all things , and acknowledge him to be , beyond all , the most Lovely , Just , and Merciful , who may not punish all Sinners with an equal Punishment . § . 10. AND moreover also , Why did he drown the old World with Water , and hath purposed to destroy this with Fire ? Such as was that of Sodom : but that he would show , that for diverskinds of Sin , divers sorts of Punishment are to be inflicted : And that the old World was indeed wicked , but that which is to be destroyed with fire is worse , which for that reason will have the greater Judgment . But the different nature of these transgressions , for which those different punishments are prepared , seem to consist in this ; that the sins of the old World were more brutish and carnal , as the word of God doth seem to point out , when he saith , My Spirit shall not always strive with Man ; because he is become Flesh ; that is , he is become perfectly Brutish or Bestial , by obeying the desires of the Flesh : So that unless this Generation had been cut off , all Mankind ( except Noah and his Family ) in the succeeding Generation , would have become Bestial , which Evil God would prevent , by drowning them with the Waters , that by this Punishment they might be reduced from the Brutish Nature to the Nature of Men : But the Sins of this World , which like Sodom is to be destroyed with Fire , se●●● their own Nature , to be more like the Sins of Devils , than any thing else , ( viz. ) by reason of Craft , Deceit , Malice , Hostility , and Cruelty ; and therefore their proper Punishment is Fire , which also is the Original Principle of those Noble Spirits so greatly degenerated ; and so they ought deservedly by the same to be restored and regenerated : For what is Fire , but a certain kind of imperfect Aethereal Substance shut up in combustible Bodies ? as we observe the same still to mount upwards , and by reason of its notable thinness immediately to vanish : From which Aethereal Substance , as well Angels as Men , have their Original , quoad Spiritus , or , as to their Spirits ; as the Brutal Nature hath its Original from Water . But as all the Punishments , God inflicts on his Creatures , have some proportion with their Sins ; so all these Punishments ( the worst not excepted ) do tend to their Good and Restoration , and so are Medicinal , that by them these diseased Creatures may be cured and restored to a better condition than before they enjoyed . § . 11. NOW therefore let us examine , how every Creature is composed , and how the parts of its composition may be converted the one into the other ; for that they have originally one and the same Essence , or Being . In every visible Creature there is a Body and a Spirit , or Principium magis Activum , & magis Passivum , or , more Active and more Passive Principle , which may fitly be termed Male and Female , by reason of that Analogy a Husband hath with his Wife . For as the ordinary Generation of Men requires a Conjunction and Co-operation of Male and Female ; so also all Generations and Productions whatsoever they be , require an Union , and conformable Operation of those Two Principles , to wit , Spirit and Body ; but the Spirit is an Eye or Light beholding its own proper Image , and the Body is a Tenebrosity or Darkness receiving that Image , when the Spirit looks thereinto , as when one sees himself in a Looking-Glass ; for certainly he cannot so behold himself in the Transparent Air , nor in any Diaphanous Body , because the reflexion of an Image requires a certain opacity or darkness , which we call a Body : Yet to be a Body is not an Essential Property of any Thing ; as neither is it a Property of any Thing to be dark ; for nothing is so dark that it cannot be made Light ; yea , the Darkness it self may become Light , as the Light which is created may be turned into Darkness , as the Words of Christ do fully evince , when he saith , If the Light which is in thee be darkness , &c. where he means the Eye or Spirit which is in the Body , which beholdeth the Image of any Thing : Therefore as every Spirit hath need of a Body , that it may receive and reflect its Image , so also it requires a Body to retain the same ; for every Body hath this retentive Nature , either more or less in it self ; and by how much the perfecter a Body is , that is , more perfectly mix'd , so much the more retentive is it , and so Water is more retentive than Air , and Earth of some Things is more retentive than Water . But the Seed of a Female Creature , by reason of its so perfect mixture ; for that it is the purest Extraction of the whole Body , hath in it a notable retention : And in this Seed , as a Body , the Male Seed , which is the Image and Spirit of the Male , is received and retained , together with other Spirits which are in the Female ; and therefore whatsoever Spirit is then strongest , and hath the strongest Image or Idea in the Seed , whether it be the Masculine or the Feminine , or any other Spirit from either of these received from without , tha● Spirit is predominant in the Seed , and forms the Body , as near as may be , after its own Image , and so every Creature receives his External Form. And after the same manner also , the Internal Productions of the Mind , viz. Thoughts are generated , which according to their Kind are true Creatures , and have a true Substance , proper to themselves , being all our Internal Children , and all of them Male and Female , that is , they have Body and Spirit ; for if they had not a Body , they could not be retained , nor could we reflect on our own proper Thoughts ; for every reflection is made by a certain Tenebrosity or Darkness , and this is a Body ; so the Memory requires a Body , to retain the Spirit of the Thing thought on , otherwise it would vanish as the Image in a Glass , which presently vanishes , the Object being removed . And so likewise , when we remember any Body , we see his Image in us , which is a Spirit that proceeded from him , whilst we beheld him from without ; which Image or Spirit is retained in Some-Body , which is the Seed of our Brain , and thence is made a certain Spiritual Generation in us : And so every Spirit hath its Body , and every Body its Spirit ; and as the Body , sc . of a Man or Beast , is nothing else but an innumerable multitude of Bodies , compacted together into one , and disposed into a certain order ; so likewise the Spirit of a Man , or Beast , is a certain innumerable multitude of Spirits united together in the said Body , which have their Order and Government so , that there is one Captain , or Chief Governor , another a Lieutenant , and another hath a certain kind of Government under him , and so through the whole , as it is wont to be in an Army of Soldiers ; wherefore the Creatures are called Armies , and God the God of Hosts , as the Devil which possessed the Man was called Legion , because there were many of them ; so that every Man ; yea , every Creature , consists of many Spirits and Bodies ; ( many of these Spirits which exist in Man ) are called by the Hebrews , Nizzuzoth , or Sparks . See in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 2. Part 2. Tract . de revolutionibus animarum , Cap. 2. & seq . p. 256 , 268 , &c. ) And indeed every Body is a Spirit , and nothing else , neither differs any thing from a Spirit , but in that it is more dark ; therefore by how much the thicker and grosser it is become , so much the more remote is it from the degree of a Spirit , so that this distinction is only modal and gradual , not essential or substantial . CHAP. VII . § . 1. That every Body may be turned into a Spirit , and a Spirit into a Body ; because the distinction between Body and Spirit is only in Modo , not in Essentia : The reason hereof is taken , first , from the Order of Things abovesaid , which consists only in Three . And that the worst of Creatures ; yea , the most cursed Devils , after many and long-continued Torments , shall at length return to a State of Goodness . Moreover , that all this hardness and grossness of Bodies , came from a certain Fall , which therefore shall in time return to a state of softness and subtilty . § . 2. The Second Reason is drawn from the Divine Attributes , whereof some are communicable to his Creatures . § . 3. The Third Reason , is drawn from the love which the Spirits have to their Bodies . § . 4. That to be penetrable and indiscerpible is as truly attributed to Bodies , as to Spirits ▪ and to be impenetrable and disce●pible agrees as well to Spirits as to Bodies ; for that the difference is Gradual and not Essential ; And that no Creature , or Created Spirit , can be intimately present in any Creature , because Intrinsick Presence only pertains to God and Christ ; and therefore that Philosophical Penetration of Created Spirits , in regard of Bodies , is a mere Scholastick Fiction . NOW that I may more clearly demonstrate , that every Body is a certain Spirit or Life in its own Nature , and that the same is a certain intelligent Principle , having knowledge , Sense , Love , Desire , Joy , and Grief ; as it is this or that way affected ; and by consequence hath Activity and Motion , per se ; so that it can remove it self whithersoever it desires to be ▪ I say , in its own Nature , wherein it was originally created , and as it shall be again , when it shall be reduced to its primitive State , and delivered from that Confusion and Vanity , to which it is subject by reason of Sin. I shall produce these following Reasons . ( Of the Nature of Matter and Spirit , more may be seen in Kabbal , denud . Tom. 1. Part 2. p. 308. unto . p. 312. and Tom. 2. Treatise ult . pag. 6. 28 , 29 , 32. ) § . 1. THE first hereof shall be from the Order of Things , before-mentioned , which I have already proved to be but Three ; to wit , God the Supreme or Chiefest , Christ the Medium or Middle , and the Creature the lowest in Order ; which Creature is but one Essence or Substance , as to Nature or Essence , as is above demonstrated , so that it only differs secundum modos existendi ; or , according to the manners of existence ; among which one is Corporiety ; whereof also there are many degrees ; so that a Thing may more or less approach to , or recede from the State and Condition of a Body or a Spirit ; but because a Spirit ( between these two ) is more excellent in the Natural Order of Things , and by how much the more a Creature is a Spirit , ( if at least wise it doth not any otherwise degenerate ) so much the nearer it approaches to God , who is the chiefest Spirit . Hence a Body may always be more and more Spiritual , ad infinitum ; because God who is the First and Supreme Spirit is Infinite , and doth not nor cannot partake of the least Corporiety ; whence such is the Nature of a Creature , unless it degenerates , that it always draws nearer and nearer unto God in likeness : But because there is no Being , which is every way contrary to God , ( Viz. there is no Being , which is infinitely and unchangeably Evil , as God is infinitely and unchangeably Good ; nothing infinitely Dark , as God is infinitely Light ; nor any thing infinitely a Body , having nothing of Spirit , as God is infinitely a Spirit , having nothing of Body ; ) hence it is manifest that no Creature can become more and more a Body , ad infinitum , although the same may become more and more a Spirit , ad infinitum ; and nothing can become infinitely more dark , though it may become infinitely more light : By the same reason nothing can be Evil ad infinitum , although it may become more and more Good ad infinitum : And so indeed , in the very Nature of Things , there are limits or bounds to Evil ; but none unto Good. And after the same manner , every degree of Sin or Evil hath its Punishment , Grief , and Chastisement annexed to it , in the very Nature of the Thing , by which the Evil is again changed into Good ; which Punishment or Correction , though it be not presently perceived of the Creature , when it Sins , yet is reserved in those very Sins which the same committeth , and in its due time will appear ; and then every Sin will have its Punishment , and so the Pain and Chastisement will be felt of the Creature , and by that the Creature will be again restored unto its former State of Goodness , in which it was created , and from which it cannot fall or slide any more ; because by its great Chastisement it hath acquired a greater Strength and Perfection ; and so is ascended so far above that indifferency of Will , which before it had to Good or Evil , that it Wills only that which is Good , neither is any more capable to Will any Evil. See Kabbal . denud . Tom. 2. Tract . ult . p. 61. § . 9. p. 69. § . 21. and 70. § . 5. & ibid. Tract . 2. p. 157. And hence may be inferred , that all the Creatures of God , which heretofore degenerated and fell from their primitive Goodness , must after certain periods be converted and restored , not only to as good , but unto a better State than that was in which they were created : For Divine Operation cannot cease : And hence it is the Nature of every Creature to be still in Motion , and always to change either from Good to Good , or from Good into Evil , or from Evil again into Good ; and because it cannot proceed infinitely to Evil , for that there is no Infinite Example thereof , hence it must necessarily return or slide into Eternal Silence , which is contrary to the Nature of it . But if it be said , it goes into Eternal Torments , I Answer , If by Eternal thou meanest an Infiniteness of Ages , which shall never cease , that is impossible ; because every Pain and Torment excites or stirs up an operating Spirit and Life in every thing which suffers ; as we observe by continued Experience , and Reason teacheth us , that of necessity it must be so ; because through Pain , and the enduring thereof , every kind of crassitude or grossness in Spirit or Body contracted is attenuated , and so the Spirit captivated or detained in that grossness or crassitude is set at Liberty , and made more Spiritual , and consequently more Active and Operative , through suffering . Now seeing a Creature cannot proceed infinitely to Evil , nor slide down into Inactivity or Silence , nor yet also into mere Eternal Passion , it incontestably follows , that it must at length return unto Good ; and by how much the greater its Sufferings are , so much the sooner shall it return and be restored . And so we see how a Thing ( the same Substance still remaining ) may be marvellously changed in respect of the manners of its Existence ; so that a certain Holy and Blessed Spirit , or Angel of Light , could by his voluntary Action , become a Wicked and Cursed Spirit of Darkness ; which Change , or Metamorphosis , certainly is as great as if a Spirit were changed into a Body . And if it be here demanded , Whether those Spirits became more Corporeal by their Transgression , than they were in their Primitive State before they fell ? I answer , Yes ; but because , as I have already shown , that a Spirit is capable of Corporiety , Secundum majus & minus , or more and less ; although not infinitely , yet in many degrees . Hence it is , they could remain for many Ages , and have nothing of such a Corporeal Crassitude , as Things in this visible . World have , such as are hard Stones , or Metals , or the Bodies of Men and Women : For certainly the Bodies of the worst Spirits have not such a Crassltude as any visible Body , and yet all that grossness of visible Bodies came from the Fall of Spirits from their First State : And so the Spirits after long and various periods , could contract this grossness to themselves , although they could not together , and at one and the same time fall into an universal grossness , so that the whole Body of any fallen Spirit should be in all its parts equally gross ; but some parts become grosser and grosser ▪ and the other Corporeal Parts of this Spirit ( which are its immediate Vehicle , and wherewith it is most intimately united ) retain a certain Tenuity or Subtilty , without which the Spirit could not be so moveable and active as otherwise it would ; and with these subtiler and more tenuious Parts of the Body , the principal Spirit ( together with its ministring Spirits , so many of them as it can possibly gather together ) departs out of those thicker Parts of the Body , which it leaves as so many cadaverous Bodies , which are no longer fit to serve the said Spirits in those Operations which they exercise in their present State. And we may observe this departure of the subtiler and stronger Spirits , out of the harder and grosser parts of the Body , into the more soft and tenu●ous , in a certain Spirituous Liquor , which is congealed with great cold , where the stronger Spirits ( forsaking the harder Parts which are outward , and chiefly exposed to the cold ) do gather themselves into the middle Part of the Body , which is always subtile and thin , so that one only drop of that Liquor ( which is not congealed , but remaineth still liquid in the innermost Part of the congealed Body ) hath in it the augmented force of all those Parts which are congealed ; so that here is a two fold grossness and hardness of Bodies , the one palpable and visible to our External Senses ; the other invisible and impalpable , which nevertheless is as gross as the other , yea , often grosser and harder , which may be truly perceived by the Internal Senses , although the External Senses may be insensible thereof ; for the invisible and impalpable grossness or hardness is that which is proper to those Bodies , which are so small , that our External Senses cannot perceive them , when nevertheless they are really exceeding hard , yea , harder than any Flint or Metal , which we can handle with our Hands . And out of these hard and small Bodies , visible Waters are for the most part composed , although they appear to us very soft , fluid , and tenuious , by reason of the great Plenty of certain other subtile Bodies which continually agitate , and move the said hard Particles ; so that Water seems to our gross Senses to be one thing Homogeneal , Simple , and Uniform , although it consisteth of many Heterogeneous and Dissimilar or differing Parts , more than many other Bodies ; and many of these Parts are exceeding hard and stony , whence proceeds Gravel , bubbling sorth , and all other little Sands and Stones , which have their Original and Birth from the Waters springing from the bottom of the Earth ; and when those little Stones , or stony Particles of Water , grow into visible Sand and Stones , the same after some time do again lose this hardness , and become more soft and tenuious , than when they belonged to the Waters ; for Stones do rot , and are converted into soft Earth , and out of this proceed Animals ; so also Stones putrifying , do often become Water again ; but this Water is of another Species than the former , for one is petrefying , the other mollifying ; as it is observed that from one Mountain in Helvetia two Kinds of Water flow , one whereof being drunken breeds the Stone , and the other is a proper remedy against it ; so that one Water is changed into a Stone , and the other Water proceeds from that Stone , whilst it is in Corruption , and so it alters and loseth its former hardness : And so from what hath been said may the better be understood , how the Heart and Spirit of a Wicked Man may be said to be hard and stony ; because indeed his Spirit hath in it a real hardness , such as is found in those little stony Particles of certain Waters ; when on the contrary the Spirits of good Men are soft and tender ; which internal softness and hardness of Spirits , we may also really feel , and every Good Man doth as sensibly perceive the same , as the external hardness of gross Bodies is discerned by the outward touch ; but such who are dead in their Sins , have not this sense of the hardness or softness of Good or Evil Spirits ; and therefore they call these only Metaphorical Speeches , when indeed the Things are really so in a proper sence , and that without any Figure . § . 2. THE Second Reason , that created Spirits are convertible into Bodies , and Bodies into Spirits , I shall deduce from a serious and due consideration of the Divine Attributes ; from which , as from a Treasury of Instructions , may be manifested the Truth of all Things : For seeing God is infinitely Good , and communicates his Goodness infinite ways to his Creatures ; so that there is no Creature which doth not receive something of his Goodness , and that very largely : And seeing the Goodness of God is a living Goodness , which hath Life , Power , Love , and Knowledge in it , which he communicates to his Creatures , How can it be , that any dead Thing should proceed from him , or be created by him , such as is mere Body or Matter , according to their Hypothesis , who affirm , that the same is wholly inconvertible , to any degree of Life or Knowledge ? It is truly said of one that God made not Death , and it is as true , that he made no dead Thing : For how can a dead Thing depend of him , who is infinitely Life and Charity ? Or how can any Creature receive so vile and diminutive an Essence from him , ( who is so infinitely Liberal and Good , ) that should partake nothing of Life or Knowledge , nor ever be able to aspire to it , no not in the least degree ? Hath not God created all his Creatures for this end , that in him they might be Blessed ▪ and enjoy his Divine Goodness , in their several States and Conditions ? But how can this be without Life or sense ? Or how can any Thing , that wanteth Life , enjoy Divine Goodness ? But we shall urge this Argument a little farther , The Divine Attributes are commonly and rightly distinguished , into communicable , and incommunicable ; the incommunicable are , that God is a Being , subsisting by himself , Independent , Unchangeable , absolutely Infinite , and most Perfect : The communicable are , that he is a Spirit , Life , and Light , that he is Good , Holy , Just , Wise , &c. But now there are none of these communicable Attributes , which are not living , yea Life it self : And because every Creature hath a Communication with God in some of his Attributes , now I demand , In what Attribute dead Matter hath it , or a Body that is uncapable of Life and Sense for ever ? If it be said , It agrees with God in Entity , or that it is an Essence , I Answer , In God there is no dead Being , whereof he is or can be Partaker : Whence , therefore , shall this have its dead Essence ? Moreover the Entity or Being of a Thing is not properly an Attribute thereof ; but an Attribute is properly , tale quid , or something that is predicated or affirmed of that Being : Now what Attributes or Perfections can be attributed to dead Matter , which do analogically Answer to those which are in God ? If we diligently enquire thereinto , we shall find none at all ; for all his Attributes are living ; yea , Life it self . Moreover , seeing the Creatures of God , so far as they are Creatures , ought necessarily in some things to resemble their Creator , now I demand , in what dead Matter is like unto God ? If they say again in naked Entity , I Answer , There is none such in God or his Creatures : And so it is a mere non ens , or nothing . But as touching the other Attributes of Matter , viz. Impenetrability ▪ Figurability , and Mobility ; certainly none of these have any place in God , and so are not of his communicable Attributes ; but rather Essential Differences or Attributes of Diversity , whereby the Creature , as such , is distinguished from God ; as also Mutability is of the Number of those differential Attributes , whence it cannot be said that Mutability is of the communicable Attributes of God : And in like manner , Impenetrability , Figurability , and Mobility , do not pertain unto the communicable Attributes of God ; but to those only in which the Creatures differ from him . And seeing dead Matter doth not partake of any of the communicable Attributes of God , we must certainly conclude , that the same is a mere non ens , or nothing , a false Fiction or Chimaera , and so a thing impossible . If they say , it hath a Metaphysical Goodness and Truth , even as every Being is Good and True : Again ; I demand , What is that Goodness and Truth ? For if it hath no participation with any of the communicable Attributes of God , it will be neither Good nor True , and so a mere Fiction , as before was said . Moreover , seeing it cannot be said , wherein dead Matter doth any way partake of Divine Goodness , much less can it be shown , how it may be capable always to acquire a greater Perfection , ad infinitum , which is the Nature of all Creatures , viz. to increase , and infinitely advance towards a farther Perfection as is before demonstrated . But what farther progress in Goodness or Perfection hath a dead Matter ? Because after it hath suffered Infinite Changes of Motion and Figure it is constrained always to remain dead , as before ; and if Motion and Figure contribute nothing to the receiving of Life , then certainly this is made never the better ; nay , is not in the least degree promoted in Goodness : For suppose this dead Matter had undergone all Forms , and been transmuted into all Kinds of Figures , even the most regular and exact : What doth this profit this Matter or Body , because it wants all Life and Sense ? So let us suppose the same to have undergone Infinite Kinds of Motion , from slowness to swiftness ; Wherein , therefore , is it better , by the way of its Intrinsecal Melioration ? For the Argument speaketh of Intrinsecal Melioration , which is such a Melioration as the Nature of the Thing it self requireth , and which is performed thereby ; but a mere dead Body , or Matter , requires no kind of Motion or Figure ; nor , in it self , is perfected more by one Motion , or Figure , than by another ▪ for it is alike indifferent to all Motions and Figures whatsoever , and by consequence is not perfected or bettered by any of them . And then what advantage will it have from all these helps , if it always remain a dead and impassible Thing . § . 3. MY Third Reason is drawn from the great Love and Desire that the Spirits or Souls have towards Bodies , and especially towards those with which they are united , and in which they have their Habitation : But now the Foundation of all Love or Desire , whereby one Thing is carried unto another , stands in this , That either they are of the same Nature and Substance with them , or like unto them , or both ; or that one hath its Being from the other , whereof we have an Example in all living Creatures which bring forth their young ; and in like manner also in Men , how they love that which is born of them : For so also even Wicked Men and Women ( if they are notextremely perverse , and void of Parental Love ) do Love their Children , and cherish them with a Natural Affection , the cause whereof certainly is this , That their Children are of the same Nature and Substance , viz. as though they were Parts of them ; and if they are like them , either in Body , Spirit , or Manners , hereby their Love is the more increased : So also we observe that Animals of one Species love one another more than those that are of a different Species ; whence also Cattle of one Kind feed together ; Birds of a Kind flock together ; and Fishes of a Kind swim together ; and so Men rather converse with Men than with any other Creatures : But besides this particular Love , there remains yet something of Universal Love in all Creatures , one towards another , setting aside that great confusion which hath fallen out since , by reason of Transgression ; which certainly must proceed from the same Foundation , viz. in regard of their First Substance and Essence , they were all one and the same Thing , and as it were Parts and Members of one Body . Moreover , in every Species of Animals , we see how the Male and Female Love one another , and in all their Propagations ( which are not Monstrous , and contrary to Nature ) they respect each other ; and that proceeds not only from the unity of Nature , but also by reason of a certain eminent similitude or likeness between them . And both these Foundations of Love between a Man and a Woman , are expresly mentioned in Genesis ; but that which Adam spoke concerning his Wife , This is Bone of my Bone , and Flesh of my Flesh , &c. pertains unto the Unity of Nature ; for she was taken out of him , and was a part of him , and therefore he loved her . Moreover also , concerning Similitude , it is said , there was no Help found for him , or before his Face , as it is in the Hebrew , ( i. e. ) among all Creatures he saw not his like , with whom he would converse , until Eve was made for him . But there is yet another cause of Love , when Beings , that love each other , are not one Substance , but one gave Being to the other , and is the proper and real cause thereof . And so it is in the case between God and Creatures ; for he gave to all , Being , Life , and Motion ; and therefore he loves all Creatures ; neither can he not love them ; yea , at the same time when he seems to hate and be angry with them , this his Anger , and what proceeds therefrom , viz. Punishments and Judgments , turns to their Good , because he perceiveth they have need of them . So , on the contrary , the Creatures which have not wholly degenerated , and lost all sense of God , do love him ; and this is a certain Divine Law , and Instinct , which he put in all rational Creatures , that they might love him , which is the fulfilling of the whole Law : But those Creatures which draw most near unto God in similitude or likeness , do love him the more , and are the more loved of him . But if it be thought there is another principal cause of Love , to wit , Goodness , which is the most vehement or powerful Magnet thereof , whence also God is above all the most to be loved ; because he is the best ; which Goodness is in some measure in Creatures , either really or apparently ; wherefore such are loved of their Fellow-Creatures : I Answer : It must be granted indeed , that Goodness is a great , yea the greatest Cause of Love , and the proper Object of it ; but this Goodness is not a distinct Cause from those before laid down , but is comprehended in them . Wherefore do we call a Thing Good ? But because it either really or apparently pleases us , for the unity it hath with us , or which we have with it : Hence it comes to pass , that Good Men love Good Men , and not otherwise ; for Good Men cannot love Evil , nor Evil Men Good Men as such ; for there is no greater similitude than between Good and Good : For the reason why we call or esteem a Thing Good , is this , that it benefits us , and that we are made Partakers of its Goodness , and so here the First Cause of Similitude is still Militant : So likewise , when one Thing gives being to another , as when God and Christ give Being to Creatures ( as from whom have every true Essence proceeded , ) here is in like manner a certain Similitude ; for it is impossible that the Creatures should not in some Things be like their Creator , and agree with him in some Attributes or Perfections . This being supposed a Touch-stone , we shall now return to our subject matter , ( i. e. ) to examine , whether Spirits and Bodies are of one Nature and Substance , and so convertible one into another ? Therefore , I demand , What is the reason , That the Spirit or Soul so loveth the Body wherewith it is united , and so unwillingly departs out of it , that it has been manifestly notorious , the Souls of some have attended on , and been subject to their Bodies , after the Body was dead , until it was corrupted , and dissolved into dust . That the Spirit or Soul gave a distinct Being to the Body , or the Body to the Spirit , cannot be the reason of this Love ; for that were Creation in a strict sence ; but this ( viz. ) to give Being unto Things agrees only to God and Christ ; therefore that necessarily comes to pass by reason of that similitude they have one with another , or some Affinity in their Natures : Or , if it be said , there is a certain Goodness in the Body , which moves the Spirit to love it , certainly this Goodness must necessarily answer to something in the Soul which is like it , otherwise it could not be carried unto it ; yea , let them inform us what that Goodness in the Body is , for which the Soul doth so servently love it ? or in what Attributes or Perfections a Body is like a Spirit ; if a Body is nothing but a dead Trunk , and a certain Mass which is altogether uncapable of any degree of Life , and Perfection ? if they say a Body agrees with a Spirit Ratione entis , or in respect of Being ; that is to say ; as this hath Being so that hath the same ; this is already refuted in the former Argument ; for if this Being hath no Attributes or Perfections wherein it may agree with the Being of a Spirit , then it is only a mere Fiction ; for God created no Naked Ens , or Being , which should be a mere Being , and have no Attributes that may be predicated of it ; besides also , Ens is only a Logical Notion or Term , which Logicians do call Genus generalissimum , or the most General Kind , which in the naked and abstracted Notion of it , is not in the Things themselves , but only in the Conception or Humane Intellect . And therefore every true Being is a certain single Nature , whereof may be affirmed such and such Attributes : Now what are those Attributes of Body , wherein it resembles a Spirit ? Let us examine the principal Attributes of Body , as distinct from a Spirit , according to their Opinion , who so much dispute , that Body and Spirit are so infinitely distant in Nature , that one can never become the other : The Attributes are these , That a Body is impenetrable of all other Bodies , so that the parts thereof cannot penetrate each other ; but there is another Attribute of Body , viz. to be discerpible or divisible into parts : But the Attributes of Spirit ( as they define it ) are penetrability and indiscerpibility , so that one Spirit can penetrate another ; also , that a thousand Spirits can stand together one within another , and yet possess no more Space than one Spirit , Moreover , that a Spirit is so simple , and one in it self , that it cannot be rent asunder , or actually divided into separate parts . If now the Attributes of Body and Spirit are compared together , they are so far from being like one another , or having any Analogy of Nature ( in which nevertheless the true Foundation of Love and Unity doth consist , as before was said , ) that they are plainly contrary ; yea , nothing in the whole World can be conceived ●o contrary to any Thing , as Body and Spirit , in the opinion of these Men. For here is a pure and absolute contrariety in all their Attributes ; because Penetrability and Impenetrability are more contrary one to another than black and white , or hot and cold : For that which is black may become white , and that which is hot may become cold : But ( as they say ) that which is impenetrable cannot be made penetrable ; yea , God and Creatures do not so infinitely differ in Essence one from another ; as these Doctors make Body to differ from Spirit : For there are many Attributes , in which God and the Creatures agree together ; but we can find none , wherein a Body can any way agree with a Spirit , and by consequence , nor with God , who is the chiefest and purest of Spirits ; wherefore it can be no Creature , but a mere Non-entity or Fiction : But as Body and Spirit are contrary in the Attributes of Penetrability and Impenetrability ; so are they no less contrary in Discerpibility and Indiscerpibility : But if they alledge , that Body and Spirit do agree in some Attributes , as Extension , Mobility , and Figurability ; so that Spirit hath Extension , and can reach from one place to another , and also can move it self from place to place , and form it self into whatsoever Figure it pleaseth , in which cases it agrees with a Body , and a Body with it : To this I Answer : Supposing the first , that a Spirit can be extended ( which yet many of them deny , yea most , who teach that Body and Spirit are essentially distinct ) yet the Extension of Body and Spirit , as they understand it , do wonderfully differ ; for the Extension of Body is always impenetrable ; yea , to be extended , and impenetrable , as pertaining to Body , is only one real Attribute proposed in two Mental and Logical Notions , or ways of speaking ; for what is Extension , unless the Body ( wheresoever it is ) be impenetrable of its own proper parts ? But remove this Attribute of Impenetrability from a Body , and it cannot be conceived any longer , as extended . Moreover also , the Extension of Body and Spirit , according to their Notion , infinitely differ ; for whatsoever Extension a Body hath , the same is so necessary and essential to it , that it is impossible for it to be more or less extended ; when nevertheless a Spirit may be more or less extended , as they affirm ; and seeing to be moveable and figurable , are only consequential Attributes of Extension , ( for that a Spirit is far otherwise moveable and figurable than a Body , because a Spirit can move and form it self as a Body cannot : ) The same Reason which is good against the one is good against the other also . § . 4. BUT , Secondly , How can they prove Impenetrability is an Essential Attribute of Body ; or that Penetrability is an Essential Attribute of Spirit ? Why may not Body be more or less impenetrable , and Spirit more or less penetrable , as it may , and indeed doth happen in all other Attributes ? For , ex . gr . some Body may be more or less heavy or light , condensed or rarefied , solid or liquid , hot or cold ; then why may it not also be more or less penetrable , or impenetrable ? If it be said , that in all those other Mutations we always observe , that a Body remains impenetrable , as Iron when it is heat red-hot , yet remains still impenetrable : I Answer , I grant it may remain impenetrable of any other Body of equal thickness ; yet may , and is entirely penetrated of a more subtile Body , sc . of the Fire which hath entred into it , and penetrated all its parts , whereby 't is made so soft ; and if the Fire be stronger , begins wholly to melt . But if , against this , they Object , that the ingress of Fire into the Iron , is not penetration in a Philosophical Sence , nor as they understand it , viz. as though the Fire and Iron did possess but one place , and so the one could be intrinsecally present in the other ; because it is manifest to the contrary , that Iron ( if it be made candent or glowing hot ) it swelleth and acquireth a greater Bulk , than when it is cold ; and as it waxeth cold again , it returneth to its former dimension . To this I Answer : If they mean such a Penetration , which we call Intrinseck Presence , viz. that one Homogeneal Substance should enter into another , both being of equal Dimensions , and yet the bulk or quantity not increased , that seems wholly irrational : And it would be a mere impossibility and contradiction to grant such an intimate Presence in Creatures , which only agrees unto God and Christ as Creators , whose Prerogative it is to be intrinsecally present in Creatures ; whereas no Creature can have that Intrinseck Presence in its Fellow Creature , because then it would cease to be a Creature , and obtain one of the incommunicable Attributes of God and Christ , which is Intrinseck Presence . This ( I say ) is primarily to be attributed to God , and secondarily to Christ , in as much as he is Medium quid , or a certain Medium between God and Creatures , and who as he is Partaker of Mutability and Immutability , of Eternity and Time ; so he may be said to be Partaker of Body and Spirit , and consequently of Place and Extension : For , in as much as his Body is of another Substance than the Bodies of all other Creatures , ( as of whom he is the nearest Beginning to God , ) it may be truly said , he is intrinsecally present in them , and yet not so as to be confounded with them . For to suppose one Creature intrinsecally present in another , so as to be mingled and most perfectly united with it , and yet its Quantity or Extension not increased , that confounds the Creatures , and maketh two or more to be but one : Yea , according to this Hypothesis , it may be said the whole Creation is reducible into the quantity of the least Grain or Dust , because every part would be supposed to penetrate another , and no greater extension follow than of one Part. But if it be said , that only proves that Spirits may be reduced into so small a space but not Bodies : Because Bodies are Impenetrable . I Answer , This is but a begging of the question , because they have not yet proved that Body and Spirit are distinct Substances ; which , unless they are , it follows that one Nature is not more penetrable than the other , according to their sence . And indeed it seems very consentaneous to Reason , that as Times are each of them so extended into their due Measures and Extensions , that they cannot exceed those Bounds , and so cannot be intrinsecally present one with another ; as ( ex . gr . ) the First Day of the Week cannot be present with the Second Day of the same Week ; nor the First Hour of the Day with the Second ; neither is the First Minute of an Hour present with the Second Minute thereof ; because such is the Nature and Essence of Time , that it is successive , and hath partes extra partes , or parts , one without another . When nevertheless God is really and intrinsecally present in all Times , and is not changed , which cannot be said of the Creature , sc . that that is present in all or more Times , and not changed ; for the Creature is perpetually changed with Times , seeing Times are nothing else but the Motion or Change of the Creature from one State or Condition into another . And as it is in the case of Time , and Creatures which are in Time , so also in the case of Place , Bulk , or Quantity ; for as in God there is no Time , so also in him there is no Bulk or Corporeal Quantity ; but in Creatures there is both Time and Corporeal Quantity ; because otherwise they would be either God , or Nothing , which is impossible . For whatsoever Quantity , Bulk , or Extension any Creature hath , it retains the same , as something which is of its own Essence ; as it is the Essence of Time to consist of more parts , and those again of more , and so ad infinitum : For it may be easily conceived how a less Time is in a greater , ex . gr . how so many Minutes are in an Hour , and so many Hours in a Day ; and one Hour doth immediately touch the next , but cannot be present in it , the same is to be understood of the Creatures , in regard of their Quantity or Bulk ; for indeed one Creature may immediately touch another , but cannot be present in all its parts , but only a less may be in a greater , and a subtiler in a grosser ; and this is more properly Penetration which agrees to Bodies as well as Spirits ; as some Body , that is less gross may penetrate another that is more gross ; but two Bodies of an equal thickness cannot penetrate each other : The same may be said of Spirits which have their degrees of more or less grossness , as Bodies have : Neither is there any other difference between Body and Spirit , ( if Body be not taken in their sence , who teach that it is a Thing merely Dead , and void of Life , or a Capacity thereof ; but in a proper sence : sc . that it is an excellent Creature having Life and Sense , which either actually or potentially agrees to it ) but this that a Body is the grosser part of a thing , and Spirit the subtiler , whence also Spirit hath it's name from the Air , which is the most subtile Nature in this visible World. In Kabbal . denud . Tom. 2. Tract . ult . p. 6. § . 13. Spirit is rather defined , a central Nature , having a Faculty to send forth a Sphere full of Light and to inlarge or contract the same , which properly seems to be Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ibid. p. 28. § . 4. Matter is defined : A naked Centre , or a Point wanting Eradiation , which Aristotle understood by Privation : Whence we must conclude , that the Impenetrability of these Creatures is to be understood of their Centres : For the Hebrew Word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a Spirit , signifies also Air ; and because Air hath a very swift Motion , all swiftness of Motion is imputed to the Spirit in the moved Body : Hence out of Popular Ignorance , when in certain Bodies they perceived no Motion , they termed them Dead , wanting both Life and Spirit : But indeed there is no where any such Body that hath not Motion , and by consequence Life and Spirit . Therefore every Creature hath its due Quantity or Extension , which it cannot exceed , and wherein also it cannot be diminished . Neither doth this hinder , that we observe , how some very small Body may be extended into a Space a Thousand times greater than it had ; even as Gun-Powder , if it be set on Fire doth marvellously extend it self ; for all this Extension is made by Division of Parts into Parts , still less and less , which indeed do not fill all that Space so great as it seems , when in the mean while each part hath neither greater nor lesser Extension than it had before . Supposing this , it must be concluded that all Creatural Spirits , which are present in Bodies , are either in the Pores of the said Bodies , or in certain Concavities made there , as Moles make in the Earth ; or else they cause the said Bodies to be puffed up , and acquire a greater Extension ; as when Fire copiously enters Iron , it notably puffs up and extends the same : And although this Turgescency , or puffing up of Bodies , cannot be always observed by our External Senses ; yet it cannot therefore be denied : For 't is possible , that a certain Body may considerably grow or increase in its dimensions , and become intirely greater , and yet this increase of Magnitude may shun all outward Observation ; yea , it may be so subtile that it cannot be expressed by Numbers ; ex . gr . let us suppose some Body , whose Solidity or Cube may contain 64 Parts , and another whose Solidity contains 100 , where the root of the former Body whose Cube is 64 is 4 ; so that the side of that Body contains four Longitudes of the Parts so divided ; but the side or root of the other Body , whose Cube is 100 , can be expressed by no Number ; for it is greater than 4 , and less than 5 , and no Fraction can determine the same : Therefore Bodies ( as was said ) may be considerably swoln or puffed up , ( if more Spirits or subtiler Bodies enter into them , ) and yet so as that our gross Senses may judge them not at all greater . Now that we may come to the other Attribute , which is said to be of Body but not of Spirit , viz. Discerpibility ; if they understand it so ; that one only Body , even the least that can be conceived ( if any such Body can be conceived ) may be divided ; that is certainly impossible ; for it is a contradiction in terms , and supposes every the least Body to be discerpible into lesser Parts . But if Body be taken individually only for one single Body , that is indiscerpible ; and that which we call the Discerpibility of Body means only this , sc . that we may divide one Body from another , by placing some Third Body between them ; and according to this sence Spirits are no less discerpible than Bodies ; for although one single Spirit cannot become two or more Spirits , yet more Spirits co-existing in one Body , are no less separable one from another than Bodies ; for however Bodies or Spirits may be divided or separated one from another in the whole Universe , yet they still remain united in this separation ; seeing the whole Creation is still but one Substance or Entity , neither is there a Vacuum in it ; How then can any thing be separated from it self ? I mean , from that which is its proper Nature , as considered Originally , or in its Beginning , or First Being ? But as there is a General Unity of all Creatures one with another , so that none can be separated from his Fellow-Creatures ; so there is a more special and particular Unity between the Parts of one particular Species : As when the Body is divided , or torn asunder , and the Members removed one from another unto a certain distance , so long as these Members are not corrupted , and changed into another Species , they still send certain subtile Particles one to another , and to the Body from whence they came , and the Body sends the like unto them , ( which we call Spirits , and Bodies , or Spirits , for they are either , ) by means whereof the Parts and Members so apparently separated , still retain a certain real Unity and Sympathy , as is manifest from sundry Examples ; and especially the two following : The First of which is this : A certain Man wanting a Nose , ordered one to be made for him out of the Flesh of another Man , which being vitally agglutinated , ( as a Scion or Graft is united with the Trunk of the Tree into which it is put ; ) when the other Man died , and his Body corrupted , this Nose was likewise corrupted , and fell from the Body of this living Man. The Second Example is of a Man whose Leg was cut off ; which Leg being removed some considerable distance from the rest of the Body , when a certain Chirurgeon cut it , this Man complained of Pains , and showed in what part the said Leg was wounded , which manifestly proves that there is a certain Union of Parts , though separated at a great distance one from another : And so also Individuals of one Species , or such who have a singular Affinity in Specie , have a Union one with another , although locally distant , which is yet more manifest in Humane Kind : For if two Men intirely love one another , they are by this love so united , that no distance of place can divide or separate them ; for they are present ( one with another ) in Spirit ; so that there passeth a continual Efflux , or Emanation of Spirits , from the one to the other , whereby they are bound together , and united as with Chains : And so whatsoever a Man loves , whether it be Man or Beast , whether a Tree , or whether Silver or Gold , he is united with the same , and his Spirit passeth into that very Thing ; and here is to be observed , that though the Spirit of Man is commonly spoken in the Singular , as ▪ though it were but one Thing ; yet the said Spirit is a certain composition of more , yea innumerable Spirits ; as the Body is a composition of more Bodies , and hath a certain Order and Government in all its Parts , much more the Spirit which is a great Army of Spirits , wherein there are distinct Offices under one governing Spirit . And so from hence it appears that Impenetrability and Indiscerpibility , are not more Essential Attributes of Body , than of Spirit ; because in one sence they agree unto either , in another sence unto neither . But against this Infiniteness of Spirits in every Spirit , and Infiniteness of Bodies in every Body , may be objected that Saying : God made all Things in Number , Weight , and Measure ; wherefore there cannot be an infinite multitude of Spirits in one Man , nor an innumerable multitude of Bodies in one Body ? But I Answer that the infiniteness or innumerability of Spirits , and Bodies is only to be understood in respect of the Creatures understanding ▪ so that they cannot be numbred , nor the outward Extension of Body and Spirit ( that may happen in them ) be measured by the knowledge of any Creature . But that God hath perfectly known the Number and Measure of all Creatures is freely granted . And if God made all Things in Number , Weight , and Measure ; then certainly every Creature will have its Number , Weight , and Measure ; and by consequence we cannot say of any Creature , that it is but one single Thing , because it is a Number , and Number is a multitude , or more than one ; and indeed the Nature of a Creature is such , that the same cannot be merely one single Thing , in case it ought to act or do something , and so enjoy that Goodness which is prepared for it by its Creator : For ( ex . gr . ) let us suppose but one Atom to be separated from its Fellow-Creatures , What can that do to perfect it self , or make it self greater or better ? What can it see , hear , taste , or feel , either from within or without ? It cannot have internal Motion ; because every Motion hath at least two Terms or Extreams , viz. Terminus à quo , and Terminus ad quem ; or , the Term from which , and the Term to which : And seeing this is but one Atom or Centre , certainly it cannot have any Motion within it self , è Termino à quo , & ad quem ; and consequently , seeing it cannot hear , see , taste , or feel , ab intra , or , from within , it cannot have it from other Creatures , ab extra , or , from without ; for if it ought to see , hear , feel , or taste any other Creature , it is required to receive the Image of this Creature within it self , which it cannot do , because it is an Atom , and an Atom is so small that it can receive nothing within it : For as the Organs of the external Senses are composed of more parts ; so also are the Organs of the internal , and consequently all Knowledge requires variety or multitude , which is the Subject or Receptacle of it : I mean all Creatural Knowledge , where Knowledge is received or excited from known Things or Objects , ( whereas the Knowledge of God is not received or excited by Creatures , but is originally in and from himself . ) Seeing , therefore , the Objects of our Knowledge are various , and every Object sends its Image into us , and that Image is a real Being , it follows we have many Images in us , which cannot be all received in an Atom , but have need of their distinct Places in us , in their distinct Forms and Figures ; otherwise there would not only follow a confusion , but many Things would be present one with another without any Extension , which is repugnant to the Nature of a Creature . And although the Objects of our Knowledge are many ; as for Example , I am manifold , who receive so many Images from those Objects ; yet from thence it doth not follow , because I who know something am manifold , that therefore I ought to behold one Object as if it was many , so that seeing one Man I should see many ; for when many Men see one Man they do not behold him as many Men , but as one Man only : So when I look up and behold something with both my Eyes ( unless peradventure there be any confusion in my sight ) they do not seem to me as two , but one ; and if I could behold something with ten thousand Eyes , as I do with two , certainly that Thing , whether an Horse or a Man , would not seem otherwise to me than one alone . Hence appears to us a great distinction between God and Creatures ; for he is One , and this is his Perfection , that he hath need of nothing without him : But a Creature , because it needs the assistance of its Fellow-Creatures , ought to be manifold , that it may receive this assistance ; for that which receives something is nourished by the same , and so becomes a part of it , and therefore it is no more one but many , and so many indeed as there are Things received , and yet of a greater multiplicity ; therefore there is a certain Society or Fellowship among Creatures in giving and receiving , whereby they mutually subsist one by another , so that one cannot live without another ; for what Creature in the whole World can be found that hath no need of its Fellow-Creature ? Certainly none ; therefore by consequence every Creature which hath Life , Sense , or Motion , ought to be a Number , or a Multiplicity ; yea , a Number without Number , or Infinite in respect of any created Intellect . But if it be said , ought not the Central or governing Spirit to be but one only Atom ; for otherwise how can it be called a Centre , and the chief Spirit , having Dominion over the rest ? I Answer in the Negative : For this Centre it self , or chief , and governing Spirit , is manifold , for the Reasons before alledged ; but it is called a Centre , because all the other Spirits concur to it , as Lines from all parts of the Circumference do meet at the Centre , and do again depart out or proceed therefrom ; and indeed the unity of the Spirits that compose or make up this Centre , or governing Spirit , is more firm and tenacious , than that of all the other Spirits ; which are , as it were , the Angels or Ministring Spirits of their Prince or Captain ; yea , in Man this Unity is so great , that nothing can dissolve it , ( although the Unity of the greatest Plenty of Ministring Spirits , which belong not to the composition of this Centre ) may be dissolved : Hence it comes to pass that the Soul of every Man shall remain an entire everlasting Soul , or be of endless duration , that it may receive the proper Fruit of its labour , and that the Universal Law of Justice ( which is written on every Thing ) doth require , which is as a most strong and indissolvable Band to preserve this Unity : For what is more congruous with this Infinite Justice and Wisdom than this , That they who have joined together , and consented to work either Good or Evil , shall together receive their due Reward and Punishment , which cannot be if they should be dissipated or separated one from another ; and the same reason doth prove , that the Central Spirits of all other Creatures remain indissolvable ; and that although new Central Spirits are continually form'd in the Production of Things ; yet no Central Spirit is dissolved , but farther promoted , or at least diminished , according to the present dignity or indignity , capacity or incapacity thereof . CHAP. VIII . § . 1. That Spirit and Body , as they are Creatures , differ not essentially , is farther proved by three other Reasons : And a Fourth is drawn from that intimate Bond or Vnion between Body and Spirit . § . 2. That would be altogether an unfit comparison , to go about to illustrate the manner how the Soul moves the Body by an Example of God moving his Creatures . § . 3. The Vnion and Sympathy of Soul and Body may be easily demonstrated ; as also how the Soul moves the Body from the aforesaid Principle ; that Spirit is Body , and Body Spirit . § . 4. A Fifth Argument is taken from Earth and Water , which continually produces Animals of divers Kinds out of putrified or corrupted Matter . § . 5. How a gross Body may be changed into Spirit , and become as it were the Mother of Spirits ; where an Example is laid down of our Corporal Aliment , which by various Transmutations in the Body is changed into Animal Spirits , and from these into Subtiler , and more Spiritual . § . 6. Of the good or bad Angels of Men , which are properly the Angels of a Man , and proceed from him as Branches from the Root . § . 7. A sixth and last Argument is drawn from certain places of Scripture . § . 1. TO prove that Spirit and Body differ not essentially , but gradually , I shall deduce my Fourth Argument from the intiment Band or Union , which intercedes between Bodies and Spirits , by means whereof the Spirits have Dominion over the Bodies with which they are united , that they move them from one place to another , and use them as Instruments in their various Operations . For if Spirit and Body are so contrary one to another , so that a Spirit is only Life , or a living and sensible Substance , but a Body a certain Mass merely dead ; a Spirit penetrable and indiscerpible , but a Body impenetrable and discerpible , which are all contrary Attributes : What ( I pray you ) is that which doth so join or unite them together ? Or , what are those Links or Chains , whereby they have so firm a connexion , and that for so long a space of Time ? Moreover also , when the Spirit or Soul is separated from the Body , so that it hath no longer Dominion or Power over it to move it as it had before , What is the cause of this separation ? If it be said , that the vital agreement , the Soul hath to the Body , is the cause of the said Union , and that the Body being corrupted that vital Agreement ceaseth . I Answer , We must first enquire , in what this vital Agreement doth consist ; for if they cannot tell us wherein it doth consist , they only trisle with empty Words , which give a sound but want a signification : For certainly in that sence which they take Body and Spirit in , there is no Agreement at all between them ; for a Body is always a dead Thing , void of Life and sense , no less when the Spirit is in it , than when it is gone out of it : Hence there is no Agreement at all between them ; and if there is any Agreement , that certainly will remain the same , both when the Body is found , and when it is corrupted . If they deny this , because a Spirit requires an organized Body , by means whereof it performs its vital Acts of the external Senses ; moves and transports the Body from place to place ; which Organical Action ceases when the Body is corrupted . Certainly by this the difficulty is never the better solved . For why doth the Spirit require such an organized Body ? ex . gr . Why doth it require a Corporeal Eye so wonderfully formed and organized , that I can see by it ? Why doth it need a Corporeal Light , to see Corporeal Objects ? Or , why is it requisite , that the Image of the Object should be sent to it , through the Eye , that it may see it ? If the same were entirely nothing but a Spirit , and no way Corporeal , Why doth it need so many several Corporeal Organs , so far different from the Nature of it ? Furthermore , how can a Spirit move its Body , or any of its Members , if a Spirit ( as they affirm ) is of such a Nature , that no part of its Body can in the least resist it , even as one Body is wont to resist another , when 't is moved by it , by reason of its Impenetrability ? For if a Spirit could so easily penetrate all Bodies , Wherefore doth it not leave the Body behind it , when it is moved from place to place , seeing it can so easily pass out without the least resistance ? For certainly this is the cause of all Motions which we see in the World , where one Thing moves another , viz. because both are impenetrable in the sence aforesaid : For were it not for this Impenetrability one Creature could not move another , because this would not oppose that , nor at all resist it ; an Example whereof we have in the Sails of a Ship ▪ by which the Wind drives the Ship , and that so much the more vehemently , by how much the fewer holes , vents , and passages , the same finds in the Sails against which it drives : When on the contrary , if instead of Sails Nets were expanded , through which the Wind would have a freer passage ; certainly by these the Ship would be but little moved , although it blew with great violence : Hence we see how this Impenetrability causes resistance , and this makes Motion . But if there were no Impenetrability , as in the case of Body and Spirit , then there could be no resistance , and by consequence the Spirit could make no motion in the Body . § . 2. AND if it be objected , That God is altogether incorporeal and intrinsecally present in all Bodies , and yet doth move Bodies whethersoever he pleaseth , and is the First Mover of all Things ▪ and yet nothing is impenetrable to him : I Answer , This Motion by which God moves a Body , doth wonderfully differ from that manner by which the Soul moves the Body ; for the Will of God which gave Being to Bodies , gave them Motion also , so that Motion it self is of God , by whose Will all Motion happens : For as a Creature cannot give Being to it self , so neither can it move it self ; for in him we Live , Move , and have our Being ; so that Motion and Essence come from the same cause , sc . God the Creator , who remains immoveable in himself ; neither is he carried from place to place , because he is equally present every where , and gives Being to Creatures : But the case is far different , when the Soul moves the Body ; for the Soul is not the Author of Motion , but only determines it to this or that particular Thing : And the Soul it self is moved , together with the Body , from place to place ; and if the Body be imprisoned , or held in Chains , it cannot free or deliver it self out of Prison or out of Chains : Wherefore it would be a very unfit comparison , if one should go about to illustrate that Motion the Soul makes in the Body , by an Example of God moving his Creatures ; yea , so great is the difference , as if a Man should go to demonstrate how a Carpenter builds a Ship , or an House , by an Example of God creating the first Matter or Substance , wherein certainly there is as great a disparity or disproportion ; for God gave Being to Creatures , but a Carpenter doth not give Being to the Wood whereof he builds a Ship. But no Man can think , because I have said , All Motion of Creatures is of God , that therefore he is , or can be the Author , or Cause of Sin : For although the moving Power be of God , yet Sin is not in the least of God , but of the Creature , who hath abused this Power , and determined to some other end than it ought : So that Sin is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an inordinate determination of Motion , or the power of moving from its due place , state , or condition unto some other , as , v. g. a Ship is moved by the Wind , but governed by the Mariner , that it goes to this or that place ; where the Mariner is not the Author or Cause of the Wind ; but the Wind blowing , he makes either a good or a bad use of the same , whereby he either brings the Ship to the place intended , and so is commended ; or else so manages her that she suffers Shipwrack , for which he is blamed , and worthy of Punishment . Moreover , Why is the Spirit or Soul so passible in corporal Pains ? For if when it is united with the Body , it hath nothing of Corporeity , or a bodily Nature , Why is it grieved or wounded when the Body is wounded , which is quite of a different Nature ? For seeing the Soul can so easily penetrate the Body , How can any Corporeal Thing hurt it ? If it be said , the Body only feels the pain , but not the Soul ; this is contrary to their own Principles , because they affirm , that the Body hath neither Life nor Sense : But if it be granted , that the Soul is of one Nature and Substance with the Body , although it is many degrees more excellent in regard of Life and Spirituality , as also in swiftness of Motion , and Penetrability , and divers other Perfections ; then all the aforesaid difficulties will vanish , and it will be easily conceived , how the Body and Soul are united together , and how the Soul moves the Body , and suffers by it or with it . What the Opinion of the Hebrews is appears from a place in Kabbal . denud . Tom. 1. Part. 3. Dissert . 8. Cap. 13. p. 171. seq . § . 3. FOR we may easily understand how one Body is united with another , by that true agreement that one hath with another in its own Nature ; and so the most subtile and Spiritual Body may be united with a Body that is very gross and thick , sc . by means of certain Bodies , partaking of subtilty and grossness , according to divers degrees , consisting between two Extreams , and these middle Bodies are indeed the Links and Chains , by which the Soul , which is so subtile and Spiritual , is conjoined with a Body so gross ; which middle Spirits ( if they cease , or are absent ) the Union is broken or dissolved ; so from the same Foundation we may easily understand , how the Soul moves the Body , viz. as one subtile Body can move another gross and thick Body : And seeing Body it self is a sensible Life , or an intellectual Substance , it is no less clearly conspicuous , how one Body can wound , or grieve , or gratifie , or please another ; because Things of one , or alike Nature , can easily affect each other : And to this Argument may be reduced the like difficulties , viz. how Spirits move Spirits ; and how some Spirits strive and contend with other Spirits ; also concerning the Unity , Concord , and Friendship , which good Spirits reverence among themselves ; for if all Spirits could be intrinsecally present one with another , How could they dispute or contend about place ? And how can one expel or drive out another ? and yet that there is such an expulsion and conflict of Spirits , and especially of the Good against the Evil , some few who have been acquainted with their own Hearts have experimentally known . If it be said , the Spirit of God and Christ are intrinsecally present in all Things , contends with , and makes War against the Devil , and his Spirit , in the Heart of Man. I Answer , That this is also a very unfit similitude , ( viz. ) when God and Creatures are compared in their Operations : For his Ways are infinitely Superiour to ours ; yet nevertheless in this case also here remains a strong Objection . For the Spirits of God and Christ , when they strive against the Devil , and the Evil Spirits in the Heart of Man , do unite themselves with certain good Spirits , whom they have sanctified and prepared for this Union ; and by these , as a Vehicle , or Triumphant Chariot , they contend against and encounter those Malignant and Wicked Spirits : And in as much as these Evil Spirits contend against those Good Spirits in the Heart of Man , they contend against God and Christ ; and these Good Spirits are the Spirits of this faithful and pious Man , who is become Good , when as before he was Evil : For God and Christ do help every pious Man to prevail over the Evil Spirits in this Conflict , but suffers the Wicked and Unfaithful to be captivated and overcome ; for God helps none but those that fear , love , and obey him , and trust in his Power , Goodness , and Truth ; for with such he is united , and the good Spirits of such Men are as so many Swords and Darts , whereby those dark and unclean Spirits are wounded and repulsed . But if it be demanded how the Soul of Man can be united with God , though it were in a State of the highest Purity ; because he is a mere Spirit ; but the Soul even in its greatest Purity always partakes of Corporeity ? I Answer , It is done by Jesus Christ , who is the true and proper Medium between both ; for Christ and the Soul may be united without a Medium , by reason of that great Affinity and Similitude between them , which those Doctors cannot demonstrate between Spirit and Body , who say they are of a Nature so contrary one to another . § . 4. I shall draw a Fifth Argument from what we observe in all visible Bodies , as in Earth , Water , Stones , Wood , &c. What abundance of Spirits is in all these things ? For Earth and Water continually produce Animals , as they hath done from the beginning ; so that a Pool fill'd with Water may produce Fishes , though none were ever put there to increase or breed ; and seeing that all other Things do more originally proceed from Earth and Water , it necessarily follows , that the Spirits of all Animals were in the Water ; and therefore it is said in Genesis , that the Spirit of God moved upon the Face of the Waters , viz. that from hence he might produce whatsoever was afterwards created . § . 5. BUT if it be said , this Argument doth not prove that all Spirits are Bodies , but that all Bodies have in them the Spirits of all Animals , so that every Body hath a Spirit in it , and likewise a Spirit and Body ; and although they are thus united , yet they still remain different in Nature one from another , and so cannot be changed one into another . To this I Answer , if every Body , even the least , hath in it the Spirits of all Animals , and other Things ; even as matter is said to have in it all Forms : Now I demand , Whether a Body hath actually all those Spirits in it , or potentially only ? If actually , How is it possible that so many Spirits essentially distinct from Body , can actually exist in their distinct Essences in so small a Body , ( even in the least that can be conceived , ) unless it be by intrinseck Presence , which is not communicable to any Creature , as is already proved : For if all kinds of Spirits are in any , even the least Body , How comes it to pass , that such an Animal is produced of this Body , and not another ? Yea , how comes it to pass that all kind of Animals are not immediately produced out of one and the same Body ? which experience denies ; for we see that Nature keeps her order in all her Operations ; whence one Animal is formed of another , and one Species proceeds from another ; as well when it ascends to a farther Perfection , as when it descends to a viler State and Condition : But if they say , all Spirits are contained in any Body , not actually in their distinct Essences , but only potentially as they term it ; then it must be granted , that the Body and all those Spirits are one and the same thing ; that is , that a Body may be turned into them ; as when we say Wood is potentially Fire , that is , can be turned into Fire ; Water is potentially Air , that is , may be changed into Air. Moreover , if Spirits and Bodies are so inseparably united , that no Body can be without a Spirit , yea , not without many Spirits ; this is certainly a great Argument , that they are of one Original Nature and Substance , otherwise we could not ▪ conceive , why in so various and wonderful dissolutions , and separation of Things , they should not at length be separted one from another , as we see the subtiler Things may be separated from the grosser ? But whence is it , that when a Body is at length corrupted , out of this Corruption another Species of Things is generated ? So out of Earth and Water corrupted , proceed Animals ; yea , Stones if they putrefie or rot , pass into Animals : So Dung , or other putrefied Matter , generates Animals , all which have Spirits : But how doth Corruption or Dissolution of Body tend to a new Generation , and that indeed of Animals ? If it be said the Spirits of those Animals are as it were loosed from their Bonds , and set at Liberty by this dissolution , and that then they can form or fashion to themselves a new Body , out of the aforesaid Matter , by virtue of their Plastick Faculty : Unto this I reply , How did the Primitive Body so hold it Captive ? Was it because it was so hard and thick ? If so , it will be manifest that those Spirits are nothing else but subtile Bodies , because hardness and density of Body could imprison them , that they could not pass out ; for if a Spirit could as easily penetrate the hardest Body , as the softest and most fluid , it could as easily pass out of the one as the other , nor would there be need of Death and Corruption to a new Life or Generation ; therefore this kind of Captivity of Spirits in some kind of hard Bodies , and their deliverance therefrom , when the Bodies become soft , affords us a manifest Argument , that Spirit and Body are originally of one Nature and Substance , and that a Body is nothing but a fixed and condensed Spirit , and a Spirit nothing but a subtile and volatile Body . And here is to be noted , that in all hard Bodies , as in Stones , whether common or precious ; and so also in Metals , Herbs , Trees , and Animals ; yea , in all Humane Bodies , there don't only exist many Spirits ( which are as it were imprisoned in those gross Bodies , and united with them , and therefore cannot flow forth , or fly out into other Bodies , until they have passed Death or Dissolution ; ) but also many other very subtile Spirits , which continually flow from them , and which by reason of their subtilty , the hardness of the Body ( in which they lay hid ) cannot detain ; and these Spirits are the more subtile Productions , or the Sutures of the grosser Spirits detained in the Body ; for although these are detained therein , yet they are not idle in their Prison , but their Bodies are as it were Shops for them to work out those subtiler Spirits , which afterwards flow out in colours , sounds , odours , tastes , and divers other Powers and Vertues ; whence the gross Body , and the Spirits therein contained , are as it were the Mother of those subtiler Spirits , who take the place of Children ; for Nature still works to a farther perfection of subtilty and spirituality ; even as this is the most natural Property of all Motion and Operation : For all Motion wears and divides , and so renders a Thing subtile and spiritual . Even thus in Man's Body , the Meat and Drink is first changed into Chyle , then into Blood , afterwards into Spirits , which are nothing else but Blood brought to perfection ; and these Spirits , whether good or bad , still advance to a greater subtilty or spirituality , and by those Spirits which come from the Blood , we see , hear , smell , taste , feel , and think , yea meditate , love , hate , and do all things whatsoever we do ; and from hence also cometh the Seed , by which Humane Kind is propagated ; and hence especially proceeds the Voice and Speech of Man , which is full of Spirits ( form'd in the Heart ) either Good or Evil , as Christ hath taught ; That out of the Plenty of the Heart the Mouth speaketh , and that a Good Man out of the Good Treasure of his Heart bringeth forth Good Things , &c. Also that which goeth into a Man doth not defile him , but that which proceeds out of him ; for in like manner as they proceed from him , so shall they again return into him . § . 6. AND these are the proper Angels , or Ministring Spirits of a Man , ( although there are other Angels also , as well Good as Evil , which come unto Men : ) Of which Angels Christ speaketh , where he speaketh of those little Ones that believe on him : Their Angels ( saith he ) always behold the Face of my Heavenly Father . Which are the Angels of those Believers , who become , as it were , like little Infants . § . 7. MY sixth and last Argument I shall deduce from certain Texts of Scripture , as well of the Old as New Testament , which do prove in plain and express Words , that all Things have Life , and do really live in some degree or measure . Acts 17. 27. It is said , He giveth Life to all Things . Again , 1 Tim. 6. 13. of God it is said , That he quickens all Things . And Luk. 20. 38. he is not called , The God of the Dead , but of the Living , ( which though principally meant of Men , yet it is generally to be understood of all other Creatures , ) viz. he is the God of all those Things which have their Regeneration and Resurrection in their kind , no less then Man hath in his Kind : For Death is not the Annihilation of these Things ; but a change from one kind and degree of Life to another ; wherefore also the Apostle proves , and illustrates the Resurrection of the Dead by a Grain of Wheat , which being faln into the ground , dies , and riseth again exceeding fruitful . CHAP. IX . § . 1. The Philosophers ( so called ) of all Sects , have generally laid an ill Foundation to their Philosophy ; and therefore the whole Structure must needs fall . § . 2. The Philosophy here treated on is not Cartesian . § . 3. Nor the Philosophy of Hobbs and Spinosa , ( falsly so feigned , ) but diametrically opposite to them . § . 4. That they who have attempted to refute Hobbs and Spinosa , have given them too much advantage . § . 5. This Philosophy is the strongest to refute Hobbs and Spinosa , but after another method . § . 6. We understand here quite another thing by Body and Matter , than Hobbs understood ; and which Hobbs , and Spinosa , never saw , otherwise than in a Dream . § . 7. Life is as really and properly an Attribute of Body , as Figure . § . 8. Figure and Life are distinct , but not contrary Attributes of one and the same thing . § . 9. Mechanical Motion and Action● or Perfection of Life , distinguishes Things . § . 1. FROM what hath been lately said , and from divers Reasons alledged , That Spirit and Body are originally in their first Substance but one and that same thing , it evidently appears that the Philosophers ( so called ) which have taught otherwise , whether Ancient or Modern , have generally erred and laid an ill Foundation in the very beginning , whence the whole House and Superstructure is so feeble , and indeed so unprofitable , that the whole Edifice and Building must in time decay , from which absurd Foundation have arose very many gross and dangerous Errours , not only in Philosophy , but also in Divinity ( so called ) to the great damage of Mankind , hindrance of true Piety , and contempt of God's most Glorious Name , as will easily appear , as well from what hath been already said , as from what shall be said in this Chapter . § . 2. AND none can Object , That all this Philosophy is no other than that of des Cartes , or Hobbs under a new Mask . For , First , as touching the Cartesian Philosophy , this saith that every Body is a mere dead Mass , not only void of all kind of Life and Sense , but utterly uncapable thereof to all Eternity ; this grand Errour also is to be imputed to all those who affirm Body and Spirit to be contrary Things , and inconvertible one into another , so as to deny a Body all Life and Sense ; which is quite contrary to the grounds of this our Philosophy . Wherefore it is so far from being a Cartesian Principle , under a new Mask , that it may be truly said it is Anti-Cartesian , in regard of their Fundamental Principles ; although it cannot be denied that Cartes taught many excellent and ingenious Things concerning the Mechanical part of Natural Operations , and how all Natural Motions proceed according to Rules and Laws Mechanical , even as indeed Nature her self , i. e. the Creature , hath an excellent Mechanical Skill and Wisdom in it self , ( given it from God , who is the Fountain of all Wisdom , ) by which it operates : But yet in Nature , and her Operations , they are far more than merely Mechanical ; and the same is not a mere Organical Body , like a Clock , wherein there is not a vital Principle of Motion ; but a living Body , having Life and Sense , which Body is far more sublime than a mere Mechanism , or Mechanical Motion . § . 3. BUT , Secondly , as to what pertains to Hobbs's Opinion , this is yet more contrary to this our Philosophy , than that of Cartes ; for Cartes acknowledged God to be plainly Immaterial , and an Incorporeal Spirit . Hobbs affirms God himself to be Material and Corporeal ; yea , nothing else but Matter and Body , and so confounds God and the Creatures in their Essences , and denies that there is any Essential Distinction between them . These and many more the worst of Consequences are the Dictates of Hobbs's Philosophy ; to which may be added that of Spinosa ; for this Spinosa also confounds God and the Creatures together , and makes but one Being of both ; all which are diametrically opposite to the Philosophy here delivered by us . § . 4. BUT the false and feeble Principles of some who have undertaken to refute the Philosophy of Hobbs and Spinosa , so called , have given them a greater advantage against themselves ; so that they have not only in effect , not refuted them , but more exposed themselves to Contempt and Laughter . But if it be Objected , That this our Philosophy seems , at least , very like that of Hobbs , because he taught that all Creatures were originally one Substance , from the lowest and most ignoble , to the highest and noblest ; from the smallest Worm , Insect , or Fly , unto the most Glorious Angel ; yea , from the least Dust or Sand , unto the most excellent of all Creatures ; and then this , that every Creature is Material and Corporeal ; yea , Matter and Body it self ; and by consequence the most Noble Actions thereof , are either Material and Corporeal , or after a certain Corporeal manner . Now I Answer to the First , I grant that all Creatures are originally one Substance , from the lowest to the highest , and consequently convertible or changeable , from one of their Natures into another ; and although Hobbs saith the same , yet that is no prejudice to the Truth of it , as neither are other parts of that Philosophy where Hobbs affirms something that is true , therefore an Hobbism , or an Opinion of Hobbs alone . § . 5. MOREOVER , this Principle is so far from defending them in their Errours , that nothing is so strong to refute them , ex . gr . The Hobbists argue , all Things are one , because we see that all visible Things may be changed one into another ; yea , that all visible Things may be changed into invisible , as when Water is made Air , and Wood being burnt ( for the greatest part ) is changed into a certain invisible Substance , which is so subtile , that it escapes all observation of our Senses ; add to which , that all invisible Things may become visible , as when Water proceeds from Air , &c. and hence he concludes , nothing is so low that it cannot attain to sublimity . But now that we may Answer to this Argument , his Adversaries generally deny the Antecedent , and on the contrary affirm that no Spicies of Things is convertible into another : And when Wood is burnt , many say that the Wood is composed of two Substances ; to wit , Matter and Form , and that the Matter remains the same , but the Form of the Wood is destroyed or annihilated , and a new Form of Fire is produced in this Matter ; so that according to them , here is a continual Annihilation of real Substances and Productions of new Ones in this World : But this is so frivolous , that many others deny that , in the case of Wood , changed into Fire , and afterwards into Smoak and Ashes ▪ yet they still persist in the same Errour in other Transmutations , as when Wood is changed into an Animal , as we often see that of rotten Wood ; yea , Dung also , living Creatures are generated : But if they deny here , that the Wood is changed into an Animal , and say that Wood is nothing but Matter ; but Matter hath not Life , nor a capacity to Life or Sense ; and therefore this Animal which hath Life and Sense , ought to have the same from elsewhere , and must have a Spirit or Soul in it , that is not a part of its Body , neither doth proceed from it , but is sent ●●●●er . But if it be demanded of them , from whence this Spirit is sent , and who sendeth it ? Also why a Spirit of this Species is sent , and not of another ; here they are at a stand , and yield themselves to their Adversaries . Therefore this our Philosophy before laid down , more strongly conduces to the refutation of the Hobbesian and Spinosian Philosophy , viz. that all Kinds of Creatures may be changed one into another , that the lowest may become the highest , and the highest ( as considered originally in its own proper Nature ) may become the lowest , sc . according to that Course and Succession which Divine Wisdom hath ordained , that one Change may succeed another in a certain order ; so that A must be first turned into B , before it can be turned into C , which must be turned into C , before it can be changed into D , &c. But we deny the Consequence , viz. that God and Creatures are one Substance . For in all Transmutations of Creatures from one Species into another , as from a Stone into Earth , and from Earth into Grass , and from Grass to a Sheep , and from a Sheep into Humane Flesh , and from Humane Flesh into the most servile Spirits of Man , and from these into his noblest Spirits ; but there can never be a Progression or Ascension made unto God , who is the chiefest of all Beings , and whose Nature still infinitely excels a Creature placed in his highest Perfection ; for the Nature of God is every way unchangeable , so that it doth not admit of the least Shadow of a Change : But the Nature of a Creature is to be changeable . § . 6. SECONDLY , If it be said , by way of Objection , that according to this Philosophy , every Creature is Material and Corporeal ; yea , Body and Matter it self , as Hobbs teacheth . Now I Answer , That by Material and Corporeal , as also by Matter and Body , here the thing is far otherwise understood , than Hobbs understood it , and which was never discovered to Hobbs or Cartes , otherwise than in a Dream : For what do they understand by Matter and Body ? Or , What Attributes do they ascribe to them ? None , certainly , but these following as are Extension and Impenetrability , which nevertheless are but one Attribute ; to which also may be referred Figurability and Mobility . But , suppose , these are distinct Attributes , certainly this profits nothing , nor will ever help us to understand what that excellent Substance is , which they call Body and Matter ; for they have never proceeded beyond the Husk or Shell , nor ever reached the Kernel , they only touch the Superficies , never discerning the Centre , they were plainly ignorant of the noblest and most excellent Attributes of that Substance which they call Body and Matter , and understood nothing of them , But if it be demanded , what are those more excellent Attributes ? I Answer , these following , Spirit , or Life , and Light , under which I comprehend , a capacity of all kind of Feeling , Sense , and Knowledge , Love , Joy , and Fruition , and all kind of Power and Virtue , which the noblest Creatures have or can have ; so that even the vilest and most contemptible Creature ; yea , Dust and Sand , may be capable of all those Perfections , sc . through various and succedaneous Transmutations from the one into the other ; which according to the Natural Order of Things , require long Periods of Time for their Consummation , although the absolute Power of God ( if it had pleased him ) could have accelerated or hastened all Things , and effected it in one moment : But this Wisdom of God saw it to be more expedient , that all Things should proceed in their Natural Order and Course ; so that after this manner , that Fertility or Fruitfulness , which he hath endued every Being with , may appear , and the Creatures have Time by Working still to promote themselves to a greater Perfection , as the Instruments of Divine Wisdom , Goodness and Power , which operates in , and with them ; for therein the Creature hath the greater Joy , when it possesseth what it hath , as the Fruit of its own labour . But this capacity of the afore-mentioned Perfections is quite a distinct Attribute from Life , and Understanding , or Knowledge , quite distinct from the former , viz. Extension and Figure ; and so also a Vital Action is plainly distinct from Local , or Mechanical Motion , although it is not nor cannot be separated from it , but still useth the same at least , as its Instrument , in all its concourse with the Creatures . § . 7. I SAY , Life and Figure are distinct Attributes of one Substance , and as one and the same Body may be transmuted into all Kinds of Figures ; and as the perfecter Figure comprehends that which is more imperfect ; so one and the same Body may be transmuted from one degree of Life to another more perfect , which always comprehends in it the inferior . We have an Example of Figure in a Triangular Prisme , which is the first Figure of all right lined solid Bodies , whereinto a Body is convertible ; and from this into a Cube , which is a perfecter Figure , and comprehends in it a Prisme ; from a Cube it may be turned into a more perfect Figure , which comes nearer to a Globe , and from this into another , which is yet nearer ; and so it ascends from one Figure , more imperfect , to another more perfect , ad infinitum ; for here are no bounds ; nor can it be said , this Body cannot be changed into a perfecter Figure : But the meaning is , that that Body consists of plain right lines ; and this is always changeable into a perfecter Figure , and yet can never reach to the perfection of a Globe , although it always approaches nearer unto it ; the case is the same in divers degrees of Life , which have indeed a beginning , but no end ; so that the Creature is always capable of a farther and perfecter degree of Life , ad infinitum , and yet can never attain to be equal with God ; for he is still infinitely more perfect than a Creature , in its highest Elevation or Perfection , even as a Globe is the most perfect of all other Figures , unto which none can approach . § . 8. AND thus Life and Figure are distinct , but not contrary Attributes of one and the same Substance , and Figure serves the Operations of Life , as we see in the Body of Man or Beast , how the Figure of the Eye serves the Sight ; the Figure of the Ear , the Hearing ; the Figure of the Mouth , Teeth , Lips , and Tongue , serve the Speech ; the Figure of the Hands and Fingers serve to Work ; the Figure of the Feet to Walk ; and so the Figures of all the other Members have their use , and very much conduce to the Vital Operations , which the Spirit performs in these Members ; Yea the Figure of the whole Body is more commodious for the proper Operations of Human Life , than any other Figure whatsoever is , or could be made ; So that Life and Figure consist very well together in one Body , or Substance , where Figure is an Instrument of Life , without which no Vital Operation can be performed . § . 9. LIKEWISE , Local and Mechanical Motion ( i. e. ) the carrying of Body from place to place , is a Manner or Operation distinct from Action or Vital Operation , altho' they are inseparable , so that a Vital Action can in no wise be without all Local Motion , because this is the Instrument thereof . So the Eye cannot see , unless Light enter it , which is a Motion , and stirs up a Vital Action in the Eye , which is Seeing ; and so in all other Vital Operations in the whole Body . But an Action of Life is a far Nobler and Diviner manner of Operation than Local Motion ; and yet both agree to one Substance , and consist well together ; for as the Eye receives the Light into it self , from the Object which it seeth from without ; so also it sends the same Light to the Object , and in this Spirit and Life is a Vital Action , uniting the Object and Sight together . Wherefore Hobbs , and all others who side with him , grievously erre , whilst they teach that Sense and Knowledge is no other than a re-action of Corporeal Particles one upon another , where , by re-action , he means no other than Local and Mechanical ▪ Motion . But indeed Sense and Knowledge is a Thing far more Noble and Divine , than any Local or Mechanical , Motion of any Particles whatsoever ; for it is the Motion or Action of Life , which uses the other as its Instrument , whose Service consists herein ; that is , to stir up a Vital Action in the Subject or Percipient ; and can like Local Motion be transmitted through divers Bodies , although very far distant asunder , which therefore are united , and that without any new Transition of Body or Matter , ex . gr . a Beam of Wood of an exceeding great length , is moved by one Extream from the North to the South , the other Extream will necessarily be moved also ; and the Action is transmitted through the whole Beam , without any Particles of Matter sent hither to promote Motion , from one Extream to the other ; because the Beam it self is sufficient to transmit the said Motion : After the same manner also , a Vital Action can proceed together with Local Motion from one thing to another , and that too at a great distance , where there is an apt and fit Medium to transmit it , and here we may observe a kind of Divine Spirituality or Subtilty in every Motion , and so in every Action of Life , which no created Body or Substance is capable of , viz. by Intrinsecal Presence , which ( as before is proved ) agrees to no created Substance ; and yet agrees to every Motion or Action whatsoever : For Motion or Action is not a certain Matter or Substance , but only a manner of its Being ; and therefore is intrinsecally present in the Subject , whereof there is a Modus , or Manner , and can pass from Body to Body , at a great distance , if it finds a fit Medium to transmit it ; and by how much the stronger the Motion is , so much the farther it reacheth ; so when a Stone is cast into standing Waters , it causes a Motion every way from the Centre to the Circumference , forming Circles still greater and greater at a great distance , by how much longer the time is , till at length it vanishes from our sight ; and then without doubt , it makes yet more invisible Circles for a longer space of Time , which our dull Senses cannot apprehend , and this Motion is transmitted from the Centre to the Circumference , not conveighed thither by any Body or Substance , carrying this Motion with it from the Stone . And as the External Light also , seeing it is an Action or Motion stirred up by some illuminate Body , may be transmitted through Glass , Chrystal , or any other transparent Body , without out any Substance , Body , or Matter , conveighed from that illuminate Body from whence the said Action proceeded , not that I would deny that abundance of subtile Matter continually flows from all illuminate Bodies , so that the whole Substance of a burning Candle is spent in such Emanations : And this hath in it that Motion or Action , which we call Light ; but this Motion or Action may be increased , v. g. by Chrystal , where those subtile Emanations of Bodies may be restrained , that they cannot pass out at least in such abundance , as may be sufficient to communicate the whole Light : But seeing Chrystal ( which doth so easily transmit the Light ) is so hard and solid , How can it receive so many Bodies , and transmit them so easily through it , when other Bodies , neither so hard nor solid , do let or resist it ? for Wood is neither so hard nor solid as Chrystal , and yet Chrystal is transparent , but Wood not ; and certainly Wood is more porous than Chrystal , because it is less solid , and consequently the Light doth not enter by the Pores of the Chrystal , but through the very Substance of it ; and yet so as not to adhere to it , or make any turgescency or increase of Quantity , but by a certain intrinseck presence , because it is not a Body or Substance , but a mere Action or Motion . Now Chrystal is a fitter Medium to receive this Motion , which we call Light , than Wood is ; and hence it is , that it pervades or passeth through that and not this ; and as there is a great diversity of the Motion and Operation of Bodies , so every Motion requires its proper Medium to transmit the same . Therefore 't is manifest , that Motion may be transmitted through diverse Bodies , by another kind of penetration , than any Body or Matter ( how subtile soever it be ) is able to make ; to wit , by intrinseck Presence . And if mere Local or Mechanical Motion can do that , then certainly a Vital Action ( which is a nobler kind of Motion ) can do the same ; and if it can penetrate those Bodies , it passeth through by intrinseck Presence , then it may in one moment be transmitted from one Body to another , or rather require no time at all , I mean Motion or Action it self requires not the least time for its transmission , although 't is impossible but that the Body , wherein the Motion is carried from place to place , ought to have some time , either greater or lesser , according to the quality of Body and vehemency of Motion which carries it . And therefore we see how every Motion and Action , considered in the Abstract , hath a wonderful subtilty or spirituality in it , beyond all created Substances whatsoever , so that neither Time nor Place can limit the same ; and yet they are nothing else but Modes or Manners of created Substances , viz. their Strength , Power , and Virtue , whereby they are extendible into great Substances , beyond what the Substance it self can make . And so we may distinguish Extension into Material and Virtual , which two-fold Extension every Creature hath ; Material Extension is that which Matter , Body , or Substance hath , as considered without all Motion or Action ; and this Extension ( to speak properly ) is neither greater or lesser , because it would still remain the same . A Virtual Extension is a Motion or Action which a Creature hath , whether immediately given from God , or immediately received from its Fellow Creature . That which is immediately given of God ( from whom also it hath its Being , ) and which is the natural and proper effect of its Essence , is in ● more proper way of speaking , a proper Motion of the Creature , proceeding from the innermost parts thereof ; and therefore may be called Internal Motion , as distinguished from External , which is only from another ; and therefore in respect thereof may be called Foreign ; and when the said External Motion endeavours to carry a Body , or any Thing , to a place whereunto it hath properly no natural inclination , then it is preternatural and violent ; as when a Stone is thrown up into the Air , which Motion being preternatural and violent , is plainly Local and Mechanical , and no way vital , because it doth not proceed from the Life of the Thing so moved : But every Motion , proceeding from the proper Life and Will of the Creature , is vital ; and this I call a Motion of Life , which is not plainly Local and Mechanical as the other , but hath in it a Life , and Vital Virtue , and this is the Virtual Extension of a Creature , which is either greater or lesser , according to that kind or degree of Life wherewith the Creature is endued , for when a Creature arrives at a Nobler Kind and Degree of Life , then doth it receive the greater Power and Virtue to move it self , and transmit its vital Motions to the greatest distance . But how Motion or Action may be transmitted from one Body to another , is with many a matter of great debate ; because it is not a Body or Substance ; and if it be only Motion of Body , how Motion can pass properly with its own subject into another , because the very being of Modus , or Manner , consist herein , viz. to ▪ exist or be inherent in its own Body : The Answer to this Objection , which seemeth to me best , is this , That Motion is not propagated from one Body to another by Local Motion , because Motion it self is not moved , but only moves the Body in which it is ; for if Motion could be propagated by Local Motion , this Motion would be propagated of another , and this again of another , and so ad infinitum ; which is absurd . Therefore the manner of the said propagation is ( as it were ) by real Production or Creation ; so that as God and Christ can only create the Substance of a Thing , when as no Creature can Create or give Being to any Substance , no not as an Instrument ; so a Creature , not of it self , but in subordination to God , as his Instrument may give existence to Motion and vital Action , and so the Motion in one Creature may produce Motion in another : And this is all a Creature can do towards the moving it self or its Fellow Creatures , as being the Instrument of God , by which Motions a new Substance is not created , but only new Species of Things , so that Creatures may be multiplied in their Kinds , whilst one acts upon , and moves another ; and this is the whole Work of the Creature , or Creation , as the Instrument of God ; but if it moves against his Will , whose Instrument it is , then it Sins , and is punished for it : But God ( as before was said ) is not the cause of Sin ; for when a Creature Sins , he abuseth the Power God hath granted him ; and so the Creature is culpable , and God intirely free from every spot or blemish hereof . If therefore we apply those things which have been already spoken , concerning the Attributes of a Body , viz. that it hath not only Quantity and Figure , but Life also ; and is not only locally and mechanically but vitally moveable , and can transmit its vital Action whithersoever it pleaseth , provided it hath a Medium aptly disposed , and if it hath none it can extend it self by the subtile Emanation of its parts , which is the fittest and most proper Medium of it , to receive and transmit its vital Action . Hereby it will be easie to Answer to all the Arguments ▪ whereby some endeavour to prove that a Body is altogether uncapable of Sense and Knowledge ; and it may be easily demonstrated , after what manner some certain Body may gradually advance to that Perfection , as not only to be capable of such Sense and Knowledge as Brutes have , but of any kind of Perfection whatsoever may happen in any Man or Angel ; and so we may be able to understand the Words of Christ , that of Stones God is able to raise up Children to Abraham , without flying to some strained Metaphor ; and if any one should deny this Omnipotence of God , viz. that God is able of Stones to raise up Children to Abraham ; that certainly would be the greatest Presumption . FINIS . 
A24071	----	The history of Hai Eb'n Yockdan, an Indian prince, or, The self-taught philosopher written originally in the Arabick tongue by Abi Jaafar Eb'n Tophail ... ; set forth not long ago in the original Arabick, with the Latin version by Edw. Pocock ... ; and now translated into English. Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. English Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd al-Malik, d. 1185. 1686 Approx. 249 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A24071 Wing A151 ESTC R19263 12605102 ocm 12605102 64247 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A24071) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64247) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 339:5) The history of Hai Eb'n Yockdan, an Indian prince, or, The self-taught philosopher written originally in the Arabick tongue by Abi Jaafar Eb'n Tophail ... ; set forth not long ago in the original Arabick, with the Latin version by Edw. Pocock ... ; and now translated into English. Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. English Ibn Ṭufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd al-Malik, d. 1185. Pococke, Edward, 1604-1691. Ashwell, George, 1612-1695. [29], 217, [1] p. Printed for Richard Chiswell ... and William Thorp ..., London : 1686. Translation of: Risālat Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān. Translation by G. Ashwell. Cf. BM. Advertisement: [1] p. at end. Reproduction of original in Newberry Library. Theologia ruris, sive schola & scala naturae, or, The book of nature": p. [193]-217. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, Islamic -- Early works to 1800. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur . C. Alston . Jan. 27. 168 5 / 6. THE HISTORY OF Hai Eb'n Yockdan , AN Indian Prince : OR , THE Self-Taught Philosopher . Written Originally in the Arabick Tongue , by Abi Jaafar Eb'n Tophail , a Philosopher by Profession , and a Mahometan by Religion . Wherein is demonstrated , by what Steps and degrees , humane Reason , improved by diligent Observation and Experience , may arrive to the knowledge of natural things , and from thence to the discovery of Supernaturals ; more especially of God , and the Concernments of the other World. Set forth not long ago in the Original Arabick , with the Latin Version , by EDW. POCOCK . M. A. and Student of Christ-church , Oxon. 1671. And now Translated into English. LONDON , Printed for Richard Chiswell , in S. Paul's Church-yard , and William Thorp Bookseller in Banbury . M DC LXXXVI . TO THE Right Honourable . PHILIPLd WENMAN , Baron of Kilmaynham , And Viscount TUAM . My Lord , YOU may please to remember , that some while ago I acquainted your Lordship , with my intention to Translate into English the Life of Hai Eb'n Yockdan , or The Self-taught Philosopher ; which had been set forth some years before , in Arabick and Latin , by the Care and Pains of our Learned Professor of the Oriental Tongues in the University of Oxford . At which time you were pleased , not only to encourage me unto the work , but even to ingage me to the undertaking it . Since that , I have dispatched it at last , after many Diversions , and amidst as many Interruptions . And upon the Review have ventured to send it abroad into the World ; being willing to hope , that it may not only please for the rarity of the Subject , but profit also in some measure and Degree , in regard of its Commodiousness and Seasonableness ; among the Men of this licentious Generation , whereof some are too loose in their Principles , and others in their Practices ; the one living by no Rule , and the other by no certain one , but giddily following their own Phancies , or other Mens Opinions , whom they have unadvisedly chosen to themselves for the Guides of their Faith and Manners . Whereas the Philosopher , whose life is here described , will instruct them in such principles of Morality and Religion , and such alone , as the light of Nature discovers , and which must needs be acknowledged for True by all those , who will judge and act as Men , according to the Dictates of Reason , and the Conclusions resulting from Experience . And I heartily wish indeed , that All of us were arrived even thus far , by the guidance of this light , and agreed in such principles as humane Reason teacheth out of the Book of Nature , which sets forth to our view Gods works of Creation and Providence . For this foundation being laid , there would be more hopes of agreement about that , which the Supernatural light of Revelation discovers to our Faith , and superstructs thereupon . But your Lordship will find the usefulness of this History , in its Philosophical and Theological discoveries , more amply set down in the Preface , which comprehends the chief particulars , and acquaints the Reader with the main of it design . And however my design in publishing this Translation thrive abroad in the World , yet I have good hope that it will not fail of its end in obtaining your Lordship's favourable Acceptance , and remain as a Testimonial of my Gratitude for the many , and long continued favours , received from your Lordship ; which as they do at present , so will always ingage me for the future , to shew and approve my self upon all good Opportunities , My much honoured Lord , Your Lordship 's most Humble , Faithful , and much Obliged Servant , Geo. Ashwell . THE PREFACE . VVE are told by our learned Professour of the Oriental . Tongues in the University of Oxford , who caused this History to be set forth in the Original Arabick , and thence translated into Latine ; that the Author hereof was Abi Jaafar Eb'n Tophail , an Arabian Philosopher , and a Mahometan ; otherwise called , Abubecher . As also , that he was Contemporary with Eb'n Roshd , usually called Averroes , and somewhat Elder than He. Now this Averroes died , being very Old , in the year of the Heira 595 , which is co-incident with the year of our Lord 1198. So that by this Computation , this Author flourished about 500 years ago . He wrote this History in the form of an Epistle , and so entitles it ; for by this name the Arabians use to call their shorter Treatises . That both the Author , and the Book , were of good credit , appears by the Testimony , not only of the Arabians his Countrymen , but also of the Jews . The said Averroes calls him , The Honourable Judge Abubeoher Ben Tophail . This History also of His was of old translated into Hebrew , and well accepted of by the Jews . For Moses Narbonensis in his Preface thereto , and Comment there upon , commends the Author . So doth also Mardochaeus Comtino , another Jew , more than once . The Design of the Author in this Book is to shew , how far a Person of an excellent Wit , and towardly Disposition , being destitute of Humane Society , and consequently without the direction and assistance of any other , may advance Himself in Knowledge , by improving his own Reason to the utmost Pitch , in the search of Things both Natural , and above Nature , with the sole help and exercise of his own Meditation , and Observations upon it . Wherein he discovers and prescribes a Method unto those , who will apply themselves to such Contemplations , and delight to make a considerable Progress in them ; such a safe and easie method as may be very serviceable and useful to this present Age , though so many Ages distant from that of the Author ; an Age so much inclined to Fanaticism , Sadducism , and Atheism . He treads indeed a new unbeaten Path , wherein by set and orderly Degrees , He brings His Reader at length to the knowledge of God , and the upper World ; beyond which steps , thus by him discovered and forepassed , no man can proceed any farther , but by the Light and Guidance of Divine Revelation . For Humane Reason is forced to fly hither , when dazled with the excessive light of these heavenly Mysteries ; its poreblind sight not being able to discern Objects so high , and so far off distant ; or rather groaping in the Dark to find them , by reason of its innate Dimness . This Author therefore justly condemns them , who presume to make an over-curious search , by natural light only , into such things , as neither Eye hath seen , nor Ear heard , nor are discoverable by the heart of man. To prevent which , our Author in his Preface admonisheth his Reader , what to fly , and what to follow ; and taxeth the errors not only of the vulgar , but of some of the more learned Philosophers . It must be granted indeed , that some very ingenious and learned Men of this latter Age , have endeavoured to demonstrate the main fundamental Truths of Religion by the Light of Humane Reason , and the Principles of Natural Theology , which are generally acknowledged by mankind , although much differing in other points . And this may seem to render such a Discourse as this , of little or no use to the World in these Times . Yet I am willing to think otherwise , when I consider that the Discourses of these learned Men concerning this Subject , consist , for the general , of such Notions , Grounds , and Proofs , as are too subtle , sublime , and metaphysical for common understandings : so that they leave men still in the dark ; yea , more perplexed than they were before . Whereas this Author proceeds by such gentle steps , in an easie and familiar way of reasoning , which is obvious to every ones apprehension , that He leads his Reader in sensibly onward , without any toilsom labour , or perplexing of his Brains , in the search of the Truth , till He have brought him , before he is aware , unto the end of his journey . Or like the easie ascent of winding Stairs , which conduct to the top of an high Tower , or Pyramid , such as that in Aegypt : Or rather like the leisurely mounting of Jacob's Ladder , whereon he saw the Angels ascending , as well as descending ; for like the Rounds of that , are the degrees whereby He conducts his Reader , till He have brought him up to the very top of the Ladder , where God presents Himself unto his view . This History then , being thus Englished , and so communicated to the view of all , whereas before it was locked up to most in an unknown language , may , I hope , prove not altogether unuseful unto many in this idle , worldly and voluptuous Age , wherein men generally seek after little else besides the concerns of this present life , studying , and busying themselves about their Profit or their Pleasure ; either , in heaping up Riches with much Care and Toil , or spending their Days in Ease and carnal Delights , and making it their study how they may pass away their time without any Care or Trouble at all . Whereas this History shews the true and genuine Concerns of humane life , with the means of obtaining that felicity , which Man was born for ; which it makes to consist in a right and useful Exercise of those faculties which God hath bestowed upon us , and improving them to the best Advantage , by an industrious and continued experimenting of all Things that come in our way , the knowledge whereof may be useful to us ; and making proper Observations upon them , as this Self-taught Philosopher is said to have done ; and as any other Man is capable of doing in like manner , who is endued with the same sagacity of mind , and ingenuity of Disposition . And such as are not , may be his Scholars , and learn with more ease such lessons as these , by what they find him to have experimented and observed . For here we find set down by what means , and by what Degrees , in the seven Septenaries of his Age , ( whereinto his Life is divided in this History , and the Observations He made in each of them ) He arrived to a proportionable measure of knowledge , concerning all the Accommodations of humane Life , in this lower World ; how he came to find them out , and in what manner He managed and improved them : Then , what he observed , as concerning the brute Creatures , which He found in the Island , wherein He is said to have been bred ; but more especially , concerning himself , both as to his Body , with its several Parts and faculties ; and to his Soul , with its spiritual and immortal nature , and all the Excellencies that attend it ; how He came to find them out , and what Reasons He grounded his Observations upon : Then , how He examined the Natures , Properties , and uses of the Elements ; and how He thence ascended to the Contemplation of the Heavenly Bodies , with their Light , Motions , and Influences . So that we have here set before us , opened , and exposed to our Eyes , the whole Book of Nature to read , with the ways and means , whereby almost all Arts and Sciences came to be invented ; namely , Physiology , Anatomy , Astronomy , and Geometry ; also , Logick , and Metaphysicks , and the Rules of Morality , which He set to himself , and whereby He governed his whole Life . But the utmost Height and Perfection of his Learning , whereunto all the rest tended as so many Steps or Degrees , consisted in that natural Theology , which He arrived to , from the serious and attentive Consideration of Gods works , and more particularly of himself ; whence He concluded , that God was the supereminent , the sole and independent Being , of infinite Greatness and Goodness , Wisdom and Power , Majesty and Glory , whose all-seeing Eye , and over-ruling Hand of Providence , extend themselves to all his Creatures ; who is also most Just and Righteous in all his Dealings with , and towards Mankind , and therefore will one Day call all Men to give an Account of their lives , when He will sentence , and reward them according to their Works . Whereupon , He discourseth of the Resurrection , and the last Judgment , with the Felicities and Miseries that attend Men after the Judgment is past , answerably to the condition and quality of their lives , which they led here on Earth . The former He makes to consist in the Beatifical Vision of God : But the latter He describes in such figurative Expressions , which although not altogether irrational for a meer natural Philosopher to conjecture ; yet , I suppose , are taken out of the Alcoran , the Author of this History being a Mahometan by Religion . Yet he brings in his Self taught Philosopher making some Exceptions against that Book , as it was described to him by his Friend Asal , and taxing it of Imperfection in several particulars , whereto He makes no particular Reply . This is the Summ and the main Design of the ensuing History ; which possibly ( being thus Englished ) may do some good ( as I even now said ) in this Profane and Fanatical , as well as lewd and luxurious Age. Let them then who wilfully shut their Eyes against the light of Revelation , as being too pure and bright for them , at least suffer themselves to be guided by the less splendid and more familiar light of natural Reason . Let the Enthusiasts also , who pretend so much to supernatural Revelations , and are dazled with their fanciful lights , and sublime speculations , through the delusion of the Prince of Darkness , transforming himself into an Angel of Light , learn from hence to know themselves better , and to be wise unto Sobriety . Let the profane Jesters and Scoffers who speak slightingly and scornfully of the most serious and sacred things , and turn all Religion into ridiculous Drollery , learn to speak more reverently of God , and things Divine , from a meer natural Philosopher , who is the Subject of this History , and a Mahometan who is the Author of it . Let them who are unkind , and unneighbourly to those they live amongst , and so far from succouring and relieving them in their Dangers and Distresses , that they make no Conscience of getting what they can from them , either by fraud or force , whensoever it lies in their Power , and they can find an Opportunity , learn of this Self-Taught Philosopher to be kindly affectioned towards their Neighbours , whenas they find him so kind towards all his fellow-Creatures , though of a diverse kind ; so ready to supply their wants , and to free them from whatsoever evils that molested them . Let the Covetous Worldlings , who take so much pleasure in heaping up unnecessaries , which are Burdens rather than Blessings , learn of him to rest content with such a competency , as Nature only requires , and to be satisfied with the just Conveniences of Life . Let , lastly , the rude , and intemperate , and inordinate livers , who are so ready to run into Excess , and to forget all the Rules of Order and Decency , learn the contrary vertues of Temperance , and Modesty , and Regularity , from him who took such an exact care about his Food and Clothing , that so he might not transgress in any particular , relating to either of them . These , and other good Lessons , may be learned from hence . But there are some few other particulars , which it will not be amiss to advertise the Reader of , to prevent some exceptions which otherwise might be taken against them . First , That I have omitted two Discourses in my Translation , which I conceived little or nothing pertinent to the main Design of the History . The one treats of the several Sects among the Mahometans , with the Heads of those Sects , and passeth a censure on their Opinions . The other argues the possibility of Mans Body being formed and produced out of the Earth , as Frogs and Mice , and some other of the ignobler Animals sometimes are , though more ordinarily bred of Male and Female . ' An opinion which our Author is said to have received from Eb'n Sina , commonly known by the name of Avicenna , who held that some Earth may be so well fitted and prepared through the excellent Temper and Disposition thereof , as to become a convenient Habitacle for an humane Soul , to be infused thereinto by God. Such an Original as our Author saith , some fancied that Hai Eb'n Yockdan had . But he determines nothing in the Point , leaving all to report and the opinion of certain Philosophers . It being all one to his Design , whether his Self-taught Philosopher had his Body formed out of the Earth , or were born elsewhere , and thence transported into that desart Island , wherein he is said to have lived , and learned what he did , by his own Experiments and Observations . Secondly , In my Translation , I have not strictly tied my self to the letter of the Latin , as he did his Latin to the Letter of the Arabick , for a good reason shewed in the Preface . But I , being not alike concerned , have thought fit to use more liberty , yet so as to keep unto the sense , which I have endeavoured to render more clear and full , hereby intending the greater profit , as well as pleasure of the Reader . Thirdly , Whereas the Author brings in his Self-taught Philosopher very much perplexed about the Original of the World , whether it were made by God in time , or from all Eternity , and not able to resolve either way , by reason of the Equipoise of Reasons on both sides , it is not to be wondred at ; as well , because it is a point very hardly , if at all , determinable by meer natural Reason , which was the only guide this Philosopher is supposed to have had ; as also because the Author of this History , was an Arabian Philosopher , amongst whom Aristotle's Philosophy is of the chiefest , and almost the only repute . Now it is generally known , that he held the World to have been from all Eternity . Fourthly , Whereas he brings in his said Philosopher placing intelligent forms in the heavenly Bodies , which he calls by the name of Essences , and makes them to enjoy the Vision of God in a more eminent manner , as being of a most excellent nature , and placed near to him ; it is somewhat less to be wondred at ; not only because Aristotle held the like intelligences to reside in the Spheres , and move them about ; that Plato also , and his followers ( as is confest ) held the Spheres and Stars to be living Bodies , informed by the like intelligences ; but Philo Judaeus too , and Origen among the ancient Doctors of the Church . S. Jerom is not averse to it , in his Comment on Eccles. 1. 6. S. Aug. in several places of his works leaves the question undetermined . He also , and Aquinas tell us , that it was never determined by the Church ; whence it is that he , and other Schoolmen that followed him , speak so doubtfully concerning it . Lastly , Whereas we find in this History several passages cited out of the Alcoran , whether for the confirmation or illustration of some things therein said , it is least of all to be wondred at , when we consider the Author to have been a Mahometan ; and though they seem sometimes to disturb the sense , and interrupt the coherence of the Discourse , yet they pass for elegancies and ornaments , as well as proofs , among the Mahometans , as Citations out of the Old Testament or the Talmud , do with the Jews . THE HISTORY OF HAI EB'N YOCKDAN , AN INDIAN PRINCE : OR THE Self-taught Philosopher . WE have received from our pious § 1 Ancestors , that amongst the Indian Islands there lies an uninhabited one , situated under the Equinoctial , and blest with a most pleasant and temperate Air : Also , that not far from this , there lay another Island of a large Compass , abounding with all the Commodities of Life , and well inhabited ; which was then govern'd by a Prince of a proud and jealous Disposition . This Prince had a Sister of an excellent Beauty , whom he held in strict Custody , and restrained from Marriage , because he could find no one in his Country , whom he thought an equal Match for her . But he had withall a near Kinsman , named Yockdan , who privately married her , according to such Matrimonial Rites , as were commonly known and used by the Inhabitants of that Island . By him she soon afterwards proved with Child , and was delivered of a Son. But she then fearing lest the Business should be known , and both her Marriage and Child come to be discovered , after she had suckled the Infant , she put him into a small Chest , which when she had shut up again , and close fastned , being accompanied with certain of her Servants , and some faithful Friends of hers , about the beginning of the Night , she conveys him to the Sea-shore ; where out of an Heart equally affected with , and divided betwixt Love and Fear , she took her last leave of him , and recommended him to God in this Prayer ; O God , who didst create this poor Infant , when as yet he was nothing ; then cherished'st and nourisht him , whilst he lay confined and imprisoned within the dark Closet of my Womb ; and tookest a special care of him , until his Body grew up to Perfection , and became entirely furnished with all its Limbs ; I now fearing the Displeasure of that unjust , proud , and perverse Prince my Brother , do a-new recommend him to thy Goodness , hoping that thou wilt be favourable unto him . Thou who art supereminent , and excellest all in Mercy , help and assist him ; let thy gracious Providence continually guard , direct , and govern him , and never leave him destitute of thy Care. Having said this , she committed § 2 the Chest unto the Sea ; which the Water receiving , and then swelling with the Tide , conveyed it the same Night to the Shore of that other Desart Island , of which we even now made mention . Thus it hapned to arrive there at that time of the Year , when there was an extraordinary Spring-Tide , which made the Sea-water swell to that height , that it overflowed the neighbouring Shore , and by the force of the Flood cast the little Chest into a shady Grove near adjoyning , and thick set with Trees ; a very pleasant place , sheltered from Wind and Weather , Rain and Sun , which molested it not , either in its receding from it , or returning to it . But soon after , the Sea-water retiring from the Shore , upon the Ebb , the Chest , wherein the Infant lay , rested in the same place whereinto the Floud had cast it ; and the Sands being afterward heaped together and driven thitherward by the Winds , stopt the passage to the Grove , so that the Waters could not enter any farther into it . Now it hapned withall , that when § 3 the Sea flood drave the Chest into the Grove , the Nails thereof were loosned by the motion , and consequently the Boards , whereof it was compacted . Then the Child being hungry and crying aloud for Relief , the noise of its Cry came to the Ears of a Roe newly robbed of its Fawn , which too boldly forsaking its Covert , and venturing abroad , had been carried away by a Vulture . She therefore hearing the clamour of the Child , and supposing it to be the Cry of her Fawn , follows it so far , till she came unto the Chest wherein the Infant lay ; whither as soon as she was come , she strove to break it open with her Claws , and ( the Child in the mean time strugling to get out ) never gave over till a Board which covered the Top of it sprang forth . Whereupon , getting a sight of the Child , she took pity on it , and being moved with a tender Affection towards it , gave it her Dug to suck , and having sweetly satisfied it with her Milk for the present , afterwards constantly came thereto , took care thereof , made much of it , covered and guarded , and kept it from all harm . And thus the Roe , enjoying a fat Pasture , and having plenty of Milk , bred up the Child very well , continuing still near him ; nor at any time leaving him , but when of necessity she went forth to graze . The Child also , being accustomed to its Nurse , could not be contented when she was gone , but , whenever it hapned that she was absent a little longer than ordinary , used to cry aloud , and as soon as she heard its Voice , she instantly ran back to it . This Happiness withall the Child had , that there was no ravenous , or hurtful wild Beast throughout the whole Island , wherein it was thus bred up . Thus the Infant grew up , being § 4 nourished with the Milk of the Roe , till it came to be two Years old , when it began by degrees to make use of its Feet , and have its Mouth furnished with its Fore-teeth . But it still followed the Roe , which always used it very kindly , and took an especial care of it , conducting it to places where Fruit-bearing Trees grew , and feeding it with such pleasant ripe Fruits , as fell therefrom ; and if any of them had harder Shells than the rest , breaking them with her Teeth . Then , when it desired Milk , she gave it Suck ; and when it thirsted for Water , she brought it to the place . When the Sun-beams were at any time troublesome to the Child , she shaded him ; and when he was cold , she warmed him . And when Night approached , she brought him to the place where she first found him ; and partly with her own Body , partly with such Feathers , as remained of those wherewith the Chest was stuffed , when the Infant was first put thereinto , she covered him . Also , whensoever the Child and his Nurse , either went forth in the Morning , or returned in the Evening , the whole Herd of Deer accompanied them , both in their Egress and Regress , and lodged in the same place together . So that the Child keeping company always with them , imitated also their Voice , without any considerable difference to be perceived between them . In like manner , whatsoever other Voice he used to hear , either of Birds , or what other brute Creatures , he exactly repeated it , by vertue of that rare apprehensive Faculty wherewith he was endued . But amongst all the rest , the Voices which he chiefly and most commonly repeated , were those of the wild Deer , amongst whom he was bred ; those namely , wherewith they cried out for help , or whereby they call'd to their Fellow-Deer , that they should draw nearer to them , or get them farther off . For it may be easily observed , how they have diversity of Notes , fitted to these several ends and uses . Thus the Child and the wild Deer kept company with each other , they neither flying from him , nor he from them . But whenas the Images of such § 5 things as he saw , began now to remain fixed in his Mind , after they were removed out of his Sight , he perceived that he became diversly affected towards them , having a love and desire for some , an aversation , and a distaste for others . In the mean time , whilst he looked about , and took a diligent view of all the wild Beasts , and Birds , that were in the Island , he observed that every one of them was provided of some natural Cover , either Wooll , or Hair , or divers kinds of Feathers . He took notice also of their swiftness , and strength , and what Arms Nature had afforded them , wherewith to repell , and defend themselves against their Enemies , whensoever they had occasion to contend with them ; such as Horns , Hoofs , Teeth , Spurs , Nails , Claws , and the like . But when he reflected upon himself , he saw that he was naked , destitute of all such Arms , slow in his motions , and of a feeble strength , in comparison of them ; So that when they chanced to contend with him at any time , about feeding on the Fruits which grew in the Island , they were still too hard for him , taking them away from him , & keeping them to themselves ; he contrariwise , being neither able to drive them away from him , nor to fly away from any of them . Moreover , he observed , that his § 6 Fellow-Fawns after a while began to have little Horns sprouting out of their Heads , which they had not at first ; and that though they were at first but weak , and unable to run far , yet in process of time they grew very vigorous and nimble , and active in their motions . But when on the other side , he observed that none of all this befell him ; as oft as he pondered and examined these Differences in his Mind , wherein he varied from all the rest of the living Creatures , he could not imagine what should be the Cause thereof . When he also beheld such living Creatures as had any Blemish in them , or defect of Limbs , neither among them could he find any one that was like unto himself . Also , when he considered those passages in the Beasts , whereat they voided their Excrements , he saw them all covered ; that which served them for the voiding of their grosser Excrements , with a Tail ; that which served for the voiding of Urine , with Hair , or some such like thing . Their privy Parts also he observed to be more concealed than his were . Now the Consideration of all this § 7 made him pensive , whensoever he thought thereupon , working in him no small anguish , and distraction of Mind . So that when he had been a long while solicitous in examining the Reason of the Difference between himself and the brute Animals , and at last wholly despaired of finding it out , or of being supplied with that , the want whereof so much troubled him ; he being now well nigh seven Years of Age , took some broad Leaves of such Trees as grew in the Island , wherewith he might cover his Nakedness , the sight whereof was so troublesome to him . With some of these he covered the fore-part of his Body , and his hinder parts with the other ; and when he had withall made him a Girdle of Palm-Tree Leaves and Rushes , he girt them about him . But it was not long , before those Leaves growing withered and dry , fell off from his Body , so that he was ever and anon forced to take fresh ones in their stead , some whereof he folded together and plaited upon the other , so that they hung upon his Body in a double Rank . By which means they hung indeed somewhat longer upon him , but however they continued for no very long time . After this , he broke off the Bough of a Tree , the Ends whereof having fitted to his Mind , and smoothed the Body of it , he made him a Staff , wherewith he began to affright and threaten such wild Beasts as durst oppose themselves to him , assaulting the weaker of them , and resisting the stronger , that had the confidence to set upon him . And by this means , he came in some good measure to understand his own Abilities , and to find by Experience , that his Hand alone far excelled all those natural Instruments and Arms , which the Brutes were furnished with ; as that which sufficed , and well inabled him , both to cover his own Nakedness , and to provide him a Staff wherewith to defend himself against his Adversaries . So that now he saw , that he had neither need of any Tail to cover the nakedness of his hinder-parts , nor of those natural Arms of the Brute Animals , which he had formerly so much desired , and been so much trouble for the want thereof . In the mean time he grew up , and § 8 was now past seven Years old . And whereas it had been for a good while very troublesome to him , ever and anon to gather fresh Leaves , wherewith to cover his naked Body , it came at length into his Mind to take unto him the Tail of some dead wild Beast , which he might put on , and gird about him . But when he saw , that all the living Beasts of the same kind shunned the Carcasses of the Dead , and refused to come near them , so that it was somewhat difficult for him to compass his Design ; He at length lighted on a dead Eagle , upon the sight whereof he now seemed ready to become Master of his Wishes . For taking the opportunity of this Accident , when he perceived that none of the wild Beasts avoided the Carcass , drawing near to it , he cut off the Wings and Tail whole and entire as they were , and then spread abroad and smoothed the Feathers . After this , he took off the remainder of the Skin with the Feathers , and dividing it into two parts , he hung the one upon his Back , and the other upon his Belly . The Tail also of the Eagle he placed behind him , and both the Wings he fitted to his Shoulders . Thus he got wherewith both to cover his Nakedness , and to keep him warm ; wherewith also to strike a Terrour into the wild Beasts , so that now none of them durst contend with him , or make opposition to him : no nor so much as come near him , except his Nurse the Roe , which had bred him up , for she never forsook him , no not when she grew feeble with Age. Neither did he forsake her , but took care to conduct her unto the best Pasturage he could find , withall , gathering the pleasantest Fruits for her , and giving her them to eat . Notwithstanding , leanness and § 9 feebleness grew daily more and more upon her , until at length they so far prevailed , that Death seized on her , whereby all her motions and actions ceased . Which when the Child perceived , he was exceedingly amazed , and so stricken with Grief , that he was almost ready to die with her . He call'd therefore to her with the same kind of Voice , which when she formerly heard , she was wont to answer . But though he cried out to her as loud as possibly he could , he could perceive no motion , or change at all in her . He began therefore to look into her Ears and Eyes , but could find therein no visible Blemish or Defect ▪ In like manner , he took a view of all the Parts of her Body , wherein he could spy nothing amiss . But that which he most earnestly desired , and sought after , was to find out that place in her Body wherein the Defect lay , that so , upon discovering thereof , he might remove it from her , and she thereupon return to her former state of Life and Vigour . But he had nothing at hand , wherewith to compass his Design , nor knew by what means to bring it about . Now that which moved him to § 10 consider of this , was , that which he had before observed in himself . For he took notice that when he shut his Eyes , or cover'd them with any thing , he could see nothing till the Obstacle was removed . So also , whensoever he put his Fingers into his Ears , and stopt them , he could hear nothing , till he took them away from thence . In like manner , when he hard pressed his Nose with his Hand , and closed the passages of his Nostrils , he had no Sense of any Odour , until he let go his Hand , and opened those passages . Whence he concluded , that all his Sensations , and what other natural Actions proceeded from his Body , were liable to certain Impediments , which hindered them in the exercise of their several Operations ; and that these being removed , those Operations returned to their former Course . When therefore he had taken a thorough and exact view of all the outward Parts of the Roe's Carcass , and could find no visible Fault or Defect in any of them ; yet withall perceived that there was a general cessation of Motion in the whole Body , which could not be attributed to one Part more than to another ; at length this Thought came into his Mind , that the Fault whence all this proceeded , must needs lie in some other Part , which lay removed from sight , and hidden within the Body . He judged also , that this Part must needs be of such a nature and use , as that without its help and constant supply of Spirit and Vigour , none of the outward Parts could exercise their proper Functions , and therefore , that some Disease having seized on that Part , the hurt and damage became universal , as appeared by the ceasing of Motion throughout the whole Body . He desired therefore , if it might § 11 be , to find out that part , and to remove that Evil , whatsoever it were , which had seized upon it . For he thought that then it would return to its former state , that Good from thence would redound to the whole Body , and that all the Actions thereof would be exercised as formerly they were . He had also before observed , that in the dead Carcasses of wild Beasts , and other living Creatures , all the outward Parts were firm and solid , without any hollowness in them , except the Brain-pan , the Breast , and the Belly . Whereupon he guessed that the Part , which was thus ill-affected , could not be found any where else , but in one of these three . And among these three , he was more inclined to think , that it was placed in the middlemost of them . For it had been some while ago throughly fixed in his Mind , that seeing all other Parts stood in need of it , it must necessarily follow , that it had its Seat in the midst of them all . Moreover , when he reflected upon himself , he was very sensible that he had some such Part in the middle of his Breast . For when he considered his other Parts , as Hands , Feet , Ears , Nose , Eyes , he supposed that these might be taken from him , and yet it seemed to him , that he could subsist without them . But when he considered that Part which he felt moving in his Breast , he was perswaded that he could not subsist without it , no not during the twinkling of an Eye . He likewise observed , that when he chanced to contend with any of the wild Beasts , he still took a great care to guard his Breast from their Assaults , out of a natural instinct , as he judged , and an innate sense of the necessity which lay upon him , to defend that Part , which lay there , against any the least Harm . Now being thus certainly resolved , § 12 that the Part so disaffected , and seized upon by the Hand of Death , lay in the Breast of the Roe , he determined to search after it , if so be he could possibly find it out ; and when he had discovered what Ill it was that had befallen it , to remove it thence . But then he feared too , lest this very Endeavour of his should be more hurtful to the dead Roe , than that Evil which had befallen it ; and that whatsoever he should do in the prosecution of this Design , would turn to its damage . Then he considered with himself , whether he had ever seen any of the wild Beasts , or other of the living Creatures , after they had lain as the dead Roe did , return to Life . But when he could call to mind no such Instance , he began to despair of the Roe's return to her former state and condition , in case he let her lie as she did . Yet he had some hope that she might possibly recover that former state of hers , if so be he could possibly find out the disaffected Part , and remove the Disease from it . He resolved therefore to open her Breast , and upon search to discover what he could find in it . To this purpose he got him broken pieces of sharp Stones , and Splinters of dry , hard Canes , like to Knives , wherewith he made an Incision between her Ribs , until at last he came to that Cover which lay in the inside of her Breast . Which when he found to be a very strong one , he as strongly conjectured that such a Cover as that belonged to such a like Part , and perswaded himself , that when he had pierced thorow it , he should find that which he sought after . He attempted therefore to cut a way thorow it , which he found very difficult for him to do , in that he wanted fit Instruments , whereof he had none other , than such as were made of Stones and Canes . When therefore he had furnished § 13 himself anew with such , and sharpned them , he made use of his best skill and strength in piercing that Cover , until at length he had made his way thorow it , and came as far as the Lungs ; which at the first sight he thought to be that Part which he had searched after . Whereupon he ceased not to turn them up and down , that so he might therein find out the Seat of the Disease . And first , he lighted on that half of the Lungs which hung on the one side , and took notice that it leaned towards one side of the Breast ; whereas before he conceived , that the Part he looked after , could not have his Seat but in the midst of the Body , as well in regard of Latitude , as Longitude . He left not therefore off to search farther into the middle of the Breast , until he had found the Heart ; which when he saw to be closed about with a strong Cover , and fastned with very firm Ligaments , the Lungs also compassing it about on that side , whereby he had begun to open a passage thereto , he said within himself , If this Part be so disposed and situated on the other side as it is on this , it is certainly in the midst of the Body ; and therefore doubtless it is that very Part which I have been seeking after ; especially , whenas I here see such a fitness of Situation , such neatness of Shape , such firmness also and solidity of Flesh , and all this both fenced and adorned with such a Cover , as I find in no other Part of the Body . He made search therefore into the opposite side of the Breast , where whenas he found the same Cover within the Ribs , and the Lungs in like manner disposed , he concluded with himself , that the Heart was that Part which he had sought after . He attempted therefore to remove § 14 the Case thereof , and to cut the Pericardium in sunder ; which at length , when he had used his utmost Endeavour , with much trouble and difficulty he effected . And thus , having laid the Heart bare , when he saw it to be solid on every side , he diligently looked about , whether he could espy any visible Fault or defect in it . But when he could find none , he squeezed it together with his Hand , and thereby it appeared to him that it was hollow within . Whereupon he said to himself , Perchance the utmost which I seek after lies within this Cavity , and I have not yet come home to it , and so not attained the end of my Design . Then upon the opening thereof he found a double Cavity therein , one on the right side , and the other on the left . That on the right side was fill'd with clotted Bloud ; but that on the left , was empty , and had nothing at all in it . Wherefore , he said to himself again , It cannot be , but that the Seat of the thing I search after , must needs be in one of these two Cavities . He said moreover , As for that on the right side , I can see nothing in it but this clotted Blood ; and doubtless this Blood became not so clotted , till the whole Body came into that state wherein it now lies . For he had observed , that all Blood when it issued out of the Body , and was separated therefrom , became thickned and congealed ; and that this clotted Blood , which he found in the right Ventricle of the Heart , was like unto all other so separated from the Body . I see also , said he , that the same kind of Blood is found also in other Parts of the Body , and that it is not appropriated to one Part more than to another . But that which I seek for is no such thing ; for that is somewhat whereof this place is the peculiar Seat , and such a thing as I am sensible that I cannot subsist without one Moment . Now that is it which I have been seeking after all this while . But as for this Bloud , as oft as I have lost some considerable quantity of it , when at any time I chanced to be wounded by some wild Beast that fought with me , yet I found no considerable harm thereby , seeing it hindered me not from performing any Action of Life , as I formerly did . Therefore , that which I seek after , is not in this Ventricle . And as sor the left one , I find it indeed empty , yet I cannot think that it was made altogether in vain . For I see that every other Part of the Body is designed for the exercise of some Office or other , and for that operation which is proper to it . How then can this Ventricle of the Heart , which is of so excellent a Frame , as I see , serve to no use at all ? I cannot then imagine , but that the thing I seek after , had its Seat herein , but is now departed from it , and left its Seat empty ; and that by this means that Cessation hath hapned , whereby the whole Body is now deprived of all Sense and Motion . But then when he saw that it left that House , wherein it formerly dwelt , before it fell to ruine , and to have forsaken it , whenas as yet it continued sound , whole , and entire , he thought it very improbable that it would ever return again to its former Habitation , after it had been thus torn and mangled , and destroyed by him . In the mean time , the whole Body § 15 of the Roe which he had in this manner dissected , and searched into the inner Parts thereof , seemed to him a very contemptible thing , and of no value at all , in respect of that which he was perswaded had formerly dwelt therein , and now forsaken it . He applied his Mind therefore to meditate on that only , and to find out , if it might be , what it was , how it came to be conjoyned unto the Body , and what so conjoyned it ; whither it was gone , and through what Door it made its Passage , when it left the Body , and what it was that caused it to depart thence , whether it were forced to leave its Mansion , or left the Body of its own accord ; and in case it went forth voluntarily , what was the Cause which made the Body so odious and loathsome to it , that it departed quite from it . Now , whilst his Thoughts were much distracted with such variety of Doubts , he laid aside all Solicitude about the Body of the Roe , and threw it away from him , whenas he perceived , that this Nurse of his which had been so kind and indulgent to him , and fed him with her Milk , was that thing properly which was now departed ; and that from it had proceeded all those Actions , whereby she shewed her Love to him , and Care of him ; not from that dull and senseless Body , which was not able to help it self , but had served only as an Instrument , which she made use of in performing those Actions ; or like that Staff which he had taken to him , wherewith to fight with the wild Beasts . So that now , his Care and Study was quite taken off from the Body , and transferred to that which had moved and governed it . But whilst his Mind was thus busied § 16 about that , which had left the Body of the Roe , the dead Body it self began to putrifie , and to exhale stinking Vapours , which made him the more to loath it , and unwilling to look upon it . But a little after this , it hapned , that he beheld two Ravens fighting together , till at last the one of them overthrew the other , and struck it down dead ; when the surviving Conquerour began to scrape the Earth with its Claws , and never ceased scratching till it had digged up an Hole , wherein it laid the Carcass of its Adversary , and cover'd it over . Then said he within himself , How well hath this Raven done in covering the Body of his Fellow-Combatant , though in killing of him he did ill ! How much rather should I have begun to perform this good Office for my Mother and Nurse ? Whereupon he digged a deep Hole in the Ground , and having put the Body into it , threw Earth upon it . Then he proceeded to meditate on that thing which had governed the Body , whilst it was alive , but could not apprehend what kind of thing it was . Only , when he severally beheld all the other Roes , he saw them all to have the same Figure and Form with his Dam. Whence his Mind gave him , that every one was moved and governed by somewhat like unto that which had moved and governed her . He therefore still followed them , and loved to keep with them , for that Likeness's sake . In this state he continued for a while , contemplating the divers kinds of Animals and Plants , walking round the Shore of the Island , and seeking every where , whether he could meet with any other Creature like unto himself , as he had observed many of every other sort of Animals and Plants ; yea , every single Individual , to be like to each other , if it were of the same kind . But when he had thus considered them in Order , one after another , after all his search he could find none like himself . And when as he walked this Round , he saw that the Island was compassed about with the Sea , he supposed that there was no other Land besides . But upon a time it hapned , that in a § 17 certain dry Wood , Fire chanced to be kindled by the mutual knocking and dashing together of the Boughs of some Trees , which consisted of a gummy or rosiny Substance . Which when he perceived , he saw somewhat that affrighted him , being a thing which he had never seen before ; so that he stood a good while much wondering at it . Yet he ventured to draw nearer and nearer to it by degrees , still observing its glittering Light , and that wondrous great Force , whereby it seized on every thing that it touched , and converted it into its own Nature . Then , to satisfie his Wonder yet farther , and being incited also by that innate Courage and Boldness , which God had planted in his Nature , he was induced to put his Hand to it , and had a mind to lay hold thereon . But when he felt that it burnt his Hand , and that he was not able to lay hold on it , he attempted to take a Stick from the burning Tree , which the Fire had not as yet wholly seized upon ; and laying hold on that part which was yet untouch'd , ( the Fire having possessed the other end only ) he easily effected what he intended and desired ; and brought the Fire brand in his Hand to the Place of his Habitation . For he had before retired into a certain Covert , which he had made choice of for himself , as a fit Lodging , and place of Retirement . And when he had brought the Fire thither , he ceased not to feed it with Stubble and dry Sticks , and other combustible Matter . So that partly out of his Admiration at it , and partly out of the Delight he took in it , he would not suffer it to go out , nor could endure to be long absent from it . But the chief Reason that caused him to make so much of it , and frequent it in the Night-time , was this , that it supplied the Place and Office of the Sun , as well in regard of Light as Heat ; insomuch that he was extreamly taken with it , and esteemed it the most excellent and useful of all those things which he had about him . When he also observed , that the Flame tended upwards towards the Heavens , he began to be perswaded that it was of kin to those celestial Bodies which he saw moving and shining above his Head. He tried also the force and strength thereof upon all manner of Bodies , by casting them into it , by which Experiment he found that it prevailed over all of them sooner or later , according to their several Natures and Dispositions , which rendered them more or less combustible . And among other Experiments , § 18 wherewith he made trial of its strength , he put thereinto certain Fishes which the Sea had cast upon the Shore ; which being fried , and the steam thereof coming to his Nose , his Appetite was stirr'd up , and became quickned thereby , insomuch that he ventured to taste some part thereof ; which when he found acceptable to his Palate , and agreeable to his Stomach , from thence forward he accustomed himself to eat Flesh ; and to that end , used all kind of Arts he could think on , which might enable him to hunt both by Sea and Land , and to catch such living Creatures as were fit for him to feed on , until at length he became to be very expert in them . By this means , his love and regard for the Fire encreased daily , because by the help thereof he provided himself with various sorts of good Food , which he had never afore been acquainted with . And whenas now his affection to § 19 the Fire was grown very great and earnest , both in regard of its beneficial Effects , which he daily took notice of , and its wonderful Force , whereby it conquered all things ; it came into his Mind , that doubtless that thing which had departed out of the Heart of his Nurse the Roe , and forsook it when she died , must needs be of the same substance with it , or at leastwise of a like Nature . And he was farther confirmed in this Opinion , because as well that Heat , which he had observed to be in all Animals whilst they lived , as that Cold , which seized on them after Death , was , as he found , constant , and continued without any intermission . And he was the more confirmed in it upon the observation of that high Degree of Heat which he felt within his own Breast , near the place which he had cut up in the Roe . Hereupon , he began to think with himself , that if he could catch some living Creature , then open its Heart , and look into that Ventricle thereof which he had found empty , when he opened it in the dead Body of his Dam the Roe , that he should then see the Heart of such a living Creature full of that Substance , which had resided in her Heart whilst she lived ; and by that means should be certified , whether or no it were of the same Nature with the Fire , and whether there could be found any Light or Heat in it . Upon this therefore , having caught a wild Beast , and tied up the Shoulder , he dissected it in the same manner as he had the Roe , until he came to its Heart , and then having first essayed the left Ventricle , he opened it , and discovered it to be full of a certain airy or thin vaporous Substance , like to a white Cloud , or mist. Then thrusting his Finger into it , he found it so hot , that it scalded him ; and the wild Beast instantly died . Now upon this experiment he assuredly concluded , that the moist vapour , which he found there , was the thing that gave life and motion to the Beast ; and consequently , that there was somewhat like it in every living Creature of what kind soever , upon the departure whereof it died . Then a very earnest desire arose in § 20 his mind , of enquiring into the other parts of living Creatures ; that so he might find out their Order and Situation , their Quantity and Shape , their Qualities also , and the manner of their mutual Connexion , or knitting together with each other . Withal , how that moist vapour was communicated unto them , so that the other parts and members of the Body did live thereby ; how that vapour subsists , as long as it continues in the Heart ; whence it hath its supplies , and by what means it comes to pass that its heat doth not decay and perish . All these particulars he diligently searched out , and to that end dissected wild Beasts , both dead and alive . Neither did he leave off to make an accurate enquiry into them , untill at length he arrived to the highest degree of knowledge in this kind , which the most learned Secretaries of Nature ever attained unto . And now it appeared very clearly § 21 to him , that every single Creature of what kind soever , although it had much diversity of Parts and Members , with great variety of Senses and Motions , yet was but one in respect of that Spirit which derived its original from one and the same Center of the Body , the Heart ; whence the distribution of its vertue and influence into all the Body had its rise , as from a Spring-Head . And as for the rest of the Parts and Members , they were all subservient to it , or provided for and supplied by it ; so that the office of that Spirit in exercising and making use of the Body , was like that of a Man who assaults his Enemy with all sorts of weapons ; or hunteth after any kind of prey , whether by Sea , or Land , and maketh use of such instruments to catch it , as are variously fitted for the taking of each kind , and most proper for his purpose . Now the Weapons which a Man makes use of against his Adversaries , are either defensive , whereby he repels his Blows ; or offensive , whereby he assaults him . In like manner , the instruments of hunting , wherewith he catcheth his prey , are divided into those , which are fitted to catch such Creatures as live in the Sea ; and those , which are proper for the taking such as converse upon the Land. So also , those instruments which himself made use of to cut Wood , or Stone , or what other materials , were of divers sorts ; some fitted for cleaving , some for breaking them in pieces , a third sort for boring thorough ; and though it were one , and the same Body , which he had in his hands , yet he handled it in a different manner , according as his instruments were fitted for it ; and with relation to those ends , the effecting whereof he had proposed to himself . Upon these considerations , he likewise § 22 conceived that it was one and the same Animal Spirit , the action whereof was Seeing , when it made use of its instrument the Eye ; Hearing , when it made use of the Ear ; Smelling , when it made use of the Nose . In like manner it exercised its faculty of Tasting by the Tongue , and of Touching by the Skin and Flesh , more especially of the Hand . So when it made use of any Limb to work ought by , the effect was motion . When it made use of the Liver , the effect was Nutrition ; when of the Stomach , it was the receiving and concocting of the Aliment . And every one of these actions had its proper part subservient to it , none of which could discharge its office but by the vertue of that influence which was thereunto derived from the forementioned spirit resident in the Heart , thorow those passages which are called the Arteries ; insomuch , that whensoever they chanced to be broken off , or cut asunder , or else obstructed , the action of that part of the Body presently ceased . He found also that all these Arteries derive that spirit from the Ventricles of the Brain , and that the Brain receives it from the Heart ; as also , that there is a great quantity thereof in the Brain , because that is the place wherein he found several Vessels in which it lay , and whereby it was thence distributed into all parts of the Body . He also perceived , that if any part of the Body came by any means whatsoever to be deprived of the Influx of this spirit , the action thereof immediately ceased ; so that it became like to a contemptible Tool or Instrument , cast aside , as of no use at all . Also , that if this spirit forsook the Body altogether , or by any means came to be wasted or dissolved , the whole Body at the same time became deprived of motion , and was reduced to the state of Death . These Observations of his , and Meditations § 23 thereupon , had brought him to that degree of knowledge , which I forementioned , at what time he had attained to the end of his third Septenary , viz. to the twenty first year of his Age. Within the fpace of which time he found out many things of very great use to him for the conveniencies of life . For he clothed himself with the skins of wild Beasts , when he had cut them out for his use . He also shod his Feet with them , having made him thread of their Hair , as also of the rind of the stalks of Althaea , Mallows , Hemp , and the like Plants , which were easie to be parted asunder , and drawn into Threads . And this he had learned to do out of his former experience in making use of the Rushes ▪ He made himself also a kind of 〈◊〉 or Bodkins , of the strongest Thorns he could get , and of small pieces of Canes , whetted and sharp pointed with stones . Then for the Art of Building , he was taught it by what he saw the Swallows did . So he fitted himself with a Room , wherein to repose and rest himself ; and another place for a Larder , wherein he laid up the remainder of his victuals . He guarded it also with a door , compacted of Canes joyned close together , lest any wild Beast should chance to enter into it , when he happened to be from home upon any occasion . He also got into his hands certain Birds of prey , which he made use of for Hawking ; and others of the tamer sort , which he bred up , and then fed upon their Eggs , and Young ones . He also took to him the Horns of wild Bulls , which he found lying on the Ground , the sharp tips whereof he affixed to strong Canes , and to thick Staves made of the wood of the Tree Alzan , and others of the like kind . And so , partly by the help of Fire , and partly of sharp edged Stones , he so fitted them , that they served him instead of so many Spears . He made himself also a Shield of the skins of Beasts , parted into several folds , and then compacted together . And all these he made him , because he saw himself distitute of natural Armes . And when he now saw that his § 24 hand served him instead of all , and supplied whatsoever desects Nature had made him liable to , so that none of all the various kinds of wild Beasts durst oppose him , but fled away from him , and so excelled him only in their Nimbleness ; he bethought himself of finding out some art , whereby to meet with them in their flight , and master this Nimbleness of theirs . To which end , he judged nothing could be more convenient , than to take and tame one of the swifter sort of the wild Beasts , and so long to breed it up , nourishing it with food agreeable to its nature , until at length he might get upon the Back of it , and therewith pursue other kind of wild Beasts . Now there were in that Island wild Horses , and wild Asses ; out of which number having made choice of some which seemed fittest for his purpose , he made them by degrees so gentle and tractable , that at length by their help and service he became master of his wishes . And when he had made for them out of Thongs and Skins somewhat that competently served him instead of Bridles , and Saddles , it was no hard matter for him to compass his ends in catching those wild Beasts , which he very hardly , if at all , could have taken any other way . All these Arts and Devices he found out , whilst he was otherwise busied in dissecting of Bodies , and studiously searching after the Properties of the several Parts of Animals , and wherein they differed from each other . And all this he did in that space of time , which even now we assigned , viz. within the compass of one and twenty years . But after this , he began to expatiate § 25 farther in his Contemplations , and to take a large view of all such Bodies in the World as were subject to Generation and Corruption ; as the various kinds of Animals , Plants , Minerals , and divers sorts of Stones : Likewise , the Earth and Water , the Exhalations and Vapours , the Ice , Snow , Hail , Smoke , Fire , and Hoar-frost : wherein he discerned much variety of Qualities , with diversity of Actions and Motions , partly agreeing with , partly disagreeing from each other . For as he gave his mind to a serious consideration of all these , he saw that in part they agreed , and in part disagreed , in respect of their qualities ; as also , that as they were one , in respect of that wherein they agreed , so they were many and diverse , in respect of what they differed in . When therefore he sometimes looked into the Properties of several Creatures , whereby they were distinguished from one another , he discerned them to be so various and manifold , that they were past numbring ; and that nature diffused it self so far and wide , that it was wholly impossible to comprehend it . Yea , his own nature seemed also to be manifold unto him , whilst he considered the diversity of parts whereof his Body was made up , and each of them distinguished from the rest by some Action or Property which was peculiar to it . Yea , when he beheld every single part , he observed it to be yet farther divisible into more parts , whence he concluded , that the nature of his Body was manifold in respect of its parts ; and , in like manner , the nature of every other thing . Then , applying himself to another § 26 speculation , in the second place he saw that all the parts of his Body , though many in number , yet were so knit and conjoyned together , that they were no way divided from each other , but made up one and the same Body ; nor differed among themselves any otherwise , than in regard of their actions and uses ; which diversity was caused by that which proceeded from the Animal vertue of that spirit , the nature whereof he had before searched into , and found out ; and that this Spirit was one and the same in its Nature ; and withall , the Cause , and very substance of his Being , seeing all the other parts , which belonged to its Body , served only as so many instruments , whereby it performed all its operations . So that in this respect also his Essence was but one . After this , turning his Eye hence , § 27 and looking on the other kinds of Animals , he saw that every one of them was one and the same thing , under this consideration . Then , as he contemplated them distinctly according to their several kinds , as Roes , Horses , Asses , and all sorts of Birds , he saw that the Individuals of every kind were like each other , both as to their outward and their inward parts , their Apprehensions , Motions , and Inclinations ; and that they differed not from one another but in some sew things , in comparison of those wherein they agreed . Whence he concluded , that the Spirit which was in the whole kind , was but one thing , not otherwise differing but in this , that it was distributed into several Hearts ; insomuch that if it were possible to recollect all that Spirit which was dispersed into so many Hearts , and gather it together into one Vessel , the whole thereof would be but one thing ; even as Water , or some other Liquour , which being first dispersed into several Vessels , and afterwards gather'd into one , is one and the same thing in both states , as well that of dispersion , as that of recollection ; seeing that the multiplying thereof was only accidental , in regard of the distribution into several Vessels . Now , by this way of Contemplation , he saw , that the whole kind or Species of Animals was but one . Whence he concluded , that the multiplicity of Individuals in every kind , was but like the multiplicity of parts in the Body of one and the same Person , which indeed are not many After this , having presented to the § 28 eye of his mind the several kinds of Animals altogether , and attentively considering them , he saw that they all agreed in this , that they had sense , received nourishment , and moved of their own accord whithersoever they pleased ; which actions he well knew were the proper effects of the Animal Spirit . And as to the others wherein they differed , they were not very proper thereunto . Upon which consideration it appeared to him , that the Animal Spirit , so communicated to the generality of living Creatures , was in very truth but one , though it admitted of some small difference whereby the Properties of those Animals became distinguished from each other ; even as Spring-water , which originally had the same cool Nature , being poured into several Vessels , may have one part hotter , and another cooler , according as the one was heated , and the other left to its natural coolness . So likewise may the Animal Spirit differ in regard of some Qualities or Proprieties , according to the variety of Constitutions in several Animals , notwithstanding that it may be esteemed but one and the same , as that Spring-water is , although in some respects it be thus diversified . And so , under this notion , he looked on the whole kind of living Creatures , as one . Then afterwards , upon contemplating § 29 the diverse kinds of Plants , he observed that the Individuals of every kind were like one another , in respect of their Boughs and Branches , their Leaves , Flowers or Blooms , Buds and Fruits , with their vertues and operations . And when he compared them with Animals , he found that there was some one thing in them , which resembled the Animal Spirit , whereof they were all partakers , and that all of them in that respect were but one thing . Whereupon , as he took a thorow view of the generality of Plants , he determined with himself , that they were all but one in respect of that agreement between themselves in their operations , viz. in their Nourishment and Growth . After this , he comprehended the § 30 generality of Plants and Animals altogether , in one and the same conception of his mind ; and thereby saw , that they all agreed in regard of both these , namely , in Nutrition and Augmentation . Only , Animals did exceed the Plants , and excel'd them in this , that they had Sense and Apprehension also . Notwithstanding , he observed withal that there was somewhat in Plants which resembled the sense of Animals ; as that Flowers turned themselves towards the Sun and that the roots of Plants spred themselves towards that part of the Earth which afforded them nourishment ; and some other operations like to these . Whence it appeared to him , that both Plants and Animals were but one in respect of that one and the same thing , which was common to them both ; although in the one , it were perfect and compleat ; in the other , more limited , and restrained by some impediment ; like Water distributed into two portions , whereof the one is bound up and congealed into Ice ; the other loose and fluid . Thus far then he concluded , that Plants and Animals were one kind of thing . Then he contemplated those Bodies , § 31 which have neither Sense , Nourishment , nor Growth , such as Stones , Earth , Water , Air , and Fire ; all which he saw to have these three dimensions , Length , Breadth , and Thickness ; and that they differed not otherwise among themselves from one another , but that some were coloured , others not ; some hot and others cold ; and the like differences . He observed also , that the hot Bodies waxed cold , and that the cold waxed hot . He saw too , that the Water rarefied into Vapours , and that the Vapours thickned again , and turned into Water . Withal he observed that the Bodies which were burnt , turned into Coals , Ashes , Flame , and Smoke ; and that the Smoke when it met in its way with an Arch of Stone , as it mounted upwards , thickned there into Soot , and became like other earthy Substances . Whence he resolved with himself , that they were all indeed but one thing , after the same manner that the Animals and Plants were , although in some respect multiplied and diversified . Then considering with himself that § 32 one thing wherein he observed Plants and Animals to be united , he saw that it must necessarily be some Body like to these Bodies , having length , and breadth , and thickness ; and that it was either hot or cold , as one of these other Bodies , which are destitute of sense , and uncapable of nourishment ; but that it differ'd from them in such Actions as proceeded from it , in regard of the Organical Parts , which belong to Plants and Animals , but not otherwise . And perhaps , such Actions were not essential to that Body , but derived to it from some other Cause , that was extrinsecal thereto ; so that , if they were in like manner communicated to other Bodies , they would be like unto this . When he therefore considered that Body in its Essence , as stript naked of all these Operations , which at the first sight seemed to proceed from thence , he saw that it was no other thing , than a Body of the same kind with these . Upon which Contemplation it appeared unto him , that all Bodies taken in general were but one , as well those which had life , as those which had none ; as well those which moved , as those which rested in their natural places . Only it appeared , that actions proceeded from some of them , by means of their organical Parts , concerning which he as yet knew not , whether they were Essential to them , or derived to them from without . Now , whilst he was in this state of Mind , he extended not his Thoughts beyond bodily Substances ; and thereby he saw , that the whole Frame of the Creatures was but one Thing , which formerly he had looked upon , and esteemed as many , without number , or end . In this Opinion , and state of Mind , § 33 he continued for some time . But afterwards , upon a view of all Bodies , as well Animate , as Inanimate , ( which sometimes seemed to be but one thing to him ; but otherwhiles , many and innumerable ) he saw that one of these Motions was natural and necessary to them , viz. upward , or downward ; upward , as in Smoke , Flame , and Air , when detained under Water : downward , as in Water , Earth and its Parts , all Earthy Bodies , with the Parts of Animals and Plants . Also , that not one of all these Bodies was void of both these Motions , neither ever rested , but when some other Body came it its way , and interrupted its motion ; as when a Stone in its descension meets with the solid Surface of the Earth , which it cannot pierce through ; whereas if it could , it would move downwards still , as every Body knows . And therefore , if one do but lift it up from the Earth , he will find it to resist that motion ▪ by pressing down his Hand , out of a propension it hath to descend again unto the same place . In like manner , Smoke in its mounting upward is not beat back again , unless it meet by the way with some solid arched Body , which stops it in its Course ; and then it will turn aside to the right Hand or to the left ; but as soon as it hath got out , and freed it self from that Body which hindered its motion , it mounts up again , and makes its way through the Air , without any interruption . He observed also , that if a Leather Bag be filled with Air , then tied hard together , and plunged into the Water , it will strive to get upward , and struggle under the Water that detains it , nor ever cease to do so , until it hath got forth , and returned unto the Air ; but then it is quiet , all that reluctancy , and strong inclination to move upwards , which it had before , ceasing altogether . He also made a diligent search , to § 34 see whether he could find any Body , which was at any time destitute of both these motions , or a propension to them ; but he could find none such among all those Bodies , which he had at hand to view . And this be sought after , out of a desire he had to find out what was the Nature of a Body in general , and abstractedly considered , without any of those Qualities , which cause a multiplicity , and diversity of Kinds . But when he found this too difficult a Task for him ; and that having considered all those Bodies , which among the rest were least subject to these qualities , yet could he see none of them in any wise void of one of the two , viz. either of Heaviness or Lightness ; he farther considered with himself , whether these two qualities belonged to the Body , as it was a Body , or to some other Notion superadded to the Body . Now upon this Consideration , it seemed to him , that they agreed to some Notion superadded unto the Body , because that if they belonged to the Body , as it was a Body , no one Body could be found wherein both of them were not , whereas we find some heavy Bodies which are void of all Lightness , and some light Bodies which are void of all Heaviness ; and these two are doubtless two distinct Bodies , to either of which belongs some Notion superadded to its bodily Nature , whereby it is distinguished from the other ; which Notion is that , whereby the one of them becomes diverse from the other ; seeing if this were away , they both would be the same thing in every Respect . It appeared therefore very plainly to him , that the Nature , or Essence of both these Bodies was compounded of two Notions ; the one , wherein they both agreed , and this was the Notion of Corporeity ▪ or bodily Substance : the other , whereby the Essence of the one was diversified from the Essence of the other ; and this was the Notion of Heaviness in the one , and of Lightness in the other ; whereby the one moved upwards , and the other downwards ; both which were adjoyned and superadded to the Notion of Corporeity , or bodily Substance . In like manner , he contemplated § 35 also the Bodies of other Creatures , whether they were Animate , or Inanimate . Whereupon he saw , that the Essence of every one of them consisted in this , that they were all compounded of a double Notion , namely , that of Corporeity , and of some other thing superadded thereto , whether the thing were one , or manifold . And thus the Forms of Bodies came to be known unto him , according to their diversity ; which were the first Notions that he had relating to the Spiritual World , to wit , the Notions of these Forms , which are not perceiveable by Sense , but apprehended only after a certain manner of intellectual Speculation . And among the rest of this kind , which were thus made known unto him , it appeared also to him , that his own Animal Spirit , which was seated in his Heart ( as hath been afore declared ) must needs superadd another distinct Notion to his Corporeity , as that whereby he was inabled to perform such wonderful Operations , as appeared in the various manners of Sensation , and ways of Apprehension , with the diversity of Motions which it caused in the Body ; as also , that this Notion was his proper Form or Difference , whereby he was distinguished from other Bodies ; viz. the same , which the Philosophers call the Animal , that is , the Sensitive Soul. So likewise , that the Principle which in Plants supplies the place of that Radical Heat which is in Animals , is somewhat that is proper to them , and is their Form , namely , That which Philosophers call the Vegetative Soul. So also in all Inanimate Bodies ( which , besides Animals and Plants , are found in this lower World of Bodies , and are liable to Generation and Corruption ) there is somewhat proper to them , by vertue whereof every one of them performs such Actions as are peculiar to it , namely , various ways of Motion , and kinds of sensible Qualities ; and that the same thing is their Form , the same which Philosophers express by the name of Nature . Now whenas , upon this Contemplation , § 36 he was well assured that the true Essence of that Animal-Spirit , which his Mind had been so intent upon , was compounded of the Notion of Corporeity , and some other Notion thereto superadded ; and that this Notion of Corporeity was common to him with other Bodies , but that the other , which was adjoyned thereto , was peculiar to himself ; the Notion of Corporeity appeared vile to him , and of no account , so that he utterly cast it off , and his Mind wholly fixed it self upon that second Notion , which is called by the Name of the Soul , the true nature and state whereof he earnestly desired to understand : Upon that therefore he fixed his Thoughts , and began his Contemplation , with considering all Bodies , not as Bodies , but as having Forms , whence necessarily flow certain Properties , whereby they are distinguished from one another . And upon his instant prosecuting § 37 this Notion , having at last fully comprehended it in his Mind , he saw that the whole multitude of Bodies agreed in this , that they had some certain Form , whence one or more Actions proceeded . He saw also , that a certain part of this number , though they agreed with all the rest in that Form , yet had over and above another Form superadded unto it , from whence certain Actions issued that were proper thereto . He saw too , that there was another Classis or Order of Bodies , which although they agreed with this Part in the first and second Forms , yet were distinguished from them by a third , which was superadded unto the two former , and from whence also certain Actions issued . As for Example , all Terrestrial Bodies , as Earth , Stones , Minerals , Plants , Animals , and whatsoever other heavy Bodies , do make up one number , which agree in the same Form , namely that whence descensive Motion proceeds , whilst there is nothing to hinder their descent ; so that whensoever they are forced to move upwards at any time , and after left unto themselves , they move downwards of their own accord , by vertue of that their Form. Again , some part of the same number of heavy Bodies ( viz. Plants and Animals ) though they agree with the former in the same Form , which is common to them all , yet they have another Form besides , from which proceed Nutrition and Augmentation . Now Nutrition is performed , when the Body nourished doth substitute into the place of that which was consumed , somewhat of the like kind , which it draws to it self , and then converts into its own Substance But Augmentation is a Motion tending to the threefold Dimension of Length , Breadth , and Thickness , according to the just proportion of the Body augmented . These two Actions therefore , being common to Plants and Animals , doubtless arise from a Form which is common to both , to wit , That which is called the Vegetative Soul. But some also of this sort of Bodies , ( and particularly Animals ) although they have the first and second Forms common to them with the former , yet they have a third also superadded , whence proceed Sensation and local Motion . He saw likewise , that every peculiar kind of Animals had some certain Property whereby it was diversified , and distinguisht from all the rest . He knew also , that every such Diversity proceeded from that Form which was proper to it ; that namely , which was superadded to the former , and which was common to it with other Animals . And the like he saw happen'd to the several kinds of Plants . It was also evident to him , that § 38 among the Sensible Bodies , the which are found in this lower World , liable to Generation and Corruption , the Essence of some of them was compounded of more Notions , superadded to the Notion of Corporeity ; and others , of fewer . He knew likewise , that the knowledge of the fewer must needs be more easie to him , than the knowledge of such as were more in number . He therefore sought in the first place , how he might attain the knowledge of the true nature of the Form of some one Body , whose Essence was made up of fewer Notions . Whereupon as he considered the Animals and Plants , he sound that their Essence consisted of many Notions , by reason of the various kinds of Actions which he observed in them . Wherefore he laid aside the Enquiry into their Forms . So also , as to the Parts of Earth , he saw that some of them were more simple than others . He proposed therefore to himself the Contemplation of such Bodies as he could possibly find to be the most simple of all . So he observed , that the Water was a Body very little compounded , as he judged by the fewness of those Actions which proceeded from its Form. The same he also observed in the Fire , and Air. Withall , he had before observed , § 39 that some of these four Elements were converted into the other ; and therefore , that there must be some one thing , which they joyntly participated of , and that this thing was the Notion of Corporeity . He concluded also , that this one thing whereof they all participated , must needs be void of all those Notions , whereby the four Elements were distinguished from each other ; namely , that it could not move either upward or downward , that it was neither hot , nor cold , neither moist , nor dry ; seeing that none of these Qualities was common to all Bodies , and consequently did not belong to the Body , as it was a Body . So that if it were possible to find a Body , wherein there was no other Form superadded to its Corporeity , none of these Qualities would be found in it ; yea , that it were impossible any Quality whatsoever should be found in it , but what agreed to all Bodies , whatsoever diversity of Forms they had . He considered therefore with himself , whether he could find out any one Adjunct which was common to all Bodies , as well Animate , as Inanimate . But he could find none which agreed to all of them , besides the Notion of Extension towards those three Dimensions which are found in all of them , viz. Length , Breadth , and Thickness . Whence he gathered , that this Notion belongs to the Body , as it is a Body . However , his Sense could not represent to him any Body existent in Nature , which had this only Adjunct , and was void of all other Forms : For he saw , that every one of them had some other Notion superadded to the said Extension . After this , he considered with himself , § 40 whether this threefold Extension were the sole Notion belonging to a bodily Substance , or whether there were not some other Notion besides contained in it . Upon which Consideration , he perceived , that besides this Extension , there was another Notion of that wherein the Extension did exist ; seeing that it could not exist of it self , as neither that Body which was extended could exist of it self alone , without Extension . Then he farther considered the Nature of this Extension , in some of those sensible Bodies which were indued with Forms ; as for Example , in Clay ; and he observed , that when it was moulded into any Figure ( as for Instance , a Globous one ) it had Length , Breadth , and Thickness , according to a certain Proportion . Then , if afterwards this Globous Body of Clay were changed into a four-square or oval Figure , that the Length , Breadth , and Thickness were changed , and had another Proportion than before they had ; but that the Clay was the same still , and remain'd unchanged ; only , it had that which it must necessarily have , Length , Breadth , and Thickness , in some Proportion or other , seeing it could not be wholly deprived of them . Then he farther discerned , by this § 41 successive change of Figures in the same Body of Clay , that this diversity of Figures was a distinct Notion from that Body ; as also , in that he saw the Body of the Clay could not be altogether without them , it plainly appeared to him that they belonged to its Essence . And from this Contemplation it was apparent to him , that a Body , consider'd as a Body , was indeed compounded of two Notions . As for Example , the Body of the Clay , as consider'd under a Globous Figure ; and the same consider'd as having only the threefold Extension of Length , Breadth , and Thickness , whether in a Globous , or a Square , or any other Figure . He saw also , that it was impossible to conceive any Body , which was not made up of these two Notions ; and that the one of them could not possibly subsist without the other . Withall he saw , that the one Notion , ( namely , that of Extension ) which could be changed and successively put on diversity of Figures , did represent the Form in all those Bodies , which were indued with Forms or Figures ; but that the other , which still abode in the same state , ( as for Example , the substantial Body of the Clay ) did represent the Notion of Corporeity which belonged to all Bodies of what Forms soever . Now , that which we call Clay in the precedent instance is the same which the Philosophers call materia prima [ the first matter ] and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is wholly void of all sort of forms . Now , when his Contemplation § 42 had proceeded thus far , and had withdrawn it self from the Objects of Sense , so that he now drew near to the Confines of the Intellectual World , he began to be somewhat amazed ; and thereupon , bending his thoughts again downwards , he returned more seriously to consider , and more throughly to examine That in the sensible World , whereunto he he had been accustomed . Wherefore he retired back a little , and forbearing to meditate on the nature of the Body in general , ( it being a thing which he could not take hold of by his sense , nor as yet comprehend in his mind ) he undertook to consider the most simple of those sensible Bodies which he had seen , namely , those four about which his contemplation had before exercised it self . And first of all he considered the Water ; as to which , he saw , that when it abode in that state which its form required , there appeared therein a sensible Cold , and a propension to move downwards ; but that when it was heated by the Fire , or the warm Beams of the Sun , the Cold first withdrew it self , and departed , the Propension to move downwards still remaining ; but that afterwards , when it became more vehemently heated , its Propension to move downwards then likewise forsook it , so that it strove to move upwards , and evaporated into the Air ; so that both of these qualities wholly left it , which before had always issued from its Nature and Form. Neither knew he any thing farther concerning its Form , but that these two actions proceeded thence , and that when they both forsook it , the Nature or State of the form was wholly taken away , so that the watery form departed out of that Body ; seeing that actions proceeded therefrom which properly belonged to another form ; and that another form in its place arose , which before was not in the Water , seeing that actions proceeded from it , which could not naturally proceed thence , whilst it retained its former form . Now he well knew , that when § 43 any thing was a-new produced , it must needs have some Producer . And from this Contemplation there was wrought in his mind a kind of a general and confused impression of the Effector of that form . Then he farther directed his speculation to the considering of those forms , to the knowledge whereof he had before attained , contemplating them one after another . Whereupon he saw , that they all had their Existence anew , and so necessarily required some efficient Cause . Then he examined and diligently considered the Essences of forms , and saw that they were nothing else but such or such a disposition of the Body , from which those actions proceeded . For instance , in water when that is vehemently heated , it is disposed to move upwards , and made apt thereto ; and that disposition is its form ; seeing there is nothing present in this motion but the Body of the Water , and some accidents proceeding thence , which existed not before , and are the objects of Sense ( such as qualities and motion ) and the Efficient which produced them ; whereas those accidents had no Existence before ; so that the aptitude of the Body to some motions before others is its disposition and form . And the same truth appeared to him , as to all other forms . He also clearly saw , that the actions which proceeded from these Bodies were not properly theirs , but belonged to that Efficient , which by those actions , produced those Attributes that are ascribed to them . And this notion which thus appeared to him is the same thing which was said by the messenger of God ( viz. Mahomet ) [ I am his hearing whereby he hears , and his sight whereby he sees . And in the Text of the Alcoran , Cap. Al Anphali . [ You have not slain them , but God hath slain them . And , thou hast not cast them away , but God hath cast them away . ] Now , whenas he was certainly § 44 assured of this Efficient , ( the which appeared to him in general , and confusedly ) a vehement desire seized on him to get a distinct knowledge thereof . But because he had not as yet withdrawn and sequestred himself from the sensible World , he began to seek this voluntary Agent amongst things sensible ; neither as yet knew he , whether it were one Agent , or many . Wherefore he took a view of all the Bodies that were near him , those namely , which his thoughts had been continually fixed upon ; all which he saw were successively liable to Generation and Corruption , if not in the whole , at least in their parts . As for example , he saw that the parts both of Water and Earth were corrupted by Fire . He saw likewise , that the Air was so far corrupted by a sharp Cold that it was turned into Snow , and that Snow melted again into Water . Also , as for other Bodies which he had near him , he could see none of them which had not its Existence a-new , and required some voluntary Agent to give it a Being . Wherefore , he rejected all these sublunary Bodies , and transfer'd his thoughts to the heavenly ones which were above his head . And thus far he reached in his Contemplations about the end of the fourth Septenary of his Age , viz. when he was now Twenty and Eight years old . Now , he knew that the Heavens § 45 and all the Stars therein were Bodies , as being extended according to the three dimensions of Length , Breadth , and Thickness , and that none of them was void of this Attribute , and that whatsoever had it , must needs be a Body . All these therefore he concluded to be Bodies . Then he considered with himself , whether they were extended infinitely , so that they stretched out themselves to an endless Length , Breadth , and Thickness ; or , whether they had any Bounds , and were confined unto certain limits , beyond which they proceeded not . But here he stopt a while , as in a kind of amazement . Yet at length , by the quickness of § 46 his apprehension , and sagacity of his understanding , he found that an infinite Body was an absurd and impossible thing , and a notion wholly unintelligible ; which opinion he was confirmed in by many arguments that came into his mind , when he thus argued with himself . This heavenly Body is doubtlesly finite on that part which is next me , and obvious to my sense , seeing I perceive so much by my Eye . Then likewise , as to that part which is opposite to this , and concerning which this doubt ariseth in my mind , I know also that it must needs be impossible it should be extended infinitely . For if I conceive two Lines beginning at that part which is bounded , and thence passing through the thickness of this heavenly Body , extend themselves unto an infinite distance ; and then suppose a great part to be cut off from one of these Lines where its extremity is bounded ; and the extremity of the remainder of that Line which had part cut off applied to the extremity of that other , which had nothing cut off from it ; and then that Line , which had some part thereof cut off , placed parallel to that other Line which had nothing cut off , the understanding going still along with both Lines to that farther part of each which is said to be infinite ; either you will find these two Lines to be continuedly extended , without coming to any end , so that neither will be shorter than the other ; and consequently , the Line which had somewhat cut off from it , will be equal to the other which had nothing cut off , which is absurd : Or , in case it go not continuedly along with it , but have its progress interrupted , and so fail of its being extended together with it , throughout that infinite space , it will be finite ; and when that part shall be added a-new to it , which was before cut off , and therefore must needs be finite , the whole Line too will be necessarily finite , as consisting of two finite parts . Moreover , when it is thus made up again , and become entire in it self , it will be neither shorter than the Line which had nothing cut off from it , nor exceed it in length , but precisely equal to it . Seeing therefore this Line is finite , that also must be finite likewise ; and consequently , that Body wherein both those Lines are supposed to be , and are thus mathematically designed , must needs be finite too : For every Body , wherein such Lines may be designed , is finite ; and there is no Body wherein they may not be designed . Therefore , if we determine any Body to be infinite , we determine that which is absurd and impossible . Now when he was thus assured by § 47 the singular excellency of his Wit , which he had awakened to the Consideration of this Subject , that the Body of Heaven was finite ; he desired in the next place to know of what Form it was , and in what manner it was bounded with the Superficies that compassed it round about . First of all then he contemplated the Sun and Moon , and the rest of the Stars , and saw that all of them arose in the East , and set in the West . He saw also that those Heavenly Lights , which past directly over his Head , described a larger Circle ; and on the other side , that those which declined from the Vertical Point towards the North or South , described a less one ; and that every one of them , as it moved at a greater distance from the Vertical Point towards either Pole , described a lesser Circle than that which was nearer to it ; so that the least Circles wherein the Stars moved were those two which were nearest the Poles , namely , the Circle of the Star Sohail [ that is , Canopus ] which was nearest the Southern Pole ; and the Circle Alpharkadain , which was next the Northern . And whereas he dwelt in an Island situated near the Equinoctial ( as we before shewed ) all these Circles were straight towards the Surface of the Horizon , and had alike reference to the North and South , seeing both the Poles appeared to him at once . Withall he observed , that when one Star arose in a larger Circle , and another in a less , so that they arose both together , that both of them also set at the same time . And this he observed to be alike true and the same in all sorts of Stars , and at all times . And from hence it was evident to him , that the Heaven was of a Spherical Figure . Which Truth was also farther confirmed unto him from what he saw of the Return of the Sun , Moon , and the other Stars , to the East , after their setting in the West ; as also , in that they all appeared to his Eyes in the same proportion of Magnitude , both when they arose , and when they set ; as also , when they were got up to the height and midst of the Heavens . For if their Motion had been any other than Circular , they must needs at some times have been nearer to his sight , than at other times : and if so , their Dimensions and Magnitudes would not always have appeared the same , but various ; seeing that they would have appeared bigger when they were nearer to him , than when they were farther off . But whenas he saw no such diversity in their appearance , he was well assured that the Figure of Heaven was Spherical . Then he proceeded onwards to observe the Motion of the Moon , and saw that it was carried from the East towards the West [ or perchance from the West to the East ] as the other Planets were in like manner . So that at length a great Part of Astronomy became known to him . It appeared also to him , that the Motions of the Planets were in different Spheres , all which were comprehended in another that was above them all , and which turned about all the rest in the space of a Day and a Night . But it were too long to set down the manner and degrees of that Progress which he made in this Science ; and besides it is published in many Books . Neither is it requisite , as to our present Design , to say any more thereof , than what we have already discoursed . Now when he had proceeded thus § 48 far in the Astronomical Science , he found that the whole Orbe of the Heavens , and whatsoever it contained within its Compass , was as it were one entire thing , composed of Parts mutually conjoyned to each other ; and that all the Bodies which he had before considered , as Earth , Water , Air , Plants , Animals , and all the rest in like manner , were comprehended in it , so that none of them went beyond its bounds . He found also , that the whole Body or Frame of the World very near resembled some one single Animal ; so that the Stars which shined therein answered to the Senses ; the diversity of the Spheres which were contiguous to each other , resembled the variety of Limbs ; and that all those Bodies therein which were liable to Generation and Corruption , resembled those things which are contained in the Belly of an Animal , such as various Excrements and Humours , whence Animals also are often generated , as they are in the greater World. Now , whenas he was thus well § 49 assured , that all these things made up as it were one compleat Substance , which stood in need of a voluntary Agent , [ viz. to produce , settle , and order it ] and that its manifold Parts appeared to him to be but one thing , in like manner as the Bodies in this lower World , which is subject to Generation and Corruption , seemed but one ; he proposed to his Consideration the World in general ; and debated with himself , whether it were a thing which arose a-new , whereas before it had not a Being , and so came forth of nothing , to obtain an Existence : or whether it were a thing which had always existed , and never wanted a Being . Concerning this matter he had very many and great Doubts within himself , so that neither of these two Opinions did oversway the probability of the other . For when he proposed to himself the belief of Eternity , many Objections came in his way touching the impossibility of an infinite Being , in like manner as the Existence of an infinite Body had seemed impossible to him . He saw likewise , that whatsoever Substance was not void of Accidents a-new produced , but always indued with them , must also necessarily be produced together with them , because it cannot be said to be produced before them . Seeing then such a Substance cannot be said to be existent before such Accidents produced a-new , it must also be said to have its existence a-new . On the other side , when he proposed to himself the belief of its being produced a-new , some other Objections thwarted him : Especially this , that the Notion of its production a-new after non existence , could not be understood , unless some time were supposed which was precedent to its Existence ; whereas Time was in the number of those things which belonged to the World , and was inseparable from it , so that it could not be said to be later than time , or to have its Being after it . He also thus reasoned with himself , If the World were produced a-new , it must needs have some Cause that produced it . And if so , why did that Cause produce it now , and not before ? Was it because some Motive supervened , which it had not before ? But it is supposed , that there was nothing then existent besides the Cause it self . Was it then by reason of some change which befell the Effence of this Cause . If so , what caused this change ? Thus he ceased not for some Years to ponder these things in his Mind , and to argue with himself Pro and Con. For many Arguments offer'd themselves to him on either side , so that neither of these two Opinions in his Judgment overpoized the other . Whereas therefore this seemed to § 50 him very difficult to resolve , He began to think with himself what would be the necessary Consequence of either Opinion ; for perhaps , thought he , there would be the same Consequence of both . Whereupon he saw , that if he supposed the World to have been created a-new , and so to have had its Existence out of nothing , it would necessarily follow thence , that it could not have risen to this Existence by any Power of its own , but contrariwise required some efficient Cause which gave it an actual Being . Withall he saw , that this Efficient could not be apprehended by any of the Senses ; for then it would be a bodily Substance ; which if it were , it would be one of those things that belong to the World , and so would have had its existence a-new ; and withall , would have stood in need of some other Cause which should have produced it a-new . And if this second Efficient also were a Body , it would have needed a third to produce it , and that a fourth , and so there would have been a Progress in infinitum , without fixing in any first Cause ; which to suppose is absurd and irrational . The World therefore must necessarily have such an efficient Cause , which is not a bodily Substance ; and seeing it is not a Body , there is no reason that it should be apprehended by any of the Senses . ( for the five Senses apprehend nothing but Bodies , or such Accidents as adhere to Bodies ) And seeing it cannot be apprehended by Sense , neither can it be comprehended by the Imagination . For the Imagination is nothing else but the Representation of the Forms or Images of those things , ( which were apprehended by Sense ) when the bodily Objects themselves are removed . Seeing then that it is not a Body , neither can any Properties of the Body be attributed ot it . Now the first and chief Property of a Body is the threefold Extension , viz. towards Length , Breadth , and Thickness . Wherefore he is far from having any such Extension , or any Accidents of Bodies which are consequent to this Property . And seeing that he is the maker of the World , doubtless he knows what it is , and whatsoever is in it , and withall hath the Sovereign Command and Ordering thereof . [ Shall not he know it , who created it ? For he is most eminent in Knowledge , and omniscient . ] He saw also , that if he believed § 51 the Eternity of the World , and that it hath been always as it is now , and that it came not out of nothing , it would necessarily sollow from thence , that its Motion also was from Eternity , and so without a Beginning , whenas no Rest preceded it , whence it should take its Rise , and begin its Course . Now every Motion necessarily requires some Mover , or Cause of Motion . And that must be either some Power diffused in a certain Body , viz. either in the Body of the thing which is moved , or in some other Body which is without it , or else , it is some Power which is not diffused and spread throughout any certain Body . Now , every Power which is diffused in any certain Body , and dispersed throughout it is also divided together with that Body , and multiplied with it . As for Example , Heaviness in a Stone , which causeth it to move downwards . For if the Stone be divided into two Parts , so will the Heaviness also ; and if some other Stone of an equal Weight be added thereto , another like Heaviness will be likewise added . And if it were possible that the Stone should grow still bigger , till it reached to an infinite Extension , the weightiness would increase also in the same Proportion . And on the other side , if the Stone should attain to a certain size of bigness , and there stop , the weightiness also thereof would arise unto the same Bound , and increase no farther . But it hath been already demonstrated that every Body must needs be finite , and therefore every Power which is inherent in that Body , must needs be finite too . On the other side , if we meet with any Power which produceth an infinite Effect , it must needs be such a Power as is not inherent in any Body . Now we find that the Heaven is moved about with a perpetual Motion , without any set Bound or End , or Cessation at all . Therefore , if we affirm that its Motion had no Beginning , it will necessarily follow from thence , that the Power which moves it , is neither inherent in the Body of the Heaven so moved , nor in any other Body that is without it ; and therefore it must be somewhat which is abstracted , separate , and wholly diverse from all Bodies ; such a thing also , which cannot be described , nor have its Nature set forth by any corporeal Adjuncts . Besides , it was evident to him , from his former Contemplation of this lower World which is liable to Generation and Corruption , that the true Notion of the Existence of any Body agrees to it in respect of its Form , the Nature whereof consists in a Disposition to variety of Motions ; but as for that Existence which it hath in respect of its Matter , it is very poor , weak , and worthless , and such as can hardly be conceived . Therefore the Existence of the whole World consists in respect to its disposition to the Motion effected by this first mover , who is void of all Matter , and of all Adjuncts belonging to the Body , abstracted and separate from every thing which Sense can apprehend , or which our Imagination can find a way to approach unto . And seeing that he is the efficient Cause of the Heavenly Motions ( though there be diverse kinds of them ) which considered singly are free from any difference or deformity , alteration or cessation , doubtless he hath Power over them all , and a perfect knowledge of them . By this means , his Speculation § 52 reached up to the same pitch of Knowledge , whereto it had arrived by the same steps before . Neither did this lie like a stumbling-block in his way , that he as yet doubted , whether the World were existent from all Antiquity , or created a-new in Time. For whether the one , or the other were true , this was evident to him , that the Maker of the World had an incorporeal Existence , not conjoyned with any Body , nor separated from any Body , as being neither within such , nor without it . For Conjunction and Separation , to be within and without , are the Adjuncts of Bodies , from all which the Maker of the World is free . And because the Matter of every Body stands in need of some Form , seeing it cannot subsist but by that , nor indeed exist without it ; and that the Form hath really no Existence , but from this voluntary Agent ; it appeared to him , that all things which had a Being in Nature , stood in need of this Agent for their Existence , and that none of them could subsist without it ; and that therefore this Agent was the Cause of them all , and they all made by it , whether they had received their Existence a-new , and came out of nothing , or else had no Beginning in respect of Time , without any Privation foregoing it : For upon either of these two Supposals , it would follow that their Being was caused , and consequently that they necessarily required some efficient Cause , from which they depended for their Being ; insomuch that they could neither continue , unless that continued , nor exist unless that existed , nor have their Being from Eternity unless that were eternal . But as for the efficient Cause it self , it stood not in need of any of them , nor any way depended upon them . For how could it be otherwise ? seeing it hath been demonstrated , that its Vertue and Power is infinite , whereas all Bodies are finite and bounded ; and therefore , that the whole World , and whatsoever is in it , whether Heaven , or Earth , or Stars , and whatsoever belongs to them , either above or beneath , is his Work and Creation , and consequently posteriour to him in Nature , although not in Time. As if thou hold any Body in thine Hand , and then move thine Hand with it , that Body also must be necessarily moved , consequently to the motion of thy Hand , viz. with a motion which is in Nature posteriour to the motion of thy Hand , though not in Time , seeing both Motions begin together . In like manner , the whole World is made and created by this Efficient , without time ; whose command it is , when he would have any thing made or done , that he say to it , Let it be , and it is . Alc. c. Gapher . Now , when he saw that all things § 53 which had a Being were his Work , he again considered them in his mind with relation to the power of the Efficient . In which Contemplation he much admired the rareness of the Workmanship , proceeding from such accurate wisdom , and the most subtle knowledge imaginable ; so that from his considering but a very few of the Creatures , and much more from many , there appeared unto him those footsteps of Wisdom , and Wonders of the work of Creation , which affected his mind with an excessive admiration . And he became assured hereby , that all these things must proceed from such a voluntary Agent as was infinitely perfect , yea , above all Perfection ; such an one , to whom the weight of the least Atom , was not unknown , whether in Heaven or Earth ; no , nor any other thing , whether lesser or greater than it . Then he considered all the kinds § 54 of Animals , and how this Agent had given such a Fabrick of Body to every one of them , and then taught them severally how to use it . For if he had not taught them all to use those Members which he had given them , and to find out those services and imployments for which they were appointed , the Animal would not have received any benefit or advantage from them , but they would rather have been a burden to it . Hence therefore he knew , that the Maker of the World was supereminently Bountiful , and exceedingly Gracious to all his Creatures . Moreover , when upon his viewing of the Creatures , he found any of them , which had any thing above the rest of Shape , Beauty , Comeliness , Power and Strength , Perfection , or whatsoever Excellency in any kind , he cast in his mind , and then concluded , that whatsoever it were , it must needs proceed from the influx of that voluntary Agent , so illustriously glorious , the Fountain of Being , and of Working . He knew therefore that whatsoever Excellencies were by Nature in him , were by so much the greater , more perfect , and more absolute , more beautiful , illustrious , and more lasting ; and that there was no proportion between those excellencies which were in him , and those which were found in the Creatures . Neither did he cease to prosecute this search , till he had gone through all the kinds of Perfection , and seen that they were all in him , and proceeded from him , and that he was most worthy to have them all ascribed to him , above all the Creatures which were intituled to them . He also searched into all sorts of § 55 Defects or Imperfections , and saw that the Maker of the World was void of them all , and separate from them . And how indeed should he not be free from all such ? For what other Notion is there of a defect , besides that of meer Privation , or what depends upon it ? And how should he any ways , or in any degree partake of Privation , who is a most simple Being , and of a necessary Existence in himself ; who gives a Being to every thing that exists , and besides whom there is no Existence ? [ For He alone is Existence ( as who alone hath it of Himself ) he is Absoluteness he is Perfection , he is Beauty , he is Brightness , he is Power , he is Knowledge ; He lastly , is that He who is the only He , and all besides him are subject to Perishing . Alc. c. Alkesas . ] Thus far his knowledge had brought § 56 him towards the end of the fifth Septenary from his Birth , that is , in the space of thirty and five Years . And the consideration of this supream Agent was then so fixed in his mind , that it hindred him from thinking on any other things besides , so that he forgat the Contemplation of the natural Existence of them , wherein he had before exercised his thoughts , and left off to enquire any farther into them ; until at length he came so far , that the Eye of his mind could not light upon any thing in the World , but that he straightways discovered therein some sootsteps of this supream Agent . So that letting pass the Work , he presently removed his thoughts to the Opificer , on whom his study was most earnestly bent . Insomuch , that his heart being wholly now withdrawn from thinking on , or minding this inferiour World , which contains the Objects of Sense , became wholly addicted , and altogether applied it self to the Contemplation of the upper , intellectual World. Now , when he had attained to the § 57 knowledge of this supream Being , this permanent Existence , which hath no Cause of its Existence , but it self is the Cause of the Existence of all other things ; he next desired to know by what means he came to this knowledge , and with what faculty he apprehended this Prime Existent . He made enquiry therefore into all his Senses , viz. Hearing , Seeing , Smelling , Tasting , and Touching ; and saw that all these apprehended nothing but what was Bodily , or inherent in a Body . For Hearing apprehends nothing but Sounds , which arise from the agitation of the Air , when Bodies are dasht one against another . Sight apprehends Colours . The Smelling , Odours . The Taste , Savours ; and the Touch , the Temperatures or Dispositions of the Body ; such as , Hardness and Softness , Roughness and Smoothness . In like manner , the Fancy apprehends nothing , but as it hath Length , Breadth , and Thickness . Now the things which are thus apprehended are all of them the Adjuncts of Bodies , and our Senses apprehend nothing else , inasmuch as they are faculties diffused throughout our Bodies , and divisible , according as they are divided . Whence it follows , that these Senses of ours can apprehend nothing besides a Body , which is liable to division For this faculty , seeing it is diffused through a divisible Body , as often as it apprehends any thing , must needs be divided answerably to the divisions of that Body wherein it is . Whence we may conclude , that every faculty which is seated in the Body , can apprehend nothing except a Body , or what is inherent in a Body . Now , it hath been already made evident , that this supream Being which hath a necessary Existence , is in every respect free from all things whatsoever belong to a Body ; and that therefore there is no other way or means of apprehending it , but by somewhat that is not a Body , nor a faculty inherent in the Body , or any other way depending upon it ; by somewhat that is neither within nor without the Body ; neither joyned to it , nor separated from it . It appeared also now unto him , that he apprehended this supream Being by that which was his Essence , and that he had a firm knowledge of this Being . Whence it was clear to him , that his Essence , whereby he apprehended it , was somewhat Incorporeal , which had no Adjunct of a Body agreeing to it ; and that whatsoever Bodily thing he apprehended by his outward Part [ that is , by his Bodily Senses ] was not the true State or Nature of his Essence ; but that some other thing it was , of an Incorporeal Substance , whereby he apprehended that absolute , perfect , and independent Being , which is necessarily , and of it self existent . Thus when he came to know that § 58 his Essence was not a Corporeal Substance , apprehensible by any of his Senses , or compassed about by his Skin , as his Entrails were , his Body began to appear a very contemptible thing to him , so that he wholly addicted himself to the Contemplation of that Noble Essence whereby he apprehended that Super-excellent Being , which necessarily existed . Then by vertue of that same Noble Essence of his , he considered with himself whether it could perish , be corrupted , and vanish away ; or , on the other side , were of perpetual duration . Whereupon he saw that Corruption and Dissolution belonged to the Adjuncts of Bodies , and consisted in putting off one form , and putting on another ; as for instance , when Water is turned into Air by Rarefaction , and Air turned into Water by Condensation ; when Bodies also are reduced into Earth , or Ashes ; or , when the moisture and vigour of the Earth is changed into the substance of various sorts of Plants , which grow . out of it , and are nourished by it . For this is the true notion of Corruption . So then we cannot any way suppose that to be liable unto Corruption , which is neither a Body , nor needs a Body for its subsistence , but is wholly diverse and separated from all Bodily things . Now , when he was thus well assured , § 59 that his Essence truly so called [ viz. his Soul ] was incorruptible , he desired to know what would be the condition thereof , when it left the Body , and was separated therefrom . Upon which consideration it appeared to him , that it took not its farewell of the Body untill it became an instrument wholly unfit for its use . So then , as he weighed in his mind all his apprehensive faculties , he saw that every one of them apprehended its Object , sometimes potentially , and sometimes actually ; as when the Eye winketh , or turns it self away from the visible Object , it is potentially apprehensive ; that is , though it do not actually apprehend it at present , yet it is able to apprehend it , and can do it for the time to come ; but when the Eye openeth it self , and turns to the visible Object , it is actually apprehensive , that is , it apprehends it at present . And the same is true of all the other Faculties . Moreover , he saw that if any of these Faculties never actually apprehended its proper Object , yet as long as it is potentially apprehensive , and no more , it hath no inclination to apprehend any particular Object , because as yet it hath no knowledge thereof , as it is seen in him who is born blind . But if at any time before it hath actually apprehended its Object , and becomes afterward potentially only apprehensive , as long as it so continues , it is inclinable to apprehend its Object actually , because it hath been already acquainted with it , is attent upon it , and hath a propension towards it ; as when one who hath before enjoyed his Sight , afterwards becomes blind . For such an one doth not cease to long after visible Objects ; and by how much that which hath been thereby apprehended , and is still apprehensible , is more Perfect , Bright , and Beautiful , his desire thereof will be still the greater , and his grief the greater for the want of enjoying it , arising from that desire . Hence it is , that his grief who is deprived of that Sight which he once had , must needs be greater than his who is deprived of his Smelling , because those things which the Sight apprehends , are more Perfect and Beautiful , than those things which the Smelling apprehends . So then , if we can find out any thing which hath an unlimited Perfection , and which hath no bounds set to its Beautifulness , Comeliness and Brightness , but far exceeds them all , insomuch that there is no Perfection , Beauty , Brightness , or Comeliness , which doth not proceed and flow from it , he who is deprived of the apprehension thereof , after he hath once known it , must doubtless be afflicted with an unexpressible grief , as long as he remains destitute of it . As on the contrary , whosoever hath it always present to him , and fixeth his mind continually on it , must needs be made partaker of an uninterrupted Pleasure and perpetual Felicity , with the possession of an infinite Joy and Gladness . Now , it had been already made § 60 evident to him , that all the Attributes , and kinds of Perfection , as they belonged unto , so ought of right to be given unto that Being which is necessarily , and of it self existent ; and that the same Being was wholly free , and separated from all kinds of defect , and whatsoever had any relation thereto . He was certain withal , that the faculty whereby he came to the apprehension of this self existent Being , was somewhat not like unto Bodies , and such as was not corrupted together with them . And hence it was apparent to him , that the Person who was endued with that faculty , which was meet and proper for such an apprehension , when he put off the Body at the time of his Death , was either , first such an one , who whilst he lived in the Body , and made use of its service , never knew this necessarily existent Being , nor had any society with him , nor had heard any thing of him ; and that such a Man when he departed out of the Body , was neither conjoyned to that Being , nor was any way afflicted with the desire of enjoying it , whilst it was absent ; ( for he well knew that all the bodily faculties ceased to work when the Body dies , neither desire their proper Objects , nor have any inclination towards them , nor are in any trouble or pain for their absence ; which is the state and condition of all Brutes , whatsoever shape or form they be of ) or Secondly , such an one , who whilst he continued in the Body , and made use of it , knew this self-existent Being , of how excellent Perfection , Greatness , Dominion , and Power it was , but that he turned himself from it , and followed the vain fancies , and vitious affections of his own mind , until at length death seized upon him , whilst he was in this state ; so that he then came to be deprived of that Vision , yet so as to be afflicted with a longing after it , and thereupon tormented with a most tedious pain , and unspeakable grief ; whether he be to be freed therefrom after a long and wearisome suffering , and so come to that vision which he before desired ; or , everlastingly to abide in the same Torments , according as he was fitted and disposed for either of these two , whilst he lived , and continued in the Body : or lastly , were such an one , who well knew this necessarily existent Being before he put off his Body , and with his utmost power applied himself thereto , and had all his thoughts continually bent and fixed upon his Glory , Beauty , and Brightness , nor ever turned away from him , until he was seized upon by death , whilst he continued in this state of contemplating him , and liaving the Eye of his mind fixed upon him . Now as for this Man , it appeared unto him , that when he took his leave of the Body , he abode in perpetual Pleasure , and constant Felicity , Joy , and Gladness , by reason of the uninterrupted vision of that self existent Being , and the entire freedom thereof from all impurity and mixture ; and that all those sensible Objects would be then removed from him , upon which all his bodily faculties had been formerly intent and busied about ; and which indeed , in regard of his present blessed State , were no better than afflictive Evils , Impediments and Torments . Thus when he came to be assured , § 61 that the Perfection of his own Being , and the true pleasure thereof , consisted in the vision of that necessarily existent Being , namely , in the actual and continued vision thereof , without intermission , or end , so that he ought not to turn away from it , no not during the twinkling of an Eye ; that so Death may seize upon him whilst he is in this state of actual Vision , by which means his joy would be still continued , without the interruption of any grief to molest or disturb it ; ( which was the same that Al-Jonaid , that eminent Doctor and Prince of the Suphii , pointed to , when he was now ready to die , saying to his friends about him , This is the time , when Men should begin to say , God is the most great , and which minds us to be most attentive unto our Prayers . ) Then he began to consider in his mind , how this actual Vision might be continued , so that he might not at any time , or by any means , be diverted from it . And for a little while he fixed his thoughts on this divine Object . But he could not persist long in this Contemplation , before some sensible Object offer'd it self to his sight , or the voice of some living Creature pierced his Ears , or some extravagant fancy interposed it self , or some Pain in one of his Limbs seized upon him , or that either Hunger or Thirst afflicted him , Cold or Heat discomposed him , or he had need to rise for the easing Nature of her Excrementitious Burdens : So that his meditations were ever and anon interrupted , and he himself was forced to retire from the enjoyment of that state of mind , wherein he was so exceedingly delighted , and so fully satisfied ; forasmuch as he could not but very hardly , and after a difficult strugling with himself , return to that state of Vision , wherein he was before ingaged . Whereupon he feared , lest being prevented by suddain Death , whilst he was in that state of Aversion , he should fall unawares into Eternal Misery , and the grief of being everlastingly separated from the Beatifical sight of that Object , wherein he solely delighted . Whenas therefore he was thus afflicted § 62 with the consideration of his present State , nor was able to find out any remedy for it , he began to examine and consider in his mind all sorts of brute Creatures , to take notice of all their Actions , and what they imployed themselves about ; if so be he could perceive that any of them had any knowledge of this supream and self-existent Being , and made shew of any inclination , or tendency thereto , that so he might learn of them what was the true cause and means of that happiness which he sought after . But he soon perceived , that they were imployed in getting their food , and in satisfying their desires of Meat , Drink , and propagating their Kind ; that they betook themselves to the shade in hot scorching Weather , and took care to keep themselves warm in the cold of Winter , and the Night season ; and that they diligently applyed themselves to these imployments both Night and Day , until the very time of their Death , and departure out of this Life . Neither saw he any one of them which diverted its course of living from this ordinary way , or was at any time solicitous in the pursuit of any other design . Whence it clearly appeared to him , that these brute Creatures understood not any thing of the supream Being , nor were affected with any desire of him , nor were in the way , or in any manner of capacity , of obtaining the knowledge of him ; but that on the contrary , they all tended to nothing , or to a state near of kin thereunto . And whenas he had concluded thus far concerning brute Animals , he quickly saw that it was more rational to judge the same of Plants and Vegetables , which had but few of those sensible apprehensions or operations that brute Animals had . For seeing those Creatures , which were of a more perfect apprehension , could not arrive to this knowledge , much less could they obtain it , whose faculties were less perfect ; when he saw withall , that all the operations of Plants extended not beyond nourishment , and the propagation of kind . After this , he considered with himself § 63 the Stars , and the Spheres of Heaven , and observed that they all moved in a set constant Order , and were all carried about in a regular Course . He saw also that they were bright and shining Bodies , and far from being subject to any alteration , or corruption . Whereupon he strongly guessed that besides their Bodies they had Essences or Forms which knew the necessarily existent Being ; and that these intelligent Forms or Essences were like unto his , and so neither Bodies , nor inherent in Bodies . For how should these heavenly Bodies want such forms or Essences as are free from any bodily mixture , whenas he had the like , who notwithstanding was so weak and frail , and stood in need of so many sensible and bodily things to maintain his life ? For seeing he who was ranked in the number of corruptible Bodies , yet notwithstanding all his defects , was not thereby hindred from having such an Essence within him as was incorporeal and incorruptible ; much more then concluded he the same of the heavenly Bodies , and thereby assured himself that they knew that necessarily existent Being , and enjoyed a perpetual Vision thereof , because there ▪ was no obstacle found in , or about them , arising from sensible Objects , which could hinder them from the continual enjoyment of this Vision , as they ever and anon interrupted him . Then he began to consult with § 64 himself , wherefore he alone among all the sorts of living Creatures should be endued with that Essence or form , whereby he was made to resemble the heavenly Bodies . For it had been manifestly made appear to him before , what was the nature and condition of the Elements , and that some of them were changed into others ; that whatsoever was found upon the surface of the Earth , did in no wise continue in the same form , but that Generation and Corruption perpetually succeeded each other ; as also , that most of these Bodies were mixt , and compounded of contrary ingredients , and therefore tended to Corruption ; that there was nothing to be found amongst them which was absolutely pure ; but that which was nearest to Purity and Simplicity , and farthest removed from mixture among these earthly Bodies , was also farthest removed from Corruption , as the Body of the Gold , and of the Hyacinth . But as for the heavenly Bodies , they were Simple and Pure , and for that cause farther distant from Corruption ; so that they were not liable to any succession of Forms . Here also it appeared to him , that as to the Bodies which are found in this lower World , and are subject to Generation and Corruption , some of them were such whose Essence consisted of one Form alone , superadded to their Corporeity , as the four Elements ; others , whose Essential State , or Nature , consisted of more than one , as Plants and Animals . It appeared also to him , that the nature of those Bodies which consisted of fewer forms , had fewer operations , and were farther distant from Life ; and that if there were any Body to be found which was destitute of a Form , it had no Capacity of obtaining Life , or exercising vital actions , but was in a state like to privation , or nothing ; but that the Body , whose Essential subsistence consisted of more Forms , withal exercised more Actions , and had a more easie and ready entrance to the state of Life ; and if the Form were so disposed , that there was no way of separating it from the matter whereto it properly belonged , then was the Life thereof very manifest , firm , and vigorous ; but on the contrary , whatsoever Body was wholly destitute of a Form , was nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or matter , having no Life at all in it ; so that it was near of kin to nothing . Furthermore , he saw that the Bodies which subsisted in one Form , were the four Elements , which had the first and lowest degree of Existence in this lower World , which is subject to Generation and Corruption ; and that all other Bodies , which had more Forms , were compounded of these ; but that these Elements had a very weak kind of Life , or Principle of Action , seeing they were moved but one kind of way , and every one of them had some contrary which manifestly opposed it , resisting it in that whereunto its Nature tended , and endeavouring to deprive it of its Form ; so that both its Existence , and its Life must needs be very infirm ; but that Plants had a stronger Life ; and Animals , a Life more manifest than the Plants . The reason whereof is , because if there be found any Body among the compound ones , wherein the Nature of any one of the Elements prevails above the rest , That , as far as it is able , will conquer the Nature of the other Elements , and make void their Activity , so that the whole compound will lie under the Power of the prevailing Element ; whence it will follow , that such a Compound will be in a capacity to exercise but a very small Portion of Life , according as that domineering Element is disposed to exercise it . But if among these Compounds § 65 there be any found , wherein the Nature of one Element doth not prevail above the rest , then all the Parts thereof will be of an equal Temper , and alike Vigour ; so that no one of them will repress the Operation , or abate the Force of the other , any more than its own Force is abated by it ; so that they work upon each other with a like Strength and Activity , the operation of one Element not being any way more observable than the operation of another , nor any one prevailing above the other ; in which respect it is far from being like any single Element , but appears as if there were nothing contrary to its Form , whereby it becomes very apt for , and capable of receiving Life . And by how much the greater this Equality of Temper is , and by how much the more perfect , and farther distant from inclining to any one Extream , by so much farther is it distant from having any contrary to it , and its Life is the more perfect . Seeing then that the Animal Spirit , the Seat whereof is the Heart , is of a most equal Temper ( for it is more pure and subtil than Earth and Water , as it is more gross and thick than Fire and Air ) so that it obtains the nature of such a Mean , as is contrary to none of the Elements , in any evident kind of Contrariety , by this means it is disposed to become that Form which constitutes an Animal . From whence he saw this would follow , that the most equal in Temper amongst the Animal Spirits was disposed to exercise the most perfect Life in this inferiour World , which is subject to Generation and Corruption ; and that we may well-nigh affirm of such a Spirit that there is nothing contrary to its Form ; and that upon this Account , it resembles those Heavenly Bodies which in like manner have nothing contrary unto theirs ; and that therefore it becomes the Spirit of that living Creature , which hath the most perfect Life , because it is indeed placed in the middle of the Elements , not being at all moved either upward or downward . And if it could be placed in the midst of that space which lies between the Center , and the highest place whereto the Fire reacheth , and that no Corruption at all seized on it , it would fix it self there , nor would have any propension to move either upward or downward ; but if it should be locally moved , it would move in a Round , as the heavenly Bodies are moved ; and if it were moved in its place , it would be moved about its own Center , and be of a Spherical Figure , seeing it could not be otherwise , and therefore would become very like to the heavenly Bodies . And when he considered the Properties § 66 of Animals , nor could see any amongst them , concerning which he could in the least suspect that it had any knowledge of this necessarily existent Being ; but on the other side well knew , that as for his own Form or Essence , it had the knowledge of it ; He thence concluded , that he was a living Creature endued with a Spirit of an equal Temperature , like unto the heavenly Bodies . It was evident also to him , that he was of a diverse kind from all other sorts of Animals , created to another end , and destined to the obtaining of some great Perfection and Happiness , whereunto no other Animal was appointed . And it was enough to shew the nobleness of his Nature and Condition , that the most vile part of him , viz. the bodily one , was most like of all to the heavenly Substances , which are removed from this lower World , ( that is liable to Generation and Corruption ) and free from all Accidents which relate to Deficiency , Change , and Alteration : and that the best part of him was that thing whereby he knew the necessarily existent Being ; that also his intelligent Form was somewhat Heroical and Divine , such as was not changeable , nor liable unto corruption ; such as nothing was to be attributed unto , that properly belonged unto Bodies ; such a thing , lastly , as could not be apprehended by any of the Senses , nor by the Imagination ; and the knowledge thereof could not be obtained by any other Instrument , but by its own Faculty alone . So that it was all in one , namely , the Essence of Man , or thing which knew , the thing known , and the Knowledge it self . Neither was there any diversity in any of these , seeing that Diversity and Separation are the Attributes and Adjuncts of Bodies , whereas here there was neither any Body , nor any Attribute of a Body , nor any thing adherent or belonging to it . And whenas the way now manifestly § 67 appeared , whereby it was proper and peculiar to him , among all the rest of Animals , to be made like unto the heavenly Bodies , he saw that it was a Duty necessarily incumbent on him to resemble them , to imitate their Actions , and endeavour to his utmost , that he might become like unto them . He discerned also by the vertue of that more noble Part of his , whereby he knew the necessarily existent Being , that there was in him a certain Resemblance thereof , inasmuch as he was separated from all that belonged unto Bodies , in like manner as that Being was separated . Withall he saw , that it was his Duty to labour by all manner of means , how he might obtain the Properties of that Being , put on and wear his Qualities , and imitate his Actions ; to be diligent also and careful in promoting his Will , to commit all his Affairs unto him , and heartily to acquiesce in all those Decrees of his , which concerned him , either from without , or within ; so that he rejoyced , and pleased himself in him , although he should afflict his Body with Pain , and do him harm ; yea , though he should altogether destroy his Body and kill him . He saw also that he resembled the § 68 other kinds of Animals in his meanest and vilest Part , which he had from this lower World , subject to Generation and Corruption ; viz. this dark , dull , and gross Body , which necessarily required of him , for its maintenance and preservation , several sorts of sensible things , such as meat , Drink , and Clothing , besides propagation of Kind , which he observed in the brute Animals , as necessary for the continuing of each Species , by supplying the Mortality of Individuals . Withall he saw , that his Body was not made him for nothing , nor conjoyned to his better Part for no good End or Purpose ; and that therefore it behoved him to take care of it , and have a due regard of its preservation ; which care he could not shew , and make good as he ought , but by performing such Actions which were correspondent to the Actions of other Animals . Now , the Actions which seemed necessary for him to perform , had a threefold Respect ; being either such , whereby he resembled , and acted alike to the brute Animals ; or such , wherein he resembled the heavenly Bodies ; or such , wherein he resembled the necessarily existent Being . The first sort of Actions were necessary for him in regard of his dark , vile , and gross Body , consisting of distinct Members , endued with several Faculties , and acted with diverse kinds of Motion . The second Resemblance was necessary for him in regard of the Animal Spirit , the Seat whereof was his Heart , which was the prime Part of the whole Body , and the Fountain whence all its Faculties , and their Operations issued . Lastly , his third Resemblance was necessary for him , as he was himself , that is , as he was that Being , whereby he knew the necessarily existent Being . And before this , he was well assured , that his Felicity , and freedom from Misery , consisted in the perpetual Vision of that necessarily existent Being , whereby he should be placed , and continued in that state , wherein he might not divert the Eye of his Mind from beholding him , no not for a Moment . Then he considered those ways and § 69 means , whereby he might acquire the continuation of this Vision ; in contemplating whereof he at length determined , that it was necessary for him to exercise himself in the foremention'd three kinds of Resemblance . And as to the first of them , he saw that he could not get from thence any thing pertaining to this Vision , but that it rather withdrew his Thoughts another way , and hindred him ; seeing it was conversant altogether in sensible things , all which were a kind of Vail , which interposed it self between him and this Vision . Notwithstanding he saw , that he had need of this Resemblance to preserve his Animal Spirit , whereby the second Resemblance , which he had with the heavenly Bodies , was acquired ; and that in this regard he had need of it , although it was not wholly void of Hurt and Damage . But as to the second Conformity , he saw indeed , that an ample Portiou of that continued Vision was thereby acquired , but such a Vision withall as had some mixture in it , seeing that whosoever contemplates the Vision after this manner , together with it contemplates his own Essence , and casts a look upon it , as shall be shewn hereafter . But then , as for the third Conformity , he saw that an entire Vision of the self-existent Being was thereby acquired , and such a sincere Attention thereto , as had no way any Respect to any other Object , but that alone ; so that whosoever thus contemplated it , was wholly abstracted even from his own Essence , which then quite vanished out of his Sight , and became as nothing ; as all other Beings in like manner , whether more or fewer , except the Essence of the one , true , necessarily Existent , great , high , and powerful Being . Now when he was thus manifestly § 70 assured , that the Summ and Perfection of his Desires consisted in this third Conformity ; and that this could not be acquired but after the exercise of , and long applying of himself to the second Conformity ; and that he could not continue in applying himself thereto , but by a precedent attending of the first Conformity , ( which , although it was necessary , yet he knew was an Impediment in it self , though an Help by Accident ) he so restrained his Mind , and bridled his Appetite , that he allowed it no part of that first Conformity , but such as Necessity required ; and that was such a Proportion , as less than it could not suffice to the Conservation of his Animal Spirit . He saw also , that there were two things necessarily required to the Conservation of this Spirit ; the one , to continue it within the Body , and make a constant supply of that Nourishment which continually wasted ; the other , to preserve it from without , and to repell the various kinds of Adversaries , which were still at hand to hurt and indamage it , as Cold , Heat , Rain , the scorching of the Sun , harmful Beasts , and the like . He saw also , that if he took of that which was necessary unadvisedly , and at adventure , it might so happen that he fell into excess , by taking more of it than was expedient for him ; and so , by his rash endeavour after Self-preservation , might before he was well aware , prejudice his Health . He conceived therefore that he should act most advisedly , if he set such Bounds to himself , as he would not in any wise transgress ; and certain Measures , which he would not exceed . And it appeared very clearly to him , that he ought to set this Rule to himself concerning the kinds of Meat which he was to feed on , both in regard of their Quality and Quantity , and the set times of feeding on them . And first of all , he considered the § 71 several kinds of those Meats which he used to feed upon , and found that there were three sorts of them , viz. either Plants that were not full ripe , nor had yet attained to their highest perfection ; such as were the several kinds of new-sprung green Herbs , and fit for Food : or the Fruits of such Plants which were grown to perfection , and ripe , and had brought forth their Seed , whence others of the same kind might be produced : and such were the kinds of Fruits that were newly gathered , and dry : or some Animal that was fit for Food , whether living on Land , or in the Sea. Now , he was well assured within himself , that all these Creatures were made by the necessarily existent Being , in drawing near to which he saw that his Felicity consisted , and to whom therefore he desired to be made like . He was certain too , that his feeding on these Creatures did hinder them from attaining their Perfection , and interposed it self between them , and that end which they naturally aimed at , and endeavoured to obtain ; in doing whereof he should by that means oppose himself to , and resist the Work and Design of the supream Agent ; which Opposition would be contrary to that nearness and Conformity thereto , which he so earnestly sought after . He thought therefore that it would be best for him , in case it were possible , to abstain wholly from all manner of Food . But seeing this could not be done , and that he saw that a total abstinence from Food manifestly tended to the destruction of his Body , which would be a greater Repugnancy to his Creator than the Former , seeing he was a nobler Creature than any or all of those , whose destruction was the Cause of preserving his Life , he judged it best of two Evils to choose the least , and to allow himself the lesser of the two Repugnancies . It seemed good therefore to him , in § 72 case other Food was not to be had , to take of the forementioned Creatures whatsoever came to his hand , in that proportion which he should afterwards find to agree best with him . But if all sorts of Meat were at hand to use , he judged that it then behoved him to deliberate with himself , and to make choice of that amongst them , by the taking whereof there would arise the least Opposition to the Work of the Creator ; such as was the Pulp , or soft inward part of such Fruits as had attained to their full Maturity ; and whose Seeds were in them , apt and ready to produce the like ; yet so , as he took care to preserve those Seeds , so that he neither ate them , nor marred them , nor cast them away into such places , which were unfit for them to spring up and grow in , such as smooth and hard Stones , salt Earth , and the like . But if he could not meet with such Fruits as had a Pulp fit for Nourishment , as Apples , Pears , Plums , and the like , then he would take his Food out of such Fruits which had nothing in them fit for Nourishment besides the Seed it self , such as Walnuts and Chesnuts were ; or of such Herbs , as had not yet attained to their full Ripeness ; yet so , that of both kinds he took those only to feed on , whereof there was the greater plenty , and which had a Faculty to produce others of the like kind . Withall , he took care , neither to pluck them up by the Roots , nor to destroy their Seeds . But in case these also were wanting , then he thought fit to take his Food of the brute Animals , or of their Eggs : yet so , that he took his Food of those which were most in number , that so he might not wholly destroy any one Kind of them . These were the Rules which he set § 73 to himself , and thought fit to observe , concerning the kinds of Food . But for the quantity , he saw that was to be observed which sufficed to satisfie his Hunger , so that he ought not to exceed that proportion . And for the distance to be observed between his Meals , he judged it best , that when he had taken so much Food as at present sufficed him , he should abide contented therewith , nor seek after any more , until he found some disability in himself , which hindred him from exercising any one of those Actions that belonged to the second Conformity ; those namely , which I shall by and by mention . But as for those things , which necessity required of him towards the conservation of his Animal Spirit , in regard of defending it from external Injuries , he found no great difficulty therein , seeing he was well clothed with Skins , and had a convenient place to Lodge in , which was shelter enough for him , and guarded him sufficiently from all harms that might betide him from without . These therefore he thought enough for him , and judged it superfluous to take any farther care about them . Then , as to his Diet , he observed those Rules which he had prescribed to himself , namely those which we even now set down . After this , he applied himself to § 74 the second Operation , which consisted in a conformity to the heavenly Bodies , by imitating and resembling of them , and expressing their proper qualities in himself . Now when he had run over all their Attributes in his mind , they seemed unto him to be comprehended under these three kinds ; whereof the first belonged to them in relation to the inferiour Bodies , which are placed in this earthly World , which is liable to Generation , and Corruption , viz. such as Heat , which they imparted to them of their own Nature ( as Cold by accident ) Light , Rarefaction and Condensation , together with other effects which they work in them , whereby they are qualified and disposed for the receiving into themselves the influences of those spiritual forms from the supream Cause the necessarily existent Agent . The second kind of Attributes were such , as agreed to them in regard of their own Nature , as it is considered in it self ; as that they were clear , bright , and lightsome Bodies , pure , and far removed from all feculent matter , and whatsoever kinds of Impurity . Also , that they were moved circularly , some of them about their own Center , and some about the Centers of other Planets . The third kind of Attributes was that , which they had in relation to the necessarily existent Being ; as that they always beheld him , nor at any time turned away their Eye from him ; that they were also imploied in that which he appointed them to do , and performed his will with a most ready , constant , and exact Obedience ; neither were ever moved but according to his Will , and by his Power . He therefore endeavoured with all his might to resemble and imitate them in every one of these three kinds . As to the first kind of Conformity , § 75 he judged that his imitation of them consisted in this , viz. That he were so disposed and affected , as to see no brute Animal or Plant , which wanted any thing , or which suffered any hurt or loss , or was molested with any impediment , which he was able to remove from it , but he should remove it ; and that when he chanced to see any Plant which was deprived of the benefit of the Sun , through the interposal of another Body , or whereto some harmful weed stuck close , or was dry , and withering , and even ready to Die , he should remove that which so interposed it self , if it could be removed , and separate that hurtful weed from it , which hindred its Growth and Thriving ; yet in such a way , as not to hurt that which hurt that other . He thought it also behoved him , to water that Plant which he found dry and thirsty , as far as it lay in his power . And when he chanced to see any brute Animal which some wild Beast pursued , or was intangled in a Snare , or molested with any Thorn or Brier that laid hold on it , or stuck to it , or had some hurtful thing fallen into its Eyes or Ears , or which was afflicted with Hunger or Thirst , he indeavoured to his utmost power to remove all such Evils from them , and to give them Meat and Drink . Also , when he saw any water , which conveniently flowed for affording Moisture to any Plant , or Drink to any brute Animal , in case he observed any impediment which interrupted its free Course , whether it were some Stone which chanced to fall thereinto , or whatsoever other thing brought down by the Stream , he took care to remove it out of the way . Neither ceased he to go on still in this kind of Conformity , until that he had therein attained to the very height of perfection . As to the second kind of Conformity , § 76 in his Assimilation , to the heavenly Bodies , it consisted in this , that he preserved himself in a constant cleanliness , by removing all manner of impurity and filth from his Body ; and to that end , washing his Body oftentimes with Water , and keeping clean his Teeth and Nails , as also the more hidden and secret Parts of his Body , as far as lay in him , by sweetning them with Odours , and by oft making clean his Garments , and perfuming them , until he had made his Body throughout , and the Garments which he wore , most gay , neat , and trim , indued with Beauty and Brightness , Cleanliness and sweetness . Moreover , in imitation of these Bodies , he used himself to several kinds of circular motion , sometimes compassing the Island wherein he lived , walking about the Sea-shore , and going round the utmost Bounds thereof ; otherwhiles , going round his House , or whirling about a Stone many times together whilst he walked , or ran , and sometimes turning himself round , till he became giddy . Lastly , As to the third kind of § 77 Attributes , his likeness to them consisted in fixing his thoughts upon the necessarily existent Being ; and to this end , removing from himself all impediments arising from the Objects of Sense , by shutting his Eyes , and stopping his Ears , restraining himself with all his might from following the giddy motions of his Fancy , and doing his utmost endeavour to think upon nothing but the same supereminent and self-existent Being , nor admitting any other thing together with him , to become the Object of his Contemplation . And that he might the better promote his study therein , he used to turn himself round , and put himself often upon this motion ; which whensoever he did swiftlier than ordinary , all sensible Objects presently vanished ; his Fancy , and the other Faculties , which he had necessary use of as corporeal Instruments , waxed feeble and lifeless ; and on the other side , the operation of his Form ( that is , his rational Soul ) which depended not on the Body , grew strong and vigorous ; insomuch that sometimes his Meditation was pure and free from any bodily mixture , so that he could thereby apprehend the necessarily existent Being . But then his bodily Faculties , not long after returning to their former actings , interrupted this state of his , and brought him back to the lowest degree , so that he returned to his former condition . But if any weakness or indisposition of Body , which diverted him from his intended Course , seized on him at any time , he took some kind of meat according to the forementioned Laws which he had prescribed to himself , and afterwards returned to that state wherein he was assimulated to the heavenly Bodies , in the three kinds which I have before spoken of . And hereto he continued very attent for a while , and opposed himself to the bodily Faculties , whilst they also on the contrary opposed him , thus mutually strugling with each other . And at such times as he got the better of them , he kept his thoughts pure from mixture , so that there appeared to him somewhat of the state of those who had attained to the third Assimilation . Then he began to make enquiry into § 78 this third Assimilation , and endeavoured to understand it by weighing in his Mind the Attributes of the necessarily existent Being . Now , it had appeared very manifestly to him , in the time of his Theoretical speculation , before he set himself to the practical Part , that these Attributes were of a double sort , viz. Affirmative , and Negative ; Affirmative , as Knowledge , Power , and Wisdom ; Negative , in being free , and separate from any thing of Corporeity , and from those things which are confequent thereto , and depend thereon , at whatsoever distance it be . Yea , even in the Affirmative Attributes , he thought that the same immunity was requisite , so that none of the Corporeal Attributes could agree to them , of which number Multiplicity was one ; and that therefore the Essence of the supream Being was not multiplied by these Affirmative Attributes , but that all of them returned to , and met in one Notion , viz. the Truth of the Essence it self . Whereupon , he set and addressed himself to consider , how he might become like the supream Being in both these kinds of Attributes . As for the Affirmative ones , whereas he knew that they all returned to , and were the same with the Truth of the Essence it self , and had in them no multiplicity at all ; ( seeing that multiplicity belongs to the Corporeal Attributes ) and whereas he knew that the knowledge of his own Essence was not a Notion superadded to his Essence , but that his very Essence it self was the knowledge of his Essence , and that his knowledge of his own Essence was his very Essence ; it appeared very plainly to him , that although he himself was not able to know his own Essence , yet that knowledge , whereby he was to know it , would not be a Notion superadded thereunto , but the very same with it . Moreover , it seemed to him , that his Assimilation to the supream Being in any affirmative Attribute consisted in this , that he knew him alone , admitting nothing together with him of the Corporeal Attributes into his mind . So then he had his mind attentive upon this Object . But as to the Negative Attributes , § 79 he saw that they all tended to , and agreed in this , that they denoted a separation from Bodily things . He began therefore to cast off , and remove from his Essence all such Attributes as related to Corporeity ; and even already he had cast off many of them by his former Discipline , whereby he indeavoured to assimilate himself unto the heavenly Bodies . Yet many Relicks of them still remained behind , as his circular motion , ( motion being one of the most proper Attributes of Bodies ) as also the care that he took of brute Animals and Plants , with his Commiseration of them , and his studious diligence to remove all such things from them , as any way prejudiced or indamaged them . For he well saw , that all these belonged to Corporeal Attributes , because he had neither at first taken notice of them , but by means of a bodily Faculty , nor actually applied himself to those helps and assistances , but by the like faculties . Wherefore he attempted to remove all these things out of his way , seeing they were all such as did not conduce to the acquiring of that state of mind which he sought after . Neither did he cease to go on in this search and attempt , till he had conquer'd himself so far , as to sit mute and solitary in the Bottom of his Cave , with his Head bent down , and his Eyes fixed on the ground , thus alienating himself from all sensible things , and corporeal faculties ; his Mind and thoughts being wholly intent on that one necessarily existent Being , without admitting any other Object of Contemplation ▪ together with him . And when ever it hapned , that any other Object presented it self to his Fancy , he repel'd it thence with his utmost force , and straightway rejected it . Withal , he so long exercised himself in this Study , and constantly persisted to go on therewith , that sometimes many days passed over him wherein he took no Food , nor so much as moved out of his Place . Yea , whilst this earnest Study wholly possest him , and took up all his thoughts , all Beings , besides his own , slipt out of his memory , and were altogether banished from his mind . But he found by experience , that § 80 his own Being was not excluded his thoughts , no not at such times when he was deeply immerst in the Contemplation of that first , true , and self-existent Being ; which not a little troubled him , seeing he well knew that this also was a kind of mixture in that simple Vision , and the admission of an extraneous Object in that Contemplation . He ceased not therefore to indeavour , that he might wholly vanish out of his own Sight , and so be wholly taken up with the Vision of that true Being , until he had perfectly attained it ; insomuch , that the Heavens and the Earth , and whatsoever is comprehended between them , all spiritual Forms , and corporeal Faculties , and all Faculties separated from matter , which are those Essences that have the knowledge of that self ▪ existent Being , were removed out of his Memory and Thoughts , together with his own Essence also amongst the rest ; so that all things seemed to vanish away , to be reduced to nothing , and to become like so many Atoms sever'd from each other , and scatter'd here and there , whilst nothing remained with him besides that Being , which is the only one , and the True one , and of a permanent Existence . And thus he spake in that saying of his , ( which is not a Notion superadded to his Essence ) [ To whom now belongs the Kingdom ? To the one , Almighty God ] Alc. c. Gapher . ] which words of his he understood , and heard his voice ; so that neither the ignorance of the Language , nor his own inability to speak , hindred him from understanding what he said . Wherefore he deeply immerst himself into this State , and saw that which neither Eye hath seen , nor Ear hath heard , neither ever yet entred into the heart of Man to conceive . Do not fix thy thoughts therefore § 81 too intentively upon the description of that thing , which is not conceiveable by the Heart of Man. For many of those things which are conceived by the Heart of Man are hard to express . How much more hard then is that , which we can find no way to conceive with our heart , as being not any thing of this World , nor contained within its Bounds ? Now by Heart I do not understand the bodily substance of the Heart , nor the Spirit which is in the Cavity thereof , but I understand thereby the Form of that Spirit , which by its faculties diffuseth it self in the Body of Man. For every one of these three is called by the name of the Heart . Now there is no way or means , whereby this thing may be conceived by any of these three , neither can we express any thing by words , which is not first conceived in the Heart . So then , whosoever desires me to set forth , and describe that State , asks that which is impossible to be done ; and is like unto him , who would taste painted Colours , as they are Colours , and desires that the Black be either sweet , or sowre . Yet notwithstanding this , we will not send thee away without some marks and signs of Discovery , whereby we may paint out at a distance that which he saw , by way of similitude , concerning the wonders of that Station , though not so far as to knock at the doors of the Truth ; seeing there is no way that lies open to the certain knowledge of what is to be seen in that Place , but by coming thither . Hear then with the Ears of thy Heart , and discern with the Eyes of thy Understanding , that which I shall now shew thee ; and it may be thou wilt find such a direction as may lead thee unto the right way ; so that thou observe the condition which I now ask of thee , that thou require not of me at present any farther explication , by interrogating of me Face to Face , than what I deliver to thee in these Papers . For the field of Discourse concerning it is of a narrow compass , and it is an hazardous Adventure to determine in words touching that thing , the Nature of which is not such that it can be exprest by words . I say then , that when he was abstracted , § 82 by having withdrawn himself in his Meditations , from his own Essence , and all other Essences together with it , so that he beheld nothing in Nature besides that one , living , and permanent Being ; and that after he had seen that which he saw , he returned to the beholding of other things diverse from it , and from one another ; when he came to himself again out of that State of his ( which was a kind of spiritual Drunkenness ) he conceived that he had no Essence , whereby he differ'd from the Essence of that True Being , the most high ; but that the True Nature of his Essence was the Essence of that true one , and that what he formerly thought to be his own Essence distinct from the Essence of that true one , was nothing else indeed but his Essence ; and that in this he resembled the light of the Sun which falls upon solid Bodies , and which we see to appear in them ; for although that be attributed to the Body wherein it so appears , and which thereupon is called a lightsome Body , yet in reality is nothing else but the light of the Sun ; for when that Body is removed out of the Sun , the light thereof is removed with it , and the light of the Sun alone remains , which is neither diminished by the presence of that Body whereon it shines , nor augmented by its absence when it is removed out of the light . But when it happens that the said Body is fitly disposed to receive the light of the Sun , it actually receiveth it ; and when it is removed out of the Sun , the Reception of the Suns light is removed too , and comes to nothing . Now this Opinion prevailed with § 83 him , because it seemed manifest to him , that the Essence ▪ of that True , Powerful , and Glorious Being was not any way multiplied , but that the knowledge of his Essence was the very same with his Essence ; from whence this seemed unto him necessarily to follow , that he must needs have the Essence of that whereof he had the knowledge . Seeing then , the knowledge of that Object was present with him , the Essence thereof must be so too ; for this Essence could not but be present to it self , so that the presence being the same with the Essence , it must needs be all one with the Essence of the Object so present . In like manner , all the Essences that are separated from matter , and which have the knowledge of that True Essence , though he had before looked on them as many , yet according to this Opinion of his seemed but one to him . And this misgrounded conceit had thoroughly and very deeply fixed it self in his Mind , unless God had pursued him with his mercy , and prevented his farther Progress therein by his gracious guidance ; by which means he knew at length , that this conceit arose within him from the Relicks of that obscurity which is natural to Bodies , and the Corruption which adheres to the Objects of Sense ; for many , and few , Unity and Multiplicity , the Collection of many into one , and their separation from each other , are in the number of Corporeal Attributes . But as for those separate Essences which have the knowledge of that Being , who is the True One , the Powerful , and the Glorious , seeing they are wholly separate from matter , it ought not to be said of them that they are either many , or one , because Multiplicity implies the distinction of some Essences from others , and Unity cannot be effected but by conjunction ; whereas nothing of all this can be understood but in compound Notions , which are mixt with Matter . Besides , the Explication of things relating to this Place and State is very streight and difficult ; because if one express that which belongs unto these separate Essences by the Term of Multitude , according to the use of our common Speech , it would seem to denote the Notion of Multiplicity in them , whereas they are free from it : and if one express that which belongs to them , by the Term of Separation , it would seem to signifie the Notion of Unity , which neither can agree to them . And now methinks I see one standing § 84 near , of the number of those Bat-mice , whose Eyes the Sun dazles , to move himself in the Chain of his Folly ; withall saying , Surely thou hast exceeded the Mean by this Subtilty of thine , in that thou hast far withdrawn thy self from the state and condition of all intelligent Men , and hast disdainfully cast away the way and means of understanding intelligible things ; seeing among those things which are determined and resolved on by the Understanding , this is one , that every thing in Nature is either one , or manifold . But let not such an one make too much haste , let him also abate somewhat of the harshness of his Censure , suspect his own Judgement , and weigh those things which are to be seen in this vile , despicable World , made up of sensible Objects , ( wherein himself also is contained ) after the same manner that Hai Eb'n Yockdan weighed and considered them , when contemplating them one kind of way , he saw them to be many in that kind of Multiplicity , which could not be comprehended nor contained within any bounds ; then again , considering them another way , he saw them all to be but one thing : so that he stood in doubt what to think , and was not able to determine either way . So it was with him , and so he thought , although this lower World , made up of the Objects of Sense , be the proper place of Multiplicity and Singularity , and that their true Nature is understood there , and that therein are found Separation and Union , severing into Parts and Distinction , Agreeableness , and Difference . What therefore should he , or any other , think of the Divine World , in or concerning which we cannot justly say , All , or Some , neither can we utter any thing concerning what belongs to it , whereto our Ears are accustomed . But contrariwise , we are apt to conjecture somewhat concerning it , otherwise than the Truth is ; forasmuch as it is such a World , which no one certainly knows besides him who hath seen it ; the true nature and state thereof being also such , as is not conceivable by any one , who hath not reached so far , and attained thereunto . But as for that which he saith , § 85 Thou hast transgressed the Bounds , and exceeded the natural Reach of intelligent Men , and rejected the usual means of apprehending an intelligible Object , we readily grant it him , and give him leave to go on in his own way , in the company of his intelligent Men. For that Intelligence which he , and other Men like to him , mean , and please themselves in , is that rational Faculty which contemplates the Singulars or Individuals among the Objects of Sense , and thence fetcheth out upon a diligent search , universal Notions ; and the intelligent Men , whom he means , are those , who use the same kind of Speculation ; whereas that kind of Speculation , whereof we speak , is above all these things . Wherefore let him stop his Ears against it , whosoever understands nothing beyond these sensible Objects , and the Universals collected from them ; and let him return to his own Company , to wit , the Society of those , who enquire after , and understand the visible things of this World , being very little , or not at all solicitous for the other . But if thou be one of the number of those , who are satisfied with this kind of Marks and Characters , whereby we describe that Divine World ; neither dost fasten any other Interpretation upon our words , than what is commonly put upon them [ or rather , neither fastnest that Interpretation upon our words , which is commonly put upon them ] then we will farther declare something to thee concerning that , which Hai Eb'n Yockdan saw in the place and state of those , who are capable of the Truth , whom we mention'd before . And it was this . After he had been wholly immerst § 86 in the Speculation of these Divine things , and altogether abstracted from other Objects , so that he truly comprehended these sublime ones , which he thus contemplated ; he saw that the Essence of the highest Sphere , beyond which there is no Body , was immaterial ; yet that it was not the Essence of that one and true Being , neither was it the Sphere it self , nor yet any thing diverse from them both ; but that it resembled the Image of the Sun , which appears in a smooth , well polisht Looking-Glass . For that is neither the Sun it self , nor the Looking-Glass , nor yet any thing distinct from them . Withall he saw , that such was the Perfection , Beauty , and Brightness of that separate Sphere , as was greater than could be exprest by the Tongue ; more subtle also , fine , and delicate than could be clothed , as was meet , with humane Words , composed of Articulate Breath , or Letters made up of black , inky Characters . He saw also , that this supream Sphere was placed and settled in the highest Degree of Delight and Joy , Exultation and Gladness , by reason of the Vision of that true and glorious Being . He saw also , that the Essence of § 87 the next Sphere to it , which is the Sphere of the fixed Stars , was immaterial , being neither the Essence of the one and true Being , nor of the supream separate Sphere , nor the Sphere it self , nor yet any thing diverse from them ; but that it was like the Image of the Sun which is seen in a Looking-Glass , upon which the Resemblance of the Sun is reflected from another Looking-Glass , which was set opposite to the Body of the Sun. withall he saw , that the Brightness , Beauty , and Delight , agreeing to the Essence of this Sphere , was like to that of the Supream . After the same manner also , he saw that the Essence of the next Sphere , which is the Sphere of Saturn , was separate from Matter , and that it was none of those Essences which he had before seen , nor yet somewhat diverse from them , but that it was like the Image of the Sun which appears in a Looking-Glass , upon which the Image of the Sun was reflected from another Looking-Glass , set opposite to the Body of the Sun. Withall he saw , that it had the same Brightness , and the same Delight , which that other Sphere of the fixed Stars had . And thus he went on , till he saw that every Sphere had its separate Essence free from all Matter ; such an one , as was not any of the foremention'd Essences , nor yet diverse from them , but like to the Image of the Sun reflected from one Looking-Glass to another , ranked in a set Order according to the placing of the Spheres . Moreover he saw , that every one of these Essences had that Beauty and Brightness , that Pleasure and Gladness , which neither Eye hath seen , nor Ear hath heard , and which never came into the Heart of Man to conceive ; until he came at length to this lower World , subject to Generation and Corruption , which comprehends all that , which is contained within the Sphere of the Moon . He saw also , that the Essence of § 88 this lower World was separate from Matter , and that it was none of those Essences which he had seen before , nor yet any thing diverse from them . He saw likewise that it had 70000 Faces , and every Face 70000 Mouths , and every Mouth 70000 Tongues , wherewith it praised the Essence of that one and true Being , hallowed , and uncessantly magnified it . Withall he saw , that this Essence which he supposed to have been liable to Multiplicity , although it were not liable thereto , yet had the like Perfection , and the like Pleasure , which he had seen before in the heavenly Spheres ; so that it resembled the Image of the Sun which appears in the trembling Water , and is reflected from the last and lowest of those Looking-Glasses , to which the Reflection came , according to the foremention'd Order , from the first Looking-Glass , which was set opposite to the Sun. Now after this he saw , that himself also had a separate Essence , which ( if it were possible that the foresaid Essence of 70000 Faces could be divided into Parts ) would be a Part of it ; and except this Essence had been produced a-new out of the state of Nothing , we might say were the very same with it ; and except it had been so made , that it properly belonged to his Body , and to it alone , as soon as it existed a-new , we might say that it had been hardly produced a-new . And in this Order he saw other Essences also , like unto his , which had necessarily been heretofore , then were dissolved , and afterward necessarily existed together with himself : and that they were so many as could not be numbred , if we might call them many ; yet that all of them were but one thing , if we might call them one . He saw also , that his own Essence , and those other , which were in the same Degree with himself , had infinite Beauty , Brightness , and Pleasure , such as neither Eye hath seen , nor Ear hath heard , nor ever entred into the Heart of Man ; such as they cannot describe who describe other things , and none can understand , but they who know it by having first attained to it . Moreover , he saw many Essences § 89 too , that were separate from Matter , which resembled rusty Looking-Glasses , cover'd over with Filth , which also turned their Backs upon , and had their Faces averted from those smooth and fairly polished Looking-Glasses , that had the Image of the Sun imprinted upon them . And he saw that these Essences had much filthiness adhering to them , and manifold Defects ; such , and so many , as he could not have conceived . He saw them also to be afflicted with infinite Pains and Griefs , which caused incessant Sighs and Groans ; to be compassed about with Torments , as those who lie in Bed are with Curtains ; to be scorched with the fiery Vail of Separation ; and to be cut asunder as it were with Saws , between the thrusting back , and drawing unto them , the punishments which they suffered . Here also he saw other Essences besides these , that were in Torments , which now appeared , and anon vanished away ; which were sometimes joyned together , and soon after parted asunder . But here he stopt himself ; and having § 90 well considered them in his Mind , he saw very great Terrours , and as great Troubles ; a Rabble of Folk very busie , and an earnest Imployment still going on ; a smoothing and levelling of such as were rough or overswollen , and a blowing up of those who were too low , and cast down ; a production of some , and a destruction of others . But after a very little while , his Senses returned to him again , and he awaked out of this State of Mind , as out of an Ecstasie ; and his Feet as it were insensibly sliding away out of this place , the sensible World appeared to him as before , and this divine World departed from him . For this , and that other , wherein we now live , are like two Wives belonging to one Husband , the one whereof if you seek to please , you will provoke the other unto Anger . Now if you chance to say , It seems by § 91 that which you have spoken concerning this Vision , that separate Essences , if they were in a Body of perpetual Duration , such as is incorruptible , as the Heavens are , they also would be of perpetual Existence ; but if they be placed in a Body , which daily decays , and makes on towards Death , ( such an one as belongs to us reasonable Creatures ) they also will be liable unto Corruption , vanish away , and be reduced to nothing , according to the Similitude you proposed of reflecting Looking-Glasses . For the Image so reflected hath no duration of itself , but what depends on the duration of the Looking-Glass ; so that whensoever the Looking-Glass is broken , or otherwise defaced , the Image is withall most certainly destroyed , and vanisheth out of sight . If any one thus object , I have this to reply : That you have soon forgot the Agreement made between us , and transgressed those Bounds that were fixed by mutual Consent . For did not I tell you before , that the Path which we tread in , in passing to the Explication of this Divine Subject , is here very strait and narrow ; and that the Words which we use on either side , to express our meaning by , occasion Men to think otherwise thereof than indeed it is ? So that the Opinion which thou holdest concerning this Matter , hath caused thee to pitch upon this Determination , that the thing whereto another is compared , and that which is compared with it , are in every Particular of the same Nature , and Condition ; whereas this ought not to be taken for granted , not so much as in any kind of our common Discourse ; much less in this place , where ▪ on we even now discoursed ; where the Sun and its Light , its Image and Representation , the Looking Glasses and reflected Figures of Bodies conspicuous in them are all such things as be not separated from Bodies , neither have any Subsistence but by them , and in them ; and therefore need them , as requisite to their Existence , and cease to be upon their being taken away . But as for the Divine Essences , and § 92 Heroick Spirits , they are all free from , and independent of Bodies , at a far distance from them , and separate from all that relates unto them . Neither is there any Connexion between them , or Dependence of these upon them : so that it is all one to them , whether the Bodies they possess and actuate , abide in the same place , or be removed from thence ; whether they exist , or perish : but their Connexion and Dependence is from the Essence of that one , true , necessarily existent Being , which is the first Being of all , their Principle also and Cause , which makes them to exist , gives them the Duration of their Being , and supplies them with the Continuation and Perpetuity thereof . Neither need they any Bodies to subsist in , but the Bodies need them to subsist by . For if it were possible that they should be taken away , their Bodies also would be taken away with them , seeing that these Essences are the Principles of those Bodies . In like manner , as if it could be supposed , that the Essence of the one , True , most High , and Holy One , and far removed from any Body [ There is no God , besides him ] might be taken away , all these Essences would be removed together with him , and their Bodies with them ; whereupon this whole sensible World would vanish away , neither would any part thereof remain , seeing all of them have a mutual Connexion with each other . Yet although this sensible World § 93 doth follow the Divine One , as the shadow does the Body ; and that the Divine World stands in no need of this , but is wholly freed from it , and independent of it ; notwithstanding , it is absurd to suppose , that it will or can be taken quite away , because it so follows the Divine World ; but the Corruption thereof consists in this , that it be changed , not utterly annihilated . [ And that precious Book spake of this , where this Notion happened to be mention'd concerning the moving of the Mountains , so that they became like Wooll , and Men like Fire flies ; also concerning the darkning of the Sun and Moon , and the breaking forth of the Seas in the day , when the Earth shall be changed into another form , and the Heavens likewise . ] Alc. c. Altacwir . &c. Akareah . ] And this is the summ of what at present I can relate unto thee , concerning that which Hai Eb'n Yockdan saw in that illustrious state of his ; neither ask of me , that I should any farther use more words to express it , for that is even impossible to be done . But that we may finish his History , § 94 God willing , I shall go farther on to add somewhat more . When he had returned to the sensible World , after this his Digression or Departure into the Divine One , he began to loath , and to be weary of this mortal Life here on Earth , and to be afflicted with a most eager and earnest desire after the life to come . Whereupon he indeavoured a return to that former place and state of speculation , that he might enjoy it in the same manner as he had done before . And he persisted in this studious endeavour of his , until he had attained it ; and that , with less labour than he had done formerly ; withal , this second time he continued longer in the same state , than he had done before . Then he returned again to this sensible World , and afterwards the third time betook himself to enter into his former Place and State of speculation , which he found somewhat easier to him , than it had been the first and second time ; and his abiding therein continued longer too than formerly . Neither did the way of attaining that noble State cease to be still more easie to him , and his continuance in it longer , until at length he had made a Progress so far in this way , upon his oft returning to it , that he thereunto attained as oft as he pleased , nor departed therefrom but when he pleased . Wherefore he kept constant to this Place and State of speculation , nor withdrew himself at any time from it , but when his Bodily necessities required it at his Hands ; which necessities he had restrained within such narrow Bounds , as narrower could hardly be found , or allowed unto him . And whilst he was thus exercised , he often wished that the Almighty and most glorious God would free and deliver him altogether from this Body of his , which detained him from entring into that Place , that so he might entirely and without intermission enjoy the pleasure thereof , and be freed of that pain and grief wherewith he was afflicted , as often as he was forced to avert his mind from that State , by attending on his Bodily necessities . Now , he continued in this State until he had passed the seventh Septenary of his Age , that is , till he was fifty years Old. And then it hapned that he obtained the society of Asal ; the Narrative of which meeting of theirs is that , which by Gods leave we shall now set down . They report , that there is an § 95 Island nigh unto that , wherein Hai Eb'n Yockdan was born , whither a certain Sect betook it self to dwell , of the number of those good and vertuous ones , which had some one of the ancient Prophets of pious memory for its Author . A Sect which exprest and made known all things , which had a real Existence in Nature , by similitudes aptly framed , and fitted to those things ; thus representing their Images to the fancy , and fixing their impressions in the minds of Men , as is commonly used in our vulgar Discourses . Neither ceased this Sect to spread it self , and prevail , and wax famous in that Island , till at length the King himself embraced it , and constrained others also to adhere unto it . Now , there were two Excellent § 96 Men born in this Island , and lovers of Goodness , ( the name of the one being Asal , and of the other , Salaman ) who meeting with this Sect , embraced it after the best and most perfectmanner , addressing themselves to observe all its precepts , and being continually conversant in the works thereby required ; and to this end , they entred into a League of Friendship with each other . Now , among other passages contained in the Law of that Sect , they sometimes made enquiry into those Words wherein it treats of the Description of the Most High , and most Glorious God , and of his Angels ; also , of the Resurrection , and of the Rewards and Punishments after the end of this Life . And whilst they were busied in these enquiries , Asal began to search farther into the inmost Natures of things , was more enclined to search into the mystical Senses of Words , and diligently imploied himself about interpreting them . But Salaman , his Friend and fellow-student , chiefly observed the outside , and visible surface of the Law , which appeared to him at first sight ; restrained himself more from interpretations , and abstained from all curious examining and speculation of things . Notwithstanding , both of them in the mean time , were very careful and diligent in performing all such outward Works as their Law enjoyned , in recalling themselves to the rule of Reason whereby to guide their Actions , and maintaining a constant fight , in contending against their unruly Passions , and inordinate Affections . But whereas there were contained § 97 in that Law certain Sayings , which seemed to exhort and incourage Men to affect solitude , and embrace a solitary Life , withal intimating that in such a kind of state Happiness and Salvation consisted ; and other Sayings which seemed to exhort Men unto civil Acquaintance and Fellowship , and applying themselves to enter into , and embrace humane Society : Asal addicted his mind to seek after solitude , and prefer'd those Sayings of his Law which tended thitherward , seeing that by nature he was much given to uncessant Contemplation , and to seek after the unfolding of things , and searching into the signification of Words ; for he had great hopes of attaining to his ends by this study , through the Advantages which a solitary Life afforded him . But Salaman , on the other side applied himself to humane Society , and mutual Commerce , chiefly valuing those Sayings of the Law which tended that way , because that by Nature he was inclined to a dread of Contemplation , and the more subtle examining of things ; and therefore loved humane Society , because it drove away evil Thoughts , and banished that diversity of Opinions , which intruded themselves into his Mind ; and withal withdrew him from hearkning to , or attending the motions and solicitations of evil Spirits . And the difference of their Opinions concerning this one thing waxed so great , that it caused them at length to take their leave of each other . Now Asal had heard of that Island , § 98 wherein we have related that Hai Eb'n Yockdan had his Breeding . He knew also the Fertility and conveniencies thereof , and the healthful temper of its Air ; so that it would afford him such a commodious retirement as he had in his wishes . He resolved therefore to go thither , and withdraw himself from humane Society for the remainder of his Life . So then , having gathered together all his Goods , with part thereof he hired a Ship to convey him into that Island , and distributed the rest unto the Poor ; and having taken his farewell of his friend Salaman , he committed himself unto the Sea. And the Mariners transporting him into the Island in a short space of time , as soon as they had set him on Shore , departed from him . Thus Asal abode in that Island , serving the Almighty and most Glorious God , magnifying him , and meditating upon his glorious Names , and noble Attributes . Neither was his Mind interrupted , or his Thoughts disturbed , whilst he was busied in these Meditations . But when he had any need of Food , he took of the Fruits of the Island , or of what he got by hunting , as much as satisfied his Hunger . And in this State he continued for a while , in the mean time enjoying the greatest pleasure imaginable , and the most entire Tranquillity of mind , arising from the Converse and Communication which he had with his Lord ; whereby he saw , through the daily experience he had of his Favours , and most pretious Gifts , and that he readily presented him with those things which he sought for , to wit , the necessaries of Life ; he saw , I say , that which confirmed the certainty of his Faith in him , and afforded him no small comfort . Now whilst he was thus exercised , § 99 Hai Eb'n Yockdan was wholly taken up with his high and heavenly speculations , neither came he forth of his Cell above once in a Week , to the end that he might get him some Food , which he could hap to meet with . And this was the reason , why Asal at his first coming into the Island , did not so soon light upon him , as otherwise he might . For as he walked round about the Shore , and compassed the utmost Bounds of the Island on every side , he neither saw any Man , nor could perceive the footsteps of any one ; from whence his joy was much increased and heightned , and his mind exceedingly pleased , in regard of his compassing that Design which he had set to himself , and so earnestly sought after , to wit , Solitariness and Retirement . But at last it fell out , that Hai § 100 Eb'n Yockdan coming forth of his Cell to get him some Food , at the same time wherein Asal also was come near the place , that each of them cast their eyes upon the other . Now as for Asal , he doubted not but that the Man he saw was one of those religious Persons , who had devoted themselves to solitude , and therefore had betook himself to that Island , that he might withdraw himself from humane Converse , as he in like manner had retired himself thither for the same end : he was afraid therefore , lest in case he met him , and made himself known unto him , he should disturb that state and condition of Life , wherein he saw him ingaged ; and by that means , become an Impediment to him in compassing his Hopes , and accomplishing his Desires . But as for Hai Eb'n Yockdan , he knew not what to make of that Sight ; for he soon perceived that he was like in Shape to none of those living Creatures which he had seen before . And whereas he saw him Clothed with a black Coat , made up of Hair and Wooll , which he took for a certain natural kind of Covering , he stood a long while wondering at it . Whereupon Asal turning his Back , fled from him , fearing lest he should divert him from attending that , wherein he was so intentively busied . But Hai Eb'n Yockdan followed him , out of an innate desire he had to know the truth of things . Yet when he saw that he ran away from him , as fast as possible he could , he stopt , and withdrew , and hid himself from him ; so that Asal thought he was returned , and gone far away from that place where he had seen him . Hereupon , he began to apply himself , as his Custom was , to his Prayers and Reading , to Invocation and Weeping , to Supplication and Complaints , until these Exercises had wholly averted him from minding any other thing . In the mean time , Hai Eb'n Yockdan § 101 by little and little drew near to him , Asal not at all perceiving it , until at length he came so nigh as to overhear his Reading , and the Praises which he uttered ; to take notice also of his humble Gesture , and the knocking of his Breast , whence he heard a voice to proceed which was very pleasing to him , consisting of Letters digested into Order , the like whereto he had never observed before in any kind of Animals . When he also took notice of the Form and Lineaments of his Body , he saw that he was one of the same Shape with himself ; and it appeared to him , that the Coat which he wore was not his own natural Skin , but an Habit borrowed elsewhere , like to his own Garment which he had on . And when he observed the Comeliness of his submiss , and lowly Gesture , accompanied with his Supplication , and Weeping , he doubted not but he was one of those Essences , which had the knowledge of the True One , and therefore had a great desire to be acquainted with him , coveting to see what was the matter with him , with the cause of his Weeping and Supplication . Whereupon he drew nearer to him , until Asal perceiving it , betook himself again to his Heels ; and Hai Eb'n Yockdan likewise ( answerably to that vigour and power , both of Knowledge and Body which God had bestowed upon him ) pursued him with all his might , untill he had overtaken him , then seized on him , and held him fast , so that he could not make his escape from him . Now , when Asal beheld him Clothed § 102 with the hairy Skins of brute Animals , and the Hair of his Head so ▪ long that it covered a great part of his Body ; when he saw also , that he was so swift in his Running , and so able for strength of Body , he was very much afraid of him , and began for to pacifie him with gentle stroaking of him , seconded with kind Words and humble Entreaties , which Hai Eb'n Yockdan did not understand , nor knew what they meant . Only he observed signs of fear in him . He therefore did what he could to allay that fear of his , by such kinds of Voices as he had learned of certain brute Creatures . He also gently stroaked his Head , and both sides of his Neck , with his Hand , entertained him with very kind Looks and Gestures , and made shew of much Joy and Gladness , till Asal's fear was asswaged at last , and he perceived that no harm was meant to him . Now Asal long before , out of his § 103 earnest desire to obtain the knowledge of things , had learned most Languages , and was well skill'd in them . He began therefore to bespeak Hai Eb'n Yockdan , and to interrogate him concerning his Condition , in every Tongue that he knew , and endeavoured , what he could , to make him understand what he said . But he could not effect what he intended . On the other side , Hai Eb'n Yockdan , taking notice of all this , wondred at that which he heard , as being ignorant of what it meant . He observed only the ferenity of Asal's Countenance , and manifest signs of the good will he bare him . Thus each of them wondred at the condition of the other . Afterward , Asal having kept still § 104 by him some remainders of that Food which he had brought with him out of the Island wherein he had lately dwelt , offer'd them to Hai Eb'n Yockdan ; but he knew not what it was , as having never seen any such Food before . Asal therefore , as he was eating some of it , made signs to him that he also should eat of the same with him . But Hai Eb'n Yockdan , considering those Laws whereto he had tied himself concerning the taking of his Food , and seeing he knew not what was the nature of that Food which was set before him , and so whether or no it was lawful for him to take ought of it , restrained himself from eating Whereupon , Asal ceased not to intreat him and kindly to invite him thereunto . So that Hai Eb'n Yockdan , being very much taken with his Company , and fearing that if he still persisted to deny him , he should alienate his affection from him , and lose his acquaintance , at length was perswaded to take part of that meat , and to eat of it . But as soon as he had tasted it , and found it very pleasant , it seemed to him that he had done ill , in that he had broken his Contract , and the Resolution he had made to himself touching the Conditions about taking his Food . He repented him therefore of what he had done , and had a mind to withdraw himself from Asal , and betake himself to his former State of Life , by indeavouring to return unto his former exercise of Divine Speculation . But when he saw , that this his intellectual § 105 Vision did not presently return to him , as formerly it had , he judged it best for him , to abide so long with Asal in this sensible World , until he might be certified of the truth of his Condition ; so that after this , there might remain no farther inclination towards him , and then he might return to his former Place and State , without any diversion from without , or distraction from within . Wherefore he applied himself to the society of Asal , who seeing that he was not able to speak , was well assured , that no damage could arise to his Religion by keeping company with him ; but contrariwise , he hoped that he might teach him Speech , Knowledge and Religion , whence he should obtain a very great Reward , and a nearer approach unto God. He began therefore to teach him how to speak : first , by shewing to him the particular things which he was to name , then by uttering their names , which after he had repeated to him again and again , he moved him also to pronounce them as himself had done ; which he accordingly did , applying each word to the thing thereby signified , until at length he had taught him the Names of them all . And thus by set Degrees he leisurely advanced him so far , that in a short time he was able to speak his Mind . Then Asal began to interrogate him § 106 concerning his Condition , and from whence he came into that Island . But Hai Eb'n Yockdan , in his Reply , told him , that he knew not what Original he had , nor who was his Father , nor any Mother that he had besides the Female Roe , which had bred him up . Then he declared to him his whole State and Condition of Life , and what Progress he had made in Knowledge , until at length he had attained unto that degree of Conjunction with God. When therefore Asal had heard from him the Declaration of those Truths which he related , of those Essences which are separated from the sensible World , and which have the knowledge of the Essence , of that True , most Potent , and Glorious One ; and when he had heard him describe the Essence of him , who is the Supream , the most Mighty , True and Glorious One , with all his glorious Attributes ; and had explained to him , as much as he could explain of that , which he had seen upon his attaining to that Conjunction , and Converse which he had with God , concerning the Joys of those who are near united unto God , and the sad Griefs of those who are separated from him ; he doubted not , but that all those things which were deliver'd in his Law , touching the Mandate of the mighty and glorious God , as also of his Angels and Books , of his Messengers and the last Day , of his Paradise , lastly , and Fire , were Similitudes or Representations of those things , which Hai Eb'n Yockdan had seen ; so that the Eyes of his Heart were opened , and his Mind illuminated , whenas he saw , that the same which was apprehended and discerned by Reason , and that which he had received by Tradition , agreed so well together . For the ways of Interpretation now became easie to him , neither remained any thing dark or difficult in those Precepts which he had received , that was not now plain and perspicuous ; nor shut up , that was not opened ; nor deep and profound , which was not now made manifest and apparent to him . By this means his Intellectual Faculty grew strong and vigorous , and for that Reason he had Hai Eb'n Yockdan in so great Honour and Admiration , that he exceedingly magnified and reverenced him , and assured himself that he was one of the Saints of God , such as were not molested with any terrifying Fear at present , nor should hereafter be afflicted with any kind of Grief or Pain . Whereupon he addressed himself to wait upon him , to imitate him , and to follow his Counsels in the performance of such Works as he had occasion to make use of , namely , those legal ones , which he had formerly learned in the Books of his Religion . Then Hai Eb'n Yockdan began to § 107 interrogate him also concerning his Affairs , and the Condition of his Life , intreating him that he would declare them to him . Asal accordingly began to describe unto him the State of that Island wherein he had lived , and from whence he came ; what kind of Men inhabited it , and what kind of Life they led before that Religious Sect came thither ; in what State also the Island was , after its coming thereinto . He explained to him also all those things , that were delivered in the Law , concerning the Description of the Divine World , of Paradise and the Fire of Gehenna , of the awakening and resurrection of Mankind ; of their gathering together unto Judgment , and the Account then to be given up ; of the Ballances wherein Men's Actions were to be weighed , and the way through which they must pass . Now Hai Eb'n Yockdan understood all these things , neither judged he any of them disagreeable to that which he had seen in his sublime place or state of Contemplation . And from hence he knew that he who had thus declared these things , and delivered them unto Men , had thereby delivered the Truth in so declaring them , and that in these his Sayings he was a true and faithful Messenger sent from his Lord. Whereupon , he believed him , and acknowledged the Truth of what he said , and gave Testimony to his Mission . Then he began to ask him concerning § 108 the Precepts which the Messenger of God had deliver'd , and the Rites of Worship which he had ordained . Asal therefore declared them to him , namely , Prayer , Alms , Fasting , Pilgrimage , and the like external Works ; which Hai Eb'n Yockdan thereupon received , and embraced , and took upon him to perform them , in obedience to the Command of the Law-giver , as being assured of the Truth and Fidelity of him who delivered the same . Notwithstanding two things yet stuck in his Mind , neither could he perceive any manner or kind of Reason in them . The one was , why the Messenger of God , in describing most things which relate to the Divine World , used to express them unto Men by Parables or Similitudes , and waved a perspicuous Explication of them ; by which means a great Part of Mankind were made apt to fall into that Errour of asserting a Corporeity in God , and so believing somewhat concerning the Essence of that true one , which is far from it , and from which it is absolutely free ; and in like manner , concerning those things which relate to the Rewards and Punishments of the other World. The other was , that he proceeded no farther than those Precepts , and the Rites of Worship , permitting Men to study and seek after the getting of Wealth , and to enjoy their Liberty as to matter of Food ; by which means they vainly imployed themselves about vain things , and turned away from the Truth . Whereas his Judgment was , that no more nor any other kind of Food , ought to be taken by any one , but such , and so much , as wherewith he may sustain the Remainder of his Life . And as for Riches , he judged them of no value at all . When he therefore took notice of what was set down and prescribed in the Law , concerning what belonged to the use and employment of Riches , namely , in the bestowing of Alms , in the distribution of them , and trading with them ; also , concerning Usury , Mulcts , and Punishments ; all these seemed strange and uncouth unto him . For he judged them all to be superfluous , saying , That if Men would judge of the Matter according to Truth , they would certainly withdraw themselves from those vain things , and follow the Truth ; which if they did , all that was written in the Law concerning them , would become superfluous ; neither would any Man challenge the Propriety in Riches , as to exact his Debts , or to cause his Hand to be cut off who privily stole them ; or their Lives to be taken away who openly robbed him of them . Thus he thought , and that which § 109 prompted him to this Perswasion was this , that he judged all Men to be indued with an ingenuous Disposition , and a quick Understanding , and a Mind constant to it self ; whereas he was ignorant , how dull and blockish they were , how void of Understanding , how ill advised , and how inconstant in their Resolutions ; insomuch that they were wholly like unto Brutes , yea more apt than they to wander out of the way , wherein they are directed to walk by the Law of Nature . Seeing then he was affected with a great deal of Pity towards Mankind , and had an earnest Desire that the procurement of their Good and Welfare might be wrought by his means , a Resolution came into his Mind of going over to them , that so he might put himself in a Capacity of unfolding and declaring to them the Truth of things . This therefore he made known to his Companion Asal , and asked him whether he could find out any way , whereby he might come to the speech of them , and discourse with them . Asal contrariwise signified to him § 110 their want of Ingenuity , and how averse they were from obeying the Commands of God ; but he could not understand it , in that his Mind was very intent and fixt upon that which he hoped to compass . Asal also very much desired , that God by his means would direct in the right way some of his late Companions and Acquaintance , whom he had left behind him in the Island whence he came ; such namely , as were more docile and plyant , and willing to follow a good Guide , being not so far distant from Sincerity as others . So then , he was ready to further this Design and Endeavour of Hai Eb'n Yockdan . Whereupon , it seemed good unto them both , to betake themselves unto the Sea-shore , nor to depart thence either by Day or Night , till God should please to afford them an opportunity of crossing the Sea. And all the while they were intent upon this , they made their Prayers and Supplications unto the most High God , that he would please to direct them in this their Business , and bring it to an happy Issue . Now it came to pass by the Appointment § 111 of the most mighty and glorious God , that the winds and waves drove a Ship , which had swerved from her intended Course in her passage through the Sea , to the Shore of that Island . And as it drew nearer to Land , they who were in it seeing two Men upon the Shore , made towards them . Then Asal calling to them , desired them to carry him , and his Companion along in the Ship with them ; who when they had yielded to this Request , and taken them both into the Ship , God granted them a ready Wind , which in a very short space of time conveyed them to the Isle which they desired ; where being arrived , they went forth of the Ship , and landed , and soon after entred into the City . Whither as soon as they were come , Asal's Friends came about him , to whom he made known the State and Condition of Hai Eb'n Yockdan . Whereupon , they flocked together , very earnestly desiring to see and talk with him , as having a great Opinion of him ; so that gathering about him , they highly magnified and reverenced him . Then Asal told him , that these Islanders were of that Sect of Men which excelled all others in Understanding and sharpness of Apprehension ; so that if he were not able to instruct them in the Truth , and make them learn the Lessons which he should teach them , much less would he be able to teach the vulgar sort of Men. Now the Prince , and Sovereign of § 112 this Island was Salaman , the Friend of Asal , who had thought it best to apply himself unto humane Society , and judged it unlawful to give himself over unto Solitude . Wherefore Hai Eb'n Yockdan began to instruct them , and to unfold unto them the Mysteries of Wisdom . But when he began , in the Progress of his Discourse , to proceed but a little beyond that , which was plain and obvious to them ; and to inculcate that , the contrary whereto had been settled , and deeply rooted in their Minds , They began to withdraw themselves from him , and their Minds had an abhorrence for what he spake ; so that inwardly in their Hearts they were angry with him , though in his presence they made shew of good Will towards him , and paid him Honour , in regard he was a Stranger amongst them ; and out of the Observance which they thought due to his Friend Asal . Yet Hai Eb'n Yockdan ceased not Day and Night to deal gently with them , and to clear the Truth to them , both publickly and privately . But this had no other effect than to increase their Enmity and ill Will towards him , and to cause them to flie off , and remove farther from him , though otherwise they were lovers of that which was good , and desirous of the Truth . Howbeit through the fault and corruption of their Nature , they sought not the Truth in the right way , neither understood it as the nature of it required , nor searched out the way leading thereto , with that diligence and constancy , as was requisite to find the Truth out at length , but sought the knowledge thereof only after the vulgar Fashion , as ordinary Men do ; insomuch that he despaired of their Amendment , and the correcting of their Errours , and all Hope failed him of reducing them to a better Condition , because he perceived that what he spake was not acceptable to them . And afterwards , when he looked § 113 round about him , and diligently consider'd the various Ranks and Orders , Conditions and Degrees of Men , he saw that every Sort and Society of them pleased themselves , and rejoyced in that which they had and possest at present ; and made choice of their Lusts for their God , which they assumed to themselves for the Object of their Worship . Withall , that they lost and destroyed themselves in seeking after , and gathering together the empty , worthless , trifling Vanities of the World ; the eager desire of getting them into their Hands , still blinding their Eyes , and captivating them by means of their delusive Fancies , even until they came to their Graves : and that , on the contrary , no sound advice would prevail with them , nor good Words move them , nor Reproof work any other effect upon them , unless to cause them to go on the more obstinately in their former ways , which they had chosen to walk in ; but that , as for Wisdom , they found no way or access to it , neither did any Portion thereof belong to them , [ Folly hath wholly overwhelmed and covered them , and that which they so eagerly sought after , hath seised on their Hearts like rust ; God hath sealed up their Hearts and Ears , a thick mist is before their Eyes , and a grievous Punishment abides them . Alc. c. 83. sc. Altafif . &c. 2. ] Whenas therefore he saw them § 114 compassed about with Punishments as with a Curtain , and covered over with Darkness as with a Vail , and that all of them , a few only excepted , held their Religion no otherwise , than with respect to the World ; and though the exercises thereof were but light and easie , yet they cast them behind their Backs , and made little or no Account of them ; that Merchandise and Trading so far took up and possessed their minds , as to take them quite off from the Remembrance of the Most High God , so that they never feared whither they were going , or what would become of them at the end of their Journey ; their Hearts and Eyes being constantly imployed about their worldly Affairs : when , I say , he saw all this , it was apparent to him , and he held it for certain , that it was impossible for him to speak unto them to any purpose , after the way of a plain , free , and open Proposal ; neither that it was expedient , any works should be enjoyned them beyond this measure , and that the benefit which accrued to the common sort of Men by the Law , was wholly placed in relation to their Life in this World ; to wit , that the Course and manner of their Life , whilst they continued here , should proceed on in good Order , so that none of them should be injurious to another in respect of those things which he could properly call his own : But that none of them obtained the felicity of the other World , except a very few ; Those namely , who make themselves ready for it , and rightly indeavour the obtaining of it , that is , such an one , who believes and follows the Truth . But as for him who errs from the way of Truth , and prefers a worldly Life before it , Hell shall be his place of Habitation . And what sorer labour , or more grievous misery than his , whose works if thou well consider , from the time that he wakeneth out of sleep , till he return again to it , there will not be found so much as one amongst them , whereby he studies not , and imploies his endeavour , for the obtaining of some end of his , arising out of these sensible things that are of no value ; namely , either out of Riches , to heap them up ; or Pleasure , which he may take ; or Lust , which he may satisfie ; or Wrath and Revenge whereby he may pacifie his mind ; or Power , whereby he may defend himself ; or some outward work commanded by the Law , whereof he may make a vain-glorious shew ; or whereby he may save his own Neck . [ Now all these things are Darkness upon Darkness in the depth of the Sea , neither is there any of you who doth not enter in thither , for such is the unchangeable Decree of the Lord. l. Alc. c. Al. Nur. &c. Miriam . ] Whenas therefore he understood § 115 the State and Condition of Men to be such as this , and saw that most of them might be justly ranked amongst irrational Creatures , he knew that all Wisdom and Direction of Life , and Correction of Errors , was grounded on , and consisted in that , which the messengers of God spake , and the Law had delivered unto them ; and that no other Rule could be possibly attained , or any thing added thereunto ; also , that Men were destined to every work which they undertook , and that every Man was more especially capable of that whereunto he was disposed by Nature ; and that those , who long ago departed , were not destitute of the Law of God , neither hath there been any change at any time found in that Law. Whereupon , returning to Salaman , and those that were of his way , he craved pardon for those things which he had said unto them , and entreated them to excuse him , seeing that he was of the same Opinion with them , and approved of the same way wherein they walked ; withal exhorting them to stick to their Resolution , and avowed Custom , concerning the ends of the Law ▪ , and the observing of outward Works , without intruding themselves into , or intermedling with that which belonged not to them ; and that in doubtful things they would give credit , and yield a ready assent to those Rules and Lessons which they had of old received ; that they would shun and detest new Opinions , and alienate themselves from all corrupt affections ; that they would follow the Steps of their pious Ancestors , and forsake Novelties . He gave them also in Charge , that they would avoid that neglect of the Laws , which is seen in the vulgar sort of Men , and the love of the World ; and this he chiefly bad them take heed of . For he , and his Friend Asal well knew , that as for this ductile and obsequious , but weak and defective sort of Men , they could not otherwise obtain Salvation and Happiness , than by this means ; and that if they were forced away and taken off from hence , to make a curious search into , and examination of high Matters , their Condition would be much worse , insomuch that it were impossible for them to obtain the State and Degree of the Blessed ; but that they would be still wavering and uncertain in their motions , and tossed up and down , so that at last they would meet with a bad end . But on the contrary , if they continued in that State wherein they were at present , until Death seised on them , they would at length obtain Salvation , and be placed amongst those who stand at the right Hand . But as for those that forepassed , and out-went them , they took place withal of them ; yet these came next after , and approached near to them . Thus he and Asal , after these admonitions , § 116 having bid farewell to Prince Salaman and his Islanders , took their leave of them , and waited for an opportunity of returning unto that desert Island from whence they both lately came ; until at length the Most Mighty and Glorious God was pleased to afford them a convenient passage thither . Whither when they were come , Hai Eb'n Yockdan sought to return unto his former sublime State of speculation , in the same way and by the same means , whereby he had heretofore attained to it , until within a while he recovered it . And Asal followed his example , until he had well nigh attained thereunto , or at least came but very little short of it . And thus they worshipped God in that Island , until Death at last seised upon them . And this is that ( God assist thee , § 117 and us by his Spirit ) which we have received of the History of Hai Eb'n Yockdan , of Asal also and Salaman ; in setting down whereof we have made choice of such kind of Words , as are found in no other Book , nor are accustomed to be heard in our vulgar Speech : and it is a part of that hidden knowledge , which no one receiveth , but he that knoweth God ; nor any one is ignorant of , but he who hath not the right knowledge of God. We indeed , in handling this Subject , have gone in a different way from that of our pious Ancestors , as to the silencing of these things , and forbearing to divulge them . But that which easily perswaded us to the publishing of this Secret , and the breaking through this Vail , was the multiplicity and diversity of those corrupt and perverse Opinions , which have arose in this our time , being devised by some Bastard Philosophers of this Age , and divulged among the People ; insomuch that they are now spred abroad into several Countries , and the mischief proceeding from thence is grown too common ; so that we are solicitous in behalf of the weak ( who have rejected that which they had received by Tradition from the Prophets of pious memory , and made choice of that , which hath been delivered by foolish Men ) lest they should think those Opinions to be a Secret , that ought to be withheld from them , who are not capable of it ; and lest this conceit should heighten and increase their favour towards them , and by that means they would have a more eager appetite after them . We thought good therefore to present them with a slight view of this Secret of Secrets , whereby we may lead them into the way of Truth , and avert them from that wrong Path. Nevertheless we have not committed the said mysteries to these few Leaves , without a thin vail for a Covering , which will easily be disclosed by those who are capable of understanding them ; but thick and gross to every one , who is unworthy and unfit to proceed farther , so that it will be impossible for him to pierce through it with his Eyes . But now I crave Pardon of as many § 118 of my Brethren , as shall read this Treatise , that they would excuse me in regard of those things , which I have so readily declared , and so freely described ; seeing I had not done so , unless I had been elevated to those Heights which transcend the reach of humane sight , and that I studied to render my Discourse easie to be understood , by a right ordering thereof , that so I might quicken and excite in Men a desire of entring into the right way . So I crave Mercy and Pardon of God , and that he would please to bring us to the true and certain knowledge of himself ; for he is bountiful , and liberal of his Favours . Peace be to thee , my Brother , whose Promotion is decreed , and the Mercy and Blessing of God come upon thee . THE END . Let Praise be given to God alone . THEOLOGIA RURIS , SIVE Schola & Scala Naturae : OR , THE BOOK OF NATURE , Leading us , by certain Degrees , to the Knowledge and Worship of the God of NATURE . THEOLOGIA RURIS , SIVE Schola & Scala Naturae : OR , THE BOOK OF NATURE , Leading us , by certain Degrees , to the Knowledge and Worship of the God of Nature . HOW hardly and unwillingly am I forced from you , O ye pleasant Fields , ye Hospitable Shades , ye green grassy Hills , ye clear running Brooks , and most pure , gentle Air ! I have spent the Day , as innocently , as delightfully , amongst you . I have sucked in , and then breathed forth , in alternate motions , the fresh Air of the Spring , with equal pleasure ; and whilst my Eyes wandred up and down to contemplate , on every side , this delightful variety , I was of a suddain in a manner inchanted , and besides my self ; so that forgetting where I was , I could not stir from the place , but stood fixed in a rapture of Joy and Admiration , upon the Contemplation of this earthly Paradise . But God grant , that I may so fix my Eyes here , and gratifie my Senses , as not to neglect the improvement of my Mind , which consists in making good use of the pleasures you afford me , and all the rest of mankind ; and so following your Conduct , as to make my way unto him , to whom you conduct me . O thou , who art the Original and End of Nature , from whom all this beautiful variety of Creatures proceeded , and to whom they tend , make all these pleasures advantageous , and saving to me . Oh , what else mean these allurements of wantonizing Nature , this youthfulness of our Mother Earth in her old Age , neat , and trim , and decking her self with flowry Garlands , like a young sprightly Bird ? is she at all this cost and pains , to please the fancy of Fools , who are wholly led by Sense , and can see no farther than their bodily Eyes discover ? No sure . Know therefore , O Man , that Nature , in this gay and most delightful spectacle , opens a large Book unto thee ; a Book as profitable , as it is pleasant ; a Book , which if thou attentively lookest upon , and constantly studiest , thou wilt find therein as many Letters , as there be Flowers of the Spring , Piles of Grass , or drops of Dew . These Letters of single Creatures , when they are fitly joyned together , ( as by Divine Providence , so by humane Meditation ) meet as it were in words ; and those words , through the vicissitudes of certain Seasons , close in set Periods . Yea more : There is an entire Sense in every Letter . For dost thou not see , how perfect and compleat the several Creatures are , when taken apart , and single ; how self-sufficient ; how fairly provided , and well furnisht , with what is requisite for their preservation , and well-being ? sufficient also for thee , if thou bring a clear , and well-purged mind to the Contemplation and use of them ? Thou beholdest this ample furniture of Nature , the variety of Utensils and Ornaments in this great House of the World , which is the Palace and Temple of the great God ; and thou judgest , that it is all thine , because it serves to thy use . Be it so . But then consider too , whose thy self art ; and learn what thou owest unto him , by what thou hast received from him . For dost thou think , that thou art so highly valuable , as that for thy sake alone , and the concerns of this mortal Life , the Heavens above thy Head should whirle perpetually round , and observe their set laws of Motion ? That the Sun , Moon , and Stars should send down their light , and Heat , and variety of Influences ? And withal , that the Plants , and brute Creatures here below , should serve thy uses only , and maintain thy Life by their own Death and Destruction ? Doth the great Sun , thinkest thou , that High Steward , and universal dispenser of golden Light , and life-preserving Heat , manage the set courses of Day and Night , of Summer and Winter , and order the alternate motions of the vapours in their Ascents and Descents , and their removes hither and thither towards the several quarters of the Heavens , meerly to wait upon thee , or to applaud himself at thy approbation ? Sure thou canst not think so . For thou art not the utmost end of the Creation , but the means or instrument , whereby the rest of the inferiour Creatures make their recourse unto that God , from whom they originally proceeded . And ( as it is usually seen in the Feasts of great Princes ) God calleth thee into this richly furnisht Palace of his , not to be a judge but a witness of his munificence ; neither furnisheth he his large spread Table with such variety of Dishes , for the pampering of the Guests , but for the praise of himself the Entertainer , who is the Soveraign Lord and Father of the whole Family . Thou then hast not the absolute command , but the sole use of Nature . But what use ? That by the Guidance thereof , thou mayest be directed to walk onwards towards God , to ascend still higher towards him by set steps , and insensible degrees , and so acknowledge the Author of Nature to be thy Father , to praise his Bounty , admire his Wisdom , and imbrace his Love. Neither doth Nature lead thee towards God by a far-fetched and winding compass , but in a short and straight Line . The Sun waits upon the Rain , and Dew ; the Rain and Dew , upon the Grass ; the Grass serves the Cattle ; the Cattle serve thee ; and if thou serve God , then thou makest good the highest link in that golden Chain , whereby Heaven is joyned unto Earth . Then thou standest where thou oughtest to stand , in the uppermost Round of that divine Ladder , next to the Most High. Then thou shewest and approvest thy self to be indeed , what thou wert designed by God to be , the High Priest and Orator of the Universe , because thou alone , amongst all the Creatures here below , art endued with understanding to know him , and speech to express thy knowledge of him , by thy Praises of him , and Prayers unto him . So that all the rest of the Creation , by the Ministry and Mediation of thy Mouth , pay the just Tribute of Laud and Thanks to the great Creator ; and are all joyned according to their several distances and degrees , unto the most wise Maker and Governour of the World , by the interposition of thy mind , which alone understandeth both , and considereth their Relation to each other . But if thou never observest the Sky with thine Eyes , but to guess at Rain , and fair weather : If thy looking up to Heaven be bounded with the Starry Firmament : Or if , like the vapours which arise out of the Earth , thou never mountest upwards but to fall down more gross and thick , as they do in Mists and Rain , in Snow and Frost : Thou hast then that in thy Station which bears thee downwards , and causeth thee to lie groveling on the Earth . Indeed , if thou removest from thee the Love and Honour of God , and the Contemplation of him who dwelleth in the Heavens , thou hast no just cause to raise thy self above the Brutes , thy fellow Inhabitants of this lower World. For the Sun ariseth , and the Rain falls , as well for them , as for thee . The Earth for their use waxeth green , and flourisheth , and bringeth forth abundance of Provisions in all variety of Plenty . And all this it yieldeth to them , neither wounded by the Plough , nor watered by the sweat of the Tiller . Yea Nature , in these things , is a more indulgent Nurse and Mother unto them , than unto thee , by imparting to them more strong native Abilities , an healthfuller Body , a securer Ease and Rest , and a natural sort of Clothing , which never grows old , or thread-bare . Whereas beggerly Thou art fain to rob and strip these brute Creatures , that thou maist be clothed with their spoils ; and all thy bravery is at best but borrowed . In this alone thou excellest the Brutes , that thou knowest God , and art inabled to contemplate his Perfections ; and , by vertue of that Contemplation , to love and serve him , who is the Maker of all ; whereas , in other respects , thou art inferiour to the meanest of them , and below the very lowest . Therefore raise up thy self still higher towards God , in thy Meditations and Affections ; for thou maist do this , even whilst thou lookest downwards . Thou maist behold the Wisdom and Power , and Goodness of Heaven , even when thou lookest upon the Earth under thy feet ; and contemplate the Image of God with steady Eyes in these inferiour Looking-Glasses of his Works , at whose Brightness , as he is seen in his heavenly Majesty , the Eyes of the most Eagle-eyed beholders are dazled ; insomuch that the Seraphims themselves are fain to cover their Faces with their Wings . This then God requires at thy hands ; or , if it be meet to say so , desires of thee . And withal , it is a duty , which all his other works call aloud upon thee to perform , as themselves go before thee in performing the like , according to their several kinds ; and thereby both incourage , and oblige thee thereunto , through their example . God would be seen by thee in all of them , but with clear sighted , and well purged Eyes ; such Eyes , which attentively consider , and considering duly value his Divine Wisedom , Greatness , and Goodness , without having respect to thine own interest and advantage . If therefore thou lightest upon Snails or Caterpillers , which gnaw thy fruits , and deface the Glory of thy Orchards , and Gardens ; thou oughtest not to fix thy Eyes so much upon the loss thou fustainest by them , as upon the wit , and artifice , and industry of Nature , which plays and sports as it were in the Skins and Shells of these contemptible Creatures , by adorning them so beautifully , and painting them over with such delightful variety of unimitable Checker-works , and embroideries ; so that thou maist justly admire that which thou treadest upon , in the curious Workmanship bestowed upon the vilest Insects ; and canst not choose but highly commend the excellent Contrivance of all , even the most despicable Creatures , by the wisdom of Divine Providence , which so frameth and ordereth them , that even that , which indamageth thee , cannot but delight thee . When thou likewise takest a view of thy Flocks and Herds , thou hast not sufficiently perfected thy Meditations on them , and discharged thy Duty in that work , if thou only computest how much Wooll thou shalt have this June , how many Lambs this Year , how many young Colts are growing up for thy Plough or Saddle , how many fat Bullocks for the Stall , and at what price to be sold the next Fair. Neither is it enough for thee to survey thy arable Lands , only to guess how many Bushels of Grain such a quantity of Acres will yield thee . It is far more worthy of thee , and proper for thee , thus to reckon , and reason with thy self : All these I am richly supplied with by the liberal hand of God ; and they all perform that service for my use and advantage , which they owe not unto me . Shall I then either deny , or neglect that service , which is due unto my God , who hath so freely and undeservedly bestowed them all upon me ? Shall I cause that Chain of God's works , wherein and whereby they are so orderly linked unto him , the Maker and Sovereign Disposer of all , to be broken off through my default ? Shall I who am a Debtor to God for all these , repay nothing to him ? But what shall I return unto God ? My duties and services reach not him , neither can any thing properly be repayed to him , who is the Owner of all things . But though thou canst give back nothing to him by way of repaiment , yet thou maist humbly and dutifully receive his Gifts , return hearty and constant Thanks to him for the Receit , use them soberly and chearfully , and so approve thy self a meet Receiver , a candid Accepter , and a prudent Manager of the Divine Bounty . Whensoever also thou walkest forth to recreate thy self , as thou walkest amidst the pleasant Fields , the flowry Meadows , the cool Groves , and shady Woods , delightfully varied , and interlaced with clear running Brooks , and winding Rivulets ; think not that these delicious Tempe's , and terrestrial Paradises , which thou beholdest here below , are to be looked upon only as pleasant Walks , wherewith to divert thy Mind , when it is over-burd'ned with Cares , or tired with Business ; and to refresh thy Senses with a pleasing variety of new Objects , on every side offering themselves to delight thee , as thou passest along amidst them . No ; there is far more to be gained from them , and which the God of Nature expects from thee . For that which thou so pleasingly beholdest in all this variety , which surroundeth thee on all sides , and exposeth it self unto thy view , thou oughtest to look upon as Man's School , and God's Temple . Thou pleasest thy self with the pretty purling noise of that clear small Rivulet , which runs with a trembling motion , among the pure party-coloured Pebbles . But thou shouldest consider , that this soft gentle Murmur yields thee not this Pleasure , meerly to invite thee unto Sleep , as thou liest down carelesly on the Bank of the Rivulet . No ; it teacheth thee a Lesson far more excellent , than this harmonious Musick of the purling Stream . For this continued course of the Water , which passing through several Turnings , winding Circuits , and interrupting By-falls , by reason of rough , uneven places , which it meets with in its Channel , yet never loseth its way , nor stops its Current , nor is ever weary of running , till it find its way home again into the Ocean Sea , from whence it had its Original : This continued course , I say , of the Stream teacheth thee this useful Lesson , That thou never make a stop in thy course of Piety and Vertue , nor ever rest in making thy way forward still , till thou arrive at that boundless Ocean of the Deity , whence thou , with all the rest of the Creatures , originally proceededst , and so at length be swallowed up in that Abyss of Felicity . Thou art also hereby admonished to take care in the mean time , whilst thou art passing thorow this World , that neither the manifold Turnings , and winding Meanders of humane Life , nor the various Impediments which constantly attend all Secular Affairs , hinder thee in thy Passage ; nor the sudden Down-falls , occasioned by unexpected Evils , and Mischances , that we meet with in our Travel , which also deject and precipitate so many , as they are journeying onwards , interrupt thy course thitherward , and so stop thy farther Progress in the way to Heaven . And as the clear , bright Face of the Heavens is not discerned but in clear and calm Waters , so clear and calm Souls only reflect the splendid Image of the God of Heaven , not such as are troubled and disturbed with furious Lusts and Passions , as with so many tempestuous Winds ; or muddied with gross , earthly Affections , and the foul vicious Habits of Sin. Moreover , when at any time thou risest early , and goest forth in the Morning , the very first Sight which thou beholdest is a ready Reward of thy Diligence ; the Sun , I mean , which ariseth amidst a most pleasing diversity of variously colour'd Clouds ; and shedding its orient Beams of Light upon the small round Drops of Dew , which hang upon the tops of Flowers , the Leaves of the lower Shrubs , and Spires of the verdant Grass , reflects its bright Face in them as in so many small broken Mirrours , shines and sparkles in each of them , creates an Infinity of new Stars , and thereby represents unto thine Eyes a kind of another Heaven in this lower Orb of the earthly World. And when thou seriously contemplatest the pleasing variety of Shapes and Colours in the Clouds above , and the Flowers below , especially when adorned with , and shining in their starry Mantles , thick set and interlaced , and as it were imbroidered with the pearly drops of Dew , as with so many rich Jewels , dost thou not begin to undervalue , and despise all the artificial Pomp of the Court , and those costly Vanities of the Court Ladies , who so much pride themselves , whilst they shine and glitter in their borrowed Glories ; yea , are fain to rob and plunder both the Indies , that they may make themselves brave ? For how slight and worthless may we justly deem this stollen and counterfeit , and far-setcht Glory , wherewith poor , beggarly Art , with so much Cost and Labour , clotheth the greatest Princes , and their gorgeous Train of Attendants , in comparison of that true and genuine one , which Nature produceth , and makes shew of ; and that , not only unforced , and of her own accord , but of a sudden too , and in a surprizing Variety . For every day almost we see new Creations , according to the vicissitude of Seasons . Of how little value then is all that , which we are so apt to admire in the affected Glories of fanciful Mankind , whilst we take little or no notice of those things , which the God of Nature every day presents and recommends to our Observation , and such as indeed are the proper and deserved Object of our just Admiration . But why should I go any farther in the prosecution of all Particulars ; which would be a Task as needless , as endless ? in a word then : In and by all these things which thou meetest with here below , if so be thou wilt approve thy self an attentive Student , thou may'st learn the knowledge both of God , and thy self ; and withall , be minded of some Duty , which the Sight and Observation thereof prompts unto thy Thoughts . If so be then that thou entrest a shady Grove , let that venerable Horrour , which the sight thereof strikes into thee , present a Deity to thy Mind , and affect it with a thorow Sense of his Fear . If thou walkest in a green flowry Meadow , bethink thy self how many Vegetables thou treadest under-foot in thy Walk , whose Vertues and Properties thou canst not reach unto with thy Mind , as high as it mounts in its soaring Flights , and as large a Compass as it takes in its vast Comprehensions . When thou hearest the small singing Birds warbling forth their shrill Notes in variety of Tunes , think them to be so many Hymns , which these feathered Sons of Musick , like the Children of Asaph , sing to the great Creator in this August Temple of the World. And if thou lightest upon one of their Nests , thou may'st be both ashamed of thy own dulness and blockishness , and contemplate with wonder that natural Wit and Industry in a small silly Bird , which we Men , who esteem our selves the only wise , and the Masters of all Arts , can neither equal with our best Skill in framing the like , nor so much as find out with all our Wit , how they are made . Let the Tulips , and other gay Flowers , which are so gorgeously arrayed in variety of the most rich and beautiful Colours ; ▪ and yet neither spin , nor weave : Let the Beasts of the Field and Forest , with the Fowls of the Air , which never provide for , nor trouble their thoughts with care of the future , yet always find their Food ready and prepared , and as it were a large Table always spread for their use , serve to correct thy Covetousness and Carking , and daily read new Lessons to thy Mind , Lessons of Calmness , Contentedness , and Confidence , when thou findest it at any time over-solicitous for the future ; as indeed it is too often in the best of us , doubtful and distrustful of the Love and fatherly Care of God , though still watching over us for our good , and giving us all things richly to enjoy , 1 Tim. 6. 17. Lastly , Thus meditate with thy self . All these Delights of the Garden , and the Field , which the Country affords me ; this flowry Tapistry of Nature ; this fresh and pleasant Greenness of the Earth , which now so fairly flourisheth , and flattereth our Eyes , within some few Months will fade and vanish , and perish altogether , by the cold and killing Breath of Winter ; and then lie buried under the Covert of that Earth , the Face whereof they now so beautifully adorn . So likewise , this mortal Life of ours , with all its Flourish ; this Strength and Vigour of ours , with all its Helps and Supports ; this flattering Air of Fortune , with all its warm Breathings , and delicious Gales , will sooner or later pass away , consume , and come to nothing ; either wearing away , and spending themselves by insensible degrees , or be impaired and wasted by some malignant Causes from without ; namely , either through the manifold ill Casualties and Miseries , constantly attending our humane Life ; or , the Diseases and Infirmities , that old Age brings along with it : until at length , we be all cut off by the fatal Hand of Death , and then cast into the dark Prisons of our Graves , there to remain till Time shall be no more ; and the Day of Eternity begin , wihch never shall have an End. Now , this Prospect of our latter End , so certain in it self , and so uncertain for the time of its coming , should in all Reason awaken us to consider where we are , in what State and Condition , and whither we are going ; and consequently mind us to make the best use of the present Season ; not to neglect our Seed-time , or our Harvest ; nor to spend those Days idlely , which when they are once past away , can never be redeemed . Let us then take care to sow as much good seed as we can in the Spring-time of our Age , that so we may reap a plentiful Harvest in the Autumn . And when that comes , let us take care to reap our Grain , and to gather in our Fruits , and then lay them up in safe Repositories , before the Winter over-take us , wherein no man can work ; when the Sun withdraws its Light and Heat , when the Rain chokes the Earth with a Surplusage of moisture ; or the Frost imprisons it , and binds it up in close Fetters . And this if we take care to do , we shall not fail to enjoy the Fruits of all those good Works , which in this short Season of our frail mortal Life , we have taken pains to sow and reap , and lay up in our Store-houses . These Store-houses are the several Mansions prepared for us in Heaven ; the most secure Repositories , where no Vermine consumes what is once laid up there , no Thief breaks in to carry it away , no Fire devours , nor Age consumes the Mansion . To conclude ; If we mind Heaven whilst we live here upon Earth , this Earth will serve to conduct us unto Heaven , through the Merits and Mediation of the Son of God , who was made the Son of Man , and came thence on purpose into this lower World , to convey us up thither ; fitly therefore represented and fore-signified by that Ladder seen of Jacob , in his nighly Vision at Bethel , which was set indeed on the Earth , but the Top of it reached unto Heaven Gen. 28. 12. FINIS . Books sold by Richard Chiswell and William Thorp . 1. OF the Principles and Dutie of Natural Religion , two Books . By Dr. Iohn Wilkins , Lord Bishop of Chester . 8o. 2. Several Sermons Preached by the same Author . 8o. 3. A Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law of Nature , and of the Christian Religion . By Dr. Samuel Parker , Arch-Deacon of Canterbury . 4o. 4. Several Discourses , of ●urity , Charity , Repentance , Inordinate Desire , loving our Enemies , Hospitality , Quietness , Redeeming Time , Understanding the Will of God , Exact Walking , Doing good to all Men , Education , and the Advantages of Christianity , in two Volumes 8o. By Hez . Burton . D. D. 5. A Disswasive from Revenge . By Nic. Stratford , D. D. Dean of St. Asa●h . 8o. 6. Primitive Christianity , or the Religion of the Ancient Christians . By William Cave . D. D. 
A28945	----	The Christian virtuoso shewing that by being addicted to experimental philosophy, a man is rather assisted than indisposed to be a good Christian / by T.H.R.B., Fellow of the Royal Society ; to which are subjoyn'd, I. a discourse about the distinction that represents some things as above reason, but not contrary to reason, II. the first chapters of a discourse entituled, Greatness of mind promoted by Christianity, by the same author. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. 1690 Approx. 239 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28945 Wing B3931 ESTC R19536 12258621 ocm 12258621 57680 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28945) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57680) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 172:8) The Christian virtuoso shewing that by being addicted to experimental philosophy, a man is rather assisted than indisposed to be a good Christian / by T.H.R.B., Fellow of the Royal Society ; to which are subjoyn'd, I. a discourse about the distinction that represents some things as above reason, but not contrary to reason, II. the first chapters of a discourse entituled, Greatness of mind promoted by Christianity, by the same author. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. Reflections upon a theological distinction. Boyle, Robert, 1627-1691. Greatness of mind promoted by Christianity. [20], 120, [4], 35, [2], 57 p. Printed by Edw. Jones for John Taylor ... and John Wyat ..., In the Savoy : 1690. "Reflections upon a theological distinction" and "Greatness of mind promoted by Christianity" each has special t.p. First ed., 2nd issue. Cf. NUC pre-1956. The second part of The Christian virtuoso never published. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. Faith and reason -- Early works to 1800. 2006-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Christian Virtuoso : IN TWO PARTS . TOME I. THE Christian Virtuoso : SHEWING , That by being addicted to Experimental Philosophy , a Man is rather Assisted , than Indisposed , to be a Good Christian . The First Part. By T. H. R. B. Fellow of the ROYAL SOCIETY . To which are Subjoyn'd , I. A Discourse about the Distinction , that represents some Things as Above Reason , but not Contrary to Reason . II. The first Chapters of a Discourse , Entituled , Greatness of Mind promoted by Christianity . By the same AVTHOR . In the SAVOY : Printed by Edw. Jones , for John Taylor at the Ship , and John Wyat at the Golden-Lion , in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1690. THE PREFACE . WHEN , many Years ago , I was induced to write something about the Subject of the following Treatise ; I did it , partly to give some Satisfaction to a Friend , and partly to impose upon myself an Obligation , to consider the more attentively upon what Grounds it may be asserted , That there is no Inconsistence between a Man's being an Industrious Virtuoso , and a Good Christian . How little fond I was of troubling the Publick with a Discourse of this Nature , may be guessed by my having thrown it aside , among other neglected Papers , for several Years . And it had still continued in that Obscurity , if the , formerly unprevalent , Desires of those that would have it appear in Publick , had not been enforced by an Observation or two , that I could not but make . For I could scarce avoid taking notice of the great and deplorable Growth of Irreligion , especially among those that aspired to pass for Wits , and several of them too for Philosophers . And on the other side , it was Obvious , that divers Learned Men , as well as Others , partly upon the Score of their Abhorrence of these Infidels and Libertines , and partly upon that of a well-meaning , but ill-informed , Zeal , had brought many Good Men to think , that Religion and Philosophy were incompatible ; both Parties contributing to the Vulgar Error , but with this difference , That the Libertines thought a Virtuoso ought not to be a Christian ; and the Others , That he could not be a true One. 'T is like , it may seem to some Readers , that I have too much enlarged the Notion of Experience , and too much insisted on the Proofs deducible from that Topick : But 't is not improbable , that others may approve the Reasons , with which that ample Notion of Experience is , where it is proposed , accompanied . And the Ingenious Person , I was chiefly to please , being a great Lover and Valuer of Experience , and of Arguments grounded on it , the Desire of gratifying Him enticed me to say so much , that when I took up the Thoughts of making this Treatise publick , I found the Effects of my Complaisance so interwoven with the other Parts of the Discourse , that I could not make any Great Alteration , ( for some I did make ) without almost spoiling the Contexture of it . I hope the Equitable Reader will not expect to find every Subject , of which I have occasion to discourse , fully Treated of : For I neither designed nor pretended to write a Body of Natural Theology , nor a Demonstration of the Christian Religion ; but thought it sufficient for me , to consider the Points I wrote of , as far forth as was Necessary , or very Conducive , to my Purpose . And therefore I thought myself , not only Warranted , but Obliged , ( in point of Discretion ) to decline the mention of several Arguments and Reflections , that would indeed have been very Proper , if my Design had been , to shew , why One should be a Christian ; but Impertinent , to shew , that a Virtuoso , while such , may be a true Christian . But , as for this Reason , I omitted many Things , that would have Enrich'd or Adorn'd my Discourse ; so I have endeavoured to make some Amends , both by suggesting some new Subjects , and by adding on those that have been already Treated of by others , divers Thoughts , into which I was led by the Attentive Consideration of the Subject itself ; on which score , they may probably not have yet occurr'd to the Reader , and may appear to him , either to be new , as to the Substance ; or , if any of them be coincident with the more known Ones , to have something of peculiar , as to the way of Propounding , or of Applying , them . And , I confess , I was somewhat Encouraged to communicate my Thoughts on these Subjects , by considering , that ( thô is ought not to be so , yet ) 't is Notorious , that in the Age we live in , there are too many Persons that are like to be found more indisposed to be Impress'd on by Arguments , in favour of Religion , from profess'd Divines , how worthy soever , than from such as I , who am a Lay-man , and have been look'd upon as no undiligent Cultivator of Experimental Philosophy . And that the Style might not be unsuitable to the Writer , and the Design ; I thought fit , in my Arguments and Illustrations , both to employ Comparisons drawn from Telescopes , Microscopes , &c. and to make frequent use of Notions , Hypotheses , and Observations , in request among those , that are called The New philosophers . Which I the rather did ; because some Experience has taught me , that such a Way of proposing and elucidating Things , is , either as most clear , or , upon the account of its Novelty , wont to be more acceptable , than any Other , to our Modern Virtuosi ; whom thus to Gratify , is a good Step towards the Persuading of them . For 't is easie to observe , that some Men are more accessible to Truth , and will be more prevailed upon by it , when it is presented to them in One Dress , than when it appears in Another : As we daily see , that some Persons will be more easily prevailed with to take a Medicine , and that it will have a more kindly Operation upon them , if it be exhibited in that Form and Consistence , that is best lik'd by the Patients ; whereof some love to have the Ingredients , the Medicine is to consist of , offer'd them in a Liquid , others in a Soft , and others in a Dry , Form. Though I am wont , as well as inclinable to spare the present Age ; and though my Censures of some reputed Virtuosi that live in it , are written with as harmless and friendly Designs , as was the seeming Rudeness of the Angel to St. Peter , when he struck him on the Side , and hastily rouzed him , but to awake him , to take off his Chains , and to free him from the Dangers that threatned him ; yet I shall be more troubled than surprized , if I shall find the following Treatise disliked by divers Persons , that would pass for Virtuosi , and by some that really are so . For some Men , that have but superficial , thô conspicuous , Wits , are not fitted to penetrate such Truths , as require a lasting and attentive Speculation ; and divers , that want not Abilities , are so taken up by their Secular Affairs , and their Sensual Pleasures , that they neither have Disposition , nor will have Leisure , to discover those Truths , that require both an Attentive and Penetrating Mind . And more than of either of these sorts of Men there are , whom their Prejudices do so forestal , or their Interest byas , or their Appetites blind , or their Passions discompose , too much , to allow them a clear Discernment , and right Judgment , of Divine Things . Upon which , and other accounts , I shall not think it strange , if what I write shall make no great Impression on Readers thus Qualified , whom to Convert , 't is not enough to Convince them : Nor shall I be greatly discouraged , or think much the worse of my Arguments , if they do not make Proselytes of those , whom Sinister Considerations make such Resolved Adversaries to the Truth , that He alone , that can Preach from Heaven , is able to prevail upon them ; and they must be Converted , almost as Saul the Persecutor was , by an extraordinary Light from Heaven , and a Power able to strike them to the Ground . But though I am not so little acquainted with the present Age , as to expect to plead for Religion with the Approbation of Atheists , or of Libertines , yet I shall not think my Pains altogether mispent , if what I have written , either Startle any Irreligious Reader so far , as to Engage him to consult abler Assertors of Christianity and Virtue , than I pretend to be ; or else prove so happy , as to Confirm and Strengthen , by new Arguments and Motives , those that have heartily embraced the Christian Faith and Morals , though perhaps not upon the firmest Grounds . For it will be no small Satisfaction to me , if , though I cannot Convert the resclvedly Irreligious , I shall at least furnish those that are not so , with Preservatives against them , and hinder their Impiety from being Contagious . But I fear , that those that are Enemies , both to the Doctrines I propose , and to the Aims I persue , will not be the only Persons that will find fault with the following Tract ; since , perhaps , there will not be wanting some Ingenious Men , that expected , as well as desired , that I should never write but as a Naturalist , because they themselves esteem nothing , save the Laws and Phoenomena of Nature , to be Subjects worthy of a Philosophical Pen : As if , because Rational Spirits are Invisible and Immaterial . Beings , all Disquisitions about them must be airy and uncertain Speculations , and , like their Objects , devoid of Solidity and Usefulness . But though among these Ingenious Men there are several , whose Expectations from me I am much more disposed to Gratify , than Disappoint ; yet , on such an occasion as this , I must take the liberty to own , That I do not think the Corporeal World , nor the Present State of Things , the Only or the Principal Subjects , that an Inquisitive Man's Pen may be worthily employed about ; and , That there are some Things that are grounded , neither upon Mechanical , nor upon Chymical , Notices or Experiments , that are yet far from deserving to be Neglected , and much less to be Despised , or so much as to be left Uncultivated , especially by such Writers , as being more concerned to act as Christians , than as Virtuosi , must also think , that sometimes they may usefully busy themselves about the Study of Divine Things , as well as at other times employ their Thoughts about the Inspection of Natural Ones . There are some Objects , whose Nobleness is such , that , though we derive no Advantage from them , but the Contentment of knowing them , and that but very imperfectly too ; yet our Virtuosi themselves justly think much Pains and Time , and , perhaps , Cost too , well spent in endeavouring to acquire some Conjectural Knowledge of them : As may be instanced in the Assiduous and Industrious Researches they have made about the remote Coelestial part of the World , especially the Stars and Comets that our Age has exposed to their Curiosity . For most of these , though they require chargeable Telescopes , and tedious , as well as unhealthy , Nocturnal Observations , are Objects , of which we can know very little with any Certainty ; and which , for ought appears , we can make no useful Experiments with . Since therefore we so much prize a little Knowledge , of Things that are not only Corporeal , but Inanimate ; methinks we should not undervalue the Studies of those Men , that aspire to the Knowledge of Incorporeal and Rational Beings , which are incomparably more Noble , than all the Stars in the World , which are , as far as we know , but Masses of Senseless and Stupid Matter . Since also the Virtuosi deservedly Applaud and Cherish the laborious Industry of Anatomists , in their Enquiries into the Structure of dead , ghastly , and oftentimes unhealthfully as well as offensively Foetid , Bodies : Can it be an Employment improper for a Christian Virtuoso , or unworthy of him , to endeavour the Discovery of the Nature and Faculties of the Rational Mind ; which is That , that Enobles its Mansion , and gives Man the Advantage he has of the Beasts that Perish ? I am content , that merely Natural Philosophy should often Employ my Thoughts , and my Pen ; but I cannot consent it should Engross them , and hinder me from being Conversant with Theological Subjects . And since , among my Friends , I have some , ( and those not Inconsiderable for their Number , and much less for their Merit , ) that press me to Treat of Religious Matters , as well as Others , that would have me addict myself to Cultivate Physical Ones ; I , who think myself a Debtor to Both these sorts , am willing to endeavour to Gratify Both ; and having already , on many Occasions , presented the later sort with large , as well as publick , Effects of my Complaisance for them , I hope , they will not think it strange , that I should now and then have Regard to the former sort , too ; especially , since I had higher Motives , than Complaisance ought to be , to induce me to Treat sometimes of Things that might be grateful to those Friends , that are much so to Religious Composures . I presume , it will be taken notice of , that , in the following Treatise , as well as in divers of my other Writings , especially about Subjects that are purely , or partly , Philosophical ; I make frequent use of Similitudes , or Comparisons : And therefore I think myself here obliged to acknowledge , once for all , that I did it purposely . And my Reasons for this Practise , were , not only because fit Comparisons are wont to delight most Readers , and to make the Notions , they convey , better kept in Memory ; whence the best Orators and Preachers have made great and successful use of Metaphors , Allegories , and other Resemblances ; but I was induced to employ them chiefly for two other Reasons : 1. That though I freely confess , that Arbitrary Similitudes , and likewise Those that are Foreign to the Subject treated of , such as are most of the Vulgar Ones , that are usually borrowed from the Fictions of the Poets , and from the uncertain , and often ill-applied , Relations of Pliny , Aelian , and other too frequently Fabulous Writers , are scarce fit to be made use of but to Vulgar Readers , or Popular Auditories ; yet Comparisons fitly chosen , and well applied , may , on many occasions , usefully serve to illustrate the Notions for whose sake they are brought , and , by placing them in a true Light , help Men to conceive them far better , than otherwise they would do . And , 2. Apposite Comparisons do not only give Light , but Strength , to the Passages they belong to , since they are not always bare Pictures and Resemblances , but a kind of Arguments ; being oftentimes , if I may so call them , Analogous Instances , which do declare the Nature , or Way of Operating , of the Thing they relate to , and by that means do in a sort prove , that , as 't is possible , so it is not improbable , that the Thing may be such as 't is represented : And therefore , not only the Illustrious Verulam , though not more a Florid , than a Iudicious , Writer , has , much to the satisfaction of his Readers , frequently made use of Comparisons , in whose Choice , and Application , he was very happy ; but that severe Philosopher Monsieur Des Cartes himself somewhere says , that he scarce thought , that he understood any thing in Physiques , but what he could declare by some apt Similitude ; of which , in effect , he has many in his Writings ; [ As , where he compares the Particles of fresh Water , to little Eels ; and the Corpuscles of Salt in the Sea-water , to little rigid Staves ; and where , after the Stoicks , he compares the Sense of Objects by the intervention of Light , to the Sense that a blind Man hath of Stones , Mud , &c. by the intervention of his Staff. ] To which I shall add , That proper Comparisons do the Imagination almost as much Service , as Microscopes do the Eye ; for , as this Instrument gives us a distinct view of divers minute Things , which our naked Eyes cannot well discern ; because these Glasses represent them far more large , than by the bare Eye we judge them ; so a skilfully chosen , and well-applied , Comparison much helps the Imagination , by illustrating Things scarce discernible , so as to represent them by Things much more familiar and easy to be apprehended . I confess , I might , on some Occasions , have spoken , not only more Positively , and Boldly ; but , as to many Learned Readers , more Acceptably , if I would have discoursed altogether like a Cartesian , or as a Partizan of some other Modern Sect of Philosophizers . But , besides that , I am not minded to give myself up to any Sect , I thought it convenient , that a Discourse , designed to work on Persons of differing Persuasions about Philosophical Matters , should not declare itself dogmatically , or unreservedly , of a Party , but employ rather the Dictates of Reason , or Principles either granted , or little contested , than proceed upon the peculiar Principles of a distinct Party of Philosophizers . If now and then I have insisted upon some particular Subjects , more than appears absolutely necessary , I did it , because that , though I wrote this Treatise chiefly for my Friends , yet I did not write it for them only ; but was willing to lay hold on some of the Occasions that the Series of my Discourse offered me , to excite in myself those Dispositions that I endeavoured to produce in others : And , by insisting upon some Reflections , impress them more deeply upon my own Mind ; especially when I was Treating of some Points , either so Important , or so Opposed , or Both , that they can scarce be too much inculcated . The Name of the Person , to whom the following Papers were address'd , not being necessary to be made Publick ; some Reasons made it thought convenient , that it should remain unmentioned . Postscript . TO give an Account of the Prolixity , that some might otherwise censure , of the foregoing PREFACE , I must Advertise the Reader , That 't is of an ancient Date , and that the First Part of the Treatise , that it belongs to , was already written , and 't was then designed , that the Second Part should accompany it to the Press : On which score 't was presumed , that , as the Particulars that make up the Preamble would not appear Superfluous , in regard of the Variety of Subjects to be Treated of ; So , its Length would scarce be found Disproportionate to the Bulk of the Whole designed Book . THE Christian Virtuoso : SHEWING , That by being addicted to Experimental Philosophy , a Man is rather assisted , than in disposed , to be a Good Christian . The First Part. SIR , I Perceive by what you intimate , that your Friends , Dr. W. and Mr. N. think it very strange , that I , whom they are pleas'd to look upon as a diligent Cultivater of Experimental Philosophy , should be a concern'd Embracer of the Christian Religion ; tho' divers of its Articles are so far from being Objects of Sense , that they are thought to be above the Sphere of Reason . But , tho' I presume they may find many Objects of the like wonder , among those with whom I am compriz'd by them , under the name of the New Virtuosi ; and among These , they may meet with divers persons more able than I , to ease them of their wonder ; yet , since they are pleas'd by singling me out , as it were to challenge me to do it , I shall endeavour to make them think it at least less strange , That a great Esteem of Experience , and a high Veneration for Religion , should be compatible in the same person . Wherefore I shall not deny , that I am now and then busied in devising , and putting in practice , Tryals of several sorts , and making Reflections upon them : And I own too , that ( about natural things ) I have a great Reverence for Experience , in comparison of Authority . But withal , I declare , that to embrace Christianity , I do not think I need to recede from the value and kindness I have for Experimental Philosophy , any thing near so far as your Friends seem to imagin . And I hope it will appear , that , If the Experimental way of Philosophising I am addicted to , have any things in it that indispose a man to assent to the Truth , and live according to the Laws , of the Christian Religion ; those few things are more than countervail'd by the peculiar Advantages , that it affords a Man of a well-dispos'd mind , towards the being a good Christian . I said , a man of a well-dispos'd mind ; that is , one , that is both docile , and inclin'd to make pious applications of the Truths he discovers ; because such a Qualification of Mind , I hope , God , through his Goodness , has vouchsaf'd me ; and the occasion given by your friends to the following Discourse , relating peculiarly to me , a personal account of my Opinions , and reasons of them , ought to suffice . And 't will be ex abundanti , ( as they speak , ) if my Discourse be found , as it often will be , to extend much farther . Which Reflection , I desire you would frequently have in your thoughts , to prevent mistaking the Design of the following Epistle . I doubt not , but the Popular Prejudices , that I perceive your two Friends , among many other more devout than well-inform'd Persons , have entertain'd , will make them think , that what I have now deliver'd needs good proof , and perhaps better than it is capable of . And therefore I hope you will easily allow me the liberty , I am going to take , of briefly premising some things , to clear the way for the principal Points , design'd to be discours'd of in this Letter . I know you need not be told , that the Philosophy ▪ which is most in request among the modern Virtuosi , and which by some is call'd the New , by others the Corpuscularian , by others the Real , by others ( tho' not so properly ) the Atomical , and by others again the Cartesian , or the Mechanical , Philosophy ; is built upon two foundations , Reason and Experience . But it may not be impertinent to observe to you , that although the Peripatetick , and some other Philosophies , do also pretend to be grounded upon Reason and Experience ; yet there is a great difference betwixt the use that is made of these two Principles , by the School-Philosophers , and by the Virtuosi . For those , in the framing of their System , make but little use of Experience ; contenting themselves for the most part to employ but few and obvious Experiments , and vulgar Traditions , usually Uncertain , and oftentimes False ; and superstructing almost their whole Physicks upon Abstracted Reason ; by which , I mean , The rational Faculty endowed but with its own Congenit or Common Notions and Idea's , and with Popular Notices ; that is , such as are common among men , especially those that are any thing Learned . But now , the Virtuosi I speak of , and by whom , in this whole Discourse , I mean those , that Understand and Cultivate Experimental Philosophy , make a much greater and better use of Experience in their Philosophical Researches . For they consult Experience both frequently and heedfully ; and , not content with the Phaenomena that Nature spontaneously affords them , they are solicitous , when they find it needful , to enlarge their Experience by Tryals purposely devis'd ; and ever and anon Reflecting upon it , they are careful to Conform their Opinions to it ; or , if there be just cause , Reform their Opinions by it . So that our Virtuosi have a peculiar Right to the distinguishing Title that is often given them , of Experimental Philosophers . I can scarce doubt , but your Friends have more than once oblig'd you to take notice , of the Prophane Discourses and Licentious Lives of some Virt●…osi , that boast much of the Principles of the New Philosophy . And I deny not , but that , if the knowledge of Nature falls into the hands of a Resolved Atheist , or a Sensual Libertine , he may misemploy it to Oppugn the Grounds , or Discredit the Practice , of Religion . But it will fare much otherwise , if a deep insight into Nature be acquir'd by a man of Probity and Ingenuity , or at least free from Prejudices and Vices , that may indispose him to entertain and improve those Truths of Philosophy , that would naturally lead him to Sentiments of Religion . For , if a Person thus qualify'd in his Morals , and thereby dispos'd to make use of the knowledge of the Creatures to confirm his Belief , and encrease his Veneration , of the Creator , ( and such a Person I here again advertise you , and desire you would not forget it , I suppose the Virtuoso this Paper is concern'd in , to be ) shall make a great progress in Real Philosophy ; I am perswaded , that Nature will be found very Loyal to her Author , and in stead of Alienating his Mind from making religious Acknowledgments , will furnish him with weighty and uncommon Motives , to conclude such Sentiments to be highly rational and just . On which occasion , I must not pretermit that judicious Observation of one of the first and greatest Experimental Philosophers of our Age , ( Sir Francis Bacon ) That God never wrought a Miracle to convince Atheists ; because in his Visible Works he had plac'd enough to do it , if they were not wanting to themselves . The Reason he gives for which Remark , I shall confirm , by observing , that 't is intimated in a passage of St. Paul , asserting both that the invisible things of God are clearly seen from the Creation of the World , as Tokens and Effects , ( as I remember the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek doth elsewhere signify , ) and that his Divinity and Eternal Power may be so well understood by the things that are made , that the Gentiles , who had but the Light of Nature to lead them to the acknowledgment of the true God , were Excuseless , for not being brought by that Guide to that Acknowledgment . And indeed , the Experimental Philosophy giving us a more clear discovery , than Strangers to it have , of the divine Excellencies display'd in the Fabrick and Conduct of the Universe , and of the Creatures it consists of , very much indisposeth the mind , to ascribe such admirable Effects to so incompetent and pitiful a Cause as Blind Chance , or the tumultuous Justlings of Atomical Portions of senseless Matter ; and leads it directly to the acknowledgment and adoration of a most Intelligent , Powerful and Benign Author of things , to whom alone such excellent Productions may , with the greatest Congruity , be ascrib'd . And therefore , if any of the Cultivaters of Real Philosophy pervert it to countenance Atheism , 't is certainly the fault of the Persons , not the Doctrine ; which is to be judg'd of by it's own natural Tendency , not by the ill Use that some bad Men may make of it ; especially if the prevaricating Persons are but pretenders to the Philosophy they misemploy ; which Character will perhaps be found to belong to most , if not all , the Atheistical and Prophane Men , the Objection means . For most of these do as little understand the Mysteries of Nature , as believe those of Christianity ; and of divers of them it may be truly said , that their Sensuality , and Lusts , and Passions , darken'd and seduc'd their Intellects : Their Immorality was the Original Cause of their Infidelity ; nor were they led by Philosophy to Irreligion , but got and perverted some smattering of Philosophy , to countenance the Irreligious Principles , they brought with them to the Study of it . But all this notwithstanding , I fear , if not foresee , that you will surmise , that the study of Natural Philosophy , how innocent soever it may be in it self , will , in this Libertine City , engage me to converse with many , who , tho' they pass for Virtuosi , are indeed Atheists ; whose contagious Company must Endanger , if not Infect , me . This obliges me to tell you , that tho' I have no reason to take it at all unkindly , that you are jealous of me on the score of being Solicitous for my Safety ; yet I hope my Danger is not so great as you may apprehend it . For First , I must own to you , that I do not think there are so many Speculative Atheists , as Men are wont to imagin . And tho' my Conversation has been pretty free and general among Naturalists , yet I have met with so few true Atheists , that I am very apt to think , that Men's want of due Information , or their uncharitable Zeal , has made them mistake or misrepresent many for Denyers of God , that are thought such , chiefly because they take uncommon Methods in studying his Works , and have other Sentiments of them , than those of vulgar Philosophers . And in the next place I must tell you , that having , through the goodness of God , chosen my Religion , not Inconsiderately , but upon mature Deliberation ; I do not find those Virtuosi , you call Atheists , such formidable Adversaries , as those that are afraid to hear them , do , by that Apprehension , appear to think them . And indeed , I have observ'd the Physical Arguments of the Atheists to be but very few , and those far enough from being Unanswerable . And as for the very chief of them , tho' they are wont to puzzle such as are not vers'd in nice Speculations , because they represent the assertion of a Deity , as a Doctrine encumber'd with inextricable Difficulties ; yet I do not think the Objections solidly grounded , since the same Difficulties , or others not inferior , may be urg'd against those Hypotheses and Principles , that the Deniers of God do or must admit . And indeed , most of the perplexing Difficulties the Atheists lay so much stress on , do not proceed from any Absurdity contained in the Tenent of the Theists , but from the Nature of things ; that is , partly from the Dimness and other Imperfections of our Human Understandings , and partly from the Abstruse Nature , that , to such Bounded Intellects , all Objects must appear to have , in whose Conception Infinity is involv'd ; whether that Object be God , or Atoms , or Duration , or some other thing that is uncausable . For , however we may flatter our selves , I fear we shall find , upon strict and impartial Tryal , that finite Understandings are not able clearly to resolve such Difficulties , as exact a clear comprehension of what is really Infinite . But to persue this Discourse , would lead us too far . And 't is more fit , after so much has been said concerning not only the Design of this Tract , but the New Philosophy , the Virtuosi , and my self ; to proceed to those more Particular things , that directly tend to the main Scope of our Epistle . The first advantage , that our Experimental Philosopher , as such , hath towards being a Christian , is ▪ that his course of Studies conduceth much , to settle in his Mind a firm Belief of the Existence , and divers of the chief ▪ Attributes , of God : Which Belief , is , in the order of things , the first Principle of that Natural Religion , which it self is pre-required to Reveal'd Religion in general , and consequently to That in particular , which is embrac'd by Christians . That the consideration of the Vastness , Beauty , and Regular Motions , of the heavenly Bodies ; the excellent Structure of Animals and Plants ; besides a multitude of other Phaenomena of Nature , and the Subserviency of most of these to Man ; may justly induce him , as a Rational Creature , to Conclude , That this vast , beautiful , orderly , and ( in a word ) many ways admirable System of things , that we call the World , was fram'd by an Author supremely Powerful , Wise , and Good , can scarce be deny'd by an intelligent and unprejudic'd Considerer . And this is strongly confirm'd by Experience , which witnesseth , that in almost all Ages and Countries , the generality of Philosophers , and contemplative Men , were persuaded of the Existence of a Deity , by the consideration of the Phaenomena of the Universe ; whose Fabrick and Conduct they rationally concluded could not be deservedly ascrib'd , either to blind Chance , or to any other Cause than a Divine Being . But , tho' it be true , that God hath not left himself without witness , even to perfunctory Considerers ; by stamping upon divers of the more Obvious Parts of his Workmanship , such conspicuous Impressions of his Attributes , that a moderate degree of Understanding , and Attention , may suffice to make Men acknowledg his Being ; Yet , I scruple not to think , That Assent very much inferior to the Belief , that the same Objects are fitted to produce in an Heedful and Intelligent Contemplator of them : For the Works of God are so worthy of their Author , that , besides the Impresses of his Wisdom , and Goodness , that are left as it were upon their Surfaces ; there are a great many more curious and excellent Tokens , and Effects , of Divine Artifice , in the hidden and innermost Recesses of them ; and these are not to be discovered by the perfunctory looks of Oscitant or Unskilful Beholders ; but Require , as well , as Deserve , the most attentive and prying Inspection of inquisitive and well-instructed Considerers . And sometimes in one Creature , there may be I know not how many admirable things , that escape a vulgar Eye , and yet may be clearly discern'd by That of a true Naturalist ; who brings with him , besides a more than common Curiosity and Attention , a competent knowledge of Anatomy , Opticks , Cosmography , Mechanicks , and Chymistry . But treating elsewhere purposely of this Subject , it may here suffice to say , that God has couch'd so many things in his Visible Works , that the clearer Light a Man has , the more he may discover of their Unobvious Exquisiteness , and the more clearly and distinctly he may discern those Qualities that lye more Obvious . And the more wonderful things he discovers in the Works of Nature , the more auxiliary Proofs he meets with to establish and enforce the Argument , drawn from the Universe and its Parts , to evince That there is a God : Which is a Proposition of that vast weight and importance , that it ought to endear every thing to us , that is able to Confirm it , and Afford us new Motives to acknowledge and adore the Divine Author of things . In reference to this matter , we may confidently say , that the Experimental Philosophy has a great advantage of the Scholastick . For in the Peripatetick Schools , where things are wont to be ascrib'd to certain Substantial Forms , and Real Qualities ; ( the former of which are acknowledg'd to be very abstruse and mysterious things , and the later are many of them confessedly occult ; ) the accounts of Natures Works may be easily given in a few words , that are general enough to be applicable to almost all Occasions . But these uninstructive Terms do neither oblige , nor conduct , a man to deeper searches into the Structure of Things , nor the manner of being Produc'd , and of Operating upon one another . And consequently , are very insufficient to disclose the exquisite Wisdom , which the Omniscient Maker has express'd in the peculiar Fabricks of Bodies , and the skilfully regulated Motions of them , or of their constituent Parts : From the discernment of which things , nevertheless , it is , that there is , by way of result , produc'd in the mind of an Intelligent Contemplator , a strong Conviction of the Being of a Divine Opificer , and a just acknowledgment of his admirable Wisdom . To be told , that an Eye is the Organ of Sight , and that this is perform'd by that Faculty of the Mind , which from its Function is call'd Visive ; will give a Man but a sorry account of the Instruments and Manner of Vision it self , or of the Knowledge of that Opificer , who , as the Scripture speaks , form'd the Eye . And he that can take up with this easy Theory of Vision , will not think it necessary to take the pains to dissect the Eyes of Animals , nor study the Books of Mathematicians , to understand Vision ; and accordingly , will have but mean thoughts of the Contrivance of the Organ , and the Skill of the Artificer , in comparison of the Idea's that will be suggested of both of them , to him that , being profoundly skill'd in Anatomy and Opticks , by Their help takes asunder the several Coats , Humours , and Muscles , of which , that exquisite Dioptrical Instrument consists : And having separately consider'd the Figure , Size , Consistence , Texture , Diaphaneity , or Opacity , Situation , and Connexions , of each of them , and their Coaptation in the whole Eye , shall discover , by the help of the Laws of Opticks , how admirably this little Organ is fitted , to Receive the incident Beams of Light , and Dispose them in the best manner possible , for compleating the lively Representation of the almost infinitely various Objects of Sight . 'T is easie for Men to say in general Terms , that the World is wisely fram'd ; but I doubt it often happens , that Men confess , that the Creatures are wisely made , rather because upon other grounds they believe God to be a wise Agent , than because so slight an account as the School Philosophy gives of particular Creatures , convinces them of any Divine Wisdom in the Creator . And tho' I am willing to grant , that some Impressions of God's Wisdom are so conspicuous , that ( as I lately intimated ) even a Superficial Philosopher may thence infer , that the Author of such Works must be a wise Agent ; yet , how wise an Agent he has in those Works express'd himself to be , none but an Experimental Philosopher can well discern . And 't is not by a slight Survey , but by a diligent and skilful Scrutiny , of the Works of God , that a Man must be , by a Rational and Affective Conviction , engag'd to acknowledge with the Prophet , that the Author of Nature is Wonderful in Counsel , and Excellent in Working , Isa . xxviii . 29. II. After the Existence of the Deity , the next grand Principle of Natural Religion , is , the Immortality of the Rational Soul ; whose genuine consequence is , the Belief and Expectation of a Future and Everlasting State. For this important Truth , divers Arguments may be alledg'd , that may persuade a sober and well-disposed Man to embrace it : But to convince a learned Adversary , the strongest Argument , that the Light of Nature supplies us with , seems to be that which is afforded by the Real Philosophy . For this teacheth us to form true and distinct Notions of the Body , and the Mind ; and thereby manifests so great a difference in their Essential Attributes , that the same thing cannot be both . This it makes out more distinctly , by enumerating several Faculties and Functions of the Rational Soul ; such as , To Understand , and that so , as to form Conceptions of Abstracted things , of Universals , of Immaterial Spirits , and even of that infinitely Perfect One , God himself : And also , to Conceive , and Demonstrate , that there are Incommensurable Lines , and Surd Numbers ; to make Ratiocinations , and both cogent and concatenated Inferences , about these things ; to express their intellectual Notions , pro re natâ , by words or Instituted Signs , to other Men ; to exercise Free-will about many things ; and to make Reflections on its own Acts , both of Intellect and Will. For these and the like Prerogatives , that are peculiar to the Human Mind , and superior to any thing that belongs to the Outward Senses , or to the Imagination it self , manifest , that the Rational Soul is a Being of an higher Order , than Corporeal ; and consequently , that the Seat of these Spiritual Faculties , and the Source of these Operations , is a Substance , that being in its own nature distinct from the Body , is not naturally subject to Dye or Perish with it . And in reference to this Truth , our Virtuoso hath an advantage of a mere School-Philosopher . For being acquainted with the true and real Causes of Putrefaction , and other Physical kinds of Corruption ; and thereby discerning , that the things that destroy Bodies , are the Avolation , or other Recess , of some necessary Parts , and such a depraving Transposition of the component Portions of Matter , as is altogether incongruous to the Structure and Mechanical Modification , that is essential to a Body of that Species , or kind , it belongs to : Our Naturalist , I say , knowing this , plainly perceives , that these causes of destruction can have no place in the Rational Soul ; which being an Immaterial Spirit , and consequently a Substance not really divisible , can have no Parts expell'd or transpos'd , and so being exempted from the Physical Causes of Corruption that destroy Bodies , she ought to last always . And being a Rational Creature , endow'd with internal Principles of Acting , as appears in Free-will , she ought to live for ever , unless it please God to annihilate her ; which we have no reason to suppose he will do . But on the other side , the Modern Peripateticks ( for I question whether Aristotle himself were of the same opinion ) maintain Substantial Forms , by some of them , styl'd Semi-substantiae , to which in Apes , Elephants , and others , that pass for ingenious Animals , they ascribe some such Faculties and Functions , as seem to differ but gradually from those of the Rational Soul ; and ( how innocent soever I grant their Intentions to be ) their Doctrine tends much to Enervate , if not quite to Disable , the chief Physical way of Probation , whence the Immortality of Man's Mind is justly inferr'd . For since according to the Peripateticks , substantial Forms , are , as they speak , educ'd out of the Power or Potentiality of the Matter ; and do so depend upon it , not only as to Action , but as to Being , that they cannot at all subsist without it : But when the particular Body ( as an Herb , a Stone , or a Bird , ) is destroy'd , they perish with it ; or , ( as some of them scarce intelligibly express the same thing ) fall back into the basom of the matter : I think they give great advantage to Atheists , and Cavillers , to impugn the Minds Immortality . For if to an Ape , or other Brute Animal , there belongs a Being more noble than Matter , that can actuate and inform it , and make it self the Architect of its own Mansion , tho' so admirable as that of an Ape , or an Elephant ; if this Being can in the Body it hath fram'd , perform all the Functions of a vegetable Soul ; and besides those , See , Hear , Tast , Smell , Imagin , Infer , Remember , Love , Hate , Fear , Hope , Expect , &c. and yet be a mortal thing , and perish with the Body : 'T will not be difficult for those Enemies of Religion , who are willing to think the Soul Mortal , because their brutish Lives make them wish she were , to fancy , that human Minds are but a somewhat more Noble , but not for that less Mortal , kind of Substantial Forms ; as amongst Sensitive Souls themselves , which they acknowledge to be equally Mortal , there is a great disparity in Degrees , that of a Monky , for instance , being very far superior to that of an Oyster . III. The third main Principle of Unreveal'd Religion , and consequently of Reveal'd , ( which presupposes Natural Religion , as it 's foundation ) is a Belief of the Divine Providence . And in this grand Article , as well as in the two foregoing , a Man may be much Confirm'd by Experimental Philosophy ; both as it affords him positive Inducements to acknowledge the Article , and as it shews the great Improbability of the two main Grounds , on one or other of which , ( for they are not well consistent ) is founded the denyal of God's Providence . A Virtuoso , that by manifold and curious Experiments searches deep into the Nature of things , has great and peculiar Advantages , to discover and observe the excellent Fabrick of the World , as 't is an immense Aggregate of the several Creatures that compose it ; and to take notice in its particular Parts , especially those that are Animated , of such exquisite Contrivances , and such admirable Coordinations , and Subordinations , in reference to each other , as lie hid from those Beholders that are not both Attentive and Skilful . When our Virtuoso contemplates the Vastness , scarce conceivable Swiftness , and yet constant Regularity , of the various Motions , of the Sun , Moon , and other Celestial Lights : When he considers how the Magnetism of the Earth makes its Poles constantly look the same way , notwithstanding the Motions of its fluid Vortex ; how by daily turning about its own Center in four and twenty hours , it receives as much Light , and benefit from the Sun , and all the glorious Constellations of the Firmament , as if they , with all the vast heavenly Region they belong to , mov'd about it in the same time ; how by its Situation among them , it enjoys the regular Vicissitudes of Day and Night , Summer and Winter , &c. how the several Parts of the Sublunary World are mutually subservient to one another , and most of them ( one way or other ) Serviceable to Man ; how excellently the Bodies of Animals are Contriv'd ; what various and congruous provision is made for differing Animals , that they may subsist as long as they should , according to the Institution of Nature , by furnishing them , according to their respective Natures , some with Strength to take their Food by force , others with Industry to procure it by Subtilty ; some with Arms , as Horns , Hoofs , Scales , Tusks , Poysons , Stings , &c. to Defend themselves , and Offend their Enemies ; some with Wings or swiftness to fly from Dangers ; some with Foresight to prevent them ; some with Craft , and perhaps strange Fetches of it , to Elude them ; how being distinguish'd into two Sexes , each of these is furnish'd with apposite Organs , for the propagation of the Species , and with skill and kindness to nourish and train up their young ones , till they can shift for themselves ; how admirable , and indeed astonishing , a process is gone through in the formation of the Foetus ▪ , especially of a Human one ; how divers Animals are endowed with strange Instincts , whose Effects sometimes seem much to surpass those of Reason it self ; tho' they are superadded to the Mechanical Structure of the Animal , and argue a respect to things very remote from it , either in time , place , or both , and perhaps also to the Grand Fabrick or System of the World , and the general Oeconomy of Nature . When , as I was saying , a Philosopher duly reflects on these things , and many others of the like import , he will think it highly rational to infer from them these three Conclusions . First , That a Machine so Immense , so Beautiful , so well contriv'd , and , in a word , so Admirable , as the World , cannot have been the effect of mere Chance , or the Tumultuous Justlings and Fortuitous Concourse of Atoms , but must have been produc'd by a Cause , exceedingly Powerful , Wise , and Beneficent . Secondly , That this most Potent Author , and ( if I may so speak ) Opificer of the World , hath not Abandon'd a Masterpiece so worthy of him , but does still Maintain and Preserve it ; so regulating the stupendiously swift Motions of the great Globes , and other vast Masses of the Mundane Matter , that they do not , by any notable Irregularity , disorder the grand System of the Universe , and reduce it to a kind of Chaos , or confus'd State of shuffl'd and deprav'd things . Thirdly , That as it is not above the Ability of the Divine Author of things , though a single Being , to Preserve and Govern all his Visible Works , how great and numerous soever ; so he thinks it not Below his Dignity and Majesty , to extend his Care and Beneficence to particular Bodies , and even to the meanest Creatures ; providing not only for the Nourishment , but for the Propagation , of Spiders and Ants themselves . And indeed , since the Truth of this Assertion , That God governs the World he has made , would appear ( if it did not by other Proofs ) by the Constancy , and Regularity , and astonishingly rapid Motions of the vast Coelestial Bodies , and by the long Trains of as Admirable , as Necessary , Artifices , that are employ'd to the Propagation of various sorts of Animals , ( whether Viviparous , or Oviparous ; ) I see not why it should be deny'd , that God's Providence may reach to his particular Works here below , especially to the noblest of them , Man ; since most of those Learned Men that deny this , as derogatory to God's Majesty and Happiness , acknowledge , that at the first Creation , or ( if they dislike that term ) Formation of things ; the great Author of them must not only have extended his Care , to the grand System of the Universe in general , but allow'd it to descend so low , as to contrive all the Minute , and various Parts , ( and even the most homely ones ) not only of Greater and ( reputedly ) more perfect Animals , as Elephants , Whales , and Men ; but such Small and Abject Ones , as Flies , Ants , Fleas , &c. Which being manifestly propagated by Eggs laid by the Female , cannot reasonably be thought the off-spring of Putrefaction . Whence I gather , as from matter of fact , that to be concern'd for the welfare , even of particular Animals ; as it is agreeable to God's All-pervading Wisdom , and exuberant Beneficence ; so ( whatever Men's Vanity may make them surmise ) it is not truly derogatory to his adorable Greatness and Majesty . And on this occasion , I shall add , that since Man is the noblest of God's visible Works ; since very many of them seem made for his Use ; since , even as an Animal , he is ( as the Psalmist truly speaks ) wonderfully made , and curiously , or artificially wrought ; and since God has both given him a Rational Mind , and endow'd it with an Intellect , whereby he can Contemplate the Works of Nature , and by them acquire a Conviction of the Existence , and divers Attributes , of their supremely perfect Author ; since God hath planted Notions and Principles in the Mind of Man , fit to make him sensible , that he ought to Adore God , as the most Perfect of Beings , the Supreme Lord and Governor of the World , the Author of his own Nature , and all his Enjoyments : Since all this , I say , is so , Natural Reason dictates to him , that he ought to express the Sentiments he has for this Divine Being , by Veneration of his Excellencies ; by Gratitude for his Benefits ; by Humiliation , in view of his Greatness , and Majesty ; by an Awe of his Justice ; by Reliance on his Power , and Goodness , when he duly endeavours to serve and please him ; and , in short , by those several Acts of Natural Religion , that Reason shews to be Suitable , and therefore Due to those several Divine Attributes of his , which it has led us to the knowledge of . And here I shall take leave to add , that , from the Cartesian Principles , ( which you know are embrac'd , by a great part of the Modern Virtuosi ) I think , I may draw a double Argument for Divine Providence . For first , according to the Cartesians , all Local Motion ( which is , under God , the grand Principle of all Actions among things Corporeal ) is Adventitious to Matter ; and was at first produc'd in it , and is still every moment Continu'd and Preserv'd immediately by God : Whence may be inferr'd , that he Concurs to the Actions of each particular Agent , ( as they are Physical ; ) and consequently , that his Providence reaches to all and every one of them . And secondly , the same Cartesians believe the Rational Soul to be an Immaterial Substance , really distinct and separable from the Body . Whence I infer , that the Divine Providence extends to every particular Man ; since when ever an Embryo , or little Human Body form'd in the Womb , is , by being duly Organiz'd , fitted to receive a Rational Mind , God is pleas'd to Create one , and Unite it with that Body . In which Transaction , there seems to me a necessity of a direct and particular intervention of the Divine Power ; since I understand not , by what Physical Charm or Spell an Immaterial ▪ Substance can be allur'd into this or that Particular Embryo , of many that are at the same time fitted to receive a Human Soul ; nor by what merely Mechanical Ty , or Band , an Immaterial Substance can be so durably ( perhaps for 80 or 100 Years ) joyn'd and united with a Corporeal , in which it finds no Parts , that it has Organs to take hold of , and to which it can furnish no Parts to be fasten'd upon by them . Nor do I better conceive , how a mere Body can produce Pain , Pleasure , &c. by its own mere Action , or rather Endeavour to act , on an Immaterial Spirit . Nor will the force of all that has been said for God's Special Providence , be eluded , by saying , with some Deists , that after the first formation of the Universe , all things are brought to pass by the Setled Laws of Nature . For tho' this be confidently , and not without colour , pretended ; yet , I confess , it does not satisfie me . For , beside the insuperable difficulty there is , to give an Account of the first formation of things , which many ( especially Aristotelian ) Deists will not ascribe to God ; and besides that the Laws of Motion ▪ without which the present State and Course of things could not be maintain'd , did not necessarily spring from the Nature of Matter , but depended upon the Will of the Divine Author of things : Besides this , I say , I look upon a Law , as a Moral , not a Physical , Cause , as being indeed but a Notional thing , according to which ▪ an intelligent and free Agent is bound to regulate its Actions . But inanimate Bodies are utterly incapable of Understanding what a Law is , or what it injoyns , or when they act conformably or unconformably to it ; and therefore the Actions of Inanimate Bodies , which cannot incite or moderate their own Actions , are produc'd by real Power , not by Laws ; tho' the Agents , if Intelligent , may Regulate the Exertions of their Power by settled Rules . IV. I have taken notice of two other Accounts , upon which the Experimental Knowledge of God's Works , may , in a well-dispos'd Mind , conduce to establish the Belief of his Providence ; and therefore , tho' I shall not dwell long upon them , I must not altogether pretermit them . First then , when our Virtuoso sees how many , and how various , and oftentimes how strange , and how admirable Structures , Instincts , and other Artifices , the wise Opificer hath furnish'd , even Brutes and Plants withal , to purchase and assimilate their Food , to defend or otherwise secure themselves from hostile things , and ( to be short ) to maintain their Lives , and propagate their Species ; it will very much conduce to persuade him , that so Wise an Agent , who has at Command so many differing and excellent Methods and Tools , to accomplish what he designs ; and does oftentimes actually employ them , for the preservation and welfare of Beasts , and even of Plants , can never want Means to compass his most wise and just Ends , in relation to Mankind ; being able , by ways that we should never dream of , to execute his Menaces , and fulfil his Promises . But of these rare Structures , Instincts , and other Methods , and , if I may so style some of them with Reverence , Stratagems and Fetches of Divine Skill , that God is pleas'd to employ in the conduct of the visible World , especially Animals , I have already elsewhere purposely discours'd , and therefore shall now proceed , and observe , in the second place , That , when we duly consider the very differing ends , to which many of God's particular Works , especially those that are Animated , seem design'd , in reference both to their own Welfare , and the Utility of Man ; and with how much Wisdom , and , I had almost said , Care , the glorious Creator has been pleas'd to supply them with means admirably fit for the attainment of these respective ends ; we cannot but think it highly probable , That so Wise , and so Benign a Being , has not left his noblest visible Creature , Man , unfurnish'd with means to procure his own Welfare , and obtain his true End , if he be not culpably wanting to himself . And since Man is endowed with Reason , which may convince him , ( of what neither a Plant , nor Brute Animal is capable of knowing , namely ) that God is both his Maker , and his continual Benefactor ; since his Reason likewise teacheth him , That upon both those accounts , besides others , God may justly expect and require Worship and Obedience from him ; since also the same Rational Faculty may persuade him , That it may well become the Majesty and Wisdom of God , as the Sovereign Rector of the World , t●… give a Law to Man , who is a Rational Creature , capable of Understanding and Obeying it , and thereby Glorifying the Author of it ; since , ( farthermore ) finding in his own Mind ( if it be not deprav'd by Vice , or Lusts ) a Principle that dict●●●●… to him , That he owes a Veneration , and other suitable Sentiments , to the Divinely Excellent Author of his Being , and his continual and munificent Benefactor ; since , on these scores , his Conscience will convince him of his Obligation to all the Essential Duties of natural Religion ; and since , lastly , his Reason may convince him , That his Soul is Immortal , and is therefore Capable , as well as Desirous , to be everlastingly Happy , after it has left the Body ; he must in reason be strongly inclin'd to wish for a Supernatural Discovery of what God would have him Believe and Do. And therefore if , being thus prepared , he shall be very credibly informed , That God hath actually been pleas'd to Discover , by Supernatural Revelation , ( what , by Reason , without it , he can either not at all , or but rovingly , guess at ) what kind of Worship and Obedience will be most acceptable to him ; and to encourage ▪ Man to both these , by explicite Promises of that Felicity , that Man , without them , can but faintly hope for , he would be ready then thankfully to acknowledge , That this way of proceeding beseems the transcendent Goodness of God , without derogating from his Majesty and Wisdom . And by these and the like Reflections , whereof some were formerly intimated , a Philosopher , that takes notice of the wonderful Providence , that God descends to exercise for the welfare of Inferiour and Irrational Creatures , will have an advantage above Men not vers'd in the works and course of Nature , to believe , upon the Historical and other Proofs that Christianity offers , That God has actually vouchsafed to Man , his noblest , and only rational visible Creature , an explicite and positive Law , enforc'd by Threatning severe Penalties to the Stubborn Transgressors ; and Promising , to the sincere Obeyers , Rewards suitable to his own Greatness and Goodness . And thus the Consideration of God's Providence , in the conduct of things corporeal , may prove , to a well dispos'd Contemplator , a Bridge , whereon he may pass from Natural to Reveal'd Religion . I have been the more particular and express , in what I have said about Divine Providence , because I did not find other Writers had made it needless for me to do so : And I dwelt the longer upon the Existence of the Deity , and the Immortality of the Soul , that I might let you see , That I did not speak Groundlesly or Rashly , but that I had consider'd what I said , when I asserted , That the Experimental Philosophy might afford a well dispos'd Mind considerable Helps to Natural Religion . I find my self therefore now at Liberty to proceed to farther Considerations , and represent to you , That V. Another thing , that disposes an Experimentarian Philosopher to embrace Religion , is , That his Genius and Course of Studies accustoms him to value and delight in abstracted Truths ; by which Term , I here mean such Truths , as do not at all , or do but very little , gratifie Mens Ambition , Sensuality , or other Inferiour Passions and Appetites . For , whereas the Generality of those that are averse from Religion are enclin'd to be so , upon This account , ( among Others ) That they have a Contempt or Undervaluation of all Truths , that do not gratifie their Passions or Interests ; He that is addicted to Knowledge Experimental , is accustom'd both to Persue , Esteem , and Relish many Truths , that do not delight his Senses , or gratifie his Passions , or his Interests , but only entertain his Understanding with that Manly and Spiritual Satisfaction , that is naturally afforded it by the attainment of Clear and Noble Truths , which are its genuine Objects and Delights . And tho' I grant , that the Discoveries made by the help of Physical or Mechanical Experiments , are not , for the most part , of Kin to Religion ; yet , besides that some of them do manifestly conduce to Establish or Illustrate Natural Theology , which is that , ( as , tho' noted already , deserves to be Inculcated ) which Reveal'd Religion , and consequently that of Christians , must be Founded on , or must Suppose : Besides this , I say , we may argue à fortiori , That he , that is accustomed to prize Truths of an Inferior kind , because they are Truths , will be much more dispos'd to value Divine Truths , which are of a much higher and nobler Order , and of an Inestimable and Eternal Advantage . VI. There is another thing , that is too pertinent to the main Scope of this Discourse to be here pretermitted : and it is , That both the Temper of Mind , that makes a Man most proper to be a Virtuoso , and the Way of Philosophising , he chiefly employ's , conduce much to give him a sufficient , and yet well grounded and duly limited , Docility ; which is a great Disposition to the Entertainment of Reveal'd Religion . In the Vulgar and Superficial Philosophy , wherein a Man is allowed to think , that he has done his part well enough , when he has ascrib'd things to a Substantial Form , or to Nature , or to some Real Quality , whether Manifest or Occult , without proving that there are such Causes , or intelligibly declaring , How they produce the Phaenomena , or Effects referr'd to them ; in this Philosophy , I say , 't is easie for a Man to have a great Opinion of his own Knowledge , and be puft up by it . But a Virtuoso , that cannot satisfie Himself , nor dares pretend to satisfie Others , till he can , by Hypotheses that may be understood and prov'd , declare intelligibly the manner of the Operation of the Causes he assigns , will often find it so Difficult a Task to do so , that he will easily discern , that he needs further Information , and therefore ought to seek for it where 't is the most likely to be had ; and not only to Admit , but Welcome it , if he finds it . Besides , the Litigious Philosophy of the Schools seldom furnishes its Disciples with better than Dialectical or Probable Arguments , which are not proper , either fully to satisfie the Person that employs them , or leave his Adversary without any Answer , Plausible at least , if not full as Probable as the Objection ; upon which account , men that have more Wit than sincere Love of Truth , will be able to dispute speciously enough , as long as they have a mind to do so . And as such slippery Arguments are not able to Convince even Him that employs them , if he be a Man of Judgment ; so , if he deals with a witty Adversary , they will leave him able to Elude any Arguments of the like nature , with which he shall be press'd . And in effect we see , That in the Aristotelian Philosophy there are divers Questions , such as , whether the Elements retain their distinct Nature in a mixt Body ? whether the Caelestial Orbs are mov'd by Intelligences ? to omit many others , which are as it were stated Questions ; and as they have been disputed from age to age , are like to continue Questions for many more , if that Philosophy shall last so long . But a Virtuoso , that is wont in his Reasonings to attend to the Principles of Mathematicks , and sound Philosophy , and to the clear Testimonies of Sense , or well verifi'd Experiments , acquires a Habit of discerning the Cogency of an Argument , or way of Probation ; and easily discerns , That Dialectical Subtilties , and School Tricks , cannot shift off its force , but finds more Satisfaction in Embracing a Demonstrated Truth , than in the vain Glory of Disputing subtilly against it . VII . Another thing that may dispose a studious Searcher of Truth , ( not by Speculations only , but ) by Experiments , for Theology , is , that his Inquisitiveness , and Course of Studies , makes him both Willing and Fit to search out and discover Deep and Vnobvious Truths . I have with trouble observ'd , That the greater part of the Libertines we have among us , being Men of Pilate's humor , ( who , when he had scornfully ask'd what is truth ? would not stay for an Answer ) do , with great Fastidiousness , decline the Study of all Truths that require a Serious and Setled application of Mind . These Men are , for the most part , a sort of Superficial and Desultory Wits , that go no further than the Out side of things , without penetrating into the Recesses of them ; and being easily tir'd with contemplating one , pass quickly to another ; the Consideration whereof they , with the same Lightness , forsake . And upon this account , among others , it is , that this sort of Men , tho' often much applauded by others , because the Most are but Superficial , as well as They , do almost as seldom make good Philosophers , as good Christians . For tho' all the good Arguments , that may be brought to evince the Truth of Natural ( and Reveal'd ) Religion , be not Abstruse ; yet some of the chief ones , especially those that prove the Existence and Special Providence of God , and the Souls Immortality , are , if not of a Metaphysical , yet at least of a Philosophical , nature ; and will scarce be clearly understood , and duely relish'd , but by a Person capable of , and somwhat accustom'd to , Attentive and Lasting Speculations , ( as in another Paper has been more fully declar'd . ) But now , a Man addicted to prosecute Discoveries of Truths , not only by Serious Meditation , but by intricate and laborious Experiments , will not easily be deterr'd from effectually prosecuting his End , by the Troublesomness or Difficulties that attend the clearing of those Notions , and Matters of Fact , whereon Solid Arguments for Natural , or Reveal'd , Religion , are founded ; how remote soever those Truths may be from vulgar Apprehensions . In short , whereas a Superficial Wit , such as is frequently found in Libertins , and often helps to make them such , may be compar'd to an ordinary Swimmer , who can reach but such things as float upon the Water ; an Experimental Philosopher may be compar'd to a skilful Diver , that cannot only fetch those things that lye upon the Surface of the Sea , but make his way to the very Bottom of it ; and thence fetch up Pearls , Corals , and other precious things , that in those Depths lye conceal'd from other men's Sight and Reach . We have already seen , that Experimental Philosophy is , in its own nature , friendly to Religion in general . Wherefore I shall now add , That the Reverence I pay Experience , especially as it gives both Grounds and Hints to rational Notions and Conclusions , does not a little conduce to the Assent I give to the Truth of the Christian Religion in particular . This excellent Religion is recommended to well disposed Minds , by a greater Number of Prerogatives , and other Arguments , than it were proper for me to insist on in this Discourse : And yet my Design engages me to consider a few of them somwhat particularly . 1. And first , I shall observe , That , whereas the three grand Arguments , that conjointly evince the Truth of the Christian Religion in general , are ( at least in my opinion ) the Excellency of the Doctrine , which makes it worthy to have proceeded from God ; the Testimony of the Divine Miracles , that were wrought to recommend it ; the great Effects , produc'd in the World by it . Two of these three Arguments ( for the first is of a more Speculative nature ) are bottom'd upon matters of fact , and consequently are likely to be the most prevalent upon those that have a great Veneration for Experience , and are duly dispos'd to frame such pious Reflections , as it warrants and leads them ▪ to make . This last Clause I add , because , though I have formerly more than Intimated somthing of the like Import , yet 't is so necessary to my Design that you should take special notice of it , that I must not here omit to advertise you , That , when , in this Discourse , I speak of an Experimental Philosopher , or Virtuoso ; I do not mean , either , on this hand , a Libertine , tho' Ingenious ; or a Sensualist , though Curious ; or , on that hand , a mere Empirick , or some vulgar Chymist , that looks upon nothing as Experimental , wherein Chymistry , Mechanicks , &c. are not employ'd ; and who too often makes Experiments , without making Reflection on them , as having it more in his aim to Produce Effects , than to Discover Truths . But the Person I here mean , is such a one , as by attentively looking about him , gathers Experience , not from his own Tryals alone , but from divers other matters of fact , which he heedfully observes , though he had no share in the effecting them ; and on which he is dispos'd to make such Reflections , as may ( unforcedly ) be apply'd to confirm and encrease in him the Sentiments of Natural Religion , and facilitate his Submission and Adherence to the Christian Religion . An Experimental Philosopher , thus dispos'd , will , with the Divine Assistance , ( which he will be careful to Implore ) find pregnant Motives to the Belief of Christianity , in the two last of the three Arguments of its Truth , that I lately propos'd . That which is drawn from the Effects of this Religion in the World , as it is last nam'd , so I shall defer the Consideration of it , till I have treated of the other ; namely the Testimony of Divine Miracles , whose Difficulty makes it requisite for us to consider it the more Attentively , and distinctly declare the Grounds , upon which Experience may be esteemed a good Topick on the present occasion . For the clearing of this matter , I shall represent to you , That the word Experience may admit of divers Senses , whereof one is far more comprehensive than another ; and likewise of several Divisions and Distributions . For , besides its more restrained acceptation , it is somtimes set in contra-distinction to Reason , so as to comprehend , not only those Phaenomena that Nature or Art exhibits to our Outward Senses , but those things that we perceive to pass Within our selves ; and all those ways of Information , whereby we attain any Knowledge that we do not owe to abstracted Reason . So that , without stretching the Word to the utmost Extent of which 't is capable , and to which it has been enlarg'd ; it may be look'd upon as so comprehensive a Term , that I think it may be of some importance to my present design , and perhaps to Theology it self , to propose to you a Distribution of Experience , that will not , I hope , be found useless to clear the Extent of that Term. I shall then take the freedom to enlarge the Signification of the Word beyond its commonest Limits , and divide it , for distinctions sake , into Immediate and Vicarious Experience ; or rather somwhat less Compendiously , but perhaps more Commodiously , into Personal , Historical , and Supernatural , ( which may be also styl'd Theological : ) referring the First of the three Members of this distribution to Immediate Experience , and the two others , to Vicarious . I call that Personal Experience , which a Man acquires immediately by himself , and accrews to him by his own Sensations , or the exercise of his Faculties , without the Intervention of any external Testimony . 'T is by this Experience that we know , that the Sun is bright ; Fire , hot ; Snow , cold , and white ; that upon the want of Aliments we feel Hunger ; that we hope for future Goods ; that we love what we judge good , and hate what we think evil ; and discern that there is a great Difference between a Triangle and a Circle , and can distinguish them by it . By Historical Experience , I mean that , which tho' it were personal in some Other man , is but by his Relation or Testimony , whether immediately or mediately , conveyed to us . 'T is by this that we know , that there were such Men as Julius Caesar , and William the Conqueror , and that Joseph knew that Pharaoh had a Dream , which the Aegyptian wise Men could not expound . By Theological Experience , I mean that , by which we know what , supposing there is some Divine Revelation , God is pleas'd to relate or declare concerning Himself , his Attributes , his Actions , his Will , or his Purposes ; whether immediately , ( or without the Intervention of Man ) as he somtimes did to Job and Moses , and Constantly to Christ our Saviour : Or by the Intervention of Angels , Prophets , Apostles , or Inspir'd Persons ; as he did to the Israelites , and the Primitive Christian Church ; and does still to us , by those written Testimonies we call the Scriptures . By Personal Experience , we know that there are Stars in Heaven ; by Historical Experience , we know that there was a new Star seen by Tycho and other Astronomers , in Cassiopaea , in the Year 1572. and by Theological Experience we know , that the Stars were made on the Fourth Day of the Creation . By this you may see , That I do not in this Discourse take Experience in the strictest sense of all , but in a greater latitude , for the knowledge we have of any matter of Fact , which , without owing it to Ratiocination , either we acquire by the Immediate Testimony of our Own Senses and other Faculties , or accrews to us by the Communicated Testimony of Others . And I make the less scruple to take this Liberty , because I observe , that , even in common Acceptation , the word Experience is not always meant of that which is Immediate , but is often taken in a latitude . As when we say , that Experience teaches us , who perhaps were never out of England , that the Torrid Zone is Habitable , and Inhabited ; and persuades learned men , that never had opportunity to make nice Coelestial Observations , that Stars may be Generated and Perish , or at least begin to Appear , and then Disappear , in the Coelestial Region of the World. And on this kind of Historical Experience , consisting of the Personal Observations of Hippocrates , Galen , and other Physicians , transmitted to us , a great part of the Practice of Physick is founded . And the most Rational Physicians reckon upon , as matters of fact , not only what other Physicians have left upon Record , but divers Present things , which themselves can know but by the Relation of their Patients ; as , that a Man has a particular Antipathy to such a thing , which the Doctor perhaps judges fit for him to use ; or that a Woman with Child longs for this or that determinate thing . And Physicians reduce these and the like matters of fact to Experience , as to one of the two Columns of Physick , distinguished from Reason . Since then Learned Men , as well as common Use , confine not the application of the word Experience to that which is Personal , but employ it in a far greater latitude ; I see not , why that , which I call Theological Experience , may not be admitted ; since the Revelations that God makes concerning what he has Done , or purposes to Do , are but Testimonies of things , most of them matters of Fact , and all of them such , as , so far forth as they are merely Revelations , cannot be known by Reasoning , but by Testimony : Whose being Divine , and relating to Theological Subjects , does not alter its Nature , tho it give it a peculiar and supereminent Authority . Having premis'd and clear'd the propos'd Distribution of Experience , it will now be seasonable to consider , how it may be apply'd to the Matters of Fact , that recommend the Credibility of the Christian Religion ; and on this occasion , I shall distinctly offer you my Thoughts , in the two following Propositions . Prop. I. We ought to believe divers things upon the information of Experience , ( whether Immediate , or Vicarious ) which , without that information , we should judge unfit to be believ'd ; or antecedently to it , did actually judge contrary to Reason . This Proposition may be understood , either of Persons , or of Things , and will hold true , as to both . And first , as to Persons ; if your own Observation of what occurs among Mankind do not satisfy you , that we are oblig'd , after sufficient Tryal , frequently to alter the Opinions , which upon probable Reasons we had before entertain'd , of the Fidelity , or Prudence , or Justice , or Chastity , &c. of this or that Person ; I shall refer you to the Records of History , or appeal to the Tribunals of Judges . For both in the one , and at the other , you will find but too many Instances and Proofs from matters of Fact , that Persons look'd on , even by Intelligent Men , as Honest , Virtuous , and perhaps Holy too , have prov'd guilty of Falseness to their Friends , Perfidiousness to their Princes , Disloyalty to their Husbands or Wives , Injustice to their Neighbours , Sacrilege , Perjury , or other Impieties to their God : And in the Courts of Justice , you will find a great part of the Time employ'd to Detect and Punish , not only Civil Transgressions , as Thefts , Cheats , Forgery , False-witness , Adultery , and the like hainous Crimes , perpetrated by those , that , before they were throughly sifted , pass'd for Honest ; but you will find Sins against Nature , such as Sodomy , and other unnatural Lusts , the Murders of Parents by their Children , and Innocent Children by their Parents , nay , Self-murder too ; tho' this be a Crime , which cannot be acted without a violation of what seems the most Universal and Radicated Law of Nature , ( and is acknowledg'd so by wicked Men ) Self-preservation . But it will not be necessary more solicitously to prove , that we ought , upon the Testimony of Experience , to change the Opinions we thought we had rationally taken up of Persons ; and therefore I shall now proceed to make good the Proposition , in the Sense I chiefly intended , which is , as it relates to Things . If Experience did not both Inform and Certify us , Who would believe , that a light black Powder should be able , being duly manag'd , to throw down Stone-Walls , and blow up whole Castles and Rocks themselves , and do those other Stupendous things , that we see actually perform'd by Gun ▪ powder , made use of in Ordnance , and in Mines ? Who would think , that two or three grains of Opium , should so stupify a large Human Body , as to force a Sleep , and oftentimes even without That , suspend the sharpest Torments , in the Cholick , Gout , and other the most painful Diseases , and that in Patients of quite different Ages , Sexes , and Constitutions ; in whom also the Diseases are produc'd by Differing , or even by Contrary , Causes ? Who would believe , that the Poyson adhering to the Tooth of a Mad Dog , tho' perhaps so little as to be scarce discernable by Sense , should be able , after the slight Hurt is quite heal'd , to continue in the warm , and still perspirable , Body of the bitten person , not only for some Days or Months , but sometimes for very many Years ? And after , having lurk'd all that while , without giving any trouble to the Patient , should on a sudden pervert the whole Oeconomy of his Body , and put him into a Madness like that of the Dog that bit him , discovering it self by that ▪ as Admirable as Fatal , Symptom of Hydrophobia ? But , besides a multitude of Instances that may be given of Truths , that , were it not for Experience , we should refuse to believe ; because the small Strength of such Agents , seems altogether disproportionate to the Effects ascrib'd to them : Many other Instances might be alleg'd , wherein we assent to Experience , even when its Informations seem contrary to Reason , and that which , perhaps , we did actually and without scruple take to be True. Since Gravity is the Principle , that determins Falling Bodies to move towards the Center of the Earth ; it seems very rational to believe , with the Generality of Philosophers , that therein follow Aristotle ; That , in proportion as one Body is more heavy than another , so it shall fall to the ground faster than the other . Whence it has been , especially by some of the Peripatetick School , inferr'd , that of two Homogeneous Bodies , whereof one does , for Example , weigh ten pounds , and the other but one pound ; The former being let fall from the same height , and at the same time , with the latter , will reach the ground ten times sooner . But notwithstanding this plausible Ratiocination , Experience shews us , ( and I have purposely try'd it ) that ( at least in moderate heights , such as those of our Towers , and other Elevated Buildings ) Bodies of very unequal weight , let fall together , will reach the Ground at the same time ; or so near it , that 't is not easy to perceive any difference in the Velocity of their Descent . 'T is generally taken for granted by Naturalists , as well as others , that Strong and Loud Noises , as they are heard much farther off than Fainter Sounds , so , if the Sonorous Bodies be equally distant from the Ear , the very Strong Sound will arrive much sooner at it , than the other ; and yet by the Experiments of the Moderns about the Velocity of Sounds , ( in making divers of which , I have endeavour'd to be accurate ) it appears , that Weaker Sounds are ( at least as to Sense ) transmitted through the Air as swiftly as Stronger ones . And indeed , 't is often observ'd , that when Cannons and Muskets are discharg'd together , the Noises of both arrive also together at the Ear ; which would not be , if the Sound of a Cannon were any thing near as much Swifter , as 't is Louder , than that of a Musket . It seems irrational to conceive , that a Smaller and Weaker Loadstone , may draw away a piece of Steel from a Larger and Stronger ; and yet Experience ( which both others and I have made ) evinces , that in some cases , this Paradox is a Truth . It has generally , by Philosophers as well as other Men , been look'd upon as manifest , and consonant to Reason , that Cold condenses Water more or less , according as the degree of the Cold is ; and ( consequently ) that Ice is Water reduc'd into a lesser Volume . But 't is plain , by Experiments carefully made , ( some of which I have elsewhere publish'd ) that by Glaciation , Water is rather Expanded ; or at least , that Ice takes up more room , than the Water did before it was Congeal'd . And of this sort of Instances , where we believe , upon the Authority of Experience , things that are contrary to what we should otherwise judge to be a Dictate or Conclusion of Reason ; I could add many , if I thought it as needful in this place , as in some other Papers , where I have given them already . And now it will be seasonable to put you in mind , that in one part of the Proposition , hitherto discours'd of , it appears , That I design'd to extend the force of the Arguments , grounded upon Experience , to that which is not Immediate , but Vicarious ; that is , not personally our own , but communicated by others ; provided it be competently Attested , and duly Convey'd to Us. There will need but a little Reflection on what is judg'd reasonable , and freely practis'd , by Philosophers themselves , to Justify this Proposition . For how many Conclusions have the Modern Naturalists admitted , tho' not only Abstracted Reason never led Men to make them , but plausible Arguments , and the Notions and Axioms of the most generally receiv'd Philosophy , were repugnant to them . Thus , That in Heaven it self there should be Generations and Corruptions , was not only Unobserv'd before the time of Aristotle , ( who thence argues the Incorruptibility of Coelestial Bodies ) but is Contradicted by his Arguments ; and yet both many others , and I , have seen great Spots ( perhaps bigger than England , or than Europe it self ) Generated and Dissipated on or near the Surface of the Sun ; and several of the Modern Philosophers and Astronomers , having never had the good fortune to see any of these , ( which indeed of late years have but rarely appear'd ) must take these Phaenomena upon the Credit of those that have observ'd them . And much more must they do so , who , in spight of the Vulgar Philosophy , which made all Comets Sublunary , believe , there were Coelestial , and perhaps Firmamentary , Comets . For , that they were above the Concave of the Moon 's Orb , we must believe upon the affirmation of those that observ'd them , which very few have done themselves . And the height of the famous Comet , or Disappearing Star , in Cassiopaea , in the Year 1572. whereon so much stress is laid by our Philosophers and Mathematicians , is admitted and urg'd , chiefly upon the belief they have , not only of Tycho's Veracity , but his Skill in observing the Motions and Phaenomena of that Coelestial Light , and particularly its having no Parallax . In short , the great Architect of Experimental History , Sir Francis Bacon , when he divides it but into three parts , assigns the second of them to what he calls Praeter-Generations ; such as Monsters , Prodigies , and other things ; which being ( as to Us ) but Casualties , all those that happen'd in other Times and Places than we have liv'd in , ( and those will be confess'd to be incomparably more than any of us has personally observ'd ) we must take upon the Credit of others . And yet These , ( vicarious Experiments ) by Suggesting new Instances of Nature's Power , and uncommon ways of Working ; and by Overthrowing , or Limiting , received Rules and Traditions , afford us a considerable and instructive part of Natural History , without which , it would not be either so Sound , or so Compleat . Prop. II. After what has been hitherto discours'd , it may be , I hope , both seasonable and warrantable to advance to , and assert , our Second Proposition ; viz. That we ought to have a great and particular regard to those things that are recommended to our Belief , by what we have reduc'd to Real , tho' Supernatural , Experience . For , 1. 'T is manifest , that the most rational Men scruple not to believe , upon competent Testimony , many things , whose Truth did no way appear to them by the consideration of the nature of the Things themselves ; nay , tho' what is thus believ'd upon Testimony be so Strange , and , setting aside that Testimony , would seem so Irrational , that antecedently to that Testimony , the things at last admitted as Truths , were actually rejected as Errors , or judg'd altogether unfit to be Believ'd . And I must here desire you to consider , that the Points wherein Experience over-rules that , which , before it superven'd , was judg'd to be most agreeable to Reason , concern things merely Natural or Civil , whereof Human Reason is held to be a proper Judge : Whereas many of the Points recommended by Supernatural Experience , concern things of a Superior Order ; many of which are not to be Adaequately estimated by the same Rules with things merely Corporeal or Civil ; and some of which , as the Essence and manner of Existence , and some peculiar Attributes , of the Infinite God , involve or require such a knowledge of what is Infinite , as much passes the reach of our limited Intellects . But this is not all . For , 2. You may consider in the next place , that , whereas 't is as Justly as Generally granted , that the better qualify'd a Witness is , in the capacity of a Witness , the Stronger Assent his Testimony deserves ; we ought of all the things that can be recommended to us by Testimony , to receive those with the highest degree of Assent , that are taught us by God , by the intervention of those Persons , that appear to have been Commission'd by Him to declare his Mind to Men. For the two grand Requisites of a Witness , being the knowledge he has of the things he delivers , and his faithfulness in truly delivering what he knows ; all Human Testimony must on these accounts be inferior to Divine Testimony : Since this ( later ) is warranted both by the Veracity of God , ( which is generally acknowledg'd by those that believe his Existence ) and by his boundless Knowledge ; which makes it as impossible he should be Deceiv'd himself , as the other does , that he should Deceive us . And , because that , for the delivery of the Divine Testimony we are speaking of , it has oftentimes pleas'd God , who is a most Free , as well as a most Wise , Agent , to make use of Unpromising Persons as his Instruments ; I shall not on this occasion altogether overlook this Circumstance , That an Experimental Philosopher so often encreases his Knowledge of Natural things , by what He learns from the Observations and Practises , even of Mean , and perhaps of Illiterate , Persons , ( such as Shepherds , Plowmen , Smiths , Fowlers , &c. ) because they are conversant with the Works of Nature ; that He is not only Willing to admit , but often Curious to seek for Informations from them , and therefore is not like to find much repugnancy in receiving the Doctrines of Reveal'd Religion , such as Christianity , if the Teachers of it were honest Men , and had opportunity to know the Truth of the Things they deliver , tho' they were Fishermen , Tentmakers , or some other Mean Profession . And indeed , ( to enlarge a little upon a Subject that , I fear , has scarce been consider'd ) such a person as our Virtuoso , will , with both great Willingness , and no less Advantage , Exercise himself in perusing , with great Attention , and much Regard , the Writings of the Apostles , Evangelists , and Ancient Prophets ; notwithstanding any Meanness of their First Condition , or of their Secular Employments . And in these Sacred Writings , He will not only readily suffer himself to be instructed in these Grand and Catholick Articles of Religion , which , because of their Necessity or very great Usefulness , are to be met with in many places , and in variety of Expressions , by honest and duly dispos'd Readers : But He will , in stead of Disdaining such Tutors , both Expect , and carefully Strive , to Improve his Knowledge of Divine Things in general , even by those Hints , and Incidental Passages , that a careless or ordinary Reader would Overlook , or not expect any thing from . For , as the Faecundity of the Scriptures is not wont to be enough discern'd , when the Sacred Writers transiently touch upon , or glance at , a great many Subjects , that they do not expresly handle , and that therefore are not vulgarly taken notice of ; so the Docility we have ascrib'd to our Virtuoso , will make him repose a great deal of Trust in the Testimony of Inspir'd Persons , such as Christ and his Apostles , about Things of all sorts , either usually taken notice of or not , that relate to Objects of a Supernatural Order ; especially if among these , God himself , and his Purposes , be compriz'd , since divers of those things are not knowable without Revelation , and others are best known by it . And to be allow'd to ground a Belief about such things , on the Relations and other Testimonies of those that were in the Scripture-Phrase , Eye Witnesses and Ministers of the things they speak of , will by our Virtuoso be justly reputed such an advantage , in order to the Knowledge of things Divine , as the consulting with Navigators and Travellers to America , is , to him that is curious to learn the State of that New-world . For an ordinary Sea-man or Traveller , that had the opportunity with Columbus to sail along the several Coasts of it , and pass up and down thorow the Country , was able at his return to Inform Men of an hundred things , that they should never have learn'd by Aristotle's Philosophy , or Ptolomy's Geography ; and might not only Acquaint them with divers particulars , consonant to the Opinions which their formerly receiv'd Physicks and Cosmography did suggest , but also Rectify divers Erroneous Presumptions and Mistakes , which till then they thought very agreeable to the Dictates of those Sciences , and so to Reason . And , as one , that had a candid and knowing Friend intimate with Columbus , might better rely on His Informations about many particulars of the Natural History of those Parts , than on those of an hundred School-Philosophers , that knew but what they learned from Aristotle , Pliny , Aelian , and the like ancient Naturalists ; so , and much more , may we rely on the Accounts given us of Theological Things , by the Apostles , and constant Attendants of him that lay in the Bosom of God his Father , and Commission'd them to declare to the World the Whole Counsel of God , as far as 't was necessary for Man to know . We know , that Fuller Try al 's are allow'd , among Ingenious Men , to rectify the Informations of the more Imperfect Ones ; and therefore I shall add , that , tho' the Innate Notions and Sentiments , that Nature gives us of the Attributes and Mind of God , be highly to be priz'd ; yet the Informations that Theological Experience affords of those Abstruse things , is far more Excellent and Compleat . For methinks , those great Depths of God may be compar'd to the Depths of the Ocean . And we know , that in the Sea , there are some Abysses so deep , that the Seaman's Sounding-Lines have never been able to reach to the bottom of them ; and where they are not Unfathomable , all we are wont to do by our Soundings , is , to fetch from the bottom some little Gravel , or Mud , or Shells , or some such thing , that sticks to the tallow'd end of the Plummet , and gives us but a very imperfect account of the Bottom , even of the Shallower Parts of the Sea : But if a Skilful Diver be employ'd , he will not only tell us , whether the Bottom be Muddy , Gravelly , or Sandy ; but will be able to give us a kind of Topography of that Submarine Land , and acquaint us with many Surprizing Particulars , that we should never otherwise have Discover'd , or perchance so much as Dream'd of . And peradventure it may be no Hyperbole to say , that the Informations of a Plummet , which reaches not to Some Depths , and brings but a very slender account of Soils that lye in Any , are not more short of those of a Diver , than the Informations Philosophy gives us of some Divine things , are of those compleater Ones that may be had from the Holy Scriptures . And when I remember , how many Opinions about the Submarine Parts , that I , among many other Men , thought Probable , I found cause to Change , upon the Conversation I had with a famous Diver , that sometimes , by the help of an Engine , stay'd several hours at the bottom of the Sea ; I find the less Reluctancy , to suffer Opinions about Divine Matters , that before seem'd probable to me , to be Rectifi'd by the fuller Discoveries made of those things by the Preachers of the Gospel . You may find some things applyable to the Confirmation of what has been newly deliver'd , in an Essay , ( which you may see when you please ) that considers the Bounds and Use of Experience in Natural Philosophy . Wherefore remembring , that , before this late Excursion , I was speaking of Miracles , I shall now resume the Subject , and proceed to tell you , that I have the more insisted upon the Miracles that may be pleaded to recommend the Christian Religion , because I thought , that an Argument grounded on Them is little less than Absolutely Necessary , to Evince , that any Religion that Men believe to be Supernaturally Reveal'd , and consequently that the Christian , does really proceed from God. For , tho' the Excellency of the Christian Doctrine , and other concurrent Motives , may justly persuade me , that 't is worthy and likely to be given by God ; yet that de facto this Doctrine comes from Him by way of Supernatural Revelation , I can scarce be sufficiently Ascertained , but by the Miracles wrought by Christ and his Disciples , to Evince , that the Doctrine they Preach'd , as Commission'd by God to do so , was indeed His , being , as such , own'd by Him. But these Miracles having been wrought ( when 't was most fit and needful they should be wrought ) in the first Ages of the Church ; We , that live at so great a distance from them , can have no knowledge of them by our Own Senses , or Immediate Observation ; but must Believe them upon the account of the formerly mention'd Historical or Vicarious Experience , which is afforded us by the duly transmitted Testimony of those , that were themselves ( to speak once more in an Evangelist's phrase ) Eye-Witnesses and Ministers of the things they relate . And since we scruple not to believe such strange Prodigies , as Celestial Comets , Vanishing and Reappearing Stars , Islands founded by Subterraneal Fires in the Sea , Darkenings of the Sun for many months together , Earthquakes reaching above a thousand miles in length , and the like amazing Anomalies of Nature , upon the credit of Human Histories ; I see not , why that Vicarious Experience should not more be trusted , which has divers peculiar and concurrent Circumstances to confirm it , and particularly the Death that most of the first Promulgators chearfully Suffer'd to Attest the Truth of it , and the Success and Spreading of the Doctrine authoriz'd by those Miracles , and receiv'd chiefly upon their account . To which things , some perhaps would add , that 't is less incredible , that the Author of Nature should , for most weighty purposes , make stupendous Alterations of the course of Nature ; than that Nature her self , for no such end , should by such Prodigies , as are newly mention'd , as it were , throw her self out of her own Course . Miracles being so necessary to the establishment of Reveal'd Religion in general , it may be look'd upon as a farther Disposition in our Virtuoso to receive the Christian Religion , that the Philosophy , he cultivates , does much conduce to enable him to judge aright of those strange things , that are by many Propos'd as Miracles , and Believ'd to be so . For first , the knowledge he has of the Various , and sometimes very Wonderful , Operations of some Natural things , especially when they are skilfully improv'd , and dexterously apply'd by Art , particularly Mathematicks , Mechanicks , and Chymistry , will qualify him to distinguish , between things that are only strange and surprizing , and those that are truly miraculous : So that he will not mistake the Effects of Natural Magick , for those of a Divine Power . And by this well-instructed Wariness , he will be able to discover the Subtil Cheats and Collusions of Impostors ; by which , not only Multitudes of all Religions , especially Heathen , but even Learned Men of most Religions , for want of an insight into real Philosophy , have formerly been , or are at this day , deluded , and drawn into Idolatrous , Superstitious , or otherwise Erroneous , Tenents or Practices . And on the other side , the knowledge our Virtuoso may have of what cannot be justly expected or pretended from the Mechanical Powers of Matter , will enable him to discern , that divers things are not produceable by Them , without the intervention of an Intelligent Superior Power ; on which score he will frankly acknowledge , and heartily believe , divers Effects to be truly Miraculous , that may be plausibly enough ascrib'd to other Causes in the Vulgar Philosophy ; where Men are taught and wont to attribute Stupendous unaccountable Effects to Sympathy , Antipathy , Fuga vacui , Substantial Forms , and especially to a certain Being presum'd to be almost Infinitely Potent and Wise , which they call Nature : For This is represented as a king of Goddess , whose Power may be little less than boundless ; as I remember Galen himself compares it to that of God , and saith , that He could not do such a thing , because Nature cannot ; and Censures Moses for speaking as if he were of another Mind . The whole Passage is so weighty , that I thought fit to direct you to it in the Margent , tho' , to comply with my hast , I forbear to transcribe and descant upon so prolix a One , and add to it divers other Passages that I have met with in famous Authors ; who , for want of knowing the true Extent of the Powers of Matter and Motion , left to themselves in the Ordinary Course of things , Ascribe to Natural Causes , as they call them , such Effects as are beyond their reach , unless they be Elevated by Agents of a Superior Order . I know it may be objected , that the hitherto-mention'd Dispositions , that Experimental Knowledge may give a Man , to Admit the Histories of the Miracles recorded in the Gospel ; and likewise to Expect , that God will be able to perform the Promises and Menaces that are in his name deliver'd there , may be countervail'd by this , That those , who are so much acquainted with the Mysteries of Nature , and her various and strange ways of Working , as a Virtuoso may well be , may by that Knowledge be strongly tempted to think , that those surprizing things that other Men call Miracles , are but Effects of Her Power ; the Extent of which , is not easily discern'd by ordinary Men , nor safely defin'd by Philosophers themselves . But this Objection being plausible enough , to make me think it deserv'd to be seriously consider'd , I took an occasion that was once offer'd me , to examine the validity of it in a Paper by it self : And this being at your command , I shall refer you to it . And I hope , that in the mean time it may suffice to say , That to make it reasonable to judge this or that particular Performance , a Supernatural One , it is not at all necessary , that it surpass the whole Power of Nature , that is , of Physical Agents ; provided , it surpass the power of that Cause , or that complex of Causes , from which , the Effect must in reason , if it be purely Natural or Physical , be suppos'd to have proceeded . As for instance , That a Fisherman or two should speak other Languages than their own , does not at all exceed the power of Nature , if they employ'd a competent time in learning them . But that a great number of Fishermen , and other Illiterate Persons , should all on a sudden become Linguists , and in an hour's time be able to speak intelligibly to a great number and variety of Nations in their respective Languages , as the New Testament relates , that the Apostles and their Companions did on the day of Pentecost : That gift of Tongues , I say , was an Ability , which in those circumstances of Place , Time , and Persons , wherein 't was exercis'd , may justly be concluded to have been Supernatural or Miraculous . I fear you will think , I have dwelt too long upon the Argument for Christianity , drawn from that sort of matters of Fact we call Miracles ; tho' the uncommon way that my Design led me to represent them in , would not permit me to make it out in few words . Wherefore I shall now pass on to another Argument , in favour of the same Religion , that is afforded by Experience , being drawn from the strangely successful Propagation , and the happy Effects of Christianity , in the World. But having formerly had occasion to display this Argument in a separate Paper , which you may command a Sight of , if I shall not have time to annex a Transcript of it to the later Sheets of this First Part of the present Essay , I will refer you for more ample Proof to That Writing , and content my self in this place briefly to touch some of the Heads , and subjoyn a Reflection or two that you will not meet with in that Paper . 'T is a notorious Matter of Fact , that in less than half an Age , the Christian Religion was spread over a great part of the then known World ; insomuch , that in a few Years after it began to be preach'd , the Apostle of the Gentiles could tell the Romans with Joy , that their Faith ( i. e. profession of the Gospel ) was spoken of throughout the whole World. And in the Second Century , Tertullian , and other famous Writers , shew , that the Gospel had already numerous Proselytes , in a great number of different Kingdoms and Provinces . But I forbear to mention , what he and others have magnificently said of the Success of the Gospel , because I had rather refer you to the plain Narratives made of it by Eusebius , Socrates Scholasticus , and other grave Authors ; being of opinion , that mere Historians may give to a Philosophical Reader , a more Advantageous Idea of the Efficacy of that excellent Doctrine , than eloquent Orators , as such , can do . This wonderful quick progress of this Religion being ascertain'd to our Virtuoso , by a Thing he is so much sway'd by , as Experience ; it does not a little dispose him to Believe the Truth of so prevalent a Religion . For , If he considers the Persons that first promulgated it , They were but half a score of Illiterate Fishermen , and a few Tent-makers , & other Tradesmen . If he considers the Means that were employ'd to Propagate this Doctrine , he finds , that they had neither Arms , nor External Power , to Compel Men to receive it ; nor Riches , Honours , or Preferments , to Bribe or Allure them to it ; nor were they Men of Philosophical Subtilty , to intrap or entangle the Minds of their Auditors . Nor did they make use of the pompous Ornaments of Rhetorick , and fetches of Oratory , to inveagle or entice Men ; but treated of the most Sublime and abstruse Matters , in a most Plain and unaffected Style , as became Lovers and Teachers of Truth . If he considers the nature of the Doctrine , that in little time obtain'd so many Proselytes , he will find , that , instead of being suited to the Natural Apprehensions , or the Receiv'd Opinions , of Men ; and instead of gratifying their corrupt Affections , or complying with so much as their Innocentest Interests ; it prescrib'd such Mortifications , and such great strictness of Life , and high degrees of Virtue , as no Legislator had ever dar'd to impose upon his Subjects , nay , nor any Philosopher on his Disciples . And this Doctrine was propos'd in such a way , and was accompany'd with Predictions of such Hardships and Persecutions , that should in those times be the portion of its sincere Professors , as if the Law-giver had design'd rather to Fright Men from his Doctrine , than Allure them to it ; since they could not believe what he said , and foretold , to be true , without believing , that they should be made great Sufferers by that Belief . If our Virtuoso considers the Opposition made to the Progress of the Gospel , he will find cause to wonder , that it could ever be surmounted . For the Heathens , which made by far the greatest part of the World , were deeply engag'd in Polytheism , Idolatry , Magical Rites and Superstitions , and almost all kind of Crimes , and some of these were shameless Debaucheries , which oftentimes made a part of their Worship . And the Jews were by the corrupt Leaven of the Pharisees , and the impious Errors of the Sadduces , and the General Mistakes of the Nation about the Person , Office , and Kingdom , of the Messias ; and by their dotage upon their vain Traditions , and numerous Superstitions , grounded upon them : The Gentiles , I say , and the Jews , who were those that were to be Converted , were , on these and other accounts , highly Indispos'd to be made Proselytes . Especially when they could not own themselves to be such , without exposing their Persons to be hated and despised , their Possessions to be confiscated , their Bodies to be imprison'd and tormented , and oftentimes their Lives to be , in as Ignominious as Cruel ways , destroy'd . And whilst the Secular Magistrates made them suffer all these Mischiefs , the Venerated Priests , the Subtil Philosophers , and the Eloquent Orators , persuaded the World ; that they Deserv'd yet more than they Endur'd ; and employ'd all their Learning and Wit to make the Religion Odious and Ridiculous , as well as the Embracers of it Miserable : Accusing the Martyrs , and other Christians , of no less than Atheism , Incest , and the inhuman shedding and drinking the innocent Blood of Infants . These and the like Matters of Fact when our Virtuoso reflects on , and considers by what unpromising Means , ( as far as they were but Secular ) such seemingly insurmountable Difficulties were conquer'd ; He cannot but by this Historical Experience be inclin'd to think , that Effects , so disproportionate to the Visible Means , could not be brought to pass without the peculiar Assistance and extraordinary Blessing of God : By whom those successful Preachers averr'd themselves to be Commissionated . For , that the Supernatural help , the Christian Doctrine appears to have had , was Divine , not Diabolical , will seem evident to our Virtuoso , from the Nature , Tendency , and Effects , of the Doctrine it self ; which expresly teacheth , that there is but one God ; that He alone is to be Worshipp'd , and not Idols , nor any of the Heathen Daemons or Deities ; that the Devils are Wicked , Apostate , Malicious , and Miserable Creatures , that are Hated of God , and do extremely Hate Mankind ; and that those Vices , as well as Rites of Worship that they have establish'd in the World , were Abominable to God , and would be by degrees Destroy'd by him : As in effect they soon began to be in many places of the World , where the Worshippers of Christ cast the Devil out of His Temples , out of Mens Veneration , & oftentimes out of their Bodies too . One Circumstance there is of the Propagation of the Gospel , which , tho' it may seem more Extrinsecal than those hitherto mention'd , is yet too considerable to be here pretermitted ; since it is this , That the Quick Spreading and Success of the Christian Doctrine in the World , was Foretold both by the Prophets of the Old Testament , and the Author and promulgators of the New. For it being notorious , that there have been divers Errors and Superstitions , that have with too much Celerity been spread far and wide in the World ; either by mere Accidents , ( as they were reputed ) that were very friendly to them , or by the Industry and Artifices of Men : This , I say , being so , it ought to be no small Satisfaction to Equitable Judges , that the Quick Progress , and Notable Effects , of the Christian Religion , were Foretold , partly by the Ancient Prophets , and partly by the Messias and his Apostles . For by these accomplish'd Predictions it may appear , that the wonderful Success of the Gospel was not an Effect of Chance , but was long before determin'd by Divine Providence , as a Work sit to be Dear to God , and to be accomplish'd in a wonderful way by his Peculiar Assistance , ( as will by and by be somewhat more fully declar'd . ) That the Triumphs of the Gospel were Foretold by several of the Old Prophets , may appear by their yet Extant Writings ; some of which are alleg'd to that purpose , by those Writers of the New Testament , that were endow'd with the same Prophetick Spirit . And if you please to consider the Passages cited in the Margent , you will easily grant , that those Ancient Inspir'd Writers foresaw , that in the days of the Messias , there should be a great and notable Conversion of of the Gentiles of several Nations , to the Worship of the only true God of Israel : And tho' God did not think fit , that those Predictions , extant in the Gospel , should be so conspicuous and pompously set forth , that speak of the Conversion that should be made , not only of the Heathen World , but ( of a more ▪ Refractory portion of Mankind ) a great part of the Jewish Nation , to the Christian Doctrine ; yet there are divers Passages in the New Testament , that are Real , tho' some of them Unheeded , Prophecies of the wonderful Progress of the Gospel , and the large Extent of the Kingdom of the Messias . Thus Christ foretold , that his twelve Apostles should be his Witnesses , not only in Judaea and Samaria , but to the uttermost parts of the Earth . And , according to the most probable Explication of that Text , in the 24th of St. Matthew's Gospel , which is usually referr'd to the end of the World , but seems rather to respect the Destruction of Jerusalem ; there is a Prediction , that before the End , ( of the Jewish Polity , as well as the Mosaical Oeconomy ) the Gospel of the Kingdom ( of the Messias ) should be preach'd or proclaim'd in the whole World , ( in that Sense of the term World that was then much in use , and was employ'd by the Evangelist Luke to signify the Roman World or Empire . ) To which may be added , that ten or twelve Fishermen ( called the Apostles ) were sent to Convert all Nations to the Worship of a Crucify'd Person ; which would have been a strange Commission to be given such Men at that time , if their Master , who sent them , had not Foreseen the Success , as well as Known the Truth , of the Doctrine he sent them to Preach . The quick Diffusion of the Christian Faith , and the swift Growth of the Christian Church from despicable Beginnings , to a Greatness very Disproportionate to them , are more than intimated , by what Christ says of the Leaven hid in a great quantity of Meal ; and of the Mustard Seed that quickly grows ( in the hot and fertile Country of Judaea ) to a wonderful Bigness and Height ; since these Passages , that perfunctory Readers look on but as mere Parables , were really Prophecies , that quickly began to be manifestly Fulfill'd . And it may bring no small Authority to the Predictions of the New Testament , that when divers of them were made , there appear'd no Likelihood that they should ever be made good . When a Poor Virgin , that was betroth'd to a Carpenter , confidently pronounces , that all Ages should call her Blessed ; what probability was there , that what she said , should ever come to pass ? And when another Private Woman , then living in a Village , had it foretold her , that a censur'd Action of hers should be reported through the whole World , to her great Praise ; what sober Man , that were not a Prophet , would venture to lose his Credit , by making such a Promise ? And therefore , since we see such unlikely Predictions actually Accomplish'd , it may well convince an unbyass'd Man , that the Authors of them , as well as the ancient Seers , were really endow'd with a truly Prophetick Spirit ; and that the Events by That Foretold , were not Effects of Chance or Policy , but of Divine Providence . I thought it not improper , to make the mention of these Predictions follow so close the Discourse of the Miracles , because true Prophecies of Unlikely Events , fulfill'd by Unlikely Means , are supernatural Things ; and , as such , ( especially their Author and Design consider'd ) may properly enough be reckon'd among Miracles . And I may add , that these have a peculiar advantage above most other Miracles , on the score of their Duration : Since the manifest Proofs of the Predictions continue still , and are as visible as the Extent of the Christian Religion ; and some of them are still more and more accomplish'd , by the Conversions made of multitudes of Infidels , in several vast Regions of America , ( to name no other Countries . ) So that if we may call some Miracles transient ones , such as the Turning Water into Wine at a Wedding-feast in Galilee ; and the Darkening of the Sun , when the Moon was Full , at the Crucifixion of Christ : Accomplish'd Predictions may be styl'd permanent ones ; and their difference may be set forth by the differing States of the Mosaick Manna : For , tho' both that which fell daily ( except on the Sabbath ) in the Wilderness , and that which was laid up in a pot before the Testimony , were Supernatural Productions ; yet , whereas a portion of the Former outlasted not two or three days , That kept in the pot was preserv'd many Ages , and continu'd to be ( as it was foretold it should ) a Visible Miracle . There is another Reason , why the wonderful Propagation of the Gospel should be annex'd to the Argument drawn from Miracles , in favour of the Christian Religion . For the Preachers of it , both Pretended and Appeal'd to Miracles , as Proofs of the Truth of their Doctrine : And if we consider the great Disadvantages they lay under , and the powerful Opposition of all sorts that they met with and surmounted ; it cannot reasonably be thought , that such Unlikely Men should so Succesfully preach so Uninviting a Doctrine , unless it were confirm'd by Conspicuous Miracles . Or at least , if so uneasy and persecuted a Religion was propagated without Miracles , that Propagation it self ( as one of the Fathers well observes ) may justly pass for a Miracle ; and be no less fit than another , to Confirm the Religion so admirably Propagated . The past Discourse has , I hope , manifested , that a Virtuoso has some Helps , that other Men , generally speaking , have not , to make him judiciously approve the Arguments for the Truth of the Christian Religion , that are grounded on the Miracles wrought in its favour , and the wonderful Success of it in the World. But , because a Reveal'd Religion , how true soever it be , can scarce be prov'd but by Moral Demonstrations ; and because for this reason , it is not always sufficient , that the Arguments be good in their kind , but there are some Qualifications requir'd in the Minds of them that are to be Convinc'd by them ; I shall now add , that Experimental Philosophy does also Dispose the Minds of its Cultivaters to receive due Impressions from such Proofs , as Miracles do , as well as other Topicks , afford the Christian Religion . Another thing then that qualifies an Experimentarian for the reception of a Reveal'd Religion , and so of Christianity , is , that an Accustomance of endeavouring to give Clear Explications of the Phaenomena of Nature , and discover the weakness of those Solutions that Superficial Wits are wont to make and acquiesce in , does insensibly work in him a great and ingenuous Modesty of Mind . And on the score of this Intellectual , as well as Moral , Virtue , not only he will be very inclinable , both to Desire and Admit further Information , about things which he perceives to be Dark or Abstruse ; but he will be very unapt to take , for the adaequate Standard of Truth , a thing so Imperfectly inform'd , and Narrowly limited , as his mere or abstracted Reason ; ( as I think I have elsewhere intimated , that One may call That , which is furnish'd only with its own , either Congenite , or very easily and very early Acquir'd , Notions and Idaea's , and with Popular Notices . ) And tho' a vulgar Philosopher , that allows himself to refer the Obscurest things in Nature to Substantial Forms , Real Qualities , Sympathy , Antipathy , and some few other Terms , which , to be employ'd by him , Need not , and perhaps for their darkness Cannot , be clearly Understood ; and by which he pretends to explain all things in Nature ; and may indeed explicate one thing as well as another : Tho' ( I say ) such a Titular Philosopher may presume , that he understands every thing ; and may be easily tempted to think , that he must not hope , nor desire to learn from less able Men than his first Teachers ; and that , That cannot be true , or be done , which agrees not with his Philosophy ; yet a Sober and Experienc'd Naturalist , that knows what Difficulties remain , yet unsurmounted , in the presumedly clear Conception and Explications even of things Corporeal , will not , by a lazy or arrogant presumption , that his knowledge about things Supernatural is already sufficient , be induc'd to Reject , or to Neglect , any Information that may encrease it . And this frame of Mind is a very happy one , for a Student in Reveal'd Theology , where Cautiousness is not more Necessary for the avoiding of Errors , than Docility is Advantageous for the Learning of Truth : Since the knowledge and goodness of the Divine Teacher is such , that a Scholar , to improve his Intellect , needs but bring a Mind fitted to receive the genuine Informations , that are most liberally offer'd , ( in the Scripture ) and will never deceive Him , that employs , together with servent Prayers , a due Care not to mistake the Meaning of them . An assiduous Conversation with the exquisitely Fram'd , and admirably Manag'd , Works of God , brings a Skilful Considerer of them to discover from time to time , so many things to be Feazable , or to be True , which , whilst he argu'd but upon grounds of incompetently Inform'd Reason , he judg'd False or Unpracticable ; that little by little he acquires a Habit of receiving some sorts of Opinions , and especially those that seem unfriendly to Religion , but as Probationers , with a disposition to Reform or Discard them upon further Information . And This , as he is resolv'd to Submit to , in case he meets with it , so he is dispos'd to Receive , if not to Expect it , by having often found himself oblig'd , upon subsequent Information , to mend or lay aside his former Opinions , tho' very agreeable to the best Light he had to judge by , when he entertain'd them . As , tho' it seems a visible Truth , that the Discus of Venus is , in all respects to the Sun , totally Luminous ; yet when the Telescope discovers her to have her Full and her Wane , like the Moon , he will believe this further Observation , against the first made with his Naked Eyes . And indeed , I have sometimes doubted , whether to be vers'd in Mathematicks , and other Demonstrative parts of Philosophy , bring a greater advantage to the Mind , by Accustoming and Assisting it to Examine Strictly Things propos'd for Truths , and to Evince Strongly the Truths a Man knows , to Others ; than by Fitting him to Discern the force of a good Argument , and Submit willingly to Truths clearly evinc'd , how little soever he may have expected to find such Conclusions true . 'T will not be difficult to apply these Reflections to our present purpose ; since there are several passages in the Scripture that sufficiently declare , both that Multitudes persist in a Criminal Infidelity , out of an over-weaning Conceit of their own Knowledge , and a readiness to be sway'd rather by strong Prejudices , than by the strongest Arguments that would remove them ; and , that Docility is a very happy disposition to the Entertainment of Reveal'd Religion : In reference to which , this Qualification will be the more easily found in our Virtuoso ; because , whereas the things , about which he has been accustom'd to be sensible of his Ignorance , or desire further Instruction , are within the Sphere of Nature , and the Jurisdiction of Philosophy ; many of the things that Reveal'd Religion declares , ( such as are the Decrees , the Purposes , the Promises , &c. of God , and his most peculiar manner of Existing and Operating ) are things so Sublime and Abstruse , that they may well be look'd upon as of an higher Order than merely Physical Ones , and cannot be Satisfactorily reach'd by the mere Light of Nature . 'T is true , that our Philosopher , because he is so , will examine more strictly , than Ordinary Men are Wont or Able to do , the Proofs brought for this or that propos'd Revelation . But that is no disadvantage to a Supernatural Religion , such as the Christian ; if it be , as we now suppose it to be , True ; and the real Truth about Religion it self , does not require Credulity , but only Docility . And perhaps this matter may be illustrated , by comparing what happens to a Philosopher in the Examen of Opinions , and to a Chymist in that of Metals . For if a Piece of Coin , that Men would have pass for true Gold , be offer'd to an Ordinary Man , and to a Skilful Refiner ; tho' the later will examine it more strictly , and not acquiesce in the Stamp , the Colour , the Sound , and other Obvious Marks , that may satisfy a Shopkeeper , or a Merchant ; yet when he has try'd it by the Severer ways of Examining , such as the Touchstone , the Cupel , Aqua-fortis , &c. and finds it to hold good in those Proofs , he will readily and frankly acknowledge , that 't is true Gold , and will be more thorowly Convinc'd of it , than the other Person ; whose want of Skill will make him still apt to retain a Distrust , and render him indeed more easy to be Persuaded , but more difficult to be fully Satisfy'd . On the like account ; tho' our Virtuoso will examine with more Strictness and Skill , than Ordinary Men are able , Miracles , Prophecies , or other Proofs , said to be Supernatural , that are alledg'd to Evince a Reveal'd Religion ; yet if the certain and genuine Characters of Truth appear in it , He will be more thorowly Convinc'd of it than a less Skilful Man , whose want of good Criteria , ( or Touchstones ) and Sound Judgment , will incline him to be Diffident , and to be still afraid of having been Impos'd on . I expect , in the mean time , that you should here Object against what has been said in the later Leaves of the past Discourse , that it hath degraded the Human Intellect , by ascribing so much to Experience , Natural or Supernatural , that it has left nothing for Reason to do , unless servilely to Obey . But , tho' this Objection be plausible , yet the Answer to it will not be very difficult , if the Matter it self be duly consider'd , and Reason be brought to act , even on this occasion , not as an Interessed Party , but an Unbyass'd Judge . For we have already shewn , that Rational Philosophers scruple not to Alter or Renounce the Opinions , that Specious Reasons had Suggested to them , when once they either find those Opinions Contradicted by Experience , or meet with other Opinions more Conformable to Experience . And Aristotle himself , tho' he be accus'd to have , perhaps the first of all the Ancient Naturalists , perverted Physicks , by wresting them to a compliance with Logical and Metaphysical Fancies ; yet even He confesses , not only that in the Science of Nature , Reason ought to comport with the Phaenomena , and the Phaenomena with Reason ; but that to adhere to plausible Ratiocinations , with the neglect of Sensible Observations , is a Weakness , or Disease , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of Mind . I will not here mention what I say in another Paper , by way of attempt to settle the Bounds of Reason and Experience , in reference to Natural Philosophy ; but it may concern our present Argument , to imploy a few Lines in this place , towards the further clearing the lately propos'd Objection . We may observe then , that , whether or no it be True , which is taught by Aristotle , and commonly receiv'd in the Schools , that the Understanding is like Blank Paper ; and that it receives no Knowledge , but what has been convey'd to it through the Senses : Whether , I say , this be or be not admitted , 't is plain , that the Notions which are either Congenite with the Understanding , or so easily and early Acquir'd by it , that divers Philosophers think them Innate , are but very few , in comparison of those that are requisite to Judge aright , about any one of a multitude of things , that occur , either in Natural Philosophy , or Theology . For in the Divine Nature , Power , Wisdom , and other Attributes , there is a Faecundity that has produc'd a World of Contrivances , Laws , and other things , that exceedingly surpass both the Number and Variety , that the dim and limited Intellect of Man could reach to , by framing and compounding Idaea's , without the assistance of the Patterns , afforded by the Works and Declarations of God. On the account of the same Prerogative of the Divine Knowledge , it must frequently happen , that the Notions and Opinions , Men take up , of the Works and Mind of God , upon the mere Suggestions of the Abstracted Reason , ( if I may so call it ) newly spoken of , must not only be almost always very deficient , but will be oftentimes very erroneous . Of which , we see evident proofs in many of the Opinions of the Old Philosophers , who , tho' Men of strong Natural parts , were misled by what they mistook for Reason , to maintain such things about the Works and the Author of Nature , as We , who , by the favour of Experience and Revelation , stand in a much clearer Light , know to be False , and often justly think utterly Extravagant . The Importance of the Subject lately spoken of , and its being too little Consider'd , may make it deserve to be Inculcated ; and therefore I shall subjoyn on this occasion , that That which I have lately call'd Abstracted Reason , is but a narrow Thing , and reaches but to a very small share of the Multitude of Things knowable , whether Human or Divine , that may be obtain'd by the help of further Experience , and Supernatural Revelation . This Reason , furnish'd with no other Notices than it can supply it self with , is so narrow and deceitful a Thing , that He that seeks for Knowledge only within Himself , shall be sure to be quite Ignorant of far the greatest part of Things , and will scarce escape being Mistaken about a good part of Those he thinks he knows . But , notwithstanding what has been hitherto said , I am far from intending to deny Reason any of its just Prerogatives . For I shew in another Paper , that Experience is but an Assistant to Reason , since it doth indeed supply Informations to the Understanding ; but the Understanding remains still the Judge , and has the Power or Right , to Examine and make use of the Testimonies that are presented to it . The Outward Senses are but the Instruments of the Soul , which Hears by the intervention of the Ear , and in respect of which , the Eye it self is but a more Immediate Optical Tube ; and the Sense does but Perceive Objects , not Judge of them . Nor do the more wary among the Philosophers , trust their Eye , to Teach them the Nature of the visible Object ; but only employ it to Perceive the Phaenomena it exhibits , and the Changes that happen to its self by the action of it . And whereas 't is confess'd , that the Sensories may deceive us , if the Requisites of Sensation be wanting ; as when a Square Tower appears Round at a great distance , and a Straight Stick half in the Water , appears Crooked , because of the double Medium ; 't is the part of Reason , not Sense , to Judge , whether none of the Requisites of Sensation be wanting ; which ( give me leave to add ) oftentimes requires , not only Reason , but Philosophy ; and then also 't is the part of Reason to Judge , what Conclusions may , and what cannot , be safely grounded on the Informations of the Senses , and the Testimony of Experience . So that when 't is said , that Experience Corrects Reason , 't is somewhat an improper way of Speaking ; since 't is Reason it self , that , upon the Information of Experience , Corrects the Judgments she had made before . And this ( borrow'd from the foremention'd Paper , because 't was never Publish'd ) prompts me to illustrate the Use of Reason , by comparing her to an able Judge , who comes to Hear and Decide Causes in a strange Country . For the General Notions he brings with him , and the Dictates of Justice and Equity , can give him but a very short and imperfect Knowledge of many things , that are requisite to frame a right Judgment , about the Cases that are first brought before him ; and before he has heard the Witnesses , he may be very apt to fall into Prejudicate Opinions of things , ( whether Persons or Causes . ) But when an Authentick and sufficient Testimony has clear'd Things to him , he then pronounces , according to the Light of Reason , he is Master of ; to which , the Witnesses did but give Information , tho' That subsequent Information may have oblig'd him , to lay aside some Prejudicate Opinions he had entertain'd before he receiv'd it . And what is said of Natural Experience , in reference to the Understanding , may , with due alteration , be apply'd to Supernatural Revelation : For here also the Understanding is to Examine , whether the Testimony be indeed Divine ; and , whether a Divine Testimony ought to be ( as It will easily perceive it should ) Believ'd , in what it clearly Teaches ; to omit other Uses of Reason , ( about Theological Matters ) which belong not to this place ; where it may suffice to have shewn , that Reason is not Degraded from the Dignity that belongs to her , of Perceiving and Judging ; tho' she be Obliged by her own Dictates , to take in all the Assistance she can , from Experience , whether Natural , or Supernatural ; and by the fuller Accounts of things she receives from those Informations , to Rectify , if need be , her former and less mature Judgments . In short , Those that cry up Abstracted Reason , as if it were Self-sufficient , exalt it in Words ; but we that Address Reason to Physical and Theological Experience , and direct it how to Consult them , and take its Informations from them , exalt it in Effect ; and Reason is much less usefully serv'd , by the former sort of Men , than by the later ; since whilst those do but flatter it , these take the right way to improve it . I hope you will not imagine , that I have , in the foregoing part of this Letter , said all that I could say pertinently . For , being mindful of the Brevity becoming an Epistolary Discourse , I omitted several Arguments , that would have challeng'd their places in a just Treatise ; and have but Touch'd upon most of those I have mention'd ; tho' Reasonings of this kind are usually like Tapestry , which loses much by being look'd on whilst the Hangings are Folded up , which should be display'd to their full Dimensions . But having offer'd you some things , which perhaps you have not met with elsewhere ; and having , tho' but transiently , touch'd upon the Grounds of divers other considerable Arguments ; I hope that your Learning and Sagacity , will both Supply what you will discern to have been Omitted , and Enforce what has been but Intimated ; and then I shall not despair , that what I have said may suffice to persuade you , that Experimental Philosophy may greatly Assist a well-dispos'd Mind , to yield an Hearty and Operative Assent to the Principles of Religion . I am , SIR , Your most &c. The End of the First Part. REFLECTIONS UPON A Theological Distinction . According to which , 't is said , That some ARTICLES of FAITH are Above Reason , but not Against Reason . In a Letter to a Friend . In the SAVOY : Printed by Edw. Jones , for John Taylor at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . MDCXC . Advertisement . AFter the Author had begun the Second Part of his Christian Virtuoso , and made some Progress in it , which he designed to continue till he had Compleated it ; he was obliged to leave the Country , where he enjoyed some Leisure , and to remove to London ; where Sickness , and Business , and a Multitude of Visits he could not avoid receiving , did so distract him , that these Remora's , added to the Fertility of the Subjects that remained to be Treated of , which he found much greater than he was at first aware of , made him lay aside the Materials he had prepared for the Second Part , to a fitter Opportunity , and comply with the Occasions he had , to publish some Tracts that required more haste . And 't is for the like Reasons , that having at present some other Essays of a quite differing Nature in the Press , he is obliged to postpone his resuming and finishing the Second Part of the Christian Virtuoso ( which will require more Sheets than the former ) for some longer time ; thô yet to Comply with the Solicitations of the Printer , he consents both to let the First Part come abroad , and ( to make the Book of a more decent size ) add to it , by way of Substitution , a Discourse that is of Affinity enough to the other , upon the account of some of the Points it handles , and more upon that of its Scope ; and that will not be Ill received , if it have the good fortune to find the Publick as kind to it , as Private Perusers have been . For my Learned Friend Mr. H. O. SIR , 1. I Can neither admire nor blame the Curiosity you express , to receive some Satisfaction about the important Distinction that is made use of , in defence of some Mysteries of the Christian Religion ; namely , that they are indeed above Reason , but not against Reason . For though divers Learned Men have , especially of late , employed it ; yet I perceive you and your Friends N. N. think , that they have not done it so clearly , as both to prevent the Exceptions of Infidels , or render them more groundless ; and at least , to obviate the Surmises of those others , who have been persuaded to look upon this Distinction , but as a fine Evasion , whereby to elude some Objections that cannot otherwise be answered . And indeed , as far as I can discern by the Authors wherein I have met with it , ( for I pretend not to judge of any others , ) there are divers that employ this Distinction , few that have attempted to explain it , ( and that I fear , not sufficiently ) and none that has taken care to justifie it . II. In order to the removal of the Difficulties that you take notice of , I shall endeavour to do these Two things : 1. To declare in what sense I think our Distinction is to be understood . And , 2. To prove that it is not an Arbitrary or Illusory Distinction , but grounded upon the Nature of Things . Though I do not desire to impose my Sentiments on any Man , much less on You ; yet because I , as well as others , have had some occasions to make use of the Distinction we are considering ; I think myself obliged , before I go any further , to acquaint you in what sense I understand it . III. By such things then in Theology , as may be said to be above Reason , I conceive such Notions and Propositions , as mere Reason , that is , Reason unassisted by supernatural Revelation , would never have discover'd to us : Whether those things be to our finite Capacities , clearly comprehensible or not . And by things contrary to Reason , I understand such Conceptions and Propositions , as are not only undiscoverable by mere Reason , but also , when we understand them , do evidently and truly appear to be repugnant to some Principle , or to some Conclusion , of Right Reason . IV. To illustrate this Matter a little , I shall propound to you a Comparison drawn from that Sense , which is allow'd to have the greatest Cognation with the Understanding , which I presume you will readily guess to be the Sight . Suppose then , that on a deep Sea , a Diver should bid you tell him , What you can see there ; That which you would answer , would be , that you can see into a Sea-green Liquor , to the depth of some Yards , and no further : So that if he should farther ask you , Whether you see what lies at the Bottom of the Sea , you would return him a Negative Answer . If afterwards the Diver letting himself down to the Bottom , should thence bring up and shew you Oysters or Muscles with Pearls in them ; you would easily acknowledge , both that they lay beyond the reach of your Sight , and consequently argued an Imperfection in it ; thô but such an Imperfection , as is not Personal but Common to you with other Men , and that the Pearls have the genuin Colour and Lustre , that naturally belongs to such Gems . But if this Diver should pretend , that each of these Pearls he shews you , is as large as a Tennis-Ball , or some of them bigger than the Shells they were inclos'd in , and that they are not round but cubical , and their colour not White or Orient , but Black or Scarlet ; you would doubtless judge what he asserts , to be not only ( or not so properly , ) undiscernable by your Eyes , but contrary to the Informations of them , and therefore would deny what he affirms . Because , that to admit it , would not only argue your Sight to be Imperfect , but False and Delusory ; thô the Organ be rightly qualified , and duly applied to its proper Objects . V. This Illustration may give you some superficial Notion of the Difference betwixt a thing 's being above Reason , and its being contrary to it . But this may better appear , if we consider the Matter more distinctly . And to offer something in order to this , I shall beg leave to say , that , in my Opinion , the things that may be said to be above Reason , are not all of One sort , but may be distinguish'd into Two kinds , differing enough from each other . VI. For it seems to me , that there are some Things , that Reason by its own Light cannot Discover ; and others , that , when propos'd , it cannot Comprehend . VII . And First , there are divers Truths in the Christian Religion , that Reason left to itself , would never have been able to find out , nor perhaps to have so much as dream'd of : Such as are most of Those that depend upon the Free Will and Ordination of God , as , That the World was made in six Days , That Christ should be Born of a Virgin , and That in his Person there should be united Two such infinitely distant Natures as the Divine and Human ; and That the Bodies of Good Men shall be rais'd from Death , and so advantageously chang'd , that the Glorified Persons shall be like , or equal to , the Angels . VIII . Of this kind of Theological Truths , you will easily believe , that 't were not difficult for me to offer divers other Instances ; and indeed there are many Truths , and more I think than we are wont to imagine , that we want Mediums , or Instruments to discover , thô , if they were duly propos'd , they would be intelligible to us : As , for my part , when by looking on the Starry Heaven , first with my naked Eyes , and then with Telescopes of differing Lengths , I did not only discry more and more Stars , according to the Goodness of the Instruments I imployed , but discover'd great Inducements to think , that there are in those inestimably remote Regions , many Celestial Lights , that only the Want of more reaching Telescopes conceal from our Sight . IX . And thus much I presume you will close with the more easily , because it disagrees not with the Sentiments of some few ( for I dare say not , many ) Orthodox Divines . But I must take leave to add , that besides these mysterious Truths , that are too remote , and hidden , to be Detected by Human Reason ; there is another sort of Things , that may be said to be above Reason . X. For there are divers Truths delivered by Revelation , ( contained in the Holy Scriptures , ) that not only would never have been found out by mere natural Reason ; but are so abstruse , that when they are proposed as clearly , as proper and unambiguous Expressions can propose them in ; they do nevertheless surpass our dim and bounded Reason , on one or other of those Three accounts that are mentioned in a Dialogue about things transcending Reason ; namely either , as not clearly conceivable by our Understanding , such as the Infiniteness and Perfections of the Divine Nature ; or inexplicable by us , such as the Manner , how God can create a rational Soul ; or how , this being an immaterial Substance , it can act upon a Human Body , and be acted on by it ; ( which Instance I rather chose , than the Creation of Matter , because it may be more easily proved ) or else asymmetrical , or unsociable ; that is , such , as we see not how to reconcile with other Things , which also manifestly are , or are by us acknowledged to be , true ; such as are the Divine Prescience of future Contingents , and the Liberty that belongs to Man's Will , at least in divers Cases . XI . It will not perhaps be improper to observe , on this occasion , that , as of Things that are said to be above Reason , there are more kinds than one ; so there may be a Difference in the Degrees , or , at least , the Discernableness , of their Abstruseness . XII . For some things appear to surpass , or distress , our Understandings , almost as soon as they are propos'd , at least , before they are attentively look'd into . As , what is said to be Infinite , either in Extent or Number . But there are other things , the Notions whereof , as they first arise from the things considered in gross , and as it were indefinitely , are such , as do not choque or perplex our Understandings ; and are so far intelligible , that they may be usefully employ'd in ordinary Discourse . But when we come to make a deep Inspection into these , and prosecute to the uttermost the successive Inferences that may be drawn from them ; we reason our selves into Inextricable Difficulties , if not flat Repugnancies too . And to shew you , that I do not say this gratis ; be pleas'd to consider with me , that , we usually discourse of Place , of Time , and of Motion ; and have certain general indeterminate Conceptions , of each of these ; by the help of which , we understand one another , when we speak of them ; Thô , if we will look thorowly into them , and attentively consider all the Difficulties , that may be discover'd by such an Inspection ; we shall find our Reason oppress'd by the Number and Greatness of the Difficulties , into which we shall argue ourselves ; or , at least , may be argued by others ; thô these Men , who do make such shrewd Objections against the Hypothesis , we embrace , will hardly be able themselves to pitch on any , that will not allow us to repay them in the same coin . XIII . What has been newly said , may , I hope , assist us to clear a Difficulty , or Scruple , ( about the Distinction we treat of , ) which since it sprung up in my own Mind , may very probably occur also to your Thoughts ; namely , That if any Theological Proposition be granted to surpass our Reason ; we cannot pretend to believe it , without discovering , that we do not sufficiently consider what we say : Since we pretend to exercise an act of the Understanding , in embracing somewhat that we do not understand , nor have a Notion of . XIV . But on this occasion we may justly have recourse to a Distinction , like That I have lately intimated . For , in divers cases , the Notions , Men have of some Things , may be different enough , since the one is more obvious and superficial , and the other more Philosophical or accurat . And of these Two differing kinds of Conceptions , I have already offer'd some Instances in the very differing Notions , Men have of Place and Time : Which , thô familiar Objects , I elsewhere shew to be each of them of so abstruse a Nature , that I do not wonder to find Aristotle himself complaining of the Difficulty that there is to give a clear , and unexceptionable , Notion of Place ; nor to find so acute a Wit as St. Austin , ingenuously confessing his Disability to explicate the Nature of Time. XV. And what is said of the great Intricacies , that incumber a deep Scrutiny into these familiar Objects of Discourse , will hold , as to the Divisibility of Quantity ; as to Local Motion ; and as to some other Primary things ; whose Abstruseness is not inferior in Degree , thô differing as to the Kinds of things , wherein it consists . XVI . By such Instances as these , it may appear , that without talking as Parrots , ( as your Friends would intimate , that those that use our Distinctions must do ; ) or as irrational Men ; we may speak of some Things that we acknowledge to be on some account or other above our Reason ; since the Notions we may have of those Things , however dim and imperfect , may yet be of use , and may be in some measure intelligible , thô the Things they relate to , may , in another respect , be said to transcend our Understanding ; because an attentive Considerer may perceive , that something belongs to them , that is not clearly comprehensible , or does otherwise surpass our Reason ( at least in our present State. ) XVII . Having dispatch'd the Objection , that requir'd this Digression : I shall now step again into the Way , and proceed in it by telling you , that any one apposite Instance may suffice to clear the former part of the Expression that is imploy'd , when 't is said that a Mystery , or other Article of Faith , is above Reason , but not contrary to it : For if there be so much as one Truth , which is acknowledg'd to be such , and yet not to be clearly and distinctly comprehensible , it cannot justly be pretended , that to make use of the Distinction we are treating of , is to say something , that is not intelligible , or is absurd . And it will further justify the Expression quarrelled at , if we can make it appear , that it is neither Impertinent or Arbitrary , but grounded on the Nature of Things . And this I shall endeavour to do , by shewing , that though I admit Two sorts of Things , which may be said to be above Reason , yet there is no necessity , that either of them must ( always ) be contrary to Reason . XVIII . As for the first sort of Things said to surpass Reason , I see not , but that Men may be unable , without the Assistance of a more knowing Instructer , to discover some Truths ; and yet be able , when These are revealed or discovered to them by that Instructer , both to understand the disclosed Propositions by their own Rational Faculty , and approve them for True , and fit to be embraced . The Intellect of Man being such a bounded Faculty as it is , and naturally furnished with no greater a stock or share of Knowledge , than it is able by its own Endeavours to give itself , or acquire ; 't would be a great Unhappiness to Mankind , if we were obliged to reject , as repugnant to Reason , whatever we cannot discover by our own natural Light ; and consequently , to deny our selves the great Benefits we may receive from the Communications of any higher and more discerning Intellect . An Instance to my present purpose may be found among Rational Souls themselves , though universally granted to be all of the same Nature . For , thô a Person but superficially acquainted ( for Example ) with Geometry , would never have discovered by his own Light , that the Diameter of a Square is incommensurable to the Side ; yet when a skilful Mathematician dextrously declares , and by a Series of Demonstrations proves , that noble Theorem ; the Disciple by his now instructed Reason will be able , both to understand it , and to assent to it : Insomuch , that Plato said , that he was rather a Beast than a Man that would deny it . XIX . Other Instances may be alledged to exemplify the Truth newly mentioned . And indeed , there is not so much as a strong Presumption , that a Proposition or Notion is therefore repugnant to Reason , because it is not discoverable by It ; since it is altogether extrinsecal and accidental to the Truth or Falsity of a Proposition , that we never heard of It before ; or that we could never have found It out by our own Endeavours ; but must have had the Knowledge of It imparted to us by another . But then this Disability to find out a thing by our own Search , doth not hinder us from being able by our own Reason , both to understand it when duly proposed , and to discern it to be agreeable to the Dictates of right Reason . To induce you to assent to the later part of this Observation , I shall add , that these Intellectual Assistances may oftentimes not only enlighten , but gratify , the Mind , by giving it such Informations , as both agree with its former maimed or imperfect Notices , and compleat them . When , for example , an antique Medal , half consumed with Rust , is shewed to an unskilful Person , though a Scholar ; he will not by his own Endeavours be able to read the whole Inscription , whereof we suppose some parts to be obliterated by Time or Rust ; or to discover the Meaning of it . But when a knowing Medalist becomes his Instructer , he may then know some ( much defaced ) Letters , that were illegible to him before , and both understand the Sense of the Inscription , and approve it as genuine and suitable to the Things , whereto it ought to be congruous . And because divers Philosophical Wits are apt , as well as you , to be startled at the name of Mystery , and suspect , that because it implies something abstruse , there lyes hid some Illusion under that obscure Term : I shall venture to add , that agreeably to our Doctrine we may observe , that divers things that relate to the Old Testament , are in the New called Mysteries , because they were so under the Mosaick Dispensation ; thô they cease to be so , now that the Apostles have explained them to the World. As the calling of the Gentiles into the Church of God , is by their Apostle called a Mystery ; because , to use his Phrase , it had been hid from Ages and Generations : Though he adds , But now 't is made manifest to his Saints . And the same Writer tells the Corinthians , that he shows them a Mystery , which he immediately explains , by foretelling , that all pious Believers shall not dye , because that those that shall be found alive at the coming of Christ , shall not sleep , but be changed ; as the other Dead shall be raised incorruptible . Which surprising Doctrine , though because it could not be discovered by the Light of Nature , nor of the Writings of the Old Testament , he calls a Mystery ; yet it is no more so to us , now that he hath so expresly foretold it , and therefore declared it . XX. Other Instances I content myself to point at in the Margin , that I may pass on to confirm the Observation I formerly intimated ; that divers things which the Scripture teaches beyond what was known , or ( in probability ) are discoverable by natural Light , are so far from being against Reason , by being ( in the sense declared ) above it ; that these Discoveries ought much to recommend the Scripture to a rational Mind ; because they do not only Agree with the doubtful or imperfect Notions we already had of things , but Improve them , if not Compleat them . Nay , I shall venture to add , that these Intellectual Aids may not seldom help us to discern , That some Things , which not only are above Reason , but at first sight seem to be against it ; are really reconcileable to Reason , improved by the new Helps , afforded it by Revelation . To illustrate this by a Philosophical Instance , when Gallileo first made his Discoveries with the Telescope , and said , That there were Planets that moved about Jupiter ; He said something , that other Astronomers could not discern to be True , but nothing that they could prove to be False . And even when some Revelations are thought not only to transcend Reason , but to clash with it ; it is to be considered , Whether such Doctrins are really repugnant to any absolute Catholick Rule of Reason , or only to something , which so far depends upon the Measure of acquired Information we then enjoy , that , though we judge it to be Irrational , yet we are not sure , that the Thing , this Judgment is grounded on , is clearly and fully enough known to us . As , to resume the former Example , when Gallileo , or some of his Disciples , affirmed Venus to be sometimes Horned like the Moon ; thô this Assertion were repugnant to the unanimous Doctrine of Astronomers , who thought their Opinion very well grounded , on no less a Testimony than That of their own Eyes ; yet in effect the Proof was incompetent , because their unassisted Eyes could not afford them sufficient Information about this case . And so , when Gallileo spoke of Hills and Valleys , and Shadows , in the Moon , they were not straight to reject what he taught , but to have , if not a kind of implicit Faith , yet a great Disposition to believe what he delivered , as upon his own Knowledge , about the Figure and Number of the Planets . For they knew , that he had , and had already successfully made use of , a Way of discovering Coelestial Objects , that they were not Masters of ; nor therefore competent Judges of all the Things , though they might well be of many , that he affirmed to be discoverable by it . And though they could not see in the Moon what he observed , ( Valleys , Mountains , and the Shadows of these ) yet they might justly suspect , that the Difference of the Idea that they framed of that Planet , and that which he proposed , might well proceed from the Imperfection of their unaided Sight ; especially considering , that what he said , of the differing Constitution of what is there analogous to Sea and Land , did rather Correct and Improve , than absolutely Overthrow , their former Notices . For he allowed the Spots they saw , to be darker Parts of the Moon , and gave Causes of that Darkness ; which their bare Eyes could not have led them to any such Knowledge of . And the Non-appearance of the Mountainous Parts of the Moon in that form to the naked Eye , might well be imputed to the great Distance betwixt them and us , since at a far less Distance square Towers appear round , &c. XXI . It now remains , that I say something , that may both make some Application of the Form of Speech hitherto discoursed of , and afford a Confirmation of the Grounds whereon , I think , it may be justified . This I am the rather induced to do , because I expect it will be objected , that he that acknowledges , that the Thing he would have us believe , transcends our Reason , has a Mind to deceive us , and procures for himself a fair opportunity to delude us , by employing an Arbitrary Distinction , which he may apply as he pleases . XXII . But to speak first a word or two to this last Clause ; I acknowledge , that such a Distinction is capable enough of being misapplied : And I am apt to think , that , by some School-Divines , and others , it has been so . But , since there are other Distinctions that are generally and justly received by Learned Men , and even by Philosophers themselves , without having any Immunity from being capable to be perverted ; I know not , why the Distinction , we are considering , should not be treated as favourably as they . And however , the Question at present is not , whether our Distinction may possibly be misapplied by rash or imposing Men ; but whether it be grounded on the Nature of Things . To come then to the Thing it self , I consider , that for an Opinion to be above Reason , in the sense formerly assigned , is somewhat , that ( as was noted in reference to the first sort of Things , that surpass it ) is Extrinsecal and Accidental to its being True or False . For to be above our Reason , is not an Absolute thing , but a Respective one , importing a Relation to the Measure of Knowledge , that belongs to the Human Understanding , such as 't is said to transcend : And therefore it may not be above Reason , in reference to a more enlightned Intellect ; such as in probability may be found in Rational Beings of an higher Order , such as are the Angels ; and , without peradventure , is to be found in God ▪ Whom , when we conceive to be a Being Infinitely perfect , we must ascribe to him a perfect Understanding , and boundless Knowledge . This being supposed , it ought not to be denied , that a Superior Intellect may both comprehend several Things that we cannot ; and discern such of them to be congruous to the fixt and eternal Idea's of Truth , and consequently agreeable to one another , as dim-sighted Mortals are apt to suspect , or to think , to be separately False ; or , when collated , Inconsistent with one another . But to lanch into this Speculation , would lead me farther than I have time to go . And therefore I shall content my self to offer you one Argument , to prove , That of Things that may be said to be above Reason , in the Sense formerly explained , it is no way impossible , that even such an one should be true , as is obnoxious to Objections not directly answerable . For I consider , that of Things above Reason , there may be some which are really contradictory to one another , and yet each of them is maintainable by such Arguments , as very Learned and Subtle Men do both Acquiesce in , and Enforce , by loading the Embracers of the opposite Opinion , with Objections they cannot directly answer . XXIII . This I take to be manifest , in the case of the Controversy about the endless Divisibility of Quantity ; as , suppose , of a straight Line . For many eminent Mathematicians , and a greater number of Naturalists , and in particular almost all the Epicureans , and other Atomists , stifly maintain the Negative . The Affirmative is nevertheless asserted , and thought to be Mathematically demonstrated , by Aristotle in a peculiar Tract ; and both by His School , and by several excellent Geometricians besides . And yet in reality , the Assertions of these Two contending Parties are truly Contradictory ; since , of necessity a straight Line proposed must be , at least mentally , divisible , into Parts that are themselves still further divisible ; or , it must not be so , and the Subdivisions must at length come to a stop . And therefore one of the opposite Opinions must be true . And 't is plain to those , that have , with competent Skill and Attention , impartially examined this Controversy , that the side that is pitched upon , whichsoever it be , is liable to be exposed to such Difficulties , and other Objections , as are not clearly answerable ; but confound and oppress the Reason of those that strive to defend it . XXIV . I have , Sir , the more largely discoursed of the foregoing Distinction ; not only , because I did not find my self to have been prevented by others ; but , because I look upon the explaining and justifying of it to be of Importance , not alone to the Defence of some Mysteries of the Christian Religion , but ( what perhaps may have escaped your Observation ) of some important Articles of Natural Theology it self . For though Natural Religion taught divers Heathen Philosophers , such Truths as these , viz. The Production of the Rational Soul or Mind , which is an Immaterial Substance ; the Formation of the World out of the Universal Matter , though this Action required , that an Incorporeal Substance gave Motion to a Body ; that God knows Men's Thoughts and Intentions , how carefully soever they strive to hide them ; and that God foreknows the Events of the free Actions of such Men , as are not to be born these many Ages ; though , I say , these , and some other Sublime , Truths , were by divers Men embraced before the Gospel began to be Preached ; yet when I attentively consider , how hard it is to conceive the Modus of these Things , and explain how some of them can be performed ; and also , how some of the Divine Attributes , as Eternity , Immensity , Omnipresence , and some others , belong to God ; and how some Actions , as the Moving of Bodies , and the Creation of Human Minds , with all their Noble Faculties , are Exercis'd by Him : When I consider such Things , I say , I acknowledge , that , to my apprehension , there are some Doctrine allowed to have been discovered by the mere Light of Nature , that are liable to such Objections from Physical Principles , and the setled order of Things corporeal ; as , if they be urged home , will bring those that are Ingenuous to acknowledge , that their Intellects are but dim and imperfect , and indeed disproportionate to the sublimest and most mysterious Truths ; and that they cannot perfectly comprehend them ▪ and answer all the Difficulties that incumber them ; though they find themselves obliged to admit them , because of the weighty Positive Reasons , that recommend those Heteroclite Truths to their Assent . XXV . If you should now tell me , that , after all I have said , 't is plain , that the question'd Distinction ▪ if it were granted , might be of very bad consequence ; as affording shelter to any Unintelligible Stuff , that some bold Enthusiast , or conceited Philosophizer , may obtrude under the Venerable Title of a Mystery , above the Jurisdiction of Reason ; and , that though the Distinction were admitted , it would not be a good Proof of any disputed Article of the Christian Religion : If , I say , this shall be objected , I shall answer , ( what in part is intimated already ) That I do not deny , but that our Distinction is liable to be ill employed , but that this is no other Blemish than what is common with it to divers other Distinctions , that are without scruple Admitted , because they are useful ; and not Rejected , because they have not the Privilege , that they can never be misapplied : And therefore , both in reference to those Distinctions , and to That we have been Treating of , it becomes Men to stand upon their Guard , and strictly examine , how far the Notion , or Doctrine , proposed as a Mystery , does require , and is entituled to , the benefit of this Distinction . I shall also readily grant the greatest part of the second Member of your Objection . For I think it were great Weakness in a Christian , to urge our Distinction as a positive Proof : Since , thô it be Extrinsecal to an abstruse Notion , to be , or not to be , above Reason ; ( as was just now noted to another purpose , ) yet , generally speaking , that Abstruseness is less fit to bring credit to a Conception , or a Doctrine , than 't is to make it to be distrusted . Nor are Christians such fond Discoursers , as to pretend , That such an Article of Religion ought to be believed , Because 't is above Reason , as if that were a proof of its Truth ; but only , that if it be otherwise well proved , it ought to be believed , Notwithstanding its being above Reason . XXVI . And this I shall represent in favour of those that believe these abstruse Articles , that are clearly revealed in the Scripture , upon the Authority of the Divine Revealer ; ( who never deceives Others , nor can be Himself deceived , ) that since , as we have lately shewn by the contradictory Opinions about the Divisibility of Quantity , some Doctrines must be true , whose Difficulties do not appear to be surmountable by our dim Reason ; and since the Perfectness of God's Knowledge permits us not to doubt , but that He certainly knows which of the two Contending Opinions is the True ; and can declare so much to Men : It would not be a sure ground of rejecting a Revealed Article , to alledge , that 't is encumber'd with confounding Difficulties , and lyable to many and weighty Objections . XXVII . And , ( to add somewhat that may help to defend some Truths of Natural , and others of Revealed , Religion ) That a thing may be rationally assented to , upon clear positive Evidence , though we cannot directly answer the Objections , that a Speculative and Subtle Wit may devise against it ; is a Truth , which , as important as it is to Religion in general , and the Christian Religion in particular , I think one may sufficiently manifest by this one Instance , That , because we can walk up and down , and so remove our Bodies from Place to Place , by this one Argument , I say , we are justly satisfied , that there is Local Motion in the World , notwithstanding all the Specious and Subtle Arguments , that Zeno and his Followers have employed to impugne that Truth : Against which , they have alleged such Difficulties , as have not only puzzled and perplexed , but ( for ought yet appears ) nonplus'd the Antient Philosophers , and , I doubt , those Moderns too , that have attempted to give clear Solutions of them . XXVIII . If now , Sir , we look back upon what hath hitherto been discoursed , I hope you will allow me to gather thence the Conclusion I aim at , which is , that There is no necessity , that every Notion or Proposition that may be found deliver'd in the Holy Scriptures , that surpasses our Reason , must therefore be contradictory to it : And that , in case the Christian Religion be True , and it's Mysteries or other Articles divinely Revealed ; 't is not enough , for the Confutation of any of them , to reject the Expression , that 't is above Reason , but not contrary to it ; as if it involved an unintelligible or groundless Distinction : For thô This will not evince the Truth of a Mystery , since That must be Establish'd upon its proper Grounds and Arguments ; yet it will keep it from being Therefore Absurd or False , because it transcends our Reason : Since to do so , may belong almost indifferently to a Chymerical Notion , and a Mysterious Truth . And if the Expression be employed to justify any thing , that , thô styl'd a Mystery , is but a pretended One ; the Error will lye , not in the Groundlesness of the Distinction , but the Erroneousness of the Application . I am , SIR , Your most &c. FINIS . Greatness of Mind , PROMOTED BY CHRISTIANITY . In a LETTER to a Friend . The First Part. LONDON , Printed by Edward Jones , for John Taylor at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . MDCXCI . To my honoured Friend Sir R. M. SIR , I Do not wonder , that a great Soul , like yours , should enquire , What aspect Religion , and particularly that of Christians , has upon Greatness of Mind : But , I confess , I somewhat marvel , that you should be put upon the Enquiry , by the Suggestions of such a Libertine as Mr. N. N.'s confidently pretending , that his Atheistical and Sensual Principles are much more friendly , than the Doctrines of Christianity , to a noble Frame of Mind . Wherefore I dare not permit the Sense I have of my own Weakness , how great and just soever , to keep me from presenting you with my Thoughts ; and the rather , because I presume you are not indisposed to receive a Satisfaction in this Point , since you seem to expect it from a Pen that is no better than mine ; which , you well know , must not be , on this occasion , assisted by the Arguments and Ornaments , that the fine Sentences of the Fathers , and other Divines and Humanists , might afford to a Person that were at leisure , and furnished with a Library . Yet I shall not much , either excuse , or deplore , my being so ill accommodated for the Task you impose upon me ; because as you seem to desire but my own Thoughts , so I know not , whether common Place-books would afford me any great Assistance on so uncommon a Theme ; and , I confess , that , when the Matter will bear it , I , as well as you , do less care for Authorities , especially taken from Discourses , designed rather to Persuade than Prove , in comparison of those Arguments , that are suggested by a due Consideration of the Nature of the Thing . But yet , I presume , you will readily give me leave to do that frequently enough , which your Friend , perhaps , will call Preaching . For besides that , your Desires , and my Haste , confine me to the Bible and my own Thoughts ; the frequent Citation of Texts of Holy Scripture is exacted by the Nature of the Question I am to handle : it being necessary , for the evincing of the Doctrines of Christianity , not to be inconsistent with Greatness of Mind , that we as well consider , What those Doctrines are , which sure will be best declared by the Scriptural Texts that contain them , as What are the Attributes of Greatness of Mind . CHAP. I. TO proceed then with some Method , as well as much Brevity , I conceive , it will be no unfit Way to come to a Resolution in our Inquiry , if I First set down and enumerate the chiefest Things , that , in the estimation of Intelligent Men , do , as if they were so many Ingredients , make up what we call Magnanimity or Greatness of Mind , That not being a single Starr , but a Constellation of elevated and radiant Qualities ; and then shew , that Religion , especially That of the Christians , is , at least , consistent with each of these , if it do not also promote it . But in this Enumeration , thô I shall , ex abundanti , take in some Qualities , that are not Essential to Greatness of Mind , but rather Accessions to it ; yet I shall not scrupulously distinguish those Things that are necessary to compleat it , and Those that are partly some of them Signs , and some of them Effects of it ; hoping from your Equity , that these additional Things will be thought to make full amends , if , through Haste or Mistake , I should chance to have omitted any Property , that you may judge to belong to the true Notion of Generosity . I shall , in the following Discourse , take it for granted , ( and I hope I need not tell you , that I do so ) that as we think not Masons , but Jewellers , fit to judge of the Genuineness and Value of precious Stones ; so you will allow me to take the Notion and Measures of Greatness of Mind , not from the Opinions of the Injudicious Vulgar , but the Judicious Estimates of Reason , improv'd by Philosophy , and enlightn'd by Natural Theology . I know , the undiscerning Multitude , whose Judgment seems rather lodg'd in the Eye than in the Brain , when they hear Men name Greatness of Mind , are apt to fancy Something , that , like the Coronation of a King , is attended with Pomp and Splendor , and a numerous Train of Gazers , and the loud Acclamations of the People . And , at least , when mention is made of an Heroick Soul , they imagine , that it cannot be but in a great Commander , like a Roman Emperor , or a Tartarian General , that leads and defeats Armies , and desolates whole Countries , and leaves them Peopled only with Carkasses . But Reason and Religion , that look on Human things with Eyes untroubled by those pompous Outsides that dazle the Vulgar , can easily see a vast Difference betwixt Greatness of Fortune and Greatness of Mind . And not only Christianity teaches , that God , who is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Respecter of Persons , Acts 10. and 34. 2 Sam. 14. and 14. Sees not Persons as Man sees them ; and that a thing that is sublime amongst Men , may be an Abomination to Him : But Philosophers themselves can easily distinguish betwixt that real Greatness , that truly belongs to the Man , and that Theatrical one , that Fortune may have annext to his Condition . And , thô they pay a peculiar Honor and Respect to great Virtue in Sovereigns , rather than in Subjects , because in the former , 't is more diffusively beneficial , and cannot last without resisting stronger Temptations ; yet , they do not think , that a great Empire always either finds , or makes , a great Soul. And if Dignities , how high soever , be attain'd by mean Submissions , or weak Actions , they think this extrinsecal Greatness can no more make a mean Soul Great , than high Stilts can make a Dwarf a proper Man. Perhaps , they look upon Many , who , for making a great Bustle and Noise in the World , are , by themselves , and the shallow Vulgar , thought great Spirits , but as Gnats , that are in themselves small and worthless Creatures , and are really considerable for Nothing , save the Noise and the Stings wherewith they are able to disturb Mens Rest . That lucky Monarch , that overcame so great a Part of the then known World , and conquer'd Countrys , faster than one would have thought he could have travell'd over them , has this Character given of his stupendious Exploits , by the Roman Historian , that all he had done , was , That he durst well despise despicable things . And in a Poet of the same Nation , this is his Elogy , Faelix Terrarum Praedo non utile mundo , Editus Exemplum . And if such Persons as They , had so little Respect for so great a Monarch , that was a lawful Sovereign ; what Liberty , think you , do Philosophers allow themselves , who so little value the Favourites of Fortune , for their being so that even such as those prosperous Usurpers , Phocas , &c. that her Fondness , and the Applause of a Multitude , ( as blind , perhaps , as She is painted ) have seated in the Throne ; Philosophers , in their Thoughts , do as well doom to a Scaffold , as Religion does to Hell. And certainly , True Greatness of Mind must be something that both Resides in the Soul , and is Perfective of it ; neither of which Properties belong to any thing that Fortune can bestow : and all that outward Greatness can do , is not to make a Soul Great , but to afford one that is , the opportunity of shewing itself to be so . And all these Submissions and Respects that Custom , or Fear , or Interest make Men pay to those , whom , only their Titles , or their Places , or their Power makes Great ones , do as little argue or increase the real worth of those envied Persons , as the standing for more than formerly in an account , turns a Brass Counter into Silver or Gold. And as no less skill in Arithmetick is requir'd , to Multiply , &c. a thousand Farthings than a thousand Guinea's , thô one of the latter , be worth almost a thousand of the former ; so the ordering or disposing of all things according to the best Rules , and after the best manner they are capable of , may argue no less Greatness of Mind in a private Man , than is exercis'd by a Great Monarch , in those Actions that attract the Eyes , and busie the Tongues , of Nations . And as it usually speaks a Man a better Artist to make a Pocket-Watch , than a great Town-Clock , all the Advantage the later has of the former , consisting in the Greatness of the Matter that is wrought , and not that of the Skill , that is display'd : So it sometimes happens , that those Productions of Virtue argue a greater Soul , that make , by far , a lesser Shew and Noise . And you may remember , not only , that Socrates , notwithstanding his private , and even necessitous , Condition , was by the Oracle preferr'd to all the Grecians , when Greece was the Theatre of generous Minds : But , that a far truer Oracle than That of Delphos , pronounc'd the poor Widows Mind , and Circumstances , to have made her Mite a greater Liberality , than all that the Rich Man had bestow'd upon the Corban . And it is the Sentence of no worse a Judge than Salomon . Let us not then from the mean Notions of the Vulgar , and the fond Opinions of common Souls , take our Estimates of so sublime and extraordinary a Quality , as Greatness of Mind . For many Things , to which they give not only their Approbation , but their Applause , are , and ought to be , as little esteem'd , if they be condemn'd by the Wise , as a piece of Brass Money , that has long past currant among the People , ought to be thought good Gold , when Refiners and Say-masters have declar'd it counterfeit . And if you ask me , What Notion then of Greatness of Mind , I am willing to allow , I shall freely tell you , that , in my apprehension , the Man that has a Great Mind , is he that uses his utmost moral Diligence to find out what are the best Things he can do , and then , without being deterr'd by Dangers , or discourag'd by Difficulties , does resolutely and steadily persue them as far as his Ability and Opportunities will serve ; and This out of an Internal Principle of Love to God and Man , and with a sincere Aim , to Glorify the one , and Benefit the other . CHAP. II. BUT , before I descend to Particulars , it will not be amiss to take notice of one Consideration , that may , in general , make it probable , That the Christian Religion is rather favourable , than opposite , to true Magnanimity . That this Argument may make somewhat the more Impression , I shall , thô very briefly , observe that the Aspects , both of the Author , the Rules , the Aims , or Scopes , and the Rewards of Virtue , as 't is recommended by Christianity , have a great and direct tendency to Elevate it , and make it Heroick . And first , the prime Author of the Doctrine of the Gospel being GOD himself , who both knows Man perfectly , and is mentioned in Scripture as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Lover of Mankind ; 't is but reasonable to suppose , that the Doctrines and Laws he caused to be solemnly delivered to Mankind , and confirmed by Miracles , and whose System is , in the Apocalypse , honoured with the Title of The Everlasting Gospel , ( i. e. ) not to be succeeded by a more perfect Institution , as the Mosaick Law was by That ; should be fitted to beget and advance solid and sublime Virtue , and be more , than any other Institution , Perfective of Human Nature . Next , the Rules , and ( if there be any such ) the Counsels of the Christian Religion require , and tend to , extraordinary degrees of Virtue : The Divine Legislator , being able to look into the Hearts of Men , makes his Laws reach Those , and Those principally , too . The loving GOD with all our Hearts , with all our Minds , &c. and our Neighbour as our selves , as comprehensive as those two grand Principles of Virtue are , is by our Saviour made the Summary of the Moral Law , and adopted into the Gospel ; the cleansing ourselves from all Filthiness , both of Flesh and Spirit ; and the abstaining from all kind , or appearance , of Evil , are the Negative Parts of the Christians Duty ; and for the Positive Parts , we are plainly told , That unless our Righteousness exceed that boasted one of the Scribes and Pharisees , we shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven . We are urged to grow in Grace , to add to our Faith , Virtue , and to That , a whole Train of excellent Qualities . And , for fear any such thing should be thought to be purposely omitted , because left unmentioned , this general Exhortation is given us ; Finally , my Brethren , whatsoever things are true , &c. But there is yet a more aspiring Path of Virtue trac'd us out in the Gospel , where it proposes to us the Example of Christ , as One , whose Steps we are to tread in : For not only that Divine Person never committed any Sin , neither was Guile found in his Mouth ; but the Supreme and Omniscient Judge , God Himselfe , Declared , by a Voice from Heaven , his full Approbation both of his Person and his Doctrine , when he said , This is my beloved Son , in whom I am well pleased , hear he him . And his Sinless Life , which was a Living Law , did not only surpass the Examples , but even the Precepts and the Idea's too , of the Heathen Moralists and Philosophers , as may be elsewhere shewn . And the becoming a serious Disciple of so Perfect and Divine a Teacher , does itself so engage a Man to renounce his former Vices , that when St. Paul had dissuaded his Romans from divers other Vices , instead of exhorting them to the contrary Virtues in particular , he only desires them , in general , to put on the Lord Jesus Christ , as a comprehensive Durty , which contain'd in it all the Virtues , he declin'd to enumerate . Thirdly , but thô he calls us to high Degrees of Virtue , yet he does not to Unattainable ones ; For , thô Philosophy wisely forbore , thô not always to commend , yet to injoyn , things disproportionate to Human Infirmities ; yet , he may well be allow'd to engage us to more than Human Virtues , that by his Divine Assistances , if they be duly sought , is always ready to inable us to acquire and practise Them. Of his Fulness , says St. John , We have all received , and Grace for Grace ; ( i. e. ) either Graces answerable to His , as the Faculties of a Child's Mind , are to Those of a Perfect Man ; or , Grace upon Grace , ( i. e. ) an Accumulation of Graces heaped upon one another ; which may keep you from wondring , that St. Paul should dare to say , That he could do all things thorow Christ that strengthned him . And where his Invitations meet with an honest and a willing Mind , his Commands do not only Chaulk out the Way , but Give Strength to walk in it ; and he usually , does by his Spirit , such a kind of Work , as he sometimes did miraculously by his Power , when he at once bid , and enabled , a Paralytick Person that wanted Strength to stir from his Bed , to rise and walk . And when , having commanded St. Peter to walk to him upon the Sea , he enabled him securely to tread upon the Waves ; thereby Approving and Rewarding the excellent Notion that Disciple had , That the Command of Christ was a sufficient Cause to put him upon Action , thô a Miracle were requisite to carry him thorow with it . Fourthly , The Rewards propos'd to Virtue and Piety , by the Christian Religion , do exceedingly tend to animate and heighten Them ; whether we consider the Recompences the Gospel propounds in this Life , or those that it promises in the Next . The great present Rewards of Virtue , are , you know , the Approbation of Good Men , and the Applause of a Man 's own Conscience . The First of these is as well attainable by Christian Hero's , as by any other ; for Virtue loses neither its Worth , nor Amiableness , by being Baptiz'd ; and thô in some Times and Places lesser Degrees of it may be disregarded , or traduc'd , yet , generally speaking , the greater Degrees of it will either invite , or extort , Mens Esteem . Among the Roman Persecutors , the exemplary Lives and Constancy of the Primitive Christians , brought it to be Proverbially said , That such a Man was a good Man , saving that he was a Christian ; and , Soli Christiani mortis contemptores , was usually in Heathen's Mouths . There are divers Qualities , and those more press'd by the Christian , than any other , Institution , that have in them so much of Native Loveliness , that St. Paul might justly say of them , That he that exercises himself in them , is , generally speaking , both ceptable to God , and approv'd by Men. Nor did those Virtues that recommended the Great Constantine , whilst he was a Gentile , lose their Lustre , or the Veneration they procured him , when he turn'd Christian , and practis'd them with higher Aims , than that of satisfying Himself , and pleasing his People . And as for the Reward of a good Conscience , which was able to make Hercules undergo all his Labors ; and made all the other Hero's of the Gentile World ; I think , it will not be doubted , but that this inward Recompence is received , not only without any Defalcations , but with great Improvements , by him , whose Virtues flow from Religion . For , to him the Applauses of Conscience may well be more acceptable than all the various sorts of Musick , that Solemniz'd the Dedication of Nebuchadnezar's Golden Image , since in him Conscience does not , as in mere Natural Men , act only the Part of a Domestick Judge , but That of a Delegate from God himself ; and its Absolutions are less welcome , as they are Approbations of Reason , than as they are the Pledges of Gods Acceptance , and of that higher Reward that will be consequent to it in the Life to come . For these Joys , that are plac'd on the other side of the Grave , are much the Noblest part of the Recompence of Virtue , and proportionable Incitements to the Practice of it ; and yet , on the account of future Rewards , the Christian has much greater Motives to Heroick Virtue , than the Heathen Moralist , or Philosopher . For , the posthume State of Man is so dim and uncertain , that we find even the greatest Men , among the Heathens , speak very doubtfully , and not without Ifs and And 's , of a future State , and much more of a future Happiness , as may be instanc'd in Socrates , Cyrus , Seneca , and many others ; so that they rather seem'd to have Wish'd , or Hop'd , than Believ'd , their future Felicity : And , I fear , that many of them , finding that happy State describ'd chiefly by the Poets , reckon'd it among Poetick Fictions . And those that did , though but waveringly , expect Recompences in the Life to Come , had but poor and mean Idea's suggested to them of it ; the Hopes they were entertain'd with , being of Fortunate Islands and the Elysian Fields , which are not so Transcendent as to make a diffident Man very forward to quit the Gardens of Epicurus , that he has here in Possession , upon the doubtful hopes of other Gardens in Elysium . Whereas , to excite the Christian to an Heroick Degree of Virtue , he is not allow'd to Hope , but Commanded to be intirely Confident of passing out of this World into a Place , to which the Poets Elysium is much more Inferior , than the Possession of a Garden is to That of an Empire . To attempt the Description of that Coelestial Happiness , would be , contrary to my Inclination , to launch out into a Common Place ; and were a Work , that if my Haste did not , my Disability would , dissuade me from : And therefore , though it be a State made up of the Confluence of all sort of Things rationally Desireable ; yet , having only said in general of all the other Goods that it comprizes , that the Scripture tells us , That Eye has not Seen , nor Ear Heard , nor the Heart of Man Conceiv'd , what God has laid up for them that Fear him : I shall particularly take notice only of those Parts of this Inestimable Reward , that may peculiarly concern my present purpose , by being the chief Things that Heroick Souls are wont to Aspire too ; a Good Name , Honour , and Dignity . To have a Good Name for Good Actions , cannot but be a very desireable Thing , the Applause of Wise and Good Men , being a loud Eccho from without , that , by repeating it , confirms the Approbation given by the Conscience within . But though to do Virtuous and Worthy Actions be the best and likeliest way of acquiring a Good Name , yet 't is not a certain one : For , such is the Ignorance , the Malice , or the Enmity of a great many , that no Man is sure to escape being Mis-represented , or Traduc'd ; as , we see , that the Sublimity , the Brightness , and the regular Courses of the Stars themselves , could not hinder wanton Poets , or fanciful Astronomers , from giving those Luminous Constellations the Names not only of the Nobler Beasts , as the Lyon , the Eagle , and the Whale ; but even of Animals that lie under an ill Name , as the Dog , the Goat , and the Scorpion . And though it be true , that oftentimes Innocency long Clouded , does , like Lightning , break out at last ; yet oftentimes too , that happens not till Malice and Envy are Dead , because the maligned Person is so ; by which means he does not Live to know he is justified ; and many , if not all , of those mis-inform'd Men are Dead and gone for whose good Opinion he was chiefly concern'd . But though the Christian may , as well as any other , be Traduc'd by Calumny , which often serves good Men , ( as the Heathen Persecuters did the Martyrs , when they exposed them to the Peoples view , cloath'd in the Skins of Beasts , to make them hideous and hateful ; ) yet he is justly cheared by the Assurance he has , that there will come a Time when opprest and disfigur'd Innocency shall shine forth and triumph , and his good Name , as well as his Body , shall have a Glorious Resurrection , even in the Sight of his Accusers and Enemies , and of all those whom their Slanders did either prevail with , or startle . For at that great and general Assize , to which there shall be a far greater Confluence , than the Assyrian Monarch drew to the Plains of Babylon , the Heroick Disciples of the Apostles will be able to say , upon happier terms than the Apostles themselves did here below , that they are made a Spectacle to God , to Angels and to Men. And in that Illustrious Assembly , of the First Born , whose Names are written in Heaven , being present , the Men , not only of all Nations , but of all Ages too , the Vizards shall be as well taken off , as the Masques ; and the formerly traduc'd Saints , being welcom'd with the Title of Good and Faithful Servants , shall solemnly be acquitted by the Sentence , not of a Fallible , or partial , Judge , but of an Infinite and Supreme One , That searches the Hearts and Reins , and cannot be Deceiv'd or Brib'd ; and , to be sure , that the injur'd Saint shall come off with Honour enough , he shall then be Absolv'd by being Crown'd . This Celestial Crown comprehending , in the Scripture Dialect , both the remaining Parts of the Christians Reward , Honour and Dignity , or Glory , and Preferment ; it will be pertinent to mention some Advantages that giveit an high Preference about the Crowns of Monarchs here below . And First , Earthly Crowns may somtimes be the Fruits and Recompences of Worth and Virtue , but are not at all the proofs of them . They are usually the Gifts of Nature , and , not unfrequently , of Fortune ; and History gives us cause to wish , they were more seldom the Acquists of Crimes . But the Celestial Crowns proclaim , thô not the Merit , the Worth of them that receive them , being never adjudg'd but to Such , whom previous Graces and Virtues have fitted and qualified for the Inheritance of the Saints in Light. Besides , as an Earthly Crown may be acquir'd without Merit , so it may be possess'd without Happiness . And if Crimes be made Steps to a Throne , they prove so many Thorns to him that sits on it , who is there a more Illustrious , not a less tormented , Malefactor . The Sublimity of a Throne , as little as the Height of a Scaffold , keeping a Criminal Person from feeling the punishments inflicted on him there . As may appear by the instance of Herod Agrippa , whose Throne , and glistering Habit , which Josephus takes notice of , thô they procur'd him not only the Acclamations , but Adorations , of the dazled Multitude , could not protect him from the incens'd Justice of an higher King than he ; so that whilst others treated him as a God , he found himself one of the most miserable of Men , and was fain to hasten from a Seat , which occasion'd , but could not protect , his Impiety . But a Coelestial Crown , as it is graciously bestowed for the Supream Recompence of Virtue , and on that account may be called a Crown of Righteousness ; so it always proves a Blessing as inseparable from Happiness , as a Thing is from it self . The Crowns of this World , by the very advantage of being Hereditary , shew , that they cannot preserve the Possessors from Death . But the Crown , I speak of , is by the Divine Bestower of it , called , A Crown of Life ; and of it , in respect of other Crowns , may be truly said , what Solomon said of Wisdom , in reference to other Goods , That the Excellency of it is , that it gives Life to the owner thereof . And though Earthly Crowns be such Transitory Things , that we may observe , that even the Four great Monarchies of the World were by God represented to Nebuchadnezar , but as parts of a Dream , whereas the Kingdom promis'd to Christians , is called in the Scripture , A Kingdom that cannot be moved , as the Believers Crown is , in opposition to those fading Crowns of Lawrel , that adorn'd the Heads of the Roman Conquerors , called an unwithering Crown of Glory : As if the Lawrel plac'd on the Christians Head , could grow and flourish in the Wreath , better than it did on the Tree . But all that I have yet said is Inferior to this last Prerogative of the Coelestial Crown , that it does not only confer a relative Dignity or Preeminence , but an essential Worth and Excellency ; as if the Diamonds , which adorn'd that Crown , should impart their own Sparklingness , Transparency , and Incorruptibility , to the Person that wears it . The highest Preferments here below do raise a Man above others , without raising him above himself . By being at the top of a Ladder , a Man comes to an higher Station , but is not really taller than he was ; and a Vane , by being plac'd on the top of the highest Steeple , is not from Iron turn'd into Gold or Silver , but remains still of the same base Metal it was , and is but a Weather-Cock , and so the Sport of the Winds . But a Coelestial Crown is always attended with a Personal Improvement , befitting so high a Dignity . The Heavenly Coronation has a Virtue like That of the Unction of Saul , who , upon his being made King , was inabled to Prophecy , and was turn'd into an other Man. And the Resemblance holds in this too , that Christ is said , to have made his Redeemed ones , not only Kings , but Priests to God and his Father , as if the Kingly Dignity were not enough , unless the Sacred Character of a Priestly Office were added . Congruously to which , St. Peter calls Christians , in general , a Royal Priesthood ; the Understanding , the Will , the Affections , are all refin'd and elevated ; and the very Body itself is transformed into a Spiritual Body . As if the Glorify'd Soul did shine , with an undiminish'd Splendor , through its happily chang'd Mansion . And we may well suppose , that this will be a Bright and Noble Structure , if we remember , that the Angels , who , in their Apparitions to good Men , were wont to be very careful not to frighten them , did yet appear with a Majestick Splendor ; and that Angel that the Apostles saw in our Saviours Sepulchre is represented as a young Man cloathed in a long white and shining Garment . And we are told by St. Paul , that , in the future State , our vile Bodies shall be transform'd into the likeness of his Glorious Body ; and how Glorious it is in Heaven , we may guess , by what it was at his Transfiguration here on Earth , during which , the Scripture relates , That his Face did shine as the Sun , and his Raiment was white as the Light. And of Moses and Elias , thô they came to speak to him of his Death , 't is added by St. Luke , That they also appear'd in Glory . And since our Saviour has assured us , That those shall be accounted worthy of that State , shall be like , or equal to the Angels ; And that then the Righteous shall shine like the Sun in the Kingdom of their Father , who knows , but that the Transfigur'd Soul and Body of some happy Saint may be as Glorious a Sight , as that which appear'd to St. John in the Apocalyps , when he saw an Angel standing in the Sun ? If it be said , that these are very bold Hyperbolies , I hope the Texts , I have mention'd , will keep them from seeming altogether groundless Conceits . And , when among other excellent Prerogatives , that our Saviour promises the persevering Beleivers , One is , That he will give them Power over the Nations , and to Rule them with a Rod of Iron ; and the Other , which may well be the last , is exprest in these words . To him that overcometh , will I grant to sit with me in my Throne , even as I evercame , and am set down with my Father in his Throne . And thô I readily yield , that these Expressions are not to be and literally , taken ; yet , when I consider the infinite Power , and Goodness , of God ; and that , for ought we know , he may have numberless Dominions , and Setts of Governable Creatures , that we are yet strangers too ; I think , God's Attributes , and Christ's Expressions , may warrant us to expect amazing things from him that is Able , and has Declar'd himself Willing , to do for us above what we can ask , or , in our present State , so much as think . And , at least , that will be allow'd me , which I drive at in this Celebration of our future Happiness , that the Christian Religion , by proposing such inestimable Rewards , presents Beleivers with far higher Motives to Heroick Virtue , than Morality , or Philosophy , can afford other Men. Advertisement . THe Author being desir'd to add yet something to the foregoing Discourses , to give the Book they make Parts of , a Thickness more proportionate to its Largeness ; he did among other Papers of his , that he turn'd over in Compliance with that request , light upon an Epistolary Discourse , which by its very being unfinish'd , seem'd ( by reason of its shortness ) the more fit to serve the present turn . For this Tract having been drawn up in a Countrey , whence the Author was oblig'd to remove , before he had made any considerable Progress in his Work ; he was easily induc'd to put it up in a Bundle of other Writings , which , like this , were laid aside till he should be at much leisure to compleat them . But upon the newly mention'd occasion , finding that among divers loose and lesser Memoirs , that had been thrown together in order to the design'd Treatise , there were 15 or 20 Pages at the beginning that were Coherent enough ; he was content they should attend the Christian Virtuoso , because of the affinity of the things design'd in both the Papers ; which being to recommend the Christian Religion to worthy Souls , 't was congruous enough that a Discourse which shews , That the Christian Religion may very well consist with a Philosophick Genius ; should be accompany'd by another that tends to manifest , That Greatness of Mind , which comprizes uncommon degrees of Virtue , is not only Consistent with Christianity , but may be highly Promoted by it . Those that reflect on this Aim , will not ( 't is hop'd ) think it strange , that the Style is a little Rais'd ; since tho' the Subject be Theological , yet the Writer , ( who was then many Years Younger than he now is ) being a Person of Honour , and writing for a Noble Gentleman , who , like himself , was a Layman ; 't was thought not only Allowable but Fit , that the Style should not be altogether unsuitable to the Subject and to the Aim : which was to make Impressions on an Illustrious Person , not by dry Precepts , or Languid Discourses , but by exciting him to Heroick Virtue , by the Noblest Patterns and Ideas , and the most moving Incentives , he could propose . And tho' the Discouragements lately mention'd , and since increas'd by the Authors not being able to find some of the principle Materials he had , in loose Sheets , provided for the following Discourse ; oblige him to lay aside the thoughts of Compleating it ; yet because 't is very possible that some Elevated Soul may have a Mind to prosecute the design , or Cultivate so noble a Subject ; he thought it not amiss ( as little Samples of his Method or Way of Treating it ) to Subjoyn to the greater Fragment , besides the Index of the Heads of Discourse , intended for the First Part , 5 or 6 Lesser Fragments that he lighted on , whilst he was seeking for some Papers belonging to the same Tract , that should have been , but were not , found in their Company . CHAP. III. TO have high Aims and Noble Designs , is so Genuin a Mark , and Effect of Greatness of Mind , that there is not any more generally acknowledged ; insomuch that Ambition , tho' it be but a Depravation or a Counterfeit of this Heroick frame of Mind , does yet so dazzle the Eyes of the greater part of Men , as to pass for Magnanimity ; and Noble Attempts do oftentimes , even when they fail of Success , not miss of Esteem . — Magnis tamen excidit ausis , was meant for an Encomium by him that said it . And I remember that one of the Ancients reckons it among the Glories of that Great Captain , Hannibal , who long successfully disputed , with the Romans , the Empire of the World , that he resolved to Besiege Rome , tho' he never prov'd able to lead his Army within the Sight of her Walls . Now , as to have Elevated Aims is one of the chief Signs , and indeed Parts , of an Heroick temper of Mind ; so , there are no men that seem to me to have Nobler and Sublimer Aims , than Those to which a true Christian is Encouraged ; since he aspires to no less things than to please and glorify God ; to promote the Good of Mankind ; to improve , as far as is possible , his Personal Excellencies in this Life ; and to secure to himself for ever a glorious and happy Condition in the next . CHAP. IV. ONE of the grand Difficulties , that he , who would be highly Virtuous , must expect to surmount and Conquer , especially in such a Degenerous age , as ours , is the Temptation that is afforded by the Universality of vitious Customs and Examples . I wish 't were needless , solicitously to prove , either how great an Influence Examples , especially bad ones , have on the generality of Men ; or how general bad Examples have been in most Ages , and in particular in That we live in . The Scandal given by bad Examples , tho' it be one of the most obvious Temptations , is none of the least dangerous . For Interest , Bashfulness , and that very Complaisance and Civility , that is so usually found in well-bred , or good-Natur'd , Persons , makes them very unwilling to offend or disoblige the Company they live with ; and whom they have several Inducements rather to please and gratify by imitation and compliance , than tacitly to reproach by Nonconformity to their Sentiments , and Practices . And , in effect , we find , that many that could not be perverted by the Frowns and Threats of the Vitious , have been Debauch'd by their Company and Example . Against this powerful Temptation , Religion strongly arms it's Hero , both by Precepts and Precedents . Thou shalt not follow a Multitude to do Evil , was the Express Command of the Mosaic Law. Say not thou a Confederacy to all , to whom this People shall say a Confederacy , was the Command of God to his Prophet . Our Saviour makes it an Argument to dissuade his Disciples from an anxious Solicitude about Meat and Drink and Cloathing , that after all these things the Gentiles ( which are by far the most numerous part of Mankind ) do seek . And , upon the same ground , he endeavours in the same Divine Sermon upon the Mount to keep them from Vain Repetitions in Prayer . And , whereas it may seem an Immodesty to dare to dissent from others , that vastly surpass us in number ; the Heroick Conqueror of Canaan speaks thus to the whole Body of the Victorious Jewish Nation , that they may choose to serve whom they thought fit , and worship either the Gods whom their Fathers served , or those Worshipp'd by the Neighbouring Nations , but as for me and my House , we Will serve the Lord , Be you not conformed to this World , says St. Paul. And another Apostle , speaking of himself and the true Christians of his time , scruples not to affirm it passionately and roundly , We know that we are of God , and the whole World lies in Wickedness . Nor does Religion furnish us with Precepts only , to disobey Custom , and Example , but with Precedents too , of which there are Three so illustrious , that I know not how to pass them by . The First is afforded by Lot , who lived in a place , that was grown so Proverbial for the Height of Wickedness , that to aggravate their Sins by the most Hyperbolical Comparison , we must liken them to themselves ; and they were grown so wicked , that in a place where an admirable Plenty , and an unbounded Libertinisme could not but make them very populous , there could not be found half a Score of good Men , the generality of that cursed People being fallen so much not only from Virtue , but from common Honesty , that they did not restrain themselves so much , as to Human Vices . And yet , even the Sins of Sodom , which cryed so loud as to reach Heaven , and bring down Fire and Brimstone from thence , disturbed Lot's Quiet , without destroying his Innocence , and an Apostle assures us , that , that just Man was but vex'd with the filthy Conversation of the wicked , not prevail'd with in the least to imitate it . The Next Instance of a Religious Courage , inflexible to bad Examples , is afforded us by the three Friends of Daniel , who , at the great Solemnity of the Dedication of Nebuchadnezars Golden Image ; when they had , besides that great and stern Monarchs Command , the Example not only of many Men but many Nations , and a more numerous Assembly of Persons , considerable for Quality and Dignity , than the World ever saw before or since , singly opposed their Naked Constancy to the haughty Tyrants Menaces , and the prostrate World's Example . And yet these Men were Courtiers , bred among that supple sort of fine Creatures ; that were as accustom'd to bow their Consciences , as their Knees , to their proud Master . They had not only Lives to lose , but the chief Dignities of the Province of Babylon , then the Queen of Nations . And they could not upon their refusal quit the stateliest Palace in the World , without immediately changing it for a burning Fiery Furnace . The Last Instance I shall name , and the most illustrious that can be named , is , that I am supplied with by Noah , he lived in an Age , in which there were as many Hainous Sinners almost as there were Men , thô Vice has generally had a Benjamins Portion , in the Distribution of Mankind betwixt It and Virtue , yet , Methusala excepted , the Inequallity was grown such , as gave Vice rather a Monopoly than a Share of Men ; or if a Distribution were to be admitted , 't was such a one , as That made of Saul and his Army , when all the people were on one side , and only he and Jonathan on the other : 'T is strange , that when the World was so recent , that many , that were then alive might remember and converse with one , that for two hundred Years liv'd contemporary with Adam , ( for so we may gather Methusala to have done ) Men should so soon forget all Sentiments of Piety . But yet in Noah's time , the World could not be compared to its present State , where thô it be Night in one place , 't is Day in another ; but to the state of Tohu va Bohu , or the first Chaos , where Darkness was over the face of the Universal Deep . For the Scripture tells us , That all Flesh had corrupted his way upon the Earth , that every Imagination of the thoughts of Mans Heart was only evil continually . And tho' Noah's Family were saved with him in the Ark , yet it may be doubted , whether that were a certain token of their being untoucht by the general Contagion . For that wonderful Vessel contain'd Beasts clean and unclean , harmless and rapacious , and in it were saved Wolves as well as Lambs , and Vultures as well as Doves . And where God gives the Reason , why he vouchsafed to receive Noah and his House into the Ark , he Expresses it thus ; For thee have I seen Righteous before me in this Generation , without making mention of any of his Family . Nor , was the Wickedness of the Antediluvian World more Universal than it was Great ; that Mungrel breed were guilty of Sins as Gigantic as Themselves . The Text says , that the Earth was filled with Violence through them ; and those Impious Rebels against their Maker broke the Laws of Nature with an Insolence , that provoked him to break off the course of Nature to punish them , since nothing less than an Universal Deluge of Water could place Limits to such an impetuous and over-flowing Impiety . But all these sinful Examples , how general soever , could not prevail on Noah so much as to keep him from giving One of a quite contrary Nature ; the Scripture calls him an Herald or Preacher of Righteousness ; and tho' it appears not , that he made any Converts , he persever'd in his rejected Admonitions for Sixscore years , a time long enough to have tired his Patience , especially since he did not any of his Hearers Obstinacy . And his Constancy rais'd him as much above the reach of their Temptations , as the Waters that punished their Sin rais'd his Ark above their drowned Mansions . And now go and compare with any Constancy of the following times , where Virtue has always had some Party , tho' not a numerous one , this unequall'd Singularity of Noah , which God himself seems to have taken special notice of , not only by that Patriarchs wonderful Preservation , but by saying Emphatically , Thee have I seen Righteous before me in this Generation , which was so brutish and depraved , that I know not whether he were not obliged to live among worse Brutes before he finish'd the Ark than afterwards , when in it he was shut up with Lyons , Foxes , and Tygres . Another Virtue , that belongs to a great Mind , is Constancy , or persevering Patience in Afflictions . This Quality hath so Noble an appearance , that when 't is exercis'd even by Malefactors , it obtains our Esteem ; and whilest we cannot so much as excuse their Actions , we cannot but commend the Manner of their suffering for them : Calmness of Mind , in the midst of outward Storms , being something that looks so handsomely , that Crimes and Gibbets cannot keep it from doing so ; nor hinder those in whom 't is found , from being both pitied and applauded . That this part of Greatness of Mind is befriended by the Christian Religion , more than by any other Institution , will appear ; if we consider , what it contributes to Constancy and Patience , under outward Pressures and Calamities , by Precept , by Examples , and by Arguments . CHAP. V. HUmility is a Virtue , that , at the first blush , seems so distant from Greatness of Mind , that some would think it improper to refer the Former to the Later , under any other Notion , than that of an Opposite . But , whatever may be thought of Humility , solitarily consider'd , yet , when we find it in Conjunction with those other Qualities , that contribute to make up Greatness of Mind , it adds to their Number ; and ▪ tho ▪ it does not perhaps shine as bright as some of them , is as amiable as any ; and imparts somewhat of its own Loveliness to all the rest . And you will not much wonder , that I place this Virtue among those that Constellate , if I may so speak , an Heroick Mind , if you consider , whence Humility may in such a Soul proceed , and what difficulties it may surmount . For if Wealth , Honour , and other outward Blessings exalt our Hero's Condition ; to be Humble , in the midst of such Advantages , argues a Mind elevated above the Presents of Fortune , and speaks a Soul Great enough to undervalue those things that ordinary Souls admire ; and which even men that pass for Great , make the Objects of their Ambition , and , when attain'd , of their Pride . And if our Hero be ennobled with great Virtues , or famous for great Actions ; his Humility argues , that he has so rais'd an Idea of Virtue , and dares aspire to such a pitch of it , that he cannot rest satisfy'd with greater attainments , than Persons , but ordinarily Virtuous , aim at ; and looks upon himselfas oblig'd and born to an unwearied pursuit of Heroick and still increasing Degrees of Excellency . And if a laudable Practice , by being extremely difficult , is a mark of a Great Soul , Humility must not be deny'd that Character ; for This is a Virtue more difficult to Excellent , than to Ordinary , Souls . In other Cases , a Hero is to contend but with his Vices , or his Passions , or his open Enemies ; but to be Humble , he must overcome his Virtues too ; and that , when they act unitedly as one Body : Since , tho' other Virtues naturally assist one another , they all conspire to ruin Humility ; which , having Pride to contend with , is to deal with so subtle an Adversary , that sometimes even by being foil'd he overcomes . And as the Torpedo poisons his Arm that wounds it ; so sometimes in the best Arguments we employ against Pride , the very strength and seeming success of them , tempts the Maker of them to be Proud ; and I will not swear , that , at this very time , I exalt our Hero's Humility , without any Diminution of my Own. To the attainment of an Eminent degree of this lovely both Vertue , and Grace , the Gospel conduces , by furnishing its Embracers with Express Injunctions ; clear Directions ; high Rewards , and other weighty Motives ; and the Noblest Paterns and Perfectest Examples , that ever were , or can be , given ▪ The Heads of the Discourse , Entitul'd Greatness of Mind , befriended by Christianity . The Introduction . 1. OF the true Notion of Greatness of Mind . 2. Of the Tendency , that the Christian Religion has to promote Greatness of Mind in general . 3. That Christianity gives Men noble Aims , such as the glory of God , the pleasing of Him , the general Good of Men , Personal Excellencies in this World , and Eternal Happiness in the next . The Virtues or Qualifications , which , as so many constituent Parts , make up Greatness of Mind , and are peculiarly befriended by Christianity ; are chiefly These , 4. Courage or Valour . 5. Constancy and Patience in Afflictions . 6. Bounty or Liberality . 7. Forwardness to oblige . 8. Readiness to forgive . 9. A just and impartial Estimate of Riches , and other Things that Ordinary Men covet and admire . 10. Humility . 11. A Contempt of all that 's base . The End of the First Part. Greatness of Mind , PROMOTED BY CHRISTIANITY . The Second Part. THE former Discourse has , I hope , sufficiently manifested , That , of the several Virtues and Noble Qualities that make up true Greatness of Mind , there is not any that is not at least consistent with Christianity , and that most of them are eminently promoted by it . But I expect your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will pretend , that there are some Qualities required by our Religion , that directly and powerfully tend to debase the Mind they possess ; and hinder it from attaining , or even aspiring , to such great Things as it would reach to , if it were not detain'd or depress'd by Religion . Let us now therefore examin , Whether , notwithstanding , the Wings which we have shewn that Religion adds to the Mind , the Cloggs that it fastens to her , be heavy enough to disable her to raise her self above the pitch of Vulgar Souls ; and force her , instead of soaring aloft , to flutter about the Earth . The chief Things , that , as far as I can learn , are alleged , either by Philédonus , or more considering Adversaries than he ; to shew Religion to be either quite Inconsistent with , or very Unfriendly to , Greatness of Mind , are these . — But , in regard that I find not the Answers that were drawn up to the Objections ; and 't is not so convenient to let the Later appear unaccompany'd by the Former , 't is thought the safest Way to leave them both at present unmentioned ; and only take notice , that to the Last of the Six Objections , which , to deal candidly , were named and considered , these words were found subjoyned . And now , if it appear , that neither any nor all of these , have such an unfriendly Aspect on Greatness of Mind , as is pretended ; and that at least the Impediments , they can bring , are much more than countervail'd by the Assistances that Religion affords Heroick Virtue ; I hope it will appear , that Greatness of Mind is not incompatible with Christianity , but rather promoted by it . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28945-e1010 Rom. 1. 20. Psal . 94. 9. Psalm 138. 14 , 15. About some Causes of Atheism . An Essay of Improbable Truths . Luke 1. 2. John I. 18. Act. XX. 27. 1 Cor. II. 10. Luke I. 2. Gal. de Vsu part . Lib. XI . Cap. XIV . See Acts II. Rom. 1. 8. Gen. 49. 11. Isa . 2. 2. Psalm 2. 8. Mal. 1. 11. Mat. XXIV . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luke II. 1. Mat. 26. 13. Exod. XVI . 14 , 21 , 26 , 33. Notes for div A28945-e6800 Coloss . I. 26. Eph. III. 3 , 5 , 6. 1 Corinth . XV. v. 51 , 52. See Mat. XIII . 11. Ephes . V. 31. Notes for div A28945-e8550 Mark XII . 43. Prov. XVI . 32. Tit. III. 4. Revel . XIV . 6. 2 Cor. VII . 1. 1 Thess . V. 22. Matth. V. 20. 2 Pet. III. 18. I. 5. Phil. IV. 8. 1 Pet. II. 22. Mat. XVII . 5. Rom. XIII . 14. John I. 16. Phil. IV. 13. Matt. 9. 6. Mat. XIV . 29. Rom. XIV . 18. Dan. III. 7. 1 Cor. II. 9. Dan. III. 1 Cor. IV. 9. Heb. XII . 2 , 3. Matt. XXV . 21. Jer. XVII . 10. Col. I. 12. Acts XII . 21. Rev. II. 10. Eccl. VII . 12. Dan. II. Heb. XII . 28. 1 Pet. V. 4. 1 Sam. X. 6. Rev. 1. 6. 1 Pet. II. 9. Mark XVI . 5. Luke XXIV . 4. Phil. III. 21. Matt. XVII . 2. Luke IX . 31. Matt. XXII . 30. Mat. 13. 43. Rev. XIX . 17. Rev. II. 26 , 27 Rev. 3. 21. Eph. 3. 20. First Fragment . Second Fragment . 1 John , 5. 9. Gen. 6. 12. 2. Peter , 2. 5 ▪ Gen. 7. 1. Third Fragment . Fourth Fragment . Fifth Fragment . Notes for div A28945-e11730 Sixth Fragment . 
A37496	----	A plain and necessary confutation of divers gross and antichristian errors, delivered to the vniversity congregation, the last commencement, anno 1653, by Mr. Sydrach Simpson, master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge Dell, William, d. 1664. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A37496 of text R207233 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D924). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 218 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 47 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A37496 Wing D924 ESTC R207233 13120443 ocm 13120443 97823 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37496) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97823) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 414:2) A plain and necessary confutation of divers gross and antichristian errors, delivered to the vniversity congregation, the last commencement, anno 1653, by Mr. Sydrach Simpson, master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge Dell, William, d. 1664. [12], 49, 30 p. Printed by Robert White for Giles Calvert ..., London : 1654. Written by William Dell. Cf. BM. Appears in: The tryal of spirits. London, 1653 [i.e. 1654]. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Print show-through in filmed copy. eng Simpson, Sidrach, 1600?-1655. Humanism. Philosophy and religion. A37496 R207233 (Wing D924). civilwar no The tryal of spirits both in teachers & hearers. Wherein is held forth the clear discovery, and certain downfal of the carnal and antichrist Dell, William 1653 35380 150 30 0 0 0 2 220 F The rate of 220 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-06 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2004-06 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Plain and Necessary CONFVTATION Of divers gross and Antichristian Errors , DELIVERED To the Vniversity Congregation , The last Commencement , Anno. 1653. By Mr. Sydrach Simpson , Master of Pembroke HALL in CAMBRIDGE . Potentior est veritas quam eloquentia , potior spiritus quam ingenium , major fides quam eruditio : & ut Paulus ait , Stultum Dei sapientius est hominibus . Luther . Epist. ad Caspar . Bornerum . Profes . Lipsens . Non est istud temeritas , sed fides ; neque inconsideratio , sed ratio ; neque furor , sed fiducia . Hilarius lib. contr. Constantium Augustum . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Giles Calvert , and are to be sold at the Sign of the Black-spread-Eagle , near the West-end of Pauls . 1654. An Apologie to the Reader , touching the following Reply to Mr. Sydrach Simpsons Sermon . IF it shall seem grievous to any , that I have dealt thus freely and plainly with Mr. Sydrach Simpson , one of the first pastors of an independent Congregation in England ; let them consider how Paul dealt with those Brethren Gal. 2. to whom ( according to his Zeal , and the present occasion ) he gave no place by subjection , no not for an hour , that the Truth of the Gospel might continue with the Galatians ; and though those brethren seemed to be somewhat , yet saith Paul , what ever they are , it makes no matter to me , seeing God accepteth no mans Person : And so notwithstanding their Reputation , he did not spare them . Yea , let them consider how Paul at Antioch withstood Peter to the face for dissembling with the Jews in the case of the Gentiles , and for not walking uprightly according to the Truth of the Gospel : wherefore Paul did publikely and sharply reprove him before them all . For no true believer is to keep silence , when the Doctrine of the Gospel is corrupted by the Doctrines of men , or to be modest in this matter . Wherefore I was compelled to speak thus plainly to him , for his gross prevarication in the things of God ; and I am well satisfied in my conscience in the discharge of my duty , whatever shall be the censure of carnal Christians , who have no true sense of the Glory of Christs Gospel , or of the profit of his People , whom yet Christ so loved , as to lay down his life , and to be Crucified for them . Again , if it shall offend any that I deal thus roundly against Humane Learning ; Let them know , that I am not against Humane Learning upon all accounts , but do allow Humane Learning ( so it be sober and serious ) in its own place and Sphear , as well as other Humane things : But I do oppose it as it is made another John Baptist , to prepare the way of Christ into the world , or to pepare the worlds way to Christ : And also , as men make it necessary , for the true knowledge of the Scriptures ; Yea , the very Unction for the Ministry . And herein , according to the grace of Christ I both do and will contend against it for ever : Seeing Humane Learning mingled with Divinity , or the Gospel of Christ understood according to Aristotle , hath begun , continued , and perfected the M●ster●e of Iniquity in the outward Church . Wherefore I do in all boldness appear for Christ the w●●dom of God , against Humane Learning the wisdom of th●world ; knowing assuredly that he is as very Antichrist who opposes Christ as the Wisdom o●God , as ●e that opposes Him as the Power and Righ●ousness of God : and men may as well bring into the Church of God another Righteousness then Christ , and another Power then Christ , as another Wisdom then Christ . Wherefore , as they who bring in Humane Righteousness , that is , civil or moral Righteousness , or any Works or Duties of men for Righteousness , into the Church of Christ , they are true Antichrists in so doing ; seeing herein they are contrary to , and do oppose Christ the Righteousness of God : And as they who bring in Humane Power , or the Secular Arm into the Church of Christ , to do , or leave undone , to reward or Punish , to promise or threaten , to encourage or discourage by that , they are true Antichrists in so doing , seeing herein they are contrary to , and do oppose Christ the Power of God ; So also they that bring in Humane Wisdom , or the Learning and Philosophy of men into the Church of Christ , they also are true Antichrists in so doing ; for herein they are contrary to , and do oppose Christ the Wisdom of God . For Christ is , and is to be the only Power , the only Wisdom , and the only Righteousness in the Church of God ; And he that brings in any other Power , Wisdom or Righteousness , besides Christ Himself , that man is in very deed Antichrist . And in this matter also , it was necessary that I should be bold for Christ against Antichrist . 3. Again , if any shall be offended that I speak thus freely against the Universities , which are of such honorable esteem everywhere in the Nation , especially with the Ignorant and Vulgar people , and with men of all sorts , who have not the right Knowledge of Christ and his Gospel ( wherein are so contained all the Treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge , that no part of this Treasury is left out thereof , to enrich Heathenish Philosophy withall , which by the Gospel is left as a desolate thing , empty and destitute of all true Wisdom and Knowledge ) I say , if any think that I have too deeply censured these Universities ; let them know , that I have done in this matter but as Wickliff , Hus , Luther , and several others , holy men of God , and happy Instruments in the hand of Christ have done before me . As for instance ; Wickliff terms the Universities , Castra Caimitica , Cains Castles ; Synagogas Satanae , the Synagogues of Satan , and affirms they were never Ordained or Instituted by Christ . John Hus , ( or Otho Brunfelsius , if he set out the Contents of the Chapters ) calls them Satrapas Antichristi , the Lieutenants of Antichrist . Luther in his book Contra Ambrosium Catharinum , shewing out of Daniel the Prophet , that Antichrist is Rex facierum , the King of faces , or appearances , he affirms that the Universities are one of those faces of Antichrist , and that they are very comely or sightly to look on , and yet indeed are a very chaos and open gate of Hell , and that in these the most choise youth of Christian people are prostituted , and are cast into the open throat of Hell ; And that in these Aristotle is read , whereby the wits of Christian youth are possessed & busied with Humane & Heathenish Learning ; Yea , are quite blinded and oppressed with it . He saith also , that the Universities are the Woe , that the fifth Angel ( mentioned Revel. 9. ) brought upon the earth : and that who ever it was that did first institute and confirm Universities , he was a star fallen from Heaven to Earth : to wit , from the Gospel of Christ to Humane Learning . And in his Exposition on Psal. 22. he calls the Universities the Mothers of Learned men , the Gates of Hell , and saith , they are called ( Scholae , i. e. Ludi ) Schools , that is , Plays by a fatall name , seeing they make sport with the Scriptures , and cast lotts upon them , as upon the Garments of Christ , every one dividing to himself a share of them , according to his own humane and Philosophical apprehension . And he saith , that the Doctors of these Universities are by the same providence called Doctores Scholastici , i. e. Ludicri , vel Illusorii : School-Doctors , that is , mocking or May game Doctors . Again he saith , those most glorious Mothers of studies , the Universities , stink before God with most loathsome abomination . These Universities are those Antichristian Souldiers , who put a Reed into Christs right hand instead of a Scepter : and this reed is Philosophy , that vain deceit , or as the Apostle else where terms it , the Operation of Error : by which Philosophy ( saith he ) the unhappy people of Christ began to be governed , that is , to be seduced , and to be led away from the Gospel of God . And this vain Reed they put into his right hand , by preferring Learning before Godliness ; saying , ( according to their usual manner of speaking ) he is a Learned and a godly man ; hereby making Learning to take place of Godliness . And yet this Philosophy is nothing but a weak Reed , which counterfeits a Scepter , rather then represents it , and so is nothing but vain deceit ; for there is nothing propounded in such Doctrine but vanity and lying , though under the title of Knowledge and Religion . In a word , he calls them Antichristi Lupanaria , the Stews of Antichrist . Melancthon also terms the Universities , Domos mendacii , Houses of lyes , and saith , it is manifest that they are all heretical by their School Divinity , which all the Schools in Europe have received from the University of Paris , and are thereby infected with heresie ; and he saith , the students in the Universities , are not the people of the Gospel , nor yet of the Law , but are the people of Aristotles Morals . And thus it is manifest that others have spoken freely and sharply against the Universities before now . And therefore wise and Godly Christians will have no just cause to be offended at me , who have spoken in like maner , having the same cause . Object . Now if any shall Object , that they all spake against Popish Universities , and that our Universities are otherwise now , then they were then , and so there is not the same cause to speak against them now , as there was heretofore . Answ. To this I answer , That though the outward form of gross Popery be taken away from them ( as also from the rest of the People of this Nation ) God having put it into the hearts of the Civil power to reject it , after the light of the Gospel had begun to shine to them , yet are the heart , bowels , bones , marrow , sinews and blood of the Universities , the self-same now as heretofore ; and though the outside of it hath passed under a very little change , yet the inner parts of it remain as before , in the full strength of Antichrists Kingdom , and that without any alteration at all . For the self-same Statutes of the Universities and Colledges still remain with them in force , which were at first given to them by their Popish Founders , through the help of Antichrist : and these Statutes are of such Authority with them , that they depart from the Rule of Christs Gospel , to walk by the rules of sinful men , for worldly stipends and rewards . Farther , the same Philosophy or Heathenism , and the same School-divinity or Antichristianism , are yet instilled into the youth and students , as were many hundred years ago , in the darkest times of Popery ; and these things are all in all in the University Learning and Education , insomuch that no man is of any esteem and reckoning with them , know he the Gospel of Christ never so soundly and truly , if he be not ( as they speak ) a good Philosopher , and School-divine . So that the University for its inside is the self-same now , as it was in Wickliff , Hus , or Luthers time , being informed and possessed with the same Heathenish and Antichristian Doctrine , now as then : Yea , many of the self-same outward and Antichristian forms and follies still remain with them , more then with any other people in the Nation again , even to their Hoods , Caps , Scarlet Robes , Doctoral Ring , Kiss , Gloves , their Doctoral Dinner and Musique : neither could they ever yet to this day find in their hearts to lay aside their very Praevaricator , which is some notable Varlet picked out of the University , and brought forth in the presence of all the Heads , Students , Schollars , and all the great resort of Ministers and People at their publique Commencement , to make shipwrack of Faith and a good conscience before them all , and in open defiance of the Gospel , which stands in faith and love , to abuse , and deride , and jeer , and reproach all sorts of persons , of all ages , sexes , professions , and this presently after their Divinity Acts , which is a wickedness the very Heathen would be ashamed of , and which plainly declares what kind of Divinity is taught and learned in the University , which can endure , allow , countenance , and be merry at that which so highly contradicts Gods Word , and grieves his Spirit : yet because it makes them merry after a full dinner , and puts more joy into their hearts then the holy Scriptures , they could hitherto dispense with all to this day . And so however Religion for the outward form , hath been much reformed in these Nations ; yet the Universities as the strongest Holds that Antichrist hath had amongst us , have still remained much what the same , not only as to the inward substance of all things , to wit , their Statutes , Philosophy and Divinity , but also in a great measure to their outward forms , as they were in their first Antichristian Institution . Wherefore it was necessary also , that I should be plain and free for Christs sake and his Churches , against these ( as Luther calls them ) stews of Antichrist , and Dens of Thieves , who have been , and still are the constant and fruitfull seed of Antichrists Kingdom in the world , out of which it might suddainly on all occasions and opportunities grow up afresh , how greatly soever it had been before wasted and destroyed among the people , by the clear word of God and his mighty Providences and Works accompanying it . Now as it was necessary this work should be done , so through the Grace of Christ was I made willing to do it , seeing no body else more fit and able did appear . And well knowing , that he that provokes the Universities and Clergy against him , provokes Principalities and Powers , and the Rulers of the Darkness of this world against him ; as is evident in the example of Wickliff , Hus , Luther , Tindal and others : I have therefore according to Christs Counsel , sate down and counted the cost of this undertaking , and after all do say , the Lord is on my side , I will not fear what man can do unto me . And so I commit thee Christian Reader , to that Grace which is from God , to keep thee in this new hour of Temptation , if the Lord suffer it to come forth upon the earth . 4. Again , if any shall Object in reading this Reply , that I , my self make use of Humane Learning , whilst I speak against it . I Answer , what part of Philosophy is here made use of ? or who of the Heathens are here quoted ? I have chiefly made use of the Testimony of some faithfull Christians , who have lived in several ages , and yet have all witnessed by the same Spirit , the same Truth . And it is no more Humane Learning to quote Believers in the Church since Christ , then to quote the Patriarks and Prophets before Christ , or the Apostles and Evangelists which immediatly followed him . 5. And last of all , If any say , I my self relate to the University , why then do I speak against it thus ? I answer , that I neither do , nor will relate to the University , as it is polluted with any of the Abominations herein mentioned : But as by the Providence of God alone , I have been brought to that Relation in which I now stand , and continue in it , against the wills and workings of many ; so through his good pleasure I will remain , till he shall otherwise dispose of me ; and during my sojurning with them , I will not fail to testifie against their evil , and to endeavor to win all those whom God shall perswade to receive his Truth , from Heathenism to the Gospel , and from Antichrist to Christ . Wherefore let none be offended that I am made willing to hazard and part with my worldly accommodations for Christs Names sake ; but let them rather praise the Grace of God , which hath enabled me to witness a good confession , what ever worldly disadvantage I might run into thereby . Wherefore welcome the Kingdom , Righteousness , Power , Wisdom , Word of Christ , though they swallow up all my earthly accommodations : For such love hath the Lord put into my heart , that I would not willingly conceal any thing of his most precious Truth , either to gain or to preserve to my self the whole World . And so righteous Father , not my will be done , nor theirs , but Thy will be done in Earth as it is in Heaven . FINIS . Isa. 62.1 . For Sions sake I will not hold my peace , and for Jerusalems sake I will not rest , until the Righteousness thereof go forth as brightness , and the Salvation thereof as a Lamp that burns . MAster Sydrach Simpson the last Commencement preaching to the Vniversity Congregation in Cambridge , and to many others , especially Ministers there gathered together at that time , from several parts of the Nation , among other things , he let fall in that discourse of his , these gross and Antichristian Errors . The Rehearsal of the Errors . 1. He brought in that Scripture 2 Kings 6. v. 1 , 2. which was his Text : the words whereof are these , And the Sons of the Prophets said unto Elisha , Behold now the place where we dwel with thee , is too strait for us ; let us go we pray thee unto Jordan , and take thence every man a beam and let us make us a place where we may dwel : and he answered Go yee . This Scripture he used to prove the Lawfulness and Religiousness of the present Vniversities , and the usefulness and necessity of humane Learning to the Church and Ministery of the New Testament . And what the Scripture speaks of those Schools , he brought to countenance , encourage and justifie these : adding , that if it were objected , That that was the Old Testament : He did answer , That the old and the new were not distinct Testaments , but Administrations : thereby holding forth , that the Vniversities now , are answerable to the Schools of the Prophets that were then ; and that the Vniversities are as agreeable to the New Testament , as the Schools of the Prophets to the Old. 2. That they who have endeavoured to pull down Schools , have alwaies been men who were found enemies to Religion . So Julian the Apostate shut up the doors of the Schools , because he would have all Religion to go down . 3. That the knowledge of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth , and that all Divinity is swadled in Humane Learning . 4. That Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , and that God took him so fitted , and made him an able Minister of his Church . 5. That mens hatred to God doth as well appear in their hatred to Humane Learning , as if they hated the Scriptures . 6. That if the spirit teach without means , men may as well be without the Ordinances as without the Vniversities and Humane Learning . 7. That men now are not to receive the spirit in that immediate way to understand the Scriptures in which it was given to them who wrote the Scriptures . 8. That men now are to get knowledge by studies and humane Learning , and not by inspiration . 9. That Humane Learning is as the outworks to the Fort of the Gospel , and as the outer Court to the Temple of the Gospel : and so if you will keep the Fort well , you must keep the outworks strong ; and if you will preserve the inward , you must look to the outward Court . 10. But what is the bottom of all this ( to wit , of some mens appearing against Humane Learning , as the unction of the Ministerie , and against the Vniversities as the Fountain of the Ministerie ) but this ? that some say , They are one with Christ ; and as Christ hath the Divine nature in him , so every believer hath ; and he that hath God in him , need not go to any man to learn ; whereas John 17. Christ speaketh of believers as at an infinite distance from him : And if believers be so united to Christ as they say , they will follow , that Christ should not be the only begotten of God ; and that Christ and we should be equal , and be not our Lord , &c. 11. Arts and Tongues are the Cups in which God drinks to us . 12. We shall never keep up Religion , if we do not keep up Learning : but when Learning goes down , Religion goes down too . 13. Seeing Religious Foundations are so Antient , then keep them up : Your Destruction will never be but from your selves . These Notes were take from Mr. Simpsons mouth , and delivered to me by an honest hand , and affirmed to be true for the substance of them ; and I also heard several others who were hearers of that Sermon , relating the same things . Now because I find that this Doctrine hath not only grieved the hearts of the faithful , but also strengthened the hands of the carnal and evil People : The things which he then delivered , being usually the thoughts of their hearts , and words of their mouths ; I thought it my duty , being set in my place for the defence of the Gospel , to give a Publike Reply to such gross Errors so publikely delivered , to the danger of so many ; and which one would never have thought should have proceeded from such a man ; especially after the day of the Gospel hath so far dawned , and the Antichristian shadows are so far retreated and flowen away . And so I shall begin with the first of these Errors , and proceed in the Order in which they are set down . 1. ERROR . He brought that Scripture , 2 King. 6.1.2 . Touching the Sons of the Prophets , asking leave of Elisha to go and build at Jordan , to prove the Lawfulness and Religiousness of the Vniversities , in their present Vse and Customs , &c. Answer . To this I Reply , that there is a vast difference between those Schools , and these Vniversities , as in many other things , so chiefly in this ; That in those Schools of the Prophets , named by him , the holy men of God freely taught the Youth , who came willingly to them to learn , especially in the corrupt times of Israel and Judah ; I say they taught them only the Knowledge of the Books of Moses , and of the other Prophets then extant , and no Heathenish knowledge , or Disciplines of the Gentiles at all . And these kinde of Schools began early in the Church : For the Fathers before the Flood , and the Patriarks after , all taught their Children and Families the Word of God ; And so each of their Families was such a School . And that we may not be at uncertainties in this matter , it is manifest what Doctrine they taught , by that which God himself saith of Abraham , Gen. 18.19 . I know Abraham ( saith God ) that he will command his Children and Household after him , that they keep the way of the Lord , and to do Justice and Judgement : This was the summe of Abrahams Doctrine to his Family . And this is farther confirmed by that of Asaph , Psal. 78.2.3.4 . Where he saith , I will open my mouth in a Parable , I will utter dark sayings of old , which we have heard and known , and our Fathers have told us : We will not hide them from their Children , shewing to the Generation to come the praises of the Lord , and his strength , and the wonderfull works that he hath done : Where we plainly see what Doctrine the Children received from their Parents , and the Parents taught their Children from one Generation to another ; to wit , not vain Philosophy , and the Disciplines of the Heathens , but the praises of the Lord , and his strength and wonderfull works . This also is manifest by the practise of Jehosaphat King of Judah , who sent his Princes with the Levites up and down throughout Judah , and they onely took the Book of the Law of the Lord with them , ( and no Heathnish Authors ) and taught the People , 2 Chron. 17. And Ezra after the Prophets return from Babilon , took onely the Book of the Law of Moses , and read it to them , and the Levites also read in the Book of the Law of God distinctly to the People , and gave them the sense , and caused them to understand it . Nehem. 8. And this also James the Apostle witnesseth , Acts 15.21 . saying , Moses of old time hath in every City them that Preach him , being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day . So that the faithfull Prophets of the Lord , during all the Old-Testament , had the chief care in their Schools to keep the Word of the Lord among them in a right sense , according to the mind of the Spirit . For seeing the Lords People are his Portion , they knew they were to be carefully Educated and Instructed in the right knowledge of the Scriptures , to prepare them for the Lord , and to make them meet for his Kingdom . And the keeping of the Word and Doctrine of God pure , is one of the greatest matters of all in the Church of God : For as the Word is , such is the VVorship , such is the Faith , such is the Conscience , such is all : Wherefore the Holy men of God , would by no means bring in the Philosophy or Doctrine of the Heathens into their Schools , to teach that to their Sons , or Scholars , but onely the true , faithfull , and unmixed word of God . And if against this it be Objected , That Moses was learned in all the Learning of the Egyptians . To this I Reply . But did Moses ever teach any of that Learning in the Church , or publish any of the Doctrines of it , or did he command or encourage any of the people of God to learn it ? Or did any other of the Prophets of the Lord many ages , teach their Sons or Scholars , any of the Egyptian Philosophy , which was the Antientest , or the Sinaradine Table of Hermes Trismegistus ( the pretended Scholar of Moses ) so much boasted of , or any Heathnish Author whatsoever , of which there were many then extant ? I say , let them prove that but one Heathnish Author was read by any of the Prophets to their Scholars , and then they will have some colour taught Jesus , and the Resurrection from the dead . Thus Peter first taught the Men of Judea , and Inhabitants of Jerusalem , That God had made Jesus whom they had crucified both Lord and Christ , having raised him from the dead , because it was not possible for him to be holden of death , who was the Lord and Author of Life . And Steven , disputing with the Libertines , Cirenians , and Alexandrians , and divers Philosophers of Cilicia and Asia , did hold forth to them , nothing but Christ , and that He should put an end to the Temple and Law , and should change all the Customs of Moses . And they were not able to resist the wisdom and spirit by which he spake . Act. 6. And Paul at the Vniversity of Athens , reproved their Heathenism , and taught nothing among the Epicureans and Stoicks , and other sects of Philosophers , but the Resurrection of Christ and his Kingdom and judgement . Act. 17. He also disputed daily in the School of one Tyrannus , and that for two years together , and perswaded onely the things touching the Kingdom of God , brought into the world by Jesus Christ . Act. 19. And he so prevailed with his Doctrine , that many which used curious Arts , brought their books together , and burnt them before all men , and the prior of them was counted at fifty thousand pieces of silver . So that as the Gospel pr●vailed , and the Name of Christ was magnified ; so did people renounce Philosophy , and burn their books of curious Arts : For which Books our Vniversity would give as much mony ( if they could procure it from good Benefactors ) as they were valued at : So that as they , through the efficacy of the Gospel , of Heathens became Christians , and threw away all other Learning , and burnt their Books of great value , least they should infect others : So on the contrary , in our Vniversities of pretended Christians , men usually become true Heathens ; never valuing the precious Gospel of God our Saviour , as they do other Heathnish and Philosophical Books . Farther , the same Paul dwelt after at Rome two whole years in his own hired house , and during all that time , Preached onely the Kingdom of God , and taught those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ , with all boldness : But taught not one word of Philosophy . He also at Corinth , a great and famous City of Greece , full of Philosophers and Orators , taught nothing among them , but Christ Crucified , to the Jews a Stumbling block , and to the Greeks foolishness ; But to them that believe both of Jews and Greeks , Christ the power of God , and the wisdom of God , 1 Cor. 1. And as he made no use of Humane learning all this while ; So in 1 Cor. 2. he plainly renounces it , and rejects it ; saying . Ver. 1. And I brethren when I came to you , came not with excellency of speech or wisdom , declaring unto you the Testimony of God . Ver. 2. For I determined not to know any thing among you , save Jesus Christ , and him Crucified . Ver. 3. And I was with you in weakness , and fear , and much trembling . Ver. 4. And my speech and preaching was not with entising words of mans wisdom , but in demonstration of the Spirit and Power . Ver. 5. That your faith should not stand in the wisdom of man , but in the power of God . Ver. 6. Howbeit , we speak wisdom among them that are perfect ; Yet not the wisdom of this world , nor of the Princes of this world which come to nought . Ver. 7. But we speak the wisdom of God in a Mysterie , even the hidden wisdom , which God Ordained before the world unto our glory , &c. Ver. 13. Which things , also we speak , not in the words which mans wisdom teacheth , but which the holy spirit teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual things . In a word , this whole Chapter tends to the utter rejection of Philosophy , ( which is the wisdom of the world , ) in the Kingdom of Christ , which is the Kingdom of God . He also in his Epistle to the Collossians chap. 2. gives forth another plain Testimony against Philosophy , desiring ver. 2. that the hearts of the believers might be comforted and that they might be kni● together in love , and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding to the acknowledgement of the Mysterie of God , and of the Father , and of Christ , in whom are hid all the Treasures of wisdom and Knowledge ; And this ( saith he ) I say , least any man should beguile you with entising words : Wherefore v. 8 saith he , Beware least any man spoyl you through Philosophy and vain deceit , after the Tradition of men , after the Rudiments or Elements of the world , and not after Christ ; for in him dwells the fulness of the Godhead bodily , and ye are compleat in Him , who is the Head of all Principality and Power ; Here is a sufficient caution again Philosophy for the true Church for ever . For what need we ( if we are true Christians ) to turn aside for Wisdom and Knowledge , and Learning , and curious Arts to the Heathen , seeing God hath given Christ to us , in whom is treasured up all the heights , and depths , and lengths , and breadths of Wisdom and Knowledge , whereby the whole world was made , and every Creature formed and fashioned , and in which it hath its being , subsistence , and operation ; Yea in this Christ dwells all the fulness of the Infinite and eternal God , and he is the head of all Principality and Power , in earth and Heaven ; and there is in him alone , infinitely enough to make us wise and learned for ever , without calling in the help and contributions of the vain Philosophers , and their foolish wisdom . It is enough for Christian Schools , to be taught to know Christ , by the Ministration of the Spirit ; and all other Learning that is out of Christ , though it seem to be never so high and deep , all faithfull Christians are to reject it , as meer Sophistrie and Deceit . And thus you see that the Apostles , aswell as Christ , taught their Scholars and Disciples only the Gospel , and spake not one word for Philosophy , but directly against it . And the following Fathers , and next Teachers of the Christian Church after the Apostles , they also obeyed the command of Christ , and followed the example of the Apostles in this matter . For the Bishops and Presbyters , that is the Overseers and Elders , had tender regard to the children of Christians , and did teach them aswell as the people , the pure Doctrine of the Gospel ; They held forth to them , Christ Crucified , and did exhort them to faith , new Obedience , the Confession of Christ , and patient suffering , and did not at all ●ntermingle Philosophy with their Divinity , but alwayes rejected and condemned it , all along the first and purest times of the Christian Church , till the Mysterie of iniquity began to arise , and did cunningly insinuate it self into the Church , by the means of Humane Learning . And here it will not be amiss to Relate what Justine Martyr saith of himself , as to this matter ; who was before his Conversion to the Christian Faith , a great Philosopher : and lived about 150. years after Christs Nativity : He in his Dialogue which Try●ho relates , How first he joyned himself to that Sect of Philosophers called the Stoicks , and after to the Peripateticks , after to the Pythagorean Sect , and after to the Platonists , but had no satisfaction in his mind by all this knowledge : But at last he beholding the torments and sufferings of Christians , and seeing them bear them with such comfort and constancy , he did thereby conceive that it was impossible for that kind of people to be subject to any vice , or carnality ; which vices of their own nature are not able to sustain any sharp adversity , much less the bitterness of death . And hereupon he began to love and search after the Christian Religion : and being afflicted in mind , he did withdraw himself into a solitary place , where there met him an old Antient Father of comely visage , and gentle behavior , who began to reason with him , and to tell him that there was no knowledge of truth among the Philosophers , who neither knew God , nor were aided by his holy Spirit : And did farther reason with him of the immortality of the soul , of the reward of the godly , and punishment of the wicked . Then Justine being satisfied with his reasons , yeilded to him , and demanded of him how he might attain to that true knowledge of God , whereof he had spoken ? Who counselled him to read the Scriptures , adjoyning therewith prayer , &c. And as this●ustine left all other Learning , and betook himself only to the●criptures ; so in the understanding of the Scriptures , he rejected all his Philosophy , and Philosophical apprehensions ; Saying , that the Interpretation of the Scripture is to be accommodated to the will of the Doctrine of the Spirit , and not to Humane reasonings ▪ and that he might be sure and safe in all things , he had constant recourse to the Scriptures thus understood . So that Justine Martyr being effectually Co●verted , wholly le●t his Philosophy , and betook himself to the Scriptures , and taught them to the Church , as he had been taught them of God by his Spirit . Constantine the Emperor ( though he were the first that brought in the Mysterie of Iniquity into the Christian Church , by mingling the Civil and Ecclesiastical states and Laws together ) there being in his time a great increase of Christians , through the Ministry of the Gospel , and a great confluence of them to his Imperial Citie for the Words sake , he wrote to Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia , in a special Letter , Wherein he desired him withall diligence and speed to procure fifty Volums of the Scriptures to be written in parchment well and Legibly , and in such a bigness or Volume as might be carried with greatest ease ; for she further teaching and instructing of those that came to attain the knowledge of the Christian Religion : Judging it most meet , that Christian people should be instructed in the Doctrine of Christ . And though afterwards , when the suffering times of the Church began to be over , Christians became more car●●l and secure ( and that in the very days of Constantine ) and so began to decline the word of faith , and to seek after Philosophy ; yet had God in all the ages of his Church some of his servants , who did reject it , and did cleave only to the word : Among which , I shall only for the present , produce the Testimonies of Berno , who lived above six hundred years ago , and Zuinglius of latte● times . Berno who lived about the year 1008 , and was a man furnished with all sorts of Learning , saith , That he had for many years rejected a●●ung the figments of the Poets and the Histories of the Heathens , and the study of secular Letters , and had converted the whole intention of his mind in the word of God , and the Divine things contained therein : And accordingly , he taught no other Doctrine to any . Hularicus Zuinglius also Pastor of Z●rich in Helvet●ae , ●man who had been educated in all kind of Learning , and was after through faith and the teaching of God an eminent Instrument in his Church , he saith thus of himself ; When ( saith he ) I being yet a youth , was exercised in all sorts of Learning , I can truly say , that I did not profit less then the rest of my equals : But when about seven years ago , I betook my self to the study of the holy Scriptures , then the things that I had before sacked in , or learned from Philosophers and Divines , did procure me so much trouble , that being then moved by the Authority of the Scriptures , I judged that all those things were to be cast away and counted as dung , and that the true minde of God was only to be received from his pure and simple word . And therefore I began humbly to intreat the Lord , that he would vouchsafe me his own light : By which means it shortly came to pass , that the reading of the holy Scripture did much delight and please me ; and they being nakedly and alone propounded , did flow unto me with more ease , then if I had read them divided and distracted with variety of Comments . And as he rejected Philosophy wholly , and entertained the word , So did he only teach this word to faithful C●ristians , who are the only true School of Christ in the world . Now by all this it appears , that the Schools of the Prophets and Apostles , and of Christ himself the Head of them , and of the most faithfull Christians , that followed Christ , in the first and latter ages , were in no sort like the Schools in the present Vniversities , where humane Learning , according to the Statutes of the Vniversities , prevails for the first seven years , and they think youth cannot be made good Christians , except they be first made good Heathens . The Schools of the Prophets and Apostles would not meddle with the Philosophy of the Heathen , but led the children and youth presently to the word of God , and therein to the true Knowledge of God in Christ : But these Schools first lead youth from God and his word several years together , to the corrupt Reason , Wisdom , Notions , Conceptions , yea to the Idolatry , Blasphemy , Atheism , Lusts , Filthiness , and Villanies of the cursed Heathen , that thereby ( in a strange and Antichristian Method ) they may be the fitter to know and understand the Scriptures . The Schools of the Prophets , taught only Moses and the Prophets to the Jewish youth , and the Schools of the Apostles taught Christ only and his Gospel to the children of Christians : But the Vniversities lead men both from Moses and from Christ , both from the Law and the Gospel , to the Heathen , to make men hereby able Christians and Divines . The Queen of the South came from the utmost parts of the earth , to hear the wisdom of Solomon ; And the Vniversities leave Christ , who is Infinitely greater and wiser then Solomon , and go to the utmost parts of the earth for wisdom there . So that in these Vniversities , there hath been the greatest Apostacy and withdrawing from Christ , and the greatest dishonour and disparagement offered to him , and his Gospel , as ever was known . For is it not a matter of greatest wonder and amazement , that after that Word which was with God , and was God , and is God blessed for ever , hath been manifested in the flesh , and that flesh of his hath been justified by the Spirit , to have the fulness of the Godhead dwelling in it bodily : and that this wonderfull person hath come to his Church , in the same common nature with it , filled with all the Righteousness , Wisdom , Truth , Power , Life , Peace and Joy , and all the things of God : I say is it not strange , that He who alone comprehends the fulness of all things and in whom are hid all the Infinite Treasures of Divine and Heavenly wisdom and knowledge , that he alone should not be counted sufficient and enough , no not by those who pretend his name , to make us wise to Salvation ( which is the only True , Excellent , and necessary wisdom in the world ) and to make the man of God perfect , and the whole Church of God compleat : but to the great dishonor of Christ , yea , to the very rejection of Christ , the children of Christians must be led from the Doctrine of Christ ▪ the Son of the living God , to the Doctrine and Disciplines of the Wretched , Filthy , Abominable , Wicked and damned Heathen and to spend the prime and flower of their youth in these things ? Who but Antichrist himself could have brought in and set up such an Abomination of desolation in the Church of God ? And yet for the better credit of all things , must these be them , that their Divinity cannot be called the Doctrine of Christ , but of Antichrist , being wholly contrary to the word of faith . And therefore Mr. Simpson was the more to blame to flatter them in their evils , and to deceive the world , in appropriating to them the glorious Title of the Schools of the Prophets , who are in all things so contrary and contradictory to them . Now the summe and certainty of this matter , is this ; That the Congregations of Believers , where only the word of the Gospel is truly taught according to the Ministration of the Spirit , whether to youth or men , they under the New Testament are answerable to the Schools of the Prophets , under the Old , who only taught Moses and the Prophets : And the Vniversities , wherein Philosophy is first taught the youth , and after Divinity , and then both are mingled together , to the utter perverting and corrupting the Gospel of Christ ; I say , these Vniversities in the time of the Gospel , are answerable to the High-Places in the time of the Law , where a Doctrine and Worship prevailed which was not according to Gods word , but mans will : and where Judaism , and Heathenism were mingled together into one mungrel Religion most odious and abominable to God and his People : And so the Vniversities in the time of the Gospel , are only answerable to the High Places in the time of the Law : but not at all to the Schools of the Prophets , as Mr. Simpson pretends . And now for the Conclusion of this matter ( which I reckon , to be of great concernment for the true Church to be thorowly instructed in : ) I shall bring forth the Testimony of some Godly men : of whom some shew how the Schools and Vniversities of Christians came first to be corrupted , to wit , by departing from the plain word of the Gospel , and bringing in Philosophy : And another foretels the Reformation of the Schools of Christians , to wit , by rejecting Philosophy again , and bringing in the word of faith : all which will serve as a Confirmation of what hath been already spoken . Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian by Nation , who lived about the year 1380. wrote a large book against Antichrist , whrein he affirms That Antichrist had seduced all Vniversities and Colledges of learned men ; so that now they teach no sincere Doctrine , neither give any true light to Christians through their teaching ; to wit , they being all corrupted through Philosophy , and having through that corrupted all Divinity . And John Hus , that humble and faithfull servant of Jesus Christ , and blessed Martyr , saith , That Antichrist hath seduced all carnal Christians from Divine wisdom , which is full of Salvation and the Holy Spirit , to the wisdom and Science of men and of the Princes of this world , which ( wisdom and Science ) he hath exceedingly inlarged and increased , and made Authentical , and very gainfull of Riches and Honors in this world : that so by this means , Divine wisdom and science might be neglected of Christians , and grow old , and be covered over , and be accounted as vile and unprofitable by them ; And that , only that which is high with men ( to wit , Humane Learning ) might be reckoned glorious , and excellent , and of great Authority with Christian people . The same Hus saith , That this Humane Learning , Wisdom and Knowledge , Antichrist doth perfectly subject to himself and his Service , he being more mighty and subtil through the Operation of Satan , then all worldly men , whom with all their Learning , Disciplines , and Abilities , he strongly sub●ugates to himself , and doth especially serve himself of these : wherefore saith Job chap. 41. sub ipso erunt radii solis , the heams of the Sun shall be under him , that is , the holy Scripture , and the chief Doctors and Teachers of it : and he shall prepare gold as dirt , that is , he shall have all the wisdom and learning of men at his pleasure , and in great readiness , and with much ease shall gain it to himself . And Antichrist by such men ( saith I. Hus ) doth make his body or Church strong against the Saints of God , and welfavoured and glorious , that it may appear very taking to the world , and may win in all men to it that are not taught of God and renewed by his Spirit . And thus Antichrist serves himself of all Learning and Learned men ; whereas Divine Learning , and the Teaching of God he could never in any measure subject to himself , but is alwaies rejected , discovered , and overcome by it . Martin Luther saith , That whosoever it was , whether Alexander of Hales , or Thomas of Aquine , who first instituted Vniversities ; he was a Star fallen from heaven to earth , who received the key of the bottomless pit , and opened it , and brought forth into the Church Philosophy , long ago dead and damned by the Doctrine of the Apostles ; and from the smoak of the bottomless pit , that is , Philosophy , came forth Locusts on the earth ; that is , saith he , populus Vniversitatum è Philosophia natus , the people of the Vniversities , born and bred of Philosophy , &c. thus Luther . Abbas , Joachim Calaber , who was long before these , and flourished about the year 1230 , in his Commentary on Jeremy the Prophet , speaks to this purpose , That the sixt Angel , mentioned , Revel. opens the bottomless pit , and brings out Philosophy into the Church ; and out of the smoak of this Doctrine Locusts proceeded , and are spread over all the Church into every fruitfull place ; and these Locusts he saith , are Scholastici & Magistri , qui nunc facietenus blandiuntur ut decipiant , nunc caudetenus feriunt unsubvertant simplices & incautos ; that is , the Locusts are Scholars and Masters , according to the Academical degrees , who sometimes flatter with their countenances to deceive , and sometimes strike with their tails , that they may subvert the simple and unadvised . And to these Scholars and Masters , the ignorant and common people resort , and they open to them the old Cisterns of heathenish Learning and Disciplines , long ago stopt up by the Doctrine of the Apostles : and these Cisterns they open , by teaching Philosophy to the people : But they shut up the living fountain of saving water , that is , the word of faith : But the spirit of the Lord ( saith he ) in the following Prophets whom the Lord shall raise up , idola studiorum carnalium visitabit , shall visit the Idols of carnal studies , maintained and kept up by secular Stipends . Further he saith , that as Antichrist brings forth his mark , which is Philosopical Doctrine in the Church of Christ , and by this mark all his Teachers and People are known ; so there shall rise up against these , such as have the mark of Christ , or the sign of Thau in their foreheads , that is , the open and manifest Doctrine of Christ crucified . And as the signs of Moses destroyed the signs of the Magicians so shall the word or preaching of the Cross destroy all Philosophical Doctrine , and Humane and secular Learning out of the Church . And then the children , and youth , and , men of all ages , sorts and conditions , shall be taught no other Doctrine in the Church of Christ , then that which is found in the Scriptures , even in the writings of the Prophets and Apostles , and that not according to any humane and Philosophical understanding , but according to the teaching and mind of the Spirit . And God by all his true servants shall destroy the studies of carnal Doctors , and Masters in Divinity , and shall dissipate all secular and Philosophical Learning , by the word of Truth in their mouths . And so shall the Church be reformed aright , when the Doctrine of Christ only shall be received and esteemed of , and shall live and flourish among Christians . And thus as Antichrist hath laid aside the Scriptures , and all true spiritual and divine Learning out of his Schools and Vniversities , and hath brought into them , instead thereof , Philosophy and Humane Learning ( and so these Schools are most unlike to the Schools of the Prophets ) so in due time , when God shall undertake to reform his Church , all this sort of Learning shall be cast out again as dirt and dung , and the plain word of the Gospel only shall prevail and flourish among the Christian People : which time the Lord hasten for his Elects sake . 2. ERROR . That they who have endeavoured to pull down Schools , have alwayes been men who were found Enemies to Religion : So Julian the Apostate shut up the doors of the Schools , because he would have all Religion to go down . Answer . True it is , that they who have sought the subversion of Christian Schools , wherein the Doctrine of the Gospel is purely taught , without the mixture of Philosophy and Heathenism , they all have been , and are very enemies to the true Religion : But they that seek to put down Heathenish Schools , and to erect Christian , or to reform the Schools of Heathen into Christian , or to remove Heathenism out of Christian Schools , they are not before God and good men enemies to true Religion , but the great friends of it , Nay , they that call Heathenish Schools by the name of Christian , that they may still remain with the better credit in their Heathenism without any true Reformation according to the Gospel . I rather judge them to be enemies to the true Religion , and friends only to their profit , preferment and ends . Julian indeed did forbid that Christians should be instructed in the Disciplines of the Gentiles , but saith Sozomen ( the Writer of the Ecclesiastical History ) he did this , because he thought , that by those Disciplines men might attain to a great faculty to perswade , which advantage he would not have the Christians to gaine to the help of their Religion . Now certainly this was done , as Socrates ( another Writer of the Ecclesiastical History ) doth acknowledge , by the singular providence of God , For seeing then Christians had begun to degenerate from the Gospel , and to betake themselves to Heathenish Learning , Julian attribu●●d all the glory and excellency of Christianity to that Learning , and so thought with Mr. Simpson , that if Humane Learning were denyed to Christians , Christianity it self would soon be at end . Wherefore the Lord stirred up Julian to put down the Doctrine of the Heathen in the Schools of Christians that it might appear to all the World , That as the true Christian Religion is not helped by Humane Learning , so neither is it hindred by the want of it : And that there is more Light Knowledge , Truth , Wisdom , Power , Vtterance given to Christians by the Vnction of the Spirit alone , which all receive who believe , then through all Heathenish Disciplines : And also that it might be manifest that true Christianity is founded on faith in Christ , and the gift of his Spirit only , and not at all on Humane Learning . For what Humane Learning had Peter and John ? and yet in what Wisdom and Authority did they , being ignorant and unlearned men , Reprove , Convince , and Silence the greatest and ablest men of the Jews ? And what Humane Learning had Steven , and yet he confuted the Libertines , and Cyrenians , and Alexandrians , and all the Philosophers of Cilicia , and Asia , which disputed with him ; and they all were not able to resist ( not the Humane Learning but ) the Wisdom and Spirit by which he spake . And Christ hath promised all his people , that when for his Names sake they should be brought before Kings and Rulers , who usually have the greatest accomplishment of Humane Learning , that then they should not study beforehand what to say ; for he would give them in that very hour a mouth and wisdom which none of their Adversaries should be able to resist . And the power and vertue of the Gospel , and the wisdom , knowledge , and utterance of Gods Spirit is more gloriously manifest in plain men then in learned men ; For in the one , the Grace and Vertues of the Spirit are attributed to Humane Learning ; But in the other , to God only , who dwells in them . Wherefore that the Wisdom , and Knowledge , and Light , and Power of the word of faith in true Christians might not be attributed to Humane Learning , God stirred up an enemy to Christian Religion to be so serviceable to it as to hinder Heathenish Doctrine from being taught in the Schools of Christians , that so the C●urch might be restored to be , as in the dayes of its Youth , when there flourished in it only the simple and plain word of faith , without any intermingling Philosophy or Humane Doctrine . And if Constantine had made such an order in his time , Julian had not had such an opportunity to have renounced Christianity , and turned Heathen . For Julian being instructed in the Philosophy and Disciplines of the Heathen by Libanius his Tutor , by this means he came to love Philosophy better then the Gospel , and so by degrees turned from Christianity to Heathenisme , which may be a fair warning to all Christians , that they suffer not their children to be so educated , lest at last , with Julian , they ( at least in their hearts ) loath and reject the Gospel , and become with him Apostates and Pagans . And hence it is most evident , that Heathenish Philosophy is so far from being a profitable study for the children of Christians , that it is very dangerous for them to be so educated , as Socrates is forced to confess ; where he saith , For Christians to be thorowly instructed in the Disciplines of the Gentiles , there is none will grant that this is profitable to the Christian Religion : For it is not without danger for Christians to be taught in the learning of the Heathens , seeing this teacheth that there are many Gods . And therefore saith he , the Doctrine of the Heathen is not approved by Christ or any of his Apostles or Disciples . Wherefore said Luther , My counsel is , that a youth should shun Philosophy , and School Divinity , as the death of his soul . 3. ERROR . That the Knowledge of Heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth : and that all Divinity is swadled in Humane Learning . Answer . I conceive that all Christians at the first reading of this , will acknowledge that this Doctrine is not Divine , but Philosophical . The Philosophers say , that nothing is in the understanding , but that which is first in the sense , ( which is proportionable to that which Mr. Simpson speaks ) and yet they know not what they say , when they say so . But let us consider if this be so : That the Knowledge of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth ; then how shall we know the Mysterie of God , even the Father , and the Mysterie of Christ , who is God manifest in the flesh ? Or how shall the Mysterie of faith , and of our union with Christ through faith into one flesh and Spirit with him be known ? Or the new birth , and new Creature , which hath all things new in it , and all those new things , the things of God ? Or how shall the free Justification of a sinner through the death of Christ , and his Reconciliation to God be known , with all the rest of the things of the Gospel , seeing nothing on earth can reveal the least part of these things ? And if the world by wisdom , that is , its Philosophy , knew not God , how can it by that wisdom reveal God and his things which it never knew ? Nay , the Apostle doth clearly testifie against this carnal and corrupt Doctrine , in 1 Cor. 2.7 , 8. saying , We speak the wisdom of God in a mysterie , even the hidden wisdom which God ordained before the world unto our glory , which none of the Princes of this world knew ; and by Princes of this world , he means not only wordly Powers , as Chrysostome affirms , but also Philosophers and Orators , who often obtained the chief Government among the nations . God hath wrapped up his Gospel , saith Paul , into such hidden wisdom , that they are never able to search into it , or to discover the least part of it , seeing God contrived it all , and appointed it before the world unto our glory : and all their knowledge is but from the world . Yea , he adds , Eye hath not seen , nor ear heard , neither have ever entered into the heart of man the things which God hath prepared for them that love him ; In which words God hath shut out the natural man for ever , with all his study , knowledge , abilities , and attainments , from the having any right understanding of his Kingdom , or the things of it : For the eye of man hath not seen them at any time , nor his eare heard them , nor hath any knowledge of them entered into his heart : so far is this Doctrine from truth , that the Knowledg of heavenly things cannot come to us but by things on earth . But the Apostle shews how the faithfull come to know these high , holy , spiritual , and eternal things , which lie infinitely beyond the knowledge and discovery of all men , to wit , by the Spirit , saying , But God hath revealed them to us by the Spirit ; for the Spirit searcheth all things , yea the deep things of God . So that the people of God know the things of the Gospel , not by earthly things , as Mr. Simpson affirms , nor by Philosophy and outward wisdom , which only reaches to earthly things , but by the Spirit . Farther , if all Divinity be swadled in Humane Learning : then I do affirm that all such Divinity hath no great Depth ; seeing the bottom of Humane Learning is easily fathomed . But can any Christian Heart think , that all true Divinity , which comprehends in it the heighth , and breadth , and length , and depth of the love of God , which passeth knowledge , and all the unsearchable riches of Christ , and all the infinite and incomprehensible Treasures of his wisdom , power , and righteousness , of his love , goodness , truth , faithfulness , and of all the fulness of the Godhead , wherewith he is filled , can be contained and wrapped up in the narrow and scant bounds of Humane Learning ? How much truer Doctrine had it been to have taught , that all true Divinity is contained in God and his word , and that we can know nothing of God aright but by his word , which holy men have spoken by the Spirit , and believers do receive by faith , and out of this word . All the Learning in the world doth not contain in it self , neither can it reveal to us aright , the least thing of God , or of his Mind and Will . But I conceive he might speak thus , that all Divinity is wrapped up in Humane Learning , to deterr the common people from the study and enquiry after it , and to cause them still to expect all Divinity from the Clergy , who by their education have attained to that Humane Learning which the plain people are destitute of : For it is the old and new design of Antichrist to make the People depend on the Clergy for all Divinity , though the people have the Scriptures as near them , and the Grace of God usually nearer to them then they ; seeing God resists the proud , and gives grace to the humble . Again , if all Divinity be swadled in Humane Learning , then must it sadly follow , that all who want Humane Learning , must needs also want Divinity ; And then , how shall poor plain people , who live in lawfull callings , and have not the leisure to attain Humane Learning , how shall they do to be saved ? Or what help must they have to teach them Divinity , who have not opportunity to gain Humane Learning ? And yet farther , if all Divinity be swadled in Humane Learning ; then Christ and his Apostles had no true Divinity ; for they had no Humane Learning to swaddle it in , nor would have none ; Shall we say now according to Mr. Simpsons Doctrine , that they had no Divinity ? I do with all boldness affirm that this Doctrine is contrary to the Christian faith . 4. ERROR . That Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , and God took him so fitted , ( to wit , with Humane Learning ) and made him an able Instrument in his Church . Answer . Not so , But God took Paul , not a good Schollar , and so made him an able Preacher ; but he took him as a Blasphemer , and Persecutor , and as a cruel and inraged enemy against Christ and his Truth , and People , and magnified the riches of his mercy by converting such an one : and Paul having much forgiven him , loved much , and through his great love , was the fitter to preach the Gospel , according to that of Christ to Peter ; Peter , dost thou love me ! feed my Sheep . Yea Paul himself ascribes his painful and profitable preaching , not to his Learning and Education under Gamaliel ( which also was , or ought to have been only in the Law and Prophets , as hath been proved ) but to the free Grace of God bestowed on him , saying , I laboured more abundantly then they all , yet not I , but the Grace of God in me : So that Paul became so excellent a Preacher , not by his fitting through Humane Learning , but through the Grace of God . And here I shall mind Mr. Simpson of a passage which I have read in Chrysostome , which comes home to this matter in hand ; it is in the third Homily on the first Epistle to the Corinthians , where he saith , That God had no need at the beginning of the Gospel of Learned men , and Sophisters to preach the Gospel , and to convince the world with Syllogisms ; but did only use the word of faith in the mouths of plain Handicrafts men , and Artificers : Wherefore ( saith he ) when the Greeks shall accuse the Disciples of Christ , as ignorant of Letters , and unlearned , let us our selves who are Christians , accuse them more . Neither let any one say that Paul was wise and learned ; but let us say , Their men were wise and learned , but ours were rude and ignorant ; For in thus doing ( according to the truth ) we shall have the greater advantage against them . For if Paul were unlearned , and yet overcame learned Plato , his Victory was the greater , and the Grace of God the more glorious . * Now this I say , ( saith he ) because the other day , I heard a certain Christian discoursing ridiculously with a Greek , each of them in their Discourse prejudicing their own cause : For the Greek spake that which the Christian should have said , and the Christian spake that which the Greek should have said . For the Question between them , being touching Paul and Plato , the Greek endeavoured to prove that Paul was rude and unlearned , but the Christian through his simplicity did endeavor to prove that Paul was more learned and eluquent then Plato . And so the Greek should obtain the Victory , if the Christians Reasons should prevail . For if Paul were more learned then Plato , then might men object that he overcame not the world through Grace , but through Eloquence . Wherefore that which the Christian spake , made for the Greek , and that which the Greek spake ; made for the Christian . Wherefore ( he saith ) when the Greeks shall say the Apostles were rude , and unlearned , poor , mean simple , obscure persons , let us acknowledge it as the truth ; For this is not their reproach but their glory ; that being such , they yet overcame the Learned men , the Wise men , the Philosophers , the Rhetoricians , the Orators , the Princes , and all the world , as if they had not been men . For when any thing is done above the State and power of Nature , this doth exceedingly manifest and magnifie the Grace of God . And so it appears that Chrysostom was of another mind in this matter touching Paul , then Mr. Simpson ; and that Paul was of another mind touching himself . Now seeing Mr. Simpson doth here insinuate that Humane Learning fits a man to the Ministry of the Gospel : and seeing this also is the Opinion of all the carnal and unbelieving people , I do desire them to consider what some Godly men have spoken clearly from the word of God in this matter . Chrysostom ( who knew the Mysterie of the Gospel more clearly then any of the Ancient Writers ) in his Comment on the first Epistle to the Corinthians , doth wholly exclude Humane Learning from contributing any thing , either to the speaking or receiving the Gospel . For ( saith he ) to believe in Him that was Crucified and Buried , and to be fully perswaded that he rose again , and sits at the right hand of God , and hath all power in Heaven and Earth given to him , and that he is made of God , to the whole Church , Wisdom , Righteousness , Sanctification and Redemption ; this Doctrine stands not in need of Humane Wisdom and Reasonings , but of faith only , and that both in them that speak it , and in them that receive it . For the Apostles did not proceed in this matter in outward wisdom , but in faith , and so became more wise and excellent then the worldly wise : and so much the more , as it is a greater matter to receive the things of God by faith , then to be perswaded into them by the force of Argument . He adds also , That to the receiving the Doctrine of the Gospel , neither is the Wise man profited thing by his Wisdom , neither is the plain man hindred any thing by his Ignorance ; Yea , if I may speak a wonderfull thing ( saith he ) Ignorance is more fit and ready to receive the Gospel then Wisdom . And a Shepherd , and a Plowman will sooner receive the Gospel and submit to it , then a Schollar who lives in the strength of Humane wisdom and Reason . He farther saith there , that where the wisdom of God is , ( as it is in the Gospel ) there is no need of mans wisdom , as where the Sun is , there is no need of a Candle . And he concludes there this matter thus . That the Preaching of the Gospel is a heavenly thing , and that Humane VVisdom and Learning cannot help herein , but rather hinder . And that therefore when Christ sent forth the first Teachers of the Gospel , he took not wise and learned Philosophers , that the Cross of Christ might not be made void , and that the faith of Christians should not stand in the wisdom of man , but in the power of God : But he chose plain Fishermen , Tent-makers , Publicans , Obscure , Simple , Poor , Contemptible , Ignorant and Vnlearned men ; And these overcame Kings , Princes , People , Nations , Greeks , Philosophers , Orators , Sophisters , they overcame the antient Manners , Customs , and the very Religion of the world , also their Laws , Judgements , divers sorts of punishments , and innumerable kinds of deaths ; and by all this ( saith he ) it was manifest that their preaching was not in Humane w●sdom , but in the Grace of God . And thus doth Chrysostom affirm , and prove that Humane Learning doth not fit men to the Ministry of the Gospel , but is rather a hindrance thereunto , and that the Grace of God only fits them for this heavenly work . Hear also what Wickliff saith to this matter , in his book entituled , The Path way to perfect knowledge ; where he sheweth , that it is not Humane Learning that helps to understand the Scriptures , and to profit in the study of them , but something more high and heavenly ; His own words as these . He whose heart is full of love , comprehendeth without any error , the manifold , abundance , and largest teaching of Gods Scripture ; For Paul saith , the fulness of the Law is Charity ; and in another place , the end of the Law is Charity of clean heart , and good conscience , and of faith unfeigned ; And Christ saith , Thou shalt love thy Lord God of all thy heart , and of all thy soul , and of all thy mind , and thy Neighbor as thy self : For in these two Commandments , hangeth all the Law and the Prophets : And as the root of all evil is Covetousness , so the root of all good is Love . Charity by which we love God , and the Neighbour , holdeth surely all the greatness and largness of Gods speeches . Therefore , if we have not leisure to search all the holy Scriptures , and to pierce into all the privities of them ; hold thou love , whereon all things hang , and so shalt thou hold that which thou learnest there , and also that which thou learnest not . For if thou know Charity , thou knowest something , whereon also that hangeth which thou knowest not . And in that that thou understandest in Scripture , love is open ; and in that that thou understandest not , love is hid . Therefore he that holdeth love in vertues or good life , holdeth both that which is open , and that which is hid in Gods word . And after speaking to the Clergy , he saith , Therefore worldly fools , do ye first repent of your sins , and forsake pride and covetousness , and be ye meek , and fear ye God in all things , and love your neighbour as your self , and then shall ye profit in the study of Holy Writ . And this is a far other way to understand the Scriptures then Humane Learning . And after , he speaking of the Abominations of the Vniversity of Oxford , saith thus , The fourth Abomination , is , that it is now purposed to hinder Christian men from learning freely Gods Law , till they have spent nine or ten years at Art , or Philosophy , which comprehendeth many strong errors of Heathen men , against the Christian Belief . It seemeth well that God will not cease from vengeance , till it and other things be punished sore . For it seemeth that worldly Clerks , and feignedly Religious , do this under pretence , that simple men of wit and knowledge know not Gods Law to preach it generally against sins in the Realm . But wit ye , worldly Clerks , and feignedly Religious , that God both can , and may if it liketh him , speed simple men out of the Vniversity , as much to know the holy Scriptures , as Masters in the Vniversity . Wherefore ( he saith ) it is no great matter , though men of good will be not poysoned with Heathen mens error nine or ten years together ; But let them live well , and study the holy Scriptures , and preach truly and freely against open sins till death . Thus he . Whereby he declares that the Scriptures are not to be understood by Humane Learning , but by faith and love : And that Humane Learning , doth not prepare men to the knowledge of the word , but rather corrupt them with Heathen mens Errors . Tindal also , that Apostle of England ( as Fox calleth him ) and blessed Martyr , speaks thus to this matter ; They will say yet more shamefully ( meaning the Clergy ) that no man can understand the Scriptures without Philautia , that is to say , Philosophy : A man must first be well seen in Aristotle , ere he can understand the Scripture , say they . Now ( saith he ) Aristotles Doctrine is , that the world was without begining , and shall be without end , and that the first man never was , and the last never shall be : And that God doth all of necessity , neither careth what we do . Without this Doctrine ( saith he Ironically ) how could we understand the Scripture , that saith , God Created the World of nought , and God worketh all things of his free will , and for a secret purpose , and that we shall rise again , and God will have accounts of all that we have done in this life . Aristotle saith , Give a man a Law , and he hath power of himself to do , or fulfill the Law , and becometh righteous with working righteously . But Paul and all the Scripture saith , That the Law doth but utter sin only , and helpeth not ; Neither hath any man power to do the Law , till the Spirit of God be given him through faith in Christ . Is it a not madness then to say that we could not understand the Scripture without Aristotle ? Moreover Aristotles felicity and blessedness standeth in avoiding all tribulations , and in riches , health , honor , worship , friends , and authority , which felicity pleaseth our spirituality well Now without these and a thousand such like points , couldst thou not understand Scripture , which saith , that Righteousness cometh by Christ , and not of mans will : And how that vertues are the fruits and gifts of Gods Spirit , and that Christ blesseth us in tribulations , persecution , and adversity . How I say ; couldst thou understand the Scriptures without Philosophy , in as much as Paul , Col. 2. warned them to beware lest any man spoyl them ( that is to say , rob them of their faith in Christ ) through Philosophy and deceitfull Vanities , and through the Traditions of men , and Ordinances after the world , and not after Christ ? — And after — But now ye drive them from Gods word , and will let no man come thereto , untill he have been two years Master of Art . First they nuzzel them in Sophistry , & in bene fundatum ; And there corrupt they their judgements with apparent arguments , and with alleadging to them texts of Logick , of Natural Philosophy , of Metaphysick and Moral Philosophy , and of all manner of books of Aristotle , and of all manner of Doctors , which yet they never saw , &c. Again , Huldricus Zuinglius speaks thus to this matter . VVe must needs be taught of God and not of men ( to wit in the knowledge of the Gospel ) For this is the saying of the Eternal Truth , which knows not how to lye . Joh. 6. But and if you do not firmly believe that you may be taught of God , Humane Doctrines being utterly rejected , ye are yet destitute of true faith . Neither have I my self devised this thing ; For Hilarie also is of this opinion , But there is no need of his Testimony , when we hear that both Christ , and all the Apostles were of the same mind . And here the whole use of School Divinity falls to the ground , and whatsoever is drawn out of the Philosophers . For all these things do lean on humane Reasons , which when they have once possessed a mans mind , he then thinks that the heavenly Doctrine is wholly to be directed and framed according to the Rule of Humane Learning , which he judges to be most firm and infallible . VVhich thing they sufficiently discover in their words , saying , ubi cessat Philosophus , illic incipit Theologus , where the Philosopher ceases , there the Divine begins ; whereby they signifie thus much , that he is able to judge most rightly in Divine things , who comes most furnished with Humane Learning . As if so be the light of our will were more excellent , and more perspicuous then the Divine Glory ; when yet we hear Christ saying , I receive not Glory of men ; but I know you , that you have not the love of God in you , Joh. 5. For they who have the love of God , cleave to no word so constantly as to the word of God ; seeing this is the light that enlightens every man that comes into the world . But no man is able to prove that Philosophy is such a light . For which of the Philosophers instructed the Apostles ? Those simple , and in the judgement of the world , those foolish men , unskilfull , and unlearned fisherman , were elected and instituted of God , and then were sent forth to preach , that they might become the Masters and Teachers of the whole world : to wit , that God according to the saying of Paul , might make ashamed all the strength of the world , and all the wisdom of the world . Thus he . Luther also saith , It is an Error to say , that a man cannot be a Divine but through Aristotle ; Nay , saith he , A man cannot be a Divine except he become one , without Aristotle . And again , A man becomes a Divine by living , yea by dying , and by being damned ( to wit in his own sense ) not by studying , reading , or speculating . And again , In holy things we must not dispute or play the Philosophers ; but in Divinity we must only hear and believe , and resolve in our heart that God is true , though the things he speaks in his word seem never so absurd to reason . And again , We shall then do well , if we leaving Logick or Philosophy in their own Sphear , do learn to speak with new tongues in the Kingdom of faith , without all Sphear . For the affection of faith is to be exercised in the Kingdom of faith , and not a Philosophical understanding . And thus have these Godly men held forth and proved from the word , that Humane Learning is rather a hindrance then a help to the Ministry of the Gospel , and doth rather unfit then fit men for it : and that the Grace and teaching of God only , prepares and enables men to this Divine work , and no Humane thing at all . Wherefore let all true Christians be advised , that Humane Learning is so far from fitting men for the Gospel and the Ministry thereof , as is suggested , that indeed there is nothing in greater enmity to Christ Crucified ; nor more contrary to the word of the Cross , then that ; Yea nothing in all the world hath been such an Introducer , Favourer , Supporter , and Inlarger of Antichrists Kingdom , as Humane Reason , Learning , and Philosophy ; This hath brought in all the Hypocrisie , Superstition , false Doctrine , false Worship , Sects , Schismes , Divisions , which have at any time prevailed in the Church during all the Reign of Antichrist : And the Gospel of Christ , and the true belief and practice of it , hath not had at any time a greater and more subtile and plausible Enemy then this . Yea farther , the gross ignorance and blindness of the rude world , hath not so perverted and falsified the word of the Gospel , nor rendred it such contradiction and resistance , nor hath brought such annoyance , to the faithfull who have received and confessed it , as Humane Science hath done ; For this hath enabled men stoutly to oppose the truth , and subtilly to defend error as the truth ; this hath made men bold and cunning to suppress Gods mind from the World , and to hold forth their own mind to them , as if it were Gods , under the pretence of the outward letter of the word , and a multitude of other evils have sprung from this corrupt fountain . Wherefore the Apostle Paul is so far from encouraging Christians to betake themselves to Humane Learning to fit them for the Gospel , that He by the Spirit utterly forbids Christians Heathenish Philosophy , lest they should be spoyled through the vanity of it , and be led away from Christ . And thus in this matter hath Mr. Simpson manifestly departed from the Doctrine of the Scriptures , and of faithfull men who have spoken from it . 5. ERROR . That mens Hatred to God , doth as well appear in their hatred to Humane Learning as if they hated the Scriptures . Answer . I conceive Mr. Simpsons heart was hot within him , out of his great Zeal to Humane Learning ( the great goddess by which the Vniversity lives ) when he thus spake ; And it appears he is very tender of the Reputation and Glory of it , who thus vindicates it , at as high a rate as the very Scriptures . But Sir , do you know no more difference between the most precious word of our eternal Lord God , and his Son Jesus Christ , and the foolish , corrupt , and stinking Doctrine of men ? is there no more difference in your Divinity , between the word of Righteousness , Life , and Salvation , which God hath spoken by Christ , and Christ by his servants , and the word and Doctrines of wretched men , full of sin , death , and destruction ? And if the Law it self , given by the Ministration of Angels , loseth its glory before the Gospel , as the Apostle testifies ; How much more doth Heathenish Philosophy , brought forth , partly from the corrupt Reason of man , and partly from the Inspiration of the Devil , become ●oathsom & abominable before it for ever . And cannot we be enemies to this say y●u , without hating the blessed word of God ? Nay , the blessed word of God where it prevails in truth , doth make men to hate this , and to count it loss , and dung , and filth , and the most loathsom baseness in the world , in comparison of it self . Wherefore , through the grace of Christ , we will so love the Scriptures , which are Divine Learning , as to hate Humane and Heathenish Learning for their sakes , seeing it hath put a Veil of Darkness in the Church , over this glorious Sun , the word of faith . 6. ERROR . That if the Spirit teach without means , men may as well be without the Ordinances , as without the Vniversities and Humane Learning . Answer . We do not say , that the Spirit usually teacheth without means in the Church of Christ ; But we say , he teacheth by means of his own appointing ; And how will Mr. Simpson prove by any Scripture that Vniversities and Humane Learning , are Means , which the Spirit of God useth to teach his Church by ? where did ever the Lord speak one word , that he would use the Disciplines of the Gentiles , as means whereby to teach men to know the Mysterie of Christ ? Wherefore this is strange Doctrine , that Arts and Sciences are the means whereb● the Spirit teacheth the Church : For sure I am , the Lord never taught his Church , either of the Old , or the New Testament by these Means : Only Antichrist hath taught his Church after this manner , and hath set up Humane Learning as an Ordinance of God , yea , as an Ordinance of the New Testament to learn Christ by ; that Christians might be trained upto know Christ the wisdom of God , by Humane Learning the wisd●●● of the world , which is in direct enmity to God . The chief Ordinances whereby God helps his Church are the word of faith , and the prayer of faith ; And by the Ministration of the Spirit , he begins , and carries on the Salvation of this Spiritual People : And these Ordinances the true Church cannot want , neither doth God do any thing in his Church without them . But the Spiritual Church , for ought that I could ever yet read in the word , may well want their Divine Ordinance of Humane Learning , and yet not want any Ordinance of God , that he hath appointed and sanctified for the Vse of his true Church . 7. ERROR . That men now , are not to receive the Spirit , in that immediate way to understand the Scriptures , in which it was given to them who wrote the Scriptures . Answer . Surely Mr. Simpson will not deny , that the Spirit is given to that whole Church which is the body of Christ ; seeing Paul saith , if any man have not Christs Spirit , he is none of his , he is no member of his . Now the Spirit is alwayes given to whomsoever it is given , by the Father and the Son , as Christ taught his Disciples , promising them that the Father would send the Spirit to them in his Name ; and also , that he Himself would send it to them from the Father . And was this promise only made to them , and not to all the faithful also , who should believe in Christ through their word ? doth not Paul say , Rom. 12.13 . of the whole Church , that by one Spirit we are all baptized into one body , and are all made to drink into one Spirit ▪ He saith also to the Galatians Chap. 4. because ye are Sons , God hath sent the Spirit of his Son into your hearts , crying , Abba Father . And thus it is manifest that the whole Church of Believers , and every true member thereof , do receive the Spirit of God . And do they not receive in alike immediatly from God ▪ Who can give the Spirit of God to man , but God himself ▪ when God promised to , pour out his Spirit in the last dayes upon all flesh , did he name any difference in the pouring of it out , saying , some shall receive it immediately , and some mediately ? No , but all that are counted worthy to receive the Spirit of God , do receive it alike immediately from him ; neither hath Christ left any Lieutenant or Deputy in the world , to give his Spirit to men in his absence : But he himself is alwayes present in his true Church to the end of the world , both to teach them , and to give them his Spirit . He is too much in the darkness of Antichrist , that denies this . It is manifest then , that all the true Church alike receive the Spirit of God and that they all receive it alike immediately from God , seeing no man nor Angel can give the spirit of God , but God himself gives his own Spirit to whom he pleases by his own word , which he himself Ministers by his own spirit ; And by this spirit did holy men speak the Scripture , and by this spirit only do holy men of God understand the Scripture , as Paul saith , 1 Cor. 2 12. Now we have received not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of God , that we might know the things that are freely given to us of God , among which his word hath a chief place : and after saith , that by the spirit they had the mind of Christ , which others want , who yet have the same Letter of the word , and are destitute of the Spirit . And so as the faithfull spake the word by the spirit of faith , so through the same spirit of faith only , so given , do the faithfull understand it . And though this thing be clear in it self , yet I judge it convenient to add here the Testimonies of Luther and Calvin in this matter Luther saith , The Scriptures are not to be understood but by that very spirit by which they were writ , which spirit can be nowhere found more readily and effectually , then in those holy Letters of his which he hath written . And Calvin saith , The same spirit that spake by the mouth of the Prophets , it is necessary that that should pierce into our hearts , to perswade us that they faithfully delivered that which was committed to them of God . So that we must necessarily have the same spirit to know his mind , that they had to utter his mind . Wherefore it is evident that Mr. Simpson is not Orthodox in this point neither . 8. ERROR . That men now are to get knowledge ( to wit of the Scriptures ) by Studies , and Humane Learning , and not by Inspiration . Answer . This Doctrine carries the visible mark of Antichrist upon it ; For it is only the Inspiration of God , that inables a man to know the things of God , and not a mans study or Humane Learning : It is not in this case , in him that wills or runs , but in God that shews Mercy . Wherefore Christ hath said , no man knows the Son but the Father , and he to whomsoever the Father will re●eal him ; Wherefore Paul prays for the Ephesians , that God would give them the Spirit of Wisdom and Revelation in the Knowledge of Christ : without which Spirit of Revelation ; Christ and the Father can never be known . What can Humane Learning , and the studies of men find out of the Mysterie of Christ , which was hidden from ages and Generations , as Paul testifies , till the Spirit revealed it ? Yea , Christ hath taught , that God hides these things of the Gospel from the wise and prudent , that is , the studying and learned men , and reveals them to Babes ; and that this is his good pleasure so to do . And so no man can know Christ and his Gospel , and what is the faith , hope , and love of the Gospel , but by the most present Teaching and Revelation of God himself by his Spirit . Wherefore to deny the Inspiration of Gods spirit now , and to ascribe all knowledge of the word of God to mens studies , and to Humane Learning , is the most gross and palpable Doctrine of Antichrist and his Prophets ; whereas , all the People of God are taught of God Himself , in all the things of God , as Christ hath said ; Because no man by his own studies and pains can attain thereunto . And in this matter , I shall also add the Testimony of Luther , and Latimer . Luther saith , No man sees one jot or tittle in the Scriptures , but he that hath the Spirit of God : For all men have a darkned Heart , in such sort , that if they could speak , and knew how to bring forth all things of the Scripture , yet have they not any true sense or right Knowledge of them . For ( saith he ) the spirit is required to the understanding of the whole Scripture , and of every part thereof . And Latimer saith , The carnal and Philosophical understanding of the Scriptures , is not that wisdom of God which is hid from the wise , and revealed to little ones . 9. ERROR . That Humane Learning is as the Outworks to the Fort of the Gospel , and as the outer Court to the Temple of the Gospel ; and so if you will keep the Fort well , you must keep the Outworks strong ; and if you will preserve the inner , you must look to the outer Court . Answer . How highly hath Mr. Simpson honored Socrates , Pythagoras , Plato and Aristotles , &c. to make them a strong guard for the Person of Christ ? And how highly hath he honored their Learning , to make it a defence for the Gospel ? And how weak and feeble hath he sought to render the word of faith , that must be thus defended by the Arts and Disciplines of men , as not being able to stand alone , and to defend it self ? Doth this man truly believe in the Son of the living God , who make him such an helpless Idol ? or doth he believe the word of the Gospel , which hath given eyes to the blind , and ears to the deaf , and feet to the lame , which hath raised the dead , and cast out Devils , and commanded the winds and waves , and they have obeyed ? I say , doth he believe this word to be of God , which hath done the very works of God ? and yet openly affirms to the world , that it cannot maintain it self , or subsist without the help of Philosophy ? Is that word , which mightily and perfectly saves all the Elect , and that in despight of the world and the Devil , and the gates of Hell , not able to save it self without Humane Help ? Must that word be secured by Aristotle , which delivers all the Elect from sin , death and hell for ever ? Are Grammar , R●thorick , Logick , Ethicks , Physicks , Metaphysicks , Mathematicks , the weapons whereby we must defend the Gospel ? Is Mr. Simpson so ill a Proficient in Christianity , that he hath not read , or doth not remember that of Paul , Ephes. 6.12 . where he saith , We wrestle not against flesh and blood , but against Principalities , against Power , against the Rulers of the Darkness of this world , against Spiritual wickedness in high places . Wherefore take unto you the whole armor of God , that you may be able to withstand in the evil day , and having done all to stand . Stand therefore , having your loynes girt about with truth , and having on the brest plate of Righteousness . And your feet shod with the Preparation of the Gospel of Peace . Above all , taking the shield of faith , wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked . And take the Helmet of Salvation , and the sword of the Spirit , which is the word of God . Praying always with all Prayer and Supplication in the Spirit , and watching thereunto with all Perseverance . Here now are the true Christian weapons , whereby he defends himself through the word , and defends the word against all the world . And the same Paul , in 2 Cor. 10.3 . saith . For though we walk in the flesh , we do not war after the flesh . For the weapons of our warfare are not carnal , but mighty through God , to the pulling down of strong holds . Casting down Imaginations , and every High thing that exalteth it self against the Knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity every thought to the Obedience of Christ . And having in a readiness to revenge all Disobedience . So that the faithful do not defend the Gospel by Philosophy , as is heathenishly suggested ; but by the Gospel they defend the Gospel ; and the Gospel hath in it self that Wisdom , Righteousness , Strength , and those Vertues which are infinitely able to defend it self against all the world , and against all the powers of darkness . And how contrary is this Doctrine to Mr. Simpsons ? And thus much for his Outworks to the Gospel . Now for his outer Court to the Gospel , I know no other outer Court the Gospel ever had then the Law of Moses , which Law was the preparation to the Gospel , and the School Master to bring us unto Christ ; which Humane Learning never was . But Humane Learning is the outer Court to Antichrists Temple , it is the School-master to bring men to Antichrist . And thus would Mr. Simpson also turn the Law out of its place , and set up Humane Learning in the stead of the Law , and so would make void both Law and Gospel for Humane Learning sake ; Surely one would think he hath some considerable advantage thereby , that he thus fences for it . 10. ERROR . But what is the bottom ( saith he ) of all this ( that is , of some mens appearing against Humane Learning , as the Vnction of the Ministry , and against the Vniversities as the Fountain of the Ministry ) but this , That some say they are one with Christ , and as Christ hath the Divine nature in Him , so every Believer also hath : and he that hath God in Him , need not go to any man to Learn . Whereas Joh. 17. Christ speaketh of Believers as at an infinite distance from Himself ; He their Lord , they his Servants . He in Glory they in the World . And if they be so united to Christ , then it will follow , that Christ is not the only begotten Son of God ; and that Christ and we should be equal , and He not our Lord , &c. Answer . Now doth not all this declare a most woful Ignorance of , and enmity to the Gospel of God our Saviour ? For is our Vnion with Christ , the Foundation of error ? or have true , Believers no real Vnion with Christ , but imaginary ? Do not the Saints partake of the Divine Nature ? doth not Peter expresly affirm it ; 2 Pet. 1.4 . where he saith , exceeding great and pretious promises are made to us that we thereby should be made partakers of the Divine Nature ? and what is the divine Nature , but the very Nature of God ? See Luther on the place . Again , are believers , as he affirms , at an infinite distance from Christ ▪ If this were true , what sad news would it be to the Church of God ? How can this Doctrine agree with these Scriptures ? that Christ may dwell in your Hearts by faith : and Christ in you the hope of Glory : and of Him are ye in Christ Jesus : Again saith Christ , I am the true Vine , and ye are the branches : and so as the Vine is in the branches , and as the branches are in the Vine , so is Christ in Christians , and so are Christian in Christ . Again , Joh. 14.20 . At that day ye shall know saith Christ Himself , that you need not doubt of the Doctrine ) that I am in my father , and you in me , and I in you : And again Joh. 17.21 . saith Christ , I pray not for these alone , that is , who now believe , but also for all that shall hereafter believe in me through their word , that they all may be one , as thou Father art in me , and I in thee , that they may be one , as we are one ▪ I in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one , that the world may know thee ▪ hast sent me , and hast loved them 〈◊〉 thou hast loved me ▪ Here now is no infinite distance between Christ and Believers , but a wonderfull and admirable Nearness , and Oneness , which the learned Ignorance of Philosophy understands not , nor the ignorant Knowledge of any carnal Christian . But sure this word of God is true , and the Saints receive it in faith , and will not be deluded with any Philosophical , Sophistical , or Antichristian glosses of False Teachers . And thus doth the holy word of God affirm plainly enough , that Christ and his Christians are most neerly Vnited ; And yet doth not this Vnion make an Equality , and rob Christ of his due glory : seeing Christ is the Head and they his Members ; Christ the first born , and they his Brethren : And so as Christ hath the Preheminence in all things above them all , as becomes the Head and first born , so They have Communion with Him in all things , as becomes his Members and Brethren . And whereas he jests , and saith , He that hath God in Him , needs not go to man to learn ; I do affirm this is true enough , and the Scripture hath affirmed it in several places ; Isaiah saith to the Spiritual Church , All thy Children shall be taught of the Lord : And Christ saith it is written , They shall be all taught of God ; he therefore that had heard and learned of my Father , cometh to me . And John saith , 1 John 2.27 . The Annointing which ye have received from him abideth in you , and ye need not that any man teach you ▪ but as the same annointing teacheth you all things , and is Truth , and is no lye . And this Doctrine is so manifest from the Scriptures , that he is of Antichrist that denies it : For God inwardly teaches all his People by his Spirit his own self : and they so hear the word by the Ministry of man , that it is alwayes God that teaches them , and not Man . 11. ERROR . Arts and Tongues are the Cups in which God drinks to us . Answer . In what a sad condition then are the common and plain people , that they cannot pledge him ? But only the learned Clergie keep these cups to themselves , as heretofore they kept the Cup in the Sacrament . But what strange Phrase is this ? Savouring of the Ranters Religion ; as if God was the familiar companion of the Clergie , and sometimes drank to them in a Cup of Hebrew , sometimes in a Cup of Greek , and sometimes in a Cup of Latine as if sometimes he drank to them in a Cup of Logick , and sometimes in a Cup of Ethicks , sometimes in a Cup of Metaphysicks . Is not this truly , Profana vocum novitas , a Prophane Newness of Speech , never before heard of to my knowledge in the Church of God , and which the Apostle utterly condemns . 12. ERROR . We shall never keep up Religion , if we do not keep up Learning ; but when Learning goes down , Religion goes down too . Answer . The Church is founded on Christ , and Christ and His Church ( it seems ) are both founded on Humane Learning . It is no wonder now , that Mr. Simpson lays so great stress on it every where ; And that men of his Religion term the Vniversity , Fundamentum Ecclesiae , the Foundation of the Church . And if Humane Learning do indeed uphold all Christian Religion , let all Men and Magistrates come forth and uphold it in the Name of God . But surely the Religion of the Gospel depends wholy on Christ , as Christ on God : and there is no need of Humane Learning to support this , except God and Christ are insufficient . We have a sure word and Doctrine of the Gospel , that remains firm for ever , and inviolable , and inconquerable , in and through Christ , and his Spirit , and the Father ; and all the World shall shatter in pieces , and Humane Learning , go down to Hell , and this shall stand fast for ever : Heaven and Earth shall pass away , and not one jot or Tittle of my Word , saith Christ . Believers , know that not one Point of your Religion depends on Humane Learning ; But all on Christ Himself , who is the true and living Word . Wherefore these are the fears of Antichrist and his Prophets , that their Religion will go down with Humane Learning , because it was set up by it ; But the true Religion of the Gospel of God our Saviour was at first set up without it , and hath hitherto remained without it , and will abide so for ever . And to this the Spirit , and the Bride give witness . 13. ERROR . Seeing Religious Foundations are so Antient , then keep them up : Your Destruction will never be but from your selves . Answer . Religious Foundations ! What Religion founded the Vniversities is well known . For by the councel of four Monks , the Schollars of Bede , to wit , Rabanus , Albinus , Claudius , and John Scotus , the Vniversity which had been translated from Athens to Rome , was translated by Charls the great from Rome to Paris , An. 791. And for our English Vniversities of Cambridge and Oxford ; Thus it is recorded , That the Study of Cambridge was instituted , Anno 630. By Sigi●bert King of the East , Angles , who after changed his Purple or Kingly Robes , for a Fryars Cool or Hood . And the Lectures here were begun by four Monks , of which brother Ode ( as they termed him ) read Grammar , according to Priscians Doctrine : Terricus an acute Sophister read Aristotles Logick , according to the Institutions of Porphyrius , and Averr●es ▪ Brother William , read Tullies Rhetorick , and Gislebertus , read Divinity to them on Sundays , and Saints days . And for Oxford , that was founded by King Alfred , Anno 895. by the perswasion of Neotus the Monk , and rewards were propounded for those that would profess Learning there . Afterwards both these Schools were made Vniversities , in Edward the firsts time by the Court of Rome , as Robert Remington affirms . Yea farther , by the very Names of the Colledges it is manifests , what Religion set them up ; some being founded in the honor of one Saint , some of another Saint ; one being founded in the honor of Christ , another in the honor of Jesus , another in the honor of Immanuel , another in the Honor of the Trinity ; Whereby they have rent the Name of God in pieces , each one seeking to honor that name of Christ most , in the honor of which his Colledge was founded ; Yea , some Colledges have bin founded in the honor of Christs body ; as the Colledges of orpus Christi , in both Universities : and one in Oxford , for the help of all dead Souls , and for their rescue out of Purgatory : And so it is well known what Religion founded them . And what Religion will in due time destroy these Foundations ( if they be not Reformed ) is as well known . For Wickliff , whom God raised up to be one of the most eminent Reformers of the Christian Religion , since the Apostles times , speaks thus touching Vniversities , Colledges and Students . Seeing Christ ( saith he ) hath not ordained these Vniversities , or Colledges , it is manifest that both They and the Graduations in them are nothing but so much vain Heathenism introduced , in Testimony whereof , as well the Collegiates as other Graduates do seek the things which are their own , leaving the Rules of Charity : From whence do arise envies , and comparisons between Persons and Countries , and many other seed-plots of the Father of Lyes . Again , he having spoken of other Sects , saith , Our Judgement concerning Colledges is the same , as touching their General Studies : For through them , Persons and Countries are accepted against the Rules of Charity , and inward envies are h●aped up with other sins , Perjuries , and Simonies , against their own Statutes . Notwithstanding it is granted , that out of such Colledges many good things do arise , aswell as out of other Sects , yet not so many as by the occasion of the sin of the Devil , and the sin of the first man . And therefore let a faithfull man be ashamed to alledge the fruit of such Profit . Again saith he , If these Colledges are in their conversation rejected of the Lord , who doubts but that to nourish them in this way is no alms , but the foolish presumption of a Faction , and party against Christ . For all these Sects , and all Newnesses which are not founded on Christ the Lord , they tempt Christ with the Devil , Mat. 4. seeing they despise the free Ordination of his Sect , and do rather choose another sevile Sect , less good , as if they would not ascend into the heavenly Sion , by the steps which God hath Ordained , but would flye to the Pinacle of the Temple by the carrying of the Devil . What alms therefore is it to cherish such a child of the Devil in Cains Castles against Christ ? He also affirms that one Ideot through the help of the Grace of God , doth more good in the Church , then many Graduates in the Schools and Colledges : and that Gods Inspiration of such , doth more profit the Community of the faithfull , then all the Vniversities , and all their Studies and Priviledges . Thus hath VVickliff witnessed in this matter , who was also Himself Master of Baliol Colledge in Oxford : And Philip Melancthon gives this Testimony of Him , Equidem sapientem virum judico fuisse VVicklefum Anglum , qui omnium primus , quod ego sciam , vidit Vniversitates fuisse Satanae Synagogas , that is , I do indeed judge Wickliff of England to have been a wise man , who for ought I know , first of all saw Universities to have been the Synagogues of Satan . John Hus also , that excellent Instrument of Jesus Christ , and blessed Martyr , saith , speaking on that Scripture , Isa. 28. VVoe to the Crown of the Pride of Ephraim , and the Crown of Pride shall be troden underfoot , saith , The Doctor-ships and Masterships of many , who having the word of God wholly choaked in them , do now too shamelesly make broad their Phylacteries , and inlarge the borders of their garments , and love the chief chairs in the Schools , and to be saluted in the Markets , and to be called of men Doctor ; And by this they go in the apparrel and harness of the Mystical body of Antichrist , because it is written that he is the King of all the children of Pride . And the Crown of Pride , of these children of Pride shall be troden down . And thus as it is manifest what Religion founded the Vniversities ; so it is as manifest what Religion will in the appointed time destroy these Foundations , if they be not truly and thoroughly Reformed . For surely as they are , if the work of Christ go forward in the world ( as it necessarily must do notwithstanding the present defection ) in the appointed time ) they can no more be held up , then the house built on the sand , in the time of Tempest . For the true Spiritual Church is built on the Foundation of the Prophets and Apostles ; Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone , and so it is firmly founded upon a Rock , and can never fall ; But the Vniversities are built on the Philosophers and Heathen , Plato and Aristotle being the chief corner stones , and so they are built upon the sand , and neither can their own hands uphold them , nor the Secular Arm establish them , in that day wherein the Lord alone shall be exalted . But it is not men of moral and civil Religion and Righteousness , who will do this work , and execute this vengeance ; for the Inchauntments of the Vniversities are too strong and mighty for all Humane Spirits : But the called , chosen , and faithfull Ones of Christ , when he shall summon them , and call them to his foot , they shall not stand on-Complements , Formalities and Niceties ; nor regard frindship or enmity ; but through the Power of Faith , shall break through all that can be said and objected by the Wisdom , Policy , Prudence , and Religion of man , and shall execute the righteous Judgements of the Lord , on these Mothers of Harlots , and Fornications of the Nations . And whereas he saith , their Destruction will never be but of themselves : I do verily believe that . For seeing their Root is rottenness , their Fruit must needs be Destruction . Yea , the Lord will raise up his word in the midst of them to destroy them : For the more the word of the Lord shall blow upon the Vniversity , the more shall this Grass wither , and the flower thereof , that is , Humane Learning fade away , till it be at last quite dryed up . And this is the Burden of the Vniversity , whose day is coming , when iniquity shall have an end . And thus have I done with these things ; There were many other things in that S●rmon as contrary to the Gospel ; which for brevities sake I have omitted . Now what a sad thing is it , that such poysonfull Doctrine should be poured forth into an Vniversity Congregation , and that by the Ministry of such a man ? and if the Ceremonies of the Law were in use under the Gospel , how ought we to rend our Garments at the bearing of these things ? And now blessed Lord Jesus , who wast crucified , dead and buried , but art risen from the Dead by the Eternal Spirit , and art ascended on high to fill all things , have mercy on thy poor Church , which is so grievously rent and torn this day , by Wolves in Sheeps cloathing , and is thus hurt and consumed by poysonable Doctrine of men , who seek themselves , and their own things , to the harm and ruin of thy poor people ! O thou Son of the Living God , who are the way , the truth , and the life ; how shall the Kingdom of Antichrist be brought down , when the hands of such men , who seem Pillars in the Church , are stretched forth so strongly to hold it up ; And how shall the days of Antichrist be shortned , when his Kingdom is coming forth again in the greatest deceivableness of unrighteousness that hath ever yet appeared in the World to delude the Nations ? O Lord remember all thy Promises , and make haste to destroy Babylon the Great , with all its Mysteries of Righteousness , and Vnrighteousness , and let it sink as a Milstone in the Sea , without any hope or possibility of a Resurrection . And seeing there is no hand of man stretched out for this work , but all hands are against it ; do thou destroy it O Lord without hand , even with the Spirit of thy mouth , and brightness of thy coming according to the Truth of thy Promises , and the unutterable sighs and groanes of thy Spirit occasioned thereby , in the hearts of all thy faithfull and elect . Even so Lord , And let thy Kingdom come , and make no long tarrying . AMEN . A TESTIMONY From the WORD Against DIVINITY-DEGRES IN THE University : OR , Any Academical Degrees made us● of for the Ministry of the GOSPEL . THe Universities ( whose soul and life do lye in humane Learning and School-Divinity ) that they might gaine the greater profit to themselves , and glory to their children , have ( after the example of the heathen ) given their children Degrees in D●vinity ( as they in Art ) and the glorious Titles of Batchelors , Masters , and Doctors in Divinity , as so many Crowns of Gold upon their heads , to win them honour and reputation with all people , who have been under the delusion of Antichrist . And in the confirming of these Graduations or Degrees , ( which also is done for a sum of money ) they give the Graduates license and power to preach , and to expound the Scriptures , and that by the sole Authority of the University . For the Vice-chancelor , admitting a Bachelour in Divinity to his Degree , useth these words in the name of the University , We admit you to declare all the Apostolical Epistles , in the name of the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost . And so the Batchelour in Divinity , hath Power according to his Degree , only to deal with the Apostolical Epistles , but must go no farther . And admitting a Doctor to his Degree , the Vice-chancelor saith thus , We admit you to interpret and profess all the holy Scriptures both of the old and new Testament , in the name of the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost . And thus doth the University , through power received from Antichrist , give men , chiefly for money , Divinity-Degrees ; and through those Degrees it gives Authority and priviledge to Batchelors in Divinity to expound part of the Scriptures , and to Doctors to expound and profess all the Scriptures ; and they that gaine these Degrees to themselves , are ( as there is good reason ) the great men in account with the University , and also with the carnal people of Antichrist , how destitute soever they be , of the faith and spirit of the Gospel . Wherefore I cannot chuse but give in my Testimony against this glorious and gainful priviledge of the Universities , to wit , their conferring upon their children Degrees in Divinity , and creating them Masters in that Mystery , which none can teach but God himself ; and which none can learn , but true believers who are borne of God , and are his true Disciples . And so I do openly affirme , that Degrees in Divinity ( for I meddle with none else ) given by the Universities to their children , are plainly and grosly Antichristian , being most manifestly contrary to the word of the Gospel , and the light that shines in the New Testament . For first , In the Gospel of God our Saviour , we learn , That onely a new and heavenly birth makes men to be of the true Church , and that the pouring forth of the spirit on these children of God , according to the measure of the gift of God , makes Christians of several Degrees in this Church , and not Academical Graduations . Secondly , In this Gospel also we are taught , that all the true Ministers of Christ are equal , and not one superior to another , as these Degrees make them . Thirdly , In this Gospel also we are taught , that the true greatness amongst Christs true Disciples , doth not stand in Academical Degrees , or worldly honour and Dignities , but in the faithfuls neer and exact following of Christ in word and conversation ; and that the sons of Zebedee , in desiring superiority and pre-eminence above the other Disciples , contrary to the life and doctrine of Christ , did grievously offend , and were therefore sharply rebuked of Christ . Fourthly , Yea here , we hear Christ himself forbidding this very thing to his Disciples , that Antichrist and his prophets might have no cloak for doing the contrary , where his Gospel is truely taught and published . For Mat. 23. Christ doth forbid his Disciples before all the multitude , to be as the Jewish Rabbies or Doctors , who ( saith Christ ) do their works to be seen of men , and disguise themselves with different garments or habits from others ( that they might be the more taken notice of , and have the more respect ) and do love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and the chief seats in the Synagogues , and greetings in the markets , and to be called of men Doctor , Doctor ; but saith Christ to his Disciples , Be not ye called Doctor , for one is your Master , even Christ , and ye all are brethren , and so equal . Whence it is evident , that this practice of Universities and Colledges in giving men Degrees in Divinity , as they call it , and Titles , Habits , and Dignities accordingly , is contrary to the express command of Jesus Christ , and so is a meer Invention of Antichrist , to put Honour and Reputation on his Ministers . It is also manifest , that this practise of the Universities , hath all along made many Doctors in the Church , which yet never were Christs true D●sciples . It is also manifest , that these Degrees and Titles do cause men to be proud , and to lift themselves up above their brethren , and to think themselves something when they are nothing ; such Graduates , u●ually pro●ing Theologi Gloriae , Divines of glory ; and not Theologi crucis , D●vines of the cross , as Luther speaks ; that is , proud and h●ughty clerks , and not the humble Ministers of Christ cru●ified . These Degrees also do break the simplicity of the people of God , and do prejudice the communion of Saints . Farther , these Degrees are a dangerous snare to simple people , causing them to receive all f●r good Doctrine that is delivered b●such men , though it be never so erroneous and unsound , inasmuch as their high titles which they have gotten in these High places , and the reputation of their learning , strikes an awe into them , that the● dare not once question what such men deliver , m●ch less contradict it . Wherefore , as much of the mystery of iniquity is discovered and dissolved already , so there is no doubt , but that this glorious relique thereof , to wit , Divinity-Degrees , will also in due time follow , as the lightnings of God shall enlighten the world . And seeing so much of the light of the Gospel hath shined forth in thi●Age , it were to be wished that the Universities , Heads of Colledges , and Clergy , would not wilfully , for worldly honour , ●espects and advantage sake , shut their eyes against it , or rather with open eyes , maliciously seek to extinguish it , but that they would be contented , to have all their honour lye in their l●keness to Christ , who was in the Church as one that served ; and who was so far from receiving honour and taking titles from men , to make himself of account in the world , that being Lord of all , he made himself of no reputation ; and that they would reject all the pompe and pride of the fa●se Church , which being destitute of faith and the spirit , makes It self and its Ministers glorious , in outward names and Titles . Now though this be a plaine case in the Gospel , and there needs no Testimony of men , yet for the fuller conviction of the world , I shall adde the witness of other believers , that it may appear , that I am not alone in this matter , though to have been alone with the word , would have been sure and safe enough . In Edward the third's time , there was an excellent d●scourse set forth , called , The Plowmans complaint , &c. which testifieth against these Divinity-degrees , in these words , Antichrist ( saith it ) maketh Masters too many , who teach the people with their own teaching , and leave Gods teaching which is needful , and hide it with quaint glosses from the mean people . But ( saith he ) these Glosers object , that they desire not the state of Mastery to be worshipped thereby , but the more to profit the people when they preach the word . For they say the people will more believe the preaching of a Master , that hath taken a state of School , then the preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of Mastership . To which he replyes , That it is no need that Masters bear witness to Gods teaching or word , that it is true and good , neither ( saith he ) can any man by his state of Mastership which God hath forbidden , draw any man from his sin , rather then another man which is not a Master , nor will be none , because it is forbidden him in the Gos●el . And a little after he saith , Seeing we are to bel●eve a m●ns wo●ks more then his word , the deed sheweth well of these Masters , that they desire Mastership , rather for their own worship , then for profit of the people , &c. After , John wickl●ffe that chosen servant of Christ , did witness against these Antichristian Degrees , who saith , The Clergy do busily seek their own wo●ldly w●rship and glory , and by great gifts and va●ne costs , to be called Masters in divinity , and to speak before Lords , and to sit at meat with them , and not to teach truely the Gospel to all manner of men , by meek l●fe , and freely , as Christ bids . The same Wickliffe on Mat. 23. cap. 4. saith , Although in some studies , the name of Doctor imports excellency , seeing it is a heathenish Rite , heaped together of many honors and states , yet in the text of the Apostle , it is taken more plainly , for any faithful man , who doth notably teach the catholike faith : and so the name Doctor , speaks desert and labour , and takes away pride and eminency of State according to this world . Againe , saith he , Every Sect , State and operation which Christ doth not approve in his Gospel , is in reason to be rejected ; and therefore seeing Christ doth not approve , but reprove the forenamed heathenish Mastership , it is manifest that it is to be discharged , and cast out of the Church . Againe , saith he , Note that the name of an office , doth much differ from the name of a Scholastical Graduation , heathenishly brought in . He saith also , That Christ hath specially forbidden his Disciples , heathenish or Scholastical Mastership ; and that Christ would have the name of Master or Doctor singularly reserved to himself , seeing he , by reason of his hypostatical union , hath a certaine excellen●y which cannot agree to any other of mankind . And concludes , That seeing there is danger in attributing to men the Title of Master or Doctor in Divinity , therefore in good reason those Titles are to be shunned in the Church of God . John Hus also saith , That they who take to themselves Academical Degrees , and Titles answerable , do go in the apparel and harness of the mystical body of Antichrist , who is the King of all the children of pride , to wit , of the Masters and Doctors in Divinity . Again in another place he speaks to this purpose , Christ ( saith he ) saith , Joh. 8. Neither came I of my self , but the Father sent me ; so the Saints have come in the name of the Lord Jesus , and in the name of Jesus they have performed their Priesthood , and he is the Crown of their glory : * and by this , they are distinguished from certaine , who are otherwise crowned , as Masters and Doctors , and Batchelors , and from others of other kind of Titles , according to the manifold wisdome of this world : for these excelling others by their pains , and through their own science and learning , are notably beautified with their own titles and crowns , and therefore do rather perform their office in their own name , then in Christs . Thus he . Luther Speaks much to this purpose also ; but I shall have occasion to use him more largely . Zuinglius on that Scripture Mat. 23. Be ye not called Doctor , for one is your master , Christ , &c. saith thus : Thou hearest here , that these titles of Masters and Doctors , are not of God , seeing Christ forbids them . Conradus Pellican also , a godly preacher , having the sense of this on his death-bed , desired his friends , that he might by no means be buryed , as the manner then was , in the habit of a Doctor , quia sperabat se resurrecturum ad judicium non ut Doctorem , sed ut humilem Christianum ; because he hoped he should rise to judgement , not as a Doctor , but as a humble Christian . Now me thinks , the clear and precious word of Christ alone , should take off the Universities and Clergy , from giving and receiving these Degrees and titles , if they do in good earnest profess themselves to be his Disciples ; but how much ought they to be ashamed and confounded , when they see other believers , for the love of Christ and his word , utterly renouncing these things before their faces , that they , if they persist , may be left wholly without excuse before Christ and his Church . And now for the conclusion of this matter , I shall hold forth to the Universities , the true Degrees , which Christ the Son of God , did himself take in the Church of God , and which all his Saints are to take after his example . Jesus Christ the Son of the living God , the first and chief Teacher of the new Testament , did neither commence Batchelour nor Doctor in Divinity , but he took five other Degrees , wherein the University-Graduates are usually wanting . Christs first Degree in the Church was this , that He was the Son of God , as the Lord said to him , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee ; and againe , This is my beloved Son , in whom I am well pleased . And this is the first Degree that Christ himself took in the Church , his Divine Sonship according to his Humane nature . And this Degree all the faithful take with him , for they all are begotten of God , and born of the immortal seed of his word , and their being the children of God through faith , is the first Degree also , that they take in the Church . 2. Christs second Degree in the Church , was his unction with the spirit , for being the Son of God , the spirit of God came and sate upon him in the forme of a Dove , which was his New Testament-Baptisme : and his first Degree was confirmed to him by the Father , when he took this second ; for whilst the spirit rested on him , a voice from heaven said , Thou art my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased . And this second Degree also , all the faithful take with Christ , for they all as his fellows , are anointed together with him , the chief among them ; they as members are anointed together with him the head , with the same oile of gladness ; and being sons , God sends the spirit of his Son into their hearts ; and the spirit of the Son in their hearts , is a sure testimony they are sons : and their second degree also confirmes their first ; to wit , the Gift of the spirit , their s●nship . 3. Christs third degree was this , that after he was anointed by the Spirit , and declared to be the Son of God , then for the proof of both , He was led by the spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil , fourty dayes and nights together ; and in all these temptations , through his Sonship , and unction , he overcame the divel , and came away Conqueror : And this was his third degree in the Church of God , that the anointed Son of God , overcame the devil , in all the greatest and most grievous temptations he could assault him with . And this third degree also , all the faithful take with Christ ; for when they are the anointed Sons of God , Satan sets upon them , with all sorts of Temptations , and they are led by the Spirit of God , to wrestle with principalities and powers , and spiritual wickednesses set in high places , and the rulers of the darkness of this world : and yet they in the strength of their Sonship and unction with Christ , do also with him , tread Satan under their feet , and go away Conquerors through the Grace of God in them ; and this also is their third degree in the true Church . 4 Christs fourth degree in the Chur●h was this , that after his Sonship , unction , and victory over the devil in all Temptations , he then went forth as a fit and able Minister to teach the Gospel of the Kingdome , against all the enmity and opposition of the world , Devil , and false Church , as is taught us Mat. 4. v. 11. & 17. And this fourth degree also , all the truely faithful take with Christ . For after they through faith are the sons of God , and through their Sonship are anointed , and through their unction , overcome the devil in all his Temptations , then also they preach the Gospel of the kingdome , being all of them , a chosen Generation , and royal priesthood , to show forth the vertues of him that hath called them out of darkness , into his marvelous light , as Peter testifies : and they all speak as they do believe , and have experience : and their Sonship , Unction , and Victory over temptation , is as sufficient a ground for them to teach , as it was for Christ to teach ; and so they without any regard of the Laws of Antichrist , or Orders of the Clergy , go forth to teach the everlasting Gospel , as Christ did before them ; and this is the fourth degree of the faithful in the Church . 5. Christs fifth and last degree , which he took in the Church was this , that he having both preached and lived the word , whereat the world and worldly Church were wholly offended , and inraged , did at the last , willingly confirme his Doctrine with his death , and seal to the truth of it , with his blood ; exposing himself to the most shameful and ignominious death of the cross , to confirme his Gospel to his Church ; and this was the highest and most glorious Degree that Christ took in his Church , as Christ testifies , when speaking of his suffering , he saith , Now is the hour come that the Son of man should be glorified . And this fifth degree also , all the truely faithful do take with Christ , either in deed , if need require , or in preparation and readiness , and that whilst they live in outward peace . All the blessed Martyrs have taken this highest degree in the Church with Christ ; and all the rest of his seed have been , and are ready to take it also , when it is the good will of their heavenly Father , seeing they can say in the same faith and spirit with Christ , even in this matter , Father , if it be possible , let this cup pass from me ; yet not my will , but thine be done : for they are come to do the will of him that sent them , even to the laying down their lives . Now these are the onely degrees , that Christ himself took in the Church , and which all the Saints take with him ; and the true spiritual Church of believers , allows and approves no other Degrees but these . And what now are the University-Degrees in Divinity to these ? they are Degrees in Antichrists Church onely , and every heathen or humane creature , Turke or Infidel may take them aswel as they , with a little time and paines , and money . Wherefore ( that I may turn my speech a little to the University ) do thou University lay this to heart , how much thou hast departed from the Gospel of Christ in this matter , as well as in all the rest ; and hast received the Doctrine , and Laws , and Methods , and Manners of Antichrist , wherewith thou hast deceived thy self aswell as the Nations . And thou University , hast like thy own mother Babylon , Mystery written on thy forehead , for thou hast taken to thy self this title , ALMA MATER , the beautiful mother , which onely belongs to Jerusalem from above : and though thou hast brought forth a company of prodigious children , heathenish foolish , vaine , vile and abominable , yet hast thou called them learned , and given them Degrees in Divinity , contrary to the Degrees in the Gospel , and hast sent them forth , into every City , County , Town , and Village , as Ministers of Christ , yea as Sons of the morning , though unbelievers and destitute of the spirit : And thus hast thou deceived the Nations , and given them a false Ministery in stead of a true , and by this false Ministery , a false word in stead of the Gospel , and the world hath not at any time received a greater wo , nor more grievous plague then from thee : Wherefore thus saith the word of the Lord , The day of thy vengeance is coming , and the yeers wherein thou shalt be made desolate ; and thy dainty and goodly things shall depart from thee , and thou shalt finde them no more at all , and the voice of Musitians and Pipers shall no more be heard in thee , for in thee is found the blood of Prophets and of Saints , and of all that have been slaine upon the earth : thy humane learning , to wit , thy Philosophy and School-Divinity , & the false Ministery that they have set up , and the false Christians , that have proceeded from that Ministery , have devised and executed all these murders , and massacres , on the true Saints of God . FINIS . Quis est sapiens & intelliget haec ? The Testimony of Martin Luther upon the whole matter , To wit , touching Vniversities , Humane Learning , or Philosophy , Vniversity-Degrees , &c. MArtin Luther in his Answer to Ambrosius Catharinus , expounding the Vision concerning Antichrist , Dan. 8. speaks thus : The twelfth and last face of Antichrist , is that Chaos , and open gate of Hell , yet very comely to behold , to wit , the Universities , into which , perjurie , and the abuse of Gods Name are the entrance , and the progress is a free and most licentious conversation in all manner of wickedness . And yet under these sins and destructions , Science and Sapience are promised . Yea Titles and Degrees are given in stead of rewards . But what do they perform at length ? First , the more choice youth of christian people are here prostituted , and are cast into the open throat of Hell , that I verily think this destruction was figured by the Idol Moloch , to whom anciently they made their choice children to pas● through the fire . Afterwards Aristotle being read to them , and not rightly understood , the wits of christian youth are exercised with heathenish and humane learning , yea , are quite blinded and oppressed with it . And in stead of the Word of God , the doctrine of Antichrist is delivered , that it may seem , the devil himself could not bring forth a more subtile and effectual Invention and engine , Eutterly to extinguish the Gospel , then to set up Universities . Wherein , under the pretence of Christian Doctrine , nothing should be taught but that which is most contrary to the Christian Faith . And if at any time it seems good to call forth the choicest to the Government of the Churches , they call them out of these Stews and Dens . And truly to me , this last face of Antichrist seems to be the most hurtful of all , because this hath the pretence of the Word , when all the rest have onely the colour of Example ; and this is plainly Schola Hidoth , the School of Propositions , of which anon . For it is incomparably the greatest prejudice , under the colour of the Word , to teach things contrary to the Word ; seeing the face of E●amples is formed and strengthened by the face of the Word , which otherwise would soon come to nothing , if the Word should reign in its genuine sense ; and also , seeing the pretence of Examples doth onely deceive the manners , but the pretence of the Word , overthrows the Word . But if by any Grace of God , the Universities should receive the Word ( to wit , instead of Philosophy and School-Divinity ) how soon would the Papacy , with all its faces or appearances perish , seeing this face , to wit , the Universities , is the prop , bones and whole strength of that kingdom of faces ! This deceitful face seems to be foretold Rev. 9. which Scripture it is worth the while to rehearse , and a little to unfold , for John saith , The first Angel sounded , and I saw a star fall from heaven unto the earth , and to him was given the key of the bottomless pit , &c. I will here make tryal a little with my own apprehension . Now certain it is , that by Angels through all the Apocalyps , is meant the Overseers of Churches , as doth plainly appear out of the second and third chapters , where it is written to the Angel of Ephesus , Smyrna , and others . Further , that other sort of Angels which sounds the Trumpet , of which there are seven mentioned , chap. 8. cannot agree to any but the Roman Bishop , seeing no others are said to sound with Trumpet . Now to sound with Trumpet , can be nothing else , as appears by the consequence of the Text , and the following effects , then to make Decrees , which none ever arrogated to himself , besides the Bishop of the Roman Church . Neither is it said in vain , that they prepared themselves to sound , see●ng chiefly in these Popes , there hath been an impatient fury , and unquiet Tyranny , to make Laws , and thereby to subject others to themselves . But let us come to our first Angel , who was the first among three , who were to bring three woes upon the earth , and this is He , who did first institute and confirm Universities , whom it is not easie for me to name , Histories so varying in this matter . But let him be whosoever he was , he was a star fallen from heaven to earth , whether it were Alexander of Hales , or ( which I rather think ) St. Thomas who onely ( after the Universities were approved , and this Angel had sounded ) was either the first , or chief Author of bringing in Philosophy into the Christian world , being the most Aristotelian , yea plainly Aristotle himself , to whom , as to the Earth , he fell from Christ the Heaven , having obtained the authority of that most wicked Angel , approving such studies . And he received the key of the bottomless pit , and opened it , and brought forth to us Philosophy , long ago dead and damned by the Doctrine of the Apostles : and from thence ascended the smoak of that pit , that is , the meer words and opinions of Aristotle and the Philosophers , as the smoak of that great Fornace : for then Philosophy prevailed , and became of large extent and power , so that Aristotle was made equal with Christ , in respect of Authority and Faith . And hereby was the Sun darkned , ( even Christ the Sun of Righteousness and Truth ; Moral vertues being brought in in stead of Faith , and infinite Opinions instead of Truth ) and the ayre also with the smoak of the pit ; that it may be understood , not to be an Eclipse of the Sun , but the obscurity of the Ayre and Sun , by the smoak of the pit ascending , to wit , humane Doctrines , obscuring Christ and his Faith , as the Sun and Aire . And out of the smoak of the pit , there came forth Locusts on the earth . Here the people of the Universities , bred and born of Philosophy , are called Locusts by a most fit name , because they are without a King , that is , Christ , and flie in companies , as is said , Prov. 3. and also because they waste and burn up all green things , where-ever they light ; and so the Grammarians think they have their name Locustae , Locusts , a loco usto & vastato , from the place which they burn and waste . And so , this people of the Universities , consumes and burns up all the green pasture of Christ , that is , the fruit of Faith . And power was given to them as the scorpions of the earth have power : to wit , to wound the Consciences of men , because the green fruit of Faith being wasted , which heals the Consciences of men , it cannot be but the Conscience must be hurt and prejudiced . And it was commanded them , that they should not hurt the grass of the earth , nor any green thing ; that is , that they should not hurt the Elect. For they do not hurt all , neither do natural Locusts hu●t every green thing , but some certain place : so it is here . But onely those men , who have not the mark or seal , of God in their foreheads ; that is , some grass they should hurt , to wit , those who have not Faith , which is the mark of God , which we carry in a pure Conscience and free conversation , And it was commanded them that they should not kill them , but onely should torment them five months . This seems to be spoken of Moral Doctrine , which seeing it teaches us the knowledge of sin like the Law of God , it doth not kill , but onely afflict a man with vain studies , wherein he is always learning , and yet never coming to the knowledge of the truth : for they being killed with the Letter , are quickned with the eternal Spirit , onely they are tormented five months , that is , the whole time of their sensual life , in which moral Vertues reign . And we see by experience that all Moral Divines , are of a most evil and unhappy Conscience , full of scruples and unquietness , and have power neither of good nor evil : and therefore it follows , And their torment is , as the torment of a Scorpion when it strikes a man . Behold here a wounded conscience : for here he expounds what he had said before , that they are not savingly killed , nor spiritually quickned . And in those dayes men shall seek death and shall not finde it , and shall desire to dye , and death shall flee from them : to wit , the death of sin , which doth too much live in the conscience , and yet is not rightly known ; for if it were known , presently it being slain would perish : but this cannot Aristotles Ethicks do , but it is the office of the Letter and the Spirit . And the shapes of the Locusts were like to horses prepared to battle , to wit , of Scholastical disputation and conflict . He describes the war by this Allegory ; for they are ready to argue pro & contra ( as they speak . ) And on their heads were as it were crowns of gold : that is , the Names and Titles of Degrees , as , Magister noster eximius : sacrae Theologiae humilis & indignus professor , &c. that is , Our famous Master : and the humble and unworthy professor of sacred Theology , and the like . And these crowned ones , John Hus called Hypocritas Coronatos , Crowned Hypocrites : and by reason of these Crowns , they have Authority and power among the multitudes of carnal Christians , who are willing to entertaine Antichrists pompe , into Christs Church . Yet have they not true crowns , but as it were Crowns of Gold , which they are very proud of , and are much pufft up with them , though usually , they are set on the head , of Ignorance and Error . And their faces are like the faces of men , because their doctrine and life is governed , not by the spirit of faith , but by the dictate of natural reason , and by the light of nature illuminated by Aristotle . And they had hairs like the hairs of women . For Philosophy brings forth effeminate Ministers , given to ease and luxury ; and in whom is nothing of spirit , nor of manly abilities in Christ . For the haired are Priests , as you may see Psal. 68. Isa. 3. and in other places . And their teeth are like the teeth of Lyons : consider only the Thomists in stead of all other Divines ; whether they be not biting , slanderous , and devourers of all that speak a word against Aristotles Divinity . Yea the Thomists , Scotists and Modern men , bite one another among themselves , and sharpen against one another , not any teeth , but the teeth of Lyons , neither is there any sort of men which war more fiercely or with greater hatred , then those Sects of Divines , each of which desire to devour the other , that it may reign alone . And they have brestplates as it were brestplates of iron , and this is the pertinacious and confident presumption of each Sect , on the truth and soundness of his opinion : and by these iron brestplates they are unconquerable : and these are the Principles of each Sect. And the sound of their wings was as the sound of Chariots , and of many horses running to battle : the wings are the words of these that dispute and conflict , by which they do impetuously , brawlingly and clamorously rush on one another and fight : as we see in the tumults of Disputants both by words and writings , where neither yeelds to neither , but each one is unconquerable . For he signifies this pertinacious affection of disputing , by the rushing of chariots and horsemen . And they had tailes like unto Scorpions , and there were stings in their tails , and their power was to hurt men five months . Here he explaines what before he had propounded , to wit , that the fruit and end of this Divinity is nothing but evil consciences , during all the time of the sensual lives of men . For that Divinity is an abomination to those who are spiritual , because these are without the bounds of the five months , in the spirit of Liberty . And they had a King over them , which is the Angel of the bottomless pit , whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon , and in Greek Apollyon . Here we may learn that the Rector General of all Universities , is not Christ nor the holy Spirit , nor any Angel of God , but an Angel of the bottomless pit , that is , one that is dead , and is among the dead and damned . Who is it then ? even that Light of nature , to wit , Aristotle , who doth truely reign in the Universities , as Abaddon , and Apollyon , that is , a Waster and Destroyer of the Church . For we have said that an Angel signifies a Teacher or a Doctor in the Church . And certain it is , that Aristotle who is dead and damn'd , is at this day the great Doctor of all the Universities rather then Christ ; for he reign● alone , being exalted by the Authority and study of Thomas , reviving freewill , and teaching moral vertues and natural Philosophy , to wit , the three-headed Cerberus , or three-bodied Gerion . Behold the first no which the Church hath from the Romish Antichrist by the Ministery of Saint Thomas : and they whose duty it was chiefly to have prohibited and extinguished these things , they chiefly have erected and established them . Thus Luther , word for word , in the forenamed place . He also in his book De abroganda missa privata , speaking of the Idol M●loch , saith thus : Moses and Jeremy have described the worship of this Idol to be after this manner , that they did burn or offer to him their children in the fire , supposing that hereby they did perform the greatest and highest service to God , inasmuch as after the example of Abraham they do not spare their own children , though they do this , not onely not being called as Abraham was , but also without faith , & in the highest wickedness ; and therefore the Psalmist testifies , Psal. 78. That they offered not their children to God , but to Devils . For whatsoever is not done by the call and command of God , is not done to God but devils , who suggest this , though it be done under pretence of the name of God . Now hereby ( saith he ) I conceive the Universities to be represented , in which the best and choicest part of Christian youth is offered , as it were in burnt sacrifice to God , that there they may be instructed , and be made as it were wholly divine . For the common people believe there is no place under heaven , in which youth can be better instructed , so that even religious people have recourse hither . For to learn any thing out of the University , is to learn nothing : but to have studyed in the University , is to know all things . There all Divine and Humane things are beleived to be taught : for no man sends his son hither with any other opinion then this , that he can nowhere be better sent . They think they performe the highest service to God , that they offer their sons to be formed according to the instruction of godliness , that thereby they may become profitable and useful Ministers , Preachers , Governors , who may wholly become Gods own portion , and be useful both to God and men . And hereto appertains the name Moloch , which signifies a King , or kingly , because this kinde of study doth honour them with Degrees and Promotions , and renders them fit and able to govern others . For we see that all that are preferred to Governments , are taken out of Universities : and he that is not a Graduate or Member of an University , is not qualified for preferment , or to be set over any people : but let the Ass first be crowned ( to wit , with a Degree ) and then let him reign . And parents do not see , and they that do see , do not regard , that youth are usually here destroyed , though rude and vile manners , none commonly forbidding them . Yea fornications , luxury , and other manifest sins do but mildly destroy them , but that they are indued and possessed with Philosophical , heathenish , humane , wicked , and impious opinions , this is the fire of Moloch , which no tears can sufficiently bewail , seeing through this they especially are devoured and perish , who are the most studious and modest youth in Universities . So great is the fury of God upon this Valley of Tophet and Hinnom , that they perish more grievously who learn most , and live modestly , then they who learn nothing and are corrupted with lusts . For these learn nothing which is to be unlearned again , seeing they know they do evil ; whereas the other suck in poyson which happily or never they do vomit up again , holding that for good which is evil , and instructing those with the like opinions , whom they take to teach . And to these pits of Hell it is to be imputed , that the Sun of the Gospel is obscured with the smoak of the pit : for out of this smoak proceed those Locusts , which possess all Chairs , and Pulpits , and administer all Governments , that Satan from the beginning of the world , could devise nothing in all the world more strong and pernicious to waste Faith and the Gospel , then Universities , Neither was it meet that this evil should arise , but in the end of the world , when the world through the prevailing of sin , being loaden with the wrath of God , should draw neer to hell and damnation . For the miserable people must needs hear those things taught and delivered out of the Pulpits , which those Molochites have learned in the Universities . And they have learned nothing but the highest blasphemies of God . Neither is it lawful to have anywhere any other Pastor then these . In Jeremiah that valley is called Gehinnom , from whence Christ took that word Gehenna , which what it signifies , I do not well know : but it seems to me to come from Janah , which signifies to eat up ; or to pill , or waste , as Tyrants or Usurers , do pill and suck out the people : so that Gehinnom is the valley of pilling or wasting the people , for these being set over the people as shepherds , ought to feed them with the word of life , and they in stead thereof , do insensibly waste and devour them , in their body , goods , and soul , with the pestilent Doctrines of Universit●es . And such Teachers do the Univesities , those S●nagogues of perdition , give us . Thus Luther . These now are Luthers own words , which I have made legible to English men . Wherein it is manifest that he condemns the Universities in the very institution and constitution of them , and chiefly in their chief studies , Humane Learning , and School-Divinity , and also , as to that gross popish Opinion , that they are the Fountain and Nurseries of the Ministery : and that none are fit to teach , or so fit to teach , as those that have been educated in them . Yea though these be raw , foolish , ignorant fellows , yet being University-Graduates must they be set over Towns and Parishes , and the miserable people must not onely hear them and their doltish Doctrine brought from the Uni●ersities , but also must be constrained by secular power and Laws , to pay them well for such pains , which tends onely to the ruine of their souls for ever : and no hand is yet strongly and resolutely stretched out to deliver the people from this intolerable bondage . For the necks of the people of the world have never endured so grievous a yoak from any Tyrants , as from the Doctrine and Domination of the Clergy . For worldly Tyrants , have onely afflicted mens bodies and temporal estates , which reached but to this short life : but these spiritual Tyrants , the Clergy or false Ministery , when they have got countenance , strength , and ayd , from the wordly Magistrates , how have they with their Academical , Philosophical , Heathenish Divinity , infected , poysoned , and destroyed the people to eternal death , and no body durst shun them , upon pain of temporal death or punishments . But now through the great goodness of God , and his mighty Providences and Works from heaven , it is a more happy age : and happy shall they be , who being called forth , shall do the work of God against all discouragements and difficulties , and shall not with Ephraim being harnessed turn their backs in the day of battel . And now to return to our business again touching the Universities , let none object that Luther speaks against Popish Universities only , for this is but a weak and simple Defence , and altogether unable to ward off the mighty blow of Gods word , from their heads and hearts . For the things condemned in the foregoing Testimonies of Luther , are the self same for the substance of them , as do live , prevaile , and flourish in our present Universities , as hath been before declared , and I leave it to every faithful Christian to judge the truth in this matter . But men would faine preserve their Titles , Degrees , Authority , Dignity , State , Stipends , and therefore for defence of these things , they must needs say something , though it be to never so little purpose : but yet by such discourse they sufficiently declare how cool and icie they are for Christs interest , and how zealous for their own . But certaine it is , that as the Universities were set up at first as nurseries for Antichrists kingdome , men being therein so educated ( according to the undertaking of Charles the great ) in Philosophy and School-Divinity , that it might be said to them , Vos estis sal terrae , & lux mundi , Ye are the salt of the earth , and the light of the world ( which yet onely agrees to the faithful who are born of God ) so have they still remained the same hitherto in substance , though not without some small change of outward form . For first , the Philosophy taught and studied in the University is the very same that it was at first , and this Philosophy is nothing but the Religion of the heathen , for what the Law was to the Jews , and the Gospel is to the Christians , Philosophy was and is to the heathen ; and in this study the poor lads wast the flower and cream of their lives , to no purpose , but to make them more heathenish , corrupt , and bold , then they were by nature . And , 2. For their Divinity which they usually learn in the Universities , out of the Fathers , Schoolmen , and Systems ; and in which they are trained up , to dispute either for it , or against it in the Schools ( it being in seriousnes● , all one to them what they hold and maintaine in Religion , seeing all is but opinion to them ) and which they after teach to the peole , with special regard to their own profit and advantage , this is not the true word , and Ministery of the Gospel . For the Gospel is the word of faith , which word , is the word in our hearts , according to the tenor of the New Covenant , wherein God saith , I will write my law in their hearts , and put it in their inward parts ; But now the University-Divines , the Truth being indeed dead in their hearts , and having no presence nor power there , they take it up out of the books and writings of men , wherein it hath been buryed , and by this means bring forth a dead Doctrine to the world ( which other men have spoken , but they have no experience of ) and not the word of life , which hath quickened them ; but onely a dead Letter , raised up like the l●ving Letter , which they present to them , as the W●t●h of Endor raised up a dead Samuel in the outward habit and appearance of the living Samuel , and presented him to Saul : so these University-Divines bring forth the outward garments and appearance of the Truth to the people , when they do best , but the substance , soul , and life of the truth , they cannot bring forth , because they have not the l●ving word of God in their hearts , but have onely a dead word , which they gather out of the books and writings of men . And this is the University-D●vinity . And Lastly , The Preachers which the Universities send forth , are usually in the greatest enmity to Christ and his Gospel , of all other men whatsoever , and do bring greatest prejudice to Christs Kingdom , and advantage to Antichrists . For when men without learning , and yet without the Spirit of Christ , will undertake to teach the people ( as many also now do ) their Ignorance is manifest to all , and is judged of all , and they through their rudeness can never long deceive the world ; but now , when men are as destitute of the Spirit as they , and yet have Humane Learning , and the Letter of the word in a Philosophical sense to help them , this is that that indangers and deceives the world , the people supposing the doctrine of the Gospel according to Philosophical learning , to be the Ministration of the spirit , and to be sufficiently enough to instruct the Church . And so Antichrists kingdome is set up with credit and renown by these : whereas the Ignorant Teachers , who are destitute of the Spirit , are able to do him no considerable service . But Christ will not have the Learned men to be Teachers in his Church through their Learning , and as little will he have Ignorant men to teach in his Church , because of their Ignorance ; but whether men be learned or ignorant according to the world , it is no matter in Christs Church , where each man is to speak in the Spirit of Christ , which makes alike , both the Ignorant and the Learned , wise in Christ : and so the Learned man becomes Ignorant in the Church to be Learned in Christ , and the Ignorant man without worldly Learning , forthwith becomes wise in Christ ; and the Learned and the Ignorant meet together onely in the wisdome of Christ , which is the wisdome of God , and swallows up at once , all the Learning and Ignorance of the world alike , and will have all wise alone in it self . Wherefore all Universities being left and forsaken as to this matter , let Learned and Ignorant men come alike to Christ to be made wise in him , who is made unto us of God , our only wisdome . FINIS . THE Right Reformation of Learning , Schooles and Universities according to the State of the Gospel , and the True Light that shines therein . THough I do not pretend to that wisdome which might direct the world ( farther then the word of God is with me ) yet shall I be bold , as one who desires to be faithful to Christ , and profitable to his true Church , to offer my apprehensions and advice , to the Called , Chosen , and faithful Ones of Christ , that either now are , or hereafter may be in Authority in these Nations , touching the instructing youth , and ordering Schools . 1. First , therefore , as to this matter , I do judge , there neither is , nor can be , any greater evil then to bring up children in ease and idleness , and that they should have nothing to do , but to do nothing ; and to live freely and without controule , according to those natural lusts and corruptions which they bring along with them , into the world , which do soon wonderfully improve through such a careless and unnurtured life . And such children and youth , usually become an early prey to the devil , who readily fills them , with all the ungodliness and unrighteousness of the heathen . 2. I conceive it meet , that the Civil power , or chief Magistrates , should take great care of the education of youth , as of one of the greatest works that concerns them , and as one of the worthiest things they can do in the world ; inasmuch as what the youth now is , the whole Commonwealth will shortly be . 3. To this end , it is meet that Schools ( if wanting ) be erected through the whole nation , and that not onely in Cities and great Towns , but also ( as much as may be ) in all lesser Villages : And that the Authority of the Nation take great care , that godly men especially , have the charge of greater Schools ; and also that no women be permitted to teach little children in Villages , but such as are the most sober and grave ; and that the Magistrate afford to this work , all suitable incouragement and assistance . 4. That in such Schools , they first teach them to read their native tongues , which they speak without teaching ; and then presently as they understand , bring them to read the HOLY SCRIPTURES , which though for the present they understand not , yet may they ( through the blessing of God ) come to understand them afterwards . 5. That in Cities and greater Towns , where are the greater Schools , and the greater opportunities to send children to them , they teach them also the Latine , and Greek tongues , and the Hebrew also , which is the easiest of them all , and ought to be in great account with us , for the Old Testaments sake . And it is most heedfully to be regarded , that in teaching youth the Tongues , to wit , the Greek and Latine , such heathenish Authors , be most carefully avoided , be their Language never so good , whose writings are full of the fables , vanities , filthiness , lasciviousness , idolatries , and wickedness of the heathen . Seeing usually , whilest youth do learn the Language of the heathen , they also learn their wickedness in that Language ; whereas it were far better for them to want their Language , then to be possessed with their wickedness . And what should Christian youth have to do with the heathenish Poets , who were for the most part the Devils Prophets , and delivered forth their writings in his spirit , and who through the smoothness , quaintness , and sweetness of their language , do insensibly instill the poison of lust and wickedness into the hearts of youth ; whereby their Education , which ought to correct their natural corruption , doth exceedingly increase and inflame it . Wherefore my counsel is , that they learn the Greek and Latine tongues , especially from Christians , and so without the lyes , fables , follies , vanities , whoredomes , lust , pride , revenge , &c. of the heathens ; especially seeing neither their words nor their phrases , are meet for Christians to take into their mouths : and most necessary it is , that Christians should forget the names of their Gods and Muses , ( which were but Devils and damned Creatures ) and all their Muthology and fabulous inventions , , and let them all go to Satan , from whence they came . 6. It may be convenient also , that there may be some Universities or Colledges , for the instructing youth in the knowledge of the l●beral Arts , beyond Grammer and Rhetorick ; as in Logick ; which as it is in Divinity ( as one calls it ) gladius Diaboli , the Devils sword , so in humane things , if it may be of good use , if Reason manage that Art of Reason : but the Mathematicks especially are to be had in good esteem in Universities , as Arithmet●ck , Geometry , Geography , and the like , which as they carry no wickedness in them , so are they besides very useful to humane Society , and the affaires of this present life . There may be also in these Universities or Colledges , allowed the studies of Physick , and of the Law , according to that Reformation which a wise and godly Authority will cause them to pass under , both being now exceedingly corrupt and out of order , both for practice and fees . 7. But why these Universities or Colledges should be onely at Cambridge and Oxford , I know no reason ; Nay , if humane learning be so necessary to the knowledge and teaching of the Scriptures , as the Universities pretend , they surely are without love to their brethren , who would have these studies thus confined to these places , and do * swear men to read and teach them nowhere else : certainly it is most manifest , that these men love their own private gaine , more then the common good of the people . But now seeing by the hand of God , a Kingdome is turned into a Commonwealth , and Tyranny into freedome , we judge it most prejudicial to the common good of a Commonwealth , that these two Universities should make a Monopoly of Humane Learning to themselves , especially ( as is said ) seeing they say , no body can well understand or teach the Scriptures without it ; and so by reason of this their incroachment , against the rule of love , through the former Grants of Popes and King● , all men should be necessitated to send their children hither from all parts of the Nation , some scores or hundred mile● , for liberal education , to the great trouble and charge of Parents : especially this considered , that the Universities usually , have been places of great licentiousness and profaness , whereby it often comes to pass , that Parents sending them children far from them , young and hopeful , have for all their care and cost , after several yeers received them back againe with their tongues and Arts , proud , profane , wicked , ab●minable , and incorrigible wretches . Wherefore doubtless it would be more suitable to a Commonwealth ( if we become so indeed , and not in word onely ) and more advantagious to the good of all the people , to have Universities or Colledges , one at least in every great town or City in the Nation , as in London , York , Bristow , Exceter , Norwich , and the like ; and for the State to allow to these Colledges an honest and competent maintenance , for some godly and learned men to teach the Tongues and Arts , under a due reformation . And this the State may the better do ( by provision out of every County , or otherwise , as shall be judged best ) seeing there will be no need of indowment of Scholarships , inasmuch as the people having Colledges in their own cities , neer their own houses , may maintain their children at home , whilst they learn in the Schools ; which would be indeed , the greatest advantage to learning that can be thought of . 8. It would also be considered , whether it be according to the word of God , that youth should spend their time , only in reading of books , whilst they are well , strong , active , and fit for business . For commonly it so falls out , that youth lose as much by idleness , as they gain by study . And they being only brought up to read books , and such books as onely containe wrangling , jangling , foolish , and unprofitable Philosophy , when they have continued any long time in the University in these unwarranted courses by God , they are commonly in the end , fit for no worthy imployment either in the world , or among the faithful . To remedy which great evil , Colledges , being ( as hath been spoken ) dispersed through the great cities and towns of the Commonwealth , it may be so ordered , that the youth according to Luthers counsel ) may spend some part of the day in learning or study , and the other part of the day , in some lawful calling , or one day in study , and another in business , as necessity or occasion shall require . And thus shall youth be delivered from that ease and idleness , which fills the hearts of University-Students with many corruptions , and noisome lusts , whilst they fill their heads only with empty knowledge and foolish notions ; whereby neither can God be glorified , nor their neighbour profited . 9. And if this course were taken in the d●sposing and ordering Colledges , and studies , it would come to pass that twenty would learn then , where one learns now , and also by degrees , many men , ( on whom God shall please to pour forth his Spirit ) may grow up to teach the people , whilst yet they live in an honest calling and imployment , as the Apostles did . And this would give them great efficacy and power in teaching , whilst they lived by faith , through their honest labour , and were delivered from the mischief of idleness : But and if the faithful shall desire any one , that is more apt to teach , and hath received a greater measure of the anointing ▪ then his brethren , to spend more of his time in the word and prayer , then his calling will afford , at such times they ought to supply him : and the law of love in the hearts of the faithful , will be law enough in this matter , without calling in the aide of the Magistrate . And by this means may the chargeable and burdensome maintenance of Ministers , by degrees be taken away , and the Church of Christ , and the very nations themselves , be supplyed with a more faithful , Christian , and spiritual Ministery then now it hath , at a far less rate . For God hath promised in the last dayes , to pour out his Spirit on all flesh , and the sons and daughters , and servants and handmaids shall prophesie , and then shall knowledge cover the earth as waters the seas . Now for conclusion , I do conceive that none of the faithful and wise , ha●e any just cause to be offended for speaking for the use of humane learning in this reformed way , which the Gospel will permit , seeing by this means these two errors of Antichrist would be dissolved among us ; the one of making Un●versities the fountaine of the Ministery ; which one thing , is , and will be more and more ( as Christs Kingdome shall rise up and prevaile in the world ) a milstone about their necks ; and the other , of making the Clergy a distinct Sect or Order , or Tribe , from other Christians , contrary to the simplicity of the Gospel . 2. Let the faithful consider that this reformed use of Tongues and Arts , justly hath its place in the world . For if all men cannot be Chr●stians ( as Paul saith all men have not faith ) yet let them be Men , and improved in the use of reason , and sober learning , where by they may be serv●ceable to the Commonwealth in their age , whilst the Church of Christ hath its own members and officers , through the call of God , and unction of his Spirit onely . For * humane learning hath it's place and use among humane things , but hath no place nor use in Christs Kingdome , as hath been sufficiently proved . And thus , have I freely offered my advice for mending things that are amiss , and making strait the things that are crooked in this matter . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A37496e-170 Omnes Scholas esse hareticas , vel Theologia Scholastica arguit . Melanct. in Apol. pro Mart. Luther . Notes for div A37496e-6330 The Rehearsal of the Errors . 1. Error . Answer . No Heathenish Learning was taught in the Church of God all the time of the Old-Testament . Object . Answ. Peter . Steven . Paul . The Primitive Christians and Believers , taught no Philosophy . Justine Martyr forsook Philosophy , and betook himself only to the Scriptures . Non ad humana● cationes , sed ad voluntatem Doctrinae Spiritu● interpretatio est accommodanda . Justin. in Exposit. fidei . Constantine the Emperor , took care for the teaching the Scriptures to Christians . E●s . lib. 4. de vità Consta●ti● . Berno Augiensis Abbas . Se mu●tis ●am annis Poetarum figmenta , & 〈…〉 interiorem ad 〈◊〉 per 〈…〉 Epist ad Magnified . Cum juvenis adhuc , in omni Disciplinarū genere exercerer , certo affirmare possum , me●●on minus quam reliquos aquales meos prosecisse , &c , Zuingl . lib. de Certitud . & Veritat . Verbi Dei . Matthias Parisiensis Antichristum o●nes Vaive sitates & eruditorum Collegia seduxisse , ita ut jam nihil sani doceant aut Christianis rectè suâ Doctrinâ praeluceant . Illyrit . Flat . Catal. Test. Veritat . John Hus. Seduxit Antichristus à Divina sapientia , plena salute & spiritu sancto , ad prudentiam & scientiam hominum & principum hujus mundi : quam copiavit nimis vehementer , & dilalavit & authenticavit & lucrosam divitiarum & honorum in hoc seculo effecit , ut ita Divina Sapientia & Scientia esset neglecta à Christianis , inveterata & obducta , & quasis vilis & inutilis ab iisdem reputata , &c. Joh. Hus. Lib. de vita & Regn. Antichr . cap. 30. Martin Luther . M. Luther . De cap. civit . Babylon . Joachim Calaber . 2. Error . Answer . Vetuit ne Christiani Gentilium Disciplinis instrucrentur . Sozomen , Histor. Eccles. cap. 17. Acts 4.13 . Acts 6.10 . Christianos de integro Gentilium Disciplinam imbibere , nemo est qui Christianae Religioni prodesse concesserit . Nam non est extra periculum Christianos Gentilium eruditione institut , quippe quae docet multos esse Deos. Socrates Histor. Eccles. cap. 14. Meum consilium est , ut adolescens vitet ●hilosophiam ac Theologiam Scholasticam , ut mortem animae suae . Luth. Tom. 2. fol. 434. b 3. Error . Answer . Ver. 10. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Chrysostom . in 1. Epist. ad Cor. Hom. 7. 4. Error . Answer . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , &c. Chrysost. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Chrysost. in 1. Epist. ad Corinth Hom. 4. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , &c. Idem . Ibid. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Chrysost. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Wickliff . How the Ministers may come to understand the Scriptures . Tindal . Zuingl . Libr. de certitudine & Veritate Ver. Dei . Quod si non firmiter creditis , vos , humanis Doctrinis desertis , divinitus doceri posse , vera fide etiamnum vacui estis . Cadit hic Theologiae Scholasticae usus universus , & quicquid ex Ph●losophis haustum est . Error est dicere , sine Aristotele non fit Theologus , imò Theologus non fit nisi id fiat sine Aristotele . Tom. 1. fol. 10. Vivendo , imò moriendo & damnando sit Theologus , non intelligendo , legendo aut speculando . Luth. To . 2. fol. 57. In saecris rebus non est disputandum aut Philosophandum : in Theologia tantum est audiendum & credendum , & slatuendum in corde , Dem est verax , &c. Rectius fecerimus fi Dialectica seu Philosophia in sua sphara relictis , discamus loqui novis linguis in regno fidei , extrae omnem spharam . Affectus fidei exercondus est in articulis fidei , non intellectus Philosophicus . Luther . 5. Error . Answer . 6. Error . Answer . 7. Error . Answer . Scripturae non nisi eo Spiritu intelligendae sunt quo scriptae sunt , qui Spiritus nusquam praesentius & vivacius quàm in ipsis sacris suis quas scripsit literis inveniri potest . Luth. Tom. 2. fol. 309. a. Idem Spiritus qui per os Prophetarum locutus est , in corda nostra penetret necesse est , ut persuadeat fidelit●r protulisse quòd divinitus erat mandatum . Cal. Institu . lib. 1. cap. 8. §. 4. 8. Error . Answer . Nullus homo unum iota in Scripturis videt , nisi qui Spiritum Dei habet : omnes habent obscuratum cor , ita ut si etiam dicant & norint proserre omnia Scripturae , nihil tamen horum sentiant aut ver● cognoscant , &c. Spiritus enim requiritur ad totam Scripturam & quamlibet ejus partem intelligendum . Luth. Tom. 3. fol. 169. a. Carnalis & Philosophica Scripturarum intelligentia non est sapientia Dei qua à sapientibus absconditur , parvulis revelatur , Latimer in his Answer to Sr. Edwards Baintons Letter . 9. Error . Answer . Humane Learning is not the out-works to the Gospel . Humane Learning is not the outer Court to the Gospel . 10. Error . Answer . 11. Error . Answer . 12. Error . Answer . 13. Error . Answer . Studium Cantabrigiense institutum noscitur , Anno. 630 à Siguberto A●glorum O ●entalium R●ge , qui postea purpuram in cu●ullum commutavit . Arnoldus Wion Duacensis , Benedictinus . lib. 5. cap. 94. An. 895 Rex Alfredus hortante Neot● Monacho viro doctissimo , Oxonii publicam Academiam instituit , proposita Professoribus literarum praemiis . Georg. Lilius in Chron. Britan. Regnante , Edvardo primo , de studio Granibrig , facta est Vniversitas , sicut est Oxonium , per Curiam Romanam . Robert . Remington . Quia enim Christus non ordinavit istas Vniversitates sive collegia , manifestum videtur , quod ista sicut Graduationes in illis sunt vana Gentilitas introducta , in cujus signum tam Collegiati quam & alii Graduati , quaerunt quae sua sunt , Charitatis Regulas deserentes : ex quo pollulant invidi● , comparationes Personarum & Patria , & multa alia seminaria patru mendacii . Wickliff in Speculo Militantis Ecclesiae . cap. 26. — Quantum ad Collegia in Studiis suis generalibus est idem Judicium . Nam per ipsa Patriae & Personae , contra charitatis regulas acceptantur , & intrinsecae invidiae , cum peccatis aliis & perjuriis ac Simoniis contra instituta propria cumulantur . Conceditur tamen quod ex talibus Collegiis sicut ex aliis Scotis eveniunt multa bona , non tamen tot , quot occasione peccati Diaboli , & peccati primi Hominis , Ideo erubescat fidelis fructum talis commodi allegare . Wickliff lib. de cura Pastorall. cap. 10. Si Collegia ista sunt in conversatione à Domino reprobata , quis dubitat quin sic nutrire eos non foret elcemosyna , sed factiones & partis contra Christum stulta praesumptio . Nam omnes hae Sectae & omnes Novitates , quae non in Christo Domino sundatae sunt , tentant Christum cum Satana , Mat. 4. cum spe●nunt Ordinationem liberam Sectae ejus , & praeeligunt servilem sectam aliam minus bonam ; acsi nollent per gradus quos Deus ordinat in Sion coelestem ascendere , sed per lationem Satanae ad Templi pinnacula transvolvere . Quae ergo ●lcemosyna est sic fovere puerulum talem Diaboli in Castris Cainiticis contra Christum ? Idem . John Hus. Pedibus conculcabitur Corona superbiae . Nam multorum Doctora●us & Magistratus , qui suffocato in ipsis prorsus verbo Evangelii , jam invere , cundè nimis magnificant fimbrias & dilatant Phylacteria sua , & amant primas Cathedras in Scholis & salutari in foro , vocari ab hominibus Rabbi ● . cc per hoc cedunt in apparatu & armamento Corporis Mystici Antichristi , quoniam Scriptum est , est Rex super-omnes filios Superbiae , Joh. Hus. Lib. de Regno Antichristi . cap. 14. Notes for div A37496e-33210 Procancellarius Bacchalaureum Theologiae admittens , his verbis utatur ; Admittimas te ad enarrandum omnes Apostolicas Epistolas , i● nomine Patris , Filii , & Spiritus sancti . Doctorem admittens ita dicet , Admittimus te ad interpretandum & prositendum universam sacram Scripturam tamve●etis quam novi Testamenti , In nomine Patris , Filii & Spiritus sancti . cap. 20. De Ceremoniis in Gradibus conferendis University-degrees in Divinity Antichristian . The Gospel against Divinity-Degrees in the Universities . The Saints & Martyrs against Div●nity-Degrees . Plowmans complaint . J●hn Wickliffe Licet in qui bus●am sindus nom●m Docto●is sit excell●ntius , cum fit vitus Gentilis ex multis honoribus & statibus aggregatus , tamen in teatu Apo●toli ●●mitur simplicius , pro quocunque fideli , qui notabiliter docet fid●m catholicam ; & sic dici● nomen Doctoris meritum & laborem , & interimit superbiam & status eminentiem quoad mundium . Wickliffe Tractat. in cap. 23. Mat. Breviter , omnis Secta , Satus vel operatio , quam Christus non approbat in suo evangelio , est rationabiliter dimittenda ; ideocum Christus non approbat sed reprobat gentile M●gisterium supraedictum , patet quod est de Ecclesia dimittendu● . Idem . Nota quod nomen Officii multum distat a nomine Graduat●onis Scholasticae , gentiliter introductae . Wickliffe , in Sermon . Domini in Monte . Cum periculum & superfluitas sit in isto nomine videtur quod istud nomen sit rationabiliter fugiendum . John Hus. Hus , libr. de Regno , &c. Antichristi . c. 14. * Ac per hoc distinguuntur a quibusdam aliuade coronatis , ut Magistti & Doctores , & Baccalaurei , nec non aliis varii generis titulorum in multiplici scientia hujus mundi , &c. Luther . Zuinglius . Audes hic bu●usmodi titulos Magistrorum & Doctorum non ex Deo esse , quum Christus hoc vetat . Zuin. Conradus Pellicane . Melch. Adam . in vita Pellicane . The true Divinity-degrees in the Church of God . Christs first degrees in the Church . His Divine Sonship . His second degree . His Unction . His third degree . His victory over temptation . His fourth degree . His teaching the word . His fifth degree . His dying for the word . Notes for div A37496e-40390 Rev. 9. from the first to the twelfth verse expounded by Luther . Vers. 1. Ver. 2. Ver. 3. Ver. 4. Ver. 5. Vers. 6. Vers. 7. Praeparatis in praelium , & armatis omni genere Doctrinae , & arte loquendi , arguendi , respondendi , exhortandi● potentes sunt ad invedendum & defendendum quamcunque velint veritaelem , aut speciem veritatis , armati nihil ominus omni apparentia fa●etiae & honestalis . J. Hus. Et super capita corum Coronae : i. e. Tituli Magistrales , vel dignitatum & graduum in Ecclesia investitura . J. Hus. Vers. 8. Vers. 9. Vers. 10. Vers. 11. Luthers second Testimony . ☞ Ut Academiis , ab initio mundi , satanas nihil excogitaret praesentius , ad vastandum fidem & Evangelium toto orbe . The University-Philosophy . T●e Un●versi●y-Divinity . The University-Preachers . Notes for div A37496e-44120 * Juramentum Magistrorum in receptionibus & resumptionibus sol●nnibus . Jurent etiam , quod extra is●an Vniv●rsitatem nusquam alibi in Anglia , praeterquam Oxoniae , in aliqua facultate incipi●●l , ou● Lectiones suas solcuniter resum●nt , nec consenticut quod aliquis a libi in Anglia incipiens , hic pro Magistro in illa feculiate habeatur . Luther . libel . de Instituend . puer . * Sufficit autem ut homines de his rebus , ( scil. de artibus & scientiis ) quantum in Schola diclicerunt , noverint propter usus humanos . August . in act . contr. Felicem . 
A48814	----	A chronological account of the life of Pythagoras, and of other famous men his contemporaries with an epistle to the Rd. Dr. Bently, about Porphyry's and Jamblicus's lives of Pythagoras / by the Right Reverand Father in God, William, Ld. Bp. of Coventry and Lichfield. Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. 1699 Approx. 124 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48814 Wing L2674 ESTC R39066 18208532 ocm 18208532 107134 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48814) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107134) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1127:14) A chronological account of the life of Pythagoras, and of other famous men his contemporaries with an epistle to the Rd. Dr. Bently, about Porphyry's and Jamblicus's lives of Pythagoras / by the Right Reverand Father in God, William, Ld. Bp. of Coventry and Lichfield. Lloyd, William, 1627-1717. lviii, 18 p. Printed by J.H. for H. Mortlock ... and J. Hartley ..., London : 1699. Errata: p. 18. Imperfect: stained, with slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Includes bibliographical references. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Philosophy, Ancient. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Chronological Account Of the LIFE of PYTHAGORAS , AND OF Other Famous Men His Contemporaries . With an Epistle to the R d Dr. BENTLEY , ABOUT Porphyry's and Jamblichus's Lives of Pythagoras . By the Right Reverend Father in God , William , L d B p of Coventry and Lichfield . LONDON , Printed by J. H. for H. Mortlock , at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard ; and J. Hartley , against Gray's-Inn-Gate in Holborn , 1699. To the Reverend Dr. BENTLEY . SIR , YOV are pleas'd to ask my Opinion concerning the time of the Birth and Death of Pythagoras , and of the chief Passages of his Life ; and also of the Lives of other famous Men his Contemporaries . I am sure you know these things better than I ; and therefore you need not come to me for Information . But if you have only a mind to know my opinion of these matters , I can't deny you that : and in truth that is all I can tell you of that great Philosopher . Not but that I have by me every thing that I observ'd concerning Pythagoras , when I read the old Greek and Latin Authors ; and to satisfie your desire , I have put my Collections in order to draw out a Chronological Account of his Life , if it were possible . But now they are here before me , I know not well what to make of them ; they look like Moon-shine in rough Water , all over Discord and Confusion : Out of which I am so far from making out that which I design'd , a perfect Account of his Life , that I must confess , I can't do any thing towards it . There is not in all my Collection , any one certain year in which any thing happen'd to him , or was done by him . Yet I cannot lament that great Man's misfortune in this , nor ours neither : for as he was a perfect Iugler , so his Life , being all fast and loose , I must needs say , is written worthy of himself : and it is not only come intire into our hands , notwithstanding those defects I have mention'd ; but with many Improvements by later Writers , who have striven to out-do one another in Stories to his Honour and Praise . Of those * many eminent Writers that have employ'd their Pens on this Subject , there are three that have given us his History at large ; Diogenes Laertius , Porphyry and Jamblichus . These three , I believe , have cull'd out all that was remarkable in any of the rest : and the two last were his great Admirers who would not omit any thing that might make for his Glory . They describe him as a very extraordinary Person , for his Parts and Inventions for the good of Mankind : they tell us what Discoveries he made in natural Philosophy : how much he advanced the Mathematical Sciences , as well by his Studies as his Travels . But above all , they magnifie his knowledge of the Gods , and of the things of Religion . Laertius tells us , he was initiated in all the Sacred Rites , as well of the Greeks , as Barbarians . Those other Writers of his Life take particular notice of this in every Stage of his Travels . And yet Porphyry will not let his Reader be ignorant , that Pythagoras was a Deist , as well as himself ; and took both Apollo and Jupiter for no other than deify'd Men , which he shew'd by the Verses that he made in those places where he was to see their Sepulchres . Indeed by those Verses one cannot but think that he despised those made Gods in his Heart : and so did probably those Philosophers that tell us these things ; though , according to the latitude of their Principles , they were nevertheless as zealous as he was for the propagating of Heathen Idolatry . What Notions men have of a Deity , one cannot better judge than by their Morals . For every one that hath any sense of Religion will endeavour to conform himself to the God whom he worships : At least he will avoid any thing that he knows to be contrary to his God. If we judge this way of Pythagoras , according to the accounts they give of him , we have reason to believe , that as the Apostle tells us of them whom the Heathens worship'd ) his Gods were no better than Devils . It could be no otherwise , if there be any truth in the stories they tell , of his impudent Diabolical Fictions , and of the fraudulent ways that he took to make the people admire him : which they also that tell us these things seem to think were no lessening of his Moral Virtues . Particularly , they shew how he persuaded his Hearers to receive that Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls . That it was originally an Aegyptian Doctrine we are told by Herodotus . But if lying Philostratus may be believ'd , the Aegyptians had it from the Bramins . It is agreed , that Pythagoras was he that first brought it into Greece ; and there it seems he had a mind to be thought the first Author of it . To make the people believe this , he told them an impudent Lye , that his Soul was in Euphorbus at the time of the Trojan War ; and in the six hundred years between that and his Birth , his Soul had pass'd through several other bodies before it came into his . He faced them down that he knew this by a singular gift of remembring all the Stages through which his Soul had pass'd in its Travels . First , When Euphorbus was kill'd by Menelaus , ( which was in the year before Christ 1185 ) then his Soul , as he said , came into Aethalides the Son of Mercury . After his death , it came into Hermotimus : then into one Pyrrhus a Fisherman ; and at last it came into Pythagoras . This is Porphyry's way of telling the Story . But from others we have it , that Pythagoras himself used to say , That his Soul was in Aethalides before it came into Euphorbus . And for this , they give us the Authorities of them that had reason to know things of him much better than Porphyry ; namely , Diog . Laertius saith it from Heraclides , that lived near the time of Pythagoras ; and another from Pherecydes , the mòst intimate Friend of Pythagoras . They tell their story with particulars worth knowing , if there were any truth in it . As namely , How Pythagoras came by the gift above-mention'd : They tell us , that Mercury , whose office it was to carry Souls into Hades , gave the Soul of his Son Aethalides in its way thither , the privilege not to drink the Waters of Lethe , the drinking whereof makes Souls forget all that pass'd in this world ; and so it is plain , how , as Pythagoras used to say , Euphorbus remembred his Soul had dwelt formerly in the body of Aethalides and Hermotimus , that his Soul was in both these , and the Fisherman that his Soul was in those three , and Pythagoras , that his Soul was in them all . They also tell us , how it came to pass , that in six hundred years that Soul of his was only in two bodies , namely , of Hermotimus and the Fisherman : for Mercury , as Pythagoras himself used also to say , gave the Soul of his Son Aethalides leave to rest sometimes in Hades , and at other times to travel above-ground ; and so Pythagoras himself said , that after the Fisherman's death , his Soul had rested 207 years in Hades , before it came into that body of his . But what of all this ? The Doctrine of Transmigration of Souls is sufficiently proved , if the Soul of Pythagoras was at any time formerly in the body of Euphorbus . And that , as Porphyry tells us , was positively affirm'd by Pythagoras himself , and prov'd beyond dispute ; as likewise his Scholar Jamblichus tells us in the very same words . But these Philosophers were wise ; they took care to hide that part of their Ware which would haue disgrac'd all the rest . It was the Aegyptian Doctrine , that Souls pass'd out of men into Beasts , and Fishes , and Birds . This also , according to Heraclides , Pythagoras used to say of himself ; that he remembred , not only what Men , but what Plants , and what Animals his Soul had pass'd thoro●gh . And , tho' this was more than Mercury gave to Aethalides , Pythagoras took upon 〈◊〉 to tell many others how their Souls had lived before they came into their bodies . One particularly that was beating a Dog , he desir'd to forbear , because in the yelping of that Dog , he heard a Friend's Soul speak to him . So Empedocles , that lived in the next Age after Pythagoras , and was for a while the Oracle of his Sect , declared of himself , that he had been , first a Boy , then a Girl , then a Plant , then a Bird , then a Fish. Apollonius had the same Impudence , if Philostratus may be believed : who tells us , he own'd that his Soul was formerly in the Master of a Ship ; he shew'd one young Man that had in him the Soul of Palamedes , another of Telephus , both kill'd at the time of the Trojan War ; and in a tame Lion that was carried about for a sight , he said there was the Soul of Amasis King of Egypt . How could such Fictions as these come into Men's heads ? There is more than idle Fancy in them . They shew plainly a pernicious Devilish design , to confound those two Doctrines that have so great an influence into Men's minds , to make them do good , and eschew evil : the Doctrines of the Immortality of the Soul , and of the Resurrection of the Body . For if those Fictions were true , there would be no difference between the Soul of a Man , and the Soul of a Brute , or a Plant ; and there would be many more Bodies than there would be Souls to animate them at the Resurrection . What would not the Devil give to have these things believ'd by all Mankind ? For the Tricks they tell us he had to make the People admire him , they are so agreeable to his Character , that his Historian Jamblichus , with the same Design , Aped him in some of them ; unless he is bely'd by Eunapius the Writer of his Life . They were , as one may properly call them , the Artifices of an Impostor . Mahomet , the greatest that ever was of that sort , when he set up to be a Prophet , though it is not likely that he had ever heard of Pythagoras , yet took the very same Methods that He did to impose upon Mankind . This will appear in several of the following Instances , if any one will take the Trouble to compare them with those that are in Mahomet's Life . The first thing , we read Pythagoras did , to make way for the Authentical publishing of his Doctrines , was to make himself look like a sort of Demigod to the People . For this purpose , he provided himself a Cell under ground ; and then , giving out he was dead , he retir'd into that Hole : and there for a long time together , seven Years , as some tell us , he lived unknown to all Mankind . Only his Mother was in the Secret , for she was to supply him with Necessaries : but of these , he took in no more than just what would keep him alive . Then at last , he came forth like a perfect Skeleton : and shewed himself as one that had been all this while in another World. He that was so greedy of vain Glory , that he could afford to purchase it at this Rate , would not spare his Pains , or refuse any Help , to get into Possession of his Purchase . And for this , it being requisite he should do things above the Power of any Mortal , therefore of such things , true or false , they tell us not a few in his Life . Some of the Fathers have said that he wrought them by Compact with the Devil . But I see no Necessity of that ; for he had other ways by which other Men have obtained the fame of working Miracles . He was doubtless both a natural Philosopher , and a great Mathematician . He understood all the Secrets of the Egyptians and Chaldaeans . And having many Disciples on those Accounts , it seems very likely that he might act in Confederacy with them . This at least they could do for him ; they might help devise Stories of the Miracles that he wrought : and then , for their own Credit as well as his , they would be industrious to spread them among the People . Such Lyes they were , I do not doubt , that Porphyry and Jamblichus tell us , of his laying Winds , Tempests , and Earthquakes ; for of these they do not give any particular Instance , nor are these things mentioned by any other Writers that I remember . So likewise they tell us of his curing Diseases , whether of Body , or Mind , which , they say , he did with Charms : that is , as Cyril saith , he did them by the help of the Devil . For his hearing the Musick of the Spheres , that Porphyry speaks of as a wonderfull Harmony , now we know this is a Lye framed upon a false Imagination . But if this were true , being an invisible Miracle , and impossible to be proved , it could not be made use of to prove any thing else . Many other lying Wonders they tell of him , which seem to have been made only for Talk , being such as could signifie nothing to the good of Mankind . As namely , how to shew his Company what he could do , he took up Serpents , that had killed other Men , and handled them , so as that they neither hurt him , nor he them . How for the same purpose , by whistling to an Eagle that happen'd to fly over his Head , he brought her down to his Hand , and then let her go again . Another time seeing some Fisher men at their draught , he foretold them the exact Number of Fishes that their Net should bring up ; and when they were told , threw them in again . How by stroaking a Bear , and whispering a Bull in the Ear , he brought them both to the Pythagorean Diet : the Bear to eat nothing that had life ; and the Bull to crop no more Bean-tops . How he spoke to a River that he was passing over with many of his Friends , and it answer'd him again in all their Hearings , Good morrow Pythagoras . But this goes beyond all the rest , if there be any Truth in it ; that when Abaris had been all over Greece to beg Money for the Temple of his God Apollo Hyperboreus ; at last , in an evil hour for himself , he came to Pythagoras in Italy , where the cunning Philosopher rooked him of his Money , by perswading the poor Man that he was his God. And to convince him of the Truth of it , they say , That Pythagoras shewed him his golden Thigh ; and then , which was worst of all , made him swear the People into a Belief that he was Apollo himself . If any other Author mentions any of these wonderful Things , he declares that he hath it only from report , or by hearsay , and so leaves the Reader to judge of the Truth of it . But most of these things are positively affi●med by Porphyry , and his Scholar Jamblichus : only they vouch nameless Authorities for them , to shew they were not of their own devising ; which yet one can't forbear to think of as many of them as are not to be found in other Authors . But why should these Philosophers either be so wicked to abuse the Faith of Mankind in devising such Stories ? Or why should they take the Pains to Collect them , and Pawn their Faith to give them Credit in the World ? Such great Men as they were , had no doubt great Reason for this . But what that should be , deserves a farther Consideration ; wherein , if I do a little exceed , I know you will not only Pardon me , but will take the fault upon your self , if these Papers should come to be publisht through your hands . It is certain that these Men had a vehement Hatred against the Christian Religion ; not only through the Prejudices of their Education , but much more on the account of that way of Philosophy , by which they so much valu'd themselves , and had got so great a Fame in the World. They had no Patience to see that sort of Learning , that had been so long in Possession of Glory among all civiliz'd Nations , now to be brought in Disgrace by a Religion , which they accounted to be no better than Folly and Nonsense , and yet pretending to Divine Revelation , would shew that they by all their Wisdom knew not God. Their Indignation at this was much the more , because th●s New Religion sprung up among the Jews , whom they look't upon as much the worst of the barbarous Nations ; and the first Teachers of it were justly , as these Philosophers thought , both hated and contemned by the Jews , as much as the Jews themselves were by all other Nations . That the Author of this Sect , our Lord Iesus Christ himself , bore no greater Figure in the World , than that of a poor Carpenter ; and that his Apostles and Followers were unlearned and ignorant Men ; this is own'd , to the Glory of God , by those among themselves that writ his History , and their's , in the Gospels , and the Acts of the Apostles . And that these very Books were written by Men of that sort , even by them whose Names they bear , this I think hath not been gain-said by any that lived within some hundred years after Christ : But it hath been acknowledged by those learned Heathens that writ against the Christian Religion , and especially by Julian , who of all others was best able to inform himself . But what is it that these Men say of their Master , in the Account they give of him , and of them that were the first Publishers of his Doctrine , how they came to have such Authority in the World ? They say he wrought in their Presence an infinite number of Miracles ; and particularly , those which they have published for the Proof , as well of his Authority , as of his Doctrine . They say also of themselves , that , in their Preaching of him and his Doctrine , the Lord worked with them confirming their word with Signs following . They laid the chief Stress of their Proof upon his Resurrection from the Dead : Of which , not only his Apostles were Eye-witnesses , but above 500 Persons , most of them then living , when St. Paul appeal'd to their Testimony . And that he did , in an Epistle which was written within some 20 years after the matter of Fact. The Apostles especially took it on themselves , as their Office , to be Witnesses of his Resurrection . For the faithful Discharge whereof , as they could expect nothing but Sufferings in this Life , so they desir'd nothing more than to finish their Course by dying for it . And they were not deceiv'd in this Expectation ; all of them being continually persecuted as long as they liv'd , and many of them suffering Death for the Testimony of Christ. They were charged with no other Crime in this World. As for what they write of his Miracles ; and also of their own , which they profest they wrought only by a Power derived from him ; the truth of the matters of Fact , we do not find was ever question'd by any that lived in that Age. On the contrary , we see it was acknowledged by the Pharisees , the most malicious and vigilant Enemies of our Lord Iesus Christ , and of his Holy Apostles . No doubt it puzled their Wise heads to think how ' such wonderful Works should be wrought by such simple illiterate Men. For one cannot think they could satisfie themselves with the account which they gave others , of the way that Christ had to cast out Devils , when they said that he did it by the Prince of Devils ; for , as he there answer'd them , it was visibly against the Devil's Interest to do this ; the Miracles of Christ being plainly in those Instances to dispossess the Devil of Men's Bodies ; and by that , and other beneficial Works , to oblige them , and others , to receive a Doctrine that would also dispossess him of their Souls . But besides the absurdity of this , it is plain the Jews did not believe themselves in this Accusation of Christ. For if they had , they would have insisted on this ; as being a Capital Crime , not only by their Law , but also the Roman : And therefore to be sure , they would not have been to seek for other Crimes , if they had thought they had any Colour to charge him with this . But that which the Pharisees said then , of that one sort of Miracles ; though it was against all Reason , and against their own Conscience ; yet , for want of a better Colour for their unbelief , the Jews in after times have alledged against all the Miracles of Christ , and his Apostles and Followers . This we see in those Objections of the Jews , whom Celsus brings in arguing against the Christian Religion : these Jews , on this very account , rank our Blessed Saviour with Pythagoras , of whom enough has been said ; and with such other Heathen Impostors , of whom more will be said afterwards . But for those Jews whom Celsus produces , since it hath been sufficiently shown that they ought not to be admitted as Accusers in this Cause , therefore they might be dismissed ; but that the same Celsus gives us occasion to make use of them as our Witnesses , as to those Matters of Fact which he denies , when he comes to speak in his own Person , as a Heathen , and one that was an Epicurean Philosopher . For then he is pleas'd to say , That what things our Scriptures tells us of the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles , are all Fictions and Tales . This he saith more than once : And yet he doth not pretend to prove the Writers of them were Lyers , or to shew any Inconsistence , either in the Miracles themselves , or in the Accounts that are given of them . So that he expected Men should take his Authority for this . But why so ? He could say nothing of these matters on his own Knowledge : for he writ in the Emperour Hadrian's time , or something later ; and that was at least 50 years after any of those Miracles that are mention●d in our Scriptures . Nor doth he pretend to have any ground to say this , either upon hear-say , or from what he found in former Writers . If he had referr'd us to other Writers , it would have been very great News . For , of all that have written in the times of Christ and his Apostles , there is none , Iew , or Heathen , that makes any mention of their Miracles : which is a plain sign they knew not what to say against them . Otherwise , they would have spoken as spitefully of them , as they spared not to do of Christ himself . But how could Celsus answer this to his own Conscience ? that whereas of the Miracles wrought by Christians in his own time , he saw there was no denying the matters of fact ; and therefore he affirm●d that these Miracles were wrought by Invocation of the Devil ; which was the same in effect , that , by his own telling , the Iews said of the Miracles that were wrought by Christ and his Apostles : he should nevertheless have the Impudence to say , that these were Fictions and Tales , as if He knew Christ and his Apostles , better than the Iews in whose Country they liv'd , and whose Ancestors were conversant with them ; or as if Christ himself could not work as true Miracles , as were done in Celsus's time , and to his own knowledge , by Christians that wrought their Miracles in his name ? This learned man took surely a likelier way to disparage the Miracles of Christ to the unthinking part of Mankind ; by likening the great things that are said of Christ , to those that we read of Aristeas Proconnesius , and of Abaris , in Heathen Writers . But they that Think what they read , will consider , that of the former of these , the first account we have is from Herodotus ; and he tells it only by Hear-say . He says , they say that Aristeas died at Proconnesus , and appear'd there again 7 years after : and having made some Verses , disappear'd : but that , two or three hundred years after , he appear'd again at Metapontum , where , by special direction from Apollo , he was worshipped as God. Of Abaris , Celsus tells us himself , that he had such a Power or Faculty , that he rode about upon an Arrow through the Air , over Mountains and Seas , in his Travels out of Scythia into Greece , and back again into Scythia , as both Porphyry and Jamblichus tell us at large These things Celsus tells us without any Censure , as if he believ'd them to be true . And so they are , as much as his Book is a true Discourse , which is the Title he gives it . Whoever considers these Stories , I think will not much regard the Iudgment that He passeth on the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles . But the Way that he took to bring them in disgrace , by ranking them with those incredible Fables , this took mightily with the learned Heathens that came after him . And therefore , I doubt not , it was , that both Philostratus writ the life of Apollonius Tyaneus , and that Porphyry writ the Life of Pythagoras , which led me into this Digression . They seem to have been written , both of them with this design . I am sure they are both of them made use of to this purpose ; to shew , that all the great things that are told of our Saviour in the Gospel , were equall'd , if not out-done by these Heathen Philosophers . As for Porphyry , his hatred of the Christian Religion he shew'd sufficiently , in writing 15 Books against it : the Loss whereof , though some of our Deists complain of , yet they may be assur'd for their comfort , they will not want the help of any of our learned men to bring them to light . We want them indeed on many accounts : but especially , to shew them , that as they have Porphyry's malice , so if they had his great Learning too , both these join'd together would not hurt the Christian Religion . We should want his Books the less , if we had any of those Answers that were written against him by three learned Christians , Methodius , Eusebius , and Apollinaris . But , as Holstein well observes , the Roman Empire being turned Christian within very few years after the writing of these Books ; as the Emperors took care by their Edicts to keep them from coming into the hands of the Vulgar ; so for learned men , they had now no occasion to transcribe them , or preserve the copies that were written . Of the time of Porphyry's writing these Books , we have nothing certain , save that we are told they were written when he was in Sicily . And the time of his coming thither , as he tells us himself , w●s about the 15th of Galienus the Emperour , that is , about the year of Christ 267. He acknowledgeth that , being in Rome at that time , he had a mind to kill himself : which Plotinus discover'd ; and upon his chiding him for it , he left him , and went away into Sicily . What it was that enraged Porphyry to that degree that he must needs kill himself , he doth not say . Probably it might be out of madness , to see That Emperour's favour to Christians , whom his Father Valerian had done all he could to destroy . If that was the reason of this Philosopher's being weary of his life , he had some ease within a few Months in the death of that Emperour , and then a Succession of others that wanted only a fit season for the renewing of the Persecution . And it might be as well to quicken them to that Wo●k , as to ease his own passion , that he set himself to the writing of these Books . Wherein , as all that quote from them observe , he out-did all others in virulent Railing and Scoffing at the Christian Religion . As for his Arguments , it cannot be imagined that there was any thing of strength in them more than what Julian the Apostate took into the work that he writ afterwards on that Subject . And to our comfort , as well as the Deists , That work is not lost . It hath been often published , with Cyril's answer to it : but never so much to the Reader 's advantage , as now lately in the excellent Spanhelm's Edition . Whether it was before , or after these Books , that he writ the life of Pythagoras , we cannot certainly know : for the life it self is imperfect , both at the beginning , and the end ; and the whole Book is but a part of his History of the lives of Philosophers . But whereas these lives of his , as Holstein observes , were all made up of Patches taken out of the ancient Writers ; and so is this among the rest ; yet here , after all the heap of stuff that he hath collected from others concerning the life of Pythagoras , at last , he brings in those stories of Miracles wrought by him , part of which are in no other Writers , and the rest he hath made his Own by vouching for them , as I have shewn . This I cannot imagine why so wise a man should do , but in pursuance of his malicious design against the Christian Religion , by making his reader believe , that the Miracles of Christ , upon which the credit of our Religion is built , were of no greater credit themselves , than those which were wrought by Pythagoras . That I am not mistaken in this , the Reader will see in the following instance of Hierocles ; who , writing some few years after Porphyry had so highly advanced Pythagoras , set him up in Competition with our Lord Iesus Christ , as I shall presently shew . Hierocles , being chief Iudge at Nicomedia in Dioclet●an's time , was a chief Instigator of that bloody Persecution that was then against the innocent Christians . And to justifie this , he writ two Books against the Christian Religion , which he publish'd under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lover of Truth . No doubt by these means he won the heart of the Emperour Galerius , who was the first mover of that Persecution : and therefore by him he was advanced to the most profitable Government of Alexandria in Egypt . There also he went on in his butcherly Trade ; till an end was put to it , by the wonderfull Providence of God , which by Constantine's means brought Christianity to be the Imperial Religion . Then Hierocles betook himself wholly to Philosophy , and among other things , writ his Commentary on the Golden Verses that bear the name of Pythagoras ; which I mention , to shew how much he was addicted to the honour of Porphyry's Saint . Of his two Books against the Christians , it seems that Eusebius saw but One ; and of that , he tells us , the most part was stollen out of Celsus ; and was long since answer'd by Origen . It appears that in that work of Hierocles , to pull down the honour of Christ , he first set up Aristeas , as Celsus had done : next he sets up Pythagoras ; and lastly Apollonius Tyaneus . All this we learn out of that Fragment of Hierocles , which is publish'd in the end of his Works , and also at the end of Eusebius's answer to his Book : though Eusebius medleth only with that part which concerns Apollonius , because that was all that was New in this Controversie . In this piece Hierocles , having magnified Apollonius Tyaneus for the great things that were recorded of him by Philostratus in his life ; and having vilified our Lord Iesus Christ , whom the Christians , as he saith on the account of his doing a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 call a God ; he concludes in these words : It is worth the considering , that those things of Iesus are brag'd of by Peter and Paul , and some others of that sort of men , Liars , and Illiterate , and Impostors : but for these things of Apollonius , we have Maximus , and Damis a Philosopher that lived with him , and Philostratus , men eminent for their Learning , and lovers of truth . What a Lover of Truth Hierocles himself was , we are to judge , not by the title of his Books , but by the things contained in them . And though his Books against the Christians have been lost many Ages since , ( as those blasphemous Books of Porphyry were , ) yet here we have a kind of Summary of them in this Fragment . For here we see in short , what he had to say against the Apostles of Christ , and what to say for the Evangelists of Apollonius , whom he sets up against him : and it cannot be denied that , on either side , the truth of the matters of fact is to be judged of chiefly by the sufficiency and the honesty of the Witnesses . Therefore knowing what he has to say of them , we know in effect the validity of all that is contained in his Books . First , In his charge against the Apostles of Christ , to say that Paul was Illiterate , this was certainly an impudent Calumny . For beside his knowledge of the Greek , that was his native Language , wherein also we see he writ a large Epistle with his own hand , and quotes the Greek Poets in several of his Epistles ; I say , beside this , he had the Hebrew Learning in great perfection , being brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , a Doctor in great fame among the Iews to this day . And he gave such proofs of his Learning before the Roman Governour and King Agrippa , that the Governour said , too much learning had made him mad . So far was He from calling him an illiterate Man. Then to call him and Peter , Liars , and Impostors , what occasion did they give him for this ? Only by their Preaching and Writing for the Christian Religion . But did they believe that Religion , or not ? If they did , suppose they might err in this , yet they could not be Liars and Impostors ; for they both knew , and writ , that all such are in a state of Damnation , according to the rules of their Religion . But if they did not believe it , then indeed they might do wicked things for their Religion , if that would recommend them to the Emperour's favour ; and so to get preferment , as Hierocles did . But they were so far from that , the Government being against their Religion , that they could get nothing by it but Dangers and Sufferings . Those they met with in all places wheresoever they preach'd . And they look'd for nothing else in this world , but Sufferings , and those to end in a cruel Death , for Christ's sake . This both of them declared in the last Epiples they writ . And in this we see they were not mistaken . For both of them suffer'd Martyrdom , as Clemens tells us in his Epistle to the Corinthians , which he writ within two or three years after their death , the truth of which Epistle hath never been question'd by any learned man whatsoever . But what shall we say of a man that was perfectly Blinded , with Prejudice and Malice , or with Ambition and Covetousness ? If Hierocles had not been so , he could not but have seen that those two Apostles of Christ had nothing about them that would suit with those two ugly characters of Liars and Impostors . But he had those in his eye that would certainly have been taken by those marks , if there had been a hue and cry after them . I can't think any learned man in his Age , being asked , Of all the Writers , whose Works were then extant , which was the greatest Liar ? would name any other than Philostratus . I am sure he could not , if he would speak impartially . And yet this Philostratus , and his two Authors , Maximus , and Damis , known to none but himself , are the men whom Hierocles calleth Learned Men , and Lovers of Truth . And for an Impostor , if such a one had been enquired for , I know not whom a learned man , that had no design to serve with a Lye , would have named before Apollonius Tyaneus : whom yet Hierocles so much admires , that he thinks himself modest for saying only this , He was a Favourite of the Gods ; whereas the Christians say , that Christ was God himself , for those few strange things that are told of him . First , For Philostratus , on whose single word all the credit of this story of Apollonius depends ; of what value his word is , must be judged by considering how he was qualified for an Historian . To begin with the opportunities he had to inform himself ; it is certain , he could say nothing of his Own knowledge . For as himself tells us , Apollonius died a few weeks after the Emperour Domitian : that was in the year of our Lord 96. But Philostratus did not write this till above a hundred years after . How came he then by all the stuff with which he hath filled a large History ? He tells us , that while he lived in the Court of Julia , that most infamous Empress , the Mother and Wife of that horrible brute Caracalla , the Minutes of Apollonius's Life , written by one Damis , that lived with him , were presented to her by one of Damis's Relations ; and she being a Lover of fine Language , delivered them to this Sophist Philostratus , to put them into a handsome dress . But that we may not think these Minutes were all that he had for the furnishing of his History , he tells us , he had besides , an account from one Maximus of Aegae , how Apollonius past his time in that Town , for the two or three years that he lived there , being then about 20 years of Age , almost a Boy , as Hierocles words it . And this is all the help he had from these two Lovers of Truth , as Hierocles calls them . But there was besides , one Moeragenes , that writ IV Books , On or Against Apollonius ; but he is not to be heeded , saith Philostratus , because he was ignorant of many of our Stories ; so he lost the Honour of being recorded by Hierocles for one of the lovers of Truth . In short , except the little things that hapned in the short time that Apollonius was at Aegae ; for any thing else of his Life , Philostratus doth not pretend to have any Author but Damis . Yet all that he had of Damis , was no more than a Table-book of Minutes , as Philostratus owns . And those might be written by any one else , for ought he knew . For it was a hundred years after Damis's death , before he saw or heard of them . Till then they were not known . And then a Nameless man , pretending to be a relation of Damis , brought them , and said they were written by Damis . Th●s is all the Authority we have for Philostratus's Legend . But he saith in the Chapter before , he had some things from Town-talk , in the places where Apollonius had been ; and some things he had that other men said of him : and some things from Epistles that Apollonius had written to Kings , &c. As for the Talk of things done a hundred years ago , that is very uncertain ; but of what Authority were these Epistles ? There may well be a doubt of this . For the Epistles in Diogenes Laertius were generally forged by Sophists . And Philostratus being a Sophist , and one that knew how to write to Kings , might be the very man that forged the Epistles now extant . We have reason to like them the worse , for agreeing too well with his History . But besides , he seems to doubt that his Reader might suspect these Epistles , and therefore question his History . To fence against this , he saith , he took things that were more certain from the Authors that he names afterwards : Damis , &c. Of how little credit those Authors were , we have seen . And if things taken out of them were more certain , as he himself tells us , then there is no credit at all to be given to his Epistles . So much for the Authority : now for the Matters of his History . Some of them , I dare say , were such as Lucian had never heard of , and yet He liv'd mid-way between Apollonius and his Historian . Particularly , I cannot believe he ever heard of that Story of Apollonius , how he made the people at Ephesus stone an old Beggar ; who , as He told them , was a Daemon ; and when the Stones had made a Hillock over his body , he bad the people remove the Stones , which they did ▪ and found under them , not a man , but a Mastiff , as big as the biggest sort of Lion , and foaming at Mouth , as if he had been mad . So likewise he tells how Apollonius being invited , with many other Guests , by his Friend Menippus to his Wedding ; he found that the amiable Bride was a She-Devil , that was in love with Menippus , and pretending to be a great Fortune , had provided the Wedding Dinner , with a noble Antendance , and all manner of Delicacies : but , upon his telling his Friend what she was , she , together with her Attendance and Dinner , vanisht , leaving Apollonius to make her Excuse to the Bridegroom and his Company . Here were Subjects for Lucian to have bantered upon , beyond any that are in his Book ; so that , because they are not There , I say again , one may be sure he never heard of them . He that could thus descry Devils , might as well ken Souls , one would think , and tell what Bodies they had passed through ; especially being a Pythagorean Philosopher . I have shewn Apollonius could do that , as well as Pythagoras himself ; though Philostratus doth not tell us , that ever his Soul dwelt , as that of Pythagoras did , in the Body of a Son of Mercury , that had that Gift from his Father . But he was not to be measur'd by Pythagoras , being as Philostratus tells us , far the greater Man of the two . He out-did him in many things ; and particularly in this , that he could call up the Souls of any of the Heroes , and entertain himself with them at his Pleasure . Particularly , at the Tomb of Achilles , where that Heroe appear'd sometimes frightfully to others , who therefore warn'd Apollonius not to come near him ; he laught at them , and spent a whole Night there in Conversation with Achilles , till the Cocks-crowing , which , it seems , warns the Sprights away . But the next day he told his Company all this ; how the Ghost appear'd to him , at first but five Cubits high , but rose up by degrees to be twelve ; perhaps swelling with Indignation against his Countrey-men of Thessaly ; of whom he bitterly complained , That whereas they used to worship him formerly , now they had this good while left it off . He called Apollonius by his Name : And told him , I am glad you are here , for I have long lookt for such a one as you to tell them of this . But for one thing he expostulated with Apo●l●nius too : That he had receiv'd into his Company one Antisthenes , that was of the race of King Priamus , and that used to sing the Praises of Hector ; whom , belike , Achilles hated , even after Dea●h . But it seems Apollonius , having done this ignorantly , now he was told of it discarded the young Gentleman . All this , as Philostratus says , was in the minutes of Damis , who was present at that time . And with Him I go next to Apollonius's Travels , of which Philostratus tells us many wonders that he saith Damis saw ; among which are the most incredible things that we read in the Travels of Sir John Mandevill . But he tells us many more and greater than that Knight has in his Book . Particularly this , which Damis confesseth made him stare . When he was among the Bramins , they brought him to a Treat : where he saw four Tables , that walked and placed themselves in an apt Figure : each of these was supported by an Image that served them with Drink : Two of these Images pour'd out Wine , and the other two Water , one hot , and one cold , to every Guest according to his drinking : and for Dinner , there came in Dishes of all the best Fruits of the Season ; invisible , till they were upon the Table , and there they set themselves in order for eating : then the Earth thrust up heaps of Grass , that were softer than Beds , for the Guests to lie upon . Philostratus saith indeed , that how they did these things , Apollonius neither asked , nor cared to Learn : that is , he took all to be done by Magick . But he liked these Magicians never the worse for it ; as appears by the high Praises he gave them at every mention that he made of them afterwards . Which so prick'd the Gymnosophists , when he was with them in Aethiopia , that they , to shew him a proof of their skill , made an Elm-tree speak to him . It spoke , he saith , articulately : but it was with a Woman's voice ; perhaps because the Greek word for an Elm is of the Feminine Gender . These are very rank fulsome Lyes : but they are but a small tast of the abundance that Philostratus gives us out of his Damis's Minutes . What he tells of Apollonius without that Authority , himself , as I have shewn , doth acknowledge to be very Vncertain . Such he owns those stories to have been that he tells us ; of a Choire of Swans , that , happening to be in the Meadow where his Mother fell in Labour , Sung him into the World : and also of a Choire of Virgins , that sung him into Heaven ; if the lying Cretans may be believ'd , that gave Philostratus the words of their Song . For the distance of time between his Birth and his Death , he owns it to be very uncertain : He saith it was , as some say , 80 years , as some 90 , and as some above 100. But therein , as well as in many other things , he shew'd his want of Chronology . For if , as he tells us , Archelaus rebell'd against the Romans , when Apollonius was at Aegae , being then but 16 years old ; then he must have been born in or very near the first year of our Lord : for it was certainly A. D. 17 , in which Archelaus , after a very short struggle , yielded , and was deposed for his Rebellion . And as I have shewn from Philostratus himself , Apollodorus died A. D. 96. Therefore , according to Philostratus's own account , he died at the Age of 96 or 97 years old ; which is none of the years above mention'd . So uncertain was also the place of his death . For , as Philostratus saith , some say he died at Ephesus ; some say in the Isle of Candy ; and some in Minerva's Temple at Lindus . For Philostratus's part , not daring to strain the credit of Damis , by making him side with any of them , he declares that D●mis said nothing of the manner of his Death . But then , delivering the opinions of others , he saith , Thus died Apollonius ; adding , if he Died at all . O rare Historian ! that , having not only assured us he was Born , but having given a particular account , of his Father , and his Mother , and the Green Chamber he was Born in ; comes at last to make a Doubt whether he ever Died or no. What would this man have the Reader think of his Apollonius ? that he was greater than Apollo ? or than Jupiter himself ? So it seems . For both these Died , as we have shewn from Pythagoras himself ; who own'd it was after their Deaths that they were made Gods : and Pythagoras could not but Know this ; for , as this Writer tells us , Pythagoras was Among them sometimes ; and Apollo came to him , and own'd that it was He that spoke to him . Yet here , Philostratus , that told us all this , though he durst not speak out , that Apollonius did Never die ; yet he intimates this was his Opinion , and would incline his Reader to believe it : Certainly your Tzetzes did not exceed in calling him the most lying Philostratus . Among all the Writers that I know , there is scarce a greater Liar in the world . Nor was there a greater Impostor than Apollonius ; whom , on the sole credit of Philostratus's History , Hierocles so much extolls , as the great Favourite of the Gods , and fitter to be called a God , than our Blessed Saviour . But to shew more particularly what Apollonius was , we must not wholly reject his lying Historian . For , if we do , we are quite in the dark : there being no other that writ of Apollonius within two hundred years after his death , Lucian only excepted . And therefore to make the best of what we have in these two Writers , I shall begin with Philostratus , and take the best Information we can get of him . Now according to this Historian , Apollonius was bred up at first among the Pythagoreans , and always affected to be thought a Philosopher of that Sect. For he strictly observed the rules of Pythagoras , though he understood not his Doctrine . But he not only imitated , but much out did him in his Travels . And according to the way of that Sect , which was much addicted to the Worship of Daemon's , he made it his b●siness , wheresoever he went , to restore the Gentile Idolatry , which was then much sunk by the preaching of the Christian Religion . This , no doubt , might entitle him to the Devil 's especial Assistance , by which he might do Wonderfull things ; and might , as he Boasted he did , know more than all the men in the world . That was nothing to him . He would be thought to be a God , and therefore he boasted of things which no Man could know or do . He declared , he knew all the Languages of Men without any teaching ; and that he understood , not only their Words , but even their silent Thoughts . Damis , as soon as he heard this , fell down and worsh●pped him ; he could do no less , looking upon him as a Daemon , saith the Historian . Others that saw his Tricks , and heard such things from him , soon found both what he was , and what he would be at . They saw , he was either a Magician or a grand Cheat. This was the common Opinion they had of him , according to Philostratus , who notably fenceth against it . They also saw what he drove at , even to be thought a God. Of this he was accused to the Government : and that by Philosophers even by Euphrates the greatest of them in his Age. These learned men , no doubt , had seen the Books that he publish'd ; namely , his four Books of Iudicial Astrology , and his Books of Sacrifices , to shew what sorts of them would best please every God. I find no other Books that he writ . And these could not but confirm those Philosophers in their opinion of him . We have these things , and much more of this kind , from Philostratus ; whom we have reason to believe in these things , though not in many other ; for in these he agrees with him that lived nearest Apollonius's time . Of all the Writers now extant , the nearest to the time of Apollonius was Lucian , as I have shewn . And what opinion he had of him , we may see in his account of another of the same Trade , one Alexander , a Famous Impostor . Lucian tells us of this Alexander ; that being at first a handsome Youth , he was abused by one of Tyana , that made him his Catamite . This execrable Sodomite , being , as Lucian saith , not only a Countryman of Apollonius , but also one of his Companions , that knew all His way of acting the part of a Philosopher ; to make this young man the more passive to his Lust , train'd him up to Magic , and taught him the use of Charms , and made him a great Proficient in all the other arts of Cheating , in which he excell'd . This is all that we have of Apollonius from Lucian . And we had not known so much of him as this , but that Lucian , having occasion to speak of a Companion of his , that set up at his Trade , and took Apprentices at it ; thereupon brings him in , as the Master-workman of his Age in all that way of Diabolical Practice . This was the Reputation he had , as it seems , till above a hundred years after his Death . Then outcomes this Book of his Life ; compos'd , as I have shewn , out of unknown Memoirs , brought into the World by an unknown hand . They are said to have been Brought to the Empress Julia , as I have shewn . That might be , though they were first born in her Court. She might as well order the first Devising , as the composing of them in●o a History . Philostratus owns that what he did was by Her order . And she was her self a Philosopher , as he tells us : a great Intriguer , all acknowledge . No doubt she had very great reasons for such an extraordinary thing as this was , to canonize a Magician a hundred years after his death , and to advance him even to be a God : Whether she had a mind this way to draw off her Son , the young Emperor , from the esteem he had of the Christians , whom he favour'd on his Nurses account , that was of that Religion : or whether to do honour to a Disciple and in●imate Friend of the Magi , that were Noted to lie with their Mothers ; and thereby to countenance her wicked design of drawing her Son to her Bed. These are but Conjectures . But whatsoever the matter was , it was She , as Philostratus owns , that set him upon the design of writing the Life of Apollonius ; at such a rate , that whoever believ'd it , could not but look upon him as a fit Rival for our Blessed Saviour . Her , and her Son Caracalla , I take to have been the Emperours that order'd him to be worshipped , at Tyana where he was born . That Emperors did order this , Philostratus tells us in a Chapter which I take to be an addition to the end of his Book . And sure this could not be done by any Emperors before Lucian's time : For if it had , he durst not have writ those things that I have quoted from him . Considering also that her Sister or Neice Mammaea , the Mother of Alexander Severus , was a Christian ; I do not wonder at that which Lampridius hath in this Emperors Life . Where he saith , he had the Images of Christ and Apollonius together in his Lararium . Of his Mother he had his Birth and Education ; and it was his Aunt Julia that rais'd him to that Greatness ; in which , being to furnish a Closet for his Devotion , he thought to please them both , in setting up his Aunt 's God together with his Mother's . As the bigotted Heathens could not but be pleas'd with the Honour done to Apollonius , in order to the Lessening of our Blessed Saviour , so no doubt the Devil would promote it what he could . And therefore I am inclin'd to be of Dr. More 's opinion ; that the Devil might make that appearance to Aurelian , in the name of his Saint Apollonius , to perswade that incensed Emperor to spare his City of Tyana for his sake . Tho' otherwise , it is not improbable that Vopiscus might Invent this part of his History . For , as my most learned Friend Mr. Dodwell shews , he writ it in the first heat of Diocletian's Persecution , and dedicated it to the Praefectus Urbis , who had the same concern in this matter at Rome , that Hierocles had at Nicomedia . And by the high Encomium he gives Apollonius ; out of a Greek Book , as he tells us , which could be no other than his Life written by Philostratus ; it is plain he had the same wicked design with Hierocles , namely , to set up this Magician for a Rival to our Saviour ; and thereby to bring Contempt on his holy Religion , and on all them that suffer'd and died for it in that Persecution . But when God●s time was come to set up the Kingdom of Christ , three or four Emperors that Oppos'd it with the utmost Malice and Rage , were successively taken away by the visible hand of God ; the Iustice whereof two of them at their death did acknowledge . Then the Devil being thrown out of Heaven , all his Angels fell with him . Christianity came to be the establish'd Religion . And Then , ( to use the Phrase of a Gentleman that had more Wit than did him good , ) Religion having taught the people to say Grace , there was no more danger of the crooked Pin in the Pudding : those palpable Lyes of Apollonius would not go down ; and so , for ought I find , Hierocles quite lost his labour . Next , Jamblichus , who , as Eunapius saith in his life , was a greater Scholar than his Master Porphyry , and who was no less a Hater of Christians ; yet living under Christian Emperors , a she did all the time of his age for writing Books , he durst not write Professedly against the Christian Religion . But taking this to be a safe way , he went on with his Masters design of setting up Pythagoras to be a Rival to our Saviour . In order to this , he took up all the stuff that Porphyry in his life of Pythagoras had gather'd ready to his hand . He worked it over again his own way , oftentimes making use of Porphyry's words . Then , for farther Embellishment , he added out of his own Invention , whatever he thought would either adorn his Subject , or promote the design of his Writing . His design was plainly to subvert the Christian Religion . But so , as not to run himself in any danger on that account : and therefore , without ever mentioning Christ or Christians ; which he could not do in this Book without seeming to make some kind of reflection upon them ; he only endeavours to make Pythagoras , and those of his Sect , out-shine them in the Lustre that he gives them with his Eloquence , such as it is . Which , together with other Services that he did to the cause of Heathenism against the Christian Religion , did so far endear him to Julian , that wretched Apostate ; that , after he came to shew himself , which was not till he took the Empire upon him , he writ more Epistles to Jamblichus than to any other while He was living : and after his Death never mentioned him but with the highest Encomiums , calling him sometimes the Hero , sometimes the Divine Jamblichus , and one whom he admired next the Gods. Julian , having been sometime a Reader in the Church , might very well understand him as I do in the following instances of his Book ; which I take to have been written in a kind of Abusive imitation of the Gospel . Namely , where he tells us , how the Mother of Pythagoras , being with Child of him , which was more than her Husband yet knew , was brought by him to the Oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphi : and there the Prophetess told him both the first News of his Wife's Conception , and also that the Child she then went with should prove the greatest good to Mankind . Thereupon he saith , her Husband changed his Wife's name from Parthenis to Pythais : and afterwards , when the Child was born , call'd him Pythagoras ; as being foretold by Apollo Pythius , for so he saith that name signifies . Jamblichus will not take upon him to say ( as he tells us some Others did ) that the Child was of Apollo's own getting : but he saith , none can doubt it was one of Apollo's Companions in Heaven , that came down to be the Soul of that Child . He should have said rather , one of Pluto's Companions in Hell ; for the Soul of Pythagoras came then out of Hades , if Pythagoras himself may be believ'd . But Jamblichus was aware that Pythagoras overshot himself sometimes , and did it particularly in his account of the Stages that his Soul pass'd thro' in it's Travels . Therefore Jamblichus takes notice of no other but Euphorbus , in whom that Soul formerly dwelt . He smuggles all the other Names we have mention'd , not only from his Master Porphyry , but even from Pythagoras himself . But however , he saith , it hath been affirm'd by many , and that with great probability , that Pythagoras was the Son of God. Nay , that he was one of the Heavenly Gods that then appear'd upon Earth for the Good of Mankind ; a greater Good than ever did come before , or should ever come after . His Disciples indeed could not agree among themselves what God he should be . Some would have it that he was Apollo Pythius ; others , that he was Apollo Hyperboreus ; others , that he was Aesculapius ; others , that he was one of the Daemons that dwelt in the Moon . They that said he was Apollo , seem'd to be the greatest number ; and they had the greatest Authority on their side , even his Own ; for so Pyth. himself told Abaris ( to entitle himself to the Money , as we have shewn ) that he was the very God himself : and proved it by shewing him his Golden Thigh , such , as it seems Abaris had told him that the Image of his God had in Scythia . But then , lest Abaris should ask him what he made Here ? Pythagoras added , that he put on human Shape , that Men might not be afraid to Converse with him ; as they would , if they knew the Excellence of his Person , and so they would deprive themselves of the benefit of his Doctrine . Such stuff as this runs through his Book ; which , being written for the deifying of an Impostor , plainly shew'd that the design of it was to Banter the Gospel of Christ. He begins like one of the Heathen Poets , with invoking the Gods , and Pythagoras , to assist him in the Work. How he ended it , we cannot tell ; for his Book is imperfect . But probably he continu'd it with an account of this Impostor's Disciples , in imitation of the Acts of the Apostles . In short , as well for History , as for Doctrinal matters , from one end to the other , it hath so much of the Devil in it , that it seems to have been wholly written by his Inspiration . But all this I do acknowledge to have been a Digression , as well as all the rest of what I have written , that doth not concern the Writers of Pythagoras's Life . For it was my proper business to shew of what credit They are ▪ as to matter of History . Now the two chief of these , being Porphyry and Jamblichus , who were great Philosophers themselves , and such great Admirers of Pythagoras , as they shew in the writing of his Life ; one ought to expect they would have taken care to gather all that was True of him out of all the former Historians , and to have mingled nothing with it that was Inconsistent with the truth of History . How well they have perform'd this in other respects , I shall not take upon me to examin . But I shall take account of it only as to matter of Chronology . And that I think sufficiently sheweth how much at random it is that Jamblichus pretends to give the Years of Pythagoras's Life , and his chief Actions and Events : and also how grosly both He , and Porphyry before him , have abused their Readers in the accounts that they give us of his principal Disciples . As to the years of Pythagoras's Life , Jamblichus tells us , that it was much about his XVIII year that he set out to Travel : and that after some time , ( which I take to be IV years ) spent in other Countries , he came into Aegypt , and there he stay'd XXII years . He goes on , and says that the Philosopher being taken there by Cambyses's Soldiers , was carry'd to Babylon , and there he stay'd XII years ; and then return'd home to Samos , being now about LVI years old . There he stay'd for some time , ( it should seem for another IV years ) and then in Olympiad LXII he went into Italy . There , he says , he govern'd his School XL years wanting I , and lived in all very near C years . So Distinct an account as this is of the years of Pythagoras's Life , whereof there is not the least Item in any of the ancienter Writers , did , I confess , not a little rejoyce me , when I first met with it : and so much the more , because of two Certain Notations of time , by which , if they were true , all those years might be reduced to the like certainty . There is nothing better known in ancient History , than the year of Cambyses's conquering Aegypt . We are certain it was in the end of the third year , or the beginning of the fourth of Olymp. LXIV . So that according to Jamblichus , this was the very year of Pythagoras's being carry'd to Babylon . And the time of his going into Italy is as certain , according to Jamblichus , who saith it was Olymp. LXII wherein Eryxias was Victor . There is plainly VI years distance of time between these years that are here mention'd . And the same , one would think , there should be between his being carry'd to Babylon and his going into Italy . But that cannot be Jamblichus's meaning . For he saith , it was XII years that Pythagoras stay'd at Babylon ; and then , to make up his life very near C years , as Jamblichus reckons it , there must be three or four years more that he stay'd in Crete , and at Samos , before he went into Italy . Add these to the XII years before mention'd , and they make some XV or XVI years . And yet here Jamblichus makes his going into Italy to be in Olymp. LXII , that is , to be VI or VII years before the certain time of his being carry'd to Babylon , which must be in the third or fourth year of Olymp. LXIII , if he was carry'd thither by the Forces of Cambyses , as Jamblichus tells us . So in short , he brings Pythagoras Captive to Babylon some XV or XVI years before his going to Italy ; and yet he makes his going into Italy VI or VII years before his being carry'd to Babylon . Here are two of the chief accounts of time in his History which so manifestly contradict one another , that to believe him in both is impossible . Th●s is a great disappointment , but it will make us some part of amends , if there be any truth in either of them . To begin with that which he saith of Pythagoras's being taken in Aegypt by the Soldiers of King Cambyses ; that must be in the third or fo●rth year of Olymp. LXIII , as I have shewn . But as herein he contradicts himself in his other Notation of time , so in this he doth not agree with the ancienter Writers ; who generally speak of Pythagoras's coming from Babylon to Samos , and 〈◊〉 going from thence in●o Italy , before the Reign of Cambyses . Now that he that lived near DCCC years after those times , should presume to publish this to the World , without naming any Author for it , but as if he said it of his own knowledge ; this I cannot look upon as any other than a very imp●dent Fiction . As for that which he said of Pythagoras's going into Italy in Olymp. LXII , it is very likely he had Authors that said something like it . There are enough that say he was there in Olymp. LXII ; and it is very likely Jamblichus might mistake them , and that might occasion him to say that Pythagoras went thither at that time . This is the best I can say of it . And so in short , I have lost all the joy that I had of both his Discoveries . For having examin'd them , I see the last is a mere Blunder , the former a bold Fiction , and they both contradict one another . What credit can one give to such an Historian ? For his account of the Disciples of Pythagoras , he takes what he will out of the rude heap that his Master Porphyry had thrown together , and much more he adds very lavishly out of his own head . Zamolxis the Lawgiver of the Getes , they will have to be one of Pythagoras's Disciples . Porphyry makes him one of the First . For he saith , that Zamolxis being yet a Boy , was brought out of Thrace by the Father of our Philosopher , who gave him to his Son , and he taught him all matters of Religion . Jamblichus owns he was Slave to Pythagoras ; who , as he says , taught , him and then gave him his liberty . And yet he had reckon●d him before , among the young men , that came to be Disciples to Pythagoras in his old Age. All this is true alike . For Herodotus , that liv'd among them who remember'd Pythagoras , saith , Zamolxis was much Ancienter than he . And therefore Jamblichus was once in the right , though perhaps it was through forgetfulness , when he left him out of the Catalogue of Pythagoras's Disciples . Zaleucus and Charondas he hath in the Catalogue ; for which , he hath not only Porphyry on his side , who tells us from Nicomachus , that by these he gave Laws to their people ; but also in Diogenes Laertius there is a mention of them to this purpose . But Jamblichus of his own head reckons both these among them that came Young to be Pythagoras's Disciples when he was Old : which is no truer of them than of Zamolxis ; for these also were much ancienter than Pythagoras . Zaleucus lived Olymp. XXIX , according to Eusebius's Chronicon . Of Charondas you have shewn that he was the Scholar of Zaleucus , or as others say , older than he . So that , if these three were Pythagoras's Disciples , it must have been some time after the Wars of Troy , before his Soul came into that Samian Body of his ; which , if it could be made out , would be a wonderfull proof of his Doctrine of Transmigration . They reckon three other Disciples of Pythagoras , on whom he set no ordinary value , if it be true that they tell us of the Names that he gave them . These three were Epimenides , by him Surnamed Purger ; Empedocles , call●d Wind-charmer ; and Abaris , called Sky-rider . And very fine Stories they tell of the reasons of his giving them these Names : all tending to this , that he imparted to them some of those Romantick Powers which these Historians were pleas'd to ascribe to Pythagoras . I indeed call'd them Lyes , but I shall ask their pardon , if I do not prove that they belye Pythagoras in what they say of these his Disciples . First , for Epimenides , whom both Porphyry and Jamblichus do reckon among his Disciples ; there is much more probability in what Laertius says , that makes him one of the Masters of Pythagoras . But certainly Jamblichus over-shot himself , in saying that he also came a young man when Pythagoras was old . And both he and his Master are extravagant in making Pythagoras Teach him to conjure . For Epimenides , as all Writers agree , had purged Athens , whence he had the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before he could see Pythagoras , who , as they say , gave him that Name . And he was a very Old man when he died . And that was either before Pythagoras was born , or not many years after . See my account of him in the year 594 before Christ. To fetch Empedocles into his School , they seem to stretch hard on the other hand . For , though all agree that he was of the Pythagorean Sect , yet that ever he was taught by Pythagoras , seems very improbable . That Alcidamas said this , is true : but he makes Empedocles a hearer of Anaxagoras , either first , or together with Pythagoras . This could not be ; because Pythagoras was Dead , either before , or a very little after the Birth of Anaxagoras . See my account of him in the year 500 before Christ. But that Empedocles came too late into the World to be at all a Disciple of Pythagoras , it sufficiently appears by the accounts we have of him in D. Laertius . Who saith , that he flourish'd in Olymp. LXXXIV , and that Aristotle saith he died at LX years old ; tho' others of less credit say he lived LXXVII , or CIX years . But if he was in the flower of his Age in the LXXXIVth Olympiad , that is above LX years after Olymp. LXVIII , 3. in which I place the death of Pythagoras ; or placing it in Olymp. LXX , 4. which is but IX years after , and that is the lowest I can go : I must needs say , Empedocles was a very young Conjurer , or he flourish'd in a very old Age : or , which I rather believe , there is no credit to be given to these two Historians . This will farther appear by the account they give of Abaris , whom also they make a great Conjurer , and train'd up to it by Pythagoras . So much Porphyry had said . But Jamblichus much out-does his Master . For having told us that Abaris came for improvement in knowledge into Greece ; he saith , that in his way home from thence , being now well stricken in years , he came to see Pythagoras in Italy . There he gave Pythagoras the Arrow upon which he used to ride aloft in the Air : though elsewhere he saith Pythagoras took away his Arrow , and kept it till he made him confess all he cared to know of him . When there in Italy they had spent as much time together as Jamblichus pleas'd , then he brings them to Agrigentum in Sicily ; and there he sets them to try if they can work any good upon Phalaris . In his 32d Chapter Jamblichus sheweth his Talent in the making of Speeches for them , and of Answers for Phalaris ; till they came to be upon ill terms . Then he makes Phalaris resolve to kill them both ; and he makes them for prevention set the People against him ; by whom , he saith , Phalaris was kill'd the same day that he had determin'd to kill both Pythagoras and Abaris . Now this is so fine a Romance , that it is pity there should be no truth in it ; but only that there was such a City , and that there were such Persons . It is civil to grant that in the time of Pythagoras there was such a one as Abaris living , though Authors differ much about the time of his coming into Greece . For as Harpocration tells us , Hippostratus placed it in Olymp. III , others in Olymp. XXI . Pindar in the time of King Croesus ; and Euseb. Chronicon hath it twice , namely there , and in Olymp. LXXXII . But granting that Abaris was in Greece in Croesus's time , which is the only time that consists with Jamblichus's story : Then , according to Euseb. Chronicon , his coming was in Olymp. LIV , 2. that was while Pythagoras was abroad in his Travels , according to Jamblichus's Account , which makes his coming into Italy to be in Olymp. LXII ; that is , full XXX years after . By this time Abaris , though he came out of Greece with him , must needs be very well stricken in years : much more , if he came after Pythagoras was setled in Italy . But what becomes of Phalaris the mean while ? See in my account , 572 before Christ. There it appears , the latest we can bring Phalaris to die , is in Olymp. LVII , 4. that is XVI years before Jamblichus makes Pythagoras come into Italy . After this , Phalaris could neither kill , nor be kill●d , but in a Romance ; and I take all this Story of Jamblichus to be no other . For the rest of the 218 Names of Disciples in his Catalogue , I can bring none of them within the time of Pythagoras's Life , but Milo , and Parmenides , whom I mention in my account in the years 539 , and 504 before Christ. There are scarce two more of them that ever saw Pythagoras , for ought that appears in any good Author : though here are the names of several more that were Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect. Yet even these , together with them before mention'd , will not make up the odd number of eighteen . For the other two hundred , I take them to be insignificant Names , invented by Jamblichus only out of vain Ostentation . To conclude , I do not lay any weight at all upon the Testimony of Jamblichus , nor much on that of his Master Porphyry , where he doth not mention his Author . But I quote them sometimes in the following account , as in a History of the British Kings I would Geoffry of Monmouth . But then naming my Author , for want of a better , where I think what he says may be true , I should leave all I said from him to the reader , with a perfect indifference whether he believ'd him or not . With the like indifference , as to every thing but what I have Scripture for , I commit these Papers into your hands ; desiring you to take them only as my Opinion , which is all that you ask of , SIR , Your Affectionate Friend , and Servant , W. Cov. and Lich. Mar. 30. 1699. A Chronological Account Of the LIFE of PYTHAGORAS , AND Of other Famous Men his Contemporaries . Pythagoras's Age OF Pythagoras the Samian Philosopher Years before Christ Olympiads there is nothing said by any of the Ancients , that I know , which can make us think he was born before Olymp XLIII , save only that of Plin. Nat. Hist. II. 8. who says , that in Olymp. XLII , and V. C. 142 , he first found that Venus was sometimes the Morning Star , and sometimes the Evening Star. But it is not improbable that in this Pliny might mistake Pythagoras for his Master Thales , of whom see the year 585 before Christ. N. PYTHAGORAS born this year , if Years before Christ 605 Olympiads 43 , 3 , 4. he was the same that is here mention'd in the year 588 before Christ. This year also suits best with Antilochus's Account , which follows in 583 before Christ. Years before Christ 604 Olympiads 44 Θ. Nabopolassar King of Babylon . Next his Son Nabocolassar or Nebuchadnezzar , who had reigned about two years with his Father . This year Jan. 21 , was his first Thoth , according to Ptol. Canon . Years before Christ Olympiads 45 N. PHERECYDES , born this year . Suidas . He was born in the Isle of Syrus one of the Cyclades . Strabo x. Pythagoras was at first his Disciple . Cicero Tusc. Qu. I. Diod. Sic. Excerpt . and many others . Years before Christ 594 , 3. Olympiads 46 , 3. SOLON was this year Archon at Athens . Diog. Laert. from Sosicrates . So Euseb. Chronicon in 1 MS. Clem. Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith , he was Archon in Olymp. XLVI . He made his Laws in the time of Tarquinius Priscus . A. Gellius XVII , 21. He made them the year that he was Archon , and that with the help of EPIMENIDES , who came thither from Crete , and having expiated the City in Olymp. XLIV , as Suidas saith , or in Olymp. XLV , as Eus. Chron. Pontaci , or Olymp. XLVI , as Laertius , returned home , and died soon after . D. Laert. l. 110 , being 154 years old , as Xenophanes said he had heard . Ib. III. of Xenophanes see in the year 540 before Christ. Years before Christ 592 Olympiads 47 ANACHARSIS Scytha now came to Athens , Eucrates being Archon . D. Laert. 1. 101. Years before Christ 588 Olympiads 48 Pythagoras Samius offer'd himself to play at Fisticuffs among the Boys at the Olympic Games ; but having long Hair , and wearing Purple , he was rejected with Reproach . Therefore he went from them among the Men ; and there offering himself at the same Exercise , he was Victor . This was our Philosopher , according to D. Laert. VIII , 48. who hath all this from Eratosthenes , Favorinus , and Theaetetus . Iamblichus hath the same ; and many others . Eratosthenes says farther , that our Philosopher was the first that boxed according to Art. Yet D. Laert. cites a Poet , that saith this was Pythagoras , Son of Crateus . Hesychius saith , they are mistaken that think it was the Philosopher . Pythagoras's Age 1 N. PYTHAGORAS , Son of Mnesarchus , Years before Christ 586 , 5. Olympiads 48 , 3. ( descended from Hippasus , who was formerly of Phlius ) by Pythaïs , who was descended from Ancaeus one of the Planters of Samos . There most Writers say he was born : though Porphyry would have him born at Tyre , and Jamblichus at Sidon , perhaps as being the ancienter City . It seems there were other Pretenders to the honour of being his Countrymen : for Joseph . in Ap. 11. saith , it is as hard to tell his Country as Homer's But yet it is harder to tell the year of his Birth . I am doubtfull whether it ought not to be the year 605 before Christ. But I rather place it here , for Reasons that will appear afterwards in the years 506 and 497 before Christ. Pythagoras's Age 2 Θ. PERIANDER died 40 years before Years before Christ 585 Olympiads 48 , 4. Croesus , and 1 year before Olymp. XLIX . D. Laert. 1 , 95. from Sosicrates . He had reigned at Corinth 44 years . Arist. Pol. v , 12. Of the VII Wise men of Greece , he was the first that died . The other VI were Thales , Solon , Cleobulus , Chilo , Bias , and Pittacus , thus reckon'd by Diog. Laert. Prooem . 13 , and 1.40 , 1 , 2. Olympiads 48 , 4. THALES this year foretold an Eclipse of Pythagoras's Age 2 the Sun. He was the first among the Greeks that could do this . Cicero de Divin . I. Years before Christ 583 , 2. Olympiads 49 , 2. Pythagorae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to Antilochus , Pythagoras's Age 4 who in his History of Learned Men reckon'd 312 years from hence to Epicurus's death , which was ( 270 years before Christ ) Olymp. CXXVII , 2. Gamelion 10. Cic. de fato . D. Laert. X , 15. and Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Years before Christ 580 , 79. Olympiads 50 N. ARISTEAS Proconnesius was born this Pythagoras's Age 7 Olymp. Suidas . It was after Olymp. L. that Pythagoras came into Italy , saith D. Halicarn . lib. 11. p. 120. But H. Valesius , and Menagius think this is a mistake of Olymp. N̄ . instead of Olymp. Ξ Years before Christ 578 Olympiads 50 , 3. Θ. Tarquinius Priscus died . Next King Pythagoras's Age 9 Servius Tullius . Dion . Hal. III. Years before Christ 572 Olympiads 52 Began the Tyranny of PHALARIS , according Pythagoras's Age 15 to Suidas , and Eus. Chron. Pontaci , which saith it continued 16 years . Eus. Chron. in a former account hath his Tyranny , according to Scaliger's Edition , beginning Olymp. XXXI , 2 , and ending Olymp . XXXVIII , 2. Here also according to Scaliger it should be LIII , 4. Pythagoras's Age 15 ANACREON Teius lived in this Olymp. Olympiads 52 It was in Polycrates's time . Suidas . Pythagoras's Age 15 AESOP the Fable-maker now flourish'd . Olympiads 52 D. Laert 1 , 72. Pythagoras's Age 17 Θ. PITTACUS died at Mitylene . D. Laert . Years before Christ 570 Olympiads 52 , 3. 1 , 79. Pythagoras's Age 17 Pythagoras , being 18 years old , went Years before Christ 568 , 7. Olympiads 53 , 1. to travel as on the account of his Studies . Jamblichus c. 2. for which , by Thales , he was advised to go to Aegypt . Ib. D. Laert . VIII , 2. saith , he was then a young Man , and addicted to Learning . But his going for Aegypt , was to avoid the growing Tyranny of Polycrates . Strabo XIV . and Jamblichus c. 2. Yet Polycrates writ a Letter in his Commendation to King Amasis , being his Friend and Hospes , desiring him to get him instructed by the Aegyptian Priests . D. Laert. and Porph. from Antipho . Iamblichus c. 2. saith , he went first to Pherecydes , then to Anaximander , then to Thales . Id. c. 3. then to Sidon , to Byblus , to Tyre , and many other Cities of Syria : in all which places he was initiated . Then he took Ship for Aegypt : but by the way he landed , and went up Mount Carmel . Iamblichus , c. 3. He came into Aegypt . Isocr . de laud. Busiridis . Cic. de finibus v. Strab. XIV . Plin. XXV , 2. Lucian , Tatian , Clem. Alex . He gave Polycrates's Letter to Amasis , and obtained Amasis's Letter to the Aegyptian Priests . D. Laert. and Porph. from Antipho . With this Letter he came first to them of Heliopolis : they sent him to them of Memphis , their Seniors : they to the Diospolites ; who at first were very shy ; but , fearing to displease Amasis , they undertook him , thinking at first to balk him with their Austerities . But he underwent all , saith Porphyry from Antipho . He was circumcised , and initiated in their Sacred Rites . Clement . Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He learnt the Aegyptian Language , he learnt their three sorts of Letters . They admitted him to their Sacrifices , and Exercises of Learning ; which none ever obtain'd before . D. Laert. from Antipho . He learnt of their Priests the manner of their Sacrifices , and their religious Rites . Isocr . de l. Busir . He read the Books of their ancient Priests , Clem. Alex. He learnt their Geometry , and Astronomy . Jambl. c. 4. He got the Observations of infinite Ages . Valer. Maximus , VIII , 7. He was in Aegypt a long time , as all confess . Plut. Q. Symposiac . VIII , 8.22 years saith Jambl. c. 4. This I believe was all the time of his Eastern Travels . He also went to the King of Arabia , and learnt all he could there . Porph. Strabo XIV . p. 439 , 18 , &c. saith , from A●gypt he went to Babylon . There he was with the Chaldees and Magi. D. Laert. There at Babylon he learnt of several of the Chaldees ; particularly of Zabratus , by whom he was purged from all the Desilements of his former Life . Porph. He was Disciple of Nazaratus the Assyrian . Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He went to the Persian Magi. Cic. de finibus V. Plin. XXV , 2. Of them he learnt matters of their Religion , and way of Living . D. Laert. from Lycus . There he came to learn and understand the Jewish knowledge , particularly their Oniromancy . Porphyry from Diogen . In his return from Babylon , he came to Crete to get Minos's Laws . Justin , V , 4. After his being with the Chaldees and Magi , he was there in Crete with Epimenides . D. Laert. VIII , 3. He was purged by the Priests of Morgus , one of the Idaean Dactyli . Porph. He went into the Idaean Cave . Ib. The Priests there have the Verses that he made on the Sepulchre of Jupiter . Ib. After his return from Babylon , he came home to Samos . Strabo XIV . So D. Laert. and Porph. from Antipho . There he open'd a School in a place call'd in Antipho's time , Pythagorae Hemicyclus . D. Laert . and Porph. from Antipho . There he also had a Cave without the Town , into which he retir'd for his Studies . Id. and Id. This is the summ of what we read of the Life of Pythagoras for the space of 22 years , that is , as I account it , from the year before Christ 568 , till the year 546 before Christ. Pythagoras's Age 24 ABARIS Priest of Apollo Hyperboreus , Years before Christ 563 , 2. Olympiads 54 , 2. came into Greece . Eus. Chron. Scaligeri , and two MSS. Other MSS bring him 10 years sooner . Harpocration from Pindar faith , he came in the time of Croesus . Years before Christ 562 Olympiads 54 , 2 , 3. The first COMEDY at Athens was made Pythagoras's Age 24 by Susarion , and acted upon a movable Scaffold . Chron. Marmor . Years before Christ 561 Olympiads 54 , 3 , 4. Θ. Nabocolassar or Nebucadnezzar King of Babylon . Next his Son Iluarodam or Evil Merodach . This year Jan. 1● . was his first Thoth according to Ptolemee's Canon . Years before Christ 561 Olympiads 54 , 3 , 4. CROESUS began his Reign of 14 years . Pythagoras's Age 25 Herod . 1.86 . PISISTRATUS was now Tyrantat Athens . Chron. Marm. Θ. AESOP died . Eus. Chron. CLEOBULUS was yet living at Lindus , if his Epistle to Solon be true , which we have in D. Laert. 1.93 . Years before Christ 560 Olympiads 55 Θ. Astyages King of Media . Next his Pythagoras's Age 26 Son Cyaxares . Xen. 1. Scripture calls him Darius the Mede . Africanus saith all agree that Cyrus Son of Cambyses , by Mandane , Daughter of Astyages , began his Reign over the Persians in Olymp. LV. Years before Christ 559 Olympiads 55 , 1 , 2. Θ. Iluarodam kill'd by his Sister's Husband Neriglissoroor . Beros . Next King of Babylon ; this Neriglissoroor or Nergal-sharezer . His first Thoth was Jan. 10. this year in Ptol. Canon . Years before Christ 559 Olympiads 55 , 1 , 2. Θ. SOLON died in Cyprus this Spring . Pythagoras's Age 27 See it proved in VSS. Annals . He died 2 Pisistrati Plut. in Solon . Years before Christ 557 Olympiads 55 , 4. N. SIMONIDES born this year ; for he Pythagoras's Age 30 was 80 years old in Olymp. LXXVI , when Adimantus was Archon , as himself saith ▪ and so Chron. Marm. Years before Christ 556 Olympiads 56 Θ. PHALARIS died this year , if he began , Pythagoras's Age 31 as is above-said , in Olymp. LII ; or if in Olymp. LIII , 4 , then he died seven year later . The people of Agrigentum rose against him , and kill'd him . Cic. Offic . 11. Pythagoras's Age 31 Θ. STESICHORUS died this year . Suidas . Years before Christ 556 Olympiads 56 The lowest account of his death in Eus. Chron. is Olymp. LVI , 2. the highest is Olymp. LIV , 4. This year Euthydemus was Archon at Years before Christ 556 Olympiads 56 Athens . Chron. Marm. And the year that he was Archon , CHILO was Ephorus at Lacedaemon . D. Laert. 1.68 from Sosicrates . Θ. Laborosoarchod Son of Neriglissoroor Years before Christ 555 Olympiads 56 , 2. having reigned 9 Months after his Father . Next King of Babylon , Nabonadius or Labynitus , called Belshazzar in Scripture . His first Thoth was Jan. 9 , according to Ptol. Canon . Pythagoras's Age 36 N. CONFUTIUS born this year , the Years before Christ 551 Olympiads 57 , 2. great Philosopher of the Chineses . Martin . Hist. Sin. Pythagoras's Age 39 Croesus past over the River Halys on a Years before Christ 548 Olympiads 58 Bridge built by the art of Thales . Herod . 1.75 . and so lost himself and his Kingdom , after 14 years Reign . Herod . 1 , 86. that was this year according to my account from Herodotus . Pythagoras's Age 39 Θ. THALES died this year , saith D. Laert . Olympiads 58 1.38 . and Eus. Chron. Scal. & Pont. from 4 MSS. He was born in Olymp. XXXV , and died 90 years old . D. Laert. 1 , 38.91 years old , saith Chron. Paschale . Pythagoras's Age 39 ANAXIMANDER succeeded him in the Ionic Olympiads 58 School . D. Laert. Prooem . Now flourish'd LASUS of Hermione , that first wrote of Musick . Schol. Arist. in Vespas . Years before Christ 547 Olympiads 58 , 2. NOW ANAXIMANDER was famous , being 64 years old ; and he died a little after , Pythagoras's Age 40 saith Diog. Laert. II , 2. from Apollodorus . He flourish'd chiefly under Polycrates Tyrant of Samos . Ib. XENOPHANES lived in his time . D. Laert. IX , 18. But his Successor in the School was ANAXIMENES . XANTHUS the Lydian Historian liv'd at the time when Sardes was taken . Suidas . Years before Christ 546 , 5. Olympiads 58 , 3. Pythagoras , being 40 years old , and seeing it was not for a Freeman to live in his Country under the Tyranny of Polycrates , which was now stricter than formerly ; thereupon thought of going into Italy . D. Laert. and Porph. from Aristoxenus ; and Strabo XIV . without the year . In his way thither he went to Delos , where he writ those Verses on Apollo's Sepulchre . Porph. from Diog. He went to Lacedaemon for the Laws of Lycurgus . Iust. V , 4. He came to Phlius the ancient Country of his Family . There being asked by Leo , Tyrant of that City , what Profession he was of , he said , of none ; but that he was a Philosopher . See the rest in Cic. Tusc. Qu. V. or in D. Laert . Prooem . 12. who saith this was at Sicyon , and who makes Leo Tyrant of Sicyon and Phlius . Both Cic. and D. Laert. Prooem . have it from Heraclides . But D. Laert. VIII , 8. hath much the same story from Sosicrates , Pythagoras went also to Delphi to give the more authority to his Laws , by pretending that he receiv'd them from Theoclea , or Themistoclea , the Priestess of Apollo in that place . D. Laert. VIII . 7 , 21. from Aristoxenus . Porphyry calls her Aristoclea . Being come into Italy , he lived there all the rest of his life . Strabo XIV . He taught there 40 years wanting one , saith Jamb . c. 36 , who makes his whole Life very near 100 years . Ib. He stay'd 20 years at Croton , then went to Metapontum , where he died . Justin , XX , 5. At Croton he began the Italic School , which grew old at Metapontum , saith Clem. Alex . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Croton was then in great Glory for having so many of Pythagoras's Scholars in it , among whom was Milo the most famous Athleta : Strabo IV. Dion . Halicarn . saith Pythagoras was in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , four Generations after Numa . It is to be considered , whether he reckons from the beginning of his Reign , which was in Olymp. XVI , 3. or whether from the end , which was Olymp. XXVII , I. Plut in the Life of Numa saith , Pythagoras came into Italy almost five Ages after Numa . Livy 1.18 . saith , he came into Italy above 100 years after Numa ; accounting no doubt from his death in 672 before Christ. Livy saith farther , it is certain , that in the time of Servius Tullius , Pythagoras had his Colleges of Disciples at Metapontum , Heraclea , and Croton , as above-mention'd . Years before Christ 545 Olympiads 58 , 4. Now the Medes were coming up against Pythagoras's Age 42 the Ionians , of which Anaximenes writes to Pythagoras , who was then at Croton , and had his house full of Scholars out of Italy and Sicily , if the Epistle be genuine . D. Laert. II , 5. Years before Christ 544 Olympiads 59 PHERECYDES was yet living . D. Laert. Pythagoras's Age 43 I , 121. Now he flourish'd according to Eus. Chron. He lived in the time of my Gentilis , ( that is , of Servius Tullius , ) saith Cicero , Tusc. Qu. I. THEOGNIS the Poet of Megara flourish'd now . Eus. Chron. Pontaci . Years before Christ 541 Olympiads 59 , 4. BIAS was yet living , if that be true Pythagoras's Age 46 which is said of him in Herod . 1. that he advised the Iones to leave their Country to the Medes , and go all to Sardinia . Years before Christ 540 Olympiads 60 Pythagoras now flourish'd . D. Laert. Pythagoras's Age 47 VIII . 45. Now also XENOPHANES Colophonius flourish'd D. Laert. IX . 20. of whom see before in 547 , before Christ. He was now at least 80 years old , according to Sextus Empiricus , and Clem. Alex. from Apollodor . that place him in Olymp. XL. But he was a Writer till after he was 98 years old . D. Laert. IX . 19. Now IBYCUS , the Poet of Rhegium , came to Samos . Eus. Chron. Scalig. & Pontac . Years before Christ 538 Olympiads 60 , 2 , 3. After Belshazzar's being slain in the taking of Babylon by the Armies of Darius and Cyrus , the next King of Babylon was Darius or Cyaxares according to Xenophon . His Reign being short , he is omitted in the Canon , and there the next is Cyrus , whose Thoth was Jan. 5. Θ. Cambyses Father of Cyrus in Persia , Years before Christ 536 Olympiads 61 and Θ Cyaxares in Media . Xenophon . VIII . according to whom this is the first of the seven years reign of Cyrus at Babylon . Pythagoras's Age 51 Pythagoras was now famous in Italy , Years before Christ 536 Olympiads 61 Thericles being Archon at Athens . Diod. Sic. Excerpta . p. 241. The first TRAGEDY at Athens , was made by Thespis , and acted on a Wagon , in Olymp. LXI . Suid. See Chron Marm. Pythagoras's Age 53 Θ. Servius Tullius died this year . Liv. Years before Christ 534 Olympiads 61 , 3. 1.48 . After whom the next Roman King was Tarquinius Superbus . In this Tarquin's time Pythagoras came into Italy according to Cic. Tusc. Qu. I. and A. Gellius , XVII , 21. Pythagoras's Age 55 Eus. Chron. hath this year Polycrates , Years before Christ 532 Olympiads 62 and his two Brothers Syloson and Pantagnotus Tyrants together at Samos . But Polycrates drove out his two Brothers soon after . Now in Polycrates's time Pythagoras flourish'd . Tatian . p. 174. B. Clem. Alex . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyril . contra Julian . II. In this Olympiad , in which Eryxias was Victor ; Pythagoras came into Italy , saith Jambl. c. 7. He was now famous , saith Eus. Chron. Pythagoras's Age 58 Cyrus being now dead , his Son Cambyses Years before Christ 529 Olympiads 62 , 3 , 4. is King of Persia. His first Thoth was Jan. 3. according to Ptol. Canon . Pythagoras's Age 59 Θ. PISISTRATUS Tyrant of Athens died Years before Christ 528 Olympiads 63 after a Reign of 33 years , tho' twice interrupted in that time . Arist. Polit. V. 12. Next was his Son HIPPARCHUS , a great lover of Learning . He first brought Homer's Poems to Athens . Plato in Hipparcho . Years before Christ 527 Olympiads 63 , 1 , 2. According to Justin , XX , 5. Pythagoras Pythagoras's Age 60 after he had been 20 years in Italy , removed from Croton to Metapontum , and died there . It was at Metapontum , that as the Fablers say , having taken his Disciple Abaris's Arrow , he rode upon it in the Air from thence to Taurominium in one day , though some days sailing distant from one another . Ponph . and Jambl. They tell us , that there at Metapontum , he had a noble house , which was afterwards the Temple of Ceres , and a School . which was call'd the Museum . Iambl . c. 30. Years before Christ 525 Olympiads 63 , 3 , 4. Θ. Amasis King of Aegypt . He died Pythagoras's Age 62 Olymp. I. XIII , 3. when Cambyses was coming against Aegypt . Diod. Sic. 1. The next King Psammenitus after 6 Months was kill'd , and Aegypt conquer'd by Cambyses . Herod . III. Years before Christ 525 Olympiads 63 , 4. N. the Poet AESCHYLUS was born . Chr. Pythagoras's Age 62 Marm. Years before Christ 523 Olympiads 64 , 2. Θ. POLYCRATES Tyrant of Samos died Pythagoras's Age 64 a few days before Cambyses King of Persia . Herod . III. 120. about V. C. 238. Plin. XXXIII , 1. Years before Christ 522 Olympiads 64 , 2 , 3. Θ. Cambyses King of Persia. Next King Smerdis Magus was kill'd after seven Months . Next was Darius Son of Hystaspes . His first Thoth was 521. Jan. 1. according to Ptolemey's Canon . Years before Christ 520 Olympiads 65 N. The Poet PINDAR was born Suidas . Pythagoras's Age 67 Years before Christ 515 Olympiads 66 , 2. Θ. PHERECYDES died now , for he was Pythagoras's Age 72 born Olymp. XLV . Suid. and lived 85 years . Lucian in Macrob. He was eat up with Lice . Arist. Hist. Animal . V. 30 ▪ and that for his Blasphemy . Aelian . IV , 28. Serpents came out of his Body . Plin. VII , 5. Pythagoras , who had been his Disciple , now hearing that he was dying in Delos , went out of Italy thither , and did all he could to recover him : and when he was dead , bury'd him as his Father , and then return'd into Italy . Diod. Sic. Excerpt . That he dy'd in Delos , see Apul. Florid. II. Aelian IV. Hist. 28. Porph. and Jambl. Duris Samius saith he died in Samos , follow'd by D. Laert. I , 119. where also he quotes Heraclides for it . Porphyry saith , that Pythagoras went to Delos from Samos , and return'd to Samos . But he saith afterwards , that it was in Pythagoras's Absence on this occasion at Delos , that Cylon rais'd the Mob , v. infra 497 , 6. before Christ. ( These things do not agree . ) Pythagoras's Age 74 Θ. HIPPARCHUS kill'd by Harmodius Years before Christ 513 Olympiads 66 , 4. and Aristogiton . Thucyd. I , and VI. Then was Pythagoras in Italy . A. Gell. XVII , 21. Pythagoras's Age 78 By Pythagoras's advice the people of Years before Christ 509 Olympiads 67 , 4. Croton would not deliver up some of Sybaris that had fled to their Altars for Protection against their own people . Whereupon a War follow'd , in which 300000 of the Sybarites were overcome by Milo with 100000 of Croton , who after this Victory destroy'd the City of Sybaris . Diod . Sic. Olymp. LXXXIII , 3. where he saith , this happen'd 58 years before , and 5 years , that is in all 63 years before . Therefore I place it in Olymp. LXVII , 4. This Milo was Disciple of Pythagoras , and had been 6 times Victor in the Olympic Games . Ib. and often at the other publick Games . Years before Christ 508 Olympiads 68 When Brutus deliver'd Rome , Pythagoras Pythagoras's Age 79 was yet in Italy , saith Cic. Tusc. Qu. IV. Solinus c. 16. by mistake saith , then he came into Italy . Years before Christ 506 , 5. Olympiads 68 , 3. Θ. PYTHAGORAS died . Eus. Chron. in Pythagoras's Age 81 2 MSS. having lived 80 years , according to his own account of the four parts of mans life , consisting each of 20 years . D. Laert. 1 , 44. from Heraclides . This account of his Age Menage takes to be the most likely , because Lucian doth not reckon Pythagoras among the long-liv'd men ; as probably he would if Pythagoras had lived 90 years , as most say , according to D. Laert. Ib. much more , if he had lived , as Jamblichus saith , very near 100 ; or as Tzetzes says , perhaps from Jamblichus , 100 wanting one ; or according to the nameless Writer in Photii Biblioth . CCXLIX . 104 years ; or according to a nameless Writer in Galen's Works 117 years . But if the Reader is not yet tir'd , I will go on with him to the end of the 90 years , which is as far as I see any ground . Years before Christ 505 , 4. Olympiads 68 , 4. Here the Death of Pythagoras is plac'd in one MS of Eus. Chron. Years before Christ 504 Years before Christ 69 HERACLITUS now flourish'd . D. Laert. Pythagoras's Age 83 IX . beginning . PARMENIDES now flourish'd . D. Laert. IX , 23. Now Cynaethus Chius first rhapsodied Homer's Verses . Schol. in Pindar . Nem. B. Years before Christ 502 Olympiads 69 , 2. HECATAEUS the Historian flourish'd ; Pythagoras's Age 85 for now he endeavour'd to disswade Aristagoras from taking Arms against Darius King of Persia , Herodot . V. 36. Pythagoras's Age 87 N. ANAXAGORAS the Philosopher Years before Christ 500 Olympiads 70 born this year . D. Laert. II , 7. from Apollodorus . This is confirm'd by Democritus saying of himself , tha●●e was 40 years younger than Anaxagora● D. Laert. V. 41. for Democritus was born Olymp. LXXX . Ib. Pythagoras's Age 89 Mariana's Copy of Eus. Chron. places Years before Christ 498 , 7. Olympiads 70 , 3. the death of Pythagoras this year . Pythagoras's Age 90 Θ. PYTHAGORAS died Eus. Chron. Scal. Years before Christ 497 , 6. Olympiads 70 , 4. and Pontac . from 4 MSS. Most say he lived 90 years . D. Laert. III. 44. The accounts of his death are various . The likeliest is that which we have in the Excerpta of Diod. Sic. Porphyry , and Jambl. c. 35. They tell how one Cylon of Croton , a rich , ambitious , boisterous man , having offer'd himself to be taken into the College , and being refus'd , was thereby so enraged , that he got the Mob together , and fell upon Milo's house , when Pythagoras and his Disciples were all there together , and burnt the house , and all that were in it , except two or three that narrowly escaped . Some say Pythagoras was one of them that were burnt there . Others say , he escaped out of the Fire , and was kill'd in pursuit . Others , that he fled to Caulonia , thence to Locri , thence to Tarentum ; but being no where receiv'd , at last he went to Metapontum , and there got into the Muses Temple , where being kept from Victuals 40 days , he was starved . Hermippus , whom Josephus calleth the most eminent Writer of Pythag. Life , hath a most unlikely story of his death . He saith that being ingag'd with ●he Agrigentines against the Syracusans , and his Party , being worsted , he was taken in Flight because he would not run over a Bean Plot , and so was kill'd by the Enemy . D. Laert. hath an Epigram on his Death , according to this Story , which I think indeed is fitter for a Poet than an Historian . After his Death , those of his Disciples that were living , are said to have been dispersed into Greece , and the neighbouring Countries . And yet his Family is said to have continued at or about Croton . His Wife Theano was born there , according to Clem. Alex. from Didymus , and D. Laert. and Suidas . But Porphyry says she was of Crete . Some say that she , and her Son Telauges , revived or continued his School . Others say it was done by Aristaeus of Croton , that married his Daugh. Theano . His Son Arimnestus is mention'd by Porphyry from Duris Samius , and said to have taught Democritus the famous Philosopher . D. Laert . mentions his Son Marmacus , and D. Damo . Suidas seems to call that Son Mnesarchus , and also mentions his D. Arignote , and Myia . Another D. of his is call'd Sara . But of all these we have nothing that looks like a Certainty , in my opinion . FINIS . ERRATA . P. vii . l. 2. have also from . p. ix . l. 12. for LVII , r. LXII . p. 5. l. 1. for 5 2. r. 52. p. 10. l. 12.41 should be in lin . 15. p. 11. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . N. is here put for the Birth , and Θ. for the Death of any Person . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A48814-e220 * Jonsius de Script . Hist. Philos . VIII , 2. Herod 11. Diod. Sic. Philostr . vit . Apoll. Ty. iii. 6. Porph. p. 188. Porph. p. 201. Schol. in Sophoclis Electram . Diog. Laert VIII , 4. Schol. in Apoll. Argonaut I. D. Laert. VIII , 4. D Laert. VIII . 14. Porph. p. 191. Jambl. c. 28. Herod . II. Diog. Laert from Heraclides . Porph. p 191. D. Laert. VIII . 36. Philostr . III. 707. VI. 18. V. 15. Diog. Laert . VIII . 41. from Hermippus . Chrysost. Hom. II. in Joh. Cyril . in Julian III. Porph. p. 193. Jambl. c. 28. P. 194. Porph. p 191 , 192. Jambl. c. 28. Porph. ib. & Jambl. c. 13. Jambl . c. 28. Porph. p. 190. 1 Cor. I. 21. Acts IV. 13. V. Hierocl . infra , & Julian . Apost . in Spanheim's Edition of Cyril . lib. X. p. 327. John XX. 30 , 31. Mar. XVI . 20. 1 Cor. XV. 6. V. Uss. Annal . A. D. 54. & Pearson . Posthum . Act ▪ II. 32. IV. 33. V. 32. John IX . 47. Acts IV. 16. Mat. IX . 34. XII . 24. Mat. XXVI . 59 , 60. Luke XXIII . 14. Origen . contra Celsum . I. p. 30 , 55. II. p. 93 , 94. P. xx , xxv . Origen . contra Celsum . III. p. 126 , 127. & VIII p. 407. Origen contra Cels. I. p. 8. Orig. cont . Cels. I. P. xvii . Origin . contra Cels. III p. 125 , 129. Orig. cont . Cel. III. 125 , 129. Herod . IV. Orig cont . Cels. III. p. 129. Holstein de vitâ & scriptis Porph. c. 10. Hieron . praef . Dan. De vit . & scr . Porphyr c 4. Euseb. hist. VI. 19. Porph. v. Plotini , p. 4. Euseb. hist. VII . 12. VIII 4. Ho●st ib. c 10 De vit . & Scr. Porph. c. 7. p. xiii . Lact. de Justit . v. 2. Lact. de mort . perfec c 16. Euseb. de Mart. Palaest . c. 5. Eus. cont . Hier. Edit . Oxon . 8 o. p. 264. Gal. 6.11 . Act. 22.3 . Act. 26.24 . Rom. 3.8 . 2 Pet. 3.3 . 2 Tim 4.6 . 2 Pet. 1.14 . Philost . VIII . 12. Philost . I. 3. Ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. I , 3. I , 2. Philostr . Soph. II. p. 617. He writ a book of Love-Epistles . Suid. I , 1. IV , 3. IV. 8. Empusa . P. ix . C. 1 c. 1. IV. 3. IV. 5. III , 8. VI , 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . P. xxxi . I , 4. VIII , 12. I , 9. Tac● Ann. II. 42. Tac Annal II , 42. P. xxix . VIII , 12. VIII , 12. P. v. I , 1 , 2. Euseb. in Hier. I , ●3 . p. 25. I , 2 , 3. VII , 1. III , 13. Lucian in Pseudo-Mant . p. 476. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. xxx . P. xxix . Philost . Soph. II. p. ●●● Eus. hist VI. Phil. vit . Apol. l. 18 , 24. Sext. Empir . Pyrth . III , 24. I , 3. More 's Mystery of Godliness , IV , 3 , 4. V , 7 , 1. Phil. VIII . 13. Eus. hist. VI , 21. Lampr. Alex . A. § 29. Mystery of Godliness , V , 7 , 8. Vopisc . Divus Aurel . c. 24. Mr. Dodwell 's praelect . prooem . in hist. Aug. V. 6. V. Lact. de mort . perfec . Juliani Epist xxxiv ▪ xl , xli , liii , lx , lxi . Juliani Orat . IV. Crat VII . Ib. Jambl. vit . Pyth c. 2 p. 28. c. 2. p. 29. Ib. P. viii . p. vi , vii , viii . P. 43. c. 27. p. 127. c. 19. p. 94. P. xiii . c. 19. p. 94. c. 2. p. 31. l. 5. c. 4. p. 36. l. 27. c. 4. ending . c. 5. beginning . c. 7. p. 47. l. 23. c. 36. p. 220. l. 4. c. 30. p. 154. l. 22. c. 23. p. 103 ▪ l. 15. Herodot . IV , 56. c 23. p. 103. l. 11 , 15. Dissert . p. 362. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Porph. vit . Pyth. p. 193. Jambl. c. 28. p. 127 , 128. p. xi . VIII , 3. c. 23. p. 103. l. 15. D. Laert. VIII , 56. ibidem . VIII , 74. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. 19. p. 92. l. 32. p. 93. l. 10. c. 28. p. 131. l. 28. c. 36 p. 221 , &c. 
A29782	----	Nature's cabinet unlock'd wherein is discovered the natural causes of metals, stones, precious earths, juyces, humors, and spirits, the nature of plants in general, their affections, parts, and kinds in particular : together with a description of the individual parts and species of all animate bodies ... : with a compendious anatomy of the body of man, as also the manner of his formation in the womb / by Tho. Browne ... 1657 Approx. 270 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 170 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29782 Wing B5065 ESTC R16043 11730672 ocm 11730672 48387 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29782) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48387) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 17:4) Nature's cabinet unlock'd wherein is discovered the natural causes of metals, stones, precious earths, juyces, humors, and spirits, the nature of plants in general, their affections, parts, and kinds in particular : together with a description of the individual parts and species of all animate bodies ... : with a compendious anatomy of the body of man, as also the manner of his formation in the womb / by Tho. Browne ... Browne, Thomas, Sir, 1605-1682. [2], 331 p. Printed for Edw. Farnham ..., London : 1657. The authorship of this work was denied by Sir Thomas Browne, to whom it is apparently ascribed on the t.p.; the actual author is unidentified. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy of nature. Plants. Physiology -- Early works to 1800. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NATURE'S CABINET UNLOCK'D . Wherein is Discovered The natural Causes of Metals , Stones , Précious Earths , Juyces , Humors , and Spirits , The nature of PLANTS in general ; their Affections , Parts , and Kinds in Particular . Together with A Description of the Individual Parts and Species of all Animate Bodies , Similar and Dissimilar , Median and Organical , Perfect and Imperfect . With a compendious Anatomy of the Body of Man , As also the Manner of his Formation in the Womb. All things are Artificial , for Nature is the Art of God. By Tho. Brown D. of Physick . London , Printed for Edw. Farnham in Popes-head alley near Cornhil . 1657 OF PHYSIOLOGY , Treating of BODIES Perfectly mixed : With Comments thereupon . CHAP. 1. Of Metalls . 1. WE shall here Treat of those Bodies which are perfectly mixed , and substantial . 2. That Body is perfectly mixed , ●…hich is made solid by the Concretion of the Elements , and therefore daily grows harder and harder . 3. All the Elements do abide and are concentricated in a mixed Body , because all mixed Bodies are carried to a place of the Earth ; and therefore much of earth must needs be in them : And if earth be in them , then water , without which earth cannot consist ; for all Generation happens from their contraries ; so that if there be one contrary , it 's necessary that there should be an opposite contrary to that : Arist. lib. 2. De gen . & corrupt . c. 8. 4. And these Bodies are either Inanimate or Animate . 5. Inanimate bodies are such as are void of life ; As Metalls , Stones , precious Earths . 6. Metall is a body perfectly mixed , and Inanimate , of Sulphure and Quicksilver , gotten in the veins of the earth . 7. Sulphure and Quicksilver is often found in the veins of Metalls : and of these , for the variety of the temperament , and mutuall permission , the Professors of the Rosie Cross do adjudge Metalls to have their original . 8. They define Sulphure to be a Metallick matter , consisting of a subtill exhalation , fat , and unctuous , included in the earth . 9. Quicksilver , ( B ) is a Metallick matter , consisting of a vapour more subtil then water ; which is conglutinated with the earth , and cocted by the heat of Sulphure . 10 The Peripateticks will have a double vapour to lye hid in the bowels of the earth : the one dry , that is , more terrene then water ; the other moist and glutinous , that is , more watry then terrene ; and from these do Stones and Fossiles grow ; and these do produce proper Metall , Arist. 3. Met. c. 7. 11. The Chymists do not dissen●… from this opinion of Aristole : for he maketh the matter of Metalls to be a remote vapour ; They , a nearer matter , Sulphure and Quicksilver , which do grow from the aforesaid vapour , as the remote matter of Metalls . 12. The efficient Cause of Metall , is heat and cold ; for heat , whether Elementary or Celestial , doth animate , digest , and exactly mingle all portions of matter : which mass so temperated , and prepared for this or that kind of metall , doth grow by cold , and is condensated . 13. The place in which Metals are ingendered , is the bosom of the earth , Arist. 3. met . c. 7. 14. Many are made amongst Stones ; and that oftner in mountains then in plains ; for according to their solid●…ty , they do retain their colour better ; which is easily decayed and dispersed in plains , because of the softness of the earth . 15. If it be demanded , whether their form be one or more , ( C ) that is to say , whether they can be distinguished amongst themselves in specifical differences , which do effect divers and incommunicable forms amongst themselves : 16. To the latter , it is agreed , First , Because every Species hath its Essence , and that perfect : Secondly , Its Definition : Thirdly , Its Heats : Fourthly , It Strength and Use , Scal. Exer. 106. sect . 2. 17. But it is a great dispute amongst late writers , whether Metalls are Bodies Inanimate , or whether they Live ? It is most certain they perform no vitall action , as other bodies that are endowed with a vegetive soul ; therefore they are not Animated , Scal. Exer. 102. 18. But Metalls are either pure or impure . 19. Pure Metall is , when there is a perfect decoction exquisitely made ; as in Gold and Silver . 20. Gold ( E ) is a pure Metall , begotten of pure Quicksilver , fixed , red , and clear , and of pure red Sulphure ; not too hot , but well qualified . 21. This of all Metalls is the softest and tenderest , wanting fatness ; It is heavy , having a sweet , pleasant , and excellent sapor and odor . 22. But whether the Chymists , by the industry of art , can make true and approved Gold , it is a question much disputed of late ; yet in my opinion it is clear , that though it be very difficult , experience witnessing it , yet it is ●…ot altogether impossible : for if Art be a follower and imitator of Nature , I see not why ▪ Nature may not be imitated in framing of true Gold. 23. And whether it may be made potable , that is , so prepared , that it may be taken into the body without danger , is a great controversie between the Chymists and Galenists . 24. The favourers of Galen defend the Negative ; to which Scaliger doth subscribe , being perswaded with these two reasons . I. There is no similitude to be discerned between Gold and our Body , as there is between Aliment and Body to be nourished , II. Because Gold is more solid , then that it can be overcome by our heat , or changed from its substance . Scal. Exer. 272. 25. Silver is a pure Metall ( G ) begotten of clear Quicksilver , shining white ; and of pure Sulphure almost fixed . 26. Such Metalls are impure , which do consist of impure Sulphure and Mercury . 27. Of these , some have more of the Humor or Mercury , and some more of the Earth or Sulphure . 28. Lead and Tinn do participate more of the Humor . 29. Lead ( H ) is a Metall procreated of much crass , and less-pure Quicksilver , and burning Sulphure . 30. Its Species are various , according to the matter of which it consists , and the heat by which it is cocted . 31. And hence it is black or clear . 32. Black-lead doth consist of impure Quicksilver ; and it is less elaborate , therefore of a baser value . 33. Clear or White-lead , is fully cocted , and doth co●… somewhat of a more purer matter . 34. Tin ( I ) is a White-metal , begotten of much ( yet not so pure ) Quicksilver , outwardly white , but inwardly red ; and of impure Sulphure not well digested . 35. Brass and Iron , have more of Earth ; to which is added Copper . 36. Brass ( K ) is an impure Metall , begotten of much Sulphure , red and gross , and a little impure Quicksilver . 37. Cyprian Brass , is a Species of it , which doth grow copiously in the Island Cyprus ; whence it is called Cuprum . 38. Iron is ( L ) a Metall impure , begotten of much Sulphure , Crude , Terrestrial and burning ; and a little impure Quicksilver . 39. And although it 〈◊〉 hard , yet it is bruised with daily labor , because there goes to its generation less Quicksilver , or Humor , but more Sulphure or Terrene . 40. Copper is factitious Brass clarified , of the colour of Gold , or rather more yellow . 41. The Native is now of no use , and therefore by some rejected from the value of Metalls . 42. Though in times past , the Native was in much use , and more nobler by far then Brass : As Pliny witnesseth , L. 34. c. 2. The Commentary . ( A ) THe name Metall , is derived from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is to search , because it is sought for with much pains and cost , in the Veins and Caverns of the Earth . Pliny adjudges it to be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies near another ; because where one Vein is found of Metall , not far from thence another is found : For they have a kinde of sympathy with them , as Gold and Silver , Brass and Iron . Others are called Minerals , which are generated in the Veins , Pores , and Bowels of the Earth ; those are called Fossiles , which are digged out of the Earth . Fossiles are separated and distinguished from Metalls , by Aristotle 3. Met. ch . 7. because Fossiles are cast up out of the Earth , onely by digging , needing no other art , or further labor , for their discovery : But Metalls are much boyled , and separated by the fire , and purged several ways , as need requires . Now the definition of Metall delivered , doth consist of a genus and difference : The Genus is a Body , because a Metall doth receive three Dimensions ; the Difference contains four . In the first place , it is called a Body perfectly mixed , to the difference of Meteors ; for there is not so light a concourse of Elements in Metalls , as in Meteors . In the second place , it is called Inanimate , to difference it from Animate , as are Plants and Animalls ; whence Brighthus did right Comment in Scribonius , who defines Metallick-bodies , imperfectly to be called Animates : If they have a soul , they must have it perfectly , because the soul doth not receive more or less of quantity , but is the very perfection and absolution of a thing . The opinion therefore of Cardan is to be reproved , who asserts all Metalls to be perfect Animates ; but seeing they produce no vitall action , they cannot have a soul attributed unto them . In the third place , the matter of Metall is credited to be Sulphure and Quicksilver , which are as it were the Father and Mother of Metalls ; which two are mingled variously ; and from the mixtion of these two , are all Metalls imediately procreated . But Cardan resists this opinion , who denies that Metalls do consist of Sulphure and Quicksilver ; and that upon this account , because by the act of two Existents , a third cannot be made . Scaliger answers , Exer. 106. sect . 6. that it is the property of things mingled , that by the act of many Existents , a third to be made : And Cardan himself doth affirm , that Copper doth consist of Tinn and Brass , which are two , in one existent act . Aristotle following Plato in Timaeus , doth demonstrate of a double vapour doth lie hid in the bowels of the earth ; The one dry , that is more terrene then watry ; The other Humid and Glutinous , that is , more watry then terrene : From the former , he thinks hard Fossiles , as stones , to grow ; and from the latter , that which is properly called Metall . But this Controversie may easily be reconciled , if we say that these vapours or habits , are the more remote matter of Metalls ; but the proximate and proper , to to be Sulphure and Quicksilver : But let it seem strange to none , why such hard bodies , as Metalls are , should be generated of vapour ; for this vapour is Crass and Fumid : whence it happens , that in those Pits and Mines , where Metalls are digged , that many are suffocated and killed by those vapours ; and hence it is that those who are daily laborer●… therein , are ●…oxious to various Diseases and Catarrhs : But I say , that the matter of Metalls is not simply a vapour or watrish humor , but that which is more watry then earthy ; for the watry vapour , simply , cannot be the matter of Metalls : For how should they then cohere , or how come Metalls so solid ? Hence it is that they have certain mixed parts of that and slimy earth ; yet notwithstanding , they obtain more of water then of earth , because they may be powred out & melted ; which can never be done , without there be some inward moisture ; for it is the faculty of an humor to soften : & therfore those of them that have most humidity as Gold , Silver , &c. are the soonest powred out and melted ; but such as have but little humor , as Iron and Brass , are hard to be melted . But it is said in the definition , that Metalls are begot ( as by sperme ) of Sulphure and Quicksilver , mixed and tempered . In which words the efficient Causes are included , which are two , Heat and Cold ; Heat indeed doth precede , Cold follows the generation of Metalls : for Heat , whether Celestial or Elementary , doth mingle , digest , temper , and concoct , all the portions of the matter ; which mass so tempered , is rudely prepared for this or that kinde of Metall , and so grows and condenses with cold ; for because all Metalls are dissolved by the force of heat , then it remains , that they must be concreted by cold ; so that it is needful , that one contrary be the cause of another : What is more clearer to sence , then that which is soluble by heat , must needs condense by cold ? For if Gold , Silver , or Lead , be melted , and removed from the fire , they presently come into their pristine form ; for cold is the privation of heat ; and according to the various preparations of that mixtion , divers kindes of Metalls are gotten of the same Mass : for by how much more subtil and defaecate the matter is , by so much the more nobler and purer the Metall will be . In brief , all Heat and Splendor , and all the Excellency of Metalls , doth depend upon a decent and legitimate mixtion and temperation of the matter ; unto which the temperature of the Air , the soyl of the place , doth much profit ; for the various Influence and Efficacy of the Sun , Moon , and Stars , as in other things , so in the procreation of Metals , is of great moment : And hence it happens , that all sorts of Earth will not bear Metalls , although the matter of it be contained within it : So we see also in such Regions as are too dry , as Affrica , that Metalls will not easily be generated , because the matter , to wit , the moist vapour , doth not abound there ; nor in Regions too cold , will Gold or silver be found , but in places onely moist . Fourthly , In the definition , the Veins of the earth are the subject of Metalls ; for these are as it were the mothers of these Bodies : but sometimes they are found in stones , and that rather upon Mountains , then Plains ; in higher Places , rather then Groves : for according to their solidity , they do retain their colour better ; which in Plains is sooner dissipated , by reason of the softness of the earth . And this shall suffice for the explication of the Definition . ( B ) It is called quick , metaphorically , because it always moves . And it is called Mercury , because as Mercury is joyned to all the Planets , so this to all Metals ; or as Mercury turns round , so is this moveable : But why doth Quicksilver , like a drop of water , in powder , or dust , and also upon a dry substance , be globular and round ? The question is subtil and difficult . Cardan renders this reason : What things are dry , do fly from touching or mixing with their contrary ; and therefore in hatred thereof , is compelled into a globular form . This opinion is refuted by Scaliger , Exer. 105. 1. This happens not in a dry substance onely , but in water , which is moist . 2. That it will gather it self in the dust of Lead , and not fly from it , because Lead is like to the nature of Quicksilver ; and therefore it doth not fly from its nature , but rather desire it . 3. A drop of water , when it falls in the air , is globular and round , but doth not refuse the air which is moist ; therefore the flight from dryness , will not be the cause of its globular form , if it be the same in moistness : But the truest reason is taken from the material cause , to wit , Quicksilver , for its exquisite mixture of moist and dry , to be forced into one , and conglobulated : for pure water alone cannot be convolved into a globular form ; but if there be any thing of earth exquisitely mixed with water , then indeed it will be globular ; as we see in drops falling upon dust , with which assoon as any dust is mingled , it becomes round ; for from dryness it received a certain firmness to cause that roundness : From which Example , the substan●…e of Quicksilver may be easily understood , because it hath the same form , way , or station , in nature , as water gathered in dust ; therefore Quicksilver , according to the definition of Scaliger , is nothing else then a watry earth , or earthly water , not without much air : and I shall adde to these , another cause of conglobulation , both from the form and the end desumed : For whatsoever they be , they are always one ; but unity in its kinde , is excellently preserved in a globular form , because there is nothing different , nothing absent , no inequality ; and therefore Quicksilver , that it might better conserve its unity , it goes into a globular form . ( C ) It is a Controversie to this day agitated , whether Metalls are distinguished amongst themselves , in specificall differences , which do effect divers and incommunicable forms amongst themselves ; so that one kinde of metall cannot be changed or converted , into another : or rather , do they differ in the manner of perfection , and imperfection ? This last Tenent is defended by the Chymists ; to which , Cardan and Danaeus subscribe : The first the followers of Galen and Julius Scaliger defend . Reas. 1. Metals have their divers Definitions , divers Colours , Strength , Seats , Weights , and many such like differences between them . 2. In Species , what is imperfect cannot be reposed , or exist in any Species ; for the Essence of every thing , is indivisible ; but the Essence alone , is perfection , As Scaliger saith , Exer. 106. sect . 2. 3. Metalls , between themselves , are not changed ; therefore they have a proper and compleat Essence , and do differ in specificall forms . I confirm the proposition ; for either its nature must change , or art : But it doth not change its nature , because its place is not outward , as to operation ; then much less art , which is an imitator of nature . 4. Saith Scaliger , there are both other Metalls appointed by nature , that of them Gold should be made , and other Animates , that of them man may be made : Therefore it is not true , that Gold is the perfection of Metalls . So Thomas Erastus his second Part of dispute against Paracelsus , and Iacobus Albertus , and Thomas More . ( D ) In this place , that long controversed Point , whether Metalls live , or produce vitall action , as other Bodies do , that are endowed with a vegetable soul ? Cardan De subtil . lib. 5. pag. 150. doth affirm it ; and these are his reasons . 1. Every thing that is nourished , or generated , doth live : Every mingled Body is nourished , or at least generated ; therefore it lives . To this Scaliger answers , by denying the Proposition : The Tophus or Gravel-stone is generated , yet it doth not live , because it wants a soul ; therefore the name Generation is common to all things , generable and corruptible , as also to Inanimate and corporall Simples ; for this water is generated of the air , without a living soul. The second reason , which is judged the most valid , is this : Where there is heat , there is a soul ; where a soul , there is life . In a Stone there is heat , therefore also life and soul. The major is deniable ; for in fire there is heat , which notwithstanding wants a soul : the minor also is false ; for a stone is rather cold then hot . 3. Attraction comes from the soul ; the Loadstone attracts Iron , therfore it hath a soul , or is animated . Scaliger answers , That all attraction not to be from the soul , as is plain from fire , which doth gather and attract its kinde , neither is it animated . 4. Metalls have Veins and Pores , therefore the office and end of Veins ; the end is the passage of Aliment , but Aliment is onely of the soul. Scaliger answers , and denies the first , That there is no true Veins in Metalls , but rather certain Internalls , by which the parts are distinguished : and grant they were true Veins , and necessary , then they would be found in all Metalls , which are not in the most precious Metalls , as in Gold , the Adamant , and others ; therefore they are not true . 5. Metalls do grow , therefore they have a vegetable soul. I answer , Metalls do grow and increase , not by the benefit of a soul , but rather by accretion or apposition of parts extrinsecally adhering , no otherwise then as a stone in the bladder ; therefore a soul cannot rightly be attributed unto them . 6. Metalls do suffer Diseases and old Age , as Albertus doth attest ; which must necessarily proceed from life . We answer , That old Age and Diseases are metaphorically given to them , when by much preservation , we say they have lost their first goodness and vertue ; as Scaliger doth instance in the Adamant , which never can be said to wax old . ( E ) These properties are denoted of Gold ; First , that it is of all Metalls , the most softest and tenderest , and therefore it may be dilated into a thin leaf , insomuch that one ounce of Gold will cover eight of Silver . 2. It wants fatness , and therefore it doth not tincture , not defile , neither is it con●…umed with fire ; for Gold , according to Aristotle , of all Metalls , loses nothing in the fire ; the oftner it is burnt , the better it is . 3. It is heavy , considering the thickness of its substance , because it is compacted well with heat . 4. It hath a pleasant and excellent Sapour , and Odour ; for it is temperately hot and dry , whence it is said to exhilarate the heart of man , and to corroborate the vitall Spirits : Native Gold is found in the mountains about Arabia ; in Caverns and Ponds in Germany ; in Rivers at Tago , and sometimes in the heads of Fishes : it is also generated and mingled with other metalls . ( F ) There is a great Controversie amongst latter Chymists , and followers of Galen , whether Gold may be made potable , or no ; that is to say , so prepared , that without any danger it may be received into the body ? the Chymists stiffly maintain it , and by this very golden Potion , have miraculously preserved , restored , increased , repaired , the strengh of the heart , and principall members , lengthned out age , and revoked youth . The Galenists deny it : To which Scaliger subscribes , who confutes them with these two Reasons especially : 1. Between Aliment and the Body nourished , there is a certain necessary similitude : but between Gold and our Body , there is no apparent similitude , but far different from our nature ; therefore Gold cannot nourish our Bodies , nor restore strength . I prove the minor : our bodies are concreted especially of mixed elements ; for the elements by the various and almost infinite mixtures , are infinitely altered and changed , before they become fit matter for Animalls ; but there are but few mixtions , that do precede the concretion of Metalls , and therefore elements that are but lightly altered and changed , do exist in them : and what similitude is there between Inanimate and Animate ? 2. Whatsoever cannot be overcome and changed by our native heat , that cannot possibly recreate our native bodies : Gold is such-like , therefore doth not nourish . The minor is proved , because Gold is of a solid and hard substance , insomuch that it is impossible for it to be melted by coction , like to Aliment . ( G ) The nature of Silver is cold and moist , and it is found in deep Mines ; sometimes it is entangled with stones , hairs , trees , fishes , whole serpents , scorpions , with the Species of many other things which it brings with it : Now for the generation of Silver , there goes more Quicksilver then Sulphure , because it represents its colour ; and whilst it melts , it contains almost all its accidents in it self ; for it doth not melt , nor is it diffunded , as water and oyl , nor doth it adhere to the Tangent , which are the faculties of Quicksilver ; and hence it is that it is not so ponderous as Gold. Now that a certain portion of Sulphure doth concur to the procreation of Silver , is clear by this , because a sulphurous odour doth offend the nostrils , when it is melted ; the natural mixture of this metal is not so absolute and perfect , as Gold : and hence it is that it doth not resist the fire , like to Gold , but every time that it is melted , something is lost of it : and it is more easie to engrave , then Gold ; neither are the liquors which remain in Silver vessels for several days together , so sincere and clear , as those in Gold , but become after a certain manner venenate , both in odor and sapor ; especically if the liquor be sowre or sharp . ( H ) That there is much crudity and imperfect concoction in Lead , the faecies demonstrate , which is left when it is melted ; and hence it is , that it doth not sustain the fire as Gold , but doth easily melt and consume by fire ; if it long remain therein , it will be brought to ashes : yet it is thought to increase of its own accord , when it is laid upon the roofs of houses , both in weight and quantity . Galen rehearses a story of Lead , buried in a humid place under the earth , to have increased both in magnitude and weight : It is of a cold and astrictive nature ; hence it is that many leaden vessels are hurtful , especially that Lead which is white . ( I ) Tinn doth differ from white Lead , because this doth arise by it self , the other always with Silver : And although Tinn doth emulate the splendor of Silver , yet it is far better , and doth excede more from the fire : whence it is judged of many to be a Species of candid Lead ; but in the excellency of its nature doth far exceed Lead ; its substance is thin , and less excocted . ( K ) Brass having more mixtion of earth then humor , doth melt more difficultly , because all its humor is almost dried away ; for which cause it is of greater price and esteem then Iron : and therefore in ancient time , Armour and Weapons were made of Brass , Bucklers and Launcets also ; so highly was this Metal esteemed . ( L ) Iron is found in deep Mines , a powdry Mass , red and ponderous . Now to the generation of Iron , there is less Quicksilver , but more of Sulphure ; hence it is that it is so hard and obscure ; and the hardest of all is steel , which is onely a species of Iron , or Iron purged , and so hardned by many quenchings in water ; and hence it is ▪ that it is more frangible then Iron . Native Steel , in times past , was found about Thrace , where the people Chalibes do inhabit . CHAP. I. Of Stones . 1. MEtals being explicated , Stones do follow ; which neither the heat of the sun , or the blows of the hammer , can extend . 2. Stones are ( A ) Bodies perfectly mixed , inanimate , hard , of a dry exhalation , mingled with a certain watry unctuosity , by the continuance of time , the strength of heat and cold , and so conglutinated by a mineral vertue . 3. These like as other friable Bodies , of which a little after , because they have in them Sulphure and Quicksilver , of a weak nature , are not accounted by some for Metals . 4. Stones ( B ) are both vulgar ●…nd precious . 5. The Vulgar do congeal of a gross and impure matter . 6. And they are either Porous , or solid . 7. They are porous , which do consist of a matter not well compacted ; and therefore they have rare or thin parts , as the Tophas and Pumice . 8. The Tophas is a stone thin , easily to be crummed , or friable , rough , and not equal . 9. Here it is disputed , whether it be cold or hot : This Cardan affirms ; which Scaliger re●… , saying , Who told thee that the Tophas must be hot ? It cannot be discovered , by the touch , or the taste ; or medicinal experience , such a quality was never found out , or experimented , Exer. 57. 10. The Pumice ( C ) is a Stone rare and cavernous , or spungie , very fit to be rubbed to powder ; of which there are three sorts , according to Scaliger , Exer. 133. 11. Solid stones are those , which have continuated parts , and strongly coacted . 12. And these either do want Nitre , or endeavor it : those that want Nitre , are these ; the Flint , the Whetstone , a Rock , the Emrod , the Marchasite . 13. The Flint is a solid and hard stone ; whence if it be smitten upon with Steel , fire will appear , Scal. Exer. 108. 14. The Whetstone is a solid stone , wanting Nitre , consisting of little grains ; whose use is to sharpen iron . 15. The Lydian stone is a Species of the same , which if any metal be rubbed thereupon , it will discover the true from the counterfeit . 16. The Rock is a stone large and hard , consisting of a great quantity of matter strongly concreted . 17. Khe Emrod is a hard stone , which doth cut glass . 18. The Marchasite is a stone , upon which if any hard body , as Steel , be struck , sparks of fire will erupt . 19. Solid stones , which incline to Nitre , are these : 20. Marble is a solid stone , precious and clear , bespangled with various colours and spots . 21. And according to the colour of it , various species and differences do arise ; but especially the Alabaster , the Ophite , and Porphirite . 22. The Alabaster is clear Marble , and white ; of which boxes for odoriferous spices are made . 23. The Ophite , is a Marble with spots like to serpents . 24. The Porphirite is a Marble , distinguished with reddish spots , garnished therewith like stars . 25. Precious stones are congealed of a subtil and tenuious matter , by the onely influx of heaven ; and they are called ( D ) gemms . 26. Yet in other places , for the diversity of the suns beams , other precious stones are produced . 27. Hence Precious stones are generated in Ethiopia , and India , by reason of the vicinity of the oriental and meridional Sun ; because there the matter is better cocted . See Scal. Exer. 99. 28. A Gem therefore is a precious stone , of famous and noble vertues , engendred of a most subtil and elegant matter . 29. Pliny reckons up many occult vertues , that it is endowed withal , lib. 37. c. 10. 30. The Adamant is ( E ) a translucid Gem , of a shining colour , not unlike to iron ; of a great hardness , and greater price . 31. And it is either begotten without Gold or in Gold. 32. That which is gotten without Gold , is in bigness of the Indian hazle nut , but that of Arabia is lesser . 33. That which is gotten in Gold , is , First the Adamant , called Cenchros , answering the grains of Gromwel-seed ; Secondly , the Macedonian , proportionable to the seed of Cucumber ; Thirdly the Cyprian , which is of the colour of Brass ; Fourthly , the starry Adamant , called Syderites , shining in colour like Iron : and of this latter , there are two kinds to be had . 34. But so great is their hardness , that they will resist the blows of Iron hammers ; neither will they give place to the furious flames of the fire , but are onely broken with the blood of a Goat ; especially , if the Goat before his blood be shed , eat Parsly , and Silermountain , with a little wine : and the reason why it should do thus , Scaliger professes he knows not , Exer. 344. 35. The Saphire is a ( F ) transparent Gem , of great hardness , endowed with a blue and celestial colour ; preserving chastity , and corroborating the heart . 36. The Smaragd is a transparent Gem , fragil , though hard ; of a green colour , but clear , and sometimes of an earthly colour . 37. They call this the chafte Stone , because it is believed to break in the act of copulation , and resists venery , Scal. Exer. 33. sect . 2. 38. The Hyacinth is a Gemm of a small magnitude , shining like unto a violet-colour ; comforting the heart , and exciting chearfulness . 39 The Amethyst is a Gem , obtaining the same colour with the Hyacinth ; onely , that it glisters more with purpureous fulgor . 40. According to the opinion of Aristotle , if it be applied to the Navel , it draws to it the vapour of winde , and so discusses it . 41. The Carbuncle or Pyropus , is a Gem , representing the flame of clear fire ; it is a great enemy to poyson . 42. The Chalcedony is a Gem also clear and beautiful , shining like unto stars ; whose vertue is to resist fear and sadness . 43. The Ruby is a red Gemm , shining in the dark , like a Species of a spark . 44. The Chrysolite is a shining Gem , of a golden colour , glistering with variety of light ; and resists melancholy . 45. The Asterite is a hard Gemm , and splended ; which if it be turned , will shew the sun and moon shining within it . 46. The Achates is a Gemm ( H ) excellent in the variety of colours ; which one , may be opposed to all the colours in other Gems ; and it is a great preservative against pestilent poysons , and it is believed to help the memory much , and increase prudence , Scal. Exer. 117. 47. The Sardis is of a deep yellow colour , making men joyful , sharpning wit , and stenches blood flowing from the nostrils . 48. The Jasper is a green Gem , bespangled as it were with spots , representing drops of blood ; which if hung upon the ventricle , doth strengthen it . 49. The Onix ( I ) is a pellucid Gem , like unto the nail of a mans finger in colour . 50. The Turcois is an obscure Gem , of bluish colour , yet somewhat inclining to a green ; it recreats the heart and sight . 51. And these are the noblest of Gems ; those that are less noble , are the Chrystal , Coral , Blood-stone , and Load-stone . 52. The Chrystal ( K ) is a pellucid stone , clear , and concreted of Ice vehemently congealed ; as much of it is found to be generated under the earth , where winter-storms and snow is frequent , as about the Alpes . 53. The Coral ( L ) is a Ramoustone , begotten of a plant of the sea , hardned by the air . 54. And it is white , black , and red ; the last whereof , is the noblest and best . 55. Gagates or Amber , is a stone , begotten of liquid Bituis men , flowing on the sea-shore , and condensated with cold . 56. And there are three sorts reckoned up ; the yellow , which is of the colour of Honey ; the second is of the colour of Muskadine ; the third is candid , which is judged the best . 57. The stone Hematites , is externally of the colour of blood , inwardly like to iron ; and of so great hardness , that it can scarce be pierced : it stenches blood . 58. The Loadstone ( M ) is endowed with bluish green colour , attracting iron by a natural faculty . Aristot. lib. 7. Phys. 57. Those Stones are reckoned amongst Gems , which are generated in the Bodies of Animals , by a peculiar glutinous seed , and is concocted by native heat in a little progress , and so by cold congealed . 60. The most noble of them , are those which are found in terrestrial Animals ; the Chelidony , which is a slender stone , found in the ventricle of yong swallows , mingled with a black but reddish colour . 61. The Alectory is a Stone , more obscure then crystal , generated in the ventricle of a goat , about the ninth year of its age , and about the bigness of a bean . 62. Aetites is a Stone with a hard cortex , scabrous and light , found in the nest of an Eagle . 63. Borax , otherwise Cheloutites , is a Stone found in the head of an old and great Toad . 64. Quadrus is a Stone found in the brain of a vulture ; Quiris , in the nest of the bird Upupa ; Saurites , in the belly of a Lizard ; Limarius , in the head of a Snail not covered with a house . 65. These Stones are found in water-Animals ; Gem●… percarum , found in the head of a little fish , called a Pearch ; Lapis Carpious , found in the jaws of a Carp ; Oculi Cancrorum , are stones clear and white , found in the eyes of Crabs , especially in the females . 66. The Margarite is ( N ) a Stone , begotten of sea-shell-fishes , being of a globular form . The Commentary . ( A ) THe matter of Stones is a watrish humor , and an unctuous and gross earth : Stones are not procreated of the earth alone , because its parts are dry , and easily dissipable into powder , but also of a certain humid unctuosity , which as glue doth connect the earthy parts together ▪ nor can this simple humor alone , flowing by it self , and of its own nature , constitute stones , but earth is necessary to the composition , which doth afford matter for the unctuosity to astringe ; therefore stones are gotten of gross earth , by the coalition of this humour : which must be so understood , not that the two other elements , to wit , the fire and the aire must be separated from their mixtion , if so be the opinion of Philosophers be true , that every mixed thing doth consist of four Elements . The efficient causes of Metals or Minerals , are two ; heat and cold : heat persisting in the matter , doth diduce moisture , and unctuosity of ●…errene substance , by certain tender parts , and so doth coct and digest , and perfectly mingle the portions of the several elements , but especicially of water and earth , and so purge them from all the excrementitious parts , and at last doth prepare that matter rightly to produce the form of a stone ; and so cold at length doth condensate it with its astrictiveness , & expel all its superabundant humor , and so indurate it into a stone . But some may say , that cold rather is the cause of corruption , then generation : I answer , it is true in Animate bodies , but in Inanimates , to wit , in meteors and metals , coldness is the cause of generation . Yet it may further be objected , If stones do coalesce from coldness ; it follows by the same rule , that they must melt by heat , and so be resolved ; but that cannot be , a●…●…erefore nor the former . I an●…wer , Stones cannot be melted by heat alone , without the affusion of some other humor , because there is in them such an exquisite & natural commixture of moisture and dryness , that they refuse liquation by their contraries ; neither are they to be reduced to the action of their external faculty , without the sympathy of some familiar quality . ( B ) According to the divers and various subtilty of the matter , whether pure or impure , crass , viscous , or the like ; Stones , both pure and impure , noble and ignoble , are ingendred ; whence it is that there is so great variety of Stones and Gemms : and here an objection will arise , whether precious Stones may change the matter of the earths generation ? Gems , because of their noble fulgor and transparency , do not seem to persist of earth , which is dusky and blackish , an enemy to such pulchritude ; whence many are of this opinion , that Gems are partakers equally of celestial fire and water , and from them to receive their fulgor and christalline clearness . But we must know that Gems , also , do consist of certain earthly matter ; but not obscure , but subtil , mixed with a watrish humidity , well cocted and tempered : for the matter , according to Logicians , doth vary the dignity of things ; but the propinquity of the sun , cocts better and stronger the matter of stone in Oriental regions , makes the Gems and Stones , both more excellent , and precious . Another question will here arise , whether Stones do differ in forms and species ? We maintain the affirmative , with this one undeniable reason ; divers actions and vertues do arise from divers Forms ; but there are divers actions in divers Stones ; therefore , &c. The assumption is proved , because one stone resists poyson ; another discusses swellings , another draws iron ; which are indeed divers effects . ( C ) Pliny relates of the generation of the Pumice , that it is gotten of Fruits , some of Bays , some of Thyme , beyond the Columns of Hereules , which are transformed into the Pumice : which if it be true , it is not strang●… , why the Pumice , cast into the water , doth swim , when it is made of porous and rare matter , and therefore it hath its levity from its matter , and will not sink to the bottom of water : but that for use is accounted the best , which is candid , light and very spungious . The flower of it , according to Theophrastus , doth take away drunkenne●…s . ( D ) A Gemm properly is the sprouting or bud of a Tree , fair , and round , bunching out at the first out of bun●…s , and chiefly of Vines ; and so those precious Stones which re●…mble this form , are wont to be called Gems , because they respond thereunto in figure and form . But the vertues and the effects of Gems are wonderful , if we may believe Cardan . Some , says he , are effectual in prolonging life ; others available in love , in obtaining riches ; some for divination , others for consolation ; some for wisdom , others for good fortune : some work effects to make men dull , others joyful ; some sad , others fearful : some do resist poyson , others help the concoction of the ventricle and liver . But concerning the vertues of Gems , read Scaliger , Exer. 106. But Heaven no doubt hath infused into Gems , many admirable properties and vertues ; concerning which , Hermes Trismegistus hath sufficiently treated . ( E ) But why doth the Adamant preserve its substance whole against the weighty stroaks of the hammer , and furious flames of of the fire , yet suffer it self to be dissolved with the blood of a goat ? There are some of our later writers , who will admit of no occult property at all , but go about to manifest every thing by plain reason ; therefore they judge goats blood , by reason of its analogy , which is in the beginning common , to pierce the Adamant . But says Scaliger , what other thing is that anology of its common principle , then an occult property ? No doubt but it is a great miracle of nature ; and why it should pierce so hard a body , no man well can demonstrate . ( F ) The Carbuncle comes from the Eastern regions , shining like to white clouds ; but because it hath golden spots , it is reckoned by some amongst Gems . ( G ) Of which there are three sorts : First , that which shines in the dark , they call Pyropus ; secondly , that which is put in a black vessel , shining , water being powred upon it : thirdly , that is the basest , which glisters onely when the light shines . ( H ) Achates is of so many various kindes , that it will scarce be credited to be one stone ; for it is clear , red , yellowish , cineritious , green , dark , blue ; insomuch , that this one answers to all the colours of other Gems . ( I ) Albertus Magnus relates , that he hath tryed this , that if this stone be hung about the neck , it roborates the strength of the whole body : which is incredible ; for by its frigidity it constringes the spirits : By the same reason it is related , that if it be hung about the belly , it hinders venery ; whereupon the Indians every-where preserve themselves . ( K ) Whether chrystal be glass , is a subtil controversie , between Cardan and Scaliger . He denies it , upon this reason , because glass is dissolved by the fire , but chrystal not , unless for several days it lie in the midst of a vehement fire , and be continually blown : therefore Chrystal can never be glass . Scaliger answers , glass that hath never obtained the hardness of a stone , is as yet water ; and therefore easily dissolvable by fire , because it is but congealed with a little cold : but when it is concreted and congealed by a diuturnal cold , - insomuch that it hath obtained the perfect form and hardness of a stone ; it will not easily melt , or not at all : but it is generated oftentimes under the earth , and sometimes upon the tops of high mountains , where there is perpetual snow ; therefore it must needs be congealed into a hard substance , for much of it is brought from the Alpes , Helvetia , and Italy . ( L ) Coral is called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a shrubby stone ; for it is called frutex marinus , because being extracted from the sea by the air , it is hardned into a stone , under the water : the Coral is green and soft ; but assoon as it is taken out and reposed to the air , it grows hard and red , because of the tenuity and subtilty of the air , which compels and hardens its parts . ( M ) The Loadstone is called Magnes , as is supposed , from its first finder out : by some it is called the Herculean stone : it hath a wonderful vertue in attraction ; it doth not onely strongly draw iron to it self , but also infuse an attractive vertue into the iron drawn ; insomuch that it will attract other iron to it : which thing can hardly be demonstrated with reason . If any say that iron is drawn by the similitude of substance , he errs not ; for similitude and the flight of the vacuum are the two causes of attraction : heat draws by the flight of the vacuum ; every part doth draw its proper aliment , according to the similitude of the substance : whence iron is as it were the aliment of the Loadstone , and therefore it is drawn by it ; for in the flakes of iron , the Loadstone is preserved ; although Scaliger by no means will assent to this : But we say that iron is the proper aliment of the Loadstone , not so as to say that it lives , as Scaliger well infers , but as it were nourished by it : But as the Elements move spontaneously to their places , as to their end and perfection ; so the Loadstone , because it is kept in the filings of iron , and as it were nourished by them , moves to the iron ; therefore we may well rest in the opinion of the antient , that iron is drawn by the Loadstone , by the similitude of substance ; and therefore it is that this stone is of the colour of iron . Yet some say , that the Loadstone doth not always draw iron : I answer , That happens by accident ; for when the Adamant is near , it hinders and impedes its attraction . Cardan yet denies that the Adamant can hinder the attraction of iron , or can be hindred by Leeks and Onyons ; but maintains , that it will always attract iron ; as he hath proved by experience . ( N ) The manner of the generation of Pearl , is this ; Shell-fishes in the spring time , being incited to the desire of copulation , or conception , whereupon they come out to the shore , and dilate themselves , attracting the heavenly dew ; return , as it were , burdened , and so bring forth Margaries : Hence it is that there is so much difference in the goodness of the Pearl ; which happens according to their age or magnitude , and also the quality of the dew received : of round shell-fishes , the best Pearls are gotten . Those are the best Pearls , which are found in the bottom of the sea ; and sometimes found floating upon the shore . CHAP. 3. Of Juices or precious Earths . 1. VVE having explained the Nature of hard metallick Bodies , we shall now treat of such as are so●…t ; which precious Earth●… are of a milde Nature , between Metals and Stones . 2. And many of these Bodies are fricable , that is to say , rubbed small , or brought into fine powder . 3 Some of these may be melted , others not ; those that are soft may , that may be hardned into the body of a stone . 4. Of the first kinde of these , are those that are dry and concreted ▪ as Salt , Alom , Bitumen , Vitriol . 5. Salt is ( A ) a metallick Body , friable , begotten of a humid and watry Juice and gross earth , mixed and boyled together . 6. It hath force to absterge , expurge , astringe , dissipate , and attenuate . 7. And it is either Natural or Artificial : that which is Natural , is called Fossile ; that which is Artificial , Factitious . 8. The Fossile is found either in the Earth , or out of the Earth . 9. That which is found in the Earth , is either digged out of mountains , or effoded out of the fields or sandy places . 10. Of these there are various differences , according to the diversity of places where they are found ; but four especially are most known to us : Sal Ammoniack , Sal gemm , Sal Nitre , Indian salt . 11. Ammoniack is a bitter salt , found in or about the sand of Cyrene ; whence it is called Cyrenaicus . 12. Salt Gem is a Fossile salt , found in Mines or Pits , shining , and resembling the form of Chrystal . 13. Salt Nitre , or salt-Peter , consists of a coagulated humor , in moistsubterraneous places , shining like to congealed snow upon walls : to this day by art it is made . 14. The Indian is a salt , blackish , cut out of the mountain Oromontus in the Indies . 15. Those Salts that are found out of the Earth , are such as are digged or effoded out of waters ; and they are called either fontal , when fountains or rivers by the heart of the sun are dryed , and converted to salt ; or fluvial , when the arm of some river is condensated into salt ; or stagnal , when ponds in the summer are dryed , and a salt remains ; or marine , when in the shore a certain tender salt is gotten , which Dioscorides calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Pliny interprets it the spume of the sea ; we call it the dry spume of the sea ; or more rightly , a salt made by heat of the sea-spume . 16. Factitious 〈◊〉 cocted salt is made of water , and that either Marine , Fluvial , Fenny , Fountain , or of the water of Ponds . 17. Alome , by the definition of Pliny , is a certain salsugo , or the salt sweat of the Earth , concreted of a muddy and slimy water . 18. And it is either clear , or black . 19. That which is clear , is judged the best ; and it is either thick or liquid . 20. The liquid is soft , fat and clear . 21. The thick is either round or scissile , and it hath the form of of Sugar . 22. The black is found in Cyprus , which purges Gold. 23. Bitumen is the juice of the Earth , gentle and tender , like to Pitch easily taking fire . 24. And it is either hard 〈◊〉 soft . 25. The hard is strongly concreted , not unlike to the clods of the earth . 29. Of this sort are Asphaltus , Pissaphaltus and Amber . 27. Asphaltus is a blackish Bitumen , like to Pitch , but harder and more inspissated , splended , and less olcous ; and this sort is gotten all over Babylon . 28. Pissaphaltus is a certain Bitumen , in a manner black , but of a more Terrene concretion . 29. Amber also is a Bitumen , and fat of the Earth , proceeding from the heat of the sea ; and the colour is sometimes white , yellow or obscure . 30. The liquid Bitumen , is that , which flows like an oleous liquor ; of whose species are , Naptha and the Arabian Amber . 31. Naptha is liquid Bitumen , of an oleous crassitude : the fire hath such force over it , that it will leap into it , where-ever it is ; neither can it be quenched by water , but the rather more inflamed by it . 32. That is called Petreolum , which flows from Rocks ; and sometimes Naptha Petra . 33. Amber is fragrant Bitumen , and kept amongst the richest merchandise , and it is gotten about Arabia . 34. Vitriol is a concreted Juice , looking like the clearness of glass ; it is called by the Latines Atramentum sutorium , and sometimes Chalchanthum . 35. The native is found concreted in the Veins of the Earth , or clefts of the Rock ; and from thence doth distil by drops , part thereof hanging like frozen Ice , and part found in the bottom of Channels . 36. Furthermore , Juices which cannot be melted , yet not indurated into stones , are Auripigmentum , Sandarach , Chalk , Gypsum , Lime , Oker , Argil , Sealed earth , Armenian earth . 37. Auripigmentum , or Arsnick , is ( B ) a concreted Juice , of a yellowish colour , flourishing Pictures with a golden colour ; is hot and dry , in the fourth degree , and a present poyson . 38. Sandarach is a reddish earth , of the colour of Cinabaris , yet something inclining to a yellow : much of it is gotten in the veins of Metals with Auripigmentum , smelling strong of Sulphure . 39. Lime is a dry earth , cocted to a stone ; which after it is burnt , is inflamed with water , and extinguished with oyl ; it is called Viva or Living , because it contains fire hidden within it . 40. Gypsum is a shining earth , gentle and light , akin to Lime , but not so dry nor hot ; which is digged out of the bottom of the earth : the Factitious is made of a certain stone , and so placed in walls , for the ornament of houses . 41. Chalk is a tender earth , and white , plentiful in the Island of Crete . 42. Ocher , is a light and yellowish earth , which when it is burnt is red . 43. Argil is a fat and soft earth , of which figuline vessels are made . 44. Sealed and Lemnian earth , is a portion of earth that is very red , digged out of the Island Lemnos , and sealed with the seal of Diana's high Priest ; it is also digged daily in Silesia and Hassia , it resists poyson . 45. The Armenian is a portion of earth , digged out in Armenia ; drying by nature , and of a pale colour . The Commentary . ( A ) SAlt is derived a saliendo , from leaping , because it leaps in the fire . Some judge it to be called salt from the sun , because it is gotten of its own accord of sea-water : the spume thereof , left upon the shore , by the sun , is concreted into salt . The efficient cause of salt , is the heat of the sun , and the rest of the stars ; which drawing the sweeter and tender parts , out of the saltish matter , leaves the Terrene ; which being boyled , makes a saltish substance . Two things are required to a salt sapour ; the dry and Terrene parts , and their adustion : of the first is made a sapour , of the latter a salt sapour . Erroneous therefore is that opinion which judg'd salt to concrete , as Ice , of cold : For if salt doth concrete of ●…old , it is dissolved with heat , because it is a general rule with Naturalists , every thing to be dissolved by the contrary , wherewith it was congealed ; but salt is dissolved with nothing less then with heat , for that hardens it , and dryes it more ; but it is quickly dissolved with water : therefore it is not constringed of cold . The matter is a Terrene Juice , adust , and dryed with heat : the forme is dryed vapours , with concocted water : the end and use of salt , is various in the whole course of life ; whence it is rightly said , that nothing is more profitable , then salt and the sun . And old Homer called salt , Divine , because ●…t is accommodated to various ●…ses . Salt hinders putrefaction , and ●…akes away superfluous humidity ●…n our Bodies : without salt , a perfect concoction cannot be made : besides , it is of frequent use in the cure of wounds . ( B ) Auripigmentum is double ; native and factitious : that which is like to Ackorns , erupts of its own accord from Metals : this again is double ; the one is made of Arsnick and natural salt , of equal parts mixed , and burned in a crucible till the vapour appear like Chrystal ; hence it is called , Christalline Arsnick : the other is made of natural Arsnick and Sulphure mixed together , and combustible : both of them are dry and hot in the fourth degree , and a present poyson . CHAP. 4. Of the Nature of Plants in general ▪ and of their corruptions . 1. HItherto we have spoke●… of an inanimate Body , perfectly mixed . Now we proceed to Animate Bodies , which are perfectly mixed , endowed with soul and life . 2. There are two parts in the life of a furnisht Body : the external Body , and the soul , which subministers life ; of the former we have spoken before , of the latter we shall now . 3. An animate Body is expert of sense , or sensitive . 4. A Plant is a Body expert in sense , which is also called stirps ( A ) which is a body perfectly mixed , endowed with a vigent soul , which doth grow , live , wax green , is nourished and increased from the earth . 5. For when Plants are nourished and increased , and bear flowers and fruits ; it proceeds from the soul , and they are the works of animated Bodies ; neither can they be without this soul 6. Therefore rejected is that opinon of the Philosophers , which call that the form , which vivificates Plants ; and that their nature , which indeed is the soul. 7. And also Erroneous is that opinion , which maintans Plants to be Animals endowed with sense ; which Scaliger refutes , Exer. 138. 8. For they are not accommodated with Organs , which are requisite to sensitive faculties ; neither can the actions of any such faculties be apprehended in Plants : for which of them can see , hear , smell , taste , or feel ? Arist. lib. 1. de planc . C. 1. 9. We do not deny , but some sense is resident in Plants , in attracting to them what is profitable , and shunning what is unprofitable ; but then the question will be , how can Plants which are always fixed in a place , properly be said to draw what is profitable , and shun what is incommodious ? 10. The vegetable soul alon●… that is within the Plant , is used as an instrument to the preservation of life , by heat , both native and adventitious , lawfully temperated ; which the Plants draw out of the earth , where they are fixed by the roots . 11. That heat adhering in the moist matter , it attracts as convenient to its nature , and so alters and converts it into the substance of the Plant. 12. Hence there are two vital principles in every Plant ; heat , and humour : the want whereof , as it is death to Animals , so it is a corruption and decaying to Plants . 13. Corruption doth either infest part of the Plant , or the whole . 14. A total corruption is either natural or preternatural . 15. The natural is made , when Plants are rendred more dryer ; for their internal heat , and their moisture , decayed by progress of time . 16. Some are corrupted sooner , others later ; and so accordingly they live long or short . 17. The cause of which variety is especially the form , yet sometimes it happens from the gluish●…ess of the humour , and the plenty thereof ; whereby the 〈◊〉 heat , the instrument of form , is nourished , together with the firmness and solidity of the whole Plant. 18. For such grow a long time , As first , have much soft and gentle humidity in them ; Secondly ▪ a solid substance ; Thirdly ; their roots long and thick ; Fourthly ▪ those that are barren and fruitless ; Fifthly , such as grow in a dry place . 19. On the contrary part , those Plants are short lived , and sooner perish by natural corruption , as have not the contraries to the former . 20. Preternatural or violent ●…ruption , happens either by ●…tinction , or ●…nt of nourish●… 21. Corruption happening 〈◊〉 extinction , is when the Plant perishes by too much cold . 22. When cold 〈◊〉 go●… to the bottom , it hinders 〈◊〉 warm vapour , or heat , from coming to the roots , and at length causes the whole to perish . 23. This corruption doth not happen , but when an extream cold comes and invades the roots , denuded of earth . 24. Corruption happening from want of nourishment , and that by heat , by which the Plant is as it were scorched , the humidity thereof being ( C ) exhausted by the vehemency of heat . 25. And there are two seasons especially , wherein Plants are exposed to this injury ; the one when they begin to bud , because then they are more laxi the other when they bear fruit , when their juice is exhausted ▪ and made weak . 26. That is called partial corruption , or sideration , when the native heat of any part is extinguished , either by cold , or heat , or with a wound , mortification of that part following . 27. Furthermore , some kinde of Plants grow of their own accord , and some are propagated by the art and industry of man. 28. Such arise of their own accord , of seed , as are either manifest or obscure . 29. Those that grow of manifest seed , have but one manner of rising ; as in all Herbareous Plants , that are sown of seed ; and others are propagated divers manner of ways . 30. From manifest seed , after this manner : seed falling into the moist earth is thereby softned , and is cherished both with naturall and celestial heat ; and so swelling , by reason of the plenty of humour flowing into them from the earth , it breaks ; and out of that part which is broken , a certain soft and tender sprout doth grow , & by so little becomes more firm and crass ; one part whereof , being partaker of the airy nature , ascends up ; the other , which is terrestrial and crass , resides in the earth , and there coa●…esces . 31. So then , Plants arising ●…rom seed , are cherished by the humour of the earth , decocted ●…y heat , and attracted by their ●…nternal nature . 32. But the time of sprouting of Plants , is not one and the same , ( D ) for some do begin to grow within three days , as the Bafil and Rape ; some on the fourth day , as Lettice ; some on the fifth , as the Gourd ; some on the sixth , as Beet ; some on the eighth , as Arach ; some on the tenth , as Colwort : Leeks in twenty days ; Smallidg forty or fifty : Last of all , Pyony and Mandrake , ●…rce in the space of a whole year . 33. The causes of this diversity of sproutings , are these : First , 〈◊〉 strength of Form ; Secondly , the strength or weakness of their inward heat ; Thirdly , the variety or density , fatness or hardness of the seeds ; for in hard and dense Bodies , the humour cannot be illicited out of the earth so readily , whereby seed must swell before it erupts . 34. Certain Plants , ( E ) according to the opinion of Theophrastus , are said to grow without evident or manifest seed : and he declares the cause to be , a certain permistion of earth and putrefied water ; which being , as it were , preserved both by the heat of the sun , and the propriety of the matter , renders a fit generation of spontaneous Plants . 35. This opinion is probable enough ; for as a strange heat is the cause of putretude , so also into things of new forms , which are putrefied ; and he makes the heat of the sun and stars , to be a beneficial induction ther●… . 36. But besides these , the air and the earth may be the cause of sproutings of such Plants as grow spontaneously ; If it be true , that according to the various station of first and second qualities in substance , various mutations and generations of things may be made . 37. Moreover , a Plant sometimes is produced out of a hard stone ; which happens , when air is included therein , and endeavors to as●…end ; but when it cannot finde a passage , it is reflected , and so waxes hot by its agitation , whereby it draws the humor of the stone to it self . That vapour with the humour , breaks out , and of that vapour and humour brought out of the stone , a Plant is ingendered by the concurrent heat of the sun , Arist. lib. 2. de Plantis , c. 5. 38. Furthermore , Plante are variously propagated by the art and industry of men , by setting of roots , or ingrafting yong slips . 39. By setting of roots , as Liquorice , Lilly : for these do easily attract aliment , and so live . 40. By ingrafting or planting , and that either by fastning them in the earth , or upon the stock of a tree . 41. Planted or fixed in the earth , as the Rose , Willow , Vine , Mulberry ; which is called a propagation . 42. Engrafted upon the stock of a tree , by thrusting a slip into the wood of another ; which properly indeed is called insition ; as an Apple-tree into a Pear-tree . 43. Indeed most Plants may be propagated all these ways ; as Olives , Figgs , and Cherry-trees . 44. But there are invented other manner of propagations , more artificially , whereby a leaf digged out of the earth to bud in a new stock . 45. But it is a question not to be contemned , ( F ) why the dissected parts of Plants , do live , and thereby propaga ed , when it is the cause of death in Animals ? This is said to happen , because Plants have the strength and force of the soul engrafted within them , and so diffused over all their parts . Heat also , which is an individual companion of the soul , and moisture gentle and thin , and therefore not dissipable ; but it is not so with Animals , for they stand in need of that faculty , which flows from the heart . 46. Therefore part of a bough , which is planted in the earth , doth preserve in it self heat , humour , and strength of the soul ; and by that attracted humour , begins to swell and receive spirit , and by the strength of the soul , it detaines , and by the help of its innate heat , it distributes the grossest parts of the humour , from whence the roots are framed ; and the thinnest part it preserves , which causes it to grow higher . 47. The same manner is observed in engrafting : for as Plants out of the earth , as out of a womb ; so Grafts from those where they are grafted , do preserve , keep , and attract the nutriment of the Plant , by the force of the soul and heat ; and by a continued action , a generation of parts is made . 48. But Aliment , which the Graft draws , is by far more elaborate : First , in that was concocted before in the mother ; Secondly , in that is made more exact , in its new guest . 39. Hence it is that wilde Plants , if they be engrafted , do remain firm , because they are nourished by a more sincere Aliment ; so that a Domestick or Garden Plant , engrafted into a wilde Plant , w●… grow better , and yield more pleasanter fruit . 50. The Fruits of these respond in sapour , colour , and odour : the nature of the Plant , whence the Graft was taken , because the juice whereby the fruit is nourished , is of great moment in this matter . The Commentary . ( A ) NAture doth proceed always from the less perfect , to the more perfect ; therefore it is in the first place disputed , seeing that Plants , by reason of forms , do want of the perfection of Animals , whether it be a body perfectly mixed ? First , it is defined to be a Body perfectly mixed , to difference it from Meteors , in which there is an alteration of Elements made ; whereas in Plants , and also in Metals , there is a notable mutation of elementary parts ; therefore there is added in the definition , endowed with 〈◊〉 vegetive soul. Therefore in the first place , that I may take away the opinion , both of Philosophers and Physitians , who call that the form which governs the Plant , and that the nature which is the soul ; for when Plants are nourished and increase , they bear fruits and flowers , which are the works of animate Bodies ; and they cannot want that soul : Secondly , to take away their opinion , who declare , that Plants are endowed with sense , as Animals are ; concèrning which , Plato , Anaxagoras , Empedocles , and many others maintain , to which many later writers assent , but especially Cardan . First , Flight , Hatred , Aversion , Appetite , cannot be attributed to any Bodies , but such as are endowed with a sensitive soul ; but Plants refuse and fly too much : Heat ( as the Vine hath no propinquity with the Cabbadge ) and many other Plants also ( the Vine desires the Elm , and almost all other Plants do gather what is familiar unto them , and fly from what is unprofitable ) therefore by these actions , it is not obscure that Plants are endowed with sense . Secondly , they are distinguished in the sex ; the Feminine Plant cannot consist with the Masculine , each other desiring their congress ; neither can they come to ripeness , or bear fruit , without their mutual society . But to the first we Answer , That the Hatred , Flight , and Appetite of Plants , is not proper , but translated , as Danaeus speaks : indeed they contract and extend themselves by the benefit of their Fibres , and so receive what is familiar and profitable , by a certain natural faculty ; yet not with any sense , onely endowed with the strength of a vegetive soul , and led by the impulse of nature , which Cicero calls an instinct ; for what things love or hate by sense , those cannot hate or love , as Scaliger saith , Exer. 138. But for example , the Cabbadge always refuses the Vine , and hath a continual enmity against it ; and hence doth manifestly evade it : But this Flight and Appetite of Plants , is altogether without sense ; yet some attribute this to the Sex of the Plants , which is to be understood metaphorically , as a certain similitude taken from strength and weakness : for the Masculine is more stronger then the Feminine , the Feminine more weaker then the Masculine ; therefore we are to understand , that masculine Plants are always strong , and robust , the feminine weak and fecundine . But it is said in the Definition , which do grow out of the earth , for this is , as it were , the belly of Plants , as Anaxagoras saith ; and out of this the Fibres of the roots , whatsoever is profitable to them and agreable to their nature , they attract , and convert into their substance . Further , it is said to grow , live , nourish , and increase ; in which vital actions , the Plant differs from other Inanimate things ; which as they are destitute of a soul , so they want these actions : Hence it is , that a Plant is said to be dissolved , not that it hath onely an animate Body , but organical also ; and so of it self alone , and not of the earth , as the Soicks would have it , to have the beginning of its actions : but although these strengths and actions are common to Animals ; yet notwithstanding they are insited in Plants , the soul is used to the life and preservation of the Plants , instrumentally , with heat well tempered , which Plants do draw out of the earth , where they are placed by the roots ; and that heat which cleaves to the humid tressel and subject , the defect whereof as it is death to Animals , so it is dryness and corruption to Plants . ( B ) The plenty of the inward humour , causes the longevity of Plants ; for thereby the innate heat , which is the instrument of form , is thereby made : First therefore , when plenty of heat is discerned , it suggests the aliment not easily to be dissipated : but that the Plant will live long , and yield much oleous and resinous juice : Secondly , when they are dense and compact , they faithfully preserve their vital heat and moisture , neither can they suffer external injuries ; and for this cause , trees are more diuturnal then Fruits , and Fruits then Herbs . Thirdly , the Longitude and crassitude of roots is of great moment , by reason of their hardness , for lengthening of life : First , because by how much the roots are deeper , by so much they stick more firm , and the more do resist the external injury of winde and heat : Secondly , the roots are , as it were , the beginning of Plants , in which the hot moisture doth chiefly flourish , and the subterranean heat and humour daily cherished : for it is consonant to reason , where there is much humidity and calidity , there the roots must needs be ample and profound ; and therefore a small and simple root , is defective of calidity and humidity , and thereupon cannot grow long . Fourthly , fecundity also is the cause of shortning its life , because of the too little dissipation of Juice , whereby the inward humour is nourished ; which juice should go into the seed and fruit . ( C ) Heat hurts Plants less then cold , unless arridity accede , which is called squalor ; and those are easily hurt by cold , whose roots are not deep , for there the sun doth the sooner pierce unto them ; and the proximate parts of the roots , are affected strongly by the beams of the sun , because the earth is wanting to nourish them . ( D ) But why certain Plants do arise quickly after sowing the seed , and others a long time after ; The first and chiefest cause , is the force of form ; The second is the strength and imbecility of the insited heat ; The third is the rarity and density , the softness and hardness of the seeds : for in hard and dense Bodies , the humour is elicited , not so readily by the force of heat out of the earth , whereby the seed doth swell : and for this cause it is , that the seed of Pyony doth bud so long after Sation , and Mandrake longer : which is more hard and dense , which certain space of days of budding , or sprouting happens according to the variety of the suns influence , and heavens concurrence : and hence it is , that if dung be commixed with the earth where seed is to be sowen , the seed will sooner erupt , not onely excited thereunto by the innate heat of the seed , as the extream calidity of the earth ; so the seeds of Palmes , if infused and macerated in water , before its sation , it sooner sprouts . ( E ) Theophrastus saith , that experience teaches , that certain Plants do grow without seed , and that some have been seen to grow in the earth , where none was sowen or planted before : he instances in Laserpitium , which sometimes hath been seen in Affrica , and never found before , in the same place . Some of the Philosophers do inquire out the seminal cause of these Plants . Anaxagoras judges the air to convey the seed from some other place , and there to fix according to the course of nature ; others judge it to happen by the inundation and conflux of waters , whereby seeds are conveyed from some places to other parts of the earth more remote . And although these things are not spoken altogether foolishly , as without reason , yet the truth thereof is to be questioned ; but it is certain that many Plants , however , have been found to grow of their own accord , without any seed ; As Polypody of the Oak : as we see certain little Animals to have their original by accidents , as lice , worms , and other insects that are generated by accidents . ( F ) It is a question deserves solution , whence it is that the insected parts of Plants do live longer , then if they had remained whole , nay and are thereby propogated ; whereas it is not so with Animals ; for if their parts be cut , they perish : For we see that boughs plucked from their stock , and plants plucked up by the roots , to grow and are thereby propagated ; but with Animals , after the division of a foot , ear , arm , leg , or ther parts , forthwith they die . I answer , that Plants do longer survive after their section , if again planted or engrafted , because they have the force of the soul insited , and that diffused through all and every part : And besides , they have scattered abroad their native heat , the individual companion of the soul ; and their humidity , which is lent and crass : and therefore less dissipable through all the parts ; by which two principles they live , and undergo all the functions of nature : and hence it is , that part of a Plant sejoyned from its stock , is said to live in the earth ( the matrix as it were of Plants ) by the benefit of the soul , which is correllative in the whole , and every part ; and to beget a root , or take rooting ( which is a new principle ) from the humidity resident and attracted out of the earth ; or sprout and grow out of another trunk planted therein by insition , and so coalesce after the same manner even now declared . For as long as Plants preserve that humidity of theirs , stedfast and dense , so long are they capable of life and soul : but such as are perfect Animals , and are consequently of a stronger and better nature , do not onely stand in need of an insited , but an influent faculty , which is drawn from the heart : and hence it is , that their humidity is not so stedfast , viz. substantial , but more thin and tenderer , and therefore doth the sooner expire . Hence it is , that if a hand be separared from the body , all the life therein is extinguished , because it is destitute of an influent faculty from the heart ; for that thing cannot have a soul , unless it have a continued derivation from the heart ; which if it once be destitute of , it loses to be an animated being . CHAP. 5. Of certain affections of Plants . 1. HItherto we have Treated of the rise of Plants , both Natural and Artificial . Now we shall proceed to their Affections or Corruptions , wherewith they are infested : their Affections may proceed , either from their native soyl , or rather the ground where planted : from the variety of their germination , fecundity , and propriety of substance ; or from their qualities . 2. The soyl or rather matter of the rise of Plants , is either Terrestrial or Aquatical . 3. Terrestrial , viz. their native place in the earth , and that either in gardens or fields , sative or wilde . 4. The Sative are Domestick Plants , such as grow in Gardens . 5. The Wilde , are such as grow in the Woods , Mountains , Valleys , and the like . 6. Aquatical , such as grow in waters , and that either in the ocean or lesser waters , as in Fountains , Rivers , Ponds , &c. Arist. 7. Again , some Plants are delighted in a hot place , some in a cold place ; some in the open field , some in the shade ; some upon rocks , and some upon sandy-ground . 8. But why ( A ) Plants should delight to grow in such variety of soyls , is not easily determined ; yet notwithstanding the place where the thing is sited , is the conservation of that thing , and indeed of all things sublunar : therefore divers Plants are of divers natures , and accordingly do attract convenient Aliment out of that soyl , for the preservation of life ; and do therefore rejoyce , as it were , in a fit and convenient soyl . 9. Furthermore , notice must be taken in the germination of Plants , the time when they germinate , their Celerity and Tardity . 10. The time of germination is the Spring , when there is plenty of humour abounding , which was gathered in the winter-season ; and then their innate heat is excited by the extremity of external heat , insomuch that the cutis of Plants , and the meatus of the universal Body , begins to be opened , which causes the juice to be educed abroad , and a budding or germination to be made . 11. Others put forth their summer-fruit sooner or later , according to their naure ; which happens according to the greater or lesser force of the innate heat and humour , and also the rarity or density of the Plants body . 12. Sometimes , notwithstanding , tilled or pruned Plants do bud later then the untilled : First , by reason of the less revocation of the inward heat to the outward parts , and by reason of the wounds made by pruning : Secondly , either from the debilitation or weakness of the same heat , or the denudation of the root , or from the incrassitude of the humour : Thirdly , from the density and thickness of the Plant , induced or brought into the root by the force of nocturnal frigidity , and by the root into the whole Plant. 17. And they do not generate forthwith , in their first age ( neither do Animals , whilst young and tender , bear young ) because all their aliment at that time , is diverted into their increment : Secondly , their force is more weak , whereby it cannot concoct it , nor condensate it into fruit . 14 Neither do all Plants generate ; for so some are fruitful , others not fruitful . 15. The cause of fruitfulness , is referred by some onely to heat ; but when there is heat without matter , that is , copious aliment , it can effect or frame nothing . Hot and succulent Plants are onely fruitful . 16. Of fruitful or fecundine Plants , some do bear fruit once in all their life , others oftner . 17. Those that bear fruit oftner , are such as fructicate annally once a year , some twice , and some three times a year : the proximate cause of which , is no other then the proximate form of every species . 18. Of fecundine Plants , some are fertile continently , and that by the reason of the abundance of their heat , and fatness of their humour : as the Fig-tree , which fructicates sometimes but every year ; the same is observed in Pear-trees and Apple-trees . 19. These Trees are very profuse , for they require so much aliment for the generation of fruit , that if they receive not annually so much , by reason of the season of the year , they become barren for that year . 20. The property of the substance of Plants may be discerned , by their various affections , whereby they exercise and act . 21. Plants exercise their strength in things that are either Animate , or Inanimate . 22. Inanimate things ; as upon other Plants , or Animals . 23. Upon Plants , they either exercise a sympathy or antipathy , friendship or enmity ; so that the Olive-tree will be averse to the Oak , the Cabadge to the Vine , the Reed to the Fearn : but on the contrary , there is a friendship & sympathy between Rue and the Fig-tree ; that each other profits much by their vicinity . 24. The inquisition of these things is so obscure , insomuch that some have referred their original to an occult cause , and others have gone about to demonstrate it by reason . 25. But however , this is most likely the true meaning why they prosecute such a sympathy and antipathy , by reason of the substraction of aliment and corruption : for this cause it is , that where the Oak is , the Olive will not live , because the aliment is corrupted by the dryness of the Oak , and therefore is made more arrid then the nature of Olive is . So the Cabbage and the Vine cannot grow together : First , because the roots of the Vine do draw abundance of aliment from all the parts of the ground where it is planted : Secondly , because the bushiness of the Vine obstructs the reflection of the sun upon the Cabbage . 26. So in like manner do they exercise sympathy and friendship : the Rue seems to have nutriment with the Fig-tree , which is the cause of this loving correspondence ; for if the nature of the Fig-tree be hot , it must needs attract hot nutriment , which corresponds with the nature of Rue . 27. Plants also have a sympathy and antipathy to Animals , and that either to man alone , or other Animals . 28. Some Plants are friendly to mankinde , others are adverse to humane nature , and others do partake of a certain medium between both . 29. Those that are friendly , do repair and defend the universal Body , or determinated parts . 30. Those which are said to preserve the life of the universal Body , are such as have a strong faculty in nourishing , whose is the consent of principles , if so be all things be nourished with its like . 31. But whether this consent happens from the form , or rather matter , is an intricate doubt . Indeed the hability of the matter is altogether necessary , but the consent of the form ought to accede . 32. And these Plants do nourish either in the whole , or in part . 33. Whole Plants that do nourish , are such as these : pot-herbs , Lettice , Cabbage , Water-cresses , Brooklime . 34. Part of Plants ; as the roots of Rape , Parsnip , Radish : fruits ; as of Mellons , Cucumbers : seeeds ; as of Beans and Pease : corn ; as of Barley , Wheat , Rye , &c. 35. What things do defend a certain part of the body , are various : as Pyony the head , Saffron the heart , Mint the stomack , Egrimony the liver , Capers the spleen , Hermodactyls the arteries ; the cause of which is a certain similitude and consent of that Plant , with the form of that part to which ordained . 36. Some Plants are enemies , pernicious and hurtful , and that either to the whole body , or part : to the whole they prove fatal , by everting the continuity of union , and depraving of life , or stupefie or benum part of the body : as Henbane to the head , Pepper of the Mount to the liver , Ervus to the reins and bladder , Aloes to the hemorrhoids ; the cause of which antipathy or corruption , is the controversie of the form . 37. One and the same Plant , is sometimes salutary to one man , but noxious and death to another , by reason of the peculiar constitution of the individuum . 38. Some Plants there are , partly friends , and partly enemies to our bodies , partaking of a middle nature between sympathy and antipathy . 39. They are enemies indeed , which are infested with a bad sapour or odour ; they are friends that are correspondent to our constitution , which do bring out unprofitable juices out of our Bodies ; as Coloquintida and oth●…r purging Plants . 40. But as far as Medicaments act by purgation , so far they operate upon nature , by a ●…ertain force , which may be accounted under the name of being an enemy to nature : and those which draw corruption with humours , are enemies , though they be judged to draw them by a certain similitude and congruity . 41. The strength of Plants have also a certain friendship and enmity with other Animals : for Fennel is a friend to the Serpent , but Rue an enemy ; the Ash to the Scorpion , but Wolfs-bane infests him , & white Hellebore is a friend to him ; for if he be laid thereto , he revives : so Basil , in which he hath been seen to ingender : so the herbs Oenothara , Crateva , Lysimachus , hung about the necks of mad Animals , or untamed Bulls , they will cause them ( as Antiquity hath observed ) to turn round : all which do express necessarily a certain tacite consent of forms . 42. Plants also do produce various effects in inanimite things ; for the ancients have left upon record , that by the force and touch of Missletoe , and the herb Aethiopis , all Locks and Bolts do fly open : The Spina of Theophrastus doth congeal water : Radix , Hybisci , and the juice of Purslain and Mercury , doth abate the force of fire ( this hath often been experimented in our time ) all which in reason we ought to believe to be acted no other ways , then by the power of proper forms . 43. Lastly , for the nourishment and contemperation of the elementary qualities in Plants , four degrees are constituted in Plants , to wit , that some be hot or cold , moist or dry , in the first or second , third or fourth degree . 44. And these degrees respectively taken , are either remiss or intense : those that are remiss , are such as are placed in the first degree ; the rest are intense , so that the fourth be the chief , and exceed altogether mediocrity . The Commentary . ( A ) VVHy Plants are delighted to grow in various places , is a thing not easily unfolded ; yet it is a thing worth inquiring . Therefore according to the opinion of the Philosophers , the place is the conservator of all things ; that as the nature of Plants is various , so they have need of divers places to preserve life : therefore that place alone , or soyl , is proper and profitable to the life of Plants , which doth suggest convenient aliment unto them , and in which the roots of the Plant may have foundation commodious for its nature : on the contrary , that place is altogether unprofitable for Plants , where moderate aliment is not afforded in plenty , according to the nature of the Plant and its substance , in the first and second qualities ; or where the soyl is such , that the roots can neither go lower , nor rise higher , as occasion serves and need requires : therefore these Plants , which stand in need of pure aliment , much and sweet , can never profit or thrive , where the place suggests nothing but impure , little , hot , and saltish aliment : so such as have robust and long roots , will not live in a dense soyl ; and those that have small and tender roots , cannot thrive in a thin soyl , because they cannot draw aliment from the bottom . Some are bettered with a dense air ; which happens , because of their dissipation by the airs tenuity : some thrive gallantly in a sunny place , because they stand in need of the heat of the sun , to excite their denser substance : and here also is a certain tacite consent proceeding from the peculiar form of Plants : for in cold places hot juyce doth grow ; and in a cold and moist place , sometimes hot and dry Plants do live . CHAP. 6. Of the parts of Plants , and their kindes . 1. HItherto of Plants which have a body both organical and animate . Now of their parts . 2. Whatsoever that is from which the body of Plants is constituted , is either within the ground , and then it is called a root ; or above the ground , then superficies . 3. And this whole body is distributed into parts ; or principals , or less principal . 4. Those which are called the true principals , are those parts in which the vegetable soul doth perfect nutrition , and conserve life . 5. And they are either similar , or dissimilar . 6. Similar parts , which have one and the same substance altogether : and because many of them want proper words , they change the appellation of parts of Animals , by a certain Analogy . 7. And these are either liquid , or solid . 8. The liquid are Juices and Tears . 9. Juice is that liquid part , diffused in the substances of Plants ; by which , as with blood , their life is preserved , Arist. 1. de Plant. c. 2. 10. Lachryma , or Tears , are humours which drop from Plants spontaneously ; either induced thereunto by the heat of the sun , or the plenty of humour dehiscing upon any occasion . 11. And they are either watry , as such as do concrete into Gums ; or pitchy , such as are converted to Rosin . 12. The solid parts are the substance , called flesh and the fibres . 13. The Flesh is the gross substance of the Plant , consisting of a concreted humour , responding to the muscles of Animals . 14. The Fibres are long parts , continued & fissile , carried in the same manner over the whole Plant , as Veins and Nerves in Animals ; and accordingly in Plants , they are called Veins and Nerves : the succulent Fibres , are the greater Veins ; the dry , the lesser . 15. The dissimilar parts do consist of the similar . 16 And these are either universal or anniversary . 17. The Universal , or parts during for a long time , are the root , the caule , matrix , and bough . 18. The root is the lowest part of the Plant , which is as it were the mouth of the Plant , fixed in the earth ; thereby attracting nutriment for the enlivening of the whole , and the supplying of every part . 19. The caule is the Trunk , Stock , or Body of the Plant , which doth arise next from the root above the earth ; into which , as it were into the vena cava , the aliment doth first ascend from the root , and after a full concoction , is carried to the other parts . 20. The matrix , or medulla , or sap , is the internal part of the Plant ; lying hid in the midle of the Plant , consisting of flesh and humour . 21. The boughs are parts of the Plant which do stretch out and dilate themselves from the caule or trunk , as the arms of the body from the shoulders . 22. Anniversary , that is , those parts that grow afresh yearly , young twigs , flowers and fruit . 23. A twig is part of the Plant which arises new from the boughs yearly ; and upon these twigs , do the fruit and flowers hang. 24. The less principal parts are the Barks and Leaves . 25. The Bark is , as it were , a certain tunicle made of Fibres , wherewith the body is involved ; and is called the rinde . 26. Leaves are , as it were , the excrements of Plants ; and they do consist of humour and fibres . 27. But Plants are either perfect or imperfect . 28. I call those perfect , which evidently have the first and principal parts of Plants , to wit , the superficies and the root . 29. And these have by nature , for their superficies , a caul , or none . 30. Those that have a caule , have it either perpetual , that is to say , for a long time , or not perpetual . 31. Those whose caules are not perpetual , they have no liqueous substance , as all kindes of herbs ; and these amongst all Plants , are the least . 32. An herb ( A ) therefore is a little Plant , whose superficies consists of a caule or stem , void of wood , continuing for a year . 33. Under this we comprehend all fruits and pot-herbs , which are no other then such as are fit to be eaten . 34. Those which have a caule perpetual , that is , for a long time , have it either by nature simple or compound , one or more . 35. Those which have it simple , are Plants of the greatest crassitude , as trees . 36. A tree therefore is a liqueous Plant , hard to be dissolved ; amongst all Plants , the firmest and highest , whose candex is perpetual , and by nature simple . 37. And this hath either a firm caul , or not firm . 38. Firm , as the Oak , the Apple-tree , Pear , and Cherry-tree , &c. 39. Infirm , as the Vine and others , which are fain to be supported . 40. Which have many caules , and the same either thin or crass . 41. Those which have a thin caule , are reckoned amongst less liqueous Plants , as Broom and Bavine . 42. Brush or Bavine is a Plant accounted the least amongst liqueous Plants , both in altitude and crassitude , not unlike to the Rose-tree , Sage , and Marshmallow . 43. Those which , have crass caules , are reckoned amongst middle Plants , easily passing into the nature of trees , by the abscission of the unprofitable branches , as shrubs . 44. A shrub is a liqueous Plant , of a middle altitude and crassitude , who hath for its superficies a perpetual caule , by nature multifarious and crass ; as the Hazle and Elder . 45. Imperfect Plants are those which want a superficies and root , or that is obscurely in them , or not in them . 46. Of this sort are Mushrooms and Toadstools , whose substance is spungy , in which but one superficies can be discerned ; so also Missletoe , Dodder , and Epithimus , in which no root can be seen . 47. There are so many varieties of Plants in the universe , that they cannot be comprehended within our brevity ; their species and several natures may be known , by reading of Pliny , Theophrastus , and other writers of Herbs . The Commentary . ( A ) AN Herb may be distinguished several ways by divers Arguments : we shall onely distinguish of those which are idoneous to be eaten ; of which sort are edible Fruits and Herbs : Fruits ; as Wheat , Rye , Barley , Oats , &c. all manner of pulse ; as Pease , &c. Pot-herbs ; as Radish , Fennel , &c. and all other Herbs that are eaten or mingled with meats ; as the Cabbadge , Lettice , &c. Those which are not fit for esure , are healthful or exitial ; the use whereof is in medicine , either to absterge , calefie , or refrigerate ; with many other properties , which medicine requires : exitial are those that have an excedent quality , as Hemlock . But why have Plants and Animals such a familiarity or hatred amongst themselves , is a question worth resolving . There are certain Herbs which are edible , which preserve the life of Animals : now the consent must be in principles ; for all things are nourished by their simile , and corrupted by their contrary : but whether this consent be from the form or matter , is a question not yet resolved . That it doth proceed from the matter , is a thing seemingly to be proved , because the aliment doth not come from the naked form , but body of the Plants ; and when it begins to nourish ( for those aliments which nourish , must be concocted by the innate heat of the Animal , and so be changed divers manner of ways ) it seems rather to belong to the matter , then the form : but we must know that matter cannot be idoneous for the nourishment of any body , unless also the consent of form doth concur ; for neither without the help of other , can be the cause of any action . For whatsoever is made from a body that doth consist of matter and form , is so made , that the actions may be given rather to the form then matter , and the passions rather to the matter then form : and therefore the familiarity of nutriment , is chiefly to be referred to the form , although that the concurrence of the hability of the matter , be necessary . From these may be gathered , why certain herbs are so averse from putrefaction ; but on the contrary , apt and ready to the breaking of the whole body , and everting of life : for the cause of corruption is the contrariety of form ; and the matter makes repugnancy , lest that any nutriment happen to the other : for so the seeds of Grapes have of the matter , and yet not nourish men ; and the wolf Thos hath of form and matter , and yet averse from the life of men . CHAP. 7. Of parts contained in animate Bodies ; and first of all , of Humors . 1. HItherto we have spoken of the first kinde of natural Animates , to wit , of Plants : We shall now prosecute the other kinde , aistheton , or such as have sense . 2. Aisthetice is a nature which is indowed with sense . 3. And it is Zoophyton , or an Animal . 4. An Animal is a ( A ) sensible and animated body , moving it self to a place . 5. For Sense belongs onely to Animals , and they are constituted for them ; and herein they differ from Plants . 6. This animated Body ( B ) is one , and simple harmony of many parts , by continuation and union of form ; and it is dividual and variable into almost infinite parts . 7. Therefore all that is part of an animate Body , into which the same body cannot be divided , or remain well whole , Arist. 7. Polit. c. 8. 8. And some things are contained in these parts . 9. They are contained , which when they have a fluent and coherent nature , are yet sustained by help of others . 10. Of which sort ( C ) are both humours and spirits . 11. An humour is the liquid and fluent part of a body , contained in the spaces of an animate body , and so placed therefore for the preservation of the same . 12. Therefore whatsoever doth flow in and from the body , insomuch that a vessel is required to be subjected , in which the thing may be contained , is called an humour . 13. And humour is either insite or acquisite : the insite is engendered of the whole mass of the body , having its rise from the seed and menstruous blood , for the conformation of the body ; and it is also called radical , or primogenial . 14. And it is either airy , or oleous , in which the native heat is preserved , even as a flame by the candle . 15. It is daily made of aliment : for whatsoever suffices in its place , it is needful to be changed by the help of heat ; but heat in product of time begins to fade , and therefore what happens of aliment , is impure ; and if it be destitute of fit aliment , then heat at length quite dissipates . 16. The acquisite doth come out for reparation sake , for the more profitable parts of aliments . 17. And it is either primary or secondary . 18. The primary is gotten immediately of aliments concocted in the liver . 19. Chylus therefore is not to be accounted the first humour , both for that it is unapt of it self to nourish the body or any part thereof , and also that it is not as yet truly fluid , and not cocted in the liver . 20. Primary humours are either profitable or excrementitious . 21. Those that are profitable , and make much to nutrition , are blood and flegme . 22. Blood ( D ) is a hot humour , temperate , sweet , rubicund , prepared in the Miseraick veins , and confected in the liver , of the most temperate , oleous and airy parts of chyle . 23. With this alone , are all the parts of animals nourished . First , when it is certain , that we are nourished of those things of which we consist ; but we are made of pure blood in the womb . Secondly , because this humour alone is distributed by vessels , over the whole body , and so doth accede to every part . Thirdly , this alone also is sweet , and apt to nourish : other humours are either bitter or acid . Fourthly , this alone can concrete by the benefit of the fibres , and be assimilated to the body , Arist. l. 2. de part . anim . c. 23. 24. Therefore this alone is contained in the veins , not mingled with any other humour , although it be conflated of four divers parts , which do so constitute the sanguineous Mass , as Cheese and Whay belongs to the substance of milk . 25. Therefore , because nature is not one and the same in all parts , therefore from this Mass several stocks of juices may be drawn . 26. Those parts are various , of which blood doth consist : some improperly entitle them by the name of excrementitious humours . 27. For those humours are not carried with blood into the body , if it injoys fully its native health ; but if infested with any preternatural affection , then it is not blood , but an excrement , as Aristotle calls it ; and the Philosophers , Nosodes haima , diseased blood . 28. Flegme ( E ) is a cold humour , moist , white , and insipid ; gotten of a cold portion of chyle in the liver , that by the progress of time and greater concoction , it may divert to blood , and so nourish the body . 29. Therefore , nature prudently hath hid no receptacle , which might expurge it : therefore , seeing it cannot be evacuated , it requires to be altered . 30. Furthermore , there are excrementitious humours , which are unprofitable to nourish the body ; therefore they are purged by nature . 31. And these are made either by the second concoction , together with the blood in the liver , and may be discerned ; or of the third , of what is left of every part . 32. Two excrementitious humors , are generated in the second concoction in the liver : the one representing the flower , the other the fecies of wine , to wit , yellow and black , choler and whey . 33. Yellow bile or choler ( F ) is an excrementitious humour , hot and dry , bitter also , being procreated of the tender and hotter parts of chyle ; and so gathered into the bladder of the gall . 34. This humor doth flow from the bladder of the gall , by the passage of the Choledochum ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , choler , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to receive ) to the end of the intestines , that it may stimulate the dull intestines by its acrimony to excretion ; and so bring down the slow flegme adhering to the interior membranes . 35. Black choler ( G ) or melancholy is a cold and dry humour , crass , and black , acerb , acid , arising from the gross●…r and feculent part of aliment , and expurged from the spleen . 36. Serum or whey , is an excrementitious humor , begotten of drink or any other liquor , wherewith meat is digested in the stomach by the action of heat in the liver . 37. Part of it is mild , and distributed together with blood into the veins , and so the same made gross by the coction , and plenty of fibres ; and as it were deduced in a chariot , to the extremities of the body : the other part which is unprofitable , is forthwith expelled to the ●…ins ; and hence by the Uretra's to the bladder . 38. This Serum , therefore , is matter of urine ; for this is no other thing then serum , altered in the liver and vessels , attracted from the reins , and expulsed into the bladder : and at last excreted by the passage of the vein , that purer blood may be made . 39. But the excrementitious humours , which are discerned in the third concoction , do either break out of the whole body , or by some determinate part . 40. Of which sort are sweats , and tears , which we put amongst the excrements of the third concoction : not that they are then generated ( for their matter is the same with serum ) but after that the concoction is made , they are discerned . 41. Sweat therefore is serum altered in the liver , and by the conveyance of the blood , is transmitted by the veins ; and at length out of these veins , by the insensible passages of the body , expulsed into the species of water . 42. The usual and natural sweat of our body is of a watry colour ; but sometimes it is yellowish , and reddish , by reason of the tenuity of the blood , which Aristotle mentions . 43. A Tear is a drop , contained in the head and angles of the veins which are in the eyes , and doth break out by the watry holes , to the internal angle of the eye ; and by compression and dilatation , by the scissure of the conjunctive tunicle . 44. Hence it is , that the coming of tears , doth not proceed from the eyes ; for they are , as it were , but the emissaries of the drops . 45. It behoves also that nature should have given to every man tears , properly so called , because sometimes he is sad , and sometimes rejoyces ; whence his veins are dilated and compressed . 46. They are most prone to tears , whose bodies are endowed with a cold and moist , tender , soft , and effeminate constitution , and with a moist and languid brain : hence it is , that children and women , more then men , are addicted more to pour out tears in such a plentiful manner . 47. Great plenty and abundance of tears do flow from them also , who have the carnucles and angles of the eyes great and lax . 48. And on the contrary , some by no force , nor means , can be made to weep , because in them the Lachrymal flesh doth obduce the veins , and so hinder the flux of tears . 49. Let these suffice to have been spoken of the primary humours , both excrementitious and profitable : the secondary humours , are those which are made new , of insited or radical moisture , or of blood much concocted . 50. Of which sort are these two , ( H ) Ros and Gluten . 51. Ros is an humour , which doth distil like a dew , generated of blood resolved into vapour , and doth resude by the tunicles of the veins ; and partly flows from or by the pores thereof . 52. Gluten is an humour begotten of Ros : applied first to the substance of the part , and there adhering ; and then changed by the heat of the parts : and it is called Gluten , because it agglutinates the parts . 53. Therefore we shall exclude the rest ; either because they are or may be referred to what hath been said ; or that they are improper , wanting names , whereby they cannot be appropriated to any class . The Commentary . ( A ) IT is delivered in the definition , that an Animal doth consist of Matter and Form. Matter is an Animate , or Organical body : Form is endowed with sense ; for sense ought to belong , and is necessary to such an Animal ; and of that alone are Animals constituted : and therein do they differ from Plants , which indeed are animates , but destitute of sense . Now in animals , motion doth always accompany sense , as a thing necessary to the conservation of the animal : for because it is preserved by nutriment , it stands in need of motion to procure that nutriment : but every animal by divine ordination , doth generate the whole and perfect simile to it self ; in which generation , matter is the seed of both sexes , masculine and feminine ; or a certain simile , that is in stead of seed : although sometimes certain animates are produced out of putrefaction , yet there must be some certain seminal force therein , or else it could not be the efficient cause of any such generation . ( B ) Because these ▪ sublunaries do consist of dissimilar natures , therefore they are mortal & corruptible : therefore lest that God should seem to be wanting to them , he hath or dained that they that cannot remain in the same number , or at least in the same species , be revived by annual succession ; and therefore by the benefit of procreation , that one species should proceed out of another ; whence the life of the dead ( as we may say ) is placed in the memory of the living ; and the father doth live in the son , as the artificer in his work . But as God is always the first cause of all natures , so is he the true , proper and first efficient cause in the rise of all animals : The secondary or instrumentary , are the animals themselves , whether masculine or feminine of the same species , that they may make one when they are united , and distinctly ordered to the obscene parts and instruments of generation : for the masculine is generated in another , and not in it self ; the feminine doth generate in it self , and not in another : Where observe , that perfect animals onely can be said to proceed from the congress of the masculine and the feminine ; yet some may be excepted : for of little animals , as insects , which are produced of putrid matter alone , without seed ; so the flye Cantharis , hath neither masculine nor feminine : nor is it a P●…enix in nature : so an Eel is of neither sex ; and many other . ( C ) It is disputed by some , whether humours or spirits may be rightly reckoned amongst animal parts ; because they obtain no figure , nor certain mode of increment , like solid and dimense parts : but know , that we take the word part largely in this place , for all that which is necessary to the constitution of an animate body : for whatsoever may not be taken from the whole , without a dissolution of that whole , that may properly be called part of that whole : therefore humors and spirits , because if they be taken away , the animal whole cannot consist ; therefore they are adjudged to pass under the name of parts . But here it will be demanded , whence doth the dissimilitude of the four humours depend , from the efficient or from the matter ? Galen and Avicen do assert , that blood doth arise from a moderate and temperate , choler from an intense , and flegme from a remiss heat . But Fernelius more rightly refers the cause of so great variety to the aliment , that is , ●…o the material cause , because it ●…s not consentaneous , the same ●…eat , in the same time and part , ●…o produce contrary effects : ●…herefore the cause of this dissi●…ilitude is referred to the mat●…er . For whereas aliment ( which ●…s the matter ) taken into our bo●…ies , doth consist of divers parts , ●…t is altogether consentaneous to ●…uth , that those humours which ●…o arise from it , cannot be alto●…ther of one and the same genus , ●…ut divers ; for what part of the ●…yle is more temperate , is converted by the liver into blood ; and what more hotter , is changed into ▪ yellow choler ; and what is crude , into flegme ; and what is terrene , into melancholy . And these are familiar to the body , four manner of ways , as Hippocrates saith , by which we are constituted and nourished : for because the bodies of animals do disperse those things which are excrementitious , by certain occult foramens , and that by diflation ; therefore they need aliment . ( D ) Blood may be understood two manner of ways : First , for all the four humours , which are contained in the veins , which when opened , blood doth flow out , endowed with the four humours ; for blood is not similar , but a mass conflated of different humours : Secondly , blood may be taken peculiarly and properly , for a pure sejoyned humor , which is known by this sign , that assoon as it is let out into a vessel , it concretes , and turns into clots , by reason of its fibres : this humour is called by Hippocrates , hot and moist , because it conserves the life of the animal , which consists of a humid , as though material , and a calid principle as formal ; and it is also called temperate by Galen , because a hot and moist temperament , doth next accede to the temperature , because it is the fittestto produce animal-operations ; and it is called sweet , because it arises from a moderate heat , and of a temperate and best part of chyle : it is called Red or Rubicund , because it acquires a colour from the liver , that is red : for every part propounds this as its end , to assimilate that to itself , which it altered ; therefore chyle is taken from the ventricle , and transmuted by little and little to the liver ; and so by degrees , doth pass , and is converted into its nature : and hence it is , that it receives its colour ; from this doth every part attract aliment ; whence blood is called by some , the treasure of life , which nature so keeps in such safe custody , that all the other humors may receive loss , before blood : nay some have gone so far , as to go about to demonstrate , that the soul resides in blood ; others do affirm , that blood is essentially the very soul. ( E ) Flegme , is gotten of the gross and watrish part of chyle : sometimes it is called sweet ; not that any dulcitude or sweetness doth possess it , as it is with honey or sugar : but so to be understood , as when we say sweet water , or water is sweet : and when we ascribe frigidity to it , we do mean , that it is not partaker of the contrary , viz. heat ; but because that coldness is predominant in it : for if flegme were onely cold exactly , then it would be coacted like unto ice ; and if it were exactly humid , it were void of all crassitude and lentor : the effect of it is to nourish the flegmatick members , together with blood ; and it is alimen●… half cocted , and in progress of time may easily make blood , and nourish the whole body . ( F ) The matter of black choler or melancholy is the more gross and feculent part of aliment , not unlike to the fecies of wine , or the setlings of oyl . This humour is cold and dry , because terrene : neither yet so cold , but that it is a partaker of some heat , otherwise it would concrete like ice ; nor void of all humidity , otherwise it would not be an humor , but a hard body like to an Adamant : its proper colour is black , or rather oleaceous , which in a temperate man , is called black : if compared with the colour of other humours , it is crass , by reason of its terrene nature ; and it hath sometimes a sowre sapour , when much heat cocts the humidity ; and sometimes sharp , when less heat , &c. its use is to nourish the gross , hard , and terrene members . But here a question may be handled : whereas it is said , that melancholy is terrene , cold and dry , therefore unapt to all the motions , both of body and minde ; its strange why Aristotle will have all melancholy persons to be ingenious , either in the study of Philosophy , or moral Policy , in Poetry , and many other Arts and Sciences . It is answer'd , that the strength of wit is discerned and discovered , either by quickly learning , or strongly retaining . In this latter , melancholy persons do excel , because siccity is necessary and appropriated to the retentive faculty : therefore the brain is made firm and contemperated from this humor , by the heat of blood and spirit ; and indeed , those that are without this humour , are very forgetful : and though they may be ingenious , yet they are always found to be light and unstable , seldom persevering in the thing proposed , by reason of the levity of spirits ; for judgement and prudence , is no●… perfected in motion , but in rest : whence Aristotle could affirm , that the soul is rendred more intelligible , by rest and quietness , then commotion and trouble . ( H ) Avicen , besides those two before named , doth make other two adventitious humours , amongst which those spoken of do possess a medium : the first is called innominatus , because it never flows out of the veins ; but the second , the Barbarians call Cambium , because it desires to flow out , and would be changed into the substance of flesh : but both of them are rejected : yet Fuchsius would have this humor to be the same with the radical , but without reason . Here it may be demanded , whether it may perpetuate life ? because the oleous or radical is preserved and nourished with humidity , and new always substituted in the place of that which is absumed ; for I do not see why , if radical humidity be wanting , that death should follow : but answer may be made , that the privation or defect of the radical humor , depends upon the impotency of heat : for whatsoever suffices in the place of its native humour , that is necessary to be changed by the help of heat ; which as Scaliger thinks , is altered and grows feeble , by use and diuturnity of time : therefore what accedes of aliment is more worse and impure , then that which decedes ; therefore heat destitute of idoneous aliment , is dissipated . And hence it is that man necessarily must dye . CHAP. 8. Of Spirits . 1. HItherto of humors so called : Now we shall handle the doctrine of spirits : they are called ( A ) spirits , because they fly away by their subtil and aereal tenuity , which after a certain manner responds to the Nature of Spirits indeed . 2. But here the word spirit is taken ( B ) for a very small or thin substance , aereal and vaporous ; the first instrument of life , as to the performance of action . 3. Here its essence is not to be understood ethereal and celestial , but in a manner elementary : First , because such like spirits are what like their matter is ; but their matter is elementary : Secondly , they can accend , refrigerate , increase , diminish , and extinguish : but the celestial , on the contrary , want these ; neither can they be changed by natural cause : Thirdly , because to their preservation , the inspiration of the air is necessary : Fourthly and lastly , the spirits do restore again an elementary body , in a swounding fit . 4. A spirit is either insited , or fixed , or influent . 5. Insited , which is ordinarily ( C ) complanatus , is an aereal and tender substance , lying within several solid members , and procreated of the genital seed , from the governess faculty of the principal parts , the first and proximate seat of native heat , and a certain faculty , as it were , the band of unition of the soul with the body . 6. Of this there seems to be so many differences , as there are natures and temperaments of parts , if it may be accommodated to these , and attemperated to the nature of every part . 7. The influent is that which is implanted ; and lest it should dissolve and vanish , it remains fixed . 8. And here it is threefold ; natural , vital , and animal . 9. And as in mans body , First , there are three Vertues , Natural , Vital , and Animal : Secondly , so also there are three principal bowels , if I may so call them , the Liver , Heart , and Brain : Thirdly , three Organs also administring to these , the Veins , Arteries , and Nerves : so there are so many spirits , distinct in species and form , which are , as it were , the chariots of strength . 10. The natural is ( D ) a thin vapour , procreated in the liver , of the purer part of blood ; and thence diffused by the veins into the habit of the body , to absolve all natural actions . 11. Concerning this , many great questions are made : some do expunge it from the catalogue of spirits : First , because it takes its natural faculty from the Liver : Secondly , that it doth renew the same faculty insited from every part : Thirdly , and by this Spirit or Captain , the gross blood is carried to distant parts . 12. The vital spirit ( E ) is a thin halite vapour , or breath , begotten of inspirated air , and natural spirit ; carried to the left side of the heart , and so runs by the artery over the whole body , and so supplies the vivifical strength unto them . 13. All the ancient Neotericks do conclude this to be coacted , when it is chiefly necessary to life : for as Plato doth affirm , if the sun should quiesce one moment , the whole world would perish , because it excites spirit and heat , by its motion : so here , if the spirits be prohibited , forthwith the Animal perishes . 14. The animal spirit is ( F ) a pure halite , begotten of a portion of vital spirit , carried to the brain and insited in its faculty , diffused by the nerves into the body , that it may incite it to motion , sense , and all animal actions . 15. This , as it pleases some , doth not differ from the vital , in kinde and nature ; because they maintain , that there is but one universal spirit : but as aliment doth take a new form , by a new coction , and thence a new denomination : So that first , there are divers Organs : Secondly , divers faculties : Thirdly , divers manner of generations ; so also this spirit is diverse from the rest in species . The Commentary . ( A ) BY spirit here we understand not an incorporeal substance , or the intellect of man , which is rightly called by the Philosophers , a spirit ; which Scaliger , otherwise a man very learned dothseem to dissent from ; for he speaks Theologically , and is to be understood , as speaking of an incorporate substance : but by spirit we mean a thin and subtil body . ( B ) Because nature is not wont to copulate one contrary to another , unless it be with some medium , not unlike a band : for mortal and immortal , do differ more then in kinde ; and therefore an incorporate being , is not consentaneous to a brittle body , and immortality cannot be united to the intellect of man without the concurrence of a medium : and this is no other then a spirit , which doth bring mortality to the body ; having a thin and tender substance , as it were , acceding to the intellect . The medium between both , is nature : and this spirit is not void of a body , but begotten of the elements which were in the seed : and it is most elaborate , nearly acceding to the nature of celestial spirits ; and most thin , that it may fly all sense ; very apt to pass , by an incredible celerity : for it passes over the whole body with a great celerity , that it may give motion , sense , and strength to its parts , and perform other functions of the soul. ( D ) Concerning this spirit , many great questions are agitated : some do-banish it from the catalogue of spirits , moved thereto by these Arguments : First , because there is no use nor necessity for it . We answer , Its use is great : for first of all , it is the chariot of aliment ; for the humours gotten in the liver , can scarce penetrate of themselves , through the narrow passages , by reason of their crassitude ; nor can they well be carried to the other parts of the body , by reason of the slowness of their motion . Furthermore , this spirit takes its natural faculty from the liver ; whose work is to attract , retain , and concoct familiar aliment to all the parts of the body ; and by a certain force , doth expel the excrements . Secondly , they will have no place to be given by nature proper for this spirit . We answer , the liver is its fountain and principle ; as the heart of life , and the brain of the soul. Thirdly , they alledge , that this spirit doth not lead any thing to any part , or carry any thing thereunto . But we say , that as the animal spirit is carried by the Nerves , the Vital by the Arteries : so the natural spirit is carried by the veins , together with the aliment blood , into the general mass of the body . But here another question will arise , how can the spirits flow into the inward and most remote parts , but by penetration , and dimension . Answer , Some bodies are crass and solid , and some thin and tender : through those that are hard , they cannot penetrate ; but the spirits , because they are thin , do fly all manner of sense , and are diffused without impediment in a moment , this way and that way , with a certain kind of celerity , and do pervade the members ; neither by their presence filling them , nor by their absence emptying them . ( E ) And in this spirit all the causes come to be considered : the matter is the natural spirit , procreated in the liver , thence carried by the vena cava , with the arterious blood ( that is , the purest of blood ) upwards , going into the right side of the heart , where it is attenuated most accurately , by the passages , not altogether occult ; but if a dog be dissected , it will be found in the left side : the efficient cause is the strong heat of the heart , attenuating and making thin the vital spirit : it 's form its rarefaction , not unlike to the tenuity of a little flame : its end is to conserve life diffused from the heart , by the arteries , into the universal body . ( F ) The matter of this spirit is that vital , which is carried by the crevices of the arteries , to the basis of the brain ; and it doth slide thereinto as into a net ; which is placed there by nature , as a labyrinth : for when any matter would exactly elaborate , it doth devise a longer stay in the instruments of coction , and afterwards by another context is intromitted into ventricles of the brain : the efficient cause is motion , but chiefly the proper force of the solid substance of the brain , whereby this spirit doth exactly elaborate , and so become animal : the form of it is rarefaction , made perfect by the degeneration of the vital spirit into the animal : its end is to shew a sensitive and moving faculty , with great celerity , from the middle ventricle of the brain , by the nerves , into the whole body ; by which spirit the animal faculty is apprehended in man of reason and memory , if its force or motion be not hindred . CHAP. 9. Of the similar parts of an Animate body . 1. HAving expounded the contained parts , the continent do follow , which consist of substance , by reason of that firmness and solidity they have . 2. And they are either homogeneous or heterogeneous , similar or dissimilar . 3. A similar ( A ) part is that which may be divided into similes , according to the particles of sense , and into the same species . 4. Of similar parts , some are spermatical , others carnous . 5. The spermatick parts are those , which are generated immediately of the crassament of seed , and so coalesced into hard substances . 6. Of which sort are Bones , Cartilages , Ligaments , Membranes , Nerves , Arteries , Veins , Fibres , Fat 's , Skin . 7. Bones are the hardest parts ( B ) of animates , dry and cold , begotten of the crassament of seed by exustion , to the stability of the whole . 8. These are endowed with no sense : because first , no Nerves are disseminated by their substance : Secondly , if they were sensible , they could not endure daily labors without great pain ; and that sensation would either take away the greatest part of action , or render it frustraneous . 9. A Cartilage ( C ) is a kin to these , which is a substance or part a little softer then bones , and harder then any other member ; and flexible after a certain manner , made to the keeping of motion in its destinated parts . 10. A Ligament ( D ) is a simple part of the body , hard , and begotten of seed , yet softer then a Cartilage ; and yielding to the touch , knitting the bones together . 11. A certain portion of these is called tendous , which is a similar part , begotten of Fibres , Nerves , and Ligaments , mixed in a muscle ; all which are called articles . 12. A Membrane is a similar part , begotten of seed , tender , covering several other parts . 13. The Nerves are spermatick parts , arising from the brain , or back-bone , the interior part of the marrow , the exterior of the membrane , carrying the animal spirit to sense and motion . 14. They are distinguished into softer or harder . 15. They are soft which do arise from the former part of the brain . 16. And they are seven conjugations : for none of all the Nerves are simple , but all conjugated ; whence they are called paria nervorum . 17. The chiefest of these are inserted in the centre of the eye , and are called the visive or optick nerves , carrying the faculty of seeing unto them . 18. The second propagation of moving of the nerves , is the eyes . 19. The third society is partly scattered into the tunicle of the tongue , to propogate to the taste ; and part dispersed in other parts of the face . 20. The fourth conjugation is a certain proportion dispersed in the palate . 21. The fifth is carried by the auditory passage , to the drum of the ears ; and they are called the auditory nerves . 22. The sixth is a large portion of nerves , wandring and running almost through all the bowels . 23. The seventh arises from the hinder part of the head , and the marrow of the back-bone , and inserted into the muscles of the tongue , and is said to move the tongue . 24. The crasser nerves , in which there is a more obtuser faculty , and they do come out of the marrow of the back-bone , carrying sense and motion to the internal parts . 25. And thirty of these are alike , and combined , seven to the hinder part of the neck ; twelve to the Thorax ; five to the Lungs ; six to the sacred bones : all which do disperse themselvs like boughs into the other parts of the body . 26. The Arteries ( F ) are hollow vessels , long , having two tunicles , and those crass and substantial , ordained for the deducing of the vital spirit ; and for temperating and expurging of the heart and other parts to heat . 27. And they do arise out of the heart ; of which two principal Arteries do spring out of the left side thereof : from which two , all the other take their original , Arteria Aorta , et Arteria venosa . 28. The great Artery Aorta is the foundation of all other Arteries , and doth carry the vital spirit to all the other parts of the body . 29. The venous artery is stretched out , like a quill , from the same side of the heart , into the liver , from whence it brings air to cool the heart . 30. A vein ( G ) is a similar part , and round and hollow , like to a reed , arising from the liver , consisting of one tunicle contexted of three Fibres , carrying blood for nutriment , together with the natural spirit , to the several parts of the body . 31. Veins are distinguished into principal , and less principal . 32. The Principal are those out of which , as out of a trunk or stock , others do arise ; and they are two ; vena porta , and vena cava . 33 Vena porta is a great vein , coming out of the hollow part of the liver , and excepting all the Mesenterian veins ; by which it takes chyle out of the ventricle and intestines , and so doth carry it to the concavity of the liver . 34. Vena cava , which is also called the great vein , doth arise from the bunchy part of the liver ; and running over the whole longitude of the animal , carries the blood to all the parts for nutriment . 35. The less principal veins are branches of the former ; and either they have peculiar names allotted , or not . 36. The branched veins are partly Mesenterial , and partly Hemorrhoidal . 37. The causes of these are either external or internal . 38. The internal are the emulgent or seminal veins . 39. The exterior are the jugular veins in the head , the intercostal in the trunk , and the auxiliary in the arms : of these , and all the branches dispersed from them , into both the exterior and interior parts of the body , no particular names are allotted them . 40. The fibres are ( H ) similar parts , begotten white and solid , of seed , and dispersed every where over the whole membrane . 41. And they are either right , oblique , or transverse . 42. They are right , which are carried according to the longitude of the membrane , and do serve to attract aliment . 43. Those that are transverse , are such as are placed cross the body , and they retain the attracted aliment . 44. Oblique are those that are obduced with an organ crooked , and do crosswise cut the two former , and have an expelling force . 45. Fat is a similar part ( I ) of the body , moist , without blood , concreted of the aereal and fatty part of blood , erupting by sweat , through the tunicles of the vessels , and congealed by the frigidity of the nervous parts . 46. The skin ( K ) is a similar part , ample and spermatick ; and it is the covering of all the parts of the body . 47. To this may be added that which is no other then a thin and tender skin , not unlike to the peeling of an onyon . 48. Hitherto of similar parts , which are spermatick : they are carnous which are generated of blood , and they are the flesh of the muscles . 49. Flesh ( L ) is a tender part soft and rubicund , and concreted of coagulated blood . The Commentary . ( A ) MAny definitions of similar parts are delivered , both by ancient and late writers . Aristotle doth call that a similar part , which is divided into like parts ; which definition almost all have kept ; which notwithstanding seems to be imperfect ; for it must be understood of those things that may be divided into similar parts , both according to sense and reason . As for example , flesh in the judgement of sense may be divided into parts , which are similar mutually to it self , and to the whole : but in reason or imagination , it is divided both into the four humours of which it consists , and also into the four elements ; which neither are similar mutually to it self , or by being compound to the whole : therefore this particle is rightly added in the definition , according to sense ; whence also Galen makes mention of sense , saying , That these are similar parts , which are like in sense ; and therefore those parts are called rightly similar , which do admit of no division altogether sensible , into diversities ; and therefore they are called simple as to sense : For although the elements alone are truly simple , because they acknowledge no composition onely of matter and form , notwithstanding they are called simple and similar parts of animals , by a certain similitude and analogy : for those things which are truly similar cannot be divided into the parts of a divers species , neither in sense nor reason ; so that what things are onely similar in sense , are not to be divided into diversities , sense being judge . ( B ) Bones are called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because their substance is hard and dry ; whence it follows , that the same is chiefly terrene , that is , partaking more of earth , then of any other element : they are void of sense , because much portion of the nerves is disseminated by their substance , by the benefit whereof all the parts are sensitive . But because some do assert that there is a notable sense in bones : We answer , that this sense doth not arise from the bones , but from that membrane , which doth cover the bone ; for that being abrased , the bone may not onely be cut without any pain , but without sense . But it may be objected , that the teeth are bones , which experience doth teach to be most exquisite in sense : I answer , That happens by accident , and not of it self ; for certain soft and tender nerves do appear to be derived from the teeth ; which because they are disseminated to the inward parts of the teeth , do so affect the substance thereof , that it causes great pain . Furthermore , in hollow bones , marrow is contained , which is a simple substance , moist , fat , and white , and the aliment of those bones : this marrow is without blood , yet hath its original of blood , which doth distil out of the orifices of the vessels , to the Periostium , and so doth pierce into the cavities of the bones : the efficient cause is the frigidity of the bones ; whence it is , that cold , and moist bodies do abound with much more fatness and marrow , then the hot and dry : and for this reason , the bones of a Lyon do want marrow , which of all creatures is the dryest and hottest , because they have bones hard and dense . It s use is to nourish the bones , and to binde with i●… incalescency , with motions , and other causes . ( C ) A Cartilage is called by the Greeks , Condros : its substance is terrene and solid , but not so much as the bone ; whence Aristotle doth rightly write , that the matter of a Cartilage and Bone , to be one and the same matter , onely differing in dryness : for a Cartilage is softer then a Bone , and somewhat flexible ; whence it gives place with its softness ; neither doth it so resist , as the bone . It s use is multifarious : for first , it is a certain stay and prop , and makes the proximate parts more stable : Secondly , it admirably defends the bones from knocking or grinding together ; but being annexed by the same , they may be more firm and stable : Thirdly , they promote and cause certain light parts to a promptness of motion , in the arteries : Fourthly , they defend them against many accidents ; for their substance is idoneous to cover them , and defend them , because they being hard cannot easily be broken , or cut : hence we conclude with good reason , that a Cartilage is void of sense . ( D ) The most noted ligaments are in the trunk , or artubus : the ligaments of the trunk , are either in the head or thorax : in the head , either in the whole or in part : for a ligament doth convert the whole head with the spina , so the tongue with the jaws . In the trunk of the joynts , there are ligaments knitting the bodies intrinsecally , and cloathing of them , as it were , extrinsecally : the ligaments of the joynts do connect other bones , os ilii with os sacrum . But there is a certain portion of a ligament , called a tendon ; consisting of the fibres of the nerves , and compelling them into one of the ligaments , serving the arteries to a voluntary motion : the fibres of the tendons growing of the junctures , are joyned amongst themselves . ( E ) They are called spermatick parts , because they are generated of seed , and not of blood ; which argues that their colour must be white and cold in substance : All nerves do arise from the brain , and not from the heart , as Aristotle imagined : their use is to carry that animal spirit gotten in the brain , and the motive and sensitive faculty , and to communicate it to the body . ( F ) The veins and arteries are joyned with a friendly intercourse , that the veins may supply them with matter of spirit ; for the spirit doth cherish the blood with its heat in the arteries ; and there are mutual orifices , that the spirit may take nutriment out of the veins ; and the veins , spirit , and heat , out of the arteries . But the arteries and veins , do differ , First , in their original , because they come out of the sinister ventricle of the heart : Secondly , in their function , because they subminister vital spirits to the whole body : Third●…y , in their substance ; for the ar●…eries , so likewise the veins , do ●…onsist of a membranous body , ●…et more solid , harder , and con●…rmed by more crasser tunicles . Now a tunicle is twofold , exterior , interior : that fibre , which is knit with many strait and crooked windings , hath the like crassitude and firmness with the tunicle of the veins ; but this hath five times a more harder and grosser substance , lest the subtil spirit should exhale , and the artery it self be broken with the perpetual motion of the heart : Fourthly , in motion ; for the arteries are moved without intermission , by dilatation and contraction ; when dilated , they draw the cold air ; and when contracted , cast out hot fumes . ( G ) This question is moved by Physitians and Philosophers , about the veins , Whether they have a force or faculty to generate blood ? Some maintain it , that the blood which the veins contain within themselves , to elaborate more exquisitely , and to be made by an insited force and faculty ; and therefore in that blood , that the chiefest degree of perfection is gotten . But the falsity of this opinion is easily known by those who diligently mark the thin tunicle of the veins , and its white substance . Now it is provided by nature , that every part of the body should be converted to the other , and transmuted into its colour : then how can the veins with their thinness and whiteness , change white chyle and gross , into red and pure blood ? Therefore more truer is that opinion , that the generation of blood is onely the work of the liver , which doth make blood , by a certain force and faculty , within it self seated : all the sanguifick force is given to the veins , yet they receive it from the liver , as Avicen demonstrates . ( H ) Aristotle and Hippocrates do prove , that fibres do concrete the blood by their frigidity , because that blood out of which fibres are taken , can never be concreted by any cold : for when blood is let out of the veins , if it doth not concrete , it is a sign of death . ( I ) Fat is the matter of blood : and although it be made of the cream of blood , yet notwithstanding it is cold , and without blood , degenerating into fat by the want of heat , and frigidity of the membrane : it consists of coldness and dryness , because by heat it is melted , and by the humidity of other parts coagulated by cold . The efficient cause is the want of heat ; which is thus proved , because you shall finde no fat , as to any quantity , about the liver or the heart , or any other hot part , by reason of the heat of those parts . ( K ) Take this as another definition of the cutis : the skin is a thin part , membranous , porous , endowed with blood ; the tegument or cover of all the parts of the body ; which as it is easily taken away by accident , so it doth easily grow again ; which denotes thus much , that the skin is not altogether endowed with a sensitive faculty , but onely so far as it hath the nerves , and of the faculty of blood in it : and whereas it is defined to be membranous , that is , smooth , simple , thin and white , and that it hath a middle nature between flesh and nerves ; for neither is it altogether without blood , as the nerves are , so neither doth it abound with blood , as the flesh doth ; whence it is adjudged to be the rule of temperaments : and indeed the skin about the hands , in it there is the most exquisite and perfect faculty of sense , but not so in other parts of the body : and the skin is porous , that it may thereby attract the coldness of the air , and expulse the excrementitious vapours of the body . Now the excrement which comes out of the pores , is sweat : sweat is an excrementitious humidity of the third coction , breaking out by the skin , in the species or form of water : the matter of sweat , is the whole humidity which is gotten in meat and drink ; which thing is necessary to all animals , because it might make way for other aliment , and not longer lie in the vessels : it is of the same genus with urine , onely differing in this , that the urine is carried to the bladder , this with blood , a longer passage through the body : its efficient cause is heat , but not so vehement as to have a drying faculty , but moist ; so calefying the nature of sweat by the habit of the body , that it becomes thin , and so softens the skin by relaxation , that it may the better pass through : those whose skins are hard and thick , are very unapt to sweat . ( L ) Flesh may be taken either properly or improperly : when properly taken , then absolutely that which is described by us , and it is the chiefest part of the muscles ; for the substance of them doth truly and properly deserve the name of flesh ; that which is taken improperly , is the flesh of the bowels , generated of blood poured out , as the liver , heart , and lungs . CHAP. 10. Of External dissimilar Parts . 1. HItherto we have spoken of similar parts . Now of dissimilar or organical , which are diversly compounded of the similar . 2. And they are either external or internal . 3. The external parts are , first , the head ; secondly , the trunk of the body ; thirdly , the artus , under which we comprehend the arms and feet . 4. The head is the highest part of the body , globular , set upon the neck , the seat of the animal faculty . 5. Its parts that are external , are chiefly the skull and the face . 6. The skull is a crafs bone of the head , round , distinguished into twenty bones , and certain futures , covering the brain , environing it on every side . 7. Its bones are thus distinguished : there are two in the crown , one in the front , two in the temples , one in the form of a wedge , another in the form of a sieve , twelve in the superior jaw , and one in the hinder part of the head . 8. There are three sutures : The first is transverse the crown , going from towards one ear to the other , and doth knit the bone of the forehead to the rest of the body . 9. The second is called Sagittalis , which goes along the head , and doth knit the two bones of the crown . 10. The third doth ascend from the posterior part of one ear , to the end of the sagittal suture , and again deflects to the other ear , in the form of the letter A , and doth knit the bone of the hinder part of the head with the rest of the body . 11. Thus much for the skull . Now for the face , which is called that whole in a man , which is under the forehead ; or , as Aristotle saith , That interior part which is under the skull . 12. This doth comprehend the eyes , ears , nose , cheekes , and mouth . 13. The eye is no other thing , then the organ of sight , consisting of tunicles and humors . 14. And because it ought to receive the several species of light and colours , therefore it is formed of pellucid matter . 15. The tunicles of the eyes ( besides the white , which arising from the Peritoneum , doth joyn the eye to the head ; whence it is called conjunctiva and adnata ) are four : First , the horny tunicle , which is clear , shining like to a horn : Secondly , the Uvea , which is like to the husk of a grape , and it adheres to the horny tunicle , embracing the apple of the eye : Thirdly , the Retina , or tunicle resembling a net , which is of the substance it self of the visive nerves , bringing an animal spirit to the eye , and again the Idea of the object to the brain : Fourthly , the Aranea , or like to sand , containing the chrystalline humor , and separating it from the white . 16. The humors of the eyes are three : First , the watry humour , which serves for the gathering of resemblances : Secondly , the glassy humour , for the forming of those idea's . 17. The ear is an organical part of the body , and the instrument of hearing . 18. It s nature is compounded of divers parts , very artificiously ; of nerves , membranes , bones , cartilage , which gathereth sounds and so accordingly altereth them . 19. Its bones are first Malleus : Secondly , Incus : Thirdly , Stapes ; of whose colision sound is said to be made . 20. The nose is an organical part , placed in the middle of the face ; the instrument of respiration and smelling . 21. It s part is either superior or inferior . 22. The superior is the bony part , which is immoveable ; and this the inferior part : the exteor is the back of the nose . 23. The inferior part is moveable , which is the end , being round , divided into parts consisting of muscles . 24. A cheek is nothing else then the superior part of the jaw , and the inferior . 25. The superior cheek is that part of the face next to the front , from both the ears to the lowest part of the jaws . 26. The inferior is the moveable part of the face , containing the teeth . 27. The whole mouth is called that space which is between the lips and the jaws ; in which is contained the teeth , the tongue , the palate , and throat-pipe . 28. The teeth are ( A ) the hardest of all bones , hollow within , endowed with veins , arteries , and nerves , ordained for to soften and prepare meat for the stomach . 29. Those are in number thirty ; twenty whereof are accounted cheek-teeth , eight cutting , which are the foremost ; and four eye-teeth , in either jaw two . 30. The tongue is ( B ) a carneous part , rare , and lax , the organ of taste and speech . 31. The palate is the superior part of the mouth , a little concavated , bored through with many holes , by which flegme doth ascend from the brain into the mouth . 32. The throat-pipe ( C ) is fungous flesh , long , hanging from the palate to the mouth , conducing to the moduling of voice in a man. 33. Truncus is the whole body , with head , arms , or legs . 34. Some part of it is anterior , and some posterior . 35. The anterior again is either superior , and that is called the thorax ; or inferior , that is , the belly . 36. The thorax ( D ) or brest , is the anterior part of the trunk , which is subject to the neck ; and it is the seat of the vital members . 37. It s proper parts are either soft and fleshy , or bony and cartilaginous . 38. The carnous parts are those many muscles placed in the thorax , of which sort are all the muscles of aspiration , and scapulation ; some of them moving the arms . 39. To these carnous parts , belong the paps , which are parts sited or placed on each side , in the middle region of the brest ; glandulous , and woven with veins and arteries , serving for the generation of milk in women . 40. For these parts , for their rare and cavernous substance , which they have , do receive into them menstruous blood , which is the matter of milk , which afterwards is levigated , cocted , and converted into a white liquor , both by a specifical vertue of the flesh of the paps , as also from the heat of the heart , whereunto it is near . 41. Hence Aristotle rightly concluded , that milk was nothing else then superfluous blood , changed and made white . 42. The bony parts thereof are threefold ; the first bone is called Sternon , and Sethos ; and it is on the anterior part , in which the ribs do meet , and under which the mouth of the ventricle doth lie hid . 43. The cartilaginous extremity of this , is after the form of a spear , or buckler , and it is called malum granatum . 44. Secondly , the two neck-bones , which are called cleides , and these bones are twins , subject to the neck , declining to the tops of the shoulders . 45. The thorax ( F ) consists of twenty four ribs , twelve on either side ; and they are either true , or counterfeit . 46. They are true which are coarticulated , and they are the seven superior . 47. The spurious or imperfect , are those that are not coarticulated ; and they are the five inferior . 48. The inferior part of the thorax is portended from the brest , where the true ribs end , backwards to the hips or pubes . 49. The exterior part of this , above the belly , is portended to the going down of the spurious ribs , and is called Spigastrion : the inferior proceeds from the belly , even to the hairy parts of the genitals , and it is called Hypogastrion . 50. The posterior part of the trunk is called the back , and it is all that part which descends from the neck to the buttocks . 51. It s substance is constituted 1. of the shoulderblade , 2. Spina dorsi , 3. hip ▪ bones . 52. The shoulderblades , are two bones , placed after the thorax in the back , inarticulated in the arms , to strengthen the ribs , and for the implantation of the muscles . 53. Spina dorsi is no other thing , then that series or structure of joynts , extended even from the first joynts of the hinder part of the neck , to the lowest , called ●…cygs . 34. There are in number of these joynts thirty four ; seven whereof are of the neck , twelve of the thorax , five of the loyns , six of the sacred bone , four of the ossis Coccygos : twenty four of the formost are rightly named joynts , because by them the body is turned divers ways ; the rest are called rather by similitude , then reality . 55. The hip-bones are two strong bones , placed within the os sacrum , and ending in the buttocks . 56. But os sacrum ( H ) is conflated of many bones , to wit , five or six , sited almost in the middle of the body : other bones , both superior and inferior , resting upon them , are moved thereby . 57. The Artus are two , the hands and feet . 58. The whole hand ( I ) is that which is portended from the shoulderblade to the end of the fingers . 59. It is divided by Hippocrates , into three parts ; into the arm , the wrist , and the hand it self . 60. That is named the arm , which extends from the shoulder to the elbow , and doth consist of one great bone , and many muscles ; seven whereof do govern the motion of the arm , and four govern the motion of the wrists : and it doth consist also of three chief veins ; the humerary , axillary , and median . 61. The wrist is that part from the elbow to the hand , and consists of two bones , the greater and lesser whereof are both called Ulna ; which consists also of thirty three muscles , prepared for the motion of the arms and hands . 62. The hand reaches from the wrist to the end of the fingers ; the organ of apprehension . 63. The parts of this again , are brachial , postbrachial , and the fingers . 64. The brachial , or wrist , is part of the hand ; it consists of eight bones , the ligament being ●…ransverse . 65. Postbrachial is that part of the hand , placed between the wrist and the fingers ; whose posterior is articulated with the wrist , the anterior with the fingers . 66. The fingers are in number five , every one consisting of three little bones : the first is that which is the greatest in strength and magnitude , and is called Pollex ; the second is called the Index and Demonstrator ; the third the middle ; fourthly , the Ring-finger ; fifthly , the least . 67. The foot ( K ) is part of the body , which is inserted into the hip , the organ of walking and standing . 68. Its parts are three ; the thigh , the shank , and the foot . 69. The thigh doth reach from the hip , even to the knee , consisting of a bone the greatest of all , with muscles , and glandulous flesh . 70. The knee is a knitting or dearticulation of the thigh and leg , whose anterior part is called Patella , and Posterior , Poples . 71. The shank is a part , reaching from the knee to the foot ; the anterior part is called Anticnemion , and the posterior Gastrocnemion . 72. The shank doth consist of two long bones : the interior and greater , is called Tibia ; the exterior , or less , Fibula . 73. The foot doth begin at the end thereof , and reach to the extremity of the toe ; and doth consist of thirty eight bones , and two musces , whereby the toes are moved , bended and extended . The Commentary . ( A ) TEeth are said to have sense , by the communication of those soft little nerves proceeding from the third rank of nerves ; because those teeth that are ●…ormost , or extant without the jaws , are not capable of sense ; but those that are covered as it were , with flesh in the jaws , are very sensitive , because the nerves and their vertues are extended to their region . But now that part of the tooth , which appears naked is insensible : This I prove : if it be cut , filed , broken , or burned with a hot iron , it is not sensible of any of these : Therefore in this very thing do teeth differ from other bones , because the teeth are perpetually nourished and increased ; which cannot be , except there were instruments to convey this unto them . But other bones onely take their determined increment . ( B ) The substance of the tongue is laxe , and therefore fit to be moved in every part : and because it ought to judge of sapors , therefore it ought to be rare , that it may be easily imbued with the humour of sapours ; and that it may perfectly feel and distinguish of all kind of sapours , it hath certain nerves implanted in it from the fourth rank . ( C ) This Particle alone is proper to man : for it avails much to the tuning of the voice ; and therefore it is called by some Plectron . ( D ) By ancient writers , that part of the body which reaches from the neck to the Genitals , is called the Thorax ; so that according thereunto , the belly is contained under the name of Thorax . But Later Medicks , with Galen , do account that part onely the Thorax , which is included between the sides or the region of the paps : It is called Thorax , apo to thoro , for the continued motion of the heart : its use is to be dilated and compressed , to the motion of the vital members , which contains in it self the benefit of respiration : the substance of the Thorax doth consist of muscles , paps , and grisles , or bones . ( E ) They are called Cleides , because they shut up the coarticulated humour , with the shoulderblade , lest it should slip into the brest , thorax , or arm . ( F ) The ribs are numbred to be twenty four , each side containing twelve ; where observe , that this number is not always found : for in some are found thirteen , and in some but eleven ; which happens by reason of the matter either abounding or deficient . Therefore Aristotle doth erre , in asserting that there are but onely eight bones in the side of a man , and in some nations onely seven ▪ And as many ribs as there are in a man , so many there are in a woman : and therefore altogether ridiculous is that Comment , that there is one less in a man , then in a woman ; or one abounding more in a woman , then in a man. ( G ) The belly is a part of the body , which reacheth from the brest , where the ribs end , even to the privities : and it is divided into three regions ; the first above , about , and below the navel : above the navel , from the midriff to the navel , Epigastrion , and Hypochondrion ; the middle which is , as it were the center of the navel , which is formed of two veins , and so many arteries , which carries blood and spirit for the nutriment of the yong , and conveys back again the excrements : about this are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both vi●…ine parts to the navel ; so called , because they are empty : below the belly is containted the Hypogastrion , which is that part of the belly , which reaches from the navel , even to the genitals . ( H ) This bone is called Sacred , because it is great , broad , and ample : Hieron with the ancient is great : this doth consist of many bones , coagmented together ; which notwithstanding in tender age may be separated ; yet in old age , with much coction , so much coalesced , that it is almost incredible to believe : it con●…ts of many bones . ( I ) Galen and Hipp●…ates do call that the hand which is from the shoulder to the fingers ; that which Aristotle calls brachium , we call manus ; and the Germans , Ein hand . ( K ) It consists of a superficies and substance : t●… superficies is distinguished into five regions , which are these ; Calcaneus , and that is the posterior part , the mou●…t of the foot ; by the Greeks called Tharsos ; and by the Arabians , Rascheta : and it is the first part of the foot , along to the toes , Planities , or Planta pedis , which is called the interior part of the foot . Vola , which is the concavity between the two mounts of the sole ; the toes called Digiti , in number equal to the fingers of the hand ; its substance doth consist of thirty eight bones , and two vicine muscles , by which they are extended , bended , moved , and adduced . CHAP. 11. Of the inward Organical parts of the belly . 1. HItherto we have illustrated the External dissimilar parts . The internal compounded members do follow , which are not exposed to the eye , but contained inwardly in the belly , being covered by externals . 2. And they are contained in the belly , either in the bottom , middle , or top thereof . 3. Those members ( A ) that are contained in the lower region of the belly , are called natural organs , because they serve the natural faculty , or vegetive soul. 4. And they serve either for nutrition , or generation . 5. Those that are ordained to serve for nutrition , are either of the first concoction or second . 6. Those that serve for the first concoction , are the mouth of the stomach , the stomach and intestines . 7. Oesophagus or mouth of the stomach is a part membranous and nervous , consisting of two tunicles , coming from the jaws to the superior mouth of the ventricle , carrying meat and drink into the stomach . 8. The stomach ( B ) succeeding the Oesophagus , is a membranous , hollow , and spherical part , consisting of two proper tunicles , placed under the Diaphragma , almost in the middle of the body ; and it is the shop of the first coction , converting the ingested nutri●… into chyle ; whence it is properly called culosis . 9. It hath two orifices , whereof the one is frequently called the stomach ; and by ancient Medicks Cardian , because it is endowed with a most exquisite sense : the other which is inferior called Puloros , is , as it were , the port or entrance . 10. The ventricle is enrolled in a little skin , which is called omentum ; and it is a membrane con●…ed of two tunicles , arising from the peritoneum , interwoven with many nerves , veins , and arteries , covering the ventricle , and cherishing its heat . 11. There are certain continued intestines to the ventricle , which are long , round , and hollow bodies , reaching even to the fundament ; appointed , constituted , and ordained ▪ , for the alterating of meats , distributing of chyle into the liver , and for the carrying away superfluities . 12. And although the intestines are one continued body , yet by reason of their substance and situation , are distinguished into gracila and crassa . 13. Those intestines that ▪ are called Gracila , are those whose substance is thin and rare ; and the superior are these three , duodenum , jejunum , and ileos . 14. And these are ordained for the receiving and distributing of chyle . 15. Duodenum ( D ) is a slender intestine , or gut , adhering next to the ventricle , twelve fingers in length . 16. To this doth belong a certain passage , coming from the vessel of the gall , which conveys yellow choler ; and by its acrimony the intestines are stimulated to excretion , and disturbed by thin flegme adhering to the membranes . 17. Jejunium is ( E ) a hungry gut , having many mesaraical veins , which snatch the best part of chyle out of the whole concoction ; so that the rest of the intestines seem empty . 18. Ileos ( F ) is a gut more slender then the rest , having many anfracts ; and therefore doth retain chyle longer , that it may eliciate its juice better . 19. Those intestines that are called Crassa , are those which have a thick tunicle ; and they are three inferior , Caecum , Colon , Rectum ; and these are the receptacle of excrements . 20. The matter of these excrements , is the terrestrial and dryer part of chyle , accommodated to no use of the body , daily swallowed up into the intestines with part of choler . 21. Caecum is ( G ) a gross intestine , broad and short , having one orifice , into which comes the Ileos and Colon , receiving excrements , and elicitating the other juice , and so transmitting the rest of the fecies into Colon. 22. Colon ( H ) is an intestine grosser then the rest , having many great anfracts , like unto cells , receiving the fecies : and lest they should flow with an involuntary flux , it makes the passages more narrower . 23. Rectum is ( I ) a gross intestine , lower then the rest , crooked with many windings and turnings ; it reaches to the very fundament , and carries out the excrements . 24. The inferior part of this intestine , is constringed with many muscles into a globular form . 25. In the middle of the intestines , is placed a certain pannicle , and it is called the mesentery , which is a membrane consisting of two tunicles , and an innumerable veins and arteries , full of fat , connecting it self , and gathering , as it were , into folds . 26. Thus much of the members of the first concoction : the second serve either to elaborate profitable aliment , or to convey away inprofitable excrement . 27. The liver is occupyed in the making of good nutriment . 28. The liver is ( K ) an organical part of the lower belly , consisting of red flesh like to blood newly coagulated ; it is placed near to the Diaphragma , and in the right side of the Hypochondria ; and it is the shop of blood ; its action is cal'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 29. It hath two parts ( L ) or superficies , the exterior and interior : the exterior is called Gibba ; and it is light ; the interior is named Cava , and it is rough . 30. Members ( M ) which are of the second concoction , serve to carry away excrements ; and they either evacuate choler , or serose humours . 31. Choler is either black or yellow ; the gall receiving the former , the spleen the latter . 32. The little vessel of the gall is a membrane , having one simple tunicle , but woven strong after the manner of a hair bag , long and round , connexed to the hollow part of the liver ; drawing choler from it , and driving it into the intestines . 33. It hath two conduits , as it were , or channels ; the one is carried into the liver , alliciating choler into it ; the other into the Duodenum , detruding the same into the intestine . 34. But it is not carried into the bladder of the gall , by the proper and alone motion of an elementary form ; but partly derived from the liver , because it is an excrement , and partly drawn from the vessel . 35. But it doth not attract for nutritions sake : First , if choler be an excrement , then it is an enemy to the body , not in quality alone , but in quantity also , because the humour is bitter and mordacious : Secondly , neither doth it concrete like blood , therefore it cannot be assimilated to the body , but doth draw it for occult conveniences . 36. The spleen ( N ) is a thin member , spungy , consisting of obscure flesh , placed in the right-side of the Hypochondria , adverse to the liver , attracting from it black choler . 37. The spleen doth allure to it self this juice , by a strange providence and occult familiarity , embrued not with pure and unmixed , but with better and mor●… nourishing blood , whereby it is cherished with profitable juice . 38. But a portion of this noxious humour , is gathered into the bottom of the ventricle , to excite appetite ; the rest slides into the intestines , and so is thrust out of doors . 39. The reins and bladder purge out a wheyish or serose humidity . 40. The reins ( O ) which are in number two , are carnous parts , thick and solid , purging out blood with a s●…rose humor . 41. Both the emulgent veins and ureteres , serve to evacuate serose humidity . 42. The emulgent veins do arise from the vena cava , and are inserted into the reins , dispersing abroad an aguous humidity with blood , and carried to the reins . 43. The ureteres are two urinary channels , arising from the cavity of the reins , white , consisting of one simple tunicle , deducing the urine by the force of the reins , into the bladder . 44. The bladder ( P ) is a nervous part , consisting of two tunicles , interwoven with a treble kinde of fibres , round , and somewhat long , placed in the Hypogastria , taking the urine brought from the ureteres , and conveys it out of the body . 45. There are two parts of it , the bottom and the neck . 46. In the bottom is contained the urine ; and this passes by degrees thorow the neck : a muscle there , as a portēr , obstructing its fluor , lest it come at unawares upon us . 47. And thus much of the members of the nutritive faculty . Lastly , there are organs of generation , which are accommodated to continue and propogate their kinde . 48. And these are either common to both sexes , or peculiar to one . 49. The common are the seminary vessels , cods and stone●… . 50. The seminary vessels do ascend from the stones , upwards , inserted in the cods ( Parastaten adunoeide ) and the seed is the profitable superfluity of the mass of blood , which is the matter of the seed and vital spirit , producing heat into the act of the seed , and carries it to the stones . 51. And they are two , the right and left ; the former arises immediately from the trunk of the cava , the latter from a branch of the emulgent veins . 52. The testicles ( Q ) are soft parts , glandulous and white , rare , and cavernous , in which the seed is perfected and cocted . 53. In men they hang without the body , but in women they grow on the back ; one on each side . 54. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( R ) are two vessels , candid , cavernous , and glandulous ; arising from the testicles , carrying feed into the testicles . In men they are placed at the root of the yard ; in women , at the bottom of the matrix . 55. To conclude , there are members peculiar to one sex , either to man or woman . 56. Competent to man ( S ) is the yard , which hangs on the forepart of a man , of a good length , fistulous on every side ; a fit instrument for the conveyance of seed . 57. And it doth consist of two hollow neres ; one passage common both to the seed and urine ; four muscles , and as many veins and nerves : and lastly , of a nervous membrane , and skin . 58. The end of it is called glans , consisting of a fleshly substance ; which is covered by a loose skin growing over it , which is called Preputium . 58. Proper onely to a woman is the matrix , or womb ; and it is the membranous part of a woman , consisting of a tunicle coagmented , as it were , of two things divided , round , and placed in the bottom of the belly ; forming the yong of prolifick seed ; and by a proper faculty , cherishing the same ; and when it comes to maturity , it excludes it . The Commentary . ( A ) THe aforesaid natural members are involved in three pannicles ; the Peritoneum , Omentum , and Mesenterium . The Peritoneum is a thin membrane , broad , and continued , like to a Weavers Loom , or Spiders Web ; involving and containing all the bowels of the inferior belly ; binding them to the back , lest they should fall down : it helps also the putting forth of the excrements ; which when it is too little , it is broken . The Omentum is a double membrane , arising from the Peritoneum , interwoven with many nerves and arteries , and covers the ventricle and intestines : Its use is , that it may cherish the ventricle , in whose bottom it lies , and holds the heat of the intestines which is shut up , and so to increase with its own heat : it is called with the Greeks , Epiploon , because of its fatness with which it overspreads the belly . This tunicle is the first that appears after the incision of the belly . The Mesenterium is a double member , consisting of two firm tunicles of the Peritoneum , and of many veins , arteries , and nerves , placed in the middle of the intestines , as its centre : its use is to contain the intestines , that they may not lose their proper foldings ; and that it may contain them more strongly , it consists of a hard and double tunicle , which arises from the Peritoneum : the veins which are in the Mesentery , do arise from vena porta , and from thence do run between two of their membranes to the intestines , that they may 〈◊〉 take chyle : and they are called mesaraicae venae . ( B ) There is onely in man one ventricle , but in other animals more ; sometimes two , sometimes three ; as in sheep , goats , oxen , and harts ; that those hard meats , wherewith they are fed , may pa●…s through divers ventricles , for their better preparation and coction . The ventricle is called by the Greeks Gastor and Colia ; its substance ought to be membranous , that it may be extended and again corrugated , according to the plenty or scarcity of nutriment : its figure is spherical , or round , like the form of a long gourd , for the capacity of aliments ; for if it were square , a portion of the food would remain in the angles ; which if it should happen , man would continually be in a feaver : it is long also , by reason of its situation̄ ; and hath two orifices ; the one whereof is at the top , for the receiving of aliment ; the other at the bottom , to convey it to other parts of the body , when it is made and converted into chyle : it hath two tunicles constituted of its proper substance , one whereof is internal , the other external : the internal is wholly nervous , gross , and woven with straight fibres , running down the back , that it may better contain humid bodies , lest they pass , as it were , through a strainer ; and also that it may be extended to all positions : the External is wholly carnous and soft , consisting of many fibres , and those transverse ; that after the meat is cocted , it may the better be driven out : it hath also a third tunicle arising from the Peritoneum , and doth involve the ventricle to the duodenum intestinum , of which the temperament of the ventricle doth appear , which is cold and dry , and therefore convenient to the nature of nerves : it hath also a native heat , without which it cannot make a perfect concoction ; which is increased from the liver and spleen , and other vicine members : its seat is thus ; the superior part of it doth touch the Diaphragma in the left side , and so falls into the the right side of the liver , where it rests ; its bottom reaches from the left side into the right , and shews the place of the spleen : its utility is famous ; for it serves the nutritive faculty , and that divers manner of ways : in its orifice the animal appetite doth reside ; for when all the parts of the body desire the aliment , which succeeds into th●… place of a vacuated substance , they endeavor to draw it from the veins , the veins from the liver , the liver from the vena porta , the vena porta from the intestines , and the intestines derive it from the stomack , in which forthwith there is a desire of more aliment , which is called hunger , or thirst ; it alters the aliment ; it receiving concocts it , and changes it into chyle , and that in the space of five or six hours . ( C ) The intestines are called by the Greeks Entra , whence doth arise that word , to Exenterate , that is , to embowel : their substance is not much different from the ventricle , yet a little thinner ; they have double tuni●…es , partly that by a greater sorce they may drive out the excrements , and partly from a certain providence of nature , that if the interior be putrefied and ex●…rated , the exterior may be safe , that the chyle may not flow out : and the interior tunicle is more carnous , the exterior membranous : it is endowed with crooked fibres , the better to be enabled to propel matter . The intestines are folded with many windings and turnings , that the chyle may tarry longer in them , and the aliment may not so soon slide out : for those animals whose entrals have but few windings are voracious ; concerning which , Pliny writes very gallantly . ( D ) Intestina Gracila , the first is the duodenum ; it hath no windings , but is strait , and that because it hath many cells , which do easily retain the fecies , and may thereby , at will , hinder the distribution of chyle : the passage also of this doth touch the vessel of the gall , which carries yellow choler ; and so by its acrimony , helps the propulsion of the chyle , and that it may cast out the flegmy excrements of the intestines . ( E ) It is called by the Greeks , Nesis , because it doth quickly transmit the chyle , both for the greater number of Mesaraical veins , which are engrafted into this intestine ; and also because the more sincerer part of choler doth flow into it . ( F ) This last intestine , because it is more tender then the rest , is called Lepton , because in it there is much chyle ; and that for this use , that it may draw a certain moderate quantity of meat into them , lest that it flow forthwith gross into the intestines : in this there is sometime an obstruction that happens ; and it is called Iliacus morbus . ( G ) In some brutes , to wit , Dogs and Hogs , and other crude animals , this intestine is like to a thick broad bag : but in man it is a certain small appendix of the Ileos , convolved in the manner of a worm , scarce exceeding the latitude of two singers , and longitude of one ; it is called by the Greeks Tuphlon , because it hath but one hole . ( H ) It is called Colon , as though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a sheath or a case ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , mutilate , or cut short , because it hath divers turnings cut as it were into cells ; which cells indeed do contain dry excrements , called Scubala , that is , the dung of Dogs , some call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , from its tormenting pain , and passion , which this intestine is often affected with , when its passage is stopped with cold and gross humours , or filled and dilated with winde . ( I ) The strait intestine is called Apeuthymenon Enteron , because it is not folded , and thereupon it makes a more easie excretion of excrements ; it is called Principal , for its use which it hath : for if man did not enjoy that excretion it makes , how would he live ? it hath a muscle adjoyned , which goes about its seat , and constring ●…it ; and therefore it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it hath also the Hemorrhoid-veins , which expurge feculent blood or melancholy . ( K ) The liver is a most generous member , and reckoned amongst the principal organs of the nutritive faculty ; it arises from effused blood , gross , and concreted , almost on the sixth day firm the seed conceived : and because it is like to the substance of blood , it retains its qualities or temperament of blood ; for it is hot and moist : and as it is gotten of blood , so it hath power to get blood ; for it doth convert into blood , or an assimilated redness , like to it , the chyle which it receives within it self , by a natural propension , or specifical vertue ; for it alters every thing into that colour , wherein it is to be altered . But some will say , that there are other humours gotten also ; therefore it is not the shop of blood alone . I answer , that happens by accident , but it is the instrument of blood alone by itself : again , blood is to be taken two manner of ways ; either for pure blood , or blood that doth contain in it the other three humors ; yet blood predominant over all : and in both the latter especially the liver is the shop of blood . But some again will say , a natural agent doth not produce divers affects , because nature acts by one and the same manner : but the liver is the natural agent ; therefore it doth not produce divers effects . I answer , That to happen for the diversity of matter , in which the liver acts and rests ; for of a terrene portion it produces melancholy ; of crude and cold parts , flegme ; of subtil and fervent , choler ; but of a mean or middle part , it produces true blood : for although the liver doth excite these functions by it self , yet it takes and uses as instruments , spirits , both natural and vital , which have their passage by small arteries . It s figure is a semicircle or half moon : it is placed in the right side of the Abdomen , under the spurious ribs . ( L ) The Gibba is the bunchy part of the liver , and Sima the cavity thereof . The Diaphragma succours the Gibba , and the proper flesh of the liver doth reside in it ; and it is called Culosis , which is a conversion of chyle , separated from its excrements , into an idoneous mass for nutrition , that is , blood : in this do the veins gather into one , which is called cava , which do carry the blood into all the parts of the body . Sima is the hollow part of the liver , which doth cover the ventricle in the right Hypochondria ; and in it is made Haimatosis ; which is an alteration of chyle , into a fluent and succulent liquor : but in the middle part of the liver , where the branches of vena porta do meet , is made Diacrisis , that is , a separation of profitable humours from the excrements . ( M ) As in an artificial Kitchin , there are not onely vessels for the preparation and coction of meat , but also others for more baser uses : so in the Kitchin of our bodies , that is , the middle of the belly , there are some organs which are constituted for the concoction of meat , and some for the receiving and conveying away of excrements ; and like as there are three concoctions in our bodies , so there are three excrements , and three kinds of vessels instituted for these . In the second species of concoction these excrements are generated ; one somewhat heavy , answering to secies , to wit , melancholy juice ; another somewhat light , and more of air , like to flour , to wit , yellow choler ; the third watry and serous : now every one of these hath distinct receptacles ; and because choler is expurged first of all , therefore its receptacle is nigh to the liver . And concerning these vessels , we have before treated : the use of this vessel , the gall gathered therein doth shew ; and the cause is expounded , why there is no branch carried into the ventricle from this vessel : the figure of this vessel is long and round , after the form of a Pear ; its substance is membranous , that it may accordingly be filled or emptied , contracted or dilated : it hath one thick and proper tunicle , yet notwithstanding contexted of a treble kind of fibres : within it the fibres are strait , whereby it allures choler into it ; and they are somewhat crooked , by which it retains it ; but without they are transverse , by which it protrudes it . The use of this vessel of the gall , is to receive choler ; and if it be carried over the whole body , it offends , because it is endowed with a fiery vertue ; for it hinders nutrition , and inflames the body much . Why gall is gathered into this vessel , is upon a double necessity : First , that it may heat the liver , and hinder putrefaction , it calefies the liver , because its humour is more hot and sharp , then blood : it hinders putrefaction , because it takes away the abundant humidity of the sharp humour : Secondly , that it may drive out of the ventricle the chyle into the intestines , together with its superfluities . ( N ) The spleen is a terrestrial member , because it attracts by a certain symbole , to it self , the terrestrial part of blood : in man its flesh is obscure , but in hogs , it hath a white colour ; but in dogs a more splendid redness then the liver : It is lax and spungeous , that it may the better receive the feculent and gross humour into it self ; and that it may not quickly delabe out of it , but continue longer in it , that it may be made more apt for its nature , and so be nourished by its better part . ( O ) The substance of the reins are hard and dense , like to the substance of the heart ; the humour thereof is thin , and therefore with more difficulty attracted : When the humour here is very watrish , it cannot be expurged with a convenient celerity from one rein ; and therefore there are two , which are placed near the spina dorsi , at the beginning of the loyns : the right part thereof in a man , is under the liver ; the left , under the spleen : the emulgent veins and ureteres , serve to evacuate the serous humidity to the reins . ( P ) The substance of the bladder , is nervous and membranous , that it may more commodiously be extended & corrugated , when it is full or empty ; and it ought to be extended , lest the water flow out at unseasonable times , but contain a moderate quantity thereof : it hath two tunicles , the one proper and internal , whose substance is densē and firm , lest it should be eroded by the homour of the air ; and this is interwoven with fibres , within strait , and without transverse , which are for the attraction , retention , and expulsion of urine : the other is an exterior tunicle , improperly so called , and hath its rise from the Peritoneum : it hath a fleshy neck , having a muscle , whereby it is constringed , that it may hinder an involuntary flux of the urine . ( Q ) The stones in both sexes , are made for the ingendering of seed ; therefore the substance of them are glandulous , white , and soft , that such a seed may be produced , by reason of the required similitude between the generating , and that which is generated : but it is made crass , and in colour white , by reason of the exquisite coction made by the interior heat of the vessels and stones : as the menstruum of the dugs is converted into milk , and dealbated ; so the stones do make blood prepared in the spermatick vessels by coction perfect seed , which becomes idoneous for generation . ( R ) They are called Parastatae , for their similitude : for Parastatae signifies certain folds gathered within themselves . ( S ) The substance of the yard of a man , is spungious and rare , that it may be both erected and flank , stiff and soft ; but in other animals it is bony ; as in a wolf , dog , or sea-fox : but if it were bony in a man , it would be an impediment in the main business . CHAP. 12. Of the parts of the middle belly serving the vital faculty . 1. HAving expounded the natural members of the lowest region , we proceed to the parts of the middle cavity , which are called vitals ; and they are placed in the thorax , and they are the heart and the lungs . 2. But these organs are distinguished from naturals , by a certain partition-wall , which they call Diaphragma . 3. And the ( A ) Diaphragma is a round pannicle , consisting of flesh , nerves and membranes , going cross to the sides , and tyed to the back , the twelfth joynt , dividing the natural members from the vitals . 4. A certain thin membrane called Pleura , doth succinge and embrace all the parts contained in the thorax . 5. Now the heart is ( B ) a principal part of the middle belly , consisting of hard , dense , and solid flesh , woven with a treble kind of strings , of a Pyramidal form , not unlike to a Pine-nut ; and it is the house of the vital faculty . 6. For it is the principle of ( C ) life , the fountain of heat , and nectar of life ; the Rhisoma or the spring head of the arteries ; the Primum mobile of the pulse and respiration ; which being ●…ively , the whole body is lively ; ●…f faint , all the parts are faint ; and if it perish , the rest of the ●…ody perishes . 7. And although the heart is ●…ut one in all animals , yet it may ●…e divided ( D ) into two parts , the ●…ight and the left . 8. The right resembles the form of the moon increasing , and it receives blood from the vena cava flowing into it ; and prepares it , and makes it more perfect ; and so distributes it partly into the lungs , for their nutrition ; and partly into the left side of the heart , by passages not altogether occult , and as it is with the matter of vital matters . 9. The left hath the form of the Crest of an Helmet , and is more overwhelmed into the substance of the heart , containing the vital spirit begotten of pure blood , distributed by the artery Aorta into the body , and again receives the air out of the lungs , by the venous artery . 10. And both these sides have their vessels , two whereof appear in the right side , and so many in the left . 11. In the right indeed there are two veins , the vena cava , and the vena arteriosa : in the left there are two arteries , the great artery , and the venous artery . 12. There is a certain partition , which divides either side ; the vulgar call it the seventh medium , which at the first sight appears crass ; but after a more curious inspection , it is found to have many holes in it , that there may be an easie passage from the left side to the right ; notwithstanding what the Neotericks exclaim against it , and urge to the contrary . 13. Furthermore there are certain appendixes membranous , and full of windings , leaping to each side of the ventricle , which are called Auriculae , not from its use or action , but similitude . 14. On the right side , it lies open to the door of the vena cava ; the left is placed in the orifice of the venous artery : and it is larger , because it is the receptacle of gross blood ; the latter is the less , because it contains air . 15. The chief use of those Auriculars are , First , that they be ready receptacles of blood and air ; that they do not confusedly pass into the heart , and so to suffocate the heart by oppression : Secondly , lest the vena cava , and the venous artery be broken in violent motions ; for they have great force in drawing of blood and air in to the heart . 16. The lungs ( E ) are of rare parts , light and spungious , and as it were concreted of spumous blood ; like the substance of a Snail , seated in the thorax , filling its whole cavity ; the instrument of breath and voice . 17. And although it is but one in body , yet it is divided into two parts by the membrane called Mediastinus , the right and left . 18. Either part consists of two Globes or Knots : the one superior , the other inferior ; often discernable , and sometimes obscure . 19. The use of these is , that its flesh or substance should not be collaberated or tyred ; but that it may be more actively moved , and that the heart be embraced on every side . 20. The air is transmitted into the lungs by the asper-artery , whose structure is constituted of Veins , Cartilages , Membranes , and Nerves . The Commentary . ( A ) DIaphragma hath divers appellations ; for it is sometimes derived from the verb Diaphratto , that is , to fortifie ; because Diaphrattei , that is it separates out the middle and low belly ; and also it is called the seventh transverse : it is called Diaphragma , and by ancient Medicks called Phrenas , because as some judge by its inflammation the minde is hurt . It s use is noble ; for it separates between the spiritual and vital bowels ; and the heart and the lungs , from the naturals : which separation Aristotle thinks to be made by nature , lest the vapours , which do exhale from meat , offend the heart , in which the soul , he thinks , doth reside : But this opinion is false , because the fumes do pass by the Oesophagum . To conclude , the Diaphragma hath two holes placed in organs ascending and descending . Again , it helps exspiration and inspiration : for when the thorax is contracted , then the inspiration is dilated ; but when it is laxed , then inspiration is made . Again , it helps the ejection of the excrements by its motion , with the muscles of the Abdomen . Again , it is the rise of the organs , whereby it pleasantly affects the heart , and causes laughter . ( D ) The covering which defends the heart , and contains it in its seat , and hinders it lest it should be oppressed with its vicine members , is called Capsula , which contains also a certain watrish humour , lest it should 〈◊〉 , and dry with too much heat : the substance of the heart is hard and dense , lest it should be broken by its violent motions : Its substance , saith Aristotle , is thick and spiss , into which heat is received strongly ; and therefore its temperament is the hottest of all the members : it is endowed with three kinds of fibres ; strait , crooked , and transverse ; that it may both draw , contain , and expel . Now Aristotle thinks these fibres to be nerves , and the principle of the nerves to be in the heart : but he is deceived ; its figure is Pyramidal , but not absolutely so in brutes , but it is more flat then in a man : it is placed in the thorax , as the safest place , and on the left side thereof . ( C ) This is the shop of the vital faculty ; and therefore it is rightly called by Aristotle , the first thing that lives , and ●…he last that dies : by its perpetual motion and heat , it begets vital spirits : for when it is dilated ( which motion is called Dyastole ) it allures unto it , and draws blood , by the benefit of the strait fibres , from the vena cava , by the venous artery : but when it is constringed , which is called Systole , it sends blood from the right ventricle into the lungs , by which they are nourished , and that by the venous artery : but the vital spirit out of the left , by Aorta into the whole body ; and both ways it converts into vital spirit , by attenuating the pure blood into vapour . ( D ) There are two remarkable ventricles of the heart , the right and the left : between these there is a partition , which distinguishes the one from the other , which whereas it is crass and firm , it is not rightly called by Aristotle the third side , or belly ; but lest that the passages may seem to be made by this , it sends out blood into another ventricle by narrow pores . ( E ) The lung is called by the Greeks pneumon , a pneo , which is to breath , because it is the organ of breathing : therefore the lung ought to consist of such a substance , that it may be filled and distended with air , like a pair of bellows . The primary Cause of which action is its proper substance , which helps the motion thereof : for when it is dilated , it draws air , and by the venal artery carries it to the heart ; by which the heat of the heart is allayed , and the vital spirit , as with food , thereby cherished . The figure of the Lung resembles the hoof of an ox , which is divided by the Mediastinum into two parts : it is the organ of voice ; which I prove , because no animal hath a voice , that hath not a lung : there are some that say , that there are two lungs : but truly it is but one , divided into two parts , the right and the left . And again , both the parts consist of two Globes , the one superior , the other inferior ; sometimes seen open , and sometimes shut : the use thereof is , that it may be moved more nimbly , and so amplex the heart more easily . CHAP. 13. Of the parts of the Animal faculty . 1. VVE have spoken sufficiently of the parts of the middle belly . Now we proceed to the organs of the supream region , serving the animal faculty ; and they are such as are ●…ontained in the brain . 2. The brain ( A ) is a soft part , white and medullous , fabricated of pure seed and spirit , involved , as it were , in folds , compassed about with a thin skin , and contained in the cavity of the brain , the principle of the animal faculty , &c. 3. And this is the highest of all the bowels , and the next to heaven : this is the tower of the senses , the highest pinnacle , the regiment of the minde . 4. For the brain is not onely the seat of sense , but the artifex of motion , and the house of wisedom , memory , judgement , cogitation ; in which things , man is like to God. 5. Therefore nature hath exceedingly fenced it , not onely by enrolling it within the skull , but also by covering it with other parts therein contained ; which are two membranes , whereof the one is called dura mater , the other pia mater . 6. Menynx or dura mater , is an exterior membrane , hard and cuticular , covering the brain , and fencing it on every side . 7. After that is taken away , the pia mat●…r is visible , which is a tender membrane , the immediate and next cover of the brain ; not covering the exterior superficies onely , but going deep into part of the substance . 8. But its substance is thin , that it may insinuate it self about all the sides and parts of the brain ; and thin also , because it need not be troublesome to the brain , neither in gravity nor weight ; and that it may deduce the vessel through the whole body of the brain . 9. But the whole body of the brain is divided into two parts , the anterior and posterior . 10. The anterior , by reason of the magnitude of it , obtains the name of the whole , and is properly called Encephalon , the brain . 11. The posterior is called Pacencephalis , that is , cerebellum , which seems to be 〈◊〉 by nature , for the succor of the former , that it may keep the animal spirit transmitted from the ends of the brain , and that it may be adapted to the marrow of the back . 12 , The brain above the anterior hath two cavities , distinguished clearly by internals , called ventricles . 13. And these are the receptacles of the spirits , which are daily brought out of the heart by the artery ; and in them they are made more lucid , like to celestial flames of fire , and that for the better perfecting of the animal actions . 14. And they are three in number ; the right , left , and middle : the two formost are called by some , anteriors ; but more properly , superiors . 15. The dexter therefore consists in the right part of the brain , reaching over the whole length of it , from the anterior to the posterior ; resembling the figure of a half circle : its use is the preparation and generation of the animal spirits . 16. The left consists in the left part of the brain ; and it hath the same form , seat , and use with the former . 17. Whence experience doth testifie , and the observation of Physitians doth confirm , that if the brain be violently compressed , or the ventricles bruised , that then the animal must needs be deprived of sense and motion . 18. For they place in these superior ventricles , common sense , which doth discern the objects of divers senses . 19. The middle or third ventricle is nothing else , then the concourse or common cavity of the two former ventricles . 20. This doth produce of it self two passages : the first whereof receives phlegme , the latter is extended to the fourth corner or bosome . 21. They place also in it , the faculty of imagination and cogitation . 22. These are the three ventricles of the anterior part of the brain : the fourth is common to the cerebellum , and the marrow of the back : the last , yet the most solid of all the rest , because it receives the animal spirits from the former , and so transmits it to the marrow of the back . 23. This is the place where they say the memory is contained . The Commentary . ( A ) THe substance of the brain is soft , and medullous ; and they say it is so called , because it carries the substance of marrow : but it differs much from that marrow which is found in the cavity of the bones , because it is neither to be melted nor absumed , as the other is : its use is famous and noble ; for in this consists fear or courage , as also a voluntary motion of the senses , without which man stands as an image or pillar . And it is not onely the place of sense and motion , but the house of wisdom , and the shop of the cogitations , judgement and memory , whereby man comes to resemble God. And lastly , it is the treasure of the animal spirits : therefore by right the brain is the noblest of all members ; whose excellency if Aristotle had known , he would never have written of the nobility and dignity of the heart . ( B ) Whereas in the opinion os Plato , the brain is the first and common sensery ; The question will be , and it is full of intricacy and obscureness , whether the brain be endowed with the sense of feeling ? It is the general answer of modest Physitians and Philosophers , that the substance of the brain doth want sense , though it be stirred with a daily motion ; but the membranes which encompass the body of the brain , are endowed with a most exquisite sense . But some will say , how can the brain be void of sense , and yet be adjudged the principle of sense ? this is a nonsequitur . If the heart , according to Aristotle , be the principle of the motion voluntary ; shall we therefore say , that it is moved by the arbitrement of the will , when it is rather moved naturally ? so the brain communicates sense to other members , therefore it is endowed with sense : this is a nonsequitur . Again I answer , that Theoreme to be true in logick , onely in Homogeneous causes ; and those also that are conjoyned , and not remote : for the senses do not remain in the brain immediarely , but mediately , by the benefit of the nerves , which arise out of the brain . Yet Scaliger answers , the brain to have the force or faculty of sense ; dunamei , but not the act . CHAP. 14. Of the Species of Animals , viz. of Beasts , and they both perfect and imperfect . 1. HItherto of the parts of an Animate body : the species and differences of animals do follow . 2. Therefore an animal is either ( A ) Alogon , or Logicon . 3. Alogon is called a Beast , and it is an animal wanting Reason , and onely endowed with Sense . 4. But here ( B ) some go about to make a noise in opposing this , both ancient and later writers ; in declaring , that certain beasts , by a singular sagacity and art , may be obstupefied by artificial operations , that they will act those things which cannot proceed from them , but they must be endowed with some prudence and reason ; and besides their particular sense , something that deserves to be ascribed to reason . 5. It s true , they are endowed with some remarkable actions ; but we must not conclude them to proceed from any reason in them , but from a natural instinct . 6. And how can Brutes be said to have common reason , when reason is a faculty of the soul , which doth move and bufie it self to finde out causes from the effects ; and again , from the causes to those effects which are the causes of them ? 7. Furthermore , beasts are either perfect or imperfect . 8. They are perfect , ( C ) which have a perfect body in substance , and not in shadow , and endowed with blood , procreated in them . 9. And they are such as either go or flie . 10. They are terrestrial , which draw in air by inspiration ; and they continue out of the water upon the earth , or at least receive their nutriment most part from thence . 11. And they are either such as go , or creep , or fly , Arist. 1 de Hist. An. c. 1. 12. They that go or creep , are such as move on the face of the earth . 13. And they are either four-footed beasts , or creeping vermine . 14. Fourfooted beasts are those , that go upon four feet , or at least consist of four such parts : as man hath two arms , for two former feet . 15. There is a diverse constitution of these , as also of the temperament of man : for in Dogs , choler doth abound ; in Hogs , phlegme ; and in others , other humours : whence their temperament doth chiefly depend . 16. Fourfooted beasts are distinguished by the manner of their generation , in oviparas , and viviparas . 17. Those are oviparae , which bring forth eggs , or breed after that manner , out of which afterwards the animal is produced ; as Frogs , Crocodiles , Lizards , Salamanders , Chameleons , and Serpents ; all which are endowed with four feet . 18. Although these in many faculties of the soul , and parts of the body , have no little similitude to man ; yet they differ much , nay more , then such as are born alive , called viviparae : for neither do we see the same ingenuity in them , which is in these , nor altogether the same parts and strength of body . 19. Viviparae are such as bring forth perfect animals . 20. And those have a large lung , dense and carnous , filled with blood ; and therefore they breath . 21. The yong also ( D ) is nourished and brought almost after the same manner , in the bellies of their damms , as the childe in the womb of a woman . 22. Therefore erroneous is that opinion of Avicenna , Albertus , and Cardan himself ; who think that all animals that are gotten in the matrix , may arise without it , meerly of putrefaction : if so be it be true , that animals do proceed from a mutual copulation onely ; but never any man , or dog , did ever proceed from putretude , but seed , Scal. Exer. 193. 23. Viviparae are wont to bring forth , either those which have solid feet ; as an Horse , or Ass , and many others which want horns : so likewise many cornuted beasts ; as the Ox , Hart , Goat , and the like ; or such as have their feet divided into divers parts ; as Dogs , Apes , &c. 24. And their yong are multifarious , for the many cells in the womb , where the seed is contained . 25. Creeping beasts ( E ) are those which crawl upon the ground ; and they are either Serpents , which by convolving themselves , do move ; or all other kind of worms upon the earth . 26. Furthermore ( F ) there are volatile beasts , which do use to fly much in the air ; and they are otherwise called birds . 27. Aereal birds ( G ) have by nature two feet , and they do move themselves above the earth by their feathers by flying . 28. Their bodies do consist like to other bodies , of the four elements of a legitimate commixtion ; and they have both similar and dissimilar parts . 29. Yet they want reins and bladder ; whereby it happens that they never urine , because they drink little ; and by reason of the heat and dryness of their nature , which converts their water into aliment . 30. Their generation is of an egg , and chiefly of the white ; for it is nourished by the yolk , till it is excluded : these eggs engender and do receive life from the heat of the damm , sitting upon them . 31. And they are sooner hatched in summer , then in winter . Hens in summer usually sit but eighteen days , but in winter twenty five . 32. And unless they bring forth , they labor under a disease , and perish . Arist. 33. Birds ( H ) are distinguished by their meat : for some are very carnous , because as they feed upon flesh , as those which have crooked claws ; as the Crow and Hawk ; and some are fed by worms , others by herbs , and some by fruits . 34. So much concerning Terrestrials . Now concerning such as live in the water ; and they are called fish . 35. Fish ( I ) is a sanguineous animal , of cold and watrish substance ; of a long body , and squamous skin , diving in the water . 36. Their propagation is much by seed , onely this difference : some lay eggs , which are committed to the water , and thereby cherished : others bring forth their yong alive ; as the Whale , Dolphine , and the sea-Calf . 37. In the time of copulation , male and female are conversant ; and the female , by a gentle touch , conceives eggs in the matrix ; but they are not perfected , till they be sprinkled with the seed of the male : for these eggs , into which the seed is ejected , do become 〈◊〉 ; the rest remains barren . 38. Of the particular parts of Fish , these things are to be observed : There is a heart in most of them ; but inverse , or much turned in , contrary to other animals ; whereby a certain passage is made to their gills , by which they return the humor , which they receive into their mouths . 39. All their teeth are serrated : yet some have teeth upon their tongues . 40. Their tongue is hard and almost thorny , and so 〈◊〉 to the roof , that they seem ●…o be without a tongue . 41. They have the parts of hearing and smelling , but none of sensuality but the eyes : for the passage is broad and open , where they should have that sense ; their 's eyes are without lids . 42. They want lungs ( K ) and asper arteries ; therefore they neither have a voice nor breath . 43. Aristotle proves it : First , because in breathing , water must be drawn in as well as air ; which two bodies , do mutually hinder themselves : Secondly , because they do not move any particle of the belly , as other breathing creatures do : Thirdly , because when they dye in the water , we cannot perceive any bubbles to be made ; which happens when there is any animal that breathes , suffocated in the water : Fourthly , because if it were so , other animals also might breath in the water ; which experience denies . 44. But some ancient writers and Neoterick Philosophers , defend the contrary opinion ; who conclude , that all manner of fish do breath . 45. It is not for the former Arguments onely , that we part from the doctrine of the Peripateticks , but also Julius Scaliger defends it . 46. But some fish do onely live in the waters ; some partly on the water , and some partly on the earth . 47. Those that dive in the water , are either those that have blood , or are without blood . 48. Those which have blood , are properly called Pisces . 49. And those are great , small ▪ middle , or little , according to their adjunct quantity . 50. Those are called great ; the Whale , the Salmon , Dolphine , and sea-Calf . 51. Those that are of the middle rank , the Eel , Pike , Carp , Pearch , Stockfish , Tench , &c. 52. The least are these ; a Horsleech , Turdus , Sprats , &c. 53. Those that are called Exsangues , are such as are without blood , and do consi●… in its stead of a certain vital humidity ; and these are either soft or hard . 54. Those that are soft , Albertus calls them Malachias ; and they are those that neither have scales nor a rough skin ; as the Cutle , Calimary , Lollium , Polipus , sea-Wolf . 55. They are called hard , which have a crustous and scalous skin ; as the Crab , Muscle , and Oyster . 56. And amongst the rest , it is doubtful whether those that are called Amphibia , what their natures are ( they have lungs and breath ) and also whether they sleep by the mouth , or fistula ; in the water , or out . 57. And they are partly four-footed ; as Frogs , Crocodiles , Otters , Badgers : partly reptile , as the Water-snake ; and partly aereal , as the Cormorant , Wild-ducks , &c. 58. And thus much of perfect Animals : those that are imperfect are such whose bodies do not so cohere , but they may be said to be divided ; and they want ●…lood , and have their original from p●…action , and are called Insects . 59. Therefore an Insect ( L ) is an imperfect animal , wanting blood ; having a body distinct by its open junctures , & so likewise breathes not . 60. Whence these Insects are said to consist of three chief Parts ; the Head , Belly , and some Space between both . 62. Some of these Insects ( M ) are ingendred of Caenous earth , and putrid slime : As for example ; from putrid dung and wood , the Palmer-worm ; from putrid water , Gnats ; from mire and dirt , Worms : And some from the pu●…action of a dead carcase ; as the Beetle from the Ass , Bees from the Bull , and Wasps from a Horse . 63. The cause of those that take their original from putrid matter , is celestial heat diffused in the ambient air . 64. Of them which are gotten of a mixed or cadaverous putredue , they are procreated of the proper heat of the mixed putretude . 65. This the Philosopher indeavored to find out , when he said , In those things that do putrefie , are animals procreated , because of the natural calidity existent therein , which being segregated makes a body . 66. Therefore that calidity so segregated , doth dispose the matter , and doth produce both a form and substance of the same ; not by its proper force , as though an arridous could effect a living substance , but by the concurrence of the celestial heat . 67. And as the putrefied matter is diverse and various , into which the heat , both mixed with it self , and that which is by the influence of the heavens darted into it ; so it must needs produce divers and various Insects , and they both noble and ignoble . 68. For if the matter be very terrene , then testaceous animals are generated ; if tender and subtil , then more slender animals are produced . 69. Hence it is , that when there is much terrene portion in the sea existent , that of such a concretion , a shelly substance to arise ; so that the terrene part , doth quickly indurate , and co●…late . 70. But there are two kinds of insects : some are winged , some not . 71. Amongst those that are winged , there are some that have two , and some four wings . 72. Those that have two wings , are such as these ▪ Flies , Gnats , Butterflies , &c. 73. Four wings ▪ as Bees , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Beetles , Spanish Flies . 74. Those that want wings , are such ▪ as 〈◊〉 upon the ground . 75. And amongst these , there are some that walk by degrees ; as the Pismire , Spider , Horslice , Locusts , Fleas : others crawl slowly on the ground ; as Worms , Grass-worms , Glow-worms , &c. The Commentary . ( A ) BEtween a rational Creature , to wit , a man , and an irrational , to wit , a beast ; there is a certain Medium , called a Satyre or Ape , which is rightly referred to monsters . ( B ) Some things are here to be touched , concerning the reason or intelligence which seems to be in Bruits : For there are some now in these days , who besides that particular sense and reason they attribute unto them , do believe that they are moved with a certain singular sagacity and do●…lity , in wonderful operations ; which they say cannot be acted without some prudence and reason . For the great Bucephalus of Alexander would permit no body to come upon his back , but his Lord ; and at last one putting on Alexanders Robes , and mounting thereupon , was notwithstanding immediately thrown off . Nicomedes is reported to have had a Horse , who when he perceived his master to be lost in the battel , he refused to eat his fodder or provender , but pined away and died . The Panther , after that it hath tasted of poyson , presently runs to mans dung , that it may be thereby helped . The Goats in the woods of Crete , being shot with darts , runs to the herb Dittany , and thereby have their darts plucked out . Swallows aslo shew a wonderful art , in building of their nests with clay . Bees , in the making of Wax and Honey : And so many other Beasts several other performances , which cannot be imitated by us ; all which ●…ms to some to be acted with reason . But for true solution of this , between the true actions of Reason , and the sensitive Faculty ; for the Operations , Performances , and Actions of Bruits , are not to be adjudged as proceeding from reason , but partly from the instinct of Nature , partly from a Phan●…e , and partly from a natural sagacity , or that daily assuefaction they perform . And though we should grant , that these Actions did proceed from a certain kinde of force or faculty of discretion or prudence , existent in Bruits ; yet it is different far from humane discretion and reason ; neither doth it differ in quantity , as more or less ; but in the quality or thing it self : for it cannot properly be called reason ▪ or be comprehended under the name of a rational faculty , but to be understood Analogically ; for it is the property of reason , not onely to understand , know , and judge of its action , but to vary the same , according to its will : but Beasts can do neither of these ; for those things wherein they are always occupied , in them they do continue , and from them do not depart , neither can they vary their action at will , as those that are endowed with reason . But some will alledge , first , that Bruits are capable of Discipline , because they are taught many things ▪ and to perform many works : therefore they are competent of reason , if by Discipline they understand Science , properly so , called ▪ I deny that ever any Bruit was ever capable of any such Discipline : For though they may learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet they cannot learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and therefore there are certain Birds , which learn to speak by a certain custom and inclination ; but what they say , they are altogether ignorant . Secondly , those that are fallen into frantick fits and madness , may be said to have had ratiocination , and understanding : but many Bruit beasts are said to be mad ; as Apes taken in drunkenness , Dogs often run mad : The Ox , Horse , Ass , Camel , are said to suffer diseases , which Physitians rank in the regiment of madness : therefore , &c. I answer , it cannot truly hence be gathered , that Bruits have any similitude with mans reason ; for men are said to be mad , when they are void of that reason which distinguishes them from a 〈◊〉 . Now Bruits are mad , according to their internal senses , which are common to them , to wit , imagination & sensitive faculty , which some call cogitativam , and aestimativam : For Madness , Phrensie , and Melancholy , are Diseases that cannot hurt corporeal affections by themselves , to wit , simply alone , but corporeal faculties also ; for they disturb the minde by accident , because it is contained in that very house or situation , where this distemper raigns , and where the senses are used . But Bruits suffer madness , by reason of imagination or their estimative faculty ; not for their reason or understanding . ( C ) It is common to all perfect animals to have blood , and therefore without it , they neither can be accounted perfect , or produce any vital action ; for blood is after a manner another soul. ( D ) It is a thing common almost to the Universal Genus of fourfooted Beasts , that their generation proceeds from the commixtion of the Masculine with the Feminine ; and they copulate either at certain times or seasons , or promiscuously at any time . And whereas they are void of reason , especially , when they have a sensual appetite thereunto ; at which time , the Male is so furiously , inflamed with such an irresistable light , that it will furiously assail the Female , and prosecute her even till his appetite be satisfied : as we see often verified in Stags . ( E ) All Serpents are referred to fourfooted Beasts , because they have Blood , Flesh , Nerves , and other internal Bowels , of that Nature with them , although not so perfect , and also dissimilar from the members of those animals . This animal is crafty and wise , in the preservation of its life , in seeking out a Den to lurk in , and Food to live on . ( F ) Volatiles do consist of all the elements , but chiefly of water ; which we may read and prove by sacred writ , where it is said , That the waters brought forth both creeping things on the earth , and flying things in the air : where a question will arise , why God produced flying things out of the water , rather then the earth ? Because the greatest part of them do reside upon the earth : For upon the earth they feed , sleep , pull off their feathers ; and altogether haunt the earth and not the water , because , according to Aristotle , we are nourished by those things of which we consist . Birds consist of earth , rather then water ; therefore , &c. This argues that their substance is hard and dense , which must needs differ much from the nature of water , but little from earth . But for the further solution , we must know that there is no animal gotten , or procreated in the fire or air , but in the water and on the earth all Bodies are procreated , and that of the commixtion of siccity with humidity ; but of the two other Elements , they receive light temperaments and vertues ; therefore , because Birds are wandring animals , they ought to be framed of an Aery temperament , that it may be consentaneous to their nature . Now Birds are procreated from the water , which comes nearest to the nature of air , for it is made air , extenuated by heat , as we see the density of air to pass into water : and therefore Birds are produced out of the water , into the air , as it were a proper Element for their nature . ( G ) When in the definition , we say , Birds to be two-footed and winged , this ought to be understood of perfect Birds ; for there are certain Birds found without feet , called Apodes , and also without feathers , of which see Scaliger : and it is called a Bird from Avia , because it cuts an uncertain flight in the air . For there are three things uncertain , and past finding out : the way of a Ship in the sea , the way of a Bird in the air , and the way of a Yongman on earth . ( H ) Other divisions there are of Birds , of which see Scaliger , Exer. 227. and of the species of Birds , see Freigeus his Physicks . ( I ) By Fish I generally understand all water-animals , that swim in water , and all these are produced of the water : which their natures doth demonstrate ; for if they be taken out of the waters ; they die and perish , because they are robbed of their proper Nature or Womb ; but in water they grow and are nourished , by reason of the similitude and cogination of their nature with the place , which is cold and moist . But how can Fish ; which seem to be constituted of a 〈◊〉 Matter , and a mixed body , be produced from water alone , one simple Element , and fluid ? I answer , first , the concretion of water in the producing of 〈◊〉 , to be done forthwith by the voice and command of God ; insomuch that it is so constricted , and firmly coagulated , that the body of fish is solid and well compacted . Again , we do not deny , but that other Elements concur to this aquatical constitution ; but water hath the dominion , whose nature fish emulates , because they are cold and moist : where notwithstanding we must observe , that this same watry constitution doth participate of heat and moisture , in which the vital faculty or life doth consist . ( K ) It is an old tossed question , whether fishes that want a lung , breathe ? Aristotle denies it , but Plato and all the ancient Philosophers affirm it ; and these are their Reasons : First , what animals soever have not the organs of respiration ( so called ) cannot breath : but fishes have neither lungs nor arteries , which are the organs of respiration in all other animals : therefore fish breath not : Secondly , if fish do breath , it must either be by the mouth , or fins ; and then they both receive and let out the spirit together : but this cannot be , because these motions are contrary in themselves ; and contraries cannot act together in the same : therefore fishes do not breath : Thirdly , if Fishes that are destitute of attractive arteries and lungs , breath , then they must breath by the benefit of the belly ; but this is absurd ; therefore the consequence false : The reason of the Minor is , that if the belly of fish doth attract air , then it would do so in other animals ; but it is not so , therefore , &c. Fourthly , In all those animals that inspire and exspire , some part of their body may be discerned to move ; as in man , when he breaths , the brest is lifted up ; if he exspires , it is pressed down : but in fish there is no such motion to be seen , therefore they breath not : Fifthly , when any breathing Creatures are suffocated in the water , certain bubbles will arise , if they be there detained till suffocation ; but if fish be never so long detained , they cause no bubbles , therefore they breath not , neither do they receive any extrinsecal air : Sixthly , if fish did breath under the water , it would follow then , that men and other animals might breath also : but the consequence is false , therefore the antecedent : Seventhly , if fishes do breath in the water , then it is so that they may attract air , which they must do also without the water ; but they do not breath out of the water , nor attract air , Ergo , &c. if all animals do breath , then insects also should breath , which are animals ; but they breath not , Ergo , &c. the assumption is confirmed ; for those animals that breath , do breath whilst they live , and when they cannot breath longer , they cease to live . But insects do live , though they cannot breath ; for when they are cut in two parts , they will live in each part : whereas it is not possible , that all the parts of an animal should breath . Observe this last Argument , to impugne all the Ancients opinion : Fishes do therefore breath , because the life of animals consists not without breath . These are the reasons of Arist. denying fish to breath . But because there is a heart in them , therefore they have need to have their heat temperated ; and that it may be so temperated , they draw in by their gills , water for air , and let it out by the same . For as in man , the lungs and the thorax are lifted up and down in breathing ; so the gills of fish are dilated and contracted , in drawing in of water to temper the heat of the heart : for when the gills are dilated , they draw in some small portion of water , which is conveyed by certain passages to the heart , which cools the heat thereof ; and when their gills are contracted , the water again is expelled . Some do stifly oppugne these opinions ; whose reasons we shall now consider of : First , a Fish is an animal , therefore breathing is necessary , because it hath need of air . I answer , If by breathing or respiration they understand refrigeration , then the consequence is to be received ; but if they mean the attraction of air , I deny it : for the spiration of air is onely competent to those animals endowed with lungs ; but Fish may be refrigerated by that water , which both they draw in by the mouth and gills . Secondly , Air is contained under the earth , therefore under the water ; and by consequence , fish do attract it , and so breath . Ans. I deny the consequence : though air may easily pierce into the earth , which is porous , cavernous , and dry : yet into the water it cannot pierce , because of the fluidness of its body , being so easily reduced to unity ▪ and so closely gathering it self together , that there can be no vacuity for air : for if a Staff be thrust into the water , and drawn out again , there will be no hol●… left , or resemblance where it was , but will forthwith rise up , and swim at top : But if it be fixed into the earth , the hole whereinto it was put will remain , which is immediately filled with air ; and therefore it is that the breathing faculty of Moles under the earth , is not taken away , because they always make a hole , whereby they receive breath . But now in water no pores or passages can be apprehended , whereby air may be attracted ; therefore it is impossible that fish should breath therein . Thirdly , Fishes do breathe by their gills , therefore breath is drawn by them , though not in the usuall manner . I answer , that some spiration i●… manifest or perfect ; some obscure and imperfect : 'T is manifest in those animals that are endowed with the organs of spiration ; and then it is properly called respiration : but that ●…tion of the fishes gills , is more rightly tearmed transpiration , and onely answers by Analogy to the true spiration : for as their parts , viz. lungs and gills , differ in species , so also their functions differ : for as the wings o●… birds and fins of fishes do agree analogically in themselves , as to the efficient cause , viz. of motion ; yet they are not of the same Genus , because fish by their fins do not fly , as birds by their wings , but swim : so those gills that are given to fish in stead of lungs , are not of the same species with the lungs of animals . The fourth is taken from Experience : if fish be put into a vessel with a narrow orifice , filled half full of water , and so the mouth of the vessel stopped ; there is so great a desire in them of the injoying of the air , that they strive who shall be uppermost , swimming one upon another , for no other cause then a desire to be next the air . Scaliger answers , the reason of their so much strugling , is not for the injoyment of air , but the avoiding of their close imprisonment ; endeavouring to finde a way out of the vessel , to free themselves from that scarcity of water , into a place of more plenty and liberty . Fifthly , if a vessel full of water , and with a row orifice be closely covered , the fish that are encloistered within , are suddenly suffocated , because no air can come unto them ; therefore 't is absolute necessary for fish to breathe under the water , for the preservation of their lives . This , if it be true , I thus answer : If so , then it may be judged to happen rather from the defect of the celestial light , then air ; for thereby force and heat is added by the influence of light : for all animate things stand in need of this celestial spirit , for the preservation of their lives . Again , if it be so that fish included in a vessel are suffocated , it must happen that the water being deprived of air , loses it nature ( Scaliger Exer. 275 ) for it is preserved from corruption by the air , as from a superiour form ; therefore it kills the fish . But to conclude , If fish should die for want of air , how come they to live , where the waters are frozen all over , many thousands of paces together ? or can they receive air through the ice ? therefore the Objections of our Antagonists , are frothy and vain . ( L ) Insects are called by the Greeks , Entoma , because they have Bodies distinguished , some into two , three , and some more incisures ; and they have in stead of blood , a certain vital jui●…e or humour , which is Analogous to blood , which assoon as it is exhausted , they perish : And because those Insects want blood , their natures are cold , and therefore it is that they breathe not : for breath is given to animals by nature to ●…ool the blood ; and because those insects ( saith Aristotle ) want bowels , therefore they leave no respiration , because they have no convenient organs for that use . But against this received opinion of Aristotle , Pliny objects , that Insects do breathe ; which he maintains by two Arguments . First , That many kinds of Insects do put forth a certain noise ; as Bees , and those that want wings : others to sing ; as Grashoppers : so also Gnats & Flies make a certain buzzing & noise ; which cannot be , except they received air . I answer , When Bees and Flies make a noise , it happens by the agitation of the interior spirit , and not the exterior : for those Insects that seem to sing , as Grashoppers , do make a noi●…e from the agitation of the included spirits , fretting , as it were , against that membrane , with which their bodies are wrapped ; for they do not make a noise by the attracting of spirit at the mouth : for they alone in the Universal Genus of animals , by the observation of Aristotle , want mouths . Secondly , Insects are endowed with smelling ; but smelling cannot be effected , but with the attraction of air by respiration ; therefore they breathe . I answer , The Sense of smelling is far different in these Insects , from that in other sanguineous animals ; for they have this censory hidden within the skull ; and therefore they cannot perceive odours but by the conduct of the ambient air introsumed : But Insects do not perceive odours , by the attraction of air , but by the alone presence of the thing to be smelled at the censory ; which organ in them is always open , and exposed to smelling , not unlike to the eyes of those animals that have no lids nor covering , but always open . ( M ) The material cause of Insects is double , as the Insects themselves are of two kinds ; for some are gotten of slimy earth and putrid mud : as for example , from putrified Pot-herbs , the Canker or Palmer-worm ; from putrid Water , the Gnat ; from decayed Wine , the Midge ; from Slime , worms ; from Mud , frogs : others arise from a mixed putretude ; as Beetles from the karcass of an Ass ; Bees from a Bull ; Wasps from a Horse . And as there are two kinds of Insects , so there is also a double efficient cause of them : for they which take their rise from putrid Matter , their efficient cause is the heat of the Sun , diffused in the Ambient air : But they which are gotten of a mixed and cadaverous putretude , are procreated meerly from the proper heat of the mixed putretude ; for that heat doth dispose the Matter , and produce a substantial form of the same , not by its proper force ; for an accident cannot make a living substance , but by the vertue of the Celestial heat . But some may say , that heat of mixture is broken in putretude , if putretude be the corruption of heat natural ; therefore the heat of a mixed body putrefied , cannot be the efficient cause of Insects . I answer , In the natural decay of mixtures simply , all heat doth not vanish , so that none may be said to remain ; but broken , as natural , and according to that measure , which is necessary to retain the humidity with the ●…iccity : as in the destruction , death or decay of living creatures , all heat simply doth not vanish , but that onely which was convenient for the existence of the soul in the body , and the preservation of life ; therefore that heat which is yet left in a mixed putretude , hath reason to be the efficient cause of Insects . But some may further instance , that heat in the generation of mixtures , ought to domineer passively , not actively ; according to Aristotle , who saith , that heat and cold do generate when they overcome and rule in passives : but in putretude , the heat of mixture doth not obtain the name of dominion , because its wants strength and vigor , and is so unfurnished , that it cannot retain the moist with the dry , for the preservation of the mixture : therefore it cannot be the efficient cause of Insects , which Insects are procreated of the unity and consistency of humidity and sic●…ity . I answer , The heat of the body putrefied , may be considered two manner of ways ; either in respect of that mixture which doth putrefie , or in respect of the animals which are produced from that mixture : if it be considered after the first manner , then it is preternatural , and not fit to retain the humidity with the siccity , because it doth not further rule in these passive qualities ; but if heat be considered in the second respect , then it is natural , and hath force and dominion over the moist and dry , and it can terminate and couple them , and out of that matter produce a substantial form , by the concurrence of the celestial heat : but now as the matter is various and diverse , in which heat doth exercise its action ; so likewise various and divers animals and insects are produced : for if the matter be much terrene and corpulent , then it will produce testaceous animals ; but if tender , thin , and subtil , then heat doth generate slender animals ; as Flies , Gnats , &c. For as Aristotle says , In the sea there is much of an earthly substance : and thence it is , that from the concretion thereof , so many shell-fishes are procreated . But again , it may be objected by some : Every thing that is generated , must proceed from a thing that is like to it self : for a celestial body and heat , are not similar to those which do arise from coenous and putrid Matter ; therefore from these they cannot rightly be said to be generated . I answer , Every thing that is generated , is said to be generated from its simile , either according to an univocal generation , or an equivocal generation by analogy . I call that an univocal generation , when one man begets another , or one dog another ; for here the thing getting , and the thing begotten , are of one Genus : for the bitch generating is an animal , and the dog generated , is an animal : But an equivocal generation is made by similitude ; as a frog , that is produced out of filth by the force of the sun ; and it is so called , because the thing getting , and the thing gotten , are Heterogeneous . But now although the Insects proceeding from such like bodies , are not similar , according to the univocal Genus , yet they are generated a simile , according to the equivocal Genus by analogy , because they are produced by some existent act ; as by a celestial body , or the like , which concur in the way of act to produce a body . CHAP. 15. Of Man and his Formation in the Womb. 1. HItherto we have Treated of irrational Creatures . Now we shall say something of the rational , viz. Man. 2. Man is ( A ) an animal endowed with reason . 3. And as he is the most noblest of all Creatures , so he hath the most beautiful and excellent structure of body , of all other animals ; being erect , and looking up to heaven . 4. But as every thing which is gotten , doth proceed of something , and from something : so there are certain necessary principles to the generation of mans Body . 5. The seed ( B ) therefore of both Sexes , is plentiful and fruitful , and pronounced by the ancients , to be the Mother-blood of principles . 6. The Seed is a humid body , spumous and white , generated from the flower or cream o●… the spirits , elaborated by the insited force of the stones for generation sake . 7. Hence it consists of two parts ; of a watrish humidity , and spirit . 8. The Serous humidity is generated of blood ; whence he affirms seed to be an excrement of the last sanguineous aliment , not in substance , but by a profitable abundance , Arist. 1 de Gen. Anim. c. 18 , 29. 9. The Spiritual part ( C ) is no other then the vital spirit , dilated by the spermatick arteries to the cods , where it is exquisitely mixed with blood , and of two becomes one perfect body : therefore the Seed is compounded of spirit and water . 10. Maternal blood ( D ) or menstruum , another principle of our generation , is a sanguineous excrement , begotten from the heat of the female , for the conservation of her species . 11. It is called menstruous , because it comes monethly ; which nevertheless , after conception , is forthwith stopped . 12. It is called a sanguineous excrement , not that it is like thereunto , or noxious in its quality ( as the Neotericks do affirm ) but that it is too luxuriant in quantity ; and therefore it is poured into the greater veins , from the fleshy parts , that are already filled and satiated . 13. Therefore this blood is laudable , and alimentary , whose efficient cause is the weakness of the heat of the woman . 14. For the female is always more colder then the male , therefore she cannot make all the last al●…ment , and convert it into the substance of the body ; and therefore by little and little it is sent into the veins of the womb , that it may he excerned . 15. The time of excretion is not designed ; but in many it begins at the fourteenth year of their age , and ceases about the fiftieth year , because then heat grows weak , and doth not longer generate the reliques of laudable blood , neither can it expel them if they do abound . 16. The use of this menstruous blood is very necessary , both that it may cause a conception , and afterwards nourish after conception . 17. Therefore seed is the principle , from which , as it were the efficient cause , the conformation is made ; from which , as from the matter , the spermatick parts are generated : but blood hath the name of the matter alone , and passive principle . 18. For of it are both the carnous parts generated , and both the spermatick and carnous nourished . 19. But to the seed is alotted the nature both of the efficient and matterial principle , because it consists of two parts : for the efficient is by reason of the Spirits , on which on every side is poured ; the material , by reason of the thickness of the body and crassament , of which the spermatick parts are generated . 20. And the seed is double ; the one of the male , the other of the female : but the seed of the male is of greatest force . 21. Neither do the Peripateticks altogether deny women to emit seed , as Galen and not a few more , have exclaimed against them : but as they say , they do not emit seed as men , neither have they such seed . 22. For women do put forth seed , but not such as men do , that is , not so crass , white , and full of spirit . 23. For when mans seed is poured out into the womb , it is exquisitely mixed with the womans , and is , as it were , in a fruitful field ; and immediately upon the permixion of the seeds , the womb is gathered up together , and doth contract it self so close , that no empty space be left within . 24. Seed so ( E ) taken and strictly comprehended , is cherished in the womb , by its heat and ingenital property , exciting its strength lurking within it ; and stimulates it to act , insomuch that it breaks out into action . 25. This action of the womb they call conception , which is a promotion of the retained seed to duty . 26. The Signs of conception ( F ) are these : a tickling over the whole body , upon the meeting of the seeds ; a retention of the seed , if the inward mouth of the womb doth exquisitely shut and open : a small pain wandring about the belly : if the Tearms be stopped : if the brests swell and grow hard ; a nauseous stomach , and frequent vomitings . 27. Therefore the spirit of the seeds is used as an instrument for this divine faculty of generation , in going to the bottom , or centre ; whereby the work of conception is carried on , and of which the conception it self is constituted . 28. This work cannot be made without ordination , position , secretion , concretion , densation , rarefaction , extension , contraction . Arist. 29. Therefore , when the spirit begins to act in the substance of the seed , consisting of Heterogeneous parts , it first divides its dissimilar parts : those that are thin and tender , and full of spirit , it hides within ; those that are cold and thick , which arise from the seed of the woman , it covers without . 30. The middle and more nobler parts of the seed , are puffed up , or blowen up , by heat and spirit , to the effiguration of the members . 31. The number of these membranes are yet undetermined : we reckon onely three ; the first whereof is called Amnios , which is next to the yong , wrapping it from the neck to the feet , containing the excrements also with it ; in which the yong swims , as it were . 32. The second is called Alantois ; it is the middle between the first and the third , thin and narrow , onely going to the middle of the yong ; and it is the receptacle of urine . 33. The third tunicle is called Chorion , and it is the outermost , covering the whole body of the yong , and adheres to the womb , by the interposition of the umbilical veins and arteries . 34. These 3 membranes mutually connated to themselves , do seem to constitute one tunicle , which is called by the Latines secundina . 35. The interior and subtil part of the seed , being encloistered in these , and as it were environed , the formative vertue , and as it were vital spirit , of the same seed ( which contains in potency all parts , both similar and instrumental ) doth coact together , and as it were delineated , so that the rude exordium of these parts , or at least a resemblance of them , may be seen ; which is wont to be made in seven days . 36. For when the vital spirit , which is the framer of generation , is the same , and doth act in one and the same moment , disposited into the same matter , and altered by heat ; what hinders but that this agent may decline all parts natural , once and again ? 37. Yet there is an order observed in the formation of members ; ( I ) one member is perfected before another . 38. And the more nobler , and most necessary , the first of all ; the ignobler , and least necessary , the last of all . 39. Therefore the formatrix faculty doth perfect in the first place , the spermatick parts of the male in thirty days , of the female in forty or fourty two . 40. Nor doth it hinder what some learned men do object , that so little seed doth not suffice for the constituting of these parts ; for the sperme is appointed not onely to suffice the formation , but the auction also . 41. Again , if this sperme ( which proves Abortive , or may be known by the section of the living animal ) be cast into cold water , it will scarce exceed the bigness of a large Emme●… . 42. The carnous parts are framed after the spermatical delineation , from the other principle of generation , to wit , blood , which flows by the navel vein . 43. There are three sorts of flesh which grows in the bowels : First , the flesh 〈◊〉 : Secondly , the flesh of the Muscles , which is called properly and absolutely Flesh : Thirdly , the peculiar flesh of every part : and it is likely , that these three sorts of flesh are not generated together , but in order . 44. For first of all , the flesh Parencyma , which is the substance of the Liver , Spleen , and Biters ; afterwards the peculiar flesh of every part ; and lastly , the flesh of the Muscles . 45. And amongst the fleshes Parencymate , that of the Liver is the first made , because the umbilical vein doth first pour blood into it , which concretes after fusion , and becomes flesh ; then that of the heart ; and lastly , that of the rest of the bowels . 46. So that the infant begins to be Dearticulated and absolute , after forty five days ; living at first the imperfect life , as it were , of a Plant , after the manner of an animal , and at last the life of a man. 47. And this happens not by reason of the form , which is simple and individual ; but by reason of the matter , that is , of the organs . 48. But the embryon takes aliment onely by the navel ; but after the liver is made , it ministers to all the members : but it doth not yet move , though it hath life , by reason of the imbecility of the brain and softness of nerves . 49. The weak and tender members of the infant , by little and little are dried by heat , and so made more solid ; and then the yong begins to feel by perfect Sensories , and by and by to be moved in the womb . 50. But a man-childe doth move sooner then a female : for boys , because they are conformed in thirty days , do move on the ninetieth day , which compleatly make three moneths ; but because the female is framed in forty or forty two days , she moves not till the hundred and twentieth day , which is about the latter end of the fourth moneth . 51. And the infant is nourished , and doth increase all this space of time ; and when it is ripe it is brought forth , partly by the endeavor of the womb ( for it being burthened with its weight and abundance of excrements , it strives to be exonerated ) & partly by its proper motion : for the necessity of breathing , the want of aliment , and the narrowness of the place , do enforce the yong to endeavor a passage out . 52. At the time of birth the doors are opened , which immediately after delivery are shut again . This we see done , saith Galen ; but how it is done , we know not ; onely we may admire it : Avicen calls it a work to be wondred at , above all wonders . 53. The womb being opened , the infant begins to come out by the head : and by many painful throws , it draws out and brings with it three membranes : and thus by the prescript of nature , are we born into the world . 54. The time of bringing forth , is not fully defined , nor can it ; for some are delivered at seven moneths end , some at nine , ( and most then ) some at ten , but seldom , and very seldom at eleven ; but in the eighth moneths end , seldom any are delivered with a live childe . 55. And this is the manner of the Conception , Conformation , and Procreation of the noblest of Creatures . The Commentary . ( A ) THe definition of a Man delivered , consists of a Genus and Difference : As to the Genus , he is an animal ; and as to the Difference , one endowed with reason : And in this it is that man hath a Prerogative , Dignity , and Excellency , above all other Creatures : for his minde , which is Divine , is the Image of God ; and he differs much from other animals , and as it were exercises a regality over them : for are not Lyons and Elephants tamed by the strength of man , and overcome , and made subject to him ? Man is created with his face looking up to Heaven , as it were contemplating upon God. Hence Ovid could say , Pronaque cum spectent animalia caetera terram , Os homini sublime dedit , caelumque tueri Jussit , & erectos ad sidera tollere vultus . For whereas God created all other animals with their faces downwards to the ground , man alone he erects with his eyes fixed upon heaven , whither he should tend . ( B ) The generation of man is made after this manner : the seed of both Sexes being perfectly mixed , the whole doth proceed from thence ; therefore the matter of the generation of mans Body , is the seed both of the man and the woman , plentiful and fruitful . This seed doth consist of two parts , watrish Humidity , and Spirit : the watrish Humidity proceeds from the blood ; whence Aristotle affirms blood to be a profitable excrement of the last aliment , that is , of the sanguineous aliment : I say it is an excrement , not supervacaneous in its nature or substance ; as Stones and Worms : nor in its quality ; as Dung , Sweat , &c. but onely in its abundance or quantity : for because it superabounds from nourishing the parts of the body , and cannot be assimilated thereunto ; it obtains the place of an excrement . ( C ) The spiritual part of seed is no other thing then the vital Spirit , which by reason of this Spirit , it becomes hot : and sometimes this Spirit is ingendred in the heart , and thence sent out into the whole body : so doth the Seed also , according to the Spirit , proceed from the whole , because the Spirit is communicated from the heart to the whole : Hence Aristotle saith , if the Seed did not proceed from every part of the animal , the cause of the similitude were false ; therefore seed ejected by the yard into the womb , becomes fruitful , when it is exquisitely mixed with the womans seed ; and it is the principal motion , that is , the first agent for the formotion of the yong , by reason of the spirits contained in it : For this going to the bottom , as to its centre , is cherished and preserved , and so proceeds to action , as to formation : all which things are necessary for the framing of the yong ; for besides the seed of the man and the woman , it is necessary that this vital spirit concur to the conception , because the seed of man cannot besmear all the parts of the womb , which else will impede conception : and if the seed of the woman be onely present , that will not cause conception , by reason of its imperfection ; for the seed of man is more hot then womans : and although this seed be not so perfect , yet it concurs as an agent to the formation , although not as the first agent : for as Galen observes , the mixture of the seed of man and woman , is perfect seed ; whence Aristotle saith , that what arises from the seed of man and woman , do arise from contraries , as when there are contraries in the same Genus : and although each seed , according to Aristotle , is in its Genus an agent , yet they do not act alike in power and strength , but differ in these functions , magis & minus : the seed of the woman doth concur , as the matter of which , both by reason of the seed of man , which is its aliment , ( for mans seed is nourished and made more perfect by womans seed ) as also by reason of the membranes which are produced out of it . But in this place we may take notice , what the Peripateticks in a manner aledge , that the woman emits no seed : but they are basely and injuriously dealt withall ; it is an aspersion cast upon them , by some later Philosophers , because Aristotle saith , That the seed of the woman is not so crass , while hot , and full of spirit , as the seed of man : but he doth not say , that women emit no seed at all . ( D ) Besides the seed of both Sexes , the menstruous blood of the woman concurs to generation : it is called menstruous blood , because it is an excrement ; yet it differs from that blood whereby a woman is nourished ; and it is called exerementitious blood , to difference it from the seminal excrement ; and it is an excrement of the second concoction , which is made in the liver and veins ; and therefore it is , that it hath a red colour : furthermore , that matter which is contained in the veins , and expurged by the veins of the womb , is this superfluous blood and excrement of the second coction : for whereas the Bodies of women are more colder then mens , they cannot make perfect their last aliment , nor convert it into the substance of the body to be nourished ; whereupon , that which is above , and cannot be converted , by little and little , is thence conveyed to the veins of the womb , where it gathers together into one place ; and what of it cannot be sustained by nature , is expelled . It s use is necessary : for as it helps conception , so it nourishes the yong . But here a question will arise , how the yong , whilst it is conceived and framed in 〈◊〉 ●…omb , is gotten & nourished by this same blood , when it is endowed with a bad quality , and puts forth many ill affections ? I answer , This blood is not always so bad as is imagined : for those women , whose bodies are temperate , their blood also must needs be temperate ; and when the body is vitious , the blood also must needs be infected . But again , this pravity in women , is purged away every moneth ; and in them it is otherwise , then in those who keep their tearms beyond their accustomed time : the former hath no noxious quality in it , as to hurt what is generated of it ; which need not seem strange : but if the same blood be not evacuated at its accustomed time , but retained , it will stir up and cause many bad affections , as the suffocation of the matrix , 〈◊〉 , and the like . But now if it be considered in a woman that hath milk in her brests , it is otherwise ; for then blood is conflated of a treble substance : for then the alimentary or pure portion of it goes to the nourishment of the yong , and part somewhat impurer goes to the brests , and converts to milk ; and the worst of all is contained as excrements in the tunicles , where the yong is enrolled : which is evacuated at the womans delivery . ( E ) After the seed of both Sexes , together with the menstruous blood , is received into the womb , it closes up ; and the seed therein contained , is cherished by its heat , and begins to act : the spiritual part of the seed passes to the bottom , and begins the formation ; and of the crass part of the seed , the spermatick parts are engendred ; and of the menstruous , the sanguineous parts . ( F ) The Notes of conception are these : The close shutting up of the womb ; A kinde of trembling and tickling over the whole body ; And after that , an exceeding refrigeration ; Loss of stomach , Nauseating of victuals , Vomitings , &c. ( G ) Generation is made by the mutation of the power into the act , and an artificial composition of many existents in the act : the Soul is the act of an organical body : but the seed is not the organ , therefore not the animate ; then the power above will be the animate : for as the Sun , not hot , doth calefie ; the Whetstone not sharp , yet doth sharpen : so also the seed may animate , that is , the yong is animated by the seed , although there be no soul or life in it . ( I ) It is a great and difficult dispute among Physitians and Philosophers , in what order the parts of the yong are framed ? some think the liver first to be generated , others the heart , which they say is the first that lives , and the last that dies . In this Controversie we are to observe , that neither the Liver nor the Heart , nor any other principal member , nor umbilical vessels are generated first , as divers have judged ●…everal manner of ways ; but that all are inchoated in one and the same moment , and that for this subsequent reason : The vital spirit , which is the efficient cause of the generation , and the internal natural agent , not the external voluntary , hath the whole formatrix faculty , in every part where it is joyned to the matter fitly disposited : it must necessarily act secundum potentias ; and therefore all the parts of the body are produced by it at once : this experience confirms by those who have miscarried in ten , twenty , or thirty days , after conception , when the whole substance hath not exceeded the bigness a grain of Barley , a Bee , or the figure of a Bean ; yet all its bowels are formed , as some late Anatomists have observed . CHAP. 16. De Zoophytis , or of things that are partly Animals , and partly Plants . 1. HItherto we have illustrated the first Species of Nature , Aisthetices , to wit , an animal : the other which remains to be explained , is part Plant , and part Animal . 2. And these Zoophyta's are corporeal Natures , endowed onely with certain senses , contracting and dilating themselves by motion . 3. Whence Hermolaus Barbarus calls them Plantanimalia : Budaeus tearms them Plantanimes , because they have a middle , and as it were a third Nature , between Plants and Animals . 4. Whereas they have a certain sense with Animals ; Hence they dilate themselves pleasantly to such things as they attract and affect ; but contract themselves , if pricked or offended . 5. But in the effigies of the Body , they come nearest to the Nature of Plants . 6. Their formes differ according to their greater or lesser vertue of feeling : all of them adhere to Rocks , Sand , or Mud ; of which sort are these , Holothuria , Stella marina , Pulmo marinus , U●…tica spongiae . 7. To these may be added , that Tree which grows in the Province of Pudifetanea ; to which if a man draws nigh , it will gather in its boughes , as though it were ashamed ; and when he is gone , spread them abroad : for which cause the inhabitants thereabouts , have nominated it the Chaste tree . Scaliger Exer. 181. Sect. 28. FINIS . An Advertisement to the Reader . THere is now in the Press that excellent Piece , intituled Natural Magick , in twenty Books , by John Baptist Porta a Neopolitane , Enlarged by the Author himself , and cleared from divers errors , wherewith the former Editions were tainted : In which all the riches and delights of the natural Sciences are set forth . Carefully Translated from the Latine , and rendred into English by a worthy hand . The Books of Natural Magick are these . 1 OF the causes of wonderful things . 2 Of the Generation of divers Animals . 3 Of the production of new Plants . 4 Of increasing Houshold-stuff . 5 Of Changing Metals . 6 Of Counterfeiting precious Stones . 7 Of the wonders of the Load-stone . 8 Of strange Cures . 9 Of Beautifying of women . 10 Of extracting Essences . 11 Of Perfuming . 12 Of Artificial Fires . 13 Of the most rare Tempering of Steel . 14 Of Cookery . 15 Of Hunting . 16 Of invisible Writing . 17 Of strange Glasses . 18 Of Staticks Experiments . 19 Of Pneumatick Experiments . 20. Chaos . 
A59808	----	The danger of corrupting the faith by philosophy a sermon preach'd before the Right Honble, the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen at Guildhall-Chappel on Sunday, April 25, 1697 / by William Sherlock. Sherlock, William, 1641?-1707. 1697 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59808 Wing S3280 ESTC R28137 10410096 ocm 10410096 45001 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Dean of St. PAVL's SERMON Before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , On APRIL 25. 1697. Clarke Mayor . Martis quarto die Maij 1697. Annoque R. Rs. Wilhelmi Tertii Angliae , &c. Nono . THIS Court doth desire Mr. Dean of St. Paul's to print his Sermon preached before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of this City , on Sunday the 25th day of April last . GOODFELLOW . The Danger of corrupting the Faith by Philosophy . A SERMON Preach'd before the Right Hon ble the Lord-Mayor , AND Court of Aldermen , At GUILDHALL-CHAPPEL , On SUNDAY , APRIL 25. 1697. By WILLIAM SHERLOCK , D. D. Dean of St. Paul's , Master of the Temple , and Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty . LONDON : Printed for W. Rogers , at the Sun against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet . MDCXCVII . COLOS. II. 8. Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit , after the traditions of men , after the rudiments of the world , and not after Christ. HAD St. Paul lived in our Age , it would have required little less than the Courage and Bravery of the Spirit of Martyrdom to have said this : And nothing but the Authority of so great an Apostle ( which though some men do not much value , yet they dare not openly despise ) can skreen those , who venture to say it after him . What some men call Philosophy and Reason ( and there is nothing so foolish and absurd which some men will not call so ) , is the only thing which those men adore , who would either have no God , or a God and a Religion of their own making . And what Attempts some have made to undermine all Religion , and others to corrupt and transform the whole Frame of the Christian Religion , upon a pretence of its contradicting Natural Reason and Philosophy , is too well known to need a Proof . That thus it was in his days , and that thus it was likely to be in future Ages , St. Paul was very sensible , when he gave this Caution to his Colossians ; and I 'm sure it is as proper a Caution for us , as ever it was for any Age since the writing of this Epistle ; for this vain Pretence to Reason and Philosophy never more prevailed , and never did more mischief to the world . It is an endless and fruitless Task to go about to confute all the absurd Hypotheses and wild inconsistent Reasonings wherewith men abuse themselves and others : The Experience of so many Ages wherein Philosophy was in all its Glory , and the several Sects disputed and wrangled eternally , without ending any one Controversy , gives no great Encouragement , to hope for much this way ; at least it can never be expected that ordinary Christians should be better instructed and confirmed in the Faith by Philosophical Disputes . The Christian Religion has from the very beginning been corrupted by a mixture of Philosophy : Thus it was in the Apostles days , and thus it has been more or less in all Ages of the Church to this day ; and the direction the Apostle gives for the security of the Christian Faith , is , Not to dispute such matters , but to distinguish between Philosophical Disputes , and Matters of Revelation ; and to reject all the Pretences of Philosophy , when it does or seems to contradict the Faith of Christ , or would make any corrupt Additions to it . Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is to make a Prey , or to carry away as a Prey ; that is , to seduce them from the Christian Faith , or from the Purity and Simplicity of it : Through Philosophy and vain deceit , that is , through the vain deceit of Philosophy , which cheats men with a flattering but empty appearance ; may unsettle weak Minds , but cannot lay a sure and solid foundation of Faith ; may cheat men out of their Faith , but when that is done , can give them nothing certain in the room of it : For it is but after the traditions of men , and after the rudiments of this world : Some of these Doctrines may possibly plead Prescription , as having been so long received that no man knows their Original ; or if they have the Authority of some Great Name , yet it is but a Human Authority , and they are but the traditions of men ; and of men who at best had no better information than from the visible appearances of Nature , and their own imperfect Observations , and corrupt or defective Reasonings , after the rudiments of this world : And is this an Authority to oppose against the Faith of Christ , which both wants that Divine Confirmation which he gave to his Doctrines , and contradicts them ? For they are not after Christ , neither taught by Christ , nor consonant to what he taught . These Words might afford great Variety of Discourse ; but I shall confine my self to what is most Useful , and reduce that into as narrow a compass as I can , by shewing , I. What great need there is of this Caution , To beware lest any man spoil us through Philosophy and vain deceit . II. What great reason we have to reject all these vain Pretences to Philosophy , when they are opposed to the Authority of a Divine Revelation . I. As for the first of these , Whoever considers what an Enemy these vain Pretences to Philosophy have always been to Religion , will see need enough for this Caution . True Reason , and the true Knowledge of Nature , which is true Philosophy , would certainly direct us to the Acknowledgment and Worship of that Supreme Being who made the World : And yet we know , that there never was an Atheist without some Pretence to Philosophy , and generally such loud noisy Pretences too , as make ignorant people think them very notable Philosophers , and that tempts some vain empty persons to affect Atheism , that they may be thought Philosophers . That this is vain deceit , all men must own , who believe there is a God : And if it be possible to pretend Philosophy for Atheism it self , it is no great wonder if it be made to patronize Infidelity and Heresy : But this plainly shews of what dangerous Consequence it is to admit Philosophical Disputes into Religion , which if at any time they may do any service to Religion , much oftner greatly corrupt it , and shake the very Foundations of it ; of which more anon . At present I shall only shew you how the Matter of Fact stands ; That most of the Disputes in Religion are nothing else but the Disputes of Philosophy , and therefore according to the Apostolical Command , to be wholly flung out of Religion , and not suffered to affect our Faith one way or other . To be a Philosopher and a Christian , to Dispute and to Believe , are two very different things ; and yet it is very evident , that most of the Arguments against Revelation in general , and most of the Disputes about the particular Doctrines of Christianity , are no better than this vain deceit of Philosophy ; that were the matters of Faith , and the Disputes of Philosophy truly distinguished , this alone would be sufficient to settle the Faith of Christians , and restore Peace and Unity , at least in the great Fundamentals of Religion , to the Christian World. 1. As to begin with Revelation in general . The Books of Moses are the most Ancient , and that considered , the best attested History in the World ; the whole Nation of the Jews , whose History he writes , pay the greatest veneration to him ; and if we believe the Matters of Fact which he relates , he was certainly an Inspired Man , who could neither deceive , nor be deceived . And it is impossible to have greater Evidence for the Truth and Authenticalness of any Writings , at such a distance of time , than we have for the Writings of the New Testament ; and indeed the Infidels of our Age have very little to say purely against the Credibility of the History ; and then one would think , that all their other Objections should come too late , unless they will justify Pharaoh in disbelieving Moses , and the Scribes and Pharisees in disbelieving our Saviour , after all the Miracles they did : For if they will disbelieve Moses and Christ , though they have nothing material to object against the Truth of these Histories ; nothing , which they would allow to be good Objections against any other History ; they must by the same reason have disbelieved them , though they had seen them do all those great Works which are reported of them in such Credible Histories . But whatever the Authority of these Books are , they think they may securely reject them , if they contain any thing which contradicts their Reason and Philosophy , and they find a great many such things to quarrel with : They think Moses's History of the Creation very unphilosophical ; That the Story of Eve and the Serpent is an incredible Fiction ; That the Universal Deluge is absolutely impossible , and irreconcileable with the Principles of Philosophy ; and it does not become Philosophers to have recourse to Miracles : That what we call Miracles are not the effects of a Divine Power , but may be resolved into Natural Causes ; That Inspiration and Prophesy is nothing but Natural Enthusiasm , and all the Pretences to Revelation a Cheat and Imposture ; That Nature teaches us all that we need to know ; That there is no other certain knowledge but this ; That we are not bound to believe any thing which our own Reason cannot grasp and comprehend , and therefore Revelation is perfectly useless ; and God himself cannot oblige us to believe any thing which does not agree with the Reason of our own Minds , and the Philosophy of Nature . Those who understand the Mystery of Modern Infidelity , know that these , and such like , are the wise Reasons for which they reject and ridicule all Revealed Religion , and endeavour to rob and spoil men of one of the greatest Blessings in the World , A Divine Revelation . So that Infidelity is resolved into these vain Pretences to Philosophy , that Men will understand how to make , destroy , and govern the World better than God. 2. As these men oppose Reason and Philosophy to Revelation , so others either deny the fundamental Articles of Christianity for the sake of some Philosophical Difficulties , or corrupt the Doctrines of Christianity by a mixture of Philosophy . The Gospel of our Saviour is the plainest Revelation of the Will of God that ever was made to the World ; all its Doctrines are easily understood , without Art and Subtilty ; and yet there is not a more nice , intricate , perplext thing in the World , than what some men have made the Christian Faith : All the Subtil Disputes of Philosophy are brought into the Church ; and Plato and Aristotle are become as great Apostles , as St. Peter , or St. Paul : As to give some few Instances of it ; for time will not permit me to discourse it at large . What are the Arian , Socinian , Pelagian Controversies , but meer Philosophical Disputes , with which these Hereticks corrupted the Catholick Faith ? There is nothing more plain and express in Scripture than the Faith of Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , or the Doctrine of the Trinity in Vnity ; and that great Art and Subtilty which has been used , and to so little purpose , to pervert those Texts of Scripture , wherein this Doctrine is contained , is an evident proof , That this is the plain , natural obvious sense of those Texts , since it requires so much Art and Criticism to put any other sense on them ; and that will not do neither , till men are resolved rather to make any thing of Scripture , than to find a real Trinity there . If then this Faith be so plainly contained in Scripture , what makes all this dispute about it ? What makes those , who profess to believe the Scripture , so obstinate against this Faith ? Truly that which makes some men Infidels , makes others Hereticks , that is , a vain pretence to Philosophy . The first Philosophical Dispute is about the Divine Unity : We all own with the Scripture , that there is but One God ; but we say further , as the Scripture teaches us , That there are Three , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , each of which is true and perfect God. This they say is a Contradiction ; and if it be so , there is an end of this Faith , for both parts of a Contradiction can't be true : But to be Three and One upon different accounts , and in different senses , is no Contradiction ; for thus Three may be One , and One Three ; and this is all the Scripture teaches , or that we profess to believe , whatever the Mystery of this Distinction and Unity be : But this will not satisfy these Philosophical Wits , unless they can comprehend how Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , are really and distinctly Three , and essentially One , the manner of which the Scripture gives no account of , and therefore this is no Dispute in Faith , but only in Philosophy . Another Objection concerns the Divine Generation , how God can beget a Son of his own Substance ; which the Arians thought inferred a division of the Divine Substance . And a Third Objection concerns an Eternal Generation ; how it is possible that the Father should beget an Eternal Son ; that the Son should be begotten without any beginning of Being ; and that the Father should not be at least some few moments before the Son , and consequently the Son not Eternal . Now we all grant that we can give no Philosophical account of this , no more than we can of the simple Divine Essence , or of Eternity it self ; but we may believe that God has an Eternal Son , as we do that there is an Eternal God , without knowing how any thing is Eternal : These are Disputes in Philosophy , and such as none but vain men will dispute about , as being acknowledged above our Comprehension , and therefore no reasonable Objection against our Faith. This as for the Doctrine of the Incarnation , nothing can be plainer in Scripture , than that the Son of God was made man ; That the Word was made flesh , and dwelt among us ; That God was manifest in the flesh : And all the disputes about this Article are purely Philosophical : Some men reject it , because they cannot understand how God and Man can be united in one Person : Others confound the Divine and Human Nature , as Eutyches did ; or divide the Persons , as Nestorius did ; both which indeed destroy the Article of the Incarnation ; for the Word is not made Flesh , unless the same Person , who is God , is Man too , and continues perfect God and perfect Man after this Union : But all these disputes concern the Philosophy of the Union of the Divine and Human Nature in Christ ; and if we would separate between Faith and Philosophy , such disputes might soon be ended . Thus most of the difficulties in the Pelagian and Quinquarticular Controversy , are ultimately resolved into mere Philosophical disputes about Fate and Prescience , Liberty and Necessity , and God's concourse with Creatures , or the Powers of Nature and Grace : And would time permit , it were easy to shew this in most of the Controversies of Religion , That it is not what God has revealed , and what he requires us to believe , but such Nice Philosophical Questions as men raise about these matters , which occasion all these disputes . It has often been proposed as a means of Union to silence all disputes , To confine our selves to Scripture-Words and Expressions , without determining the signification of them : But this would make only an Agreement in Words , not a Consent in Opinions ; nor could it secure the Peace of the Church , while all men knew , that under the same form of Words , they had very different and contrary Meanings , which would still make them as much Hereticks to each other , as if their Words did as expresly contradict each other , as their Faith. But would men reduce all their disputes to Scripture , and make that the only Rule of their Faith , without intermixing any Philosophical disputes with it , this would be an infallible means of Union ; for it is only this vain pretence to Philosophy , which raises all these disputes , and then tempts men to pervert the Scriptures to justify their Philosophy . In all these cases we are concerned to enquire what the true sense of the Article is ; for this the Scripture teaches , and so far our Faith is concerned ; and these are not only justifiable , but necessary disputes , if the true Faith be necessary : And such were the disputes of the Catholick Fathers with the Sabellian , Arian , and Photinian Hereticks ; Whether Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , were only Three Names , or Three Appearances and Manifestations of the same One single Person , or any other Three , but Three True , Proper , Coeternal , and Coequal Persons : Or whether He , who is in Scripture called the Son of God , be a Creature , though the most Excellent Creature ; or a Son , and God by Nature , truly begotten of his Father's Substance : Or whether Christ be God Incarnate , or a meer Man : And their ancient Creeds pretended to no more , than to teach what the Catholick Faith was , not to expound the Philosophy of the Trinity and Incarnation . And thus far we must explain the Faith , as to know , and to let others know , what it is we believe ; and if to assert the ancient Catholick Faith against old and new Heresies , should be called New Explications , we cannot help it ; for we must explain what the Scripture teaches about these Articles , and how the Catholick Church always understood them : But that which we are to beware of , is , Not to mix Philosophy with our Faith , nor to admit of any mere Philosophical Objections against the Faith , nor to attempt any Explications of these Mysteries , beyond what the Scriptures , and the Faith and Practice of the Catholick Church will justify . Indeed the Importunity of Hereticks did very often engage the Catholick Fathers in Philosophical disputes ; but this they did , not to explain the Christian Mysteries by Philosophy , but only to shew , that as incomprehensible as these Mysteries are , the Philosophy of Hereticks , and their Objections against these Articles , were very absurd : And such disputes as these may sometimes be absolutely necessary , and of great use to shame these vain Pretences to Philosophy , while we do not put the Trial of our Faith upon this Issue . Secondly , Let us now consider what great reason we have to reject all the vain Pretences to Reason and Philosophy , when opposed to a Divine Revelation . For that is all the Apostle intends in this Caution ; not to discourage the use of Reason , or the study of Philosophy , which are great Improvements , and a delightful Entertainment of Human Minds , and with a wise and prudent Conduct may be very serviceable to Religion too ; but we must not set up any Conclusions in Philosophy against the Christian Faith , nor corrupt the Faith with a mixture of Philosophy , nor reject any revealed Truths , for want of Natural Ideas to conceive them by . To shorten this Discourse as much as I can ; I shall at present only shew you what reason we have to believe those Doctrines which are thought the most mysterious and inconceivable , notwithstanding any Objections from Natural Reason and Philosophy against them . And the account of this must be resolved into the Nature , Use , and Authority of Revelation ; that Revelation , as to such matters as are knowable only by Revelation , must serve instead of Sense , Natural Ideas , and Natural Reason ; that is , That we must believe things which we do not see , things which we have no Natural Notion or Conception of , things which are not evident to Natural Reason ; for without this , there is little use of Faith , no Authority of pure Revelation . It is true , the general Corruption of Mankind made it very necessary for God to revive the Laws of Nature , and to reinforce the observation of them by his own Authority and Command ; but the proper work of Revelation is to discover such things to us as Nature cannot teach , of which we have no Natural Notion , nor any Natural Evidence ; At least , thus it may be , if God knows more than Natural Reason teaches , or can comprehend ; and thinks it fit to reveal such Supernatural Truths to us , when he sees it useful for Mankind . Now if God ever does reveal such things to us , if we believe upon God's Authority ( which is the strict Notion of a Divine Faith ) , we must believe without any Natural Evidence , merely because God has revealed it ; and then we must believe such things as are not evident to Sense and Reason ; and then it can be no Objection against Revelation , nor against the belief of any such supernatural Truths , that we have no Natural Notion , nor Natural evidence of them , that they are what we cannot conceive and comprehend . To believe no farther than natural Reason can conceive and comprehend , is to reject the Divine Authority of Revelation , and to destroy the distinction between Reason and Faith. He who will believe no farther than natural Reason approves ; believes his Reason , not the Revelation ; and is in truth a Natural Philosopher , not a Believer : He believes the Scriptures , as he would believe Plato and Tully ; not as inspired Writings , but as agreeable to Reason and the result of wise and deep Thoughts ; and this puts an end to all the disputes about Faith and Revelation at once : For what use is there of Faith ? What matter whether the Scriptures be divinely Inspired or not , when we are no farther concerned with them than with other Human Writings , to believe what they teach agreeable to our own Reason ? Let these Men then either reject Faith and Scripture , or confess , That Revelation , as to all Supernatural Truths , must serve us instead of Sense and Reason . I would gladly know of them , Whether they would not believe such supernatural Truths , as are not evident to Reason , were they sure that God had Revealed them ? I guess they will not be so hardy as to say , That they would not believe God himself , should he Reveal such things as their Reason cannot comprehend ; and if they would believe God in such matters , Why will they not believe a Revelation , which they themselves acknowledge to be Divine , in such matters ? For is there any difference between believing God , and believing a Divine Revelation ? If God does know , and can reveal such Mysteries , and is to be believed when he does reveal them , and such Doctrines are contained in an undoubted Revelation ; then the unconceivableness of them can be no argument against the Truth of the Revelation , or that sense of the words , which contains such Mysteries . Let us then consider the natural consequence of this , which is of great moment in this dispute , viz. That we must allow of no Objections against Revealed Mysteries , which we will not allow to be good Objections against Sense and Reason ; which is a necessary and unavoidable consequence if Revelation , with respect to supernatural Truths , stand in the place of Sense and Reason . Now no man questions the truth of what he sees and feels , or what he can prove to be true by plain and undeniable Reason , merely because there are unconceivable difficulties in it ; as there are in every thing , even the most certain and familiar things in Nature : And if Revealed Truths are not more unconceivable than many natural objects of Sense and Reason , Why should their being unconceivable be a greater Objection against believing a Revelation , than it is against believing our Sense and Reason in matters equally unconceivable ? When God has Revealed to us , That he has an Eternal and Only Begotten Son , though we cannot comprehend the Mystery of the Eternal Generation , Why should we not as firmly believe it , as we do , that Man Begets a Son in his own likeness , the Philosophy of which we as little understand ? Nor can we any more conceive the Union of the Soul and Body , than we do the Incarnation of the Son of God , or the Union of the Divine and Human Nature in one Person ? And if we own the Authority of Revelation , Why should we not as well believe what Revelation teaches , how unconceivable soever it be , as we do what Sense and Reason teaches , though it be alike unconceivable ? All men are sensible , that it is very absurd and foolish to deny the Being of any thing which they have certain evidence of , because they cannot comprehend the Nature and Reasons of it : The Man who rose up and walked before the Philosopher , who was disputing subtilly against the possibility of Motion , put a scorn upon all his Arguments , by shewing him that he could Move : And therefore we see , that all men believe their Senses and Reason against all the difficulties in Nature , and will never be persuaded , by the subtillest Disputant , That that is not , which they certainly see and know to be . Now for the same reason , if men will allow the Authority of Revelation , they must believe what is Revealed , how unconceivable and incomprehensible soever its nature be ; for when we know that a thing is , ( and this may be known by Revelation as well as by Sense , as those men must confess , who acknowledge a Divine Revelation ) no difficulties in conceiving it , must persuade us to deny that it is . This is very plain in it self , though few men consider it , That to disbelieve what is Revealed , for the sake of any difficulties in understanding or conceiving it , is to reject the certainty of Revelation ; For what other account can be given of that difference men make between the Evidence of Sense and Reason , and of Revelation , but that they allow Sense and Reason to be good and certain proofs of the being of such things as are evident to Sense and Reason , how mysterious soever their Natures are ; but that mere Revelation is no certain proof of the being of any thing which is not evident also to Sense and Reason , how plainly soever it be Revealed ; that is , that Revelation alone can prove nothing ; for if Revelation it self could prove the certainty of what is Revealed , the difficulties in Nature and Philosophy could no more disprove a Revelation , than confute our Senses . Now let any man judge , whether this be not unequal usage , to expect more from Revelation , than they do from Sense and Reason , and not to believe Revelation upon the same terms that they believe their Senses . Should men resolve to believe nothing which they see , till they could give a Philosophical account of the Reasons , and Causes , and Natures , of all they see , as they refuse to believe a Revelation any farther than they can conceive and comprehend the thing Revealed , they must of necessity be as great Scepticks , as they are Infidels . For as for contradictions , it is an easy matter to make or find seeming contradictions in what we do not understand ; for when we know not the Philosophical Natures of things , nor how they act , and yet will be reasoning and guessing at them , all our false guesses may be full of contradictions and impossibilities , because we know not the true Mystery of Nature . It is this vain humour of Criticizing upon Nature which makes so many Atheists . They go upon the same Principle with Infidels and Hereticks , To believe nothing which natural Reason cannot conceive and comprehend ; now they cannot comprehend the Notion and Idea of a God , which they say , is made up of Contradictions and impossibilities , and therefore they reject the Being of a God : They cannot conceive a Creating Power , which can give Being to that which had no Being before , which they think a plain Contradiction to make Something of Nothing ; and therefore they reject the Creation of the World , and either assert the Eternity of the World , or at least the Eternity of Matter : They can conceive no Substance but Matter and Body , and therefore reject the Notion of a Spirit , as Nonsense and Contradiction : They will allow nothing to be wisely made , which they understand not the reason and uses of , and therefore they fancy a great many botches and blunders in Nature , which cannot be the designs and contrivance of Wisdom , but the effects of Chance ; and then the consequence is plain , That the World was made by Chance , not by a Wise Author . Now , I confess , if this way of Reasoning be allowed , it will be impossible to defend either Sense , or Reason , or Revelation , against the Cavils of Atheists and Infidels ; for there are unconceivable and incomprehensible Secrets and Mysteries in them all ; and if to conceive and comprehend the Natures of things must be made the measure and standard of true and false , we must deny our Senses and Reason , as well as our Faith ; and if we do and must believe our Sense and Reason beyond our Comprehension , Why must we believe nothing that is Revealed , any farther than we can conceive and comprehend the Nature and Reasons of it ? The Sum is this : Humane Knowledge , whatever the means of knowing be , whether Sense , or Reason , or Revelation , does not reach to the Philosophical Causes and Natures of things , but only to their Being , and Natural Vertues and Powers ; and as a Wise man , who knows the measure of his Understanding , expects no more from Sense and Reason , than to know what things there are in the World , and what they are , as far as they fall under the notice of Sense and Natural Reason ; so we must expect no more from Revelation , than the knowledge of such things as Sense and Natural Reason cannot discover . But we must no more expect the Philosophy of Supernatural Truths from Revelation , than we do the Mysteries of Nature from Sense and Reason . Now since Human Knowledge is not a knowledge of the Mysterious Natures of things , but only to know what things there are , and what they are ; there can be no cantradiction between Sense , and Reason , and Revelation ; unless one denies what the other affirms , not that one teaches more than the other teaches , or that one cannot comprehend what the other teaches . Reason teaches more than Sense teaches , or can comprehend ; and Revelation teaches more than either Sense or Natural Reason teaches , or can comprehend ; but this is no contradiction , but only a subordination between these different kinds and degrees of Knowledge ; but as for Unconceivableness and Incomprehensibility , that is no argument against any thing ; for Sense and Natural Reason can no more comprehend their own Objects , than they do what is revealed : And it is manifest perverseness to make that an objection against Revelation , which we will not allow to be an objection against Sense and Reason . This is sufficient as to the reason of the thing ; but as far as it is possible to remove mens Prejudices also against believing Mysteries , I shall briefly answer two very popular Objections . 1. It is thought very unnatural , that when God has made us reasonable Creatures , and therefore made Natural Reason to us the measure of Truth and Falshood , he should require us to believe without Reason ; as we must do , if he reveals such things to us as we know not , and cannot possibly know the reasons of . If we must believe with our Understanding , how can we believe things which we cannot understand ? This were a reasonable Objection , were it true ; for we cannot believe what we have no knowledge , nor understanding of ; for Faith is Knowledge , though not Natural Knowledge . But do we not understand what it is we believe ? Do we not know what we mean , when we say , We believe in Father , Son , and Holy Ghost ? Nay , do not our Adversaries understand what we mean by it ? How then come they to charge us with believing Contradictions and Impossibilities ? For if they know not what we believe , they cannot know whether we believe Contradictions or not . And if we do understand what it is we believe , then we do not believe without understanding , which is absolutely impossible , if we know what it is we believe . And we know also why we believe : Our Faith is founded in Sense and Reason , and resolved into the Authority of God , which is the highest and most infallible Reason . The Miracles which Christ and his Apostles wrought , were evident to Sense , and owned by Reason to be the effects of a Divine Power ; and the Answer the Blind man gave to the Pharisees , when Christ had opened his Eyes , speaks the true sense of Nature : H●rein is a marvellous thing , that ye know not from whence he is , and yet he hath opened mine eyes . Now we know that God heareth not sinners ; but if any man be a worshipper of God , and doth his will , him he heareth . Since the world began was it not heard that any man opened the eyes of one that was born blind : If this man were not of God , he could do nothing , 9. John 30 , 31 , 32 , 33. And all Mankind own , that the most absolute Faith is due to God , and to those who speak from God ; and this , as I take it , is to believe with Reason . But still we believe such things , whose Natures we do not understand , and cannot account for by Natural Reason , and this is to believe without Reason . We believe , that God the Father hath an Eternal Son , and an Eternal Spirit ; and that Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , are but One Eternal God ; but this is what Natural Reason cannot comprehend , nor give us any notion or conception of , how God can have an Eternal Son , and an Eternal Spirit , really distinct from himself , and yet with himself One Eternal and Infinite God : Reason can give no account of the Eternal Generation of the Son , nor of the Eternal Procession of the Holy Spirit ; and is not this to believe without Reason , which a reasonable Creature ought not to do , and which we ought not to think , that God who made us reasonable Creatures , expects from us ? And this I grant would be a material Objection , were Reason the Judge of the Nature and Philosophy of things ; and did Reason require us to believe nothing but what we understand and comprehend . But then we must no more believe Sense and Reason , than Revelation ; for we do not comprehend the Nature of any one thing in the World , how evident soever it is to Sense and Reason , that there are such things . Nature is as great a Mystery as Revelation ; and it is no greater affront to our Understandings , no more against reason for God to reveal such things to us as our Reason cannot comprehend , than it is to make a whole World , which Reason cannot comprehend . When we make it an Objection against any thing , That it is without Reason , or , as we apprehend , against Reason , and contrary to Reason ; we must first consider whether it be the proper Object of Reason ; otherwise it is no Objection ; as it is no objection against Sounds , that we cannot see them ; nor against Colours , that we cannot hear them ; because Sounds are not the Objects of Sight , nor Colours of Hearing . Now no man pretends , that the pure Natures and Essences of things , or their Essential Reasons , Properties , Unions , Operations , are the Objects of Humane Reason ; for no man living knows any thing about them . And yet this is all the Incomprehensibility men have to complain of in the Doctrine of the Trinity , and the Incarnation ; That they cannot comprehend , how God can beget an Eternal Son ; nor how Three Divine Persons should be so united , as to be essentially One God ; nor how the Divine and Humane Nature can be united into One Person , God-man : All which concern the Essence , and Essential Properties , Operations , Unions , Relations of the Deity , which a modest man might allow to be incomprehensible , if God be infinite , though he could comprehend the Natures , Essences , and Essential Reasons and Properties of Created Beings ; but when all Created Nature is such a Mystery to us , that we know not the pure Nature and Essence of any one thing in the World , is it an affront to our Reason , that we cannot comprehend the Divine Nature ? Such Matters as these are neither without Reason , nor against Reason , nor contrary to Reason ; because Reason has nothing to do with them , and can take no cognizance of them : They belong not to Reason , but to that Infinite Mind , which comprehends it Self , and the Ideas of all possible Beings . A perfect comprehensive Knowledge of Nature belongs only to the Maker of all things ; for it is not only to know what things are , but how to make them ; which would be a vain Curiosity , and useless Knowledge to those , who have not a Making and Creating Power . This is to know things à priori , with an Intuitive Ideal Knowledge , which is infinitely more superior to Reason , than Reason is to Sense : And it is the affection of this Intuitive making Knowledge , which makes some men Atheists , and others Hereticks . 2dly . Another great Objection against such a Revelation as contains matters which Natural Reason cannot comprehend , is , To what purpose such a Revelation serves ? What Merit there can be in believing such Doctrines ? And of what good use such a Faith can be to us ? Now I confess I cannot think it meritorious merely to believe things which are incomprehensible ; or that God any more intended to puzzle our Faith with revealed Mysteries , than to puzzle our Reason in making a Mysterious World. Whether we receive our information from Sense , or Natural Reason , or Revelation , it is certain we must believe Mysteries , if we believe any thing ; for all things have something mysterious and incomprehensible in their natures ; what natural Reason cannot account for , and what God never intended we should understand : for God never intended to teach us how to make the World , nor how every Creature was made ; and therefore we cannot and are not concerned to know the internal frame and constitution of Nature . But though neither Natural nor Revealed Knowledge extends to the Reasons and Causes of Nature , and of essential Properties and Operations ; yet both natural and revealed Knowledge is of as much use to us , as if we did perfectly understand all the secret and incomprehensible Mysteries of the nature of God , or of the natures of Creatures . Both natural and revealed Knowledge are alike upon this account , That they only acquaint us what things are , and what ends they serve ; and then we know what use to make of them , without understanding the secret Mysteries of Nature . Is this World , or any thing in it , the less useful to us , because we cannot conceive how God created all things of nothing ? Or because we do not understand the nature of Matter , nor how the several parts of Matter came by their different Virtues and Qualities ? Is Corn , or Fruit , or Herbs , the less nourishing or refreshing , because we know not how they grow ? Does it require any Philosophy to know how to eat , and drink , and sleep ? Will not our Food nourish us , unless we understand how it is concocted , and turned into Chyle , and Blood , and Spirits ? Nay , is it of no use to know that God is an Eternal , Omnipotent , Omniscient , Omnipresent Being , unless we can conceive how any Being can be Eternal without a Cause , and without a Beginning ? Or can comprehend how he can do and know all things ; and be present in all places at once , without Extension , and without Parts ? We may make all the use that can be made of this world , and of every thing in it , without understanding the essential Reasons and Causes , or internal Nature of any thing ; and we must do so , if we will make any use of it ; and we know God to all the ends and purposes for which Creatures ought to know God , though his Nature be incomprehensible . And thus it is in matters of pure Revelation , such as the Doctrine of the Trinity , and the Incarnation ; how unaccountable soever the Mystery of a Trinity in Unity , the Eternal Generation , and the Incarnation of the Son of God be , yet it is the most useful Knowledge in the world : Though we know not how the Eternal Father begat an Eternal Son of his own Substance , nor how this Eternal Son in time became Man ; yet it is the most desirable knowledge in the world to sinners ; to know , That God has an Eternal Son ; and that he so loved the world , as to give his only begotten Son for the redemption of mankind , that whosoever believes in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life ; and that this Eternal Son of God became Man , lived a poor , necessitous , laborious Life , and died an accursed Death for the Salvation of Sinners ; and to know , That the Holy Spirit , which proceeds from Father and Son , dwells in the Christian Church , and quickens and animates the whole Body of Christ. If this be true ( as we must suppose in this Argument ) , all Mankind must confess , that this is a very useful Knowledge ; and never the less useful , because a Trinity in Unity , and the Eternal Generation , and the Incarnation of the Son of God , are great and inconceivable Mysteries . Could we give a Rational and Philosophical Account of the Eternal Generation , and of the Incarnation , we should know more than we now do ; but Faith makes it as useful to all the purposes of Religion , as the most perfect intuitive Knowledge could do . This is a sufficient Answer to that Objection against the Usefulness of such Mysteries as have something incomprehensible and unconceivable in their Natures : Which is an equal Objection against all created Nature , which is but one great Mystery ; and yet the World is a very useful World , and we know in some good degree what use to make of it : And the Knowledge of those Gospel Mysteries which are the Subject of our present dispute , are manifestly of infinite use to us , if the certain knowledge of the Pardon of Sin , and eternal Life , by the Obedience , and Sufferings , and Death , and Intercession of the Son of God Incarnate , be of any use ; and therefore it became the Wisdom and Goodness of God to reveal these Mysteries of Salvation to us . Especially if we add to this , That the lapsed state of Human Nature makes supernatural Knowledge necessary . Natural Knowledge we grant was sufficient for a state of Nature , though no man would have had reason to complain , had God in a state of Innocence by a more familiar intercourse with Man , or by the frequent Conversation of Angels , improved his Knowledge beyond the mere attainments of his Natural Faculties ; and it is not improbable , but this might have been ; I am sure there is an impatient thirst after knowledge in human Nature , and such a great curiosity for secret and hidden Mysteries , that it looks very unnatural for Men to complain , that God Reveals more to them than Nature teaches . But yet I say , Natural Knowledge must be allowed sufficient to all the ends of Human Life , while man continued Innocent ; for that is the Original state of human Nature , as all men must grant , who believe that Man was made by God. But when man sinned , he forfeited the Favour of God , and a natural Immortality ; and whether he should be restored or not , and by what means he should be restored , depended wholly on the Sovereign Will and Pleasure of God : And therefore the Light of Nature , though it could direct an Innocent Man how to Please and Worship God , and to preserve himself Immortal , it could not teach Sinners how to make atonement for Sin , nor give them any certain hopes that God would forgive Sins , and bestow immortal Life on them ; which makes it necessary , that the Religion of a sinner be a Revealed Religion . And if God in infinite Goodness is not only pleased to restore sinners to Grace and Favour , but to advance them to a supernatural state of Perfection and Happiness both of Soul and Body in the next World ; this must be done by supernatural Means , and therefore requires a supernatural Knowledge ; for the Light of Nature can neither raise us above Nature , nor discover supernatural Truths to us ; and this makes it necessary to know and believe such things , as we have no natural Notion or Idea of , Such things , as neither eye hath seen , nor ear heard , neither hath it entred into the heart of man to conceive . If Nature can't save us , it can't discover to us the way of Salvation neither ; and if we must be saved by a supernatural Grace and Power , it must be supernaturally Revealed ; and what is Supernatural , is the Object of Faith , not of natural Knowledge . This seems to me to give a plain account , Why God thinks fit to Reveal such Mysteries to us as Nature cannot teach , and as we have no natural Notion of , Because our lapsed state has made such supernatural Revelations necessary to the recovery of Mankind ; and when we are fallen below the relief of Nature , and of natural Knowledge , we ought to be very thankful to our Good God for supernatural Knowledge , and supernatural Means of Salvation . To God the Father , God the Son , and God the Holy Ghost , Three Persons , One Eternal God , be Honour , Glory and Power , now and for ever . Amen . FINIS . 
A42819	----	Philosophia pia, or, A discourse of the religious temper and tendencies of the experimental philosophy which is profest by the Royal Society to which is annext a recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion / by Jos. Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1671 Approx. 214 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 122 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42819 Wing G817 ESTC R23327 12067303 ocm 12067303 53395 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42819) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53395) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:12) Philosophia pia, or, A discourse of the religious temper and tendencies of the experimental philosophy which is profest by the Royal Society to which is annext a recommendation and defence of reason in the affairs of religion / by Jos. Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [6], 234 p. Printed by J. Macock for James Collins ..., London : 1671. "Logou thrēskeia, or, A reasonable recommendation and defence of reason in the affiars of religion" has special t.p. with imprint: London : printed by J.M. for James Collins, 1670. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PHILOSOPHIA PIA ; OR , A DISCOURSE OF THE Religious Temper , and Tendencies OF THE Experimental Philosophy , Which is profest By the ROYAL SOCIETY . To which is annext A Recommendation , and Defence of Reason in the Affairs of Religion . By Jos. Glanvill Rector of Bath , and Fellow of the ROYAL SOCIETY . LONDON , Printed by J Macock for James Collins at the Kings-Arms in Ludgate street near the West end of S. Pauls , and at his Shop at the Kings-Head in Westminster-Hall . 1671. TO THE Right Reverend Father in God SETH Lord Bishop of Sarum . My Lord , I Expect that this Discourse which I here offer to your Lordship should meet with A●…madverters ; as soon as it peeps into the World ; And if it be not encountred with rude , and Ruffian-like oppositions , it will fare better than some other Papers of mine whose designs were as harmless , and inoffensive . But whatever befals these sheets , my Assailants shall sind , that I am none of those mean Spirits that will so easily be Hector'd into a Non-plus : No , but since my ingaging in such a Cause , makes them angry ; I shall yet provoke them more ; for I laugh at their vain boastings , and despise their feeble malice . I invoke not your Lordships Patronage by this Address ; If I be in the right , Truth will defend it self ; If not , 't is in vain to sollicite Patrons . But , my Lord , I prefix your Name , that those may blush , who suspect the Practical Philosophy to be an Enemy to Religion ; And since custom hath made this a Testimony of Respect , I do it also to declare that I am , My Lord , Your Lordships most humble Honourer and Servant , Jos. Glanvill . TO THE READER . THe following Discourse was first sent abroad incognito , and I had thoughts that it should so have continued ; But my Book-seller desiring another Impression of it , hath perswaded me to let it be annext to the former Discourse ; to which I was the easier induced , because the Subjects , and Designs are of kin . In the other Treatise I now , and then refer to this , and quore some things from it , which need not have been done , if I had thought of putting them abroad together , as I did not , when I writ that Essay . This , that follows , was a Visitation Sermon ; I printed it for a reason I would mention , but then I must write more than I am disposed to do at present ▪ It found better Acceptance among wise , and considering men , than I expected : If my Reader bring capacity to it , I desire he would consider it attentively too , for I would not have it looked on as a loose Harangue to be run over in haste ; but as a Discourse that contains some thoughts , and such as I phansie may serve many purposes of Religion . THE GLORY of GOD IN HIS WORKS . Introduction . IT is the perverse opinion of hasty , inconsiderate Men , that the study of Nature is prejudicial to the interests of Religion ; And those that are very zealous , and little wise , endeavour to render the Naturalist suspected of holding secret correspondence with the Atheist : which things , if really they were so , 't were fit that the writings of Philosophers should be sent after the Books of curious Arts , that were voted to Destruction by Apostolick Authority and Zeal ; and then were they all laid together in a fired heap , and one Drop from my Finger would quench the Flames , I would not let fall that Drop . But 't is to be hoped there is no such guilt , or danger in the case ; we may suppose rather , that those unkind surmisals concerning natural wisdom , are the effects of super●…ious ignorance ; yea , I doubt they are some of the reliques of that Barbarism , that made Heresie of Greek and Hebrew , and Magick of all Mathematical endeavours . And now , were this gross conceit about the Knowledge of Nature ▪ only the fear , and fancy of the meer vulgar , it were to be pardon'd easily , and lightly to be consider'd ; but the worst is , the infection of the weak jealousie hath spread it self among some of those whose Lips should preserve knowledge ; and there are , I doubt , divers of the Instructors of the people , who should endeavour to deliver them from the vain images of fancy , that foment those fears in their own imaginations , and theirs . For the sake of such , and those others , who are capable of Conviction , I shall endeavour to justisie sober Inquisitions into Gods Works ; and to shew , that they are not only innocent , but very useful in most of the affairs wherein Religion is concerned . This I shall do under these four General Heads . ( I. ) That God is to be praised for his Works . ( II. ) That his Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . ( III. ) That the study of Nature , and Gods Works , is very serviceable to Religion . ( IV ) That the Ministers and Professors of Religion ought not to discourage , but promote the knowledge of Nature and the Works of it's Author . I shall speak of these in their order . CHAP. I. That God is to be praised , and particularly for his Works . ( I. ) He directs to his Works , for demonstrations of his Magni●…icence and Glory . ( II. ) Holy men gather instances of acknowledgment from the Creatures , when they would praise their Creator . ( III ) God sanc●…ed a day for the Celebration of his Works . That Gods Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . That the study of nature , and Gods Works , is very s●…viceable to Religion . SECT . I. THe FIRST contains two things , viz. That God is to be praised ; and particularly for his Works . The former is the constant voice of Scripture , and Universal Nature ; He is wor●…y to be praised , saith the Kingly Prophet , 2 Sam. xxii . 4. Greatly to be praised , saith the same Royal Saint , 1 Chron. xvi . 25. We are to offer him the sacrifice of praise , Heb. xiii . 15. And are encouraged to do so , because , It is good to sing praises ; and praise is comely for the upright , Psalm cxlvii . and Psalm xxxiii . To recite all the particular recommends and commands of this duty were endless , I only mention the next to my thoughts , and adde , That Nature saith the same , That praise is the tribute that is due to the Author of our beings ; And we can offer him nothing less , and in a manner nothing else . All the world have been unanimous in this , and the rudest part of mankind , have owned the dueness of praise and devout acknowledgment . And ( II. ) the other branch is as clear , That God is to be praised particularly for his Works ; For in these we have very full discoveries of his Perfections , and his Mercies , the most proper subjects for our praises . But here I must be more large , and therefore propose the following things to be consider'd . ( I. ) When God himself would represent his own Magnificenc●… and Glory , he directs us to his Works . He illustrates his Greatness to Job , by instancing the wonders of his Creatures : Among whom we are sent to the Earth , and Ocean , to the Clouds , and rain , to the light , and heavenly influence , to Behemoth , and Leviathan , to the Ostrich , and the Eagle ; and the other furniture of Land , and Air , and Seas , in the 4 last Chapters of that Book ; in all these are the marks of his Glory , and his Greatness , and they are no less so of his Wisdom , and his Goodness ; For in wisdom he hath made them all , Psal. civ . and the Earth is full of his goodness , Psal. cxix . 54. SECT . II. AND again ( II. ) when devout and holy men would quicken their own souls , and those of others , to praise him , they use the same method , and send abroad their thoughts among the Creatures to gather instances of acknowledgment . Thus Elihu in Job magnifieth his Power by the lightning , and Thunder , by the Snow , and Rain , by the whirlwinds of the North , and Cold of the South , and calls upon his afflicted friend to remember to magnifie his Works that men behold ; and again bids him stand still , and consider the wondrous Works of God , Job xxxvi . and xxxvii . Chapters . And the Psalmist upon the same account urgeth his soul to bless his Maker for his Majesty , and Honour disclosed in the natural wonders of the heavens , and earth , the winds , and waters , the springs , and grass , the Trees , and Hills , Psalm civ . throughout , and he gives particular thanks again , cxxxvi . Psalm , for the discoveries of the Divine wisdom , and mercy in the same instances of his providence and power ; which he further celebrates by calling upon the noblest of inanimates to praise him . Psal. cxlviii . Praise him Sun and Moon , praise him ô ye Stars and Light ; which creatures of his , though they are not able to sing Hallelujahs , and so vocally to rehearse his praise , yet they afford glorious matter for grateful and triumphant songs , and by their beauty , and their order excite those that study , and observe them , to adore , and glorifie their Maker . And therefore the Prophet runs on further into an aggregation of more particulars , of Fire , and Hail , Storms , and Vapours , Mountains , and Cedars , Beasts , and Fouls , and creeping things ; all which in the same Divin●… Canticle are summon'd to praise him , that is , we are required to use them as the matter , and occasions of holy Eucharist , and thanksgiving . To these I adde , ( III. ) That God was pleased to sanctifie a solemn day for the celebration of his Works . He appointed a Sabbath for rest , and contemplation to himself , and for praise and acknowledgment to us ; and his making Heaven , and Earth , the Sea , and all that in them is , is intimated in the Commandment , as the reason of the consecration of that Day ; which was observed upon that account among the Jews ; and the devout Christians of eldest times kept the same in memory of Gods Creation after the institution of the other Sabbath . This I take to be enough for the first Proposition , viz. That God is to be praised for his Works . I descend to the second , which is , SECT . III. ( II. ) THat his Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . We are commanded to sing praises with understanding , Psal. xl . 7. and the offering he requires , is that of a reasonable service . His Works receive but little glory from the rude wonder of the ignorant ; and there is no wise man that values the applauses of a blind admiration . No one can give God the Glory of his Providences , that lets them pass by him unobserv'd ; nor can he render due acknowledgments to his word , that doth not search the Scriptures : 'T is alike impossible to praise the Almighty , as we ought , for his Works , while we carelesly regard them . We are commanded to search for wisdom , as for hidden Treasure . It lies not exposed in the common ways ; and the chief wonders of divine art , and goodness are not on the surface of things , layed open to every careless eye . The Tribute of praise that we owe our Maker , is not a formal , slight confession that his works are wonderful , and glorious ; but such an acknowledgment as proceeds from deep observation , and acquaintance with them . And though our profoundest study , and inqu●…ies cannot unriddle all the mysteries of Nature , yet do they still discover new motives to devout admiration , and new objects for our loudest praises . Thus briefly of the second Proposition also , viz. That Gods Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . From these I now advance to the Third , which will require more thoughts , and it is , SECT . IV. ( III. ) THat the study of nature and Gods works is very serviceable to Religion . We commonly believe that the glory of God is the end of this ; we say 't is his , and we know 't is ours ; and the divine glory is writ upon his Creatures ; the more we study them , the better we understand those characters , the better we read his Glory , and the more fit are we to celebrate , and proclaim it . Thus the knowledge of God's Works promotes the end of Religion . And it disposeth us to it , by keeping the soul under a continual sense of God. He that converseth with his works , finds in all things the clear stamps of infinite benignity , and wisdom ; he perceives the divine art in all the turnings , and varieties of nature , and divine goodness in that . He observes God in the colour of every flower , in every fi●…re of a plant , in every limb of an insect , in every drop of dew . He meets him in all things , and sees ▪ all things are his , and hath an advantage hereby to be instructed how to use them , as our Makers , not ours , with reverence , and thanksgiving , with an eye to his glory , and an aim at his enjoyment . This is the genuine tendency of the knowledge of nature ; if it be abused to different , and contrary purposes , Natural wisdom is not in fault , but he that turns this excellent instrument of Religion , upon it self . But that better use may be made of it ; and by some is , will appear by considering particularly how acquaintance with nature assists RELIGION against its greatest Enemies , which are Atheism , Sadducism , Superstition , Enthusiasm , and the Humour of disputing . CHAP. II. Philosophy serves Religion against Atheism , by shewing the wonderful Art , and Contrivance that is in the contexture of the effects of Nature . 'T is to be suspected that he is an Atheist , that saith Philosophy tends to Atheism . No Philosophy doth so much assist Religion against Atheism , as the experimental and mechanick . SECT . I. FOr the First , Atheism , I reckon thus , the deeper insight any man hath into the affairs of nature , the more he discovers of the accurateness , and Art that is in the contexture of things . For the works of God are not like the compositions of fancy , or the Tricks of Juglers , that will not bear the light of a strict scrutiny ; but their exactness is honour'd by severity of inspection ; and he admires most , that knows most ; since the insides and remotest recesses of things have the clearest strokes of inimitable wisdom on them , and the artifice is more in the wheel-work , then in the case . For if we look upon any of the works of Nature through a magnifying glass that makes deep discoveries , we find still more beauty , and more uniformity of contrivance ; whereas if we survey the most curious piece of humane ingenuity by that glass , it will discover to us numerous flaws , deformities and imperfections in our most elegant mechanicks : Hence I gather , That the study of God's works shewing us more of the riches of nature , opens there by a fairer prospect of those treasures of wisdom that are lodged within it ; and so furnisheth us with deeper sences , and more arguments , and clearer convictions of the existence of an infinitely intelligent being , that contrived it in so harmonious , and astonishing an order . So that if any are so brutish , as not to acknowledge him upon the view of the meer external frame of the Universe , they must yet fall down before the evidence , when Philosophy hath opened the cabinet , and led them into the Jewel-house , and shewn them the splendid and artful variety that is there . Thus though the obvious Firmament , and the motions of the Sun , and Stars , the ordinary vicissitudes of seasons , and productions of things , the visible beauty of the great world , and the appearing variety , and fitness of those parts that make up the little one , our selves , could scarce secure Galen ●…rom the danger of being an A●…st : Yet when he pryed further by ●…mical enquiries , and sa●… the wonderful diversity , ap●…ness , and order of the minutest strings , pipes , and passages that are in the inward fabrick ; He could not ab●…ain from the devoutness of an anthem of acknowledgment . And that the real knowledge of nature leads us by the hand to the cons●… of its Author , is taught us by the Holy Pen-man , who saith , that the visill●… things of the Creation declare him . The plebeian and obvious world no doubt doth , but the Philosophical much more . So that whosoever saith , that inquiry into nature , and Gods works leads to any degree of Atheism , gives great ground of suspicion that himself is an Atheist ; or that he is that other thing , that the Royal Psalmist calls him , that saith in his heart there is no God. For either he acknowledgeth the art , and exactness of the works of nature ; or he doth not ; if not , he disparageth the divine Architect , and disables the chief argument of his existence : If he doth , and yet assirms that the knowledge of it leads to Atheism , he saith he knows not what , and in ●…ct this , That the sight of the order , and method of a regular and beautiful contrivance tends to perswade that chance , and fortune was the Author . SECT . II. BUt I remember I have discours'd of this elsewhere , and what I have said for Philosophy in general from it's tendency to devout acknowledgments , is not so true of any as of the experimental and mechanick . For the Physiology of the modern peripatetick schools creates notions , and turns nature into words of second intention , but discovers little of its real beauty , and harmonious contrivance ; so that God hath no Glory from it ; nor men any argument of his wisdom , or existence . And for the Metaphysical proofs , they are for the most part deep , and nice , subject to evasions , and turns of wit , and not so generally perswasive , as those drawn from the plain , and sensible Topicks , which the experimental Philosophy inlargeth , and illustrates . This then gives the grand , and most convictive assurance of the being of God , and acquaintance with this kind of learning furnishet●… us with the best weapons todefend it . For the modern Atheists are pretenders to the mechanick principles , and their pretensions cannot be shamed , or defeated by any so well , as by those who throughly understand them . These indeed perceive sometimes that there is only nature in some things that are taken to be supernatural and miraculous , and the shallow naturalist sees no further , and therefore rests in nature ; But the deep Philosopher shews the vanity , and unreasonableness of taking up so short ; and discovers infinite wisdom at the end of the chain of causes . I say , if we know no further then occult Qualities , Elements , Heavenly Influences , and Forms , we shall never be able to disprove a Mechanick Atheist , but the more we understand of the Laws of matter and motion , the more shall we discern the necessity of a wise mind to order the blind , and insensible matter , and to direct the original motions ; without the conduct of which , the universe could have been nothing but a mighty Chaos , and mis●…n mass of everlasting confusions , and disorders . This of the FIRST , viz. That the knowledge of nature serves Religion against Atheism , and that it doth also , CHAP. III. Philosophy Helps Religion against Sadducism , in both its branches , viz. As it denies the existence of spirits ; and immortality of humane souls . None so well able to disprove the Sadduce , as those that understand the Philosophy of Matter , and motion . The Hypothesis of substantial Forms , prejudicial to the Doctrine of the Immortality of the soul. SECT . I. ( II. ) AGainst Sadducism . 'T is well known that the Sadduces denyed the existence of Spirits , and Immortality of souls ; And the Heresie is sadly receiv'd in our days . What a Spirit is ; and whether there be Spirits , or not ; are questions that appertain to the disquisition of Philosophy . The Holy Scripture , that condescends to the plain capacities of men , useth the word spirit commonly for the more subtile , and invisible bodies , and 't wil be difficult from thence to fetch a demonstrative proof of Spirits , in the strict notion . That there are Angels , and Souls which are purer then these gross bodies , may no doubt be concluded from thence ; But whether these are only a finer sort of matter , or a different kind of beings , cannot , I think , be determin'd by any thing deliver'd in the divine Oracles . The Inquiry therefore belongs to Philosophy , which , from divers operations in our own Souls concludes , That there is a sort of beings which are not matter or body , viz. being self-motive , penetrable , and indivisible ; Attributes directly contrary to those of matter , which is impenetrable , divisible , and void of self-motion . By these properties , respectively , the distinct nature of spirit and body is known , and by the same , that there are spirits , in the strictest s●…nce , as well as corporal beings . Now by stating the nature , and proving the existence of spirits a very considerable service is done to Religion : For hereby our notion of the adorable Deity is freed from all material grosness , in which way those must conceive him , that acknowledge nothing but body in the world , which certainly is a very great dis-interest to his Glory , and suggests very unbecoming thoughts of him . And by the due stating of the Notion of a spirit , that silly conceit of the Souls Traduction is over●…hrown , which either ariseth from direct Sadducism , or a defect in Philosophy . Hereby our Immortality is undermined , and dangerously exposed . But due Philosophical disquisition will set us ●…ight in the Theory . For the former of the mention'd errours , the Anthropomorphite doctrines , that make God himself a corporeal substance , they cannot be disproved but by the use of the principles of Philosophy ; since let us bring what Arguments we can from the Scriptures , which speak of the Perfection , Infinity , Immensity , Wisdom , and other Attributes of God , all these no doubt will be granted ; but the Quaery will be whether all may not belong to a material Being ; a question which Philosophy resolves ; and there is no other way to search deep into this matter , but by it's aids . So likewise as to the Traduction of the Soul ; The Arguments from Scripture against it are very general , yea many exp●…ions there , 〈◊〉 at ●…irst ●…ght to look that way . And therefore this other help , Philosophy , must be used here also ; and by the distinct representation which it gives of the nature of spirit , and matter , and of the operations that appertain to each , this errour is effectually confuted ; which it cannot be by any other course of procedure . This Philosophy befriends us against Sadducism in the first branch of it , as it explodes the being of Spirits . SECT . II. THE other is , the denyal of the Immortality of our Souls ; The establishment of this likewise , the Students of Philosophy and Gods Works in all Ages have attempted , and they have prov'd it by the Philosophical considerations of the nature of sense ; the quickness of imagination ; the spirituality of the understanding ; the fredom of the will , from these they infer , that the Soul is immaterial , and from thence , that it is immortal ; which Arguments are some of the most demonstrative and cogent that th●… meer reasons of men can use ; but cannot be manag'd , nor understood but by those , that are instructed in Philosophy , and Nature . I confess there are other demonstrations of our Immortality , for the plain understandings that cannot reach those heights . The Scripture gives clear evidence , and that of the resurrection of the holy Jesus , is palpable : But yet the Philosophical proofs are of great use , and serve for the conviction of the Infidel , with whom the other inducements are nothing ; and the deeper knowledge of things is necessary to defend this great Article of Religion against these , since they alledge a sort of reason to prove the soul to be mortal , that cannot be confuted but by a reason instructed in the Observations of nature . For the modern Sadduce pretends that all things we do , are performed by meer matter , and motion , and cons●…quently that there is no such thing as an immaterial being : and therefore that when our bodies are dissolv'd , the man is lost , and our Souls are nothing ; which dismal conclusion is true , and certain , if there be nothing in us but matter , and the results of motion ; and those that converse but little with nature , understand little what may be done by these ; and so cannot be so well assured that the elevations , mixtures , and combinations of them cannot be at last improv'd so far , as to make a sensible , reasoning being ; nor are they well able to disprove one , that affirms that they actually are so : whereas be that hath much inquired into the works of God , and nature , gains a clear sight of what matter can perform , and gets more , and stronger Arguments to convince him , that it's modifications , and changes cannot amount to perception and sense ; since in all it's varieties , and highest exaltations he ●…inds no specimens of such powers . And though , I confess , that all Mechanick inquirers make not this use of their inquisitions and discoveries ; yet that is not the fault of the method , but of the men ; and those that have gone to the greatest height in that way , have receded furthest from the Sadducean Principles . Among such , I suppose , I may be allowed to reckon the noble Renatus Des-Cartes ; And his Metaphysicks and notions of Immaterial beings , are removed at the greatest distance from all Corporeal affections ; which I mention not to signi●…ie my adherence to those Principles ; but for an Instance , to shew , how that deep converse with matter , and knowledge of its operations , removes the mind far off from the belief of those high effects which some ascribe to Corporeal motions ; and from all suppositions of the Souls being bodily , and material . SECT . III. THus Philosophy is an excellent Antidote against Sadducism , in both the main branches of it . But then I must confess also , that the Philosophy of the late Peripatetick Writers doth rather contribute assistance to it , then overthrow this dangerous Insidelity , I mean in what it teacheth concerning substantial Forms , which I fear tends to the dis-abling all Philosophical evidence of the Immortality of our Souls . For these Peripateticks make their Forms , a kind of medium between Body , and Spirit ; Beings , that depend upon matter , are educed from it , and perish when they cease to inform it ; But yet ●…rm , that they are not material in their constitution and Essence . Such Forms those Philosophers assign to all bodies , and teach , that the noblest sort of them are sensitive , and perceptive , which are the Souls of Brutes . If this be so , that Beings which are not spirits , but corruptible dependants upon matter , may be endowed with animadversion , and sence ; what Arguments then have we to shew , that they may not have Reason also , which is but an improvement , and higher degree of simple perception ? 'T is as hard to be apprehended how any of the re●…s of matter , should perceive ; as how they should joyn their perceptions into reasonings , and the same Propositions that prove the possibility of one , prove both ; so th●…t those who a●…rm that beasts also are in a degree reasonable , speak very consonantly to those Principles . If then , such material , corruptible Forms as the Peripateticks describe , are sufficient for all the actions and perceptions of beasts , I know not which way to go about to demonstrate that a more elevated sort of them may not suffice for the reasonings of men . To urge the Topicks of proof I mention'd , from Notions , Compositions , Deductions , and the like , which are alledged to prove our Souls Immaterial ; I say to plead these , will signi●…e nothing , but this , That humane Souls are no portions of matter , nor corporeal in their make , and formal Essence ; But how will they evince , that they are not educed from it , depend not on matter , and shall not perish in the ruines of their bodies . Certainly all those Arguments that are brought for our Immortality , are in this way perfectly disabled . For all that we can say , will prove but this , That the Soul is no body , or part of m●… ; but this will amount to no evidence , if there are a middle kind of Essences , that are not corporeal , and yet mortal . So that when I say , that Philosophy serves Religion against Sadducism , I would not be understood to mean the Peripatetick ●…ypotheseis ; but that Philosophy which is grounded upon acquaintance with real Nature . 〈◊〉 , ●…y leaving this whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of beings out of it ▪ s accounts , ( 〈◊〉 ●…ings for which there is no shadow of ground from Reason , or Nature , but plentiful evidence of their non-existence from both ) disappoints the Sadduce of the advantage he hath from this needless , and precarious principle . And by dividing all substances into body and spirit , without the admission of middle natures , the Real Philosophy gives demonstrative force to those Arguments for our Immortality , that prove our souls are not bodys ; and so Sadducism is ruined by it . These things I have thought fit to advertise , not out of design to carp at any particular way of Philosophy , but for the security of my discourse . And though I have made a little bold with the Peripateticks here , yet the great name of Aristotle , to which they pretend , is not concerned ; for I am convinc'd that he taught no such doctrine of substantial Forms , as his later Sectators , and Interpreters have put upon him ; who indeed have depraved , and corrupted his sense , almost in the whole body of his Principles ; and have presented the world with their own fancies , instead of the genuine doctrines of that Philosopher . But I proceed . CHAP. IV. Philosophy assists Religion against Superstition , both as it expresseth it self in fond over-value of things in which there is no good and panick fear of those , in which there is no hurt . It inlargeth the mind , and so cures Superstition by bett'ring the intellectual Crasis . It removes the causless fears of some extraordinary effects in nature , or accident . It is an Antidote against the Superstition of vain Prodigies . It 's Antipathy to Superstition , one cause of the charge of Atheism against it . SECT . I. ( III. ) THE Real Philosophy , that inquires into Gods Works , assists Religion against Superstition , another of its mortal Enemies . That I may prove this , it must be premised , That Superstition consists , either in bestowing Religious valuation on things , in which there is no good ; or fearing those , in which there is no hurt . So that this Folly expresseth it self one while in doting upon opinions , as Fundamentals of Faith ; and Idolizing the little models of fancy , for divine institutions . And then it runs away afraid of harmless , indi●…erent appointments , and looks pale upon the appearance of any unusual effect of nature . It tells ominous stories of every meteor of the night ; and makes sad interpretations of each unwonted accident . All which are the products of ignorance , and a narrow mind , which defeat the design of Religion that would make us of a free , manly , and generous spirit ; and indeed represent Christianity as if it were a fond , sneaking , weak , peevish thing , that emasculates mens understandings , makes them amorous of toys , & keeps them under the servility of childish ●…ars ; so that hereby it is exposed to the distrust of larger minds , and to the scorn of Atheists ; These and many more are the mischiess of Superstition , as we have sadly seen . Now against this evil Spirit , and its Influences , the Real , experimental Philosophy is one of the be●… securities in the world . For by a generous , and open inquiry in the great Field of nature , mens minds are enlarged , and taken off from all fond adherences to th●…ir private sentiments . They are taught by it , that certainty is not in many things ; and that the most valuable knowledge is the practical ; By which means they will find themselves disposed to more indifferency towards those petty notions in which they were before apt to place a great deal of Religion ; and so to reckon , that that which will signifie lies in the few , certain , operative principles of the Gospel ; and a life suitable to such a Faith ; not in doting upon questions , and speculations that engender strife ; and thus the Modern , experimental Philosophy of Gods Works , is a remedy against ●…he notional superstition ( as I may call it ) which hath been , and is so fatal to Religion , and the peace of mankind . Besides which , by making the mind great , this knowledge delivers it from fondness on small circumstances , and imaginary models ; and from little scrupulosities about things indifferent , which usually disquiet in narrow and contracted minds . And I have known divers , whom Philosophy , and not disputes , hath cured of this malady . And indeed that remedy is the best , and most effectual , that alters the Crasis and disposition of the mind ; For 't is suteableness to that , which makes the way to mens judgments , and setles them in their perswasions . There are few that hold their opinions by Arguments , and dry reasonings , but by congru●…y to the understanding , and consequently by relish in the a●…ctions : so that seldom any thing 〈◊〉 our intellectual diseases throughly , but what changes these . This I dare affirm , that the Free , experimental Philosophy will do to purpose , by giving the mind another tincture , and introducing a sounder habit , which by degrees will at last absolutely repel all the little malignities , and setle it in a strong and manly temperament , that will master , and cast out idle dotages , and effeminate Fears . The Truth is , This world is a very Bedlam , and he that would cure Madmen , must not attempt it by reasoning , or indeavour to shew the absurdity of their conceits ; but such a course must be taken , as may restore the mind to a right Crasis , and that when 't is essected , will reduce , and rectisie the extravagances of the distemper'd brain , which disputes , and oppositions will but inslame , and make worse . Thus for instance , when frantick persons are fond of Feathers , and mightily taken with the employment of picking Straws , 't would signisie very little , to represent to them the vanity of the objects of their delights ; and when the Melancholido was afraid to sit down for fear of being broken , supposing himself made of Glass , it had been to little purpose to have declared to him the ridiculousness of his fears ; the disposition of the head was to be alter'd , before the particular phrensie could be cured . 'T is too evident how just this is in the application to the present Age ; Superstitions fondness , and fears are a real degree of madness . And though I cannot say that Philosophy must be the only Catholick way of cure ( for of this , the far greatest part of men is absolutely incapable ) yet this I do , that 't is a remedy for those that are strong enough to take it : And the rest must be helped by that , which changeth the genius , which cannot ordinarily be done by any thing that opposeth the particular fancy . SECT . II. HOwever I must say , that the sort of Superstition which is yet behind in my account , and consists in the causless fear of some extraordinaries , in accident , or nature , is directly cured by that Philosophy which gives fair likely-hoods of their causes ; and clearly shews that there is nothing in them supernatural ; the light of the day drives away the Mormo's , and vain images that fancy forms in obscure shades , and darkness . Thus particularly the modern doctrine of Comets , which have been always great bugs to the guilty , and timorous world , hath rescued Philosophers from the trouble of dreadful presages , and the mischievous consequences that arise from those superstitious abodings . For whatever the casual coincidencies may be between those Phaenomena , and the direful events , that are sometimes observed closely to attend them ( which , as my Lord Bacon truly notes , are observ'd when they hit , not when they miss ) I say , notwithstanding these , the real , experimental Philosophy makes it appear , that they are heavenly Bodies , far above all the regions of vapours , in which we are not concerned ; and so they are neither the signs , nor the causes of our mischiefs . For the other little things which afford matter for the Tales about Prodigies , and other ominous appearings , the knowledge of nature , by exciting worthy , & magnificent conceptions of the God of Nature ; cures that blasphemous abuse of the adorable majesty , whereby foolish men attribute every trivial ev●…nt that may serve their turns against those they hate , to his immediate , extraordinary interposal . For 't is ignorance of God and his works that disposeth men to absurd , ridiculous surmises , uncharitable censures , seditious m●…chinations ; and so , to thoughts that are prejudicial to the Glory of God , the interests of Religion , and the security of Government ; to that justice and charity we owe to others , and the happiness , and the love of our selves . To which I adde , That this kind of Superstition is a relique of Pagan ignorance , which made men look on Thunder , Eclipses , Earthquakes , and all the more terrifying Phaenomena of nature , as the immediate effects of powers supernatural ; and to judge events by flights of birds , and garbages of cattel , by the accidental occursions of this creature , and another , and almost every casual occurrence . But these particulars have been most ingeniously represented , and reproved in a late very elegant discourse about Prodigies ; And though I do not acquiesce in the design of that excellently penn'd Book , which is to discredit , and take away all kinds of presages . Yet I think it hath done rarely well , so far as it discovers the folly and mischiefs of that ignorant , and superstitious spi●…it , that mak●…s every thing a Prodigy . And with such apprehensions as these the knowledge of nature sills the mind that is instructed in it . And there is no doubt but that the Antipathy the Real P●…ilosophy hath to all the kinds of Superstition , is one cause why zealous ignorance brands those researches wi●…h the mark of A●…heism . For Superstitious folly adop●…s those paultry trifles , which Philosophy contemns and reproves , into the Family of Religion , and therefore stigmatizeth those that despise them , as enemies to Faith and Piety . So it fared with some of the bravest spirits of antient times , who have had the black character ●…ixt upon their great and worthy names only for their oppositions of the foolish Rites and Idolatries of the vulgar Heathen . We know the case of Socrates . And as to the interest of their names , that of Anaxagoras , Theodorus , Protagoras , and Epicurus , was much worse ; the cau●…ess insamy coming down the stream as far as the last Ages . Since then , we know who was an Hereti●…k for saying there were Ant●…podes ; and a Pope was taken for a Conjurer for being a Mathematician ; yea those noble Sciences were counted diabolical ; and even the sacred language could searce escape the suspicion . In later times Galilaeo fell into the Inquisition for the discoveries of his Telescopes ; and Campanella could not endeavour to assert , and vindicate the Freedom of his mind , without losing that of his external person . I might come nearer to our days , and knowledge : Gothick barbarity , and the spirit of the Inquisition is not quite worn out of the Reformation ; Though the best on 't is , it ordinarily remains but among the scum , and dregs of men : And no one is either less Religious , or less wise for being accounted an A●…eist by the Rabble . But where ever the knowledge of Na●…ure , and Gods works hath in any degree ob●…ain'd , those vile Superstitions have been despised , and put to an infamous flight . But to take another s●…ep . CHAP. V. Philosophy serves Religion against Enthusiasm . Enthusiasm hurts Religion two ways . ( I. ) By crying up diseases and excesses of fancy , for heights of Godliness . ( II. ) By the disparagement of Reason . Philosophy discovers that there is nothing but nature , in the high pretensions of the Enthusiast . The mischiefs of decrying Reason . Philosophy removes th●… fancy of it's enmity to Religion : It improves Reason , and fits it for the service of Religion . Religion hath received many services from Philosophical Writers ; who have labour'd to prove it's Truth and certainty . Philosophy assists Reason to defend Religion . SECT . I. ( IV. ) THE Real Philosophy , and knowledge of Gods works , serves Religion against Enthusiasm , another of its deadly enemies . Now Enthusiasm is a false conceit of inspiration ; and all the bold and mistaken pretensions to the Spirit in our days , are of this sort . What particularly Religion hath suffer'd from it , would be too long to describe upon this occasion ; It will be 〈◊〉 to say , in an Age that hath so much and such sad experience of it , that Enthusiasm , ( I. ) By crying up the ex●…s , and diseases of Imagination for the greatest height of godliness . And ( II. ) By the disparagement of sober Reason , as an enemy to the Principles of Faith ; I say , by these two ways it hath in●…oduc'd a Religion that is Phantastical , and made way for all imaginable follies , and even Atheism it self . For the ●…rst of these in order ; The real knowledge of Nature detects the dangerous imposture , by shewing , what strange things may be effected by no diviner a cause , then a strong fancy impregnated by Heated Melancholy ; For this sometimes warms the brain to a degree that makes it very active , and imaginative , full of odde thoughts , and unexpected suggestions ; so tha●… if the Temper determine the imagination to Religion , it flies at high things , at interpretations of derk and Prophetick Scriptures ; at predictions of future events , and mysterious discoveries , which the man expresseth fluently , and boldly , with a peculiar and pathetick eloquence ; And now these pregnances being not ordinary , but much beyond the usual tone , and temper of the Enthusiast ; and he having heard great things of the spirits immediate motions and inspirations , cannot well fail of believing himself inspired , and of intitling all the excursions of his fancy to the immediate actings of the Holy Ghost : which thoughts by th●… help of natural pride , and self-love , will work also exceedingly upon the heightned affections , and they upon the body so far , as to cast it sometimes into raptures , extasies , and deliquiums of sense , in which every dream is taken for a Prophecy , every image of the fancy for a vision , and all the glarings of the imagination , for new Lights , and Revelations . Thus have our Modern Prophets been inspired , who yet are not to be reckon'd Hypocritical Impostors , for they infinitely believe themselves , and the strength of their highly invigorated fancies shuts out the sober light of Reason that should dis-abuse them , as sleep doth that of our external senses in our dreams . And which is worse , the silly people that understand not nature , but are apt to take every thing that is vehement to be sacred , are easily deceived into the belief of those pretensions ; and thus diseases have been worship'd for Religion . This account the Philosophy of humane Nature gives of that by which the world hath been so sadly couzned , as hath been largely represented by a modern Philosophical Divine . And when we cast our eyes abroad into the wide world , we see , that those glorious things are no more , then what hath been done by the Exstatick Priests of the Heathen Oracles , and the Madmen of all Religions ; by Sybils , Lunaticks , Poets , Dreamers , and Abreptitious persons of all sorts : And we see daily to what degrees of elevation excess of drinking will heighten the brain , making some witty , nimble , and eloquent , much beyond the ordinary siz●… of their parts , and ingenuity ; and inclining others to be hugely devout , who usually have no great sense of Religion ; As I knew one , who would pray rap●…urously when he was drunk , but at other times was a moping sott , and could scarce speak sense . Thus also some kinds of madness , diseases , accidents , peculiarities of temper , and other natural things that heat the brain , ●…ill men with high , surprising conceits about Religion , and furnish th●…m with servid devotion , great rea●…iness of expression , and unexpected applications of Scripture to their crasie conceits ; I say , the experimental Philosophy of our natures informs us , that all this is common in alienations , and singularities of mind , and complexion . And they were remarkable in the Prop●…ets of the Heathen , and the P●…iest whom Saint Austin knew , that would whine himself into an extasie ; In the wonderful discourses of the American Bishop , that said he was the Holy Ghost , and the canting fluency of the German Enthusiasts , some of whose imaginations were as wild , and extravagant ; of such Instances I might make up a much larger Catalogue , if I should descend to our Domestick Lunaticks , but their temper is well known , and therefore I only adde this more ; That I have often met with a poor Woman in Warwick-shire , whose habitual conceit it was , that she was Mother of God , and of all things living ; I was wont to personate a kind of complyance with her fancy , and a modest d●…sire to be further informed about it ; which gentleness drew from her so many odde fetches of discourse , such applications of Scripture , and such wonderful references to things , in which she was never instructed , that look'd like scraps taken out of Hobbs , and Epi●…urus ▪ that I have been much amazed at her talk : And yet when I diverted her to any thing else of ordinary ma●…ters , she spoke usually with as much sobriety and cold discretion , as could well be expected from a person of her condition ; no●… did she use ●…o be extravagant in any thing , but about that particular imagination ; which instance among many others I might produce , very much confirms me in the truth of that observation of those Philosophers who have given us the best light into the Enthusiastick t●…mper , viz. That there is a sort of madness , which takes men in some particular things , when they are sound in others : which one Proposition will assord a good account of many of the Phaenomena of Enthusiasm ; and shews that the extravagants among us may be really distracted in the affairs of Religion , though their brains are untouch't in other matters . Thus a Philosophical use of observation , and the knowledge of humane nature by it , helps us to distinguish between the effects of the adorable Spirit , and those of an hot , distemper'd fancy ; which is no small advantage for the securing the purity , honour , and all the interests of Religion . SECT . II. BUT ( II. ) there is another mischief of the Enthusiastick spirit behind , and that is it's bringing Reason into disgrace , and denying the use thereof in the a●…irs of Faith and Religion : This is a mischief that is the sad cause of insinite more ; for it hath brought into the world all kinds of Phantastry and ●…lly , and exposed Religion to contempt and derision , by making madness , and diseases sacred : It bewilders mens minds in a maze of confused imaginations , and leads them into bogs and precipices , and deprives them of their light , and their Guide , and lays them open to all the Delusions of Satan , and their own distemper'd brains : It takes Religion off from it's foundations , and leaves the interest of eternity in me●…s Souls , to chance , and the hits of imagination ; teaching those that are del●…ded to lay the stress of all upon raptures , 〈◊〉 , and mysterious notions , 〈◊〉 they forget , and scorn the plain Christianity which is an imitation of Christ in Charity , Humility , Justice , and Purity ; in the exercise of all vertue , and command of our selves : It renders men obnoxiou●… to all the Temptations of Atheism , and the blackest Insidelity ; and makes it impossible to convince an Insidel , to setle one that doubts , or to recover one that is backsliden from the Faith. These evils I am here content to name only , having represented them more fully in another discourse ; and the experience of our own Age may convince us , with a little consideration upon it ; That all those fatal mischiefs have been the effects of the contempt , and disparagement of Re●…son . But yet though I assirm this , I am not so rash , or so unjust as to believe , or say , that this spirit hath produced all those sad things in every one that speaks hotly , and inconsiderately against Reason : I am far from the wildness of such a censure , because I know how much imprudent zeal , customary talk , high pretensions , and superstitious fears , may work even upon honest minds , who many times hold bad things in the principle , which they deny in the practice , and so are upright in their wills , while they are very much confused , and mistaken in their understandings . This I account to be the case of multitudes of pious people in reference to Reason . They have heard hot-headed indiscreet men declaim against it , and many of them , whose opinions will not bear the light , have an interest to do so ; their pretensions were plausible , and their zeal great ; their talk 〈◊〉 , and their 〈◊〉 bold , and the honest well-meaning folks are caught in their assections ; and these lead bad principles into their minds , which are neither disposed , nor able to examine : So they believe and talk after their Teachers ; and say , that Reason is a low , dull thing , ignorant of the spirit , and an enemy to Faith and Religion ; while in this , they have no clear thoughts , nor yet any evil meaning ; But let these sancies swim a top in their imaginations , and upon occasions they run out at the tongues end , though they are not always improved to deadly practices . For Charity , 〈◊〉 Caution I have said this ; but yet nothing hinders but that all the forecited evils are justly said to be the Tendencies , and in too many Instances have been , and are , the Issues of this Spirit . And now I doubt not but 't will be granted readily by all that are con●…derate , that whatever assists Religion against this destructive enemy , doth it most important service ; and this the Free and Real Philosophy doth in a degree very eminent . In order to the proof of this we may consider what I intimated just now , viz. That men are led into , and kept in this fancy of the enmity of Reason to Religion chie●…ly by two things . SECT . III. ( I ) BY an implicit assent to the Systemes , and dictates of those who first instructed them ; which Teachers came also into the fancy the same way ; and both are held under the power of it by strong prejudice arising from that implicit Faith. And ( II. ) By want of clear thoughts and ability , to state things distinctly , and to understand their dependencies , and sequels . Both which imperfections the Free Philosophy 〈◊〉 . For as to the First , ( I. ) That Philosophy begins with the inlargment of the mind , and attempts to free it from prejudices and pre-ingagements , which sophisticate , and pervert our judgments , and render us incapable of discerning things as they are . Modest , impartial enquiry is the Foundation of the real , experimental way of Philosophy . Not that it teacheth Scepti●…ism , and absolute Neutrality in all things , but so much caution in our disquisitions , that we do not suddenly give firm assents to things not well understood , o●… examin'd : which no doubt is very just , and safe . But as to what concerns those , who through ignorance , or other occasions are incapable of making due enquiry , I think they ought not to concern themselves about matters of speculation at all ; or at least not to affirm any thing positively of them 'T is enough for such to ●…lieve , and practise the plain duties of Religion , which ar●… clear in the holy Oracles , and with which they may be acquainted without much sagacity , or deep judgment : For matters of Theory , and dissicult enquiry appertain ●…ot to the vulgar , and lower rank of understandings . But for those who are capable of s●…arch after Truth , and are provided with advantages for it , Freedom of judgment is necessary in order to their success . With this , I said , the Real Philosophy ●…egins ; and in all it 's progresses still m●…e and more dispo●…th the mind to it , and so delivers it from the vassallage of Customary sayings and opinions . Now whoever is so disposed , will not be so ready to believe that Reason is an Enemy to Religion , till he have consider'd , and examin'd the matter with an impartial judgment . And I dare say , whoever shall do that , will want nothing to convince him , that such an opinion is false , and groundless , but clear , and distinct thoughts , and the knowledge of consequence , with which Philosophy will furnish him . This is the second way whereby it helps to overthrow this principle of Enthusiasm , viz. ( II. ) By teaching us to state matters clearly , and to draw out those conclusions that are lodged in them . For 't is confusion of notions , and a grea●… defect in reasoning , that makes dark zeal to rave so furiously against Reason . Now Philosophy is Reason methodized , and improved by study , observation , and experiment ; and whoever is addicted to these , is exercised frequently in inquiry after the causes , properties , and relations of things , which will inure the mind to great intentness , and inable it to define and distinguish , and infer rightly ; And by these the allegations against Reason will be made appear to be idle Sophis●…s , that have no sound sense , or substance in them . This is shewn in a late discourse , call'd a Vindication and desence of the use of Reason in the affairs of Faith and Religion ; in which also the whole matter is stated distinctly , and I think right is done both to Reason and Religion . For it is made evident there , that all the Articles of Faith may either be proved by Reason , or defended by it ; which two particulars we will here touch a little . That Reason proves the greatest Articles of Religion , is sufficiently made appear by those Philosophick Reasoners that have do●…e it ; and to say a word of this , will be no digression , since it will shew , that Philosophy destroys the conceit of Reasons being an Enemy , and demonstrate that it improves Reason to many purposes of Religion . SECT . IV. ( I. ) IT is well known , that divers great men have labour'd in the Rational proof of Christian Religion , as the most Learned Hugo Grotius , Duplessis , Raymond de Sa●…undis ; The Pious and most Excellent Doctor Hammond , Mr. Baxter , and others among our selves ; and the Immortal Bishop of Downe , Doctor Jer. Tayler , hath in ten leaves of his Ductor Dubitantium , given such an invincible rational Demonstration of Christianity , by a most elegant and judicious collection of all the most important par●…iculars of evidence , that if there had never been any thing said before , for the Truth and certainty of our Religion ; this alone had been enough to have won upon the most shie , and difficult assent , and to have confounded all the Infidels under Heaven ; this Testimony I must give to that glorious performance , and it will not I presume be thought excessive by any one that reads , and is fit to judge in such cases . I could not omit mention of these worthy Asserters , and Defenders of Religion : But there is another sort of Reasoners for our Faith , that are more proper for my present notice , viz. Those that have used the aids of the modern , Free Philosophy , in proving , and defending some main Articles of Religion . And there are several Members of the Royal Society , who have imploy●…d their ingenious , and Pious pains this way ; The Wise , Learned , and deservedly Celebrated Prelate , Dr. Seth Ward , the present Lord Bishop of Sarum , hath in his Philosophical Essays , fully ( though in a small compass of words ) and perspicuously shewn , That the Foundations of Religion are laid in eternal Reason ; and by this , hath cleared the Nature , and Attributes of God ; the Immortality of our Souls , and Divine Authority of Scripture , which are the grand Basis of Faith and Obedience : And the Illustrious Mr. Boyle hath , in his excellent Treatise of the Usesulness of Experimental Philosophy , made it appear that Philosophick Reason gives the strongest evidence of the existence of the Deity , and very glorious Illustrations of his Attributes ; and by it he infinitely shames , and disproves the Follies of the Epicurean Atheist ; which great interests of Faith and Piety , have also been egregiously promoted by the judicious , Philosophical performances of the Learned Doctor H. More , who hath every where in his Works discover'd to what useful purposes Reason , and the Free Philosophy may be imployed in the services of Religion . And the Noble Sir K. Digby writ a discourse concerning the Immorta●…ty of the Soul , which he proves and defends by the Principles and reasonings of Philosophy ; which design also of making Philosophy serve the Altar , hath been happily undertaken , and as successfully managed by the Ingenious Mr. Sam. Parker , in his Learned Tentamina ; in which he strenuously proves the Being of God , and explains many difficulties about his Attributes , by the use of Free Philosophical Reason . These are , and were all Members of the Royal Colledge of Philosophers . To these I may adde the Instances of the great Des-Cartes , and our worthy and Learned Doctor Stillingfleet , who have also excellently imployed the Free Philosophy for the advantage , and promotion of the Affairs of Religion . Thus we see that the Real knowledge and search into Gods works , puts Philosophers at great distance from that fond Principle of Enthusiasm , That Reason is an Enemy to Religion ; and we may learn from the Discourses cited , That it may be happily , and pro●…itably used in the proof of many of the greatest Articles of Faith , and that Philosophy doth much assist it in that service . And so it doth , SECT . V. ( II. ) IN defending other points of Faith which are purely of Revelation , and immediately discoverable no other way . For this is a Maxim of Reason , that whatever God saith is to be believed , though we cannot comprehend the manner of it , or tell how the thing should be . By this Axiom , whoever hath proved the Revelation , may desend the Article , and 't is an absurdity in Philosophick reasoning to argue against the being of a thing , that is well attested , from the unconceivableness of the manner how it is ; According to which principle even the Trinity , and Incarnation , may be as well defended as the existence of matter , and motion , and upon the same grounds . In these there are many modes which are perfectly unaccountable , and full of seeming contradictions ; which if they should be urged against the existence of these most sensible Beings , we could not make our defence by untying those knots ; but may well do it , by recourse to this Maxim , That what is an evident object of Sense , or clearly proved by Reason , ought to be believed , though there are many things in the Theory , and manner of it unconceivable ; And by using the same we are safe in all the Mysteries of Faith , that are well proved to be so . But this I have more fully handled else where ; and shall only adde now , That the Free , Experimental Philosophy begets the deepest perswasion of the truth of this modest Proposition ; by acquainting the Philo●…opher every day with innumerable things in the works of God , o●… which he can give no account , though he know by his senses that they are really existing . And by this means Reason assisted by Philosophy cuts off all the Cavils , and silenc●…th the Objections of bold In●…idelity , which for the most part are raised from the difficulties that are in our conception of the Articles of Religion . And thus the Free Philosophy lays a foundation for defence of the greatest sublimities of Faith ; and common Reason doth the best , by shewing the certainty , and divine Original of the Testimony that acquaints us with those sacred Mysteries . This it doth by aggregating those multitudes of circumstances that shew the Infallible truth of Scripture History , and twists such a cord as is as strong as any thing in Geometry or Nature . And therefore I cannot chuse but wonder what it is that inclines some men , who are otherwise sober enough , to let slye so lavishly , and indiscreetly against Reason , and Philosophy , especially in an Age so exceeding prone to Phantastry , and Madness , and that hath been ruined in all its concerns by Enthusiasm , and vain pretences to the Spirit . 'T is true , the discourses of some who have talk't much of Philosophy , and Reason , have been bold , and sawcy , and no doubt of evil tendency to the interest of Religion . But true Philosophy , and well manag'd Reason , vindicate Religion from those impudent abuses , and shew , that there was Sophistry and imposture in those pretensions : So that they are no more to be blamed for the insolencies , and riots of those that usurp their name ; then Religion it self is , for the Immoralities of those , that cloath themselves in the garments of external Piety and Saintship . Thus of the services of Philosophy against ENTHUSIASM . I come now to the last Instance . CHAP. VI. Philosophy serves Religion against the Humour of Disputing . Some of the mischi●…fs of that Spirit briefly reci●…ed . Six ways whereby Philosophy destroies the disputing humour . The main things that may be urged in behalf of disputes , Answer'd . SECT . I. ( V. ) IT helps Religion against the Humour of Disputing ; by which I mean that , which believes uncertain opinions sirmly , ass●…rts them confidently , and clamorously conte●…ds against every different app●…ehe si●…n . This is that pestil●…nt Spirit that turns Religion into air of notion , and makes it intricate , and uncertain ; subject to eternal quarrels , and obnoxious to Scepticism , and Infidelity ; That which supplants charity , modesty , peace , and Meekness , and substitutes in their room , Rage , Insolence , Pride , Bitter Zeal , Clamours , and Divisions , and all the opposites of the Spirit of Christ , and the Gospel . So that , it depraves Religion , and makes it 's sacred name an instrument to promote the projects of the Kingdom of darkness , by cankring men one against another , and inflaming their Spirits , and crumbling them into Sects , and disturbing Societies ; and so it hinders the Progress of the Gospel , and lays it open to the scorns of unbelievers ; it turns men from the desire of practising to the itch of talking , and abuses them into this dangerous belief , that Godliness consists more in their beloved Orthodoxy , then in a sober vertue , and the exercise of Charity ; it makes them pert , and pragmatical , busie about the Reformation of others , while they neglect their own Spirits ; fancying a perfection in the fluency of the tongue , while the worst of passions have the Empire of their Souls . These are some of the sad effects of the humour of disputing , which hath done deplorable execution upon Religion in all places , and times ; and therefore 't is none of the least services that can be afforded it , to destroy this evil genius ; and there is nothing , meerly humane , that contributes more towards the rooting of it out of the world , than the Free , and Real Philosophy . For , SECT . II. ( I ) COnverse with Gods works gives us to see the v●…st difficulties that are to be met with in the speculation of them ; and thereby men are made less con●…dent of their sentiments about Nature , and by many consid●…tions and observations of this kind , are at length brought to such 〈◊〉 ●…itual modesty , that they are 〈◊〉 to pass bold judgments upon those opinions in Relig●…n , of which there is no 〈◊〉 assurance . And ( II ) By the freq●…t exercises of our minds , we 〈◊〉 to be made sensible how 〈◊〉 , and how oft we are deceived , through the fallibility of sens●… , and shortness of our und●…rstandings ; by Education , Authority , Interest , and our Affections ; and so are disposed to a more prudent coldness and d●…ffidence in things of doubtful speculation , by which the disp●…ting humour is destroyed at the bottom . Besides which , ( III. ) The Real Philosophy brings men in love with the Practical knowledge ; the more we have imployed our selves in notion and Theory , the more we shall be acquainted with their uncertainty ; and our ●…steem , and regard of them will abate , as that sence increaseth , and by the same Degrees our respect , and lo●…e to operative knowledge will advance and grow ; which disposition will incline us also to have less regard to niceties in Religion , and teach us to lay out our chief cares and endeavours for that knowledge which is Practical and certain , and will assist , and promote our vertue , and our happiness ; and incline us to imploy our selves in living according to it ; which also will be an effectual means to destroy the humour of contending . And ( IV. ) Philosophy gives us a sight of the causes of 〈◊〉 intellectual diversities , and so takes us off from expecting an 〈◊〉 in our apprehensions ; wh●…reby it discovers the 〈◊〉 of making harmony in o●…inion , the condition of Charity and Union ; and of being angry , and dividing upon every difference of judgment ; and hereby the h●…riful malignities of disputes are qualified , and the disease it self is undermined . ( V. ) It inclines men to reckon ( as was intimated before ) that the Essential Principles of Religion lye in the plain , certain Articles . For Philosophers are disposed to think , by converse with Nature , that certainty is in very few things ; and whoever believes so concerning the tenents of Theology , will not lay the main stress upon any , but the clear , acknowledg'd Principles ; and he that doth that , serves all the important concernments of Religion . He will not not wrangle for every conceit ; nor divide for every difference ; but takes care to walk in the ways of Charity , Humble Obedience , and Conscionable practice of the Truths he knows and owns . By such a course the Church is safe , and Schisms are prevented : Yea Popery is disappointed by it in most of the considerable things it hath to say ; which indeed arise from the consideration of the vast diversities of opinions in Religion , that seem to infer the necessity of a Judge of Controversies to setle mens minds in the right way , and to rectifie the consequent disorders ; whereas if this be stood to , That the necessary Christian Articles are plain , and acknowledg'd , There will be no need of a Judge , and so all the most specious pretensions of the Church of Rome sink to the ground . ( VI. ) The Real Philosophy tends to the ending of disputes , by taking men off from unnecessary Terms of Art , which very often are occasions of great contests : If things were stated in clear , and plain words , many Controversies would be at an end ; and the Philosophy I am recommending , inclines men to define with those that are simplest and plainest , and thereby also very much p●…omotes the interests both of truth and peace . Thus I have shewn briefly how the real Philosophy tends to the overthrow of the pugnacious disputing humour , which is so hurtful to Religion . To co●…firm which we may observe , that where-ever this sort of knowledge prevails , the Contentious Divinity loseth ground , and 't will be hard to find any of those Philosophers a zealous Votary of a Sect : which reservedness gives occasion indeed to those that are so , to accuse them of Atheism , and Irreligion ; but it is really no Argument of less Piety , but of more wisdom , and conduct . And 't would make much for the advantage of Religion , and their own , if those fierce men would understand , that Christianity should teach them that , which they rail against in the Philosophers . But now I must expect to hear , SECT . III. ( I. ) THAT disputes serve to discover truth ; as by the collision of two flints one against another , those sparks are produced , and excited , that before were latent in them : So that the real Philosophy upon this account doth rather disserve then promote the concerns of Religion . To which I answer , ( I. ) That all the necessary , material truths in Divinity are already discover'd , and we have no need of New Lights there , the Antientest are truest , and b●…st , though in the disquisitions of Philosophy there will be always occasions of proceeding . But I adde , ( II. ) Disputes are one of the worst ways to discover Truth ; If new things were to be found out in Religion , as well as Nature , they would scarce be disclosed by this way of enquiry . A calm judgment , and distinct thoughts , and impartial consideration of many things , are necessary for the finding truth which lyes deep , and is mingled up and and down with much errour , and specious falshood ; and 't is hard , if not utterly impossible , to preserve any one of these in the heat of disputation . In such occasions the mind is commonly disordered by passion , and the thoughts are confused , and our considerations tyed to those things which give colour to our opinions . We are biast by our affections towards our own conceits , and our love to them is in●…lamed by opposition ; we are made incapable of entertaining the assistance of our opposites suggestions by strong prejudice , and inc●…ined to quarrel with every thing he sai●…h by spight , and desire of triumph : and these are ill circumstances for the discovery of truth : He is a wonderful man indeed that can thread a needle when he is at Cudgels in a crowd , and yet this is as easie , as to find truth in the hurry of dispute . The Apo●… intimates , 〈◊〉 Tim. VI. 5. That perverse Disputers are destitute of truth , and tells us , that of the strife of words come envy , railings , evil surmisings , but no discovery of unknown verities . But ( II. ) we are commanded to contend earne●…ly for the faith that was once delivered to the Saints , and hereby Heresies are confuted , and overthrown . To this pretence I say , That by the Faith we are to contend for , I conceive , the Essentials , and certain Articles are meant ; These we may , and we ought to endeavour to defend , and promote as there is occasion ; and we have seen how the Real Philosophy will help our Reasons for that service . But pious contentions for these are not the disputings I meant , for I defined the humour of disputing in the entrance on this Head , to be that which is stiff in the belief of uncertain opinions , affirming them with confidence , and quarrelling with every different sentiment ; To dispute about such matters of doubtful Speculation , and in the manner specified , is no contending for the Faith , but the way to make shipwrack of it . As for those other Disputes , that are requisite for the convincing m●…n of the Truths of the Gospel , and the great Articles thereof ; and for the disproving Infidelity and Heresie , they are necessary , and Philosophy is an excellent Instrument in such Contests . So that those other objections that might be alledged against my Discourse from the necessity of proving and trying our Faith , and convincing Hereticks ; From the example of our Saviour's disputing with the Doctors and the Sadduces ; and of S. Paul at Athens with the Jews ; These little Cavils , I say , and such like , can signifie nothing to the disadvantage of what I have said against the humour of disputing about doubtful , and uncertain opinions , to which the Real Philosophy is destructive . And thus I have sh●…wn under five mat●…rial ●…ads , That the Knowledge of Nature , and the Works of God , promotes the greatest interests of Religion ; and by the three last it appears how Fundamentally opposite it is to all Schism and Fana●… , which are made up and occasioned by Superstition , En●…siasm , and ignorant , perverse disputings . So that for Atheists and Sadduces , and Fanaticks to rail against Philosophy , is not at all strange ; 'T is no more than what may well be expected from such Cattel ; Philosophy is their enemy ; and it concerns them to disparage and reproach it : But for Religious , and sober men to do any thing so unadvised , and so prejudicial to Religion , is wonde●…ul , and deplorable : To set these right in their Judgment about Philosophical inquiry into Gods Works , is the principal design of these Papers ; and in order to the further promoting of it , I advance to the last Head of Discourse proposed , viz. CHAP. VII . That the Ministers , and Professors of Religion ought not to discourage Philosophy . The slanders and objections against it , answered , viz. That of Atheism , and the other of its tending to the lessening our value of the Scriptures , fully confuted . It teacheth no Doctrines contrary to Gods Word ; Those of the motion of the Earth and terrestrial Nature of the Moon , consider'd , as they refer to the Scriptures . SECT . I. ( IV. ) THat the Ministers , and Professors of Religion ought not to discourage , but promote the Knowledge of Nature , and the Works of its Author . This is the result of the whole matter , and follows evidently from all that went before , which though it will not infer a necessity of all mens deep search into Nature , yet this it will , That no Friend or Servant of Religion should ●…inder , or discountenance such inquiries . And though most private Christians , and some publick Ministers have neither leisure , nor ability to look into matters of natural research , and inquisition ; yet they ought to think candidly , and wish well to the endeavours of those that have ; and 't is a sin , and a folly either in the one or other to censure , or discourage those worthy undertakings . Upon which accounts it grieves me to see , how ap●… some are , that pretend much to Religion , and some that minister in it , to load those that are studious of Gods Works with all the odious names that contempt , and spig●…t can suggest ; The Irreligion of which injurious carriage nothing can ●…xcuse , but their ignorance ▪ A●…d I will rather hope that they neither know what they say , nor what they do , than believe that they have any direct design against the Glory of their Maker , or against any la●…dable endeavours to promote it . I know well , what mischief prejudice will do , ev●…n upon minds that otherwise are very honest , and intelligent enough . And there are many common slanders , and some plausible objections in the mouths of the Zealous against Philosophy , which have begot an ill opinion of it in well-meaning men , who have never examined things deeply : For the sake of such , I shall produce the most considerable allegations of both sorts , and I hope mak●… such returns to them , as may be ●…fficient to sati●… those whose minds are not barr'd by obstinacy , or ignorance . SECT . II. I Speak first of the bold , and broad slanders , among which , that ( I. ) Of Atheism is one of the most ordinary ; But certainly 't is one of the most unjust accusations that malice , and ignorance could have invented ; This I need not be industrious to prove here , having made it appear that Philosophy is one of the best Weapons in the World to defend Religion against it ; and my whole Discourse is a confutation of this spightful , and ridiculous charge . 'T is true ind●…ed the men of the Epi●…urean sort have left God , and Providence out of their accounts ; But then other Philosophers have shewn what fools they are for doing so , and how absurd their pretended Philosophy is , in supposing things to have been made and ordered by the casual hits of Atoms , in a mighty void . A d though their general Doctrine of Matter , and Motion be ●…xceeding ancient , and very accountable , when we suppos●… matter was at first created by almighty Power , and it's motions ordered , and directed by omniscient Wisdom ; Yet the supposal that they are independent , and eternal , is very precarious , and unreasonable ; And that all the regular motions in Nature , should be from blind tumultuous jumblings , is the most unphilos●…phical pha●…e , and ridiculous dotag●… in the world ; So that there is no ●…ason to accuse Philosophy of a fault , which Philosophy sufficiently shames , and disproves ; and yet I doubt there are many have great prejudice against it upon this score ; and 't is a particular brand upon some of the modern men , that they have revived the Philosophy of Epicurus , which they think to be in it 's whole extent Atheistical , and irreligious . To which I say , that the opinion of the world's being made by a fortuitous jumble of Atoms , is impious and abominable . This those of Epicurus his elder School taught ; whereas the late Restorers of the Corpuscularian Hypothesis hate , and despise the vile Doctrine ; But yet they thus far think the Atomical Philosophy reasonable , viz. as it teacheth , That the operations of Nature are performed by subtile streams of minute bodies , and not by I know not what imaginary qualiti●…s , and forms : They think , That the various motions , and figures of the parts of matter , are enough for all the Phaenomena , and all 〈◊〉 varieties , which with relation to our senses we call such , and such qualities . But then they suppose , and teach , That God cre●…ted matter , and is the supreme Orderer of its motions , by which all those diversities are made : And hereby Piety , and the Faith of Providence is secured . This , as far as we know any thing of elder times , was the ancient Philosophy of the World , and it doth not in the least grate upon any Principle of Religion . Thus far I dare say I may undertake for most of the Corpuscularian Philosophers of our times , excepting those of Mr. Hobb's way . And therefore I cannot but wonder that a person of so much reason , learning , and inge●…ty as Mr. Baxter , should seem to conclude those Modern Philosophers under the name , and notion of such Somatists , as are for meer matter , and motion , and exclude immaterial beings ; This , I take it , he doth in his Defence of the Souls Immortality , at the end of his Reasons of Religion : whereas those Philosophers , though they owne matter , and motion as the material and formal causes of the Phaenomena ; They do yet acknowledge Gods efficiency , and Government of all things , with as much seriousness , and contend for it with as much zeal , as any Philosophers or Divines whatsoever . And 't is very hard that any number of men should be exposed to the suspicion of being Atheists , for denying the Peripatetick Qualities , and Forms ; and there is nothing else overthrown by the Corpuscularian Doctrines , as they are managed by those Philosophers . So that methinks that Reverend Author hath not dealt so fairly with the great names of Des-Cartes , and Gassendus , where he mentions them promiscuously with the mee●… Epicurean and Hobbian Somatists , without any note to distinguish them from those Sadduces ; For both those celebrated men have laboured much in asserting the grand Articles of Religion against the Infidel , and Atheist . This inadvertency of that pious Divine I thought sit to take notice of , because I doubt some may be misled into an undue opinion of those excellent Persons , and others of their way , by finding their names among those of an abhorred Character , in an Author of so much note . I say 't is for this reason I have given this hint , and not out of any humour of opposing or carping at that worthy Man : No , I think he is to be honoured much for his stout , rational , and successful oppositions of the mischievous Antinomian ●…ollies , when the current Systematick Divinity , then called Orthodox , was over-grown with them ; for his frequent asserting , and vindicating the Reasonableness of Religion against the madness of spreading Enthusiasm ; for his earnest endeavours for the promotion of peace , and universal charity , when 't was held a great crime not to be ●…ierce in the way of a Sect ; For his quick , piercing , and serious practical Writings : I say I judge the Author , the slip of whose Pen in a thing relating to my Subject , I have noted , to be a person worthy of great respect ; and I can scarce forbear affirming concerning him as a learned Doctor of our Church did , That he was the only man that spoke sense in an age of non-sense ; He meant the only man that was reckoned among the people of those times , with the madness of which he contested . But I am digress'd . The business of this Section hath been to shew that the charge of Atheism against the Real Philo●…ophy is a gross , and groundless slander ; and I hope I have made good what I undertook . SECT . III. BUT ( 2. ) 't is alledg'd by some , That Philosophy disposeth 〈◊〉 to despise the Scriptures , or at least to neglect the study of them ; and upon that account is to be exploded among Christians . To which I say , That Philosophy is the knowledge of Gods works , and there is nothing in Gods Works , that is contrary to his Word ; and how then should the study of the one incline men to despise the other ? Certainly had there been any such impious tendency in searching into Gods Works to the lessening of our value of the Scriptures ; The Scripture it self would never have recommended this so much unto us , as we have seen it doth . Yea indeed , this is so far from being ●…rue , that on the contrary , the knowledge of Gods Works tends in its proper nature to dispose men to love , and veneration of the Scriptures ; For by converse with Nature we are made sensible of the Power , Wisdom , and Goodness of God , fresh instances of which we shall still find in all things ; And 't is one great design of the Scripture to promote the Glory of these Attributes : How then can he , that is much affected with them , chuse but love , and esteem those holy Records which so gloriously illustrate the perfections which he admires ? Besides , by inquiry into Gods Works , we discover continually how little we can comprehend of his ways , and managements ; and he that is sensible of this , will find himself more inclined to reverence the declarations of his Word , though they are beyond his reach , and though he cannot fathom those Mysteries , he is required to believe : Such a disposition is necessary for the securing our reverence to the Divine Oracles , and Philosophy promotes it much . So that though 't is like enough there may be those that pretend to Philosophy who have less veneration , and respect for the Scripture , than they ought , yet that impious disesteem of those sacred Writings is no effect of their Philosophy , but of their corrupt , and evil inclinations . And to remove the scandal brought upon natural wisdom by those Pretenders , it may be observed , that none are more earnest , or mo●… ●…requent in the proo●… , and recommendation of the Authority of Scripture , than those of Philosophi●…al inclination and genius , who by their publick capacity , and profession , have the best opportunities to give testimony to the honour of that Divine Book . And besides the many Sermons that are continually preach't , ( but no further publish't ) by the Divines that are disposed to this sort of knowledge , I may for instance mention the excellent performanof those incomparable Philosophers , the present most learned Bishop of Sarum , and the deservedly famous Mr. Boyle : the former in the Essay before mentioned , and in a late ●…lose , smart , and judicious Sermon ag●…inst the Antiscripturists ; and in another annext against Infidelity ( newly Printed ) hath with great perspicuity , strength , and demonstrative order refuted and shamed the pretensions of the In●… , and roundly proved the Divine Authority of the Holy Volume . And the other excellent Philosopher Mr. Boyle , in a most elegant and learned Discourse concerning the Style of Scripture , hath vindicated those inspired Writings from the cavils , and exceptions of the nice Wits of men of corrupt minds : which performances of these two deep and pious Inquirers into Gods Works , may with better reason be pleaded for the Piety of Philosophy in reference to the Scriptures ; then the irreverences of any that pretend to natural wisdom , can be alledged against it . SECT . IV. BUT to justifie the imputation of the disservice Philosophy doth Religion , and the Scriptures , it may by some be pleaded , That Philosophy , viz. that which is called the new , teacheth Doctrines that are contrary to the Word of God , or at least such as we have no ground from Scripture to believe ; as for instance , that the Earth moves , and that the Moon is of a terrestrial nature , and habitable ; which opinions are supposed to be impious , and Antiscriptural . In return to this Objection I say , ( 1. ) In the general , That 't is true indeed , that Philosophy teacheth many things which are not revealed in Scripture ; for this was not intended to instruct men in the affairs of Nature , but its design is , to direct Mankind , and even those of the plainest understandings , in life , and manners , to propose to us the way of Happiness , and the principles that are necessary to guide us in it ; with the several motives , and incouragements that are proper to excite our endeavours , and to bear them up against all difficulties and temptations . This , I say , was the chief design of that Divine Book ; and therefore 't is accommodated , in the main , to the most ordinary capacities , and speaks after our manner , and suitably to sense , and vulgar conception . Thus we ●…ind that the Clouds are called Heaven , the Moon one of the greater Lights , and the Stars mentioned , as less considerable : and the Stars also , Gen. 1. We read of the going down of the Sun , and of the ends of the Earth , and of the Heavers , and divers other such expressions are in the Scriptures , which plainly intimate unto us , That they do not concern themselves to rec●… the mistakes of the vulgar , in Philosophical Theories , but comply with their infirmities , and speak according as they can understand . So that , ( 2. ) No Tenent in Philosophy ought to be condemned , and exploded , because there may be some occasional sayings in the Divine Oracles , which seem not to comport with it ; And therefore the Problems mentioned , concerning the Motion of the Earth , and terrestrial Nature of the Moon , ought to be left to the Disquisitions of Philosophy : The Word of God determines nothing about them ; for those expressions , concerning the running of the Sun , and its standing still , may very well be interpreted as spoken by way of accommodation to sense , and common apprehension , as 't is certain , that those of its going down , and running from one end of the Heavens to the other , and numerous resembling sayings , are so to be understood . And when 't is else where said , That the foundations of the Earth are so fixt , that it cannot be moved at any time , or to that purpose ; 'T is supposed by Learned men , that nothing else is meant than this , That the Earth cannot be moved from its Centre , which is no prejudice to the opinion of its being moved upon it . And for the other Hypothesis of the Moon 's being a kind of Earth , the Scripture hath said nothing of it on either hand ; nor can its silence be argumentative here , since we know , That all Mankind believes many things , of which there is no mention there : As that there are such places as China , and America , That the Magnet attracts Iron , and directs to the North , and that the Sea hath the motion of Flux , and Reflux , with ten thousand such other things discovered by Experience , of which there is not the least hint in the Sacred Volume : And are not these to be believed , till they can be proved from Scripture ? this is ridiculously to abuse the Holy Oracles , and to extend them beyond their proper business and design . And to argue against this supposal , as some do , by Queries , What men are in that other Earth ? whether fallen ? and how saved ? is very childish and absurd . He that holds the opinion may confess his ignorance in all these things , without any prejudice to his Hypothesis of the Moon 's being habitable ; or the supposal of its being actually inhabited . For that may be , though no living man can tell the nature , and condition of those Creatures . But for my part , I assert neither of these Paradoxes ; only I have thought fit to speak thus briefly about them , that they may be le●… to the freedom of Philosophical Inquiry , for the Scripture is not concerned in such Queries . And yet besides this , which might suffice to vindicate the Neoterick Methods of Philosophy from the charge of being injurious to the Scripture in such instances , I adde ( 3. ) The ●…ree , experimental Philosophy which I recommend , doth not affirm e●…er of those feared propositions . For neither of them have so much evidence , as to warrant peremptory , and dogmatical assertions . And therefore , though perhaps some of those Philosophers think that they have great degrees of probability , and so are sit for Philosophical consideration ; Yet there are none , that I know , that determine they are certainties , and positive Truths . 'T is contrary to the genius of their way to do so : And on the other hand , 't is a very obnoxious folly to conclude , That those opinions are false , when no one can be certain that they are so . But whether the one , or the other be said , Religion , and the Scriptures are not at all concerned . Thus briefly of the slanders that are a●…t upon Philosophy , viz. of its Tendency to Atheism , and disparagement of the Scriptures . The other lesser ones are answered in the discussion of these . CHAP. VIII . Other Objections against Philosophy answered , viz. That there is too much Curiosity in those Inquiries : That the Apostle gives a Caveat against it : That the First Preachers of the Gospel knew little or nothing of it . A brief Recital of some of the Holy Men who are recorded in Scripture to have had skill in several parts of Philosophy . SECT . I. BUT besides those slanderous imputations , there are some little vulgar plausibilities pretended against it also ; It would be endless to recount all of them . The chief are these that follow . ( I. ) There is too much curiosity in those inquiries ; and S. Paul desired to know nothing but Christ , and him crucified . To which I answer , That what is blameable curiosity in things not worth our pains , or forbidden our scrutiny , is Duty , and laudable endeavour in matters that are weighty and permitted to our search . So that nothing can be fastned upon the Philosophical Inquisitions into Nature on this account , till it be first proved , That a ' diligent observance of Gods Goodness , and Wisdom in his Works , in order to the using them to his glory , and the benefit of the world , is either prohibited , or impertinent . There is indeed such a depth in nature , that it is never like to be throughly fathomed ; and such a darkness upon some of Gods Works , that they will not in this world be found out to perfection : But however , we are not kept o●…f by any expressness of prohibition ; Nature is no Holy Mount that ought not to be touched ; yea , we are commanded , To search after wisdom , and particularly , after this , when we are so frequently called upon to celebrate our Creator for his Works , and are encouraged by the success of many that have gone before ; For many shall go to and fro , and science shall be increased . So that our inquiries into Nature are not forbidden ; and he that saith they are frivolous , and of no use , when the Art of the Omniscient is the object , and his glory & the good of men , the end , asperseth both the Creator and the Creature , and contradicts his duty to both . As for the latter clause of the Objection which urgeth that speech of S. Paul , of his desiring to know nothing but Christ and him crucified , 1 Cor. II. 2 ▪ I return to it , That he that shall duely consider the discourse of the Apostle in the verse before , and those that succeed , will perceive , That in this expression , he only slights the affected eloquence of the Orators , and Rhetoricians ; He spoke in plainness and simplicity , and not in those inticing words of mans wisdom , which he desired either not to know at all , or not in comparison with the plain Doctrines of the Gospel . Or , if any should take the words in the largest sense , then all sorts of humane Learning , and all Arts and Trades are set at nought by the Apostle ; And if so , the meaning can be no more than this , That he preferred the knowledge of Christ before these ; For 't is ridiculous to think that he absolutely slighted all other Science . The knowledge of Christ is indeed the chiefest , and most valuable wisdom , but the knowledge of the Works of God hath hath its place also , and ought not quite to be excluded and despised : Or , if Philosophy be to be slighted , by this Text , all other knowledge whatsoever must undergo the same Fate with it . But it will be urged . SECT . II. ( II. ) THat there is a particular caution given by the Apostle against Philosophy , Col. II. 8. Beware lest any one spoil you through Philosophy . To this I have said elsewhere , That the Apostle there means either the pretended knowledge of the Gnosticks , the Genealogies of the Jews , or the disputing ●…earning of the Greeks ; and perhaps he might have a respect to all of them . That the disputing Philosophy of the Greeks is concerned in the caution , will appear very probable , if we consider , That much of it , was built on meer notion , that occasioned division into manifold Sects , which managed their matters by Sophistry , and Disputations , full of nicety and mazes of wit ; and aimed at little , but the pride of mysterious talk of things , that were not really understood . Such a Philosophy the Apostle might justly condemn , and all wise men do the same , because 't is very injurious to Religion , real Knowledge , and the Peace of men . But what is this to that , which modestly inquires into the Creatures of God , as they are ; That collects the History of his Works , raising observations from them for the discovery of Causes , and invention of Arts , and helps for the benefit of Mankind ? What vanity ; what prejudice to Religion can be supposed in this ? Is this , think we , that Philosophy , that wisdom of this world , which the great Apostle censures and condemns ? He is bold that saith it , speaks a thing he knows not , and might , if he pleased , know the contrary ; Since the Method of Philosophy I vindicate , which proceeds by observation and experiment to works , and uses of life , was not , if at all , the way of those times in which the Apostles lived , nor did it begin to shew it self in many Ages after ; and therefore cannot be concerned in S. Paul's Caution to his Colossians ; nor in his smartness against worldly wisdom elsewhere , for by that we are to understand , the Fetches of Policy , the Niceties of Wit , and Strains of Rhetorick that were then engaged against the progress of the Gospel : But what is all this , to the Philosophy of Gods Works ; which illustrates the Divine glory , and comments upon his Perfections , and promotes the great design of Christianity , which is doing good ; and in its proper nature tends to the disposing o●… mens minds to Vertue , and Religion ? SECT . III. BUT ( III. ) If Philosophy be so excellent an Instrument to Religion , it may be 〈◊〉 ( and the Question will have the force of an Objection ) why the Disciples and first Preachers of the Gospel were not instructed in it ; ●…ey were plain , illiterate men , altogether unacquainted with those sublimities ; God chose the foolish things of this world , to confound the wise . So that it seems he did not value this kind of wisdom so much as our discourse seems to imply . But this choice that the Divine Wisdom made of the Publishers of the glad Tydings of Salvation , is no more prejudice , or discredit to Philosophy , than it is to any other sort of Learning ; and indeed 't is none at all to either : For the special reasons of Gods making this choice , seem such as these , viz. That his power might more evidently appear in the wonderful propagation of the Religion of Christ Jesus , by such seemingly unqualified instruments ; That the World might not suspect it to be the contrivance of wit , subtilty , and Art , when there was so much plainness , and simplicity in its first Promot●…rs . And perhaps too it was done in contempt of the vain and pretended knowledge of the Jews , and Greeks , over which the plainness of the Gospel was made gloriously to triumph . And to these I adde , that it might be to shew , That God values simplicity , and integrity above all natural perfections , how excellent soever . So that there being such special Reasons for the ●…using plain men to set this grand a●…air on foot in the world , it can be no disparagement to the knowledge of Nature , that it was not begun by Philosophers . And to counter-argue this Topick , we may consider , That The Patriarchs , and Holy men of ancient times that were most in the Divine favour , were well instructed in the knowledge of Gods Works , and contributed to the good of men by their useful discoveries , and inventions . Adam was acquainted with the Nature of the Creatures ; Noah a Planter of Vineyards , Abraham ( as Grotius collects from ancient History ) a great Mystes in the knowledge of the Stars : Isaac prosperous in Georgicks . Jacob blessed in his Philosophical Stratagem of the speckled Rods. Moses a great man in all kinds of natural knowledge . Bezaliel , and Aholiab inspired in Architecture . Solomon a deep Naturalist , and a Composer of a voluminous History of Plants . Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Azariah , skilled in all Learning , and Wisdom ; Ten times better , saith the Text , than the Magicians , and Astrologers in Nebuchadnezzar's Realm ; And to accumulate no more instances , the Philosophers of the East made the first addresses to the Infant Saviour . CONCLUSION . THus we see upon the whole , That there is no shadow of Reason why we should discourage , or oppose modest inquiries into the Works of Nature ; and whatsoever ignorant zeal may prompt the common sort to , methinks those of generous education should not be of so perverse a frame . Especially it becomes not any that minister at the Altar , to do so great a disservice to Religion , as to promote so unjust a conceit as that of Philosophy's being an enemy unto it . The Philosophers were the Priests among the Aegyptians , and several other Nations in ancient times ; and there was never more need , that the Priests should be Philosophers , than in ours ; For we are liable every day to be called out to make good our Foundations against the Atheist , the Sadduce , and Enthusiast ; and 't is the knowledge of God in his Works that must furnish us with some of the most proper Weapons of Defence . Hard names , and damning sentences ; the arrows of bitter words , and raging passions will not defeat those Sons of An●…k ; These are not sit Weapons for our warfare . No , they must be met by a Reason instructed in the knowledge of things , and sought in their own Quarters , and their Arms must be turned upon themselves ; This may be done , and the advantage is all ours . We have steel , and brass for our defence ; and they have little else than twigs , and bull-rushes for the assault ; we have light , and firm ground ▪ and they are lost in smoak , and mists ; They tread among Bogs , and dangerous Fens , and reel near the Rocks , and Steeps . And shall we despise our advantages , and forsake them ? Shall we relinquish our ground , and our light , and mu●…e our selves up in darkness ? Shall we give our enemies the Weapons , and all the odds ; and so endeavour to insure their Triumphs over us ? This is sottishly to betray Religion , and our selves . If this Discourse chance to meet with any that are guilty of these dangerous follies , it will , I hope , convince them , That they have no reason to be afraid of Philosophy , or to despise its aids in the concerns of Religion . And for those , who never yet thought of this part of Religion to glorifie God for his Works , I wish it may awaken them to more attentive consideration of the wisdom and goodness that is in them ; and so excite their pious acclamations . And to encourage them to it , I shall adventure to add , That it seems very probable , that much of the matter of those Hallelujah's and triumphant Songs , that shall be the joyful entertainment of the blessed , will be taken from the wonders of Gods Works ; and who knows , but the contemplation of these , and God in them , shall make up a good part of the imployment of those glorified Spirits ; who will then have inconceivable advantages for the searching into those effects of Divine Wisdom , and Power , beyond what are possible for us mortals to attain . And those discoveries which for ever they shall make in that immense Treasure of Art , the Universe , must needs sill their Souls every moment with pleasant astonishment , and inslame their hearts with the ardors of the highest love , and devotion , which will breathe forth in everlasting thanksgivings . And thus the study of Gods Works joyned with those pious sentiments they deserve , is a kind of partial anticipation of Heaven ; And next after the contemplations of his Word , and the wonders of his Mercy discovered in our Redemption , it is one of the best , and noblest imployments ; the most becoming a reasonable Creature , and such a one , as is taught by the most reasonable , and excellent Religion in the World. FINIS . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OR , A Seasonable Recommendation , and Defence OF REASON ▪ In the Affairs of RELIGION ; AGAINST Infidelity , Scepticism , and Fanaticisms of all sorts . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for James Collins at the Kings●…ead in Westminster-Hall . 1670. AD CLERUM . Rom. XII . the latter part of verse 1. — Which is your reasonable Service . THERE is nothing , that I know , hath done so much mischief to Christianity , as the disparagement of Reason , under pretence of respect , & favour to Religio●… ; since hereby the very Foundations of the Christian Faith have bin undermined , and the World prepared for Atheism . For if Reason must not be heard , the Being of a GOD , and the Authority of Scripture can neither be proved , nor defended ; and so our Faith drops to the ground , like a house that hath no foundation . Besides , by this way , those sickly conceits , and Enthusiastick dreams , and unsound Doctrines , that have poysoned our Air , and infatuated the minds of men , and exposed Religion to the scorn of Infidels , and divided the Church , and disturbed the peace of mankind , and involved the Nation in so much blood , and so many Ruines ; I say hereby , all these fatal Follies , that have been the occasions of so many mischiefs , have been propagated , and promoted . So that I may affirm boldly , That here is the Spring-head of most of the waters of bitterness , and strife ; and here the Fountain of the great Deeps of Atheism , and Fanaticism , that are broken up upon us . And now , to damme up this sour●…e of mischiefs , by representing the fair agreement that is between Reason , and Religion , is the most seasonable service that can be done unto both ; since hereby , Religion will be rescued from the impious accusation of its being groundless , and imaginary : And reason also defended , against the unjust charge of those , that would make this beam of God , prophane , and irreligious . This I shall endeavour at this tim●… ; and I think it proper work for the occasion , now that I have an opportunity of speaking to You Reverend Fathers , and Brethren of the Clergie ; For 't is from the Pulpit , Religion hath received those wounds through the sides of Reason ; I do not say , and I do not think , It hath f●…om yours ; But we know , that indiscreet , and hot Preachers that had entertain'd vain , and unreasonable Doctrines , which they had made an interest , and the badges of a Party ; perceiving that their darling opinions could not stand , if Reason , their enemy , were not discredited ; They set up a loud cry against Reason , as the great adversary of free-Grace , and Faith , and zealously endeavoured to run it down , under the mis-applied names of Vain Philosophy , Carnal Reasoning , and the Wisdom of this World : And what hath been the issue of those cantings , we have sadly seen , and felt . So that , 〈◊〉 think , 't is now the duty of all sober , and reasonable men to rise up against this spirit of Folly , and infatuation : and something I shall attempt at present , by shewing , that Reason is very serviceable to Religion ; and Religion very friendly to Reason ; both which are included in these words of the Apostle , — WHICH IS YOUR REASONABLE SERVICE . He had proved in the preceding part of this Epistle , That the Gospel was the only way of happiness , and here , he enters upon the application of this Doctrine , and affectionately exhorts his Romans , to conform themselves unto it . I beseech you therefore , brethren , by the mercies of God , that you present your bodies : By which , no doubt , he means , their whole persons , For they are to be a living sacrifice ; Living , in opposition to the dead services of the Ceremonial Law ; Holy , acceptable unto God , in opposition to those legal performances , that had no intrinsick goodness in th●…m , and were not acceptable now that th●…ir institution was determin●…d . And the motives whereby he enforceth his exh●…rtation , are these two , viz. The mercies of GOD , which the Gospel hath brought , and propounded ; I beseech you , brethren , by the mercies of God ; And the reasonableness of the thing it self that he urgeth them to , — Which is your reasonable service . My business is with this latter , and I li●…fer from it : That Religion is a reasonable thing . IN treating of this Prop●…sition , I shall ( I. ) State what I mean by Religion , and what by Reason . ( II ) I shall demonstrate their harmony , and agreement . ( III ) Indeavour to disable the main Objections that are alledged against the use of Reason , in the affairs of Faith. And ( IV. ) Improve all by some Inferences , and Advices . TO BEGIN with the first , the setling the distinct Notions of Religion , and Reason . We know there is nothing in any matter of enquiry , or debate that can be discovered , or determin●…d till the Terms of the Question are explained , and their Notions setled . The want of this , hath been the occasion of a great part of those Confusions we find in Disputes , and particularly most of the Clamours , that have been raised against Reason in the affairs of Religion , have sprung from mens mistakes of the nature of both . For while groundless opinions , and unreasonable practices are often called Religion on the one hand ; and vain imaginations , and false consequences are as frequently stiled Reason on the other ; 'T is no wonder that such a Religion disclaims the use of Reason , or that such Reason is opposite to Religion . Therefore , in order to my shewing the agreement between true Religion , and genuine Reason , I shall , with all the clearness that I can , represent the just meaning of the one , and of the other . FOR Religion First ; the name signifies Binding , and so imports duty ; and all duty is comprised under these two Generals , Worship , and Virtue ; Worship comprehends all our duties towards God ; Virtue all those , that relate to our Neighbour , or our selves . Religion then primarily consists in these , which are the sum of the Law , and the Prophets . But duty cannot be performed , without knowledge , and some Principles there must be , that must direct these Practices ; And those that discover , and direct men in those actions of du●…y , are called Principles of Religion . These are of two sorts , viz. Some are ( 1. ) Fundamental , and Essential ; others ( 2. ) 〈◊〉 , and assisting . Fundamental 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Metaphor taken from the found●… of a building ; upon which the Fabrick stands , and without which , it must sink to the ground : So that Fundamental Principles are such , as are supposed to the duties of Religion , one or more ; and such as are absolutely necessary to the performance of them respectively : Of this sort I mention four , viz. ( I. ) That there is a God of infinite perf●…ction . Th●… b●…lief of this i●… 〈◊〉 nec●…ssary to all the par●…s o●… R●…ligion . ( II. ) That we are sinners and exposed to his displeasure . This is necessary to confession of sins , and repentance ; parts of Worship . ( III. ) That God is our Maker , and the Author of all our blessings . This is necessary to the Duties of Prayer , Praise , and Adoration . ( IV. ) That there is Moral Good , and Evil. Without this there can be no Charity , Humility , Justice , Purity ; or the rest . These Propositions , I say , are Fundamentals of Religion , for it supposeth , and stands upon them . There are others , which are not so absolutely necessary as these , but yet very incouraging , and helpful ; I reckon Four here also : Viz. ( 1. ) THAT God will pardon us , if we repent . ( 2. ) THAT he will assist us , if we endeavour . ( 3. ) THAT he will accept of Services that are imperfect , if they are sincere . ( 4. ) THAT he will reward , or punish , in another world according ●…o what we have done in this . This I count to be the sum of Religion general : and Christianity ▪ takes in all those Duties ; and all the Principles ; advancing the Duties to nobler measures ; and incouraging them by new motives , and assistances , and superadding two other instances , Baptism , and the Lords Supper . And for the Principles , it confirms those of natural Religion ; and explains them further , and discovers some few new ones ; And all these , both of the former , and the latter sort , are contained in the Creed . Here are all the Fundamentals of Religion , and the main assisting Principles also . And I call nothing else Religion , but plain Duties , and these acknowledged Principles . And though our Church require our assent to more Propositions ; yet those are only Articles of Communion , not Doctrines absolutely necessary to Salvation . And if we go beyond the Creed for the Essentials of Faith ; who can tell where you shall stop ? The sum is , Religion primarily is Duty ; And duty is All that which God hath co●…ded to be done by his Word , or our Reasons ; and we have the substance of these in the Commandments : Religion also in a secondary sense consists in some Principles relating to the Worship of God , and of his Son , in the ways of devo●…t , and virtuous living ; and these are comprised in that Summary of belief called the Apostles Creed . This I take to be Religion ; and this Religion I shall prove to be reasonable : But I cannot undertake for all the Opinions some men are pleased to call Orthodox ; nor for all those that by many private persons , and some Churches are counted essential Articles of Faith , and Salvation . Thus I have stated what I mean by Religion . THE OTHER thing to be determined , and fixt , is , the proper Notion of Rea on . For this you may please ●…o consider , that Reason is sometimes taken for Reason in the Faculty , which is the Understanding ; and at other times , for Reason in the object , which consists in those Principles , and Conclusions by which the Understanding is informed . This latter is meant in the dispute concerning the agreement , or disagreement of Reason , and Religion . And Reason in this sense , is the same with natural truth , which I said is made up of Principles , and Conclusions . By the Principles of Reason we are not to understand the Grounds of any mans Philosophy ; nor the Critical Rules of Syllogism ; but those imbred fundamental notices , that God hath implanted in our Souls ; such as arise not from external objects , nor particular humours , or imaginations ; but are immediately lodged in our minds ; independent upon other principles or deductions ; commanding a sudden assent ; and acknowledged by all sober mankind . Of this sort are these . That God is a Being of all perfection . That nothing hath no Attributes . That a thing cannot be , and not be . That the whole is greater than any of its parts . And such like others , which are unto Us , what instincts are to other Creatures . These I call the Principles of Reason . The Conclusions are those other notices , that are inferred rightly from these ; and by their help from the observations of sense ; And the remotest that can be conceived , of all these , if it be rightly inferred from the Principles of Reason , or duely circumstantiated sense , is as well to be reckoned a part and branch of Reason , as the more immediate Conclusions , that are Principles in respect of those distant truths . And thus I have given an account also of the proper notion , and nature of Reason . I AM to shew next ( 2 ) That Religion is reasonable ; and this implies two things , viz. That Reason is a friend to Religion ; and that Religion is so to Reason . From these two , results their correspondence , and agreement . I begin with the FIRST : and here I might easily shew the great congruity that there is between that light , and those Laws , that God hath placed in our Souls ; and the duties of Religion that by the expressness of his written Word he requires from us ; and demonstrate that Reason teacheth All those , excepting only the two Positives , Baptism , and the holy Eucharist . But there is not so much need of turning my discourse that way ; and therefore I shall confine it to the Principles of Religion , which are called Faith , and prove that Reason mightily befriends these . It doth this ( I. ) By proving some of those Principles ; & ( II. ) By defending all . For the clearing both these , you may consider , That the Principles of Religion are of two sorts : Either ( 1. ) such as are presupposed to Faith ; or such as ( 2. ) are formal Articles of it . Of the first sort are ; The Being of a God ; and the Authority of the Scripture . And of the second , such as are expresly declared by Divine Testimony ; As the Attributes of God ; the Incarnation of his Son , and such like . ( I. ) For the former ●…ey are proved by Reason ; and by Reason only . The others we shall consider after . ( I. ) That the Being of a God , the foundation of all , is proved by Reason , the Apostle acknowledgeth , when he saith , That what was to be known of God , was manifest ; and to the Heathen , Rom. I. XIX . and he adds , vers . XX. That the invisible things from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made . And the Royal Psalmist speaks to the like purpose , Psal. XIX . The Heavens declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy works . And again , Psal. 14. 8. 3. Praise him Sun and Moon , praise him ye Stars , and Light ; which intimates , that these Works of his afford matter to our reasons for religious acknowledgments . And Reason proves the existence of God , from the beauty , and order , and ends , and usefulness of the Creatures ; for these are demonstrative Arguments of the being of a wise , and omnipotent mind , that hath framed all things so orderly , and exactly ; and that mind is God. This Article then , Reason proves , which was the first branch of the particular ; and I add , that it is Reason only that can do it ; which was the other . This you will see when you consider , that there are but three things from whence the existence of any Being can be concluded , viz. Sense , Revelation , or Reason . For Sense , it hath no more to do here but to present matter for our Reasons to work on ; and Revelation supposeth the Being of a God , and cannot prove it ; for we can have no security that the Revelation is true , till we are assured it is from God ; or from some Commissioned by him . The knowledge of his Being therefore , must precede our Faith in Revelation ; and so cannot be deduced from it . Thus Reason befriends Religion by laying its corner stone . And the next to this is the other Principle mentioned . ( II. ) The Divine Authority of Scripture . This also is to be proved by Reason , and only by It. The great Argument for the truth of Scripture is the Testimony of the Spirit in the Miracles wrought by Christ , and his Apostles . Our Saviour himself useth this Argument to gain credit to his Doctrines , Believe me for the works sake ; The works that I do bear testimony of me ; and if I had not done among them the works that no other man did , they had had no sin , Joh. XV. 24. And the Apostles continually urge that great Miracle , the Resurrection of Christ from the dead for the conviction both of the Jews , and Gentiles , That he was the Son of God ; and his Doctrines true . Now Miracles are an Argument to our Reasons , and we reason from them thus : Miracles are Gods Seal , and they are wrought by his Power , and He is true , and good , and would not lend these to Impostors to cheat , and abuse mankind . Therefore whoever works real Miracles for the confirmation of any Doctrine , it is to be believed that He is taught of God , and Commissioned to teach us . And that Christ , and his Apostles did those things which are recorded of them , is matter of Testimony ; and Reason clears the validity of this , by the aggregation of multitudes of Circumstances , which shew , that the first Relators could not be deceived themselves , and would not deceive us ; nor indeed could in the main matters , if they had designed it . And the certainty of the conveyance of these things to us is evinced also by numerous convictive Reasons : So that , the matter of fact is secure ; and that such Doctrines were taught , as are ascribed to those divine persons ; and those persons inspired that penned them , are proved the same way : And so it follows from the whole , that the Gospel is the Word of God ; and the Old Testament is confirmed by that . Thus Reason proves the Divine Authority of Scripture ; and those other Arguments that use to be produced for it , from Its style , and Its influence upon the Souls of men ; from the excellency of its design ; and the Providence of God in preserving it ; are of the same sort , though not of the same strength . Reason then proves the Scriptures ; and this only ; For that they are from God , is not kn●…wn immediately by sense ; and there is no distinct Revelation that is certain , and infallible to assure us of it ; and so Reason only remains to de●…onstrate this other Fundamental Article . These two great Truths , The existence of God ; and Authority of Scripture , are the first in our Religion ; and they are Conclusions of Reason , and Foundations of Faith. Thus briefly of those Principles of Religion that are Fundamentally such ; We have seen how Reason serves them , by demonstrating their Truth , and certainty . I COME now to the SECOND sort of Principles , viz. those that are formally so ; They are of two sorts , mixt and pure : The mixt are those that are discovered by Reason , and declared by Revelation also ; and so are Principles both of Reason , and Faith : Of this kind are the Attributes of God ; Moral good , and evil ; and the Immortality of humane Souls . The Principles of pure Faith , are such as are known only by Divine Testimony , as the Miraculous Conception , the Incarnation , and the Trinity . The first sort Reason proves as well as Scripture , this I shew briefly in the alledged instances . ( 1. ) That the Divine Attributes are revealed in the Holy Oracles , 't is clear ; and they are deduced from Reason also ; For 't is a general Principle of all Mankind , That God is a Being absolutely perfect ; And hence Reason concludes all the particular Attributes of his Being ; since Wisdom , Goodness , Power , and the rest are perfections , and imply nothing of imperfection , or defect ; and therefore ought to be ascribed to the infinitely perfect Essence . ( 2. ) That there is moral good , and evil , is discoverable by Reason , as well as Scripture . For these are Reasons Maxims ; That every thing is made for an end ; and every thing is directed to its end by certain Rules : these Rules in Creatures of understanding , and choice , are Laws , and the transgressing these , is Vice and Sin. ( 3. ) The Immortality of our Souls is plain in Scripture , and Reason proves it , by shewing the Spirituality of our natures ; and that it doth from the nature of Sense ; and our perception of spiritual Beings , and Universals ; Of Logical , Metaphysical , and Mathematical Notions ; From our compounding Propositions ; and drawing Conclusions from them ; From the vastness , and quickness of our Imaginations ; and Liberty of our Wills , all which are beyond the powers of matter , and therefore argue a Being that is spiritual , and consequently immortal , which inference , the Philosophy of Spirits proves . Also , the Moral Arguments of Reason from the goodness of God , and his Justice in distributing rewards and punishments ; the nature of virtue , and tendencies of religious appetites , conclude , I think , strongly , That there is a life after this . Thus in short of the Principles , I called mixt , which Reason demonstrates . BUT for the others , viz. ( II. ) Those of pure Revelation , Reason cannot prove them immediately ; nor is it to be expected that it should : For they are matters of Testimony ; and we are no more to look for immediate proof from Reason of those things , than we are to expect , that abstracted Reason should demonstrate , That there is such a place as China ; or , that there was such a man as Julius Caesar . All that it can do here , is to assert , and make good the credibility , and truth of the Testimonies that relate such matters : and that it doth in the present case , proving the Authority of Scripture ; and thereby in a remoter way , It demonstrates all the Mysteries of Faith , which the Divine Oracles immediately discover . And it is no more disparagement to our Reasons , that they cannot evince those Sacred Articles by their own unaided force , than it is a disgrace unto them , that they cannot know that there are such things , as Colours , without the help of our eyes ; or that there are Sounds , without the faculty of hearing . And if Reason must be called blind upon this account , because it cannot know of it self such things as belong to Testimony to discover ; the best eyes in the world may be so accounted also , because they are not sagacious enough to see sounds ; and the best Palate dull , and dead , because it cannot taste the Sun-beams . But though I have said , that Reason cannot of it self , immediately prove the truths of pure Revelation ; Yet ( 1. ) it demonstrates the divine Authority of the Testimony that declares them ; and that way proves even these Articles . If this be not enough , I add the second Assertion , ( II. ) That Reason defends all the Mysteries of Faith and Religion : and for this , I must desire you to take notice , that there are two ways , whereby any thing may be defended , viz. Either ( 1 ) By shewing the manner how the thing is ; or , if that cannot be done , by shewing ( 2 ) That it ought to be believed , though the manner of it be not known : For instance , if any one denies all sorts of Creatures were in the Ark , under pretence , that it is impossible they should be contained within such a space ; He that can shew how this might be , by a distinct enumeration of the kinds of Animals , with due allowance for the unknown Species , and a computation of the particular capacity of the Ark ; he defends the Sacred History the first way : But if another denies the conversion of Aaron's Rod into a Serpent , upon the same account , of the unconceivableness of the manner , how it was done ; this cannot indeed be defended the former way : But then it may , by representing that the power of God is infinite ; and can easily do what we cannot comprehend , how it is effected ; and that we ought to believe upon the credit of the Testimony ( that being well proved to us ) though the manner of this miraculous performance , and such others as it relates , be unknown . And a●… it is in this last case , so it is in all the mysteries of Faith , and Religion ; Reason cannot defend them indeed the first way : But then it doth the second , by shewing , that the Divine Nature is insinite , and our Concep●…ions very shallow , and sinite ; that 't is therefore very unreasonable in us to indeavour to pry into the secrets of his Being , & actions ; and to think that we can measure , and comprehend them : That we know not the Essence , and ways of acting of the most ordinary , and obvious things of Nature , & therefore must not expect throughly to understand the deeper things of God ; That God hath revealed those holy Mysteries unto us ; and that 't is the highest reason in the world to believe , That what He saith is true , though we do not know how these things are . These are all considerations of Reason , and by the proposal of them , it sufficiently defends all the Mysteries , that can be proved to be contained in the Sacred Volume ; and shews that they ought to be received by us , though they cannot be comprehended . Thus if any one should ask me , How the Divine Nature is united to the Humane ? and declare himself unwilling to believe the Article till he could be satisfied how ; My answer would be in short , That I cannot tell ; and yet I believe it is so ; and he ought to believe the same , upon the credit of the Testimony , though we are both ignorant of the manner . And I would suggest , that we believe innumerable things upon the evidence of our senses , whose nature , and properties we do not know . How the parts of matter cohere ; and how the soul is united to the body ; are questions we cannot answer ; and yet that such things are , we do not doubt : And why , saith Reason , should we not believe Gods revelation of things we cannot comprehend ; as well as we do our senses about matters as little understood by us ? 'T is no doubt reasonable that we should , and by proving it is so , Reason defends all the Propositions of Faith , and Religion . And when some of These are said to be Above Reason , no more is meant , than that Reason cannot conceive how those things are ; and in that sense many of the affairs of nature are above it too . Thus I have shewn how serviceable Reason is to Religion . I am next to prove , ( II. ) That Religion befriends it : and here I offer some Testimonies from the holy Oracles to make that good ; and in them we shall see , how GOD himself , and CHRIST , and his APOSTLES , do owne , and acknowledge Reason . 〈◊〉 consider then that GOD , Isa. 1. 18. calls the rebellious Israelites to reason with him ; Come now , and let us reason together , saith the Lord ; and by Reason he convinceth the people of the vanity of Idols , Isa. 44. 9. And he expos●…ulates with their Reasons , Ez●…k . 18. 31. Why will ye die , ye house of Israel ? And Mich. 6. 3. O my people , what have I done unto thee ? And wherein have I wearied thee ? Testisie against me . He appeals unto their Reasons , to judge of his proceedings . Isa. 5. 3. And now , O inhabitants of Jerusalem , and men of Judah , judge I pray you be●…ween me , and my vineyard ; are not my ways equal ? and are not your ways unequal ? In this he intimates the competency of their Reasons to judge of the equity of his ways , and the iniquity of their own . And OUR SAVIOUR commands the Disciples of the Pharisees to give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars , and to God the the things that are Gods ; implying the ability of their Reasons to distinguish between the things , that belonged to God , and those , that appertained to Caesar. And he in divers places argues from the Principles , and Topicks of Reason . From that which we call , à majori ad minus , from the greater to the less , John 13. 14 ▪ He shews it to be the duty of his Disciples to serve their brethren in the meanest Offices , and to wash one anothers feet , because he had washed theirs , Vers. 14. in●…cing it by this consideration of Reason ; for the Servant is not greater than his Lord ; Vers. 16. and useth the same , John 15. 20. to shew , that they must expect persecution , because He , their Lord , was persecuted . And Luke 12. 23. He endeavours to take them off from carking care and solicitude about meat and raiment , by this consideration from Reason , that the life is more than meat , and the body than raiment ; intimating that God having given them the greater , there was no doubt , but he would bestow the less , which was necessary for the preservation of that . To these instances I add some few from the Topick à minori ad majus , from the less to the greater , in the arguings of our Saviour . Thus Mat. 7. 11. If ye being evil know how to give good gifts to your children , how much more shall your Father which is in Heaven give good things to those that ask him ? The ground of the Consequence is this Principle of Reason , That God is more benigne , and gracious than the tenderest , and most affectionate of our earthly Parents . So Luke 12. 24. He argues , that God will provide for Us , because he doth for the Ravens , since we are better than they ; How much more are ye better than the sowls ? Which arguing supposeth this Principle of Reason , that that wisdom , and goodness which are indulgent to the viler Creatures , will not neglect the more excellent . He proceeds surther in the same Argument by the consideration of Gods cloathing the Lillies , and makes the like inference from it , Vers. 28. If God so cloath the grass , how much more will he cloath you ? And Mat. 12. He reasons that it was lawful for him to heal on the Sabbath day , from the consideration of the general mercy that is due even to brute Creatures ; What man shall there be among you that shall have one sheep , and if it fall into a pit on the Sabbath day , will he not lay hold of it , to lift it out ? How much more then is a man better than a sheep ? Vers. 12. Thus our Saviour used Arguments of Reason . And the APOSTLES did so very frequently . S. Paul disproves Idolatry this way , Acts 17. 29. Forasmuch then as we are the Off-spring of God , we ought not to think , that the Godhead is like unto gold , or silver , or stone graven by Art. And the same Apostle proves the Resurrection of the Dead by the mention of seven gross absurdities that would follow the denial of it , 1 Cor. 1. 15. viz. If the dead rise not , Then 1. Christ is not risen ; And then 2. our Preaching is vain , and we false Apostles ; And if so , 3. your Faith is vain ; And then 4. you are not justified , but are in your sins ; And hence it will follow 5. That those that are departed in the same Faith are perished ; And then 6. Faith in Christ profits only in this life ; And if so , 7. we are of all men the most miserable , Because we suffer all things for this Faith ; From Vers. 14. to vers . 19 ▪ And the whole Chapter contains Philosophical Reasoning either to prove , or illustrate the Resurrection ; or to shew the difference of glorified bodies , from these . And S. Peter , in his second Epistle , Chap. 2. shews , that sinful men must expect to be punished , because God spared not the Angels that fell . Instances in this case , are endless ; these may suffice . And thus of the Second thing also which I proposed to make good , viz. That Religion is friendly to Reason , and that appears , in that God himself , our Saviour , and his Apostles owne it ; and use Arguments from it , even in a●…fairs of Faith and Religion . BUT Scripture ; the Rule of Faith is pretended against it ; and other Considerations also : These therefore come next to be considered ; and the dealing with those pretensions was the ( III. ) General I proposed to discuss . AS for Arguments from Scripture against the use of Reason , 'T is alledged ( 1. ) From 1 Cor. 1. where 't is said , That God will destroy the wisdom of the wise , vers . 19. And the world by wisdom knew not God , vers . 21. And not many wise men after the flesh are called , vers . 26. And God chose the foolish things of this world to confound the wise , vers . 27. By which Expressions , of wisdom and wise , 't is presumed that Humane Reason , and rational men , are meant . But these Interpreters mistake the matter much , and as they are wont to do , put arbitrary Interpretations upon Scripture , without ground . For by Wisdom here , there is no cause to understand the Reason of men ; but rather the Traditions of the Jews ; the Philosophy of the disputing ●…reeks ; and the worldly Polrey of the Romans , who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Rulers of that World. That the Jewish learning in their Law is meant , the Apostle intimates , when he a●…ks in a way of Challenge , vers . 20. Where is the Scribe ? And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies one that was skill'd in their Laws , and Customs . And that the Philosophy of the Greeks is to be understood likewise , we have ground to believe from the other question in the same verse ; Where is the Disputer of this World ? Which , though some refer , to the Doctors among the Jews also , yet I humbly think , it may more properly be understood of the Philosophers among the Grecians ; For the Apostle writes to Greeks , and their Philosophy was notoriously contentious . And lastly , that the worldly Policies o●… the Romans are included also , in this Wisdom of this World , which the Apostle vilisies , there is cause to think from the sixth verse of the second Chapter , where he saith , He spake not in the Wisdom of the Princes of this World ; And 't is well known that Policy was their most valued Wisdom ; 〈◊〉 regere imperio — To govern the Nations , and promote the grandeur of their Empire , was the great design , and study of those Princes of this World. Now all these the Apo●…le sets at nought , in the beginning of this Epistle ; Because they were very opposite to the simplicity , and holiness , selfde●…al , and meekness of the Gospel . But what is this to the disadvantage of Reason , to which indeed those sorts of Wisdom are as contrary , as they are to Religion ? And by this I am enabled , ( 2. ) To meet another Objection urged from 1 Cor. 2. 14. But the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . Hence the Enthusiast argues the Universal inability of Reason in things of Religion ; and its Antipathy to them . Whereas I can apprehend no more to be meant by the words , than this , viz. That such kind of natural men as those Scribes , and Disputers , and Politicians , having their minds depraved , and prepossess'd with their own wisdom ▪ were indisposed to receive this , that was so contrary unto it . And they could not know those things of God , because they were spiritual , and so would require a mind that was of a pure , and spiritual frame , viz. free from that earthly Wisdom of all sorts , which counts those thing●… foolishness ; and which by God , is counted so it self . 1 Cor. 3. 19. which place ( 3. ) Is used as another 〈◊〉 against Reason . The Wisdom of this World is foolishness with God : But it can signi●…e nothing to that purpose , to one , that understands , and considers the Apostles meaning . What is meant by the Wisdom of this World here , I have declared already ; And by the former part of my Discourse it appears , that whatever is to be understood by it , our Reason cannot ; since that either proves , or defends all the Articles of Religion . ( 4. ) And when the same Apostle elsewhere , viz. 2 Cor. 1. 12. saith , that They had not their conversation in fleshly wisdom ; we cannot think he meant humane Reason by that ; Reason directs us to live in simplicity , and godly sincerity , which he opposeth to a life in fleshly wisdom . By this therefore , no doubt , he means the Reason of our Appetites , and Passions , which is but sense and imagination ( for these blind guides are the directors of the Wicked ) but not the Reason of our minds , which is one of those lights that illuminate the Consciences of good men , and help to guide their actions . And whereas 't is objected , ( 5. ) From Col. 2. 8. Beware lest any spoil you through Philosophy . I answer , there is nothing can be made of that neither , for the disgrace of Reason ; for the Philosophy the Apostle cautions against , is the same which he warns Timothy of , 1 Tim. 1. 4. Neither give heed to Fables and endless Genealogies that minister Questions ; calling these , prophane , and vain bablings , and oppositions of Science falsely so called , 1 Tim. 6. 20. By all which , learned Interpreters understand the pretended knowledge , of which the Gnosticks boasted , which consisted in the fabulous pedigrees of the Gods under the name of Aeones ; and it may be the Genealogies of which the Jews were so fond , and the disputing Philosophy among the Greeks , which was properly , Science falsely so called , and did minister Questions , and endless strife ; I say 't is very probable these might be comprehended also : But Reason is no otherwise concerned in all this , but as condemning , and reproving these dangerous follies . THUS we see the pretensions from Scripture against Reason are vain . But there are Other Considerations by which it useth to be impugned , as , ( 1. ) OUR Reason is corrupted , and therefore is not sit to meddle in spiritual matters . To this I say , That Reason , a●… it is taken for the faculty of understanding , is very much weakened , and impaired ; It sees but little , and that very dully , through a glass darkly , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 13. And it is very liable to be misled by our senses , and affections , and interests , and imaginations ; so that we many times mingle errors , and false conceits with the genuine dictates of our minds , and appeal to them , as the Principles of Truth , and Reason , wh●…n they are but the vain Images of our Phansies , or the false Conclusions of ignorance , and mistake . If this b●… meant by the corruption of Reason , I grant it ; and all that can be inferred from it will be ; That we ought not to be too bold , and peremptory in defining speculative , and difficult matters ; especially not those , that relate to Religion , nor set our Reasonings against the Doctrines of Faith and Revelation . But this is nothing to the disreputation of Reason in the object , viz. Those Principles of Truth which are written upon our Souls ; or any Conclusions that are deduced from them : These are the same that they ever were , though we discern them not so clearly as the Innocent state did : They may be mistaken , but cannot be corrupted . And as our understandings , by reason of their weakness , and liableness to error , may take fals●…oods for some of those ; or infer falsely from those that are truly such ; so we know , they do the same by the Scriptures themselves , viz. they very often mis-interpret , and very often draw perverse conclusions from them ; And yet we say not , That the Word of God is corrupted , nor is the use of Scripture decryed because of those abuses . But here advantage will be taken to object again , ( 2. ) That since our natural understandings are so weak , and so liable to mistake , they ought not to be used in the affairs of Religion ; and 't will signifie little to us that there are certain Principles of eternal Reason , if we either perceive them not , or cannot use them . To this I answer , That if on this account we must renounce the use of our natural understandings , Scripture will be useless to us also ; For how can we know the meaning of the words that express Gods mind unto us ? How can we compare one Scripture with another ? How can we draw any Consequence from it ? How apply General Propositions to our own particular cases ? How tell what is to be ●…aken in the Letter ; what in the Mystery , what plainly ; what in a Figure ? What according to strict , and rigorous truth ? What by way of accommodation to our apprehensions ? I say , without the exercise of our understandings , using the Principles of Reason , none of these can be done , and without them Scripture will signifie either nothing at all , or very li●…tle , to us . And what can Religion get this way ? This inference therefore is absurd , and impious . All that can justly be concluded from the weakness of our understandings , will be what I intimated before , that we ought to use them with modesty , and caution ; not that we should renounce them . He is a mad-man , who , because his eyes are dim , will therefore put them out . But it may be objected further , ( 3. ) That which men call Reason is infinitely various , and that is reasonable to one , which is very irrational to another ; Therefore Reason is not to be heard . And , I say , Interpretations of Scripture are infinitely various , and one calls that Scriptural , which another calls Heretical ; Shall we conclude therefore , That Scripture is not to be heard ? Reason in it self , is the same all the World over , though mens apprehensions of it are various , as the light of the Sun is one , though colours , its reflexes , are infinite . And where this is , it ought not to be denied , because follies , and falshoods pretend relation to it ; or call themselves by that name . If so , farewel Religion too . But ( 4. ) ' T is Socinianism to plead for Reason in the affairs of Faith , and Religion . And I answer , 'T is gross ●…ticism to plead against it . This ●…me is properly applicable to the enemies of Reason ; But the other of Socinianism is groundlesly applied to those that undertake for it ; and it absurdly supposeth that Socinians are the only rational men ; when as divers of their Doctrines , such as , The Sleep , and natural mortality of the Soul , and utter extinction , and anni●…ilation of the wicked after the day of Judgment , are very ob●…oxious to Philosophy , and Reason . And the Socinians can never be confuted in their other opinions without using Reason to maintain the sense , and interpretation of those Scriptures that are alledged against them . 'T is an easie thing , we know , to give an ugly name to any thing we dislike ; and by this way the most excellent , and sacred things have been made contemptible , and vile . I wish such hasty Censurers would consider before they call names ; No truth is the worse , because rash ignorance hath thrown dirt upon it . I need say no more to these frivolous Objections . Those that alledge Atheism , and tendency to Infidelity against the reverence and use of Reason , are disproved by my whole Discourse : Which shews that the enemies of Reason most usually serve the ends of the Infidel , and the Atheist ; when as a due use of It , destroys the pretensions of both . I COME now ( IV. ) to the Inferences that may be raised from the whole . 1. Reason is certain , and in●… ; This follows from the state I gave of the Nature , and notion of Reason in the beginning . It consists in First Principles , and the Conclusions that are raised from them , and the observations of sense . Now first Principles are certain , or nothing can be so ; for every p●…ssible Conclusion must be drawn from those , or by their help , and every Article of Faith supposeth them . And for the Propositions that arise from those certain Principles , they are certain likewise ; For nothing can follow from truth , but truth in the longest series of deduction . If error creep in , there is ill consequence in the case . And the sort of Conclusions that arise from the observations of sense , if the sense be rightly circumstantiated , and the inference rightly made , are certain also . For if our senses in all their due circumstances deceive us , All is a delusion , and we are sure of nothing : But we know that first Principles are certain , and that our senses do not deceive us , because God , that bestowed them upon us , is true , and good . And we are as much assured that whatever we duely conclude from either of them , is as certain , because whatever is drawn from any Principle , was vertually contained in it . ( 〈◊〉 . ) 〈◊〉 , That Reason is , in a sense , the Word of God. viz. that , which he hath written upon our minds , and hearts ; as Scripture is that , which is written in a Book . The former is the Word , whereby he hath spoken to all Mankind ; the latter is that , whereby he hath declared his Will to the Church , and his peculiar people . Reason is that Candle of the Lord , of which Solomon speaks , Prov. 20. 27. That light , whereby Christ hath enlightned every one that cometh into the world , John 1. 9. And , that Law whereby the Consciences of the Heathen either accuse , or excuse one another , Rom. 2. 15. So that Hi●…rocles spoke well , when he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To be perswaded by God and right Reason is one and the same thing . And Luther called Philosophy , within its own bounds , The Truth of God. ( 3. ) The belief of our Reasons is an exercise of Faith , and Faith is an act of Reason ; The former part is clear , from the last particular , and we believe our Reasons , because we have them from God , who cannot mistake , and will not deceive . So that relying on them , in things clearly perceived , is trust in Gods veracity , and goodness , and that is an exercise of Faith. Thus Luke 12. The not belief of Reason , that suggests from Gods cloathing the Lillies , that He will provide for us , is made by our Saviour , a defect of Faith , vers . 28. O ye of little Faith ! And for the other part , that Faith is an act of Reason , that is evident also : For , 'T is the highest Reason to believe in God revealing . ( 4. ) No Principle of Reason contrad●…ts any Articles of Faith. This follows upon the whole . Faith befriends Reason ; and Reason serves Religion , and therefore They cannot clash . They are both certain , both the truths of God ; and one truth doth not interfere with another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Aristotle , Truth agrees with all things that are . Whatsoever contradicts Faith , is opposite to Reason ; for 't is a fundamental Principle of that , That God is to be believed . Indeed sometimes there is a seeming contradiction between them ; But then , either something is taken for Faith , that is but Phansie ; or something for Reason , that is but Sophistry ; or the supposed contradiction is an error , and mistake . ( 5. ) When any thing is pretended from Reason , against any Article of Faith , we ought not to cut the knot , by denying Reason ; but endeavour to untye it by answering the Argument , and 't is certain it may be fairly answered . For all Hereticks argue either from false Principles , or fallacio●…ly conclude from true ones : So that our Faith is to be defended , not by declaiming against Reason in such a case ( which strengthens the enemy , and , to the great prejudice of Religion , allows Reason on his side ) But we must endeavour to defend it , either by discovering the falshood of the Principles he useth in the name of Reason ; or the ill consequence , which he calls , proof . ( 6. ) When any thing is offered us for an Article of Faith that seems to contradict Reason , we ought to see that there be good cause to believe that this is divinely revealed , and in the sense propounded . If it be , we may be assured from the former Aphorisms , that the contradiction is but an appearance ; and it may be discovered to be so . But if the contradiction be real , This can be no Article of Revelation , or the Revelation hath not this sense . For God cannot be the Author of Contradictions ; and we have seen that Reason , as well as Faith , is his . I mean , the Principles of Natural Truth , as well as those of Revelation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Aristotle , Truth is throughout contrary to falshood ; and what is true in Divinity , cannot be false in Reason . 'T is said indeed in the Talmud , If two Rabbins disfer in Contradictories , yet both have th●…ir Opinions from Moses , and from God. But we are not obliged to such a non-sensi●…al kind of Faith ; And ought not to receive any thing a●… an Article in a sense , that palpably contradicts Reason , no more than we may receive any in a sense that contradicts other Scriptures . Faith , and Reason accord as well as the Old Iestament , and the New ; and the Analogy of Reason is to be ●…ded also , because even that i●… Divine and Sacred . ( 7. ) There is nothing that God hath revealed , to oblige our Faith , but he hath given us reason to believe that he hath revealed it . For though the thing be never so clearly told me , If I have not reason to think , that God is the Revealer of what is so declared , I am not bound to believe , except there be evidence in the thing it self . For 't is not Faith , but vain credulity to believe every thing that pretends to be from God. So that we ought to ask our selves a Reason , why we believe the Scripture to be the Revelation of Gods Will , and ought not to assent to any sense put upon it , till we have ground to think , that that sense is his mind ? I say , we must have ground , either from our particular Reasons , or the Authority of the Church ; otherwise our Faith is vain credulity , and not Faith in God. ( 8. ) A man may hold an erroneous opinion from a mistaken sense of Scripture , and deny what is the truth of the proposition , and what is the right meaning of the Text ; and yet not erre in Faith. For Faith is belief of God revealing : And if God have not so revealed this , or that , as to give us certain ground to believe this to be his sense , he hath not sufficiently revealed it to oblige our Faith. So that , though I deny such , or such a sense , while I believe , it is not from God ; his veracity , and Authority is not concerned , since I am ready however to give a chearful assent to whatever is clearly , and sufficiently revealed . This Proposition follows from the former , and must be understood only of those Doctrines that are difficult , and obscurely delivered : And that many things are so delivered in Scripture , is certain ; For some are only hinted , and spoken occasionally ; some figuratively , and by way of Parable , and Allegory ; some according to mens conceptions ; and some in ambiguous , and Aenigmatical Phrases ; which obs●…urities may occasion mistake in those , who are very ready to believe whatever God saith ; and when they do , I should be loth to say that such erre in Faith ; Though those that wrest plain Texts to a compliance with their interests , and their lusts , Though their affections may bring their judgments to vote with them ; yet theirs is error in Faith with a witness ; and capable of no benefit from this Proposition . ( 9. ) In searching after the sense of Scripture we ought to consult the Principles of Reason , as we do other Scriptures . For we have shewn , That Reason is another part of Gods Word . And though the Scripture be suf●…icient to Its end , yet Reason must be presupposed unto It ; for without this , Scripture cannot be used , nor compared , nor applied , nor understood . ( 10. ) The essentials of Religion are so plainly revealed , that no man can miss them , that hath not a mighty corrupt bias in his will and affections to infatuate and blind his understanding . Those Essentials are contained in the Decalogue and the Creed : Many 〈◊〉 remoter Doctrines may be true , but not Fundamental . For 't is not agreeable to the goodness , or justice of God , that mens eternal interests should d●…pend upon things that are difficult to be understood , and easily mistaken . If they did ; No man could be secure , but that , do what he could , he should perish everlastingly for not believing ; or believing amiss some of those difficult points , that are supposed necessary to salvation ; and all those that are ignorant , and of weak understanding , must perish without help , or they must be saved by implicit Faith in unknown Fundamentals . THESE are some Propositions that follow from my Discourse , and from one another . The be●…ter they are considered , the more their force will be perceived ; and I think they may serve for many very considerable purposes of Religion , Charity , and the peace of mankind . AND now give me leave to speak a word to You , my Bre●…hren of the CLERGY , ( Those , I mean of the Younger sort , for I shall not pr●…sume to teach my Elders . ) You have heard , no doubt , frequent , and earnest declamations against Reason , during the years of your Education , and Youth , we know , receives impressions easily ; And I shall not wonder if you have been possessed with very hard thoughts of this pretended terrible enemy of Faith , and Religion : But did you ever consider deeply since , what ends of Religion , or Sobriety , such vehement defamations of our faculties could serve ? And what Ends of a P●…rty they did ? I hope these things you have pondered , as you ought , and discern the consequent mischie●…s : But yet I shall beg leave ●…o refresh your thoughts with some Considerations of the dangerous tendencies and issues of such Preachments . ( 1. ) To disclaim Reason , as an Enemy to Religion , tends to the introduction of Atheism , Infidelity , and Scep●…icism ; and hath already brought in a flood of these upon us . For what advantage can the Atheist , and Insidel expect greater , than this , That Reason is against Religion ? What do they pretend ? What can they propose more ? If so , there will be no proving , That there is a God ; or , That the Scripture is his Word ; and then we believe gratis ; and our Faith hangs upon humour , and imagination ; and that Religion that depends upon a warm Phansie , an ungrounded belief ▪ stands but , till a disease , or a new conceit alter the Scenc of imagination ; and then down falls the Castle whose soundation was in the Air. 'T was the charge of Julian the Apostate against the Primitive Christians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That their wisdom was to believe ; as if they had no ground for their Faith. And those that renounce , and decry Reason , justifie Julian in his charge . Thus Religion will have no bottom , but the Phansie of every one that prosesseth it ; and how various , and inconstant a thing Imagination is , every man knows . These are the Consequences of the defamations of Reason , on the pretended account of Religion ; and we have seen , in multitudes of deplorable Instances , That they follow in practice , as well as reasoning . Men of corrupt inclinations , suspect that there is No Reason for our Faith , and Religion , and so are upon the borders of quitting it ; And the Enthusiast , that pretends to know Religion best , tells them , that these Suspicions are very true ; and thence the Debauchee gladly makes the desperate Conclusion . And when others also hear Reason disparaged as uncertain , various , and fallacious , they deny all credit to their Faculties , and become confounded Scepticks , that settle in nothing . This I take to have been one of the greatest , and most deadly occasion of the Atheism of our days ; and he that hath rejected Reason , may be one when he pleaseth , and cannot reprehend , or reduce any one , that is so already . ( 2. ) The Denial of Reason in Religion hath been the principal Engine , that Hereticks , and Enthusiasts have used against the Faith ; and that which lays us open to in●…inite follies , and impostures . Thus the Arrians quarrelled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was deduced by consequence , but not expressed in Scripture . The Apollinarists would by no means allow of Reason ; And St. Austin saith of the Donatists , that they did calumniate , and de●…ry It , to raise prejudice against the Catholick Faith ; and elsewhere , Doctores vestri Hominem dialecticum ●…ugiendum potius , & cavendum , quàm refellendum censuerunt . The Ubiquitarians defend their Errors , by denying the judgment of Reason ; and the Macedonians would not have the Deity of the Holy Ghost proved by Consequence . The later Enthusiasts in Germany , and other places , set up loud , and vehement out crys against Reason ; and the Lunaticks among us , ( that agree in nothing else ) do yet sweetly accord in opposing this Carnal Reason ; and this indeed is their common Interest . The impostures of mens Phansies must not be seen in too much light ; and we cannot dream , with our eyes open . Reason would discover the nakedness of Sacred Whimsies ; and the vanity of mysterious non-sense ; This would disparage the darlings of the brain , and cool the pleasant heats of kindled Imagination : And therefore Reason must be decryed , because an enemy to madness ; and Phansie set up , under the Notion of Faith , and Inspiration . Hence men had got the trick , to call every thing that was Consequent , and Reasonable , Vain Philosophy ; and every thing that was Sober , Carnal Reasoning . Religion is set so far above Reason , that at length it is put beyond Sobriety , and Sense ; and then 't was fit to be believed , when 't was impossible to be proved , or understood . The way to be a Christian is ●…irst to be a Brute ; and to be a true Believer , in this Divinity , is to be fit ●…or Bedlam . Men have been taught to put out their eyes , that they might see ; and to hoodwink themselves , that they might avoid the Precipices . Thus have all extravagancies been brought into Religion beyond the Imaginations of a Fever , and the Conceits of Midnight : Whatever is phancied , is certain ; and whatever is vehement , is Sacred ; every thing must be believed , that is dream'd ; and every thing that is absurd , is a Mystery . And by this way , men in our days have been prepared to swallow every thing , but what is sober : whatever is wild , will be suck'd in , like the Air ; but what is reasonable , will be fled like infection . So that if a man would recommend any thing , for his life , to those enemies of Reason , it must be some odd non-sense , in the cloathing of Imagination ; and he that can be the Author of a new kind of madness , shall lead a Party . Thus hath Religion , by the disparagement of Reason , been made a medley of Phantastick trash , spiritualized into an heap of vapours , and formed into a Castle of Clouds ; and exposed to every wind of humour , and Imagination . ( 3. ) By the same way great advantage is given to the Church of Rome : Which those of that Profession know very well ; and therefore Perronius , Gonterius , Arnoldus , Veronius , and other Jesuits , have loudly declaimed against Reason ; and the last mentioned , Veronius , presented the World with a Method to overthrow Hereticks , ( meaning those of the Protestant Faith ) which promised more than ordinary ; And that was , to deny , and renounce all Principles of Reason in affairs of Faith absolutely , and roundly ; and not to vouchsafe an Answer to any Argument agai●…st Transubstantiation , or any other Article of their new Faith ; but point-blank to deny whatever Reason saith , in such matters . And he a●…irms that even these Principles of Reason , viz. Non entis non sunt Attributa ; at omne quod est , quando est , necesse est esse ; and such like which are the foundations of all reasoning , are dangerous to the Catholick Faith ; & therefore not to be heeded . This man speaks out , and affirms directly , and boldly , what the other enemies of Reason imply ; but will not owne . This is a Method to destroy Hereticks in earnest ; but the mischief is , all Christians , and all other Religions , and all other reasonings are cut off by the same Sword. This Book , and Method of Veronius was kindly received by the Pope , priviledged by the King of Spain , approved by Cardinals , Archbishops , Bishops , and all the Gallick Clergy , as solid , and for the advantage of Souls ; and the Sorbone Doctors gave it their approbation , and recommended it as the only way to confute Hereticks . Did these know what they recommended ? And did they , think we , understand the Interest of the Roman Church ? If so , we kindly serve their ends , and promote their Designs in the way , which they account best , while we vili●…ie , and disparage Reason ? If This be renounced in matters of Religion , with what face can we use it against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , or any other Points of the Roman Creed ? Would it not be blameless , and irreproveable for us to give up our und●…rstandings implicitly to the Dictates , and Declarations of that Church ? May we not follow blindly whatever the Infallible Man at Rome , and his Councils , say ? And would it not be vain self-contradiction to use Arguments against their Decrees , though they are never so unreasonable ? Or to alledge Consequences from Scripture against any of their Articles , though never so contrary to the Holy Oracles ? How easily may They rejoyn , when we dispute against them ; You argue from Reason , and by Consequences ; But Reason is dull , and carnal , and an enemy to the things of the Spirit , and not to be heard in the high matters of Religion ? And what can we say next , if we consent to the Accusation ? I say , by this way , we perfectly disable , or grosly contradict our selves in most of our Disputes against the Romanists : And we are very d●…ingenuous in our dealings , while we use Reason against them , and deny It , when 't is urged against our selves by another sort of Adversaries : which implies , that when we say , Reason is not to be heard , we mean , 'T is not to be heard against us ; But It must , against the Church of Rome ; or any others we can oppugn by It. Thus , I say , our denying Reason in Religion is either very humoursom , and partial ; or , 't is a direct yielding up our selves to our enemies , and doing that our selves , which is the only thing They desire , to undo us , and to promote their own interests upon our Rui●…es . And thus , my Brethren , I have represented some of the mischiefs , that arise from the disparagement of Reason ; and they are great ones , and big of many others , and such , as are destructive to all Government , and all the Interests of the sober part of mankind : And I hope I need not intreat You not to contribute to the promoting , and continuance of so false and dangerous a conceit . The assertion of this is properly Fanaticism ; and all that we call so , grows upon it . Here the enemies of our Church , and Government began ; upon this they insisted still ; and filled their Books , and Pulpits , and private corners with these Cantings . This was the Engine to overthrow all sober Principles , and Establishments ; with This the people were infatuated , and credit was reconciled to Gibberish , and Folly ; Enthusiasms , and vain Impulses . This is the food of Conventicles to this day ; the root of their matter , and the burden of their Preachments . Let Reason be ●…eard , and tye them to sense , and most of their Holders-forth have no more to say . Their spirituality , for which they are admired , is besides Reason , and against It , rather than above it ; And while this Principle of the enmity between Reason , and Religion stands , the people will think Them the more Spiritual Preachers , because they are the less reasonable : And while they are abused by such a belief , 't will be impossible for sober men to have any success in their endeavours to convince them . These things I doubt not but you dis●…rn , and know ; and therefore I add no more , for I am sensible to whom I speak . But , there are another sort , and those Conformists too , who are made Divines by the Notes they formerly took from those Canters against Reason ; To such , I should not tell what to say , They will whine on , and vent their Jargon ; to perswade them to speak better sense , is to desire them to hold their peace ; which of all things they hate most . But I hope there ar●… none of Those here ; and I could wish the Government would take special care of them , where they are ; For they are the most dangerous enemies the Church of England hath ; They keep alive the Principles of Phansie , and Faction , which otherwise would go out of themselves . But I let them pass , and conclude with a short Advice to the People . I HAVE in the foregoing Discourse shewn , with all the plainness , and perspi●…y , that I could , the fair agreement between Reason , and Religion ; and the mischiefs that arise from the opinion that sets them at odds . If what I have said be not clear to your minds , 't is because I could not help it : All Subjects are not c●…pable of being made alike plain to all Capacities ; I have all along designed distinct speaking , and 〈◊〉 ( as much as I could ) avoided mixture of Languages , and Terms of Art , that so you might apprehend that , in which I take you to be much concerned , though I chie●…ly intended the Discourse for my Reverend Brethren the Clergie , who I doubt not apprehend it fully . What I have more to say to YOU is , That you would beware of those Teachers that rail against Reason ; For ●…ither they know not what they say ; or have a design to a●…use you . Inst●…ad of hearkening to such , endeavour to be informed of the Reason of your Faith , and Hope : For we are fallen into times , in which you will have frequent occasion to use it : And that Faith which is reasonable will not make you ashamed ; and that Hope which is well grounded will not disappoint you ; But the end of such an Hope , will be the satisfaction of your de●…res , in the day of your expectations ; And the end of such a Faith , the Salvation of your Souls in the day of the Lord Jesus . To whom , with God the Father , and God the Holy Ghost , be ascribed all Glory , and Adoration henceforth , and for ever . FINIS . ADVERTISEMENT . I Thought once to have annex'd a brief Answer to Mr. Stubbe ' s late ridiculous Pamphlet , call'd Campanella reviv'd ; But I have considered , That part of my former Discourse is a Confutation of the most plausible pretences of that idle Paper ; and every Reader , for whose good thoughts any one need be concern'd , is able to answer the other li●…le vain things which those Considerations of mine will not reach : I therefore thought I might save my self the trouble of particular Refl●…ctions ; and indeed I forbore prin●…ipally for this reason , Because 〈◊〉 not proper to have to do with Mr. Stubbe in a Discourse , which ha●… any relation to Religion . Errata . PAg. 26. lin . 3. for received read revived , p. 27. l. ●… for being r. Beings , p. 30. l. 4. for this r. thus , p. 45. l. 7. for disquiet it r. disquiet , p. 47. l. 10. for ●…ncholidor . m●…lancholico . The sheets towards the end of the ●…irst Discourse , and those of the second , I did not s●… till they were publisht , and therefore must leave those Errata to the Readers corr●…ctions . Books Printed for James Collins . A 〈◊〉 Answ to Mr. Henry 〈◊〉 , the Doctor of W●…wick ; wherein the Malignity o●… his T●…mper , 〈◊〉 Hypocri●… of his Pr●… , the 〈◊〉 of his R●…ports , and the 〈◊〉 o●… hi●… Arguings , and Quotations , in 〈◊〉 An●…ns on Plus Ultra , are di●… . By 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . Ob●…s on Mi●…y and Political 〈◊〉 : W●…n by the most ●…nourable George Duk●… o●… Al●… , ●…l . Pr●…s M●… ▪ o●… the univ●… Practice of Physick : Wri●… by 〈◊〉 ●…mous Doctor Br●…ell , Qu●… . Th●… Christian m●…ns Victory ov●…r Death . A S●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the mos●… Honourable George D●… of Al●… . By S●…h Lord Bishop of S●…m . Pr●…d and published by the Kings sp●… Comm●…nd , Qu●… . A priv●… Con●…nce made publick , between a ri●…h A●…an and a poor Country Vicar ; wh●…in is discoursed the Obligation of Oaths which h●…ve been imposed on the Subjects of England , with other ma●…rs relating to the present state of Affairs , O●… . 
A90323	----	Quæstiones in sacra theologia discutiendæ Oxonii in vesperiis, octavo die mensis Julii, Anno Dom. 1671 University of Oxford. 1671 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A90323 Wing O947 ESTC R181260 43078105 ocm 43078105 151627 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . lat University of Oxford -- Examinations. Theology -- Examinations, questions, etc. Philosophy -- Examinations, questions, etc. Broadsides -- England -- Oxford -- 17th century. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion QUAESTIONES IN S. THEOLOGIA DISCUTIENDAE OXONII IN VESPERIIS , Octavo die Mensis Julii , Anno Dom. 1671. Quaestiones Inceptoris THOMAE DVNCOMB è Coll. Corp. Christi . An Liceat praescriptâ formulâ orare ? Aff. An Sacra celebranda sint sermone vernaculo ? Aff. An Liceat Ministris Ecclesiae Stipendia accipere ? Aff. Quaestiones Inceptoris ADAMI LITTLETON ex Aede Christi . An S. S. Scripturae Auctoritas pendeat à Traditione Ecclesiasticâ ? Neg. An Dogmata Fidei rationis humanae examini subjici fas sit ? Neg. An Magistratus habeat potestatem in Adiaphoris ? Aff. Quaestiones Inceptoris NARCISSI MARSH è Coll. Exon. An Bona opera sint ad vitam aeternam necessaria ? Aff. An Lex naturae sit dispensabilis ? Neg. An Liceat Clericis Matrimonium contrahere ? Aff. QVAESTIONES IN JVRE CIVILI DISCVTIENDAE IN VESPERIIS . Quaestiones Incep . JOHANNIS HARISON è Coll. Novo . An In Jure deterior sit conditio Faeminarum quàm Masculorum ? Aff. An Delinquens ultra id quod cogitavit de eventu teneatur ? Aff. An Pro ratione Legis ejus Sententia sit extendenda & restringenda ? Aff. QUAESTIONES IN MEDICINA DISCVTIENDAE IN VESPERIIS . Quaestiones Inceptoris THOMAE ALVET è Coll. Merton . An Febres sedes suas habeant in Corde ? Aff. An Materia ex quâ Lac conficitur sit Sanguis ? Neg. An Similitudo foetûs respectu Parentis fiat ab imaginatione ? Aff. QUAESTIONES IN PHILOSOPHIA DISCVTIENDAE IN VESPERIIS . An Plures sint Mundi ? Neg. An Terra sit mobilis ? Neg. An Animae fiant sapientiores quiescendo ? Neg. Resp . THO. MIDDLETON Incept . è Coll. Novo . QUAESTIONES IN S. THEOLOGIA DISCUTIENDAE OXONII IN COMITIIS , Decimo die Mensis Julii , Anno Dom. 1671. An Patres sub Veteri Testamento habuerint Promissiones tantùm temporales ? Neg. An Sancti sint invocandi ? Neg. An Christus solus sit Mediator ? Aff. Resp . ALEX. PUDSEY , S. Theol. Bac. è Coll. Magd. QUAESTIONES IN JURE CIVILI DISCVTIENDAE IN COMITIIS . An Statuta recipiant interpretationem à Jure communi ? Aff. An Gesta per eum qui per errorem Magistratu functus est , rata sint habenda ? Aff. An Reus Actori instrumenta edere teneatur ? Neg. Resp . ROB. PLOTT ex Aula Magd. QUAESTIONES IN MEDICINA DISCUTIENDAE IN COMITIIS . An Variolae & Morbilli sint morbi maligni ? Neg. An In Variolis & Morbillis regimen frigidum sit prosicuum ? Aff. An Bilis sit excrementum corporis inutile ? Neg. Resp . DAVIDE THOMAS , M. D. è Coll. Novo . QUAESTIONES IN PHILOSOPHIA DISCVTIENDAE IN COMITIIS . An Signatura Corporis sit certus animi index ? Aff. An Ex falsis possit inferri Verum ? Aff. An Imaginatio producat effectus reales ad extra ? Neg. Resp . FRAN. SMITH . A. M. è Coll. Magd. OXONII , Ex Officina LEONARDI LICHFIELD , Academiae Typographi , Anno Dom. 1671. 
A42833	----	The vanity of dogmatizing, or, Confidence in opinions manifested in a discourse of the shortness and uncertainty of our knowledge, and its causes : with some reflexions on peripateticism, and an apology for philosophy / by Jos. Glanvill ... Scepsis scientifica Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1661 Approx. 314 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 145 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42833 Wing G834 ESTC R3090 12267851 ocm 12267851 58119 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42833) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58119) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 186:2) The vanity of dogmatizing, or, Confidence in opinions manifested in a discourse of the shortness and uncertainty of our knowledge, and its causes : with some reflexions on peripateticism, and an apology for philosophy / by Jos. Glanvill ... Scepsis scientifica Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [33], 250, [6] p. Printed by E.C. for Henry Eversden ..., London : 1661. Published also as: Scepsis scientifica, or, Confest ignorance the way to science. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Knowledge, Theory of -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The VANITY of Dogmatizing : OR Confidence in Opinions . Manifested in a DISCOURSE OF THE Shortness and Vncertainty OF OUR KNOWLEDGE , And its CAUSES ; With some Reflexions on Peripateticism ; AND An Apology for PHILOSOPHY . By IOS . GLANVILL , M. A. London , Printed by E. C. for Henry Eversden at the Grey-Hound in St. Pauls-Church-Yard . 1661. TO THE Reverend my ever honored FRIEND , Mr. IOSEPH MYNARD , B. D. SIR , I Dare not approach so much knowledge , as you are owner of , but in the dress of an humble ignorance . The lesser Sporades must vail their light in the presence of the Monarch Luminary ; and to appear before you , with any confidence of Science , were an unpardonable piece of Dogmatizing . Therefore whatever be thought of the Discourse it self , it cannot be censur'd in this application ; And though the Pedant may be angry with me , for shaking his indear'd Opinions ; yet he cannot but approve of this appeal to one , whose very name would reduce a Sceptick . If you give your vote against Dogmatizing : 't is time for the opinionative world , to lay down their proud pretensions : and if such known accomplishments acknowledge ignorance ; confidence will be out of countenance ; and the Sciolist will write on his most presumed certainty ; This is also vanity . Whatever in this Discourse is less consonant to your severer apprehensions , I begge it may be the object of your charity , and candor . I betake my self to the protection of your ingenuity , from the pursuits of your judicious censure . And were there not a benign warmth , as well as light attended you , 't were a bold venture to come within your Beams . Could I divine wherein you differ from me ; I should be strongly induced to note that with a Deleatur ; and revenge the presumption , by differing from my present self . If any thing seem to you to savour too much of the Pyrrhonian : I hope you 'l consider , that Scepticism is less reprehensible in enquiring years , and no crime in a Juvenile exercitation . But I have no design against Science : my indeavour is to promote it . Confidence in uncertainties , is the greatest enemy to what is certain ; and were I a Sceptick , I 'de plead for Dogmatizing : For the way to bring men to stick to nothing , is confidently to perswade them to swallow all things . The Treatise in your hands is a fortuitous , undesigned abortive ; and an aequivocal effect of a very diverse intention : For having writ a Discourse , which formerly I let you know of , of the Soul's Immortality : I design'd a preface to it , as a Corrective of Enthusiasm , in a Vindication of the use of Reason in matters of Religion : and my considerations on that Subject , which I thought a sheet would have comprised , grew so voluminous , as to fill fourteen : which , being too much for a Preface ; I was advised to print apart . And therefore reassuming my Pen , to annex some Additional Inlargements to the beginning ; where I had been most curt and sparing : my thoughts ran out into this Discourse , which now beggs your Patronage : while the two former were remanded into the obscurity of my private Papers : The latter being rendred less necessary by his Majesties much desired , and seasonable arrival ; and the former by the maturer undertakings of the accomplisht Dr. H. More . I have no Apologie to make for my lapses , but what would need a new one . To say they are the Errata's of one that hath not by some years reach't his fourth , Climacterical , would excuse indeed the poverty of my judgement , but criminate the boldness of this Address . Nor can I avoid this latter imputation , but by being more criminal : and to shun this respectful presumption , I must do violence to my gratitude . Since therefore your Obligations have made my fault , my duty ; I hope the same goodness , that gave birth to my crime , will remit it . Hereby you 'l further indear your other favours : and make me as much an admirer of your vertues , as I am a debtor to your civilities : which since I cannot do them right in an acknowledgement ; I 'le acknowledge , by signifying that the greatness of them hath disabled me from doing so : an impotence , which a little charity will render venial ; since it speaks your self its Author . These your indearments will necessitate me to a self-contradiction ; and I must profess my self Dogmatical in this , that I am , SIR , Your most obliged And affectionate Servant JOS. GLANVILL . Cecill house in the Strand , March 1. 1660. The Preface . Reader , TO complain in print of the multitude of Books , seems to me a self-accusing vanity , whilest the querulous Reprehenders add to the cause of complaint , and transgress themselves in that , which they seem to wish amended . 'T is true , the births of the Press are numerous , nor is there less variety in the humors , and phancies of perusers , and while the number of the one , exceeds not the diversity of the other , some will not think that too much , which others judge superfluous . The genius of one approves , what another disregardeth . And were nothing to pass the Press , but what were suited to the universal gusto ; farewel Typography Were I to be Judge , and no other to be gratified , I think I should silence whole Libraries of Authors and reduce the world of Books into a fardle : whereas were another to sit Censor , it may be all those I had spared , would be condemn'd to darkness , and obtain no exemption from those ruines , and were all to be supprest , which some think unworthy light ; no more would be left , then were before Moses , and Trismegistus . Therefore , I seek no applause from the disgrace of others , nor will I Huckster-like discredit any mans ware , to recommend mine own . I am not angry that there are so many Books already , ( bating only the Anomalies of impiety and irreligion ) nor will I plead the necessity of publishing mine from feigned importunities . Those that are taken up with others , are at their liberty to avoid the divertisement of its perusal : and those , to whom 't is not importunate will not expect an apology for its publication . What quarter the world will give it , is above my conjecture . If it be but indifferently dealt with , I am not disappointed . To print , is to run the gantlet , and to expose ones self to the tongue - strapado . If the more generous spirits favour me , let pedants do their worst : there 's no smart in their censure , yea , their very approbation is a scandal . For the design of this Discourse , the Title speaks it . It is levied against Dogmatizing , and attempts upon a daring Enemy , Confidence in Opinions . The knowledge I teach , is ignorance : and methinks the Theory of our own natures , should be enough to learn it us . We came into the world , and we know not how ; we live in 't in a self-nescience , and go hence again and are as ignorant of our recess . We grow , we live , we move at first in a Microcosm , and can give no more Scientifical account , of the state of our three quarters confinement , then if we had never been extant in the greater world , but had expir'd in an abortion ; we are inlarg'd from the prison of the womb , we live , we grow , and give being to our like : we see , we hear , and outward objects affect our other senses : we understand , we will , we imagine , and remember : and yet know no more of the immediate reasons of most of these common functions , then those little Embryo Anchorites : We breath , we talk , we move , while we are ignorant of the manner of these vital performances . The Dogmatist knows not how he moves his finger ; nor by what art or method he turns his tongue in his vocal expressions . New parts are added to our substance , to supply our continual decayings , and as we dye we are born daily ; nor can we give a certain account , how the aliment is so prepared for nutrition , or by what mechanism it is so regularly distributed ; the turning of it into chyle , by the stomachs heat , is a general , and unsatisfying solution . We love , we hate , we joy , we grieve : passions annoy us , and our minds are disturb'd by those corporal aestuations . Nor yet can we tell how these should reach our unbodyed selves , or how the Soul should be affected by these heterogeneous agitations . We lay us down , to sleep away our diurnal cares ; night shuts up the Senses windows , the mind contracts into the Brains centre . We live in death , and lye as in the grave . Now we know nothing , nor can our waking thoughts inform us , who is Morpheus , and what that leaden Key , that locks us up within our senseless Cels : There 's a difficulty that pincheth , nor will it easily be resolved . The Soul is awake , and solicited by external motions , for some of them reach the perceptive region in the most silent repose , and obscurity of night . What is 't then that prevents our Sensations ; or if we do perceive , how is 't , that we know it not ? But we Dream , see Visions , converse with Chimaera's , the one half of our lives is a Romance , a fiction . We retain a catch of those pretty stories , and our awakened imagination smiles in the recollection . Nor yet can our most severe inquiries finde what did so abuse us , or shew the nature , and manner of these nocturnal illusions : When we puzzle our selves in the disquisition , we do but dream , and every Hypothesis is a phancy . Our most industrious conceits are but like their object , and as uncertain as those of midnight . Thus when some dayes , and nights have gone over us , the stroak of Fate concludes the number of our pulses ; we take our leave of the Sun and Moon , and bid mortality adieu . The vital flame is extinct , the Soul retires into another world , and the body to dwell with dust . Nor doth the last Scene yield us any more satisfaction in our autography ; for we are as ignorant how the soul leaves the light , as how it first came into it ; we know as little how the union is dissolved , that is , the chain of the so differing subsistencies , that compound us , as how it first commenced . This then is the creature that so pretends to knowledge , and that makes such a noise , and bustle for Opinions . The instruction of Delphos may shame such confidents into modesty ; and till we have learn't that honest adviso , though from hell , ΓΝΩΘΙ ΣΕΑΥΤΟΝ Confidence is arrogance , and Dogmatizing unreasonable presuming . I doubt not but the opinionative resolver , thinks all these easie Knowables , and the Theories here accounted Mysteries , are to him Revelations . But let him suspend that conclusion till he hath weigh'd the considerations hereof , which the Discourse it self will present him with ; and if he can untie those knots , he is able to teach all humanity , and will do well to oblige mankinde by his informations . I had thought here to have shut up my Preface , being sensible of the taedium of long praeliminaries . But lest the Ingenious stumble at my threshold , and take offence at the seemingly disproportionate excess , which I ascribe to Adam's senses : I 'le subjoyn a word to prevent the scruple . First then , for those that go the way of the Allegorie , and assert pre-existence ; I 'm secure enough from their dissatisfaction . For , that the aetherial Adam could easily sense the most tender touches upon his passive vehicle , and so had a clear and full perception of objects , which we since plung'd into the grosser Hyle are not at all , or but a little aware of ; can be no doubt in their Hypothesis . Nor can there as great a difference be supposed between the senses of eighty , and those of twenty , between the Opticks of the blind Bat and perspicacious Eagle , as there was between those pure un-eclipsed Sensations , and these of our now-embodyed , muddied Sensitive . Now that the prae-existent Adam could so advantageously form his vehicle , as to receive better information from the most distant objects , than we by the most helpful Telescopes ; will be no difficult admission to the friends of the Allegory . So that what may seem a meer hyperbolical , and fanciful display to the Sons of the letter ; to the Allegorists will be but a defective representation of literal realities . And I cannot be obnoxious to their censure , but for my coming short in the description . But I am like more dangerously to be beset by them that go the way of the plain : and 't will be thought somewhat hard , to verifie my Hypothesis of the literal Adam . Indeed , there is difficulty in the Mechanical Defence ; and Dioptrical impugnations are somewhat formidable . For unless the constitution of Adam's Organs was diverse from ours , and from those of his fallen self ; it will to some seem impossible , that he should command distant objects by natural , as we do by artificial advantages . Since those removed bodies of Sun and Stars ( in which I instance ) could form but minute angles in Adam's Retina , and such as were vastly different from those they form in ours assisted by a Telescope . So that granting Adam's eye had no greater Diametrical wideness of the pupil , no greater distance from the Cornea to the Retiformis , and no more filaments of the Optick nerves of which the tunica Retina is woven , than we : the unmeasurable odds of Sensitive perfections which I assign him ; will be conceiv'd mechanically impossible . These difficulties may seem irresistibly pressing , and incapable of a satisfactory solution . But I propound it to the consideration of the Ingenious Objectors , whether these supposed Organical defects might not have been supplyed in our unfallen Protoplast by the vast perfections of his Animadversive , and some other advantageous circumstances : So that though it be granted , that an object at the distance of the Stars could not form in the eye of Adam any angles , as wide as those it forms by the help of a Tube ; yet I think my Hypothesis may stand unshaken . For suppose two Eyes of an equal and like figure , in the same distance from an object ; so that it forms equal angles in both : It may come to pass by other reasons , that one of these Eyes shall see this object bigger then the other : yea , if the difference of the reasons on both sides be so much greater , one Eye shall see it clearly , and the other not at all : For let one of these eyes be placed in an old body , or in a body deprived quite , or in a great measure of those spirits which are allowed the Instruments of sight , or of the due egress and regress of them , in their natural courses and channels ; and let the other have a body of a clean contrary quality ; or let the soul that actuates one of the said eyes , be indued with an higher faculty of Animadversion ( I mean with a greater degree of the Animadversive ability ) than the soul hath , that actuates the other . In either of these cases , the fore-mention'd difformity of vision , will fall out in the same uniform case of Dioptrical advantages . For a little angle made in the Eye , will make as discernible an impression to a Soul of a greater Animadversive power , and assisted by more and meeter instruments of sight ; as a greater angle can make to a soul of a less power , and destitute of those other Instruments , which are as necessary to sight as those Dioptrical conveniencies . So that grant that the object set at the same distance made angles in the eye of Adam , no wider than those it formes in ours ; yet that which we discern not , might have been seen by him , having more and better spirits , and being endued with a stronger Animadversive , according to mine Hypothesis . For there is the same proportion between a great power , and a little help , or a little Angle ; which is between a small power , and a great help , or a great Angle . If all this satisfie not , I begg from the ingenious the favour of this consideration : That some grains must be allow'd to a rhetorical display , which will not bear the rigour of a critical severity . But whether this mine Hypothesis stand or fall , my Discourse is not at all concerned . And I am not so fond of my conjectures , but that I can lay them down at the feet of a convictive opposition . To the Learned Author , of the Eloquent and Ingenious Vanity of DOGMATIZING . POets are but Libe'lers , I implore no Muse ; Parnassian praise is an abuse . Call up the Spirit of Philosophy : Your worth 's disgrac't by Poetry . Summon Des-Cartes , Plato , Socrates : Let this great Triad speak your praise . Other Encomiasts that attempt , set-forth Their own defects , and not your worth . As if a Chamber-light should dare essay , To gloss the beauty of the day . He that thinks fully to describe it , dreams : You 're only seen by your own beams ▪ And only Eagle-eyes can bear that light ; Your strength and lustre blindes weak sight . Let pedants quarrel with th' light that detects Their belov'd vanities and defects . And let the Bat , assoon as day 's begun , Commence a suit against the Sun. Let reprehended Dogmatizers stamp ; And the scorch't Moore curse Heavens lamp : While nobler souls , that understand what 's writ , Are debtors to your strength and wit. You have remov'd the old Antipathy 'Tween Rhetorick , and Philosophy : And in your Book have cloath'd Socratick sense , In Demosthenian Eloquence . Yo 've smooth'd the Satyr , and the wanton have Reform'd and made Rhetorick grave . And since your Pen hath thus oblig'd them both , 'T is fit they club t' express your worth . H. Darsy , Esq To his Worthy Friend Mr. IOSEPH GLANVILL ; Upon the Vanity of DOGMATIZING in Philosophy , displayed in his Ingenious Book . NO controversies do me please , Unless they do contend for Peace : Nor scarce a demonstration , But such as yours ; which proves , there 's none . Doubful I liv'd , and doubtful die : Thus ΑΥΤΟΣ gave Ε'ΦΗ the lye ; And with his own more aged Criticks , Expung'd his Youthful Analyticks . To make my Shrift , that certain I Am only of Uncertainty ; Is no less glorious , then due , After the Stagirite and You : I am absolved , if the Hand Of great Apollo's Priest may stand . You have made Ignorance a Boast : Pride hath its ancient channel lost ; Like Arethusa , only found By those , that follow 't under ground ▪ Title your Book , The Works of MAN ; The Index of the Vatican : Call it Arts Encyclopaedy ; The Universal Pansophy ; The State of all the Questions , Since Peter Lumbard , solv'd at once ; Ignorance in a learned dress , Which Volumes teach , but not profess ; The Learning which all Ages knew , Being Epitomiz'd by you . You teach us doubting ; and no more Do Libraries turn'd o're and o're : Take up the Folio , that comes next , 'T will prove a Comment on your Text ; And the Quotation would be good , If BODLEY in your Margin stood . A. Borfet , M. A. TO HIS Ingenious Friend the Author , on his Vanity of DOGMATIZING . LEt vaunting Knowledge now strike sail , And unto modest Ign'rance vail . Our firmest Science ( when all 's done ) Is nought but bold Opinion . He that hath conquer'd every Art Th' Encyclopaedy all by heart ; Is but some few conjectures better Than he that cannot read a letter . If any certainty there be , 'T is this , that there 's no certaintie . Reason's a draught that do's display , And cast its aspects ev'ry way . It do's acknowledge no back parts , 'T is fac'd like Ianus : and regard's Opposite sides ; what one frowns on , T'other face sweetly smiles upon . Then may the Sciolist hereby Correct his Metoposcopy . Let him , e're censure reason , found And view her lineaments all round . And since that Science he has none , Let him with you his nescience owne . Weakness acknowledged is best : And imperfection when confest . Meek and unboasting Ignorance , Is but a single impotence : But when 't is clad in high profession , 'T is then a double imperfection . A silly Ape struttingly drest , Would but appear the greater jest . But your example teacheth us To become less ridiculous . He that would learn , but what you show , The narrow bounds of what men know : And would but take a serious view , Of the foundations with you : He 'd scarce his confidence adventure , On bottomes which are so unsure . In disquisitions first gust It would be Shipwrackt , sunk , and lost . P. H. READER , That the Author may not be accountable for more faults , then his own ; he desires thee to correct , or at least to take notice of these Typographical mistakes : some of which are less considerable , but others , if unobserv'd , may disturb the sense , and render the meaning less obvious : thou art therefore requested to exercise thine ingenuity , in pardoning the Printer ; and thy justice , in doing right to the Author . ERRATA . Page . line . read . 20. 5. unite . 22. 2. apprehenders . 24. 9. spirits . 25. 7. spontaneous . 27. 7. principles and. 28. 27. motions . 29. 21. conceive it . 41. 10. considerations . 42. 11. composition . 60. 6. makes . 67. 16. and our . 70. 12. of reason . 99. 25. mad , that . 102. 5. be what . 103. 26. of . 113. 9. cousenage . 129. 20. the world . 140. 1. the best . Books newly published . A perfect History of The Civil Warrs of Great Brittain and Ireland , by an Impartial pen , in folio . Britannia Baconica , or the Natural Rarities of England , Scotland and Wales , as they are to be found in every Shire , in octavo . The Vanity of DOGMATIZING ; OR , Confidence in Opinions . CHAP. I. A display of the Perfections of Innocence , with a conjecture at the manner of Adams knowledge , viz. that it was by the large extent of his Senses ; founded upon the supposition of the perfection of his Faculties , and induc'd from two Philosophick principles . OUr misery is not of yesterday , but as antient as the first Criminal , and the ignorance we are involved in , almost coaeval with the humane nature ; not that we were made so by our God , but our selves ; we were his creatures , sin and misery were ours . To make way for what follows , we will go to the root of our antient happiness , and now ruines , that we may discover both what the Man was , and what the Sinner is . The Eternal Wisdome having made that Creature whose crown it was to be like his Maker , enrich't him with those ennoblements which were worthy him that gave them , and made no less for the benefit of their receiver , then the glory of their Author . And as the Primogenial light , which at first was difused over the face of the unfashion'd Chaos , was afterwards by Divine appointment gathered into the Sun and Stars , and other lucid bodies , which shine with an underived lustre : so those scatter'd perfections which are divided among the several cantons of created beings , were as it were constellated and summ'd up in this Epitome of the greater World , MAN. His then blisful injoyments anticipated the aspires to be like GODS ; being in a condition not to be added to , as much as in desire ; and the unlikeness of it to our now miserable , because Apostate , state , makes it almost as impossible to be conceiv'd , as to be regain'd . A condition which was envied by creatures that nature had plac't a sphaere above us , and such as differ'd not much from glory , and blessed immortality , but in perpetuity and duration . For since the most despicable and disregarded pieces of decay'd nature , are so curiously wrought , and adorned with such eminent signatures of Divine wisdome , as speak it their Author , and that after a curse brought upon a disorder'd Universe ; what think we was done unto him whom the King delighted to honour ? and what was the portion of He●●ens Favorite , when Omniscience it self sat in Councel to furnish him with all those accomplishments which his specifick capacity could contain ? which questionless were as much above the Hyperbolies that fond Poetry bestowes upon its admired objects , as their flatter'd beauties are really below them . The most refined glories of subcoelestial excellencies are but more faint resemblances of these . For all the powers and faculties of this copy of the Divinity , this meddal of God , were as perfect as beauty and harmony in Idea . The soul was not clogg'd by the inactivity of its masse , as ours ; nor hindered in its actings , by the distemperature of indisposed organs . Passions kept their place , as servants of the higher powers , and durst not arrogate the Throne , as now : no countermands came hence , to repeal the decretals of the Regal faculties ; that Batrachomyomachia of one passion against an other , and both against reason , was yet unborn . Man was never at odds with himself , till he was at odds with the commands of his Maker . There was no jarring or disharmony in the faculties , till sin untun'd them . He could no sooner say to one power go , but it went , nor to another do this , but it did it . Even the senses , the Souls windows , were without any spot or opacity ; to liken them to the purest Crystal , were to debase them by the comparison ; for their acumen and strength depending on the delicacy and apt disposure of the organs and spirits , by which outward motions are conveyed to the judgement-seat of the Soul : those of Innocence must needs infinitely more transcend ours , then the senses of sprightful youth doth them of frozen decrepit age . Adam needed no Spectacles . The acuteness of his natural Opticks ( if conjecture may have credit ) shew'd him much of the Coelestial magnificence and bravery without a Galilaeo's tube : And 't is most probable that his naked eyes could reach near as much of the upper World , as we with all the advantages of art . It may be 't was as absurd even in the judgement of his senses , that the Sun and Stars should be so very much , less then this Globe , as the contrary seems in ours ; and 't is not unlikely that he had as clear a perception of the earths motion , as we think we have of its quiescence . Thus the accuracy of his knowledge of natural effects , might probably arise from his sensible perception of their causes . What the experiences of many ages will scarce afford us at this distance from perfection , his quicker senses could teach in a moment . And whereas we patch up a piece of Philosophy from a few industriously gather'd , and yet scarce well observ'd or digested experiments , his knowledge was compleatly built , upon the certain , extemporary notice of his comprehensive , unerring faculties . His sight could inform him whether the Loadstone doth attract by Atomical Effluviums ; which may gain the more credit by the consideration of what some affirm ; that by the help of Microscopes they have beheld the subtile streams issuing from the beloved Minerall . It may be he saw the motion of the bloud and spirits through the transparent skin , as we do the workings of those little industrious Animals through a hive of glasse . The Mysterious influence of the Moon , and its causality on the seas motion , was no question in his Philosophy , no more then a Clocks motion is in ours , where our senses may inform us of its cause . Sympathies and Antipathies were to him no occult qualities . Causes are hid in night and obscurity from us , which were all Sun to him . Now to shew the reasonableness of this Hypothesis , I 'le suppose what I think few will deny ; That God adorn'd that creature which was a transcript of himself , with all the perfections its capacity could bear . And that this great extent of the senses Horizon was a perfection easily competible to sinless humanity , will appear by the improvement of the two following principles . First , as far as the operation of nature reacheth , it works by corporeal instruments . If the Coelestial lights influence our Earth , and advance the Production of Minerals in their hidden beds , it is done by material communications . And if there be any virtue proceeding from the Pole , to direct the motion of the enamour'd steel ( however unobserv'd those secret influences may be ) they work not but by corporal Application . Secondly , Sense is made by motion , caus'd by bodily impression on the organ , and continued to the brain , and centre of perception . Hence it is manifest that all bodies are in themselves sensible , in as much as they can impress this motion , which is the immediate cause of sensation : And therefore , as in the former Principle , the most distant efficients working by a corporeal causality , if it be not perceiv'd , the non-perception must arise from the dulness and imperfection of the faculty , and not any defect in the object . So then , is it probable that the tenuous matter the instrument of remoter agents , should be able to move , and change the particles of the indisposed clay or steel , and yet not move the ductile easie senses of perfected man ? Indeed we perceive not such subtile insinuations , because their action is overcome by the strokes of stronger impressors , and we are so limited in our perceptions , that we can only attend to the more vigorous impulse : but this is an imperfection incident to our degraded natures , which infinite wisdom easily prevented in his innocent Master-piece : Upon such considerations , to me it appears to be most reasonable , that the circumference of our Protoplast's senses , should be the same with that of natures activity : unless we will derogate from his perfections , and so reflect a disparagement on him that made us . And I am the more perswaded of the concinnity of this notion , when I consider the uncouth harshness either of the way of actuall concreated knowledge , or of infant growing faculties ; neither of which methinks seem to be much favour'd by our severer reasons . Thus I have given a brief account of what might have been spun into Volumes ; a full description of such perfections cannot be given but by him that hath them ; an attainment which we shall never reach , till mortality be swallowed up of life . CHAP. II. Our Decay and Ruins by the fall , descanted on . Of the now Scantness of our Knowledge : with a censure of the Schoolmen , and Peripatetick Dogmatists . BUt 't is a miserable thing to have been happy : and a self-contracted wretchedness , is a double one . Had felicity alwayes been a stranger to humanity , our now misery had been none ; and had not our selves been the Authors of our ruines , less . We might have been made unhappy , but since we are miserable , we chose it . He that gave them , might have taken from us our extern injoyments , but none could have robb'd us of innocence but our selves . That we are below the Angels of God , is no misery , 't is the lot of our natures ; but that we have made our selves like the beasts that perish , is so with a witness , because the fruit of our sin . While man knew no sin , he was ignorant of nothing else , that it imported humanity to know : but when he had sinned , the same trangression that opened his eyes to see his own shame , shut them against most things else , but it , and his newly purchased misery . With the nakedness of his body , he saw that of his soul ; and the blindness , and disaray of his faculties , which his former innocence was a stranger to : and that that shew'd them him , made them . Whether our purer intellectuals , or only our impetuous affections , were the prime authors of the anomie , I dispute not : sin is as latent in its first cause , as visible in its effects ; and 't is the mercy of heaven that hath made it easier to know the cure , then the rise of our distempers . This is certain , that our masculine powers are deeply sharers of the consequential mischiefs , and though Eve were the first in the disobedience , yet was Adam a joint partaker of the curse . We are not now like the creatures we were made , and have not only lost our Makers image , but our own : And do not much more transcend the creatures , which God and nature have plac't at our feet , then we come short of our antient selves ; a proud affecting to be like Gods , hath made us unlike Men. For whereas our ennobled understandings could once take the wings of the morning , to visit the world above us , and had a glorious display of the highest form of created excellencies , it now lies groveling in this lower region , muffled up in mists , and darkness : the curse of the Serpent is fallen upon degenerated humanity , that it should go on its belly , and lick the dust . And as in the Cartesian hypothesis , the Planets sometimes lose their light , by the fixing of the impurer scum ; so our impaired intellectuals , which were once as pure light and flame in regard of their vigour and activity , are now darkned by those grosser spots , which our disobedience hath contracted . And our now overshadow'd souls ( to whose beauties stars were foils ) may be exactly emblem'd , by those crusted globes , whose influential emissions are intercepted , by the interposal of the benighting element , while the purer essence is imprison'd within the narrow compasse of a centre . For these once glorious lights , which did freely shed abroad their harmeless beams , and wanton'd in a larger circumference , are now pent up in a few first principles ( the naked essentials of our faculties ) within the straight confines of a Prison . And whereas knowledge dwelt in our undepraved natures , as light in the Sun , in as great plenty , as purity ; it is now hidden in us like sparks in a flint , both in scarcity , and obscurity . For considering the shortness of our intellectual sight , the deceptibility and impositions of our senses , the tumultuary disorders of our passions , the prejudices of our infant educations , and infinite such like ( of which an after oecasion will befriend us , with a more full and particular recital ) I say , by reason of these , we may conclude of the science of the most of men , truly so called , that it may be truss'd up in the same room with the Iliads , yea it may be all the certainty of those high pretenders to it , the voluminous Schoolmen , and Peripatetical Dictators , ( bating what they have of first Principles and the Word of God ) may be circumscrib'd by as small a circle , as the Creed , when Brachygraphy had confin'd it within the compass of a penny . And methinks the disputes of those assuming confidents , are like the controversie of those in Plato's den , who having never seen but the shadow of an horse trajected against a wall , eagerly contended , whether its neighing proceeded from the appearing Mane , or Tail , which they saw moving through the agitation of the substance , playing in the winde : so these in the darker cels of their imagin'd principles , violently differ about the shadowes and exuviae of beings , words , and notions , while for the most part they ignore the substantial realities ; and like children make babies , for their phancies to play with , while their useless subtilties afford but little intertain to the nobler faculties . But many of the most accomplish't wits of all ages , whose modesty would not allow them to boast of more then they were owners of , have resolv'd their knowledge into Socrates his summe total , and after all their pains in quest of Science , have sat down in a profest nescience . It is the shallow unimprov'd intellects that are the confident pretenders to certainty ; as if contrary to the Adage , Science had no friend but Ignorance . And though when they speak in the general of the weakness of our understandings , and the scantness of our knowledge , their discourse may even justifie Scepticism it self ; yet in their particular opinions are as assertive and dogmatical , as if they were omniscient . To such , as a curbe to confidence , and an evidence of humane infirmities even in the noblest parts of Man , I shall give the following instances of our intellectual blindness : not that I intend to poze them with those common Aenigma's of Magnetism , Fluxes , Refluxes and the like , these are resolv'd into a confest ignorance , and I shall not persue them to their old Asylum : and yet it may be there is more knowable in these , then in lesse acknowledg'd mysteries : But I 'le not move beyond our selves , and the most ordinary and trivial Phaenomena in nature , in which we shall finde enough to shame confidence , and unplume Dogmatizing . CHAP. III. Instances of our Ignorance propounded , ( 1 ) of things within our selves . The nature of the Soul , and its origine , glanc'd at and past by ; ( 1 ) It 's union with the body is unconceivable : So ( 2 ) is its moving the body , consider'd either in the way of Sir K. Digby , Des-Cartes , or Dr. H. More , and the Platonists . ( 3 ) The manner of direction of the Spirits , as unexplicable . IN the prosecution of our intendment wee 'll first instance in some things in the generall , which concern the soul in this state of terrestriall union ; and then speak more particularly to some faculties within us , a scientificall account of which mortality is unacquainted with . Secondly we intend to note some mysteries , which relate to matter and Body . And Thirdly to shew the unintelligible intricacy of some ordinary appearances . § 1. It 's a great question with some what the soul is . And unlesse their phancies may have a sight and sensible palpation of that more clarified subsistence , they will prefer infidelity , it self to an unimaginable Idea . I 'le onely mind such , that the soul is seen , as other things , in the Mirrour of its effects , and attributes : But , if like children they 'll run behind the glass to see its naked face , their expectation will meet with nothing but vacuity & emptiness . And though a pure Intellectual eye may have a sight of it in reflex discoveries ; yet , if we affect a grosser touch , like Ixiō we shal embrace a cloud . § 2. And it hath been no less a trouble to the world to determine whence it came , then what it is . Whether it were made by an immediate creation , or seminall traduction , hath been a Ball of contention to the most learned ages : And yet after all the bandying attempts of resolution it is as much a question as ever , and it may be will be so till it be concluded by immortality . Some ingenious ones think the difficulties , which are urged by each side against the other , to be pregnant proofs of the falshood of both ; and substitute an hypothesis , which for probability is supposed to have the advantage of either . But I shall not stir in the waters , which have been already mudded by so many contentious enquiries . The great St. Austin , and others of the gray heads of reverend Antiquity have been content to sit down here in a profest neutrality : And I 'le not industiously endeavour to urge men to a confession of what they freely acknowledge ; but shall note difficulties which are not so usually observ'd , but as insoluble as these . § 3. It is the saying of divine Plato , that Man is natures Horizon ; dividing betwixt the upper Hemisphere of immateriall intellects , and this lower of Corporeity : And that we are a Compound of beings distant in extreams , is as clear as Noon . But how the purer Spirit is united to this clod , is a knot too hard for fallen Humanity to unty . What cement should unite heaven and earth , light and darkness , natures of so divers a make , of such disagreeing attributes , which have almost nothing , but Being , in common ; This is a riddle , which must be left to the coming of Elias . How should a thought be united to a marble-statue , or a sun-beam to a lump of clay ! The freezing of the words in the air in the northern climes , is as conceivable , as this strange union . That this active spark , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ as the Stoicks call it ] should be confined to a Prison it can so easily pervade , is of less facill apprehension , then that the light should be pent up in a box of Crystall , and kept from accompanying its source to the lower world : And to hang weights on the wings of the winde seems far more intelligible . In the unions , which we understand , the extreams are reconciled by interceding participations of natures , which have somewhat of either . But Body and Spirit stand at such a distance in their essentiall compositions , that to suppose an uniter of a middle constitution , that should partake of some of the qualities of both , is unwarranted by any of our faculties , yea most absonous to our reasons ; since there is not any the least affinity betwixt length , breadth and thickness , and apprehension , judgement and discourse : The former of which are the most immediate results [ if not essentials ] of Matter , the latter of Spirit . § 4. Secondly , We can as little give an account , how the Soul moves the Body . That , that should give motion to an unwieldy bulk , which it self hath neither bulk nor motion ; is of as difficil an apprehension , as any mystery in nature . For though conceiving it under some phancied appearance , and pinning on it materiall affections , the doubt doth not so sensibly touch us ; since under such conceptions we have the advantage of our senses to befriend us with parallels , and gross appre●henders may not think it any more strange , then that a Bullet should be moved by the rarified fire , or the clouds carryed before the invisible winds : yet if we defaecate the notion from materiality , and abstract quantity , locality and all kind of corporeity from it , and represent it to our thoughts either under the notion of the ingenious Sir K. Digby as a pure Mind and Knowledge , or as the admir'd Des-Cartes expresses it , une chose qui pense , as a thinking substance ; it will be as hard to apprehend , as that an empty wish should remove Mountains : a supposition which if realized , would relieve Sisyphus . Nor yet doth the ingenious hypothesis of the most excellent Cantabrigian Philosopher , of the souls being an extended penetrable substance , relieve us ; since , how that which penetrates all bodies without the least jog or obstruction , should impress a motion on any , is by his own confession alike inconceivable . Neither will its moving the Body by a vehicle of Spirits , avail us ; since they are Bodies too , though of a purer mould . And to credit the unintelligibility both of this union and motion , we need no more then to consider , that when we would conceiue any thing which is not obvious to our senses , we have recourse to our memories the store-house of past observations : and turning over the treasure that is there , seek for something of like kind , which hath formerly come within the notice of our outward or inward senses . So that we cannot conceive any thing , which comes not within the verge of our senses ; but either by like experiments which we have made , or at least by some remoter hints which we receive from them . And where such are wanting , I cannot apprehend how the thing can be conceived . If any think otherwise , let them carefully examine their thoughts : and , if they finde a determinate intellection of any Modes of Being , which were never in the least hinted to them by their externall or internall senses ; I 'le beleeve that such can realize Chimaera's . But now in the cases before us there are not the least footsteps , either of such an Union , or Motion , in the whole circumference of sensible nature : And we cannot apprehend any thing beyond the evidence of our faculties . § 5. Thirdly , How the soul directs the Spirits for the motion of the Body according to the several animal exigents ; is as perplex in the theory , as either of the former . For the meatus , or passages , through which those subtill emissaries are conveyed to the respective members , being so almost infinite , and each of them drawn through so many meanders , cross turnings , and divers roades , wherein other spirits are continually a journeying ; it is wonderfull , that they should exactly perform their regular destinations without losing their way in such a wilderness : neither can the wit of man tell how they are directed . For that they are carried by the manuduction of a Rule , is evident from the constant steddyness and regularity of their motion into the parts , where their supplies are expected : But , what that regulating efficiency should be , and how managed ; is not easily determin'd . That it is performed by meer Mechanisme , constant experience confutes ; which assureth us , that our sponta●●eous motions are under the Imperium of our will. At least the first determination of the Spirits into such or such passages , is from the soul , what ever we hold of the after conveyances ; of which likewise I think , that all the philosophy in the world cannot make it out to be purely Mechanicall . But yet though we gain this , that the soule is the principle of direction , the difficulty is as formidable as ever . For unless we allow it a kinde of inward sight of the Anatomicall frame of its owne body of every vein , muscle , and artery ; of the exact site , and position of them , with their severall windings , and secret chanels : it is as unconceivable how it should be the Directrix of such intricate motions , as that a blind man should manage a game at Chess . But this is a kinde of knowledge , that we are not in the least aware of : yea many times we are so far from an attention to the inward direction of the spirits , that our employ'd mindes observe not any method in the outward performance ; even when 't is manag'd by variety of interchangeable motions , in which a steady direction is difficult , and a miscariage easy . Thus an Artist will play a Lesson on an instrument without minding a stroke ; and our tongues will run divisions in a tune not missing a note , even when our thoughts are totally engaged elsewhere : which effects are to be attributed to some secret Art of the Soul , which to us is utterly occult , and without the ken of our Intellects . CHAP. IV. ( 4 ) We can give no account of the manner of Sensation : nor ( 5 ) of the nature of the Memory . It is consider'd according to the philosophy of Des-Cartes , Sir K. Digby , Aristotle and Mr. Hobbs , and all ineffectuall . Some other unexplicables mention'd . § 6. BUt besides those abstrusities , that lie more deep , and are of a more mysterious alloy ; we are at a loss for a scientificall account even of our Senses , the most knowable of our facultyes . Our eyes , that see other things , see not themselves : And those princip●●●● foundations of knowledge are themselvs unknown . That the soul is the sole Percipient , which alone hath animadversion and sense properly so called , and that the Body is only the receiver and conveyer of corporeall impressions , is as certain , as Philosophy can make it . Aristotle himself teacheth so much in that Maxime of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Plato credits this position with his suffrage ; affirming , that 't is the soul that hath life and sense , but the body neither . But this is so largly prosecuted by that wonder of men , the Great Des-Cartes , and is a Truth that shines so clear in the Eyes of all considering men ; that to goe about industriously to prove it , were to light a candle to seek the Sun : we 'll therefore suppose it , as that which needs not amuse us ; but yet , what are the instruments of sensible perceptions and particular conveyers of outward motions to the seat of sense , is difficult : and how the pure mind can receive information from that , which is not in the least like it self , and but little resembling what it represents ; I think inexplicable . Whether Sensation be made by corporall emissions and materiall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by motions imprest on the Aethereall matter , and carryed by the continuity thereof to the Common sense ; I 'le not revive into a Dispute : The ingenuity of the latter hath already given it almost an absolute victory over its Rivall . But suppose which we will , there are doubts not to be solv'd by either . For how the soule by mutation made in matter a substance of another kind , should be excited to action ; and how bodily alterations and motions should concern it , which is subject to neither ; is a difficulty which confidence may triumph over sooner , then conquer . For body connot act on any thing but by motion ; motion cannot be received but by quantative dimension ; the soul is astranger to such gross substantiality , and hath nothing of quantity , but what it is cloathed with by our deceived phancies ; and therefore how can we conceive under a passsive subjection to material impressions ? and yet the importunity of pain , and unavoydableness of sensations strongly perswade , that we are so . Some say , that the soul indeed is not passive under the materiall phantasms ; but doth only intuitively view them by the necessity of her Nature , and so observes other things in these there representatives . But how is it , and by what Art doth the soul read that such an image or stroke in matter [ whether that of her vehicle , or of the Brain , the case is the same ] signifies such an object ? Did we learn such an Alphabet in our Embryo-state ? And how comes it to pass , that we are not aware of any such congenite apprehensions ? We know what we know ; but do we know any more ? That by diversity of motions we should spell out figures , distances , magnitudes , colours , things not resembled by them ; we must attribute to some secret deduction . But what this deduction should be , or by what mediums this Knowledge is advanc'd ; is as dark , as Ignorance it self . One , that hath not the knowledge of Letters , may see the Figures ; but comprehends not the meaning included in them : An infant may hear the sounds , and see the motion of the lips ; but hath no conception conveyed by them , not knowing what they are intended to signify . So our souls , though they might have perceived the motions and images themselves by simple sense ; yet without some implicit inference it seems inconceivable , how by that means they should apprehend their Archetypes . Moreover images and motions are in the Brain in a very inconsiderable latitude of space ; and yet they represent the greatest magnitudes . The image of an Hemisphere of the upper Globe cannot be of a wider circumference , then a Wall-nut : And how can such petty impressions notifie such vastly expanded objects , but through some kind of Scientifical method , and Geometry in the Principle ? without this it is not conceivable how distances should be perceiv'd , but all objects would appear in a cluster , and lie in as narrow a room as their images take up in our scanter Craniums . Nor will the Philosophy of the most ingenious Des-Cartes help us out : For that striking upon divers filaments of the brain cannot well be supposed to represent their respective distances , except some such kind of Inference be allotted us in our faculties ; the concession of which will only steed us as a Refuge for Ignorance , where we shall meet , what we would seem to shun . § . 7. The Memory is a faculty whose nature is as obscure , and hath as much of Riddle in it as any of the former ; It seems to be an Organical Power , because bodily distempers often marr its Idea's , and cause a total oblivion : But what instruments the Soul useth in her review of past impressions , is a question which may drive Enquiry to despair . There are four principal Hypotheses by which a Resolution hath been attempted . The first that I 'le mention , is that of the incomparable Des-Cartes , who gives this account : The Glandula pinealis , by him made the seat of Common Sense , doth by its motion impel the Spirits into divers parts of the Brain ; till it find those wherein are some tracks of the object we would remember ; which consists in this , viz. That the Pores of the Brain , through the which the Spirits before took their course , are more easily opened to the Spirits which demand re-entrance ; so that finding those pores , they make their way through them sooner then through others : whence there ariseth a special motion in the Glandula , which signifies this to be the object we would remember . A second is , that of the ingenious Sir K. Digby , a summary of which is , That things are reserved in the memory by some corporeal exuviae and material Images ; which having impinged on the Common sense , rebound thence into some vacant cells of the Brain , where they keep their ranks and postures in the same order that they entred , till they are again stirr'd up ; and then they slide through the Fancy , as when they were first presented . These are the endeavours of those two Grand Sages , then whom it may be the Sun never saw a more learned pair . And yet as a sad evidence of the infirmities of laps'd humanity : these great Sophi fail here of their wonted success in unridling Nature . And I think Favour it self can say no more of either Hypothesis , then that they are ingenious attempts . Nor do I speak this to derogate from the Grandeur of their Wits us'd to Victory : I should rather confer what I could to the erecting of such Trophies to them , as might eternize their Memories . And their coming short here , I think not to be from defect of their personal abilities , but specifick constitution ; and the doubt they leave us in , proceeds from hence , that they were no more then men . I shall consider what is mentioned from them apart , before I come to the other two : And what I am here about to produce , is not to argue either of these Positions of Falseness ; but of Unconceiveableness . In the general , what hath been urg'd under the former head , stands in full force against both these , and them that follow . But to the first ; If Memory be made by the easie motion of the Spirits through the opened passages , according to what hath been noted from Des-Cartes ; whence have we a distinct Remembrance of such diversity of Objects , whose Images without doubt pass through the same apertures ? And how should we recall the distances of Bodies which lye in a line ? Or , is it not likely , that the impell'd Spirits might light upon other Pores accommodated to their purpose through the Motion of other Bodies through them ? Yea , in such a pervious substance as the Brain , they might finde an easie either entrance , or exit , almost every where ; and therefore to shake every grain of corn through the same holes of a Sieve in repeated winnowings , is as easie to be performed as this to be conckived . Besides , it 's difficult to apprehend , but that these avennues should in a very short time be stopped up by the pressure of other parts of the matter , through its natural gravity , or other alterations made in the Brain : And the opening of other vicine passages might quickly obliterate any tracks of these : as the making of one hole in the yeelding mud , defaces the print of another near it ; at least the accession of enlargement , which was derived from such transitions , would be as soon lost , as made . But for the second , How is it imaginable , that those active particles , which have no cement to unite them , nothing to keep them in the order they were set , yea , which are ever and anon justled by the occursion of other bodies , whereof there is an infinite store in this Repository , should so orderly keep their Cells without any alteration of their site or posture , which at first was allotted them ? And how is it conceivable , but that carelesly turning over the Idea's of our mind to recover something we would remember , we should put all the other Images into a disorderly floating , and so raise a little Chaos of confusion , where Nature requires the exactest order . According to this account , I cannot see , but that our Memories would be more confused then our Mid-night compositions : For is it likely , that the divided Atomes which presented themselves together , should keep the same ranks in such a variety of tumultuary agitations , as happen in that liquid Medium ? An heap of Ants on an Hillock will more easily be kept to an uniformity in motion ; and the little bodies which are incessantly playing up and down the Air in their careless postures , are as capable of Regularity as these . Much more m●ght be added , but I intend only a touch . But a Third way , that hath been attempted , is that of Aristotle , which says , that Objects are conserved in the Memory by certain intentional Species , Beings , which have nothing of Matter in their Essential Constitution , but yet have a necessary subjective dependence on it , whence they are called Material . To this briefly . Besides that these Species are made a Medium between Body and Spirit , and therefore partake of no more of Being , then what the charity of our Imaginations affords them ; and that the supposition infers a creative energie in the object their producent , which Philosophy allows not to Creature-Efficients : I say , beside these , it is quite against their nature to subsist , but in the presence and under the actual influence of their cause ; as being produc'd by an Emanative Causality , the Effects whereof dye in the removal of their Origine . But this superannuated conceit deserves no more of our remembrance , then it contributes to the apprehension of it . And therefore I pass on to the last . Which is that of Mr. Hobbs , that Memory is nothing else but the knowledge of decaying Sense , which is made by the reaction of one body against another ; or , as he expresses it in his Humane Nature , a Missing of Parts in an Object . The foundation of this Principle [ as of many of its fellows ] is totally evers't by the most ingenious Commentator upon Immaterial Beings , Dr. H. More in his book Of Immortality . I shall therefore leave that cause in the hands of that most learned undertaker , and only observe two things to my present purpose . ( 1 ) . Neither the Brain , nor Spirits , nor any other material substance within the Head can for any considerable space of time conserve motion . The former is of such a clammy consistence , that it can no more retain it then a Quagmire : And the spirits for their liquidity are more uncapable then the fluid Medium , which is the conveyer of Sounds , to persevere in the continued repetition of vocal Airs . And if there were any other substance within us , as fitly temper'd to preserve motion , as the Author of the opinion could desire : Yet ( 2. ) which will equally press against either of the former , this motion would be quickly deadned even to an utter cessation , by counter-motions ; and we should not remember any thing , but till the next impression . Much less can this Principle give an account , how such an abundance of motions should orderly succeed one another , as things do in our memories : And to remember a soug or tune , it will be required , that our Souls be an Harmony more then in a Metaphor● continually running over in a silent whisper those Musical accents which our retentive faculty is preserver of . Which could we suppose in a single Instance ; yet a multitude of Musical Consonancies would be as impossible , as to play a thousand tunes on a Lute at once . One motion would cross and destroy another ; all would be clashing and discord : And the Musicians Soul would be the most disharmonious : For according to the tenour of this opinion , our memories will be stored with infinite variety of divers , yea contrary motions , which must needs interfere , thwart , and obstruct on another : and there would be nothing within us , but Ataxy and disorder . § . 8. Much more might be added of the difficulties , which occurr touching the Understanding , Phancy , Will , and Affections . But the Controversies hereabout , are so hotly manag'd by the divided Schools , and so voluminously every where handled ; that it will be thought better to say nothing of them , then a little . The sole difficulties about the Will , its nature , and sequency to the Understanding , &c. have almost quite baffled inquiry , and shewn us little else , but that our Understandings are as blind as it is . And the grand question depending hereon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; I think will not be ended , but by the final abolition of its object . They , that would lose their Knowledge here , let them diligently inquire after it . Search will discover that Ignorance , which is as invincible , as its Cause . These Controversies , like some Rivers , the further they run , the more they are hid . And I think a less account is given of them now , then some Centuries past ; when they were a subject of debate to the pious Fathers . CHAP. V. How our Bodies are form'd unexplicable . The Plastick signifies nothing ; the Formation of Plants , and Animals unknown , in their Principle . Mechanisme solves it not . A new way propounded , which also fails of satisfaction . ( 2. ) No account is yet given how the parts of Matter are united . Some Considerations on Des-Cartes his Hypothesis , it fails of Solution . ( 3. ) The Question is unanswerable , whether Matter be compounded of Divisibles , or Indivisibles . THerefore we 'l pass on to the next , the consideration of our Bodies , which though we see , and feel , and continually converse with ; yet its constitution , and inward frame is an America , a yet undiscovered Region . The saying of the Kingly Prophet , I am wonderfully made , may well be understood of that admiration , which is the Daughter of Ignorance . And with reverence it may be applyed , that in seeing we see , and understand not . Three things I 'le subjoyn concerning this Sensible matter , the other part of our compositoin . § . 1. That our bodies are made according to the most curious Artifice , and orderly contrivance , cannot be denyed even by them , who are least beholden to Nature . The elegance of this composure , sav'd the great Aesculapius , Galen , from a profest Atheism . And I cannot think that the branded Epicurus , Lucretius , and their fellows were in earnest , when they resolv'd this composition into a fortuitous range of Atoms . To suppose a Watch , or any other the most curious Automaton by the blind hits of Chance , to perform diversity of orderly motions , to indicate the hour , day of the Moneth , Tides , age of the Moon , and the like , with an unparallel'd exactness , and all without the regulation of Art , this were the more pardonable absurdity . And that this admirable Engine of our Bodies , whose functions are carryed on by such a multitude of parts , and motions , which neither interfere , nor impede one another in their operations ; but by an harmonious Sympathy promote the perfection and good of the whole : That this should be an undesign'd effect , is an assertion , that is more then Melancholies Hyperbole . I say therefore , that if we do but consider this Fabrick with minds unpossest of an affected madness ; we will easily grant , that it was some skilful Archeus who delineated those comely proportions , and hath exprest such exactly Geometrical elegancies in its compositions . But what this hidden Architect should be , and by what instruments and art this frame is erected ; is as unknown to us , as our Embryo-thoughts . The Plastick faculty is a fine word : But what it is , how it works , and whose it is , we cannot learn ; no , not by a return into the Womb ; neither will the Platonick Principles unriddle the doubt : For though the Soul be supposed to be the Bodies Maker , and the builder of its own house ; yet by what kind of Knowledge , Method , or Means , is as unknown : and that we should have a knowledge which we know not of , is an assertion , which some say , hath no commission from our Faculties . The Great Des-Cartes will allow it to be no better , then a downright absurdity . But yet should we suppose it , it would be evidence enough of what we aim at . Nor is the composition of our Bodies the only wonder : we are as much non-plust by the most contemptible Worm , and Plant , we tread on . How is a drop of Dew organiz'd into an Insect , or a lump of Clay into animal Perfections ? How are the Glories of the Field spun , and by what Pencil are they limn'd in their unaffected bravery ? By whose direction is the nutriment so regularly distributed unto the respective parts , and how are they kept to their specifick uniformities ? If we attempt Mechanical solutions , we shall never give an account , why the Wood-cock doth not sometimes borrow colours of the Mag-pye , why the Lilly doth not exchange with the Daysie , or why it is not sometime painted with a blush of the Rose ? Can unguided matter keep it self to such exact conformities , as not in the least spot to vary from the species ? That divers Limners at a distance without either copy , or designe , should draw the same Picture to an undistinguishable exactness , both in form , colour , and features ; this is more conceivable , then that matter , which is so diversified both in quantity , quality , motion , site , and infinite other circumstances , should frame it self so absolutely according to the Idea of its kind . And though the fury of that Apelles , who threw his Pencil in a desperate rage upon the Picture he had essayed to draw , once casually effected those lively representations , which his Art could not describe ; yet 't is not likely , that one of a thousand such praecipitancies should be crowned with so an unexpected an issue . For though blind matter might reach some elegancies in individual effects ; yet specifick conformities can be no unadvised productions , but in greatest likelyhood , are regulated by the immediate efficiency of some knowing agent : which whether it be seminal Forms , according to the Platonical Principles , or what ever else we please to suppose ; the manner of its working is to us unknown ▪ or if these effects are meerly Mechanical ; yet to learn the method of such operations may be , and hath indeed been ingeniously attempted ; but I think cannot be performed to the satisfaction of severer examination . That all bodies both Animal , Vegetable , and Inanimate , are form'd out of such particles of matter , which by reason of their figures , will not cohaere or lie together , but in such an order as is necessary to such a specifical formation , and that therein they naturally of themselves concurre , and reside , is a pretty conceit , and there are experiments that credit it . If after a decoction of hearbs in a Winter-night , we expose the liquor to the frigid air ; we may observe in the morning under a crust of Ice , the perfect appearance both in figure , and colour , of the Plants that were taken from it . But if we break the aqueous Crystal , those pretty images dis-appear and are presently dissolved . Now these airy Vegetables are presumed to have been made , by the reliques of these plantal emissions whose avolation was prevented by the condensed inclosure . And therefore playing up and down for a while within their liquid prison , they at last settle together in their natural order , and the Atomes of each part finding out their proper place , at length rest in their methodical Situation , till by breaking the Ice they are disturbed , and those counterfeit compositions are scatter'd into their first Indivisibles . This Hypothesis may yet seem to receive further confirmation , from the artificial resurrection of Plants from their ashes , which Chymists are so well acquainted with : And besides , that Salt dissolved upon fixation returns to its affected cubes , the regular figures of Minerals , as the Hexagonal of Crystal , the Hemi-sphaerical of the Fairy-stone , the stellar figure of the stone Asteria , and such like , seem to look with probability upon this way of formation . And I must needs say 't is handsomly conjectur'd . But yet what those figures are , that should be thus mechanically adapted , to fall so unerringly into regular compositions , is beyond our faculties to conceive , or determine . And how those heterogeneous atomes ( for such their figures are supposed ) should by themselves hit so exactly into their proper residence in the midst of such tumultuary motions , cross thwartings , and arietations of other particles , especially when for one way of hitting right , there are thousands of missing ; there 's no Hypothesis yet extant can resolve us . And yet had heaven afforded that miracle of men , the Illustrious Des-Cartes a longer day on earth , we might have expected the utmost of what ingenuity could perform herein : but his immature Fate hath unhappily disappointed us ; and prevented the most desirable Complement of his not to be equall'd Philosophy . § . 2. ( 2. ) It 's no less difficult to give an account , how the Parts of the Matter of our Bodies are united : For though superficial Enquirers may easily satisfie themselves by answering , that it is done by muscles , nerves , and other like strings and ligaments , which Nature hath destin'd to that office ; yet , if we seek for an account how the parts of these do cohere , we shall find the cause to be as latent , as the effect of easie discovery . Nothing with any shew of success hath yet appeared on the Philosophick Stage , but the opinion of Des-Cartes ; that the Parts of Matter are united by Rest. Neither can I conceive , how any thing can be substituted in its room , more congruous to reason ; since Rest is most opposite to Motion , the immediate cause of disunion . But yet I cannot see , how this can satisfie , touching the almost indissolvible coherence of some bodies , and the fragility and solubility of others : For if the Union of the Parts consist only in Rest ; it would seem that a bagg of dust would be of as firm a consistence as that of Marble or Adamant : a Bar of Iron will be as easily broken as a Tobacco-pipe ; and Bajazets Cage had been but a sorry Prison . The Aegyptian Pyramids would have been sooner lost , then the Names of them that built them ; and as easily blown away , as those inverst ones of smoke . If it be pretended for a difference , that the parts of solid bodies are held together by hooks , and angulous involutions ; I say , this comes not home : For the coherence of the parts of these hooks [ as hath been noted ] will be of as difficult a conception , as the former : And we must either suppose an infinite of them holding together on one another ; or at last come to parts , that are united by a meer juxta-position : Yea , could we suppose the former , yet the coherence of these , would be like the hanging together of an infinite such of Dust : which Hypothesis would spoil the Proverb , and a rope of sand , should be no more a phrase for Labour in vain : For unless there be something , upon which all the rest may depend for their cohesion ; the hanging of one by another , will signifie no more then the mutual dependence of causes and effects in an infinite Series , without a First : the admission of which , Atheism would applaud . But yet to do the Master of Mechanicks right ; somewhat of more validity in the behalf of this Hypothesis may be assign'd : Which is , that the closeness and compactness of the Parts resting together , doth much confer to the strength of the union : For every thing continues in the condition , wherein it is , except something more powerful alter it : And therefore the parts , that rest close together , must continue in the same relation to each other , till some other body by motion disjoyn them . Now then , the more parts there are pen't together , the more able they will be for resistence ; and what hath less compactness , and by consequence fewer parts , according to the laws of motion will not be able to effect any alteration in it . According to what is here presented , what is most dense , and least porous , will be most coherent , and least discerpible . And if this help not , I cannot apprehend what can give an account of the former instances . And yet even this is confuted by experience ; since the most porous , spongy bodies are oft-times the most tough in consistence . 'T is easier to break a tube of Glass or Crystal , then of Elm or Ash : And yet as the parts of the former are more , so they are more at rest ; since the liquid juyce , which is diffused through the parts of the Wood , is in a continual agitation , which in Des-Cartes his Philosophy is the cause of fluidity ; and a proportion'd humidity conferr's much to union [ Sir K. Digby makes it the Cement it self ] ; a dry stick will be easily broken , when a green one will maintain a strong resistence : and yet in the moist substance there is less rest , then in what is , dryer and more fragill . Much more might be added : But I 'le content my self with what 's mentioned ; and , notwithstanding what hath been said , I judge this account of that most miraculous wit to be the most ingenuous and rational , that hath or [ it may be ] can be given . I shall not therefore conclude it false ; though I think the emergent difficulties , which are its attendants , unanswerable : which is proof enough of the weakness of our now Reasons , which are driven to such straights and puzzles even in things which are most obvious , and have so much the advantage of our faculties . § . 3. The composition of bodies , whether it be of Divisibles or Indivisibles , is a question which must be rank'd with the Indissolvibles : For though it hath been attempted by the most illustrious Wits of all Philosophick Ages ; yet they have done little else , but shewn their own divisions to be almost as infinite , as some suppose those of their Subject . And notwithstanding all their shifts , subtilties , newly invented Words and Modes , sly subterfuges , and studyed evasions ; yet the product of all their endeavours , is but as the Birth of the labouring Mountains , Wind and Emptiness . Do what they can ; Actual Infinite extension every where , Equality of all bodies , Impossibility of Motion , and a world more of the most palpable absurdities will press the assertors of infinite divisibility . Neither can it be avoided , but that all motions would be equal in velocity , the lines drawn from side to side in a Pyramid , may have more parts then the Basis , all bodies would be swallow'd up in a point , and endless more inconsistences , will be as necessarily consequential to the opinion of Indivisibles . But intending only to instance in difficulties , which are not so much taken notice of ; I shall refer the Reader , that would see more of this , to Oviedo , Pontius , Ariaga , Carelton , and other Iesuites : whose management of this subject with equal force on either side , is a strong presumption of what we drive at . CHAP. VI. Difficulties about the Motion of a Wheel , which admit of no Solution . BEsides the already mention'd difficulties , even the most ordinary trivial occurrents , if we contemplate them in the Theory , will as much puzzle us , as any of the former . Under this head I 'le add three rhings touching the Motion of a wheel , and conclude this . § . 1. And first , if we abstractly consider it , it seems impossible that a wheel should move : I mean not the progressive , but that Motion which is meerly on its own Centre . And were it not for the information of Experience , it 's most likely that Philosophy had long ago concluded it impossible : For let 's suppose the wheel to be divided according to the Alphabet . Now in motion there is a change of place , and in the motion of a wheel there is a succession of one part to another in the same place ; so that it seems unconceivable that A. should move until B. hath left its place : For A. cannot move , but it must acquire some place or other . It can acquire none but what was B's , which we suppose to be most immediate to it . The same space cannot contain them both . And therefore B. must leave its place , before A. can have it ; Yea , and the nature of succession requires it . But now B. cannot move , but into the place of C ; and C. must be out , before B. can come in : so that the motion of C. will be pre-required likewise to the motion of A ; & so onward till it comes to Z. Upon the same accounts Z. will not be able to move , till A. moves , being the part next to it : neither will A. be able to move [ as hath been shown ] till Z. hath . And so the motion of every part will be pre-requir'd to it self . Neither can one evade , by saying , that all the parts move at once . For ( 1. ) we cannot conceive in a succession but that something should be first , and that motion should begin somewhere . ( 2. ) If the parts may all change places with one another at the same time without any respect of priority , and posteriority to each others motion : why then may not a company of Bullets closely crowded together in a Box , as well move together by a like mutual and simultaneous exchange ? Doubtless the reason of this ineptitude to motion in this position is , that they cannot give way one to another , and motion can no where begin because of the plenitude . The case is just the same in the instance before us ; and therefore we need go no further for an evidence of its inconceivableness . But yet to give it one touch more according to the Peripatetick niceness , which says , that one part enters in the same instant that the other goes out : I 'le add this in brief : In the instant that B. leaves its place , it 's in it , or not : If so ; then A. cannot be in it in the same instant without quantative penetration . If not ; then it cannot be said to leave it in that instant , but to have left it before . These difficulties , which pinch so in this obvious experiment , stand in their full force against all Motion on the Hypothesis of absolute plenitude . Nor yet have the Defenders hereof need to take notice of them , because they equally press a most sensible Truth . Neither is it fair , that the opposite opinion of interspers'd vacuities should be rejected as absurd upon the account of some inextricable perplexities which attend it . Therefore let them both have fair play ; and which soever doth with most ease and congruity solve the Phaenomena , that shall have my vote for the most Philosophick Hypothesis . § . 2. It 's a difficulty no less desperate then the former , that the parts vicine to the centre , which it may be pass not over the hundredth part of space which those do of the extreme circumference , should describe their narrower circle but in equal time with those other , that trace so great a round . If they move but in the same degree of Velocity ; here is then an equality in time and motion , and yet a vast inequality in the acquired space . A thing which seems flatly impossible : For is it conceivable , that of two bodies setting forth together , and continuing their motion in the same swiftness , the one should so far out-go its fellow , as to move ten mile an hour , while the other moves but a furlong ? If so , 't will be no wonder , that the race is not to the swift , and the furthest way about may well be the nearest way home . There is but one way that can be attempted to untie this knot ; which is , by saying , that the remoter and more out-side parts move more swiftly then the central ones . But this likewise is as unconceivable as what it would avoid : For suppose a right line drawn from the centre to the circumference , and it cannot be apprehended , but that the line should be inflected , if some parts of it move faster then others . I say if we do abstractedly from experience contemplate it in the theory , it is hard to conceive , but that one part moving , while the other rests , or at least moves slower ( which is as rest to a swifter motion ) should change its distance from it , and the respect , which it had to it ; which one would think should cause an incurvation in the line . § . 3. I 'le add only this one , which is an experiment that may for ever silence the most daring confidence . Let there be two wheels fixt on the same Axel in Diameter ten inches a piece . Between them let there be a little wheel , of two inches Diameter , fixed on the same Axel . Let them be moved together on a plane , the great ones on the ground suppose , and the little one on a Table [ for because of its parvitude it cannot reach to the same floor with them ] And you 'l find that the little wheel will move over the same space in equal time with equal circulations , with the great ones , and describe as long a line . Now this seems bigg of repugnancies , though Sense it self suffragate to its truth : For since every part of the greater wheels makes a proportionable part of the line , as do the parts of the little one , and the parts of those so much exceeding in multitude the parts of this : It will seem necessary that the line made by the greater wheels should have as many parts more then the line made by the less , as the wheels themselves have in circumference , and so the line would be as much longer as the wheels are bigger : so that one of these absurdities is unavoidable , either that more parts of the greater wheels go to the making one part of their lines , which will inferr a quantitative penetration ; or that the little wheel hath as many parts as the great ones , though five times in Diameter exceeded by them , since the lines they describe are of equal length ; or the less wheel's line will have fewer parts then the others , though of equal extent with them , since it can have no more parts then the less circle , nor they fewer then the greater . But these are all such repugnancies , as that Melancholy it self would scarse own them . And therefore we may well enter this among the unconceivables . Should I have enlarged on this Subject to the taking in of all things that claim a share in 't , it may be few things would have been left unspoken to , but the Creed . Philosophy would not have engross'd our Pen , but we must have been forced to anger the Intelligences of higher Orbs. But intending only a glance at this rugged Theam , I shall forbear to insist more on it , though the consideration of the Mysteries of Motion , Gravity , Light , Colours , Vision , Sound , and infinite such like [ things obvious , yet unknown ] might have been plentiful subject . I come now to trace some of the causes of our Ignorance and Intellectual weakness : and among so many it 's almost as great a wonder as any of the former ; that we can say , we know . CHAP. VII . Mens backwardness to acknowledge their own Ignorance and Error , though ready to find them in others . The ( i ) cause of the Shortness of our Knowledge , viz. the depth of Verity discours't of , as of its admixtion in mens Opinions with falsehood , and the connexion of truths , and their mutual dependence : A second Reason of the shortness of our Knowledge , viz. because we can perceive nothing but by proportion to our Senses . THe Disease of our Intellectuals is too great , not to be its own Diagnostick : And they that feel it not , are not less sick , but stupidly so . The weakness of humane understanding , all will confess : yet the confidence of most in their own reasonings , practically disowns it : And 't is easier to perswade them it from others lapses then their own ; so that while all complain of our Ignorance and Error , every one exempts himself . It is acknowledged by all , while every one denies it . If the foregoing part of this Discourse , have not universally concluded our weakness : I have one Item more of my own . If Knowledge can be found in the Particulars mention'd ; I must lose that , which I thought I had , That there is none . But however , though some should pick a quarrel with the instances I alleadged ; yet the conclusion must be owned in others . And therefore beside the general reason I gave of our intellectual disabilities , The Fall ; it will be worth our labour to descend to a more particular account : since it is a good degree of Knowledge to be acquainted with the causes of our Ignorance . And what we have to say under this head , will be comprehensive both of the causes of that , and ( which are the effects thereof ) of our misapprehensions and Errours . § . 1. And first , one cause of the little we know may be , that Knowledge lies deep , and is therefore difficult ; and so not the acquist of every careless Inquirer . Democritus his Well hath a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Truth floats not . The useless froth swims on the surface ; but the Pearl lies cover'd with a mass of Waters . Verisimilitude and Opinion are an easie purchase ; and these counterfeits are all the Vulgars treasure : But true Knowledge is as dear in acquisition , as rare in possession . Truth , like a point or line , requires an acuteness and intention to its discovery ; while verisimility , like the expanded superficies , is an obvious sensible on either hand , and affords a large and easie field for loose enquiry . And 't is the more difficult to find out Verity , because it is in such inconsiderable proportions scattered in a mass of opinionative uncertainty ; like the Silver in Hiero's Crown of Gold : And it is no easie piece of Chymistry to reduce them to their unmixed selves . The Elements are no where pure in these lower Regions ; and if there is any free from the admixtion of another , sure 't is above the concave of the Moon : Neither can any boast of a knowledge , which is depurate from the defilement of a contrary , within this Atmosphear of flesh ; it dwels no where in unblended proportions , on this side the Empyreum . All Opinions have their Truth , and all have what is not so ; and to say all are true and none , is no absurdity . So that to crown our selfs with sparks , which are almost lost in such a world of heterogeneous natures , is as difficult as desirable . Besides , Truth is never alone ; to know one will require the knowledge of many . They hang together in a chain of mutual dependence ; you cannot draw one link without many others . Such an Harmony cannot commence from a single string ; diversity of strokes makes it . The beauty of a Face is not known by the Eye , or Nose ; it consists in a symmetry , and 't is the comparative faculty which votes it : Thus is Truth relative , and little considerable can be attain'd by catches . The Painter cannot transcribe a face upon a Transient view ; it requires the information of a fixt and observant Eye : And before we can reach an exact sight of Truth 's uniform perfections , this fleeting Transitory our Life , is gone . Thus we see the face of Truth , but as we do one anothers , when we walk the streets , in a careless Pass-by : And the most diligent observers , view but the back-side o' th' Hangings ; the right one is o' th' other side the Grave : so that our Knowledge is but like those broken ends , at best a most confused adumbration . Nature , that was veil'd to Aristotle , hath not yet uncover'd , in almost two thousand years . What he sought on the other side of Euripus , we must not look for on this side Immortality . In easie disquisitions we are often left to the uncertainty of a guess : yea after we have triumph'd in a supposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a new-sprung difficulty marrs our Ovations , and exposeth us to the Torment of a disappointment : so that even the great Master of Dogmatists himself concludes the Scene with an Anxius vixi , Dubius morior . § . 2. Another reason of our ignorance and the narrowness of our apprehensions may arise hence ; That we cannot perceive the manner of any of Natures operations , but by proportion to our senses , and a return to material phantasms . A blind man cannot conceive colours , but either as some audible , gustable , odoriferous , or tactile qualities ; and when he would imagine them , he hath questionless recourse to some of these , in an account of which his other senses befriend him . Thus more perfect apprehenders misconceive Immaterials : Our imaginations paint Souls and Angels in as dissimilar a resemblance . Thus had there not been any night , shadow , or opacity ; we should never have had any determinate conceit of Darkness ; That would have been as inconceiveable to us , as its contrary is to him that never saw it . But now our senses being scant and limited , and Natures operations subtil and various ; they must needs transcend , and out-run our faculties . They are only Natures grosser wayes of working , which are sensible ; Her finer threads are out of the reach of our feeble Percipient , yea questionless she hath many hidden Energies , no wayes imitated in her obvious peices : and therefore it is no wonder that we are so often at a loss ; an infirmity beyond prevention , except we could step by step follow the tracks and methods of Infinite Wisdom , which cannot be done but by him that owns it . CHAP. VIII . A third reason of our Ignorance and Error , viz. the impostures and deceits of our Senses . The way to rectifie these mis-informations propounded . Des-Cartes his method the only way to Science . The difficulty of exact performance . § . 3. ANother reason is the Imposture and fallacy of our Senses , which impose not only on common Heads , who scarce at all live to the higher Principle ; But even more refined Mercuries , who have the advantages of an improved reason to disabuse them , are yet frequently captivated to these deceiving Prepossessions : appealing to a Judicature both uncommissioned and unjust ; and when the clearest Truth is to be tryed by such Judges , its innocence will not secure it from the condemning award of that unintelligent Tribunal : For since we live the life of Brutes , before we grow into Man ; and our Understandings in this their Non-age , being almost meerly Passive to sensible Impressions , receiving all things in an uncontroverted and promiscuous admission : It cannot be , that our Knowledge should be other , then an heap of Mis-conception and Error , and conceits as impertinent as the toys we delight in . All this while , we have no more ●o reason , then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ as Plotinus cals it ] amounts to . And besides this our easie submission to the sophistications of sense , and inability to prevent the miscarriages of our Iunior Reasons ; that which strikes the great stroke toward our after-deceptions , is the pertinacious adherence of many of these first Impressions to our Graduate Understandings . That which is early received , if in any considerable strength of Impress , as it were grows into our tender natures , and is therefore of difficult remove . Thus a fright in Minority , or an Antipathy then contracted , is not worn out but with its subject . And it may be more then a Story , that Nero derived much of his cruelty from the Nurse that suckled him . Now though our coming Judgments do in part undeceive us , and rectifie the grosser Errors which our unwary Sensitive hath engaged us in ; yet others are so flesht in us , that they maintain their interest upon the deceptibility of our decayed Natures , and are cherish't there , as the legitimate issues of our reasonable faculties . Indeed Sense it self detects its more palpable deceits , by a counter-evidence ; and the more ordinary Impostures seldom out-live the first Experiments . If our sight represent a Staff as crooked in the water ; the same faculty rectifies both it , and us , in the thinner Element . And if a square Tower seem round at a distance ; the eye , which mistook in the circumstance of its figure , at that remove , corrects the mistake in a due approach : Yea , and befriends those who have learn'd to make the advantage of its informations , in more remote and difficil discoveries . And though his Sense occasion the careless Rustick to judge the Sun no bigger then a Cheese-fat ; yet sense too by a frugal improvement of its evidence , grounds the Astronomers knowledge , that it 's bigger then this Globe of Earth and Water . Which it doth not only by the advantageous assistance of a Tube , but by less industrious experiments , shewing in what degrees Distance minorates the Object . But yet in inifinite other cases , wherein sense can afford none , or but very little help to dis-intangle us ; our first deceptions lose no ground , but rather improve in our riper years : so that we are not weaned from our child-hood , till we return to our second Infancy ; and even our Gray heads out-grow not those Errors , which we have learn't before the Alphabet . Thus our Reasons being inoculated on Sense , will retain a rellish of the stock they grow upon : And if we would endeavour after an unmixed Knowledge ; we must unlive our former lives , and ( inverting the practise of Penelope ) undo in the day of our more advanc'd understandings , what we had spun in the night of our Infant-ignorance . He that would rebuild a decayed structure , must first pluck down the former ruines . A fabrick , though high and beautiful , if founded on rubbish , is easily made the triumph of the winds : And the most pompous seeming Knowledge , that 's built on the unexamin'd prejudices of Sense , stands not , but till the storm arise ; the next strong encounter discovers its weakness , in a shameful overthrow . And now since a great part of our scientifical Treasure is most likely to be adulterate , though all bears the image and superscription of Verity ; the only way to know what is sophisticate , and what is not so , is to bring all to the Examen of the Touchstone : For the prepossessions of sense having ( as is shewen ) so mingled themselves with our Genuine Truths , and being as plausible to appearance as they ; we cannot gain a true assurance of any , but by suspending our assent from all , till the deserts of each , discover'd by a strict enquiry , claim it . Upon this account I think the method of the most excellent Des-Cartes not unworthy its Author ; and ( since Dogmatical Ignorance will call it so ) a Scepticism , that 's the only way to Science . But yet this is so difficult in the impartial and exact performance , that it may be well reckon'd among the bare Possibilities , which never commence into a Futurity : It requiring such a free , sedate , and intent minde , as it may be is no where found but among the Platonical Idea's . Do what we can , Prejudices will creep in , and hinder our Intellectual Perfection : And though by this means we may get some comfortable allay to our distempers ; yet can it not perfectly cure us of a disease , that sticks as close to us as our natures . CHAP. IX . Two Instances of Sensitive deception . ( 1 ) Of the Quiescence of the Earth . Sense is the great inducement to its belief ; its testimony deserves no credit in this case , though it do move , Sense would present it as immoveable . The Sun to Sense is as much devoid of motion as the Earth . Four Cases in which motion is insensible , viz. ( 1 ) If it be very swift . ( 2 ) If it be steddy and regular . ( 3 ) If very slow . ( 4 ) If the Sentient partake of it . Applyed to the Earths motion . The unweildiness of its bulk is no argument of its immobility . NOw before I leave this , I shall take the opportunity , which this head offers , to endeavour the detection of some grand prejudices of sense , in two instances ; the free debate of which I conceive to be of great importance , though hitherto for the most part obstructed , by the peremptory conclusion of sense , which yet I shall declare to have no suffrage in the case of either : And the pleasantness and concernment of the Theories , if it be one , I hope will attone the Digression . § . 2. First , it is generally opinion'd , that the Earth rests as the Worlds centre , while the Heavens are the subject of the Universal Motions ; And , as immoveable as the Earth , is grown into the credit of being Proverbial . So that for a man to go about to counter-argue this common belief , is as fruitless as to whistle against the windes . I shall not undertake to maintain the Paradox , that stands diameter to this almost Catholick Opinion . It s assertion would be entertained with the hoot of the Rabble : the very mention of it as possible , is among the most ridiculous ; and they are likely most severely to judge it , who least understand the Cause . But yet the Patronage of as great Wits , as it may be e're saw the Sun , such as Pythagoras , Des-Cartes , Copernicus , Galilaeo , More , Kepler , &c. hath gain'd it a more favourable censure with the learned World ; and advanc'd it far above either vain , or contemptible . And if it be a mistake , it 's only so : There 's no Heresie in such an harmless aberration ; at the worst , with the ingenuous ; the probability of it will render it a lapse of easie Pardon . Now whether the Earth move or rest , I undertake not to determine . My work is to prove , that the common inducement to the belief of its quiescence , the testimony of sense , is weak and frivolous : to the end , that if upon an unprejudiced tryal , it be found more consonant to the Astronomical Phaenomena ; its Motion may be admitted , notwithstanding the seeming contrary evidence of unconcerned Senses . And I think what follows will evince , that this is no so absurd an Hypothesis , as Vulgar Philosophers account it ; but that , though it move , its motion must needs be as insensible , as if it were quiescent : and the assertion of it would then be as uncouth and harsh to the sons of Sense , that is , to the generality of Mankind , as now it is . That there is a motion , which makes the vicissitudes of day and night , and constitutes the successive Seasons of the Annual Circle ; Sense may assure us , or at least the comparative Judgement of an higher faculty , made upon its immediate evidence : But whether the Sun , or Earth , be the common Movent , cannot be determin'd but by a farther appeal . If we will take the literal evidence of our Eyes ; the Aethereal Coal moves no more then this Inferior clod doth : For where ever in the Firmament we see it , it 's represented to us , as fixt in that part of the enlightened Hemisphear . And though an after-account discover , that it hath changed its Site and respect to this our Globe ; yet whether that were caused by its translation from us , or ours from it , Sense leaves us in an Ignoramus : So that if we are resolved to stand to its Verdict , it must be by as great a Miracle if the Sun ever move , as it was that it once rested , or what ever else was the subject of that supernal change . And if upon a meer sensible account we will deny Motion to the Earth ; upon the same inducement we must deny it the Sun ; and the Heavens will lose their First Moveable . But to draw up closer to our main design , We may the better conceive that , though the Earth move , yet its Motion must needs be insensible ; if we consider that in four cases Motion strikes not the Sense . 1. The Velocity of Motion prevents the sense of 't . Thus a Bullet passeth by us , and out-runs the nimblest Opticks ; and the Fly of a Jack in its swiftest rounds , gives the Eye no notice of its circulations . The reason is , for that there is no sense without some stay of the Object on the faculty : For in Sense there are two considerables : The Motion made on the Brain ; and the Souls act consequent thereupon , which we call Animadversion : and in this latter consists the formality of Sensitive Perception . Now though possibly the Aethereal Matter might convey the stroke and motion made on it quite to the Brain , before the pass of the Object ; yet the soul being taken up with other attendances , perceives not , till engaged to it by iterated impressions , except the first impulse be very strong and violent . Thus in the clearest night we cannot see some of the smaller Stars , upon the first cast of the Eye to their Celestial Residence : yet a more intent view discovers them ; though very likely their Motion reach't the Brain , assoon as the more noted impress of their Fellows . Thus upon a slight turn of our sight , we omit many particularities in nearer objects , which a more fixed look presents us with . And thus the swiftest motions , though they knock at the dore ; yet they are gone before the soul can come , to take an account of their Errand . 2. If Regularity and steddiness accompany Velocity ; the motion then leaves not the least track in the sensitive . Thus a French Top , the common recreation of School-boys , thrown from a cord which was wound about it , will stand as it were fixt on the floor it lighted ; and yet continue in its repeated Gyrations , while the sense discovers not the least footsteps of that praecipitate Rotation . The reason is much what the same with the former : For that meeting no joggs , or counter-motions to interrupt it , the return of the parts is so quick , that the mind cannot take notice of their succession to each other : For before it can fix to the observation of any one , its object is gone : whereas , were there any considerable thwart in the Motion ; it would be a kind of stop or arrest , by the benefit of which the Soul might have a glance of the fugitive Transient . But I pass these ; they concern not our present enquiry . 3. If the Motion be very slow , we perceive it not . Thus Vegetables spring up from their Mother Earth ; and we can no more discern their accretive Motion , then we can their most hidden cause . Thus the sly shadow steals away on Times Account-Book the Dyal ; and the quickest Eye can tell no more , but that it 's gone . If a reason of this be demanded ; I conceive it may be to some satisfaction return'd , That 't is because Motion cannot be perceived without the perception of its Terms , viz. The parts of space which it immediately left , and those which it next acquires . Now the space left and acquir'd in every sensible moment in such slow progressions , is so inconsiderable , that it cannot possibly move the sense ; ( which by reason either of its constitutional dulness , or the importunity of stronger impressions , cannot take notice of such parvitudes ) and therefore neither can the Motion depending thereon , be a●y more observable , then it is . 4. If the sentient be carryed passibus aequis with the body , whose motion it would observe ; [ supposing the former condition , that it be regular and steddy ] In this case especially the remove is insensible , at least in its proper subject . Thus , while in a Ship , we perceive it not to move : but our sense transfers its motion to the neighbouring shores , as the Poet , Littus campique recedunt . And I question not , but if any were born and bred under Deck , and had no other information but what his sense affords ; he would without the least doubt or scruple , opinion , that the house he dwelt in , was as stable and fixt as ours . To express the reason according to the Philosophy of Des-Cartes , I suppose it thus : Motion is not perceived , but by the successive strikings of the object upon divers filaments of the Brain ; which diversifie the representation of its site and distance . But now when the motion of the object is common with it , to our selves ; it retains the same relation to our sense , as if we both rested : For striking still on the same strings of the Brain , it varies not its site or distance from us ; and therefore we cannot possibly sense its motion : nor yet upon the same account our own ; least of all , when we are carryed without any conamen and endeavour of ours , which in our particular progressions betrayes them to our notice . Now then the Earths motion ( if we suppose it to have any ) having the joynt concurrence of the two last , to render it insensible ; I think we shall need no more proof to conclude the necessity of its being so . For though the Third seems not to belong to the present case , since the supposed motion will be near a thousand miles an hour under the Equinoctial line ; yet it will seem to have no Velocity to the sense any more then the received motion of the Sun , and for the same reason . Because the distant points in the Celestial expanse [ from a various and successive respect to which the length , and consequently the swiftness of this motion must be calculated ] appear to the Eye in so small a degree of elongation from one another , as bears no proportion to what is real . For since the Margin of the Visible Horizon in the Heavenly Globe is Parallel with that in the Earthly , accounted but 120 miles diameter ; Sense must needs measure the Azimuths , or Vertical Circles , by triplication of the same diameter of 120. So that there will be no more proportion betwixt the sensible and real celerity of the Terrestrial Motion , then there is between the visible and rational dimension of the celestial Hemisphear ; which is none at all . But if sensitive prejudice will yet confidently maintain the Impossibility of the Hypothesis , from the supposed unwieldiness of its massy bulk , grounded on our experience of the ineptitude of great and heavy bodies to Motion : I say this is a meer Imposture of our Senses , the fallacy of which we may avoid , by considering ; that the Earth may as easily move , notwithstanding this pretended indisposition of its magnitude , as those much vaster Orbs of Sun and Stars . He that made it , could as well give motion to the whole , as to the parts ; the constant agitation of which is discover'd in natural productions : and to both as well as Rest to either : Neither will it need the assistance of an Intelligence to perpetuate the begun Rotation : Since according to the Indispensable Law of Nature [ That every thing should continue in the state wherein it is , except something more powerful hinder it ] it must persevere in Motion , unless obstructed by a Miracle . Neither can Gravity , which makes great bodies hard of Remove , be any hinderance to the Earths motion : since even the Peripatetick Maxime , Nihil gravitat in suo loco , will exempt it from this indisposing quality ; which is nothing but the tendency of its parts , which are ravish't from it , to their desired Centre . And the French Philosophy will inform us , that the Earth as well as other bodies is indifferent in it self to Rest , or its contrary . I have done with this instance , and my Brevity in the following shall make some amends for my prolixity in this . He that would be inform'd in this subject of the Earths Mobility , may find it largely and ingeniously discuss'd , in Galilaeo's systema Cosmicum . CHAP. X. Another instance of the deceptions of our Senses : which is of translating the Idea of our Passions to things without us . Properly and formally heat is not in the fire , but is an expression of our sentiment . Yet in propriety of speech the Senses themselves are never deceived , but only administer an occasion of deceit to the understanding : prov'd by reason , and the Authority of St. Austin . SEcondly the best Philosophy [ the deserved Title of the Cartesian ] derives all sensitive perception from Motion , and corporal impress ; some account of which we have above given . Not that the Formality of it consists in material Reaction , as Master Hobbs affirms , totally excluding any immaterial concurrence : But that the representations of Objects to the Soul , the only animadversive principle , are conveyed by motions made upon the immediate Instruments of Sense . So that the diversity of our Sensations ariseth from the diversity of the motion or figure of the object ; which in a different manner affect the Brain , whence the Soul hath its immediate intelligence of the quality of what is presented . Thus the different effects , which fire and water have on us , which we call heat and cold , result from the so differing configuration and agitation of their Particles : and not from , I know not what Chimerical beings , supposed to inhere in the objects , their cause , and thence to be propagated by many petty imaginary productions to the seat of Sense . So that what we term heat and cold , and other qualities , are not properly according to Philosophical rigour in the Bodies , their Efficients : but are rather Names expressing our passions ; and therefore not strictly attributable to any thing without us , but by extrinsick denomination , as Vision to the Wall. This I conceive to be an Hypothesis , well worthy a rational belief : and yet is it so abhorrent from the Vulgar , that they would assoon believe Anaxagoras , that snow is black , as him that should affirm , it is not white ; and if any should in earnest assert , that the fire is not formally hot , it would be thought that the heat of his brain had fitted him for Anticyra , and that his head were so to madness : For it is conceiv'd to be as certain , as our faculties can make it , that the same qualities , which we resent within us , are in the object , their Source . And yet this confidence is grounded on no better foundation , then a delusory prejudice , and the vote of misapplyed sensations , which have no warrant to determine either one or other . I may indeed conclude , that I am formally hot or cold ; I feel it . But whether these qualities are formally , or only eminently in their producent ; is beyond the knowledge of the sensitive . Even the Peripatetick Philosophy will teach us , that heat is not in the Body of the Sun , but only vertually , and as in its cause ; though it be the Fountain and great Distributour of warmth to the neather Creation : and yet none urge the evidence of sense to disprove it : Neither can it with any more Justice be alledged against this Hypothesis . For if it be so as Des-Cartes would have it ; yet sense would constantly present it to us , as Now. We should finde heat as infallible an attendant upon fire , and the increase thereof by the same degrees in our approach to the Fountain calefacient , and the same excess within the Visible substance , as Now ; which yet I think to be the chief inducements to the adverse belief : For Fire ( I retain the instance , which yet may be applyed to other cases ) being constant in its specifical motions in those smaller derivations of it , which are its instruments of action , and therefore in the same manner striking the sentient , though gradually varying according to the proportions of more or less quantity or agitation , &c. will not fail to produce the same effect in us , which we call heat , when ever we are within the Orb of its activity . And the heat must needs be augmented by proximity , and most of all within the Flame , because of the more violent motion of the particles there , which therefore begets in us a stronger sense . Now if this motive Energie , the Instrument of this active Element , must be called Heat ; let it be so , I contend not . I know not how otherwise to call it : To impose names is part of the Peoples Charter , and I fight not with Words . Only I would not that the Idea of our Passions should be apply'd to any thing without us , when it hath its subject no where but in our selves . This is the grand deceit , which my design is to detect , and if possible , to rectifie . Thus we have seen two notorious instances of sensitive deception , which justifie the charge of Petron. Arbiter . Fallunt nos oculi , vagique sensus Oppressâ ratione mentiuntur . And yet to speak properly , and to do our senses right , simply they are not deceived , but only administer an occasion to our forward understandings to deceive themselves : and so though they are some way accessory to our delusion ; yet the more principal faculties are the Capital offenders . Thus if the Senses represent the Earth as fixt and immoveable ; they give us the truth of their Sentiments : To sense it is so , and it would be deceit to present it otherwise . For [ as we have shewn ] though it do move in it self ; it rests to us , who are carry'd with it . And it must needs be to sense unalterably quiescent , in that our Rotation with it , prevents the variety of successive Impress ; which only renders motion sensible . And so if we erroneously attribute our particular incommunicable sensations to things , which do no more resemble them then the effect doth its aequivocal cause ; our senses are not in fault , but our precipitate judgements . We feel such , or such a sentiment within us , and herein is no cheat or misprison : 't is truly so , and our sense concludes nothing of its Rise or Origine . But if hence our Understandings falsly deduct , that there is the same quality in the external Impressor ; 't is , it is criminal , our sense is innocent . When the Ear tingles , we really hear a sound : If we judge it without us , it 's the fallacy of our Iudgments . The apparitions of our frighted Phancies are real sensibles : But if we translate them without the compass of our Brains , and apprehend them as external objects ; it 's the unwary rashness of our Understanding deludes us . And if our disaffected Palates resent nought but bitterness from our choicest viands , we truly tast the unpleasing quality , though falsly conceive it in that , which is no more then the occasion of its production . If any find fault with the novelty of the notion ; the learned St. Austin stands ready to confute the charge : and they , who revere Antiquity , will derive satisfaction from so venerable a suffrage . He tells us , Si quis remum frangi in aquâ opinatur , & , cùm aufertur , integrari ; non malum habet internuncium , sed malus est Iudex . And onward to this purpose , The sense could not otherwise perceive it in the water , neither ought it : For since the Water is one thing , and the Air another ; 't is requisite and necessary , that the sense should be as different as the medium : Wherefore the Eye sees aright ; if there be a mistake , 't is the Judgement 's the Deceiver . Elsewhere he saith , that our Eyes mis-inform us not , but faithfully transmit their resentment to the mind . And against the Scepticks , That it 's a piece of injustice to complain of our senses , and to exact from them an account , which is beyond the sphear of their notice : and resolutely determines , Quicquid possuut videre oculi , verum vident . So that what we have said of the senses deceptions , is rigidly to be charg'd only on our careless Understandings , misleading us through the ill management of sensible informations . But because such are commonly known by the name of the Senses deceipts ( somewhat the more justifiably in that they administer the occasion ) I have thought good to retain the usual way of speaking , though somewhat varying from the manner of apprehending . CHAP. XI . A fourth reason of our Ignorance and Error , viz. the fallacy of our Imaginations ; an account of the nature of that faculty ; Instances of its deceptions ; Spirits are not in a place ; Intellection , Volition , Decrees , &c. cannot properly be ascrib'd to God. It is not Reason that opposeth Faith , but Phancy : the interest which Imagination hath in many of our Opinions , in that it impresses a perswasion wiihout evidence . FOurthly , we erre and come short of Science , because we are so frequently mislead by the evil conduct of our Imaginations ; whose irregular strength and importunity doth almost perpetually abuse us . Now to make a full and clear discovery of our Phancies deceptions ; 't will be requisite to look into the nature of that mysterious faculty . In which survey we must trace the Soul in the wayes of her intellectual actions ; whereby we may come to the distinct knowledge of what is meant by Imagination , in contradistinction to some other Powers . But first premising , that the Souls nature ( at least as far as concerns our inquiry ) consists in intelligibility : And secondly , that when we speak of Powers and Faculties of the Soul , we intend not to assert with the Schools , their real distinction from it , or each other , but only a modal diversity . Therefore I shall distribute Intellectual operations according to the known triple division , though with some difference of representation . The first is simple apprehension , which denotes no more , then the souls naked Intellection of an object , without either composition or deduction . The foundation of this act , as to materials , is sensitive perception . Now our simple apprehension of corporal objects , if present , we call Sense ; if absent , we properly name it Imagination . Thus when we would conceive a Triangle , Man , Horse , or any other sensible ; we figure it in our Phancies , and stir up there its sensible Idea . But in our notion of spirituals , we , as much as we can , denudate them of all material Phantasmes ; and thus they become the object of our Intellects , properly so called . Now all this while the soul is , as it were , silent ; and in a more passive way of reception . But the second act advanceth propositions from simple intellections : and hereby we have the knowledge of the distinctions or identities of objective representations . Now here , as in the former , where the objects are purely material ; the Judgment is made by the Imagination : if otherwise , we refer it to the Understanding . There is yet a third Act , which is a connecting of Propositions and deducing of Conclusions from them : and this the Schools call Discourse ; and we shall not miscall it , if we name it , Reason . Now this , as it supposeth the two former , so is it grounded on certain congenite propositions ; which I conceive to be the very Essentials of Rationality . Such are , Quodlibet est , vel non est ; Impossibile est idem esse , & non esse ; Non entis nulla sunt praedicata , & c. Not that every one hath naturally a formal and explicit notion of these Principles : For the Vulgar use them , without knowledge of them , under any such express consideration ; But yet there was never any born to Reason without them . If any ask , how the Soul came by those foundation - Propositions : I return , as Quantity did by longum , latum , & profundum ; they being the Essential annexes , or rather constitutives of it , as Reasonable . Now then , when the conclusion is deduc'd from the unerring dictates of our faculties ; we say the Inference is Rational : But when from mis-apprehended , or ill-compounded phantasmes ; we ascribe it to the Imagination . So we see , there is a triple operation of the Phancy as well as Intellect ; and these powers are only circumstantially different . In this method we intend a distinct , though short account , how the Imagination deceives us . First then , the Imagination , which is of simple perception , doth never of it self and directly mislead us ; as is at large declared in our former discourse of Sense . Yet is it the almost fatal means of our deception , through the unwarrantable compositions , divisions , and applications , which it occasions the second Act to make of the simple Images . Hence we may derive the Visions , Voyces , Revelations of the Enthusiast : the strong Idea's of which , being conjur'd up into the Imagination by the heat of the melancholized brain , are judged exterior Realties ; when as they are but motions within the Cranium . Hence Story is full of the wonders , it works upon Hypochondriacal Imaginants ; to whom the grossest absurdities are infallible certainties , and free reason an Impostour . That Groom , that conceited himself an Emperour , thought all as irrational as disloyal , that did not acknowledge him : And he , that supposed himself made of Glass ; thought them all mad , that dis-believed him . But we pity , or laugh at those fatuous extravagants ; while yet our selves have a considerable dose of what makes them so : and more sober heads have a set of misconceits , which are as absurd to an unpassionated reason , as those to our unabused senses . And , as the greatest counter-evidence to those distemper'd phancies is none : so in the more ordinary deceits , in which our Imaginations insensibly engage us , we give but little credit to the uncorrupted suggestions of the faculty , that should disabuse us . That the Soul and Angels are devoid of quantitative dimensions , hath the suffrage of the most ; and that they have nothing to do with grosser locality , is as generally opinion'd : But who is it , that retains not a great part of the imposture , by allowing them a definitive Ubi , which is still but Imagination ? He that said , a thousand might dance on the point of a Needle , spake but grossly ; and we may as well suppose them to have wings , as a proper Ubi . We say , Spirits are where they operate : But strictly to be in a place , or ubi , is a material Attribute , and incompatible with so depurate a Nature . We ask not , in what place a thought is , nor are we solicitous for the Ubi of Vertue , or any other Immaterial accident . Relations , Ubications , Duration , the vulgar Philosophy admits into the list of something ; and yet to enquire in what place they are , were a soloecism . So that , if to be and to be in a place be not reciprocal ; I know not why spirits may not be exempted , having as much to plead from the purity of their nature , as any thing but one , within the circle of being . And yet Imagination stands so strongly against the notion , that it cannot look for the favour of a very diffusive entertainment . But we are more dangerously deceiv'd , when judging the Infinite Essence by our narrow selves ; we ascribe Intellections , Volitions , Decrees , Purposes , and such like Immanent actions to that nature , which hath nothing in common with us , as being infinitely above us . Now to use these as Hypotheseis , as himself in his Word , is pleas'd to low himself to our capacities , is allowable : But a strict and rigorous imputation is derogatory to him , and arrogant in us . To say , that God doth eminently contain all those effects in his glorious simple Essence , that the creature can produce or act by such a faculty , power , or affection ; is to affirm him to be ● what he is , Infinite . Thus , to conceive that he can do all those things in the most perfect manner , which we do upon understanding , willing , and decreeing ; is an apprehension suteable to his Idea : But to fix on him the formality of faculties , or affections ; is the Imposture of our Phancies , and contradictory to his Divinity . 'T is this deception misleads the contending world ; and is the Author of most of that darkness and confusion , that is upon the face of the Quinquarticular debates . Now then , we being thus obnoxious to fallacy in our apprehensions and judgements , and so often imposed upon by these deceptions ; our Inferences and Deductions must needs be as unwarrantable , as our simple and compound thoughts are deceitful . Thus the reason of the far greatest part of mankind , is but an aggregate of mistaken phantasms ; and in things not sensible a constant delusion . Yea the highest and most improved parts of Rationality , are frequently caught in the entanglements of a tenacious Imagination ; and submit to its obstinate , but delusory Dictamens . Thus we are involv'd in inextricable perplexities about the Divine Nature , and Attributes ; and in our reasonings about those sublimities are puzled with contradictions , which are but the toyings of our Phancies , no absurdities to our more defaecate faculties . What work do our Imaginations make with Eternity and Immensity ? and how are we gravell'd by their cutting Dilemma's ? I 'm confident many have thus imagin'd themselves out of their Religion ; and run a ground on that more desperate absurdity , Atheism . To say , Reason opposeth Faith , is to scandalize both : 'T is Imagination is the Rebel ; Reason contradicts its impious suggestions . Nor is our Reason any more accountable for the Errours of our Opinions ; then our holiness for the vitiosity of our Lives : And we may as well say , that the Sun is the cause of the shadow , which is the effect of the intercepting opacity , as either . Reason and Faith are at perfect Unisons : The disharmony is in the Phancy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a saying of Plato's ; and well worthy a Christian subscription , Reason being the Image of the Creators Wisdom copyed out in the Creature . Though indeed , as 't is now in the subject , 't is but an amassment of imaginary conceptions , praejudices , ungrounded opinions , and infinite Impostures ; and 't is no wonder , if these are at odds with the Principles of our belief : But all this is but apish Sophistry ; and to give it a Name so Divine and excellent , is abusive and unjust . There is yet another as deplorable a deceit of our Imaginations , as any : which is , its impressing a strong perswasion of the Truth of an Opinion , where there is no evidence to support it . And if it be such , as we never heard question'd or contradicted ; 't is then held as indubitate , as first principles . Thus the most of mankind is led by opinionative impulse ; and Imagination is praedominant . Hence we have an ungrounded credulity cry'd up for faith ; and the more vigorous impressions of Phancy , for the Spirits motions . These are the grand delusions of our Age , and the highest evidence of the Imaginations deceptions . This is the spirit , that works in the children of Phancy ; and we need not seek to remoter resolutions . But the excellent Dr. H. More hath follow'd Enthusiastick effects to their proper Origine , and prevented our endeavours of attempting it . His Discourse of Enthusiasm compleatly makes good the Title ; and 't is as well a Victory , as a Triumph . CHAP. XII . A fifth Reason , the praecipitancy of our Understandings ; the reason of it . The most close ingagement of our minds requisite to the finding of truth ; the difficulties of the performance of it . Two instances of our praecipitating ; as the concluding thing impossible , which to Nature are not so ; and the joyning Causes with irrelative Effects . § . 5. AGain another account of the shortness of our Reasons and easiness of deception , is , the forwardness of our Understandings assent , to slightly examin'd conclusions , contracting many times a firm and obstinate belief from weak inducements ; and that not only in such things , as immediately concern the sense , but in almost every thing that falls within the scope of our enquiry . For the declarement of this , we are to observe , That every being uncessantly aspires to its own perfection , and is restless till it obtain it ; as is the trembling Needle , till it find it s beloved North. Now the perfection of a Faculty is Union with its Object , to which its respective actions are directed , as the scope and term of its endeavours . Thus our Understanding being perfected by Truth , with all the impatience , which accompanies strong desire , breaths after its enjoyment . But now the good and perfection of being , which every thing reacheth at , must be known , and that in the particular instances thereof ; or else 't is not attain'd : and if it be mistaken , that being courts deceit and its own delusion . Now this Knowledge of their Good , was at first as natural to all things , as the desire on 't : otherwise this innate propension would have been as much a torment and misery to those things that are capable of it , as a needless impertinency to all others . But Nature shoots not at Rovers . Even inanimates , though they know not their perfection themselves , yet are they not carryed on by a blind unguided impetus : But that which directs them , knows it . The next orders of being have some sight of it themselves : And man most perfectly had it , before the touch of the Apple . So then beside this general propensity to Truth , the Understanding must know what is so , before it can entertain it with assent . The former we possess ( it may be ) as entirely as when Nature gave it us : but of the latter little , but the capacity : And herein have we made our selves of all creatures the most miserable . And now such a multitude , such an Infinite of uncertain opinions , bare probabilities , specious falshoods , spreading themselves before us , and solliciting our belief ; and we being thus greedy of Truth , and yet so unable to discern it : It cannot be , that we should reach it any otherwise , then by the most close meditation and engagement of our minds ; by which we must endeavour to estrange our assent from every thing , which is not clearly , and distinctly evidenc't to our faculties . But now , this is so difficult ; and as hath been intimated , so almost infeasable ; that it may well drive modesty to despair of Science . For though possibly Assiduity in the most fixed cogitation be no trouble or pain to immaterializ'd spirits ; yet is it more , then our embodyed souls can bear without lassitude or distemper . For in this terrestrial state there are few things transacted , even in our Intellectual part , but through the help and furtherance of corporal Instruments ; which by more then ordinary usage lose their edge and fitness for action , and so grow inept for their respective destinations . Upon this account our senses are dull'd and spent by any extraordinary intention ; and our very Eyes will ake , if long fixt upon any difficultly discerned object . Now though Meditation be to be reckoned among the most abstracted operations of our minds ; yet can it not be performed without a considerable proportion of Spirits to assist in the Action , though indeed such as are furnish't out of the bodies purer store . This I think to be hence evidenc't ; in that fixed seriousness herein , heats the brain in some to distraction , causeth an aking and diziness in founder heads , hinders the works of Nature in its lower and animal functions , takes away or lessens pain in distemper'd parts , and seldom leaves any but under a weary some dullness , and inactivity ; which I think to be arguments of sufficient validity to justifie our assent to this , that the spirits are imploy'd in our most intense cogitations , yea in such , whose objects are most elevated above material . Now the managing and carrying on of this work by the Spirits instrumental co-efficiency requires , that they be kept together without distraction or dissipation ; that so they may be ready to receive and execute the orders and commissions of the commanding faculty . If either of these happen , all miscarries : as do the works of Nature , when they want that heat , which is requisite for their intended perfection . And therefore , for the prevention of such inconveniences in meditation , we choose recess and solitude . But now if we consider the volatile nature of those officious Assistants , and the several causes which occur continually , even from the meer Mechanism of our Bodies to scatter and disorder them , besides the excursions of our roving phancies ( which cannot be kept to a close attendance ) ; it will be found very hard to retain them in any long service , but do what we can , they 'l get loose from the Minds Regimen . So that it 's no easie matter to bring the body to be what it was intended for , the Souls servant ; and to confine the imagination , of as facil a performance , as the Goteham's design of hedging in the Cuckow . And though some constitutions are genially disposited to this mental seriousness ; yet they can scarce say , Nos numeri sumus : yea in the most advantag'd tempers , this disposition is but comparative ; when as the most of men labour under disadvantages , which nothing can rid them of , but that which loosens them from this mass of flesh . Thus the boyling bloud of youth , fiercely agitating the fluid Air , hinders that serenity and fixed stayedness , which is necessary to so severe an intentness : And the frigidity of decrepite age is as much its enemy , not only through penury of spirits , but by reason of its clogging them with its dulling moisture . And even in the temperate zone of our life , there are few bodies at such an aequipoiz of humours ; but that the prevalency of some one indisposeth the spirits for a work so difficult and serious : For temperamentum ad pondus , may well be reckon'd among the three Philosophical unattainables . Besides , the bustle of business , the avocations of our senses , and external pleasures , and the noyse and din of a clamorous world are impediments not to be master'd by feeble endeavours . And to speak the full of my Sentiments , I think never Man could boast it , without the Precincts of Paradise ; but He , that came to gain us a better Eden then we lost . So then , to direct all this to our end , the mind of man being thus naturally amorous of , and impatient for Truth , and yet averse to , and almost incapacitated for , that diligent and painful search , which is necessary to its discovery ; it must needs take up short , of what is really so , and please it self in the possession of imaginary appearances , which offering themselves to its embraces in the borrowed attire of that , which the enamour'd Intellect is in pursuit of , our impatient minds entertain these counterfeits , without the least suspicion of their cousenage . For as the Will , having lost its true and substantial Good , now courts the shadow , and greedily catches at the vain shews of superficial bliss : so our no less degenerate understandings having suffered as sad a divorce from their dearest object , are as forward to defile themselves with every meretricious semblance , that the variety of opinion presents them with . Thus we see the inconsiderate vulgar , prostrating their assent to every shallow appearance : and those , who are beholden to Prometheus for a finer mould , are not furnisht with so much truth as otherwise they might be owners of , did not this precipitancy of concluding prevent them : As 't is said of the industrious Chymist , that by catching at it too soon , he lost the long expected treasure of the Philosophical Elixir . I 'le illustrate this Head by a double instance , and close it . 1. Hence it is , that we conclude many things within the list of Impossibilities , which yet are easie Feasables . For by an unadvised transiliency leaping from the effect to its remotest cause , we observe not the connexion through the interposal of more immediate causalities ; which yet at last bring the extreams together without a Miracle . And hereupon we hastily conclude that impossible , which we see not in the proximate capacity of its Efficient . Hence , that a single Hair should root up an Oak ( which the Mathematicks teach us to be possible ) will be thought fit to be number'd with the story of the Brazen-head , or that other of the wishing Hat. The relation of Archimedes's lifting up the ships of Marcellus , among many finds but little more credit , then that of the Gyants shouldering Mountains : And his other exploits sound no better to common Ears , then those of Amadis de Gaule , and the Knight of the Sun. And yet Mathematicians know , that by multiplying of Mechanical advantages , any power may conquer any resistance , and the great Syracusian wit wanted but Tools , and a place to stand on , to remove the Earth . So the brag of the Ottoman , that he would throw Malta into the Sea , might be performed at an easier rate , then by the shovels of his Ianizaries . And from this last noted head , ariseth that other of joyning causes with irrelative effects , which either refer not at all unto them , or in a remoter capacity . Hence the Indian conceiv'd so grossly of the Letter , that discover'd his Theft ; and that other , who thought the Watch an Animal . From hence grew the impostures of charms , and amulets , and other insignificant ceremonies ; which to this day impose upon common belief , as they did of old upon the Barbarism of the incultivate Heathen . Thus effects unusual , whose causes run under ground , and are more remote from ordinary discernment , are noted in the Book of Vulgar Opinion , with Digitus Dei , or Daemonis ; though they owe no other dependence to the first , then what is common to the whole Syntax of beings , nor yet any more to the second , then what is given it by the imagination of those unqualifi'd Judges . Thus every unwonted Meteor is portentous ; and the appearance of any unobserved Star , some divine Prognostick . Antiquity thought Thunder the immediate voyce of Iupiter , and impleaded them of impiety , that referr'd it to natural causalities . Neither can there happen a storm , at this remove from Antique ignorance , but the multitude will have the Devil in 't . CHAP. XIII . The sixth Reason discours't of , viz. the interest which our Affections have in our Dijudications . The cause why our Affections mislead us ; several branches of this mention'd ; and the first , viz Constitutional Inclination largely insisted on . AGain we owe much of our Errour and Intellectual scarcity to the Interest in , and power which our affections have over , our so easily seducible Understandings . And 't is a truth well worthy the Pen , from which it dropt ; Periit Iudicium , ubi res transiit in Affectum . That Iove himself cannot be wise and in Love ; may be understood in a larger sense , then Antiquity meant it . Affection bribes the Judgement to the most notorious inequality ; and we cannot expect an equitable award , where the Judge is made a Party : So that , that Understanding only is capable of giving a just decision , which is , as Aristotle saith of the Law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : But where the Will , or Passion hath the casting voyce , the case of Truth is desperate . And yet this is the miserable disorder , into which we are laps'd : The lower Powers are gotten uppermost ; and we see like men on our heads , as Plato observ'd of old , that on the right hand , which indeed is on the left . The Woman in us , still prosecutes a deceit , like that begun in the Garden : and our Understandings are wedded to an Eve , as fatal as the Mother of our miseries . And while all things are judg'd according to their suitableness , or disagreement to the Gusto of the fond Feminine ; we shall be as far from the Tree of Knowledge , as from that , which is guarded by the Cherubin . The deceiver soon found this soft place of Adam's ; and Innocency it self did not secure him from this way of seduction . The first deception enter'd in at this Postern , and hath ever since kept it open for the entry of Legion : so that we scarse see any thing now but through our Passions , the most blind , and sophisticate things about us . Thus the Monsters which story relates to have their Eyes in their breasts , are pictures of us in our invisible selves . Our Love of one Opinion induceth us to embrace it ; and our Hate of another , doth more then fit us , for its rejection : And , that Love is blind , is extensible beyond the object of Poetry . When once the affections are engag'd , there 's but a short step to the Understanding : and , Facilè credimus quod volumus , is a truth , that needs not plead Authority to credit it . The reason , I conceive , is this : Love as it were uniting the Object to the Soul , gives it a kind of Identity with us ; so that the beloved Idea is but our selves in another Name : and when self is at the bar , the sentence is not like to be impartial : For every man is naturally a Narcissus , and each passion in us , no other but self-love sweetned by milder Epithets . We can love nothing , but what is agreeable to us ; and our desire of what is so , hath its first inducement from within us : Yea , we love nothing but what hath some resemblance within our selves ; and whatever we applaud as good or excellent , is but self in a transcript , and è contrà . Thus , to reach the highest of our Amours , and to speak all at once : We love our friends , because they are our Image ; and we love our God , because we are his . So then , the beloved Opinion being thus wedded to the Intellect ; the case of our espoused self becomes our own : And when we weigh our selves , Iustice doth not use to hold the ballance . Besides , all things being double-handed , and having the appearances both of Truth , and Falshood ; where our affections have engaged us , we attend only to the former , which we see through a magnifying Medium : while looking on the latter , through the wrong end of the Perspective , which scants their dimensions , we neglect and contemn them . Yea , and as in corrupt judicial proceedings , the fore-stalled Understanding passes a peremptory sentence upon the single hearing of one Party ; and so comes under the Poets censure of him , Qui statuit aliquid parte inauditâ alterâ . But to give a more particular account of this Gullery ; Our affections engage us as by our Love to our selves , so by our Love to others . Of the former we have the observable instances of natural disposition , Custom and Education , Interest , and our proper Invention : Of the latter in that Homage , which is payd to Antiquity , and Authority . I take them up in order . 1. Congruity of Opinions , whether true or false , to our natural constitution , is one great incentive to their belief , and reception : and in a sense too the complexion of the mind , as well as manners , follows the Temperament of the Body . Thus some men are genially disposited to some Opinions , and naturally as averse to others . Some things we are inclined to love , and we know not why : Others we disesteem , and upon no better account then the Poet did Sabidius , Hoc tantùm possum dicere , Non amo te . Some faces at first sight we admire and dote on : others , in our impartial apprehensions no less deserving our esteem , we can behold without resentment ; and it may be with an invincible disregard . I question not , but intellectual representations are received by us , with as an unequal a Fate upon a bare Temperamental Relish or Disgust : And I believe the Understanding hath its Idiosyncrasies , as well as other faculties . Some men are made to superstition , others to frantick Enthusiasm ; the former by the cold of a timorous heart , the latter by the heat of a temerarious brain : And there are natures , as fatally averse to either . And the opinions , which are suited to their respective tempers , will be sure to find their welcome , and to grow without manure . Your dull phlegmatick Souls are taken with the dulness of sensible doctrines : and the more Mercurial Geniuses calculated to what is more refined , and Intellectual . Thus opinions have their Climes and National diversities : And as some Regions have their proper Vices , not so generally found in others ; so have they their mental depravities , which are drawn in with the common air of the Countrey . And I take this for one of the most considerable causes of the diversity of Laws , Customes , Religions , natural and moral doctrines , which is to be found in the divided Regions of the inhabited Earth . And therefore I wonder not at the Idolatry of the Iews of old , or of the several parts of the world to this day , nor at the sensual expectations of the Mussel-men , nor at the fopperies of the superstitious Romanists , nor the ridiculous devotions of the deluded Indians : since that the most senseless conceits and fooleries cannot miss of Harbor , where affection , grown upon the stock of a depraved constitution , hath endeared them . And if we do but more nearly look into our faculties , beginning our survey from the lowest dregs of sense , even those which have a nearer commerce with matter , and so by steps ascend to our more spiritualiz'd selves : we shall throughout discover how constitutional partiality sways us . Thus to one Palate that is sweet , desirable , and delicious , which to another is odious and distastful ; or more compendiously in the Proverb , One mans meat is anothers poyson . Thus what to one is a most grateful odour , to another is noxious and displeasant ; 't were a misery to some to lye stretch't on a bed of Roses : And in the sense of life ; that 's a welcome touch to one , which is disagreeing to another . And yet to rise a little higher to the nobler pair ; the musical Airs , which one entertains with most delightful transports , to another are importune : and the objects , which one can't see without an Extasie , another is no more mov'd at , than a Statue . If we pass further , the phancies of men are so immediately diversify'd by the individual Crasis , that every man is in this a Phoenix ; and owns something , wherein none are like him : and these are as many , as humane nature hath singulars . Now the phancies of the most , like the Index of a Clock , are moved but by the inward Springs and wheels of the corporal Machine ; which even on the most sublimate Intellectuals is dangerously influential . And yet this sits at the Helm of the Worlds belief ; and Vulgar Reason is no better then a more refined Imagination . So then the Senses , Phancy , and what we call Reason it self , being thus influenc'd by the Bodies temperament , and little better then indications of it ; it cannot be otherwise , but that this love of our selves should strongly incline us in our most abstracted dijudications . CHAP. XIV . A second thing whereby our Affections ingage us in Error , is the prejudice of Custom and Education . A third , Interest . The fourth , Love to our own Productions . 2. ANother genuine derivation of this selfish fondness , by reason of which we miscarry of Science , is the almost insuperable prejudice of Custom , and Education : by which our minds are encumber'd , and the most are held in a Fatal Ignorance . Now could a man be composed to such an advantage of constitution , that it should not at all adulterate the images of his mind ; yet this second nature would alter the crasis of the Uuderstanding , and render it as obnoxious to aberrances , as now . And though in the former regard , the Soul were a pure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet custom and education will so blot and scrible on 't , as almost to incapacitate it for after-impressions . Thus we judge all things by our anticipations ; and condemn or applaud them , as they agree or differ from our education-prepossessions . One Countrey laughs at the Laws , Customs , and Opinions of another , as absurd and ridiculous ; and the other is as charitable to them , in its conceit of theirs . This confirms the most sottish Idolaters in their accustomed adorations , beyond the conviction of any thing , but Dooms-day . The impressions of a barbarous education are stronger in them , then nature ; when in their cruel worships they launce themselves with knifes , and expose their harmless Infants to the flames as a Sacrifice to their Idols . And 't is on this account , that there 's no Religion so irrational , but can boast its Martyrs . This is it , which befriends the Talmud and Alcoran ; and did they not owe their credit more to it , then to any rational inducement , we might expect their ashes : whereas Education hath so rooted these mis-believers in their ungrounded faith , that they may assoon be pluck't from themselves , as from their obstinate adherencies ; and to convert a Turk , or Iew , may be well a phrase for an attempt impossible . We look for it only from him , to whom our Impossibles are none . And 't is to be feared , that Christianity it self by most , that have espoused it , is not held by any better tenure . The best account that many can give of their belief , is , that they were bred in it ; which indeed is no better , then that which we call , the Womans Reason . And thousands of them , whom their profession , and our charity styles Christians , are driven to their Religion by custom and education , as the Indians are to Baptism ; that is , like a drove of Cattle to the water . And had our Stars determin'd our nativities among the Enemies of the Cross , and theirs under a Christian horoscope ; in all likelyhood Antichristianism had not been the object of our aversion , nor Christianity of theirs : But we should have exchang'd the Scene of our belief with that of our abode and breeding . There is nothing so monstrous , to which education cannot form our ductile minority ; it can lick us into shapes beyond the monstrosities of those of Affrica . And as King Iames would say of Parliaments ; it can do any thing , but make a man a woman . For our initial age is like the melted wax to the prepared Seal , capable of any impression from the documents of our Teachers . The half-moon or Cross , are indifferent to its reception ; and we may with equal facility write on this rasa Tabula , Turk , or Christian. We came into the world like the unformed Cub ; 't is education is our Plastick : we are baptized into our opinions by our Juvenile nurture , and our growing years confirm those unexamined Principles . For our first task is to learn the Creed of our Countrey ; and our next to maintain it . We seldom examine our Receptions , more then children their Catechisms ; For Implicit faith is a vertue , where Orthodoxie is the object . Some will not be at the trouble of a Tryal : others are scar'd from attempting it . If we do , 't is not by a Sun-beam or ray of universal light ; but by a flame that 's kindled by our affections , and fed by the fewel of our anticipations . And thus like the Hermite , we think the Sun shines no where , but in our Cell ; and all the world to be in darkness but our selves . We judge truth to be circumscrib'd by the confines of our belief , and the doctrines we were brought up in : and with as ill manners , as those of China , repute all the rest of world , Monoculous . So that what some Astrologers say of our Fortunes and the passages of our lives ; may by the allowance of a Metaphor be said of our Opinions : That they are written in our stars , being to the most as fatal as those involuntary occurrences , and as little in their Power as the placits of destiny . We are bound to our Countreys opinions , as to its laws : and an accustomed assent is tantamount to an infallible conclusion . He that offers to dissent , shall be out-law'd in his reputation : and the fear of guilty Cain , shall be fulfilled on him , who ever meets him shall slay him . Thus Custom and Education hath seal'd the Canon ; and he that adds or takes away from the Book of Orthodox belief , shall be more then in danger of an Anathema : And the Inquisition is not confined to the jurisdiction of the Triple-Crown . So we preposterously invert the Precept ; holding fast what hath the Vote of our antedating apprehensions , we try all things by these our partial Prolepses . He that dares do otherwise , is a Rebel to Orthodoxy ; and exposeth his credit to Sequestration . Thus Custom conciliates our esteem to things , no otherwise deserving it : what is in fashion , is handsom and pleasant ; though never so uncouth to an unconcern'd beholder . Their antick deckings with feathers is as comely in the account of those barbarous Nations , which use them ; as the Ornaments of Lace , and Ribband , are in ours . And the plucking off the shooe is to the Iapanners as decent a salutation ; as the uncovering of the head is to us , and their abhorred neighbours . On the other hand we start and boggle at what is unusual : and like the Fox in the fable at his first view of the Lyon , we cannot endure the sight of the Bug-bear , Novelty . Hence some innocent truths have been affix'd with the reproach of Heresie : into which , because contrary to the inur'd belief , the violent rejecters would not endure a patient inspection : But as children frighted in the dark , who run away with an out-cry from the Monsters of their own imaginations framing ; and will not stay for the information of a better discovery : so they looking on them through their unadvised fears , and uncharitable suspicions ; command their Understandings to a praecipitate flight , figuring their phancies to shapes monstrous and horrible , through which they make them the objects of their aversion . Hence there is no truth , but its adversaries have made it an ugly Vizard ; by which it 's exposed to the hate and disesteem of superficial examiners : And an opprobrious title with vulgar believers is as good as an Argument . 'T is but writing the name , that customary receptions have discredited , under the opinions we dislike ; and all other refutation is superfluous . Thus shallow apprehenders are frighted from many sober Verities ; like the King of Arabs , who ran away from the smoaking Mince-Py , apprehending some dangerous plot in the harmless steam . So then , while we thus mistake the infusions of education , for the principles of universal nature ; we must needs fail of a scientifical Theory . And therefore the two Nations differing about the antiquity of their Language , made appeal to an undecisive experiment ; when they agreed upon the tryal of a child brought up among the wild Inhabitants of the Desert . The Language it spake , had no reason to be accounted the most ancient and natural : And the lucky determination for the Phrygians by its pronouncing the word Beck , which signified bread in the dialect of that Countrey , they owed not to Nature , but the Goat-herd ; from which the exposed Infant , by accompanying that sort of animals , had learnt it . 3. Again , Interest , is another thing , by the magnetisme of which our affections are almost irresistibly attracted . It is the Pole , to which we turn , and our sympathizing Judgements seldom decline from the direction of this Impregnant . Where Interest hath engaged us ; like Hannibal , we 'l find a way to veritie , or make it . Any thing is a Truth , to one whose Interest it is , to have it so . And therefore Self-designers are seldom disappointed , for want of the speciousness of a cause to warrrant them ; in the belief of which , they do oft as really impose upon themselves , as industriously endeavour it upon others . With what an infinite of Law-suits , controversies , and litigious cases doth the world abound ? and yet every man is confident of the truth and goodness of his own . And as Mr. Hobbs observes , the reason that Mathematical demonstrations are uncontroverted , is ; because Interest hath no place in those unquestionable verities : when as , did the advantage , of any stand against them , Euclids Elements would not pass with a Nemine contradicente . Sir H. Blunt tells us , that temporal expectations bring in droves to the Mahumetan Faith ; and we know the same holds thousands in the Romish . The Eagles will be , where the carcase is ; and that shall have the faith of most , which is best able to pay them for 't . An advantageous cause never wanted Proselytes . I confess , I cannot believe that all the learned Romanists profess against their conscience ; but rather , that their Interest brings their consciences to their Profession : and self-advantage can as easily incline some , to believe a falshood , as profess it . A good will , help'd by a good wit can find truth any where : and , what the Chymists brag of their Elixir , it can transmute any metal into gold ; In the hand of a skilful Artificer , in spight of the Adage , Ex quolibet ligno Mercurius . Though yet I think , that every Religion hath its bare Nominals : and that Pope was one with a witness , whose saying it was , Quantum nobis lucri peperit illa fabula de Christo ! 4. Besides , fourthly , Self-love engageth us for any thing , that is a Minerva of our own . We love the issues of our Brains , no less then those of our bodies : and fondness of our own begotten notions , though illegitimate , obligeth us to maintain them . We hugge intellectual deformities , if they bear our Names ; and will hardly by perswaded they are so , when our selves are their Authors . If their Dam may be judge , the young Apes are the most beautiful things in Nature ; and if we might determine it , our proper conceptions would be all voted Axioms . Thus then the Affections wear the breeches : and the Female rules , while our Understanding governs us , as the story saith Themistocles did Athens . So that to give the sum of all , most of the contests of the litigious world pretending for Truth , are but the bandyings of one mans affections against anothers : in which , though their reasons may be foil'd , yet their Passions lose no ground , but rather improve by the Antiperistasis of an opposition . CHAP. XV. 5. Our Affections are engaged by our Reverence to Antiquity and Authority . This hath been a great hinderer of Theorical improvements ; and it hath been an advantage to the Mathematicks , and Mechanicks Arts , that it hath no place in them . Our mistake of Antiquity . The unreasonableness of that kind of Pedantick Adoration . Hence the vanity of affecting impertinent quotations . The Pedantry on 't is derided ; the little improvement of Science through its successive derivations , and whence that hath hapned . ANother thing , that engageth our affections to unwarrantable conclusions , and is therefore fatal to Science ; is our doting on Antiquity , and the opinions of our Fathers . We look with a superstitious reverence upon the accounts of praeterlapsed ages : and with a supercilious severity , on the more deserving products of our own . A vanity , which hath possess'd all times as well as ours ; and the Golden Age was never present . For as in Statick experiment , an inconsiderable weight by vertue of its distance from the Centre of the Ballance , will preponderate much greater magnitudes ; so the most slight and chaffy opinion , if at a great remove from the present age , contracts such an esteem and veneration , that it out-weighs what is infinitly more ponderous and rational , of a modern date . And thus , in another sense , we realize what Archimedes had only in Hypothesis ; weighing a single grain against the Globe of Earth . We reverence gray-headed Doctrines ; though feeble , decrepit , and within a step of dust : and on this account maintain opinions , which have nothing but our charity to uphold them . While the beauty of a Truth , as of a picture , is not acknowledg'd but at a distance ; and that wisdom is nothing worth , which is not fetcht from afar : wherein yet we oft deceive our selves , as did that Mariner , who mistaking them for precious stones , brought home his ship fraught with common Pebbles from the remotest Indies . Thus our Eyes , like the preposterous Animal's , are behind us ; and our Intellectual motions retrograde . We adhere to the determinations of our fathers , as if their opinions were entail'd on us as their lands ; or ( as some conceive ) part of the Parents soul were portion'd out to his off-spring , and the conceptions of our minds were ex traduce . The Sages of old live again in us ; and in opinions there is a Metempsychosis . We are our re-animated Ancestours , and antedate their Resurrection . And thus , while every age is but another shew of the former ; 't is no wonder , that Science hath not out-grown the dwarfishness of its pristine stature , and that the Intellectual world is such a Microcosm . For while we account of some admired Authours , as the Seths Pillars , on which all knowledge is engraven ; and spend that time and study in defence of their Placits , which with more advantage to Science might have been employ'd upon the Books of the more ancient , and universal Author : 'T is not to be admired , that Knowledge hath receiv'd so little improvement from the endeavours of many pretending promoters , through the continued series of so many successive ages . For while we are slaves to the Dictates of our Progenitours ; our discoveries , like water , will not run higher then the Fountains , from which they own their derivation . And while we think it so piaculous , to go beyond the Ancients ; we must necessarily come short of genuine Antiquity , Truth ; unless we suppose them to have reach'd perfection of Knowledge in spight of their aknowledgements of ignorance . Now if we enquire the reason , why the Mathematicks , and Mechanick Arts , have so much got the start in growth of other Sciences : We shall find it probably resolv'd into this , as one considerable cause : that their progress hath not been retarded by that reverential aw of former discoveries , which hath been so great an hinderance to Theorical improvements . 'T was never an heresie to out-limn Apelles ; nor criminal to out-work the Obelisks . Galilaeus without a crime out-saw all Antiquity ; and was not afraid to believe his eyes , in spight of the Opticks of Ptolomy and Aristotle . 'T is no discredit to that ingenious Perspicill , that Antiquity ne're saw in 't : Nor are we shy of assent to those celestial informations , because they were hid from ages . We believe the verticity of the Needle , without a Certificate from the dayes of old : And confine not our selves to the sole conduct of the Stars , for fear of being wiser then our Fathers . Had Authority prevail'd here , the Earths fourth part had to us been none , and Hercules his Pillars had still been the worlds Seneca's Prophesie had yet been an unfulfill'd Prediction , and one moiety of our Globes , an empty Hemisphear . In a sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is wholesom instruction ; and becoming the Vote of a Synod : But yet , in common acceptation , it 's an Enemy to Verity , which can plead the antiquity of above six thousand ; and bears date from before the Chaos . For , as the Noble Lord Verulam hath noted , we have a mistaken apprehension of Antiquity ; calling that so , which in truth is the worlds Nonage . Antiquitas seculi est juventus Mundi . So that in such appeals , we fetch our knowledge from the Cradle ; which though it be nearest to Innocence , it is so too to the fatal ruines which follow'd it . Upon a true account , the present age is the worlds Grandaevity ; and if we must to Antiquity , let multitude of days speak . Now for us to supersede further disquisition , upon the infant acquirements of those Juvenile endeavours , is foolishly to neglect the nobler advantages we are owners of , and in a sense to disappoint the expectations of him that gave them . Yet thus we prevent our selves of Science ; and our knowledge , though its Age write thousands , is still in its swadlings . For like School-boys , we give over assoon as we have learn't as far as our Masters can teach us : And had not the undertakings of some glorious Heroes prevented ; Plato's year might have found us , where the days of Aristotle left us . For my part , I think it no such arrogance , as our Pedants account it ; that almost two thousand years elapsed since , should weigh with the sixty three of the Stagirite . If we owe it to him , that we know so much ; 't is long of his Pedantick adorers that we know so little more . I can see no ground , why his Reason should be textuary to ours ; or that God , or Nature , ever intended him an Universal Headship . It was another , in whom were hid all the Treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge : His reason only is the Yea and Amen ; who is the Alpha and Omega , the Christian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 'T was this vain Idolizing of Authors , which gave birth to that silly vanity of impertinent citations ; and inducing Authority in things neither requiring , nor deserving it . That saying was much more observable , That men have beards , and women none ; because quoted from Beza : and that other , Pax res bona est ; because brought in with a , said St. Austin . But these ridiculous fooleries , to your more generous discerners , signifie nothing but the Pedantry of the affected Sciolist . 'T is an inglorious acquist to have our heads or Volumes laden , as were Cardinal Campeius his Mules , with old and useless luggage : And yet the magnificence of many high pretenders to Science , if laid open by a true discovery , would amount to no more then the old Boots and Shooes , of that proud , and exposed Embassadour . Methinks 't is a pitiful piece of Knowledge , that can be learnt from an Index ; and a poor Ambition to be rich in the Inventory of anothers Treasure . To boast a memory ( the most that these Pedants can aim at ) is but an humble ostentation . And of all the faculties , in which some Brutes out-vie us , I least envy them an excellence in that ; desiring rather to be a Fountain , then a Hogs-head . 'T is better to own a Judgment , though but with a Curta supellex of coherent notions ; then a memory , like a Sepulchre , furnished with a load of broken and discarnate bones . Authorities alone with me make no number , unless Evidence of Reason stand before them : For all the Cyphers of Arithmetick , are no better then a single nothing . And yet this rank folly of affecting such impertinencies , hath overgrown our Times ; and those that are Candidates for the repute of Scholars , take this way to compass it . When as multiplicity of reading , the best it can signifie , doth but speak them to have taken pains for it : And this alone is but the dry , and barren part of learning , and hath little reason to denominate . A number of Receits at the best can but make an Emperick . But again , to what is more perpendicular to our discourse , if we impartially look into the remains of Antique Ages ; we shall finde but little to justifie so groundless a Tyranny , as Antiquity hath impos'd on the enslaved world . For if we drive the Current of Science as high , as History can lead us ; we shall finde , that through its several successive derivations it hath still lain under such disadvantages , as have rendred any considerable accession unfeasable . And though it hath oft chang'd its Channel , by its remove from one Nation to another ; yet hath it been little more alter'd , then a River in its passage through differing Regions , viz. in Name and Method . For the succeeding times still subscribing to , and copying out those , who went before them , with little more then verbal diversity ; Science hath still been the same pityful thing , though in a various Livery . Now if we look upon it , either in the hand of the superstitious Egyptian , fabulous and disputing Graecian , or as garrulous Roman : what hath it been , but only a pretty toy in an Hieroglyphick ; a very slender something in a Fable ; or an old nothing in a disputation ? And though those former days have not wanted brave Wits , that have gallantly attempted , and made Essays worthy Immortality ; yet by reason either of the unqualified capacities of the multitude , ( who dote on things slight and trivial , neglecting what is more rare and excellent ) or the clamorous assaults of envious and more popular opposers , they have submitted to Fate , and are almost lost in Oblivion . And therefore , as that great man , the Lord Bacon hath observ'd , Time as a River , hath brought down to us what is more light and superficial ; while things more solid and substantial have been immersed . Thus the Aristotelian Philosophy hath prevailed ; while the more excellent Hypotheses of Democritus and Epicurus have long lain buryed under neglect aud obloquy : and for ought I know might have slept for ever , had not the ingenuity of this age recall'd them from their Urne . But it is somewhat collateral to my scope , as well as disproportion'd to my abilities , to fall upon particular Instances of the defects and Errours of the Philosophy of the Ancients . The foremention'd noble Advancer of Learning , whose name and parts might give credit to any undertaking ; hath handsomly perform'd it , in his ingenious Novum Organum . And yet , because it may conferr towards the discovery of how little our adherence to Antiquity befriends Truth , and the encrease of Knowledge ; as also how groundless are the Dogmatists high pretensions to Science : I shall adventure some considerations on the Peripatetick Philosophy ; which hath had the luck to survive all others , and to build a fame on their Ruines . CHAP. XVI . Reflexions on the Peripatetick Philosophy . The Generality of its Reception , no Argument of its deserts ; the first charge against that Philosophy ; that it is meerly verbal . A Censure of the Peripatetick Iesuites . Materia prima in that Philosophy signifies nothing . A Parallel drawn between it and Imaginary Space : this latter pleads more for its reality . Their Form also is a meer word , and potentia Materia insignificant . An essay to detect Peripatetick Verbosity , by translating some definitions . THat Aristotles Philosophy hath been entertain'd by the most ; hath deceiv'd the credulous into a conceit , that it 's best : And its intrinsick worth hath been concluded from the Grandure of its Retinue . But Seneca's determination , Argumentum pessimi Turba est , is more deserving our credit : and the fewest , that is the wisest , have always stood contradictory to that ground of belief ; Vulgar applause by severer Wisdom being held a scandal . If the numerousness of a Train must carry it ; Vertue may go follow Astraea , and Vice only will be worth the courting . The Philosopher deservedly suspected himself of vanity , when cryed up by the multitude : And discreet apprehenders will not think the better of that Philosophy , which hath the common cry to vouch it . He that writ counter to the Astrologer in his Almanack , did with more truth foretell the weather : and he that shall write , Foul , in the place of the Vulgars , Fair ; passes the juster censure . Those in the Fable , who were wet with the showre of folly , hooted at the wise men that escap'd it , and pointed at their actions as ridiculous ; because unlike their own , that were truly so . If the major Vote may cast it , Wisdom and Folly must exchange names ; and the way to the one will be by the other . Nor is it the Rabble only , which are such perverse discerners ; we are now a sphear above them : I mean the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pretended Philosophers , who judge as odly in their way , as the Rascality in theirs : and many a profest Retainer to Philosophy , is but an Ignoramus a in suit of second Notions . 'T is such , that most revere the Reliques of the Adored Sophy ; and , as Artemesia did those of Mausolus , passionately drink his ashes . Whether the Remains of the Stagirite deserve such Veneration , we 'll make a brief enquiry . 1. That the Aristotelian Philosophy is an huddle of words and terms insignificant , hath been the censure of the wisest : And that both its Basis and Superstructure are Chimaerical ; cannot be unobserv'd by them , that know it , and are free to judge it . 'T is a Philosophy , that makes most accurate Inspections into the Creatures of the Brain ; and gives the exactest Topography of the Extramundane spaces . Like our late Politicians , it makes discoveries , and their objects too ; and deals in beings , that are nothing beholden to the Primitive Fiat . Thus the same undivided Essence , from the several circumstances of its being and operations , is here multiplied into Legion , and emprov'd to a number of smaller Entities ; and these again into as many Modes and insignificant formalities . What a number of words here have nothing answering them ? and as many are imposed at random . To wrest names from their known meaning to Senses most alien , and to darken speech by words without knowledge ; are none of the most inconsiderable faults of this Philosophy : To reckon them in their particular instances , would puzzle Archimedes . Now hence the genuine Idea's of the Mind are adulterate ; and the Things themselves lost in a crowd of Names , and Intentional nothings . Thus these Verbosities do emasculate the Understanding ; and render it slight and frivolous , as its objects . Me thinks , the late Voluminous Iesuites , those Laplanders of Peripateticism , do but subtilly trifle : and their Philosophick undertakings are much like his , who spent his time in darting Cumming-seeds through the Eye of a Needle . One would think they were impregnated , as are the Mares in Cappadocia ; they are big of words : their tedious Volumes have the Tympany , and bring forth the wind . To me , a cursus Philosophicus , is but an Impertinency in Folio ; and the studying of them a laborious idleness . 'T is here , that things are crumbled into notional Atomes ; and the substance evaporated into an imaginary Aether . The Intellect , that can feed on this air , is a Chamaelion ; and a meer inflated skin . From this stock grew School-divinity , which is but Peripateticism in a Theological Livery . A School-man is the Ghost of the Stagirite , in a Body of condensed Air : and Thomas but Aristotle sainted . But to make good our charge against the Philosophy of the Schools , by a more close surveying it . That its Principles are steril , unsatisfying Verbosities ; cannot escape the notice of the most shallow Inquirer . To begin at the bottom ; their Materia prima is a meer chimaera . If we can fix a determinate conceit of nothing ; that 's the Idea on 't : And , Nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum , is as as apposite a definition of nothing , as can be . If we would conceive this Imaginary Matter : we must deny all things of it , that we can conceive , and what remains is the thing we look for . And should we allow it all , which its Assertors assign it , viz. Quantity interminate ; 't is still but an empty extended capacity , and therefore at the best , but like that Space , which we imagine was before the beginning of Time , and will be after the Universal Flames . 'T is easie to draw a Parallelism between that Ancient , and this more Modern Nothing ; and in all things to make good its resemblance to that Commentitious Inanity . The Peripatetick matter is a pure unactuated Power : and this conceited Vacuum a meer Receptibility . Matter is suppos'd indeterminate : and Space is so . The pretended first matter is capable of all forms : And the imaginary space is receptive of any body . The matter can be actuated at once but by a single Informant : and Space is replenisht by one Corporal Inexistence . Matter cannot naturally subsist uninform'd : And Nature avoids vacuity in space . The matter is ingenerate , and beyond corruption : And the space was before , and will be after either . The matter in all things is but one : and the space most uniform . Thus the Foundation-Principle of Peripateticism runs but parallel to an acknowledg'd nothing : and their agreement in essential characters makes rather an Identity , then a Parity ; but that Imaginary space hath more to plead for its reality , then the matter hath , and herein only are they dissimilar . For that hath no dependence on the bodies which possess it ; but was before them , and will survive them : whereas this essentially relies on the form , and cannot subsist without it . Which yet , me thinks , is little better then an absurdity : that the cause should be an Eleemosynary for its subsistence to its effect , and a nature posterior to , and dependent on it self . This dependentia a posteriori , though in a diverse way of causality , my reason could never away with : Yea , one of their own , Oviedo a Spanish Jesuite , hath effectually impugn'd it . So then there 's nothing real , answering this Imaginary Proteus ; and Materia prima hath as much of being , as Mons aureus . But to take a step further , their Form is as obnoxious ; and as dry a word , as the formention'd Nominal . I 'le not spend time in an industrious confutation : The subject is dry , and I long to be out on 't ; with a note on its imaginary Origine , I 'le leave it . It 's source is as obscure , as Nile's ; and Potentia materiae is a pitiful figment . Did it suppose any thing of the form to pre-exist in the matter , as the seminal of its being ; 't were tolerable sense to say it were educed from it . But by educing the affirmers only mean a producing in it , with a subjective dependence on its Recipient : a very fine signification of Eduction ; which answers not the question whence 't is derived , but into what it is received . The question is of the terminus à quo , and the answer of the subject . So that all that can be made of this power of the matter , is meerly a receptive capacity : and we may as well affirm , that the world was educ'd out of the power of the imaginary space ; and give that as a sufficient account of its Original . And in this language , to grow rich were to educe money out of the power of the Pocket . To make a full discovery of the jejune emptiness of these Philosophick Principles , were a task as easie for an ordinary undertaker ; as it would be tedious to an Ingenious Reader . Gassendus hath excellently perform'd it , and , I am confident , to the conviction of those , whom nobler Principles have not yet emancipated from that degenerous slavery . I shall not attempt a work that hath been finished by such an Apelles . Only to give an hint more of this verbal emptiness ; a short view of a definition or two will be current evidence : which , though in Greek or Latine they amuse us , yet a vernacular translation unmasks them ; and if we make them speak English , the cheat is transparent . Light is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith that Philosophy : In English , the Act of a perspicuous body . Sure Aristotle here transgrest his Topicks : and if this definition be clearer , and more known then the thing defin'd ; midnight may vye for conspicuity with noon . Is not light more known then this insignificant Energie ? And what 's a diaphanous body , but the Lights medium , the Air ? so that light is the act of the Air : which definition spoils the Riddle ; and makes it no wonder , a man should see by night as well as by day . Thus is light darkned by an illustration ; and the Sun it self is wrap'd up in obscuring clouds : As if light were best seen by darkness , as light inaccessible is known by Ignorance . If Lux be Umbra Dei ; this definition is Umbra lucis . The Infant , that was last enlarged from its maternal cels ; knows more what light is , then this definition teacheth . Again , that motion is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. is as insignificant as the former . By the most favourable interpretation of that unintelligible Entelechy ; It is but an act of a being in power , as it is in power : The construing of which to any real meaning , is beyond the criticisms of a Mother Tongue ; except it describes our modern Acts of Parliaments . Sure that definition is not very conspicuous , whose Genus pos'd the Devil . The Philosopher , that prov'd motion by walking , did in that action better define it : And that puzled Candidate , who being ask'd what a circle was , decrib'd it by the rotation of his hand ; gave an account more satisfying . In some things we must indeed give an allowance for words of Art : But in defining obvious appearances , we are to use what is most plain and easie ; that the mind be not misled by Amphibologies , or ill conceived notions , into fallacious deductions . To give an account of all the insignificancies of this Philosophy , would be almost to transcribe it ; a task that I should never engage in , though I ow'd no account for my idle hours . 'T will need a pardon from the Ingenious for the minutes already spent , though in a confutation . CHAP. XVII . 2. Peripatetick Philosophy is litigious ; it hath no setled constant signification of words ; the inconveniences hereof . Aristotle intended the cherishing Controversies : prov'd by his own double testimony . Some of his impertinent arguings derided . Disputes retard , and are injurious to knowledge . Peripateticks are most exercised in the Controversal parts of Philosophy , and know little of the practical and experimental . A touch at School-Divinity . THat this Philosophy is litigious , the very spawn of disputations and controversies as undecisive as needless ; is the natural result of the former : Storms are the products of vapours . For where words are imposed arbitrariously , having no stated real meaning ; or else distorted from their common use , and known significations : the mind must needs be led into confusion and misprision ; and so things plain and easie in their naked natures , made full of intricacy and disputable uncertainty . For we cannot conclude with assurance , but from clearly apprehended premises ; and these cannot be so conceiv'd , but by a distinct comprehension of the words out of which they are elemented . So that , where they are unfixt or ambiguous ; our propositions must be so , and our deductions can be no better . One reason therefore of the uncontroverted certainty of Mathematical Science is ; because 't is built upon clear and settled significations of names , which admit of no ambiguity or insignificant obscurity . But in the Aristotelian Philosophy it's quite otherwise : Words being here carelesly and abusively admitted , and as inconstantly retained ; it must needs come to pass , that they will be diversly apprehended by contenders , and so made the subject of controversies , there are endless both for use and number . And thus being at their first step out of the way to Science , by mistaking in simple terms ; in the progress of their enquiries they must needs lose both themselves , and the Truth , in a Verbal Labyrinth . And now the entangled disputants , as Master Hobs ingeniously observeth , like Birds that came down the Chimney ; betake them to the false light , seldom suspecting the way they enter'd : But attempting by vain , impertinent , and coincident distinctions , to escape the absurdity that pursues them : do but weary themselves with as little success , as the silly Bird attempts the window . The mis-stated words are the original mistake ; and every other essay is a new one . Now these canting contests , the usual entertainment of the Peripatum , are not only the accidental vitiosities of the Philosophers ; but the genuine issues of the Philosophy it self . And Aristotle seems purposely to intend the cherishing of controversal digladiations , by his own affectation of an intricate obscurity . Himself acknowledg'd it , when he said ; his Physicks were publish'd , and not so : And by that double advice in his Topicks 't is as clear as light . In one place , he adviseth his Sectatours in disputations to be ambiguous : and in another , to bring forth any thing that occurs , rather then give way to their Adversary ; Counsel very well becoming an Enquirer after Verity ! Nor did he here advise them to any thing , but what he followeth himself , and exactly copies out in his practise . The multitudes of his lame , abrupt , equivocal , self-conttadicting expressions , will evidence it as to the first part : which who considers , may be satisfied in this ; that if Aristotle found Nature's face under covert of a veil , he hath not removed the old , but made her a new one . And for the latter , his frequent slightness in arguing doth abundantly make it good . To instance , he proves the world to be perfect , because it consists of bodies ; and that bodies are so , because they consist of a triple dimension ; and that a triple dimension is perfect , because three are all ; and that three are all , because when 't is but one or two , we can't say all , but when 't is three , we may : Is not this an absolute demonstration ? We can say All at the number three : Therefore the world is perfect . Tobit went forth and his Dog follow'd him ; therefore there 's a world in the Moon , were an argument as Apodictical . In another place he proves the world to be but one : For were there another , our Earth would fall unto it . This is a pitiful deduction , from the meer prejudice of Sense ; and not unlike theirs , who thought , if there were Antipodes , they must needs [ as it 's said of Erasmus ] in Coelum descendere . As if , were there more worlds , each of them would not have its proper Centre . Elsewhere shewing , why the Heavens move this way rather then another , he gives this for a reason : because they move to the more honourable ; and before is more honourable then after . This is like the Gallant , who sent his man to buy an Hat , that would turn up behind . As if , had the Heavens moved the other way ; that term had not been then before , which is now the contrary . This Inference is founded upon a very weak supposition , viz. That those alterable respects are realities in Nature ; which will never be admitted by a considerate discerner . Thus Aristotle acted his own instructions ; and his obsequious Sectators have super-erogated in observance . They have so disguised his Philosophy by obscuring Comments , that his revived self would not own it : And were he to act another part with mortals ; he 'd be but pitiful Peripatetick , every Sophister would out-talk him . Now this disputing way of Enquiry is so far from advancing Science ; that 't is no inconsiderable retarder : For in Scientifical discoveries many things must be consider'd , which the hurrey of a dispute indisposeth for ; and there is no way to truth , but by the most clear comprehension of simple notions , and as wary an accuracy in deductions . If the Fountain be disturb'd , there 's no seeing to the bottom ; and here 's an exception to the Proverb , 'T is no good fishing for Verity in troubled waters . One mistake of either simple apprehension , or connexion , makes an erroneous conclusion . So that the precipitancy of disputation , and the stir and noise of Passions , that usually attend it ; must needs be prejudicial to Verity : its calm insinuations can no more be heard in such a bustle , then a whisper among a croud of Saylors in a storm . Nor do the eager clamors of contending Disputants , yeeld any more relief to eclipsed Truth ; then did the sounding Brass of old to the labouring Moon . When it 's under question , 't were as good flip cross and pile , as to dispute for 't : and to play a game at Chess for an opinion in Philosophy [ as my self and an ingenious Friend have sometime sported ] is as likely a way to determine . Thus the Peripatetick procedure is inept for Philosophical solutions : The Lot were as equitable a decision , as their empty Loquacities . 'T is these nugacious Disputations , that have been the great hinderance to the more improveable parts of Learning : and the modern Retainers to the Stagirite have spent their sweat and pains upon the most litigious parts of his Philosophy ; while those , that find less play for the contending Genius , are incultivate . Thus Logick , Physicks , Metaphysicks , are the burden of Volumes , and the dayly entertainment of the Disputing Schools : while the more profitable doctrines of the Heavens , Meteors , Minerals , Animals ; as also the more practical ones of Politicks , and Oeconomicks , are scarce so much as glanc'd at . And the indisputable Mathematicks , the only Science Heaven hath yet vouchsaf't Humanity ; have but few Votaries among the slaves of the Stagirite . What , the late promoters of the Aristotelian Philosophy , have writ on all these so fertile subjects ; can scarce compare with the single disputes about Materia prima . Nor hath Humane Science monopoliz'd the damage , that hath sprung from this Root of Evils : Theology hath been as deep a sharer . The Volumes of the Schoolmen , are deplorable evidence of Peripatetick depravations : And Luther's censure of that Divinity , Quam primum apparuit Theologia Scholastica , evanuit Theologia Crucis , is neither uncharitable , nor unjust . This hath mudded the Fountain of Certainty with notional and Ethnick admixtions ; and platted the head of Evangelical truth , as the Iews did its Author's , with a Crown of thorns : Here , the most obvious Verity is subtiliz'd into niceties , and spun into a thread indiscernible by common Opticks , but through the spectacles of the adored Heathen . This hath robb'd the Christian world of its unity and peace ; and made the Church , the Stage of everlasting contentions : And while Aristotle is made the Centre of Truth , and Unity , what hope of reconciling ? And yet most of these Scholastick controversies are ultimately resolv'd into the subtilties of his Philosophy : And me thinks an Athenian should not be the best guide to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Nor an Idolater to that God he neither knew nor owned . When I read the eager contests of these Notional Theologues , about things that are not ; I cannot but think of the pair of wise ones , that fought for the middle : And me thinks many of their Controversies are such , as if we and our Antipodes , should strive who were uppermost ; their title to Truth is equal . He that divided his Text into one part ; did but imitate the Schoolmen in their coincident distinctions : And the best of their curiosities are but like paint on Glass , which intercepts and dyes the light the more desirable splendor . I cannot look upon their elaborate trifles , but with a sad reflexion on the degenerate state of our lapsed Intellects ; and as deep a resentment , of the mischiefs of this School-Philosophy . CHAP. XVIII . 3. It gives no account of the Phaenomena ; those that are remoter , it attempts not . It speaks nothing pertinent in the most ordinary : It s circular , and general way of Solution . It resolves all things into occult qualities . The absurdity of the Aristotelian Hypothesis of the Heavens . The Gallaxy is no meteor : the Heavens are corruptible . Comets are above the Moon . The Sphear of fire derided . Aristotle convicted of several other false assertions . 3. THe Aristotelian Hypotheses give a very dry and jejune account of Nature's Phaenomena . For as to its more mysterious reserves , Peripatetick enquiry hath left them unattempted ; and the most forward notional Dictators sit down here in a contented ignorance : and as if nothing more were knowable then is already discover'd , they put stop to all endeavours of their Solution . Qualities , that were Occult to Aristotle , must be so to us ; and we must not Philosophize beyond Sympathy and Antipathy : whereas indeed the Rarities of Nature are in these Recesses , and its most excellent operations Cryptick to common discernment . Modern Ingenuity expects Wonders from Magnetick discoveries : And while we know but its more sensible ways of working ; we are but vulgar Philosophers , and not likely to help the World to any considerable Theories . Till the Fountains of the great deeps are broken up ; Knowledge is not likely to cover the Earth as the waters the Sea. Nor is the Aristotelian Philosophy guilty of this sloth and Philosophick penury , only in remoter abstrusities : but in solving the most ordinary causalities , it is as defective and unsatisfying . Even the most common productions are here resolv'd into Celestial influences , Elemental combinations , active and passive principles , and such generalities ; while the particular manner of them is as hidden as sympathies . And if we follow manifest qualities beyond the empty signification of their Names ; we shall find them as occult , as those which are professedly so . That heavy Bodies descend by gravity , is no better an account then we might expect from a Rustick : and again , that Gravity is a quality whereby an heavy body descends , is an impertinent Circle , and teacheth nothing . The feigned Central alliciency is but a word , and the manner of it still occult . That the fire burns by a quality called heat ; is an empty dry return to the Question , and leaves us still ignorant of the immediate way of igneous solutions . The accounts that this Philosophy gives by other Qualities , are of the same Gender with these : So that to say the Loadstone draws Iron by magnetick attraction , and that the Sea moves by flux and reflux ; were as satisfying as these Hypotheses , and the solution were as pertinent . In the Qualities , this Philosophy calls manifest , nothing is so but the effects . For the heat , we feel , is but the effect of the fire ; and the pressure , we are sensible of , but the effect of the descending body . And effects , whose causes are confessedly occult , are as much within the sphear of our Senses ; and our Eyes will inform us of the motion of the Steel to its attrahent . Thus Peripatetick Philosophy resolves all things into Occult qualities ; and the Dogmatists are the only Scepticks . Even to them , that pretend so much to Science , the world is circumscrib'd with a Gyges his Ring ; and is intellectually invisible : And , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will best become the mouth of a Peripatetick . For by their way of disquisition there can no more be truly comprehended , then what 's known by every common Ignorant : But ingenious inquiry will not be contented with such vulgar frigidities . But further , if we look into the Aristotelian Comments on the largest Volumes of the Universe : The works of the fourth day are there as confused and disorderly , as the Chaos of the first : and more like that , which was before the light , then the compleatly finish'd , and gloriously disposed frame . What a Romance is the story of those impossible concamerations , Intersections , Involutions , and feign'd Rotations of solid Orbs ? All substituted to salve the credit of a broken ill-contrived Systeme . The belief of such disorders above , were an advantage to the oblique Atheism of Epicurus : And such Irregularities in the Celestial motions , would lend an Argument to the Apotheiosis of Fortune . Had the world been coagmented from that supposed fortuitous Jumble ; this Hypothesis had been tolerable . But could the doctrine of solid Orbs , be accommodated to Astronomical Phaenomena ; yet to ascribe each Sphear an Intelligence to circumvolve it , were an unphilosophical desperate refuge : And to confine the blessed Genii to a Province , which was the Hell of Ixion , were to rob them of their Felicities . That the Galaxy is a Meteor , was the account of Aristotle : But the Telescope hath autoptically confuted it : And he , who is not Pyrrhonian to the disbelief of his Senses , may see ; that it 's no exhalation from the Earth , but an heap of smaller Luminaries . That the Heavens are void of corruption , is Aristotles supposal : But the Tube hath betray'd their impurity ; and Neoterick Astronomy hath found spots in the Sun. The discoveries made in Venus , and the Moon , disprove the Antique Quintessence ; and evidence them of as course materials , as the Globe we belong to . The Perspicil , as well as the Needle , hath enlarged the habitable World ; and that the Moon is an Earth , is no improbable conjecture . The inequality of its surface , Mountanous protuberance , the nature of its Maculae , and infinite other circumstances [ for which the world 's beholding to Galilaeo ] are Items not contemptible : Hevelius hath graphically describ'd it : That Comets are of nature Terrestrial , is allowable : But that they are materiall'd of vapours , and never flamed beyond the Moon ; were a concession unpardonable . That in Cassiopaea was in the Firmament , and another in our age above the Sun. Nor was there ever any as low as the highest point of the circumference , the Stagyrite allows them . So that we need not be appal'd at Blazing Stars , and a Comet is no more ground for Astrological presages then a flaming Chimney . The unparallel'd Des-Cartes hath unridled their dark Physiology , and to wonder solv'd their Motions . His Philosophy gives them transcursions beyond the Vortex we breath in ; and leads them through others , which are only known in an Hypothesis . Aristotle would have fainted before he had flown half so far , as that Eagle-wit ; and have lighted on a hard name , or occult quality , to rest him . That there is a sphear of fire under the concave of the Moon , is a dream : And this , may be , was the reason some imagin'd Hell there , thinking those flames the Ignis Rotae . According to this Hypothesis , the whole Lunar world is a Torrid Zone ; and on a better account , then Aristotle thought ours was , may be supposed inhabitable , except they are Salamanders which dwell in those fiery Regions . That the Reflexion of the Solar Rays , is terminated in the Clouds ; was the opinion of the Graecian Sage : But Lunar observations have convicted it of falshood ; and that planet receives the dusky light , we discern in its Sextile Aspect , from the Earth's benignity . That the Rainbow never describes more then a semicircle , is no creditable assertion ; since experimental observations have confuted it . Gassendus saw one at Sun-setting , whose Supreme Arch almost reached our Zenith ; while the Horns stood in the Oriental Tropicks . And that Noble wit reprehends the School-Idol , for assigning fifty years at least between every Lunar Iris. That Caucasus enjoys the Sun-beams three parts of the Nights Vigils ; that Danubius ariseth from the Pyrenaean Hills : That the Earth is higher towards the North : are opinions truly charged on Aristotle by the Restorer of Epicurus ; and all easily confutable falsities . To reckon all the Aristotelian aberrances , and to give a full account of the lameness of his Hypotheses , would swell this digression into a Volume . The mention'd shall suffice us . CHAP. XIX . Aristotle's Philosophy inept for new discoveries ; it hath been the Author of no one invention : It 's founded on vulgarities , and therefore makes nothing known beyond them . The knowledge of Natures out-side confers not to practical improvements . Better hopes from the New Philosophy . A fifth charge against Aristotle's Philosophy , it is in many things impious , and self-contradicting : Instances of both propounded . The directing all this to the design of the discourse . A Caution , viz. that nothing is here intended in favour of novelty in Divinity ; the reason why we may imbrace what is new in Philosophy , while we reject them in Theologie . 4. THe Aristotelian Philosophy is inept for New discoveries ; and therefore of no accommodation to the use of life . That all Arts , and Professions are capable of maturer improvements ; cannot be doubted by those , who know the least of any . And that there is an America of secrets , and unknown Peru of Nature , whose discovery would richly advance them , is more then conjecture . Now while we either sayl by the Land of gross aud vulgar Doctrines , or direct our Enquiries , by the Cynosure of meer abstract notions ; we are not likely to reach the Treasures on the other side the Atlantick : The directing of the World the way to which , is the noble end of true Philosohpy . That the Aristotelian Physiology cannot boast it self the proper Author of any one Invention ; is praegnant evidence of its infecundous deficiency : And 't would puzzle the Schools to point at any considerable discovery , made by the direct , sole manuduction of Peripatetick Principles . Most of our Rarities have been found out by casual emergency ; and have been the works of Time , and Chance , rather then of Philosophy . What Aristotle hath of Experimental Knowledge in his Books of Animals , or elsewhere ; is not much transcending vulgar observation : And yet what he hath of this , was never learnt from his Hypotheses ; but forcibly fetch'd in to suffrage to them . And 't is the observation of the Noble St. Alban ; that that Philosophy is built on a few Vulgar Experiments : and if upon further enquiry , any were found to refragate , they were to be discharg'd by a distinction . Now what is founded on , and made up but of Vulgarities , cannot make known any thing beyond them . For Nature is is set a going by the most subtil and hidden Instruments ; which it may be have nothing obvious which resembles them . Hence judging by visible appearances , we are discouraged by supposed Impossibilities which to Nature are none , but within her Sphear of Action . And therefore what shews only the outside , and sensible structure of Nature ; is not likely to help us in finding out the Magnalia . 'T were next to impossible for one , who never saw the inward wheels and motions , to make a watch upon the bare view of the Circle of hours , and Index : And 't is as difficult to trace natural operations to any practical advantage , by the sight of the Cortex of sensible Appearances . He were a poor Physitian , that had no more Anatomy , then were to be gather'd from the Physnomy . Yea , the most common Phaenomena can be neither known , nor improved , without insight into the more hidden frame . For Nature works by an Invisible Hand in all things : And till Peripateticism can shew us further , then those gross solutions of Qualities and Elements ; 't will never make us Benefactors to the World , nor considerable Discoverers . But its experienc'd sterility through so many hundred years , drives Hope to desperation . We expect greater things from Neoterick endeavours . The Cartesian Philosophy in this regard hath shewn the World the way to be happy . Me thinks this Age seems resolved to bequeath posterity somewhat to remember it : And the glorious Undertakers , wherewith Heaven hath blest our Days , will leave the world better provided then they found it . And whereas in former times such generous free-spirited Worthies were , as the Rare newly observed Stars , a single one the wonder of an Age : In ours they are like the lights of the greater size that twinkle in the Starry Firmament : And this last Century can glory in numerous constellations . Should those Heroes go on , as they have happily begun ; they 'll fill the world with wonders . And I doubt not but posterity will find many things , that are now but Rumors , verified into practical Realities . It may be some Ages hence , a voyage to the Southern unknown Tracts , yea possibly the Moon , will not be more strange then one to America . To them , that come after us , it may be as ordinary to buy a pair of wings to fly into remotest Regions ; as now a pair of Boots to ride a Iourney . And to conferr at the distance of the Indies by Sympathetick conveyances , may be as usual to future times , as to us in a litterary correspondence . The restauration of gray hairs to Iuvenility , and renewing the exhausted marrow , may at length be effected without a miracle : And the turning of the now comparatively desert world into a Paradise , may not improbably be expected from late Agriculture . Now those , that judge by the narrowness of former Principles , will smile at these Paradoxical expectations : But questionless those great Inventions , that have in these later Ages altered the face of all things ; in their naked proposals , and meer suppositions , were to former times as ridiculous . To have talk'd of a new Earth to have been discovered , had been a Romance to Antiquity : And to sayl without sight of Stars or shoars by the guidance of a Mineral , a story more absurd , then the flight of Daedalus . That men should speak after their tongues were ashes , or communicate with each other in differing Hemisphears , before the Invention of Letters ; could not but have been thought a fiction . Antiquity would not have believed the almost incredible force of our Canons ; and would as coldly have entertain'd the wonders of the Telescope . In these we all condemn antique incredulity ; and 't is likely Posterity will have as much cause to pity ours . But yet notwithstanding this straightness of shallow observers , there are a set of enlarged souls that are more judiciously credulous : and those , who are acquainted with the fecundity of Cartesian Principles , and the diligent and ingenuous endeavours of so many true Philosophers ; will despair of nothing . 5. But again , the Aristotelian Philosophy is in some things impious , and inconsistent with Divinity ; and in many more inconsistent with it self . That the Resurrection is impossible ; That God understands not all things ; That the world was from Eternity ; That there 's no substantial form , but moves some Orb ; That the first Mover moves by an Eternal , Immutable Necessity ; That , if the world and motion were not from Eternity , then God was Idle ; were all the Assertions of Aristotle , which Theology pronounceth impieties . Which yet we need not strange at from one , of whom a Father saith , Nec Deum coluit nec curavit : Especially , if it be as Philoponus affirms , that he philosophiz'd by command from the Oracle . Of the Aristotelian contradictions , Gassendus hath presented us with a Catalogue : We 'll instance in a few of them . In one place he saith , The Planets scintillation is not seen , because of their propinquity ; but that of the rising and setting Sun is , because of its distance : and yet in another place he makes the Sun nearer us , then they are . He saith , that the Elements are not Eternal , and seeks to prove it ; and yet he makes the world so , and the Elements its parts . In his Meteors he saith , no Dew is produced in the Wind ; and yet afterwards admits it under the South , and none under the North. In one place he defines a vapour humid and cold ; and in another humid and hot . He saith , the faculty of speaking is a sense ; and yet before he allow'd but five . In one place , that Nature doth all things best ; and in another , that it makes more evil then good . And somewhere he contradicts himself within a line ; saying , that an Immoveable Mover hath no principle of Motion . 'T would be tedious to mention more ; and the qualiiy of a digression will not allow it . Thus we have , as briefly as the subject would bear , animadverted on the so much admired Philosophy of Aristotle . The nobler Spirits of the Age , are disengaged from those detected vanities : And the now Adorers of that Philosophy are few , but such narrow souls , that know no other ; Or if any of them look beyond the leaves of their Master , yet they try other Principles by a Jury of his , and scan Cartes with Genus and Species . From the former sort I may hope , they 'l pardon this attempt ; and for the latter , I value not their censure . Thus then we may conclude upon the whole , that the stamp of Authority can make Leather as current as Gold ; and that there 's nothing so contemptible , but Antiquity can render it august , and excellent . But , because the Fooleries of some affected Novelists have discredited new discoveries , and render'd the very mention suspected of Vanity at least ; and in points Divine , of Heresie : It will be necessary to add , that I intend not the former discourse , in favour of any new-broach'd conceit in Divinity ; For I own no Opinion there , which cannot plead the prescription of above sixteen hundred . There 's nothing I have more sadly resented , then the phrenetick whimsies with which our Age abounds , and therefore am not likely to Patron them . In Theology , I put as great a difference between our New Lights , and Ancient Truths ; as between the Sun , and an unconcocted evanid Meteor . Though I confess , that in Philosophy I 'm a Seeker ; yet cannot believe , that a Sceptick in Philosophy must be one in Divinity . Gospel-Light began in it Zenith ; and , as some say the Sun , was created in its Meridian strength and lustre . But the beginnings of Philosophy were in a Crepusculous obscurity ; and it 's yet scarse past the Dawn . Divine Truths were most pure in their source ; and Time could not perfect what Eternity began : our Divinity , like the Grand-father of Humanity , was born in the fulness of time , and in the strength of its manly vigour : But Philosophy and Arts commenced Embryo's , and are compleated by Times gradual accomplishments . And therefore , what I cannot find in the leaves of former Inquisitours : I seek in the Modern attempts of nearer Authors . I cannot receive Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in so extensive an interpretation , as some would enlarge it to : And that discouraging Maxime , Nil dictum quod non dictum prius , hath little room in my estimation . Nor can I tye up my belief to the Letter of Solomon : Except Copernicus be in the right , there hath been something New under the Sun ; I 'm sure , later times have seen Novelties in the Heavens above it . I do not think , that all Science is Tautology : The last Ages have shewn us , what Antiquity never saw ; no , not in a Dream . CHAP. XX. It 's queried whether there be any Science in the sense of the Dogmatists : ( 1 ) We cannot know any thing to be the cause of another , but from its attending it ; and this way is not infallible ; declared by instances , especially from the Philosophy of Des-Cartes . All things are mixt , and 't is difficult to assign each Cause its distinct Effect . ( 2 ) There 's no demonstration but where the contrary is impossible . We can scarce conclude so of any thing : Instances of supposed impossibles which are none . A story of a Scholar that turn'd Gipsy ; and of the power of Imagination . Of one mans binding anothers thoughts ; and a conjecture at the maner of its performance . COnfidence of Science is one great reason , we miss it : whereby presuming we have it every where , we seek it not where it is ; and therefore fall short of the object of our Enquiry . Now to give further check to Dogmatical pretensions , and to discover the vanity of assuming Ignorance ; we 'll make a short enquiry , whether there be any such thing as Science in the sense of its Assertours . In their notion then , it is the knowledge of things in their true , immediate , necessary causes : Upon which I 'le advance the following Observations . 1. All Knowledge of Causes is deductive : for we know none by simple intuition ; but through the mediation of its effects . Now we cannot conclude , any thing to be the cause of another ; but from its continual accompanying it : for the causality it self is insensible . Thus we gather fire to be the cause of heat , and the Sun of day-light : because where ever fire is , we find there 's heat ; and where ever the Sun is , Light attends it , and è contrà . But now to argue from a concomitancy to a causality , is not infallibly conclusive : Yea in this way lies notorious delusion . Is 't not possible , and how know we the contrary , but , that something , which alway attends the grosser flame , may be the cause of heat ? and may not it , and its supposed cause , be only parallel effects ? Suppose the fire had ne're appear'd , but had been still hid in smoke ; and that heat did alway proportionably encrease and diminish , with the greater or less quantity of that fuliginous exhalation : should we ever have doubted , that smoke was the cause on 't ? Suppose we had never seen more Sun , then in a cloudy day , and that the lesser lights had ne're shewn us their lucid substance ; Let us suppose the day had alway broke with a wind , and had proportionably varyed , as that did : Had not he been a notorious Sceptick , that should question the causality ? But we need not be beholding to such remote suppositions : The French Philosophy furnishes us with a better instance . For , according to the Principles of the illustrious Des-Cartes , there would be light , though the Sun and Stars gave none ; and a great part of what we now enjoy , is independent on their beams . Now if this seemingly prodigious Paradox , can be reconcil'd to the least probability of conjecture , or may it be made but a tolerable supposal ; I presume , it may then win those that are of most difficil belief , readily to yeeld ; that causes in our account the most palpable , may possibly be but uninfluential attendants ; since that there is not an instance can be given , wherein we opinion a more certain efficiency . So then , according to the tenour of that concinnous Hypothesis , light being caused by the Conamen of the Matter of the Vortex , to recede from the Centre of its Motion : it is easily deducible , that were there none of that fluid Aether , which makes the body of the Sun in the Centre of our world , or should it cease from action ; yet the conatus of the circling matter would not be considerably less , but according to the indispensable Laws of Motion , must press the Organs of Sense as now , though it may be not with so smart an impulse . Thus we see , how there might be Light before the Luminaries ; and Evening and Morning before there was a Sun. So then we cannot infallibly assure our selves of the truth of the causes , that most obviously occur ; and therefore the foundation of scientifical procedure , is too weak for so magnificent a superstructure . Besides , That the World 's a mass of heterogeneous subsistencies , and every part thereof a coalition of distinguishable varieties ; we need not go far for evidence : And that all things are mixed , and Causes blended by mutual involutions ; I presume , to the Intelligent will be no difficult concession . Now to profound to the bottom of these diversities , to assign each cause its distinct effects , and to limit them by their just and true proportions ; are necessary requisites of Science : and he that hath compast them , may boast he hath out-done humanity . But for us to talk of Knowledge , from those few indistinct representations , which are made to our grosser faculties , is a flatulent vanity . 2. We hold no demonstration in the notion of the Dogmatist , but where the contrary is impossible : For necessary is that , which cannot be otherwise . Now , whether the acquisitions of any on this side perfection , can make good the pretensions to so high strain'd an infallibility , will be worth a reflexion . And , me thinks , did we but compare the miserable scantness of our capacities , with the vast profundity of things ; both truth and modesty would teach us a dialect , more becoming short-sighted mortality . Can nothing be otherwise , which we conceive impossible , to be so ? Is our knowledge , and things , so adequately commensurate , as to justifie the affirming , that that cannot be , which we comprehend not ? Our demonstrations are levyed upon Principles of our own , not universal Nature : And , as my Lord Bacon notes , we judge from the Analogy of our selves , not the Universe . Now are not many things certain by the Principles of one , which are impossible to the apprehensions of another ? Thus some things our Juvenile reasons tenaciously adhere to ; which yet our maturer Judgements disallow of : many things to meer sensible discerners are impossible , which to the enlarged principles of more advanced Intellects are easie verities : Yea , that 's absurd in one Philosophy , which is a worthy Truth in another ; and that 's a demonstration to Aristotle , which is none to Des-Cartes . That every fixt star is a Sun ; and that they are as distant from each other , as we from some of them ; That the Sun , which lights us , is in the Centre of our World , and our Earth a Planet that wheels about it ; That this Globe is a Star , only crusted over with the grosser Element , and that its Centre is of the same nature with the Sun ; That it may recover its light again , and shine amids the other Luminaries ; That our Sun may be swallow'd up of another , and become a Planet : All these , if we judge by common Principles or the Rules of Vulgar Philosophy , are prodigious Impossibilities , and their contradictories , as good as demonstrable : But yet to a reason inform'd by Cartesianism ; these have their probability . Thus , it may be , the grossest absurdities to the Philosophies of Europe , may be justifiable assertions to that of China : And 't is not unlikely , but what 's impossible to all Humanity , may be possible in the Metaphysicks , and Physiologie of Angels . Now the best Principles , excepting Divine , and Mathematical , are but Hypotheses ; within the Circle of which we may indeed conclude many things , with security from Error : But yet the greatest certainty , advanc'd from supposal , is still but Hypothetical . So that we may affirm , things are thus and thus , according to the Principles we have espoused : But we strangely forget our selves , when we plead a necessity of their being so in Nature , and an Impossibility of their being otherwise . That one man should be able to bind the thoughts of another , and determine them to their particular objects ; will be reckon'd in the first rank of Impossibles : Yet by the power of advanc'd Imagination it may very probably be effected ; and story abounds with Instances . I 'le trouble the Reader but with one ; and the hands from which I had it , make me secure of the truth on 't . There was very lately a Lad in the University of Oxford , who being of very pregnant and ready parts , and yet wanting the encouragement of preferment ; was by his poverty forc'd to leave his studies there , and to cast himself upon the wide world for a livelyhood . Now , his necessities growing dayly on him , and wanting the help of friends to relieve him ; he was at last forced to joyn himself to a company of Vagabond Gypsies , whom occasionly he met with , and to follow their Trade for a maintenance . Among these extravagant people , by the insinuating subtilty of his carriage , he quickly got so much of their love , and esteem ; as that they discover'd to him their Mystery : in the practice of which , by the pregnancy of his wit and parts he soon grew so good a proficient , as to be able to out-do his Instructours . After he had been a pretty while well exercis'd in the Trade ; there chanc'd to ride by a couple of Scholars who had formerly bin of his acquaintance . The Scholars had quickly spyed out their old friend , among the Gypsies ; and their amazement to see him among such society , had well-nigh discover'd him : but by a sign he prevented their owning him before that Crew : and taking one of them aside privately , desired him with his friend to go to an Inn , not far distant thence , promising there to come to them . They accordingly went thither , and he follows : after their first salutations , his friends enquire how he came to lead so odd a life as that was , and to joyn himself with such a cheating beggerly company . The Scholar-Gypsy having given them an account of the necessity , which drove him to that kind of life ; told them , that the people he went with were not such Impostours as they were taken for , but that they had a traditional kind of learning among them , and could do wonders by the power of Imagination , and that himself had learnt much of their Art , and improved it further then themselves could . And to evince the truth of what he told them , he said , he 'd remove into another room , leaving them to discourse together ; and upon his return tell them the sum of what they had talked of : which accordingly he perform'd , giving them a full account of what had pass'd between them in his absence . The Scholars being amaz'd at so unexpected a discovery , earnestly desir'd him to unriddle the mystery . In which he gave them satisfaction , by telling them , that what he did was by the power of Imagination , his Phancy binding theirs ; and that himself had dictated to them the discourse , they held together , while he was from them : That there were warrantable wayes of heightening the Imagination to that pitch , as to bind anothers ; and that when he had compass'd the whole secret , some parts of which he said he was yet ignorant of , he intended to leave their company , and give the world an account of what he had learned . Now that this strange power of the Imagination is no Impossibility ; the wonderful signatures in the Foetus caus'd by the Imagination of the Mother , is no contemptible Item . The sympathies of laughing & gaping together , are resolv'd into this Principle : and I see not why the phancy of one man may not determine the cogitation of another rightly qualified , as easily as his bodily motion . This influence seems to be no more unreasonable , then that of one string of a Lute upon another ; when a stroak on it causeth a proportionable motion in the sympathizing consort , which is distant from it and not sensibly touched . Now if this notion be strictly verifiable ; 't will yeeld us a good account how Angels inject thoughts into our minds , and know our cogitations : and here we may see the source of some kinds of fascination . If we are prejudic'd against the speculation , because we cannot conceive the manner of so strange an operation ; we shall indeed receive no help from the common Philosophy : But yet the Hypothesis of a Mundane soul , lately reviv'd by that incomparable Platonist and Cartesian , Dr. H. More , will handsomly relieve us . Or if any would rather have a Mechanical account ; I think it may probably be made out some such way as follows . Imagination is inward Sense . To Sense is required a motion of certain Filaments of the Brain ; and consequently in Imagination there 's the like : they only differing in this , that the motion of the one proceeds immediately from external objects ; but that of the other hath its immediate rise within us . Now then , when any part of the Brain is strongly agitated ; that , which is next and most capable to receive the motive Impress , must in like manner be moved . Now we cannot conceive any thing more capable of motion , then the fluid matter , that 's interspers'd among all bodies , and contiguous to them . So then , the agitated parts of the Brain begetting a motion in the proxime Aether ; it is propagated through the liquid medium , as we see the motion is which is caus'd by a stone thrown into the water . Now , when the thus moved matter meets with any thing like that , from which it received its primary impress ; it will proportionably move it , as it is in Musical strings tuned Unisons . And thus the motion being convey'd , from the Brain of one man to the Phancy of another ; it is there receiv'd from the instrument of conveyance , the subtil matter ; and the same kind of strings being moved , and much what after the same manner as in the first Imaginant ; the Soul is awaken'd to the same apprehensions , as were they that caus'd them . I pretend not to any exactness or infallibility in this account , fore-seeing many scruples that must be removed to make it perfect : 'T is only an hint of the possibility of mechanically solving the Phaenomenon ; though very likely it may require many other circumstances compleatly to make it out . But 't is not my business here to follow it : I leave it therefore to receive accomplishment from maturer Inventions . CHAP. XXI . Another instance of a supposed Impossibility which may not be so . Of conference at distance by impregnated Needles . A way of secret conveyance by sympathized hands ; a relation to this purpose . Of the magnetick cure of wounds . This discourse weakens not the certainty of truths Mathematical or Divine . Mathematical Science need not elate us , since by it we know but our own creatures , and are still ignorant of our Makers . ( 3 ) We cannot know any thing in Nature , without the knowledge of the first springs of natural motions , and these we are ignorant of . Des-Cartes his Philosophy commended . BUt yet to advance another instance . That men should confer at very distant removes by an extemporary intercourse is a reputed impossibility , but yet there are some hints in natural operations that give us probability that 't is feasible , and may be compast without unwarrantable assistance from Daemoniack correspondence . That a couple of Needles equally toucht by the same magnet , being set in two Dyals exactly proportion'd to each other , and circumscribed by the Letters of the Alphabet , may effect this magnale , hath considerable authorities to avouch it . The manner of it is thus represented . Let the friends that would communicate take each a Dyal : and having appointed a time for their Sympathetick conference ; let one move his impregnate Needle to any letter in the Alphabet , and its affected fellow will precisely respect the same . So that would I know what my friend would acquaint me with ; 't is but observing the letters that are pointed at by my Needle , and in their order transcribing them from their sympathized Index , as its motion direct's : and I maybe assured that my friend described the same with his : and that the words on my paper , are of his inditing . Now though there will be some ill contrivance in a circumstance of this invention , in that the thus impregnate Needles will not move to , but avert from each other ( as ingenious Dr. Browne in his Pseudodoxia Epidemica hath observed : ) yet this cannot prejudice the main design of this way of secret conveyance : Since 't is but reading counter to the magnetick informer ; and noting the letter which is most distant in the Abecedarian circle from that which the needle turns to , and the case is not alter'd . Now though this desirable effect possibly may not yet answer the expectation of inquisitive experiment ; yet 't is no despicable item , that by some other such way of magnetick efficiency , it may hereafter with success be attempted , when Magical History shall be enlarged by riper inspections : and 't is not unlikely , but that present discoveries might be improved to the performance . There is besides this another way , which is said to have advanced the secret beyond speculation , and compleated it in practice . That some have conferr'd at distance by sympathized hands , and in a moment have thus transmitted their thoughts to each other , there are late specious relations do attest it : which say , that the hands of two friends being sympathized by a transferring of flesh from one into the other , and the place of the letters mutually agreed on ; the least prick in the hand of one , the other will be sensible of , and that in the same part of his own . And thus the distant friend by a new kind of Chiromancy may read in his own hand what his correspondent had set down in his . For instance , would I in London acquaint my intimate in Paris , that I am well : I would then prick that part where I had appointed the letter [ I : ] and doing so in another place to signifie that word was done , proceed to [ A , ] thence to [ M ] and so on , till I had finisht what I intended to make known . Now that there have been some such practices , I have had a considerable relation , which I hold not impertinent to insert . A Gentleman comes to a Chirurgeon to have his arm cut off : The Surgeon perceiving nothing that it ailed , was much startled at the motion ; thinking him either in jest , or besides himself . But by a more deliberate recollection , perceiving that he was both sober , and in earnest ; entreats him to know the reason of so strange a desire , since his arm to him seem'd perfectly sound : to which the Gentleman replyes , that his hand was sympathiz'd , and his friend was dead , so that if not prevented by amputation , he said , it would rot away , as did that of his deceased Correspondent . Nor was this an unreasonable surmise ; but , if there be any such way of manual Sympathizing , a very probable conjecture . For , that which was so sensibly affected with so inconsiderable a touch , in all likelyhood would be more immuted , by those greater alterations which are in Cadaverous Solutions . And no doubt , but that by the same reason it would have been corrupted , as some times Warts are by the decay of buryed lard that was rubb'd upon them . Now if these wayes of secret conveyance may be made out to be really practicable ; yea , if it be evincible , that they are as much as possibly so , it will be a warrantable presumption of the verity of the former instance : since t is as easily conceivable , that there should be communications between the phancies of men , as either the impregnate needles , or sympathized hands . And there is an instance yet behinde , which is more creditable than either , and gives probability to them all . That there is a Magnetick way of curing wounds by anointing the weapon , and that the wound is affected in like manner as is the extravenate bloud by the Sympathetick medicine , is for matter of fact put out of doubt by the Noble Sir K. Digby , and the proof he gives in his ingenious discourse on the subject , is unexceptionable . For the reason of this wonder , he attempts it by Mechanism , and endeavours to make it out by atomical aporrheas , which passing from the cruentate cloth or weapon to the wound , and being incorporated with the particles of the salve carry them in their embraces to the affected part : where the medicinal atomes entering together with the effluviums of the bloud , do by their subtle insinuation better effect the cure , then can be done by any grosser Application . The particular way of their conveyance , and their regular direction is handsomly explicated by that learned Knight , and recommended to the Ingenious by most witty and becoming illustrations . It is out of my way here to enquire whether the Anima Mundi be not a better account , then any Mechanical Solutions . The former is more desperate , the later hath more of ingenuity , then solid satisfaction . It is enough for me that de facto there is such an entercourse between the Magnetick unguent and the vulnerated body , and I need not be solicitous of the Cause . These theories I presume will not be importunate to the ingenious : and therefore I have taken the liberty ( which the quality of an Essay will well enough allow of ) to touch upon them , though seemingly collateral to my scope . And yet I think , they are but seemingly so , since they do pertinently illustrate my design , viz. That what seems impossible to us , may not be so in Nature ; and therefore the Dogmatist wants this to compleat his demonstration , that 't is impossible to be otherwise . Now I intend not by any thing here to invalidate the certainty of truths either Mathematical or Divine . These are superstructed on principles that cannot fail us , except our faculties do constantly abuse us . Our religious foundations are fastned at the pillars of the intellectual world , and the grand Articles of our Belief as demonstrable as Geometry . Nor will ever either the subtile attempts of the resolved Atheist ; or the passionate Hurricanoes of the phrentick Enthusiast , any more be able to prevail against the reason our Faith is built on , than the blustring windes to blow out the Sun. And for Mathematical Sciences , he that doubts their certainty , hath need of a dose of Hellebore . Nor yet can the Dogmatist make much of these concessions in favour of his pretended Science ; for our discourse comes not within the circle of the former : and for the later , the knowledge we have of the Mathematicks , hath no reason to elate us ; since by them we know but numbers , and figures , creatures of our own , and are yet ignorant of our Maker's . ( 3. ) We cannot know any thing of Nature but by an Analysis of it to its true initial causes : and till we know the first springs of natural motions , we are still but ignorants . These are the Alphabet of Science , and Nature cannot be read without them . Now who dares pretend to have seen the prime motive causes , or to have had a view of Nature , while she lay in her simple Originals ? we know nothing but effects , and those but by our Senses . Nor can we judge of their Causes , but by proportion to palpable causalities conceiving them like those within the sensible Horizon . Now 't is no doubt with the considerate , but that the rudiments of Nature are very unlike the grosser appearances . Thus in things obvious , there 's but little resemblance between the Mucous sperm , and the compleated Animal . The Egge is not like the oviparous production : nor the corrupted muck like the creature that creeps from it . There 's but little similitude betwixt a terreous humidity , and plantal germinations ; nor do vegetable derivations ordinarily resemble their simple scminalities . So then , since there 's so much dissimilitude between Cause and Effect in the more palpable Phaenomena , we can expect no less between them , and their invisible efficients . Now had our Senses never presented us with those obvious seminal principles of apparent generations , we should never have suspected that a plant or animal could have proceeded from such unlikely materials : much less , can we conceive or determine the uncompounded initials of natural productions , in the total silence of our Senses . And though the Grand Secretary of Nature , the miraculous Des-Cartes have here infinitely out-done all the Philosophers went before him , in giving a particular and Analytical account of the Universal Fabrick : yet he intends his Principles but for Hypotheses , and never pretends that things are really or necessarily , as he hath supposed them : but that they may be admitted pertinently to solve the Phaenomena , and are convenient supposals for the use of life . Nor can any further account be expected from humanity , but how things possibly may have been made consonantly to sensible nature : but infallibly to determine , how they truly were effected , is proper to him only that saw them in the Chaos , and fashion'd them out of that confused mass . For to say , the principles of Nature must needs be such as our Philosophy makes them , is to set bounds to Omnipotence , and to confine infinite power and wisdom to our shallow models . CHAP. XXII . ( 4 ) Because of the mutual dependence and concatenation of Causes , we cannot know any one without knowing all . Particularly declared by instances . ( 5 ) All our Science comes in at our Senses ; their infallibility inquir'd into . The Authors design in this last particular . ( 4 ) . ACcording to the notion of the Dogmatist , we know nothing , except we knew all things , and he that pretends to Science affects an Omniscience . For all things being linkt together by an uninterrupted chain of Causes ; and every single motion owning a dependence on such a Syndrome of prae-required motors : we can have no true knowledge of any , except we comprehended all , and could distinctly pry into the whole method of Causal Concatenations . Thus we cannot know the cause of any one motion in a watch , unless we were acquainted with all its motive dependences , and had a distinctive comprehension of the whole Mechanical frame . And would we know but the most contemptible plant that grows , almost all things that have a being must contribute to our knowledge : for , that to the perfect Science of any thing it 's necessary to know all its causes ; is both reasonable in its self , and the sense of the Dogmatist . So that , to the knowledge of the poorest simple , we must first know its efficient , the manner , and method of its efformation , and the nature of the Plastick . To the comprehending of which , we must have a full prospect into the whole Archidoxis of Nature's secrets , and the immense profundities of occult Philosophy : in which we know nothing till we compleatly ken all Magnetick , and Sympathetick energies , and their most hidden causes . And ( 2 ) if we contemplate a vegetable in its material principle , and look on it as made of earth ; we must have the true Theory of the nature of that Element , or we miserably fail of our Scientifical aspirings , and while we can only say , 't is cold and dry , we are pitiful knowers . But now , to profound into the Physicks of this heterogeneous masse , to discern the principles of its constitution , and to discover the reason of its diversities , are absolute requisites of the Science we aim at . Nor can we tolerably pretend to have those without the knowledge of Minerals , the causes and manner of their Concretions , and among the rest , the Magnet , with its amazing properties . This directs us to the pole , and thence our disquisition is led to the whole systeme of the Heavens : to the knowledge of which , we must know their motions , and the causes , and manner of their rotations , as also the reasons of all the Planetary Phaenomena , and of the Comets , their nature , and the causes of all their irregular appearings . To these , the knowledge of the intricate doctrine of motion , the powers , proportions , and laws thereof , is requisite . And thus we are engaged in the objects of Geometry and Arithmetick , yea the whole Mathematicks , must be contributary , and to them all Nature payes a subsidy . Besides , plants are partly material'd of water , with which they are furnisht either from subterranean Fountains , or the Clouds . Now to have the true Theory of the former , we must trace the nature of the Sea , its origen ; and hereto its remarkable motions of flux and reflux . This again directs us to the Moon , and the rest of the Celestial faces . The moisture that comes from the Clouds is drawn up in vapours : To the Scientifical discernment of which , we must know the nature and manner of that action , their suspense in the middle region , the qualities of that place , and the causes and manner of their precipitating thence again : and so the reason of the Sphaerical figure of the drops ; the causes of Windes , Hail , Snow , Thunder , Lightning , with all other igneous appearances , with the whole Physiology of Meteors must be enquired into . And again ( 3 ) in our disquisition into the formal Causes , the knowledge of the nature of colours , is necessary to compleat the Science . To be inform'd of this , we must know what light is ; and light being effected by a motion on the Organs of sense , 't will be a necessary requisite , to understand the nature of our sensitive faculties , and to them the essence of the soul , and other spiritual subsistences . The manner how it is materially united , and how it is aware of corporeal motion . The seat of sense , and the place where 't is principally affected : which cannot be known but by the Anatomy of our parts , and the knowledge of their Mechanical structure . And if further ( 4 ) we contemplate the end of this minute effect , its principal final Cause , being the glory of its Maker , leads us into Divinity ; and for its subordinate , as 't is design'd for alimental sustenance to living creatures , and medicinal uses to man , we are conducted into Zoography , and the whole body of Physick . Thus then , to the knowledge of the most contemptible effect in nature , 't is necessary to know the whole Syntax of Causes , and their particular circumstances , and modes of action . Nay , we know nothing , till we know our selves , which are the summary of all the world without us , and the Index of the Creation . Nor can we know our selves without the Physiology of corporeal Nature , and the Metaphysicks of Souls and Angels . So then , every Science borrows from all the rest ; and we cannot attain any single one , without the Encyclopaedy . ( 5 ) The knowledge we have comes from our Senses , and the Dogmatist can go no higher for the original of his certainty . Now let the Sciolist tell me , why things must needs be so , as his individual senses represent them ? Is he sure , that objects are not otherwise sensed by others , then they are by him ? and why must his sense be the infallible Criterion ? It may be , what is white to us , is black to Negroes , and our Angels to them are Fiends . Diversity of constitution , or other circumstances varies the sensation , and to them of Iava Pepper is cold . And though we agree in a common name , yet it may be , I have the same representation from yellow , that another hath from green . Thus two look upon an Alabaster Statue ; he call's it white , and I assent to the appellation : but how can I discover , that his inward sense on 't is the same that mine is ? It may be , Alabaster is represented to him , as jet is to me , and yet it is white to us both . We accord in the name : but it 's beyond our knowledge , whether we do so in the conception answering it . Yea , the contrary is not without its probability . For though the Images , Motions , or whatever else is the cause of sense , may be alike as from the object ; yet may the representations be varyed according to the nature and quality of the Recipient . That 's one thing to us looking through a tube , which is another to our naked eyes . The same things seem otherwise through a green glass , then they do through a red . Thus objects have a different appearance , when the eye is violently any way distorted , from that they have , when our Organs are in their proper site and figure , and some extraordinary alterations in the Brain duplicate that which is but a single object to our undistemper'd Sentient . Thus , that 's of one colour to us standing in one place , which hath a contrary aspect in another : as in those versatile representations in the neck of a Dove , and folds of Scarlet . And as great diversity might have been exemplified in the other senses , but for brevity I omit them . Now then , since so many various circumstances concurre to every individual constitution , and every mans senses , differing as much from others in its figure , colour , site , and infinite other particularities in the Organization , as any one mans can from it self , through diverse accidental variations : it cannot well be suppos'd otherwise , but that the conceptions convey'd by them must be as diverse . Thus , one mans eyes are more protuberant , and swelling out ; anothers more sunk and depressed . One mans bright , and sparkling , and as it were swimming in a subtile , lucid moisture ; anothers more dull and heavy , and destitute of that spirituous humidity . The colour of mens eyes is various , nor is there less diversity in their quantitative proportions . And if we look further into the more inward constitution , there 's more variety in the internal configurations , than in the visible out-side . For let us consider the different qualities of the Optick nerves , humors , tunicles , and spirits ; the divers figurings of the brain ; the strings , or filaments thereof ; their difference in tenuity and aptness for motion : and as many other circumstances , as there are individuals in humane nature ; all these are diversified according to the difference of each Crasis , and are as unlike , as our faces . From these diversities in all likelyhood will arise as much difference in the manner of the reception of the Images , and consequently as various sensations . So then , how objects are represented to my self ; I cannot be ignorant , being conscious to mine own cogitations ; but in what manner they are received , and what impresses they make upon the so differing organs of another , he only knows , that feels them . There is an obvious an easie objection , which I have sufficiently caveated against ; and with the considerate it will signifie no more then the inadvertency of the Objectors . 'T will be thought by slight discerners a ridiculous Paradox , that all men should not conceive of the objects of sense alike ; since their agreement in the appellation seems so strong an argument of the identity of the sentiment . All , for instance , say , that Snow is white , and that Jet is black , is doubted by none . But yet 't is more then any man can determine , whether his conceit of what he cals white , be the same with anothers ; or whether , the notion he hath of one colour be not the same another hath of a very diverse one . So then , to direct all against the knowing Ignorant , what he hath of sensible evidence , the very ground-work of his demonstration , is but the knowledge of his own resentment : but how the same things appear to others , they only know , that are conscious to them ; and how they are in themselves , only he that made them . Thus have I in this last particular play'd with the Dogmatist in a personated Scepticism : and would not have the design of the whole discourse measur'd by the seeming tendency of this part on 't . The Sciolist may here see , that what he counts of all things most absurd and irrational , hath yet considerable shew of probability to plead its cause , and it may be more then some of his presumed demonstrations . 'T is irreprehensible in Physitians to cure their Patient of one disease , by casting him into another , less desperate . And I hope , I shall not deserve the frown of the Ingenuous for my innocent intentions ; having in this only imitated the practice of bending a crooked stick as much the other way , to straighten it . And if by this verge to the other extream , I can bring the opinionative Confident but half the way , viz. that discreet modest aequipoize of Judgement , that becomes the sons of Adam ; I have compast what I aim at . CHAP. XXIII . Considerations against Dogmatizing . ( 1 ) 'T is the effect of Ignorance . ( 2 ) It inhabits with untamed passions , and an ungovern'd Spirit . ( 3 ) It is the great Disturber of the world . ( 4 ) It is ill manners , and immodesty . ( 5 ) It holds men captive in Error . ( 6 ) It betrayes a narrowness of spirit . I Expect but little success of all this upon the Dogmatist , his opinion'd assurance is paramont to Argument , and 't is almost as easie to reason him out of a Feaver , as out of this disease of the mind , I hope for better fruit from the more generous vertuoso's , to such I appeal against Dogmatizing , in the following considerations ; that 's well spent upon impartial ingenuity , which is lost upon resolved prejudice . 1. Opinionative confidence is the effect of Ignorance , and were the Sciolist perswaded so , I might spare my further reasons against it : 't is affectation of knowledge , that makes him confident he hath it , and his confidence is counter evidence to his pretensions to knowledge . He is the greatest ignorant , that knows not that he is so : for 't is a good degree of Science , to be sensible that we want it . He that knows most of himself , knows least of his knowledge , and the exercised understanding is conscious of its disability . Now he that is so , will not lean too assuredly on that , which hath so frequently deceived him , nor build the Castle of his intellectual security , in the Air of Opinions . But for the shallow passive intellects , that were never ingag'd in a through search of verity , 't is such are the confidents that ingage their irrepealable assents to every slight appearance . Thus meer sensible conceivers , make every thing they hold a Sacrament , and the silly vulgar are sure of all things . There was no Theoreme in the Mathematicks more certain to Archimedes , then the Earth's immoveable quiescence seems to the multitude : nor then did the impossibility of Antipodes , to antique ages . And if great Philosophers doubt of many things , which popular dijudicants hold as certain as their Creeds , I suppose Ignorance it self will not say , it is because they are more ignorant . Superficial pedants will swear their controversal uncertainties , while wiser heads stand in bivio . Opinions are the Rattles of immature intellects , but the advanced Reasons have out-grown them . True knowledge is modest and wary , 't is ignorance that is so bold , and presuming . Thus those that never travail'd without the Horizon , that first terminated their Infant aspects , will not be perswaded that the world hath any Countrey better then their own : while they that have had a view of other Regions , are not so confidently perswaded of the precedency of that , they were bred in , but speak more indifferently of the laws , manners , commodities , and customs of their native soil : So they that never peep 't beyond the common belief in which their easie understandings were at first indoctrinated , are indubitately assur'd of the Truth , and comparative excellency of their receptions , while the larger Souls , that have travail'd the divers Climates of Opinions , are more cautious in their resolves , and more sparing to determine . And let the most confirm'd Dogmatist profound far into his indeared opinions , and I 'le warrant him 't will be an effectual cure of confidence . ( 2 ) Confidence in Opinions evermore dwells with untamed passions , and is maintain'd upon the depraved obstinacy of an ungovern'd spirit . He 's but a novice in the Art of Autocrasy , that cannot castigate his passions in reference to those presumptions , and will come as far short of wisdom as science : for the Judgement being the Hegemonical power , and director of action , if it be led by the over-bearings of passion , and stor'd with lubricous opinions in stead of clearly conceived truths , and be peremptorily resolved in them , the practice will be as irregular , as the conceptions erroneous . Opinions hold the stirrup , while vice mounts into the saddle . ( 3 ) Dogmatizing is the great disturber both of our selves and the world without us : for while we wed an opinion , we resolvedly ingage against every one , that opposeth it . Thus every man , being in some of his opinionative apprehensions singular , must be at variance with all men . Now every opposition of our espous'd opinions furrows the sea within us , and discomposeth the minds serenity . And what happiness is there in a storm of passions ? On this account the Scepticks affected an indifferent aequipondious neutrality as the only means to their Ataraxia , and freedom from passionate disturbances . Nor were they altogether mistaken in the way , to their design'd felicity , but came short on 't , by going beyond it : for if there be a repose naturally attainable this side the Stars , there is no way we can more hopefully seek it in . We can never be at rest , while our quiet can be taken from us by every thwarting our opinions : nor is that content an happiness , which every one can rob us of . There is no felicity , but in a fixed stability . Nor can genuine constancy be built upon rowling foundations . 'T is true staidness of mind , to look with an equal regard on all things , and this unmoved apathy in opinionative uncertainties , is a warrantable piece of Stoicism . Besides , this immodest obstinacy in opinions , hath made the world a Babel ; and given birth to disorders , like those of the Chaos . The primitive fight of Elements doth fitly embleme that of Opinions , and those proverbial contrarieties may be reconcil'd , as soon as peremptory contenders . That hence grow Schisms , Heresies , and anomalies beyond Arithmetick , I could wish were of more difficult probation . 'T were happy for a distemper'd Church , if evidence were not so near us . 'T is zeal for opinions that hath fill'd our Hemisphear with smoke and darkness , and by a dear experience we know the fury of those flames it hath kindled . Had not Heaven prevented , they had turn'd our Paradise into a Desert , and made us the habitation of Iim , and Ohim . 'T is lamentable that Homo homini Daemon , should be a Proverb among the Professors of the Cross , and yet I fear it is as verifiable among them , as of those without the pale of visible Christianity . I doubt we have lost S. Iohn's sign of regeneration . By this we know that we are past from death , to life , that we love one another , is I fear , to few a sign of their spiritual resurrection . If our Returning Lord , shall scarse find faith on earth , where will he look for charity ? It is a stranger this side the Region of love , and blessedness ; bitter zeal for opinions hath consum'd it . Mutual agreement and indearments was the badge of Primitive Believers , but we may be known by the contrary criterion . The union of a Sect within it self , is a pitiful charity : it 's no concord of Christians , but a conspiracy against Christ ; and they that love one another , for their opinionative concurrences , love for their own sakes , not their Lords : not because they have his image , but because they bear one anothers . What a stir is there for Mint , Anise , and Cummin controversies , while the great practical fundamentals are unstudyed , unobserved ? What eagerness in the prosecution of disciplinarian uncertainties , when the love of God and our neighbour , those Evangelical unquestionables , want that fervent ardor ? 'T is this hath consum'd the nutriment of the great and more necessary Verities , and bred differences that are past any accommodation , but that of the last dayes decisions . The sight of that day will resolve us , and make us asham'd of our pety quarrels . Thus Opinions have rent the world asunder , and divided it almost into indivisibles . Had Heraclitus liv'd now , he had wept himself into marble , and Democritus would have broke his spleen . Who can speak of such fooleries without a Satyr , to see aged Infants so quarrel at put-pin , and the doating world grown child again ? How fond are men of a bundle of opinions , which are no better then a bagge of Cherry-stones ? How do they scramble for their Nuts , and Apples , and how zealous for their pety Victories ? Methinks those grave contenders about opinionative trifles , look like aged Socrates upon his boys Hobby-horse , or like something more ludricous : since they make things their feria , which are scarse tolerable in their sportful intervals . ( 4 ) To be confident in Opinions is ill manners , and immodesty ; and while we are peremptory in our perswasions , we accuse them all of ignorance and Error that subscribe not our assertions . The Dogmatist gives the lye to all dissenting apprehenders , and proclaims his judgement fittest , to be the Intellectual Standard . This is that spirit of immorality , that saith unto dissenters , Stand off , I am more Orthodox then thou art : a vanity more capital then Error . He that affirms that things must needs be as he apprehends them , implies that none can be right till they submit to his opinions , and take him for their director . This is to invert the Rule , and to account a mans self better then all men . ( 5 ) Obstinacy in Opinions holds the Dogmatist in the chains of Error , without hope of emancipation . While we are confident of all things , we are fatally deceiv'd in most . He that assures himself he never erres , will alwayes erre ; and his presumptions will render all attempts to inform him , ineffectual . We use not to seek further for what we think we are possest of ; and when falshood is without suspicion imbrac't in the stead of truth , and with confidence retained : Verity will be rejected as a supposed Error , and irreconcileably be hated , because it opposeth what is indeed so . ( 6 ) It betrays a poverty and narrowness of spirit , in the Dogmatical assertors . There are a set of Pedants that are born to slavery . But the generous soul preserves the liberty of his judgement , and will not pen it up in an Opinionative Dungeon ; with an equal respect he examins all things , and judgeth as impartially as Rhadamanth : When as the Pedant can hear nothing but in favour of the conceits he is amorous of ; and cannot see , but out of the grates of his prison . The determinations of the nobler spirit , are but temporary , and he holds them , but till better evidence repeal his former apprehensions . He won't defile his assent by prostituting it to every conjecture , or stuff his belief , with the luggage of uncertainties . The modesty of his expression renders him infallible ; and while he only saith he Thinks so , he cannot be deceiv'd , or ever assert a falshood . But the wise Monseur Charron hath fully discourst of this Universal liberty , and sav'd me the labour of inlarging . Upon the Review of my former considerations , I cannot quarrel with his Motto : in a sense Ie ne scay , is a justifiable Scepticism , and not mis-becoming a Candidate of wisdom . Socrates in the judgement of the Oracle knew more then All men , who in his own knew the least of any . CHAP. XXIV . AN APOLOGY FOR PHILOSOPHY . IT is the glory of Philosophy , that Ignorance and Phrensie are her Enemies . Now to vindicate this abused excellence from the mis-reports of stupid and Enthusiastick Ignorants , I 'le subjoyn this brief Apology : Lest those unintelligent maligners take an advantage from our discourse , to depretiate and detract from what hath been alway the object of their hate , because never of their knowledge , and capacities ; Or , which is the greater mischief , lest this should discourage those enlarged souls , who aspire to the knowledge of God , and Nature , which is the most venial ambition . If Philosophy be uncertain , the former will confidently conclude it vain ; and the later may be in danger of pronouncing the same on their pains , who seek it ; if after all their labour they must reap the wind , meer opinion and conjecture . But there 's a part of Philosophy , that owes no answer to the charge . The Scepticks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must have the qualification of an exception ; and at least the Mathematicks must be priviledg'd from the endictment . Neither yet are we at so deplorable a loss , in the other parts of what we call Science ; but that we may meet with what will content ingenuity , at this distance from perfection , though all things will not compleatly satisfie strict and rigid enquiry . Philosophy indeed cannot immortalize us , or free us from the inseparable attendants on this state , Ignorance , and Error . But shall we malign it , because it entitles us not to an Omniscience ? Is it just to condemn the Physitian , because Hephestion dyed ? Compleat knowledge is reserv'd to gratifie our glorified faculties . We are ignorant of some things from our specifical incapacity , as men ; of more from our contracted , as sinners : and 't is no fault in the spectacles , that the blind man sees not . Shall we , like sullen children , because we have not what we would ; contemn what the benignity of Heaven offers us ? Do what we can , we shall be imperfect in all our attainments ; and shall we scornfully neglect what we may reach , because some things to mortality are denyed ? 'T is madness to refuse the Largesses of divine bounty on Earth , because there is not an Heaven in them . Shall we not rejoyce at the gladsome approach of day , because it 's over-cast with a cloud , and follow'd by the obscurity of night ? All sublunary vouchsafements have their allay of a contrary ; and uncertainty , in another kind , is the annex of all things this side the Sun. Even Crowns and Diadems , the most splendid parts of terrene attains ; are akin to that , which to day is in the field , and to morrow is cut down , and wither'd : He that enjoy'd them , and knew their worth , excepted them not out of the charge of Universal Vanity . And yet the Politician thinks they deserve his pains ; and is not discourag'd at the inconstancy of humane affairs , and the lubricity of his subject . He that looks perfection , must seek it above the Empyreum ; it is reserv'd for Glory . It 's that alone , which needs not the advantage of a foyl : Defects seem as necessary to our now-happiness , as their Opposites . The most refulgent colours are the result of light and shadows . Venus was never the less beautiful for her Mole . And 't is for the Majesty of Nature , like the Persian Kings , sometimes to cover , and not alway to prostrate her beauties to the naked view : yea , they contract a kind of splendour from the seemingly obscuring veil ; which adds to the enravishments of her transported admirers . He alone sees all things with an unshadowed comprehensive Vision , who eminently is All : Only the God of Nature perfectly knows her ; and light without darkness is the incommunicable claim of him , that dwells in Light inaccessible . 'T is no disparagement to Philosophy , that it cannot Deifie us , or make good the impossible promise of the Primitive Deceiver . It is that , which she owns above her , that must perfectly remake us after the Image of our Maker . And yet those raised contemplations of God and Nature , wherewith Philosophy doth acquaint us ; enlarge and ennoble the spirit , and infinitely advance it above an ordinary level . The soul is alway like the objects of its delight and converse . A Prince is as much above a Peasant in spirit , as condition : And man as far transcends the Beasts in largeness of desire , as dignity of Nature and employment . While we only converse with Earth , we are like it ; that is , unlike our selves : But when engag'd in more refin'd and intellectual entertainments ; we are somewhat more , then this narrow circumference of flesh speaks us . And , me thinks , those generous Vertuoso's , who dwell in an higher Region then other Mortals ; should make a middle species between the Platonical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and common Humanity . Even our Age in variety of glorious examples , can confute the conceit , that souls are equal : And the sole Instances of those illustrious Heroes , Cartes , Gassendus , Galilaeo , Tycho , Harvey , More , Digby ; will strike dead the opinion of the worlds decay , and conclude it , in its Prime . And upon the review of these great Sages , me-thinks , I could easily opinion ; that men may differ from men , as much as Angels from unbodyed Souls : And , it may be , more can be pleaded for such a Metaphysical innovation , then can for a specifical diversity among our Predicamental Opposites . Such as these , being in a great part freed from the entanglements of a drossie Vehicle , are imploy'd like the Spirits above ; in taking a survey of Natures Riches , and beginning those Anthems to their Maker , which Eternity must consummate . This is one part of the life of Souls . While we indulge to the Sensitive or Plantal Life , our delights are common to us with the creatures below us : and 't is likely , they exceed us as much as in them , as in the senses their subjects ; and that 's a poor happiness for man to aim at , in which Beasts are his Superiours . But those Mercurial souls , which were only lent the Earth to shew the world their folly in admiring it ; possess delights , which as it were antedate Immortality , and [ though at an humble distance ] resemble the joys above . The Sun and Stars , are not the worlds Eyes , but these : The Celestial Argus cannot glory in such an universal view . These out-travel theirs , and their Monarchs beams : skipping into Vortexes beyond their Light and Influence ; and with an easie twinkle of an Intellectual Eye look into the Centre , which is obscur'd from the upper Luminaries . This is somewhat like the Image of Omnipresence : And what the Hermetical Philosophy saith of God , is in a sense verifiable of the thus ennobled soul , That its Centre is every where , but it 's circumference no where . This is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and what Plotinus calls so , the divine life , is somewhat more . Those that live but to the lower concupiscible , and relish no delights but sensual ; it 's by the favour of a Metaphor , that we call them Men. As Aristotle saith of Brutes , they have but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only some shews and Apish imitations of Humane ; and have little more to justifie their Title to Rationality , then those Mimick Animals , the supposed Posterity of Cham : who , had they retain'd the priviledge of Speech , which some of the Fathers say they they own'd before the Fall ; it may be they would plead their cause with them , and have laid strong claim to a Parity . Such , as these , are Philosophies Maligners , who computing the usefulness of all things , by what they bring to their Barns , and Treasures ; stick not to pronounce the most generous contemplations , needless unprofitable subtilties : and they might with as good reason say , that the light of their Eyes was a superfluous provision of Nature , because it fills not their Bellies . Thus the greatest part of miserable Humanity is lost in Earth : and , if Man be an inversed Plant ; these are inversed Men , who forgetting that Sursum , which Nature writ in their Foreheads , take their Roots in this sordid Element . But the Philosophical soul is an inverted Pyramid ; Earth hath but a point of this Aethereal Cone . Aquila non captat muscas , The Royal Eagle flyes not but at noble Game ; and a young Alexander will not play but with Monarchs . He that hath been cradled in Majesty , and used to Crowns and Scepters ; will not leave the Throne to play with Beggars at Put-pin , or be fond of Tops and Cherry-stones : neither will a Soul , that dwells with Stars , dabble in this impurer Mud ; or stoop to be a Play-fellow and Copartner in delights with the Creatures , that have nought but Animal . And though it be necessitated by its relation to flesh to a Terrestrial converse ; yet 't is , like the Sun , without contaminating its Beams . For , though the body by a kind of Magnetism be drawn down to this sediment of universal dreggs ; yet the thus impregnate spirit contracts a Verticity to objects above the Pole : And , like as in a falling Torch , though the grosser Materials hasten to their Element ; yet the flame aspires , and , could it master the dulness of its load would carry it beyond the central activity of the Terraqueous Magnet . Such souls justifie Aristotles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and in allayed sense that title , which the Stoicks give it , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If we say , they are not in their bodies , but their bodies in them ; we have the Authority of the divine Plato to vouch us : And by the favour of an easie simile we may affirm them to be to the body , as the light of a Candle to the gross , and faeculent snuff ; which , as it is not pent up in it , so neither doth it partake of its stench and and impurity . Thus , as the Roman Oratour elegantly descants , Erigimur , & latiores fieri videmur ; humana despicimus , contemplantesque supera & coelestia , haec nostra , ut exigua & minima , contemnimus . And yet there 's an higher degree , to which Philosophy sublimes us . For , as it teacheth a generous contempt of what the grovelling desires of creeping Mortals Idolize and dote on ; so it raiseth us to love and admire an Object , that is as much above terrestrial , as Infinity can make it . If Plutarch may have credit , the observation of Natures Harmony in the celestial motions was one of the first inducements to the belief of a God : And a greater then he affirms , that the visible things of the Creation declare him , that made them . What knowledge we have of them , we have in a sense of their Authour . His face cannot be beheld by Creature-Opticks , without the allay of a reflexion ; and Nature is one of those mirrours , that represents him to us . And now the more we know of him , the more we love him , the more we are like him , the more we admire him . 'T is here , that knowledge wonders ; and there 's an Admiration , that 's not the Daughter of Ignorance . This indeed stupidly gazeth at the unwonted effect : But the Philosophick passion truly admires and adores the supreme Efficient . The wonders of the Almighty are not seen , but by those that go down into the deep . The Heavens declare their Makers Glory ; and Philosophy theirs , which by a grateful rebound returns to its Original source . The twinkling spangles , the Ornaments of the upper world ; lose their beauty and magnificence ; while they are but the objects of our narrow'd senses : By them the half is not told us ; and Vulgar spectators see them , but as a confused huddle of pety Illuminants . But Philosophy doth right to those immense sphears ; and advantagiously represents their Glories , both in the vastness of their proportions , and regularity of their motions . If we would see the wonders of the Globe we dwell in ; Philosophy must reare us above it . The works of God speak forth his mighty praise : A speech not understood , but by those that know them . The most Artful melody receives but little tribute of Honour from the gazing beasts ; it requires skill to relish it . The most delicate musical accents of the Indians , to us are but inarticulate hummings ; as questionless are ours to their otherwise tuned Organs . Ignorance of the Notes and Proportions , renders all Harmony unaffecting . A gay Puppet pleaseth children more , then the exactest piece of unaffected Art : it requires some degrees of Perfection , to admire what is truly perfect ; as it 's said to be an advance in Oratory to relish Cicero . Indeed the unobservant Multitude , may have some general confus'd apprehensions of a kind of beauty , that guilds the outside frame of the Universe : But they are Natures courser wares , that lye on the stall , expos'd to the transient view of every common Eye ; her choicer Riches are lock't up only for the sight of them , that will buy at the expence of sweat and Oyl . Yea , and the visible Creation is far otherwise apprehended by the Philosophical Inquirer , then the unintelligent Vulgar . Thus the Physitian looks with another Eye on the Medicinal hearb , then the grazing Oxe , which swoops it in with the common grass : and the Swine may see the Pearl , which yet he values but with the ordinary muck ; it 's otherwise pris'd by the skilful Ieweller . And from this last Article , I think , I may conclude the charge , which hot-brain'd folly lays in against Philosophy ; that it leads to Irreligion , frivolous and vain . I dare say , next after the divine Word , it 's one of the best friends to Piety . Neither is it any more justly accountable for the impious irregularities of some , that have payd an homage to its shrine ; then Religion it self for the sinful extravagances both opinionative and practical of high pretenders to it . It is a vulgar conceit , that Philosophy holds a confederacy with Atheism it self ; but most injurious : for nothing can better antidote us against it ; and they may as well say , that Physitians are the only murtherers . A Philosophick Atheist , is as good sense as a Divine one : and I dare say the Proverb , Ubi tres Medici , duo Athei , is a scandal . I think the Original of this conceit might be ; That the Students of Nature , conscious to her more cryptick ways of working , resolve many strange effects into the nearer efficiency of second causes ; which common Ignorance and Superstition attribute to the Immediate causality of the first : thinking it to derogate from the Divine Power , that any thing which is above their apprehensions , should not be reckon'd above Natures activity ; though it be but his Instrument , and works nothing but as impower'd from him . Hence they violently declaim against all , that will not acknowledge a Miracle in every extraordinary effect , as setting Nature in the Throne of God ; and so it 's an easie step to say , they deny him . When as indeed , Nature is but the chain of second causes ; and to suppose second causes without a first , is beneath the Logick of Gotham . Neither can they [ who , to make their reproach of Philosophy more authentick , alledge the Authority of an Apostle to conclude it vain ] upon any whit more reasonable terms make good their charge ; since this allegation stands in force but against its abuse , corrupt sophistry , or traditionary impositions , which lurk'd under the mask of so serious a name : At the worst , the Text will never warrant an universal conclusion any more ; then that other , where the Apostle speaks of silly women , ( who yet are the most rigid urgers of this ) can justly blot the sex with an unexceptionable note of infamy . Now , what I have said here in this short Apology for Philosophy , is not so strictly verifiable of any that I know , as the Cartesian . The entertainment of which among truly ingenuous unpossest Spirits , renders an after-commendation superfluous and impertinent . It would require a wit like its Authors , to do it right in an Encomium . The strict Rationality of the Hypothesis in the main , and the critical coherence of its parts , I doubt not but will bear it down to Posterity with a Glory , that shall know no term , but the Universal ruines . Neither can the Pedantry , or prejudice of the present Age , any more obstruct its motion in that supreme sphear , wherein its desert hath plac'd it ; then can the howling Wolves pluck Cynthia from her Orb ; who regardless of their noise , securely glides through the undisturbed Aether . Censure here will disparage it self , not it . He that accuseth the Sun of darkness , shames his own blind eyes ; not its light . The barking of Cynicks at that Hero 's Chariot-wheels , will not sully the glory of his Triumphs . But I shall supersede this endless attempt : Sun-beams best commend themselves . FINIS . The Contents . CHAP. I. A Display of the Perfections of Innocence ; with a conjecture at the manner of Adams Knowledge . page 1. CHAP. II. Our decay , and ruines by the fall , descanted on : of the now scantness of our knowledge . 10. CHAP. III. Instances of our Ignorance ( 1 ) of things within our selves . The nature of the Soul , and its origine glanc't at , and past by . ( 1 ) It 's union with the body is unconceiveable : So ( 2 ) is its moving the body consider'd either in the way of Sir K. Digby , Des-Cartes , or Dr. H. More , and the Platonists . ( 3 ) The manner of direction of the Spirits as unexplicable . 17. CHAP. IV. ( 4 ) We can give no account of the manner of Sensation : Nor ( 5 ) of the Nature of the Memory . It is consider'd according to the Philosophy of Des-Cartes , Sir K. Digby , Aristotle , and Mr. Hobbs , and all in-effectual . Some other unexplicables mention'd . 27. CHAP. V. ( 6 ) How our bodies are form'd , unexplicable . The plastick signifies nothing . The formation of Plants , and Animals unknown , in their principle . Mechanism solves it not . A new way propounded , which also fails of satisfaction . ( 2 ) No account is yet given how the parts of matter are united . Some considerations on Des-Cartes his Hypothesis ; it fails of solution . ( 3 ) The question is unanswerable , whether matter be compounded of divisibles , or indivisibles . 41. CHAP. VI. Difficulties about the motion of a wheel , which admit of no Solution . 54. CHAP. VII . Mens backwardness to acknowledge their own Ignorance and Errour , though ready to find them in others . The first cause of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. the depth of Verity discourst of : as of its admixtion in mens opinions with falshood ; the connexion of truths . And their mutual dependence . A second reason of the shortness of our knowledge , viz. because we can perceive nothing but by proportion to our senses . 62. CHAP. VIII . A third reason of our Ignorance and Errour , viz. the impostures and deceits of our Senses . The way to rectifie these mis-informations propounded . Des-Cartes his method the only way to Science . The difficulty of the exact performance . 69. CHAP. IX . Two Instances of Sensitive deception . ( 1 ) Of the Quiescence of the Earth . Four cases in which motion is insensible , applyed to the Earth's motion . 75. CHAP. X. Another instance of the deceptions of our Senses : which is of translating the Idea of our passions to things without us . In propriety of speech our Senses themselves are never deceived ; prov'd by reason , and the authority of St. Austin . 87. CHAP. XI . A fourth reason of our Ignorance and Errour , viz. the fallacy of our Imaginations . An account of the nature of that faculty ; instances of its deceptions . Spirits are not in a place . Intellection , Volition , Decrees , &c. cannot properly be ascrib'd to God. It is not Reason that opposeth Faith , but Phancy . The Interest which Imagination hath in many of our Opinions , in that it impresses a perswasion without Evidence . 95. CHAP. XII . A fifth reason , the precipitancy of our understandings , the reason of it . The most close ingagements of our minds requisite to the finding of truth ; the difficulties of the performance of it . Two instances of our precipitating . 106. CHAP. XIII . The sixth reason discourst of , viz. the interest which our affections have in our Dijudications . The cause why our affections mislead us . Several branches of this mention'd ; and the first , viz. constitutional Inclination , largely insisted on . 113. CHAP. XIV . A second thing whereby our affections ingage us in Errour , is the prejudice of Custom and Education . A third interest . ( 4 ) Love to our own productions . 125. CHAP. XV. 5. Our affections are ingag'd by our reverence to Antiquity and Authority ; our mistake of Antiquity ; the unreasonableness of that kind of Pedantick Adoration . Hence the vanity of affecting impertinent quotations : the Pedantry on 't is derided . The little improvement of Science through its successive derivations , and whence it hath hapned . 136. CHAP. XVI . Reflexions on the Peripatetick Philosophy . The Generality of its reception , no argument of its deserts ; the first charge against that Philosophy . 148. CHAP. XVII . 2. Peripatetick Philosophy is litigious , it hath no setled constant signification of words ; the inconveniences hereof . Aristotle intended the cherishing controversies , prov'd by his own double testimony . Some of his impertinent arguings derided . Disputes retard , and are injurious to knowledge . Peripateticks are most exercised in the controversal parts of Philosophy , and know little of the practical and experimental . A touch at School-Divinity . 159. CHAP. XVIII . 3. It gives no account of the Phaenomena . Those that are remoter it attempts not ; it speaks nothing pertinent in the most ordinary ; its circular , and general way of solution ; it resolves all things into occult qualities . The absurdity of Aristotelian Hypothesis of the Heavens . The Galaxy is no meteor . The Heavens are corruptible . Comets are above the Moon . The sphear of fire derided . Aristotle convicted of several other false assertions . 169. Aristotle's Philosophy inept for new discoveries . It hath been the Author of no one invention : It 's founded on vulgarities , and therefore makes nothing known beyond them . The knowledge of Natures out-side , conferrs not to practical improvements : better hopes from the New Philosophy . A fifth charge against Aristotle's Philosophy , it is in many things impious , and self-contradicting ; instances of both propounded . The directing all this to the design of the discourse . A caution , viz. that nothing is here intended in favour of novelty in Divinity . The reason why we may imbrace what is new in Philosophy , while we reject Novelties in Theologie . 177 , 178. CHAP. XX. It 's quaeried whether there be any Science in the sense of the Dogmatist : ( 1 ) We cannot know any thing to be the cause of another , but from its attending it ; and this way is not infallible , declared by instances , especially from the Philosophy of Des-Cartes . ( 2 ) There 's no demonstration but where the contrary is impossible . We can scarce conclude so of any thing . Instances of supposed impossibles , which are none . A story of a Scholar that turn'd Gipsy ; and of the power of Imagination : Of one mans binding anothers thought , and a conjecture at the manner of its performance . 188 , 189. CHAP. XXI . Another instance of a supposed impossibility which may not be so . Of conference at distance by impregnated Needles . Away of secret conveyance by sympathized hands ; a relation to this purpose . Of the magnetick cure of wounds . ( 3 ) We cannot know any thing in Nature , without the knowledge of the first springs of natural motion , and these we are ignorant of . Des-Cartes his Philosophy commend●d . 202 CHAP. XXII . ( 4 ) Because of the mutual dependence and concatenation of Causes , we cannot know any one without knowing all . Particularly declared by instances . ( 5 ) All our Science c●mes in at our senses , their infallibility inquired into . 213 CHAP. XXIII . Considerations against Dogmatizing , ( 1 ) 'T is the effect of Ignorance . ( 2 ) . It argues untamed passions . ( 3 ) It disturbs the world . ( 4 ) It is ill manners , and immodesty . ( 5 ) It holds men captive in Errour . ( 6 ) It betrayes a narrowness of Spirit . 224. CHAP. XXIV . An Apology for Philosophy . 235. FINIS . 
A80720	----	A proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. By A. Cowley. Proposition for the advancement of learning Cowley, Abraham, 1618-1667. 1661 Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A80720 Wing C6684 Thomason E2265_2 Thomason E1856_3 ESTC R202043 99862466 99862466 170474 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80720) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170474) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 231:E1856[3] or 244:E2265[2]) A proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. By A. Cowley. Proposition for the advancement of learning Cowley, Abraham, 1618-1667. P. P. [2], 53, [11] p. Printed by J.M. for Henry Herringman; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the Blew-Anchor in the lower-walk of the New-Exchange, London : 1661. Dedication signed: P.P. The last leaf is blank. A reissue of "A proposition for the advancement of learning", with title page cancelled by a² (new title page and dedication). Annotation on Thomason copy E.1856[3]: "March 1660"; imprint date crossed through. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Education -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROPOSITION For the ADVANCEMENT Of EXPERIMENTAL Philosophy . By A. COWLEY . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Henry Herringman ; and are to be sold at his Shop at the Sign of the Blew-Anchor in the Lower-Walk of the New-Exchange , 1661. To the Honourable Society for the Advancement of Experimental Philosophy . THe Author of the following discourse , having since his going into France allowed me to make it publick , I thought I should do it most right by presenting it to Your Considerations ; to the end that when it hath been fully examin'd by You , and receiv'd such Additions or Alterations as You shall think fit , the Design thereof may be promoted by Your recommending the Practice of it to the Nation . I am , Your most humble Servant , P. P. A PROPOSITION For the ADVANCEMENT Of LEARNING . By A. COWLEY . VIRG. O Fortunati quorum jam Maenia surgunt ! LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Henry Herringman , and are to be sold at his Shop at the Blew Anchor in the Lower-Walk of the New-Exchange , 1661. The Preface . ALL Knowledge must either be of God , or of his Creatures , that is , of Nature ; the first is called from the Object , Divinity ; the latter , Natural Philosophy , and is divided into the Contemplation of the Immediate or Mediate Creatures of God , that is , the Creatures of his Creature Man. Of this latter kind are all Arts for the use of Humane Life , which are thus again divided : Some are purely Humane , or made by Man alone , and as it were intirely spun out of himself , without relation to other Creatures , such are Grammar and Logick , to improve his Natural Qualities of Internal and External speech ; as likewise Rhetorick and Politicks ( or Law ) to fulfill and exalt his Natural Inclination to Society . Other are mixt , and are Mans Creatures no otherwise then by the Result which he effects by Conjunction and Application of the Creatures of God. Of these parts of Philosophy that which treats of God Almighty ( properly called Divinity ) which is almost only to be sought out of his revealed will , and therefore requires only the diligent and pious study of that , and of the best Interpreters upon it ; and that part which I call purely Humane , depending solely upon Memory and Wit , that is , Reading and Invention , are both excellently well provided for by the Constitution of our Vniversities . But the other two Parts , the Inquisition into the Nature of Gods Creatures , and the Application of them to Humane Vses ( especially the latter ) seem to be very slenderly provided for , or rather almost totally neglected , except onely some small assistances to Physick , and the Mathematicks . And therefore the Founders of our Colledges have taken ample care to supply the Students with multitude of Books , and to appoint Tutors and frequent Exercises , the one to interpret , and the other to confirm their Reading , as also to afford them sufficient plenty and leisure for the opportunities of their private study , that the Beams which they receive by Lecture may be doubled by Reflections of their own Wit : But towards the Observation and Application , as I said , of the Creatures themselves , they have allowed no Instruments , Materials , or Conveniences . Partly , because the necessary expence thereof is much greater , then of the other ; and partly from that idle and pernicious opinion which had long possest the World , that all things to be searcht in Nature , had been already found and discovered by the Ancients , and that it were a folly to travel about for that which others had before brought home to us . And the great Importer of all Truths they took to be Aristotle , as if ( as Macrobius speaks foolishly of Hippocrates ) he could neither deceive nor be deceived , or as if there had been not only no Lies in him , but all Verities . O true Philosophers in one sence ! and contented with a very Little ! Not that I would disparage the admirable Wit , and worthy labours of many of the Ancients , much less of Aristotle , the most eminent among them ; but it were madness to imagine that the Cisterns of men should afford us as much , and as wholesome Waters , as the Fountains of Nature . As we understand the manners of men by conversation among them , and not by reading Romances , the same is our case in the true Apprehension & Judgement of Things . And no man can hope to make himself as rich by stealing out of others Truncks , as he might by opening and digging of new Mines . If he conceive that all are already exhausted , let him consider that many lazily thought so hundred years ago , and yet nevertheless since that time whole Regions of Art have been discovered , which the Ancients as little dreamt of as they did of America . There is yet many a Terra Incognita behind to exercise our diligence , and let us exercise it never so much , we shall leave work enough too for our Posterity . This therefore being laid down as a certain Foundation , that we must not content our selves with that Inheritance of Knowledge which is left us by the labour and bounty of our Ancestors , but seek to improve those very grounds , and adde to them new and greater Purchases ; it remains to be considered by what means we are most likely to attain the ends of this vertuous Covetousness . And certainly the solitary and unactive Contemplation of Nature , by the most ingenious Persons living , in their own private Studies , can never effect it . Our Reasoning Faculty as well as Fancy , does but Dream , when it is not guided by sensible Objects . We shall compound where Nature has divided , and divide where Nature has compounded , and create nothing but either Deformed Monsters , or at best pretty but impossible Mermaids . 'T is like Painting by Memory and Imagination which can never produce a Picture to the Life . Many Persons of admirable abilities ( if they had been wisely managed and profitably employed ) have spent their whole time and diligence in commentating upon Aristotles Philosophy , who could never go beyond him , because their design was only to follow , not grasp , or lay hold on , or so much as touch Nature , because they catcht only at the shadow of her in their own Brains . And therefore we see that for above a thousand years together nothing almost of Ornament or Advantage was added to the Vses of Humane Society , except only Guns and Printing , whereas since the Industry of Men has ventured to go abroad , out of Books and out of Themselves , and to work among Gods Creatures , instead of Playing among their Own , every age has abounded with excellent Inventions , and every year perhaps might do so , if a considerable number of select Persons were set apart , and well directed , and plentifully provided for the search of them . But our Vniversities having been founded in those former times that I complain of , it is no wonder if they be defective in their Constitution as to this way of Learning , which was not then thought on . For the supplying of which Defect , it is humbly proposed to his Sacred Majesty , his most Honourable Parliament , and Privy Council , and to all such of his Subjects as are willing and able to contribute any thing towards the advancement of real and useful Learning , that by their Authority , Encouragement , Patronage , and Bounty , a Philosophical Colledge may be erected , after this ensuing , or some such like Model . The Colledge . THat the Philosophical Colledge be scituated within one , two , or ( at farthest ) three miles of Londòn , and , if it be possible to find that convenience , upon the side of the River , or very near it . That the Revenue of this Colledge amount to four thousand pounds a year . That the Company received into it be as follows . 1. Twenty Philosophers or Professors . 2. Sixteen young Scholars , Servants to the Professors . 3. A Chaplain . 4. A Baily for the Revenue . 5. A Manciple or Purveyour for the provisions of the House . 6. Two Gardeners . 7. A Master-Cook . 8. An Under-Cock . 9. A Butler . 10. An Under-Butler . 11. A Chirurgeon . 12. Two Lungs , or Chymical Servants . 13. A Library-keeper who is likewise to be Apothecary , Druggist , and Keeper of Instruments , Engines , &c. 14. An Officer to feed and take care of all Beasts , Fowl , &c. kept by the Colledge . 15. A Groom of the Stable . 16. A Messenger to send up and down for all uses of the Colledge . 17. Four old Women , to tend the Chambers , keep the House clean , and such like services . That the annual allowance for this Company be as follows . 1. To every Professor , and to the Chaplain , one hundred and twenty Pounds . 2. To the sixteen Scholars 20 l a piece , 10 l for their diet , and 10 l for their Entertainment . 3. To the Baily 30 l besides allowance for his Journeys . 4. To the Purveyour or Manciple thirty pounds . 5. To each of the Gardeners twenty Pounds . 6. To the Master-Cook twenty Pounds . 7. To the Under-Cook four Pounds . 8. To the Butler ten Pounds . 9. To the Under-Butler four Pounds . 10. To the Chirurgeon thirty Pounds . 11. To the Library-Keeper thirty Pounds . 12. To each of the Lungs twelve Pounds . 13. To the Keeper of the Beasts six Pounds . 14. To the Groom five Pounds . 15. To the Messenger twelve Pounds . 16. To the four necessary Women ten Pounds . For the Manciples Table at which all the Servants of the House are to eat , except the Scholars , one hundred sixty Pounds . For 3 Horses for the Service of the Colledge , thirty Pounds . All which amounts to three thousand two hundred eighty five Pounds . So that there remains for keeping of the House and Gardens , and Operatories , and Instruments , and Animals , and Experiments of all sorts , and all other expences , seven hundred & fifteen Pounds . Which were a very inconsiderable sum for the great uses to which it is designed , but that I conceive the Industry of the Colledge will in a short time so enrich it self as to get a far better Stock for the advance and enlargement of the work when it is once begun ; neither is the continuance of particular mens liberality to be despaired of , when it shall be encouraged by the sight of that publick benefit which will accrue to all Mankind , and chiefly to our Nation , by this Foundation . Something likewise will arise from Leases and other Casualties ; that nothing of which may be diverted to the private gain of the Professors , or any other use besides that of the search of Nature , and by it the general good of the world , and that care may be taken for the certain performance of all things ordained by the Institution , as likewise for the protection and encouragement of the Company , it is proposed . That some Person of Eminent Quality , a Lover of solid Learning , and no Stranger in it , be chosen Chancellour or President of the Colledge , and that eight Governours more , men qualified in the like manner , be joyned with him , two of which shall yearly be appointed Visitors of the Colledge , and receive an exact account of all expences even to the smallest , and of the true estate of their publick Treasure , under the hands and oaths of the Professors Resident . That the choice of the Professors in any vacancy belong to the Chancellour and the Governours , but that the Professors ( who are likeliest to know what men of the Nation are most proper for the duties of their Society ) direct their choice by recommending two or three persons to them at every Election . And that if any learned Person within his Majesties Dominions discover or eminently improve any useful kind of knowledge , he may upon that ground for his reward and the encouragement of others , be preferr'd , if he pretend to the place , before any body else . That the Governours have power to turn out any Professor who shall be proved to be either scandalous or unprofitable to the Society . That the Colledge be built after this , or some such manner : That it consist of three fair Quadrangular Courts , and three large grounds , enclosed with good walls behind them . That the first Court be built with a fair Cloyster , and the Professors Lodgings or rather little Houses , four on each side at some distance from one another , and with little Gardens behind them , just after the manner of the Chartreux beyond Sea. That the inside of the Cloyster be lined with a Gravel-walk , and that walk with a row of Trees , and that in the middle there be a Parterre of Flowers , and a Fountain . That the second Quadrangle just behind the first , be so contrived , as to contain these parts . 1. A Chappel . 2. A Hall with two long Tables on each side for the Scholars and Officers of the House to eat at , and with a Pulpit and Forms at the end for the publick Lectures . 3. A large and pleasant Dining-Room within the Hall for the Professors to eat in , and to hold their Assemblies and Conferences . 4. A publick School-house . 5. A Library . 6. A Gallery to walk in , adorned with the Pictures or Statues of all the Inventors of any thing useful to Humane Life ; as Printing , Guns , America , &c. and of late in Anatomy , the Circulation of the Blood , the Milky Veins , and such like discoveries in any Art , with short Elogies under the Portraictures : As likewise the Figures of all sorts of Creatures , and the stuft skins of as many strange Animals as can be gotten . 7. An Anatomy Chamber adorned with Skeletons and Anatomical Pictures , and prepared with all conveniencies for Dissection . 8. A Chamber for all manner of Druggs , and Apothecaries Materials . 9. A Mathematical Chamber furnisht with all forts of Mathematical Instruments , being an Appendix to the Library . 10. Lodgings for the Chaplain , Chirurgeon , Library-Keeper and Purveyour , near the Chappel , Anatomy Chamber , Library and Hall. That the third Court be on one side of these , very large , but meanly built , being designed only for use and not for beauty too , as the others . That it contain the Kitchin , Butteries , Brew-house , Bake-house , Dairy , Lardry , Stables , &c. and especially great Laboratories for Chymical Operations , and Lodgings for the Under-servants . That behind the second Court be placed the Garden , containing all sorts of Plants that our Soil will bear , and at the end a little House of pleasure , a Lodge for the Gardener , and a Grove of Trees cut out into Walks . That the second enclosed ground be a Garden , destined only to the tryal of all manner of Experiments concerning Plants , as their Melioration , Acceleration , Retardation , Conservation , Composition , Transmutation , Coloration , or whatsoever else can be produced by Art either for use or curiosity , with a Lodge in it for the Gardener . That the third Ground be employed in convenient Receptacles for all sorts of Creatures which the Professors shall judge necessary for their more exact search into the nature of Animals , and the improvement of their Uses to us . That there be likewise built in some place of the Colledge where it may serve most for Ornament of the whole , a very high Tower for observation of Celestial Bodies , adorned with all sorts of Dyals and such like Curiosities ; and that there be very deep Vaults made under ground , for Experiments most proper to such places , which will be undoubtedly very many . Much might be added , but truly I am afraid this is too much already for the charity or generosity of this age to extend to ; and we do not design this after the Model of Solomons House in my Lord Bacon ( which is a Project for Experiments that can never be Experimented ) but propose it within such bounds of Expence as have often been exceeded by the Buildings of private Citzens . Of the Professors , Scholars , Chaplain , and other Officers . THat of the twenty Professors four be always travelling beyond Seas , and sixteen always Resident , unless by permission upon extraordinary occasions , and every one so absent , leaving a Deputy behind him to supply his Duties . That the four Professors Itinerant be assigned to the four parts of the World , Europe , Asia , Afrique , and America , there to reside three years at least , and to give a constant account of all things that belong to the Learning , and especially Natural Experimental Philosophy of those parts . That the expence of all Dispatches , and all Books , Simples , Animals , Stones , Metals , Minerals , &c. and all curiosities whatsoever , natural or artificial , sent by them to the Colledge , shall be defrayed out of the Treasury , and an additional allowance ( above the 120 l ) made to them as soon as the Colledges Revenue shall be improved . That at their going abroad they shall take a solemn Oath never to write any thing to the Colledge , but what after very diligent Examination , they shall fully believe to be true , and to confess and recant it as soon as they find themselves in an Errour . That the sixteen Professors Resident shall be bound to study and teach all sorts of Natural , Experimental Philosophy , to consist of the Mathematicks , Mechanicks , Medicine , Anatomy , Chymistry , the History of Animals , Plants , Minerals , Elements , &c. Agriculture , Architecture , Art Military , Navigation , Gardening ; The Mysteries of all Trades , and Improvement of them ; The Facture of all Merchandizes , all Natural Magick or Divination ; and briefly all things contained in the Catalogue of Natural Histories annexed to My Lord Bacon's Organon . That once a day from Easter till Michaelmas , and twice a week from Michaelmas to Easter , at the hours in the afternoon most convenient for Auditors from London according to the time of the year , there shall be a Lecture read in the Hall , upon such parts of Natural Experimental Philosophy , as the Professors shall agree on among themselves , and as each of them shall be able to perform usefully and honourably . That two of the Professors by daily , weekly , or monethly turns shall teach the publick Schools according to the Rules hereafter prescribed . That all the Professors shall be equal in all respects ( except precedency , choice of Lodging , and such like priviledges , which shall belong to Seniority in the Colledge ) and that all shall be Masters and Treasurers by annual turns , which two Officers for the time being shall take place of all the rest , and shall be Arbitri duarum Mensarum . That the Master shall command all the Officers of the Colledge , appoint Assemblies or Conferences upon occasion , and preside in them with a double voice , and in his absence the Treasurer , whose business is to receive and disburse all moneys by the Masters order in writing , ( if it be an extraordinary ) after consent of the other Professors . That all the Professors shall sup together in the Parlour within the Hall every night , and shall dine there twice a week ( to wit Sundays and Thursdays ) at two round Tables for the convenience of discourse , which shall be for the most part of such matters as may improve their Studies and Professions , and to keep them from falling into loose or unprofitable talk shall be the duty of the two Arbitri Mensarum , who may likewise command any of the Servant-Scholars to read to them what he shall think fit , whilst they are at table : That it shall belong likewise to the said Arbitri Mensarum only , to invite Strangers , which they shall rarely do , unless they be men of Learning or great Parts , and shall not invite above two at a time to one table , nothing being more vain and unfruitful then numerous Meetings of Acquaintance . That the Professors Resident shall allow the Colledge twenty Pounds a year for their Diet , whether they continue there all the time or not . That they shall have once a week an Assembly or Conference concerning the Affairs of the Colledge and the progress of their Experimental Philosophy . That if any one find out any thing which he conceives to be of consequence , he shall communicate it to the Assembly to be examined , experimented , approved or rejected . That if any one be Author of an Invention that may bring in profit , the third part of it shall belong to the Inventor , and the two other to the Society ; and besides if the thing be very considerable , his Statue or Picture with an Elogy under it , shall be placed in the Gallery , and made a Denison of that Corporation of famous Men. That all the Professors shall be always assigned to some particular Inquisition ( besides the ordinary course of their Studies ) of which they shall give an account to the Assembly , so that by this means there may be every day some operation or other made in all the Arts , as Chymistry , Anatomy , Mechanicks , and the like , and that the Colledge shall furnish for the charge of the operation . That there shall be kept a Register under lock and key , and not to be seen but by the Professors , of all the Experiments that succeed , signed by the persons who made the tryall . That the popular and received Errours in Experimental Philosophy ( with which , like Weeds in a neglected Garden it is now almost all overgrown ) shall be evinced by tryal , and taken notice of in the publick Lectures , that they may no longer abuse the credulous , and beget new ones by consequence of similitude . That every third year ( after the full settlement of the Foundation ) the Colledge shall give an account in Print , in proper and ancient Latine , of the fruits of their triennial Industry . That every Professor Resident shall have his Scholar to wait upon him in his Chamber and at Table , whom he shall be obliged to breed up in Natural Philosophy , and render an account of his progress to the Assembly , from whose Election he received him , and therefore is responsible to it , both for the care of his Education , and the just and civil usage of him . That the Scholar shall understand Latine very well , and be moderately initiated in the Greek before he be capable of being chosen into the Service , and that he shall not remain in it above seven years . That his Lodging shall be with the Professor whom he serves . That no Professor shall be a married man , or a Divine , or Lawyer in practice , only Physick he may be allowed to prescribe , because the study of that Art is a great part of the duty of his place , and the duty of that is so great , that it will not suffer him to lose much time in mercenary practice . That the Professors shall in the Colledge wear the habit of ordinary Masters of Art in the Universities , or of Doctors , if any of them be so . That they shall all keep an inviolable and exemplary friendship with one another , and that the Assembly shall lay a considerable pecuniary mulct upon any one who shall be proved to have entered so far into a quarrel as to give uncivil Language to his Brother-Professor ; and that the perseverance in any enmity shall be punish'd by the Governours with expulsion . That the Chaplain shall eat at the Masters Table , ( paying his twenty pounds a year as the others do ) and that he shall read Prayers once a day at least , a little before Supper-time ; that he shall preach in the Chappel every Sunday Morning , and Catechize in the After-noon the Scholars and the School-boys ; that he shall every moneth administer the Holy Sacrament ; that he shall not trouble himself and his Auditors with the Controversies of Divinity , but only teach God in his just Commandments , and in his wonderful Works . The Schòol . THat the School may be built so as to contain about two hundred Boys . That it be divided into four Classes , not as others are ordinarily into six or seven , because we suppose that the Children sent hither to be initiated in Things as well as Words , ought to have past the two or three first , and to have attained the age of about thirteen years , being already well advanced in the Latine Grammar , and some Authors . That none , though never so rich , shall pay any thing for their teaching ; and that if any Professor shall be convicted to have taken any money in consideration of his pains in the School , he shall be expelled with ignominie by the Governours ; but if any persons of great estate and quality , finding their Sons much better Proficients in Learning here , then Boys of the same age commonly are at other Schools , shall not think fit to receive an obligation of so near concernment without returning some marks of acknowledgement , they may , if they please ( for nothing is to be demanded ) bestow some little rarity or curiosity upon the Society in recompence of their trouble . And because it is deplorable to consider the loss which Children make of their time at most Schools , employing , or rather casting away six or seven years in the learning of words only , and that too very imperfectly : That a Method be here established for the infusing Knowledge and Language at the same time into them ; and that this may be their Apprenticeship in Natural Philosophy . This we conceive may be done , by breeding them up in Authors , or pieces of Authors , who treat of some parts of Nature , and who may be understood with as much ease and pleasure , as those which are commonly taught ; Such are in Latine Varro , Cato , Columella , Pliny , part of Celsus , and of Seneca , Cicero de Divinatione , de Naturâ Deorum , and several scattered pieces , Virgil's Georgicks , Grotius , Nenesianus , Manilius ; and because the truth is we want good Poets ( I mean we have but few ) who have purposely treated of solid and learned , that is , Natural Matters ( the most part indulging to the weakness of the world , and feeding it either with the follies of Love , or with the Fables of gods and Heroes ) we conceive that one Book ought to be compiled of all the scattered little parcels among the ancient Poets that might serve for the advancement of Natural Science , and which would make no small or unuseful or unpleasant Volumn . To this we would have added the Morals and Rhetoricks of Cicero , and the Institutions of Quintilian ; and for the Comoedians , from whom almost all that necessary part of common discourse , and all the most intimate proprieties of the Language are drawn , we conceive the Boys may be made Masters of them , as a part of their Recreation and not of their task , if once a moneth , or at least once in two , they act one of Terences Comoedies , and afterwards ( the most advanced ) some of Plautus his ; and this is for many reasons one of the best exercises they can be enjoyned , and most innocent pleasures they can be allowed . As for the Greek Authors , they may study Nicander , Oppianus ( whom Scaliger does not doubt to prefer above Homer himself , and place next to his adored Virgil ) Aristotles History of Animals , and other parts , Theophrastus and Dioscorides of Plants , and a Collection made out of several both Poets and other Grecian Writers . For the Morals and Rhetorick Aristotle may suffice , or Hermogenes and Longinus be added for the latter ; with the History of Animals they should be shewed Anatomy as a Divertisement , and made to know the Figures and Natures of those Creatures which are not common among us , disabusing them at the same time of those Errours which are universally admitted concerning many . The same Method should be used to make them acquainted with all Plants ; and to this must be added a little of the ancient and modern Geography , the understanding of the Globes , and the Principles of Geometry and Astronomy . They should likewise use to declaim in Latine and English , as the Romans did in Greek and Latine ; and in all this travel be rather led on by familiarity , encouragement , and emulation , then driven by severity , punishment , and terrour . Upon Festivals and play-times they should exercise themselves in the Fields by riding , leaping , fencing , mustering and training after the manner of Souldiers , &c. and to prevent all dangers and all disorder , there should always be two of the Scholars with them to be as witnesses and directors of their actions ; In foul weather it would not be amiss for them to learn to dance , that is , to learn just so much ( for all beyond is superfluous , if not worse ) as may give them a graceful comportment of their bodies . Upon Sundays , and all days of Devotion , they are to be a part of the Chaplains Province . That for all these ends the Colledge so order it , as that there may be some convenient & pleasant Houses thereabouts , kept by religious , discreet , and careful persons , for the lodging and boarding of young Scholars , that they have a constant eye over them to see that they be bred up there piously , cleanly , and plentifully , according to the proportion of their parents expences . And that the Colledge , when it shall please God either by their own industry and success , or by the benevolence of Patrons ; to enrich them so far , as that it may come to their turn and duty to be charitable to others , shall at their own charges erect and maintain some House or Houses for the Entertainment of such poor mens Sons whose good Natural Parts may promise either Use or Ornament to the Common-wealth , during the time of their abode at School , and shall take care that it shall be done with the same conveniences as are enjoyed even by rich mens Children ( though they maintain the fewer for that cause ) there being nothing of eminent and illustrious to be expected from a low , sordid , and Hospital-like Education . Conclusion . IF I be not much abused by a natural fondness to my own Conceptions ( that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Greeks , which no other Language has a proper word for ) there was never any Project thought upon , which deserves to meet with so few Adversaries as this ; for who can without impudent folly oppose the establishment of twenty well selected persons in such a condition of Life , that their whole business and sole profession may be to study the improvement and advantage of all other Professions , from that of the highest General even to the lowest Artisan ? Who shall be obliged to imploy their whole time , wit , learning , and industry , to these four , the most useful that can be imagined , and to no other Ends ; first , to weigh , examine , and prove all things of Nature delivered to us by former ages , to detect , explode , and strike a censure through all false Monies with which the world has been paid and cheated so long , and ( as I may say ) to set the mark of the Colledge upon all true Coins that they may pass hereafter without any farther Tryal . Secondly , to recover the lost Inventions , and , as it were , Drown'd Lands of the Ancients . Thirdly , to improve all Arts which we now have ; And lastly , to discover others which we yet have not . And who shall besides all this ( as a Benefit by the by ) give the best Education in the world ( purely gratis ) to as many mens Children as shall think fit to make use of the Obligation . Neither does it at all check or enterfere with any parties in State or Religion , but is indifferently to be embraced by all Differences in opinion , and can hardly be conceived capable ( as many good Institutions have done ) even of Degeneration into any thing harmful . So that , all things considered , I will suppose this Proposition shall encounter with no Enemies , the only Question is , whether it will find Friends enough to carry it on from Discourse and Design to Reality and Effect ; the necessary Expences of the Beginning ( for it will maintain it self well enough afterwards ) being so great ( though I have set them as low as is possible in order to so vast a work ) that it may seem hopeless to raise such a sum out of those few dead Reliques of Humane Charity and Publick Generosity which are yet remaining in the World. FINIS . 
A49317	----	Moral essays wherein some of Mr. Locks and Monsir. Malbranch's opinions are briefly examin'd : together with an answer to some chapters in the oracles of reason concerning deism / by Ja. Lowde ... Lowde, James. 1699 Approx. 238 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49317 Wing L3301 ESTC R31564 12111761 ocm 12111761 54216 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49317) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54216) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1014:10) Moral essays wherein some of Mr. Locks and Monsir. Malbranch's opinions are briefly examin'd : together with an answer to some chapters in the oracles of reason concerning deism / by Ja. Lowde ... Lowde, James. [12], 179, [1] p. Printed by J. White for Fra. Hildyard and are to be sold by Brab. Aylmer ... and Tho. Bennet ..., York : 1699. Errata: p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Locke, John, 1632-1704. Malebranche, Nicolas, 1638-1715. Philosophy, English -- 17th century. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Moral Essays ; Wherein some of Mr. LOCKS AND Monsi r. Malbranch's Opinions are briefly examin'd . Together with an ANSWER To some CHAPTERS in the Oracles of REASON CONCERNING DEISM . By Ja. Lowde , Rector of Settrington in Yorkshire . YORK , Printed by I. White for Fra Hildyard , and are to be sold by Brab Aylmer at the Three Pidgeons in Cornhill , and Tho. Bennet at the Half Moon in St. Pauls Church , London . 1699. To the Right Honourable , John Earl of Bridge-water , Viscount Brackley , Baron of Ellesmere , Lord Lieutenant of the County of Bucks , and one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy-Council . My Lord , TItles do not so much make some Men great , as show them to be so ; Gold has an intrinsick value in it , even before the Stamp ; thus the Honours of your Family , and the Favours and Smiles of your Prince , which yet are very great Happinesses , are not the essential Ingredients of your more solid and intrinsick Nobility . Vertue and Piety are the great Ornaments and Stability of the Throne it self ; nor is it a less Happiness to a Kingdom , when Nobles inherit their Fathers Vertues together with their Fortunes : Thus should I have look'd upon that long Train of Vertues , which your Lordship takes more pleasure in practising , than in having them recounted , almost as hereditary to you , if thereby I might not seem to lessen your personal Title to 'em ; and I hope you will give others leave to express what they are so intimately sensible of , the great Benefit and Advantage they receive by such benigne Influences . My Lord , I shall not here attempt any thing by way even of your Lordships just Character , because the greatness thereof , and your own native averseness from all such Panegyricks , do wholly discourage me herein , so that this will be the p●culiar C●aracter of this Epistle Dedicatory , that it comes as f●r short of the real worth of its Patron , as others usually exceed ●t . Only your Lordship must pardon me and others , if in this declining state of Religion and Piety in the World , we call in the Aids and Assistances of such Examples as are able , not only to recommend the practice of Vertue to others , but also to render it , even Honourable in the midst of a perverse Age. But I am afraid that I am injurious to the Publick , whilst I thus employ your precious Minutes ; if perhaps you vouchsafe to give this short Address the reading . I shall now only take this Opportunity , gratefully to acknowledge those many Favours , which by the long Experience of many Years , I have received from you ; it is to Your Lordship and Noble Family , that I owe these happy Retiremenrs , wherein I shall not be wanting to this part of my Duty , to pray for your long Health and Happiness , and that God would long continue your Lordship to us , a great Example of all Vertues , and a great instrument of publick and private Good. This is , and shall be the constant Prayer of , My Lord , your Lordships most obliged , and most obedient Servant , Ia. Lowde . THE PREFACE . PRefaces are now grown so customary , that Readers generally think themselves neglected without 'em , otherwise I should not have concerned my self herein , the subject matter of these Papers not affording any great occasion for such an Address . I hope thou wilt not impute it to any pragmatical conceitedness , if I thus fill up some vacant Minutes , not wholly taken up in the employment of a Country Cure , with such Meditations as these . Besides , the Civility of Mr. Locks Answer on the one Hand , and the concerns of Truth on the other , did in a great measure , call for some suitable Reply ; I did not indeed , for some time , think the Controversie betwixt him and me , considerable enough to trouble either him or my self with these disputes , ( and some perh●ps may think so still ) but so it happen'd that a friend of mine lately ask'd me , whether I was really satisfied and convin●'d with what Mr. Lock had writ in his Preface in answer to my former Treatise , I told him I was not ; whereupon he reply'd , that then Mr. Lock had taught me in his late Controversie with the learned Bishop of Worcester , that good manners requir'd me to acknowledge the honour he did me , in taking notice of what I formely writ , and that I was bound in Civility to represent the Reasons why I cannot bring my Sentiments wholly to agree with his ; for it seems a piece of ●ullenness and disrespect to remain dissatisfied , and not acquaint those from whom they may most reasonably expect information why they are so . And further , when I consider'd that several others , viz. J. S. and Mr. Becconsall had variously disputed those little Controversies betwixt Mr. Lock a●d me , I humbly conceived I might be allow'd more fully to explain my Sense and Meaning therein , and then leave the whole with the judicious and impartial Reader , where it must rest at last . Another design of these Papers is to shew the weakness of the Pretences , and the inconclusiveness of the Deists Arguments ; I mean such as they themselves have of late made use of in their own Defence , and I have the rather chosen to answer some of those short Letters in the Oracles of Reason , both because I hope this may be done without any great tediousness to the Reader , and also because this is not liable to any of those Objections , that the dry method of the Scholastick Ob. and Sol. ( as it is sometimes call'd ) is liable u●to . The Deists here plead their own cause , and if it prove not so strong as was expected , they have no Body to blame but themselves for it , and if they think it has suffer'd by any personal failures , they may at their own pleasure employ better Advocates . I do not here pretend to advance any new Notions , but only with as much strength and clearness as I can to defend the old , and therefore I know what I here write , is not like to meet with any general good reception in such a curious Age as this , only I hope there may be some in the World who will not think the worse of Truth because it is gray headed , Truth being always of the elder House ; for though Antiquity has not been so successful in ●inding out Hypotheses of Natural Philosophy , yet I thi●k it has been more happy in setling Morality npon its true Foundations : I am not for venerable Nonsense being preferr'd before new Sense , nor yet am I for venerable Sense being slighted in respect of new Nonsense , it is the greatest instance of folly imaginable , to run out of one extream into anot●er , and though the former Ages have been too much led by Authority , and addicted to antient Errors , yet it will not hence follow , that all new Notions are true . I am apt to believe , that some Opinions now prevailing in the World owe their reception therein to the positiveness of their Patrons , and to the silence of those of the contrary perswasion , rather than to any strength of Rea● on ●hat would be found in 'em , were they duly ex●min'd , there are some whose Notions are so i●●ric●●e and their expressions so much out of th● common Road , that many times they do facere intelligendo , ut alij saltem nihil intelligant : what I here design , therefore in these Papers is clearne●s and perspicuity ; for however deep the pit might be wherein the Ancients pla●'d Truth , yet I never heard that it was muddy , so that what is said of the method of Salvation by the Gospel , Rom. 10. 8. may be apply'd generally to all things of a moral Nature , the word is nigh thee , even in thy Mouth , and in thine Heart . The learned and judicious Author of the Occasional Papers , Paper 1. Pa. 4. tells us , that it would be of great Service both to Religion and good Manners , to have ill Books as they are publish'd , consider'd calmly by Men of Temper . I would only propound it further to Consideration , whether it might not be convenient also somewhat to enlarge the design , and not only take notice of ill Books as he calls them , such as either directly , or by natural and easie consequence tend to undermine our Faith , or corrupt our Manners ; not only I say to take notice of such , but also of the more material mistakes , even of good ones , the best and wi●est Men m●y ●ometimes be mistaken in their principl●s or d●du●tions ●rom th●m , and it is no d●sparagement ●or any one to acknowledge it . There is one thing further wherein I must beg thy pardon ; the●e D●●cour●es want one great ornament of all Compo●ures ( Essays themselves not being excepted . ) that is , my transitions are not so soft and well connected as they ought to be ; this I am very sensible of , what the Reason hereof may be , I know not , whether it be my want of Skill , which I rather think , nobis non licet esse tàm disertis , or want of leisure , my other employments not suffering me to apply my Self to these thoughts , but at certain intervals , or my natural ( but I confess , very culpable ) indifferency both as to Style and Method ; however it is , if this be any satisfaction to thee , I do willingly acknowledge my fault herein . Nor must thou expect full and just Discourses upon Each of those Points I here mention , neither my Ability nor Inclination concurring herein fully to exhaust a Subject . I have no other end or design in these Papers , but only the search and defence of Truth , and if in any thing I be mistaken , ( and who can se●vre himself from mistakes ) I shall think my self oblig'd to any one , who shall with candour and calmness show me my Error . Mr. Lock 's Epistle to the Reader examin'd , so far as concernes the Law of fashion and innate notions in his second Edition of his Essay of humane understanding . WHAT benefit or advantage , as to the concernes of truth and usefull knowledge , the World may receive by that little difference in Dispute betwixt Mr. Lock and me , I know not , yet herein I hope , we have given an instance of the possibility of manageing a controversie without hard words , or unhansome Reflections ; and if even this was more generally observed , it would very much advance the interest of truth , however of Love and Friendship in the World among persons of different Opinions . I do not in the least question the truth and sincerity of what he there professes , that he is always ready to renounce his own and receive the opinion of others , according as truth appears on either side ; yet I hope he will pardon me , if I take the freedom to say , that the Instance he there gives of altering of his opinion in reference to the last determination of the will of Man , doth not seem to come up so fully to his purpose , seeing he doth not there so much quit any Opinion of his own to embrace that of anothers , as to renounce the common opinion of most , tho then believed by him to entertain an Opinion , I think , purely his own . Mr. Lock there complains , that his meaning is often mistaken , and that he has not always the good Luck to be rightly understood : This is a common complaint in such circumstances , and I think , I may also lay a just claime to a share therein , but if I have mistaken his meaning in any thing , whatever the cause might otherwise be , I do insist upon this in my own vindication , that it was not out of any wilful designe : And I furth●r assure that Learned Man , that I never did think my self , nor went about to insinuate to others , that it was my Opinion of him , that he absolutely held no reall difference or distinction betwixt Vice and Vertue : I did only ask this question there , Whether if Men should place their commendation or blame on that s●ide which deserv'd it not , whether that would alter the nature of things ? This I conceiv'd , might either set the thing in a clearer light in it self , or give him occasion so to do . I there also farther appeal'd to himself Pa. 17. of his 1 st . Edition , where I suppose he did not only declare the sense of the Heathen Phylosophers , but his own too upon this Subject , when he grounds the reason of Mens keeping their word , not upon the approbation of the place , Men live in , But upon the honesty and dignity of the thing it felf . I did also read and consider those other places , where he doth positively assert the unchangeable Rules of right and wrong , only I must confess , I did much wonder how so Learned a Man should go so near , as I thought to contradict himself in other places , where his expressions seem'd , at least , to me then , to infer the the Rules of Vice and Vertue to be of a more changeable Nature , perticularly in that place I quoted Pa. 159. Vertue is every where that which is thought praise-worthy , and nothing else but that which has the allowance of publique esteem , is vertue . But instead of is Virtue , in the 1 st . Edition , it is now is called Vertue , in the Second , therefore , I suppose , he say's That the 2d . Edition will give me satisfaction in the point , and that this matter is now so express'd , as to show , there was no cause of scruple . It may be so exprest now perhaps that there is no cause of scruple ( tho that I much question ) but it will not sollow hence , that ●here was none , but rather the contrary , because he has alter'd his Expression in such a materiall point . But he tells us , That he was there , not laying down morall Rules , but showing the Original and nature of morall Ideas . For my part I dare scarce trust my own eyes against his word ; I shall here quote part of the Paragraph , which he here refers to , P. 157. § 6. Of these moral Rules or Laws , to which Men generally refer , and which they judge of the rectitude or pravity of their actions , there seeme to me to be three sorts . Here he seemes to me to call 'em morall Rules , but whether he meanes the same thing by morall Rules here , that he meanes in his Epistle , that he himself is best able to resolve . Vid , Mr. Becconsall , P. 199. 200. &c. But I must confess , that if I was mistaken in any thing , it was in what he tells us immediately after ; that in that place I there quoted , ( and if so , then by consequence in all those other places , which in the same Chapter may seem liable to the same exception ) That he only reported as matter of fact , what others call Vertue and Vice , &c. I shall therefore here briefly lay down the reasons , why I did not so apprehend him , and then leave it to Mr. Lock 's own candour to pass judgment . I shall not need , to Premise , that it is only the 1 st . Edition of his Book , that I am concern'd in , without taking notice of any alterations , or explications he has made in his 2 d. my discourse being writ , before his 2 d. Edition was Printed , and therefore ; 1 st . Besides what I have already mentioned● there are some other passages in that Chapter , wherein he seemes to speak his own opinion rather then mere matter , of ●act what others call vice or virtue 158. P. § . 7. By the relation our actions bear to the Divine Law , Wee judge , whether they be sins or dutys , by the 2d . The Civil Law , whether they be criminall or innocent . By the 3d. By the Philosohhicall Law , whether they be Virtues or Vices . So P. 160. § . 14. There having resolved the complex Idea , we signifie by the word Murther , into its simple Ideas , he proceeds , this Collection of simple Ideas being found by me to agree or disagree , with the esteem of the Country , I have been bred in , and to be held by most Men there , worthy praise or blame ; I call the action vertuons or vicious . Now I had thought that Wee and I , especially being joyned with such Words as these , Wee judge and I call together with this expression found by me , had included a Mans selfe ( Chap. of Identity § 20. ) Vrbem , quam dicunt Romam Melibaee , putavi , Stultus Ego , hunc nostroe similem . Truly I imagin'd that , in things of this nature , Men had generally spoken after the same manner all England over . About the Year 1284. There were some Grammaticall heresies , that is , some false Latin and false Grammer condemn'd , by Arch Episcopal Authority , such as these , Ego currit , nullum nomen est tertiae personae . far be it from me to impute any such Sollaecismes to this Learned Author ; however I think , that I had very good reason to apply these expressions to the 1 st . Person , rather than to any third . 2 ly . 'T is observeable that he pleads for this 3 d. Law , and that with all the force of reason , perhaps , that the thing is capable of , now when Men relate things , as mere matter of fact , what others either do or say , they usually leave 'em to stand or fall by their own evidence ; I question whether ever any did so much towards the giving Mens actings according to custome or opinion , the formality and grandeur of a Law before , and as for the sanction , with all the Elaborate circumstances he has annext to it , I think it is perfectly his own . P. 159. 160. § . 12. But I must beg leave here to say that the most Hetrodox writer ( absit verbo invidia ) might perhaps thus take upon him only the same character of a Relator , after he had used and urged all the Arguments that either reason or Authority could afford him for his particular opinion . I do not here say he so far pleaded for this Law of custom or opinion , as to make it the standing Rule of Vice or Vertue truly so call'd , or of right and wrong , as he some times calls 'em , but only that he espous'd the cause and pleaded for that Law further than the thing would well bear . And these are the reasons that did more especially induce me to think , that he did not there take upon him the bare Off●ce of a Relator . To which I might also add , if it was necessary , what he says . P. 159. § . 12. If any one shall imagin that I have forgott my own notion of a Law , when I make the Law whereby Men judge of Vertue and Vice , to be nothing else , but consent of private Men , &c. This is not spoken like one , who barely relates matter of fact : Others indeed may , and that justly too , act in obedience to that rule of decency and common repute , yet I think he was one of the first that made it a Law , especially such , where by Men judge of Vertue and Vice. I shall only add one or two considerations more upon this Subject , before I leave it . 1 st . It seemes a peculiar way of speaking , not yet grown common in the World , when he assignes the Names of vice and vertue to such actions , as are agreeable or dissagreeable to common reputation , and for that reason , because they are so , whereas it always was , and still is the more usual way , not only of judging what things are in their own nature , but also of denominating actions vertuous or vicious rather from theire agreeableness or disagreeableness to the dictates of reason , and the law of Nature , rather than from the custom of the Place . I grant indeed , that what ever is truly vertuous , is generally counted laudable , but it is not therefore vertuous , because laudable , but therefore laudable because vertuous . Now I think that neither Names , nor the grounds and reasons of 'em ought more to be alter'd , than the Ancient Landmarks in Publick Fields , ought to be remov'd ; for nothing but disorder , confusion and needless disputes will arise from both . I cannot pretend to be acquainted with all the perticular Modes of speaking throughout the World , yet I much question , whether this be the most common and general acceptation of that word Vertue , that it is taken most commonly for those actions , which according to to the different opinions of several Countrys are accounted laudable . pag. 23. § 18. or however , not under that formality , because they were so counted . I do not here dispute concerning the true and proper acceptation of the word Vertue , as Mr. Lock has rightly stated it in the very next period , but only as to matter of fact , even what apprehensions other Nations generally had of it . I grant indeed that we shall sometimes find different practices in different places about the same thing , and all abounding in their own sense and pleading for the fitness and decency of their own perticular way : Thus some thought it the most Decent and Honourable way of burying their Dead by eating of 'em , others by Burning , others by Enterring , and no doubt all thought their own Method the best : But these are matters of indifferency , and so do not strictly come up to our present case , but however it may be further ask'd whether or no these several sorts of People did count themselves only Vertuous herein , and all the rest Vicious . Quakers are very rude and uncivil in Thouing People , as we call it , especially those that are not of their own Club , but I wish they had no greater Vices to answer for than this . I have heard of a King that was both blind and Lame , whereupon it was grown in fashion , and a laudable custom in that Court , not to appear but with one Eye cover'd , and with some counterfeiting at least a lameness . These were indeed very complaisant Courtiers , but why they should be call'd Vertuous for their dissimulation I know not , nor whether they were accounted so , even in that Place , where the thing was grown so fashionable , Thieves live in good Repute and Credit among themselves , and no doubt applaud their own Exploits in their own Clubs , but yet I much question whether they think violence and rapine to be Vertues or no , or do indeed call 'em so . They may perhaps employ their wits and fancy's to excuse their way of living , but not to justifie it , nor to raise it to a degree of Vertue ; or if we should suppose one among the rest more modest in his apprehensions and not retain such Heroick thoughts of Theft and Murder● as the others did , yet I fancy his Life would not be so uneasie to him as Mr. Locks Sanction would seem to make it . pa. 159. I scarce think that any Christian Nation ( and the Christian World is a Scene large enough for this dispute ) doth call that a vertue , which either is in it self , or by any other Christian Nation is called a vice . Whoredome , tho' in some Countries permitted and but too much in fashion , yet it is not even there call'd a vertue , tho' perhaps it may be counted a lesser vice . And why should we here in England begin to unhinge and unsettle 〈…〉 whose sense and meaning always was and still ought to be more fix'd and constant . 2. this Law of Opinion and Reputation , as it is made to Constitute a distinct Law , is not well grounded , for a Law is always suppos'd to bring men under an obligation , now the things in fashion among men , if they be contrary to the Law of Nature , let mens opinions of 'em be what they will , yet they are no Law to any one , and if they be agreeable to the Law of Nature , then they do so far coincidere with the Divine Law , and do not constitute a new Species of Law. But I must remember what Mr. Lock reminds me of , that he only relates what others say , not what he defends . But if so , then I can mention several other rules , which men sometimes make Lawes to themselves , viz. their respective tempers and humours , and the prejudices of Education : which are as much Laws to these men in their respective Clubs , as opinion and reputation are to others in theirs . But he goes on , whatsoever Authority , he says , I place in my old English Dictionary , it no where tells me , that the same action is not in credit , call'd and reputed a vertue in one place , which being in disrepute passes for and under the name of vice in another . But with submission I must tell him , that what ever Authority he places in his new way of speaking , yet , tho' our English Dictionarys ( his as well as mine ) no where say , that the same actions are not variously reputed , so or so in various places ( for that is not their business ) yet they no where say , that they are . For both our Dictionarys and Moral Philosophers ( I appeal to both ) tell us , that vice and vertue are much what the same with good and evil , sin and duty , and by consequence , that they did not , at least in those times so much as receive their denomination from Custom , but if he had instanc'd in one perticular action in the whole Christian World , which in one Place was counted a vertue and in another a vice , it would have added much light to the whole , and better explain'd his meaning . The taking notice that Men bestow the names of vertue and vice , according to the rule of reputation , is all I have done , or can be laid to my charge to have done , towards the making of vice vertue , and vertue vice . Here I would only ask whether this , of Mens bestowing the names of vertue and vice , according to the rule of reputation , be in it self a just well grounded and reasonable action , if it be , why doth he not assert and defend it , if it be not , why doth he found a Law viz. of opinion and reputation , upon the unwarrantable and ill grounded actions of Men. But he seemes to commend me , ( upon what account I know not ) for taking the alarm , as he calls it , euen at expressions , which standing alone by themselves might sound ill and be suspected I know not what he means by expressions standing alone by themselues . I hope he will grant , that several expressions , standing alone by themselves , that is at certain distances , yet all upon the same account justly exceptionable , may be taken notice of ; and I suppose he now understands , that it was not only one single expression , dropt as it were by chance from his Pen , that I found fault with but with his whole way of arguing upon that perticular . 'T is to this zeal , allowable in his Function , Some think this to be a reflection upon my Function , as if its proper business was to be employ'd in impertinencies , but I am willing , according to my Function , to put the most favourable interpretation upon things that they are capable of bearing , that I forgive his Citing my words , as he there does , &c. 'T is my happiness , that I find , that some Men , as they are great , so they are also merciful . I also thank him for the respect he seems to show to the Function , but Zeal without knowledge ( as he must suppose mine to be , for otherwise I should never have found fault , where there was no ground for it ) is no more pardonable in my Function , than in others , p●rhaps less . But no one they say refuses Gods and the Kings Pardon . I will go a little further , and not only accept , but humbly beg his Pardon too if I be in the wrong , but I hope I may contestari litem . He blames me for not taking notice of those words immediately preceding those of his , The exhortations of inspired Teachers , &c. But it was not much material to my Purpose , nor any way Prejudi●ial to his Cause , whether I did or no , as I hope will appear in the Sequel . He also blames me for quoting that Place of St. Paul , Phil. 4. 8. Whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any Praise , &c. In a sense he us'd it not . Truly I am not yet convinced , that I quoted it in any other sense , than the Apostle spoke it , and if he us'd it in any other , I cannot tell how to help it , he must look to that , but he says , he brought this passage of St. Paul , to show that for reasons he there gives , Men in that way of denominating their actions , do not for the mo●t part much vary from the Law of Nature , which is that standing and unalterable rule , by which they ought , &c. I am of his opinion too in this perticular , viz. that in so doing , they do not for the 〈…〉 &c. And yet not for this reason becaus● St. Paul says watsoever thi●gs are of good report , if there be any vertue , if there be any praise , think of these things . For indeed St. Paul here supposes some things either in themselves of good report , or in their own natures indifferent , and by the Innocent and la●dable custom of that place made so , and then they are the subject matter of a Command , think of these things : but then by bare mentioning things of good report , he does not concern himself in that question , how far Men in denominating their actions according to common repute , may or may not vary from the Law of Nature : Tho' by the way it seems but a very humble commendation of this Law of opinion or reputation , which is attended with all these diminutions , That it is such as ( only ) for the most part doth not much vary from the Law of Nature . That is , it may sometimes , nay frequently too , and in some degree vary from it . But St. Paul , being an inspired Teacher , certainly would not appeal to common repute under those Formalitys and disadvantagious circumstances , seeing he was there laying down Rules for the guidance of all succeeding Ages of the Church So that the things of good report , which the Apostle appeals to , 〈…〉 , but alwayes agree with the Law of Nature , or at least were not contrary to it . The Exhortations of Inspired Teachers have not feared to appeal to common repute , &c. By this must be understood such an appeal , as refers to Practice , think of these things ; now I durst appeal to Mr , Lock himself whether the Apostle would exhort Men to the practice of things of good report , without any restriction or limitation ; since he himself doth acknowledge that Men , in denominating their actions according to this Law , do ( only ) For the most part not much vary from the Law of nature . Whereby , even in the Corruption of manners , the true Boundarys of the Law of nature , whi●h ought to be the Rule of Vertue and Vice , were prtty well preserved . These are the Words , upon account of which he blam'd me , because I did omit 'em ; but doth he indeed think , that the Apostle in this case would have appealed to such a state of things without exception , wherein the true Boundarys of the Law of Nature were , ( only ) pretty well preserv'd . T is granted on all hands , that the Law of Nature ought indeed to be the Rule of vertue and vice ; but it seems it is not always actually so : If this be not the meaning of that expression pretty well preserved , I know not what is . And what advantage is this to his cause ? I hope Mr. Lock is not one of those , who would here tell us , that the rule , which the Apostle here layes down , is not absolutely certain and infallible , but only such , as for the most part , and more generally is true : For this would ill comport with the Caracter of an Inspired Teacher : Nor do I see , what tolerable Sense can be made of these words , If there be any vertue , If there be any prayse , Or why they are introduc'd , according to Mr. Lock 's way of interpreting the Place . I have insisted the longer upon this Subject , and represented my thoughts the more variously , that if possible I might the more certainly hit the Authors meaning , for I must confess , that such is either the obscurity of his Expres●ion , or of his way of Arguing here , or such the dulness of my capacity , that I cannot be assured , that I fully apprehend his meaning in this perticular . But then as to Naturall notions , he says , we are better agreed than I thought of ; if so , I am glad of it , for I can assure him , I take no pleasure in having any difference with any one : But I am afraid , there will , upon examination , be found some small difference betwixt us , in this particular also . In stating the Question , he says , I leave nothing in it contrary to what he had said . I shall here first Transcribe my stating of it , so far as is necessary in this perticular , that so the Reader may be the better able to judge betwixt us . P. 52. These Naturall notions , are not so Imprinted upon our Soules , as that they naturally and necessarily exert themselves ( even in Children and Ideots ) without any assistance from the outward Senses , or without the help of some previous cultivation , for thus reason it self , which yet , we say , is natural to a Man is not so born with him , but that it requires some Supervenient assistances , before it arrive at the true exercise of it self , and it is as much as I here contend for , if these notions be in the same sence connaturall to the Soul , as Reason it self is . And farther , the use of our understanding being First supposed that is , our faculties laboring of no naturall defect , nor deprived of those other advantages , that God and Nature have made necessary there unto , then our Souls have a natural power of finding , or framing such principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no wayes depends upon the evidence of sence or observation . And now doth Mr. Lock indeed say , that these notions are in the same sense Connatural to the Soul , as reason it self is ? Doth he indeed grant to our Souls a native power of finding or frameing such principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no ways depends upon the Evidence of sense or Observation ? and yet , methinks he must grant this too , if he hold to his intuitiue certainty ; and if so then we are better agreed , than I thought of : But then what becomes of that pompous principle , that sensation and reflexions upon sensible Impressions , are the Originals of all our knowledge ; but he proceeds , All that he says for innate , imprinted or inpress'd notions ( for of innate idea's he says nothing at all ) amounts only &c. Here he seemes to blame me for not speaking of innate ideas . But 1 st . What reason had I to enter upon any such discourse , seeing that neither he believes any su●h , nor do I Universally assert ●em , nor did my subject naturally lead me hereunto . For I cannot be convinc'd of the force of his argument P. 27. That if there be innate notions , that then there must be innate idea's . I doe indeed assert innate notions , in the sense before explain'd , but yet I do not say , that all the respective ideas , viz. simple ideas relating to those notions are innate : I shall only instance in one or two , Cogito , ergo sum , bare nothing cannot produce any real Being . P. 312. Of his Essay , of these Mr. Lock says , he has an intuitiue knowledge or certainty , and yet I do not believe , that there are any innate ideas of Cogitation , Existence , Production , nothing , &c. The respective ideas , that these notions are composed of . 2. I had no mind to ingage in a discourse of that nature , because I looked upon the Doctrine of idea●s , as it is now generally mannag'd , to be a very intricate , and perhaps not altogether such an usefull speculation . The old way of re●olving knowledge , was into these three operations of the mind , 1 st . Simple apprehension . 2 d. Composition and Division . 3 d. Discourse from both the former . Now if this ideal Scheme , with all its various Divisions , and Sub-divisions , be either the same , or do in a great mea●ure concidere with the former , why should the World be amused , either with making new Words , or using Old ones in a new Signification . I know Mr. Lock tells us , P. 73. § 4. That it is unavoidable in Discourses differing from the ordinary received notions , either to make new Words , or use Old ones● in somewhat a new signification . But then such Men ought to consider , whether the●e Notions , which appear different from the Ordinary reccieved ones , do not in a great measure owe their extrordinarinesse , if I may so speak , rather to the Authors expressing them in new words , or words of a new signification , rather than to any newn●ss in the notion it self . Nor do I see how this way of resolveing knowledge into th●se ideas conveyed into our minds , by Sensation and Reflexion there upon , doth any way more effectually tend to the reall advancement of usefull knowledge , than the other , for it rather supposes us already to have attain'd to that knowledge , which we thus resolve into these idea's , than to enable us to make any further advances in it . Thus I have a generall notion of a Book for example ; at the first sight , now if I should resolve this notion into its ideall principles , into all its simple ideas , &c. I believe I should at last have no better notion or idea of it than I had before . I shall only instance in another of his own P , 160. § . 14. For example , Let us consider , the complex idea we signify by the word , Murther , and when we have taken it asunder , and examin'd all the particulars , we shall find them to amount to a Collection of simple ideas , derived from sensation or reflection . First , from Reflection on the operation of our own minds , we ●ave the ideas of willing , considering , purposing be●ore-hand malice , or wishing ill to another , and also of life or perception and self motion . 2ly . From Sensation , we have the Collection of the simple sensible ideas of a Ma● , and of some action by which we put an end to that perception and motion in the Man ; all whieh simple ideas are comprehended in the word Murther . I suppose , he design'd here more particularly to explain to us the nature of Murther , according to his ideall way , by sensation and reflection . Now if we should thus explain the Word or go about to instruct an honest Country-Iury-ma● in the nature of the thing , Viz. Of Murther , he would certainly stare at us , and perhaps think that we were not much overgrown , either with Law or Reason ; but never understand the nature of Murther one jot the better for it . I never yet observ'd that Lushington's Logick , which is either a new way of thinking or a new way of expressing old thoughts ever made that improvement of knowledge in the World , which the Author at first perhaps promised himself it would do . P. 44. § . 24. The impressions then that are made upon our selves by outward Objects , that are extrinsecall to the mind , and its own operations about these impressions reflected on by its self , as proper Objects to be contemplated by it , are , I conceive the original of all knowledge . Here t is observeable , that the reflection is made upon the operations of the mind , as employed and exercised about these outward impressions , now one might have thought , that the streames would not have risen above the Fountains head , and that the reflections upon these outward impressions would not have produc'd idea's of a quite different nature from the rest . So that that which Mr. Norris . P. 61. Of his remarks upon the Athenian Society , puts upon these ideas , seemes to be the most naturall and obvious sense and meaning of 'em , Viz. That these ideas of reflection are but a secondary sort of ideas , that result from the various compositions , and modifications of these primary ones of sensation . Otherwise this notion of his , which he seems to advance with some kind of pompous traine of thought , as if something out of the common road of former methods , will , at last dwindle into this , which hath been the common and generall opinion of all the considering part of Mankind herein , that all knowledge proceeds either from the senses , or from the understanding , in its most extensive capacity , however qualified and disposed for that purpose . But by reflection among other things he includes the power of negation : Thus from conception of some thing by negation hereof he forms an idea of nothing : But now methinks we are got far aboue the sphere of sensation , for nothing cannot be the object of sense , nor make any impression upon the outward organs , and yet the Soul can frame propositions of as great truth and evidence from this nothing ; as it can from something Ex. gr . bare nothing cannot produce a reall being , but to proceed . He sayes that I make innate notions conditionall things depending upon the concurrence of severall other circumstances , in order to the Souls exerting them ; and so leave nothing in the stating of the Question , contrary to what he had said before . But I shall quit the place , upon which he grounds this , and then leave it to the Reader to judge , whether he hath done me right or no , P. 78. Of my former discourse . I was there complaining of some Men who will put such a sense upon these Words , innate or naturall , as if a thing could not be thus naturall or innate to the Soul , unless it did so immediately and necessarily stare Children and Fools in the face , that they must necessarily assent thereto , even before , by the common course of nature , they are capable of assenting to any thing ; whereas those who defend this Question , make these naturall or innate notions more conditionall things , depending on the concurrence of severall other circumstances , &c. Now I appeal to the Reader , whether these notions may not be more conditionall things , or not such absolute ones , as necessarily to stare Children or Fools in the Face , and yet not such as Mr. Lo●k makes ' ●m and yet not such as owe their origionall to sen●●●ion or re●lection upon sensible impre●sions . But h● s●ys ●hat all I say for innate notions amoun●s only to this , that there are certain propos●tions , which tho the Soul , from the beginning , or when ● Man is born , does not know , yet by assistance from the outward sen●es , and the help o● some previous cultivation , it may afterward come certainly to know the truth of . 1 st . I do not say that Infants have that actuall knowledge of these propositions , any more than they have the actuall exercise o● reason ; Yet by a●sistance from the outward sen●es ● &c. Here I cannot but take notice , how industriously he endeavous to fix his own se●se upon my Words , tho ' indeed they will not bear it ; but certainly here must be some mistake , either in him or me , as to this particular , for in the stating of the Question , I s●id ; that the truth and knowledge of these propositions did no way depend upon the evidence of sen●e or observation , therefore methinks , I should not presently say , that by the assistance of the outward senses w● afterward come to the certain knowledge of them , in the same sense wherein he seems to intimate it : But what if I never s●●d any such thing at all , or what I said will not amount to any such sense , as he put there upon it ? He might have done well to have quoted the place , then might we better have examined the sense and meaning of it : But I think those expressions ( nor any thing like 'em ) do no where occur in my Book , what com●s the nearest is P. 52. I shall transcribe the Words , and let the Reader judge : These naturall notions are not so imprinted upon the Soul , as that they naturally , and necessarily exert themselves ( even in Children and ideots ) without any assistance from the outward senses , or without the help of some previous cultivation : For thus reason it felf , which yet we say , is naturall to a Man is not so born with him ; but that it requires , &c. I do not understand , that there is any such thing asserted in this place , as that which he seemes to make my meaning in the former : But I shall have occasion to examine this place again , upon the like account . But he seemes not to like that expression of the Soules exerting of notions , as being a very unintelligible and unfit one in this case , misleading Mens thoughts by an insinuation as if those notions were in the mind , before the Soul exerts ' em . But I have already told him , that I do not say , that these notions are in the mind from the beginning , any other ways than reason it self is ; and if I did , ( as Mr. Norris very pertinently asks the question ) How does the Author know , but that these naturall impressions , may be so ordred , that they shall not become legible be●ore such a period of time , I know not how he would confute it . 2 d. I was there d●fending innate notions , and he opposing 'em , it was his part therefore to prove my assertion ●alse , but when he barely ●inds fault with this expr●ssion of the Souls ex●rting of notions , as if it mi●ted Mens thoughts , &c. This is only to suppose it false , but not to prove it so . He further seems to charge me with some contrariety or inconsistency of expression . P. 52. There he charges me with saying , that the●e naturall no●ions ex●rt themselves as P. 78. That the Soul exerts ' em . As to the 1 st . P. 52. That these notions exert thems●lv●s : Truly in that place , I say no such thing , but ●●●her the contrary , my Words are these ; ●hese natural notions are not so imprinted upon the Soul , as that they naturally and necessarily exert themselves ( even in Children and ideots ) Here we may observe , that the period is n●gative , and the negative particle exerts its influence , if I may so speak , upon the whole sentence : But however , , I say , They doe not exert themselves without any assistance from , &c. Which supposes that with such assistances , they do exert themselves , but this perhaps is the only instance , wherein Mr. Lock doth not seem to deal so ingeniously with me , Viz. To charge me with an inconsistency or impropriety of speech only by implication ; but suppose one , who asserts innate notions should say sometimes , that they exert themselves , sometimes , that tbe Soul exerts 'em , I think it would not be any such great inconsistency , unless Men would be too severely criticall , yet this I say , that these naturall notions may require or suppose some assistance from the outward senses or some previous cultivation , and yet the truth and Knowledge of 'em , not depend upon the evidences of sense or observation any more than intuitive knowledge doth . But he would have me to explain to my self or others what I mean by the Souls exerting these notions , and what that previous cultivation , or those other circumstances in order to their being exerted , are . 1. By the Souls exerting them as it is an act or operation of the Soul , I mean the same that I do by all other its acts or operations , only the Soul here acts upon different motives and principles , and upon different occasions , ex . gr . When the Soul exerts this notion or proposition , Snow is white , the truth of this she has from sense or experience , but in this , nihili nullae sunt affectiones , there she acts in a more abstracted way of speculation , without any notices or assistances , immediatly drawn from the s●ns●s : And this I conceive , is the w●y of his in●uitive certainty . If he says , that this is what he meanes by his sensation and reflection , I am very glad of it , and shall no ways oppose him . And then as to what I mean by that previous cultivation , or those other circumstances , &c. He may observe , that I always introduce these expr●ssio●s with relation or respect to Children going before . And so it was P. 52. and 78. So that by that previous cultivation or other circumstances I mean all the previous discipline the Child underwent at School , or elsewhere , all the benefits and advantages of Education , which are commonly requisite in order to reasons coming to a competent exercise of it self . So that , if I should say , that the Soul being so , and so qualify'd exerts those notions , so , as to suppose some footsteps of these truths imprinted or interwoven in the very essentiall constitution of the Soul , as such that is , as rational , I think it an assertion not unreasonable in it self , however not possible to be disprov'd , or confuted by any one . Tho' this is not my way of asserting innate Notions , viz. intellectual Notions , exclusively of the other , which I shall here subjoyn . Therefore , 2 dly . If I say that these Notions are of such a frame or bear such a natural or necessary a●reement to the facultys of our Soul●s , in the free use and exercise of 'em that th●y cannot ●ut assent to 'em , when fairly propos'd . I think this is much what the same with the former , especially if we consider , that I do not h●re suppose the intermediation of any Notices or Ideas drawn ●rom sense , in the act of producing them , any more than in any act of reason , or Speculation whatsoever . Now if either of th●s● two ways ( if perhaps they be diff●rent ) prov● reneable , then I shall be able to m●in●●in my ground , for in stating the question , I did not confine my self to eithe● of 'em par●icularly , for I said that supposing the Soul so and so quallify'd , it then has a native power of finding or framing such Principles or propositions , the truth or knowledge whereof no ways depends upon the evidence of sense , or observation . I have hitherto been upon the explaining Part , in observance of his demand , I hope he will now give me leave to de●ire him to explain some things in his assertions , which s●●m not so easy and obvious to apprehend . Pa. 318. The k●owledge of our own being we have by Intuition ; the Existence of a God , reason clearly makes known to us , the knowledge of the existence of other things , we can have only by sensation , here he assignes 3 several ways of acquiring Knowledge , and in the same Pa. he says , the notice we have by our senses of the existence of things without us , tho● it be not altogether so certain as our intuitive knowledge , or the deductions of our reason &c. Pa. 312 , Man knows by an intuitiv● knowledge that bare nothing cannot pro●●ce any real being . Now intuitive knowledge was never suppos'd to be acquir'd by sensation , or by any reflexion upon materiall mpressions , and indeed here he hims●●f acknowledges the same . Now that which I would desire him to explain to himself or others is , 1. How this intuitive Knowledge thus asserted is reconcileable with what he say● Pa. 44 & 24 , where sensation and reflexio● are made the Originals of all Knowledge . 2. I would desire him to explain how any impressions from out●ard objects , or any operations of the mind about these impressions reflected on by it felf , can produce in Man any ●nowledge or sense of Moral good or evil or of the difference betwixt them ; I know he tells us that supposing a God , and such a creature as Man is , from the relation that one bears to the other , honour will necessarily b● due to God , from Man. I grant this , but I do not see , how he can come to this knowledge from any sensible impressions from without , or by reflexions of the mind ●ereupon . When he has a litle more fully explain'd these things , I suppose there will be very litle difference betwixt him and me in this particular , an● that he will , in some measure be forc'd to acknowledge with me . Pa. 53. that the Soul , the free use of our understandings first suppos'd , has a native power of finding , or framing such Propositions the truth , or knowledge whereof no way depends upon the evidence of sense , or observation . But I must remember that what that Learned Man writ , was only by way of Es●ay , and I would desire the Reader to look upon what I write too here , in the same manner : Only I think , that an Essay , like a Town or Fortress once attempted or besieg'd ought eit●er to be well defended or fairly given up , and thus much in Answer to Mr. Lock . I shall here further take notice of a Cavil of the Atheists , who make it an Objection against the being of a God , that they do not discover him without any application , in spight of their corrupt wills and debaucht understandings ; if such a God ( say they ) as we are told of , had Created and Form'd us , surely he would have left upon our minds a native and indelible inscription of himself , whereby we must need have felt him , even without seeking , and believ'd in him , whether we would or no. I shall first consider this as a mere Cavil of the Atheists , tho' as it is manag'd by some , it seems rather to be made use of as an Argument against the natural impression of God upon our minds , than any proof against his being . And here we may obs●rve . 1. That if the confession of Atheists will add any thing to the Cause in hand , they themselves do grant , that it was a thing reasonable and becoming , that God should leave some Natural Character of himself upon the Souls of Men , but the unreasonableness of the Cavil consists not in the impression it self , but in the suppos'd indelibleness and Irresistibility of it , but I hope we shall be able to account for that by and by . 2. Atheists themselves are sometimes for●'d , more especially at their Death , to acknowledge a God whether they will or no , and this is a fair probable Argument at least of this natural inscription ; 't is true , God may more ime●i●tely work such effects upon Mens mind , but his ordinary and regular way of acting is by means , viz. by restoring , Conscience to its Natural freedom , which before was debauch'd and blinded by bad Principl●s and worse Practices ; th●se Natural no●ions of good and evil , and the sence of our Obligation h●reunto , being now more at liberty , and their consciences more fr●ely excusing or accusing them , tho' I do not h●re exclude the influences of Gods Holy Spirit . But 't is here Reply'd , that God has endued Mankind with powers and abilitys of Natural light and reason , by which he cannot miss of the dis●overy of a God , and this is su●●●●ient , and therefore such an Original impression would not be necessary . But what if there be other Arguments to prove the being of a God , must we then reject this as useless ? Suppose an Atheistical Person should object against such a particular Epistle or Chapter in Holy Writ , that it is not Canonical Scripture , must we therefore giv● up the Point , because perhaps there is Scripture sufficient to Salvation without it ? But they say , that such an impression would have rendred the belief of a God i●resistible and necessary , and thereby bereav'd it of all that is good and acceptable in it . But how do they prove , that this impression would make the belief of a God irresistible and necessary ? may there not be such an impression upon our minds , as may rather gently incline , than forcibly constrain to belief ? May it not be such , as that the power and ef●icacy of it m●y be , in a great measure rebated by wilful wickedness and vicious Practices ? May there not be such a thing as Divine Grace , tho' at the same ●ime we do not believe it to be irrisistible ? But they tell us that such a radical truth that God is , and springing up with the very E●se●●e of our Souls , is not pretended to by Religion . But doth Religion pretend any thing to the contrary ? But supposing ( which yet will not be easily granted ) that the Scripture doth not either suppose or assert this naturall inscription o● signature of God upon our minds ; yet doth Religion forbid us to make use of any Argument that may be piou●ly or rationally credible , for the proof of a God ? Scripture doth not go about to prove the being of God by Philosophicall arguments , this was not the desig● of Moses , or the Prophets , or the Apostles , any other ways , than as the History of the one , and the Prophesies and Miracles of the others do sufficiently demonstrate it ; and the●efore t is no argument against such a Naturall impression or idea of God● because the Scripture doth not particularly insist upon it , for that purpose . The Scripture doth argue as strongly , as any the most accute Phylosopher can do , but then it is rather to prove the atributes , than the being of God ; this is rather supposed , than gon about to be prov'd in Scripture . But then I would only aske these opposers of this Naturall character of God upon our mindes , whether they do grant any Naturall notions of good or evill ; if they do , I know not why they should deny this of God , upon which the other do depend● If they do not , they then must make morality a more Mechanicall and Factitious thing than God and Nature ever design'd to make it . So that I humbly conceive , that these Men , whilest they thus goe about to answer the Cavill , do indeed rather cut , than lose the knot , by granting the truth of this consequence , that if God hath made any original impression of himself upon the minds of Men ; then it must be necessary and irresistible as to the produceing such and such effects upon all Men , and at all times : For by this meanes they lay a necess●ity upon themselves of denying any such thing , as this naturall Character or idea of God , whereas they might sufficiently have answered this Cavill of the Atheists , by granting the being of such a naturall impression , and by denying the consequence , that then it must be irresistible , in the sense they assert it ; and I beleeve it would require more wit , then the Atheist either is , or ever will be master of , to prove it . Addenda to the former Chapter● Concerning the Law of Custom , and Innate notions . MR. Lock in his Preface says , he was in the Chapter there mentioned , not laying down morall Rules , but enumerating the Rules Men made use of in morall rela : +tions , whether those Rules were true or false but certainly it is not so well consistent with that great Character that Mr. Lock beares in the World , to spend time in laying down Rules in things relating to morality , without any respect to their being either true or false , considering the bad use the vulgar and inconsiderate People may , and frequently do make of such doubtf●ll discourses ; Men may thus write for ever , and yet the World never the better , but possibly much worse for their Writeing : But the Rules he there takes notice of are these three : 1 st . The Divine Law. 2 d. Humane Law. 3 ly . The Law of Opinion , or Reputation . Now the Divine Law is always true , Humane Law always Obligatory , but the Law of Fashion or Opinion , which is neither always true . nor always Obligatory , seemes to be very unjus●ly joynd with the two former . But I must doe Mr. Lock ●hat right , as to take notice of what he says in the last § . of that Chapter . There he tells us , that tho' the Rule be erronious , and I mistaken in it , yet the agremeent or disagreement of that , which I compare with it , is evidently known by me ; wherein consists my knowledge of relation : But what an insignificant piece of knowledge is this , thus to know Relation , for when I see a Pedler measuring me off so much Stuffe by a false Yard , I see indeed the relation , that one bears to the other , and that agreement betwixt 'em but what satisfaction is that to me , for the Cheat that is put upon me by the false measurer . But tho' measuring by a wrong Rule I shall thereby be brought to judge amiss of i●'s morall rectitude , because I have tryed it by that , which is not the true rule , &c. Here Mr. Lock confesses that morall rectitude consists in the truth of the rule , not in the agreement of any action to a rule , whether that rule be true or false . Now let us compare such or such an action to the Law or Rule of Fashion or reputation ; I find it agreeable thereunto : What then follows ? Why , then it follows , that it is agreeable thereunto ; nothing further can follow hence , because as yet I know not whether that Law of Custome or reputation be true or no. So that Mr. Lock here seems to make use of his own authority in a great measure to repeal that Law of Custom or fashion , which in the former part of that Chap. he seems to enact . But now in his Preface he says , he never endeavour'd to make it a Law ; if so , then what meanes the 12 th . § . Wherein he seems to assume to himself the honour of making it such , and further adds a Sanction thereunto , I think perfectly of his own Elaboration : Tho' indeed the Sanction doth not seem to stand good , even upon his own principles . For § . 5. He tells us , that morall good and evill is the conformity or disagreement of our voluntary actions to some Law , whereby good and evill is drawn on us from the will and power of the Law-maker , and by the Decree of the Law maker . Now I suppose no particular Society or Club of Men ever met together to constitute such respective sanctions to actions agreeable ●r disagreeable to Fashion or Reputation ; for he tells us . § . 10. That this approbation or dislike , doth by a secret and tacit consent , ( which certainly is some thing different from the will , power and Decree of the Law-maker ) establish it self in the severall Societies , and Clubs of Men in the World : And § . 6. It would be in vain for one intelligent being to set a rule to the action of another , if he had it not in his power to reward or punish the compliance with , or deviation from this Rule , by some good and evill , that is not the natural product , and consequence of the action it self , for that being a naturall convenience or inconvenience , would operate of it self without a Law. Now if an action be truly morally good , praise and approbation is the natural product and consequence of such an action ; and if it be really bad , then blame and censure ; but now these do not come up to the rewards and punishments above mentioned , such as are extrinsick to the nature of the action , and not the natural and necessary results of it . But Mr. Becconsall hath in a great measure prevented me on this Subject , for which I thank him . But I.S. P. 271. p. 199.200 . Of his reflections upon Mr. Lock , there speaking of this little Controversy betwixt Mr. Lock and me , says , that Mr. Lock has so perfectly clear'd that point in his Preface ' that none can now remain unsatisfi'd , for who can hinder Men from sancying and nameing things , as they list . none indeed can hinder Men from doing thus , but this they ought not to do , unless they think and Write without any respect either to truth or goodness , and when Men fancy and name things , as they list , if this be done without any ground of reason , and contrary to the generall practice of Mankind , I humbly conceive , there is no reason , that this should satisfy any one : But then pa. 274. He says , I think it had been better and more unexceptionable , to have called such good and bad dispositions ( Reputed vertues and vices ) than to joyne those qualities in an univocall appellation , &c. Here he seemes to cast the Cause on my side againe : But we are all partys here , and so must appeal to the impartiall and juditious Reader , the only supreme Judge in things of this nature , Here t is very well worth the Observation , what the Learned Bp. of Worcester says , pa. 25. Of his Answer to Mr. Locks 2 d. Letter . I am utterly against any private Miuts of Words , and I think those Persons assume too much Authority to themselves , who will not suffer common words to pass in their generall acceptation , but will set such Bounds and Limits to 'em , as suit best with th●ir own speculations . And here I cannot but take notice of a certain kind of novell affected way of speaking of late prevaiing in the World , even among great Phylosophers , whether it be to gratify their own curiosity of speaking , or that they pretend to advance some new notion by this new way of expressing themselves , I know not ; but this is certain , that vicious and ill minded Men do make use hereof , especially when t is apply'd to matters of Morality , to worse purposes , than our modern Philosophers probably ever intended it . Mr. Malbranch , pa. 15. Paragraph , 7. Of his late Treatise of Morality , It is certain that universall reason is always the same , order is immutable , and yet morality changes a●cording to places and times . Bad Men from such instances , as these , take occasion to undermine the very Fundamentals of all Religion , and wholly to resolve morality into mere custome and Education . Mr. Lock indeed did say in his 1 st . Edition of his Essay , that nothing else but that which has the allowance of publick esteem , is vertue . But he altred it in his 2d . and probably Mr. Malbranch if he have the same candor and ingenuity , will doe the same too . Mens apprehensions concerning some points of Morality may vary and alter , but the things themselves never do . It is a vertue , he says , among the Germans to drink hard . But this is i● an assersion both false and scandalous , for who ever said that the personal faillures of private Persons can make that a vertue any where which is not so in it self , neither do I think , that this of Drinking hard , I suppose , he meanes to excess , is generally counted a vertue , even in Germany : Thus some Men stick not to violate all the Rules of order , truth and justice , only to advance a notion false in it self , and dangerous in its consequences , Viz. That Morality changes according to times and places . Vice and Errour are of a Progressive nature , thus Men first live as if there were no God , then they wish there was none , then they set their understandings to defend , what their Vicious and Corrupt affections first prompted them to desire : Thus from Atheisme in practise they proceed to Atheisme in speculation . So also some Men speak , as if there were no fixt and standing rules of morality , ; others , being prompted thereunto by their vicious humours , take the hint , and hence boldly assert that there are no such things ; thus taking away the very foundation of all natural Religion . I shall here beg leave to reflect upon one or two passages more in his Treatise Pa. 414. De inquirenda veritate . He tells us , that God has instituted a Natural Union betwixt the will of Man and the representation of Idea's . But now in the 5 th . Chapt. of his Trea●ise of Morality , being conscious perhaps that the Will of Man will ●ot so well do the business he now shu●●●●s betwixt Mans will and his a●●●ntion , as if th●s● two were the same ●●ing . In the heads of that 5 th . chap. we fin● this , our desires are the occasional causes o● our Knowledge . But in the 2 d. Paragr : he t●lls us tha● God by a general Law hath ann●xed the presence of Idea's to the attention of our mind , and some few lin●s ●f ●r h●ving an inward sense of his own attention and no knowledge of the operati●n o● God he looks upon the endeavour o● his d●sires ● as the true cause of those Ideas , that accompany that endeavour , What he means by the endeavour of his desires , we shall know , when his Illustrations come out : I suppose he does not make Mens desires and their endeavours the same thing , only because Men desires commonly put 'em upon endeavours . But Parag : 4 th . he tells us● that attention of the mind then is a kind of natural Prayer , he might as well have said that Prayer is a kind of Natural attention● and so made quidlibet ex quolibet , merely to avoid a frank acknowledgment of his former errour . In the beginning of his 2 d. Chapt. he says , the love of order is not only the chief of moral Vertues , but the only vertue , and thro' that whole Chapt. and in other places he speaks very great things of this love of order , as if there was no other vertue besides it , and yet Ch. 3d. Paragr : 1 st . tho' I have not expre●s'd the Principal or Mother Vertue by the Authentick name of Charity , I would not have any one im●gine that I pretend to deliv●r to M●n any other Vertue , than that which Christ ●●mself hath establish'd in these words , Thou shalt love the Lord thy God , &c. on these two depend the Law and the Prophets . Mat. 22. 37 , 40. 1 Cor. 13. 1. But then why did he not retain the same name , that our Saviour and his Apostles made use of , does he think that the love of order expresses i● better ? Or is not this something of the humour before taken notice of , viz. an affected way of speaking . By the love of order then he only means a true inward principle of all vertuous actions , and if so , then it is so far from being the only Vertue , that it is not one , that is , compleat , entire , perfect vertue of it self , there are other things requir●d to the compleating of vertue besides a right principle tho' perhaps this is the first and principal ingredient ; bonum ex causa integra , malum ex quolibet defectu , so that a disposition or facility of performing such dutys is not properly vertue , without the love of order : Pa. 15. neither is the mere love of order properly a vertue , without the performing such duty 's when we have ability and oppor●●●ity of perfo●ming ' em . Then as to Innate No●ions I would add , That I take these ( especially Int●ll●ctual Notions ) to be call●d so , rath●r i● opposition to their b●ing the result of mere sence and observation or of any m●r● r●fl●xions on sensible impr●ssions , rather than that they are imprinted from the beginning upon the Soul in any such gross Characters , as some perhaps may imagine them ; tho' I do not here recal any thing , that I had said before upon that Subject . We seem to have as clear a Notion of the thing , when we say , nihili nullae sunt affectiones , as we have , when we are told P● . 139 of Mr. Lo●ks Letter to the Bishop of Worcester ? that the Idea of nothing has a necessary connexion with no power , no operation , no causality , no effect , that is , with nothing . This proposition indeed , nothing has a necessary connexion with nothing , is certainly true ; but then it seems to border too near upon those Propositions , which add no light to the understanding which bring no encrease to our knowledg , that is , trifleing Propositions . P a. 307. of E●say . Mr. Norris blames Mr. Lock , because he has not given us a just and real difinition of an Idea , and may ●ot Mr. Lock blame Mr. Norris his difi●i●ion Pa. 30 of his reflexions upon Mr. Lock 's Essay , when he tells us that an Idea is a partial representation of the Divine omniformity or the omni●orm Essence o● God , partially represented , eit●er as in it selfe unintelligible , or as not so agreeable to the honour and dignity of the Divine ●ssence . I could have wish'd , that Mr. Lock had further explain'd , what relation those opperations of the mind , which he calls Ideas of reflexion , have to the precedent impressions made upon the sense Pa. 44. § 24. That seems to suppose sensible impressions alwayes to preceed the reflexions of the mind . But on the other hand , Intuitive knowledge , viz. of the existence of our Souls doth neither suppose , nor is it self any operation of the mind about any sensible impressions going before . Mr. Lock charg'd me with some kind of a inconsistency of expression in one place saying , that the Soul exerted those notions , in one another , that they exerted themselves : But t is a great sign , that matter and Argument run low , when Men thus meanly carp at words : I hope I have sufficiently vindicated my self , as to that particular ; but if I should follow the example of so great a Master , and be thus severely critical , it perhaps would be difficult for himself to avoid the like censures . pa. 323. of his Essay , § . 14. 1 st . Edit . Knowledge is the consequence of the ideas , that are in our minds , what ever they are , and produce generall certain p●opositions . I dare not be over confident that I rightly understand the period , but if this be the sense of it , which seemes to be so , that the ideas produce these generall certain propositions , I humbly conceive it the more proper way of speaking , to say , that the Soul by the aids and assistance of these ideas produce , those propositions , than that the ideas themselves should do it . I do not speak this as if there was here any just occasion of exception , but only to show , how easily men may be ill natur'd , if they pleas'd . I am sorry I have not the concurrence of Mr. Becconsall's opinion in this point too of innate notions , I shall therefore briefly examine some passages of his , relating to this subject , first I do not well understand , why he should grant the Law of nature to be innate , or implanted in the minds of Men , as he tells us , Pa , 2 d. That ●he Gentiles had a Law of action implanted in ●he very frame and Constitution of their Natures . and Pa. 6. The Law of Nature is implanted in the minds of Men , as rationall beings : And yet at the same time to reject the Doctrine of innate inscriptions , as he calls ' em . Pa. 75. Whereas I humbly conceive , that the Law of Nature is either the same with these naturall inscriptions , or innate notions , or the one so Founded , in the other , that they must both stand , or fall together , if by being implanted in the minds of Men , he mean only a power or faculty in the Soul of collecting those truths by rational disquisitions , then I think , he has not done right neither to himself , nor his Reader by so expressing it . But he says , Pa. 75. that the frame , and order of things both within , and without us , with the exercise of our own facultys upon 'em will present us with a Scheme of moral duty , and a true measure of action , and that too as clearly , as if it was imprinted upon the mind , with the first lineaments of its being . I do not deny the great use , and advantage of our naturall faculties , in order to that end , that is , to those whose circumstances are such , that they have abilitys , and opportunities to employ 'em so , that is , Christians may possibly do it , but a great part of the Gentile world cannot . But how does he prove , that this Scheme of duty will thus be as clearly presented to us , as if it was imprinted with the First lineaments of our beings : This seemes to be barely asserted without proof : Whereas the contrary seemes more probable , that the double evidence of natural inscription and Rationall deduction would add to the cleareness of the thing . And therefore he says , There seemes to be no visible necessity for haveing recourse to innate ideas , or inscriptions . Those who assert innate inscriptions justly suppose themselves on the defensive part , and they who write against 'em can challenge no other , than that of opponents . Now barely to plead the no necessity of a thing is no necessary argument against him , who positively asserts the matter of fact , that it is so , for many things may be , and are so , of which perhaps there is no necessity , that they should be so : And this seemes sufficient to abate the force of the Argument ; If nothing further could be added ; for what if God has given us greater assistances , than perhaps were absolutely necessary ; in a thing of so great concernment ; we have no reason to take it ill . But then why may we not assert , if not a necessity , yet a great conveniency of these naturall notions , viz. In respect of that part of the Gentile world , who have neither ability nor inclination to make such profound disquisitions into the nature of Man , and the reason of things , as are necessary to attain to the naturall knowledge of duty : And if Mr. Becconsall had more fully consider'd the Barbarous state of the greatest part of the Heathen World , t is probable he would have found 'em subjects not capable of such rationall enquiry's , as his way of Arguing supposes ' em . But he goes on , If innate ideas be serviceable to Mankind , they must be so in order to supply the defects ●f reason , and consequently they seem to be exempt from the disquisitions of reason . These natural notions of truth , and goodness are some of the greatest strokes , wherein consists the Image of God , imprinted upon the minds of Men , in order to make them what they are , rational and Religious ; now if this Learned Author , or any else call this a supplying the defects of Reason , I shall not much oppose it ; only I should rather call 'em the fundamental principles of all Reasoning : And consequently they seem to be exempt from the disquisitions of Reason . I do not understand the necessity of this consequence at all , for how can these things be fit and proper aids to supply the defects of reason , if they themselves cannot , or dare not undergoe the most exact trialls and disquis●tions of reason . He gives his reason in the following words . For if innate ideas are to be examined and judged on by the working of reason , What then ? We might have imagin'd , that the inference from hence would have been , either 1 st . That then there are no such things as these Native Inscriptions , or 2 ly . That they are not serviceable in order to supply the defects of reason , or 3 ly . That they were exempt from the disquisitions of reason , but it s none of these , but only this , Then reason it self will answer all the ends and designes of a reasonable being : But if it does , this seemes only to extend to the Christian World ; reason does but very indifferently perform this among the Heathens . But he says , It does it as effectually , as if a digest of Laws were originally recorded on the mind . But how doth he prove , that the Heathens may not thank those Native impressions , that they are not sunk lower into Barbarisme than indeed they are : or supposing , that they did enjoy a greater and freer use of reason , than I am afraid they do , yet how doth he prove , that they owe the light of truth and obligation to duty merely to their rationall enquirys in contradistinction to , or seperation from these innate notions , or not rather to the benign influence that these later ( however in conjunction with the former ) have upon them . But pa. 76. He says , That the Doctrine of innate ideas must be laid aside , since we cannot conceive , that a wise Creator should establish any ordinance without some special ends , and use annex'd to it , I mean such , as are not served any other way . But to this I answer , 1 st . That what he there supposes , is not yet sufficiently demonstrated , viz. That Men generally may as well come to the knowledge of their Duty , by such rational enquirys , as they may by these native inscriptions . 2 ly . How doth he prove , that it is inconsistent with the wisdom of Divine providence to appoint the joint concurrence of two things , as in this case , naturall inscription and rational deduction , as meanes in order to the same end , they mutually supporting , defending , and confirming each other . Pa. 77. In a word then , tho' the sacred language seems to favour the notion of native inscriptions , yet it may be justly r●solved into metaphor and figure , &c , But it is some advantage to the notion , that the sacred Language favours it , especially since the assertors thereof are defenders of that Text , and found their opinion upon it : And therefore 't is not sufficient for him to say , that the Sacred Language may be resolved into a Metaphor , but he must prove , that it must necessarily be so interpreted ; and here the assertors of these Inscriptions may more justly say , that the Text may be understood in the plain , obvious , and literal sense of the words , therefore there is no need , no occasion of a Metaphor . I do not here speak any thing to derogate from the excellency , and usefulness of those powers , and facultys that God has endued us with in order to discover a rule of action , yet I can scarce be perswaded , that the mere exercise of reason in those circumstances of time , and place before mentioned , will do it as clearly and as effectually , as if a digest of Laws were originally recorded on the mind , tho' I do not say that any such digest is thus recorded , only some of the primary , original and fundamental Laws of Nature , or some greater stroaks thereof are originally communicated to the Soul , yet in a way suteable to the nature of the things thus communicated , and to the nature of the Soul , the Subject of ' em . But here if I may speak my own private conjecture , I think , these rational enquirys by the use of our facultys may better serve the designes of truth , than they can those of goodness , and be more available for the founding of intellectual , and notional , rather then Moral , and practical Principles upon . Pa. 75. He says , that if it be allow'd , that probabilitys may determine our judgments in this matter , the doctrine of innate Ideas is rather to be rejected , than retain'd . But if probabilitys will avail any thing , I doubt not but the Doctrine of innate Ideas has its probabilitys too , as 1. Since this Doctrine of native Ideas or inscriptions ( he means the same by both ) is not matter of mere indifferency , but has a very useful influence both upon natural and Reveal'd Religion , is it not therefore the more probable to be true ? And further , ●s it probable that the Apostle , Ro. 2. 15. would positively and plainly say that this Law of Nature was written upon the hearts of the Gentiles , if it really and truly was not ●o ? 2. Is it probable , that God would leave the Gentile World to the guidance of that reason , which in their circumstances , could not be any tolerable direction to 'em , either in the ways of truth or holyness , without some other ( at least more probable , means ) to keep em , if possible , from sinking too much below themselves ? 3 d. This is the most that can be said against the Doctrine of Innate Ideas , or natural inscription , that there is no need , they say , of having recourse hereunto , reason it self sufficiently serving for those purposes without it : Now this is such an argument , as may perhaps be urg'd with equal force against all the Moral ( that is , no small ) part of the Gospel ; for may not , nay , do not some Men say , that there was no need of any such Revelation , reason it self , they say , had done that without it . But perhaps it may seem too much a receding from the Divine Authority of Scripture , to plead that over again by probabilitys , which 't is granted on all hands , is favourd by plain expressions of Scripture . But Mr. Becconsal in his Chapt. of Parental love , and aff●ction : Pa 122. speaking of the lower Order of Creature● , says , they , as well as we , must conclude , that Parental Love is the effect of some peculiar propension , wove in with the Frame , and Constitution of our beings . and Pa. 126. For a Man to love and cherish his Offspring is certainly the result of an inward Propension . Now I do not know , that the assertors of Innate Principles do understand any thing more by them , then what is here granted : 'T is true indeed , it follows , but the exercise of it from the consideration of the close affinity it bears to his own flesh and blood , is a work of reason . But is it the less Innate , because it is also rational ? Or may not a Man actually love his Child out of that inward propension so to do , tho● at the same time he doth not consider that affinity it bears to his own flesh , and blood ? But the ground , and reason of the difference betwixt Mr. Becconsal and me in this particular seems to be this , Pa. 74. that he thinks the Doctrine of Innate Ideas , or practical Principles serves not any real purposes of Religion , and I think it does . Mr. Lock , in his Reply to what I had said concerning Innate Notions , imploys the most of his discourse upon that , which is least considerable , he s●irmishes about the outworks , but never enters into the merits of the cause , nor comes to dispute that which was most material in the Controversy . I wonder why he sho●ld lay so much stress upon Children , and Fool● , and debaucht Persons , to make their a●sent or dissent so availeable one way , or other : I am no friend to Dogmatizing , yet I humbly conceive , that no one has any just reason to think the wors● of any Opinion merely because such Persons do not assent unto it . Neither do they who plead for this general consent , make it so universal , as to include every particular . Pa. 24. § . 20. I desire these Men to say , whether by Education , and Custom these Notions can or cannot be blurr'd and blotted out . Since he is so Positive in his demand , why may not we be a● positive in our answer , and say , that they can : And what then ? Why , then truly he drops that part of the disjunction and only says ; If they may suffer ●ariation by adventitio●● Notions ( which is a very gentle way of blotting out ) but what then follows ? Why then we must find ●●em cle●rest , and most perspicuous , nearest the Fountain● in Children , &c. We must , he says , but he never yet prov'd the neces●ity of that consequence : And then as for Illiterate Persons , if he mean , plain , honest illi●●●at●● Heathens , such as are less Learned , ●●t less corrupted by ●●lse Principles and wicked Practises I doubt not , but these Notions will appear clearer in such : But however we still remain in the full and undisturb'd possession of that side of the disjunction , that these notions may by bad Custom , and Education be blotted out , which ground thus gain'd will be of great disadva●tage to his cause . As for what he says , Pa. 18. of the wicked Practices , and Atheistical Opinions of some Heathen Nations , some think that his Authors were not so exact in their observations , as they might have been , but suppose they were , it makes nothing to the advantage of his cause , unless he had prov'd before , that these Notions cannot be blotted out of the minds of Men. Neither will it follow hence , that they are of no use to Mankind , if they may be thus defac'd . For , 1 st . It may be in some measure oweing to these , that all the Nations of the Heathen World are not sunk lower into wickedness than indeed they are . 2 dly . 'T is probable these Innate Notions will be instrumental in the Conviction and Conversion of these People , when God in the wisdom of his Providence , shall think ●it to do it ; and I doubt not but the Apostles in their Preaching did appeal to these , and make use of 'em , for this p●rpose . Rom. 2. 14 , 15. Pa. 21. § . 14. Here speaking of these Moral Rules , he is very urgent with us , ●o tell , which they are ; if he means , that we should give the exact determinate number of 'em , I think this is a very unreasonable demand , however I shall at present instan●e in those , which● Mr. Nye mention● 〈…〉 f His naturall Religion . 1 st . A tenderness for and care of our Children . 2 d. A commiseration of the oppressions and wants of such , as are distressed , and not by their own fault , but thro' mishap , or the iniquity of others . 3 d. A propensity to favour worthy Persons and actions : And here , I would only give him this caution , that in his reply , he do not draw his Answer and Arguments from Children , and Fools ; for such Evidence will be excepted against ; nor from such as by Vicious customes have blotted these notions out of their minds ; for no one thinks the worse of the Belief of a God , because the whole Club of professed Athests denys it . Here give me leave to add one thing further , tho' out of its proper place , as for those that assert these innate notions I know no● how they can well otherwise express it , than by saying , that the Soul upon occasion exerts 'em , and as for that other w●y , of exerting themselves , if it wanted any defence , I have very good authority for it , Mr. Loc● . P. 13. of his Essay . § . 27. 'T is ● great presumption that these ge●erall ma●imes are not innate , since they are l●ast known to tho●● , in whom , if they were ●nnate , they must ne●ds 〈◊〉 the●selves , with most force and vigour . That there is a reall , and unalterable distinction betwixt good , and evill , is a very great , and important truth , and such as ought to be fixt upon the best and surest foundations , but I canno● think , Mr. Becconsalls Argument pa. 194. so ●og●nt , as the nature of the thing requires , Moral good , he says , always in●ludes a n●turall good , and naturall good is evid●ntly establish'd in the frame of created natur●● and consequently , if the frame of nature be unalterable , m●ral good must be s● too . Here , if by moral good always including a naturall good , he me●nes , that moral good is always attended with some r●al advantage naturally accruing from the practice of it , this I grant , is generally true , but then may we not say here , as he says of pleasure , pa. 188. In respect of Natural good , that it seemes to be a consequenc● , ●ather then a measure , and constituent principle of morall good , so thi● na●●r●l good , which , he says , i● always included in morall good , seemes to be the consequence , rather then the measure , and constituent principle of moral good : But then if he makes moral good only a part of , as indeed he seems to make it the same with , naturall good , ( only distinguish'd by the accession of a free choice , pa. 186. ) and so included in the frame of created nature , this will only prove , that moral good is what God at first Creation made it , and so not in the highest Sense , eternal and immut●ble , as depending merely upon Gods free and Arbitrary will , and positive determination , and thus this Learned Author will fall in with P. Poiretts opinion in this particular . vide . former discourse of humane nature . pa. 95. Whereas I am willing to carry the reasons of good and evill higher , founding them in that relation they bear to the essential wisdom , purity , and holiness of the Divin● nature , which relation is , in some measure , made known to us by those native notices and naturall impressions upon the minds of Men. And whereas he tells us . pa. 192. That the proper measures of morall good mu●t be taken from the original frame , ends and intrests of our beings , I am afraid that all these in respect to each individual , and abstracted from all Law to direct us , would be found so variable , and uncertain , that morall good would , upon this hypothesis , prove a much more unfixt and unsettled thing , then God , and Nature ever made it . vide . pa. 72. Of humane Nature . So that I humbly conceive , it would not be a sufficient asserting the eternall , and immutable nature of moral good , to say , that it is as immutable , as the frame of created nature , for we know , that this has , in some particular instances , been changed , and may be so againe , but the reasons of good and evill never were , never can be changed . I shall conclude this with a judicious observation of Mr. Becconsalls , in another case . pa. 107. The notions I have contended for , are founded in things , that fall in with the establish'd sentime●ts of Mankind . And as the arguments suggested are , at least , as cogent and satisfactory , as those on the other side , it is not prudent to leave the common Road , and put things of moment , and importance upon an issue , that , it may be , wants Evidence , or at least contradicts so●e received truths or notions . But as for , the apology he makes pa. 186. I think no apology can be suf●icient for makeing use of new modes of expressions in matters of a moral concernment . Short Remarks upon two Chapters in the Oracles of Reason . IT is the worst u●e , that any can make of the belief of a Good , or natural Religion , from thence to infer the no necessity of future Revelation , whereas on the contrary ; both from the nature of God and the Dispensations of Divine providence in the World , we may rather infer , if not the necessity , yet at least the great conveniency of a further Revelation For supposing the Corruption , and depravation of Mankind , which yet the very Heathens did acknowledge , and were intimately conscious of , it seemes more agreeable to the beingnity of the Divine nature to pity , and relieve the misery of that state , by some new methods of Revealed mercy . The dispensations of Divine providence do also seem to require it , thus the general practise of Sacrificeing , and the generall beliefe of the necessity of a Mediator , even in the first ages of the World ; do either suppose or at least infer the great conveniency of such a thing , the better to in forme the World with the true nature , end and de●ign of both tho●e . A Learned Physitian thought it necessary , as a preparatory vindication of his faculty , First , to state that question , an ter●inus vitae s●t mobilis , the profession of Physick being a very vaine , and idle thing , if all things come to pass by blind chance or fatall necessity . In like manner it would be in vain for Divines to talk of the grace of God made known to us by the Gospel , if there never was any such thing , as Divine supernaturall Revelation in the World. It were to be wisht that Discourses of this nature , to prove the very principles of Christianity , were neither seasonable nor necessary , but such is the iniquity of the age we live in , that deisme appears bare-fac'd in a Christian State , that it bears it self high upon the pretended strength of its own cause , and acknowledges no Oracles , but those of its own , Viz. Of Reason . If one might venture to guess at the causes of their mistakes ( to omit that unfixedness of mind , and that affectation of popularity , hereby to gain to themselves the reputation of Men of more than ordinary parts ) they perhaps might be first occasion'd by such steps and methods , as these . 1. Reason being both a name and thing , which always was , and ever will be justly valued , and esteemed in the World , and there being a time , when reason , or Phylosophy was the great , if not the only guide to Man in things relating either to this World , or the other , that being the only rule , that we know of , that God gave the Heathens to direct 'em to a future happiness ; this perhaps might be one occasion of the present Deisme of the age . 2. It has been the misfortune , that revelation has laid under , in the opinion of some Men , tho' without any just ground , that it bears a direct opposition , and contrariety to reason , now these Men improveing and propagateing this opinion , as much as was possible in the World , they built themselves a Reputation by advancing Reason , which was once a sufficient guide to Men , even above , and in contradistinction to Revelation . 3 dly . 'T is not improbable , but that these Men may be offended at the severity of the Christian Religion , not that I here go about to accuse 'em of immoralitys , no! Their Liberal Education , their Candid temper , and their true and just sense of things , which otherwise they entertain , forbid me to harbour any such thoughts of 'em , yet I would appeal here even to their own private sentiments whether there be not somthing of truth in what I here intimate , and that they could be willing to purchase Heaven at some easier rate , or more agreeable to their particular humors or inclinations , than that prescrib'd by the Gospel . 4. Perhaps the Severe Apprehensions , which some Christians entertain concerning the desperate estate of all Heathens may make some run into the other extream , Viz. That Natural Religion is sufficient for all , in order to Eternal Happiness , which is so unreasonably , as they think , deny'd to some for such . But to passe by these Conjectures . Now in order to the clearer stating of the question betwixt us , we must consider . 1. That since we have been now above 16. hundred Years in possession of our Christian Religion in particular , and much longer of a reveal'd Religion in general , therefore the deist can claim no other part in this dispute , than that of an opponent , and here he must prove the History of the Gospel , as to matters of fact , to be false , and those ancient Apologys , for , and those more Modern defences of Christianity insufficient . If it be reply'd , that Natural Religion preceded Revelation , and so was the more Ancient . I answer . 1. Some are of Opinion that God immediately after the Creation of Adam , did give him either an inward or outward revelation or both , of things covenient or necessary for him to be known then , tho' perhaps they were such , as in progress of time , and long study and observation might have been found out afterwards . Here I must confess , we have no certain Rule to guide us , but must only go by conjectures , such as are more rationally and piously credible . But if after all any one will positively say , that such was the perfection of Natural reason before the Fall , that all those things relating more particularly to that present State of affairs , might have been found out by it self , I shall not much oppose it ; however this is certain , that God immediately after the fall of Adam , did reveal the Gospel to him in Paradise , by the Promise of the Messiah , and this the Deist must acknowledge , unless he can prove the History of Moses to be false . 2. In those ●irst Ages of the World God did convey his will and pleasure to Men by Angels upon extraordinary occasions , so that they could not be even then , said to be absolutely without Divine Revelation . 3. They had Tradition , which was better grounded and of more Authority then , than it can pretend to now , because of the long life of the Patriarchs , so that it did not go through so many hands , and consequently not so liable to be corrupted ; tho' I do nothere suppose this Tradition to extend to Moral Dutys . 4. Notwithstanding all these helps , and assistances , they felt the sad want of a standing Rule to direct 'em , for those first Ages of the World soon degenerated into Idolatry , and this and worse would be the Fate of the present Age if God in judgment ●●ould remove the Gospel from us . But to return , the Deist must 2 dly prove , that it is a thing contrary to the Divine Nature to make any further Declaration of his will , than what he has made known by the light of Nature , he cannot say , that this is contrary to the free , and positive determination of the Divine Will , for how can he know this , seeing he doth not suppose any outward Declaration of Gods will ever made to Man. If he say that God never made any but only this , viz. That he would make no more , but what he had discovered to Man by the Light of Nature : I hope he will prove what he says , and show where ever God made any such Declaration : If he say that there was no need of any further : This is a very weak way of argueing against matter of fact : If I should say , that there is nothing writ in a certain Book call'd the Oracles of Reason , in defence of Deisme , because there was no need of it , there was enough writ of that before , I believe he would not grant the Argument to be of any force . Some are of Opinion , that that Book call'd the Oracles of Reason is not worth the taking notice of by way of Answer , it being , they say , such as would soon dye of it self ; I must confess I have no great opinion of the performance therein , viz. Of the Letters of those Gentlemen one to another , ( I do not speak of the Translations ) not that I here reflect upon the abilitys of the Persons , but of the weakness of the cause , that was not capable of a better defence . — Si Pergama dextrâ Defend si possint , Etiam hâc . — But because some are apt to look upon this as an argument of the strength of a cause , when no one vouchsafes an answer to it , tho' perhaps the true reason is , because they think it does not deserve any , I shall therefore briefly consider that part of it , which is writ in favour of Deisme , if not for its own sake , yet for the sake of those , who are too apt to overvalue every thing , that may seem to gratify their own private inclinations , and if some think as meanly of this , as others do of that , I am very well satisfy'd , if they should dye both together . The Summary account of the Deists Religion examin'd , pa. 88. I Shall not need to advertise the Reader , that the Deist here meant and so often mentioned in this and the like discourses , is not one barely , that never heard of Divine revelation , but being born and living several years , in the outward pr●fession of Christianity , having now at last taken some distaste at it , has in effect renounced it , or at least the necessity of believing the fundamentals of it . Chap. 1 st . He here tells us , that whatever is adoreable amiable or imitable by Mankind , is in one supreme , infinite and perfect being , that is , they believe one infinite , supreme , perfect being , and do adore , love and imitate his imitable perfections . The worst of Spirits believe the one , and the best of Heathens practise the other , and if the World has liv'd it self back again into Gen●ilism , it may thank the Deists for it . Chap , 2 d. That God is not to be worshiped by an Image we willingly grant . 2 d. Nor by Sacrifice , I know the Deists now are for no Sacrifices at all , but here I would propound it to consideration , whether they do not owe this truer notion and righter apprehension of things to that clearer light , which they have received from Divine Revelation ; tho' they are not so ingenuous as to acknowledge it , for why should they now , abstractedly considered from all communication with Christians oppose the constant opinion and practise of their great Patriarchs and Apostles ; the Heathen Philosophers , in this particular . I know indeed , the Stoicks tell us , that it is below their wise M●n to repent , and by consequence that there is no need of Sacrifices : But these were a sort of Fanaticks in their Religion , and dream'd of I know not what kind of perfection , which their State was not capable of , their discourses many times contradicting their practises : I grant also , that the Heathen Poets , and Philosophers , about the time of our Saviours appearance in the World , began to speak very meanly , and undervaluingly of ●acrifices , but then they may thank the Christian Religion for this . S●cri●iceing was a thing early prevailing in the World , and it will be very difficult for the Deists , according to their principles to give any tolerable account hereof . Indeed Christians are divided in their opinions herein , some asserting a Divine positive command , and Revelation of God to Adam , tho' not mention'd in Scripture ; neither is this , say they , any Argument that there was no such thing , because Scripturae silentium non est semper argumentativum . Others suppose Sacrifices founded in nature , tho' this , say some , is not altogether so reasonable , because they cannot conceive , how naturall reason abstracted from a Divine command , could suggest , that God could be acceptably worship'd by the destruction of his Creatures . Others distinguish betwixt Typical and Eucharisticall Sacrifices , these latter , they say , may be founded in Nature , tho' the same cannot be so easily granted of the other : What the reall truth herein is , perhaps is not so easie to determine . However , the Deists seem here to have a particular notion of their own , Viz. That Sacrifices were only Typicall of repentance , and sorrow for sin , but this without any ground either from reason , or authority . Having premised this in generall , I shall come now more particularly to examine , what he says upon this subject . God is not to be worshiped by Sacrifices , he says , because Sponsio non valet , ut alter pro altero puniatur . Here he seemes to reflect upon the Sacrifice of our blessed Saviour . But why should any such maxim be of more authority than those of St. Paul ? Neither doth this , when rightly understood , any ways contradict that commutation of punishment asserted by Christianity . For we commonly say , that volenti non fit injuria and that truly too , with the concurrence of these two conditions . 1 st . That the Person so undertaking may lawfully do it , that is , if he be not under any moral , or political obligation to the contrary . 2. If the Person be not imposed upon , by want of a full , and true understanding of the thing so undertaken . Now both these conditions did concur in our blessed Saviour . 1 st . He had power to lay down his Life , and he had power to take it up againe . 2 , It would be profane to think that the Son of God did not well understand what he did , when he undertook the work of Mans Redemptiom . However , no such sponsion can be made with a brute Creature . Here he seemes to reflect upon the Iewish Sacrifices : But 1 st . He should have prov'd , either that the whole History of Scripture , relating to Moses and the promulgation of the Law , as to matter of Fact , was false , or 2 ly . That it was contrary to ●eason , and unworthy of God to institute such Sacrifices , as the Iewish were , that is● supposeing the promise of the Messiah given t● Adam and the Patriarchs , that in the ful●ess of time the great Saviour of the World should appear for the Red●mption of Mankind , considering also the proneness of the Iewish Nation to Idolatry , and their hankening after the Gods of Egypt ; he should prove , that it was any way unworthy of the Oracles of God , and Religion to institute such Sacrifices , as should be both Typical of the Sacrifice of our Saviour , and also Symbolical of that purity , and instrumental in order to the procuring of that piety , and holyness , which ( under Christ ) was the great and most effectuall meanes to happyness : And therefore we do not say , that any mere external rite can reinstate the creature after sin in God's favour again , and whereas he sayes , that it is the first errour in all particular Religions , that external things , or bare opinions of the mind can after Sin propitiate God ; whatever it was in other Religions , It is none in Christianity , because it asserts no such thing , but just the contrary . He concludes this Paragraph thus . Enim facilius est , superstitiosè quàm justè vivere . Here t is observeable , how strangely , these Men are for every thing purely Natural , a Natural Grammar , as well as a Natural Religion , and absolutely against any instituted Rules in either ; but our positive Grammarians , those Men of Institution , tell us , that Enim doth not so well begin a Sentence . 3. Not by a Mediator , for that he says , is unnecessary : Strenu● asseris , sed quo modò probas ? These Gentl●men seem to allow of no Authority , but their own : They will not believe God himself speaking in Scripture , and yet they expect ●hat others should believe them upon their bare words , for they seldom go about to prove any thing ; he does indeed tell us , that Gods mercy is sufficient for his justice . But will he infer from hence that God neither can , nor will ever inflict any punishment . I do not here Dispute whether God might not have pardoned Sin some other way , than that which he did make use of , but considering him as a just Judge , and governour of the World , exerciseing an Vniversal , wise , and just providence therein , it was necessary , that Sin should not go unpunished . 2. God must he says , appoint this Mediator , and so he was reconciled to the World before . It was indeed in Gods power to accept , or not to accept a Mediation , or Mediator , when offer'd , and he did first declare his pacability upon such , and such terms , and so was so far reconciled to Mankind , even before any Mediator was offer'd , or accepted . 3. He says , a Mediator derogates from the infinite mercy of God. But I suppose , he will not say , that God is always bound to act according to the utmost extent of his mercy ; it was in Gods power , whether he would accept of any termes of reconciliation , or no ; and it is no lessening of his mercy to require such just , and reasonable , and advantagious conditions at least on our side , nay such , as seem as much meanes , naturally tending to the obtaining humane happiness , as conditions to be performed in order thereunto : If he would consider God , as a wise , and just governour of the World , these little objections would soon vanish . But then positively , he says , God is to b● worshiped by an inviolable adherence i● our lives to all the things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This 〈◊〉 grant , but I further add , to all things that ar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so . CHAPTER . III. Of Punishments after this Life . HE tells us , that a Man , indued with the vertues before mentioned , need not fear to trust his Soul with God ; the vertues he mentioned are these , viz. Repen●ance , obedience for the future , ending in the ●ssimilation of a Mans Life to God. These are indeed very large , and comprehensive vertues , but I would only aske , whether the Man he speakes of be a Christian by profession , or no ; if he be , then there is some thing further requir'd , than these mere practical vertues , viz. A beliefe in Christ according to the tenor of the Gospel , &c. If he be a mere Heathen by Birth , and Education , tho' I do not deny all possibility of future happiness to such an one , yet I think , he cannot performe such obedience to the commands of God , nor so far assimilate himself to him , but that after all there will remaine some just fears , and jealousyes of his future happiness : For tho' no Creature was made with a malevolent intent , yet by their own fault , they may make themselves such , as even after all they can doe , by the light of Nature , for their reformation , yet upon a strict examination will find that they have but too just grounds to doubt of their future happiness . I deny not , but that even good Chris●ians sometimes may entertaine some such doubts as these , but then it must be considered , whether this be not rather the fault of the Man , then of his Religion ; whether Christianity rightly understood ; believ'd , and practis'd doth not assord us greater , and better assurance of Salvation , than the mere light of nature can doe . And tho' verisimile est similem deo à deo non negligi ; Yet a mere natural Man , who never heard any thing of Divine Revelation , cannot when he comes to die , build any certain grounds of trust in God , upon bare verisimilitud●s . CHAPTER . IV. HERE he asserts the probability of a Deists Salvation before the credulous , and ill living Papists . It is not my business to make comparisons : Only I say , that neither Papists , nor any other sort of Christans , tho' far more Orthodox than they in their principles , if they live ill , can ever be safe ; but he says , the Deist is not an Idolater . What then ? Neither is an Atheist one , yet this is no great commendation , either of the Man , or of his Opinion ; but he says , that the morality in Religion is above the mistery in it . I only say , that both are necessary in the Christian Religion , and they ought not to be separated , or opposd one to the other ; and therefore , when he repeats the same over again in t●e bottom of pa. 91. that the credulous C●ristian , that believes Orthodoxly but lives ill , is not safe ; this is something lik● the ●●akers way of arguing , when they tell us , that an outward conformity to the orders , and constitutions either of Church , or State signifies nothing without inward honesty , and integrity of heart ; this we grant , but may we not be as honest , sober , and sincere in the Communion of the Church of England , as they are out of it , and may not we live as holy Lives in the profession of the Chistian Religion , as they do in the Natural ? I am sure Christianity has all th● advantages towards a holy Life , that Naturall Religion can pretend to , and many more . But If the D●ist errs , he errs not like a Fool , but Secundum verbum a●ter enquiry . But may not a Man err , like a Fool , and yet after enquiry ? Will a superficiall enquiry excuse the folly ? But he goes on ; If he be sincere in his principles when dying , he may appeal to God. But how such a Deist , as we are now speaking of , that is , one who profess'd the Christian Religion , but now has renounc'd it , can be sincere either in Relinquishing the Chrstian , or embraceing the Naturall Religion , is not so easie to be understood . Te bone deus , quaesiui per omnia . If an honest Heathen at his Death should thus appeal to God , I should have a great deal of Charity for him , but when Christians renounce their Religion , and then turn Seekers of that which they need not , and ought not to loose , reason it self will judge the case to be much diff●rent . At the end he annexeth some notes , I suppose in favour to and honour of Natural Religion , but it is a great disparagement to the cause , these Gentlemen engage in , that a Boy of 12 Years old , but moderately instructed in the Christian Religion , shall be able to produce out of Scripture matters of more sublime theology , and more profound morality , than these adult Naturalists , have here done out of any of their Heathen Authors . 1. He tells us , that the Grand Arcanum of Religion among the Phythagoreans was , ●hat the object of Divine worship was one , and Invisible . To this I shall oppose 1 Tim. 1. 17. Now to the King Eternall , immor●all , invisible , and only wise God be glory , and praise now , and for ever more , Amen . Now I durst appeal to the Deist himself , whether there be not a greater air of Divinity in this , that in the other . 2. The Heathens , he says , notwithstanding their topic●ll Deitys acknowledged one supreme God , only they said this God being of so high a nature , and there being other intermediate Beings betwixt God , and Mankind , they were to address themselves to them , as to Mediators , &c. But now Christianity teaches the Doctrine of the one , only true God , without these vicious mixtures of our Addresses to any other intermediate beings , So that , he says , the Opinion of the necessity of a Mediator was the foundation of the Heathen Idolatry . If the Opinion of the necessity of a Mediator be well grounded , then it adds strength to the reasonableness of our Saviours Mediation , neither will it be any prejudice to it , that it was the occasion of the Heathen Idolatry , if perhaps is was so , for the same may be urg'd against the opinion or belief of a God , that it was the occasion of all the Superstition and Idolatry in the World , for if there had been no belief of a God , there could not well not have been any Idolatry . But if this Opinion of the Heathens was not well grounded , it is no prejudice to our Saviours Mediation , because it doth not depend upon it : Tho' 't is probable , that God did occasion , or suffer that Opinion so early to prevail in the World , foreseeing that it might afterwards be made u●e of , to facilitate the belief of the Christian Religion in this particular ; but I would not have any conclude from hence , that I found the mediation of Christ only upon prudential considerations , that I utterly disown , nor do I think that any such odious inference can , in strictness of reason , be drawn from the former assertion . I shall only further take notice of one odd piece of reasoning P. 93. That there is a generosum honestum hid in all our Souls , is plain from the Epicurean Deists themselves , for they labour to have their vices imputed rather to a superiority of their reason above that of others , than to a servitude of their reason to their passions , which shows that Vice is naturally esteemed a base and low thing . How the conclusion follows from the premises , I do not well see ; that which seems more obvious to observe from hence , is , that the Epicurean Deists had a mind rather to be counted Knaves then Fooles , or that they went about to mitigate their Vices by ascribing them to a very preternatural cause , viz. The Superiority of their reasons above that of other Men. There are some few Notes more upon this Subject , but I am afraid the Reader will think I have already insisted too long upon things too inconsiderable . And is not this now a Scheme of Religion worthy of an Immortal Deist ? Who would not from hence be apt to think , that these Men could write as good a Moral as the Gospel ? what less glorious Title than that of Oracle , becomes such profound reasoning , as this ? But what I have here offer'd , I hope , may be at least a Responsum ad hominem ; If I may so speak , that is , such as tho' not the best , and most perfect in it self , yet a sufficient Answer to him , against whom I write . And I hope it will be no arrogance , or selfe conceit in me to say , that probably my defence of our common Christianity had been more strong , and Nervous , if the opposition had been more considerable . Of Natural Religion as opposed to Divine Revelation , pa. 195. THE chief heads of this Natural Religion , he says , consists of Seven praticulars , Whereof the 6 th . is this , That we are to expect rewards , and punishments , hereafter , according to our actions in this Life , which includes the Souls immortality . I suppose he takes it in the best , and most proper sense of Immortality , that is , by nature , there are indeed some of these Gentlemen , who hold the materiality of the Soul , and that it dyes with the Body , but is again Created , or reproduc'd at last , by the power of God , and thus in some respect may be said to be Immortal ; I know not whether this Opinion has not received some encouragement by a piece of speculation in Mr. Lock 's Essayes , pa. 270. which might give occasion to others , to carry the notion further , and to worse purpose than he ever design'd it ; for this Argument has been made use of to prove the materiality even of God himself . Orac : Of Reason , pa. 188. Nor do I here go about to charge Mr. Lock with the bad use that others may make of his opinions , which were also the opinions of some long before Mr. Lock was born : Tho' withall I think , there is more notice taken of what he says now , than of what twenty old Philosophers said before : And further this opinion of his , viz. Of matter 's thinking , seemes to have a bad influence upon some other parts of his better reasonings ; for if matter may think , it will take away the certainty of an immaterial substance in Man ; as that great , and excellent Prelate , the Bp. of Worcester has sufficiently prov'd . 2. And it will be very difficult to know what clear , and distinct Ideas are , and when we have 'em , if we have not such of this , that matter cannot think . But Mr. Lock tells us , Pa. 270 , That it is impossible for us , by the contemplation of our Ideas , without Revelation , to discover , whether omnipotence has given to matter fitly dispos'd , a power of perceiving , and thinking , or else joyn'd , and fixt to matter , so dispos'd a thinking immaterial substance ; it being equally easy , in respect of our notions , to conceive , that God can , if he pleases , superad to our Idea of matter a faculty of thinking , as that be should add to it another substance with a faculty of thinking . To this I Answer . 1. It is no derogating from Divine omnipotence , to say , that God cannot doe any thing in a subject contrary to the nature of the thing it selfe ; thus if matter be in its own nature incapable of thinking 't is no lessening of Divine power , to say that God cannot make it , it still remaining matter , to think ; now that matter cannot think , is evident not only from the Idea we have of it , but from all that evidence of reason that results from thence , that is and from all those absurdities , and inconveniences that would follow from such a supposal . 2. It is not very Philosophicall to have such frequent recourse to the Divine omnipotence , and to argue from the utmost extent of possibility , for this would take away in a great measure , all our present grounds , of certainty , and by degrees lead us to the very borders of Scepticisme , would any one believe Epicurius's opinion concerning the originall of the World the sooner , because we cannot prove , that it implyes any Logicall contradiction , that the fortuitous concourse of atomes might possibly at last hit upon such a regular frame of a World , as we now behold ? Tho' I believe the case here before us , viz. That of matters thinking , is much fuller of absurdity , and contradiction . 3. Whereas he says , in his ●irst Edition , t is Equally easy to conceive , that God can , if he pleases , superad , &c. I fin● it thus quoted by the Bp. of worcester , I suppose out of his latter Editions , in respect of our notions● it is not much more remote from our comprehension , to conceive that God can , if he pleases . &c. Equally easie to conceive , and not much more remote from our comprehension to conceive , are expressions , that do not altogether signify the same thing , so that this learned Author seemes somewhat to waver in his Opinion as to this particular . But then what difficulty is there , in supposing a thinking substance joyned to an unthinking one , and the thinking one to perform those operations , which the other could not ? Is it equally easy , or not much more remote from our comprehensions to conceive , how we may add to a Fool or Ideot the power or faculty of Wisdom , as to conceive how we may joyn to him a wise Guardian to direct him in all his actions . Seeing therefore this opinion , of the possibility of matters thinking is a Novel one , the proof hereof must lye upon those , that assert it , and here 't is not sufficient to say , that they know not , how far the power of matter doth , or may extend , but they must possitively prove , that it extends so far . But Mr. Lock tells us , Pa. 270. That Philosophers ought not Magisterially to determine in doubtful Cases , and that there is a certain Modesty , which very well becomes Philosophy : This is very true , and yet this Modesty may err in the excess ; the Scepticks , are in some sense , the most modest Sect of Philosophers , and yet not the bettet for that . And whereas he saith , that all the great ends of Morallity , and Religion , are well enough secured without Philosophical proofes of the Souls immateriallity , &c. So , what if another should say , that all the ends of Nature are sufficiently secured tho' God always , when we went to sleep , annihilated the Soul , but then when either the Body was sufficiently refreshed , or violently press'd upon by some suddain accident , that then God always created it again . As for those Arguments which may seem to be drawn from our night Dreams , these , I doubt not , may be solv'd in a way suitable to the Hypothesis , that is , that tho' the Main body of the Soul , as it were , be annihilated , yet the Atmossphere or some ●ot Steams thereof may remain still in the Body , which , like so many Centinels , are left here behind to give some small intimations of what pass'd , during her absence , or state of non-entity : I know no demonstration can be brought against this , and yet I fancy whoever should go about to Philosophize at this rate , would sooner be laught at , than believed . Some things may be asserted , which can neither be fully , and clearly confuted , or shown to be false , nor proved to be really true : And in such things as these , the advantage always lyes on the side of the de-defendant , thus in that question whether the Soul doth always think , or no , either side may be defended , but neither sufficiently confuted . But to proceed , The 7 th . is this , that when we err from the rules of our Duty , we ought to repent , and trust in Gods mercy for pardon . This indeed we ought to do , and it is very reasonable we should do so . But then it may be question'd what kind of sorrow it is , that is availeable for the remission of sins , for tho' some kind of Natural sorrow be the necessary result of Conscie●ce from the sense of having done some foolish , or wicked action , yet it may be question'd whether this be that ingenuous sorrow , which is both in its own nature , and by Gods appointment so expiatory of sin . And further , how can we have any just ground to trust in God for pardon of sin , even according to the dictates of natural reason , unless to our Repentance we add also , not only a resolution of amendment , but actual Reformation also of our Lives , if time and opportunity doe permit . I shall now examine that Oracular Syllogisme , which seemes to be spoken , as it were , ex Tripode , and which , I suppose , he lookes upon as no less , than demonstration . That Rule , which is necessary to our future happyness , ought to be made known to all Men. But no Rule of reveal'd Religion was , or ever could be made known to all Men. Therefore no reveal'd Religion is necessary to our future happiness . No instituted Rules , tho' it be in Logick it selfe , can meet with any approbation among some Men , I shall therefore examine this Syllogisme , even according to the Rules of natural Logick it self . And First , how doth he prove that it is necessary that there should be one single , determinate Rule for the future happiness of all Men ? The Gentiles had the Law of Nature , the Iews the Law of Mo●es , the Christians the Gospel , or the Law of Christ for their Rule ; I would further ask him , what he meanes by Our happiness in the major proposition . If we apply it to Christians , it makes the proposition absolutly false ; for what necessity is there that the Gospel should be made known to all Men , in order to its being a Rule for future happiness to Christians ? The Rule of happiness ought to be made known to all , to whom it is a Rule , but no further ; but let us see how he proves the Major , viz. Our future happiness depends upon our obeying , or our endeavouring to fulfill the known will of God , but that Rule , which is not generally known , cannot be generally obey'd ; therefore that Rule which is not generally known cannot be the Rule of our happiness . Here we may see how the Original sin of the first proposition transfuses it selfe to all its Posterity , and renders the whole Argument a mere blunder , that Rule that is not generally known , cannot be generally obeyed , but may not the Gospel , tho' it be not known to all , be a Rule to those whom it is known and to whom it is intended , as such , that is , to Christians ? Those who were born in a Christian state , and who have liv'd for some time in the profession of the Christian Religion , cannot but have the Rule of the Gospell made known to ' em . But he tells us again , pa. 197. That the natural Religion will suffice for our happiness , because it is the only general means propos'd . But I cannot yet be satisfy'd with this way of Arguing : And that for these two reasons . 1. Because this would prove , not only that God has not made any other declaration of his will , than that contain'd in nature , but also that he could not have done any such thing , unless he had made it of as large an extent , as the light of Nature , that is , to all the World. Now let us suppose , that God had actually made such a Revelation of his Will , and in the same manner , as he has done in the Gospel , ( and I challenge all the Deists in the World to prove the impossibility of such a thing ) yet the argument would lie as strong against the thing then , as it doth now : So that this argument proves too much and by consequence nothing at all to the purpose . 2. I have often heard it asserted by this Gentleman , but never yet any solid reason given , why the want of an universal revelation of the Gospel to all the World , should make it of less force , or obligation , where it is . Is it the less day with us , because it is at the same time Night in otber Places ? Pa. 198. The several lustrations , and expiations formerly practised in the World were but symbolicall , and refer'd to our sorrow , and repentance : That is the true and only expiation for Sin , and is so agreed , upon by all Men , in all Ages , and of all Religions . The original of Sacrifices is variously disputed by Men of several Opinions , but according to the Deists Principles , they can only be founded in nature , because they do not suppose any positive Revelation of Gods will made afterwards to mankind . But now if all Sacrifices were only Symbolical of Repentance , I do not know why Nature should go so far about , as to enjoyn Sacrifices at all , why should not Nature have enjoyned Repentance only , without any such Sacrifices , as have no Intrinsick prevalency for the pardon of sin ? But how comes he , so much like an Oracle , to determine that Repentance has been so agreed upon by all Men , in all Ages , and of all Religions . Whereas the contrary is rather true , that no company of Men of all Ages and of all Religions ever agreed , that Repentance was the only expiation of sin , in opposition to , or seperation from othe● conditions and qualifications . Pa. 199. If one Religion was once known to be true , Mankind would all agree in it , otherwise those marks of truth in it were not visible , which are necessary to draw an universal consent . But a reveal'd Religion may have sufficient marks of truth in it , so as to be able to satisfie any rational enquiry , and yet not be able to draw an universal consent , lust , passions , prejudices , and false Opinions may sometimes hinder ttuth from gaining that universal Empire . which othewise it might justly challenge . Pa. 202 , I have already endeavour'd to prove , that it is not necessary that God should reveal more , and therefore till that point be determined , I humbly doubt , and suspend my belief . And I have already told him that the controversie doth not depend upon that point , but upon this , whether God hath actualy reveal'd any more , than what he first made known by the light of Nature . It is not for him to prescribe limits to God , or to tell him what is necessary , what not . Another Objection he says may be this , that there is no foundation in natural Religion , for a vertuous Life , or at least not so great , as in a reveal'd Religion , where Rewards and Punishments are propos'd , If he had urg'd it thus , where Rewards and Punishments are more clearly propos'd , than in the natural Religion , then he had done right to the Objection ; and in his answer I do not see how in the least he attempts to prove rewards , and punishments as clearly propos'd in the Natural , as in the Reveal'd Religion , which yet he ought to have done in order to the giving a full answer to the Objection . Pa. 203. Another Objection is , a differen●e betwixt our condition , and that of the Heathens , for if they liv'd up to the height of Vertue and known Reason , they might ( say some Charitable Christians ) be happy in a Future State , we cannot , because a Reveal'd Religion has been discover'd to us more than to them , tho' we believe it not . This seems to be the substance of the Objection . The Inference as he calls it , is this , therefore we ought in our own defence to embrace it . But let us see what Answer he returns to the Objection , he says , it supposes a reveald Religion , which is yet to prove . But here he may consider , that we having been in possession of our reveald Religion so many hundred years , we have very good reason to suppose it to be true , till such times as he can prove the contrary : And perhaps he is one of the ●irst of those hardy Men in England , who having been brought up to that age in the Christian profession , has now at last , in effect renounc'd it . And if the Heathens , he says , living up to the light of Naturall Religion might be happy , I see no reasno , but why we may be so too . We , that is , Persons bred up in the Christian Religion , but now having a mind to pick a quarrel with it , design to return to a certain more refined sort of Paganisme . But to this I Answer , no Christian , as such , can be eternaly happy , except his righteousness exceed the righteousness of mere natural Religion , for why may not God require higher degrees of holiness there , where he hath given both cl●arer knowledge of Mens duty and better assistances , for the performing of it ? And can we ●hink it reasonable , that God should deal the better with any Man for turning Apostate ? or indeed that he should be admitted into the same rank of Candidates for happiness , with a mere natural Pagan , who never knew any other Religion ? I think he cannot reasonably expect it , because one , who has been throughly preswaded of the truth of Christianity , cannot possibly be so fully afterwards convinced of the contrary , but that , in all probability , he will live in a state of self condemnation all his life after , unless he fall into such a continued course of debauchery , as to Sin away all s●nse even of naturall Religion it self : And the Sin of Apostacy from the Christian Religion will be such a dead weight upon his Conscience , as will necessarily sink him below the condition of an honest Heathen , for I believe , even such an one may dye with better hopes of future happiness , than a Renegado Christian. Here I shall further shew the unreasonableness , and imprudence of Deisme . 1. DEISME gives no tolerable accoun● of one of the most considerable Phaenomena's in the World , Viz. Of that speedy , and general reception of the Christian Religion in the World , the whole thing , according to the Deist's principles , being a mere nullity : Here I might insist upon that which is urg'd herein . 1 st . The contrariety that the Doctrine of Christianity bore to the Vicious principles , and practis●s of the World. 2. The great opposition it met withall from all sides , and yet its prevailing against , and conquering all difficulties , without any outward , visible assistance . 3 ly . The first Promulgers of it were wise , and honest Men , they were too Learned to be impos'd upon themselves , and too honest to deceive others . 4 th . Neither could there be any thing of interest in the case , seeing they engaged in a cause wherein they could not have any prospect of advantage to themselves ; these things I only mention , being more fully prosecuted by others . 2. Deisme requires more evidence ●or things , than they are capable of , or more than the nature of things will admit : Now we have as great assurance of the truth of Christianity , as we can have of any thing of that nature ; and as much , as we possibly could have , supposing the thing to be absolutely true . If we require more than this , we then run into Scepticisme , the greatest folly in the World , next to Atheisme . 3. Deisme is unreasonable , because it pretends to be certain of that , which no Man can be certain of , viz. That Christia●ity is false , something that has been either falsly imposed upon the World , or what ●he World has foolishly imposed upon it self ; this the Deist must be certain of , otherwise it is the most imprudent thing imaginable , because of that foolish choice he makes , and the infinite hazard he runs thereby : So that let the g●ni●s of Christianity be as milde , and charitable as we can suppose it , yet I know not that it has any where declared Pardon for Apostates , and it is no ways contrary to the Laws either of God , or Man , to proceed against those who have renounced their allegiance , rath●r like Rebells , and Traitors , than fair Enemies . I have hitherto examin'd this Answer to the first part of the Objection mentioned . pa. 203. I shall now proceed to the Inference , as he calls it . pa. 204. That tho' a supernatural Religion be dubious , yet it is the safest way to embrace it . We do not grant Supernatural Religion to be in the least dubious , therefore the consequence is good , and well grounded , that it is more reasonable in it self , and more safe for us to embrace it . This , methinks , is no hard matter to prove ; one might rather wonder , how in a Christian state we should be put upon the proof of such a thing , as this . For first to imbrace , or comply with such a Religion , as Christianity , is no violation of any command , or duty of natural Religion it self , for the utmost efforts that Deisme hitherto has , or perhaps can make , are only some little difficulties it urges against the Old or New Testament , not any positive arguments to prove the fals●ty of either , nay , I am apt to believe , that even natural Religion , seriously , and impartially considered and followed , would by easy steps lead a Man to the imbraceing of the Christian 2. Christianity , and natural Religion have the same generall end , and designe , to promote the honour of God , and the good of Men by Temperance , Righteousness and Holiness , and then , as to the additions contained in the revealed Religion , they are not any vicious mixtures , or adulterations of the natural , but rather improvements of it to higher degrees of excellency and perfection : Christianity doth not propound any less noble end , nor makes use of any less effectual meanes than natural Religion doth , but rather advances , and improves both : So that if it be possible to be safe in the natural , it is much more so in the revealed Religion , Christianity has all the advantages of natural Religion and many more . Then as to the difficulties that are pretended to accompany the practise of the Christian Religion , Viz. A more profound mortification of our lusts , and passions , a●d a more exalted degree of holiness , and piety , this certainly is rather an argument of its excellence than any diminution of it , especially considering the great assistances that the reveald Religion affords us to performe that Obedience , which it requires of us , and the greatness of the reward that attends the practise of it . So that if reveal'd Religion be false , it can no ways prejudice the designs of the Natural , but if it be true , as certainly it is , then the mere belief of a Natural Religion will be of fatal consequence to those , who have enjoy'd the glad tidings of the Gospel . But then Pa. 204. he says , I cannot imbrace what comes not within the compass of my knowledge . But in Order to our embraceing of a thing it is not necessary , that it should so come within the compas● of our knowledge , as that we should fully comprehend all the Modes , and circumstances of it , thus we may embrace the Misterys of our faith , tho' they do not thus come within the compass of our knowledge , and if we must b●lieve nothing but what we thus comprehend , as to the Modes and manner of the thing , then we must in obedience to this principle , reject the principal Articles even of Natural Religion also . But he proceeds , And if I cannot believe , 't is a sign the Evidence is not strong enough to make me . But our not believing is not always a signe that the Evidence is too weak , but that our passions , and prejudices are too strong : Evidences in matters of Religion do not work , as Mathematical ones doe , not force assent , but suppose some previous dispositions of the Subject , upon which their efficacy many times depends : 'T is sufficient , if the evidence be such , as may convince a rational and prudent Person , if Men will be perverse and and Sceptical , I know no remedy but they must remain so still , pertinaciae remedium non posuit Deus : not in the common and ordinary Methods of his Providence . He proceeds next to answer two Arguments of Sir Charles Woosley's , but I must Beg leave to tell him , that it it not his busines to answer Arguments , unless they be such upon which the Issue and success of our cause depends . And here , 1 We assert the truth of the History of the Gospel , as to matter of fact . 2. This suppos'd , we say it certainly proves the Divinity of the Doctrine , and a Supernatural Revelation contain'd therein . Here he must prove the falseness of the one , and the in-consequence of the other ; and what ever he doth less , than this , it is altogether nothing to his purpose , no ways tends to make good his cause : Tho' I do not say that he has Answered Sir Charles his Arguments , I think he has not , but suppose he had , Sir Charles never design'd the whole cause should depend upon these two , he might urge 'em as further confirmations of the thing he was then about , but he did not lay the whole stress of the cause upon ' em . I shall make some short remarks upon his Answer to the 2 d. Argument . Pa. 206. The Argument is this . Propitiation for our Offences must be supernaturally discovered , or else we can come upon no certain terms of acceptation with God. In answer to this he tells us , that all the World , who have agreed upon the fault , agreed upon the compensation , viz. Sorrow and true Repentance , and reason dict●tes this without revelation . I wonder why he should say that all the World is agreed upon this point , when all the Christian World differs f●om him in it , that is , tho' they grant , that Sorrow for sin , and Repenance are necessary conditions in order to our being reconcil'd to God , yet they do not exclude but necessarily include the satisfaction of Christ. And whereas he says , that Reason dictates this without Revelation , I answer , that tho' Reason may dictate a natural propensity , and inclination in God to pardon , and forgiveness , yet we cannot come to God upon such certain terms of acceptation , as we may do upon the assurance we have by Divine Revelation , and that for these two reasons . 1. Guilt is naturally full of fears , and jealousies ; but Natural Religion is not so fully suited to answer , and take away all these , as Christianity is ; as might easily be made appear . 2. Natural reason cannot so fully assure us of the truth , and sincerity of our Repentance , as it doth or may convince us of the heinousness of our many sins , and repeated provocations against God , and I think Natural Religion doth not dictate Sorrow , and Repentance for sin any further a means of reconciliation with God , than as it is sincere . But he tells us now , that more in all Ages ha●● agreed that Lustrations and Sacrifices without repentance were nothing , &c. Before he had said , that all in all Ages were agreed , &c. Now only more were so . But it will be hard here rightly to compute the number of Voices and it is probable it may go against him here too , since there is scarce any whole Nation in the Heathen World , without Sacrifices and Lustrations ( by Lustrations I mean whatever is outward , and Ceremonial ) or if there be , t is probable they are without Repentance too . But he sayes , that bare Repentance is a suffici●nt compensation for an Infinite Offence against an Infinite Being , is what our Adversarys deny , and therefore point us to an Infinite Sacrifice for sin , viz. Iesus Christ ; But we do not point to any other Sacrifice , or propitiation for sin , than what God himself has pointed them to , and that with such clearness , and evidence as to matter of fact , as is beyond the possibility of their ever proving the contrary : and here will return the force of that Argument , Which like a dead weight , hung about the neck of Deisme , will at last ●ink it , viz. The necessity they lye under of proving the History of the Gospel , and the Doctrine therein contain'd , to be false . I would willingly assert the necessity of Christs satisfaction , as far as possible , only not to introduce a fatality into the Divine nature , or to destroy the liberty of God's acting herein : Therefore I do not well understand what Mr. Norris meanes , when he tells us pa. 4. Of his Reason , and Faith that the necessity of Christ's satisfaction ought to be grounded on the Essential order , and justice of God. Was Christ's coming into the World made necessary by any other essential order , or justice of God , different from his own free good will , and love to Mankind : That Sin should not go unpunish'd was highly agreeable both to the wisdom , and justice of God , but yet we should be carefull not to entertain any opinions herein , which may seem to lessen the riches , and freeness of Divine goodness in sending his Son into the World for Mans Redemption . And when we have asserted the truth of Christs satisfaction in offering himself a sacrifice for Sin , doth it any way derogate from the glory of God , or rather is it not highly agreeable to his manifold wisdom : Ephe. 3. 10. Thereby also to accomplish some other subordinate ends of Divine providence , such as were yet truly worthy of God to propound , and not unworthy of Christ to undertake . But he tells us pa. 207. That till all , who profess Christianity agree , whether Christ be a propitiation , or no , I need not goe about a further confutation of this Argument . But this seemes rather a slight way of shuffling off , than Answering the Argument , but is it indeed a sufficient Answer to any Doctrinal point , to say that all who profess the same Religion are not agreed in that particular ? I may then tell this Gentleman , who asserts Repentance only a sufficient propitiation for Sin against God , that till all who profess Deisme , agree in this particular , I need not go about any further refutation of it : For the Author of the summary account of the Deists Religion . pa. 89. Tells us , that some thing further besides repentance , viz. Obedience for the future , ending in an assimilation to God , is required in order to the reinstating a Man after Sin , in God's favour . The Socinians indeed will not allow Christ , in a strict , and proper sence , to be a Sacrifice , or propitiation for Sin ; But will it therefore follow , that it is not a truth , because these Men deny it : If what Limborch says , pa. 108. Of his Amica Collatio cum Iudaeo . Speaking of the two Natures in Christ , be true , Ad huc non credunt Sociniani , & satis sunt Christiani . If Socinians be Christians enough , than there is very little required of a Man , in reference to his Credenda , To make him a Christian. What remains is either much what the same , with what has been already con●idered before ; or something which seems his own peculiar way of arguing against himself , that so he might return the more easy Answers , . But I am afraid I have already tired my Reader in prosecuting these little things . I cannot in justice or Charity suppose these Gentlemen such Deisis , as border more immediately upon Epicurism , because the assert the Providence of God , and a Future State of Rewards and Punishments . Only I would heartily , and humbly propound to their consideration , whether they being happily brought up in the belief , and practise of the Christian Religion , and their now falling back from it , whether I say this may not be a step naturally leading to that worst sort of Deism , little better than Atheisme : For what better or stronger reasons will they have for retaining the Natural Religion , than they had or might have had for Christianity ? It is to be fear'd that the Purity of the Precepts , and the severity of the Christian Doctrine , was the great offence they took at the Christian Religion , and may they not after such a breach , as it were , made upon their Consciences , be tempted to renounce even Natural Religion it self for the same reasons . Nemo repentè fit pessimus : Men ●ommonly by degrees arrive at the height of ●ickedness . Mr. Blount in his Letter Pa. 87. ●f the Oracles of Reason . Tho' Deisme be ● good manureing of a Mans Conscience , yet ●ertainly , if sow'd with Christianity , it will ●roduce the most profitable crop : But 't is re●orted that before his Death he fell from that more modest , and ingenious temper of mind which he here seem'd to express . Vriel Acosta in his Life time was very wavering in his Religion , and at last turn'd Deist , and shot himself . The same Fate attended that unfortunat● Gentleman both in his Life and Death . I shall make no personal reflections , only lay down this great truth , worthy to be consider'd by the Immortal Deist , as he is call'd . Pa. 95 , That Christianity lays the best and surest foundation of living and dying well . I shall here , because of the affinity of the subject to this in hand , briefly examine some particulars , in the Translators preface to Hierocles , upon the Golden Verses of the Pythagoreans . Sheet a 4. The proposition he there advanecs is , this . That it is possible by a due advertency to the light of nature sufficiently to discern betwixt good , and evill . This is very true , unless perhaps there lyes some ambiguity in the word sufficiently , that the light of Nature doth , or may inform us in the greater stroaks , and instances of our duty , is certainly true , but whether it descends to all the particulars thereof , may be justly question'd ; but then in the proof of this proposition , I think he goes further , the the nature of the thing reqnired , the Heathens might be able by the light of Nature to distinguish betwixt good and , evill , tho' their Writings did not fully come up to the height of Christianity . I do not asserts he says , that the Law of Nature was Engraven upon the hearts of Men in as faire Characters , as upon the two Tables of Stone , for then there would have been little , or no use of Revelation . Here seems to be some little obscurity , both in the proposition , he layes down , and in the inference he makes from it , I shall briefly examine both , 1 st . It seemes as reasonable to believe , that the Law of Nature was Engraven At first in as fair Characters upon the minds of Men , as it was afterwa●ds upon the two Tables of Stone ( I do not mean in any gross sense ) that is , Natural Duties might be as well known to Adam in Paradice by the light of Nature , as they were afterwards to the Iews by the Promulgation of the Law , if the Law of Nature , in process of time , was so defac'd , that it could not be so easily Read , this was owing to the vicious principles , and practises , to the false opinions , and wicked Lives of Men afterwards . 2 ly . As to the inference , For then there would have been little , or no use of Revelation . This may refer either to the Revelation of the Law , or of the Gospell , to that of Moses , or that of Christ. If it refer to that of Moses , yet the Revelation of the Law by him might be of great use , by seting out , as it were a Second Edition of it upon Tables of Stone , when it was so miserably defaced before upon the minds of Men. If it refer to the Gospell , that also might be of very great use , notwithstanding all the clearest Revelations that were made either by the Law of Nature , or by the Law of Moses , because the Revelation of the Gospell contains in it something , that was never designed to be made known , at least , so fully , by either : And he will not , I suppose , say , that the method of salvation , now revealed in the Gospel is contain'd in the Law of Nature , tho' it had been writ in as fair Char●cters , as that of the two Tables of Stone ; nor can he say , that the Law of Nature fully , and clearly Imprinted upon the minds of Men , would render any further Revelation ( particularly that of the Gospel ) useless . But yet he says , that in the Writings of the Heathens is contain'd the whole Moral Law , and that uot only in the integral parts , but in its utmost intention , nor is there one Precept of Christianity so exalted , and Heroical , but may be paralell'd in an Heathen : No Man can deny this , he says , who has read the Morals of Plutarch , Seneca , Epictetus , Cicero , to these he also adds Juvenal and Persius . I am not in the least willing to lessen the great excellencys that some of the Heathens have attain'd to , but yet I k●ow no reason , why they should be equall'd with the Christians . As for those Moralists and Poets he mentions , 't is observable that all of 'em , except Cicero liv'd after the time of our Saviour , and the promulgation of the Gospel , and it is certain that the Christian Religion had very much improv'd the Morals of the Heathen world at that time , and that they owe a great deal of that light , which appears in their writings , to the Sun of Rightousness , tho' they were not so ingenious , as to acknowledge it . So that there can be no necessary Argument drawn from these , to prove that the Heathens , purely as such , can vie with Christians in this particular . What was said of Seneca , may in some measure be said of the rest , si Christianus Paganice , Si Paganus , Christiane Scripsit . Then as for those Heathens , that liv'd ●befoe our Saviours time , I think I shall do 'em nothing but right , and justice , in these following particulars . 1. They had no right notion of original sin , that general depravation , and corruption of humane nature either as to the true cause or cure of it , without which I think , there cannot be laid any such firm foundation of Vertue , and Piety , as Christianity thereby now affords us . 2. The Heathens were not alwayes consistent with themselves in their discourses of this nature ; their Candle did not only burn dim : But like one in th● Socket , it had sometim●s its lucid intervals , and then somtimes seem'd to be quite extinguish'd , they had light enough to shew 'em their own darkness , but not sufficient to assure 'em of the right way ; the light of their understandings was many time like that of an ignis fatuus , desultory and uncertain . Or if sometimes a more then ordinary Heroick Precept dropt , as it were , from a Pagan penn , yet this will not be sufficient to equal Natural Religion with Christianity , which is a constant , uniform , uninterrupted Series , and Constellation , as it were , of Divine Precepts : One Excellent Precept is not enough to form an institution , especially if we consider , that the influence thereof commonly reach'd no further than the particular Sect , by which it was deliver'd , and many times not so far neither , and then the greater quantity of common rubbish , and perhaps vicious mixtures did quite sully the beauty of the celebrated Maxime , and render the influence of it very ineffectual . 3. What ever their notions might be , yet they wanted that which is the very life of all Religion , and the peculiar happyness of Christianty , viz. That inward strength , and assistance , which might enable 'em to put their knowledge into practise . He adds , what exa●ted thoughts of vertue had Aristotle , when he made the very formality of happiness to consist in the exercise of it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Happiness is the act of a rational Soul according to the most perfect vertue in a life most perfect . I take this , says he , to be the most Noble and Sublime conception of Vertue , that ever was , or can be fram'd by the mind of Man. 'T is true the Wise Man tells us , Her ways are ways of pleasantness , and all her paths are peace , that is , says he , they are attended with pleasure , a●d peace : But that the exercise of vertue should not only be attended with , but be all one with happiness it self , is such a superlative encomium o● it , that neither the love , nor contemplation of a Seraphim can suggest a greater . Greater things than these cannot be spoken of Thee , O thou City of God! He might as well have gone on , and prefer'd this definition of Aristotle above any thing that was ever said , either by our Saviour , or his Apostles , upon this Subject . Christ in his Sermon on the Mount , if he had a mind to have come up to the Aristotelian Altitudes , should have given no other reason of the blessedness of such , and such Persons but only because they were such , that is Vertuous . Blessed are the merciful because they are merciful , &c. But our Saviour was pleas'd rather to make use of this more humble way , and more accommodated to the State of Mankind , viz. To place the reason of the happiness in the reward . But suppose I should take the same liberty with Aristotle , that he doth with Solomon , that is , insert some words into the de●inition , to make the sense of it more dilute , as Her ways are ways of pleasantness and all her paths are peace . That is , says he , attended with pleasure and peace ; then Aristotle would have no advantage over Solomon , but I think there is no need of this : Aristotle has done it to my Hand . For ●irst , we may observe , that in the definition it is not said , that the formality of happiness consists in the exercise of vertue , but only that happiness is the Act of the rational Soul according to the most perfect vertue , &c. 2. It is not every vertue , in the exercise , whereof happiness doth consist , but it is the most perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Si plures sint ver●utes , tunc ex vertute perfectissima . 3. It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in vita perfecta And here he tells us , that as one Swallow makes not spring ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. One day , or a short time is not sufficient to make a Man happy : That happiness is founded in vertue , or that a Man cannot be happy without it , is certainly true , but that vertue alone is suff●icient to make one so , Aristotle himselfe doth not assert . It is generlly supposed , that in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There must be the concurrence of all outward good things to the consummation of this happiness , 1 Cor. 15. 10. If in this World only we have hope in Christ , then are we of all Men the most miserable , and yet the Apostles were as happy as vertue could make ' em . He proceeds next to compare , and equall Heathens with Christians , as to their practices : I do not say , that an actuall formal intention , of referring all to God , is absolutely necessary , either in Heathens , or Christians , but yet this we may assert , that the nearer we approach thereto , and the more we refer all our actions to the glory of God , the better they are , and come nearer to perfection : I am of his opinion in this , that if a Man do what is agreeable to right reason , because it is agreeable , he does well , tho' perhaps he doth not think of God at that present ; provided he has no contrary intention in it . This I believe is true , tho' not for the reason there assign'd : viz. Because he says , to constitute the nature of Sin w●ich is contrary , t is not required that there be an intention of transgressing the dictates of natural reason , much less of offending God. But to this it may be reply●d . 1 st . That Vertue and Vice are not , in a strict , and proper sence , contrarys , they are only privativè opposita . 2 ly . Perhaps it is not possible for any one directly , and formally to design the transgression of the Law of Nature , or the Law of God , and yet notwithstanding be guilty of Sin : If the action be in its own nature bad , or if it want any necessary circumstance to make it morally good , it will have the nature , and denomination of an evill action let the intention be what it will. Bonum ex causa integrà , malum ex quolibet defectu . But he is not satisfy'd , unless he bring the Heathens , upon all accounts , to an equal level with Christians , ( sheet B. 3 ) tho' I confess I see no reason why an Heathen may not have this intention , as well as a Christian. How far an Heathen may somtimes possibly have such an intention , is not my busines to dispute ; only this I say , that there is this reason , why an Heathen should not have such an intention , as well as a Christian , because he has no such plain , and possitive Precept in this case . 1 Cor. 10. 31. Whether ye eat , or drink , or whatsoever ye do , do all to the glory of God : and I think I may further observe from this Chapter , that there are not any such plain , and positive commands to be met withal in any Heathen Author , to teach us to use our liberty in things indifferent so , as not to give any just occasion of scandall , or offence to others , as we have laid down in that Chapter ; for tho' perhaps there may be something met withal in those which may be Wire drawn as it were , to these purposes , yet probably this was never , either the intent of the Author , or ever so generally understood at that time . Thus much briefly as to that particular . I also humbly conceive , that Mr. Norris , doth too much undervalue Christianity , even as it containes a Doctrine of Morality , when he tells us . pa. 6. 7. Of his Reason and Faith , that there is nothing in Christianity considerable enough , when the great misteries of the Trinity , and Incarnation are taken away , to make it appear an Institution worthy of God , or to challenge the assent of any thinking , or con●iderate Man. I grant indeed that the misterys of Christianity do render it more awfull , and venerable , and that more especially upon these two accounts . 1 st . Because they are really true , and not such Phantasticall whimsies , as may be met with all in the Pagan Theogonia's . 2 d. They have a natural tendency , either as motives , or arguments , or encouragements , to promote our duties both to God and Man. But yet is there nothing in that admirable contrivance of the whole ? nothing in that exact correspondence , and agreement of the parts of Scripture , tho' writ at several times and upon different occasions ? nothing in that 〈◊〉 ●f Divinity , that seemes , as it were , to 〈◊〉 thro' all , both Gospels and Epistles 〈◊〉 ing in that most exact systeme of Morality , that ever appear'd in the World ? nothing in all this worthy of a Man of clear Ideas , and distinct perceptions to believe or imbrace ? Nothing in all this worthy of a rational assent ? We have not thus learned Christ. Since therefore Christianity consists of these two principal parts , Mistery and Morality , and both excellent , and necessary , I think , they ought not to be oppos'd to , or unseasonably compar'd with one another , the Theory , and practice of Religion mutually supporting , and defending each other . Thus that great and Learned Man , the Reverend Bishop of Worcester . pa. 57. Of his Preface , To his Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity , the principles of Natural Religion , are those that comm●nd Christianity to me , for without them the misteries of Faith would be far more unaccountable , than now they are , &c. And however dismall the fears and jealousies of some Men may be of an universal deluge of Deisme overspreading the World tho' the lives of Men may be generally wicked enough , yet I fancy the age is not ignorant , and weak enough yet ●or that purpose ; for if Men be but either strict in their Lives , or in their reasonings , there will be no great fear of Deisme universally prevailing among 'em ; but since i● cannot be expected that they generally should be so , therefore all ought in their respective stations to oppose the growing evill ; yea , even the S●ate it selfe ought to have a watchfull eye upon the growth of it , for when Men once arrive at an opinion of indifferency of Religion , they will soon from thence proceed to an in●ifferency in Gover●ment : Yet we ought not in the mean time desperare , nec de republica nec de Religione . Some remarks upon a passage in Dr. Nicholls his Conference with a Deist , pa. 32. 2. part . I Would not here be thought to take pleasure in finding fault . But this learned Author himselfe has taught me in Dr. Burnetts , and Mr. Whiston's Case , that ' its possible for one to differ from another in some particulars without any lessening of their learning , without any Reflection upon their Persons , or without any disparagement of their performances . I perhaps might speak as great things in commendation of his Book as he doth of theirs , but it doth not stand in need of the approbation of one of so mean a Character , yet I hope I may without offence make use of that modest liberty , which he takes in the like case . Some are only for naturall Religion , not granting any to be reveal'd ; others are all for reveal'd Religion , not granting any , in a strict and proper sense , to be Naturall ; and I wish that some ill minded Men be not apt from hence ( occasion being thus given by dashing these assertions one against another ) to conclude , that there is no such thing , as any religion at all . But I think the heat of opposing Deisme proceeds too far , when Men in defence of the reveal'd Religion , deny the natural , for the granting of the one , is so far from being any prejudice to the other , that those two seem rather mutually to support , and defend each other . This learned Author in the place above cited tells us , that the common Rules of Morality , which we generally call Natural Religion , were at first reveal'd by God , and t is very odd he says to think how such propositions as these , Parents are to be ho●oured , friends a●sisted , &c. How these propositions , which are the complication of so many distinct , and ●imple Ideas , which we are sure are generally attained by reason , and experience should yet be asserted to come into the minds by such an unaccountable way , as that of Inscription ; But here I would ask this learned Author , whether it be possible for God to inscribe such propositions as th●s●●pon the minds of Men ( I do not mean in any gross or literal sense ) if it be ( and I think I may challenge any one to prove the impossibility of it ) yet still we might urge the same difficulty against 'em , Viz. That these propositions are only the complications of so many distinct and simple Ideas which we get by experience , so that this is only such an objection as may be consistent with an acknowledg'd truth , and therefore indeed is none at all . I do not here suppose the simple Ideas of Parents , and Honour , of Friends , &c. to be inscrib'd by God , and yet the truth of those propositions may be truly said to be so , but I shall refer the Reader to what I have further said upon this particular , in Answer to Mr. Lock . As for Dr. Nicholls his Argument drawn from the poor honest Indian , I think is so far good as to prove , that he di● not come to the knowledge of those notions of honesty , and fidelity by any such profound ratiocination , to which some Men would ascribe the Original of all those moral duties . But whether he came to 'em by Tradition , or Instruction from his Father may be justly question'd , because they who have liv'd long and conversed much with those Indians , do find that it comes as little into the Parents minds to instruct their Children in the principles of morality , as it does come into the Children's to make any diligent enquiry into the nature of it themselves . So that tho' that learned Author doth say that that opinion of Innate notions has be●n of late generally Exploded by learned Men ; yet I think it still stands upon an equall level of probability with either of the other viz. Either Ratiocination , or Tradition , consider'd singly by themselves . I do not here go about absolutely to oppose this way of Tradition , Valeat quantum ●alere potest , but yet I would not lay the whole stress of the cause upon it , so as to deprive our selves of any advantage that may accrue to us by either of the other , in the defence of our common cause of Religion , either by rational deduction , or Natural inscription ; Orall Tradition● haveing not found that good success in the World , as to Divinity , as much to encourage others ●o urge , or to prosecute th● same in morality . But he says , that tho' relations of matters of fact , ancient customs , and difficult articles of Faith , may suffer much by ●eing convey'd this way , &c. But was not Gods instructing Adam in these things , matter of fact ? Or may not matters of Fact done by God be misrepresented as well , as those done by Men ? As for difficult Articles of Faith , if he mean such as are of a more complex nature , and include a long series of propositions , or if he supposes this Tradition to extend to the modes , and circumstances of things , then this way might be very lyable to mistake , and corruption by passing through so many hands ; but suppose God had taught Adam to believe a Trinity in the God-head , the Resurection of the Body , with out the respective modes of either , I doe not see but that these might as safely , and securely have been delivered down to posterity , as those other precepts he mentions● but these plain Rules of morality , he says , such as worship God , Honour thy Parents , &c. Are so natural to the understanding , so easy ●o be imbraced by it and appear upon proposal to be so extreamly usefull ●o Mankind , &c. Here he seemes to relinquish his own principle , Tradition , and to found the belief and ready reception of these rules of Morallity in their being so natural to the understanding , &c. That they must be assented to , and can never be mistaken , or forgot . But pa. 33. he tells us , that there are some very barbarous People , who , we are very certain , want most of these Moral Notions , so that here must have been some mistake , or forgetfulness on some hand , or other . But he says , Pa. 37. If Morality was inscrib'd on Mens hearts , Parents might with as muh wisdom pretend to teach their Children to eat , and drink , to love their Children , &c. So that it seems , there is such a Natural Duty , or instinct for Parents to love their Children that they cannot but do it . But why is not the Duty reciprocal ? Why may not Children be , in the same way , bound to honour their Parents , as Parents to love their Children ? and yet he says , Pa. 72. That among the ancient Heathens it was a common thing to throw their Children when born into the next ditch , they met with . No great Argument of such a Natural Love and Affection towards 'em , as they could not but show and exercise : Pa. 33 , he tells us , 't is odd to think , that these Propositions should come into the minds of Men by such an unaccountable way , as that of Inscription , and yet he says Pa. 92. That Gods permission of Vice is no sign of his liking it , he having otherwise declar'd his will , by giving to all Men a Law of Vertue . This cannot be understood of the traditionary Law , because that has not , by some defect or other , extended to all Men. Pa. 38. 'T is further remarkable , that Parents Deut. 6.6 . are commanded by God to teach their Children these Moral Dutys : But what then ? Did ever any body assert , that this Natural Inscription doth super●ede the necessity of other Instructions , or the use of those other means which God , and Nature have made requisite in order to the more perfect knowledge of our Dutys ? But after the recital of the Ten Commandments , viz. The Moral Law , Moses adds , and these words , which I command Thee this day shall be in thy heart , and thou shalt teach them diligently to thy Children , &c. But these words were not introduc'd immediately after the recital of the Ten Commandments● The ten Commandments were recited about the middle of the 5 th . Chap. and v. 31. God there speaking to Moses , says , Stand thou here by me , and I will speak unto thee all t●e Commandments , and Statutes and Iudgments , which thou shalt teach them , that they may do-them in the Land , which I give them to posssess it ; Now these words , Commandments , Statutes , and Iudgments , are generally understood to signifie all the Precepts of the Moral , Ceremonial , and Judicial Law , and certainly the Jewes were oblig'd to observe some other Laws , besides the Ten● Commandments , in the Land which the● Lord gave 'em to possess it : The like words are repeated . Ch. 6. 1. Whereupon ● . 6. it follows , These words which I command the this day shall be in● thy heart . He proceeds , 'T is further remarkable , that what Moses here says , shall be in the Iewes hearts , the Apostle says Rom. 2. 15. was written in the Gentiles hearts , so that unless there can be a substantial difference evinc'd between being in the heart , and written there , all the Doctrine of inscrib'd Propositions falls to the ground . I perceive that those who are any ways concern'd for the Doctrine of Inscrib'd Propositions ; must either now speak , or else for ever hereafter hold their peace . But to this I answer , 1. That if that expression of Moses , of Being in their hearts , relate only to the Ten Commandments . viz the Moral Law. Why then may not Moses be as well explain'd by St. Paul , as St. Paul by Moses ; and so Natural inscription be understood by both ? 2. I know not whether I can show a substantial difference betwixt ●●ose expressions , or no , yet I hope , I shall s●ow such an one , as may be sufficient to satisfie any impartial and considerate Reader . 1 Moses and St. Paul do not speak Secundum idem , or ad idem . Moses speaks of the Precepts of all the three Laws , Moral , Ceremonial , and Iudicial , St. Paul only of the Moral . 2. They do not speak , Eodem modo . Moses's expression of being in their hearts , according to the best Interpreters , signifies no more , than being in their Memory 's , and affections , St. Pauls being written in their hearts . signifies something more as supposing the Gentiles naturally conscious of the observation and breach of the Moral Law ; So that I humbly conceive , there can be no Argument drawn from the comparing those two places of Moses and St. Paul in prejudice to the Doctrine of Natural Inscriptions , rightly understood . Pa. 129. No body says , that God reveals these Natural truths to us , but only gives us facultyes of discerning them . And may not the same be said of some Moral truths which we commonly call Natural Religion , that God does not reveal these truths to us , but only gives us facultys , by vertue whereof we may either find , or frame such propositions as are agreeable to the morral , as well as to the Natural frame , and constitution of the Soul ? I cannot too often remind the Reader that I never asserted these Natural , ot Innate notions to be imprinted upon the mind in any gross , or litterall sense , upon which mistaken Ground , and perswasion only , I am apt to believe that they are oppos'd by some , Pa. 83. Of my former discourse , there speaking of the Archetypall formes , and patterns of all truth in the Divine intellect ; These I say , are communicated to the soul in a way and proportion suteable to such a being , that is , they are either made Naturall propertyes of its being , as such , or the necessary , and immediate result of its faculties , in the right use , and exercise of em ' , For it is not easie to conceive how either any senfible impressions from without , or any re●lections of the Soul upon its own operations ( about those impressions ) can be connatural causes of morall truths . I grant indeed , that vertue has a natural tendency to promote both publick , and private interest , but yet I think the Soul finds , as it were , an intrinsick sut●bleness of these truths to it selfe , and of it self to them , antecedently to any such external considerations . Some Remarks upon Mr. Chauvin de Religione Naturali . ONE designe of his Book , he tells us , was Orthodoxarum Ecclesiarum fratres ad concordi●m vocare . An excellent design this , and worthy to be prosecuted with all the prudence , and pious Zeall , that the thing is capable of , but it is to be wish'd , that he had brought a more humble , and modest temper of mind to such a work , as this ; it did not become him , to reflect unhansomly upon the constitution , and government of that Church , which both as to Doctrine , and Discipline comes the nearest to that of the Primitive , of any in the Christian World : It is not for private Persons , much less for Strangers , and Forraigners to prescribe new formes , and methods to a Church that has been so long , and so well constituted , as this has been ; when this Gentleman has more fully considered , and better understood things of this na●ure , he w●ll be better satisfy'd with some of our ●●cle●iastical constitutions , than at present he ●eems to be . I shall not presume to take notice of any thing in his Epistle Dedicatory , because it is to a learned and Reverend Bishop of our own Church ; tho' withall , I believe , there are some things in it writ without his knowledge , or approbation . But least my charge here against him might seem too general , and so groundless ; I shall instance in one particular , pa 419. Where he unhansomly and rudely reflects upon our Convocations . But these are things above my sphere , but under the carefull , and watchfull Eye of our Superiours . My de●ign here is of a lower nature , Pa. 131 , Nobis jam ostendendumest , quâ viâ , illa lex , quae naturalis dicitur , in corda nostra irrepserit , utrum nempe naturaliter sit menti nostrae inscripta , quod vulgoasseritur , nos vero Evidenter asserimus , illud esse falsissimum . A little more Evidence in the proof , tho' less in the assertion , might do very well : But here it will be very difficult to reconcile this Author , either to Scripture , or to himself . St. Paul tells us , Rom. 2. 15. That the Gentiles show the work of the Law ( that is , the Naturall Law ) written in their hearts . Now it must be granted , that this Natural inscription , even à primo ortu , is the most plaine , and obvious interpretation of the place , and where that may be re●tained , we ought not to look for another : And tho' t is true , that the Natural Law is agreeable to the dictates of reason it self , when come to perfect maturity , yet if this had been all the Apostle designed to express ; I am apt to believe , he would not have thus worded it , by being written in their hearts ; for by thus doing , he did almost inevitably , and invincibly confirm Men in that false opinion ( if it be one ) which was then more generally received in the World. Nor can any argument be drawn from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the following part of the Verse , in prejudice of this opinion of Natural inscription . Dr. Hammond , here tells us that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are practicall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , common notions of good and evill , which are among the generality of Men , even Heathens , without any light from the Mosaicall Law , &c. I shall now see how difficult it is to reconcile him to himself in other places , pa. 5. There speaking of the belief of a Deity he tells us , Consentanea utique est illis connaturalibus rationis principijs , quae nobis insunt , & paulatim augescunt Pa. 38. quid nobis esse debet antiquius , quam religio , quae si verum fatearis , insculpta fuerat , in hominum mentibus . Pa. 45. speaking of the belief of the Unity of a God , haec opinio demonstrat naturae rudera , quae in imis illorum medullis , infixa sunt , nec ullâ de causa possunt amoveri . I might easily tyre my self and Reader too in citing places to this purpose , in favour of these natural principles , which seem ●ven at first implanted in the minds of Men , tho' it cannot be expected they should show themselves , before the actual use of reason . I shall now briefly examine the reasons he gives of his opinion ; if , says he , the Law of Nature , be writ by the finger of God upon the hearts of Men à primo ortu then it must be either to direct us to good , or to deter us from evil , but it cannot serve for either of these : Not the first , nam ubi omnia sunt turbata &c. Where all things are disturb'd , and out of order by reason of the tenderness , and weakness of Age , altogether unfit for prudence , there the Voice of the Law cannot be heard . But will he argue barely from the Laws not being heard , that therefore there is none ? We commonly say , that in war the Laws are silent , or howsoever cannot be heard and yet they are Laws even there too : If he supposes us in the state of Infancy , befor● the use of reason , what should he talk of the rules of good , and evil to such , ●s know neither ? If he supposes us in the State of juvenility , tho' our passions be strong , and turbulent , yet methinks , there should be more need at such a time , more especially , of a Law to direct us . Nor , 2 dly , Says he , can it deter us from evil , because there is no actual sin in Children before the use of Reason , but would it be in vain to have this Law imprinted upon the minds of Children , because they cannot yet make use of it ? May not the the Soul of a Child properly be call'd a rational Soul , tho' as yet it cannot form a Syllogism ? may there not be natural inclinations , and dispositions to truth , and holyness . Some semina vitae moralis , tho' these do not show themselves until such prefixt times , as Providence and the nature of things have appointed for ' em ? And till this be prov'd either abs●lutely impossible , or highly irrational , the opposers of these natural Principles do prove nothing to their purpose , nor gain any strength or credit to their cause . 2. Another ground of his Opinion is drawn from a parity of reason betwixt faith , and this Law of Nature , there being he says , the same reason for both , quoniam ut ambae , fides & lex jure suo utantur , necessario debent unà cum intellectu voluntatis actus eximios exerere . But I do not see how there can be any necessary Argument drawn from the one to the other , the one being purely Natural , the other supernatural , and Similitudes may indeed sometimes illustrate , but never necessarily prove any thing . He tell us indeed Pa. 333. Maximi viri his novissimis temporibus evidenter probarunt , &c. That great Men of late dayes have evidently proud , that neither faith nor nè semen fidei , is in us from our Infancy : I do indeed believe , that it was in these latter dayes , that such novel Doctrine , as this was Preach'd ; who he means by his viri maximi I know not , but I am apt to believe , that their authority is not indisputable ; and it will be very difficult for him , or for any else , who resumes the dispute , to prove , that there is not at least , a semen fidei , that is , an inward principle of Divine grace , so far as to regenerate the Infant , convey'd in Baptism : And therefore I wonder why he should call that an obsolete opinion , because perhaps some Modern French Divines have been against it . ut si vulgo omnes , ac presertim Seneca , de vertutum seminibus loquuti sunt , distinctam s●orum dictorum notitiam non habuerunt . It is an easy way of confuting those , who differ from us , to tell 'em , as it is an usual custom now a days , that they have no distinct Idea , or clear perception of what they say . But a greater degree of Modesty might very well become a greater Man than himself . It is very strange , that God , who at first created Man after his own Image , that he should not make , as it were , one actual stroke either of truth , or holyness upon his Soul , wherein if in any thing , he might much more especially resemble his Creator . So likewise in his new Creation , or spiritual regeneration , which is generally I think , suppos'd to be begun in Baptism , that he should do nothing by way of actual conveyance of grace , and strength , as an inward principle . Here I beg the Readers Pardon , If I so far digress , as briefly to examine , what the Reverend Author of the Catechetical Lectures has laid down in his 70 th . Pa. Vol. 1 st . Relating hereunto . All , who are the Children of God , either in the sense of the Scripture , or of the Catechism , are not thus actually Regenerated . Here the question is not to what degree they are regenerated in Baptism , but whether they be really Regenerate , or no. No one can here imagine , that Children should be so Regenerate in Baptism , as that they should be able to perform all the Offices , and Duties of Christianity , as adult Persons doe . As to the Sence of Scripture he says , it is , plain , that every one that beares the relation of a Child of God , is not dutifull to his Father which is in Heaven : No one ever doubted this : But will it thence follow , that even such an one was not once a true Child of God , and regenerated in Baptism ; may not Men put themselves out of that state of Salvation , wherein once they were , by their gross and willfull Sins ? But then further , every degree of Undutifulnes is not inconsistent with a Regenerate state ; indeed upon ●very commission of sin , we ought to return again to God by repentance , and reformation for the time to come , yet every particular Sin , doth not put a true Child of God into a state of damnation : And as to the meaning of a child of God in the Catechisme . it is plain , that it is not only such , as are renew'd in the spirit of their minds , and imitate God , that are here to be understood , for every one that is Catechised is requir'd to answer , that in his Baptisme he was made a Child of God , whereas many Catechumens are not y●t renewed and really converted . To this I Answer . 1 st . That these two expressions , of being renewed in their minds , and imitating of God are not here well joyned together , because Children may be so renewed in their Spirits as to be really regenerated , and yet not to be in a condition of actually imitating of God. 2. Catechumens are indeed required to Answer so ; neither doth our Church herein require 'em to tell a lye for so they were made the Children of God , and that by true and reall regeneration ( I still insist upon that Word , because our Church asserts it ) tho' our Reverend , and learned Author doth suppose , that many Catechumens were never yet actually renewed in the Spirit of their minds , or regenerated , and many never will be ● Which makes Baptisme a more insignificant thing , than either Scripture , or the Church of England ever design'd to make it . But why may not the Catechumen truly say , that in Baptism he was made a Child of God , more than by a mere Covenant-relation , viz. By the laver of Regeneration Tit. 3. 5. and why may we not charitably , and truly too suppose the Catechumen by the blessing of God upon a Christian education , still to have the seed of Baptismal grace remaining in him , which we firmly believe God at first bestowed upon him ? for our Church tells us , that Infants dying before the commission of sin , are certainly saved , and yet this we know , that nothing impure , or unholy can enter into that state : But he proceeds . So that a Child of God by Spirituall regeneration , and God-like imitation express rather a duty what every one ought to be , than , &c. By God-like imitation , I suppose , he meanes a pious imitation of God , tho' I do not know , whether that expression will bear it , or no : But then let us apply what he here says to the Office of Baptism , and see what sense it will make , when we Pray that the Child then comeing to Christs holy Baptism may receive remission of his Sins by Spirituall regeneration ; this is not to be understood of any thing then actually to be received at Baptism , but at a certain critical moment of Conversion some Years after , if perhaps such a thing ever happen at all ; and whereas in the last prayer of that Office it is said , We yeild The hearty thanks most mercifull Father , that it hath pleased thee to Regenerate this Infant with thy holy Spirit ; This must be understood so , as that he is only at present put into a capacity o● being Regenerated hereafter● But he that thus explains the Catechism must at the same time destroy the Office of Baptism , which is of equall Authority with the other , but the Doctrine of the Church of England is not inconsistent with it self , if Men do not come with prejudice , and prepossession to the explication of it : And tho' he tells us , Pa. 60. That this matter was rightly stated by one thus , that is in a way suitable to his own opinion , yet I believe● upon examination , neither his Authority , nor his reasons would be found of any great force . I shall only further take notice of one question and Answer in the Catechism . Dost thou not think , that thou art bound to bel●●ve and do as they have promis'd for thee ? Ans : Yes verily ; and by Gods help so I will● and I heartily thank our Heavenly Father , that he hath called me to this state of Salvation thro● Iesus Christ our Saviour . Now a state of Salvation is certainly something more● than a mere faederal Relation . And I pray unto God , to give me his grace , that I may continue in the same to my Lifes end . ●●t this learned Author says ●hat all Ca●●ch●mens are not Converted o● R●generated , and some by ●heir own fault● never will be , but certainly it would be the greatest curse imaginable to teach a Child to pray , that he may remain in a state of unregeneration . The Reverend Dr. doth not take the least notice of this part of that Answer in his explication of it , so that I do not certainly know what his particular sentiments are herein . It is to on purpose to tell us , that it is not easily conceiveable how Children can be regenerate in Baptism , since the Scripture doth warrant it , and the Church affirm● it ; perhaps it would be dfficult for them to explain the manner how adult Persons are Regenerate . Iohn , 3. 8. The wind bloweth where it listeth , and thou hearest the sound thereof , but thou knowest not whence it come than● whether it goeth , So is every one that is born of the Spirit . But to return from this digression . He urges further , cuj tandem bono indulgebitur nobis illa naturalis lex , &c. Is it that there might be some previous dispositions in the Soul by degrees to dispose it to better obedience to its precepts ? Let us suppose this for once , and see what Answer he returns unto it . He tells us , that these previous dispositions to virtue are things altogether as unintelligible as Aristotle's substantial forms , which lye hid , no body knows how , in the bosom of the matter , till at last they show themselves in their proper shapes : But here he seemes again , Eâdem Chord ● oberrare , before heargu'd from supernatural things to Natural , now he argues from Physical to things of a moral and more immaterial nature . Aristotles substantial forms are unintelligible , ergo the Law of Nature is so too , for they are as like one annother , as ever they can look , for like as substantial forms lye hid in matter , till they find , or take occasion of coming out , ●o these Natural principles do just the same , in reference to the Soul. This indeed is evident affirmation , but I see little of proof in it . There are indeed real difficulties , and absurditys urg'd against substantial forms ; but I know none against these Natural notions in the sence before asserted : All that seems to be materially objected against this natural inscription , is , that there is , they say , no need of it in order , either to the knowledge of truth , or obligation to duty , these , they say , may be accounted for other ways : But supposing this for once to be true , but not granting it to be so , this is no argument against what is here asserted , viz , Natural Inscription ; for what if God should afford us more ways in order to the coming to the knowledge of truth , and goodness , then we fancy to be absolutely necessary , have we any reason to blame providence for it ? But he tells us Pa. 336. &c. That the Soul doth make certain Aphorisms , or generall Rules , for the direction of humane Life , Post maturam tandem experientiam : After mature experience . Such as these , Honestum vitio ac libidini esse praeferendum , &c. Which afterwards he calls genealis norma de honesto apud homines stabilita . But I would only ask him , in what place and in what Age it was , that Men thus generally met to determine , and fix the Rules of right and wrong , by a general consent : For a further answer hereto , I shall refer my Reader to my former discourse of humane na●ure , Pa. 54. There is one thing more , wherein this Gentleman seems to affect some kind of peculiarity , tho' I think it is rather in expression , than in notion : That the Christian Religion , especially as to the Dutys of it , are no ways contrary to Natural reason , but highly agreeable thereunto is certainly true , and tends much to the honour , and reputation of Christianity . But then why we should so far strain the common sence , and acceptation of the word Natural , as to apply it to all the misteri●s and miracles of our Religion , I do not understand . We have sufficient reason from the nature of God , and from Divine Revelation to believe all the instituted parts of Christianity , but I know no reason why we should as●ert the Naturalness of em ' , if I may so speak . But he designs here to advance a seeming paradox , pa. 263. Quoniam res videtur ardua , & firme inaudita , pa. 248. grandia suscipimus cum omnes , qu●tquot vidimus sunt huic opinioni oppositi , ut qui maximè . He makes use indeed of a peculiar way of speaking , but when he has explain'd what he means by it , and in what sense he understands it , the notion is common , and ordinary . per naturam intelligo rectam rationem , usum , & morem hominum communem , & tandem traditionem receptam . Pa , 264. a very large acceptation of Nature . If God has adapted some of his institutions , either to the custom of former Ages , or to the apprehension● of Mankind , we have so much more reason to acknowledg his condescension to our infirmities● but we have none from hence to call em ' Natural . Pa. 271. nec communi usui aut rerum naturae adversantur seu miracula , seu propheti●● Iesu Christi . One might almost think here , that he asserted Spinosa's opinion , that miracles were not above nor contrary to Nature , but his meaning is more innocent , he only means that Miracles were pretended to by other Religions , and that they were made use of by Christ , in naturae restaurationem for the benefit of Mankind and the support of humane Nature . Pa. 286. There he tells us , that even Evangelical Faith it self doth no way interfere with his former Doctrine . But his Reason seems very strange , and not much for the honour of Christianity , sed si nos ipsos consulamus , comperiemus corda nostra spontè pa●ere anilibus fabulis ut qui credulitati naturâ nostrâ obnoxij simus , &c. It were to be wish'd that Men would ●xpress common thoughts in a common and ordinary way : But some Men think to gain to themselves the Reputation of great Notionalists , by dressing up common and ordinary Notions in a new form of words , thus seeming to speak something great , and aboue the o●dinary pitch of other Men , when many times there is v●ry little , or nothing in their pompous● ways or speaking . If the learned Author of the Catechetical Lectures hath in any other part of his Book ( which yet I have not met with ) explained the point before mentioned in a way agreeable to the Office of Baptism , I then recall what I have said upon that particular , only , I could have wish'd that he had not given that o●●asion to others of misapprehending him . Some Remarks upon Monsieur Malebranch his Opinions of the non-efficiency of Second Causes , and of seeing all thing●s in God. THE true liberty of Phylosophizing , and the free and ingenuous use of ● Mans own Reason , is certainly a very great perfection of a Rational creature , a just freedom of thinking together with that of ●hoice , being two great prerogatives of humane nature ; but the best things may be abused , and perverted to bad purposes , thus Men sometimes , under the plausible pretence of free thinking , give their fancyes leave to Rove about for new Opinions , and then presently● are so enamour'd of their own inventions , that it is very difficult , if at all possible , eve● to convince 'em of the con●rary , and that which more confirms them in their own way , is , that they fancy themselves the only Men , that enjoy the true genius of contemplation , and those who differ from em and cannot assent to their way of reasoning● they look upon to be Men , whose understandings are crampt by the prejudice of an unha●py Education . Here I shall propound these two things to Consideration● 1. No Opinion in Philosphy is either to be rejected o● imbraced merely upon account of its Antiquity or novelty , but only , as it comes attended , or no● attended with the Evidence of reason and probability at least of truth , thus a more true genius of Philosophysing may appea●● in the defence of an old truth , than in the asserting of a new error . 2. In things purely Physical , relating to things meerely of a material Nature , w● may indulge a greater liberty of thinking but in things that terminate more immediately upon God , as this Opinion of Monsi●ur Malbranch does , in seeing all things in God , in such I conceive , we ought to be more wary , and guide both our Thoughts , and Words with greater caution . There are some positive Moralists , if I may so call 'em , such who tell us , that there is nothing good , or evill in its own nature , but that things are so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only because of the positive decree , and determination of God , that they should be so : Monsieur Malbranch seemes in some respect , to be the same in Natural Phylosophy , that those others are in Moral , that is , he grants no Natural efficiency to 2 d. Causes , and that they are only signes , and occasions upon which God will , and without which he will not produce such effects . Thus what Mr. Norris● Pa. 59. Of his Remarks upon the A●henian Society , says concerning sensible impressions in resp●ct of Ideas , may be said of all other causes , tha● God has established a certain Order , or connexion betwixt such impressions made upon our sences , and such Ideas , not that these impressions doe cause , or produ●e these Ideas , but that they are conditions , upon the presence of which God will raise them , or to speak more properly , exhibit them to our m●nds . Now according to this Hypothesis if God had ordered things so at first , or shall hereafter do so , then the running of a feather tho' never so lightly over a Mans hand , might have caus'd the most exquisite pain imaginable ; then Tent●rden Steeple might have been as much the cause of Goodwins Sands , as any second cause is of the effect , which yet seems to follow from it . But then if we consider what he sayes , pa. 116. of his Illustrations , he there seems not much to differ from the common Hypothesis , ad deum seu ad causam Vniversalem , ●bi effectuum , specialium ratio postulatur , recurrendum non esse fateor , but withall he says , naturae inestigatio falla●e● & omnino vana , ubi in eâ , aliae verae causae quaeruntur , quàm voluntates omnipotentis : Again in the same place , si fieri possit , effectuum , de quibus agitur , causa naturalis & specialis est explicanda , but again he says , actio istarum causarum consistit duntaxat in vi movente , quâ agitantur ; illa vero vis movens nihil ali●d est , quàm ipsa dei voluntas . But it is no great sign of truth , or of a good Cause when its Patron seems , as it were , thus opprest by its weight and thus operosely labours in the explication of it . But it s observable , that he himself grants that it● would be more agreeable , if it could be done , to assigne special natural causes of particular effects . But now would it not be more Phylosophical ; to say , that there are such particular causes in Nature , tho' at present we are not able to assign 'em , then thus to run to the more immediate power of God for the salving of every ordinary Phaenomenon of Nature . I grant that it is very difficult to assign the just limits betwixt Natural , and Supernatural power , to determine justly where the one ends , and the other begins , or indeed fully to explain all the modes of Natural Phaenomena's , but yet , methinks , it is not altogether so Philosophycal , to ascribe these , ( commonly reputed ) ordinary Phaenomena's of gravitation , for example , or the growing of a pile of Grass to the constant efficiency , or Supernatural influence of almighty God. I do not say , that we are able to give a full solution of these things , as to all the minutest circumstances of 'em , nor would I ascribe too much to Natural causes , but yet I think , presently to have recourse to Divine power , for the solution of all things ; this would damp all our further enquirys into Nature , which is an employment very worthy of a rational Creature , ( provided it does not extend too far , I mean , to the excluding of providence out of the World ) besides to ascribe all things immediatly to God , exclusively of second causes , might perhaps seem to detract from the tr●e Notion and nature of providence it self in that just , and wise order of things , in that exact harmony betwixt the Natural● and moral World , which God has constituted in the Universe : And it would be difficult to give any tolerable account , worthy of the wisdom of God ; of those things , commonly call'd second causes , if they be but bare signes , or conditions of those things , which they seem to have some causal influence upon . But he tells us , Pa. 124. Of his Illustrations , ( which I should have mentioned before ) ●●m voluntas mea determina● voluntatem dei , certe brachium meum movebitur non voluntate meâ , quae inessicax est perse , sed voluntate dei , quae effectu suo nunquam frustratur . But why should he call the will of Man Inefficax , when at the same time he tells us that it determins the will of God ? Might not Mans will , if God had so pleas'd , as well determine the motion of his own Arme , as determine the will of God ? And I do not yet see , how he has prov'd Gods pleasure to be otherwise . Neither will those words per se do him any service , for no body asserts second causes to have any power of themselves , but what they receiv'd from the ●irst . I do not dispute the pow●●ful e●●iciency of the Divine will , where-ever God is pleas'd to employ it , only if our Adversaries will grant any subordinate causality to sccond causes , but still in dependance upon , and under the direction of the first cause , I shall not dispute about the Quantum . But the Monsieur betakes himself to his modish way of fenci●g with Ideas . Voluntatem meam producere Ideas meas , nego , quìa nè quidem capio quo modo illas possit producerè ; But may not I deny Mans will to determine Gods will , for the same reason quia ne quidem capio , &c. How my will can determine Gods will ? And some few lines after , he says , nemo habet claram Ideam hujus virtutis mentis in corpus & corporis in mentem , qui id positive asserunt , non satis assequntur , quid dicunt . But may we not both by reason , and experienece , know something to be true , of which we have no clear and distinct Idea , as to the manner of ' em ? But tho' I am apt to believe that there are some things in Nature yet unknown to us , which afterwards shall be , and others which never will be known in this State , which yet in the other we shall then see Natural causes of , yet I would not have any to infer from hence , that I in the least go about to lessen the credit of Divine miracles , as if there were not sufficient grounds to satisfy any rational Man of the truth , and reality of those miracles wroght by Moses , Our Saviour and his Apostles , viz. To prove , that they were , both above the power of Nature , or any diabolicall Arts , to perform , which will appear form hence , because no doubt the Devil had his Instruments , both under the Old , and New Testament , who evry well understood the powers of Nature , and their own , and would certainly make use of the same to their utmost possibility in opposing the Religion , that was then to be established , and yet we find they were never able to contend with these Divine workers of Miracles , with any success . And if we further consider , the intrinsick nature of the things themselves , if we consider the end and design of these Miracles which were always done in confirmation of a Doctrine truly Divine , and in pitty , and compassion to the Souls , and Bodies of Men , never for popular applause , or vaine ostentation , if we consider lastly the manner of their being done , by a bare Word , where the thing was no sooner said than done , tho' at great distance too , from all these things we must necessarily conclude these Miracles to be truly Divine ; and now for a Man , after all this , to urge that we know not how far the powers of Nature may extend , and whether these may not come within this compass , is rather to play the Sceptick , then the Phylosopher . Vide. Preface to Amyraldus of Divine Dreams Sheet , C Tho' I do not see any inconveniency at all in asserting the deluge to have happen'd by the concurrence of second causes , but still under the influence , and direction of Divine providence . I know it s here objected , that if it came to pass by Natural causes then there must have been a Deluge whether the former World had been so wicked , or no. Then Noahs Preaching had been all Collusion , and if the World had Repented , yet it could not have escap'd the punishment . To this I Answer . 1 st . That the force of these Objections , if perhaps there be any in them , con●ists in this , Viz. The supposal that these Second causes are not under the influence and direction of Divine providence . 2. If we could well suppose that actually to come to pass which God certainly foresaw would never come to pass , that is , the Antediluvian World had repented , how do they come to know that it would have perish'd notwithstanding ? Could not God as well Save the rest of the World by some extraordinary manner , as he sav'd Noah , and his Family in an ordinary one ? But a right notion of Divine prescience will perfectly solve all these seeming difficulties , and here I premise . 1. That Gods Fore-knowledge is of as large an extent , as all the possible actions of the most free agents , he foresees that M●n might have done this , or that , and yet he certainly sees , that he will freely chuse this . 2. God's fore-knowledge of things to come doth not lay any necessity upon the things fore-seen , antecedently to the event , neither will it hence follow , that God's fore-knowledge might have been here frustrated , if things might have fallen out otherwise , because God did also foresee this possibility too , and yet he saw , that notwithstanding they would certainly fall out thus . Now let us apply this to the present case . God fore-saw that the Antide-luvian World would be so preverslly wicked , not withstanding all the means he should use in order to their Reformation : He then order'd such a constitution and frame of things , such an harmony betwixt the Natural and Moral World , that Nature it self should be instrumental for the punishment of Mens wickedness , and that without any violation of the Divine mercy and justice , and in a way agreeable to its own Laws : This seems to tend much to the honour of Divine providence , and no ways contrary to any of Gods attributes . Therefore it is no good way of Arguing , that if the Deluge did come to pass by the concurrence of Second Causes , then it would have happen'd , whether the World had been so wicked , or no , because the constitution of such a frame of Nature did suppose the certainty of its being wicked , and yet without laying any necessity at all of its being so . I shall now proceed to his other Opinion , of seeing all things in God. pa. 208. Lat Edit . But here also there seems to be some kind of uncertainty , or obscurity in stating of the Question , so that his Notions seem not here to lye very cleare in his Head , pa. 211. Deus non potest facere mentem ad cognoscenda opera sua , ni●i mens illa videat aliquo modo deum , videndo ipfius opera ; adeo ut dicere possimus , quod si Deum aliquo modo non videremus , nihil prorsus videremus . But this cannot be so understood , that by seeing the Works of God , we thereby only come to the knowledge of his Atributes , of power , wisdom , and goodness ; some thing more then this , is intimated thro' the whole series of his Hypothesis : But then tho' we thus , some way or other see God , yet we do not see his Essence , pa. 209. Inferendum non est , mentes videre Essentiam dei , exeo quòd omnia in deo videant , eo quo diximus modo , quia id quod vident est val●e inperfectum , deus vero perfectissimus . Now it is not easily conceiveable , how we can see God , and yet neither see him by his Essence , nor his Atributes . And in the same place he says , praeter quam quòd dicere possimus nos non ta● videre Ideas rerum , quam res ipass , quae Ideis repraesentantur : And yet Mr. Norris , pa. 203. Of his Reason and Religion , tells us , that those Ideas which are in God are the very Ideas which we see , and the immediate objects of our knowledge , and perception . However if we see all things in God by his exhibiting to us the Ideas that are in himself , how comes he so variously to represent them to several Men ? I doe not now speak of the Objects , of sence , but of moral , and intellectual objects , so that there are very few Men of the ●ame opinion in things of this Nature : The union , that Monsieur Malbr talks of , betwixt the will of Man , and Gods representation of Ideas will not do it , for however short Men may come , as to the attainment , yet certainly all Men desire to see the exact truth of things : If it be here said , that the preception of truth depends upon the various tempers , dispositions and qualifications of the minds , it meets withal , this I doe not deny ; but then this is that which seems more agreeable to the other hypothesis , this assertion being not so well consistent with that exhibitive way of seeing all things in God , upon our desiring to see ' em . Monsieur Malbr . reckons up Five several ways of Solveing the mode of humane understanding , the Four first he confutes , and rejects , as unreasonable , and impossible ●o solve the Phaenomena's of Sensation and understanding , the Fifth , viz. That of seeing all things in God , he asserts and defends . I shall not here dispute , whether he has fully answered the Four first or no , but supposing he had , yet it will not necessarily follow , that the Fifth is sufficiently establish'd by the overthrow of the First . as Mr. Norris tells us . pa. 194. Of Reason and Religion . For 1 st . What necessity is there , that the mode of Humane understanding should be thus fully explain'd at all ? Why may not this , as well as the union of the Soul and Body , remain a Phaenomenon not yet explain'd , and perhaps not explicable ? 2. Perhaps Monsieur Malbr . has not made a sufficient enumeration , why may there not be yet another way , besides those he there mentions , tho' tho●e , he here Disputes with , ar● not bound to assign it ? If we be in pursuit of a Man , who is gone to such a place , and we know there are Five ways● that lead thither , though he be not gone any of the Four first , yet it will not follow that he is gone the Fifth , because perhaps there may be some other unknown way , that he may either find , or make to the same place . In the beginning of the 6 th . Chap. pa. 108. He premises these two things . 1 st . That God has in himself the Ideas of all things : This I shall not deny , but yet if I had a mind to set up for new Notions , I might take the hint from Mr. Norris , pa. 184. Of Reason and Religion . And argue thus , the truth and perfection of Reason is in God tho' not in that formality , as it is in Man ; this gradual proceeding from one thing to another which is that we properly call reasoning , being rather a defect incident to created capacities ; so God in like manner perfectly knows , and comprehends all things , but to see , and know 'em by Ideas , this is an imperfect way of seeing , and knowing things , proper only to Man , and created Intelligences : But now God sees and knows all things by an infinite , more perfect way , than by Ideas , in a way more sutable to the purity , and simplicity of the Divine Nature , so that when we say that God sees , and knows things by Ideas , this is only an humane mode of Knowledge , by way of accommodation applyed to God : But I shall leave these novell notions , to those who take more pleasure in them . But suppose , we grant Ideas in God , it will not thence follow that we come to the knowledge of all things by viewing their Ideas in him . His 2d . Postulatum is this . THAT God is intimately by his presence united to our minds ; that God is present with our Souls , as he is with all things else , is certainly true , but then I hope , he will not hence inferr , or here assert such an union betwixt God and uor Souls , as neither Reason nor Religion will allow . God may be said to be the place of Spirits , as Space is the place of Bodies , and yet without any such close , and strict union , as he supposes . Fanaticks in the late times used to say , that they were Goded with God , and Christed with Christ , but far be it from me to think that Monsieur Malbr . Entertains any such opinion : But the mere presentialness of God to our minds , has no necessary influence upon our seeing all things in him , independently upon his Will , and this Monsieur Malebr himself asserts , when he tells us , that the Mind can see all things in God , dummodo deus v●lit ipsi retegere id quod in se habet quod representet illa opera . pa. 209. According to those Men , who assert God only to be Vertually present every where , that is , by his power , and providence , yet according to this Hypothesis , tho' it be a very false , and dangerous one , God might if he pleas'd thus represent all things to Mens minds , that is , by his power , and providence . I shall now briefly examine the Reasons , upon which he founds his Opinion . 1. HE Argues from the general aeconomy of the Vniverse , wherein it appeares that God never does that by difficult ways , which may be done by simple , and easy ones : But what if we should say , that the other way , and method of humane understanding is as plain , easie , and obvious , either in it self to be done , or for us to apprehend , as that of seeing all things immediatly in God , however I think the former tends as much to the Illustration of the power , wisdom , and providence of God , as the latter doth . But this maxim , that God always acts by the most simple , and easy methods , must be mannag'd with a great deal of prudence and piety , otherwise it may prove of very bad consequence : We must not fancy to our selves what are the most simple , and easy ways of doing things , and then by virtue of that maxim . oblige God to act according to our foolish imaginations thus if we should argue , that it is the more easy , and simple way for the Earth to bring forth Fruit , and Herbs , as it did at first , without Cultivation ; or that it had been a more easy , and simple way for God to have pardon'd Sin , without sending his Son into the World to dye for it , would any one think that there is any force in this way of Arguing ? That God can make known to us all things more immediatly by himself , every one grants ; but then the question is , whether those reasons which Monsieur Malbr , hath exhibited to us be sufficient to convince any rational , and considerate Man , that this is the method , that God takes in this particular . I shall only take notice further of one period of his upon this Subject wherein he shows a great deal of wavering , and uncertainty in his Notion . pa. 209. Cum igitur deus possit per se omnia mentibus patefacere , volen●● simpliciter ut videant id quod est inter ip●os , seu in medio ipsorum , hoc est , id quod in ipso est quod relationem habet ad illas res , quodque illas representat , versimile non est , &c. 1. He is not here willing to call these things Ideas , but express 'em but by another large Periphrasis . 2. He knows not where to place 'em , whether in God , or in our selves . But to proceed , The Second Reason he gives is , because this Hypothesis places the minds of Men in the greatest depend●nce upon God imaginabl● , because thus we can see nothing but what Go● wills that we should see , and nothing but what God exhibits to us to be seen . We ought not indeed to entertain any Opinion that may lessen our just dependan●● upon God , but is it any ways inconsisten● with our Christian d●pendance , to be f●llow workers tog●th●r with God in the ways of his own Appointm●nt ? May w● not make use of second causes by the assistance of his Power , and in Obedi●nce to his Will , and after all depend upon God for a Blessing , and all this without any violation of ou● dependance upon him ? But ●e says● our Minds cannot su●si●ien●l● depend upon God in all their Operations , i● t●ey are suppos●d to have all things which we distinctly perceive ●o be necessary to Action , or i● th●y h●ve the I●ea● of all things present to ●hem . ●ut must we have all things n●c●ssary for Action , if we have the Ideas of all things pr●sent to us ? Is there nothing further r●quir'd for Action but only thes● ? Do●s not the Soul depend upon God , as to its pres●rvation in all 〈◊〉 Actions ? And is there not requir'd in the 〈◊〉 the f●ee determination of it self , though 〈◊〉 other requisites besides do concur ? With●●t this , I know not how the liberty of the 〈◊〉 can be secur'd . 3. He further argues from the manner of ●●d Mind perceiving all things , for we all 〈◊〉 by certain experience , that when we are ●inded to think upon any particular thing , 〈◊〉 first cast our Eyes about upon all Beings , 〈◊〉 then at last fix upon the Object which we ●●tended to think upon ; but perhaps all 〈◊〉 do not ●ind by experience that this is 〈◊〉 way and method they take in their re●●ective Meditations , I rather think , that when Men intend to fix their thoughts upon such a particular Object , that the previous roving o● their Minds is confin'd with in a much narrower compass , and is not of such an universal extent . But he says , 't is past all question , that we ●annot desire to see any Object , but we must see or know it already , though in a more confus'd and general way ; and the ground of this I suppose is , Ignoti nulla cupido , or something to that purpose , but here I would propound it to Consideration , whether Mr. Malbranch , though he be a severe Enemy to the Scholastick way , yet whether he does not s●ffer himself to be too much impos'd upon by that Maxim of theirs , before it h●● undergone a just and due Examination . But he says all Beings cannot be any other ways present to the mind , but because God is present to it , who in the simplicity of his being comprehends all things . Neither will Gods presentialness with our Minds prove that all Objects are so present to us , as to be known by us either distinctly or confusedly , unless God be willing to display 'em to us . Here it may be further enquir'd , whether we may not be said to have a gene●al or confus'd knowl●dge , even of the mysteries of our Religion , and of things above the reach and comprehension of human Reason , and if so , why may we not desire to have a further and clearer sight of 'em ; now if we should desire to see these things , and God be not willing to represent 'em to us , t●en what becomes of that Union betwixt Man's Will , and God's representation of Ideas . Pa. 21. Ipse est , qui unione naturali , quam etiam instituit inter voluntatem hominis , & representationem idearum , ipsis notificat omnia , &c. But I must confess , that I did not think , that when Monsieur Malbranch first instituted a philosophical disquisition upon this Subject , that he design'd it to extend to things of a divine Nature , had he not likewise endeavour'd to reconcile his Opinon to Scripture . His last Argument , he says may pass for a demonstration with those who are us'd to abstracted Ratiocinations ; t is this , Impossibile est , D●um in suis a●●ionibus alium habere sinem principal●● à s●ip●o diversum ; necess●●gi●ur est , ut cognitio & lux , quam menti impertitur , aliquid nobis patefaciat , quod in ipso fit . It is impossible that God in any of his Actions should have any principal end different from himself . It is necessary th●refore that that Knowledge and Light which he bestows upon our mind should open , and ●xhibit to us something , that is in himself . Quiequid enim ex deo ve●it propter alium fieri non potesi , quam propter deum ; for whatsoever comes from God , cannot be for any other besides God. These are his words so f●r as concerns the present Subj●ct , but now they are so far from having the force of a Demonstration , that they seem not to have the face of a tolerable good Argum●nt , viz. to prove , as he there design'd , that we see all things in God ; for if God in all his Actions has not any principal end differ●nt from himself , all that can necessarily follow from hence is , that in this particular Action , of his bestowing Light and Knowledge upon our Minds , he had no other principal end diff●rent f●om himself ; this I ●a●ily grant , may not God make his own Glory the end of his giving us this natural Light , though we do not in his Sence thereby see all things in God ? Or doth not that Light and Knowledge which God imparts to the Mind , discover to us those divine Attributes which are in God , and therefore not different from God himself ? But perhaps it is my unacquaintedness with the abstracted ways of reasoning , that renders me uncapable of understanding the force of the Demonstration . Mr. Norris speaking upon this Subj●ct , viz. of seeing and knowing all things in God , Pa. 206. Of Reason and Religion , says this very Notion Aquinas had once plainly hit upon , however he came afterwards to loose it . But I do not know that he ever lost that Notion he there hit upon , that Opinion which he here asserts , being the general opinion of the Schools in this p●rticular ; for says he in express terms , Pa. 1. Q. 84. 5. It is necessary to say , that the human Soul knows all things in their eternal Reasons , by the participiation of which we know all things , for that intellectual Light which is in us , is nothing else but a participated similitude of that increated Light , in which the eternal Reasons are contain'd . Now I do not see that this is any acknowledgment at all , of our seeing all things in God in that way that Monsieur Malbranch and Mr. Norris explains it , that the Soul knows all things , that is , universals ( wherin Aristot. did a●sert all Science , truly so call'd , to consist ) these things we know in their eternal Reasons ; but he adds , by the participiation of which we know all things , so that we do not see them under that formality as they ar● in God , but as by participiation these eternal Reasons are deriv'd to us ; for that int●ll●ctual Light that is in us , is nothing but a participated similitude of that in●reased Light in which the eternal Reasons are ●ontain'd , that is , originally in God , but derivatively , or by way o● participation in us , so that I am perfectly of Aquinas's Opinion according to this Interpretation , which whether it be more true in it s●lf , or more ●ikely to be Aquin●s's m●aning , is l●ft to the Reader to judge . But if this Opinion of Monsi●ur Malbranch be a truth , it has the least app●arance of Truth of any in the whole World , ; all our outward S●ns●s give T●stimony against it , and our inward faculties do not in the least seem to favour it ; we compare Ideas● and dis●ourse , and draw cons●quences from ●ormer Pr●m●s●s , just ac●ording to the m●tho●s of the other Hypothesis ; but if it be said , that after the use of all these means , that notwithstanding we see and know all things in God , one might be almost perswaded to think , that either God would have made these means ( under the superintendence of his own Providence ) effectual to those ends they seem at least design'd for , or else to use his own way of arguing , would have made use of that more easie and simple way which he might have done , by exhibiting or producing the knowledge of these thing● more immediately by himself , without the concurrence of these outward means , which are indeed nothing but useless and ineffectual Conditions . Lastly , As for the Scriptures he urges in favour of his Opinion , I think they do not prove what they were intended for , that all our knowledge is from God , that he is the Father of Lights , and tea●hes Man Wisdom , that Christ is the true Light that enlightens every one ● &c. No Body here denys this , but the dispute is not so much about the thing it self , as the manner of it , that is , whether all the Knowledge we arrive at here in this World , be only by seeing all things in God acc●r●ing to his Hypothesis , Monsieur M●lbranch thought perha●s it woul● be some ●dvantage to his c●us● , if he coul● procure it some count●nance fr●m Scripture , but when his quotations are so little to the purpose , they serve only to create prejudices against it ; t●us others are apt to believe there is but little strength in the cause , when Men are for●'d to use such inconclusive Arguments in the defence of it . Nor● do I think that those brought by Mr. Norris amount to any necessary Proof , St. Iohn , he says , calls Christ the true Light , that is , the only Light , but may not o●her subordinate Lights be also true Lights ? Is not the light of a Candle a true Light , tho' it be inferiour to that of the Sun ? But however it will not hence follow , but that this only true Light may have several ways and methods of giving light to the World , besides that of seeing all things in God , &c. He cites also , Io. 17. 17. Sanctifie them by thy Truth , thy word is Truth , which is not he says , meant of the written word , but of the substantial and eternal word , as appears from the Context ; but I do not see how any Argument can be drawn from that place , unless it be from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which yet doth not always signifie the substantial and eternal word of God , but sometimes the preaching of the Gospel , as appears from the 20th . Verse , for all those who shall believe in me through th●●r word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by t●e pr●ac●i●g of the Gospel , La●●ly , The Apostle says expr●sly , 1 Cor. 1. 30. of this divine Word , that he is made unto us Wisdom , which is exactly according to our Hypothesis , that we see all things in the ideal World , or divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pa. 222. of Reason and Religion ; but in answer to this , 1. By Wisdom is not here meant natural , but divine and evangelical Wisdom . 2. The Apostle there speaks of Christ Jesus , of Christ more especially , as he is made known to us by the Gospel , for he is there said to be made to us Righteousness , Sanctification , and Redemption , as well as Wisdom , but I suppose he will not say , that we see our Sanctification or Redemption , that is , the ways and methods of these , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ●deal World , or any other ways than as they are reveal'd to us in Scripture . 3. May not Christ be made to us Wisdom , unless we see all things in the Ideal World ? I shall here only further observe what Theophylact says upon this place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. non dixit , sapien●es nos fecit , sed factus est nobis sapientia ; doni largitatem sc. ostendens , perinde ac si dicat , seipsum nobis tradidit . I have now finish'd those short Remarks upon those two Subjects , viz. the law of Fashion and innate Notions , not only in answer to Mr. Lock , but to some other Learned Persons also , who seem to favour his Opinion in the second particular ; and now if any expression herein seems too harsh , or not becoming the Character of such great and learned Men ( though I hope there is not ) yet if there be any such , I do hereby wholly recall it . I hope we are all pursuing the same general design , viz. the search of Truth , and if so , then the detection of any error will but be the promoting of the same common end we all aim at , for my part , I shall think it so , as to my self . I would not have Mr. Lock think , that pa. 88. I do there in the least insinuate , that he held the materiality of God , or that I went about to draw him into a Controversie , wher●in he is nothing concern'd . I do freely grant , that he asserts the spirituality of the divine Essence in the most strict and proper Sense of it . I was once in hopes that he was convinc'd of the Certainty of the Souls Immateriality too , by what he said pa. 5th . of his Answer to some remarks , added to his reply , to the Learned Bishop of Worcester , but what his Opinion herein is at present , I know not . I shall here only propound these two things to Mr. Locks serious Consideration , 1. Whether asserting the immateriality of the Soul be not a good Fence or stop against the inlet of that dangerous Opinion of the materiality of the divi●e Essence . 2. Whether it be worthy of a Christian Philosopher to make a b●re po●●●bili●y the ground of his asserting things of this Nature , for I think , he is v●ry unfortun●●e in his choice , who happens upon s●c●●n Opinion in Philosophy , that it is not po●●●ble for Omnipotence to make good . I shall not here enter into that dispute , whether Tully held the Soul to be material or immaterial , yet this I think must be granted by all , who attentively read , and impartially consider his 1st . Tusculan Question , that whatever nature he held the Soul to be of , he makes God to be the same : But it is not so much to the purpose , to consider what Opinions the Heathen Philosophers entertain'd in things of this Nature , as what is worthy of a Christian Philosopher to think of ' em . FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 5 , Line the last , for hunc read huic , p. 12 , Line 7 , for appe●l , r. appeal'd . p. 15 , l. 2. for watsoev●r , r. whatsoever , p. 20 , l. 19 , for concidere , r. coincidere , p. 24. l. 13 , for quit , r. quote , p. 27 , r. misled , p. 38 , l 15 , for the , r. that , p. 39 , l 18 , for m●asurer , r. measure , p. 41 , plac● the Figure 199 , 200 , l. 22 , in the l. ●bove 21 , p. 4 , last line r. prevailing , p 45 l 22 , re●d M●n's , p. 48 l. 19 , r. pr●cede , p. 54 , l. 1 , r. sepa●ation , p. 62 , l. 25 , for moral , r. natural , p. 65. l. 4 , r. God , l. 17 , r benignity , p. 69 , l. 13 , r. convenient , p. 72 , l. 2 r. defendi possint , p. 77 , l 13 , r. hankering , p. 85 , l 18 , dele the second not , p. 88. l 13 , ●or made use of , r. c●●ryed on , p. 8 , l. 27 , dele the first And , p. ●0 , l 7 , r ●p●curu●'● , p. ●5 , l. 14 , after those , add , to , p. 98 , l. 1● r. other , p. ●14 , l. 6 , r. assert , p 116 , l. 22 , r. ingenuou● , p 134 , l. the last , r. extern●l , p. 139 , l. 5 , r. as , p. 140 , l. the last , r. virtutum , p. 141 , l. 14 , dele much , p. 154 , l. 12 , r. inve●tigatio , p. 158 , l 10 , r. very , p. 160 , l 24 , r. ante diluvian . 
A56399	----	Six philosophical essays upon several subjects ... by S.P. Gent. of Trinity Colledge in Oxford. Parker, Samuel, 1640-1688. 1700 Approx. 212 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A56399 Wing P473A ESTC R6835 12801193 ocm 12801193 94057 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56399) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94057) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 725:23) Six philosophical essays upon several subjects ... by S.P. Gent. of Trinity Colledge in Oxford. Parker, Samuel, 1640-1688. [8], 128 p. Printed by J.H. for Tho. Newborough, London : 1700. Dedication signed: Sa. Parker. Errata: p. 128. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. (from t.p.) I. Dr. Burnet's theory of the earth -- II. Wit and beauty -- III. A publick spirit -- IV. The weather -- V. The certainty of things -- VI. The Cartesian idea of God. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SIX Philosophical Essays Upon Several SUBJECTS : VIZ. Concerning , I. Dr. Burnet's Theory of the Earth . II. Wit and Beauty . III. A Publick Spirit . IV. The Weather . V. The Certainty of Things , and the Existence of a Deity . VI. The Cartesian Idea of God. By S. P. Gent. of Trinity-Colledge in Oxford . Quid est praecipuum ? Erigere animum supra minas & promissa Fortunae . Nihil dignum putare quod speres . Quid enim habet dignum quod concupiscas ? Qui à divinorum contemplatione quoties ad humana recideris , non aliter caligabis quàm quorum oculi in densam umbram ex claro sole rediere . Sen. Nat. Quaest. lib. 3. LONDON , Printed by I. H. for Tho. Newborough at the Golden Ball in St. Paul's Church-yard . MDCC . TO THE Reverend and most Ingenious Mr. Jeremy Collier . SIR , BY many Titles you claim my poor Endeavours , but by none more than that of the Example you have given me ; on which account , how much soever the World is oblig'd to you , I , for my part , must acknowledge my self more especially indebted ; since of our Moderns , none has afforded me a more perfect Idea of Genuine Eloquence and Reason than Mr. Collier . Kindly therefore receive a Creature thus in an inferiour Sense your own ; encourage its Address , and protect it from the Censures and Criticisms of a squeamish Age : Protect it , I beseech you , labouring under so great Disadvantages , as its Author's Immaturity , the Impediments of his present Circumstances , and the burden of its own Defects ; Obstacles that must have prov'd insuperable , but for the benign Influence and Condescensions of that Learned President and Society under whose Discipline I live , and by whose Instructions and Conversation I endeavour to improve . Instead of troubling you with any occasions of my ensuing Performances , I shall only inform you of the occasion of a remarkable Omission , I mean my neglect of Mathematical Arguments , of which the World is become most immoderately fond , looking upon every thing as trivial , that bears no relation to the Compasses , and establishing the most distant parts of Humane Knowledge ; all Speculations , whether Physical , Logical , Ethical , Political , or any other upon the particular results of Number and Magnitude . Nor is it to be question'd , but the Dominion of Number and Magnitude is very large . Must they therefore devour all Relations and Properties whatsoever ? 'T is plainly unreasonable . In any other Common-wealth but that of Learning , such attempts towards an absolute Monarchy would quickly meet with Opposition . It may be a kind of Treason , perhaps , to intimate thus much ; but who can any longer forbear , when he sees the most noble , and most usefull portions of Philosophy lie fallow and deserted for opportunities of learning how to prove the Whole bigger than the Part , &c. I expect also some Doctrines of that Essay , which treats of the Certainty of Things , and the Demonstration of a Deity , will be disrelish'd by a Party of Men amongst us at this time not inconsiderable . But the Author assures all such , that as he understands his Inferences in that Essay to be just and sure , however agreeable to this or that Hypothesis , so he has neither taken advantage of any Errors , nor from any Acquisitions of Mr. Lock , having not read that Gentleman's elegant Essay of Humane Understanding , till some time after he had compos'd his own Discourse , wherein he resolv'd to quit all Authority for the simple Evidence of his own naked Reason . And here I cannot chuse , but hint , how much it were to be wish'd , your self , Sir , would put an end to the Dispute now prosecuted by that Gentleman . I am confident a Iudgment so penetrating , adorn'd with a Rhetorick so powerfull , might easily decide that subtile Controversie both to the satisfaction of the Antagonists and their Readers . But , I confess , I cannot handsomely urge this mòtion , when I recollect how vast a design you are already forming , a design which will redound as much to the Credit of your Country , as did once the Athenian Columns , the Egyptian Pyramids , or the Roman Registers to the Glory of those States , and from the pursuit of which , to detain you longer , were altogether unpardonable in , Good Sir , Trin Coll Ox●n . Febr. 20. 1699. Your most Oblig'd , and most Devoted Humble Servant , Sa. Parker . THE FOUNDATIONS OF Dr. Burnet's Theory OF THE EARTH , Consider'd in A CONFERENCE BETWEEN Philalethes and Burnetianus . Phil. GOOD morrow , Sir , You look somewhat pale ; methinks , and heavy about the eyes this morning . Bur. And so , Philalethes , would I always contentedly , for such a surfeit of pleasures as I enjoy'd last night . Phil. Dry , Sober , and Philosophical ones , I suppose ; for a little of any other serves your turn . Bur. Philosophical if you please , but not dry . O thou prodigious , incomparable , divine Burnet ! thou foiler of all Philosophers , High-Priest of Nature ! Phil. Nay , if you 're there-abouts , I ask no more Questions , but should be glad if you could govern your self so far as but to learn my Prescriptions against your Night-mare . Bur. Prescriptions ! I hope you will not undertake to do more than so many eminent Mathematicians and Vertuoso's have done yet . The sortress you would beleaguer is altogether impregnable ; and let the fate of others teach you , that whosoever attempts the Theory , had as good strike at a Spirit . Phil. However , with your permission , I will venture the consequences , but shall premise this in your favour , that I think all Characterizings and personal Representations ought to be carefully avoided in the dispute . I 'm sure that will never confute a mistake , how much soever it may lessen the Lapser . Nor will I remind you of any thing hitherto urg'd by the Learned and Ingenious against your Theory ; only give me leave to communicate a thought or two of my own , and be free to find what flaws you can . Bur. Very fairly proposed , and you shall be as fairly heard . Phil. I thank you . Then know in the first place , it has been my opinion all along , that the work might be cut much shorter . I was never a Friend to multiplying Problems and Propositions . The Theory is from first to last a plausible pretty Chain of Physical Effects , wherein you need ruin but one link to ruin the whole . Make but one breach , and your impregnable Fortress is lost . Compasses and Slate may as well hang in their places , for a little good Logick and natural Philosophy are sufficient to make head against the Mischief . Yet because the surest way is to strike at the root , I shall examine your Theorist's foundation , and presume if he be catch'd tripping there , you will easily give up his After-conclusions . Bur. You may depend upon 't . Phil. Very good . Then if I make it appear that the form of the Ante diluvian Earth was not different from the form of the present Earth , you will no longer maintain that the Deluge was brought to pass by the Dissolution of any form of the Earth different from the present . Bur. No longer I promise you ; but yet I shall be at a loss for any better Hypothesis to clear those difficulties , which otherwise the Notion of an Universal Flood must necessarily carry with it . Phil. As for that , further Speculations may in time bring forth a satisfactory Hypothesis : but if they should not , thus much we know , That the Flood was either the ordinary Effect of second Causes , though the measures of their Operation be hidden from us , or if it could not be such an Effect , that it was the direct and immediate Atchievment of Omnipotence it self , and let that hush all your Scruples . Bur. That were self-resignation with a Vengeance : What ? Shall I be oblig'd to acquiesce in a Miracle , because I cannot fathom Nature's measures ? Phil. Mistake me not . I say fathom 'em if you can : if that 's deny'd , enquire whether the Supposal implies any Contradiction or Absurdity in respect of Nature's usual proceedings . If it does not , take it for granted 't was no more than the result of ordinary Combinations : if it does , you may be confident 't was Miracle all , and then trouble your head no further . Bur. I submit , be pleas'd to proceed to your Argument . Phil. The Theorist you know presumes it infallibly certain , that the Earth rose out of a Chaos at first , and that such a Chaos as himself describes ( Theor. Book 1. Chap. 4. ) a fluid Mass , or a Mass of all sorts of little Parts and Particles of Matter mix'd together and floating in confusion one with another . And this Supposition he lays down as a Postulate , whereas I must tell you , it ought to have been offer'd with such restrictions as render it wholly unserviceable to his main design . For why must this Chaos be a fluid Mass ? Why might it not be as well a drift or shower of Atoms yet unamass'd , disorderly dancing one amongst another , and at various distances ? Bur. But this is no better , Man , than out of the Frying-pan into the Fire . You dread the pernicious Doctrines of the Theory , and therefore take Sanctuary in those of Epicurus . In good time I beseech you consider the Poet's Maxim , Dum vitant ( you know who ) vitium in contraria currunt . Phil. God forbid using of Epicurus's terms should make me his . All that I would have amounts to thus much . That the Chaos or material Elements of our Earth which were originally created by a Divine Power , and afterwards by the same Divine Power so dispos'd and compounded as to form this Sublunary World , might as well be a Company or Chorus of Atoms of divers kinds dispers'd and dancing in the great Inane , without any just order or distribution , as a fluid Mass of mixt Particles . Bur. What becomes then of the Authority of the Ancients ? who ( not to cite'em particularly ) understood by their Chaos nothing but a mere Hotch-potch of matter , a rude , undigested Mixture or Collection of the several Seeds of things animate and inanimate . Phil. 'T is e'en as good as ever 't was , that is , in my opinion none at all ( sacred Authority always excepted whereto my Hypothesis is not that I know of any way repugnant ) for if the Tradition of the Ancients avails any thing in the present case , it therefore avails because they liv'd at a less distance of time from the Chaos : but alas ! neither their earliness , nor the credit of their Tradition qualifie 'em to be better Judges than we of what neither they nor their Fore-fathers could know more than the latest of their Posterity : and 't is impossible they should be better acquainted with the Chaos than their Offspring , unless they and the Chaos had been Cotemporary . Not to mention how much they are indebted to Moses for their Notions , as also that most of your Authorities are either properly Poetical , or else pure Hypothesis , and Theory like your own . Bur. Do you not believe then that the Primitive Inhabitants of the Earth might at least give a better guess from the Contemplation of it in its Infancy , and most simple condition ( supposing even its first form the same as its present ) than we who behold it at so great a disadvantage , and almost in its ruins , what might be the Constitution of the Chaos ? Phil. By no means , 'till you can prove Harmony a good Comment upon Disorder : for whether your Chaos or mine were the true , the first People of our world could , I suppose , see no farther into a Mill-stone than their Successors . No doubt they were equally Strangers to all beyond the Superficial parts of our Globe as our selves ; consequently as much in the dark about the distribution of the Chaos , much more about the state of it before that distribution . Neither did the righteous Man and his Family , that we know of , make any remarks at the time of the Deluge which might give us some light into the matter , or granting they left a Tradition behind them relating thereto , and lost many Ages ago , which however there appears no manner of reason why we should grant , still I say those remarks must be very imperfect , and contribute little enough to our knowledge of the Distribution of the Chaos , nothing at all to our knowledge of its Constitution before that Distribution — But I entreat you oblige me not to any longer Digression upon this Topick , which else will lead us very much out of our way . Bur. I shall not , but pardon me if I observe to you that unless your dancing Atoms will answer all the ends of our fluid mass , I shall hold it reasonable to pay some deference to the Authority of the Ancients which at least confirms the original state of Nature to be such as is fairly solvable according to our Hypothesis of the Chaos . Phil. With all my heart , when you can alledge a just cause why my dancing Atoms as soon as they are gather'd into a body will not serve the true genuine purposes of a Chaos as well as the Theorist's fluid Mass. Bur. Admitting therefore your Conjecture , I cannot conceive of what use it will be to you in the present Disquisition . Phil. Of singular use , believe me ; for the Atoms or Particles of my Chaos being free and separate , and not sorted into distinct Orders and Species , nor allotted their proper distances from each other , 't is very probable many less Detachments of them would unite distinctly from any greater Combination , and being united into such smaller Masses , would in time encounter the larger Combination ( such an one as we may understand to consist of the grossest matter of all being the likeliest to reach the Center soonest ) and by their accession render the Superficies of it however Spherical and regular in it self ( which according to our Supposition it could scarce be to a Nicety ) very uneven and mountainous . All this would be but a natural result , and yet requires a more immediate Interposition of Providence to frame the great ball of our Earth so regular as it now appears to be ; as indeed all Events in the natural World do , and ever did , and the Deluge no less than the rest , notwithstanding the large Province you would assign to second Causes . Thus we see what a doughty Postulate your Theory leans upon . Bur. Still we stand both upon the same bottom , and if I should assent to your Hypothesis you cannot , I think , deny but you have as much reason to assent to mine . Only this advantage I retain above you , that those Conclusions which the Theory infers afterwards from my Hypothesis , are so just and apposite , and otherwise so perfectly inexplicable as to turn the Scale on my side , and strengthen not a little the probability of our Proposition . Phil. As for the inexplicableness of those Conclusions , I have spoke to it already , and need only admonish you to beware of such circular Argumentations . The Conclusion is good because the Premises are so , and the Premises are good because the Conclusion is so . Bur. To whom do you apply that ? Phil. To no worse a Friend than your self . The Flood came to pass by the disruption of that Crust of Earth which inclos'd the Abyss . How could that be , unless there was such a Crust ? But there was such a Crust form'd when the Chaos was digested into Order . Why do you believe so ? because the Floud which ensued upon the dis-ruption of this Crust is best accounted for upon such a supposal . And yet bating this Argument , I do not see but my Scheme deserves to be as fairly receiv'd as that of the Theorist , consideratis considerandis . But I am ready to quit my own Notion of the Chaos , offer'd only to shew the precariousness of the Theorist's , and supposing the state of the Tohu bohu to have been such as he describes it , I hope in the next place to convince you that the ditribution of its parts could not be such as he would have it , not that Incrustation , upon which he builds so confidently , be effected after such a manner as he imagines . Bur. Heroically threatned ! make but your words good at last , Et eris mihi magnus Apollo . Phil. You may remember the Theorist having delineated his Chaos , presently after , takes notice that from such a Chaos 't is impossible should arise a mountainous , uneven Earth , for that no Concretion or consistent State which this Mass could flow into immediately , or first settle in , could be of such a form or figure as our present Earth , neither without nor within ; not within , because there the Earth is full of Cavities and empty Places , of Dens and broken Holes , whereof some are open to the Air , and others cover'd and enclos'd wholly within the ground . Bur. And pray are not both of these unimitable in any liquid Substance , whose parts will necessarily flow together into one continued Mass , and cannot be divided into Apartments and separate Rooms , nor have Vaults or Caverns made within it ? Phil. Not at all unimitable , if I may be a Judge , for let us but conceive the agitation of the Parts of this liquid Chaos to be pretty quick and violent , which why it should not I know of no better reasons you can give than I can why it should ; I say , suppose their agitation somewhat of the quickest , and your Theorist's Axiom will appear a plain mistake , unless he will please to exempt some of the main constituent Principles of this sublunary World out of his Chaos . Bur. I cannot apprehend what you would drive at no more than why you should doubt of the comprehensiveness of our Chaos . I know no reason why we ought to exclude either Fire , or Air , or Earth , or Water , I mean the constituent parts of them , and if you will consult the Theorist's own description of his Chaos ( Book 1. Chap. 5. ) you will see he is much of the same mind . Phil. I am glad to hear it ; I was almost afraid the two former Elements would get no House-room , at least that commodious Utensil , Fire ; and the more , because in that same Description of his which you cite , he has forgot to reckon it amongst his principles of all Terrestrial ( I suppose by that word he means sublunary ) Bodies . Bur. But do not you know the Theorist is so liberal of that Element , as to furnish out of the Centre with it even to profuseness ? Phil. With just as good a pretence as Mr. Hobbs himself has sometimes acknowledged such a thing as a Law of Nature , but yet by the constant Tenour of his Argumentations would abolish the very meaning of it ▪ Thus the Theorist tolerates a Central Fire , and at the same time forgets how upon the secretion of his Chaos he tumbles down all the course miry rubbish directly thither . But this only by the by : so long as he is reconcil'd to any mixture of Igneous and Aethereal Particles I am content , seeing the consequence runs thus , That these Igneous and Aethereal Particles being driven , and put into motion in common with the rest may not unlikely occasion rarefactions , at least in concurrence with the sulphureous Particles . This I presume may pass with you for a Result natural enough . Bur. Not so very natural neither , 'till you can make out the necessity of your quick and violent motion . Did you never see Water and Ashes mixt in a Kettle before 't was hung over the Fire ? if you ever did , I much question whether you could find a motion so brisk among the parts of that Liquid , as to cause rarefactions . Phil. Pardon me , Sir , if I think the case quite different in the Chaos , not only because its parts are suppos'd to be ten Thousand degrees more minute and mobile with respect to each other than the gross ones of common Water and Ashes , but also because in such a composition before 't is hung over the Fire , there are no such ingredients as igneous Particles , nor yet any sulphureous , at least at liberty . But upon the insinuations of the igneous Particles you may behold how the more subtle parts of the mixture are easily rarefy'd , and the gross ones crowded one upon another . In like manner I cannot but believe the grosser and earthy parts of the Chaos by the rarefaction of the Igneous and Aethereal would gather into Cakes and Masses around the Spheres of rarefaction , which if practicable , then might the interior parts of the Chaos be divided into Apartments and separate Rooms , and have Vaults and Caverns made within it , for the Masses so form'd being unequal , irregular and disjointed , either of themselves or by Explosions , when the rarefaction is violent and restrain'd , encounter and tumble upon one another , by that means falling into greater Masses , and those greater Masses being craggy and cliffy , and settling among one another no less irregularly , must necessarily leave within them those Vaults and Caverns , so little expected by the Theorist . Bur. Very good . Then it seems you fancy the Chaos boyling up like a Mess of Frumenty ? Phil. Not so fast , my Friend . But this I imagine that what an overproportion'd degree of heat ( to use again your own Similitude ) prevents in a Mess of Frumenty , viz. The clotting or coalition of the grosser parts , that would a degree of heat proportionably less very naturally effect in the Chaos . Nor do I think it can be doubted but a Concourse of principles , so contrary , will beget Fermentations , and by those Fermentations the more feculent parts must needs be separated from the finer and lighter into Masses of various Bulk and Figure , which if granted upon your Theorist's own terms his Hypothesis unavoidably perishes . Bur. As how , I beseech you ? Phil. Why if the grosser parts must be collected into Masses before the Descent of any of them towards the Centre , as the case will stand if they were collected by and during the Fermentation , then will they upon their Descent lodge themselves so immethodically one upon another , and ruinously , as both to form Hills and Eminencies on their Surface , and leave hollownesses within their Substance , and so the Primaeval Earth will be e'ery whit as ill shap'd as that we poor Mortals inhabit , even in spight of the Theorist's lucky invention . Nay further , I see no reason why , if we should excuse all Fermentations whatsoever , the grosser Particles should not either in their common state of Fluidity , or in descending , gather into such Masses of different Form and Size , according as larger or less numbers of 'em encounter'd , and according as their postures and modifications differ'd which circumstances , as they must be very various and uncertain in a Mass so compounded as the Chaos , and withall so disorderly in the motions of its parts , so they cannot but be the cause of horrible irregularities and deformities both upon and within the great collection of the pond'rous solid parts . within we shall have Chasms , Gulphs and Labyrinths : a'top vast rugged Cliffs and wide capacious Chanels . Bur. Do not , dear Friend , celebrate your Triumph before you have conquer'd . How much soever you may flatter your self , I have yet a Quere in reserve that perhaps may dispose you to lay down your Arms at last . Phil. What may that be ? Bur. Which way these Masses are bound up and fasten'd together , so as not to be wash'd asunder again by the motion of the free parts of the Fluid ? Phil. Either by Hitching , and Articulations , no matter how accurate , as it may frequently happen , or else by the Astriction of that Oily matter which the Theorist assigns after the Distribution of the Chaos for the foundation of his great vaulted Crust . Bur. But is Oil of so glutinous a Nature ? Phil. For the uniting of earthy Particles , your Theorist has thought it so upon another occasion as well as my self . Bur. But he first took care to gather it into a body , and fetch it to such a Consistency as might handsomely sustain the impression , and support the weight of that shower of Particles which was to light upon it . Phil. How unwarrantably he compass'd all that we shall presently evince . In the mean while I would gladly be inform'd why oleaginous Particles meeting with earthy and gross in a common Fluid may not couple and hold them together very tightly and effectually , especially if it be consider'd that it is the property of Oily Particles to concorporate when they encounter , and consequently that by their Combinations they become so much the better capable to collect and retain such dispers'd Particles of Earth as come in their way . But this is certain , that during its state of Fluidity the Oily Parts of the Chaos when earthy occurr to them , must adhere pertinaciously to the earthy , so that in the distribution of the Chaos they cannot disengage themselves , but are oblig'd to subside along with them , and what will you do now for a Sphere of Oil a' top of your Water , when the parts of your Chaos are to be digested into order ? Yet without it you must utterly despair of a Crust , and without a Crust , of an universal Deluge occasion'd by the disruption and dissolution of it . Bur. I confess , Philalethes , you have shock'd me a little , yet perhaps if you will give me leisure to weigh your Objection more accurately , I may come to find out where the Fallacy lies . Phil. As much leisure as you please , only before you set about the matter , let me desire you to take another Animadversion of mine along with you ; That however plausible or exact any Physical System or Hypothesis which varies at all from express accounts of the Divine Oracles may appear at first glance , when you have look'd a little deeper into it , you will find the Philosophy of it very empty and incongruous . Nor do I design this to the disparagement of the Theorist , for whose excellent Parts and Learning I profess my self to have as profound a Veneration as even his coràm Vindicator . And now I ask your Pardon for detaining you so long with a Dispute which indeed the Theorist himself has according to the Rules of equitable Interpretation determin'd before-hand in favour of me , for if for confirmation he so willingly appeals ( as he often does most willingly ) to the testimony of the Sacred Writings , 't is to be presum'd his pleasure that his cause should stand or fall thereby , and then I think 't is impossible for any body to read in Genesis , but he must perceive that ingenious Gentleman has fairly cast himself in his own Court. Your Servant . That Wit and Beauty are naturally the Concomitants of Vertue . IT has always surpass'd the skill of our Wits to define their own Excellency . What Mr. Cowley and Mr. Dryden have atchiev'd in the Undertaking is perhaps better known and ( if I may dare to say so ) less considerable than to challenge the mentioning at present . It seems to be altogether as intimate an affection as even simple Perceptions either of Understanding or Sense , and though very clearly known to it self , yet never can shine out beyond its head . I confess that numerous party of Mankind , who are no more than qualified to listen and admire , may command a faint Idea of it . They know there is something tickles in such a certain choice and order of words , but how the Pleasure is first form'd , and by what art insinuated , they apprehend but very imperfectly . Nor does the Vanity of the Polytheism of the Ancients appear to me more surprizing and extravagant than their founding a whole College of Gods and Goddesses for the Super-intendency of Wit , seems ( with respect to Polytheists ) consistent and reasonable . For besides its strange variety of Feature , and the force of its Influence , the manner of its presenting it self resembles not a little a divine Impulse : it darts in upon the Imagination unpremeditated , and often violently . Its motions are rapid , and so capacious its embrace , that the farthest points of distance lie within its clasp , and every thing between 'em dances after its pleasure like a Puppet to the strings . It amuses the Understanding and checks it in the Carreer of a sound or false reasoning . How often has the Poinancy of a single proposition , or the quaintness of a reply determin'd Life and Death ? No more than O! Solon , Solon , rescued a Monarch almost in the very article of Fate , and snatch'd him from the Pile already kindled , to the embrace and confidence of the Victor . King Athelstan's Cup-bearer , at whose instigation amongst others , that Prince had some years before murther'd his Brother , at length became the instrument of Divine Vengeance against himself , and that by a pure Lapsus Linguae , for chancing to slip one day when he reach'd the Ewer , but recovering himself on the other Leg , that 's as it should be , cry'd he , designing only to out-jeer the miscarriage , one Brother helps t'other ; but the words , it seems , made a far different impression upon the King , and easily admonish'd his conscience to do justice upon the person that utter'd ' em . Kingdoms and States have sometimes been transform'd by an Elegancy . Almost a Troop in season has taken Towns , and routed Armies . Now so singular a Privilege as this 't is certain it most especially concerns the great Distributer to conferr critically . Where Events of such consequence depend upon it , both his Justice and Omniscience engage him to exactness . Were it a light ordinary concern , he might sometimes seemingly recede from the direction of the Plummet , and by an After-decree correct the deviation : But true Wit is a gratuity too valuable to be put into the hands of those who are ready and resolv'd to pervert it when conferr'd to the worst purposes . Like the sweetest and most volatile Perfumes it becomes by abuse most offensive and pernicious , and diffuses as wide , if not wider than before . Yet this reasoning will by no means hold universally . Exceptions present themselves too frequently for such a comprehensiveness , and no where to our shame more frequently than at home , even to such a pass , that Dissoluteness and Irreligion are made the Livery of Wit , and no body must be conscious of good parts , but he loses the credit of them unless he take care to finish 'em with Immoralities . However , as much as these Examples crowd in upon us , there is this yet to be said , that the gloss is too slight to hold . They may ring the changes a while upon words , but the sense and the sound expire together , and the Organ of hearing is no sooner compos'd again , but the minds of the Audience recollect themselves , and nauseate the emptiness of the Quibble . I dare say , no body ever yet read the Obscenities of my Lord Rochester , or the Omnis enim per se of Lucretius , but upon cooling saw the Cheat , and grew , at least in his heart , out of Love with it . Dactyl and Spondee cannot take fast hold enough . The murmurs of a Cascade may lull us in a Grotto , but when we are once come abroad , any reliques of the noise in our ears serve only to disturb us . So that what Providence might have prevented in the Cause , it has utterly defeated in the Effect , and our Beau'sprits must think of giving warning to their Licentiousness , and listing under Vertue , if esteem is their Scope . Indeed the conditions of their Depravity are such that the Habit endangers the Faculty . There is so much of the Absurd in all irreligious Notions , as is even apt to obscure and confound the fancy , or however reduces its pittance of Elegancies to Oxymoron and Hysteron-Proteron . A civil War presently breaks forth between the Judgment and Imagination , the former will be continually bearing down upon the latter , continually bearing down upon the latter , continuall mortifying its pertness , and disappointing its motions . But then if Intemperance goes hand in hand with Prophaneness , 't is a desperate case . For Wit is no more proof against the Fumes of Luxury and Indigestion , than a Feather against Smoak ; in spite of Fate they waft it all away , and 't is out of reach before you think on 't : Quin Corpus onustum Hesternis vitiis animum quoque praegravat unà , Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae . Some Genius's , 't is true , retain their alacrity longer than others . Some can hold out a Trojan Siege ; others perhaps scarce a twenty-years course of Bestiality shall effectually reduce , and there are of a third sort that are almost obnoxious to one Bottle extraordinary . Nay I have generally observ'd , that the more refin'd the Genius , the more suddenly extinguish'd . Many acute Persons instead of being elevated , find themselves rather doz'd by the operation of Wine . Many again grow Bacchanals in an instant , and had need only clap spurs to their Imagination to make it run away with them . A few tempers 't is confess'd are Masters of the Medium ; but none always . Assiduity in the practice will effect at long run what Circe compass'd with a single Charm. 'T is recorded of Alexander the Macedon , that he was a man of Stratagem and singular Acuteness , and the progress of his Arms declares him no worse a Politician than Commander , but when for some time he had abandon'd himself to Sensuality and Supineness , he not only lessen'd his Authority amongst his Soldiers , but soon became guilty of the grossest follies 't was possible for him to commit , destroying his best Friends , burning his own Cities , crowning his own Captives , insomuch that had he liv'd a few years longer , instead of weeping for want of a world to conquer , he might have whimper'd for the loss of that he had conquer'd already . And much better it is , never to have had , than at length to have forfeited an eminency of Understanding . He who was born with common Intellects , neither knows the worth of Wit , nor the want of it . He 'scapes all notice , and takes none . He values no Character like that of a downright Dealer , and prefers a Shop Beesom to the Bays . Whereas he that makes Ship-wrack of his Talent meets with a Destiny much severer ; he carries his Ignominy in his forehead , and sinks from a Father of Jests into the matter of ' em . There 's not half the inconvenience in being beggar'd or cashier'd . They are misfortunes common to the Wit with the Blockhead , and where circumstances and conditions do or may jump , the multitude behave themselves towards a sufferer the more candidly for their own sakes . But they never have any mercy for him whose losses are foreign to all of their own Capacity , especially if he has brought the Calamity upon himself , and that by methods only befitting them . This they think a just occasion for Triumph , and therefore insult without measure upon such a Proselyte to Stupidity . D' you see that poor Dog there ? ( cry the Journey-men and Prentices as you walk the Street ) since I remember him , he was a modest , sober , gentile , pretty Gentleman , and moreover a man of as clear a head , and as clever a Tongue as any within forty Miles of him , 'till we got him into our Club , fox'd him ev'ry bout for a Twelve-month together , and now we 've drunk the Bastard out of his Wits , we are e'en resolv'd to drink him out of all his Money too , and then turn him over to the Boys and the Bailiffs . Besides , no Wit is so lively as that which is accompanied with a Complacency and Lustre of mind . Their Bosom-Monitor will be troublesome to Rakes of Railery . Remorse never fails to balk all their good things . Good Wits , as Plutarch has observ'd , and before him Aristotle , are the most subject to Melancholy of any people in the World , but loose ones lie under a double Shagrin , and till they reform , are like to play their parts but very awkardly . The same is to be said of Beauty as of Wit : all the difference is , The one engages by the Ear , the other by the Eye . But Beauty is a charm of a more universal sway . A fourth part of Mankind , I believe I may safely say , are , if not utter Strangers to the notion of Wit , yet little affected with the Gallantry of it . And in general those who are without it themselves , are apt secretly to envy their Neighbours too much to be generously and heartily delighted with it . But in Beauty the case is far otherwise . Nothing of that seems acquir'd ; and we may admire without reproaching our selves that excellency in another which is perfectly fatal to him . Not that I think Wit altogether an acquir'd Excellency . For my present purpose , it is enough that those who want it at home so often mistake it for such abroad . Ideots and Infants experience the force of Beauty , nay better perhaps than Philosophers . The Peasant takes the infection assoon as the Prince . In a word , the Dominion of Beauty reaches to both the Poles , and 't is withall so despotick as often to endanger the great Charter of our Reason . Therefore Providence will be sure to interest it self more remarkably in the assignment of this property than of the other . But how does this Argument comport with the daily testimony of our eyes ? Have not Traytors , High-way-men , and Prostitutes Complexion and Feature as taking as Saints ? Yes verily , more taking than those of one sort of Saints . Nay we generally incline to fancy a Padder in the Cart , or a Curtezan without her Mask , singularly handsome . And sometimes too , yet not so often , a Rebel shall carry an attracting Countenance , though in our Country , I believe , more instances might be brought of the contrary . But here we ought to make ample allowances for Compassion , Presumption and Prejudice . We hope to mitigate the Prisoner's fate by helping out the blemishes of his defects by our Illustrations of his good Qualities . Again , we understand to what violent and frequent Temptations a blooming Beauty is expos'd ; and thence infer the Women of the Town cannot be ugly . And then as for Traytors , God knows they too usually pass with the Multitude for either the Messengers of Heaven if they prosper , or if otherwise , for the Martyrs of its cause , not to appear at least Angelical . Whereas these false Opticks laid aside , we shall fairly discern an air very disobliging in each of these lewd Master-pieces . Guilt , Discomposure , and Depravity pass the Pores of the Cheeks , and tarnish all their genuine Lustre . For it must be remember'd that all the Irregularities of Passion and Appetite are equally a Distemper of the body as of the Mind , and imprint their foul Characters in the Countenance as well as in the Conscience . The Soul after its fall cannot rest till it has involv'd the body in its Forfeiture , and resents it at a high rate that the Servant should fare any better than the Mistress . Yet these acquir'd Deformities are most visible in sudden and violent cases . Indignation does the seat in a trice , and creates a new face as readily as a Mirror represents it . The Forehead gathers , the Eyes flash , the Cheeks whiten , the Teeth are set , the Mouth trembles , and the Foam boils at each corner of it , and thus the fair Medusa's metamorphos'd into a Gorgon . Nor is Lust less active : the Blood overflows the Face , the Eye flames , and dances , the Postures of the Body are light and various . All Grace and Decency fly off , and the man personates the Monkey without looking so well . Of Intemperance the consequences are little better . It entails a ridiculous Inflammation upon the Cheeks and Nose , and fastens a perpetual Small Pox upon the Countenance . It scares a man from all use of his own Looking-glass , and renders him one to every body else . Envy poisons the Visage , but the Poet may interpose not unseasonably upon this head , Pallor in ore sedet , Macies in corpore toto , &c. Paleness intense besets her Meager Face ; Her strutting Ribs extend their Vellum Case : Her Eyes obliquely cast their noxious Rays , While on her Heart an inbred Venom preys . Perish'd her Teeth , and Gangreen in her Tongue , Nor smiles , but when with Indignation stung . A very exquisite Beauty indeed ! and yet as much as here seems to be of Fiction , the Vizard is no more than natural . Avarice very much favours Envy . 'T is a famish'd raw-bon'd Vice , and happier only in this single respect , that it is ever so sollicitous about the Dust , as to remain utterly unconcern'd for any thing else . Prodigality makes a fine show for a little while , appears bright and gay , and keeps its colour so long as it keeps a Support in the Pocket , but makes a wretched figure in rags , with fallen Cheeks and a lank Belly . Instances innumerable might be tack'd to these , if they were not notorious enough of themselves . Yet one more I must not omit , the Dissembler . And 't is plainly impossible for him to have , or at least to preserve any good looks from Forehead to Chin , and Ear to Ear. 'T is a mere Posture-Master : And artificial Convulsions ruine a good set of Features sooner than natural . The most pliant parts of the Face , which are the Eyes and the Mouth , carry a great sway in its Symmetry , and are the principal Organs of Dissimulation . These are turn'd , and wreathed , and modell'd sometimes different ways at once , that to me it seems a Miracle that all Hypocrites don't squint , but come off without inverted Pupils , Sparrow-Mouths and blubber'd Lips , especially , whenas it happens sometimes , two opposite Species of Dissimulation concenter in the same person , at one time pretending himself worse than he is , at another time better . But the first of these , which Theophrastus has incomparably characteriz'd is much more easily practis'd , much more compatible with comely Features , altho' less in use than the other . But old men , I have observ'd , have the slight on 't beyond all else , the Philosophy whereof I cannot understand , for where , I wonder , should they have a Modicum of Spirits active and subtle enough to vary countenance and complexion ? Such an Atchievement , if I mistake not , requires strength of Nature . To create Faces , and ( if I may so speak ) Counterfaces , implies vigorous Blood and a Skin yet supple . However 't is certain we play our parts best in the last Act , except down right Dotage overtake us , although that too 's dissembled often enough . But to return to the main Argument , and summ up the Evidence ; I know of nothing that can encourage the great Endower to conferr or continue these Excellencies of the second Magnitude so much as a right use of them ; nothing that can provoke him to with-hold or remove them so much as a perverse one . It asks no extraordinary Energy of Omnipotence to make a man either a Fool or a Thersites . A slight alteration in the Brain , Blood or Nerves brought about by a natural course will do the business . If this be so , 't is best looking to our selves , for when the genuine brightness is lost , borrow'd Lines and bought Charms expose more than recommend . At last to turn Dry-Nurse to the Children of other People's Brains argues both impotence and indigence Spanish-Wool upon the Wreck and Ruins of Beauty sits worse than fresh Vermillion in an old rusty Head , though an Original of some eminent Master's . But Vertue infallibly conveys to us both Wit and Beauty . 'T is confest indeed Socrates had a flat Nose , and St. Paul a contemptible presence , yet no question the Effulgency of the Proto-Martyr's face descended to a sufferer so eminent as St. Paul. And as for Socrates , we know his repenting Country-men soon after his Death erected a Statue in honour of him , which but for the Vertues of the Original had been only a most severe aggravation of his Sentence . Not that I imagine good Manners make a new face , but what then ? may they not brighten a native coarseness ? may not the serenity and transport of the Mind add life to the Eyes , and smiles to the Mouth , and colour to the Cheeks ? and not only so , but elevate and prompt the Imagination ? 'T is no less than a necessary effect , and he that thinks otherwise , may perhaps retain the Graces of his Phiz , but has foregone t'other thing already , that 's certain . Yet at last , as the most ingenious Mr. Collier says , no man's Face is actionable ; and I may add , nor his Dulness outlawry . Let it suffice that the observation holds true in the Main . When the odds are so considerable , 't is a madness to venture , and the more so , because when the Cargo is once sunk , there 's no diving for 't ever after . However the broken Merchant may in time rig out again , but a Wit or a Beauty Bankrupt remains a Bankrupt at least to the day of Judgment . The Brain untun'd very rarely and very late , if at all , settles to rights again , and faded Beauty must be acknowledged all the world over a desperate case . In short , we mistake Vertue , when we conceive her homely and rough-hewn , disaffected to all the Race and Ornaments of Wit , and more injurious to a man's person , than Dislocations or Diseases , whereas on the contrary , nothing can so fairly merit , nothing so certainly provide , nothing so effectually , and to so long a period preserve both Quickness of Parts and Comeliness of Form as VERTUE . Of a Publick Spirit . THere cannot be a clearer Confession of the heinousness of Offences against the Publick , than every Catiline's pretending to be a Patriot : 't is true their own Interest often , if not always counsels it , for what blunder so unpardonable in the Politicks of those men who aim at the subversion of Government and Laws as to practise nakedly and without a gloss . But still as they vaunt and pride themselves in appearing instrumental to the common Good , they evidently bear witness to the dignity of the Vertue , and expose the monstrousness of their own proceedings : so that one would admire not so much how the Plebeian world comes to be impos'd upon by the Sophistry , as how such pestilent Assertors can dextrously manage the matter between their Words and their Actions . However these Incendiaries , at least if they chance to be understood before they have crown'd their enterprize ( for if they can once grasp the end of their hopes they are sure of a good title ) in the proper notion of 'em are odious and detestable every-where . Yet at the same time whole thousands may lie in a Common wealth mere mortify'd Limbs , and as unnecessary as Lap-dogs . Men of ample Capacities and Fortunes may without any disparagement lurk in their soft retirements , and when a Storm gathers or breaks upon the state , when Tyrants and Invaders are pillaging and proscribing , 't is but a commendable and sober caution , forsooth , to keep close and supinely contemplate the Destruction , or rather to make ones self even not so much as a Spectator . But should the Retirer exert the strength of so much as his little Finger in the service of his Country , should he run the Risque of having the Crusts of his Cheshire Cheese , or the Drippings of his March Beer confiscated , he 'd presently suspect he had forfeited his Patrimony for a Fool , as if to be wanting to his Country were not an indirect kind of Sedition , and not to abett her cause , to strengthen and animate that of her Enemies . What opinion , I wonder , of Piety to his fellow-Citizens must such a man have embrac'd ? how must he look upon Political Duties as mere Platonick Ideas ? a sort of pretty , airy , fabulous , romantick Whimsies , and nothing but Brats of the Imagination , obligatory upon none but Superstitious and Hypocondriacal Consciences ? Thus therefore he argues , What , am I indebted to my Country more than my Country 's indebted to me ? so long as my interest is wrapt in hers , I thing my self bound to expose my self for us both , but when the Posture of publick Affairs does not immediately affect mine , ev'n let my Neighbours shift for themselves , and the people at the Helm steer just as they please . For what 's the King and his Council to me ? and how can I help it , if Constitutions will change ? alas ! Omnium rerum vicissitudo . Providence decreed it , and 't were impious to resist its Decrees , and so for my part , I 'll not trouble my head with the justifiableness or unjustifiableness of matters , but study my own convenience and repose , and let the World rowl on as it pleases . Behold Sir Sociable Self-love in Epitome , a little nasty inconsiderate Drone , without courage enough to put him upon Action , and yet without sense enough to frame his Excuse . And then how discreet the Resolution ! for a Powder-Monkey to talk of enjoying himself under Hatches , when he knows the Pilot's about to drive him upon a Rock , because indeed he knows himself to be a Powder-Monkey . But does he believe his insignificancy will be his security in the common danger , a Pass-port through the Waves ? Such a decree of Providence , I 'm sure he has no reason to depend upon . Or does he fansie his Hammock will serve him for a Long-boat , and that he alone shall swim to shore upon his back without striking ? 'T is a jest to talk of solacing at home and indulging Genius in the midst of publick Distractions and Confusions . Every Individual must be a party in spite of his Teeth , and obscurity of condition instead of exempting , makes a man more the object of Rage and Oppression , and I dare say , if your Suburb-Gentlemen would but carry along with them this Maxim , That he whom at first a publick Evil least respects , in the conclusion becomes most obnoxious to it , although then least of all able to divert it , we should have them bestir themselves in the first place . They would scowre up the old Muskets and Head-pieces in the Hall , shake off the delicious Lethargy , and take the Field before the Veterans . The first Alarm would fetch 'em out of their Quarters , and self-preservation would work Miracles . And certainly nothing can be more obvious than that an Innovator will be tempted to lay the severest burthens upon them , of whose Pusillanimity he has had such experience , and whom he very well knows to be always unprovided against his Encroachments . Nothing can sollicit an usurping power so much to exercise its violence more upon one man than another , ( excepting in the Case of Competition ) as meanness of Spirit joyn'd with littleness of condition . Be it so , yet these Neutrals are prepar'd to gratifie the Publick , and establish their own reputations some other way . One perhaps by laying out the Cash he knows not how to dispose of , upon publick Edifices and Endowments . 'T is but erecting an Hospital , a Country-School , or a Chapel of Ease , and then he counts so highly of his merit , that Heaven , he presumes , may very well compound for a thousand Tergiversations and Compliances : as if , like the Masons of Babel , he hop'd to build his way up thither . Another sets so much by his Intellectuals , that he thinks the fruits of his Understanding may expiate for the perverseness of his Will and Affections . Upon this Presumption he veers to all Points , deserts a Cause , or espouses it , as he holds most convenient , and thinks if his Volumes of Arts , Sciences , Languages , and Antiquities keep pace with the black Volumes of his Trespasses , he bids fair for future Glorification . And if he can dandle some mens curiosity , and perhaps do a little serious good in the opinion of others , instead of seeming a Cypher in his Generation , he looks upon himself a main prop of the State , and in the high road to Preferment and Esteem . A third pitches upon a different method , distributes his Money , his Loaves , and his Small Beer ev'ry Market-day ; and whether he be a Guelf or Gibelline , for Turk or Pope , Monarchy-man , Fifth-Monarchy-man , or no Monarchy-man , Whig , Tory , or Trimmer , all , or some , or none , he has made such Friends both in this World and in the next , that he need not question , but he shall have very good usage here , and no uncomfortable reception when he leaves us . Such Refuges as these give birth to that abjectness and indifference of temper so universally both affected and applauded . Now the summ of all is this , They don't much care , if they benefit the Common-wealth a little , when they are to receive the interest of their own Benefaction , provided also they may take their own measures : but if any Mortification's to be undergone , if the prick of a Pin must be endur'd , Fire and Sword may consume a whole Continent before they 'll stir a foot from their Dormitories . Now for my part , I think these men might as well declare openly and ingenuously against a Government , as remain thus reserv'd and unactive , for as silence in general is interpreted Consent ; so in a publick Cause , it may justly pass for an approbation of the worst Practices , since 't is not to be doubted , but he who has not courage enough to assert and suffer in the interest of the Community , has not integrity enough to be trusted in its concerns ; although Perfidiousness and Disingenuity more than enough to make its Enemies depend upon him . On th' other hand , what spectacle so glorious as a generous Maintainer of his Country's true Liberties , courting all Hazards and embracing all Misfortunes for her preservation and advantage , quitting the little dirty satisfactions of Life , loathing and deriding the dull empty excuses and alleviations of Deserters , yet never to be brow beaten out of his Modesty , good Humour or Chearfulness . He receives the worst indignities with a smile , indulges and caresses the very Enemies of his cause , and will do any thing but take their example : for Complacency and Orderliness ever accompany the Generosity of a Publick Spirit . Then too the shyest part of Mankind will readily repose a confidence in him , who relinquishes all present enjoyments and conveniences , rather than the Greatness and Constancy of his mind . No secrets but those of Traytors in their proper trade shall escape his hearing ; so safe a repository is his breast , that how much soever the sentiments of those who know him may differ from his , they had rather disburthen their minds to him than to one another . Nor is he only Master of their thoughts , but often works them insensibly into a concern and esteem , if not for his cause , yet however for himself , at least so far , as to have his necessities reliev'd , and his Principles valued , for Providence never omits to preserve such a force of humanity in the bosoms of most Revolters , as may sollicit a provision for perseverers . But then what inexpressible exultations does the brave man conceive within , when he calls over his principles and practices , while his Conscience entertains him with such Musick as this ? Happy Hero ! whom no allurements of Riches , Pleasure , and Parade ; no tumults of Faction , no menaces of Tyrants , no inflictions of those Threats can prevail upon to renounce thy regard of the Publick ! Triumph , for ever triumph within thy self , and commiserate the weakness of those Wretches , who either want judgment and consideration enough to learn the momentousness of that duty , or ( which is worse ) have not the heart to perform it . 'T is true , they deserve thy Indignation and Contempt , and have too much Charity for themselves to have almost any just Title to any body 's else : Yet deny them not thy pity and good wishes ; nay condescend even to familiarity and respect . But be sure remain proof against all their gay promises and all their stupid Satyr . Let Curtius , Cocles , and the Horatii haunt thy imagination , and refine upon their Vertues with the more excellent Principles of thy own Religion . Thus reign as perfect as the Stoicks Pattern , and wanton in the glorious transports of thy noble Soul. O ravishing Harmony ! what Mind so frigid , but at this would sicken for further opportunities to signifie its Zeal ? or in case , even the main and last stake of all must be parted with , the gallant man collects his vigour , redoubles his Fortitude , calmly submits to the pleasure of Heaven , bequeaths his Friends and Family to its protection , receives the fatal blow , forgets on a sudden his past Calamities , and feels himself Divine . Of the Weather . ABout three Months since , invited by a Friend to share the pleasures of his rustication , and enjoying a short respit from a knotty concern , I scorn'd to decline the proffer , but was attended all my Journey long , and the best part of my stay at his house , with a most uncomfortable season of Weather , enough to have made me repent my forwardness , but that the good Coversation of the Family , and some Parlour-diversions we found out amongst us , diverted the Spleen , till such time as matters mended , which fell out , I remember , one night at Eleven of the Clock , when my Companions had all betaken themselves to their repose ; but I resolving the Moon should not shine so seldom to so little purpose , e'en took a solitary walk of a Mile , and at the Mile's end arriv'd at a large stump of a Tree , by some honest lazy Hind , hatcheted into an Elbow Chair . Here I squatted , and after a little blessing my self for my being once more restor'd to the open Air , fell to meditating upon the past dismal Scene , when from an hollow Tree , just over against me , starts forth a person of a sage and serious Countennace , wrapp'd in a Morning-Gown , with a large Ruff round his Neck , a Broad-brim'd , high-crown'd Hat upon his head , under his right arm a Terrestrial Globe , and under his Left a load of Books . This appearance did not a little terrifie me : my Hair bristled , my Blood curdled , and Nature had for certain done a diskindness to my Breeches , unless I had been animated in the nick by the courteous address of my Visitant , who entreated me not to fear , for that he presented himself with no other design than to assist me in my Contemplations . I was , said he , formerly your Country-man , in an age when Letters and Ingenuity , which are now so coldly encourag'd , were amply honour'd and rewarded , as well as Plain-dealing and Honesty , and for my own part , as I always lov'd the latter ( though I know what some people have thought of me ) so I made it my business to promote and improve the former . Who I am , these Volumes will teach you ; and at the same instant he display'd the Title-page of the uppermost , wherein was in capital Letters to be read , NOVUM ORGANON . But to pass directly to the present business , continued he , which by what I overheard of your Soliloquy , I understand to be the unaccountableness of the Weather , I must first entreat you to dismiss all fear , and in the next place , know that notwithstanding by that nearer admission to Physical secrets which since my retreat from this neather world , I have obtained , it might suffice , should I simply relate the measures Nature has taken in bringing about these unusual Events , yet because I am to discoutse with such a Being as can draw no Inferences , but upon sight of their Connexion with Premises , and because by that Being , the matter is to be signified and publish'd amongst others of the same Species , I shall not only make appear the reasonableness of my Assertions by their just dependance upon one another , but give you the liberty of interposing , when any Scruples arise . I confess , when I carry'd Flesh and Blood about me , being much inclin'd to amplifie the several parts of Philosophy and Learning , I introduc'd a considerable number of obscure Terms , especially in my Book of the Copiousness of the Sciences , but then I always expounded their meaning , and am now as desirous both to express my self intelligibly , and maintain my Arguments rationally . Nay more , to make appear with what Candour and Condescension I design to treat you , before I lay down any Hypothesis of my own , I request from you a concise account of the Sentiments of your Vertuosi upon this point , which we departed Philosophers seldom trouble our selves about ; not that they lie beyond the Sphere of our apprehension , but our own Illuminations are so great , that all the Acquisitions of Mortals , as extraordinary as you imagine some of your latter to be , are less valued by us than poor Aristotle , and the Schoolmen by the generality of you . Here he paus'd , expecting my Narrative , toward which I thus set forward : In the first place , I would not have your Lordship presume my Catalogue of Opinions compleat , for since no one Vertuoso , that I know of , has hitherto communicated his Sentiments upon this Question to the Publick ; a shrewd Sign they are little interested in Acres or Orchards , I can answer your demands no otherwise than by enumerating the several private Conjectures , which , as my Friends tell me , have been made by sundry of the Learned . Indeed one would almost conclude either Life or Fortune lay at stake ; else in despite of the Itch of Curiosity , that next these , has the powerfullest influence upon our Latitudinarian Vertuoso's , they could as soon have kept Lent , or invented an Hypothesis for Transubstantiation , as left this argument untouch'd . Besides , these violent and frequent alterations in the Weather serve for a perpetual Monitor , by discomposing their Constitutions , blunting their Inventions , and splenetizing the poor Gentlemen all-over , Like Quevedo's Necromancer in the Bottle , they 're loath to uncork and come abroad for fear of the mischiefs reigning without , although too , most of them are Evils of their own brooding . There , they think , they may lie snug , and swim daintily in Metaphysicks , which once reckon'd the Dyet of Philosophick Camelions they have now , if you 'll believe 'em , beat up to a Consistency , and render'd more substantial and solid than the Creed it self . I am unwilling to particularize Persons ; though if I were to name any , it should be the dull Bogtrotting Abstractor , that by a worse bargain than the foolishest Hag in all Lapland , pawn'd his Soul in prospect of reputation , and in the conclusion lost his purchase . But I beg your Lordship's pardon for my Digression , and now pass to the Conjectures that have already been made amongst Friends about the Question we are upon . The first and most common is , That by some unlucky shove , our Globe of Earth has been justled out of its primitive Position ; that the North Pole has suffer'd no inconsiderable Declination , and that to this Declination is owing all that excessive Cold Rain and Wind which we on the Northern Side have felt for so long a succession of Years . Nothing but this , as the Defenders of the Hypothesis maintain , could possibly beget such wonderfull Changes , and rather than forego the least matter that may advantage their cause , they pretend to trump up the device of the old Astronomers , who having by means of an accurate tradition learn'd that the fix'd Stars had shifted their Site within a certain term of years , ascrib'd it to such an unheeded Jogg . But methinks , what was objected to those Sages then , may as reasonably be thrown in the dish of these : which way such a thing might happen without being perceiv'd , and whether they thought all Mankind were in that minute so fast , that the Jolt could not wake them ? I was proceeding , but his Lordship cry'd , Hold ; and setting down his Globe upon the seat , look you , says he , it is evident I cannot depress the North-Pole of this Globe , which now exactly answers our Elevation , but the Position of it , with respect to the fix'd Stars and the Courses of the Planets will be necessarily chang'd ; so that if the Depression were of Thirty Degrees , the Stars , which before were Vertical to the Twentieth Degree of Northern Latitude , would be manifestly remov'd Twenty Degrees Southward : nothing like which appearing in the face of the Heavens , that alone refutes the assertion . Neither could Sun and Moon rise and set as they us'd to do ; whereas these Speculators must have lost their Eye-sight by the great improvement and use of their Glasses , unless they have observ'd the contrary . Presumers indeed ! that fancy 't is but giving the Earth a kick , and the whole difficulty's solv'd . I would also know from what causes this Convulsion should arise . Nature is not given to starting : her motions are equal , orderly and gentle . All things circulate by an insensible Transition . There is no surer sign of Inconstancy and Irregularity than Abruptness . The cap'ring of a Beau , and the catchings of a dying Man , though effects of opposite Principles agree in this , that they are alike the Symptoms and Consequences of Distemperature . The Celestial Bodies are all constant to the same degrees and lines of motion , and the spiral progress of the Sun was never to be charg'd hitherto , unless on the score of a Miracle , with interruption or deviation . Be pleas'd , therefore , to proceed to the second . I shall , reply'd I , acknowledging you have more fully convinc'd me than I had my self of the absurdity of that opinion , the next , to which is , in my judgment , ne'er a jot a more rational , being chiefly adapted to the extravagancies of the Cardanists , men that value no other Solutions than those fetch'd from the Postures of the Stars , or Conjunctions of Planets : not that they have yet erected a Scheme , or particularly examin'd the state of the Heavenly Bodies : but they are sure the whole matter may be illustrated this way , and care not a Straw how the Heavens are accommodated , as long as they can accommodate their Notions to them : as for example , are Mars and Venus in Conjunction ? 'T is a sure signification of an extraordinary Wenching-Season at Venice and Naples , because , forsooth ! the familiarity of those two Planets is so very notorious ; in Hungary , of success to the Turks , denoted by Mars superiour to Venus ; or of the contrary , Venus expressing the effeminacy of the Sultan , and Mars the power and vigour of the Emperour . In England , a Peace , a Plot , or any thing that falls out . But I ought not to forestall your Lordship , considering you , since your Manumission from Mortality , may have taken a Voyage , as by a late Author we understand of Monsieur des Cartes , through the Regions of the Upper Worlds , and learn'd what their Correspondence and mutual Impressions are . Be that so as you suspect , or otherwise , said he , 't is sufficient that by knowledge atchievable in this world , you may learn the ridiculousness of their Pretensions , who would make you believe they can interpret the Language of all Revolutions and Aspects over their heads , as easily and certainly as the Pythagoreans undertake to prick down their Harmony ; a Crew that do no more than disgrace all humane Learning and Philosophy , but infest and undermine the Common-wealth . Thus Ephemerides and Almanacks are become a Political poison ; a man cannot look what day of the Month 't is , but seditious Dogrel stares him in the face . Nor will ever any Conjunction be more auspicious , than of such miscreant Heads with Pillory or Halter . Besides , what order or disposition of the Heavenly Bodies will these men pitch upon , as effective of such consequences ? or how will they prove such a disposition so effective : Since they themselves have not done it , much less will I , Sir , trouble your head with examining particularly what have been the motions and postures of the heavenly bodies for these dozen years past . In general , I know of no such extraordinary Conjunctions as such extraordinary Effects require . Have Orion and the Pleiades been in Trine with Aquarius ? or has Virgo been troubled with a Diabetes so long ? Proceed , I beseech you , Sir. Others , answer'd I , seem rather inclin'd to believe that the last Comet was the Parent of all our unseasonable Weather ; and this comes from very judicious persons , who not unjustly suspect , that the main Effects of a Comet are late and rarely to be perceiv'd till a considerable time after the appearance . And for my own part , I do not only think this Conjecture probable , but further believe , that instead of civil , they always portend natural Changes . Battles , Rebellions , and State-Revolutions seem to have very little affinity with their fiery Streamers , unless in the destructiveness of the Element , and the irregularity of the motion . Your judgment of Comets , reply'd his Honour , is very apposite ; but I am sorry your men of such a singular sagacity should link an Effect to a Cause before they have discern'd the dependance of one upon the other . 'T is venturing too far , and laying a Brat to the next comer . We ought to be cautious in pronouncing so near relations , especially when they succeed one another at so long a distance of time ; from which circumstance we may pretty securely gather , that if a Cause , Comets are however a remote Cause of such Innovations , and if Naturalists will solve Effects by remote Causes , at that rate a man may be said to be the effect of Beef and Mutton . Comets may indeed have miraculous Influences , but who can be confident of their aptness to produce those Events , much less , of their begetting them immediately , and without the intervention of other Causes . Though least of all , methinks they should be the cause of abundance of Rain , as rather suited to dissipate all collections of moist Bodies , and proving too often the fore-runners of excessive heats , and those Epidemical Mischiefs which are thence deriv'd . Once more I therefore return to your self , and demand the next Hypothesis . There remain yet , said I , some behind , but I desire another may content you ; and that such as is by some contended for with no less vehemence than any of the rest . However , 't is but a partial Solution , and reaches no further backward than last Christmas , about which time you may remember the Czar made us a visit , and brought along with him all the Winter and bad Weather in Muscovy . Then could not , cry'd Verulam , Experiment convince this Sect , for I dare say , had any of them approach'd within breath shot of that mighty Prince , they would soon have perceiv'd he had brought them over more Heat than Cold. However if he brought it , yet since he has not carry'd it back again , 't is fit we make a further enquiry into the reason of its continuance : and because you say you are cloy'd with other people's Notions , avoiding Preambles , I shall now begin to you my own Lecture , your kind attention first bespoken . You have heard , I make no question , and read much about Central Fire , and may have observ'd that notwithstanding Philosophers disagree among themselves as to the material Causes , the means of Perpetuation , and several other circumstances , so far they all consent , that there certainly is such a thing . And indeed the existence of any part of nature is perhaps the ultimate object of natural Philosophy . Essences and Forms are an intricate sort of concern , and will never be effectually unriddled till Matter may be reduc'd to an indivisible , yet discernible Minuteness . This is the only sure method to come at them ; they lie more closely immur'd , than Gems in the foundation of a Rock , and nothing less than a total dissolution of their subject can bring 'em to light . This I speak with respect to you Mortals , for I am not to tell you what advantages the casting my Carcass has brought me , least you should follow old Empedocles's steps , and caper out of the world the better to come acquainted with it . The Experiment indeed look'd brave , but Central Fire is no such lambent Flame that a wise man should like to wallow in 't . Elementary or not Elementary , gray Beards will singe by 't . And therefore of the many Vertuoso's who have exercis'd their Wits upon this subject , none have been since so frolick some as to make such a desperate proof of those Flames . Instead of sensible Demonstration all rest satisfied with their own rational Inferences . Plato for his part troubles himself with no more than the confession of its Being . Aristotle persues the matter further , and tells you in his second Book of Meteorologicks ; the eighth Chapter , the cause of this fire , which he takes to be the accension of Spirits upon violently encountring one another in Air very much attenuated . Lucretius in his account of Aetna speaks much to the same purpose , and counting from even Thales , that trusty Friend of the element of Water , down to Father Kircher and Burnet , you will find the number of those who deny Central Fire to be very inconsiderable . Some , 't is true , have plac'd Water in the room on 't , and others Adamant , but upon no other account than to support an Hypothesis , for which your peremptory Systematist boldly distorts Nature , and stuffs her inside with any thing that may best serve his turn . Thus when a great Ox is made to bear up the World , a Tortoise must be added to sustain the Ox. Not that I advise you to lay too great a stress upon Authority , especially in cases which admit of a better proof , as does the present . The System of things , when we behold it , at first view suggests as much , and that very remarkably . Vesuvius , Aetna , Hecla , the Philippine , Molucca , Canary Islands , and a thousand other places besides in the several quarters of the World are evident and unexceptionable Arguments . Those inexhaustible Sources of Fire cannot but have a deeper root than is ordinarily imagin'd , even Borellu's Arguments notwithstanding . Add to this , how necessary such a common Stove must be for the propagation and preservation of all Beings animate and inanimate . The Sun , 't is true , is a great Cherisher , but he plays only above-board , and seems rather to consummate and polish , than primarily generate . So cold a Birth-place as the Surface of the Earth , especially for Plants and Trees of a tender Constitution , would be apt to chill the Embryo , unless a moderate warmth rose from beneath as well as descended from above . And the Fruits , those Sweet-meats of nature , as a certain Bard very elegantly sings , must be utterly spoil'd in the confection , should the Dame be too sparing of her Fewel , which yet why she should , seems very unaccountable , seeing she is so plentifully furnish'd with it : as I could shew at large by an Induction of particulars , but choose rather to refer you at your leisure to Dr. Burnet's second Part of his Theory . Though Father Kircher's remark being short , I shall here give you , because he was eminently acquanted with the lower Labyrinths of the Earth , and had in a great measure anticipated Purgatory e'er he left the upper . How is 't possible , says he , such an abundance of Sulphur , Bitumen , Naptha , and all sorts of Minerals should be found so commonly , and that in the cold confines of Horror and Darkness , quite beyond the reach of the Sun's Influence , unless the Womb of Nature supply'd a secret invigorating Warmth ? The observation 's good , and as we cannot conceive for what end she should lay in such a vast stock , unless for the sustenance of this mighty Flame , so the readiest and most likely course of preparing and concocting these large portions of matter seems to be by the action of Central Fire . Not to mention the gradual increase of heat , which the illustrious Mr. Boyle in his Treatise of the temperature of the Subterranean Regions has taken notice of . Nor need I send you further for proof than to the common News-papers , which have been daily full of terrible relations about Aetna and Vesuvius ; how violent their late Irruptions have been , and what vast quantities they have discharg'd of Stones and Ashes , laying utterly wast all the adjacent Parts , and frighting the Neighbourhood out of their Houses and Wits . The poor unkennell'd Fryars thereabouts I dare say are ready to bear me out in my Assertion , and convinc'd to their cost of the reality of Central Fire : Which being by this time made good , I have yet farther to explain , how this Fire not only lasts , but encreases . How it should be continually fed is a question somewhat difficult in appearance . It must have continued so long , and consumed in that time so great a portion of Aliment , that you will be apt to wonder with your self which way the stock should last out till this time ; a Riddle as perplexing as that of many a beggarly Beau's living up to the condition of a Peer of the Realm . And indeed if that matter which sustains the Central Fire were as suddenly to be consum'd as such a ones fortunes , the Central Fire of necessity had been extinct long ago , for it cannot live upon tick , and no sooner misses its usual Food but vanishes . Hence it is easie for some to infer , that the Aliment already dissipated by the Flame , must according to the Laws and Order of Nature's Revolutions be converted again into matter suitable to maintain the Fire as it did before ; yet what may be done without these Transmutations I shall presently discover , but before I attempt this Discovery , must desire to hear your Scruples about any thing already offer'd , that I may , as 't is but just , endeavour to remove ' em . I made answer , that what he had said carry'd in it a great deal of probability ; that I was sufficiently satisfied of the Central Fire , and did not at all doubt of his being able to state the measures of its Conservation : Yet notwithstanding that I had these two Queries to propose , first , Why the Centre of the Earth might not be solid and of Stone : next , Why if not solid , it might not however be a Pool of Water ; about which two points I thought his Lordship had discours'd more sparingly than he needed . The Arguments , said he , which I have already brought to confirm your belief of a Central Fire suffice without any other to answer both your Queries , no more being requisite to prove the Centre of the Earth neither Water nor Stone , than evincing it to be Fire : but because you may be more fairly satisfied , I shall not decline to bring some further evidence of the Supposition . And I am sorry it is my misfortune that the Argument I shall now urge is of that kind , against which I my self have so strenuously inveigh'd . However , now I am become sensible of my error , and declare that I think the Tendencies and Ends of things contribute mainly to the knowledge of their natures . Accordingly I would gladly know to what purpose the Centre should have been either a Rock or a Puddle . If indeed this mighty Globe could have been fashion'd no otherwise than a Snow-ball , or had been destin'd to the office of a Water-bottle , something like it might be presum'd . For as for any further use of one or t'other , I can by no means understand what it should be . Those inmost Regions ought mu●h rather to be the seat of the first Springs of Motion and Vertue , than a mere dead pond●rous Quarry . Perhaps you 'll tell me 't is sixt there for Ballast . But how it should serve for such , is to me as unintelligible , as if you should say it 's there for a rowling-stone . Instead of poizing , I look upon such a Mass as rather fitted to unpoize , and break those Mystick Chains upon which the body of the Earth hangs . I grant indeed that of whatever matter we constitute the Centre , we shall be equally puzled to find out a stay . That fine Ethereal Gulph in which the Earth swims , is of so yielding a temper , that Waters far more capable of supporting Gold than that its Treasure . However if any one Species of Matter be more convenient than another , Fire being the lightest and the most active should certainly be it . You have , I presume , been often an eye-witness of its power to carry heavy Bodies through the Air. Your Bombs , which have been invented since my Halcyon days , are a singular Specimen of this . And that Element which forces such pond'rous Matter so rapidly through the air , cannot but most suit with its hanging in it . Then as for the use of Water , that 's acknowledg'd to concern more immediately the provisions of Life , and a Pool situate so low , could neither furnish us with Fish , if it entertain'd wholesome , nor serve for the Sun to exhale Vapours from , or us to sail upon . To those who would make it a Cistern for the supply of Ocean and Rivers , I need only hint that natural property of all Water never to transgress the level of its own Superficies , unless when Violence is offer'd it . Thus your two Questions are , I hope , satisfactorily answer'd , and if you have any other doubts remaining propose 'em , or expect me to proceed . I thank'd his Lordship for his fair dealing , and acquainted him I had no more Objections to enter , for as for what some surmiz'd that there is nothing but a large Cavern at the Centre fill'd with Mists and Exhalations : the grounds of their belief appear'd to me so slight , that I would not trouble his Lordship to discuss them . Then his Lordship thus again put forward , According to that which I lately offer'd , I shall next instruct you in what manner the Aliment of this Fire is perpetually provided : and this I cannot better do , than by beginning at the Operation of the Fire it self , which penetrating the Pores of the matter lodg'd next to it , and severing the various Particles of it , devours as many of 'em as are light and manageable , but sends up the moist and phlegmatick through Chinks and Passages of its own creating into Regions nearer the Earth's Superficies , or where it can obtain a vent , quite out of it . The order of which Analysis exactly corresponds with that of the Chymists , for first of all rise their two Mercuries and Phlegm , and then their Sulphur and Salt. The only difference is , that the Chimist's Fire being much less vehement than the Central , and the inclosures of the Central confining the sulphureous , implicated , and heavier parts , that they cannot rise as in an Alembick , such sulphureous and heavier parts are by the power of the flame so broken and intermixt , as to become constant nourishment for it . And thus , as is evident , it does not merely sustain it self , but propagates too , and diffuses upon the ruins of its Neighbours . By what stated degrees it prevails , is hard to guess , there being no mover in the world more undisciplin'd and inconstant : besides that the Aliment it self is variously and unequally digested . Sometimes a large Vein of nothing but pure Sulphur occurs , and then the Fire becomes most furious on that side . Afterwards perhaps succeeds a more Phlegmatick sort of Earth , and then again it slackens and languishes , at the same time , perhaps , gaining ground on another more unctuous part , ( in consideration of which , we may now very reasonably expect , after so tedious an Extreme of Wet and Windy Weather , the contrary Extreme of Calm and Dry , at least for some time , and in some of the Northern Climates : ) and in a word , as it encounters matter more or less obnoxious to its force , it becomes more or less violent . Thus it is likely that within these Twelve or Fourteen Years past , it has met with larger Magazines of the more combustible kind under the Northern Regions of the Earth , by the accension and advantage of which it is nearer arriv'd , and with much greater vehemence , to the superficial part of the Northern World , where causing those moist and phlegmatick Particles , which it has from the beginning drove up before it , together with what others were properly and of course allotted to those superficial Regions themselves , and also a large quantity out of the Ocean and Rivers to exhale , it easily produces those Events , of which I shall now give you a particular Account . And first , the perpetual and amazing Showers of Rain which of late have , for instance , water'd our Island , arose primarily , we may presume from this cause , in as much as by its situation it is peculiarly liable to the inconveniencies of Vapours discharg'd from the Ocean as well as of others from it self . Hence it comes to pass , that the Markets every where abound with Complaints and Sighs no less than the Hospitals ; that a Vine leaf is as rare a thing as once the Grapes ; that Green passes for the most fashionable Complexion amongst so many Ladies ; that Physicians , of all people , gather most Money next to the Collectors of the Taxes ; and that the Apothecaries get more by the Fruiterers than of old by the Wine-Coopers . For it is hardly conceivable what a flight of Vapours daily issues from under and about Great Britain , which either being collected into Clouds , immediately and directly fall in Showers , or else by the Sun at the short intervals of his appearance and action are rarified and deflected to the Pole , whence when once gathered to a preponderous Body they return , and become the material cause of our extraordinary Showers of Rain , and Storms of Wind. Nor does it follow hence that no other Wind could blow besides the North , for the Collection of Vapours in revolving is broken and parted into a great many lesser Clouds , which as they variously actuate one another , and are actuated by the heat of the Sun , impel and move the Air differently , and often oblige it to change its course , especially where high Rocks and Mountains obstruct its passage . It is no wonder therefore if the Sun be grown such a stranger , when Fogs and Gloominess interpose so impregnably , that 't is as much as he can do to make a peeping-hole through 'em once in a Month , and instead of fructifying barely satisfie his Curiosity . Nor is this the Fate of Great Britain only , though no Climate has had a larger share on 't : France , the Low-Countries , Germany , Poland , Denmark , Swedeland , and almost all Tracts of Europe to the North have felt the same calamity . The Vintages on one side seldom answering expectation , nor the Crops on th' other : but over and above all Excesses of Rain and Wind they have suffer'd very remarkably by terrible Tempests , Thunder , and Lightning , &c. to the destruction of Cattle , Houses , Men , besides frequent and dreadfull Earth-quakes . And these may be justly ascribed to dry Exhalations , the matter of which abounds under those Regions , and is expell'd along with the moist Vapours by the approach of the Central Fire , through which means it fortunes often that Lightning and Hail fall in the same Tempest . For that Heat which is deriv'd from the accension of the dry Exhalations in Thunder and Lightning cannot prevent the congealing of the cold Vapours , which perhaps are so intimately confederated and congeal'd before-hand , that the sudden and violent accension of the Exhalations , instead of melting or dispersing 'em serves only to precipitate their Descent . Accordingly , without the blind Salvo of Antiperistasis many a funking Boor may have had his Pipe lighted by a Flash this minute , and beat out of his mouth by a Pellet of Frost the next . In violent cases the concurrence of two contrary extremes ought not always to be look'd upon as a Paradox . Indeed without repugnancy the very notion of violence ceases . Thus have I brought you acquainted with my Hypothesis relating to the strangeness of the seasons for so many years past in most of the Northern Climates , but shall not desert the argument yet , till I have mention'd an observation or two confirming my opinion : First , that the Eruptions of Vesuvius and Aetna have within our last twenty years been more violent than ever . To give you a punctual History of them down from that time would neither be edifying nor entertaining , especially to one , who , I make no doubt , is inquisitive at least after the more general occurrences of the material World. And many say the Pope has been so miserably scar'd , that in order to their Pacification , he 's delegating half a dozen Cardinals to turn all the Tuscan Sea into Holy Water . However what dreadfull Effects such Enormities may have wrought , is easie to be guess'd by recollecting only the ancient Accounts that have been left us of the latter of those Mountains , at a time when 't was far less furious , and amongst others , that incomparable one of Virgil : — Horrificis sonat Aetna ruinis , &c. — Near the Shoar With lowd Convulsions Aetna's bowels roar . Oft from its Iaws in tow'ring Vollies rowls Thick sooty Night , with Show'rs of livid Coals . Bright Spouts of wavy Flame it belches high , Which with a lambent Summet court the Sky . From Earth's deep Womb its rushing Fire ascends , And off the noisy sides vast rooted Masses rends . Oft it disgorges with a deaf'ning groan Ribs of it self in Oar of scalding Stone . This very description seems enough to shock an ordinary Courage , but I am afraid even so vast a Genius of Poetry , of whose Memory I ask pardon for my injurious Translation , would have found it exceed his power to form a just design of it , as its condition is now . I cannot tell what surer proof you would have of the Predominancy of Central Fire , unless you were to feel it your selves . Another observation that not a little strengthens my Hypothesis is this , That although a small share of your Fruits have ripen'd to a due perfection , yet you have had as great or greater shows in your Fields and Gardens about the beginnings of the Summers as formerly . The Blades have rose , and the Ears multiplied most successfully . The Trees for some Autumns have been almost over-loaden ; and abroad the Vineyards thick-hung . But the main thing of all , a just Maturity has never or very rarely follow'd Crude and green they have prov'd at the best , and the Reliques of 'em continue so upon the Boughs till the next hard Frost mortifies the Stalks . Much the same fortune , or rather a little better has come to the Harvests . But how should your Springs and Summers prove so promising , and your Autumns so treacherous , unless the Central Fire were become now more capable of assisting the Sun's influence during the two first Seasons , and invalidating it upon the return of the latter . A third observation , and that my last of this kind may be , that the Frosty Seasons are much longer and severer , ( the present Winter excepted ) than of old . It may look perhaps paradoxical that the predominancy of the Central Fire should be the cause of this : and yet it seems to be so , though remotely ; for the heat of the Sun being by the means aforesaid excluded , the Frosts on the Surface of the Earth must commence earlier , continue more intense , and end much later , especially penetrating a great deal deeper into the Collection of moist Vapours retir'd upon the Central Fire's approach toward the Earth's Surface . Thus , what with Rain and Floods one part of the year , and Ice and Cold the rest , you may expect in time to see your Country Holland compleat , and the next Generation , believe me , shall all be Scaters . Then perhaps the Physicians and Apothecaries may blow their Fingers , and the Surgeons , grown so poor since your Civil Wars , come once more into play . But I have already been too tedious upon the Efficient Causes of your unseasonable Weather , and shall now directly pass to the Moral Occasions of it , in all respects as extraordinary as the other , in the consideration of which I shall not be so particular as I might , my term of absence from a better place being almost expir'd : and besides the generality of Mankind had rather hear the natural History of such Calamities than any rebukes for deserving them ; that is , they would have their Curiosities satisfied without awakening their Consciences , which indeed neither ought , nor in Questions of this nature can be done . The bare recollection of such Evils will necessarily beget horrour in those that procur'd 'em , especially where the Provocations have been universal , as among you of this Island , which , I believe , can vie with any Continent under Heaven for Vice and Impiety . I could be very prolix upon this Topick , but I know 't will be in vain , and I should purchase nothing else by my admonishments , but to be call'd a preaching , canting Shadow , and dismiss'd for a damn'd foolish Apparition , stop their Vitals . If I were to cry , Repent , you 'd answer me , 'T is time enough : If I tell you You 're harden'd , ye excuse your selves by saying , 'T is then too late . Thus most ambidextrously ye keep on the old pace ; and to stop you in your Career makes ye but the more impatient to be upon the Wing again . The practical part of Religion , I confess , had been laid aside long before my time , yet our Faith stuck by us , and though we too often made a may-game of the Ten Commandments , we retain'd a sincere Veneration for the Creed . Yet that , in process of time is , it seems , gone after the other , even from I believe in God , to the Life Everlasting . In short , ye are once again as true Saxons as Austin first found you , bating the business of Idolatry : For yeare by this time better vers'd in the Argument à Majori , than to trouble your pates with any other , after ye have deserted the true God. And were but your Actions a little more Saxonick , 't would be something however of a Palliation . But ye scorn it . Rapine , Oppression , Fraud , Rudeness , and Treachery were detestable names to the generality of them : And now a' days forsooth ! these are British Virtues . He that would live must be eminent in one of them , and he that would thrive , in all of them . Then here 's the jest on 't i' th' upshot , that all these foul crimes must be wrapt up in Hypocrisie ; for ye dote so wretchedly on your wickedness as to turn ev'n impolitick in 't , and keep the old trade of Dissimulation on foot , when ye desire your Villainies should be proclaim'd . Heretofore fine plausible Pretences were of mighty use , because then there was at least so much integrity abroad as might often baffle and confound an open opposition ; but now 't is high time , one would fansie , to lay aside the Cloak , when a Rascal 's sure to be a loser , should he be mistaken for a Fair-dealer . — But hark ! the Cocks crow , and day-light spreads . I must away ; however let me leave this one Truth more behind me , That you must never expect the Weather should mend till your selves do . And thereupon back stept his Lordship into the hallow Tree , and I directly to my Lodgings . A Demonstration of the Certainty of Things , and of the Being of a God. AS there is not a more valuable Privilege bestow'd by the gracious Donor of all good things upon any part of his Creation than that which the Possessors of it call by the name of right Understanding or Reason , so could there not have been a greater Curse inflicted on rational Beings than if what they term right Reason were nothing but Delusion and Infatuation : for beside that Principle , which is unalienable from a rational Nature , of eschewing all Error as such , the consequence would have been either , that we must have pursu'd false Ends through sincere Means , or real Ends through false Means , or lastly false Ends through false Means ; and the effects of either of these had prov'd intolerable , the more because the inconvenience would not have attended two or three Counsels of our Lives only , but all our Motions and Endeavours whether of greater or less Importance : nay so miserable had been our state , that if we could have been sensible of it , no more comfort could have been had than remedy ; and if insensible , the whole drudgery of the Delusion must have been first entirely finish'd , e'er we could so much as know we had taken such pains to be disappointed . Annihilation were certainly more eligible , or at least not to be is as good as to be in vain , for if an end is unattainable , it is all one in the effect , as if there were no pursuant to attain it . It nearly concerns us therefore , as many as are conscious to our selves of possessing this Principle , to examine the Pretences of it , and whether it is infallible in all its Determinations or only in some , and if but in some , which they properly are : to inform himself whereof I do not think it by any means necessary for a man to strip off Flesh and Blood , to benumb himself all over , to give his person the lye , to close up his Eyes and forget his faculty of feeling . For this is endeavouring to reduce himself to that sleeping state in which the great Advisers of this method suppose the most subtile delusion . 'T is a mere waking Dream , and Nature must undergo many a bitter pang before she can wreath her self into the Monster . When with half the trouble I can state a Principle or an Axiom in my mind that shall be never the worse for my being in my senses , which therefore if they may not be credited , may however be decently neglected . And although in the formation of abstracted ▪ Ideas they often divert and interrupt us , yet they are undoubtedly a far greater hinderance when so much violence is offer'd them . If lest to themselves they might perhaps sometimes retard , or bring us out of the way : they might interpose their gross compounded Objects , and mix again those simple Conceptions which the Understanding has with much labour refin'd and sorted : they might confound Notes of Discrimination with Notes of Identity , reverse general Ideas , and detain us with the sensible Properties of Individual . Nay further , they might counterfeit the Species of Objects , and surprize and perplex us with their Incoherences : yet if we attempt to discipline and restrain them , much more utterly to discard and null them , they grow twice as troublesome , and instead of diverting the Mind by fits as before , perfectly distract it , and find it so much trouble in subduing and governing them , that unless it were capable of more Operations than one at once , it cannot pursue the contemplation of those Notices and Ideas , for the more accurate perception of which it relinquishes all the Benefit and Instruction of the Senses . Thus for instance , when I take upon me to abstract the individuating Properties whereby this man differs from that , and he again from a third , and so forward , in order to constitute an Idea of such a number of Properties as are common to the whole College of Individuals , which is the Idea of a Species , the presence of any of those Individuals before our eyes may solicit the Soul to return to a compound Contemplation of it , or else the Imagination may of a sudden re-unite what the Intellect had separated , may perversly range the Concretes before it , and so retard the Operation : but then if all these Individuals are to be reduc'd to the State of a Species , and at the same time our Faculties must be continually upon the Watch , continually suppressing and chastizing the Insolences of sense ; if the Intellect must look two ways at once , mark out her Lines and form her Planes , while she repulses a Sally ; this would be hard service indeed , and she would find her self at last necessitated to attend altogether one of the two , or atchieve but half of either . And of this the Cartesians appear eminent examples against themselves , who endeavouring to form an Hypothesis in despite to their Senses , meet with so violent an opposition from them , that while they are disputing the Field with them , and subjecting the Rebels to the Understanding , the work of ratiocination halts , and many times as soon as one Premise is handsomely plac'd , a sudden strife of the Senses for liberty shall commence , against which the Understanding must make head , and after the Fray is a little over , forgetting her self , she presumes she had before laid down two Premisses , and in that assurance demurs not to draw a Conclusion : or perhaps , when she has stated both her Premisses , the senses begin to heave , and she must correct them , upon which she loses the judgment she had pass'd upon the Ideas of her Premisses , and so fetches a wrong Inference from them . Thus in essaying to demonstrate the Immateriality of the Soul from the Essence of it , as being contradistinct to that of the Body , they propose to prove , that the body may not exist , but the Soul must , and from thence infer , that the Souls Essence cannot be the same with the body's , and that therefore the Soul cannot but be immaterial : now the possibility of the Non-existence of their Bodies , which at first they barely propos'd they presently after presum'd , which such curious and scrupulous Reasoners could hardly have done , but that by the untractableness of the Senses their Intellect was so disturb'd and annoy'd , as upon recollection to look upon that as warrantably presum'd , which was but gratis suppos'd : accordingly it is made a foundation for a further Conclusion , that the Soul is immaterial because its Essence is distinct from the Bodies which is material : and here again a short skirmish with the Senses seems to have interven'd between the Premisses and Conclusion , else it could never have been , that such cautious Philosophers should derive the evidence of the latter from the former , because if they had carry'd it along with them , that at most they had but evinc'd the possibility of their Body 's not existing , and the certainty of their Soul's existence , they could never , unless for the reason I have now given , have alledg'd it as a necessary consequence from such Premisses , that the Essence of the Soul and Body are contradistinct ; since 't is obvious to every one who will faithfully connect these Premisses with this Conclusion , and that in their full and proper Sense and Extent , that if the Body as truly exists as the Soul , they cannot differ on the score of Existence , and that untill the Existence of the Body can be prov'd utterly false as well as questionable ( not that I think there are any grounds for attempting the latter ) it cannot be necessarily concluded from possible Premisses , that the Essences of the Soul and Body are contradistinct , nor from that conclusion as founded on such Premisses , that the Soul is immaterial . The occasion of which and many more mistakes in men so diligent and jealous could be no other than the many Advocations and Diversions they received from their Senses , and therefore they ought to be a warning to us not to pick any Quarrels with our Senses in order to the stating solid Principles , nor to hold for an Axiom , that the Corruption of the Senses is the generation of Reason . And yet on the other hand it were not safe with Epicurus to confide wholly on the Senses , to yield an implicit assent to all their Informations , and to be directed either in the search of Truth or Good solely by their conduct , although I think there is no harm in being so much a Stoick , as to impute those errors which result from the Impressions of the Senses so long as they keep their natural Disposition and Tenor ) not to the Organs , but to the Objects : however as long as between the one and the other we are in some cases liable to be deceiv'd , a wise man would use their assistance warily , and be sure to look upon them as bare instruments , not free Agents : for we are naturally dispos'd to commit our selves to all determinations indifferently of a free Agent , and no less ready by reason of so near a relation between them to confound the Senses with the Intellect , being very prone to be guilty of the same Metonymies in the common cases of Life . Thus the Painter himself will tell you that his Pencil will draw a small Line , and such Drugs will make a good Colour if mixt together ; the Countryman that his Plow-share cuts the Glebe ; and the Shepherd that his Crook pulls his Sheep : and this way of speaking being familiar to us when we talk of the instruments of Mechanicks , we have unfortunately contracted a habit of expressing our selves by the same figure when we discourse of those instruments of our Understanding , the Senses : which we are also the more easily inclin'd to through our not observing what I mention'd before , the true nature and just bounds of the relations between our Senses and Understanding . But when we consider them as instruments only , we regard them proportionably , we decline all assent to them till such time as circumstances are weigh'd , and all those conditions answer'd , without which their Testimony is exceptionable ; such are the suitable Site and Distance of the Object , the due Temperament of the Organ , the thickness or rareness of the Medium , and the like . So when a Mountain appears a Cloud , the distance of the Object is to be enquir'd ; when the colour of the Plumes varies on the neck of the Dove , the nature of the Medium , when the Snow seems yellow , the disposition of the Organ : and when all these conditions are duly examin'd , we shall learn what grounds we have to assent , and by becoming acquainted with the defects of our Senses be able to form judgments as certain from them in cases wherein they are faulty , as in cases wherein they are faithfull : for if we can tell what is wanting to the perfection of a thing , we cannot but know withal the true state of that thing while under such an imperfection as clearly as if that imperfection were away , we should know the state of the same thing in its perfection ; an instance of this is that choice one among the Academicks of an Oar half under water , of whose real Figure , notwithstanding so plausible an appearance , I can as confidently judge as if the whole were out of the Water , seeing I know my eye to be in that case incapacitated to represent to my mind the true state of the Object , and withal understand how far and wherein its representation deviates from a just one : whence I can deduce sure Inferences either in relation to that appearance which I know to be false , or to that state of the Object which I know to be real . But beside this , another Discipline no less pernicious has obtain'd as generally almost among the Learned as the former among the Plebeians , of confounding the Senses one with another , a miscarriage occasion'd by that admir'd Theorem , That all the Senses are concluded in that one of feeling , which by an easie consequence disposes us to believe it necessary that whatsoever affects us by one sense , would , if in like manner apply'd to the Organs of our other Senses , affect them also , and that therefore when an Object has past the Test of one , there is no further need to examine it by the rest , because all are affected after one manner , so that if any thing acts upon my Faculty of seeing , it ought to be a sufficient evidence , that it is in the power of the same to act as effectually upon my Faculty of hearing , &c. till at length we come to imagine that whatsoever our Eyes represent to us under the Figure of a Palpable Substance , is in it self such . Thus while some Philosophers have beheld the Azure of the Sky , they have been mov'd to fansie it a solid Arch compacted as it were of Blew Stone , or some such kind of matter , whence arose that wild System of solid Orbs , by which the Ancients made a mere Paper-mill of the Heavens ; although I confess we are not so often by this means deceiv'd in the general intrinsick properties of Substances , as in their external modifications , in the discerning of which we should not behave our selves so like Infants , if we would not so often rely upon the Authority of one Sense for the certainty of that which can only be prov'd by another Sense . How often have we known wise people scar'd with the lustre of Phosphorus , rotten Wood , and stinking Fish , only because they suppos'd such an Affinity between the Senses , that if one receiv'd such an Influence from its Object as is proper to that Sense , the other would also upon trial receive those Influences from the same Object which are proper to them ? Now where these two Rules are observ'd , that we look on the Senses as bare instruments , and that we do not confound them one with another , I think we may safely trust to and rely upon them , for the first will prevent our assenting too soon , and the latter will be a means of knowing when it is time . But the most simple way of reasoning is certainly the best ; for although the Authority of the Senses is not to be utterly rejected , nay , although it is for the most part to be receiv'd ; yet if more simple evidence can be had , the Understanding is doubly gratified , and the Will by far more plyant ; for evidence is as precious to the one , as it is prevalent upon the other : the first is not capable of any clearer information , nor the latter of a stronger impression . Whence it comes to pass , that it is impossible for a man to be a Sceptick . He may indeed affect the name , but cannot be the thing : because when he would seem to deny an Axiom , he must be understood to want evidence , and to have it at the same time : to want it , because he says so , and to have it , because he can bring no other argument for his not having it than a bare denying of it , which is none at all . 'T is true indeed , every man knows best how he feels himself affected at any time , but if his Neighbour find it out of his own power to evade the force of such and such a proposition , he may assure himself that the same proposition can be no more evaded by the Pretender to Scepticism than by himself , unless he believes that Pretender's Understanding and Will to be of a quite different constitution from his own , or else that such a Pretender is endow'd with neither , or deny'd the use and liberty of them , or last of all that the Pretender's faculties transcend his own , and that by vertue of a more sublime apprehension he understands that to be false , which to another appears necessarily true . In one of these three conditions the Pretender must be , if he can really within his own breast deny the truth of an Axiom that is properly such : for if his Faculties be exactly of the same kind and extent with his Neighbours , it is impossible but what affects those of the latter in such a certain degree , must affect those of the former in the same degree , seeing where the cause is one , and the Patients on which an Effect is to be wrought by that Cause are the very same in kind , the Effect must also be the same : for else two different Effects could be produced , caeteris paribus , by the same Cause , which in a Cause suppos'd to move at least one of the two Patients fatally and inevitably as soon as addressed to that Patient ( and such is the self-evidence of a proposition to the Faculties of the Pretenders Neighbour in our case ) cannot be , because if address'd to one of the Patients it unavoidably begets in it such an Effect , it must as unavoidably , when address'd to another Patient , perfectly the same , beget in it the same Effect : otherwise its Effect would be necessary and yet not necessary , which the Pretender's Neighbour knows of himself cannot be true , nor can the Pretender's faculties be of a different kind , provided they be of the same extent as his Neighbour's , ( for if they are larger or narrower , we are to consider them as supposed to be such afterwards ) because there can be no Species of Rational Faculties distinct in Essence and Nature from his own , for whoever has a power of Apprehending , of Judging , of Concluding Coequal with his , must apprehend , judge and conclude as he does , for if he have distinct powers equivalent to these , he must apprehend , judge and conclude by the help of those powers in the same degree as his Neighbour , and if he cannot , his powers are not equivalent , and are therefore to be consider'd , when we shall speak of them as suppos'd less . Do his Faculties therefore differ from ours only in order ? that is , Does he judge before he apprehends ? or conclude before he judges ? in that respect again , his Rational Powers will be inferiour to his Neighbour's , and therefore they cannot be of a different kind from those of the latter , and equivalent to them . Neither may they be superiour , since if they surpass the Believer's either in alacrity of Perception , strength of Judgment , or security of Ratiocination , which is what I mean by Superiour , instead of disbelieving what his Neighbour cannot but assent to , his knowledge of it must be more clear and ample , and his conviction much fuller than his Neighbour's , who assisted with that poor capacity that he is endow'd with , finds himself oblig'd to acknowledge the truth of manifest Axioms , and plainly perceives that they cannot be false : how much rather then must the Pretender be sensible of their evidence , being assisted with Faculties so much larger and perfecter , in as much as that which approves its own certainty to Faculties less capable of apprehending it , must approve it no less , for the reasons already alledg'd , where we demonstrated it impossible , that Faculties exactly of the same kind and extent should be alike affected by the same Impressions , to Faculties more capable of apprehending it ? Nay , must over and above approve it self so much the more effectually to them , as they are degrees more apprehensive of it than the less capable : for carrying in it self the unquestionable tokens of truth , so that as soon as it reaches the apprehension , it convinces the judgment , it cannot offer it self to a more eminent apprehension , but it must be more intimately known to it , nor convince at the same time a clearer Judgment , but with a proportionably greater evidence . For notwithstanding that evidence which convinces the Assenter be to him so clear , that nothing can be clearer , yet it is not to be doubted but that Faculties more exquisite can more readily conceive and easily entertain such evidence . However it is sufficient for us , if the evidence but equally convince both . But may not the Pretender's Faculties be inferiour ? May they not be fewer ? May they not be less perfect ? And indeed it seems a difficult matter to prove him a Master of Right Reason , who declares himself proof against the first Principles of it . In this security it is that the Pretenders hug themselves . It looks like an errant Impossibility , that their Faculties should lie thus naked and expos'd to every Body 's else . But they are deceiv'd , and as little able to conceal their own abilities as they are averse . The disguise will not stick on long enough for them to enter upon their part , but betrays them e'er the very first act . For the Assenter knowing by himself that first Principles or Axioms exercise only the Judgment or second Operation of the Mind , and terminate in it , may resolve himself , that if that Operation is in the Pretender's power , he cannot but apprehend the certainty of those Axioms which of themselves and antecedently to any Ratiocination imprint a security of their Truth , and that this Operation is in the Pretender's power , himself evinces , when he forms that Proposition by which he declare himself unaffected with the evidence of those Axioms ; for he who denies that this thing can be predicated of that thing , is oblig'd to such an act of examining the relation between one Idea and another , as we call Judgment , and furthermore by exerting this Act demonstrates himself to have the power of assenting or dissenting , seeing he that denies such a relation to be between one Idea and another , or affirms that there is no such relation between them , expresses by that very act an assent to the latter proposition , or a dissent to the former . Nor matters it any thing whether this act be called an Act of Assent or Dissent , for either of them consists in a Persuasion of Mind , be that Persuasion either of the one kind or of the other . He therefore that pronounces a Proposition in which he denies the truth of another Proposition , at the same time signifies his Persuasion , and no more than both these capacities is requisite to the being such a Patient as the Assenter's first Principles or Axioms when offer'd , necessarily affect in such a manner and degree . But suppose the Pretender is not persuaded of what he pronounces . If he is not , then he is either persuaded of the contrary , and so becomes one with the Assenter , or is altogether unaffected , or at best but dubiously with either Proposition , and neglects or discredits no less what himself pronounces than what the Assenter pronounces . But this he cannot do , as being qualified to pronounce such a judgment , for in pronouncing it he unites and divides Ideas according to his own choice , and choosing to unite this Idea with that , or divide it from it , is an Act of Assent or Distent . Unless therefore the Pretender , when he pronounces his Judgment is suppos'd to be acted by a blind Principle , and his words to be no more than sounds form'd by a fatal motion of the Organs of Speech , not the Interpreters of an Intelligent Being , ( which being suppos'd , we make the Pretender uncapable of being a Sceptick as much as before , for if he is only a blind unintelligent Nature , he cannot perceive in himself an indifference to the force of the Proposition in which consists his Scepticism ) the whole extravagant Mask drops off o'course . Not that if he could keep it on ever so long , the Assenter is concern'd to force him to common sense against his Will so long as himself is sincerely satisfied of the truth of such undenyable Propositions , and upon Propositions of this kind , we now purpose to proceed . The Propositions which I shall expect to be granted me , are these two , Whatsoever affects , has a being . Whatsoever is affected , has a Being . Nor will I yet dare to assume them , although clear enough by their own light , without assigning just reasons for so doing . The truth of the first is no way to be question'd , if that which assects can affect only by application of it self to that which is affected , and this it must necessarily do either immediately to that which is immediately affected by it , or by communication of other intermediate Afficients . And more certain nothing can be , than that That which is nor cannot so apply it self . As necessarily also must every thing that is affected in any manner exist , because that in order to be affected , it must be such a Patient as is capable of receiving and sustaining the Afficient when it applies it self , which a mere Negative cannot be . And this without reducing the matter to any Axioms of the Schools cannot but be so far convictive . Seeing therefore I am conscious to my self of being in the number of those things which find themselves affected , I am certain , that I truly and really exist , and that not only as to that part of me which is a Judge of the reality of my being affected , but as to that part also which is only capable of being affected , not of being a Judge of it , because whether the latter part , by which I design the purely sensitive part , is or is not consummated but by the former or purely cogitative part , a question which might admit of a long dispute if it were necessary , it is certain , that I am truly and properly affected in both parts . That I am affected in the first , the very doubting of it evidently proves , much more , as I have already shewn , the denying of it ; it being impossible , but that he which suspends his Judgment , must find himself no less affected by the matter of his suspense , than if it were become the subject of his Assent or Dissent , for although it does not affect him so as properly in the event to dispose or determine his Will , yet it makes him equally sensible of the presence and application of such matter , as the same would do , if become a Subject of his Assent or Dissent : which it does , as has already been evinc'd when such matter passes once into an Affirmation or Negation . And because that Operation of the cogitative part , by which it conceives the certainty of its being affected , is indeed a Judgment consisting of an Idea of Affection either in general or special , the thing affected , and the act of affecting , for whoever conceives thus much of himself , I am affected , must apprehend such a thing as Affection implied in the word Affected , something also affected declar'd by the person I ; and lastly , the application of the former to the latter : and seeing that there is no man , whether he doubts , affirms , or denies , ( and one of these three every man as to his cogitative part must do ) but conceives or feels the certainty of his being affected , it necessarily follows , that that portion of the cogitative part truly exists , which exerts the Act call'd Judgment , and not this only , but because ( which has been prov'd above ) in all Acts of Judgment is compriz'd an Assent or Dissent , and these appertain to the Will , that the Faculty of the Will no less truly exists . And as for the Imagination and Memory , the first of them consisting in simple apprehension is so contain'd in the Faculty of Judgment , that it is evident he who is possest of the latter , must be as truly endow'd with the former , but whether those Sensibles about which this Faculty is conversant be true and sincere , we shall presently examine . The Memory is indeed all consciousness , being no more than a power of restoring the perception of Affections already past , but so far as it is distinct from simple apprehension or Judgment , it is no more than a bare security of having receiv'd such and such Impressions ; which security where ever it is lodg'd , is its own Testimony , and he that has it cannot but know he has it , because if he denies he has it , he must form to himself such a Judgment , as will evidently shew that he has it , for in forming such a Judgment , he must , in the first place , consider himself as the subject of which he denies such an Attribute to be predicable , then the Attribute it self ; and lastly the extent of relation between them , so that unless he can conceive all these together , he must have it , which yet he cannot conceive together , because if he could , a due order of Succession in the terms of such a Judgment were not absolutely necessary , both the Relatives and the Relation between them being so to be conceiv'd at the same instant as any one of them : Whereas such a Judgment cannot be form'd as shall consist of fewer terms than these , nor the dependance of these terms pronounc'd , unless they be dispos'd in a certain due order and succession . The necessity therefore of such a succession being thus evinc'd , it appears , that he who denies himself to have Memory , must consider himself being the first term in such a Judgment , not with the other terms in the same instant of Conception , but as the first of the line and the others in their order distinctly afterwards , and when he has reflected upon each of them , must to perfect the Judgment compare and weigh the relation of the Predicate with the Subject , which is not to be effected without restoring that Perception or Apprehension of the Subject wherewith he was affected , when in the order of his Reflections he first consider'd that subject as the first term of the Judgment , and this is Memory . The same argument will hold , if instead of denying he pretends to doubt whether he has Memory or not , for I cannot conceive within my self thus much , I doubt of such a thing , but by a Judgment , in which the case is all one as before : Thus the certainty of the Existence of all the Faculties or Portions of the cogitative part of me is demonstrated upon the foregoing Principles , and consequently of the whole . Many more arguments might be fetch'd to inforce these now alledg'd ; but perhaps one is more than necessary , nothing being more out of the power of a thinking Being than in good earnest to persuade it self that it is no Being . Nay even supposing it possible that it should be verily persuaded that it has no Being , it cannot but when it feels it self so persuaded , be at the same juncture assur'd that it really is ; so that while I suppose such a thing possible , I must suppose it impossible , and that being a direct contradiction cannot be true ; therwise the Principles so lately granted might be true and not true , and whatsoever affects or is affected be and not be . We are therefore next to examine whether there is the same security of the real Existence of the sensitive part , and this upon the same Principles . Certain it is that I perceive my self affected as well in this part as in the other , but whether or no this Perception is intirely owing to the cogitative part , or cannot be wrought without the intervention of Organs external to that and Corporeal , may by some Scepticks be offer'd as matter of Dispute , because if such Perception can be effected without such External Organs , those Organs may be no more than mere Phantom , Emptiness and Delusion ; and on the other hand , if it cannot be effected but by such External Organs , those Organs must be both distinct from the thinking part , and as properly existent as that . To proceed therefore regularly , it is necessary that we contemplate what those Affections are which are proper to the sensitive part , and whence they arise . In themselves they are such as can only inhere in , and arise from Beings extended ; of which we shall hereafter prove that by the laws of its nature it cannot be other . Nor is the consequence of this Demonstration to be evaded , for if these Affections of the sensitive part can only inhere in an extended Being , and arise from the Essential Properties of an extended Being ; and if all extended Beings must be real , the sensitive part must therefore be real and truly distinct from a Being uncapable by it self of receiving immediately those impressions unless in a far more imperfect manner , which it ultimately receives and consummates by vertue of the Affections belonging to that External Being which constitutes the sensitive part , provided it be also demonstrated , that that Being which constitutes the cogitative part is indeed uncapable by it self of receiving immediately those Impressions , unless in a far more imperfect manner . And this I question not but to perform in its proper place . In the mean while to prove that the Affections of the sensitive part only inhere in , and are proper to an extended Being : I think the first thing to be done is to enquire what they are , and that by Particulars according to the vulgar Division of them , by which they are distributed into the five external Senses , and the common internal : where yet it ought to be remembred that external is not oppos'd as before , to a Being Incorporeal , seated within the External , but to an extended one ( extended so far as it is properly sensitive , as shall be hereafter shewn ) more External with respect to the Incorporeal Being than what is here call'd internal . The first of these is the power of perceiving the Dimensions and Complexions of Objects , both which are proper to no Beings but what are extended , for all Dimensions whether incompleat , as a Point , Line , or Superficies ; or compleat , as Prosundity in conjunction with the former , cannot be conceiv'd but in a subject capable of such Dimensions : not but in more abstracted Speculations those Dimensions may be contemplated without particular regard had to the Subject of them , but if we consider them in the relation which they bear to a Being extended , we shall easily learn how inseparable they are from it , and therefore how necessarily that Being wherein such Dimensions are found is extended ; and again it is no less evident that Objects carrying Complexion or Colour must be also extended , because all Colour , whether it arises from the Modification of the superficial parts of a Body ; or whether it be what the Aristotelians call a Form , ( if indeed they are to be distinguish'd ) or whatever its Essence is , must be co-extended with a Superficies , insomuch that when the Intellect abstracts it from a real Superficies , it cannot be conceiv'd any otherwise than circumscrib'd and expanded to certain Bounds and Limits on all sides as a Superficies , and because it cannot be conceiv'd without the Dimensions of a Superficies , nor a Superficies out of a Being extended , supposing , as I said before , we consider both the former , in the relation which they bear to the latter ; we cannot but conclude that Colour or Complexion , where-ever it is found , must be in a Body truly and really extended . I say therefore , as Dimension and Complexion are proper to no Beings but what are extended , and from these inseparable ; so we are also sure , that the sensitive part , by which we obtain the Perception of these Properties is it self extended , because thus much is certain , that either the Intellect by its intuitive Faculty does immediately obtain these Impressions of Dimension and Colour , or if not , either it must receive them from the Objects themselves without the Interposition of any other extended Being , or by the conveyance of some other , unless it be granted that some other Incorporeal Being is the Author of this communication ; and then that as being an Afficient or Operator must exist , if a Finite , independence on , and by vertue of an Infinite , as the sequel shall demonstrate ; if an Infinite , so much therefore of our Argument is made good without further study . Now the utmost our Intellectuals can archieve by their intuitive Faculty of it self , is to feign an Object to be , and to be present , not to perceive it properly as real and present . It can form an Idea of Dimension in general , or any one kind of Dimension , as also of Colour in general , or any particular sort of Colour , but then this Idea shall be variable at pleasure ; the Dimensions shall be larger or less , of this Form or that Form , and the complexion of this kind or that kind , as the Soul pleases ; whereas the Figure and Colour of those Objects which affect us , as to what we call sight , are not in our Power nor Subject to that Faculty which can vary those particular Dimensions and Colours it self has form'd at discretion . These latter affect us without any antecedent counsel or resolution of the Soul , whereas the Faculty of Imagination cannot set to work without being first determin'd by a plain Act of the Will : so I cannot beget in my self the Perception of any figure without a motion first made in my Soul to form such a Conception , and a tacit consent also to pursue that motion , whereas we often find that Figures and Colours too surprize us , and are not , as in other cases , to be remov'd or chang'd at the decree of our Will. Seeing therefore they affect us , and not by our own procurement , and seeing the variation of them does not depend on our own Faculties , 't is evident they must so far , as things are so and so figur'd and colour'd , be distinct from them , because whatsoever is figur'd and colour'd , must , as has been shewn above , be extended ; and that the Faculties of the Soul cannot be , as shall be shewn hereafter : altho' if they could , it would avail nothing against us , as shall be also shewn hereafter . Nor matters it as to the question in hand , whether that which appears to be just so and so figur'd and colour'd , really is so , but whether it only appears in such a manner to be so figur'd and colour'd as that by the power of my Intellectual Faculties I cannot make it otherwise , and as that it offers it self unsought and unlook'd for so dispos'd . Esse and apparere in this case are one , and if we are not able to vary these Dimensions and Colours which affect us , though they may not perhaps truly and properly , as they are of such a particular kind belong to such a Subject , it is Demonstration as they are Dimensions and Colours in general , they exist in some extended Being distinct from my Intellectuals . And by this Principle it is easie to solve those Difficulties which may be started concerning Dreams and Lunacy , for although those Difficulties , if admitted , are not , as the Cartesians and Malbranchians have surmiz'd , any valid Objections or Exceptions to general rules of certainty of the Senses , it being very sufficient , if they are at such certain times , and on such certain occasions true , when by particular attention they have been found to be so , because indeed , any one instance for us justly pursu'd to the Consequences we fetch from it , is of force to confirm all that we shall contend for , yet because no room for cavil should be left ; I think upon these terms it is apparent , that as to the general properties of the Objects of Sense , they are as faithfully represented to our Senses in our Dreams as at other times . The Subjects of those Properties , 't is true , are not in reality present , but those Impressions which were a little before made upon the Organs hold good , and affect the Soul when no longer diverted by impressions , which though weaker , and therefore unable to destroy the more durable , do , nevertheless , while an entrance is open for them , prevent the Soul's being affected with any other . Now it is absolutely necessary that these impressions of such long continuance made upon the sensitive part , be either made by that , of it self , or else by Objects of the sensitive part ; if by it self , and it be prov'd , as it shall , extended and distinct from the thinking part by arguments undenyable in themselves , and fetch'd from different instances , the Objection leaves us as to this part of it in the same place where it found us : if by Objects of the sensitive part , no more is requir'd than to prove from instances more certain and unquestionable , and indeed most certain , that all Objects of the sensitive part must be extended , which leads us again back to our general rules . And indeed , unless the Objection evidently carry'd in it such a repugnancy to our general Rules , as that it could not be solvable upon the Suppositions made by us in them , let it be never so difficult to be accounted for in it self , it avails nothing against the force of those general rules : for granting it be solvable upon those Suppositions , as to what we are concern'd for in it the possiblity of its Being so is equally consistent with our general Rules of certainty , as they are principles from which such and such Conclusions are to be brought ; as if the Objection had been ever so easily solvable in those Questions which may be started about it consider'd in it self , so that it is to no purpose to urge , How do I know but my senses may deceive me , when I 'm awake , as well as when I 'm asleep ? because , although perhaps the true and real manner of their so affecting and disposing us as we find they or their Objects , or something like what we mean by them does , is unknown to us , yet I can assure my self , that for ought I perceive of them ( and I can judge nothing at all of them beyond that , unless by general Rules of certainty ) that we should be affected after such a manner by them , is not only consistent with our general Rules of certainty of the Senses , but altogether conformable to them , and more than a probable Argument of that which we are presently to evince , that the Organs of Sense are distinct from the thinking part no less than the Object . Indeed we cannot say , but the Objection may prove that for such Objects to be just then present , when as in a Dream , we really imagine them to be so , is not absolutely necessary ; but it cannot infer that Objects properly and truly such , at least with respect to their general Properties , such as we in such circumstances take them to be , need not at one time or other to have been really present : perhaps too , these general properties might not then have been united as in my Dream , suppose of a Chimaera ; but one in one Object might have made deeper impressions than any other in the same Object , and another in another , but that alters not the case supposing , as we experience when awake , the Soul has a power of joyning and mixing these selected parts and properties . And all this , according to the common Notion of the Origin of Dreams , which , as I have said already , whether consonant to these or those Physical Principles or not , most certainly suffice to account for all those difficulties which at present concern us with relation to certainty of the Senses , and therefore the Objection grounded upon those difficulties stands no longer in the way of our general Rules . And as for the manner how the Impressions of Objects are so fasten'd upon the Organs , as to affect them after so long a time , we are as much excus'd from searching into that , as into the manner of Objects moving our Organs when we are awake . It is enough , if by our general Rules we become sure that at both times they truly act so upon us . And indeed since only Bodies have obtain'd those general Qualities which the Soul perceives herself affected with , as from those Bodies ; and since , as we shall prove hereafter , the Soul herself is a Being unextended , it cannot be , that the Soul should be so affected , as to the Perception of those general Qualities , unless by such Beings as have only obtain'd them , and those are Bodies : I say , as to the Perception of those general Qualities , as Colour and Dimension in general , not the particular dispositions or sorts of them , as whether the Object wherein I am sure is Colour and Dimension in general be Red or Green , &c. Crooked or Streight . For here , though not often , we sometimes may err , as in the particular Colours of a Prism or the figure of a stick half under Water . Wherein yet we may know by the Rules of certainty already laid down , that there really is Colour and Dimension in general , and that therefore their Subjects are Beings truly and properly extended : so that whether awake or asleep , those general properties of extended Beings which affect us must be lodg'd in Beings truly and properly extended , which is as much as serves for our present purpose , although even supposing the Soul to be material , if it be one solid Piece of matter , it cannot be affected , as by properties of extended Beings , unless by the application of a Being truly extended to its own Superficies ; or if it consists of many parts of matter , either each part ( whether it be mov'd or not mov'd ) must be endow'd with the power of perceiving such properties , or only certain of them : if each part , the same application either of some other part of it , which in respect of the perceiving part , is no more than its Object ; or of some extended Being distinct from all parts of the Soul is still necessary to affect in such a manner because no part of matter can be affected with such Qualities as are proper to Matter , but by receiving the Impressions of them from some other portion of Matter . And this must be , ev'n supposing such Matter to perceive by a perceptive Quality unknown to us , for if it be a perceptive Quality at all , it must be such an one as we make the Soul to have , supposing it immaterial , and consequently subject to the same Laws as are proper to the other . Nor shall we , I hope , need to say any more as to this Objection in our Examination of the other Senses . To proceed then , as the Soul cannot by her intuitive Faculty alone , so perceive these Objects of Sight , as she finds she does perceive unalterable by and independent on her Faculties ; so cannot the immediate application of the Object to her Faculties effect those Perceptions without the commerce of extended Organs : and here we have two things to prove , That the Soul cannot perceive those general properties of extended Beings distinct from her self , but by the intervention of extended Instruments united to her by the most intimate Union , that an unextended and extended Being are capable of , and that these Objects are by no means so united : from whence it plainly follows , that there are other extended Instruments by intervention , of which the Soul perceives those general properties , and these we shall prove to be the Senses . Now the most intimate Union that can be between unextended and extended Beings is of Composition ; for that which is extended , allotting it never so many occult properties , cannot be unextended while 't is extended ; and the most intimate Union of Composition is , when one of the Beings united cannot be affected , but the other must be affected also ; supposing the Beings united to be consider'd as passive which we have already shewn the Soul , when she perceives the general properties of Objects , as in the Objects must be , and therefore whatever is united to her by a most intimate Union of Composition , if such an Union , as I understand , be a most intimate , must with her be passive too . And indeed those things which cannot have one Being in common , can be no nearer united than necessarily to affect or be affected in common ; since whatsoever is not essentially united to any thing else , must be essentially distinct from it , and whatsoever cannot be conceiv'd without its Extension , as all extended Beings ( whether in that Extension consists their Essence or not ) must be essentially distinct from whatsoever cannot be conceiv'd with Extension , which we have promis'd already to prove hereafter of the Soul ; and whatsoever is essentially distinct from any thing else , can obtain no nearer an alliance than that of acting and suffering with it : So as that in the latter case , the one cannot be affected but the other must be affected also , unless when one is passive , the other may be active : but that cannot be , for in order to this , they must be so far disunited as that one , viz. the extended Being must , in cases of Sensation already specified , affect the other by an extrinsecal Impression , or such an Impression as must imply , that that which impresses is no more united to that which is impressed upon , than the Object of Sense is to the perceptive Faculty of the Soul , and that 's not at all , for the properties of Dimension and Complexion in those Objects could not be perceiv'd , as in a distinct and separate State from that which perceives them , in which yet , for reasons lately alledg'd , they cannot but be , unless they were at least so far divided from it , as that it should not be united to their Superficies , which it is impossible for it to be , while it plainly perceives that Superficies to be extra se , and withal , that it cannot be ty'd nearer to any Superficies , with the Perception of which it is as distinctly affected , as with that of an Object , than at most , barely to be surrounded by it , which is far from any Union of Composition . Not yet can the application of the Object 's Superficies to the perceptive Faculty , without the intervention of extended Organs united to the perceptive Faculty by the most intimate Union of Composition , produce such a Perception , because the utmost that the Imagination of her self can effect , is , as was observed before , to feign Objects real and present ; nor can the Superficies of the Object , by approaching only , dispose that Faculty which is not else dispos'd to take any notice of it ; for unless that Object can so affect the perceptive Faculty , as to procure in it that real Perception of it self , which the Faculty is no more than able to feign , it 's approach conduces not at all to the begetting such a Perception : and thus much it is certain it cannot , unless there be , at least , in this extended Object , a power of exciting , which power must either subsist in it independantly of it , or as an accident move and operate only in conjunction with its Subject : not the first , because this power being on such conditions , an unextended Being must beget still that Perception , either by the approach of that extended Being , which is its Subject , or by it self : the one it is no more able to do , than the extended Being approaching the perceptive Faculty without any such assistant , nor yet by it self , because unless it has in it self the Notices or Perceptions of such general properties of an extended Being , it cannot by a mere confus'd and blind Sollicitation cause our perceptive Faculty to acknowledge such general Properties , which consider'd ( as we consider it now ) in it self , it has not , and consequently cannot move us to take notice of them , and therefore the perceptive Faculty does by other means receive those distinct and clear Impressions of Dimension , Colour , &c. than by that which has them not in it self , nor yet effects those Impressions by the means of that which has such properties in it self . But then , supposing it only an accident , it 's effect cannot exceed that of its Subject , viz. a bare brute extended Being ; and by the mere accession of this , which yet is all the Operation conceivable in a bare brute extended Being , the immaterial Faculty can be no more affected , than if the extended Being had not approach'd , no more being in the Faculty , as has been prov'd above , than at most to feign the Object real and present ; nor any vertue in the immediate impression of the extended Being , by which alone it can procure a Perception of its own general properties in the perceptive Faculty . Because therefore the accession of the Object cannot produce a Perception of its general properties in the Faculty ; nor the Faculty by her-self form those independant and distinct Perceptions which she has of Objects , some other extended Instruments more intimately united , are requisite to the begetting such a Perception , and these are the Organs of Sense , which are more sensibly and closely united , than that those general properties , by which we know Objects to be distinct from the Faculty , are so by the Faculty to be perceiv'd in them . And the same security we have for the rest of the Externals , Hearing , Tasting , Smelling , and Feeling , of the last more especially , because in it we are affected after such a manner , as to perceive those general properties peculiar to the Sensation of this Sense , as Dimension , ( which is common with this Sense to that of Seeing ) Hardness , Softness , Roughness , Smoothness , and the like ; and which are not to be found , but in a truly extended Being , as in two distinct Superficies , that of the Organ reaching the Object , and that of the Object pressing the Organ , an evident Demonstration upon those Principles we have already laid down , as well of the certainty of both their Extensions , as of their being distinct from each other . But this , with the other three Externals , I shall leave ( for brevity sake ) to be examin'd by the Discipline of Certainty already offer'd , and therefore offer'd in general terms ; declining particularly the discussion of the three other Senses , because all the Objects of them are primarily Objects of the other two ; and as to those general properties which are assignable to them , as Tast in general , Sound in general , Odour in general , fall under the same Doctrines with the former ; only this may be necessary to observe once again , that the surest means of escaping error , is to try and judge only of those properties which the Judgment shall , by due methods understand to be appropriated to each Sense , by that Sense . What these methods are may easily be collected from what has been said before . As little occasion have we also to add any thing of the Internal , Common Sense , which by Aristotle and others is call'd so , because conversant about sensible Objects , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arist. de Animâ li. 3. cap. 2. ) not as being corporeal ▪ as follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( see beside the Comment of the Coimbra Doctors ) by whom it is defin'd , that Sense , by which we distinguish the several properties , which we acquire a Perception of by the five Externals , and can be no other than that perceptive or apprehensive Faculty which is to be prov'd immaterial , for there is no distinguishing one thing from another , but by a clear and distinct apprehension of each . What we are next to prove , is the reality of extended Beings , and the Immateriality of that Being which perceives or apprehends and judges of them . Whenever we conceive an extended Being as able to affect us in the manner lately mention'd , we must conceive something more than length and breadth alone , because they cannot alone affect us with those general properties which we perceive in Objects long and broad , for if they affect , they must really be , and yet they cannot really exist , unless they have also Depth as well as Length and Breadth , a proposition of it self so evident , that it admits of no further Illustration . And indeed it is high time to desist from this Demonstration of the Truth of the Senses , which I have not drawn out to such a length , as believing any just Scruples are to be raised about them , but to remove those unjust ones , which other have begot in the minds of many . In order to prove the latter , viz. the Immateriality of the apprehensive and Judicious Part , I will not pretend to define all the properties that may accrue to a Being extended , and boldly to exclude Cogitation from among them , but shall make it my business to evince from what we certainly know of an extended Being , that Cogitation cannot appertain to it . Now thus much we plainly know of an extended Being , that it cannot be such , unless it have three Dimensions , Length , Breadth , and Depth ; and nothing Long , Broad , and Deep can move it self , unless by virtue of some other power lodg'd in it ; which power , as it is to be the Inciter of its extended Subject , cannot but be so far independant of it , as to be able to move without it , because the motion of that is antecedent to the motion of its Subject , and if it be so far independant , it must necessarily subsist in a state distinct from its extended Subject , since it is a most gross absurdity to suppose , that Faculty whereby the Being in which it rests is incited to move , should be incapacitated to move , unless with that Being wherein it rests ; and yet if it is not , it is plain it must subsist distinctly from it , because all properties , the foundation of whose Existence is their Subject , cannot but move along with their Subject ; for indeed , to suppose such to move without their Subject , is to set them free either more or less from their Subject , and to allow them to move only in proportion to the degree of such their Liberty and Alienation . Now every act of Perception , if it proceed from any thing extended , must be wrought by motion , for all alteration must be the effect of motion , and whether that which properly perceives , be extended or not , the condition of it is in some degree alter'd , it being conscious to it self of a different state from what it had before : as when it has perceiv'd a Triangular Body , or ( suppose ) none before , and afterwards perceives a round one . If that from whence therefore this alteration arises is lodg'd in a Being extended , Motion is lodg'd in it , and if Motion , it must be either that independant Power discours'd of before , or an accident only concomitant with Extension : granting the first , by what has been so lately offer'd , we prove it to be distinct from the Being extended , and so immaterial , but if you will have it to be an accident only Concomitant with Extension ; upon this Supposition again , it cannot move or be mov'd , but along with its extended Subject , and in the same Species of Motion , that is , it can only change Site and Place , since an extended Substance in motion differs from one at rest no more than relatively , or with respect to something without it self . For we will suppose a Cube divided into ten thousand Cubes , and every one of these subdivided into twice as many more , till of one solid Cube it becomes at last a heap of Atoms ; and next let us suppose these Atoms so dispos'd to play amongst one another , that each of them shall ( if you please ) have a quite different motion from all the rest . What changes would ensue in this Cube of matter ? None certainly intrinsecal . But that Portion of the Cube , which before its division lay continuous to one certain Angle of it , upon the Intersection would relinquish the Superficies whereto it was continuous before , and apply its own naked Superficies to another ; suppose that of the Instrument , or in what part it might not be contiguous to the Instrument , to the Superficies of any intermediate matter whatever . The Division and Subdivision thus atchiev'd , and all the Particles thrown into Motion , what other alterations are like to arise ? Still none , for every of the mov'd Particles continues intrinsecally the same ; and the relative difference too is the same as it was in the Division , this single circumstance excepted , that in the Division the changes of each Particle's Site might be fewer and slower , which in the commotion they shift oftner and quicker ; so that a Body mov'd , and a body at rest , are materially and intrinsecally the same ; but by reason of Motion , one Body looses that relation of Vicinity which it had to another Body , and renews it with a third . But beside , the power of Perception must be essentially united to that of Judgment ; for as it is evident , that those Ideas of things , which the judgment compares , are the very same with those which we receive by simple apprehension , only more in number , and Parts so mainly constituent of every Operation of Judgment , that there can be no such Operation effected without them , so cannot that power , whereby single Ideas are barely contemplated , be indeed distinct from that which contemplates them in the same manner , only in greater numbers , and under their mutual Relations : seeing where the Operation is essentially one , the Operant cannot be more ; for altho' two distinct Efficients may concur to the producing one Effect , yet that Effect must necessarily be compound , so as that the portion of the Effect wrought by one Efficient , may be distinct from the portion of the other Efficient , but every act of Judgment is simple , and one portion of it , viz. that of comparison , cannot be separated from the other of Ideas without being lost . The Unity of the Efficient therefore being thus prov'd from the Unity of the Effect , all that we have to prove is , that every act of Judgment must be truly and properly Motion ; and every act that has in it succession must be Motion , not that of Bodies out of one place or position into another , which yet is analogous to it so far as it is successive , but the continuation of a complex act through all its parts , or that Transition which in every judgment we make from one simple Idea to another : and this power of Motion , if seated in matter , must be independent of it , as acting without it , because before it , for the other brute properties of matter are of necessity perfectly unactive and montionless , till agitated by this power independent of them . But there might yet another argument , as well as a further confirmation of this be fetch'd à Posteriori , from the Wisdom of God , when that and his other Perfections have been first prov'd from the Existence of even the smallest Particle of matter , which according to the method we shall now pursue , may be clearly and directly prov'd . Having therefore thus demonstrated the Existence and general Properties of all Beings immediately affecting either our sensitive or thinking Faculties , as also the certainty of the Existence of those Faculties , and difference of their Nature , we come next to enquire how they obtain'd this Existence and these Properties ; whether they gave them to themselves , or receiv'd them from some other Cause . Most evident it is , that they exist according to a certain Line , Succession , or Course of Moments , and that as to order of Time as they now are , so a little before they were ; which Line or Course being trac'd by the moments whereof it consists to the utmost Length that our or any Multiplication of such Moments can reach , will at last terminate in some certain Point , beyond which Moment the Existence of such Beings is not to be referr'd , and in which they first began to be . And this Beginning it is impossible they should have had from themselves , because they could not affect till they were ; and if not affect , not effect ; whence it follows , that they had some primary distinct Cause subsisting from Eternity , not extended , because a successive Existence is inseparable from Extension , for we can no sooner perceive an extended Being , but we must conceive it as existing in time , because every extended Being is apt for , or capable of being mov'd along the parts of a Line , the measure of Motion , by which we thus demonstrate the Succession of its Existence . Let ( a ) be the Being extended ; ( f ) ( l ) a a Line along which ( a ) may be mov'd , while ( a ) exists upon the space of the Line ( f ) ( l ) between ( f ) ( h ) , it cannot exist also upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) . And yet seeing it is capable of being mov'd along the Line ( f ) ( l ) , till arriv'd to the space between ( i ) ( b ) , it is no less capable of existing upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) , but not till it has left off to exist upon the space between ( f ) ( h ) : and yet it could not be capable of existing upon the space between ( i ) ( b ) , after it had existed upon the space between ( f ) ( h ) , unless it had existed before between ( f ) ( h ) , and so many moments of Existence after its Existence between ( f ) ( h ) , as its Motion should last through the several spaces , till it might arrive at that between ( i ) ( b ) , which Succession of Existence being trac'd back to the utmost extent that any Multiplication can attain , will at last terminate in some certain point , and therefore beyond that require a Cause which might subsist from Eternity . Beside , without Motion , this extended Being could effect or affect nothing ; and yet this first Mover , if an extended Substance , could not have self-motion by the Demonstrations already offer'd upon that Argument . And this prime unextended Cause must be also Infinite , not only possessing Perfections equal to those of its own Effect ; but all others whatsoever , or all Perfection possible , and that because its Existence is necessary and eternal , for to all manner of Perfection there accrues , at least , a Possibility of Existence . So that whatsoever Perfection is missing in the Effects of this prime Cause , cannot but exist in the Cause it self ; seeing , as we observ'd before , all Perfection carries in it at least a Possibility of Existing , which yet it could not , unless it may exist in the Prime Cause , in case it cannot in its Effects . There is no absurdity at all in affirming , that whatsoever is a Perfection may exist ; so far from that , that it is impossible to feign any Perfection wanting such a Possibility : but if it may neither exist in the Effects nor prime Cause , ( supposing that to be single ) it is an absurdity to say that such a Possibility is essential to all Perfection ▪ And although in the Effects of the prime Cause , whatsoever is possible may not be found , and indeed cannot , for they are all notoriously limited , the Extended by their Superficies , and the Unextended by the defect of their powers ; and whatsoever is limited either way , must be capable of Univocal Additions ; and when those are obtain'd , still of greater ; so that something of Perfection will ever be wanting to them : yet in the prime Cause it self , whose Existence is necessary , all manner of Perfection must , because of its Possibility of Existence , truly and really exist ; for it could not be in its own nature apt to exist , unless it had been so either from Eternity or from a certain Period of Time : now although the Perfections of the Effects of the prime Cause are in their own Nature capable of existing only within a certain Period of time ; yet whatsoever Perfection may possibly exist in the prime Cause , whose Existence is necessary , cannot but truly and really exist in it : Now all Perfection whatsoever carries with it such a Possibility ; as for instance , the power of creating a new World out of nothing , or a new order of Effects answerable to that already created is such a Perfection , as may possibly be in the prime Cause of those Effects already extant . But yet it could not possibly be in this prime Cause , unless co-eternal with it ; seeing if it were temporary , it must be only the Effect of this prime Cause , and not of the Essence of it , nor co-eternal with it , unless it necessarily existed , because all Eternals exist by necessity . Neither is this to say , that what is most perfect , must therefore exist , because Existence is one of the Perfections of that most Perfect , whereas indeed it is inseparable from even the least Perfection . No , all that I contend for amounts to no more than , That in a Being of necessary Existence , and in such an one only , all Perfection possible must as necessarily exist . Not but from the consideration of the nature of the Effects already in Being the Infinity of the prime Cause , is no less conspicuous , supposing it no derogation , as indeed it is not , from the Majesty of the prime Cause , to say , that it cannot create more kinds of Beings than what are already created . Kinds , I say , which are these , a Spirit and a Body ; and in truth it implies a mere Contradiction , to say there can be more Kinds of Beings than these ; for whatsoever is , must either be extended or not extended ; if the former , 't is a Body ; if the latter , 't is either an Intelligent Spirit , or a blind , unintelligent Energy . And by these , I mean a Spirit in general . Now more sorts of Beings than these there cannot be ; and a contradiction , I say , is the Effect of supposing there can ; because admitting a third Kind , it must be of such Beings as are neither extended nor unextended , which 't is evident cannot be any Beings at all . But of these Kinds the Cause that first produc'd 'em , can , at pleasure , produce new Qualities and Numbers , since it is perfectly , and in all respects the same that it was from Eternity ; it being impossible , but that whatsoever exists from Eternity must be immutable , because its Existence is necessary . Nay further , all Quantities or Numbers of Substances anew created , be they never so great , a Cause of Eternal Subsistence can produce in one act , because it does not operate according to the Succession of the parts of time , although to us it may seem so to do , whose comprehension is so narrow , in comparison of it , as not to collect any manner of Existence or Operation , but what is successive , either from the notice of our own Existence or , Operation , or those of other Beings falling under our observation . So soon as such Substances are created , they cannot , 't is true , exist , but according to such a Succession ; but the act of Creation , as it is the act of the Creator , is no more concern'd with any order of time than the Agent : So that if a thousand Worlds not yet created were to be created with respect to the Creator , they must be created together with that World already created . All which is no other than consonant to the Principles of those many Philosophers who define Eternity a Possession at once of all Past , Present , and to Come . To be sufficient therefore to create all Substances that can be created without a Contradiction , and this at once , certainly appertains to no less than a power Infinite ; for although the Quantities and Numbers of the Substances created , let them be never so great , must be Finite , yet the power of creating as many more remains in the Creator . Nor seems it any diminution of the Creator's Perfection , that the Quantities and Numbers of the Substances created must be Finite ; since if they might be Infinite , they might not only rival their Cause , but oblige him to confer that upon Beings not existing from Eternity , which only accrues to Beings existing from Eternity ; for nothing can be Infinite as to continuance , unless a necessary Existent ; and nothing Infinite on other accounts unless Infinite as to continuance , because every thing else must be the Effect of a Being of Infinite continuance , and that Effect must be less perfect than its Cause , as partaking , even of substantially and essentially the same as the Cause , of but a portion of its Cause , which yet a Temporary Being cannot of an Eternal , because whatever is Eternal in such a Being , is in its own nature incommunicable to a Temporary Being : and yet no Effect of an Infinite Cause can be less perfect than its Cause without being Finite , by which it appears , that to suppose the Quantities and Numbers of the Substances created may be Infinite , is to suppose the Cause of them may be guilty of a most gross Absurdity and Contradiction ; and not only so , but that it may likewise be mutable , though of necessary Existence . What I have said of Substances , holds equally of their Properties . And this argument it self might suffice to demonstrate the Infinity of each Perfection in the Creator , which may be found in a more imperfect degree in the things created . The Eternity of the All perfection , and particularly of the Omnipotence of this prime Cause being thus evinc'd , we are yet to reflect a little upon the necessity of all those Possible and Eternal Perfections being united in that one prime Cause ; and here it must be remember'd , that if they are not united in the same Infinite , they must either as to one part or kind of them be Finite or Infinite : not Infinite , for what can be a bolder contradiction , than that one share of such Perfections should be Infinite , when there remains a great deal of Perfection not united to it . Finite therefore . If Finite , in some measure defective ; if defective , wanting that principle , which , where ever it is found , constitutes that Being altogether perfect , viz. a necessity of existing , the want whereof must be therefore the foundation of Imperfection , because Perfection is constituted of Reality , being only a Plenitude of Existence , so as that , for instance , the Perfection of a Body is no more than the real Existence of its Extension , and of whatever else goes to the constituting of a Body ; and the Perfection of its Extension , &c. consists in its being real or positive , for nothing is further perfect than it is positive ; nor whatever composes the Essences of things any otherwise consummate , than as those Constituents are true and genuine Existents . It cannot therefore exist necessarily , and if not necessarily , not from Eternity ; whence it is clear it must be essentially united to all other possible Perfection , that is of Eternal Existence ( Essentially , I say , because there can be no Union of Composition between two Beings , unless each is in its own nature able to subsist by it self . ) So that all Perfection , whose Existence is from Eternity , must be collected and essentially united in one Eternal , most Perfect Cause of all other Beings whatsoever . I know not whether I need particularly insist upon any further Eviction of the Omniscience of this prime Cause , that being inclusively prov'd by the general Argument so lately handled in proof of his All-perfection : but yet because this Attribute is a proper foundation for the Demonstration of his Providence , it may not be amiss to consider it in it self . So slight is the acquaintance we have with Spiritual Beings of a limited nature , and much more with that of an unlimited one , that what we learn concerning them , we acquire partly by general Rules of Entities , partly from certain general Properties of the Spiritual Beings themselves . That the prime Cause must in it self have Intelligent Faculties , there needs no other Evidence than that certain Effects of it have . That part of its Productions which is call'd and known to be the Rational and Thinking , have receiv'd of it considerable Abilities in that kind . We apprehend , we know , we think , and are admitted not only to the Contemplation of our selves and Fellow-Creatures , but even into the Sanctum Sanctorum , to the Contemplation of the prime Cause it self : yet not without great restrictions ; it being the Prudence of the prime Cause to bestow but a scanty Portion of that upon its Creatures , which as it would be in them the similitude of it self , so it would tempt them to presume upon their own dignity , and consequently to be forgetfull of his . ( Not to mention here the event of our first Parents Lapse . ) However such a portion of Understanding we can boast of as serves to signifie the Donour an Intelligent Being also : and as the Intelligent part of his Creation bespeaks him Intelligent , so that with all the other parts of it bespeak him infinitely so , because indeed they could not have been at all , unless that which gave them their Being had thoroughly and most intimately known the Ends and Essences of them , because a Being independent , existing from Eternity , and therefore necessary and immutable , could not be mov'd to exert the act of Creation , unless by more than a brute Principle of Motion , which Motion must either have continu'd from Eternity , and so the Effects of it have been Eternal , the Absurdity of which we have already refuted , or have been an arbitrary or voluntary Motion arising from a Principle of Intelligence . Nor can it be , but that these two Principles should operate for ends ; seeing this voluntary Motion could not have proceeded from the Intelligent Principle , unless the Intelligent Principle upon notice or conception ( if I may so speak ) of things , found , at least , some end to urge that voluntary Motion ; so that as every the least Effect of that Motion must have been for an end ; so must it also have issued from an Intelligent Principle in the arbitrary Mover : whence it is evident this arbitrary Mover or Cause must have a perfect and absolute knowledge of all its own Effects . But here I would not be understood either to define the Intellectual Powers of the first Cause , or the Manner of their Operations ; when all I attempt , is to shew , that the least Effect of the prime Cause must flow from a voluntary Motion ( to which although infinitely more perfect , that imperfect one of our Wills is somewhat analogous ) arising from an Idea of that which is to be the Effect of that voluntary Motion , and that Idea also infinitely more perfect than any of ours . And as this arbitrary Cause cannot but have the most entire and absolute knowledge of all its own Effects , so must it be no less acquainted with whatever is possible besides , because it comprehends in it all such Possibilities ; and whatsoever it so comprehends it must it self be conscious of , seeing those Principles of Intelligence and voluntary Motion already mention'd , cannot be , as perhaps in Inferiour and Finite Rationals , distinct from the other Faculties and Attributes , but on the same account that such Principle are asserted at large to be in the prime Cause , they must also be annex'd to whatsoever of it is found to be of eternal Existence ; seeing whatsoever is found to be so , is alike independent of any foreign Impulsor as the prime Cause understood at large , alike necessary and immutable , and accordingly a Being alike Intelligent and Arbitrary . Again , as this prime Cause is infinitely powerfull and Wise , so it must be infinitely Just and Mercifull too , and that because its Effects are the Objects of its Love , as well as the Off-spring of its power , for so long as they exist , they are certainly precious in its esteem , and not only when they were first created , but even as long as they continue in being , it cannot but repute them good . In truth , unless they were so , their All-wise Cause would fall under the imputation of acting in vain , and be oblig'd in its own Justification to annihilate the universal System , or at least such portions of it as were of no value in its sight ; by which Rule , as we may be assur'd of its general Concern for all , so of that Concern's being proportionable to the particular value of each Member : so that every such Member in its particular Station is consulted , and provided for according to its Dignity , the measure whereof is best to be learn'd by examining how large its capacity is of being benefited by the first Cause , for there is nothing more certain , than that the first All-wise Cause rather than act in vain and to no purpose , will benefit it and bless it to the full measure of that Capacity : Yet not without conditions too , where and so far as the Effect is qualify'd for entring , or has actually enter'd into them . Wherefore in cases even of Degeneracy in such an Effect , the small remains of that Perfection which it receiv'd at first from its Cause , are still valu'd by its Cause , nay even when it seems good to the Cause , that its Effects should undergo any Severities , it cannot but either compensate for them afterwards , which for the reasons already given , it is oblig'd to do , when conditions are observ'd ; or if it consigns over the violators to a perpetual punishment ( not to insist upon any other defence of its Justice therein ) I know not why we may not believe that the Effects even by the Laws of their nature , decline through degeneracy into such a state of Misery , and acquire such a Disposition , that upon being translated according to the ordinary course of things into a new Station and condition , they necessarily become miserable , partly thro' those Defects which they owe to themselves , and partly from impressions from without , which could not affect them , if the nature of the Effect had undergone no change by its Degeneracy . Lastly , Nothing is a more easie Demonstration than of the Providence of the first Cause from the certainty of its Justice and Mercy . Indeed it is most conspicuous in every part of its great Work , wherein the whole contrivance appears so admirable , the subserviency of this to that so regular , and the distribution of properties so just , that of all Miracles , the order of Nature , which we daily behold , is certainly the greatest . Nor does there seem to be any necessity of betaking our selves to the more simple methods of Demonstration , when if we would never so fain , we cannot extricate our selves from evidences of such a Providence . And when Democritus had modell'd his Atoms , and Epicurus had , as he fansied , put them in a right way to gather into a Body , what did it avail them ? They neither could be Atoms till they were made so , nor move a point on , till the first Mover set them forward . But then what if the Beauty , Structure , and Order which ensu'd , could not arise from any such Principles , as it is plain they could not ? For supposing never so great variety in the figures of the Atoms , that one Species of Motion , viz. Casus declivis , could not by any means beget such a multiplicity of Forms , but only generate a solid , flinty Mass ; solid and flinty , I say , because no manner of concourse could so strongly compact the Atoms as that . Indeed it must have fasten'd all of them so close together that nothing could have broken so many free distinct Bodies off the Rock , but the Supervention of an Almighty Arm : nor yet could each such Frustulum have been so modify'd and temper'd as we find , unless by the same : So that the Founders and Maintainers of these Principles , instead of mending the matter , only made more work for themselves , and brought their Particles so fairly together at last , that when they should have been got asunder again , nothing but a superiour Agent , being that which they made sure of escaping , could separate them . For alas ! Chance has not strength enough . If she might bring them together , she could do no more afterwards , but leave them together . Besides , what is this Chance at last ? So far from being a Cause , that it never can be any thing but a Coincident . For granting these Atoms fell thus together ; did they chance , I beseech you , to fall together before they did fall together ? And still it 's all the same thing , whether these Atoms encounter in one kind of Motion or in many ; for if in many , so as that they gather into many distinct Bodies , each of those Bodies must be superlatively compact , seeing that motion , which is to bring them together , will bring them as close together , as they can be brought , when there is nothing to interpose . But what shall at last animate some of these lumps , and temper all of them ? Let the Atomist therefore take his choice , whether he will have one great Mass , or many little ones . But I digress too far , it being my present design not so much to confute Error as demonstrate Truth ; although indeed the latter is much at one with the former , especially in the dispute before us . Yet the reigning sottishness of that opinion so star'd me in the face , while I would discourse upon the Providence of the prime Cause , that I could not handsomely forbear a rebuke , the continuation of the Effects of the prime Cause being no better accounted for by this barren , childish Hypothesis than their Original ; for as they could not give themselves a Being , but must necessarily have receiv'd it from an All-perfect Cause ; so ( not to mention the necessity of perpetual Creation , in order to the Subsistence of such Effects , sufficiently evinc'd by others ) from the nature and Attributes of this prime Cause , I think I have clearly demonstrated , that it certainly governs and is concern'd for all , even the smallest of its Effects , and this All-perfect first Cause is GOD. But now where appears that little half Animal the Atheist ? No longer , I hope , setting up for a Philosopher , when for ought I know , the Brutes even of the slowest apprehension may claim Pre-eminence in the Schools before him : The Brutes , whose every motion betrays a consciousness of a Truth , which nothing but the darkest blindness of Soul can escape . The Brain must be clouded thick on all sides , or so dazling a Lustre could not but strike it . Is this then the penetrating Man ? the subtile inventive , Verè adeptus ? a Prodigy in good earnest ! if he could raise Effects without Causes , and begin to build his Houses from the Tiles . But alas ! there is not one Phaenomenon in all nature to be so much as plausibly interpreted , but upon the confidence of a first Cause . Those Accounts of Meteors which we have receiv'd , are perhaps the fairest and easiest on all hands of any other Physical Notices , whether we consult Cartes , Gassendus , Aristotle , or the Stoicks , ( Comets only excepted ) and yet no Vapours could be so much as exhal'd , or any condens'd or rarefy'd , but by the interposition of the first Cause ; for if transmutations analogous to those in the Alembicks of our Vertuosi require such peculiar and most exquisite Instruments ; how much rather do they require an Omnipotent Author and Cause to give an Efficacy to these Instruments ? And indeed the first blunder of the Atheistical Philosopher has ever been his mistaking Instruments for Efficient Causes ; for not discerning the difference between that which acts only necessarily , and that which acts arbitrarily , the poor Beetles have all along excluded a Deity by confounding the first with the latter . Yet there 's the mischief of it , these People cannot but be lost to all sound Reason and Sense , before they straggle into such unaccountable delirious Notions ; and how is it possible to correct Error , when instead of any Candour and Judgment , you have nothing to treat with but obstinate Conceitedness , profound Ignorance , and desperate Indocility . DE Cartesianâ DEI Ideâ EPISTOLA , Ad V. Cl. D. Antonium Le Grand , Quâ respondetur ad Cap. XIV um Apologiae ejus pro Ren. Cartesio contra S. Parkerum , Archidiaconum ( tunc temporis ) Cantuar. Ornatissime Domine , PErlectâ haud ità pridem Apologiâ tuâ Sermonis nitore pariter ac moderatione conditâ , imprimis studium quo incalueram Veritatis , exigere visum est , ut instituta tua , maxime verò quae de Cartesianâ Dei Ideâ tradideras , pro virili refellerem ; cum scilicet nihil praestet amicum aliquem male consultum Veritatis basin primitivam demoliri ut suam substerneret , quàm apertè ipsos adversarios ariete sua conquassare . Quinimò me tandem in certamen planè arsisse fateor cum causam Veritatis defendi non posse perspexerim quin desideratissimi Parentis memoriam manesque simul vindicarem , quos non vindicasse Adolescentis ignavi degenerisque sit . Itaque cum ad omnia tua respondere nondum vacet , accipe benigno quaesumus animo quae de capite Apologiae tuae decimo quarto scribenda habuimus , quo Cartesium tuum Divinae Substantiae Ideam obtinuisse contendis , quae aliunde profiscisci quàm ab illo cujus sit Idea nequiret . Priusquam vero ista discutiamus , paucis investigemus oportet quid per vocem Ideam nos intelligere debemus . Platonem in usum introduxisse constat , de quo D. Augustinus in Octaginta Quaestionum libro — Ideas primò appellâsse Plato perhibetur , non tamen si hoc nomen antequam ipse institueret non erat ideò , vel res ipsae non erant quas Ideas vocavit , vel à nullo erant intellectae , sed alio fortasse atque alio nomine ab aliis atque aliis nuncupatae sunt : Quae quidem eminentissimi Viri conjectura verisimilior ab una parte videtur , ab altera minús . Nam Philosophorum antiquissimas familias de rebus id intellexisse quòd varias suas formas seu species habeant , quarum unaquaeque genus certum aeternâ necessitate constituat , nos neutiquàm dubitemus : num verò eodem quo Platonici modo intellexerunt , nimirum prout in Divinâ Intelligentiâ delitescunt , haud immeritò controvertamus . Neque tamen hinc ita inferendum puto quasi maxima pars veterum Philosophorum omnesque ferè quos Graecia Barbaros esse voluit , Magi , Gymnosophistae , Druides , Deum aliquem extare inficiarentur . Atqui tanta erat de Deò apud hos opinionum varietas & pugna , siquidem M. Tullium amimadvertisse memini Lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum , Cui vero esse ( Deos ) dixerunt , tantà sunt in varietate ac dissensione constituti , ut eorum molestum sit dinumerare sententias ; ut ejusmodi species tanquam in Divinâ Intelligentiâ conversantes apprehendisse , cum notitia quam Attributorum Divinorum habuerunt adeò imperfecta ac dimidiata esset , non ita facilè credendum sit . Quomodocunque autem rem istam se habuisse existimemus , Platonem Terminum ipsum adinvenisse liquet . Mentem volebant Platonici rerum esse Judicem , ( ait Cicero Academ . Quaest. lib. 1. ) solam censebant idoneam cui crederetur , quia sola cerneret id quod esset simplex , & uniusmodi & tale quale esset . Hanc illi Ideam appellabant jam à Platone ita nominatam , nos rectè speciem possumus dicere . Sensus autem omnes hebetes & tardos esse arbitrabantur , nec percipere ullo modo res eas quae subjectae sensibus viderentur , quae essent aut ita parvae ut sub sensum cadere non possent , aut ita mobiles & concitatae ut nihil unquam unum esset constans , nec idem quidem , quia continentèr laberentur & fluerent omnia . Itaque hanc omnem partem rerum opinabilem appellabant ; scientiam autem nusquam esse censebant nisi in animi motionibus atque rationibus Qua de causa definitiones rerum probabant , & has ad omnia de quibus disceptabatur adhibebant . In Oratore etiam in eandem sententiam haec idem ; Ut igitur in formis & figuris est aliquod perfectum & excellens , cujus ad excogitatam speciem imitando referuntur ea quae sub oculos ipsa non cadunt , sic perfectae Eloquentiae speciem animo videmus , effigiem auribus quaerimus . Has rerum formas appellat Ideas , ille non intelligendi solùm , sed etiam dicendi gravissimus autor & magister Plato , easque gigni negat , & ait semper esse ac ratione & intelligentiâ contineri . Eademque prorsùs ab ipso alibi , quin & à Suidâ , Hesychio , Apuleio , Alexandro ab Alexandro , Ficino in Platonem , aliisque testibus quàm plurimis accepimus . Atqui quamvis is sit hujusce Idearum disciplinae fructus , ut D. Augustinus neminem absque eâ Philosophum esse posse asseveraret ; nihilominùs proximi à Platone Philosophiae Magistri illiusque ex parte institutorum haeredes , Aristoteles & Xenocrates , hic generales Ideas in genera ac species , ille in exemplarium disciplinam convertendo laeserunt , adeò ut mox plurimum nativae Authoritatis amitteret . Quid quòd Idearum ipse venerabilis autor de iis tam incertè & allegoricè differeret ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( inquit Laertius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Neque verò multò pòst , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( intellige 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) : tantâ siquidem Terminorum ambiguitate gestire videbatur ut insomnium moribundi Platonis per quod in Cygnum migrâsse , Aucupesque ex arbore in arborem transvolitando defatigare sibi visus est , enarrans Olympiodorus Simmiae Socratici explicationem satis lepidam apposuerit , scilicet Interpretum turbam quam Aucupes referre judicavit nunquam aliquando deprehensuram , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad haec nonnulli forsan istam Idearum naufragii causam subnexuri sunt , Aristotelem acerrimè seipsum opposuisse ; non levi profectò injuriâ : etsi enim Xenocraticis Ideis hostis insensissimus esset , attamen , sive quòd honorem habere Magistro●videri voluerit cum praesertim contempsisse adeò exprobrârant illi Xenocratici , seu quòd suae Generum & Specierum Doctrinae quam expolitius Idearum Doctrinae genus esse censebat aut inservire aut saltèm satis aptè convenire perspexerit , longè humaniùs excepisse videtur : at quamvis hanc Aristotelis & Xenocraticorum litem multùm officere contigit , optimo tamen illius usu hominum recentiorum industriâ revocato & illustrato , penitùs delere nequivit . Idearum hanc definitionem D. Augustinus instituit , sunt principales formae quadam vel rationes rerum , stabiles atque incommutabiles , quae ipsae formatae non sunt , ac per hoc aeternae & semper eodem modo sese habentes , quo in Divinâ Intelligentiâ continentur . Cum quâ & aliorum consentiunt definitiones . Veruntamen id insuper adnotandum sit quòd Platonici de Divinâ ipsâ Essentiâ esse docuerint , cujus rei cum Alcinoum qui Ideam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defiinerit , Themistiumque Ideam cum Dei naturâ confundentem ; tum Plotinum in Libro de Pulchro , ubi de Deo disseruerit , quòd sit ipsa omnium Idea universalis ; nec non Proclum , Jamblichumque autores recepimus : imò etiam ipse Plato in Timaeo & Parmenide istue disertè tueri videtur . Has autem Ideas , si D. Augustino credamus , anima negatur intueri posse nisi rationali eâ sui parte qua excellit , id est , ipsâ mente atque ratione quasi quadam facie vel oculo suo interiore atque intelligibili . Cum jam compendiariam hancce Idearum Historiam conscripsimus , deinde considerandum subit quid suas esse Ideas designavit Cartesius ; quem etiamsi utpote virum definiendi peritissimum , claram & dilucidam significationem tradere expectandum esset , nihil tamen aliud ex illo quàm Platonicas allusiones ac descriptiones percipimus , eo scilicet viri acutissimi consilio , ut cum suum super iis Judicium obscurum & ambiguum reliquisset , exortis subinde Objectionibus , ad sensum sibi commodissimum interpretari liceret . Quam conjecturam ne injuriâ ac invidiosè proferri existimares , non abs re fore videtur , si nonnullas ex illius Idearum definitionibus colligemus , collectas inter se comparabimus . Tertia Meditatio haec habet , Nunc autem ordo videtur exigere ut priùs omnes meas cogitationes in certa genera distribuam , & in quibusnam ex illis Veritas aut Falsitàs propriè consistat , inquiram . Quaedam ex his tanquam rerum imagines sunt , quibus solis propriè convenit Ideae nomen , ut cum Hominem , vel Chimaeram , vel Coelum , vel Angelum , vel Deum cogito : aliae verò alias quasdam praetereà formas habent , ut cum volo , cum timeo , cum affirmo , cum nego , semper quidem aliquam rem ut subjectum meae cogitationis apprehendo ; sed aliquid etiam amplius quàm istius rei similitudinem cogitatione complector , & ex his aliae voluntates sive Affectus , alia autem Iudicia appellantur . Iam quod ad Ideas attinet , si solae in se spectentur , nec ad aliud quid illas referam , falsae propriè esse non possunt ; nam sive Capram , sive Chimaeram imaginor , non minùs verum est me unam imaginari quam alteram . Atque paulo inferiùs isthaec ; Quae omnia satis demonstrant me non hactenùs ex certo judicio , sed tantùm ex caeco aliquo impulsu credidisse res quasdam à me diversas existere , quae Ideas sive imagines suas per organa sensuum vel quolibet alio pacto mihi immittant . Ecce Pictorem , & Imagines ! quibus nec Angelos ipsumque Deum accensere dubitavit . Nonne enim ( teipsum appello ) tripartitam ille intellectualium operationum divisionem instituit ? nonne primo in divisione membro Ideas illas tanquam rerum imagines attribuit ? nonne ipsum imaginationis opisicium primasque simplicesque rerum repraesentationes judicium praecedentes , easdem esse decrevit ? Nunc verò Pictorem factum tandem Philosophum audiamus . Ego passim ubique ac praecipuè hoc in loco ostendo me nomen Ideae sumere pro omni eo quod immediatè à mente percipitur , adeò ut cum volo & timeo , quia simùl percipio me velle & timere , ipsa Volitio & Timor inter Ideas à me numerentur , ususque sum hoc nomine quia jam tritum erat à Philosophis , ad formas perceptionum Mentis Divinae significandas , quàmvis nullam in Deo Phantasiam agnoscamus . Quaecunque nunc denuò nostrae apprehensiones simul in Ideas evaserunt , hac ipsa etiam de causa quòd nullus Phantasiae locus esse debeat , ad quam , ut Ideae propriè pertinerent , ab eximio Philosopho , dum Pictor esse voluit , sancitum est . Cum itaque haec omnia tam confuse & obscurè Philosophus , siquid Philosophi Defensor apertiùs & enodatiùs ellcuerit , videamus . Habes , Cartesi , ( ne tantae tuae felicitati non gratularer ) eruditissimum ac perspicacissimum Apologistam qui diligentiâ summà omnia Magistri sui defendat . Quomodo autem in hac re defensu●us , quomodo tantâ sua solertiâ illustraturus est ? Per Ideam ( ait ) id omne intelligitur quod alicujus perceptionis est forma , adeò ut Idea aliud non sit quam mentis conceptus , sive res mente concepta & intellecta . Alibi vero idem ad hanc rationem , Quandoquidem Idea sit id ipsum quod ratione evincitur , ut & alia quae quolibet modo percipiantur . Eôdem itaque denuò relabimur , altera siquidem definitio quae quò formaretur Idea , non solùm ut res perciperetur , verùm etiam ut intelligeretur , requirit , quanquam nonnihil ab illa Magistri dissideat quâ imaginatio jus Idearum obtinuerat , clarior tamen & sibi convenientior erat , donec altera tandem superveniens subitò supplantavit , quippe nunc Idea non amplius tantùm esse persistit , quicquid ratio evincat , sed & quaecuque praetereà volueris quae quolibet modo percipiantur . Spatiosum sanè exercendi campum ! Primùm quippe Idea fuisse perhibetur tanquam rerum imago , deinde fit res quaelibet quam ratione intuearis & cognoscas , denique res quaevis , quocunque modo istam percipias . Nullâne itaque de causa Theologum interrogâsse Magistrum putas , Nôsti quid sit Idea , quas Latini rerum formas , Graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant ? vel si putas , an à vobis propulsare potestis quod ille mox objectavit , Et tamen quid sit Idea , saepius lacessitus , aut quae & quales suae ( Cartesii ) sunt , nunquam quâvis descriptione explicare vellet ? Quid enim faceret Theologus ? num secundùm priscam vocis significationem , an secundùm novam aliquam vestram intelligeret ? Atqui secundùm priscam vocis significationem intelligere certè non potuit , ni ●artesianam & Platonicam de Ideis opinionem unam esse cognôsset ? quam nec esse abundè liquet , siquidem Platonicae solâ mentis attentione , vestrae & mentis attentione & quolibet alio modo percipiantur . Quinetiam Plato , ut existunt in Divinâ Intelligentiâ contemplatus est ; Vos autem , ut vobis à rebus immittuntur , quarum sunt Ideae . Quantò igitur illo quam hoc nomine puriores sunt , tantò quidem , quantumvis à sensibus abhorreas , praejudiciorum quamvis tyrannidem planè extinxeris Ideae Platonicae vestris justiores erunt ac simpliciores . Theologo igitur juxta genuinum vocabuli sensum interpretari ne licuit ; qui verò res secùs interpretabuntur quàm alii solent interpretari , pro iis , ut ipse submonuisti , nunquam possumus satis . Neque verò ille proptereà disquisitionem istam intermitteret ; nam quem novum sensum veteri Termino Magister imponeret , apertissimâ ratione definiturum expectârat : quocircà cum in tantum definitionum allegoricarum ac incertarum cumulum offenderit , è quibus aliae aliis latiores , nec duae quaevis eâdem vi normâque essent , aegriuseulè tulisse quid mirum ? Nôsti ergo , inquit , quid sit Idea ? Quoniam saepiùs iacessitus , quid sit Idea , nunquam dicere , aut quae & quales tuae sunt , nunquam quâvis descriptione explicare velles . Quî , tu respondes , explicaret ? reverâ Ideae nomen adeò simplex est , omnibusque ita evidens , ut per alias voces magis perspicuas vix explicari posse videatur . Quî Ver insignissime , evenit , ut postquàm jam tres quatuorve vestras definitiones in medium eduximus , Idea tandem adeò simplex conceptus sit , ut definiri non ferat ? quae res ne tibi cederet in opprobrium , aliqualem saltem hanc definitionem exarâsti ; Ideae sunt formae uniuscujusque nostrarum cogitationum cujus immediatâ perceptione earundem cogitationum cognitionem habemus . Ergo nonne Idea plusquàm nota recognitionis esse videtur ? quippe quòd Idearum munus sit naturam genusque rerum quarum sunt Ideae exhibere , ad unum omnes consentiunt ; quin tu nudam tuarum cogitationum Identitatis notationem distinctam rerum , de quibus cogitas , naturae & affectionum delineationem esse contendes ? Recognitio illa sanè indicio sit conceptus nostros esse tales quales sunt ; non verò esse Ideas rerum quarum esse concipiuntur . Quid enim ? Si contemplando animae Ideam , Ideam istam id esse quod de illius essentiâ concepisti tecum recognoscas ? Ni tamen vera sit animae Idea , archetypon suum malè exhibebit , ideóque Idea esse nequibit , cujus naturam Magister statuit , quòd sit imago rei . Atqui nihilominus Apologistam malè habent ista Theologi cum Philosopho expostulantis , Tu igitur quâ formâ quâve specie sit immensa numinis Majestas , intelligis ? Si intelligere te ais , cur figurâ quâdam non descripseris , aut fando explicaveris ? Enimverò quis Deum ( tu reponis ) sub aliquâ figurâ aut sibi aut aliis unquam repraesentare potest ? Atque profectò te opinari quòd ita repraesentari non possit , mihi omninò arridet : quodsi Magister non minùs apertè sententiam suam exposuerat , Theologo in istam ulteriùs inquirere nihil opus esset . Cum verò Ideas suas tanquam imagines rerum descripserit , cum inter has tanquam imagines rerum , Homines , Chimaerae , Coeli , Angeli , etiam Numinis imaginem reposuerit , nos quaeso quâ praerogativa excipiemus ? quâ de communi Picturarum apparatu tollemus ? At posteà contra quendam objectorem profitetur Renatus se per Ideam Dei nihil intelligere , nisi quam Divinorum attributorum notitiam inter contemplandum assequamur . Ergò quanta & cujusmodi sit ista-notitia , in sequentibus ostendemus . Intereà quaeramus quo obsecro consilio tam vehementèr Theologum id in Cartesio castigantem , quod tu in Theologo , redarguis : cui quemadmodum Cartesium omnium Idearum dignitatem exaequare , sic tibi Theologum puram intellectionem ab imaginatione non distinxisse minimè complacuit . Si verò in eundem , in quem tuus Cartesius , errorem devenerit Theologus , vel te neutrum horum , vel non hunc magìs quàm illum corripere omninò decebat . En verò cujusmodi specimen quo differentiam Idearum Intellectùs & imaginationis aperires , ipse adduxisti ! Dum Triangulum imaginor , non tantùm intelligo illam esse figuram tribus lineis comprehensam , sed simùl etiam istas tres lineas tanquam praesentes mentis acie intueor , & illud est , quod propriè imaginari appellamus . Si verò de Chiliogono cogitare velim , equidem bene intelligo illud figuram esse mille lateribus constantem ac intelligo Triangulum esse figuram constantem , tribus ; sed non eodem modo illa mille latera imaginor , sive tanquam praesentia contemplor : quasi aliquis , quin Intellectûs & Imaginationis Ideae longè inter se discrepent , quin illae quàm hae multò magis sint perspicuae , dubitaret : quid autem est , quòd Imaginationem tam parvi ducas , quasi minùs in isto actu eliciendo quàm in alio quocunque mens versaretur ? quippe cum mihi , inquis , siguram Trianguli proponam , non modò intelligo Triangulum esse figuram tribus lineis comprehensam , sed & has tres lineas tanquàm praesentes intueor . Quòd si rem sic habere tueberis , vel actus intellectionis & intuitionis in unum confundes , cum tamen idem distinctos esse subinnuas , vel si sunt plures , necesse est hic post illum exeratur , quemadmodum etiam Chiliogonum seu Myriogonum apprehendi poterit , eo duntaxat apprehensionis discrimine , quòd alterum per imaginationem citiùs atque faciliùs quàm alterum effingamus ; cum tres Trianguli lineae primo intuitu , anguli autem Myriogoni gradatim perlustrentur . Quòd si corpus animo conciperes , conceptique superficiei partem unam post aliam ita distribueres ut mille angulos prae se ferret , integram tunc ipsius Myriogoni picturam per imaginationem tibi exhibuisti . Quid verò demùm absurdi foret , siquidem actum quo apprehendamus Triangulum esse figuram tribus lineis contentam , & actum quo quasi tribus lineis constitutam intueamur , unum esse judicaremus ? quàm primùm enim Triangulum talem figuram esse apprehendamus , nobismet ut talem imaginationis operâ repraesentemus . Sed de hac re plus satìs ; ad summam j●m definitionem deveniamus , quae , ni falleris , Ideae tantae tuae quanta sit summi ipsius Numinis , miraculum liquidò evincat ; Dei nomine intelligo substantiam quandam infinitam independentem , summè intelligentem , summè potentem , & à qua tum ego ipse , tum aliud omne si quid aliud extat , quodcunque extat , est creatum . Atque sanè omnia ista rectè intelligis , attamen nos s●e deludimur , cum enim effulgentissima tam immensae Ideae repraesentatione beares , quid hoc , nisi Deum , ut verè est , rem non definiendam definire , & cujus proptereà , si vobis fidem habebimus Ideam adipisci nequimus ? Nec certe est , quòd de Terminis negativis conqueratis , siquidem amplissima nostra positiva conceptio ad rem ipsam minimè quadret . Animae , si placet , jam cunctas simul sacultates exercebo ; intellectum vehementissino nisu delassabo ; voluntatem sensusque penitùs submittam : at infinitum aliquod amplexu meo suscipere prorsùs negatur . Myriogoni quidem species mihi tanquam ipsius repugnantiae . Idea suit , diuturnâ tamen attentâque dispectione verum & accuratum de illo conceptum elaboravi : cùm autem demens easdem rationes inirem quò cujusdam infiniti notionem nanciscerer , nullum planè initium , nullam reperiendi spem reperire possum ; quinetiam reperiendi studio meipsum ferè tandem derelinquo . Nae certò certius esse cognovi quòd infinitum quoddam existit ; cùm verò tantam naturam describere mihi sumam ignorantiam ipse meam in propatulo deridendam eloco : cum infinitam , independentem esse definio , non esse concipiendam , non comprehendendam agnosco . Annon igitur Theologus istud Quandam summo jure reprehendit ? Quid enim hoc est , quàm quae fuerit ( ista substantia ) te omninio nescire ? At nisi obscurus esse vellet Cartesius omittere non licuit . Cur , quaeso , non licuit ? quid enim ? Deum esse substantiam quandam respectu generis , vel numericè voluit . Atqui istud tantam quidem viri imprudentiam argueret ut nobismet nullo pactò suspicari permittamus ; cùm tamen adeò supervacaneum foret si numeri notam esse designavit , ut Magistrum illum definitorum Coryphaeum in hanc definitionem ingessisse videns etiam oculis vix mihi persuadeam . Enimvero si unitas necessario in infinitate seu infinitâ excellentiâ includatur , adeò ut infinitum id quod tu definire audes non nisi unum esse possit , quid signis pluribus individualitatis opus est ? Suffecerant isthaec , Dei nomine intelligo substantiam , infinitam , independentem , &c. Ergo tu videsis quò demùm absolutissima , quam jactâras , Idea recidit . At modo mihi tantum spatium temporis assignes quo maximam rerum officinam oculis pererrem , nec incertiora Autoris indicia me percepturum confido quàm si adesse operanti ipse potuissem . Itaque ne tu sodès imposterùm notae nescio qualis operi impressae mentionem facias . Phidias aut Zeuxes imaginum solâ excellentiâ opificem indicari expectaret . Oculos animumque , venerabilis Antagonista , circumvolve . Nil nisi venustas , ordo , utilitas ab omni parte salutant . Vulgare aliquid elige . En ! terra succum gramini largâ sui erogatione ministrat , gramina vice propriâ alimentum bovi , bos & se & operam suam villico , villicus de frugibus uberrimoque proventu sundi Domino , deinde uterque tantae felicitatis largitori Deo. Unaquaeque Mundi materialis profectò omnibus caeteris inservit Aromus , quae nisi extaret , locumque suum teneret , universa fortasse peritura esset oeconomia . Plurimae etiam istae commotiones & translationes quae rerum quotidiè cernuntur , nisi omnipotenti intelligentissimáque providentia regerentur , mille abhine saeculis rerum naturam in Chaos multò magis turbulentum ac soedum resolvissent quàm ex quo emerfisse perhibetur : te●uissima quippe materiae mica siquidem se movere posset , nisi tamen ille motus artificio Divino temperaretur , rebus anarchiam universalem inferret , ut nullus sanè dubitem quin si una Oceani gutta quae consilio Dei in superficie esse debuit , in imo subsideret alveo , systema mundi nitidissimum penitùs interiturum sit . Imò ut pars quaeque toti , sic cuique parti reliquae omnes juvant . Haeccine ergo parùm sufficiunt indicia artificis artificisque infinitae excellentiae . Obliviscere aliquantisper innatarum Idearum ; prodi ex Musaeo & Thecarum umbrâ , in hortis deambulato , singulum florem sensibus mentique ità elocutione tacitâ praedicantem attende , Deus existit , etenim me produxit , qui idem sapientissimus est , optimus , omniscius , me etenim quàm suaveolentem , quàm formosum , quàm delectabilem effinxit ! Filiola mea explicuit , coloribus depinxit , ordine disposuit , à primis usque incunabilis eduxit , teneriora stamina mitissimè fovit . Quid nunc mihi dicis , Antoni plurimùm colende ? Annon ista floris plus valent quàm vestra Idea ? Nae Magister tuus à re suà longissimè aberravit , cum Clauderet oculos , aures obturaret , avocaret omnes sensus : quos quidem multò potiùs omnes exercere debuisset ; nec si duplò totidem haberet , eorum opem in tanto negotio menti invidere , unde multò felicius atque opportuniùs quam ex istâ Cerae liquefafactione ( scomma procul absit à verbis ) proficere licuisset . Habes à me quid ego de vestrâ numinis Ideâ sentiam ; quin & for sàn aliquando quid sentiam de reliquis Apologiae tuae Theorematibus habebis , siquidem Veritatis atque Parentis Autoritas animos addiderit , sine quâ nec jam ulla mearum virium fiducia effecisset ut in D. Antonium Le Grand insurgere auderem , cujus & acuminis & eruditionis fama me multò faciliùs quàm Joannis Austriaci nomen infantes Belgicos deterruisset . Intereà autem , ne plus aequo lacessere nunc viderer , vivere rectéque valere jubeo . FINIS . The Reader is desir'd to correct with his Pen the following Errata , and to excuse any other litteral ones that may occur . Pag. 2. lin . 23. for that read they . Ibid. l. 24. for it r. they . p. 5. l. 1. dele of . p. 10. l. 2. for nor . any : Ibid. l. 19. for out of the Centre r. out the Centre . Ibid. l. 26. for Central r. Centre of . p. 8. l. 30. r. as fairly to be receiv'd . p. 17. l. 29. for Troop r. Trope . p. 21. l. 16. dele Gentile . p. 22. l. 19. after Beauty r. no less . p. 23. l. 23. for all the r. all p. 24. l. 26. for than natural r. than what 's natural . p. 25. l. 8. for good looks from , &c. r. good looks from Forehead to Chin , and Ear to Ear , 't is , &c. Ibid. l. 19. for whenas r. when as . p. 29. l. 19. after Ideas r. ia Logick . p. 31. l. 26. for expiate for r. expiate . p. 48. l. 3. for Irruptions r. Eruptions . p. 99. l. 35. for from r. within . p. 101. l. 13. for Qualities r. Quantities . p. 102. l. 26. for of r. if . p. 106. l. 30. for Principle r. Principles . p. 107. l. 24. for benefited r. benefitted . p. 111. l. 33. for People r. Persons . 
A65786	----	An exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to The vanity of dogmatizing / by Thomas White. White, Thomas, 1593-1676. 1665 Approx. 131 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65786 Wing W1824 ESTC R11142 12929269 ocm 12929269 95611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65786) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 991:19) An exclusion of scepticks from all title to dispute being an answer to The vanity of dogmatizing / by Thomas White. White, Thomas, 1593-1676. [8], 80 p. Printed for John Williams ..., London : 1665. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. -- Scepsis scientifica. Philosophy, English -- 17th century. Knowledge, Theory of -- Early works to 1800. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EXCLUSION OF SCEPTICKS From all Title to DISPUTE : BEING AN ANSWER TO THE VANITY OF Dogmatizing . By THOMAS WHITE . — Sciri hoc sciat alter . LONDON , Printed for John Williams at the Crown and Globe in S. Pauls Church-yard ▪ 1665. TO THE YOUNG WITTS Of Both UNIVERSITIES . THough I doubt not of more powerful and seasonabler provision against that destructive contagion of Pyrronism , which , not long since , has begun to take fresh heart : Yet , hearing no news of any publick Cauterization apply'd to that Tumour of Glanvil's , which has rag'd now full two years ; methought this silence of my Betters turn'd the task upon my weakness , if not to avert , at least to open & expose to be torn in pieces by eloquenter Pens the injustice of that Calumny impos'd on the whole Profession of Philosophers . Reflect then O flourishing Englands fertilest hope ! the Joy and Crown of your Mother , whose beholding you - with pleasure swells her silent breast ! reflect , I say , and seriously ruminate what you strain to live and grow to ; what persons you hope and covet to become hereafter : whether wise and skilful to govern Christian Life and Manners : or a crew of Rhetoricians , pleasantly tattling unknown and uncertain things ; and betraying those under your Tuition into all Precipices that fall in their way : For , for such blind ones , and leaders of the blind , He sets you out to the world , who inculcates to your England the Vanity of Dogmatizing or promising Truths . I am not angry with the Man , who , with a great deal of wit and an unfordable stream of eloquence ( which will ripen with his years ) prosecutes what he proposes to himself , and takes for a truth ; not without some savour of Modesty : for , neither does he derogote from Faith the power of teaching its Tenets , nor disclaim all hope of attaining Science hereafter through a laborious amassment of Experiments . But , he points to acertain person ( whom he owns his Master ) that , giving us the Heads of some Books he had written , thus concludes the second , Here it is where the chief Foundations of Pyrronism are laid ; and that mainly establisht , that NOTHING IS KNOWN . Well , indeed , may the Future despair , if the pains of so may Ages have brought it but to this , that there 's nothing known . Have , then , the so many magnificent structures of your Colledges been devis'd , only to delude the People with a deal of pretty talk , not a jot advancive of Reason ? Have so many prodigious wits of your Ancesters been sent abroad over all the Christian World , but to sell Smoak and Bubbles for Jewels & Pearls ? Have you yourselves the patience to be till'd on through so many years exercises , only to the like emptiness ? Scorn and hate that so foul a reproach should be cast on the Fame of all past Ages , and present industry . But , what , at length , has enveigled into these conceits that great Interpreter of Epicurus , a Man never to my hearing , mis-spoken of , either for Wit , or Life and Manners ? Since I 'm utterly a stranger to his Privy-Councils , I 'le tell you what his Book seems to offer . There are two Sciences contested about : Physick and Metaphysick ( between which that of the Soul and Morals take their places ) . The First , content with few experiments , surprises Truth by vertue of Demonstration , and fixes it by that force which alone is inerrable , viz. the power of our spiritual Intellect . This eye alone pierces into the strength of Contradiction ; and is onlily certain and necessary , as far as it scapes ore-shadowing by the senses : but , it is not overlavish too , in making use of them ; and advances in growth by reflecting on it self its inmost eye . Physick is more florid , and with a Vernal look , as it were , sooth's our spirit inclin'd to Body . 'T is more abundant in Experiments , and meer Historical almost , unless assisted and forc'd into Rules by this its Companion . That many court this gay one , no wonder , and slight her Elder Sister as 't were but dry leaves ; whereas , yet , on her 't is the Gallant depends , nor without her help and Principles borrow'd from her , is able scarce to demonstrate any thing and advance by Causes connectedly . The ignorance of this necessity has bin the ruin of this Author , and many great Mens endeavours ; nay , and will be , 'till the utter despair of getting forward teach first a retreat back again to settle Principles . Another rubb is the unbridled Impudence of very many Moderns , who loudly crack of Aristotle and Metaphysick , as oft as there falls occasion of setting themselves out . They fill the Book-Sellers Shops with mighty Tomes : they counterfeit the Highest knowledge by pompous skirmishes in their own schools ; and by wonderful promises enkindle the native ardour of Science . By these Arts they heap on themselves the honours and fruits due to Science ; they flourish gayly and are propos'd to be ador'd in the Chairs . Mean while , look but into the matter , and those vast Mountains bring forth this solution of Questions , perhaps I , perhaps No. Histories are related of what the Antients , what the Moderns have thought of any propos'd Thesis ; petty reasons for the I or No are shot out at random , as it were , from bands of Slingers or Archers : so their Pages get bredth , their Tomes bulk : but , when they come to give Judgment , out comes an Edict to this purpose , All the Opinions are probable , but , this last seems to me the more probable . What could be look'd for more silly from Midas's ears ? What blind Tiresias could not as truly give verdict of Colours , perhaps 't is white , perhaps not ? What wonder now is it , if that ingenious Person derided such solemn trifles ? And imagining these men , because none contradicted it , entertainers of Aristotle and his secrets , wholy neglected and contemn'd them . You , then , O Yong Branches , growing up into Wine to rejoyce the hearts of Men ! remembring that Vertue 's the Mean hedg'd in by both Extreams , neither disclaim and detest Aristotle , nor superstitiously adore and embrace him . Those things he has demonstrated , though but few and seeming contemptible , yet receive . 'T is the nature of Principles to appear vulgar and despicable ; but there 's not a step can be made in Sciences without them . The foundations of Edifices lye buryed under ground , yet 't is they sustain the magnificent and towring fabrick . They that slight Aristotle's Grounds must of necessity , being always in quest of Principles , ever fall short of Science . Yet , far worse than these are they who feign and profess themselves Aristotelians , and are Ignorants the while in the Method of Demonstrating , & neglect what He prescribes : Circumventers of Parents , Spiriters of Youth ; whom , enveigled with a shew of Philosophy , they betray to vanity and prattle : worst Enemies of the Commonwealth ; to which owing Youth adorn'd with Science & Vertue , they pay it foolishly-confident , sophisticate , and fitted by their education to ill and good alike . For you , let Aristotle be your Master , of few things indeed ; but those such as fructifie into thousands , viz. The whole race of separated substances , the things necessary to be fore-known to Physical contemplation , and judgment , in fine , of experiments . You have now the Pleas of both sides : 't is your part to call aside into Council with you that Candour and sollicitude which so weighty an affair deserves . The most earnest coveter of Your sollid knowledge THOMAS WHITE . THE TABLE . First Plea. THere is Demonstration and Science , page 1 Second Plea. The Scepticks alledge nothing Sollid , page 11 Third Plea. T is imprudent to deny the existence of Science , p. 17 Fourth Plea Refells the Preliminary Objection , page 24 Fifth Plea Refells our Ignorance of the Soul and Sensation , p. 30 Sixth Plea Displaies the Pastick vertue , continuity , Adhesion of Parts , and the Mysteries of Rolling , page 42 Seventh Plea Inquires after the Causes of our Modern Shortness in Science , page 51 Eight Plea Wards off from Aristotle the Calumny of special Impiety , page 55 Ninth Plea Wipes off the Aspersions on Aristotle's Doctrine and Terms , page 60 Tenth Plea Maintains certain Definitions and Arguings , p. 65 Eleventh Plea Refutes some Topicks babbled against Science , p. 71 An exclusion of SCEPTICISM AND SCEPTICKS From all Title to Dispute . First Plea. There is Demonstration and Science . 1. SCepticism , born of Old by an unlucky miscarriage of Nature , for her own Credit , carryed off the Tongues of the Eloquent where it had long been fostred , and buryed by the steddiness of Christian Faith ; this Monster snatcht from the Teeth of Worms and Insects , Peter Gassendus , a Man of a most piercing Sagacity , of neat and copious Eloquence , a most pleasing Behaviour and wonderful Diligence , by a kind of Magick has endeavoured to restore again to life . He , a Person ( which is the strangest of all ) most tenacious of Catholick Faith , and never suspected guilty of mischievous Tenets : whereas , yet , this Scepticism is the Mother of infinite Errors , and all Heresies , and that very seducing Philosophy and vain fallacy which the Saints , warn'd by the Apostles , have taught us to beware of . Heard , this man , otherwise eminent in his paradoxical Exercitation against the Aristotelians , has dar'd to expose , not vail'd , as before , and wandring like a Quean in the dark , but bold-fac'd and painted , to the Multitude and Market place . By his Example , the Author of The Vanity of Dogmatizing has produc'd her amongst us beauteously trick'd-up in English : He , too , a great Master of Wit and Eloquence . Nor indeed are vast mischiefs to be dreaded from Vulgar heads . This is the occasion of my undertaking ; and this my Design ( if Heaven vouchsafe to enlighten and guide my pen ) to force back into her Grave this Carcass that would be rivalling Science , and deliver her up a Feast to her former worthy Commoners . Come on then , let 's untie the knot of the Question . 3. Since , then , 't is of Science we are to speak , its genius would in some measure be look'd into . Nature her self , therefore , teaches us , that Man is an Animal endued with Reason , to fit him for governing his Action , and Reason is allowed to be That whereby what before was unknown is rendred known : dayly Experience also convinces that our Action consists for the most part in such things as are subject to an infinite and insuperable mutability and variation : whence it comes to pass , that that Vertue which is immediate to action cannot properly be called Science ( since 't is not infallible , and the effect of demonstrative Discourse ) but a power of conjecturing aptly ; and uses commonly to be term'd Prudence , either properly or derivatively ; properly , if it be concerning the thing to be done , as to its right proceeding from Reason ; analogically , if of the action or thing to be done , as it regards some other inferior Faculty subservient to the dominion of Reason . Now Prudence depends on two previous Powers , Art and Inference or Experiment . Art , though it ows its birth to Experience , yet is sustained by universall and unfailing Rules : But , it self understands not the necessary and indefectible efficacy of its Rule ; but is content with the testimony of ever-corresponding effects . Inference , or Experience for the most part is true , but necessitates not assent , because not universal . 4. Setting this therefore aside , 't is clear the Decrees of Art , since she is veracious , have necessitating and necessarily connected Principles , which force the effect of Art to be not possibly otherwise than as Art teaches 't will succeed . Whence follows , that the subject Matter of Science and Art is the same ; and every Art has a proper Science due to it self , if the nature of Man would stretch to attain it . But , the same warning we gave before concerning Prudence , must be repeated concerning Science . For , as he who behaves himself prudently in any Artifice , is not therefore esteem'd and stil'd a prudent man ; but only he who rightly tempers his Action in as much as 't is Humane : so , neither is he , with propriety , to be called a knowing man , who skills the demonstration of Duelling , or Versifying ; but he that has the demonstration of those things which are Principles for governing our life , in as much as 't is Humane : The chief whereof is that which has merited the term of Theology , or Metaphysicks : the next is Ethicks : then Physicks , or Natural Science ; whether , because all corporeal Natures , or the World , is proposed to the disputation of men ; or because , next Metaphysical Contemplation , nothing so much advances our desired Beatitude as Physicks . Nor yet are Mathematicks to be excluded ; both because Quantity , their subject , is the Vesture of those bodies which Physicks speculate through ; as also , because the Rules , and as it were , the demonstrableness of Natural things at every step depends on them . Out of all which 't is clear , that in nothing Equivocation more lewdly cheats Man-kind , than in this term of Knowing , or Learned men . For , if Masters in Sciences , analogically so called , are not really worthy this name : how much further off meriting so noble a Title are those , whose ambition streins no higher than , like Parrats , to repeat others sentiments ? and how manifestly pernicious are they that have the confidence to apply such learning to the government of humane life ; and vent poison , or at best , smoak , under the Reverend name of Science ? 5. It follows , that such Science 't is we propose to our selves as is beneficial to Humane life . And concerning this , three things offer themselves to our enquiry . Whether there be at all any certainty attainable , at least of one Proposition or one Reasonment , which we call a Sylogism ? At this hangs the next , Whether at least , any Habit , or Series of more Truths traced with certainty ( such as generally are esteem'd those which Arithmeticians and Geometricians profess ) may be acquired by humane industry ? The last Question , by most ( at least in practise ) disputed ( whate're in words they pretend ) is limited to Physicks and Metaphysicks ; whether about the objects of these any beneficial Multitude of Truths may be spun out connectedly ; as the Masters in Mathematicks seem already to have done ? And herein consists the usefulness of my discourse ; and the desparation or difficulty of this Conclusion compels me to clear the former ; which of themselves by their own evidence had stood unscrupled , had not the step , and almost necessary consequence they afford to the third , terrified those who feel such difficulty to yield this last . 6. To work , then ; let us fix the first step , and assert , as invincibly known , and unshakable by any Art of the Scepticks , that What is is , or that what terminates and specifies an Identical Proposition as its Object is self-evident : as if we should say , that Peter is Peter , Wood is Wood , a stone is a stone ; and whatever others carry as open-fac'd an Evidence . The Scepticks I imagine , will laugh at this Axiom as foolish : because Identical Propositions use to be excluded from the rank of Scientifical ones , and the Sciences themselves ; as nothing at all advancing the understanding . But , by this their very laugh they 'l yield us the Victory ; as confessing Evidence in these , however they be useless : And therefore that wherever the same necessity shall Intervene , there cannot want Evidence . One thing in this position occurs a little cloudy , obscuring it through a Mist caus'd by the shadow of that most acute Person , Renatus des Cartes ; who , severely prying to descry the very first thing falling under knowlege , beat it up at length to this , that the first thing every one knows , is , that Himself thinks . But , the difference of our Opinions , I conceive , has sprung from hence , that , whereas Science may be consider'd both in its Generation and in its Subsistence ; He has taken the former Method , I the later . For , really , if we examine by what degrees Science is born in us , we see , the first thing that happens is to have a passion made in us by Bodies ; and the first evident thing that strikes us is that we think . But , if , looking upon Science now existing ▪ and as it s t were at rest in us , we enquire what 't is that fasten truth to our Minds , so that we cannot doubt or , as were , waver about it : Nothing will appear more simply or originally manifest then that what is is , wherein , in a manner , is formally included that what is so is , that , whilst it is , it cannot not-be ; which , indeed , is , that the understander is certain that the thing is , or has a fixedness concerning the truth which is in him . 7. It being determin'd that an Identical Proposition is evident , 't is equally determin'd that Propositions term'd self-known are evident : for , if they be look'd into , t will be clearly seen , that a self-known Proposition is in some sort composed of an Identical Proposition and another otherwise evident , or taken for evident . For , there are two sorts of self-known Propositions ; one wherein the Generical Notion is predicated of a Species ; another wherein the Species are predicated divisively of the Genus . Take these for Examples : A Man is an Animal : the sense is , A Rational Animal is a sort , or one of the Animals : The evidence of the Proposition consists in this , that the word Animal signifies , as it were formally in predication , to be one of the Animals ; and the word Rational denotes that whereby a Man is one of the Animals . Wherefore in this Proposition , a Man is an Animal ; these two Propositions shrowd themselves , one of the Animals is one of the Animals ; and that other , that Rational is a determiner of Animality : Now this later is not affirmed , but taken for granted , either from Sense as it were , or some other way supposed to be known and past doubt ; and in force of the former Identification , t is concluded that a Man is an Animal . In like manner when 't is said , Number is either even or odd , Bulk is either finite or infinite ; and whatever Predicates , contradictorily oppos'd , are predicated divisively of a Subject ; two propositions lye in them ; one an Identical one , for example , that even and not-even are all , or comprise all the kinds of Number ; and another otherwise known , viz. That such a Number , for example , Ten , is a certain Number . This later is known as it were by sense ; or suppos'd , not affirm'd : The former is equivalent to this all Number is all Number ; and one of all the Numbers , for example ; Ten , is affirm'd to be one of the even or odd , because , by force of the contradiction between even and not-even , even and odd must of necessity comprise all Numbers , or even and odd and all Number be the same . 8. The same force of Identity is also clear in a Sylogism : For example , when in the first Mood , or Barbara , two self-known propositions are taken and another truth , unknown before , is concluded out of them . As , when t is argu'd that Every Man is a living Creature , because every Man is an Animal , and Every Animal is a living Creature : there 's made an Identification of Man and living Creature ; or rather it is discovered by the double Identification of Animal with the Superior and Inferior . The force therefore of the Sylogism whereby it fixes the mind in this Identity , tha● Man is a living Creature , lies in nothing but this , tha● through the former two Identifications it rests fixed as to the Premisses . Plain therefore t is , that the light of an Identical Proposition shews it self both in self-known Propositions , and in those which are concluded by Sylogisms : and , which follows , either that the truth of an Identical Proposition is not evident , or else that self-known propositions , and such as are concluded by a legitimate Sylogism are Evident and most certain : and , that it cannot be doubted , so many truths are palpably certain as can be reacht by a legitimate deduction of Sylogisms . Since , therefore , he cannot be esteem'd other than a Mad Sot that should deny the Evidence of an Identical proposition ; he cannot be reputed Rational who should at all reject propositions self-known , or collected by legitimate Discourse . 9. Be this , therefore , a Demonstration a priori , as they term it , of this truth , that there is some certainty or Science ; that , since t is undenyable that what is is , or , an Identical Proposition is true , and every Proposition , whether self-known or Sylogistically-concluded , has no other necessity than what shews it self in an Identical one ; there can be no doubt of these , unless Identical ones , too , be called in question . For , since , in a self-known Proposition , t is Evident , that the thing signified by one Term is that which is signified by the other : And in a Sylogistically-concluded Proposition , it likewise appears , that because A is B , and B is C , A too is C ; or that , unless A be C , A will not be A ; for 't is not A unless it be B , nor B unless it be C : 'T is Evident that whatever is evinced by a legitimate Sylogism , has the same necessity as an Identical Proposition . Since therefore 't were meer perversness , and such as cannot fall into humane Nature , to doubt whether an Identical Proposition be true ; t is absolutely manifest that whatever is concluded by ligitimate discourse out of self-known Propositions is engrafted , beyond any danger of ambiguity ; or , that there is Science of all such like : And therefore that there is some Science , and that , indeed , of many truths . Now , that which either in a self-known or in a Demonstrated Proposition , is assum'd beyond Identical ones is not capable either of truth or falshood ; but , in a manner , is taken by way of snpposition ; as if 't were said , if he be a Man ; if it be an Animal : I say , for as much as Man or Animal are the subjects of the Propositions or Premisses . Second Plea. The Scepticks alledge nothing Sollid . 1. NOw , to the Scepticks , or Scepticism it self . What says the Sceptick ? Though , says he , nothing be certain , yet many things appear true to us ; and , out of such appearance we proceed to Operation . Thou entanglest thy self , Sceptick ! for , how , whilst , in common , it most clearly appears to thee that nothing is true ; yet assertest thou , in particular , that this appears to thee true ? Can these two stand together ; it appears that none of those things proposed us are true ; and at the same time , it appears that some of them are true ? Besides , if any thing appears true , 't is because it deceives us with the face and similitude of certain or true , ( which two , as to us , speak the same thing ; for , we say , that is certain which we know to be true , or which is true to us ) : But , 't is clear , we cannot affirm any thing to be like another , if we know not that other : If therefore , there be amongst us no Certainty , or nothing known to be true ; nothing can ever be or appear like Certainty amongst Men. 'T is , therefore , stark folly to joyn these two togther , there is nothing certain , or ther 's no Certainty ; and yet some things appear certain . 2. For all that , the Sceptick will stand to it , that at least this appearance is enough for humane Action : since all Action is singular , that is , in infinite Circumstances upon which Demonstration has no force , but only Prudence , or the power of conjecturing which is to be prefer'd before other . Notwithstanding , if the Action be truly humane , that is , purely and thoroughly govern'd by Reason , this Sceptical appearance is not enough for it . For , first , since Prudence is an Intellectual vertue , it cannot be indifferent to Truth and Falsity ; but always tenacious of truth . In Action , therefore , govern'd by Prudence two things fall under consideration ; that which is most conspicuous and spy'd by every one is , whether the Action be like to attain its immediate and next end , to which 't is destin'd : And this for the most part is uncertain ; but withall , in this consists not the primary effect of Prudence , but a certain faculty of guessing , which they call Sagacity . The other thing , wherein especially Prudence plays its part , is whether this Action be to be done here and so : For which it suffices that two things be certain ; One , that the Actor is led by no Passion ; the other , that he has used pains , or disquisition enough ; which depends on the former ; since that will not fall short , unless some Passion makes the Actor precipitate . But , as far as the soul proves deficient in these two , so much , too , she deviates from the Rule of Prudence . Now , these two may be very clear to an experienced Person . Farther , this Tenet , again , of the Scepticks fails of sufficiency for Action in the very first root of Acting , viz. Whether any thing be to be done , or whether Action be wholly to be suspended : For , in vain the understanding tugs at it , what Action to perform ; unless it be first evident that something is to be acted : They therefore , who profess not so much as this is known , that something sometimes is to be done , cannot be mov'd to Action out of pure understanding . Nor can it be reply'd that it appears to the Sceptick he is to Act : For , since Appearing is common to true and false ; Nay , since 't is known that false is oft-times more probable and apparent , than true ; 't is plain that neither Probability in general , nor the greater Probability can have any force at all to cause Assent . But , if one has not assented to this Universal proposition , something is to be done ; 't is plain that , as to pure Reason , he has no principle of Acting : And , if he has any other principle besides , Reason , the Action , as far as it springs from that , is not Rational . It must therefore be concluded that all action of the Scepticks is utterly not-humane , but only Brutal ; as rising purely from sense and imagination : Or , rather worse than Brutal ; in as much as they force Reason to submit to and serve sense . 3. But , that which highlyest crosses this Sect is , that Professors of Science much undervallue themselves , if they vouchsafe to dispute with them or endure to hear them babble . For , since in all humanenature , no Sect is to be found more addicted to prattle , and more greedy of that vanity which follows tinckling Cymbals : At what a distance will they be from their Beatitude , if among the adorers of Science they be not allow'd to vent their trifles ? Let us , therefore , fairly weigh this , whether they are to be admitted among the Professors of Learning . Scientifical Persons , then , are either Masters or Disciples ; that is , such as have already attain'd the habit of Science , or such as endeavour after it , or are seekers of truth . Since , therefore , t is plain , the Scepticks profess not themselves Possessors of the Science ; it remains they are to be reckoned among the seekers ; wherefore , since this contradicts it self , that one should seek what he thinks is no where , or at least , which dispairs possible to be found ; in vain they declare themselves Candidates or seekers after Sciences . Add to this , that , since they neither admit self-known Propositions , nor any legitimate Consequence of Discourse ; they have no way or Method of seeking , or any trace from which to commence their search : But , if they admit any of these two , they cannot but acknowledge something certain . 4. It ought , therefore , be objected , at the very begining , to such contemners of Sciences ; what attempt you ? what 's your aim ? How have you the confidence to attaque any one that 's truly a man ? For , whence shall what you say derive any appearance ? Is it not just to press on you to prove first whatever you assume ; and this without ever coming to an end ? You therefore , will never be able to assume any thing that can prove our Tenets false or uncertain . Again , will you use any other form of Discourse then Sylogistical ? But , this you deny to be evident and certain . You , therefore , come but to deride , sillily to play the Rooks , and chatter figments like Poetical Magpies . You I reply , perhaps , you dispute ad hominem ( as they term it ) , and shew , out of those things which our selves have accepted , that what we teach thereupon has no certainty . What 's your meaning ? If indeed you endeavoured this in any one Tenet , it might be allow'd you to try what you were able to do : But , if universally you assert us unable to make good Consequences , you call us Beasts and deserve not the hearing . And , you your selves , how will you evince any one Consequence to be ill ? Will you tell us how it ought to be , to be good , you I say that grant none to be evident ? ' Again , why will ours be false , and yours good ? But , if you affirm your own not good neither ; what madness possesses you , that you cannot suffer us to rest even in our Error ; when you neither can nor strive to exempt us from erring ? T is sweeter , sure , to believe one-self in the light , then to know one-self in darkness and all light hopeless . 5. In fine , To what purpose do we amass Arguments against those , who , as far as in them lies , have put off Humane Nature , and made themselves Beasts ? For , if to Reason be to advance our selves , out of certain and known things , to things before unknown and uncertain ; and nothing be certain : neither is any Reasoning possible ; nor consequently any power of reasoning ; or Animal endowed with it . But , if nothing be certain , nothing , too , will be true , since that is certain which we see to be true ; that is , truth had , our Truth true to us , True by which we are true . For , clear it is , that our Nature is covetous of Truth in it self ; that , when we or our understanding is true , being impregnated with this Truth , it may be made operative , and Master of all things without it ; or , that it may pursue useful things , fear such as are to be fear'd contemn things contemptible , and reject all manner of counterfeit scare-crows . He frustrates , therefore , the whole bent of Nature , that denies there 's any certainty ; and utterly evacuates , as Nature her self , so also her most vehement desire and aim . What need I mention Humane Conversation , but especially Negotiation ? for , if there can be nothing certain in Humane matters , why do we instruct Infants and Boys ? why strive we to perswade Youth into those things which seem True to us ? for , if there be no certainty acquirable , t is to be judg'd wholly indifferent what every Youth does , or whither he tends : Especially , since not so much as this is certain , that one thing is more probable than another ; and far less , that what now is more probable will be so when the Boy comes to choose it . Third Plea. T is imprudent to deny the existence of Sciences . 1. LEt us raise our Style , and enlarge it to entire Habits . Can it be believed , that men of excellent wits should be so fond as to deny those things that Humane life is full of ; and without which there 's no living , at least commodiously ? I mean Arts. Let 's consider what part of our Action or Life is exempt from their service : what Arts go to the providing us Food , Cloaths , Houses , Delights ? Our minds are cultivated with Liberal ones : the Fields , Mountains , Seas are mastred by Arts. To conclude , What is there that falls under mans use , wherein some kind of Art is not exercised ? Art , therefore , what is it , but a Rule which commonly fails not ? This , then ( if mens souls but own themselves ) is certain , that Art , for the most part , fails not . What if I should say , that it never fails ? but either the Artificer is unskilfull , or else , through laziness or knavery follows not the prescription of the Art , as oft as any Error happens . But , be it so , that Art sometimes fails ; at least , the whole course of our actions is grounded on this that , commonly it fails not : Wherefore since what never fails is certain , Art , which in most cases never fails , in most cases is certain ; and whoever denies this , either out of ignorance or stomack , opposes himself to very Nature and the Order of things . This is , therefore , a throughly-attested Truth , that there are intire and complete Habits of Certainties : since , both of the several Arts , in common , t is certain that for the most part they attain their effect ; and the same is as evident of the several Members and Joints in each Art in particular . 2. The next place Mathematicks challenge , which have gain'd the true name of Science : first , Arithmetick and Geometry , each of so large an extension , that they make up many entire habits ; and if they be acknowledg'd for Sciences , they leave no room for opposing others , upon pretence of the abundance of their Doctrines , or the largeness of their Subject . Such , again is the steddiness of Attestatition to these Sciences , of so many Ages , so many eminent Wits , by shewing and perpetuating so many Effects , beyond the estimation of humane Prudence ; that there can be no doubt but they winch against Nature it self that calumniate these Sciences . Let 's behold the multiplicity of Sylogisms ; the derivation of far distant Truths by intermediate Propositions , immediate to one another ; and how many Principles or fore-known Truths are sometimes made use of towards the search of some one : and we shall see these Sciences will not sustain themselvs alone , but extend their power to others also ; and perswade , nay , evince , that there 's nothing but may be demonstrated , if there want not Industry . 3. Yet I am not ignorant what uses to be urg'd against these Sciences , especially against Geometry : which though in other works I have sometimes repell'd , yet here too , as in their properest place , they are again to be repeated ; chiefly because the Scepticks no where , in my judgment deserve more applause . For , plain it is , though nothing be farther from the meaning of the Geometricians than what the Scepticks lay to their charge ; yet nothing appears clearer in the Terms they use , than what they mean not : Providence so ordering it , That those things which best guard themselves by their own evidence should be most infesed with prejudices ; to warn us , in more obscure points , not to desert evidence , though we be hard put to 't with weighty , perhaps , but obscure Argments . For , what 's more manifest than that Geometricians require a streight Line to be drawn from one point to another ? That they dispute , whole Volumes full , conconcerning Lines and Superficies ? That they demand a Line to be drawn out in infinitum ? That a Circle be made ? An equilateral Triangle ? And a thousand such like : That none of all which , yet , can exist in the world , 't is either certain , or , at least , so ambiguous that it ought not to be presum'd without Demonstration ; whereas the Geometricians neither attempt nor promise any such thing . 4. Notwithstanding in all these , t is no hard matter to satisfie an attentive Reader . For , I ask , whether or why t is not lawful for a Mathematitian to speak universally of his Object , in the same manner as both the Learned and Unlearned talk of theirs ? He may then speak of the body proposed to him , as t is long , not treating at all about it , as t is broad ; since for a Body to be broad is nothing else , but to be long according to two Dimensions . In like manner , since a Body to be deep signifies it to be long according to three Dimensions ; what an envious part 't is not to allow the same to be considered as broad , abstracting from the third Dimonsion ? These things being clear to the utmost pitch of evidence ; and so that we cannot speak otherwise according to Nature ; let 's see wherein lyes the fault of the Geometricians . You urge that they assert there is a Line in being , that is , Longitude without Latitude ; I deny it : You prove it , alledging they mark a Line with letters , saying the Line A. B. I demand , to what purpose serves this marking ? Is it for any thing but to notifie the Longitude of the Body they measure ? If that be all , then the sense which serves the Mathematicians turn in the word is , that the Body propos'd , according to Longitude , is equivalent to the distance between A and B. And , if he assumes any more , it must of necessity be something impertinent to his Discourse , which Geometricians , of all men , are farthest from . 5. The very same may be said for their manner of speaking concerning a Superficies . But , for Points , the solution is more evident : For , in stead of this word the Point A , or the Point B , put the word End or Term , and there will remain no shadow of difficulty . For , who can doubt but that a Body , as Long , is terminated : and therefore can forbid an End or Term to be assign'd it ? For the rest , 't will easily appear the like Discourse serves : For , when he demands a Line to be produc'd in infinitum , the clear sense of the Geometrician is to have it drawn out as far as is necessary for his work ; which never does or can happen to require it actually infinite . Not an infinite , therefore , but an indefinite Line the Geometrician asks ; that he may use any as big a part of it as he needs . In like manner , if he demands a Circle or streight Line to be made ; 't were fond to think he expects them scor'd out Mathematically on Paper or Sand : Since the Demonstration he intends is Universal and exists in the understanding only , not in Paper . It suffices therefore , that the accurateness of the Circle or Line be in his Mind , to which the paper yields a phantasm ; a weak one , indeed , but fit enough to delineate the rigorous form in his Mind . Some , too , will not allow a Line can be cut just in the middle . Nor do I deny this to be petty work of Geometry : But , neither do I expect the Scepticks should be able to prove this impossible : And therefore , against a perfect Demonstration , such as Euclid's is , to listen to slight-babling reasons were to trifle , not philosophize . 6. Is not this hugely remarkable , or rather to be admir'd ? That those things which advance Geometry , above other Sciences , in a great measure are false ; taken for granted in order to use , but not credited for Science : For , Mathematick is not certainer or more evident than other Sciences ; but easier and more adapted to fancy , not understanding . For , if in Geometry we were still to use strick Terms , and always to repeat this Body , as long , abstracting from its Latitude , or , as broad , abstracting from its depth , the whole discipline , losing that inveiglement of clearness by which it tills on the reader , would be but tedious work . Now , because we may use the names of Points , Lines , and Superficies , as they were Things ; and , according to this gross apprehension , make visible Figures : Geometrical truths strike almost our very corporeal Eyes . Whether as much may be done in other Sciences , at least as to some part , is not yet clear ; but , from the way of Algebra , it may be conjectur'd not utterly out of the reach of humane industry . 7. This , at least , may passe for evident , from the manner we have expressed of the Geometricalcontemplation : that the Geometricians use to draw their Consequences and Positions , not from the sounds of their words , but the Notions in their minds . But , herein kind Nature has been indulgent to those Disciplines ; that they are excus'd from any necessity to resolve the Equivocation of their terms : but having once explain'd them , they may , without any rub , proceed , whence we see that if at any time , they are put to explicate their words , Geometry grows even as troublesom as Metaphysick : as appears in that question bandy'd concerning an Angle of Contact ; because they reflect not that an Angle speaks a Quantum , whereas yet they confess it cannot exist without a space . Plain then 't is rendred that the first task in the other Sciences is , to make the question clear between the opposite Parties , not only in Term , but also in meaning : and that this is the main fault of the weak Managers of other Sciences , that they stick obstinately at using the words in a fore-received sense , and that no clear one ; nor can be bronght to an agreement about their explication . 8. It must be concluded , that , in Physick also and Metaphysick , there 's a capacity of infinite Demonstrations , if industry be not wanting . For , who is so senselesse as pertinaciously to deny , that a formal Sylogism may be made ev'n about the Subjects of these Sciences , or , when made , is of force ? It must , therefore , be said , either that the Discoursers in these Disciplines cannot comprehend their own meaning , and declare what they feel in their mind when they pronounce such words : or else , that they may reduce them into a Sylogism and breed Science . Plain too , it is , that , in that part of Physick , which is truly call'd such , viz. that which treats of sensible Qualities , not so subject to obscurity through the equivocalnesse of the Terms , Demonstration will cost lesse pains : in Metaphysicks 't will prove harder , because the Commoner the words are , the more they are subject to equivocation . But , on the other side , because , the Commoner the things treated are , the simpler are their Notions , and consequently , more evident the connexion of the terms : Demonstrations in Metaphysicks must needs be most evident and secure , and such as deserve the evidence of all other Sciences should depend on them . Fourth Plea Refells the Preliminary Objections . 1. NOw we must give ear to the Complaints , ( shall I call them ? ) or rather Reproaches of the Scepticks : though themselves are no slight Causes of those ills which they object to the Lovers of Dogmatizing ; who , whilst they even acknowledge it the entire work of a Man , and one minding his businesse too , to dilate the bounds of any Science ; themselves , pursuing mean studies and the applause of a smooth-tongue , strive , under pretence of impossibility , to avert from that Heroick thought the Scientifically-dispos'd Genius of others . Yet , would they do even this but solidly , I should think it pardonable : but , if they fall not on this neither in a legitimate way ; how are they not to be exploded ? Now , perhaps , the defects of mis-seekers may be more ; but I le content my self with the proposal of three . Let the first be of those who seek things incapable of Truth ; or who , of that which has no being at all , enquire how it is or may be made : as if one should require a Triangle , equal to an assign'd Circle , to be inscrib'd in it . Let the second be of those , who complain that those things are unknown , which , though true in themselves , are yet , either , absolutely , or at least as yet , out of the reach of human power : as if one should be angry that the Wars or Government of the Planetary Common-wealths ( supposing those Globes planted with Rational Creatures ) are unknown to us . For , 't is fondness to quarrel at our ignorance of such things , for reaching the knowledge whereof Nature has afforded us no Ladder of Accidents . The last defect is of such as lament those things are unknown , which , by honest industry , may be searcht out , and will , if the ardour of inquisition grow ripe . For , 't is ignorance and importunity to allow no time for encrease of Sciences . Amongst these I reckon not those self-tormentors , who fret that those things are unknown , which are publickly known to others , but unknown to them ; because , upon some extrinsecal prejudice , they neglect inquiring into what others have said : which race of Men is , at this day , most frequent among the Courters of Science ; but withall most insufferable : For , what can be viler than to shut the eyes against things most manifest to the understanding ; upon the Calumnies of such as profess they know not these things which others constantly affirm are most evidently comprehended ? 2. Let now the Complaints themselves speak , viz. Those with which the Contemner of advancing Dogmatically has stuft his 3 , 4 , 5 , and 6 Chapters : But , first le ts examine those things which he indulgingly reproaches . They are the two , as it were , acknowledged ultra's of Philosophers , viz. The Causes of the Seas Ebbing and Flowing , and of the Wonders of the Load-stone . I le endeavour to look into them severally . And , as to the first , though that may well be reckoned among the things whose Accidents are not-yet-enough comprehended by us ; and therefore I might justly exact that they , who think it incomprehensible , should take care to have the Phoenomena's clear'd , and teach us , by just calculations of Seamen , what dayes , in the several Regions , the Sea Ebbs and Flows happen : Otherwise , I may deservedly lay the blame on industry , and excuse Philosophy : Yet I will not proceed so rigorously with a courteous Adversary ; but argue , that These things may be convinced concerning this vicissitude of the Sea : That the motion is caus'd by an extrinsecal Mover : That that is no other than the winde : That what rules the windes is but various aspects of the Sun and Moon to the divers Climates of the Earth . Which , if they be true , if evident from the Phoenomena's ; what remains , but that the Phoenomena's be more acurately traced ; and the ignorance of particulars laid to the charge of Industry , not of Art : and so Philosophy scape scot-free ? 3. Le ts run over our Proposals one by one . The first is that the Seas motion is from something extrinsecal , or without it . This is Demonstrated by Aristotle in his Books of Physicks ; as they who have studyed him know : The Dialogues , too , De Mundo have made this some part of their pains ; and , if a proper place for it occurs in this Treatise , I shall not be loath of my labour to explicate the same again : here this proposition is to be assum'd , not prov'd . That the Author of this motion is the winde comprehends more than one thing , viz. That the winde is a sufficient stirrer of the Sea ; and that it , in particular , concurs to this motion call'd the Flux . As to the first part , ( not to mention how many Deluges or overflowings of the Sea have infested the Coasts by the windes help ) , we need not travel beyond the Thames ; in which , almost every Winter , the Flood happens , sometimes more than once in a day , to be beaten back or pour in more abundantly than ordinary , to the overflowing the Streets in the Subburbs of London , That , again , the Winde causes this course of the Tydes , besides the necessity which the perpetual West-Winde , flowing from the Atlantick Sea to the East-Indies , carries with it ; the Six-months strong Currents , which take their turns constantly backward and forward between Africa and America , conformable to the Windes always keeping the vicissitude there , are a manifest testimony . Add to these , that , through the whole Coast of China , certain Tempests , with most vehement Rains and overflowings of Rivers , are daily expected at the New and Full Moons ; whence the variation of the Fluxes at the same just periods is encreased . Now , that the Windes and Rains and rising of Storms depend from the Sun and Moon is so notorious that 't is past contest . These things , then being clear ; the causes of Ebbing and Flowing cannot be obscure : though the certain Compasses they fetch be unknown , because the observations of them are not-yet exactly calculated . 4. Nor is the Magnetical Philosophy less evident , if we 'l have but patience to look into 't by piece-male . For , it cannot be doubted , from the sudden turning of Iron-tools fit for the purpose , and other Bodies apt for Magnetical direction ; but that power of Direction , which we call Magnetical , is attaind by a flux of unperceivable Atoms deriv'd from one Body into another : And as little , that because a perpendicular or horizontally-sidelong position of the Magnetical body is apt to beget in it that vertue ; the primarily Magnetical body is the Earth we tread on , or at least the crust of it next us . Nor , again , is it questionable , from the perpetual Motion of corruption and generation of this Magnetical vertue in those bodies ; but there is a certain perpetual flux of Atoms upwards and downwards , as also between the Equator and the Poles ; whereby this vertue is infus'd and fed . Neither , again , will any stick at it , that the Magnetical Body , if it be set at full liberty , must be carry'd according to the flux of the like Atoms ; as that which swims in a River follows the violence of the stream : and consequently , the declination , too , or variation of the Needle point out the Channel of the Earth's Atoms , which are proper to it . All which if we solidly remark , and pursue with a steddy discourse ; I see not what great Mistery lies in this Magnetical vertue and operation , beyond possibility of bringing clearly to light . These secrets , therefore , of nature were , heretofore , like the head of Nilus , undiscover'd ; but now , themselves attest not the defect but proficiency of Science . These then thus touch'd on , let us fall to the Objections themselves . Fifth Plea Refells our Ignorance of the Soul and Sensation . 1. IN the third Chapter , therefore , of his most eloquent Discourse , he objects our ignorance of that thing we ought to be best acquainted with , viz. Our own souls . Concerning which , what a kind of thing 't is in this our earthly habitation , he neither teaches nor enquires at all , as far as I can discern ; only that it is , he asserts , may be most clearly gathered from its effects ; but , to ask what it is , he saies is like the mistake of Infants , that look behind the Glass for the Body whose superficies they saw painted on its foreside . And , in my judgment , he had said rarely , had he stopt here : but in his following Questions , he shews his deficiency even in this . For , he asks farther , whence the Soul comes ? and how t is united to the Body ? He is therefore most manifestly detected , to think that the Soul , lying hid in the Body , is of it self a certain substance , which may directly be made , come , and be joined to another thing : whence he terms it subsistence , which doubtless denotes a Thing and Substance . Now , that this is a most important error in Philosophy none can doubt , that 's able to discern the opposition of One and Many . For , t is plain , that either a Man is not a Thing ; or else that his Soul and Body are not two Things ; if one thing cannot at once be many , nor many one . Nor am I scar'd with the distinction ( which the Boys that gabble Philosophy have always ready in their Budget ) of a perfect and imperfect thing : which saies just nothing , unless imperfect signifie to which somewhat is wanting to make it a thing ; which suppos'd , an imperfect thing is not a thing , and the distinction vanishes . Otherwise , the same cannot be one thing and more things : Wherefore either a Man is not a Thing , but a Pair of Things consisting of an Intelligence and a Beast ; or his Soul and Body are not two things . 2. When , therefore , he asks , Whence comes the Soul ? it must be answered with a question , Whether he doubts whence the man comes ? For , if whilst the man lives , there be but one only thing which is call'd the Man , 't is he alone can have come ; and he beats the wind that enquires whence the Soul comes ? Nor am I shaken with the Authority of our Fore-fathers , though never so Reverend : I mean not of those who profess themselvs unable to grapple with the Question ; for these deliver the Candle into the hands of Posterity , advising them to pursue on the same Race , that it may be seen whether any thing purer occur to them than to themselves , ready to Patronize whoever shall clear the Truth . But their opposition I resist , who clamor 't is the Faith of all Churches that Rational Souls are fram'd by God. For , now I 'm accustom'd to it , to distinguish between what 's due to the sincerity of Faith , and what to Scholastical subtilty . If I attribute the Making of Man , as he 's Intellectual , to the singular power and operation of God , I have submitted my self to the keys of the Churches Doctrine , and subscrib'd to the Tradition of the Saints . But , whether that action , which is the Generation of Man , consists of two actual parts , or be but one alone , by more notions equivalent to more really-distinct actions , is a purely speculative Question belonging to the Schools . And so it must be said that one Thing , a Man , equivalent to a Beast and an Intelligence , is brought into existence , by one action , equivalent to two , the Generation of an Animal and the Creation of an Intelligence . 3. By this truth we are led to the evident solution of the two following knots ; the econd being how the Body and Soul are united ? Which , 't is plain , is herein faulty , that it supposes two things to be united existing either before the Compound , or not destroyd but ty'd together in it : which is clearly false , not only out of the ' fore-declared Truth , but also out the definition of a Part. For , Parts are call'd such , whereof , by a Motion , call'd Composition , one thing is made ; or into which , what was one is resolv'd by Division , or destruction of the Unity . Now , Unity , not Union , is the form of what is One : And , in that which is One , to seek for the colligation or cement , is to seek by what the same is made the same . The same Error runs through the following Difficulty , which laments that 't is unknown how the soul moves the Body : Which is utterly knock'd on the head , by denying the soul moves the Body . For , true it is , that one animated Member moves another ; but not , that any substance , which is a pure soul , moves immediately any Member in which the soul is not . I appeal to other Animals , in which there 's frankly denied to be a Soul independent of the Body : and I desire to have shewn me what motion there is in man , which is not in them . I confess freely , that one Member , the Brain especially , moves the rest after another manner in Man , than in other Animals ; and this by reason of the difference in their Souls : but first it ought to be made evident by experiments , that a Humane Soul , without the help of the Body , or some Member acting together with it , moves another Member ; before we are to enquire into the manner how this either is or can be done . 4. The last darkness which he bemoans in this Chapter lyes in our ignorance of that Motion , whereby the spirits are deriv'd out of the brain into the fit Nerves for the Animal's natural Action . And , if indeed the Objection brandish an Argument common to all Animals , I should soon quit the field : for I confess my self not so skilful in Anatomy , that I can lay before the eyes , why , from the Motion of Anger boyling in the heart , the spirits should start into those Muscles , by whose streining the Animal is carry'd towards its Adversaries ; and , from the Motion of Fear , spirits flow into the opposite Muscles , by which the Animal flies fromwards them ; whereas they , in a manner , add strength to and enforce both alike . Yet , I make no question at all but , by force of the Brain 's Motion , caus'd by the motion of the heart , it comes to pass that the entrance into one sort of Channels are shut , others opn'd , and that thence comes this admirable and as-yet-not-sufficiently-seen-through direction of the spirits . But , the Authors seems to make Mans case proper to himself ; alledging Will , and perhaps Election , to be , as it were , the first Author of this direction . Still , therefore , he slips into the same Error . For , first , he should demonstrate some act of the will , without some either precedent or concomitant Motion of the Heart , ( which , when t is violent , we call Passion ; when we endeavour at any thing , Desire or Flight , or some other such like we stile it ) : But , if there be no such , then the cause of this direction is purely Mechanical , as he calls it , and not any certain inexplicable power . Now , that there cannot possibly be any such exempt act of the will , 't is clear enough to them who allow ther 's no knowledge without a beat of Phansies : For , Phansies cannot chuse but both be stird themselves and stir others , by the usual ways of Nature . By Motions , therefore , deriv'd from the heart , whether in Man or in Animals , all Motions , whether Natural or Free , Universally are perform'd : and , by consequence , are subject to the contemplation and scrutiny of Philosophy and acurate Mechanicks . 5. The fourth Chapter objects that the Natures of Sensation and Memory are inexplicable . As to the former , first he acknowledges the substance of sensation is seated in the Brain alone : Then he inclines to Des Cartes's fantastical conjecture , shall I call it , or deviation from the manifest footsteps of Nature ; about Motion's being brought down from the Heav'ns to our Eyes , through the continuedness of a very thin Ether : But , because he esteems Aristotle's conceits , too , not incredible , I may be excus'd from that speculation . At length , therefore , he falls again into the old Error , enquiring how corporeal things can have any force upon a naked Spirit ? He supposes therefore , the Soul in the Body to be a kind of thing , not the form or affection of the thing , Man ; and so , is upon the same false haunt again , nor needs repeating former discourses to beat him off it . But , left he should say nothing new , he objects that , by sense alone ; there 's no discerning the Quantities , Distances , Figures and Colours of things . I wonder , I must confess , at these Objections from a curious and ingenious Man ; things so clearly explain'd & demonstrated in Opticks . Who is so ignorant , that he knows not that bigger things , at the same distance , strike the eye in a more obtuse Angle and stronglier ? Who knows not that Figure , if plain , as objected to the eye , is nothing else but Quantity more spacious or contracted this or that way ? but , if it be a solid one and participate of the third dimension , it borrows its variety from Distance . Again , that Distance is nothing else , but a certain Magnitude spread between the Eye and the Object ; which if it be past judging of , neither can the Eye attest the distance . Lastly , that Colour is nothing else , but the confused figuration of a Superficies , according to its parts undistinguisht to sense . Whence it remains clear , that the Eye needs no other Geometry for all these , than what is necessary to judge of a magnitude from the variety of an Angle . 6. His next pains is about Memory . To shew the explication of that impossible , he commemorates and rejects four waies of resolving it . I must take another path than any of those . First , I must weaken this consequence , that If any thing about Memory has not hitherto been explicated , we must therefore make account it never will be , or that 't is impossible to be explicated . We must be aware too , that alwaies some things will be unknown ; either because their trivialness merits not the pains of learning them ; or in that at length the bulk of things known will be grown so great , that more will be burthensome to the understanding . Now , to complain of such like is to have forgot human shortness . What , therefore , seems my task in this Queston is , to bring into play those things which are already establisht and evident about memory ; and , for those that are unknown to make an estimate whether , some time or other , they too will come or merit to be known . First , then 't is evident , we must distinguish what is Memory and what Remembrance . For , Memory is only a Conserving of the impressions made by the objects , whereby the Animal is rendred able to use them when he lists or needs . But , Remembrance is a certain Motion whereby that power of using the impressions is reduc'd into Act and Use. Concerning Memory , therefore , a reason is to be given both of its station or rest , and of the causes or manner of its Motion : and of both , if I be not mistaken , Nature and Experience offer evident footsteps , for tracing them . 7. In the first place , that all things that move the sense have certain minute particles of their body shorn off ; as to the Touch , Tast and Smell , is too notorious to abide contest . He that denyes the same force to the Light , returning from the things to our Eyes , must deny , too , that the Sun extracts exhalations from the Earth and Sea : there being no other diversity in the operations , but that the one is greater and stronger , the other weaker and less . Now that these Atoms get up to the Brain , by the waftage of the Spirits , ( that is , a certain liquid and most subtil substance ) can scarce be denied by one never so pievish , that 's but put in minde how Waters and Oyles are impregnated . These Atoms , therefore , must of necessity strike , not without some violence , upon that part of the Brain , whose being-struck causes perception . Again , that a stream or any thing liquid dasht against a resister should not leap back again is most clearly repugnant , both to experience and reason . And , that a substance any thing viscuous , in a viscuous vessel besides ( such as those are about the brain ) being repuls'd , should not stick to any thing solid is equally impossible : as also , that a notable part of that stream should not cling together , is against the Nature of gluyness . The Walls therefore , of the empty and hollow places of the Brain must of necessity be all hang'd and furnisht with little threads . Conclude we , then , that through all the senses , except Hearing , the Animal is enabled , by Atoms constantly sticking in it , to make use again of the Impressions made by Objects . In fine , since sound is made by a collision of the Air ; 't is evident by Anatomy , that it drives the Hammer of the Ear to beat upon the Anvil , by which beat 't is not to be believ'd but certain particles must fly off and strike the Fancy : the orderly storing up ▪ therefore , of these is apt to constitute the Memory of sounds . The structure , then , of Memory ( if I am not mistaken ) is rationally enough declared . 8. I cannot see why the like track may not carry us to the explaining of the Symptoms of Remembrance too ; or why their Solution should be desparate . For , there 's nothing clearer than that the fore-explicated motion of the Atoms is set on work by a wind , as it were . For , that Passion is a certain ebullition of Spirits reeking out of the heart , t is visible even to the eies , in Anger , and Love , and Bashfulness . If we make inquisition what effect these motions have on the Fancy , we experience , that those Objects occur to the mind , tumultuously and all on a heap , as it were , which solicite these Passions ; so hastily and in a huddle , that they prevent mature weighing . It appears , therefore , that the Atoms , rouz'd from their places by such like vapours , fly about the cognoscitive part , in a kind of confused tumble . If then , there are certain winds and blasts , which we call Motions of the appetitive faculty : is it not plain , that the cavities of the Brain will be brusht , as it were , and the Images sticking to the wals be moved to the place destin'd for attaining their effect ? And that these Atoms are carried neither meerly by chance , nor yet in a certain order , is evident by this ; that , upon inquisition , the things we seek for do not suddenly and perfectly occur ; which were a sign of election ; and yet manifestly , such abundance of them suit to our purpose , that t is clear , they could not run thus without any industry at all . As , therefore , when we treated of directing the Spirits into the Nerves , we allowed the several Passions each their waies into certain parts of the Brain : so , here , t is also manifest , the same Passions have the places and series of some certain Atoms , in a manner more obvious to them , than others . 9. But our new admirer of Nature is perplext , how this multitude of Objects , swimming in the cavities of the Brain , should possibly be , without entangling and confounding one another : and by what Art they shift out of one anothers way , so as to be able to keep humane knowledge distinct . And here , I must confess , I had need crave the help of a Machine : for , really , we have no Candle , nor Spectacles enabling us to look into the subtile paths by which the Atoms avoid and slip by , to escape ruining one another by shocking . But , in exchange , I ask how many Sun-beams ( which Philosophy now questions not to be Bodies ) pierce streight to our eies , through the vast continuity of Air , and so many little Bodies flying up and down in it ? There 's no body , if we credit Experience and Reason , without its steams , and a sphere of vapours derived from it : How do these steams find free paths to run in and attain such wonderful effects ? The Magnetical , Sympathetical , and smell-producing streams , have not their courses broken , or ends intercepted by one another . They that have not the confidence to deny these , why are they loath to allow the same may happen in the wide passages of the Brain ? But you 'l reply , that to multiply a difficulty is not to salve it ; but to profess the rest of Nature inscrutable , when t is our task to clear this particular . Well then , thus I cut the very knot asunder : In currents of greater Atoms , where t is easier to make experiment , t is plain , that many are confounded , many lost ; yet , out of the very nature of Multitude , that some are preserved entire , and those enough to serve Nature's turn . So it passes even in the Brain : whatever Object enters requires time for affecting the Sense ; which , if it be too short , the Object is lost almost before it be perceiv'd ; if long , it roots in the knowledge by the multiplicity of the images , and the frequent sight of the same Object does as much ; nay , that knowledge often repeated , works the same effect , is evident beyond dispute . This being so , we must conclude , that such is the art of Nature as , for things to be remembred , there shall not want that abundance of images , which is necessary and sufficient to force their way through the Crowd of all others they meet . 10. 'T is plain that , in this Answer , I have prefer'd the Digbaean Method before the rest : Because that , as neer as is possible , traces Nature step by step . I concern not my self in the rest ; as studying Philosophy , out of a design to build , not destroy . Only , I 'd remember the ingenious Author that he mis-imposes the third opinion ( which relishes nothing of Philosophy ) upon Aristotle ( who taught the Digbaean way ) ; deceiv'd by the counterfeit stilers of themselves Aristotelians , whereas they are nothingless . In this same Chapter , the Author seems sollicitous about the will 's following the understanding : But , because , he disputes nothing on 't , neither will I ; only , hint that the will , as spiritual , signifies not any thing else , but the very understanding perfect , or ripe for action to follow out of it . That Mystery of whence comes ill , I deny not , has bin brought down , by the contests of the Ancients , even to our ears ; nor question I but 't will last as long as the bold and ignorant shall endure : But , as the Author mis-insinuates , I doubt not that St. Augustine himself has most clearly convinc'd it ; nor can it any longer be troublesome to any , but those who either know not , or neglect his Doctrine . Sixth Plea Displaies the Pastick vertue , Continuity , Adhesion of Parts , and the Mysteries of Rolling . 1 ▪ IN his fifth Chapter he falls upon the obscurity of the formation of natural Bodies , especeially living ones : Yet , not so smartly but that what he says may , with ease enough be repuls'd . I say , then , that there are two Methods , by which the formation of living Creatures may be rendred intelligible ; without any farther difficulty than what may , without a Miracle , be refunded into the Wisdome of our Maker . Conceive the first , thus : Let 's say the seed of a Plant or Animal conteins invisible parts of all the Animals Members : These , le ts say , supply'd with moisture , encrease , with some slight Mutation , whereof the reason may be easily rendred ( for example , that some parts dryer and harder , others are more throughly water'd and grow soft ) ; and what great matter will be apprehended in the formation of living things ? The other Method is , that , observing the progress in Chymicks , which must of necessity hold the very same in Nature if self , we 'd see that things concocted with a Gentle fire result into three more remarkable parts : A kind of thin and , as it were , fiery one , though condensablein to the Species of Water ; another Oily and answerable to Air ; a third expressing the Nature of Salt and , as it were , hardned water ; with all which ther 's mingled and lyes at the bottom a fourth , that 's dry and of an Earthy quality , however they call it . The same we ought to expect from Nature ; since the acting of Heat upon Moisture is the End of both Fornaces . This laid for a ground , suppose , in a proper vessel , a Drop of prepared Liquor , so kept warm and preserv'd that it may be encreas'd , too ; is it not plain that , by the very action , some parts will become dryer , others more subtil and liquid ? And that the dryer will grow into different figures ? Especially into certain hollow Vessels ; if , by the beats of the boyling moisture , they be extended and thrust out in length ? And that all of them will cling together , where they begin first to divide ? And see you not now the figure of the Animal and its respectively homogeneous parts form'd ? And that their connexion and variety , and its other heterogeneous parts follow the variety of either the Fire or Liquor . 2. He that shall comprehend these things well , will not lament that the Plastick vertue is an empty name and a word without a thing . But , if he be ingenious and conveniently at leisure , he 'l either , in spring time close-observe the breeding Plants in Gardens or the Fields ; or at home pluck up Seeds buried in Pots , just while they are taking life ; and daily rake into the bowels of Berries and Seeds : and I dare promise him so manifestly connected steps of advance , that , after many experiments , he shall fore-tel , meerly out of what he sees the day before , what will be the next days issue . Those things which appear wonderful confusedly in the whole , taken asunder discover and fairly offer themselves to view . If one observe the spreading of figures or Colours , he shall find the principles of these founded in the nature of Juice ; the reasons of those chalk'd out by some manner of their production : for both Fruits and even slips are , by art , variable into any kind of forms . Much more the figures of different salts or concret Juices spring , not from any intrinsecal nature , but from their usual generation and the diffidulty or facilness of their place and Motions . Nor let any be scar'd by the talk of Artists , that admire and amplifie those things whose causes they understand not : or of our Authour , amaz'd at the constancy of natural operations ; why our Hens should never be colour'd like Peacocks-tails or Parrats . For , in different Regions , great varieties spring from the diversity of Food and Air : And , for what is out of our reach about these things , we must be beholden to time . 3. In the same Chapter he raises two other Questions , which he thinks absolutely inexplicable : to me , on the other side , they seem to have scarce any difficulty in them . The later in Him is concerning the Composition of Bulk or Continuum : A question both debated by the Antients and desperate to the Modern's . The former , though the later in Nature , is concerning the sticking together of parts , or , why one Body is more divisible , another less . The former question supposes another , whether there be parts actually in a Continuum , whereof the affirmative side , though they wrangle in words , yet is commonly taken by the Modern's , as it were a self-or-sensibly-known truth ; but , by the whole School of the antient Peripateticks and that of the Thomists following them , hist out , as demonstratively convicted . The issue of the matter is that , about the Composition of Bulk , the Moderns , after a world of laborious trifling , confess Philosophy at a stand : The Peripateticks deride them as groping in the dark . For , if there be no parts til they are made by division ; they are manifestly out of their wits that seek how those should be united which are-not at all ? The arguments of those that assert actual parts cite even sense ; concerning which ther 's nothing certainer than that it cannot discern any part in a Bulk ; since the term of each part is invisible , whereas sence requires a notable quantity to judge of . Their other Arguments commonly assume our manner of speaking , and end in Logical trifles , how we ought to speak , not what the thing it self has really in it . Now , this no-very-difficult contest being decided , all the controversie concerning the composition of Bulk is over . 4. About the other question there 's even as wise work . The followers of Democritus strive to resolve it into hooks and corner'd hold-fasts : Not seeing , that nothing can be imagin'd so one , or an Atom , as that it self is not compos'd of many parts , concerning which it must be ask'd how they come to stick so fast together ? But , this difficulty they , at least , slip over , asserting that these in minutest Bodies , by force of Nature , resist whatever divisive power , not so the Compounds of them : That is , the greatest and invincible coherence of parts they carelesly ascribe to the force and quality of Nature , and are narrowly inquisitive about a less . The first resolution , therefore , 't is plain , is refunded into Nature it self , and the division of Body or Bulk into Rare and Dense , or having More and Less of Quantity in equality of Bulk . Which Differences most Demonstrably dividing the Notion of Quantitative and constituting more Species of it in things ; there remains no greater Difficulty in the Adhesion of the parts of the same Continuum , than whether there be any such thing or not : For , if there be any , by its very being a Continuum , of necessicity it must be whereof parts may be made , not wherein parts are ; else ( as we have press'd above ) the same thing would be one and many , divided and not-divided , in the same Notion . Therefore 't is that substance , from its very Quantity , whence it has its refolvableness into parts , has also its easier or harder resolvableness , which they call its parts more or less sticking to one another . But , as soon as ever the speculation is strein'd up to Intellectual Notions , these Naturalists's stomack turns : as if Philosophy enjoyn'd us not to know our own thoughts , and made it unlawful to understand what we speak . 5. His Sixth Chapter is all dedicated to the Motion of Wheels ; nor , if we believe an Author that wants for no wit , is it any ways solvable . But , before he attaques that fatal Difficulty , he objects a certain previous one to us , which the Antients object to Aristotle ; but he , I confess , in a clearer form . For , he considers a Wheel mov'd about its Center , and plainly concludes that no part of it moves ; but the whole is mov'd , and the several parts together change place . But , what inconvenience this conclusion drags along with it , I am utterly ignorant : For , though he strives to reduce at large , that one part first quits the place before another is in it ; yet evidently the words , not the thing , breeds all the contest : For , what hinders that , altogether and at-once , both the quitter should first not-be and the succeeder first be in the same place ? Another solution might be given , did the Argument exact it : But , as I said , the quarrel is about the words and manner of speaking , not the thing . The Author subjoyns a second difficulty , how , in a Wheel turn'd about , the parts nearer the Center , in the same time , come to run over so little a space ; whereas they are connected with the remoter , which fetch so large a Compass ? And , after he has acknowledged it to arise from hence , because they are not carry'd alike swiftly ; he infers that , if the swiftness of the Motions be unequal , the straight line drawn from the Center to the Circumference must be crook'd : Whereas 't is most evident , the right line would be crook'd , if the nearer and distanter parts from the Center were carry'd with equal velocity . 6. At length the Author loftily enters upon his boasted experiment , professing before hand , hee 'l stop the mouth of the boldest obstinancy . Thus he proposes it . Let one Axle-tree have three Wheels on it , one at each end , both alike , and a third in the Middle far less . Let the bigger rest upon the floor , the lesse● upon some table . Let them all be drawn in a progressive Motion , till , having fetch'd a full compass , they mark the floor and the table with the very same points , in which , at first , they rested on them . The three scor'd lines will be found equal ; whereas the middle one is scor'd out by the contact of a Circle far less than the other two , yet 't is as long as them : Which , with no likely-hood , can be deny'd impossible ; since , 't is clear , things that touch , as far as they do so , are , necessarily equal . This is the knot ; this the evident repugnancy . But , alas ! let 's observe that Motion is call'd in to help tye the knot the harder ; and that the motion is of two kinds , a Right and a Circular , compounding a third progressive motion of the Wheel . Observe we farther , that the Right ( or streight ) Motion of the three Wheels is equal ; and that the Circular Motion of the great Wheels is equal to the Right Motion ; but the Circular motion of the Middle little Wheel is less than the Right Motion : And , which follows , that the greater Wheels are mov'd with the same celerity according to both motions ; but the lesser is mov'd stronglyer in the Right , than in the Circular . Now , the compounded Motion is not that which is scor'd upon the floor or table , which , 't is clear , is a simple and purely Right one ; but a certain crooked Motion in the Air , making , with the scored Motion , a certain Area ( whose quantity , Torricellus has demonstrated ) : as is manifest beyond dispute to whoever but takes any one point of the Circle or Wheel ; and withall , that the progressive Motion of the bigger Wheels is greater than that of the lesser Wheel . These things thus explicated , there appears nothing in this objection more intricate , than in this simple Proposition , that of two bodies , which are carryed according to one line with equal velocity , one may , at the same time , be carried swiftlyer than the other , according to another line : which is so evident , that any one , that 's a Mathematician , cannot doubt of it . 7. Yet still Galilaeus presses closer that , in the circumvolution , the several points of the lesser Circle or Wheel are just fitted , in an immediate succession , to the several points of the space in which 't is carried : And , therefore , that it cannot be understood how the Right can be longer than the Crooked . But , that which deceived Galilaeus was his not having discussed Aristotle himself , but bin overcredulous to his Modern Interpreters , or rather Corrupters . For , Aristotle has taught us that a Moveable , in actual Motion , alwaies possesses a bigger ( and not-equal ) place to it self ; which is most evident : For , since no part of Motion can be but in Time ; and , in every part of time , the thing moved quits some place and gets some new ; 't is plain , there cannot be found any so little motion , wherein the Body moved , has not possessed both the place in which it had rested , and some part of a New one . This supposed , though the Moveable were conceived indivisible ; yet certain it would be that , in whatever determinate part of time , or by however little a part of Motion , it would score out not a space equal to it self , but some line ; and , in the conditions of our present dispute every point of the lesser Wheel will draw a line proportionate to a part of the Circle of the greater Wheel . And , since really there are no either instants in Time , or indivisibles in Motion , or Points in a Circular Line : 'T is evident , this Argument has no force ; but in vertue of that false apprehension which we have convinced in the ' fore-alledged defence of Geometry . Seventh Plea Inquires after the Causes of our Modern Shortness in Science . 1. IN some of the following Chapters he , exquisitely enough , searches into the Causes of Errors and human Ignorance : Yet , me-thinks , I could suggest two which he has over-slipt . One is the Laziness or rather Vanity of this Age : For , whoever has got himself but talk enough to weave a learned story amongst the ignorant or half-learned , such as understandings unaccostomed to Sciences are apt to be dazled with : partly out of irksomness to pursue harder things , partly out of confidence of his own wit , he slights descending into those Mines whence our Ancestors have dig'd out Science ; and to take those pains himself which alone Wisdom regards and follows . Let this Author be my witness ; who , about the end of his former Chapter , complains of the Obscurity of our Speculations concerning Motion , Gravity , Light , Colours , Sight , Sound ; all which the Digbaean Philosophy makes as clear as day : Whence also ( though there they are more copiously and clearly explicated ) we have borrowed our Discourses of the Load-Stone , the derivation of the Spirits into the Members , the Memory and Remembrance , the Formation of living Creatures , and whatever almost we have alledged for solving the proposed Difficulties : the very dictates of Nature leading us the way . Such like Philosophers , therefore , read the eminent and highly elaborate Works of others , as if they were Romances invented for pleasure , or as Spectators behold a Comedy : what on the sudden takes them they commend ; if any thing more knotty than ordinary occurs , they either out of laziness let it pass unregarded , or break some bitter jest on 't . 2. Another cause of Ignorance , wav'd by our Author , appears to me to be a certain special Error in the nature of Demonstration . For , they feign to themselvs a certain Idea of Demonstration , which should not only have this force on the Vnderstanding , to render the Truth propos'd evident ; but , so , besides , that no objection can with any likelihood be oppos'd against it . Which is as much as if they should require this Demonstration to clear whatever follows out of , or any way relates to it ; or , that one Demonstration should be a kind of entire Science . For , otherwise , how is it possible but opposition may be rais'd against this , out of things not-yet seen-through and conjoin'd with this Truth ? An Understanding then , adapted to Sciences , out of very Principles and what it already knows , is secure of a deduced Truth : nor fears any thing can be infer'd opposite to the Truth it knows ; whatever pains it may cost to get out of streights . For , it knows , that those things are certain , which the Vnderstanding , out of a steddy sight that a Thing is a Thing , or that the same is the same , has fixt to and in it self : and patiently waits till the distinction between the entanglements shew it self , and the confusion vanish . 3. In that these Contemners of Sciences endeavour not at fixing any thing in themselves by a severe contemplation of Truth : as soon as any Truth pretends but to evidence , as if they were incapable of owning it , they quit their station , and betake themselves to enquiring whether any one has oppos'd that same : and if they find Impugners , they assume it for most evident , that such a Truth is not evident . For , say they , were it evident , 't would be so to all ; 't would convince every understanding . But , they may just as well say , the Sun is not visible , because t is not seen by them who turn their backs on 't , or keep their eies shut . For , as in corporeal sight , some corporeal motion is necessary , by which the Ball of the Eye may be set against the Object : no less to see and fix in the mind this very evidence , that the same cannot be and not-be at once , a certain Application , and as it were , opening of the mind is required ; even to conceive and give birth to the very evidentest evidence . And , for want of this , so many of the Ancients and Moderns have not own'd , but corrupted , the evidence of that very first and most notorious Principle . Whence they can never attain that Scientifical Method which shines so clear in Arithmetick and Geometry , but are wholly entangled in Logical and Equivocal trifles ; and fill babbling Volumes with fopperies . Let these lusty Compilers of Tomes shew the world but one leaf , or one page deduc'd , or , at least , attempted in a Geometrical Method ; and then , let them complain there 's no Science , or that it lies hid in an unfathomable Well : now the sordid Sluggards , only mettlesome at repaoaches , conceit a Lion in the way , and stir not a foot , so much as to behold the very way . Eighth Plea Wards off from Aristotle the Calumny of special Impiety . 1. ANd now I seem at an end of the Task set me : did not the same persons strein , as enviously as possible , to defame Aristotle , with all manner of Contumelies ; that the ignominy of that one man may make way for them to tear Science it self out of the hands of the Learned , and throw it into the dirt of Probability . For , he alone , of all the Ancients , has left any Monument of Demonstration in Metaphysicks and Physicks . The Academicks , where they leave the Peripateticks , were Orators , not Philosophers . For , Socrates himself was meerly a Disputer and a Doubter . Plato and Aristotle divided his School . Plato propos'd to himself , with his wholy-divine Wit and purest Eloquence , to set out Probability , and make himself admir'd for speaking specious things concerning the Principles necessary to Human life . Aristotle very concisely hunting after truth by Experiments , and Marrying with the inspection of Nature , the power of deducing Consequences , design'd to shew the world Science in Physicks and Metaphysicks worthy to vye with Geometry : And , therefore , as long as a Popular form of Common-wealth nourisht the power of Orators , He was less esteem'd . For , those Famous persons affected to manage Science after the manner of Civil Causes , without a solid and firm Judgment . The Orators at length , wearing out of credit , the Authority of Aristotle grew stronger ; and has been deriv'd from the Romans to the Arabians ; from them , to our Schools : the Italians first ( to our knowledge ) re-calling into the West , the Science of the Arabians , which the wars long since had chas'd away . 2. 'T is highly unjust , and a sign of a Cavilling spirit , to pry into his Life , whose Doctine you go about to impugn : For , these Oratorial preventions of the Reader argue the Writer has no mind a candid Judgment should be given of the Truth ; but lyes in wait to distort Justice by stirring the Affections . Wherefore , hissing out those things which are tattled against Aristotles manners , let 's trace what 's objected against his Doctrine . Peter Gassendus , then , in his Third Exercitation , objects it as certain , that 't is Aristotles Opinion , in his Book of Metaphysicks , that God is an Animal : Whereas , on the contrary , in the 8. Book of his Physicks , Chap. 6 and 10. He so expresly makes God a substance immaterial , indivisible , immoveable either by himself or by accident ; that impudence it self cannot be able to deny God , in his Opinion , not-an Animal . He adds , that God is ty'd to the out-most Superficies of the highest Heaven , which is extream-heedlesly said in the Peripatetical Way : Whether you construe without Heaven , in imaginary spaces ( whereas Aristotle most expresly attests there are no such ) ; or an Indivisible adherent to Heaven ; whereas , both the First Mover must necessarily be said to be in that which is first Moveable or Moved ; and , t is well known , that , in Aristotle's way , the Superficies is mov'd only through the Motion of the Body whose it is ; as also , the Superficies ( as we have said above ) is a certain being divided , or term , or no-farther of a Body , and not any Entity in which God may be placed . 3. The next accusation argues God bound up to the Laws of Fate and Necessity . But , here , the Calumniator is clearly in an Error . For , there are two kinds of Fate ; one a Stoical ; their 's who assert that whatever things are , exist in force of Contradiction , since , of necessity , every thing must either be or not-be ; and this Fate Aristotle rejects : The other Fate is a Course of Causes . Since , therefore , 't is evident and agreed by all , in the Peripatetical way , that God is the First-Being , and by consequence , the Cause of the whole Series of the rest ; most clear it is that , in Aristotle's School , He is not Subject to Fate , but himself the Fate of all other things ; which is the most wise Tenet of the Saints , and the marrow of Christian Doctrine . Like this is the other , that He is Subject to Necessity . For , the term , Necessity , is ambiguous : For , as t is attributed to Animals contradistinctly from Liberty , so it takes away perfect knowledge ; which no Peripatetick ever deny'd to God , to whom Aristotles Doctrine forces the very top of knowledge to be attributed . There 's another Necessity springing from prefect knowledge ; to which nothing lying undiscovered , one perfect in knowledge , and , consequently , God , can take but one way . But , this necessity implying the determination of an Understander to Particulars , out of Common Principles , manifestly speaks Election or liberty actuated . 4. He is farther calumniated to have taught that God knows not despicable and petty things ; and , the 12. of his Metaphysicks is cited , where this is not found but by way of doubting : But , his best Interpreters conclude , out of other Texts , that Aristotle attributes the knowledge even of these too , to God. This crimination , therefore , argues an ill will , drawing the words of that excellent person to the worst sense . Yet , at least , He makes the World increated . But this may easily be deny'd . He asserted it , indeed , not-generated , or , impossible to have begun by Motion and the force of Natural Causes ; which is most consonant to Christian Faith : But , as to the Creation of the World , he has not a word on 't : Yet , 't is one thing not to have acknowledg'd it , or reacht so high ; another , to deny ; amongst modest Men that babble not incertainties . Yet , I confess , he thought the World it self Eternal : But , in his very Error , he shewed himself the chief of Heathen Philosophers . For , whereas , they all with one consent declared , that nothing is made of nothing , 't was inconsequent for the World to have begun by Motion , which could not exist without Time ; and no begining of Time , either out of its own essence , or by the action of moving Causes , could appear . T is plain , therefore , that this Error of Aristotle's argues his excellency above the rest , who by Chance , and not by Science light on the Truth . 5. The last calumny about his Tenets concerns the Immortality of the Soul , which Gassendus saies , Aristotle in many places denies : but as disfavourably as before ; since , his best Interpreters attest that he acknowledged it ; and Plutarch records him to have written concerning the Soul , upon Eudemus's death ; out of whom is cited that famous Story of a dead man's Soul begging revenge of his Friend . Whence is evidenc'd that those Interpreters err , who , out of Aristotle's Principles , endeavour to conclude the Soul not immortal , and that this was Aristotle's own sence . It hits strangely in fine , that the Author , otherwise very ingenious , should judge this a fit Objection , that Aristotle denyed the Resurrection of the dead : which , t is most certain , the light of Faith first discover'd to Mortals ; though , after its acceptation on that account , its conformity also to the progress of Nature might be discern'd . This farther , that he concludes , saying , that Aristotle speaks many things wholly disagreeable to our H. Orthodox Faith : as if Plato and the rest of the Philosophers had tendred the World none but Tenets agreeable to Faith : which is by so much an unworthier part of Gassendus , in that he himself in his Preface , promises he 'l shew that , t is by Faith alone , any thing comes to our knowledge of God and the Intelligences ; and that all Arguments about these things , drawn from the light of Nature , are vain . A worthy Epiphonema , indeed , to close up his Sixth Book , design'd against Metaphysick , or the supreme Science . Ninth Plea Wipes off the Aspersions on Aristotle's Doctrine and Terms . 1. I Must now return from Gassendus to the Author of The Vanity of Dogmatizing ; since he has selected the strongest Mediums : justly preferring them before that numerable rabble which Gassendus has heap'd together , even to cloying ; out of love to reproaching , rather than Science . Our English Academick , then , first by way of Preface , as it were , seems to decline that envy , which the honourable train of Aristotle's Followers would be apt to procure him ; applying that sentence of Seneca's , The Multitude is an Argument of the worst : so prone we are to err , even in the plainest things . For , t is evident , the Vulgar , in some things , follow men of excellence , as it were , their Captains ; in other things are govern'd , or rather hurried by their own judgment . The former Method is that of Nature it self , that many Ignorants may , by the vertue and Authority of a few , be carried to good : But , that the Vulgar should judge of things themselvs know not , and by a tumultuary consent , precipitate the counsels of the prudent ; this is opposite to the Laws of Nature and Reason . Here now enquire whence Aristotle has got an Authority with the Vulgar ? and t will clearly appear he has been made the Coripheus of Philosophers by the sway of the very Princes of Scholastical Theology : to whom if you compare the Judgments of Orators or Criticks , they 'l dwindle away to nothing . The Fathers themselves ( those great Persons pardon me if I say so ) are of another different Trade ; nor have fallen upon any Philosophical Explication of Faith , otherwise than as forc'd to it by the importunity of Hereticks . 2. The Author subjoins , that in the opinion of the wise , Peripeteticism is a mass of Terms that signifie nothing . But this Author knew not that his own Terms are so equivocal , that themselves speak nothing . For , who has sufficiently fifted this , who , or by whose judgment they are called wise , that have pronounced this of the Peripateticks ? If we consult Aristotles Works themselves , or his ancient Emulators , t is clearer than the Sun , none ever of the Philosophers so industriously , and by distributing so many of his Terms into obvious sences , took care for the clearness of his Dictates , and eluded the entanglement of Equivocations . T is manifest then , the Wise men had little skill in Aristotle . They have mistaken , therefore , for Aristotelians some Apes cloaking themselves with Aristotle's name , and expose other mens Tenets for Peripatetical ones : and ( which he seems not to know ) in very truth Pyrronians . For , whoever , in mighty Volumes and Questions piled one on another , teaches nothing else , but , that one part , indeed , is more likely , but either side is defensible ; in such a World of twattle saies no more , than had he pass'd sentence in one Word , that Nothing is clear . This Calumny , therefore , touches his own Friends , not Aristotle . 3. Then , he prosecutes his Plea against the Peripateticks by certain Doubts ; which either are not , or seem not , clear to him , in spight of Reason . The notion of Materia prima , which asserts it to have neither Quiddity , nor Quantity , nor Quality , he contests is a Description of Nothing . ' Strange , that Men be so humorsome ! Are there , perhaps , in all Nature more usual words than Being and Power ? Who is so sottish , that he speaks not thus of a piece of Brass or Marble assign'd for the purpose , that it is not-yet , but may or will be a Statue of Mercury ? Do they not , peradventure , understand themselves that speak thus ; or , when they say , it may be , or has an aptitude to be a Mercury , Do they say the Brass or Marble is Nothing , or , is nothing of Mercury ? How , then , besides Mercury , or the Form of Mercury , is there not a certain power or aptitude to be Mercury , which neither is Mercury actually , nor yet a notion of No-thing or No-thing ? Or if , in respect of the Figure which constitutes Mercury , there is some aptitude which neither is that , nor yet a Notion of Nothing ; why may we not affirm the same of a Quantum or Bulk , and say , a Boy is not yet big , but may be big ? For he that asserts this does he not , at the same time , deny Bigness ; and yet clearly he names an Aptitude to Bigness ? Nor , perhaps , is there any difference in respect to Entity ; for we scruple not to say that Tallow or Oile may be Flame , and yet that they are not yet Flame : the Tallow , therefore , or Oil neither are the thing , Flame , which they may be , nor so big as they will be when they are Flame , nor so hot ; and yet they may be Flame , they may be greater , they may be hotter : and there is in them a certain power , which neither has Quiddity , Quantity , nor Quality ; since they are refer'd to all these , and are in a present state of privation in respect to them . Now whoever professes this unintelligible , directly condemns Mankind for a company of Fools , that know not what they say in their vulgarest speech and commerces : And , he that denies Matter it self destroys that solemn Maxim of Philosophy , that Nature makes nothing of nothing . 4. There are two other Terms which trouble our Sceptick , Form and being educ'd out of the power of Matter . As for the first , 't is strangely odd , that too much speculation should so render ingenious men no better than the most stupid . Can any man be born such a Bruit , as not to own that one thing is distinct from another ? or , if it be distinct , can he assert t is distinguish'd by nothing ? Does the difficulty lie here , that this , by which t is distinguish'd should be called a Form ? what a strange unreasonableness is this , not to let me call that a Form , which I see distinguish one from the other ? May not I say of two brazen Statues , that they agree in Brass , and are distinguisht by their Figures ? Or , if there be a third of Marble , shall I be chid for saying , the brazen ones are distinguisht from the Marble one , in that this is of Stone , those other of Mettal ? As , therefore , before , I distinguisht power and being in substance , Quantity , and Quality ; I may , now , in the same , find grounds for the denominations of Form and Subject in each of them . 5. As to the later Term , being educ'd out of power , let the ingenious Man reflect whether that which , out of some dark hole , softly and by degrees comes forth n●o open view , is improperly said to be educ'd or brought out . Again , let him remember ( if he have ever seen a peece of Marble form'd by a Statuary ) how , at first it cannot be imagin'd what the Artist means to form : after a little pains , there appears a confus'd resemblance of a Humane Creature ; then , whether it be a Man or Woman ; and at length , what Man it is . Behold , how a man , which was potentially in the Marble , and confused in the dark , as it were , is by little and little educ'd by Art out of that confusion into clear light , and the Marble is palpable and expresly made a Caesar. Philosophers consider as much in Nature ; whether you observe the seeds of living things , or the Community of the Elements to be mixt into a compound , or the abstraction of Matter from the Elements , whence this Phrase to be educ'd out of the power of Matter signifies Matter out of its aptitude to many , to be determin'd , by the operation of Nature or Art to one certain thing ; through a motion from confusion to distinctness : and not to be , as it were , infus'd , with a dependance from the subject , as this Anti-Peripatetick fancies out of I know not what Dreamers . For , there are none of these triflles extant in Aristotle . Tenth Plea Maintains certain Definitions and Arguings . 1. NExt they shoot at two of Aristotle's Definitions , either of them most exact , and as clear as can be , to those that understand any thing in his way . The first is the Definition of Light , in these words , Light is the act of a prespicuous thing : which seems obscure to this race of people , because the use of the Word Act is fram'd by Philosophers , and not taken from Tully , or found in Calipine . Let them know , therefore , that Act is deriv'd from Agere , to do , or Agi , to be done , or the Participle Actum , done ; and us'd by Philosophers for that , by which what was intended by the Agent at the end of his Action is term'd or demonstrated donc . In Greek , perhaps , 't is more elegantly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were , the Operation of the Causes , taking the Operation , not for the Flux of the Action , but , for that which remains introduced by the Operation , which is such a Flux . But , because our language affords not a proper word correspondent to the term , Act ; our Sterling Philosopher is all in choller against Aristotle . For , if he had put but ordinary words , instead of terms of Art , saying , Light is a certain perfection of a body , that has this in its Nature , to let coloured things appear through it , making them de facto appear through it ; as we experience Objects are seen through illuminated Air , which are not seen through it darkened : what had he found worth making such a wide mouth over ? Now because he has spoken most neatly and briefly , poor Aristotle smarts for it . 2. The other Definition has the same fault . The Definition is this , Motion is the Act of a thing in power , as in power . For , since a thing is said to be in power , to that it may be brought to by Motion ; for example ; One that 's sick , to Health ; Wood , to firing , or to be fire : t is plain , that Motion is that perfection , or act with which the subject is affected whilst 't is yet in power , or , till the sick person be in health , or the Wood be fire ; as in power , or in that state by which it may attain the intended perfection . Behold here a most clear and learned Definition , and subject to no other reproach than a certain umbrage , from a ridiculous story concerning the Greek term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which I believe fram'd by the Philosopher to express his intention emphatically . The story 's this ; That a Critick , I know not who , went to one Ciccus , esteem'd a Magician ( I imagine , because he wrote of Magick ) to enquire of the Devil what was the meaning of that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Aristotle ; and return'd as wise as he went , and mock'd at by the Oracle . That it may appear then what a Dunce Devil our Philosophers have consulted ; lte them take notice that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word made up of three , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the addition of a foeminine termination , which is proper for signifying Abstractions : and so signifies the Manner the subject of Motion is found in at the end of the action ; which is the very same thing with the term Act , as t is explicated above . 3. In his seventeenth Chapter there is a new Calumny forg'd against Aristotle ; the more unworthily , in that he ; above the rest , has endeavour'd at clearness . His Philosophy is accus'd to be litigious , and through the wavering use of his Terms , confused and obscure . This accusation is found guilty of a double Ignorance : One , of what Aristotle's use is ; for he 's the carefullest that ever writ , to distinguish and form the significations of his Terms : The other is , that he takes Scepticks for Peripateticks . And , that the Scepticks endeavours are the vainest that can be , I easily grant ; that they little trouble themselves about fixing the use of their words , to be left more at liberty to sell any trifles they list for Vanity or profits sake ; that they are petty Orators , or rather janglers , not Philosophers ; that they take upon them the name of Aristotelians , to corrupt Youth and draw Disciples after them . I deny not that these are to be shun'd like the Plaigue , by all pursuers of Science ; nor is any thing of sollidity to be expected from them : this one thing puts me out of patience , that Persons , otherwise ingenious and desirous of knowledge , should be averted by these Cheats , not only from true Science , but from all hope of ever gaining any , in the things most necessary to human life . 4. They back their feigned Plea against the Philosopher out of his own Words and Actions . Their first crack is upon that saying of his , that his Books of Physicks were so publisht , that they were not made publick . The sense whereof was , that the Matter or Subject handled in them is so abstracted , that , without the assistance of an experienc'd Master , they could not be understood by those unus'd to his way ; which we see hold to this day : For , scarce any one comprehends those Books , unless aided by the old Commentators . Whence our Moderns , for the most part , are quite besides the Cushion as to Aristotles meaning ; though he himself has spoken , as clearly as possible the brevity He prefixt to himself could bear . The next Calumny is grosser and more luckless ; that those things which he has collected , to furnish Logical Disputants , and perfect the Act of Disputing previously to giving Judgment , should be applyed to his Method of Demonstrating , and to his practice not in disputing but defining . For , as , in Plays , 't is a commendation to entangle the story , that it may come off at last with greater admiration : So , 't is the task of the Inquirer to confound the Question , with proposing Difficulties before it , that the Demonstrator may clearly Vnidicate it , and , as it were , dispelling the clouds , restore it to Light. 5. This Plea requir'd Instances out of that work of his . The Author presses three : Upon Gassendus's credit , I believe , or some other slight Lookers into it ; for , in the Book it self there 's nothing to be seen : The first runs thus . He proves the World to be perfect , because it consists of Bodies ; that Bodies are perfect , because they consist of a triple dimension ; that a triple dimensions is , therefore , perfect , because consisting of three ; and that three is perfect , because two we call both , and never say all till we come to three . Look into his First book De Coelo , Chap. 1. You shall find these last words make no part of the Demonstration , but are additional only : and that the Demonstration , it self is this ; Because the World consists of Bodies , the perfection of the World is to be perfect in the Notion of Body . Now , the perfection of Body lies in this , that it be spread every way upon three prependiculars , as the Geometricians demonstrate . And thus are both the several Bodies , and the World ; but in a divers manner ; For the several Bodies are terminated each to others ; whence , though they are spread according to all the lines , yet not to the whole , or utmost extent of them . But , because there is no space beyond or without the World ( as 't is demonstrated in the fourth of his Physicks ) , the World is spread according to all and the whole lines , or , perfectly every way ; and by consequence , must be said perfect in the Notion of Body , and , so , absolutely . 6. The second Instance is , that Aristotle asserts , were there more Worlds , the Moon would fall down upon the Earth . This consequence the Arguer thinks sprung from such a fancy as theirs , that fear the Antipodes should drop into Heaven . But , he reflects not how great pains the Philosopher took to establish the Center of the World in the Earth : Which granted , this consequence would depend not from fancy but reason , as himself seems to confess . 7. The third Instance , too ( drawn out of lib. 2. cap. 5. De Coelo . Is utterly perverted . For , Aristotle teaches not , that the Heav'ns are , therefore , carry'd towards the West , because the West is the Nobler , ( as the Argument makes it ) ; but , that the West is the Nobler , because the Heav'ns are carry'd towards it . Now , there 's this difference betwixt the two ; that in the former Method , 't is assum'd without proof , that the West is the Nobler ; in the later , it follows out of those things which Aristotle had concluded ; viz. That there 's nothing Accidental in Eternal Things ; and , by consequence , that the Motion towards the West is Natural to the Heav'ns ; and Natural Motion is to the more honourable : whence it clearly follows , that the West is Nobler than the East . It follows , I say ; for , if the Principles were true , 't were a Noble Demonstration . Eleventh Plea Refutes some Topicks babbled against Science . 1. ABout the end of the Chapter he expresses indignation , that the learned so employ all their pains upon Logick , Physick , and Metaphysick ; that the Sciences , usefuller to human life , viz. concerning the Heav'ns , Meteors , Fossils , and Animals , but especially Politicks and Oeconomicks , are much neglected . Nor can I deny that these are neglected in the Schools : but , what 's guilty on 't , but the Scepticism that reigns there ? For , if the Sciences were taught in Aristotle's Method , there would be room enough for all ; nor would nature be taunted with the usual calumny , that Mans life is too short for the Arts : But , the necessary ones once known , there would advance still a surplusage of leisure , to take abundantly , in any of these Sciences , that delight which human Curiosity should be drawn to . But , they are the Scepticks that envy this happiness to men ; confounding all things with endless contests ; especially those common truths which Aristotle has demonstrated : such as are Formal Divisibility , that what ever is mov'd is mov'd by another , that a Continuum or Bulk is divisible in infinitum , that there 's no vacuum : and such like ; without the owning whereof before hand , 't is in vain to make Experiments for acquiring Science : Since , they will all come at length to be resolv'd into these Principles ; or else there will be ever a straining after Science unproffitably , without any Principles at all . 2. In his eighteenth Chapter , he reproves the Peripatetical Doctrine as insufficient to solve Phaenomena's . But , this he does out of Error or Spleen : For , if he takes the Doctrine of our Modern Philosophical Apes to be Aristotle's own , he 's strangely in an error ; but , if he denyes Aristotle to have taken pains to solve Problem's , he 'l be shewn guilty of Injustice by all his Books of Natural Philosophy , those especially which usually follow his eight Books . Which of the Moderns has more happily unbowel'd Nature than Digby , who at every turn is mindful of Aristotle , and candidly accepts his Dictates ? The Adversary urges that the Systeme of Heaven is mis-contriv'd by Aristotle . Open the accusation , you 'l find the sum and very knot of it to be , that Aristotle had not an Optick Table : else supposing those Phaenomenas of the Sun , which enlightened Aristotle's Age , his Discourse , in his Books De Coelo , merits all admiration . That the Intelligences are the Movers of the Heav'n is Christian Doctrine . That there is a certain Fire swimming upon our Air is nothing else but Cartes's Ether , or a kind of rarer Element enbracing the convex of our sky . If Aristotle has err'd in a very few things ; why , yet , so much anger ? shall we not allow Philosophy its growing time ? If , yet , he may be said to Err , and not rather ingeniously , and ingeniously to propose , who professes he conjectures , not Demonstrates ; as Aristotle does in his Books De Coelo . 3. His ninteenth Chapter inveighs against Aristotle's Doctrine as unfruitful and barren ; but , weakly and falsely . Weakly , because all the inventions he speaks of belong to Artificers and Handy-craft-Men ; not Philosophers , whose office 't is to make use of Experiments for Science , not to make them . Falsly , because Aristotle's way of Doctrine being about Common Notions , without which there 's no comprehending Particulars ; nothing is truly invented without it . I , but they are Generals that are found in Aristotle . It must be reply'd , that he and his Disciples deserve thanks for devulging them , and fixing a step to climb thence farther and higher . But , ( if my Divination fails me not ) I see , were Aristotle's Principles pluck'd up , Philosophy unable to give an Account of ordinary Effects . I 'm sure , the Philosophy which admits Vacuities is reducible to no Rules for acting : And Cartes's Vortices , I shrewdly suspect no way serviceable to invention . Concerning his Tenets , which savour of impiety , we have spoken before . For his contradictions , the places are not cited : but , whoever is skill'd in Aristotle knows , he uses to draw Examples out of others Books and vulgar sayings ; and that nothing is to be esteemed his own , which falls not into the Course of his Doctrine . Whence , 't is no hard matter to find contrary Opinions in his works : but , those things alone are to be ascribed to him , which either are asserted in their proper places , or brought by him for confirmation of his known Tenets . 4. The twentieth Chapter renders manifest the eminence of Peripateticism above all other Methods , by its very impugnation of it . For , it assumes , it cannot be known that one thing is Cause of another , otherwise than because they are found together : which we deny not to be an occasion of suspecting , but no Argument of Causality ; for , if nothing else be clear , 't will be still-unknown , which of the too is the Cause , which Effect . But , the Peripateticks conclude not A. to be the cause of B. till , defining both , they find , out of their very Definitions , that A cannot be , but it must follow out of its intrinsecals that B is . For example , a Peripaterick collects that Fire is the Cause of Heat ; because Heat is nothing else but Atoms flowing from Fire : and on the other side , he knows that Fire cannot exist , but it must send out such particles . Cartes's paradox , of Light and the Sun , is just as if we should expect the Skyes falling to catch Larks . That wonderfully ingenious Man is so coelestial , that he has not so much as Sand to found his structures on . Peripateticks chuse rather to collect a few Certainties , acknowledging a Multitude of uncertainties , than , grasping at all , to hold nothing . Sure I am , none more largely pretends Demonstration , than des Cartes : So that , nothing is more unseemly than for his adorers to profess Scepticism . 5. Not a jot stronger , to establish the impossibility of Science , is the argument from the variety of Opinions amongst those that are call'd Philosopers . For first , it must be evident that they are Philosophers : before their judgements deserve esteem in Philosophical matters . Do they profess to Demonstrate ? Do they model their Books in Euclid's Method ? Do they interweave Definitions with self-known truths ? And admit no other for proof ? All which may be observ'd in Aristotle and his antient interpreters , though not express'd in Euclids form . These things if they do , either they are not rational , or all will be of the same mind ; as Geometricians are . If they neglect these , 't is not a pin matter for their judgments in Philosophy . Our Author tells a story of the power of Fancy , which I doubt is imperfect : For , it seems , he would have one Man be able to order anothers thoughts without ever acting by his senses or Fancy : Since , he relates , that one compel'd others , absent from him , to think and speak what he pleas'd . For , though I allow Men to have a very large power over Animals , by the help of their Fancies ; for example , to tame or enrage them , by means of sounds or shewing them figures ; perhaps , too , to strike them sick or cure them , and such like : Yet , that the Fancy should be mov'd to those things , which move it not by any sense , 't is hard to believe . For all that , I do not altogether deny the Motion made upon the sense to be every way like , and Univocal to that which is in the mind ; and , when it happens , to be deriv'd rather from the vehemencie of the affection , than the pure Motion of the Fancies impressing it . 6. In this twenty first Chapter , he divines of Future Science ; particularly , of some not-yet discovered manners of acting at distance : which I 'le rather await , than discuss or hope for . About the end of the Chapter , he assumes , that nothing can be known , unless it be resolv'd into the first Causes . Whence , he should have seen clearly that the First Causes , and Metaphysicks , which treats of them , is most known of all to Nature , or next to our first knowledges : And that Naturalists strive in vain , who negotiate much about the particulars of Nature ; and comprehend nothing through their ignorance of Metaphysick . Take for example the stir about Vacuum ; which Metaphysicks declare as impossible , as for no-thing to be a thing : about the spring of Rarity and Density ; which the Metaphysician most palpably demonstrates is out of , or , extrinsecal to the things that are Rare and Dense , and many such like ; whose truth those that essay by Experiments , but without the light of Metaphysick , shall find an endless work on 't . Metaphysical Principles must be taken from Aristotle , not des Cartes , though a Person of most eminent Wit. For , Aristotle , by contemplation , form'd into method those things which he found engrafted in nature : Des Cartes , in his Physical principles ( as if he meant to prescribe the Creator an Idea ) designs in the Air and in the Concave of the Moon , as they say , what himself thought was to be done , according to Art. From which kind of Fabrick there 's no benefit to be hoped for by the Reader . 7. The next Chapter is sick of that error , which Aristotle has very often detected and confuted ; viz. that nothing is known unless it be perfectly known : for example , that we know not God is , unlesse we see him , that any Man cannot make use , and be sure of that Cartes's first-known thing or Object of knowledge , I think , therefore I am , unlesse he comprehends the all things of that I ; so , as to know the Nature of his Matter and Form , the Number of his Elements and Members , and the Causes and Motion by which he was begotten , and in short , whatever is connected with him . Which is clearly to professe , he knows not the question in hand : For , none of the Dogmatizers either arrogates to himself or hopes for so perfect a knowledge . 'T is a piece of the same heedlesnesse , not to know that all that see a white wall have the same apprehension of whiteness , though their several sensations vary the degree and perfection of it . Whence , our Author had done more prudently to have sat down in silence , and pardon'd the affecters of Science their error ; than , by meerly Topical and Delusory Reasons , to have averted minds , born to excellent things , from the first desire of Nature , and gathering fruit , at least , in some degree ; according to that of the moral Poet , Though you of Glycons mighty lims despair , Do not to keep away the Gout forbear . 8. For all that , our Academick makes no scruple , in general , to lay all kind of mischief to those that proceed dogmatically , such Art ( as the Philosophers says ) it requires to find a mean. First he asserts this Method is the Daughter of ignorance ? who would have look'd for this brand from a Sceptick ? you that profess your selves to know nothing , do you object ignorance to others ? Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes ? Next , he calls it the Inmate of untam'd affections : upon what title ? for , if there be any Science , that will The peaceful Temples keep well fortifi'd , Built by the Sages Doctrine . — You that profess you know not whether there be any or no ; how rashly do you affirm it to dwell alwayes with untam'd affections ? since , if there be none , it dwells no where . The third inconvenience of Dogmatizing is , that it stirs men up to controversies . The rising Sun seems to me guilty of the very same Crime , in disturbin the Slug-a-beds , and summoning every one to their work : For , such a kind of falt it is , to inculcate Truth to those that live in ignorance and error . A fourth crime is , that one who adheres to any Science , lays ignorance to the charge of those that know not his demonstration . I cannot deny it ; For , 't is the Nature and Title of light to reproach those things , as dark , which admit not its beams . But , herein the Demonstrators are modester than the Scepticks , that , at least , they except some , and speak well of Nature ; whom , with all her Children , the Scepticks condemn to the Dungeon of Darknesse for ever . 9. Like this is the next , that the confidence of Science in error bars the Gates against the liberty to get possession of truth . How blindly does the Sceptick dispute these things ? who freely owns that truth is no where , which men might have the liberty to get possession of . He concludes at last , the Dogmatizer has a petty and enthrall'd Soul. So strangely things are nick-nam'd that are unknown ! For , t is Science's part to dilate the Soul , and render it capable of great things : and this the pleasure of one that knows , to look down on Scepticks as all in a tumult below , and Lucret. See them at a loss at every turn , And breathless hunting out the way of life . Which to make ones life and Task is the miserablest of all things , and an utter casting off Rationality ; and the whole felicity Humanity affords . These things , as they are all most true , and scarce deniable , even by a Sceptick , to follow out of the possibility of Demonstration , that is , if there be any Rational Nature , yet I would not have them so asserted , as to Patronize palliated Scepticks , who admit , indeed , that there is such a thing as some both Physical and Metaphysical Science , in common ; but neither tend to it by any legitimate Method , nor own any thing , in particular , demonstrated : and yet , by the press of the Herd , in a society , thrusting one another on , and by loads of Scriblers , they most absurdly fly at and arrogate to themselves the highest degree of Doctorship , and the top of Sciences and name of Wisdom . The Father of Nature grant Mankind may at length be eas'd of this Yoak ; which galls the necks of the Sons of Adam : and , that the studious of truth may understand it alike dangerous to think every thing and nothing is demonstrated . FINIS . 
A39319	----	Some opinions of Mr. Hobbs considered in a second dialogue between Philautus and Timothy by the same author. Eachard, John, 1636?-1697. 1673 Approx. 370 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 172 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39319 Wing E64 ESTC R30964 11748597 ocm 11748597 48558 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39319) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48558) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1484:3) Some opinions of Mr. Hobbs considered in a second dialogue between Philautus and Timothy by the same author. Eachard, John, 1636?-1697. [30], 309 p. Printed by J. Macock for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1673. Attributed to John Eachard by NUC pre-1956 imprints and Wing. Dedication signed J.E. . Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. Philosophy, English -- 17th century. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SOME OPINIONS OF M R HOBBS Considered in a Second DIALOGUE BETWEEN Philautus and Timothy . By the same Author . LONDON , Printed by J. Macock for Walter Kettilby , at the Sign of the Bishops-head in S t Pauls Church-yard . 1673. TO THE Most Reverend Father in God , GILBERT By Divine Providence Lord Archbishop OF CANTERBURY , Primate of all ENGLAND and Metropolitan : and one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy-Council , &c. May it please your Grace , SEeing your Grace has already withstood the displeasure of such a threatning Philosopher and Politician as Mr. Hobbs , and not publickly disown'd , or renounc'd the protection of my former Dialogue ; I have ventured to anger our Adversary once more , by pr●…suming to offer this second to your Graces acceptance and pardon . Which presumption , although the continuance of your Graces favours towards me might almost excuse , yet it is the great insolence and great extravagance of Mr. Hobbs's attempts , that makes me still seek out for protection from so gre●…t and eminent a Patron ; who by his unaffected affability to all men , and his studious encouragement of the best , by his unwearied care for promoting true Religion , as well as securing the just Authority of his Prince , is alone able to live down many Leviathans . And if there be any way to bring that haughty-conceited-Philosopher to a tolerable good nature , and to tie him up to moderate prophaneness , it must be done by such as your Grace , defending and approving those that write against him : for as 't is well known to your Grace , that he 'l allow no man to speak truth but himself ; so will he scarce ad●…it of any man to be truly great , unless he is of his mind and opinions : and that makes him so angry with your Grace , because you are such an unanswerable Argument against all that he hath writ . And nothing does so nearly concern him , and almost convert him ; as to see the name of a person , so conspicuous for Religion and Power , stand before a Book that doth oppose his Doctrine . And for this reason I have once more taken the boldness to make this second Address to your Grace . If upon this review of Mr. Hobbs , I had found that he had given his Readers sense and argument answerable to the mischi●…f and wickedness of his opinions ; I should then have endeavoured to have now appeared to your Grace in another Style and Dress . For I am not so utterly given over to toying , nor so conceited of this way of writing , nor so indifferent about a good life and Religion , nor so careless of offending sober men , nor so bent and resolved always to presume upon your Grace after this kind , but that I think it possible , that upon a just account and a good subject , for a need , I could make two or three grave Period●… , as well as Mr. Hobbs has made thousands ▪ about those things which are eithe●… impudently false , 〈◊〉 notoriously f●…ivolous But I must confess , that of all Triflers 't is the set , the grave , the Philosophical , and Mathematical Trifler , to which I have the greatest averseness : whom when I meet very gravely making out all men to be Rational beasts both in Nature and Conversation ; and every man when he pleases a Rational Rebel : and upon any fright or pinch , a Rational Atheist and Antichristian ; and all this performed with all demureness , solemnity , quotation of Scripture , appeals to Conscience and Church-History ; I must humbly beg your Graces pardon , if then I have endeavoured to smile a little , and to get as much out of his road , and wa●… of writing as possible . I might offer to your Graces consideration several things , in Apologie for my self . If what I have done be at all pardonable , I am sure your Grace need not be reminded of what I might plead or pretend : but if otherwise , for me to argue the Case with your Grace , would but heighten the presumption of , My Lord , Your Graces in all Duty and Service most devoted J. E. May 20. 1673. THE BOOKSELLER TO THE READER . Dear Reader , THE Author wanting wit , confidence , and friends to commend himself and this following Dialogue to the World , at that ●…ast and prodigious rate , after which Mr. Hobbs ( and such as he hired ) is sufficiently known to have extolled himself and all his Writings ; rather than such a man , and such endeavours , should utterly perish for want of a few good words , I was resolved to say somewhat , not only for my own gain , but also for my own profit . It is to be confessed , that there has been already so very much said ( in Prefaces ) of the bottomless deserts and inestimable Writings of our Author's Adversary , that it will be a very difficult Talk for me , who am no ways concerned , no ways corrupted nor prepared , no Chaplain , no Butler , 〈◊〉 ●…d , no Nephew , no R●… , no Friend nor Acquaintance of the Author , ever to overtake those extravagant praises that Mr. Hobbs has shower'd down upon himself . But however , Reader , I prethee , do so much as hold my Hat and Gloves ; and thou shalt see , what such an unprejudic'd and unconcern'd person can do for a poor , modest , shiftless , friendless , despairing , dying Author . There was , thou know'●…t , a great Greek man , who was thrice asked what was most necessary to make an Orator : and 't is known well enough , what his threefold answer was . Even so shouldst thou ask me three thousand times over what is the most-best Book that ever was , or will be printed , buy this , and thou hast fully answered thy self and my design . The Book , it is to be acknowledged , is but a Book ; and that 's the least and worst thing that can be said of it . But why do I call it a Book : what am I mad ? for in reality 't is all Books : for it does not only faithfully relate what has been already done , but it foretells all that shall be done . Dost thou want , Reader , a just , true , and impartial History of the whole World ; from the very beginning , to the very minute that thou buyest this Book ? trouble not thy self , here ' t is . It begins ten thousand years before the oldest Praeadamite , and holds good and firm ten thousand years after the World shall end . Dost thou want a true , ●…ound , substantial , Orthodox Body of Divinity ? hold it still fast ; for thou hast got it . This very Book was at the first four General Councils , and in all the Persecutions . Hast thou a mind to a compleat body of the Law , Civil Law , Canon Law , Common Law , & c ? The twelve Tables were stollen out of this Book last week , when 't was printing : I met with the Rogue at Pye ▪ Corner , but he out-ran me : and so were Lycurgus's Laws , and Justinian's Institutes : as for Littleton , Cook , &c. 't is plain they had all hence : and as London-Bridge stands upon several Wool-packs ; so Westminster-Hall it self , and all its proceedings , stand upon four of these Books . Dost thou want Galen , Hippocrates , Paracelsus , Helmont , & c ? want them still ; for in effect thou hast them all . For here 's that which cures all diseases ; and teaches a most certain way how to make a compleat Gentleman , at one baking . Dost thou want a Book to measure the height of Stars , survey Ground , make a Dial , & c ? Look pag. 79. lin . 12. it tells thee exactly what 's a Clock either by day or by night ; next line thou hast full Moon and new , high Tide at London Bridge , and all the Bridges in the World. Turn down the fourth leaf of this Book when thou goest to bed ; and 't will go off just at that hour , and waken you as well as any Alarum . Immediately after which follows a compleat and most wonderful Table of Consequences ; which , if read one way , tells you all the Fairs and Markets ; t'other way all the Battels that ever have been , or shall be fought ; with the number of the slain , &c. And besides , it doubles Cubes and Squares , Circles ( better than Mr. Hobbs ) only with an Oyster shell and a pair of Tobacco Tongs . And now , Reader , tell me , art thou so void of conscience , reason , and all sense of thy own benefit , as not to carry home this Book ? Besides , read but five pages of it Spring and Fall , and for that year thou art certainly secured from all Feavers , Agues , Coughs , Catarrhs , &c. Chomp three or four lines of it in a morning ; it scours and clarifies the Teeth ; it settles and confirms the Jaws ; and brings a brisk and florid colour into the Cheeks . The very sight of the Book does so scar all Cramps , Bone-aches , running Gouts , and the like , that they won't come within a stones cast of your house . Art thou , Reader , a single man ? be no longer so , but alter thy condition , and take this Book along with thee . Hast thou a Wife and Children , and are they dear to thee ? here 's a Book for that dear Wife , and for those dear Children . For it does not only sing , dance , play on the Lute , speak French , ride the great Horse , &c. but it performs all Family duties . It runs for a Midwife , it rocks the Cradle , combs the Childs head , sweeps the House , milks the Cows , turns the Hogs out of the Corn , whets Knives , lays the Cloth , grinds Corn , beats Hemp , winds up the Jack , brews , bakes , washes , and pays off Servants their Wages exactly at Quarter day ; and all this it does at the same time , and yet is never out of breath . Besides , if thou hast a mind to borrow eight or ten thousand pounds ; never look c●…t for a surety , but take this Book along with thee ; it will go further and for more than half the Bankers . It were endless , Reader , to tell thee all the uses and excellencies of this Treatise : which though it be a full Answer to all ill-natur'd , seditious , heretioal , blasphemous Books that ever were written ; yet , after a most peculiar manner , it does so horridly rout some silly-phantastical opinions of Mr. Hobbs , that he 'l be ashamed ever so much as to owne any one opinion again . Mr. Hobbs hapned into a fancy that every thought was necessary : i. e. not one thought , Reader , that thou ever hadst since thou camest into the World , that thou couldst any more have avoided thinking , than that thy hair is black , or the Sky blue . Now , to that says my Author most wonderfully and judiciously ; that if such a thing should ever come to pass , that is to say , that if ever any man at any time should chance to have but one thought crowded upon him , he would presently have a most huge Oak grow out of his Neck , and his left Leg would be turned into a Phoenix ▪ This he proves at large . Again says Mr. Hobbs , that every action that a man does is perfectly unavoidable : to that says our Author , very candidly and ingenuously : that if any one man should be forced willingly , to do any one action ; the Moon would presently tumble into that mans mouth . In the next place , says Mr. Hobbs , there 's nothing in the World but matter . Ay , says our Author , nothing but matter ! then has not any man , in his life , ever tasted of a Pudding . This , Reader , is plain demonstration . Then for Philosophical Language , Mathematicks , and Divinity ; he brings him to such absurdities , as you never heard of , nor are to be imagined . Only thus far I 'le tell you , that if Mr. Hobbs has squared the Circle , then both Mars and Venus , and the seven Stars will be every one of them most certainly in the Counter , the next Friday after you buy this Book . Never was any Book more magnified beyond the Seas , than this has been . Go into France , Spain , Italy , or any other part of Europe , no other discourse but of the Dutch War , and this second Dialogue . If the French King and Brandenburgh have agreed , without doubt , 't was done by this second Dialogue : and if he ever beat the Dutch , 't will be just after the same manner , as Tim has slain the Leviathan . For 't is already translated into Latine , Greek , French , Spanish , and the Universal Language . Al●…uding to this Dialogue , says Tully ; Omnes ex omni aetate libri , si unum in locum conferuntur cum Servio Sulpitio Timotheo non sunt conferendi . And says Pindar ( doubtless of this Book ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 'T is needless to tell you what Zenophon , Josephus , Varro , and the Talmud say of it . I know , Reader , 't is a little uncivil and unbecoming for one of my Profession to seem so learned . But how could I help it ? for I did only carry the first sheet of this second Dialogue to the Press , and when I returned , my Wife and Family could not understand one word I said . What if Mr. Hobbs were familiar with Gassendus , Mersennus , and Monsieur Sorbier ; whenas our Author went to School with Archimedes , and Julius Caesar was his Bed-fellow ? And what if Mr. Hobbs initiated his present Majesty in the Mathematicks ; this Author , at the same time , disciplined six young Kings , four Emperours : and the first Pope that ever was infallible was then his Usher ? But now , Reader , I take leave ; but only I am to let you know , ( not to deceiv●… you ) that I am very doubtful , whether the Book be worth reading . But if you understand me aright , 't is the more valuable for that . For such is the vertue of this Book , that the meer buying of it will do all those feats above-mentioned . And therefore lay down your money : and so farewel . THE AUTHOR TO THE READER . Reader , IT is not the design of this following Dialogue , neither was it of the former , to make sport for idle people : ( though if I have written all those Books , that I am appointed to owne , thou mayst justly suspect that I never did , nor do intend any other thing ; ) but to preserve thee from being laughed at , by all who can distingnish sense from words . For though I cannot think how I should any ways be useful or serviceable to the Publick ; yet ( I thank God ) I have not spent my time so very ill , as only to collect a few Tales and Proverbs to make others merry . Nor was it my design either to please the Church-men , whose Office , Power , and Bible Mr. Hobbs cunningly hath disposed of ; nor to oblige the Lords and Commons ; who may all stay at home , if the Prince take his advice : but it was , if possible , to cure a Company of easie , giddy , smallpated Gentlemen ; who swagger that Mr. Hobbs hath said more for a bad life , and against any other life after this , than ever was pleaded by Philosopher or Divine to the contrary . Now to effect this Cure , ( at least amongst some of them ) is ten times more difficult than to answer all Mr. Hobbs's Works . For in the first place , there be a sort of people who were sturdy , resolved Practicants in Hobbianism ; and would most certainly have been so , had there never been any such man as Mr. Hobbs in the World. But when they heard that ill Nature , Debauchery , and Irreligion was Mathematicks and Demonstration : and that he who reported this , was a very grave , studious , contemplative , and observing Gentleman ; and yet writ as viciously and prophanely , as their own vanity and lusts could tempt them to practise : then had these Gentlemen found out a Philosopher exactly sor their purpose , and the Philosopher had sound out as right Gentlemen for his . And these are the sure , the firm , and constant Pit-friends ; that clap , shout , and swear all that comes from Malmesbury . And to speak so plainly , as I might be understood , the Devil and the Philosopher have got these people so fast , that I have little hopes of retrieving them . The next shole that came into Mr. Hobbs , are a sort of small , soft , little , pretty , fine Gentlemen : who having some little wit , some little modesty , some little remain of Conscience and Country Religion , could not tear and Hector it , as the former ; but quickly learnt to chirp and giggle , when t'other clapt and shouted : and those were Mr. Hobbs's Gallery-friends ; who at first were coy and squeamish , and for a while stood aloof off , and made some little doubt , whether a Taylor 's Bill was truly and legally satisfied , when he or his Bailiffs were sufficiently beaten ; but by degrees they came in , and in their kind proved very serviceable . And such as these Mr. Hobbs catch'd by his fame of being a Mathematician , by filling his Books with Schemes , by frequent using the word Demonstration , and calling all kind of vice and irreligion , humane Nature , and obedience to the Civil Magistrate ; and the like . There be ore sort still behind : and they are the solemn , the judi●…ious , Don-admirers , and ●…ox ▪ friends of Mr. Hobbs : who being men of gravity and reputation , don't only d●…fie the name of Sot ●…r Villain , but are unwilling to venture upon the more ingenious one of Hobbist : and will scarce simper in favour or allowance of the Philosopher ; but can make shift to nod and nod again ; and think that no man but Mr. Hobbs has gone to the Fundamentals of Government or humane Nature . Now , Reader , what I shall do or say to these men , I know not . As for the great Shouters and Clappers , who are resolved upon their course of life , you 'l easily judge , that I can expect to do but little upon them : they being so resolved , not for Mr. Hobbs's sake , but only out of true and unfeigned love , to debauchery and wickedness . But yet one thing I would beg of them , that if they be thus determined and fixt ; that they would e'en stick to the old true new English name of Knave and Ungodly ; rather than ( ●…or the renown of being of a Philosophical Sect ) to the new one of an Hobbist . For upon my word there is not the least credit and ingenuity in it , more than t'other : but if they be for variety , and that dull , blunt prophaneness won't down with them , but they must have it a little so modell'd and new phras'd , that upon occasion they may plead for 't , and justifie it ; let them not go to Mr. Hobbs for devices ( but , when they have occasion , devise some of their own : ) for his are so weak , so notoriously idle , that they are more scandalous and disparaging , than right down Roguery without any pretence or artifice . But as for the Gallery-Gentlemen , most of whom , I suppose , infected by general fame , I have for their sakes , ( because I thought them not much at leisure ) read over most of Mr. Hobbs's Writings . And what I learnt thou shalt hear . By his Logick I profited wonderfully : for it was there ( and I must ever acknowledge it ) that I first was instructed , to call Logick Computation : and there I learnt how to add and substract Logically : also how to make use of Triangles , Circles , Parabola's , and other Mathematical instances ; instead of homo , lapis or canis : and that 's , upon my word , all that I found there . Then I went to his natural Philosophy ; and there I found the word Phantasm , as thick as ever it could stand ; and that space , time , and every thing else was a Phantasm , but not any one thing tolerably explained , but what was taken out of Cartes , though he denies it . But indeed in those very things , wherein he says he differs from him , he most exactly agrees with him ; ( as de corp . Ch. 29. ) and knows it not . There is , I must confess , a good lusty heap of Mathematicks , about the middle of his natural ●…hilosophy : but Dr. W. has taken such care about them , that I believe they 'l do thee but little good . I might tell thee also , Reader , of his Humane Nature ; which carries a very good Title , and is called the Fundamental Elements of Policy : which Title has nothing at all to do with the Book , nor the Book scarce with any thing at all else : his Liberty and Necessity is a little , very feat Book : but there 's nothing but a new Definition of Liberty to make it agree with Necessity ; and he might e'en as well have made one Definition for Fire and Water . Of his Books de Cive and Leviathan , I need say nothing : because most of this , and the former Dialogues concerns them . And lastly , as to his Mathematicks , I leave them to be judged by others . But only , Reader , let me tell thee thus much , that if in that Science thou preferrest one doting , conceited Fellow , not only before all the Mathematicians of our own Nation ; but also all in Europe ( which thou must do , if thou admirest his Mathematicks ▪ ) then I do look upon thee to have arrived to the height of the Hobbian Spirit ; and thou mayst e'en continue in it . So that what is in it , Reader , thou hast left now to admire in thy Master . 'T is a most plain Case , that he 's neither Logician , nor Philosopher , nor Moralist , nor Politician : and upon the credit of others , I 'le presume him no Mathematician . Yes , I 'le tell thee what he 's good for , and truly that 's just all viz without doubt , he is a very good English Grammarian ; ( and those that are skill'd in Latine , say he must not pretend higher : ) and knowing exactly the difference between do and doth , which and who , would have made a most absolute , unlimited , irresistible Soveraign of a Country-School ; and upon Play days ▪ we 'll allow him t●… translate : he has done Thucidydes well . As to the last sort of Gentlemen , the grave and s●…ill Admirers : who think no mans Style , Method ▪ and Politicks , like Mr. Hobbs's : I shall only desire them to su●…er me to tell them where those Politicks lie , viz. he went and read , and considered the Laws and Sta●…utes of our Realm : and then went on , and suppos●…d that in every place ( if there be any Prince at all ) he must be absolute and unlimited : whom he mounted so high at last , as that he should not be only sufficiently above all men ; but above God himself , and all Religion : ( and having given him such a full brimmer of Power and Authority ; to be sure he had raised him above our Form of Government : ) and this his Prince you take for a rare Prince , and these his Politicks for rare Politicks . Whereas it is plain , in his Common-wealth , there is nothing at all new ; but only saucy impudent reflections upon the Laws , Constitutions , and Government of our Realm . And don't mistake your selves , he 's every whit as much against the Civil Power , as Ecclesiastical . And suppose that you are willing to excuse him ; yet His Majesty likes such money , as is given him by the Parliament ; and such Laws as they advise him to make ; and thinks himself Prince enough , and is contented with his place ; though , according to the strict Rules of Soveraignty , and Mr. Hobbs's definition of a Monarch , he can't make Bibles , nor turn God out of the World. As for the rest of his Politicks , they are such as are known to every Dragoon : and when he writ them , as he pretended , for the immortal Peace of his Country ; he might e'en as well have put out a Regular System to tea●…h people how to charge a Gun , or cleanse the Streets . It is possible , Reader , that thou mayst now expect I should give thee some account of the following Dialogue : but I have no mind to 't , only whereas some in a Book against Mr. Hobbs might look for close and serious arguing ; thou art to understand that I was always ready for it , but never could find an opportunity . For when I had pulled a ▪ pieces Mr. Hobbs's Phrases , and changed his affected words into such as were familiar ; I always found , that to confute him throughly , was only to understand him aright . And if , by the instances I have given , others are convinced thereof , I have my design . A SECOND Dialogue BETWEEN Philautus and Timothy . Phi. HOW , Tim , not hang'd your self yet ? Tim. In my opinion , Bristol is a very pr●…tty Town . Phi. Surely thou wert at cross purposes last night : what has Bristol to do with hanging ? Tim. The most that can be , Sir. And I wonder , of all men , that you should no●… perceive it . 'T is a train , Sir ; and as plain beaten road , as from St. Albans ●…o Barnet , or from St. Andrew to Tumult . Phi. Wh●… , is there such a Town , any where upon the road , as Tumult ? Tim. A very ●…amous one , in the fourth Chapter of your Humane Nature : and according to the account you ●…here give of it , 't is nothing near an hours riding from St. Andrew thither . For , the mind being mounted at St. Andrew , starts thence and runs to St. Peter , because in the same Gospel , their names are read together . Having got to St. Peter , it makes forthwith for stone , for the same reason ; from stone it goes to foundation , because they are seen together ; and then from foundation it switches away presently to Church , and from Church to people , and from people to Tumult . Phi. All this is very natural and Coherent , the passage being smooth and easie : but how shall we get from Hanging to Bristol ? I doubt that is a kind of a cross road , Tim ; is it not ? Tim. I must confess , there 's one place a little hard to hit : but from Bristol to Hanging , 't is impossible to miss . For , the mind getting up at Bristol , away presently it rides for Flintshire , from Flintshire it goes to Hamshire , and so to Hempshire , Ropeshire , Pippin . Phi. Pippin ? whereabouts are we now ? what have we to do with Pippin ? Tim. This Pippin , Sir , was he , to whom Alderman Cooper the great Turkie Merchant was so nearly related . Phi. How dost mean ? what , did this Cooper marry one of Pippins Daughters ? Tim. No , Sir : he was of the whole blood upon my word : for he was only Son of Mr. Hooper , who came from a Greekish kind of Man , one Hoper , and he from Dioper , and he again from Diaper ; and then it runs alone , to Pippin . Alas ! Thought is very swift , and set but the mind once agog , and how it whews it away . Phi. I shall not come to you to learn how swi●…t Thoughts are : nor yet how that they are all necessary . Tim. No : if you do , you 'l loose your journey , for I know no such thing . Phi. What don't you know ? don 't you know , that there is a necessary coherence and order , a fatal and irresistible occasion , a drift , a clue and Chain of all thoughts ? Tim. Not , in the least ; not I. Phi. Then thou knowest nothing belonging to the Brain ; nor didst thou ever take into consideration my principle of motion . Tim. I have tasted , Sir , of a Calfs head and Bacon ; and I was in the great wind : and yet I humbly conceive , that though a Mans legs be tyed never so fast ; and his mouth stitch'd up never so close , he may , notwithstanding that , pay it away with thinking , if he be but in the right queu . When the Purse is empty , and the Pha●…sie low , then indeed the mind usually is very modest and governable ; and goes only to leap-Frog , and skips perhaps from Cooper to Pippin , or ●…rom St. Andrew to Tumult . But let the mans belly and pockets be but once refresh'd , and then presently he is Cock-a-hoop , then he takes Hedg and Ditch , Church and Steeple ; and struts and straddles like the great Colossus at Rhodes . Now , methinks , I am just in the very middle of Smyrna : Now I am at As in praesenti : Now I am for a Dish of Cucumbers and Mustard : and , after all this , nothing will satisfie me but Adam and Eve , and the North Wind. Hey day ! how I can range sometimes , and make the whole World to spring , and flutter before me . Phi. This now , I perceive , is intended for frolick , and phansie : but , that thou maist see , Tim , that thou hast no hopes of ever having the credit of being distracted ; I shall shew thee , that in this great flight that thou hast made , and these great jumps , that thou hast taken , there 's nothing else but meer train and drift : and thou hast as absolutely crept on from hint to hint , and motive to motive , as ever Child did , that lean'd upon its Mothers Apron-strings . And in the first place as for Smyrna , I take it for granted that it was an unavoidable thought . Tim. Do you so ? then you must take it all alone : for you are not likely to have my Company . Phi. Why , has not the word Smyrna by some means or other been formerly impuls'd upon you ? Surely you will not say that you just now made it . Tim. No truly , I did not make it : but , if you have occasion for them , I can make you a thousand words presently , that neither you , nor I ever heard of before . Phi. What , neither in part nor whole ? I hope you 'l make them of some syllables you have heard of , or at least of some Letters . Tim. Ps●…aw ! pshaw ! that 's a meer phansie o●… yours : wee 'l make them of a Turkie Tammy , or a Calamanco . Make words of Letters ! they are dull and old fashion'd words that ar●… made so . Give me a word , that has neither beginning nor ending , Vowel , nor Consonant , that is neither to be spoken , heard , nor understood . Phi. Come , come : for all your fooling , you had some one considerable reason or other why you nam'd Smyrna . Tim. Some one , Sir ! I had a dozen at least . Phi. Then no man can say but you had reasons enow . Tim. But I had as many , Sir , full out for Aleppo . Phi. Perhaps so , but then they wer●… not altogether so big . Tim. Yes but they were , and bigger too . There was the tenth reason , that was as big as the great Turnep King James gave the Scotchman . O Aleppo ! how infinitely am I taken with Aleppo ! Phi. That 's true , you may be much taken with the place now , but you car'd little for it before . Tim. O Sir , for many years together I have been so horribly inflam'd with the thoughts of it , that if you do not a little divert me , and let me know how I got from Smyrna to As in praesenti , I shall immediately swoon . Phi. Although thy ignorance shew thy education to have been but very small : yet I suppose thou mightst travel so far into the Grammar , as to be acquainted with As in praesenti . Tim. Yes , Sir , I know As in praesenti very well : but I don't remember that ever I met As in praesenti riding behind Smyrna to Market . Phi. That may be , simpleton ! but you met , in the beginning of Propria quae maribus , with the Island call'd Cyprus : and every body knows that Cyprus is no such huge way from Smyrna . Tim. 'T is very right I profess — ceu Creta Britannia Cyprus . O , what a happiness it is , to have had the opportunity of prying into the little intrigues , and starting holes of the mind ! and to be well acquainted with all the little Lanes and by-paths of thinking ! But I pray , Sir , how came Cucumbers and Mustard into such an intimacy with As in praesenti ? Phi. 'Lack a day ! they are old Camerades . For the very last side but one in Quae Genus , ( which you know is next to As in praesenti ) there you learnt Scelerata sinapis , and cucumis cucumer . Tim. I durst swear upon Lilly , 't is just so . And that this same thought of Mustard and Cucumbers came only from the sediments and relicts of an old twang I got at School . But how , Sir , came the Cucumbers to out-run the Mustard ; for they are otherwise placed in the Grammar ? Phi. That is because some time or other you have seen Mutton and Cucumbers to be succeeded by Beef and Mustard . Tim. Yes , Sir , that I have once , or so : but I don't remember that ever I saw Adam and Eve and the North-wind succeeded after any such manner . How shall we train in these , Sir ? Phi. O most easily . For Adam and Eve were the occasion of all thoughts : for from them were descended all thinking Creatures . But besides , 't is possible that at some time or other ( for no man can remem●…er every thing that has happen'd in his whole life ) you might meet a Woman crying Cucumbers ; and thereupon looking up , you spy'd the sig●… of Adam and Eve. Tim. But 't is five to one , Sir , whether the North-wind was written upon the sign . Phi. That 's true : but 't is not so many to one , but that the Wind might then be in the North , Tim. And if so , there 's sufficient ●…son for them to lig together in the Brain , and afterwards to spring forth . Alas ! Tim , the●…e is not one of a thousand that is able to discern how strangely things are chain'd together . It being a plain cas●… that people generally spend their time in gazing and staring at the whole lump of second causes ; and never mind the delicate wreathings and twistings of motion . Tim. Indeed , Sir , I am afraid that people are somewhat careless : in my mind they ought to be chidden . Phi. Chidden ? they ought to be kick'd out of the World for duncery . I tell thee , Tim , I was , I remember , one day ( in the late troublesome times ) at a place where we sell into discourse of the Civil War. In the midst of which up starts one ( as seemingly attentive as any of the rest ) and asks , what was the value of a Roman penny . The old fops and boyes , that crowded close to see and admire me , and to get some reputation from being in my Company ; thought the man utterly distracted , or ( as Theolog●…es use to say upon such occasions ) inspired . But to me , who knew how to drive a thought to the spring head , the coherence and train of the question was as manifest as could be . For the thought of the War introducing the thought of the Scots selling the King , and the thought of that , the thought of Judas betraying of Christ ; and he being sold for thirty pence , I need not say any more . Tim. Not a word , Sir , and 't was well for the poor Gentleman , Philautus , that you were so nigh at hand ; or else , by chance , he might have gone to Bedlam , for want of a Trainer . But suppose , Sir , instead of the Roman penny , he had asked what was the reason that Ginger is spelt with a G , and Jeopardy with an J. Must he needs have gone for 't : could not you have dropt down a little soder , and relief upon such an unfortunate extravagancy ? Phi. What 's that to you Goodman-two-shoes : am I bound to acquaint you with all that I can do ? Tim. Nay , I hope no offence , Sir : for I am confident you that have such excellent skill at putting a thought off the squat , could have easily don 't : for the phantasm of War introducing the phantasm of powder , this powder presently breaks forth into bullets : again those bullets pig and bring forth hail shot : and in the twincling of an eye , hail ▪ shot begets Pepper : and that Pepper that can't beget Ginger , ought to be flung into the streets . Phi. But hold Tim ; who ▪ shall help us to the phantasm of Jeopardy ? dost keep a Journey-man to do that for thee ? I prethee why not Ginger and Justice , or Ginger and Jeremiah , as well as Ginger and Jeopardy ? Tim. Nay softly there , Philautus ; you would fain draw me into a Land-story . The business of Ginger and Jeopardy is as famous as the ▪ three blew beans in ●… blew bladder . Phi. Then you may keep your story to your self : I am sure it can't any ways weaken my opinion , let it be what it will : for as I said before , so say I again , that 't is perfectly impossible for any man in the World , either to devise a new thought , or so much as to choose the order of any old one . Tim. I have now in my mind , Philautus , a spick and span new thought , so fine and so pretty — Phi. What , that no body ever thought of before ? I pr●…thee let 's hear it . Tim. No , but you shan't : for you can't hear it , unless I speak ; and if I speak , I shall go nigh to open my mouth : and then you 'l presently say , that some body have open'd their mouths just so before now ; either in whole , or in part ; and so I shall be chous'd out of the novelty of my thought . No , no , Sir : I must beg your pardon as to that : but if you have any other kind of reason to bestow upon me , why a man may not think over his old thoughts in what order he pleases , besides such as King Pippin , Tumult and the Roman penny , I shall count my self very much beholding to you . Phi. What an impertinent thing is this to look about for reason , in a case that need not at all to be reason'd ? does not what men practise and daily experience teach thee , how naturally the mind flies from one thing to another : even as a Hawk flies after a Patridge ? and have not I in the thirty third page of my Humane nature plainly shewn thee , that when the thought of honourable is by some occasion or other sprung in a man , how the mind presently takes Wing , and flies to the thought of being wise , which is the next means thereunto : and from thence to the thought of study , which is the next means to wisdom : and have not I besides there told thee , that the necessity of this order depends upon this great truth , that he that has a conception of an end and has an appetite thereunto ; the next conception he has , is a conception of the next means to that end . Tim. A most vast and stately truth indeed ! and therefore certainly that Gentlemans brains lay very odly , who , being sent for to a dying friend , bad his man to saddle him presently the Chess-board , and give the Warming-pan half a peck of Oats . Phi. This is a mere flam of your own devising : there never was any man in the World in his Wits , who thought after this extravagant rate . Tim. This way you 'l be too hard for me indeed . For if I take a little pains to make a new thought , you presently cry out ware A●…phabet ! and when I appeal to History and matter of Record , then my men prove all mad . Phi. I say you and your men are every one of you mad ; if you look upon this way of thinking to be common or natural . Tim. I know , as well as you , that 't is not altogether modish : and therefore if at any time the thought of hunger stirs within me , and struggles so hard as to pull in Victuals ; I don't call for a Flail or the Snuffers to cut my meat ; but for t' other instrument : and if I have occasion to be trim'd , I seldom send for the Brick-layer , because I have more frequently observ'd the fall of beards to succeed the performances of another sort of Operators . Phi. And therefore you plainly see that people eat , live , talk , and do all meerly by train of thoughts . And as the water followeth a mans finger upon a dry and level Table : so every conception is guided and necessarily drawn in , by something that went before . Tim. I grant you , Philautus , that Victuals draws out the knife out of the sheath , as naturally as the finger , &c. but it will not fetch in the flail out of the Barn altogether so well ▪ Phi. Yes , if there be a Pudding upon the Table . Tim. But it shan't be Pudding-day : wee 'l have nothing but a Haunch of Venison . I durst not say Beef . For that would have taken fire presently ; and ran like a great Gun backward . Flail , Corn , Pudding , Beef . Phi. Why , Venison is flesh as well as Beef . Tim. There you are cunning to some purpose : for if I had only said , that we had a small device , or a thingam for Dinner ; you would easily have brought in your Flail . For all substances are Cosen-Germans . Phi. So they are : for the whole World is only a vast , vast Family : and though by reason of the multitude of relations , we don't presently perceive how the Kindred comes in : Yet there always is and must be some necessary alliance . Tim. That same must be I like mainly well : because 't will indifferently serve for any elevation of the Pole. For , suppose a Gentleman comes into his Inn , and finding his stomach mawkish , desires only a boyl'd Cushion and Apple-sawce for his Supper ; and my Landlord calls for ●…ippin or Tumult to speak in the Globe ; and neither of them will answer : 't is no matter for that , for if they won't somebody else must : every thought coming from imagination , and imagination from sense , and sense from motion , and therefore it must be so , so or so . Phi. It seems by this , Tim , as if 't were thy opinion that all thoughts were meerly casual or indifferent . Tim. You must ghess again , Sir : for though I believe no thought to be necessary ; yet 't is plain that there is not one of a hundred of which , for the most part , there is not some occasion offered . For Children at School are very well aware of your train of thoughts ; ( only they don't know the phrase ) counting it not modest nor civil to tell a Passenger a story of eo and queo , when he gives them occasion to tell him the hour of the day . Phi. I prethee , Tim , don't trouble me with a●…y of thy Childrens stories : but if thou hast a mind to understand wherein the whole cheat of this same freedom of thinking consists , 't is in short thus . There are , thou knowest , several senses belonging to a man ; which senses seldom lie long fallow ; but are constantly busy'd and knock'd upon by this outward World : so that these knocking 's sav'd all together , and treasur'd up in the brain , in twenty years time , suppose , will amount to a vast bank of motion : hence now it comes about , that a man may easily be deceiv'd , and oft-times seem to think Voluntier , when as he only filtches out of the common stock . Tim. This same seeming only to think freely does not at all please me : for a man , notwithstanding that , is still as very a Jimcrack as a Farthing-whistle ; only he 's a little more copious . And an ability to think of ten thousand thousand several things , if stinted to a certain order , is nothing else but a wilder kind of necessity . And thereupon it was that the late Philosopher who took great pains in making Bruits to be meer Engines ; was never so idle or mad , as to make man to be such a kind of tool . Phi. He might e'en have gone on with the work , for any thing I see to the contrary . Tim. No , Sir : he knew how to spend his time better . For he perceiv'd that though an engine might possibly be contriv'd not only to walk up and down , but also to pronounce several words very distinctly , and to call knave if touch'd in one place , and in another to be your humble servant : nay , suppose you bestow upon it such breeding , as it becomes able at last to recite word for word every Verse in Virgil : yet take this same engine and stroak it , and cokes it , and promise it a Violet ▪ Comfit , tell it the Emperour is to dine with you that day , and therefore it must needs do some extraordinary feat ; for all this you can't get this sullen thing to say so much ; as Patulae tu Tityre . Phi. Perhaps so : but what 's the reason , Tim ? Tim. I know none but only this ; that make what you will of meer matter ; and put in never so many Wheels and Pullies : and instruct it in all the Language●… of Europe , and ▪ t will still be but a chip of the old block , and 't will go but just the rounds , and never take forth of its own accord , nor skip up your lap , and kiss you , when you had tun'd it to say the first Ode of Horace . Phi. I grant you that Man has very much the advantage of all other Creatures ; because he alone is capable of speech , and thereby of comparing and reasoning . Tim. Now , don't I believe one word of all this . Phi. What , Tim , dost deny by whole sale ? Tim. In the first place I do say that 't is not speech , or the uttering of words that does at all make a man ; but the understanding those words he utters , and the applying the same aptly . For suppose you go to your Cage , and ask your Pye , how do you do this Morning ? and the Pye answers , how do YOU do this Morning ? now if you can but teach the Pye to lay the accent strong enough upon that same YOU which she pronounces , 't is then plain reparty , and the Pye shall presently put in for a place at Court. And as speech alone will never amount to reasoning ; so by your good leave , Philautus , there may be reasoning without speech : that is , there may be demonstrative inferring or concluding without the use of words . For I don't imagine reasoning to consist in gaping or hollowing , but in perceiving the necessity of the effect from its causes ; which deaf and dumb people by many instances certainly do , as well as the lowdest disputant in the Schools . But of these things , Philautus , you and I may have further occasion to discourse , before we part . And therefore if you have ever another Roman penny about you , I pray let 's have it . Phi. No , Tim , I know what to do with my money and notions better , than to fling them away upon such an ungrateful wretch as thou art . This same train or necessity of all humane thoughts is a great secret , and too deep , I perceive , for thy apprehension . Perhaps thou maist have better luck at understanding the necessity of all humane actions : and therefore if thou hast a mind to it ; wee 'l have a small brush about Free-will : for my part I have not much to say : being most of it compriz'd in that little despicable piece of mine , call'd Liberty and Necessity . 'T is a very small thing , Tim , and one of thy confidence and prowess may eat it up at a mouth-ful . Tim. Yes , Sir , 't is very small : but somebody has put such a dreadful Preface to 't , as would go nigh to give a Giant his Breakfast . Reader , says that same some-body , take this little Book of Liberty and Necessity : pull off thy glove , and take it I say into thy right hand , and let not the smallness thereof , make it seem contemptible to thee , for 't is every bit Diamond and Oaks heart , for ( besides a new passage into the East-Indies , and the bowells of the number of the Apocalyptical Beast ) there 's work enough for many thousand Sermons and Exercises : and there 's that which is much better than the Catechisms and Confessions of a thousand Assemblies : and that which will cast an eternal blemish upon all the corner'd Caps of the Priests and Jesuits , and upon all the black and white Caps of the Ministers . I know not , Reader , what profession , perswasion , opinion , or Church thou art of : but be of what thou wilt , if thou intendest to be sav'd , buy and study this little Book . In comparison of which , all the Sermons , Teachings , Preachings , Meetings , Disputations , Conferences and Printed Books are good for nothing , but only to divert the duller sort of Citizens . Perhaps , thou maist have a mind to be prying into the great mysteries of Predestination , Election , Freewill , Grace , Merits , Reprobation , &c. if so , take my advice for once , and never go to any Black-Court again ; for generally they are a Company of ignorant Tinkers , that pretend to mending and sodering of mens Consciences , and for the most part they make more holes than they find : but go thou me to this little , little Book of Liberty and Necessity ; ( not written by a dull Tinkering Theologue , but by a severe student of the Mathematicks ) and there thou shalt find more evidence and conviction , and more means of humane salvation , than in all the Volumes and Libraries , and all the Controversial Labours , and Polemical Treatises that were ever Printed . Now , Sir , is not this very thundering and dismaying ? Do you think any body will venture , when you scare people thus . Phi. Who scare people ? You can't say that I writ that Preface , can you ? Tim. No : But when I find therein that same ratling story ( which was before in your Preface de Cive ) of Ixion's clasping a Cloud instead of Juno , and of the Centaures and Hermaphrodite opinions that were produc'd by that unnatural coition ; and compare therewith your being so notoriously given to print over and over such elegant flourishes : and when I consider besides , how chargeable 't would be to procure one to ●…eign such commendations , as you , upon all occasions , so easily and naturally trundle in upon your self , I cannot but say , that I am somewhat afraid , that — Phi. Afraid ? of what I prethee ? thou knowest well enough there was a Metaphysical Bishop that ventur'd to meddle ; and I don't question but thou art as fool-hardy as any Bishop , Primate , or Metropolitan of them all . Tim. But you remember , Sir , what a woful example you made of the poor Bishop ; ( as you tell us in the last page of your Animadversions ) and of all fish that flie , there 's none I hate like an Example . In my opinion , Philautus , you did him a little too hard , considering he was a Bishop . Phi. How could I help it , Tim ? dost think I can endure to be eternally tormented with nothing but Tohu's and Bohu's and Jargons ? The Bishop and I meet at Paris : we discourse very calmly concerning Free-will : upon this he writes a very angry Book , viz. Vindication of true Liberty , &c. and upon that ( as he desir'd ) I writ that parlous little thing , Liberty and Necessity . But withal ( now mark how tender I was of his credit ) in no less than four several places , I requested , that it might by no means be Printed , that the World might never see what a pitiful weak Creature they had for a Church Governour . But afterwards this little Book being infinitely desir'd , and by stealth made publick ; notwithstanding all these cautions , and this my great regard to his reputation , he was so inconsiderate as to go and make a reply . In which , Tim , ( to be short and plain ) he has discover'd so little of breeding , reasoning , or elocution , that I am oft times forced to let him know that his Lordship writes like a Beast , nay worse than a Beast , nay both as to sense and cleanliness : and for his language that 't is Jargon , Tohu , Bohu , the very same with that of the Kingdom of darkness . Tim. 'T was a most unhappy thing , that so great a Churchman should run himself into such danger : and at once offend such a formidable Monster of Wit , and Philosophy . Phi. Offend ? I tell thee , Tim , I am of as gentle and sparing a nature ( let people talk but tolerable non-sense ) as any man alive : but to be perpetually snarl'd at and curs'd — One he falls to scribling against me with his Ghebrical gibberish , call'd Symbolls , Gambolls , or Antichrist in short hand ; and in his Elenchus would make people believe that he has confuted me , by writing so as no body understands him . Then comes another little Dog call'd Vindex Academiarum , and without being set on , he barks and exclaims against me as an Enemy to the Universities ; and knows no more than a Puppy , either what an Enemy is , or what an University is . Then comes the railing and wondring Bishop with his Tohu , Bohu and Jargon ; and he calls me Rebel , Atheist and Blasphemer , because I will not comply with him in his fopperies of Accidents of Cheese in Bread , Free-will , Free-subject , and the like . Upon this , Tim , perceiving that folly and spight were both like to be endless : and that of all men that baited me , the Clergy were the great Ring-leaders and disturbers , what did me I , ( for my future ease and quiet ) but pickt out this same provoking Bishop , as a good lusty Sacrifice of their own flock : and so made of him an example for all the rest : which , if I be not much mistaken , I have done to some purpose . Tim. To tell the Bishop ( as you do ) that his distinction of compounded sense and divided sense was non-sense , was a very proper and pinching reflection : there being no sort of sense so very scandalous as non-sense : but to let go the very same instruments of revenge upon every slight cavil , and frivolous occasion ; and in times too , when Liberty of will , as well as Episcopacy and Loyalty were equally persecuted ; was not done like a man that pretends to such variety of wit , and had the honour to initiate his present Majesty in the Mathematicks . Phi. Thou talkest , Tim , as if the Bishop had left thee a Legacy to defend his fooleries . I wonder , what kind of things thou countest slight and frivolous . If a man should tell me ●… long story of a round quadrangle , or of a Kingdom standing upon two heads , and I desire him out of all love to speak softly ; for my part , I believe thy wit to be such , that thou wouldst look upon this to be meer carping and cavelling . Tim. No ; by no means , Sir : you talk now of businesses indeed . But suppose , Philautus , the Bishop in his Epistle to the Reader , taking notice of your Principles being destructive both to Religion and Government , concludes all with , God bless us . May not a Bishop ( because the supreme Rascals had got away his estate ) reserve so much of his sacred function , as to say , God bless us , without being accused of buffoonly abusing the name of God to calumny ? Phi. But he brings it in , Tim , as if he intended it as a spel , or a charm against my doctrine . Tim. Perhaps so : for there are a great many think it pernicious , besides the Bishop . Phi. It may be some few particular men . Tim. Do you know what you have said ? what a barbarous expression is this , for one that has done so well upon Thucidides , and the Peak ! is t●…is you that pretend to such exactness of Language and have so little as to come in with your particular men ? Is this you that have confounded thousands of Catechisms and thousands of Confessions , and routed white Caps , black Caps , corner'd Caps , Priests , Jesuits , and Ministers , and talk of your particular men ? is this you — Phi. For shame , Tim , rave no more , for thou lookest black in the mouth already . I prethee what fault canst thou fi●…d with particular men , Tim. Wherein does the iniquity of that expression lie ? Tim. I know no more hurt in 't than you did , when you made use of it in the last page but one of your Animadversions : ( as you may do a hundred times more for ought I know ) but the poor Bishop did but speak of some particular men that slighted all ancient Authors : and 't was as very Jargon , as if he had taken his Text out of St. Paul to the Deuteronomians ; particular men ! this word particular men ( say you ) is put in here , in my opinion with little Judgment : especially by a man that pretendeth to be learned . That now is a very girding aggravation . Does the Bishop think that he himself is , or that there is any Universal man ? that 's vexation driven . It may be he means a private man. Does he then think there is any man not private besides him that is endued with Soveraign Power ? rarely fetch'd up again ! there is not one man of a thousand that 's fit to be trusted with an absurdity : that knows how to give the rising blow , and to urge and press to the quick . I wonder for my part that Episcopacy was not asham'd of coming into Ireland again , so long as there was a particular man to be found there . But that which pleases me much better than all this , Philautus , is ; that the Bishop a while after happening to make use of the word General , the Tables presently turn , and he 's e'en as very Ja●…gon for that , as he was before for particular . General ! 't is Jargon , say you : for every thing that is , is singular and individual , and there 's nothing in the whole World that is general , but the signification of words and other signs . So that , Philautus , if you resolve to deal with us at this severe rate , and neither let us have particular men as a constant going stock , nor an Universal man for a Breeder , we must e'en fling up at quarter day ; and there 's an end of the World. Phi. What an idle stir thou makest about two or three rotten words ! what 's all this , I prithee , to the Matter in hand . Tim. Matter in hand ! what , do you look upon Freewill to be a matter in hand , when as Liberty is immaterial : or a discourse of Freewill ( which consist only of words ) to be a matter in hand ? O , that I were but at leisure to take my full swing at this same luscious bit of non-sense ; this same matter in hand ! Phi. Whereabouts are we got now , trow wee ? Tim. We are now just got to the 288th . page of your Animadversions . Where the Bishop did but speak of a perfect definition being made of the essential causes , viz. matter and form ( which is as common as Logica est ars ) and you hooted at him , for as very an example , as if he had gone nine miles to suck a Bull. What ( say you ) would the Bishop have matter come into a definition , that is made only of words : and into a definition of Liberty too , that is immaterial ? We had best c●…ll for a skillet for his Lordship , that he may set on his definition , and boyl it . Is it not a strange thing that a dignifyed Churchman should be so ignorant , as not to know that Matter is body , and that Body is corporeal substance , and subject to dimension , such as are the Elements , and things compounded of the Elements ? this is , Philautus , damnable and upbraiding Rhetorique : for though Matter , Body , corporeal substance , dimension , elements and things made of elements , seem to be the same sort of torment , yet it grates all the way like a saw upon a mans leg . Phi. I know it does ; and I intended it should . For to illustrate non-sense , after this easie and familiar manner , is sometimes the most stinging improvement that can be made of it . Tim. I pray , Sir , when the Bishop says that a man has the determination of himself , and dominion over his own actions : how do you mannage that absurdity ? Phi. It need not be manag'd at all Tim ; for without any help the man makes an absolute fool of himself ; and at one dash flings away all his Freewill , as utterly as ever rotten egg was ●…lung against the Wall : for over wh●…tsoever things there 's dominion , those things are not free . Tim. This is a plain case , that he lost his parts and Bishoprick together : for Free dominion is as much as to say free imprisonment , free subjection , or free sl●…very : and therefore I very much wonder'd at your Moderation , when ( in the beginning of your Animadversions ) you said that Arminianism was only in part the cause of the late troubles . Whereas 't is very plain , that the War never had been begun , had it not been for the Freewillers . For a subject being nothing else but a person who has given up his will to the will of his Prince : he that presumes to call in his own will again , and to challenge a dominion and command over his actions ( as all Freewillers do ) what does he do but in eff●…ct , renounce all allegiance ; and like a Rebel , sets up his own will against that of the supreme . Nay farther , whereas some people ( not understanding words ) do imagine that the Doctrine of Necessity makes the Government of God Tyrannical ; these are so very silly as not to perceive that they which maintain the contrary give way to the same absurdity in a much higher degree . For he that holds that man has a power and dominion over his own actions , makes every man to be a King : from whence it plainly follows ( King and Tyrant being all one ) that according to him , God is more a Tyrant , being King of Kings . I profess , I did not think there had been any thing nigh so much treason and blasphemy in maintaining this same Liberty of Will as now I perceive there is . Phi. Thou perceive ! thou perceivest nothing at all : not so much as the first grounds of the dispute between us . For if thou didst , thou wouldst know , that no man in the World is more for true Liberty , and for mans being a free Agent than I am . Nay ( which possibly such a Fool as thou art may stare at ) I hold true Liberty more than the very Bishop himself , who seemeth so eagerly to scramble and fight for 't . For ( as I have it p. 77. ) whereas the Bishop either craftily , or ( be it spoken with all due respect ) ignorantly pu●… things so together as to scandalize me and make people believe I am altogether against Liberty , because I hold necessity : let him and his Ecclesiasticks know , that I hold as much that there is true Liberty as he doth and more : for I hold it , as from Necessity ; and that there must of Necessity be Liberty : but he ( like a beast ) holds it not from Necessity , and so makes it possible there may be none . And that 's the reason why I call'd my Book , Liberty and Necessity . For I am so far from denying Liberty , that I hold Necessity besides . Tim. He does so : never minding that sober advice of the Poet , about severities clogg , upon the three Children that were drown'd ; unty 'em and you undo ' em . Now say I , Philautus , give me again my Actus primus , and Actus se●…undus , my terminus à quo , and terminus ad quem , my quidditas , quodditas , entitas , and all the r●…st of my little , barbarous , Metaphysical implements ; rather than such childish , ridiculous , non-sensical querks and subtilties , dress'd up ●…nto eloquent stile , with soft a●…d Roman expressions . You had best now complain to his M●…jesty that the boys laugh at you , when you chastise them for their particul●…r men , their free dominion , and their boyl'd definitions : and that they grow saucy and headstrong , and won't believe but that plain right-down , untrim'd Liberty , without any Necessity at all , is near upon as good , as your kind of Liberty lac'd with a vengeance . Phi. Nay , if you be good at that , Tim , for a need , I can rail , 〈◊〉 well as you Tim I pray , Sir , hold your hand : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 last page of your six Lesson●… you have given the ●…gregious Prof●…ssours ( as ●…ou call them ) such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as would go nigh to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 it self . Go your ways , say you , you uncivil 〈◊〉 , inhu●… ane Divines , Dedoctors of morality , unasinous Colleagues , egregious pair of Issachar , most wretch'd Vindices and Indices Academiarum . Phi. I said all that ; 〈◊〉 they deserv'd it . And I am heartily sorry , Tim , that I have it not about me , for thee too . For , thou art a most rude and ungentile scribler , a most unmannerly , and scurrilous libeller , a most ignorant , pragmatical , and malicious despiser of age , gravity , observation , and every thing else that is becoming and venerable : a very Boy , Toy , flie-flap , shittle-cock , nut-crack , that ought not to speak to one that has read a good Book , or seen a wise man : the very sediment , fag-end , stump , and snuff of mankind ; that snears and blinks at stars of reason : a●…d that shirk'd only into humane race , to vex old men , and stum sober company : and ●…herefore ●… do defie thee , and abhor thee , and spit on thy face , and say , that that Liberty of humane actions , which I do allow of , is true Liberty . Tim. And spit , and rail till you be hoarse again , I do say that , according to your principles , a Mustard-quern , or Wheel-barrow , has every whit as much liberty , choice , &c. as the most uncontroulable Governour now upon earth . Phi. Why so ? don 't I frequently say that man is a free Agent , that he deliberates , chuses , consents , &c. Tim. Yes , that you do forty times over . Phi. How much freedom then wouldst thou have ? I grant that he ●…ay do , whatever he will ; and I ●…hink that 's Forest big enough for ●…ny one Creature to range in . Tim. But I pray , Sir , how far is that same will that he has , in his own power ? Phi. That now is as absurdly and ignorantly spoken , as ever was any thing either b●… the Bishop or St. Austin : for , they hoth talk of having the will in their own power , not at all considering , that the will is the very power it self . Tim That was very carelesly d●…ne of them i●…deed : for , as you say , the will being the power , to talk of having power over the will , is all one as to have power over power : whence will follow penetration of powers : and so we shall have two Kings of Brenford currant at the same time . And therefore being convinc'd , Philautus , that I was in the wrong , I 〈◊〉 only to know what is it , that a man has the power to will ? Phi. Because that ●…ow is tol●…rable well , ( if it be rightly taken ) ●… do tell thee , that he has power to will whatever he pleases , phansies , or has a mind to : and I know not what thou canst desire more , unless thou would'st have the Calf with the white face . Tim. But I pray , Sir , how comes he by that mind ? does that mind come always upon him necessarily ; so that it was impossible for him not to have had that mind : or does he himself choose that mind ? Phil. Choose that mind ! what strange words you put together again : what , would you have a man to choose his own choice , and to will his own will ? 't is worse by half than lying with his own mother . Tim. A great deal worse , Sir , for man is an excellent Creature ; for man has a liberty to do : and besides that , he has liberty to do whatever he will : ( O brave man ! ) and he can will whatever he has a mind to : but all on a sudden he plomps , for he has a mind to nothing . And so , you know , it happen'd , Philantus , in that famous case of the House that Jack built . For though it was always granted that there was a man that killed the Cat , that eat the Mouse , that lived in the House — yet , at the upshot of the business , Jack always steps in , and swops away all the credit . Phi. All this ridiculous prattle is , because thou never hadst a just and true notion of Liberty . For , Liberty , say I , is absence of all the impediments to action that are not — Tim. This now is specially good , and one of your old tricks . For you take a man and stake him down upon the middle of New-market heath , and then give him a definition of Liberty , and tell him that he may now run away faster , than if he were loose ; for now he runs upon necessity , but if he were loose , he could only run away upon his Legs . Phi. 'T is impossible ever to stop a Fools mouth , that won't hear out a definition . Tim. I am resolv'd not to hear it , make your complaint where you will. For put you a man into a Dungeon , as deep as you can th●…ust him ; and let me 〈◊〉 ●…ut the ordering of a few words , and if I don 't presently defi●…e him steeple height , I 'le undertake to supply his place . And therefore , still say I , give me my Wheel-barrow for a free Agent . For this can do whatever it will : and it can will whatever it has a mind to ; and it has a mind to whatever the man that crowds behind has a mind to , who has a mind to whatever the Heavens and Elements crowd upon him . So that , let the necessity be a thousand removes of , yet for all that , certainly at last we fetch about to the House that Jack built . And so we must do . For , as was said before concerning thoughts ; that the greatest variety imaginable can never arise to freedom of thinking ; so neither can the justling and crowding back of the immediate necessary causes ever amount to Liberty of doing . For , let the plot lie as deep as the Center of the earth , and let there be never so many turnings , and whirlings , and windings ; yet the case is ●…xactly the same , as if all had been laid but just at threshold-door . And therefore , why should we play the Children any longer , and talk of willing , and choosing , and I know not what , and mean nothing thereby ? Phi. I tell thee , Tim , there is a kind of great business which I do mean by that Liberty , which I count consistent with Necessity : but if thou resolvest not to like it , then , say I , thou must e'en be content , to take up with necessity all alone . Perhaps thou hast got a new set of Vertuosoarguments , and some double-bottomobjections against me ; if thou hast , produce , Child ; and thou shalt see how I 'le slice thee down . Tim. What I have , Sir , I shall keep to my self : unless in your answers to common reasons and experience , formerly alledg'd by others , you had discovered somewhat besides querks , quibbles , and ignorance . Phi. Now to see the Coxcombness of such a pragmatical fellow ! for , though all that I have written , have been perform'd wi●…h strange kind of force and p●…cuity ; yet never was any thing so clearly laid down , nor so solidly defended , as I h●…ve done the necessity of all events . For in the first place ( as a 〈◊〉 foundation ) I do assert , that th●… 〈◊〉 such thing or cause of any thi●…g , as luck , ●…nce , or fortune : but that they are all meer words , more or less made use of , according to the degrees of mens ignorance or understanding . Now , Tim , away to thy detecting office ; and shew me where the querk or quibble of this notion lies . Tim. There 's none at all in 't , Sir : 't is a huge , stout , well-grown truth : and whereas you crowd it almost into every Book you have written , as if 't were a discovery of your own ; 't was so anciently and currantly believed , that one of the very Poets could tell us above a thousand years ago — Nos facimus fortuna deam , &c. and besides 't is nothing at all to the purpose : for though ( making use of a common phrase ) I may say such a friend may chance to come to my House to morrow ; yet my being ignorant which of the two will come to pass , does not at all hinder his own choosing , whether he 'l come or stay at home . Phi. But that , Tim , namely , whether of himself he can choose to come or stay at home , is the very controversie betwixt us ; and against it I have two familiar Cases to propound ; one concerning the weather , t'other concerning dice : each of which will most effectually prove ( if ever I prov'd any thing at all ) the necessity of all kind of events whatever , humane or not humane . And therefore the first thing I would know of thee is this : whether 't is necessary that to morrow it shall rain , or not rain : what thinkest thou ? Tim. I believe ' t is . Phi. ' T is ! 't is what ? Tim. 'T is most absolutely and undoubtedly necessary that to morrow it shall rain , or not rain . Phi. But that 's not my meaning , Tim : but , it being necessary that to morrow it shall rain or not rain , that , which I would know , is whether this very one , or that very one is absolutely necessary . Tim. I care not much if ( for a little while ) I believe that also . For I always love to believe , as much as ever my skin will hold . Phi. Then farewell all contingencies and Freewill . Tim. As for contingencies , let the Poet and the Bees look to them : but as for my Freewill , I won't take ten groats for 't yet . For the instance you give is no trial at all of Freewill . For I believe 't will necessarily rain , or necessarily not rain to morrow ( as that the sun will rise or not rise ) because the weather is not within a mans power ; but falls out necessarily according to the course of the World : not for your silly reason , because 't is a true disjunctive proposition : and therefore the whole being necessarily true , the parts or one of them should be so too : for do but try it , Philautus , in any other proposition , where the necessity of events may not be concern'd ( that there may be no sculking advantage in the word necessity ) and you shall see 't is so querkishly and ignorantly said , that a very fresh-man but of a months standing , would have been asham'd to have been guilty of such a gross errour . For jnstance ; Every number is odd or even , is a proposition so very good and laudable , that the Pope himself has not a better in all his budget : that is , if you serve it up all whole together : but take the same , and chop it into two Messes , viz. Every number is odd , ev●…ry number is even : and it makes two such deadly rappers as would choak old Nick himself . So again , to say that every man in the world is in London , or out of London , has no hurt at all in 't . But pull this in pieces , and it may so fall out , that there may be most deadly crowding for the Wall. Phi. But these cases , that you have put Tim , being general ; you only mean that some numbers are odd , and some even : and some men are in Town , and some are out . Tim. And if you suppose in particular that to morrow my Lord Mayor goes abroad or stays at home : you only mean that sometimes he is pleased to go abroad and sometime he 's pleased to stay at home . For though that same Omnis be a person of wonderful dispatch and presence , yet 't would make the greatest individual Magistrates head in the world , to gigge again , to have so much business upon his hand , as to be fore'd all the day long to be abroad at home . Phi. I know he can be but in one place : but wherever that be , 't is upon necessity . Tim. Why so ? Phi. Because every proposition is true or false . Tim. That 's right : if therefore every proposition in the world were true , or every proposition were false ( which , Philautus , is your way of Computation ) then I grant you , that he must needs go , that the Devil drives . But because there 's Field-room enough , and that some propositions are true , and some false ; therefore I am resolv'd to enjoy my humour , and neither to go , nor drive , unless I have a mind to 't . For in short , Philautus , that same old famous story of Socrates's necessarily disputing to morrow , or not , because every proposition is now true or false , has no more in 't but just this ; that 't is true to day , that one of the two shall be true or come to pass to morrow ; or 't is true or false to day , that this or that particularly shall be true or come to pass to morrow : and sweat and shuffle as long as you will , you can never advance that querk any higher . And therefore to make an end of this same story of Socrates and the weather ; seeing , Philautus , these same English men are most of them a Company of clownish and disingenuous dunces ; the Ecclesiasticks having no breeding , the Philosophers having not tasted of motion , and the Mathematicians being much o'rerun with the scab of ignorance , pride , and symbols ; the best way will be to draw up your opinion concerning a disjunctive proposition ( you may do it in half a sheet ) and send it beyond Sea : where ( as you very friendlily inform your self in your late lux Mathematica , &c. ) you are much read , understood , and admir'd : and if amongst all your acquaintance , you can get so much but as one subscription to your Paper , by any body that knows what belongs to Logick ( to which you appeal in this very Case ) then shall it rain or not rain ; and Socrates shall dispute or not dispute , whenever Philautus pleases . Phi. What dost tell me of Logick ? dost think that I that began to reason , the very first day I went into breeches , will be bound up to your paltry , pimping , pedantick rules of Logick ? don 't I know that Logick is the Mother of all Lyes , and the Nurse of your damn'd , confounded Metaphysical jargons ? Tim. Now do I shortly expect a Book contra Fastum Dialecticorum : now am I confident that Logick will be the Devil and all , as Mathematicks was , after the Doctor had bafl'd , and confuted you . Phi. I bafl'd , I confuted ? I never was , nor will be , as long as I live . Tim. No , no , Sir : you shan't be confuted : it does not at all become one of your age to be confuted : 't is uncivil , Sir , 't is not done at all like a Gentleman to confute you : You shall have a protection from his Majesty not to be confuted . Phi. You lye in your very throat . I never went about any such thing . Tim. Perhaps so : but however having now done with the business of the weather ; let 's now if you please , Sir , have one throw at Liberty and Necessity ; that we may see , whether the Dice will run on my side , or yours . Phi. Done : I would know then , suppose , I take a die , and throwing it upon the Table , there comes up such or such a cast : whether there was not an absolute necessity of that particular cast . Tim. Most absolute . Phi. Then have you perfectly gam'd away your Freewill . Tim. Yes : just as much as t' was rain'd away before . For supposing ( as you do ) that a die have ( as they call them ) so many chances , and such a chance to lie uppermost when 't is thrown , and to be thrown with such or such a force , and upon a table of such or such a smoothness , then say I there will as necessarily come forth such or such a cast , as if there had been never another cast upon the die but that which came forth . Phi. Then there 's necessity enough . Tim. Enough : but nothing to your purpose . Phi. That 's strange . Tim. Not at all : because all the several circumstances requir'd to such a cast , notwithstanding all that you have supposed , are wholy still in my own power ; that is , I may choose which side I 'le lay foremost , upon what I 'le make the throw , and if need be I can have a spring with so many notches , that shall let go the die , and give it as many turns , as I please . Phi. You chuse ! you please ! 't is a very hard matter , I see , to beat people out of the common track of non-sense . And therefore though there 's nothing more seemingly casual , or more proper to be insisted on , than the weather and dice ; yet , because to give particular instances would be endless , I shall rather chuse to put all out of doubt , and settle the whole business by one general argument . Tim. That will be well indeed . For I love at my very heart those same general arguments ; because they pretend to kill the old one in the Nest. How is it I pray , Sir ? Phi. 'T is thus : there is , say I , a necessity or necessary cause of all events ; because every event has a sufficient cause . For an event is that which is come to pass : and nothing can come to pass unless somewhat produce it : and produc'd it cannot be , but by that which is able or sufficient to produce it : that is to say , but by the meeting together of all that 's necessary to produce it . Tim. And what then ? Phi. Then every thing that is produc'd , is necessarily produc'd . Tim. Why so ? Phi. Because all is met together that was necessary . Tim. Therefore they necessarily met together : did they ? O your Servant , Sir ! because Fire , Water , and Oatmeal are requisite ( that 's all the meaning of necessary here ) for the making of Water-gruell : therefore I must of necessity fall upon the operation at four of the Clock ; and 't is impossible for me to forbear , or imploy my self otherwise at that time . Phi. So 't is impossible . Tim. To do what : to stab and kill a man , and then to unstab and unkill him again ? that 's all , Philautus : for seeing in our Country ther 's no halfing or quartering of effects : therefore ( say you ) all effects are necessary : that is , you suppose the thing done , or ( which is all one ) to be in such circumstances , that 't is impossible but that it should be done ; and then you conclude 't was necessary that it should be done . Whereas the question is not whether when ●…ny thing is produc'd , such and such things are necessarily requir'd to its production ; but whether it be now necessary , that all those necessaries or requisites shall certainly club together at such a time to produce it . Phi. I say they must , and that upon the account of sufficient causes . Tim. And , I say , they need not , and that upon the account of the West-wind : and I am sure tha●… my account is as good as yours : for I am for sufficient causes as much as you . Phi. What , and hold freewill ? Tim. O most easily , Sir : for oft-times the will alone is the sufficient cause . Phi. Of what ! of the will ! Tim No , that 's Jargon : but of the action . Phi. But , I enquire , what 's the cause of the will. Tim. So you may , but in many instances I can tell none . Phi. I prethee , let me hear one of those instances ; and thou shalt see , if I don 't presently Ferret out a sufficient cause . Tim. Suppose then there be laid before you , three Apples : I would know , whether you can pick one of them . Phi. Yes surely : what hinders ? Tim. You can as soon pick a Star out of the Firmament : for these Apples shall be exactly of the same size , the same complexion , and the same distance from the eye ; and thereupon they shall strike and tempt all alike : so that , unless you 'l allow the will it self to cast in the last feather , and to determine the scales , you can only platonically admire , for there 's no falling to , as the case stands . Phi. But you don't consider , Tim , how the World being in a constant toss and hurry ; there 's chopping and changing every moment : so that one or other of your sufficient causes over-topping the rest , will strike you as dead — Tim. Theresore I 'll have my three equally sufficient apples to be nail'd fast down ; and there shall be a very stout supporter for the chin , that the head may no ways wag ; and the eyes shall be so spoken to , that they shall not dare to rowl in the least . Phi. But may there not be for all this , that which they call , I know not what , which getting in at a corner of the eye , may give a private stab , and so determine the choice ? Tim. There may so : sor perhaps one of the Apples may have some pretty mole or dimple , or some such wounding feature or other . And therefore I think we had best take three pease , or three grains of Mustard seed . Surely there can't be any great difference of Cupids in such a case . Or if we ben't yet armour-proof ; what think you , Philautu●… , of even or odd ? there is , you know , just as many of t'one as t'other : and as for the words themselves they seem to smirk and flame and charm much at one . And yet 't is very evident from History , that there has been many a shilling won and lost at that game : which , according to you , is utterly impossible ; and as meer a tale as Religion . Phi. How so ? Tim. Because no body could ever play at it . For if the mind never determines it self , but is always ( as you would have it ) necessarily overborn by hopes and fears : the hopes and fears of even and odd being for ever equal , if at any time even ( suppose ) puts in for a mans will , presently in steps odd , and looks you full o' the face , with its why not I as well ? so that the alternate appetite ( as you call it ) being perpetual , a mans mind can never possibly be seised on , but must go titter totter , swing swang , to the Worlds end . Phi. Don't you trouble your self about that , Tim : for 't is very plain that a man may choose one number before another ; but , still say I , the reason is not meerly because he will chuse it ( for that 's non-sense ) but because by chusing it , he hopes — Tim. Hopes ! to do what ? Phi. To win . Tim. I tell you , he shan't hope any such thing . Phi. Why , Tim , must a man ask you leave to hope ? Tim. I don't stand much upon 't , Sir : but you won't let him hope : for , in the ninth Chapter of your Humane nature , you put in this imbargo upon hope : viz. that it does then only take place , when the causes that make us expect the thing hop'd for , are greater than those that make us expect the contrary . Now he that , in the business of even or odd , can spy out such bouncing causes on one side , more than t'other , shall presently quit the Chanel , and be permitted to hope . Phi. But may there not be many other sufficient causes besides hope , fe●…r , and such like passions , that may possibly move and determine the will ? Tim. Questionless there may be several : for suppose , the gamester chops at even : one sufficient cause of that choice may be , that , by so doing , it is an even case but that he wins : and certainly he 's a very foul Gamester that desires any more than to win . In the next place , 't is to be considered , that possibly the Gentlem●…n that so chuses , may be of a smooth and even temper : and what influence bodily temper ( for there is no other ) has upon all humane affairs , whether by Sea or by La●…d , I need not explain . Besides , it must not be omitted , that the choice which is propounded is not odd or even , but even or odd : so that even getting the start of odd , claps in physically upon the phansie , before odd can possibly get up . To all which ( if need were ) may be further added , that perhaps the Gentleman Elector by some means or other may have been prejudic'd against odd : either by having an odd Father , an odd Mother , or an odd kind of Wife ; and many such an odd thing may have happen'd , that may have quite disoblidg'd him , and indispos'd him to odd . And as there may be many other sufficient causes that may thus jog and incline the will to even : so without doubt one that married but a small relation of Tullies , for a very little fee , could do as much for odd . Phi. But why do we spend so much time about such trifles and inconsiderable things as these : whereas , we are inquiring what it is that directs a man in the grand affairs of his life . Tim. As much trifles and inconsiderable as they seem to be , give me leave to tell you , Philautus , that these same trifles and inconsiderables do utterly destroy not only all your Doctrine of Necessity , but all that nothing that you have said against immaterial substances . For , if any one man since the world began , has but lifted up his finger meerly because he would do so : that is to say , when all outward causes and considerations did equally solicite him to move it downwards , ( were there no other ) 't is a demonstration to me , that there is somewhat in the world besides matter ; and that man is of that kind . Phi. I prithee don't tear me a pieces now , with those contradictions of immaterial substances : but let me advise thee not to be cheated with such phrases , as thou didst just now mention . viz. because he would do so , forsooth : for we oft-times hear people say , they will do such a thing ; I , that they will : as if the will were the only determining cause : whereas there 's abominable Pride , Vain-glory , and perverseness in that expression . For example , you tell a man , suppose , that he shan't fling his Hat into the fire ; no that he shan't . Say you so , says he ? I 'll see you hang'd , before I 'll be nos'd by such a scoundrel , and with that slap goes the Hat into the middle of the fire . Tim. And truly he 's right enough serv'd , that gives a Gentleman such saucy language . But what shall we think of him , Philautus , who , without any such provocation at all , upon the twenty third of April takes his silk-doublet , and cutting it into thirty nine pieces , steeps it in Rhenish Wine till the first of September ; and then seals it up in a Tamarisk-box , with this superscription ; Ego & tu sumus in tuto : and lays it under his pillow the night before Full Moon . Phi. For my part , I keep to my old opinion : that every thing has a beginning : and that nothing can come to pass alone . Tim. Most certainly nothing can : and therefore , doubtless the sufficient cause of this whole business lie couch'd in the Rule of three . For , as the twenty third of April is to a silk Doublet cut into thirty nine pieces : so are those thirty nine pieces steep'd in Rhenish Wine till the first of September , to the Tamarisk Box , with the foresaid superscription , laid under the pillow the night before Full Moon . Phi. I must confess , that the necessary and sufficient cause of some actions , ( especially of those which are call'd indifferent ) lie oft-times very deep : but of all actions , I am from hence sure , there 's always one at the bottom ; because in all common actions , and concerns of life , it lies so very plain . Tim. I grant you that the probability of many events lies very plain : but not the necessity of any one , that I know of . That is to say in other words , that man being a rational Creature , for the most part is pleas'd ( not constrain'd ) to do that which is most reasonable : so if a Merchant , suppose , is promised an old debt of five thousand pounds , for crossing the street : 't is highly probable , that such news as this , will make the spirits to sally a little towards the Legs . But what if he stays at home only to suck his middle finger ? Phi. The cunning of that may be , Tim , to make such Fools as thee believe , that man has dominion over his actions . But there 's no such thing at all : for he stays at home only to cross and contradict those that deny Freewill . That is in short , he loves and prefers his opinion ( than which nothing you know is dearer ) before five thousand pounds . Tim. But how came he , Sir , to dote so much upon his middle finger : does the Doctrine of Freewill make the middle finger grow fatter than all the rest ? Phi. That need not be : for , in it self you know , it is the longest and most sufficient . Tim. And so , in good truth , must the little one have been ; if he had spent his Meditations upon that . Again , Philautus , suppose a man be catch'd in a good lusty rain : there is such probability of some events , that I count it more than two to one , that he will choose to borrow a Cloak , rather than a Curry-comb or shooing-horn . Phi. If he does ask for any such thing ; a very sufficient cause of that may be , to make people laugh . Tim. Indeed he can't help it , if they do laugh : but he may do it , meerly because he will do it . Phi. But I have told you over and over that that is utterly impossible . Tim. And I can say it as often , that 't is not . Seeing , by many instances above given , 't is plain that a man may and doth often determine himself , where all imaginable grounds of necessity are equally poys'd : I count that I may safely conclude that , whenever he pleases , he may make use of the same power in all other cases whatever . For the same principle which impowers a man for to do any one thing upon no extrinsecal accompt at all ; impowers him to sorbear the doing of any other thing whatever , though he has a thousand reasons to do it . Against all which , you have no other sence , but only to pop in that lamentable engine of your sufficient cause . The sum of which is only this , that whatever is already done , can't be undone : and whatever is not yet done , is not done as yet . Phi. That great notion of a sufficient cause ( whereby I absolutely demonstrate the necessity of all events ) which you so saucily disdain , has stun'd all the great Divines and Philosophers of Europe . Whereas all those inconveniencies and absurdities which they charge upon my Doctrine , of themselves vanish in a moment ; they being chiefly grounded ( as most errours are ) upon nothing else but want of understanding of the true signification of words . It would be very tedious , Tim , to repeat many of their objections , they are so intolerably silly : and therefore I shall only give you a very short specimen of their folly . In the first place they 'l tell you , that if there be a necessity of all humane actions , to what purpose do we praise and commend one action ; and blame and discommend another . Ignorant Souls ! that should not understand , that to praise or commend a thing , is only to say a thing is good : good I say for me , or for some body else , or for the State and Common-wealth . And in like manner to blame and discommend a thing , is no more than to say that 't is bad and inconvenient . For instance , what more common , Tim , than for people , in cold weather , to say there 's a very good fire : an excellent good fire : a special good fire : a most stately Princely fire ( words big enough for the greatest exploits of the mightiest Hero ) and yet , I suppose , very few think that the fire burns out of choice and discretion : and that it lies listning and gaping for commendations , and burns accordingly . On the contrary , what is it we mean when we express our dislike and disgust ? Be true now , and tell me , Tim ; is there any thing more frequent than to say , that such an Horse is blind or founder'd : that he starts , halts , or stumbles : that he 's a very Jade : a rotten , molten , confounded Jade ; ( words that do most passionately express blame and displeasure ) and yet again we don't suppose that the Horse ever requested the Blacksmith to drive a nail up to the hilts into his foot : or desir'd the Groom to thrust out one of his Eyes with the Pitch-fork , or to ride him so hard , as to melt or founder him ? and therefore , in the fourty first page of my Animadversions , I tell thee ( hadst thou the wit to observe it ) that , whereas people make such a great bustle about their sins ; and are oft-times vex'd and can't sleep in their beds for their sins ; sin is nothing else but halting or stumbling in the ways of Gods Commandments . Tim. And do you think that this is all that is meant by peoples breaking Gods Commandments ; that one is stab'd with the Pitchfork of stupidity and ignorance ; and another prick'd and lam'd by the Blacksmith of sensuality and drunkenness : so that there must needs be great halting and stumbling among them ? Phi. What , Tim , do you make sport and a mock of such a serious thing as sin ? Tim. 'T is you and such as you , Philautus ( whose very opinions make a mock of sin ) that are the sport-makers : not those , who out of a sincere design to undeceive the World , are forc'd sometimes to condescend to very mean , and almost unpardonable expressions . Phi. I don't cheat or deceive any body : for 't is plain from common Custom , and the consent of the best Authors , that praise and dispraise do equally belong to those things , that are never so far from all pretences of Freewill , as well as to men . Tim. But then , Philautus , I would have people a little careful how , and upon what , they bestow their commendations and reproofs . For though sometimes indeed they turn to very good accompt ; yet at other times they have their inconveniencies . He therefore that overnight commended a diamond at such a rate , that by Morning it was grown from a Cherry-stone to a Pippin , ( besides a little young diamond it had foled , running by its side ) must be granted to have spent his breath , and praises with very good discretion and profit . Neither was the famous Miller of little Hingham much out of the way : who , when the wind did not blow to his mind , would so frown , and chide , and rattle over his Mill , that one would wonder to see , how pouring the meal came down , upon the reproof . But , for all that , I shall always pity poor Sir Frederick . Phi. For what I prethee ? Tim. Why , Sir , he having in Christmass time ( as most Gentlemen use to have ) one of those same stately and Princely fires before-mention'd : the neighbours that sat about it , fell into such lavish praises , and extravagant admiration of the fire , that it grew so conceited , as to burn down the House . Therefore , if it must be so , that to praise or dispraise a thing is only to say that 't is good or bad : yet however let people hence learn , that good words , as well as bad , are to be used with discretion . But truly , Philautus , ( to deal plainly with you ) as plausible as the conceipt seems to be , for my part , I much suspect whether it be true . For though we may praise a stone , tree or Horse , a mans foot or forehead , with the very same words and phrases , and in as good a stile as the best of humane actions : yet I can't but think that those commendations which are usually bestow'd upon that accompt , which we call desert , to be not only much larger , but quite of another kind from those which we give upon all other occasions whatever . And though I don 't at all doubt , but that such an one as Pliny , could have done very much upon the considerable legs and renowned cod-piece of Henry the Eighth ; yet I am confident , he would have done much better upon the peaceable and pious reign of Q. Elizabeth . But to make an end of this , Philautus , we do often indeed commend the sun for shining , and the Heavens for affording rain , and the like : but , at our end of the Town , ( what you do I know not ) we think hereby we praise God himself ; who not out of his necessary , but free pleasure at first created , and still disposes of all these things : and has made man like himself . So that still nothing is prais'd meerly because 't is good or beneficial , but because it was contriv'd and brought about by that which need not have done it . Phi. But don't you hear people very ordinarily blame and find fault with bad winds and bad weather , as well as commend good : and complain of many things that could not be help'd ? Tim. Yes : and I don't much wonder at it : for , such Fools as those , shall curse and bid the Devil take them ten thousand times over , for such things , as they could have help'd : and that 's their gentile way of repentance . And therefore let us have no more concerning praise and dispraise ; but let us see if they have any thing else to say against you . Phi. They have nothing at all to say : but they think they have got somewhat by the end ; when they tell you , that if there be a necessity of all humane actions ; then many laws would be unjust , because the breach of them could not be avoided . Tim. This sounds , Philautus , as if it had somewhat in 't . Phi. That it does : and that 's all . For whereas they talk of an unjust law , they had as good talk of a piece of iron burning cold . For , every Law is either divine or humane . As for divine Laws , the irresistible power of God alone justifies all them . Tim. Truly such a famous Broker for power ( as you are known to be ) may easily make that out . For , having in your Animadversions , turn'd all the Attributes of God ( as you use to do all things else ) into power ; making divine goodness , divine mercy , and divine justice to be nothing but power : you might securely say that divine power alone justifies all actions . That is , divine power alone together with all the rest , especially divine justice , justifies all actions . And now , I pray , a little concerning humane Laws . Phi. Concerning them I do say also , that 't is impossible that any one of them should be unjust . For , a humane Law is that which every subject has given his consent to : namely , by giving up his will to the will of the supream : and no man can be unjust to himself . And therefore a Prince can't put upon his subjects any unjust Law. Tim. Suppose , he should put out a Law , that all that are born blind , shall have their fingers and toes cut off . There 's abundance of power in this same Law : but , in my mind , very little justice . Phi. Why , all the fingers and toes of the Nation are the supremes . And you have given up your consent as well to his pleasure , as his power . Tim. Never in my life to such pleasure as this . Phi. You have given your consent to all things , that he should do , be they what they will. Tim. No but I han't . For if he has a mind to go a finger ▪ hawking , or so ; I desire to stay at home , and keep the Hogs out of the Pease . Because , long before I had bargain'd with him , I had preingaged my self to the Law of nature and reason ( to which he , for all his greatness , is as much a subject as ●… ) never to use , or give my consent to such inhumane recreations . But , if I mistake not , Philautus , you and I had some little talk about these matters , when we met last at the Isle of Pines . And therefore be pleased to consider a little those same punishments that are inflicted upon men , for what they could not avoid . It seems a little severe , Philautus , to hang a man for stealing , suppose ; when as he could not possibly help it : and to damn him for not repenting , when he could , as little help that also . Phi. As for damnation ( if you mean your eternal damnation ) I shall tell you a fine story about that by and by — Tim. A fine one indeed ! Phi. But , as for peoples being punish'd for what they could not avoid ; the case , in short , stands thus : viz. When we say that such a one could not avoid the breaking of such a Law , we mean no more by it , but that he had a necessary will to break it . Now this same nec●…ssary will contains two parts , Necessi●…y and Will : ( be sure that you attend well , for it clears all ) now therefore say I , when any man is punish'd for willing or doing of that which he could not avoid , he is not punish'd for the necessity , or because he could not avoid it — Tim. I hope not : ( for if he were , all the Dogs of the Town ought to be set upon the Executioner . ) Phi. But he 's punish'd for doing it , or willing it . Tim. What 's that , because he could avoid it ? Phi. No , no : but because he consented , and had a mind to ▪ t. Tim. He consented ! he had a mind to 't ! he scorns your words , Phila●…tus ; for he , nor any man else ( according to you ) had ever of themselves a mind to any thing in this whole World. But those same necessary second causes oft-times flock about me , suppose , and have a mind to me : and when they take me only by the elbow , and clownishly drag me to the Jail , then am I said ( because Liberty the same time pulls homeward ) to go against my mind , and against my consent : but , when they take me gentilely by the brain and spirits ( which have always the whole body at their beck ) and slily push me on to steal , or the like , then , forsooth , a●…●… s●…id to co●…sent . Whereas I can as lit●… avoid ●…his consenting , as going to 〈◊〉 ●…ail . Only , here 's all the differenc●… , th●…t ●…e considerations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ecessarily affect the brain , b●…ing ●…ot ●…uch visible and big things a●… the Constables with their staves : therefore they say that I consented , and 't was of my doing . Phi. So 't was of your doing . For in stealing , don't you put forth your hand , and take somewhat against Law ? Tim. That 's a good one indeed ! I walk suppose to the Window ; and there lies a Gold-watch : and this gives me a deadly flap o're the face . I being of a sanguine complexion , and not us'd to pass by such affronts ; I give it as good as it sent , and flap that o're the face again : but at last it does so dazle me , and puts me so out of all countenance ; that I can't endure it in my sight any longer : and so , according to the laws of motion , it goes mechanically into my Pocket . And then poor Pill-Garlick must go to Pot ; for having eyes , hands , and a pocket : whereas I 'll be sworn , I no more conspir'd , nor consented 〈◊〉 this , than a Mouse-trap does to the catching of a Mouse . For , though I look and leer , as if I intended somewhat , and as if I took aim : but they are those same pernicious second causes that do all : they charge , and propound ; and tickle and pull down the little Cartesian tricker , and then bounce go I off at the Watch. Phi. As apt an instance , Tim , as thou thinkest this to be for thy purpose ; thou couldst not have given one more for my advantage . For killing of Mice and such like Vermin is good for the Common-wealth : but , as for stealing , 't is a thing that does hurt : 't is noxious , Tim ; as I have at large taught in my Liberty and Necessity . And therefore though every action of a mans life be equally unavoidable ; yet those only are punishable that are found to be noxious . Tim. Only those , Sir : and therefore , though a Knife cuts and slashes a stick , or a piece of meat never so sorely ; yet the Knife is not blamed and chastis'd for this ; because 't is not noxious . But if it chances to get never so little way into a Childs finger , 't is then presently chidden and condemn'd ; and sometimes flung away with such displeasure , that for a week after 't is ready to turn tail , at sight of a Pint of Butter ; and you can scarce get it to come within a yard of a Pudding . Phi. But this is only to cheat Children , and make them leave crying . Tim. And to hang a man that has been past crying fourty years , is every whit as great a cheat : for he could not avoid stealing , any more than the Knife could avoid cutting . Phi. I know that . But the end of punishment is to fright and deterr : and to frame , and make the will to justice . Tim. I believe that if I be once hang'd for stealing , my mind will be strangely fram'd , and made against stealing any more . Phi. But though your●… can't ; yet other mens minds may receive advantage and instruction hereby . Tim. I thank you for that indeed . I shall be hang'd for nothing at all , only to do my Neig●…bour a kindness . I don 't at all like ( without any fault of my own ) to be made a meer memorandum for the County , and a framer of other mens minds . Phi. But you can't but say , that the punishment of on●… man is a very proper means to keep others in awe . Tim. Who was ever so silly as to say otherwise ? But here 's the case : which is most reasonable , to punish a man for doing of that which is noxious , and which he could have avoided , that hereby others may be affrighted : or to hang him up as a Crow upon a Pear Tree , for no other reason at all but only to affright others . Phi. I take them to be much alike . Tim. Hugely alike indeed ! for if the first be true , every mans sin and ruine lies at his own door : but if the last , I see no ways to avoid it — Phi. To avoid what ? Tim. But that God must be the Author o●… all sin . Phi. The Author of all sin ! whoever that Divine be ( for this is an old Black-Coat objection ) that talks of God being the Author of sin is not fit to go Chaplain to a Mackerel-Boat . For the word Author , Tim , is a latine word ; and to be the Author of any thing is to give it authority and credit : that is , to command it , warrant it , and owne it : now I suppose , Tim , that you can't find any where in Scripture , that God did ever command sin , or issued out any Warrants or Certificates for sin to be committed . Tim. 'T were strange if one should . But yet if your opinion of necessity be true , one may find out that which is full out as strange , if not stranger . Phi. What 's that I prethee ? Tim. Whereas God has given plain Commandments against sin , and manifested his great displeasure at it : notwithstanding this he has so far authoriz'd or own'd it as ( according to you ) to be the contriver , and finisher too , of all the sins that ever were committed in the World. Phi. I do grant , and don't look upon 't to be any blasphem●… to say , that God has so ordered the World that sin may necessarily be committed . Tim. Then I pray is not sin of his ordering ? Phi. Not at all : ●…or to order sin is to put out an order to have sin commited . Tim. And what is it to order the World so , that sin may necessarily be committed . Phi. 'T is to put things of this World so and so together , that people will necessarily fall into such and such sins ▪ Tim. Now I count these to be much the same . For , suppose , I give order to my man , first by word of mouth , and afterwards under hand and seal , to charge the Musket , and to shoot such a Neighbour as he goes to morrow to Market . Every body , I know , will grant , that I have taken very sufficient order about this mans Death . But , suppose I do not dispatch him thus exactly , according to the Roman use o●… the word : but , I knowing that this day twelve-months , he 'll certainly ride to such a friends House , and certainly go through such a G●…te ; and I put things so ●…nd so together , that he shall chuse to go so much out of ●…he road , as to fall into a Pit and b●…eak his neck : for my part , I should reckon , that in so doing , I did as it were order his tumbling into the pit ; and that I was a kind of an Author of his destruction , notwithstanding Author is a Latine word , and t●…at he himself choose to go out o' the way , seeing that I had laid a trap for that choice . Phi. I suppose you are not so much a Heathen , Tim , as to imagine God should go about to decoy men into sin , and to set snares for their destruction . Tim. I am so far from that , that I had much rather believe that there 's no God at all , and no sin at all ; but those of your opinion must believe so : for , if God makes man of such or such a consti●…ution , and puts him into such and such circumstances , that every action he does ( be it good or bad ) it was as impossible for him to have avoided it ; as it is for fire to avoid burning : I know in what sense it is that he has made fire to burn ; and I dread to think that in the same he should make any man to ●…in . Phi. What a havock's here about a little sin ? when you have it so plainly in your Divinity Book , how that God hated Esau , and harden'd Pharaohs heart : how that he commanded Abraham to murder his only Son Isaac , and gave Commission to the Israelites to cheat and rob the Aegyptians : and how besides all this God himself says by the Prophet Amos , non est malum in Civitate quod ego non feci ? Tim. 'T was well done indeed to put the last in Latin. For some body or other perhaps might be so silly as to think that malum did signifie sin : whereas , in that place , it means nothing at all , but only those great judgments and afflictions , which God denounces against the people of Israel , for their oppression , Idolatry , and such like impieties . And you might as well have produc'd Gods raining Fire and Brimstone upon wicked Sodom and Gomorrah , to have lessen'd the impiety of your opinion of sin , as that place of the Prophet . Phi. Say you so ? What think you then of the Israelites robbing the Aegyptians , according to Gods own direction and warrant ? was that , Tim , a meer affliction too ? Tim. Truly I take it to be so ; seeing that God himself tells Moses , that the last Plague that he intended to bring upon the Aegyptians for their oppressing his people , should be to spoil them of their Jewells . And , as for Gods making use of the Israelites in this affair , that was all one , as if he had given Commission to a Whirlwind , Fire , or Angels to have done the same , and to have been Executioners of his just displeasure . Phi. Surely we shall have all the Bible turn'd into Judgments and Afflictions . Must Gods hardening of Pharaohs heart come of thus also ? Tim. Just thus , Sir. For 't is plain that God did not harden Pharaoh's heart , till he had hardened his own heart six times after so many judgments : and then God is said to have hardened his heart ; that is , he choose rather to raise him up , or keep him alive , and to inflict upon him that punishment of hardness of heart , whereby the divine power by miracles might still be more manifested , than to destroy him by the Pestilence . Phi. But before ever Pharaoh hardened his own heart , so much as once ; God was resolv'd to do it ; and said ( Exod. 4. 21. ) I will harden his heart , that he shall not l●…t the people go . Tim. And you may as well remember , that in the Chapter before ( Exod. 3. 19. ) the same God said also , he was sure that he would not let them go : that is , that he would harden his own heart . Phi. But I would know , what it was that God did to Pharaoh's heart , when he hardened it . That expression , methinks , sounds as if it had something of positivity in 't ( as the Jargonists speak ) and seems to make God every whit as much concerned in sin , as my opinion of necessity . Tim. What did he do , say you ? he did the same that the Scripture tells you he did to the Jews : who , when they had several miracles do●…e amongst them , and would not see , and would not understand : God inflicted this just Judgment upon them that they should not see and should not understand . In my opinion , 't is very reasonable ; and there 's nothing at all i●…'t tending towards the Author of sin . Phi. But 't is strange if this way of judgments and aff●…ictions does for Esau too : for , before he was born , he was hated of God. Tim And so were all the Women in the World hated , in respect of the Virgin Mary ; she being the only blessed among Women , and prefer'd to be the Mother of our Lord Jesus . For as 't was impossible that Christ should be born bu●… of one Woman : so likewise was it as impossible that he should be descended but of one Man. And though God promised to bless Abraham and his seed after a most special manner , yet he never promis'd to do the like to the elder House or line . Phi. But what say you to Gods commanding Abraham to kill his own Son ? you can 't surely call that , meerly not preferring . Tim. You know well enough that it was the contrary that he commanded : for he said ▪ lay not thine h●…nd upon the lad . 'T is said indeed that Abraham w●…s tempted and tried by God : and that accordingly he obey'd , and made all things ready to do it . Phi. But the Author to the Hebrews tells you , that he did offer him up : for doubtless Abraham did believe , that God did really intend that he should kill him ; and that it was not at all unjust . Tim. And well he might : not doubting , I suppose , but that God might as well chuse by Sacrifice , or what other means he pleased , to take away any innocent mans life , as by a Fever or any other sickness . So that we hear nothing as yet of the Author of sin , nor any thing toward Gods being at all concern'd in sin , after any such manner , as most inevitably follows from your opinion . Phi. Therefore I have sav'd the great business for the last : viz. the eternal decrees and prescience of God Almighty . I suppose it will take you some time to explain them , and to reconcile them to your Freewill . Tim. They are done the easiest of any thing you have yet mention'd . Phi. How so , I prethee ? Tim. How so ? I don't believe any such thing at all : that 's my way , Sir. — Phi. What , no decrees ? no prescience ? a most solid Divine without doubt ! Tim. Nay hold , Sir : 't is only when I meet with one that has such a God as yours : for I believe always according to my Company : and when I meet with one that has nothing else for his God but omnipotent thin matter , 't is very idle in my opinion , to talk about his foreknowing or determining before-hand what shall come to pass in this World. For the World may as well foreknow what God shall do , as God can what shall be done in the World : they both running into one another and so proving to be exactly the same . Phi. But to say that God is the World is a most horrid opinion : and therefore in my Leviathan I utterly reject it , as very unworthy to be spoken of God. Tim. Then you must reject your omnipotent matter also . For if God be nothing else but matter ; and this matter be in every particle of the World or Universe , that is ( to speak according to your self ) of all that is ; either we have no God at all , or they are all one which you please . Phi. But the thinness , Tim ! and the omnipotency . Tim. Never talk to me of thinness , for thinness takes up as much room , as thickness . And Omnipotency it self can never take away that incurable nusance that belongs to matter , viz. of one justling out another . Phi. But you make nothing to jumble mans body and soul together , and never think then of any such clashing or enterfeiring . Tim. Therefore 't is you that have help'd us to answer that difficulty : for the body of man being only flesh and bones , and the soul blood and spirits ; their quarters ( setting aside some few straglers ) are e'en as different as the Oat-tub is from the Hay-Chamber . Phi. But stay a little , Tim ; you are , I perceive , very severe in demanding how that if God be meerly matter , the World and God should both stand together : now suppose I should grant the soul of man to be quite different from his body ( which is a thing much too ridiculous to be so much as supposed ) I pray , can't I , ( seeing you are so very curious in your enquiring ) enquire also , how contradictions can dwell together : that is , how matter and no matter can be join'd , and move one another ? do you think it would not take much more time to remove and conquer such an absurdity as this , than any thing that is to be inferr'd from my opinion ? Tim. Nothing nigh so much , Sir : for though we cannot punctually tell you , by what Chains and Fetters , matter and no matter ( or spirit ) are fasten'd together ; yet by our senses we are so exactly acquainted with the lodgings , haunts , and all the powers of the former , and do so very well know that the most subtle and most refin'd of all must be subject to the common incumbrances , as evidently to perceive , that matter alone can never do the business . Phi. Why so ? Tim. Because we don't only find several things very difficult to explain , should there be nothing else ; but somethings there be ( especially two ) which ever to explain is utterly impossible . And from the utter impossibility of their ever being explain'd , we have abundance of reason to believe that there is somewhat else : the name of which we agree upon to be a spirit . Phi. And I prethee , Tim , may not I know what those two things be , which thou dost prophesie will never be explain'd ? Tim. I have told you them already , Philautus . The one is , that God and the World are the very same ; of which I desire no more may be now said . The other is , that a man can't chuse of himself to stroak his beard , when it would oblige the Company every whit as much , if he cockt his Hat. Phi. What a mighty business is that ? to stroak a mans beard ! Tim. 'T is such a trick , Philautus , which neither Prince Rupert's famous Dog , that eat up the Parliaments Ammunition , nor Banks's ingenious Horse could ever arrive to ; as was before briefly hinted , in what was said about train of thoughts . And though it be not needful now to enquire how far further ; yet most certainly in this Man differs from all other Creatures whatever . Phi. In this ! in what I prethee ? Tim. In Freewill , Sir. Phi. I see not the least difference for my part . For , don't Horses , Dogs , and other bruit Beasts demur oft-times upon the way they are to take , the Horse retiring from some strange figure that he sees , and coming on again to avoid the spur . And what is it I pray more that a man does when he deliberates : but one while he proceeds toward action , another while retires from it , as the hope of greater good draws him , or the fear of greater evil drives him away . This I take to be the utmost that man can do . Tim. This is nothing , Sir : for a Dog can do much more than this : for you may instruct him at the naming of the word States , to bark and rouse as if ( without the King of France ) he would pull 'em all down : and at the word King , to cringe and be as submissive as a Dutch-man in the days of Queen Elizabeth . But now comes the trick , Sir : I would have this same Dog two or three times in a week ( not out of any Pique to Monarchy , or favour to Common-wealths , but only out of pure innocent mirth and phansy ) be a little cross and humoursom ; and swagger when he should sneak , and sneak when he should swagger . This is the Dog that I would have put into Doublet and Breeches too : and to be kept in the Tower for a precedent of Freewill . But , O the sufficient cause ! Phi. That 's out of pure madness now : because you know well enough , that it utterly routs all that you can say either for Freewill , or immaterial substances . And therefore , seeing you make such a noise with your absurdities ( or as you call them impossibilities ) that you draw upon my opinion ; the best way , Tim , will be to go to the poll : and then you shall see that , whereas you can find but two things impossible to be explain'd , should there be nothing in the World besides matter : I have no less than four or five impossibilities ( and all swingers too ) to stake down against there being any thing else . Tim. Yes , I do , in part , remember what kind of impossibilities they are . In a sun-shine day , you get into the Balcone in Queen-street , and there you cry Matter , Matter , nothing but Matter . And , when the people come to see what 's to do , you have nothing to tell them , but only , Truly Gentlemen you look like persons of parts : and 't is great pity that such as you are should be abus'd and spoil'd for want of the knowledge of motion . Therefore might I advise you I would have you well acquainted with what I have written concerning motion ( of which no body has done any thing but my self , ) and w●…th the nature and properties of matter : for there 's no such thing at all as an immaterial substance : never stand to consider of it , for I am sure there is not : verily there is not : Faith and troth there 's no such thing : upon the word of a Gentleman , a Mathematician , and a Traveller , there 's no more immaterial substance either in England , France , or any other Country whatever , than there is to be seen upon the back of my hand . 'T is all a meer cheat , and a forgery of Sextons to raise the price and credit of Graves . Phi. And dost thou think , Tim , that I have fetch'd o're such brave men to my side , with nothing but so it is : verily so it is : Faith and troth , Gentlemen , 't is just so . Do you think Gentlemen that stand so much upon their honour and reputation , won't demand better satisfaction than this ? Tim. They may demand what they will , but they 'l find no better than what I tell you . Phi. Why , Tim , don't I , in the first place , plainly shew , that an immaterial substance is a meer dream and phantasm ; an image or a thing behind the Looking-glass ; a faiery and an old Wives tale ; a small Creature of the brain , and a device of the Kingdom of darkness ? Tim. No truly ; I never found that you did shew any such thing at all , any further than meerly by saying so . Phi. Why , man , to say so , as the case stands , is all one as shew it to be so . For an immaterial substance can't be shewn . Tim. But , by your bragging , I thought it might have been shewn , that there was no such thing . Phi. You don 't at all take it , Tim. For upon that very account , that an immaterial substance can't be shewn , 't is my second demonstration that there 's no such thing . Tim. Now , Sir , I think I have got it . Because an invisible thing is somewhat wild , and can't endure to be star'd on long together ( besides a great defluxion of rheum that it occasions in the Spectators eyes ) ; therefore there is no such thing . Phi. I don't say so : but I say thus : whatever is ( or rather we know to be ) must some ways or other strike and affect our senses . For to know is to perceive by imagination ; and to imagine is to perceiv●… by sense . Tim. Delicate ! delicate ! the question is whether we have reason to believe that there 's any substance in the World , differing from such as do affect our senses . No , no : says Philautus , it can't be : it can't possibly be : for there 's no reason to believe there 's any thing in the World different from what does affect our senses . And so score up two demonstrations against immaterial substances . The basket will be full , by and by . Phi. And well it may , for the bigest are all still behind . And therefore in the next place , Tim , let me know of thee which of all words dost thou think to be the most proper to signifie the whole World ? Tim. Universe , as I take it , is counted the best . Phi. Yes : 't is so : and that word alone clearly cuts out all your immaterial substances . For , what is the Universe , but the whole sum or aggregate , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all the matter that is in the World ? Tim. Very right , Sir : and therefore whatever pretends to be ( or , which is all one , to be in the Universe ) must cease being a dream and phantasm , and list it self under the notion and protection of matter . For the word Universe being made up of unum and versum : and unum being taken adverbially for only ; and versum by a kind of a figure , signifying matter ( which , upon such an occasion it may be perswaded to do ) whoever talks of immaterial substances being in the World or Universe , does most absolutely confute himself : for thereby he confesses there 's only matter in the World. And upon this I suppose , Philautus , rather than God Almighty should prove to be only a thing behind the Looking-glass , you have been pleas'd to admit him also into your great pound of matter . Phi. He must come in there , or else not be at all . But yet , because some giddy-headed Ecclesiasticks had prated against my Leviathan , therefore , in my Appendix to 't , I have shewn both from the best Authors , and Scripture it self , that God is so far from being immaterial , that he is much more material than any thing else . Tim. I marry , Sir , this does it indeed ! Phi. So it does , Tim , ( to the shame of all your spiritual men ) for 't is plain that never any of your Roman Authors did speak considerately of God ▪ but they always stiled him Maximus , as well as Optimus . Tim. They do so : and if he be Maximus , to be sure he 's Magnus , ( and a great deal to spare ) and every body knows of the alliance between magnitude and matter . Deus optimus Maximus . Most specially good ! now if the Scripture proves but as well — . Phi. 'T is no other than that famous place of the Apostle ; for in him we live and move and have our being . Upon which , I do thus reason : if all men be in God , and live in God , and move in God ( which the Apostle plainly affirms ) and that to every man there belongs so much bulk or quantity : he ought to be sent to the Hospital , that denies God to have quantity , for he has got within himself all the quantity that men have , and his own quantity besides . Tim. So , so : Very well . Very well . Because the Apostle tells us , that God created all men , and gave them life and power to move ; and by his daily providence continues these blessings to them : therefore we feed upon God , and swim and fly in God : just as wild fowl do , in St. James's Park . I wish with all my heart that the basket was full . Phi. You need not wish for that , Tim : for I have one demonstration more against immaterial substances so very big , that 't is enough to fill a basket alone . It lies in the very words themselves . Don't you see 't , Tim ? Tim. Not in the least . Phi. That 's strange . You 'l grant , I suppose , that an incorporeal body is a good rousing contradiction . Won't you ? Tim. Yes , Sir : 't is one of the first head . Phi. And , so is immaterial substance : for immaterial and incorporeal every man grants to be the same : and I 'le undertake for body and substance being the same . Tim. You don't prove it , Sir : do you ? Phi. No , no : it need not , it need not ; for I 'll swear they are the same . Tim. Faith and troth would have come in excellently well there : for , by chance , all the controversie is , whether they be the same or not . ( i. e. whether there be a substance distinct from body ) but that 's nothing : for , it need not , it need not , no , no : it need not . For , Philautus is the man that has farm'd all the custom for the signification of words : and suffers none to go out of his office , but such as are seal'd : and because your Apothecaries give out of the same pot , Mercury or quick-silver , which the customer pleases to call for : therefore Philau●…us , in his great shop of words , has a box superscribed substance or body . And that 's all his reason they are the same . And therefore , say I , if any Gentlemen be so overkind and complemental , as to gobble down such things as these ( and these are the very best that I can find ) for demonstrations against immaterial substances , by all means , let Philautus take such Gentlemen , and Tim will be content with their Estates . Phi. I 'll take no Gentlemen on my side , but such as are convinc'd by solid reasons : and by your leave , Tim , I can tell you of several of my opinion , that scorn to be convinc'd with any thing less : and that are very ready to affirm , that what Philautus has said , against incorporeal substances , has not been without some reason . Tim. Yes , I remember one , Sir : who , in a late Preface to a Play , tells us just so : viz. 't is not , says he , without some reason , that Philautus thinks incorporeal substances to imply a contradiction . Phi. What ( and be hang'd ) would you not have a Gentleman speak truth ? Tim. O by all means , Sir : especially such a Gentleman as this : for he is so hearty a friend to your opinion , that he has added much strength to 't . Phi. Matter ! but I don 't like that at all , that any man should be so conceited , as to think himself able to add any thing to what I have written . Tim. Nay , I beseech you , Sir , be not offended : for 't is so very little that he has said , that you may easily lay it aside . The great business is the novelty of the Argument . Phi. Don't tell me , Tim , of any novelties : for I can't think of any thing against immaterial substances that I have omitted . Tim. No ? I pray of what profession are they that have been your great adversaries in this point ? Are they not Divines ? Phi. What then ? Tim. There 's a business now , that you never thought of . For 't is impossible for a Divine to write , or so much as to think of a spirit , or immaterial substance . 'T is utterly impossible : it implies a contradiction : 't is Jargon , 't is Tohu , and Bohu : the Kingdom of darkness , and all that . Phi. Implies a contradiction ? what a Fool art thou , and all that , to talk t●…us ? may not a Divine do , as well as other men , if they would but read and believe my Books ; and such , as I got my learning out off ? Tim. I , I : you may think so : but you are much mistaken for all your cunning . For there is not one Divine of all the whole Tribe , be he Deacon , or Priest , or Bishop , or Archbishop ; but is most abominably phlegmatick . And 't is a Poet alone , I say again , that 't is the Poet who has briskness , phansie , elevate and all that , that can discourse of such a subtle and gliding subject , as a spirit or imm●…terial substance . Phi. Divines all Phlegmatick ! I have been as much affronted by Divines as any body : but they never affronted me into such an odd remark as this . Tim. Therefore you never minded the History of it , Philautus , as this Gentleman Poet has done . For let a man be of never such a frank and florid constitution : let him be all flame , all sky , all glory ; yet no sooner does the Bishop lay upon his head his heavy and stupefying hand , but his phansie runs out at his heels , and the blood presently all turns . The benediction of a Deacon , indeed , is only Rheum and slaver : but , when he comes to be made Priest , it curdles all into utter snot and phlegm . Phi. I prethee , Tim , don't torment me with such abominable nauseous stuff as this . What have I to do with what other people say ? Tim. But this Gentleman is your friend , Sir : and you must not disregard what a friend offers in your behalf : as yet you only have heard how Divines come to be so phlegmatick : you must needs also understand , how that , being so , they can't possibly discourse of an immaterial substance , or a spirit . Phi. I care not for hearing it : for I am sure there can't be any sense in 't . Tim. O Sir very much : as much as any thing that you your self have said against immaterial substances . For the argument is taken out of the great art of Chymistry . Where , you know , nothing is at such variance with a spirit as phlegm . And there can happen no such scandal to a spirit , as to have any phlegm upon its skirts . And therefore your wary Druggists will scarce suffer a Clergy-man to come into their Shops , for fear they should bind and phlegmatize their spirits . And you can't , I suppose , have altogether forgot , how an whole brewing of strong waters , had like to have been quite spoil'd , only by a Clergy-man's Gown sleeve , that , in passing by , dangl'd into the door : and therefore 't is not for a Clergy-man ( whose heavy gown damps the apprehension of a spirit , as much as great top't stockings does the sound of a Theorbo ) I say 't is not for a Phlegmatick Clergy-man ( who can only cough to an Organ , and thrum upon Thomas Aquinas ) to think to raise himself to such a tall imagination , as that of immaterial substanc●…s : for they are of a very thin and aiery composure ; of a flooting and fluttering consideration : and when a man of gravity , sense , and judgment , goes dully about to invoke them , and to pore into their notion and condition , they presently all bush , and are as still as birds in an Eclipse or great thunder-clap . But let the trim , the gay , the sharp and piercing Poet get about him but half a score Violins , an huge Plume of Feathers on his Hat , and only thrip his fingers , and briskly say , Come my Daphne , and if there be an immaterial substance within a mile , it presently stoops to the Poetical Lure . But besides , Philautus . — Phi. I prethee , Tim , let 's have no besides : for I am already almost quite kill'd with this damnable Poet. Tim. But you must not be tir'd , Sir : I profess 't is uncivil : for , if you part with this Gentleman , I don't know where you 'l get another to commend your reasons against immaterial substances . And withal I would have you consider , Philautus , that 't is a very unsafe thing to slight such a mans approbation : for , he may chance to have you into the next Prologue he makes ; and a Poet , you know , is as ill as a whole Nest of Hornets : nine of which , they say , will sting an Horse to death . And therefore 't is your interest , Philautus , to be kind and respectful : for , he has also done so much credit to your opinion , as to tell us that you have got some of the Fathers , on your side . And you know , Philautus , 't is a great honour and security to have the Fathers on ones side . Phi. A very kind Poet indeed ! I know not how many years agon , I found by several Places , that Tertullian was of my opinion — Tim. And you might have found as good ones in Caesar's Commentaries . Phi. And now , this Gentleman having in some of my Books either read so , or met with somebody that told him so , he sends me word of it again . Tim. I profess , Philautus , I am perfectly of your mind : for I look upon 't to be very indiscreet and dangerous for a Poet , who renounces all judgment and sense , and betakes himself wholly to the wing of phansie and imagination , to meddle with such dull and melancholy stuff as Fathers . For your Fathers doubtless ( though they were counted pretty honest people ) yet they were all very Phlegmatick . And some think that Levi himself was a kind of a blew , green , yellow man. So that there has been a constant succession of Phlegm and dullness in the Church from the very beginning . And therefore , I say , I don't think that this Poet of ours durst ever venture to meddle with any Father , except such as Father Horace , Father Juvenal , and the like : for alas , Sir , one page of a right true Phlegmatick Father would so fetter , and jade his phansie , that 't would scarce get into a good Heroick rhiming condition in a months time . But besides , Sir — Phi. What have we more besides's still ? is there no way , Tim , to perswade thee to hang thy self ? Tim. Yes , Yes , Sir : I had done it long ago : only you sent no particular directions ; and so I deferr'd the business a little , least I should not have perform'd it according to your Philosophical mind . I pray , Sir , what do you mean by the word hanging ? Phi. Why , Tim , must thou needs have a definition of it , before thou goest about it ? Tim. O by all means , Sir , for , such a nice matter as that , if it be not done with all the consideration and curiosity imaginable , a man may chance to do himself a mischief , before he be aware of it . And I am sure , Philautus , you can't but call to mind ; that most of those tumults , and rebellions , deluges , and Earthquakes that have happen'd in former ages , were chiefly because they were ages of great equivocation : not being sufficiently mindful to signifie their meaning in setled words , which by the learned is call'd defining . And therefore I wonder , Sir , that a man so exact as you are , of all things , should omit to give us a definition of hanging ; it being a thing of so great moment : and besides in the 18th page of your Leviathan you have laid so good a foundation sor't . For seeing politicks ( as you there have it ) are only the addition of pactions to find out mens duties : and Law is only the addition of Laws and facts , &c. what else can hanging be , but only the concluding or summing up of a man from the premises : from whence we learn the exact difference between condemning and hanging : viz. to be condemned is only to be cast : but to be hang'd is to be summ'd or cast up . And though breaking a Leg or Arm be not altogether of such great concern , as t'other thing we have been speaking of ; yet , upon this accompt questionless it was , that the Author of the Medicinal definitions ( lest a man in distress should be equivocated , and send for the Joiner instead of the Bone setter ) like a most safe and careful Artist , brands Chirurgery after an everlasting manner : Chirurgery ( says he ) is the quick motion of an intrepid hand join'd with experience : or an artificial action used by the hand in physick for some convenient intent . Phi. What thou drivest at , Tim , I know not : unless it be , that thou wouldst have hanging to be as much a Science as Chirurgery . For , I grant thee , that most of those mistakes , fooleries and absurd opinions that have crept into mens minds and their writings have been , because they have ventur'd to reckon without setting ●…own their first Items right : i. e. without agreeing upon sound and substantial definitions : but I would not have thee therefore think , that , before I call for my Horse , I must needs examine the Osler how he is furnish'd as to the genus and specifical difference of saddle and bridle . Tim. Truly , I thought that might have been your meaning . For you must now give me leave to tell you , Philautus , and that a little more plainly and largely too , than I could do last time we met ( being in haste ) that there is scarce any thing so mean and trivial , but you make it your business to puff it up either with some lofty and magnificent description , or else to fix upon 't some smart or curious character : and this is your constant practice from one end of your writings to the other . Phi. Never was any thing more improperly and unseasonably apply'd : it being my humour to meddle with nothing but rarities , and things of fundamental moment : and whereas thou talkest , Tim , of my puffing definitions , and of my contriving curious characters ; and , that I do this from one end to the other : I am confident that ( had I patience to pose thee ) thou dost not so much as understand either what 't is to begin or end , or what is curiosity , or what 't is to define : and yet this is Tim that accuses me of defining trifles . Tim. I beseech you , Sir , cast away one small bit of those thousand years , you have still to live ( for , you know , 't is not good to be stinted ) and hear me say . As for the bounds and measures of beginning and end , I must step a little back , and consider there be two sorts of parts , middle and extream : which being granted I do then proceed to set them out after this manner . That part which is between two other parts is call'd the middle : and that which is not between two other parts , is call'd an extream . Now , of the extreams , that which is first reckon'd ( I say of the extreams that there may be no mistake ) that that very extream so first reckon'd , in strictness of speech , is always to be look'd upon as the true beginning ; and that which is last reckon'd to be the true ending . As for example , take me the number three : which is bounded on each side with an Unite : ( for no number is actually infinite ) now that Unite which stands before the middle Unite , ( provided it be first reckon'd ) is to be look'd upon to be the beginning or first Unite of the number three : and that which stands after the middle Unite , the end or last unite of the number three . And now , Philautus , I am confident , that were you not wholly taken up with commending your self , as severe a Judge as you are , you your self would be ready to confess this first task to be very accurately perform'd ▪ Phi. Confess , Tim ! I don't use to make Fools and Children my Confessors , but only those that have the supream Authority . Tim. I thought I should be thus put of . For let a man be never so wary , and take never such care about his Items ; and settle things with never so much exactness , yet one had as good grope for Guineas in an Oyster pit , as expect any approbation from Philautus . Phi. Go on , Tim : thou shalt have , it upon my word by and by : 't will come pouring down ; approbation , or somewhat else . Tim. I thank you , Sir ; for one minutes commendations from a person that has kept a constant register of Consequences is worth an age-ful from any body else . And therefore I proceed to the great mystery of curiosity : concerning which ( in short ) I thus give out . Namely , that 't is a desire to know why , and how . And I am sure there 's no body can be so harsh and churlish , but must look upon this same why and how , as a most distinguishing and Philosophical Ear-mark . And therefore , if approbation be not just approaching , I don't expect ever to deserve again . Phi. Yes , Tim , 't is just at hand , and therefore I do bless thee after this manner : reckoning thee , looking upon thee , and approving of thee — Tim. I am glad to hear these words . They are every one of them words tending to renown . O , what a blessing it is to be allow'd of by the ancient ! and to have an Item set upon a young man by an intrepid hand join'd with experience . Phi. O 't is a most inestimable blessing ! and therefore , Tim , I do say once again , that I do set thee down , and accompt thee , and allow of thee for the greatest pilferer , shirk , and notion-stealer , that ever thiev'd out of a Book . For all these great truths , which thou hast now pretended to knock out of thy own noddle , are nothing else but my very own contemplations irreverently slaver'd out of thy mouth . And if I should try thee in fourty things more : I believe I should find it just so : i. e. thou wouldst either talk right down non sense , or steal from me . And therefore , seeing thou pretendest to judge what things are needful to be defin'd ; do so much as tell me now what a definition is . Tim. I remember some of them tell us , that a definition is that which explains a thing — Phi. A definition that which explains a thing ! that now is most horribly obscure , ridiculous , and absurd . A Definition , say you or they ( for I think you are all alike ) is that — is that ? what that ? that same , or t'other same ? how shall any man in the World understand which of the that 's you mean ? again , you talk of your definition explaining a thing . After what manner , I prithee , Tim ? what , as the Table-Cloth is explain'd upon the Table : or as butter is explain'd upon bread ? thou surely wouldst have a man to be spread into Animal and Rationale . Therefore take it me altogether thus . Definitio est propositio cujus praedicatum est subjecti resolutivum ubi fieri potest , ubi non potest exemplicativum . Instead of which you come in with your blind ids and quods , and I know not what 's . Tim. I pray , Sir , be not so angry with me ; for 't was not I that put in id est , instead of propositio ; or that said , that the nature of man was to be unfoulded like a Napkin ; whereas I perceive 't is to be unrop'd and unbound like a load of Faggots . Phi. But you are always prating as if you favour'd such non-sense . Tim. Truly , Sir , I must confess , that I never did much admire the temper of that wary Gentleman , who being requested to help to make an Inventory for his neighbour , would by no means be perswaded to engage in the business , till they had first agreed upon principles , and set down quid est fire shovel , quid tongs , and quid bellows . And very little better opinion have I of those , who observing the Mathematicians to chuse their own terms , and to give them what signification they pleased , shall vainly do the like in all kind of discourses : defining things , that by custom have been long determin'd ; or that have been sufficiently defin'd before . For my part , I always thought , that a man might have a very nigh ghessing , when he was in the Jail , and when not : till I look'd into the 164th . page of your Leviathan , and then I found , that 't was almost as hard for a man to understand what a Prison was , as to get out of it . For , imprisonment ( to define it fully and exactly ) is all restraint of motion , caus'd by an enternal obstacle , be it a House , which is call'd by the general name of a Prison , or an Island . Thus Du Val and such others , have ( upon occasion ) been restrain'd by the external obstacle of Newgate for some convenient intent . And , you know , Jack Lambert is at this time obstacl'd up at the Isle of — Phi. Well : and what then ? Tim. E'en what you please , Sir. Phi. Then I tell you , that though others may have observ'd , that a House may come under the notion of a Prison , yet , that an Island may do so likewise , was a great observation of my own . Tim. I do a little question it , Philautus : for now I think on 't , in an old merry song , there 's a very notable hint towards an Island being a Prison ; and more than that too , there 's direction given how , if need be , to break Prison . For the Poet does not only say , that the Land is a large Prison inclos'd with Sea : but adds further , that if we would but set lustily to 't , and drink up the obstacle ( i. e. the Ocean ) we may set our selves ●…ree . But for all that , I don't absolutely say , that you stole your notion from the song . Phi. I steal from songs : I that have a thousand things that never were in any Book whatever ? Tim. Ay , and a thousand too . I 'd fain see any body shew me , either in Book , or Manuscript any thing like what you have in that Chapter of yours , call'd the nutrition and procreation of a Commonwealth . Phi. Why , what have I there ? Tim. What have you there ? why , Sir , you have there , not only a most exact division of all commodities into Native and Foreign : but ( lest people should loose their time a Nutmegging , or Cloving in Enfield , or Epping Forest ) you are pleas'd to acquaint us besides with the very essence , and nature of each commodity . A Native Commodity ( say you , very gravely ) is that which is to be had within the territory of the Common-wealth . That sounds bravely . Within the territory of a Common-wealth . 'T will almost furnish a shop alone . And a Foreign Commodity is that which is imported from without . Phi. And is not this very true , and useful besides ? Tim. 'T is so very true , that I much question whether it be useful at all . For there 's scarce an Apprentice , that has but had the improvement of twice wiping his Masters shoes , but would look upon 't to be a most abominable affront , to be inform'd with such Ceremony , in such a trivial matter . And more than that , Philautus , I am very confident , that should any man go about solemnly ( as you do ) to advise and caution one of these same Youngsters , in what immediately follows ; and deliver but his message in the common Town language , he would count himself so horribly abus'd , as presently to cry huzza , and break all the Windows of such an Instructor . Phi. Why , what is it I prethee ? Tim. The very bottom of the notion is only this , Sir : viz. that if we have , suppose , here in our Country , more Pudding than Plums , and other people have got more Plums than Pudding ; the best way will be for the Pudding and the Plums to hold a correspondence . But now , Sir , from the consideration of Native and Foreign Commodities , to biggen this spare and lean notion into a Sir John : 't is thus . And because ( it begins as statelily , as a Preface to an Act of Parliament ) there is no Territory under the Dominion of one Common wealth , except it be of very vast extent ( that 's to prevent objections ) that produceth all things needful for the maintainance and motion of the whole body ; and few that produce not something more than necessary ; ( here 's the ground-work ; now we build ) the superfluous commodities to be had within become no more superfluous , but supply these wants at home by importation of that which may be had abroad , either by exchange , or by just War , or by labour . For a mans labour also , is a commodity exchangeable for benefit , as well as any other thing . Yes , yes : without doubt ' t is . That is , if a man has a great superfluity of those native commodities of Legs and Arms , but as great a scarcity of those Foreign ones , call'd Cloths and Victuals ; nothing more frequent than for such an one , to betake himself presently to his flail , or spade , and to exchange benefits : full well knowing , that Labour is a very good commodity , and as likely a way to fetch in money , as most things that have been invented . And this politick remark of yours puts me in mind of a most admirable Receit , that I have somewhere met with , to awake a man that is asleep . Phi. I suppose , Tim , if he ben't deaf , and be but call'd lowd enough ; we need not go to the Queens Closet , nor Triggs secrets , to awake a man. Tim. Call'd ! but how shall he be call'd ? that 's the mystery , Philautus ; what method , what means , what instruments are the most natural , and proper for this purpose ? Phi. I prethee , has not the man a name : and can't you call him by that ? Tim. Call him by his name ! what a deadly black , dull , phlegmatick story is that ? call him by his name ! ( Dick , Jack , Robin , or any of the rest know , and can do that : ) no , no , Philautus : you are quite out . The way is this . Seeing that humane Creatures as well as some others are not altogether free from the thraldom of sleep : and that it may be for the interest of some private person , or for the good of the Common-wealth , to loosen and redeem one so bound and captivated : and seeing besides that there be several noises and sounds , that by different motion , do differently invade the Territories of the ear : from most diligent observation it has been at last concluded , that , of all noises or sounds , there is not any so fit and proper to awaken a humane Creature , as a humane voice : especially , if the proper name belonging to the humane Creature , be plainly pronounc'd by the humane voice . Roger : I come , Sir , cries he presently . Phi. And I prethee , Tim , how differs this from what I said before ? Tim. Just as much , and no more , Sir , than as a thousand things , that you magnificently and flaringly dress up , differ from what Dick , Jack , or t'other says . Only , as I hinted just now , out of Mathematical apishness , you fall to your drawing , and deducing , and gathering a Company of trifles , which are not worth the while to pick up in the streets . Phi. Timothy , Timothy , I shall make thee repent of this , Boy . For it plainly shews , that thou dost in no ways understand the greatest instance of sagacity , and a mature judgment : and that the highest advancement , and very top of reasoning , is to make discreet , and holding inferences . Tim. O , Sir , that is a most admirable perfection indeed ! and how far you transcend all others in it , one may plainly see , in the tenth page of your Leviathan . Where ( having in the Chapter before carefully laid down , that much memory , or memory of many things is call'd experience ; ) you thence firk out this for a great certainty : namely , that by how much one man has more experience of things past than another , by so much also he is more prudent , and his expectations the seldomer fail him . As suppose , Sir , a Taylor makes a Gentleman a Suit of Cloths ; but sees not a farthing of money , but only a very sweet promising countenance . And , upon the same terms , he proceeds to a second , a third , and a fourth . Most certainly this sweet promising countenance will take much better with a fresh Taylor , than with the old beaten Dog of much memory : for he has four very bad consequences , already upon the file . And therefore , ( as you have it in the same page ) as long as we live , we must note this ; that , he that is most vers'd and studied in the matters he ghesses at , is certainly the best ghesser . And that , because he hath most signs to go by . From whence it follows , that though no sign is absolutely certain ; yet ( we may take this for certain ) that the oftner the Consequences have been observ'd , the less uncertain is the sign . As suppose , the Dun-Cow turns up her tail , and frisking about the Close immediately upon that we have a shower of rain : this being the first consequence , 't is possible that the Farmer may venture his Corn abroad , for all the Dun-Cow . But suppose her phansie continues ; ( for I can't think , that the meer motion of her tail can physically pull down the Clouds ) and that the same consequence is strictly observ'd for a whole year together ; Will. Lilly may send his Almanacks to Market , and so forth ; but , upon my word , the Dun-Cow will send them home again with rattle . Men may talk of finding out this , and finding out that : but there is not one of a ▪ thousand that knows how to make the best of a notion . That is , how to nurse it , and brood it , and improve it . Phi. 'T is true enough , Tim. For a meer Fool may by chance , stumble upon a vast truth . But the great emolument thereof lies wholly in the inferences . Tim. Yes , yes : there lies all the skill . For , though a man of less sagacity than your self , might possibly have blunder'd upon what you say ( Le. p. 36. ) viz. Of all discourse , govern'd by desire of knowledge , there is at last an end either by attaining or giving over . Yet there is no body but Philautus ( who can make notions breed , long after Geese have done laying ) could ever have thence disclos'd , that which follows : viz. that in the chain of discourse , wheresoever it be interrupted , there is an end for that time . I profess , Philautus , 't was very well for you , that you did not make these politi●…k inferences , in Hopkins's days . For upon my word , ( as great an unbeliever , as you are in his profession ) he 'd have had you into his inquisition , and tryed whether you would have swum , or sunk . You talk of deducing and inferring ! whereas in the 3d. Chapter of your Book de Cive , you make such a notable remark , abou●… putting things to arbitration , that to me is right down witchery and divination . Phi. Why , Tim , is it not highly reasonable and convenient , that if two parties disagree about matter of right , it should be referr'd to some third indifferent person , call'd an Arbiter . Tim. Very reasonable and convenient , Sir. And accordingly you write it down for your fifteenth law of nature . But the divination lies in hatching out of this fifteenth , a sixteenth law of nature . viz. that no man must be judge in his own cause . Which sixteenth law comes into the World , after this manner . Seeing that when two parties disagree about a matter of right , it is a law of nature that they should leave it to the determination of a third : we gather ( say you ) what ? that this third must not be one of the two . No , no : that would be most horrible foul play indeed : that when two disagreeing parties had taken pains to chuse a third , and had bespoken a very good Dinner : no sooner does this third get into the Chair , but whip goes he into one of the two ; and there 's all the fat in the fire . Phi. This now is so abominably ridiculous , that 't is ten times worse than positive non-sense . Tim. But hold a little , Philautus ; you should have ask'd first , whose it was . For , in good truth , this same of the third being none of the two , is one of your own Mathematical gatherings . And because ( I know ) you love your own words , better than any bodies else ; you shall have them exactly as they stand , p. 49. upon condition you 'l trust me another time . But from this ground ( say you ) that an Arbiter or Judge is chosen by the differing parties to determine the Controversie , we gather ( in Latin 'tis colligitur ) that the Arbiter must not be one of the parties . Do you see Philautus ? 't is plainly your opinion , that the third person that is chosen by the two differing parties , must not be one of the two that chose . For it takes two and one more , to make a third . And besides , 't would be a very inconvenient thing ; as you proceed to demonstrate it , in the same Article . For , say you , every man is presum'd to seek what is good for himself naturally , and what is just only for peace sake and accidentally ; and therefore cannot observe the same equallity commanded by the law of nature , so exactly as a third man would do . No , no : he can't observe it : nothing near so exactly . For supposing the third should be one of the two , to be sure he , after a few Complements , would so utterly forget that he was a third , that he would e'en deal as archly for ●…imself , as if he were meerly one of the two . So that having throughly weigh'd , not only the great absurdity of three being two , but also the great mischief that might thence arise in a Common-wealth ; we safely gather , that the third neither can , nor ought to be one of the two . Phi. I shall maintain , Tim , against thee , and all such bold faces , that to chuse an Arbiter is a fundamental law of nature : and that it was the Philosopher of Malmsbury that first found it out ; because no body before him had gathered it according to art . Tim. I , I ; there lies the skill , Philautus ; to nick a notion , and to gather it according to art : to take it at the critical minute , and register it upon the right file . As ( in the 68. p. of your Leviathan ) I remember you do the business of covenanting with Bruits . Phi. Why , Tim , can any Covenant , or bargain be made between a Man and a Beast ? is it not demonstrable , both from the nature of a Covenant , and the nature of a Beast , that there can't possibly be any such thing ? Tim. 'T is very demonstrable , Sir. For suppose a man proffers his Dog Jowler a good large piece of bread ; upon condition that he skips cleaverly over his stick . Here seems indeed a tacite kind of promise , that the Dog should have the piece of bread for his pains ; ( a Dogs labour being a Commodity exchangeable for benefit as well as a mans : ) but , by reason the Master only held forth the piece of bread , and did not orally say to the Dog ; here , Jowler , skip over this stick , and thou shalt certainly have this piece of bread ; or if he had said so , yet Jowler being not able to take him at his word , and to say done Master ; ( by which the right of the bread might be transferr'd upon performance of Covenants : ) thereupon it is that , if the Master either eats the bread himself , or gives it to any other Dog ( though never so little deserving ) Jowler can never recover of his Master this piece of bread , or any other thing to the value of it , either at Common-Law , or Chancery . And why ? because ( as you very learnedly gather it , in the foremention'd place ) seeing that bruits understand not our speech , they understand not : ( all understanding being nothing but knowledge of words : ) and if they don't unde●…stand , they can neither accept of any translation of right from us , nor can translate any right to us ; and without mutual acceptation there 's no Covenant . There now lies the point of law : without mutual acceptation there 's no Covenant . This place most certainly deserves a cut ; 't is so mathematically managed . And therefore , in the next edition , I 'd have Jowler pictur'd , jumping at the overture of his Master . Phi. 'T would be a better sight by half , Tim , to see Jowler and you hang'd up together for a couple of Curs . For what more easie , than out of the best Book that ever was printed , to pick three or four places ; and , by forgery and malice , to represent them as trivial , and contemptible ? Tim. 'T is not three or four places , or three or four hundred that I should have much minded : and whereas you talk of representing , &c. there is so little need of any such thing , that this kind of gullery and affectation discovers it self in every page almost of your Writings . What forgery or malice , I pray , is required , to make what you say , Lev. p. 29. most notoriously idle , and frivolous ? Phi. Why , what do I there say ? Tim. As in your Humane nature , you invite down the Jocqueys ( which I formerly told you of ) to see your race of the passions : so here you call together the School-Masters ; and , much to their astonishment , shew them the great harmony that is between the passions , and the several Moods of a Verb. First , say you , generally all passions may be express'd indicatively ; as I love , I fear , I joy , I deliberate , I will , I command : upon my word , the Indicative Mood has a fine run on 't : 't is in at all . But some of them have particular expressions by themselves ; for instance , deliberation is expressed subjunctively ; which is a speech proper to signifie suppositions with their consequences . What a brave definition is there of the Subjunctive Mood ! the Subjunctive Mood is a speech proper to signifie suppositions with their consequences . The language of desire and aversion is imperative : as , fall on , bear back : the language of Vain-glory , &c. is Optative ; as Utinam , or would to God , I had a piece of Bread and Butter round about the Loaf : but of the desire to know there is a peculiar expression , call'd Interrogative . A very peculiar one indeed ! ( 't is great pity there is no Interrogative Mood : ) and therefore , if a man be either in haste to know , or eager to know , the best way will be to make use of that same peculiar expression , call'd inquiring or asking : for it will take some considerable time for another man to ghess , what I have a mind to know . Again , Sir , when you advise such as have the supream Authority to affix punishments to the breach of their laws , you do very well : but when you advise them further ( Civ . p. 207. ) to put those laws sometimes into execution ; and withall so heartily prove the convenience thereof , I can't see , but that a man without either forgery or malice , may make shift to smile . The fear , say you , whereby men are deterred from doing evil , ariseth not from hence , namely , because penalties are set , but because they are executed ; ( and that 's the reason that people are not so much afraid of Paper and Ink , as Rope , Ladder , and the consequences thereof : ) because , as you proceed , we esteem the future by what is past ; seldom expecting what seldom happens . And therefore , man being of a collecting nature , he certainly ought to be hang'd for a Coward , who fears to be added to the law for stealing , if no body upon that account , had ever been added before him ; because he reckons badly , and expects that which never , as yet , came to pass . But I shall not at present , Philautus , trouble my self any further to set forth how laboriously you argue , when 't is to no purpose . Only I can't forbear shewing some little respect to one thing more , because you so accurately discuss it . Phi. All that I ever writ , has been very accurate . Tim ▪ Yes , Sir : but this is not only very accurate , but of extraordinary concernment . For it removes a very considerable objection against Government . viz. if it be so necessary for the Peace of Mankind , that men should confer all their power and strength upon one man , or one assembly of men , that may reduce all their wills , by plurality of voices , unto one will ; how comes it about then that Bees ( and such like Creatures ) live so quietly and contentedly , without either chusing one supream unlimited buzzer , or one Assembly of Bees , that by plurality of buzzes may be brought to consent in one buz ? Of this there be no less than six very remarkable reasons : ( no body but Philautus could have found out half so many : ) In the first place , 't is to be considered , that amongst Bees there 's no contestation of honour and preferment : if one Bee has a mind to be made Burgess or Knight of the Shire ; march on , say the rest : Honey is a very good thing . Now it is not honour or preferment , but the contestation that does all the mischief in a Common-wealth . It being that alone which begets envy and hatred , and these beget sedition and quarrelling , and quarrelling begets War , and War in time spoils Peace . We may possibly , now and then , have observ'd a couple of Bees wrastling two or three falls or so ; where sometimes one would be above , and sometimes another : but we are to know , that in strictness of speech , this being above is not to be call'd preferment , nor this endeavouring to be above contestation of preferment : because preferment ( to say no more of it now ) is a kind of a notable business . In the next place , we are to consider , that , that which makes men to quarrel unless aw'd by some supream power , is their esteeming of those things only which have somewhat of eminence in the enjoyment . But 't is not so with Bees : for suppose one of them grows fatter , or proves taller by the head and shoulders than all the rest ; notwithstanding this , there 's no need o●… chusing a Hive-holder , to keep them from mutinying : they having no such as custom to register their Statures upon the Wainscot , or Mantle-tree ; as man does , who is a comparing Creature , and relishes nothing but Phoenixes and eminencies . In the third place , that which secures Bees from waging War is , that they don't keep any Scales in the House , to weigh how much Honey every Bee administers towards the Winterstock : or if they did , they having not so much the use of reason , as men , are not able to weigh it . For to weigh is only to ponderate , or compare reasons . But , in the Section before , it was proved that man alone was a comparing Creature . Therefore to bed Bees , for fighting is a vanity . Fourthly , though Bees have some use of voice to signifie their mutual affections , and to buz and hum out one another to publick duty ; yet , they having never read either Seton or Keckerman , want the art of disposing these buzzes and hums into propositions ; and also of managing those propositions into eloquent and crafty orations . So that , suppose some factious , aspiring , innovating Bee should go about to disturb the Peace , and make an uproar ; yet because this Bee has not a true humane tongue ( which is as very a Trumpet of War and Sedition , as a Warming-pan is of Peace and settlement , to a swarm of those Creatures ) though it be as big as an Elephant it can never like Pericles , by its elegant speeches so thunder and lighten as to confound the Hive . And therefore sleep on Bees . Fifthly , give but Bees their belly full , and set them out of the wind ; and libel them , and lampoon them as long as you will , all this breeds no ill blood : and the reason is , because as yet they never read Philautus's Politicks ; and so can't distinguish between injury and harm . Hive and Honey ! What times should we have , if these Stingers should once but find out the difference between injury and harm ? Sixthly , and lastly ( I am sorry for this lastly : what would I give for six such more ) seeing that neither the present Bees , nor their Predecessors , did ever take either the O●…th of Allegiance , or the Solemn League and Covenant , or the Engagement , or the Oath upon Triplow-heath ( where they say there grows many a sweet bit ) what need is there , or can there be , for these Creatures to chuse any supream Magistrate to keep them in awe ; when as they did never either swear , or covenant or engage to keep any thing at all ? and therefore finally , good night Bees ; for the Moon is in the Flock-bed . Phi. All this is most abominable forgery . Tim. If you had not said so , 't is like some of your friends might . And therefore let 's have pure Philautus , word for word , as he discusses the business in the 77th . p. de Cive . Phi. And won't you put in none of your own wild , non-sensical Jim-cracks , to interrupt the drift , and contexture of my reasons ? Tim. No no , Sir : I am so far from any such thing that , to give your reasons all possible advantage , I 'll take in Preface and all . The point to be debated in the Margent stands thus , viz. why the government of some bruit Creatures stands firm in concord alone , and not so of men . To decide which we make this preparation . Aristotle reckons among those animals , which he calls politick , not man only , but divers others ; as the Ant , the Bee , &c. which though they be destitute of reason , by which they may contract , and submit to government , notwithstanding by consenting , ( that is to say ) ensuing or eschewing the same things , they so direct their actions to a common end , that their meetings are not obnoxious unto any seditions . Yet is not their gathering together a civil Government , and therefore those animals not to be termed political , because their Government is only a consent , or many wills concurring in one object , not ( as is necessary in civil Government ) one will. It is very true , that in those Creatures , living only by sense and appetite , their consent of minds is so durable , as there is no need of any thing more to secure it , and ( by consequence ) to preserve peace among them , than barely their n●…tural inclination . But among men the case is otherwise . Now begin the six reasons . For first among them there is a contestation of honour and preferment ; among Beasts there is none : whence hatred and envy , out of which arise Sedition and War , is among men , among Beasts no such matter . Next , the natural appetite of Bees , and the like Creatures , is conformable , and they desire the common good which among them differs not from their private ; but man scarce esteems any thing good which hath not somewhat of eminence in the enjoyment , more than that which others do possess . Thirdly , those Creatures which are void of reason , see no defect , or think they see none , in the administration of their Common-weals ; but in a multitude of men there are many who supposing themselves wiser than others , endeavour to innovate , and divers Innovators innovate divers ways , which is a meer distraction , and civil War. Fourthly , these Brute Creatures , howsoever they may have the use of their voice to signifie their affections to each other , yet w●…nt they that same art of words which is necessarily required to those motions in the mind , whereby good is represented to it as being better , and evil as worse than in truth it is ; But the tongue of man is a Trumpet of War , and Sedition ; and it is reported of Pericles , that he sometimes by his elegant speeches thundered , and lightened , and confounded whole Greece it self . Fifthly , they cannot distinguish between injury and harm ; Thence it happens that as long as it is well with them , they blame not their fellows : But those men are of most trouble to the republick , who have most leisure to be idle ; for they use not to contend for publick places before they have gotten the Victory over hunger , and cold . Last of all , the consent of those brutal Creatures is natural , that of men by compact only ( that is to say ) artificial ; it is therefore no matter of wonder if somewhat more be needful for men to the end they may live in peace . Now am I as much taken with these six reasons , as the Gentleman was with his good piece of road . I profess , I have a great mind to ride 'em all over again : they are so incomparably close , so smooth , and so pleasant . Phi. Yes , yes , without doubt , Tim , set but such a one as thou art on Horse-back , and there will be riding . Thou talkest of close reasoning ! thou never saidst in thy whole life one line of such deep sense , as that which just now thou didst repeat . Tim. But you have said many things as deep , Sir ; as one may plainly see by your Leviathan , p. 86. where you thought the mooting this point of the Bees to be so very necessary for the understanding the causes , the Generation and the definition of a Common-wealth that ; with great delight to your self , we have all the foremention'd reasons over again . And seeing you are so very much delighted , I am as conformable as any Bee ; and am resolv'd to be delighted too . Thus then : It is true , that certain living Creatures ; as Bees , and Ants , live sociably one with another , ( which are therefore by Aristotle numbred amongst Political Creatures ; ) and yet have no other direction , than their particular judgments and appetites ; nor speech , whereby one of them can signifie to another , what he thinks expedient for the common benefit : and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know , why mankind cannot do the same . ( I don't believe any man in the World had ever such an odd appetite , unless he had the green sickness : ) To which I answer , First , That men are continually in competition for honour and dignity , which these Creatures are not ; and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground , envy and hatred , and finally War ; but amongst these not so . Secondly , That amongst these Creatures , the common good differeth not from the private ; and being by nature enclined to their private , they procure thereby the common benefit . But man , whose joy consisteth in comparing hims●…lf with other men , can relish nothing but what is eminent . Thirdly , That these Creatures , having not ( as man ) the use of reason , do not see , nor think they see any fault , in the administration of their common business : whereas amongst men , there are very many , that think themselves wiser , and abler to govern the publick , better than the rest ; and these strive to reform and innovate , one this way , another that way ; and thereby bring it into distraction and civil War. Fourthly , That these Creatures , though they have some use of voice , in making known to one another their desires , and other affections ; yet they want that art of words , by which some men can represent to others , that which is good , in the likeness of evil ; and evil , in the likeness of good ; and augment , or diminish the apparent greatness of good and evil ; discontenting men , and troubling their peace at their pleasure . Fifthly , Irrational Creatures cannot distinguish between injury , and damage ; and therefore as long as they be at ease , they are not offended with their fellows : whereas man is then most troublesom , when he is most at ease : for then it is that he loves to shew his wisdom , and contro●…l the actions of them that govern the Common-wealth . Lastly , The agreement of these Creatures is natural ; that of men , is by Covenant only , which is artificial : and therefore 't is no wonder if there be somewhat else required ( besides Covenant ) to make their agreement constant and lasting ; which is a common power , to keep them in awe , and to direct their actions to the common benefit . I wish , with all my heart , I could tell where to happen of these six reasons , but once more : for I am as fresh , methinks , as when I first set out . Never in my life did I meet with such a Company of good words , so artificially put together , to no purpose . And yet , now I think of it Camoraldo , the great Spanish Politician gave a friend of his six very good directions for Travelling . If ( says he to his friend ) you be not sufficiently content with such knowledge of Foreign Countries , as Maps and Historians do afford you ; but that you have a mind to peruse the Countries themselves ( or at least some of them ) with your very own eyes ; in the first place , I do advise that into such Countries , as you have a mind to peruse after the suppos'd manner , you send not your man , but go your self . In the next place , when you be once fix'd and determin'd to go ; it will be very requisite then to think of going : and that either by the motion of your own feet , or by the motion of the feet of one Horse , or of more Horses ( as by Tumbrell , Cart , Waggon , Coach , ) or by no Horse ; as by the motion of Boat , Ship , or by some other means and instruments of motion . For , Native and Foreign being altogether opposite , there 's no possible passing from one extream to another without motion . Thirdly , When you be once come ( according to the directions laid down in the foregoing Article ) to that Town or City that you have most mind to see and remember ; be sure you stay longest there : for the longer you stay , the more you may look ; and the more you look , the more you 'l see ; and the more you see , the more you 'l remember : as was said before , he that has most signs to ghess by , is certainly the best ghesser . Fourthly , such notices and informations of things as you intend to take in at the eye , chuse rather to do it in the day time , than in the night . For though the eye and object be full out as big , after as before the Sun is down ; yet by reason of the many mists , vapours , Hobgoblins and Witches that trade in the night , the skie becomes much thicken'd ; and thereupon observations are rendered much more weak and uncertain . Fifthly , If after particular observations of Houses , Churches , Cathedrals , &c. ( made at the time above prescrib'd ) you should have a mind , ( the day , suppose , before you go out of Town ) to sum up all , and at one view to take the dimensions of your whole improvements ; don't you go to Bed , and draw the Curtains Close about you : for they 'l refract and scare the light ; nor into the bottom of a well ; ( as some by equivocation have done , because Stars are thence best seen : ) but climb you me some Steeple , Tower , or other high place : for though it must be granted that the higher you go , the further you 'l be from the earth ; yet the further you are from the earth ( so you be not too far ) the more you 'l see , in all probability , of those things that are built upon the earth . Sixthly , and Lastly , Suppose you don't travel by a proxy , but go your self in person , and perform all according to the laws of motion , and set a work those laws of motion more or less according as 't is worth the while to stay , and that you don't make your observations at midnight , nor out of the Cellar ; then , quoth Camoraldo to his friend , as a Crown to all , I do advise , that you take a Table-book in your pocket , or some other little portable instrument to register consequences : for though it be said of Julius Caesar ( who for a need could thunder and lighten as well as Pericles ) that he never forgat any thing but injuries ; yet it does not , you know , fall to one mans share of fourty to be so great an Emperour , as Julius Caesar : and though Paper , Parchment , and Velam be all subject to the teeth of time , envy , and rats ; yet by no means is the memory wholly to be trusted , being oft-times as treacherous , as a sieve or scummer . Phi. The teeth of time ! 't is very good really : and so is a treacherous sieve or scummer . But for the memory to keep Garrison is much better ; especially , if it be but like ●… sieve , or scummer : because the enemy may pass and repass at the little Port-holes . Doubtless this Cam●…raldo was a most excellent States-man . I wonder , Tim , where thou pickest up such abominable , metaphorical-simili●…udinarian-Rascals . ( that similitudinarian is not a just word , but I han't patience to make a better now : ) Tim. Why , Sir , you know ●…hat a little slice or so of a trope , or figure , gives a fine relish and hogoo . 'T is as good , Sir , as an anchovy or shalot . Phi. A relish and a hogoo ! to what I prethee ? to a Treatise of Philosophy or Dominion : or to directions for travelling , by which Gentlemen may come to understand the Generatio●… of a Common-wealth , and afterwards become helpful in Government ? I 'le give leave to a Jugler , or Barber to put into their common tittle tattle , their relishes and hogoos , their anchovie●… and shalots : but when Divine●… shall tell you ( Lev. p. 17. ) of in-powred vertue , and in-blown vertue ( as if vertue were tunn'd into a mans mind , just as new drink is into the Vessel ) and of this and that man being extraordinary assisted and inspired : as if it were not more credit for a man to speak wisely from the principles of nature and his own meditation , than to be thought to speak like a Bagpipe by inspiration : I say , when such things as these creep into serious reckonings , and Philosophical Bills ; then , then 's the mischief . ●… perceive , Tim , that thou never didst read the 5th Chapter of my Leviathan : for if thou hadst , thou wouldst have there found , that amongst the many causes of the absurd opinion●… that have been in Philosophy , there has not been any greater , than the use of Metaphors , Tropes , and other Rhetorical figures , instead of words proper . For ( as I there go on ) though it be lawful to say , ( for example ) in common speech the way goeth or leadeth hither , or thither , the Proverb says this or that ( whereas ways cannot go , nor Proverbs speak ; ) yet in reckoning , and seeking of truth , such speeches are not to be admitted . Tim. What , neither back-stroak , nor fore-stroak ? I know , Philautus , that you have spent much time in this sort of reckonings ; and therefore you must needs be a notable accomptant in Philosophy : but when I find ( as ●… do in your Treatise , call'd Computation ) that a Proposition is the first step i●… the progress of Philosophy , that a Syllogism is a compleat pace , trot , or gallop in Philosophy ; being made by the addition of steps : and that method is the high-way that leads to Philosophy : ( where note , though 't is not proper , in reckoning , to say that the way either goes or leads ; yet I perceive that Propositions and Syllogisms may both walk and gallop , provided it be in the way to Philosophy : ) again , Sir , when I read ( Levi. p. 108. ) that a Common-wealth is an artificial man , ( 't is as like him , as ever it can look : 't has got just de Father's nose , and de powting lip ) or an aggregate of Puginellos made for the attaining of peace ; and that the civil laws are only artificial Chains ; ( so the Dutch broke the civil Law that went cross the River at Chatham ) which men , by mutual Covenants , have fastned at one end , to the lips of t●…e man , or Assembly , to whom they have given the Soveraign power ; and at the other end to their own ears . ( I 'd scarce have the place to be so fastned : ) Phi. What if I do say this : is this like the teeth of time , and your sieves and scummers ? Tim. Moreover , Sir , when you instruct us ( Lev. p. 115. ) in all the several sorts of Systemes of people ( this Systeme I look upon to be a kind of Bastard anchovy , or wild shalot ) that belong to a Common-wealth ; and how that these systemes resemble the similar parts of a body natural : and if they be lawful systemes , they are as the muscles of the body : but if unl●…wful , they are Wens , Biles , and Apostems engendred by the unnatural conflux of evil humours : and how that a conflux of people to Market , or a Bull-baiting , though it be a lawful systeme , yet 't is an irregular systeme , by reason 't is not order'd by law which Dog shall play first ; or which man shall sell the first rowl of Ginger bread : and that the Corporation of Beggars , Thieves , &c. though they may be regular systemes ( having a representative ) yet they are not to be looked upon as lawful Systemes , being not as yet allow'd of by publick authority : the brick shall be , out of hand , burnt for the Halls , against the Parliament meet next . Phi. What of all this ? Tim. Nay , I pray , Sir , don't interrupt me : let me make an end of my sentence : and that as the several systemes of people are the similar parts of a Common-wealth , so the publick Ministers are the organical part of a Common-wealth , resembling the Nerve●… and tendons that move the several limb●… of a body natural : and that publick persons appointed by the Soveraign , ( this is all Mathematick●… ) to instruct , or judge the people , are such memb●… of a Common-wealth , as may be fi●…ly compared to the Organs of voice in th●… body natural : and that the service of Sheriffs , Justices of the peace , &c. is answerable to the hands in the body natural . And that if a man be sent into another Country secretly to explore th●… counsels and strength ; ( i●… he com●… only to see , he may do well enough ; but if he comes to explore , and b●… catch'd ; he may chance ●…o be hang'd : ) he is to be look'd upon as a Minister o●… the Common wealth , though but private ; and may be compar'd to an ey●… in the body natural : ( and very well , for a blind man makes a very bad Scout : ) but those publick Ministers that are appointed to receive the Petitions , or other informations of the peo ▪ ple , are , as it were , the publick ear of the Common-wealth : ( I profess , this artificial man thrives bravely ; I hope the cheeks , and the chin of the Common-wealth will come on by and by : ) besides , Sir , when I look — Phi. What , han't you done your sentence yet ? Tim. Alas , Sir , I have but just begun : my hand is but just in : I say , when I look into the 24th . Chapter ( above-cited ) of the nutrition and procreation of a Common-wealth ; and observe , how that the commodities of sea and land are the nourishment of the Common-wealth ; and t●…at propriety or the constitution of meum a●…d tuum is the distribution of the materials of this nourishment ; and that buying , selling , &c. is the concoction of the commodities of a Common wealth ; which concoction is , as it were , the sanguification of the Common-wealth , being perform'd by money , which is the very blood of a Common-wealth : ( for as natural blood is made of the fruits of the earth , and circulating , nourishes , by the way , every member of the body natural : so money is made out of the fruits of mens labours , and running up to Town , and then down again into the Country , nourishes those politick members , that live upon the road : ) Phi. Surely now you have done . Tim. And when I observe further ; how that the Collectors , Receivers , and Treasurers are the Conduits and Vessels by which this blood ( of money ) is convey'd to publick use : and that the publick Treasury is as the heart of the Common-wealth ; ( so that , as the veins receiving the blood from the several parts of the body , carry it to the heart ; where being made vital , the heart by the arteries sends it out again to enliven and enable for motion all the members of the same : so the Collectors , &c. receiving the venose money , out of the several parts of the Country , carry it to the heart politick ; where being vitaliz'd , it does strange things when it comes again into the Country : ) and that if a Common-wealth ben't strictly dieted , but highly fed , how that it spawns and brings forth little Common-wealths , or Children of a Common-wealth : ( thus the artificial man of Spain laid about him , and begot ( the Child ) ▪ Hispaniola ; and if Hispaniola should afterwards grow up to have a little one , then would Spain be a Grandfather . ) Phi. Certainly this sentence will have an end at some time or other . Tim. Pray , Sir , don't speak to me ; for I am in great haste , and have a great way still to go : once again , I say , when I look also into the 29th Chapter of your Leviathan ; and there read of the several infirmities and diseases that this artificial man , the Common-wealth , is subject to : ( for , we must know , that an artificial man , as well as other men , is very much out of sorts sometimes : ) and how that some proceed from defectuous procreation ; ( as when an old pockie , gouty , crasie Common-wealth begets another , by reason of the mala stamina , or vicious Conception , the Child Common-wealth either comes to an untimely death , or by purging out the ill quality , breaks out into Biles and Scabs : ) some from seditious doctrines ; such as killing a Tyrant is lawful ; which venom , say you , I will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad dog ; ( no man in the World would ever have doubted of it : ) which is a Disease Physitians call Hydrophobia or fear of water : for as he that is so bitten , has a continual torment of thirst , and yet abhorreth water ; and is in such an estate as if the poyson endeavour'd to convert him into a dog ; ( in a still night , you may hear one , so converted ▪ bark almost srom Dover to Calis : ) so when a Monarchy is once bitten to the quick , by those democratical Writers ( and the teeth of time ) that continually snarl at the estate ; it wanteth nothing more than a strong Monarch , which nevertheless out of a certain Tyrannophobia , or fear of being strongly governed , when they have him , they abhor : such likewise is the opinion of those that hold there may be two Authorities in the same Common-wealth , Temporal , and Spiritual ; which disease , say you , not unfitly may be compar'd ( it sits to a Cows thumb ) to the Epilepsie , or falling sickness ( which the Jews took to be one kind of possession by spirits ) in the body natural . For as in this Disease , there is an unnatural Spirit , ●…r wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the nerves , and moving them violently , taketh away the motion which naturally they should have from the power of the Soul in the brain , and thereby causeth violent and irregular motions ( which men call Convulsions ) in the parts ; insomuch that he that is seised therewith , 〈◊〉 down sometimes into the water , a●…d sometimes into the fire , as a man depriv'd of ●…is senses ; ( a very good lecture upon the Epilepsie : ) so also in the body Politick , when the spiritual and windy power , moveth the members of a Commonwealth , by the terrour of punishments , and hope of rewards ( which are the nerves of it , ) otherwise than by the civil power ( which is the soul of the Common-wealth ) they ought to be moved ; ( this still is pure Mathematicks ) and by strange , and hard words suffocates their understanding , it must needs thereby distract the people , and either overwhelm the Commonwealth with oppression , or cast it into the fire of a civil war. Phi. What no end yet ? Tim. Such again , say you , is the opinion of those that are for mixt government : making the power of levying money , which is the nutritive faculty of a Common-wealth ( that is supposing blood nourishes ; for if it don't money is clearly cut out : ) run one way : the power of conduct and command , which is the motive faculty ( that 's well enough , because conduct and command is perform'd by the motion of legs and lips : ) run another way : and the power of making laws , which is the rational faculty ( that 's well enough also ; because of law and reason : ) a third way : which irregularity of a Common-wealth to what Disease , say you , in the natural body of man , I may exactly compare it , I know not : this is the first time that Philautus has been at a loss ; but so hoo ! I have seen a man , that had another man growing out of his side , with an head , arms , breast , and stomach of his own : if , say you , he had had another growing o●…t of his other side , the comparison might then have been exact : ( if I meet with the man , I 'll speak to him , to hire another man to grow out of t'other side ; and if that be once done , goodnight Parliament for this October , and for ever after : ) Phi. Nor yet ? Tim. When I also read that want of money , especially in the approach of War , may very aptly be compar'd to an Ague ; ( now for as long a Lecture upon an Ague , as we had before upon the Falling-Sickness : ) wherein the fleshy parts being congealed , or by venomous matter obstructed ; the veins which by their natural course empty themselves into the heart , are not ( as they ought to be ) supplyed from the arteries , whereby there succeedeth first a cold contraction and trembling of the limbs ; ( a very pretty Hypothesis for an Ague : ) and afterwards a hot and strong endeavour of the heart , to force a passage for the blood ; and before it can do that , contenteth it self with the small refreshments of such thi●…gs as cool for a time ; ( a Julap from a Banker : ) till ( if nature be strong enough ) it break at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed ( 't is a little obscure , but the Devil they say is in an Ague : ) and dissipate●… the venom into sweat ; ( through ●…he sieve , or scummer of the skin : ) 〈◊〉 ( if nature be too weak ) the patient dyeth . Ting , tong : ting , tong : Phi. Then never . Tim. And that Monopolies and ab●…ses of Publicans are the Pleurisie of the Common-wealth . For as the blood , say you , in a Pleurisie , getting into the membrane of the breast , breedet●… there an inflammation , accompanied with a Feaver and painful stitches : so say I and you together , money t●… blood of the body politick , getting in too much abundance into the membranaceous Purses , and Coffers of Publicans , and Farmers of publick revenue ; by inflammation , doth distend the Purse-strings , and make the sides of the Coffers to sob and groan : and that the popularity of a potent subject is like Witch-craft : ( though , with Philautus , there be no such thing , yet for a need that will serve for a Disease too : ) and that too great a number of corporations ; which are as it were many lesser Common-wealths in the bowells of a greater ; ( that now is a notion ) are like worms in the entrails of a natural man : but that disputers against absolute power , are not like those belly worms in general ; but like those little worms which Physitians call Ascarides . Phi. I thought nothing had been infinite : Tim. And when I meditate — Phi. What , more mumping still ? Tim. I say when I meditate , upon those four accounts ( de Cive , p. 123. ) for which , the spaces between the times of the subjects meeting , under a Temporary Monarch , elected by the people , may be fitly compar'd to those times , wherein an absolute Monarch , who hath no Heir Apparent , sleeps ; with the introduction thereunto , viz. to dissolve the Convent , so as it cannot meet again , is the death of the people ; just as sleeping , so as he can never wake more , is the death of a man ▪ ( yes indeed I believe it may prove his death , if he don't use some speedy means : ) as therefore , say you , a King , who hath no Heir , going to 〈◊〉 rest , so as never to rise again ( i. ●… ) dying ( a very pretty notion of death : 't is a going to rest , so as never to rise again ) if he commit the exercise of 〈◊〉 regal authority to any one till he 〈◊〉 , does by consequence give him the succession . So the people electing a Temporary Monarch , and not reserving ●… power to convene delivers up to him t●… whole dominion of the Country . Furthermore , as a King going to sleep f●…r some season , entrusts the administration of his Kingdom to some other ( he can't surely govern much , when he'●… asleep ) and waking takes it again ; ( that is , if no body has broken up the doors , and stole away the Kingdom ; for if so , he may take another nap : ) So the people , &c. and as a King who hath committed the execution of his Authority to another , himself in the mean while waking can recal this Commission again when he pleaseth : ( or else he has given out a very large one : ) so the people , &c. Lastly , As the King who commits his authority to another while himself sleeps , not being able to wake again , till he whom he entrusted give consent ; ( such a temptation as this would make some Trustees to walk as light as a Chambermaid ) loses at once both his power and his life ; so the people , &c. and when I consider — Phi. And when I consider , that this sentence may last till to morrow this time , I shall take my leave — Tim. By no means , Sir ; for I say , when I consider those fourteen elegant comparisons , between the Papacy , or Kingdom of darkness , and the Kingdom of Fairies ; ( with which you conclude your Leviathan ) viz. the Kingdom of Fairies sprung from old Wives Fables , concerning Ghosts and Spirits , that play seats in the night : and what is the Hierarchy of Rome , but the Ghost of the deceas●…d Roman Empire , starting up from the ruines of that Heathen Power . There 's Ghost for Ghost already : A second Ghostliness they agree in is , that t●… Papists use in their devotions the Latin language : and what , I pray , is Latin but the Ghost of the old Roman language , walking up and down Calepine , Cooper , Goldman , and such like enchanted places ? Thirdly , The Fairies have got but one Universal King , call'd King Oberon : the Ecclesiasticks have got a King Pope , that shall play , in the night , at push-pin with their King Oberon . Fourthly , The Fairies are Spirits and Ghosts : Ecclesiasticks outdo 'em there ; for they are spiritual men and Ghostly Fathers . Fifthly , Fairies and Ghosts inhabit darkness , solitudes , and graves : Nay , if you be good at that , we can be as private as you : for , Ecclesiasticks walk in obscurity of doctrine , in Monasteries , Churches , Church-Yards , and dark colour'd Cloths . Sixthly , The Fairies have their enchanted Castles and certain Gigantine Ghosts , that domineer over the Regions round about them : say you so ? we can fit you there too : clap but a Gigantick Pontificial Clergy-man upon the top of his Cathedral ; and he looks over all the little Parochials , just as the Devil look'd over Lincoln : Seventhly , The Fairies can never be arrested or sued , though they steal Garters , Shoo-strings , Pin-Cushions , &c. and , if the Ecclesiasticks be not as sly I am much mistaken : for no sooner do you call 'em to appear before the visible Tribunal of civil justice , but they presently vanish into their Ghostly Courts : Eightly , The Fairies are said to take young Children out of their Cradles , and to change them into natural Fools or Elves ; the Ecclesiasticks are old Dogs at that ; for they take young men out of the Cradle of reason , and lay them upon the hurdle of hard words , Metaphysicks , and Miracles . Ninthly , The Shop or Operatory of the Fairies is not as yet determin'd : there we get ground ; for the operatories of the Clergy are well enough known to be the Universities : Tenthly , When the Fairies are displeas'd with any body , they are said to send their Elves to pin●…h them ; the Ecclesiasticks ( I 'll warrant you ) won't be cast out at pinching ; for no sooner does any state displease them , but they enchant the elvish superstitious subjects to pinch their Princes : and sometimes enchant one Prince to pinch another . Eleventhly , Fairies marry not ; there you get nothing ; neither do Priests . Twelfthly , It is said of Fairies that they enter into the Dairies , and Feast upon the Cream which they skim from the milk . The Ecclesiasticks are very good at skiming : for what are the Church lands but the very Cream of Nations skim'd from the Estates of ignorant , flotten , Gentlemen ? Thirteenthly , What kind of money is currant in the Kingdom of Fairi●…s is not recorded in the story ; but with the Ecclesiasticks , all is Fish that comes to the Net. Lastly , As there is no such thing at all as Fairies , but only in the phansies of silly idle people ; so , though it be strongly reported , yet there 's no such man at all as the Pope ; but he 's as meer a Phantasm , as Beelzebub the Prince of Phantasms : Phi. And what of all this ? here 's no conclusion yet . Tim. No , Sir : but now I conclude , and say , that when I find such things as these , and a thousand more such , not in your Peak or Ulisses , ( for a Poet has his priviledges as well as a Jugler or Barber ; ) but in your grave and Philosophical reckonings — Phi. What then ? I hope we are not beginning the sentence again : Tim. Then , say I , that though Metaphors , Tropes , and other Rhetorical figures be the cause of very absurd conclusions ; and therefore must not by any means ; no , not by any means , be admitted in reckoning and seeking of truth ; and though again ( as you have it Lev. p. 21. ) the light of humane minds is perspicuous words , but by exact definitions first snuffed and purged from ambiguity ; Reason is the pace ; Encrease of Science , the way ; and the benefit of mankind the end . And on the contrary , Metaphors , and senseless and ambiguous words , are like ignes fatui ; and reasoning upon them , is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities ; and their end , contention , and sedition or contempt ; Yet Philautus himself ( as great a reckoner , and stickler for truth as he would seem to be ; ) when 't is for his tooth , can smack his lips at an Anchovy , as lowd as a Coach-whip . And now I have done . Phi. In good time indeed ! and what , Tim , is there no difference to be made between the Rhetorick which is all flash and froth ; and such as drives at notion , and carries that which is weighty and considerable at the bottom ? Tim. O , Sir , a very great difference : because you have found out a very peculiar way of making your self and your Writings considerable , which no body else ever thought of . Phi. I am considerable for the sake of my works ; and my works are considerable for their own sakes , and mine together . I know no other way of being considerable . Tim. This way , Sir , is very troublesom : a man must write well , and meditate much to become thus considerable : there 's a much easier way , than this , Sir. Phi. How so prethee ? Tim. Get some body to write against some Book of yours ; and let the title of it be Philautus considered ; and before the ink be dry , you 'll become as considerable , as the House of Austria . Phi. Thou art a most arch wag , Tim : here take a Plum. Philautus consider'd , and therefore Philautus is considerable ! or an accompt of Philautus , therefore Philautus is of accompt . May not Tom Thumb , or Tom of Odcomb be made considerable after this manner ? Tim. Yes , Sir ; and so may Tom of Malmesbury too ; having in the 51. page of his Letter to Dr. Wallis tryed the experiment upon himself . Where , the Doctor looking upon you as one to be pitty'd or contemn'd rather than medled withal ; Pish , say you ; the egregious Professor is a Fool for that : for if Mr. Hobbs be not a considerable person , how came he to entitle the beginning of his Book , Mr. Hobbs consider'd ? now whether this be Wit , or Mathematicks I know not : but one of them I am sure ' t is . For Philautus is a man that plays at nothing less ; despising all the middle regions of knowledge . Phi. Well done , Tim : specially well done : for it is not above six or seven years agone , or thereabouts , since I wrote a Book call'd , contra fastum professorum Geometriae : wherein I have plainly shewn , that there is full out is great uncertainty , and as many cheats , errors and falsehoods in the writings of Mathematicians , as in the writings of other kind of ordinary Philosophers . Tim. This Dr. Wallis is a most wicked and pernicious Creature ; a man of the most rural language , and absurd reasoning that ever spoke or writ . Phi I know that well enough : but what makes you say so ? Tim. Because , till he took you to talk for your Geometry , and shew'd you to be no Mathematician ; Mathematicks ( as 't is said in another case ) was the very smile of nature , the gloss of the World , the varnish of the Creation , a bright paraphrase upon bodies ; whether it discovered it self in the morning blush of computation in general , call'd Logick ; or open'd its fair and virgin eye-lids in the dawning of the computation of mens duties , call'd Ethicks ; or whether it darted forth it s more vigorous and sprightful beams in the noon day of motion call'd Physicks . However 't was the first born of corporeal beings , the Lady and Queen of sensitive beauties , the clarifier and refiner of the Chaos , &c. but , immediately after the Doctor put forth his Elenchus Hobbianae Geometriae ; one would wonder to see how the price of Olives fell . Alas ! before that scurvy Book came forth , Philautus sometimes could not get above three or four lines into an Epistle dedicatory , but he must be slabbering over his dear Mis , his sweet and honey Mathematicks : ( but poor Aurelia is now grown old : ) Hum : nat : my most honour'd Lord , from the most principal parts of nature , reason , and passion , have proceeded two kinds of learning , Mathematical , and dogmatical : as for Mathematical , 't is free from controversie and dispute , &c. but in the other there is nothing undisputable . Sometimes Philautus dissembles his love , and goes a little further into the Epistle , before he falls aboard . Ep. Ded. de Cive . Were the nature of humane actions as distinctly known , as the nature of quantity in Geometrical figures , the strength of avarice and ambition , which is sustain'd by the erroneous opinions of the vulgar , as touching the nature of right and wrong , would presently faint , and languish ; and mankind should enjoy such an immortal peace , that ( unless it were for habitation , on supposition that the earth should grow too narrow for her inhabitants ) there would hardly be left any pretence for War. There would be brave Mathematical days ! such an immortal Peace , that there would be neither War , nor pretence for War. And all because of Mathematicks . For , say you , in another place ( Lev. p. 50. ) the doctrine of right and wrong is perpetually disputed by the Pen and Sword : whereas the doctrine of lines and figures is not so . Phi. Why is it ? Tim. Not much till you pretended to the Mathematicks . But yet they are never the more free from dispute for your reason , viz. because men care not in that subject , what be truth , as a thing that crosses no mans ambition , profit , or lust : ( ah ! woe 's me ; woe 's me : for Philautus , upon my word , has cared very much ever since his Mathematical Girl gave him a clap from Oxford : ) for I doubt not , but if it had been a thing contrary to any mans right of dominion , or to the interest of men that have dominion , that the three Angles of a Triangle should be equal to two Angles of a Square ; that doctrine should have been , if not disputed , yet by the burning of all Books of Geometry , suppressed as far as he whom it concerned was able . Phi. Why , don't you think , Tim , if the soremention'd property of a Triangle should prove injurious to a Common-wealth , but that those who have the supream Authority would call a meeting , and take some speedy care about it . Tim. Care about it , Sir ? they 'd have a Session purposely , not only to turn out all Triangles out of Office , and places of trust and strength ; but to banish them forthwith five miles from any Corporation . Phi. I say again ( as I said , in the 2d . page of the Epistle Dedicatory to my Humane nature ; ) that the reason why Mathematicks , or that part of learning which consist in comparing of motion and figure , is free from controversie and dispute ; is because there 's nothing in that Science against a mans interest : i. e. there 's nothing that crosses a mans ambition , profit , or lust . Tim. Fie , fie ! don 't say it o're again , Philautus : you had better say you were at that time a little too much in love with the Mathematicks : and , you know , in that condition , a man may be somewhat abated as for speaking reason . And therefore if I were you I 'd chuse to have it go for a sudden pang , rapture , or any thing else rather than sense : for you can't but have read , Philautus , what a World of Pens have been drawn and blunted in the great quarrels and Wars that have been about blazing Stars , solid Orbs , the motion of the Earth , and such like points : and yet I don't remember that Copernicus or his Doctrine did ever whisk away any mans Titles of honour , or ran away with his Estate into another Country , or chous'd him of his Mistress . And therefore don't let us talk any more of this , Philautus : for without doubt , when you writ those two places , you had had a sad night on 't , and been in a most strong fit of the Mathematicks . Phi. So , so : this is well : it seems then to thee , Tim , that my Book contra Geometras , or contra fastum , &c. does contradict what I formerly said of the Mathematicks , and Geometry . Therefore , prethee , do so much as answer me one question . What 's the difference between Geometria and Geometra ? they both end in a ; and therefore have a care of being out . Tim. The first , Sir , I take for the Science it self ; the latter for him that is , or pretends to be a Master of it . Phi. Now , Tim , do but consider my first four lines contra fastum , &c. viz. Contra Geometras ( amice Lector ) non contra Geometriam haec scribo . Artem ipsam , artium navigandi , aedificandi , pingendi , computandi , & denique ( scientiae omnium nobilissimae ) Physicae matrem , aequè ac qui maximè , laudibus extollendam censeo . Do you see , Tim , how horribly you are mistaken ? 't is not against the Science of Geometry , or Geometry it self that I write : for without doubt Geometry it self is an absolute Science , and being a Science — Tim. Yes : and being a Science , 't is certainly a Science : but what then do you write against ? Phi. What do I write against ? I write against the Authors ; the silly , negligent , sloathful Authors ; that are as full of errours , as a Beggar is of lice : the proud , haughty , supercilious Authors ; who if they can but raise , or let fall a perpendicular , think there 's no certain knowledge without rule and compasses : I say , I write against these ; who always were , and are , and ( if I live ) shall be as much cheated , and gull'd and fopt , as any men in the World. Tim. But have you not , Philautus , several Seats and Pews to place these Authors in ? methinks , those same malicious Raskals , that answer Books , and won't let Circles be squar'd , ought to be set in the Bellfry : for they are much more scabby , and lowsie than the rest . Phi. I deny not but there may be some mean Ecclesiastical wretches , that may pretend to Mathematicks : but my design , Tim , is not to take down the Crest of this or that small , pedantick Geometer ; but I flie at the whole Covy : Geometrarum totam invado nationem ; as I have it in my Dedication : and again p. 5. ipsa aggredior principia , & interdum etiam demonstrationes . Pro Geom●…tris autem omnibus oppugnabo Euclidem , qui omnium Geometrarum magister existimatur , & interpretem ejus omnium optimum Clavium . Because they make such boasting of him , I set upon their great Flag-man , Euclid himself ; and his Vice-Admiral Clavius . Tim. For my life , I can't get it out of my mind , but that the price of Olives is certainly faln . For , till about the year 56. Philautus did not only think that Geometry , or the Lady her self was the beauty and Cream of the Creation ; but that the very men , the two-legg'd men that studied and admir'd her , were the most careful , the wisest , and most happy people that ever open'd Book . And , I am confident , that had not Philautus himself been a little disappointed in some of his Writings , by this time ( had he believ'd any such things ) they 'd have proved all Angels . Phi. Never did I intend any such thing at all : for whatever I have written to the honour and commendation of Geometry ; 't was ( as I said before ) Geometry it self that I always meant , not those phantastical , conceited people that ignorantly profess it . Tim. If this , Philautus , was always your opinion , in my mind you have a very crasty stile . For suppose one should take up your Book de Cive — Phi. Then , do I say , that he has taken up one of the best Books that ever was written in the whole World : for , though I say it my self ( as I do in the 7th page of my Letter to Dr. W. ) never was any Book more magnified beyond the Seas ; and therefore , as I my self say again ( six Less . p. 56. ) in French it carries the Title of Ethicks demonstrated : Tim. Very modest : 't is pity any body should say so , but ones self : now , Sir , if you please to let this same honest Gentleman read the seventh page of your Epistle Dedicatory , he 'll find these words . And truly the Geometricians have very admirably performed their part . ( do you see , Sir , they are the two legg'd Geometricians that have done the feat : ) for whatsoever assistance doth accrew to the life of man , whether from the observation of the Heavens , or from the description of the Earth , from the notation of times , or from the remotest experiments of navigation ; finally , whatsoever they are in which this present age doth differ from the rude simpleness of antiquity , we must acknowledge to be a debt which we owe meerly to Geometry . Phi. Now , Tim , let me ask thee one thing : whether is a mans mind best to be ghess'd at from the beginning of a sentence or end of it ? don 't I conclude and say , that all those fine things are owing to Geometry it self , and ( to keep out the pragmatical Geometricians ) don 't I say besides , meerly to Geometry ? Tim. Meerly may do excellent service now , to hedge out the Geometricians ; but when you writ that Book , you design'd no such thing . Phi. How can you tell what I design'd ? Tim. Very well : because you tell us your self , in the words immediately following this great encomium of Geometry . viz. if , say you , the moral Philosophers had as happily discharged their duty , &c. As what ? as Geometry it self ? Geometry it self was never upon duty ; and knows no more how to discharge any duty , than to discharge a Musket . No , no , I am confident , Philautus , it must be the huffing and pragmatical Geometricians , that you then meant . But however you need not be at all concerned about it ; for neither Geometry , nor the Geometricians can ever sue you , for those commendations ; because you have in print revoked the whole sentence . And in law , you know , the last Will always voids the former . Phi. I revoke in print ? I have made many of my Adversaries to pull in their Horns , and hang their Ears : but never said any thing so hastily my self , as to recant , or repent of it . Tim. How it came about , I know not : ( perhaps Poetry might send you a Basket of Chickens ; ) but all that same observation of the Heavens , the description of the Earth , and the rest of that rich treasure , and furniture which about 47. you gave to Geometry , in the year 50. you bequeath'd it all to Poetry ; just as it stood , silk Curtains and all . Phi. To Poetry ? that 's very like Geometry indeed ! Tim. Yes to Poetry : you shall hear it Sir : 't is an excellent sentence , and may do afterwards for Grammar ; upon condition 't will be towardly , and promise to be guided by the Precepts of true Philosophy . Whatsoever commodity men receive from the observation of the Heavens , from the description of the Earth , from the account of time , from walking on the Seas ; and whatsoever distinguisheth the civility of Europe from the barbarity of the American Salvages , is the Workmanship of fancy but guided by the Precepts of true Philosophy . Phi. But where 's Poetry all this while ? Tim. Here 's fancy ; and that 's as well , Sir. Phi. But how do you know , that by fancy I must needs mean the fancy of a Poet ; and not that of a Geometrician ? and again how do you know but that by Philosophy , I meant particularly Geometry . Tim. I 'll tell you , Sir , how I came to discover these two great secrets . The sentence I just now mention'd is in the 132. page of your Answer to Sir William Davenant's Preface before Gondibert : which answer is so richly fraight with the History , nature and laws of Poetry , that I am more than pretty well assur'd , that by fancy you could not easily mean that of a Geometrician . And that by Philosophy likewise you meant not particularly Geometry , but Philosophy in general , I am as well assur'd ; because in the very next words you advise Poets , to be well skill'd in the true doctrine of moral vertue ; ( that in their Heroick Poems they may exhibite a venerable and amiable image of Heroick vertue ) and ( a little after ) to consult the possibility of nature ; and not to talk of their impenetrable armours , inchanted Castles , invulnerable bodies , iron men , flying Horses , and a thousand other such things which ( as you say ) are easily feign'd by them that dare . But , now I think on 't , why am I so mad as to trouble my self about this ? 't is better by half for me to let all pass for Geometry ; for then have I two most tearing sentences in praise of the Geometricians : for , as for Geometry it self giving any precepts for the guidance of the fancy , she is so modest and mealy-mouth'd , that I 'll trust her for doing any such thing ; unless she make use of the pen , or mouth of some Cuckoldy Geometrician . Phi. You may catch , and carp , and wrest Tim , as long as you will : but you 'l never be able to find any one place , wherein I do absolutely and positively affirm , that the Writings of Geometricians do any ways transcend the Writings of other men . Tim. Absolutely and positively affirm ! that truly may be somewhat difficult . That is , you 'd have me , I suppose , shew you some such place as this , viz. Whereas I Thomas , the great Mathematician and Philosopher of Malmesbury ; having , for ten years together , taken all occasions to magnifie the labours , and admire the success of the Geometricians in their several undertakings above all other Writers : do now publickly declare to all the World , that by Geometricians , I meant Geometricians . In witness whereof I have set my hand and seal in the presence of &c. Such a place as this I don 't know , on a sudden , where to find : but setting aside the solemnity of such an acknowledgement , I don't know any thing that ever was more plainly express'd , than what you have in many places said to the vast credit of Geometricians themselves . But now they are all Canniballs and Cuckolds . Let but any body read the 15. page of your Leviathan . Phi. So he may , if he will : 't will do him good at the heart ; that or any other page . Tim. For all that you 'd give money to buy it out of your Book . Phi. I won't part with any one line of any Book that I ever writ , in my whole life , for all the money you can offer . Tim. You shall keep it then , Sir : the only way , say you , to become truly wise , and to avoid false and senseless tenets , is to order words aright : that is , to determine what every word shall signifie , and how it is to be placed : which no body has done but the Geometricians . Phi. Now , I am sure , I have catch'd thee , Tim : for the word Geometrician is not in that whole page . Tim. But there 's that which is as like it , as the Philosopher of Malmsbury is like Mr. Hobbs . I think I can say it just as you do . Seeing then that truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations , a man that seeketh precise truth had need to remember what every name he uses stands for ; and to place it accordingly , or else he will find himself entangled in words , as a Bird in Lime-twigs , the more he struggles , the more belimed . And thereforè in Geometry ( which is the only Science that it hath pleased God hitherto to bestow upon mankind ) men begin at the setling the signification of their words ; which setling of significations they call definitions , and place them in the beginning of their reckonings . Do you mind it , Sir ? they are those same men , that begin at the setling of the signification of their words ; and they call such setling of significations definitions ; and ( by the blessing of God upon their extraordinary care and endeavours ) the doctrine of lines and figures is so accurately performed by them , that that alone as yet deserves the name of Science . Phi. I am not bound , Tim , to remember every word that I have ●…poken , or writ . Phi. No , Sir ; that would be a most unreasonable burden : and therefore I suppose when you writ your contra fastum , &c. You might have forgot also what you said Lev. p. 20. viz. that of all Creatures none is subject to absurdity but men : and none so much as those that profess Philosophy . For it is most true that Cicero saith of them somewhere ; that there can be nothing so absurd , but may be found in the Books of Philosophers . And why ? because all , but Geometricians , are Sots , Lubbers , and Logger-heads . Phi. I am sure these last are none of my words . Tim Right : but these that follow are ( which are as good ) and the reason , say you , is manifest . For there is not one of them ( and now there 's ten thousand since you fail'd in Geometry : ) that begins his ratiocination from the definitions , or explications of the names they are to use ; which is a method that hath been used only in Geometry ; whose conclusions have therefore been made indisputable . Do you mind it again , Philautus ; 't is not an idle tale of ambition , profit , or lust ; ( such as you talk'd of before ) that makes the conclusions in Geometry to be indisputable ; but 't is the admireable method , &c. which Geometricians alone make use of ? Phi. I don't speak one word of the method which Geometricians use ; but only of that which is us'd in the Science of Geometry . Tim. By whom : by Sow-Gelders or Rat-Catchers ? I beseech you , Philautus , don't try at that any more : for you know well enough that Geometry her self can't wipe her own nose according to art ; unless she borrows a quadrant of some neighbour . And besides , I find that you right down affirm , that the Mathematicians are the only men , that reason methodically ; and in a discourse too , where one could not easily expect any such thing ; ( viz. in your Animadversions upon Bishop Bramhall's Vindication of true Liberty , &c. p. 46. ) but only I consider , Philautus , 't was in the days of ●…our Amours ; when you took all possible occasion to hook in that venerable esteem you had of those kind of Writers . Reason teacheth , say you , and the example of those who only reason methodically , say you , which are the Mathematicians , say you , that a man when he will demonstrate the truth of what he is to say , must in the first place determine what he will have to be understood by his words ; which determination is called definition ; whereby the significations of his words are so clearly set down , that there can creep in no ambiguity . Thus 't was , Philautus , for many years together : write about Humane Nature , Ethicks , Politicks , Liberty and Necessity , or any thing else , still Mathematicks was the word , and the Mathematicians were the only white boys . I know that that part of Philosophy wherein are considered lines and figures , has been delivered to us notably improved by the ancients . I confess indeed that that part of Philosophy by which magnitudes and figures are computed is highly improved : the like advancement I have not observed in the other parts of it , &c. Because the Elements of Geometry having been improved by the best wits of all ages , has afforded greater plenty of matter than can well be thrust together within the narrow limits of this discourse ; I thought fit to admonish the Reader , that before he proceeds further , he takes into his hands the works of Euclid , Archimedes , Apollonius and other as well ancient as modern Writers . For to what end is it to do over again that which is already done ? the little therefore that I shall say concerning Geometry , shall be such only as is new and conducing to Natural Philosophy . Phi. But what 's all this for ? and whence hadst it , Tim ? Tim. All this , Sir , I had out of the Translator of your Book de Corpore . The first place I mention'd is in your Epistle Dedicatory : the second in the beginning of your Logick : and the last in the 149. page of your Philosophy . Phi. What is any mechanical Translator to me ? this Translator , for ought I know , is some two-penny Almanack-maker : or some giddy-headed , conceited Mathematician ; who had a mind to foist into my Works some commendations of himself , and his own trade . Tim. I don't think , Sir , that the Translator has wrong'd you much ; because ( in his Epistle to the Reader , he says ) what he did was view'd , corrected and ordered according to your own mind and pleasure . But perhaps the noise of your own Latin may be more delightful to you . Scio Philosophiae partem illam , quae versatur circa lineas & figuras traditam nobis esse bene cultam à veteribus . Bene cultam ! I promise you , that 's pretty well for such old Fornicators . Fateor quidem partem Philosophiae eam , in quâ magnitudinum figurarumque rationes supputantur , egregiè cultam esse . Say you so : Egregiè cultam esse ? I think they deserve a largess : for by the following words they have wrought very hard . In reliquis partibus Philosophiae similem operam positam non vidi , &c. Phi. And by the words following those ; ( viz. consilium ineo , quoad potero , Philosophiae Universae , &c. ) others intend to work as hard , and in time to deserve as well . Tim. Who do you mean , Philautus , you nown dear self ? Phi. Yes , Tim , 't is I : I my own self that have advanc'd all parts of Philosophy to indisputable and Mathematical certainty . 'T is I that set forth the first Book that ever was truly written about civil Philosophy ( Epis. ded . de corp . ) in respect of whom ( I mean my self ) Pythagoras , Plato , Aristotle and the rest were meer Chimney-sweepers , black pieces of superficial gravity , Phantasms and Ghosts of Philosophy , and served only to be derided by Lucian . 'T is I that first shew the way ( Lev. p. 87. ) how to generate a Common-wealth the great Leviathan ; or rather ( to speak more reverently ) that mortal God , to which we owe under the immortal God our Peace and defence : and that have sent word to ( Lev. p. 391. ) such as govern Kingdoms , that if either they intended to preserve themselves in authority , or to have their Clergy and Gentry preserved from the venom of Heathen Politicians , and from the incantation of deceiving Spirits , they should appoint that Book of mine publickly to be taught in the Universities . 'T is I again that first banish'd the Hobgoblin School-distinctions ; ( Epis. Ded. de corp . ) and i●…stead thereof have brought pure light into natural Philosophy : ( non pugnando , sed diem inferendo , as I there have it ) having first discovered such a principle in the World as motion ; and having out of my many good wishes for the improvement of Philosophy , revealed this great secret to the lazy backs at Gresham . Who ( as I tell them Ep. Ded. de nat . aeris ; and in my Letter to Dr. W. p. 55. ) may do very well , if they would not set their minds wholly upon every new gin , and janty device that is brought from beyond Sea. Nam conveniant , studia conferant , experimenta faciant quantum volunt , nisi & principiis utantur meis , nihil proficient . They may meet at Gresham Colledge , and the President ( which my dear friend and Translator Sorbiere wittily observ'd ) may knock the table with the wooden hammer , and the fellows may lay all their experimental noddles together , and they may build Furnaces , and buy Coals , and grind Spectacles , and shoot Stars , and kill Cats and Pidgeons ; but they 'l never be able to make so much as the tail of a Mouse , unless they apply themselves to the doctrine of my motion , and send for me , who will be very ready to help them so long as they use me civilly : for I am at a composition with nature ; and she has promis'd to do nothing but by me and my motion . 'T is I that have heard that Hugenius and Eustachio Divini were to be tried by their Glasses who was most skillful in Opticks of the two ; but , for my part , ( Letter to Dr. W. p. 54. ) before I set forth my Book de Homine , I never saw any thing written of that subject intelligibly . Lastly , 't is I alone ( Ep. Ded. contra fast . &c. ) that have throughly examined and mended the principles of Geometry it self , and in spight of all my Adversaries have truly squar'd the Circle . Tim. What an excellent thing 't is for a man to keep a common place-Book of his own deserts : especially if it be made out of his own works , and that the quotations be ready ? there comes , suppose , a good honest fellow to Philautus ; who having look'd upon his Picture before his Latin Works ; and finding there , en quam Modicè habitat Philosophia ; tells him that those words , as they may be taken , sit about him excellently well . Say you so , quoth Philautus ? if any man takes those words in a bad sense , let him be who he will that very man do I take for a Fool. Because I am not only the best Logician , the best Moralist , and the best Natural Philosopher , but the greatest Mathematician in all Europe . As at large I grant it , and acknowledge to my self , in several places of my several Books , such Pages , such Articles , and such Editions . Neither is there any thing of Vain-glory or self-conceit in all this ; because ( quoth Philautus ) there is not ; as I my self have proved it in several places of my Writings . For ( to define it strictly ) Vain glory or self-conceit is a certain idle and wanton form of speech ; by which a man , either in the shade or in the open Sun , admires himself , being not justly call'd thereunto . And that man has very little skill in Morality , and the common actions of humane life , that cannot see the justice of commending a mans self , as well as of any thing else , in his own defence . And to speak not only prettily well , but extraordinary well of a mans self if vilified and provoked , is a great instance of Heroick vertue : ( as I have at large proved it , both in my six Lessons , p. 56. and in my Letter to Dr. W. p. 57. ) and he that neglects that piece of justice towards himself is a most pusillanimous sneaker ; and ( for ought I know ) neglects a duty as great , as any of those that belong to the Clergy-mens two Tables . And thus it happen'd when I first put out my Book de Cive : some snarled at this , some looked askew upon that , and some found fault with the whole . But I being well acquainted with the value of my self ; ( keeping always by me a Register of my own deserts : ) and being well skill'd in the greatest actions of humane life , presently did my self justice , and straighten'd all . For ( as was said before ) I printed a Book a little after , wherein I told my self , and the Earl of Devonshire , that my Book de Cive was not meerly the best , but the only Book that ever was written of that subject . And then , I pray , what became of my absurd and rural detractors ? So again , there was a small pragmatical Cypherer ( he was one of the resemblance of Divines : ) went and reported that I had committed some great mistakes in the very principles of Geometry . That fellow , say I , shall presently be made a Fool of ; and forthwith I call to my principal moral vertue self justice , to rally together all the famous things that have been spoken concer●…ing me ; ( now , there 's no self conceit in this , it being other peoples conceit of me , not my conceit of my self : ) I know a passage ( Letter to Dr. W. p. 52. ) in an Epistle written by a learned French man to an eminent person in France ; wherein I am reckon'd amongst the Galilaeo's the Des Carteses , the Bacons and the Gassendi's : and 't is generally believed that some of these were no inconsiderable Mathematicians ( especially Des Cartes ) and I am sure in the Epistle my name stands immediately after his . But if any body should question the truth of this testimony , it being foraign , I am sure it cannot be denyed ( though my name is not to the Book ) but that I give this following testimony of my self ( Lux Mathem . p. 36 , 37. ) viz. Hobbesius extrà legitur , intelligitur , laudatur : Hobbesii inventa tum in Geometriâ tum in Physicâ multa , nova , excelsa , clara , utilia sunt : imo talia , ut nec aetas prior majora vidit , nec ( quantum conjicio ) futura confutabit aut extinguet . O brave Arthur of Bradley ! now they are meer Asses that think any of this ostentation ; it being only to vex and confound my Back-biters . Oh how the Raskals do pine and fret , when I let go the great consciousness of my own worth upon my self ! In short , they may talk and write what they will ; but if I don't commend my self much faster , than they can possibly ever discommend me , then will I give in , and patiently submit to their scurrilous , and clownish contumelies . But notwithstanding all this that you have now said for your self , or I for you ; I have a very great suspition of one thing — Phi. What 's that , Tim ? Tim. That though to praise a mans self , in order to the vexatio●… of his Enemies be a very pretty divertisement ; and most undoubtedly a moral vertue ; yet this will not fully reconcile you to your self in the case of the Mathematicks . Phi. Why not ? Tim. You must hear the last place which I promis'd to repeat to you , concerning your former opinion of the Mathematicians ; and you will then perhaps perceive somewhat . Quoniam autem ( de Corp. p. 106. ) pars ista Philosophiae ( Geometriae ) ab excellentissimis omnium temporum ingeniis exculta ( we had benè culta , and egregiè before ; now 't is got to exculta : ) uberiorem tulit segetem , q●…am ut in angustias propositi operis nostri contrudi possit ; Lectorem ad hunc locum accedentem admonendum esse censui , ( 't was then very good advice , and so 't is still for all your contra fastum , &c. ) ut Euclidis , Archimedis , Apollonii , aliorumque tum antiquorum tum recentiorum scripta in manus sumat . Quorsum enim actum agere ? ego vero de rebus Geometricis pauca tantum & nova & ea praesertim quae Physicae inserviunt proximis aliquot capitibus dicturus sum . Phi. Now what do you make of all this ? Tim. Oh Sir ! of that same excellentissimis omnium temporum ingeniis exculta , &c. I make very much : viz. that when you writ that same Book de corpore , you were so fully satisfied with what the man Euclid , the man Archimedes and the man Apollonius had done ; ( who were not three Sciences , but tres substantes viri in Geometry ) that you did then think that there was nothing to be said against them ; nor , as far as they had gone , any thing to be altered . Quorsum enim actum agere ? ay quorsum indeed : ego tantum nova & pauca , &c. but now , Philautus , they are all Scoundrels , Hedg-hogs , and Caterpillars ; not knowing so much as what a point is , or what a line is , or what superficies is , or what an angle is nor any thing else : nay you don 't certainly know ( non videtur Propositio illa universaliter vera , say you , sed dubitans nil pronuncio ) but the famous 47th Proposition it self may be false ? so that I am afraid that the Gods must restore to Pythagoras all the Bullocks they have received for that Proposition . Now , I 'll tell you , Philautus , how all this came about . — 't was just so : really ' t was . Phi. Really 't was , Tim ? thou art really an Owl . 'T was just so ? how so was it ? Tim. You know , Philautus , you have written a Poem upon the Peak : and upon Ulisses . Phi. Well . Tim. Now I am very confident , that were those verses , as capable of being confuted , as your Mathematicks are , and have been ; if need were ( as was said before about Logick ) we should presently have a Book out contra Fastum Pecci , & Ulissis : wherein it should be proved that there never was any such place as the Peak ; nor any such man as Ulisses ; but that the one was a standing Phantasm in Derbyshire ; 'tother was a Phantasm that travel'd . Phi. And how do you apply this to Mathematicks . Tim. I 'll tell you two sayings of your own ; and then you may apply your self . The one is Lev. p. 21. viz. who is so stupid as both to mistake in Geometry , and also to persist in it , when another detects his error to him ? the other is Ep. Ded. Hum. nat . viz. as oft as reason is against a man , so oft will a man be against reason . Phi. I meant that , Tim , only of other people : for I my self never forsook reason in my whole life ; and therefore , suppose , I should grant that in former times I might speak a little too warmly in praise of the Geometricians : am I , Tim , oblig'd to be always of the same mind ; when I had so many good reasons to alter it ? Tim. Now , Philautus , you say somewhat indeed : if you had had any reasons to do so . But you never had any , nor are ever likely to have any . But only according as you have been bitten by the Doctor , and the teeth of time ; so your distemper has constantly increas'd ; and thereupon you invent new exceptions , and seek out new places of refuge . For it is very evident , that when you were first taken ill ; 't was a meer plain Wallisiophobia : but the Doctor getting deeper and deeper into you ; 't is heighten'd now into a most absolute Euclidophobia : which is a Disease almost as ill as that same Tyrannophobia you spoke of before . And I am very much afraid if the rest of your Writings were as strictly examin'd , as your Mathematicks have been ; that at last it may come to a perfect Philosophophobia ; which is the most dreadful howling Disease that can possibly befal a man : ten thousand Scepticks don 't make half such a noise , as one man that has got the Philosophophobia . Therefore I pray , Sir , have a care of it : for really I look upon you to be a going that way . And I perceive you your self are not without some apprehensions of danger ; by what you say in your Epistle Dedicatory to your contra Fastum , &c. For a certain , say you , either I am stark mad , or all the Geometricians are so : for I differ from them all . Remember that , Sir ; and , as I said , be careful of your self : for I believe , as for their parts , they all hold pretty sound as yet . Phi. Sound ? Yes , so is a Tub with twenty great holes at the bottom . Their principles are all false ; their demonstrations are many of them false ; ( and therefore you are likely to have a good reckoning : ) as I have evidently made it out by most solid reasons . Tim. I wish , Sir , you 'd tell me where those same solid reasons lie . For I can find nothing but only some Grammatical , Metaphysical small-shot : such as you formerly discharg'd at the Doctor , when you and Mathematicks first fell out . 'Tother day , Philautus , I look'd upon a Book of yours , called Examinatio & emendatio Mathematicae hodiernae ; a very good Title : surely , think I , we shall have some notable Reformation . But reading on I found qualis explicatur in Libris Johannis Wallisii . Whenever I saw that same qualis &c. in the Title , I presently , from that Symptom , concluded that there would be very much of the foremention'd distemper in the Book it self . And so it proved : there being very little besides Grammatical nibling , and tearing rants at Algebra . Quantumvis , says the Doctor , non sim ●…go prorsus nescius , &c. Out , out , out ! says Philautus ; abominably out ! Quantumvis Wallisius Doctus sit Mathematicus , non est certè Latinae linguae peritissimus . Quantumvis , prorsus ; what both in the same sentence ? the like was never known . For quantumvis is a mark of uncertainty ; but prorsus puts all out of doubt . Etsi might have done well enough ; but quantumvis can never do . Then immediately after this , say you , follows sigillatim for singulis , instituat for institueret , laboret for laboraret , proferre for efferre , and those barbarous Scholastical Phrases , viz. Pro formâ , idem erit ac si , and the like : as also this : cum quae in publicum prodeant , pro more scilicet ( eoque satis inveterato ) nonnullis inscripta soleant prodire ; in which small piece of a sentence , you find out no less than three huge Geometrical miscarriages . First , say you , cum quae &c. should be cum Libri qui &c. for we don't hear of Houses or Churches going to the Press ; but only of Books : therefore doubtless the Doctor had not his Compasses about him , when he said cum quae &c. ( cum quae &c. an ille ipse , say you , quoties in publicum prodit , inscriptus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) prodit ? ) in the second place , say you , the Doctor again is out in prodeant , which should be prodeunt : and in the third place , as for his nonnullis inscripta , I can't devise , say you , what possibly to make of it . For the word nonnullis ( solitariè posita ) standing melancholy without any substantive , and Rebus being always civil , and ready to be understood ; presently cries out ; next Oars , next Oars ! so that the Doctor 's Mathematicks are certainly most extraordinary Mathematicks , for he scorns to dedicate them to men , but to Rebusses themselves . Phi. And did not the Doctor , Tim , first nibble at my Writings and my Latin ? Tim. If he did , Philautus , you have clearly got the day ; for no man ever carried on that humour like you . And thus , say you , it happens in all the Books that he has written . For whatever he says , either non placet , or 't is inept , or childish , or vicious , or unintelligible , or wonderful , or lastly malicious and ghebrical . For example : he has put out a Book de motu , say you ; which ( at the latter end of my Rosetum ) I briefly censure and confute after this manner . The Book ( suppose ) is sent to me : and I having read it , am ask'd what I think of it . In the first place , I say , non placet : and there 's for his Book in general . Then I go on , say you , and read , viz. Mechanica est Geometria de motu : that 's inept ; because he lets Mechanica stand alone without ars in the singular number . Impedimentum est id quod motui obstat , vel eum impedit : to put impedit into the definition of impedimentum is horribly childish , say you : and to put resistere into the definition of resistentia is not childish , but vicious . Celeritas est affectio motûs &c. is unintelligible ; for affection only belongs to living Creatures : and no man ever saw motion to hug , kiss , or feed celerity . Continuum quodvis ( secundum Cavallerii Geometriam indivisibilium ) intelligitur &c. for Cavallerius to come into a definition would be very wonderful to any Logician . Lastly , to make use of Symbols , and to say cujuscunque rationis index is most maliciously and ghebrically done . And if Euclid , say you , or Archimedes should ever come this way , and but see those abominable Antichristian scrawles , which the Egregious Geometer makes , and the word Index , they 'd be so horribly scar'd , that we should never have their Company again . And therefore now you are in , Philautus , I pray let 's hear you rail a little at Algebra and Symbols . Phi. You are a very scoundrel , Tim , and somewhat besides , for supposing me to rail : for my language is always clean , gentile , and elegant . Tim. This is only modesty : for you 〈◊〉 do 't as well as any man alive . Come , Sir , let me give you the Key . Gheber . Now away with it : id dictum Ghebricè , hoc dictum ghebricè , gibbericè ▪ gabbericè , scabicè , scrubbicè , symbolicè , gambolicè , &c. Phi. What are you doing , Tim ? Tim. Don't you see , Sir ? I am confuting and confounding the Whore - Algebra : that barbarous , Irish , Welch Whore - Algebra : that nasty , scabby , pestilential , abomination-Whore - Algebra : that scratching , scrawling , brachygriphal , stigmatical , symbolical Whore - Algebra . ( Exam. & emend . p. 10. p. 100. ) abominans praetereo &c. pro peste Geometriae habenda est , &c. Phi. I hope you don't call this confuting , & c. ? Tim. Yes but I do ; and so do you : for when you would seem mild , and pretend to reason the case , you talk ten times worse . Algebra ? it takes its name , say you , from one Gheber : who perhaps might be some Comb-Maker , dextrous Corn-Cutter , Operator for Teeth or some such Engineer . Symbols ? what a silly thing is it to talk of symbols ( Exam. p. 9. ) words are the most ancient and currant of all symbols , &c. Phi. And do you really think , Tim , that Algebra is good for any thing ? Tim. I durst not think any thing of it at all , Sir ; for fear Gheber should get me : but I have heard that Vieta , Oughtred , Cartes , de-Wit , and half a dozen more have , for reasons I shall not now mention , spoke well concerning it : whose judgments put all together , I shall for once , Philautus , beg leave to prefer before yours . Phi. Vie●…a I grant ( de corp . p. 156. ) by reason of his great skill in Geometry , was a good considerable person . But as for the rest of those ghebrical scrawlers , you mention'd ; I don't know any one thing they ever found out . Tim. And truly , Philautus , as you order the business , I don't see how they ▪ or any body else ever should . For first of all , you seize upon all motion as yours ; and neither man , nor nature can do any thing , unless you lend them a little of your motion . Again all reasoning is plainly yours ; you being the first that ever call'd Logick Computation . And most of the Mathematicks is also yours ; you being the first that demonstrated ( de corp . p. 63. ) the whole to be bigger than any one part . And I don't much question but that the Sun and the Moon also ( you may do somewhat or other to 'em ) in time , may become yours . But no more of the Whore - Algebra . Now look to your self Euclid , Clavius and the rest of you : for Philautus is coming , and upon my word wherever he comes , he makes most dreadful work . You may think ( and so did he once ) that you were the only people upon whose endeavours the blessing of God had fallen . But he has sent back the blessing of God ; and you have made such small progress in your profession of Geometry , that there is no one of you ( besides himself ) that knows so much as the definition of it . Geometry ( says a famous man among you ) is an art of measuring well . Neatly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Timber-Merchant , or Dial maker ! but there 's very nigh as many absurdities as words in the definition . For first of all Geometry is not an Art , but a Science ; and if that ben't sufficiently absurd , I know not what is . Secondly , 'T is an Art of measuring well , says he : measuring well ? measuring what well ? Geometry well ? is Geometry then an art of measuring Geometry well ? Lastly , says he , 't is an art of measuring well : but how does that art measure , and by what ? by Sun-Beams , or Rain-bows ? all which abominable absurdities I avoid ( Less . p. 1. cont . fast . p. 7. ) by saying , that 't is the Science of determining the quantity of any thing not measured , by comparing it with some other quantity or quantities measured . Again say you , suppose we go and search for an exact accompt of a figure ; which is a thing of such vast concernment , that the whole business almost of Geometry is to consider nothing else but several figures : and yet , for all that , one had e'en as good turn to Rider's Dictionary as Euclid's Elements for any such thing . Figura , says Euclid , est quae sub aliquibus , &c. How lubberly and Porter-like was that said ? figura est quae ? where 's here any antecedent for the Relative quae ? ( cont . fast . p. 17. ) if there be any , it must be either est , or figura . As for est , surely no body will take that for an antecedent : and figura is e'en as bad a Bedfellow . For then it must be figura est figura quae , &c. which sounds a little oddly out of a Geometricians mouth . I told the Euclidists of this ( for as I said before , 't is of infinite concernment ) in my six Lessons ( p. 1. ) and again in my Examinatio ( p. 44. ) and now again in my contra fastum , &c. and yet I believe they are so stupid , that in some Copies one may still find figura est quae , &c. If Philautus had not come , and comforted poor quae , by saying , figura est magnitudo quae &c. doubtless by this time , she had pined away her self to skin and bones , for want of an Antecedent . And thus again , say you , they do in the business of proportion . Which , says Euclid , est mutua quaedam habitudo , &c. that is in plain English ( Less . p. 7. ) proportion is a what-shall-I-call-it isness , or soness ; or , say you , ( Less . p. 16. ) a whatshicalt habitude of two quantities . I wonder where the modesty of these Euclidists lies , that they should not perceive the bawdiness of this quaedam : all which they might have easily avoided , if with me they had said proportio est relatio &c. and truly 't was worth the writing a Book on purpose to leave out quaedam , and put in relatio instead of habitudo . Phi. But when do I speak , Tim ? Tim. Speak , Sir , you speak all this while . Phi. But you pick the worst and least of my exceptions against the Geometricians : for I rout them about a point , a line and every thing else of concernment . Tim. How so ? Phi. I hold , Tim , that a point and a line are both really bodies ; though in Mathematical consideration they are not . Tim. What need we then trouble our selves about such an old Metaphysical nicety , as indivisibile and divisibile in infinitum , & c. ? seeing ( suppose they be bodies ) we are not , say you , to take notice of that in Mathematical demonstration . Phi. But , Tim , there 's a vast deal , a very vast deal depends upon a point having bigness , and a line breadth . Tim. A vast deal indeed ! if you have but the carving it out . For seeing that your squaring the circle , &c. don't well agree with the principles of Geometry ; you 'l shew'em a trick , and make the principles of Geometry , to comply with your squaring the circle : and then huff comes out contra fastum , &c. Phi. Did you ever know me to wrest , or force any thing to comply , & c. ? were you , Tim , at my elbow , when I squared the circle ? Tim. No : nor any body else , that I can hear of ; for though you have done it twelve times over , yet several people say , 't is still all to do . Phi. I say , I have done it ; and have demonstrated it too ( cont . fast . p. 43. ) as manifestly as any proposition in Euclid . And therefore why may not I be believed as well as other people , and why should I be said to wrest , & c. ? Tim. As for your being believed , Philautus , I did never care for relying much upon any mans judgment , that looked upon self-conceit to be a moral vertue : but as for 'tother thing , I had it in part from your self . Phi. From my self ; how so ? Tim. In the 41. and 43. pages of your contra fastum , &c. you tell us that had the business of punctum , linea , and some such principles of Geometry , been sooner examined and corrected ; we had had squaring of circles and many other admirable things long before this time . Now I have a phansie that this sentence ought to be thus turned : viz. seeing that squaring the circle is a most admirable thing , if it would but agree with the principles of Geometry ; 't is high time now e'en to make 'em agree . But , which is worse than all , Philautus , your dear friend tells you , that they won't agree yet . And whereas you have taken such vast pains to prove a point to have bigness , and a line to have breadth ; he 's of the mind ( Heaut . p. 112. ) that Cheapside is much too narrow to do the business . Therefore in my opinion , Philautus , you had much better have suffered quae , quaedam , punctum , linea , and the rest of them to have continued , as we had them from Euclid ; unless the alterations you made had been more to your profit ; and the grounds you went upon more considerable . A point , say you , is a body : and why ? because ( de corp . p. 59. ) the whole earth is a point , in respect of the Heavens ; Ergo. Again , a point is a body , for 't is a mark ; and the nature of a mark is to be visible : and if visible , then , say you , ( Lux Mathematica p. 11. ) it must be divisible : and if divisible ; then say I , it must be indivisible : for wee 'l never stand out for one syllable . And then for a line having latitude , and being a body ; that 's so very plain that if it ben't granted nothing , say you , ( Lux Math. p. 12. 32. ) can be demonstrated in Mathematicks . For there 's no demonstrating without Diagrams : and no Diagrams can be made without drawing of lines , and no lines can be drawn but they will have breadth . And by such niceties and whimsies as these , ( of which I could give you many more instances ) have you vainly endeavoured to preserve your credit , and make people believe you had great skill in the Mathematicks . And the very same shifts you have made use of , to secure your Carcass , in all that you have said about Government , and Religion : being all plainly founded upon your three Cardinal vertues , Self-conceit , bad nature , and most irreligious cowardice . Phi. No man ever writ two such Treatises of humane politicks , and Christian politicks , as I have done — Tim. Those Phrases are perfectly new : Phi. In both which I have given the Prince such due Authority , and such a vast power as will be a foundation of perpetual Peace , and happiness in his Kingdom . Tim. 'T is a vast power indeed , Philautus , that you have bestowed upon him ; and he is very much beholding to you : for , at one stroke , it utterly destroys both himself and his Government . Phi. How is that ? Tim. You allow him , you remember , to be the maker of all good and evil . Phi. What then ? Tim. I would only know which way you conferr'd that power upon him : did you send it him in a Basket , as a token of your pure love to absolute Soveraignty : or how was it ? Phi. That power was originally divided amongst all his Subjects ; but they all join'd together , and turn'd over all their power of making good and evil to him . Tim. Don't you believe that , Philautus : that any man , that ever thought he had the power of making good and evil , would so part with it , as not to reserve a little for private use ; or at least to keep the Receit . And therefore you may make a noise about absolute Monarchy , and unlimited Soveraignty ; and that if the Prince ben't able to raise money at his pleasure , he 'l catch an Ague , as certainly as if he went into the hundreds : and if he takes any advice about making of Laws , he 'l have a man grow out of his side ; and very tender you may seem to be of the Soveraign's health ( with reflections bad enough upon our Government ) but you are even with him for all your kindness : for you give him indeed a little money ; but withal every subject leave to take away his throne , and life also . Phi. But a subject , Tim , is one that has given up all his power , &c. and a Prince can't be remov'd without power . Tim. But , by your principles , he can call for 't again , when he thinks it for his advantage . Phi. But he has promis'd he won't ; and every man is bound to keep his promise . Tim. How ( according to you ) is he bound ? has he promised to keep his promise : or has he sworn to keep his promise ; or how has he so fasten'd himself , but that your principles will unty him ? Phi. But for a man to break his promise is absurd . Tim. 'T is very right : 't is absurd ; I remember it very well , in your 3d. Chapter de Cive . He that contracts , say you , in that he doth contract , denies that action to be in vain : and if he thinks himself not bound to keep it , in thinking so , he affirms the contract to be made in vain : now for a thing to be done in vain , and not in vain is a contradiction : which is absurd . Whence , say you , it follows that an injury ( which is breaking of a bargain ) is a kind of absurdity in conversation , as an absurdity is a kind of injury in disputation . And therefore when Oliver cut of the Kings head , &c. he was guilty of an absurdity , and that 's all . Phi. I hated Oliver , and his practices as much as you . Tim. That you might do in your heart , Philautus : as you love Christ , when you renounce him . But your Writings favour his actions so very much , that there is not one thing that he , and his Rogues did , but upon your Principles may be easily defended : nay , and demonstrated too ; and train'd from Article to Article . And were not your Books much too ridiculous for people to be guided by ( any further than of themselves they are debauch'd , and villanously bent ) those two opinions alone of yours , viz. that interest is the measure of good and evil in this life ; and in the next life that Heaven is only a little better than Spring-Garden ; and Hell not so ill as the Counter , are at any time sufficient to set up such another pack of Rebels . And yet you are the man that have set up Princes , and establish'd them in their Thrones : and have shewn such a Generation of a Common-wealth , that ( give it its due ) is to be called a mortal God. Phi. Methinks , Tim , you begin to be somewhat hot : but be as hot as you will , I stand to this , that no man before me had ever justly stated the rights of Princes , nor given them such power as become them . Tim. You are a very liberal Gentleman indeed , Philautus : and have granted to Princes , power in a great measure : but by chance so ridiculously blasphemous , that you 'l get ne'r a Prince in the World to accept of it . Phi. Can you confute — Tim. Confute ? what should I confute : all the madness of Bedlam crowded into one man ? for once I 'le try two or three instances of your bounty ; and let standers by judge what kind of confutation it deserves . The first Complement you pass upon your Prince is , that it would please his Soveraignty to umpire the business of the Creation : ( a very pretty point indeed for the civil Magistrate to decide with his Sword : ) i. e. whether the World was eternal , or whether it was created by God. Here 's honour now for a Prince ! The King of Sweden or so , if requested , may give his opinion concerning Flanders , or concerning Liberty of fishing : but Philautus's Prince is to have the arbitration of Heaven and Earth : his Prince is to determine whose the whole World is ; and to whom it belongs ; whether to God Almighty , or to its own self . Phi. Who says that God does not govern the World ? Tim. I don't know indeed ; but I say if the World made it self , it may e'en as well make shift to look after it self . Phi. But I am not , Tim , against the Providence of God : but thus much I say ; ( de Corp. p. 204. ) seeing that all knowledge comes from Phantasms ; and no man can have a Phantasm of that which is infinite : and seeing that it is very laborious , and would tire the best Philosopher to proceed from cause to cause , till he comes to the first and truly eternal cause : I say , upon these and such like accompts , I think it reasonable , that this of the Creation of the World , and all such knotty points should be left to the determination of that Authority , which has right to determine all things . Tim. I think , Philautus , I understand you : seeing that there 's no man now living upon Earth , that was really and actually present at the Creation of the World ; nor that did bonâ fide see , or speak face to face with any man that was : and seeing that the tallest subject , or Philosopher that any Prince has , can't stand upon his threshold , and from thence look to the furthest end of the World , unless he cuts down the great Pear-tree ; nor can stand so long upon one leg , hopping from cause to cause , but that if he hops long enough he may be tired ; therefore we Prince , by the Authority aforesaid , do declare and determine that the World had no beginning , but was eternal . Given at our Court — dasho . Phi. I don't say 't is so to be determin'd : but that he that has the supreme Authority ( seeing the case is very doubtful , and too difficult to be determin'd by natural reasons ; ) may determine it so , if he please . Tim. Yes doubtless : and that by right and vertue of the first-fruits . Phi. The first-fruits ! what first-fruits ? Tim. Don't you remember , Sir , that the dispute concerning the Creation of the World is the first-fruits of all disputable questions : and upon that accompt the decision of that controversie as first-fruits belong to him , that has the supream power ? Phi. I don 't easily call to mind the meaning of these first-fruits . Tim. Look , Sir , but the above-quoted place de Corp. and you 'l soon perceive it . For say you there ; as Almighty God when he had brought his people into Judaea , allowed the Priests the first-fruits reserved to himself ; so when he had delivered up the World to the disputations of men , it was his pleasure that all opinions concerning the nature of infinite and eternal ( as the Creation of the World and the like ) known only to himself should ( as the first fruits of wisdom ) be judged by those to whom he had given the supream Authority . I wonder , Sir , you should forget such an admirable reflexion as this : Judaea being so very like the many disputations that are in the World ; and that concerning the Creation so very like first-fruits . But if you please , Philautus , wee 'l go on to the next Complement you bestow upon your Prince . And truly if there ever was a Complement to purpose , this is one : 't is down , and down , and down again to the ground . Phi. What is it , Tim ? Tim. 'T is such a swinger , I can scarce get it out : 't is only , Sir , whether there be a God or not ? Phi. Whether there be a God or not ? what shall the Civil Magistrate ( whom I never granted to be more than Gods Lieutenant , Lev. p. 361. ) determine whether there be a God or not ? Tim. Shall he ? why not ? for all knowledge comes from Phantasms , &c. and no body whom we can trust , has lately seen or discoursed with God Almighty : and 't is plainly a first-fruits-disputation ; i. e. concerning infinite and eternal : and all first-fruits disputations belong to the Magistrate . Phi. Whom do you mean : the Hangman ? ( Lett. to Dr. W. p. 36. ) Tim. That 's a very good hit : I perceive Philautus begins to be a little angry ; and when so , then a Magistrate , forsooth , in strictness of speech , signifies only some Officer of the Soveraigns , not the Soveraign himself . But you may go on , Philautus ; and , if I had occasion for any Latin , I 'd put in quae and quaedam too : for I love to cross a man , that is made wholly up of such starch'd curiosities . And therefore , I say , you have so far honour'd your Prince or Magistrate , that if he please indeed there shall be a God ; but if he be out of humour , there shall be none at all . Phi. What , can he pluck God Almighty out of his Throne : and banish him out of the World ? Tim. That , Philautus , is a little more than he can do ; but ( by your great bounty to him ) he can banish him out of his Kingdom ; or if he can't do it alone , he 's to call in the assistance of all his subjects . Phi I ghess how you mean , Tim ; the Prince , I warrant you , is one day or other , to put out a Proclamation against the existence o●… a God : and this is to be posted up at every Corner of the streets . Can't I , in passing by , pull off my Hat very low , and cry Vous avez Mr. Prince : and for all that walk religiously home ; believing and trusting in God every step that I set ; and praising him for all the good Victuals that I have eaten , and all the great victories that I have obtain'd , over such as out of envy have endeavour'd to answer my Books ? Tim. But suppose , Philautus , he sends Poker for you , with an Halbert or a Musket . Phi. He need not trouble himself so far : for I am past those vanities , and had much rather go to him privately , than in such pomp . Tim. And when you come there , he tells you that he has been that Morning running o're the World , and the affairs thereof ; and , upon the whole , he can't find that there is any God besides himself . What would you then say , Philautus ? Phi. I should beg his pardon as to that , as great as he is ; and tell him plainly that I know what belongs to a God better than he ; and I know that he is no more than Gods Lieutenant ; and that I am more oblig'd to God ( being more powerful ) for the several kindnesses that I have receiv'd srom him , and the great mischief that he may do me , than I ever was or can be to him . Tim. But if upon that , Philautus , the Lieutenant cocks his Hat , stamps , looks stern and big ; and says that he is sure , he is very sure that there is nothing ( either in Heaven or Earth ) better or greater than himself ; and that you shall be sure of it too , before he and you part . What shall we do now , Philautus ? Phi. Hah ! how i' st ? cocks , stamps , stern , big ? Tim. Yes ; 't is just so : come I 'll tell you what you 'd say , Sir : — truly says Philautus , Majesty is not to be put out of humour for every small matter : 't is pity the Prince should spoil his Hat with cocking it ; or his shoes with stamping , or his countenance with frowning : meekness becomes a subject ; and therefore I 'll be silent . But being silent , Philautus , won't serve your turn : for you must pronounce with a clear and lowd voice that he , before whom you now stand , is not Gods Lieutenant , but God himself : and not only so , but that he is the Almighty , Omnipotent and Eternal God ; who , when you were asleep Created you , and all things else ; but especially his own great Grandfather ; you must say , pronounce , and subscribe all this ; or else — You need not go on , says Philautus , I am yours , I am yours , Sir : for what is a true Prince but one , to whom all the right and power of the whole Kingdom is transferr'd : and if he comes to his Soveraignty by right of succession I have ( Lev. p. 99. ) prov'd such Soveraignty to be a kind of eternity . So that he understands nothing at all of the Generation of a Common-wealth that sticks in the least to grant every absolute Monarch to be Almighty , Omnipotent and Eternal . But you have not done yet , Philautus , for after all this you must engage to worship the Prince with the very same words , and same postures , as you use to do God Almighty : praying unto him for health , long life , rain , fair-weather and the like : and this you must do so lowd , that all your Neighbours may hear you ; and besides , that they may think you to be in good earnest ; you must take all publick occasions to curse and blaspheme God , in the most affronting and defying words that can be invented . — That 's a little odd , says Philautus , that a Prince , let him be as absolute as he can , should be able to make it rain or hold up . But , now I think of it , by right of subjection I have made over my whole body , and every limb of it to his service : and therefore , if the Prince will send my tongue upon such an errand , it must not refuse to go , no more than my legs , if they were spoken to . And then , says Philautus , as for cursing , blaspheming , &c. God knows my mind well enough as to that : i. e. how I worship him in my heart ; and what honour and service I have done to his Church , to himself and the whole Trinity by my several writings . But still , Philautus , the Prince is not so absolutely secure of you , but you may give him a bob at last . For you know there is a very strong report in this part of the World , that many years agon there was one , that called himself the Christ , that appear'd upon earth : and he taught that it was better to listen to him , than to the commands of Princes ; and he said that he came from God , and that he was the true and only Son of God ; and , by many things that he said and did , made several to believe the same . Now , if this be so , Philautus , this will be a notable check and rebuff to the unlimited Authority of your Prince . And therefore , if you intend to be a Subject quite through , you must needs also renounce Christ : ( 't is a small matter , for Christ , you know , is no more God the Son , than Moses was God the Father . ) and believe there never was any such person ; but that he was a meer Impostor , or a cheat of the Kingdom of darkness — to that , replies Philautus ; I must confess , most unlimited and irresistible Sir , that of all things now visible upon ea●…th , you are to me the greatest and most obliging ; and your opini●…n upon all accompts I am bound to adore : for it is by your great interest in your own Dominions as well as elsewhere , that I continue in fame and health , and am protected from the barbarous insolencies of my Adversaries . But whereas 't is your Princely pleasure to command me not to believe in Christ ; ( with humble submission to your irresistibility ) I think you are , as it were , mistaken : for whatever you appoint 〈◊〉 to do in affront to Christ ; I can therein deceive you , believing on him in my heart : and should your almighty inclinations proceed further , and force me to deny and forswear such beli●…f ( with all imaginable dread again be it spoken ) 't is not my heart but my tongue alone that denies or forswears , &c. Phi. But how do you know , Tim , that I 'll say or do any of these things ? did you ever see me tried ? Tim. No : but above twenty years ago you promised to do them all in several places of your Leviathan . And I know you 'l be as good as your word ; because you desire Mr. Godolphin ( in your Ep. Ded. to him ) to tell all people that are offended at that Book , that you love your own opinions . If , say you , ( Lev. p. 360. ) I want rain , fair weather or any thing else that God alone can bestow on me ; and out of my own humour , wantonness , or opinion , I make solemn Prayer for such things to him who has the supream Authority ; by doing so , I am certainly a very wicked man , and an absolute Idolater ; because out of my own heart I give unto the civil Magistrate that worship which is alone due unto God : but if I be compelled to this by the terrour of death , or any other corporal punishment , I may then do it very safely ; without any offence to God Almighty , or scandal to my Neighbour . Well done Carcass ! and thus have we turned off Moses , or God the Father : now let 's see how we can get rid of Christ , or God the Son : if , say you , ( Lev. p. 27. ) a King , Senate , or other Soveraign person forbid me to believe in Christ ( if he does not hear me ) I 'll say he talks non-sense ; because belief and unbelief are not subject to mens commands . For faith is a gift of God ( that comes well out of Philautus's mouth ) which men can neither give nor take away by promise of rewards , or menaces of torture . But if the lawful Prince ( being aware of such subtlety ) urges further , that I should say with my tongue I believe not in Christ ; I can he too cunning for him there also ; for I still do but say so : and therefore rather than I 'll displease my lawful Prince ( O Heavens ! how do I love and honour my self , and a lawful Prince ! ) it shall be done , and ought to be done . For profession with the tongue is but an external thing , and no more than any other gesture whereby we signifie our obedience . Rarely come off Carcass again ! Phi. I must confess that to this purpose I do speak : and very nigh in the same words : and let Theologers object what they can , I can most easily prove my self to be a true subject of the Christian City ; that is , a Son of Christs Church , and an Heir of that Salvation which he has bargain'd for . Tim. Prove , Sir ? never in my life did I meet with your fellow for proving : especially considering what inferiour tools you work withal . For you shall talk less morality than a Turk , and less Christianity than a Jew ; ( for you shall not only swear that Christ is not as yet come , but that he shall never come : ) and yet give you but a little Country motion , and ordinary Grammar , and you shall presently be at perch with the Primitive Christians . I deny Christ , suppose , and when that 's done I swear that I do it from the very bottom of my Soul : What of all this , says Philautus ? denying and swearing too are both meer forms of speech : and speech is but words : and words are but motion : and therefore that Divine that talks of Blasphemy or Heresie coming out of a mans mouth , whose heart is truly firm ; he may as well gape for Blasphemy or Heresie at thè spout of a pair of Bellows . Besides , says Philautus , people may prate against my professing with my tongue and so forth ; but ( to go to the bottom of the business ) he that knows but the very first Elements of Government , knows that I have no Tongue at all : for 't is one of the Princes Tongues that I wear in my mouth : and what 's that to me , or any body else what the Prince does with his own tongue ? and then , says Philautus again : what wondring is here at my speaking two or three words ? is speaking any thing more than a meer gesture of the tongue ? and did Naaman , I pray ( when he was allow'd to go into the House of Rimmon ) leave his tongue at home ? did not his tongue also bow together with his head ? and did it not , as it were , nod and give consent to what his head and shoulders did ? and then in the last place , says Philautus ; as for the several places of Scripture which the Ecclesiasticks bring against me : such as those of our Saviour ; whosoever denyeth me before men , I will deny him before my Father which is in Heaven : and ye shall be brought before Governours and Kings for my sake , &c. and fear not them that kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul , &c. 't is plain , that they don 't at all understand the History of that Gospel , by which they live : for though our Saviour , at the first planting of Christianity , commanded his Disciples and Apostles that they should not be daunted , nor give in ; but rather suffer any thing , than not stand to the Faith : yet , thanks be to God , says Philautus , such advice is now needless : for Christian Religion is very well spread and setled now ; and has got great footing in the World ; and a man may either profess or renounce it ( according as it lies for his hand ) with a great deal less danger , and inconvenience than formerly : and therefore if two or three subjects in a Kingdom should utterly forsake Christ , there 's still enow : and if two or three Kingdoms should do the like ; there 's still more Kingdoms : and if ( the Turk prevailing ) Europe , Asia and the rest of the whole World should also do the same ; yet Christ is still Christ : and he has had a fine time of it . And there will be a joyful meeting , and great doings about Jerusalem , at the general resurrection : and I hope to be as merry then , as the best of ' em . There be , continues Philautus , I know those who understanding neither Grammar , nor the History of the Gospel shall tell you that , let what will come , they 'l not part with Christ ; no not for a thousand Worlds . They 'l dye , yea and that a thousand Deaths . Dye on , says Philautus ; for this is meer Vain-glory , and affected Apostleship ; and all for want of a good Dictionary . For Martyr ( Lev. p. 272. ) is a Greek word ; ( which they , poor Creatures ! suffer themselves to be knock'd off the head , and never think of ; ) and signifies a witness , an eye-witness ; and especially such an one as saw Christ be●…ore , and after his Resurrection : which few , I suppose , now alive will pretend to have done : or so much as to have seen those that did see Christ : and if there be any such as these latter , they are but Martyrs at the second hand ; that is , Martyrs of Christs Martyrs . And therefore if any man has a mind to put himself upon any inconvenience , or run himself into any danger upon the accompt of Christian Religion , I wish him a good Journey ; but I pity him no more than one that should skip off a Steeple , for fear he should stumble in coming down the stairs . Here 's a Christian Politician for you , or a true Member not of Christs Church , ( for that 's vulgar ) but of the Christian City ! Phi. I say , Tim , that Martyr does signifie a witness . Tim. And so does amo signifie to love . Phi. That 's false ; for in strictness of speech it signifies I love . Tim. How quick and nimble Philautus is ? well , suppose then that Martyr does signifie a witness : are you willing to be such an one for our Saviour ? Phi. That is , will I who was born within these hundred years , be willing to be born above sixteen hundred years ago ? well ghess'd Tim ! Tim. You shall then , Philautus , be a Martyr of a Martyr . I 'd fain have you into some employment . Phi. How can I be any such thing ? I never met in my Travels with any of the Apostles or Disciples , that were sent into the World to be Witnesses of the Resurrection : and no man can glory in being a Martyr unless he be sent ; and he must be sent to Infidels too : for what need ( Lev. p. 273. ) a witness of Christ be sent to those , that have had sufficient witnesses already ? Tim. If that be all , Philautus , wee 'l speed the Commission , and you shall be sent , &c. Phi. But , I tell you , I had rather stay at home , than be cut o' the Crown like a Goose , to be a Martyr , of a Martyr , of a Martyr , of I know not whom , or what . Tim. I see this Martyrdom ( or Greek affliction ) won't down with you , Philautus ; will you , if need be , for Christ's sake suffer a little in plain English ? wee 'l engage you shan't be abused , and call'd Martyr : nor have any such improper , and unfashionable word written upon your Tomb. Phi. How much would you have me suffer : what , dye ? Tim. Suppose such a thing should be , Philautus : according to Christian Politicks , you 'l clearly be a saver by 't ; when you meet Christ at Jerusalem . For when he comes to reign here upon Earth , he has promised , you know , to make very much of those ( you may chance to be Chief Secretary of State ) who are faithful to the end . And his Kingdom , you know , is a dainty fine Kingdom : and worth two or three of the Kingdoms of England . Phi. But 't is a great way , Tim , to go for preferment to Jerusalem : and it may be a great while , before Christ will come to have his Court there . Tim. I believe indeed it may ; after that childish , ridiculous , gross , prophane manner that you describe . Are you not asham'd , Philautus , to pretend to Wit , Philosophy , Mathematicks , &c. and to go about to face , and huff down God Almighty , and our Saviour , with such intolerable fooleries as first-fruits , Martyr , &c. Was ever old fop so utterly benum ' , and besotted , as to turn Providence out of the World , to prevent tumults and uproars ; and to think to complement his Prince , by offering such saucy and witless affronts to God himself ? I 'll undertake , Philautus , give but a very small-wit sufficient impudence , prophaneness , and a Glass of Wine , he shall abuse the Scriptures , scoff at Heaven , and talk better and more reasonable Atheism ex tempore , than you have labour'd into all your grave Periods . Phi. Hey day ! how huffing and swaggering is this Tim , because he has got a few of those same Church-men on his side ? who are for a spiritual Common-wealth ; not minding what I learn them ( Lev. p. 317. ) that there are no men on earth whose bodies are spiritual ; and therefore there can be no spiritual Common-wealth amongst men that are yet in the flesh . I say , Tim , some such as these , that talk of a spiritual-body-politick you may have on your side ; but I am sure all the great Wits , and the men of depth , and business go all my way . Tim. And my Lord Bacon is your way too . Phi. If he were now alive , 't is likely he would . Tim. Yes very likely : for , says he , in his Essays , it is true , that a little Philosophy inclineth mans mind to Atheism , but depth in Philosophy bringeth mens minds about to Religion . Phi. This now is very scurrilous , and most uncharitably said : and if the Bishop of Durham were now alive — Tim. What should he do ? Phi. He should testifie , Tim , to the confusion of all my slanderers , ( Ep. Ded. to his Majesty ) how godlily I behav'd my self , when I was ready to dye : and what a sound and clear Conscience I had . Tim. Conscience ? that 's good indeed ! Conscience , you know , is only when one looks over your shoulder , or in at the Key-hole . For , you remember , there must be two at least , to make up a true Grammatical Conscience ; ( because of cum and scio : ) and as for any other Conscience ( Lev. p. 31. ) i. e. knowledge of ones own secret facts or thoughts , that 's only a Metaphorical or Rhetorical Conscience . But I pray , Philautus , after what manner did you confess to the Bishop ? did you confess with your tongue , or how ? Phi. With my tongue ? what , Tim , wouldst thou have men confess with their Legs , or Shoulders ? Tim. Truly , Philautus , you are such a moveable , slippery , and Philosophical kind of Christian , that I think the Church ought to appoint a peculiar sort of confession for you . For if , after you were recovered , you had but met with any body that had a little scar'd you , you should have unconfessed all again ; and have sworn , and curs'd , that you did but droll with the Bishop . Phi. Under favour , Tim , that 's a lye . For I only say that if my Lawsul Prince or the supreme Magistrate require any such thing , for Peace sake , and to preserve my life I am bound to obey . Tim. And I say , that if the lawsul Ostler , or supream Magistrate of the Stables , should take you into his office , and shew you but a switch ( for that may Gangrene ) I understand the Principles of your fidelity , and Christian courage so well , that , were he so wicked as to demand it , you should not only renounce all belief in Christ , but all allegiance to your lawsul Prince too : for a breathing time , you know , is very desireable , and whilst he has you in his power , he 's to you as good a Lieutenant of God , as any Prince upon earth . And Naaman the Syrian ( Lev. p. 271. ) shall do for all ; for the Ostler , as well as for the Prince himself . Phi. For my part , Tim , I can't see ( when compelled ) why I may not allow my self as much liberty , as the Prophet did to him . Tim. But how are you sure , Philautus , that the Prophet allow'd him any at all ? for there be some , and those learned too , who question whether go in peace signifie Naaman's waiting still upon his Master , &c. or whether he should forthwith leave his service . But suppose it does ; do you think , Philautus , that what Naaman did ( which may several ways be imagin'd to be far enough from Idolatry ) will countervail , or void all those several plain places of Scripture , that are most absolutely against your whimsycal , and prophane opinion ? but Philautus's Divinity is like the Gentlemans , who ( a little before he was to suffer for padding ) being ask'd by his Confessour how he came to follow that employment : told him , that he took it up from Gods advising the Israelites to spoil the Aegyptians ; which to him , he said , was a plain place for robbing at any time , and any where : whereas thou shalt not steal , and the like , were all typical and metaphorical ; and only true upon some occasions . But 't is wonderfully strange to me that his Majesty should suffer it — Phi. Suffer what , suffer me — Tim. No , Sir : suffer his spightful , ambitious Priests to preach in his Chappel against you . Phi. So 't is , Tim : and I make bold to tell his Majesty to that purpose , in an Epistle Dedicatory to him . Tim. And you did very well so to do , Sir : for Naaman will do against the whole Bible ; and a line or two out of Tertullian ( nothing to the purpose ) against all the Fathers . And seeing you are so firmly fixt in the Catholick Faith , and are so condescending and dutiful to all lawful Princes , certainly they ought to be very careful to check and rebuke the adversaries of such a dear and devout Subject . And therefore let 's see if we can't find never another Complement for the Prince . If I ben't mistaken ( Lev. p. 205. ) there is a pretty obliging one : viz. that if the Civil Magistrate please , he may take away the word of God ( for we have had it e'en long enough ) and instead thereof , give us Gusman , your Leviathan , or whatever else he thinks most convenient for his Common-wealth . For in the first place 't is plain say you , that the Book which is now called the word of God is not really and grammatically the word of God : i. e. 't is neither the Noun of God , nor the Verb of God , nor any other part of Speech of God. But , be it what it will , it obliges no further than the Civil Magistrate pleaseth : who by making it law , made it first to oblige ; and by repealing that Law can make it not to oblige . The Old Testament indeed was a Law , but to the Jews only , never to us . The New Testament never was a Law to any body at all , till 't was made so by Princes and Emperours . For Christ was no Law-giver : neither ( if he had made any Laws ) had he any Kingdom to practise in : neither did he by his civil Authority command any thing ; but only advis'd and counsel'd , &c. and sent out the Apostles to do the like ; who were to fish and allure ; ( Lev. p. 270. ) not like Nimrods by coercition and punishing to hunt men into Christianity . Phi. Most of this is true , Tim : but first of all I must chastise thee , for thy great saw●…yness in comparing my Leviathan to such a Raskallionscoundrel-Book as Gusman : and in the next place , for supposing me to be ambitious of having the Bibles turn'd out of Churches , and my Leviathan made Canonical . Tim. As for Gusman , Philautus , I am not , I must confess , much skill'd in that Author ; ( and if I were , it would take up a little too long time to debate the business throughly between you two ) but if that Book ben't ten times worse than any I ever saw yet , I don't question but it will furnish out a much honester Gentleman , a more faithful subject , and a truer Christian than yours shall do . And then as for your Leviathan being made Canon ; you know well enough , Philautus , 't was a thing you your self were not without some hopes of . Phi. What , Tim , did I ever hope , wish , or desire that my Leviathan might be appointed by Act of Parliament to be publickly read in all Churches , instead of the Bible ? Tim. You shall hear , Sir : Seeing , say you , ( Lev. p. 293. ) that neither Plato nor any other Philosopher hitherto , hath put into order and sufficiently proved all the Theorems of moral doctrine , that men may learn thereby how to govern , and how to obey ; I recover some hopes , say you , that one time or other , this writing of mine may fall into the hands of a Soveraign , who will consider it himself ( for 't is short , and I think clear ) without the help of any interessed , or envious interpreter ; and by the exercise of entire Soveraignty , in protecting the publick teaching of it , convert this truth of speculation , into the utility of practice . 'T is worth any Soveraigns pains indeed , to take a progress of a year or two to settle and protect in his Kingdom a Company of such speculations , which , if practis'd , would ( for all your kindness to him ) certainly ruine him . Phi. But here 's not a word , Tim , of my ever hoping that the Bible should give way to my Leviathan . What made you say that I had any such expectation or ambition ? Tim. Don't you remember , Philautus , what a huffing challenge you once sent to a Doctor of Divinity : how that you and your Leviathan should preach with him and his Bible ? and that without any such ceremonious foolery as ordination ; only the Soveraign should lend you one of his Life-guard to see you into the Pulpit , and to bang those that would not believe you . If , say you ( as I take it 't is in your Stigmai ) the Soveraign power give me command ( though without the ceremony of imposition of hands ) to teach the doctrine of my Leviathan in the Pulpit , why am not I , if my doctrine and life be as good as yours , a Minister as well as you . Right ; why are you not ? for 't is plain that you have the word of command , as well as the Doctor ; and a Minister has nothing more . And as for Authority , you are well enough with him ; for if he swaggers , and produces the Bishops Orders ; then can you bid your Life-guard man swagger too , and cock his Pistols : and then as to the Book that is preach'd out of , there 's no difference at all between you . For you preaching out of your Leviathan preach out of a Bible , as well as he . For a Bible ( in Greek ) is only a Book : and most certainly your Leviathan is a Book : and a most rare one too . But I pray , Philautus , how came it into your mind that the word of God does not oblige as much , ( if not a little more ) than the word of a Prince ? I must confess indeed that in the beginning of the 36th Chapter of your Leviathan , you have a very notable observation concerning the word of God ( as was just now hinted ) which , I don't remember , I ever met with in any Author : but I don't see , but that it may oblige for all that , without the supream Magistrate's drawing his sword . When there is mention , say you , of the word of God , it doth not signifie a part of speech such as Grammarians call a Noun or a Verb , or any simple voice , without a contexture of other words to make it significative ; but a perfect speech or discourse , whereby the speaker affirmeth , denieth , commandeth , promiseth , wisheth , or interrogateth : ( I profess Philautus would have been a thundering Preacher : how he pours it out ! affirmeth , denieth , commandeth , &c. ) in which sense 't is not vocabulum , that signifies a word ( I pray , Gentlemen , remember that , and turn down a proof ; ) 't is not vocabulum but sermo ( in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , some speech , discourse or saying . Without doubt , if the Soveraign had sent out Philautus , this same had been the beginning of his first holding forth . 'T is a most admirable introduction to a body of Divinity . But to proceed , Philautus , suppose the word of God ( as you have most painfully and learnedly made it out ) is neither Noun , Pronoun , Verb , Participle , nor any of the rest , but only the speech or discourse of God : I pray do so much as let me know ( I desire it once more ) some of your best reasons why this same speech , or discourse of God ( seeing you 'l so have it ) does not oblige us to believe it and practise it , unless it be authoriz'd by Kettle-drums , and Trumpets . Phi. Best reasons ? what an impudent trick is this of Tim , to call for my best reasons ? any surely are good enough for such a fellow as thou art : in the first place , if thou canst , thou art to understand that whatever was laid down by Christ himself , or his Apostles after him , as it was laid down by him or them , never did , neither does it now at all oblige . Tim. I am such a fool , Philautus , that methinks I had much rather mind , and observe what our Saviour said , than any thing that can be commanded by the General of an Army . Phi. You may mind and observe what you will ; but ( take that from me ) you 'l have little thanks for your labour . For it does not at all oblige , ( Lev. p. 284 , 285. ) as propounded by him . Tim. Why so ? Phi. Because 't is not Canonical . Tim. Canonical ? did not Christ and they that followed him give Articles of Faith , and rules of an holy life ? Phi. Yes : but neither he nor any of his Successours did ever lay down one obligatory Canon . For such a Canon is a Rule authoriz'd and injoin'd by the Common-wealth , &c. and that only is truly said to be Canonical , which is allow'd of , and made Canonical by the Soveraign : that is to say which is made Law in any Kingdom : for a Law is the commandment of that man , or assembly to whom we have given — Tim. Really , Philautus , if you don't leave that trick , I 'll get a new man to talk withal . Phi. What trick ? Tim. You can't come near the word Law , but presently you spring forth — for a Law is the commandment of that man or assembly , &c. and when 't is every whit to as little purpose , as 't is here . Phi. To as little purpose ? by the definition alone of a Law , namely , that a Law is the commandment of that man , or — Tim. What , shall we have it again ? Phi. I say , by that definition of a Law it is very evident that not any one Rule or precept in the whole New-Testament was an obligatory Canon : i. e. did really oblige any man living till the New-Testament was made Law. And I am sure it never was made Law till — Tim. Till when ? till 't was made Law. That 's all that Philautus will engage for : for he 's a very wary Gamester , and he 's as sure as can be that the Gospel was never publickly owned , nor appointed by any Prince to be read in any Kingdom or Common-wealth ; till that very day , hour , and minute that it was so own'd , and appointed , &c. Philautus , I say , is very sure of this ; and thus much he will certainly undertake for , and no more . Phi. 'T is false : for I undertake further to shew , that whatever our Saviour propounded to be done in order to Salvation ( till obedience thereunto was commanded by the Soveraign-Ruler ) was so far from obliging , that every man , without the least injustice , might refuse to observe — Tim. For injustice , ( should you have said ) is a breach of the commandment of that man , or assembly — Phi. Should have said ? what , Tim , dost thou undertake to teach me what I should have said : don 't I know when to break of , and when to go on ? Tim. Indeed , Sir , I think that in all right the definition of injustice ought to have come in there : for then the business had been plainly demonstrated . Phi. 'T is plainly demonstrable , Tim , that any man might refuse to obey whatever our Saviour said ( till 't was made Law ) without being unjust at all . Tim. Without being unjust ? to whom do you mean , Philautus ? Phi. To whom can a man be unjust but to his lawful Soveraign ; and to those with whom he contracts according to the Laws of his Country . Tim. Yes , yes : so I thought : I knew as well as could be , that the demonstration would be thereabouts . Phi. What did you know , Tim ? Tim. I know this , Philautus ; that a man may neglect to obey the precepts of Christ , and yet not be at all guilty of transporting of Leather , or Wool. Phi. How do you mean , Tim ? Tim. I mean this , Philautus ; suppose I ( being a subject of a Kingdom wherein there were no positive Laws against swearing or private Revenge , but plain and severe ones against transportation of Leather , and Wool ) had been present at our Saviour's Sermon ; and believed him and his doctrine : but notwithstanding had still continued a great swearer , and a most revengeful wretch ; thus far I durst venture to say ( and truly you may safely go along with me ) that swearing , to define it strictly , is not transportation of Leather , neither is revenge transportation of Wool. Phi. Nor are they a direct breach of any other particular Law of the Kingdom . Tim. How can they possibly be ? what are you mad , Philautus ? would you have those things to be a breach of the Laws of that Kingdom , which we have supposed not to have taken notice of any such things ? never certainly did Catchpole , Pettifogger , Forger of Wills , more intangle , shuffle , wrest , scrape , and patch , &c. to bring about their villanous designs : than you have rack'd and tortur'd those two poor words of Law and Justice to make your self singular in Irreligion . And as in your Morals , you have thereby endeavour'd to debauch humane nature , and to taint the very foundations of practical reason : so here you use the same silly artifice to frustrate the intentions of Christs coming into the World , and to void the obligation of those Precepts that he left behind him . Phi. You much mistake me , Tim , if you think me to be against Christ , or his Precepts : for Faith in him , and obedience to Laws is all that I count necessary to Salvati●…n . But thus much I say further , that nothing which either our Saviour or his Apostles propounded was truly Law , or did oblige ; for neither he , nor they had any Kingdom . And though there were many Kingdoms in the World ; over which Christ , if he had pleas'd , might have challeng'd to himself the Soveraign Power ; yet 't is plain , that he utterly disown'd all such publick and Regal authority , by saying , my Kingdom is not of this World. Now , say I , ( Lev. p. 286. ) they that have no Kingdom , can make no Laws . Tim. Well rhimed , Philautus ! Kingdom and Law. Phi. Why , can any man , Tim , make a Law , that is , give out some rule to be observed in a Nation , who has no Nation to give it to ? must not a man have Soveraign right to do it , and strength and authority to make it take effect ? Tim. Truly , Philautus , I cannot forbear to say , that if a private Country-Gentleman , in a rainy day , should contrive a set of Laws ; and send them , by the packet Boats into Foreign Countries , to look for a Nation , and people to observe them ; but that some of his Laws may chance to come home again unobserved . Phi. No question , Tim , but that they would : and the reason is because all Nations are ready stock'd ; and there 's never a void Nation for the Gentleman to vent his Laws in : and a Law is no Law , but where it is , or ought to be obeyed . Tim. But , I suppose , you don't look upon our Saviour ( who was immediately sent from God , and whom we believe , not minding what you do , to be the Son of God ) to be only a private person . Surely , Philautus , if you believe any God at all , you must also believe that he can both make and protect Laws without dispossessing of Princes , and keeping his standing Armies . You may remember that Christ could violently have been rescued by twelve Legions of Angels : and could have sent for as many to have enforc'd his Doctrine : which if he had done , then possibly it might have agreed with your great curiosity to have admitted his Precepts to have had the force of Laws : but , why do I talk to Philautus of such vain-Philosophy as twelve Legions of Angels ; which to him are only twelve Legions of Phantasms ; all to be discomfited with the brandishing of Horn-knifes , and the blast of Elder-Guns ? Phi. I don 't at all regard , Tim , any of all this : being most fully assur'd that I never read that Christ was chosen supream Magistrate of any place . Tim. Neither did you , I warrant you , ever read that he was so much as chosen Over-seer , or Church-Warden of any Parish . Phi. You are prophane , Tim. Tim. I bless God , that I believe Christ to be his Son ; and that I am more oblig'd to observe his Precepts ( without your indulgent favouring them to be termed Laws ) than the most immediate and direct commands of all the Princes in the World : and he that believes otherwise , I suppose , is the man that justly deserves the title of prophane . Phi. You may believe what you will , Tim : but 't is plain that Christ never took upon himself the Government of any Nation ; neither would he accept of any place of authority or publick employment . Tim. And I pray , Philautus , what do you think might be the reason of it ? don 't you think it was for fear people should not only believe his doctrine , but count themselves oblig'd to practise it ? was not that , Philautus , think you the business ? was it not to prevent some such great absurdity and inconvenience that might have happen'd in the World ? whereas now every one enjoys a most reasonable and blessed Liberty : and if the Gospel stands with a mans convenience , and be the fashionable Book at Court , it may then be read and practis'd not without some delight , and benefit : but when it either crosses my own particular interest , or the irresistible humour of my most dreadful Prince , thanks be to God , there be other judicious and practical Authors , in which a retired and studious Gentleman may make shift to spend his time , without any ways disobliging Gods second representative , Jesus Christ. This , Philautus , is such a kind of devout meditation as , I suppose , you take bed-ward . And from hence any one , that is not utterly blind , may plainly perceive , what it is that you count obligation : that is , when a man is so chain'd , rop'd or chorded down to his bargain that he can't possibly avoid submitting to 't ; such a man and none else will you allow to be truly oblig'd . Neither must he be fasten'd with such Chains and Chords as the joys and terrors of another life ; for they are at a great distance , and with Philautus , very metaphorical : but he is for visible Grammatical Hemp , and Iron , such as grow upon , and is digged out of the Earth . Where these things be , there 's reason , law , justice , and obligation ; but where they are missing , a man is as free as any fish in the Ocean . Thus if a man , suppose , has an hundred pound weight of shackles about him , and be under good store of locks ; I believe Philautus will grant such an one to be very properly and strictly oblig'd not to ride an Hunting : and if a man has half a dozen Pikes tickling him at the tail , 't is likely that he also may be look'd upon a soblig'd to march on : but if I privately without either witness or writings borrow a hundred pounds of a friend — Phi. If you do , you ought to pay it him again , upon demand . Tim. I ought ? why so ; how am I oblig'd ? where 's the shackles , where 's the Pikes , & c ? Phi. But you know well enough , Tim , that you did really and truly borrow of him so much money . Tim. Yes , Sir , that I do very well : but do you think , Philautus , that when a Gentleman has intrusted me with such a great secret as an hundred pounds , that I am such a great Booby , as to blab out this in open Court ? Phi. But you forget Conscience all this while , Tim. Tim. No more than you have forgotten it in all your writings . Can't I say to Conscience , Couchée Conscience : down Conscience : close and be still Conscience . That man certainly is a very passionate fool , that has so little command of his mouth , as not to be able to keep it shut , when 't is so much to his disadvantage to open it . And se●…ing we are faln upon Conscience , Philautus , let us put one case more : suppose you find a Neighbour of yours in a Ditch , just ready to perish : whose life , by wetting the end of your Cane , you might easily preserve — Phi. O , help him out , help him out , by all means . What a Man , a Neighbour , and a Christian and not help him out ! Tim. To what purpose ? do you owe him a helping out , or do you lay in one aforehand ? you don't consider , Philautus , that the end of your Cane being wetted may catch cold ; and this cold ( by motion ) may creep up to your hand ; and seising your hand , by degrees it may get into the whole mass of blood : and so bring you into some dangerous distemper ; a distemper that may cost you another confession : and if the Bishop be out of the way ; you must then send for the Lord Lieutenant of the County : for he 'l do as well as t'other being commission'd by the Prince : and , of the two , is the best and safest Conf●…ssour : for he is one of the immediate Lieutenants , under Gods Lieutenant ; and , if need be , can raise all his Militia , to defend such a confession as he and you shall agree upon . I say , Philautus , seeing your helping him out may occasion you so much trouble , if I were you , I 'd e'en let our Neighbour pass on in the business , he has begun . For if you don 't , there is still one much greater mischief that you don't think of . Phi. What 's that ? Tim. If , Philautus , you help him out of the Ditch now : you must needs so contrive it , that he may help you out another time . Phi. To what end , I prethee , Tim , should I wet and endanger my self when I need not ? Tim. There is a most absolute necessity of it . For if you omit to do 't ; this Neighbour of yours will be your utter Enemy , despise you , hate you , and as certainly contrive your death , as you help'd him out of the Ditch . Phi. If I thought so , Tim , he should e'en have gone on , for all Philautus , till he came to the bottom . What , shall I be thus rewarded for my great pains , and clemency ? shall he conspire to take away my life , because I endanger'd mine own , to save his ? this truly is very fine ingenuity , and morality ! Tim. 'T is just such ingenuous morality as you teach your Disciples , and would have them to practise . To have received , ( say you , Lev. p. 481. ) from one , to whom we think our selves equal , greater benefits than there is hope to requite , disposeth to counterfeit love ; ( meer cou●…terfeit love : he may come , Philautus , to your Bedside Morning and Evening , and there ask you blessing , and pretend to adore and worship you ; but all this is only to spy out some cunning place to lay a Barrel of Gunpowder , and to blow you up : for , as you go on very morally ) such benefits do really produce secret hatred ; and puts a man into the estate of a desperate Debtor , that in declining the sight of his Creditor , tacitely wishes him there , where he might never see him more . ( That would be just your case , Philautus ; for the ingenuous Neighbour , whom you have so much oblig'd , may , as was said , pretend to come to see you , but at his heart he wishes ten thousand Devils would fetch you away , so that he might never see you again ) for , as you further go on , benefits oblige ; and obligation is thraldom ; and unrequitable obligation , perpetual thraldom , which is to ones equal hateful . Phi. What a wondring you make , Tim , at this sentence ? whereas , I am confident , I could prove the truth of it from Histories of all Ages . Tim. I don 't at all question , but that in all Ages you may find Rogues and Raskals , somewhere or other : and 't is plain that that 's the very method you took , to make up your moral Philosophy . And whereas other Writers upon that subject were so civil to humane nature , and studious of the good of Mankind as to draw their observations from the most brave , the most vertuous , an●… most generous of Men and Princes : Philautus ( as may have formerly been hinted ) that he might be si●…gular , and sufficiently scandalize his own kind , appeals to nothing else but to the very dregs , and sink ; to the most vile and most unreasonable practi●…es for his Authority . Obligation is thraldom ! and unrequitable obligation perpetual thraldom and hateful ! Phi. What , han't you done wondring yet , Tim ? Tim. No , Sir : and I say fu●…her he that thinks so , and behaves himself accordingly : thinks non-sense , and behaves himself like a Beast . Phi. How do you know , Tim , but that Kings may have done so ? Tim. And how can I help it , if Kings won't live and act like men ? why , Philautus , for all your bountiful condescentions and mighty cringes to him that has the supream Authority ; I believe that such an one , if he don't observe the laws of nature ( which are known well enough without his interpretation ) may as plainly and easily be proved a Tyrant , in the Court of reason ; as an ordinary Subject that refuseth to obey his Laws , may be proved a Rebel in Westminster-Hall . But we are not at leasure , Philautus , for that dispute now . Phi. If you be , I am ready for you : but if you ben't then let me tell you ; that it is thought by some that Sir William Stanley far'd ne'er the better for his overmuch-obligation that he laid upon King Henry the 7th . in Bosworth-field . Tim. If , upon that very accompt , he far'd the worse , I say — Phi. What do you say ? What , Tim , prate against Kings ? Tim. No , Sir ; but I say that his present Majesty ( God bless him ) is a reasonable and great man , as well as a great King : who , when highly oblig'd by a late subject , could never be perswaded , by your sort of puny , and ill-natur'd Politicians , to think it tedious or reproachful so to be . Phi. That was because he was his superiour , and able to requite him ; but the obligation which I observe to be hateful is unrequitable obligation , such as is , for the most part , only amongst equals . Tim. Come , come Philautus ; for a need you can hate without standing upon the curiosity of equals : for if the obligation be but unrequitable , let it be where it will , 't is hateful to you . And upon this accompt , I suppose , it may be that seeing our blessed Saviour has laid , by his Death , an infinite and unrequitable obligation upon all Mankind ; therefore to revenge this kindness , you renounce both him and his Gospel . Phi. This is only railing , Tim , to which I have been so long accustom'd ; that I am pretty well season'd against it . For still I keep to this that nothing can be a Law , that is , a Precept that obliges , unless he that lays it down has both authority to do it , and coercive secular-power to make it good . Tim. And would any man in the World , but such a mad one as Philautus , think that a Commission , such as our Saviour had from the great God of Heaven and Earth should be of less authority than a ticket from Jack of Austria , or any tiny-earthly Potentate : or that those eternal rewards and punishments which our Saviour plainly promises and threatens should be less obliging than running the Gantelet , or an hours setting in the stocks ? but I know very well what it is that Philautus drives at : viz. if our Saviour had either determin'd the breadth of Stuffs , or the weight of bread : or had set a certain mulct or fine presently to be levy'd upon every iniquity , then possibly he might have passed for a Lawgiver ; and his word might have been taken without a Canonical Certificate from two Justices of the Peace . But to say that he that lives and dies in sin shall be eternally damn'd , was only a figurative expression , and a meer frolick which Christ began , and spoke to his Apostles and Disciples to put about . Phi. I am sure that the Gospel would find but very little entertainment , were it not for the Sword of Justice . Tim. Why what , I pray , does the Sword of Justice towards the making the Gospel oblige ? does the Magistrate thrust down the Gospel into his Subjects bellies , with his Sword of Justice ? if he did , 't would do them but very little good . For 't is plain , Philautus , to any one that knows what belongs to Religion ; that this same Sword of Justice which is to make the Scriptures Canonical has so very little of any obliging vertue in it , that he that does not count himself oblig'd to obey the Precepts of Christ , only because Christ gave them ( i. e. without your Sword of Justice ) is as far from salvation , as one that never heard of Christ at all . Phi. I suppose you don't imagine , Tim , the command of a lawful Prince to blast the obligation of the Gospel . Tim. No : but , I suppose , he that obeys the Gospel only out of complaisance to his Prince , will obey any other Book out of the same ●…omplaisance ; having no other God , nor Religion , but Power and the Sword. Phi. 'T is a very strange thing to me that the commands of Princes should have such little vertue in them ; whereas the chief thing that our Saviour order'd his Disciples to Preach , was obedience to Magistrates . And therefore St. Paul bids Children to obey their Parents in all things ; and servants in all things to obey their Masters : now , if it was Christs mind that such little Potentates , as Fathers and Masters of Families , should be obey'd in all things ; what shall we say to Fathers and Masters of Kingdoms ? Tim. What shall we say ? we must say that they must be obey'd in more than all things . Phi. In more than all things ? that 's non-sense , Tim , and impossible . But it was certainly our Saviours intention that they should be obey'd as far as was possible , i. e. in all things . Tim. Without doubt , Sir : and therefore when our Saviour Preach'd up obedience to Magistrates , and said that he came not to destroy but fullfil the Law , his meaning certainly , Philautus , must be this : viz. Whereas I , who am the true Son of God , am come into the World to give Salvation , and the true means leading thereunto ; which are meekness , sobriety , fidelity , charity , &c. yet , not to deceive you , you are to know that at present , I am only in a private capacity ; and this is no command , but only my private opinion , judgment and advice : and therefore if the supream Magistrate calls upon you to cheat , lye , swear , whore , sink , damn ; and to despise and renounce me and my doctrine ; never boggle or stand to consider of it ; but do 't , do 't : mind not at all what I said : for I call'd in now , only by the by : and this is a time only of friendly counsel and invitation . My time of commanding is not as yet come . But I shall have a time of it afterwards ; and that a very great one , when I come to be seated at Jerusalem ; and then I shall have great strength and a long Retinue : but in the mean while — obey in all things , whatever I say to the contrary . This is the very truth and bottom , Philautus , of all your Christianity . Phi. I am sure of this , that neither Christ nor his Apostles did any thing more than counsel and invite ; never did he , or they impose , or command . Tim. That is , when Christ sent out his Disciples to preach the Gospel , he did not bid them fire a Musket at every sentence : and when St. Paul exhorted the Corinthians to stand fast in the Faith ; he did not bid them do 't , in the Kings name . Phi. No ; nor in any other name of secular Authority . Tim. No ; for according to you , they only went up and down the World crying the Gospel : for a Preacher ( as you observe ) in Latin is Praeco ; that is , a Cryer or Proclamation-maker and as the Prophet Esay ( Lev. p. 286. ) invites and calls : ho , every man that thirsteth , &c. so they that were sent out to preach the Gospel did nothing more , but knock at mens doors , and cryed ho , will you have any Gospel within ? or else got upon a stool in the Market , and made Proclamation of the Gospel there ; which , according to Philautus , ( without any sin ) need not be any more minded than the singing of a Ballad : for Christ has no Kingdom as yet ; and where no Kingdom , there 's no command , and consequently no obligation . That a Philosopher and Poet should write this for sense or wit ; or that any body else should take it for such in the reading ! for , as for Religion , that 's not to be regarded . Phi. I am sure I have had many a serious thought about Religion : and have been very careful to keep a Conscience void of offence towards God , and towards my lawful Prince : for my lawful Prince is to be minded . Tim. Yes , Sir , your Prince must be minded : and truly you have complemented up a fine one . But let me tell you he 's not absolute and perfect , till you have remov'd one objection . Phi. What 's that ? Tim. You must needs take away Heaven and Hell : but especially Hell. Phi. I don't take away Hell. Tim. No ; not quite ; but you make such a little , pretty , easie , reasonable , convenient Hell for Villains , Traytors , Tyrants , and Atheists , as never was invented . Let me see , say you ( Lev. p. 238. ) I have promis'd my lawful Prince ( or the Ostler ) to blaspheme God , renounce Christ and burn my Bible : and for Peace and Government have advis'd others to do the like : but there be some squeamish , Clergyfied , disloyal Simpletons that will be afraid of Hell. Therefore I must needs make a little , pretty , tiny Hell. For otherwise my Eternal Almighty Prince may chance to be disobey'd , and the Peace disturbed . I shall only give you most of your own words , and so take leave . Seeing , say you , that the maintainance of civil society dependeth on justice , and justice on the power of life and 〈◊〉 , and other less reward●… and punishments residing in them that have the Soveraignty of the Common-wealth ; and seeing that 't is impossible that a Common-wealth should stand , where any other than the Soveraign hath a power of giving greater rewards than life ; and of inflicting greater punishments than death : and seeing surther that it is reported by Poets and some Bagpipe Divines , that Eternal life is a greater reward than the lise present , and Eternal torment a greater punishment , than the death of nature ; therefore , say you , let us make a pretty good Heaven , to invite people to obedience to Magistrates : but a very little Hell ( about the bigness of a Quartan-Ague ) for fear people should obey God more than Men. And accordingly you do 't . Phi. My Hell is a very reasonable Hell. Tim. I remember so much of it that all the men that ever were in the World are to live upon earth at the same time ; and 〈◊〉 , they 'l eat up one another in a day and a night or thereabouts , for want of pasture . Cast it up and you 'l find it so : you are a Mathematician : and so farewell . Phi. What won't you talk a little about the Trinity , & c ? Tim. I know what Persona signifies in the Dictionary , and therein lies all your Divinity . And therefore , I say again , Farewell . THE END . 
A64764	----	A brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses and refutations of such vulgar errours as our modern authors have hitherto omitted / by Eugenius Philalethes. Vaughan, Thomas, 1622-1666. 1669 Approx. 158 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64764 Wing V145 ESTC R1446 12075804 ocm 12075804 53586 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64764) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53586) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 587:2) A brief natural history intermixed with variety of philosophical discourses and refutations of such vulgar errours as our modern authors have hitherto omitted / by Eugenius Philalethes. Vaughan, Thomas, 1622-1666. [14], 120 p. Printed for Matthew Smelt ..., London : 1669. Attributed to Vaughan by Wing and Halkett and Laing. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-07 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-10 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BRIEF Natural History Intermixed with variety OF Philosophical Discourses ; AND REFUTATIONS Of such VULGAR ERROURS As our Modern Authors have hitherto omitted . By Eugenius Philalethes . LONDON Printed for Matthew Smelt next door to the Castle near Moor-gate . 1669. THE EPISTLE TO THE READER . I Presume I shall no sooner appear upon the Stage I am prepared for , but I must without evasion expect to be assaulted by that furious and inconsiderate Monster called Censour ; whose lashes I will receive with the same slight concern , the Lacedemonians did the cruelty of their Correctors , sporting themselves whilst their backs were torn with the unmerciful Whip . Of that efficacy is Resolution , that it presents pain but meer Opinion , and values a scoffing Lucian , or a satyrical Memphus , no more then a harmless Hellespont did the vain threats of a proud Xerxes . Seneca saith well , better aliud agere quam nihil , for Idleness is the Devils opportunity : the Considerations of which ( with my assent to the Judgment of Thucidides , who sayes , To know a thing and not to express it , is all one as thongh he knew it not ) made me to expose my self to publick view . My Subject is good and great , called by the Name of Nature ; here I present her , expressing mans Ingratitude , who is fit to strip her of those Robes of Priviledge that God himself hath endowed her with , not : considering that what she acts , is by the vertue of his Power ; and that She is one of those Mirrours that represents him to us , which a Philosophick Passion adores as the supream Efficient . But indeed , how can She expect our Veneration , till we have divested our selves of that prejudice ignorance possesses us with , which must be done by a serious reflex upon her Effects , as this little Volumn will acquaint you , if you read it with an impartial and unbyased Reason ; for I have , as all others of the same Inclination must do , used Philosophy as the Tellescope by which we must make our Observations , as you will , when you see , find my curiosity descending to little Insects , and that with wonder at their production out of Corruption ; from thence I view her care in beautifying this little Globe we live in , with Robes sutable to every Season ; and when I ascend the lower Region , and mark the Clouds ranging themselves in such bodies as though they intended another Deluge , it occasions wonder ; so likewise the coldness of the middle Region with the heat of the upper , and the Element of Fire , must be Miracles to ignorance . And if we observe the Moon , with the Motion attending that of the Seas flux and reflux , it would make us judge , that there is some secret contract made ab Origine betwixt her and the watery Element . Mercury and Venus I have spoken of in their places : the next that presents us with cause of Admiration , is the glorious Sun , the Luminary of the Universe , called by some , and not improperly , the Anima Mundi , for we find her approach gives life to Vegitives , sense to Animals , and almost a new Nature to Rationals . As for Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn , the Eighth Sphere , and Christalline Heaven , & the Empyreum , I have treated on , if not like a knowing Secretary of Nature , yet a submiss Admirer of her . And whereas I make a refutation of Errours , as an addition to my Title , some perhaps will say , I am like the Tinker , that for stopping of one hole make two , or for my refuting of one Errour , I have made two ; it may be I have in the Opinion of some : But whether I have or no , who shall be judge ? for what appears an Errour to one , is to another a very evident truth : sometimes a Week or a Day , nay an hour puts a change upon an Opinion of many years standing . But let my Errours be as great and as many as I pretend to correct , Reason shall convince me , and command my Acknowledgment ; for it 's our Errours that presents us human . I have writ this to give Satisfaction to others if I can ; but if not , howsoever I have secured it to my self ; And let the Reader judge of it as it pleases him . I have writ that which delights me ; And if envie cause a misapplication of my intention , it matters not , the contempt of it will make me bold to say , I value it and thee after the rate as thou dost it and me . The assertions here laid down are plain and perspicuous , convincing and satisfactory to the intelligent . But I know that common prejudice which is usually taken of any thing ( though never so true ) which is contrary to any mans belief , it does beget such Passion and animosity , &c. and makes such a breach as is hardly to be repaired . And since our own Opinion may make it disputable what reason we have to pretend of convince another by , I shall only offer this for common satisfaction , that things demonstrable are the most evident marks of Truth ; and that they are so clearly manifested in this little Book , deserves nothing but sobriety and moderation , and a well weighing of the matter herein contained . Reader , I am loth to leave thee , but that I would not keep thee from the Book it self , which I hope will be to thy ample satisfaction , &c. Vale. Eugenius Philalethes . A Brief Natural History Intermixed With variety of Philosophical Discourses , &c. GOD by his presential Essence gives unto all things an Essence ; so that if he should withdraw himself from them , as out of Nothing they were first made , so into Nothing they would be again resolved . In the preservation then of the Creature , we are not to consider so much the impotency and weakness thereof , as the goodness , wisdom , and power of the Creator , in whom , and by whom , and for whom , they live , move , and have their being . The spirit of the Lord filleth the world , saith the Author of the Wisdom of Solomon ; and the secret working of the Spirit , which thus pierceth through all things , as Virgil AEneid 6 , hath excellently exprest , Principio coelum ac terras camposque Liquentes , Lucentemque globum Lunae , Titaniaq , astra , Spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus , Mens agitat molem & magno se corpore miscet . The Heavens , the Earth , and all the Liquid Main , The Moons bright Globe and Stats Titanian ; A Spirit within maintains , and their whole Mass A Mind , which through each part infus'd doth pass , Fashions and works and wholly doth transpierce All this great body of the Universe . The Spirit the Platonists call the Soul of the World ; by it , it is in some sort quickned and formalized , as the body of Man is by its reasonable Soul. There is no question then , but that this Soul of the World , ( if we may so speak with reverence ) being in truth no other then the immortal spirit of the Creator , is able for to make the Body of the World Immortal ; and to preserve it from Dissolution ; as he doth the Angels , and the spirits of men , were it not , that he hath determined to dissolve it by the same supernatural and extraordinary Power , by which at the first he gave it existence . For my own part I constantly believe that it had a beginning , and shall have an ending ; and judg him not worthy of the name of a Christian ; who is not of the same mind : yet so as I believe both to be matter of faith ; Through Faith we understand that the Worlds were framed by the Word of God , Heb. 11. 3. And through the same Faith we understand likewise , that they shall be again unframed by the same Word . Reason may grope at this truth in the dark ; howbeit , it can never clearly apprehend it , till it be enlightned by the bright beams of Faith. Though I deny not but that it is probable , though not demonstrative , and convincing Arguments may be drawn from the discourse of Reason to prove either the one or the other . I remember the Philosophers propose a question , Uirum Mundus filo generall concursu Dei perpet●● durare possit ? and for the most part they conclude it affirmatively , even such as professed the Christian Religion , and for the proof of this assertion , they bring in effect this reason . The Heavens , say they , are of a nature which is not capable of it self of corruption ; the loss of the Elements is recovered by compensation , of mixt bodies without Life by accretion , of living bodies by succession , the fall of the one being the rise of the other : as Rome triumphed in the ruines of Alba , and the depression of one Scale is the elevation of another ; according to that of Solomon , One generation passeth away , and another generation cometh , but the Earth abideth for ever , Eccles. 1. 4. Again , all Subcoelestial Bodies ( as is evident ) consist of Matter and Form ; now the first Matter having nothing contrary unto it , cannot by the force of Nature be destroyed ; and being Created immediately by God , it cannot be abolished by any inferiour Agent . And as for the Forms of Natural Bodies , no sooner doth any one abandon the Matter it informed , but another instantly steps into the place thereof ; no sooner hath one acted his part and is retired , but another presently comes forth upon the Stage , though it may be in a different shape , and to act a different part ; so that no proportion of Matter is , or at any time can be altogether void and empty ; but like Vertumnes or Proteus it turns it self into a thousand Shapes , and is alwayes supplied and furnished with one Form or other , by a power Divine above Nature : but to proceed , such and so great is the Wisdom , the Bounty , and the Omnipotence which God hath expressed in the Frame of the Heavens , that the Psalmist might justly say , The Heavens declare the glory of God , Psal. 19. 1. The Sun , and the Moon , and the Stars serving as so many Silver and Golden Characters , embroidered upon azure for the daily Preaching and Publishing thereof to the World. And surely if he have made the floor of this great house so beautiful , and garnished it with such wonderful variety of Beasts , of Trees , of Herbs , of Flowers , we need wonder the less at the Magnificence of the Roof , which is the highest part of the World , and the nearest to the Mansion House of Saints and Angels . Now as the excellency of these bodies appear in their Situation , their Matter , their Magnitude , and their Spherical and Circular Figure ; so specially in their great use and efficacy ; not only that they are for Signes and Seasons and for Days and Years ; but in that by their Motion , their Light , their warmth , and Influence , they guide and govern , nay cherish and maintain , breed and beget these Inferiour Bodies , even of Man himself , for whose sake the Heavens were made . It is truly said of the Prince of Philosophers , Sol & homo generunt hominem , the Sun and Man beget Man. Man concurring in the generation of Man as an immediate , and the Sun as a remote cause . And in another place he doubts not to affirm of this inferiour World in general . Necessa est Mundum inferiorem super in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibus continuari , ut ●●●●is inde Virtus ●●rivetur . It is requisite , that these inferiour parts of the World should be co-joyned to the Motions of the higher Bodies , that so all their Virtue and vigour might be from thence derived . There is no question but the Heavens have a marvellous great stroak upon the Air , the Water , the Earth , the Plants , the Mettals , the Beasts , and upon Man himself , at least wise in regard of his body and natural faculties . To let pass the quailing and withering of all things by their recess , and their reviving and resurrection , ( as it were ) by the reaccess of the Sun. I am of opinion , that the sap of the trees so precisely follows the motion of the Sun , that it never rests , but is in a continual agitation , as the Sun it self ; which no sooner arrives at the Tropick , but he instantly returns , and even at the very instant ( as I conceive ) and I think it may be demonstrated by experimental Conclusions ) the sap which by degrees descended with the declination of the Sun , begins to remove at the approach thereof , by the same steps that it descended : And as the approach of the Sun is scarce sensible at his first return , but afterwards the day increases more in one week , than before in two ; in like manner also fares it with the Sap , in Plants , which at the first ascends up insensibly and slowly , but within a while much more swiftly and apparently . It is certain that the Tulip , Marigold , and Sun-flower open with the rising , and shut with the setting of the Sun ; so that though the Sun appear not , a man may more infallibly know when it is high noon by their full spreading , then by the Index of a Clock or Watch. The Hop in its growing windeth it self about the Pole , always following the course of the Sun from East to West , and can by no means be drawn to the contrary , choosing rather to break then yield . It is observed , by those that Sayl between the Tropicks , that there is a constant set Wind , blowing from the East to the West , Saylers call it the Breeze , which rises and falls with the Sun , and is always highest at noon ; and is commonly so strong , partly by its own blowing , and partly by over-ruling the Currant , that they who sayl to Peru , cannot well return the same way they came forth : And generally Marriners do observe , that caeteris paribus , they sayl with more speed from the East to the West , then back again from the West to the East , in the same compass of time . All which should argue a wheeling about of the Air , and Waters by the diurnal Motion of the Heavens , and especial by the motion of the Sun. Whereunto may be added , that high-Sea springs of the year , are always nearer about the two AEquinoctials and Solstices ; and the Cock as a trusty Watchman , both at midnight and break of day , gives notice of the Suns approach . These be the strange and secret effects of the Sun , upon the inferiour Bodies ; whence by the Gentiles he was held the visible God of the World : and termed the Eye thereof , which alone saw all things in the World , and by which the World saw all things in it self . Omnia qui videt , & per quem videt omnia Mundus . And most notably it is described by the Psalmist , in them hath he set a Tabernacle for the Sun , which is as a Bridegroom coming out of his Chamber , and rejoyceth as a strong man to run a race , his going forth is from the beginning of the Heaven , and his Circuite to the end of it , and there is nothing hid from the heat thereof , Psal. 19 4 , 5 , 6. Now as the effects of the Sun , the head-spring of Light and warmth , are upon these inferiour Bodies more active , so those of the Moon ( as being Ultima caelo , Citima terris , nearer the Earth , and holding a greater resemblance therewith ) are no less Manifest . And therefore the Husbandman in sowing and setting , grafting , and planting , lopping of Trees , and felling of Timber , and the like , upon good reason observes the waxing and waining of the Moon , which Learned Zanchius in his Operibus Dei , well allows of ; commending Hesiod for his rules therein Quod ex Lunae decrementis & incrementis totius agricolationis signa notet , quis improbet ? who can mislike it that Hesiod sets down the signs , in the whole course of Husbandry , from the waxing and waining of the Moon : the Tides and ebbs of the Sea follow the course of it , so exactly , as the Sea-men will tell you the age of the Moon only by the sight of the Tide as certainly , as if he saw it in the water . It is the observation of Aristotle and Pliny out of him , That Oysters , Mussels , Cockles , Lobsters , Crabbs , &c. and generally all Shell-fish grow fuller in the increase of the Moon , but emptier in the decrease thereof . Such a strong predominancy it hath upon the Brain of Man , that Lunaticks borrow their very name from it ; as also doth the Stone Selenites ; whose property , as St. Augustine and Georgius Agricola records it , is to increase and decrease in Light with the Moon , carrying always the resemblance thereof with it self . Neither can it reasonably be imagined , that other Planets , and Stars , and parts of Heaven , are without their forcible operations upon these lower Bodies , specially considering that the very Plants and Herbs of the Earth , which we tread upon , have their several vertues , as well single by themselves , as in composition with other ingredients . The Physitian in opening of a Vein , hath ever an eye to the Sign then reigning . The Canicular Star , especially in those hotter Climates , was by the Ancients always held a dangerous Enemy to the practise of Physick , and all kind of Evacuations . Nay , Galen himself , the Oracle of that profession , adviseth practitioners in that Art , in all their cures , to have a special regard to the reigning Constellations and Conjunctions of the Planets . But the most admirable m●stery of Nature , in my Mind , is the turning of Iron touched with the Load-stone towards the North Pole ; ( of which I shall have occasion to discourse more largely hereafter in another Tract , ) neither were it hard to add much more to that which hath been said , to shew the dependance of these Elementary Bodies upon the Heavenly : Almighty God having ordained , that the higher should serve as intermediate Agents , or secondary Causes ; but so , as in the Wheels of a Clock ; though the failing of the Superiour , cannot but cause a failing in the Inferiour , yet the failing of the Inferiour , may well argue somewhat for it self , though it cannot cause a failing in the Superiour , we have great Reason then , as I conceive , to begin with the examination of the State of Coelestial Bodies , in as much as upon them the condition of the subcoelestial depends . Wherein five things will offer themselves to our consideration , their Substances , their Motion , their Light , their Warmth and their Influence . That the Heavens are endued with some kind of Matter , though some Philosophers in their jangling humours , have made a doubt of it , yet I think no sober and wise Christian will deny it : But whether the Matter of it be the same with that of these inferiour Bodies , adhuc sub Judice lis est , it hath been and still is a great question among Divines . The Ancient Fathers and Doctors of the Primitive Church for the most part following Plato , hold that it agrees with the nature of the Elementary Bodies , yet so as it is compounded of the finest flower , and choicest delicacy of the Elements : But the Schoolmen on the one side , that follow Aristotle , adhere to his Quintessence , and by no means will be beaten from it , since , say they , If the Elements and the Heavens should agree in the same Matter , it should consequently follow , that there should be a mutual Traffique and , Commerce , a reciprocal Action and Passion between them , which would soon draw on a change , and by degrees a ruine upon those glorious Bodies . Now though this point will never ( I think ) be fully and finally determined , till we come to be inhabitants of that place , whereof we dispute ; ( for hardly do we guess aright at things that are upon Earth . And with labour do we find the things that a●e at hand ; but the things that are in Heaven , who hath searched out ? Wis● . 9. 16. Yet for the present , I should state it thus , that they agree in the same Original Matter ; and surely Moses , methinks , seems to favour this opinion , making but one Matter , ( as far as I can gather from the Text ) out of which all bodily substances were Created . Unus irat toto vultus in Orbe . Ovid. 1. Metam . So as the Heavens , though they be not compounded of the Elements , yet are they made of the same Matter that the Elements are compounded of ; They are not subject to the qualities of heat , cold , or drought , or moisture , nor yet to weight , or lightness , which arise from those qualities , but have a Form given them , which differeth from the Forms of all corruptible Bodies , so as it suffereth nor , nor can it suffer from any of them being so excellent and perfect in it self , as it wholly satiateth the appetite of the Matter , that is informeth . The Coelestial Bodies then , meeting with so noble a Form to actuate them , are not , nor cannot , in the course of Nature , be lyable to any Generation or Corruption , in regard of their Substance ; to any augmentation or diminution , in regard of their quantity ; no nor any obstructive alteration , in respect of their qualities . I am not ignorant that the controversies touching the Form , what it should be , is no less then touching the Matter ; some holding it to be a living and a quickning Spirit , nay a sensitive and rational Soul ; which opinion is stiffly maintained by many great and learned Clerks , both Jews and Gentiles , and Christians , supposing it unreasonable that the Heavens which impart life to other Bodies , should themselves be destitute of Life : But this Errour is notably discovered and confuted by Claudius Espenatus , a famous Doctor of Sorbone , in a Treatise which he purposely composed on that point de Caelorum animatione : In as much as what is denied those bodies in Life , in Sense , in Reason , is abundantly supplied in their constant and unchangeable duration , arising from that inviolable knot & indissoluble Marriage , betwixt the Matter and the Form , which can never suffer any Divorce , but from that hand which first joyned them . And howbeit it cannot be denyed , that not only the reasonable Soul of Man , but the sensitive of the least Gnat that flies in the Air , and the vegetative of the basest Plant that springs out of the Earth , are ( in that they are indued with Life ) more Divine , and nearer approaching the Fountain of Life , then the Formes of the Heavenly Bodies ; yet as the Apostle speaketh of Faith , Hope , and Charity , concludes Charity to be the greatest , ( though by Faith we do apprehend and apply the merits of Christ ) because it is more universal in operation , and lassing in duration ; so though the Formes of the Creatures endued with Life do in that regard , come a step nearer to the Deity , then the Formes of the Heavenly Bodies , which are without Life , yet if we regard their purity , their beauty , their efficacy , their indeficiency in moving , their universallity and independency in working , there is no question , but that the Heavens may in that respect be preferred , even before Man himself , for whose sake they were made ; Man being indeed Immortal , in regard of his Soul , but the Heavens in regard of their Bodies , as being made of an incorruptible stuff . Which cannot well stand with their opinion , who held them to be compos'd of Fire , or the Waters , which in the first of Genesis are said to be above the Firmament , and in the hundred forty eight Psalm , Above the Heavens , are above the Heavens we now treat of , for the tempering and qualifying of their heat , as did St. Ambrose , and St. Augustine hold , and many others , venerable for their Antiquity , Learning , and Piety . Touching the former of which Opinions , we shall have fitter opportunity to discourse , when we come to Treat of the warmth caused by the Heavens . But touching the Second , it seems to have been grounded upon a mistake of the Word Firmament , which by the Ancients was commonly appropriated to the eighth Sphere , in which are feated the fixed Starrs ; whereas the Original Hebrew ( which properly signifies Extention , or Expansion ) In the first of Genesis , is not only applied to the Spheres in which the Sun and Moon are planted , but to the lowest Region of the Air , in which the Birds flie ; and so do I with Pareus and Pererius , take it to be understood in this controversie . This Region of the Air being , as St. Augustine somewhere speaks , Terminus intransgressibilis , a firme and irremoveable wall of seperation betwixt the waters that are bred in the bowels of the Earth , and those of the Clouds . And for the Word Heaven , which is used in the hundred fortyeighth Psalm , it is likewise applied to the middle Region of the Air , by the Prophet Jere●y , Jer. 10. 13. Which may serve for a Gloss upon the Text alleaged out of the Psalm , When he uttereth his voice , there is a noise of the waters in the Heavens , and he causeth the vapours to ascend from the ends of the Earth . Now , the Schoolmen finding that the placing of the waters above the Starry Heavens , was both unnatural and unuseful , and yet not being well acquainted with the propriety of the Hebrew Word , to salve the matter , tell us of a Christaline or glassie Heaven , above the eight Sphere , which say they , is undoubtedly the waters above the firmament , mentioned by Moses ; which exposition of theirs , doth cross the course of Moses his Historical Narration , his purpose being as it seems , only to write the History of things which were visible and sensible , as appeareth in part by his omitting the Creation of Angels ; whereas the Christaline Heaven they speak of , is not only invisible and insensible ; but was not at all discovered to be , till the days of Hipparchus or Ptolomy . And as for the fresh lustre and brightness wherewith , as is commonly thought , the Heavens shall be renewed at the last day , as a garment by the turning is changed , and by changing refreshed , it may be well by the making them more resplendent then now they are , or ever at any time were since their first Creation , not by the scowring of contracted rust , but adding a new gloss and augmentation of glory . And whereas some Authors have not doubted to make the spots and shadows appearing in the face of the Moon to be unredoubted arguments of that contracted rust ; if those spots had not been original and native , of equal date with the Moon her self , but had been contracted by the continuance of time , as wrinkles are in the most beautiful faces , they had said somewhat , but that they were above fifteen hundred years agoe , appeareth by Plutarch's discourse de Maculis in facie Lunae ; and that they have any whit since increased , it cannot be sufficiently proved . Perchance by the help of the late invented perspective-glass , they have been more clearly and distinctly discerned then in former ages , but that proves no more that they were not there before , then that the Sydera Medcaeo , lately discovered by the vertue of the same Instruments , were not before in being , which the discoverers themselves knew well enough they could not with any colour of reason affirm . Howbeit it cannot be denyed , but that new Stars have at times appeared in the Firmament ; as some think , that was at our Saviours Birth ; in as much as it appointed out the very House in which he was born , by standing over it , and was not ( for ought we find ) observed by the Mathematicians of those times ; I would rather think it to be a blazing Light created in the Region of the Air , carrying the resemblance of a Star , seated in the Firmament . As for that which appeared in Cassiopaea in the year One thousand five hundred and seventy two , ( the very year of the great Massacre in France ) I think it cannot well be gainsaid to have been a true Star , it being observed by the most skillful and famous Astronomers of that time , to hold the same Aspect in all places in Christendom , to run the same course , to keep the same proportion , distance , and situation , every-where , and in every point , with the fixed Stars , for the space of two whole years . But this I take not to have been the effect of Nature , but the Supernatural and miraculous work of Almighty God , the first Author and free disposer of Nature . And the like may be said of all such Comets which have at any time evidently appeared , ( if any such evidence can be given ) to be above the Globe of the Moon . St. Augustine in his de Civitate Dei , reports of Varro's book entituled de Gente Populi Romani ; and he out of Castor , touching the Planet Venus , which to add the greater weight and credit to the relation , being somewhat strange and rare , I will set it down in the very words of Varro , as I find them quoted by St. Augustine , in coelo mirabile extitit portentum , n●m in Stella Veneris nobilissima , quam Plautus vesperuginem , Homerus . Hisperon appellat , pulcherimam dicent : Castor scribit tantum portentum ex●●tisse , ut mutaret color●● , magnitudinam & figuram , eursum , quod factum ita neque antea , neque postea ●i● , hoc factum Ogyge Rege , dicebant Adrastus , Cyzicenus , & Dyon Neapolites . Mathematici Nobiles , saith he , appeared a marveilous great wonder , the most noted Star cal'd Venus , which Plautus calls Vesperugo , and Homer Vesperus the fair , as Castor hath left upon Record , changed both colour , and bigness , figure and motion , which accident was never seen before , nor since that time ; the renouned Mathematicians Adrastus and Dion averring that this fell out during the Reign of King Ogyges ; which wonder , neither Varro nor Augustine ascribe to the changeable matter of the Heavens , but to the unchangeable will of the Creator . And therefore the one calls it as we see mirabile portentum , and the other makes this Comment upon it , that it happened , quia ille voluit qui summo regit imperio ac potestate quod condidit , because he would have it so , who governs all things that he hath made , with a Soveraign independing Power . So that two special reasons may be rendred for these extraordinary unusual Apparitions in Heaven ; the one that they may declare to the World that they have a Creatour and Commander , who can alter and destroy their Natures , restrain or suspend their operations at his pleasure , which should keep men from worshiping them as Gods , since they cannot keep themselves from alteration . The other to portend and foreshew his Judgments , as did that new Star in Caessopaeia , a most unnatural inundation of Blood in France ; And this change in Venus , such a Deluge in Achaia , as it overflowed , and so wasted the whole Country , that for the space of Two hundred years after , it was not Inhabited . It will next fall to our task to Discover of the Eclipses , of which Virgil , in his Georg. Lib. 2. Calls , Defectus Solis varios Lunaeque Labores . Defects and travels of the Sun and Moon . As also the manner of the Ancient Romans while such Eclipses lasted ; who as Tacitus in his Annals saith , Lib. 7. Did use to lift up burning Torches towards Heaven , and withal to beat pans of Brass and Basons , as we do in following of a swarm of Bees . So B●etius , Lib. 4. Met. Comm●v●t Gentes publicus Error , Lassantque cr●bris p●lsibus ara . A Common Error through the world doth pass , And many a stroke they lay on pans of Brass . And Manilius speaking of the appearance of the Moons Eclipse by degrees , in diverse parts of the Earth , in his Lib. 1. Seraque in extremis quatiunt●● gentibus ara . The utmost Coasts do beat their Brass pans Last . And Juvenal the Satyrist wittily describing a tatling Gosship in his Lib. 2. Sat. 6. Una l●boranti poterit succurr●re Lunae . She only were enough to help The Labours of the Moon . They thought thereby they did the Moon great ease , and helped her in her Labour ; as Plutarch in his Life of AEmilius observeth : That AEmilius himself a wise man , as the same Author there Witnesseth , did congratulate the Moons delivery from an Ecclipse with a solemn Sacrifice , as soon as she shined out bright again ; which action of his , that prudent Philosopher and sage Historian , doth not only relate , but approve and commendeth it as a sign of godliness and devotion ; yea this Heathenish and Sottish custom of relieving the Moon in this case by noise and out-cries , the Christians it seems borrowed from the Gentiles , as St Ambrose expresses in his Ser. 83. And Maximus Turriuensis hath a Homile to the same purpose . Whereas Aristotle in his eighth Book of his Metaphysicks , makes it plainly to appear , That the Moon suffereth nothing by her Ecclipse ; where also he evidenceth by reason , that it is caused by the shadow of the Earth , interposed betwixt the Sun and the Moon : as in exchange or revenge thereof ( as Pliny speaketh ) the Ecclipse of the Sun is caused by the Interposition of the Moon , betwixt the Earth and it . The Moon so depriving the Earth ; and again , the Earth , the Moon of the beams of the Sun : which is the true cause , that in the course of Nature , the Moon is never Ecclipsed but when she is Full , the Sun and She being then in opposition ; nor the Sun , but when it is New Moon ; those two Planets being then in Conjunction : I say , in the course of Nature ; fo● the Ecclipse at our Saviours Passion , was undoubtedly Supernatural : Quam solis obscurationem ●●● ex ●●nico syder●●● cursu accidisse satis oftenditur , quod tune er at Pascha Jude●●● , nam pl●nae Luna solemniter , agitur , saith St. Augustin Lib. 3. Civit . Dei , cap. 15. It is evident , that that Ecclipse of the Sun happened not by an ordinary and orderly course of the Starrs , it being then the Passover of the Jews , which was solemnized at the Full Moon ; And this was it , that gave occasion , as is commonly believed , to that memorable exclamation of Dennys the Areopagite , being then in Egypt , Aut Diu● Natur● patitur , aut Machina M●●●di dissolvetur ; Either the God of Nature suffers , or the Frame of the World will be dissolved . And hereupon too , as it is thought by some , was erected the Altar at Athens , Ignot● De● , T● the unknown God , Act. 17. 23. Though others think , that this Eclipse was confined , in the borders of Judaea ; howsoever it cannot be denyed , but that it was certainly besides and above the compass of Nature . Neither ought it to seem strange , That the Sun in the Firmament of Heaven should appear to suffer , when the Sun of Righteousness indeed Suffered upon the Earth . But for other Ecclipses , though the causes be not commonly known , yet the ignorance of them was it which caused so much Superstition in former Ages , and left that impression in mens minds , as even at this day , wise men can hardly be perswaded , but that those Planets suffer in their Ecclipses , which in the Sun is most childish and ridiculous to imagine ; since in it self , it is not so much as deprived of any Light , nor in truth can be , it being the Fountain of Light , from which all other Starrs borrow their Light , but pay nothing back again to it , by way of retribution . Which was well expressed by Pericles , as Plutarch in his Life reports it , for there happening an Ecclipse of the Sun , at the very instant when his Navy was ready to Lanch forth , and himself was imbarked ; his followers began much to be appald at it , but especially the Master of his own Gally , which Pericles perceiving ; takes his Cloak , and therewith hood winks the Masters eyes , and then demands of him , what danger was in that , he answering none , Neither said Pericles is there in this Ecclipse ; there being no difference betwixt that Vail and my Cloak , with which the Sun is covered , but only in bigness . And the truth is that the Sun then suffered no more by the intervening of the Moon , then from Pericles Cloak , or daily doth from the Clouds in the Air , which hinder the sight of it ; or by the interposing of the Planet Mercury , which hath sometimes appeared as a spot in it . But whether these Ecclipses either cause or presage any change in these inferiour Bodies , I shall have fitter occasion to examine hereafter ; and so I pass from the Consideration of the substance , to the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies . Motion is so universal and innate a property ; and so proper an affection to all Natural Bodies , that the great Philosopher knew not better how to define Nature , then by making ●● the Engineere and Principle of Motion ; and therefore as other Objects , are only discernable by the sense , as colours , and sounds by hearing , Motion is discernable by both , nay and by feeling too , which is a third sense really distinguished from them both . That there is in the Heavenly Bodies , no motion of Generation or Corruption , and of Augmentation or Diminution , or Alteration , I have already shewed . There are also , by reason of the incredible swiftness of the first Mover , and some other such Reasons ; dare deny , ( as Copernicus doth ) that there is in them any Lation , or Local motion , herein flatly opposing in my judgment both Scripture , Reason , and Sense ; But take it as granted , without any dispute , that a Local motion there is ; which is the measure of Time , as Time again is the measure of Motion ; the Line of Motion , and the Thred of Time , being both spun out together : some doubt there is touching the Mover of these Heavenly Bodies , what or how it should be ; some ascribing it to their Matter , some to their Form , and some to their Figure , and many to the Angels , or Intelligences ; as they call them , which they suppose to be set over them . For mine own part ; I should think that all these , and every one of them , might not unjustly challenge a part in that Motion : the Matter as being neither light nor heavy ; the Form as well agreeing with such a Matter ; the Figure as being Spherical or Circular ; the Intelligence as an assistant : in the Matter is a disposition ; for where light Bodies naturally move upward , and heavy downward , that which is neither light nor heavy , is rather disposed to a Circular motion , which is neither upward nor downward . In the Figure is an inclination to that motion , as in a Wheel to be carried round , from the Form an inchoation or onset : and Lastly , from the intelligence , a continuance or perpetuation thereof , as that great Divine Hooker in his Ecclesiastical policy , 5. 69. Expresseth , ( saith he , ) Gods own Eternity is the bound which leadeth Angels in the course of their perpetuity , the perpetuity the hand that draweth out Coelestial Motion ; that as the Elementary substances are governed by the Heavenly , so might the Heavenly by the Angelical . As the Corruptible by the Incorruptible , so the Material by the Immaterial , and all Finites by an Infinite . It is the joynt consent of the Platonicks , Peripateticks , Stoicks and all noted Sects of Philosophers , who acknowledg the Divine Power , with whom agree the greatest part of our Christian Doctors ; That the Heavens are moved by Angles , neither is there in truth any sufficient means beside it , to discover the being of such Creatures by the discourse of Reason . The most signal Motions of the Heavens ( beside their Re●rogations Treoidations , Librations , and I know not what hard Words , which the Astronomers have devised to reconcile the diversity of their observations ; ) are the Diurnal Motion of the fixed Starrs and Planets , and all the Coelestial Spheres , from East to the West , in the compass of 〈◊〉 four and twenty hours , and the 〈◊〉 Motion of them all , from the West to 〈◊〉 These Motions , whether they perform themselves , without the help of Orbes , as Fishes in the Water , or Birds in the Air ; or fastned to their Spheres , as a Gemme in a Ring , or a Nail or knot in a Cart Wheele , I cannot easily determine : howbeit I confess , we cannot well imagin how one and the same body should be carryed with opposite Motions , but by the help of somewhat in which it is carryed . As the Marriner may be carryed by the Motion of his Ship , from the East to the West , and yet himself may walk from the West to the East in the same Ship : or a Flie may be carried from the North to the South upon a Cart-Wheel , and yet may go from the South to the North upon the same Wheele ; but howsoever it be , it is evident , that their Motions are even and regular , without the least jarr or discord , variation or uncertainty , languishing or defect that may be ; which were it not so , there could be no certain demonstrations made upon the Globe or Material Sphere : which notwithstanding , by the Testimony of Claudian , are most infallible , as appears by those his elegant Verses upon Archimedes admirable invention thereof . Jupiter ●● paervo cum cerneret aethera vitr● , Risit , 〈◊〉 superos talia dicta dedit : Huc 〈…〉 alis progressa potentia curae ? Jam 〈◊〉 fragili luditur Orbe labor Jura Poli , ●erumque fidem ●igesque ; Deorum Ecce Syracusus transtulit arte Senex . Inclusus variis famulatur spiritus astris Percurrit propri●m mentitus signiser annum Et simulati● novo Cynthia mense redit . Jamque suum volvens audax industria Mundum Gaudet & Humana sydera mense regit . When Jove within a little glass survaid The Heavens , he smil'd , and to the Gods thus said ; Can strength of Mortal Witt proceed thus far ? Loe in a fraile Orbe my works matched are . Hither the Syracusians art Translates Heavens form , the course of things , and human fates . Th' included Spirit serving the Star decked signes , The living Work in constant Motion windes . Th' adulterate Z●diak runs a Natural year And Cynthias forg'd horns monthly new light bear , Viewing her own world ; now bold industry Triumphes and rules with human power the skie . The Gentiles saith Julian ( As Cyril in his third Book against him , reports it ) Violentes nihil eorum quae circa caelum minus vel augere n●que ullam sustinere de ●rdinatum affectionem , sed congruam illius motionem ac bene optatam ordinem ; definitas queque leges Lunae , definites ortus & occasus solis , statutis semper temporibus , merito Deu● & D●i solium suspicabantur . Seeing no part of Heaven to be diminished and decreased , to suffer no irregular affection , but the Motion thereof , to be as duly and as orderly performed as could be de●ired , the waxing and waining of the Moon , the rising and setting of the Sun to be setled and constant at fixed and certain times ; they deservedly admired it as God , or as the Throne of God. The order and Regulation of which Motions we shall easily perceive by taking a particular view of them . I will touch only those of the Planets . The proper Motion of Saturn was by the Ancients observed , and is now likewise found by our Modern Astronomers , to be accomplished within the space of thirty years , that of Jupiter in twelve , that of Mars in two , that of the Sun in Three hundred sixty and five dayes and almost six hours : neither do we find that they have quickned or any way slackned these their courses , but that in the same space of time they always run the same races they have passed . These then are the bounds and limits to which these glorious Bodies are perpetually tyed , in regard of their Motion ; these be the unchangeable Laws , like those of the Medes and P●rsian● , whereof the Psalmist speaks , He hath given them a Law which shall not be broken , Psal. 148. 6. Which Seneca in his Book De divina providentia , well expresses in other words , AEterna legis imperio pr●●●dunt , they move by the appointment of an eternal Law , that is , a Law both invariable and inviolable . That which Tully hath delivered of one of them , is undoubtedly true of all : Suturni stella in su● cursu multa miracula efficiens , tum ante ●dende , tum r●tardando , tum vespertin●s temporibus delitesend● , tum matutinis rursum se aperi●nd● , nihil tamen immutat sempiternis saeculerum aetatibus , quam ●adim eiisdem t●mporibus efficiat , Lib. 2. de nat . Deor. The Planet Saturn doth make strange and wonderful passages in his Motion , going before , and sometimes coming after , withdrawing himself in the Evening , and sometimes again shewing himself in the Morning , and changeth himself nothing in the continual duration of ages ; but still at the same season worketh the same effects . And in truth , were it not so , both in the Planet and in all other Starrs , it is altogether impossible that they should supply that use which Almighty God in their Creation ordained them unto , that is , To serve for Signs and Seasons , for dayes and for years to the Worlds end , Gen. 1. 14. And much more impossible it were , that the year , the month , the day , the hour , the minute of the oppositions , the Conjunctions and Ecclipses of the Planets , should be as exactly calculated and foretold One hundred years before they fell out , as at what hour the Sun will rise to morrow morning . To which perpetual aequability and constant uniformity in the Coelestial Motions , the Divine Pl●io accords , Nec errant , nec praeter antiquu● ordinem revolvuntur , Neither do they run at randum , nor are they rolled beyond their ancient order . Aristotle in his Book De Mundo , breaketh out in this passionate admiration thereof , Quod nunquam poterit aequart caelesti ordin● , & volubilitati , cum sydera convertantur exal●issi●a norma de alioin aliud seculum . What can ever be compared to the order of the Heavens , and to the Motion of the Starrs in their several Revolutions , which move most exactly by a rule or square , by line and level from one Generation to another . There were among the Ancients not a few , nor they unlearned , who by a strong fancie conceived to themselves an excellent melody made up by the motion of the Coelestial Spheers ; it was broached by Pythagoras , entertained by Plato , and stifly maintain'd by Macrobrius , and some other Christians , as Bede , Boetius , and Ans●lm Bishop of Canterbury : But Ariste●le puts it off with a jest in his Lib. 2. de Caelo Cap. 9. as being L●pide & Musice dictum , factis autem impossibile , a pleasant and Musical conceit , but in Effect impossible ; in as much as those bodies in their Motion make noise at all . Howsoever it may well be that this conceit of theirs was grounded upon a certain truth , which is the Harmonical and Proportionable Motion of those Bodies in their just order , and s●● courses , as if they were ever dancing the rounds and the Measures . In which regard the Psalmist tells us , That the Sun knoweth his going down , he appointeth the Moon for seasons , Psal. 104. 19. Which words of his may not be taken in●● proper , but in a figurative sence ; the Prophet therefore implying , that the Sun observeth his pr●●cribed Motion so precisely to a point , that in the least j●t● he never erreth from it : And therefore he is said to do the same upon knowledg and understanding , Non quod animatus fit aut ratione ●ut atur , saith Basil upon the place , S●d quod juxt●● terminum divinitus , prescriptum ingrediens , semper e●●dem curs●s ●●rvat , ac mensuras suas custodit . Not that the Sun hath any Sou●● or use of understanding ; but because he keepeth his courses and measures exactly according to Gods prescription . But the Motion of the Heavens puts me in mind of passing from it to the Light thereof . As the Waters were first spread over the face of the Earth : So was the Light dispersed through the Firmament : and as the Waters were gathered into one heape , so was the Light knit up , and united into one body : as the gathering of the Waters was called the Sea , so that of the Light was called the Sun. As the Rivers come from the Sea , so is all the Light of the Stars derived from the Sun ; and lastly , as the Sea is no whit lessened , though it furnish the Earth with abundance of fresh Rivers : So though the Sun have since the Creation , both furnished , and garnished the World with Light , neither is the store of it thereby deminished , nor the beauty of it any way stained . What the Light is , whether of a corporeal or incorporeal Nature , it is not easie to determine . Philosophers dispute it , but cannot well resolve it . Such is our ignorance , that even that by which we see all things , we cannot discern what it self is . But whatsoever it be , we are sure that of all visible Creatures , it was the first that was made , and comes nearest the name of a Spirit , in as much as it moveth in an instant from the East to the West , and piercing through all transparent Bodies , and still remains in it self unmixed and undivided ; it chaseth away sad and melancholy thoughts , which the Darkness both begets and maintains ; it lifts up our minds in meditation to him that is the true Light , that Lightneth every man that cometh into the World , himself dwelling in Light in accessible , and cloathing himself with Light as with a Garment . And if we may behold in any one Creature any spark of that Eternal Fire , or any farr-off dawning of Gods brightness , the same in the beauty and vertue of this Light may be best discerned● Quid pulch●rrimus Luce , saith Hugo de sanctoVictore , quae cum in se colorem non habeat , omnium ●am●n rerum colores ips● quodammodo colorat . What is more beautiful then Light , which having no colour in it self , yet sets a lustre upon all Colours ? And St. Ambrose , Unde Vex D●i in Scriptura debuit inchoare nisi a Lumine ? unde Mundi ornatus ●●si a Luce exordium sumer● ? frustra enim esset si non videretur . From whence should the voice of God in holy Scripture begin , but likewise from the same Light ; for in vain it were , were it not seen , as Bartas excellently Expresseth . O Father of the Light , of wisedom Fountain , Out of the Bulk of that confused Mountain , What should , what could issue before the Light , Without which , Beauty were no beauty hight . St. Augustine in divers places of his works is of opinion , That by the first Created Light , we understood the Angels , and herein is he followed by Beda Eucherius , and Rupertus , and divers others ; which opinion of his , though it be questionless unsound , in as much as we are taught , That the Light f●r●ng out of Darkness , 2 Cor. 4. 6. Which of the Angels can in no sort be verified , yet it shews the lightsome nature of Angels ; so likewise the Angelical nature of Light still flourishing in youth , and is no more subject to decay then the Angels are . They who maintain , that the Soul of Man is derived ex traduce , hold withall that the Father in begetting the sons Soul looses none of his own , it being tanquam Lumen de Lumine , as one Light from another : nay , more then so , it is the very resemblance that the Nicene Fathers thought not unmeet to express the unexpressible Generation of the second Person in the Trinity from the First ; who is therefore termed by the Apostle The brightness of his Glory , Heb. 1 . 3. As then the Father of the Communicating of his Substance to his Son , looses none of his own ; so the Sun by Communicating of his Light to the World , looses no part nor degree thereof . Some things there are of that nature , as they may be both given and kept , as Knowledg and Vertue , and Happiness , and Light , which in Holy Scripture is Figuratively taken for them all . Whether the same Individual Light , be still resident in the body of the Sun , which was planted in it at the first Creation ; or whether it continue empty and spend it self , and so l●ke a River be repared with fresh supplies , for my part , I cannot certainly affirm , though I must confess , I do rather incline to the former : But this I believe , as the body of the Sun is no whit lessened in extention , so neither is the Light thereof in intention : Men being now no more able to fix their eyes upon it , when it shines forth in its full strength , then they were at the first Creation of it . Now we have spoken of the Light , we shall next discourse of the warmth and influence thereof , which springs from it , which now succede in their order . The Light of Heaven , of which we have spoken , is not more comfortable and useful , then is the warmth thereof ; with a Masculine vertue it quickens all kind of Seeds , it makes them Vegitate , blossom and fructifie , and brings their Fruit to Perfection , for the use of Man and Beast , and the perpetuating of their own kindness ; nay , it wonderfully refresheth and chears up the Spirits of Men , Beasts , Birds , and creeping things ; and not only imparts the life of Vegitation , but of Sense and Motion , to many thousand Creatures , and like a tender Parent fosters and cherisheth it being imparted . Some there are that live without the light of Heaven , searching into and working upon those Bodies which the Light cannot pierce , but none without the warmth , it being in nature the universal instrument thereof , which made the Psalmist say , That there is nothing hid from the heat of the Sun. Few things are hid from the Light , but from the Heat thereof nothing . I am not ignorant that St. Augustine , St. Basil , St. Ambrose , and many Divines , held that there were Waters , properly so termed , above the Starry Firmament ; who held withal , that the Sun and Starrs cause heat as being of a fiery Nature ; those waters being set there , in their Opinion , for the cooling of that heat , which Opinion of theirs seems to be favoured by Syracides in the forty third of Ecclesiasticus , where he thus speaks of the Sun , At noon it parcheth the Country , and who can abide the burning heat thereof . A man blowing a Furnace is in works of heat : but the Sun bu neth the Mountains three times more , breathing out fiery vapours . Neither were there wanting some among the Ancient Philosophers , who maintained the same Opinion , as Plato and Pliny , and generally the whole Sect of Stoicks , who held that the Sun and the Starrs were fed with watery vapours , which they drew up for their nourishment , and that when the vapours should cease and fail , the whole world should be in danger of combustion ; and many things are alledged by Baelbo in Cicero's Second Book of the Nature of the Gods , in favour of this Opinion of the Stoick . But that the Sun and Starrs are not in truth fiery and hot , appears by the ground already laid touching the matter of the Heavens , that it is of a nature incorruptible , which cannot be if it were fiery , in as much as thereby it would become lyable to alteration and corruption by an opposite and professed enemy : besides , all fiery bodies by a natural inclination mount upwards , so that if the Starrs were the cause of heat , as being hot in themselves , it would consequently follow , that their circular Motion should not be natural but violent : Whereunto I may adde , the noted Starrs being so many in number , namely , One thousand twenty and two , besides the Planets , and in Magnitude so great , that every one of those , which appear fixed in the Firmament , are said to be much bigger then the whole Globe of the Water and Earth ; and the Sun again so much to exceed both that Glob● , and the biggest of them , as it may justly be stiled by the Son of Syrac , Instrumentum admirabile , A wonderful instrument , Ecclesiast . 43. 1. Which being so , were they of fire , they would doubtless long ere this have turned the World into ashes , there being so infinite a disproportion betwixt their flame , and the little quantity of matter supposed to be prepared for their Fewel . That therefore they should be fed with vapours , Aristotle deservedly laughs at it , as a childish and ridiculous device , in as much as the vapours ascend no higher then the middle Region of the Air , and then distill again upon the Water and the Earth from whence they were drawn up ; and those vapours being uncertain , the flames likewise feeding upon them must needs be uncertain , and daily vary from themselves both in quantity and figure , according to the proportion of their Fewel . The absurdity then of this Opinion being so foule and gross , it remains that the Sun and Starrs infuse a warmth into these Subcoelestial Bodies , as not being hot in themselves , but only , as being ordained by God to bread heat in matter capable thereof , as they impart life to some Creatures , and yet , themselves remain void of life , like the brain which imparts sense to every Member of the Body , and yet is it self utterly void of sense . But here again , some there are which attribute this effect to the Motion , others to the Light of these glorious Bodies : And true indeed it is , that Motion causes Heat , by the attenuation and rarefaction of the Air ; But by this reason should the Moon , which is nearer the Earth , warm more than the Sun which is many thousand miles farther distant ? and the higher Regions of the Air , should be always hotter than the lower , which notwithstanding if we compare the second with the lowest , is undoubtedly false . Moreover the Motion of the Coelestial Bodies being uniform , so should the heat in reason derived from them likewise be ; and the Motion ceasing , the Heat should likewise ; and yet I shall never believe , that when the Sun stood still at the Prayer of Joshua , it then ceased to warm these Inferiour Bodies . And we find by experience , that the Sun works more powerfully upon a Body , which stands still then when it moves , and the reason seems to be the same in the rest or Motion of a Body warming or warmed , that receiveth or imparteth heat . The Motion being thus excluded from being the cause of this Effect , the Light must of necessity step in , and challenge it to its self ; the Light then it is which is the cause undoubtedly of Coelestial heat , in part by a direct beam , but more vehemently by a reflexed : for which very reason it is that the middle Region of the Air is always colder then the lowest , and the lowest hotter in the Summer then in the Winter , and at Noon then in the Morning and Evening , the beams being then more Perpendicular , and consequently in their reflection more narrowly united , by which reflexion and union , they grow sometimes to that fervency of heat , that fire springs out from them as we see in Burning-glasses ; And by this artificial device it was that Archimedes , as Galen reports it in his third Book De temperamentis , Cap. 1. Set on fire the Emperours Ships : and Proclus a famous Mathematician , practised the like at Constantinople , as witnesseth Zonarus in the life of Anastatius the Emperour . And very reasonable methinks it is , That Light , the most Divine Affection of the Coelestial Bodies , should be the cause of warmth ; the most noble active and excellent quality of the Subcoelestial . These two like Hippocrates Twins , Simul oriuntur & moriuntur , they are born and dye together , they increase and decrease both together ; the greater the Light is , the greater the Heat ; and therefore the Sun as much exceeds the other Starrs in Heat , as it doth in Light. The Suns continual Declination , or nearer approach to the Earth , is rather an idle Dream than a sound position , grounded rather upon the difference amongst Astronomers , arising from the difficulty of their observations , then upon any certain or infallible conclusion . Ptolomy , who lived about the year of Christ one hundred and forty , makes the distance of the Sun to be from the Earth , One thousand two hundred and ten Semidiameters of the Earth . Albategnius , about the year Eight hundred and eighty , makes it One thousand one hundred and forty six . Copernicus , about the year One thousand five hundred and twenty , makes it One thousand five hundred and seventy nine . Tycobrahe , about the year One thousand six hundred makes it One thousand one hundred eighty two . Now I would demand whether the Sun were more remote in Ptolomies time , and nearer in the time of Albategnius , and then again , more remote in the latter ages of Copernicus and Tychobrahe ? which if it were so , then one of these two must needs follow , that either these observations were not grounded upon so certain Principles as they pretend , or that the declination of the Sun is uncertain or variable , not constant and perpetual , as is pretended . But what would Bodwin say , if he l●ved , to hear Lansbergius and Kepler , and other famous Astronomers of the latter times , teaching that the Sun is now remote above Two thousand and eight hundred , nay three thousand Semidiameters from the Earth ; affirming , that Copernicus and Tycobrahe neglected to allow for refractions , which ( as the Opticks will demonstrate ) do much alter the case . I will close up this point with the censure of Scaliger in his Exercit. 99. upon the Patrons of this fancy , Quae vero nonnulli prodere ausi sunt , solis corpus longè proprius nos esse , quam quantum ab Antiquis scriptum sit , it a ut in ipsa deferentis corpulentia ●●cum mutasse videatur , vel ipsa scripta spongiis , vel ipsi Authores scuticis sunt castigandi . In as much as some have dared to broach , that the body of the Sun is nearer the Earth then by the Ancients was observed to be , so that it might seem to have changed place in the very bulk of the Sphear ; either the Authors of this Opinion deserve themselves to be chastened with stripes , or surely their Writings to be razed with Sponges . So that ( as I conceive ) it may fitly and safely be inferred , first , that either there is no such removal at all of the Sun , ( as is supposed ) or if there be , as we who are situate more Northerly , feel perhaps the effects of the defects of the warmth thereof , in the unkindly ripening of our fruits , or the like ; so , likewise by the rule of Proportion , must it needs follow , that they who lye in the same distance from the South Pole , as we from the North , should enjoy the benefit of the nearer approach thereof ; and they who dwell in the ho●test Climates interjacent , of the abating of the immoderate fervency of their heat : From hence I again infer , that supposing a mutability in the Suns greatest Declination , look what dammage we suffer by his further removal from us in the Summer , is at least in part recompenced by his nearer approach in Winter , and by his Periodical Revolutions fully restored . And so I pass from the Consideration of the warmth , to those hidden and secret qualities of the Heavens , which to Astronomers and Philosophers are known by the name of Influences . Howbeit Aristotle thorow all those Works of his which are come to our hands , to my remembrance , hath not once vouchsafed so much as to take notice of such qualities , which we call Influences ; and though amongst the Ancients Averroes and Avicenne , and amongst some of the latter times Picus Mirandula , and Georgius Agricola , seek to disprove them : yet both Scripture , and Reason , and the weighty Authority of many good Schollars , as well Christians as Ethnicks , have fully resolved me that such there are . They are by Philosophers distinguished into two Ranks ; the First is , that Influence which is derived from the Empyreal Immoveable Heaven , the Pallas and Mansion House of Glorifyed Saints and Angels , which is gathered from the diversity of Effects , as well in regard of Plants , as of Beasts , and other Commodities under the same Climate , within the same Tract and Latitude , equally distant from both the Poles , which we cannot well originally refer to the inbred nature of the soile , since the Author of Nature hath so ordained , that the temper of the Inferiour Bodies should ordinarily depend upon the Superiour ; nor yet the Aspect of the moveable Spheres and Starrs , since every part of the same Climate , successively , but equally enjoyes the same Aspect : It remains then , that these Effects be finally reduced to some Superiour immoveable cause ; which can be none other then that Empyreal Heaven ; neither can it produce these effects by means of the Light alone , which is uniformly dispersed through the whole , but by some secret quality which is diversified according to the divers parts thereof ; and without this , we should not only find wanting that connexion and unity of order , in the parts of the World , which make it so comly , but withal should be forced to make one of the worthiest peeces of it void of Action , the chief end of every Created thing . Neither can this Action mis-beseem the worthiness of so glorious a piece , since both the Creatour is still busied in the works of Providence , and the Inhabitants in the works of Ministration . The other kind is that which is derived from the Starrs , the Aspect of several Constellations , the Opposition and Conjunction of the Planets , and the like . These we have warranted by the mouth of God himself , in Job 38. 31. according to our last and most exact Translation ; Canst thou bind the sweet Influences of the Pleiades , or loose the bands of Orion ? canst thou bring forth Mazoreth in his season ? or canst thou guide Arcturus with his Sons ? know'st thou the Ordinances of Heaven ? canst thou set the dominion thereof in the Earth ? where by the Ordinances of Heaven , it may be thought is meant , the course and order of these hidden qualities , which without Divine and Supernatural Revelation , can never perfectly be known to any mortal Creature . Besides as Sr. Walter Raleigh hath well and truly observed , it cannot be doubted , but the Starrs are Instruments of far greater use , then to give an obscure Light , and for men only to gaze at after Sun set : it being manifest that the diversity of Seasons , the Winters and Summers , more hot or cold , more dry or wet , are not so uncertained by the Sun and Moon alone , who alwayes keep one and the same Course , but that the Starrs have also their working therein , as also in producing of several kinds of Mettals and Minerals in the bowels of the Earth , where neither Light nor Heat can pierce . For as Heat pierces where Light cannot , so the Influence pierces where the Heat cannot . Moreover , if we cannot deny , but that God hath given Vertues to Springs and Fountains , to the cold Earth , to Plants , to Stones , and Minerals , nay to the excremental parts of the basest living Creatures ; why should we rob the beautiful Stars of their working Powers ? for seeing they are many in number , and of eminent beauty and Magnitude , we may not think , in the Treasury of his Wisdom who is Infinite , there can be wanting ; even for every Star , a peculiar Vertue and Operation : As every Herb , Plant , Fruit , and Flower , adorning the face of the Earth , hath the like . As then these were not Created to beautifie the Earth alone , or to cover and shaddow her dusty face ; but otherwise , for the use of Man and Beast , to feed them and cure them : so were not those incomparably glorious Bodies set in the Firmament , to none other end then to adorn it , but for Instruments and Organs of his Divine Providence , and Power , so far as it hath pleased his just Will for to determine ; which Bartas admirably expresseth , I 'le ne'r believe , that the Arch-Architect . With all these Fires the Heavenly Arches deckt Only for shew , and with these glistering Shields T' amaze poor Shepheards watching in the Fields . I 'le ne'r believe , that the least Power that pranks Our Golden Borders , or the common Banks , And the lest Stone that in her warming lap , Our kind nurse Earth covetously doth wrap , Hath some peculiar Vertue of its own , And that the Glorious Starrs of Heaven have none , But shine in vaine , and have no charge precise , But to be walking in Heavens Galleries , And through that Pallace up and down to Clamber , As golden Guls about a Princes Chamber . But how far it hath pleased God in his Divine Wisdom to determine of these Influences , it is hard , I confess , to be determined by any human Knowledg . For if in the peculiar vertues of Herbs and Plants , which our selves sow and set , and which grow under our feet , and we daily apply to our several uses , we are notwithstanding in effect ignorant , much more in the Powers and workings of the Coelestial Bodies . For ( as to this purpose we said before ) Hardly do we guess at the things that are on the Earth , and with labour do we find the things that are before us : but the things which are in Heaven who hath searched out ? Wisd. 9. 16. It cannot well be denyed , but that they are not Signes only , but at least wise concurrent Causes of immoderate cold or heat , drought , or moisture , lightning , thunder , raging winds , Inundations , Earthquakes , and consequently of Famine and Pestilence ; yet such cross accidents may and often do fall out , in the matter upon which they work , that the Prognostication of these casual Events , by the most skillful Astronomers , is very uncertain : And for the common Alminacks , a man by observation shall easily find , that the contrary to their Predictions is commonly truest . Now for the things which rest in the liberty of Mans Will , the Starrs have doubtless no power over them , except it be led by the sensitive appetite , and that again stirred up by the constitution and complexion of the body , as too often it is , specially when the humours of the Body are strong to assault , and the Vertues of the Mind weak to resist . If they have dominion over Beasts , what shall we judge of Men , who differ little from Beasts ? I cannot tell , but sure I am , that though the Starrs incline a Man to this or that course of life , they do but incline , inforce they cannot : Education and Reason , and most of all Religion , may alter and over-master that Inclination , as they may produce a clean contrary Effect . It was to this purpose , a good and Memorable speech of Cardinal Poole , who being certified by one of his acquaintance , who professed the knowledg of these secret favours of the Starrs , that he should be raised and advanced to a great Calling in the World ; made answer , that whatsoever was portended by the figure of his birth , for natural Generation , was cancelled and altered by the grace of his second Birth , or Regeneration in the Blood of his Redeemer . Again , we may not forget that Almighty God created the Starrs , as he did the rest of the Universal , whose secret Influences may be called his reserved and unwritten Laws , which by his Prerogative Royal he may put in execution , or dispence with at his pleasure . For were the strength of the Starrs such as God hath quitted unto them , all Dominion over his Creatures , that Petition in the Lords Prayer , Lead us not into Temptation , but deliver us from Evil , had been none other but a vain expence of words and time . Nay , be he Paga● or Christian that so believeth , the only true God of the one , and the imaginary God of the other , would thereby be despoyled of all worship , reverence , and respect . As therefore I do not consent with them who would make those glorious Creatures of God vertuless ; so I think that we derogate from his Eternal and Absolute Power , to ascribe to them the Dominion over our Immortal Souls , which they have over our Bodily Substances , and perishable Natures . For the Souls of Men loving and fearing God , receive Influence from that Divine Light it self , whereof the Suns Clarity and that of the Starrs is by Plato called but a shadow , Lumen est Umbra Dei , & Deus est Lumen Luminis , Light is the shadow of Gods brightness , who is the Light of Lights . There have been great talks touching the Conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter , and many ominous conjectures are cast abroad upon it , which if perhaps they prove true , I should rather ascribe it to our sins , then to the Stars ; they were not created to govern , but to serve Man , if he serve and be governed by his Creatour : so that we need not to search the Cause so far off in the book of Heaven , we may find it written nearer home in our own Bosomes : And for the Stars , I may say , as our Saviour Christ doth the Sabboth , the Stars were made for Men , and not Men for the Stars ; and if God be on our side , and we on his , Jupiter , and Saturn shall never hurt us . But whatsoever the force of the States be , upon the persons of private Men , or the Stars of Wealpublicks , I should rather advise a modest ignorance therein , then a curious inquisition hereinto , following the witty and pithy counsel of Phaverirus the Philosopher in Gellius , Lib. 4. Sect. 1. where he thus speaks , Aut adversa ev●●tura dicuot , aut ; prospera : fidicunt prospera , & fallunt , iniser fies frustra expecta , d● , & si adversa dicunt & m●ntiuntur , ●iser fies frustra timend● : si vera respondent , eaque sunt non prospera , j●m inde ex ●nim● miser fies antequam è fat● fias ; si faelicia promitiunt eaque eventura sunt , ●●m plane du● gorum in●●moda , & expectatio te spe suspensum fatigabit , & futurum gaudii fructum sp●s tibi defler●v●rit . Either they portend or bad or good luck , if good , and they deceive , thou wilt become miserable by a vain expectation ; if bad , and they lye , thou wilt be miserable by a vain fear ; if they tell thee true , but unfortunate Events , thou wilt be miserable in mind before thou art by destiny ; if they promise fortunate success , which shall indeed come to pass , these two inconveniences will follow thereupon , both expectation by hope will hold thee in suspence , and hope will d●fl●ure and devoure the fruit of thy content . His conclusion is , which is also mine for this point and this discourse touching the Heavenly Bodies ; Nullo ig tur pacto utendum est isti●smodi ●●minibus resfuturas praesagientibus : We ought in no case to have recourse to these kind of Men , which undertake the foretelling of careful Events . And so I pass from the consideration of the Coelestial Bodies , to the Subcoelestial , which by Gods ordinance depend upon them , and are made subordinate to them ; touching which and the Coelestial Bodies both together , comparing each with the other , the Divine Bartas thus sweetly and truly sings ; Things that consist of th' Elements uniting , Are ever tost with an intestine fighting , Whence spring in time their Life and their deceasing , Their diverse change , their waxing and decreasing . So that , of all that is , or may be seen With Mortal Eyes , under Nights horned Queen , Nothing retaineth the same form and face , Hardly the half of half an hours space . But the Heavens feel not Fates impartiall rigour , Years adde not to their Stature nor their Vigour : Use weares them not , but their green ever age , Is all in all still like their pupillage . Sublunary Bodies are such as God and Nature hath planted under the Moon . Now the state of these Inferiour being governed by the Superiour : as in the Wheels of a Clock or Watch , if the first be out of order , so are the second and third , and the rest that are moved by it ; for it is more then probable that the first partake with them in the same condition ; which dependance is very well expressed by Boethius , where having spoken of the constant regularity of the Heavenly Bodies , de Consol. Lib. 4. Met. 6. He thus goes on . Haec concordiae temperat aquis , &c. Thus Englished , The Concord tempers equally Contrary Elements , That moist things yield unto the dry , And heat with cold conse●ts ; Here Fire to highest place doth flie , And Earth doth downward bend , And Flowery Spring perpetually Sweet odours forth doth s●n● . Hot Summer Harvest gives , and store Of Fruit Autumnus yields , And shoures which down from Heaven do poure , Each Winter drown'd the Fields : What ever in the World doth breath , This temper forth hath brought , And nourished : the same by Death Again it brings to nought . Among the Subcoelestial things following Natures Method , I will first begin with the consideration of the Elements , the most simple and Universal of them all , as being the Ingredients of all mixed Bodies , either in the whole or in part , and into which the mixed are finally resolved again , and are again by turnes remade of them , the common matter of them all still abiding the same : of which ●Barts , Here 's nothing constant , nothing still doth stay , For Birth and Death have still successive sway : Here one thing springs not till another dye , Only the Maker lives Immortally . The Almighty stable , Body of this all , ( Of changeful chances common Arcenal , All like it self , all in it self , contain'd Which by times flight hath neither lost nor gain'd ) Changeless in Essence , changeable in face , Much more then Proteus or the subtil race Of roving Polypes , who ( to rob the more ) Transform them hourly on the waving Shore : Much like the French , ( or like our selves their Apes ) Who with strange habits do disguise their shapes . Who loving novels full of affectation , Receive the manners of each other Nation . By consent of Antiquity the Elements are in Number four , The Fire , the Air , the Water , and the Earth , of which the same Poet thus expresses himself : Four Bodies Primitive the World still contains ; Of which , two downwards bend , the Earth and Watery planes . As many weight do want , and nothing forcing , higher They mount , th' Air , and purer streams of Fire , Which though they distant be , yet all things from them take Their Birth , and into them their last returns do make . Three of them shew themselves manifestly in Milk , the Butter being the Aerial part thereof , the Why the Watery , and the Cheese the Earthy : but all four in the burning of green Wood , The Flame being Fire , the smoak the Air , the Liquid destilling at the ends the Water , and the Ashes the Earth . Philosophy likewise by reason teaches and proves the same , from their Motion upwards and downwards , from their second qualities of lightness and heaviness , and from their first qualities , either Active as heat and cold , or Passive as dry and moist . For as their Motion proceeds from the second qualities , so do their second from their first from the Heavenly Bodies , next to which , as being the Noblest of them all , as well in purity as activity , is seated the Element of the Fire ( though many of the Ancients , and some later Writers , as namely Cardane , ( amongst the rest ) seemed to make a doubt of it , Lib. 1. Subtil . And Manilius in his first Book of Astronomy . Ignis ad aetb●reas volucer se sustulis auras Summaque complexus Stellantis culmina Coeli , Flammarum vallo Naturae Maenia fecit . The Fire est soones up towards Heaven did flye , And compassing the Starry World , advanced A wall of Flames to safeguard Nature by . Next the Fire , is seated the Air , divided into Three Regions , next the Air the Water , and next the Water the Earth ; so Bartas , Who so ( sometime ) hath seen rich ingots tride , Where forc't by Fire their Treasure they divide : ( How fair and softly Gold to Gold doth pass , Silver seeks Silver , Brass conforts with Brass , And the whole lump , of parts unequal , severs It self apart , in white , red , yellow Rivers ) May understand how , when the mouth Divine Open'd to each his proper place t' assign ) Fire flew to Fire , Water to Water slid , Air clung to Air , and Earth with Earth abid , The Vail both of the Tabernakle and Temple , were made of Blew , and Purple , and Scarlet , or Crimson , and fine twisted Linnen : by which four as Josephus notech , were represented the four , Elements ; Lib. Antiquit. 15. Cap. 14. His words are these : Vel●●●●ec erat Babiloni●●s variegatum , ex Hyaecintho , & bysso , ce●ecqu● & purpura , mirabiliter elaboratum , non indignam contemplatione materiae commistionem habent , s●d velut ●mnium imagine●● praeferens , Cocco enim videbatur ignem imitari , & Bysso terram , & Hyacintho aerem , ac Mare purpura , partim quidem coloribus , bysso autem & purpura Origi●e , bysso quid●●● quia de terra , Mare autem purpura gign●t . The Vaile was Babilonis● Work , most artificially imbrodered with Blew , and fine Linnen , and Scarlet , and Purple , having in it a mixture of things not unworthy of our Consideration , but carrying a kind of resemblance of the Universe , for by the Scarlet , seemed the Fire to be represented ; by the Linnen the Earth , by the Blew the Air , and by the Purple the Sea ; partly by reason the Colours of Scarlet and Blew , partly by reason of the Original of Linnen and Purple , the one coming from the Earth , the other from the Sea. And St. Hierom in his Epistle to Fab●●la , Epist. 128. hath the very same conceit , borrowed , as it seems , from Josephus , or from Philo , who hath much to the like purpose , in his Third Book of the life of Moses : or it may be from Wis●● 18. 14. In the long Robe was the whole World : As not only the Vulgar Latin , and Arias Montanus , but out of them and the Greek Original , our last English Translation reads it . The Fire is dry and hot , the Air hot and moist , the Water moist and cold , the Earth cold and dry & thus are they linked , and thus do they embrace one another with their Simbolizing qualities , the Earth being linked to the Water by coldness , the Water to the Air by moistness , the Air to the Fire by warmth , the Fire to the Earth by drought : which are all the combinations of the qualities that can possibly be ; hot and cold , as also dry and moist , in the highest Degrees , being altogether incompatible in the same subject : and though the Earth and the Fire are most opposite in distance , to substance , and in activity , yet they agree in one quality , the two middle being therein directly contrary to the two extreams , Air to Earth , and Water to Fire . These four then , as they were from the beginning , so still they remain the Radical and Fundamental Principles of all Subcoelestial Bodies ; distinguished by their several and Ancient Situations , Properties , Actions , and Effects ; and howsoever after their old wont they fight and combate together , being single , yet in composition they still accord marvellous well , as Boethius Lib. 3. Met. 9. Tu numeris Elementa liga● , us frig●ra f●ammis , Arid● conveniunt Liquidis , ne puri●r ignis Ev●let , aut mersas deducant pondera terra● . To Numbers thou the Elements dost tie That cold with heat may symbolize , and dry With moist , lest purer Fire should soare to high , And Earth through too much weight too low should lie . The Creator of them hath bound them , as it were , to their behaviour , and made them in every mixed body to stoop and obey one Praedominant , whose sway and conduct they willingly follow . The Air being Praedominant in some , as in Oyl , which alwayes swimmes on the top of all other Liquors ; and the Earth in others , which always gather as near the Center as possibly they can . And as in these , they vary not a jo● from their nature and wonted properties ; so neither do they in their other conditions . It is still true of them , that Ni● graevitant nec l●vitant in suis l●eis , there is no sense of their weight or lightness in their proper places , as appears by this , that a Man lying in the bottom of the deepest Ocean , he feels no burthen from the weight thereof ; the Fire shall serve to warm us , the Air to maintain our breathing , the Water to cleanse and refresh us , the Earth to feed and support us , and which of them is most necessary for our use is hard to determine : Likewise they still hold the same proportion one towards another , as they have done : For howbeit the Peripeteticks , pretending herein the Authority of their Mr. Aristotle , tell us , that'as they rise above one another in Situation , so they exceed one another propertione decupla , by a ten-fold proportion ; yet is this doubtless a foul Errour , or at least-wise a gross mistake , whether we regard their entire bodies , or their parts ? if their entire bodies , it is certain , that the Earth exceeds both the Water and the Air by many degrees : the depth of the Waters not exceeding two or three miles , and for the most part not above halfe a mile , as Marriners find by their Line and Plummer , whereas the Diameter of the Earth , as Mathematicians demonstrate , exceeds Seven thousand miles . And for the Air , taking the height of it from the part of the ordinary Comets , it contains by estimation about fifty two miles , as Nonius , Vitellio , and Alb●●en shew by Geometrical proofs . Whence it plainly appears , that there cannot be that proportion betwixt the entire Bodies of the Elements which is pretended , nor at any time was since the Creation . And for their parts , 't is as clear by experience , that out of a few drops of Water , may be made so much Air as shall exceed them a thousand times at least . There is in the Elements a noble compensation of their fourfold qualities , dispencing themselves by even turnes and just measures . For as the Circle of the Year is distinguished by four quarters , one succeeding another , the time running about by equal distances : In like manner the Four Elements of the VVorld by a reciprocal vicissitude exceed one another : and which a man would think to be incredible , while they seem to dye , as Philo writes , they become Immortal , running the same race , and instantly traveling up and down by the same path . From the Earth the way riseth upward , , it dissolving into VVater , the VVater vapours forth into the Air , the Air is rarified into Fire , and again they descend downward the same way , the Fire by quenching being turned into Air , the Air thickned itto VVater , and the Water into Earth . Hitherto Philo , wherein after his usual manner he Platonizes , the same being in effect to be found in Plato's Timaeus , as also in Aristotles Book De Mundo , if it be his , in Damascen , and Gregory Nyssen . And most elegantly in the wittiest of Poets , Ovid Met. 15. — Resolutaque tellus In liquidas rarescit aqu●s tenuatur in auras , Aeraque humor habit dempto qucque pondere rursus In superos aer tenuissimus emicat ignes . Inde retro redeunt : idemqne retexitur ord● Ignis enim densum spissatus in Aera transit Hinc in aquas tellus glomerata cogitur unda . The Earth resolved is turned into streames , Water to Air , the purer Air to Flames : From whence they back return , the fiery flakes Are turned to Air , the Air thickned takes The Liquid form of Water , that Earth makes . The Four Elements herein resembling an Instrument of Musick with four strings , which may be tuned diverse wayes , and yet the harmony still remains sweet : and so are they compared in the Book of Wisdom , Cap. 19. v. 17. The Elements agreed amongst themselves in this change , as when one tune is changed upon an Instrumont of Musick , and the Melody still remaineth . Utque novis facilis signatur cera figuri● N●● manet ut fucrat , nec formam servat candem , Sed tame● ipsa cadem est . They are the Verses of Ovid in the 15 Met. touching which several Prints stamped upon one and the same lump of Wax Bartas curiously dilates in one of his weeks . Our next subject will be to discourse of Comets and Blazing Starrs , he uncertainty of the Predictions of them . Some took the Comet to have been a Star Ordained and Created from the first b●ginning of the World , but appearing only by times and by turnes : of this mind was Sen●cae ; Cardan likewise in latter times harp's much , if not upon the same , yet the like string . But Aristotle ( in his Natur. Quest. Lib. 7. Cap. 21. 23. ( whose weighty reasons and deep judgment I much reverence ) conceiveth the Matter of the Comet , to be a very hot and dry exhalation , which being lifted up , by the force and vertue of the Sun , into the highest Region of the Air is there inflamed , partly by the Elements of Fire , upon which it bordereth , and partly by the motions of the Heavens which hurleth it about ; so that there is in the same manner of an Earth-quake , the Wind , the Lightning , and a Comet , if it be imprisoned in the bowels of the Earth , it causeth an Earthquake , if it ascend to the Middle Region of the Air , and be from thence beaten back ; Wind if it enter that Region ' and be there environed with a thick Cloud ; Lightning ; if it pass that Region a Comet , or some other fiery Meteor , in case the matter be not sufficiently capable thereof . The common Opinion hath been , that Comets either as Signes or Causes , or both , have always Prognosticated some dreadful mishaps to the World , as out-ragious Winds , extraordinary Drought , Dea●th , Pestilence , Warrs , the death of Princes and the like . Nunquam futilibus excanduit ignibus aether . Nere did the Heavens with idle blazes Flame . So Manelius hath it . But the Lord Privy Seal , Earl of Northampton , in his Defensative against the Poyson of supposed Prophesies , hath so strongly incountered this Opinion , that for my own part● must profess , he hath perswaded me , that there is no certainty of those Predictions , in as much as Comets do not always fore run such events , neither do these events always follow upon the appearing of Comets . Some instances he produceth of Comets , which brought with them such abundance of all things , and abated their prises to so low an Ebbe , as stories have recorded it for Monuments , and Miracles to posterity : and the like , saith he , could I say of others , Anno Dom. 1555. 1556. 1557. 1558. After all which years nothing chanced that should drive a man to seek out any cause above the common reach : and therefore I do allow of the diligence of Gemma-Frisius , in taking notice of as many good , as bad effects , which have succeeded after Comets . Moreover he tells us , that Peucer , a great Mathematician of Germany , Prognosticated upon the last Comet , before the writing of his Defensative , that Mens bodies should be parched and burned up with heat : But how fell it out ? Forsooth , saith he , we had not a more unkindly Summer for many years , in respect of extraordinary cold : never less inclination to War ; No Prince deceased in that time , and the Plague in Lombardy , as God would have it , ceased at the rising of the Comet . Besides all this he reports , of his own experience , as an Eye witness , that when divers persons , upon greater scrupulosity then cause , went about to disswade Queen Elizabeth , lying then at Richmond , from looking on the Comet which then appeared , with a courage answerable to the greatness of her State , she caused the Window to be set open , and cast out this Word , Jacta est alea , the Dice are thrown ; thereby shewing , that her st●dfast hope and confidence , was too firmly planted in the good pleasure and Providence of God , as not to be blasted or affrighted with those beams , which either had a ground in Nature whereupon to rise , or at least-wise no warrant in Scripture to portend the misfortune of Princes . Neither have I heard of any Comet that appeared before her Death ( as at her entrance there did ) nor that of Prince Henry , nor of Henry the Great of France ; the one being a most peerless Queen , the other a most incomparable Prince , and the third for Prudence and Valour , a matchless King : Therefore as Seneca truly notes Natural is magis nova quam magna mirari , It is natural unto us to be inquis●ived and curious rather about things new and strange , than those which are in their own nature truly great ; yet even amongst the Ancients , Charlemaine professed , that he feared not the signe of the Blazing-Star , but the Great and Potent Creator thereof . And Vespasian , as Dion reports , when the apparition of a Comet was thought to portend his Death , replied merrily : No , said he , this bushy Star notes not me , but the Parthian King : Ipse enim Cometus est , ego vero calvus sum ; for he wares bushy Locks , but I am bald . Lastly , some Comets have been the Messengers of joyful and happy tidings , as at the Birth of our Saviour , and another at the Death of Nero , Cometes summè bonis apparuit , qui praenuntius suit Mortis Magn●illius ●yranni , & pestilintissimi hominis , saita Tactius : There appeared a favourable and auspicious Comet , as an Herauld to Proclaim the Death of that Great Tyrant and most Pestilent Man. Though as to some judgments we are sensible ( they by the Effects have been predictive ) though the Astronomers have not found them out . Now that which hath been said of Comets may also be applied to other Fiery and Watery Meteors , as Streamings , Swords , flying Dragons , fighting Armies , Gapings , two or three Sunns and Moons , and the like appearing in the Air , many times to the great terrour and astonishment of the beholders : of all which and many more of that kind , he that desires to read more of , I refer him to Vicomercatus , Garzaus , Pontanus , & Lycostehenes de prodigiis & portentis ab orbe condito , asque ad annum 1557 And to other latter writers of Monstrous and Prodigious accidents . But the strangest Apparition in the Air that ever I heard or read of , was that which I find reported by Mr. Fox . in his Acts and Monuments , whilst the Spanish Match with Queen Mary was in the heat of treating , and neer upon the concluding , There appeared in London on the fifteenth of February 1554 , a Rainbow reversed , the Bow turning downwards , and the two ends standing upwards , a Prodigious and Supernatural Sign indeed of those miserable and bloudy times which quickly followed after . As touching unseasonable Weather , for excessive Heat and cold , or immoderate Drought and Rain . Thunder and Lightning Frost and Snow , Hail and Winds , yea and Contagious Sicknesses , and Pestilential and Epidemical Diseases , these arise from the infection of the Air , by noisome Mists and Vapours , to which we may adde Earthquakes , burning in the bowels of the Earth , and the like Earthquakes arise also from the distempers of the Air , but in another manner . They first gave occasion to the composing of that Letany , and therein to the Petition against suadain Death , which by Publick Authority is used through the Christian Churches at this day . By the force of Earthquake contrary to the Proverb , Mountains have met the City of An●ioch , where the Disciples were first called Christians , with a great part of Asia bordering upon it , was in Trajans time swallowed with an Earthquake , as Dien writes , who reports very merveilous things thereof . By the same means at one time were Twelve famous Cities of Asia over-turned in the Reign of Tiberius . And at another time as many Towns of Campaniae under Constantine . And of late times we have not been without such wonderful examples of the dreadfulness of this accident , above the Pestilence or any other Miseries incident to Mankind . Seneca excellently discourses of them , in the Sixth Book of his Natural Question , Hostem mure expellaem , saith he , and so he goes on ; to avoid prolixity I shall here give you only the English , A Wall will repel an Enemy , Rampires raised to a great height by the difficulty of their access will keep out powerful Armies , An Haven shelters us from a Tempest , and the covering of our Houses from the violence of Storms and lasting Rains ; the Fire doth not follow us , if we Fly from it : against Thunder and the Threats of Heaven , vaults under ground , and deep Caves are Remedies ; those Blastings and Flashes from above , do not pierce the Earth , but are blunted by a little piece of it opposed against them ; In the time of Pestilence a Man may change Dwellings , there is no mischief but may be shunned , the Lightning never struck a whole Nation , a Pestilential Air hath emptied Cities , not over-turned them : but this mischief is large in spreading , unavoidably greedy of Destruction , generally dangerous . For it doth not only depopulate Houses and Families , and Towns , but layes waste and makes desolate whole Regions and Countries : sometimes covering them with their own Ruines , and sometimes overwhelming them , and burying them in deep Gulfs , leaving , nothing whereby it may appear so much as to posterity , that that which is not , sometimes was , but the Earth is levelled over most famous Cities , without any mark of their former existence ; so far Seneca . As these quakings of the Earth are very terrible , so are the burnings of the Bowels thereof no less dreadful ; the one being as it were the cold , and the other the hot fits thereof . The Mountain AEtna in Sicile hath flamed in time past so abundantly , that by reason of the thick smoak and vapours arising therefrom , the Inhabitants thereabout sometimes could not see one another ( if we may give credit to Sandies relation Lib. 4. ) I raged so much that Africa was thereof an astonished Witness . But Virgils admirable description of it may serve for all . — Horificis tonat AEtna ruinis Interdumque atram perumpit ad aethera Nubem , Turbine fumantem piceo , & candente favilla , Attollitque globos Flammarum & Syd●ra Lambit ; Interdum scopulos , avulsaque viscera Montis Erigit eructans ●●quefactaque saxa sub auras Cum gemitu glomerat , fundoque exaestuat i●●o . AEtna here thunders with a horrid noise , Sometimes black clouds evaporated to the skies , Fuming with pitchy curles , and sparkling Fires , Tosseth up , Globes of Flames to Starrs aspires , Now belching Rocks , the Mountains entrailes torne , And groaning hurles out liquid Stones there born Thorow the Air in showres . But rightly did Ovid in the 15● Met. Devine of this Mountain and the burnings therein , Nec quae sulphuriis ardet fornacibus AEtna Ignea semper erit , neque enim fuit ignea semper . AEtna which flames of Sulphur now doth raise , Shall not still burn , nor hath it burnt always . The like may be said of Vesuvius in the Kingdom of Naples , it flamed with the greatest horrour in the first , or as some say in the third year of the Emperour Titus , where besides Beasts , Fishes , and Foul , it devoured two adjoyning Cities , Herculanum and Pompeios , with the People in the Theatre : Pliny the Natural Historian , then Admiral of the Roman Navy , desirous to discover the reason , was suffocated , as his Nephew expressed in an Epistle of his to Cornelius Tacitus ; the like , as to his too strict enquiry of the increase and decrease of the Sea , being reported of Aristotle . Having thus imployed my Reason as Divinly as I could , in presenting my Reader with an explanation of a few Leaves of the great Volume of Nature : I shall now ( with his favour ) think it convenient before I proceed to treat of the Powers of the Mind in the Arts , &c. To refute such other Vulgar Errours in their several Classes ( though less considerable ) as hithe●●o I have not met withal . 1. It is a common received Opinion in Philosophy that the principal faculties of the Soul , the Understanding , the Imagination and Memory are distinguished by three several Cells or Ventricles in the Brain , the imagination ( as is conceived ) being confined to the fore-part , the Memory to the hinder part , and the Judgment and Understanding to the middle part thereof ; which Opinion Laurentius confutes , in his Hist. Anat. Lib. 10. 9. 2. and Fe●●elius derides , making them all to be dispersed through all the receptacles of the brain , in as much as sometimes when the whole Brain is disaffected , the operation but of one of these Faculties is hurt , and sometimes again , when but one Ventricle is hurt the operation of all the three Faculties is hindred . Neither ought it to seem more strange , that the same Ventricle in the brain should be capable of all these three Function , then that the same Bone or Sinew and every part or Particle thereof should have in it ( in regard of the nourishment it receives , and the excrement it drives forth ) an attractive , a retentive , an assimilative , and an expulsive Vertue . 2. That in Nature there is an East and a West , which as to me it seems cannot be , since that which to us is East , is West to our Antipedes , and that which is East to them , is West tous . 3. That a man hath a Natural speech of his own , as he is a man , ( some think Hebrew ) which Language he could speak by Nature if he were not taught some other : but this is a Dream , and hath as Herodotus Lib. 6. been twice confuted by a double experiment . The first was by Psammeticus a King of AEgypt , who desiring to understand which was Mans most Ancient and Natural Language , caused two Children to be seq●estred from all focie●y of Men , and to be nourished by two she Goats , forbidding all speech unto them : which the Children continuing for a long time Dumb , at last uttered Bec , Bec : The King being informed , that in the Phrigian Language Bec signified Bread , imagined the Children called then for Bread ; and from thence collected that because they spake that Language which no man had taught them , therefore the Phrigian Language was the Natural speech of Man. A weak proof and silly conceit . For the Childrens Beck ( as is probably collected ) was only that Language which they learned of their Goat-Nurses , when they came to suck their Tetts , who receiving from them some ease by their sucking , saluted them with Bec , the best Language they had , from whom the Children learned it ; and so much as they heard , so much j●st they uttered , and no more : and if they had not heard it , they could never have pronounced it , as we may evidently see in men that are born Deaf ; and by another experiment tryed upon other Infants , ( which is our second instance ) Purchas mentions it in his Pilgrims , Lib. 1. Cap. 8. tryed by Melabdim Elchebar , whom they call the great Mogore or Magul . He likewise upon the forenamed Errour , That a Man hath a certain proper Language by Nature , caused thirty Children to be brought up in dumb silence , to find out the Experiment , whether all of them would speak one and the same Language , having inwardly a purpose to frame his Religion according to that Nation , whose Language should be spoken , as being that Religion which is purely Natural to Man. But the Children proved all Dumb , though they were so many of them , and therefore they could not speak , because they were not taught : whereby it appeareth , that the speaking of any Language is not in Man by Nature ; the first Man had it by Divine Infusion , but all his Posterity only by Imitation . 4. In Philosophy it is commonly received , that the Heart is the seat and shop of the Principal Faculties of the Soul : Nay , Divine Scripture applying it self to the ordinary Opinion therein , in many places Attributes Wisdom and Understanding to the Heart : Whereas the noble pair of Physitians Hipocrates and Galen have made it evident by experimental proofs , that those Divine Powers of reasoning and discourse are seated in the brain , in as much as they are never hindred by the Distemper of the Heart , but of the Brain , nor recovered , being lost , by Medicaments applyed to the Heart , but to the Brain . 5. That the Radical Moisture , and primogenial heat naturally ingrafted in us wastes always by degrees from the time of our Conception , as Oyl in a Lamp , or Wax in a Taper : whereas till we come to the age of Consistence , we still grow in bulk , in strength , and stature : which for my own part I cannot conceive how it should be , if from our Infancy , our Natural heat and moisture still decreased . 6. That one hand by Nature is more useful and properly made for Action then the other : whereas we find no difference betwixt the two Eyes , the two Ears , the two Nostrills ; and if Men were left to themselves , as many I think , if not more , would use the left hand , as now by education and custom do the right : And in truth I am of Opinion that God and Nature have given us two hands , that we should use both indifferently , that if need required , the one might supply the loss or defect of the other . Such would Plato have the Citizens of his Commonwealth to be , and such I do take those seven hundred Benjamite , to have been mentioned in the 20 th . of Judges ; and if either hand should in Nature be preferred before the other , methinks in reason it should be that next the Heart , the Fountain of Life and Activity . Secondly in History , which is Ecclesiastical , Civil , or Natural . To begin with that of Ecclesiastical . 1. It is commonly received , that Simon Peter encountred with Simon Magus , and that the Magician undertaking to fly up into the Air , the Apostle so wrought by Prayer and Fasting , that he came tumbling down and brake his Neck : But of this story saith St. Augustine , in his Epist. 86. Consulano , est quidem & baec Opinio plurimorum , qua nvis eam perhibeant esse faelsam plerique Romani : Many are of this Opinion , yet most of the Roman Writers would have it but a Tale. And in another place he calls it Greciam fabulam , an invention of the Grecians , who were so fruitful in these kind of Febles , that Pliny himself could say of them , Hist. Nat. Lib. 8. 22. Mirum est qu● procedat Graeca credulitas , nullum tam impudens mendaeium est ut teste careat ; it is a wonder to see whether the credulity of the Greeks carry them , there being no lye for shameful , but it findes at ●atron among●st them : ●ay , Juvenel the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 took notice of their immoderate liberty this way , Juven . Sat. 10. Et ●●●●●●a . Graeci● mendax . Au●● in Historia . What dares not Lying Greece insert in Histories . 2. That St. George was a Holy Martyr , and that he Conquered the Dragon ; Whereas Dr. Reynolds de Eccl. Rom. Idol Lib. 10. Cap. 50. Proves him to be both a wicked man and an Arrian , by the Testimony of Epiphanius , Athanatius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Baronius himself in plain terms affirms . Apparet totam illam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commentum Arrion It appears that the whole story of George 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a forgery of the Arrians ; yet was he received ( as we know ) as a Canonized ●●●● through Christendom , and to be the Pastor both of our Nation , and of the most honourable Order of Knighthood in the World. 3. That the Wise-men that came out of the East to Worship our Saviour , were Kings , and from hence ( their bodies being Translated to Cullen ) they are at this day commonly called the three Kings of Cullen , and the day Consecrated to their Memory , is by the French termed Le jour de Trois Rois , The day of the Three Kings . Yet Mantuan a Monk , fears not to declare his Opinion to the contrary , and gives his reason for it . Nec Reges ut opiner trant , ntque enim tacuissent Historiae Sacrae Authores ; Genus illud honoris est Inter Mortales qu● non sublimius ullum , Adde qu●d Herodus , ut magnificentia Regum Postulat , hospitib●● tantis regale dedisset Hospitiu●● , secumqu● Lares duxisset in amplos . Had they been Kings , not holy History Would have concealed their so great Majesty , Higher on which on Earth none can be named ; Herods Magnificance would sure have framed Some entertainment fitting their Estates , And harbour'd them within his Royal Gates . 4. That the Sybills clearly foretold touching the Name of the forerunner , the Birth and Death of Christ , the coming of Antichrist , the overthrow of R●●● , and the consummation of the World , which notwithstanding , ( as Cansabon hath learnedly observed ) seems to be contrary to the Word of God , that so profound Mysteries should be revealed to the Gentiles , so long before the Incarnation of Christ ; especially since they write more plainly and particularly of those matters then the Prophets of God themselves amongst the Je●s ; and the greatest Cla●ks amongst the Gentiles Plato , Aristotle , Th●●p● astus , and others curious searchers into all kind of Learning , never so much as once mention either their Names or then Writings , nor any of their Mysteries . While the Church of Christ was yet in her Infancy , many such kind of Books were forged , thereby to make the Doctrine of the Gospel more passible among the Gentiles ; and no marvel then that these of the Sybills passed for current amongst them . 1. In History Civil or National , it is commonly received , that there were four , and but four Monarchies succeeding one the other ; the African , the Persian , the Grecian , and the Roman ; yet John Bodwin , a man of singular Learning , especially in matter of History , dares : thus to begin the seventh Chapter of his Method . Inveteratus error de qua●●● Imperiis , ac magnorum virorum opinione pervulgatus , tam altc radices egit , ut vix evelli posse videatur , That inveterate errour of Four Empires made famous through the Opinion of great Men , hath taken such deep roots , as it seems it can hardly be pluckt up ; and thorow a great part of that Chapter labours he the confutation of those that maintain that Opinion . 2. That Brute a Trojan by Nation , and a great Grand-child to AEneas , arrived in this Island , and gave it the Name of Great Brittain from himself , here Reigned , and left the Government thereof divided amongst his three Sons , England to L●●gri●●● , Scotland to Albanak , and Wales to Camber : Yet Camden our great Antiquary , Brit. de primis Incolis , beating ( as he professeth ) his Brains and bending the force of his Wits to maintain that Opinion , he found no warrantable ground for it . Nay by forcible Arguments ( produced as in the person of others disputing against himself ) he strongly proves it , ( in my judgment ) altogether unwarrantable and unsound . Boccace , Vives , Adricam●● , Junius , Polidorus , Vignier , Genebrard , Molinaeus , Bodine , and other latter Writers of great account , are all of opinion , that there was no such man as this supposed Brute ; And amongst our own Ancient Chronicles , John of Wat●●sted , Abbot of St. Alban , holdeth the whole Narration of Brute rather to have been Poetical then Historical , as you shall find in his Granarto 1440. which methinks is agreeable to reason , since Caesar , Taci●us , Gildas , Ninius , Bede , William , of Malmesbury , and as many others as have written any thing touching our Country before the year 1160. make no mention at all of him . The first that ever broached it was G●ffery of Monmouth about Four hundred years ago , during the Reign of Henry the Second , who publishing the British , story in Latin , pretended to have it taken out of Ancient Monuments written in the British Tongue : but this Book as soon as it peeped forth into the Light , was , sharply censured both by Giraldus-Cambrensis , and William of ●●●●● who lived at the same time ; the forme●●●●●● in no better then Eabulosam Historiam , ●●●●●●●●●y , and the latter Ridicula Figm●●● ridiculous Fictions , and it now stands branded with a black cole amongst the Books prohibited by the Church of Rome . 3. That the Saxons called the remainder of the Brittains , Welch , as being strangers to them : Whereas that Word signifies not as strangers either in the high or low Dutch , as Verstigan , a man skilful in those Languages , hath observed ; and that the Sexons gave them the name of Welch , after themselves came into Brittain , is altogether unlikely : For that , inhabiting so neer them as they did , to wit , but over against them on the other side of the Sea , they could not want a more particular and proper Name for them , then to call them Strangers . It seems then to be more likely , that the Romans being Originally descended from the Gaules , the Saxons according to their manner of speech , by turning the G. into the W. and instead of Galtish called them Wallish , and by a breviation Wal●h or Welch , as the French at this day call the Prince of Wales , Prince de Galles . 4. That the Pigmies are a Nation of People not above two or three foot high , and that they solemnly set themselves in battail array to fight against the Cranes , their greatest Enemies : of these notwithstanding Caesa●ion in his Book De. Gigantibus , Cap. U●●●●● , saith , Fabules● illa omnia sunt quae de illis , vel Poetae , vel alii Scriptures tradiderunt : All those things are Fabulous , which touching them either the Poets or other Writers have delivered . And with him further accordeth Carda● , De ror●● vari●tate Cap. 4. Apparet ergo Pigmiorum Historiam esse fabulosam , quod & Strabo sentit , & nostra aeras , ●●●●●●●● firmè ●●is mirabitia innotuerint , declarae . It appeares then that the History of the Pigmies is but a Ficton , as both Straba thought , and our age , which have now discovered all the wonders of the World , fully declares , Gellius also , and Redogis refer those Pigmies , if any such these be , to a kind of Apes . 1. In Natural History , ( to pass by that Vulgar Errour of the Ph●●●ix , so learnedly refuted by one of our late Writers , ) I shall here first gain say than gross . Opinion , that the Wholps of Bears are at first littering without all form or fashion , and nothing but a little congealed Blood , or lump of Flesh , which afterwards the Dam ●●●apeth by licking ; yet is the Truth most evidently otherwise , as by the Ey witness of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and others it hath been proved . And herein , as in many other fabulous Narrations of this Nature , ( in which experience checks report ) may we justly put that of Lucretius , — Qui nobis c●rtius ipsis Se●●●●us esse ●o●● qu● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What can more certain ●●●●● sence ; Discerning truth from false pretence . 2. That Swan●●● a little before thein Death sing most sweetly , of which notwithstanding Pl●● Hist. 10. 23● thus speak ●● ●●●● mor●e narratur flebilis caentus , falso ut arbitror al 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perimentis . Swans are said to sing sweetly before their Death , but falsly , as I take it , being ●●● so to think by some experiments . And Sealigi● , Exercitat . 2 ● . To the like pure , pose , ●● Cygnt 〈…〉 Graecia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Lucian● tribounal , apud quem aliquid ●●●●●● status ●●●●● . Touching the sweet singing of the Swan , which with Greece the Mother of Lies you dare to Publish ; I cite you to Luciant Tribunal there to set abroach some new stuff . And AElian , Lib. 10. 14. Cantandt studiosos esse 〈…〉 in every man's mouth , but for my self I never heard them sing , and perchance no man else . by daily and manifest experience are found to be untrue . 4. That the 〈◊〉 being hunted and in danger to be taken , biteth off his Stones , knowing that for them his Life only is sought , and so often ●●● hence some have derived his 〈…〉 from gelding himself : and ●pon this supposition the AEgyptians in their Hieroglyphicks , when they will signifie a man that 〈◊〉 himself , they picture a 〈◊〉 bitinh off his own Stones , though 〈…〉 it to a contrary purpose 〈…〉 by that example to give away 〈…〉 rather than our lives , and by our Wealth to redeem our danger 〈…〉 this relation touching the 〈…〉 been by sence and experience , and the testimony of Dioscerid●● , Lib. 3. Cap. 13. is manifested . First , because their stones are very small , and so placed in their bodies as are a Beres , and therefore impossible for the Bever himself , to touch or come by them ; and Secondly , they cleave so fast unto their back , that they cannot be taken away , but the Beast must of necessity lose his Life ; and consequently most ridiculous is their Narration , who likewise affirm , that when he is hunted , having formerly bitten off his stones , he standeth upright , and sheweth the Hunters that he hath none for them , and therefore his Death cannot profit them , by means whereof they are averted and seek for another . 5. That the Hare is one year a Male , and another a Female : whereas Reud●●●tius affirms , that they are not stones which are commonly taken to be so in the Female , but certain little bladders filled with matter , such as are upon the belly of a Bever , wherein also the Vulgar is deceived , mistaking ( as I should before have taken notice ) those for stones as they do these ; Now the use of these parts both in Bevers and Hares is this , that against Rain both the one and the other Six suck out a certain humour , and anoing their bodies all over therewith , which serves them for a kind of a defence against Rain . 6. That a Salamander lives in the Fire , yet both Galen and Dioscorides resute this Opinion . And Mathi●lus in his commentaries upon Dioscorides , a very famous Physitian , affirms of them , that by casting of many Salamanders into the Fire for tryal , he found it false . The same experiment is likewise avouched by Jouber●●● . 7. That a Wolfe , if he see a man first suddenly strikes him dumb , whence comes the Proverb , Lupus est in fabula , and that of the Poet , Lupi Marim viders prior●● . The Wolves saw Maeris first . Yet Philip Gomerarius professeth , fabul●s●● esse quod vulga ●riditur 〈…〉 , subito 〈…〉 & voc●m amittere . That it is fabulous which is commonly believed , that a Man being first seen of a Wolfe is thereupon astonished and looseth his voice . And that himself hath found it by experience to be a vain Opinion ; which Scaliger likewise affirms upon the fame ground . Utinam tet f●●●icastigantur mend●●●um afferter● isti , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lupis vi●i sumus si●e jactura vocis : I wish those Patrons of Lies were chastised with so many blows , as at sundry times I have been seen of Wolfes without any loosing of my voice . 8. That men are sometimes transformed into Wolves , and again from Wolves into men : touching the falsehood whereof Pliny himself is thus confident , Nat. Hist. Lib. 8. Cap. 22. Homines in Lopos ve●it rur su●ov●●resti●●ti sib● , falsum esse ●●●fidenter existimare deb●mus , aut credere omnia quae fabulosa tot secuis comperimus : That menare changed into Wolves , and again restored to themselves , that is to the shape of men , we ought assuredly to believe false , or give credit to whatsoever we have found fabulous , through the course of so many ages . Now that which hath given occasion to this opinion might be as I suppose either an illusion of Satan in regard of the beholders , or a strong melancholy imagination in the patients , or the education of men amongst Wolves from their very infancy . For that the Devil can at his pleasure transsubstantiare or transform one substance into another , I hold it no sound Divinity . 9. That the Mandrakes represent the parts and shape of a Man : Yet the same Mathiolus in his Commentary upon Dioscoride●y affirms , ●● them , Radices parro M●ndragarae humanam assig●● representare , ut vulgo oreditur , ●●●●●● That the Roots of the Mandrake represent the shape of a Man , as it is commonly believed is fabuolous , calling them cheating knaves and ●● salvers that carry them about to be sold , there with to deceive barren Women . 10. That the Pelican turneth her beak● against her brest , and therewith pierceth it ●●ll the blood gush out , wherewith she nourisheth her young : whereas a Pelican hath a beak bread and flat , much like the slice of , Apothecaries and Chirurgions , wherewith they spread their Plaisters , no way fit to pierce , as Laurentius , Gubertus , Counsellor and Physitian to Henry the Fourth of France , in his book of popular Errors hath observed . 11. That Vipers in their Birth kill their Mother of whom they are bred ; Sealiger out of his own experience assures the contrary : Viper as , saith he , ab impatientibus morae faetibus Numerosimis , atque idcirco crump●ntibus rumpi atque interire falsum est seimus , qui in Vincentu G●merini Lign●●thec● videmus enatas viperillas par●●te salva : That Vipers are re●● and slain by that number of their young ones , impatient of ●● lay , and striving to get forth , we know to be false , who in a wooden box belonging to Vineontius Camerinus have seen the young ones newly brought forth , together with the old one , safe and sound . True it is that the Viper bringing sometimes twenty or more , and being but delivered of one a day , the hindermost impatient of so long delay sometimes gnaws through the tunicle or shell of the Egge in which they are inclosed , and cometh forth with part of it upon them , which Aristotle affirming , thereupon it seems hath grown the mistake , that they gnaw through the belly of their Dam , which is undoubtedly false . The derivation then of the Word Vipera being Quasi vi parism , is but a trick of wit , grounded upon an Erroneous suspicion : It being rather ( as I conceive ) from vinum parient● , there being no other kind of Se●pent that bringeth forth her young hatched out of an Egge , but only the Viper . For the Readers ampler and fuller satisfaction in such curiosities , I referr him to Doctor Browns Learned discourse of the Errors of the Vulgar . For though I might give many more instances both in Philosophy and History , to shew that it is a thing neither new nor unjustifiable by the practice of Wisemen , to examine and impugne received Opinions , if they be found Erroneous ; Nevertheless for the present , Let it suffice ( that amongst many others throughout this Treatise ) I have also removed these few stumbling blocks out of the way . I shall next make good my promise according to the brevity of my former Method , to treat of the decay of the Powers of the minde in the Arts and Sciences , their helps and hindrances in matter of Learning , ballanced ; as also that there is both in Wits and Arts , as in all things besides , a kind of a circular progress , as well in regard of places as tunes , that they have their rise and fall , increase and decrease , and so through the Divine assistance I shall set a period to this discourse . Since it is a received conclusion of the choiceest , both Divines and Philosophers , that the reasonable Soul of Man is not converted into him by his Parents , but infused immediately by the Creatour , and with all that the Souls of all men , at their first Creation and Infusion , are equal and perfect alike , endued with the fame Essence and abilities , it must needs be , that the inequality and disparity of actions , which they produce , arise from the diverle temper of the matter which they informe , and by which , as by an instrument they work . Now the matter being tempered by the disposition of the bodies of our Parents , the influences of the Heavens , the quality of the Elements , Diet , Exercise , and the like , it remains , that as there is a variety and Vicissitude or these in regard of goodness , so is there likewise in the temper of the matter , whereof we consist , and the actions which by it our Souls produce : yea , where both the Agents and the instruments are alike , yet by the diversity of education and Industry , their works are many times infinitely diversified . The principal faculties of the Soul are Imagination , Judgment , and Memory . One of the most famous for Memory amongst the Ancients , was Seneca the Father , who reports of himself Proaemic , Lib. 1. Controver . That he could repeat a thousand names , or two hundred verses , brought to his Master by his School fellows backwards or forwards . But that which Muretus Lib. 3. Variar . Lection . reports of a young Man of Corsica , a Student in the Civil Law , whom himself saw , at Paedua , far exceeds it : he could , saith he recite Thirty thousand Names in the same order as they were delivered , without any stop or staggering , as readily as if he had read them out of a Book : his conclusion is Huic ego nec ex antiquitate quidam , quem opponam haebeo , nisi forte Cyrum , quem Plinius , Quintilianus , & alii Latini Scriptores tradiderunt tenuisse omnium militum nomixa : I find none among the Ancients , whom I may set against him , unless Cyrus perchance , whom Pliny , Quintillian , and other Latin Writers , report to have remembred the names of all his Souldiers , which yet Muretus himself doubts was mistaken of them . Zenophon , of whom only or principally they could learn it , affirming only that he remembred the names of his principal Captains , or chief Commanders . And AEneus Sylvius , in his History of the Council of Basil ( at which himself was present ) tells us of Lodovicus Pontanus of Spoleta , a Lawyer likewise by Profession , ( who dyed of the Pestilence at the Council , at Thirty years of age ) that he could recite not the Titles only , but the intire Bodies of the Laws , being for vastness and fastness of Memory , Nemini Antiquorum inferior , as he speaks , nothing inferiour to any of the Ancients . Famianus Straeda , in his first Book of Academical Prolusions , relates of Francis Suar●z , who had , saith he , so strong a Memory , that he had St. Augustine ( the most copious and various of the Fathers ) ready by heart , alledging every where ( as occasion presented it self ) fully and faithfully , his Sentences , and which is stranger , his very words ; nay , if he demanded any thing touching any passage in any of his Volumes ( which of them will make a great shew towards the filling of a Library ) Statim quo lequo , quaque pagina disseruerit ea super re expedite docentem ac digito commonstrantem saepè videmus : I my self have often seen him instantly shewing and pointing with his Finger , to the place and Page in which he disputed of that Matter ; this is , I confess , the Testimony of one Jesuit touching another , but of Dr. Rainolds , it is most certain , that he excelled this way , to the astonishment of all that were inwardly acquainted with him , not only for St. Augustines works , but also all Classick Authors : so that as in this respect it might truly be said of him , which hath been applyed to some others , that he was a living Library , or a third University : for it hath been very credibly reported of him , that upon occasion of some writings which passed to and fro , betwixt him and Dr. Gentilis , then a professour in our Civil Laws , he publickly professed , that he thought Dr. Reynolds had read , and did remember more of those Laws then himself , though it were his Profession , in which he admirably excelled . And for the excellency of the other faculties of the Mind , together with that of the Memory , it is a wonderful Testimony that Vines ( a Man of eminent parts ) in his Commentaries on the second Book , and 17. Cap. de Civit. Dei , gives Budaeus ; Que viro , ( saith he ) Gaellia accutiore ingenio , acriore judicio , exactiore diligentia , majore cruditione nu●tum nunquam produxit , haec vera etate nos Italia quidem ; then which man , France never brought forth a sharper wit , or pierceing judgment , of more exact diligence , or greater Learning , nor in this age Italie it self : And then going on tells us , that there was nothing written in Greek or Latin , which he had not turned over , read and exmined ; Greek and Latin were , both alike to him , yet was he in both most excellent , speaking either of them as readily , and perchance with more ease then the French , his Mother Tongue ; he would read out a Greek Book in Latin , and out of the Latin Book into Greek . Those things which we see so exquisitely written by him , flowed from him ex tempore ; he writ more skilfully both in Greek and Latin , then ( as he affirms ) the most skilfull in those Languages understand . Nothing in those Tongues being so abstruce and difficult , which he had not ransacked , entred upon , looked into , and brought as it were another Cerberus from Darkness to Light. Infinite are the significations of Words , the Figures , and proprieties of speech , which unknown to former Ages , by the only help of Budaeus , studious men are now acquainted with . And these so great and admirable things , he without the direction of any Teacher , learned meerly by his own industry ; Faelix & faecundum ingenium , quod in se uno invenit & doctorem & discipulum , & docendi viam rationemque , & ●ujus decimam partem , alii sub magnis Magestris vix discunt , ipse id totum a se Magistrum ed●ctus est : An happy and fruitful Wit , which in himself alone found both a Master and a Scholler , and a method of teaching ; and the tenth part of that which others can hardly attain unto under famous Teachers , all that learned he of himself , being his own Reader . And yet ( saith he ) hitherto have I spoken nothing of his knowledg in the Laws , which being in a manner ruined , seem by him to have been restored ; nothing of his Philosophy , whereof he hath given us a tryal in his Book de Asse , that no man could compose them , but such a one as was assiduously versed in all the books of the Philosophers ; and then having highly commended him for his piety , his sweet behaviour , and many other rare and singular Vertuos added to his greatness , he farther adds , notwithstanding all this , that he was continually conversant in domestick and state Affairs at home , and Ambassages abroad ; for it might truly be said of him , As Plixius Caecilus speaks of his Unde Secundur , when I consider his State Affairs , and the happy dispatch of so many businesses . I wonder at the multiplicity of his Reading and Writing ; and again , when I consider this , I wonder at that and so leave him wish that happy distick of Buckan●● . Galliae quod Graeca est , quod Graeca barbara nonest , Utraque Budaeo debet utrumque suc . That France is turn'd to Greece , that Greece is not turnd rude , Both o●●e them both to thee , their dear great learned Bud● . And if we look over the Peryneeus , Metamorus , in his Treatise of Universities and learned men of Spain , he spares not to write of Testatus Bishop of Abulum , si ali● quam su● seculo vivere c●ntig●sset , neque Hipponi Augustinum , nique Stvidoni Hieronymuns , nec quempiam ex illis pr●●eribus Ecclesiae antiquis nunc inviacrimus : had he lived any other age save his own , we should not have needed now either to envy Hippo for Augustin , or Stridon for Hiorom , nor any other of those ancient Worthies of the Church : To which Possevin in his Appaeratus adds , that at the age of two and twenty years , he attained to the knowledge of almost all Arts and Sciences . For besides Philosophy and Divinity , the Canon and Civil Laws , History and the Mathematicks , he was skill'd in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues : so as that it was written of him , Hic super est Mundi , qui scibile discutit omne . The Worlds wonder for that he , Knows whatsoever known may be . He was so true a student , and so constant in fitting o● it , that with Didymus of Alexandria , AEnea ●●●uiss● intestina putar●ur , he was thought to have a body of Brass , and so much he wrote and published , that a part of the Epitaph ingraven on his Tomb was ; Pri●ae natalis Luci foliae omniae aedaeptans Nondum sic faeerit paegina trina satis ; The meaning is , that of his published Writings , we shall allow three leaves to every day of his Life from his very Birth , there would be yet some to spare ; and yet withal he wrot so exactly , that Ximenes his Scholler , attempting to contract his Commentaries upon Mathew could not well bring it into l ess then a thousand leaves in Folio , and that in a very small Print ; and others have attempted the like in his other works with like success . But that which Paesquier hath observed out of Monaesteries Lib. 56. 38. Touching a Young Man , who being not above twenty years old , came to Paris in the year 1445 , and shewed himself so admirably excellent in all Arts , Sciences , and Languages , that if a man of an ordinary good wit and sound constitution should live one hundred years , and during that time ( if it were possibly ) study incessantly , without eating , drinking , sleeping , or any other recreation , he could hardly attain to that perfection : insomuch that some were of opinion , that he was Antichrist begotten of the Devil , or somewhat at least above human condition ; which gave occasion to these verses of Castellanus , who lived at the same time , and himself saw this Miracle of Wit. I'ay veu par excellence Vn jeune de Uinge ans Avoir toute Science & les degrees montans Soyse vantant scaevoir dire Cequ ' onques faet escrit Par seule fois le Lire Comme jeune Antichrist . A young Man have I seen At twenty years so skill'd , That every Art he had , and all In all degrees excell'd . What ever yet was writ He vaunted to pronounce Like a young Antichrist , if he Did read the same but once . Not to insit upon Supernaturals ; were there among us that industry , and the union of forces , and contribution of helps , as was in the Ancients , I see no sufficient Reason but the Wits of this present Age might produce as great Effects as theirs did , nay greater , inasmuch as we have the Light of their Writings to guide and assist us : we have books by reason of the Art and Mystery of Printing more familiar , and at a cheaper rate : most men being now unwilling to give Three hundred pounds for three Books , as Plato did for those of Philolaus the Pithagorean . And by this means are we freed from a number of gross Errours , which by the ignorance or negligence of unskilfull Writers crept into the Text : yet on the other side it is as true that we are forced to spend much time in the learning of Languages , especially the Latin , Greek , and Hebrew , which the Ancients spent in the study of things , their learning being commonly written in their own Language . Besides the infinite and bitter controversies amongst Christians in matters of Religion since the Infancie thereof even to these present times , hath doubtless not a little hindered the progress and advancement of other Sciences . Likewise it cannot be denyed , but that the incouragements for the study of Learning were in former times greater . What liberal and bountiful allowance did Alexander afford Aristotle , Eight hundred Talents for the entertainment of Fishers , Faulkners and Hunters to bring him in Beasts , Fowls , Fishes of all kinds , and for the discovery of their several natures and dispositions : Nay , the daily wages of Roscius the Stage-player , as witnesseth Mucrobrius , in his Saturnal Lib. 3. Cap● 14. was a thousand Dexarii which amounteth to Thirty pounds of our Coyn. And AEsop the Tragaedian by the only exercise of the same Trade , if we may credit the same Author , that he left his Son above One hundred and fifty thousand pounds Sterling , whereunto may be added , that the Ancients copying out their Books , for the most part with their own hand , it could not but work in them a deeper impression of the matter therein contained , and being thereby forced to content themselves with fewer Books , of nece●sity they held themselves more closely to them . And it is true what Seneca saith , as well in reading as eating , Varietas delectat , certitudo predest , Variety is delightful , but certainty more useful and profitable . So that upon the matter , reckonings cast up on all sides , and one thing being set against another , as we want some helps which the Ancients had , so we are freed from some hindrances wherewith they were incumbred ; as again it is most certain , that they wanted some of our helps , and were freed from some of our hindrances : if then we come short of their perfections , it is not because Nature is generally defective in us , but because we are wanting to our selves , and do not strive to make use of , and improve those abilities wherewith God and Nature hath endowed us . Male de Natura censet quicu●que un● illa● aut altero partu effatum esse arbitratur , saith Vives ; He thinks unworthily and irreverently of Nature who conceives her to be barren after one or two Births ; No , no , that which the same Authour speaks of places , is likewise undoubtedly true of times , Ubiqu● bona nascuntur ingenia , exc●lantur mod● , alibi fortassis frequ●ntiorae , sed ubique nonnulla . Every where and in all ages good Wits spring up , were they dressed and manured as they ought , though happily more frequently in some places and ages then others . Scythia it self anciently yielded one Anacharsis . And no doubt had they taken the same course as he did , more of the same Metal would have been found there . There is ( it seems ) both in Wits and Arts , as in ' all things besides , a kind of circular progress : they have their Birth , their growth , their flourishing , their falling , and fading , and within a while after their Resurrection , and reflourishing again . The Arts flourished for a long time amongst the Persians , the Caldeans , the AEgypitans , and therefore is Moses is said to be learned in all the wisdom of the AEgyptians , who well knowing their own strength , were bold to object to the Grecians , that they were still Children , as neither having the knowledge of Antiquity , nor the Antiquity of Knowledge : But afterwards the Grecians got the start of them , and grew so excellent in all kind of Knowledge , that the rest of the World in regard of them , were reputed Barbarians , which reputation of wisdom they held even till the Apostles time . I am debter , saith St. Paul , Both to the Graecians and to the Barbarians , both to the wise and to the unwise . Rom. 1. 14. And again , The Jews require a Signe , and the Graecians seek after Wisdom , 1 Cor. 1. 22. By reason whereof they relished not the simplicity of the Gospel , it seeming foolishness unto them : And n the seventeenth of the Acts the Philosophers of Atbens , ( sometimes held the most famous University in the World ) out of the opinion of their own great Learning , scorned St. Paul and his Doctrine , terming him a sower of Words , a very Babler or trifler : yet not long after this , these very Graecians declined much , and themselves ( whether through their own inclination , or the reason of their Bondage under the ●urk , the common Enemy both of Religion and Learning , I cannot determine ) are now become so strangly Barbarous , that their Knowledge is converted into a kind of Ignorance , as is their Liberty into a contented Slavery : yet after the loss both of their Empire and Learning , they still retained some spark of their former Wit and Industry . As Juvenal hath it Sat. 7. Ingenium ●elox ; audacia perdita , ser●●● Pr●mptus , & Isaeo terrent●or , ede quid illum Esse putas quemvis hominem secum attulit ad nos Grammaticus , Rhet●r , Geometres , Picter , Aliptes , Angur , Schaenobates , Medicus , Magnus , ●mnia novis Graeculus ●suriens in Caelum jusseris , ibit . Quick witted , wondrous bold , well spoken , then Isaeus Pluenter , who of all Men Brought with himself , a Soothsayer , a Physitian , Magician , Rhetorician , Geometrician , Grammarian , Painter , Ropewalker , all knows The needy Greek● bid goe to Heaven , he goes . But now they wholly delight in ease , in shades , in dancing , in drinking , and for the most part , no further endeavour either the enriching of their minds or purses then their bellies compel them . The Lamp of Learning being thus neer extinguished in Greece , In Latium spretis Accademia ●igrat Athenis . Athens forsaken by Philosophy She forthwith travell'd into Italy . It began to shine afresh in Italy neer about the time of the Birth of Christ , there being a general peace thorow the World , and the Roman Empire fully setled and Established , Poets , Orators , Philosophers , and Historians , never more Excellent . From whence the Light spread it self over Christendom , and continued bright till the Inundation of the Gothes , Hunns , and Vandals , who ransaked Libraries , and defaced almost all the Monuments of Antiquity , insomuch as that Lamp seemed again to be put out , for the space of almost a Thousand years , and had longer so continued , had not Mensor King of Africa and Spain raised up and spurred on the Arabian Wits to the restauration of good Letters by proposing great rewards and encouragements to them . And afterwards Petarch , a man of singular Wit and rare Natural Endowments , opened such Libraries as were left undemolished , beat off the Dust from the Moth-eaten Books and drew into the Light the best Authors . He was seconded by B●cca●e , and J●h● of Ravenna , And soon after by Aretine , Philephus , Valla , Poggius , Onimbonus , Vergerius , Bl●ndus , and others . And those again were followed by AEneus Sylvius , Angelus Politianus , Hermola●s Barbarus , Marsilius Ficinus , and that Phoe●ix of Learning J. Picus Earl of Mirandula , who as appears in his entrance of his Apogie proposed openly at R●●● Nine hundred questions in all kind of Faculties to be disputed , inviting all strangers thither , from any part of the known World , and offering himself to bear the Charges of their Travel both coming and going , and during all their abode there : so as he deservedly received that Epitaph , which after his Death was bestowed on him . Joannes hic jacet Miraudula , caetera ●●●●nt , Et Tagus , & Ganges , forsan Antipodes . Here lies Mirandula , Tagus the rest doth know , And Ganges , and perhaps the Antipodes also . And rightly might that be verified of him which Lucretius sometimes wrote of Epicurus his Master . Hic genus humanum ingenis superavit , & omnes Praestrinxit stellas exortus us aether●●● S●l . In Wit all men he far hath overgrown , Ecclipsing them like to the rising Sun. This Path being thus beaten out by these Heroical Spirits , they were backed by Rodulphus Agricola , Reucline , Melanct●on , Joachimus Camerarius , Musculus , Beatus Rhenanus , Almains ; the great Erasmus a Netherlander , Lodovicus Vives a Spaniard ; Bembus , Sadoletus , Eugubnius , Italians , Turnebus , Muretus , Ramus , Pithaeus , Budaeus , Amiot , Scaliger , Frenchmen . Sr. Thomas More , and Li●aker , Englishmen ; And it is worth the observing , that about this time the slumbering drowzie Spirit of the Graecians began again to be revived and awakened in Bessaerion , Gemistius , Trapenz●ntius , Gaza , Argyropolus , Gal●ondilus ; and others : nay , these very Northern Nations which before had given the greatest wound to Learning , began now by way of recompence to advance the honour of it by the fame of their Studies , as Olaus Magnus , Holsterus , Tycho Brabe , Frixius , Crumerus , Polonians ; But the number of those Worthies , who like so many sparkling Stars have since thorow Christendom succeeded , and many of them exceeded these in Learning and Knowledge , ● is so infinite , that the very recital of their names were enough to fill whole Volumes : And if we descend to a particular examination of the several Professions , Arts , Sciences , and Manufactures , we shall sure find the Praediction of the Divine Seneca accomplished , Natural . Quest. Lib. 7. Cap. 31. Mult● v●nientis aevi populus ignota n●bis sci●t . The People of future Ages ; shall come to the knowledge of many things unknown to us ; And that of Tacitus , is most true , Annal , Lib. 3. Cap. 12. Nec omnia apud prures meliores● prioria , sed nostra quoque ae●● multa laudis , & artium imitanda posteris tulit : Neither were all things in ancient times better than ours , but our Age hath left ro Posterity many things worthy of Praise and Imitation . I shall conclude with what Ramus writes further , and perhaps warrantably enough in his Preface . Scholast . Mathemat . Majorem doctorum hominum & operum proventum seculo uno vidimus , quam tot is antea 14. Majores nostri viderunt . We have seen within the space of one Age , a more plentious Crop of learned Men and Works , then ourPredecessors saw in fourteen next going before us . But our prejudice is so great , against all things po●ited without the Sphere of our Knowledg ; that all the advantage we can make of it , is , to condemn to the flame both Works and Authors . To acquaint Ignorance with the glory of the Heavens ; the Magnitude , Distance , Motion and Influence of the Stars , is to present our selves guilty of that folly , never to be pardoned , by that Multitude ; amongst which , to appear wise , is a crime , so Capital , that a punishment , less , then what the good Bishop suffered , for holding Antipodes , cannot exp●ate , which was no less than Death it self . Judge then , what courage a man ought to be master of , that will expose his Judgment to Publick Censour . Cesar and Alexander had not more occasion to use it , then that man hath , which shall dare to oppose an Opinion , which hath Generallity and Antiquity for its guard , to tell them , ( that the Eight Sphere is Sixty five millions two hundred eighty five thousand and five hundred of miles from us ; and that the least Star in that Sphere is greater then the Globe we tread on , ) and to maintain it amongst the rabble , is as dangerous , as to be a Daeniel in the Den , with the Lyons ; to speak of the seven Planets , their Natures , with the Effects that attends , their Times , Squares , Conjunctions , and Oppositions to any 〈…〉 Ingenious , is madness it self , the Zodiack with its Duodessi● division of Signes , with their quaternal Triplicities , and the Suns progress through those Signes , with the alterations that it occasions , as to heat and coldness of the weather , the length and shortness of the days and nights , the flourish and decay of all the fruits of the Earth , astonishes Ignorance , but to the Learned , observation hath made the reason of it obvious to understand . The language of the Heavens , how excellent a thing it is , all that have Souls of the first Magnitude can witness . Augustus himself was so great a lover of this Science , that he caused the Sign Capricorn ( it being the Ascendant of his Nativity ) to be Stamped upon his Coin , and advanced the same in his Standard . Tiberius did so dote upon the knowledge of the Heavens , that he learnt the same of Thrasillus at Rodes ; and indeed , the Wonders that hath been told , by those that have understood the speech of the Coelestials , might justly encourage all to the same Study ; for how could Gauricus have admonished Henry the Second , King of France , from Tilting in the one and fortieth year of his age , but that he read the danger of it in the Starrs ; or the Bishop of Vienna assured Don Frederick , that he should be King of Naples , Twenty years before it happened . I could quote many more examples , of the like nature , if I thought it were to any purpose ; but my dread is , that most of the Sons of Men , are so prepossest with an injury against all intelligibleness , but that which tends to the fil●ing of their Coffers , that a truth may expect the same welcome amongst them ; that a true Saviour found amongst the false J●●● FINIS . 
A65801	----	Sciri, sive, Sceptices & scepticorum jure disputationis exclusio authore Thoma Anglo ex Albis East-Saxonum. White, Thomas, fl. 1605. 1663 Approx. 137 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65801 Wing W1841 ESTC R33592 13524012 ocm 13524012 99967 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65801) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99967) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1559:31) Sciri, sive, Sceptices & scepticorum jure disputationis exclusio authore Thoma Anglo ex Albis East-Saxonum. White, Thomas, fl. 1605. [2], 137, [9], 16, [1] p. [s.n.], Londini : MDCLXIII [1663] Errata bound at end. A refutation of Joseph Glanvill's Vanity of dogmatizing--NUC pre-1956 imprints. "Appendicula tentans solutionem problematis Torricelliani de subsistentiâ hydrargyri in tubo supernè sigillato," has special t.p. and separate pagination. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. -- Vanity of dogmatizing. Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Nicole Fallon Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Nicole Fallon Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SCIRI , Sive Sceptices & Scepticorum Jure Disputationis Exclusio . Authore THOMA ANGLO ex ALBIIS East-Saxonum . Contra verbosos noli contendere verbis . Cato . LONDINI , MDCLXIII . Junioribus Britannicarum Scholarum Academicis , SALVERE & CRESCERE . ETsi non dubitem validioribus & magis opportunis auxiliis obviam itum esse exitiali illi Pyrrhonicae contagio , quod nova andere non ita pridem occaepit , tamen , quia nihil publici cauterii adactum ad ulcus Glanvillanum jam biennio integro aestuosum audiveram , visum est silentibus potioribus ad meam infirmitatem devolutum esse onus , iniquitatem indisciplinatae illius calumniae Vniverso Philosophantium choro impositae , si non avertere , certe aperire , & plumis disertioribus lacerandam exponere . Cogitate itaque , florentissimae Britanniae uberrima spes , Matris vestrae gaudium & Corona , cujus vos spectantis tacitum pertentant gaudia pectus , Cogitate ( inquam ) & serio ruminate in quid vivere & crescere moliamini , quosnam vos olim habitum iri speratis & concupiscitis ; sapientesne & peritos gubernandorum morum & salutis Christianae ? an Rhetorum turbam suaviter ignota & incerta garrientium , & greges vobis commissos in obvia praecipitia prodentium ? Ejusmodi enim caecos & caecorum duces vos ostentat mundo , qui Vanitatem dogmatisandi sive vera pollicendi , Britanniae Vestrae inculcat . Viro non irascor , qui magno ingenio & eloquentiae cum annis maturandae flumine non vadando , propositam & autumatam sibi veritatem non sine aliquo modestiae sale prosequitur , nam neque dogmata prodendi potestatem derogat Fidei , & spem quandam per accumulata laboriose experimenta olim ad scientiam perveniendi permittit : Sed digitum intendit ad quendam ( confessus Magistrum ) qui , libellorum sibi meditatorum periochas exhibens , secundam sic claudit . Hic est ubi praecipua jaciuntur Pyrrhonismi fundamenta , stabiliturque maxime illud , NIHIL SCIRI . Magna profecto futuri desperatio , si tot saeculorum labores in nihil sciri substiterunt . Ergone tot Collegiorum vestrorum magnificentissimae substructiones ad illudendum populis suavi fistulae garritu , nihil rationem promoventis , machinatae ount ? Ergo tot Majorum vestrcrum toto Christiano orbi prodigiosa ingenia ad fumos & inflatas bullas pro gemmis & monilibus distrahendas emissa sunt ? Vosmet ipsi ad parem inanitatem tot annorum exercitiis produci sustinetis ? Avertite & indignamini tantam celebritati antiquae & praesenti industriae ignominiam irrogari . Verum , quid tandem magnum illum Epicuri interpretem , Virum neque ingenii defectus , neque vitae ( quantum ego intellexi , ) morumque sequius unquam notatum , in haec pellexit cogitata ? Post quam à consiliis ejus domesticis prorsus alienus sum , dicam quid libellus offerre mihi videatur . Duae sunt scientiae de quibus lis constituitur ; Altera Physica , Metaphysica altera ; ( quas inter mediae Animastica & Moralis suas sedes occupant ) . Haec , paucis experimentis contenta , Veritates vi demonstrationis arripit , figitque ea vi quae sola inerrans est , Intellectus sc. nostri spiritalis numine . Haec sola virtus contradictionis robur inspicit , & unice certa & necessaria est , quantum sensibus non obumbratur ; sed eadem sensuum ope parcius utitur , & per hoc crescit quod in se revolvat intimi lucem visus . Floridior est Physica , & quasi verna specie blanditur spiritui nostro ad corpus declivi : Experimentis redundantior ; & nisi à socia adjuvetur & in regulas cogatur , paene Historica . Hanc plures ambire nihil miri est , & seniorem sororem quasi aridas frondes abjicere , cum tamen ipsa à priori pendeat , neque citra ipsius opem & principia ab ipsa mutuata , quicquam facile demonstrare , et progredi per causas catenatim valeat . Verum , hujus necessitatis ignorantia et huic Authori et pluribus magnorum virorum conatibus exitiū dedit , et datura est , donec desperatio progressus ad principia firmanda regressum doceat . Aliud offendiculum est complurium Modernorum effraenis impudentia , qui Aristotelem et Metaphysicam omnibus campanis crepant quoties ostentandi sese occasio prodit ; tomos ingentes in Bibliopolarum officinas condunt , pomposis velitationibus in scholis suis Sapientiam simulant , mirisque promissis incendunt nativum scientiae ardorem . His artibus debitos Scientiae honores et fructus sibi accumulant , et spectandi in Cathedris florent et adorationi proponuntur . Interea , si rem inspicias , ingentia illa onera unicam hanc quaestionum solutionem parturiunt , forte ita , forte non . Narrantur Historiae quid antiqui quid moderni de proposita aliqua thesi cogitaverunt , ratiunculae in hanc vel illam contradictoriam , quasi à funditorum vel Sagittariorum cohortibus jaculantur ; sic dilatantur paginae , intumescunt tomi ; sed , quando jam in sententiam ferendam incumbendum est , exit edictum in hunc sensum , Omnes Sententiae sunt probabiles , verum haec ultima mihi videtur probabilior . Quid ab auriculis Midae magis fatuum expectari posset ? Quis Tiresias de coloribus non sic verum effari valeat , fortassis est album , fortasse non . Quid hic mirandum si Vir ingeniosus adeo solennes nugas derisit ? et , cum apud hos degere Aristotelem et ipsius secreta , eo quod nemo contradixerit arbitraretur , ea integre neglexerit et contempserit ? Vos modo novi palmites surgentes in Vinum quod laetificet corda hominum , memores quod Virtus est medium vitiorum & utrimque reductum , Aristotelem neque fugite et execramini neque superstitiose adorate et amplexamini . Quae demonstravit , etsi pauca et contempta videantur , suscipite tamen . Ea est Principiorum indoles ut nota et aspernanda appareant , nullus tamen omnino progressus in scientiis sine illis habetur . Fundamenta aedificiorum tellure sepeliuntur , sed magnificam et in nubes surgentem fabricam illa sustentant . Qui Aristotelica negligunt , necesse est quoniam principia semper quaerunt nunquam ad scientiam pervenire . His tamen deteriores sunt qui fingunt et profitentur se Aristotelaeos , et Methodum demonstrandi ignorant , et praecepta ipsius negligunt : Circumventores Parentum , Plagiarii adolescentium , quos specie Philosophiae inescatos produnt Vanitati et Garrulitati ; Reipub. inimicissimi , cui cum debeant Juventutem scientia et honestate morum splendentem , praestant audaculam , fucatam , et ancipiti ad mala aeque ac hona cultu armatam . Vobis esto Aristoteles pancorum quidem Magister , sed quae sint faecunda in millia , in totam substantiarum separatarum indaginem , in praenoscenda Physicae contemplationi , et tandem in Judicium de illis quae per experientiam cognoscenda proponuntur . Habetis nunc utriusque partis actionem ; Vestrum est , candorem et tanti negotii sollicitudinem in concilium sevocare . Solidae vobis Scientiae cupientissimus THO. ALBIVS . Sceptices & Scepticorum à Jure Disputationis Exclusio . Actio prima . DAri Demonstrationem & Scientiam . Actio secunda . Scepticos nihil solidi afferre . Actio tertia . Imprudens esse negare scientiarum existentiam . Actio quarta . Praeliminariter objecta refelluntur . Actio quinta . Animae & sensationis ignorantiam refellit . Actio sexta . Plasticam & volutationis mysteria aperit . Actio septima . De causis inscitiae modernae inquirit . Actio octava . Avertit ab Aristotele specialis impietatis calumniam . Actio nona . Crimina in doctrinam & Voces ejusdem aspersa delet . Actio decima . Definitiones & argumentationes quasdam tuetur . Actio undecima . Topica aliquot adversus Scientiam effutita refutat . Sceptices & Scepticorum à Jure Disputationis Exclusio . ACTIO PRIMA . Dari Demonstrationem & Scientiam . SCepsin infaelici naturae aborsu antiquitùs natam , & ipsiusmet pudore è linguis disertorum ubi diu habitaverat elatam , & fidei Christianae constantiâ tumulatam , à vermium & insectorum epulis raptam , magicâ quadam operâ vivis restituere conatus est Petrus Gassendus , acerrimae vir Sagacitatis , nitidae Eloquentiae , copiosae facundiae , suavissimorum morum , & diligentiae admirandae . Idem ( quod his omnibus majus est ) Catholicae fidei renacissimus , & nusquam pravorum dogmatum suspectus , cùm tamen haec Sceptica infinitorum Errorum & omnium Haereseôn mater sit , & illa ipsa seductrix Philosophia , & inanis fallacia , quam cavendam Apostoli monitu docuêre Sancti . Hanc vir ille , caetera magnus , in exercitatione suâ paradoxâ adversus Aristotelaeos , non ur priùs tectam & scortorum more in tenebris vagantem , sed effronti vultu & fucatâ formâ turbis & foro ostentare ausus est . 2. Illius exemplo , apud nos linguâ vernaculâ eandem exornatam produxit Vanitatis dogmatizandi Author ; ipse quoque & ingenio pollens & Eloquio . Neque enun à vulgaribus mentibus timenda sunt grandia infortunia . Haec mei laboris est occasio ; propositum verò , si lumē caelitùs affluat & vires calamo ministret , hanc cadaveream scientiae aemulam in sua sepulcreta compellere , & inominatis dentibus rodendam tradere . Agedum igitur , quaesiti nodum evolvamus . 3. Quoniam iraque de Scientiâ est sermo futurus , ipsius aliquatenus investiganda est indoles . Docet itaque nos ipsa natura Hominem esse Animal cui data est Ratio per quam actionem suam dirigere natū sit : Rationem quoque notum est esse per quam quod ignotum erat redditur notum ; Actionem verò nostram plerumque in his consistere quae infinitam & insuperabilem mutabiiitatem & variationem patiuntur experientia nos assidua convincit . Ex quo fit virtutem illam quae immediata est actioni non posse cum proprietate Scientiam vocari ( cùm non sit infallibilis & demonstrativi discursûs effectus ) sed aptè conjiciēdi vim , & solet fere Prudentia vel propriè vel derivativè denominari ; propriè , si sit de Agibili quantum ad rectam à ratione procidentiam ; Analogicè si sit de actione seu Agibili quantū ad inferiorem aliquā facultatem quae sit famula rationis dominatricis spectat . Nititur porro prudentia duabus praeviis potestatibus , Arte & Inductione seu Experimento ; Ars , etsi Experientiae nativitatem debeat , tamen regulis universalibus non fallentibus suffulta est ; Ipsa tamen non intelligit necessariam illam & indefectilem regulae suae efficaciam , sed contenta est effectuum testimonio nunquam mendaciter respondentium . Inductio seu Experientia , plerumque verax est , sed non necessaria quia non est universalis . Hâc itaque dimissâ , clarum est decreta Artis , siquidem illa verax est , principia habere necessaria & necessario connexa , quae cogant effectum Artis non posse aliter sese habere , quàm quomodo Ars docet eventurum . Ex quo sequitur eandem esse materiam Scientiae & Artis , & cuicunque Arti suam deberi Scientiam , si Natura hominum ad ipsius assecutionem non deficiat . Sed quod de Prudentiâ suprà monuimus , idem de Scientia repetendum est ; sicut enim qui in Artificio aliquo prudenter se gerit , non propterea Homo prudens existimatur aut nominatur , sed qui actionem quatenus humana est rectè temperat ; sic neque cum proprietate sciens Homo appellandus est , qui duelli vel metrices demonstrationem callet , sed qui eorum demonstrationem habet quae sunt principia regendae Vitae nostrae quatenus humana est ; quarum Princeps est quae Theologiae vel Metaphysices vocabulum promerita est , proxima Ethica , inde Physica , sive quia Corpus Naturale seu Mundus propositus est disputationi humanae , tanquam actus quodammodo illius facultatis quâ Homines sumus ; sive quia post contemplationem Metaphysicam nihil aequè ad desideratam Beatitudinem promovet quàm Physica . Non tamē excludendae sunt Mathematicae ; Tum quia Quantitas quam meditantur est vestis eorum corporum quae Physicâ speculatione attinguntur , tum quia Physicorum leges & quasi demonstrabilitas passim abiis pendent . Ex quibus elucet nusquam improbiùs aequivocationem illudere humano generi quam in hâc appellatione Scientium seu Doctorum Virorum . Si enim scientiarum Analogicè dictarum periti non sint verè hâc appellatione digni , quantò magis qui nihil ulterius ambiunt quàm quid alii senserint psittacorū more repetere longè sunt à dignitate tanti tituli , & quàm manifestè perniciosi , si ejusmodi literaturam ad gubernationem humanae vitae , & ad vendenda toxica , vel ut minimū fumos , sub venerandae Sciētiae appellatione applicare ausint ? 5. Confectum est illam nobis scientiam propositam esse quae humanae vitae sit utilis ; & tria circa hanc quaeri posse in propatulo est . an aliqua omninò certitudo , saltem unius propositionis , vel unius ratiocinii quod Syllogismum appellamus , acquiri possit . Haeret huic difficultati proxima , an saltem habitus aliquis seu series plurium veritatum cum certitudine indagatarum ( quales à plerisque existimantur quas Arithmetae & Geometrae profitentur ) humanâ industriâ acquiri valeat . Ultima & à pluribus ( in exercitio saltem ) disputata quaestio ( quicquid in fronte prae se ferant ) ad Physicam & Metaphysicam coarctatur , an circa harum objecta utilis aliqua multitudo veritatum ansulari possit , sicut in Mathematicis Magistri videntur jam perfecisse . Et in hoc consistit utilitas hujus nostrae Diatribes ; & hujus conclusionis sive desperatio sive difficultas , ad priores elucidandas nos cogit , quae ex semetipsis suâ sese evidentiâ cōtutatae fuissent , nisi ex iis ad hanc tertiam gradus & penè necessaria cōsequentia terruissent eos qui in hâc ultimâ concedendâ tantum difficultatis passi sunt . 6. Age , primum gressum figamus , & invictè notam neque quolibet Scepticorum ausu evertendum asseramus , quod est esse , seu quod identicam propositionem velut objectum terminat & specificat ; ut si dicamus , Petrum esse Petrum , Lignum Lignum , Lapidem Lapidem , & quaecunque pari evidentiâ patescunt . Ridebunt credo hoc effatum Sceptici velut insulsum , quia Propositiones identicae à scientificis & ipsis scientiis excludi solent , velut nihil promoventes intellectum . Verùm hoc ipso risu suo nobis palmam concedent , fassi in his evidentiam inesse , quantumcunque inutiles sunt , & proinde ubicunque eadem necessitas intercedet , evidentiam abesse non posse . Unum in hoc dogmate occurrit nebulosum , ab acutissimi Viri Renati Cartesii umbrâ tenebras offundens , qui severissimo examine primùm notum excutiens , in illud tandem delapsus est ; ut cuique se cogitare primum cognitorum aestimaretur . Hoc autem , ut conjicio , diversae inter nos opinionis occasio exstitit , quòd cùm seientia & in Generatione & in Subsistentia considerari possit , ille priorem Methodum secutus est , nobis posteriorem relinquens . Reipsâ enim , si scrutemur quibus passibus scientia in nobis nascatur , videmus hoc primum contingere ut à corporibus passio in nobis fiat , & primum evidens quod nos feriat esse quòd cogitemus . At enim , si in Scientiâjam inexistente & quasi in quiete , quaeramus quid veritatem devinciat menti , ut de illa dubitare & quasi fluitare non possimus , nihil simplicius priúsve manifestum constabit , quàm quod est esse , in quo quodammodo formaliter includitur quod est sic esse ut dum est non possit non esse ; quod demum est , Intelligentem certum esse quod res sit , seu fixionem habere circa inexistentem Veritatem . 7. Fixo Propositionem Identicam esse evidentem , pariter fixum est Propositiones dictas per se notas esse evidentes ; si enim inquiratur in illas , evidens invenietur quòd Propositio per se nota quodammodo composita sit ex Propositione identicâ , & aliâ aliunde evidente , vel habitâ pro evidente . Propositionum enim per se notarum duae sunt species ; altera quâ Generica ratio praedicatur de specie , altera quâ species praedicantur divisivè de Genere . Exempla proponuntor , Homo est Animal ; Sensus est Animal Rationale est quoddam seu Vnum Animalium . Evidentia Propositionis in eo consistit , quòd Vox Animal significat quasi formaliter in praedicatione esse unum ex Animalibus , Vox autem rationale designet illud per quod Homo est unum ex Animalibus . Quare in hâc Propositione [ Homo est Animal ] latent hae duae Propositiones Vnum ex Animalibus est Vnum ex Animalibus , & illa altera quòd rationale est determinativum Animalitatis ; & haec posterior non affirmatur , verùm quasi sensu accipitur , vel alio modo supponitur esse notum & indubitatum , & ex vi prioris Identicae concluditur Hominem esse Animal . Similiter quando dicitur , Numerus est par vel impar , Quantum est finitum vel infinitum , & quaecunque praedicata contradictoriè opposita divisivè de subjecto praedicantur , latent in illis duae Propositiones , una identica , verbi gratiâ , quòd numerus par & numerus non par sit omnis numerus ; alia aliunde nota , scilicet quod numerus specialis , putà decem , sit quidam numerus . Haec posterior est nota quasi sensu , vel supposita , non dicta . Illa verò aequivalet huic , Omnis Numerus est omnis Numerus , & affirmatur unus ex omnibus numeris esse unus ex paribus vel imparibus , quia ex vi contradictionis inter parem & non parem , necesse est numeros pares & impares esse omnes numeros ; seu idem esse numeros pares & impares & omnes numeros . 8. Eadem vis Identitatis in Syllogismo quoque clara est ; verbi gratiâ , quando in primo seu Barbara accipiuntur duae Propositiones ex genere priori per se notarum , & concluditur ex illis alia veritas praeincognita ; ut cùm arguitur , Omnem Homnem esse Vivens , quia Omnis Homo est Animal , & Omne Animal est Vivens , fit idenficatio Hominis & Viventis , vel potiùs elucet ex duplici identificatione Animalis cum superiore & inferiore . Non itaque in alio sita est vis Syllogismi quâ figit mentem in hâc identitate quòd Homo sit Vivens , quàm quia per duas identificationes priores fixa manet circa praemissas . Palàm itaque est , Propositionis Identicae lucem fulgere tum in Propositionibus per sese notis , tum in iis quae Syllogismis concluduntur : & , quod sequitur , vel non esse evidentem veritatem Propositionis Identicae , vel Propositiones dictas per se notas , & Propositiones legitimo Syllogismo conclusas esse evidentes & Certissimas : Neque posse dubitari , quin tot Veritatum tractabilis sit certitudo , quot per Syllogismorum legitimas deductiones attingi possunt . Cùm itaque non nisi vecors existimari possit , qui neget evidentiam Propositionis identicae , non potest inter rationales reputari , qui Propositiones per sese notas vel legitimo ratiocinio collectas penitùs recuset . 9. Haec itaque esto hujus v●ritatis quòd detur aliqua certitudo sive scientia à priori , ut loquuntur , demonstratio , quòd quia non sit negabile illud esse quod est , seu Propositionem Identicam esse veram , & omnis Propositio sive Per-se-nota , sive Syllogismo-conclusa , non habet aliam necessitatem quàm quae in Identicâ relucet , de his non possit dubitari nisi de Identicis etiam dubitetur . Quandoquidem enim in Per-se-notâ evidens sit significatum per unum terminum esse illud quod significatur per aliud ; & in syllogisticè conclusâ similiter appareat ex eo quòd A est B & B est C , A sit C ; seu , quòd nisi A sit C , A non erit A , quia non est A nisi sit B , neque sit B nisi sit C , fit evidens quod quicquid legitimo Syllogismo evincitur , eandem necessitatem habeat quam habet Propositio Identica . Cùm itaque sit purae perverfitatis , & quae in humanam naturam non cadat , intra sese dubitare an Identica Propositio sit vera , manifestum prorsus est quicquid legitimo discursu ex per se notis conficitur , ultra ambiguitatis periculum insitum esse , seu esse Scientiam de omnibus similibus , ac proinde aliquam scientiam esse , & quidem de multis Veritatibus . Quod autem sive in per se notâ sive in demonstratâ Propositione assumitur ultra Identicas , non est capax veritatis vel falsitatis , sed quodammodo per modum Suppositionis accipitur , acsi diceretur , Si est Homo , si est Animal ; dico , ex vi hujus quod Homo vel Animal sint subjecta Propositionum vel praemissarum . ACTIO SECUNDA . Scepticos nihil solidi afferre . 1. NUnc ad Scepticos vel ipsam Scepsin depugnamus . Quid ait Scepticus ? Etiamsi ( inquit ) nihil sit certum , nihilominus plura apparent nobis esse vera , & ex tali apparentiâ procedimus ad operationem . Temetipsum innodas Sceptice . Quomodo enim , dum in communi clarissimè tibi apparet quòd non sit verum quicquam , tamen in specie asseris hoc tibi apparere verū ? Constántne haec simul ut appareat nihil eorū quae proposita sunt nobis esse verū , & simul appareat aliquod eorū esse verum ? Praeterea , siquid apparet esse verum , inde est quia certi seu veri ( quae quoad nos idem sonant , certum enim dicimus quod novimus esse verum , seu quod nobis est verum ) specie & similitudine nos fallat . Clarum autem est , non posse nos affirmare aliquid simile alteri si alterum non cognoscimus . Si itaque nulla sit inter homines Certitudo , sive nihil notum esse verum , nihil etiam Certitudini simile inter homines esse vel apparere poterit . Insipientium itaque est haec duo componere , nihil esse certum vel nullam certitudinem , & tamen aliqua apparere esse certa . 2. Verùm obdurabit Scepticus saltem apparentiam hanc ad Actionem humanam sufficere , quandoquidem omnis Actio est singularis , hoc est , in circumstantiis infinitis in quas Demonstratio vim non habet sed sola Prudentia seu vis conjectandi quaenam cuinam sit praeferenda . Attamen si Actio verè humana sit , hoc est , ratione purè & penitùs gubernata , Sceptica apparentia ad eam non sufficiet . Inprimis enim cùm Prudentia sit virtus intellectualis , non potest esse indifferens ad veritatem & falsitatem , sed semper tenax veri : In Actione itaque à Prudentiâ gubernatâ duo veniunt consideranda ; quod magis spectabile est , & in omnium oculos incurrit , est , An Actio consecutura sit immediatum & proximum finem ad quem destinatur ; & hoc incertum est plerumque ; sed etiam non consistit in hoc primarius Prudentiae effectus , sed cujusdam facultatis conjiciendi , quam Sagacitatem appellant . Alterum , in quo potissimè collocatur opera Prudentiae , est , An haec Actio sit exequenda hîc & sic ; ad quod sufficit ut duo constent , alterum est Actorem cupiditate nullâ duci , alterum est operam seu disquisitionem sufficientem adhibitam esse , quod ex priori pendet : cùm non sit defutura inquisitio , nisi aliqua cupiditas temeritatem Actori immittat . Quantum autem anima deficit ab his duobus , tantum etiam à Prudentiae lege deviat . Haec autem duo homini exercitato clarissima esse possent . Ulteriùs , rursus Scepticorum dogma à Sufficientiā ad Actionem abest in ipsâ primâ Agendi radice ; putà , an aliquid sit agendum , an Actioni universim supersedendum : frustrà enim molitur intellectus qualē Actionē perficiat , nisi primò constet agendum esse . Qui profitentur itaque neque hoc notum esse quòd aliquid aliquando sit agendum , ad Actionem ex puro intellectu moveri non possunt . Neque replicari potest apparere Sceptico esse agendum . Cùm enim Apparens vero & falso commune sit , imò cùm notum sit quod falsum est saepè probabilius & apparentius esse vero , palàm est neque probabilitatem in genere , neque majorem probabilitatem ullam omninò vim habere posse ad causandum assensum . Si autem quis non assensus fuerit huic Universali aliquid esse agendum , patet , quantum spectat ad puram rationem nullum habere Agendi principium ; sin detur aliud principium praeter Rationem , Actio quatenus ab illo oritur non est Rationalis . Concludendum proinde est Scepticorum actionem prorsus non esse humanam sed dumtaxat Animalem , utpote purè à sensu & imaginatione ortam ; vel pejorem Animali , putà quatenus Rationem Sensui submitti & inservire cogunt . 3. Sed , quod , summè adversum est huic hominum sectae , est , quòd indignè se gerant dogmatici si ad illos disserere vel ipsos garrientes audire sustineant . Cum enim in totâ natura humanâ non sit reperire aliquā sectam magis garrulitati addictam , & Vanitatis quae cymbala tinnientia consequitur , magis avidam , quantum à suâ Beatitudine remoti erunt si inter scientiae adoratores non liceat eis nugas suas vendere ? Hoc itaque expendamus an sint inter cultores disciplinarū admittendi . Sunt itaque scientifici vel Magistri vel Discipuli ; hoc est , qui ad habitum scientiae attigerunl , & qui ad scientiam conantur , seu Veritatis Inquisitores . Cum itaque palam sit Scepticos non profiteri se possessores scientiarum , fit eos inter Inquisitores esse numerandos . Quare , cùm hoc sibi repugnet , ut quaerat quod nusquam esse putet , vel certè quod inveniri posse desperat , frustra se candidatos & scrutatores scientiarū declarant . Adde quòd cùm neque per se notas propositiones admittant , neque legitimam aliquam discursûs sequelam , nullam habent viam & Methodum quaerendi , nullumque vestigium à quo suam indagationem exordiantur . Si autem quamlibet harum duarum admittant , aliquid certi non possunt non agnoscere . 4. Objiciendum itaque in ipsis principiis est hujusmodi scientiae contemptoribus , Quid tentatis quid caeptatis ? quomodo audetis aliquem verè hominem ad●riri ? Unde enim erit aliqua apparentia in dictis vestris ? Nonne aequum est vobis ingerere ut quaecunque assumitis priùs probetis , & hoc usque sine fine ? Nihil ergo poteritis assumere quo probetis nostra falsa vel incerta esse . Rursus , num alia formâ discursus utemini quàm syllogisticâ ? Sed vos hanc esse evidentem & certam negatis : Venitis itaque ut illudatis , ut corvos , Poetas , & Poetridas picas insulsè agatis . Replicabitis fortassis vos ( ut loquūtur ) ad Hominem disputare & ex iis quae nos acceptavimus ostendere quae deinceps docemus non esse certa . Quaenam vobis mens est ? Si in aliquo uno dogmate hoc conaremini , permissum foret tentare quid valeretis . At si in universum asseritis consequentias nos nequire facere bonas , Bestias nos appellatis , neque audiendi estis . Vos autem ipsi quomodo evincetis vel unam consequentiam esse malam ? An qualis debeat esse ut bona sit declarabitis , qui nullam esse evidentem conceditis ? Cur deinde nostrae erunt falsae & vestrae bonae ? at si neque vestras esse bonas affirmatis , quae vos intēperiae agunt ut nos in nostro vel errore quiescere non patiamini , cùm eximere nos ex errore nequeatis neque contendatis ? Certè suavius est credere se in luce esse quàm cum desperatione lucis suas tenebras agnoscere . 5. Tandem , quorsum argumenta congerimus adversus illos qui quantum in se est humanam naturam exuerunt , & ad Brutornm stabula fecesserunt ? Si enim ratiocinari sit ex certis & notis ad priùs ignota & incerta nos promovere , nihil autem certi sit , neque possibile est ratiocinium aliquod esse , & , quod sequitur , neque potentiam ratiocinandi vel Animal quod eâ praeditum sit . At si nihil est Certum , nihil etiam Verum erit ; cùm illud sit certum quod nobis constat esse verum , hoc est , verum habitum , verum nostrum , verum nobis , Verum quo nos Veri sumus . Palam enim natura nostra Veritatis in sese east vida ; ut cum nos seu intellectus noster verus est , hâc Veritate impregnatus , fiat operativus & dominativus omnium quae extra ipsum sunt , sive ut colat utenda , timeat timenda , contemnat contemnenda , & ficta quaeque terriculamenta rejiciat . Totam itaque appetentiam naturalem frustratur qui negat certitudinem aliquam esse ; & sicut naturam , sic etiam vehementissimum naturae desiderium & intentum exinanit ? Quid commemorem conversationem humanam ? praesertim verò negotiationem ? Si enim nihil certum esse possit in rebus humanis , cur infantes & pueros instruimus ? Cur majoribus ea quae nobis videntur Vera persuadere conamur ? Si enim nulla sit acquisibilis Certitudo indifferens prorsus judicandū est quid quisque a gat vel quò tendat . Maximè , cùm neque hoc certum sit aliquid esse alio probabilius , & longè minus an quod modò est probabilius futurum sit probabilius quando puer illud electurus sit . ACTIO TERTIA. Imprudens esse negare Scientiarum existentiam . 1. ERigamus stylū & ad integros habitus ampliemus . Potéstne credi tantum desipere viros ingenio nobiles ut illa negent quibus plena est humana Vita ? & sine quibus neque vivi vel omninò vel certè commodè potest ? Dico Artes. Contemplemur quae pars actionis & vitae nostrae earum famulitio sit destituta ; Cibi , vestes , tecta , deliciae , quot artibus parantur . Animus , liberalibus excolitur ; Agri , Montes , Maria Artibus dominantur . Denique , quid est in toto hominum usu in quo aliqua Artis species non exercetur ? Ars itaque quid est , nisi regula quae plerumque non deficit ? Hoc itaque ( modò mens humana sit sibi conscia ) certum est , Artem in pluribus non deficere . Quid si dixerim , nunquam deficere ? Sed vel artificem suae facultatis imperitū esse , vel ab imperatis ab arte socordiâ vel nequitiâ deflectere quoties error incidit . Verùm esto , ars nonnunquam deficiat , saltem tota series actionum nostrarum in hoc fundata est quod plerumque Ars non fallat ; quare , cùm quod nunquam fallit Certum sit , quae in plerisque numquam fallit in plerisque certa est , & quisquis hoc negat , ipsi naturae & rerum ordini vel per ignorantiam vel per pertinaciam sese opponit . Testatissima itaque est haec veritas quod certorum integri sint habitus , postquam & de singulis Artibus in communi certum est plerumque sortiri effectum , & tantundem de singulis in quâlibet arte membris & articulis constet . 2. Proximam sedem arripiunt sibi quae verum scientiae nomen adeptae sunt Mathematicae , Arithmetica primùm & Geometria , utraque tantâ extensione ut plures habitus integrent ; & , si ipsae agnitae pro scientiis sint , nullum locum relinquant repugnandi aliis scientiis ex dogmatum copiâ vel subjecti amplitudine . Tanta rursus est attestantium his scientiis firmitas , tot seculorum , tot eminentium ingeniorum , tot effectuum ultra aestimationem humanae prudentiae ostensione , & perpetuitate , ut nequeat esse dubium quin ipsi naturae recalcitrent qui calumniam his scientiis impingunt . Intueamur multiplicitatem syllogismorum , derivationem Veritatum longinquarum per medias & sibi immediatas propositiones , & quot principia seu praecognita ad unam aliquando veritatem investigandam adhiberi soleant , & non sibi solis constabunt hae scientiae , sed etiam ad alias extendent potentiam suam , & nihil non demonstrari posse , si industria non desit , suadebunt & persuadebunt . 3. Non tamen ignarus sum quae solent adversus has Scientias urgeri , maximè adversus Geometriam ; quae , quamvis in aliis opusculis aliquoties repuli , tamen etiam hîc quasi in loco maximè proprio repetenda sunt , praesertim cùm Sceptici nusquam meo Judicio plausum magis mereantur . Palàm enim est , etsi nihil à mente Geometrarum remotius sit , quàm illa de quibus accusantur à Scepticis , nihil tamen evidentiùs relucere in vocibus Geometricis , quàm quae non sentiunt . Deo sic providente , ut contra illa quae evidentiâ suâ sese optimè tutantur maximè infesta sint praejudicia , quo moneamur , in magis obscuris evidentiam non deserere , quantumvis gravibus quidem sed obscuris impellamur Argumentis . Quid enim manifestius est , quàm Geometras postulare Lineam rectam à puncto ad punctum duci ? quàm de de Lineis & Superficiebus totis voluminibus disserere ? Petere ut Linea in infinitum producatur ? Ut fiat circulus ? Triangulum aequilaterum ? & mille hujusmodi . Cujusmodi tamen nihil in rerum naturâ extare , vel certum est , vel certè adeò ambiguè ut sine demonstratione acceptari non debeat , cùm Geometrae demonstrationem neque tentent neque promittant . 4. Verùm in his omnibus attento Lectori satisfacere non est arduum . Interrogo enim , an vel cur non liceat Mathematico de objecto suo Universaliter loqui , quo modo Docti Indoctíque de suis rebus loquuntur . Potest itaque de corpore sibi proposito loqui quatenus longum est , nihil commentando de illo quatenus latum est , cùm corpus esse latum non sit aliud quàm esse longum secundum duas dimensiones . Similiter cùm corpus esse profundum significet corpus esse longum secundum tres dimensiones , quae invidia ut non liceat idem prout latum est considerare abstrahendo à tertiâ dimensione ? Haec , cùm sint ultra omnem evidentiam clara , & adeò clara ut non possimus aliter secundum naturam loqui , quaeramus in quo jaceat peccatum Geometrarum . Premis , asserunt esse lineam in rebus , hoc est , Longitudinem quae Latitudine careat ; Nego factum : probas , allegando quod signent literis Lineam , dicentes Linea AB . Peto ego quorsum inservit haec designatio ? Numquid ad aliud quàm ut nota sit longitudo corporis quod metiuntur ? Si non ad aliud , tum sensus vocū qui servit Mathematico est , corpus propositum quoad Longitudinem aequivalet distantiae inter A & B. Si autem plus assumit , necesse est quòd assumat aliquid impertinens ad suum discursum , quod à Geometris longissimè abest . 5. Par his ratio est de modo loquendi de Superficie . De punctis quoque magis evidens est solutio . Loco enim Vocis punctum A vel punctum B , subjiciatur vox Finis vel Terminus , & nulla erit umbra difficultatis . Quis enim potest ambigere corpus quatenus longum esse terminatum , & proinde Finem seu Terminum prohibeat signari ? De reliquis facilè apparebit esse par ratio ? Quando enim velit Lineam in infinitum produci , clarus Geometrae sensus est produci eam quantam necessarium est operi ipsius , quod nunquam contingit vel contingere potest esse actu infinitam . Non itaque infinitam sed indefinitam postulat Lineam Geometra , ut utatur parte aliquâ quanta fuerit necessaria . Similiter , si Circulum vel rectam Lineam fieri postulet , stultum est ut expectet in chartâ vel arenâ Mathematicè eam designari , cùm demonstratio quam ipse intendit sit Universalis & in intellectu tantùm existens non in chartâ . Sufficit itaque ut accuratio Circuli vel Lineae sit in mente , cui charta subjicit phantasma , debile quidem sed idoneum ad rigorosam formam in mente delineandam . Aliqui etiam Lineam in medio sectilem esse negant , neque diffiteor hoc Geometriae opusculum esse : Sed neque expecto ut probare possint Sceptici hoc esse impossibile . Et proinde contra perfectam demonstrationem , cujusmodi est Euclidea , audire leves ratiunculas , nugari foret non philosophari . 6. Non hoc , notâ dicam impressissimâ an admiratione prosequendum est ? Ea quae Geometriam caeteris scientiis praeferunt magnâ ex parte falsa esse , acceptata ad usum , non credita ad scientiam ? Non enim vel certior vel evidentior est Mathematica caeteris scientiis , sed facilior , sed aptior phantasiae ; non intellectui . Si enim in Geometriâ strictis vocibus utendum foret , & semper replicandum , hoc corpus quatenus longum abstrahendo à latitudine , vel quatenus latum abstrahendo à profunditate , tota disciplina , illo claritatis allectamento quo perfundit Lectorem arescente , taedio redundaret . Nunc quia licet nominibus Punctorum , Linearum , & Superficierum quasi rebus uti , & ex hâc crassâ apprehensione figuras spectabiles deformare , Veritates Geometricae paenè ipsis oculis corporeis illucescunt . Tantundem an in aliis scientiis praestari possit , ex aliquâ certè parte , nondum claret ; sed ex Algebraico more conjici potest , non usquequaque humanam industriam effugere . 7. Hoc certè ex contemplationis Geometricae modo , quem expressimus , constare potest , ipsis Geometris usitatum esse non ex vi vocum sonantium , sed ex notionibus in mente latentibus consequentias & scita trahere ; sed hoc benignitate naturae illis disciplinis indultum esse , ut non sit illis necessarium aequivocationes vocum resolvere . Sed ubi terminos suos explanaverunt , possint sine cespitatione progredi . Unde videmus , si quando in explicatione vocum laborandum est , pares tricas in Geometricis pullulare quàm in Metaphysicâ , ut liquet in eâ Quaestione quae de angulo cōtactûs agitatur , ex eo quia Angulum non videant sonare quantum , cùm fateantur non posse existere Angulum sine Spatio . Patens itaque redditum est , primum laborem in reliquis scientiis esse , ut inter adversas partes de Quaestione constet , non solùm in vocibus sed etiam in mente . Et hoc potissimùm esse vitium reliquas Scientias debiliter tractantium , quòd obstinati maneant voces in praeaccepto sensu & illo non liquido usurpare , neque possint inter se consentire circa vocum explicationem . 8. Concludendum est in Physicâ quoque & Metaphysicâ infinitarum Demonstrationum copiam fore , si industria non desit . Quis enim adeò omnis sensûs expers est , ut pertinaciter neget formam syllogisticam etiam in subjectis harum Scientiarum vel confici posse , vel si confecta fuerit valere . Vel itaque dicendum est ratiocinantes in iis disciplinis nequire mentem suam comprehendere , & declarare quid animo percipiant cùm hujusmodi voces promunt , vel certè easdem posse in Syllogismum compingere , & Scientiam procreare . Palàm quoque est , in eâ parte Physices quae verè talis vocatur , seu illâ quae tractat qualitates sensibiles , in quibus aequivocae voces non invehunt tantam obscuritatem , faciliorem esse Demonstrationis laborem ; in Metaphysicis verò magis arduum , quia Voces quò communiores eò magis aequivocationi obnoxiae sunt . Sed è converso , quia quò magis communia sunt quae tractantur , eò simpliciores sunt notiones , & , quod sequitur , evidentior terminorum connexio , propterea Demonstrationes quae in Metaphysicis conduntur , oportet esse evidentissimas & securissimas , & tales ut ex iis reliquarum Scientiarum evidentia meritò dependeat . ACTIO QUARTA . Praeliminariter objecta repelluntur . 1. NUnc ad querelas dicam an opprobrationes Scepticorum arrigendae sunt aures , quantumvis ipsimet non leves sint malorum quae dogmatophilis objectant caussae , dum etiam agnoscentes integram esse Hominis operam , & quidem attenti , Scientiae alicujus Pomoeria dilatare , ipsimet humilia & plausum pellacis linguae sectati , etiam indoles aliorum Scientiis natas , avertere ab Heroicā illâ cogitatione , praetensâ impossibilitate contendunt . Attamen etiam hoc si solidè agant , ignoscendum reor . Verùm , si neque legitimâ ad hoc ingrediuntur semitâ , quomodo non sunt explodendi ? Et fortassis plures sunt malè quaerentium defectus , mihi satis est tres proponere . Primus sit illorum qui incapacia Veritatis quaerant , sive de illo quod omninò non est quaerunt quomodo fit vel fiat ; Ut si quis petat Triangulum Circulo dato aequale ipsi inscribi . Secundus sit illorum , qui queruntur nesciri illa , quae etsi in sese vera , tamen extra humanas vires vel omninò vel certè hactenùs constituta sunt ; quasi indignetur quis Ignota nobis esse bella vel administrationem Rerumpub . Planetarium , si globi illi rationalibus creaturis sint consiti . Imprudentis enim est illa indignari esse nescita , ad quae cognoscenda nullam accidentium scalam Natura donavit . Ultimus defectus est plangentium ea non cognosci quae per industriam honestam investigari possunt , & investigabuntur , si ardor inquisitionis maturescat . Ignarus enim est & importunus , qui moram nullam Scientiis augendis permittit . Inter hos non repono eos heautontimoroumenos qui excruciant se quòd illa nesciantur quae publicè aliis nota sunt sed illis ignota , quia ex praejudicio extrinsecùs accepto negligunt inquirere in illa quae ab aliis dicta sūt ; quod hominum genus frequentissimum hodie est inter illos qui scientiam ambiunt : sed & onerosissimū ; Quid enim improbius esse potest quàm manifestissima intellectui nolle videre permotum calumniis profitentium sese nescire quae alii constanter affirmant evidentissimè comprehendi . 2. Ipsae jam loquantur querelae , illae nempe quibus quatuor a tertio Capitula cumulavit dogmaticae progressionis contemptor , si primò quae ignoscendo exprobrat examinemus . Sunt illa duae quasi agnitae Philosophorū metae , causae nempe aestuum marinorum , & miraculorum maneticorum : Singulatim inspicere tentabo . Et quantum ad aestum marinum , etsi illum iis adnumerare liceret quorum accidentia non satis nobis comprehensa sunt , & proinde Jure exigere possem ut , qui illum incomprehensibilem existimant , phaenomena curent liquidari , doceantque nos justis nauarchorum calculis , quibus diebus in singulis regionibus fiat maris & tumor & detumescentia ; Alioqui industriam meritò clamem , Philosophiam excusem . Non tamen tanto cum rigore ad benignum adversarium disceptabo , sed haec convinci posse de hâc vicissitudine maris disputabo : Ab extrinseco motore causari motum . Hunc non alium esse quàm ventum . Venti Aeolos esse Solis & Lunae ad diversas terrae plagas aspectus varios : quae si vera sunt , si ex phaenomenis evidentia ; non superest nisi ut Phaenomena accuratiùs indagentur , neque Arti sed industriae particularium ignorantia impingatur ; Philosophia libera exiliat . 3. Proposita sigillatim numeremus . Primum est maris motum ab extrinseco esse . Demonstratum est est hoc ab Aristotele in libris Physici Auditûs , ut nôrunt ipsius studiosi ; Dialogi quoque de Mundo operam aliquam in hoc posuernut ; & , si occurrat proprius in hoc tractatu locus , non pigritabor eadē explicare : hîc haec propositio est assumenda non probanda . Authorem hujus motûs esse ventum , plura comprehendit ; putà & ventum sufficientem esse agitatorem Maris , & eum specialiter concurrere ad eum motum qui vocatur aestus . Quoad priorem partem , ut taceam quot diluvia seu exundationes Maris ope ventorum littorales plagas invaserint , ultra Thamesin nihil est necesse peregrinari , in quo singulis fermè brumis aestum Maris pluries aliquando uno die retundi contingit , vel majoribus incrementis inundare , ut plateas suburbiorum Londinensium invadat . Quod rursus hunc ipsum aestuosum circuitum cieat ventus , praeter necessitatem quam secum vehit perpetuus apeliotes ab Atlantico mari ad occidentis Indias indefessè fluens , semestres impetus inter Africam & Americam ultrò citróque redeuntes ventis eādem vicissitudine semper spirantibus , manifesto indicio sunt . Adjice his toto Sinensi tractu tempestates certas in Noviluniis & Pleniluniis cum pluviis vehementissimis & fluminum exundationibus assiduè expectari , unde aestuum varietas iisdem articulis augeatur . A sole modò & lunâ pendere ventos & pluvias & procellarum ortus notius est quàm ut liti sit subjectum . Haec itaque cùm clara sint , aestûs caussae quoque latere non possunt , etsi certi ambitus ignorentur , observationibus nondum exactè calculatis . 4. Neque minor est magneticae Philosophiae evidentia , si per partes eam intueri sustineamus . Nihil enim dubitari potest ex subita mutatione sive ferramentorū idoneorum sive aliorum corporum magneticae directioni idoneorum , quin per fluxum atomorum insensibilium ex uno corpore in aliud derivatorum concipiatur vis illa directionis quam Magneticam dicimus : Neque magis dubitari potest ex eo quod situs magnetici corporis vel perpendicularis vel latitudinarius horizontalis sit aptissimus ad eandem vim creandam , quin corpus primò Magneticum sit Tellus quam calcamus , vel certè crusta ipsius nobis citima . Neque rursus ambigere licet ex perpetuo motu corruptionis & generationis hujus facultatis magneticae quae elucet in his corporibus , quin sit perpetuus quidam fluxus atomorum sursum & deorsum , itemque inter aequatorem & polos , per quem influatur haec facultas & alatur . Neque iterum haereat quisquam ferri corpus magneticum , si in suâ libertate sistatur , secundùm fluxum similium atomorum , ut innatans flumine sequitur aquae vehementis impetum ; Et , quod sequitur , & declinatione vel variatione acûs signari quo alveo atomi telluris proprii ferantur . Quae si solidis animadversionibus & fixo discursu prosequamur , non mihi apparet quid tanti mysterii lateat in magneticâ vi & operatione quod in claram lucem protrahi nequeat . Fuerunt itaque olim cum capite Nili celata haec arcana naturae , nunc testimonium non defectui sed profectui fcientiae tribuunt . His itaque praelibatis ad ipsa objecta descendamus . ACTIO QUINTA . Animae & Sensationis ignorantiam refellit . 1. TErtio itaque eloquentissimae dissertationis capite objicit ignorantiam illius rei quae notissima nobis esse deberet , putà Animae nostrae , de quâ qualis sit in terrenâ hâc nostrá habitatione nihil ( quantum mihi perspicere datum est ) vel docet vel inquirit ; sed esse illam , ex effectis clarissimè colligi asserit ; quid autem sit quaerere par esse infantium errori , qui post speculum quaerunt corpus cujus superficiem antrorsus depictam viderant . Et ad meum sensum egregiè dixerat si pedem ad alia non movisset : Sed in sequentibus interrogationibus in hâc ipsâ se defecisse arguit . Quaeritat enim ulteriùs , Unde Anima venerit ? & quomodo corpori sit unita ? Manifestè itaque deprehenditur Animam in corpore latentem existimare de se quandam substantiam esse , cui per se fieri , sive advenire & alteri jungi competat . Unde & subsistentiam vernaculè appellat , quod Ens & Substantiam notare non dubitandum est . Hunc autem esse gravissimum in Philosophiâ errorem dubitare nequit , quisquis Vnius & plurium oppositionem agnoscendo sufficit . Palàm enim est vel Hominem non esse Ens , vel Animam & Corpus non esse duo Entia , si Unū non potest esse plura , neque plura Unum . Neque me terret distinctio ( quae pueris philosophiam garrientibus in sacco parata est ) Entis perfecti & imperfecti ; quae nihil sonat , nisi imperfectum significet cui aliquid deest ad hoc ut sit Ens , quo posito imperfectum Ens non est Ens , & distinctio evadit futilis . Alioquin idem non potest esse unum Ens & plura Entia . Quare vel Homo non est Ens , sed dualitas ex Intelligenriâ & Belluâ ; vel Anima & Corpus non sunt duo Entia . 2. Quando itaque petit , Unde Anima veniat ? Reponendum est , An dubitet unde Homo veniat ? Si enim Unicum est vivente Homine quod dicitur Homo , ille solus est qui advenisse potest ; & ventum flagellat qui quaerit unde Anima venerit . Neque Majorum quantumvis Reverendorum me quatit Authoritas ; non dico illorum qui discussioni quasi impares sese cedere profitentur ; hi enim posteris lampadem tradunt , hortantes ut in eodem stadio decurrant spectandi num quid illis defaecatius occurrat quàm sibi , patrocinaturi Veritatem elucidantibus . Sed eorum oppositioni resisto , qui omnium Ecclesiarum fidem esse clamant Animas rationales à Deo condi . Assuetus enim jam sum ad distinguendum quid sinceritati Fidei & quid Subtilitati Scholasticae debeatur . Si tribuo nativitatem Hominis , quatenus intellectivus est , singulari Dei potentiae & operationi , Doctrinae Ecclesiasticae Clavibus me submisi , & Sanctorum Traditioni subscripsi ; Actio verò quae Generatio est Hominis , num duabus actu partibus constet , an unica sit per plures notiones aequivalens pluribus realiter distinctis , Speculativa purè est Quaestio ad Scholam pertinens . Et sic pronunciandum est Unum Ens , Hominem aequivalentem Belluae & Intelligentiae , unâ actione in lucem existentium educi quae aequiualeat duabus , Generationi Animalis & Creationi Intelligentiae . 3. Ex hâc Veritate derivamur ad sequentes duos nodos patentissimè solvendos . Secundus quippe nodus est , quomodo Uniantur Corpus & Anima ; quem palàm est in hoc vitiosum esse , quòd supponat duo Unienda existere , vel ante compositum , vel in ipso composito non destructa sed colligata ; quod non solùm ex suprà declaratâ Veritate , verùm etiam ex Definitione Partis perspicuè est falsum . Partes enim dicuntur ex quibus per motū qui vocatur compositio fit unum ; vei in quas resolvitur quod era unū per Divisionem seu destructionem Unitatis . Unitas autem , non unio , est forma Unius ; in eo autem quod est Unum quaerere colligationem est quaerere per quid idem fit Idem . Currit idem Error in sequenti difficultate , quae luget nesciri quomodo Anima moveat corpus , quae interemptivè tollitur negando Animam movere corpus . Verè enim Unum membrum animatum movet aliud , sed non aliqua substantia quaesit pura Anima movet immediatè membrum aliquod in quo non sit Anima . Appello caetera Animalia in quibus Anima independens à corpore pleno ore negatur , & peto ut ostendatur mihi quis motus sit in Homine qui in illis non sit . Fateor libens , alio modo unum membrum praesertim cerebrum in homine movere caetera quàm in aliis Animalibus , & hoc ratione differentiae quae in Animabus est ; sed priùs experimentis constare debet Animam humanam absque adminiculo corporis vel membri alicujus coagentis aliud membrum movere , quàm inquirendum sit in modum quo hoc vel fiat vel fieri possit . 4. Ultimae , quas in hoc capitulo plangit tenebrae collocatae sunt in ignorantiâ illius wot us , quo è cerebro Spiritus in nervos actioni naturali Animalis congruos derivantur : Et siquidem communi omnibus Animalibus argumento pugnaret objector facile cederem areâ , fassus non illam mihi Anatomes peritiam suppetere , ut oculis subjicere valeam cur ex motu irae cordebullientis emicent spiritus in illos musculos , quorum contentione feratur in adversarios Animal , & ex motu Timoris spiritus in oppositos musculos quibus ab iisdem fugiat Animal depluant , cùm utrisque pariter quodammodo vim augeant ; nullus tamen ambigo ex vi motûs cerebri à motu cordis effecti , fieri ut aditus unorum canalium claudantur alii aperiantur , & inde sit admiranda haec & hactenus non satis pervisa spirituum directio . Verùm Author casum proprium Homini constituere videtur , ostentans voluntatem & fortassis electionem , quasi primum hujus directionis authorem : labitur itaque eodem semper errore arguens . Priùs enim demonstrādus est aliquis voluntatis actus , qui motum cordis ( quem cum violentus est Passionem appellamus , cùm quicquam molimur Desiderium vel Fugam aut aliâ simili denominatione indigitamus ) non habeat vel praecedentem vel comitantem ; qui si nullus est , jam puro Mechanismo ( ut ille loquitur ) & non inexplicabili quâdam popotentiâ fit haec directio . Non posse autem adeò exemptum actum voluntatis existere , satis perspicuum est illis qui cognitionem sine pulsu phantasmatum nullam agnoscunt ; nequeunt enim phantasmata non consuetis Naturae viis vel non ipsa cieri vel alia ciere : Per motus itaque à corde derivatos , sive in Homine sive in Animalibus , motus seu naturales sive liberi , universim peraguntur ; & , quod sequitur , contemplationi & dispectioni Philosophiae & accuratae Mechanicae subjecti sunt . 5. Caput quartum Sensationis & Memoriae inexplicabiles esse naturas objicit . Quoad priorem , primò agnoscit Sensationis substantiam in solo cerebro sitam esse ; Deinde inclinat in phantasticam illam Cartesii , de motu à coelis usque ad oculos nostros per tenuissimi aetheris continuitatem deducto , seu conjecturam , seu exerrationem à manifestis naturae vestigiis ; sed quoniam Aristotelaea non aestimat incredibilia , mihi quoque omittenda est eorum Speculatio . Tandem itaque recidit in antiquum Errorem , inquirens quomodo corporea in nudum spiritum vim habere valeant . Supponit itaque Animam in corpore Ens quoddam esse , non formam vel qualitatem Entis quod est Homo , & eâdem chordâ oberrat , neque opus est pridem disputata recoquere . Sed nè nihil novi dicat , calumniatur sensu solo non posse agnosci quantitates rerum , distantias , figuras & colores . Fateor me in Viro curioso & ingenioso mirari haec objecta , quae Opticis demonstrationibus adeò dilucidè sunt explanata & demonstrata . Quis adeò ignarus est , ut in eâdem distantiâ nesciat majora obtusiori angulo & fortiùs ferire oculum ? Quis nescit figuram , modò plana sit , prout objicitur oculo , non aliud esse quàm quantitatem in hanc vel illam partem magis seu spatiosam seu contractam ? Sin solida sit & tertiae dimensionis particeps ex distantiâ varietatem mutuari ? Rursus , Distantiam non esse aliud quàm magnitudinē quandam inter oculum & objectum expansam ; quae si judicari non possit , neque de distantiâ oculos testari posse ? Colorem tandem non esse aliud quàm Superficiei secundum partes sensui indistinctas confusam figurationem ? Unde perspicuum manet , non aliam Geometriam oculo ad haec omnia esse necessariam , quàm quae ad magnitudinem ex Anguli varietate aestimandam necessaria est . 6. Proximus in Memoriam labor expenditur . Illius explanationem ut impossibilem declaret , quatuor illam excutiendi methodos commemorat & rejicit : Mihi alia ineunda est via . Primò enervanda est haec consequentia , Si aliquid in Memoriâ hactenùs explicatum non fuerit , propterea existimandum esse neque futuris explicatum iri , seu impossibile explicatu esse . Monendum etiam quaedam semper ignoratum iri , vel quia levitas rerum discendi operam non mereatur , vel quia aliquando cognitorum moles tanta futura sit , ut amplior Scientia intellectui sit futura onerosa : de similibus autem conqueri est humanae conditionis oblitum esse . Quod itaque nobis in hâc Quaestione agendum videtur , est , illa quae circa Memoriam stabilita sunt & evidentia cōmemorare ; de incognitis verò aestimare num aliquando cognita erūt vel mereātur cognosci . Primò itaque evidens est distinguendum esse in Memoriâ , quid sit Memoria & quid Reminiscentia . Memoria enim est Conservatio impressionum ab objectis factarum , per quam potens redditur Animal iis pro libitu vel necessitate suâ uti . Reminiscentia verò est Motus quidam quo ista potentia utendi impressionibus in actum & usum reducitur . Circa Memoriam itaque & stationis seu quietis ratio reddenda est , & motionis sive caussae sive modus ; & utriusque ( nisi fallor ) evidentia quibus insistamus vestigia Natura & Experientia offert . 7. Inprimis , decîdi à moventibus sensum quasdam exuvias & corporis delibamenta , quoad tactum , gustum , & odoratum notius est , quàm ut litem sustinere possit . Qui lumini è rebus ad oculos revertenti eandem vim negaverit , pariter neget solem , exhalationes , & vapores è terrâ maríque elicere ; postquam non alia est operationum diversitas , nisi quòd altera major & fortior , alia debilior sit & minor . Quòd autem hi atomi ipsum cerebrum subeant vehiculo spirituum , hoc est , substantiae cujusdam liquidae & substilissimae , vix ab importuno negari valebit , si quomodo impregnentur Aquae & Olea in memoriam revocemus . Necesse est itaque hos atomos non sine impetu impingere in illam cerebri partem cujus percussione fit perceptio . Flumen rursus seu Liquidum impetu adversus resistens adactum cum impetu non resilire , & experimentis & rationi clarissimè repugnat : Repulsum autem in substantiâ suâ aliquid visci habens , & in vase viscoso , cujusmodi sunt illa quae cerebrum circumstant , Solido alicui non adhaerere pariter impossibile est : Sed & notabilem ejusdem rivi partem non sibi invicem cohaerere viscositas non patitur . Parietes itaque cerebreorum vacuorum & cavorum , necesse est filamentis omnes esse vestitos & armatos ; conclusum est itaque in caeteris praeter Auditum sensibus , atomis constanter haerentibus reddi Animal potens impressionibus ab objectis factis denuò uti . Sonus tandem cùm collisione Aëris fiat , Malleum auris ad verberandam incudem propellere ex Anatome certum est ; ex quâ percussione non exilire particulas quasdam quae phantasiam feriant incredibile est ; harum itaque ordinatâ conservatione integrari nata est sonorum Memoria . Memoriae itaque ( nisi fallor ) cum ratione declarata est structura . 8. Ad Reminiscentiae quoque symptomata exponenda , cur non possit parili tramite procedi , vel cur desperanda sit eorum solutio nihil mihi occurrit . Nihil enim clarius quàm motū explicatum atomorum quasi vento cieri . Passionem enim esse ebullitionem quandam fumidorū spirituū ex corde in irâ & amore & verecundiâ ipsis oculis spectabile est . Si quaerimus quem effectum in phantasiam habeant hi motus , experimur occurrere animo illa objecta quasi tumultuariè & confertè quae passiones has sollicitent , tantâ cum festinatione & accumulatione , ut maturam expensionem & librationem praeoccupent . Apparet itaque à Vaporibus similibus de suis sedibus excitatas atomos , circa partem cognoscitivam obvolare , confusâ quâdam cum jactatione . Si itaque quidam venti sunt & flatus , quos appetitivae facultatis motus appellamus , nonne palàm est quasi everri cava cerebri & moveri idôla parietibus haerentia ad locum destinatum ubi effectum consequantur . Quod autem neque casu neque certo ordine ferantur atomi , ex eo clarum est , quòd in Inquisitione neque subitò & perfectè occurrant quaesita , quod Electionis indicium foret ; & tamen manifestè tantâ copiâ ministrantur quaesitis , ut non sine omni industriâ hunc motum fieri conspicuum sit . Sicut itaque cùm de directione spirituum in nervos ageremus , agnovimus singulis passionibus in certas cerebri partes sua patere itinera , sic hîc quoque manifestum est iisdem passionibus certarum atomorum sedes & series magis quodammodo esse obvias . 9. Attamen , perturbat novum Naturae miratorem multitudo objectorum cavis cerebri innatantium , quomodo non se implicent mutuò & confundant , & quânam arte sese devitent ut possint cognitionem humanam distinctam conservare . Neque dissiteor fas mihi esse hâc in difficultate machinam implorare adjutricem ; verè enim lucernam non habemus , neque conspicilia explicatoria , per quae distringere valeamus semitas illas subtiles quibus se vitant & fallunt atomi , nè mutuo incursu pereant . Verùm vicissim interrogo , tot radii solares ( quos corpora esse jam non dubitat Philosophia ) quomodo per continuum aërem & tot in eo volitantia corpuscula recti ad oculos permeant ? Nullum est corpus , si experimentis & rationi credimus , quòd non sua effluvia & sphaeram de se nascentiū vaporum habeat ; Haec effluvia quomodo innocuos tramites , quibus ferantur & admirandos effectus nanciscantur , inveniunt ? Fluxus magnetici , sympathetici , odoriflui , mutuò non rumpuntur & vani evadunt ? Qui haec negare non audent , cur in cerebri patulis idem contingere recusant ? Sed opponis , multiplicare difficultatem non est ipsam solvere , sed reliquam natuam non indagabilem profiteri , dum hanc particulam à tenebris exolvere propositum fuit . At ego ipsum sic nodum scindo . In majoribus ubi facilior est experiendi facultas , palàm est multa confundi , multa interire ; sed tamen per ipsum multitudinis ingenium fit ut aliqua serventur & tot quot instituto Naturae satis sunt . Sic & in cerebro res geritur . Objectum quodcunque ingreditur tempore sensum occupat ; quod si nimium breve sit , statim interit paenè antequam sentiatur ; si spatiosius sit , quasi multiplicatis idôlis radicat cognitionem ; tantundem fit si saepius visum sit idem objectum ; imò repetitam cognitionem eundem effectum sortiri evidentius est quàm ut disputationem patiatur . Hoc cùm ità sit , concludendum est hanc esse artem Naturae ut iis quorum reminiscendum est non desit copia necessaria & sussiciens ad perfringendum iter per occursantium idolorum turbam . 10. Palàm est me in hâc Responsione Digbaeanam Methodum caeteris praetulisse . Ipsius enim Methodus vestigia Naturae suis vestigiis , quantum pote , premit . De reliquis non laboro , aedificandi enim non destruendi intentione Philosophica meditor . Moneo dumtaxat ingeniosum Authorem malè tertiam sententiam , quae nihil olet Philosophicum , Aristoteli imponere ( qui Digbaeanam docuit ) deceptum simulatione vocantium se Aristotelaeos , cùm nihil minùs sint . In hoc eodem Capite sollicitus videtur Author de de Voluntatis post Intellectum sequelâ . Sed quia nihil disputat , neque ego ; sed adverto Voluntatem quatenus spiritalis est , non aliud quippiam sed ipsum intellectum perfectum , seu ut ex quo actio nata est sequi , significare . Mysterium illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non nego ad nostras usque aures per Majorum certamina delatum esse , neque inficior duraturum quamdiu audaces & ignari superstites erunt . Sed ut Author insinuat , nihil dubito ab ipso Augustino clarissimè convictum fuisse , & non aliis , nisi quibus ipsius doctrina vel ignota est vel neglecta , ulteriùs esse importunum . ACTIO SEXTA . Plasticam & Volutationis mysteria aperit . 1. CApite quinto formationis Corporum naturalium , Viventium praesertim , obscuritatem intentat : sed non adeò acriter , quin repulsam facilem patiatur . Aio itaque duabus Methodis intelligibilem evadere Viventium formationem citra aliam difficultatem , quàm quae in sapientiam Artificis refundi possit sine mirando . Primò sic concipitur ; Dicamus seu plantae semen seu Animalis continere partes invisibiles omnium membrorum Animalis ; has dicamus subdito humore crescere cum aliquâ levi mutatione cujus facilis sit ratio , putà quòd quaedam partes magis arescant & & indurentur , aliae magis perpluantur & mollescant , quid magni in formatione Viventium apprehendetur ? Altera est Methodus ut notato progressu Chymico , qui idem est ex necessitate ipsius naturae , videamus miti concocta igne in tres magis notandas partes exilire ; tenuem quandam & quasi igneam etsi in speciem Aquae condensabilem , aliam Oleosam & respondentem Aëri , tertiam Salis & quasi duratae Aquae ingeniū exprimentem ; quibus & miscetur , & subsider quarta , sicca & Terrae qualitate foeta , quomodocunque ipsis dicta : Idem par est à naturâ expectare , postquam calidi in humidum Actio utriusque est formacis finis . Hoc posito , in vase proprio intelligatur Stilla praeparati Liquoris , sic fota & conservata ut etiam augeri possit , nonne palàm est ipsâ actione aliquas partes sicciores , alias subtiliòres & liquidiores evasuras ? Et sicciores in figuras diversas abituras ? Maximè in vasa quaedam concava si tunsione bullientis humoris extendantur & in longitudinem pellantur : & omnia circa primas divisionis origines sibi adhaesuras ; & non jam vides Animalis figuram & partium homogenearum inter se natam , & connexionem , & varietatem , & alias heterogeneas esse secundum varietatem seu foci seu liquoris ? 2. Haec qui mente comprehenderit , non plorabit Plasticam vanum nomen esse & vocem sine re . Sed si ingeniosus sit & otii commodus vel Vere in hortis & agris sectabitur parturientes plantas , vel domi semina orcis sepulta eruet dum vitam concipiunt , & quotidie baccarum seminumve viscera scrutabitur : & ausim pollicere illi gradus profectûs adeo manifestè conexos , ut post experimenta saepius tentata ex ipsâ pridianâ conspectione praedicturus sit quid postridie sit enucaturum . Quae admiranda sunt in confusioue totius in partium distributione aperiunt semetipsa luci , & spectanda proponunt . Si quis figuratum , si colorum suffusionem notet ; horum principia in natura succi fundata reperiet , illarum , in aliquo nascendi modo delineari rationes : sunt enim , artis operà , fructus & etiam surculi in quaslibet formas variabiles . Multo magis salium diversorum seu succorum concretorum figurae non ab intrinseca aliquâ natura , sed ex consuetudine generandi & loci motuumque difficultate vel facilitate nascuntur . Neque quemquam terreant artificum dicta , admirantium ea quorum causas non intelligunt , & in maius semper evehentium ; neque Authoris nostri ad constantiam Naturalium operationum obstupescentis , cur nunquam nostrae Gallinae pavonacearum caudarum vel psittacorum colores induant . Nam in diversis regionibus ex alimentorum & aëris diversitate magnae varietates inferuntur . Pro iis verò quae circa haec ignorantur , tempori supplicandum est . 3. Eodem capitulo duas alias quaestiones movet quas absolutè inexplicabiles putat , Mihi contra vix ullam in sese difficultatem continere videntur . Harum questionum in ipso posterior est de compositione Quanti seu Continui , & à veteribus agitata , & à Modernis desperata . Prior etsi naturâ posterior , de adhaesione partium est ; sive cur unum corpus sit magis divisibile aliud minus . Prior quaestio supponit aliam , an partes sint actu in continuo , in qua pars affirmativa à Modernis , etsi vocibus litigent , ferè tamen quasi per se seu sensibus nota acceptatura , à totâ vero Peripateticorum antiquiorum scholâ & Thomisticâ eos sequente , tanquam demonstratione convicta exibilatur . Exitus rei est , ut Moderni circa compositionem continui post ingentes labores & nugamenta , fateantur crucem Philosophis fixam ; Peripatetici eos quasi noctu laborantes irrideant . Si enim nullae partes sint donec per divisionem creentur , manifestè insaniunt qui quaerunt quomodo uniantur quae nullae sunt ? Argumenta asserentium partes actu vel Sensum citant , de quo nihil certius est quàm quod partem aliquam in continuo discernere non possit , cùm terminus cujusvis partis sit indivisibilis , sensus autem quantitatem notabilem requirat de quâ judicet . Caetera argumenta , fere modum loquendi assumunt , & in Logicas tricas desinunt quomodo loquendum sit , non quid in re consistat . Hac autem lite non admodum difficili soluta , de continui compositione peracta est controversia . 4. Circa reliquam quaestionem non minùs desipitur . Resolvere conantur Democritici in uncinos & angulosas moras ; Neque vident nihil Unum seu Atomum sic fingi posse ut non ipsum pluribus partibus confletur , de quibus quaeratur cur sibi tam firmiter haereant . Verùm hanc difficultatem saltem transiliunt asserentes Minima ex vi naturae cuicunque potentiae divisivae resistere , non item composita ex minimis ; hoc est , summam & invictam cohaerentiam partium naturae vi & qualitati pet negligentiam assignant , de minori quaeritant . Primam itaque resolutionem palam est refundi in naturam ipsam , & bisectionem Corporis seu quanti in rara & densa , seu plus & minus de quantitate in paritate molis habentia . Quae differentiae cum demonstrabilissimè dividant rationem Quanti , & in rebus ejusdem plures species constituant , non restat major difficultas in Adhaesione partium ejusdem continui quàm an aliquod Continuum sit ; Si enim aliquod sit , necesse per ipsum esse continuum etiam esse ex quo partes creari possint , non in quo partes sint ; alioquin ( ut suprà quoque pressimus ) idem ens foret unum & plura , divisum & non divisum in eâdem ratione . Palam itaque est substantiam per ipsam quantitatem per quam habet esse resolubilem in partes ; item habere faciliùs vel difficiliùs esse resolubilem quod vocant partes magis vel minùs sibi invicem haerere . Sed quàm primum speculatio ad notiones intellectuales attingit , nauseat stomachus Physicorum ; quasi hoc Philosophia imperet ut nesciamus cogitata nostra , neque fas sit intelligere quid loquamur . 5. Caput sextum totum motui Rotarum dedicatum est , neque si credimus Authori de cujus ingenio queri non licet , ullam solutionem patitur . Sed priusquam fatalem illam difficultatem aggrediatur praeviam quandam nobis objicit , quam veteres Aristoteli ; sed , ut fateor , clariori formâ . Rotam enim considerat circa centrum motam , & apertè concludit nullam ipsius partem movere quin tota moveatur , & singulae partes simul locum mutent . Sed quid inconvenientis secum trahat haec conclusio , prorsus ignoro . Etsi enim latè deducere conetur unam partem priùs loco cedere quàm alia insit , evidenter tamen est vocum non rei certamen : quid enim vetet simul & cedens primò non esse , & succedens primò esse in eodem loco ? Alia solutio posset exhiberi si argumentum exigeret . Sed , ut dixi , de vocibus & modo loquendi litigatur , non de re . Subjungit Author secundam difficultatem , quomodo in rotâ circumvolutâ viciniores centro partes eodem tempore tam parvum decurrant spatium , cum connexae sint cum remotioribus quae adeò amplum conficiunt ; & postquam agnovit hinc contingere quia non aequè velociter ferantur , infert , si inaequalis sit velocitas motuum , curuatam iri rectam à centro ad circumferentiam ductam ; cum evidentissimè constet curuandam fore rectam , si aequali velocitate ferrentur partes centro proximiores & longinquiores . 6. Jactatum tandem experimentum capite alto ingreditur Author ille , praefatus audentissimae constantiae os sese obstructurum . Sic eam proponit . Habeat unus axis tres rotas , ad singulos terminos unam , utramque aequalem , in medio tertiam longè minorem . Majores pavimento , minor tabulae alicui insideant ; motu progressivo omnes tres trahantur , donec circumvolutione perfectâ iisdem punctis terram & tabulam signent in quibus primo fixae fuerant : Comperientur tres lineae signatae esse aequales , cùm media contactu circuli longè minoris designata sit quàm reliquae , duae quibus tamen aequalis ipsa est ; quod repugnare nullâ versimilitudine negari potest , cùm clarum sit quae sese tangunt quatenus se tangunt necessariò esse aequalia . Hic nodus est , haec repugnantia manifestaria . At at notemus Motum in auxilium ad magis implicandum nodum vocari , notemus etiam motus esse duos specie ; putà motum rectum & circularem , componentes tertium progressivum motum rotae . Advertamus ulteriùs motum rectum trium rotarum esse aequalem , circularem autem motum majorum rotarum esse aequalem motui recto , circularem autem motum mediae rotulae minorem motu recto ; & quod sequitur , majores rotas eâdem celeritate moveri secundum utramque lationem , minorem vero rotam fortius moveri recto motu quàm circulari . Motus autem compositus non est motus signatus in terrâ vel tabulâ , quem clarum est esse simplicem & purè rectum ; Sed motus quidam curvus in Aëre , concludens cum motu signato aream quandam cujus quantitatem demonstravit Torricellus ; ut accipienti unum quodlibet punctum circuli seu rotae ultra disputationem manifestum est : & simul quòd motus progressivus Rotae majoris sit major motu progressivo Rotae minoris . His sic expositis , nihil apparet implexius in hâc objectione quam in hoc simplici essato ▪ quòd duorum corporum quae secundùm unam lineam feruntur aequali velocitate , unum possit secundùm aliam lineam in eodem tempore ferri velociùs quam reliquum ; quod adeò evidens est ut vir Mathematicus ambigere de illo nequeat . 7. Verùm enimverò pressiùs urget Galilaeus , in circumvolutione singula puncta minoris Circuli seu Rotae singulis punctis spatii quo fertur adaptari , immediatâ successione ; atque proinde intelligi nequire quo modo recta sit longior curvâ . Sed fefellit Galilaeum non ipsum Aristotelem discussisse , sed modernis Interpretibus vel potiùs corruptoribus credulum fuisse . Docuit enim Aristoteles mobile in motu constitutū semper majorem & non-aequalem sibi locum occupare , quod evidentissimum est . Cùm enim nulla pars motus essê possit nisi in tempore , & in quâlibet parte temporis res mota aliquid loci deserat & aliquid de novo occupet , palàm est non posse adeò exiguum motum reperiri , in in quo corpus motum non occupaverit & locum in quo quieverat , & aliquam partem novi seu de novo . Hoc supposito , etsi supponeretur mobile esse indivisibile , tamen certum foret in quâcunque signatâ temporis , vel per quantumlibet exiguam partem motûs non par sibi spatium sed lineam aliquam signare , & in conditionibus praesentis Litis quodlibet punctum minoris Rotae signare lineam proportionatam parti Circuli majoris Rotae : Et cum reipsâ nulla sint vel instantia in tempore , vel indivisibilia in motu , vel puncta in Lineâ circulari , evidens fit Argumentum hoc nullam vim habere , nisi ex vi falsae illius apprehensionis , quam coarguimus in defensione Geometriae superiùs adductâ . ACTIO SEPTIMA . De causis Inscientiae Modernae inquirit . 1. IN sequentibus aliquot Capitulis satis exquisitè investigat causas Errorum & Ignorantiae humanae : duas tamen ab ipso neglectas suggerere mihi posse videor . Altera est Inertia hujus Saeculi vel magis Vanitas . Quisquis enim satis paravit sibi loquacitatis ut inter ignaros vel semi-doctos valeat eruditam texere fabulationem , quâ insueti Scientiis intellectus nati sunt praestringi , partim taedio difficiliora prosequendi , partim ingenii sui fiduciâ contemnit in illas fodinas descendere unde Majores nostri eruerunt Scientiam , & illos sibi desumere labores quos solos respicit & sequitur Sapientia . Testis mihi esto Author qui sub finem prioris Capitis conqueritur de obscuritate Speculationum , de Motu , Gravitate , Lumine , Coloribus , Visione , Sono , quibus omnibus claram affundit lucem Digbaeana Philosophia : ex quâ etiam de Magnete , derivatione Spirituum in membra , de Memoriâ & Reminiscentiâ , Fermatione Viventium , & ferè quaecunque in solutionem Difficultatum propositarum attulimus , copiosiùs & clariùs explicata , ex ipsis Naturae praeeuntis dictatis hausimus . Legunt itaque hujusmodi Philosophi praeclara & multo labore elaborata aliorum Opera quasi Fabulas ad Voluptatē fictas , vel Comoedi quomodo Comoediam spectant . Quod subitò placet , laudant ; siquid spinosius occurrit , vel taedio victi negligunt , vel cum Sarcasmo derident . 2. Altera ab Authore nostro neglecta Ignorantiae caussa mihi apparet esse quidam specialis Error in naturâ Demonstrationis . Fingunt enim sibi Idéam quandam Demonstrationis , quae non hanc duntaxat vim in intellectum exerceat ut veritatem propositam evidentem reddat , sed praeterea ut nulla Objectio cum verisimilitudine opponi queat . Quod tantundem est , atque si poscerent ut hâc demonstratione confectum sit quicquid ex ipsâ sequitur , vel quodcunque ipsam contingit , sive ut una demonstratio sit integra quaedam Scientia . Alioquin enim quomodo fieri potest , ut non ex iis quae adhuc latent & sunt cum hâc veritate conjuncta , non possint adversus hanc moveri tela . Intellectus itaque Scientiis natus ex ipsis Principiis & Praecognitis securus est de veritate deductâ , neque trepidat nequid oppositum agnitae veritati induci possit , quantumcunque laboriosus evasurus sit ex angustiis elapsus . Novit enim illa denique certa esse quae Intellectus constanti dispectione quòd Ens sit Ens , seu Idem sit Idem , in semet & sibi affigit ; & patienter expectat , donec inter implexa distinctio eluceat , & confusio evanescat . 3. Ex hoc quod hi Scientiarum Contemptores nihil severâ Veritatis contemplatione in semetipsis figere moliuntur , quamprimùm Veritas aliqua evidentiam prae se fert quasi impares illi agnoscendae deserunt stationem suam , & convertuntur ad inquirendum num aliquis sese eidem opposuerit ; & si invenerint Impugnatores , quasi evidentissimum assumunt talem veritatem non esse evidentem . Si enim ( inquiunt ) foret evidens , omnibus foret evidens , omnem intellectum convinceret . Sed aequali jure dicant ; Solem non esse visibilem , quia non videtur iis qui tergum illi obvertunt , vel oculos clausos tenent : Sicut enim in corporeo visu motus aliquis corporeus quo pupilla oculi visibili objiciatur necessarius est ; sic non minus ad videndum & infigendum menti vel hanc evidentiam , quòd idem non possit simul esse & non esse quaedam applicatio & quasi apertio mentis requiritur , ad ipsam evidentiam evidentissimam concipiendam & parturiendam ; & defectu hujus tot Veteres & Moderni ipsiusmet primi & notissimi Principii evidentiam non agnoverunt & corruperunt . Unde nunquam possunt attingere Methodum illam Scientificam quae in Arithmeticis & Geometricis tantopere lucet , sed tricis Logicis & Aequivocis toti irretiuntur , & nugosa Volumina ineptiis implent . Ostendant Mundo hi Tomorum onerosi Fabricatores , vel unum folium vel unam pagellam Methodo Geometricâ deductam vel certè tentatam , & postmodùm conquerantur nullam dari Scientiam , vel eam in puteo latere . Nunc pigritiâ sordidi , & convitiis fervidi , fingunt sibi Leonem esse in viâ , neque pedem movent ut conspicentur ipsam viam . ACTIO OCTAVA . Avertit ab Aristotele Specialis Impietatis calumniam . 1. ET jam defunctus labore imperato videor , nisi summâ cum invidiâ Aristotelem omnibus contumeliis proscindere iidem certarent , quò per ignominiam unius Viri , ipsam Scientiam è Doctorum manibus ereptam in caenum Probabilitatis abjiciant . Solus etenim ex Veteribus monimentum aliquod Demonstrationis in Metaphysicis & Physicis reliquit . Academici enim , quatenus à Peripateticis secedunt , Oratores fuêre non Philosophi . Socrates quippe merè Dialecticus & Dubitator fuit . Ejus Scholam diviserunt Plato & Aristoteles ; Plato divino prorsus ingenio & eloquio purissimo , probabilitatem ornare , & admirationi esse de principiis ad vitam humanam necessariis speciosa loquendo sibi proposuit . Aristoteles concisâ brevitate , Veritatem fectando Experimenta & maritando cum inspectione Naturae vim deductivam consequentiarum , Scientiam in Physicis & Metaphysicis aemulam Geometriae Mundo oftendere destinavit . Et propterea , quamdiu forma Reipub. popularis Oratorum potentiam aluit , minùs aestimatus est ; affectaverunt enim Famosi illi Scientiam per modum Caussarum civilium absque solido firmóque judicio peragere . Oratoribus tandem tabescentibus increvit Authoritas Aristotelis , & à Romanis ad Arabas , ab Arabibus ad Scholam nostram derivata est ; Italis primò ( quantum notare licuit ) Arabum Scientiam , quam bella pridem eripuerant , in Occidentem revocantibus . 2. Cumprimis iniquum est & Cavillatoris ingenii testimonium , in mores illius inquirere , cujus Doctrinam impugnare ordiris : hae siquidem Oratoriae praeventiones Lectoris , arguunt nolle Scriptorem candidam de Veritate sententiam proferri , sed insidiari per motum affectûs ad detorquendam Justitiam . Quare , exibilatis illis quae in mores Aristotelis decantantur , quid objiciatur Doctrinae vestigemus . Petrus itaque Gassendus Exercitatione tertiâ quasi certum objicit ex Aristotelis sententiâ Deum esse Animal in libris Metaphysicorum ; cùm ex adverso lib. 8. Phys. cap. 6 , & 10. adeò disertè faciat Deum Substantiam immaterialem , indivisibilem , neque per se neque per accidens mobilem , ut ipsa impudentia negare non valeat Deum in ipsius sententiâ non esse Animal . Adjicit , Deum superficiei extimae supremi Coeli esse alligatū ; quod ignavissimè dicitur in viâ Peripateticâ , sive extra Coelum interpreteris in spatiis imaginariis , cùm Aristoteles nulla esse disertissimè testetur ; sive Indivisibile coelo agnatum , tum quia Primus Motor neeessariò dicendus sit esse in eo quod est primò mobile vel motum ; notum autem est in Disciplinâ Aristotelis Superficiem moveri dumtaxat ad motū Corporis cujus est ▪ & tandem , quia Superficies ( ut suprà diximus ) est quoddam divisum esse , seu Terminus , seu non ultra Corporis , non autem aliqua Entitas in quo Deus collocari possit . 3. Proxima accusatio arguit Deum Fati legibus & Necessitati esse astrictum . Verùm apertus est hic Error calumniantis . Fatum enim aliud Stoicum est , asserentium quaecumque sunt ex vi contradictionis existere , cùm necesse sit quodlibet vel esse vel non esse , & hoc Fatum dici ab Aristotele . Aliud Fatum est series caussarum . Cùm itaque evidens sit , nemine repugnante , in via Perripateticâ Deum esse primum Ens , & , quod sequitur , caussam totius seri ei reliquorum , eum non Fato subditum sed caeterorum fatum esse in Aristotelis scholâ clarissimum est , quae est Sanctorum sapientissima sententia , & Christianae doctrinae medulla . Par huic est quod sit Necessitati subditus . Necessitatis quippe vocabulum ambiguū est ; prout enim Animalibus tribuitur condistinctè à Libertate , sic perfectam Cognitionem tollit , quam Deo negat nemo Peripateticus , qui summitatem scientiae Deo ex doctrinâ Aristotelis attibuere cogitur . Alia est Necessitas ex perfectâ scientiâ nascens ; quam quia nihil latet , unicâ viâ ingredi potest perfectus in scientiâ ; & , quod sequitur , Deus . Haec autem Necessitas cùm includat determinationem intelligentis ad particularia ex communibus principiis , manifestè Electionem seu libertatem actuatam dicit . 4. Ulteriùs calumniatur , docuisse Deum despecta & minima non novisse , & citat duodecimum Metaphysicorum ubi hoc non reperitur nisi per modum dubitationis : Meliores autem interpretes ex aliis textibus concludunt horum etiam scientiam ab Aristotele Deo tribui . Malignitatem proinde arguit haec criminatio in deteriorem partem summi viri voces trahentis . At saltem Mundum increatum constituit . Verùm facile est negare . Ingenitum quidem asseruit seu non potuisse per motum & caussarum naturalium vim incipere , quod est Christianae fidei maximè consonum ; De creatione verò Mundi tacuit quidem ; Sed aliud est non agnovisse seu eò usque non attigisse , aliud est negare , inter viros modestos qui non effutiunt incerta . Fateor tamen ipsum Munnum aeternum existimavisse , sed in ipso Errore sese Philosophorum Ethnicorum summum ostendisse . Cùm enim illi omnes Nihil ex nihilo fieri conspiratò declaraverint , inconsequens fuit Mundum per motum incepisse qui sine Tempore existere non potuit , Temporis autem initium neque ex suâ essentiâ neque per actionem caussarum moventium ullum apparere possit . Palam itaque est hunc Aristotelis errorem arguere excellentiam ipsius supra reliquos , qui casu & non ex scientiâ veritatem attigerunt . 5. Ultima circa dogmata calumnia de Immortalitate Animae agit , quam pluribus in locis eum inficiari docet ; sed eàdem benignitate quâ priùs . Cùm optimi interpretes eam agnovisse Aristotelem confirment , & Plutarchus memoret ipsum post mortem Eudemi de Animâ scripsisse ex quo citatur celebris illa Historia de Animâ mortui vindictam ab amico petentis . Unde evidens fit errare illos interpretes qui ex principiis Aristotelicis conantur concludere Animam non esse immortalem , & hunc sensum fuisse ipsius Aristotelis . Mirum tandem accidit quòd Author , caeteroqui ingeniosus , censuerit objiciendum quòd Aristoteles negaverit resurrectionem Mortuorum , quam certum est non nisi lumine fidei apparere caepisse mortalibus , etsi post veritatem per fidem acceptam etiam conformitas ad naturae progressum dilucere potuit . Addo quòd concludat , dicendo eum plura pronunciare fidei sacrae orthodoxaeque planè dissentientia ; quasi Plato & caeteris Philosophi omnia fidei consentientia dogmata mundo porrexissent , quod eò indignius facinus est , quò hic ipse Gassendus in Praefatione polliceatur se ostensurum solâ fide quicquam cognosci de Deo & Intelligentiis , & vana esse argumenta circa haec quae ex naturali lumine ducuntur . Digno profectò Epiphonemate quo claudatur libellus illius sextus qui adversus Metaphysicam seu Sapientiam instruendus erat . ACTIO NONA . Crimina indoctrinam & voces ejusdem aspersa delet . 1. A Gassendo ad Authorem Vanitatis dogmatizandi reducenda est oratio , postquam ipse selegit fortiora , meritò illa praeponens numerositati quam usque ad fastidium cumulavit Gassendus magis convicii quàm scientiae amore . Nostras itaque Academicus primo quasi praeloquio invidiam declinare videtur , quam pompa sectatorum Aristotelis illi conciliare nata foret , applicatâ illâ Senecae sententiâ Argumentum pessimi turba est : adeo promptum est etiam in apertissimis errare . Palam siquidem est vulgus in aliquibus excellentes viros quasi Duces sectari , in aliis suo Judicio regi vel potius rapi . Prior Methodus ipsius naturae est , ut multi ignorantes paucorum virtute authoritateque ad bonum ferantur . Ut Vulgus autem judicet de ignotis sibi , & tumultuario consensu praecipitet consilia prudentium , hoc naturae & rationis legibus adversatur ; Hîc quaere , Unde Aristoteles in vulgus authoritatem consecutus sit , & ipsorum Theologiae Scholasticae Principum numine impositum esse ipsum Philosophantium capitibus elucescet ; quibus si compares Oratorum vel Criticorum Judicia , prorsus evanida exarescent . Ipsi sancti ( pace tantorum Virorum sit dictum ) a lienae artis sunt , neque Philosophicam fidei explicationem , aliter quàm coacti Haereticorum importunitate , adiuerunt . 2. Subjicit Author noster Sapientium arbitrio Peripateticam esse vocum nihil significantium congeriem . Verùm nesciebat hic Author Voces suas adeò aequivocas esse , ut ipsaemet nihil sonent . Quis enim hoc excussit , quinam vel quorum Judicio Sapientes nominentur qui de Peripateticis hoc pronunciaverunt ? Si vel Opera ipsa Aristotelis , vel antiquos Aristotelis aemulos consulamus , sole clarius est neminem usquam Philosophorum tantâ industriâ & tot Vocum suarum in sensa obvia distributione cavisse claritati Dictorum , & tricas Aequivocationum elusisse . Manifestum itaque est , hos Sapientes nihil de rebus Aristotelicis sapuisse . Vice itaque Aristotelaeorum supposuere Simias aliquot tegentes se nomine Aristotelis , & aliena Dogmata pro Peripateticis exponentes , & ( quos videtur nescire ) verè Pyrrhonaeos . Quicunque enim magnis Voluminibus & aggeratis Quaestionibus non aliud docet quàm unam quidem partem esse Verisimiliorem , sed neutri deesse patrocinium , tam longis Logis nihil aliud agit quàm si unicâ voce sententiam tulisset , quòd nihil liqueat . Suos itaque Amicos non Aristotelem tangit haec Calumnia . 3. Prosequitur deinde Actionem in Peripateticos per dubia quaedā , quae illi clara non sunt , vel non videntur , invitâ ipsâ ratione . Primae materiei notionem , quâ neque quid , neque quantum , neque quale asseritur , esse descriptionem nihili contendit . Mirum hominum ingenium ! Súntne fortassis in totâ naturâ Voces magis usitatae quàm esse & posse . Quis adeò bardus est , ut non sic loquatur de Aere vel Marmore ad hoc ipsum seposito , quòd nondum sit sed possit esse vel erit aliquando Mercurius ? Non intelligunt sortassis semetipsos qui sic loquuntur , vel quando dicunt posse esse seu habere aptitudinem ut sit Mercurius dicunt Aes nihil esse , vel nihil esse Mercurii ? Quomodo itaque praeter Mercurius vel formam Mercurii non datur quaedam potentia vel aptitudo ad esse Mercurium , quae neque sit Mercurius actu , neque notio non-Entis vel nihili ? Sin respectu figurae quae Mercurium constituit , est aliqua aptitudo quae neque ipsa sit neque nihili notio , cur non tantundem de ▪ Quanto licebit affirmare , & asserere puerum nondum magnū esse , sed posse esse magnum ? Nam qui hoc asserit , non simul negat Magnitudinem , & tamen clarè nominat Aptitudinē ad magnitudinem ? Neque fortassis alia est de Ente ratio : non veremur enim Sevum vel Oleum pronunciare posse flammam esse , neque tamen dum esse flammam . Sevum itaque seu Oleum neque est Ens flammae quod potest esse , neque est tantum quantum erit quando est flamma , neque adeò calet ; & tamen potest esse flamma , potest esse major , potest esse calidior ; & in ipso potentia quaedam quae neque est Quid , neque Quantum , neque Quale , postquam ad haec omnia refertur , & earum privationem conjunctam sibi habet . Et quisquis hoc non esse intelligibile profitetur , idem Genus humanum totum eo ipso condemnat quasi gregem fatuorum , quíque nesciant quid in vulgarissimo sermone & commerciis suis loquantur . Et quisquis materiam ipsam negat , sollenne effatum Philosophiae Nihil ex nihilo à Naturâ fieri ex Narurâ tollit . 4. Duae aliae Voces molestae sunt Sceptico nostro . Hae sunt forma & educi de potentiâ materiei . Et , quod ad priorem Vocem a●tinet , inopinatum est , quomodo nimia Speculatio Homines ingeniosos stupidissimis aequet . Potéstne nasci aliquis adeò Brutus ut non agnoscat unam rem ab aliâ esse distinctam ? Vel si sit distincta simul asserat per nihil distingui ? An illic est labor ut hoc quo distingua 〈◊〉 vocetur Forma ? Quanta est haec importunitas ut non liceat Formam appellare quam video distinguere unam ab aliâ ? Non licet mihi dicere de duabus Statuis aeneis quod conveniant in Aere , distinguantur Figuris ? Vel si sit tertia de Marmore , culpabor si dixero distingui aeneas ab marmoreâ , quòd haec sit saxea , reliquae Metallicae ? Sicut itaque priùs distinximus posse & esse in Substantiâ , Quanto , & Quali , nunc licebit in iisdem nominare Formam & Subjectum in singulis horum . 5. Quoad posteriorem vocem , seu educi de Potentiâ , videat Vir ingeniosus an illud quod ex cavo aliquo & tenebris in apricum & lucem paulatim & sensim prodit , impropriè dicatur educi vel produci . Iterum meminerit ( si Marmor à Sculptore sigurari viderit aliquando ) quomodo primò non possit conjici quid formaturus sit Artifex , post aliquantulum laboris apparet species confusa Hominis ; deinde , an sit Vir an Foemina , & tandē quis hominū sit ? Ecce , quomodo Homo qui erat in potentiâ in Marmore & confusè , quasi in tenebris , sensim per artem educitur ex illâ confusione in claram lucem , & Marmor fit Caesar patulè & expressé . Tantundem considerant Philosophi in Naturâ , sive Viventium semina , sive Elementorum communitatem in compositum Miscendorum , five Materiei abstractionem ab Elementis notes . Unde phrasis haec educi de potentiâ Materiae est ex aptitudine Materiae ad plura per operationem Naturae vel Artis determinari Materiam ad unum certum Ens , per motum à confusione ad signationem ; & non , quasi infundi cum dependentiâ à subjecto , ut ex nescio quibus Somniatoribus fingit Antiperipateticus . Hujusmodi enim nugae in Aristotele nullae extant . ACTIO DECIMA Definitiones & Argumentationes quasdam tuetur . 1. PRoximè sagittant duas Aristotelis Definitiones , utramque exactissimā & quicquam in ipsius viâ intelligentibus clarissimam . Prior est Definitio Luminis in haec verba , Lumen est actus perspicui ; quae videtur obscura huic hominum generi , quia usus Vocis Actus à Philosophis formatus est , & non desumptus ex Tullio , vel inventus in Calepino . Noverint itaque quòd Actus ab Agere vel Agi vel Participio Actum derivatur , & usurpatur à Philosophis pro eo per quod illud quod ab Agente intendebatur , consummatâ actione , vocatur seu nominatur Actum . Graecè fortassis elegantiùs vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi Operatio caussae , sumendo Operationem non pro fluxu Actionis , sed pro eo quod manet ex Operatione quae est fluxus , introductum . Sed quia Vernacula nostra Vocem propriam respondentem nomini Actus non habet , totus in irâ contra Aristotelem est nostras Philosophus . Si enim communes Voces pro Vocabulis Artis supposuisset , dicens , Lumen est perfectio quaedam corporis quod habet ex se ut colorata trans illud apparere possint , faciens ut de facto trans illud appareant , sicut experimur per Aërem illuminatum videri objecta quae per tenebrosum non videntur , quid dignum tanto hiatu invenisset ? Nunc quia concinnissimè & brevissimè locutus est , vapulat miser Aristoteles . 2. Idem est reliquae Definitionis Vitium . Est autem ipsa Definitio , Motus est Actus entis in potentia quatenus in potentiâ . Cum enim ens dicitur in potentiâ ad id ad quod per motum perduci potest , verbi gratiâ , infirmus ad sanitatem , lignum ad ignitionem seu esse ignem , palam est motum esse illam perfectionem seu actum quâ afficitur subjectum dum adhuc est in potentiâ seu donec infirmus sit sanus , vel lignum sit Ignis ; quatenus in potentiâ , seu per quam perveniat ad perfectionem intentam . En tibi definitionem clarissimam & eruditissimam , & non alteri obnoxiam caluminae nisi quòd Graecae Voci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam à Philosopho formatam crediderim ad Intentionem suam emphaticè declarandam , umbra quaedam ex ridiculâ Historiâ adhaerescit . Ea est , Criticum nescio quem adjisse Ciccum quendam pro Mago habitum ( inde putem quia de Magia scripsit ) ut ex Diabolo sciscitaretur quid sonaret illa vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Aristotelem , & vacuum & delusum ab Oraculo redivisse . Ut itaque pateat quàm imperitum Diabolum consuluerint nostri Philosophi , advertant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse vocem formatam ex tribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , additâ terminatione foemininâ , quae propria est abstractis significandis ; & significat proinde modum quo in sine actionis se habet subjectum motûs : quod id ipsum est cum voce actus ut supra explicata est . 3. Nova calumnia Capite decimo septimo instruitur adversus Aristotelem , tantò indigniùs quantò supra caeteros ad claritatem conatus est . Philosophia ipsius litigiosa esse & ex inconstanti vocum usu confusionis & obscuritatis insimulatur . Haec accusatio duplicis ignorantiae rea peragitur : altera est usûs Aristotelici , nemo quippe magis sedulus est in distinguendis & formandis vocum significatis . Altera verò quòd Scepticos pro Peripateticis accipit ; & Scepticorum conatus esse vanissimos facilè agnosco , illos parùm de vocum usu sollicitos esse , quo liberum sit iis quaslibet nugas Vanitatis aut alterius lucri causâ divendere , Oratorculos vel magis rabulas non Philosophos esse , Aristotelicorum nomen assumere ut corrumpant juventutem & discipulos post sese abducant ; hos omnibus Scientiae sectatoribus velut pestem vitandos non inficior , neque quicquam ab iis solidi expectandum esse : Hoc unum irascor , quòd viri caeteroqui ingenio & sapientiae cupidine pollentes avertantur per horum versutiam , non tantummodo à Verâ scientiâ sed ab ipsâ spe Scientiae in rebus ad humanam vitam maximè necessariis adipiscendae . 4. Confirmant fictam adversus Philosophum actionem ex ipsis Philosophi dictis & gestis . Primus insultus est ex eo dicto Philosophi quòd libri Physicorum sic editi sint ut non sint editi ; cujus sensus fuit materiam seu subjectum in iis tractatum adeo abstractum esse , ut sine Magistri exercitati ope nequirent à rudibus intelligi , quod etiamnum videmus exerceri : nemo enim ferè libros illos capit nisi Veterum commentariis sit adjutus . Unde Moderni plerique toto coelo ab Aristotelis mente deerrant ; etsi ipsemet clarissimè ( quantum praestituta brevitas permisit ) prolocutus fuerit . Gravior est & infelicior proxima calumnia , ut quae ipse ad Disputatores Dialecticos instruendos & Artem Disputandi perficiendam praeviè ad sententiam ferendam collegit , ad Methodum demonstrandi & praxim ipsius non disputando sed definiendo applicentur : Sicut enim in Dramatibus laus est historiam implexam reddere , ut cum admiratione finiatur , sic opus est inquirentis confundere quaestionem praepositis difficultatibus quam Demonstrator clarè & quasi nubibus sepositis luci reddat . 5. Merebatur haec actio instantias ex opere . Premit Author tres ( ex fide credo Gassendi vel alterius levis inspectoris ) in ipso enim libro nihil apparet . Prima sit incedit . Probat Mundum perfectum esse , quia ex corporibus constat , corpora esse perfecta eò quòd ex triplici dimensione constant , triplicem dimensionem propterea perfectam , quia tribus constat , Tria esse perfecta quia duo vocamus ambo , primò autem Tria OMNIA dicimus . Inspice librum primum de Coelo cap. 1. invenies has postremas voces nihil demonstrationis interesse , sed adjectitias ; Demonstrationem vero ipsam talem esse . Quia Mundus est ex corporibus , perfectio mundi est esse perfectum in ratione Corporis , perfectio autem Corporis in eo consistit quod sit omniquaque fusum , super tres perpendiculares , ut demonstrant Geometrae ; hoc autem habent & singula corpora & Mundus , sed diversimodè : Singula enim terminantur ad alia corpora . Unde quamvis per omnes lineas fundantur , non tamen per totas . Quia autem nullum est spatium extra mundum , ut quarto Physicorum demonstratum est , Mundus per omnes lineas & totas fusus est , seu perfectè omniquaque : & , quod sequitur , in ratione Corporis , atque adeò absolutè , perfectus dicendus est . 6. Secunda Instantia est , quòd Aristoteles asserat si plures Mundi forent Lunam in terram delapsuram esse . Hanc consequentiam credit argumentator ex phantasiâ ortam , sicut est illorum qui verentur nè Antipodes in coelum cadant . Sed ignorat quantam operam posuerit Philosophus ad stabiliendum centrum Mundi in tellure ; quo posito , non ex phantasiâ , sed ex ratione penderet consequentia , ut ipsemet videtur fateri . 7. Tertia quoque instantia , quae ex Capite quinto lib. 2. de Coelo tracta est , prorsus pervertitur . Aristoteles enim non propterea docet coelum in occidentem ferri quia Occidens nobilior sit , ut recitat argumentū ; sed Occidentē nobiliorē esse quia in illum fertur Coelum . Hoc autem inter duas est differentiae , quòd priori Methodo sine probatione assumitur Occidentem esse nobiliotem ; In posteriori , ex iis quae concluserat Aristoteles ; nempe nihil per accidens esse in Entibus aeternis , & quod sequitur , motum in Occidentem esse naturalem coelis , & motum naturalē esse ad honorabilius , unde clarè sequitur Occidentem esse nobiliorem Oriente . Sequitur , inquam ; nam , si principia vera essent , nobilis esset demonstratio . ACTIO UNDECIMA . Topica aliquot adversus Scientiam effutita refutat . INdignatur sub finem Capituli , quòd doctorum opera ita in logicam , Physicam , & Metaphysicam còllocetur , ut utiliores humanae vitae scientiae , nempe de Coelis , Meteoris , fossibilibus & Animalibus , potissimè verò Politica & Oeconomica , multum negligantur . Neque ego inficias eam negligi has in scholis , sed culpam do Scepticismo qui regnat in illis ? Si enim Methodo Aristotelicâ traderentur scientiae , locus foret omnibus , neque calumniam solitam pateretur natura , quòd Vita humana ad artes brevis foret ; sed , necessariis cognitis , superfuturum foret otium ad delectationem in quâlibet harum scientiarum , ad quam traheretur humana Curiositas affatim decerpendam . Sed Sceptici sunt qui invident hanc hominibus felicitatem , interminatis litibus omnia confundentes , potissimùm communes veritates quas demonstravit Aristoteles ; quales sunt , divisibilitas formalis , quod movetur ab alio moveri , Continuum esse in infinitum divisibile , non dari vacuum , & similes , quae nisi priùs agnoscantur , frustrà experimenta ad scientiā acquirendā adhibentur , ut quae in haec tandem principia resolvenda erunt , aut ad scientiā fine principiis inutiliter semper erit contendendum . 2. Capite decimo octavo arguit doctrinam Peripateticam , quasi ad Phaenomena salvanda insufficientem . Sed vel errore vel iniquitate animi hoc agit . Si enim modernorum Philosophiae simulatorum doctrinam esse ipsissimam Aristotelis existimat , totus errat ; Sin Aristotelem negat insudavisse solutioni problematum , iniquitatis ipsum damnant omnes Libri Physici , quales sunt qui sequuntur octo Physicorum Libros vel omninò vel plerumque . Quis ex modernis faeliciùs naturam evisceravit Digbaeo , qui ubique Aristotelis memor est & dictata ipsius cum candore acceptat ? Urget adversarius systema coeli ab Aristotele sequiùs esse constitutum . Aperi accusationem , invenies summam & ipsum nodum esse , quòd Aristoteles non habuerit tubum opticum . Caeteroqui , positis Phaenomenis illis Solis quae aetatem Aristotelis illuminabant , prorsus admirandus est discursus Philosophi in libris de Coelo . Intelligentias esse Coelorum Motrices Christiana doctrina habet , esse quendam ignem superna tantem nostro Aëri , non aliud est , quàm aether Cartesianus , seu rarioris elementi species convexum nostri aetheris obsidens . Si in pauculis erravit Aristoteles , quae invidia ? an Philosophiae negandum est crescere ? si tamen Errare dicendus est , aut magis ingeniosè & ingenuè proponere , qui profitetur se conjicere non demonstrare ; quod facit Aristoteles in Coelestibus . 3. Caput decimum nonum exagtat Aristotelis doctrinam quasi infaecundam & sterilem . Sed leviter & falsè . Leviter , quia inventa de quibus loquitur ad Artifices & manuarios spectant non ad Philosophos , qui experimentis uti ad scientiā nati sunt , non ea facere . Falsò , quia cùm Aristotelica disciplina sit de communibus sine quibus particularia comprehendi non possunt , nihil verè inventum est sine illâ . Sed Communia sunt quae apud Aristotelem habentur ; reponendum est , gratiae sunt ipsi & discipulis ejus habendae quòd ea vulgaverint , & gradum inde stabilievrint ad ulteriora quaerenda . Quin ( nisi me fallat augurium ) video Philosophiam revulsis Aristotelis principiis impotem fore reddendae rationi de notis effectis . Certè Philosophia admittens vacuitates , nullas agendi leges patitur ; & Vortices Cartesianos suspicor inventioni nullatenus servituros . De dogmatibus quae impietatem sapiunt suprà actum est . De contradictoriis non citantur loca , sed quisquis peritus est Aristotelis , novit eum solitum exempla ex aliorum libris & vulgariter dictis solere trahere , nec ipsius esse censendum quod non in ordinem doctrinae ipsius cadit . Unde non est arduum sententias contrarias in operibus ipsius invenire ; sed illa sola sunt ipsi adjudicanda , quae vel propriis locis asseruntur , vel ad confirmationem notorum ipsius dogmatum ab ipso afferuntur . 4. Caput vicesimum manifestam reddit eminentiam Peripatetices supra reliquas Methodos ex ipsâ impugnatione . Assumit enim non aliter cognosci unum esse alterius causam quàm quia simul inveniuntur ; quod non negamus esse occasionem suspicandi , sed nullam Argumentum Caussalitatis . Si enim nihil aliud diluceat , ignotum erit utra sit caussa & uter effectus . Sed Peripatetici non concludunt A esse caussam B , nisi definito utroque reperiant ex ipsis Definitionibus A non posse esse quin B esse ex intrinsecis sequatur . Verbi gratiâ , Peripateticus colligit Ignem esse causam caloris , quia calor nihil aliud est nisi Atomi ab Igne fluentes , & ex aliâ parte scit Ignem non posse existere quin ejusmodi particulas emittat . Paradoxum Cartesianum de Lumine & Sole simile est ac si expectaremus casum Aetheris ad captandas aves . Admirandi Vir Ingenii adeò coelestis est , ut neque sabulum habeat in quo fundet Structuras suas . Peripateticis gratius est pauca certa colligere agnoscendo multitudinem incertorum , quàm dum omnia certant constringere nihil omninò tenere . Certè non est qui majorem ambitum Demonstrandi prae se ferat quàm Cartesius , adeò ut nihil indecentius sit quàm ipsius Adoratorem profiteri Scepsin . 5. Nihilo validius est Argumentum à varietate Opinionum Philosophantium ad impossibilitatem Scientiae stabiliendam . Priùs enim constare oportet Philosophos esse quàm ut Sententiae illorum in Philosophicis aestimari habeant . Profitentúrne demonstrare ? Libros suos ad Euclidis normam elimant ? Intexúntne Definitiones cum Per se notis ? Neque alia admittunt in probationem ? quae in Aristotele & antiquis ipsius Interpretibus notari possunt , etsi formâ Euclideâ non sint expressa . Haec si agant , vel non sunt rationales , vel idem omnes sentient sicut Geometrae . Si haec negligant , non interest de illorum sententiâ in re Philosophicâ . Narrat Author noster Historiam de vi Phantasiae , quam dubito esse imperfectam ; videtur enim velle unum hominem posse alienas cogitationes ordinare absque eo quòd per sensus agat in Phantasiam . Narrat siquidem absentem coëgisse absentes ad cogitandum & loquendum quae absens voluit . Etsi enim agnoscā copiosam vim Homini in Animalia esse per Phantasiae illorum opem , putà ad cicuranda vel in rabiem concitanda mediis sonis vel figurarum ostentatione , fortassis etiam ad morbos vel sanitatem inferendam , & similia ; tamen ut moveatur ipsa Phantasia ad ea quae per sensum aliquem non movent eam , difficile est credere : non tamen omninò inficior motum qui fit in sensum esse omninò similem & univocum illi qui in mente est , & fermè à vehementiâ affectûs potiùs derivari quàm à puro motu Phantasiae imprimentis . 6. Vicesimo primo Capite auguratur de Scientiâ futurâ , specialiter de quibusdam nondum compertis modis in distans agendi ; quos expectare magis libet quàm discutere vel sperare . Sub finem Capitis assumit nihil sciri posse nisi in primas causas resolvatur . Unde diluxisse oportuit primas causas & Metaphysicam quae de illis agit , esse Naturae notissimam seu proximam primis notitiis , & frustrà conari Physicos qui circa particularia Naturae multa negotiantur & nihil comprehendunt , quia Metaphysices ignari sunt . Exemplum sunto quae tumultuantur de Vacuo , quod Metaphysica tam impossibile declarat quàm non Ens esse Ens ; de fonte Raritatis & Densitatis quem extra rarum & densum esse apertissimè demonstrat Metaphysicus , & plura similia , quorum veritatem qui Experimentis tentant sed sine Metaphysices lumine , Laterem lavant . Ab Aristotele autem Metaphysica Principia petenda sunt , non à Cartesio etsi summi Ingenii Viro ; Aristoteles enim quae in naturâ insita invênit , Contemplatione in Methodum conclusit . Cartesius in Principiis suis Physicis quasi praescripturus Conditori Rerum Ideam quid ipse sentiret ex Arte faciendum in Aëre & Concavo ( ut dicunt ) Lunae designavit . Ex quali Fabricâ nihil utilitatis sperari à Lectore potest . 7. Sequens Capitulum laborat illo Errore quem Aristoteles saepiùs & detexit & confutavit : nempe , Nihil sciri nisi perfectè sciatur ; verbi gratiâ , non sciri esse Deum nisi illum videas ; Hominem quempiam primo illo Cartesii noto Ego cogito ergò Ego sum non posse uti & securum habere , nisi comprehendat illius Ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ut scíat naturam Materiei & Formae , & numerum Elementorum , & Membrorum , & Caussas & Motum quo procreaturs sit , & denique quicquid per connexionem ei adjacet . Quod est clarè profiteri se nescire Quaestionem quae agitetur . Nemo enim Dogmaticorum adeò perfectam cognitionem vel arrogat vel sperat . Ejusdem inadvertentiae est , nescire quòd omnes videntes parietem album similem apprehensionem de albedine habeant , etsi gradu & perfectione diversis sensationibus afficiantur . Unde Authori nostro prudentius gestum fuisset omninò tacuisse , & affectantibus Scientiam Errorem condonavisse , quàm perratiunculas merè Topicas & Delusorias ad egregia natas mentes avertisse à primo Naturae desiderio , & fructu in aliquo saltem gradu adipiscendo , juxta illud Ethici Poëtae , Nec si desperes invicti membra Glyconis , Nodosâ nolis corpus prohibere chiragrâ . 8. Attamen Academicus noster non dubitat generatim dogmaticè praecedentibus affingere quaevis mala . Adeò ( ut Philosophus docet ) Artis est medium reperire . Inprimis Ignorantiae filiam asserit esse hanc Methodum . Quis hanc notam à Sceptico expectavisset ? Tu qui nihil scire teipsum profiteris , aliis Ignorantiam objectes ? Quis tulerit Gracchum de seditione querentem ? Proximè indomitorum Affectuum Inquilinam appellat . Quo jure ? Si enim aliqua est Scientia , illa — munita tenebit Edita doctrinâ Sapientûm Templa serena . Tu qui profiteris nescire an aliqua sit , quàm temerè affirmas illā semper cum indomitis Affectibus habitare , cùm si nulla sit nusquā habitet ? Tertium inconveniens Dogmatizationis est quòd Homines ad Litigia concitet . Attamen hoc idem esse Solis Orientis crimen mihi apparet , dum dormientibus molestus est & ad opera sua quemque evocat . Ejusmodi enim Vitium est in Ignorantiâ & Errore detentis inculcare Veritatem . Quartum crimen est , quòd qui Scientiae alicui inhaeret , caeteros ignorantiae incuset qui Demonstrationem ipsius nesciunt . Non possum inficiari . Est enim Indoles & Jus Luminis arguere ea tenebrarum quae Lucem non admittunt : sed in hoc modestiores sunt Demonstrantes Scepticis , quòd saltem aliquos excipiant & de Naturâ bene loquantur , quam cum omnibus suis filiis Sceptici ad carceres Tenebrarum in aeternum condemnant . 9. Par huic est quòd confidentia Scientiae in Errore obserat Januas ad libertatem occupandae veritatis . Cum quantâ caecitate haec disputat Scepticus qui Veritatem nusquam esse quae hominem liberare valeat ultrò agnoscit ? Tandem concludit angustum esse Animum dogmatici & pusillum & captivum . Adeò agnominantur quae nesciuntur . Scientiae enim est Animum dilatare , magnorum capacem reddere ; Et haec voluptas scientis , scepticos quasi deorsum tumultuantes despicere , passimque tueri Errare atque viam palantes quaerere vitae ; quod Vitae & pensi loco habere est omnium rerum miserrimum , & exinanitio rationalitatis & totius felicitatis quae in humanis reperitur . Haec omnia sicut verissima sunt & vix Sceptico neganda sequi ex possibilitate Demonstrationis , hoc est , siqua sit natura rationalis ; non tamen sic asserta volo , ut patrocinentur palliatis Scepticis , qui admittant quidem Scientiam & Physicam & Metaphysicam in communi aliquam extare : Sed neque legitimâ aliquâ methodo ad eam tendant , neque in particulari quicquam demonstratum agnoscant , & nihilominus multitudine gregali socialiter sese mutuò pellentium , & oneribus futilium Scriptorum apicem doctoralem & scientiarum cacumen & Sapientiae nomen absurdissimè involant & sibi arrogant . Faxit naturae Parens ut aliquando hoc jugo premente cervices Filiorum Adae levetur humanum Genus , & studiosi Veritatis intelligant pariter periculosum esse censere omnia & nihil esse demonstratum . FINIS . APPENDICULA Tentans Solutionem Problematis Torricelliani , DE Subsistentiâ Hydrargyri In tubo supernè sigillato . Londini , MDCLXIII . PRAEFATIO . TOt & tanta de Scientiarum possibilitate prolocuto fas non esse arbitretur curiosus aliquis non impresso paradigmate ex arenâ discedere ; cui etsi reponere possim duos jam Euclidas Vades me stitisse , vereor nè me testes absentes citare contendant ; praeter quam quòd illos circa communia occupatos Naturae investigationi non esse satis idoneos occlament . Quaesivi itaque Problema celebre & admirandum cui communia principia admovere studeam ; in quo si defecerim appareat id Artificis non Artis vitio peccatum esse . Depinget itaque exercitii methodum quae subjicitur Demonstrationis figura ; quàm faeliciter eventus docebit . Mihi praemium erit aemulatum esse charismata meliora . Vnum enixè Lectores obtestor quibus id indulsit diluiior circa praecordia sanguis , ut in Animo suo Phantasiae & Intellectûs discrimina subtiliter iuterpungant . Noverint ad Intellectum pertinere Sensum vocum . Interrogent semetipsos quid intendant aliis explicare ; Deinde , cum de Veritate certandum est , Intellectûs non est admittere quicquam quod non sit vel per se notum vel per aliquem ex quatuor primis Syllogismi modis deductum ; caetera omnia Phantasiae vel naturâ vel vitio fiunt ; Naturâ , ut cum Metaphysica per modum Corporeorum & Extensorum amplexatur ; Vitio , quando inconsueta & ignota per familiaria metitur : Sicut faciunt qui Antipodibus timent nè in coelum cadant . Prioris ordinis nihil celebrius neque magis scientiae noxium est quam sollennis illa & à paucis vitata de Vacuo imaginatio ; per quam postquam intellectu fixerunt nullum esse corpus inter latera loci quem asserunt esse vacuum , eo non obstante apprehendunt , & ex vi apprehensionis asserunt , intra ejusdem latera contineri quiddam magnum , divisibile , continuum , successivè pertransibile , habens partes extra partes , & quicquid totidem vocibus de Corpore affirmare solent in eâdem ipsâ significatione in quâ Natura & ad sua dicta benè advertentes Philosophi notionem Corporis consistere prorsus conveniunt . Vnde evidens evadit hanc propositionem non dari vacuum esse ex per se notis , & tantundem sonare quod , Corpus non est ubi non est corpus . Hanc utramque Phantasiae exerrationem qui non est potis à suo animo avertere , credat se illotis manibus Philosophiam tractare . His praemissis propositum aggredior . SOLUTIO Problematis Torricelliani De Subsistentiâ Hydrargyri in tubo supernè sigillato . AXIOMA I. OMne quod movetur localiter movetur ab alio . Et Experimentis clarum est tum in Animalibus , in quibus manifestum est membrum unum non moveri nisi aliud sit immotum à quo fiat initium motûs ; tum in caeteris omnibus Corporibus in quibus Causlae motûs discernuntur ; & tandem , manifestâ demonstratione : Posito enim quotlibet Corpora quiescere , Quia Idem manens idem semper facit Idem , palàm est nisi accedat aliud mutans aliquod vel aliqua ipsorum , illa semper esse quietura . AXIOMA II. Corpus quod movetur ab alio , movetur secundùm Lineam per quam dirigitur ab alio . Evidens est ex priori . Cùm enim idem sit moveri quod ferri super aliquâ Lineâ , si accipit moveri à caussâ movente , accipit ferri super Lineâ super quâ fertur , à caussâ movente . AXIOMA III. Nullum Corpus habet ex sese inclinationem ad unum motum magis quàm ad alium . Evidens est ex priori . Si enim haberet inclinationem ad certum motum , non acciperet determinationem Lineae super quâ fertur à caussâ movente , sed à semetipsâ vel integrè vel ex parte ; & , quod sequitur , ipsum sibi esset saltem ex parte causa motûs . AXIOMA IV. Aliquis Motus localis fit per Tractum . Evidens est . Quia clarum est partes Corporum aliquorum magis sibi cohaerere & difficiliùs divelli ab invicem quàm partes aliorum Corporum ; quare , si una aliqua pars Corporum non facilè divisibilium moveatur , caeterae sequentur , hoc est , trahentur . Neque proficit dicere uncinata esse hujusmodi Corpora secundùm partes minimas , nam etiam sic una pars illorum uncinorum trahet aliam ejusdem Uncini . Clarum itaque est aliquam vim movendi esse Tractum . AXIOMA . V. Si Corpus aliquod à pluribus moventibus hâc & illâc , sive impellatur sive trahatur , fertur super illâ Lineâ ad quam dirigitur ab omnibus junctim . Patet ex Axiomatibus 3 , & 4. POSTULATUM , seu Experimento Compertum primum . Massa Aëris quae circumstat Terram ( quantam Experimenta pertingere possunt ) tota comprimit Terram , & omnia quae in illâ sunt habent motum quendam versùs Gentrum Terrae , quem appellamus Gravitationem , fortiorem vel debiliorem ex aliis causis , maximè Densitate Mobilium . POSTULATUM II. Ex vi motûs Gravitationis seu Compressionis sequitur motus in particularibus Corporibus , aliquando transversus , aliquando etiam sursum , per hoc , quod densiora Corpora repellant rariora à recto descensu ad Centrum , quà facillimum est . POSTULATUM III. Velocitas quâ Corpus movens movetur habet virtutem movendi Cropus impulsum , & interdum compensandi vel superandi vim Densitatis quae operatur in illo . PROBLEMA . SI tubus Vitreus , supernè sigillatus Hermeticè , impleatur Hydrargyro & infernè Orificio aperto immergatur pelvi item Hydrargyro plenae , Hydrargyrum quod est in tubo invenietur effluere usque ad certam mensuram , & illîc subsistere , neque totum effluere . Primò , Quaeritur quae sit Ratio quare Quicquam omninò effluat . Secundò , Quaeritur quare Totum non effluat aequè atque Aliqua Pars. PROPOSITIO I. Caussa cur ex parte defluat Hydrargyrum , est Compressio deorsum Aëris , quae est causa Gravitationis Corporum in eo existentium . Cùm enim Hydrargyrum ex sese non habeat majorem inclinationem versùs unum motum quàm versùs alium , necessum est ( per Axiom . 3. ) ut ex movente habeat quòd moveatur deorsum . Sed Causa movens deorsum est Compressio Aëris dicta ( Postul . 1. ) Ab eâ itaque habet Hydrargyrum ut moveatur deorsum & effluat ex tubo . PROPOSITIO II. Caussa cur Totum non defluat est idem motus Gravitationis , quatenus comprimendo Hydrargyrum quod est in pelvi , facit resistentiam ad descensum illius quod est in tubo . Cùm enim Hydrargyrum quod est in tubo sit inter has duas Compressiones quasi inter duo Impellentia per oppositas vias , sicut necesse est ( per Axiom . 5. ) dum altera vincit ferri secundùm Lineam per quam ab illâ cietur , sic si Vires Impellentium sint aequales , necessum est Hydrargyrum illîc subsistere ubi haec aequalitas contingit . PROPOSITIO III. Caussa cur Compressio Aëris deorsum non sufficiat ad ejiciendum totum Hydrargyrum , est quia Aër malignè & cum difficultate penetrat poros Vitrei tubi . Clarum enim est per Experimenta complura Magneticorum , Electricorum , Refrigerativorum , Calefactivorum , Fervefactivorum , Inustionem Colorum & Spirituum , ipsiúsque Hydydrargyri percolationem , quam meis oculis hausi , monstrante eximio Chymicorum Experimentorum Artifice Kenelmo Equiti Digbaeo , plura volitantia in Aëre per poros Vitri transmeare . Clarum quoque est ex adverso , quòd si sensibile foramen fiat in tubo , Hydrargyrum statim defluat . Clarum proinde est , Caussam cur non defluat esse , quia Aër cum difficultate ingreditur , & non in illâ copiâ ut valeat vincere resistentiam sursum pellentis . PROPOSITIO IV. Non est aliqua Substantia Aetherea ubique diffusa , tantae subtilitatis ut sine difficultate quaelibet Corpora per quas libet Lineas permeet . Si enim foret talis Substantia ubique diffusa , ipsa sine difficultate penetraret Vitrum , & proinde Aër excluderetur & foris quiesceret . Praeterea , cùm hic Aether ( Postul . 1. ) necessariò à proximo Aëre comprimatur , ipse quoque comprimet & descendere faciet Hydrargyrum , aequè ac si in libero Aëre consisteret . PROPOSITIO V. Subingressus Aëris in tubum non sufficit ad descensum Hydrargyri , nisi rarefiat Aër intra tubum . Cum enim Experimento comprobetur Hydrargyrum antequàm quiescat reciproco quasi aestu sursum & deorsum undulare , & primo impetu longissimè infra situm Quietis ferri ; nisi rarefieret Aër intra tubum , plus Aëris primo impetu ingressum fuisset quàm ad effectum requisitum erat ; & , quod sequitur , difficultas penetrandi Vitrum non foret sufficiens ratio cur Hydrargyrum subsisteret elevatum supra Libellam , contra dicta ( Propos . 3â. ) Tantundem ex Machinâ Ingeniosissimi & Experientissimi Viri , Nobilissimi Domini Boylii , clarissimè patet . Cùm enim ex eâdem exugat Aërem , neque aliud Corpus succedere patiatur quantum Ars humana agnoscere queat , non est inficiabile primò Corpus majus postmodùm minus idem Vas implere & eundem locum occupare ; quod est plus Quantitatis postmodùm quàm priùs eandem Substantiam insidere & illam tendere . PROPOSITIO VI. Si resolutio facta sit vera , in aëre tenuiore ; verbi gratiâ , in vertice montis insignis altitudinis hydrargyrum intra tubum subsistet in situ inferiore quàm in aëre crasso . Cùm enim magis abundent in aëre tenuiore subtiles partes quae natae sunt vitrum penetrare , quàm in ctassiori cujus pleraeque partes natae sunt obturate poros vitri , major erit de sursum compressio aëris pellens hydrargyrum deorsum . Propterea , cùm densiora corpora vehementiùs premant inferiora , non erit in aëre puro tanta compressio hydrargyri in pelui natantis quàm in aëre crasso , ac proinde non aequè repellet & impediet descensum hydrargyri ex tubo . Magis itaque in tubo ( per Axiom . 5. ) subsidet hydrargyrum . PROPOSITIO VII . Si tubus in quo quieseit hydrargyrum eximatur ex pelui perpendiculariter , hydrargyrum quod est in tubo dividetur ab eo quod est in pelui circa latera tubi priùs quam in ipso meditullio , & per consequens in ipso medio propendebit aliquantis per extra tubum . Cùm enim aër suppleturus vicem hydrargyri quod est in pelvi non possit in momento pervenire usque ad meditullium tubi , necesse est , interea dum movetur , haerere partes hydrargyri quod in tubo est ( in quarum locum nondum successit aër ) partibus hydrargyri quae sunt in pelvi , & per consequens figurâ Coni mutili propendebit extra tubum . PROPOSITIO VIII . In Separatione hydrargyri in tubo ab hydrargyro in pelvi , pars hydrargyri cum vehementiâ cadit in pelvim , & Aër aequali velocitate subit vices ipsius ad sustinendum seu sursum pellendum hydrargyrum quod est in tubo . Cùm enim Aër dividens hydrargyra ex necessitate comprimat alteram partem sursum , alteram deorsum . ipse autem unâ tantum velocitate feratur , necesse est hydrargyrum superius ascendere sursum eâdem velocitate quâ hydrargyrum inferius descendit ; quam necesse est summam quandam esse ; cùm hydrargyrum auro excepto corporum gravissimum existimetur . PROPOSITIO IX . Non est mirandum si hydrargyrum superius in separatione ab inferiori pertundat tubum vitreum , & quasi in rorem argenteum spargatur . Cùm enim velocitas motûs ( Postul . 3. ) habeat vim virtutis motivae , hydrargyrum autem quod in tubo est ( Ax. 3. ) modicam vel nullam resistentiam , obediet motui aëris tanto cum impetu sursum pellentis ; & serviet , sicut globus seu pila ferrea in sclopeto bellico , ad perrumpenda quaecumque obsistentia . Palam quoque est frustrà quaeri justam libellam hydrargvri in tubo ad hydrargyrum in pelui , quia nulla est ; cùm ( Propos. 6. ) ascendit plus vel minùs in diversis circumstantiis . Celebriora itaque hujus Experimenti symptomata sic declarata sunto . FINIS . ERRATA . PAg. 20. lin . 8. notum . p. 24. l. 4. est . p. 33. l. 1. attigerunt . p. 36. l. 4. sese est avida . p. 73. l. 11. naturam . p. 99. l. 2. Fatum rejicit Aristoteles . p. 102. l. 22. caeteri . 
A48888	----	The reasonableness of Christianity as delivered in the Scriptures Locke, John, 1632-1704. 1695 Approx. 363 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 157 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48888 Wing L2751 ESTC R22574 12364234 ocm 12364234 60354 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48888) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60354) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 216:5) The reasonableness of Christianity as delivered in the Scriptures Locke, John, 1632-1704. [5], 304 p. Printed for Awnsham and John Churchil ..., London : 1695. Written by J. Locke. Cf. Wing. First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Errata: p. [5]. Advertisements: p. 304. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church history -- 17th century. Christianity -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. Apologetics -- Early works to 1800. Apologetics -- History -- 17th century. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-08 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REASONABLENESS OF Christianity , As delivered in the SCRIPTURES . LONDON : Printed for Awnsham and Iohn Churchil , at the Black Swan in Pater-Noster-Row . 1695. THE PREFACE . THE little Satisfaction and Consistency is to be found in most of the Systems of Divinity I have met with , made me betake my self to the sole Reading of the Scripture ( to which they all appeal ) for the understanding the Christian Religion . What from thence by an attentive and unbiassed search I have received , Reader , I here deliver to thee . If by this my Labour thou receivest any Light or Confirmation in the Truth , joyn with me in Thanks to the Father of Lights for his Condescention to our Vnderstandings . If upon a fair and unprejudiced Examination , thou findest I have mistaken the Sense and Tenor of the Gospel , I beseech thee , as a true Christian , in the Spirit of the Gospel ( which is that of Charity ) and in the words of Sobriety , set me right in the Doctrine of Salvation . ERRATA . Page 35. line 22. read on the. p. 62. l. 26. r. Bethesda . p. 63. l. 26. r. little of any thing ; p. 64. ult . r. it was . p. 65. l. 6. r. them at Ierusalem . Ibid. l. 10 r. ing in that place . p. 67. l. 17. r. that remained . p. 69. l. 23. r. a king , or rather Messiah the King , p. 75. l. 6. dele these . Ibid. l. 14. r. nor 〈◊〉 . p. 112. l. 4. r. Bethesda . p. 161. l. 2. r. and of . p. 165. l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 present World. p. 194. l. 11. r. availed not Devils . p. 217. l. 11. r. In his Sermon in the. p. 263. l. ● . r. before observed . p. 264. l. 24. r. custom . p. 271. l. 2. r. apophthegms . Ibid. l. 24. r. themselves ; and deduces . p. 282. l. 〈◊〉 . r. No touch of . p. 284. 1. 〈◊〉 confusion . p. 287. l. 17. r. life and. p. 295. l. 22. r. the Apostles . p. 203. l. 20. r. Treatise ? p. 304. l. 4. ● abstract . Ibid. l. 14. read them , The Reasonableness of Christianity , as delivered in the Scriptures . T IS obvious to any one who reads the New Testament , that the Doctrine of Redemption , and consequently of the Gospel , is founded upon the Supposition of Adam's Fall. To understand therefore what we are restored to by Jesus Christ , we must consider what the Scripture shews we lost by Adam . This I thought worthy of a diligent and unbiassed search : Since I found the two Extreams , that Men run into on this Point , either on the one hand shook the Foundations of all Religion , or on the other made Christianity almost nothing . For whilst some Men would have all Adam's Posterity doomed to Eternal Infinite Punishment for the Transgression of Adam , whom Millions had never heard of , and no one had authorized to transact for him , or be his Representative ; this seemed to others so little consistent with the Justice or Goodness of the Great and Infinite God , that they thought there was no Redemption necessary , and consequently that there was none , rather than admit of it upon a Supposition so derogatory to the Honour and Attributes of that Infinite Being ; and so made Jesus Christ nothing but the Restorer and Preacher of pure Natural Religion ; thereby doing violence to the whole tenor of the New Testament . And indeed both sides will be suspected to have trespassed this way , against the written Word of God , by any one , who does but take it to be a Collection of Writings designed by God for the Instruction of the illiterate bulk of Mankind in the way to Salvation ; and therefore generally and in necessary points to be understood in the plain direct meaning of the words and phrases , such as they may be supposed to have had in the mouths of the Speakers , who used them according to the Language of that Time and Country wherein they lived , without such learned , artificial , and forced senses of them , as are sought out , and put upon them in most of the Systems of Divinity , according to the Notions , that each one has been bred up in . To one that thus unbiassed reads the Scriptures , what Adam fell from , is visible , was the state of perfect Obedience , which is called Justice in the New Testament , though the word which in the Original signifies Justice , be translated Righteousness : And by this Fall he lost Paradise , wherein was Tranquility and the Tree of Life , i. e. he lost Bliss and Immortality . The Penalty annexed to the breach of the Law , with the Sentence pronounced by God upon it , shew this . The Penalty stands thus , Gen. II. 17. In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die . How was this executed ? He did eat , but in the day he did eat , he did not actually die , but was turned out of Paradise from the Tree of Life , and shut out for ever from it , lest he should take thereof and live for ever . This shews that the state of Paradise was a state of Immortality , of Life without end , which he lost that very day that he eat : His Life began from thence to shorten , and wast , and to have an end ; and from thence to his actual Death , was but like the time of a Prisoner between the Sentence past and the Execution , which was in view and certain . Death then enter'd and shewed his Face , which before was shut out , and not known . So St. Paul , Rom. V. 12. By one man sin entred into the world , and death by sin ; i. e. a state of Death and Mortality : And 1 Cor. XV. 22. In Adam all die ; i. e. by reason of his Transgression all Men are Mortal , and come to die . This is so clear in these cited places , and so much the current of the New Testament , that no body can deny , but that the Doctrine of the Gospel is , that Death came on all Men by Adam's sin ; only they differ about the signification of the word Death . For some will have it to be a state of Guilt , wherein not only he , but all his Posterity was so involved , that every one descended of him deserved endless torment in Hell-fire . I shall say nothing more here how far , in the apprehensions of Men , this consists with the Justice and Goodness of God , having mentioned it above : But it seems a strange way of understanding a Law , which requires the plainest and directest words , that by Death should be meant Eternal Life in Misery . Could any one be supposed by a Law , that says , For Felony you shall die , not that he should lose his Life , but be kept alive in perpetual exquisite Torments ? And would any one think himself fairly dealt with , that was so used ? To this they would have it be also a state of necessary sinning , and provoking God in every Action that men do : A yet harder sense of the word Death than the other . God says , That in the day that thou eatest of the forbidden Fruit , thou shalt die ; i. e. thou and thy Posterity shall be ever after uncapable of doing any thing , but what shall be sinful and provoking to me , and shall justly deserve my wrath and indignation . Could a worthy man be supposed to put such terms upon the Obedience of his Subjects , much less can the Righteous God be supposed , as a Punishment of one sin wherewith he is displeased , to put Man under a necessity of sinning continually , and so multiplying the Provocation ? The reason of this strange Interpretation we shall perhaps find in some mistaken places of the New Testament . I must confess by Death here I can understand nothing but a ceasing to be , the losing of all actions of Life and Sense . Such a Death came on Adam , and all his Posterity by his first Disobedience in Paradise , under which Death they should have lain for ever , had it not been for the Redemption by Jesus Christ. If by Death threatned to Adam were meant the Corruption of Humane Nature in his Posterity , 't is strange that the New Testament should not any where take notice of it , and tell us , that Corruption seized on all because of Adam's Transgression , as well as it tells us so of Death . But as I remember every ones sin is charged upon himself only . Another part of the Sentence was , Cursed is the ground for thy sake ; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life , in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread , till thou return unto the ground : For out of it wast thou taken ; Dust thou art , and to dust shalt thou return . This shews that Paradise was a place of Bliss as well as Immortality , without toyl , and without sorrow . But when Man was turned out , he was exposed to the toyl , anxiety , and frailties of this Mortal Life , which should end in the Dust , out of which he was made , and to which he should return ; and then have no more life or sense than the Dust had , out of which he was made . As Adam was turned out of Paradise , so all his Posterity were born out of it , out of the reach of the Tree of Life , All like their Father Adam in a state of Mortality , void of the Tranquility and Bliss of Paradise . Rom. V. 12. By one man sin entered into the world , and death by sin . But here will occur the common Objection , that so many stumble at : How doth in consist with the Justice and Goodness of God , that the Posterity of Adam should suffer for his sin ; the Innocent be punished for the Guilty ? Very well , if keeping one from what he has no right to be called a Punishment . The state of Immortality in Paradise is not due to the Posterity of Adam more than to any other Creature . Nay , if God afford them a Temporary Mortal Life ' 't is his Gift , they owe it to his Bounty , they could not claim it as their Right , nor does he injure them when he takes it from them . Had he taken from Manking any thing , that was their Right ; or did he put Men in a state of Misery worse than not being without any fault or demerit of their own ; this indeed would be hard to reconcile with the Notion we have of Justice , and much more with the Goodness and other Attributes of the Supream Being , which he has declared of himself , and Reason as well as Revelation must acknowledge to be in him ; unless we will confound Good and Evil , God and Satan . That such a state of extream irremidiable Torment is worse than no Being at all , if every one ones sense did not determine against the vain Philosophy , and foolish Metaphysicks of some Men ; yet our Saviour's peremptory decision , Matt. XXVI . 24. has put it past doubt , that one may be in such an estate , that it had been better for him not to have been born . But that such a temporary Life as we now have , with all its Frailties and ordinary Miseries is better than no Being , is evident by the high value we put upon it our selves . And therefore though all die in Adam , yet none are truly punished but for their own deeds . Rom. II. 6. God will render to every one , how ? according to his deeds . To those that obey unrighteousness , indignation and wrath , tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that doth evil , v. 9. 2 Cor. V. 10. We must appear before the Iudgment-seat of Christ , that every one may receive the things done in his body , according to that he has done , whether it be good or bad . And Christ himself , who knew for what he should condemn Men at the last day , assures us in the two places where he describes his proceeding at the great Judgment , that the Sentence of Condemnation passes only on the workers of Iniquity , such as neglected to fulfil the Law in acts of Charity , Mat. VII . 23. Luke XIII . 27. Mat. XXV . 42. But here is no Condemnation of any one , for what his fore-father Adam had done , which 't is not likely should have been omitted , if that should have been a cause , why any one was adjudged to the fire with the Devil and his Angels . And he tells his Disciples , that when he comes again with his Angels is the Glory of his Father , that then he will render to every one according to his works , Mat. XVI . 27. Adam being thus turned out of Paradise , and all his Posterity born out of it , the consequence of it was , that all men should die , and remain under Death for ever , and so be utterly lost . From this estate of Death Jesus Christ restores all mankind to Life ; 1 Cor. XV. 22. As in Adam all die , so in Christ shall all be made alive . How this shall be , the same Apostle tells us in the foregoing v. 21. By man death came , by man also came the Resurrection from the dead . Whereby it appears , that the Life , which Jesus Christ restores to all men , is that Life , which they receive again at the Resurrection . Then they recovered from Death , which otherwise all mankind should have continued under lost for ever , as appears by St. Paul's Arguing , 1 Cor. XV. concerning the Resurrection . And thus men are by the Second Adam restored to Life again : That so by Adam's sin they may none of them lose any thing , which by their own Righteousness they might have a Title to . For Righteousness , or an exact obedience to the Law , seems by the Scripture to have a claim of Right to Eternal Life , Rom. IV. 4. To him that worketh ; i. e. does the works of the Law , is the reward not reckoned of Grace , but OF DEBT . And Rev. XXII . 14. Blessed are they who do his Commandments , that they may HAVE RIGHT to the Tree of Life , which is in the Paradise of God. If any of the Posterity of Adam were just , they shall not lose the Reward of it , Eternal Life and Bliss , by being his Mortal Issue : Christ will bring them all to Life again ; And then they shall be put every one upon his own Tryal , and receive Judgment , as he is found to be Righteous or no. And the righteous , as our Saviour says , Mat. XXV . 46. shall go into eternal life . Nor shall any one miss it , who has done what our Saviour directed the Lawyer , who asked , Luke X. 25. What he should do to inherit eternal life ? Do this , i. e. what is required by the Law , and thou shalt live . On the other side , it seems the unalterable purpose of the Divine Justice , that no unrighteous Person , no one that is guilty of any breach of the Law , should be in Paradise ; But that the wages of sin shold be to every man , as it was to Adam , an Exclusion of him out of that Happy state of Immortality , and bring Death upon him . And this is so conformable to the Eternal and established Law of Right and Wrong , that it is spoke of too as if it could not be otherwise . St. Iames says , Chap. I. 15. Sin when it is finished bringeth forth death , as it were by a Natural and necessary production . Sin entred into the World , and death by sin , says St. Paul , Rom. V. 12. & VI. 23. The wages of sin is Death . Death is the Purchase of any , of every sin . Gal. III. 10. Cursed is every one who continueth not in all things which are written in the Book of the Law to do them . And of this St. Iames gives a Reason , Chap. II. 10 , 11. Whosoever shall keep the whole Law , and yet offend in one point , he is guilty of all : For he that said , Do not commit Adultery , said also , do not Kill : i. e. He that offends in any one Point , sins against the Authority which established the Law. Here then we have the standing and fixed measures of Life and Death . Immortality and Bliss belong to the Righteous ; Those who have lived in an exact Conformity to the Law of God , are out of the reach of Death : But an Exclusion from Paradise , and loss of Immortality , is the Portion of Sinners , of all those who have any way broke that Law , and failed of a Compleat Obedience to it by the guilt of any one Transgression . And thus Mankind by the Law are put upon the issues of Life or Death ; As they are Righteous , or Vnrighteous ; Iust or Vnjust ; i. e. Exact Performers , or Transgressors of the Law. But yet all having sinned , Rom. III. 23. and come short of the glory God , i. e. the Kingdom of God in Heaven , which is often called his Glory , both Iews and Gentiles , v. 22. So that by the deeds of the Law no one could be justified , v. 20. it follows , that no one could then have Eternal Life and Bliss . Perhaps it will be demanded , Why did God give so hard a Law to Mankind , that to the Apostles time no one of Adam's Issue had kept it ? As appears by Rom. III. and Gal. III. 21 , 22. Answ. It was such a Law as the Purity of God's Nature required , and must be the Law of such a Creature as Man , unless God would have made him a Rational Creature , and not required him to have lived by the Law of Reason , but would have countenanced in him Irregularity and Disobedience to that Light which he had ; and that Rule , which was suitable to his Nature : Which would have been , to have authorized Disorder , Confusion , and Wickedness in his Creatures . For that this Law was the Law of Reason , or as it is called of Nature , we shall see by and by : And if Rational Creatures will not live up to the Rule of their Reason , who shall excuse them ? If you will admit them to forsake Reason in one point , why not in another ? Where will you stop ? To disobey God in any part of his Commands ( and 't is he that Commands what Reason does ) is direct Rebellion ; which if dispensed with in any Point , Government and Order are at an end ; And there can be no bounds set to the Lawless Exorbitancy of unconfined men . The Law therefore was , as St. Paul tells us , Rom. VII . 12 , holy , just , and good , and such as it ought , and could not otherwise be . This then being the case , that whoever is guilty of any sin , should certainly die , and cease to be , the benefit of Life restored by Christ at the Resurrection would have been no great Advantage , ( for as much as here again Death must have seized upon all mankind , because all had sinned ; For the Wages of Sin is every where Death , as well after as before the Resurrection ) if God had not found out a way to Justifie some , i. e. so many , as obeyed another Law , which God gave , which in the New Testament is called the Law of Faith , Rom. III. 27. and is opposed to the Law of Works . And therefore the Punishment of those who would not follow him was to lose their Souls . i. e. their Lives , Mark VIII . 35-38 . as is plain , considering the occasion it was spoke on . The better to understand the Law of Faith , it will be convenient in the first place to consider the Law of Works . The Law of Works then , in short , is that Law , which requires perfect Obedience , without any remission or abatement ; So that by that Law a man cannot be Just , or justified without an exact performance of every tittle . Such a perfect Obedience in the New Testament is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we translate Righteousness . The Language of this Law is , Do this and live , Transgress and die . Lev. XVIII . 5. Ye shall keep my statutes and my judgments , which if a man do he shall live in them . Ezek. XX. 11. I gave them my statutes , and shewed them my judgments , which if a man do he shall even live in them . Moses , says St. Paul , Rom. X. 5. describeth the righteousness which is of the Law , that the man which doth those things shall live in them . Gal. III. 12. The Law is not of Faith , but that man that doth them shall live in them . On the other side , Transgress and die ; no dispensation , no atonement . V. 10. Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them . Where this Law of Works was to be found , the New Testament tells us , ( viz. ) in the Law delivered by Moses . Iohn I. 17. The Law was given by Moses , but Faith and Truth came by Iesus Christ. Cap. VII . 19. Did not Moses give you the Law , says our Saviour , and yet none of you keep the Law. And this is the Law which he speaks of , where he asks the Lawyer , Luke X. 26. What is written in the Law ? how readest thou ? v. 28. This do and thou shalt live . This is that which St. Paul so often stiles the Law , without any other distinction , Rom. II. 13. Not the hearers of the Law are just before God , but the doers of the Law are justified . 'T is needless to quote any more places , his Epistles are all full of it , especially this to the Romans . But the Law given by Moses being not given to all Mankind , How are all men sinners ; since without a Law there is no Transgression ? To this the Apostle , v. 14. Answers , For when the Gentiles which have not the Law , do ( i. e. find it reasonable to do ) by nature the things contained in the Law ; these having not the Law , are a Law unto themselves : Which shew the work of the Law written in their hearts , their Consciences also bearing witness , and amongst one another their thoughts accusing or excusing . By which , and other places in the following Chapter , 't is plain , that under the Law of Works is comprehended also the Law of Nature , knowable by Reason as well as the Law given by Moses . For , says St. Paul , Rom. III. 9. 23. we have proved both Iews and Gentiles , that they are all under sin : For all have sinned , and come short of the glory of God : Which they could not do without a Law. Nay , whatever God requires any where to be done without making any allowance for Faith , that is a part of the Law of Works . So the forbidding Adam to eat of the Tree of Knowledge was part of the Law of Works . Only we must take notice here , That some of God's Positive Commands being for peculiar Ends , and suited to particular Circumstances of Times , Places , and Persons , have a limited and only temporary Obligation by vertue of God's positive Injunction ; such as was that part of Moses's Law which concerned the outward Worship , or Political Constitution of the Jews , and is called the Ceremonial and Judaical Law , in contradistinction to the Moral part of it ; Which being conformable to the Eternal Law of Right , is of Eternal Obligation , and therefore remains in force still under the Gospel ; nor is abrogated by the Law of Faith , as St. Paul found some ready to infer , Rom. III. 31. Do we then make void the Law through Faith ? God forbid ; yea , we establish the Law. Nor can it be otherwise : For were there no Law of Works , there could be no Law of Faith. For there could be no need of Faith , which should be counted to men for Righteousness , if there were no Law to be the Rule and Measure of Righteousness , which men failed in their Obedience to . Where there is no Law , there is no Sin ; all are Righteous equally with or without Faith. The Rule therefore of Right is the same that ever it was , the Obligation to observe it is also the same : The difference between the Law of Works and the Law of Faith is only this ; that the Law of Works makes no allowance for failing on any occasion . Those that obey are Righteous , those that in any part disobey are unrighteous , and must not expect Life the Reward of Righteousness . But by the Law of Faith , Faith is allowed to supply the defect of full Obedience ; and so the Believers are admitted to Life and Immortality as if they were Righteous . Only here we must take notice , that when St. Paul says , that the Gospel establishes the Law , he means the Moral part of the Law of Moses : For that he could not mean the Ceremonial or Political part of it , is evident by what I quoted out of him just now , where he says , The Gentiles that do by nature the things contained in the Law , their Consciences bearing witness . For the Gentiles neither did nor thought of the Judaical or Ceremonial Institutions of Moses , 't was only the Moral part their Consciences were concerned in . As for the rest , St. Paul tells the Galatians , Cap. IV. they are not under that part of the Law , which v. 3. he calls Elements of the World ; and v. 9. weak and beggarly elements . And our Saviour himself in his Gospel-Sermon on the Mount , tells them , Mat. V. 17. That whatever they might think , he was not come to dissolve the Law , but to make it more full and strict : For that that is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is evident from the following part of that Chapter , where he gives the Precepts in a stricter sense than they were received in before . But they are all Precepts of the Moral Law which he reinforces . What should become of the Ritual Law he tells the Woman of Samaria in these words , Iohn IV. 21. 23. The hour cometh when you shall neither in this Mountain , nor yet at Jerusalem worship the Father . But the true Worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth , for the Father seeketh such to worship him . Thus then as to the Law in short . The Civil and Ritual part of the Law delivered by Moses obliges not Christians , though to the Jews it were a part of the Law of Works ; it being a part of the Law of Nature , that man ought to obey every Positive Law of God , whenever he shall please to make any such addition to the Law of his Nature . But the Moral part of Moses's Law , or the Moral Law , ( which is every where the same , the Eternal Rule of Right ) obliges Christians and all men every where , and is to all men the standing Law of Works . But Christian Believers have the Priviledge to be under the Law of Faith too ; which is that Law whereby God Justifies a man for Believing , though by his Works he be not Just or Righteous , i. e. though he came short of Perfect Obedience to the Law of Works . God alone does , or can , Justifie or make Just those who by their Works are not so : Which he doth by counting their Faith for Righteousness , i. e. for a compleat performance of the Law. Rom. IV. 3. Abraham believed God , and it was counted to him for righteousness . v. 5. To him that believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is counted for righteousness . v. 6. Even as David also describeth the blessedness of the man unto whom God imputeth righteousness without works ; i. e. without a full measure of Works , which is exact Obedience . v. 7. Saying , Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sins are covered . v. 8. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin . This Faith for which God justified Abraham , what was it ? It was the believing God when he engaged his Promise in the Covenant he made with him . This will be plain to any one who considers these places together , Gen. XV. 6. He believed in the Lord , or believed the Lord. For that the Hebrew Phrase believing in , signifies no more but believing , is plain from St. Paul's citation of this place , Rom. IV. 3. where he repeats it thus : Abraham believed God , which he thus explains , v. 18-22 . who against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the Father of many Nations : According to that which was spoken , so shall thy seed be . And being not weak in faith , he considered not his own body now dead , when he was about an hundred years old , nor yet the deadness of Sarah's womb . He staggered not at the promise of God through unbelief ; but was strong in faith , giving glory to God. And being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was also able to perform . And therefore it was imputed to him for righteousness . By which it is clear , that the Faith which God counted to Abraham for Righteousness , was nothing but a firm belief of what God declared to him , and a steadfast relying on him for the accomplishment of what he had promised . Now this , says St. Paul , v. 23 , 24. was not writ for his [ Abraham 's ] sake alone , But for us also ; teaching us , that as Abraham was justified for his Faith , so also ours shall be accounted to us for Righteousness , if we believe God as Abraham believed him . Whereby 't is plain is meant the firmness of our Faith without staggering , and not the believing the same Propositions that Abraham believed ; viz. that though he and Sarah were old , and past the time and hopes of Children , yet he should have a Son by her , and by him become the Father of a great People , which should possess the Land of Canaan . This was what Abraham believed , and was counted to him for Righteousness . But no body I think will say , that any ones believing this now , shall be imputed to him for Righteousness . The Law of Faith then , in short , is for every one to believe what God requires him to believe , as a condition of the Covenant he makes with him ; and not to doubt of the performance of his Promises . This the Apostle intimates in the close here , v. 24. But for us also , to whom it shall be imputed , if we believe on him that raised up Iesus our Lord from the dead . We must therefore examine and see what God requires us to believe now under the Revelation of the Gospel : For the belief of one Invisible , Eternal , Omnipotent God , maker of Heaven and Earth , &c. was required before , as well as now . What we are now required to believe to obtain Eternal Life , is plainly set down in the Gospel . St. Iohn tells us , Iohn III. 36. He that believeth on the Son , hath eternal life ; and he that believeth not the Son , shall not see life . What this believing on him is , we are also told in the next Chapter . The woman saith unto him , I know that the Messiah cometh : When he is come , he will tell us all things . Iesus said unto her , I that spake unto thee am he . The woman then went into the City , and saith to the men , come see a man that hath told me all things that ever I did . Is not this the Messiah ? And many of the Samaritans believed on him ; for the saying of the woman , who testified , he told me all that ever I did . So when the Samaritans were come unto him , many more believed because of his words , and said to the woman ; We believe not any longer because of thy saying , for we have heard our selves , and we know that this Man is truly the Saviour of the World , the Messiah , John IV. 25 , 26. 29. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. By which place it is plain , that believing on the Son is the believing that Iesus was the Messiah ; giving Credit to the Miracles he did , and the Profession he made of himself . For those who were said to BELIEVE ON HIM for the saying of the Woman , v. 39. tell the Woman , that they now believed not any longer because of her saying ; but that having heard him themselves , they knew , i. e. BELIEVED past doubt THAT HE WAS THE MESSIAH . This was the great Proposition that was then controverted concerning Jesus of Nazareth , whether he was the Messiah or no ; And the assent to that , was that which distinguished Believers form Unbelievers . When many of his Disciples had forsaken him , upon his declaring that he was the Bread of Life which came down from Heaven , He said to the Apostles , will ye also go away ? Then Simon Peter answered him ; Lord , to whom shall we go ? Thou hast the words of eternal life . And we believe , and are sure thou art the Messiah , the Son of the living God , Iohn VI. 69. This was the Faith which distinguished them form Apostates and Unbelievers , and was sufficient to continue them in the rank of Apostles : And it was upon the same Proposition , That Iesus was the Messiah the Son of the living God , owned by St. Peter , that our Saviour said , he would build his Church . Mat. XVI . 16-18 . To convince men of this he did his Miracles : And their assent to , or not assenting to this , made them to be , or not to be of his Church ; Believers , or not Believers . The Iews came round about him , and said unto him , how long dost thou make us doubt ? If thou be the Messiah tell us plainly . Iesus answered them ; I told you , and ye believed not : The works that I do in my Father's name they bear witness of me . But ye believe not , because ye are not of my sheep , John X. 24-26 . Conformable hereunto St. Iohn tells us , That many deceivers are entered into the world , who confess not that Iesus , the Messiah , is come in the flesh . This is a deceiver , and an Antichrist , whosoever abideth not in the Doctrine of the Messiah has not God. He that abideth in the Doctrine of the Messiah , i. e. that Jesus is he , hath both the Father and the Son , 2 John 7. 9 , 10. That this is the meaning of the place , is plain from what he says in his foregoing Epistle , Whosoever believeth that Iesus is the Messiah , is born of God , 1 John V. 1. And therefore drawing to a close of his Gospel , and shewing the end for which he writ it , he has these words : Many other signs truly did Iesus in the presence of his Disciples , which are not written in this book ; but these are written , that ye may believe that Iesus is the Messiah , the Son of God ; and that believing ye might have life through his name , John XX. 30 , 31. Whereby it is plain , that the Gospel was writ to induce men into a belief of this Proposition , that Iesus of Nazareth was the Messiah ; Which if they believed , they should have life . Accordingly the great Question amongst the Jews was , whether he were the Messiah or no : And the great Point insisted on and promulgated in the Gospel was , that he was the Messiah . The first glad tidings of his Birth , brought to the Shepherds by an Angel , was in these words : Fear not , for behold I bring you good tidings of great joy , which shall be to all people ; For to you is born this day in the City of David a Saviour , who is the Messiah the Lord , Luke II. 11. Our Saviour Discoursing with Martha about the means of attaining Eternal Life , saith to her , Iohn XI . 27. Whosoever believeth in me shall never die . Believest thou this ? She saith unto him , Yea , Lord , I believe that thou art the Messiah , the Son of God , which should come into the world . This Answer of hers sheweth what it is to believe in Jesus Christ , so as to have Eternal Life , viz. to believe that he is the Messiah the Son of God , whose coming was foretold by the Prophets . And thus Andrew and Philip express it : Andrew says to his Brother Simon , we have found the Messiah , which is , being interpreted , the Christ. Philip saith to Nathanael , we have found him of whom Moses in the Law , and the Prophets did write , Iesus of Nazareth , the Son of Joseph , Iohn I. 41. 45. According to what the Evangelist says in this place , I have , for the clearer understanding of the Scripture , all along put Messiah for Christ. Christ being but the Greek name for the Hebrew Messiah , and both signifying The Anointed . And that he was the Messiah , was the great Truth he took pains to convince his Disciples and Apostles of ; appearing to them after his Resurrection : As may be seen , Luke XXIV . which we shall more particularly consider in another place . There we read what Gospel our Saviour Preach'd to his Disciples and Apostles ; And That , as soon as he was risen from the Dead , twice the very day of his Resurrection . And if we may gather what was to be believed by all Nations , from what was preached unto them ; we may observe , that the Preaching of the Apostles every where in the Acts tended to this one Point , to prove that Jesus was the Messiah . Indeed , now after his Death , his Resurrection was also commonly required to be believed as a necessary Article , and sometimes solely insisted on : It being a mark and undoubted Evidence of his being the Messiah , and necessary now to be believed by those who would receive him as the Messiah . For since the Messiah was to be a Saviour and a King , and to give Life and a Kingdom to those who received him , as we shall see by and by , there could have been no Pretence to have given him out for the Messiah , and to require men to believe him to be so , who thought him under the Power of Death , and Corruption of the Grave . And therefore those who believed him to be the Messiah , must believe that he was risen from the Dead : And those who believed him to be risen from the Dead , could not doubt of his being the Messiah . But of this more in another place . Let us see therefore how the Apostles preached Christ , and what they proposed to their Hearers to believe . St. Peter at Ierusalem , Acts II. by his first Sermon , converted Three Thousand Souls . What was his word , which , as we are told , v. 41. they gladly received , and thereupon were baptized ? That may be seen from v. 22. to v. 36. In short this ; Which is the Conclusion drawn from all that he had said , and which he presses on them as the thing they were to believe , viz. Therefore let all the House of Israel know assuredly , that God hath made that same Iesus , whom ye have crucified , Lord and Messiah , v. 36. To the same purpose was his Discourse to the Jews in the Temple , Acts III. the design whereof you have , v. 18. But those things that God before had shewed by the mouth of all his Prophets , that the Messiah should suffer , he hath so fulfilled . In the next Chapter Acts IV. Peter and Iohn being examined about the Miracle on the lame Man , profess it to have been done in the Name of Jesus of Nazareth , who was the Messiah , in whom alone there was Salvation , v. 10-12 . The same thing they confirm to them again , Acts V. 29-32 . And daily in the Temple , and in every House they ceased not to teach and preach Iesus the Messiah , v. 42. What was Stephen's Speech to the Council , Acts VII . but a Reprehension to them , that they were the Betrayers and Murderers of the Iust One ? Which is the Title by which he plainly designs the Messiah , whose coming was foreshewn by the Prophets , v. 51 , 52. And that the Messiah was to be without sin ( which is the import of the word Just ) was the Opinion of the Jews , appears from Iohn IX . v. 22. compared with 24. Acts VIII . Philip carries the Gospel to Samaria . Then Philip went down to Samaria , and preached to them . What was it he preached ? You have an account of it in this one word , The Messiah , v. 5. This being that alone which was required of them , to believe that Iesus was the Messiah ; which , when they believed , they were baptized . And when they believed Philip 's Preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God , and the name of Iesus the Messiah , they were baptized both Men and Women , v. 12. Philip being sent from thence , by a special call of the Spirit , to make an Eminent Convert , out of Isaiah preaches to him Jesus , v. 35. And what it was he preached concerning Iesus , we may know by the Profession of Faith the Eunuch made , upon which he was admitted to Baptism . v. 37. I believe that Iesus Christ is the Son of God : Which is as much as to say , I believe that he , whom you call Jesus Christ , is really and truly the Messiah that was promised . For that believing him to be the Son of God , and to be the Messiah , was the same thing , may appear by comparing Iohn I. 45. with v. 49. where Nathanael owns Jesus to be the Messiah in these terms : Thou art the Son of God ; Thou art the King of Israel . So the Jews , Luke XXII . 70. asking Christ , whether he were the Son of God ; plainly demand of him , whether he were the Messiah ? Which is evident by comparing that with the three preceding Verses . They ask him , v. 67. whether he were the Messiah ? He answers , If I tell you , you will not believe ; but withal tells them , that from thenceforth he should be in Possession of the Kingdom of the Messiah , expressed in these words , v. 69. Hereafter shall the Son of Man sit on the right hand of the power of God : Which made them all cry our , Art thou then the Son of God ? i. e. Dost thou then own thy self to be the Messiah ? To which he replies ; Ye say that I am . That the Son of God was the known Title of the Messiah at that time amongst the Jews , we may see also from what the Jews say to Pilate , John XIX . 7. We have a Law , and by our Law he ought to die , because he made himself THE SON OF GOD ; i. e. by making himself the Messiah , the Prophet which was to come , but falsely ; and therefore he deserves to die by the Law , Deut. XVIII . 20. That this was the common signification of the Son of God , is farther evident form what the Chief Priests , mocking him , said , when he was at the Cross , Mat. XXVII . 42. He saved others , himself he cannot save : If he be the King of Israel , let him now come down from the Cross , and we will believe him . He trusted in God , let him deliver him now , if he will have him ; for he said , I am the SON OF GOD ; i. e. he said , he was the Messiah : But 't is plainly false ; for if he were , God would deliver him : For the Messiah is to be King of Israel , the Saviour of others ; but this Man cannot save himself . The Chief Priests mention here the two Titles then in use whereby the Jews commonly designed the Messiah , viz. Son of God , and King of Israel . That of Son of God , was so familiar a compellation of the Messiah , who was then so much expected and talked of , that the Romans it seems , who lived amongst them , had learned it ; as appears from v. 54. Now when the Centurion , and they that were with him , watching Iesus , saw the Earthquake , and those things that were done , they feared greatly , saying , Truly this was the SON OF GOD ; this was that extraordinary Person that was looked for . Acts IX . St. Paul exercising the Commission to Preach the Gospel , which he had received in a Miraculous way , v. 20. Straitway preached Christ in the Synagogues , that he is the Son of God ; i. e. that Jesus was the Messiah : For Christ in this place is evidently a Proper Name . And that this was it which Paul preached , appears from v. 22. Saul increased the more in strength , and confounded the Jews who dwelt in Damascus , proving that this is the very Christ , i. e. the Messiah . Peter , when he came to Cornelius at Cesarea ; who by a Vision was ordered to send for him , as Peter on the other side was by a Vision commanded to go to him ; What does he teach him ? His whole Discourse , Acts X. tends to shew what he says God commanded the Apostles to Preach unto the People , and to testifie ; That it is he [ Jesus ] which was ordained of God to be the Iudge of the quick and the dead . And that it was to him that all the Prophets give witness , that through his name whosoever believeth in him shall have remission of sins , v. 42 , 43. This is the Word which God sent to the Children of Israel ; that WORD which was published throughout all Judea , and began from Galilee , after the Baptism which Iohn preached , v. 36 , 37. And these are the words which had been promised to Cornelius , Acts XI . 14. Whereby he and all his house should be saved : Which words amount only to thus much , That Iesus was the Messiah , the Saviour that was promised . Upon their receiving of this ( for this was all was taught them ) the Holy Ghost fell on them , and they were baptized . 'T is observable here , that the Holy Ghost fell on them before they were baptized ; which in other places Converts received not till after Baptism . The reason whereof seems to be this ; That God by bestowing on them the Holy Ghost , did thus declare from Heaven , that the Gentiles , upon believing Iesus to be the Messiah , ought to be admitted into the Church by Baptism as well as the Jews . Whoever reads St. Peter's Defence , Acts XI . when he was accused by those of the Circumcumcision , that he had not kept that distance which he ought with the uncircumcised , will be of this Opinion ; and see by what he says , v. 15 , 16 , 17. That this was the ground , and an irresistible Authority to him for doing so strange a thing , as it appeared to the Jews ( who alone yet were Members of the Christian Church ) to admit Gentiles into their Communion , upon their believing . And therefore St. Peter , in the foregoing Chapter , Acts X before he would Baptize them , proposes this Question to those of the Circumcision , which came with him , and were astonished , because that on the Gentiles also was poured out the gift of the Holy Ghost : Can any one forbid water , that these should not be baptized , who have received the Holy Ghost as well as we ? v. 47. And when some of the Sect of the Pharisees , who believed ▪ thought it needful that the converted Gentiles should be circumcised , and keep the Law of Moses , Acts XV. Peter rose up and said unto them , Men and Brethren , you know that a good while ago God made choice amongst us , that the Gentiles , viz. Cornelius , and those here converted with him , by my mouth should hear the Gospel , and believe . And God , who knoweth the hearts , bear them witness , giving them the Holy Ghost , even as he did unto us , and put no difference between us and them , purifying their hearts by Faith , v. 7-9 . So that both Jews and Gentiles , who believed Jesus to be the Messiah , received thereupon the Seal of Baptism ; whereby they were owned to be his , and distinguished from Unbelievers . From what is above - said , we may observe , That this Preaching Jesus to be the Messiah , is called the Word , and the Word of God ; and believing it , receiving the Word of God. Vid. Acts X. 36 , 37. & XI . 1. 19 , 20. And the Word of the Gospel , Acts XV. 7. And so likewise in the History of the Gospel , what Mark , Chap. IV. 14 , 15. calls simply the Word , St. Luke calls the Word of God , Luke XIII . 11. And St. Matthew , Chap. XIII . 19. the Word of the Kingdom ; which were , it seems , in the Gospel-writers Synonymous terms , and are so to be understood by us . But to go on : Acts XIII . Paul Preaches in the Synagogue at Antioch , where he makes it his business to convince the Jews , that God , according to his promise , had of the seed of David raised to Israel a Saviour , Iesus , v. 24. That he was He of whom the Prophets writ , v. 25-29 . i. e. the Messiah : And that as a demonstration of his being so , God had raised him from the Dead , v. 30. From whence be argues thus , v. 32 , 33. We Evangelize to you , or bring you this Gospel , how that the Promise which was made to our Fathers , God hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up Iesus again ; as it is also written in the second Psalm , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . And having gone on to prove him to be the Messiah , by his Resurrection from the Dead , he makes this Conclusion ; v. 38 , 39. Be it known unto you therefore , men and brethren , that through this man is preached unto you forgiveness of sins ; and by him all who believe are justified from all things , from which they could not be justified by the Law of Moses . This is in this Chapter called the Word of God over and over again : Compare v. 42. with 44. 46. 48 , 49. And Chap. XII . v. 24. Acts XVII . 2-4 . At Thessalonica , Paul , as his manner was , went into the Synagogue , and three Sabbath-days reasoned with the Iews out of the Scriptures ; opening and alledging , that the Messiah must needs have suffered , and risen again from the dead : And that this Iesus , whom I preach unto you , is the Messiah . And some of them believed , and consorted with Paul and Silas : But the Iews which believed not , set the City in an uproar . Can there be any thing plainer , than that the assenting to this Proposition , that Jesus was the Messiah , was that which distinguished the Believers from the Unbelievers ? For this was that alone which , three Sabbaths , Paul endeavoured to convince them of , as the Text tells us in direct words . From thence he went to Berea , and preached the same thing : And the Bereans are commended , v. 11. for searching the Scriptures , whether those things , i. e. which he had said , v. 2 , 3. concerning Jesus his being the Messiah , were true or no. The same Doctrine we find him Preaching at Corinth , Acts XVIII . 4-6 . And he reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath , and perswaded the Iews and the Greeks . And when Silas and Timotheus were come from Macedonia , Paul was pressed in spirit , and testified to the Iews , that Iesus was the Messiah . And when they opposed themselves , and blasphemed , he shook his raiment , and said unto them , your blood be upon your own heads , I am clean ; from henceforth I will go unto the Greeks . Upon the like occasion he tells the Jews at Antioch , Acts XIII . 46. It was necessary that the Word of God should first have been spoken to you : But seeing you put it off from you , we turn to the Gentiles . 'T is plain here , St. Paul's charging their Blood on their own heads , is for opposing this single Truth , that Iesus was the Messiah ; that Salvation or Perdition depends upon believing or rejecting this one Proposition . I mean , this is all is required to be believed by those who acknowledge but one Eternal and Invisible God , the maker of Heaven and Earth , as the Jews did . For that there is something more required to Salvation , besides believing , we shall see hereafter . In the mean time , it is fit here on this occasion to take notice , that though the Apostles in their Preaching to the Jews , and the Devout , ( as we translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who were Proselytes of the Gate , and the worshippers of one Eternal and Invisible God , ) said nothing of the believing in this one true God , the maker of Heaven and Earth ; because it was needless to press this to those who believed and professed it already ( for to such , 't is plain , were most of their Discourses hitherto ) Yet when they had to do with Idolatrous Heathens , who were not yet come to the knowledge of the one only true God ; they began with that , as necessary to be believed ; it being the Foundation on which the other was built , and without which it could signifie nothing . Thus Paul speaking to the Idolatrous Lystrians , who would have sacrificed to him and Barnabas , says , Acts XIV . 15. We Preach unto you , that you should turn from these vanities unto the living God , who made Heaven , and Earth , and the Sea , and all things that are therein . Who in times past suffered all Nations to walk in their own ways . Nevertheless he left not himself without witness in that he did good , and gave us rain from Heaven , and fruitful seasons , filling our hearts with food and gladness . Thus also he proceeded with the Idolatrous Athenians , Acts XVII . Telling them , upon occasion of the Altar dedicated to the unknown God , Whom ye ignorantly worship , him declare I unto you ; God who made the World , and all things therein : Seeing that he is Lord of Heaven and Earth , dwelleth not in Temples made with hands . — Forasmuch then as we are the Off-spring of God , we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto Gold , or Silver , or Stone , graven by art , and man's device . And the times of this ignorance God winked at ; But now commandeth all men every where to repent : Because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the World in Righteousness , by that man whom he hath ordained : Whereof he hath given assurance unto all men , in that he hath raised him from the dead . So that we see , where any thing more was necessary to be proposed to be believed , as there was to the Heathen Idolaters , there the Apostles were careful not to omit it . Acts XVIII . 4. Paul at Corinth reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath-day , and testified to the Iews , that Iesus was the Messiah . Ver. 11. And he continued there a year and six months , teaching the Word of God amongst them ; i. e. The good News , that Jesus was the Messiah ; as we have already shewn is meant by the Word of God. Apollos , another Preacher of the Gospel , when he was instructed in the way of God more perfectly , what did he teach but this same Doctrine ? As we may see in this account of him , Acts XVIII . 27. That when he was come into Achaia , he helped the Brethren much who had believed through grace . For he mightily convinced the Iews , and that publickly , shewing by the Scriptures that Iesus was the Messiah . St. Paul , in the Account he gives of himself before Festus and Agrippa , professes this alone to be the Doctrine he taught after his Conversion : For , says he , Acts XXVI . 22. Having obtained help of God , I continue unto this day , witnessing both to small and great , saying none other things than those which the Prophets and Moses did say should come : That the Messias should suffer , and that he should be the first that should rise from the dead , and should shew light unto the People , and to the Gentiles . Which was no more than to prove that Jesus was the Messiah . This is that , which , as we have above observed , is called the Word of God ; Acts XI . 1. compared with the foregoing Chapter , from v. 34. to the end . And XIII . 42. compared with 44. 46. 48 , 49. And XVII . 13. compared with v. 11. 3. It is also called the Word of the Gospel , Acts XV. 7. And this is that Word of God , and that Gospel , which , where-ever their Discourses are set down , we find the Apostles preached ; and was that Faith , which made both Jews and Gentiles Believers and Members of the Church of Christ ; purifying their hearts , Acts XV. 9. And carrying with it Remission of sins , Acts X. 43. So that all that was to be believed for Justification , was no more but this single Proposition ; That Iesus of Nazareth was the Christ , or the Messiah . All , I say , that was to be believed for Justification : For that it was not all that was required to be done for Justification , we shall see hereafter . Though we have seen above from what our Saviour has Pronounced himself , Iohn III. 36. That he that believeth on the Son , hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the Son , shall not see life , but the wrath of God abideth on him ; And are taught from Iohn IV. 39. compared with v. 42. That believing on him , is believing that he is the Messiah , the Saviour of the World ; And the Confession made by St. Peter , Mat. XVI . 16. That he is the Messiah , the Son of the living God , being the Rock , on which our Saviour has promised to build his Church ; Though this , I say , and what else we have already taken notice of , be enough to convince us what it is we are in the Gospel required to believe to Eternal Life , without adding what we have observed from the Preaching of the Apostles ; Yet it may not be amiss , for the farther clearing this matter , to observe what the Evangelists deliver concerning the same thing , though in different words ; Which therefore perhaps are not so generally taken notice of to this purpose . We have above observed , from the words of Andrew and Philip compared , That the Messiah , and him of whom Moses in the Law and the Prophets did write , signifie the same thing . We shall now consider that place , Iohn I. a little further . Ver. 41. Andrew says to Simon , We have found the Messiah . Philip , on the same occasion , v. 45. says to Nathanael , We have found him , of whom Moses in the Law and the Prophets did write , Iesus of Nazareth , the Son of Joseph Nathanael , who disbelieved this , when upon Christ's speaking to him , he was convinced of it , declares his assent to it in these words ; Rabbi , thou art the Son of God , thou art the King of Israel . From which it is evident , that to believe him to be Him of whom Moses and the Prophets did write , or to be the Son of God , or to be the King of Israel , was in effect the same as to believe him to be the Messiah : And an assent to that , was what our Saviour received for believing . For upon Nathanael's making a confession in these words , Thou art the Son of God , thou art the King of Israel ; Iesus answered and said to him , Because I said to thee , I saw thee under the Fig-tree , dost thou BELIEVE ? Thou shalt see greater things than these , v. 51. I desire any , one to read the latter part of the first of Iohn , from v. 25. with attention ▪ and tell me , whether it be not plain , that this Phrase , The Son of God , is an Expression used for the Messiah . To which let him add Martha's declaration of her Faith , Iohn XI . 27. in these words ; I believe that thou art the Messiah , THE SON OF GOD , who should come into the World ; And that passage of St. Iohn , Chap. XX. 31. That ye might believe that Iesus is the Messiah , THE SON OF GOD ; and that believing , ye might have life through his name : And then tell me whether he can doubt that Messiah and Son of God were Synonymous terms , at that time , amongst the Jews . The Prophecy of Daniel , Chap. IX . where he is called Messiah the Prince ; And the mention of his Government and Kingdom , and the deliverance by him , in Isaiah , Daniel , and other Prophesies , understood of the Messiah ; were so well known to the Jews , and had so raised their hopes of him about this time , which by their account was to be the time of his coming to restore the Kingdom to Israel , That Herod no sooner heard of the Magi's enquiry after him that was born King of the Iews , Mat. II. But he forthwith demanded of the chief Priests and Scribes , where the Messiah should be born , v. 4. Not doubting , but if there were any King born to the Jews , it was the Messiah : Whose Coming was now the general Expectation , as appears , Luke III. 15. The people being in expectation , and all men musing in their hearts of John , whether he were the Messiah or not . And when the Priests and Levites sent to ask him who he was ; He understanding their meaning , answers , Iohn I. 19. That he was not the Messiah : But he bears witness that Jesus is the Son of God , i. e. the Messiah , v. 34. This looking for the Messiah at this time , we see also in Simeon ; who is said to be waiting for the consolation of Israel , Luke II. 21. And having the Child Jesus in his Arms , he says he had seen the Salvation of the Lord , v. 30. And Anna coming at the same instant into the Temple , she gave thanks also unto the Lord , and spake of him to all them that looked for Redemption in Israel , v. 38. And of Ioseph of Arimathea , it is said , Mark XV. 43. That he also expected the Kingdom of God : By all which was meant the Coming of the Messiah . And Luke XIX . 11. 't is said , They thought that the Kingdom of God should immediately appear . This being premised , let us see what it was that Iohn the Baptist preached , when he first entred upon his Ministry . That St. Matthew tells us , Chap. III. 1 , 2. In those days came John the Baptist preaching in the Wilderness of Judea , saying , Repent , for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . This was a declaration of the Coming of the Messiah ; the Kingdom of Heaven and the Kingdom of God being the same , as is clear out of several places of the Evangelists ; and both signifying the Kingdom of the Messiah . The Profession which Iohn the Baptist made , when sent to the Jews , Iohn I. 19. was , That he was not the Messiah ; but that Jesus was . This will appear to any one , who will compare v. 26-34 . With Iohn III. 27. 30. The Jews being very inquisitive to know whether Iohn were the Messiah ; he positively denies it , but tells them , he was only his Fore-runner ; and that there stood one amongst them , who would follow him , whose Shoe-latchet he was not worthy to untie . The next day seeing Jesus , he says , he was the Man ; and that his own Baptizing in Water , was only that Iesus might be manifested to the World ; and that he knew him not , till he saw the Holy Ghost descend upon him . He that sent him to Baptize having told him , that he on whom he should see the Spirit decend , and rest upon , he it was that should Baptize with the Holy Ghost ; And that therefore he witnessed , that this was the Son of God , v. 34. i. e. the Messiah . And Chap. III. 26 , &c. They came to Iohn the Baptist , and tell him , that Iesus baptized , and that all Men went to him . Iohn answers , He has his Authority from Heaven ; You know I never said , I was the Messiah , but that I was sent before him ; He must increase , but I must decrease ; For God hath sent him , and he speaks the words of God ; And God hath given all things into the hands of his Son , And he that believes on the Son , hath eternal life ; The same Doctrine , and nothing else but what was preached by the Apostles afterwards : As we have seen all through the Acts , v. g. that Jesus was the Messiah . And thus it was that Iohn bears witness of our Saviour , as Jesus himself says , Iohn V. 33. This also was the Declaration was given of him at his Baptism , by a voice from Heaven ; This is my beloved Son , in whom I am well pleased , Mat. III. 17. Which was a declaration of him to be the Messiah ; the Son of God being ( as we have shewed ) understood to signifie the Messiah . To which we may add the first mention of him after his Conception , in the words of the Angel to Ioseph ; Mat. I. 21. Thou shalt call his name Iesus , or Saviour ; for he shall save his people from their sins . It was a received Doctrine in the Jewish Nation , that at the Coming of the Messiah , all their sins should be forgiven them . These words therefore of the Angel we may look on as a declaration , that Jesus was the Messiah ; whereof these words , his People , are a further mark ; which suppose him to have a People , and consequently to be a King. After his Baptism , Jesus himself enters upon his Ministry . But before we examine what it was he proposed to be believed , we must observe , that there is a three-fold declaration of the Messiah . 1. By Miracles . The Spirit of Prophecy had now for many Ages forsaken the Jews : And though their Common-Wealth were not quite dissolved , but that they lived under their own laws , yet they were under a Foreign Dominion , subject to the Romans . In this state their account of the time being up , they were in expectation of the Messiah ; and of deliverance by him in a Kingdom , he was to set up , according to their Ancient Prophesies of him : Which gave them hopes of an extraordinary Man yet to come from God , who with an Extraordinary and Divine Power , and Miracles , should evidence his Mission , and work their Deliverance . And of any such extraordinary Person who should have the Power of doing Miracles , they had no other expectation but only of their Messiah . One great Prophet and worker of Miracles , and only One more , they expected ; who was to be the Messiah . And therefore we see the People justified their believing in him , i. e. their believing him to be the Messiah , because of the Miracles he did ; Iohn VII . 31. And many of the people believed in him , and said , when the Messiah cometh , will he do more Miracles than this man hath done ? And when the Jews , at the Feast of Dedication , Iohn X. 24 , 25. coming about him , said unto him , How long dost thou make us doubt ? If thou be the Messiah , tell us plainly . Iesus answered them , I told you , and ye believed not ; the works that I do in my Father's name , bear witness of me . And Iohn V. 36. He says , I have a greater witness than that of John ; for the works which the Father hath given me to do , the same works that I do , bear witness of me , that the Father hath sent me . Where , by the way , we may observe , that his being sent by the Father , is but another way of expressing the Messiah ; Which is evident from this place here , Iohn V. compared with that of Iohn X. last quoted . For there he says , that his Works bear witness of him : And what was that witness ? viz. That he was the Messiah . Here again he says , that his works bear witness ? of him : And what is that witness ? viz. That the Father sent him . By which we are taught , that to be sent by the Father , and to be the Messiah , was the same thing , in his way of declaring himself . And accordingly we find , Iohn IV. 53. & XI . 45. and elsewhere , many hearkened and assented to this Testimony , and believed on him , seeing the things that he did . 2. Another way of declaring the Coming of the Messiah , was by Phrases and Circumlocutions , that did signifie or intimate his Coming ; though not in direct words pointing out the Person . The most usual of these were , The Kingdom of God , and of Heaven ; because it was that which was oftnest spoken of the Messiah , in the Old Testament , in very plain words : And a Kingdom was that which the Jews most looked after , and wished for . In that known place , Isa. IX . The GOVERNMENT shall be upon his shoulders ; he shall be called the PRINCE of Peace : Of the increase of his GOVERNMENT and Peace there shall be no end : Vpon the THRONE of David , and upon his KINGDOM , to order it , and to establish it with Iudgment , and with Iustice , from henceforth even for ever . Micah V. 2. But thou , Bethlehem Ephratah , though thou be little among the thousands of Judah , yet out of thee shall He come forth unto me , that is to be the RVLER in Israel . And Daniel , besides that he calls him Messiah the PRINCE , Chap. IX . 25. In the account of his Vision of the Son of Man , Chap. VII . 13 , 14. says , There was given him Dominion , Glory , and a KINGDOM , that all People , Nations , and Languages should serve him : His Dominion is an everlasting Dominion which shall not pass away ; and his KINGDOM that which shall not be destroyed . So that the Kingdom of God , and the Kingdom of Heaven , were common Phrases amongst the Jews , to signifie the times of the Messiah . Luke XIV . 15. One of the Jews that sat at meat with him , said unto him , Blessed is he that shall eat bread in the Kingdom of God. Chap. XVII . 20. The Pharisees demanded , When the Kingdom of God should come ? And St. Iohn Baptist came , saying , Repent , for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand : A Phrase he would not have used in Preaching , had it not been understood . There are other Expressions that signified the Messiah , and his Coming ; which we shall take notice of as they come in our way . 3. By plain and direct words , declaring the Doctrine of the Messiah ; speaking out that Jesus was He : As we see the Apostles did , when they went about Preaching the Gospel , after our Saviour's Resurrection . This was the open clear way , and that which one would think the Messiah himself , when he came , should have taken ; especially if it were of that moment , that upon mens believing him to be the Messiah , depended the forgiveness of their sins . And yet we see that our Saviour did not : But on the contrary , for the most part , made no other discovery of himself , at least in Iudea , and at the beginning of his Ministry , but in the two former ways , which were more obscure ; Not declaring himself to be the Messiah , any otherwise than as it might be gathered from the Miracles he did , and the conformity of his Life and Actions with the Prophesies of the Old Testament concerning him ; and from some general discourses of the Kingdom of the Messiah being come , under the name of the Kingdom of God , and of Heaven . Nay , so far was he from publickly owning himself to be the Messiah , that he forbid the doing of it : Mark VIII . 27-30 . He asked his Disciples , whom do men say that I am ? And they answered , John the Baptist ; but some say , Elias ; and others , one of the Prophets . ( So that it is evident , that even those who believed him an extraordinary Person , knew not yet who he was , or that he gave himself out for the Messiah ; though this was in the third Year of his Ministry , and not a year before his Death . ) And he saith unto them , but whom say ye that I am ? And Peter answered , and said unto him , Thou art the Messiah . And he charged them that they should tell no man of him . Luke IV. 41. And Devils came out of many , crying , Thou art the Messiah , the Son of God : And he rebuking them , suffered them not to speak , that they knew him to be the Messiah . Mark III. 11 , 12. Unclean spirits , when they saw him , fell down before him , and cryed , saying , Thou art the Son of God : And he straitly charged them that they should not make him known . Here again we may observe from the comparing of the two Texts , that Thou art the Son of God ; or , Thou art the Messiah ; were indifferently used for the same thing . But to return to the matter in hand . This concealment of himself will seem strange , in one who was come to bring Light into the World , and was to suffer Death for the Testimony of the Truth . This reservedness will be thought to look as if he had a mind to conceal himself , and not to be known to the World for the Messiah ; nor to be believed on as such . But we shall be of another mind , and conclude this proceeding of his according to Divine Wisdom , and suited to a fuller Manifestation and Evidence of his being the Messiah ; When we consider , that he was to fill out the time foretold of his Ministry ; And , after a Life illustrious in Miracles and Good Works , attended with Humility , Meekness , Patience , and Suffering , and every way conformable to the Prophesies of him , should be lead as a sheep to the slaughter , and with all quiet and submission be brought to the Cross , though there were no guilt nor fault found in him . This could not have been , if as soon as he appeared in Publick , and began to Preach , he had presently professed himself to have been the Messiah ; the King that owned that Kingdom he published to be at hand . For the Sanhedrim would then have laid hold on it , to have got him into their Power , and thereby have taken away his Life ; at least , they would have disturbed his Ministry , and hindred the Work he was about . That this made him cautious , and avoid , as much as he could , the occasions of provoking them , and falling into their hands , is plain from Iohn VII . 1. After these things Iesus walked in Galilee ; out of the way of the Chief Priests and Rulers ; for he would not walk in Iewry , because the Iews sought to kill him . Thus , making good what he foretold them at Ierusalem , when at the first Passover after his beginning to Preach the Gospel , upon his Curing the man at the Pool of Bethesday , they sought to kill him , Iohn V. 16. Ye have not , says he , v. 38. his word abiding amongst you : For whom he hath sent , him ye believe not . This was spoken more particularly to the Jews of Ierusalem , who were the forward men , zealous to take away his Life : And it imports , that because of their Unbelief and Opposition to him , the Word of God , i. e. the Preaching of the Kingdom of the Messiah , which is often called the Word of God , did not stay amongst them : He could not stay amongst them , Preach and explain to them the Kingdom of the Messiah . That the Word of God , here , signifies the Word of God that should make Jesus known to them to be the Messiah , is evident from the Context : And this meaning of this place is made good by the event . For after this , we hear no more of Jesus at Ierusalem , till the Pentecost come twelve month ; though 't is not to be doubted but that he was there the next Passover , and other Feasts between , but privately . And now at Ierusalem , at the Feast of Pentecost , near fifteen Months after , he says very little , and not a word of the Kingdom of Heaven being come , or at hand ; nor did he any Miracle there . And returning to Ierusalem at the Feast of Tabernacles , it is plain , that from this time till then , which was a Year and a half , he had not Taught them at Ierusalem . For , 1. It is said , Iohn VII . 2. 15. That he teaching in the Temple at the Feast of Tabernacles , The Iews marvelled , saying , How knoweth this man letters , having never learned ? A sign they had not been used to his Preaching : For if they had , they would not now have marvelled . 2. Ver. 19. He says thus to them : Did not Moses give you the Law , and yet none of you keep the Law ? Why go you about to kill me ? One work , or miracle , I did here amongst you , and ye all marvel . Moses therefore gave unto you Circumcision , and ye on the Sabbath-day circumcise a man : If a man on the Sabbath-day receive Circumcision , that the Law of Moses should not be broken , are ye angry with me , because I have made a man every way whole on the Sabbath-day ? Which is a direct defence of what he did at Ierusalem a Year and a half before , when he last preached to them there ; which is reported , Iohn V. 1-16 . And it is at that very time when he told them v. 38. Ye have not the Word of God remaining among you , because whom he hath sent ye believe not . Whereby , I think , he signifies his not staying and being frequent amongst them , Preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom ; because their great Unbelief , Opposition , and Malice to him would not permit his stay and Preaching amongst them . This was manifestly so in fact . For the first Miracle he did at Ierusalem , which was at the second Passover after his Baptism , brought him in danger of his Life ; Which made him forbear Preaching again there till the Feast of Tabernacles , immediately preceding his last Passover : So that till half a Year before his Passion , he did but one Miracle , and preached but once publickly , at Ierusalem . These Tryals he made there : But found their unbelief such , that if he had staid and persisted to Preach the good tidings of the Kingdom , and to shew himself by Miracles among them , he could not have had time and freedom to do those Works which his Father had given him to finish , as he says , v. 36. of this fifth of St. Iohn . When upon the curing of the withered Hand on the Sabbath-day , The Pharisees took Counsel with the Herodians , how they might destroy him ; Iesus withdrew himself with his Disciples to the Sea : And a great multitude from Galilee followed him , and from Judea , and from Ierusalem , and from Idumea , and from beyond Jordan , and they about Tyre and Sidon A great multitude ; when they had heard what great things he did , came unto him , and he healed them all , and CHARGED THEM THAT THEY SHOVLD NOT MAKE HIM KNOWN : That it might be fulfilled what was spoken by the Prophet Isaiah , saying : Behold my servant whom I have chosen ; my beloved , in whom my soul is well pleased : I will put my spirit upon him , and he shall shew Iudgment to the Gentiles . He shall not strive , nor cry , neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets , Mat. XII . and Mark III. And Iohn XI . 47. Upon the News of our Saviour's raising Lazarus from the Dead , The Chief Priests and Pharisees convened the Sanhedrim , and said , what do we ? For this man does many Miracles . v. 53. Then from that day forth they took counsel together for to put him to death . v. 54. Iesus therefore walked no more openly amongst the Iews . His Miracles had now so much declared him to be the Messiah , that the Jews could no longer bear him , nor he trust himself amongst them ; But went thence unto a Country near to the Wilderness , into a City called Ephraim , and there continued with his Disciples . This was but a little before his last Passover , as appears by the following words , v. 55. And the Iews Passover was nigh at hand : And he could not , now his Miracles had made him so well known , have been secure the little time that now remained till his hour was fully come ; if he had not with his wonted and necessary caution withdrawn , And walked no more openly amongst the Iews , till his time ( at the next Passover ) was fully come ; And then again he appeared amongst them openly . Nor would the Romans have suffered him , if he had gone about Preaching that he was the King whom the Jews expected . Such an Accusation would have been forwardly brought against him by the Jews , if they could have heard it out of his own mouth ; And That had been his Publick Doctrine to his followers , Which was openly preached by the Apostles after his Death , when he appeared no more . And of this they were accused , Acts XVII . 5-9 . But the Iews which believed not , moved with envy , took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort , and gathered a company , and set all the City in an uproar ; And assaulted the House of Jason , and sought to bring them out to the people . And when they found them [ Paul and Silas ] not , they drew Jason and certain brethren unto the Rulers of the City , crying , these that have turned the World upside down , are come hither also , whom Jason hath received : And these all do contrary to the decrees of Caefar , saying , that there is another King , one Iesus . And they troubled the People and the Rulers of the City , when they heard these things : And when they had taken Security of Jason and the other , they let them go . Though the Magistrates of the World had no great regard to the talk of a King , who had suffered Death , and appeared no longer any where ; Yet if our Saviour had openly declared this of himself in his Life-time , with a train of Disciples and Followers every where owning and crying him up for their King , the Roman Governour of Iudea could not have forborn to have taken notice of it , and have made use of their Force against him . This the Jews were not mistaken in ; and therefore made use of it as the strongest Accusation , and likeliest to prevail with Pilate against him for the taking away his Life ; It being Treason , and an unpardonable Offence , which could not scape Death from a Roman Deputy , without the Forfeiture of his own Life . Thus then they Accuse him to Pilate , Luke XXIII . 2. We found this fellow perverting the Nation , and forbidding to give Tribute to Caesar , saying , that he himself is the Messiah , a King. Our Saviour indeed , now that his time was come , ( and he in Custody , and forsaken of all the World , and so out of all danger of raising any Sedition or Disturbance , ) owns himself , to Pilate , to be a King ; after having first told Pilate , Iohn XVIII . 36. That his Kingdom was not of this World : And for a Kingdom in another World , Pilate knew that his Master at Rome concerned not himself . But had there been any the least appearance of truth in the Allegations of the Jews , that he had perverted the Nation ; forbidding to pay Tribute to Caesar , or drawing the People after him , as their King ; Pilate would not so readily have pronounced him Innocent . But we see what he said to his Accusers , Luke XXIII . 13 , 14. Pilate , when he had called together the Chief Priests and the Rulers of the People , said unto them , You have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the People ; and behold , I having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching those things whereof you accuse him : No , nor yet Herod , for I sent you to him ; and lo , nothing worthy of death is done by him . And therefore finding a man of that mean Condition , and innocent Life , ( no mover of Seditions , or disturber of the Publick Peace , ) without a Friend or a Follower ; would have dismissed him , as a King of no consequence ; as an innocent man , falsely and maliciously accused by the Jews . How necessary this Caution was in our Saviour , to say or do nothing that might justly offend , or render him suspected to the Roman Governour ; and how glad the Jews would have been to have any such thing against him ; we may see , Luke XX. 20. The Chief Priests and the Scribes watched him , and sent forth spies , who should feign themselves just men , that might take hold of his words , that so they might deliver him unto the Power and Authority of the Governour . And the very thing wherein they hoped to entrap him in this place , was paying Tribute to Caesar , which they afterwards falsely accused him of . And what would they have done , if he had before them professed himself to have been the Messiah , their King and Deliverer ? And here we may observe the wonderful Providence of God , who had so ordered the state of the Jews at the time when his Son was to come into the World ; that though neither their Civil Constitution , nor Religious Worship were dissolved , yet the Power of Life and Death was taken from them ; Whereby he had an Opportunity to publish the Kingdom of the Messiah ; that is , his own Royalty , under the name of the Kingdom of God , and of Heaven : Which the Jews well enough understood , and would certainly have put him to Death for , had the Power been in their own hands . But this being no matter of Accusation to the Romans , hindred him not from speaking of the Kingdom of Heaven , as he did : Sometimes in reference to his appearing in the World , and being believed on by particular Persons ; Sometimes in reference to the Power should be given him by the Father at his Resurrection ; And sometimes in reference to his coming to Judge the World at the last day in the full Glory and completion of his Kingdom . These were ways of declaring himself , which the Jews could lay no hold on , to bring him in danger with Pontius Pilate , and get him seized and put to Death . Another Reason there was , that hindred him as much as the former from professing himself in express words to be the Messiah ; and that was , that the whole Nation of the Jews expecting at this time their Messiah , and deliverance by him from the Subjection they were in to a Foreign Yoke , the body of the People would certainly upon his declaring himself to be the Messiah their King , have rose up in Rebellion , and set him at the Head of them . And indeed , the miracles that he did so much disposed them to think him to be the Messiah , that though shrouded under the obscurity of a mean Condition , and a very private simple Life , and his passing for a Galilean , ( his Birth at Bethlehem being then concealed ) and he not assuming to himself any Power or Authority , or so much as the Name of the Messiah , yet he could hardly avoid being set up by a Tumult , and proclaimed their King. So Iohn tells us , Chap. V. 14 , 15. Then those men , when they had seen the Miracles that Iesus did , said , This is of a truth that Prophet that should come into the World. When therefore Iesus perceived that they would come to take him by force to make him King , he departed again into a Mountain himself alone . This was upon his feeding of Five Thousand with five Barley Loaves and two Fishes . So hard was it for him , doing those miracles which were necessary to testifie his Mission , and which often drew great multitudes after him , Mat. IV. 25. to keep the heady and hasty multitude from such Disorder , as would have involved him in it ; and have disturbed the course , and cut short the time of his Ministry ; and drawn on him the Reputation and Death of a Turbulent Seditious Malefactor : Contrary to the design of his coming , which was to be offered up a Lamb blameless , and void of Offence ; his Innocence appearing to all the World , even to him that delivered him up to be crucified . This it would have been impossible to have avoided , if in his Preaching every where , he had openly assumed to himself the Title of their Messiah ; Which was all was wanting to set the People in a flame ; who , drawn by his miracles , and the hopes of finding a Deliverer in so extraordinary a man , followed him in great numbers . We read every where of multitudes ; And in Luke XII . 1. of Myriads that were gathered about him . This conflux of People , thus disposed , would not have failed , upon his declaring himself to be the Messiah , to have made a Commotion , and with Force set him up for their King. It is plain therefore from these these two Reasons , why , ( though he came to Preach the Gospel , and Convert the World to a belief of his being the Messiah , and though he says so much of his Kingdom , under the Title of the Kingdom of God , and the Kingdom of Heaven , ) he yet makes it not his business to perswade them that he himself is the Messiah , or does in his Publick Preaching declare himself to be him . He inculcates to the People , on all occasions , that the Kingdom of God is come . He shews the way of Admittance into this Kingdom , viz. Repentance and Baptism ; and teaches the Laws of it , viz. Good Life , according to the strictest Rules of Vertue and Morality . But who the King was of this Kingdom , he leaves to his miracles to point out to those who would consider what he did , and make the right use of it , now ; Or to witness to those who should hearken to the Apostles hereafter ; when they preached it in plain words , and called upon them to believe it , after his Resurrection ; when there should be no longer any fear that it should cause any disturbance in Civil Societies and the Governments of the World. But he could not declare himself to be the Messiah , without manifest danger of Tumult and Sedition . And the miracles he did , declared it so much , that he was fain often to hide himself , and withdraw from the concourse of the People . The Leper that he cured , Mark I. though forbid to say any thing , yet blazed it so abroad , that Iesus could no more openly enter into the City , but was without in desart places ; And there they came to him from every quarter . And thus he did more than once . This being premised , let us take a view of the Promulgation of the Gospel by our Saviour himself , and see what it was he taught the World , and required men to believe . The first beginning of his Ministry , whereby he shewed himself , seems to be at Cana in Galilee , soon after his Baptism ; where he turned Water into Wine : Of which St. Iohn , Chap. II. 11. says thus , This beginning of Miracles Iesus made , and manifested his glory , and his Disciples believed in him . His Disciples here believed in him , but we hear not of any other Preaching to them , but by this Miracle , whereby he manifested his Glory ; i. e. of being the Messiah the Prince . So Nathanael , without any other Preaching , but only our Saviour's discovering to him that he knew him after an extraordinary manner , presently acknowledges him to be the Messiah ; crying , Rabbi , Thou art the Son of God ; Thou art the King of Israel . From hence , staying a few days at Capernaum , he goes to Ierusalem to the Passover ; and there he drives the Traders out of the Temple , Iohn II. 12-15 . saying , Make not my Father's House a House of merchandize . Where we see , he uses a Phrase , which by Interpretation signifies that he was the Son of God , though at that time unregarded . v. 16. Hereupon the Jews demand , What sign dost thou shew us , since thou doest these things ? Iesus answered , Destroy ye this Temple , and in three days I will raise it again . This is an instance of what way Jesus took to declare himself : For 't is plain by their Reply , the Jews understood him not , nor his Disciples neither ; For 't is said , v. 22. When therefore he was risen from the dead , his Disciples remembred that he said this to them : And they believed the Scripture , and the saying of Iesus to them . This therefore we may look on , in the beginning , as a Pattern of Christ's Preaching , and shewing himself to the Jews ; Which he generally followed afterwards , viz. such a manifestation of himself , as every one at present could not understand ; but yet carried such an Evidence with it to those who were well disposed now , or would reflect on it when the whole course of his Ministry was over , as was sufficient clearly to convince them that he was the Messiah . The reason of this method used by our Saviour , the Scripture gives us here , at this his first appearing in Publick ; after his entrance upon his Ministry ; to be a Rule and Light to us in the whole course of it . For the next Verse taking notice that many believed on him , because of his Miracles , ( which was all the Preaching they had . ) 'T is said , v. 24. But Iesus did not commit himself unto them , because he knew all men ; i. e. He declared not himself so openly to be the Messiah , their King , as to put himself into the Power of the Jews , by laying himself open to their malice ; whom he knew would be so ready to lay hold on it to accuse him . For , as the next Verse 25. shews , he knew well enough what was in them . We may here farther observe , That Believing in his Name , signifies believing him to be the Messiah . V. 22. tells us , That many at the Passover believed in his name , when they saw the Miracles that he did . What other Faith could these Miracles produce in them , who saw them , but that this was He , of whom the Scripture spoke , who was to be their Deliverer ? Whilst he was now at Ierusalem , Nicodemus , a Ruler of the Jews , comes to him , Iohn III. 1-21 . to whom he Preaches Eternal Life by Faith in the Messiah , v. 15. & 17. But in general terms , without naming himself to be that Messiah ; though his whole Discourse tends to it . This is all we hear of our Saviour the first Year of his Ministry ; But only his Baptism , Fasting , and Temptation in the beginning of it ; and spending the rest of it after the Passover in Iudea with his Disciples , Baptizing there . but when he knew that the Pharisees reported that he made and baptized more Disciples than John , he left Judea , and got out of their way again into Galilee , John IV. 1. 3. In his way back , by the Well of Sichar , he discourses with the Samaritan Woman ; And after having opened to her the True and Spiritual Worship which was at hand , which the Woman presently understands of the times of the Messiah , who was then looked for ; Thus she answers , v. 25. I know that the Messiah cometh : When he is come , he will tell us all things . Whereupon our Saviour , though we hear no such thing from him in Ierusalem or Iudea , or to Nicodemus , yet here to this Samaritan Woman , he in plain and direct words owns and declares , that he himself , who talked with her , was the Messiah , v. 26. This would seem very strange , that he should be more free and open to a Samaritan , than he was to the Jews ; were not the reason plain from what we have observed above . He was now out of Iudea , with a People with whom the Iews had no Commerce ; v. 9. Who were not disposed out of Envy , as the Iews were , to seek his Life , or to Accuse him to the Roman Governour , or to make an Insurrection to set a Iew up for their King. What the Consequence was of his Discourse with this Samaritan Woman , we have an Account , v. 28. 39-42 . She left her Water-pot , and went her way into the City , and saith to the men , Come , see a man who told me all things that ever I did : Is not this the Messiah ? And many of the Samaritans of that City BELIEVED ON HIM for the saying of the Woman , which testified , He told me all that ever I did . So when the Samaritans were come unto him , they besought him that he would tarry with them : And he abode there two days . And many more believed because of his own word : And said unto the Woman , Now we believe not because of thy saying ; For we have heard him our selves ; and we know , ( i. e. are fully perswaded , ) that it is indeed the Messiah , the Saviour of the World. By comparing v. 39. with 41 & 42. it is plain , that believing on him signifies no more than believing him to be the Messiah . From Sichar Jesus goes to Nazareth , the place he was bred up in ; and there Reading in the Synagogue a Prophecy concerning the Messiah out of the LXI of Isaiah , he tells them , Luke IV. 21. This day is this Scripture fulfilled in your ears . But being in danger of his Life at Nazareth , he leaves it , for Capernaum : And then , as St. Matthew informs us , Chap. IV. 17. He began to Preach , and say , Repent , for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . Or , as St. Mark has it , Chap. I. 14 , 15. Preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God ; and saying , The time is fulfilled , and the Kingdom of God is at hand , repent ye , and believe in the Gospel ; i. e. believe this good News . This removing to Capernaum , and seating himself there in the Borders of Zabulon and Naphtali , was , as St. Matthew observes , Chap. IV. 13-16 . That a Prophecy of Isaiah might be fulfilled . Thus the Actions and Circumstances of his Life answered the Prophesies , and declared him to be the Messiah . And by what St. Mark says in this place , it is manifest , that the Gospel which he preached and required them to believe , was no other but the good tidings of the Coming of the Messiah , and of his Kingdom ; the time being now fulfilled . In his way to Capernaum , being come to Cana , a Noble-man of Capernaum came to him , v. 47. And besought him that he would come down and heal his Son , for he was at the point of death . v. 48. Then said Iesus unto him , except ye see signs and wonders , you will not believe . Then he returning homewards , and finding that his Son began to mend at the same hour in which Iesus said unto him , thy Son liveth ; he himself believed , and his whole House , v. 53. Here this Noble-man is by the Apostle pronounced to be a Believer . And what does he believe ? Even that which Jesus complains , v. 48. They would not BELIEVE , except they saw Signs and Wonders : Which could be nothing but what those of Samaria , in the same Chapter , believed ; viz. that he was the Messiah . For we no where in the Gospel hear of any thing else had been proposed to be believed by them . Having done Miracles , and cured all their sick at Capernaum , he says , Let us go to the adjoyning Towns , that I may preach there also ; for therefore came I forth , Mark I. 38. Or , as St. Luke has it , Chap. IV. 43. He tells the multitude , who would have kept him ▪ that he might not go from them , I must Evangelize , or tell the good Tidings of the Kingdom of God , to other Cities also ; for therefore am I sent . And St. Matthew , Chap. IV. 23. tells us how he executed this Commission he was sent on . And Iesus went about all Galilee , teaching in their Synagogues , and preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom , and curing all Diseases . This then was what he was sent to Preach every where , viz. The Gospel of the Kingdom of the Messiah ; and by the Miracles and Good he did , let them know who was the Messiah . Hence he goes up to Ierusalem , to the second Passover since the beginning of his Ministry . And here discoursing to the Jews , who sought to kill him , upon occasion of the man , whom he had cured , carrying his Bed on the Sabbath-day ; and for making God his Father ; He tells them , that he wrought these things by the Power of God ; and that he shall do greater things : For that the Dead shall , at his Summons , be raised ; And that he , by a Power committed to him from his Father , shall Judge them ; And that he is sent by his Father ; And that whoever shall hear his Word , and believe in him that sent him , has Eternal Life . This , though a clear Description of the Messiah , yet we may observe , that here to the angry Iews , who sought to kill him , he says not a word of his Kingdom , nor so much as names the Messiah ; But yet that he is the Son of God , and sent from God , He refers them to the Testimony of Iohn the Baptist , to the Testimony of his own Miracles , and of God himself in the Voice from Heaven ; and of the Scriptures , and of Moses . He leaves them to learn from these the Truth they were to believe , viz. that he was the Messiah sent from God. This you may read more at large , Iohn V. 1-47 . The next place where we find him Preaching , was on the Mount , Mat. V. and Luke VI. This is by much the longest Sermon we have of his any where ; and , in all likelihood , to the greatest Auditory . For it appears to have been to the Peple gathered to him from Galilee , and Iudea , and Ierusalem , and from beyond Iordan ; and that came out of Idumea , and from Tyre and Sidon ; mentioned Mark III. 7 , 8. and Luke VI. 17. But in this whole Sermon of his we do not find one word of Believing , and therefore no mention of the Messiah , or any intimation to the People who himself was . The reason whereof we may gather from Mat. 12. 16. where Christ forbids them to make him known ; which supposes them to know already who he was . For that this XII . Chapter of Matthew ought to precede the Sermon in the Mount , is plain , by comparing it with Mark II. beginning at v. 13. to Mark III. 8. And comparing those Chapters of St. Mark with Luke VI. And I desire my Reader once for all here to take notice , that I have all along observed the order of time in our Saviour's Proaching ; and have not , as I think , passed by any of his Discourses . In this Sermon our Saviour only teaches them what were the Laws of his Kingdom , and what they must do who were admitted into it , of which I shall have occasion to speak more at large in another place ; being at present only enquiring what our Saviour proposed as matter of Faith to be believed . After this , Iohn the Baptist sends to him this Message , Luke VII . 19. Asking , Art thou he that should come , or do we expect another ? That is , in short , art thou the Messiah ? And if thou art , why dost thou let me , thy Fore runner , languish in Prison ? Must I expect deliverance from any other ? To which Jesus returns this Answer , v. 22 , 23. Tell John what you have seen and heard : The Blind see , the Lame walk , the Lepers are cleansed , the Deaf hear , the Dead are raised , to the Poor the Gospel is preached ; and blessed is he who is not offended in me . What it is to be offended or scandalized in him , we may see by comparing Mat. XIII . 28. and Mark IV. 17. with Luke VIII . 13. For what the two first call scandalized , the last calls standing off from , or forsaking ; i. e. not receiving him as the Messiah ; ( Vid. Mark VI. 1-6 . ) or revolting from him . Here Jesus refers Iohn , as he did the Jews before , to the Testimony of his Miracles , to know who he was ; And this was generally his Preaching , whereby he declared himself to be the Messiah : Who was the only Prophet to come , whom the Iews had any expectation of ; Nor did they look for any other Person to be sent to them with the Power of Miracles , but only the Messiah . His Miracles , we see by his Answer to Iohn the Baptist , he thought a sufficient declaration amongst them , that he was the Messiah . And therefore , upon his curing the possessed of the Devil , the Dumb , and Blind , Mat. XII . the People , who saw the Miracle , said , v. 23. Is not this the Son of David ? As much as to say , Is not this the Messiah ? Whereat the Pharisees being offended , said , He cast out Devils by Beelzebub . Jesus shewing the falshood and vanity of their Blasphemy , justifies the Conclusion the People made from this Miracle ; saying , v. 28. That his casting out Devils by the Spirit of God , was an Evidence that the Kingdom of the Messiah was come . One thing more there was in the Miracles done by his Disciples , which shewed him to be the Messiah ; That they were done in his Name . In the name of Iesus of Nazareth , rise up and walk , says St. Peter to the lame man whom he cured in the Temple , Acts III. 6. And how far the Power of that Name reached , they themselves seem to wonder , Luke X. 17. And the seventy returned again with joy , saying , Lord , even the Devils are subject to us in thy Name . From this Message from Iohn the Baptist , he takes occasion to tell the People , that Iohn was the Fore-runner of the Messiah ; That from the time of Iohn the Baptist the Kingdom of the Messiah began ; To which time all the Prophets and the Law pointed , Luke VII . and Mat. XI . Luke VIII . 1. Afterwards he went through every City and Village , preaching and shewing the good tidings of the Kingdom of God. Here we see , as every where , what his Preaching was ; and consequently what was to be believed . Soon after , he Preaches from a Boat to the People on the shoar . His Sermon at large we may read , Mat. XIII . Mark IV. and Luke VIII . But this is very observeable , That this second Sermon of his here , is quite different from his former in the Mount. For that was all so plain and intelligible , that nothing could be more so : Whereas this is all so involved in Parables , that even the Apostles themselves did not understand it . If we enquire into the reason of this , we shall possibly have some Light from the different Subjects of these two Sermons . There he preached to the People only Morality ; Clearing the Precepts of the Law from the false glosses which were received in those days ; And setting forth the Duties of a good Life in their full Obligation and Extent , beyond what the Judiciary Laws of the Israelites did , or the Civil Laws of any Country could prescribe or take notice of . But here in this Sermon by the Sea-side , he speaks of nothing but the Kingdom of the Messiah , which he does all in Parables . One Reason whereof St. Matthew gives us , Chap. XIII . 35. That it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Prophet , saying , I will open my mouth in Parables , I will utter things that have been keep secret from the Foundations of the World. Another reason our Saviour himself gives of it , v. 11 , 12. Because to you is given to know the Mysteries of the Kingdom of Heaven , but to them it is not given . For whosoever hath , to him shall be given , and he shall have more abundantly : But whosoever hath not , i. e. improves not the Talents that he hath , from him shall be taken away , even that that he hath . One thing it may not be amiss to observe ; That our Saviour here in the Explication of the first of these Parables to his Apostles , calls the Preaching of the Kingdom of the Messiah , simply the Word ; And Luke VIII . 21. The Word of God : From whence St. Luke , in the Acts , often mentions it under the name of the Word , and the Word of God , as we have elsewhere observed . To which I shall here add that of Acts VIII . 4. Therefore they that were scattered abroad , went every where preaching the Word : Which Word , as we have found by examining what they preached all through their History , was nothing but this , That Iesus was the Messiah : I mean , This was all the Doctrine they proposed to be believed . For what they taught , as well as our Saviour , contained a great deal more ; but that concerned Practice , and not Belief . And therefore our Saviour says , in the place before quoted , Luke VIII . 21. They are my Mother , and my Brethren , who hear the Word of God , and do it : Obeying the Law of the Messiah their King , being no less required than their believing that Jesus was the Messiah , the King and Deliverer that was promised them . Mat. IX . 13. We have an Account , again of this Preaching ; what it was , and how . And Iesus went about all the Cities and Villages , teaching in their Synagogues , and preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom ; and healing every Sickness , and every Disease amongst the people . He acquainted them that the Kingdom of the Messiah was come , and left it to his Miracles to instruct and convince them that he was the Messiah . Mat. X. When he sent his Apostles abroad , their Commission to Preach we have v. 7 , 8. in these words : As ye go , preach , saying , the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand ; Heal the sick , &c. All that they had to Preach , was , that the Kingdom of the Messiah was come . Whosoever should not receive them , the Messengers of this good Tidings , nor hearken to their Message , incurred a heavier doom than Sodom and Gomorrha at the day of Judgment , v. 14 ▪ 15. But v. 32. Whosoever shall confess me before men , I will confess him before my Father who is in Heaven . What this confessing of Christ is , we may see , by comparing Iohn XII . 4. with IX . 22. Nevertheless among the chief Rulers also many believed in him ; But because of the Pharisees they did not CONFESS HIM , lest they should be put out of the Synagogue . And Chap. IX . 22. These words spake his Parents , because they feared the Iews : For the Iews had agreed already , that if any man did CONFESS THAT HE WAS THE MESSIAH , he should be put out of the Synagogue . By which places it is evident , that to confess him , was to confess that he was the Messiah . From which give me leave to observe also ( what I have cleared from other places , but cannot be too often remark'd , because of the different sense has been put upon that Phrase ; ) viz. That believing on or in him ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred either way by the English Traslation ) signifies believing that he was the Messiah . For many of the Rulers ( the Text says ) believed on him ; But they durst not consess what they believed , for fear they should be put out of the Synagogue . Now the Offence for which it was agreed that any one should be put out of the Synagogue , was ▪ if he did confess that Iesus was the Messiah . Hence we may have a clear understanding of that passage of St. Paul to the Romans , where he tells them positively , what is the Faith he Preaches ; Rom. X. 8 , 9. That is the Word of Faith which we preach ; That if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Iesus , and believe in thine heart , that God hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved : And that also of St. Iohn IV. 14 , 15. We have seen , and do testifie , that the Father sent the Son to be the Saviour of the World : Whosoever shall confess that Iesus is the Son of God , God dwelleth in him , and be in God. Where confessing Jesus to be the Son of God , is the same with confessing him to be the Messiah : Those two Expressions being understood amongst the Jews to signifie the same thing , as we have shewn already . How calling him the Son of God came to signifie that he was the Messiah , would not be hard to shew . But it is enough that it appears plainly that it was so used , and had that import amongst the Jews at that time ; Which if any one desires to have further evidenced to him , he may add Mat. XXVI . 63. Iohn VI. 69. & XI . 27. & XX. 31. to those places before occasionally taken notice of . As was the Apostles Commission , such was their Performance ; As we read , Luke IX . 6. They departed , and went through the Towns , preaching the Gospel , and healing every where . Jesus bid them Preach , saying , The Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . And St. Luke tells us , they went through the Towns , Preaching the Gospel ; A word which in Saxon answers well the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies , as that does , Good news . So that what the inspired Writers call the Gospel , is nothing but the good Tidings that the Messiah and his Kingdom was come ; And so it is to be understood in the New Testament ; And so the Angel calls it Good tidings of great joy , Luke II. 10. Bringing the first News of our Saviour's Birth . And this seems to be all that his Disciples were at that time sent to Preach . So Luke IX . 59 , 60. To him that would have excused his present Attendance , because of burying his Father ; Iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead , but go thou and preach the Kingdom of God. When , I say , this was all they were to Preach , I must be understood , that this was the Faith they preached ; But with it they joyned Obedience to the Messiah , whom they received for their King. So likewise when he sent out the Seventy , Luke X. their Commission was in these words , v. 9. Heal the sick , and say unto them , the Kingdom of God is come nigh unto you . After the return of his Apostles to him , he sits down with them in a Mountain ; And a great multitude being gathered about them , St. Luke tells us , Chap. IX . 11. The people followed him , and he received them , and spake unto them of the Kingdom of God ; and healed them that had need of healing . This was his Preaching to this Assembly , which consisted of Five Thousand Men , besides Women and Children : All which great multitude he fed with five Loaves and two Fishes , Mat. XIV . 21. And what this Miracle wrought upon them , St. Iohn tells us , Chap. VI. 14 , 15. Then these men , when they had seen the miracle that Iesus did , said , This is of a truth that Prophet that should come into the World ; i. e. the Messiah . For the Messiah was the only Person that they expected from God , and this the time they looked for him . And hence Iohn the Baptist , Mat. XI . 3. stiles him , He that should come ; As in other places , Come from God , or Sent from God , are Phrases used for the Messiah . Here we see our Saviour keeps to his usual method of Preaching : He speaks to them of the Kingdom of God , and does Miracles ; by which they might understand him to be the Messiah , whose Kingdom he spake of . And here we have the reason also , why he so much concealed himself , and forbore to own his being the Messiah . For what the consequence was , of the multitudes but thinking him so , when they were got together , St. Iohn tells us in the very next words : When Iesus then perceived that they would come and take him by force to make him a King , he departed again into a mountain himself alone . If they were so ready to set him up for their King , only because they gathered from his Miracles that he was the Messiah , whilst he himself said nothing of it ; What would not the People have done ; And what would not the Scribes and Pharisees have had an Opportunity to Accuse him of ; if he had openly professed himself to have been the Messiah , that King they looked for ? But this we have taken notice of already . From hence going to Capernaum , whither he was followed by a great part of the People , whom he had the day before so miraculously fed ; He , upon the occasion of their following him for the Loaves , bids them seek for the Meat that endureth to Eternal Life : And thereupon , Iohn VI. 22-69 . declares to them his being sent from the Father ; And that those who believed in him , should be raised to Eternal Life : But all this , very much involved in a mixture of Allegorical terms of eating , and of Bread , Bread of Life , which came down from Heaven , &c. Which is all comprehended and expounded in these short and plain words , v. 47. & 54. Verily , verily I say unto you , he that believeth on me , hath everlasting life and I will raise him up at the last day . The sum of all which Discourse is , that he was the Messiah sent from God ; And that those who believed him to be so , should be raised from the Dead at the last day to Eternal Life . These who he spoke to , were of those who the day before would by force have made him King ; And therefore 't is no wonder he should speak to them of himself , and his Kingdom and Subjects , in obscure and Mystical terms ; and such as should offend those who looked for nothing but the Grandeur of a Temporal Kingdom in this World , and the Protection and Prosperity they had promised themselves under it . The hopes of such a Kingdom , now that they had found a man that did Miracles , and therefore concluded to be the Deliverer they expected , had the day before almost drawn them into an open Insurrection , and involved our Saviour in it . This he thought fit to put a stop to ; they still following him 't is like with the same design . And therefore though he here speaks to them of his Kingdom , it was in a way that so plainly bauk'd their Expectation ; and shock'd them ; that when they found themselves disappointed of those vain hopes , and that he talked of their eating his Flesh , and drinking his Blood , that they might have Life ; the Jews said , v. 52. How can this man give us his flesh to eat ? And many , even of his Disciples , said , It was an hard saying , who can bear it ? And so were scandalized in him , and forsook him , v. 60. 66. But what the true meaning of this Discourse of our Saviour was , the Confession of St. Peter , who understood it better and answered for the rest of the Apostles shews : When Jesus asked him , v. 67. Will ye also go away ? Then Simon Peter answered him , Lord , to whom shall we go ? Thou hast the words of eternal life ; i. e. Thou teachest us the way to attain Eternal Life ; And accordingly We believe , and are sure that thou art the Messiah , the Son of the living God. This was the eating his Flesh , and drinking his Blood , whereby those who did so had Eternal Life . Sometime after this , he enquires of his Disciples , Mark VIII . 27. Who the People took him for ? They telling him , for Iohn the Baptist , or one of the old Prophets risen from the Dead ; He asked , what they themselves thought ? And here again Peter answers in these words , Mark VIII . 29. Thou art the Messiah . Luke IX . 20. The Messiah of God. And Mat. XVI . 16. Thou art the Messiah , the Son of the living God : Which Expressions , we may hence gather , amount to the same thing . Whereupon our Saviour tells Peter , Mat. XVI . 17 , 18. That this was such a truth As flesh and blood could not reveal to him , but only his Father who was in Haven ; And that this was the Foundation on which he was to build his Church . By all the parts of which passage it is more than probable , that he had never yet told his Apostles in direct words that he was the Messiah ; but that they had gathered it from his Life and Miracles . For which we may imagine to our selves this probable Reason ; Because that if he had familiarly , and in direct terms , talked to his Apostles in private that he was the Messiah the Prince , of whose Kingdom he preached so much in publick every where ; Iudas , whom he knew false and treacherous , would have been readily made use of to testifie against him , in a matter that would have been really Criminal to the Roman Governour . This perhaps may help to clear to us that seemingly abrupt reply of our Saviour to his Apostles , Iohn VI. 70. when they confessed him to be the Messiah . I will , for the better explaining of it , set down the passage at large . Peter having said , We believe , and are sure that thou art the Messiah , the Son of the living God. Iesus answered them , Have not I chosen you twelve , and one of you is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? This is a reply seeming at first sight nothing to the purpose ; when yet it is sure all our Saviour's Discourses were wise and pertinent . It seems therefore to me to carry this sense , to be understood afterwards by the eleven ( as that of destroying the Temple , and raising it again in three days was ) when they should reflect on it after his being betray'd by Iudas : You have confessed , and believe the truth concerning me ; I am the Messiah your King : But do not wonder at it , that I have never openly declared it to you : For amongst you twelve , whom I have chosen to be with me , there is one who is an Informer , or false Accuser , ( for so the Greek word signifies , and may possibly here be so translated , rather than Devil ) who , if I had owned my self in plain words to have been the Messiah , the King of Israel , would have betrayed me , and informed against me . That he was yet cautious of owning himself to his Apostles positively to be the Messiah , appears farther from the manner wherein he tells Peter , v. 18. that he will build his Church upon that Confession of his , that he was the Messiah . I say unto thee , Thou art Cephas , or a Rock , and upon this Rock I will build my Church , and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it . Words too doubtful to be laid hold on against him , as a Testimony that he professed himself to be the Messiah ; Especially if we joyn with them the following words , v. 19. And I will give thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven ; And what thou shalt bind on Earth , shall be bound in Heaven ; and what thou shalt loose on Earth , shall be loosed in Heaven . Which being said Personally to Peter , render the foregoing words of our Saviour ( wherein he declares the Fundamental Article of his Church to be the believing him to be the Messiah ) the more obscure and doubtful , and less liable to be made use of against him ; But yet such as might afterwards be understood . And for the same reason he yet here again forbids the Apostles to say that he was the Messiah , v. 20. From this time ( say the Evangelists ) Jesus began to shew to his Disciples , ( i. e. his Apostles , who are often called Disciples ) that he must go to Jerusalem , and suffer many things from the Elders , Chief Priests , and Scribes ; and be killed , and be raised again the third day . These , though all marks of the Messiah , yet how little understood by the Apostles , or suited to their expectation of the Messiah , appears from Peter's rebuking him for it in the following words , Mat. XVI . 22. Peter had twice before owned him to be the Messiah , and yet he cannot here bear that he should Suffer , and be put to Death , and be raised again . Whereby we may perceive , how little yet Jesus had explained to the Apostles what Personally concerned himself . They had been a good while witnesses of his Life and Miracles ; and thereby being grown into a belief that he was the Messiah , were in some degree prepared to receive the Particulars that were to fill up that Character , and answer the Prophesies concerning him ; Which from henceforth he began to open to them , ( though in a way which the Jews could not form an Accusation out of ) The time of the accomplishment of all , in his Sufferings , Death , and Resurrection , now drawing on . For this was in the last Year of his Life ; he being to meet the Jews at Ierusalem but once more at the Passover , who then should have their will upon him ; And therefore he might now begin to be a little more open concerning himself : Though yet so , as to keep himself out of the reach of any Accusation , that might appear Just or Weighty to the Roman Deputy . After his Reprimand to Peter , telling him That he savoured not the things of God , but of man ; Mark VIII . 34. He calls the People to him , and prepares those , who would be his Disciples , for Suffering ; Telling them , v. 38. Whoever shall be ashamed of me and my words in this adulterous and sinful Generation , of him also shall the Son of Man be ashamed when he cometh in the Glory of his Father with the holy Angels : And then subjoyns , Mat. XVI . 27 , 28. two great and solemn Acts , wherein he would shew himself to be the Messiah the King : For the Son of Man shall come in the Glory of his Father , with his Angels ; and then he shall render every man according to his works . This is evidently meant of the Glorious Appearance of his Kingdom , when he shall come to Judge the World at the last day ; Described more at large , Mat XXV . When the Son of Man shall come in his Glory , and all the holy Angels with him , then shall be sit upon the THRONE of his Glory . Then shall the KING say to them on his right hand , &c. But what follows in the place above quoted , Mat. XVI . 28. Verily , verily , there be some standing here , who shall not tast of Death , till they see the Son of Man coming in his Kingdom ; Importing that Dominion , which some there should see him exercise over the Nation of the Jews , was so covered ; by being annexed to the preceding v. 27. ( where he spoke of the Manifestation and Glory of his Kingdom at the day of Judgment ) That though his plain meaning here in v. 28. be , that the appearance and visible exercise of his Kingly Power in his Kingdom was so near , that some there should live to see it ; Yet if the foregoing words had not cast a shadow over these later , but they had been left plainly to be understood , as they plainly signified , that he should be a King ; And that it was so near , that some there should see him in his Kingdom ; This might have been laid hold on , and made the matter of a plausible and seemingly just Accusation against him , by the Jews , before Pilate . This seems to be the reason of our Saviour's inverting here the order of the two Solemn Manifestations to the World of his Rule and Power ; thereby perplexing at present his meaning , and securing himself , as was necessary , from the malice of the Jews , which always lay at catch to intrap him , and accuse him to the Roman Governour ; And would , no doubt , have been ready to have alledged these words , Some here shall not tast of Death , till they see the Son of Man coming in his Kingdom , against him , as Criminal ; had not their meaning been , by the former Verse , perplexed , and the sense at that time rendred unintelligible , and not applicable by any of his Auditors to a sense that might have been prejudicial to him before the Roman Governour . For how well the Chief of the Jews were disposed towards him , St. Luke tells us , Chap. XI . 54. Laying wait for him , and seeking to catch something out of his mouth , that they might accuse him : Which may be a reason to satisfie us of the seemingly doubtful and obscure way of speaking used by our Saviour in other places ; His Circumstances being such , that without such a Prudent carriage and reservedness , he could not have gone through the Work which he came to do ; Nor have performed all the parts of it , in a way correspondent to the Descriptions given of the Messiah , and which should be afterwards fully understood to belong to him , when he had left the World. After this , Mat. XVII . 10 , &c. He , without saying it in direct words , begins , as it were , to own himself to his Apostles to be the Messiah ; by assuring them , that as the Scribes , according to the Prophecy of Malachy , Chap. IV. 5. rightly said , that Elias was to Usher in the Messiah ; So indeed Elias was already come , though the Jews knew him not , and treated him ill : Whereby They understood that he spoke to them of John the Baptist , v. 13. And a little after he somewhat more plainly intimates that he is the Messiah , Mark IX . 41. in these words : Whosoever shall give you a cup of water to drink in my Name , because ye belong to the Messiah . This , as I remember , is the first place where our Saviour ever mentioned the name of Messiah ; and the first time that he went so far towards the owning , to any of the Jewish Nation , himself to be him . In his way to Jerusalem , bidding one follow him , Luke IX . 59. who would first bury his Father , v. 60. Iesus said unto him , let the dead bury their dead ; but go thou and preach the Kingdom of God. And Luke X. 1. Sending out the Seventy Disciples , he says to them , v. 9. Heal the sick , and say , the Kingdom of God is come nigh unto you . He had nothing else for these , or for his Apostles , or any one , it seems , to Preach ; but the good News of the coming of the Kingdom of the Messiah . And if any City would not receive them , he bids them , v. 10. Go into the streets of the same , and say , Even the very dust of your City , which cleaveth on us , do we wipe off against you : Notwithstanding , be ye sure of this , that the Kingdom of God is come nigh unto you . This they were to take notice of , as that which they should dearly answer for ; viz. That they had not with Faith received the good Tidings of the Kingdom of the Messiah . After this , his Brethren say unto him , Iohn VII . 2 , 3 , 4. ( The Feast of Tabernacles being near ) Depart hence , and go into Judea , that thy Disciples also may see the works that thou doest : For there is no man that does any thing in secret , and he himself seeketh to be known openly . If thou do these things , shew thy self to the World. Here his Brethren , which the next Verse tells us did not believe in him , seem to upbraid him with the inconsistency of his carriage ; as if he designed to be received for the Messiah , and yet was afraid to shew himself : To whom he justified his Conduct , ( mentioned v. 1. ) in the following verses ; by telling them , That the World ( meaning the Jews especially ) hated him , because he testified of it , that the works thereof are evil ; And that his time was not yet fully come , wherein to quit his reserve , and abandon himself freely to their Malice and Fury : And therefore , though he went up unto the Feast , it was not openly ; but as it were in secret , v. 10. And here coming into the Temple about the middle of the Feast , he justifies his being sent from God ; And that he had not done any thing against the Law in curing the man at the Pool of Bethesday , v. Iohn V. 1-16 . on the Sabbath-day ; Which , though done above a year and an half before , they made use of as a pretence to destroy him . But what was the true reason of seeking his Life , appears from what we have in this VII . Chapter , v. 25-34 . Then said some of them at Jerusalem , Is not this he whom they seek to kill ? But lo , he speaketh boldly , and they say nothing unto him . Do the Rulers know indeed that this is the very Messiah ? Howbeit , we know this man whence he is ; But when the Messiah cometh , no man knoweth whence he is . Then cryed Iesus in the Temple , as he taught , ye both know me , and ye know whence I am : And I am not come of my self , but he that sent me is true , whom ye know not . But I know him , for I am from him , and he hath sent me . Then they sought [ an occasion ] to take him , but no man laid hands on him , because his hour was not yet come . And many of the people believed on him , and said , when the Messiah cometh , will be do more miracles than these which this man hath done ? The Pharisees heard that the people murmured such things concerning him ; and the Pharisees and Chief Priests sent Officers to take him . Then said Iesus unto them , Yet a little while am I with you , and then I go to him that sent me : Ye shall seek me , and not find me ; and where I am there ye cannot come . Then said the Iews among themselves , Whither will he go , that we shall not find him ? Here we find that the great fault in our Saviour , and the great Provocation to the Jews , was his being taken for the Messiah ; and doing such things as made the People believe in him ; i. e. believe that he was the Messiah . Here also our Saviour declares , in words very easie to be understood , at least after his Resurrection , that he was the Messiah : For if he were sent from God , and did his Miracles by the Spirit of God , there could be no doubt but he was the Messiah . But yet this Declaration was in a way that the Pharisees and Priests could not lay hold on to make an Accusation of , to the disturbance of his Ministry , or the seizure of his Person , how much soever they desired it : For his time was not yet come . The Officers they had sent to Apprehend him , charmed with his Discourse , returned without laying hands on him , v. 45 , 46. And when the Chief Priests asked them , Why they brought him not ? They answered , Never man spake like this man. Whereupon the Pharisees reply , Are ye also deceived ? Have any of the Rulers , or of the Pharisees believed on him ? But this people , who know not the Law , are cursed . This shews what was meant by Believing on him ; viz. believing that he was the Messiah . For , say they , have any of the Rulers , who are skilled in the Law , or of the Devout and learned Pharisees , acknowledged him to be the Messiah ? For as for those who in the Division among the People concerning him , say , That he is the Messiah , they are ignorant and vile wretches , know nothing of the Scripture , and being accursed , are given up by God to be deceived by this Impostor , and to take him for the Messiah . Therefore , notwithstanding their desire to lay hold on him , he goes on ; And v. 37 , 38. In the last and great day of the Feast , Iesus stood and cryed , saying ; If any man thirst , let him come unto me and drink : He that believeth on me , as the Scripture hath said , out of his belly shall flow Rivers of living water . And thus he here again declares himself to be the Messiah ; But in the Prophetick stile ; As we may see by the next Verse of this Chapter , and those places in the Old Testament that these words of our Saviour refer to . In the next Chapter , Iohn VIII . all that he says concerning himself , and what they were to believe , tends to this ; viz. That he was sent from God his Father ; And that if they did not believe that he was the Messiah , they should die in their sins : But this in a way , as St. Iohn observes , v. 27. that they did not well understand . But our Saviour himself tells them , v. 28. When ye have lift up the Son of Man , then shall ye know that I am he . Going from them , he Cures the Man born blind , whom meeting with again , after the Jews had questioned him , and cast him out , Iohn IX . 35-38 . Jesus said to him , Dost thou believe on the Son of God ? He answered , who is he , Lord , that I might believe on him ? And Iesus said unto him , Thou hast both seen him , and it is he that talketh with thee . And he said , Lord , I believe . Here we see this man is pronounced a Believer , when all that was proposed to him to believe , was , that Jesus was the Son of God ; Which was , as we have already shewn , to believe that he was the Messiah . In the next Chapter , Iohn X. 1-21 . he declares the laying down of his Life for both Jews and Gentiles ; But in a Parable , which they understood not , v. 6. 20. As he was going to the Feast of the Dedication , the Pharisees ask him , Luke XVII . 20. When the Kingdom of God , i. e. of the Messiah , should come ? He answers , that it should not come with Pomp , and Observation , and great Concourse ; But that it was already begun amongst them . If he had stopt here , the sense had been so plain , that they could hardly have mistaken him ; or have doubted , but that he meant , that the Messiah was already come , and amongst them ; And so might have been prone to infer , that Jesus took upon him to be him . But here , as in the place before taken notice of , subjoyning to this the future Revelation of himself , both in his coming to execute Vengeance on the Jews , and in his coming to Judgment mixed together , he so involved his sense , that it was not easie to understand him . And therefore the Jews came to him again in the Temple , Iohn X. 23. and said , How long dost thou make us doubt ? If thou be the Christ tell us plainly . Iesus answered , I told you , and ye BELIEVED not : The works that I do in my Father's Name , they bear witness of me . But ye BELIEVED not , because ye are not of my sheep , as I told you . The BELIEVING here , which he accuses them of not doing , is plainly their not BELIEVING him to be the Messiah , as the foregoing words evince , and in the same sense it is evidently meant in the following Verses of this Chapter . From hence Iesus going to Bethabara , and thence returning to Bethany ; upon Lazarus's Death , Iohn XI . 25-27 . Jesus said to Martha , I am the Resurrection and the Life , he that believeth in me , though he were dead , yet he shall live ; and whosoever liveth , and believeth in me , shall not die for ever . So I understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answerable to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Septuagint , Gen. III. 22. or Iohn VI. 51. which we read right in our English Translation , Live for ever . But whether this saying of our Saviour here can with truth be translated , He that liveth and believeth in me , shall never die , will be apt to be questioned . But to go on . Believest thou this ? She said unto him , yea , Lord , I believe that thou art the Messiah , the Son of God , which should come into the World. This she gives as a full Answer to our Saviour's Demands ; This being that Faith , which whoever had , wanted no more to make them Believers . We may observe farther , in this same story of the raising of Lazarus , what Faith it was our Saviour expected ; by what he says , v. 41 , 42. Father , I thank thee that thou hast heard me . And I know that thou hearest me always . But because of the people who stand by , I said it , that they may believe that thou hast sent me . And what the Consequence of it was , we may see , v. 45. Then many of the Iews who came to Mary , and had seen the things which Iesus did , believed on him : Which belief was , that he was sent from the Father ; which in other words was , that he was the Messiah . That this is the meaning , in the Evangelists , of the Phrase of believing on him , we have a demonstration in the following words , v. 47 , 48. Then gathered the Chief Priests and Pharisees a Council , and said , what do we ? For this man does many miracles ; And if we let him alone , all men will BELIEVE ON HIM . Those who here say , all men would BELIEVE ON HIM , were the Chief Priests and Pharisees his Enemies ; who sought his Life ; and therefore could have no other sense nor thought of this Faith in him , which they spake of , but only the believing him to be the Messiah : And that that was their meaning , the adjoyning words shew . If we let him alone , all the World will believe on him ; i.e. believe him to be the Messiah . And the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation . Which Reasoning of theirs was thus grounded . If we stand still , and let the People Believe on him , i.e. receive him for the Messiah ; They will thereby take him and set him up for their King , and expect Deliverance by him ; Which will draw the Roman Arms upon us , to the Destruction of us and our Country . The Romans could not be thought to be at at all concerned in any other Belief whatsoever , that the People might have in him . It is therefore plain , That Believing on him , was , by the Writers of the Gospel , understood to mean , the believing him to be the Messiah . The Sanhedrim therefore , v. 53 , 54. from that day forth consulted for to put him to death . Iesus therefore walked not yet ( for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , and so I think it ought here to be translated ) boldly , or open-fac'd among the Iews ; i.e. of Ierusalem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot well here be translated no more , because within a very short time after , he appeared openly at the Passover , and by his Miracles and Speech declared himself more freely than ever he had done ; And all the Week before his Passion Taught daily in the Temple , Mat. XX. 17. Mark X. 32. Luke XVIII . 31 , &c. The meaning of this place seems therefore to be this : That his time being not yet come , he durst not yet shew himself openly , and confidently , before the Scribes and Pharisees , and those of the Sanhedrim at Ierusalem , who were full of Malice against him , and had resolved his Death ; But went thence unto a Country near the Wilderness , into a City called Ephraim , and there continued with his Disciples , to keep himself out of the way till the Passover , which was nigh at hand , v. 55. In his return thither , he takes the Twelve aside , and tells them before hand what should happen to him at Ierusalem , whither they were now going ; And that all things that are written by the Prophets concerning the Son of Man , should be accomplished . That he should be betrayed to the Chief Priests and Scribes ; And that they should Condemn him to Death , and deliver him to the Gentiles ; That he should be mocked , and spit on , and scourged , and put to Death ; and the third day he should rise again . But St. Luke tells us , Chap. XVIII . 34. That the Apostles understood none of these things , and this saying was hid from them ; neither knew they the things which were spoken . They believed him to be the Son of God , the Messiah sent from the Father ; But their Notion of the Messiah was the same with the rest of the Jews ; That he should be a Temporal Prince and Deliverer . That which distinguished them from the Unbelieving Jews , was , That they believed Jesus to be the very Messiah , and so received him as their King and Lord accordingly . We see , Mark X. 35. That even in this their last Journey with him to Ierusalem , two of them , Iames and Iohn , coming to him , and falling at his Feet , said , Grant unto us , that we may fit , one on thy right hand , and the other on thy left hand , in thy Glory ; Or , as . St. Matthew has it , Chap. XX. 21. in thy Kingdom . And now the hour being come that the Son of Man should be glorified , he , without his usual Reserve , makes his Publick Entry into Ierusalem , Riding on a Young Ass ; As it is written , Fear not , Daughter of Sion , behold , thy King cometh fitting on an Asses Colt. But these things , says St. Iohn , Chap. XII . 16. his Disciples understood not at the first ; But when Iesus was glorified , then remembred they that these things were written of him , and that they had done these things unto him . Though the Apostles believed him to be the Messiah , yet there were many Occurrences of his Life which they understood not , at the time when they happened , to be fore-told of the Messiah ; which after his Ascension they found exactly to quadrate . And all the People crying Hosanna , Blessed is the King of Israel , that cometh in the Name of the Lord ; This was so open a Declaration of his being the Messiah , that Luke XIX . 39. Some of the Pharisees from among the multitude said unto him , Master , rebuke thy Disciples . But he was so far from stopping them , or disowning this their Acknowledgment of his being the Messiah , That he said unto them , I tell you , that if these should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out . And again , upon the like occasion of their crying Hosanna , to the Son of David , in the Temple , Mat. XXI . 15 , 16. When the Chief Priests and Scribes were sore displeased , and said unto him , Hearest thou what they say ? Iesus said unto them , yea ; Have ye never read , Out of the months of Babes and Sucklings thou hast perfected Praise ? And now , v. 14 , 15. He cures the Blind and the Lame openly in the Temple . And when the Chief Priests and Scribes saw the wonderful things that he did , and the Children crying in the Temple Hosanna , they were enraged . One would not think , that after the multitude of Miracles that our Saviour had now been doing for above three Years together , that the curing the Lame and Blind should so much move them . But we must remember , that though his Ministry had abounded with Miracles , yet the most of them had been done about Galilee , and in Parts remote from Ierusalem : There is but one left upon Record hitherto done in that City ; And that had so ill a Reception , that they sought his Life for it ; as we may read , Iohn V. 16. And therefore we hear not of his being at the next Passover , because he was there only privately , as an ordinary Jew : The reason whereof we may read , Iohn VII . 1. After these things , Iesus walked in Galilee , for he would not walk in Jewry , because the Iews sought to kill him . Hence we may guess the reason why St. Iohn omitted the mention of his being at Ierusalem at the third Passover after his Baptism ; probably because he did nothing memorable there . Indeed , when he was at the Feast of Tabernacles , immediately preceding this his last Passover , he cured the Man born blind : But it appears not to have been done in Ierusalem it self , but in the way as he retired to the Mount of Olives ; for there seems to have been no body by , when he did it , but his Apostles . Compare v. 2. with v. 8. 10. of Iohn IX . This , at least , is remarkable ; That neither the Cure of this Blind Man , nor that of the other Infirm Man , at the Passover above a twelve Month before at Ierusalem , was done in the sight of the Scribes , Pharisees , Chief Priests , or Rulers . Nor was it without reason , that in the former part of his Ministry he was cautious of shewing himself to be the Messiah ; And by repeated Miracles done in their sight before the People , of provoking the Rulers in Ierusalem , where he was in their Power . But now that he was come to the last Scene of his Life , and that the Passover was come , the appointed time wherein he was to compleat the Work he came for , in his Death and Resurrection , he does many things in Ierusalem it self , before the face of the Scribes , Pharisees , and whole Body of the Jewish Nation , to manifest himself to be the Messiah . And , as St. Luke says , Chap. XIX . 47 , 48. He taught daily in the Temple : But the Chief Priests , and the Scribes , and the Chief of the People sought to destroy him ; And could not find what they might do , for all the People were very attentive to hear him . What he taught , we are not left to guess , by what we have found him constantly Preaching elsewhere ; ( the Kingdom of God's being come , and requiring Repentance . ) But St. Luke tells us , Chap. XX. 1. He taught in the Temple , and Evangelized ; Or , as we translate it , preached the Gospel : Which , as we have shewed , was the making known to them the Good News of the Kingdom of the Messiah . And this we shall find he did , in what now remains of his History . In the first Discourse of his , which we find upon Record after this , Iohn XII . 20 , &c. he fore-tells his Crucifixion ; and the belief of all sorts , both Iews and Gentiles , on him after that . Whereupon the People say to him , v. 34. We have heard out of the Law , that the Messiah abideth for ever ; And how sayest thou , that the Son of Man must be lifted up ? Who is this Son of Man ? In his Answer he plainly designs himself , under the Name of Light ; which was what he had declared himself to them to be , the last time that they had seen him in Ierusalem . For then at the Feast of Tabernacles , but six Months before , he tells them in the very place where he now is , viz. in the Temple , I am the Light of the World ; whosoever follows me , shall not walk in darkness , but shall have the light of Life ; As we may read , Iohn VIII . 12. & IX 5. He says , As long as I am in the World , I am the LIGHT of the World. But neither here , nor any where else , does he , even in these four or five last days of his Life ( though he knew his hour was come , and was prepared for his Death , v. 27. And scrupled not to manifest himself to the Rulers of the Jews to be the Messiah , by doing Miracles before them in the Temple ) ever once in direct words own himself to the Jews to be the Messiah ; Though by Miracles , and other ways , he did every where make it known to them , so that it might be understood . This could not be without some Reason ; And the Preservation of his Life , which he came now to Ierusalem on purpose to lay down , could not be it . What other could it then be , but the same which had made him use Caution in the former part of his Ministry ; so to conduct himself , that he might do the Work which he came for , and in all parts answer the Character given of the Messiah in the Law and the Prophets ? He had fulfilled the time of his Ministry ; and now Taught , and did Miracles openly in the Temple , before the Rulers and the People , not fearing to be seized . But he would not be seized for any thing that might make him a Criminal to the Government ; And therefore he avoided giving those , who in the Division that was about him enclined towards him , occasion of Tumult for his sake ; Or to the Jews his Enemies , matter of Just Accusation against him out of his own mouth , by professing himself to be the Messiah , the King of Israel in direct words . It was enough , that by words and deeds he declared it so to them , that they could not but understand him ; which 't is plain they did , Luke XX. 16. 19. Mat. XXI . 45. But yet neither his Actions , which were only doing of Good ; nor Words , which were Mystical and Parabolical ; ( As we may see , Mat. XXI . & XXII . And the Parallel places of Matthew and Luke ; ) Nor any of his ways of making himself known to be the Messiah ; could be brought in Testimony , or urged against him , as opposite or dangerous to the Government . This preserved him from being Condemned as a Malefactor ; and procured him a Testimony from the Roman Governour his Judge , that he was an Innocent Man , sacrificed to the Envy of the Iewish Nation . So that he avoided saying that he was the Messiah , that to those who would reflect on his Life and Death after his Resurrection , he might the more clearly appear to be so . It is farther to be remarked , that though he often appeals to the Testimony of his Miracles who he is , yet he never tells the Iews that he was born at Bethlehem ; to remove the Prejudice that lay against him , whilst he passed for a Galilean , and which was urged as a Proof that he was not the Messiah , Iohn VII . 41 , 42. The healing of the Sick , and doing of Good miraculously , could be no Crime in him , nor Accusation against him . But the naming of Bethlehem for his Birth-place , might have wrought as much upon the mind of Pilate , as it did on Herod's ; and have raised a Suspicion in him as Prejudicial to his Innocence , as Herod's was to the Children born there . His pretending to be born at Bethlehem , as it was liable to be explained by the Iews , could not have failed to have met with a sinister Interpretation in the Roman Governour , and have rendred Iesus suspected of some Criminal Design against the Government . And hence we see , that when Pilate asked him , Iohn XIX . 9. Whence art thou ? Iesus gave him no answer . Whether our Saviour had not an Eye to this straitness , this narrow room that was left to his Conduct , between the new Converts and the captious Jews , when he says , Luke XII . 50. I have a Baptism to be baptized with , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how am I straitned till it be accomplished , I leave to be considered . I am come to send fire on the Earth , says our Saviour , and what if it be already kindled ? i.e. There begin already to be Divisions about me , v. Iohn VII . 12. 43. & IX . 16. & X. 19. And I have not the freedom , the Latitude , to declare my self openly as I am , the Messiah , till after my Death . My way to my Throne is closely hedged in on every side , and much straitned , within which I must keep , till it bring me to my Cross ; in its due time and manner , so that it do not cut short the time , nor cross the end of my Ministry . And therefore to keep up this inoffensive Character , and not to let it come within the reach of Accident or Calumny , he withdrew with his Apostles out of the Town every Evening ; and kept himself retired out of the way , Luke XXI . 37. And in the day-time he was teaching in the Temple , and every night he went out and abode in the Mount that is called the Mount of Olives ; That he might avoid all Concourse to him in the Night , and give no occasion of Disturbance , or Suspicion of himself in that great conflux of the whole Nation of the Iews , now assembled in Ierusalem at the Passover . But to return to his Preaching in the Temple . He bids them , Iohn XII . 36. To believe in the light whilst they have it . And he tells them , v. 46. I am the light come into the World , that every one who believes in me should not remain in darkness . Which believing in him , was the believing him to be the Messiah , as I have elsewhere shewed . The next day , Mat. XXI . he rebukes them for not having believed Iohn the Baptist , who had testified that he was the Messiah . And then , in a Parable , declares himself to be the Son of God , whom they should destroy ; And that for it God would take away the Kingdom of the Messiah from them , and give it to the Gentiles . That they understood him thus , is plain from Luke XX. 16. And when they heard it , they said , God forbid . And v. 19. For they knew that he had spoken this Parable against them . Much to the same purpose was his next Parable concerning the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. XXII . 1-10 . That the Jews not accepting of the Kingdom of the Messiah , to whom it was first offered , others should be brought in . The Scribes and Pharisees , and Chief Priests , not able to bear the declaration he made of himself to be the Messiah ; ( by his Discourses and Miracles before them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iohn XII . 37. which he had never done before ) impatient of his Preaching and Miracles ; and being not able otherwise to stop the increase of his Followers ; ( For , said the Pharisees among themselves , perceive ye how ye prevail nothing ? Behold , the World is gone after him , Iohn XII . 19. So that the Chief Priests , and the Scribes , and the Chief of the People ) sought to destroy him , the first day of his entrance into Ierusalem , Luke XIX . 47. The next day again they were intent upon the same thing , Mark XI . 17 , 18. And he taught in the Temple ; And the Scribes , and the Chief Priests heard it , and sought how they might destroy him ; For they feared him , because all the people were astonished at his Doctrine . The next day but one , upon his telling them the Kingdom of the Messiah should be taken from them ; The Chief Priests and Scribes sought to lay hands on him the same hour ; and they feared the People , Luke XX. 19. If they had so great a desire to lay hold on him , why did they not ? They were the Chief Priests and the Rulers , the men of Power . The reason St. Luke plainly tells us , in the next Verse : And they watched him , and sent forth Spies , which should feign themselves just men , that they might take hold of his words ; that so they might deliver him unto the Power and Authority of the Governour . They wanted matter of Accusation , against him , to the Power they were under . That they watched for ; and that they would have been glad of , if they could have entangled him in his talk ; As St. Matthew expresses it , Chap. XXII . 15. If they could have laid hold on any word that had dropt from him , that might have rendred him guilty or suspected to the Roman Governour ; That would have served their turn , to have laid hold upon him , with hopes to destroy him . For their Power not answering their Malice , they could not put him to Death by their own Authority , without the Permission and Assistance of the Governour ; as they confess , Iohn XVIII . 31. It is not lawful for us to put any man to Death . This made them so earnest for a declaration in direct words , from his own mouth , that he was the Messiah . 'T was not that they would more have believed in him , for such a declaration of himself , than they did for his Miracles , or other ways of making himself known , which it appears they understood well enough . But they wanted plain direct words , such as might support an Accusation , and be of weight before an Heathen Judge . This was the Reason why they pressed him to speak out , Iohn X. 24. Then came the Iews round about him , and said unto him , How long dost thou hold us in suspense ? If thou be the Messiah , tell us PLAINLY , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. in direct words : For that St. Iohn uses it in that sense , we may see , Chap. XI . 11-14 . Jesus saith to them , Lazarus sleepeth . His Disciples said , If , he sleeps , he shall do well ; Howbeit , Iesus spake of his Death ; but they thought he had spoken of taking of rest in sleep . Then said Iesus to them plainly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lazarus is dead . Here we see what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , PLAIN direct words , such as express the thing without a Figure ; And so they would have had Jesus pronounce himself to be the Messiah . And the same thing they press again , Mat. XVI . 63. The High-Priest adjuring him by the Living God , to tell them whether he were the Messiah , the Son of God ; As we shall have occasion to take notice by and by . This we may observe in the whole management of their Design against his Life . It turned upon this ; That they wanted and wished for a Declaration from him , in direct words , that he was the Messiah : Something from his own mouth , that might offend the Roman Power , and render him Criminal to Pilate . In the 21 st . Verse of this XX of Luke , They asked him , saying , Master , we know that thou sayest and teachest rightly ; neither acceptest thou the Person of any , but teachest the way of God truly . Is it lawful for us to give Tribute to Caesar or no ? By this captious Question they hoped to catch him , which way soever he answered . For if he had said , they ought to pay Tribute to Caesar , 't would be plain he allowed their Subjection to the Romans ; And so in effect disowned himself to be their King and Deliverer : Whereby he would have contradicted , what his Carriage and Doctrine seemed to aim at , the Opinion that was spread amongst the People , that he was the Messiah . This would have quash'd the Hopes , and destroyed the Faith of those who believed on him ; and have turned the Ears and Hearts of the People from him . If on the other side , he answered No , it is not Lawful to pay Tribute to Caesar ; they had had out of his own mouth wherewithal to Condemn him before Pontius Pilate . But St. Luke tells us , v. 23. He perceived their Craftiness , and said unto them , Why tempt ye me ? i. e. Why do ye'lay Snares for me ? Ye Hypocrites , shew me the Tribute-money ; So it is , Mat. XXII . 19. Whose Image and Inscription has it ? They said , Caesar ' s. He said unto them , Render therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar's ; and to God the things that are God's . By the Wisdom and Caution of which unexpected Answer , he defeated their whole Design . And they could not take hold of his words before the People ; And they marvelled at his answer , and held their peace , Luke XX. 26. And leaving him , they departed , Mat. XXII . 22. He having by this Reply , ( and what he answered to the Sadducees concerning the Resurrection , And to the Lawyer , about the First Commandment , Mark XII . ) Answered so little to their Satisfaction or Advantage ; they durst ask him no more Questions , any of them . And now their mouths being stop'd , he himself begins to Question them about the Messiah ; Asking the Pharisees , Mat. XXII . 41. What think ye of the Messiah , whose Son is he ? They say unto him , The Son of David . Wherein , though they answered right , yet he shews them in the following words , that however they pretended to be Studiers and Teachers of the Law , yet they understood not clearly the Scriptures concerning the Messiah ; And thereupon he sharply rebukes their Hypocrisie , Vanity , Pride , Malice , Covetousness , and Ignorance ; And particularly tells them , v. 13. ye shut up the Kingdom of Heaven against men : For ye neither go in your selves , nor suffer ye them that are entring , to go in . Whereby he plainly declares to them , that the Messiah was come , and his Kingdom began ; But that they refused to believe in him themselves , and did all they could to hinder others from believing in him ; As is manifest throughout the New Testament : The History whereof sufficiently explains what is meant here by The Kingdom of Heaven , Which the Scribes and Pharisees would neither go into themselves , nor suffer others to enter into . And they could not choose but understand him , though he named not himself in the case . Provoked a new by his Rebukes , they get presently to Council , Mat. XXVI . Then assembled together the Chief Priest , and the Scribes , and the Elders of the People , unto the Palace of the High-Priest , who was called Caiphas , and consulted that they might take Iesus by subtilty , and kill him . But they said , Not on the Feast-day , lest there be an Vproar among the People . For they feared the People , says St. Luke , Chap. XXII . 2. Having in the Night got Jesus into their Hands , by the Treachery of Iudas , they presently led him away bound to Annas the High-Priest , Iohn XVIII . 13. 19. The High-Priest then asked Iesus of his Disciples , and of his Doctrine . Iesus answered him , I spake openly to the World ; I ever taught in the Synagogue , and in the Temple , whither the Iews always resort ; And in secret have I said nothing . A Proof that he had not in private to his Disciples declared himself in express words to be the Messiah , the Prince . But he goes on . Why askest thou me ? Ask Iudas , who has been always with me . Ask them who heard me , what I have said unto them ; behold , they know what I said . Our Saviour we see here warily declines , for the Reasons above mentioned , all Discourse of his Doctrine . Annas getting nothing out of him for his turn , v. 24. sends him away to Caiphas , and the Sanhedrim ; who , Mat. XXVI . 59. Sought false Witness against him : But when they found none that were sufficient , or came up to the Point they desired ; which was to have something against him to take away his Life , ( For so I think the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mean , Mark XIV . 56. 59. ) They try again what they can get out of him himself , concerning his being the Messiah ; Which if he owned in express words , they thought they should have enough against him at the Tribunal of the Roman Governour , to make him Laesae Majestatis reum , and so to take away his Life . They therefore say to him , Luke XXII . 67. If thou be the Messiah , tell us . Nay , as St. Matthew hath it , the High-Priest adjures him by the Living God to tell them whether he were the Messiah . To which our Saviour replies : If I tell you , ye will not believe ; And if I ask you , ye will not answer me , nor let me go . If I tell you , and prove to you , by the Testimony given of me from Heaven , and by the Works that I have done among you , you will not believe in me , that I am the Messiah . Or if I should ask you where the Messiah is to be Born ; and what State he should come in ; how he should appear , and other things that you think in me are not reconcileable with the Messiah ; You will not answer me , and let me go , as one that has no pretence to be the Messiah , and you are not afraid should be received for such . But yet I tell you , Hereafter shall the Son of Man sit on the right hand of the Power of God , v. 70. Then said they all , Art thou then the Son of God ? And he said unto them , ye say that I am . By which Discourse with them , related at large here by St. Luke , it is plain , that the Answer of our Saviour , set down by St. Matthew , Chap. XXVI . 64. in these words , Thou hast said ; And by St. Mark , Chap. XIV . 62. in these , I am ; Is an Answer only to this Question , Art thou then the Son of God ? And not to that other , Art thou the Messiah ? Which preceded , and he had answered to before : Though Matthew and Mark , contracting the story , set them down together , as if making but one Question ; omitting all the intervening Discourse ; Whereas 't is plain out of St. Luke , that they were two distinct Questions , to which Iesus gave two distinct Answers . In the first whereof , he , according to his usual Caution , declined saying in plain express words , that he was the Messiah ; though in the latter he owned himself to be the Son of God. Which , though they being Iews , understood to signifie the Messiah ; Yet he knew could be no Legal or Weighty Accusation against him before a Heathen ; and so it proved . For upon his answering to their Question , Art thou then the Son of God ? Ye say that I am ; They cry out , Luke XXII . 71. What need we any further witnesses ? For we our selves have heard out of his own mouth : And so thinking they had enough against him , they hurry him away to Pilate . Pilate asking them , Iohn XVIII . 29-32 . What Accusation bring you against this man ? They answered , and said , if he were not a Malefactor , we would not have delivered him up unto thee . Then said Pilate unto them , Take ye him , and Iudge him according to your Law. But this would not serve their turn , who aimed at his Life , and would be satisfied with nothing else . The Iews therefore said unto him , It is not lawful for us to put any man to death . And this was also , That the saying of Iesus might be fulfilled which he spake , signifying what Death he should dye . Pursuing therefore their Design , of making him appear to Pontius Pilate guilty of Treason against Caesar , Luke XXIII . 2. They began to accuse him , saying ; We found this Fellow perverting the Nation , and forbidding to give Tribute to Caesar ; saying , that he himself is the Messiah the King : All which were Inferences of theirs , from his saying , he was the Son of God : Which Pontius Pilate finding ( for 't is consonant , that he examined them to the precise words he had said ) their Accusation had no weight with him . However , the Name of King being suggested against Jesus , he thought himself concerned to search it to the bottom . Iohn XVIII . 33-37 . Then Pilate entred again into the Iudgment-Hall , and called Iesus , and said unto him , Art thou the King of the Iews ? Iesus answered him , Sayest thou this of thy self , or did others tell it thee of me ? Pilate answered , am I a Iew ? Thine own Nation and the Chief Priest have delivered thee unto me : What hast thou done ? Iesus answered , My Kingdom is not of this World : If my Kingdom were of this World , then would my servants fight , that I should not be delivered to the Iews : But my Kingdom is not from hence . Pilate therefore said unto him , Art thou a King then ? Iesus answered , Thou sayest that I am a King. For this end was I born , and for this cause came I into the World , that I should bear witness to the Truth : Every one that is of the Truth heareth my voice . In this Dialogue between our Saviour and Pilate , we may Observe , 1. That being asked , whether he were the King of the Iews ? He answers so , that though he deny it not , yet he avoided giving the least Umbrage , that he had any Design upon the Government . For though he allows himself to be a King , yet to obviate any suspicion , he tells Pilate His Kingdom is not of this World ; And evidences it by this , that if he had pretended to any Title to that Country , his followers , which were not a few , and were forward enough to believe him their King , would have fought for him ; if he had had a mind to set himself up by force , or his Kingdom were so to be erected . But my Kingdom , says he , is not from hence ; Is not of this fashion , or of this place . 2. Pilate , being by his words and circumstances satisfied that he laid no Claim to his Province , or meant any Disturbance of the Government , was yet a little surprized to hear a Man , in that poor Garb , without Retinue , or so much as a Servant or a Friend , own himself to be a King ; And therefore asks him , with some kind of wonder , Art thou a King then ? 3. That our Saviour declares , that his great business into the World was , to testifie and make good this great Truth , that he was a King ; i. e. in other words , that he was the Messiah . 4. That whoever were followers of Truth , and got into the way of Truth and Happiness , received this Doctrine concerning him , viz. That he was the Messiah their King. Pilate being thus satisfied , that he neither meant , nor could there arise any harm from his pretence , whatever it was , to be a King ; Tells the Jews , v. 38. I find no fault in this man. But the Jews were the more fierce , Luke XXIII . 5. saying , He stirreth up the people to Sedition , by his Preaching through all Jewry , beginning from Galilee to this place . And then Pilate , learning that he was of Galilee , Herod's Jurisdiction , sent him to Herod ; to whom also the Chief Priest and Scribes , v. 10. vehemently accused him . Herod finding all their Accusations either false or frivolous , thought our Saviour a bare Object of Contempt ; And so turning him only into Ridicule , sent him back to Pilate : Who calling unto him the Chief Priests , and the Rulers , and the People , v. 14. Said unto them , Ye have brought this man unto me , as one that perverteth the People ; And behold , I having examined him before you , have found no fault in this man , touching these things whereof ye accuse him ; No , nor yet Herod ; for I sent you to him : And so nothing worthy of Death is done by him : And therefore he would have released him . For he knew the Chief Priests had delivered him through envy , Mark XV. 10. And when they demanded Barrabbas to be released , but as for Jesus , cryed , Crucifie him ; Luke XXIII . 22. Pilate said unto them the third time , Why ? What evil hath he done ? I have found no cause of death in him ; I will therefore chastise him , and let him go . We may observe in all this whole Prosecution of the Jews , that they would fain have got it out of Iesus's own mouth , in express words , that he was the Messiah : Which not being able to do with all their Art and Endeavour ; All the rest that they could alledge against him , not amounting to a Proof before Pilate , that he claimed to be King of the Jews ; or that he had caused or done any thing towards a Mutiny or Insurrection among the People ; ( for upon these two , as we see , their whole Charge turned ) Pilate again and again pronounced him innocent : For so he did a fourth , and a fifth time ; bringing him out to them , after he had whip'd him , Iohn XIX . 4. 6. And after all , When Pilate saw that he could prevail nothing , but that rather a Tumult was made , he took Water , and washed his hands before the multitude , saying , I am innocent of the Blood of this just man ; see you to it , Mat. XXVII . 24. Which gives us a clear reason of the cautious and wary Conduct of our Saviour ; in not declaring himself , in the whole course of his Ministry , so much as to his Disciples , much less to the Multitude or the Rulers of the Jews , in express words , to be the Messiah the King : And why he kept himself always in Prophetical or Parabolical terms : ( He and his Disciples Preaching only the Kingdom of God , i. e. of the Messiah , to be come ) And left to his Miracles to declare who he was ; Though this was the Truth , which he came into the World , as he says himself , Iohn XVIII . 37. to testifie , and which his Disciples were to believe . When Pilate , satisfied of his Innocence , would have released him ; And the Jews persisted to cry out , Crucifie him , Crucifie him , Iohn XIX . 6. Pilate says to them , Take ye him your selves , and Crucifie him : For I do not find any fault in him . The Jews then , since they could not make him a State-Criminal , by alledging his saying that he was the Son of God ; say , by their Law it was a Capital Crime , v. 7. The Iews answered to Pilate , We have a Law , and by our Law he ought to die ; because he made himself the Son of God. After this , Pilate was the more desirous to release him , v. 12 , 13. But the Iews cried out , saying , If thou let this man go , thou art not Caesar 's Friend : Whosoever maketh himself a King , speaketh against Caesar. Here we see the stress of their Charge against Jesus ; whereby they hoped to take away his Life ; viz. That he made himself King. We see also upon what they grounded this Accusation , viz. Because he had owned himself to be the Son of God. For he had , in their hearing , never made or professed himself to be a King. We see here likewise the reason why they were so desirous to draw , from his own mouth , a Confession in express words that he was the Messiah ; viz. That they might have what might be a clear Proof that he did so . And last of all , we see the reason why , though in Expressions , which they understood , he owned himself to them to be the Messiah ; yet he avoided declaring it to them , in such words as might look Criminal at Pilate's Tribunal . He owned himself to be the Messiah plainly to the Understanding of the Iews ; But in ways that could not , to the Understanding of Pilate , make it appear that he laid claim to the Kingdom of Iudea , or went about to make himself King of that Country . But whether his saying , that he was the Son of God , was Criminal by their Law , that Pilate troubled not himself about . He that considers what Tacitus , Suetonius , Seneca , de Benef. l. 3. c. 26. Say of Tiberius and his Reign , will find how necessary it was for our Saviour , if he would not dye as a Criminal and a Traytor , to take great heed to his words and actions ; that he did , or said not any thing , that might be offensive , or give the least Umbrage to the Roman Government . It behoved an Innocent Man , who was taken notice of for something Extraordinary in him , to be very wary ; Under a jealous and cruel Prince , who encouraged Informations , and filled his Reign with Executions for Treason ; Under whom words spoken innocently , or in jest , if they could be misconstrued , were made Treason ; and prosecuted with a Rigor , that made it always the same thing to be accused and condemned . And therefore we see , that when the Iews told Pilate , Iohn XIX . 12. That he should not be a Friend to Caesar , if he let Iesus go ; ( For that whoever made himself King , was a Rebel against Caesar ; ) He asks them no more , whether they would take Barrabbas , and spare Iesus ; But ( though against his Conscience ) gives him up to Death , to secure his own Head. One thing more there is , that gives us light into this wise and necessarily cautious management of himself , which manifestly agrees with it , and makes a part of it : And that is , the choice of his Apostles ; exactly suited to the design and fore-sight of the Necessity of keeping the declaration of the Kingdom of the Messiah , which was now expected , within certain general terms during his Ministry ; And not opening himself too plainly or forwardly , to the heady Jews , that he himself was the Messiah ; but leaving it to be found out by the Observation of those who would attend to the Purity of his Life , and the Testimony of his Miracles , and the Conformity of all with the Predictions concerning him ; without an express promulgation that he was the Messiah , till after his Death . His Kingdom was to be opened to them by degrees , as well to prepare them to receive it , as to enable him to be long enough amongst them ; to perform what was the work of the Messiah to be done ; and fulfil all those several parts of what was foretold of him in the Old Testament , and we see applyed to him in the New. The Iews had no other thoughts of their Messiah , but of a Mighty Temporal Prince , that should raise their Nation into an higher degree of Power , Dominion , and Prosperity than ever it had enjoyed . They were filled with the expectation of a Glorious Earthly Kingdom . It was not therefore for a Poor Man , the Son of a Carpenter , and ( as they thought ) born in Galilee , to pretend to it . None of the Iews , no not his Disciples , could have born this ; if he had expresly avowed this at first , and began his Preaching , and the opening of his Kingdom this way ; Especially if he had added to it , that in a Year or two he should dye an ignominious Death upon the Cross. They are therefore prepared for the Truth by degrees . First , Iohn the Baptist tells them , The Kingdom of God ( a name by which the Jews called the Kingdom of the Messiah ) is at hand . Then our Saviour comes , and he tells them of the Kingdom of God ; Sometimes that it is at hand , and upon some occasions , that it is come ; but says in his Publick Preaching little or nothing of himself . Then come the Apostles and Evangelists after his Death , and they in express words teach what his Birth , Life , and Doctrine had done before , and had prepared the well-disposed to receive ; viz. That Iesus is the Messiah . To this Design and Method of Publishing the Gospel , was the choice of the Apostles exactly adjusted ; A company of Poor , Ignorant , Illiterate Men ; who , as Christ himself tells us , Mat. XI . 25. and Luke X. 21. Were not of the Wise and Prudent Men of the World : They were , in that respect , but meer Children . These , convinced by the Miracles they saw him daily do , and the unblameable Life he lead , might be disposed to believe him to be the Messiah : And though they with others expected a Temporal Kingdom on Earth , might yet rest satisfied in the truth of their Master ( who had honoured them with being near his Person ) that it would come , without being too inquisitive after the time , manner , or seat of his Kingdom ; As men of Letters , more studied in their Rabbins , or men of Business , more versed in the World , would have been forward to have been . Men great , or wise , in Knowledge or ways of the World , would hardly have been kept from prying more narrowly into his Design and Conduct ; Or from questioning him about the ways and measures he would take , for ascending the Throne ; and what means were to be used towards it , and when they should in earnest set about it . Abler men , of higher Births or Thoughts , would hardly have been hindred from whispering , at least to their Friends and Relations , that their Master was the Messiah ; And that though he concealed himself to a fit Opportunity , and till things were ripe for it , yet they should ere long see him break out of his Obscurity , cast off the Cloud , and declare himself , as he was , King of Israel . But the ignorance and lowness of these good poor men made them of another temper . They went along in an implicite trust on him , punctually keeping to his Commands , and not exceeding his Commission . When he sent them to Preach the Gospel , He bid them Preach The Kingdom of God to be at hand ; And that they did , without being more particular than he had ordered ; or mixing their own Prudence with his Commands , to promote the Kingdom of the Messiah . They preached it , without giving , or so much as intimating that their Master was he : Which men of another Condition , and an higher Education , would scarce have forborn to have done . When he asked them , who they thought him to be ; And Peter answered , The Messiah , the Son of God , Mat. XVI . 16. He plainly shews , by the following words , that he himself had not told them so ; And at the same time , v. 20. forbids them to tell this their Opinion of him , to any body . How obedient they were to him in this , we may not only conclude from the silence of the Evangelists concerning any such thing , published by them any where before his Death ; but from the exact Obedience three of them paid to a like Command of his . He takes Peter , Iames , and Iohn into a Mountain ; And there Moses and Elias coming to him , he is transfigured before them : Mat. XVII . 9. He charges them , saying ; See that ye tell no man what you have seen , till the Son of Man shall be risen from the dead . And St. Luke tells us , what punctual Observers they were of his Orders in this case : Chap. IX . 36. They kept it close , and told no man , in those days , any of those things which they had seen . Whether twelve other men , of quicker Parts , and of a Station or Breeding which might have given them any Opinion of themselves , or their own Abilities ; would have been so easily kept from medling beyond just what was prescribed them , in a matter they had so much Interest in ; and have said nothing of what they might in Humane Prudence have thought would have contributed to their Master's Reputation , and made way for his advancement to his Kingdom ; I leave to be considered . And it may suggest matter of Meditation , whether St. Paul was not for this reason , by his Learning , Parts , and warmer Temper , better fitted for an Apostle after , than during our Saviour's Ministry : And therefore , though a chosen Vessel , was not by the Divine Wisdom called till after Christ's Resurrection . I offer this only as a Subject of magnifying the Admirable Contrivance of the Divine Wisdom , in the whole Work of our Redemption , as far as we are able to trace it by the foot-steps which God hath made visible to Humane Reason . For though it be as easie to Omnipotent Power to do all things by an immediate over-ruling Will ; and so to make any Instruments work , even contrary to their Nature , in subserviency to his ends ; Yet his Wisdom is not usually at the expence of Miracles ( if I may so say ) but only in cases that require them , for the evidencing of some Revelation or Mission to be from him . He does constantly ( unless where the confirmation of some Truth requires ▪ it otherwise ) bring about his Purposes by means operating according to their Natures . If it were not so , the course and evidence of things would be confounded ; Miracles would lose their name and force , and there could be no distinction between Natural and Supernatural . There had been no room left to see and admire the Wisdom , as well as Innocence , of our Saviour ; if he had rashly every where exposed himself to the Fury of the Jews , and had always been preserved by a miraculous suspension of their Malice , or a miraculous rescuing him out of their Hands . It was enough for him once to escape from the men of Nazareth , who were going to throw him down a Precipice , for him never to Preach to them again . Our Saviour had multitudes that followed him for the Loaves ; Who barely seeing the Miracles that he did , would have made him King. If to the Miracles he did , he had openly added in express words , that he was the Messiah , and the King they expected to deliver them ; he would have had more Followers , and warmer in the Cause , and readier to set him up at the Head of a Tumult . These indeed , God , by a miraculous Influence , might have hundred from any such Attempt : But then Posterity could not have believed that the Nation of the Iews did at that time expect the Messiah , their King and Deliverer ; Or that Iesus , who declared himself to be that King and Deliverer , shewed any Miracles amongst them , to convince them of it ; Or did any thing worthy to make him be credited or received . If he had gone about Preaching to the multitude which he drew after him , that he was the Messiah , the King of Israel ; and this had been evidenced to Pilate ; God could indeed , by a Supernatural Influence upon his mind , have made Pilate pronounce him Innocent ; And not Condemn Him as a Malefactor , Who had openly , for three Years together , preached Sedition to the People , and endeavoured to perswade them that he was the Messiah their King , of the Blood-Royal of David , come to deliver them . But then I ask , whether Posterity would not either have suspected the Story , or that some Art had been used to gain that Testimony from Pilate ? Because he could not ( for nothing ) have been so favourable to Iesus , as to be willing to release so Turbulent and Seditious a Man ; to declare him Innocent ; and cast the blame and guilt of his Death , as unjust , upon the Envy of the Jews . But now the Malice of the Chief Priests , Scribes , and Pharisees ; the Headiness of the Mob , animated with hopes , and raised with miracles ; Iudas's Treachery , and Pilate's care of his Government , and the Peace of his Province , all working Naturally as they should ; Iesus , by the admirable wariness of his Carriage , and an extraordinary Wisdom visible in his whole Conduct , weathers all these Difficulties , does the Work he comes for , uninterruptedly goes about Preaching his full appointed time , sufficiently manifests himself to be the Messiah in all the Particulars the Scriptures had foretold of him ; And when his hour is come , suffers Death ; But is acknowledged both by Iudas that betrayed , and Pilate that condemned him , to dye innocent . For , to use his own words , Luke XXIV . 46. Thus it is written , and thus it behooved the Messiah to suffer . And of his whole Conduct , we have a Reason and clear Resolution in those words to St. Peter , Mat. XXVI . 53. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father , and he shall presently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels ? But how then shall the Scripture be fulfilled , that thus it must be ? Having this clue to guide us , let us now observe how our Saviour's Preaching and Conduct comported with it , in the last Scene of his Life . How cautious he has been in the former part of his Ministry , we have already observed . We never find him to use the Name of the Messiah but once , till he now came to Ierusalem this last Passover . Before this , his Preaching and Miracles were less at Ierusalem ( where he used to make but very short stays ) than any where else . But now he comes six days before the Feast , and is every day in the Temple Teaching ; And there publickly heals the Blind and the Lame , in the presence of the Scribes , Pharisees , and Chief Priests . The time of his Ministry drawing to an end , and his hour coming , he cared not how much the Chief Priests , Elders , Rulers , and the Sanhedrim were provoked against him by his Doctrine and Miracles ; He was as open and bold in his Preaching and doing the Works of the Messiah now at Ierusalem , and in the sight of the Rulers , and of all the People , as he had been before cautious and reserved there , and careful to be little taken notice of in that place , and not to come in their way more than needs . All now that he took care of , was , not what they should think of him , or design against him , ( for he knew they would seize him ) But to say or do nothing that might be a just matter of Accusation against him , or render him Criminal to the Governour . But as for the Grandees of the Iewish Nation , he spares them not , but sharply now reprehends their miscarriages publickly in the Temple ; where he calls them , more than once , Hypocrites ; As is to be seen , Mat. XXIII . And concludes all with no softer a Compellation , than Serpents and Generation of Vipers . After this serve Reproof of the Scribes and Pharisees , being retired with his Disciples into the Mount of Olives , over against the Temple ; And there fore-telling the Destruction of it ; His Disciples ask him , Mat. XXIV . 3 , &c. When it should be , and what should be the signs of his coming ? He says to them , Take heed that no man deceive you : For many shall come in my Name ; i. e. taking on them the Name and Dignity of the Messiah , which is only mine ; saying , I am the Messiah , and shall deceive many . But be not you by them mislead , nor by Persecution driven away from this Fundamental Truth , That I am the Messiah ; For many shall be scandalized , and Apostatize , but he that endures to the end , the same shall be saved : And this Gospel of the Kingdom shall be preached in all the World : i e. The good News of me , the Messiah , and my Kingdom , shall be spread through the World. This was the great and only Point of Belief they were warned to stick to ; And this is inculcated again , v. 23-26 . and Mark XIII . 21-23 . with this Emphatical Application to them in both these Evangelists , Behold , I have told you before-hand ; remember ye are fore-warned . This was in his Answer to the Apostles Enquiry concerning his Coming , and the end of the World , v. 3. For so we translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; We must understand the Disciples here to put their Question , according to the Notion and way of speaking of the Iews . For they had two Worlds , as we translate it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; The present World , and the World to come . The Kingdom of God , as they called it , or the time of the Messiah , they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the World to come , which they believed was to put an end to this World : And that then the Just should be raised from the Dead ; to enjoy , in that new World , a Happy Eternity , with those of the Jewish Nation who should be then living . These two things , viz. The visible and powerful appearance of his Kingdom , and the end of the World , being confounded in the Apostles Question , Our Saviour does not separate them , nor distinctly reply to them apart ; But leaving the Enquirers in the common Opinion , answers at once concerning his coming to take Vengeance of the Iewish Nation , and put an end to their Church , Worship , and Common-wealth ; Which was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they counted should last till the Messiah came : And so it did , and then had en end put to it . And to this he joyns his last coming to Judgment , in the Glory of his Father , to put a final end to this World , and all the Dispensation belonging to the Posterity of Adam upon Earth . This joyning them together , made his Answer obscure , and hard to be understood by them then ; Nor was it safe for him to speak plainer of his Kingdom , and the Destruction of Ierusalem ; unless he had a mind to be accused for having Designs against the Government . For Iudas was amongst them : And whether no other but his Apostles were comprehended under the name of his Disciples , who were with him at this time , one cannot determine . Our Saviour therefore speaks of his Kingdom in no other stile but that which he had all along hitherto used , viz. The Kingdom of God ; Luke XXI . 31. When you see these things come to pass , know ye that the Kingdom of God is nigh at hand . And continuing on his Discourse with them , he has the same Expression , Mat. XXV . 1. Then the Kingdom of Heaven shall be like unto ten Virgins . At the end of the following Parable of the Talents , he adds , v. 31. When the Son of Man shall come in his Glory , and all the holy Angels with him , then shall he sit upon the Throne of his Glory , and before him shall be gathered all the Nations . And he shall set the Sheep on his right hand , and the Goats on his left . Then shall the KING say , &c. Here he describes to his Disciples the appearance of his Kingdom , wherein he will shew himself a King in Glory upon his Throne ; But this in such a way , and so remote , and so unintelligible to a Heathen Magistrate ; That if it had been alledged against him , it would have seemed rather the Dream of a crazy Brain , than the Contrivance of an Ambitious or Dangerous man designing against the Government : The way of expressing what he meant , being in the Prophetick stile ; which is seldom so plain , as to be understood , till accomplished . 'T is plain , that his Disciples themselves comprehended not what Kingdom he here spoke of , from their Question to him after his Resurrection , Wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom to Israel ? Having finished these Discourses , he takes Order for the Passover , and eats it with his Disciples ; And at Supper tells them , that one of them should betray him : And adds , Iohn XIII . 19. I tell it you now , before it come , that when it is come to pass , you may know that I am . He does not say out the Messiah ; Iudas should not have that to say against him if he would ; Though that be the sense in which he uses this Expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am , more than once . And that this is the meaning of it , is clear from Mark XII . 6. Luke XXI . 8. In both which Evangelists the words are , For many shall come in my Name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am : The meaning whereof we shall find explained in the parallel place of St. Matthew , Chap. XXIV . 5. For many shall come in my Name , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am the Messiah . Here in this place of Iohn XIII . Jesus fore-tells what should happen to him , viz. That he should be betrayed by Iudas ; adding this Prediction to the many other Particulars of his Death and Suffering , which he had at other times foretold to them . And here he tells them the reason of these his Predictions , viz. That afterwards they might be a confirmation to their Faith. And what was it that he would have them believe , and be confirmed in the belief of ? Nothing but this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was the Messiah . The same reason he gives , Iohn XIII . 28. You have heard , how I said unto you , I go away , and come again unto you : And now I have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye might believe . When Iudas had left them , and was gone out , he talks a little freer to them of his Glory , and his Kingdom , than ever he had done before . For now he speaks plainly of himself , and his Kingdom , Iohn XIII . 31. Therefore when he [ Judas ] was gone out , Iesus said , Now is the Son of Man glorified , and God is also glorified in him . And if God be glorified in him , God ▪ shall also glorifie him in himself , and shall straitway glorifie him . And Luke XXII . 29. And I will appoint unto you a Kingdom , as my Father hath appointed unto me ; that ye may eat and drink with me at my Table in my Kingdom . Though he has every where all along through his Ministry preached the Gospel of the Kingdom ; and nothing else but that and Repentance , and the Duties of a good Life ; Yet it has been always the Kingdom of God , and the Kingdom of Heaven : And I do not remember , that any where , till now , he uses any such expression , as My Kingdom . But here now he speaks in the first Person , I will appoint you a Kingdom ; And in my Kingdom : And this we see is only to the Eleven , now Iudas was gone from them . With these Eleven , whom he was now just leaving , he has a long Discourse to comfort them for their loss of him ; And to prepare them for the Persecution of the World ; And to exhort them to keep his Commandments , and to love one another . And here one may expect all the Articles of Faith should be laid down plainly ; if any thing else were required of them to believe , but what he had taught them , and they believed already ; viz. That he was the Messiah , John XIV . 1. Ye believe in God , believe also in me . v. 29. I have told you before it come to pass , that when it is come to pass , ye may believe . It is believing on him , without any thing else . Iohn XVI . 31. Iesus answered them , Do you now believe ? This was in Answer to their professing , v 30. Now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee : By this we believe that thou comest forth from God. John XVII . 20. Neither pray I for these alone , but for them also which shall believe on me through their word . All that is spoke of Believing , in this his last Sermon to them , is only Believing on him , or believing that He came from God ; Which was no other than believing him to be the Messiah . Indeed , Iohn XIV . 9. Our Saviour tells Philip , He that hath seen me , hath seen the Father . And adds , v. 10. Believest thou not that I am in the Father , and the Father in me ? The words that I speak unto you , I speak not of my self : But the Father that dwelleth in me , he doth the works . Which being in Answer to Philip's words , v. 9. Shew us the Father , seem to import thus much : No man hath seen God at any time , he is known only by his Works . And that he is my Father , and I the Son of God , i. e. the Messiah , you may know by the Works I have done ; Which it is impossible I could do of my self , but by the Union I have with God my Father . For that by being in God , and God in him , he signifies such an Union with God , that God operates in and by him , appears not only by the words above-cited out of v. 10. ( which can scarce otherwise be made coherent sense ) but also from the same Phrase used again by our Saviour presently after , v. 20. At that day , viz. after his Resurrection , when they should see him again , ye shall know that I am in my Father , and you in me , and I in you ; i. e. By the works I shall enable you to do , through a Power I have received from the Father : Which whoever sees me do , must acknowledge the Father to be in me ; And whoever sees you do , must acknowledge me to be in you . And therefore he says , v. 12. Verily , verily I say unto you , He that believeth on me , the works that I do shall he also do , because I go unto my Father . Though I go away , yet I shall be in you , who believe in me ; And ye shall be enabled to do Miracles also for the carrying on of my Kingdom , as I have done ; That it may be manifested to others that you are sent by me , as I have evidenced to you that I am sent by the Father . And hence it is that he says , in the immediately preceding v. 11. Believe me that I am in the Father , and the Father in me ; If not , believe me for the sake of the works themselves . Let the Works that I have done convince you that I am sent by the Father ; That he is with me , and that I do nothing but by his Will , and by vertue of the Union I have with him ; And that consequently I am the Messiah , who am anointed , sanctified , and separate by the Father to the Work for which he hath sent me . To confirm them in this Faith , and to enable them to do such Works as he had done , he promises them the Holy Ghost , Iohn XIV . 25 , 26. These things I have said unto you , being yet present with you . But when I am gone , the Holy Ghost , the Paraclet ( which may signifie Monitor as well as Comfortor , or Advocate ) which the Father shall send you in my Name , he shall shew you all things , and bring to your remembrance all things which I have said . So that considering all that I have said , and laying it together , and comparing it with what you shall see come to pass , you may be more abundantly assured that I am the Messiah , and fully comprehend that I have done and suffered all things foretold of the Messiah ; and that were to be accomplished and fulfilled by him , according to the Scriptures . But be not filled with grief that I leave you ; Iohn XVI . 7. It is expedient for you that I go away : For if I go not away , the Paraclet will not come unto you . One Reason why , if he went not away , the Holy Ghost could not come , we may gather from what has been observed concerning the Prudent and wary carriage of our Saviour all through his Ministry , that he might not incur Death with the least suspicion of a Malefactor : And therefore though his Disciples believed him to be the Messiah , yet they neither understood it so well , nor were so well confirmed in the belief of it , as after that he being crucified and risen again , they had received the Holy Ghost ; And with the Gifts of the Holy Spirit , a fuller and clearer Evidence and Knowledge that he was the Messiah ; And were enlightned to see how his Kingdom was such as the Scriptures foretold , though not such as they , till then , had expected . And now this Knowledge and Assurance received from the Holy Ghost , was of use to them after his Resurrection ; when they could then boldly go about , and openly Preach , as they did , that Iesus was the Messiah ; confirming that Doctrine by the Miracles which the Holy Ghost impowered them to do . But till he was dead and gone , they could not do this . Their going about openly Preaching , as they did after his Resurrection , that Iesus was the Messiah ; and doing Miracles every where to make it good , would not have consisted with that Character of Humility , Peace , and Innocence , which the Messiah was to sustain ; if they had done it before his Crucifixion . For this would have drawn upon him the Condemnation of a Malefactor , either as a stirrer of Sedition against the Publick Peace ; or as a Pretender to the Kingdom of Israel . And hence we see , that they who before his Death preached only the Gospel of the Kingdom ; that the Kingdom of God was at hand ; As soon as they had received the Holy Ghost after his Resurrection , changed their stile , and every where in express words declare that Iesus is the Messiah , that King which was to come . This , the following words here in St. Iohn XVI . 8-14 . confirm ; Where he goes on to tell them ; And when he is come , he will convince the World of Sin : Because they believed not on me . Your Preaching then , accompanied with Miracles , by the assistance of the Holy Ghost , shall be a Conviction to the World that the Iews sinned in not believing me to be the Messiah . Of Righteousness , or Justice : Because I go to my Father , and ye see me no more . By the same Preaching and Miracles you shall confirm the Doctrine of my Ascension ; and thereby convince the World that I was that Iust One , who am therefore ascended to the Father into Heaven , where no unjust Person shall enter . Of Iudgment : Because the Prince of this World is judged . And by the same assistance of the Holy Ghost ye shall convince the World that the Devil is judged or condemned , by your casting of him out , and destroying his Kingdom , and his Worship where ever you Preach . Our Saviour adds , I have yet many things to say unto you , but you cannot bear them now . They were yet so full of a Temporal Kingdom , that they could not bear the discovery of what a kind of Kingdom his was , nor what a King he was to be ; And therefore he leaves them to the coming of the Holy Ghost , for a farther and fuller discovery of himself , and the Kingdom of the Messiah ; For fear they should be scandalized in him , and give up the hopes they had now in him , and forsake him . This he tells them , v. 1. of this XVI . Chapter : These things I have said unto you , that you may not be scandalized . The last thing he had told them before his saying this to them , we find in the last Verses of the precedent Chapter : When the Paraclet is come , the Spirit of Truth , he shall witness concerning me . He shall shew you who I am , and witness it to the World ; And then Ye also shall bear witness , because ye have been with me from the beginning . He shall call to your mind what I have said and done , that ye may understand it , and know , and bear Witness concerning me . And again here , Iohn XVI . after he had told them , they could not bear what he had more to say , he adds ; v. 13. Howbeit , when the Spirit of Truth is come , he will guide you into all Truth ; and he will shew you things to come : He shall glorifie me . By the Spirit , when he comes , ye shall be fully instructed concerning me ; And though you cannot yet , from what I have said to you , clearly comprehend my Kingdom and Glory ; yet he shall make it known to you wherein it consists : And though I am now in a mean state , and ready to be given up to Contempt , Torment , and Death ; So that ye know not what to think of it ; Yet the Spirit , when he comes , shall glorifie me , and fully satisfie you of my Power and Kingdom ; And that I sit on the right hand of God , to order all things for the good and increase of it , till I come again at the last day in fulness of Glory . Accordingly , the Apostles had a full and clear sight and perswasion of this , after they had received the Holy Ghost ; And they preached it every where boldly and openly , without the least remainder of doubt or uncertainty . But that they understood him not , yet even so far as his Death and Resurrection , is evident from v. 17 , 18. Then said some of the Disciples among themselves , What is this that he saith unto us ; A little while , and ye shall not see me ; And again , a little while , and ye shall see me ; and because I go to the Father ? They said therefore , what is this that he saith , a little while ? We know not what he saith . Upon which he goes on to Discourse to them of his Death and Resurrection , and of the Power they should have of doing Miracles ; But all this he declares to them in a Mystical and involved way of speaking ; as he tells them himself , v. 25. These things have I spoken to you in Proverbs ; i. e. In General , Obscure , Aenigmatical , or Figurative terms . ( All which , as well as Allusive Apologues , the Jews called Proverbs or Parables ) Hitherto my declaring of my self to you hath been obscure , and with reserve ; And I have not spoken of my self to you in plain and direct words , because ye could not bear it . A Messiah , and not a King , you could not understand ; And a King living in Poverty and Persecution , and dying the Death of a Slave and Malefactor upon a Cross , you could not put together . And had I told you in plain words that I was the Messiah , and given you a direct Commission to Preach to others that I professedly owned my self to be the Messiah , you and they would have been ready to have made a Commotion , to have set me upon the Throne of my Father David , and to fight for me , that your Messiah , your King , in whom are your hopes of a Kingdom , should not be delivered up into the hands of his Enemies , to be put to Death ; And of this , Peter will instantly give you an Example . But the time cometh when I shall no more speak unto you in Parables ; but I shall shew unto you plainly of the Father . My Death and Resurrection , and the coming of the Holy Ghost , will speedily enlighten you , and then I shall make you know the Will and Design of the Father ; What a Kingdom I am to have , and by what means , and to what end , v. 27. And this the Father himself will shew unto you ; For he loveth you , because ye have loved me , and have believed that I came out from the Father ; Because ye have believed that I am the Son of God , the Messiah ; That he hath anointed and sent me ; Though it hath not been yet fully discovered to you , what kind of Kingdom it shall be , nor by what means brought about . And then our Saviour , without being asked , explaining to them what he had said ; And making them understand better , what before they stuck at , and complained secretly among themselves that they understood not ; They thereupon declare , v. 30. Now are we sure that thou knowest all things , and needest not that any man should ask thee . 'T is plain thou knowest mens Thoughts and Doubts before they ask . By this we believe that thou comest forth from God. Iesus answered , Do ye now believe ? Notwithstanding that you now believe that I came from God , and am the Messiah , sent by him ; Behold , the hour cometh , yea , is now come , that ye shall be scattered ; And as it is , Mat. XXVI . 31. and shall all be scandalized in me . What it is to be scandalized in him , we may see by what followed hereupon , if that which he says to St. Peter , Mark XIV . did not sufficiently explain it . This I have been the more particular in ; That it may be seen , that in this last Discourse to his Disciples ( where he opened himself more than he had hitherto done ; and where , if any thing more was required to make them Believers , than what they already believed , we might have expected they should have heard of it ; ) there were no new Articles proposed to them , but what they believed before , viz. That he was the Messiah , the Son of God , sent from the Father ; Though of his manner of proceeding , and his sudden leaving the World , and some few particulars , he made them understand something more than they did before . But as to the main design of the Gospel , viz. That he had a Kingdom , that he should be put to Death , and rise again , and ascend into Heaven to his Father , and come again in Glory to Judge the World ; This he had told them : And so had acquainted them with the Great Council of God , in sending him the Messiah , and omitted nothing that was necessary to be known or believed in it . And so he tells them himself , Iohn XV. 15. Henceforth I call ye not Servants ; for the Servant knoweth not what his Lord does : But I have called ye Friends ; for ALL THINGS I have heard of my Father , I have made known unto you ; though perhaps ye do not so fully comprehend them , as you will shortly , when I am risen and ascended . To conclude all , in his Prayer , which shuts up this Discourse , he tells the Father what he had made known to his Apostles ; The Result whereof we have Iohn XVII . 8. I have given unto them the words which thou gavest me , and they have received them , and THEY HAVE BELIEVED THAT THOV DIDST SEND ME : Which is in effect , that he was the Messiah promised and sent by God. And then he Prays for them , and adds , v. 20 , 21. Neither pray I for these alone , but for them also who shall believe on me through their word . What that Word was , through which others should believe in him , we have seen in the Preaching of the Apostles all through the History of the Acts , viz. This one great Point , that Jesus was the Messiah . The Apostles , he says , v. 25. know that thou hast sent me ; i. e. are assured that I am the Messiah . And in v. 21. & 23. he Prays , That the World may believe ( which v. 23. is called knowing ) that thou hast sent me . So that what Christ would have believed by his Disciples , we may see by this his last Prayer for them , when he was leaving the World , as well as by what he Preached whilst he was in it . And as a Testimony of this , one of his last Actions , even when he was upon the Cross , was to confirm this Doctrine ; by giving Salvation to one of the Thieves that was crucified with him , upon his Declaration that he believed him to be the Messiah ; For so much the words of his Request imported , when he said , Remember me , Lord , when thou comest into thy Kingdom , Luke XXIII . 42. To which Jesus replied , v. 43. Verily I say unto thee , to day shalt thou be with me in Paridise . An Expression very remarkable : For as Adam , by sin , left Paradise ; i. e. a state of Happy Immortality ; Here the believing Thief , through his Faith in Iesus the Messiah , is promised to be put in Paradise , and so re-instated in an Happy Immortality . Thus our Saviour ended his Life . And what he did after his Resurrection , St. Luke tells us , Acts I. 3. That he shewed himself to the Apostles forty days , speaking things concerning the Kingdom of God. This was what our Saviour preached in the whole Course of his Ministry , before his Passion : And no other Mysteries of Faith does he now discover to them after his Resurrection . All he says , is concerning the Kingdom of God ; And what it was he said concerning that , we shall see presently out of the other Evangelists ; having first only taken notice , that when now they asked him , v. 6. Lord , wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom to Israel ? He said , unto them , v. 7. It is not for you to know the Times , and the Seasons , which the Father hath put in his own power : But ye shall receive Power after that the Holy Ghost is come upon you ; And ye shall be witnesses unto me unto the utmost parts of the Earth . Their great business was to be Witnesses to Iesus , of his Life , Death , Resurrection , and Ascension ; which put together , were undeniable Proofs of his being the Messiah : Which was what they were to Preach , and what he said to them concerning the Kingdom of God ; As will appear by what is recorded of it in the other Evangelists . The day of his Resurrection , appearing to the two going to Emmaus , Luke XXIV . They declare , v. 21. what his Disciples Faith in him was : But we trusted that it had been He which should have redeemed Israel ; i.e. We believed that he was the Messiah ▪ come to deliver the Nation of the Iews . Upon this Iesus tells them , they ought to believe him to the Messiah , notwithstanding what had happened ; Nay , they ought by his Suffering and Death to be confirmed in that Faith , that he was the Messiah . And v. 26 , 27. Beginning at Moses and all the Prophets , he expounded unto them in all the Scriptures , the things concerning himself ; How that the Messiah ought to have suffered these things , and to have entred into his Glory . Now he applies the Prophesies of the Messiah to himself , which we read not that he did ever do before his Passion . And afterwards appearing to the Eleven , Luke XXIV . 36. He said unto them , v. 44-47 . These words which I spoke unto you while I was yet with you , that all things must be fulfilled which are written in the Law of Moses , and in the Prophets , and in the Psalms concerning me . Then opened he their Vnderstandings , that they might understand the Scripture , and said unto them ; Thus it is written , and thus it behoved the Messiah to suffer , and to rise from the dead the third day ; And that Repentance , and Remission of Sins should be preached in his Name among all Nations , beginning at Ierusalem . Here we see what it was he had preached to them , though not in so plain open words , before his Crucifixion ; And what it is he now makes them understand ; And what it was that was to be preached to all Nations , viz. That he was the Messiah , that had suffered , and rose from the Dead the third day , and fulfilled all things that was written in the Old Testament concerning the Messiah ; And that those who believed this , and repented , should receive Remission of their Sins through this Faith in him . Or , as St. Mark has it , Chap. XVI . 15. Go into all the World , and Preach the Gospel to every Creature ; He that believeth , and is baptized , shall be saved ; But he that believeth not , shall be damned , v. 20. What the Gospel , or Good News was , we have shewed already , viz. The happy Tidings of the Messiah being come . v. 20. And they went forth and preached every where , the Lord working with them , and confirming the Word with signs following . What the Word was which they preached , and the Lord confirmed with Miracles , we have seen already out of the History of their Acts ; Having given an Account of their Preaching every where , as it is recorded in the Acts , except some few places , where the Kingdom of the Messiah is mentioned under the name of the Kingdom of God ; Which I forbore to set down , till I had made it plain out of the Evangelists , that That was no other but the Kingdom of the Messiah . It may be seasonable therefore now , to add to those Sermons we have formerly seen of St. Paul ( wherein he preached no other Article of Faith , but that Iesus was the Messiah , the King , who being risen from the Dead , now Reigneth , and shall more publickly manifest his Kingdom , in judging the World at the last day ) what farther is left upon Record of his Preaching . Acts XIX . 8. At Ephesus , Paul went into the Synagogues , and spake boldly for the space of three months ; disputing and perswading concerning the Kingdom of God. And Acts XX. 25. At Miletus he thus takes leave of the Elders of Ephesus : And now behold , I know that ye all among whom I have gone Preaching the Kingdom of God , shall see my face no more . What this Preaching the Kingdom of God was , he tells you , v. 20 , 21. I have kept nothing back from you , which was profitable unto you , but have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from House to House ; Testifying both to the Iews , and to the Greeks , Repentance towards God , and Faith towards our Lord Iesus Christ. And so again , Acts XXVIII . 23 , 24. When they [ the Jews at Rome ] had appointed him [ Paul ] a day , there came many to him into his Lodging ; To whom he expounded and testified the Kingdom of God ; perswading them concerning Iesus , both out of the Law of Moses , and out of the Prophets , from Morning to Evening . And some believed the things which were spoken , and some believed not . And the History of the Acts is concluded with this Account of St. Paul's Preaching : And Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired House , and received all that came in unto him , Preaching the Kingdom of God , and teaching those things which concern the Lord Iesus the Messiah . We may therefore here apply the same Conclusion , to the History of our Saviour , writ by the Evangelists ; And to the History of the Apostles , writ in the Acts ; which St. Iohn does to his own Gospel , Chap. XX. 30 , 31. Many other signs did Iesus before his Disciples ; And in many other places the Apostles preached the same Doctrine , which are not written in these Books ; But these are written , that you may believe that Iesus is the Messiah , the Son of God ; and that believing , you may have life in his Name . What St. Iohn thought necessary and sufficient to be believed , for the attaining Eternal Life , he here tells us . And this , not in the first dawning of the Gospel ; when , perhaps , some will be apt to think less was required to be believed , than after the Doctrine of Faith , and Mystery of Salvation , was more fully explained , in the Epistles writ by the Apostles . For it is to be remembred , that St. Iohn says this not as soon as Christ was ascended ; For these words , with the rest of St. Iohn's Gospel , were not written till many Years after not only the other Gospels , and St. Luke's History of the Acts ; but in all appearance , after all the Epistles writ by the other Apostles . So that above Threescore Years after our Saviour's Passion ; ( for so long after , both Epiphanius and St. Ierome assure us this Gospel was written ) St. Iohn knew nothing else required to be believed for the attaining of Life , but that Iesus is the Messiah , the Son of God. To this , 't is likely , it will be objected by some , that to believe only that Iesus of Nazareth is the Messiah , is but an Historical , and not a Justifying or Saving Faith. To which I Answer ; That I allow to the makers of Systems and their followers , to invent and use what distinctions they please ; and to call things by what names they think fit . But I cannot allow to them , or to any man , an Authority to make a Religion for me , or to alter that which God hath revealed . And if they please to call the believing that which our Saviour and his Apostles preached and proposed alone to be believed , an Historical Faith ; they have their liberty . But they must have a care how they deny it to be a Justifying or Saving Faith , when our Saviour and his Apostles have declared it so to be , and taught no other which men should receive , and whereby they should be made Believers unto Eternal Life ; Unless they can so far make bold with our Saviour , for the sake of their beloved Systems , as to say , that he forgot what he came into the World for ; And that he and his Apostles did not Instruct People right in the way and Mysteries of Salvation . For that this is the sole Doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenour of our Saviour's and his Apostles Preaching , we have shewed through the whole History of the Evangelists and the Acts. And I challenge them to shew that there was any other Doctrine , upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , men were pronounced Believers , or Unbelievers ; And accordingly received into the Church of Christ , as Members of his Body , as far as meer believing could make them so , or else kept out of it . This was the only Gospel-Article of Faith which was preached to them . And if nothing else was preached every where , the Apostles Argument will hold against any other Articles of Faith to be be believed under the Gospel ; Rom. X. 14. How shall they believe that whereof they have not heard ? For to Preach any other Doctrines necessary to be believed , we do not find that any body was sent . Perhaps it will farther be urged , That this is not a Saving Faith ; Because such a Faith as this the Devils may have , and 't was plain they had ; For they believed and declared Iesus to be the Messiah . And St. Iames , Chap. II. 19. tells us , The Devils believe , and tremble ; And yet they shall not be saved . To which I answer , 1. That they could not be saved by any Faith , to whom it was not proposed as a means of Salvation , nor ever promised to be counted for Righteousness . This was an Act of Grace , shewn only to Mankind . God dealt so favourably with the Posterity of Adam , that if they would believe Iesus to be the Messiah , the promised King and Saviour ; And perform what other Conditions were required of them by the Covenant of Grace ; God would Justifie them , because of this Belief . He would account this Faith to them for Righteousness , and look on it as making up the defects of their Obedience ; Which being thus supplied by what was taken instead of it , they were looked on as Just or Righteous , and so inherited Eternal Life . But this Favour shewn to Mankind , was never offered to the fallen Angels . They had no such Proposals made to them : And therefore whatever of this kind was proposed to men , it availed them not , whatever they performed of it . This Covenant of Grace was never offered to them . 2. I Answer ; That though the Devils believed , yet they could not be saved by the Covenant of Grace ; Because they performed not the other Condition required in it , altogether as necessary to be performed as this of Believing , and that is Repentance . Repentance is as absolute a Condition of the Covenant of Grace , as Faith ; and as necessary to be performed as that . Iohn the Baptist , who was to prepare the way for the Messiah , Preached the Baptism of Repentance for the remission of sins , Mark 1. 4. As Iohn began his Preaching with Repent , for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand , Mat. III. 2. So did our Saviour begin his , Mat. IV. 17. From that time began Iesus to Preach , and to say , Repent , for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . Or , as St. Mark has it in that parallel place , Mark I. 14 , 15. Now after that John was put in Prison , Iesus came into Galilee , Preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God , and saying ; The time is fulfilled , and the Kingdom of God is at hand : Repent ye , and believe the Gospel . This was not only the beginning of his Preaching , but the sum of all that he did Preach ; viz. That men should Repent , and believe the good Tidings which he brought them ; That the time was fulfilled for the coming of the Messiah . And this was what his Apostles preached , when he sent them out , Mark VI. 12. And they going out , preached that men should Repent . Believing Jesus to be the Messiah , and Repenting , were so Necessary and Fundamental parts of the Covenant of Grace , that one of them alone is often put for both . For here St. Mark mentions nothing but their Preaching Repentance ; as St. Luke , in the parallel place , Chap. IX . 6. mentions nothing but their Evangelizing , or Preaching the Good News of the Kingdom of the Messiah : And St. Paul often in his Epistles puts Faith for the whole Duty of a Christian. But yet the tenour of the Gospel is what Christ declares , Luke XII . 3. 5. Vnless ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish . And in the Parable of the Rich Man in Hell , delivered by our Saviour , Luke XVI . Repentance alone is the means proposed of avoiding that place of Torment , v. 30 , 31. And what the tenor of the Doctrine , which should be preached to the World , should be , He tells his Apostles after his Resurrection , Luke XXIV . 27. viz. That Repentance and Remission of Sins should be preached in his Name , who was the Messiah . And accordingly , believing Iesus to be the Messiah , and Repenting , was what the Apostles preached . So Peter began , Acts II. 38. Repent , and be baptized . These two things were required for the Remission of Sins , viz. Entring themselves in the Kingdom of God ; And owning and professing themselves the Subjects of Iesus , whom they believed to be the Messiah , and received for their Lord and King ; For that was to be baptized in his Name : Baptism being an initiating Ceremony known to the Iews , whereby those , who leaving Heathenism , and professing a submission to the Law of Moses , were received into the Common-wealth of Israel . And so it was made use of by our Saviour , to be that Solemn visible Act , whereby those who believed him to be the Messiah , received him as their King , and professed Obedience to him , were admitted as Subjects into his Kingdom : Which in the Gospels is called the Kingdom of God ; And in the Acts and Epistles often by another name , viz. The Church . The same St. Peter Preaches again to the Iews , Acts III. 19. Repent , and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out . What this Repentance was ; which the New Covenant required as one of the Conditions to be performed by all those who should receive the Benefits of that Covenant ; is plain in the Scripture , to be not only a sorrow for sins past , but ( what is a Natural consequence of such sorrow , if it be real ) a turning from them , into a new and contrary Life . And so they are joyned together , Acts III. 19. Repent and turn about ; Or , as we render it , be converted . And Acts XXVI . Repent and turn to God. And sometimes turning about is put alone , to signifie Repentance , Mat. XIII . 15. Luke XXII . 32. Which in other words is well expressed by Newness of Life . For it being certain that he who is really sorry for his sins , and abhors them , will turn from them , and forsake them ; Either of these Acts , which have so Natural a connexion one with the other , may be , and is often put for both together . Repentance is an hearty sorrow for our past misdeeds , and a sincere Resolution and Endeavour , to the utmost of our power , to conform all our Actions to the Law of God. So that Repentance does not consist in one single Act of sorrow ( though that being the first and leading Act , gives denomination to the whole ) But in doing works meet for Repentance , in a sincere Obedience to the Law of Christ , the remainder of our Lives . This was called for by Iohn the Baptist , the Preacher of Repentance , Mat. III. 8. Bring forth fruits meet for Repentance . And by St. Paul here , Acts XXVI . 20. Repent and turn to God , and do works meet for Repentance . There are works to follow belonging to Repentance , as well as sorrow for what is past . These two , Faith and Repentance ; i. e. believing Jesus to be the Messiah , and a good Life ; are the indispensible Conditions of the New Covenant . The Reasonableness , or rather Necessity of which , ( as the only Conditions required in the Covenant of Grace , to be performed by all those who would obtain Eternal Life ) that we may the better comprehend , we must a little look back to what was said in the beginning . Adam being the Son of God ; and so St. Luke calls him , Chap. III. 38. had this part also of the Likeness and Image of his Father , viz. That he was Immortal . But Adam transgressing the Command given him by his Heavenly Father , incurred the Penalty , forfeited that state of Immortality , and became Mortal . After this , Adam begot Children : But they were in his own likeness , after his own image ; Mortal , like their Father . God nevertheless , out of his Infinite Mercy , willing to bestow Eternal Life on Mortal Men , sends Jesus Christ into the World ; Who being conceived in the Womb of a Virgin ( that had not known Man ) by the immediate Power of God , was properly the Son of God ; According to what the Angel declared to his Mother , Luke I. 30-35 . The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee , and the Power of the Highest shall over shadow thee : Therefore also that Holy Thing which shall be born of thee , shall be called THE SON OF GOD. So that being the Son of God , he was , like his Father , Immortal . As he tells us , Iohn V. 26. As the Father hath life in himself , so hath be given to the Son to have life in himself . And that Immortality is a part of that Image , wherein these ( who were the immediate Sons of God , so as to have no other Father ) were made like their Father , appears probable , not only from the places in Genesis concerning Adam , above taken notice of , but seems to me also to be intimated in some Expressions concerning Iesus , the Son of God. In the New Testament , Col. I. 15. He is called the Image of the invivisible God. Invisible seems put in , to obviate any gross Imagination , that he ( as Images use to do ) represented God in any corporeal or visible Resemblance . And there is farther subjoyned , to lead us into the meaning of it , The First-born of every Creature ; Which is farther explained , v. 18. Where he is termed The First-born from the dead : Thereby making out , and shewing himself to be the Image of the Invisible God ; That Death hath no power over him : But being the Son of God , and not having forfeited that Son-ship by any Trangression , was the Heir of Eternal Life ; As Adam should have been , had he continued in his filial Duty . In the same sense the Apostle seems to use the word Image in other places , viz. Rom. VIII . 29. Whom he did foreknow , he also did predestinate to be conformed to the Image of his Son , that he might be the first-born among many Brethren . This Image , to which they were conformed , seems to be Immortality and Eternal Life . For 't is remarkable that in both these places St. Paul speaks of the Resurrection ; And that Christ was The First-born among many Brethren ; He being by Birth the Son of God , and the others only by Adoption , as we see in this same Chapter , v. 15-17 . Ye have received the Spirit of Adoption , whereby we cry , Abba , Father : The Spirit it self bearing witness with our Spirits that we are the Children of God. And if Children , then Heirs ; And Ioynt-Heirs with Christ : If so be that we suffer with him , that we may also be glorified together . And hence we see that our Saviour vouchsafes to call those , who at the Day of Judgment are through him entring into Eternal Life , his Brethren ; Mat. XXV . 40. In as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my Brethren . And may we not in this find a reason why God so frequently in the New Testament , and so seldom , if at all , in the Old , is mentioned under the single Title of THE FATHER ? And therefore our Saviour says , Mat. XI . No man knoweth the Father save the Son , and he to whomsoever the Son will reveal him . God has now a Son again in the World , the First-born of many Brethren , who all now , by the Spirit of Adoption , can say , Abba , Father . And we by Adoption , being for his sake made his Brethren , and the Sons of God , come to share in that Inheritance , which was his Natural Right ; he being by Birth the Son of God : Which Inheritance is Eternal Life . And again , v. 23. We groan within our selves , waiting for the Adoption , to wit , the Redemption of our Body ; Whereby is plainly meant the change of these frail Mortal Bodies , into the Spiritual Immortal Bodies at the Resurrection ; When this Mortal shall have put on Immortality , 1 Cor. XV. 54. Which in that Chapter , v. 42-44 . he farther expresses thus : So also is the Resurrection of the dead . It is sown in Corruption , it is raised in Incorruption : It is sown in dishonour , it is raised in Glory : It is sown in Weakness , it is raised in Power : It is sown a Natural Body , it is raised a Spiritual Body , &c. To which he subjoyns , v. 49. As we have born the Image of the Earthy , ( i. e. As we have been Mortal , like Earthy Adam our Father , from whom we are descended , when he was turned out of Paradise ) We shall also bear the Image of the Heavenly ; Into whose Sonship and Inheritance being adopted , we shall , at the Resurrection , receive that Adoption we expect , Even the Redemption of our Bodies ; And after his Image , which is the Image of the Father , become Immortal . Hear what he says himself , Luke XX. 35 , 36. They who shall be accounted worthy to obtain that World , and the Resurrection from the Dead , neither marry , nor are given in marriage . Neither can they die any more ; for they are equal unto the Angels , and are the SONS OF GOD , being the Sons of the Resurrection . And he that shall read St. Paul's Arguing , Acts XIII . 32 , 33. will find that the great Evidence that Jesus was the Son of God , was his Resurrection . Then the Image of his Father appeared in him , when he visibly entred into the state of Immortality . For thus the Apostle reasons ; We Preach to you , how that the Promise which was made to our Fathers , God hath fulfilled the same unto us , in that he hath raised up Iesus again ; As it is also written in the second Psalm , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . This may serve a little to explain the Immortality of the Sons of God , who are in this like their Father , made after his Image and Likeness . But that our Saviour was so , he himself farther declares , Iohn X. 18. Where speaking of his Life , he says , No one taketh it from me , but I lay it down of my self : I have power to lay it down , and I have power to take it up again . Which he could not have had , if he had been a Mortal Man , the Son of a Man , of the Seed of Adam ; Or else had by any Transgression forfeited his Life . For the wages of Sin is Death : And he that hath incurred Death for his own Transgression , cannot lay down his Life for another , as our Saviour professes he did . For he was the Just One , Acts VII . 57. and XII . 14. Who knew no sin . 2 Cor. V. 21. Who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth . And thus , As by Man came Death , so by Man came the Resurrection of the Dead . For as in Adam all die , so in Christ shall all be made alive . For this laying down his Life for others , our Saviour tells us , Iohn X. 17. Therefore does my Father love me , because I lay down my life , that I might take it again . And this his Obedience and Suffering was rewarded with a Kingdom ; which , he tells us , Luke XXII . His Father had appointed unto him ; And which , 't is evident out of the Epistle to the Hebrews , Chap. XII . 2. he had a regard to in his Sufferings : Who for the joy that was set before him , endured the Cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the Throne of God. Which Kingdom given him upon this account of his Obedience , Suffering , and Death , He himself takes notice of , in these words , Iohn XVII . 1-4 . Iesus lift up his eyes to Heaven , and said , Father , the hour is come , glorifie thy Son , that thy Son also may glorifie thee . As thou hast given him power over all flesh , that he should give Eternal Life to as many as thou hast given him . And this is Life Eternal , that they may know thee the only true God , and Iesus the Messiah , whom thou hast sent . I have glorified thee on Earth : I have finished the work which thou gavest me to do . And St. Paul , in his Epistle to the Philippians , Chap. II. 8-11 . He humbled himself , and became obedient unto Death , even the death of the Cross. Wherefore God also hath highly exalted him , and given him a name that is above every name : That at the name of Iesus every knee should bow , of things in Heaven , and things in Earth , and things under the Earth ; And that every Tongue should confess that Iesus Christ is Lord. Thus God , we see , designed his Son Christ Iesus a Kingdom , an Everlasting Kingdom in Heaven . But Though as in Adam all die , so in Christ all shall be made alive ; And all men shall return to Life again at the last day ; Yet all men having sinned , and thereby come short of the Glory of God , as St. Paul assures us , Rom. III. 23. ( i.e. Not attaining to the Heavenly Kingdom of the Messiah , which is often called the Glory of God ; as may be seen , Rom. V. 2. & XV. 7. & II. 7. Mat. XVI . 27. Mark VIII . 38. For no one who is unrighteous , i. e. comes short of perfect Righteousness , shall be admitted into the Eternal Life of that Kingdom ; As is declared , 1 Cor. VI. 9. The unrighteous shall not inherit the Kingdom of God ; ) And Death , the Wages of Sin , being the Portion of all those who had transgressed the Righteous Law of God ; The Son of God would in vain have come into the World , to lay the Foundations of a Kingdom , and gather together a select People out of the World , if , ( they being found guilty at their appearance before the Judgment-seat of the Righteous Judge of all men at the last day ) instead of entrance into Eternal Life in the Kingdom he had prepared for them , they should receive Death , the just Reward of Sin , which every one of them was guilty of . This second Death would have left him no Subjects ; And instead of those Ten Thousand times Ten Thousand , and Thousands of Thousands , there would not have been one left him to sing Praises unto his Name , saying , Blessing , and Honour and Glory , and Power , be unto him that sitteth on the Throne , and unto the Lamb for ever and ever . God therefore , out of his Mercy to Mankind , and for the erecting of the Kingdom of his Son , and furnishing it with Subjects out of every Kindred , and Tongue , and People , and Nation , proposed to the Children of Men , that as many of them as would believe Iesus his Son ( whom he sent into the World ) to be the Messiah , the promised Deliverer ; And would receive him for their King and Ruler ; should have all their past Sins , Disobedience , and Rebellion forgiven them : And if for the future they lived in a sincere Obedience to his Law , to the utmost of their power ; the sins of Humane Frailty for the time to come , as well as all those of their past Lives , should , for his Son's sake , because they gave themselves up to him to be his Subjects , be forgiven them : And so their Faith , which made them be baptized into his Name ; ( i.e. Enroll themselves in the Kingdom of Iesus the Messiah , and profess themselves his Subjects , and consequently live by the Laws of his Kingdom ) should be accounted to them for Righteousness ; i.e. Should supply the defects of a scanty Obedience in the sight of God ; Who counting this Faith to them for Righteousness , or Compleat Obedience , did thus Justifie , or make them Just , and thereby capable of Eternal Life . Now , that this is the Faith for which God of his free Grace Justifies sinful Man ; ( For 't is God alone that justifieth , Rom. VIII . 33. Rom. III. 26. ) We have already shewed ; by observing through all the History of our Saviour and the Apostles , recorded in the Evangelists , and in the Acts , what he and his Apostles preached and proposed to be believed . We shall shew now , that besides believing him to be the Messiah their King , it was farther required , that those who would have the Priviledge , Advantages , and Deliverance of his Kingdom , should enter themselves into it ; And by Baptism being made Denizons , and solemnly incorporated into that Kingdom , live as became Subjects obedient to the Laws of it . For if they believed him to be the Messiah their King , but would not obey his Laws , and would not have him to Reign over them , they were but greater Rebels ; and God would not Justifie them for a Faith that did but increase their Guilt , and oppose Diametrically the Kingdom and Design of the Messiah ; Who gave himself for us , that he might redeem us from all Iniquity , and purifie unto himself a peculiar People , zealous of good works , Titus II. 14. And therefore St. Paul tells the Galatians , That that which availeth is Faith ; But Faith working by Love. And that Faith without Works , i.e. the Works of sincere Obedience to the Law and Will of Christ , is not sufficient for our Justification , St. Iames shews at large , Chap. II. Neither indeed could it be otherwise ; For Life , Eternal Life being the Reward of Justice or Righteousness only , appointed by the Righteous God ( who is of purer Eyes than to behold Iniquity ) to those only who had no taint or infection of Sin upon them , it is impossible that he should Justifie those who had no regard to Justice at all , whatever they believed . This would have been to encourage Iniquity , contrary to the Purity of his Nature ; and to have condemned that Eternal Law of Right , which is Holy , Just , and Good ; Of which no one Precept or Rule is abrogated or repealed ; nor indeed can be ; whilst God is an Holy , Just , and Righteous God , and Man a Rational Creature . The Duties of that Law arising from the Constitution of his very Nature , are of Eternal Obligation ; Nor can it be taken away or dispensed with , without changing the Nature of Things , overturning the measures of Right and Wrong , and thereby introducing and authorizing Irregularity , Confusion , and Disorder in the World. Which was not the end for which Christ came into the World ; But on the contrary , to reform the corrupt state of degenerate Man ; And out of those who would mend their Lives , and bring forth Fruit meet for Repentance , erect a new Kingdom . This is the Law of that Kingdom , as well as of all Mankind ; And that Law by which all Men shall be judged at the last day . Only those who have believed Iesus to be the Messiah , and have taken him to be their King , with a sincere Endeavour after Righteousness , in obeying his Law , shall have their past sins not imputed to them ; And shall have that Faith taken instead of Obedience ; Where Frailty and Weakness made them transgress , and sin prevailed after Conversion in those who hunger and thirst after Righteousness ( or perfect Obedience ) and do not allow themselves in Acts of Disobedience and Rebellion , against the Laws of that Kingdom they are entred into . He did not expect , 't is true , a Perfect Obedience void of all slips and falls : He knew our Make , and the weakness of our Constitutions too well , and was sent with a Supply for that Defect . Besides , perfect Obedience was the Righteousness of the Law of Works ; and then the Reward would be of Debt , and not of Grace ; And to such there was no need of Faith to be imputed to them for Righteousness . They stood upon their own legs , were Just already , and needed no allowance to be made them for believing Jesus to be the Messiah , taking him for their King , and becoming his Subjects . But whether Christ does not require Obedience , sincere Obedience , is evident from the Laws he himself pronounces ( unless he can be supposed to give and inculcate Laws only to have them disobeyed ) and from the Sentence he will pass when he comes to Judge . The Faith required was , to believe Iesus to be the Messiah , the Anointed ; who had been promised by God to the World. Amongst the Iews ( to whom the Promises and Prophesies of the Messiah were more immediately delivered ) Anointing was used to three sorts of Persons , at their Inauguration ; Whereby they were set apart to three great Offices ; viz. Of Priests , Prophets , and Kings . Though these three Offices be in Holy Writ attributed to our Saviour , yet I do not remember that he any where assumes to himself the Title of a Priest , or mentions any thing relating to his Priesthood : Nor does he speak of his being a Prophet but very sparingly , and once or twice , as it were , by the by : But the Gospel , or the Good News of the Kingdom of the Messiah , is what he Preaches every where , and makes it his great business to publish to the World. This he did , not only as most agreeable to the Expectation of the Iews , who looked for their Messiah , chiefly as coming in Power to be their King and Deliverer ; But as it best answered the chief end of his Coming , which was to be a King , and as such to be received by those who would be his Subjects in the Kingdom which he came to erect . And though he took not directly on himself the Title of King till he was in Custody , and in the hands of Pilate ; yet 't is plain , King , and King of Israel , were the Familiar and received Titles of the Messiah . See Iohn I. 50. Luke XIX . 38. Compared with Mat. XXI . 9. And Mark XI . 9. Iohn XII . 13. Mat. XXI . 5. Luke XXIII . 2. Compared with Mat. XXVII . 11. And Iohn XVIII . 33-37 . Mark XV. 12. Compared with Mat. XXVII . 22. Mat. XXVII . 42. What those were to do , who believed him to be the Messiah , and received him for their King , that they might be admitted to be partakers with him of this Kingdom in Glory , we shall best know by the Laws he gives them , and requires them to obey ; And by the Sentence which he himself will give , when , sitting on his Throne , they shall all appear at his Tribunal , to receive every one his Doom from the mouth of this Righteous Judge of all Men. What he proposed to his Followers to be believed , we have already seen ; by examining his , and his Apostles Preaching , step by step , all through the History of the four Evangelists , and the Acts of the Apostles . The same Method will best and plainest shew us , whether he required of those who believed him to be the Messiah , any thing besides that Faith , and what it was . For he being a King , we shall see by his Commands what he expects from his Subjects : For if he did not expect Obedience to them , his Commands would be but meer Mockery ; And if there were no Punishment for the Transgressors of them , his Laws would not be the Laws of a King , that had Authority to Command , and Power to Chastise the disobedient ; But empty Talk , without Force , and without Influence . We shall therefore from his Injunctions ( if any such there be ) see what he has made Necessary to be performed , by all those who shall be received into Eternal Life in his Kingdom prepared in the Heavens . And in this we cannot be deceived . What we have from his own Mouth , especially if repeated over and over again , in different places and expressions , will be past Doubt and Controversie . I shall pass by all that is said by St. Iohn Baptist , or any other , before our Saviour's entry upon his Ministry and Publick Promulgation of the Laws of his Kingdom . He began his Preaching with a Command to Repent ; As St. Matt. tells us . IV. 17. From that time Iesus began to preach ; saying , Repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . And Luke V. 32. he tells the Scribes and Pharisees , I came not to call the righteous ; Those who were truly so , needed no help , they had a right to the Tree of Life , but sinners to Repentance . In this Sermon , as he calls it , in the Mount , Luke VI. and Matt. V , &c. He commands they should be exemplary in Good Works . Let your light so shine amongst men , that they may see your good works , and glorify your Father which is in Heaven , Matt. V. 15. And that they might know what he came for , and what he expected of them , he tells them , v. 17-20 . Think not that I am come to dissolve or loosen the Law , or the Prophets : I am not come to dissolve , or loosen , but to make it full , or compleat ; By giving it you in its true and strict-sense . Here we see he confirms , and at once reinforces all the Moral Precepts in the Old Testament . For verily I say to you , Till Heaven and Earth pass , one jot or one tittle , shall in no wise pass from the Law , till all be done . Whosoever therefore shall break one of these least Commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called the least , ( i. e. as it is interpreted ) Shall not be at all , in the Kingdom of Heaven . V. 21. I say unto you , That except your Righteousness , i. e. your Performance of the Eternal Law of right , shall exceed the Righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the Kingdom of Heaven : And then he goes on to make good what he said , v. 17. viz. That he was come to compleat the Law , viz. By giving its full and clear sense , free from the corrupt and loosning glosses of the Scribes and Pharisees , v. 22-26 . He tells them , That not only Murder , but causeless Anger , and so much as words of Contempt , were forbidden . He Commands them to be reconciled and kind towards their Adversaires ; And that upon Pain of Condemnation . In the following part of his Sermon , which is to be read Luke VI. and more at large , Matt. V , VI , VII . He not only forbids actual Uncleanness , but all irregular desires , upon pain of Hell-fire ; Causless Divorces ; Swearing in Conversation , as well as Forswearing in Judgment ; Revenge ; Retaliation ; Ostentation of Charity , of Devotion , and of Fasting ; Repetitions in Prayer ; Covetousness ; Worldly Care ; Censoriousness : And on the other side , Commands Loving our Enemies ; Doing good to those that Hate us ; Blessing those that Curse us ; Praying for those that despightfully use us ; Patience , and Meekness under Injuries ; Forgiveness ; Liberality , Compassion : And closes all his particular injunctions , with this general Golden Rule , Matt. VII . 12. All things whatsoever ye would have that Men should do to you , do ye even so to them : For this is the Law and the Prophets . And to shew how much he is in earnest , and expects Obedience to these Laws ; He tells them Luke VI. 35. That if they obey , Great shall be their REWARD ; they shall be called , The Sons of the Highest . And to all this , in the Conclusion , he adds this Solemn Sanction ; Why call ye me Lord , Lord , and do not the things that I say ? 'T is in vain for you to take me for the Messiah your King , unless you obey me . Not every one who calls me Lord , Lord , shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven , or be Sons of God ; But he that does the Will of my Father which is in Heaven . To such Disobedient Subjects , though they have Prophesied and done Miracles in my Name , I shall say at the day of Judgment ; Depart from me ye workers of Iniquity , I know you not . When Matt. XII . he was told , That his Mother and Brethren sought to speak with him , v. 49. Stretching out his hands to his Disciples , he said , Be hold my Mother and my Brethren ; For whosoever shall do the Will of my Father , who is in Heaven , he is my Brother , and Sister , and Mother . They could not be Children of the Adoption , and fellow Heirs with him of Eternal Life , who did not do the Will of his Heavenly Father . Matt. XV. and Mark. VI. The Pharisees finding fault , that his Disciples eat with unclean hands , he makes this Declaration to his Apostles : Do ye not perceive , that whatsoever from without entreth into a man , cannot defile him ; because it enters not into his Heart , but his Belly . That which cometh out of the Man , that defileth the Man : For from within , out of the Heart of Men , proceed evil Thoughts , Adulteries , Fornicati-Murders , Thefts , false Witnesses , Covetousness , Wickedness , Deceit , Laciviousness , an evil Eye , Blasphemy , Pride , Foolishness . All these ill things come from within , and defile a Man. He commands Self-denial , and the exposing our selves to Suffering and Danger , rather than to deny or disown him : And this upon pain of loosing our Souls ; which are of more worth than all the World. This we may read , Matt. XVI . 24-27 . and the parallel places , Matt. VIII . and Luke IX . The Apostles disputing amongst them , who should be greatest in the Kingdom of the Messiah , Matt. XVIII . 1. He thus determines the Controversy : Mark. IX . 35. If any one will be first , let him be last of all , and Servant of all ; And setting a Child before them adds , Matt. XVIII . 3. Verily I say unto you , Vnless ye turn , and become as Children , ye shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven . Mat. XVIII . 15. If thy Brother shall trespass against thee , go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone : If he shall hear thee , thou hast gained thy Brother . But if he will not hear thee , then take with thee one or two more , that in the mouth of two or three Witnesses every word may be established . And if he shall neglect to hear them , tell it to the Church : But if he neglect to hear the Church , let him be unto thee as an Heathen and Publican . V. 21. Peter said , Lord , how often shall my Brother sin against me , and I forgive him ? Till seven times ? Iesus said unto him , I say not unto thee , till seven times ; but until seventy times seven . And then ends the Parable of the Servant , who being himself forgiven , was rigorous to his Fellow-Servant , with these words ; v. 34. And his Lord was worth , and delivered him to the Tormentors , till he should pay all that was due unto him . So likewise shall my Heavenly Father do also unto you , if you from your hearts forgive not every one his Brother their Trespasses . Luke X25 . To the Lawyer , asking him , What shall I do to inherit Eternal Life ? He said , What is written in the Law ? How readest thou ? He answered , Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy strength , and with all thy mind ; And thy Neighbour as thy self . Jesus said , This do , and thou shalt live . And when the Lawyer , upon our Saviour's Parable of the good Samaritan , was forced to confess , that he that shewed Mercy , was his Neighbour ; Jesus dismissed him with this Charge , v. 37. Go , and do thou likewise . Luke XI . 41. Give Alms of such things as ye have : Behold , all things are clean unto you . Luke XII . 15. Take heed , and beware of Covetousness . V. 22. Be not sollicitous what ye shall eat , or what ye shall drink , nor what ye shall put on ; Be not fearful , or apprehensive of want , For it is your Father's pleasure to give you a Kingdom . Sell that you have , and give Alms : And provide your selves bags that wax not old , and Treasure in the Heavens that faileth not : For where your Treasure is , there will your heart be also . Let your loyns be girded , and your lights burning ; And ye your selves like unto men that wait for the Lord , when he will return . Blessed are those Servants , whom the Lord when he cometh , shall find watching . Blessed is that Servant , whom the Lord having made Ruler of his Houshold , to give them their Portion of Meat in due season , the Lord , when he cometh , shall find so doing . Of a truth I say unto you , that he will make him a Ruler over all that he hath . But if that Servant say in his heart , my Lord delayeth his coming ; And shall begin to beat the Men-servants , and Maidens , and to eat and drink , and to be drunken : The Lord of that Servant will come in a day when he looketh not for him , and at an hour when he is not aware , and will cut him in sunder , and will appoint him his Portion with Vnbelievers . And that Servant who knew his Lord's will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes . For he that knew not , and did commit things worthy of stripes , shall be beaten with few stripes . For unto whomsoever much is given , of him shall be much required : And to whom men have committed much , of him they will ask the more . Luke XIV . 11. Whosoever exalteth himself , shall be abased : And he that humbleth himself , shall be exalted . V. 12. When thou makest a Dinner or Supper , call not thy Friends , or thy Brethren , neither thy Kinsmen , nor thy Neighbours ; lest they also bid thee again , and a recompence be made thee . But when thou makest a Feast , call the Poor and Maimed , the Lame , and the Blind ; And thou shalt be blessed : For they cannot recompence thee : For thou shalt be recompenced at the Resurrection of the Iust. V. 33. So likewise , whosoever he be of you , that is not ready to forego all that he hath , he cannot be my Disciple . Luke XVI . 9. I say unto you , make to your selves Friends of the Mammon of Vnrighteousness ; That when ye fail they may receive you into Everlasting Habitations . If ye have not been faithful in the unrighteous Mammon , who will commit to your trust the true Riches ? And if ye have not been faithful in that which is another mans , who shall give you that which is your own ? Luke XVII . 3. If thy Brother trespass against thee , rebuke him ; And if he repent , forgive him . And if he trespass against thee seven times in a day , and seven times in a day turn again to thee , saying , I repent ; Thou shalt forgive him . Luke XVIII . 1. He spoke a Parable to them , to this end , that men ought always to pray , and not to faint . V. 18. One comes to him , and asks him , saying , Master , what shall I do to inherit Eternal Life ? Iesus said to him , If thou wilt enter into Life , keep the Commandments . He says , Which ? Iesus said , Thou knowest the Commandments : Thou shalt not Kill ; Thou shalt not commit Adultery ; Thou shalt not Steal ; Thou shalt not bear false Witness ; Defraud not ; Honour thy Father , and thy Mother ; And thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self . He said , All these have I observed from my Youth . Iesus hearing this , loved him ; and said unto him , Yet lackest thou one thing : Sell all that thou hast , and give it to the Poor , and thou shalt have Treasure in Heaven ; And come , follow me . To understand this right , we must take notice , that this Young Man asks our Saviour , what he must do , to be admitted effectually into the Kingdom of the Messiah ? The Jews believed , that when the Messiah came , those of their Nation that received him , should not die ; But that they , with those who being dead should then be raised again by him , should enjoy Eternal Life with him . Our Saviour , in Answer to this Demand , tells the Young Man , that to obtain the Eternal Life of the Kingdom of the Messiah , he must keep the Commandments . And then enumerating several of the Precepts of the Law , the Young Man says , he had observed these from his Childhood . For which , the Text tells us , Jesus loved him . But our Saviour , to try whether in earnest he believed him to be the Messiah , and resolved to take him to be his King , and to obey him as such , bids him give all he has to the Poor , and come , and follow him ; and he should have Treasure in Heaven . This I look on to be the meaning of the place . This , of selling all he had , and giving it to the Poor , not being a standing Law of his Kingdom ; but a Probationary Command to this Young Man ; to try whether he truly believed him to be the Messiah , and was ready to obey his Commands , and relinquish all to follow him , when he his Prince required it . And therefore we see , Luke XIX . 14. Where our Saviour takes notice of the Jews not receiving him as the Messiah , he expresses it thou ; We will not have this man to Reign over us . 'T is not enough to believe him to be the Messiah , unless we also obey his Laws , and take him to be our King , to Reign over us . Mat. XXII . 11-13 . He that had not on the Wedding-Garment , though he accepted of the Invitation , and came to the Wedding , was cast into utter Darkness . By the Wedding-Garment , 't is evident Good Works are meant here . That Wedding-Garment of fine Linnen , clean and white , which we are told , Rev. XIX . 8. is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Righteous acts of the Saints : Or , as St. Paul calls it , Ephes. IV. 1. The walking worthy of the Vocation wherewith we are called . This appears from the Parable it self : The Kingdom of Heaven , says our Saviour , v. 2. Is like unto a King , who made a Marriage for his Son. And here he distinguishes those who were invited , into three sorts . 1. Those who were invited , and came not ; i.e. Those who had the Gospel , the Good News of the Kingdom of God proposed to them , but believed not . 2. Those who came , but had not on a Wedding-Garment ; i.e. Believed Iesus to be the Messiah , but were not new clad ( as I may so say ) with a true Repentance , and Amendment of Life ; Nor adorned with those Vertues , which the Apostle , Col. III. requires to be put on . 3. Those who were invited , did come , and had on the Wedding-Garment ; i.e. Heard the Gospel , believed Iesus to be the Messiah , and sincerely obeyed his Laws . These three sorts are plainly designed here ; whereof the last only were the Blessed , who were to enjoy the Kingdom prepared for them . Mat. XXIII . Be not ye called Rabbi : For one is your Master , even the Messiah , and ye all are Brethren . And call no man your Father upon the Earth : For one is your Father which is in Heaven . Neither be ye called Masters : For one is your Master , even the Messiah . But he that is greatest amongst you , shall be your Servant . And whosoever shall exalt himself , shall be abased ; And he that shall humble himself , shall be exalted . Luke XXI . 34. Take beed to your selves , lest your hearts be at any time over-charged with surfeiting and drunkenness , and cares of this life . Luke XXII . 25. He said unto them , The Kings of the Gentiles exercise Lordship over them ; And they that exercise Authority upon them , are called Benefactors . But ye shall not be so . But he that is greatest amongst you , let him be as the younger ; And he that is chief , as he that doth serve . John XIII . 34. A new Commandment I give unto you , That ye love one another ; As I have loved you , that ye also love one another . By this shall all men know that ye are my Disciples , if ye love one another . This Command , of loving one another , is repeated again , Chap. XV. 12. & 17. John XIV . 15. If ye love me , keep my Commandments . V. 21. He that hath my Commandments , and keepeth them , he it is that loveth me : And he that loveth me , shall be loved of my Father , and I will love him , and manifest my self to him . V. 23. If a man loveth me , he will keep my words . V. 24. He that loveth me not , keepeth not my sayings . John XV. 8. In this is my Father glorified , that ye bear much fruit ; so shall ye be my Disciples . V. 14. Ye are my Friends , if ye do whatsoever I command you . Thus we see our Saviour not only confirmed the Moral Law ; and clearing it from the corrupt glosses of the Scribes and Pharisees , shewed the strictness as well as obligation of its Injunctions ; But moreover , upon occasion , requires the Obedience of his Disciples to several of the Commands he afresh lays upon them ; With the enforcement of unspeakable Rewards and Punishments in another World , according to their Obedience , or Disobedience . There is not , I think , any of the Duties of Morality , which he has not some where or other , by himself and his Apostles , inculcated over and over again to his Followers in express terms . And is it for nothing , that he is so instant with them to bring forth Fruit ? Does He their King Command , and is it an indifferent thing ? Or will their Happiness or Misery not at all depend upon it , whether they obey or no ? They were required to believe him to be the Messiah ; Which Faith is of Grace promised to be reckoned to them for the compleating of their Righteousness , wherein it was defective : But Righteousness , or Obedience to the Law of God , was their great business ; Which if they could have attained by their own Performances , there would have been no need of this Gracious Allowance , in Reward of their Faith : But Eternal Life , after the Resurrection , had been their due by a former Covenant , even that of Works ; the Rule whereof was never abolished , though the Rigour were abated . The Duties enjoyned in it were Duties still . Their Obligations had never ceased ; nor a wilful neglect of them was ever dispensed with . But their past Transgressions were pardoned , to those who received Iesus , the promised Messiah , for their King ; And their future slips covered , if renouncing their former Iniquities , they entred into his Kingdom , and continued his Subjects , with a steady Resolution and Endeavour to obey his Laws . This Righteousness therefore , a compleat Obedience and freedom from Sin , are still sincerely to be endeavoured after . And 't is no where promised , That those who persist in a wilful Disobedience to his Laws , shall be received into the eternal bliss of his Kingdom , how much soever they believe in him . A sincere Obedience , how can any one doubt to be , or scruple to call , a Condition of the New Covenant , as well as faith ; Whoever read our Saviour's Sermon in the Mount , to omit all the rest ? Can any thing be more express than these words of our Lord ? Mat. VI. 14. If you forgive Men their Trespasses , your Heavenly Father will also forgive you : But if ye forgive not Men their Trespasses , neither will your Father forgive your Trespasses . And Ioh. XIII . 17. If ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do them . This is so indispensible a Condition of the New Covenant , that believing without it will not do , nor be accepted ; If our Saviour knew the Terms on which he would admit Men into Life . Why call ye me Lord , Lord , says he , Luke VI. 46. and do not the things which I say ? It is not enough to believe him to be the Messiah , the Lord , without obeying him . For that these he speaks to here , were Believers , is evident , from the parallel place , Matt. VII . 21-23 . where it is thus Recorded : Not every one who says Lord , Lord , shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven ; but he that doth the Will of my Father , which is in Heaven . No Rebels , or Refractory Disobedient , shall be admitted there ; though they have so far believed in Jesus , as to be able to do Miracles in his Name ; As is plain out of the following words . Many will say to me in that day , Have we not Prophesied in thy Name , and in thy Name have cast out Devils ; and in thy Name have done many wonderful Works ? And then will I profess unto them , I never knew you , depart from me ye workers of iniquity . This part of the New Covenant , the Apostles also , in their Preaching the Gospel of the Messiah , ordinarily joined with the Doctrine of Faith. St. Peter in his first Sermon , Acts II. when they were pricked in heart , and asked , What shall we do ? says , v. 38. REPENT , and be Baptized , every one of you , in the Name of Iesus Christ , for the Remission of Sins . The same he says to them again in his next Speech , Acts IV. 26. Vnto you first , God having raised up his Son Iesus , sent him to bless you . How was this done ? IN TVRNING AWAY EVERY ONE FROM YOVR INIQVITIES . The same Doctrine they Preach to the High Priest and Rulers , Acts V. 30. The God of our Fathers raised up Iesus , whom ye slew and hanged on a Tree . Him hath God Exalted with his right hand , to be a Prince and a Saviour for to give REPENTANCE to Israel , and Forgiveness of Sins ; And we are witnesses of these things , and so is also the Holy Ghost , whom God hath given to them that obey him . Acts XVII . 30. Paul tells the Athenians , That now under the Gospel , God commandeth all Men every where to REPENT . Acts XX. 21. St. Paul in his last Conference with the Elders of Ephesus , professes to have taught them the whole Doctrine necessary to Salvation . I have , says he , kept back nothing that was profitable unto you ; But have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house ; Testifying both to the Iews and to the Greeks : And then gives an account what his Preaching had been , viz. REPENTANCE towards God , and Faith towards our Lord Iesus the Messiah . This was the Sum and Substance of the Gospel which St. Paul Preached ; and was all that he knew necessary to Salvation ; viz. Repentance , and believing Iesus to be the Messiah : And so takes his last farewel of them , whom he should never see again , v. 32. in these words . And now Brethren , I commend you to God , and to the word of his Grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified . There is an Inheritance conveyed by the Word and Covenant of Grace ; but it is only to those who are Sanctified . Acts. XXIV . 24. When Felix sent for Paul , that he and his Wife Drusilla might hear him , concerning the Faith in Christ ; Paul reasoned of Righteousness , or Justice , and Temperance ; the Duties we owe to others , and to our selves ; and of the Judgment to come ; Till he made Felix to tremble . Whereby it appears , that Temperance and Iustice were Fundamental parts of the Religion that Paul professed , and were contained in the Faith which he Preached . And if we find the Duties of the Moral Law not pressed by him every where ; We must remember , That most of his Sermons left upon Record , were Preached in their Synagogues to the Jews , who acknowledged their Obedience due to all the Precepts of the Law : And would have taken it amiss to have been suspected , not to have been more Zealous for the Law than he . And therefore it was with reason that his Discourses were directed chiefly to what they yet wanted , and were averse to ; the knowledge and imbracing of Jesus their promised Messiah . But what his Preaching generally was , if we will believe him himself , we may see Acts XXVI . Where giving an Account to King Agrippa of his Life and Doctrine , he tells him , v. 20. I shewed unto them of Damascus , and at Ierusalem , and throughout all the Coasts of Iudea , and then to the Gentiles , that they should repent and turn to God , and do works meet for Repentance . Thus we see , by the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , that he required of those who believed him to be the Messiah , and received him for their Lord and Deliverer , that they should live by his Laws : And that ( though in consideration of their becoming his Subjects , by Faith in him , whereby they believed and took him to be the Messiah , their former Sins should be forgiven ) Yet he would own none to be his , nor receive them as true denizons of the New Ierusalem , into the inheritance of Eternal Life ; but leave them to the Condemnation of the Unrighteous ; who renounced not their former Miscarriages , and lived in a sincere Obedience to his Commands . What he expects from his Followers , he has sufficiently declared as a Legislator . And that they may not be deceived , by mistaking the Doctrine of Faith , Grace , Free-Grace , and the Pardon and Forgiveness of Sins and Salvation by him , ( which was the great End of his Coming ) He more than once declares to them ; For what omissions and miscarriages he shall Judge and Condemn to Death , even those who have owned him , and done Miracles in his Name ; when he comes at last to render to every one according to what he hath DONE in the Flesh ; Sitting upon his Great and Glorious Tribunal , at the end of the World. The first place where we find our Saviour to have mentioned the day of Judgment , is Ioh. V. 28 , 29. in these words ; The hour is coming , in which all that are in their Graves shall hear his [ i. e. the Son of God's ] Voice , and shall come forth ; They that have DONE GOOD unto the Resurrection of Life ; And they that have DONE EVIL , unto the Resurrection of Damnation . That which puts the distinction , if we will believe our Saviour , is the having done good or evil . And he gives a reason of the necessity of his Judging or Condemning those who have done Evil , in the following words ; v. 30. I can of my own self do nothing . As I hear I judge ; And my Iudgment is just : Because I seek not my own Will , but the Will of my Father who hath sent me . He could not judge of himself ; He had but a delegated Power of Judging from the Father , whose Will he obeyed in it , and who was of purer Eyes than to admit any unjust Person into the Kingdom of Heaven . Matt. VII . 22 , 23. Speaking again of that day , he tells what his Sentence will be , depart from me ye WORKERS of Iniquity . Faith in the Penitent and Sincerely Obedient , supplies the defect of their Performances ; and so by Grace they are made Just. But we may observe ; None are Sentenced or Punished for Unbelief ; but only for their Misdeeds . They are Workers of Iniquity on whom the Sentence is Pronounced . Matt. XIII . 14. At the end of the World , the Son of Man shall send forth his Angels ; And they shall gather out of his Kingdom all Scandals , and them which DO INIQVITY ; And cast them into a Furnace of Fire ; There shall be wailing and gnashing of Teeth . And again , v. 49. The Angels shall sever the WICKED from among the IVST ; and shall cast them into the Furnace of Fire . Matt. XVI . 24. For the Son of Man shall come in the Glory of his Father , with his Angels : And then be shall Reward every Man according to his WORKS . Luke XIII . 26. Then shall ye begin to say ; We have eaten and drunk in thy Presence , and thou hast taught in our Streets . But he shall say , I tell you , I know you not ; Depart from me ye WORKERS of Iniquity . Matt. XXV . 21-26 . When the Son of Man shall come in his Glory ; and before him shall be gathered all Nations ; He shall set the Sheep on his right hand , and the Goats on his Left : Then shall the King say to them on his Right hand , Come ye blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdom prepared for you , from the Foundation of the World ; For , I was an hungred , and ye gave me Meat ; I was thirsty , and ye gave me drink ; I was a stranger , and ye took me in ; Naked , and ye cloathed me ; I was sick , and ye visited me ; I was in Prison , and ye came unto me . Then shall the Righteous Answer him , saying , Lord , When saw we thee an hungred , and fed thee ? &c. And the King shall answer , and say unto them ; Verily , I say unto you , In as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my Brethren , ye have done it unto me . Then shall he say unto them on the left hand , Depart from me , ye Cursed , into everlasting Fire , prepared for the Devil and his Angels . For I was an hungred , and ye gave me no meat ; I was thirsty , and ye gave me no drink ; I was a stranger , and ye took me not in ; Naked , and ye cloathed me not ; Sick and in prison , and ye visited me not . In so much that ye did it not to one of these , ye did it not to me . And these shall go into Everlasting Punishment : But the Righteous into Life Eternal . These , I think , are all the places where our Saviour mentions the last Judgment ; or describes his way of Proceeding in that Great Day : Wherein , as we have observed , it is remarkable , that every where the Sentence follows , doing or not doing ; without any mention of believing , or not believing . Not that any to whom the Gospel hath been Preached , shall be Saved , without believing Iesus to be the Messiah : For all being Sinners , and Transgressors of the Law , and so unjust ; are all liable to Condemnation ; unless they believe , and so through Grace are justified by God for this Faith , which shall be accounted to them for Righteousness . But the rest wanting this Cover , this allowance for their Transgressions , must answer for all their Actions : And being found Transgressors of the Law , shall by the Letter , and Sanction of that Law , be Condemned , for not having paid a full Obedience to that Law : And not for want of Faith. That is not the Guilt , on which the Punishment is laid ; though it be the want of Faith , which lays open their Guilt uncovered ; And exposes them to the Sentence of the Law , against all that are Unrighteous . The common Objection here , is ; If all Sinners shall be Condemned , but such as have a gracious allowance made them ; And so are justified by God , for believing Iesus to be the Messiah , and so taking him for their King , whom they are resolved to obey , to the utmost of their Power ; What shall become of all Mankind , who lived before our Saviour's time ; Who never heard of his Name ; And consequently could not believe in him ? To this , the Answer is so obvious and natural , that one would wonder , how any reasonable Man should think it worth the urging . No body was , or can be , required to believe what was never proposed to him , to believe . Before the Fulness of time , which God from the Council of his own Wisdom had appointed to send his Son in ; He had at several times , and in rent Manners , promised to the People of Israel , an extraordinary Person to come ; Who , raised from amongst themselves , should be their Ruler and Deliverer . The time ; And other Circumstances of his Birth , Life , and Person ; he had in sundry Prophesies so particularly described , and so plainly foretold , that He was well known , and expected by the Jews ; under the Name of the Messiah , or Anointed , given him in some of these Prophesies . All then that was required before his appearing in the World , was to believe what God had revealed ; And to rely with a full assurance on God for the performance of his Promise ; And to believe , that in due time he would send them the Messiah ; this anointed King ; this promised Saviour , and Deliverer ; according to his Word . This Faith in the promises of God ; This relying and acquiescing in his Word and Faithfulness ; The Almighty takes well at our hands , as a great mark of homage , paid by us poor frail Creatures , to his Goodness and Truth , as well as to his Power and Wisdom ; And accepts it as an acknowledgment of his peculiar Providence , and Benignity to us . And therefore our Saviour tells us , Iohn XII . 44. He that believes on me , believes not on me ; But on him that sent me . The works of Nature shew his Wisdom and Power : But 't is his peculiar Care of Mankind , most eminently discovered in his Promises to them , that shews his Bounty and Goodness ; And consequently engages their Hearts in Love and Affection to him . This oblation of an Heart , fixed with dependance and affection on him , is the most acceptable Tribute we can pay him ; the foundation of true Devotion ; and Life of all Religion . What a value he puts on this depending on his Word , and resting satisfied in his Promises , We have an Example in Abraham ; whose Faith Was counted to him for Righteousness ; As we have before remarked out of Rom. IV. And his relying firmly on the Promise of God , without any doubt of its performance ; gave him the Name , of the Father of the Faithful ; And gained him so much favour with the Almighty , that he was called the Friend of God : The Highest and most Glorious Title can be bestowed on a Creature . The thing promised was no more , but a Son by his Wife Sarah ; and a numerous Posterity by him , which should possess the Land of Canaan . These were but Temporal Blessings ; And ( except the Birth of a Son ) very remote ; Such as he should never live to see , nor in his own Person have the benefit of . But because he questioned not the Performance of it ; But rested fully satisfied in the Goodness , Truth , and Faithfulness of God who had promised ; it was counted to him for Righteousness . Let us see how St. Paul expresses it ; Rom. IV. 18-22 . Who , against hope , believed in hope , that he might become the Father of many Nations ; According to that which was spoken , so shall thy Seed be . And being not weak in his Faith , he considered not his own Body now dead , when he was above an hundred years old ; Neither yet the deadness of Sarah 's Womb. He staggered not at the Promise of God through unbelief , but was strong in Faith , giving Glory to God ; And being fully perswaded , that what he had promised , he was able to perform . And THEREFORE , it was imputed to him for Righteousness . St. Paul having here Emphatically described the strength and firmness of Abraham's Faith , informs us ; That he thereby gave glory to God ; And therefore it was accounted to him for Righteousness . This is the way that God deals with poor frail Mortals . He is graciously pleased to take it well of them ; And give it the place of Righteousness , and a kind of merit in his sight ; If they believe his Promises , and have a steadfast relying on his veracity and goodness . St. Paul Heb. XI . 6. tells us ; Without Faith it is impossible to please God : But at the same time tells us what Faith that is . For , says he , He that cometh to God , must believe that he is ; And that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . He must be perswaded of God's Mercy and good Will to those , who seek to obey him ; And rest assured of his rewarding those who rely on him , for whatever , either by the light of Nature , or particular Promises , he has revealed to them of his tender Mercies ; and taught them to expect from his Bounty . This description of Faith ( that we might not mistake what he means by that Faith , without which we cannot please God , and which recommended the Saints of Old ) St. Paul places in the middle of the List of those who were Eminent for their Faith ; And whom he sets as Patterns to the converted Hebrews , under Persecution ; to encourage them to persist in their confidence of Deliverance by the Coming of Iesus Christ ; And in their belief of the Promises they now had under the Gospel : Not to draw back from the Hope that was set before them ; Nor Apostatize from the Profession of the Christian Religion . This is plain from v. 35-38 . of the precedent Chapter : Cast not away therefore your confidence , which hath great recompence of Reward . For ye have great need of persisting , or Perseverance ; ( for so the Greek word signifies here , which our Translation renders Patience . Vid. Luke VIII . 15. ) That after ye have done the Will of God , ye might receive the Promise . For yet a little while , and he that shall come will come , and will not tarry . Now the just shall live by Faith. But if any man draw back , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . The Examples of Faith , which St. Paul enumerates and proposes in the following words , Chap. XI . plainly shew , that the Faith whereby those Believers of old pleased God , was nothing but a steadfast relyance on the Goodness and Faithfulness of God , for those good things , which either the light of Nature , or particular Promises , had given them grounds to hope for . Of what avail this Faith was with God , we may see , v. 4. By Faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent Sacrifice than Cain ; by which he obtained witness that he was Righteous . V. 5. By Faith Enoch was translated , that he should not see Death : For before his translation he had this Testimony , that be pleased God. V. 7. Noah , being warned of God of things not seen as yet ; being wary , by Faith prepared an Ark , to the saving of his House ; By the which be condemned the World , and became Heir of the Righteousness which is by Faith. And what it was that God so graciously accepted and rewarded , we are told , v. 11. Through Faith also Sarah her self received strength to conceive seed , and was delivered of a Child ; when she was past age . How she came to obtain this Grace from God , the Apostle tells us ; Because she judged him Faithful who had promised . Those therefore who pleased God , and were accepted by him before the Coming of Christ , did it only by believing the Promises , and relying on the Goodness of God , as far as he had revealed it to them . For the Apostle , in the following words , tells us , v. 13. These all died in Faith , not having received ( the accomplishment of ) the Promises ; but having seen them afar off : And were perswaded of them , and embraced them . This was all that was required of them ; to be perswaded of , and embrace the Promises which they had . They could be perswaded of no more than was proposed to them ; Embrace no more than was revealed ; according to the Promises they had received , and the Dispensations they were under . And if the Faith of things seen afar off ; If their trusting in God for the Promises he then gave them ; If a belief of the Messiah to come ; were sufficient to render those who lived in the Ages before Christ , Acceptable to God , and Righteous before him ; I desire those who tell us , that God will not , ( nay , some go so far as to say ) cannot accept any who do not believe every Article of their particular Creeds and Systems ; to consider , why God , out of his Infinite Mercy , cannot as well Justifie Man now for believing Iesus of Nazareth to be the promised Messiah , the King and Deliverer ; as those heretofore , who believed only that God would , according to his Promise , in due time send the Messiah , to be a King and Deliverer . There is another Difficulty often to be met with , which seems to have something of more weight in it : And that is , that though the Faith of those before Christ ; ( believing that God would send the Messiah , to be a Prince , and a Saviour to his People , as he had promised ; ) And the Faith of those since his time , ( believing Iesus to be that Messiah , promised and sent by God ) shall be accounted to them for Righteousness , Yet what shall become of all the rest of Mankind ; who having never heard of the Promise or News of a Saviour , not a word of a Messiah to be sent , or that was come , have had no thought or belief concerning him ? To this I Answer ; That God will require of every man , According to what a man hath , and not according to what he hath not . He will not expect the Improvement of Ten Talents , where he gave but One ; Nor require any one should believe a Promise , of which he has never heard . The Apostle's Reasoning , Rom. X. 14. is very just : How shall they believe in him , of whom they have not heard ? But though there be many , who being strangers to the Common-wealth of Israel , were also strangers to the Oracles of God committed to that People ; Many , to whom the Promise of the Messiah never came , and so were never in a capacity to believe or reject that Revelation ; Yet God had , by the Light of Reason , revealed to all Mankind , who would make use of that Light , that he was Good and Merciful . The same spark of the Divine Nature and Knowledge in Man , which making him a Man , shewed him the Law he was under as a Man ; Shewed him also the way of Attoning the merciful , kind , compassionate Author and Father of him and his Being , when he had transgressed that Law. He that made use of this Candle of the Lord , so far as to find what was his Duty ; could not miss to find also the way to Reconciliation and Forgiveness , when he had failed of his Duty : Though if he used not his Reason this way ; If he put out , or neglected this Light ; he might , perhaps , see neither . The Law is the eternal , immutable Standard of Right . And a part of that Law is , that a man should forgive , not only his Children , but his Enemies ; upon their Repentance , asking Pardon , and Amendment . And therefore he could not doubt that the Author of this Law , and God of Patience and Consolation , who is rich in Mercy , would forgive his frail Off-spring ; if they acknowledged their Faults , disapproved the Iniquity of their Transgressions , beg'd his Pardon , and resolved in earnest for the future to conform their Actions to this Rule , which they owned to be Just and Right . This way of Reconciliation , this hope of Attonement , the Light of Nature revealed to them . And the Revelation of the Gospel having said nothing to the contrary , leaves them to stand and fall to their own Father and Master , whose Goodness and Mercy is over all his Works . I know some are forward to urge that place of the Acts , Chap. IV. as contrary to this . The words , v. 10. & 12. stand thus : Be it known unto you all , and to all the People of Israel , that by the Name of Iesus Christ of Nazareth , whom ye crucified , whom God raised from the dead , even by him doth this man , [ i. e. The lame man restored by Peter ] stand here before you whole . This is the stone which is set at nought by you builders , which is become the head of the Corner . Neither is there Salvation in any other : For there is none other name under Heaven given among men , in which we must be saved . Which , in short , is ; that Iesus is the only true Messiah ; Neither is there any other Person but he given to be a Mediator between God and Man , in whose Name we may ask and hope for Salvation . It will here possibly be asked , Quorsum perditio hoec ? What need was there Of a Saviour ? What Advantage have we by Iesus Christ ? It is enough to justifie the fitness of any thing to be done , by resolving it into the Wisdom of God , who has done it ; Whereof our narrow Understandings , and short Views may utterly incapacitate us to judge . We know little of this visible , and nothing at all of the state of that Intellectual World ; wherein are infinite numbers and degrees of Spirits out of the reach of our ken or guess ; And therefore know not what Transactions there were between God and our Saviour , in reference to his Kingdom . We know not what need there was to set up a Head and a Chieftain , in opposition to The Prince of this World , the Prince of the Power of the Air , &c. Whereof there are more than obscure intimations in Scripture . And we shall take too much upon us , if we shall call God's Wisdom or Providence to Account , and pertly condemn for needless , all that that our weak , and perhaps biaffed Vnderstandings , cannot Account for . Though this general Answer be Reply enough to the forementioned Demand , and such as a Rational Man , or fair searcher after Truth , will acquiesce in ; Yet in this particular case , the Wisdom and Goodness of God has shewn it self so visibly to common Apprehensions , that it hath furnished us abundantly wherewithal to satisfie the Curious and Inquisitive ; who will not take a Blessing , unless they be instructed what need they had of it , and why it was bestowed upon them . The great and many Advantages we receive by the coming of Iesus the Messiah , will shew that it was not without need , that he was sent into the World. The Evidence of our Saviour's Mission from Heaven is so great , in the multitude of Miracles he did before all sorts of People ; ( which the Divine Providence and Wisdom has so ordered , that they never were , nor could be denied by any of the Enemies and Opposers of Christianity , ) that what he delivered cannot but be received as the Oracles of God , and unquestionable Verity . Though the Works of Nature , in every part of them , sufficiently Evidence a Deity ; Yet the World made so little use of their Reason , that they saw him not ; Where even by the impressions of himself he was easie to be found . Sense and Lust blinded their minds in some ; And a careless Inadvertency in others ; And fearful Apprehensions in most ( who either believed there were , or could not but suspect there might be , Superiour unknown Beings ) gave them up into the hands of their Priests , to fill their Heads with false Notions of the Deity , and their Worship with foolish Rites , as they pleased : And what Dread or Craft once began , Devotion soon made Sacred , and Religion immutable . In this state of Darkness and Ignorance of the true God , Vice and Superstition held the World. Nor could any help be had or hoped for from Reason ; which could not be heard , and was judged to have nothing to do in the case : The Priests every where , to secure their Empire , having excluded Reason from having any thing to do in Religion . And in the croud of wrong Notions , and invented Rites , the World had almost lost the sight of the One only True God. The Rational and thinking part of Mankind , 't is true , when they sought after him , found the One , Supream , Invisible God : But if they acknowledged and worshipped him , it was only in their own minds . They kept this Truth locked up in their own breast as a Secret , nor ever durst venture it amongst the People ; much less amongst the Priests , those wary Guardians of their own Creeds and Profitable Inventions . Hence we see that Reason , speaking never so clearly to the Wise and Vertuous , had never Authority enough to prevail on the Multitude ; and to perswade the Societies of Men , that there was but One God , that alone was to be owned and worshipped . The Belief and Worship of One God , was the National Religion of the Israelites alone : And if we will consider it , it was introduced and supported amongst that People by Revelation . They were in Goshen , and had Light ; whilst the rest of the World were in almost Egyptian Darkness , without God in the World. There was no part of Mankind , who had quicker Parts , or improved them more ; that had a greater light of Reason , or followed it farther in all sorts of Speculations , than the Athenians : And yet we find but one Socrates amongst them , that opposed and laughed at their Polytheism , and wrong Opinions of the Deity ; And we see how they rewarded him for it . Whatsoever Plato , and the soberest of the Philosophers thought of the Nature and Being of the One God , they were fain , in their outward Professions and Worship , to go with the Herd , and keep to the Religion established by Law ; Which what it was , and how it had disposed the mind of these knowing , and quick-sighted Grecians , St. Paul tells us , Acts XVII . 22-29 . Ye men of Athens , says he , I perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious . For as I passed by , and beheld your Devotions , I found an Altar with this Inscription , TO THE VNKNOWN GOD. Whom therefore ye ignorantly worship , him declare I unto you . God that made the World , and all things therein , seeing that he is Lord of Heaven and Earth , dwelleth not in Temples made with hands : Neither is worshipped with mens hands , as though he needed nay thing , seeing he giveth unto all life , and breath , and all things ; And hath made of one Blood all the Nations of Men , for to dwell on the face of the Earth ; And hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their Habitations ; That they should seek the Lord , if haply they might feel him out , and find him , though he be not far from every one of us . Here he tells the Athenians , that they , and the rest of the World ( given up to Superstition ) whatever Light there was in the Works of Creation and Providence , to lead them to the True God , yet they few of them found him . He was every where near them ; yet they were but like People groping and feeling for something in the dark , and did not see him with a full clear day-light ; But thought the Godhead like to Gold , and Silver , and Stone , graven by Art and man's device . In this state of Darkness and Error , in reference to the True God , our Saviour found the World. But the clear Revelation he brought with him , dissipated this Darkness ; made the One Invisible True God known to the World : And that with such Evidence and Energy , that Polytheism and Idolatry hath no where been able to withstand it . But where ever the Preaching of the Truth he delivered , and the Light of the Gospel hath come , those Mists have been dispelled . And in effect we see that since our Saviour's time , the Belief of One God has prevailed and spread it self over the face of the Earth . For even to the Light that the Messiah brought into the World with him , we must ascribe the owning , and Profession of One God , which the Mahumetan Religion had derived and borrowed from it . So that in this sense it is certainly and manifestly true of our Saviour , what St. Iohn says of him ; I Iohn III. 8. For this purpose the Son of God was manifested , that he might destroy the works of the Devil . This Light the World needed , and this Light it received from him : That there is but One God , and he Eternal ; Invisible ; Not like to any visible Objects , nor to be represented by them . If it be asked , whether the Revelation to the Patriarchs by Moses , did not teach this , and why that was not enough ? The Answer is obvious ; that however clearly the Knowledge of One Invisible God , maker of Heaven and Earth , was revealed to them ; Yet that Revelation was shut up in a little corner of the World ; amongst a People by that very Law , which they received with it , excluded from a Commerce and Communication with the rest of mankind . The Gentile World in our Saviour's time , and several Ages before , could have no Attestation of the Miracles , on which the Hebrews built their Faith , but from the Iews themselves ; A People not known to the greatest part of mankind ; Contemned and thought vilely of by those Nations that did know them ; And therefore very unfit and unable to propagate the Doctrine of One God in the World , and diffuse it through the Nations of the Earth , by the strength and force of that Ancient Revelation , upon which they had received it . But our Saviour , when he came , threw down this Wall of Partition ; And did not confine his Miracles or Message to the Land of Canaan , or the Worshippers at Ierusalem . But he himself preached at Samaria , and did miracles in the Borders of Tyre and Sydon , and before multitudes of People gathered from all Quarters . And after his Resurrection , sent his Apostles amongst the Nations , accompanied with Miracles ; which were done in all Parts so frequently , and before so many Witnesses of all sorts , in broad day-light , that , as I have often observed , the Enemies of Christianity have never dared to deny them ; No , not Iulian himself : Who neither wanted Skill nor Power to enquire into the Truth ; Nor would have failed to have proclaimed and exposed it , if he could have detected any falshood in the History of the Gospel ; or found the least ground to question the Matter of Fact published of Christ , and his Apostles . The Number and Evidence of the Miracles done by our Saviour and his Followers , by the power and force of Truth , bore down this mighty and accomplished Emperour , and all his Parts , in his own Dominions . He durst not deny so plain Matter of Fact ; Which being granted , the truth of our Saviour's Doctrine and Mission unavoidably follows ; notwithstanding whatsoever Artful Suggestions his Wit could invent , or Malice should offer , to the contrary . 2. Next to the Knowledge of one God ; Maker of all things ; A clear knowledge of their Duty was wanting to Mankind . This part of Knowledge , though cultivated with some care , by some of the Heathen Philosophers ; Yet got little footing among the People . All Men indeed , under pain of displeasing the Gods , were to frequent the Temples : Every one went to their Sacrifices and Services : But the Priests made it not their business to teach them Virtue . If they were diligent in their Observations and Ceremonies ; Punctual in their Feasts and Solemnities , and the tricks of Religion ; The holy Tribe assured them , the Gods were pleased ; and they looked no farther . Few went to the Schools of the Philosophers , to be instructed in their Duties ; And to know what was Good and Evil in their Actions . The Priests sold the better Pennyworths , and therefore had all the Customs . Lustrations and Processions were much easier than a clean Conscience , and a steady course of Virtue ; And an expiatory Sacrifice , that attoned for the want of it , was much more convenient , than a strict and holy Life . No wonder then , that Religion was every where distinguished from , and preferred to Virtue ; And that it was dangerous Heresy and Prophaneness to think the contrary . So much Virtue as was necessary to hold Societies together ; and to contribute to the quiet of Governments ; The Civil Laws of Commonwealths taught , and forced upon Men that lived under Magistrates . But these Laws , being for the most part made by such who had no other aims but their own Power , reached no farther than those things , that would serve to tie Men together in subjection ; Or at most , were directly to conduce to the Prosperity and Temporal Happiness of any People . But Natural Religion in its full extent , was no where , that I know , taken care of by the force of Natural Reason . It should seem by the little that has hitherto been done in it ; That 't is too hard a thing for unassisted Reason , to establish Morality in all its parts upon its true foundations ; with a clear and convincing light . And 't is at least a surer and shorter way , to the Apprehensions of the vulgar , and mass of Mankind ; That one manifestly sent from God , and coming with visible Authority from him , should as a King and Law-maker tell them their Duties ; and require their Obedience ; Than leave it to the long , and sometimes intricate deductions of Reason , to be made out to them : Which the greatest part of Mankind have neither leisure to weigh ; nor , for want of Education and Use , skill to judge of . We see how unsuccessful in this , the attempts of Philosophers were before our Saviour's time . How short their several Systems came of the perfection of a true and compleat Morality is very visible . And if , since that , the Christian Philosophers have much outdone them ; yet we may observe , that the first knowledge of the truths they have added , are owing to Revelation : Though as soon as they are heard and considered , they are found to be agreeable to Reason ; and such as can by no means be contradicted . Every one may observe a great many truths which he receives at first from others , and readily assents to , as consonant to reason ; which he would have found it hard , and perhaps beyond his strength to have discovered himself . Native and Original truth , is not so easily wrought out of the Mine , as we who have it delivered , ready dug and fashon'd into our hands , are apt to imagine . And how often at Fifty or Threescore years old are thinking Men told , what they wonder how they could miss thinking of ? Which yet their own Contemplations did not , and possibly never would have helped them to . Experience shews that the knowledge of Morality , by meer natural light , ( how agreeable soever it be to it ) makes but a flow progress , and little advance in the World. And the reason of it is not hard to be found ; in Men's Necessities , Passions , Vices , and mistaken Interests , which turn their thoughts another way . And the designing Leaders , as well as following Herd , find it not to their purpose to imploy much of their Meditations this way . Or whatever else was the cause , 't is plain in fact ; Humane reason unassisted , failed Men in its great and proper business of Morality . It never from unquestionable Principles , by clear deductions , made out an entire Body of the Law of Nature . And he that shall collect all the Moral Rules of the Philosophers , and compare them with those contained in the New Testament , will find them to come short of the Morality delivered by our Saviour , and taught by his Apostles ; A College made up for the most part of ignorant , but inspired Fishermen . Though yet , if any one should think , that out of the sayings of the Wise Heathens , before our Saviour's time , there might be a Collection made of all those Rules of Morality , which are to be found in the Christian Religion ; Yet this would not at all hinder , but that the World nevertheless stood as much in need of our Saviour , and the Morality delivered by him . Let it be granted ( though not true ) that all the Moral Precepts of the Gospel were known by some Body or other , amongst Mankind , before . But where or how , or of what use , is not considered . Suppose they may be picked up here and there ; Some from Solon and Bias in Greece ; Others from Tully in Italy : And to compleat the Work , let Confutius , as far as China , be consulted ; And Anacarsis the Scythian contribute his share . What will all this do , to give the World a compleat morality ; That may be to Mankind , the unquestionable Rule of Life and Manners ? I will not here urge the impossibility of collecting from men , so far distant from one another , in time , and place , and languages . I will suppose there was a Stobeus in those times , who had gathered the Moral sayings , from all the Sages of the World. What would this amount to , towards being a steady Rule ; A certain transcript of a Law that we are under ? Did the saying of Aristippus , or Confutius , give it an Authority ? Was Zeno a Lawgiver to Mankind ? If not , what he or any other Philosopher delivered , was but a saying of his . Mankind might hearken to it , or reject it , as they pleased ; Or as it suited their interest , passions , principles or humours . They were under no Obligation : The Opinion of this or that Philosopher , was of no Authority . And if it were , you must take all he said under the same Character . All his dictates must go for Law , certain and true ; Or none of them . And then , If you will take any of the Moral sayings of Epicurus ( many whereof Seneca quotes , with esteem and approbation ) for Precepts of the Law of Nature ; You must take all the rest of his Doctrine for such too ; Or else his Authority ceases : And so no more is to be received from him , or any of the Sages of old , for parts of the Law of Nature , as carrying with it an obligation to be obeyed , but what they prove to be so . But such a Body of Ethicks , proved to be the Law of Nature , from principles of Reason , and reaching all the Duties of Life ; I think no body will say the World had before our Saviour's time . 'T is not enough , that there were up and down scattered sayings of wise Men , conformable to right Reason . The Law of Nature , was the Law of Convenience too : And 't is no wonder , that those Men of Parts , and studious of Virtue ; ( Who had occasion to think on any particular part of it , ) should by meditation light on the right , even from the observable Convenience and beauty of it ; Without making out its obligation from the true Principles of the Law of Nature , and foundations of Morality . But these incoherent apohtegms of Philosophers , and wise Men ; however excellent in themselves , and well intended by them ; could never make a Morality , whereof the World could be convinced , And with certainty depend on . Whatsoever should thus be universally useful , as a standard to which Men should conform their Manners , must have its Authority either from Reason or Revelation . 'T is not every Writer of Morals , or Compiler of it from others , that can thereby be erected into a Law-giver to Mankind ; and a dictator of Rules , which are therefore valid , because they are to be found in his Books ; under the Authority of this or that Philosopher . He that any one will pretend to set up in this kind , and have his Rules pass for authentique directions ; must shew , that either he builds his Doctrine upon Principles of Reason , self-evident in themselves ; or that he deduces all the parts of it from thence , by clear and evident demonstration : Or must shew his Commission from Heaven ; That he comes with Authority from God , to deliver his Will and Commands to the World. In the former way , no body that I know before our Saviour's time , ever did ; or went about to give us a Morality . 'T is true there is a Law of Nature . But who is there that ever did , or undertook to give it us all entire , as a Law ; No more , nor no less , than what was contained in , and had the obligation of that Law ? Who , ever made out all the parts of it ; Put them together ; And shewed the World their obligation ? Where was there any such Code , that Mankind might have recourse to , as their unerring Rule , before our Saviour's time ? If there was not , 't is plain , there was need of one to give us such a Morality ; Such a Law , which might be the sure guide of those who had a desire to go right ; And if they had a mind , need not mistake their Duty ; But might be certain when they had performed , when failed in it . Such a Law of Morality , Jesus Christ hath given us in the New Testament ; But by the later of these ways , by Revelation . We have from him a full and sufficient Rule for our direction ; And conformable to that of Reason . But the truth and obligation of its Precepts ; hath its force , and is put past doubt to us , by the evidence of his Mission . He was sent by God : His Miracles shew it ; And the Authority of God in his Precepts cannot be questioned . Here Morality has a sure Standard , that Revelation vouches , and Reason cannot gainsay , nor question ; but both together witness to come from God the great Law-maker . And such an one as this out of the New Testament , I think the World never had , nor can any one say is any where else to be found . Let me ask any one , who is forward to think that the Doctrine of Morality was full and clear in the World , at our Saviour's Birth ; Whether would he have directed Brutus and Cassius , ( both Men of Parts and Virtue , the one whereof believed , and the other disbelieved a future Being ) to be satisfied in the Rules and Obligations of all the parts of their Duties ; If they should have asked him where they might find the Law , they were to live by , and by which they should be charged or acquitted , as guilty or innocent ? If to the sayings of the Wise , and the Declarations of Philosophers ; He sends them into a wild Wood of uncertainty , to an endless maze ; from which they should never get out : If to the Religions of the World , yet worse : And if to their own Reason , he refers them to that which had some light and certainty ; but yet had hitherto failed all Mankind in a perfect Rule ; And we see , resolved not the doubts that had risen amongst the Studious and Thinking Philosophers ; Nor had yet been able to convince the Civilized parts of the World , that they had not given , nor could without a Crime , take away the Lives of their Children , by Exposing them . If any one shall think to excuse humane Nature , by laying blame on Men's negligence , that they did not carry Morality to an higher pitch ; and make it out entire in every part , with that clearness of demonstration which some think it capable of ; He helps not the matter . Be the cause what it will , our Saviour found Mankind under a Corruption of Manners and Principles , which Ages after Ages had prevailed , and must be confessed was not in a way or tendency to be mended . The Rules of Morality were in different Countries and Sects , different . And natural Reason no where had , nor was like to Cure the Defects and Errors in them . Those just measures of Right and Wrong , which necessity had any where introduced , the Civil Laws prescribed , or Philosophy recommended ; Stood not on their true Foundations . They were looked on as bonds of Society , and Conveniencies of common Life , and laudable Practises . But where was it that their Obligation was throughly known and allowed , and they received as Precepts of a Law ; Of the highest Law , the Law of Nature ? That could not be , without a clear knowledge and acknowledgment of the Law-maker , and the great Rewards and Punishments , for those that would or would not obey him . But the Religion of the Heathens , as was before observed ; little concerned it self in their Morals . The Priests that delivered the Oracles of Heaven , and pretended to speak from the Gods ; Spoke little of Virtue and a good Life . And on the other side , the Philosophers who spoke from Reason , made not much mention of the Deity in their Ethicks . They depended on Reason and her Oracles ; which contain nothing but Truth . But yet some parts of that Truth lye too deep for our Natural Powers easily to reach , and make plain and visible to mankind , without some Light from above to direct them . When Truths are once known to us , though by Tradition , we are apt to be favourable to our own Parts ; And ascribe to our own Understandings the Discovery of what , in truth , we borrowed from others ; Or , at least , finding we can prove what at first we learnt from others , we are forward to conclude it an obvious Truth , which , if we had sought , we could not have missed . Nothing seems hard to our Understandings , that is once known ; And because what we see we see with our own Eyes , we are apt to over-look or forget the help we had from others , who first shewed and pointed it out to us , as if we were not at all beholden to them for that Knowledge ; Which Being of Truths we now are satisfied of , we conclude our own Faculties would have lead us into without any assistance ; And that we know them , as they did , by the strength and perspicuity of our own minds , only they had the luck to be before us . Thus the whole stock of Human Knowledge is claimed by every one , as his private Possession , as soon as he ( profiting by others Discoveries ) has got it into his own mind ; And so it is : But not properly by his own single Industry , nor of his own Acquisition . He studies , 't is true , and takes pains to make a progress in what others have delivered ; But their pains were of another sort , who first brought those Truths to light , which he afterwards derives from them . He that Travels the Roads now , applauds his own strength and legs , that have carried him so far in such a scantling of time ; And ascribes all to his own Vigor , little considering how much he ows to their pains , who cleared the Woods , drained the Bogs , built the Bridges , and made the Ways passable ; without which he might have toiled much with little progress . A great many things we have been bred up in the belief of from our Cradles , ( and are Notions grown Familiar , and as it were Natural to us , under the Gospel , ) we take for unquestionable obvious Truths , and easily demonstrable ; without considering how long we might have been in doubt or ignorance of them , had Revelation been silent . And many are beholden to Revelation , who do not acknowlede it . 'T is no diminishing to Revelation , that Reason gives its Suffrage too to the Truths Revelation has discovered . But 't is our mistake to think , that because Reason confirms them to us , we had the first certain knowledge of them from thence , and in that clear Evidence we now possess them . The contrary is manifest , in the defective Morality of the Gentils before our Saviour's time ; and the want of Reformation in the Principles and Measures of it , as well as Practice . Philosophy seemed to have spent its strength , and done its utmost ; Or if it should have gone farther , as we see it did not , and from undenyable Principles given us Ethicks in a Science like Mathematicks in every part demonstrable , this yet would not have been so effectual to man in this imperfect state , nor proper for the Cure. The bulk of mankind have not leisure nor capacity for Demonstration ; nor can carry a train of Proofs ; which in that way they must always depend upon for Conviction , and cannot be required to assent till they see the Demonstration . Wherever they stick , the Teachers are always put upon Proof , and must clear the Doubt by a Thread of coherent deductions from the first Principle , how long , or how intricate soever that be . And you may as soon hope to have all the Day-Labourers and Tradesmen , the Spinsters and Dairy Maids perfect Mathematicians , as to have them perfect in Ethicks this way . Hearing plain Commands , is the sure and only course to bring them to Obedience and Practice . The greatest part cannot know , and therefore they must believe . And I ask , whether one coming from Heaven in the Power of God , in full and clear Evidence and Demonstration of Miracles , giving plain and direct Rules of Morality and Obedience , be not likelier to enlighten the bulk of Mankind , and set them right in their Duties , and bring them to do them , than by Reasoning with them from general Notions and Principles of Humane Reason ? And were all the Duties of Humane Life clearly demonstrated ; yet I conclude , when well considered , that Method of teaching men their Duties , would be thought proper only for a few , who had much Leisure , improved Understandings , and were used to abstract Reasonings . But the Instruction of the People were best still to be left to the Precepts and Principles of the Gospel . The healing of the Sick , the restoring sight to the Blind by a word , the raising , and being raised from the Dead , are matters of Fact , which they can without difficulty conceive ; And that he who does such things , must do them by the assistance of a Divine Power . These things lye level to the ordinariest Apprehension ; He that can distinguish between sick and well , Lame and sound , dead and alive , is capable of this Doctrine . To one who is once perswaded that Jesus Christ was sent by God to be a King , and a Saviour of those who do believe in him ; All his Commands become Principles : There needs no other Proof for the truth of what he says , but that he said it . And then there needs no more but to read the inspired Books , to be instructed : All the Duties of Morality lye there clear , and plain , and easy to be understood . And here I appeal , whether this be not the surest , the safest , and most effectual way of teaching : Especially if we add this farther consideration ; That as it suits the lowest Capacities of Reasonable Creatures , so it reaches and satisfies , Nay , enlightens the highest . And the most elevated Understandings cannot but submit to the Authority of this Doctrine as Divine ; Which coming from the mouths of a company of illiterate men , hath not only the attestation of Miracles , but reason to confirm it ; Since they delivered no Precepts but such , as though Reason of it self had not clearly made out , Yet it could not but assent to when thus discovered ; And think itself indebted for the Discovery . The Credit and Authority our Saviour and his Apostles had over the minds of Men , by the Miracles they did ; Tempted them not to mix ( as we find in that of all the Sects of Philosophers , and other Religions ) any Conceits ; any wrong Rules ; any thing tending to their own by-interest , or that of a Party ; in their Morality . No tang of prepossession or phansy ; No footsteps of Pride or Vanity , Ostentation or Ambition , appears to have a hand in it . It is all pure , all sincere ; Nothing too much , nothing wanting : But such a compleat Rule of Life , as the wisest Men must acknowledge , tends entirely to the good of Mankind : And that all would be happy , if all would practise it . 3. The outward forms of Worshipping the Deity , wanted a Reformation . Stately Buildings , costly Ornaments , peculiar and uncouth Habits , And a numerous huddle of pompous , phantastical , cumbersome Ceremonies , every where attended Divine Worship . This , as it had the peculiar Name , so it was thought the principal part , if not the whole of Religion . Nor could this possibly be amended whilst the Jewish Ritual stood ; And there was so much of it mixed with the Worship of the True God. To this also our Saviour , with the knowledge of the infinite invisible supream Spirit , brought a Remedy ; in a plain , spiritual , and suitable Worship . Iesus says to the Woman of Samaria , The hour cometh , when ye shall neither in this Mountain , nor yet at Jerusalem , worship the Father . But the True Worshippers , shall worship the Father , both in Spirit and in Truth ; For the Father seeketh such to worship . To be Worshipped in Spirit and in Truth ; With application of Mind and sincerity of Heart , was what God henceforth only required . Magnificent Temples , and confinement to certain Places , were now no longer necessary for his Worship ; Which by a Pure Heart might be performed any where . The splendor and distinction of Habits , and pomp of Ceremonies , and all outside Performances , might now be spared . God who was a Spirit , and made known to be so , required none of those ; but the Spirit only : And that in publick Assemblies , ( where some Actions must lie open to the view of the World ) All that could appear and be seen , should be done decently , and in order , and to Edification . Decency , Order , and Edification , were to regulate all their publick Acts of Worship ; And beyond what these required , the outward appearance , ( which was of little value in the Eyes of God ) was not to go . Having shut out indecency and confusions out of their Assemblies , they need not be solicitous about useless Ceremonies . Praises and Prayer , humbly offered up to the Deity , was the Worship he now demanded ; And in these every one was to look after his own Heart , And know that it was that alone which God had regard to , and accepted . 4. Another great advantage received by our Saviour , is the great incouragement he brought to a virtuous and pious Life : Great enough to surmount the difficulties and obstacles that lie in the way to it ; And reward the pains and hardships of those , who stuck firm to their Duties , and suffered for the Testimony of a good Conscience . The Portion of the Righteous has been in all Ages taken notice of , to be pretty scanty in this World. Virtue and Prosperity , do not often accompany one another ; And therefore Virtue seldom had many Followers . And 't is no wonder She prevailed not much in a State , where the Inconveniencies that attended her were visible , and at hand ; And the Rewards doubtful , and at a distance . Mankind , who are and must be allowed to pursue their Happiness ; Nay , cannot be hindred ; Could not but think themselves excused from a strict observation of Rules , which appeared so little to consist with their chief End , Happiness ; Whilst they kept them from the enjoyments of this Life ; And they had little evidence and security of another . 'T is true , they might have argued the other way , and concluded ; That , Because the Good were most of them ill treated here . There was another place where they should meet with better usage : But 't is plain , they did not . Their thoughts of another Life were at best obscure : And their expectations uncertain . Of Manes , and Ghosts , and the shades of departed Men , There was some talk ; But little certain , and less minded . They had the Names of Styx and Acheron ; Of Elisian fields , and seats of the Blessed : But they had them generally from their Poets ▪ mixed with their Fables . And so they looked more like the Inventions of Wit and Ornaments of Poetry , than the serious perswasions of the grave and the sober . They came to them bundled up amongst their tales ; And for tales they took them . And that which rendred them more suspected , and less useful to virtue , was , that the Philosophers seldom set on their Rules on Men's Minds and Practises , by consideration of another Life . The chief of their Arguments were from the excellency of Virtue : And the highest they generally went , was the exalting of humane Nature . Whose Perfection lay in virtue . And if the Priest at any time talked of the Ghosts below , and a Life after this , it was only to keep Men to their Superstitious and Idolatrous Rites ; Whereby the use of this Doctrine was lost to the credulous Multitude ; And its belief to the quicker sighted , who suspected it presently of Priest-craft . Before our Saviour's time , the Doctrine of a future State , though it were not wholly hid , yet it was not clearly known in the World. 'T was an imperfect view of Reason ; Or , perhaps the decay'd remains of an ancient Tradition ; which rather seemed to float on Mens Phansies , than sink deep into their Hearts . It was something , they knew not what , between being and not being . Something in Man they imagined might scape the Grave : But a a perfect compleat Life of an Eternal duration , after this ; was what entred little into their thoughts , and less into their perswasions . And they were so far from being clear herein , that we see no Nation of the World publickly professed it , and built upon it : No Religion taught it : And 't was no where made an Article of Faith , and Principle of Religion till Jesus Christ came ; Of whom it is truly said , that he at his appearing brought light and immortality to light . And that not only in the clear Revelation of it ; And in instances shewn of Men raised from the Dead ; But he has given us an unquestionable assurance and pledge of it , in his own Resurrection and Ascention into Heaven . How hath this one truth changed the Nature of things in the World ? And given the advantage to Piety over all that could tempt or deter Men from it . The Philosophers indeed shewed the beauty of Virtue : They set her off so as drew Mens Eyes and approbation to her : But leaving her unendowed , very few were willing to espouse her . The generality could not refuse her their esteem and commendation ; But still turned their Backs on her and forsook her , as a match not for their turn . But now there being put into the Scales , on her side , An exceeding and immortal weight of Glory ; Interest is come about to her ; And Virtue now is visibly the most enriching purchase , and by much the best bergain . That she is the perfection and excellency of our Nature ; That she is her self a Reward , and will recommend our Names to future Ages , is not all that can now be said for her . 'T is not strange that the learned Heathens satisfied not many with such airy commendations . It has another relish and efficacy , to perswade Men that if they live well here , they shall be happy hereafter . Open their Eyes upon the endless unspeakable joys of another Life ; And their Hearts will find something solid and powerful to move them . The view of Heaven and Hell , will cast a slight upon the short pleasures and pains of this present state ; and give attractions and encouragements to Virtue , which reason , and interest , and the Care of our selves , cannot but allow and prefer . Upon this foundation , and upon this only , Morality stands firm , and may defy all competition . This makes it more than a name ; A substantial Good , worth all our aims and endeavours ; And thus the Gospel of Jesus Christ has delivered it to us . 5. To these I must add one advantage more we have by Jesus Christ , and that is the promise of assistance . If we do what we can , he will give us his Spirit to help us to do what , and how we should . 'T will be idle for us , who know not how our own Spirits move and act us , to ask in what manner the Spirit of God shall work upon us . The Wisdom that accompanies that Spirit , knows better than we how we are made , and how to work upon us . If a wise Man knows how to prevail on his Child , to bring him to what he desires ; Can we suspect , that the Spirit and Wisdom of God should fail in it ; though we perceive or comprehend not the ways of his Operation ? Christ has promised it , who is faithful and just ; And we cannot doubt of the Performance . 'T is not requisite on this occasion , for the inhancing of this benefit , to enlarge on the frailty of our Minds , and weakness of our Constitutions ; How liable to mistakes , how apt to go astray , and how easily to be turned out of the paths of Virtue . If any one needs go beyond himself , and the testimony of his own Conscience in this point ; If he feels not his own errors and passions always tempting , and often prevailing , against the strict Rules of his Duty ; He need but look abroad into any Age of the World to be convinced . To a Man under the difficulties of his Nature , beset with Temptations , and hedged in with prevailing Custom ; 't is no small encouragement to set himself seriously on the courses of Virtue , and practise of true Religion , That he is from a sure hand , and an almighty arm , promised assistance to support and carry him through . There remains yet something to be said to those who will be ready to Object , If the belief of Jesus of Nazareth to be the Messiah , together with those concomitant Articles of his Resurrection , Rule , and coming again to Judge the World , be all the Faith required as necessary to Justification , to what purpose were the Epistles written ; I say , if the belief of those many Doctrines contained in them , be not also necessary to Salvation ? And if what is there delivered , a Christian may believe or disbelieve , and yet nevertheless be a Member of Christ's Church , and one of the Faithful ? To this I Answer , That the Epistles were written upon several occasions : And he that will read them as he ought , must observe what 't is in them is principally aimed at ; find what is the Argument in hand , and how managed ; if he will understand them right , and profit by them . The observing of this will best help us to the true meaning and mind of the Writer : For that is the Truth which is to be received and believed ; And not scattered Sentences in Scripture-Language , accommodated to our Notions and Prejudices . We must look into the drift of the Discourse , observe the coherence and connexion of the Parts , and see how it is consistent with it self , and other parts of Scripture ; if we will conceive it right . We must not cull out , as best suits our System , here and there a Period or a Verse ; as if they were all distinct and independent Aphorisms ; and make these the Fundamental Articles of the Christian Faith , and necessary to Salvation , unless God has made them so . There be many Truths in the Bible , which a good Christian may be wholly ignorant of , and so not believe ; which , perhaps , some lay great stress on , and call Fundamental Articles , because they are the distinguishing Points of their Communion . The Epistles , most of them , carry on a Thread of Argument , which in the stile they are writ , cannot every where be observed without great Attention . And to consider the Texts , as they stand and bear a part in that , is to view them in their due light , and the way to get the true sense of them . They were writ to those who were in the Faith , and true Christians already : And so could not be designed to teach them the Fundamental Articles and Points necessary to Salvation . The Epistle to the Romans was writ to all that were at Rome beloved of God , called to be Saints , whose Faith was spoken of through the World , Chap. 1. 7 , 8. To whom St. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians was , he shews , Chap I. 2. 4. &c. Vnto the Church of God which is at Corinth , to them that are sanctified in Christ Iesus , called to be Saints ; with all them that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ our Lord , both theirs and ours . I thank my God always on your behalf , for the grace of God which is given you by Iesus Christ ; That in every thing ye are enriched by him in all utterance , and in all knowledge : Even as the Testimony of Christ was confirmed in you . So that ye come behind in no gift ; waiting for the coming of the Lord Iesus Christ. And so likewise the second was , To the Church of God at Corinth , with all the Saints in Achaia , Chap. I. 1. His next is to the Churches of Galatia . That to the Ephesians was , To the Saints that were at Ephesus , and to the faithful in Christ Iesus . So likewise , To the Saints and faithful Brethren in Christ at Colosse , who had Faith in Christ Iesus , and love to the Saints . To the Church of the Thessalonians . To Timothy his Son in the Faith. To Titus his own Son after the common Faith. To Philemon his dearly beloved , and fellow-labourer . And the Author to the Hebrews calls those he writes to , Holy Brethren , partakers of the Heavenly Calling , Chap. III. 1. From whence it is evident , that all those whom St. Paul writ to , were Brethren , Saints , Faithful in the Church , and so Christians already ; And therefore wanted not the Fundamental Articles of the Christian Religion ; without a belief of which they could not be saved : Nor can it be supposed , that the sending of such Fundamentals was the reason of the Apostle's Writing to any of them . To such also St. Peter writes , as is plain from the first Chapter of each of his Epistles . Nor is it hard to observe the like in St. Iames and St. Iohn's Epistles . And St. Iude directs his thus : To them that are sanctified by God the Father , and preserved in Iesus Christ , and called . The Epistles therefore being all written to those who were already Believers and Christians , the occasion and end of writing them , could not be to Instruct them in that which was necessary to make them Christians . This 't is plain they knew and believed already ; or else they could not have been Christians and Believers . And they were writ upon Particular Occasions ; and without those Occasions had not been writ ; and so cannot be thought necessary to Salvation : Though they resolving doubts , and reforming mistakes , are of great Advantage to our Knowledge and Practice . I do not deny , but the great Doctrines of the Christian Faith are dropt here and there , and scattered up and down in most of them . But 't is not in the Epistles we are to learn what are the Fundamental Articles of Faith , where they are promiscuously , and without distinction mixed with other Truths in Discourses that were ( though for Edification indeed , yet ) only occasional . We shall find and discern those great and necessary Points best in the Preaching of our Saviour and the Aples , to those who were yet strangers , and ignorant of the Faith , to bring them in , and convert them to it . And what that was , we have seen already out of the History of the Evangelists , and the Acts ; where they are plainly laid down , so that no body can mistake them . The Epistles to particular Churches , besides the main Argument of each of them , ( which was some present Concernment of that particular Church to which they severally were address'd ) do in many places explan the Fundamentals of the Christian Religion ; and that wisely ; by proper Accommodations to the Apprehensions of those they were writ to , the better to make them imbibe the Christian Doctrine , and the more easily to comprehend the Method , Reasons , and Grounds of the great work of Salvation . Thus we see in the Epistle to the Romans , Adoption ( a Custom well known amongst those of Rome ) is much made use of , to explain to them the Grace and Favour of God , in giving them Eternal Life ; to help them to conceive how they became the Children of God , and to assure them of a share in the Kingdom of Heaven , as Heirs to an Inheritance . Whereas the setting out , and confirming the Christian Faith to the Hebrews , in the Epistle to them , is by Allusions and Arguments , from the Ceremonies , Sacrifices , and Oeconomy of the Jews , and Reference to the Records of the Old Testament . And as for the General Epistles , they , we may see , regard the state , and exigencies , and some peculiarities of those times . These Holy Writers , inspired from above , writ nothing but Truth ; and in most places very weighty Truths to us now ; for the expounding , clearing , and confirming of the Christian Doctrine , and establishing those in it who had embraced it . But yet every Sentence of theirs must not be taken up , and looked on as a Fundamental Article necessary to Salvation ; without an explicit belief whereof , no body could be a Member of Christ's Church here , nor be admitted into his Eternal Kingdom hereafter . If all , or most of the Truths declared in the Epistles , were to be received and believed as Fundamental Articles , what then became of those Christians who were fallen asleep ? ( as St. Paul witnesses in his First to the Corinthians , many were ) before these things in the Epistles were revealed to them ? Most of the Epistles not being written till above Twenty Years after our Saviour's Ascension , and some after Thirty . But farther , therefore , to those who will be ready to say , May those Truths delivered in the Epistles , which are not contained in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , and are therefore by this Account not necessary to Salvation , be believed , or disbelieved without any danger ? May a Christian safely question or doubt of them ? To this I Answer , That the Law of Faith , being a Covenant of Free Grace , God alone can appoint what shall be necessarily believed by every one whom he will Justifie . What is the Faith which he will accept and account for Righteousness , depends wholly on his good Pleasure . For 't is of Grace , and not of Right , that this Faith is accepted . And therefore he alone can set the Measures of it : And what he has so appointed and declared , is alone necessary . No body can add to these Fundamental Articles of Faith ; nor make any other necessary , but what God himself hath made and declared to be so . And what these are , which God requires of those who will enter into , and receive the Benefits of the New Covenant , has already been shewn . An explicit belief of these , is absolutely required of all those to whom the Gospel of Jesus Christ is preached , and Salvation through his Name proposed . The other parts of Divine Revelation are Objects of Faith , and are so to be received . They are Truths whereof none that is once known to be such , may or ought to be disbelieved . For to acknowledge any Proposition to be of Divine Revelation and Authority , and yet to deny or disbelieve it , is to offend against this Fundamental Article and Ground of Faith , that God is true . But yet a great many of the Truths revealed in the Gospel , every one does , and must confess , a man may be ignorant of ; nay , disbelieve , without danger to his Salvation : As is evident in those , who allowing the Authority , differ in the Interpretation and meaning o several Texts of Scripture , not thought Fundamental : In all which 't is plain the contending Parties , on one side or tother , are ignorant of , nay , disbelieve the Truths delivered in Holy Writ ; unless Contrarieties and Contradictions can be contained in the same words , and Divine Revelation can mean contrary to it self . Though all divine Revelation requires the obedience of Faith ; yet every truth of inspired Scriptures is not one of those , that by the Law of Faith is required to be explicitly believed to Justification . What those are , we have seen by what our Saviour and his Apostles proposed to , and required in those whom they Converted to the Faith. Those are fundamentals ; which 't is not enough not to disbelieve : Every one is required actually to assent to them . But any other Proposition contained in the Scripture , which God has not thus made a necessary part of the Law of Faith , ( without an actual assent to which he will not allow any one to be a Believer ) a Man may be ignorant of , without hazarding his Salvation by a defect in his Faith. He believes all that God has made necessary for him to believe , and assent to : And as for the rest of Divine Truths , there is nothing more required of him , but that he receive all the parts of Divine Revelation , with a docility and disposition prepared to imbrace , and assent to all Truths coming from God ; And submit his mind to whatsoever shall appear to him to bear that Character . Where he , upon fair endeavours , understands it not ; How can he avoid being ignorant ? And where he cannot put several Texts , and make them consist together ; What Remedy ? He must either interpret one by the other , or suspend his Opinion . He that thinks that more is , or can be required , of poor frail Man in matters of Faith , will do well to consider what absurdities he will run into . God out of the infiniteness of his Mercy , has dealt with Man as a compassionate and tender Father . He gave him Reason , and with it a Law : That could not be otherwise than what Reason should dictate ; Unless we should think , that a reasonable Creature , should have an unreasonable Law. But considering the frailty of Man , apt to run into corruption and misery , he promised a Deliverer , whom in his good time he sent ; And then declared to all Mankind , that whoever would believe him to be the Saviour promised , and take him now raised from the dead , and constituted the Lord and Judge of all Men , to be their King and Ruler , should be saved . This is a plain intelligible Proposition ; And And the all-merciful God seems herein to have consulted the poor of this World , and the bulk of Mankind . These are Articles that the labouring and illiterate Man may comprehend . This is a Religion suited to vulgar Capacities ; And the state of Mankind in this World , destined to labour and travel . The Writers and Wranglers in Religion fill it with niceties , and dress it up with notions ; which they make necessary and fundamental parts of it ; As if there were no way into the Church , but through the Academy or Lyceum . The bulk of Mankind have not leisure for Learning and Logick , and superfine distinctions of the Schools . Where the hand is used to the Plough , and the Spade , the head is seldom elevated to sublime Notions , or exercised in mysterious reasonings . 'T is well if Men of that rank ( to say nothing of the other Sex ) can comprehend plain propositions , and a short reasoning about things familiar to their Minds , and nearly allied to their daily experience . Go beyond this , and you amaze the greatest part of Mankind : And may as well talk Arabick to a poor day Labourer , as the Notions and Language that the Books and Disputes of Religion are filled with ; and as soon you will be understood . The Dissenting Congregations are supposed by their Teachers to be more accurately instructed in matters of Faith , and better to understand the Christian Religion , than the vulgar Conformists , who are charged with great ignorance ; How truly I will not here determine . But I ask them to tell me seriously , whether half their People have leisure to study ? Nay , Whether one in ten of those who come to their Meetings in the Country , if they had time to study them , do or can understand , the Controversies at this time so warmly managed amongst them , about Justification , the subject of this present Treatise . I have talked with some of their Teachers , who confess themselves not to understand the difference in debate between them . And yet the points they stand on , are reckoned of so great weight , so material , so fundamental in Religion , that they divide Communion and separate upon them . Had God intended that none but the Learned Scribe , the disputer or wise of this World , should be Christians , or be Saved , thus Religion should have been prepared for them ; filled with speculations and niceties , obscure terms , and abstract notions . But Men of that expectation , Men furnished with such acquisitions , the Apostle tells us , I Cor. I. are rather shut out from the simplicity of the Gospel ; to make way for those poor , ignorant , illiterate , Who heard and believed promises of a Deliverer ; and believed Jesus to be him ; Who could conceive a Man dead and made alive again , and believe that he should at the end of the World , come again , and pass Sentence on all Men , according to their deeds . That the poor had the Gospel Preached to them ; Christ makes a mark as well as business of his Mission . Mat. XI . 5. And if the poor had the Gospel Preached to them , it was , without doubt , such a Gospel , as the poor could understand , plain and intelligible : And so it was , as we have seen , in the Preachings of Christ and his Apostles . FINIS . Printed for A. & J. Churchil , in Pater-Noster-Row . A View of Universal History from the Creation to 1695. Wherein the most Remarkable Persons and Things in the known Kingdoms and Countries of the World are set down in several Columns , by way of Synchronism , according to their proper Centuries and Years . In 16 Copper Plates . By F. Talents , A. M. A compleat Journal of both Houses of Parliament throughout the whole Reign of Q. Elizabeth . By Sir Symonds Dewes , Knight . Fol. Notitia Monastica : Or , A History of all the Religious Houses in England and Wales , &c. 8vo . By Tho. Tanner . The Resurrection of the ( same ) Body , asserted from the Tradition of the Heathens , the Ancient Jews , and the Primitive Church . With an Answer to the Objections brought against it . By Humph. Hody , D. D. Octavo . Bishop Wilkins of Prayer and Preaching , enlarged by the Bp. of Norwich and Dr. Williams . Octavo . The Gentleman's Religion , with Grounds and Reasons of it . 20. By a Private Gentleman . Dr. Patrick's New Version of all the Psalms of David . 120. To be sung in Churches . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A48888-e280 Gen. III. 17-19 . 
A70185	----	Scepsis scientifica, or, Confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of The vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned Thomas Albius / by Joseph Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1665 Approx. 196 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70185 Wing G828_pt2 ESTC R13862 11839211 ocm 11839211 49777 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70185) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49777) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:14, 31:5) Scepsis scientifica, or, Confest ignorance, the way to science in an essay of The vanity of dogmatizing, and confident opinion : with a reply to the exceptions of the learned Thomas Albius / by Joseph Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 2 v. Printed by E. Cotes, for Henry Eversden ..., London : 1665. Vol. 2 has special t.p.: Scire/i tuum nihil est, or, The authors defence of the vanity of dogmatizing, against the exceptions of the learned Tho. Albius in his late Sciri ... London : Printed by E.C. for H. Eversden, 1665. First ed. published under title: The way of dogmatizing. Copy at reel 31:5 (G827) is volume 1; copy at reel 70:14 (G828) is volume 2. "A letter to a friend concerning Aristotle": v. 2, p. 77-92. Reproduction of original in Library of Congress (v. 1) and British Library (v. 2) Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng White, Thomas, 1593-1676. Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Knowledge, Theory of -- Early works to 1800. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-02 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SCIRE / I tuum nihil est : OR , The AUTHORS DEFENCE OF The Vanity of DOGMATIZING ; Against the EXCEPTIONS OF The Learned THO. ALBIUS In his Late SCIRI . No doubt but ye are the Men , and Wisdom shall dye with you ! Job . LONDON , Printed by E. C. for Henry Eversden at the Grey-Hound in St. Pauls-Church-Yard , 1665. The AUTHORS APOLOGY FOR HIS STYLE . IT may perhaps seem to some incongruous , that my Reply is not written in the language of the Objections ; and I should have thought so too , had the Objections spoke the Language of my Discourse . But since my Assailant takes the Liberty to recede from my Style , I know no reason obligeth me to humour his . And 't is less improper for a Book to differ in fashion from another that opposeth it ; than from that of which 't is a part and vindication . And this Answer were sufficient for the seeming impropriety : But yet I have Reasons more considerable to excuse it . I must confess then , that by that time Sciri was extant , I was grown so indifferent to those matters , that I had much ado to perswade my self to a Review of what I had written ; and could have ben content to have left it without any other vindication , then what it could it self obtain from the good nature and ingenuity , of impartial perusers . And in this coldness of humor had without doubt deserved it , but that my Bookseller importun'd me for another Edition : which request of his having consented to , I saw my self under a necessity of decorum to return something on an occasion , in which silence perhaps might have been ill-manners to an ingenious and learned Adversary . But though the constraint of these circumstances overcame my aversness to writing any more on a subject , with which I thought I had done for ever ; yet could it not prevail against the humour I had of troubling my self no more then needs in a business , to which I was driven , rather then inclined or perswaded . So that after I had resolv'd an Answer ; it had been more difficult to have drawn my self to put it into any other drss , then what is most easie and familiar . Which yet was not the effect only of the indisposition and laziness of my humour ; but a dictate of my discretion . For the truth is , I foresaw the occasion would not engage me in any thing , that I could think worthy of the universal Language ; except I should have written a Discourse , and not an Answer . Besides which , had I used another style I must have been more diffuse in reiterating what I had said in the opposed Essay ; otherwise those that understood not English , had been uncapable of my justification ; and my self , and those that do , nauseated by the repetition . These then were the chief reasons of my continuing the Language I began with ; which I confess I was the more easily perswaded by , because there are late great examples of like practice , whose fashions 't is no discredit to imitate . And to all I might add , that I love not that my Discourse should wear Linsy-Woolsy . SCIRI , A. Sive Sceptices & Scepticorum à Jure Disputationis Exclusio . Remarques on the Title . G. I Should never have thought my self concern'd in a Book , that wears such a Title ; but that I found my Name in the first page made an ungrateful adjunct : and the opposing a discourse I had publish't , profest the occasion , and mark it aim'd at . How unjust 't is to suggest that I am a Sceptick , is I think clear enough from what I have said already , and shall make more fully appear in the process . And how little kindness I have for the disputing way of procedure , I have publiquely declared . How proper then that part of the Title is in this application , any one may pass an easie judgement . But to what purpose old Cato stands there , with that instructive oracle in his mouth , which I remember ever since I cap't verses , Contra verbosos : I was posed to conjecture . Especially since the insignificant prattle , and endless garrulity of the Philosophy of the Schools , which this Gentleman seems to vindicate , is none of the least offences to those whom , whither they will or no , he will have be Scepticks . In consideration of this , and some such other misapplyed appellations , I thought that this learned Man had an other notion of Sceptick then was usual ; and casting mine eye over his late Purgation , presented to the Cardinals of the inquisition , I found that his Scepticks were some of the modern voluminous ●●sputing Peripateticks , whom in that part of my Discourse where I deal with the Aristotelian Philosophy , I bestow a particular Reflection on . These it seems by the solicitation of their complaints against his Writings had obtain'd a general condemnation of them from the Pope and Consistory of Cardinals ; whom therefore in his Appeal to the said Cardinals he accuseth of ignorance , corruption of the Aristotelian Doctrines , and tendency to Heresie and Atheism . And that these are the Scepticks of our Philosopher , appears also from several passages both of the Praeface and Body of the Discourse I am rejoyning to . But then upon what account the celebrated Gassendus and the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing should be comprised under a common name with these , with whom they have so little confederacy either in Doctrin or Design ; I cannot yet find the least ground for conjecture . A. Junioribus Academicis . ETsi non dubitem validioribus & magis opportunis auxiliis obviam itum esse exitiali illi Pyrrhonicae contagio , quod nova audere non ita pridem occaepit ; tamen , quia nil publici cauterii adactum ad ulous Glanvillanum jam biennio integro aestuofum audiveram , visum est filentibus potioribus ad meam infirmitatem devolutum esse onus , iniquitatem indisciplinatae illius calumniae Universo Philosophantium choro impositae , si non avertere , certe aperire , & plumis disertioribus lacerandam exponere . — Page 1. UPon the supposal then that I am a Sceptick , the learned G. Gentleman invades my harmless and peaceable Essay as a deadly Pyrrhonical contagion , and an enemy to Science . But with what ingenuity I am charg'd , with what I have so frequently disclaim'd , I appeal to the professions of the Discourse it self to evidence : which whether they are arguments of a Sceptical aim and temper , let the Dogmatist judge between us . And though my Apology for Philosophy may perhaps be defective in point of Judgement and Argument , for the clearing of what I undertook to vindicate ; yet both the design and menage of it , one would think , should have secured me from suspicion of endeavouring to discourage Philosophical enquiries , by introducing a despair of Science . For on the contrary , one of my chief designs was , to remove that sloath and laziness which in these later ages hath cramp't endeavour , and made men content to sit down with their slender acquists , as Certainties and Demonstrations which are scarce Probabilities . I desire it may be taken notice of once for all then , that I have nought to do with that shuffling Sect , that love to doubt eternally , and to question all things . My profession is freedom of enquiry , and I own no more Scepticism then what is concluded in the Motto which the ROYAL SOCIETY have now adopted for theirs , NULLIUS IN VERBA . So that there was no need of so solemn a warning to the Universities against my innocent discourse ; whose greatest fault is , that 'tas been so unhappy as to be mistaken . For the Ulcus Glanvillanum ( as my learned Assailant is pleased to call it ) contains none of the supposed venome . Nor will it inspire any but supine and passive tempers with any other spirit then that of more diligent research , and careful pursuits of nature . I am not therefore concern'd in the Question our Author propounds to his junior Academicks to this purpose : Whether they would be severely wise for the conduct of their Manners and Religion , or enticingly Rhetorical , pleading for Ignorance and Uncertainty , and whistling their dependants into apparent precipices ? Since one of the greatest quarrels I have against Confident Opinion , is , that it renders the Dogmatist conceited , not wise . And is so far from being serviceable to good manners , that it mischievously corrupts them , sowring Mens spirits with Envy , ill Nature , and Moroseness ; and mingling their Religion with Schism , bitrer Zeal , and Sedition : And these are worse precipices then a modest and reserv'd belief can betray Men into . To what follows within this period , I 'le say no more , then that there 's a Medium between being Blind and Infallible . And vanitas Dogmatizandi , is not well explained by vera pollicendi . A. Viro non irascor , qui magno ingenio & eloquentiae cum annis maturandae flumine non vadando , — pag. 3. G. IN this clause the learned Gentleman acknowledgeth my confession of certainty in Faith , and hopes of Science from experiment ; neither of which can consist with a criminal and dangerous Scepticism : which yet he seems not willing to have me free from , adding , that I point at one , as the ground of my expectation , whom this learned Man will have believed a Favourer of the Pyrrhonian Nihil Sciri : The person aim'd at in this Reflection , I conceive , is Des-Cartes ; though I confess , I remember not that sentence mention'd in his writings ; for after the proposal of what might be expected from experiment and the progress of enquiry , I adde , That those that are acquainted with the fecundity of the Cartesian Principles will dispair of nothing . And if that great Man , possibly one of the greatest that ever was , must be believed a Sceptick , who would not ambitiously affect the title ? And to give the Pyrrhonians one of the noblest and happiest wits that hath shone upon the world , is to yield a greater advantage to their Cause , then would be done by a thousand profest assertions of it So that had I been guilty of such a Concession , I might thence more reasonably have been judged a Favourer of the Scepticks , then by any thing I have writ against the Dogmatists . For I am apt to think , that Mankind is like to reap more advantage from the Ignorance of Des Cartes , then perhaps from the greatest part of the science was before him , and I cannot forbear pronouncing him the Phosphoros of that clear and useful light , that begins to spring in plentifully upon an awakened world . So that though the following expostulations are proper and seasonable in reference to our Authors Peripatetical Scepticks , yet are they most improper and injurious , if they have any aspect on Des-Cartes , or those that endeavour to promote that free and useful way of Philosophizing which he hath insisted in . But I add no more on this occasion , because 't is possible I have mistaken the person intended by my Assailant . However , if the Reflection be not directed to him , 't is to the excellent Gassendus , who is presently after introduced , under the Title of the Great Interpreter of Epicurus ; who hath as little reason to be suspected of Criminal Scepticism , as the other . It is well known that these great men were Inquirers , and it becomes not such to be swearers , nor is it therefore reasonable to conclude them Scepticks . A. Aliud offendiculum est complurium Modernorum effraenis impudentia , qui Aristotelem — pag. 7. G. I Am glad to find my learned Assailant justifying all my censures of the Modern Aristotelians ; only he accuseth them of one fault which I seldom find among them , viz. modesty in proposing their opinions ; which our Authour inveighs against as a criminal diffidence . But for my part I think the greatest number of that spirit can plead Not guilty to the accusation . And for those of them that are less assured in their sentiments , I should not reckon it among their crimes , to be wary and sparing of assent in notions so lubricous and uncertain , as are those they deal in . Though I confess , to keep such voluminous ado about acknowledg'd uncertainties , is a very reprehensible vanity . And doubtless the unprofitable toyes of these later Peripateticks , have offended many against that Philosophy . But whether most of them are not the genuine derivations of the Hypothesis they claim to , may without difficulty be determin'd by any that will consider the natural flatulency of that aery scheam of notions . And I think they have no great reason to pretend to ingenuity or judgement , that accuse Aristotle for the faults of his Sectators . But from this last period of sence , I desire chiefly it may be noted , that our learned Author pleads not for the Modern Aristotelianism , which yet obtains in most of the Schools of Christendom : All the advantage I shall make of which at present is to question , Whether the reseuing men from an over fond value of such small wares , and the preventing the expence of time and pains upon such solemn trifles , as our Philosopher deservedly calls them , be like to be a prejudice to their persuits of more useful Knowledge , and the Furtherance of Science ? Vos modo novi palmites surgentes in Vinum quod A. laetificet corda hominum , memores quod — pag. 9. THough I confess I have not so great a value for the G. Aristotelian learning , as some others ; yet I am none of those , that would disswade junior Academicks from the study of that Philosophy . Especially , I think Aristotles Logick and Rhetorick are to be acknowledg'd ; though , I am not of the opinion of Averroes that he was the inventer of either . And doubtless that reverence and observance is due to the Statutes of those Universities that recommend this Author ; yea and the Antiquity of that Philosophy ( though it be far from being the antientest ) will commend it to the Students of universal learning . Besides , I would have nothing avoided or condemn'd till it be understood : And were I more an enemy to that Philosophy then my Assailant can suppose I am , yet should I not disswade the learning It ; since primus sapientiae gradus , est falsa intelligere . Only , I think , 't would be very injurious to Knowledge , if Aristotle should ingross men , and should his Placits be all receiv'd as the dictates of universal Reason . There are other Hypotheseis more antient , and possiby more useful , that deserve to be enquired into . And 't is an enlargement and enobling the minds of men to acquaint them with the various Scheams in which things have been represented . My design was not then to discourage any from inquiring into the Aristotelian Doctrines , especially as they are in their original : But to prevent mens sitting down for ever on his Composures , and making his Placits the infallible measures of Truth and Nature . Let Aristotle be studied then , but not adored . Let him have the first of our Time , but not all ; the advantage of prepossession is great , which yet Free Philosophers I presume will grant him ; only let Pythagoras , Democritus , Plato , and the more antient Chaldaean wisdom , have their turns to be inquired into , and let the great and illustrious Moderns have theirs . 'T is an unaccountable vanity , to spend all our time in raking into the scraps and imperfct remains of former ages , and to neglect the knowledge and clearer notices of our own , which ( my Lord Bacon makes the third , but reckoning in the Aegyptian ) is the Fourth , and perhaps greatest enquiry of Learning . For many have gone to and fro , and Science is increased . Methinks 't is pity that so many improveable wits as frequent the Universities , should be hindred from enquiry ; and tyed up to the writings of a single Authour , from the knowledge of the Sentiments of the Philosophick world , and studying the more instructive volumn of the Universe . Doubtless , since the dayes of Aristotle , the face of things is alter'd , and new Phaenomena are disclosed , which his Hypotheseis will no more suit , then the Coats of Children will a body that is at full and advanced stature . Besides , the greatest spirits of our dayes , proceed in another way of enquiry , which , if there were nothing in 't but the fashion of the learning of the Age , it were however fit to be known by those that lay any claim to ingenuity , and have leisure for such researches . And it seems to me an unpardonable kind of sloath , ( especially in youth that useth to be busie and inquisitive ) to be contentedly ignorant of those great Theories that make such noise in the Age they live in ; and to spend all their time in that which will signifie little without the walls of a Colledge . For the wiser world is of a differing opinion from our Philosopher in the assertion of this Paragraph , viz. that no progress can be made in Sciences without the Aristotelian Grounds ; and I think will hardly be brought to believe , That those that have quitted those foundations must be alwayes to seek for Principles , and necessarily come short of Science . For to think that the Principles of any Man should be the only and infallible measures of things , seems a fond overvaluing credulity that hath nothing to warrant it . And he that phancies that all succeeding mankind cannot light upon Principles as happy and likely , as those of Aristotle , but must eternally despair of Science , if they proceed in any other way , then he hath prescribed them ; hath no pretence for so bold a judgment of Possibilities . ACTIO PRIMA . SCepsin infaelici naturae aborsu antiquitùs natam , A. & ipsiusmet pudore è linguis disertorum ubi diu habitaverat elatam , & fidei Christianae constantiâ tumulatam , à vermium & insectorum epulis raptam , magicâ quadam operâ vivis restituere conatus est Petrus Gassendus , acerrimae vir Sagacitatis , nitidae Eloquentiae , copiosae facundiae , suavissimorum morum , & diligentiae admirandae . Idem ( quod his omnibus majus est ) Catholicae fidei tenacissimus , & nusquam pravorum áogmatum suspectus , cùm tamen haec Sceptica infinitorum Errorum & omnium Haereseôn mater sit , & illa ipsa seductrix Philosophia , & inanis fallacia , quam cavendam Apostoli monitu docuêre Sancti . Hanc vir ille , caetera magnus , in exercitatione suâ paradoxâ adversus Aristotelaeòs , non ut priùs tectam & scortorum more in tenebris vagantem , sed effronti vultu & fucatâ formâ turbis & foro ostentare ausus est . 2. Illius exemplo , apud nos linguâ vernaculâ eandem exornatam produxit Vanitatis Dogmatizandi Author ; ipse quoque & ingenio pollens & Eloquio . Neque enim à vulgaribus mentibus timenda sunt grandia infortunia . Haec mei laboris est occasio ; propositum verò , si lumen caelitùs affluat & vires calamo ministret , hanc cadaveream scientiae aemulam in sua sepulcreta compellere , & inominatis dentibus rodendam tradere . Agedum igitur , quaesiti nodum evolvamus . G. THe Scepticism which the constancy of Christianity lay'd in it's Grave , I dare say the Illustrious Gassendus would never have redeemed from thence . The Scepticism which consists in Freedome of inquiry , that noble pen recommended , and adorned ; but did not restore : for Campanella and the great Verulam were before him ; yet , Avicenna and others of his spirit among the Antient Peripateticks , were Free Philosophers . But what that Scepticism should be , that is consistent with so sharpe a wit , so neat and copious an Eloquence , such sweet manners , and admirable diligence , such firmness and fledfastness in the Faith , and so unsuspected an Orthodoxie , as are ascribed , and deservedly , to that great person : And yet be the source of infinite Errorus and Heresies , that seducing Philosophy and vain deceit , against which we have the Caveat of an Apostle ; is beyond the reach of my conjecture . And I am the more confounded when I am told , That this Mother of Heresie , this vain deceit , is nothing but an endeavour to lessen the imposing Authority of a vain-glorious Heathen , whom some excellent persons , both Fathers and Philosophers , have accused , as one impious in Manners , and worse in Doctrine and Belief . A suppressor of the more antient and more valuable Wisdom : And one , that from a proud and insolent Tassus contemned , and continually quarrel'd with his betters : Yea , and who grew so far into this humour and contradiction that he would frequently unsay and contradict his own Assertions . One , whose credit grew up in the night of Barbarism and Ignorance ; and whose Principles are repugnant , many of them , to the nature of things , and the Fundamentals of Faith : I say , that an attempt to redeem the free ▪ born spirits of Men , from an unworthy vassallage to so stigmatiz'd an Authority , should be to this Learned Man so criminal and dangerous a business , is , I confess , to me , occasion of some surprise and wonder And if this be the faulty Scepticism Gassendus , and the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing , are accused of ; let those that have a mind to pass their censure , make the worst they can of the Imputation . That Gassendus was no Sceptick in the old and common notion , is apparent from the voluminous pains he hath taken in the building up a Body of Philosophy upon the Principles of Democritus and Epicurus ; and if he was not so fond of the Principles he undertook to illustrate , as to boast their certainty ; proposing them not in a confident and assertive form , but as probabilities and Hypotheseis : I see no reason why his modesty should be made his crime , and be so severely animadverted on . Nor doth the Author of the impugned Essay yet see any cause to be ashamed of having followed his example in an affair so innocent ; to say no more on 't . And he cannot yet decern how that discourse could yield an occasion to this learned Man of opposing Scepticism , which he may lay in the dust without concernment to the Vanity of Dogmatizing , or it's Author : who is no otherwise interested in the Paragraphs that follow for the asserting Science , and opposition of the Scepticks , but only to wish our Author his desired success in the undertaking . I am not therefore concerned to take notice of any thing further , till the Second Section of the Fourth Action . For though possibly in the intermediate discourse , some things are said , which are not so cogent , and othersome which might appear obnoxious to one that would be quarrelsome ; yet because I wish well to the design , and attend not an assault , but defence , I shall pass all that without any other Remarque ; but ; that if this learned Gentleman had thought Gassendus and my self Scepticks in good earnest , his proof which must suppose the certainty of some principles , had been precarious ; or , if not , needless . A. ACTIO QUARTA . Sect. 2. Ipsae jam loquantur querelae , illae nempe quibus quatuor a tertio Capitula , cumulavit — pag. 51. G. IT seems the learned Gentleman had a desire to make an occasion to solve the motion of the Sea , and Magnetick Attractions ; since in my discourse I gave him none , having only mention'd them as things I would not insist on , and confest them better accounted for then less acknowledg'd Mysteries . Whether the reason of these darke Phaenomena be well assigned by this Philosopher ; I 'le not put my self upon the occasion of inquiring . That they are the certain and infallible causes , I suppose this learned Man's modesty will not permit him to affirm ; and if they are but confest probabilities , here 's no opposition to the Scepticism of the Author ; which allowes ingenious and hopeful conjecture in resolving the appearances of Nature : though he fears , few Accounts will amount to Certainties and Demonstrations . So that though for mine own part I acquiesce in the Cartesian solution of these Magnalia , as an Hypothesis that may content one , that is not restlesly and unreasonably inquisitive : Yet even in that , when I would look deep , I descern objections which perhaps will very difficulty be satisfied : And which speak those ingenious offers to be but attempts , no absolute performances . And if this acute Philosopher think the impulse of the external Winds a sufficient cause of the Flux and Reflux ; I shall not go about to disturbe him in his satisfactions . That will ease one Man's mind , that will leave an others restless . Only I cannot well apprehend how so constant and regular an effect as the motion of the Sea , should depend upon so uncertain and proverbially inconstant a cause as the winds are . Or , if there were no difficulty in that , yet the learned Author may please to consider , that this is but the next cause of the Phaenomenon , the cause of which , perhaps , is more hardly assigneable then the other . And the nature and original of the winds , is , it may be , as abstruse a Theory as any in Philosophy . For in assigning Causes , in the second or third , commonly we are lost and non-plust , which is no inconsiderable evidence of humane Ignorance and Deficiency . ACTIO QUINTA . Sect. I. A. Tertio itaque eloquentissimae dissertationis capite objicit ignorantiam illius rei quae notissima — pag. 57. MY learned Assailant is now descended to the difficulties G. I propounded , and judge not yet satisfactorily accounted for ; concerning which I affirm not , that they are doubts that cannot possibly be unriddled ; for this were to discourage , and not to awaken inquiry : but that they have not yet been sufficiently explain'd , or explicable by any yet extant Hypothesis ; a sad argument of intellectual deficience , that after so much talk and indeavour after Science , the whole world should yet be to seek in matters they have the greatest advantages of being acquainted with . I am not therefore an enemy to any Essayes can be made towards the explication of the difficulties proposed ; but should heartily embrace any hopeful offers for the clearing of those mysterious Theories . So that if this learned man propose any thing that may be probable ; though it come not near the title of certainty or science : I have so great a kindness for Ingenuity , and such a desire for the quieting my anxious and inquiring mind , that I shall give it an entertainment not like the usual ones of angry Disputants , who cannot endure any thing that proceeds from an Antagonist ; but such a one as may evidence , that Truth is welcome to me , though it comes in a way of opposition to the petty interest of mine opinions . To the business then , If to suppose the soul a distinct substance from the body and extrinsically advenient , be a great Error in Philosophy , almost all the world hath hitherto been mistaken : so that if this Gentlemans opinion be true , he hath confirm'd the Scepticism I endeavor to promote . But if we enquire into the Philosophy of the Soul , as high as any accounts are given of it , we shall find It's distinction from the body to have been the current belief of all the wiser Ages . For , ( 1. ) The highest times of whose Doctrines we have any History , believed it's Praeexistence , and therefore certainly asserted it's diversity and substantial distinction from the body it informs . Of which briefly . We have Praeexistence among the Chaldean Oracles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And afterwards more clearly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Psellus in his Exposition of the Chaldean Theology , tells us , that according to their Doctrine Souls descended hither ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And again Zoroaster , speaking of souls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Besides which ( 2. ) Trismegistus is express in the assertion of the same Doctrine ; of which a testimony or two perhaps will not be impertinent . In his Minerva Mundi , he brings in God threatning those he had placed in an happy condition of life and enjoyment , with bonds and imprisonment in case of disobedience . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And they transgressing , he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in another place , assignes this for the cause of their incarceration ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 3. ) It was also the opinion of the ancient Jews , that Souls were first created together , and resided in a place they call Golph , a Coelestial region . Ad therefore 't is said in the Mishna , Non aderit Filius David priusquam exhaustae fuerint universae animae quae sunt in Golph . So that they believed all generations on earth to be supplyed from that Promptuary and element of Soules in Heaven ; whence they supposed them to descend by the North-Pole , and to ascend by the South . Hence the saying of the Cabbalists , Magnus Aquilo scaturigo Animarum . And probably that other Omne malum nobis ex Aquilone . From which tradition 't is likely also Homer had this notion , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 4. ) What was the opinion of Pythagoras , Plato , and the greatest of the Greek Philosophers in this particular , is notoriously known to all men that know any thing of these matters . And I need no testimonies in so clear a business . It appears then from the allegations I have produced , that the most valuable wisdom of the antient world asserted a Doctrine which necessarily inferres and supposeth their opinion of the Souls being a distinct substance from the body . Which also ( 2 ) Must be supposed by all that believe it 's natural Immortality . For separability is the greatest argument of real distinction ; especially that , which the Schools call mutual . Now the Souls immortality is a truth that hath had an unanimous reception from the better and wiser world . The Aegyptians , Chaldaeans , Assyrians , Indians , Jews , Greeks , and universally all that ever had a name for wisdom among the Antients , believed it . And what hath been the apprehension of latter ages , I need inform no body that is capable of judging in such inquiries . A Councel of the Church of Rome it self hath determin'd it , and recommended it's proof and demonstration to all Christian Philosophers . But what need of more ? 't is the belief of Sir K. Digby , and our Authors own . And how real separability can consist with identity and indistinction , I know no possibility of apprehending . For that a thing can be separated from it self , can never be believed by any , but those that make a Religion of absurdities . ( 3. ) The Sacred and Mosaical Philosophy supposeth the like real distinction ; of which the expression of God's breathing into Adams nostrils the breath of life , is sufficient evidence . Yea , and all the Arguments that are alledg'd to prove it's immediate creation , do strongly conclude it an other substance from the body . Yea ( 4 ) Aristotle himself affirmes it ; for saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Elsewhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And yet more clearly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And once more , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Other testimonies I could bring to like purpose , but these are sufficient to evince that if Aristotle be consistent with himself , he believed the real distinction I contend for ; And his Peripateticks I 'me sure unanimously affirm it . To all which if I can add Sir K. Digby's opinion , I shall bid fair for our Authors assent to my conclusion , that 't was Aristotle's , and the Truth . ( 5 ) Then , That noble and celebrated friend of our Authors , affirmes in his Immortality [ that the soul is a substance , and a substance besides the body . ] Yea , almost all that discourse of his leans upon that supposal . Yea ( 6 ) Our Philosopher himself in his Peripatetical Institutions , affirms as much as ever I supposed . For he saith that [ 'T is most evident that the mind is something of an other kind from Quantity and Matter , that 't is noble and wholy opposite to the nature of Quantity , that 't is a substantial Principle of Man , and no mode or determination of divisibility , and that there is nothing common to Body and Spirit . ] Besides which , in the Fifth Book of the same Institutions , he discourses of the Souls separation from the body , and asserts it to be evident , that it perisheth not with it ; because it hath actions that belong not to a body , but hath of it self the vertue of a being . And that it's power of existence is not taken away when the body fails , the soul being apart from and besides it . And that matter is not necessary to the Souls existence . Many other expressions there are in that discourse to like purpose , which seem to speak the Souls real distinction from the Body in as great variety of phrase as diversity and distinction can be spoken . So that how such passages consist with the doctrine of it's Identity with the body , I confess I am not Metaphysical enough to comprehend . And I believe very few else can perceive the consistency besides this Philosopher ; whose Metaphysicks of whole and part , have yet been entertain'd by none that I know of ; and therefore though this should be acknowledged a good account , yet 't is an Argument of the weakness of humane understanding that it hath not yet comprehended it . I think by this time 't is clear then , that the supposition of my procedure , the Souls distinction from the Body , is not peccant ; except all the world , both Antient and Modern , hath been mistaken , and our Author also : which if it be granted , 't is an instance of what I plead for . If not , my supposition is good , and the emergent doubt unanswer'd . And if our learned Author yet thinks it plain , that either Man is no being , or that the soul and body are not two , I must acknowledge such Palams to be the Dogmatizing I suppose . And I am willing to put it upon the issue , whether it be so to any body else but this Philosopher . But ( 2 ) besides all this , it seems to me very clear from the nature of the Things themselves abstracting from Authority ; That the Soul is a substance distinct from the body . For I think , ( 1 ) 'T is strongly concluded by the common Arguments that prove it immaterial ; for perception , perception of spirituals , universals and other abstracts from sense , as Mathematical lines , points , superficies , congenit notions , Logical , Metaphysical , and Moral ▪ self-reflection , Freedom , indifferency and universality of action : these , I say , are properties not at all competible to body or matter , though of never so pure a mixture . Nor is it conceiveable how any of these should arise from modificaiions of quantity being of a diverse kind from all the Phaenomena of motion But ( 2 ) If the soul be not a distinct substance from the body , 't is then a certain disposition and modification of it ; which this Gentteman in the 10 Lesson of his Institutions seems to intimate , saying , [ That since the soul is a certain affection — which is introduced and expell'd by corporeal action — ] he thence inferrs some thing that is not to our purpose to relate . And if so ▪ since all diversities in matter arise from motion and position of parts , every different preception will require a different order and position of the parts of the matter perceiving , which must be obtained by motion . I demand then , when we pass from one conception to another , is the motion , the cause of this diversity , meerly casual ; or directed by some act of knowledge ? The former , I suppose , no Man in his wits will affirm ; since then all our conceptions will be non-sense and confusion ; chance being the cause of nothing that is orderly and regular . If therefore there be a knowledge in us that directs the motions that form every distinct conception : I demand concerning that knowledge , Whether it be in like manner directed by some other , or is it the effect of meer casual motions ? If the former , we must run up in infinitum in our inquiry : and the latter admits the alledged absurdities . There is no way then of defending the assertion of the souls being matter , or any modification of it : but by affirming with Master Hobbs a certain connexion between all our thoughts , and a necessary fate in all things : which who ever affirmes , will find difficulties enough in his assertion to bring him to mine , That there 's a Vanity in Dogmatizing , and Confidence is unreasonable . But of this I have had occasion to discourse more in an other Treatise , and I shall not repeat what I have there written , or what others have said on the subject . Especially since perhaps this learned Gentleman will not think himself concern'd in the Proof of this Conclusion , he having in his writings asserted it . But whether he have not unsaid it again in this , I appeal to any equal Decerner . And that the soul should be a substance of another kind from matter , that hath nothing common with it ; a substance separable from all body , to which matter is not necessary , and actually in the other state divided from it : ( all which and more to like purpose our Author hath in some of his Books affirmed ; ) and yet not be a distinct substance , but really the same with the body to which it is united ; which he asserts in this ; I say ▪ how these so opposite affirmations can be reconciled , I have either not wit , or not charity enough to help me to imagine . I know this Authors doctrine is , that there are no parts before separation and division , and therefore no real distinction . But whether things in their natures so divers as body and spirit , which almost in nothing , even according to this Philosophy , communicate ; are not essentially divided , though not locally distant , I am willing to leave to the Readers judgment . And I would fain know whereupon the separability of the soul and body is founded , if not upon the real distinction of their natures : so that though this notion may be less obnoxious when it relates only to substances of the same kind , and quality ; yet when it concerns those that are so essentially distinct , as body and spirit , it seems most strangely lyable . Yea though it should be supposed a Truth , yet it must be acknowledged unconceiveable ; which sufficeth to satisfie my Conclusion . A. Neque me terret distinctio ( quae pueris philosophiam garrientibus in sacco parata est ) Entis perfecti & imperfecti — pag. 58. THe distinction of the Schools of a Being perfect and G. imperfect , is not I think so childish and impertinent as our Author would have believed . For though Ens Imperfectum in the Metaphysical sence , be non-sence and a contradiction ; yet in genere Physico , as they speak , 't is no absurdity : since a being may want some circumstances of natural compleatness and perfection ; and yet be Metaphysically compleat and perfect : so that to affirm the soul an imperfect Being nakedly in it self , is to say no more , then that 't was made with a natural aptitude , and congruity to a body by union with which 't is perfected and compleated , being then furnish't with the requisites of its nature ; which in like manner may be said of a body in humane form , viz. that 't is defective and incompleat till it be furnished with the principle of Humane actions , for which it was designed . So that there 's no absurdity in affirming , That a thing may be one in a Physiological and natural sense ; and two in a Metaphysical ; And so out Philosopher's inference is no sequel . A. 2. Quando itaque petit , Unde Anima veniat ? Reponendum est , An dubitet unde Homo veniat ? — pag. 59. G. THe Foundation of our learned Authors Answers to the proposed difficulties being overthrown ; and it being made secure enough , That the soul is a distinct substance from the body ; 't is a pertinent and material enquiry to ask , whence the Soul is ? And if our Philosopher will call this the Man according to the Maxim , let the question be proposed in his own phrase , and there 's no danger of an absurdity . A. Neque Majorum quamtumvis Reverendorum me quatit Authoritas ; non dico illorum qui — pag. 59. G. IT seems the learned Gentleman would fain reconcile the Authority of the Church asserting the Souls Creation to his main conclusion , that 't is no distinct substance from the body ; and to his inference thereupon , that 't is improper and impertinent , to inquire whence It came . But whether what is said be a clear salve or a shuffle , let it be determin'd by any equal judgment . For either by Homo quatenus intellectivus , our Author means something that is the same with the body ; or really distinct and diverse . If the former , he hath not satisfied the Authority of the Church , which affirms , the Soul as a distinct substance , to be the immediate subject of Creation ; founded upon that clear distinction in the inspired writings [ The body to the dust , and the Soul to God that gave it . ] But if he mean the latter , he hath not provided for his own assertion and hypothesis . Besides ( 2. ) If man as intellective be created , then either he means the whole man , or only that by which he 's intellective ; the former is against all sense and experience . And the latter overthrows all our Author's Answers , with the Proposition upon which they are erected . For if there be some thing in man which is the subject of divine power and action ; and some other thing that is the subject of natural production and generation ; it seems to me apparent that these must be two things really distinguish't . For the same thing cannot be created and naturally produced . For Creation supposeth the production of the whole ex nihilo , both sui & subjecti ( as the Schools phrase it ) without the co-operation of any thing with the divine superlative power : whereas all generation , according to truth and the same Hypothesis , at least supposeth one of them , and is perform'd by natural agents . And I think the case is plain enough when 't is brought to this , Whether the same thing can be produced of something and nothing , with created assistance , and without it ? Since the Actions then are so infinitely diverse , I think I shall not be reprehensibly Dogmatical , in affirming the terms distinct . What the Gentleman says more , seems to be involv'd , and looks like a designed evasion . And if [ one action produceth a man , a Creature equivalent to a Beast and Angel ] I demand , Whether this one action be divine or natural , from God or the generant ? If the former , every man is as immediately created as the first . And the latter quite excludes crea ion , and supposeth God no otherwise to act in giving being to our Souls , then in each common production . 'T is necessary therefore that the terms produced be distinct , when the Actions whereby they are produced are so vastly diverse ; and that the Soul have an Origination different from the Formation of the body , of which 't is more pertinent to inquire , then easie to return an Answer . 3. Ex hâc Veritate derivamur ad sequentes duos A. nodos patentissimè solvendos . — pag. 60. IN this and the following Paragraphs our Author supposeth G. his Doctrin of the identity of the soul and body for an Answer ; And I think after what hath been said , I have as good reason to suppose mine of the diversity for a reply . But how the definition of a Part enervates my enquiry , I cannot imagine , since if [ Parts are , out of which by composition are made one ] And the body and soul be supposed parts of the Man ( which may well enough be allowed upon the account of what hath been said ) I see not but why we may inquire , how these parts , whose natures are so different , can be compounded and united . A. Currit idem Error in sequenti difficultate , quae luget nesciri quomodo Anima moveat corpus , — pag. 61. G. WHether my supposal be an Error , we have seen already ; if it be not , our Philosophers Answer is so . And whither the implyed assertion that the Soul moves not the body be not one , I appeal to any man , that understands he hath any claim to such a being . For though many of our actions , and possibly more then are suspected , may be allowed to be meer Mechanick motions ; yet the experience of all the World attests , that our wills determine and excite not a few of our corporeal motions . What else means the distinction of the Schools of actions imperate and elicit ? And how is it that we can speak and move at pleasure , and in spight of all corporeal impulse , desist from external action ! And if Man be a meer Mechanicks Engine , farewel Free-will , Virtue , Vice , Laws , Religion , rewards and punishments . A clock were as capable of these , according to our Philosopher's Hypothesis , as an humane Automaton . A. Vere enim Unum membrum animatum movet aliud , sed non aliqua substantia quae sit pura Anima — pag. 61. ▪ T Is true , one animate member moves another , but the G. motion must somewhere begin . And though those which are purely corporeal in us are excited by material agents ; yet others we find , which derive from an higher Principle , viz. a free and unconstrained will. And it seem strange to me that men should be so much in love with their private speculations , as for their sakes to confront their own , and all the worlds experience . What follows , no body that I know , affirms , viz. [ That a substance which is a pure Soul moves a member wherein there is none ] . But to what concerns other Animals , the learned Author knows , that the Platonists assign them Souls independent on their Bodies ; and the Peripateticks , substantial Forms distinct from matter , which are the source and Principle of their Actions . So that according to either of these Hypotheseis , the question may as pertinently be proposed concerning their kind , as our own , and will be as difficultly answered . Indeed the excellent Monsieur Des-Cartes , and his followers that affirm , all bruit Actions to be Mechanical , are not concern'd in the inquiry . And if this be the belief of our Philosopher , I 'le not indeavour to disturb his Hypothesis . Only this I 'le add to our purpose , That though we suppose the Actions of Beasts to be fatal and material , yet there 's no reason to infer the same of ours , since we feel it otherwise . And 't is no very reasonable method of arguing , to conclude from an opinion of things we can but conjecture , to the denyal of things we certainly feel , and know . So that though , as our Author insinuates , there may perhaps be no kind of corporeal Actions in our selves , which are not in bruits ; yet 't is not therefore necessary to inferr , that they proceed from a like principle in both : much less that we should conclude , that none of our own actions are begun by a principle distinct from the body and immaterial ; because we believe that theirs are not so . On the other side methinks the Argument will be stronger to inferr , That because we feel a substance distinct from matter to be the cause of some of our motions ; that therefore there may likely be an incorporeal substance that is the principle and spring of some of theirs : And 't is better to conclude from certainty to conjecture , then from conjecture against certainty . A. 4. Ultimae , quas in hoc capitulo plangit , tenebrae collocatae sunt in ignorantiâ illius motus , — pag. 62. G. THe difficulties about the direction of the Spirits concern not only Man , but all other Animals , supposing them to do any thing by a principle of Knowledge and Animadversion . Or , though we judge all their actions M chanical , yet the Account will be more difficultly rendred that way , then by supposing them to act by an animadversive principle . For how such an infinite variety of motions should be regularly menaged , and conducted in such a Wilderness of passages and distinct avennues by meer blind impellents and material conveyances , I have not the least shadow of conjecture . And though Des-Cartes hath made the best attempts in this kind of any hath yet appear'd in the Theory , yet there are Mechanical difficulties in the way of his Solutions , which perhaps will never be well satisfied . But our Philosopher confesseth here the defect of his Anatomy ; and though he thinks himself secure of the general Cause , yet the particular Direction he acknowledges wonderful , and not yet sufficiently discover'd . Verùm Author casum proprium Homini constituere videtur , A. ostentans voluntatem & fortassis — pag. 63. TO prove that the Will is not alwayes moved by some G. precedent passion , and consequently that the Soul is the immediate principle of some of our actions , I make this double offer : ( 1. ) 'T is clear from experience , that , though many of our volitions are motions from the Passion , yet some of our Determinations are from the Understanding and immaterial Faculties . And sometimes we set our Wills to determine in things that are purely indifferent , to make tryal of our Liberty ; when we find not the least provocation or incitement to the action from any emotion of the body . And indeed to suppose every action of the Will to depend upon a previous Appetite or Passion , is to destroy our Liberty , and to inferr a Stoical Fatality with all the dangerous consequences of that Doctrine ▪ ( 2. ) Our Author's proof that there is no dispassionate volition , is an insinuation , that there is no Knowledge without an impulse from the Phantasms ; a Conclusion which may be easily disproved , by those highly abstract Speculations which the mind of Man sometimes entertains it self with , when it puts off all the cloathing of the Imagination , and raiseth it self to a temper for those noble enquiries about God and Immaterials : And if there be no Intellect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Aristotle speaks , for ought I know , we lose one of our chiefest Arguments for our Immortality : Besides which , I suppose our learned Author will not think it for his credit , to be told , that he is in the very rode of the Hobbian Hypothesis ; which will clearly enough appear , if we consider these his Assertions ; [ That the Soul is no distinct substance from the Body , that it contributes nothing towards its motion ; that our Wills are moved by precedent or present Passion , which doubtless is excited by something that is not in our power ; that all our Intellections are from Phantasms , and consequently , nothing else but elevated sense , and that all both natural and free actions are performed by motions deriv'd from the heart ] I say , who ever considers , how these symbolize , yea , and are one with the main Principles of that irreligious Philosophy , must without an excess of Charity , suppose our Philosopher to have shaken hands with the Leviathan . Briefly then , 't is confest , that the Mechanical way of conveyance and direction of the Spirits in Animal performances is yet undiscover'd , and that the channels and particular passages of Mechanical motions ( which all ours are supposed to be ) is yet occult and manifest . And though this Gentleman affirms , the Heart to be the Fountain of animate Operations , yet 't is but an unapproved presumption ; and the greatest Master of Mechanicks that ever was , the Illustrious Des-Cartes has deriv'd all these motions from the brain , in which he 's follow'd by the greatest part of profoundest Speculators ; so that it seems we are not certain of the first spring of the motions we enquire of ; much less can we certainly determin the minutes and particularities of direction : and if any of our actions are deriv'd from our Souls , which our Author seems unwilling to hear of , though I think I have made it sufficiently evident , the difficulties I urg'd upon that supposal have not had the least offer towards solution . A. 5. Caput quartum Sensationis & Memoriae inexplicabiles esse naturas objicit . — pag. 64. I Am no further concern'd in the beginning of this Section , G. then to mind this learned Gentleman how different his apprehension of Des-Cartes his Hypothesis of the manner of Sense , is , from that of his ingenuous and applauded friend Sir K. Digby ; who calls not his opinion a fanstatical conjecture , but thus Prefaces to the recital of his Hypothesis . [ Monsieur Des-Cartes , ( who by his great and heroick attempts , and by shewing mankind how to steer and husband theit reason to the best advantage , hath left us no excuse of being ignorant of any thing that is worth the knowing ) explicating the nature of Sense — and then goes on to declare his opinion of this matter , which he concludes with this character ; of a colour very diverse from our Author 's [ This then is the sum of Monsieur Des-Cartes's Opinion , which he hath very finely exprest with all the advantages that opposite examples , significant words and clear method , can give unto a witty Discourse ; which yet , is but a part of the commendations he deserveth , for what he hath done on this particular : he is over and above all this , the first I ever met with who hath published any conceptions of this nature , whereby to make the Operations of Sense intelligible , Certainly , this praise will ever belong unto him that he hath given the first hint of speaking groundedly , and to the purpose upon this Subject ; and whosoever shall carry it any further ( as what important mystery was ever born and perfected at one ? ) must acknowledge to have deriv'd his light from him . ] This is the censure that excellent person gives of Des-Cartes , and his Opinion , which his dear Friend our Author , hath with so much severity reflected on . And the learned Knight professeth himself of Des-Cartes's mind in all the other circumstances of this Hypothesis , except the Subject of this Motion . So that I wonder that our Philosopher should so far forget himself , as to put such a slurre upon the judgment of his admired Friend , by speaking so contemptuously of a Notion that learned Man had so much , and so deservedly , applauded . What follows is already answer'd . A. Sed nè nihil novi dicat , calumniatur sensu solo non posse agnosci quantitates rerum , distantias , — pag. 65. G. OUr Author in this Period , wonders at my Assertion , and I wonder as much at his wonder ; which is not occasioned by any affirmation of mine , but by a mistake of his own : for my doubt ( as plain as I could express it ) is , How , since there is nothing in the Brain , the seat of Sense , to represent external objects but motion , ( for which I have the suffrage of his noble friend , whose method he professeth to follow ) how , I say , we should by that know figures , distances , magnitudes , and colours , things of another kind from motion ; which therefore cannot represent them , but by some knowledge in the Soul , which we are not aware of ; and how the scant and narrow images in the Brain should notifie the vastest objects , in their large dimensions , without some secret Inference and Geometry in the Soul , is unconceiveable : But what this Knowledge is , we know not . This is the sense of the difficulty propos'd , which , how it is explicated by the Optical demonstrations the Gentleman talks of , the Opticks of my understanding cannot discover . For the rest I dare venture it without an Answer . 6. Proximus in Memoriam labor expenditur . Illius A. explanationem ut impossibilem declaret , — pag. 66. 7. Imprimis , decîdi à moventibus sensum quasdam exuvias & corporis delibamenta , quoad tactum , — pag 68. I Take not upon me to determin of Possibilities ; and therefore G. from the present ignorance of the nature of Memory I infer not , that it will never be explained hereafter : Only I affirm , that no Hypothesis extant hath yet made it manifest ; which is sufficient for my conclusion of the present narrowness of our Knowledge , though not of my Assailants of the impossibility of enlarging it . But our Philosopher thinketh the nature of Memory sufficiently explained already , and the account he gives is that of Sir K. Digby , which was one of the four that I examin'd in the Discourse impugn'd . This is the Hypothesis which our Author hath adopted , and undertook the defence of ; with what success , we shall discover when we have examin'd the Answer he makes to my Impugnations . Which after a large recital of the Hypothesis he descends to in the ninth Section . 9. Attamen , perturbat novum Naturae miratorem A. multitudo objectorum cavis cerebri — pag. 72. THe difficulty I urg'd against the Digbaean account of G. the Memory , was , that 't is inconceiveable how those active particles , which are the images and representations of things remembred , should keep their distinct and orderly Situations without confusion or dissipation in a substance wherein there is continual motion ? to which the learned Gentleman returns ; That 't is as conceivable as how the Rays of Light should come in a direct line to the Eye ; or how the Atomical Effluvia that continually flow from all bodies , especially the Magnetical and Sympathetick , should find their way to the place they tend to . To this I rejoyn briefly , ( 1 ) what the Gentleman himself suggests , were answer sufficient , that the multiplying of difficulty doth not solve it : For supposing the direction of the corpuscles of light , and those mention'd Effluvia , to be of a difficult apprehension , as the continuance and regularity of those images in the Brain : yet this only argues another defect in our Knowledge , and so is a new evidence of the truth of my General Conclusion . But ( 2 ) the proposed Instances are far more accountable then this before us . For , as to what concerns the light , supposing with Des Cartes ( as is most probable ) that the action of Light consists in nothing but the conamen of the Aethereal matter , receding from the centre of its motion : The direct tendency of it to the Eye , is no difficulty worth considering , but as clear as the Light it self the subject of the enquiry ; or , if the rays be Atomical streams , and effluxes of the Sun , there is no more difficulty in this Hypothesis neither , then in the direct spouting of water out of a Pipe ; yea no more , then in the beating of the waves against the sides of a Ship , when it swims in the Ocean . For there 's an whole Sea of Atomes which derive from the Fountain illuminant , whose course can no more be diverted , by those little bodies that swim up and down in the air ; then that of the Ocean can by those Sands , Pebles , Fishes , and Rocks , that are mingled with the waters . And as for the other Instances of corporeal Emissions , it would require to be prov'd that they perform all those feats that are ascrib'd to them : whereas perhaps it is more likely , that those strange operations are not Mechanical but Magical , being effected by the continuity of the great Spirit of Nature , which runs through all things : or however , to suppose this act of the Memory to be as clear as Magnetisme and Sympathies , will be no great advantage to the belief of its certain Intelligibility . At ego ipsum sic nodum scindo . In majoribus ubi facilior A. est experiendi facultas , palàm est multa — pag. 73. THat what our Author has answer'd in this Period , G. should resolve the difficulty , is to me as great a wonder , as the Mystery we are discoursing of . And if the knot be cut , 't is certainly by some occult and sympathetick Instrument , for the gross of his Answer comes not near it . The difficulty was ; How the Images of such an infinite of Objects , as we remember , should be kept distinct without confusion , be brought forth when we have occasion , and remanded back again into their own cells when they have done the errant they were sent for . To which our Author saith no more , but to this purpose ( if I understand him ) That if the Object stays not on the Sense , it makes not impression enough to be remembred , but if it be repeated there , it leaves plenty enough of those Images behind it to confirm and strengthen the Knowledge of the Object : In which radicated Knowledge , if the Memory consist , there would be no need of reserving those Atomes in the Brain , or calling them forth upon occasion , as the Hypothesis supposeth ; or , if there be , the difficulty is untouched . Besides all which , I might adde , that if these material Images are a sufficient account of the Memory , how will our remembrance of Distances , Magnitudes , Relations , Words , Metaphysical Notions , and those of Immaterials , which leave no such Idola , in the Brain , be accounted for ? Let this Gentleman tell me how — Et erit mihi Magnus — A. 10. Palàm est me in hâc Responsione Digbaeanam Methodum caeteris praetulisse . Ipsius enim — pag. 74. G. IF I am mistaken in the Opinion of Aristotle in this matter , ( 1. ) I err with the great body of his Commentators and followers ; yea , and all the Schools in Christendom , who unanimously concurr in the assignment of the Doctrine of Intentional Species to their Master Aristotle ; So that if all the Peripateticks hitherto have been so grossly out in imposing an Opinion he never taught upon their ador'd Philosopher , for ought I know , there is no such thing as the Aristotelean Philosophy in the Universities of Europe : For the taking in , or denying these Intentional Species will make material and mighty alterations in the whole frame of the Hypothesis ; and I see not how the denial of them is consistent with the Aristotelean Doctrine of Qualities and Forms . But ( 2. ) If Aristotle taught the Digbaean Philosophy , as our Author sayes , he taught the Atomical , which is notoriously known to have been the way of Democritus and Epicurus , which Aristotle frequently and professedly opposeth . That Democritus taught the Atomical Hypothesis , we have the affirmative of Aristotle to justifie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of Leucippus and Democritus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And neerer to our purpose , that these solved the way of Sensation , by material Images , we have from Plutarch ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Hypothesis Aristotle endeavours to confute ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sayes he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aristotle then thought the Doctrine of Sensation by corporeal Images absurd in Democritus and Epicurus ; and therefore certainly would not himself affirm it ; as he must do on the supposal of his having taught the same Hypothesis with Sir K. Digby about the Memory , which is exactly the same with that of these Sages : For that learned Knight affirms , Sensation to be perform'd [ by driving of solid material bodies , exceeding little ones , that come from the Objects themselves , ( they are his own words ) against that part of the brain where Knowledge resideth , which same bodies rebounding thence into certain cells of the Brain , perform the offices of the Memory ] as he has largely discourst upon the Subject . Sir K. Digby then proceeds in the Corpuscularian method which Aristotle opposeth , and particularly in the business of Sensation ; and consequently cannot be of his belief in his Hypothesis of the Memory , which the learned Knight gives account of by the same material Idola , which Aristotle laught at . And doubtless the Memory is excited to action by the like Instruments as are the external Senses , consonantly to that of Plato in his Phaedo , speaking of the Senses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Aristotle himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I think 't is clear then that Aristotle's Doctrine of the Memory is not the same with Sir K. Digby's . And if I have been out in intitling the Opinion of Intentional Species to Aristotle , my mistake is the more venial , because the whole Army of his most devoted Sectators are deceived with me . But our Author is more reprehensible in his mistake , if it be one ; because he 's alone in his opinion . And an Error hath by so much the more of guilt , as it hath of singularity and self-assurance . But whether this were Aristotle's Doctrine or not , I think 't is not very material , since I make this none of the charges against him . If it be not his , 't is the general Opinion of his Schools ; and I have proved it an insufficient Account of the Faculty we are discoursing of . ACTIO SEXTA . A. 1. Capite quinto formationis Corporum naturalium , Viventium praesertim , obscuritatem intentat : — pag. 76. G. TWo methods it seems our Philosopher proposeth , for the giving an account of the Formation of Animals ; neither of which seems to me a sufficient solution of the doubt attempted . For first , he that supposeth all the vastly differing parts of a Worm or Insect to be actually contain'd , though in myriate and indivisible proportions , in a drop of dew out of which they are sometimes generated , believes gratis , without any ground of his supposal ; and therefore will be very bold to assert this the certain account of the Phaenomenon . ( 2. ) If the Seed contain , though invisibly , all the parts of the Animal ; then either in the same Site , and Position , that they are found in in the compleated Body ; or they lie there in a confused huddle and mixture ; the former , is contrary to all experience , which assures us , that the immediate matter of all generations is a certain fluid , and , as far as can be discern'd , an homogeneous substance . Now fluidity consisting in the motion of the parts of the fluid body , as is testified by Experience and the best Philosophy , the Seminal Parts can be of no setled Form or Consistence . And if the second be supposed , which doubtless is the truth , the difficulty under debate will be unanswer'd , ( viz. ) how such an Infinite of distinct Parts should be brought into their regular and orderly Positions without the guidance and conduct of some knowing Agent ; to fly to a first Cause is Unphilosophical ; and he that pretends a second , let him shew it . And fortuitously it cannot be : for Chance is the cause of no constant and regular Effect ; and to suppose an undirected Motion to shuffle these fluid parts into the wonderful and exact form of an Animal , or any other regular body ; is as likely , as that the divided Letters of an Alphabet should be accidentally jumbled into an elegant and polite Discourse ; which when once I see effected , I 'le believe , that there wants nothing to the formation of the World and all bodies therein , but Matter and Motion . Some intelligent Principle then must be suppos'd to guide these Elementary parts into their orderly situations . But what that is , who is 't will determine ? ( 2. ) The Second Account also is too general , and flies very wide of my particular enquiry . For my Quaery is concerning the principle of the conduct of the parts of the various matter in those rare and methodical Composures ; and our Philosopher's Answer concerns only the gross and material parts of the Composition . And therefore little can be collected from the Chymical Processes he speaks of , for our purpose ; and the Elementary Solutions mention'd , signifie nothing towards the accounting for the unerring exactness we find in Animal Formations . For all these being suppos'd , the matter is in the same circumstances of difficulty as before ; and this Gentleman's Solution seems to me to signifie no more , then if a man should answer to one that that desires an account of the art and method of the motions of a Watch , or any other ingenious Automaton ; that they are perform'd by Steel , Iron , Brass , or Silver , wherein the matter indeed of the work is declar'd , but not the artifice . And in the case before us , I inquire of the principle of direction of those intricate and methodical motions , and am answer'd with an account of the gross and material Ingredients . Nor is what follows of any whit more avail to the Solution pretended ; for let the matter resolve into parts dry , subtle , and liquid ▪ Let the dryer dispose themselves into divers figures , and constitute what Vessels our Philosopher is pleas'd to fancy ; yet how from hence forward the infinite variety of the parts of an Animal will result , will require something more to help us to conjecture . A. 2. Haec qui mente comprehenderit , non plorabit Plasticam vanum nomen esse & vocem sine re . — pag. 78. G. THough by a close and recondite search into the Seminalities of Plants , and Vegetables , the future processes may be judg'd , as our Philosopher assures us ; yet this only argues , that the grown parts were all contain'd pack't up in their Seeds and Berries ; so that in the growth and progress Nature did only display and unfold , what before was in the minute proportions more closely laid together ; Supposing which , the main doubt still remains unsatisfied , viz. How these SMALLER SEMINAL parts were so order'd , and framed ? And this Brachygraphy of Nature cannot be thought less difficult then it 's Text. And , secondly , what relates to Animals we have seen already ; for 't is not likely , that the formed parts were ever actually contain'd in the seed , out of which they were produced . Neque quemquam terreant artificum dicta , admirantium A. ea quorum causas non intelligunt , — pag. 79. I Might well wonder at the specifical uniformity of things , if G. unguided matter were the only principle of their formation , against which Hypothesis this doubt was raised ; and the variation from the kind which happens in some regions , would not be so observable , as an identity in any . 3. Eodem capitulo duas alias quaestiones movet quas A. absolutè inexplicabiles putat ; Mihi contra — pag. 80. IF the doubts I propose of the union of the Parts , and composition G. of quantity , contain scarce any difficulty at all ; our Philosopher is more lucky in his enquiries , then others that have dealt in those Theories ; most men confessing the perplexity of the mention'd Phaenomena , especially of the latter . And the vast diversity of Philosophers about it , testifies , that the speculation of them is not of so facile an explication . And 't is strange that the Ancients should keep such ado about an easie Probleme , and the Moderns despair of a solution , so pretendedly obvious . I will not differ with the learned Gentleman about the order of the questions , and grant , that they both suppose actual parts in Quantity ; which because our Author denies , & makes this the foundation of his Answer to these , and some of my former propos'd difficulties , I must be fain to prove it ; which I attempt ( 1. ) By giving some evidence of my Affirmative , and ( 2. ) by shewing the weakness and insufficiency of the grounds of the contrary Assertion . For the first then , That there are Actual parts in Quantity , I evince it by these considerations . ( 1. ) The formal nature of Quantity is Extension in the notion of Aristotle's Schools ; and Divisibility in the Philosophy of Sir Kenelm Digby , and our Authour ; Both which suppose parts , and parts actual : for to be extended , in the School phrase , is to have partes extrapartes ; and if the extension be actual , the parts must be so : for it is not conceiveable how a thing can be extended , but by parts which are really distinct one from another , though not separate : which seems to me so evident , that nothing can be spoken plainer ; and I appeal in this matter to the common sense of all men . Nor can a thing be divided , except we suppose the parts praeexistent in the divisible : for divisibility is founded upon real distinction , and 't is impossible to divide what is one without diversity . ( 2. ) Except there are parts in quantity before division , there are none at all : for after they are divided they are no parts , but have a compleatness and integrality of their own , especially if the subject were homogeneous . ( 3. ) Except there are parts actually in quantity , contradictions may be verified de eodem , with all the other circumstances , which the Metaphysicks teach impossible . For the same body may be black and white , cold and hot , seen and not seen , and partake of all other most contrary qualities . Which contradictions , and inconsistences cannot be accommodated in the same subject , without supposal of the contended-for diversity . Nor will the answer , which Sir K. Digby has provided for such Objections help the Hypothesis , viz. [ that it is not one part of the thing that shews it self , and another that doth not , one that is hot , and another cold , &c. But it is the same thing , shewing it self according to one possibility of division , and not another . ] For first , these distinct possibilities are founded upon distinct actualities , which are the parts I would have acknowledged . And such a capacity of receiving things so different , cannot be in the same subject , without the supposal of parts actually distinct and divers . ( 2. ) The subjects of these contrary qualities are things actual : whereas possibilities are but Metaphysical notions . And these subjects are distinct , or contradictions will be reconcil'd de eodem ; from which the inference seems necessary , that quantity hath parts , and parts actual , and distinct possibilities will not salve the business . And ( 3. ) why must the common speech of all mankinde be alter'd , and what all the world cals parts , be call'd possibilities of division ? which yet if our Philosopher will needs name so , they being acknowledg'd distinct , and prov'd actual , or at least founded immediately upon things that are so ; my question will as well proceed this way as in the common one , viz. How the things that answer to these distinct possibilities are united , and of what compounded ? There is another Answer which I find in our Authors Peripatetical Institutions , the sum of which is , [ That the contradictions have only a notional repugnance in the subject as 't is in our understandings : and since the parts have a distinct being in our understanding , from thence 't is that they are capable to sustain contradictions ] which Answer , if I understand , I have reason to wonder at : for certainly the Subject sustains the Contradictories as it is in re . And , I never heard of a notion black or white , but in a Metaphor ; 't is the real substance is the subject of these contrarieties ; which were impossible , if it had not divers realities answering to the qualities so denominating . And therefore 't is not the Understanding that makes the divers subjects of these Accidents , as our Author suggests : but there being such is the ground that we so apprehend them . I hope I need say no more then to establish the supposal of the difficulty under consideration , That there are parts actually in Quantity : only I am obliged by my proposed method to add further , ( 2. ) That the grounds of the excellent Sir K. Digby , and our Author , on which they built their asserted Paradox , seem to me very insufficient to sustain so great a weight as leans upon them . The Reasons are ( 1. ) Quantity is Divisibility . ( 2. ) Divisibility is capacity of Division . ( 3 ) What is only capable of division , is not actually divided . ( 4. ) Quantity is not actually divided , and therefore hath no parts actually , To which in short , ( 1. ) That Quantity is Divisibility , is presumed ; but extension is before it , in nature , and our conception , and is the received notion , though perhaps Impenetrability is the truest . However ( 2. ) even this supposeth parts , and those actual : For Division is but Solution of Union . And Union supposeth Parts to be united . ( 3. ) What is only capable of division in a Physiological and Mechanical lense ; may , yea and ought , to be divided in a Metaphysical . That is , they ought to be divers in their being , before they can be separate and distinct in their material bulk and quantity . For separability must presuppose diversity . ( 4. ) Though Quantity be not actually divided in one sense , 't is in another : Every part having a distinct place and being of its own , though it doth not yet enjoy it separately and apart from others . But ( 2. ) it is pleaded against actual parts in Quantity , that if we admit them , we cannot stop till we come down to Indivisibles ; of which to suppose Quantity composed , is said to be absurd and impossible . In return to which , I grant the Inference , and have acknowledged the Hypothesis of Indivisibles to be full of seeming inconsistencies ; as is the other also : And therefore reckon both among the Unconceiveables ; of which there can be no greater Argument then their having driven so great and sagacious wits upon such an Assertion , ( to which out of reverence to these celebrated persons , I shall not affix an Epithete ) against the evidence of our Senses , and the apprehension of all the world : That there are no parts in quantity . But ( 2. ) 't is no good method of reasoning , to deny what is plain and obvious , because we cannot conceive what is abstruse and difficult . And I think the Assertor cannot answer it to his severer faculties , who affirms , there are no parts actually in quantity , against all his Senses and the universal suffrage of Mankinde ; because he cannot untie the difficulties that emerge from the supposal , that Bodies are compounded of Indivisibles ; a nice and in tricate Theory . Yea how will our Author answer for the Assertion to his Master Aristotle ? who saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Argumenta asserentium partes actu vel Sensum A. citant , de quo nihil certius est quàm — pag. 81. I Believe the Assertors of Actual parts may well appeal G. to the Senses , notwithstanding what our Author , and the learned Knight have alledg'd to invalidate their evidence . For what though the sense discovers not the distinct term of the hand or finger ; Can it not therefore discern them to be distant and distinguish't from the foot and toes ? And is not this enough to ground the belief of their diversity ? Cannot we distinguish the motions of our parts ; though we know not their first springs and exact beginnings ? or discern a difference between the apple and the twig it grows on ; except we could see the point where one begins and the other endeth ? And whether an Hypothesis is like to stand , that is put to such poor shifts to defend it self against the grossest of our faculties , I leave to be conjectured ? The supposition then of my doubts , being thus asserted and prov'd , we see yet but small hope to expect their Solution . Or , if this be an aenswer , t' is an evidence of our intellectual weakness , that all the world hath all this while been confounded about a plain Problem upon a false supposal . The Answer to my other difficulty about the union of the parts of quantity , is grounded also upon the presumption that there are actually none ; which I think I have sufficiently disprov'd . A. 5. Caput sextum totum motui Rotarum dedicatum est , neque si credimus Authori de cujus — pag. 83. G. I Conclude not only that no part can move , but the whole must ; but also that in the circular motion of a wheel , it seems that the motion of every part must be praerequired to it self , which I think is clear enough in the inference , though the proposition inferred , be impossible and absurd . And what inconvenience there is in this conclusion , that all the parts change their place at once , I have made sufficiently evident , in the place where the difficulty is urged . I confess in our Authors Hypothesis that there are actually no parts in bodies , the doubt is none ; and the whole matter will pass into words and air : but supposing that in quantity there are distinct realities , I think 't will be hard to dis-incumber this trite Phaenomenon from the perplexities I mention'd . A. Subjungit Author secundam difficultatem , quomodo in rotâ circumvolutâ viciniores centro partes — pag. 84. G. I Say again , however we find it in the event , while yet we consider the remote parts , moving swifter then the central ones , in the speculative notion , 't is hard to conceive , but that the Line drawn from the Centre to the Circumference , should be inflected ; since one point of the line rests while the other moves , which in the Theory seems to argue a disunion , and consequently an incurvation . So that though it be true in the experiment and event , yea and while we look upon the reason of the thing , in one position ; that the line would be made crooked , were it not for the unequal velocity of the parts ; yet it appears as clear to reason , in another posture , that this inequality should inferre it . For if B move swifter then A. A rests some instant while B is in motion . There 's no motion , but where there 's change of place , viz. of that place , in respect of which the body is said to move : The place in respect of which the body is said to move , is the next superficies that is considered as quiescen ' . And consequently it seems if B move any instant , in which A doth not : it is proportionably to its motion remov'd from that of A to which it was adjacent , and by consequence one would expect it should be disjoyn'd , or inflected . 6. Jactatum tandem experimentum capite alto ingreditur A. Author ille , prefatus audentisseme — pag. 85. SInce the publishing my Discourse ; I have met an ingenious G. Account , among some excellent Geometricians of this Probleme , which perhaps may satisfie the difficulty . The Account briefly is , That in volutation the whole circumference moves by a motion both progressive and circular : But the centre by the progressive only . And consequently by how much the nearer the parts are to the centre the more they have of the progressive motion , and the less of circulation . So that the little wheel in our experiment draws , and hath so much more progression then the greater , as makes amends for it's defect of parts . Which solution I 'le acknowledge perfect , if two things answer experiment , which I have not yet had occasion to make tryal of ; viz. ( 1. ) Supposing both wheels to be denticulated , the little wheel will with it's teeth describe lines ; and the great one with it's make points . And ( 2. ) the disproportion being augmented , suppose to an hundred to one , the drawing of the lesser wheel will be exceeding palpable , and discoverable by the dullest sense . I say , if these circumstances answer experiment ; this difficulty is for ought I know well accounted for . And I need add no more to this confession : For our Authors Answer is either materially the same with this , or much less to purpose . ACTIO SEPTIMA . A. 1. In sequentibus aliquot Capitulis satis exquisitè investigat causas Errorum & Ignorantiae — pag. 90. G. THat the present Age abounds with pratling Ignorance , and vain shews of Science falsly so called , will not be denyed by one , who hath directed some indeavours against them . And did I not deeply apprehend how much bold affirmers , and lazy Inquisitors have prejudiced the advance of true and substantial knowledge , I had never engaged against Dogmatizing and Peripatetick Philosophy . I wonder therefore that my learned Assailant should object my omission of these causes of Ignorance , which had the greatest interest in drawing from me the Discourse he opposeth ; in which , I have largely insisted on those reasons of the defect of Knowledge , viz. the depth of Truth , the praecipitancy of mens understandings , and aversness to deep search , and close engagement of their mindes . Besides which , I have professedly attacqued the disputing way of Inquiry , and the verbal emptiness of the Philosophy of the Schools ; which how guilty it is of laying a foundation for sloath and loquacity , is particularly made appear in the Discourse I directed against it . And while the Schools of Learning are under the regency of that kind of Spirit , I fear little is to be expected from Philosophy but bold talk ; and endless disputes and quarrels . For what else can be the fruit of a Philosophy made up of occult Qualities , Sympathies , Entelechia's , Elements , Celestial Influences , and abundance other hard words and lazy generalities , but an arrest of all ingenious and practical indeavour ; and a Wilderness of Opinions instead of certainty and Science ? But thanks be to Providence , the World begins to emerge from this state of things , and to imploy it self in more deep and concerning Disquisitions ; the issue of which , we hope , will be a Philosophy fruitful in works , not in words , and such as may accommodate the use of Life , both natural and moral . Testis mihi esto Author qui sub finem prioris Capitis A. conqueritur de obscuritate Speculationum , — pag 90. HOw justly the Author is made an instance and witness G. of that , which , in the very Discourse , by which only , I suppose , he is known to our Philosopher , he hath so earnestly witnest against , which his spirit is so averse unto , which gave the occasion of the Dispute between us ; I say , with what justice I am made an instance of that I have so professedly opposed , let it be judg'd by any , that is not unreasonably partial . 'T is true , I complain of the obscurity of Motion , Gravity , Light , Colours , Vision , and Sounds ; and yet am not ignorant of the Accounts Sir K. Digby , and other Philosophers both Antient and Modern , have given of these Phaenomena . My mind is anxious in speculation , and hath engag'd me to look as far , as my capacity could reach , into these Theories ; I could never content my self with superficial put ▪ offs ; nor am I apt immediately to dispair , if I find not present satisfaction in my first enquiries . I have with my best diligence examined the most hopeful accounts are extant of these appearances , and yet must profess , That though the first sight of their respective solutions is pleasant and encouraging , and seems to promise my mind a requiem ; yet the longer I view the most likely of these Hypotheses , the more liable and obnoxious I apprehend them . Like Pictures they will not bear to be look't upon , but at a distance , and when I come neer , I easily detect their imperfections . So that deep search discovers more ignorance , then it cures ; and confidence of Science seems to be built upon a slight and superficial view of things ; as Aristotle himself hath somewhere observed , and every one else may , that will but take notice , that young talking Sophisters use to be far more assured of their Assertions , then the deepest and most exercis'd Philosophers . I 'le not disparage the account given by the learned Sir K. Digby of the mention'd Phaenomena ; they are to be acknowledg'd pretty , and ingenious : But yet I cannot think , that 't is an argument of shallowness and impatience in enquiry , not fully to acquiesce in his Hypotheses as infallible Solutions . I suppose , that ingenious Philosopher's own modesty and justice will not suffer him to own such a fondness for his notions , which I know he proposeth , but as likely and convenient supposals . I confess the most satisfaction . I any where meet with , is in the accounts of Des-Cartes , to whom Sir K. Digby himself bears this Testimony , [ That he hath shown the World the way to Science , ] And yet that great man , the excellence of whose Philosophick genius and performances , the most improv'd spirits acknowledge , propounds his Principles but in the modest way of Hypotheses , and pretends not to have explain'd things as they are , but as they may be . And I believe our Author will not reckon , him among the slight and talkative Philosophers ; which is so far from being true , that such as love only to skim things , and have not the patience to keep their minds to a deep and close attention , cannot with any face as much as pretend acquaintance with his Principles ; the comprehension of which , will require the most severe meditation , and fix't engagement of the mind , of any Philosophy that is intelligible . Not , that this excellent person affects obscurity either in Matter , Style , or Method , being indeed very perspicuous in all of them : but because , his way is unusual , and his Principles so coherent and closely pack't together , that the letting fall any link of connexion , will spoil the dependance , and hinder the understanding of the sequel . But I return from this excursion . If all then must be accounted impatient and shallow Philosophers , who acquiesce not in the Digbaean Hypotheses ; all the learned Cartesians , Platonists , the whole stock of the ingenious recent Philosophers ; yea and All , that follow not the way of Sir K. Digby , must unavoidably fall under the shame of these appellatives ; and perhaps that great person himself , who I dare say thinks not the light his Philosophy hath afforded these perplexing Speculations , to be so clear , as to admit of no shadow or obscurity . What ever haste therefore those discover , that will not be fully contented with the Principles in which our Philosopher is so well satisfied , I am confident that a little reflection will inform him , that he hath betrayed some , in his censure . A. 2. Altera ab Authore nostro neglecta Ignorantiae causa mihi apparet esse quidam specialis — pag. 91. G. IF any are so weak to affirm nothing can be demonstrated , against which any thing is , or can be objected ; let them answer for their Assertion , I am not to account for the mistakes of others : And if there are those who will not admit of certainty or evidence in a conclusion that any hath made a doubt of , as our Author intimates in the following Paragraph , I have as little to answer for their Scepticism and incredulity . For I never expect to see the world agree in any thing ; and therefore I assent where I see cause , and proportion the degree of my belief to that I have of evidence , without expecting the hopeless encouragement of a universal suffrage . Though I confess , where deep and enquiring spirits differ , I judge I have reason to be cautious , and to suspect uncertainty . Our Author concludes with a reprehension of those endless talkers , the Modern Peripateticks , and their voluminous trifles , in which I dissent not from him : But pass from them to their Master Aristotle , whom our Philosopher undertakes to vindicate from my reflections ; with what success , will be the subject of our next enquiry . ACTIO OCTAVA . 1. Et jam defunctus labore imperato videor , nisi A. summâ cum invidiâ Aristotelem omnibus — pag. 95. OUr Author in this Paragraph is of a very different G. apprehension from all other Aristotelians , if we 'l believe Patritius , who saith , Tritum vero jam est ac emnium Aristotelicorum assensu comprobatum , nullam esse in Aristotelicis Libris Scientificam Demonstrationem . Our Philosopher then denies all Science among the other Antients , and the rest of the Aristotelians allow none in Aristotle . And if either be true , or both , 't is an evidence against Dogmatizing , and fond doating upon Authorities . But this action is professedly directed against Gassendus ; some few of whose charges against Aristotle our Author indeavours to defeat and disable ; which should he succeed in according to his desires , yet the far greater , and perhaps the more formidable number stands unanswer'd . Briefly then ( 1. ) he excepts at Gassendus's animadverting on Aristotle's manners , which he insinuates , to be more like a crafty Orator , then a close and severe Philosopher . To which in behalf of that excellent Neoterick , it may be rejoyn'd , That if Aristotle were vicious and immoral , there is much the less reason why we should revere his authority : For truth and vertue use to dwell together ; and the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom . Vice drowns the noble Idea's of the Soul , and fills the mind with those foul steams of the body , which are prejudicial to deep and worthy enquiries ; so that with all good men and true Philosophers 't will not a little detract from the credit of Aristotle's Intellectuals , if his Morals are acknowledg'd , or can be prov'd obnoxious . Whither the charge be just or not , our Philosopher makes no enquiry , which seems a tacite confession of the truth of the accusation ; and then I think he hath no reason to object the impropriety . After this remark he descends ( 2. ) to some particular instances of Gassendus's charge , to as many of which , as I am concern'd in , I make this brief rejoynder : ( 1. ) Then Aristotle expresly makes God an Animal in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If he sayes otherwise elsewhere , 't is only an argument of the inconsistency of Aristotle , not of the injustice of Gassendus . ( 2. ) That God acts by necessity , Aristotle clearly enough insinuates in that conclusion of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is testimony sufficient of the truth of my charge ; if Gassendus accused him of more , 't is like he was able to make it good . ( 3. ) That Aristotle made the world eternal , our Author allows me . But that hereby he prov'd himself the chief of all the Ethnick Philosophers , I cannot grant him so easily . For ( 1. ) Aristotle was not the first in this Assertion , but had it from Ocellus Lucanus ; from whom also he transcrib'd the Arguments he made use of to enforce it : Which yet ( 2. ) are not such , as do so highly commend his Philosophy , and faculty of arguing . He proves the World eternal then , because the Heavens are so ; the Assertion of which he attempts by five Arguments : ( viz. ) ( 1. ) From the Etymology of aether , viz. ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 2. ) From the silence of History of any change or alteration they have undergone . ( 3. ) From the Opinion of the Antients . ( 4. ) From the freedom of the Heavens from contrarieties . And ( 5. ) from the eternity of the Caelestial motions , which he proves with the eternity of time by reasons borrow'd from Ocellus , who was the Author of the main Argument . Now whoever affirms that such arguings as these set Aristotle so much above all the more antient Philosophers , expresses more fondness towards him , then justice to his betters . Nor can the comparative excellency of his wit be any more reasonably concluded from his allowing the natural inference of that acknowledg'd Principle , Ex nihilo nihil ; which doubtless the Antients never meant in the general notion ; but in a sense which restrain'd it to natural productions ; else their Assertion of the Worlds beginning had been nonsense and a contradiction . ( 4. ) The learned Gentleman admires that we should charge Aristotle with the denyal of the Resurrection of the dead ; which though he acknowledges truly to be alledg'd ; yet he thinks it unreasonably objected , since he supposes this doctrine only to be discoverable by supernatural light and revelation . To which briefly , ( 1. ) Though the Resurrection in the particular circumstances , in which Christianity hath cloathed it , be not known by our unassisted faculties : Yet that the Soul shall live , and live united to a Body in the other State , I think deducible from the meer principles of Nature : For the Philosophy of the Soul informs us , that it uses matter in its highest operations , which is fair ground of conjecture , that it is alwayes united to some body . Besides which , it may be argued from the analogy of Nature , which useth not in other things , to leap from one extream unto another ; And therefore 't is not likely that the Soul should pass immediately , from the state of so deep an immersion into the gross matter , to a condition of pure and absolute immateriality . To which may be further added , that , even according to the principles of Aristotle , there can be no Knowledge without Sense , nor Sense without corporeal Motion , which cannot well be perceiv'd by a being that is perfectly disjoyn'd from matter . Thus the principles of meer reason suggest , that the Soul is joyn'd to another Body after its discharge from the present . And ( 2. ) others of the Greek Philosophers , by the meer conduct of their natural light , believ'd it . The Academicks generally assign'd Bodies to those in the other state , and such as were suitable to the regions of the World they resided in ; and therefore Plato calls some of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And to others of more inferior conditon he attributes Aerial bodies ; yea , generally the Greeks appointed corporeal punishments for the wicked in their Acheron , and Cocytus , as Theocritus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Virgil , — Aliis sub gurgite vasto Infectum eluitur scelus , aut exuritur igni . But the business is so well known that it needs no testimony ; and from hence 't is sufficiently evident , that they believ'd the corporeal state of the Soul after its separation from this Terrestrial body : So that Aristotle's Assertion herein , is contrary both to the nature of the thing ; and the belief of most of his contemporaries ; nay , and the most venerable wisdom that was before him . And indeed , what he taught of the Soul , is at the best uncertain , he using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the mind one while , and then for the phancy ; applying it now to Angels , and at another time to Brutes ; so that none of his Sectators could ever tell what was his opinion about it . ACTIO NONA . 1. A Gassendo ad Authorem Vanitatis Dogmatizandi A. reducenda est oratio , postquam ipse — pag. 104. I Think still that the Many are very incompetent Judges G. of worth either in Men or things , admiring trash , and slighting excellence ; And 't is my Lord Bacon's Observation , which signifies much more with me ; then all our learned Author has said in this Paragraph , viz. [ I hat the lowest vertues are the subjects of the Peoples praise ; the middle ones of their admiration ; but the highest they have no sense at all of ; ] which saying holds not only in Morals , but in all things else which the vulgar use to judge in : for they regard nothing , but what is like themselves , that is , mean and trivial ; which is the reason of that other Observation of the same great Philosopher ; That Time , like a River bears up what is light and chaffy , while the things that are more weighty and considerable , are lost at the bottom . 2. Subjicit Author noster Sapientium arbitrio Peripateticam A. esse vocum nihil significantium — pag. 105. THe excellent Lord Verulam is one of the wise men that G. hath reprov'd the arbritrariness of Aristotle's words , particularly in his Instauratio Magna , where he saith , [ I cannot a little marvel at the Philosopher Aristotle , that did proceed in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all antiquity , not only to frame new words of Science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all antient wisdom ] and his affected obscurity , Patricius sayes , All the Greeks confessed ; yea Themistius one of his great Sectators sayes of him , Se , veluti sepiam a●ramento suo sese occuluisse . And Simplicius another , writes thus in his Prolegomena to the Praedicaments : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Besides which clear testimony the Author of the censure prefixt to Aristotle's works cited by Gassendus after great praises of him , adds , Ingenium viri tectum & callidum & metu●ns reprehensionis , quod inhibebat eum , ne proferret interdum aperiò , quae sentiret ; Indè tam multa per ejus opera obscura & ambigua . And again the forementioned Themistius , Cum plerèque omnia Aristotelis scripta quasi de composito caligine quadam offusa oppletaque habeantur : like unto which is that , which Simplicius sayes of him : In Acroamaticis datâ operâ obscurus esse voluit . We see then who the wise Men are , that have accused the obscurity of the Aristotelean processes . And that he was not so clear from aequivocatiens as our Author suggests ; I 'le give but a double instance ( 1. ) of his applying the foremention'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Beasts and Angels , to the Imagination and abstracted Intellect . And ( 2. ) his calling God , the Quintessence , Form , the Soul , and Motion , by the common appellative of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To all which might be added , that 't is an argument that the Aristotelean method was not so clear and cautious , as our Author would have it believed ; since his Commentators have been infinitely divided about his meaning : And our Author himself complains , That those of the latter Schools have quite receded from his genuine doctrine , which either accuses their ignorance , or his obscurity . It appears then , that the wise Men I mention to have accused Aristotle's ambiguities and aequivocations were those that understood the Aristotelean Doctrines , being some of them his most genuine and ancient Interpreters ; and not those who are so little acquainted with the matters of this Philosophy , as to charge Aristotle with the faults of , I know not what , apish Peripateticks , and Pyrrhonians . 3. Prosequitur deinde Actionem in Peripateticos per A. dubia quaedam , quae illi clara non sunt , — pag. 107. IN this Paragraph I can understand nothing proved , but G. that a thing is possible to be before it is ; which possibility our Author will have to be neither quid , nor quale , nor quantum : Though not absolutely nothing . And if this learned Gentleman take this posse of a thing for Aristotle's materia prima , he mistakes the Metaphysical , for the Physical matter : Or , if hereby he would only insinuate , that the first mater may be something , though neither quid , quale , nor quantum ; the instance is too short for his conclusion , since the posse of a thing before it is , is no real beeing , but an extrinsecal denomination , and a mode of our conception . 4. Duae aliae Voces molestae sunt Sceptico nostro . Hae A. sunt forma , & educi de potentiâ materiei ▪ — pag. 109. I Call the Aristotelean form an empty word , because I G. believe there 's nothing real that answers it ; All bodies are sufficiently distinguish'd by figure and position of parts , and I see no necessity to introduce such an arbitrary being ; However , if our Author pleases , let him call that by which things are distinguish'd , their form : But if with Aristotle he will make this a substantial principle of things ; I must be excused in a dissent to which my reason inforces me . And if his Hypothesis be , that forms are accidents , ( as it seems , he supposes , by the instances alledged ) he recedes from his Master Aristotle , who expresly makes his Form a Substance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A. 5. Quoad posteriorem vocem , seu educi de potentiâ , videat Vir ingeniosus an illud quod — pag. 110. G. THat which was brought out of the dark , was in it . And Caesar adds nothing to the Marble , but the Figure ; which is but a mode of Matter , and answers not our case . But Forms are not supposed Praeexistent in the Matter from whence they were educed ; and are Substances really distinguisht from it : which I have prov'd from Aristotle , and 't is the sense of his Commentators , though it seems 't is not our Authors . I inquire then , are these Substantial Forms produced of something , or of nothing ? An Aristotelian will not allow the latter ; for this were against the Maxime , Ex Nihilo Nihil , and a Creation . He affirms it produced of something then , and this something is Potentia Materia . I enquire further therefore , whether any thing of the Form did actually Praeexist in this Power of the Matter , or not ? If so , all possible Forms reside in the Subjects out of which they are educed , which is not consonant to their Hypothesis . If not , the latter part of the disjunction is confest ; to avoid the shame of which , they fly to subjective dependence : And this is the Potentia Materiae , they talk of ; from which follow the absurdities I inferred . And this is the Philosophy of the Schools ; and this the Peripateticism I charge : If our Author saith , it is not according to Aristotle's Doctrine , let him dispute it out with Aristotle's followers ; I charge it not on him , but on his Schooles , in which all the world can justifie me . ACTIO DECIMA . 1. Proximè sagittant duas Aristotelis Definitiones , A. utramque exactissimam & quicquam in — pag. 112. LEt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie as our Author would have it , G. viz. That which remains of an Action , and is introduced by it . But I enquire then , ( 1. ) Whether this Interpretation be not arbitrary ? I 'me sure the word in this sense is so . ( 2. ) Light is then something that remains of an operation : And this Explication notably helps the perspicuity of the Definition , which is as good a one as that was lately given of a Thought in a University Sermon , viz. A Repentine Prosiliency jumping into Being . And if our Author's Description be all contain'd in Actus Perspicui ▪ I shall need no more proof of Aristotle's obscurity in this ▪ instance . 2. Idem est reliquae Definitionis Vitium . Est autem A. ipsa Definitio , Motus est Actus entis — pag. 113. G. IF 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the definition of Motion signifie the Mode , whereby the subject is affected in the end of Action , according to our Author ; with what congruity doth Aristotle then apply it to the Soul ? except he thought it a mode of matter , and then our Philosopher had no reason to suppose he believed its Immortality ; But whatever he concluded of this , he affirm'd it to be a Substance , as in that passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Galen of him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A. 3. Nova calumnia Capite decimo septimo instruitur adversus Aristotelem , tantò indigniùs — pag. 115. G. THat Aristotle was not so careful in distinguishing the signification of words , as is pretended , we have evinced already : And it appears clearly enough from the last instance ; In which things are coupled together by a common appellative that agree in nothing . And for the other mistake this period chargeth me with , I answer ; That if I take the Scepticks for Peripateticks , I hope our Philosopher will henceforward absolve me from the so often objected Scepticism . For according to our Author my Peripateticks are Scepticks , and he knows how much friendship I have for those . But whether they are Scepticks or not , they are Aristotle's followers , if he have any in the Schools of Christendom ; And I leave them to justifie the title they have assumed . It sufficeth for me , that the genuine Aristotelian method is a way of obscurity and dispute ; for which , besides the instances I have given , I have alledged the clear testimonies of his acknowledg'd Sectators . And if the modern Peripateticks can prove themselves Aristotelians , we have a charge of sufficient aggravation from our Author against them also . For thus he censures them under the name of Scepticks [ Scepticorum conatus esse vanissimos facile agnosco , illos parum de vocum usu sollicitos esse quo liberum sit iis quaslibet nugas vanitatis aut alterius lucri causa divendere , oratorculos vel magis rabulas , non Philosophos esse , Aristotelicorum nomen assumere ut corrumpant juventutem , & Discipulos post sese abducant ; hos omnibus Scientiae sectatoribus veluti pestem vitandos non inficior , neque quicquam ab iis solidi expectandum esse . ] 4. Confirmant fictam adversus Philosophum actionem A. ex ipsis Philosophi dictis & gestis . — pag. 116. IT seems it was not only the abstractedness of the matter , G. that rendred Aristotle's Physiology so difficult of comprehension , since our Author confesseth that scarce any understand it , but who are assisted by the Commentaries of the Ancients . And certainly all the Moderns had never receded so far from his sense , if his expressions had not been obscure and involved , as well as his matter difficult . And for that which the learned Gentleman calls a more grievous and unhappy calumny : He confesseth it to be Aristotle's Instruction to perfect his Scholars in the method of disputing , which is all I charge him with ; And I think ambiguity and obstinate garrulity in Controversies , which the Philosopher seems to advise them to , is a way of Disputation that will not much commend the Practisers , or Instructor . A. 5. Merebatur haec actio instantias ex opere . Premit Author tres ( ex fide credo Gassendi — pag. 117. G. THat I have done Aristotle no wrong in the first instance alledged , will appear to any one that will take the pains to peruse the first Chapter of his first De Celo . For attempting there the Proof of the perfection of bodies in order to the evincing that of the World , he doth it thus : The magnitude that is one way divisible , is a line ; two , is a superficies ; and what may three ways be divided , is a Body . Besides which there is no other magnitude , for this reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he proves by a saying of the Pythagoreans , and this Reason in Nature ( if it be one ) viz. because the beginning , end , and middle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also is confirmed by that I quoted from him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And concludes , wherefore since All and perfect , differ not as to their form , Body will be the only perfect magnitude , and that for the reason I assign'd from him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This is the genuine tenour of Aristotle's argument , and our Authors sense and interpretation seems to me , ( as I suppose 't will to any one else , who considerately compares it with the Text ) forraign , arbitrary , and unnatural . As to the second Instance , the learned Gentleman hath mistaken the words of my charge . For if he pleaseth to look again into my Book , he will find , that I object no such consequence to Aristotle , as , That if there were more worlds then one , the Moon would fall to the Earth . But on the contrary , that the Earth would fall to that other World. So that our Authors justification of Aristotle's argument , viz. That he fixt the Centre of the World in the Earth , is a strange one , and concludes the quite contrary to what Aristotle would inferre . And why the Moon should fall , upon the suppositions , that the Earth is the Centre , and that there are other Worlds , ( as our Author suggests ) rather then as things are at present , I cannot conjecture . My Third Instance of Aristotle's trifling , and inconsequent arguings , was ; That he inferrs the Heavens to move towards the West , because they move towards the more Honourable , and before is more honourable then after . Which is clearly his consequence in the 5. Chapter of his second De Coelo : For thus he argues , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nature doth alwayes what is best . Now saith he , as the motion which is upwards is more excellent then that which is downward , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so in like manner is that which is forward more excellent then that which is backward . Thence he concludes this the reason why the Heavens move antrorsum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So that this seems the substance of the Inference ; The Heavens move by a motion that is natural , Nature doth what is best , before is better then behind , and consequently that way the Heavens move . The weakness of which argumentation consists in supposing , that those variable respects of before , and after , are realities in Nature , which is a poor vulgar conceit , arising from the meere prejudice of misapplyed Sensations , and very unbecomming a Philosopher . And that this was the supposal of Aristotle's Argument , is confirmed by the margin of Pacius's Edition , in which he hath given this account of the contents of this period , Coelum movetur ad anteriorem partem , quia hujusmodi motus est praestantior quam motus ad partem posteriorem . Yea , when our Author himself saith in the Account he gives of the Argument , Motum naturalem esse ad honorabilius , unde clare sequitur occidentem esse nobiliorem oriente , he hath given me all I have contended for . ACTIO UNDECIMA . A. Indignatur sub finem Capituli , quod doctorum opera ita in Logicam , Physicam , & Metaphysicam — pag. 123. G. OUr Author confesseth the Schools neglect of the profitable Doctrines of the Heavens , Meteors , Minerals , and Animals . But his Scepticism , viz. the present Peripateticism , is the cause . And this is that which I charge in the place animadverted on . So that I accuse not Aristotle here ; but by name the modern Retainers to the Stagyrite : But whether the notionality and obscurity of the Aristotelian method it self do not give occasion to the endless babble of those reprehended Scepticks , I have already past my conjecture . A. 2. Capite decimo octavo arguit doctrinam Peripateticam , quasi ad Phaenomena salvanda — pag. 124. G. I Am not yet convinced , but that the Aristotelian Philosophy is insufficient for the Solution of the Phaenomena ; And yet question not Aristotle's endeavours in that kind , but his success , upon what Accounts my Discourse declareth . I acknowledge the ingenuity of Sir Kenelm Digbye's Hypotheseis : But cannot yet understand that to have been Aristotle's method . And I think our Author is one of the first that asserts Aristotle to have taught the Corpuscularian and Atomical Philosophy ; for all the World hath hitherto taken his , to be the way of Qualities and Forms : Yea Aristotle mentions the Atomical Hypothesis of Democritus in a way of dissent and profest opposition ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which last passage is the main substance of the Corpuscularian Philosophy . And elsewhere he recites the same Hypothesis from Leucippus and Democritus , to the same purpose ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Urget adversarius systema coeli ab Aristotele sequiùs A. esse constitutum . Aperi accusationem . — pag. 125. I Cannot see but that Aristotle without Optick Instruments , G. the defect of which our Author thinks excuseth his Astronomy , might have discovered the Motion of the Earth , and Fluidity of the Heavens , as well as the more antient wisdom that believ'd them . He recites the former as the opinion of the Pythagoreans , but could not overcome the prejudice of sense against it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in another place hath a profest redargution of this Pythagorean opinion . As for the Hypothesis of the Fluidity of the Heavens , 'T is said in the Jewish Gemara , Non orbes sed in Coelo liquido moveri sidera , vetustissima Haebreorum sententia est . And if Aristotle had own'd a wit so much more excellent then others of the Antients , as our Author somewhere intimates , I see not why he might not have received these Theories , as well as some of those , to whom Optick Tubes were as much strangers as to the Contriver of the Orbs. That the Christian Doctrine teacheth the Motion of the Heavens by Intelligencies ▪ I cannot yet comprehend . And our Author cannot think it so evident as to be believed without proof . Our Air according to the best computations can be made of the weight of the Astmosphear , reacheth not much above 50 miles upwards ; and the thin Element there , is nothing to the sphear of Fire supposed under the concave of the Moon . A. 3. Caput decimum nonum exagitat Aristotelis doctrinam quasi infaecundam & sterilem . — pag. 126. G. IF it belong not to Philosophers to make Experiments ; the noble Lord Bacon , Des Cartes , our Illustrious Royal Society , and all experimental Philosophers , have been needlesly imployed , and out of the way in their inquiries . And if we must use no Experiments but those that are made by ordinary Mechanicks without design of Science , we shall never make any great progress into the knowledg of the Magnalia ; which are not known by the common methods of action . He that will erect a lasting and stately Fabrick , must have Stones digged from the Quarries , and not expect that the High-wayes should furnish him . What these common Aristotelian Principles are , without which no account can be given of natural effects , our Author would do well to tell us . Some Principles indeed are necessary , and without them nothing can be inquired or determin'd : But such are common to all Philosophers , and not peculiarly Aristotle's . Those that admit vacuities , think there can be no action without them ; holding it impossible there should be motion in absolute pleno ; And we have but our Author 's bare assertion against their arguments . The Cartesian vortices will serve to account for the Phaenomena , and teach a way of Theory not unserviceable to experiment . And for the Salvo of Aristotle's credit in those contradictory passages we meet in his Writings ; viz. that they are the sayings of others , it seems to me an arbitrary shift and evasion : Since we find them in his Discourses without mention of any such matter . And if it be confest his custom to insert forrein Doctrines and Sayings into his Works , without any intimation to distinguish them from his own ; who then can know when Aristotle speaks himself , or when he speaks the words and sense of others ? 4. Caput vicesimum manifestam reddit eminentiam A. Peripatetices supra reliquas Methodos — pag. 127. IN that Chapter I impugn not Aristotle's Philosophy , but G. had concluded my Reflections in the former . Causalities are first found out by concomitancy , as I intimated . And our experience of the dependence of one , and independence of the other shews which is the Effect , and which the Cause . Definitions cannot discover Causalities , for they are formed after the Causality is known . So that in our Authors instance , a man cannot know heat to be the Atoms of Fire , till the concomitancy be known , and the efficiency first presumed . The question is then , How heat is known to be the effect of Fire ? our Author answers by it's definition . But how came it to be so defined ? The answer must be , by the concomitancy and dependence ; for there 's nothing else assignable . But who is our Authors Peripatetick that concludes heat to be the Atomes of Fire ? And who that adorer of Des-Cartes that professeth Scepticism ? A. 5. Nihilo validius est Argumentum à varietate Opinionum Philosophantium ad impossibilitatem — pag. ●●9 . G. I Urge no such argument as the variety of Philosophers Opinions against the possibility of Science , but from the notion of the Dogmatists ; that demonstration supposeth certainty , as Aristotle himself affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; And certainty , impossibility of being otherwise ; as Aristotle proceeds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; I say , from hence I inferre 't is scarce modest to conclude any thing so a demonstration , and consequently , Science in their notion ; The reason of my Inference is fully declared in my Discourse , the least view of which will be evidence enough of the wideness of this answer . Sub finem Capitis assumit nihil sciri posse nisi in primas A. causas resolvatur . Unde diluxisse — pag. 131. WHen I affirm nothing can be known but by a resolution of things into their first causes , I mean the Mechanical , not Metaphysical : For I am of opinion with the excellent Lord Verulam ; That Natural Theory hath been very much hindered , and corrupted by Metaphysical admixtures ; And this is a considerable fault of Aristotle and his Sectators . Some general notices indeed are necessary to direct us in particular researches , but then they must be such as are concluded from induction in particulars ; and perhaps the instances our Philosopher alledges to shew the necessity of Metaphysicks to Physiology will be better determin'd and accounted for in the way of experiment , then notion ; and I think our Author 's Metaphysical argument against a Vacuum , ( the exploding of which he thinks so necessary for the establishment of a grounded Philosophy ) I think , I say , his argument is a Sophism , whose greatest force lies in the scarcity of words and defect in language : For this is the sum of the presumed demonstration . A Vacuum is imaginary space ; Imaginary space is nothing real , and those bodies are together , that have nothing between them : If the middle of which Propositions be denyed , the argument comes to nothing ; and it may without absurdity be affirmed , that though space have not the nature of any of the beings that are in our praedicaments , yet 't is something real and not meerly imaginary : For the notion of space strikes so close to our minds , that we cannot conceive , but that 't is infinite and eternal , viz. is every where , and has been alwayes ; and therefore has a kind of being , that is no arbitrary figment ; Though such a one , for the expressing of which our words are defective : We see then , how this pretended Metaphysical impossibility may be answered ; For though supposing a Vacuum there be nihil corporis between the bodies distant , yet is there aliquid spatii , which is sufficient to avoid the contradiction ; so that there may be a vacuum , notwithstanding our Author's Metaphysicks : Yea , that Aristotle himself asserted it , though I know he has opposed it also , is affirmed by Aetius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and there seems a strong necessity that there should be one , since it looks like an impossibility that there should be motion in pleno , or at least that any thing should be moved , but that all the World must be moved with it ; which I alledge only to shew , that Metaphysicks may both ways be urged almost for any thing , and that all matters of notion are double-handed . And if we must determine nothing in Physiology till Metaphysicks have concluded it ; for ought I know we shall be at an eternal loss , and never fix on any thing . And by this method of mingling Metaphysicks with Natural Philosophy , we shall fill plain Theories with infinite intricacy and dispute . Indeed , the impatient mind of Man , as my Lord Bacon observes , is too apt to fly to general conclusions ; and more averse to the way of experiment and induction , which he thought the only method for the establishing of a solid and grounded Theory : In which there is none has more happily succeeded then the Philosopher Des-Cartes , whose Philosophy is not a prescribed form how things should be made , as our Author injuriously suggests , but professes it self only an Hypothesis how they may be , and how by such Principles the Phaenomena may be salved : And the Mechanicks of Des-Cartes are much more likely methods for the expounding Nature , then the Metaphysicks of Aristotle ; Which his own Sectators have confest a meer rhapsody and confused ramble of they knew not what : Yea , and 't is doubtful whither they are not the spurious issue of some more modern Author , since Diogenes Laertius , who uses to give a full and faithful Catalogue of the Writings of Philosophers , hath omitted this out of the Works of Aristotle , and Philoponus affirms that Book written by Pasicrates Rhodius . And if so , Aristotle will lose the credit of demonstration in Metaphysicks , with which our Author hath invested him . 7. Sequens Capitulum laborat illo Errore quem Aristoteles A. saepius & detexit & confutavit : — pag 132. IMperfect knowledge , according to the notion of the Dogmatists , G. is not Science , but Opinion . Scire , our Author knows , is per causas Scire ; and the conditions of those Causes are that they be true , immediate , and necessary ; This is perfect Knowledge , this is the Science the Dogmatist pretends to ; and to this according to his own Maxime , every thing that is must contribute , as my Discourse declareth . Nor do our Philosophers Instances weaken my Conclusion ; for they relate to another kind of Knowledge , viz. that of the Existence , not of the Nature of things ; which latter is that which I am treating of ; and the knowledge of the being of a thing , as is its object , is a simple act , and consequently , to this , a single evidence is sufficient : But the comprehension of the nature , like the thing it self , is complex , and requires the knowledge of the things of which 't is constituted . What is added within this Paragraph about two Persons , seeing the same object in the same circumstances of sentiment , is our Author 's bare assertion , against my proof of the contrary : And the last period is built upon the fore ▪ mentioned mistake of my design and intentions . A. 8. Attamen Academicus noster non dubitat generatim dogmaticè procedentibus affingere quaevis — pag. 134. G. THe Learned Gentleman is now discended to my Moral Considerations against Confident Opinion : His reflections on the two first of which are built upon the supposal of my being a Sceptick , which charge I think I 've sufficiently disabled . The truth of my Third Accusation is confest , but the guilt , not acknowledged ; since that which excites men to endless bawlings , and altercations ; Schisms , Heresies , and Rebellions , by the vehemencies of Dispute , is it seems with our Author no more noxious and criminal , then the Sun that stirrs men up to their work in the morning , by the importunity of it's beams . To the Fourth absurdity of Dogmatizing , our Philosopher also gives a kind reception ; and it seems can be content with a Confidence that accuseth all the World of Ignorance . But whether be the more modest , the Dogmatist that chargeth all that are not of his mind as Ignorants ; or the Sceptick that involves himself also in the common reproach , let them dispute it out when they will , I have nothing to do with their Quarrel . In the last I 'me agreed with our Author in the Truth of his assertion , That Science inlargeth Mens mindes ; but cannot acknowledge the pertinency . For he could scarce have named things more opposite then Confidence and Science . Science indeed inlargeth : But there 's a Knowledge that only puffeth up . And I 'me of Solomon's Opinion , That 't is the Fool that rageth and is confident . Our Author concludes as he began , in the supposition that I am a Sceptick , and in this I 'me certain he is mistaken ; And will be Dogmatical in affirming , that I am none . THus have I concluded my Reply with a Brevity , that shews I am not fond of an occasion of Disputing ; and a Carelesness , that will witness the little delight I have in matters that are not of very material speculation . The truth is , I dropt these Reflections with such a dulness and inactivity of humor : That when my pen had traced one period , it was indifferent whether it began another . And I remember not an heat in the whole performance . For I felt no concernment to defend a Discourse , which perhaps I had less kindness for then one , who hath professedly opposed it . Not to mention the other reasons of my coldness and indifference in this Action . And though I have still a quick resentment of the Vanity of confiding in Opinions , and possibly could with an humor brisk enough have reassailed the spirit of proud and unreasonable presumption ; Yet I hitherto see no necessity of adding more to what I have said on the Subject : And the Reflections that engaged my Pen , have made me but few new occasions . So that looking on my impugned Discourse as too inconsiderable for a Subject of Publick Vindication , and meeting but little opportunity for general and discursive notion in that which opposed it ; I was , I profess , sometimes more inclined to have throwne away these sheets among the rubbish of my Papers , then to permit them thus to shew themselves to the Publique . But my Civility to this Learned Man obliged me to some Answer , and whatever I apprehend of it otherwise , my laziness or my judgement made me think this sufficient for that service . What others will judge of it I am ignorant and careless , and am sufficiently satisfied with this , that I think it pertinent , and that I have finish't it . FINIS . A LETTER To a FRIEND CONCERNING ARISTOTLE . SIR , I Am very Sensible how bold and adventurous a thing it is , for Men of private condition to oppose what custom and great names have render'd venerable . And though I am still of opinion ▪ that a lazie acquiescence in the discoveries of any Single Author , how great and august soever , be a disadvantage to the encrease of knowledge ; yet I think it not wise in every Man that hath only a naked reason to assist him , to confront such celebrated Authorities . Upon which account I acknowledge some juvenile heat and praecipitancy in those reflections your friendship has animadverted on . Which , besides the pardon young pens may expect from those who are not unreasonably severe , hath a claim to your candour upon other considerations , which I intend this Paper shall acquaint you with . In order to which , I suppose I need not tell you , that 't was no enmity to the learning of the Universities , which with all duty I acknowledge , that drew my pen upon the Sage their constitutions have made textuary . You know me too well , to think I designed any thing against the appointments and purposes of our pious Ancestors in those venerable nurseries of Piety and Learning . I too well apprehend the danger of such Innovations in an Age so prone to fancies and dissettlements . In which nothing howsoever worthy and sacred , has been able to defend it self against the rude hands of proud , because Successeful violence guilded with the plunder'd titles of Reformation and Religion . I 'le assure you then , though I had been so fond and unwise to engage in a design so unlikely in the undertaker ; I should never have been so disingenious and undutiful as to form a project so inconvenient and hazardous in the event , as to discourage young Students from a method of Studies the Constitutions of the place they live in have enjoyn'd them : Which indeed , considering the circumstances wherein things stand , 't is in a manner necessary they should be vers'd in ; since that Philosophy is wrought into the current Theology of Europe : which therefore would not be comprehended without an insight into those Hypotheses . Nor can a Man make a reasonable choice of his Principles , except he have some knowledge of all that offer themselves Candidates for his favour : and a Wise Man's belief is not chance , but election ; besides which , it enlarges and ennobles the Minds of Men to furnish them with variety of conception , and takes them off from doating on the beloved Conclusions of their private and narrow Principles . I blame not therefore the use of Aristotle in the Universities among the Junior Students , though I cannot approve the streightness and sloath of Elder Dijudicants , from whom more generous temper might be expected , then to sit down in a contented despair of any further progress into Science , than has been made by their Idolized Sophy ; and depriving themselves and all this World of their Liberty in Philosophy by a Sacramental adherence to an Heathen Authority . And I confess , 't was this pedantry and boyishness of humor that drew from me those reflections I directed against Aristotle . Which perhaps you 'le think not so censurable an action when you consider , ( 1. ) That whatever fondness these latter ages have express'd towards him , the pious Fathers of the first and purest times of Christianity , own'd for him no such regard and veneration ; but frequently reprehended him with a keen and impartial severity . And if we may believe the learned and industrious Patricius [ Multos ê Patribus habuit oppugnatores , Celebratorem neminem . ] Clemens Alex. Epiphanius , and Nazianzen accuse him of impiety against God and Religion ; Lactantius of Contradiction and inconsistency ; Justin Martyr professedly wrote a Book against him ; S. Basil reprehends his Ethicks ; and Origen set's Epicurus before him . Theodoret accuses him for denying Providence below the Moon . And 't is notoriously known that Platonism was the Philosophy of the first Christian Centuries when Aristotle was not much regarded . Yea as the excellent Gassendus has observ'd , in the flourishing times of Rome and Athens , the Academicks and Stoicks ; and Laertius sayes in his , the Epicureans , were the only valued Sects of Philosophers , while the Peripateticks were but little accounted of . Yea Cicero , Pliny , Quintilian that had otherwise the greatest esteem of Aristotle , prefer'd Plato before him . And I find ( 2. ) Not that Aristotle had such an excess of respect and worship , till after Barbarism had overrun Rome and Athens . For when the Empire began to emerge from that black night of Ignorance which had with it's rude Conquerours invaded it ; Averroes and some others of the Arabian Interpreters chanced to light upon the remains of this Philosopher , which they translated into the language of the Moors , and as 't is usual for Men to dignifie what they have bestowed pains upon , especially if it be rare and new ; these first Interpreters would not fail to celebrate the Author , that they might reconcile credit to their Writings upon him , and recommend their own elucubrations . And therefore Aristotle shall be the prime of Philosophers , that they may be next him . Insomuch that his Redeemer Averroes arriv'd to that Vanity in Commendation as to affirm , that Aristotle invented Logick , Divinity and Physiology ; never spoke any thing without strong reason , and that there was nothing defective or superfluous in his Writings , but all things in the most full and perfect order ; and that no errour had been found in his Composures : which Commendations coming down to the Latines , with the Books they celebrated , and they having no other Philosopher , but Aristotle , nor Interpreter , but his Idolater Averroes , greedily swallowed both the Books and the Character together , making sacred Text of the Writings of the Author , and Axioms of the Commendations of the Interpreter . For the mighty cry of the first admirers , assisted by the Ignorance of those times , and the natural temper that is in Men to revere the first Author that pleases them , bore down others to an assent to those applauses ; and being at last by the Schoolmen mingled with Divinity , and by others adopted into other faculties , grew in a manner Sacred and Universal . Aristotle became an Oracle , his placits were enacted Laws , and his dixit an unquestionable argument ; and thus was the reasoning World despoil'd of that freedom which is the priviledge of Humane Nature , and subjected to a forreign Authority , that could lay no reasonable claim to their respect or observance . So that the esteem of the Aristotelean Philosophy having been so small in the best and wisest times , and having sprung up to this bulk by accidental occasions in the latter and less cultivated ages , I cannot yet think it so piacular to question the dueness of those superlative praises are bestowed upon him in these , wherein Mankind seems awaken'd to enquire into the World of things , not of Words , and is resolv'd no longer to court Names , but Nature . And you 'le see less reason for your displeasure against that engagement of mine , when I shall have told you Thirdly , That 't is very doubtful whether those Writings that go under his Name , are Aristotle's or not . For besides that the antient Greek Interpreters have alwayes made this Quaery in the beginning of their Expositions , Whether the Books they were about to expound were Aristotle 's ; besides this suspicion I say , several very learned men have professedly undertook to prove the uncertainty of all his Writings , among whom are Picus , Patricius , and Gassendus , and from these Author's I 'le give you a brief account of this matter . ( First ) then Theophrastus , Aristotle's Scholar , wrote several things that had the same title with those we presume are his : And who then can tell whether they were wrote by Aristotle , or Theophrastus ? to say Aristotle's Works are discoverable by their style , is to presume the question , That some are known to be his : which being supposed , the enquirer may notwithstanding be deceived in his judgment , since learned Men in the same age are often delighted with the same mode of writing , especially the Scholars of any great Author use to imitate the Way and Method of their Masters ; yea and diversity of Age and Matter make's them sometimes differ more in their Styles from themselves , than others do from them . At least ( Secondly ) Theophrastus had great advantages of adding , altering , and mingling Aristotle's Works as he pleased : He himself putting forth few Books while he lived , but leaving them in the hands of this his great Scholar and Sectator . And 't is the observation of Strabo and Plutarch that the first Peripateticks had few or none of Aristotle's Writings among them ; upon which account impostures and forgeries might be more securely practiced . Besides which , ( Thirdly ) Theophrastus himself did not publish these Writings , but left them in the hands of Neleus , as is testified by Plutarch and Athenaeus . Now this Neleus of two Copies which he kept of Aristotle's writings , sold one to Ptolomy for the famous Library at Alexandria ; the other he kept himself and left with his Posterity ; who , as Strabo testifies , diligent search being made by the Attalick Kings after Books to furnish the Library at Pergamus , hid them in a pit underground about 160. years till they were almost spoil'd with moths and rotteness , and after sold them to Apellicon Tejus an Athenian , who got them transcribed and supplyed in those places in which they had been impair'd by their concealment , but as Strabo says arbitrarily , and at a venture ; insomuch that the Transcripts were full of errour and incurable defects . At length Sylla taking Athens , this Library of Apellicon , in which were the Writings of Aristotle , was transported to Rome , as is testified by Plutarch , and there fell into the hands of Tyrannio Grammaticus under whom they contracted new and worse errors . From him they pass to Andronicus Rhodius who distributed them into the order we now find them in , adding and altering as he pleased . After him , Picus says the contending Peripateticks still mended what they understood not ; and every man as he fancyed . All which circumstances are more than suspicions of much forgery and corruption in Aristotle's Composures . Yea , if that be true which Marius Nizolius asserts , and largely endeavours to prove , that most of the Books of Aristotle that are extant are but Epitomes and Compendiums drawn up by Nicomachus of his Father's writings , 't will be another evidence against their Authority . To which I add ( 4. ) What has been observed by the forecited Learned Men , that Diogenes Laertius , who lived when most of the Antient Authors might be seen , who was very industrious in the search of Antiquities , and who perused above two hundred Authors in order to the compiling of his History , forty of which had professedly wrote the lives of Philosophers ; yet this Diogenes hath omitted all we have now extant of Aristotle's works except nine , viz. duo de Plantis , Physiogn . Categoriae , de Interpret . Mechan . Contra Xenophanem ; Contra Gorgiam & Zenonem . Yea and Patricius gives sufficient reason why all these but the four last should be suspected also . Now why so many forged pieces were ascribed to Aristotle , three reasons are given by Ammonius . viz. ( 1. ) Because there were several others of his name ( Diogenes Laertius sayes eight ) by reason of which 't was an easie matter to shelter the mean and contemptible products of others under his name and authority . ( 2. ) Because several of his Disciples wrote Books on the same Subjects , and with the same Titles with their Master . ( 3. ) There being great rewards propos'd by Ptolomy to those that brought in any considerable Author 's to his Library , several out of a covetous design to enrich themselves by the forgery , inscribed other Writings by the Name of this Philosopher , to render them more currant and vendible . So that there were 40. Books of Analyticks ascribed to Aristotle in Ptolomy's Library , when as he wrote but four ; and two de Categoriis , when he wrote but one . It appears then that the Books of Aristotle are of very uncertain and suspicious authority . Yea , and though his Writings were never so unsuspect and certain in the main , yet no man can be assur'd in particular what is Aristotle's in them and what not , they having met with such hard usage as we mention'd . Yea , the Books themselves give notorious evidence of those abuses in the confusions , inversions , contradictions , tautologies , defects , abruptness , and other gross imperfections they abound with . Upon the account of which Gassendus sayes , he thought Aristotle a greater Man than to be the Author of such mean and obnoxious writings . But however , whether these are genuine or not , they contain the Aristotelianism of the present Peripatetick Schools , and if those works are none of his , there 's less reason why we should fall down before the ΕΦΗ of an uncertain Authority . Besides which , I must confess Fourthly , That the reverence I have to the more antient Sages , which Aristotle frequently traduced , and unworthily abused , animated me to more Severity against him , than upon another occasion had perhaps been so pardonable and becoming . And that Aristotle dealt so invidiously with the Philosophers were before him , will not need much proof to one , that is but indifferently acquainted with his writings . The great Lord Bacon hath particularly charged him with this unworthiness in his excellent Advancement of Learning , wherein he says , that [ Aristotle as though he had been of the race of the Ottomans , thought he could not reign , except the first thing he did , he kill'd all his Brethren . ] And elsewhere in the same Discourse [ I cannot a little marvel at the Philosopher Aristotle , that proceeded in such a spirit of difference and contradiction to all Antiquity , undertaking not only to frame new words of Science at pleasure , but to confound and extinguish all the antient Wisdom , insomuch that he never names any Antient Author , but to confute or reprove him ] consonant whereunto are the observations of Patricius that he carpes at the Antients by name in more than 250 places , and without name in more than 1000. he reprehends 46 Philosophers of worth , besides Poets and Rhetoricians , and most of all spent his spleen upon his excellent and venerable Master Plato , whom in above 60 places by name he hath contradicted . And as Plato opposed all the Sophisters , and but two Philosophers , viz. Anaxagoras and Heraclitus ; so Aristotle that he might be opposite to him in , this also , oppos'd all the Philosophers , and but two Sophisters viz. Protagoras and Gorgias . Yea , and not only assaulted them with his arguments , but persecuted them by his reproaches , calling the Philosophy of Empedocles , and all the Antients Stuttering ; Xenocrates , and Melissus , Rusticks ; Anaxagoras , simple and inconsiderate ; yea , and all of them in an heap , as Patricius testifies , gross Ignorants , Fools and Madmen . How fit then think you is it that the World should now be obliged to so tender and awful a respect to the Libeller of the most Venerable Sages , as that it should be a crime next Heresie to endeavour , though never so modestly , to weaken his textuary and usurp'd authority ? and how just think you is your charge of my Reflections as a piece of irreverence to Antiquity ? when my veneration of the greater Antiquity extorted from me those strictures against the proud Antagonist of all the ancient and more valuable Wisdom ? of whose unworthy and disingenuous usage of the Elder Philosophers , I 'le present you among many with some particular instances , that most easily offer themselves to my pen and memory . Briefly then , he accuses Zeno for making God a Body , because he call'd him a Sphear in a Metaphor . He sayes of Parmenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he made hot and cold Principles , and yet in two long Chapters falls upon him as making all things one . These two Principles of Parmenides Aristotle interprets of Fire and Earth , when 't is clear enough that the Philosophers meant Light and Darkness . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He says of Parmenides and Melissus , that they denyed all generation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And yet in another place , having it seems forgot this charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He accused Empedocles for constituting the Soul of Elements , for which he took occasion from that verse of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When as the Elements he means are not corporeal , as Aristotle would suggest to force an absurdity on that Philosopher , but Intellectual ones , as Simplicius one of his own Interpreters expounds Empedocles . He blasphemes Anaxagoras's Mind in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And yet after gives excellent attributes to that Mind of Anaxagoras . He accuses the Pythagoreans of making Numbers the Principles of things ; when as 't is evident that Numbers were intended by Pythagoras , but as Symbolical representations of them , which serv'd him but for the same purposes the Hieroglyphicks did the Aegyptians , from whom that Sage had his Method of Philosophy ; as Philoponus himself confessingly affirms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ But of all the Philosophers he quarrel'd with , there was none he pursued with so much gall and animosity , as his incomparable Master Plato , whom he not only insolently opposed and ingratefully thrust out of his School while he lived , but with a severe pen persecuted his very ashes , and followed him with injuries beyond the grave . And all for no other reason , but because that Venerable old Man reproved his evil life , and preferr'd the better deserving Speucippus , Xenocrates , and Amyclas before him . The particular instances of those ungrateful abuses are too numerous to be insisted on ; therefore I shall only pitch my observation on Plato's Doctrine of Idea's which Aristotle in all his Books inveigh's against , and hath render'd ridiculous among his credulous Sectators . Concerning which you may please to take notice , that this Opinion was not originally Plato's , though Aristotle charge him as the Author , but was the Doctrine of the Pythagoreans , Aegyptians and Chaldaeans . We have it in Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And before him Trismegistus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But originally this Doctrine of Idea's was Chaldaean , for which I offer you the ensuing Testimonies which will also clear the antient sense and nature of those Idea's . We have them then in the Oracles of Zoroaster , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And these Idea's , by which we may understand their natures , he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Briefly then , the Chaldaeans by their Idea's understood the forms of things as they were in their Archetypa Mente , which answers to the eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Christian Trinity . They called them also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they were in this primaeval Mind . In the Soul of the World they call'd them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Nature , they were Seeds ; and in Matter , Forms . Thus therefore ; In the Seeds of all things there is heat ; in that , Spirit ; in this , Nature which depends on the Universal Soul , and that on God , in whom 't is Jynx or Idea . This was the Chaldaean notion of Idea's , and this was the Platonical ; which how unlike it is the Chimaera of Universal abstract notions , Aristotle and his Peripateticks falsly affix upon the Divine Philosopher , is of easie apprehension . So that Aristotle in his impugnation of the Platonical Idea's , fights against notions of his own creating , and no assertions of his Venerable Master . And I must confess the reverence I have for that Excellent Sage and his Philosophy , lessens my esteem of Aristotle , and his . Which I cannot without some regret behold so Sacred in Christendom , while the incomparable Prince of Philosophers with his divine Theories seems to be neglected and forgotten ; especially since this latter is so consonant in his Dogmata to the principles of Christianity , and the other so opposite to most the articles of our belief in his . Of which Patricius has presented the World with a large Catalogue of Instances , and I 'le offer you a few of them . Plato affirms God to be one ; Aristotle make's one first mover , but 56 other Gods movers of the Orbs. Plato own 's God under the notion of the Father ; which Aristotle no where acknowledges . Plato , that God is the Supreme Wisdom ; Aristotle , that he is ignorant of particulars . Plato , that God is Omnipotent ; Aristotle , that he can do nothing , but move the Heavens . Plato , that God made the World ; Aristotle , that the World is uncreated , and eternal . Plato , that God made the World of nothing ; Aristotle , that of nothing is made nothing . Plato that God is free from all body ; Aristotle , that he 's tyed to the first Orb. Plato , that Providence is over all things ; Aristotle , that 't is confin'd to the Heavens . Plato , that God governs the Universe ; Aristotle , not God , but Nature , Chance , and Fortune . Plato , that God created the Soul ; Aristotle , that 't is the Act of the body . Plato , that the happiness of a Man is in his likeness to God ; Aristotle , that a Man is happy in the goods of Fortune . Plato , there will come one that shall teach us to pray , a prophecy of our Saviour . Aristotle , prayers are in vain , because God knows not particulars . Plato , that after death good Men shall enjoy God. Aristotle , no pleasure after this life . Plato , the Souls of the wicked shall be punish't after death ; Aristotle , they shall perish with the body , and suffer nothing . Plato , the dead shall rise . Aristotle , à privatione ad habitum . Plato that the Soul and Body of the wicked shall be punish't in Hell. Aristotle knew no such matter . These are some instances among many , of the divine temper of the Platonical Philosophy , and the impiety of the Aristotelian ; for a further account of which I referre you to the fore-mentioned learned Author . So that I doubt not , but when you have duly consider'd the matter , you 'l judge those Reflections the effects of a laudable zeal for Antiquity , and what is more sacred , Truth . To which I adde ( 5. ) That the Aristotelian was not the antient Philosophy , but the Corpuscularian and Atomical , which to the great hinderance of Science lay long buryed in neglect and oblivion , but hath in these latter Ages been again restored to the light and it 's deserv'd repute and value . And that the Atomical Hypothesis was the First and most Antient , of which there is any memory in Physiology , is notoriously known to all , that know the Age of Democritus ; who was one of those Four Sages that brought the learning of the Aegyptians among the Grecians ; Orpheus bringing in Theology ; Thales the Mathematicks ; our Democritus , natural Philosophy ; and Pythagoras all Three , with the Moral . Now the learning of the Aegyptians came from the Chaldaeans , and was convey'd to them , as some learned Men affirm , by Abraham , who was of kin to Zoroaster the great Chaldaean Legislatour and Philosopher ; which Zoroaster lived 290 years after the Flood , and as Pliny saith , was the Schollar of Azonaces , whom Antiquáries affirm to have been of the Schoole of Sem and Heber . The Atomical Philosophy then coming from the Aegyptians to the Grecians , and from the Chaldaeans to them ; is without doubt of the most venerable Antiquity ; and the Aristotelian a very novelty in compare with that grey Hypothesis : at the best , a degeneracy and corruption of the most antient Wisdom . Yea , and 't is the complaint of several learned Men , which whoever knows any thing of Aristotles Sectators will justifie , That the Modern Peripateticks have as farr receded from his sense , as from the Truth of Things . For it hath been the Fashion of his Interpreters both Greeks , Latins , and Arabians , to form whole Doctrines from catches and scraps of sentences , without attending to the analogy and main scope of his Writings . From which method of interpretation hath proceeded a spurious medly of nice , spinose and useless notions , that is but little of kin to Aristotle or nature . So that whatever of genuine Aristotelian is in those works that bare his name ; There 's little of Aristotle in his Schools . And 't is no indignity to Antiquity or the Stagyrite , to oppose the corruption and abuse of both . And to endeavour to restore the Antients to their just estimation , which hath been usurp't from them by a modern and spurious Learning . And though I grudge not Aristotles esteem while it is not prejudicial to the respect we owe his Betters ; yet I regret that excessive and undue veneration which fondly sets him so much above all the more valuable Antients . And I 'le propose it to your judgment ( 6. ) Whether 't was likely that Aristotle was so farr beyond other Philosophers in his Intellectuals , as these latter Ages have presumed , when he came so farr short of most of them in his Morals ? I believe there 's a near connection between Truth and Goodness , and there 's a taste in the soul whereby it relisheth Truth , as the Palate Meats ; which sence and gusto vice depraves and vi●iates . So that though Witt may make the Vicious , cunning Sophisters , and subtile Atheists , yet I doubt seldom the best and most exercised Philosophers . Now what the Ancients have related of Aristotle's manners , I 'le present you in an Instance or two , and dismiss this displeasing subject . Suidas then accuseth him of Sodomy with Hermias , Aeschriones , Palephatus , and Abydenus ; St. Jerome of Drunkenness : Lycus and Aristocles , two of his own disciples , charge him with Avarice : Aelian of Cavelling , Loquacity , Scoffing , and Ingratitude ; of which last , there are two notorious instances in his usage of Alexander and Plato . How he used his venerable Master , I have already noted . And what return he made to the kindnesses of his Glorious Schollar , you may see in these few words from Arrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And to sum up much in one , Timaeus the Historian in Suidas gives this Account of him , That he was forward , impudent , saucy , unwise , indocile , and hatefully glutinous , or in the words of Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But to conclude these ungrateful remarques , Plutarch makes him a Traytor to Alexander ; and Eusebius to his Countrey . And being at last banisht for his impiety , He made himself away by poyson , according to the Testimony of Laertius . Thus then you see an ill Character of Aristotle's manners from disinteressed Authorities ; on consideration of which , 't is to me matter of some wonder , that the memory of the Vitious should be so blessed , and his authority so irreproveable . Unto all which may be added . ( Lastly ) That there is less reason that Aristotle should be valued beyond all others that have had a name for wisdom , if we consider , that he borrowed almost all he writ from the more antient Philosophers , though he had not the ingenuity and gratitude to acknowledge it : Particularly from Architas and Ocellus , transcribing them word for word in many places , especially the latter ; and yet never as much as mention'd him in all his writings . And I think you ascribe more to Aristotle then is his due when you call him the INVENTOUR of SCIENCES ; for we owe that honour to others of the Antients ; particularly to Zeno the Invention of Logick , and of Rhetorick to Empedocles , according to his own Testimony in Laertius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of Zeno ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Perictione a Pythagorean woman writ Metaphysicks ▪ before Aristotle . Stobaeus in his Morals hath a Fragment of her Book de Sapientia , of which she declares the subject in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Besides whom Plato , Parmenides , Xenophanes , Pythagoras , the Aegyptians , Trismegistus , and before all , the Chaldeans writ of this Science , long before Aristotle was extant . And , Democritus brought natural Philosophy , as did Pythagoras the Moral , from the Aegyptians , before the Stagyritè was an Infant . And for the Mathematicks , they were studied in Aegypt , before He was born in Greece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is his own confession . Thus then you see Sir , we are not so much beholden to Aristotle , as most men have presumed . And perhaps by this time you may be convinc't that we have no reason so passionately to revere his Authority . But whither you are , or not , I am not much concerned , being willing to leave all men to the liberty of their own sentiments . It sufficeth for my purpose , that I have given you some of the grounds of my dissatisfactions in Aristotle and his Hypotheseis . If you are convinced , at the bar of your judgment , I am justified ; if you are not , your dissent I presume is rational , and when I have seen your reasons , I shall either be more disposed to your apprehensions , or be more confirm'd in the justice and reasonableness of mine own . To which I 'le add no more , but my desires of your pardon of this voluminous trouble , and acceptance of the affectionate regards of SIR , Your Humble Servant J. G. FINIS . 
A44631	----	Remarks on the new philosophy of Des-Cartes in four parts ... / done by a gentleman. Howard, Edward. 1700 Approx. 443 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 200 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A44631 Wing H2978 ESTC R11446 12254151 ocm 12254151 57274 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44631) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57274) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 149:8) Remarks on the new philosophy of Des-Cartes in four parts ... / done by a gentleman. Howard, Edward. [56], 343 p. : ill. Printed by J. Gardyner and sold by Richard Ellison ..., London : 1700. The author's epistle dedicatory signed: Ed. Howard. Reproduction of original in British Library. (from t.p.) I. Of the principles of humane knowledge -- II. Of the principles of material things -- III. Of the principles as they relate to the visible world -- IV. Of the principles of the earth. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Descartes, René, 1596-1650. Philosophy, French -- 17th century. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REMARKS On the NEW PHILOSOPHY OF DES-CARTES . In Four PARTS . I. Of the Principles of Humane Knowledge . II. Of the Principles of Material Things . III. Of the Principles , as they relate to the Visible World. IV. Of the Principles of the Earth . Done by a Gentleman . — Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere Causas . Virgil. LONDON : Printed by J. Gardyner , and Sold by Richard Ellison , in the Pall-Mall , near St. James's House , M DC C. THE AUTHOR'S EPISTLE DEDICATORY TO HIS Royal Highness THE PRINCE OF DENMARK . PRINCES , Great Sir , of superlative Esteem have to their Glory promoted the Excellencies of Science , and are accordingly conspicuous in Records of Fame : If they have been Illustrious in their sphere , the Court ; they have not judg'd themselves greater under a Canopy of State , than when their Grandeur has Flourish'd , with the Incouragement and Growth of the Arts of Knowledge . And tho' Princes , as to the conduct of their Affairs , may by their Prudence select their proper Ministers , and Courtly observance of such on whom they confer the Grace of Officiary Dignities : 'T is not to be denied , That Science , without other Courtship than its own Merit ; ought to be an especial Favourite of the Soul , and chiefly so valu'd by the most Eminent of Men. A Motive of such high Importance , that it caus'd the Great Alexander to declare , That he had rather be a Prince of Science , than Commander of the vast Dominions Possess'd by him : And doubtless , he in great part , made good the Expression , both as to his own Abilities , and the Improvements he receiv'd from his Tutor Aristotle ; whose Learned Works had never been so far diffus'd in the World , had they not been incourag'd and assisted by the Countenance and Power of his famous Pupil . The next great Example was Julius Caesar , who is mention'd , by Plutarch , as a Parallel in Valour and Warlike Conquest 's to the Mighty Alexander ; but far surpassing the conduct of his Arms and Counsels of State , as to the perpetual Memorial of his Glory and Erudite Accomplishments ; Men famous in Mathematical Science were Authoris'd by him , to amend the then Erroneous computation of the Sun 's Annual Revolution ; to which at this Day , in the Julian Year , we own our Calendar , and the Month of July dedicated to his everlasting Renown , in the Year that was Rectified by his Imperial Command : A work transcending the greatest of his Earthly Fame , as to the height of the Sun , the Sovereign of Light , his Name is exalted in Story . If the Great Julius Caesar from his Soveraign Dignity and vast Ingenuity of Mind , was signally accomplish'd to patronise so sublime a Performance ; what could recompence the Deserts of such famous Persons , who were his subservient Assistants , or as it were the Ministers of Heaven , in order to give the Sun 's Ecliptick Year a renovated Conduct and Glory : Of which Persons Sosigenes , a Mathematician of Aegypt is chiefly mention'd . But were his Astronomical Abilities compar'd with admir'd Tycho , who was of Noble Extraction in the same Nation where the many great Predecessors of your Royal Highness had Dominion and Birth ; 't is not to be doubted that the accurate Skill and Observations of Tycho the Dane had exceeded Sosigenes the Aegyptian : And possibly , had he been consulted , might have furnish'd the World with a more perfect Computation of the Year , than is , either the Julian or Gregorian Account . His admirable Skill , Vigilancy and Experience , imploy'd Twenty Years in Astronomical Science , did in a manner Crown his vast Endeavours : There being no Observations , at this Day , that can compare with those made by unparallell'd Tycho . And 't is not improbable , amongst his Astrological Predictions , were they known to us , that he signally Presag'd the happy Alliance of Your Royal Highness both to the Danish and English Throne : And how , in future Time , you would be no less a Favourer and Promoter of the Excellencies of Mathematical Learning , than any of Your Monarchial Predecessors . Nor can the extraordinary Dignity be unknown to Your Royal Highness , by which that Science does , beyond all others , advance the Elevation of the Eyes and Heart , in order to the Divine Contemplation of the wonderful Movements and Beings of the Celestial Orbs , however far distant from us . If the Sun Revolves in his Diurnal Circumference more than Sixteen Millions of English Miles ; to what admirable , tho' less proportion , does then amount the Period he makes in every Hour , and Minute of Time. Insomuch , that it may be Affirm'd , that by Astronomical Calculations in a high Measure , we are Divinely taught to be more perspicuous Admirers of the Heavenly Works and Conduct of the Almighty , than otherwise could be discern'd by us : Which wonderful Movements of the Sun , Planets and Stars , together with the Benignities of Heaven incident to their Illuminations , Causes and Effects , are , to our Admiration , with such a stupendious Facility Dispos'd , and Ordain'd above ; that it can be attributed to no other Original , than the Operations of Incomprehensible Providence . But of what Substance , and Manner of Existence , the Celestial Luminaries , together with the Incommensurable Orbs , Height and Distances in which they Revolve , may be defin'd ; are Thoughts that have been the inextricable Astonishment of Learned Pens , as they have been pos'd to determine the Nature of their Essence and other Proprieties . Notwithstanding , it appears , That by Writers of Refin'd Judgments , the Sun , Moon , and Stars , with whatsoever may be denominated the Orbs above ; are deem'd , in a manner , by them either spiritual Appearances , or equivalently such , for want of other extrordinary Epithet , or Definement suitable to the Nature of their Essence and Motion ; by reason that their Substance does not admit any visible Change , or Alteration in them : Which would be perceptible , were they not essentially distinct from all Elementary Compositions . These Instances in brief , I thought fit to present to Your Royal Highness , as preparatory to Your Inspection of such Particulars as I have Written in this Book , on the Philosophy , and Mathematical Passages Inscrib'd by Des-Cartes : Which are Humbly Dedicated to the perusal of Your Royal Highness , by Your Most Dutiful Humble Servant , ED. HOWARD . THE PREFACE TO THE READER . THE Dignity of Philosophical Science , has always been Celebrated by the most Eminent of Men in all its Capacities : For as Men , are endu'd by the Gifts of the Mind , above all other Animated Creatures ; Philosophy does by its Excellency highly advance the useful Speculations and Comprehension of one Man superior to another . If Princes , or Supreme Magistrates ; it wonderfully Improves the Conduct and Prudence of their Rule , and fits their subordinate Ministers with such signal Qualifications as naturally lenifie the course Ignorance of vulgar Men , and Attract their Obedience . Tho' Iron be a harsh and rugged Metal , the Loadstone can affectedly draw it : And doubtless Philosophical Knowledge , when duely Communicated , has a more compleat and genuine Sympathy on the Souls of Men ; as it usefully displays the benign and facile Conduct of Providence , in disposing the Government and Contexture of the Universe , with its admir'd Appurtenances : In which may be observ'd such a perspicuous and endear'd compliance to Order and Rule , that Nature seems but an Empress of Philosophical Science , as she Ordains , by Causes and Effects , the Obedience of her numberless Subiects . From whose great Example may well be suppos'd , That the Wise and Learned of Men Instituted Civil and Doctrinal Societies , as the most natural Directors and Conservators of Humane Being . Nor can the total World be more aptly denominated than the vast Presence-Chamber of Nature ; in which , by a general admittance to the Eyes of Mankind , may be perceiv'd her outward Ornaments of State and Greatness : But in that mighty Room she is most significantly attended by the Nobless in Knowledge , who clearest discern Philosophical Grandeur ; and especially how , and where it is most requisitely Eminent when wedded to Mathematical Science the Queen of Truth : Without which Solemnity , it is impossible to celebrate Nature , or Providence , the sublime Disposer of her wonderful Operations , demonstrably admirable ; and consequently that the Hours of Time , by which we subsist , together with its commodious Seasons , could not , otherwise be computed by us : Whereas , contrarily , ungracious Ignorance , as also heedless neglect and contempt of Science , are usually such Concomitants as chiefly proceed from customary Sloth and illiterate Modes of Conversation ; even in Persons of superior Degree , who should be , to the exalting of the Dignity of their Souls , leading Examples and especial Incouragers of such Parts of Knowledge , as might Embellish their Esteem , and Patronize the Endeavours of others : But too many of these , however big in Looks , Estate , and Interest , and accordingly their outward Meen and Appearance ; cannot but inwardly Blush , if deeply consider'd by them , how diminitively they are Ensoul'd , if compar'd with the Intellectuals of many of their Inferiors ; or as if they were Born meerly to Injoy the Affluence and Pleasures of Life , without recompensing their value , by fitting of their Understandings in order to a due Intelligence of the Causes and Bounties of Nature , from whence they proceed . If the Titles that such Men have to their external Grandeur , Quality , or Estate , were question'd or debas'd , they would doubtless resent it accordingly ; if not hold themselves oblig'd to clear their Repute and Interest , in all those Considrations . But were they requir'd to make Out their Claims to Polite Literature , they could not but Concede , That there are more Knights of St. George than Honourers of Science . Nor can it be deny'd , That whensoever the Eminencies of Science are not commendably Patroniz'd , the Inconvenience must necessarily arise from the too frequent Depravitiess of Conversation and Manners that to cover Foppish , or Debauch'd Ignorance , would disguise the want of Apprehension by endeavouring to Ridicule Knowledge by absurd and licencious Railleries . Not that it is to be expected , that all Persons of Dignity , or such as are advanc'd to Degrees of Trust , or Magistracy in the Nation ; should be all Proficients in Philosophical and Mathematical Erudition : Tho' more advantagious and usefully becoming , in them , relating to their National Affairs and Stations , on whatsoever account ; than to others of inferior concernment and manner of Life . Wherefore , 't is very conducing both to the Service of the Publick , and lasting Applause and Fame of such Persons ; if they are not Scientifically capacitated , or their Abilities otherwise imploy'd , that they would be Renown'd Incouragers of Learning , together with convenient Bounty ; by which means such Persons might be supported in Schools , and Places set apart for that purpose , that are sufficiently accomplish'd to Instruct others in the before-mention'd Sciences : Which in a short time might exalt the Academical Fame of England to a Second Athens . How many Petitions have contitinually been presented to the Royal Magistrate , and favour'd by Persons of nearest Access to the Throne , that tend to private Advantages and Exaltatious to Stations of Superiority and Profit ; but amongst all these Addresses , few to be observ'd , that would advance the publick Honour and Emoluments , that deservedly appertain to the Advancement of the Skill , and Arts of Knowledge ? Which is no small reason , that the most considerable Parts and Exercise of Humane Understanding are so thinly discern'd , or too commonly decay'd amongst us . If Scientifical Abilities have a cursory deference and value , from some Persons who are not Learned enough to prove their Esteem of Performances of excellent Importance ; the Applause that it receives from not a few of them , is no better than the bare Encomium of Vertue : Which caus'd the Pcet Juvenal to reflect on the unworthy of his Time , when he says , that — robitas laudatur et alget : As if Men were oblig'd to Improve the Knowledge of Others , at the Cost of their Diligence ; or enough rewarded , if not Voted down by the Ignorant : Which cold regard , or at best , but a luke-warm respect to Science ; is no small Cause , that many of our youthful Nobility and Gentry so rawly return from Academies and Tutors : From whence it afterwards proceeds , that they far more incapably enter upon the Service of the Nation , at Land , or Sea , than otherwise they might : And for no other Reason , than because Philosophical and Mathematical Excellencies are not more familiarly Taught and Practis'd . 'T were too much , in this Place , to recount the many commodious Applications and Uses of those Sciences , in reference to Publick and Private Affairs : Which are , on divers Accounts , so very considerable , as they might deserve the diligence of a Learned Pen , to enumerate their Conjoyn'd value ; by which the Causes , Effects , Motions , and Operations of Nature would be more experimentally and certainly understood . And what ought more sublimely to be consider'd , the continu'd Blessings of Providence , in their most natural Methods , bestow'd on Mankind , would be without Philosophical and Mathematical Knowledge , insensibly perceiv'd , if not supinely inadverted by us . And tho' the Suns Times faithful Accountant , together with the Moon and Stars , in their outward appearance , invite the Wonder of our Eyes ; and what is far more incomprehensible , the manner of their Existencies and diversified Progressions in their Orbs above : Yet in none of these supreme Considerations , could they be rationally admir'd , however vast their Distance from us ; did not Science exalt our Intellects to such approximate and necessary Computations , as render them , tho' no farther apprehended by us , the effectual Supporters of our Worldly Beings And if a Catechism were pertinently Compil'd of the Works of the Omnipotent , joyn'd to that of his Holy Word , and duely explain'd by National Authority : It might assure a more palpable Conviction , even to obstinate Opposers , that God does Exist , than can be deduc'd from the simplicity of meer Belief , howsoever convey'd . Nothing being so demonstrably evident , to Humane Comprehension , as what is apparently manifest to the Eye and Senses ; to which purpose , the Divine Application of the undeniable Assurance and Proof to be attain'd by the Sciences precedently mention'd , would undoubtedly incline the most prudent of Men devoutly to acquiesce , and profligate from their Souls , the too common inconsiderate Tenents , and Atheism of others : As also , to their superlative Glory , conspicuously distinguish'd from such numbers of Mankind , that no farther imploy their Understandings , than by Indulging the sensual Satisfactions and Pleasures of Life : Amongst whom , may be found such an impious sort of Men , that to Varnish their evil Examples , and stains of Manners , would seem refin'd under the Name of Wits : And thereby arrogate to themselves an Arbitrary Decision , or neglect of whatsoever they please to disallow , or is above their Capacities to value : And these , for the greatest part , are antipathiz'd to all polite Science ; or determine it , as a Point resolv'd by them , far inferior to their loose Drolleries , Lampoons , scurrilous Reflections , and Abuses impudently pointed against the ingenious Desert , and Performances of others ; as on the Feet of their ignominious Verse , they run in the Nation . And strange it is , that such ungracious Associators should not only have their ordinary Countenancers and Abetters ; but also their Leaders , Men of Title , who , as their Captain-Generals , command their undisciplin'd Lists : As if by their endeav urs , Ignorance , and contempt of Knowledge , might be no less prevalent , than when the barbarous Goths and Vandals demolish'd Records of precedent Literature . But , Heaven be thank'd , the present Age does yet abound with such laudable Ingenuities and Patrons of Erudition , as enough defeat the Malice and Ignorance of illiterate Opposers : The only remaining means , and strong reserve , by which the value of Philosophy , with all its Accomplishments , may receive suitable Acceptance and Protection . To which worthy Personages , next to his Royal Highness the Prince of Denmark , together with such of eminent Quality , who have Incourag'd the Impression , is chiefly presented the confiderable Importance of this Book : Not doubting , that it may be inspected , by a Judicious Eye , no less valuable in English , where it dissents from Des-Cartes , than his did receive Applause when publish'd with the best of his Eloquence and Reasons , in French , or Latin. Notwithstanding 't is very observable , That some fantastical Judgments no less propensely value French Authors than the reception they give to the Mode of Cloaths that are devis'd by Taylers at Paris . But as to the Productions of the Mind , by advancement of Science , 't is palyably known , That the most Learned and Accurate Productions and Inventions of the French have not been only Equall'd but Improv'd by English Writers : To which purpose , I will , instead of many , Insert a few Examples . Vieta , who is acknowledg'd the first Author of the commodious Use of literal Algebra , had he liv'd contemporary with our English Harriot , must have granted , That the most curious Part , or in which consists the main Secret of that profound Science , was discover'd and compleated by him . And so well perceiv'd by Des-Cartes , that he , in the manner of a Plagiary derives the most exquisite Part of his Algebraical Skill and Process , from our Learned Harriot : And so publish'd to the World , in the History of Algebra eruditely compil'd by Dr. Wallis . To Harriot may be added our famous Oughtred , whose deep Mathematical Knowledge and Perfection of Theorems , was never exceeded by any French Writer . In the Judgment of Vieta , it was thought impossible , by knowing the simple Anomaly of the Sun , or Planets , Geometrically to find the Equated ; the contrary of which is evidently prov'd by the Learned Bp. Seth Ward in his Book Entitled Astronomia Geometrica . If the Ingenious Peter Ramus was the first Deviser of the Analysis in Numbers of the Cubick Root ; the Operation is much facilitated by the accurate Invention of Mr. Joseph Raphson , in his Converging Series , to his praise now extant . And what yet more superlatively Exceeds to the Honour of this Island , both Ancient and Modern Inventions ; is admirably evident in the Structure of Logarithms Compil'd by the famous Lord Napier : By which the former Difficulties of Mathematical Computations , in every kind , are totally wav'd ; and in their stead facile Calculations by Logarithms , resolv'd with ease and delight . If Philosophically compar'd French Authors with English ; or instead of more , Des-Cartes be mention'd , according to the Esteem allow'd him by some Persons : The Works of our Incomparable Bacon may be Instanc'd as an experimental Confutation of the Failings of the other ; with no less assurance , than that probable Truth condemns Fiction : Nothing being more gracious in a Philosopher , than a natural discovery of Causes and Effects : Or indeed , when the Parts of a Naturalist and Philosopher are duely joyn'd : Which actually elevated the admirable Reputation allow'd to the Georgicks of Virgil ; because in them he manifestly discloses the Effects and Operations of Nature , obviously agreeable to common Observation : And I cannot liken any Works more eminently to the excellency of his , than the natural manner of Philosophy deliver'd by unparallel'd Bacon . Whereas , if we confide on the Principles of Des-Cartes , we must rely on fictitious Inventions , instead of warantable Experience ; as will appear by the ensuing Remarks on the Parts I Treat of . No Man can doubt , that any Thing is more requisite , or deserv'dly commendable , than the Endeavours whereby to fathom such Depths of Science , as pertinently contribute to the profoundest Search and Satisfaction of the Humane Mind : Amongst which , none are more considerable than such as most Emphatically conduce to the Apprehending the wonderful Manner by which the animated Being and Life , with all their Proprieties , exist in the Body of Man. And what Parts of Contemplation , or refin'd Literature , can so naturally enbellish the Intellect , as the rational discernment of the Being of the Humane Soul ; and how it operatively conspires with its Corporeal Residence ? The understanding of which , if sufficiently acquir'd , may be deem'd the Quintessence , or Soul of Philosophical Knowledge ; as it instructs us to comprehend the Nature of the Soul , that appertains to our Persons . Many are the Opinions of Philosophers , not necessary to be mention'd here , by which they differ not more from themselves than Des-Cartes does from all of them , concerning the Manner of Existence and operating of the Soul in the Humane Body : The main of whose Tenent , or Idea , as he calls it , is , That the Humane Mind being a Thinking Substance , committed to the Body , by God , may sensibly apprehend Objects , without the use of the Senses , or being precedently entertain'd by them : By which Opinion of his he opposes common Experience , together with that noted Philosophical Axiom , That nothing is in the Intellect , which was not first in the Senses . If a Man becomes accidentally Blind , there is not therefore with the loss of his Sight any such Curtain drawn before his Imagination , that totally obscures the Memorial of Things formerly impress'd on his Intellect by the Senses . So that the Maxim of Des-Cartes is far more Blind , than a sightless Man ; as he states his Inference : ' Tho' upon this obscure Principle he erects the main Foundation of the first Part of his Philosophy , as it relates to Humane Cognition . Notwithstanding , he is so fond of the New-fashion'd Ideas and Notions which he there not a little magnifies , that he exposes them , ( as he finds occasion ) to the view of his Reader in other Parts of his Works , besides those I have to do with ; witness the Fourth Particular of the First Chapter of his Dioptricks , or of Light and the manner of Vision by the Telescope , where he has this unintelligible Expression : If we consider , saies he , the distinction that a Man Blind , from his Nativity , can make betwixt the Colour of Trees , Water , Stones , and the like , meerly by the use and touch of the Staff he walks with ; no less certainly , than seeing Men can discern Red , Yellow , or Blew , in any visible Object ; although their differences could be no other , in such Bodies , than diversities of Motion , or the resistance they make to the Blind Man's Staff. It has been an undoubted Maxim , That whosoever is Blind , is no judge of Colours : But by the quaint Philosophy of this Author it seems a resolv'd Point , That a Man may see without the use of Eyes : So that a sightless Man , who cannot make a safe Step without a Guide , may , if conducted to walk to the end of a Street , declare certainly of what Shape , Figure , or Colour , every Post is that he touches with the Staff that supports him . I confess , as I Read this Particular , I expected , that he would have somewhat more exalted the Conceit , by Affirming , That a Blind Man might perfectly inspect through the Glasses of the Telescope , he there Writes of ; and next give an account of the Bigness , Diameters , and various appearances of the Stars , colours of the Rain-bow , and other Meteors : In Summ , he might have as well Asserted , that the Ear could perform the Office of Seeing , as by feeling it could be executed , in any kind , by a Blind Man's management , Nor less unintelligible is the general Definition he gives , in the before-mention'd Head , of Colours ; which he Terms no other than various Modalities , by which they are receiv'd in Objects of Colour . Whereas they are certain Proprieties inseparably appertaining both to animated , and inanimated Bodies ; as sure as a Brown Horse is naturally different from a Gray , or Chesnut : And 't were a weak Imagination , to estimate Colour , otherwise than Nature has appropriated it to particular Subjects : And whosoever would fancy the contrary , let him try , whether he can wash a Blackmoor's Face untill it becomes White . Another passage he Inserts in the 4th Chapter of his Dioptricks , where he states his . Idea of the Soul , as a distinct Substance separated from the Senses , by supposing , that 't is the Soul alone , and not the Body , that is sensibly concern'd : As he would infer from Extasie , or distracted Contemplation ; in which Circumstance he conceives , that the Soul is totally abstracted from the Corporeal Parts : Whilst the Body remains stupified , or bereav'd of Sense ; no less than when by Wounds , or Diseases , the Brain is prejudic'd . But could be Think , that in any such disturbance of Body and Mind , the Soul does more than live as well as the Body ; since , in that condition , 't is impossible for the Soul to act deliberately , of any Thing , whilst the Senses are disabled , or not assisting her Operations ? Yet in this plight of Body and Mind , he is very inclinable to determine the Soul , a separate Thinking Substance , but incapable of sensibly executing her Intellectual Faculty ; which is much the same , as to allow her , in this Case , a nonsensical Existence ; or not able to apprehend any Object without the concurring of the Senses . This Objection is undeniably manifest ; if pertinently consider'd the main Potentials , by which are actually effected and compleated the essential Capacities of the Life of the Intellect and Senses , as they animatively conspire in the Body of Man : For as there are always Extant a sufficient Quantity of the most refin'd Spirits , or Quintessence naturally extracted from the Corporeal Temperament , and in a wonderful and indiscernable Method diffus'd into the Cells and Crannies of the Brain ; by which means , as the excellent Lord Bacon observes , they are able to Move the whole mass , or weight of the Body , in the most swiftest Operations and Exercise : Yet by no search , or anatomical Inspection are these admirable Particles , or Quintessences of our Nature , at all discernable : Tho' not to be denied , that they consist of quantitative Parts ; because nothing but Quantity can operate on quantitative Dimensions , as signified by Humane Composition . Wherefore , the wonderful Being and active Force of the material Spirits , or Quintessence of the Corporeal Temper , can have no other apter Epithet , than was given by Democritus to his Notion of Atoms , which he conceiv'd by Reason and Experience to be Things really Existing , but not to be perceiv'd by the Sense of Seeing This Notion well apprehended is more than sufficient to convict the Tenent , of Des-Cartes , whereby he would define the Humane Soul to be a distinct Thinking Substance in the Body of Man , where it has Being , Action and Life ; yet discharg'd , in point of Thought , from the Accomplishment it has in the temperial Excellency that it admirably exerts and partakes ; so that , in that Sense , it may be term'd the Soul of the Body's temperature . If at any time , the Seat of the Intellect in the Brain is perplex'd , confus'd , or detrimentally wounded , or stupified , the Soul is obstructed for want of its contiguous Passage in the Nerves , Arteries , and Sinews , however subtile the contexture which they derive from the Brain to the Parts of the Body : Which could not be , is the Soul , according to this Author , were in Substance essentially distinct from the most refin'd Operations and Attributes , that sensibly emerge from the Corporeal Composition . Let a Man Contemplate of any Object , or Employment of his Senses , he shall find , is duely consider'd , That in the same moment there is a ready Emanation of the Spirits of the Mind , to the same purpose , which are most contiguous to the several Uses , Parts , and Temperatures of the Body ; tho' not otherwise Spiritual : Wherefore , the Soul may not be improperly term'd equivalently such , as by her imperceptible Essence , She has , in a manner , an ubiquitary Efficacy in the total Body , and every of its Parts and Members . If the Souls of all Mankind be committed to Bodies , by God , as so many Thinking Substances ; it must necessarily follow , that they all had a precedent Creation ; and therefore could lose nothing of their Perfection , until joyn'd to the Body . But if according to the Opinion of Some , the Soul is traductionally produc'd , and born with the Body , as the disparities and temperatures of Men , both in Mind and Person , seem to be exerted , either from Affinity in Blood , or parentally propagated by the Connexion of the Bodily Parts and Senses ; it must according to that Tenent , be materially produc'd . Wherefore 't is far more probable , if the Soul be granted a Thinking Substance united to the Senses , by the Ordainment of the Almighty : Than to allow it , as does Des-Cartes , seperately and actively intelligent in the Body of Man. Of what kind of Substance this Author would define the Humane Soul , is not Intelligible from any Definition given by him ; but as he Affirms it Active and Motional : And therefore consisting , suitably to his Teuent , of quantitative Parts , it must be Elementarily Compos'd , and consequently Mortal by Nature : By reason that there is no sublunary Substance , that has not a mutable and perishable Being . So that within the Compass of the World , and Course of Providence , there is no Immortal Thing that can be , by Man , apprehended . Which may be naturally Argu'd from the Doctrine of Des-Cartes , as it relates to the Humane Soul. Notwithstanding , to Improve his Philosophical System , I will conclude , That as a Learned Catholick , 't was granted by him , that the eternalizing of the Humane Soul , however Compos'd , or operative in the Body of Man , was wholly to be referr'd to the Decree of the Omnipotent . In his Second Part , he grosly defines and mistakes the Nature of Body , by Affirming , That it does not consist , as as one Thing may be said to be more Ponderous , Hard , or distinctly Colour'd than another , but as it is differently extended in Length , Breadth and Depth ; which is a very incompatible Tenent , or all one as to Assert , That Air , Water , Man and Beast , are no otherwise distinguishable , than as any one of them are heavier , or less than another ; tho' absolutely bereav'd of their other Proprieties : Which shews , That there is neither Head , or Tail , in the Shape of his Treatise , on this Subject . In his Third Part , amongst divers of his questionable Positions and Phaenomena's , which I conceive are considerably tax'd by me , he does in a high degree , essentially debase the conspicuous Sphere of Glory and Light visibly beheld in the wonderful appearance of the Sun ; which according to his Definition , is no other than a flaming Substance that flashingly Moves continually from one place to another within its Circumference ; but with such resemblance to our common Fire , that it dissolves whatsoever Matter is contiguous to its Movement : Notwithstanding he would distinguish it from the Notion we have of Fire , as it is sed and maintain'd by consuming of such Materials as are not too hard to be dissolv'd . And is not this a pretty kind of distinction by which he gives a different denomination to the flaming Substance , as be terms it , of the Sun , from the combustible Nature of Tarrestial Fire , tho' , in effect , he grants that the Operation is the same in both : There being little difference betwixt Dossolution caus'd by a flaming Substance , and burning , as Matter may be understood either way alter'd or consum'd . The Fuel , on which be conceives the flaming Substance of the Sun , to operate , is no other than , what be calls his first Element , or imaginary material Fund , as be determines , and orders it , of the Worlds original Being Above and Below ; So that by a thorough-pac'd fiction he Constitutes the Heavens and Earth materially the same . And if so , he must grant that their Substance may be equally subject to the variable Alterations generatively , or corruptly understood , no less than Terrestial Beings ; which is contradictory to common Experience : There being no such etherial Changes as are frequently visible in Things Below : Which is an undeniable Argument that the Substance of the Earth could never be derivatively the same with that of the Heavens , or originally so Compos'd . Of which the Reader may be satisfied , at large , when he Inspects my particular Remarks , that confirm my general Exception , amongst other Things , against the Fourth Part of his Philosophy , where he makes the Earth , as it were , a diminitive Brat engendred by Seeds descending from Skies . To be plain , these Parts of his Philosophy , which Include the whole , depend on so many fabulous Phaenomena's and improbable Conjectures , diversly introduc'd by him , that it is impossible to apprehend any direct Foundation on which he erects the Babel of his Hypothesis in reference to the Heavens and Earth . So that it were prolixly improper , should I load my Preface by discussing of such Particulars that require a more ample Debate in their proper Places . It being more suitable to the Nature of a Preface to intimate briefly such Observations as may give the Reader a taste of what he is more largely to consider : Wherefore I shall refer him to my Remarks as in course they are to be Read ; where I believe he may find them as pertinently Compendious as my endeavours could accomplish , or perhaps his Ingenuity may expect . And for my own Vindication , I can sincerely avow that I discharg'd , from my perusal of his Tractates , such opinionative Reflections as usually flow from the Pens of opposite Authors : Being so fully prepar'd both as to the Repute of the Person and the value that I propensly allow'd to his great Abilities ; That I did , in a manner , not doubt that I should be proselited by his Principles . But finding , upon a Mature and thorough Consideration , that his Maxims , in divers Particulars , not only check'd with my Understanding , but also against the Proofs that might be adjusted against them : I could not but infer that in a Judicious Conception he was not the same Des Cartes , or Grandee of Knowledge , that had been , by many , attributed to his Caracter . So that I might well pronounce — Quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore . Not that I presume on my Success farther than he contributes to his own Defeat , by intruding such Notions , Ideas , Systems and Existency of Things , that could by no Method of Providence , or Nature , have Being in the World. Notwithstanding all which , he confidently assures his Reader that he takes himself to be no Author of Novelties , or Principles disagreeable to the most famous of Ancient Philosophers : Tho' palpably manifest that he neither mentions Plato , Aristotle , or any others of Old , or Modernly Renown'd , that he does not sharpen his Pen to Confute : Tho' the Proofs that he offers are as far short of the Validity of many of theirs , as Fiction is from best Probability , or experimental Assurance : As may be seen by some Examples given by me . To Conclude , had not these Motives prevail'd on my Judgment , and what is more the demonstrative Evidence that I have Instanc'd from Proof ; I had been far more inclinable , as I consider'd , on many Accounts , the Learned Deserts of this Author , to have annex'd to his Esteem my Praise , instead of my Opposition . Farwel . REMARKS On the First Part of the New PHILOSOPHY OF DES-CARTES . Concerning the Principles of HUMANE KNOWLEDGE . PART . I. NOTHING is more commendable then the Exercising of the Humane Mind in such requisite Contemplations , as most Effectually conduce to the Improvement of the Understanding in things of special Importance . And tho' Man do's Exist in a World whose Structure is no less admirable to his Speculation then how he came to have Being in it , or Originally Ensoul'd above other Creatur's : Yet Nature , is no such Step-Dame as not to Communicate , by her Works , such plentiful discoveries to the Rational Faculty as have an ample perspicuity and genuine tendency to Improve our Apprehensions . A Treasure of Science that ought to be far more valuable , by the Judicious , than an excess of Worldly Riches that may fill the Coffers of such as are meanly Apprehensive , or ungratefully Inconsiderate of the bounties of Providence that in a Natural Course Replenish the Earth they Possess . So that in Effect they are no farther sensible of the Conduct of Nature , in whatsoever they most advantageously Injoy , then a Man might be of a tale in a Romance that Represents some , above others , Indiscretely Fortunate . How precious should then be consider'd the deserts of such Persons , who by their Elaborate Endeavours , and Learn'd Proficiencies so nearly trace the footsteps of Nature , that they render their Knowledge Approximate to her closest Recess : Whose mighty Door is no way so perspicuously open'd as by the Key of Philosophical Science , which if duely apprehended , or more regardfully Incumbent on the Souls of Men ; it would discountenance not a few , that out of more than necessary respects to their Worldly Interest and concerns of Life , bereave themselves of time and advertency in reference to such common Objects as by Ordainments from above have a present Operation on our Senses : To which purpse more Emphatically in the ensuing Discussions . But here it may be observ'd , that notwithstanding that by the Natural facility of Providence much is convey'd to common Understanding ; t is not to be concluded from thence , that all are equally discernable : Which , in Effect , were to Affirm , that in the numbers of Men , every Man was alike Intelligent , or no less capable of Philosophical , or Mathematical Literature , then such as are Eruditely famous in both . It being very evident , that as some Persons are by Nature Exalted to predominant Accomplishments in order to the Government of Inferiors ; so there is an undeniable superintendency conferr'd on others as being gifted from Above to be Supreame in Science , if their Superiority be Legitimately qualified . But if Arbitrary or Transgressing from genuine and natural probabilities , or methods of certainty , it then degenerat's , in its best Interpretation , to a studied fiction , or artifice of Learned Tyranny ; by imposing , at will , on the Judgments of others . Nor is it to be admir'd from the unwary condescentions of Men ; that a Person of reputed Capacity should subject their Opinions to the Dictatorship in Science that he is prone to Attribute to himself : Insomuch that the Errors that drop from his Pen , instead of being tax'd , find a passable Reception . Whether this Reflection is applicable , as too much an opiniator , to the otherwise Ingenious Des-Cartes , I leave to a serious Examination of his Principles by the Reader of what here follows : Which shall contain the main Essentials of this Part of his Works I now treat of ; taking due care to deliver the meaning of his Words as plainly in English as they are to be found in the Latin. His first considerable Assertion is , That in search of Truth , we may not improperly doubt of the imaginary and sensible Existence of Things : ( his reason is ) Because the Senses of a Man awake may err , as well as when by Dream he imagines any Thing that never had Being suitable to his Imagination . To which may be replied , That notwithstanding that it may be granted , that both waking and dreaming the Fancy may represent Objects that never were truly such ; it being very possible , that a Man may contemplate on a Chimera , a Monster , or the like , that never had Being in the World : But that being done , and the Imagination examin'd , 't will be found , that such Particulars had a precedent residence in the Senses ; however disorderly or uncouthly the Figures of different Bodies imaginably appearing : For Example , 't is impossible , otherwise , to imagine a Substance partly composed of Man and Beast , such as the Centaurs , or other seeming Mixtures of Creatures which had no other rise than from Poetical Fables : Yet these being substantially represented by the Fancy either waking , or sleeping ; the sensitive Part of the Imagination will peremptorily determine , That the different Shapes and Figures of any such Things that the Fancy seems to Unite , had a precedent Residence in the Senses ; as their Species had been discernable in Part , or in their whole Shape and Figure : It being no less easie to imagine half a Man , or half a Horse , than it is to conjoyn their Proportions by the license of Fancy as it may Intrigue with our Senses : So that whether this Learned Monsieur were sleeping or waking when he inscrib'd this Query , 't is certain , That he declin'd the sensible Method of his Intellect , as he undertakes to separate the Mind from participating with the Senses : Yet on this improbable Distinction , is grounded much of his subsequent Matter . Who affirms immediately after , That of Things which we sometimes judge most certain , and such as may be properly termed Mathematical Demonstrations , or Principles of themselves manifest , we have afterwards doubted ; because , says he , we have observed some such Propositions that have been erroneously delivered . But can it be argued from any Mathematical Problem , That whosoever doubts or commits that mistake is not therefore certain of his Senses ; which were all one as to assert , That he who is not Mathematically knowing ( of which Science too many in the World are ignorant ) cannot assure himself , that he is in any other kind sensible . For Illustration , let a Mathematical Line be supposed , and according to the Axiom of Euclid granted to signifie length , but no breadth , which may be allowed a very necessary and refined Maxim as being , in a Mathematical Sense , the abstracting of Matter from Lines consider'd in themselves , that in substance they may not be Part of their Measure : But as a Line is beheld in any kind represented or delineated , it is impossible for the Eye to perceive it in any other capacity , than as it appears to have both Longitude and Latitude ; for else it could not be the Object of Sight , which clearly explains the Difference betwixt Geometrical Science and Sense ; the one being made evident by the Instructions and Rules of Practice , the other annexed as a Propriety to Nature ; by whose assistance a Man may certainly be said to see and feel tho' totally ignorant of any Mathematical Theorem . There is nothing more evident , than that every Man is endu'd with freedome of Will , by the Concession of God , and their natural Compositions , to imploy their Senses in the most obvious and certain way of Management ; but far from being alike capacitated in the Gifts and Contemplation of the Mind : One may perform whatsoever can be required from his Senses as perfectly as another , notwithstanding there be a vast disparity in their Understandings ; which in effect is granted by this Author , as he words the Particulars I hitherto treat of : And mentions nothing more of Moment to be observed , untill he comes to his seventh Head , where he states the most Capital Principle , as he conceives , in order to the erecting of the Proofs he subsequently offers : But whether to be allowed that Validity , he seems to magnifie , will soon appear . Rejecting , says he , all Things of which we can in any manner doubt , as also supposing them false ; we may easily suppose , That there is no God , no Heaven , no Bodies ; and that we have neither Hands or Feet , or any Bodies : But not that we , who so imagine , are nothing ; because it is absurd to conceive , That whatsoever thinks does not Exist at the Time of its Thinking : Wherefore he concludes , That he is , and that he Thinks , is of all the most certain Truth that can be acquired by Philosophical Order . Who would not judge , That so wild an Invention as this , in order to Improve Knowledge , might not rather proceed from some Person in Bedlam , than from Des-Cartes ? Of whom if Interrogated , how he comes to suppose , That a Man may point-blank , on the account of his Fiction , deny the Being of a God , together with all the visible Particulars already mention'd ? As to the Existence of the Deity , he that considers the necessity of its Concession , as he beholds the wonderful Conduct of the Universe , with so many miraculous Objects as are contain'd therein , will as soon give credit to any Forgery of Fables , as to doubt of the World 's Omnipotent Creator . And no less impossible to acquiesce in his other Suppositions ; there being no Body that has his Eyes to See , and Hands and Feet , can doubt , That he discerns That which is called Heaven above his Head , and that he feels with Hands , and treads on the Earth with Feet . But , if you 'l pass the Supposition of Des-Cartes , he will assure you , That both Seeing and Feeling is not so Intelligible , as Ego cogito , and Ego sum : Whereas , in truth , I neither can understand , That I either Live or Think , but as my Senses Conspire with my Intellect : If not , one may as well conclude , That he may live without Thinking of whatsoever he knew before , or was sensibly requisite to his Being and Life . So nakedly has this Author stript the Humane Soul from the necessity of participating with the Body ; and This he farther undertakes to Affirm by his next Step , where he positively expresses , That there is no other Method of defining the Nature of the Mind , and its distinction from the Body : Adding , That it may be done by Examining what we are , and supposing all Things false that are diverse from us ; whence ( says he ) we may perspicuously apprehend , That no extension , Figure , local Motion , nor any Thing like these , Attributed to the Body , could appertain to our Nature : On which account he concludes , That meer Cogitation is more to be preferred , in point of certainty , than any Corporeal Thing that could be Apprehended . To which I Answer , That had it been demanded , of this thinking Gentleman , Whether at the time he writ This Treatise , he did not Contemplate of some Bodily Notion ? For how could he Pen the Wording in any Kind of Extension , Figure , local Motion , or the like , and be without Thought of their Being , when he nam'd them such ? Had he been in that Season , to have Answer'd This Querie , it must have posed his Contemplating in the singular way he proposes . And if the Author of this Conceit could not perform what he requires , it could not be Doctrinal to others : It being as Impossible totally to separate the Mind from the Senses , as to think of a Non-Entity , or what has no Existence ; which were a contradiction to Nature and the sensible Impression adherent to the Intellect with the Being of Things ; and such s cannot be apprehended by it , otherwise than as they are Compossed of quantitive and Bodily Parts . Could I imagine another World as vast as This , with as many Individual Beings and Creatures of all Sorts , as are contained within the Compass of the Universe we Inhabit ; I could think of no other in all its Parts , than such a One , or in likeness , the same with This , that had with all its Particulars , been the precedent sensible Object , of my Understanding . So heterogeneous to the Nature of Humane Comprehension , is the Principle of Des-Cartes , whereby he endeavours to separate the Imagination from the Commixture it has with our Senses . These Discussions , if duly considered , are sufficient to defeat the farther Progress of his Maxims ; which , in Effect , will be liable to the same Confutation : But to give him the Scope he takes , together with the Advantage he can make by it ; let us admit the Question he makes , in his Ninth Particular , which he conceives very Emphatical to the purpose ; and where he has this passage ; supposing , by a kind of Interlude of his Fancy , himself to See , to Walk , and have Being , and all these Corporeally performed , yet makes no certain Conclusion from thence : Because ( says he , ) I may sleeping think I See , or Walk , notwithstanding my Eyes be not open , and that I move not from the Place I was in , and perhaps as if I conceiv'd that I had no Body : All which if referred to the Operation of the Mind , whereby he Imagin'd or Thought that he saw and walked , he determines certain . And I Affirm no less , if to the Imagination be annexed , the Impression made in it , by the Senses . For so I can Think that I saw , or walk'd when I Slept ; which Imports no more , than that there was a Residence in my Intellect , conveyed by my Senses of my Seeing , and observing of my walking Person when I was really Awake . So that it must be a very empty Notion to conceive , That I can be Personated meerly by the working of my Brain , without Comprehending any concern of the Senses : For Example , Seeing , or Moving must needs have a necessary Relation to my Bodily Parts , and the Senses that appertain to Motion ; as I cannot move on the Ground , but as , on it , I feel I move . So that all that can be Implied from this visionary Conceit of Des-Cartes , is , That the Fancy imaginarily Retain'd , what before had been actually performed by the Senses . He proceeds to Explicate , That misconception , by not orderly Philosophizing , is the absolute Cause that the Mind is not accurately distinguished from the Body . And here , methinks , he imposes too critical a Task to be practically Discharged by the common Use of Humane Understanding , considering how few the World affords that are philosophically Accomplished , or sufficiently Instructed to that purpose : Or if they were , could they be therefore convinced , That his manner of distinguishing the Mind from the Body , is not a more refined Conceit than can be exerted by any Imagination that resides in Bodily Composition ? Is it not manifest , that Elementary Substances are the Ingredients of our Constitutions as they temper our Flesh and Bloud ? And can the Soul that resides within their Circumference , and Acts by them , contemplate her self discharged from them ; yet at the same time , as is acknowledged by Des-Cartes , imploy her Imagination in Representing such Objects as could not be known to her , but as the Senses had made their Impressions , on Things , on the Intellect , that in their material Proprieties and Shapes had been precedently apprehended by them : And it were unnaturally absurd to annex Thought to any other Method actuated by the Brain of Man : It being no less Insignificant to allow the Mind a distinct Exercise within the Body , the Region of her Dominion , than to suppose a Prince to Govern without the requisite Assistance of his Subjects . Thus far , I conceive , stand sufficiently Taxed the groundless Mistakes , if not Fictions of this Learned Author : Whose Defects did chiefly Emerge from his attributing to his Abilities , as if proceeding from him as the first of Men , that by their Grandeur could remove such Difficulties , that , in their Nature , are too perplexed for the Resolution of the eruditest Pen , as they relate to the manner of Being and Acting of the Humane Soul : Which if considered absolutely spiritual ; the Question may be , How any Thing , perfectly spiritual , can be Inclosed , Actuate , and Exist in a Corporeal Substance ? Since in a Philosophical Construction , nothing can act on Body , or have Being with it , in any consideration ; but what is composed of Bodily Parts . If contrarily , the Mind or Soul of Man , be deemed a material Essence , the Attribute of Immortality conferred on its Dignity by common Opinion , will be debas'd by That Definition ; notwithstanding it may be affirmed , That whatsoever its Substance is , or manner of being in the Humane Body ; it is equally facile to the Omnipotent to eternilize its Existence , as to Transform by Resurrection , the Dust of a rotten Carkass to the material Figure and Parts of the Body that had been so consumed . In the next place he takes for granted , That the Mind may with that simplicity understand it self , as it may doubt of all Things else . But how can that bare Intelligence be Attributed to the Mind , that cannot by what has been before discussed , so much as Ruminate of any Thing of which it does not participate with the Senses ? The Reason he gives to the contrary , is , That the Mind finding in its self many Ideas , which so long as it contemplates , and of nothing , without it self , either Affirms , or Denies , it cannot be deceived . But can he prove that the Mind , at that time he proposes , has no Comixture with the Senses : The Argument he gives to make good his Assertion , is , That the Mind being furnished with divers Notions , composeth Demonstrations , to which so long as it attends , it assures it self that they are true . And what these Ideas are he Exemplifies , by Affirming , That the Mind is replenished with Ideas of Numbers and Figures ; besides common Notions , amongst which this , that if to Equals be added Equals , there shall remain Equals , and the like ; on which ground he proves , That the three Angles of every plain Triangle are Equal to two Right . Which cannot be denied by any Man that understands Mathematical Certainties . But must every Man that Reads Des-Cartes , be so skilled in that Science as to be able to Demonstrate , That the three Angles of a Triangle are equal to two Right Ones ; which many thousands of Men are not able to perform ? And if not , they will be little advantaged by the Notions here mentioned of this Author . However , to treat him in his own Method , and for satisfaction of such as are mathematically knowing ; Can it be denyed , That taking the half of Four , there will equally remain Two : And this must properly signifie the Substracting from some Numerical Quantity , as it really Relates to its Arithmetical Proportion or Measure ; it being impossible to take the half of Nothing : Wherefore the Maxim must have reference to some substantial Thing ; or as the Figure of Four had been precedently seen , or written , to whatsoever purpose it might sensibly Relate ; and if so , the Demonstration cannot meerly proceed from the Mind without the concurrance of the Sense ; as I cannot tell One , Two , Three , and not be apprehensive , that I count Something . And he that would determine to the contrary , may as well Affirm , That a Man can tell Cash without the Use of his Feeling and Fingers ; or fancy Money in a Bag and be able to compute its Summ by the notional operation of the Mind , according as it is applyed by this Author . Who to exalt the height of his Ideas , tho' far incompatible to what he designs 'em , he undertakes to prove , That amongst the Troops of Fancy , which may be exerted by the Brain , there will be found one of that sublime Tendency , that the most perfect Existence , or Being of a God , may be implyed by it ; together with such a necessary and eternal Being , as distinguishes it from the possible , or contingent Existence that may be attributed to all other Things . If This Doctrine be true ; I may consequently determine , That the Methods of Providence by which the Universe and whatsoever it contains Subsist , are but so many Contingencies ; or that 't was accidental that the Sun did yesterday Ascend to the Meridian , if not Deified by an Idea of his Existence : Whereas there must be such a determined and necessary Being of Providence , by the Decree of the Almighty , in the Conduct and Preservation of the Universe , with whatsoever it contains , that it cannot have a Period otherwise than by a total Cessation of its natural Effects and Operations , as so many Bounties conferred from above , on the vast Circumference of the World , together with every Individual Thing that appertains to it . Not that it can be denyed , That by the usual Effects of Nature , no Minute does pass in which there are not produced Innumerable Alterations as in course , Generation and Corruption succeed one another in the various Changes of all Things that have Life and Growth : Yet , not to be implied , That by any Idea of them that can be imagined , according to This Author , is to be understood that they accidentally subsist , or vary in their manner of Being , which would , by Construction , Impute Contingencies to the Incomprehensible Wisdom and Methods of Providence tending to the Conservation and Production of Men and Creatures . But to return to the remaining Part of his Fourteenth Particular , where he undertakes , with ample Assurance , to exalt his Idea of the Being of a God , by the Proof that is to be made , that the three Angles of a Triangle are equal to two Right , from whence as a parallel certainty he concludes the Existence of God supremely Perfect . But can it be Affirmed of any Idea , as he terms it , That because it is a Mathematical Truth , That the three Angles of a Triangle are equal to two Right ; that it is sufficient to prove , from That Theorem , the miraculous Being and Perfection of Omnipotencie . And thus he again supposes , That all Men must be so far Geometrically Knowing , or they will be deficient , or without demonstrative Conviction that the Deity does Exist . If This Doctrine were true , it were no less requisite that all Mankind should have Recourse , betimes , to the School of Euclid ; where they might be Instructed as fully of the necessary Proportions of all the Angles and sides of that Figure , together with what its Area contains in Feet , Inches , or the like ; naturally and usefully applicable to Corporeal Measures : Which were very disconsonant to his Idea of any Perfection in a Triangle , as he would parallel it to the proving of the Existence of the Deity ; which cannot be likened to any Commensurable Figure , or Being : Because two Immensely Infinite to come within the Precinct or Computation of Lines . And he that most exactly discerns the Properties of a Triangle , in every of its Capacities , can but apply it to Commensurable Parts and Proportions , as before express'd , and nothing more absurd than to assimilate their Proofs , on any account , to the undenyable Existence of the Omnipotent so fully evident to the Eye and Sense , in the sublime Wonders beheld within the Compass of the Universe : Insomuch , That it is very Emphatically expressed by the Poet , where he Affirms , That God has taken care to Inform us by miraculous Mediums suitable to these Words — Os homini sublime dedit Caelumque videre , jussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus . As much more obvious to general Apprehension than any Geometrical Problem . Could it be unknown to the Intelligent Des-Cartes , how vast a multitude of Humane Kind are scarce able to Define a Triangle as a Figure consisting of three Angles ; and far less apprehensive of the Truth of its useful Attributes ; if not Regardlesly unconcerned , whether there is such a Thing or no ; or not at all conducing to the Exerting of Omnipotence ? For which they conceive they are , by the Goodness of Providence , furnished with more palpable Motives : And such as are approved by himself , as shall be observed in convenient Place . In the mean time he much Insists on his Triangular Idea , as a Truth that gives a main Rise to the Proof of the necessary Existence of Omnipotence ; because as he Affirms , That there is no other Idea to be found so absolutely certain ; and yet he Grants , in effect , That it is no more than that , in a Triangle , the three Angles are equal to two Right : The disparity whereof , as he renders the Application , has been , I presume , sufficiently noted already . Notwithstanding , it may not improperly be farther demanded , Why a Person of his exquisite Science should not alledge other Mathematical Certainties , rather than fix , as he seems to do , on the peculiar Example he gives of a Triangle ? Yet not to be questioned that the manifest Perfection of a Circle , in being a Round without any Point that can signifie its Beginning or End ; together with the admirable Equality ; not to be found in any other Figure , that every Line , as so many wonderful Attributes , has to each other , if drawn from its Center to its Circumference ; is a more Sublime resemblance and Proof of an Infinite Being , than is consistent with a Triangle . All which , but most especially its Circular Perfection , if considered by its proper Excellency , is no other than an Indeterminate Individual , or Geometrical Wonder , not to be Attributed to any other Figure : No Man having ever been able to give it an exact Measure , or such as may be deemed its Square ; tho' the accurate Endeavour of the Famous in Mathematical Science . Whereas the Triangle is every way comensurable by the Sides and Angles it contains . If a Unite be considered in its Arithmetical Capacity , it is a nearer Parallel to the proving of an Incomprehensible Existence of God , than can be deduced from the Idea he undertakes to give of a Triangle : Nothing being more admirable than the Entireness of the number One ; in being both its own Root and Square , and also its Cube and Root ; and in the same manner continues , in a Geometrical Progression , to the highest of Powers : Nor can it be wholly Divided or Substracted by any other Number : Which Excellencies solely appertain to Unity . Yet from none of these Examples , howsoever certain in themselves , can be asserted the Existence of God by such an Idea , of any of them , as may Universally prove the necessary Existence of the Deity , both as they are the Truths of Science ; and therefore not every Man 's sensible Conviction , as also that they are only applicable to Things of a material Being ; As I cannot term the Square , Cube , or any figurative Demensions , the Comprehension or Measures of Nothing : Which , in effect , is required by Des-Cartes , as he would Abstract his Speculation from all concomitancy with the Bodily Senses : And consequently imputes it as a Fault , or Neglect in not distinguishing accordingly , the perfect Idea of God , as it Impresses on the Mind the necessary existency of the Almighty . But the main Objection is , and far from being Answered by him , That the Imagination cannot be separated from Objects of Sense : For let a Man Contemplate with the utmost exactness that his Mind can afford , it will certainly terminate on one Thing or other , that resembles Material Parts ; tho' by Supposition as vastly Extended as 't is possible to Imagine : Wherefore had this learned Gentleman thoroughly considered the Speculative Part , of his Idea , when he Inscrib'd its Notion ; as sure as he was of Humane Composition , he would have annexed a Corporeal Representation , in some kind , to what he calls his Idea ; or he must , as Insignificantly , or as near to nothing have imployed the Labour of his Brain , as if he could have Contemplated of a Vacuity : All which is equally absurd to whomsoever will allow to himself the liberty of Thinking . On which consideration , and fully to confute his Supposition of bare Ideas of the Mind : It has pleased the Almighty by the wonderful and no less apparent Prospect of the Universe , with every Thing contained within its Boundless Complex ; to convince us , That nothing is comprehended by it , but what may imply the Denomination of Corporeal Miracles : Yet so admirably different , that what is of Elementary Form and Substance , within the Residence of Earth and Air , seems perfectly distinguished by the manner of Being and Essence , of the Sun and Stars , tho' of Bodily Resemblance : Yet none of them have other appearance , in the most Refined Conception we have of their Natures , than Objects of our Senses . And tho' the Original of the Universe , or the Individuals it Comprehends , be not manifest by any external Assurance ; 't is perfectly evident , That they had a Beginning from an Omnipotent Cause ; by reason that our not knowing how they had Primitive Existence ; is an undeniable Conviction , That in being Miraculous to our Understanding , or as so many Actual Works , wonderfully visible ; they could not be produced , or continued , otherwise than by an Omnipotent , Incomprehensible Will and Providence . So far does the Observation of admirable Facts , that by Divine Conduct are openly exposed to the Eyes of our Reason and Sense , exceed the most Refined Dictates of Science ; as they direct the Sublime Ascents of our Conceptions by a more exact Progression , than Geometrically can be given to the highest of its Powers . How impertinent is it then to depart from the Road of Common Sense , by supposing such an Idea in the Mind , as from any Mathematical Problem might guide us to the Proof of a Deified Existence ? tho' contrary to the palpable Method of the Omnipotent , Ordained by the Miracles of his Works : Which enormous Mistake is evidently This Author's , in a great Part of his Treatise , as he mainly endeavours to Parallel his Demonstration of the Existence of God with Mathematical Certainty . Which Science , tho' above all to be preferred , for the Dignity of its unerrable Maxims , and particularly so esteemed by me : Yet I cannot but judge it Incompatibly applied , even by this learned Author , to the purpose he would intend it ; and deserves a Remark accordingly . He yet farther proceeds to heighten his Notion of Ideas ; amongst which he selects the Idea of something most exquisitely perfect ; by which he would have understood the necessary Existence of God. I will favour the Ambiguity of his Expression so far as not to believe , That he meant by his Idea a necessitated Existence , which could imply , that the Deity had an Exigency of Being from some other Thing : Because , whatsoever is necessitated cannot have , of it self , an entire voluntary Existence ; or , as one Cause might Necessitate the Being of another ; which cannot be applied to Supreme and Infinite Perfection . Nor was it possible for him or any Man to Imagine , by the most Refin'd Contemplation , That the necessary Existence of God can be more clearly understood , then by the Actual Prospect he has given us of his All-Sufficiency , and wonderful Providence annexed to the Conservation of the Universe , and All it contains . And if otherwise Interpreted , the Being of God , as separated from the Miraculous Prospect and Munificence we actually receive from the excellency of his Works , that fill the World we Inhabit : Were in effect to Attribute to the Deity a solitary Existence , or not the Author of the Innumerable Effects of Infinite Goodness that have an Emanation from him . So that 't is not any Idea , of necessary Existence by which God can be apprehended ; but rather the necessitated Being that the Total Comprehension of Heaven and Earth does receive from his Ordainment . Which appears to be very significantly the Sense of This Author ; as upon farther consideration he thickens his Idea in his 17th Particular , where he has this Expression : If any Man has the Idea of a Machine , or Fabrick produced by most curious Artisice , he will concede , That it Merits the utmost Inquisition of his Thought , whereby to be Informed of the Authentick Cause by which it was so accurately Effected ; and such as could by no Device , or Humane Skill , receive Perfection . What could these Words Import , other than his substantial Idea of the Constituted Being and Conservation of the Universe , in Reference to God the Author ? And having added to his Idea , the weighty Consideration of the World's Existence , he might well acknowledge , That it is the substantial Union of Matter and Form , that gives admirable Subsistence to every Individual Thing , Circumscribed by the mighty Universe ; wherein is visibly presented , by the wondrous Proprieties of Composition and Conduct , an Incomprehensible Founder . Which Perfections not to be Imitated by any Parallel Structure , or performed by Humane Industry or Art ; he fully annexeth to their Excellencies , the necessary Dependency and Manifestation of Omnipotent Power . By which Method , according to the soundest Speculation of Des-Cartes , may be perspicuously Exerted the otherwise Indefinable Being of the Almighty : Because , as he grants , the Extent of Humane Composition , in Soul and Body , cannot farther Ascend than by Objects of Sense , or such as have visible Limitation , to the Admiration , tho' not to the perfect Definition of their sublime Cause ; which can be no other than God as far exceeding all Imaginable expressing and height of Rational Accents . And is not this Doctrine more readily apprehended by all that may , ( if they please ) be ocular Spectators , or by any means sensible Discerners of the Works of the World , that , by Omnipotent Appointment Surround them above , and below ; than from the dry Idea of a Triangle , whose three Angles amount to two Right : And from thence deduce the Truth of God's necessary Existence ; which if possible , by Mankind , so to be Demonstrated , 't were no less requisite for Women than Men , to be able to Resolve the Problem ; if they would Assert their Belief of the Being of a Deity : It being highly necessary , in order to that especial Concern , that there should be a sufficient Number of Female Geometricians : Which I confess might add Certainty to their Instructions , tho' not otherwise Divine , when they Preach in the Society of Quakers . Wherefore I may well admire , That such a Confufed and Impracticable Principle should be entangled , by this Author , with Mathematical Verity ; of which Science he had , as to other Uses , a Learned Accomplishment : It being his real mistake , or too much Curiosity , where he undertakes to Confirm , by a Mathematical Inference , That God does Exist ; instead of the open Evidence , that is visible to Mankind , from the Miraculous Consistence of the World , and the Works it comprehends . Wherefore 't is judiciously Affirmed by Incomparable Bacon , That he had rather be Impos'd on by the Jewish Talmud , or Alcaron , then deny , That the Universe , with whatsoever it contains , is without the Rule of a Mind , or , which is all one , the Sovereignty of the Deity . But the Authority of this Quotation , together with the Reasons I have before Inserted , are very disagreeable to the Mental Idea of Des-Cartes , by which he rather Insers the Being of the Deity by his Notion of the Structure of the World , than by the Prospect we have of its actual Conduct and admirable Composure . On which he grounds this Interrogation ; from whence ( saies he ) had any Man Being , that has an Idea of God's Perfections , unless from something more perfect than himself ? Which doubtless is true , if understood of the apparent means described in the wonderful Figure and Facts comprehended by the Universe , as the Effects of an Omnipotent Cause . And thus may Thought ascend , by a miraculous Scale , to the acknowledgement of the Immense Power and Providence of God actually manifest by Works . But not as this Author Affirms , From being as he calls it , naturally Enlightned or Capacitated from a meer Idea of the Mind , whereby to conclude , That Man has a present , or primivitive Existence from any Thing more perfect ; as he Insinuates : Since 't is very possible , That from an Idea , more natural than his , may be Imagined that Humane Composition and Life , might be produced in a Course of Nature , which some have been prone to Determine , from Materials very much inferior to the Subsistence of Mankind , either in Soul or Body . And this is frequently discernable as from Elementary Commixtures and Operations , Animals proceed from Vegetables , and the contrary . Insomuch that Aristotle , in his last Chapter , of the Generation of Animals , conjectures ; That the Origine of Men as well as other Creatures , might have in Time past , an Earthly Production ; and which he in another Place , supposes , by a long backward Computation of Time , to have probably been an Artifice of Nature heretofore known and omitted . Yet none of these Methods , however they were , but must have had the allowance of Providence , without which there can be Nothing , in any kind , compleated . Notwithstanding , it cannot be Affirm'd , with Des-Cartes , That although we have not , as he alledgeth , Being from our selves ; 't is no assurance , That we can derive our immediate Existence , from something more perfect than our Natures : Which if an univocal Truth , relating to God , the most Supreme and Perfect of Beings ; it may be objected whether so many Imperfections as are naturally Adherent to our Compositions , could be consistent with any Perfections that were bestowed by the Almighty ; or by which we must not have been more excellently temper'd in the best of our Faculties , than really we are : If not every Individual of Mankind equally perfect in all Parts of Knowledge , had the Humane Mind been so commited to our Bodies by Supreme Allowance : The contrary of which may be Asserted from Common Experience ; as sure that Particulars of Mankind are not more different in their External Features , than they are in the Internal Proprieties of the Soul. However Des-Cartes is pleased so far to Dissent from the Universal Sway of Experimental Science , that he undertakes to Philosophize against the Rules , and Dictates of Nature , by devising of Principles whereby he would totally sever the Mind from the Body : And with that Parity too , that he excepts no Imbecillity incident to Sex and Age ; if the Mind be clearly evacuated , by a Dose of his Idea , from Corporeal Thought , should it tend to the Soul of Being , Operation and Management , that is ineffably conferred by Providence on the Works of Nature : Yet all these mighty Limits , howsoever appearing providentially impassible ; must be so refinedly penetrated by his Idea , that it may not encounter a Substance , tho' no grosser than the least Particle of Epicurus's Atoms . But how to fix the Imagination on any Thing of Infinite Perfection , so as to surpass the Boundaries of the Universe ; and in that vast Journey of Thought , exempt from the Intellect , all Bodily Perception ; were no less absurd than the Epithete of an Incorporeal Phantasme : Which every Man that does Think , either Sleeping , or Waking , may sensibly confute : It being impossible to imagine , by any strength of Thought , the Perfections of God farther than our Compositions of Body and Soul , are capable to extend . Yet this manner of Humane Intelligence , is so peremptorily thwarted by the Suppositions of this Author ; That he undertakes so to dis-joyn the correspondency that the Intellect has with the Senses , That , according to his Maxims , Men cannot be assured , that either God or their Souls Exist ; if their Imagination be not very singularly applied by expelling at pleasure , all conception of Bodily Objects ; or that there is any such Thing as Corporeal Residence , or Motion ; or that the Heavens are Replenished with Stars ; or that there is Earth , or that Men have Bodies and sublunary Existence ; or at most but Moral Certainties , That we sensibly perceive , there are any such Things : Unless by his manner of Idea , the Mind may be so stript from its Corporeal Appurtenances , That it may Reign with such simplicity in its Kingdom of Thought , that it may have nothing to do with Dominion over the Senses , or Body wherein it has Being . On which distinct Method of Thinking he conceives does depend the Natural Propriety of the Soul , as it may , by Imagination , be separated from the Body . To come therefore to the Improbability of his Assertion : Let it be granted , That he , or any other Man , could reject by Speculation all Bodily Particulars that are visibly and sensibly perceived within the Compass of the World ; were it possible , at the same time , to entertain Thought by no Representation of other Things of a Corporeal Nature ; which would amount to the creating of Thought somewhat more Fictitious than when ensoul'd by Poets their Invention of Gods and Goddesses : Because they did not transport their Fictions beyond , or without the resembling of Something in Being before . But exceeded by the Imaginary Suggestions of this Author , who gives no rise to his Thought from any Thing by likeness precedently known to himself , or any Body else : Yet from this pure Conceit does he argue the clear Existence of the Humane Soul , and the Knowledge that it may perfectly have of the Being of God. I should not have made this Discussion here , being much to the purpose of which I have already Treated ; had not Occasion been given , by what succeeds , so far to Impress , its necessary Reiteration . To proceed therefore with him to his 21 Particular , where he undertakes to prove , That from the Evidence we have of Something more perfect than our selves , we may clearly determine the manner of our Duration , and Temporary Continuance ; as also the natural Subsistence of all other Things ; because , as he alledgeth , no such Particulars depend on themselves . Which is a clear Truth , if he would intend by his Notion the Intermediate Conduct of Providence in the Modalities , Production and Conservation it gives , in a usual Course , to Things within the Boundaries of the Universe . In which may be discerned , That some Individuals are more or less durable , or subject to Decay , Alteration and Periods of their Existence : Yet all these Varieties are not openly to be understood otherwise than , in a natural Method , they may be Effects of Elementary Operations ; and this is no less than experimentally certain , as sure as there is Heat , Cold , Dryness , and Moisture : And consequently , the Ingredients of Bodies as they have temperatures from them ; which is notoriously manifest in the Complexions , Dispositions , and Tempers of Men and other Creatures . But without these necessary Mediums , to lift up our Imagination , after the manner of his Idea , to a meer Notion of a sublime Cause that gives Being and Conservation to all Things ; were to depart from the immediate School of Providence , by undertertaking to be our own Instructers of what we cannot without its natural Information , by any contemplative Thought , or imaginary Speculation , howsoever Refined , possibly apprehend . Yet on this incomprehensible Way of Thinking , is generally Erected the main Fund , and Tendency of his Principles , whereby he undertakes to Improve Humane Understanding . I find nothing more Intervenes , in this Part of his Treatise , that requires in Substance any farther Remark : Wherefore to avoid Repitition , I pass on to his 25th Head , where he has this Expression . If God , from himself , or others , Reveals any Thing , that exceeds the genuine strength of our Understandings , such are the Mysteries of the Trinity , and Incarnation of Christ , We ought not to refuse their Belief ; nor admire , That many Things are both in the Immense Nature of God , as also in those created by him , that surpass our Capacities . All which I readily acknowledge , tho' I cannot but admire , that so speculative a Person as Monsieur Des Cartes , should not annex to his Belief of this Three-fold Mystery , the admirable facility of Providence , by which the most Essential Part of That stupendious Article of Humane Faith , comprehended in Christ the Second Person in the Mysterious Creed of Christianity , is so far , for our more sensible Conviction , of familiar Resemblance to the Works of the Omnipotent , as they are composed of Bodily Life and Figure , relating to Man and Creatures ; that by this Dispensation the Redeemer of Mankind is represented in the Form and Substance of Flesh , as the most captivating Object of our Devotion and Sense : It being impossible to conceive , how any Idea of Worship can so Mystically fasten the Mind , that it may be totally barr'd from Conspiring with the Senses in the admittance of Corporeal Objects . Which may be no inconsiderable Reason , why Christian Profession has allowed the Representations of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ , to impress their Memorial on the Heart of the Believer . How little does the manner of this Author's Idea , so magnified by his Pen , conduce to the proving , That God does Exist ; or that the Worship of Christ , otherwise than a Miraculous Work , proceeding from Omnipotent Power , should be the Object of Humane Devotion ? With this Distinction , That although every Fact of the Almighty comprehended by the Universe , be equally wonderful ; we are obliged , by Precepts , to pay the Duty of our Souls to no other than Christ. Which this Author seems to acknowledge , where he excepts his bare Idea , of the Being of a Deity , from the stupendious Co-existence of God in the Substance of Flesh : As if but beholding to his Speculation for the Belief of the One , and to Religion for the Other . From whence it may be concluded , That it was the Design of Des-Cartes to decline the common Road of Providence , in hopes to be celebrated for a singular Conceit of his Brain , whereby he would Instruct others to believe , That the Method of God's Works , tho' as broadly visible as the Features of the World's Face , were too narrow to exert from them , his Idea of the Almighty . Because , as he Affirms , 'T is possible to Imagine , That there is no Heaven , no Earth , no Bodies of Men ; and yet by a naked Idea , in the Mind , be assured , That God does Exist , tho' none of his Works had Being at all . — But Passages of this Nature , having been precedently taxed , the Reader is referred to them . The next Point that he comes close up to , is , That we ought not to weary the Brain with disputing of what is meant by Infinite : Because he judges it absurd in Man , who is of a Finite Being , to determine any Thing of an Infinite . To which purpose he gives several Instances ; As the vain Discussion , or Quere , Whether if a Line be supposed Infinite , the middle Part of that Line be not also Infinite ? Because , with such Things , ( saies he ) we ought not to be concerned , unless we Judge our Mind also Infinite . Which I fully grant Judiciously Advised : But find it very dissentaneous to a main Notion of his , formerly mentioned , whereby he Affirms , That 't is very facile by a meer Idea of the Mind , tho' acting within the Limitation of the Body , to imagine the Infinite Existence of the Deity , by no other Speculation than may be made on the Wings of Thought , when on its Contemplative Journey . But how to be clear from all Corporeal Impediments , both within , and without the Body , notwithstanding he here allows it confined to a Finite Imagination ; appears too like a Contradiction , in the Terms he delivers ; or which is much the same , that in one Place , of his Writings , he spoke of an Infinite Idea , and of a Finite in another : How therefore to reconcile him to himself , on that account , is not to be apprehended . And this may be aptly Inferred from what he adds in the Paragraph I treat of , where he Affirms , That no Extension can be Imagined so Vast , that a Greater cannot be given ; which is as numerically certain , as that Archimedes , by sixty three Cyphers and a Unite before them , produc'd a greater Number than could be Equalled if the Total World from the Center of the Earth to the Sphere of the fixed Stars , were Replenished with the numerous Particles of Sands of the Sea. If Thoughts could be Multiplyed so as they might exceed the Summ before mentioned , as many more might be added to their Number : Yet every particular Thought would be severally terminated by some Object of Sense . On the contrary , the Notion of Infinite may rather pass for a manner of Speaking than actually explicable by the Humane Intellect : And thus Immense , Infinite , and the like , are attributed to God , not as their meaning is otherwise to be understood than as they have Reference to the Works of the Almighty ; of which , because no account is to be given how they either began or are continued ; our highest Admirations , not to be expressed by Accents of Speech , ought to exalt our Wonder , Incomprehensibly annexed to a Word of Infinite Denomination . And this , in Substance , he soon after concedes ; where he holds it very advisable , that we should not Inquisitively Reason of Natural Things , or the End to which they are Ordained , farther than God and Nature have Constituted and Propos'd them to our Observation , least we should seem to arrogate to our selves any participation with his Counsels : To which he judiciously adds , That God is to be acknowledged the Efficient Cause of all Things , yet so , as that he has not extinguished the Natural Light of our Understandings in being familiarly acquainted with such Attributes and Effects of his Omnipotent Power , as he has manifestly exposed to our Apprehensions : All which are undoubtedly requisite to our Duty . But how does this concenter with his single Idea of God , as here he requires the concurrence of our Reason and Senses , to the useful Exposition of such Objects as are manifest to us ? And what can be implyed from thence , other than that the abundant Operations and wonderful Effects of a Supreme Cause are evident in the apparent Being and Works , within the Compass of the Universe , that must necessarily depend on it ; without which it were impossible for us to have the plenitude of a sensible Conviction ? Insomuch , that I think it not improper to insert the Opinion of certain a Astrologer ; who Affirms , That if the fixed Stars had not a constant Distance , or that the Diurnal Motion of the Coelestial Sphers did not perpetually move in Time , no Individual Thing would last a Moment ; which Notion , of this Astrologer , if but conjecturally Allowed , has a far more significant Relation to the Proof of the Existence of God , as a Supreme Cause , than can be appropriated to any Idea of the Mind that abstracts the Immense means and Facts of Providence from the obvious Concurrence they have with our Contemplation of the Being of the Almighty , and the superlative Disposer of whatsoever we can behold , or Imagine : And I should be glad if the contrary had not been the mistake of the Learned Des-Cartes . His next Considerations is , That God is supremely True , and the Illuminator of our Understandings ; and therefore cannot deceive us , or at All the Cause of those Errors that we are of our selves obnoxious to . Which is undeniable , if by the Enlightning of our Minds , he means the Conviction we have from the Works and Operations of Providence , that conspicuously assure us , That Omnipotence is their Supreme Cause and Author . But if he explains fully his meaning , as he seems to do , by what follows in his next Particular ; his Sense is , That if we have a clear and distinct discernment of any Object , by the Faculty of Knowing given as from God , we cannot be deceived . Insomuch that he Affirms , That God were a Deceiver , if he had bestowed on us a perverse and false Conception of Things , instead of a true One. If This Opinion of his were sound , and that God had so impowr'd the Humane Mind , that it could , of it self , serenely distinguish Truth from Falsehood : What Reason can be given why All Men should not equally be perspicuously Intelligent , as most suitable to the Capacious Munificence of the Almighty ? And consequently every Man's Reason and Senses irresistably compliant : Since 't is not Imaginable , That such a Gift , Authorized by God , could be less than Universal and perfect , as it must needs affect the Understandings of All Mankind ; and next compleat an Equality of Knowledge and Goodness , with all other requisite Endowments of the Soul : The possibility of which is strenuously asserted by this Author in his 30th Particular , where he Affirms , That these admirable Gifts may be accomplished as well Sleeping , as Waking , if duely adverted how our clear Thoughts may be distinguished from such as are confused . Which Direction of his , if rendered practicable , would amply tend to Humane Felicity , by cleansing the Minds of Vicious Persons , Fools , and Knaves ; nay , abrogate the use of Bedlam , by a Recipe from the Pen of Des-Cartes : Who Affirms , That 't is but being thoughtfully Industrious and Imaginatively separate , either Sleeping , or Waking , the Purity of Thoughts from such as are confused . But were it Interrogated , Whether any Sorts of Men , ( before mentioned ) since none are excepted by him , might not Affert , with as much Confidence as he undertakes to direct them ; That they had either Dreaming , or Waking , a clear Idea of Truth , in one Kind or other ; which could not be mistaken if avowed by them that the Notion was clear and distinct , and therfore perfect ? Because not otherwise , as he alledges , the Gift of God , whereby the Mind of Man , is Enabled to separate , by pure Imagination , Truth from Falshood . If Distinction of Thought , from Thought , by any Power of the Mind , can be termed a certain Representation of Truth , and principally meant of God , or whatsoever is ordain'd by him ; it must as has been already proved , be grounded on some admirable Prospect of the Works of the Omnipotent , and thence conclude as a mighty Truth , That he wonderfully Exists , or it could fix on nothing . In Summ , should a Man endeavour to Refine the clearest Conception that he could possibly have of a Spiritual Existence , his Imagination might not be so Immensely dilated as to meet with no Corporeal Stop from the prone Concurrence of the Intellect with the Senses , and the familiar Admittance that is yielded , by the Mind , to their Objects : Yet such a Man might assure himself , That he as certainly discerns the Truth of Bodily Objects Entertained by his Imagination , as can be pretended , by any Method of Thinking , prescribed by this Author . And thus ' t is . too commonly the Fate of many to be seduced by the over-curiosity , and search made by particular Persons who would build their Esteem on the Novelty of their Tenents ; the usual allurements of Inconstancy in the Humane Soul : Till rejected by Time they are held no farther useful than Almanacks out of Date . Whether the same Success may not be expected , relating to some Parts of the Writings of Des-Cartes , where he undertakes to Improve Knowledge by Methods more Consonant to Fiction than Science , not a little to the disrepute of , otherwise , his vast Abilities ; I leave to the Reader to determine . In his 9th page , he gives us this Caution , That notwithstanding God can be no Deceiver , yet , frequently it happens that we deceive our selves ; which is no less Divine as to God , then certain that Mankind are diversly Erroneous ; as more or less their Frailties are incident to their Dispositions and Natures . But if granted according to his often repeated Maxim of Humane Knowledge , That Perfection of Thought is so clearly applicable to the Humane Mind , that the cumber of sensible Objects , may , by Idea , be totally emptied from it , and nothing remain but perfect Intelligence : How , according to that Tenent , can he Affirm , That the Mind does admit Deception ? If suitable to his common Notion , not seldome Instanced by him , the Mind may be so notionally and wonderfully Illuminated , that it cannot be without Certainty ; because its perfect Apprehension must be given from something more perfect , which is God : And no Body can think otherwise , if the means , that God has Ordained by his Works , be regardfully considered ; On which account , 't is not to be understood , how his manner of Thought can have else any contiguity with our Reason , or Senses . And which , I suppose , has been enough before Confuted . In his following Words he endeavours to be plainer understood by granting , That in the Intellect is Volition , as well as Imagination , which by its Impulse on the Humane Mind , renders it erroneously obnoxious . But can it be consistent with the Notion , so much applauded by him , of a perfect Idea of Truth essential , as he defines it , to the Humane Mind , and notwithstanding that Perfection , to admit the possibility of being Imposed on by the Will : Is , in effect , to acknowledge , That there is no such perfect Determination in the Mind whereby to distinguish Truth from Falsehood ; or if there were , how can it be supposed , That the Certainty of the Imagination , when filling of the Mind , would not subject the Will to the reality of Truth conceived by it ? Which to deny , were no less absurd than to Assert , That the Soul , by its own consent , did Rebel against its main Prerogative , and Renounce the highest Propriety of its Dominion : So that no Notion of Truth , in a Natural Course , can have any stedfest Assurance in the Mind , if lyable to the Refractory Contradiction it may have from the Will : Insomuch , That had he named the Notional Idea , he so much contends for , an Irresistable Inspiration ; he must have been more Divinely understood by his Reader : By which he might have inferred , That by a zealous Contemplation of the Mind , there would have been wanting no perfect Certainty or Conception , of all Matters tending to Holy Religion and Life : Things very necessary , and exceedingly conducing to Universal Satisfaction and Repose of the Soul , if such an agreeable and unerrable Idea could manifestly have Issued from the meer Result of Thought ; without being beholding to any Intermediate Work , or Conduct of Providence to sublimate the Speculation . But enough has been before Inserted , in Opposition to the manner of Thinking , prescribed by his Pen ; and for which , as his main fund , he requires no more than that a Man should Imagine , That there is something , in being , more Perfect then himself : All which he assures might be accomplished by all Mankind , as a Gift , from above , conferred on the Soul ; did not the peremptory . Sway of the Will resist the clear discernment of Truth Inherent in the Mind . For whose single and unconfinable Perfections , notwithstanding he had averred them before , he soon afterwards acknowledges their Limitation in these Words . — The Intellect , ( saies he , ) extends its preception but to few Things offered unto it . What he would mean by Things offered unto it , unless actual Objects , is not to be understood ; neither does he signifie how he would otherwise be apprehended by the Epression ; which can have no numerical , or specifical Construction , except he had Nominated any real Thing or Object represented by the Imaginary Faculty of the Mind . From whence it may be concluded , That , he does , in this Place , in his own terms , however dissentaneous to what he had formerly Asserted , enough concede , That there can be no other than a limited Idea to Things consisting of Matter , Form , and Bodily Parts : It being no less Unnatural than Impossible , That the Intellect should , at one Time , be conversant with Objects of Sense , and at another , be wholly intent on meer Speculation without them . Yet he undertakes to Inform , How this unnatural repugnancy of Thought may pass on the Authority of his Tenent ; by Impeaching of the Humane Will , for Arbitrary Compelling of the Mind to be Confused and Finite ; whereas it would otherwise distinguish by clear and distinct Certainty whatsoever was imagined by it . And yet he could not but know that it is Inconsistent with the Essential Method of Rational Understanding , to averr , That the Judiciary Part of the Mind can be so compulsively managed , or streightned by the Will : Notwithstanding that the contrary is far more Intelligible , in respect that there can be no actual tendency of Thought , in the Soul of Man , but must have a necessary Consent of the Will : It being absurd to Imagine , That a Man can Think of any Thing without its Assent and Concurrence ; which were no better Sense , than if one could be said to Think , and not be a voluntary Thinker . If duely considered , the Faculties by which the Understanding is compleatly Executed ; 't is very demonstrable that the Mind is not more Annexed to the Will , than furnished by the Memory ; whose Office is to keep the main Records of the Soul , and from their numerous Catalogue present such Memorials as are occasionally proper to Attract the complyance of the Understanding and Will. There being no real Thought on whatsoever Object imployed , other than what has been , in Substance , or Similitude , by the Memory precedently retain'd . And therefore unwarrantably Asserted the Supposition of this Author , whereby he would Inferr the separate Actings of the Faculties of the Soul , or the possibility of clear Perception without their Concurrence . True it is , that Humane Understanding is too frequently Sway'd , Impedited , and Corrupted , by the impetuousness of the Will , as it conspires with the Appetite and Senses , which by their plausible , and importunate Temptations , so prevail on the Understanding , that its Rational Excellence is , in many Kinds debased , as it allows their Sensual Admittance ; but still no otherwise than as it consents with the Will : And therefore not , truly inferred by this Author , that the Intellect is so wildly guided , and imposed on by the Will , that it absolutely resigns , or deserts its Rational Throne ; or any clear Intelligence that by the Gift of the Almighty is naturally Inherent in the Mind of Man : But rather betrayed by the Treachery of the Will and Senses , to impare by its frail complyance the requisite Intelligence and Prerogative that ought to be inseparable from its Supreme Dominion . Wherefore this Learned Monsieur , after he thoroughly labour'd the most concise Criticisms of his Brain , by endeavouring to prove That the Faculty of clear , and distinct Perception was Inherent in the Mind ; He does notwithstanding acknowledge , in divers Passages of the Treatise I deal with , That the Mind cannot so exert its Jurisdiction as not to be Perplexedly , or Confusedly prevailed on by the Will : Which he fully Attributes to the Inveiglement of the Understanding caused by the Conspiring of the Will with the Senses , and the natural Freedome by which it Operates on the Intelligent Capacity of the Humane Soul : Which is , in Substance , the compleat Sense of several Particulars Written by him ; but most especially in his 38 Head , where he grants , That the perspicuity of Discernment conferred on the Soul , by Divine Appointment is no farther Absolute than as it meets with a voluntary Assent , by which it is either made our perfect Apprehension , or on the contrary , evaded by the Actual Freedome of the Will : For which he gives this Instance , in this manner Embellish'd ; The Will , ( saies he ) together with the Senses , ought to compleat the Allegiance they owe to the Sovereignty of the Humane Intellect , as God's select and natural Vicegerent over the Body and Members ; which being frequently violated by the irregular Conduct of the Will and prevalent Complyance it obtains from the Appetite and Senses ; the genuine Duty is renounced that ought to be perfectly paid to the native Monarchy of the Mind ; and instead thereof , a Foreign and Sensual Usurpation raised by the confus'd Mobile of the Senses . This Paraphrase may be Emphatically allowed on his Words ; nor can it be denyed , That the excellent Faculty , with which the Understanding is imbued is not by innumerable Depravations erroneously misguided by the proneness of the Dispensation it gives to the Importunate Sensualities Incident to Humane Constitutions : Which is very manifest in the different Qualifications and Tempers of the Body and Mind ; as by common Experience , some Individuals of Mankind excell in Prudence and Moralities of Life the Dispositions of others . Insomuch , that it may be questioned , Whether , or no , from a Natural Course of Providence the different temperatures of Body and Mind do not proceed ? And therefore more prevalent , if not hardly to be Resisted . All which , upon the Matter , is precedently acknowledged by himself , where he confesses , That notwithstanding the Soul of Man is Enlightened by God , with clear Perception , it is lyable to the depraved Conduct of the Will and Senses . But how he can exempt the Understanding from such a contiguous Depravation , and require its separate Intelligence ; yet grant , as he does , That the Humane Body and Soul are Conjoyned and Exist , as all Things do , by the Ordination of God ; tho' no one Body and Soul but operatively different from others , and no less various than Corporeal Features are ocularly distinguished . So that the Soul , tho' given by God , has no absolute assurance of unerrable Perfection ; notwithstanding that , according to his Doctrine , it cannot be destitute of perfect Discernment tending to all requisite Certainty in whatsoever it Determines . But had he been ask'd , Why every Thinking Man who grants that he Exists , and all Things else , by the admirable Dispensation of the Omnipotent , should not be proportionably compleated by his Understanding and Senses , whereby there might result an unerrable Perception or Notion of Things evident from such as are confus'dly understood ? The Quere would doubtless pose as Learned a Thinker as was this Author . As also , if supposed such a positive Certainty in Humane Understanding , as he undertakes to Assert , Why it should be thought to be so insufficient a Gift of God , that it should not at all Times be able to over-rule , or not absolutely suppress the Imperfect Assaults and erroneous Temptations of the Will and Senses ? Notwithstanding that Experience assures , That there is no Universal Humane Perfection , either known or practised : And as certain it is , That he would not have presented the World with so many Inventions of his Brain , whereby to explain the Principles he Avowes ; if he had thought , That every Man's Intelligence , or Capacity of Thinking , had been evident , or not wanted the Instructions of his Pen : It being absurd to conceive , That the Soul should be sufficiently Capacitated from God , to distinguish betwixt certain and uncertain Cogitations , and want any Advertisement from Man more Methodically to advantage its Intelligent Faculty : Of which , he amply concedes , That no Man can be assured of its perspicuous Execution , by reason of the powerful Reluctancy and Impediment it receives from the Will and Senses . To as little purpose does he offer his Distinction betwixt the Act of Volition and the Assent to be deceived , that proceeds from the Inclination that the Understanding has to be swayed by the Senses : But how any Man can be said to Assent without the voluntary Freedome and Concurrence of his Will ; is more like a Contradiction than rationally to be Apprehended . And must , in his own Phrase , tend to the defeating of the Amplitude of Knowledge bestowed by God on the Humane Mind , if rendered conditional , or subordinate to our voluntary Complyance . By which manner of Discussions , he has confusedly Involved the Serenity he would allye to his Principles , in order to the unerrable Perception Attributed by him , to the Intellectual Faculty . Yet after several Passages of this Nature , he seems to Recant them in his 43 Particular , where he peremptorily Affirms , That it is as impossible to the mistaken , if we yield our Assent to such Things as we clearly understand , as to believe , That God is a Deceiver . If this Tenent were true , the Brain of every Man would , as it were by Divine Decree , be filled with Certainties : But how assured of this Infallible Discernment ; the Answer that must be given , from the Principle of Des-Cartes , is , by clearly distinguishing of Things by the perspicuous Faculty of the Humane Intellect : Because , ( saies he ) it rarely happens , That any Man will yield his spontaneous Aslent to any Thing of which he has not a veritable assurance from his Understanding : But if duely considered how numerously the World is Replenished with Mankind , of all Ages and Complexions , that give up their Assents to the Dictates of others , as they conceive them to be more Intelligible than themselves ; and yet , in so doing , however they erre , may not be less confident of direct Perception than any of their Tutors . To be plain , were there such an absolute Gift conferred on the Soul by Divine Appointment ; 't is not to be denyed , That Men , Women and Children , would be equally Gifted , and accordingly distinguish by the undeniable Clearness of their Intellects , all Notions of Things certainly to be apprehended , or dubiously to be rejected : Because God , as he Affirms , Has endued the Soul with a separate Jurisdiction , and perfect Determination without the Assistance or Concurrence of the Will and Senses ; and therefore as a compleat Donative from Above , might have a ripe Discernment before the Bodily Parts grow to Perfection . And if so , there is more Reason to expect , That it should Actuate , alike perspicuously , the Intellectual Faculty in the Youth , Age , and Sexes of Mankind , than that they should be differently Judicious , or disagreeably subject to the Imbecillities of their Natural Compositions , as they appear to common Observation : Yet this Conclusion has as near a Resemblance to his Premises as Grass to Grass . This Reflection may well have a pertinent Allowance ; if considered with what confidence he Averrs , That God has so disposed the Soul in the Body of Man , that it can exactly distinguish of Truth and Falsehood in every Consideration : Whereas the contrary is rather manifest as our Corporeal Existencies are providentially sustained : By which it appears , that , in Course of Nature , the Life is no otherwise Ensouled in the Body , than as it is Complicated with the Affections and Tinctures of the Senses : And from whence the Act●ons of the Mind suitably Exert their Operations : And this is very apparent from the Natural Concourse of Elementary Ingredients that mix with our Dispositions and Moralities of Life . So that 't is not to be doubted , That by a Natural Conduct , and Capacity appropriated to their Bodily Constitutions , some Men are more Scientifically Intelligent , Discreet , and Temperate than others : As contrarily , the vast Numbers of Inconsiderate , Imprudent Idiots , and Frantick Persons in several Kinds , are every where Evident ; which can have no other Cause than Issuing from the Irresistible Sourse of their Corporeal Tempers , together with the Tides of Commotion and Disturbance , on which the Soul , as on so many Impetuous Billows , is more or less perpetually Fluctuated . Wherefore 't is not a little bold in this Author , who peremptorily Affirms , That there is a clear and distinct Perception , on all Accounts , Resident in the Understanding , if as he requires , the Prejudices we have from our Constitutions , and Bodily Imperfections were distinctly avoided by separating the Intelligence of the Mind from all Intermixture of the Senses ; as a Faculty , conferred by God , on the Humane Intellect : Which to deny , according to his Notion , were all one as to term God a Deceiver . I call'd this his Tenent bold before , and I may add to it Presumption , and Ignorance , beyond expectation in so Learned a Writer : Might he not as well have Affirmed ? that a Man can have an unerrable Prospect and Conception of the manner of the Existence of the Omnipotent , as also of the Original Being of the Universe , together with Mankind , and every Individual Animal and Thing within its total Extent ; had there been such a Divine Gift bestowed on the Intellectual Faculty : And must have been far more Infallibly manifest in the Uniting of Religion tending to the Worship of God ; which doubtless , as the most necessary Intelligence , would have been Conferred by the Almighty , whereby he might be more unanimously Adored by all Mankind . But this is not so Decreed by God , nor in the Power of Man to accomplish by Resisting , as he Insinuates , the Prejudices and Incapacities incident to our Innate Tempers of Body and Mind . Not that I deny , that there is a constant visible Conviction palpably discernable in the Works of the Almighty , by which the total World is Miraculously Constituted ; from whence may be fully concluded , without any help of the Method , or Idea of Thought delivered by Des-Cartes ; that God does Exist , and is to be Worship'd : And he that otherwise Inferrs must Repine against the Measures of Knowledge Providentially Ordained ; which were all one with the Incongruous and Exorbitantly absurd Assertion of this Author , That implyes a Deceptiom in God , if , in effect , he did not deceive the determin'd Progression of his Providence , in its Natural Conduct and Operation ; by dispensing to All Mankind an unerrable Apprehension of every Truth , that ought to be most requisitely understood , however disproportion'd to the Tempers of Mind and Body ; or experimentally repugnant to the Ordain'd Course of Nature , differently manifest in the Faculties of the Soul , Science , and Gifts ; as they are variously specified and proportioned in Humane Persons . Not that the Intellectual Capacity is thereby so generally or naturally Disproportioned as not palpably to discern all requisite Truths expanded in the Miraculous Works of the Omnipotent ; which otherwise had been Impertinently exposed to the sensible Conviction of our Understanding : Insomuch , that every vulgar Sense , if not Slothful , or Regardless , or not naturally deprived of their Intellectual Faculty , or not made so Happy as to be induced by proper Instruction , and Teaching ; cannot but acknowledge from the Facts and Conduct of Providence , that they are the Effects of an Infinite Cause ; and consequently no other than so many Infallible Convictions that the Deity does Exist , and ought to be Ador'd . And whosoever Affirms to the contrary , does in effect Arraign Providence , or term it a Deceiver , together with such visible Wonders as are Externally manifest , and whereby we receive sensible Apprehension of the Being of a God , tho' Invisible to our Eyes . Wherefore the Tenent of this Author , That there is a Power in the Mind of Man to distinguish , by meer Idea , Truth from Falsehood , must be a very Imperfect Notion ; there being nothing more difficult , if not Impossible , than for the Humane Soul to be so far Disrob'd of its habitual Impediments , the Senses ; as clearly to discern at all Times , the most requisite Truths : Because , if at any one time the Idea of the Mind , as he defines it , be less Perfect than at another ; it is impossible for any Man , by that manner of Speculation , to be secure , That he does not Erroneously Contemplate , by not effectually separating the Purity of meer Imagination from all the Defects Incident to Humane Nature . Notwithstanding , if you will rely upon the Notion of Des-Cartes , he tells you , That God were a Deceiver , unless the Soul of Man , given from above , were not , by Executing his Manner of Idea , an Infallible Discerner of Truth from Error . Which he is no more able to prove , than if he had undertaken to convince the World , That by Imagination the Soul may discharge it self from its Co-habitation with the Senses ; or that in a Notional Conception both Parts of a Contradiction may be determined true : Which is the same with his peremptory Contradiction of the open and powerful Truth of God's Existence , manifest in the Being of the Universe , and all it contains , by Affirming , That 't is possible , by meer Thinking to apprehend that there is a Deity ; without the wonderful Objects and Means of Providence evidently conveyed to the Eyes of our Reason and Senses . True it is , That the Intelligible Faculty has a fervent and Indefatigable Desire of apprehending in the most Spiritual and divinest Conception , such Things as might sublimely accomplish the Understanding : Which restless Endeavour in the Humane Soul is no less apparent than endlessly continued in various Searches and Inquisitions whereby to Determine , on the most considerable Accounts , whatsoever , the divided Tenents and Notions of Men would most satisfactorily Reconcile . But such is the Infelicity of the Soul , that as it is Incumbered or Clogg'd with the Senses ; it cannot , by its best Conceptions , be absolutely divided from them ; and therefore uncapable of acquiescing in agreeable Concord , otherwise than as the Soul is United with them in the most sensible and familiar way of Conviction . Had Des-Cartes been asked Whether or no it was not far more facile to Demonstrate the Geometrical Measure of so many Acres of Land , than Mathematically to Compute the Immense Distance , from us , of the Sphere of the fixed Stars ? He would soonhave granted , That an Account of the Former was much easier to be performed than of the Latter . How much more remote , from the most accurate Prospects of our Understanding , are the Infinite Attributes of the Omnipotent ! Or not possibly to be discerned by any Idea of Mind , otherwise than as they are effectually Published , to our Useful and Holy Admiration , in the Miraculous and Immense Consistency of the Total World. The next considerable Undertaking of this Author is , briefly to deliver such Notions of which All our Thoughts are most especially produc'd or compounded : And how by them are to be distinguished such as are Clear , from others Obscure , or by which we are deceived . To which purpose his main Maxim in his 48 Particular , he thus expresses , — Whatsoever they are ( saies he , ) that Relate to our Perception , are to be considered as Things , or as certain Affections of Things , or as eternal Verities having no Existence without our Cogitation . Of those that are to be considered as Things , the most general are to be comprehended by the Denominations of Substance , Duration , Order , Number and the like , as they may be understood to appertain to All other Things . And these he annexeth unto two Generalities , the One of which he defines , in reference to Things as they are only conceived by Thought of the Mind , or , as he terms them , wholly belonging to a thinking Substance ; the Other , as it respects Materiality , or Body : But Perception , Volition , with all their Modalities , he refers to what , he calls the Substance of Thinking , either as to Magnitude , or Extension ; as they may be considered in Length , Breadth , Height , Figure and Motion ; Situation , Divisibility , and the like . Other Things there are which by experience we find , that do neither solely appertain to the Mind , nor to the Body ; and which proceed from the strict Intimacy and Union that the Mind has with the Body ; as the Diversities of our Appetites and Passions , which have no Consistence with sole Cogitation . And this is the full Sense , of the Place I treat on , as near as his Words can be properly Englished . The first Remark that ought to be Judiciously tender'd on this Part of his Treatise , is , Whether according to sound Reason , or essential Rules of Philosophy , he has duly defined what he calls Substantial Thinking , by the Epithet he gives it , appropriated to the Mind ? But if to a Thinking Substance be annex'd , according to him , the Essence or Propriety of Thought ; the Quere may be , How any Thing that is Substantial can be genuinely supposed to Imploy Thought , otherwise than on something that is also Substantial ? And if so , why not likewise Corporeal ? Except he could sensibly make it appear , That Substance can be separated from Corporeal Existence : Which he has not been able to Explicate , notwithstanding that he has attempted to do it with the most Refined Method of his Philosophical Science ; as may be seen in this Tract of his , which has occasioned my Remarks , and I doubt not , in the Sense of a Judicious Reader , precedently by me disproved . But to go with him as far as his Assertions require ; and next suppose , That the Humane Soul is a Substance ; but in what manner Substantial , is not Defined by this Author , in any Kind , either as Incorporeal , suitable to the Dialect of the Schools ; or otherwise as the Rational , Sensitive and Vegetative Soul are in the Body entirely United . The Proof that he offers for giving to it a Substantial Denomination is grounded on the Proprieties or Qualities , he annexeth to it : Because whatsoever is not something can neither have those nor any other Attributes : All which in his 13 Particular , he farther undertakes to Explain ; and where he expresses . — That Substance is not to be understood but as it Relates to some Attribute or other , which chiefly declare its Nature and Essence ; and to which they appertain : Adding , That as Length , Breadth and Depth , constitute the Nature of Body ; so by Thought is Constituted the Nature of Substantial Thinking . From whence he concludes , That whatsoever can be Attributed to Body presupposeth Extension , or the manner only of something Extended ; but what are to be found in the Mind , are so many various Modalities of Cogitation . The Example he gives is , That Corporeal Figure cannot be understood but in the Thing that is Extended ; nor Motion but in whatsoever is moved ; contrarily , Extension may be understood , by the Mind , without either Figure , or Motion . This Paragraph , tho' written by the Pen of Des-Cartes , cannot have so favourable an Interpretation as might render it Congruous to common Understanding . That the Rational Soul may be Substantial is not Philosophically to be denied : Nor so Defined does it lessen the possibility it has of being Immortal ; because equally in the Power of the Almighty to give the Souls of all Mankind Immortality , together with the compleating of the Dust of rotten Carcasses , according to the Doctrine of the Resurrection , unto the same Bodies they Animated in Life-time , and to Restore to them , each Individual Soul that was precedently theirs . But to Affirm , with this Author , That meer Cogitation , is a Substance of it self in the Humane Intellect , is a very Irrational Conjecture : For how can Thought have any Similitude with Sense , but as thereby it may be Imagined to Relate to some sensible Object ? Nor can it Actuate in any other Kind , if the Soul be Substantial ; it being Impossible , That Substantial Cogitation , whatever Phrase he gives it , can , otherwise , be Impioyed than on something that must Assimilate its own Nature : And that must be either Consistent of Bodily Parts , or of Substance equivalent to it . Nor is it possible to apprehend , how any Thing called Substance can be distinguished from what is quantitively Corporeal ; or not have suitable Attributes , in every Consideration . So that his Idea of a meer Thinking Substance , in the Soul of Man , can have no significant Congruity with Thought : It being totally Irrational to suppose , That any deliberate Conception of the Mind should be fixed on no Object . Should a Man Contemplate on France , or Holland , who had never been personally in either of those Countries ; he must distinguish , as he had received Information , or Read of them , the Nature and Situation of those Regions , together with such necessary Considerations as were requisite for him to understand ; or he could not have any Intelligible Apprehension of any of those Places : So that the Position of this Author , That there is in the Soul such an abstracted manner of Cogitation , or Thread-bare way of Thought , which by his Notion , is Defined a Thinking Substance ; were no other than to allow the Soul a Substantial Nature , but a very Impertinent or Idle Being in the Body : Or which is much the same , to be capacitated to Think , tho' without Cogitation of any Thing besides it self : Yet on this separate way of Thought , depends the whole Structure of his Idea , whereby he would prompt the Intellect to distinguish betwixt Thoughts Confused , or such as Intrigue with the Senses , from those that have a sole and pure Residence in the Mind . As frivolous , if duely Examined , are the Modalities of meer Cogitation delivered by him , where he Intimates , That whatsoever can be Corporeally applyed , must be understood to have Extension and Bodily Parts ; and must therefore Relate , in one Kind or other , to the Thing moved or extended . And is it possible to Imagine , That the Soul should be endued with Speculative Thinking , yet unperceptible of any proper Object to entertain its sensible Contemplation ? All which is requir'd by Des-Cartes , who positively Affirms , That Extension may be understood by the Mind , without Figure , or Motion : By which he would imply , That clear Cogitation may be apprehended without Application to any Imagin'd Thing or Conception by the Sense , That it is really such : Which Words of his , if rightly consider'd , imply a very singular Contradiction ; it not being in the Power of Thought exactly to Judge of any Thing but as it appears in Extension , Figure , or , if mov'd , in Motion : How else can any of these Particulars be Mathematically computed ; which could not but be known to so great a Geometrician as was this Author ? In his 14 Particular , he confidently enough offers to Explain his most sublimated Notion of Thinking , in these Words , — It is very facile , ( saies he ) to distinguish betwixt two clear and distinct Ideas ; the One relating to a cogitative Created Substance , the Other to a Corporeal Substance ; if distinction be made of all Attributes of Cogitation , from those of Extension : And thus he supposes , That a Man may have a perspicuous and distinct Idea of an uncreated and independent Thinking Substance , by which he means God. But should I Interpret , according to him , the Deity to be a Thinking Substance ; I must also Imagine the Deity of such a Substance as may be comprehended by sensible Cogitation : And next , notwithstanding all the Refin'd Caution given by Des-Cartes ; I can have no other than a Corporeal Notion of God , or in Resemblance to Bodily Substance ; because , in any other Consideration , it were Incompatible with the Humane Soul , as it Acts its Cognition by the aid of the Senses . I may therefore well admire , Why he Defines the Deity an Uncreated Substance , and not Explicate to his Reader what Kind of Substance he intends by the Definition : Which can be no otherwise Interpreted than that he took care to avoid the Critical Objection , or Absurdity , in the Opinion of not a few Eruditely accomplish'd ; by not supposing , That there may be such an Existence that can be truly Denominated both Incorporeal and Substantial : By reason that Matter and Form , Extension , and Parts , are the Proprieties of Substance , as it can be conceiv'd by Thought ; and whatsoever is said to be Incorporeal can have none of those Attributes ; because nothing but Body is capable of them . Wherefore 't is no less naturally Improper to Assert the Being of an Incorporeal Substance , than to Affirm , That there may be such a Thing as body , without Body ; which how far repugnant to the common Dictates of Reason and Sense , is obvious to every Man's Understanding . And which could not but be foreseen by Des-Cartes , who , to avoid that grand Reflection , covers his Idea of God with the general Notion of an Uncreated Substance ; notwithstanding that it is equally Impossible to Imagine a Substantial Existence , however it came to pass ; without the Qualifications of Body , before mentioned . Because the Term given by him , of Substance Uncreated , takes nothing from any Corporeal Propriety that might appertain to it . Insomuch , That whether Substance be deem'd Created , or Uncreated , it may be Denominated Corporeal , for ought that , by this Author , is prov'd to the contrary : Who , by his Undertaking to call the Soul of Man a separate Thinking Substance , tho' confin'd to the Body , and perfectly Impower'd to distinguish , after his Method , Truth from Falsehood ; does in effect appropriate to God , whom he supposes to have committed that Animated Substance into the Body of Man ; no other difference of Epithet than by denominating the Deity an Uncreated Substance : The grossness of which Tenent , if uncensur'd , were enough to Infect the Brain of Man ; by Insinuating , That neither the Almighty , or any Humane Individual , with whatsoever may be nam'd Animal , or Vegetal , is other than Corporeally Existing : The Reasons already given being of sufficient Validity to Convict Mankind , That there can be no evident Distinction made , betwixt the Word Substance and Body . How much more Judiciously safe , had it then been , for the Learned Des-Cartes , had he Asserted the Infinite Consistence of the Omnipotent , rather by the Epithet of Incomprehensible Admiration ; than to have deliver'd , it s more than wonderful Being , by the Philosophical Notion of something substantially Existing ? Because the Word Substance takes from the Immense Nature of the Almighty ; as it may relate to Body and Commensurable Parts , whereby he has expos'd it , to no small contest ; for Reasons already Inserted : It being a far surer Aphorism to define what the Deity is not , than by any Term of Science to express what it is , or any clear Idea of its Miraculous Being . In his next Head , which is the 55 of his Discussions , he farther dilates on his Thesis of meer Cogitation ; as he would separate it from all Corporeal or sensible Concomitancy : And this he attempts to Explain , by Affirming , That Duration , Order , and Number , may be distinguish'd without annexing of them to any conceiv'd Substance . Which if duely consider'd , are but so many Insignificant Varations of his former Positions : For how can any Corporeal Thing be said , perfectly to endure , or to have Orderly , or Numerical Being ; unless the Substance , or Body , to which they appertain , be also understood in every of these Considerations ? Can it be properly Justified , That any quantitive Thing is to be apprehended as to the time of its continuing such ; but as there may be perceptibly deduc'd from it , a real Intelligence why it so long in that manner Remain'd , or was Alter'd , or Chang'd into another ? Is 't possible to perceive the Flame of a Candle extinguish'd , and not at the same time Discern , That the Matter that fed the Flame is alterable with it ? Yes certainly , did it burn by Hours or Minutes accounted from a Watch or Dial. And is it not plainly manifest , by the precedent Example , that Duration , Order , and Number , essentially appertain to the entire Consistency , or Alterative Nature and Qualification of the Matter unto which they belong ? A Tree may be older than I can Compute , tho' not to the Man who , in past time , did plant it : But if its Decay , or Withering , in any of its Parts , be visible to me : I may be able to account the Day or Season in which I perceiv'd it did Alter . Wherefore to conclude , as does this Author , That Duration , Order , and Number , are but the Modalities of Substance , is a very fantastical Conceit ; since they must have an Inseparable Tendency , more or less , by their Co-herent Attributes , to the Perfection , or Imperfection of whatsoever does Exist . If a Six-pence be broken into two Parts , there will remain in either of those Pieces , a different Proportion in Number , Orderly Figure , and Duration , than when it was whole . And tho' this is but an Artificial Instance , as it may have Reference to any Thing broken or sever'd ; 't is not impossible that , by Time , might naturally be produc'd the same Effect ; because whatsoever does Corporeally subsist , must be subject to Alteration in all its Capacities . So that what he simply calls the Modalities of Being , is indeed Essential to Substance and its Bodily Parts ; or no other than necessitated Change , sooner or later , of all Individual Things that are extant to Humane Observation . The Stars that Illustrate , as the most Refin'd Jewels of Illumination , the Firmament above , and least apprehended , by Thought , to vary in any of their Proprieties ; cannot be certainly exempted from Present or Future Alteration ; either as they have , or may vary in their Order , Influence , Motion , or what besides may be Incident to their Essence and Nature . How Insignificantly then is argu'd by this Author , That neither Order , Number , or Continuation , in any Thing that Exists , is otherwise to be understood , than as so many Modalities of Substance ? Tho' to every Man's Reason there can be no Variation or Change in any of These , but there must be also a substantial Alteration in whatsoever may be call'd Body , or Substance . In his 56 Particular he undertakes to make out what he farther means by the Modalities he gives to Things ; which he grants , In some respects , may be Interpreted Attributes , or Qualities ; and as Substance may be said to be Affected or Vary'd by them not Improperly call'd Modalities : But most generally , he allows them , when consider'd as Inherent in Substance , the Terms of Attributes . And what would he infer from this puzzle of Words , and perplexing of Terms , otherwise than he has precedently mention'd ? For if Modalities , Qualities , and Attributes , may be apply'd to Substance in all its Capacities , Proprieties , and possible Variations ; how is he able to make good his former Assertion , where he denominates them the meer Modalities of Cogitation ? So that whatsoever Alteration is either Naturally , or Essentially Incident to Substance , is no farther Real , in the Judgment of Des-Cartes , than what may have the empty Notion of Modality ; tho' both in substance and manner of Being , the Thing does not continue the same as it was before : Which is a perfect Contradiction to sensible Evidence , if duely apprehended the precedent Instances ; which , as I conceive , are amply satisfactory . There yet remains a Part of this Head that may well be Interpreted somewhat Crazy . Notwithstanding that he undertakes to explicate the soundness of its Importance as he intends : To which purpose his Expression stands briefly thus , — In God , ( saies he ) cannot be any Modalities or Qualities , but only Attributes ; because in him , there can be no Variation : And no less Excellency of Subsistence , does he appropriate to Things Created ; if no different Modalities , or Diversity of Existence and Duration is to be found in them ; and consequently exempts from thom all Qualifications and Modalities , and instead of those , he Dignifies their Being by the Name of Attributes annex'd to their Natures . If this Doctrine could be verified , there might be no distinction betwixt the Substance of God , as Defin'd by this Author , and any other Thing of whose Existence and Duration we have no variable Prospect : Of which the Universe , for ought can be prov'd to the contrary , affords many . And who can doubt , but it may be so Affirm'd , not only of Stars , that have unchangeable Magnitudes above us ; but also of the most Durable Rocks of Adamant , which by their Permanency and lasting Continuance , admit of no certain Computation , whereby may be Imply'd their Temporary Alteration , or Change ? And 't is no wonder , if with the Modern Philosophical Mine , pretendedly discover'd by this Author , there be discern'd some Rubbish amongst the Diamonds which he endeavours to polish by his Brain . For what is more gross , than to render , as he does , the Attributes of an Uncreated Substance , or of God , the same with Created ; and next to grant , That there is no other Distinction betwixt Substance and Substance but as they differ in Attributes ; which if true , there could be no exact distinguishing of Uncreated , and Created Existence : By reason that a Corporeal Being might , according to his Affirmation , have the same Attributes . Nor is there any Discussion more Philosophically difficult , than to explicate , how Substance and Body may be differently apprehended by any Intelligible Distinction of Science : But whosoever will rely upon the Opinion of Des-Cartes , must wipe out of the Essence of his Intellect all actual Perception of Objects represented by the Senses ; and next be so far reconcil'd to his Idea , as to Denominate the Humane Soul a peculiar Substance committed to the Body by God , but nothing ally'd to Corporeal Nature ; tho' naturally actuating the Body of Man : As if it were no Contradiction to determine , That Substance , not to be understood Body , can operate on Body . To evade which obvious Objection , he frequently labours , as may be observ'd by the Remarks precedently made on his Treatise , to sublimate his conceiv'd Idea , by supposing , That the Faculty of separate Thought was so dispos'd by God as a perfect Thinking Substance Inherent in the Mind : To which , as a Gift of Perfection , he Imputes unerrable Conception ; asking no other Conditions , whereby to remove the Misapprehensions and Frailties of Thought , than very considerative and discreet Thinking : Which is the utmost performance that can be rationally attain'd by any Contemplative Act ; but not with that compleat Assurance requir'd by him , whereby Thought may arrive to such a Veritable Certainty , That it may not at all be Complicated with the Senses ; or beholding to them for any Object of their Conveyance to the Judgment-Seat of the Understanding : Which is no less Inconsistent with Humane Capacity , than to believe with Des-Cartes , That it is possible so to Discipline the Mind , as to be one of his Thinking Proselytes : Tho' not able to Demonstrate , That there is any sensible Certainty in that speculative Mode of Thought , which by a main Artifice of his Brain he endeavours to promote . Nor less discrepant from the soundest Opinion grounded on Divine and Philosophical Science , is the Denomination he gives to the Deity , which he defines , an Uncreated Thinking Substance ; or as he would intend , the Almighty an eternal Thinker : Which is very like a Contradiction in Terms : It being impossible to allow to Thought , by common Acceptation , other than a temporary Attribute ; or not to be otherwise Defin'd than Exerted in Past , or Present Time : Which , if apply'd to God , were all one as to Impute to the Deity a temporary Thought ; and must Imyly Solicitude and Care suitable to the Nature of Contemplating on something to be Improv'd or Perfected by Thinking , that was not before exactly consider'd : Which how far destructive to the Attribute of Omnipotent Perfection , I suppose was not duely weigh'd , by this Author , when he penn'd this Paragraph . I find a Conceit in Plato much more passable , than what is written by Des-Cartes , who being ask'd , What God did ? His answer was , That the Deity exercis'd Geometry . On which , the Learned Gassendus , has this Comment , That Geometry as it Relates either to Contemplation , or Action , may not be incongruously understood of God ; as he may be said to Contemplate , and chiefly consider himself in that Act , Emphatically express'd , in the Being given by the Omnipotent to the Universe ; together with the proportional Conservation it has from Supreme Power and Conduct . Which is a better Exposition than that of a thoughtful Deity , deliver'd by this French Philosopher ; who makes no such sublime Distinction betwixt an Uncreated and Created thinking Substance , as does in any kind Attribute to God , what he means by Uncreated Thinking , or how , or in what manner to be apprehended ; as it may be apply'd to the Deity : So that according to the Latitude of this Author's Idea of Thinking ; perfect Thought may be Inherently Attributed to the Humane Mind , no less than to the Almighty ; with this only difference , That Man is not an Original but a Created Thinker : And 't is as possible , if granted , as this Writer determines , That perfect Thought , bestow'd on the Soul by God , may be fill'd with Perfection , as it solely resides in the Intellect , no less Created than if it had been eternally such . To conclude , it is far more congruous to the Propriety of the Diety , if said , That he has for ever determin'd , than by any Notion Affirm'd a Thinker : It being not to be deny'd , That Thought can have other Construction but as Imply'd , by its Past , Present , or Future Contemplation on something in Being : Which cannot be an Object of Omnipotent Thinking ; because nothing could really Exist that was not , by him , so foreseen and Establish'd . Whereas Humane Reasoning must necessarily proceed from Principles deduc'd from apposite Conclusions gradually made and depending on Antecedents and Consequents of Proof in every Consideration : Which can have no resemblance to the Science of God ; whose perfect Knowledge is perpetually the same : And therefore admits of no successive Degrees , or Qualifications , tending to the Method of Argumentative Confirmation . In his 60 Particular he attempts to surprise his Reader , but how Improperly may be gather'd from the Expression he delivers in these Words , — Whosoever ( saies he ) does acknowledge , That God could make us certainly Intelligent of whatsoever we may distinctly Apprehend ; must , for Example , grant , That we may have an Idea of Substance extended , or Corporeal ; although we do not , as yet , assuredly know that any such Thing does really Exist ; tho' certain of the possibility of its Existence . And I may well Reply , That 't is as far from my expectation to find in Des-Cartes , so weak an Argument , in order to the Grandeur of the Matter , he would prove ; by his Affirming , That we can have no absolute Assurance , unless the Intellect be immediately Impower'd by God , that Bodily Substance and Extension have other than a possibility of being such : Which has so very opposite a disparity to natural and sensible Conviction , that it appears no less Irrational , than if he had undertaken to Argue Mankind into the Belief , That it is possible to have Senses and yet be destitute of their Use. Can a Man live and not be sensible , That Substance , in its Bodily signification , has a proper Being ? Or can he feel , and eat the Food that nourishes his Corporeal Composition , and not be Knowing , otherwise than by meer Cogitation , that he subsists by it , or that there is any such Thing , but in possibility Existing ? Yet so determin'd , by the Dictates of this Author , however Contradictory to common Sense ; or as Unsound , in his Way of Reasoning , as if he had declar'd , That a Man might have Corporeal Life , but be dead as to all Bodily Consideration ; whilst by sole Ccogitation in the Mind , he may have only a living Notion of the possibility of the Being of Substance and Body ; as they may be distinguish'd by their natural Capacities . Which Opinion of his he would Confirm , as he presumes , with no greater difficulty , Than as any Man may judge that he is a real Thinker , and by that Thought exclude from himself all other Substance , either Thinking or Extended . On which Supposition or Consistency of Thought , as he intends it , he certainly concludes , That every Man may distinguish himself , not only from every Thinking Substance , but also from all others of Corporeal Denomination . Had a Poet been Author of this Conceit , he had not farther surpass'd the Excesses of Fiction , than this French Writer has done by the liberty he allows to his Invention , deviated from Principles of Reason and Philosophy : For what is more preposterous to Both , than to conclude as he does , That it is possible for a Thinking Man to separate himself , by meer Thought , from the substantial Similitude he has to all others of Humane Nature ; as also from whatsoever can be said Corporeally to Exist . And may not the same Person by as good consequence Determine , That he is a Thinker in Body , without being sensible , that any Bodily Life , Composition , or Parts , appertain to him ? Which requires no plainer Confutation than what has been already observ'd on Passages of this Author , precedently tending to the same purpose ; as may be discern'd by whomsoever shall heedfully inspect these Papers . All which , in effect , is conceded by himself , before he comes to a Period of the Head I Treat of ; where he thus Expresses . — That although we suppose , That God has so strictly Joyn'd to the Cogitative Substance other Corporeal Substance , that they cannot be more firmly Connected ; and from their Conjunction Constituted their Union : Notwithstanding they may remain absolutely distinct , because God may reserve a Power to separate their Beings , tho' Corporeally Inclos'd : Or to confer Conservation on both as United , or separated ; however they participate , by Existence , with the Extent of the Body . These words , in Summ , can have no other Signification than what may be conster'd a Distinction without an apparent Difference , and therefore Logically Unintelligible ; there being no Notion more perplex'd than his manner of Uniting Substance to Substance , in a Corporeal Figure , and yet expect , that they ought to be requisitely distinguish'd . The Reason he gives in Summ , is , That it may be so Ordain'd by God , That whatsoever are Conjoyn'd by him takes not from his Power to disunite their Conjunction , by capacitating their Separation ; or as the Soul may singly Act without any Assistance or Concurrence of the Senses appropriated to the Body . If this be the best Argument that he can Alledge , by which he would heighten the Notion , so much Celebrated by him , of the Minds operating by a distinct and clear Idea from all Corporeal Concomitancy ; it is more than Intricately , in this Place , urg'd by him ; who grants the firm Union , Constitated by God , of Soul and Body ; yet will needs Imagine ; that their Separation is also determin'd by God : And thus , by Des-Cartes , the Act of God is render'd contradictory to it selt . B●… now does he undertake to Explain his Proposition ? Why verily , by no better Assurance than that it is possible for the Almighty so to dispose the Humane Mind , that it may operate divided from the Body and sensible Parts ; tho' naturally United to all of them : Which , in effect , does annex Contradiction to the Act of God ; it being palpably evident , That the Understanding Faculty does actuate its Intelligence with the Concurrence of the Senses : But no such manifest Assurance , that by any separate Power of the Mind the same can be Effected . Let a Man Imagine , by his utmost Force of meer Thought , That by the Speculative Act of the Mind , is represented the Shape , Proportion , Likeness , and Colour , of any Object , whether it be Moving , Standing , or Lying ; 't is not in his Power so perfectly to discern all their several Proprieties , as if they were visibly perceiv'd by him , and consider'd as proper Objects to entertain all other requisite Parts of his Senses : But very Impossible to Contemplate , of any of these , by any separate Act of the Understanding distinct from Sensation : Because there could be no Idea or Notion of such Things that had never been convey'd to the Intellect by the consent of the Senses ; as by Seeing , Feeling , Smelling , Tasting and Hearing , are occasionally compleated the useful Appurtenances to the Humane Intellect : Wherefore it might be well admir'd , Why the useage of Eyes , Hands , and Ears , with other of the Senses , should be naturally Incident to the Bodily Parts and Composition of Man ; if the Mind could solely be perfectly apprehensive without them ? And doubtless these Excellent Gifts had been Insignificantly conferr'd on Mankind ; if Thought , abstracted from Sensation , might be alone exactly apprehensive . Nor can sufficient Reason be given , Why the Mind should not have been solely bestow'd , however Ordain'd to Exist ; if by its single Intelligence it could have perform'd the divers Operations , and Actual Capacities that are joyntly Exerted by the Soul and Senses ? 'T is not to be deny'd that the Existence of the Mind , unconfin'd to Body , had been as easily accomplish'd by Providence , had it been so determin'd , as it is now Resident with the Society of the Senses : And questionless , if so establish'd , had , exalted Humane Felicity to a paramount degree : Nothing tending more to the detriment of Mankind , than the complicated and prone Inveiglement of the Soul by the Allurement of the Senses : So that could the Mind have been exempted from Corporeal Conjunction , it had certainly , by a glorious Act of Providence , been discharg'd from its Bodily Confinement ; together with the exorbitant , and wicked Temptations , it receives from the Appetites and Senses . But this being repugnant to it s Decreed , and natural Station in the Body of Man ; no room is to be found there for the Idea of Des-Cartes , by which he does incompatibly infer , That the Humane Soul is of a distinct Substance , tho' Co-herent to the Body of Man , and actually concomitant with Corporeal Operations . In his 64 Particular , he farther attempts to Explain what he would mean by his Definition of a distinct Thinking Substance ; his Allegation is , That Cogitation and Extension may be understood as one and the same Mind may have diversity of Thoughts ; or as one and the same Body , retaining its own Quantity , may be diversely Extended ; at one time in Longitude , at another in Latitude , or contrarily less in Latitude than in Depth , and the like , by which they may be distinguish'd ; as also consider'd as Modalities of the Substance to which they belong . Can this be Judg'd a proper Method , in order to the Improving of Humane Understanding , according to the undertaking of this Author ; as he Defines the varied Proprieties of Substance , whether in Length , Breadth , or Depth , no other than different Modalities applicable to the same Substance ? Whereas the contrary is Mathematically certain ; because the Extent and Proportions , in one and the same Body , must necessarily have a Commensurable Alteration . If the Basis of a solid Substance be suppos'd to be lengthened one Foot more than it was before ; the Latitude and Depth of the same Body cannot but have as to its Proportion , an Essential Variation : Which evidently proves , That what he Terms meer Modality , or accidental Change of local Parts in the same Substance , is neither Arithmetically , or Geometrically true : It being no less absurd to Affirm , That the half of a Number is all one with the whole ; or that the different Situation , Measure , and Being of Substance , were neither a quantitative or formal Alteration in reference to the reality of Place , Figure , or Motion ; as they ought to be apprehended in all their Capacities . On which consideration , the Idea of this French Writer , is fo far from tending to a significant Modality , as he would apply it ; that it rather vanishes as a fictitious Comment , or Shadow of his Brain . To be plain , should a Man Collect a numerous Summ of Refin'd Notions , with the most Artful Curiosity that could imploy his Imagination , whereby he would dignifie the Humane Intellect ; he might find the Undertaking no less difficult , to the finest Thread of his Reasoning ; than to Invent a more wonderful Passage into an obscure Labryinth than could be ever attain'd by rational Conduct : There being no passabler or clearer Prospect by which the Soul of Man may discern the Manner of its actual Being and Exercising of the Intellectual Faculty ; than as it is operatively Conjoyn'd , with the temper of the Body and Senses : To whose united Concurrence may be Attributed , more or less , the qualified Abilities of the Understanding in every Consideration . Do we not Experimentally know , That Judgment , Wit , Passions , Affections , vertuous or vicious Inclinations , with all the Moralities of Life , are Influenc'd by the Mind ; as it does participate with the Elementary Composition Inherent in the Body and Senses : Insomuch , That their several Inclinations may be term'd the Effects of Heat , Cold , Moisture , or Drought , as they adhere to our Natures . Is not a Wise Man distinguish'd by the Judicious Temper of his Thoughs ; the vain by their Levity and insipid Conversation ? No less discernable than one Man's strength of Mind , or , Corporeal Vigour , has a natural Variation from another : To which may be Emphatically added , the experimental Observation as it respects the Intellectual Faculties ; of which some are Impower'd with a more considerable vivacity of Apprehension , Judgment and Wit , in Age ; than was manifest in Youth : But in others , contrarily , a Decay , or Withering of their Understandings no less apparent than the Wrinkles of their Brows and Cheeks : Which could proceed from no other Cause but as the Vigour of the Mind does naturally Impair , in divers examples of Age ; with the Strength and Temper of the Arteries , Nerves . Members and Senses , that appertain to the Body : Yet not universally so , because , not seldom observ'd , That some Persons , who have liv'd to Antiquity of Years , have rather been compleated , in all Kinds , by their Intellectual Abilities ; for which there can be given no better Reason , than , that notwithstanding they have some Corporeal Deficiencies incident to Age ; yet none in the Principal Assistants of the Brain , and its Contiguity with the Senses . All which is far more evidently demonstrable than a suppos'd Thinking Substance , separately acting in the Body of Man , according to the Tenent of Des-Cartes ; together with his Imaginary Modalities , by which he would insinuate a distinct Thinking Faculty to the Humane Soul , without any specifical Assistance receiv'd from the Senses : A Notion no less absurd , than 't is impossible to Think , and not be exactly sensible of the Thing , or Object Thought on : Either as it had been at the same time convey'd to the Understanding by some One , or more of the Senses ; or their Impression , by the Memory before retain'd . Which fully Confirms the Philosophical Maxim ; That nothing is in the Intellect , but what was before in the Senses : Yet not so to be Apply'd , or Instanc'd here , as might , in any respect , derogate from the Excellency of the Humane Soul , or its Immortal Estate , when Life departs from the Body ; it being in the Power of the Almighty to Eternalize its Being ; howsoever it was Compos'd , or the manner of its Existence when Resident in the Body of Man. I find no other Discussions in this Treatise of Des-Cartes , that require a more pertinent or accurate Observation , than may be Imply'd from what is already Written : Wherefore to avoid unnecessary Repetition , I descend to his Conclusion ; where he briefly Summs the most considerable Principles on which he had founded his precedent Arguments ; committing them , as very advisable , to the perusal of his Reader . The First of his Counsels is , That we should be very cautious , how we adhere to Former Opinions that have not been strictly Catechiz'd and found true by a subsequent Examination : Which I confess is plausibly Advis'd . But how does he make good these Admonishments ? Why , by heedfully regarding , as he prompts us , such Notions we have in our selves , by which , he would suppose , We are enough enabled to arrive to clear and distinct Knowledge . Here he Epitomizes the main Force and Application of his Former Ideas , in order to erect perfect Understanding in the Humane Intellect ; and by which he undertakes so to Cleanse it , that the Senses may have nothing to do with its orderly Perception : As if the Determination made by the Intellect , with the Assistance of the Senses ; were no less detrimental to the Principality of the Mind , than the loose Advice of a City-Mobb would be to their Monarch : Whereas , by a surer Inference , the bare Idea of the Mind , introduc'd by Des-Cartes ; if duely consider'd , does Imply such a License of Thought , as is no way consistent with the orderly Rule of Man's Understanding : It being possible , That the Body-Politick of Reason , or perspicuity of Thought , in its orderly Method , should be perform'd without the Concurrence of the Senses ; no more than a Man can be assur'd , he lives , and not sensibly demonstrate , both in Soul and Sense , that he does so . But so fully , I conceive , has been , by what is Written before , refell'd the Conceit , of this Author , relating to his so often Inserted , or rather devis'd Tenent , or Manner of certain Thinking , under the Notion of an Idea ; that it appears too like a Fable Invented by himself . Towards the Close of his Treatise which he takes to be , on divers accounts , a very Irrefragrable Advancement to Humane Understanding . He much Celebrates this Instance , viz. That amongst all the Notions , by which Man is enabled to discern Propositions of Eternal Verity ; there is none more signally applicable than the certain Affirmation , That out of Nothing , comes Nothing : Which Allegation , of his , if maturely consider'd , will be found Improper , nay , absurd : As what can be more opposite to Reason and Sense , than to suppose , That a Notion , or Thought of the Mind , can have nothing for its Object ? Because whatsoever is conceiv'd , by Intellectual Thinking , must be really Existent ; it being all one as to Imagine , That Non-entity , or Vacuity , has a Natural and Certain Being , notwithstanding that the Universal World is replenish'd with Bodies of divers Kinds , and no room left either in the Universe , or Brain of Man for the Conception of Nothing . So that to derive a Notion from what can be Interpreted by no Word , Etymology , or substantial Thought ; is no other than as if Monsieur Des-Cartes had Imagin'd himself Nothing , in Body and Mind , when in order to manifest a certain Truth , he Penn'd his Contemplation of Nothing . And 't is much to be admir'd , That this Author , who endeavours to Embellish his Opinion by a new Way of Reasoning , should comply with the Obsolete , and no less Impertinent Position of some Former Philosophers ; by which they would Infer , That the Term or Accent of Speech , that Verbally did Relate to Nothing , was contradictory to whatsoever had Essential Being : Whereas there can be no Contrariety or Opposition , betwixt Nothing and any Thing that may be said , either as a Cause , or Effect , to have real Existence . On which ground it may aptly be requir'd , That the pretended Philosophical Tenent , that would Assert , That out of Nothing , comes Nothing ; should be as clearly Expung'd out of all Discussions of that Nature , as if a Man should undertake to Argue , that one Impossibility could produce another : Or Celebrate a Non-entity , under the Notion of Eternal Truth , and Crown it on the Pate of Nonsense . Besides all which Absurdities , 't is very apparent , That this supposed Principle is absolutely Inconsistent with the most general Belief of Mankind , that allows Perfect Creation , from Nothing , of the Total World : Which how Incompatible with the Tenent , here mention'd of Des-Cartes , I leave to the Judicious Peruser of this Treatise . And thus I Conclude my Remarks on the First Part of his Philosophy , call'd , The Principles of Humane Knowledge . REMARKS On the Second Part of the New PHILOSOPHY OF DES-CARTES . Concerning the Principles of MATERIAL THINGS . PART . II. THE Magnitude of the Title appertaining to the Second Part of the Philosophy of Des-Cartes , creates in his Reader , an Egregious Expectation of a superlative Method , and undoubted Assurance ; whereby the Humane Mind might satisfactorily apprehend the admirable Consistence of the Material World , providentially Dispos'd for the vast Habitation and Benefit of Man and Creatures . Which is so Important a Knowledge , That the Misdemeanour of the Intellectual Faculty cannot be excus'd from being Impeach'd by the Assembly of the Senses ; if negligently Regardless , or not industriously Apprehensive , as far as can be Extended its Solid Contemplation ; How Mankind is sensibly Sustain'd by the peaceable Order and Conduct of Nature : And next to that Philosophical Speculation , the Soul of Man ought to bewail its Infelicity , in Bodily Life ; when perniciously allur'd by Covetous , or Ambitious Desires , to Possess more of the Earth he treads on , than ought to be his , to the Detriment or Ruin of others : Instead of deducing from the regular Constitution of the World , in which he Subsists , How unnaturally he Lives , by Infringing the Rights of Humane Society : Which ought to have an Impression on the Soul , in a Philosophical , and Moral Conception . This is as a Proaemium fitly annex'd to the ensuing Treatise , I thought not Improper to Insert ; before I come to the First Particular of Des-Cartes , which as a Platform or main Fund to his subsequent Notions , he Compiles ; by undertaking to Explain the Reasons by which the Existence of Material Things may be certainly understood . His first Words are these , — Although there is no Man that does not fully convince himself , That Material Things do really Exist , notwithstanding that it has been dubiously render'd by me , in the precedent Discussions , or accounted amongst the Prejudices incident to the Childhood , or Greenness of our Years ; it is now Incumbent , on me , to search for the Reasons that may produce its perfect Intelligence : To which purpose he infers , That whatsoever we apprehend , must necessarily proceed from something , that is not the same with the Humane Mind ; nor is it in our Power , as he Affirms , to think of one Thing more than another ; but as from some other Thing we are Affected , or receive Impression on the Senses : And makes this Quere , Whether that Thing be not God , or differently to be conceiv'd ? This Part of this Head , may be pertinently Answer'd , by demanding , On what ground Des-Cartes undertakes to conclude , that the Soul is so dispos'd , as it operates on the Senses by the Idea it has from God ? Which perfectly contradicts the Notion deliver'd by him in the 7th Particular of his First Part , and Remark'd by me , accordingly ; where he declares , That it is in our Power to reject whatsoever we doubt of , or feign that it is false ; and thus we may suppose , that there is no God , no Heaven , no Bodies , and that we have no Hands , no Feet , or Bodies Constituted . But in his Second Part , which I now deal with , he restores the Senses , that he had Abdicated before , to the uses of the Mind . By which it appears , that he was conscious of his former Mistake ; and that 't is not possible to discourse , as he does , in this Part , of Material Principles , without allowing the Association of the Mind to its sensible Discernment . The Reason that he mentions is , That because we sensibly , and distinctly perceive , from the Impulse of the Senses , any certain Matter extended into Length , Breadth and Depth , whose Parts are diversly Figur'd , and variously Mov'd ; as also how they affect us with different Conceptions that we have of their Colours , Smells , Griefs , and the like : If God should Imbue the Mind with an Idea of such Extended Matter , and afterward should cause any other Thing so to dispose the Humane Intellect , that it might fix its Imagination on what had neither Extension , Figure , or Motion ; no reason can be given , why God might not be thought a Deceiver . This Passage can have no excusable Defence , if judiciously Examin'd : The Question he offers being so ill Stated , or Inconsistent with the accurate Part of Reasoning , That it cannot amount to Refin'd Sophistry . For however he might conceive . That the Soul , together with its Mental Idea , might be placed in the Body by God ; it could not be without assurance , that the World is replenish'd with Corporeal Beings that cannot be Denominated such , but as Length , Breadth and Depth , Colour , Taste and Smell , are their natural Proprieties : So that where the Intellect and Senses are joyntly Illuminated , in whatsoever Method , by the Act of God ; they must be far more certain than to admit any room for Misconception , or the If , or Quere , Inserted by Des-Cartes ; by which he would Infer , That could a Man , Ensoul'd by God , Imagine by any other means , that there is no such Thing as Longitude , Latitude , Depth and the like , appertaining to Corporeal Substance ; he might call God a Deceiver : Which were all one as to suppose , That a Man duely apprehensive , of any Object , should by the Will of God , voluntarily Determine , that he is not ; which is no less Irrational , than Impossible to all of competent Understanding : But no disallowable Tenent if apply'd to other Particulars of Mankind , whose Intellects are not of sufficient Ability , if not naturally stupid , or accidentally unsound , or phrenetically distemper'd ; as is the condition of such as are Distracted , and , in a manner , totally destitute of the Use of their Rational Faculty : And who can doubt , that not a few of these , want Capacity to define Length , Breadth and Depth , as Inseparable to Bodily Existence ? Which could not have been , if Mankind were Universally endu'd by an Impartial Course of Nature , Ordain'd by God , and so committed to the Humane Body : Where it must have had a more excellent Residence than could be impedited , or debas'd by Corporeal Attributes ; and must have likewise been compleated with as perfect an Idea , in every respect , as this Author endeavours to prove : But not being perform'd , his manner of Argument turns the point of a Dilemma against his Assertion , by which he would annex a more general and perfect Idea to the Soul of Man , than is experimentally Certain ; and whereby , in effect , he Terms God a Deceiver ; because , according to his Doctrine , every Soul , within a Humane Body has not a patallel Idea of exact Knowledge . A Blessing much to be wish'd , or rather Implor'd by Prayer , were it not repugnant to the Methods of Providence omnipotently determin'd ; by which the Intellectual Faculty is differently Impowr'd , as its Corporeal Dominion is more or less Absolute ; either as it commands , or is weaken'd in Rule , by the Conspiracy of the Senses : Which cannot be otherwise , the Mind being surrounded and continually endanger'd by the frail Composition and Temperatures of the Bodily Parts , in which it operatively Resides . On the contrary , were there such a clear Idea , from above , infus'd into the Soul of Man , as is Instanc'd by Des-Cartes ; by which every requisite Notion , or Truth , might be perfectly apprehended : It were not consistent with the Justice of the Almighty , if every Individual of Mankind were not equally Intelligible ; on which account , one Man , might be as wise , in every Consideration , as any other : And if so , there would be less necessity for Superior Magistracy , or Rule ; could every Man be alike Discreet in governing of Himself . In the mean time , Des-Cartes has introduc'd a new Character , on the Stage of Philosophy , more compleat in Thought than is univocally Consistent with the Figure of Humane Composition ; by which is Personated the Dress and Mode of the Mind , as it is Cloth'd by the Senses : From whence 't is apparently manifest . That the Powers of the Rational Soul are frequently exerted suitable to the diversity of Tempers that sensibly Exist , Improve , or Decay , in the Body of Man. And this as Naturally Certain as Animal Creatures of the same Kind , vigorously Grow , or Impair ; or are more Subtil , Active and Strong , proportionable to the Elementary Mixtures by which they Subsist . And therefore as highly presumptuous , as to Argue against the Methods of Providence , if discuss'd , Why Men and Creatures are so Constituted in their Several Capacities of Being , and Life ? Which is above the search of Man's Reasoning , and only known to the Omnipotent Disposer of whatsoever the Universe contains . All which , if duely consider'd , sufficiently explodes the Novel Scene of this Part of the Philosophy of this Author , together with the Actual Character he gives to Mankind , in his Modalities of Intellectual Apprehension , as 't is Personated by his Pen. His Second Particular begins with a Truth , but ends with a Falsehood : Where he grants , That the Mind , or Soul of Man , is more strictly United to its peculiar Body , than to all other Bodies : The Reason he offers is , Because we have an Apprehension of Griefs , and other sensible Advertencies that happen unthought on by us ; of which the Mind , he conceives , could not be Intelligent , as it is meerly Cogitative , but as it is Conjoyn'd to a Certain extended and moveable Substance call'd the Humane Body . The Antecedent Part of this Head is undoubtedly true ; which signifies no more , than that our Souls have more to do with our own Bodies , than with any other : And who could have expected , that Des-Cartes could have presented his Reader with so vulgar a Speculation ? Which has no other Tendency , than that every Man is as far apprehensive as the Compliment of his Soul and Senses will extend ; and thus are Griefs , Passions , Affections , sensibly distinguish'd by us , when Appertaining to others : Because the Rational Faculty sympathetically complies with the Senses in Conveying their Intelligence to Things , of that Kind , without us ; as he that has felt a Wound or Pain in any of his Corporeal Parts , will judge of the same in others . But how to think of any Thing that appertains to our selves , and not to perform it by help of the Mind , as a sensible Thinker ; is a Riddle not to be unfolded by the Writings of Des-Cartes . In his Third Particular he attempts to clear the Point ; but , in effect weakens it , by this Feeble Proposition of his : The Perception of the Senses does not direct us to Discover what is really in Things , but as they are render'd profitable , or detrimental to Humane Composition : Unless sometimes , or by accident , we are Taught by the Senses what those Bodies are , and how they Exist . And therefore ( saies he , ) we must Depose the Senses , and solely Judge by help of the Intellect according to the Ideas that are Incident to it , by Nature . Whosoever is Master of a Grain of Reason , must be convinc'd , That a Contradiction is Imply'd by the manner of Argument , here urg'd by this Author : Who grants , That by the Conjunction of the Soul and Senses , we perfectly Discern what is Beneficial , or Hurtful to us ; but in that Act , do not certainly apprehend what those Things are : Which is all one as to Affirm , That we may be Intelligent , yet not undoubtedly assur'd of what we understand : Unless the Intellect be Refin'd by Idea , after his manner , as the most natural Way of being clearly Apprehensive ; and with such disparagement to the Senses , That they may be , in his Opinion , neglected : Tho' common Experience might have convinc'd him , that they are , by Nature , Constituted Assistants and real Proofs of whatsoever is openly and demonstratively understood . But it seems he omitted these Considerations : And therefore in his next Particular , which is his 4th , he positively directs , as he would intend the Use of his Idea , by which he Argues , That the Nature of Matter , or Body , does not Consist in that it is Hard , Ponderous , or any other Manner affecting the Senses ; but only as it is a Thing extended in Length , Breadth and Depth : And for durition , or hardness , the Sense discovers it no farther , than as the Parts of a Hard Body Resist the Motion of our Hands meeting with it . Here he would exalt his Idea to the height of Dominion in the Mind , and level the Senses below the Capacities that Nature has allow'd them : Nothing being more Philosophically Irrational than the Supposition he Inserts , That the Nature of Body is only to be understood as it has Longitude , Latitude and Depth ; and why not also as it is Weighty , Hard and Colour'd ? Is not Air as much a Body as Iron , and yet perfectly distinguish'd by the compact Durition of the Latter , as its Essential Propriety ? And as absolutely different in Colour , could the diaphanous Substance of Air be as visible to the Eye ; and although it be not , we may conceive the Distinction , much surer , than we could by intruding on the Mind a conceited Idea ; because we are sensibly Assur'd , That no Corporeal Thing can have Being in Nature , without its colourable Property : And this as familiarly Certain , as that a Bay-Horse cannot be Denominated a Horse , if his natural Colour could be separated from his Substance . There are many Things that may be said to have Colour , that are not genuinely their own : And so a painted Cheek , whether in Man or Woman , is no Dye or Complexion of Nature , but Artificically Colour'd : And we Judge of Pictures as they Resemble the Life by the Colours apply'd to them by the Skill of the Painter . And 't is no less evident , that Des-Cartes has presented his Reader with a very Fictitious Varnish of his Pen ; if he meant no other distinction of Colours , Relating , or Apply'd to Material Substances , than in this Place he mentions : And in Summ concludes , That Weight , Colour and such like Corporeal Qualities may be separated from their Inherence in Matter ; so that the Nature of the Substance , to which they belong , does not depend on any of them . And is not this a concise Manner of Idea , in this Author , by which he would have us believe , That Bodily Substance may have Existence , and be sensibly perceiv'd without being discern'd by its genuine Shape , and Figure ? If Colour , Hardness and Weight , with other Qualities appertaining to Matter , are defin'd Accidents in a Philosophical Sense ; yet allowable such as , when natural , are inseparable Proprieties from Bodies to which they appertain ? And 't is some wonder , that this Learned Monsieur should forget , on this occasion , That noted Logical Maxim , — Quod omni sola et semper accidit subjecto . So that the Idea of this Author , as it is here Apply'd by him , is so far from a Weighty , or indeed a Colourable Notion , That 't is as surely Confuted as a White Plum may be distinguish'd by the Act of Nature , from a Black one . The next Step he takes , is to present his Reader with the Doubts of some Persons , who Determine , That Bodies may be so Rarified , or , Condens'd , that they may have , by Rarifaction more Extension than when Condens'd . To which Number of Dubitants I desire to be added : Because I conceive nothing more clear than the doubt he Delivers . Is it not very evident , That Snow when dissolv'd , by Rarifaction , into Water is substantially Extended farther than before ; as it may be observ'd falling from a Hill into a River ? And is it not as manifest , That some Parts of Wood , when Thinn'd and Rarified by Fire , convert to Smoak ? So that 't is impossible to deny , that Corporeal Alteration is not Incident to Rarifaction , which gives it a variable and different Extension , if compar'd to the space it Precedently fill'd ; and this amounts to Demonstration , instead of Opinion . But he that will be Proselyted , by the Doctrine of Des-Cartes , must , in this Case be such a compliable Sceptick as to Renounce his sensible Conviction , and accord with him where he contends to Argue , That whosoever , will attentively Think and admit nothing but what he clearly understands , will Judge , That no more is Effected by Rarifaction and Condensation than Change of the Corporeal Figure . And this , in few words , is the summ of what is contain'd in his Fifth and Sixth Particular , that is worth a Remark . The Reason he offers is , That Rarified Bodies , having many Pores , are there Replenish'd with other Substances ; and by that means become Condens'd . This Conceit of his is as distant from Proof , as Fiction is from Truth : And nothing more obviously Answer'd ; since 't is Philosophically Certain , That Condensation is added to Bodies which are made more or less Solid , as their thinner Parts are proportionately expell'd by Rarifaction : And thus a tenuous Substance is gradually render'd more compact , and harden'd by the Fire ; as is , in divers Kinds , Experimentally Observable : Which however producing Alteration of Figure in their Corporeal Extent ; 't is as they receive Solidity or Durition from the Capacity that their tenuous Parts have in order to Rarifaction : So that 't is not , as this Writer Infers , from any Intervals , or Cranies in Bodies , fill'd with other Bodies , that causes Condensation ; but so much of the Tenuity of their Compositions as being vanish'd by Rarifaction , leaves them more compactly Harden'd . Suppose he had been ask'd , Whether the thin Substance of Air , or Fluid Body of Water , did Exist with any such Pores or Inlets in them that might be Receptacles for other Bodies ? He could not probably have solv'd the Question , notwithstanding 't is very apparent , That Air is Thicken'd by Moisture that exhal'd , by the Sun , is mingled with it . But Water being a grosser Substance , is Condens'd as its Thinner Parts are by Heat extracted from it ; and this may be discern'd in every standing Pool , or Puddle . All which is Equivalently acknowledg'd by him in his Entrance to his Seventh Head , Where he grants , That there are no Pores in Air , or Water , that may add to their Amplitude , by giving Reception to other Bodies whereby they may be more Replenish'd : Yet would have it pass , in being suppos'd , for a Rational Fiction ; but I expected his Proof , and therefore must be excus'd , if I reject his Fable . As for Corporeal Extent , caus'd by Rarifaction ; he seems to allow none otherwise than as he would a new Body so Extended : Which is not Universally true ; and may be so understood from the Example given already , of Snow Dissolv'd , by Rarifaction , to Water ; which , when Snow , was but Water Congeal'd : So that it cannot be properly said to have a new Body but alter'd to the Fluid Substance which it had before . The like may be Affirm'd of Lead , or other Materials , that when melted , and enlarg'd by Extension , do not lose the Denomination of the same Corporeal Substance ; in which Sense , Lead , when Dissolv'd , is as truely Lead , as it was in its precedent Existence . Examples might be added , on this Subject , did the Reply that I have made require farther Illustration ; wherefore I proceed to his next Point , which he thus States : — Quantity and Number differ , only in Reason , from the quantitative or number'd Thing ; This Position he procceds to Explicate by Affirming , That the whole Nature of Corporeal Substance , may be consider'd , as contian'd in the space of ten Feet , altho' we attend not the Measure of any such Number of Feet : And by Converse , ( saies he , ) the Number Ten may be understood , as well as a Quantity of so many Feet , although we are regardless of its Determinate Substance . Here the gentile Monsieur renews his Address , to his Mistress of Thought , under the Notion of Idea : Which he endeavours to Compleat by such a refin'd Mode of Philosophical Courtship , That like a Platonick Lover , he separates Sense from the Motives he Endears . But I presume , that his Amour has met with divers coy Reprimands from Reason , the most Celebrated Mistress and Beauty of the Understanding . And 't is no presumption , I conceive , if I Attribute a rational Success to my Pen , which has , more than often , refell'd the Cartesian Idea in divers preceding Discussions : Wherefore I might refer my Reply to what I have already Written : Did not the respect that I have to the Abilities of this Author , tho' none to his Mistakes , oblige me to prolong my Inspection ; together with an earnest Desire of being convinc'd , might I find Cause , from his Proposals . But instead of meeting with any Motives of his , sufficient to reconcile me to his Assertions , I may justly observe an Erroneous Relapse to his former Principles . And thus in his 8th Particular , that occasions my Debate ; He supposes , That the whole Nature of Corporeal Substance contain'd in a space of Ten , or any Number of Feet , may be understood without any Computation of it , as locally Commensurable ; and this to be accomplish'd by a sole Idea of the Mind , in his Opinion . But is it possible to promote meer Thought , by an Insensible Act , suitable to the purpose he intends it ? Can a Man that never understood how a Plain Superficies may contain Body , or is produc'd according to his Example , to a space of Ten Feet ; Conceive , or Delineate such a Figure , without knowing that it is Compleated by Multiplying of 5 by 2 ? Should a Mathematical Tutor Inform his Pupil , That it would be sufficient for his Instruction , if by Mental Speculation he Imagin'd that there was , in Nature , such a Thing as a Plain Superficies , tho' he did not apprehend that Longitude and Latitude were its Numerical Proprieties : Could Science be Improv'd by such an Impertinent and Idle Idea that can signifie nothing either to Theory , or Practice ? On the contrary , every Man must be as competently Intelligent , as was this Author , of the Qualifications of Lines that appertain to superficial Content ; and as certainly too , as the Dimensions of any Number of Acres may be figuratively Included in a Square or Parallelogram , or he will profit little on this Question , by Reading of Des-Cartes : Who next proceeds to inform us , That notwithstanding 't is a certain Truth , ( and so I think too , ) that nothing can be taken from Quantity , or Extension , but the Substance , to which they belong , must also be Leslen'd : And convertibly , not the least Part of Substance can be exempted ; but as much of Quantity and Extension will be taken from it . This Opinion of his he alledges as opposite to the Tenent of others , of whom he saies , there are some that consider Corporeal Substance as distinct from its Quantity : Which Conception of theirs causes them confusedly to think , that the same Substance may be term'd Incorporeal . Whether there was ever Man of such a wilde Imagination may well be question'd : Since nothing can be more absurd than to Imagine , That Substance might remain , in any Kind Substance , without its proper Quantity ; and next , notwithstanding that Contradiction , or as he calls it confusion of Thought , to suppose , the same Substance Metamorphos'd , by a mysterious Way of Thinking , to Incorporeal ; which is no less contradictory to the natural Being and Definition of Substance , than if a Man should determine , that Body could cease to be Body : Because Substance is inseparable from Quantity , as its Corporeal Propriety ; and therefore by no Notion , or Object of Sense , can be deem'd Incorporeal . But notwithstanding that the Incomprehensible Idea of Incorporeal Substance is reprov'd by Des-Cartes , as Notionally Confus'd ; the Sense that he delivers in the 64th Particular of his First Part , or Treatise of Humane Cognition , is ally'd to the same Absurdity , as may be observ'd from my Remarks on that Head : Where he supposes That Cogitaion and Extension may be consider'd as Modalities of Substance ; because , as he Affirms , The Humane Mind may have diversity of Thoughts ; by which the Cogitative Substance , as he Defines it , may at one time Imploy its Idea of Things , clearly distinguish'd , without the Assistance of the Senses ; at another , operate in Conjunction with the sensible Parts of the Body : Is not this such a manner of Idea as would render the Thinking Substance of the Mind with , or without Quantity ; as pleases the Thinker ? Which little differs from the Irrational Notion of Incorporeal Substance ; if any Thing , by excluding of Quantity , might be possibly Imagin'd substantial . From whence it may be inferr'd , That the Criticisme offer'd by Des-Cartes , in this Place , in order to refell the Opinion of others , does considerably reflect on his own . And thus I proceed to such of his Particulars as occasion my Remarks ; which I shall Insert no oftner than the Subject requires . In his 11th Head , he reminds us of the Idea that we may have of Body , by the Example he gives of a Stone , from which we may reject all that is not Essential to the Nature of Body : As if a Stone be melted , or pulveris'd , it does not therefore cease to be Corporeal : We may also reject Colour , because we frequently observe Stones that very pellucidly shine , as if they were without Colour . And so we may reject Gravity , Lightness , Heat and Cold , with All other Qualities ; because they are either not consider'd in the Stone , or being Chang'd , the Corporeal Nature of the Stone is not alter'd with them . Here methinks he makes a great Pudder to little purpose ; or no other than to prove that which no Man ever deny'd : If there can be any Thing more Experimentally manifest than That Substance , by what means soever varied or Chang'd , will still retain Quantity , as its Corporeal Propriety , not to be separated from it by Force or Fire : So that the Essential Nature of Body cannot be destroy'd , tho' it be lessen'd or divided into Innumerable Particles of the same Substance : But not so continue in the Qualities of Colour , Weight , Heat , Cold , Moisture , or the like , that were its former Appurtenances : Because Alteration must necessarily Change its accidental Qualifications , consonant to the Philosophical Maxim , a non esse tale ad esse tale : Which signifies , that it is otherwise , than it was in Figure or Dimension , together with such like External Qualifications as it precedently had , and are naturally diversified according to Corporeal Alterations . But amongst the Examples which he presents to his Reader , as so many select Jewels of Thought , I cannot but observe the blemish that I find in the Diamond of his Idea ; where he supposes , That the Substance of such a Stone may be so Transparent that its Colour might not be visible : But how any Thing can be so refinedly splendid as not at all perceptible by its Colour ; is not less absurd , than to Affirm , that something is seen without being discern'd : It being Optically , and Physically , impossible to be sensible of any Object of Sight , unless its Colour be sufficiently visible with its Substance . True it is , That a Diamond may be sever'd into Parcels of its Substance , and that its Splendours will proportionably lessen with its Corporeal Parts : But not suitable to the Alterations made as to Figure , Colour , or Extent , in Bodies of weaker Complexion and Substance : For Example , Straw , or Stubble , will sooner yield , in all their Capacities , to the Alteration enforc'd by Fire , or to any natural Method of Change ; than Wood or Coal . So that 't is not provable , as Affirm'd by Des-Cartes , That with every Corporeal Mutation may equally be rejected the above-mention'd External Attributes , that did appertain to their Substance ; and nothing continue with them but Length , Breadth and Depth , the common Proprieties of Body . To which he adds this Incompatible Proposition ; That by Idea of Space , not Corporeally Replenish'd , may be comprehended an Idea of what is call'd Vacuity . Was ever Fiction so perfectly supposititious as to Fancy , That Space had a Being , and not the Local Continent of Substance ? Or that the Universe , the vast Womb of Nature , might , by its miscarrying admit of Vacuity ? Which , properly Conster'd , amounts to the Production of nothing . Wherefore the Appellation , or Word Vacuity , can signifie no more than a cursory Accent of Speech : Or such an empty Idea , as I may modestly say , is not seldom obtruded into the Writings of this Author . Some of his subsequent Particulars , where he differenceth Space from Place , are indeed more nice , if not frivolous , than could be Thought to drop from the Pen of the Learned Des-Cartes , who takes it for granted , That if any Corporeal Thing be remov'd from the Local Being , in which it was ; we are not therefore to conceive , that its Extension does depart with it . Which Position of his may be pertinently wav'd , by Affirming the contrary to be true : As what is more Essentially annex'd to the Comprehension of Body ; than its due and proportionable Extension as it Relates to the Place by which it is contain'd ? Wherefore if a Stone be mov'd from the Local Situation it precedently had ; it s Extension or proper Space , as its natural Capacity , does Inseparably remove with it ; and not remain , as this Author would Imply , as the same Extension , or Place , might be possess'd with other Bodies : Or under the confus'd Notion of Space not fill'd , with any Thing readily Imagin'd , we may be so vain to suppose , as he gives License to the Conception , That Indeterminate Space , if so Apprehended , may be thought Vacuity : Which he Infers , by Reflecting on the misapprehension we may have , that the same Local Extension does not Remain , tho' the Body , to which it appertain'd , be Remov'd . A manner of Inference Philosophically unfound ; because , no Corporeal Substance can be taken from its due Place , unless its proper Extension , and Space , to which it belongs , be movable with it : Not that it may not leave behind , or after its Removal , the like Local Capacity ; as it may at large , be said to have been contiguous to that Substance : Or instead of its continuance there , the Space , that it before possess'd , is immediately replenish'd by the Accession of some one , or more Bodies : And this perpetually Executed by the Act of Nature , touch'd by the Scepter of Eternal Providence : Which otherwise , must cease to be , or vanish with the World , her Universal Habitation , by Annihilating her Existence . And therefore exorbitantly Impossible to allow any Epithet to Vacuity , That by all the Representatives of Nature is determin'd to have no Propriety within her spacious Dominion . As improper is the Example he gives , in the same Paragraph , Of a Person suppos'd to be seated in a Ship , and moves not although the Ship removes whilst he sits still . But were his sole Corporeal Extensions , in Length , Breadth and Depth , in Motion , as he late in the Ship ; his Local Space would Remove with him , without depending on the Sailing of the Ship. Before he makes a Close on this Head , he gives a more than ordinary Instance of a Ship under Sail , and the Earth in Motion , at the same time , which , according to the Copernican System he would Insinuate ; but in general Affirms , That if a Ship sailes as far from East to West as the Earth Revolves from West to East , according to its Motion in the Ecliptick , as the Copernicans Imagine , a Man sitting in the Ship does not Change his Place , because the Local Determination both of the Motion of the Ship and Earth is to be consider'd as relating to some Immovable Points of Heaven . This Ship according to his Supposition of the Earth's Motion , must be committed to the desperate Conduct of a Copernican Pilot : For if the Ocean , together with all the Rivers and Streams that the World affords , be Affirm'd to compleat in Conjunction with the Earth , one Globulous Circumference and Figure ; as is the Opinion of many Learned Philosophers : The rapid and mounting Motion that the Sea must have , in being contiguous to the Earth's Revolution , considering that it is naturally Lighter , and therefore Higher than the Earth , would soon overwhelm the Ship , with vast Mountains of boisterous Waves , in spite of the best Marriners Skill and Compass ; and doubtless , in that Irresistible Storm the Man he supposes seated in the Ship would be totally toss'd from his Station . So that , if granted the Copernican Hypothesis as it Implys the Conjoyn'd and Revolving Motion of the Superficies of the Earth and Ocean , 't is impossible to conceive how a Naval Voyage could be at any time perform'd ; or the Intercourse and Trade of Nations by Sea at this Day , or heretofore practicable ; an Objection that gives no Inconsiderable Confutation to the Copernican System : Which whether or no perceiv'd by this Author , he seems , at least , in this Place to be Indifferent , as to that Opinion , by granting , where he Concludes this Particular , That it may be Thought if we please , that in the Compass of the Universe there are no such Imaginary Points , and consequently no Permanent Place as to the Being of any Thing ; otherwise than by Thought we so determine . To which it may be Answer'd , That as to any fix'd Points , in any Caelestial Orb , there is no Cause to Imagine them , but as they Relate to the Commensurable Motion of some other Thing , or by conceiving Imaginary Points in the Orbits of the Sun and Planets : Yet not at all true , if otherwise Applied ; because it is Philosophically certain , That Motion , generally Consider'd , must be made from Point to Point gradually Mov'd with whatsoever is Moving ; otherwise there could be no Mathematical Computation , or Time , estimated as Proprieties of Motion : In which Sense it may be likewise Asserted , That the Sun and Stars no less than every other Thing , may be judg'd to Remove with such Movable Spaces as naturally appertain to the Measure of their Extensions , however their Diurnal , or Annual Revolutions , may be terminated by such Points as may be deem'd fix'd in Orbits above . In summ whatsoever is Mov'd , must have an actual Beginning and determinate Period , or in a Philosophical Sense , a quo , et ad quem : Which is no other than the Movable Progression , from Space , to Space , of any Individual Thing with all its Parts : Yet so as it may be said , tho' in Motion , still to continue the Place Incident to its proper Extent : And therefore incongruously Conceded by Des Cartes , That by License of Thought we may Think , that there is no such Thing as Permanent Place appertaining to any Thing ; which in some Sense is as unnaturally Absurd , as it one should undertake to Contemplate , that there is no Corporeal Being : Since Body cannot be understood , either Moving , or not Moving , but as contain'd by Place , nor Place without Local and Bodily Existence . The difference that he makes in his 14th Particular , betwixt Place , and Space , is , That in his Sense Locality more expresly signifies Situation , than Magnitude or Figure ; and contrarily , these are more noted by us , when we speak of Space : And thus we frequently mention one Thing as succeeding to the Place of another , although it be not of the same Magnitude or Figure . All which , amounts to no more than a Quibble of so many Words , that ought to have one and the same ordinary Application : And therefore very incongruously Asserted by this Author , That by Place is more appositely understood Situation , than Magnitude or Figure But how can any Thing be said to be duely Situated , unless its natural proprieties be Locally understood ? Nor less dissentaneous is it to common Experience , should his Notion be allow'd , or manner of Thought ; by which might be suppos'd , That one Substance could genuinely supply the room of another , tho' not of the same Magnitude , or Figure : Which is a contradictory Supposition ; because naturally repugnant , or rather Impossible , that any one Thing should be said to possess the Local Being of another , and not have its proper Attributes . In his 12th Head , he had allow'd , That if any Corporeal Thing were remov'd from the Space , or Place , in which it was ; that we may believe the Local Being that it had before , possess'd by some other Body , or Bodies , or term'd Vacuity : Which as a Notion fit to be Enroll'd amongst Modern Absurdities was Remark'd accordingly . But in his 17th Particular , having precedently granted , That in a Philosophical Conception there could be no such Thing as Vacuity , or where no Substance does Exist : He seems in few words , to Recant what he Inscrib'd in his 12th Head ; acknowledging That by customary Manner of Speaking , is not to be understood by the Term , or Word Vacuity , That Place , or Space can be Apprehended by it , in which there is nothing ; but in which there are none of those Things that we conclude ought to be there : And thus a Vessel is said to be empty , that appointed to contain some other Thing , is fill'd only with Air ; or a Fish-Pool empty , though full of Water , because no Fish in it . So that in effect , he grants , That the Cursory wording of Emptiness , or Vacuity , under the Phrase of nothing , ought to be referr'd to the Predicament of Non-sense . But vulgar usage of Words is , and will be more practicably Retain'd , by the generality of Mankind , than any Concise , or Philosophical Language of the Schools : Wherefore this Author might have spar'd much of the Instructions of his Pen on this Subject ; because surer known to Men of Science than any Reception it may probably meet with in the Dialect of common Persons . It was ever an undoubted Maxim , That Vacuity is Inconsistent with the Essential Being of Nature ; because Substance must be Attributed to whatsoever Exists by her Prerogative ; and this as an old Truth , is sufficiently acknowledg'd by Des-Cartes : Notwithstanding that throughout his New Model of Philosophy , there are few Tenents of the Erudite Ancients , however Celebrated by Time , that he does not undertake to Confute . But where he Refells the obsolete Opinion , or rather Conceit of Epicurus , and some of his Predecessors , concerning the World's Original from the accidental Concourse of Indivisible Atoms , his Pen Conspires with the Vogue of Learned Antiquity ; which unanimously determin'd , That there could be no natural Existence but in Quantitative and Corporeal Beings . So that the Opinion of Innumerable Atoms , or Thing next to nothing , as they were deem'd Inconsistent , or Exempted from having divisible Parts ; in Future Time became the Subject of Invention , or such Poetical Allusions , as by the fantastical Poem of Lucretius are committed to Perusal . There we may Read how , by admirable Conceit , Things , call'd Atoms , destitute of Corporeal Proprieties , had Motion and Flight as their Wings were Imp'd by the Artifice of Fiction : And next , to fill the World with their suppos'd procreative Faculty , how they met and embrac'd like Male and Female . I confess , That a fabulous Process of the Original of the Universe may be more excusable ; because the most exquisite , and penetrating Ingenuities of Mankind have been to wonder , pos'd in the account they have given of the World's Beginning ; insomuch that the utmost Inquisition they could make has led them to such an Extasie , or Stand of Thought , That they have only been able to admire the Constituted Perfection of the World , they Inhabit , instead of discerning in what manner it was produc'd . Whether the Imagination or Principles of Des-Cartes , as they have Reference to this stupendous Subject , will expand a prospect to the Eye of the Intellect more requisitely open than hath , as yet , been explicated by the profoundest Industry of Humane Science ; will be seen , in such of his following Particulars , where he Treats of the vast Consistency and Appurtenances of the Visible World. And thus I come to his 21st Particular , by which he would have us understand , That the World we Inhabit is boundless in Extension : Because , as he states his Argument , wheresoever we suppose its Limits , we must necessarily grant , That beyond those Imaginary Limitations are real Spaces , and such as contain Corporeal Substances indefinitely Extended . Against which , I offer a brief and obvious Exception , by sensibly proving , That as we cannot Imagine any Indefinite Extension or Space in the World in which we have Being , so were another World equally Vast and Contiguous to this , it were impossible to apprehend a boundless Corporeal Space within its total Continent : By reason that uncircumscrib'd Space cannot be the Receptacle of Material Substance ; because whatever includes Body must have commensurable Attributes , or such as , in a Geometrical Sense , may be defin'd a Superficies terminated by Length and Breadth : Which demonstrably profligates his pretended Idea of Indefinite Space or Extension . So little is , in this Case , the Doctrine of Nature beholding to the Philosophy of Des-Cartes . His next Conception , produc'd by his fruitful Idea , is , That Heaven and Earth are of one and the same Matter , and that there is no possible Being of more than one World. The first of this Head he no otherwise proves , than as he takes it for granted , That if there were Infinite , or Innumerable Worlds , they would be all of the same Matter ; wherefore he concludes there can be but One. The Objection that may be made against his Affirmation , that the Matter of Heaven and Earth is the same ; is , because Heaven can be no otherwise understood than as it has a Select and Primary Distinction from all Bodies of Elementary Composition : Which is apparently manifest in its Figure , Motion and Height , absolutely different , and far more Excellent than can be compar'd with other Substance : Wherefore Zanchius , writing of the Works of God , gives to its most Sublime and Refin'd Perfection , a spiritual Epithet ; to which purpose the Learned Pena , in his Preface to Euclid , defines it an Animated Spirit universally diffus'd : To these may be added the Authority of Jamblichus , a very considerable Author , who in admiration of its Substance , allows to its Perfections , the nearest Attributes to Incorporeal Existence . And who can doubt that the Judgment , of any one of these erudite Persons , in being more speculatively Refin'd , and naturally suitable to the wonderful Objects , Immensly distant from the Earth we tread on , should not have a deference from our Understandings highly Superior to the gross Definition given them by Des-Cartes ? Who determines , That the Substance of Heaven and Earth alike proceeds from the Heap of Nature's common Materials . And whereas he Asserts , in the latter Part of this Head , That it is not possible to Imagine more Worlds than One. I think the contrary may be as certainly Affirm'd , as that the World we reside in , has a natural Confinement : A Truth no less facile to Thought , than 't is easie to delineate a Circle that in any Point shall touch another , and yet leave , betwixt them , no Intervening Space that is not substantially repleted . But this Speculation , however readily exerted , cannot be the proper Entertainment of the Mind ; unless I imagine a Similitude of Things and Beings , Correspondent to the World in which I am : As by the diligence of Thought I might observe , in a devis'd World , the same Persons , Creatures , Trees , and Fields , with such other Objects , that had been visible to me in this . Wherefore I take liberty to think , contrary to the Opinion of this Author , That the Intellect strengthned by the Senses , is sufficiently enabled to Transport its Prospect to the plurality of Worlds . To avoid which Imaginative Power of the Mind , he annexes to his Idea of Matter undeterminate Extent . A Notion absolutely Inconsistent with the Nature of Substance in all its Capacities ; which cannot have an Indefinite Being : And therefore no less absurd than if suppos'd , that Matter , or Substance , could be actually Infinite . In some of his following Particulars , he bestows many Words on the Motion of whatever may be deem'd Matter , or Substance ; but finding nothing of Consequence to observe in most of them , or that occasion any considerable Remark in being Dissentaneous to what he delivers : I pass to his 25th Particular , in which he Comprehends the main Fund of what he intends by Corporeal Movement ; the Instance which he gives , is , That any one Body , or Substance , in his Sense , may be said to Move out of the Vicinity of other Bodies , that were contiguous to it before , and as at rest , into the Vicinity of others . By this Definition , he proclaims an endless War in the Campains of Nature ; where the opposite Commotions and Powers of Individual Bodies , endeavour to possess the natural Beings of their quiet Neighbours . From which Problem , could it be prov'd , might be deduc'd a better Disciplin'd Argument , in behalf of Exorbitant Potentates , when Molesting , or Intruding into the peaceable Vicinities , and Provinces of others , than has , as yet , been urg'd on their Part : Because it might be dextrously grounded on the Toleration and Conduct dispens'd , by Imperial Nature , amongst her subordinate Dominions . This War of Nature , denounc'd by so Eminent a Philosophical Herald as Des-Cartes , could not but Incense many Combats in the Schools of Science : But how far prosperous there , or disallow'd , is not requisite , in this Place , to Discuss . I shall therefore Imploy the Force of my Understanding , without being oblig'd to the Assistance of any Tribe or Scholastical Association , to attack his Arguments , where they deserve the most Emphatical Opposition . My first Assault , on this Head , shall be against the main Fort of his New-Modell'd Fortification ; where , to defend his Principles , he Exerts the Artillery of his Idea , which , according to the Level of his Notions , must batter to pieces the entire Confederacies of Nature ; and so separate their Societies and Rooms in the Universe : That unless a more pathetical Expedient can be found than what he offers ; Towns and Countries , with whatever they contain , may as soon be Remov'd out of this World , and Situated in another , as one Corporeal Substance can Usurp the Province , or Being of another : Because no quantitative Matter but must , if Mov'd into the Place of any other , possess the Space that naturally appertain'd to its Existence . And whether , could he suppose , That a Bodily Thing could Remove , that is , by any means , Expell'd , by the Motion of another Substance from its proper Appartment ? Since neither his Brain , or any other Man's , can by an empty Idea so diminish the World as that any Particle of it might be conceiv'd to vanish to Vacuity . Nor less Intolerably opposite to the Proprieties of Nature , is the Maxim he Inserts of the Translation of Material Things , into the proper Residence or Place of others . Not that 't is deniable , that Bodies are alterably Mov'd , or Chang'd by Effects of Rarifaction or Condensation , and other ordinary Methods of Nature , as to their manner of Extension and Figure ; but not as to the Space that Circumscrib'd their Substances ; because it is Impossible for them , for Reasons before mention'd , to be naturally provided for , by any other Room , for their Existence : And thus if any Receptacle , or Vessel , be suppos'd fill'd with Earth , or Water , and those Materials afterwards Remov'd ; the Air will as compleatly replenish the same Compass or Space , as if it had been fill'd by the others before . The last Example , given by me , ought to be understood of a preternatural , or violent Motion , enforc'd by the Hand of Man , or other Accident ; by which a Substance that might be precedently in its proper Sphere , or Place of Rest , is forcibly dispossess'd of its Room by some other ; when Nature to prevent Vacuity , her main Abhorrence , supplys the Place of the Body , Irresistibly Remov'd , with another Substance : Which in her natural Method is never effected by her ordinary Alterations caus'd by Generation , Corruption , Rarifaction , Condensation , and the like ; or by which the more Weighty Body is Expell'd by the Lighter : No more possible then that the Earth , or any Part of it , should mount from its Center unto the Ambient Air above it . Wherefore the general Maxim of Des-Cartes , by which he would Infer the Transition of Bodies into the Vicinities and-Spaces of others ; is no less absurd than contradictory to the Establish'd Course and Laws of Nature in order to her Preservation of Things either as they Move or Rest : Which should 〈◊〉 otherwise admit , or according to this Author , there must be a Confus'd Interruption , if not a Penetration of Bodies , Philosophically impossible , not only of those that surround the Earth we Inhabit , but also of the Celestial Luminaries that Immensely Move above our Heads ; if they Revolv'd into higher or lower Vicinities and Orbs than are naturally their own . So perplexedly Inconsistent is the Opinion of this Writer , with the Beings of whatsoever the World contains . As Incompatible , to common Understanding is the Notion that he delivers in his 26th Particular , where he undertakes to prove , That there is not more Action requir'd to Motion than to Rest : Which seems , at first sight , a Paradox of a Novel Edition . But had he seriously consider'd , after the Inscribing of this Sentiment ; and next had been ask'd , whether his Pen had not been more commodiously Inclos'd in his Desk , and his Hand in his Pocket , than acttually Imploy'd when he Writ this uneasie Sense ? he would have clearly distinguish'd betwixt Motion and Rest ; as Words that Imply their difference both in Name and Nature . And 't is some wonder , that Des-Cartes , who largely abounds with Fanciful Niceties , should have so narrow a Perception as not to discern the broad Contrariety that Interprets Motion and Rest sensibly opposite . To which purpose , Aristotle defines Rest as the privation of Motion in whatsoever is naturally apt to Move . Wherefore the proper tendency that Things , in Motion , have to acquiesce in their genuine Place , is render'd by some Philosophers , as their final Perfection : Because nothing can be said to Move , but it does also to its utmost Power , expedite its Innate Propensity to be sedate in its due Station . If a Stone falls from any considerable Height , Experience assures , that it swiftest Moves when nearest to the Earth , the Center of its Being : But of its self incapable of Active Movement when it comes to its resting Place ; all which is Heterogeneous to the Doctrine of this Author , who allows to the Acquiesence of any Thing no less Motion than it had when it Mov'd . The Instance he gives is , Because we perswade our selves , that our Bodies , at our Will , Move and Rest , for no other Reason than that they adhere to the ground in being heavy : And continues to say , That our Corporeal Weight , and other Causes , not Animadverted by us , resisting the Motion that we would incite in our Members , effect our Fatigues or Weariness , whilst we Impute more Action , or greater Force to Instigate our Motion , than to cause it to Cease . Here he creates an Idea , not unlike to the Poetical Fable of Ixion's , embracing of a Cloud instead of Juno ; for what can be more obscure to sensible Conception , than to Infer , as he does , That the Body by suspending of its Motion , does as indefatigably Move as when tir'd by Action ? Which is much the same as if he had undertook to prove , that 't is possible for a Man to feel as uneasie a Movement sitting still as when he was weary of Walking . Nor is the Weight of the Animated Body , as to it self , or as it may be Diseas'd by Motion , the only Cause of the Appetite it has to be reliev'd or eas'd by Rest ; but as Nature compells it , in being ponderous , to promote its lowest Acquiescence in its Immoveable Place Essentially Center'd in the Bosome of the Earth , as the Body has Room or Capacity to Descend : Nor would its Motion , till thither arriv'd , be Impedited or Fatigu'd by the Labour of its Corporeal Parts , any more than a Stone , as it falls downward , can be weary of the Motion of its Substance . So totally Irresistible is the Power of Nature , that no longer appropriates either Rest , or Life , to any Individual Thing , than is necessarily consistent with its Place and Being . If by her Indulgence she has Impower'd Mankind and other Animated Creatures with Corporeal Faculties and Parts , whereby they may diversly Execute their Local Movements , as her gracious Distinction and necessary Endearments peculiarly conferr'd for the convenient Support and continual Subsistence of Living Individuals ; 't is contrary to the gross Allay of their Bodily Compositions . Thus the Body of Man or Animal , may Move on the Surface of the Earth , or by the extraordinary Energency of Life be exalted towards a Mountain's top , when their Corporeal Substances , could they depart from the Conduct of Life , would with far more Acceleration tumble downwards . Let a Man , of the most expert and vigorous Agility , take a Leap upwards , his Person shall come to the ground by swifter and easier Degrees than his Activity , by its utmost Force , could Ascend . Wherefore 't is no painful Action , as this Author Insinuates , by which a living Substance acquires its Rest ; but rather a natural and Irresistible Motion that inclines it to attain its proper Residence : Which proceeds from no other Cause than the Quantitative Magnitude and Weight that Imposes the Descent of every Corporeal Thing , as near as it can be promoted , to the Inferior Place of its Repose . If a Feather falls from any Height , allowing for the hinderance that its Levity may receive from the Commotion of the Air ; it will Descend no less proportionably to its Weight than a Lump of Lead must do if dropt from the same Altitude . And this is Mathematically certain , because no Substance , whatever , can be said to Move but as it has Commensurable Parts . These Examples are sufficient to Totter his Arguments on the Fund he erects for them : Of which there remaineth One that he concludes this Head with , and in his Sense , very apposite to his purpose . I wish that I had so found it , because I love not to Dispute where it can reasonably be avoided . His Words are these , — There is as much Action requir'd to the Removing of a Ship , that stands Still on Water any Length Forward , as it is to Move it as far Backward . From whence he would conclude , That a Corporeal Substance , in being Mov'd from and to the Place where it Rested before , is equally Active . Who could have expected that a Notion so Counter to direct Sense should be Inscrib'd by Des-Cartes : Since 't is not the Motion of the Ship , as he puts the Case , but the force of Hands that compells its Movement from and to the Place where it remain'd before . And therefore a pretty kind of Supposition ; or if Term'd a Ridicule , the Application might well be excus'd , by which he would Intrigue his Reader to be Conceited with him , that any Corporeal Thing might Philosophically Move , tho' naturally it did not Move at all . Which perfect Contradiction , to approv'd Reason and Principles of Science , is very apparent in the Example he gives of the Ship enforc'd to Remove ; which , of it self , might have stood Still ; or contrarily , had it not been supported by Water , would have sunk , in being ponderous , as far downwards as it could Descend . Which gives us a sound Assurance That the Proprieties of Motion and Rest , of old determin'd , will not be discompos'd by the Novel Institutions of this Author ; whereby he would Change the very Grammatical Construction in the Words of Motion and Rest , by Converting their Significations into meer Modalities , or diversified Actions of the Thing Moving , or as it ceases to Move . But had it been demanded of him , Whether , if suppos'd he were fast-a-sleep when he Dream't of this Tenent , his Body had no less Action than as if he had Imagin'd it to be really Walking or Running ? I believe he would have otherwise distinguish'd Motion and Rest than fancy'd , by him , in this Treatise . Nor is the Similitude Incompatible with the Explanation he offers at the End of the Page I write of ; where he tells us , That by Motion is to be understood Corporeal Transition , or as he calls it Translation , out of the Vicinity of Contiguous Bodies into the next Approximation of others ; but not out of one Place into another : Which is allowable if apply'd to the fix'd Capacities of Nature , as potentially she may be Imagin'd to Circumscribe every Individual Substance ; tho' not , in common Understanding , actually True : Because no Corporeal Thing can properly Move , unless its Commensurable Place does Remove with it . In which Sense , no Substance can be conceiv'd to Move into the Vicinity , as he Terms it , of another , but it must necessarily carry its Bodily Space and Comprehension with it : No otherwise than a Man can be said to step into his Neighbour's Ground out of his own , and not Transfer with him the Inseparable Space that before Circumscrib'd his Body ; tho' the Ground , that contain'd his Person , could not Remove with him into his Neighbour's . Yet nothing can be deduc'd , from any of these Instances , that Implies , That Rest and Motion are equally Active , and not Contrarieties ; or only different Modalities , according to him , of whatsoever does Move or cease its Motion . But if his Idea of Corporeal Movement be follow'd to the Vicinity unto which he guides it ; 't is possible it might have acquiescence there ; since he undertakes not to prove , that it actually Mov'd after it came thither . Other Particulars I find of his , relating to his preceeding Notions of the Motion of Bodies ; and to which he has annex'd the delineating of a few Schemes , or Diagrams . But finding in them no Demonstrative Proof , or other concernment than what I have before Discuss'd , or Answer'd : I therefore avoid the perplexing my Reader with such obscure Diversities , which in my Judgment , he delivers on this Subject , or as extravagantly distant from either Philosophical , or Mathematical Certainty , as Fiction is from Truth : And thus I come to his 31st Head , which I had also omitted , had I not observ'd , that he there attempts to unvail more speciously his Mysterious Idea , than he had formerly done : The Proposition he endeavours to prove , is , That in one and the same Body there may be Innumerable diversities of Motion . Notwithstanding , he grants , That no Individual Body can be understood , to have more than one proper Motion ; because , as he Affirms , it must be understood , when Moving , to recede from several Bodies resting contiguous to it : However it may participate of Innumerable Motions if it be part of other Bodies that have diversities of Motion . The Example he gives , is , Of a Man walking in a Ship , having a Watch in his Pocket ; the Wheels of the Watch Move but by one proper Motion , but participate of another , whilsi being Conjoyn'd to the Person that walks they compose one Part of Matter , and another as they are Adjoyn'd to the Ship , as also to the Ship fluctuating on the Water , and likewise as it is joyn'd to the Sea , and lastly as it is so to the Earth , if the whole Earth be Mov'd . To which , if Reply'd , That in the entrance he makes into this Particular , he starts an Argument against himself ; the Consequence will make it good . For although it be true , That all Corporeals , whether Animate , or Inanimate , of ponderous Compositions , have a natural and direct Inclination to Move downwards ; but not their sole motional Property : A Man by the Power and Faculty that enables him locally to Move , can step upwards as well as downwards ; and by innumerable Actions and Motions of his Parts can abundantly vary his Postures , together with his Feet , Limbs , and Fingers : Impowr'd with useful diversities that admirably proceed from the Provendential Support , that is , to wonder , bestow'd on Humane Life ; which could not without those accomplishments , conveniently Subsist : To which purpose , enough has been Inserted in my precedent Remarks . But as to the other Part of this Head , where he insists , instead of other Proof , on the Example he gives of the Instrumental Movement of the Wheels of a Watch in the Pocket of a Man , as participating of the Motion of the Person , and also of the Ship : Is sufficient without troubling my Reader with other of his Instances of like signification , to terminate my Reply : Which briefly is thus , — The Argument he offers , is neither rationally , or Philosophically applicable to what he Asserts ; if consider'd , That the Motion of the Parts and Wheels of the Watch are totally Artificial , and therefore cannot be naturally Contiguous to the Motion of the Man or Ship : No more than Invention attain'd by Art can be certainly deem'd the Method of Nature , that allows no participation to the Motion of Things , but as they are genuinely dispos'd and influenc'd by her proper Conduct : Which cannot be equivalently Counterfeited by Humane Artifice , no more than 't is possible for the Brain of Man to create a Fabrick suitable to the Structure of the World , together with the Innumerable Materials and their distinct Capacities and Operations , contain'd by it . A Speculation of such undeniable Excellency , That had it been thought on by Des-Cartes , his Reason and Abilities in Science had otherwise dispos'd the Credit of his Pen , than to have Inserted the Incongruous Comparison by which he would Parallel , in his Sense of Motion , the Performance of Art , with the Action produc'd by Nature . Which is very different from the Epithet he gives to Motion and Rest in his 38th Paragraph , where he determines , That , by the Ordainment of God , Matter together with Motion and Rest were , as to their ordinary Course , originally Constituted . From whence he concludes , That all Parts of Material Things , were primarily so dispos'd by the Will of the Almighty , as by their divers Conservations , the World 's total Matter might be continually preserv'd by the same determin'd Method , that every of its Particulars receiv'd when first Created . From which Immutable Decree of the Omnipotent he derives several Laws or Rules of Nature . The First of which he considers as her constant Industry and Prerogative , whereby she would , as far as her Regalia's extend , unalterably continue every particular Thing in its Manner of Being : And thus , whatsoever Mov'd , should , by her Intention , be always Mov'd . So that if any Part of Matter represented its Motion in a Square , or other suitable Figure , it would so perpetually continue , did not some other Thing interrupt its Movement . All which might be conceded , were not Nature oblig'd to dispense with , for Universal Convenience , such Alterations , in her Methods of Rule , that she accommodates to the frail Disposition of her Elementary Subjects ; whose Distempers , unless so prevented , would be more disorderly , or confus'd . For which Reason , she necessarily waves her Original Intention as to the permanent continuance of her Subordinate Individuals ; by Exercising , in a manner , against her Will , a Tyrannick Power , by which she kills some Beings , to give Life and Repose to others : Which could not otherwise have room to Exist , were the Compass of the World far greater than its conceiv'd Dimension . And thus we ought to apprehend the various Effects of Motion , as also such Alterations as relate to Generation and Corruption , by which Things cease to be , and others have Being . Tho' neither Motion , or any of its Concomitants , or Tendencies , here mention'd , can be reasonably suppos'd , according to the Opinion of this Author , to endeavour incessant Movement , did not some other intervening Thing put an end to their Motion by obstructing its farther progress : Which were to Affirm , That Motion were void of Design , if any Thing Mov'd regardless of its proper Residence . If granted , That the Motion of one Thing may cause the Motion of another to cease ; 't is not to be understood as any hindrance that its natural Capacity can receive , or the Intendment it has to Arrive where it ought to remain . It being absurd to suppose , That Motion , as it is appropriated to Material Composition , of which only we can be sensible , should be actually , or potentially Imbu'd with a perpetual motional Faculty ; which were to allow it Indeterminate , and therefore Infinite ; contrary to the undoubted Philosophiaal Maxim , non datur Infinitum actu in rerum Natura : And as experimentally certain , as that a Man cannot always Run , or Walk . The Second Law , which he Attributes to Nature , he thus delivers , Every Motion , of it self , is in a streight Line , and therefore whatsoever circularly Moves , always endeavours to depart from the Center of the Circle it describes . Before I enter my Replication to this Head , which , in some respects , is very questionable ; I think fit to Inform the Reader , how he does here Dissent from what he deliver'd in his 32d Particular , where he grants , That Motion may be , not seldom , exceedingly Contorted , Twisted , or Wrested ; which he must intend by such a lineal Movement as might be neither Direct , or Circular . And therefore it must have such a kind of oblique Curvitude as cannot be comprehended by the Definition of regular Curv's , or such as may be term'd Geometrically Commensurable ; which by Learned Mathematicians is solely Attributed to the Circle , Parabola , Hyperbola , and Ellipsis : The Reason they give is by demonstrating , That no other Curvitudes can , in every of their Points , have a due Relation to streight Lines ; as it may be equally prov'd . On which Mathematical Certainty is grounded their rejecting of all other Curv's , as Mechanical ; because , in particular , they cannot be Geometrical by right Lines applied to such Figures ; and therefore not to motional Things and Parts , by Indistinct Commensurations ; and such as may express their common equality . Whosoever desires to be assur'd by Geometrical Delineament and Proof , to this purpose , he may Inspect the Commentary of Van-Schooten , a Dutch Mathematician , on the Geometry of this Author . In the mean time this Observation is sufficient to explain the egregious Mistake of this Writer , as to the Place before-mention'd : Where contrary to the actual Performance and Method of Nature , that allows to every Thing Mov'd Commensurable Space and Parts ; he Allys the possibility of Motion to such a perverse and irregular Figure , as would render it absolutely confus'd , instead of being orderly consistent with the Certainty of Measure . But now in the above-mention'd Second Law of Nature , as he defines it , he thinks 't is very manifest , That Motion , by its simplicity of Operation , should be conits simplicity of Operation , should be continu'd in a streight Line , but never in a crooked . Which is true , if meant of such Things , that by their Inherent Proprieties of Length or Weight , Ascend , or Descend ; which are always continu'd in a streight Line : But are not so in every Thing that Moves , as may be evidently perceiv'd in that admirable Providence by whose Conduct the Celestial Motions of the Sun and Planets have a constant Circular Revolution . Which sublime Manner , and excellency of Motion , is no otherwise naturally theirs ; than suitable Gravity , or Lightness , is the Cause that Things so compos'd Move upwards , or downwards . These Examples are sufficient to refell his general Hypothesis , by which he would limit the genuine Action , of whatsoever does Move , to a direct Line ; without excepting the Orbs above , That he well understood did Move otherwise . To which purpose , he delineates a Diagram the same in Effect , with this that follows . Let a Stone be suppos'd to Move by any Force , according to his Example , in a Sling , as E A Circularly Mov'd in the same instant in which it is in the Point A determin'd to Move , any whether , in a Right Line towards C ; so as the Right Line may be the Tangent of the Circle . It cannot be imagin'd to terminate Motionally Contorted , tho' it first comes from L to A , by a crooked Line ; because nothing of that Curvitude can be understood to remain in it whilst it is in the Point A. But should it then be out of the Sling , it would not Move forward towards B , but towards C. — From whence he concludes , That whatsoever does Circularly Move , would always endeavour to depart from its Center . Here he undertakes to give Nature a Law against her natural Legalities ; if not such a fictious Swing as would whisk her ordinary Operations , out of their usual Course , into the Region of Fables . It being very Demonstrable that both Parts of the Proposition , to which this Diagram Relates , are erroneously Applied . As to the First by which he would prove , That all Motion does of it self proceed in a right Line ; 't is broadly untrue , if consider'd , that 't is no less Naturally than Mathematically Certain , That whatsoever Moves , must be progressive with the Proper Superficies and Space , in every Kinde , that appertains to its Substance : When a Man Walks does he not suitably Move to the Height , Breadth , and Depth , which , at that Instant , expos'd the Proportions of his Figure ? The same may be Affirm'd of the Motion of Animate , or Unanimated Bodies . On which ground , Geometricians determine , That a Line , of it self , has no Commensurable Proportion compar'd to a Superficies ; and therefore to no substantial Velocity , or Motion , in any Consideration ; otherwise than as , betwixt two different superficies , lines may be allow'd a Relative Proportion ; as in Squares , Parallelograms , and other Figures , that assimilate in Height , and Breadth . Wherefore to Assert as he does , That by Intendment of Nature , all Corporeal Motion is comprehended in a streight Line ; were all one as to Affirm , that a Mathematical Line , which , by Euclid is defin'd to consist meerly of Points , that have no Parts , otherwise then suppos'd , should singly Measure a Superficies the Continent of Body . Not but in a genuine Philosophical Sense , a Material Composition may have a direct Motion , allowing its requisite Extension , Place , and Superficies transferr'd with it , either upwards or downwards , according to the Nature of its Substance , but no other lineal Rectitude , as is already Demonstrated : Where I Instanc'd the natural Tendencies that Things Light , or Ponderous , have to their proper Stations ; and therefore Inconsistent with the Example he gives in the Diagram of a Stone Enforc'd , by other Material Thing , or in a manner sling'd from its direct Movement into the obliquity of a winding Figure ; which must so detain it as never to depart , or 't is not to be doubted , that the Weight of the Stone would cause it to Move downward towards its resting Place : On which account , the Stone may be suppos'd to be taken from the Sling and flung at the Head of his Argument . As intolerably extravagant is his other Principle , or rather Conceit that he annexes to the Law of Nature ; whereby he would take it for granted , That whatsoever does circularly Move , has , in its self , an Inherent proneness to Recede from its Center : Which is totally opposite to the Supreme Perfection of Circular Motion , if compar'd with whatsoever is directly Lineal : Because it is the Measure of Lineal Movement without separating its Terminations as the other does . Which is obviously evident in the Motion of a Wheel , where the Terms of its Motion are not so distinct that any one can be thought separated from the other . But when a weighty Thing directly Move's from a Superior Place to an Inferior , it may truly be Affirm'd , that the Terms , of any such direct Motion , are by their Interval and Distance considerably separated ; which Separation Imports Composition of Terms ; but none to be found in Circular Movement , as is manifest by the precedent Example . Wherefore Aristotle acutely Defines the excellency of Circular Motion , by considering , that it is more Absolute , or simply Compleat , than can be Attributed to any other Figure ; by reason it is more Equal , and therefore less obnoxions to Irregularity , and consequently more durable : From whence he concludes . That it was the most perfect and first of Motious : As likewise a possibility of Being Eternal ; because no Part of a Circle can be said to be its Beginning or Period ; and where neither the First and Last , of any Thing , is discernible ; it may be allow'd , in a manner , Eternal . To which purpose , the Poet Virgil compendiously expresses the admirable Revolution of the Hours , Days , and Seasons of the Year , by no more Words than , In se ciroumvolvitur Annus . Which shews , that Circular Motion is not effected by any forcible Cause or Inclination that any Thing Mov'd can , by that means , be endu'd with , whereby to depart from its Center , according to the devis'd Maxim of this Author : But rather a continu'd Providential and Natural Method in order to the Computation of Time , together with the Innumerable Benefits that from thence accrew to Mankind , with whatsoever the World Comprehends . And if otherwise reputed , 't were as easie to believe that Providence might receive a forcible Period ; or that the Sun and Planets have as natural a propensity to drop from the Orbs in which they Revolve , as the Stone might have to fall out of the Sling , in the precedent Diagram . So that the Principle which he would Entitle to the Law of Nature , does more concenter with the Tenent of a Philosophical Renegado , out-law'd by her regulr Ordainments , than could be expected from the Pen of Des-Cartes . I endeavour'd to be as piquant , as I might be , in my Remark on this Subject , because he owns it for a main foundation on which he Erects not a few of his ensuing Discussions . The Third Law that he gives to Nature , is , That any one Substance , meeting with a Stronger , loseth nothing of its Motion by its Occurrence to one of greater strength , but lessens its Motion by as much as it Transfers to the other . Here he continues a perpetual War amongst the Subjects of Nature ; and with that exorbitant violence , that he allows Victory to the Stronger on all considerations : Whereby he Interprets the ordinary Course of Things , tending to the Universal Preservation and Conduct of Nature , no other than so many Hostilities Executed by the Strong against the Weak . If Bodies are alter'd by the movable Effects of Rarifaction and Condensation , they are not so Mov'd , or Produc'd by a preternatural and varied Violence ; but rather usefully Convey'd and Dispos'd to such Receptacles of Nature where their Beings were wanted , and could not be supply'd without the convenient Alterations of Material Things . The like may be said of Generation and Corruption Incident to all Elementary Compositions . And tho' Nature , in some Sense , may have the Artribute of Perpetuity ; there can not be the same permanency allow'd to Particulars within her Dominion , whereby they might be equally Everlasting with her self ; which would level her Incessant Prerogative , in common with her Subjects , or imply the Dissolution of her superlative Dominion : Too profound to be fathom'd by the most skilful Brain of Man , or be disorder'd by any Speculation inconsistent with her Perfections : Which had this Author requisitely consider'd , he would not have enterpriz'd the Imbroyling of her Rule with so many turbulent Diversities , or Anarchical Violence , that may be Imputed to his Principles as they derogate from her operative Contrivements , and Motion of Things in Reference to their due continuations and apt disposure , agreeable to the Capacities of their Existence . But notwithstanding he has frequently Catechis'd Nature according to the Model of his invented Principles , and especially , in this Place , where he attempts to enact Laws as if Confirm'd by the touch of her Scepter : As also to present his Reader with several subsequent Rules , by which he would be understood to have prevented what might be Alledg'd against them . All which I inpected with the clearest Eye of my Understanding , being no less desirous that my Pen should have been convinc'd by his , than he endeavours the Estimation of his own . But finding , by the strictest Inquisition I could apply to his offer'd Probations , That I was led into a Wilderness of Notions , out of which no Thought of mine could give me Passage : I concluded , That it would be no small ease to my Reader , and my self , if I omitted such of his Intricate Discussions , and delineated Schemes , as might have perplex'd the utmost Diligence of the considerate Peruser . For which I have , in some Part , his own consent ; as may be seen in his 53d Particular , where he acknowledges that his precedent Rules , as to the Nature and Motion of Corporeal Substances , are not easily understood . And where there is not a facility of Perception , relating to the intended purpose ; it can have no other Construction than Impertinent , or Trivial , or at least , not worth a labour'd Explanation . And thus I pass to his Conclusion , where I observe , in general , That he is more confident of his Premisses than was to be expected from so Ingenious a Writer . In the Assertion he closes with , he delivers this Affirmation , That no other Principles are admitted by him than are both Physical and Mathematical Certainties ; because by them not only all the Phaenomena's of Nature are explain'd , but also Certain Demonstrations given from them . If this peremptory Assurance be true ; the Author of these Remarks has taken no small pains to little purpose ; but if not so , the commendation he has bestow'd upon his Undertaking will be as little to his advantage , as the Indulgent Applause , usually is , that Men Attribute to their peculiar Wit or Science : To which I might Reply , without disrespecting this Author , or the Modesty that becomes my Pen , That I am not more in the Right than he is in the Wrong , wheresoever I have differ'd from him , either on the Philosophical or Mathematical Account : As in reference to both , I may , without Ostentation , Aver , That his Idea's , Propositions and Allegations , as they are tax'd by me ; are rather Improbabilities , if not fictitiously introduc'd by him than naturally Ally'd to Proof or the Being of Things . For tho' Mathematical Operations cannot be Refin'dly Contemplated , but as they have an Immaterial , or Spiritual Eminency relating to the proportionable Dimensions which they unerrably give to whatsoever may be regularly Defin'd of substantial Existence : Yet by a distinct Excellence , partake not at all of Matter howsoever Commensurated by them . And thus may a Proposition in Euclid be prov'd , if only , in Thought , delineated : But when apply'd to any Material Being , the Substance unto which it Relates , must as really , and in the same manner Exist , as is suitable to the Certainty of its Demonstration . But not to be so understood by the Doctrine of Des-Cartes , who sets Nature at Work as he fancy 's her Operations . Insomuch that a Substance cannot directly Move towards its proper Place of Being , but he conceives it more or less obstructed by some other Body , or whirl'd in a Line , of a different Denomination , to another Point of the Compass , or not to be Imagin'd whether : Much of the same Similitude with the Figure of the Stone in the Sling , as it is inserted in the preceding Diagram . All which exorbitant Modalities and Motions of Things , as he supposes them to Act as they are either Hard , Flexible , Condens'd , or Fluid ; are rather singular Fictions , or forcible Contrarieties , Complicated by his Brain , than concentring with the prone Facility of Natural Operations : Absolutely Inconsistent , by a Philosophical Maxim , with the prodigious and continual Violence impos'd on Causes and Effects ; as by this Author is devis'd the Conduct of Nature . Yet after all , he is no less confident than to Affirm , that his Philosophical Hypothesis is Mathematically Certain in every Consideration : Which , without other rebuke to the Phrase of his Boasting , is as far from being prov'd by Rules of Science , as Fiction may be from undoubted Truth : Or as if he had undertook to have delineated , out of Euclid , a Coat for the Moon , that should have demonstrably fitted her Figure in every Change of her Appearance . If I have dealt freely with Des-Cartes where his Notions and Proofs were questionable ; 't is agreeable to his Example , who spares no Author where he thought him Taxable . Tho' I have been favourable in not extending my Exceptions so far as I might have taken occasion : Which I hope the Reader will excuse , or think himself oblig'd ; because I Entertain'd him with no more Words than I thought sufficient to give a Period to my Remarks on the Second Part of the Philosophy of Des-Cartes . REMARKS On the Third Part of the New PHILOSOPHY OF DES-CARTES . As they Relate to the VISIBLE WORLD . PART . III. IF admirable , even to extasie of Thought , by what manner of natural Operation , or superlative Act of Providence , the Humane Composition , in Soul and Body , was Originally produc'd to that transcendent Degree , That his Intellectual Faculty , by lineal Descent and Right , continues him an absolute Monarch of Understanding , in Reference to the Government of himself and other Creatures : 'T is highly incumbent on Man , to be not only gratefully considerate of his being such ; but also to acknowledge his utmost Celebration of the Supreme Cause of his wonderful Existence . Which mighty Consideration ought to transport the Prospect of Thought far beyond the Excellency conferr'd on Mankind in Soul and Person : Which can be but narrowly compar'd with the vast complex of the Universal World and the Innumerable Wonders surrounded by it . Wherefore , if the best Inspection made by the Humane Intellect , in Contemplating the manner of its rational Being , be pos'd , by its own Riddle , above its Power to unfold : How stupendiously must then be Involv'd the most elaborate Attempt of Man's Understanding ; when to the peculiar Wonder that is Exerted from his own Existence , he adds the Innumerable Miracles conspicuously visible in the Structure of the Universe ? And what is yet more Transcendent , the admirable Author of what we are , and all we behold , seems Envelop'd , from the Eye , by his wonderful Fabrick and Works . If the Learned Des-Cartes , in the beginning of this Treatise , seems not a little fond of his own Applause , by signifying to his Reader , That he has Invented certain Principles , by which , he conceives , That Nature is unveil'd in her , as yet , unknown Recesses : He is far more modest , in his subsequent Expressions , where he bows the Knee of his Philosophy to the Infinite Power , Amplitude , and Beauty , of the Works of the Almighty : Concluding withall , That it is highly requisite to avoid all such confident Imaginations , whereby we might undertake , by uncertain Suppositions , to limit Omnipotent Power , or Abstract in any Kind , from its Incomprehensible Performance . This Conclusion I submit to , but cannot approve the confidence of his Introduction contain'd in the Entrance he makes into this Paragraph ; as the Reader may perceive by the Remarks I have made on his First and Second Treatise ; where , I presume , I have effectually demonstrated , That his Principles could not have an entire Birth-right from the Womb of Nature : Which , in substance , he does acknowledge by the Advice he gives , before he ends this Page , That we ought not to believe , That , by Divine Determination , the World was Created meerly for our sakes ; or that it is possible , by any Thought of ours , to apprehend the End for which it was Ordain'd : Adding this Reason , That many Things are now in Being , and heretofore , that were never seen or understood by Man , or any Use they could yield to him . In his 4th Particular of this Third Part of his Philosophy , he confidently assures us , That his Principles are so vast , and fruitful , that they not only Imply many more than are to be perceiv'd in the World we behold ; but also far more numerous than we can Imagine : To which purpose , he begins , in his Method , with the Phaenomena , or the main natural appearances ; the Causes of which he commits to his subsequent Investigations , or as , he intends them , Proofs of such Effects as he , in this Place mentions . And next ; he pertinently Rebukes the too common Ignorance of such that by their ocular simplicity erroneously judge , that the Sun and Moon , as they seem to appear , are therefore much bigger than other Stars . Which vulgar Mistake is easily prevented by duely apprehending the Distance of the Sun and Moon from the Earth , and comparing of their Diameters as they are now observ'd ; to all which I fully agree . Wherefore to recount how far remote the more than wonderful Celestial Luminaries are from our Earthly Habitation ; I will not dispute the Computation , he delivers , by opposing against his Account , the Elder Observations of Learned Astronomers : But rather so to compare Ancient and Modern Calculations , as thence may be apprehended the Indefatigable Endeavour and Industry of Men to render a sublime Account of the wonderful Height , Figure , Beings , and Motions , that , to the amazement of our Eyes , continue their shining Bounties innumerably influenc'd for the Support of Humane Life , with whatsoever subsists within the Compass of the World : Which universal and admir'd Munificence , being highly consider'd by Persons famously Erudite , both in past and latter Times , exalted the Ambition and Gratitude of their Science to be as far , as was possible for them , requisitely Intelligent of the conspicuous Embellishments of the Skies ; that they might be , from thence , the more Supremely sensible of the Blessings they receiv'd from Above . But whilst in this Transcendent Inquisition of Thought , they Imploy'd the best of their Skill and Diligence , 't was soon found too distinctly Excellent to be exactly Computed , howsoever they vary'd the Schemes of their Hypothesis : As not being able by Art , Conception of the Mind , or any Instrumental Assistance , tho' proper for Commensuration of Things familiarly near to our Eyes and Senses , to reach , suitable to common Certainty , the most Approximate top of the Spheres of Heaven . The distance of the fix'd Stars are allow'd by exquisite Astronomers , as also by this Author , to be too Immensely remote for any accountable Measure that can be given of them . And therefore I shall only take notice of the Sun and Planets , together with their Magnitudes , and Distance from the Earth ; but as to their Distance from us , because it is usually by Astronomers accounted by Diameters , or Semidiameters , of the Earth , yet seldom declar'd by them , the Sum of their Measures as they may be applyed to Leagues , Miles , or the like : I think fit for the advantage of the Reader , to Impart how much in English Miles , as the most useful Computation , a Diameter of the Earth does amount to . Which I prov'd by this Method ; it having been Experimented by Judicious Observators , That one Degree of a great Circle above , correspondent to the Superficies of the Earth , Answers to a direct Journey of 73 Miles , which multiplied by 360 Degrees , allow'd to the orbicular Form , or Circle of the Earth , the Summ will be 26280 Miles for the total Compass of the Earth : And because the proportion of the Diameter of a Circle to its Circumference is , by approv'd Mathematicians , accounted as 7 is , very near to 22 : According to which Method I computed a Diameter of the Earth to contain about 8327 Miles ; and her Semidiameter somewhat more than 4163 Miles . To apply which to Ancient Astronomical Observations , or such of the accurate Arabians , mention'd by Learned Gassendus , as observ'd suitable to the Ptolemaick Principles , they are thus Inserted according to the Mediocrity of each Planet's Distance from us . Distant from the Earth . In Semidiemeters of the Earth . Distance in English Miles . The Moon . 49 203987 Mercury . 115 478745 Venus . 618 2572734 Sun. 1165 4849895 Mars . 4584 19083192 Jupiter . 10423 43380949 Saturn . 15800 65775400 After these , the most signal Astronomer was Nicholas Copernicus , a Canon of Torunense , who liv'd about 190 Years past : Some of whose Observations , as I read , were made at Frueburg in Prussia in the Year 1525 , where the Elevation of the North Pole is 54 Deg. 19 m : He was a Man of vast Ingenuity , however questionable his Hypothesis of the Motion of the Earth ; but if apply'd to the Sun instead of the Earth , there is no better Astronomical System , and so approv'd , by the Learned at this Day . Nothing Remakable is found in him as to the Magnitude and Distance of the fix'd Stars , more than that the Earth was as a Point if compar'd with the great Orb above ; judiciously conceiving them too Remote for his applying to them any certain Rule or Demonstration whereby to compute their mighty Distance : Of the Planets , he chiefly regarded the Sun and Moon ; defining the Sun to be 3240 times bigger than the Earth ; and the Moon no less than 860 greater , in which Computations he doubtless Err'd , as may be seen by the following Examples ; but most egregiously mistaken in the Account he gives of the Moon ; she being certainly discern'd much less than the Earth ever since the approv'd Invention and Use of the Telescope : His next famous Astronomical Successor was Tycho-Brahe , a Noble Man of Denmark ; who is said to have been learnedly Accomplish'd , as also furnish'd by his large Expence , with abundance of Instruments excellently proper for his great Undertaking : Wherefore the Computations he mentions are highly esteem'd at this Day . The Observations he made of the Distance , and Magnitude of the Planets , are these according to their Mean , or Mediocrity of Distance . Distant from the Earth . In Semidiameters of the Earth . Moon . 56½ Mercury . 1150 Venus . 1150 Sun. 1150 Mars . 1745 Jupiter . 3990 Saturn . 10550 Whosoever is desirous to Convert the Planetary Semidiameters into English Miles , may readily perform it by the preceding Example . The Magnitude of the Planets compar'd to the bigness of the Earth , are these that follow , Moon . Lesser . 42 Twenty Times . Mercury . 19 Venus . 6 Sun. Greater . 139 Mars . Lesser . 13 Jupiter . Greater . 14 Saturn . 22 By these disagreeable Computations , of so many eminent Persons , may well be discern'd how far beyond , the reach of Science , are the shining Wonders above our Heads : Not more Impossible to be exactly Computed , than if a Man should undertake to touch the Center of a Star with the end of his Finger ; or to extend a Line , by any prospect of Art , to the nearest Verge of boundless Omnipotence . Nor is it in the Power of Geometry in many Cases , tho' more clearly demonstrative than other Sciences , to express its due signification and Extent by numerical Computations , as is evident by abundant Theorems : Of which , these may be thus signally Inserted . The like might be Affirm'd of a Line divided according to the 11th of the 2d Book of Euclid , by extreme and mean Proportion , so that the Square of the greater Segment may be equal to the Product of the whole Line and lesser Segment : Which may be lineally Demonstrated , tho' incapable of being Equall'd by any numerical Summ , or the literal Powers of Algebraical Equations : Which admirable Dignity of Lines , caus'd incomparable oughtred to Entitle the latter Proposition , almost Divine ; and as much is here prov'd in commendation of the Precedent . These Instances I think sufficient to express the excellency of Geometry ; and withal of such occasional Importance , in reference to my Remarks on some Passages of this Author , that it Incites me to apply , according to the nearest Epithet and Derivative of the verbal Name of Geometry ; it s most undoubted , and perfect Use , to the dimension of a plain Superficies : Which , in the Sense of the great and wise Philosopher Socrates , in whose celebrated School the admir'd Euclid was said to Instruct , is surest imploy'd on such Supputations that have convenient Extents and Periods on the Ground we tread , and possess ; and therefore more sensibly Computed , by the familiar Measure that may be taken from our Steps and Paces , when any Portions of Land are , by that Method , to be dispos'd or accounted . But no such lineal Certainty , was ever Invented , that could so elevate the Side of a Triangle , that it might undoubtedly ascend to a Celestial Superficies , or Angles to be taken from above , by any Instrumental Perfection , whereby the Geometrical Proportions , of its other Sides might be duely resolv'd . All which may be undeniably concluded by whomsoever shall Inspect the Planetary Magnitudes , and Distance from us ; as I have before Inscrib'd them out of the different Records of famous Astronomers : From whence it may be evidently Asserted , That no Geometry , or Science of theirs , could demonstrate their Systems , or Astronomical Calculations . Notwithstanding , 't is Ordain'd by the Almighty in Power and Conduct , that the Sun , in giving comfortable Light to our Eyes and Splendor to our Days , should be more Certain in Motion , and usefully computable , by never progressing from his Ecliptick Line , than any other of the Celestial Luminaries . And thus by the Prince of Stars , the Sun , are the Accounts of Time and seasonable Blessings of the Year continually dispens'd . Which is Emphatically express'd by Ovid , in the Second Book of his Metamorphosis , in these Verses . — Purpurea velatus veste sedebat In solio Phoebus , claris lucente smaragdis : A dextra laevaque dies , et mensis , et annus , Saeculaque , et positae spatiis aequalibus horae : Verque novum stabat cinctum florente Corona : Stabat nuda Aestas , et spicea serta gerebat : Stabat et Autumnus calcatis sordidus uvis : Et glacialis Hyems canos hirsuta Capillos . But 't is to be noted , That although the Sun , by the Munificence of Heaven , is the refulgent means whereby the Solemnities of Time are distinguish'd , and celebrated by us : Yet no such absolute exactness , tending to the Measures of his sublime Motion , can be computed by us , as may render his just Place , or Movement equal to his Revolution in his mighty Orb , Term'd by Astronomers the difference betwixt his mean and apparent Motion : Which proceeds from his slower Progress in one Semicircle of his Annual Course than in the other ; or because his proper Journey in the six Northern Signs of the Eccliptick is somewhat longer , before dispatch'd , than in the Southern ; which is a certain Proof , that the Center of his Excentricity is different from the Center of the World. But no such Incongruity has ever been observ'd betwixt the due Motion of the Sun , and that which appears to us , as renders it Insufficient for the convenient Use of the Dial , Hour-glass , or Clock : Which ought to be signally consider'd , as a peculiar Benefit of uncomputable Providence , that permits us not to Err , where we can give no exact Account , in the necessary Computation , even by ordinary Means , of our Hours , by Day and Night . He were much to blame that instead of being pertinently satisfied with the Extent of Science in Things of nearest concernment , or because the Sun , so far as is requisite for him to understand , Illuminates his Time ; would therefore Judge , to the grievance of his Brain , That he could as approximately compute the Arithmetical Distance of the Orb of Light , from any Part of the Superficies of the Earth , as by a Quadrant he could find the Sun 's Horizontal Exaltation or Hour of the Day : Tho' Experience assures , that the most transcendent Skill has been variously frustrated in the Attempt ; as may be perceiv'd by Examples in this Treatise , by me Inserted . Wherefore the sublimest Admiration of the far distant Wonders above us , is more certainly our Duty than any Task that can be given to Science , by which Men would reckon the remote Distance of the Neighbourhood of Heaven . But notwithstanding these discouragements , it may be allow'd commendable in such , That by the Eruditeness of their Skill would Ascend to the most compleat and nearest Admiration of Things , no less obvious than perspicuously visible , as a welcome Discovery to all Mankind . These considerable Particulars I thought fit to mention , as a proper Parenthesis , before my return to Des-Cartes ; whom I find , as if somewhat deterr'd by the Mistakes of others , to offer his uncertain Computation ; and which he only Applies to the Distance of the Moon and Sun , from the Earth . Which converted into Miles by the Rule before given : The Moon 's Distance from the Earth is 249810 Miles . And the Sun's Distance , by taking a mean proportional Number betwixt 600 and 700 Diameters , because he Inserts no certain Number ; I conceive to be nearest the Truth of what he intends : Which mean Proportional is very near 648 , which multiplying 8327 , the Earth's Diameter in Miles , as before found , the Distance of the Sun from the Earth is 5315896 English Miles . Which Distances , according to this Author , Relate to the Copernican System of the Earth's Motion : The Truth of which Hypothesis will be effectually question'd by what succeeds . But these Distances , if true , and compar'd with the appearing Diameters of the Sun and Moon , as they may be perceiv'd by the Telescope , will prove the Sun much greater than the Earth , and the Moon much lesser : And so they were found by the Observations of Tycho , precedently Inscrib'd . The Distance of the Five other Planets , from the Sun , as they relate to the before-mention'd System , he thus accounts : Mercury above 200 Diameters of the Earth , Venus above 400 ; Mars 900 , or 1000 ; Jupiter above 3000 ; Saturn 5 , or 6000 Diameters of the Earth , distant from her . The Copernican Hypothesis is so much the same with his ; and so frequently Inscrib'd in Almanacks , that I shall desire my Reader rather to Inspect any one of them there , than to trouble my self with delineating of a Diagram , to so thread bare a Purpose here . The difference that he allows the Stars , not only as some of them are greater than others , but as the Planets receive their Illuminations communicated to them by the Light of the Sun ; Concenters with the general Opinion of all Astronomers . Nor will I directly oppose the Imagination he Annexes , by which he Attributes to every of the fix'd Stars , a particular Fountain of Light ; and as distant from the Sun , as the Sun is from us : Concluding , That were we Situated as near the six'd Stars as we are to the Sun , we might observe any one of their Magnitudes as much Illuminated as the Sun appears to our Sight . On which ground , 't is possible he may be , tho' but in Conceit , as much in the right , as any certain Argument , or Proof that can be urg'd to the contrary ; by reason of the wonderful appearance , and immense remoteness of the fix'd Stars from us . Notwithstanding that the famous Tycho , as far as his accurase Observation could elevate his Computation , determines in general , that the fix'd Stars are not nearer the Earth than 13000 of her Semidiameters . But in the 11th and 12th Particulars of this Treatise , this Author delivers a more unparallel'd Paradox than ever was Imputed to a Learned Pen : The First is , That the Earth , tho' a very opacous Body , is as perfectly enlightned by the Beams of the Sun , as the Moon ; wherefore he conceives the Earth to be also a Planet : And why might he not have Affirm'd the same of Glass , Iron , or any other solid Substance ? since we are assur'd by common Experience , That every one of these are not only capable of being Illuminated by the Sun , but will also have their Shadows : So that according to his Opinion , any gross opacous Matter may be estimated on a shining Day , no less a Madam , in Composition and Feature , than the Moon or Planet Venus . It seems he forgot that these Stars continue their Light , whilst the Earth has not Sun-Light longer than the Sun shines on her . But why he so cheaply compares the Dominion of the bright Queen of Night , with the dull Earthly Lamp , on which we Inhabit , I connot guess ; unless by some one of those , which he calls distinct , and unerrable Ideas , he imagin'd , That his Person was elevated to a Market in the Moon , and there observ'd some Utensils , in a Ihon of all Trades-Shop , marvellously reflecting the Illuminations and Beams of the Sun : And surely he might as well allow the possibility of these Examples , with whatsoever besides has Being on Earth , as perfectly Existing in the Moon : Since by his Tenent ; a very capacious World may be thought encompass'd by Her. His other egregious Mistake depends on the Former , which is , That he fancies , that the Earth performs the Part of the Sun , by Illuminating the Face of the Moon , beheld by us , when she is in her New Estate , or Conjunction with him . Which Notion is very false , both in a Philosophical and Astronomical Consideration : Nothing being more unnatural , than to Attribute Planetary Light , either Communicable , or Inherent , to the unrefin'd Body of the Earth ; which can be no otherwise understood , by reason that there is no such Thing as a pure Element of Earth ; but rather its Substance grosly Commixt and Corrupted , by the Intercourse of the other Elements : And thus Air , Earth , Fire , and Water ; as Use and Observation assure us , are impurely mixt . And should the Earth , as she does , and must necessarily so Subsist , receive Light or Flame from the Sun , in common with the Planets : Her corrupt Frame and combustible Materials would have been long ago totally burning ; to the utter dissolution of the Figure and Composition that she now possesses : However Antecedent to the Opinion , of some Learned Divines , that defers her Conflagration to the Day of Judgment . And this might have been effected with as much Facility , as a Burning-glass kindles a Pipe of Tobacco : Especially if granted , the Earth a Planet , according to this Author , and always Moving ; because Motion where it is sufficiently continu'd , Inflames every Thing that is materially capable to be set on fire ; as is visible in the Axletree of a Waggon caus'd by the Movement of the Wheel that round it turns . The like might be determin'd in reference to the Moon , and other Motional Stars ; if their Compositions were Elementarily mingled : But their Substance is more Sublime , and Excellent ; if not superlative to any Definition that can be given of their Nature and Manner of Existence : As I doubt not is Emphatically prov'd by my Remarks on the 21th Particular of the Second Part of this Author 's Philosophical Treatise : To which I refer the Reader . And whereas he would confirm his Assertion , by pretending , That the Earth Illuminates , some part of the Moon , when she is in Conjunction with the Sun : 'T is no less diametrically opposite to what we behold , in that State of the Moon , than it is to Astronomical Certainty ; and why might not the Moon as well receive Light from the Earth , according to his Doctrine , when at her Full she is sometimes so Eclipsically opposite to the Sun , as twice a-Year he passes by the Nodes , or is near unto them , call'd the Dragon's Head and Tail , that she appears totally Darken'd ? Which can be no otherwise caus'd , than as the Earth is betwixt her and the Sun : But could she then receive any glimpse , or sign of Light from the Earth , it would be as discernible as at any other Time : Which enough Confirms , That the Earth is no Luminary Planet , and therefore none at All ; as will be prov'd by what is to come . In the mean time , 't is not improper , on this Occasion , to Explain the Phases , or Figure of the Moon , especially when in Conjunction with the Sun ; which , without the trouble of a Diagram , may be thus readily Express'd . 'T is not to be doubted , That the Moon , as she moves round the Earth , has always one half of her Illuminated by the Sun ; but not so as that half is always visible to us : Tho' sometimes more , or less , or nothing of her Enlightned Half appearing towards us ; by reason , that as so many Semicircles , or as it were Semiglobes of the Moon 's Compass , are turn'd to the Eye , or Earth ; they cannot , considering their Curvitures , be discern'd , in Plain , by the Eye . And this differently happens , as the Light of the Sun to Sight , may be obstructed by the Convex , or Mountainous Part of the Earth ; or by the Intervening of Aerial , Vapours which cause the Face of the Moon , that is turn'd towards us , to be Represented more Dark and spotted , than otherwise , she would appear . Which several Phases , or Figures , observable in every State , or Age of the Moon , almost never the same ; proceed from no other Cause , than the diversity and swiftness of her Motion , far exceeding all other Stars ; as is well known to Astronomers . Whence it is , that after her Monthly Change and Renovation of her Figure , she sooner or later Describes , as it were , a Glimpse of Light in a small Arch of her Circumference : And suitably encreas'd and varied , according as the Diversities of her Motions , and other accidental Occurrences , permit her to be beheld by us . Which Manner of Appearance , in the bloome of her Light , does sufficiently demonstrate , That her Figure and Motion are Orbicular , and not Elliptical ; as some of the Copernicans , or Cartesians , too confidently Determine . The next Application of my Pen shall be in fitting my Observations to such Particulars , as suitable to the main Intention of my Discussions , ought to be most considerably Inspected , either as orderly Examin'd , or as I find them dispers'd in his Treatise ; omitting such Things as are either Inconsiderable in themselves , or not to be repeated , because formerly Answer'd by me . Of which the First requires a Supreme Mention , as it egregiously directs the Prospect of the Humane Intellect to the contemplating of the resplendent Fountain of Light , diffus'd by the Sun ; by whose munificent Beams our Days are Bless'd ; and the Moon and Stars , the wonderful Torches of Night , kindled for the direction of our Eyes . How difficult is it therefore to conceive the remote Nature or Being of so Transcendent a Miracle notwithstanding that we receive its commodious Benefits , as they grow with our Hours ? Which shews how far , beyond the reach of our Understandings we are made happy from Above . On which account I cannot but admire the cursory Definition that is deliver'd by Des-Cartes , by which he would Attribute to the Sun an Epithet not more Refin'd , than what may be signified by his general Notion of a flaming Substance : But grants , as he cannot do otherwise , That the Sun does not Inflame in resemblance to Fire we use : If it did ; our Earthly Habitations and Subsistence would be consum'd to Ashes . But , notwithstanding , the Word Flame , as he Inserts it , is not allowable , because we cannot be sensible of any Thing that flames , but we must also apprehend , that it has a burning Capacity : And so we understand the Flame that proceeds from Lightning that bursts thorough Clouds with Thunder . But no such kind of violent Heat or Burning can have Emanation with the Innumerable Raies or Beams of the Sun. There are divers Things that may be said to have Heat , and yet no Flame : As the Warmth that a Man feels , or resides in the Temper of his Body : And thus Heat may be properly term'd a Corporeal Quality ; as also , that it may be communicated from one Material Being to another : But in the Sun there can be neither Flame , or Heat , diffus'd from his Substance ; which is very evident in Mountanous Situations , that , however high they Extend , and therefore nearer to the Sun , are far Colder than Inferior Regions : Which could not , be if the Substance of the Sun were naturally Hot , or a Flame , in any kind , as defin'd by this Author . Against whom the general Opinion of most approv'd Philosophers is fully oppos'd by denying , That the Elementary Qualities of Heat , Cold , Moisture and Dryness , are either Inherent or directly proceeding from the pureness of Light transmitted from the Sun and Stars : As also that Experience assures us , That sometimes , when the Night is abundantly enlighten'd by the Moon and Stars , their Nocturnal Motions account colder Hours than if the Night had been Dark and Clouded . And comparatively the same may be not seldom observ'd in a shining Day , when the Aerial Cold is not at all profligated by the Splendors of the Sun ; but rather continues more frigid than if his Diary of Hours had , for that time , Revolv'd in a Mist. How then does it come to pass , that the Sun and Stars , which only dispense their Illuminations to the Day and Night , and refinedly Existing above whatsoever Purity that can be suppos'd most Excellent in Elementary Compositions ; should notwithstanding be conceiv'd to Influence such Qualities , or other Substances , which they have not in their own ? The best Account given by the Erudite in Philosophical Science is , That the shining Radiations of the Sun and Stars by their Motion , together with such Parts of the Air and other Bodies most contiguous to their Revolutions , and the commixture of Celestial Beams convey'd , do operate in a wonderful Method , on inferior Substances , which is the soundest Reason , that they can render , or cause of the Variations of Heat , Cold , Moisture and Dryness , that as so many accidental Effects , and admirable Operations , are beneficially dispos'd from above . On which stupendious Consideration , the safest Determination should be rather sublimely to admire , than to Define the miraculous shining of the Stars and Sun ; or Term their Illuminated Substance , according to the Tenent of Des-Cartes , no other than may be liken'd to a Flame produc'd by Fire : Nothing being more unadvisably Rash , than to be inquisitive of such Existencies , Causes and Effects , that , by the Conduct of Heaven , are conceal'd from us . His other Mistake , and I presume so to name it , is , That he Affirms the Sun as absolutely fix'd to a Point , in his Orb , as the Stars are in the Firmament above him : By which determination he takes from the Sun the Glory of his Ecliptick , or Annual Progression . And as to his Substance , and Manner of Being , he defines it no other than very fluidly Compos'd and Moveable ; as also perpetually Discipated and extinguish'd by some circumjacent Matter : But so as when any Part is dispers'd or extinguish'd , the Sun is immediately replenish'd with other : And I conceive he would be thought to Imagine the same manner of Existence relating to the Number of Stars and Planets . But as to the Term of Fluid , which he apply's to the Substance of the Sun ; it can neither in a Grammatical , or Philosophical Sense , be otherwise Conster'd than as the Word is appropriated to some moist , or wet Matter that Moves with a feeble Current : And thus as he states the Case , something is always sliding into the Sun , whilst as much slips from his Substance . But could he judge , or any Man for him , That the Alteration he mentions in the Sun , might not too nearly resemble , or be properly Interpreted an Elementary Change , in as mean a Source as concurs with Corporeal Alterations familiaar with us : It being impossible so to distinguish the Supplement , or Diminution of any Material Thing , that it may not have a Natural Tendency to Generation , or Corruption ; which must be Imply'd , as the Proprieties of Substance , wheresoever it is alterably varied in Proportion or Figure . The fix'd Stars he grants , more Immensely distant from us than can be probably Computed ; and I believe he is in the right . But I think he may be as much in the wrong by his Inventing of so many separate Orbits , Motions , and Distances , upwards and downwards , from one another ; as by Imagination he has remov'd some Thousands of Stars from the Constellations to which all Former Astronomers determin'd them fix'd : As also , by defining of them no other , to whomsoever will accept his Hypothesis , than in Grandeur and Refulgency equal to the Sun , were they as near our Eyes ; but wherever they are , he continues them fasten●d to their single Circumferences in the same manner as he allows the Sun : So that , according to his Opinion , had we longer Opticks , we might behold every one of them , in a separate Sphere , as fully Conspicuous as the Days bright Phoebus . But after all , he offers not so much as a plain Triangle to prove his Conceit . Some Schemes he has rais'd in which he so confusedly Represents , and as it were Embroiders the above-mention'd Spheres of Stars ; and by so many Obliquities and Figurative windings , together with their Curvitures on all sides , upwards , and downwards , that there cannot be discern'd , amongst them , one Section of a Cone , or conical Figure , that can be Geometrically describ'd . The Substance of the Heavens , as also their Vicinities , he calls Fluid ; into which he Infuses abundance of liquid Matter , that may be compar'd to a Whirl-pool , and these he denominates Vortices : And next , le ts go , amongst them , as he finds occasion , such deminutive Substances , which he Terms Moving Globuli ; or rather swimming Spawns of Matter , much of fictitional Resemblance to the devis'd Atoms of Epicurus . By these Things , fancifully Imploy'd , he undertakes to Revolve all the Motional Stars , together with the Earth , which he takes for a Copernican Planet , instead of the Sun , that he exempts from Motion whether Diurnal or Annual . His Diagrams , to this extravagant purpose , I leave to the Inspection of the Reader , as they are to be found in his Book ; being not desirous to Cumber mine , or punish my Brain and Fingers , by copying of such of his Draughts that I conceive are Improperly Applyed . The main concern that I shall chiefly insist on , shall be the Plea that he makes for the Motion of the Earth instead of the Sun ; which I shall question , before a very Supreme Tribunal , as he ought to be Philosophically and Mathematically accountable . That the Earth is Globulous , or naturally Round by the Coition and Knitting of its Parts to its Center ; is also Astronomically prov'd , because to such as directly Travel towards the North or South Points of the Meridian , the Pole appears either more or less Elevated or Depress'd : Moreover that going farther Eastward , or Westward , the Eye may behold some Stars Rise sooner , or Set later than others . To which may be added , that the Moon , the more Easterly Eclips'd , is , by her proper Motion , as it were backward from West to East , more Hours from the Meridiam , or Midnight , than Westerly Eclips'd . By the Globe of the Earth is comprehensively meant , as Cosmographers Determine , its being surrounded , or being continu'd with the Orbicular Superficies of Water , as its Parts appertain to one and the same Center with the Earth : To which may be added the common Experience of Navigators , who Sailing from a Port discern the Convex Superficies of the Water above the Land. That the Earth is plac'd in the Center of the World is Philosophically prov'd ; because whatsoever is ponderous , within the Compass of the Universe , naturally tends downwards , or which is all one , to the Center of the Earth ; from whence should she Ascend 't were no less than to Recede from her Center , on which she is pois'd by her own Weight , in Moving upwards ; all which were absurdly Impossible . By undoubted Astronomical Observations 't is certainly prov'd , that the Earth is the Center of the Universe : Otherwise the World could not be divided into two Hemispheres ; because neither more nor less than six Signs of the Zodiack , above the Earth , are at any time visible : As also , that the Moon could not be Eclips'd in Diametrical opposition to the Sun , if the Earth did not Intervene . And tho' the Globe of the Earth does Circumferentially contain near 26280 English Miles ; it is but , as it were , a Point if compar'd to the Firmament , or Orb of the Sun , above : To which may be added the obvious Observation Demonstrated by the Hour-Lines of every Dial ; from whence it is very perceivable , that the Shadow Moves no less Regularly , about such Centers , than it surrounds the Center of the Earth . Nor could any Artist , for the Use of his Profession , raise a direct Perpendicular apply'd to any Height , or Level ; if his Hand , Line and Plummet , were rapidly Revolv'd by the Motion of the Earth : Which must , by its swift Acceleration , were there Truth in the Copernican Hypothesis , Move , according to Learned Computation , at least 1111 of our Miles in one Minute of an Hour : A Revolution far more allowable to the Sun , as his Substance is defin'd , in a manner Spiritual , by erudite Authority , than to the heaviest of Bodies , the Earth . Some undertake to alledge , That the Motive was , because that by his System he avoided some Epicycles and Circles that had been with greater difficulty us'd by Ptolemy : Which may be allow'd on that Consideration , or as , mutatis mutandis , Astronomers at this Day apply his Theory to the Sun instead of the Earth . And if Affirm'd , as the Copernicans usually argue , That extraordinary Motion ought rather to be Conceded to the Earth than the Sun , by reason that the Earth is so very small , if compar'd to the vast Dimension of the other : The Answer is , That a swift Horse will sooner dispatch a long Journey , before an Ant can go a Yard . Whosoever would adhere , notwithstanding the convincing Allegations here mention'd , to the Copernican , or Cartesian System ; might find his Opinion Ridicul'd by very young Experience : Insomuch that the Boy , who found the Roost or Nest of a Bird this Minute , might seek it , if he could , above a Thousand Miles at the next . Nor could the Bird find , by the swiftness of its Wing , when the Earth rapidly mov'd Eastward , better then the Boy , its Roost , or Nest ; as it design'd to fly towards either Westward . And doubtless the Brain of the Boy , and Bird , might be giddily discompos'd by the hasty Progression of the Earth , which could not but totter every Thing that belong'd to her Surface : And much more easily Imagin'd , that Men had their Heels struck up as she Revolv'd , than that one of Mankind could , in that wonderful Circumstance , Stand , or Walk , on her Superficies . But what might become of Houses and Edifices , if Revolving with the Durnal Motion of the Earth ? Why surely the best that could be hop'd from the Hypothesis , by the World's Inhabitants , would be , That their Chimneys might smoak when arriv'd with them , to their Antipodes : Since , as sure as Check , the Copernican System would whirle um thither . But 't is a Doubt , they would be confusedly shatter'd and toss'd from their Foundations , before swing'd to that Point of the Earth's Diameter . If Men will not be laugh'd out of the Conceit of the Earth's Motion ; they may , if they please , consider the soundness of the Reasons here offer'd , in a Philosophical and Astronomical Sense : And 't is probable they may , that way , confute their precedent Tenent . And tho' by this Calculation , the Earth is Imagin'd to be in the Equator ; 't is not to be doubted , if the Earth were thought to describe , by her Ecliptical Declination , any Parallel to the Equator , that there could be wanted suitable Proportions ; if applyed by whomsoever understands the Doctrine of the Sphere . At present 't is enough prov'd , by me , how much , in any time given , the Earth , by Moving , must transfer and alter the Zenith and Elevation of the Pole , as may be perceiv'd by the Diagram here delineated : And perfectly Demonstrates the Copernican Absurdity , or rather the Impossibility of Motion in the Earth ; however comply'd with by the Opinion of Des-Cartes : So that the Earth may be confin'd to her Immoveable Station , to the expunging of the Planetary Room given her , in any Scheme , by this Author , betwixt Mars and Venus ; from whence , by his Hypothesis , he removes the Sun , and places him below the Planets as their common Center . But the Proofs that I have Inserted , are , I presume , in all kinds , so perspicuous , that I need not Catechise any Delineation or Diagram of his in order to a clearer Confutation : So that if the Earth does not Move , and surely no Proof of his has been weighty enough to Remove her , she must be no Vagrant from her Place , whatsoever becomes of his Hypothesis . For which Reason , I hold it Impertinent farther to Imploy my Ruling-Pen , Compass , or spherical Calculation in Opposition to his Planetary Theory : Had he not added to his Novel System the Superfetation of Comets , which he denominates Planets , with no less assurance than if by a Convention of Stars it had been signify'd to him , That they ought to be Naturaliz'd into their Number ; tho' formerly reputed spurious intruding Foreigners , and confin'd by the Learned Ministery of Science , to Exercise their Motions and Posutres far below the nearest Palace of Heaven ; till advanc'd by Des-Cartes to Superior Orbs : Who assures us , That 't is expedient to allow , to their irregularity and rambling Above , as vast a Sphere as can be suppos'd betwixt Saturn , the sublimest of Planets , and the six'd Stars . But by what means he exalts their Substance to that Height , shall be consider'd , when I Treat of the Materials with which he undertakes to furnish , and , in a manner , Compose the visible World. Which he tells us , in his 54th Particular is by such an unerrable Idea committed to his Understanding , That it were all one as to question an Inspiration dispens'd by the Almighty , as to doubt of the Principles and Causes that he delivers : Tho' he could not but know , that he was their first Communicator . But had he been ask'd , Why God should so limit his Providence as not precedently to Illuminate other Men , with as much scientifical Certainty as he imputes to the Novel Discoveries made by his Pen ? He might have been somewhat out of Countenance , or pos'd to Reply : Which in effect he confesses afterwards , where he acknowledges , That it is not safe to be confidently conceited , or too far pr esume on private Opinion ; but rather as a Philosopher , or by way of Hypothesis to propose such Notions , which if suppos'd untrue , they may be equivalent to Truth , if deduceable from them such Things as may be experimentally useful . Here he seems to depose Fiction from the Throne of Reason , by depending on such Certainties that are above whatsoever Fund , can be erected by Humane Imagination ; and this he briefly signifies , by attributing Creation to the World with such absolute Perfection , that originally compleated the Sun , Moon and Stars : As also , that the Earth was primarily embellish'd with Vegetables of all Kinds , maturely perfect : And that the first of Mankind which he believes , was Adam and Eve , were Created in the exactest Bloom of Man and Woman : Of all which he grants himself Religiously , and Rationally assur'd . But notwithstanding he advises us , as our more ready Expedient , rather to consider by what means Things might be produc'd , than in what Method they were originally Created by God. In my Opinion , he had better have acquiesc'd on the Miracle of the Creation , than to have prepar'd the expectation of his Reader , as he does in this Paragraph , by inviting him to attend on the Seminary of his Brain , from whence he under takes to Expose the Principles , Beginnings , Ingredients , Vegetations , &c. of whatsoever the Universe contains ; as likewise out of what Materials the Humane Composition was first effected : Avowing , that his Principles are very Concedable . And so I grant , could any one Miracle be understood by undertaking to prove it by admitting of another : It being as Impossible to Explicate , by any material Process , the Original Production of an Atom , as any Star of the First Magnitude . And such I doubt may be found , not a few , of his Incomprehensible Suppositions ; as unaccountable , perhaps , to Man's Understanding , as if he had undertaken to Enumerate the Points that are contain'd in the unknown Circle of the Universal World. The main Phoenomena's of his stupendious Philosophy , Relate to the Primitive Existence of Matter ; which Matter , he abundantly divides into diversities of Parts , and them again as variously divisible : To these he appropriates different Motions ; but supposes , that every Substance of which the visible World is Compos'd , might , by Divine Appointment , be very near equal : Of which he Imagines , that the Heavens and Stars were produc'd ; and of the most fluid Materials ; applying the more Gross or Thick to inferior Things . All which , in his Opinion might be no less orderly determin'd ; than if they had Originally slipt out of Chaos with all their several Capacities and Motional Dexterities . Thus far I have Extracted the quintescence of his Hypothesis ; or indeed but a reviv'd Model , as it may be well understood , of the Doctrine of Epicurus ; there being little difference betwixt his Theory of Atoms and setting them on work , as he opens the Door of Chaos , than as diminutive Particles of Nature , they are busily Modell'd by Des-Cartes . And I think , that the Poetical Fancy of Ovid may be admitted to share , in Principles , with both , where he expresses the first Start of the World's Individuals out of the confus'd Seeds of deform'd Chaos in these Verses : Unus erat toto Naturae vultus in Orbe Quem dixere Chaos ; rudis indigestaque moles , — congestaque eodem Non bene Junctarum discordia semina rerum . But should the fanciful Monsieur Des-Cartes be question'd for the Chaos of his Principles out of which he deduces the Constituted World ; the Infancy of Nature would be as oddly understood from his Positions , as in the fantastical Doctrine of Epicurus , or in the Lines of Poetical Ovid. Wherefore , as I conceive his Maxims to be too innumerably perplex'd and entangled for my Brain , or a better to explicate ; I shall wave them accordingly by confining my Observations to a cursory Consideration of some Particulars that I judge most useful , and therefore fit to be separated from the rest . The Primitive Ingredients annex'd by this Author to the Original Consistence and forming of the Visible World , together with every Individual Substance , within its vast Circumference , are comprehended in three Elements no otherwise different than as they are more or less fluid . The First of which he conceives so forcibly acting , that in meeting with other Bodies it is divided into very diminutive and numberless Particulars : Accommodating its various Figures to the replenishing of all Angles that were caus'd by them . The Second Element he supposes divided into very small spherical Particles ; but of certain , and determinate Quantity ; and divisible into many less . The Third he defines more Gross , or Thick ; consisting of Figures not very inclinable to Motion : Of the first of these he conceives the Sun and fix'd Stars Compos'd ; the Heavens , or Firmaments above of the Second ; the Earth , together with the Planets and Comets , made up of the Third . Which Catalogue of Elements he thinks very significant ; because , as he conceives , that only the Sun and fix'd Stars properly emit Light ; the Heavens transmit it ; and by the Earth , Planets , and Comets , remitted , which difference he judges may be discern'd ; and therefore believes it well referr'd to Three Elements . If Nature has accommodated us with Four Elements , of which we are as certainly Intelligent as that Heat , Cold , Moisture , and Dryness , are incident to her genune Production of Things : This Author has exempted one out of her Catalogue ; and what is more , has complicated a Trinity of Elements into one Substance , which he no otherwise distinguishes , than as in some Operations and Capacities , it is more Fluid than in other ; as he applies it to the primary Production of the Visible World , and whatsoever had Being in it . So that the First Star that twinkled in the Universe , was , in his Judgment , but such a refin'd Part of Fluid Matter , which if sufficiently thicken'd might have grosly produc'd an Elephantick Constellation in the Firmament . But of such Particulars more hereafter , or when I Inscribe my intended Remarks on the Fourth Part of his Philosophy , where he Treats of the Earth and its Appurtenances . In the mean time , I shall briefly Elevate my Observations to the height of his Suppositions as they tend to the Method deliver'd by Des-Cartes , whereby he would conceive in what manner the fix'd Stars and Sun might be Originally form'd and compleated . In the beginning , he means of the World , the Matter of the First Element increas'd , by reason that the Particles of the Second Element , by their assiduous Motion did impair one another : From whence it ensu'd , that the Quantity of the Second Element was greater in the Universe than was necessary to fill up such exiguous Spaces that were between the spherical Particulars of the Second Element , as they were mutually Incumbent : So that whatsoever did remain , after those Spaces were so replenish'd , had a Recourse to certain Centers : And there Compos'd the most Fluid spherical Bodies , the Sun on one Center , and six'd Stars on others : But afterwards when the Particulars of the Second Element were more attrited , or worn , and receding equally from their Centers , they left such spherical Spaces as were , from all Circumjacent Places , by the flowing thither of the First Element , exactly fill'd . His Words I have deliver'd in as clean English as I could fit , or contract them to his purpose ; but that being done , I must confess that I cannot Conster their meaning : It being very unconceivable , how he could furnish his Brain with a speculative Idea of such Particles of Nature separately and fluidly Moving ; since whatsoever is Fluid must necessarily Imply a continu'd material Emanation of the same Substance ; as in purest Water it is impossible to imagine any separate Fluidity in any of its Particles ; no more than the most diminutive Bubbles , when discern'd on a flowing Spring , or River , can be said to be separately Fluid . And next to Affirm , as he does , That such Materials could movingly Atteriate or Rub one another less ; there being no such Capacity in any Fluid Substance : Wherefore if he had us'd the Epithet of washing , or dashing , of greater into smaller Particulars , tho' somewhat Improper ; the Expression had been more pardonable than his calling them Rubbers of one another into any Fluid Diminution . And what is more , he undertakes by their reciprocal Motions to fill up every Corner amongst them : But how to find an Angle in any continual Fluid Matter , cannot be understood by Geometrical Delineation ; wherefore I wonder to find in so knowing a Mathematician , as was this Author , so undemonstrable a System . But howsoever Interpreted , he undertakes abundantly to Replenish , with such petit material Quantities , no less than three of the Superior and vastest Heavens : And next by his Invented Vortices , which in a Grammatical Sense , may be denominated Whirl-pools , he Circumvolves Clusters of them , until he has dispos'd them capacious enough to be Metamorphos'd , by Motion , into the Figures of the Stars and Sun. Against the main of his Opinion that the Heavens are fluidly Compos'd , on which the rest of his Phaenomena's depend , there is farther to be objected , That it is unnatural , and clearly Inconsistent with undeniable Philosophical Principles ; and as contradictory to ocular Evidence : By which we are assur'd , as perfectly , as by Sight we can discern , that the Sun and Stars must be of the same Celestial Substance with the total Heavens ; and which is not denyed by Des-Cartes otherwise than as he supposes some Parts of it , which he calls the first or most fluid Element ; and therefore ought not to be so defin'd by him : Because whasoever is Fluid is also dissipable , and consequently may be more Extended , Dilated , or Contracted ; but neither of these are to be observ'd in the Figure or Appearance of the Sun , that always continues exactly Spherical ; tho' at some times , the clearness of his Figure is not equally perceivable by reason of Exhalations and Vapors that interpose , betwixt his Splendors and the Eye of the Beholder . Moreover if any Part of the Celestial Substance were fluidly dissipable ; Nature would be necessitated , to prevent Vacuity , the detested Opposite to her Existence ; that some inferior Matter , or Body , should Ascend to supply that place in the Heavens where the Parts were separately remov'd : Which were repugnant to Providence , that has ordain'd , that no other than the Substance of Heaven , by any Natural Motion , shall possess the Supreme Part of the Universal World : If it could , the Elementary and Corporeal Mixture of Bodies below , might be corruptly intermingled with the refin'd Nature of the Heavens , which are apparently unalterable , undiminish'd , and as totally uncorrupted : In which Sense it may be concluded , That the Heavens are Immutable , and therefore Impatible ; as being of supremest Excellency , or not at all partaking with the distemper'd Compositions , or Ingredients that constitute other Bodies . If the Heavens are determin'd to be of the most tenuous Subtilty and Perfection , as necessarily they must be , because far supremer than all other Beings of the Visible World , and therefore a Propriety inseparably conferr'd on the Superiority of their Existence ; insomuch as they never can Descend ; which is absolutely contrary to all other Quantitative Magnitudes that Move downwards , or , like the heavy Composure of the Earth , naturally tend or reside in the lowest Place : Yet in a wonderful manner the Substance of the Heavens may be deem'd no less Tenuous than excellently Solid , by reason that the entireness of their simplicity admits not other Substance to be Coherent or Moving with them : For which Reasons , had this Author defin'd , in the same manner , the Substance of the Heavens , it had been far more concedable , than to have determin'd them , in any kind , Fluid ; as being an Epithet not at all Concentring with the Notion we ought to have of the sublimity of their Motions , and refin'dness of their Appearance . To Summ , in a Word , my Objection , nothing can be Term'd Fluid , but must have a moist Propriety , and Moisture , in whatsoever Substance , is nearly Ally'd to Water , and therefore of some weight : Whereas it is possible to allow Admirable , or Incomprehensible Tenuity , not at all ponderous ; which claims a Dignity perferrable to any Opinion that can be alledg'd to the contrary . The other Mistake of this Author is , That he is positive in Affirming That the Motions of the Particles , or Globuli , as he names them , of the Celestial Substance , have a natural propensity , to depart from their Centers : Notwithstanding , he grants them , however diminitive , to be spherically Figur'd ; by which Inclination or Endeavours of theirs to be excentrically Remov'd ; he Affirms , That the Light of the Stars and Sun is both attain'd and consistent with them . Which Maxim of his , in effect , were all one , as if he had determin'd circular Motion to be preposterously and forcibly Conferr'd ; as he would suppose the prone inclination of Things to relinquish Central and Circular Movement : A Tenent highly unnatural , and contrary to the Method of Providence , that doubtless does , in a manner , Celebrate the most sublime and excellent Substance of the Heavens with the most perfect Motions . How Stars then should attain their wonderful Light , or exactness of their Figure , by an irregular Motion ; were to debase the Omnipotent Cause of their Illuminated Existence : As I have remark'd , on his Notions of the Laws of Motion , in the former Second Part of this Treatise . As also , by what I prov'd a little before , in this Part , by undoubted Principles of Philosophy in opposition to his Idea , or Supposition , of the exorbitant Motion of such Fluid Globulous Particles of Matter , that by their Flux and Reflux , he would imagine the Light of the Sun continually preserv'd and replenish'd : Is the reason , as I precedently instanc'd , why I think them impertinent , and consequently avoid the giving of my self the trouble of delineating divers of his perplex'd Diagrams ; as being sufficiently , I believe , confuted , together with his Methods of Motion , and the Funds on which he erects them : All which , to the best Eye of my Understanding , seem no less obscure , or uncomputable , than if a Man should undertake to Demonstrate the several Movements , Obliquities , Situations and Figures of innumerable multitudes of the most diminutive Sands , when scatter'd , by Winds , throughout the largest African Desart . On which account , I may well omit such Theories , Systems and Schemes of his , that I take to be insufficient , or such as , in his own Words , he declares rather probable than Certain : Wherefore the passing from whole Pages of them , to what may be more Intelligible , or sensibly communicated ; cannot be unacceptable to my Reader , if I that way exempt the Labour and Toil of his Eyes , from Inspecting of such Things , as might , in no kind , satisfie his expectation , or deserve the pains of the Inscriber . And thus I pass to his 115th Particular , where he undertakes to tell us , how a fix'd Star may be converted into a Comet . The Cause he renders , of such a blazing Prodigy , being no other , Than that it is a Globulous , Opacous , and hard Substance congeriously Compos'd of abundance of Spots rapidly mov'd by some whirling Vicinity , or Vortex , of his Denomination ; which mov'd irregular , and if so descending , passes to inferior Vortices , where making a stop he determines it a Comet . But if it afterwards descends to a certain distance from any Star , to which the Center of that Vortex does belong , it then remains there , and Revolving about it , is an absolute Planet : This , in brief , is the substance of this Head , as he delivers it . What considerate Man is there , that by reading of those Words , would not Interpret them of a complicated , dark , or heavy Sense ; if compar'd to the admirable Celerity , of their Import , by creating of a Comet , or on his Conditions , a Planet ? Unless by favouring the Pen of the Learned Des-Cartes , some gentle Reader might deem it the most sublime Stuff that ever was written by any Author . And such , I doubt , are the Ingredients by which he Composes , in any of his Considerations , the Substance of a Comet . But if there are in the Heavens no such Materials , of which he undertakes to Metamorphose fix'd Stars into Comets , or into Planets , and constitute Vortices and Globuli , together with the Motions he annexes to them ; all that he has written on that Subject , may signifie no more than Vapours of his Brain ; and Comets no other than spuriously produc'd by sublunary Exhalations sublimely elevated , as not a few of the Learned have Written ; and perhaps , as surely so Compos'd , as that the Body of Des-Cartes consisted of Elementary Parts ; into what Vapourous , or Crude Imaginations must then vanish his Hypothesis of Comets ! That there is no such Substance in the Heavens , as he distinguishes them by his Trine of Elements , before mention'd , is very manifest , both as he defines them Fluid , and from the Motion he annexes to them : Which if granted to Move as supplemental or diminishing of any Material Thing , they must partake of Elementary Nature and Mixture : Because whatsoever is dilated , or contracted , must likewise vary Extension ; and nothing but what is Elementary can be so understood , or be properly the Object of Sense : On which ground , the most Judicious Philosophers have defin'd the Heavens , with all their orbicular Vicinities , of a distinct Essence from the rest of the World , which cannot be Affirm'd of the Vortices or Globuli devis'd by this Author , of which he declares some more fluidly , thin , opacous , gross , or thicker than others : And where lives the Man , that pretends to the least Philosophical Sense , that would admit any of these Definitions or Qualifications , otherwise than as Elementary Proprieties incident to the alteration and corruptible Tempers of Things in that manner Constituted ? But so much has already been Written to this purpose , of the Nature of the Sun and Stars , to which I can add nothing here , unless I reiterate my former Discussions ; tho' I am as little a Friend to Repetitions , as I am to tedious Pen-men : A Reflection that might be pinn'd on some Treatises of this Author , without being pronely Satyrical : Who seems to vary his Fluid Phaenomena's , Vortices and Globuli , in several Diagrams ; but if duely consider'd , are to no better purpose , than where the Fund of any one of them proves unfound , the others are disprov'd : And I have dealt with some of his Tractates accordingly , by waving divers of his Particulars , where I thought they might be , in a small compass , significantly Answer'd . The Substance of what he delivers of the various Appearances and prodigious Motions of Comets is briefly thus ; granting that by the most accurate Observation that can be made of them , no exact Rule is to be given of their Transmigrations from one part of Heaven to another , as in a few Months or Days they frequently vanish from our Sight ; and sometimes not much more , or at other times , Move less than amounts to a middle part of Heaven ; as also , that when they are first seen they usually seem of greatest Extension : But towards their Period , gradually diminish , and as in the beginning of their Appearance , their Motion is swiftest ; about the end , they are observ'd to Move slowest . All which admirable Diversities and Phaenomena's , he considers as caus'd by such Vortices and Globuli , as I have already mention'd , and for the Reasons given by me , shall totally be declin'd , together with the Imaginary Proofs that he would deduce from them . But in their stead , as far more explicitely satisfactory , I shall present my Reader with the most considerable Opinions of Learned Philosophers , in reference to the Cause , Effects , Being and Motion of Comets . That they are Prodigies of an extraordinary Nature , is unanimously determin'd by the Famous in Science . Seneca , of all the Latin Writers most spiritually Ingenious , writes to this purpose , in the 7th Book of his Natural Questions . — As of many Things , saies he , that we grant in Being , we are Ignorant , and in particular of the Mind , or Soul within us , by which our Persons and Actions are guided : As also , of what , or how produc'd that Mind or Soul : How then can we undertake certainly to know other mysterious Existencies , so far remov'd from us , when the Mind within us , as to its own Being , is a Mystery to it self ? And therefore not to be admir'd , if Comets , the most rare and surprizing Objects , are so visible to us , that by no certain Rules , their Intervals , Beginnings and Periods , are understood by us . And well may the Humane Mind , as Seneca infers , if deficient by not apprehending the manner of its Existence , as imperfectly consider Things above us ; and especially such as are highly distant from our Eyes , and use of our Senses . Wherefore Aristotle , in his Treatise , de Coelo , acutely determines , That Celestial Objects , as they are , of all others , most Remote from sensible Perception , so no less distant from any evident Demonstration , or Science , that can be Affirm'd from their Observation . That Comets are produc'd from Elementary Exhalations , as their Principal Cause , is the general Opinion of many of the Learned Ancients and not a few of like Repute amongst Modern Authors : Because in Figure they diversly vary as their Substance Inereases , or Diminishes , according to the time of their Appearance , untill their Matter , as it were consum'd , they totally vanish : Which they frequently do , when in their highest Elevations ; and therefore never observ'd to Rise or Set as does a Star or Planet , and consequently not of their Substance , no more than a Star can be defin'd mixt or elementarily Existing . Whereas , to the contrary , 't is ocularly evident , that the Matter of Comets is gradually Extinguish'd ; which proceeds from no other Cause than that Comets are natuturally alterable , and decay as to their extent , bigness , fading of their Colour , and shining Appearance ; in such a manner as can be Attributed to no other Cause than the variety of their Elementary Compositions ; which nothing can have but what may tend to a corruptible Period : More properly ascrib'd to the extraordinary Phoenomena's of Meteors , then converted , from the Substance of Stars , into Comets , or chang'd from thence to an absolute Planet ; suitable to the wonderful Supposition of Des-Cartes . The exalting of Comets to Celestial Rooms and Etherial Movements , may be imputed to the mistaken Supputations of their Heights and Distance from us ; either as they have not been or cannot be exactly observ'd : In respect that the Progressions of Comets are so instantly and perplexedly various ; as precipitately , in some Moments of Time , they are motionally downwards ; and , in other , as immediately Ascendant : From which uncomputable difficulties the endeavour'd Calculations of Famous Astronomers , as to the exactness they intended , have been doubtless frustrated . Which may well be admitted , if judiciously weigh'd , how hard 't is to give a true Account of Things far above us : Insomuch that it is almost as facile to Compute their remoteness by the Eye , as to render it Arithmetically or Instrumentally Certain . Should a Jacob's Staff be made ten times longer than Salisbury Steeple , it might prove too short by any Proportions , it could give , were it apply'd to the surveying of the Distance of a Comet from the ground we tread on ; tho' no other than a Meteor in the supremest Region of the Air : Because we do not certainly know , how far the Lowest , Middle , or Sublimest Part of the Areial Region is distant from us . Suppose a high Cloud did Diametrically Intervene betwixt the Sun and us , and let a Man be imagin'd , as near as possible , by the most approv'd Instrument to take its central Altitude above the Horizon : And the very next Moment that the Cloud removes , let him also , in the same manner observe the Horizontal Height of the Sun ; 't is not to be doubted , that he might find , by comparing , little difference betwixt their Altitudes . And if this be probable , we may be assur'd of the uncertainty of Astronomical Observations that would higher Ascend . The uncertainty of the Place of Comets , and their Distance from us is also more or less by reason of the different Inequalities of the Superficies of the Earth , which is a main Cause of the Erroneous Computation both of their Quantity and Distance ; by reason that the Eye ought to be in the Center when Observation of Comets is any ways perform'd : As also , that the Eye is hinder'd , or obstructed by Reason of such gross and fuliginous Matter as is naturally incident with Comets : Since all Vision by optick Principles , must necessarily be dispos'd and form'd according to the Disposition of the Medium by which it is receiv'd and convey'd to Sight : And thus the irregular and various Disporportions that appear in the Figure , Quantity and Distance of Comets , are diversly beheld , or in a manner by Refraction , not unlike the viewing of a piece of Money in Water , it seems to be greater than it is , and at the top , when it is really at the bottom : According to which Similitude the parallactical Angle , or the difference betwixt the true and apparent Place of a Star , tho' the best Geometrical Method in order to its Calculation , is very uncertainly found by accurate Astronomers , when apply'd to Comets ; and notoriously evident if compar'd their Observations ; which are so exceedingly Discrepant , that even to Infinite Degrees and Miles their Computations differ as they Relate to the Magnitude and Distance of Comets from the Earth . All which may be egregiously apprehended if conferr'd the Observations of Famous Tycho with other Learned Astronomers that were before , and after him , of Eminent Reputation . To which may be added the ocular Experience of Ages past , whereby 't is assur'd , that Comets together with their blazings , are Dissipated and Extinguish'd , when they nearly approach to the Ecliptick or Equator : Which is contrary to the Motion of the Planetary Luminaries that regularly Move in respect of those Circles , about the Sun ; from whose Beams they receive the brightness of their Splendors : So that Comets either in Place , Nature , or Motion , can be no other than elevated Meteors and therefore of no Similitude with , or Derivation from Celestial Substance ; or at all Compos'd by such unexplicable Methods as are Instanc'd by the Scheme , Diagrams and Notions of Des-Cartes . Lastly , the Matter of Comets may be indisputably Affirm'd , elementarily Mixt , and obnoxiously Distemper'd and Compos'd , from the malevolent Effects that , too frequently are consequent to their Appearance : As Plagues , Famine , Destruction of Cattle by killing Diseases , scarcity of Grain , and the like : And sometimes superlatively omnious as they presage the Death of some Prince : Whose Period as Ptolemy is quoted by Albertus Magnus , is most especially signified , when a Morning Comet is in the Sign that did Ascend at his Nativity . In Summ , that Comets are terribly Prodigious , and extraordinary Prognosticks dispens'd from Above ; or as severe Emblems of the displeasures and punishments of Heaven inflicted on the Iniquities of Kings and Subjects ; are no less true than signally Recorded by credible Historians . Of which wonderful Examples , together with their portentous Attributes , I find nothing said , in this Treatise , by this Author ; tho' otherwise , perhaps , too far inquisitive of the Production and Nature of Things , however Remote from common Understanding . And here I would Close my Remarks on the Third Part of his Philosophy ; were not I oblig'd to Note , or indeed Reprehend his Conclusion ; in which he infers , in Confirmation of his former Doctrine , That the Planets , although inclin'd to Circular Motion , never perfect any such Movements , either in Longitude , or Latitude . To which I Reply , by a necessitated Reiteration , being not desirous , that his Conclusion should have the better of my Pen , by which I have judg'd , or rather prov'd , his Premises taxable : Wherefore I thus briefly repeat my former Assertion , which was , That the Attributing in his Method , of imperfect Motions to the Planets , by contriving their Movements in Figures not exactly Circular , was an erroneous lessening of the Perfection of Providence ; which could not but ordain , to the most Refin'd Existencies of Stars and Planets , such Movements as might be comprehended by the most absolute of Figures , which must be the Circle : Because there cannot be otherwise so useful a Computation of their Motion , as , is Demonstrated by many celebrated Astronomical Observators ; by whom the new Mode of confining the Planetary Motions to an Oval , or Ellipsis , was never thought o● or wanted by them . Nor can I apprehend , how the Account of our Days and 〈◊〉 could be so commodiously render'd , as by Circular Motion they are computed . Which might be some Reason , why judicious Euclid did not mention , in any Part of his Elements , the Ellipsis , or any sort of Curv's , frequently found in the Schemes and Diagrams of Des-Cartes ; as either certainly to be Enumerated , or Geometrically explicable : Whereas in his Third and Fourth Book he demonstrates Circular Commensurations , and also such Lines as usefully relate , or may be apply'd to them . 'T is said of Plato , who being ask'd , what God did ? Answer'd , that he exercis'd Geometry ; as by Man might be consider'd the Proportions of his Conduct , and Motion of his Works : But had Des-Cartes been so Interrogated ; he must have Reply'd , according to his Hypothesis , That the irregular Figures , Schemes and Delineaments , that abundantly replenish his Diagrams , ought to be receiv'd as the Geometry of Heaven : However inconsistent with the soundest Notions , that Men can have , of the Conduct , Order and Motions above us . Other Objections might have been Inserted , as due Reflections on the Idea's , Principles , devis'd Theories , and Problems of this Author ; which , to deal freely with my Reader , have more reference to the boundless Sphere of Fiction , than to any common Place of Science , or methodical Probation . Wherefore I have been thirftily cautious , and I presume not Indiscreet , by separating such Things from other of his Imaginations , on which I could more commodiously ground my Remarks , and thereby facilitate their Use to publick Understanding : An Instance not improperly Annex'd to the Close I give to the Third Part of the Philosophy of Des-Cartes . REMARKS On the Fourth Part of the New PHILOSOPHY OF DES-CARTES . Of the Principles of the EARTH . PART . IV. WITH no small Labour and Diligence , according to the best of my Understanding , I have thoroughly Inspected , and carefully Contracted my Remarks , to such Particulars as I judg'd of most familiar Consideration , to whomsoever should peruse what I have Written . And as in my precedent Tractaets I omitted such Maxims , Arguments , Premisses , Conclusions , Schemes and Diagrams , of this Authos , which I conceiv'd rather obscure Repetitions , or posingly Compos'd , than obviously perspicuous to the Apprehension of the Reader ; an Oversight that ought to be highly avoided by a judicious Writer . The same rational Method , or separating of divers complicated Tenents , Assertions , and pretended Proofs of this , otherwise , Learned Frenchman , from what I have more Compendiously , and I presume , usefully Inserted ; I shall continue in this Fourth Part of my Observations on his Philosophical Principles . The Works of his Composing , that I have to do with , being so frequently intermix'd with divers Modalities by him Propos'd and Invented , that neither concenter with Old , or New Probabilities ; that should the ablest Pen-man undertake to Paraphrase , or Comment on them , 't were much the same as the attempting to explicate one Solecism by alledging another . 'T is said of Lucretius , That he was the first of Philosophical Poets ; and it may be as pertinently Affirm'd , of this Author , that he is the first of Fictitious Philosophers : The main Bulk of whose Treatises , for the most part , are rather thicken'd by his affected Imaginations , than rational Conjectures deducible from Rules of Science ; which in divers Places of his Writings , however indulgent to his Devisings , he is so ingenuous as to acknowledge ; but with this confident manner of excuse , That he supposes his Inventions ought to be more allowable than whatsoever can be urg'd against them ; which I have , as I believe , and shall endeavour farther to disprove . And thus I proceed to consider his Hypothesis of the Being and Production of the Earth . In the first Page and entrance , he makes into his Fourth Part of his Philosophical Treatise , he transfers the Principles which he had apply'd to the Constituting of Superior Beings , in his Third Part , to the original Forming and Existence of the Earth we Inhabit : Which , in his First Paragraph , according to his design'd Imagination , in Substance is thus : Let us feign ( saies he ) That the Earth was primarily Constituted solely of the Matter of the first Element , ( which has been mention'd by me , in the Third Part of his Philosophy ) as was the Sun , tho' much less ; as likewise to have a vast Vortex , or whirling Substance , about her ; the Center of which Vortex was the Center of the Earth : But as some Particulars , or Globuli , as he calls them , were channell'd , or hollow'd , and some , but not all , very diminutive , of that First Element , they adher'd , and so were converted into the Matter of the Third Element ; ( which I likewise noted in the foreg-oing Tractate , ) and from thence , first of all , were the opacous Spots engender'd on the Superficies of the Earth , resembling those we behold continually to generate and dissolve about the Sun. And next tells , how such Particulars were Thinn'd , or Condens'd , Ascending , and Descending , some to Etherial Parts ; some to the Higher , others to the Lower Region of the Air : As also , how the thicker of their opacous Spots cover'd , and darken'd the whole Surface of the Earth . Thus I have briefly summ'd his Sense ; the doing of which , has caus'd such a wonderful Confusion in the utmost extent of my Intellect , that I cannot there find room for the whirling of his Vortices and Globuli : Or were the Brain of Man as big as the Earth , it might prove too small for the comprehensive Understanding of his Hypothesis : By which he displays his Scene of Chaos , together with the diffusion from its Womb of such Particles , or Seeds of Nature , That by their Motions and continu'd Involutions , and Revolutions , Thin , or Thicken , without the operative concurrence of Heat , Cold , or any other Elementary Quality ; untill a sufficient quantity of them meet in a Lump , that might produce the Figure and Magnitude of the Earth . But from what shadow of Reason , or Philosophical Authority could Des-Cartes fancy , That either the Universe , or Earth , part of the whole , might be Constituted , or any ways generated by Motion unless of Bodies Compos'd of such Elements that are common to our Apprehensions ? Because nothing if not so temper'd , is capable of Motion , or computable by Time , the natural Propriety of Motion ; and therefore not of such Chimerical Maaterials , or unqualified Particles of Nature , as he numbers in the actings of his devis'd Triplicity of Elements : Which if granted , 't were , in effect , to Assert , That Motion , Time , and the Elements we usually understand , and by which we subsist , were operative and original Causes of the World's Existence : So that the Earth , together with Mankind , and whatsoever it contains , might have had , in the Opinion of this Author , a capacity of subsisting , or wonderfully forming it self , without a miraculous Creation . Nor can his Supposition be excus'd , by alledging , That the Almighty might Ordain the Fabrick and Structure of the Earth , by any Motion of Substances that were not Elementary : Because impossible to conceive any other temperature of Things , that could be motionally capacitated to produce other Beings . But of what Composition , or how establish'd , the Heavens above ; are Thoughts too remote and spiritual , as I have prov'd , by Learned Authority , in the precedent Treatise , to be definitively reach'd by the Humane Intellect : Notwithstanding which sublime Consideration , the Earth is plac'd by Des-Cartes above ; and instead of the Sun , as a Planet , according to the Copernican System , in as lofty a Room as is the Orbite betwixt Mars and Venus . In answer to which , enough I believe has been objected in the former Third Part : But now , having suppos'd the Matter of the Earth before intermingled with that of the Heavens ; he tells us , how the Materials of the Earth delaps'd , or slipt from above , towards the Inferior Place , according to his Phaenomena , of the Sun ; and next distinguishes the Earth into three Regions . The First of these which he calls the most Inward , he supposes to contain so much of the Matter of the First Elements , not otherwise there Moving , or of other Nature , than as it was in the Sun ; except that its Substance was less pure : But thinks that the Earth in passing from the Sun ; and surely , in his Sense upwards , because by his Hypothesis he has preferr'd the ministerial Situation of the Terrene composition , much Superior to Phoebus the King of Illuminating Beings , as also that it continually became spotted , and could not be purg'd or clear'd of them : From whence saies he , I am easily persuaded , That the Earth was then full of the Third Element , did not it follow , that she could not , if at that time so solid , be so near the Sun , ( he means downwards ) as now she is . To which purpose , he has devis'd a Right-worshipful Scheme ; but left by me , to the Inspection of such as have no other Imployment for their Eyes . The Second Element of the Earth , he determines opacous and thickly Substantiated , as consisting of divers Minute Particles that appertain'd to the first Element : And this , in his judgment , Experience assures by the Spots in the Face of the Sun , which excepting their refin'dness and subtility , are the same with those of the Earth : Yet notwithstanding hinder the Light that would else more appear in the Sun. But concludes , after some offer'd Reasons , which I do not mention , because I think 'em Irrational , That these two Elements have little to do with us ; because no living Man ever ascended to their Stations . But by what Authority does he present us with a Theory of Things that he confesses no Body could ever be assur'd of : And for that Reason , I might pass from them with no less neglect than the Man , who reading an Inscription at Athens that was Dedicated to the unknown God , thought it had little to do with his Contemplation : And no more my concern what this Author delivers here ; these Elements having been sufficiently , I doubt not , Remark'd by me , in the Third fore-going Part of his Philosophy . Notwithstanding I will briefly add something , avoiding , if possible , Reiteration of Words , on the same Subject already written : Or only by way of Interrogation , were Des-Cartes present , desire to be inform'd in what Mint of Nature , he Coin'd these Elements , and as her Bank-stock Pay's them off , in Parcels , to his Reader ? In doing of which , he introduces , and a while continues , the original Empire of Nature , in Power and Credit , numerously attended by very inconsiderable Subjects , which he calls petty Globuli , surrounding her Throne , and immediately committed to the Government , and disposal of revolving Vortices that whirl'd them , without any orderly Method , or Proportion , either East , West , South , or North ; or sometimes only upward , to the height of Heaven , and as soon precipitately downward ; by which medly of Motion he conceives abundance of their Fluid Substances exceedingly thinn'd ; whilst others were as nimbly thicken'd . As if the Hands of Nature had been busily imploy'd in kneading of their Clusters till thoroughly condens'd . Yet grants them so insipidly temper'd , that by no proper Term , Naturally , or Philosophically Intelligible , he determines them either light or heavy ; as he distinguishes their Elements from whatsoever is Elementarily Compos'd : And thus , according to his Method , he imagines , That Nature made her first Entrance out of the Closet of Chaos ; and having not thoroughly wash'd her Face , he supposes some of her Spots might afterwards visibly remain in the Figure and Substance of both Sun , Moon and Earth . If next he had been ask'd , on what account he attributes Spots to the Luminary of Day , or Night , together with the Terrene Sphere of our Being ; that are within no compass of reasonable Apprehension , he must have return'd a motly Answer . Since undeniable , That whatsoever is capable of Spots , as its propriety , must be naturally colour'd , and therefore of a mixt , Elementary Composition ; by reason that nothing can be observably spotted , but is also colour'd by mixt Ingredients , and consequently the Object of Sight . But the Sun and Moon , were never held , by found Opinion , Elementarily Constituted ; wherefore not of any of his suppos'd Elements , no more than 't is possible to conceive , how Air could be alterative , or operate on Air , or Water on Water ; without partaking of Elementary Mixtures : A Truth confirm'd by Experience in every Thing that is Thinn'd , Thicken'd , Ascends , or Descends ; as sure as Earth is more ponderous than any of the other Three Elements ordain'd by Providence to exert all such Operations of Nature , as are with clearest Evidence understood by us . From whence may be concluded , that the seeming Spots in the Sun , or Moon , are no other than meteorous Exhalations or Vapours that interpose betwixt the Luminaries and the Eye of the Beholder ; as surely as we frequently discern more or less clear , in Appearance , the Sun and Moon , and therefore no Spots Inherent in their Substance . As for the Spots that he annexes to the outward Complexion of the Earth , what Man ever heard of any of their Colours , except of such Things as have Being and Growth on her Surface ; as Trees , Plants , Men , Women , Beasts , Grain , and such other Things , as might from Causes , be produc'd ? How to Reply , had he been thus Interrogated , I dare Answer for him , he could not have told . And thus I come to the farther Examination of his Third Element , by which he undertakes to Exspand the Original of all Things within the Compass of the Earth . To which purpose , I will briefly Summ the Order and Materials , by which he forms his Phaenomena's of the Earth's Production . All which he supposes , were produc'd of the Fragments of a certain Thinn and Fluid Composition , which he Entitles , The primary Element of Nature : These Imaginary or Globuli - Fragments , proceeding , ( as he derives them ) from Spots in the First Element , and descensively operating on the next , term'd by him a Second Element , they confus'dly , and exceedingly disorder'd in Motion and Figure , tended downward , from their first sublime Height , till at last they became more congeriously Thick , suitable to the grossness of the Earth's Composure , and Settlement ; where it now remains . So very intricately obscure , or vainly perplex'd , does this conceited Monsieur debase the original Wisdome and Conduct of Nature , both as to her own Establishment , and the Production of her Works ; which could never be so disproportionably and irregularly effected by the prudent Diligence and Intendment of her Operations : Which , as this Author commits them to her peculiar Conduct , I do not see why they should not have been , by her Management , as highly refin'd and continu'd , as he delivers the Materials of her first purest Celestial Element : And consequently of them , so sublimately ordain'd , have produc'd the Substance of Man and Woman , that being exalted to a Superior Room in the Etherial Heaven , the Eyes of Beauty might have there shin'd instead of Stars , now beheld , of the first Magnitude : And next to these , why should she not have gradually Illuminated the Substance of Animals , with all other Materials and Plants , that being naturally cleans'd from such Terrestrial Ingredients , Alterations and Mixtures , that are now in them , they might have remain'd splendent Parts above , instead of being Revolv'd and whirl'd in globuli's , or dispers'd Fragments of Nature , downwards , untill they clos'd in a Lump that compleated the Earth , in Figure , disposition of Parts , and Situation , suitable to the Opinion of this Author ? Such Queries may not be unfitly urg'd against his total Hypothesis , with all its Appurtenances ; to which I add these palpable Objections . First , that it is egregiously preposterous , if not an Impeachment or lessening of the Dignity of Nature , supposing that by her voluntary Actings she debas'd the superiority of her Existence , by crumbling of her Materials into innumerable Bits , or Particles , in all kinds , of impurer Substance , and next dispose them , by a rambling , or giddy Progression , so grossly to meet as they might constitutively finish and sustain the small inferior Bulk of the Universe call'd Earth ; or rather denominated the spurious Daughter of Nature , if so engender'd by her actual consent . Whereas contrarily , 't is the inseparable Attribute of Nature , intentionally to Conserve , whatsoever depends on her Regalia's , in its proper and utmost Perfection . And although , that by such Elementary Compositions and Mixtures , as are understood by us , she is necessitated to vary her Conduct , as Things are , in course , Generated , or Corrupted , in order to produce such Existencies that could not be continu'd in themselves ; and therefore Providentially convertible into other Beings : Yet she constantly preserves her most genuine Progression , which is , that nothing shall so alter as not to have Matter and Form incident to their Corporeal Proprieties : Not unlike a Sovereign Ruler , within whose Dominions there is no period of his numerous Subjects by Death , because enough are begotten that succeed them . But no such Procreation could be consistent , or produc'd , as an Elementary Triplicity is devis'd by Des-Cartes ; and not at allaccomplish'd or season'd with such natural Ingredients as are the Elementary Adjunct to Bodily Existences : But rather of such a simplicity and incommunicable Qualification , that 't is as reasonable to imagine , That Earth should proceed from meer Air , or Water from Fier , as that his imperfect , and uncompounded Elements , should , by their Vortices , and Globuli , arrive to any Corporeal Production : Because the Principles of all Things could be no other than Contarrieties , and therefore Elementary : Insomuch , that had not Providence otherwise dispos'd natural Operations than are contriv'd by this Author ; neither the Heavens above , however excellent and refin'd their Essence , or the Earth we possess , with all its Appurtenances , could have been effected . The next Objection , is briefly thus , — Suppose , it were conceded . That his Hypothesis , relating to the Constituting of the Earth's Existence , were allowable ; could it be conceiv'd , that the diversities of Being and Motion which he annexes to his Particles of Nature , should be either operative or motional before the Sun , Stars , World , or any Elementary Composition , a main Cause of Motion , Version and Alteration of Bodies , as naturally they ought to be understood , did really Exist ? Because nothing can Move upwards or downwards , but what is Corporeally mixt ; and therefore consisting of Commensurable Parts , whose Movements must be gradually computed by Time , Nature's unerrable Accountant : But by the Incomprehensible Phaenomena's of this Author , the World was fill'd with temporary Motions , before it or Time was , or could be summ'd by computable Progression of any Thing , that could be its porportionable Measure ; according to his Suppositions : Which Impossibility is so disregarded by this Writer , that Time , were his Notions true , might have continu'd , some thousands of Ages , before it could be understood to have Being , or his small Globuli , Circumvolv'd by their Vortices , could have constituted and fill'd the local Situation of one Mile of Earth , with all its Materials , from top to bottom , with their diminutive Particulars . Which Absurdities , if well consider'd , might have deterr'd , as Learned a Person as Des-Cartes , from posing his Intellect , with so many unexplicable Imaginations , whereby he would assimulate , however far above Thought , the stupendious Consistence of the World to miraculous Systems invented by his Brain . As for the Elements that he undertakes to deliver as the first Principles whereby the Earth was Constituted , which , as I have already prov'd , are neither Philosophical , or Natural ; he tells us in his 13th Particular , That the more Solid , or thicker of them , are not always Inferior , in Place or Motion , to those that are thinner ; the Reason he gives is , That notwihstanding they are uniformly Revolv'd , they so adhere to one another , by the Irregularities of their Figures , that the Globuli of one Element cannot extricate themselves from the Compulsions upwards , or downwards , of another . This Gentleman , who had no otherwise differenc'd his principal Materials , by which he would Constitute the Structure of the Earth , than as the Parcels of his small Globuli , were more or less extended , begins now , in effect , to grant them Elementarily mix'd , as every Thing must be that is Thinner or Thicker than another , or different in Weight and Measure : But so as by his turbulent Vortices , the lighter were mingled with the heavier , in such a complicated manner , that they could neither Ascend or Descend , as they ought to have done by their Qualifications . But gives no certain reason , why they might not always have continu'd so Intermingled , and Confus'd ; and therefore never have separated from one another ? Since he determines no Cessation of the impetuous Movement of them caus'd by his whirling Vortices : How then could the Earth be Compos'd , or Constituted , by such Irregular Particles of Nature , that neither by their Motion , or different Temperatures , could be disincumber'd from one another , and consequently so exactly Embodied as might compleat the total Substance of the Earth ? In his 14th and 15th Particulars , he undertakes to Describe what he means by diversities of Bodies , which he supposes form'd in that , which he denominates his Third Region of the Earth ; and these , he believes might be produc'd as the Globe of the Earth , distinguish'd into three Regions , having been devolv'd towards the Sun , and the Vortex , in which it was before , taken from it , variety of Bodies were distinguish'd in it : Whose Productions he designs to explain afterwards ; but first , he delivers three or four Axioms , on which they depend . The First is the general Motion of his Celestial Globuli . The Second is their Gravity . The Third Light. The Fourth Colour . His First Position I am oblig'd to reflect on , and more severely , could it be avoided , than I am willing to do ; out of the respect that I have to this Learned Author . But having Geometrically prov'd , by what I have Written on the Third Part of his Philosophy , That there can be no Motion , either Diurnal , or Annual , to be Attributed to the Earth , the Copernican way , instead of the Sun : I cannot but add , That it is far more egregiously Supposititious , that the imperfect Agitation of his Globuli , which he Inserts , in the Page I write of , should perform their Annual or Diurnal Motion about the Sun , correspondent to his Imaginary System : It being highly improbable , that such different Particles , which he defines Globuli , both in Substance , Bigness , Quantity and Measure ; as also , irregularly Moving , by his Concession , should compleatly finish the Diurnal or yearly Motion of the Sun ; because not to be thought , that they could Revolve suitable to any Figure Geometrically computable : And therefore impossible , even to Absurdity , the fictitious Circumvolution that he appropriates to his Region of Globuli , than if without them , he directly had Asserted the Motion of the Earth : Because the Earth , allow'd by the Learned , to be Circularly Form'd , is more capable of Revolution , than that such diminutive Substances , as are disagreeably Compos'd , both in Quantity and Figure ; should so perfectly unite their Movements as exactly to Represent , or Conspire with the Earth's Motion , in the room of the Sun , either Hourly , Dayly , or Yearly , appertaining to Ecliptical Circulation . In order to which performance of his devis'd Globuli , he makes yet more gross their Incomprehensible Phaenomena's ; by Affirming , That they incline to Move in a streight Line , tho' he grants them not figuratively such ; as if Things could be propense to Move directly , if naturally oblique in Proportion and Figure : Notwithstanding that 't is impossible , that whatsoever Moves , should describe any other Superficies , or Figure , than is suitable to its Corporeal Parts . Nor can any Thing be said in a proper Sense , to incline to Move in a streight Line , but as it must be either upwards , or downwards ; according to the Nature of its Gravity , or Levity . To be plain , the most favourable Salvo that can be apply'd to this Broken Head of his Hypothesis , is , that he judges it safer , for his manner of Copernicanism , to substitute his whirl'd Globuli as Assistants , by their Movements , to the Motion he allows the Earth : Because , as I conceive , he might apprehend , that Objections to be made against the Earth's Revolution ; as also , that by such an Hypothesis , the Situation of Countries and the Elevation of the Pole must infallibly alter , as has been already demonstrated , might be rebated , or not so unanswerably Alledg'd . Tho' to Men of competent Apprehension , the Absurdities are the same , whether the Earth alone , or his Globuli and the Earth , in any Kind , Intrigue , or conjoyn their Circulations . Can a Man that has season'd his Intellect with the least Relish of Mathematical Principles , conceive it possible for the confus'd Phaenomena's of Vortices and Globuli , mention'd by Des-Cartes , to absolve the mean or equal Motion , which , Astronomy assures , is annually consummated in the Ecliptick ? Or , that the ponderous Structure of the Earth , should be so regularly elevated from her Center , as that any Point of its Superficies , or its Vortices , and Globuli , in the Sense of this Author , might at one time have an Apogaeon height , or utmost Distance from the Center of her Orb , and at another a Perigaeon-nearness unto it : Which were much the same , as to think it feasible for clusters of Flies , no bigger than Gnats , when they numerously seem to Circulate in Sun-shine , to remove the weighty firmness of the terrene World ; or perform , instead of the Sun , the Ecliptical Revolution of the Day , or Year . Yet on this preposterous and feeble Conduct , is erected the main Hypothesis of this French Writer , both as to the Composition , Being and Motion of the Earth , with all her Circumjacent Particulars : Which shews , that he takes to himself an unpresidented Dictatorship in Science , whereby he would celebrate the Fictions of his Brain , without any requisite or probable assurance , that they ought to be Conceded . To which purpose , he Inserts the various Actings of his several Elements , tho' by no Body , but himself , so nam'd ; and by these , so Invented by him , together with Vortices and Globuli form'd from them , he judges , That the Earth , with whatsoever it Comprehends , might be totally Constituted ; as he their prime Artificer has contriv'dly set them at work . The first Action tending to the compleating of the most refin'd Substance , or Parts of the Earth , he considers , as produc'd by the Motion of the most tenuous Matter of what he Terms a Third Element ; which he supposes so very pure , that , even to Transparency , it may cause Bodies , tho' appertaining to Earthly Composition , very clearly to Shine . And thus we have the Earth , according to the Doctrine of Des-Cartes , both a motional and illuminating Planet . But should I account the numerous diversities of the fictitious Motions , and shifted Inventions by which this Author confers a shining Capacity on some Particulars of the Earth's Substance , I might more than fire , if not abuse , the Patience of an indefatigable Reader . Neither could I do other than impertinently load my Pen with repeated Objections , and manifest Confutations of his Theories of Motion , as they have been diversly apply'd by him on this , or other Subjects : The Movements of Things , in his Method , as he annexes their Qualities and Motions , being neither exactly agreeable , to streight Lines , or their proper Tendencies , or to such Curv's , as might be of Mathematical Construction ; and therefore inconsistent with the Geometry of Nature : Which , as to her Works , must proceed from a regular Process ; to which purpose , enough has been already written by me . I will therefore , in this place , briefly Inspect the Fond of the shining Attributes that he confers on some Particulars of the Earth , as they are stated by him . The principal Reason that he offers , is , That 't is experimentally found , that pure Liquor in the Earth , of tenuous Consistence , is also pellucidous , or shining . Which cannot be true , if by clearness he means an Illuminating Quality : No more than the purest Water that can be Imagin'd , may be said to Shine , because it is clear . And who ever beheld any shining Part of the Earth otherwise than by diffus'd Beams of the Sun ' Moon , or Stars , it might be enlightned ; tho' without any Illumination as to its own Capacity ? Where are the Eyes that in a gloomy Day or Night , ever observ'd the shining of a Mole-Hill on the Surface of the Earth : Or such little Morsels of the Ground as Worms deject ; which might be compos'd of such Materials , as he describes his diminutive Globuli to consist of , for any reason given , by him , to the contrary ? To confirm these Objections , this one , that includes many , may pertinently be added . If , as he imagines , the diaphanous Parts of any of his Celestial Elements , as they are defin'd by him , should by any intelligible Movement so operate , as they might be so qualitatively Constituted , as to embue any particular Substance , or Places of the Earth with a shining Capacity ; since he has undertook to Metamorphose our terrene Habitation into a Planetary Composition : How can it be probably apprehended , that his Fluid Globuli , by their feeble Commotions , should be conjoyn'd to the Surface of the Earth , notwithstanding that the condense , or crusty Parts of her Surface are thickly harden'd and nourish'd by the Roots of Grass , Trees , Minerals , Stones of all kinds , diversly temper'd , and not possibly penetrable by any compulsive Motion of his diminutive , and impotent Globuli ; unless so much of the gaping Superficies of the Earth could be suppos'd to receive their Fluid Descents , to no other purpose , than she does Rain when distill'd by the Dissolution of Clouds ? Which being done , there could but a dewy gloss appear on the Ground , that might not more imbrighten any Part of the Earth's Figure , than when , in some moist Seasons , the Glow-worm , with her Light , is engender'd . So that whosoever would persuade himself , that the terrene World , or any Part of it , was ever primarily compleated or motionally dispos'd by the Globuli and Vortices comprehended in the Diagrams and Theories of Des-Cartes , may as readily believe , that the Globe of the Moon was originally produc'd by the efficacious Seeds of a Carret-Bed . Nor does he deny , in some respects , the incongruity of his Principles , as in his 18th Particulars , he confesses , The Materials , by which he moulds the Frame of the Earth's Composure , and first Existence , to be confusedly operative ; by granting , that the liquid Parts , which he Attributes to the prime Formation of the Earth , were disorderly complicated with his Celestial Globuli . Yet might by their Operations , in his judgment , upwards , downwards , or transversly , be separately distinguish'd by the Similitude he Porduces of a Glass of Wine in the Must , having Dregs not only on the top , and bottom , correspondent to Gravity and Levity , but also on the sides of the Glass : When afterwards the Wine being clear , notwithstanding that it before consisted of various Particulars , it becomes pellucidous , or shining : and not more gross or thicker in any one Part than in another . Here he presents his Reader with a Philosophical Weather Glass ; by which he would determine the temper of the Season , when the Earth was forming by his diversified Globuli , and whirling assistance of his Vortices : Which petty Operators , as he states the Metaphor of their Condition and Conduct , might be as drunk ( as Flies may be suppos'd ) when some of them are , as it were , giddy on the top of a Glass of strong Liquor , or lean to its Sides , for supportance , whilst others more ebrietously replenish'd , heavily sink to the bottom : All which may be assimulated , without any wrong to the Brain of this Author , unto the giddiness of his Phaenomena's : It being impossible to conceive , from what rational Course of Nature he could produce the Substances , together with the Movements of his debauch'd Globuli , by which he constitutes the Being of the Earth : Considering , that he deduces their original Descent from what he Terms his first pure Element . In his 19th Head , he positively assures us , That the Third , and main effect of his Celestial Globuli are so perfectly operative , that they convert liquorous Drops residing in Air into rotund Figures , the reason as he States it is , because those Celestial Globuli find more Passages into a watry Drop than into the Circumjacent Air : And by that means , as near as may be , Move in right Lines , or in such as most approximate unto direct lineaments ; whence it is manifest , in his Opinion , That such Globuli , that are in the Air , are less motionally hinder'd , as they meet with a watry Drop , according to the continuance of their Motions in a streight Line , or nearest unto it , if that Drop of Liquor be exactly spherical , than if it had taken any other Figure . But if any Part of the Superficies of that Drop , be extended beyond a spherical Figure , the Celestial Globuli by their more forcible discursions , made in the Air , more strenuously assault the watry Drop , than were it other Substance , and immediately thrust it downwards towards the Center . The Reader , I presume , will excuse me , if in this Place , and some others of his Writings , I deliver the Notions , of this Author , in more uncouth Accents than I would willingly commit to his Perusal : It having been my care , no less than necessary Diligence , to render as genuinely , as might be , his Latin Expressions into English. If my Remarks on his precedent Praticular had any sharp Allusion , dress'd in a plain and familiar Application ; I cannot rebate , on this occasion , the point of their tendencies : Wherefore , if prov'd by me , in the foregoing Head , tho' , by a comical Similitude , that his Hypothesis had inebriated his Globuli : I may as judiciously Assert , That his Sense , in the Particular , I now Treat of , may be , by no extravagant Similitude , term'd unnatural , or Philosophically , and Mathematically Intoxicated ; unless I could Affirm , in his behalf , that his Globuli , which , as he supposes , might by the force of their whirling Vortices , so dispose their Materials to the Constituting of the Earth , that the very Grapes that caus'd drunkenness in the Head of the Patriarch Noah , were engender'd by some of their giddy Compositions . And as sure , as the Earth is now in Being , Nature might be deem'd out of her Wits , if according to his disorderly Process , she could be thought to Design the Production of the earthly World. Or what can be more improbable , than the Tale he tells , of his Celestial Globuli converting of liquorous Drops , hanging in the Air , into round Figures ? And what Reason does he give ; why , no better than as he supposes , That his Globuli may find more passage in watery Drops than in the circumjacent Air ? But does not common Experience confute this Imagination ? Let a strenuous Hand fling a smooth Peeble-Stone into the Air , and afterwards into Water , will it as soon pass any Part of the Superficies of Water as of the Air ? Or will it not , the Water being of a more condense Substance than Air , have , proportionably , a longer Motion and Passage , by the ressistance of its thicker Body , than might be given by the Tenuity of the Air ? A Truth so practically evident , that it could not be unknown to many of the young Contemporaries at School with Des-Cartes ; wherefore I wonder to find him of a contrary Opinion here . As little concentring , in any kind , with sound Principles , are the Proprieties that he annexes to his Globuli ; which , if , in their Motion , engaging with any Part of a watry Drop that is extended beyond a spherical Figure , they immediately , with greater force , assail it , and by compulsion enforce it towards its Center . But if any Part of it be nearer its Center than another , his Celestial Globuli , contain'd in that watry Drop , forthwith imploy their utmost Force to expell it from its Center ; and next altogether concur to make one spherical Drop . Here by a perverse Contradiction he notoriously thwarts the surest Maxims of Philosophy , as they pertinently Relate to the Nature and Motion of Corporeal Beings . Nor is there any Thing more irrational , if not Philosophically absurd , than to define , as he does , globulous Materials , and debar them of Motion natural to their Figures : It being not possible to imagine , that whatsoever is rotund should be more propense to Move in a streight Line , or the nearest unto it , than in a circular Revolution . If a Ball be let fall from the Hand , will it it not rotundly Move suitable to its Figure ? And could this Author imagine , That a Demonstration so experimentally obvious would be wav'd by any Principle of his Geometrically Inconsistent ; or that the exactness of Things circularly Mov'd , of all others most perfect , should incline to deviate from their Centers ? Or if that were granted , is it at all probable , that they could have freer migrations , according to this Author , through any one of his suppos'd watry Drops , than in the tenuous Substance of the Ambient Air ? Which being done , they are , in his Sense , sometimes compulsively enforc'd towards their Centers , if their Figures be not absolutely spherical ; but if exactly round , as forcibly remov'd from their Centers . And thus he Implicates , if not so , crosly Involves Contradictions , that he determines the operations of Nature , more consonant to the exerting of a Step-dame's Arbitrary Conduct , than suitable to the comely Effects , by which she regularly produces the Motion and Being of Things . All which must be conceded as Principles of Nature , incident to her Rule and regular Intention ; as surely as some of her Materials are more substantially heavy , or lighter than others ; and will therefore have a natural Recourse , upwards or downwards , to their Centers accordingly . Wherefore it may be admir'd in what Fit , or Heat of Fancy , the Brain of this Monsieur was Inveigled when by so many perplex'd Words , as also opposite Terms and Methods , he did , in a manner , angrily Impose the Limitations of his Measures , on the stupendious Productions of the Works of Nature : Insomuch , that his Maxims , if soberly consider'd , signifie , little other , than a design'd Rape committed on the Grandeur of her Figure and Beauty , together with the providential Facility , by which she compleats and preserves her Legitimate Conduct and Operations . So that his Invented Elements , with all his Diagrams of Vortices and Globuli , seem fictitiously devis'd , or appertaining to the Imaginary System of some other World ; since not at all probable , that they could belong to the Composure of this . But enough has been in this Place , and occasionally before , I believe , satisfactorily Inserted , on this Subject , that it were impertinently tedious if more be added . There remains one Particular , that ere I conclude on this Head , requisitely deserves a considerable Remark ; because it Includes a very curious and subtil Mathematical Problem : Which he thus expresses ; the Angle of Contact by which the Tangent Line touches a Circle , and by which only it is distant from a right Line , is less than any Rectilineal Angle whatsoever , and in no Curve Line , besides the Circle , is every where equal : Wherefore he Affirms , That a streight Line cannot more equally , and less every where inflect , or bend , from its Points , than when it degenerates into a Circular . I have read in the History of Algebra , written by Dr. Wallis , who mentions the controverted Question , concerning the Angle of Contact made by a streight Line where it touches the Circle ; but in his Opinion , thinks it nothing , if not a right Angle , in being perpendicular to the peripherial Point of the Circle ; because not otherwise , numerically Computable : He also Inserts his Disceptation , as I remember , by Letters that pass'd betwixt him and a certain Learned Person , who undertook to defend , against him , the Determination of the famous Mathematician Clavius , in whose Judgment , the Angle of Contact was properly something , tho' not Commensurable ; and therefore not otherwise definable , than as being less than any acute Angle whatsoever ; which I take to be the more probable Opinion : By reason that it could not be denominated Angular without it appertain'd to something , tho' but of general or tacit Application . And thus , in the Judgment of Euclid , the Angle of Contact has a singular Attribute , where it touches the periphery of the Circle , but not otherwise accountable or to be summ'd by Number : The Reason is , that in every Circle , whether equal , or unequal , the Point in the Circumference touch'd by a right Line will be the same in all of them ; because no other Line can fall between the Point of Contact , in any of their Peripheries : And could it be Commensurable , it would be of one Equality : Whereas , contrarily , in every direct Figure , or where two right Lines touch one another , the Angle they make may be Geometrically lessen'd by any intervening Line , or Lines , that meet in the Angular Point : But not so to be understood of the Angle of Contact , which has no proportion in its self , if compar'd with any other figurative Angle . To which purpose , the Learned Proclus signally Determines , That the Point in the Circle , where the Angle of Contact meets with a streight Line , is mixtly Compos'd of a direct Line , and the Curviture of the Circle ; and therefore not Commensurable by any distinct Line , that can be numerically computed . So that the Angle of Contact may be well Term'd singular , by reason it has no proportional Similitude , or Quantitative Propriety , correspondent to any other Angular Delincament . And the more Admirable , because the wonderful Extent , and Power of Geometry , computatively Explains by the vastness of its Science , all other Angles , Mathematically qualified , except that which is lineally annex'd to the touch of the Circle . And what is yet more wonderful , the tangent Line that Includes , and makes the Angle of Contact , is perfectly Commensurable , tho' not the Angle where it touches the Circle ; a Geomemetrical Secret that has not a little perplex'd , if not pos'd the Pens of famous Mathematicians . Or this Proposition may be thus demonstrated ; the Angle at D , made by the prickt Line D C , in the Triangle A , D , C , is a right Angle , as is always the Angle in the Semicircle ; therefore the Angle ; A , C , D , is less than a right Angle , tho' it may be allow'd greater than any acute Angle , and the Angle at C made by the tangent Line , less than any acute Angle that can be given : Otherwise , the Point where the tangent Line touches the Circle , could not be , in that Point , singular ; as before demonstrated . So that in the Triangle A , C , D , if D be a right Angle , the Angle at C must be less than a right Angle ; because in every plain Triangle , the three Angles are but equal unto two Right ▪ Which confirms the former Demonstration . And from which may be concluded , that of what demonstrative Quantity , the Angle of Contact does actually consist , is , as yet conceal'd from Geometrical Inquisition : Or not to be discover'd , untill a certain Proportion can be found betwixt a streight and a curve Line ; which perhaps may never be Demonstrated : If not as impossible , as to prove , a Curve commensurately distinguish'd from a Curve . I confess , I am not a little beholding to this Learned Monsieur , for the occasion he has given me to discuss , I conceive not unsatisfactorily to the Judicious , the Question concerning the Angle of Contact so much controverted by Celebrated Geometricians : And which , by a certain fineness in Science , is more pertinently apply'd to the purpose , he would intend it , than any Mathematical Proposition , Theorem , or Diagram of his that I have met with . But I cannot thank him for the Conclusion he deduces from thence ; or because he takes it for granted , That a streight Line by reason of the near approximation that it has to the Circle , in the Point of Contact , never less inflects from every of its Points , than when it degenerates into a circular Figure . By which Inference he does highly disparage the Contexture and Theory which he devises for the Motions of his Vortices and Globuli , in order to their material compleating of the Universal World : If their Motions , in any kind , tending to a direct Line , be allow'd to degenerate ; when from that manner of Movement they convert to circular Revolution . Which were all one as to charge the motional Exactness and Conduct of Nature , providentially dispos'd , with Mistake , or Imperfection , relating to her Operation and Works : Because no figurative Motion can be imagin'd so absolutely compleat , excellent , and of certain continuance , as is circular Movement : By reason that no Part of a Circle can be Term'd its Beginning or End. Whereas contrarily , no Motion can be made in a streight Line , but must have separate , intervall'd and terminated Parts : Which enough disproves the Allegation of this Author ; as sure as that by Geometrical Dignity and Proof , the Circle has a superlative perfection above all other Figures . And were it not to be so acknowledg'd , there is little reason , why the Wisdom of Providence should annex the admirable Computation of Days and Years to circular Revolution . But so much has been said , by way of Confutation , in my former Remarks , on this Subject , that I need not renew them here . Nor is it requisite , that I should farther reflect on his elaborate Expressions , Draughts , Schemes and Delineations , by which he undertakes to confirm the Motion of Things , in order to the Constructure of the Universe , together with the Being of the Earth ; since , I doubt not , I have refell'd his total Hypothesis on which his Principles are grounded . Wherefore I shall pass from all of them , to the Entertaining of my Reader with some especial Thoughts , relating to the Original of the World , and Earth , we inhabit , as are Ancient or Modern , of most erudite Reputation . I. Concerning the Magnitude of the Universal World , the Questions are ; Whether it be Infinite , or Finite , materially replenish'd or not ? II. As to its Duration , or Continuance ; Whether it had any temporary Beginning , or eternally Constituted ? III. As to Number ; Whether it be one , or numerously Existing ? Tho' as to Number , there can be no Controversie , if the World be granted Infinite ; because there can be but one Infinite . IV. Another grand Querie is , From what Cause , or Matter , was the World Originally Compos'd ? V. And next , From whence , or in what manner that Cause and Matter did proceed ? Of these , Disputes have been rais'd , till ceas'd by Conceding of One , or more Eternity of Causes . All which Particulars have been exquisitely Treated of , by great Philosophers ; if the labour of their Search , could have been as satisfactorily repaid , by discerning of what they so earnestly sought : But they soon found that Infinite Science is inconsistent with Finite Understanding : It being impossible , that in the most exquisite Imagination of Mankind , there should be an Idea , or Phantasm , of any Thing of Infinite Denomination , or Being , either as to Magnitude or Time : Because neither Magnitude , or Time can be Infinitely Computed : Insomuch , that nothing , but what is Infinite , can have an Infinite Conception . So that should a Man , of the most subtil and refin'd Reason , undertake to argue from one Effect of an immediate Cause , and next to a Remoter ; and by that manner of Reasoning continually Ascend ; he would find , That his Imagination could have no eternal Progression , but would fail , as if tir'd , by its stupendious Journey ; or how to proceed farther , not at all impower'd to direct it self . Nor is it consequently absurd , in the Judgment of Learned Philosophers , if the Structure of the Universe be thought either Finite , or Infinite ; by reason that both , or either of those ways , of its Constituting , are alike possible to the Conduct and Operation of the Almighty ; as the World now is , or might so have been , formerly beheld , with whatsoever it contains . If nothing can properly be said to Move , but as it is Mov'd by some Cause of Motion , which must be granted Supreme and Eternal : A main Querie depends on that Concession ; which is , Whether Matter , the subject of Motion , must not be also allow'd Eternal ; in which Sense , the World might be held perpetually and motionally Existing : Contrary to the Opinion of Some ; who determine , That the Omnipotent Cause , or Deity , was eternally Immoveable , or not at all Operative , untill the World's total Creation was miraculously compleated : But the Objection , against that Opinion , will be more difficultly Answer'd ; if urg'd , That whatsoever may be thought eternally Immoveable , cannot be probably conceded the primary Cause of Motion ; which Imply's a temporary , or Finite Beginning , as applicable to any Date of the World's Creation : A Consequence , in the Judgment of some , that Confirms the perpetuity of the World 's material Consistence ; as also , That , by Omnipotent Power it was always in Motion till gradually perfected as it now Exists : It being , not at all , Inconsistent with Divine Power , if so ordain'd , That Matter should be unaccountably motional , in order to the stated Disposure , and exact Consummation of whatsoever has Being , within the vast Circumference of Heaven and Earth : Yet no such Thing as Infinite Matter , in any consideration , rationally to be suppos'd the Original , out of which proceeded the World's Existence , with all its Particulars : By reason that it were a Geometrical Contradiction , should Matter be defin'd Infinitely subsisting : Since absolutely certain , that whatsoever may be Term'd Matter , Substance , or Body , must also be quantitively Commensurable : Wherefore , in this Case , the World might be , before Time was , materially Consistent ; if duely distinguish'd betwixt Infinite , and eternal Duration ; which by Omnipotent Will and Power might be effected , by determining a perpetual continuance of Matter , tho' not Infinitely Existing . The great Philosopher Aristotle not a little concenter'd with the same Opinion , as he thought it more probable to appropriate Eternity to the material Being of the World ; in opposition to the Sentiments of some Philosophers , who thought it was generated , according to the Opinion of Plato , by a certain Mutation from what it had been , to what it afterwards was , or now is . But although , in the Judgment of Aristotle , the substantial Existence of the World was deem'd Everlasting ; he could not believe , that its Matter was actually Infinite ; because whatsoever is material must be quantitive , and therefore Mathematically computable , as before Instanc'd : So that if Aristotle be reconcil'd to Aristotle , he may be understood , to deny the Being of the World from any precedent Alteration , or Change that could proceed from its natural Composure , or any generative Faculty , that could be suppos'd in it , at all produc'd : But in this Belief ▪ he does not absolutely oppose its total Creation . If he firmly conceiv'd , That it was never effected by any generative Method ; he does not , by that Tenent peremptorily dissent from the possibility of its Existence , by a miraculous Creation : To which purpose , in his Second Book of the World , he Affirms , That the World , is the Ordainment of God : And in his Twelfth Book of Metaphysicks , he positively Asserts , That the World , and whatsoever it contains ▪ depends on God as its Original Cause . Which duely apprehended , is more contiguous to Divine Allowance , than the Universal Principels of Catholick Des-Cartes ; who having fill'd the World with one pure Element , and by that determination left no Space or Room , whereby there may be imagin'd any natural Operation , by which the different Qualifications and Proprieties that he confers on his Vortices and Globuli , could be possibly deduc'd . Insomuch , that it may be Affirm'd , That his petty Phaenomena's , together with his Hypothesis of the World's Production , are more Irrationally fabulous , than the little imperfect Notions of Atoms , expos'd in the Writings of Epicurus ; who teaches , That the World , before it had Beginning , did consist of most diminutive Places , that were not replenish'd with Bodies ; his Reason is , That had such Places been fill'd with any Corporeal Beings , there could not have been Room for the Motion of his Atoms ; because one Body might oppose , in the Space it possess'd , the Movement of another ; and so frustrate in every kind , the progression of his Atoms , in order to the Constituting of Heaven and Earth : The Modalities of which Particles of Nature , by Epicurus denominated Atoms , together with their motional Attributes , may methodically be read in the Writings of the Philosophical Poet Lucretius , to which I refer the Reader . And next to proceed with Monsieur Des-Cartes , I find that he has not only elaborately Intrigu'd , if not unsuccessfully perplex'd his Brain , as I have precedently prov'd , by forming of such Materialities , and their Movements , whereby he would Embody the Fond , Situation and Existence of the Terrene World ; but also , as he Imploys his farther Speculations on the Elements of Air and Water , as being of nearest vicinity to the Earth we Inhabit . The Air , by his Definition , is of a tenuous and fluid Substance , congeriously compos'd of his Third Element , already mention'd ; and therefore declares it thin , and pellucidous . That the Air consists of a Fluid tenuity is undeniable ; but not to be allow'd glist'ring or shining of it self ; which is very evident , as we ocularly discern the capacious Complex of the ambient Air , more , or less , Enlightned ; and consequently Warmer , or Colder its Temperature and Effects as it proportionably receives , and is qualified , by Illuminations from Above . And therefore not true , as inferr'd by this Author , that because the Air is of a liquid and tenuous Consistence , that it is therefore naturally , and not accidentally Lucid : If otherwise , why might not this opiniative Monsieur as well Attribute Inherent transparency , or shining , unto Water ; that is so nearly ally'd to Air , in being of a fluid and thin Substance ? But who ever observ'd any shining in either of these Elements in a cloudy Day , or Night ? So that Experience assures , That neither Air , or Water have , in themselves , any Illuminating Propriety ; unless he could convincs us , That a congeries of his Globuli , of which he Asserts the vast quantity of Air and Water is Compos'd , were glisteringly parcell'd , like studded Diamonds : But allowing , neither them , nor their Vortices , and Elements from whence he derives them , any such Capacity , or so much as a Being , in rerum natura , I cannot but totally reject them , wheresoever I find them , as formerly I have done . My next remarkable Consideration shall refer to his 48th Particular , where he delivers the two main specifical Qualities that he annexes to the Nature of Water ; some of which he determines flexible , others inflexible ; and if separated one from another , some of them compose , or produce Salt Water , whilst others sweet , or fresh . This Principle of his can never be so perfectly Season'd , as that it shall not taste of a Paradox , in the very Sense of the Word ; as it is apply'd by common Understanding : For what is more distastful to obvious Intelligence , than to Attribute to the Fluidity of Water , a flexible , or inflexible Qualification ? Whereas Water , by its appropriated Inclination may be properly said to flow , but not to bend , or consider'd as absolutely Inflexible : A Stick , or Cane may be bow'd by the Hand ; but can a Man so grasp a quantity of Water , as he may be thought to Inflect , or bend the liquid Material ; or feel , in any of its fluid Substance , such an Inflexible Part ; that he could not squeez , or if he did , immediately observe it stiffen'd into a Salt Composition ? Could this be readily perform'd by Manual Operation , it would doubtless advantageously facilitate the Salt-Manufacture , and gratifie the Inventer with a Pension and thanks from the Publick , for his beneficial Project . But I cannot perceive any such assurance in the Writings of this French Gentleman ; if not rather , an Imaginary Perfection conferr'd by him on the Actings of his Globuli ; as he supposes them sometimes to thin Water into Air , or thicken Air into Water : Much like the pretended Experiments of Empiricks , who boastingly teach , That their Operations consist of such a quintessence of Things , as were never understood before : Whereas indeed , 't is a devis'd Tale of so many Non-Entities , as to any Use , or Effect , that could be actually perform'd by any real process of such Authors . The next Exterior and Contiguous Element to Air is Water , as it is , by Philosophers , Elementarily understood ; of which , In his 49th Particular he offers a very confiderable Account , as he applys it to the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea : The external Superficies of the Earth being , in some sort , surrounded by the Ocean , whereby the Globulous Form of the Earth is more exactly compleated . There is no Speculation , within the Precincts of Nature , that has more perplex'd Learned Authors , than the Discovery they would attain , of the Causes that effect the Flux and Reflux of the Sea , every six Hours of Day and Night ; as it is variously observ'd in different Climes , and Situations of the Earth . But as to the Ocean in general , the same Compass of Time , relating to its Floating and Refloating is usually expended : Whereas in the Baltick , as also , in some other Seas , there are no such Egressions and Regressions of the Waves of the Sea ; which failure is by some thought to proceed from the narrowness or streightness of the Shores , and the adjoyning Caverns of the Earth , not large enough to receive , or be fill'd with the huge Billows of the rolling Water : Or because the coldness of those Parts of the World , obstruct the Rarifying of Exhalations requisitely conducing to the sufficient Tumefying , or Swelling of the Waves that flow to their Shores. Whether these Reasons , or more that might be added , have an effectual tendency in order to the various Fluxions , and Refluxions of the Ocean , observable in many Places of the Earth , I will not dispute ; being more inclinable to believe , that it is a Secret more deeply absconded by Nature , than can be penetrated by the most accurate Inquisition of Humane Science . Notwithstanding it may be Affirm'd , That the remote Cause may probably be deriv'd from the Etherial vigour of divers Stars ; but most especially from the Moon , when gradually arising above the Horizon she disperses her Beams obliquely on the Ocean , and by that means warmes , as also exhales from the bottom of the Sea , such Exhalations , that being Dilated , Tumefy'd , and consequently so weightily Increas'd , as , in a manner , they Revolve to Shores. The next Diversity may be apprehended from the Degrees of Motion made by the Moon , as she departs from the Meridian , towards the West Part of the Horizon ; by which Movement , she disperses her Raies and Light , less obliquely , and therefore not so efficaciously transmitted to the Sea , or generative of Vapors ; whence follows such a remission of the Tumidity of the Ocean , that it seems to Reside , and by so doing causes an Ebb or with-drawing from the Land. Other Varieties of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Ocean , as they depend on the Motion of the Moon by Day , or Night , might be mention'd here : But I conceive the Instances I have given are enough , and which I thought conveniently interpos'd ; because the most Remarkable Opinion amongst Philosophers , before I came to the Judgment of Des-Cartes , on this profound Subject . To which purpose , he rely's on the Phaenomena of his Vortices and Globuli , together with the Motion of the Earth and Sea , contiguous unto it , and a Scheme delineated to that end . On all which , I am oblig'd to Insert no other Remark ; than by insisting on my absolute denial of the total Hypothesis of his Vortices and Globuli , as also of the Earth's Motion , either Diurnal , or Annual ; which by the Diagram that I have given , in the Third Part , I doubt not , is Geometrically demonstrated : So that it were a needless Repetition should I reiterate the same Confutation . In his 51st Particular , I confess , he has a Conceit , which , as to the Flux and Reflux of the Ocean , could I Correspond with the dependence it has on his other Systems , appears to be Mathematically acceptable ; by the Instance he gives , and seeming probation , why in Equinoctial Times , or when the Moon is either at Full , or at New ; the Flowing of the Sea is greater than at other Seasons : Which he thinks he Confirms , by alledging , That the Moon , at such Times , and condition of her Light , has always a Vicinity to the Plane of the Ecliptick , and that the Earth , which he supposes motional , makes its Diurnal Progression , according to the Plane of the Equator : From whence , saies he , it comes to pass , that those two Planes Intersect one another , but in Solstitial Times are remotely distant : Concluding from thence , that the greatest Tides and Floatings of the Sea are in the Spring , and Autumn of the Year . This Theorem , howsoever it may appear to have some fineness , suitable to the Copernican Dialect , much endear'd by this Author , does undeniably Subvert that whole Hypothesis : For were it granted true , That the Earth , by its Diurnal Motion , did vicinely Revolve , ( as he Asserts ) at the Time of the Equinoctial , to the Plane of the Equator ; the Point , or Zenith over our Heads , must in that Instant be remov'd , or under the Equinoctial , and consequently some other Point , in that great Circle of the Sphere , be made our Zenith : The like may be Affirm'd , if the Earth were Imagin'd to be , by her Annual and Diurnal Motion in any Parallel to the Equator : In all of which diversities , both the Zenith , as also the Elevation of the Pole , must more , or less , vary or alter , in every Minute and Day of the Year throughout the World ; contrary to Astronomical Proof and Observation : By which , it is very manifest , that both the Zenith and Elevation of the Pole are constantly the same , suitable to the Situation of Climes , to which they appertain : All which , in the former Treatise , is lineally prov'd by me ; as certainly as that there is such a Figure as a spherical Triangle . If wav'd the improbable conjecture of the Motion of the Earth , by allowing the long receiv'd Hypothesis of the Sun 's Diurnal and Annual Revolution in the Ecliptick : 'T is not to be doubted , that when the Sun is in either of the Equinoctial Points , that the Moon is more approximately and directly impower'd by the vicine Illuminations that she then receives from the Sun ; by reason that the Ecliptick , only in those Seasons , meets the Equator in one and the same Point : And tho' when in opposition to the Sun , that is to say , at her Full , or greatest plenitude of Light , she has a greater horizantal Distance , visible to the Eye , at that instant of Time , than at an other : Yet receiving , in that remote Aspect , a more direct Illumination than she does in other positions of her Orb , she operates more powerfully on the Ocean ; because the Sun has , at that time , no declination from the Equator . The like effect may be attributed to the newness of her Light , the Sun being in the Equator , when , in Conjunction with him there , she is Illuminated nearest to a direct or perpendicular Line , wherefore her Beams must necessarily operate more vigourously on the Sea ; and thus , by the observable , Propriety that she has to dilate , and encrease Moisture , the Waves and Tides of the Ocean may well be granted more Impetuously high and swell'd , at Equinoctial Times , than at other Seasons : As also , that the Earth , allow'd the Center of the Equator , as it is contiguously surrounded by the Ocean , cannot but more efficaciously receive in that Estate and Position of the Luminaries , and especially of the Moon , a transcendent flowing of the Waters of the Main , that are nearest to the Verge of the Earth's Circumference . In a word , when all is said that can be thought , on this Subject , there is no such Cause , to be prov'd , that in all Parts , in every National Being and Situation of the Earth , can be certainly applicable to the Flux and Reflux of the Sea , which is Experimentally found so variously different , both as to Time and Continuance , in all Parts of the Habitable World. Which cannot proceed from any uncertain Operation descending from above ; but rather caus'd by intervening Obstructions arising from the diversities of the Temper of the Air , and Wind that alter and compell , more or less , the Motions of the Watery Element . Other Reasons and Discussions of Authors tending to the Resolution of the fathomless difficulty appertaining to the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , might be here added : But finding them to be rather disputative than clearly demonstrative : I shall not burden the Ingenuity of a Reader , by Inscribing their perplexities with my Pen : Having , I conceive , deliver'd what is of greatest probability on this wonderful Subject . Of what Extent or Compass the Sea is I find not , in this , or other Writers . But that it is larger than the Earth , is evident ; because it surrounds the Terrene World : And 't is not to be doubted , that whatsoever contains is greater than any Thing contained by it . But as to the Depth of the Ocean , 't is Computed , by some accurate Navigators , not to be more than two and a half of English Miles : Which is very strange , if the Depth of the Sea be taken for its Diameter . Considering that the Sea , for the reason here mention'd , is bigger than the Earth ; but much less , if by its Depth be accounted its Diameter : As may be seen by the Computation , of the Diameter of the Earth , that I have formerly Inserted . Thus far of the Earth , and its Exterior Parts . As to the Inferior , I observe divers Particulars mention'd by Des-Cartes ; and which he supposes might be caus'd and produc'd by Materials , according as he imagines their Operations and Effects : But these being Things of small Consideration , or Improvement to Knowledge ; as also that their Nature and Uses are , for the most part , as familiarly understood , as that there are Plants and Minerals of several Tempers , and natural Proprieties : I shall therefore pass from them , to Things of more Moment ; and next , as very commodious Interials of the Earth , relating to the necessary supportance of Humane Life , examine the Philosophy of this Author , where he Inserts his Reasons , why Fountains and Springs that Emerge from within the Earth , should taste liquidly fresh ; notwithstanding that in some Depths , or Wells , the Water is Salt. To be sure he continues the Phaenomena's of his imaginary Elements , Vortices and Globuli , in order to the producing of Things , as well under as above the Surface of the Earth : And thus we have , from him , Fountains and Rivers replenish'd with Water . To which purpose , he has expos'd to the Eye , some impress'd Diagrams , by which he undertakes to explain such liquid Emanations underground , in the Cranie's of the Earth , in Similitude to the Circulation of Bloud in the Veins and Arteries of Men and Animals . But this fanciful Monsieur , having not been able , as I have frequently observ'd , to Demonstrate either the necessary Being , Motion , or Capacity of such Materials , as he very confidently Introduces : I am apt to conclude , That if the Earth had not been naturally Impower'd by other means , than such as are tender'd by Des-Cartes , whereby to sustain , and engender her liquid Existencies , in all the necessary Parts and Compositions of her Body : She had been endu'd with no more Moisture , than is to be found in the Sun-burnt Sands of Africa . Real Causes there are , that may be defin'd perfectly Elementary , and therefore not ally'd to any Impotent Existencies , or such as may be term'd procreative Fathers and Mothers , on whose Mixtures depend all Terrestrial Matter or Substances deliver'd with a simple Elementary Name , by this Author . And thus , in the Sense of approv'd Philosophy , Springs and Fountains , together with the sweetness of their Waters , may be deriv'd from Exhalations , which being Condens'd in the hollow Passages of the Earth , are converted into Water ; as may be observ'd of a kind of Breathings evaporated from a Pot of Liquor , that by the frigidity of its Cover are thicken'd into small Drops of a liquid Nature . From whence it ensues , that great quantities of Sea-Water flowing in many Caverns of the Earth , such tenuous Parts are exhal'd from them that being moistly Condens'd are turn'd into Fountains . He bids us not wonder , as indeed we need not , if in the bottom of some Wells , there may be found Salt-Water : Which he thinks might there remain , because the brinish liquidity is not strain'd or clear'd from the Water of the Seas as it passes to such Profundities . That Water in some Wells is Salt , notwithstanding they are far distant from the Sea , is not to be doubted ; but the reason he gives for their being so , is not certain : Because it is very likely , that the Sea-Water might not pass to any remote Parts within the Earth , and not be alter'd or purified from their saltness , by meeting , as also mixt , with abundance of fresh Water that passes and repasses within the Earth . Nor is it impossible , that divers hot Substances , as Minerals , and the like , contain'd in profound Places of the Earth ; might not so efficaciously rarifie such quantities of Water , that the residue would remain thicken'd , and therefore more aptly inclin'd to saltness . But as the Supremer and not less Important Cause of the saltness of Water in Wells , especially of some that are farthest distant from the Sea , may be reasonably thought to proceed from the powerful Exhalations effected by the Sun and Stars ; by whose Influence and Heat , the tenuous Parts of Water are Extracted , tho' from deepest Wells , leaving such a crassitudeness , in the residue as gives to it a Salt Qualification . Nothing being more certain , than that whatsoever is thicken'd , and thereby render'd more dryly adust , especially where Earth has any Commixture with it ; saltness , as its concomitant Quality , will be there found . The same Reason may be given for Salt , discover'd in Mountains , mention'd by this Author . Nor is the Cause at all different , if not more obviously expos'd , from whence proceeds the briny Relish of the Superficies of the Ocean : Which openly Revolving under the Celestial Luminaries , has its tenuous Parts supremely Exhaled , and consequently the Regions replenish'd with Clouds ; which being dissolv'd into Drops of Rain , there is no Salt Acerbity to be perceiv'd in them ; which proves , That the Moisture exhal'd from the Sea is of a more tenuous Substance than that which is left behind , and therefore of a fresher Taste . To which may be added experimental assurance , that the Sea is less brackish at bottom than on its superficial Parts : Which sufficiently confirms , that the Saltness of Sea-Water is produc'd by the Motion and Heat that is Influenc'd by the Sun and Stars . That the Waters of the Ocean are rather accidentally than naturally Salt ; as also , that they purge themselves in their passage to Shores , may be signally noted from the Experiment made by Julius Caesar ; who when Besieg'd in Alexandria , caus'd Pits to be digg'd in the Shore of the Sea , which reliev'd his Army with Water potably fresh ; by reason that the Sea-Water had its Saltness , in a manner strain'd , as it pass'd thorough the Sands on the Shore . That the Southern Ocean is salter than the Northern , can be effected from no other Cause , than that the Sea , in that Part of the World is Warmer than the other ; correspondent to the Air and Winds , that coming from the South are Hotter , to Sense , than those which are blown from the North. There is no Question more Controverted by Philosophers , then the Causes that limit and confine the Ocean , tho' by its Elementary Propriety higher than the Superficies of the Earth , and perpetually supply'd with innumerable Springs , Fountains , Rivers and Flouds , that vastly Unite their Currents , as they elapse from the inward and outward Parts of the Earth : Yet do not so replenish the Sea , however by Nature elevated above the Terrene World , that it executes that Prerogative by a general Inundation : Or by particular Exorbitancy , gain more on any Part of the Earth's Surface than it loses in another . The Reason of which , as it is render'd by some of erudite Proficiency , is , because great quantities of the Water of the Sea , are receiv'd by Caverns within the Earth ; as likewise , that the Ocean is much commixt with Terrene Materials , which depress , in divers Places of the Sea , the outragious height and swelling of its Waves , before they arrive to Shores : As also , that the hard Composition and Dryness of the Earth , contiguously resist the Attacks made by the Water . These Instances , I doubt not , are sounder Probabilities , tending to the Decision of the Grand Question , ( before mention'd ) than any to be deduc'd from the Reasons given by Des-Cartes : Which are so complicated , if not intricately perplex'd , that he might have spar'd his endeavour to explain them by any Draughts , or Schemes ; which , if duely Inspected , would rather expose their Obscurity , than Intelligibly clear them to the Sense of the Peruser . And thus I pass to what he Writes of Things contain'd in the Internal Parts of the Earth , together with their Causes : The most principal of which relate to Earth-quakes , the Eruption of Flames out of Mountains , such as are observ'd of Aetna in Sicily , and Vesuvius , in Campania . Of these , proceeding from subterraneous Effects , Operations and Causes ; I cannot find , if granted his Principles , That a more accurate Discovery is explicated by his Pen , than what has been Written of their wonderful Productions and Consequences by others . Much he Inscribes of Stones , Minerals , and in Summ , without enumerating of their several Denominations , of the principal Things that are contain'd in the Bowels of the Earth . But most especially , he Treats of the Magnet , or Load-stone , together with its admired Proprieties . This precious Stone , above all value for its commodious and extraordinary Use ; whose transcendent Excellencies untill discover'd , in some few Ages past , was wanted to the Conduct of most Approv'd Navigators : Who , before understood the Sympathetick Virtues and wonderful Attraction of the Magnet , as by its affectionate Touch , the Points of a Needle are directive on the Ocean ; were too frequently , without a Guide , benighted , and wanderingly toss'd on the watery World ; or necessitated to Furl their Sails , and fix Anchors in the bottom of the Main , untill discern'd the Munificent appearance of some noted Star , whose Motion , being Calculated , directed their Journey on the Waves of the Sea. Whereas now , the Pilot more certainly Sails by the Compass that contains his Magnetical Needle , than , he could , before its Invention , by any other Computation . By what means , or happy Accident , this admirable Benefit , whose secret Cause and Efficacy is so occultly reserv'd by Nature , from the eruditest Search of the Learned , was first Discover'd ; seems rather the beneficial Act of Providence , than concentring with Humane Invention . Notwithstanding all which , Des-Cartes is so fondly confident of his supposs'd Phaenomena's , in every consideration , that he doubts not to promulge , as he would be taken for a paramount Minister to the Counsels of Nature , such Secrets , that being enclos'd in her Cabinet , could only be Reveal'd by him . To which purpose , he presents his Reader with no less than Thirty Four Particulars , whereby he would explain the mysterious Sympathy of the Load-stone and Iron . On which I am oblig'd to bestow no other Remark , than by taxing of their dependancies on the Construction and Management he gives to his fabulous Elements , Vortices and Globuli ; by which he attempts to Constitute the World , and all its Individuals , together with their occultest Qualifications , and manner of Existence : As surely as he Imagines , that in this Place , he has Decipher'd every Syllable relating to the obscurest Contexture , Being , and Nature of the Magnet ; the most useful Jewel of Stones , with all its Excellencies . Had it not been as easie for this Author , having furnish'd his Brain with so many Notions , Theories and Systems , by which he undertakes to penetrate and display the total Recesses of Nature , to have given a Philosophical Reason , Why the Remora , tho' one of the least of Fishes , adhering to the Stern or Rudder of a great Ship , should stop her Course , when under Sail , in a Tempestuous Sea ? Or , Why the Eyes of a Crab-Fish should burst the Stone engender'd in the Bladder of Man ? Yet these Experiments are related by undoubted Authors ; but so as they are referr'd to ocult Causes , or such as are impossible to be extricated by Humane Comprehension : On which account Pliny , the great Naturalist , acknowledges , that there are many Things , wholly absconded , by the Majesty of Nature . From whence I conclude , That had this Learned Monsieur been as modest , in his Opinion , he had never propo'sd any Maxims of his , in order to Frame the miraculous Consistence of the Universal World , by Materials and Operations of his devising : For doing of which , however the labour of his Pen , and pregnancy of his Fancy , might in those respects , acquire Applause : Yet , in a Judicious construction , they cannot be allow'd any other Encomium , than may be given to Ovid , for the first Line , or Introduction , to his fictitious Poem ; where he tells his Reader , that In nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas Corpora — To be plain : I would as soon rely on the Metamorphosis of that Poet , by which he fabulously produces the Universe , with all its Appurtenances ; as confide , on that account , on the Principles engender'd by the Brain of Des-Cartes . Not but I grant , that the most accurate Thinker , even where Causes of Things are obscurely Envelop'd , will signally attain the nearest room to Philosophical Reputation . Notwithstanding , the endeavours of Men are so far unfortunately obstructed ; that where Knowledge is most desir'd , and would requisitely be embrac'd , the greatest difficulties not seldom Interpose : Insomuch that the Faith we assign to the Zenith of our Salvation above ; Encounters , too often , the Soul with dubious Sentiments , that in a natural Conception are more remote from our Apprehension ; than the absconded Cause that guides the Magnetical Needle to Epitomize a Line that would direct its Points towards the vastly distant Poles of the World. The main Supposition of this Author , and on which chiefly his before-mention'd Thirty Four Particulars , relating to the especial Inclination of the Magnet , or the Needle touch'd by it , to regard the Nothern and Southern Points of Heaven ; is , That he supposes two Poles in the Magnet that respect those Parts , or Poles on which he imagines the Earth to Move . But how the Load-Stone should be accomplish'd with two such Poles , that Sympathetically affect those Points of the World , he offers no natural Reason for their Consistence or Operation . Some of the Learned have thought , that by a secret Sympathy Influenc'd by Nothern and Southern Stars , the Magnetical Needle points towards them . Others have more naturally , appropriated the Cause to vast quantities of Iron situated , as some think , under the North , or South Pole of the World : From which Opinion , perhaps as probable as any other , may be inferr'd , That if one end of the Needle does steadily Point Northward , the other will as certainly Point Southward ; because the Needle will be then demonstratively in the same Plane , with the Meridian Line , if not accidentally hinder'd : But notwithstanding the strong Inclination , or sympathetical Affection , that the Magnetick Needle has directly to represent the two Polar Points of the World : 'T is frequently observ'd , that in some Places of the Earth , ' tho not far distant from one another , it considerably differ'd , if compar'd with what it does in other Situations . And what is more admirable , if plac'd , as near as could be judg'd , on the same foot of Ground , it has at one time more or less vary'd , than at another : And thus it is frequently observ'd that very near the same Place , higher , or lower , or on the contrary Sides of a Wall or Window , that the Magnetical Needle hath pointed on contrary sides of the Meridian : Which might be from different Azimuths , as the Compass was plac'd ; much like to the Substile of a declining Dyal on several Plaines . Whether caus'd by some Aspects and Motions of Stars , Alterations of the Air , Water , Earth , and Seasons of the Year , or Metals conceal'd within the Surface of the Earth : If not , as some have Imagin'd , diverted , or variously drawn aside by quantities of Iron that in Towns and Cities , were more , or less , when Observation has been made , near their Precincts : As was the Opinion of Learned Gilbert , who is said to have spent 50000 Crowns on his endeavour to find out the Secret. But whatever were the Cause ; I think it not improper to mention the signal Observation made by practical Mr. Gunter , in the 279 Page of his Book , where he Writes , that being inform'd in what place Mr. Bourough , in the Year 1580 , had observ'd the Variation of the Compass at Limehouse near London , compar'd with the Azimuth of the Sun , to be 11 dig . 15 m. That he on the 13th of June , 1622 , made Observations on several Parts of the Ground in that Place ; and could find the greatest Variation of the Needle to be but 6 deg . 10 m. Which differs from the Observation made by Mr. Bourough 5 deg . 5 m. And tho' betwixt these Observations there was 42 Years difference ; it may be demonstratively concluded from them , that if the Earth be suppos'd to Move , as Des-Cartes Imagines , it could not vary its Poles , nor the Magnetical Needle , if granted , with him , to have Poles also , by the Virtue it receives from the Touch of the Magnet ; because both these Learned Authors made their Experiment in the same Place . Having consider'd these Observations , and not knowing whether , or not , the Variation of the Compass had been observ'd at Windsor , where I now Reside , I made , from a high and convenient Place , these following Observations , by comparing the Magnetical Azimuth of a Needle six Inches long , and I believe exactly touched , with the Azimuth of the Sun , from the Meridian Eastward ; or all one , as to Calculation , if number'd from the Meridian Westward , and found the several Variations of the Compass in this present Year , September the 9th , 1699 , betwixt the Hours of Four and Five in the Afternoon , according to the several Altitudes of the Sun , as in this Table Inserted . If the mean proportional Alt. ☉ Azm. Azm Variat . gr . m. gr . m. gr . m gr . m. 19 11 57 66 32 9 32 17 1 57 69 40 12 40 14 48 57 72 49 15 49 12 33 57 75 54 18 54 10 17 57 80 24 23 24 Number be computed betwixt the first Variation and the last , as they are Inscrib'd in this Table , it will be found 14 deg . 51 m. which differs but 3 deg . 37 m. from Mr. Bourough's Observation : Which might be his Method , as he might observe betwixt Hours : Or else , from a suitable Altitude of the Sun , made his Observation ; which is more probable , the Needle standing at one and the same Point , as it will do for some time , at least , if it be exact ; than that his Observation , at one and the same Place at Limehouse , should differ so many Degrees , as are above noted , from the Variation of the Compass found there by Mr. Gunter : In Summ , I found that Mr. Gunter's Observation of the Variation of the Compass , at the first place he observ'd when the Sun was at 19 deg . of Altitude , for he mentions several ; differ'd but 3 deg . 20 m. from the first of mine , as his Needle might Point Westward from the Meridian , and mine Eastward , which was at 19 deg . 11 m. of the Sun's Altitude : From whence I conclude , That had he made his Observation at the same Altitude and Declination of the Sun , as was done by me , there had been proportionably the same difference , if compar'd with my Table ; supposing his Magnetical Azimuth to have continu'd at 82 deg . 2 m. as it was first in his ; and his Observations , at his first Station , at Limehouse , as many as mine . In a Word , having duely ponder'd the Calculations made by my self and others , whereby to attain the exact Determination of this Great , and as yet unresolv'd Secret of the Variation of the Compass : I consider'd , that as the Magnetical Needle did Point , for the most part certainly , at so many Degrees of Variation , as it will do for a considerable space of Time , if the Needle be as perfect as it ought to be ; that there could be no surer Method , than to find such a Theorem , as should , as near as possible , demonstrate the Annual Variation of the Compass : To which purpose , I devis'd this Process : If betwixt the Sun's Declination of 30 m. from the Equator , as also his Altitude , suppose 30 m. or less , if thought necessary , be taken the mean proportional Sine , betwixt his Azimuth at 30 m. of Declination and Altitude , and the Complement in Degrees , of the most constant standing of the Magnetical Azimuth ; and next that the same be done from his greatest Declination , wanting 30 m. and 30 m. of Altitude , and the difference taken betwixt both the Mean Proportionals so found ; it is probably , the most certain way to find the Variation of the Compass , in any one Place , throughout the Year . Example . By my Observation at Windsor , Sept. 9th , 1699 : I found the most constant and fix'd Point of the Magnetical Needle to be 33 deg . Eastward from the Meridian , or the same if accounted Westward from the Miridian , whose Complement to 90 , is 57 deg . The Mean proportional Sine betwixt the Sun's greatest Azimuth at 30 m. Of Altitude and Declination and the Magnetical Azimuth was 66 deg . 19 m. : And the Mean proportional Sine betwixt the Magnetical Azimuth , and his Azimuth of greatest Declination wanting 30 m. and Altitude 30 m. was 51 deg . 21 m. : The difference betwixt which Mean Proportionals is 11 deg . 58 m. : Which I take to be the most approximate Variation of the the Compass at Windsor , in the Place where I observ'd , that can be given throughout the Year . After these Observations , I continu'd the Needle for several Weeks in the same Place , and found the difference of its Pointing very inconsiderable , or not varying a Degree from whence it had stood before ; as also , that it sometimes return'd to the very Degree , to which it had precedently pointed : Which as I discern'd was upon Change of Weather ; and inclin'd me to conclude , That as Clocks and Watches go truest in a serene Season , and temperature of the Air , that the Magnetical Needle might likewise somewhat vary : It being not less probable , that it might be so affected , considering its Elementary Temper , as well as other mix'd Bodies . And I am very apt to impute its temporary Variation , chiefly to that Cause , rather than to any other : Tho' I well know , that not a few pretend to other Reasons ; or such as I have already Instanc'd . As also how they infer , That in Places remote from Towns and Cities , the Magnetical Needle does more , or less vary : Which Observations were they Judiciously made , and Methodically collected and compar'd , might doubtless be a performance that would be gratefully receiv'd ; and in some respects forward the Curiosities of Men to a more requisite Reasoning , or useful discovery of the Causes and Effects , that are admirably Imply'd in the Proprieties of the Load-stone . But if Des-Cartes had been ask'd the Cause of these Diversities , or Variations in the Magnetical Needle , however impossible as he grounds his Opinion , by reason of the Observations I have Inserted ; he would confidently have referr'd them to the Consistence and Qualifications that the Magnet , in his Sense , receives from some one or more of his Invented Elements ; by which he supposes that particular Parts of the Load-stone are channell'd , or craggy , more or less , suitable to such striated , or hollow Particles of the Earth that respect its two Poles North and South . But how comes the Earth to have two such Poles , if by Poles be understood , as in an Astronomical Sense they ought , Points in the Axis of a Sphere , or Planetary Orb ? I may conclude , that if the Earth be Immovable , as I presume has been egregiously prov'd in the Third Part of my Remarks , then the Earth has no such Poles , as he would provide for her . Or were I a Cartesian Proselyte , and should grant , according to his Hypothesis , That the Earth is Imbu'd with a Diurnal and Annual Motion suitable to the Vortex , by which , in the Opinion of this Author , she does Revolve : Must I not also Affirm , That if the Magnet has correspondent Poles with the Earth , that it also Concenters , in all respects , with the same Motion ? But where is the Man that ever observ'd , or can reasonably Infer , That any such Movement is Incident to the Load-stone , more than to a Flint , or Peeble ? The most probable Reason that is given for the diversified Variation , at several times and places , observ'd , of the Magnetical Needle , as it experimentally relates , to different Points of the Compass , may , in Summ , be referr'd to what this Author cites from our Country-man the Learned Gilbert ; who chiefly imputes the Cause of the diversities to some Inequalities or alterable Tempers in the Superficies of the Earth : Or because there are more Load-stones in some Parts of the terrene World than in other : To which may be added , agreeable to the Opinion of Des-Cartes , that in some Seasons , more Iron is digg'd out of the Earth , and convey'd to distant Places , or Regions for publick and private Uses : Which might contribute much to the changeable Variations of the Magnetical Needle ; as they have been by Learned Observators , at several times , differently Computed . Upon the whole Matter , tending to the great Secret of the Needle touch'd by the Magnet , I find not , that the Inferences , above mention'd , are more passable with me , than any Allowance of mine , correspondent to the Opinion , of this Author of Poles in the Earth , or Affinity with them in the Load-stone , or Virtue , on that account , conferr'd by him on the Needle . Wherefore I judge , that I may with founder confidence adhere to the Reasons and Observations , precedently offer'd by me , than on any determination of the Magnetical Secret , tender'd by this Writer : The Maxims and Principles of Des-Cartes being so entirely deduc'd and connected by him , that if one of his Particulars be Answer'd , he gives no labour to his Opposer to have to do with more . Which I confess I take for a favour , tho' possibly against his Intention . And should I have been more Elaborate in my pursuit , or Conviction of his Tenents , as I perceive them perplex'dly deliver'd , and entangled both in the Sense , Method , Figures and Schemes , by which he does , in a manner , no less pose himself than his Reader ; my Replications would have been no less ungrateful to a Judicious Peruser , than if I had elaborately undertaken by one obscurity to manifest another : So that I may safely conclude , that the occult Quality , in reference to the Magnet , with all its Proprieties , is not more darkly reserv'd by Nature , than 't is envelop'd in the Writings of Des-Cartes . Nor need I repeat , that if I have render'd Invalid his First main Particular ; by proving , as I have done , neither the Earth , or Magnet has any such Poles , or Motion , Incident to his Hypothesis ; I may undoubtedly alledge , that his other Positions are totally Ineffectual . And thus I pass to his 184th Particular , where he mentions some other Things , as Jet , Rosin , Wax , Vitriol and the like ; to which he annexes , in resemblance of the Magnet , a Propriety whereby they Attract other diminutive Bodies : But of these not having made such perfect Experiments , as might render them clearly Intelligible , or grounded no less evidently , in his Judgment , than he has signified by the Composition , and Motions of Things , deducible from his supposed Elements , already disprov'd by me : He does , to as little purpose , Instance their Names and Natures . And therefore require no farther Discussion : It being my essential Design to limit , chiefly my Remarks to such Heads and Places of his Tractates , that I judge usefully conducing to the Improvement of Science , or whatsoever by the Humane Mind would be most desirably understood : To which purpose , I will take occasion from the hint he delivers of his Intention to compleat this Fourth Part of his Philosophy , wherein he has given , ( after his manner ) the Earth a Formation and Being , together with divers Things relating to its external , and internal Comprehension ; by adding his Treatments of the Original Production of Animals , Plants and Mankind . The last of which I shall principally insist on ; tho' wav'd , or deferr'd by him , in his 188th Particular , to some future Treatises , of which he was not fully resolv'd , or , at that time , furnish'd with leisure , or thoughts proper for his design'd Enterprise on those Subjects : Yet I find , that the Substance , of what he omits here , and especially that of the Original of Humane Production , is to be read in the 29th Page of his Distertatio de Methodo , or the right use of Reason , in order to the Investigation of the Truth of Science : Which I conceive was written before the Principles of his Philosophy ; or indeed an Epitome , for the most part , of what is to be found in them . Wherefore , I shall briefly select from thence , so much of his Method , tending to the primitive Existence of Mankind ; as also by what Cause , or operation , individual Man was originally Constituted in his admirable Form , and , more than wonderful Intellectual Capacity . The Summ of all which he comprehends in these Words : viz. That God did form the first Being of the Humane Body in all things correspondent to what it is now ; both in the External structure of Members , as also in the Internal and Organical Parts , produc'd out of the same matter , by which is meant by Des-Cartes , his first Element , as before remark'd by me . The method by which he supposes that God compleated the primary formation of Man , he takes to be no other than a corporeal substance , without either Sensitive , or Animated Proprieties , or , such as are observable in Plants , or Beasts , but only endu'd in the Heart with a kind of Fire without light , which he compares to a Hay-rick , distemperately warm before it is thoroughly dry ; or the calefaction that is in new Wine , before separated from its Dregs . But how he comes to give an Existence to Fire , in the original production that he confers on the Humane Body ; is no less contradictory to Sense , than if he had Affirm'd , that Flame could be infus'd into any Corporeal Thing without its Illuminating Capacity . True it is , that Hay ill-digested will smoak in the Stack , or Mow ; and if not prevented set the whole on Fire : And likewise experimentally certain , that New Wine will ferment , untill cleans'd by its Operation ; the latter , by reason of its predominant Quantity of Moisture , not capable of being inflam'd , as will the former ; that by prevalent dryness , opposing of its Moisture , smoaks and burns , by degrees , unless hinder'd , the Hay's distemper'd Substance . And is it not a mean conceited Similitude offer'd by Des-Cartes , by which he would render the Corporeal Figure of Original Man , as distemperately Consistent , tho' the immediate Manufacture , as he dilivers it , of the Omnipotent ? Yet being so far effected , could have no other Representation , than as the Material Composition might be Imagin'd to fumigate , or Smoak at the Nose and Mouth , in resemblance to the distemperatures of Hay and Wine , mention'd by him , yet not potentially operative , either by Rarifaction or Condensation ; tho' impossible to be suppos'd where any Thing is capacitated to Evaporate , Thicken , or Harden , that it should not be naturally endu'd with suitable Qualifications : Which is grosly deny'd by this Author , as he conceives , That Fire might be so diffus'd , by the Act of God , into the Substance and Composition of Original Man , that it might be destitute of its proper Effects ; either as to Alteration , or Diminution of the Matter that contain'd it : And if so , he must be very obscurely conceited , that would imagine a blind Fire uselessly Constituted in the first Humane Body by Omnipotent Power . The Material Substance out of which he concludes the primary Being of Man's Corporeal Shape and Proportion , is doubtless abstracted by him from his primary invented Element , and which he denominates the sole Materiality of whatsoever the World contains . But that Element , according to his Definition , being exceedingly Fluid and Tenuous , and no room left , by reason of its plenary Existing for any other Thing , or Substance throughout the Universe , as I have precedently mention'd ; 't is very Incompatible with common Understanding , that this simple Matter , and therefore incapable to produce any other Substance different from its own ; should by Des-Cartes be presum'd , if pardon'd the Expression , to fill the Hands of the Almighty in order to Constitute the total World withall it s admir'd Particulars , in a natural Method : Which seems no less Improbable , than if a Man should undertake , by grasping of Air , to make it of as solid a Substance , as is the Flesh and Bones of Man. But waving that Absurdity , as also , that Fire without Light , was originally convey'd by God , according to his Supposition , into the then , unliving Heart of Man , only to warm that principal Part ; If Fire could be thought so to reside , contrary to its elementary Nature and consuming Propriety , untill this Author imagin'd the whole Humane Body first Animated , by the infusing of the Soul by the Act of the Almighty : What could be imply'd by it , more than , that Fire was Ineffectually dispos'd into the lifeless Heart of Man by Divine Appointment ; yet not at all operative , otherwise than by impertinently warming of the Part without either vegetative , or sensitive Heat , as he defines it ? Which were all one as to conceive , That the Omnipotent seem'd to do something , by an extraordinary Method , tho' nothing farther Excellent , in reference to the Original Figure of Man's Corporeal Being , than if a skillful Statuary had Compos'd the likeness of the Humane Body in any Material Substance . Wherefore the Fable of Prometheus tending to his forming of Man out of Elementary Ingredients , not a little resembles the devis'd Part of the Almighty , as it is deliver'd by this French Philosopher ; with this difference , that Prometheus is said at once to compleat , by a Celestial Expedient , his Artificial Man ; whereas several Operations are allow'd by Des-Cartes , even to the Work of the Omnipotent ; tending to the primary Production of the Humane Body and Soul. Nor do I preceive , That this Author , if allow'd the fineness of his Invention , does more sublimely Celebrate the introducing of the Soul of Man into his imaginary Material Machine , than is Divinely Attributed to the Fable of Prometheus , the Son of Iapetus , in the Metamorphosis of Ovid ; where 't is thus Express'd , — Natus Homo est : sive hunc divino semine fecit Ille opifex rerum , mundi melioris origo : Sive recens tellus , seductaque nuper ab alto Aethere , cognati retinebat semina coeli : Quam satus Iapeto mistam fluvialibus undis Finxit in effigiem moderantum cuncta deorum . This Fable may be taken as an Imitation of Providence , by the Artifice of Prometheus : Who , having moulded the Statue of Man , could not perfect his Work , untill he had stole Celestial Fire ; and by conveying it into the Material Figure , which he had Compos'd , the Life and Soul of Man was at once produc'd : Which was very agreeable to the Religion of the Ancients , which Celebrated their Gods , and Goddesses , in the Form of Men and Women ; and Ensoul'd them wth no greater difference , compar'd with Mankind ; than as they allow'd to their Deities Immortal Reason and Life . To which Ovid seems refin'dly to allude in one of his Elegies , where as a sublime Encomium of the excellency of the Faculties and Gifts , incident to the Humane Soul , he derives its Descent from above , by Affirming , That — Sedibus aethereis spiritus ille venit . This Expression of the Poet is not more Poetical , than Admirable , as he intends the Soul to the Perfection , Reason and Conduct , evidently discernable in Stars , the shining Ornaments of Heaven : But should the Soul be suppos'd originally Infus'd by God , as a thinking Substance into the Body of Man , suitable to the Imagination of Des-Cartes , and not absolutely capacitated to discharge it self from the innate Depravations and prone Allurements of the Senses , 't were some disparagement to its Accession to the Body by the Gift and Ordainment of Divine Providence . Yet such an uncertain and complicated Soul is , by this French Writer , appropriated to the Body of Man , where , in some Actions , he makes it a meer thinking Substance ; but in the sensible execution of Thought , he allows it Co-operative and inseparable from the Senses : And this , to the utmost force of his Brain , he Asserts in the 187th Particular of this Part I Treat of , where he delivers these Words — The nature of the Mind is such , that by it alone may be apprehended divers Corporeal Motions , as also Sensations in many respects . The Example he gives , is of Words spoken , or written , which may affect us with Troubles , Griefs , Perils , Sadness , or the like ; as also , how their contrary Accents in reference to Content , Pleasure , and Satisfaction , are verbally understood by us . Which signifies no more , however he strains his Inferences , than , that there is an Inseparable Concomitancy of the Contemplations of the Mind , and their applications to the Senses . If I open a Book , and view in it a whole Page of Letters ; by a meer superficial Inspection of what is there Written , or Printed , I can understand nothing ; but if I Conster those Words , as their tendency and meaning Imply , I am soon Intelligent , whether they relate to Sorrow , Gladness , Pain , or Grief ; either as to my self , or any other Person : Because I am perfectly apprehensive of their Motives , Causes and Effects ; as they sensibly Incite my Conception of them . The Reason is plain , if consider'd the reciprocal Allowance and Reference , that any one of our Senses has to another ; it being as easie for me to determine , by seeing a Bone , or Lump of Flesh at distance , that they are really such as if they had been touch'd , or handled by me . If I hear of an Arm or Leg , by any means , sever'd from the Body of Man ; the Connexion that the Senses have with the Imagination , as undoubtedly assure me of the manner of the Wound , Grief , and Part cut off , as if I had occularly beheld it . Not that I can directly judge the Quality , or full extent of the Pain that is not distinctly felt by my self : Yet as the Part is an Object of Sense , and in which I , as well as another Man , may be in the same kind , grievously Afflicted ; 't is very possible , that by a natural Sympathy , which is reciprocally Conferr'd on the sensitive Parts of the Bodies of Men ; I may , in effect , be as sensibly Intelligent of the Pain , or Grief , in any Member of another Person ; as if with the Point of a Weapon , I should wound the same Part of my own Body . And did not the Soul and Senses thus apprehensively Conspire ; there would not be that Reluctancy , Defence , and Prevention , us'd by us , for the safety of our Corporeal Parts ; nor should we be so actually sensible that Mortality is the inevitable consequence of unsupportable Violence , Wounds , and Maladies , that surrender our Bodies to Death . And this clearly invalidates the Allegations and Instances , that he gives , on this Head , together with the Example he mentions of a Sword that may so hurt , or dismember any Part of the Body , that we may in Mind , be grievously apprehensive of the local Motion of the Force , or Blow , as it wounds the Part ; tho' the Motion of the Sword and Body hurt , be very different : From whence he concludes , That the Humane Mind by a bare speculation of local Motion , together with its forcible onset made on the Body , may judge of all Corporeal Afflictions and Sensations whatsoever . And is not this a pretty kind of Quibble in Des-Cartes , by not considering , That it was not the Motion of the Blow , or the wounded Part that represented to the Intellect , or Mind , the hurt receiv'd ; but as the Pain of the Member , or Part , assur'd the Imagination unto which it was inseparably united ? It being very possible , for a Man to be sensibly apprehensive of a Wound , or Blow , tho' he does not conceive , or see the Motion of the Weapon that gave it : But as he is sensible of the Pain , he could not doubt , that it was effected by forcible means , tho' no otherwise relating to the Wound ; or more diversified from sensible Conception , than , on this occasion , this Author does render the Mind , or what he calls a Thinking Substance , by a modality of Thinking without Sense . Nor is it Imaginable , how any Thing , that is not Elementarily Compos'd , can operate on the Humane Body that is so constituted : Wherefore the Word Substance , applied to the Soul , cannot be understood Incorporeal , by the determination of Des-Cartes , who , wheresoever he treats of Substance , appropriates unto it quantitative and dimensive Parts , both in a Plilosophical and Mathematical Consideration : And particularly , in the last Page of this Fourth Part of his Philosophy , condemns the Doctrine of Atoms , deliver'd by Democritus ; because he allows them no Commensurable Quantity . Had it been demanded of this French Philosopher , What kind of Substance must be the Essence of the Soul , when separated by Death , from the Body , in whose Elementary Composition it did precedently Exist ? He could not define it otherwise than quantitative , as every Thing , call'd Substance , is by his Opinion allow'd to be ; and therefore the same after the period of the Body's Life . And consequently , no less agreeable to his Doctrine , if Affirm'd , That the thinking Substance , call'd by him the Humane Soul , must have , when separated from the Body , a Circumscrib'd , or Elementary Being , suitable to the Nature of Substance , as it may be conceiv'd quantitatively Dimensive . Which Objection should a Cartesian endeavour to evade by Affirming , That the Soul separated from the Body is progressive to the Sphere of Spirits , or Things superlatively refin'd and stripp'd from Matter ; and unto which some allow Definitive , not Circumscrib'd Beings ; he must next grant , That the Soul cannot have Existence there , otherwise than in a Material Superficies proportionable to its Substance , and there eternally Circumscrib'd , where Spirits and Immaterial Beings are without such Limits ; which were all one as to reside temporally amongst spiritual Existencies . To avoid which Absurdity , he cannot be thought to mean otherwise , than that the Soul , upon its immediate departure from the Body , is Metamorphos'd into a Spirit : And next , that it has a spiritual Passage through all Elementary Bodies that intervene betwixt it and its immaterial Residence appointed by God. But here may arise a Querie , Whether Motion can be Attributed to any Thing without Body ? Or in what manner it can Move , where Bodies are , or be in Motion , without removing of them ? Which , in that Circumstance , would render a Soul , however deem'd spiritual , Commensurably Moving ; as by Parts of Time it might have an intermixt Progression , with other Substances , as its temporary Measure . Certain it is , that Stars , the Luminaries of Heaven , if duely consider'd their wonderful Motion , unalterable Essence , and continuation , may be allow'd our most visible and perpetual miraculous Objects ; or somewhat more than , in Nature , can be properly worded . But should those Etherial Beings be suppos'd , in any Place , where Elementary Substances might Exist ; it were impossible they could move uncommixt with Things of different Nature from theirs : Wherefore it must be granted , That the Orbs above , together with the Stars and Planets , are of one simple Essence , or Manner of Existence ; and therefore cannot Mingle , or Move with other Matter distinct from their own : Tho' by Divine Appointment , as Parts of the same miraculous Substance , they are only Illuminated . But should the Soul of Man be Assimilated , by any refin'd Contemplation to the Nature to the Etherial Luminaries , for want of a more obvious , or excellent Comparison ; 't is not easie to conceive , how in its Passage from the Body , when Life departs , it should remove to its appointed Residence , separated from Intervening Substances , which in their Temperatures and Parts are of the same Elementary Composition with the Humane Body that had been actuated by it . Which Objection was doubtless consider'd as causing some Hesitation in the Thoughts of Des-Cartes ; who , notwithstanding the pretended curiosity of his Imagination , in reference to the Soul dispos'd , according to his Method , into the Original Formation , by God , as he delivers the Operation of the Humane Body : He does not at all express the Manner of its departure , from its Corporeal Station , at the period of Life : Or by what means transferr'd , or remov'd to its Immortal Residence ; which was to be expected from the process he delivers : Who having determin'd , that the Humane Soul is a thinking Substance , and notionally Active in the Conduct of the Living Body , he might as well have Inserted the Method of its Progression after Death , from its Bodily Habitation ; and how , being a Substance it arriv'd to its Immortal Abode , without being Complicated , Mov'd , or Moving , in its Passage , with any material Thing by any resemblance to what it perform'd , when acting in the Inclosure of the Body of Man. All which , according to the liberty he gives to his Invention , might have been as successfully deliver'd by him , as the dispatch he gives to his Globuli and Vortices by variety of Schemes , and Diagrams , that have no better proof than the Suppositions of Des-Cartes : But it seems , he thought it safer for his Pen to Inscribe his Imagination of the Soul , primarily convey'd , by the Act of the Almighty into the Humane Body , than by what subsequent Means , or Pasport from above , its Substance arriv'd , after the Death of the Body , to its determin'd Existence . Of which I find no mention in any of his Works ; other , than that he leaves the Manner of the Soul 's passing from the lifeless Body , together with its Journey to its Immortal Residence , to the miraculous Conduct of the Almighty . And I think it devoutly Judicious , if , according to his Example , I silence my Querie , on this Incomprehensible Subject : Since by the Will of the Omnipotent Disposer and Conservator of the Universal World , together with the Being of Mankind in Soul and Body , our rational Abilities more aptly tend to admire , than determine the Manner by which we are Ensoul'd to live , or after Death to remain Immortal . A Contemplation sublimely incumbent on the Humane Mind , that is enough Capacitated to understand its Intellectual Dignity ; however its Essence and Operations , within us , are superlative to our Apprehensions , or exact Definitions to be given of them . Wherefore I doubt not that my Discussions , on this great Particular , are no less valid , where I differ from him , than what I have Remark'd on not a few of his main Principles , Maxims , Notions , Hypotheses , and Schemes ; or demonstratively wav'd , or rejected the Insufficiency of others , on whatsoever account : So that I dare Affirm , that I have not omitted any significant or useful Animadversion . And had I more particularly insisted on any Speculations , or Matter seemingly varied and Instanc'd by him ; I had , in effect , but encreas'd Words to one and the same tendency : And therefore , where , in Substance , my Observations , on some Things include other , I desire that my Reader would ingenuously consider them , as they ought to be understood . And tho' this Author is very inclinable to Celebrate his own Esteem by frequently Affirming , That his Assertions and Tenents , are Philosophically and Mathematically certain : I will boast of no Success of mine , to the contrary , farther than is Equivalent with the Proofs I have made , and to which I refer the Judicious Peruser . And thus I conclude the Fourth and last Part of my Remarks on the Plilosophy of Des-Cartes . FINIS . 
A48892	----	A second vindication of The reasonableness of Christianity, &c, by the author of The reasonableness of Christinaity, &c. Locke, John, 1632-1704. 1697 Approx. 560 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 254 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A48892 Wing L2756 ESTC R39074 18209171 ocm 18209171 107142 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A48892) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107142) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1127:17) A second vindication of The reasonableness of Christianity, &c, by the author of The reasonableness of Christinaity, &c. Locke, John, 1632-1704. [24], 480 p. Printed for A. and J. Churchill... and Edward Castle ..., London : 1697. Attributed to Locke by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. "Occasioned by John Edward's The Socinian creed which was a reply to Locke's Reasonableness of Christianity"--NUC pre-1956 imprints. Imperfect: stained, with print show-through. Errata: p. [24]. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Edwards, John, 1637-1716. -- Socinianism unmask'd. Apologetics -- Early works to 1800. Apologetics -- History -- 17th century. Church history -- 17th century. Christianity -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy and religion. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SECOND VINDICATION OF THE Reasonableness OF Christianity , &c. By the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. LONDON , Printed for A. and I. Churchill , at the Black Swan in Pater-Noster-Row , and Edward Castle , next Scotland-Yard-Gate , by White-Hall , 1697. PREFACE TO THE READER . IT hath pleased Mr. Edwards , in Answer to the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. and its Vindication , to turn one of the most weighty and important Points that can come into Question ( Even no less than the very Fundamentals of the Christian Religion ) into a meer Quarrel against the Author ; as every one , with Mr. Bold , may observe . In my Reply to him , I have endeavour'd , as much as his Objections would allow me , to bring him to the Subject matter of my Book , and the merits of the Cause ; Though his peculiar way of writing Controversie has made it necessary for me in following him step by step , to wipe off the Dirt he has thrown on me , and clear my self from those Falshoods he has filled his Book with . This I could not but do , in dealing with such an Antagonist ; that by the Vntruths I have proved upon him , the Reader may judge of those other Allegations of his , whereof the Proof lying on his side , the bare Denial is enough on mine , and indeed , are wholly nothing to the Truth or Falshood of what is contain'd in my Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. To which I shall desire the Reader to add this further Consideration from his way of Writing , not against my Book , but against me for writing it , That if he had had a Real concern for Truth and Religion in this Dispute , he would have treated it after another manner ; And we should have had from him more Argument , Reasoning and Clearness , and less Boasting , Declamation and Railing . It has been unavoidable for me to take notice of a great deal of this sort of Stuff , in answering a Writer who has very little else to say in the Controversie , and places his strength in things besides , the Question : But yet I have been so careful to take all Occasions to e●●lain the Doctrine of my Book , that I hope the Reader will not think his Pains wholly lost labour in perusing this Reply , wherein he will find some further , and I hope satisfying , Account concerning the Writings of the New Testament , and the Christian Religion contained in it . Mr. Edward's ill Language , which I thought personally to me ( though I knew not how I had Provoked a Man whom I had never had to do with ) I am now satisfied by his Rude and Scurrilous treating of Mr. Bold , is his Way and Strength in Management of Controversie ; And therefore requires a little more Consideration in this Disputant than otherwise it would deserve . Mr. Bold , with the Calmness of a Christian , the Gravity of a Divine , the Clearness of a Man of Parts , and the Civility of a well bred Man , made some Animadversions on his Socinianism Unmask'd ; Which with a Sermon Preach'd on the same Subject with my Reasonableness of Christianity , he Published : And how he has been used by Mr. Edwards , let the World judge . I was extreamly surprized with Mr. Bold's Book , at a time when there was so great an Outcry against mine on all hands . But it seems he is a Man that does not take up things upon Hearsay ; nor is afraid to own Truth , whatever Clamor or Calumny it may lie under . Mr. Edwards confidently tells the World , that Mr. Bold has been drawn in to espouse this Cause , upon base and mean Considerations . Whose Picture of the two , such a Description is most likely to give us , I shall leave to the Reader to judge , from what he will find in their Writings on this Subject . For as to the Persons themselves , I am equally a Stranger to them both : I know not the Face of either of them : And having hitherto never had any Communication with Mr. Bold , I shall begin with him , as I did with Mr. Edwards in Print ; and here publickly return him this following Acknowledgment for what he has Printed in this Controversie . To Mr. Bold . SIR , THough I do not think I ought to return Thanks to any one for being of my Opinion , any more than to fall out with him for differing from me ; Yet I cannot but own to all the World the Esteem that I think is due to you , for that Proof you have given of a Mind and Temper becoming a true Minister of the Gospel , in appearing as you have done , in the Defence of a point , a great point of Christianity , which it is evident you could have no other temptation to dedeclare for , but the love of Truth . It has fared with you herein no better than with me . For Mr. Edwards , not being able to Answer your Arguments , has found out already that you are a Mercenary , defending a Cause against your Perswasion for hire ; and that you are sailing to Racovia by a side Wind : Such Inconsistencies can one ( whose Business it is to Rail for a Cause he cannot defend ) put together to make a noise with : And he tells you plainly what you must expect , if you write any more on this Argument , viz. to be pronounced a downright Apostate and Renegado . As soon as I saw your Sermon and Animadversions , I wonder'd what Scare-Crow Mr. Edwards would set up , wherewith he might hope to deterr Men of more Caution than Sense from reading of them : Since Socinianism , from which you were known to be as remote as he , I concluded would not do . The unknown Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , he might make a Socinian , Mahometan , Atheist , or what sort of Raw-head and Bloody-bones he pleased . But I imagined he had had more sence than to venture any such Aspersions on a Man whom , though I have not yet the Happiness personally to know ; yet I know hath justly a great and settled Reputation amongst worthy Men : And I thought that that Coat which you had worn with so much Reputation , might have preserved you from the bespatterings of Mr. Edward's Dunghil . But what is to be expected from a Warrier that hath no other Ammunition , and yet ascribes to himself Victory from hence , and with this Artillery imagines he carries all before him ? And so Skimmington Rides in Triumph , driving all before him by the Ordures that he bestows on those that come in his way . And were not Christianity concerned in the case , a Man could scarce excuse to himself the Ridiculousness of entering into the List with such a Combatant . I do not therefore wonder that this mighty Boaster , having no other way to Answer the Books of his Opponents , but by popular Calumnies , is fain to have recourse to his only Refuge , and lay out his natural Talent in Vilifying and Slandering the Authors . But I see , by what you have already writ , how much you are above that ; and as you take not up your Opinions from Fashion or Interest , so you quit them not to avoid the malicious Reports of those that do : Out of which number , they can hardly be left , who ( unprovoked ) mix with the management of their Cause , Injuries and ill Language to those they differ from . This , at least I am sure , Zeal or Love for Truth , can never permit Falshood to be used in the Defence of it . Your Mind I see prepar'd for Truth , by resignation of it self not to the Traditions of Men , but the Doctrine of the Gospel , has made you more readily entertain , and more easily enter into the meaning of my Book , than most I have heard speak of it . And since you seem to me to comprehend , what I have laid together , with the same Disposition of Mind , and in the same Sence that I received it , from the Holy Scriptures , I shall as a mark of my respect to you , give you a particular Account of the Occasion of it . The Beginning of the Year in which it was Published , the Controversie that made so much noise and heat amongst some of the Dissenters , coming one Day accidentally into my Mind , drew me by degrees into a stricter and more through Enquiry into the Question about Justification . The Scripture was direct and plain , that 't was Faith that justified , The next Question then , was what Faith that was that justified ; What it was which , if a Man believed , it should be imputed to him for Righteousness . To find out this , I thought the right way was to Search the Scriptures ; and thereupon betook my self seriously to the Reading of the New Testament , only to that Purpose . What that produced , you and the World have seen . The first View I had of it seem'd mightily to satisfie my mind , in the Reasonableness and Plainness of this Doctrine ; But yet the general Silence I had in my little Reading met with , concerning any such thing , awed me with the Apprehension of Singularity ; Till going on in the Gospel History , the whole tenour of it made it so clear and visible , that I more wonder'd that every body did not see and imbrace it ; than that I should assent to what was so plainly laid down , and so frequently inculcated in Holy Writ , though Systems of Divinity said nothing of it . That which added to my Satisfaction , was , that it led me into a Discovery of the marvellous and divine Wisdom of our Saviour's Conduct , in all the Circumstances of his promulgating this Doctrine ; as well as of the necessity that such a Law-giver should be sent from God for the reforming the Morality of the World ; Two Points that I must confess , I had not found so fully and advantageously explain'd in the Books of Divinity I had met with , as the History of the Gospel seem'd to me , upon an attentive Perusal , to give Occasion and Matter for . But the Necessity and Wisdom of our Saviour's opening the Doctrine ( which he came to publish ) as he did in Parables and figurative ways of speaking , carries such a Thread of Evidence through the whole History of the Evangelists , as I think is impossible to be resisted ; and makes it a Demonstration , that the Sacred Historians did not write by concert as Advocates , for a bad Cause , or to give Colour and Credit to an Imposture they would Usher into the World ; Since they , every one of them , in some place or other , omit some Passages of our Saviour's Life , or Circumstances of his Actions ; which shew the Wisdom and Wariness of his Conduct ; and which even those of the Evangelists , who have recorded , do barely and transiently mention , without laying any Stress on them , or making the least remark of what Consequence they are to give us our Saviour's true Character , and to prove the Truth of their History . These are Evidences of Truth and Sincerity , which result alone from the Nature of things , and cannot be produced by any Art or Contrivance . How much I was pleased with the growing Discovery , every Day , whilst I was employed in this search , I need not say . The wonderful Harmony , that the farther I went , disclosed it self , tending to the same Points , in all the parts of the sacred History of the Gospel , was of no small Weight with me and another Person , who every Day , from the beginning to the end of my search , saw the Progress of it , and knew at my first setting out , that I was ignorant whither it would lead me ; and therefore , every Day , asked me what more the Scripture had taught me . So far was I from the thoughts of Socinianism , or an Intention to write for that or any other Party , or to publish any thing at all . But when I had gone through the whole , and saw what a plain , simple , reasonable thing Christianity was , suited to all Conditions and Capacities ; and in the Morality of it now , with divine Authority , established into a legible Law , so far surpassing all that Philosophy and humane Reason had attain'd to , or could possibly make effectual to all degrees of Mankind ; I was flatter'd to think it might be of some use in the World ; especially to those who thought either that there was no need of Revelation at all , or that the Revelation of our Saviour required the Belief of such Articles for Salvation , which the settled Notions and their way of reasoning in some , and want of Understanding in others , made impossible to them . Upon these two Topicks the Objections seemed to turn , which were with most Assurance , made by Deists against Christianity ; But against Christianity misunderstood . It seem'd to me , that there needed no more to shew them the Weakness of their Exceptions , but to lay plainly before them the Doctrine of our Saviour and his Apostles , as delivered in the Scriptures , and not as taught by the several Sects of Christians . This tempted me to publish it , not thinking it deserved an Opposition from any Minister of the Gospel ; and least of all , from any one in the Communion of the Church of England . But so it is , that Mr. Edwards's Zeal for he knows not what ( for he does not yet know his own Creed , nor what is required to make him a Christian ) could not brook so plain , simple , and intelligible a Religion : But yet not knowing what to say against it , and the Evidence it has from the Word of God , he thought fit to let the Book alone , and fall upon the Author . What great Matter he has done in it I need not tell you , who have seen and shew'd the Weakness of his Wranglings . You have here , Sir , the true History of the Birth of my Reasonableness of Christianity , as delivered in the Scriptures , and my Design in publishing it , &c. What it contains , and how much it tends to Peace and Union amongst Christians , if they would receive Christianity as it is , you have discovered . I am , SIR , Your most humble Servant A. B. My Readers will pardon me that in my Preface to them I make this particular Address to Mr. Bold . He hath thought it worth his while to defend my Book . How well he has done it , I am too much a Party to say : I think it so sufficient to Mr. Edwards , that I needed not have troubled my self any further about him on the account of any Argument that remains in his Book to be Answer'd . But a great part of the World judging of Contests about Truth , as they do of popular Elections , that the Side carries it where the greatest Noise is ; 't was necessary they should be undeceived , and be let see , that sometimes such Writers may be let alone , not because they cannot , but because they deserve not to be answer'd . This farther I ought to Acknowledge to Mr. Bold , and own to the World , that he hath entered into the true sence of my Treatise , and his Notions do so perfectly agree with mine , that I shall not be afraid by Thoughts and Expressions very like his in this my Second Vindication , to give Mr. Edwards ( who is exceedingly quick-sighted and positive in such Matters ) a handle , to tell the World , that either I borrowed this my Vindication from Mr. Bold , or writ his Animadversions for him . The former of these I shall count no discredit , if Mr. Edwards think fit to charge me with it : And the latter Mr. Bold's Character , is Answer enough to . Though the Impartial Reader , I doubt not , will find that the same Vniform Truth consider'd by us , suggested the same Thoughts to us both , without any other Communication . There is another Author , who in a Civiller Stile hath made it necessary for me to Vindicate my Book from a Reflection or two of his , wherein he seems to come short of that Candor he Professes . All that I shall say on this Occasion here is , that it is a wonder to me , that having published what I thought the Scripture told me was the Faith that made a Christian , and desired that if I was mistaken , any one that thought so , would have the goodness to inform me better ; so many with their Tongues , and some in Print , should intemperately find fault with a poor Man out of his Way , who desires to be set right ; and no one who blames his Faith , as coming short , will tell him what that Faith is which is required to make him a Christian. But , I hope , that amongst so many Censurers , I shall at last find one , who knowing himself to be a Christian upon other Grounds than I am , will have so much Christian Charity as to shem me what more is absolutely necessary to be believed by me , and every Man , to make him a Christian. ERRATA . PAge ●6 . line 22. read , Are in the Apostles Creed set down as m●●e . ● . 2● ▪ r. and therefore may . p. 46. l. 8. dele And in the next place wher● it i● that I say , VIII . That there must be nothing in Christianity that is not ▪ plain and exactly level to all mens Mother Wit ? p. 57. l. 20. r. Mistake , p. 76. l. 25. r ▪ Enquiry , p. 10● . l. 21. r. needs , l. 22. r. needs , p. 113. l. 1. r. Premiss●s , p. 146. l. 3. r. Sc●rr●ity . p. 167. l. 21. r. p●rp●s● , which I , p. 17● . l. 9. r. distinction , p. 179. l. 3. r. baptizes him , p. 181. l. 2. r. in the Vnmas ▪ p. 186. l. 5. r. Creed do not , p. 228. l. 3. r. Gentleman , p. 258. l. ● . r. Article , p. 260. l. 26. r , Of the Doctrines , p. 269. l. 21. r. St. Peter Preach'd , l. 24. r. as well as he , p. ●71 . l. 19. r. inserted , p. 316. l. 16. r. them ▪ but has ▪ p. 337. l. 13. r but what we understand , p. 356. l. 1● . r. in them granted all I would have : And shall not meddle with his sp●●king closely and strictly ; but , l. 23. r , bespatter'd , p. 379. l. 11. r. sense and love , p. 399. l. 2. r. Apostles , p. 413. l. 2● . r. Sacrament , p. 417. l. 18. r. mangle● , p. 420. l. 10. r. a dangerous , p. 432. l. 10. r. to which , p. 433. l. 14. r. ●nanswerable , l. 22. r. above four Pages , p. 438. l. 3. believes all p. 451. l. 9. r. and to proceed , l. 11. go for Payment , should be in Roman Characte●● , p. 47● . l. 16. r , have : l. 17. ● . these Questions . A Second Vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. A Cause that stands in need of Falshoods to support it , and an Adversary that will make use of them deserve nothing but Contempt ; which I doubt not but every considerate Reader thought Answer enough to Mr. Edwards's Socinianism Unmask'd . But since in his late Socinian Creed , he says , I would have answer'd him if I could , That the Interest of Christianity may not suffer by my silence , nor the contemptibleness of his Treatise afford him matter of Triumph amongst those who lay any weight on such boasting , 't is fit it should be shewn what an Arguer he is , and how well he deserves for his Performance to be dubb'd by himself Irrefragable . Those , who like Mr. Edwards , dare to publish Inventions of their own for Matters of Fact , deserve a name so abhorr'd , that it finds not room in civil Conversation . This secures him from the proper Answer due to his Imputations to me in Print of Matters of Fact utterly false , which without any Reply of mine , fix upon him that Name ( which without a profligate Mind , a Man cannot expose himself to ) till he hath proved them . Till then he must wear what he has put upon himself . This being a Rule which common Justice hath prescribed to the private Judgments of Mankind , as well as to the publick Judicatures of Courts , That all Allegations of Fact brought by contending Parties should be presum'd to be false till they are proved . There are two ways of making a Book unanswerable . The one is by the clearness , strength and fairness of the argumentation . Men who know how to write thus , are above bragging what they have done , or boasting to the World that their Adversaries are ba●●led . Another way to make a Book unanswerable , is to lay stress on Matters of Fact foreign to the Question , as well as to Truth ; and to stuff it with Scurrility and Fiction . This hath been always so evident to common sense , that no Man who had any regard to Truth or Ingenuity , ever thought Matters of Fact besides the Argument , and Stories made at pleasure , the way of managing Controversies . Which shewing only the want of Sense and Argument , could , if used on both sides , and in nothing but downright railing : And he must always have the better of the Cause , who has Lying and Impudence on his side . The Unmasker in the Entrance of his Book , s●ts a great distance between his and my way of Writing . I am not sorry that mine differs so much as it does from his . If it were like his , I should think , like his , it wanted the Author's Commendations . For , in his first Paragraph , which is all laid out in his own Testimony of his own Book , he so earnestly bes●eaks an opinion of Mastery in Politeness , Order , Coherence , Pertinence , Strength , Seriousness , Temper , and all the good Qualities requisite in Controversie , that I think , since he pleases himself so much with his own good opinion , one in pity ought not to go about to rob him of so considerable an Admirer . I shall not therefore contest any of those Excellencies he ascribes to himself , or Faults he blames in me in the management of the Dispute between us , any further than as particular Passages of his Book , as I come to examine them , shall suggest unavoidable Remarks to me . I think the World does not so much concern it self about him or me , that it need be told , in that Inventory he has given of his own good Parts in his first Paragraph , which of us two has the better hand at Flourishes , Iesting , and Common-Places ; If I am , as he says , pag. 2. troubled with angry Fits and passionate Ferments , which though I strive to palliate , are easily discernable , &c. and he be more laudably Ingenuous in the openness of that Temper , which he shews in every Leaf , I shall leave to him the entire glory of boasting of it . Whatever we brag of our Performances , they will be just as they are , however he may think to add to his by his own Encomiums of them . The difference in Stile , Order , Coherence , good Breeding ( for all those amongst others the Unmasker mentions ) the Reader will observe , whatever I say of them : and at best they are nothing to the question in hand . For , though I am a Tool , Pert , Childish , Starch'd , Impertinent , Incoherent , Trifling , Weak , Passionate , &c. Commendations I meet with before I get to the 4th . Page , besides what follows as Upstart Racovian , p. 24. Flourishing Scribler , p. 41. Dissembler , 106. Pedantick , 107. I say , although I am all this , and what else he liberally bestows on me in the rest of his Book , I may have truth on my side , and that in the present case serves my turn . Having thus placed the Laurels upon his own Head , and sung Applause to his own Performance , he , pag. 4. enters , as he thinks , upon his Business , which ought to be , as he confesses , pag. 3. to make good his former charges . The first whereof he sets down in these words . That I unwarrantably crowded all the necessary Articles of Faith into one , with a design of favouring Socinianism . If it may be permitted to the subdued to be so bold with one , who is already Conqueror , I desire to know , where that Proposition is laid down in these terms as laid to my Charge . Whether it be true , or false , shall , if he pleases , be hereafter examined : But it is not at present the Matter in question . There are certain Propositions , which he having affirm'd and I denied , are under debate between us : And that the Dispute may not run into an endless ramble by multiplying of new before the Points in contest are decided , those ought first to be brought to an issue . To go on therefore in the order of his Socinianism Unmask'd ( for p. 3. he has out of the Mishna taught me good Breeding , to answer the First first , and so in order ) the next thing he has against me , is p. 5. which , that the Reader may understand the force of , I must inform him , that in the 105. p. of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , he said , that I give this plausible conceit , as he calls it , over and over again in these formal words , viz. That nothing is required to be believed by any Christian man but this , that Iesus is the Messiah . This I denied . To make it good , Socinianism Unmask'd , p. 5. he thus argues , First , It is observable , that this guilty Man would be shifting off the Indictment , by excepting against the formality of Words , as if such were not to be found in his Book : But when doth he do this ? in the close of it , when his Matter was exhausted , and he had nothing else to say , Vind. p. 38. then he bethinks himself of this salvn , &c. Answ. As if a Falshood were ever the less a Falshood , because it was not opposed ; or would grow into a Truth if it were not taken notice of , before the 38th . Page of the Answer . I desire him to shew me these formal words over and over again in my Reasonableness of Christianity : Nor let him hope to evade by saying , I would be shifting by excepting against the formality of the words . To say that I have over and over again those formal words in my Book , is an Assertion of a Matter of Fact , let him produce the words , and justifie his Allegation ; or confess , that this is an Untruth publish'd to the World : And since he makes so bold with Truth in a Matter visible to every Body , let the World be Judge , what Credit is to be given to his Allegations of Matters of Fact , in things foreign to what I have Printed ; and that are not capable of a Negative Proof . A sample whereof the Reader has at the entrance in his Introducti●● , Page A 4 , and the three or four following Pages . Where he affirms to the World not only what I know to be false ; but what every one must see , he could not know to be true . For he pretends to know and deliver my Thoughts . And what the Character is of one that confidently affirms what he does not know , no body need be told . But he adds , I had before Pleaded to the Indictment , and thereby owned it to be true . This is to make good his Promise , p. 3. to keep at a distance from my feeble strugglings . Here this strong Arguer must prove , that what is not answer'd or deny'd in the very beginning of a Reply , or before the 38th . Page , is owned to be true . In the mean time till he does that , I shall desire such of my Readers as think the Unmasker's Veracity worth the examining to see in my Vindication , from p. 26. to 31. wherein is contain'd , what I have said about one Article , whether I have owned , what he charged me with , on that Subject . This Proposition then remains upon him still to be proved , viz. I. That I have over and over again these formal words in my Reasonableness of Christianity , viz. That nothing is required to be believed by any Christian Man , but this , That Iesus is the Messiah . He goes on pag. 5. And indeed he could do no other , for it was the main Work he set himself about to find but one Article of Faith in all the Chapters of the four Evangelists , and the Acts of the Apostles . This is to make good his Promise , pag. 3. To clear his Book from those sorry Objections and Cavils I had raised against it . Several of my sorry Objections and Cavils were to represent to the Reader , that a great part of what he said was nothing but Suspicions and Conjectures , and such he could not but then own them to be . But now he has rid himself of all his Conjectures , and has raised them up into direct positive Affirmations , which being said with Confidence without Proof , who can deny , but he has clear'd , throughly clear'd that part from my sorry Objections and Cavils ? He says it was the main Work I set my self about to find but one Article of Faith. This I must take the liberty to deny : And I desire him to prove it . A Man may set himself to find two , or as many as there be , and yet find but one : Or a Man may set himself to find but one , and yet find two or more . It is no Argument from what a Man has found , to prove what was his main Work to find , unless where his aim was only to find what there was , whether more or less . For a Writer may find the Reputation of a poor contemptible Railer ; Nay , of a downright impudent Lyar , and yet no body will think it was his main work to find that . Therefore Sir , if you will not find what 't is like you did not seek , you must prove those many confident Assertions , you have published , which I shall give you in tale whereof this is the second , viz. II. That the main Business I set my self about , was to find but one Article of Faith. In the following part of this Sentence , he quotes my own words , with the Pages where they are to be found ; The first time , that , in either of his two Books against me , he has vouchsafed to do so , concerning one Article , wherewith he has made so much noise . My words in pag. 192. of my Reasonableness of Christianity , stand thus ; For that this is the sole Doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenor of our Saviour's and his Apostles preaching , we have shew'd through the whole History of the Evanlists and Acts , and I challenge them to shew that there was any other Doctrine upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , Men were pronounced Believers or Unbelievers , and accordingly received into the Church of Christ , as Members of his Body , as far as mere Believing could make them so ; or else kept out . This was the only Gospel Article of Faith which was preached to them . Out of this Passage , the Unmasker sets down these words , This is the SOLE Doctrine pressed and required to be believed in the whole tenor of our Saviour's and his Apostles preaching , p. 129. this was the ONLY Gospel Article of Faith which was preach'd to them . I shall pass by all other Observations , that this way of citing these words would suggest , and only remark , that if he brought these words to prove the immediately preceding Assertion of his , viz. That to find but one Article of Faith was the main Work I set my self about . This Argument reduced into form will stand thus . He who says , that this is the sole Doctrine pressed and required to be believed , in the whole tenor of our Saviour's and his Apostles Preaching , upon their assent to which , or disbelief of it , Men were pronounced Believers or Unbelievers , and accordingly received into the Church of Christ , as Members of his Body , as far as mere believing could make them so , or else kept out , sets himself to find out but One Article of Faith , as his main Work. But the Vindicator did so : Ergo : If this were the use he would make of those words of mine cited , I must desire him to prove the major . But he talks so freely , and without book , every where , that I suppose he thought himself , by the Privilege of a Declaimer , exempt from being called strictly to an Account for what he so loosely says , and from proving what he should be called to Account for . Rail lustily , is a good Rule , something of it will stick , true or false , proved or not proved . If he alledges these words of mine , to answer my Demand , Vind. p. 27. where he found that I contended for one single Article of Faith , with the exclusion and defiance of all the rest which he had charged me with . I say , it proves this as little as the former . For to say , That I had shew'd through the whole History of the Evangelists , and the Acts , that this is the sole Doctrine , or only Gospel-Article pressed and required to be believed in the whole Tenor of our Saviour and his Apostles Preaching ; upon their assent to which , or disbelieving of it , Men were pronounced Believers or Unbelievers , and accordingly received into the Church of Christ , or kept out ; is the simple Assertion of a positive Matter of Fact , and so carries in it no defiance , no , nor exclusion of any oth●r Doctrinal or Historical Truth contained in the Scripture : And therefore it remains still on the Unmasker to shew where 't is I express any de●iance of any other Truth contain'd in the Word of God ; or where I exclude any one Doctrine of the Scriptures . So that if it be true , that I contend for one Article , my Contention may be without any defiance , or so much as exclusion of any of the rest , notwithstanding any thing contained in these words . Nay , if it should happen that I am in a mistake , and that this was not the sole Doctrine which our Saviour and his Apostles preached , and upon their assent to which , Men were admitted into the Church ; yet the Unmasker's Accusation would be never the truer for that , unless it be necessary , that he that mistakes in one Matter of Fact , should be at defiance with all other Truths ; or , that he who erroneously says , that our Saviour and his Apostles admitted Men into the Church upon the believing him to be the Messiah , does thereby exclude all other Truths published to the Jews before , or to Christian Believers afterwards . If these words be brought to prove , that I contended for one Article , barely one Article , without any defiance or exclusion annext to that Contention ; I say , neither do they prove that , as is manifest from the words themselves , as well as from what I said elsewhere concerning the Article of One God. For here , I say , this is the only Gospel-Article , &c. upon which Men were pronounced Believers ; which plainly intimates some other Article known and believed in the World before , and without the Preaching of the Gospel . To this the Unmasker thinks he has provided a Salvo in these words , Socinianism Unmask'd , pag. 6. And when I told him of this one Article , he knew well enough that I did not exclude the Article of the Deity , for that is a Principle of Natural Religion . If it be fit for an Unmasker to perceive what is in debate , he would know , that the Question is not , what he excluded or excluded not , but what Articles he charged me to have excluded . Taking it therefore to be his meaning ( which it must be , if he meant any thing to the purpose , ) viz. That when he charged me so often and positively for contesting for one Article , viz. that Iesus was the Messiah , he did not intend to accuse me for excluding the Article of the Deity . To prove that he did not so intend it , he tells me , that I knew that he did not . Answ. How should I know it ? he never told me so either in his Book , or otherwise . This I know , that he said , pag. 115. That I contended for one Article , with the exclusion of all the rest . If then the belief of the Deity , be an Article of Faith , and be not the Article of Iesus being the Messiah , it is one of the rest ; and if all the rest were excluded , certainly that being one of All the rest , must be excluded . How then he could say , I knew that he excluded it not , i. e. meant not that I excluded it , when he positively says I did exclude it , I cannot tell , unless he thought that I knew him so well , that when he said one thing , I knew that he meant another , and that the quite contrary . He now it seems acknowledges that I affirmed , that the Belief of the Deity , as well as of Iesus being the Messiah , was required to make a Man a Believer . The Believing in one God the Father Almighty , Maker of Heaven and Earth , is one Article ; and in Iesus Christ his only Son our Lord , is another Article . These therefore being two Articles , and both asserted by me to be required to make a Man a Christian , let us see with what truth or ingenuity the Unmasker could apply , besides that above-mention'd , these following Expressions to me , as he does without any exception . Why then must there be one Article , and no more ? pag. 115. Going to make a Religion for his Mermidons , he contracts all into one Article , and will trouble them with no more , pag. 117. Away with Systems , away with Creeds , let us have but one Article , though it be with the defiance of all the rest , pag. 118. Thus we see why he reduces all Belief to that one Article before rehearsed , pag. 120. And all this without any the least Exception of the Article of a Deity , as he now pretends . Nor could he indeed , as is evident from his own words , pag. 121 , 122. To conclude , This Gentleman and his Fellows are resolved to be Unitarians , they are for one Article of Faith , as well as one Person in the Godhead : — But if these learned Men were not prejudiced — they would perceive , that when the Catholick Faith is thus brought down to one single Article , it will soon be reduced to none , the Unite will dwindle into a Cypher . By which the Reader may see , that his Intention was , to persuade the World , that I reduced ALL BELIEF , the CATHOLICK FAITH ( they are his own words ) to One Single Article and no more . For if he had given but the least hint , that I allowed of Two , all the wit and strength of Argument contained in Unitarians , Unite , and Cypher , with which he winds up all , had been utterly lost , and dwindled into palpable Nonsence . To demonstrate that this was the sence he would be understood in , we are but to observe what he says again , pag. 50. of his Socinianism Unmask'd , where he tells his Readers , That I , and my Friends , have new-modell'd the Apostles Creed ; yea indeed , have presented them with ONE Article , instead of TWELVE . And hence we may see what Sincerity there is in the Reason he brings to prove that he did not exclude the Article of the Deity . For , says he , p. 6. That is a Principle of Natural Religion . Answ. Ergo , He did not in positive words , without any exception , say , I reduced All Belief , the Catholick Faith , to one single Article , and no more . But to make good his Promise , not to resemble me in the little Artifices of Evading , he wipes his Mouth , and says at the bottom of this Page , But the Reader sees his [ the Vindicator's ] shuffling . Whilst the Article of One God is a part of ALL Belief , a part of the Catholick Faith , ALL which he affirm'd I excluded , but the one Article concerning the Messiah , every one will see where the shuffling is : And if it be not clear enough from those words themselves , let those above quoted out of pag. 50. of his Socinianism Unmask'd , where he says , That I have new-modell'd the Apostles Creed , and presented the World with ONE Article instead of TWELVE , be an Interpretation of them . For if the Article of One Eternal God , Maker of Heaven and Earth , be one of the Article of the Apostles Creed , and the one Article I presented them with be not that , 't is plain , he did and would be understood to mean , that by my one Article , I excluded that of the One Eternal God , which Branch soever of Religion , either Natural or Revealed , it belongs to . I do not endeavour to persuade the Reader , as he says , p. 6. that he misunderstood me ; but yet every body will see , that he mis-represented me . And I challenge him to say , that those Expressions above quoted out of him , concerning One Article , in the obvious sence of the words , as they stand in his Accusation of me , were true ? This flies so directly in his Face , that he labours mightily to get it off , and therefore adds these words , My Discourse did not treat ( neither doth his Book run that way ) of Principles of Natural Religion , but of the Revealed , and particularly the Christian : Accordingly this was it which I taxed him with , That of all the Principles and Articles of Christianity , he chose out but One as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. Answ. His Book was of — Atheism , which one may think should make his Discourse treat of Natural Religion . But I pass by that , and bid him tell me where he ta●ed me , That of all the Principles and Articles of Christianity I chose out but One : Let him shew in all his Discourse but such a word , or any thing said like one Article of Christianity , and I will grant that he meant particularly , but spoke generally ; misled his Reader , and left himself a Subterfuge . But if there be no Expression to be found in him tending that way , all this is but the covering of one Falshood with another , which thereby only becomes the grosser ▪ Though if he had in express words taxed me , That of all the Principles and Articles of the Christian Religion , I chose out but one , that would not at all help him , till he further declares , that the Belief of One God is not an Article of the Christian Religion . For of ALL the Articles of the Christian Religion , he says , I chose but One ; which not being that of a Deity , his words plainly import , that that was left out among the rest , unless it be possible for a Man to chuse but One Article of the Christian Religion , viz. That Iesus is the Messiah ; and at the same time to chuse Two Articles of the Christian Religion , viz. That there is One Eternal God , and that Iesus is the Messiah . If he had spoken clearly , and like a fair Man , he should have said , That he taxed me with chusing but One Article of Revealed Religion . That had been plain and direct to his purpose : But then he knew the Falshood of it would be too obvious : for in the seven Pages wherein he taxes me so much with One Article , Christianity is several times named , though not once to the purpose he here pretends . But Revelation is not so much as once mentioned in them , nor , as I remember , in any of the Pages he bestows upon me . To conclude , the several Passages above quoted out of him , concerning one sole Article , are all in general terms , without any the least limitation or restriction ; and as they stand in him , fit to persuade the Reader that I excluded all other Articles whatsoever , but that one of Iesus the Messiah : And if in that sence they are not true , they are so many Falshoods of his repeated there , to mislead others into a wrong Opinion of me . For if he had had a mind his Readers should have been rightly informed , why was it not as easie once to explain himself , as so often to affirm it in general and unrestrained terms ? This all the boasted strength of the Unmasker will not be able to get him out of . This very well becomes one who so loudly charges me with Shuffling . Having repeated the same thing over and over again , in as general terms as was possible , without any the least limitation in the whole Discourse , to have nothing else to plead when required to prove it , but that it was meant in a limited sence , in an Unmasker , is not shuffling . For by this way he may have the convenience to say and unsay what he pleases ; to vent what stuff he thinks for his turn ; and when he is called to an Account for it , reply , He meant no such thing . Should any one publish , that the Unmasker had but One Article of Faith , and no more , viz. That the Doctrines in fashion , and likely to procure Preferment , are alone to be received ; That all his Belief was comprised in this one single Article : And when such a Talker was demanded to prove his Assertion , should he say , he meant , to except his Belief of the Apostles Creed : Would he not , notwithstanding such a Plea , be thought a shuffling Lyar ? And if the Unmasker can no otherwise prove those universal Propositions above-cited , but by saying , he meant them with a tacit restriction , ( for none is expressed ) they will still and for ever remain to be accounted for by his Veracity . What he says in the next Paragraph , p. 7. of my splitting One Article into Two , is just of the-same force , and with the same ingenuity . I had said , That the Belief of One God was necessary ; which is not now denied : I had also said , That the Belief of Iesus of Nazareth to be the Messiah , together with those concomitant Articles of his Resurrection , Rule , and coming again to Judge the World , was necessary , p. 291. And again , p. 301. That God had declared , whoever would believe Iesus to be the Saviour promised , and take him now raised from the Dead , and constituted the Lord and Judge of all Men , to be their King and Ruler , shall be saved . This made me say These and Those Articles ( in words of the plural number ) more than once ; Evidence enough to any but a Caviller , that I contended not for one single Article and no more . And to mind him of it , I in my Vindication , reprinted one of those places where I had done so ; and that he might not , according to his manner , overlook what does not please him , the words , THESE ARE ARTICLES , were printed in great Characters . Whereupon he makes this Remark , p. 7. And though since he has tried to split this One into Two , pag. 28. yet he labours in vain : For to believe Iesus to be the Messiah , amounts to the same with believing him to be King and Ruler ; his being Anointed ( i. e. being the Messiah ) including that in it : Yet he has the vanity to add in great Characters , THESE ARE ARTICLES ; as if the putting them into these great letters , would make One Article Two. Answ. Though no Letters will make One Article Two ; yet that there is One God , and Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord , who rose again from the Dead , ascended into Heaven , and sitteth at the Right-Hand of God , shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead , are more than One Article , and may very properly be called THESE ARTICLES , without splitting One into Two. What , in my Reasonableness of Christianity , I have said of One Article , I shall always own ; and in what sence I said it , is easie to be understood ; and with a Man of the least Candour , whose Aim was Truth , and not Wrangling , it would not have occasion'd one word of Dispute . But as for this Unmasker , who made it his business not to convince me of any Mistakes in my Opinion , but barely to mis-represent me ; my business at present with him , is , to shew the World , that what he has captiously and scurrilously said of me relating to One Article , is false ; and that he neither has nor can prove one of those Assertions concerning it , above-cited out of him in his own words . Nor let him pretend a Meaning against his direct Words : Such a Caviller as he , who would shelter himself under the pretence of a Meaning , whereof there are no Footsteps , whose Disputes are only Calumnies directed against the Author , without examining the Truth of Falshood of what I had published , is not to expect the Allowances one would make to a fair and ingenuous Adversary , who shew'd so much Concern for Truth , that he treated of it with a Seriousness due to the weightiness of the Matter , and used other Arguments besides Obloquy , Clamour and Falshoods , against what he thought Error . And therefore I again positively demand of him to prove these words of his to be true , or confess that he cannot : Viz. III. That I contend for One Article of Faith , with the exclusion and defiance of all the rest . Two other Instances of this sort of Arguments I gave in the 29th . Page of my Vindication , out of the 115th . and 119th . Pages of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , and I here demand of him again to shew , since he has not thought fit hitherto to give any Answer to it , IV. Where I urge , that there must be nothing in Christianity , that is not plain , and exactly levelled to all Mens Mother Wit , and every common Apprehension . Or where he finds , in my Reasonanableness of Christianity , this other Proposition : V. That the very manner of every thing in Christianity must be clear and intelligible ; every thing must immediately be comprehended by the weakest Noddle , or else it is no part of Religion , espicially of Christianity . These things he must prove that I have said : I put it again upon him to shew where I said them , or else to confess the Forgery : For till he does one or t'other , he shall be sure to have these , with a large Catalogue of other Falshoods , laid before him . Pag. 25. of his Socinianism Unmask'd , he endeavours to make good his saying , that I set up One Article , with defiance of all the rest , in these words ; For what is excluding them wholly , but defying them ? Wherefore , seeing he utterly excludes all the rest , by representing them as USELESS to the making ● Man a Christian , which is the design of his whole Undertaking , it is manifest that he defies them . Answ. This at least is manifest from hence , that the Unmasker knows not , or cares not what he says . For whoever , but he , thought that a bare Exclusion , or passing by , was Defiance ? If he understands it so , I would advise him not to seek Preferment . For Exclusions will happen ; and if every Exclusion be Defiance , a Man had need be well assured of his own good Temper , who shall not think his Peace and Charity in danger , amongst so many Enemies that are at defiance with him ? Defiance , if with any propriety it can be spoken of an Article of Faith , must signifie a professed Enmity to it . For in its proper use , which is to Persons , it signifies an open and declared Enmity raised to that height , that he in whom it is , challenges the Party defied to Battle , that may there wreek his hatred on his Enemy in his Destruction . So that my Defiance of all the rest remains still to be proved . But , Secondly , There is another thing manifest from these words of his , viz. That notwithstanding his great Brags in his first Paragraph , his main Skill lies , in ●ansying what would be for his turn , and then confidently fathering it upon me . It never enter'd into my Thoughts , nor , I think , into any body's else , ( I must always except the acute Unmasker , who makes no difference between Useful and Necessary ) that all but the fundamental Articles of the Christian Faith were useless to make a Man a Christian ; though , if it be true , that the Belief of the Fundamentals alone ( be they few or many ) is all that is necessary to his being made a Christian , all that may any way persuade him to believe them , may certainly be useful towards the making him a Christian : And therefore here again I must propose to him , and leave it with him to be shew'd , Where it is , VI. I have represented all the rest as useless to the making a Man a Christian ? And , How it appears , that this is the design of my whole Undertaking ? In his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , he says , pag. 115. what makes him contend for one single Article with the exclusion of all the rest ? He pretends it is this , that all Men ought to understand their Religion . This reasoning I disowned p. 26. of my Vindication , and intimated p. 27. that he should have quoted the Page where I so pretended . To this p. 26. he tells me with great confidence , and in abundance of words , as we shall see by and by , that I had done so : As if repetition were a Proof . He had done better to have quoted one place , where I so pretend . Indeed p. 27. for want of something better ▪ he quotes these words of mine out of p. 301. of the Reasonableness of Christianity . The all merciful God seems herein to have consulted the poor of this World , and the bulk of Mankind . THESE ARE ARTICLES that the labouring and illiterate Man may comprehend . I ask whether it be possible for one to bring any thing more direct against himself ? The thing he was to prove was , That I contended for one single Article with the exclusion of all the rest , because I pretended , that all Men ought to understand their Religion , i. e. The Reason I gave , why there was to be but one single Article in Religion with the exclusion of all the rest , was , because Men ought to understand their Religion , and the place he brings to prove my contending upon that ground for one single Article with the exclusion of all the rest , is a passage wherein I speak of more than one Article , and say these Articles . Whether I said These Articles properly or improperly , it matters not in the present case ( and that we have examin'd in another place ) 't is plain , I meant more than one Article , when I said these Articles ; and did not think , that the labouring and illiterate Man could not understand them , if they were more than one : And therefore I pretended not , that there must be but one , because by illiterate Men more than one could not be understood . The rest of this Paragraph is nothing but a repetition of the same Assertion without Proof , which with the Unmasker often passes for a way of proving , but with no body else . But , that I may keep that distance , which he boasts there is betwixt his and my way of writing , I shall not say this without Proofs . One instance of his repetition , of which there is such plenty in his Book , pray take here . His Business p. 26. is to prove , that I pretended that I contended for one single Article with the exclusion of all the rest , because all Men ought to understand their Religion . Pag. 27. of my Vindication , I denied that I had so pretended . To convince me that I had , thus he proceeds . Unmasker . He founds his Conceit of one Article partly upon this , tha● a multitude of Doctrines is obscure , and hard to be understood . Answer . You say it , and had said it before : But I ask you , as I did before , where I did so ? Unm. And therefore he trusses all up in one Article , that the poor People and bulk of Mankind may bear it . Answ. I desire again to know where I made that Inference , and argued so for one Article . Unm. This is the scope of a great part of his Book . Answ. This is saying again , shew it once . Unm. But his Memory does not keep pace with his Invention , and thence he says , he remembers nothing of this in his Book , Vind. p. 27. Answ. This is to say , that it is in my Book . You have said it more than once already ; I demand of you to shew me where ? Unm. This worthy Writer does not know his own reasoning , that he uses . Answ. I ask where does he use that reasoning ? Unm. As particularly thus , that he troubles Christian Men with no more , but one Article : BECAUSE that is intelligible , and all people high and low may comprehend it . Answ. We have heard it affirm'd by you over and over again , but the question still is , where is that way of arguing to be found in my Book ? Unm. For he has chosen out , as he thinks , a plain and easie Article . Whereas the others , which are commonly propounded , are not generally agreed on ( he saith ) , and are dubious and uncertain . But the believing that Iesus was the Messiah has nothing of doubtfulness , or obscurity in it . Answ. The word For in the beginning of this Sentence makes it stand , for one of your Reasons ; though it be but a repetition of the same thing in other words . Unm. THIS the Reader will find to be the drift and design of several of his Pages . Answ. This must signifie , that I trouble Men with no more but one Article because one only is intelligible , and then it is but a Repetition . If any thing else be meant by the word This , it is nothing to the purpose . For that I said , that all things necessary to be believed are plain in Scripture , and easie to be understood , I never denied ; And should be very sorry , and recant it if I had . Unm. And the reason , why I did not quote any single one of them , was , because he insists on it so long together : and spins it out after his way , in p. 301. of his Reasonableness of Christianity , where he sets down the short , plain , easie and intelligible Summary ( as he calls it ) of Religion , couch'd in a single Article : He immediately adds ; The All●merciful God seems herein to have consulted the Poor of this World , and the Bulk of Mankind ; these are Articles ( whereas he had set down but one ) that the labouring and illiterate Man may comprehend . Answ. If my insisting on it so long together , was the cause why , in your Thoughts of the Causes of Atheism , you did not quote any single Passage ; methinks here , in your Socinianism Unmask'd , where you knew it was expected of you , my insisting on it , as you say , so long together , might have afforded at least one Quotation to your purpose . Unm. He assigns this as a Ground , why it was God's Pleasure that there should be but ONE POINT of Faith , BECAUSE thereby Religion may be understood the better ; the generality of the People may comprehend it . Answ. I hear you say it again , but want a Proof still , and ask where I assign that Ground ? Unm. This he represents as a great Kindness done by God to Man , whereas the variety of Articles would be hard to be understood . Answ. Again the same Cabbage ; an Affirmation , but no Proof . Unm. This he enlarges upon , and flourishes it over after his fashion : and yet he desires to know , when he said so , p. 29. Vindic. Answ. And if I did , Let the World here take a Sample of the Unmasker's Ability , or Truth , who spends above two whole Pages 26 , 27. in repetitions of the same Assertion , without the producing any but one place , for Proof , and that too against him as I have shewn . But he has not yet done with confounding me by dint of repetition ; he goes on . Unm. Good Sir , let me be permitted to acquaint you , that your Memory is as defective as your Iudgment . Answ. I thank you for the regard you have had to it ; for often repetition is a good help to a bad memory . In requital , I advise you to have some eye to your own Memory and Iudgment too . For one or both of them seem a little to blame in the reason you subjoyn to the foregoing words , viz. Unm. For in the very Vindication you attribute it to the goodness and condescention of the Almighty , that he requires nothing as absolutely necessary to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate Men. Answ. I will for the Unmasker's sake put this Argument of his into a Syllogism . If the Vindicator in his Vindication attributes it to the goodness and condescenssion of the Almighty , that he requires nothing to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar Capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate Men , then he did in his Reasonableness of Christianity pretend , that the reason why he contended for one Article with the exclusion of all the rest was , because all Men ought to understand their Religion . But the Vindicator in his Vindication attributes it to the goodness and condescention of Almighty God , that he requires nothing to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar Capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate Men. Ergo in his Reasonableness of Christianity , he pretended , that the reason why he contended for one Article with the exclusion of all the rest was because all Men ought to understand their Religion . This was the Proposition to be proved , and which as he confesses here p. 26. I denied to remember to be in my Reasonableness of Christianity . Who can but admire his Logick ! But besides the strength of Iudgment , which you have shew'd in this clear & cogent reasoning , does not your Memory too deserve its due applause ? You tell me in your Socinianism Unmask'd , that in p. 29. of my Vindication , I desired to know when I said so . To which desire of mine you reply in these words before cited , Good Sir , Let me be permitted to acquaint you that your Memory is as defective as your Iudgment ; for in the very Vindication you attribute it to the goodness and condescention of the Almighty , that he requires nothing as absolutely necessary to be believed , but what is suited to vulgar Capacities , and the comprehension of illiterate Men , p. 30. Sure the Unmasker thinks himself at cross questions . I ask him in the 29th . Page of my Vindication , WHEN I said so : And he answers , that I had said so in the 30th . Page of my Vindication , i. e. when I writ the 29th . Page , I asked the question when I had said what he charg'd me with saying , and I am answer'd , I had said it in the 30th . Page , which was not yet written , i. e. I ask the question to day WHEN I had said so : and I am answer'd , I had said it to Morrow . As apposite , and convincing an Answer to make good his charge , as if he had said to Morrow I found a Horse-shooe . But perhaps this judicious Disputant will ease himself of this difficulty by looking again into the 29th . p. of my Vindication , out of which he cites these words for mine , I desire to know WHEN I said so . But my words in that place , are I desire to know WHERE I said so ; a mark of his exactness in quoting , when he vouchsafes to do it . For Unmaskers , when they turn Disputants , think it the best way to talk at large , and charge home in generals . But do not often find it convenient to quote Pages , set down words , and come to particulars . But if he had quoted my words right , his Answer had been just as pertinent . For I ask him WHERE in my Reasonableness of Christianity I had said so : And he answers , I had said so in my Vindication . For where in my question refers to my Reasonableness of Christianity , which the Unmasker had seen , and charged with this saying ; and could not referr to my Vindication , which he had not yet seen ; nor to a passage in it which was not then written . But this is nothing with an Unmasker , therefore what is yet worse , those words of mine , Vindic. p. 29. relate not to the passage he is here proving I had said ; but to another different from it , as different as it is to say , that because all Men are to understand their Religion , therefore there is to be but One Article in it ; And to say that there must be nothing in Christianity , that is not plain and exactly levell'd to all Mens Mother Wit : Both which he falsly charges on me , but 't is only to the latter of them , that my words I desire to know where I said so are apply'd . Perhaps the well-meaning Man sees no difference between these two Propositions , yet I shall take the liberty to ask him again , where I said either of them , as if they were two : although he should accuse me again of excepting against the formality of words , and doing so foolish a thing as to expect , that a disputing Unmasker should account for his words , or any Proposition he advances . 'T is his privilege to plead he did not mean as his words import , and without any more ado he is assoil'd ; and he is the same Unmasker he was before . But let us hear him out on the Argument he was upon , for his repetitions on it are not yet done . His next words are , Unm. It is clear then , that you found your ONE Article on this , that it is suited to the vulgar Capacities : Whereas the other Articles , mentioned by me , are obscure and ambiguous , and therefore surpass the comprehension of the illiterate . Answ. The latter part indeed is now the first time imputed to me . But all the rest is nothing but an unproved repetition , though usher'd in with it is clear then ; words that should have a Proof going before them . Unm. But yet you pretend , that you have forgot , that any such thing was said by you . Answ. I have indeed ●orgot , and notwithstanding all your pains by so many repetitions to beat it into my Head , I fear I shall never remember it . Unm. Which shews that you are careless of your words , and that you forget what you write . Answ. So you told me before , and this repeating of it does no more convince me , than that did . Unm. What shall we say to such an oblivious Author ? Answ. Shew it him in his Book , or else he will never be able to remember , that it is there , nor any body else b● able to find it . Unm. He takes no notice of what falls from his own Pen. Answ. So you have told him more than once . Try him once with shewing it him amongst other things which fell from his own Pen , and see what then he will say : That perhaps may refresh his Memory . Unm. And therefore within a Page or two he confutes himself , and gives himself the Lye. Answ. 'T is a Fault he deserves to be told of over and over again . But he says , he shall not be able to find the two Pages , wherein he gives himself the Lye , unless you set down their Numbers , and the words in them , which confute , and which are consuted . I beg my Reader 's pardon for laying before him so large a pattern of our Unmasker's new fashioned Stuff ; his fine Tissue of argumentation not easily to be match'd , but by the same Hand . But it lay altogether in p. 26 , 27 , & 28. and it was fit the Reader should have this one instance of the Excellencies , he promises in his first Paragraph in opposition to my Impertinencies , Incoherencies , weak and feeble struglings . Other Excellencies he there promised upon the same ground , which I shall give my Reader a tast of , in fit places . Not but that the whole is of a piece , and one cannot miss some of them in every Page : But to transcribe them all , would be more than they are worth . If any one desires more plenty , I send him to his Book it self . But saying a thousand times not being proving once , it remains upon him still to shew , VII . Where , in my Reasonableness of Christianity , I pretend that I contend for one single Article , with the exclusion of all the rest , because all Men ought to understand their Religion ? And in the next place , where it is that I say , VIII . That there must be nothing in Christianity that is not plain and exactly level to all Mens Mother Wit. Let us now return to his 8th . Page . For the bundling together , as was fit , all that he has said in distant places upon the Subject of One Articl . has made me trespass a little against the Iewish Character of a well-bred Man , recommended by him to me out of the Mishna . Though I propose to my self to follow him , as near as I can , step by step , as he proceeds . In the 110th . and 111th . Pages of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , he gave us a List of his Fundamental Articles : Upon which I thus applied my self to him , Vind. p. 5. Give me leave now to ask you seriously , whether these you have here set down under the title of Fundamental Doctrines are such ( when reduced to Propositions ) that every one of them is required to make a Man a Christian , and such as without the actual belief thereof , he cannot be saved ? If they are not so every one of them , you may call them Fundamental Doctrines as much as you please , they are not of those Doctrines of Faith , I was speaking of ; which are only such as are required to be actually believed to make a Man a Christian . And again , Vindic. p. 18. I asked him whether just these neither more nor less were those necessary Articles . To which we have his Answer , Socinianism Unmask'd , p. 8 , &c. From p. 8. to 20. he has quoted near Forty Texts of Scripture , of which he saith , p. 21. Thus I have briefly set before the Reader those Evangelical Truths , those Christian Principles which belong to the very Essence of Christianity : I have proved them to be such , and I have reduced most of them to certain Propositions , which is a thing the Vindicator called for . Answ. Yes ; But that was not all the Vindicator called for , and had reason to expect . For I asked , whether those the Unmasker gave us in his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , were the Fundamental Doctrines without an actual Belief whereof a Man could not be a Christian , just all neither more nor less ? This I had reason to demand from him , or from any one , who questions that part of my Book , and I shall insist upon till he does it , or confesses he cannot . For having set down the Articles , which the Scripture upon a diligent search seem'd to me to require as necessary , and only necessary , I shall not lose my time in examining , what another says against those Fundamentals , which I have gather'd out of the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles , till he gives me a List of his Fundamentals , which he will bide by ; that so by comparing them together , I may see which is the true Catalogue of Necessaries . For after so serious and diligent a search , which has given me Light and Satisfaction in this great Point , I shall not quit it , and set my self on float again , at the demand of any one who would have me be of his Faith , without telling me what it is . Those Fundamentals , the Scripture has so plainly given , and so evidently determin'd , that it would be the greatest folly imaginable to part with this Rule for asking ; and give up my self blindly to the Conduct of one , who either knows not , or will not tell me , what are the Points necessary to be believed to make me a Christian. He that shall find fault with my Collection of Fundamentals only to unsettle me , and not to give me a better of his own , I shall not think worth minding , till , like a fair Man , he puts himself upon equal terms , and makes up the Defects of mine by a compleat one of his own . For a deficiency or error in one necessary is as fatal , and as certainly excludes a Man from being a Christian , as in an hundred . When any one offers me a compleat Catalogue of his Fundamentals , he does not unreasonably demand me to quit mine for nothing : I have then one , that being set by mine , I may compare them ; and so be able to chuse the true and perfect one , and relinquish the other . He that does not do this , plainly declares , that ( without shewing me the certain way to Salvation ) he expects that I should depend on him with an implicit Faith , whilst he reserves to himself the liberty to require of me to believe , what he shall think fit , as he sees Occasion ; and in effect , says thus , Distrust those Fundamentals which the Preaching of our Saviour , and his Apostles , have shew'd to be all that is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , and though I cannot tell you , what are those other Articles , which are necessary and sufficient to make a Man a Christian , yet take me for your Guide , and that is as good , as if I made up , in a compleat List , the Defects of your Fundamentals . To which this is a sufficient Answer , Si quid novisti rectius imperti , si non , his ut ere mecum . The Unmasker of his own accord , p. 110. of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , sets down several , which he calls Fundamental Doctrines . I ask him , whether those be all ? For answer he adds more to them in his Socinianism Unmask'd : But in a great pet refuses to tell me , whether this Second List of Fundamentals be compleat : And instead of answering so reasonable a Demand , pays me with ill Language , in these words , pag. 22. subjoyn'd to those last quoted , If what I have said will not content him , I am sure I can do nothing that will , and therefore if he should Capriciously require any thing more , it would be as great folly in me to comply with it , as it is in him to move it . If I did ask a Question which troubles you , be not so angry ; you your self were the occasion of it . I proposed my Collection of Fundamentals , which I had with great care sought ; and thought I had found clear in the Scripture ; you tell me no , it is imperfect , and offer me one of your own . I ask whether that be perfect ? Thereupon you grow into Choler , and tell me 't is a foolish Question . Why ! then I think it was not very wise in you so forwardly to offer one , unless you had had one ready , not liable to the same exception . Would you have me so foolish to take a List of Fundamentals from you , who have not yet one for your self ? nor are yet resolved with your self , what Doctrines are to be put in , or left out of it ? Farther , pray tell me , if you had a settled Collection of Fundamentals , that you would stand to , why should I take them from you upon your word , rather than from an Anabaptist , or a Quaker , or an Arminian , or a Socinian , or a Lutheran , or a Papist ? who , I think , are not perfectly agreed with you , or one another in Fundamentals ? and yet there is none amongst them , that I have not as much reason to believe upon his bare word , as an Unmasker , who to my certain knowledge will make bold with Truth . If you set up for Infallibility , you may have some claim to have your bare word taken , before any other but the Pope . But yet if you do demand to be an unquestionable Proposer of what is absolutely necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , you must perform it a little better , than hitherto you have done . For it is not enough sometimes to give us Texts of Scripture ; Sometimes Propositions of your own framing ; and sometimes Texts of Scripture out of which they are to be framed as p. 14. you say , These and the like places afford us such Fundamental and Necessary Doctrines as these : And again , p. 16. after the naming several other Texts of Scripture , you add which places yield us such Propositions as these , and then in both places set down , what you think fit to draw out of them . And Page 15. you have these words : And here likewise it were easie to shew that Adoption , Iustification , Pardon of Sins , &c. which are Privileges and Benefits bestow'd upon us by the Messiah , are Necessary Matters of our Belief . By all which , as well as the whole frame , wherein you make shew of giving us your Fundamental Articles , it is plain , that what you have given us there , is nothing less than a compleat Collection of Fundamentals , even in your own Opinion of it . But Good Sir , why is it a foolish Question in me ? you have found fault with my Summary for being short : The defect in my Collection of Necessary Articles has raised your Zeal into so severe Censures , and drawn upon me from you so heavy a Condemnation , that if half that you have said of me be true , I am in a very ill case , for having so curtailed the Fundamental Doctrines of Christianity . Is it folly then for me to ask from you a compleat Creed ? If it be so dangerous ( as certainly it is ) to fail in any necessary Article of Faith , why is it folly in me to be instant with you to give me them all ? Or why is it folly in you to grant so reasonable a Demand ? a short Faith , defective in Necessaries , is no more tolerable in you , than in me ; nay , much more inexcuseable , if it were for no other reason , but this , that you rest in it your self , and would impose it on others ; and yet do not your self know or believe it to be compleat . For if you do , why dare you not say so , and give it us all entire in plain Propositions ? and not , as you have in great measure done here , give only the Texts of Scripture , from whence , you say , necessary Articles are to be drawn ; which is too great an uncertainty for Doctrines absolutely necessary . For possibly all Men do not understand those Texts alike , and some may draw Articles out of them quite different from your Systeme ; and so though they agree in the same Texts , may not agree in the same Fundamentals : and till you have set down plainly and distinctly your Articles , that you think contain'd in them , cannot tell whether you will allow them to be Christians , or no. For you know , Sir , several Inferences are often drawn from the same Text ; and the different Systems of dissenting ( I was going to say Christians , but that none must be so , but those who receive your Collection of Fundamentals , when you please to give it them ) Professors , are all founded on the Scripture . Why , I beseech you , is mine a foolish Question to ask , What are the necessary Articles of Faith ? 'T is of no less consequence than , nor much different from the Jaylor's Question in the 16th . of the Acts , What shall I do to be saved ? and that was not , that ever I heard counted by any one a foolish Question . You grant there are Articles necessary to be believed for Salvation : would it not then be Wisdom to know them ? nay , is it not our Duty to know and believe them ? If not , why do you with so much outcry reprehend me , for not knowing them ? why do you fill your Books with such variety of Invectives , as if you could never say enough , nor bad enough , against me , for having left out some of them ? And if it be so dangerous , so criminal to miss any of them , why is it a folly in me to move you to give me a compleat List ? If Fundamentals are to be known , easie to be known ( as without doubt they are ) then a Catalogue may be given of them . But if they are not , if it cannot certainly be determin'd which are they ; but the doubtful knowledge of them depends upon guesses , why may not I be permitted to follow my guesses , as well as you yours ? Or why , of all others , must you prescribe your guesses to me , when there are so many , that are as ready to prescribe as you , and of as good Authority ? The pretence indeed , and clamour is Religion , and the Saving of Souls : But your Business 't is plain is nothing , but to over-rule , and prescribe , and be hearken'd to as a Dictator ; and not to inform , teach and instruct in the sure way to Salvation . Why else do you so start and fling , when I desire to know of you , what is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , when this is the only material thing in Controversie between us , and my Mistakes in it has made you begin a quarrel with me , and let loose your Pen against me in no ordinary way of reprehension ? Besides in this way which you take , you will be in no better a case than I. For another having as good a claim to have his guesses give the rule , as you yours ; or to have his System received , as well as you yours , he will complain of you , as well , and upon as good grounds , as you do of me , and ( if he have but as much Zeal for his Orthodoxy as you shew for yours ) in as civil , well-bred and Christian-like Language . In the next place , pray tell me , why would it be folly in you to comply with what I require of you ? Would it not be useful to me to be set right in this Matter , if so , why is it folly in you to set me right ? Consider me , if you please , as one of your Parishioners , who ( after you have resolv'd which Catalogue of Fundamentals to give him , either that in your Thoughts of the Causes of Atheism ; or this other here in your Socinianism Unmask'd , for they are not both the same , nor either of them perfect ) asked you , are these all Fundamental Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; and are there no more but these ? would you answer him , that it was folly in you to comply with him , in what he desired ? Is it of no moment to know , what is required of Men to be believed ; without a belief of which they are not Christians , nor can be saved ? And is it folly in a Minister of the Gospel to inform one committed to his Instruction in so material a Point as this , which distinguishes Believers from Unbelievers ? Is it folly in one whose Business it is to bring Men to be Christians , and to Salvation , to resolve a Question by which they may know , whether they are Christians or no , and without a resolution of which they cannot certainly know their Condition and the state they are in ? Is it besides your Commission and Business , and therefore a folly to extend your care of Souls so far as this , to those who are committed to your Charge ? Sir , I have a Title to demand this of you , as if I were your Parishioner : You have forced your self upon me for a Teacher in this very Point , as if you wanted a Parishioner to instruct : and therefore I demand it of you , and shall insist upon it , till you either do it , or confess you cannot . Nor shall it excuse you to say it is capriciously required . For this is no otherwise capricious , than all Questions are capricious to a Man that cannot answer them : and such an one I think this is to you . For if you could answer it , no body can doubt , but that you would ; and that with confidence : For no body will suspect 't is the want of that makes you so reserved . This is indeed a frequent way of answering Questions by men , that cannot otherwise cover the Absurdities of their Opinions , and their insolence of expecting to be believed upon their bare words , by saying they are capriciously asked , and deserved no other Answer . But how far soever Capriciousness ( when proved , for saying is not enough ) may excuse from answering a material Question , yet your own words here will clear this from being a capricious Question in me . For that those Texts of Scripture , which you have set down , do not upon your own Grounds contain all the Fundamental Doctrines of Religion ; all that is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , what you say a little lower , in this very Page , as well as in other places , does demonstrate , Your words are , I think I have sufficiently proved , that there are other Doctrines besides that [ Jesus is the Messiah ] which are required to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; why did the Apostles write these Doctrines ? was it not that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? This Argument for the necessity of believing the Texts you cite , from their being set down in the New Testament you urged thus , p. 9. Is this set down to no purpose in these inspired Epistles ? Is it not requisite that we should know it and believe ? And again p. 29. They are in our Bibles to that very purpose to be believed . If then it be necessary to know , and believe those Texts of Scripture , you have collected , because the Apostles writ them , and they were not set down to no purpose . And they are in our Bibles on purpose to be believed , I have reason to demand of you other Texts , besides those you have enumerated , as containing Points necessary to be believed : because there are other Texts which the Apostles writ , and were not set down to no purpose , and are in our Bibles on purpose to be believed , as well as those which you have cited . Another reason of doubting , and consequently of demanding , whether those Propositions , you have set down for Fundamental Doctrines , be every one of them necessary to be believed , and all that are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , I have from your next Argument which join'd to the former stands thus , p. 22. Why did the Apostles write these Doctrines ? Was it not that those they writ to might give their assent to them ? nay , did they not require assent to them ? Yes verily , for this is to be proved from the Nature of the things contained in those Doctrines which are such as had immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means and Issue of their Redemption and Salvation . If therefore all things which have an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means , and Issue of Mens Redemption and Salvation are those , and those only which are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , may a Man not justly doubt , whether those Propositions which the Unmasker has set down , contain all those things , and whether there be not other things contain'd in other Texts of Scripture , or in some of those cited by him , but otherwise understood , that have as immediately a respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means , and Issue of Mens Redemption and Salvation , as those he has set down ? And therefore I have reason to demand a compleater List. For at best , to tell us , that all things that have an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means , and Issue Issue of Mens Redemption and Salvation , is but a general Description of Fundamentals , with which some may think some Articles agree , and others others : And the terms immediate respect may give ground enough for difference about them to those , who agree , that the rest of your Description is right . My demand therefore is not a general Description of Fundamentals , but for the Reasons abovementioned , the particular Articles themselves , which are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. It is not my Business at p●●sent to examine the validity of these Arguments of his , to prove all the Propositions to be necessary to be believed , which he has here in his Socinianism Unmask'd , set down as such . The use I make of them now , is to shew the reason , they afford me to doubt , that those Propositions , which he has given us for Doctrines necessary to be believed , are either not all such , or more than all , by his own rule : And therefore I must desire him to give us a compleater Creed , that we may know , what in his sense is necessary , and enough to make a Man a Christian . Nor will it be sufficient in this case to do , what he tells us , that he has done , in these words , p. 21. I have briefly set before the Reader , these Evangelical Truths , Those Christian Principles which belong to the very Essence of Christianity — and I have reduced most of them to certain Propositions , which is a thing the Vindicator called for , p. 16. With Submission , I think , he mistakes the Vindicator . What I called for was , not that most of them , should be reduced to certain Propositions , but that all of them should : and the reason of my demanding that was plain , viz. that then having the Unmasker's Creed in clear and distinct Propositions , I might be able to examine , whether it was , what God in the Scriptures indispensibly required of every Man to make him a Christian , that so I might thereby correct the Errors or Defects of what I at present apprehended the Scripture taught me in the case . The Unmasker endeavours to excuse himself from answering my Question by another exception against it , p. 24. in these words . Surely none but this Upstart Racovian will have the confidence to deny that these Articles of Faith are such as are necessary to constitute a Christian , as to the Intellectual and Doctrinal part of Christianity , such as must IN SOME MEASURE be known and assented to by him . Not that a Man is supposed every moment to actually exert his assent and belief for none of the Moral Vertues , none of the Evangelical Graces are exerted thus always . Wherefore that Question in p. 16. ( though he says he asks it seriously ) might have been spared , Whether every one of these Fundamentals is required to be believed to make a Man a Christian , and such as without the actual belief thereof he cannot be saved ? Here is seriousness pretended when there is none , for the Design is only to Cavil , and ( if he can ) to expose my Assertion . But he is not able to do it , for all his Critical Demands are answer'd in these few words , viz. That in the Intellectual ( as well as Moral Endowments ) are never supposed to be always in act : They are exerted upon Occasion , not all of them at a time . And therefore he mistakes if he thinks , or rather as he Objects without thinking , that these Doctrines if they be Fundamental and Necessary , must be always actually believed . No Man besides himself ever started such a thing . This terrible long Combate has the Unmasker managed with his own Shadow , to confound the Seriousness of my Question , and as he says himself , is come off not only safe and sound , but triumphant . But for all that , Sir , may not a Man's Question be serious , though he should chance to express it ill ? I think you and I were not best to set up for Criticks in Language , and Nicety of Expression , for fear we should set the World a Laughing . Yet for this once , I shall take the liberty to defend mine here . For I demand in what Expression of mine , I said or supposed , that a man should every moment actually exert his assent to any Proposition required to be believed ? Cannot a Man say , that the Unmasker cannot be admitted to any Preferment in the Church of England without an actual assent to , or Subscribing of the 39 Articles , unless it be suppos'd that he must every moment from the time he first read , assented to , and subscribed those Articles , till he received Institution and Induction , actually exert his assent to every one of them , and repeat his Subscription ? In the same sense it is literally true , that a Man cannot be admitted into the Church of Christ or into Heaven , without actually believing all the Articles necessary to make a Man a Christian , without supposing , that he must actually exert that assent every moment from the time , that he first gave it , till the moment that he is admitted into Heaven . He may Eat , Drink , make Bargains , study Euclid , and think of other things between ; nay , sometimes Sleep , and neither think of those Articles nor any thing else , and yet it be true , that he shall not be admitted into the Church , or Heaven , without an actual assent to them : That Condition of an actual assent he has perform'd , and until he recall that assent by actual Unbelief it stands good , and though a Lunacy or Lethargy should seize on him presently after , and he should never think of it again as long as he lived , yet it is literally true , he is not saved without an actual assent . You might therefore have spared your pains in saying , That none of the Moral Virtues , none of the Evangelical , Graces are exerted THUS always , till you had met with some body who had said THUS , That I did so I think would have enter'd into no bodies thoughts but yours , it being evident from p. 298 , and 300. of my Book , that by Actual I meant Explicit . You should rather have given a direct Answer to my Question , which I here again seriously ask you , viz. Whether , IX . Those you called Fundamental Doctrines , in your Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , or those Christian Principles which belong to the very Essence of Christianity , so many as you have given us of them in your Socinianism Unmask'd ( for you may take which of your two Creeds you please ) are Just those , neither more nor less , that are every one of them required to be believed to make a Man a Christian , and such , as without the actual or ( since that word displeases you ) the explicit belief whereof he cannot be saved . When you have answer'd this Question , we shall then see which of us two is nearest the right ? But if you shall forbear Railing , which I fear you take for arguing , against that Summary of Faith , which our Saviour and his Apostles taught , and which only they propos'd to their Hearers to be believed to make them Christians , till you have found another perfect Creed of only necessary Articles , that you dare own for such ; you are like to have a large time of Silence . Before I leave the Passage above cited , I must desire the Reader to take notice of what he says concerning his List of Fundamentals , viz. That these his Articles of Faith necessary to constitute a Christian , are such as must IN SOME MEASURE be known and assented to by him . A very wary Expression concerning Fundamentals . The Question is about Articles necessary to be explicitly believed to make a Man a Christian. These in his List the Unmasker tells us are necessary to constitute a Christian , and must IN SOME MEASURE be known and assented to , I would now fain know of the Reader whether he understands hereby , that the Unmasker means , that these his necessary Articles must be explicitly believed or not ! If he means an explicit Knowledge and Belief , why does he puzzle his Reader by so improper a way of speaking ? for what is as compleat and perfect as it ought to be , cannot properly be said to be in some Measure . If his in some Measure falls short of explicitly knowing and believing his Fundamentals , his necessary Articles are such as a Man may be a Christian without explicitly knowing and believing , i. e. are no Fundamentals , no necessary Articles at all . Thus Men , uncertain what to say , betray themselves by their great Caution . Having pronounced it Folly in himself to make up the defects of my short , and therefore so much blam'd Collection of Fundamentals , by a full one of his own , though his Attempt shews he would if he could , he goes on thus , p. 22. From what I [ the Unmasker ] have said it is evident , that the Vindicator is grosly mistaken when he saith , Whatever Doctrine the Apostles required to be believed to make a Man a Christian , are to be found in those places of Scripture which he has quoted in his Book . And a little lower , I think I have sufficiently proved that there are other Doctrines besides that , which are required to be believed to make a Man a Christian . Answ. Whatever you have proved , or ( as you never fail to do ) boast you have proved , will signifie nothing till you have proved one of these Propositions , and have shewn either , X. That what our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd and admitted Men into the Church for believing , is not all that is absolutely required to make a Man a Christian . Or , That the believing him to be the Messiah , was not the only Article they insisted on to those , who acknowledg'd one God ; and upon the belief whereof they admitted Converts into the Church , in any one of those many places quoted by me out of the History of the New Testament . I say , any one ; For though it be evident throughout the whole Gospel and the Acts , that this was the one Doctrine of Faith , which in all their Preachings every where , they principally drive at : Yet if it were not so , but that in other places they taught other things , that would not prove , that those other things were Articles of Faith absolutely necessarily required to be believed to make a Man a Christian , unless it had been so said . Because if it appears , that ever any one was admitted into the Church by our Saviour or his Apostles , without having that Article explicitly laid before him , and without his explicit assent to it , you must grant , that an explicit assent to that Article is not necessary to make a Man a Christian : Unless you will say , that our Saviour , and his Apostles admitted Men into the Church , that were not qualified with such a Faith , as was absolutely necessary to make a Man a Christian , which is as much as to say , that they allow'd , and pronounced Men to be Christians , who were not Christians . For he , that wants what is necessary to make a Man a Christian , can no more be a Christian , than he , that wants what is necessary to make him a Man , can be a Man. For what is necessary to the being of any thing is Essential to its being ; and any thing may be as well without its Essence , as without any thing that is necessary to its being : and so a Man be a Man without being a Man , and a Christian a Christian without being a Christian ; and an Unmasker may prove this , without proving it . You may therefore set up , by your unquestionable Authority , what Articles you please , as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; If our Saviour , and his Apostles admitted Converts into the Church without preaching those your Articles to them ; or requiring an Explicit assent to what they did not Preach , and explicitly lay down , I shall prefer their Authority to yours ; and think it was rather by them , than by you , that God promulgated the Law of Faith ; and manifested , what that Faith was , upon which he would receive penitent Converts . And though by his Apostles our Saviour taught a great many other Truths , for the explaining this Fundamental Article of the Law of Faith , that Jesus is the Messiah ; some whereof have a nearer , and some a more remote connexion with it , and so cannot be deny'd by any Christian , who sees that connexion , or knows they are so taught : yet an explicit belief of any one of them is no more necessarily required to make a Man a Christian , than an explicit belief of all those Truths which have a connexion with the being of a God , or are reveal'd by him , is necessarily required to make a Man not to be an Atheist : Though none of them can be denied by any one , who sees that connexion , or acknowledges that revelation , without his being an Atheist . All these Truths taught us from God , either by Reàson , or Revelation , are of great use , to enlighten our Minds , confirm our Faith , stir up our Affections , &c. And the more we see of them , the more we shall see , admire , and magnifie the Wisdom , Goodness , Mercy , and Love of God in the Work of our Redemption . This will oblige us to search , and study the Scripture , wherein it is contain'd and laid open to us . All that we find in the Revelation of the New Testament , being the declar'd Will and Mind of our Lord and Master the Messiah , whom we have taken to be our King , we are bound to receive as Right and Truth , or else we are not his Subjects , we do not believe him to be the Messiah our King , but cast him off , and with the Iews say , we will not have this Man reign over us . But it is still what we ●ind in the Scripture , not in this or that System ; what we sincerely seeking to know the Will of our Lord , discover to be his Mind . Where it is spoken plainly we cannot miss it , and it is evident , he requires our assent : where there is obscurity either in the Expressions themselves , or by reason of the seeming contrariety of other Passages , there a fair endeavour , as much as our Circumstances will permit , secures us from a guilty Disobedience to his Will , or a sinful Error in Faith , which way soever our enry resolves the doubt , or perhaps leaves it unresolved . If he had required more of us in those Points , he would have declared his Will plainer to us ; and discover'd the Truth contain'd in those obscure , or seemingly contradictory places , as clearly , and as uniformly as he did that Fundamental Article , that we were to believe him to be the Messiah our King. As Men we have God for our King , and are under the Law of Reason : As Christians , we have Iesus the Messiah for our King , and are under the Law revealed by him in the Gospel . And though every Christian , both as a Deist and a Christian , be obliged to study both the Law of Nature and the Revealed Law , that in them he may know the Will of God , and of Jesus Christ whom he hath sent , yet in neither of these Laws is there to be found a Select Set of Fundamentals , distinct from the rest which are to make him , a Deist or a Christian. But he that believes one Eternal invisible God , his Lord and King , ceases thereby to be an Atheist ; and he that believes Iesus to be the Messiah his King , ordain'd by God thereby becomes a Christian , is delivered from the Power of Darkness , and is Translated into the Kingdom of the Son of God , is actually within the Covenant of Grace , and has that Faith ; which shall be imputed to him for Righteousness , and if he continues in his Allegiance to this his King , shall receive the reward , Eternal Life . He that Considers this , will not be so hot as the Unmasker , to contend for a Number of Fundamental Articles all necessary every one of them to be explicitly believed , by every one , for Salvation , without knowing them himself , or being able to enumerate them to another . Can there be any thing more absurd , than to say , there are several Fundamental Articles , each of which every Man must explicitly believe upon pain of Damnation , and yet not to be able to say , which they be ? The Unmasker has set down no small Number ; but yet dares not say , these are all . On the contrary , he has plainly confessed , there are more : but will not , i. e. cannot tell what they are , that remain behind . Nay , has given a general Description of his Fundamental Articles , by which it is not evident , but there may be ten times as many , as those he had named ; and amongst them ( if he durst or could name them ) probably several , that many a good Christian , who died in the Faith , and is now in Heaven , never once thought of ; and others , which many , of as good Authority as he , would from their different Systems , certainly deny and contradict . This , as great an Absurdity as it is , cannot be otherwise , whilst Men will take upon them to alter the terms of the Gospel ; and when it is evident , that our Saviour , and his Apostles received Men into the Church , and pronounced them Believers , for taking him to be the Messiah their King and Deliverer sent by God , have the boldness to say , this is not enough . But when you would know of them what then is enough , they cannot tell you . The reason whereof is visible , viz. Because they being able to produce no other reason for their Collection of Fundamental Articles to prove them necessary to be believed , but because they are of Divine Authority and contain'd in the Holy Scriptures , and are , as the Unmasker says , writ there on purpose to be believed , they know not where to stop , when they have once begun . Those Texts that they leave out , or from which they deduce none of them , being of the same Divine Authority , and so upon that Account equally Fundamental , with what they have culled out , though not so well suited to their particular Systems . Hence come those endless and unreasonable Contentions about Fundamentals , whilst each censures the Defect , Redundancy , or Falshood of what others require , as necessary to be believed ; and yet he himself gives not a Catalogue of his own Fundamentals , which he will say is sufficient and compleat . Nor is it to be wondred , since in this way it is impossible to stop short of putting every Proposition divinely revealed into the List of Fundamentals ; all of them being of Divine , and so of equal Authority , and upon that account equally necessary to be believed by every one who is a Christian ; though they are not all necessary to be believed to make any one a Christian . For the New Testament , containing the Laws of the Messiah's Kingdom , in regard of all the Actions both of Mind and Body of all his Subjects , every Christian is bound by his Allegiance to him , to believe all that he says in it to be true , as well as to assent , that all that he commands in it is just and good : And what Negligence , Perverseness , or Guilt there is in his mistaking in the one , or failing in his obedience to the other , That this Righteous Judge of all Men , who cannot be deceived , will at the last day lay open , and reward accordingly . 'T is no wonder therefore , there has been such fierce Contests , and such cruel Havock made amongst Christians about Fundamentals : Whilst every one would set up his System upon pain of Fire and Faggot in this , and Hell Fire in the other World ; Though at the same time , whilst he is exercising the utmost Barbarities against others to prove himself a true Christian , he professes himself so ignorant that he cannot tell , or so uncharitable , that he will not tell , what Articles are absolutely necessary , and sufficient to make a Man a Christian. If there be any such Fundamentals , as 't is certain there are , 't is as certain they must be very plain . Why then does every one urge and make a stir about Fundamentals , and no body give a List of them ? But because , ( as I have said ) upon the usual Grounds , they cannot . For I will be bold to say , that every one , who considers the matter , will see , that either only the Article of his being the Messiah their King , which alone our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd to the Unconverted World , and received those that believed it into the Church , is the only necessary Article to be believed by a Theist to make him a Christian ; Or else that all the Truths contain'd in the New Testament , are necessary Articles to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; And that between these two it is impossible any where to stand . The reason whereof is plain . Because either the believing Iesus to be the Messiah , i. e. the taking him to be our King , makes us Subjects and Denizons of his Kingdom , i. e. Christians ; Or else an explicit knowledge of , and actual Obedience to the Laws of his Kingdom is what is required to make us Subjects ; Which , I think , is what was never said of any other Kingdom . For a Man must be a Subject before he is bound to obey . Let us suppose it will be said here , that an Obedience to the Laws of Christ's Kingdom , is what is necessary to make us Subjects of it , without which we cannot be admitted into it , i. e. be Christians : And if so , this Obedience must be Universal ; I mean , it must be the same sort of Obedience to all the Laws of this Kingdom : Which since no body says is in any one such as is wholly free from Error or Frailty , this Obedience can only lie in a sincere disposition and purpose of Mind to obey every one of the Laws of the Messiah deliver'd in the New Testament , to the utmost of our Power . Now believing right being one part of that Obedience , as well as acting right is the other part , the Obedience of assent must be implicitly to all that is deliver'd there ; That it is true . But for as much as the particular acts of an explicit assent cannot go any farther than his understanding , who is to assent , What he understands to be the Truth deliver'd by our Saviour , or the Apostles commission'd by him , and assisted by his Spirit , That he must necessarily believe : It becomes a Fundamental Article to him , and he cannot refuse his assent to it , without renouncing his Allegiance . For he that denies any of the Doctrines that Christ has deliver'd , to be true , denies him to be sent from God , and consequently to be the Messiah , and so ceases to be a Christian. From whence it is evident , that if any more be necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , than the believing Iesus to be the Messiah , and thereby taking him for our King ; It cannot be any set bundle of Fundamentals culled out of the Scripture , with an omission of the rest , according as best suits any ones Fancy , System , or Interest : But it must be an explicit belief of all those Propositions , which he according to the best of his understanding , really apprehends to be contain'd , and meant in the Scripture ; and an implicit belief of all the rest , which he is ready to believe , as soon as it shall please God , upon his use of the means , to enlighten him , and make them clear to his understanding . So that in effect , almost every particular Man in this sense has , or may have , a distinct Catalogue of Fundamentals , each whereof it is necessary for him explicitly to believe , now that he is a Christian ; whereof if he should disbelieve , or deny any one , he would cast off his Allegiance , disfranchise himself , and be no longer a Subject of Christ's Kingdom . But in this sense no body can tell what is Fundamental to another , what is necessary for another Man to believe . This Catalogue of Fundamentals every one alone can make for himself : No body can fix it for him ; no body can collect or prescribe it to another : But this is according as God has dealt to every one the measure of Light and Faith ; and hath open'd each Man's Understanding , that he may understand the Scriptures . Whoever has used wha● means he is capable of , for the informing of himself , with a readiness to believe and obey what shall be taught and prescrib'd by Iesus his Lord and King , is a true and faithful Subject of Christ's Kingdom ; and cannot be thought to fail in any thing necessary to Salvation . Supposing a Man and his Wife , barely by seeing the wonderful things that Moses did , should have been perswaded to put ▪ themselves under his Government ; Or by reading his Law , and liking it ; or by any other Motive , had been prevail'd on sincerely to take him for their Ruler and Law-giver , and accordingly ( renouncing their former Idolatry and Heathenish Pollutions ) in token thereof had by Baptism and Circumcision , the initiating Ceremonies , solemnly enter'd themselves into that Communion under the Law of Moses ; had they not thereby been made Denizons of the Commonwealth of Israel , and invested with all the Privileges and Prerogatives of true Children of Abraham , leaving to their Posterity a right to their share in the Promis'd Land , though they had died before they had performed any other Act of Obedience to that Law ; nay , though they had not known whose Son Moses was , nor how he had deliver'd the Children of Israel out of Egypt , nor whither he was leading them ? I do not say it is likely they should be so far ignorant : But whether they were or no , 't was enough , that they took him for their Prince and Ruler , with a purpose to obey him , to submit themselves entirely to his Commands and Conduct ; And did nothing afterwards , whereby they disowned or rejected his Authority over them . In that respect , none of his Laws were greater , or more necessary to be submitted to one than another , though the matter of one might be of much greater Consequence than of another . But a Disobedience to any Law of the least Consequence , if it carry with it a disowning of the Authority that made it , forfeits all , and cuts off such an Offender from that Commonwealth , and all the Privileges of it . This is the case , in respect of other Matters of Faith , to those who believe Iesus to be the Messiah , and take him to be their King sent from God , and so are already Christians . 'T is not the opinion , that any one may have of the weightiness of the Matter , ( if they are , without their own fault ignorant that our Saviour hath revealed it ) that shall disfranchise them , and make them forfeit their Interest in his Kingdom : they may be still good Subjects , though they do not believe a great many things , which Creed-makers may think necessary to be believed . That which is required of them is a sincere endeavour to know his Mind declared in the Gospel , and an explicit belief of all that they understand to be so . Not to believe what he has reveal'd , whether in a lighter or more weighty Matter , calls his veracity into Question , destroys his Mission , denies his Authority , and is a flat disowning him to be the Messiah ; And so overturns that Fundamental , and Necessary Article whereby a Man is a Christian. But this cannot be done by a Man's Ignorance , or unwilful Mistake of any of the Truths published by our Saviour himself , or his authorized and inspired Ministers in the New Testament . Whilst a Man knows not that it was his Will or Meaning , his Allegiance is safe , though he believe the contrary . If this were not so , it is impossible , that any one should be a Christian. For in some things we are ignorant , and err all , not knowing the Scriptures . For the holy inspired Writings , being all of the same Divine Authority , must all equally in every Article be Fundamental and necessary to be believed ; if that be a reason , that makes any one Proposition in it necessary to be believed . But the Law of Faith , the Covenant of the Gospel , being a Covenant of Grace , and not of Natural Right or Debt , nothing can be absolutely necessary to be believed , but what by this new Law of Faith God of his good pleasure hath made to be so . And this 't is plain by the preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , to all that believed not already in him , was only the believing the only true God , and Iesus to be the Messiah , whom he hath sent . The performance of this puts a Man within the Covenant , and is that which God will impute to him for Righteousness . All the other acts of assent to other Truths , taught by our Saviour , and his Apostles , are not what make a Man a Christian ; but are necessary acts of Obedience to be performed by one , who is a Christian ; and therefore being a Christian , ought to live by the Laws of Christ's Kingdom . Nor are we without some glimpse of Light , why it hath pleased God of his Grace , that the believing Iesus to be the Messiah should be that Faith which he would impute to Men for Righteousness . 'T is evident from the Scripture , that our Saviour despised the Shame and endured the Cross for the Joy that was set before him ; Which joy , 't is also plain , was a Kingdom , But in this Kingdom which his Father had appointed to him , he could have none but voluntary Subjects , such as leaving the Kingdom of Darkness , and of the Prince of this World , with all the Pleasures , Pomps and Vanities thereof , would put themselves under his Dominion , and translate themselves into his Kingdom ; which they did by believing and owning him to be the Messiah their King , and thereby taking him to rule over them . For the Faith for which God justi●ieth , is not an empty Speculation , but a Faith joyn'd with Repentance , and working by Love. And for this , which was in effect to return to God himself , and to their natural Allegiance due to him , and advance as much as lay in them the Glory of the Kingdom , which he had promised his Son , God was pleased to declare he would accept them , receive them to Grace , and blot out all their former Transgressions . This is evidently the Covenant of Grace as deliver'd in the Scriptures : And if this be not , I desire any one to tell me what it is , and what are the terms of it . 'T is a Law of Faith , whereby God has promised to forgive all our Sins upon our Repentance , and believing something ; and to impute that Faith to us for Righteousness , Now I ask what 't is by the Law of Faith we are required to believe ? for till that be known , the Law of Faith is not distinctly known , nor the terms of the Covenant upon which the Almerciful God graciously offers us Salvation . And if any one will say this is not known , nay , is not easily , and certainly to be known under the Gospel , I desire him to tell me what the greatest Enemies of Christianity can say worse against it ? For a way propos'd to Salvation , that does not certainly lead thither , or is propos'd so as not to be known , are very little different as to their consequence ; and Mankind would be left to wander in darkness and uncertainty with the one as well as the other . I do not write this for Controversies sake ; for had I minded Victory , I would not have given the Unmasker this new Matter of exception . I know whatever is said , he must be bawling for his fashionable and profitable Orthodoxy , and cry out against this too which I have here added , as Socinianism , and cast that Name upon all that differs from what is held by those , he would recommend his Zeal to in Writing . I call it bawling , for whether what he has said be Reasoning , I shall referr to those of his own Brotherhood , if he be of any Brotherhood , and there be any that will joyn with him in his Set of Fundamentals , when his Creed is made . Had I minded nothing but how to deal with him , I had tied him up short to his List of Fundamentals , without affording him Topicks of declaiming against what I have here said . But I have enlarged on this point , for the sake of such Readers , who with a love of truth read Books of this kind , and endeavour to inform themselves in the things of their everlasting concernment : It being of greater consideration with me , to give any light and satisfaction to one single Person , who is really concerned to understand , and be convinced of the Religion he professes , than what a Thousand fashionable or titular Professors of any sort of Orthodoxy shall say or think of me , for not doing as they do , i. e. for not saying after others , without understanding what is said , or upon what Grounds ; or caring to understand it . Let us now consider his Argument , to prove the Articles he has given us to be Fundamentals . In his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , p. 119. he argues from 1 Tim. iii. 16. where , he says , Christianity is called a Mystery , that all things in Christianity are not plain , and exactly level to every common apprehension ; that every thing in Christianity is not clear , and intelligible and comprehensible by the weakest Noddle . Let us take this for proved , as much as he pleases , and then let us see the force of this subtle Disputant's Argument , for the necessity there is , that every Christian Man should believe those , which he has given us for Fundamental Articles out of the Epistles . The Reason of that Obligation , and the Necessity of every Man and Woman's believing them , he has laid in this , that they are to be found in the Epistles , or in the Bible . This Argument for them we have over and over again in his Socinianism Unmask'd , as here , p. 9. thus ; Are they set down to no purpose in these inspired Epistles . Why did the Apostles write these Doctrines , was it not , that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? P. 22. They are in our Bibles for that very purpose to be believed . p. 25. Now I ask , can any one more directly invalidate all he says here for the necessity of believing his Articles ? Can any one more apparently write booty than by saying that these his Doctrines , these his Fundamental Articles ( which are after his fashion set down between the 8. and 20. Pages of this his First Chapter ) are of necessity to be believed by every one , before he can be a Christian , because they are in the Epistles and in the Bible ; and yet to affirm that in Christianity , i. e. in the Epistles and in the Bible there are Mysteries , there are things not plain , not clear , not intelligible to common apprehensions . If his Articles , some of which contain Mysteries , are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , because they are in the Bible ; than according to this rule it is necessary for many Men to believe , what is not intelligible to them ; what their Noddles cannot apprehend ( as the Unmasker is pleased to turn the Supposition of vulgar Peoples understanding the Fundamentals of their Religion into ridicule ) i. e. it is necessary for many Men to do , what is impossible for them to do , before they can be Christians . But if there be several things in the Bible , and in the Epistles , that it is not necessary for Men to believe to make them Christians ; then all the Unmasker's Arguments from their being in the Epistles is no Proof , that all his Articles are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , because they are set down in the Epistles ; much less , because he thinks they may be drawn according to his Sys●em out of what is set down in the Epistles . Let him therefore either confess these and the like Questions , Why did the Apostles write these ? was it not that those they writ to , might give their assent to them ? Why should not every one of these Evangelical Truths be believed and imbraced ? They are in our Bibles for that very purpose , and the like , to be impertinent and ridiculous : Let him cease to propose them with so much ostentation , for they can serve only to mislead unwary Readers : Or let him unsay what he has said of things not plain to common apprehensions , not clear and intelligible . Let him recant what he has said of Mysteries in Christianity . For I ask with him , p. 8. where can we be informed but in the sacred and inspired writings ? It is ridiculous to urge , that any thing is necessary to be explicitly believed to make a Man a Christian , because it is writ in the Epistles and in the Bible ; Unless he confess that there is no Mystery , no thing not plain not intelligible to Vulgar understanding , in the Epistles or in the Bible . This is so evident , that the Unmasker himself , who p. 119. of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , thought it ridiculous to suppose , that the Vulgar should understand Christianity , is here of another Mind : And , p. 30. says of his Evangelical Doctrines and Articles necessary to be assented to , that they are intelligible and plain ; There is no Ambiguity and Doubtfulness in them ; They shine with their own light , and to an unprejudiced eye are plain , evident and illustrious . To draw the Unmasker out of the Clouds , and prevent his hiding himself in the doubtfulness of his Expressions , I shall desire him to say directly , whether the Articles , which are necessary to be believed , to make a Man a Christian , and particularly those he has set down for such , are all plain and intelligible , and such as may be understood and comprehended ( I will not say in the Unmasker's ridiculous way , by the weakest Noddles , but ) by every illiterate Countryman and Woman capable of Church Communion ? If he says yes ; Then all Mysteries are excluded out of his Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. For that which can be comprehended by every Day-Labourer , every poor Spinster , that is a Member of the Church , cannot be a Mystery . And if what such illiterate People cannot understand , be required to be believed to make them Christians , the greatest part of Mankind are shut out from being Christians . But the Unmasker has provided an Answer in these words , p. 31. There is , says he , a difficulty in the Doctrine of the Trinity , and several Truths of the Gospel , as to the exact manner of the things themselves , which we shall never be able to comprehend , at least on this side of Heaven : But there is no difficulty as to the reality and certainty of them , because we know they are revealed to us by God in the Holy Scripture . Which Answer of difficulty in the manner , and no difficulty in the reality , having the appearance of a distinction , looks like Learning ; but when it comes to be applied to the case in hand will scarce afford us sense . The Question is about a Proposition to be believed , which must first necessarily be understood . For a Man cannot possibly give his assent to any Affirmation or Negation , unless he understand the terms as they are joyn'd in that Proposition , and has a Conception of the thing affirm'd or deny'd , and also a Conception of the thing concerning which it is affirm'd or deny'd as they are there put together . But let the Proposition be what it will , there is no more to be understood than is expressed in the terms of that Proposition . If it be a Proposition concerning a Matter of Fact , 't is enough to conceive , and believe the Matter of Fact. If it be a Proposition concerning the manner of the Fact , the manner of the Fact must also be believed , as it is intelligibly expressed in that Proposition , v. g. should this Proposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be offer'd as an Article of Faith to an illiterate Countryman of England , he could not believe it : Because , though a true Proposition , yet it being propos'd in words whose meaning he understood not , he could not give any assent to it . Put it into English , he understands what is meant by the Dead shall rise . For he can conceive , that the same Man , who was dead and senseless , should be alive again ; As well as he can , that the same Man , who is now in a Lethargy , should awake again ; or the same Man that now is out of his sight , and he knows not whether he be alive or dead , should return , and be with him again : And so he is capable of believing it , though he conceives nothing of the manner how a Man revives , wakes , or moves . But none of these manners of those actions being included in those Propositions , the Proposition concerning the Matter of Fact ( if it imply no contradiction in it ) may be believed ; and so all that is required may be done , whatever difficulty may be as to the exact manner how it is brought about . But where the Proposition is about the manner , the belief too must be of the manner . v. g. The Article is , The Dead shall be raised with spiritual Bodies . And then the belief must be as well of this manner of the Fact , as of the Fact it self . So that what is said here by the Unmasker about the manner signifies nothing at all in the case . What is understood to be expressed in each Proposition , whether it be of the manner , or not of the manner , is ( by its being a Revelation from God ) to be believed , as far as it is understood : But no more is required to be believed concerning any Article , than is contain'd in that Article . What the Unmasker , for the removing of Difficulties , adds farther in these words , But there is no difficulty as to the reality and certainty of the truths of the Gospel . Because we know , they are revealed to us by God in the Holy Scripture , is yet farther from signifying any thing to the purpose , than the former . The Question is about understanding ; And , in what sense they are understood , believing several Propositions , or Articles of Faith , which are to be found in the Scripture . To this , the Unmasker says , there can be no difficulty at all as to their reality and certainty ; because they are revealed by God. Which amounts to no more but this , That there is no difficulty at all in understanding and believing this Proposition , that whatever is revealed by God is really and certainly true . But is the understanding and believing this single Proposition , the understanding and believing all the Articles of Faith necessary to be believed ? Is this all the explicit Faith a Christian need have ? If so , then a Christian need explicitly believe no more but this one Proposition , viz. That all the Propositions between the two Covers of his Bible are certainly true . But I imagine the Unmasker will not think the believing this one Proposition is a sufficient belief of all those Fundamental Articles , which he has given us as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian . For if that will serve the turn , I conclude he may make his Set of Fundamentals as large and express to his System as he pleases ; Calvinists , Arminians , Anabaptists , Socinians , will all thus own the belief of them ; viz. That all that God has revealed in the Scripture is really and certainly true . But if believing this Proposition , that all that is reveal'd by God in the Scripture is true , be not all the Faith which the Unmasker requires , what he says about the reality and certainty of all Truths reveal'd by God removes nothing of the difficulty . A Proposition of Divine Authority is found in the Scripture : 't is agreed presently between him and me , that it contains a real certain truth : But the difficulty is , what is the Truth it contains , to which he , and I must assent . v. g. The Profession of Faith made by the Eunuch in these words , Iesus Christ is the Son of God , upon which he was admitted into the Church as a Christian , I believe contains a real and certain Truth . Is that enough ? no says the Unmasker , p. 87. it includes in it that Christ was God ; and therefore it is not enough for me to believe , that these words contain a real certain truth ; But I must believe they contain this truth , that Jesus Christ is God ; That the Eunuch spoke them in that sense , and in that sense I must assent to them : Whereas they appear to me to be spoken , and meant here , as well as in several other places of the New Testament , in this sense , viz. That Iesus Christ is the Messiah , and in that sense in this place I assent to them . The meaning then of these words as spoken by the Eunuch is the difficulty : And I desire the Unmasker , by the Application of what he has said here , to remove that difficulty . For granting all Revelation from God to be really and certainly true ( as certainly it is ) how does the believing that general truth remove any difficulty about the sense and interpretation of any particular Proposition found in any passage of the Holy Scriptures ? Or is it possible for any Man to understand it in one sense , and believe it in another ; because it is a Divine Revelation , that has reallity and certainty in it ? Thus much as to what the Unmasker says of the Fundamentals he has given us , p. 30. viz. That No true Lover of God and Truth need doubt of any of them : For there is no ambiguity and doubtfulness in them . If the distinction he has used of difficulty as to the exact manner , and difficulty as to the reality and certainty of Gospel Truths , will remove all ambiguity and doubtfulness from all those Texts of Scripture , from whence he and others deduce Fundamental Articles , so that they will be plain and intelligible to every Man in the sense he understands them , he has done great Service to Christianity . But he seems to distrust that himself , in the following words . They shine , says he , with their own light , and to an unprejudiced eye are plain evident and illustrious , and they would always continue so , if some ill minded Men did not perplex and entangle them . I see the Matter would go very smooth , if the Unmasker might be the sole authentick Interpreter of Scripture . He is wisely of that Judge's Mind , who was against hearing the Counsel on the other side , because they always perplexed the Cause . But if those who differ from the Unmasker , shall in their turns call him the Prejudiced and Ill-minded Man , who perplexes these Matters ( as they may with as much Authority as he ) we are but where we were ; Each must understand for himself the best he can ; till the Unmasker be received as the only unprejudiced Man , to whose Dictates every one without Examination is with an implicit Faith to submit . Here again , p. 32. The Unmasker puts upon me , what I never said , and therefore I must desire him to shew , where it is , that I pretend , XI . That this Proposition , that Jesus is the Messiah , is more intelligible than any of those he has named . In his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , p. 120. he argues that this Proposition [ Iesus is the Messiah ] has more difficulty in it than the Article of the Holy Trinity . And his Proofs are worthy of an Unmasker . For , says he , Here is an Hebrew word first to be explain'd , or ( as he has this strong Argument again , Socinianism Unmask'd , p. 32. ) Here first the Name Iesus , which is of Hebrew extraction , though since Grecized must be expounded . Answ. Iesus being a proper Name , only denoting a certain Person , needs not to be expounded , of what extraction soever it be . Is this Proposition , Ionathan was the Son of Saul King of Israel , any thing the harder , because the three proper Names in it , Ionathan , Saul and Israel are of Hebrew extraction ? And is it not as easie and as level to the understanding of the Vulgar as this , Arthur was the Son of Henry King of England , though neither of these Names be of Hebrew extraction ? Or cannot any Vulgar Capacity understand this Proposition , Iohn Edwards writ a Book , Intituled , Socinianism Unmask'd , till the Name Iohn , which is of Hebrew extraction , be explained to him ? If this be so , Parents were best beware how hereafter they give their Children Scripture Names , if they cannot understand what they say to one another about them , till these Names of Hebrew extraction are expounded to them ; And every Proposition , that is in Writings and Contracts made concerning Persons , that have Names of Hebrew extractions , become thereby as hard to be understood as the Doctrine of the Holy Trinity . His next Argument is just of the same size . The word Messias must , he says , be explained too . Of what Extraction soever it be , there needs no more Explication of it than what our English Bible gives of it , where it is plain to any vulgar capacity , that it was used to denote that King and Deliverer whom God had promised . So that this Proposition , Iesus is the Messiah , has no more difficulty in it , than this , Iesus is the promised King and Deliverer ; Or than this , Cyrus was King and Deliverer of Persia : Which I think requires not much depth of Hebrew to be understood . He that understood this Proposition , and took Cyrus for his King , was a Subject and a Member of his Kingdom ; And he that understands the other , and takes Iesus to be his King , is his Subject and a Member of his Kingdom . But if this be as hard as it is to some Men to understand the Doctrine of the Trinity , I fear many of the Kings in the World have but few true Subjects . To believe Jesus to be the Messiah , is ( as he has been told over and over again ) to take him for our King and Ruler , promised and sent by God. This is that , which will make any one from a Iew or Heathen to be a Christian. In this sense it is very intelligible to vulgar Capacities . Those who so understand and believe it , are so far from pronouncing those words as a spell ( as the Unmasker ridiculously suggests , p. 33. ) that they thereby become Christians . But what if I tell the Unmasker , that there is one Mr. Edwards , who ( when he speaks his Mind , without considering how it will make for or against him ) in another place , thinks this Proposition , Iesus is the Messias , very easie and intelligible ? To convince him of it , I shall desire him to turn to the 74th . Page of his Socinianism Unmask'd , where he will find that Mr. Edwards without any great search into Hebrew Extractions , interprets Iesus the Messiah to signifie this , That Iesus of Nazareth was that eminent and extraordinary Person prophesied of long before , and that he was sent and commissioned by God : Which I think is no very hard Proposition to be understood . But it is no strange thing , that that which was very easie to an Unmasker in one place , should be terrible hard in another ; where want of something better requires to have it so . Another Argument that he uses to prove the Articles he has given us to be necessary to Salvation , ( p. 22. ) is because they are Doctrines which contain things that in their Nature have an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , End , Means and Issue of Mens Redemption and Salvation . And here I desire him to prove , XII . That every one of his Articles contains things so immediately relating to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means and Issue of our Redemption and Salvation , that no body can be saved without understanding the Texts from whence he draws them , in the very same sense that he does ; And explicitly believing all these Propositions that he has deduced , and all that he will deduce from Scripture , when he shall please to compleat his Creed . Pag. 23. He says of his Fundamentals , not without good reason THEREFORE I called them Essential and Integral parts of our Christian and Evangelical Faith : And why the Vindicator fleers at these terms , p. 18. I know no reason , but that he cannot confute the Application of them . Answ. One would think by the word therefore , which he uses here , that in the precedent Paragraph , he had produced some reason to justifie his ridiculous use of those terms in his Thoughts concerning Atheism , p. 111. But nothing therein will be found tending to it . Indeed the foregoing Paragraph begins with these words , Thus I have briefly set before the Reader those Evangelical Truths , those Christian Principles , which belong to the very essence of Christianity . Amongst these there is the word Essence : But that from thence , or any thing else in that Paragraph , the Unmasker could with good sense , or any sense at all , inferr as he does , not without good reason , THEREFORE , I called them the ESSENTIAL and INTEGRAL parts of our Christian and Evangelical Faith , requires an extraordinary sort of Logick to make out . What , I beseech you , is your good reason too here , upon which you inferr Therefore , & c ? For it is impossible for any one but an Unmasker , to find one word justifying his use of the terms Essential and Integral . But it would be a great restraint to the running of the Unmasker's Pen , if you should not allow him the free use of illative Particles , where there are no Promises to support them : And if you should not take Affirmations without Proof for reasoning , you at once strike off above three quarters of his Book ; and he will often , for several Pages toget●er , have nothing to say . As for Example , from p. 28. to p. 35. But to shew , that I did not without reason say his use of the terms Essential and Integral , in the place before quoted , was ridiculous , I must mind my Reader , that pag. 109. of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , he having said that the Epistolary Writings are fraught with other Fundamentals besides that one which I mention , and then having set them down , he closes his Catalogue of them thus : These are Matters of Faith contain'd in the Epistles , and they are Essential and Integral parts of the Gospel it self , p. 111. Now what could be more ridiculous , than where the question is about Fundamental Doctrines , which are the Essentials of Christian Religion , without an assent to which a Man cannot be a Christian , and so he himself calls them , p. 21. of his Socinianism Unmask'd , that he should close the List he had made of Fundamental Doctrines , i. e. Essential Points of the Christian Religion , with telling his Reader , These are Essential and Integral parts of the Gospel it self ? i. e. these which I have given you for Fundamental , for Essential Doctrines of the Gospel are the Fundamental and not Fundamental , Essential and not Essential parts of the Gospel mixed together . For integral parts , in all the Writers I have met with , besides the Unmasker , are contra-distinguished to Essential ; and signifie such parts as the thing can be without , but without them will not be so compleat and entire as with them . Just such an accuteness as our Unmasker would any one shew , who taking upon him to set down the parts Essential to a Man , without the having of which he could not be a Man , should name the Soul , the Head , the Heart , Lungs , Stomach , Liver , Spleen , Eyes , Ears , Tongue , Arms , Legs , Hair and Nails ; and to make all sure , should conclude with these words , these are Parts contain'd in a Man , and are Essential and Integral Parts of a Man himself , i. e. they are Parts , some without which he cannot be a Man , and others which though they make the Man entire , yet he may be a Man without them ; As a Man ceases not to be a Man , though he want a Nail , a Finger , or an Arm , which are Integral Parts of a Man. Risum teneatis ? If the Unmasker can make any better sence of his Essential and Integral Parts of the Gospel it self ; I will ask his Pardon for my Laughing : Till then he must not be angry , if the Reader and I laugh too . Besides I must tell him , That those which he has set down are not the Integral Parts of the Christian Faith ; any more than the Head , the Trunk , and the Arms , Hands and Thighs are the Integral Parts of a Man : For a Man is not entire without the Legs and Feet too . They are some of the Integral Parts indeed ; But cannot be called the Integral Parts , where any that go to make up the whole Man are l●ft out . Nor those the Integral , but some of the Integral Parts of the Christian Faith , out of which any of the Doctrines proposed in the New Testament are omitted : For whatever is there proposed , is proposed to be believed , and so is a part of the Christian Faith. Before I leave his Catalogue of the Essential and Integral Parts of the Gospel , which he has given us , instead of one containing the Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , I must take notice of what he says , whilst he is making it , p. 9. Why then is there a Treatise publish'd to tell the World that the bare belief of a Messiah is all that is required of a Christian. As if there were no difference between believing a Messiah , and believing Iesus to be the Messiah : No difference between required of a Christian , and required to make a Man a Christian. As if you should say , renouncing his former Idolatry , and being Circumcised and Baptized into Moses , was all that was required to make a Man an Israelite ; Therefore it was all that was required of an Israelite . For these two Falshoods has he in this one short Sentence , thought fit slily to Father upon me the humble imitator of the Iesuits , as he is pleased to call me . And therefore I must desire him to shew , XIII . Where the World is told in the Treatise that I publish'd , That the bare belief of a Messiah is all that is required of a Christian ? The Six next Pages , i. e. from 28. to the End of his Second Chapter , being taken up with nothing but Pulpit Oratory out of its place ; and without any reply , apply'd or applicable to any thing I have said in my Vindication ; I shall pass by , till he shews any thing in them that is so . In pag. 36. This Giant in Argument , falls on me , and mauls me unmercifully about the Epistles . He begins thus ; The Gentleman is not without his Evasions , and he sees it is high time to make use of them . This puts him in some disorder . For when he comes to speak of my mentioning his ill treatment of the Epistles — you may observe that he begins to grow warmer than before . Now this meek Man is nettled , and one may perceive he is sensible of the Scandal that he hath given to good People by his slighting the Epistolary Writings of the Holy Apostles , yet he is so cunning as to disguise his Passion as well as he can . Let all this impertinent and inconsistent stuff be so . I am angry , and cannot disguise it ; I am cunning and would disguise it ; But yet the quick-sighted Unmasker has found me out , that I am nettled . What does all this notable Prologue of Hictius Doctius , of a Cunning Man , and in effect no Cunning Man , in disorder , warm'd , nettled , in a passion tend to ? but only to shew , that these following words of mine , p. 19. of my Vindication , viz. I require you to publish to the World those Passages which shew my contempt of the Epistles are so full of heat and disorder , that they need no other Answer , But what need I , good Sir , do this , when you have done it your self ? A Reply , I own , very soft , and whether I may not say , very silly , let the Reader judge . The Unmasker having accused me of contemning the Epistles , my Reply in my Vindicat. p. 19. was thus ; Sir , when your Angry Fit is over , and the abatement of your Passion has given way to the return of your Sincerity , I shall beg you to read this Passage in the 297. p. of my Book . These holy Writers ( viz. the Penmen of the Epistles ) inspired from above , writ nothing but Truth ; and in most places very weighty Truths to us now , for the expounding , clearing and confirming of the Christian Doctrine , and establishing those in it , who had imbraced it . And again , p. 299. the other Parts [ i. e. besides the Gospels and the Acts ] of DIVINE REVELATION are Objects of Faith , and are so to be received ; They are Truths of which none , that is once known to be such , i. e. revealed , may or ought to be disbelieved . And if this does not satisfie you , that I have as high a Veneration for the Epistles , as you , or any one can have , I require you to publish to the World those PASSAGES , which shew my contempt of them . After such direct words of mine , expressing my veneration for that part of Divine Revel●●on , which is contain'd in the Epistles , any one but an Unmasker would blush to charge me with contempt of them , without alledging , when summon'd to it , any word in my Book to justifie that charge . If hardness of Forehead , were strength of Brains , 't were two to one of his side against any Man I ever yet heard of . I require him to publish to the World those Passages , that shew my contempt of the Epistles , and he answers me , he need not do it , for I have done it my self . Whoever had common sense would understand , that what I demanded was , that he should shew the World where , amongst all I had published , there were any Passages , that expressed contempt of the Epistles : For it was not expected , he should quote Passages of mine , that I had never published . And this accute Unmasker ( to this ) says , I had published them my self . So that the reason why he cannot find them is , because I have published them my self . But , says he , I appeal to the Reader , whether ( after your tedious Collections out of the four Evangelists ) your passing by the Epistles , and neglecting wholly what the Apostles say in them , be not publishing to the World your contempt of them ? I demand of him to publish to the World those Passages , which shew my contempt of the Epistles : And he answers , he need not , I have done it my self . How does that appear ? I have passed by the Epistles , says he . My passing them by then , are Passages published against the Epistles ? For publishing of Passages is what you said you need not do , and what I had done . So that the Passages I have published , containing a contempt of the Epistles , are extant in my saying nothing of them ? Surely this same passing by has done some very shrewd displeasure to our poor Unmasker , that he so starts whenever it is but named , and cannot think it contains less than Exclusion , Defiance and Contempt . Here therefore the Proposition remaining to be proved by you is , XIV . That one cannot pass by any thing without contempt of it . And when you have proved it , I shall then ask you , what will become of all those parts of Scriptur● ; all those Chapters and Verses , that you have passed by in your Collection of Fundamental Articles ? Those that you have vouchsafed to set down , you tell us are in the Bible on purpose to be believed . What must become of all the rest , which you have omitted ? Are they there not to be believed ? And must the Reader understand your passing them by to be a publishing to the World your contempt of them ? If so , you have Unmasked your self : If not , but you may pass by some parts of Scripture , nay whole Epistles , as you have those of St. Iames , and St. Iude , without contempt ; Why may not I without contempt pass by others ; But because you have a liberty to do what you will , and I must do but what you in your good pleasure will allow me ? But if I ask you whence you have this Privilege above others ; You will have nothing to say , except it be according to your usual Skill in Divining , that you know my Heart , and the Thoughts that are in it , which you find not like yours , right , and orthodox , and good ; But always evil and perverse , such as I dare not own , but hypocritically either say nothing of , or declare against ; But yet with all my cunning I cannot hide them from you ; your all knowing penetration always finds them out ; You know them , or you guess at them , as is best for your turn , and that 's as good : And then presently I am confounded . I doubt whether the World has ever had any two-eyed Man your equal for penetration and a quick sight . The telling by the Spectators looks , what Card he guesses , is nothing to what you can do . You take the heighth of an Author's Parts , by numbring the Pages of his Book ; You can spy an Heresy in him by his saying not a syllable of it ; Distinguish him from the Orthodox by his understanding places of Scripture , just as several of the Orthodox do ; You can repeat by heart whole Leaves of what is in his Mind to say , before he speaks a word of it ; You can discover Designs before they are hatch'd , and all the Intrigues of carrying them on by those who never thought of them . All this , and more you can do , by the Spirit of Orthodoxy , or which is as certain , by your own good Spirit of Invention informing you . Is not this to be an errant Conjurer ? But to your Reply . You say , after my TEDIOUS Collection out of the four Evangelists , my passing by the Epistles , and neglecting wholly what the Apostles say , &c. I wondred at first why you mention'd not the Acts here , as well as the four Evangelists . For I have not , as you have in other places observed , been sparing of Collections out of the Acts too . But there was it seems a Necessity here for your omitting it : For that would have stood too near what followed , in these words ; and neglecting wholly what the Apostles say . For if it appear'd to the Reader , out of your own Confession , that I allowed and built upon the Divine Authority of what the Apostles say in the Acts , he could not so easily be mislead into an Opinion , that I contemned what they say in their Epistles . But this is but a slight touch of your Leger-de-main . And now I ask the Reader what he will think of a Minister of the Gospel , who cannot bear the Texts of Scripture I have produced , nor my Quotations out of the four Evangelists ? This which in his Thoughts of the Causes of Atheism , p. 114. was want of Vivacity and Elevation of Mind , want of a Vein of Sense and Reason , yea and of Elocution too , is here in his Socinianism Unmask'd , a tedious Collection out of the four Evangelists . Those places I have quoted , lie heavy it seems upon his Stomach , and are too many to be got off . But it was my business not to omit one of them ; that the Reader might have a full view of the whole tenour of the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles to the Unconverted Iews and Gentiles ; and might therein see what Faith they were Converted to , and upon their assent to which they were pronounced Believers and admitted into the Christian Church . But the Unmasker complains there are too many of them : He thinks the Gospel , the good News of Salvation tedious from the Mouth of our Saviour and his Apostles : He is of opinion , That before the Epistles were writ , and without believing precisely what he thinks ●it to cull out of them , there could be no Christians ; And if we had nothing but the four Evangelists , we could not be saved . And yet 't is plain , that every single one of the Four contains the Gospel of Iesus Christ , and at least they all together contain all that is necessary to Salvation . If any one doubt of this , I referr him to Mr. Chillingworth for Satisfaction , who hath abundantly proved it . His following words ( were he not the same Unmasker all through ) would be beyond Parallel . But let us hear why the Vindicator did not attempt to Collect any Articles out of these Writings , He assigns this as one Reason : The Epistles being writ to those who were already Believers , it could not be supposed that they were writ to them to teach them Fundamentals , p. 13 , 14. Vindic. Certainly no Man would have conjectured that he would have used such an Evasion as this . I will say that for him , he goes beyond all surmises , he is above all Conjectures , he hath a faculty which no Creature on Earth can ever fathom . Thus far the Unmasker , in his Oratorical strain . In what follows he comes to his closer reasoning against what I had said . His words are , Do we not know that the four Gospels were writ to and for Believers , as well as Unbelievers ? Answ. I grant it . Now let us see your Inference : Therefore what these holy Historians recorded , that our Saviour and his Apostles said and preach'd to Unbelievers , was said and preach'd to Believers . The Discourse which our Saviour had with the Woman of Samaria , and her Townsmen , was addressed to Believers ; because St. Iohn writ his Gospel ( wherein it is recorded as a part of our Saviour's History ) for Believers as well as Unbelievers . St. Peter's Preaching to Cornelius and St. Paul's Preaching at Antioch , at Thessalonica , at Corinth , &c. was not to Unbelievers , for their Conversion ; Because St. Luke dedicates his History of the Acts of the Apostles to Theophilus , who was a Christian , as the Unmasker strenuously proves in this Paragraph . Just as if he should say , that the Discourses which Caesar records he had upon several Occasions with the Gauls were not addressed to the Gauls alone , but to the Romans also ; because his Commentaries were writ for the Romans as well as others : Or that the Sayings of the Ancient Greeks and Romans in Plutarch , were not spoke by them to their Contemporaries only , because they are recorded by him for the benefit of Posterity . I perused the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles to the Unconverted World , to see what they taught and required to be believed to make Men Christians : And these all I set down , and leave the World to be judge what they contain'd . The Epistles which were all written to those who had imbraced the Faith , and were all Christians already , I thought would not so distinctly shew , what were those Doctrines , which were absolutely necessary to make Men Christians ; they being not writ to convert Unbelievers , but to build up those , who were already Believers , in their most holy Faith. This is plainly expressed in the Epistle to the Hebrews , V. 11 , &c ▪ Of whom , i. e. Christ , we have many things to say and hard to be utter'd , seeing ye are all dull of hearing . For when for the time ye ought to be Teachers , ye have need that one teach you again , which be the first Principles of the Oracles of God ; and are become such as have need of Milk and not of strong Meat . For every one that useth milk is unskilful in the word of righteousness ; for he is a Babe : But strong meat belongeth to him that is of full age , even those who by reason of use have their senses exercised , to discern both good and bad . Therefore leaving the Principles of the Doctrine of Christ , let us go on unto perfection , not laying again the foundation of Repentance from dead Works , and of Faith towards God and of the Doctrine of Baptism , and of laying on of hands , and of the resurrection of the Dead , and of eternal Iudgment . Here the Apostle shews what was his Design in writing this Epistle : Not to teach them the Fundamental Doctrines of the Christian Religion , but to lead them on to more Perfection ; That is , to greater degrees of Knowledge of the wise Design and wonderful Contrivance and carrying on of the Gospel and the Evidence of it ; which he makes out in this Epistle , by shewing its Correspondence with the Old Testament , and particularly with the Oeconomy of the Mosaical Constitution . Here I might ask the Unmasker , whether those many things which St. Paul tells the Hebrews he had to say of Christ , ( hard to be utter'd to them , because they were dull of hearing ) had not an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means , or Issue of their Redemption and Salvation ; And therefore , whether they were such things without the knowledge of which they could not be saved , as the Unmasker says of such things , p. 23. And the like I might ask him concerning those things which the Apostle tells the Corinthians , 1 Ep. Chap. III. 2. that they were not yet able to bear . For much to the same purpose , he speaks to the Corinthians , Ep. 1. Ch. III. as in the above-cited places he did to the Hebrews ; That he as a wise Master-Builder had laid the Foundation : And that Foundation , he himself tells us , is Iesus the Messiah , and that there is no other Foundation to be laid . And that in this he laid the Foundation of Christianity at Corinth , St. Luke records , Act XVIII . 4. in these words ; Paul at Corinth reason'd in the Synagogue every Sabbath-day , and testified to the Iews that Iesus was the Messiah . Upon which Foundation he tells them there might be a Superstructure . But that what is built on the Foundation is not the Foundation , I think I need not prove . He further tells them , that he had desired to build upon this Foundation ; But withal says , he had fed them till then with Milk , and not with Meat : because they were Babes , and had not been able to bear it , neither were they yet able . And therefore this Epistle we see is almost wholly spent in Reproofs of their Miscarriages , and in Exhortations and Instructions relating to Practice , and very little said in it for the explaining any part of the great Mystery of Salvation contain'd in the Gospel . By these Passages we may see ( were it not evident to common sence it self from the Nature of things ) that the design of these Epistles was not to lay the Foundations , or teach the Principles of the Christian Religion ; they being writ to those who had received them , and were Christians already . The same holds in all the other Epistles : And therefore the Epistles seem'd not to me the properest parts of Scripture , to give us that Foundation distinct from all the Superstructures built on it ; Because in the Epistles , the latter was the thing propos'd , rather than the former . For the main intention of the Apostles in writing their Epistles , could not be to do what was done already ; to lay down barely the Foundations of Christianity to those who were Christians already ; but to build upon it some ●arther Explication of it , which either their particular Circumstances , or a general evidencing of the Truth , Wisdom , Excellencies , and Privileges , &c. of the Gospel required . This was the reason that perswaded me to take the Articles of Faith absolutely necessary to be received to make a Man a Christian , only from the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles to the Unconverted World , as laid down in the Historical Part of the New Testament . And I thought it a good Reason . It being past doubt , that they in their Preachings proposed to the Unconverted all that was necessary to be believed to make them Christians . And also , that that Faith , upon a Profession whereof any one was admitted into the Church as a Believer , had all that was necessary in it to make him a Christian ; because if it wanted any thing necessary , he had necessarily not been admitted ; unless we can suppose , that any one was admitted into the Christian Church by our Saviour , and his Apostles , who was not yet a Christian ; or pronounced a Believer , who yet wanted something necessary to make him a Believer , i. e. was a Believer and not a Believer at the same time . But what those Articles were , which had been Preach'd to those , to whom the Epistles were writ , and upon the Belief whereof they had been admitted into the Christian Church , and became as they are called Believers , Saints , Faithful , Elect , &c. could not be collected out of the Epistles . This , though it were my reason , and must be a reason to every one , who would make this Enquiry ; and the Unmasker quotes the place where I told him it was my reason ; Yet he according to his never erring Illumination , flatly tells me , p. 38. that it was not , and adds , Here then is want of Sincerity , &c. I must desire him therefore to prove what he says , p. 38. viz. XV. That by the same Argument that I would perswade that the Fundamentals are not to be sought for in the Epistles , he can prove that they are not to be sought for in the Gospels and in the Acts ; because even these were writ to those that believed . And next I desire him to prove , what he also says in the same Page , viz. XVI . That the Epistles being writ to those that believed , was not an Argument that I did make use of . He tells us , p. 38. That it is the Argument whereby I would perswade , and in the very same Page , a few Lines lower , says , That it is not the Argument I did make use of . Who , but an arrant Unmasker , would contradict himself so flatly in the same breath ? And yet upon that he raises a Complaint of my want of Sincerity . For want of Sincerity in one of us , we need not go far for an Instance . The next Paragraph , p. 38. — 40. affords us a gross one of it ; Wherein the Unmasker argues strongly , not against any thing I had said , but against an Untruth of his own setting up . Towards the latter end of the Paragraph , p. 40. he has these words ; It is manifest that the Apostles in their Epistles taught Fundamentals , which is contrary to what this Gentleman says , that such a thing could not be suppos'd ; And therefore the Unmasker has taken a great deal of pains to shew , that there are Fundamental Doctrines to be found in the Epistles ; as if I had denied it . And to lead the Reader into an Opinion , that I had said so , he sets down these words , could not be suppos'd , as if they were my words . And so they are , but not to that purpose . And therefore he did well not to quote the Page , lest the Reader , by barely turning to the place , should have a clear sight of Falshood , instead of that Sincerity which he would make the Reader believe is wanting in me . My words , p. 294. Of the Reasonableness of Christianity are , NOR CAN IT BE SUPPOS'D , that the sending of such Fundamentals was the reason of the Apostles writing to any of them . And a little lower ; The Epistles therefore being all written to those who were already Believers and Christians , the occasion and end of writing them could not be to instruct them in that which was necessary to make them Christians . The thing then that I deny'd , was not , that there were any Fundamentals in the Epistles . For p. 295. I have these express words ; I do not deny but the great Doctrines of the Christian Faith are dropt here and there , and scatter'd up and down in most of them . And therefore he might have spared his Endeavours in the next Paragraph to prove , that there may be Fundamentals found in the Epistles , till he finds some body that denies it . And here again , I must repeat my usual Question , that with this sincere Writer is so often necessary , viz. XVII . Where it is that I say that it cannot be suppos'd that there are Fundamental Articles in the Epistles ? If he hopes to shift it off , by the word taught ; which seems fallaciously put in , as if he meant , that there were some Fundamental Articles taught necessary to be believed to make them Christians , in the Epistles , which those who they were writ to knew not before , in this sense I do deny it , and then this will be the XVII . Proposition remaining upon him to prove , viz. That there are Fundamental Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian taught in the Epistles which those , who they were writ to , knew not before . The former part of his next Paragraph , p. 40. runs thus : Hear another feigned Ground of his omitting the Epistles , viz. Because the Fundamental Articles are here promiscuously and without distinction mixt with other Truths . p. 14. But who sees not that this is a mere Elusion ? For on the same account he might have forborn to search for Fundamental Articles in the Gospels , for they do not lie there together , but are dispersed up and down : The Doctrinal and Historical Parts are mix'd with one another , but he pretends to sever them . Why then did he not make a Separation between the Doctrines in the Epistles , and those other Matters that are treated of there ? He has nothing to reply to this , and therefore we must again look upon what he has suggested as a cast of his shuffling faculty . The Argument contain'd in these words is this . A Man cannot well distinguish Fundamental from Non-fundamental Doctrines in the Epistles , where they are promiscuously mixed with Non-fundamental Doctrines ▪ Therefore he cannot well distinguish Fundamental Doctrines from others in the Gospels , and the Acts , where they are mixed with Matters of Fact. As if he should say , one cannot well distinguish a Batchellour of Divinity from other Divines , where several of them stand together promiscuously in the same Habit ; Therefore one cannot distinguish a Batchellour of Divinity from a Billingsgate Orator , where they stand together in their distinct habits . Or that it is as easie to distinguish ●ine Gold , from that of a little lower Allay , where several pieces of each are mixed together ; as it is to distinguish pieces of fine Gold from pieces of Silver , which they are mixed among . But it seems the Unmasker thinks it is as easie to distinguish between Fundamental and not Fundamental Doctrines , in a writing of the same Author , where they are promiscuously mixed together , as it is to distinguish between a Fundamental Doctrine of Faith , and a relation of Matter of Fact , where they are intermixedly reported in the same History . When he has proved this , the Unmasker will have more reason to tax me with Elusion , Shuffling and Feigning , in the reason I gave for not collecting Fundamentals out of the Epistles . Till then , all that noise must stand amongst those ridiculous Airs of Triumph and Victory , which he so often gives himself , without the least Advantage to his Cause , or Edification of his Reader , though he should a thousand times say that I have nothing to reply . In the latter part of this Paragraph , he says , That necessary Truths , Fundamental Principles , may be distinguish'd from those , that are not such , in the Epistolary Writings , by the Nature and Importance of them , by their immediate respect to the Author , and means of our Salvation . Answ. If this be so , I desire him to give me a definitive Collection of Fundamentals out of the Epistles , as I have given one out of the Gospels and the Acts. If he cannot do that ; 'T is plain he hath here given a distinguishing mark of Fundamentals , by which he himself cannot distinguish them . But yet I am the Shuffler . The Argument in the next Paragraph , p. 41. is this . Necessary Doctrines of Faith , such as God absolutely demands to be believed for Justification , may be distinguished from Rules of Holy Living , with which they are mixed in the Epistles ; Therefore Doctrines of Faith necessary , and not necessary , to be believed to make a Man a Christian may be distinguished , as they stand mixed in the Epistles . Which is as good sense as to say , Lambs and Kids may be easily distinguish'd in the same Pen , where they are together ; by their different Natures : Therefore the Lambs I absolutely demand of you , as necessary to satisfie me , may be distinguish'd from others in the same Pen , where they are mix'd without any distinction . Doctrines of Faith , and Precepts of Practice , are as distinguishable as doing and believing : And those as easily discernible one from another , as thinking and walking : But Doctrinal Propositions , all of them of Divine Revelation , are of the same Authority , and of the same Species , in respect of the necessity of believing them ; And will be eternally undistinguishable into necessary and not necessary to be believed , till there be some other way found , to distinguish them , than that they are in a Book , which is all of Divine Revelation . Though therefore Doctrines of Faith , and Rules of Practice are very distinguishable in the Epistles ; yet it does not follow from thence , that Fundamental and not Fundamental Doctrines , Points necessary , and not necessary to be believed to make Men Christians , are easily distinguishable in the Epistles . Which therefore remains to be proved : And it remains incumbent upon him , XVIII . To set down the Marks , whereby the Doctrines deliver'd in the Epistles , may easily and exactly be distinguished into Fundamental , and not Fundamental Articles of Faith. All the rest of that Paragraph , containing nothing against me , must be bound up with a great deal of the like stuff , which the Unmasker has put into his Book , to shew the World , he does not imitate me in Impertinencies , Incoherences , and trifling Excursions , as he boasts in his first Paragraph . Only I shall desire the Reader to take the whole Passage concerning this Matter , as it stands in my Reasonableness of Christianity , p. 295. I do not deny , but the great Doctrines of the Christian Faith are dropt here and there , and scatter'd up and down in most of them . But 't is not in the Epistles we are to learn , what are the Fundamental Articles of Faith , where they are promiscuously , and without distinction , mixed with other Truths , and Discourses , which were ( though for Edification indeed yet ) only occasional . We shall find and discern those great , and necessary Points best in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , to those who were yet Strangers and ignorant of the Faith , to bring them in , and convert them to it . And then let him read these words which the Unmasker has quoted out of them , It is not in the Epistles that we are to learn , what are the Fundamental Articles of Faith , they were written for the resolving of Doubts , and reforming of Mistakes ; With his Introduction of them in these words , He commands the Reader not to stir a jot further than the Acts. If I should ask him , where that Command appears , he must have recourse to his old shift , that he did not mean as he said , or else stand Convicted of a malicious Untruth . An Orator is not bound to speak strict Truth , though a Disputant be . But this Unmasker's Writing against me , will excuse him from being of the latter : And then why may not Falshoods pass for Rhetorical flourishes , in one who hath been used to popular Haranguing ; to which Men are not generally so severe , as strictly to examine them , and expect that they should always be found to contain nothing but precise Truth , and strict Reasoning ? But yet I must not forget to put upon his Score , this other Proposition of his , which he has , p. 42. and ask him to shew , XIX . Where it is that I command my Reader not to stir a jot farther than the Acts ? In the next two Paragraphs , p. 42. — 46. The Unmasker is at his natural Play of Declaiming without Proving . 'T is pity the Mishna , out of which he takes his good breeding , as it told him that a well-bred and well-taught Man answers to the first in the first place , had not given him this Rule too about Order , viz. That Proving should go before Condemning ; Else all the fierce Exaggerations , ill Language can heap up , are but empty Scurility . But 't is no wonder that the Iewish Doctors , should not provide Rules for a Christian Divine turn'd Unmasker . For where a Cause is to be maintain'd , and a Book to be writ , and Arguments are not at hand , yet something must be found to fill it ; Railing in such cases is much easier than Reasoning , especially where a Man's Parts lie that way . The first of these Paragraphs , p. 42. he begins thus ; But let us hear further what this Vindicator saith to excuse his rejection of the Doctrines contained in the Epistles , and his putting us off with one Article of Faith : And then he quotes these following words of mine : What if the Author designed his Treatise , as the Title shews , chiefly for those who were not yet throughly and firmly Christians , purposing to work upon those , who either wholly disbelieved , or doubted of the Truth of the Christian Religion ? Answ. This , as he has put it , is a downright Falshood . For the words he quotes , were not used by me to excuse my rejection of the Doctrines contained in the Epistles , or to prove there was but one Article . But as a reason why I omitted the mention of Satisfaction . To demonstrate this , I shall set down the whole Passage as it is , p. 6. of my Vindication ; where it runs thus : But what will become of me that I have not mention'd Satisfaction ! Possibly this Reverend Gentleman would have had Charity enough for a known Writer of the Brotherhood to have found it by an Innuendo in those words above quoted , of laying down his Life for another . But every thing is to be strained here the other way . For the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. is of necessity to be represented as a Socinian ; Or else his Book may be read ; and the Truths in it , which Mr. Edwards likes not , be received ; and People put upon examining . Thus one , as full of happy Conjectures and Suspitions as this Gentleman , might be apt to argue . But what if the Author designed his Treatise , as the Title shews , chiefly for those who were not yet throughly or firmly Christians ; Proposing to work on those who either wholly disbelieved or doubted of the Truth of the Christian Religion ? To this he tells me , p. 43. that my Title says nothing for me , i. e. shews not , that I designed my Book for those that disbelieved or doubted of the Christian Religion . Answ. I thought that a title that professed the Reasonableness of any Doctrine shew'd it was intended for those that were not ●ully satisfied of the Reasonableness of it ; unless Books are to be writ to convince those of any thing , who are convinced already . But possibly this may be the Unmasker's way : And if one should judge by his manner of treating this Subject , with Declamation instead of Argument , one would think , that he meant it for no body , but those who were of his Mind already . I thought therefore , The Reasonableness of Christianity as deliver'd in the Scripture , a proper Title to signifie whom it was chiefly meant for : And , I thank God , I can with satisfaction say it has not wanted its effect upon some of them . But the Unmasker proves for all that , that I could not design it chiefly for Disbelievers or Doubters of the Christian Religion . For , says he , p. 43. How those that wholly disregard and disbelieve the Scriptures of the New Testament , as Gentiles , Iews , Mahometans and Atheists do ( I crave leave to put in Theists instead of Atheists , for a reason presently to be mention'd ) are like to attend to the Reasonableness of Christianity as deliver'd in the Scripture is not to be conceived ; And therefore we look upon this as all meer Sham and Sophistry . Answ. Though the Unmasker teaches good breeding out of the Mishna , yet I thought he had been a Minister of the Gospel , and had taught Christianity out of the Scripture . Why ! Good Sir , would you teach Iews and Mahometans Christianity out of the Talmud and Alcoran ; because they are the Books , that at present they attend to and believe ? Or would you , laying by the Authority of all Books , Preach Religion to Infidels in your own Name , and by your own Authority ; laying aside the Scripture ? Is it not to be conceived , no not by a Christian Divine , that the way to make Unbelievers Christians , is to shew them the Reasonableness of the Religion contained in the Scripture ? But it seems the Unmasker has a peculiar way of Preaching and propagating Christianity without the Scripture , as some Men have a peculiar way of disputing without Reason . In the beginning of this Paragraph , p. 43. the Unmasker , that is always a fair Interpreter of my meaning , and never fails to know it better than I do , tells me , That by those , that wholly disbelieve , I must mean Atheists , Turks , Iews and Pagans ; and by those that are not firmly Christians , a few weak Christians . But did our Unmasker never hear of Unbelievers under a denomination distinct from that of Atheists , Turks , Iews , and Pagans ? Whilst the Pulpit and the Press have so often had up the Name of Theists or Deists , has that Name wholly scaped him ? 'T was these I chiefly designed , and I believe no body of all that read my Vindication , but the Unmasker mistook me , if he did . But there at least , p. 9. he might have found the Name , as of a sort of Unbelievers not unknown amongst us . But whatever he thought , it was convenient and a sort of Prudence in him ( when he would perswade others , that I had not a Design which I say I had ) to lessen as much as he could , and cover the need of any such Design , and so make it , that I could not intend my Book to work upon those , that disbelieved , or did not firmly believe ; by insinuating there were few or none such amongst us . Hence he says that by those that are not throughly and firmly Christians , I mean a FEW weak Christians ; as well as under those , who wholly disbelieve he left the Theists out of my meaning . I am very glad to hear from the Unmasker , that there are but few weak Christians , few that have Doubts about the Truth of Christianity amongst us . But if there be not a great number of Deists , and that the preventing their increase be no● worth every true Christian's Care and Endeavours , those who have been so loud against them have been much to blame ; and I wish to God there were no reason for their Complaints . For these therefore I take the liberty to say , as I did before , that I chiefly designed my Book ; And shall not be asham'd of this Sophistry as you call it , if it can be Sophistry to alledge a Matter of Fact that I know ; Till you have Arguments to convince me , that you know my intention in publishing it , better than I do my self . And I shall think it still no blameable Prudence , however you exclaim against Prudence , ( as perhaps you have some reason ) that I mention'd only those Advantages , that all Christians are agreed in ; And that I observed that command of the Apostle , Rom. XIV . 1. Him that is weak in the Faith receive ye , but not to doubtful Disputations ; without being a Socinian . I think I did not amiss , that I offer'd to the belief of those that stood off , that , and only that , which our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd for the reducing the Unconverted World. And would any one think he in earnest went about to perswade Men to be Christians , who should use that as an Argument to recommend the Gospel , which he has observed Men to lay hold on as an Objection against it ? To urge such Points of Controversie as Necessary Articles of Faith , when we see our Saviour and the Apostles urged them not as necessary to be believed to make Men Christians , is ( by our own Authority ) to add Prejudices to Prejudices , and to block up our own way to those Men , whom we would have access to , and prevail upon . I have repeated this again out of the 7th . Page of my Vindication , where there is more to the same purpose ; That the Reader may see how fully the Unmasker has answer'd it . Because I said , Would any one blame my Prudence if I mention'd only those Advantages , which all Christians are agreed in . The Unmasker adds , p. 44. Socinian Christians , and then as if the naming of that had gained him his Point , he goes on victoriously thus , He has bethought himself better since he first . Publish'd his Notions , and ( as the result of that ) he now begins to resolve , what he writ , into Prudence . I know whence he had this Method ( and 't is likely he has taken more than this from the same hands ) viz. from the Missionary Iesuits , that went to Preach the Gospel to the People of China . We are told , that they instructed them in some Matters relating to our Saviour ; they let them know that Iesus was the Messias , the Person promised to be sent into ▪ the World ; But they conceal'd his Sufferings and Death , and they would not let them know any thing of his Passion and Crucifixion . So our Author ( their humble Imitator ) undertakes to instruct the World in Christianity , with an omission of its Principal Articles , and more especially that of the Advantage we have by Christ's Death , which was the prime thing design'd in his coming into the World. This he calls Prudence : So that to hide from the People the main Articles of the Christian Religion , to disguise the Faith of the Gospel , to betray Christianity it self , is according to this excellent Writer , the Cardinal Virtue of Prudence . May we be deliver'd then , say I , from a Prudential Racovian . And there ends the ratling for this time ; not to be outdone by any Piece of Clock-work in the Town . When he is once set a going , he runs on like an Alarm , always in the same strain of noisy empty Declamation ( wherein every thing is suppos'd and nothing prov'd ) till his own weight has brought him to the Ground ? And then , being wound up with some new Topick , takes another run , whether it makes for or against him it matters not ; he has laid about him with ill Language , let it light where it will , and the Vindicator is paid off . That I may keep the due distance in our different ways of Writing , I shall shew the Reader , that I say not this at random ; but that the place affords me occasion to say so . He begins this Paragraph with these words , p. 42. Let us hear farther what this Vindicator says to excuse his rejection of the Doctrines contain'd in the Epistles . This rejection of the Doctrines contain'd in the Epistles , was the not mentioning the Satisfaction of Christ , amongst those Advantages I shew'd , that the World received by his coming . This appears by the words he here quotes , as my excuse for that omission . In which place , I also produced some Passages in my Book which sounded like it , some words of Scripture that are used to prove it ; But this will not content him : I am for all that , a Betrayer of Christianity and Contemner of the Epis●les . Why ? Because I did not out of them name Satisfaction . If you will have the truth of it , Sir , there is not any such word in any one of the Epistles , or other Books of the New Testament , in my Bible , as Satisfying or Satisfaction made by our Saviour ; and so I could not put it into my Christianity as deliver'd in the Scripture . If mine be not a true Bible , I desire you to furnish me with one that is more Orthodox ; or if the Translators have hid that main Article of the Christian Religion , they are the betrayers of Christianity , and Contemners of the Epistles , who did not put it there ; and not I , who did not take a word from thence , which they did not put there . For truly , I am not a Maker of Creeds ; nor dare add either to the Scripture , or to the Fundamental Articles of the Christian Religion . But you will say Satisfaction , though not named in the Epistles , yet may plainly be collected out of them . Answ. And so it may out of several places in my Reasonableness of Christianity , some whereof , which I took out of the Gospels , I mention'd in my Vindication , p. 5. and others of them which I took out of the Epistles , which I shall point out to you now : As p. 74. I say the Design of our Saviour's coming was to be OFFERED up ; And p. 158. I speak of the Work of our REDEMPTION ; words which in the Epistles are taken to imply Satisfaction . And therefore if that be enough , I see not , but I may be free from betraying Christianity ; But if it be necessary to Name the word Satisfaction , and he that does not so is a Betrayer of Christianity , you will do well to consider how you will acquit the Holy Apostles , from that bold Imputation ; which if it be extended as far as it will go , will scarce come short of Blasphemy ; For I do not remember that our Saviour has any where named Satisfaction , or implied it plainer in any words than those I have quoted from him . And he , I hope , will scape the Intemperance of your Tongue . You tell me , I had my Prudence from the Missionary Iesuits in China ▪ who conceal'd our Saviour's Suffering and Death ; because I undertake to ininstruct the World in Christianity , with an omission of its Principal Articles . And I pray , Sir , from whom did you learn your Prudence , when taking upon you to teach the Fundamental Doctrines of Christianity , in your Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , you left out several , that you have been pleased since to add in your Socinianism Unmask'd ? Or if I , as you say here , betray Christianity by this Omission of this Principal Article ; What do you , who are a Professed Teacher of it , if you omit any principal Article ; Which your Prudence is so wary in , that you will not say you have given us all that are necessary to Salvation , in that List you have last published ? I pray who acts best the Jesuit ( whose humble Imitator you say I am ) you or I ; when pretending to give a Catalogue of Fundamentals , you have not reduced them to direct Propositions ; but have left some of them indefinite , to be collected as every one pleases ; and instead of telling us it is a perfect Catalogue of Fundamentals , plainly shuffle it off , and tell me , p. 22. If that will not content me , you are sure you can do nothing that will ; If I require more , it is Folly in you to comply with me ? One part of what you here say , I own to you , savours not much of the Skill of a Jesuit . You confess your inability , and I believe it to be perfectly true ; That if what you have done already ( which is nothing at all ) will not content me , you are sure , you can do nothing that will content me , or any reasonable Man , that shall demand of you a compleat Catalogue of Fundamentals . But you make it up pretty well , with a Confidence becoming one of that Order . For he must have rub'd his Forehead hard , who in the same Treatise , where he so severely condemns the Imperfection of my List of Fundamentals , confesses that he cannot give a compleat Catalogue of his own . You publish to the World in this 44 , and the next Page , that I hide from the People the main Articles of the Christian Religion ; I disguise the faith of the Gospel , betray Christianity it self , and imitate the Iesuits that went t● Preach the Gospel to the People of China , by my Omission of its principal or main Articles . Answ. I know not how I disguise the Faith of the Gospel , &c. in imitation of the Jesuits in China ; unless taking Men off from the Inventions of Men , and recommending to them the Reading and Study of the Holy Scripture to find what the Gospel is and requires , be a disguising of the Faith of the Gospel , a betraying of Christianity , and an imitating of the Iesuits . Besides , Sir , if one may ask you , in what School did you learn that prudent warine●s and reserve , which so eminently appears , p. 24. of your Socinianism Unmask'd , in these words : These Articles ( meaning those which you had before enumerated as Fundamental ) of Faith , are such as must IN SOME MEASURE be known and assented to by a Christian , such as must GENERALLY be received , and imbraced by him ? You will do well the next time to set down , how far your Fundamentals must be known , assented to , and received ; to avoid the suspicion , that there is a little more of Jesuitism in these Expressions , in some measure known and assented to , and generally receiv'd and imbraced , than what becomes a sincere Protestant Preacher of the Gospel . For your speaking so doubtfully of knowing and assenting to those , which you give us for Fundamental Doctrines , which belong ( as you say ) to the very essence of Christianity , will hardly scape being imputed to your want of Knowledge , or want of Sincerity . And indeed the word General is in familiar use with you , and stands you in good stead , when you would say something , you know not what , as I shall have occasion to remark to you when I come to your 91 Page . Further , I do not remember where it was , that I mention'd or undertook to set down all the principal or main Articles of Christianity . To change the ●●rms of the Question from Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , into principal or main Articles , looks a little Jesuitical . But to pass by that ; The Apostles when they went to preach the Gospel to People as much Strangers to it , as the Chineses were , when the Europeans came first amongst them , Did they hide from the People the main Articles of the Christian Religion , disguise the Faith of the Gospel , and betray Christianity it self ? If they did not , I am sure I have not : For I have not omitted any of the main Articles which they Preached to the Unbelieving World. Those I have set down , with so much care not to omit any of them , that you blame me for it more than once , and call it tedious . However you are pleased to acquit or condemn the Apostles in the case by your Supream Determination , I am very indifferent . If you think fit to condemn them for disguising or betraying the Christian Religion , because they said no more of Satisfaction , than I have done , in their Preaching at first to their Unbelieving Auditors , Iews or Heathens , to make them as I think Christians ( for that I am now speaking of ) I shall not be sorry to be found in their Company under what censure soever . If you are pleased graciously to take off this your censure from them , for this omission , I shall claim a share in the same Indulgence . But to come to what perhaps you will think your self a little more concerned not to censure , than what the Apostles did so long since ; for you have given instances of being very apt to make bold with the Dead ; Pray tell me , does the Church of England admit People into the Church of Christ at hap-hazard ? Or without proposing , and requiring a Profession of all , that is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ? If she does not , I desire you to turn to the Baptism of those of riper Years in our Liturgy : Where the Priest asking the Convert particularly , whether he believes the Apostles Creed , which he repeats to him ; Upon his Profession that he does , and that he desires to be baptized into that Faith , without one word of any other Articles , Baptizes him ; and then declares him a Christian , in these words : We receive this Person into the Congregation of Christ's Flock , and sign him with the sign of the Cross , in token that he shall not be asham'd — to CONTINUE Christ's faithful Soldier and Servant . In all this there is not one word of Satisfaction , no more than in my Book , nor so much neither . And here I ask you , whether for this omission , you will pronounce that the Church of ▪ England disguises the Faith of the Gospel ? However you think fit to treat me , yet methinks you should not let your self loose so freely against our first Reformers , and the Fathers of our Church ever since , as to call them Betrayers of Christianity it self , because they think not so much necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , as you are pleased to put down in your Articles ; but omit , as well as I , your main Article of Satisfaction . Having thus notably harangued upon the occasion of my saying , Would any one blame my Prudence , and thereby made me a Socinian , a Iesuit , and a Betrayer of Christianity it self , he has in that answer'd all that such a Miscreant as I do or can say ; and so passes by all the Reasons I gave , for what I did ; without any other notice or answer , but only denying a Matter of Fact , which I only can know , and he cannot , viz. My design in Printing my Reasonableness of Christianity . In the next Paragraph , p. 45. in answer to these words of St. Paul , Rom. XIV . 1. Him that is weak in the Faith receive ye , but not to doubtful Disputations , which I brought as a reason , why I mention'd not Satisfaction amongst the Benefits receiv'd by the coming of our Saviour ; Because , as I tell him in my Vindication , p. 5. My Reasonableness of Christianity , as the title shews , was designed chiefly for those who were not yet throughly or firmly Christians . He replies , and I desire him to prove it . XX. That I pretend a design of my Book which was never so much as thought of , till I was sollicited by my Brethren to Vindicate it . All the rest in this Paragraph being either nothing to this place of the Romans , or what I have answer'd elsewhere , needs no farther Answer . The next two Paragraphs , p. 46. ●49 . are meant for an Answer to something I had said concerning the Apostles Creed , upon the occasion of his chargeing my Book with Socinianism . They begin thus . This Author of the New Christianity . Answ. This New Christianity is as old as the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , and a little older than the Unmasker's System . Wisely objects that the Apostles Creed hath none of those Articles which I mention'd , p. 12 , 13. Answ. If that Author wisely objects , the Unmasker would have done well to have replied wisely . But for a Man wisely to reply it is in the first place requisite , that the Objection be truly and fairly set down in its full force , and not represented short , and as will best serve the Answerers turn to reply to . This is neither wise nor honest : And this first part of a wise Reply the Unmasker has failed in . This will appear from my words and the occasion of them . The Unmasker had accused my Book of Socinianism , for omitting some Points , which he urged as necessary Articles of Faith. To which I answer'd , That he had done so only to give it an ill Name , not because it was Socinian , for he had no more reason to charge it with Socinianism for the Omissions he mentions , than the Apostles Creed . These are my words , which he should have either set down out of p. 12. which he quotes , or at least given the Objection as I put it , if he had meant to have clear'd it by a fair Answer . But he , instead thereof , contents himself that I object , that the Apostles Creed hath none of those Articles and Doctrines which the Unmasker mention'd . Answ. This at best is but a part of my Objection , and not to the purpose . I there meant , without the rest join'd to it ; which it has pleased the Unmasker according to his laudable way to conceal . My Objection therefore stands thus , That the same Articles , for the Omission whereof the Unmasker charges my Book with Socinianism , being also omitted in the Apostles Creed , he has no more reason to Charge my Book with Socinianism , for the Omissions mention'd , than he hath to charge the Apostles Creed with Socinianism . To this Objection of mine , let us now see how he answers , p. 47. Nor does any considerate Man wonder at it [ i. e. That the Apostles Creed hath none of those Articles and Doctrines which he had mention'd ] For the Creed is a form of outward Profession , which is chiefly to be made in the Publick Assemblies , when Prayers are put up in the Church and the Holy Scriptures are read . Then this Abridgment of Faith is properly used , or when there is not generally time or opportunity to make any Enlargement . But we are not to think it expresly contains in it all the necessary and weighty Points , all the important Doctrines of Belief , it being only designed to be an Abstract . Answ. Another indispensible requiquisite in a wise Reply is , that it should be pertinent . Now what can there be more impertinent , than to confess the Matter of Fact upon which the Objection is grounded , but instead of destroying the Inference drawn from that Matter of Fact , only amuse the Reader with wrong Reasons , why that Matter of Fact was so ? No considerate Man , he says , doth wonder that the Articles and Doctrines he mentioned , are omitted in the Apostles Creed : Because that Creed is a form of outward Profession . Answ. A Profession ! of what I beseech you ? Is it a Form to be used for Form's sake ? I thought it had been a Profession of something , even of the Christian Faith : And if it be so , any considerate Man may wonder necessary Articles of the Christian Faith should be lest out of it . For how it can be an outward Profession of the Christian Faith , without containing the Christian Faith , I do not see ; unless a Man can outwardly profess the Christian Faith in words , that do not contain or express it , i. e. profess the Christian Faith , when he does not profess it . But he says , 't is a Profession chiefly to be made use of in Assemblies . Answ. Do those solemn Assemblies privilege it from containing the necessary Articles of the Christian Religion ? This proves not that it does not , or was not designed to contain all Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; unless the Unmasker can prove that a From of outward Profession of the Christian Faith , that contains all such necessary Articles , cannot be made use of in the Publick Assemblies . In the Publick Assemblies , says he , when Prayers are put up by the Church and the Holy Scriptures are read , then this Abridgment of Faith is properly used ; or when there is not generally time or opportunity to make an Enlargement . Answ. But that which contains not what is absolutely necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , can no where be properly used as a form of outward Profession of the Christian Faith , and least of all in the solemn Publick Assemblies . All the sense I can make of this is , That this Abridgment of the Christian Faith , i. e. imperfect Collection ( as the Unmasker will have it ) of some of the Fundamental Articles of Christianity in the Apostles Creed , which omits the greatest part of them , is made use of as a form of outward Profession of but part of the Christian Faith in the Publick Assemblies , when by reason of reading of the Scripture and Prayers , there is not time or opportunity for a full and perfect Profession of it . 'T is strange the Christian Church should not find time nor opportunity in Sixteen hundred Years to make , in any of her Publick Assemblies , a Profession of so much of her Faith as is necessary to make a Man a Christian. But pray tell me , has the Church any such full and compleat form of Faith , that hath in it all those Propositions , you have given us for necessary Articles ( not to say any thing of those which you have reserved to your self in your own Breast , and will not communicate ) of which the Apostles Creed is only a scanty form , a brief imperfect abstract , used only to save time in the Croud of other pressing Occasions , that are always in hast to be dispatch'd ? If she has , the Unmasker will do well to produce it . If the Church has no such compleat form , besides the Apostle's Creed , any where , of Fundamental Articles , he will do well to leave talking idlely of this Abstract , as he goes on to do in the following words : But , says he , we are not to think that it expresly contains in it all the necessary and weighty Points , all the important Doctrines of our Belief , it being only designed to be an Abstract . Answ. Of what , I beseech you , is it an Abstract ? For here the Unmasker stops short , and as one that knows not well what to say , speaks not out what it is an Abstract of ; But provides himself a Subterfuge in the generality of the preceding terms of necessary and weighty Points , and Important Doctrines , jumbled together ; which can be there of no other use , but to cover his Ignorance , or Sophistry . For the Question being only about necessary Points , to what purpose are weighty and important Doctrines join'd to them ; unless he will say , that there is no difference between necessary and weighty Points , Fundamental and important Doctrines ? And if so , then the distinction of Points into necessary and not necessary , will be foolish and impertinent ; And all the Doctrines contain'd in the Bible will be absolutely necessary to be explicitly believed by every Man to make him a Christian. But taking it for granted , that the diction of Truths contain'd in the Gospel into Points absolutely necessary , and not absolutely necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , is good ; I desire the Unmasker to tell us , what the Apostles Creed is an Abstract of . He will perhaps answer , that he has told us already in this very Page , where he says it is an Abridgment of Faith , and he has said true in words , but saying those words by rote after others , without understanding them , he has said so in a sense , that is not true . For he supposes it an Abridgment of Faith , by containing only a few of the necessary Articles of Faith , and leaving out the far greater part of them ; And so takes a part of a thing for an Abridgment of it ; Whereas an Abridgment , or Abstract of any thing , is the whole in little , and if it be of a Science or Doctrine , the Abridgment consists in the essent●al or necessary Parts of it ; contracted into a narrower compass , than where it lies diffus'd in the ordinary way of delivery , amongst a great number of Transitions , Explanations , Illustrations , Proofs , Reasonings , Corollaries , &c. All which , though they make a part of the Discourse wherein that Doctrine is deliver'd , are lest out in the Abridgment of it , wherein all the necessary parts of it are drawn together into a less room . But though an Abridgment need to contain none but the essential and necessary parts , yet all those it ought to contain ; Or else it will not be an Abridgment or Abstract of that thing , but an Abridgment only of a part of it . I think it could not be said to be an Abridgment of the Law contain'd in an Act of Parliament , wherein any of the things required by that Act were omitted ; which yet commonly may be reduced into a very narrow compass , when strip'd of all the Motives , Ends , Enacting Forms , &c. expressed in the Act it self . If this does not satisfie the Unmasker what is properly an Abridgment ; I shall referr him to Mr. Chillingworth , who I think will be allow'd to understand sense , and to speak it properly , at least as well as the Unmasker . And what he says , happens to be in the very same Question between Knot the Jesuit , and him ; that is here between the Unmasker , and me : 'T is but putting the Unmasker in the Jesuit's place , and my self ( if it may be allow'd me without Vanity ) in Mr. Chillingworth's the Protestants , and Mr. Chillingworth's very words , Chap. IV. § . 65. will exactly serve for my Answer . You trifle affectedly , confounding the Apostles Belief of the whole Religion of Christ , as it comprehends both what we are to do , and what we are to believe , with that part of it which contains not Duties of Obedience , but only the necessary Articles of simple Faith. Now , though the Apostles Belief be in the former sense , a larger thing than that which we call the Apostles Creed ; Yet in the latter sense of the word , the Creed ( I say ) is a full Comprehension of their Belief , which you your self have formerly confessed , though somewhat fearfully and inconstantly . And here again unwillingness to speak the Truth makes you speak that which is hardly sense , and call it an Abridgment of some Articles of Faith. For I demand those some Articles which you speak of , which are they ? Those that are out of the Creed , or those that are in it ? Those that are in it , it comprehends at large , and therefore it is not an Abridgment of them . Those that are out of it , it comprehends not at all , and therefore it is not an Abridgment of them . If you would call it now an Abridgment of Faith , this would be sense ; and signifie thus much ; That all the necessary Articles of the Christian Faith are comprised in it . For this is the proper Duty of Abridgments , to leave out nothing necessary . So that in Mr. Chillingworth's judgment of an Abridgment , it is not sense to say as you do , p. 47. That we are not to think that the Apostles Creed expresly contains in it all the necessary Points of our Belief , it being only designed to be an Abstract , or an Abridgment of Faith. But on the contrary , we must conclude it contains in it all the necessary Articles of Faith , for that very reason , because it is an Abridgment of Faith , as the Unmasker calls it . But whether this , that Mr. Chillingworth has given us here , be the nature of an Abridgment , or no ; this is certain , that the Apostles Creed cannot be a form of Profession of the Christian Faith , if any part of the Faith necessary to make a Man a Christian be left out of it : And yet such a Profession of Faith would the Unmasker have this Abridgment of Faith to be . For a little lower in the 47. p. he says in express terms , That if a Man believe no more than is in express terms in the Apostles Creed , his Faith will not be the Faith of a Christian . Wherein he does great Honour to the Primitive Church , and particularly to the Church of England . The Primitive Church admitted converted Heathens to Baptism , upon the Faith contain'd in the Apostles Creed : A bare Profession of that Faith , and no more , was required of them to be received into the Church and made Members of Christ's Body . How little different the Faith of the Ancient Church was from the Faith I have mentioned , may be seen in these words of Tertullian ; Regula fidei una omnino est , sola , immobilis , irreformabilis , Credendi scilicet in unicum deum omnipotentem Mundi conditorem , & filium ejus Iesum Christum , natum ex Virgine Maria , Crucifixum sub Pontio Pilato , tertia die resuscitatum à Mortuis , receptum in Coelis , Sedentem nunc ad dextram Patris , Venturum judicare vivos & Mortuos per carnis etiam resurrectionem . Hâc lege fidei manente , caetera jam disciplinae & conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis , Tert. de Virg. Velan , in Principio . This was the Faith that in Tertullian's time sufficed to make a Christian. And the Church of England , as I have remarked already , only proposes the Articles of the Apostles Creed ▪ to the Convert to be baptized , and upon his Professing a Belief of them , asks whether he will be Baptized in THIS FAITH , which ( if we will believe the Unmasker ) is not the Faith of a Christian. However the Church , without any more ado , upon the Profession of THIS FAITH , and no other , Baptizes them into it . So that the Ancient Church , if the Unmasker may be believed , baptized Converts into that Faith which is not the Faith of a Christian. And the Church of England , when she Baptizes any one , makes him not a Christian. For he that is Baptized only into a Faith that is not the Faith of a Christian , I would fain know how he can thereby be made a Christian ? So that if the Omissions , which he so much blames in my Book , make me a Socinian , I see not how the Church of England will escape that Censure ; Since those Omissions are in that very Confession of Faith , which she proposes , and upon a Profession whereof she Baptizes those whom she designs to make Christians . But it seems that the Unmasker ( who has made bold to Unmask her too ) reasons right , that the Church of England is mistaken , and makes none but Socinian Christians , or ( as he is pleased now to declare ) no Christians at all . Which if true , the Unmasker were best look to it , whether he himself be a Christian , or no : For 't is to be fear'd , he was baptized only into that Faith , which he himself confesses is not the Faith of a Christian. But he brings himself off in these following words ; All matters of Faith in some manner may be reduced to this brief Platform of Belief . Answ. If that be enough to make him a true and an Orthodox Christian , he does not consider whom in this way he brings off with him : For I think he cannot deny , that all Matters of Faith in some manner may be reduced to that Abstract of Faith which I have given , as well as to that brief Platform in the Apostles Creed . So that for ought I see , by this rule , we are Christians , or not Christians ; Orthodox or not Orthodox , equally together . But yet he says in the next words , When he calls it an Abstract or Abbreviature , it is implied , that there are more Truths to be known and assented to by a Christian in order to making him really so , than what we meet with here . The quite contrary whereof ( as has been shewn ) is implied by its being called an Abstract . But what is that to the purpose ? 'T is not sit Abstracts and Abbreviatures should stand in Unmasker's way . They are Sounds Men have used for what they pleased , and why may not the Unmasker do so too ; And use them in a Sense , that may make the Apostles Creed be only a broken scrap of the Christian Faith ? However in great Condescention , being willing to do the Apostles Creed what honour he could , he says , That all Matters of Faith in some manner may be reduced to this brief Platform of Belief : But yet when it is set in competition with the Creed , which he himself is making ( for it is not yet finish'd ) it is by no means to be allow'd as sufficient to make a Man a Christian. There are more Truths to be known and assented to in order to make a Man really a Christian. Which what they are , the Church of England shall know , when this new Reformer thinks fit : And then she may be able to propose to those , who are not yet so , a Collection of Articles of Belief , and Baptize them anew into a Faith , which will really make them Christians ; But hitherto , if the Unmasker may be credited , she has failed in it . Yet he craves leave to tell me in the following words , p. 48. That the Apostles Creed hath more in it than I or my Brethren will subscribe to . Were it not the Undoubted Privilege of the Unmasker to know me better than I do my self , ( for he is always telling me something of my self which I did not know ) I would in my turn crave leave to tell him , that this is the Faith I was baptized into , no one tittle whereof I have renounced , that I know ; And that I heretofore thought , that gave me title to be a Christian. But the Unmasker hath otherwise determin'd : And I know not now where to find a Christian. For the Belief of the Apostles Creed will not it seems make a Man one : And what other Belief will , it does not yet please the Unmasker to tell us . But yet as to the Subscribing to the Apostles Creed , I must take leave to say , however the Unmasker may be right in the Faith , he is out in the Morals of a Christian ; It being against the Charity of one , that is really so , to pronounce , as he does , peremptorily in a thing , that he cannot know ; and to affirm positively what I know to be a downright Falsehood . But what others will do it is not my talent to determine : That belongs to the Unmasker . Though as to all that are my Brethren in the Christian Faith , I may answer for them too , that they will also with me do that without which in that sense they cannot be my Brethren . P. 49. The Unmasker smartly convinces me of no small Blunder in these words . But was it not judiciously said by this Writer , that it is well for the Compilers of the Creed , that they lived not in my days . P. 12. I tell you Friend , it was impossible they should , for the Learned Usher , and Vossius , and others , have proved that that Symbol was drawn up not at once , but that some Articles of it were adjoyn'd many years after , far beyond the extent of any Man's Life , and therefore the Compilers of the Creed could not live in my days , nor could I live in theirs . Answ. But it seems that had they liv'd altogether , you could have liv'd in their days . But , says he , I let this pass , as one of the Blunders of our thoughtful and musing Author . Answ. And I tell you Friend , that unless it were to shew your reading in Usher and Vossius , you had been better let this Blunder of mine alone . Does not the Unmasker give here a clear Proof , that he is no Changeling ? Whatever Argument he takes in hand , weighty or trivial , material or not material to the thing in question , he brings it to the same sort of sense and force . He would shew me guilty of an absurdity in saying , It was well for the Compilers of the Creed , that they lived not in his days . This he proves to be a Blunder ; because they all lived not in one anothers days ; Therefore it was an absurdity to suppose they might all live in his days . As if there were any greater absurdity to bring the Compilers , who lived possibly within a few Centuries of one another by a Supposition into one time , than it is to bring the Unmasker , and any one of them who lived a Thousand Years distant one from another , by a Supposition to be Contemporaries ; For 't is by reason of the Compilers living at a distance one from another , that he proves it impossible for him to be their Contemporary . As if it were not as impossible in Fact for him who was not born till above a Thousand Years after to live in any of their Days , as it is for any one of them to live in either of those Compilers days that died before him . The Supposition of their living together is as easie of one as the other , at what distance soever they lived , and how many soever there were of them . This being so , I think it had been better for the Unmasker to have let alone the Blunder , and shew'd ( which was his Business ) that he does not accuse the Compilers of the Creed of being all over Socinianized , as well as he does me , since they were as guilty as I of the omission of those Articles ( viz. That Christ is the Word of God. That God was incarnate . The eternal and ineffable Generation of the Son of God. That the Son is in the Father , and Father in the Son , which expresses their Unity ) for the omission whereof , the Unmasker laid Socinianism to my Charge . So that it remains still upon his Score to shew , XXI . Why these Omissions in the Apostles Creed not as well make that Abstract , as my Abridgment of Faith to be Socinian . Page 53. The Unmasker desires the Reader to observe , that this lank Faith of mine is in a manner no other than the Faith of a Turk . And I desire the Reader to observe , that this Faith of mine , was all that our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd to the Unbelieving World. And this our Unmasker cannot deny ; As I think will appear to any one , who observes what he says , p. 76 , and 77. of his Socinianism Vnmask'd . And that they preach'd nothing but a Faith , that was in a manner no other than the Faith of a Turk ; I think none amongst Christians , but this bold Vnmasker , will have the irreverence profanely to say . He tells us , p. 54. That the Musselmen ( or as he has for the Information of his Reader very pertinently proved , should be writ Moslemim , without which , perhaps we should not have known his Skill in Arabick ) , or in plain English the Mahometans believe that Christ is a good Man , and not above the Nature of a Man , and sent of God to give instruction to the World : And my Faith , he says , is of the very same Scantling . This I shall desire him to prove , or which in other words he insinuates in this , and the neighbouring Pages , viz. XXII . That that Faith which I have affirm'd to be the Faith , which is required to make a Man a Christian , is no other , than what Turks believe , and is contain'd in the Alchoran . Or , as he expresses it himself , p. 55. That a Turk according to me is a Christian , for I make the same Faith serve them both . And particularly to shew where 't is I say , XXIII . That Christ is not above the Nature of a Man , or have made that a necessary Article of the Christian Faith. And next where it is , XXIV . That I speak as meanly of Christ's Suffering on the Cross , and Death , as if there were no such thing ? For thus he says of me , p. 54. I seem to have consulted the Mahometan Bible , which did say Christ did not suffer on the Cross , did not Die. For I , and my Allies , speak as meanly of these Articles , as if there were no such thing . To shew our Vnmasker's Veracity in this case , I shall trouble my Reader with some Passages out of my Reasonableness of Christianity , pag. 61. When we consider that he was to fill out the time foretold of his Ministry , and after a life Illustrious in Miracles , and good Works , attended with Humility , Meekness , Patience and SVFFERING , and every way conformable to the Prophecies of him , should be led as a Sheep to the Slaughter ; and with all quiet and submission be brought to the CROSS , though there were no Guilt or Fault found in him . And p. 74. Contrary to the design of his coming , which was to be OFFER'D up a Lamb blameless and void of offence . And p. 116. Laying down his life , both for Iews and Gentiles . P. 178. Given up to Contempt , Torment and Death . But say what I will , when the Vnmasker thinks fit to have it so , it is speaking out of the Mahometan Bible , That Christ did not suffer on the Cross , did not Die ; or at least , is speaking as meanly of these Articles , as if no such thing had been . His next Slander is , p. 55. in these words ; This Gentleman presents the World with a very ill notion of Faith , for the very Devils are capable of all that Faith , which he says makes a Christian . It is not strange , that the Vnmasker should misrepresent the Faith , which I say makes a Christian ; when it seems to be his whole Design to misrepresent my meaning every where . The frequency of his doing it , I have shew'd in abundance of instances , to which I shall add an eminent one here ; which shews what a fair Champion he is for Truth and Religion . Page 196. of my Reasonableness of Christianity , I give this account of the Faith , which makes a Christian ; That it is Mens entring themselves in the Kingdom of God ; owning and professing themselves the Subjects of Jesus , whom they believe to be the Messiah , and receive for their Lord and King : For that was to be baptized in his Name . This sense of believing Christ to be the Messiah , that is to take him for our King and Lord , who is to be obey'd , I have expressed over and over again ; as p. 209. my words are , That as many of them , as would believe Jesus the Son of God ( whom he sent into the World ) to be the Messiah the promised Deliverer , and would receive him for their King and Ruler , should have all their past Sins , Disobedience , and Rebellion forgiven them . And if for the future they lived in sincere Obedience to his Law , to the utmost of their Power , the Sins of humane frailty for the time to come , as well as those of their past lives , should for his Son's sake , because they gave themselves up to him to be his Subjects , be forgiven them ; And so their Faith , which made them be baptized into his Name ( i. e. enroll themselves in the Kingdom of Iesus the Messiah , and profess themselves his Subjects ; and consequently live by the Laws of his Kingdom ) should be accounted to them for Righteousness . Which Account of what is necessary , I close with these words : This is the FAITH for which God of his free Grace Justifies sinful Man. And is this the Faith of Devils ? To the same purpose , p. 214. are these words . The chief End of his coming was to be a King , and as such to be received by those , who would be his Subjects in the Kingdom , which he came to erect . And again , p. 212. Only those , who have believed Jesus to be the Messiah , and taken him for their King , with a sincere endeavour after righteousness in obeying his Law , shall have their past Sins not imputed to them . And so again , p. 213. and 227. and in several other places : Of which I shall add but this one more , p. 228. 'T is not enough to believe him to be the Messiah , unless we obey his Laws , and take him to be our King to reign over us . Can the Devils thus believe him to be the Messiah ? Yet this is that which by these , and abundance of other places , I have shew'd to be the meaning of believing him to be the Messiah . Besides , I have expresly distinguish'd the Faith which makes a Christian , from that which the Devils have ; by proving , that to the believing Jesus to be the Messiah must be join'd repentance , or else it will not make them true Christians ; And what this repentance is , may be seen at large in p. 193 , &c. some Expressions whereof I shall here set down : As p. 198. Repentance does not consist in one single Act of Sorrow ( though that being first , and leading , gives Denomination to the whole ) , but in doing Works meet for Repentance ; in a sincere Obedience to the Law of Christ the remainder of our Lives . Again : To distinguish the Faith of a Christian from that of Devils , I say expresly out of St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians , That which availeth is Faith , but Faith working by Love ; and that Faith without Works , i. e. the Works of sincere Obedience to the Law and Will of Christ , is not sufficient for our Justification . And p. 222. That to inherit eternal Life , we must love the Lord our God , with all our Heart , with all our Soul , with all our Strength , and with all our Mind ; An● 230. Love Christ in keeping his Commandments . This , and a great deal more to this purpose , may be seen in my Reasonableness of Christianity ; particularly where I answer that Objection about the Faith of Devils , which I handle from p. 193. to p. 251. and therein at large shew wherein the Faith of Devils comes short of the Justifying Faith , which makes a Christian. And yet the good , the sincere , the candid Unmasker , with his becoming Confidence , tells his Readers here , p. 55. That I present the World with a very ill notion of Faith : For the very Devils are capable of all that Faith , which I say makes a Christian Man. To prevent this Calumny , I in more places than one distinguished between Faith in a strict sense , as it is a bare assent to any Proposition , and that which is called Evangelical Faith , in a larger sense of the word ; which comprehends under it something more than a bare simple assent , as p. 43. I mean this is all is required to be believed by those who acknowledge but one Eternal invisible God , the Maker of Heaven and Earth : For that there is something more required to Salvation , besides believing we shall see hereafter . P. 47. All I say that was to be believed for Justification . For that this was not all that was required to be done for Justification , we shall see hereafter . P. 92. Obeying the Law of the Messiah their King being no less required than their believing that Iesus was the Messiah , the King and Deliverer , that was promised them , Pag. 192. As far as meer believing could make them Members of Christ's Body . By these , and more the like Passages in my Book , my meaning is so evident , that no body , but an Unmasker , would have said , that when I spoke of believing as a bare Speculative assent to any Proposition as true , I affirm'd that was all that was required of a Christian for Justification : Though that in the strict sense of the word is all that is done in believing . And therefore , I say , as far as meer believing could make them Members of Christ's Body ; plainly signifying , as much as words can , that the Faith , for which they were justified , included something more than a bare assent . This appears not only from these words of mine , p. 196. St. Paul often in his Epistles , puts Faith for the whole Duty of a Christian ; but from my so often , and almost every-where interpreting believing him to be the Messiah , by taking him to be our King ; whereby is meant not a bare idle Speculation , a bare notional perswasion of any truth whatsoever floating in our Brains ; but an active Principle of Life , a Faith working by Love and Obedience . To take him to be our King , carries with it a right disposition of the will to honour , and obey him , joyn'd to that assent wherewith Believers imbrace this Fundamental Truth , that Jesus was the Person , who was by God sent to be their King ; he that was promis'd to be their Prince and Saviour . But for all this , the Unmasker , p. 56. Confidently tells his Reader that I say no such thing . His words are , But besides this Historical Faith ( as it is generally call'd by Divines ) which is giving Credit to Evangelical Truths , as barely reveal'd , there must be something else added to make up the true Substantial Faith of a Christian. With the assent of the Understanding , must be joyn'd the consent or approbation of the Will. All those Divine Truths , which the Intellect assents to must be allow'd of by this Elective Power of the Soul. True Evangelical Faith is a hearty acception of the Messias , as he is offer'd in the Gospel . It is a sincere and impartial submission to all things requir'd by the Evangelical Law which is contain'd in the Epistles as well as the other Writings . And to this practical assent and choice there must be added likewise a firm Trust and reliance in the blessed Author of our Salvation . But this late Undertaker who attempted to give us a more perfect account than ever was before of Christianity , as it is deliver'd in the Scriptures , brings us no tidings of any such Faith belonging to Christianity , or discover'd to us in the Scriptures . Which gives us to understand that he verily believes there is no such Christian Faith , for in some of his numerous Pages ( especially 191. and 192 , &c. ) where he speaks so much of Belief and Faith , he might have taken occasion to insert one word about this compleat Faith of the Gospel . Though the places above quoted out of my Reasonableness of Christianity , and the whole tenor of the latter part of it , shew the falshood of what the Unmasker here says ; Yet I will set down one Passage more out of it , and then ask our Unmasker , when he hath read them , whether he hath the brow to say again , that I bring no tidings of any such Faith ? My words are Reasonableness of Christianity , p. 244. Faith in the Promises of God , relying and acquiescing in his Word and Faithfulness , the Almighty takes well at our hands , as a great mark of Homage , paid by us poor frail Creatures to his Goodness and Truth , as well as to his Power and Wisdom ; and accepts it as an Acknowledgment of his peculiar Providence and Benignity to us . And therefore our Saviour tells us , Iohn XII . 44. He that believes on me believes not on me , but on him that sent me . The Works of Nature shew his Wisdom and Power : But 't is his peculiar care of Mankind , most eminently discover'd in his Promises to them , that shews his Bounty and Goodness : And consequently engages their Hearts in Love and Affection to him . This oblation of an heart fixed with dependance and affection on him , is the most acceptable Tribute we can pay him ; the Foundation of true Devotion ; and Life of all Religion . What a Value he puts on this depending on his Word , and resting satisfied on his Promises , we have an example in Abraham ; whose Faith was counted to him for Righteousness ; As we have before remarked out of Rom. IV. and his relying firmly on the Promise of God , without any doubt of its Performance ; gave him the Name , of the Father of the Faithful ; And gained him so much favour with the Almighty , that he was called the Friend of God : The Highest and most Glorious Title can be bestowed on a Creature . The great out-cry he makes against me in his two next Sections , p. 57. ●60 . as if I intended to introduce Ignorance and Popery , is to be entertain'd rather as the noise of a petulant Scold , saying the worst things she could think of , than as the arguing of a Man of sense or sincerity . All this mighty Accusation is grounded upon these Falshoods , That I make it my great business to beat Men off from Divine Truths ; That I cry down all Articles of the Christian Faith but one ; That I will not suffer Men to look into Christianity ; That I blast the Epistolary Wri●ings . I shall add no more to what I have already said about the Epistles , but those few words out of my Reasonableness of Christianity ▪ p. 295. The Epistles resolving Doubts , and reforming Mistakes , are of great Advantage to our Knowledge and Practise . And p. 229. An explicit belief of what God requires of those , who will enter into , and receive the benefits of the New Covenant , is absolutely required . The other parts of Divine Revelation are Objects of Faith , and are so to be received . They are Truths whereof none that is once known to be such [ i. e. of Divine Revelation ] may or ought to be disbelieved . And as for that other Saying of his , That I will not suffer Men to look into Christianity ; I desire to know where that Christianity is locked up , which I will not suffer Men to look into . My Christianity , I confess , is contain'd in the written Word of God : And that I am so far from hindring any one to look into , that I every where appeal to it , and have quoted so much of it , that the Unmasker complains of being overlaid with it , and tells me 't is tedious . All Divine Revelation , I say , p. 300. requires the Obedience of Faith ; And that every one is to receive all the parts of it , with a docility and disposition prepar'd to imbrace and assent to all Truths coming from God ; and submit his Mind to whatever shall appear to him to bear that Character . I speak in the next Page of Mens endeavouring to understand it , and of their interpreting one place by another . This and the whole Design of my Book shews , That I think it every Christian's Duty to read , search , and study the Holy Scriptures : and make this their great Business : And yet the good Unmasker in a fit of Zeal displays his Throat , and crys out , p. 59. Hear O ye Heavens , and give ear , O Earth , judge whether this be not the way to introduce Darkness and Ignorance into Christendom ; whether this be not blinding of Mens Eyes , &c. For this mighty Pathos ends not there . And all things consider'd , I know not whether he had not reason , in his want of Arguments , this way to pour out his concern . For neither the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , nor the Apostles Creed , nor any thing else being with him the Faith of a Christian , i. e. sufficient to make a Christian , but just his set of Fundamental Articles ( when he himself knows what they be ) In fine , nothing being Christianity but just his System , 't is time to cry out , Help Neighbours , hold fast Friends ; Knowledge , Religion , Christianity is gone , if this be once permitted , that the People should read and understand the Scripture for themselves , as God shall enlighten their Understandings in the use of the means ; and not be forced to depend upon me , and upon my choosing , and my Interpretation , for the necessary Points they are to believe to make them Christians : If I the great Unmasker , have not the sole Power to decree , what is , or is not Fundamental , and People be not bound to receive it for such , Faith and the Gospel are given up ; Darkness and Barbarism will be brought in upon us by this Writer's Contrivance . For , he is an underhand Factor for that Communion , which cries up ignorance for the Mother of Devotion and Religion , i. e. in plain English for Popery . For to this and nothing else tends all that sputter he makes in the Sections before mention'd . I do not think there was ever a more through-paced Declaimer than our Unmasker . He leaves out nothing that he thinks will make an affrighting noise in the Ears of his Orthodox Hearers , though all the blame and censure he pours out upon others , light only on himself . For let me ask this Zealous Upholder of Light and Knowledge , does he think it reasonable that any one , who is not a Christian , should be suffer'd to be undisturb'd in his Parish ? Nay , does he think fit , that any such should live free from the Lash of the Magistrate , or from the Persecution of the Ecclesiastical Power ? He seems to talk with another Air , p. 65. In the next place , I ask , whether any one is a Christian who hath not the Faith of a Christian ? Thirdly , I ask , whether he has the Faith of a Christian , who does not explicitly believe all the Fundamental Articles of Christianity ? And to conclude , I ask him , whether all those that he has set down are not Fundamental necessary Articles ? When the Unmasker has fairly answer'd these Questions , it will be seen who is for Popery , and the Ignorance and Tyranny that accompanies it . The Unmasker is for making and imposing Articles of Faith : But he is for this Power in himself . He likes not Popery ( which is nothing but the Tyranny and imposing upon Mens Understandings , Faith , and Consciences ) in the hands of the old Gentleman at Rome : But it would , he thinks , do admirably well in his own hands . And who can blame him for it ? Would not that be an excellent way to propagate Light and Knowledge , by tying up all Men to a bundle of Articles of his own culling ? Or rather to the Authority of Christ and his Apostles residing in him ? For he does not , nor ever will , give us a full view of Fundamentals of his Christianity : But like the Church of Rome , to secure our Dependance , reserves to himself a Power of declaring others , and defining what is Matter of Faith , as he shall see occasion . Now therefore vail your Bonnets to the Unmasker , all you that have a Mind to be Christians : Break not your Heads about the Scriptures , to examine what they require of you : Submit your Faith implicitly to the Unmasker , he will understand and find out the necessary Points for you to believe . Take them , just so many as he thinks fit to deliver them to you : This is the way to be knowing Christians . But be sure , ask not whether those he is pleas'd to deliver be every one of them Fundamental , and all the fundamental Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian : Such a capricious Question spoils all ; Overturns Christianity , which is intrusted to the Unmasker's sole keeping , to be dispensed out as he thinks fit . I● you refuse an implicit Faith to him , he will presently find you have it for the whore of Babylon ; he will smell out Popery in it immediately : For he has a very shrewd Scent , and you will be discover'd to be an Underhand Factor for the Church of Rome . But if the Unmasker were such an Enemy , as he pretends , to those Factors ; I wonder he should , in what he has said concerning the Apostles Creed , so exactly jump with Knot the Jesuit . If any one doubt of this , I desire him to look into the Fourth Chapter of Knot 's Charity maintain'd , and there he will see , how well our Unmasker and that Iesuit agree in Argument ; nay , and Expressions too . But yet I do not think him so far guilty , as to be imployed as an Underhand Factor for Popery . Every Body will , I suppose , be ready to pronounce him so far an Innocent , as to clear him from that . The Cunning of his Design goes not beyond the laying out of his preaching Oratory , for the setting up his own System ; and making that the sole Christianity . To that end , he would be glad to have the Power of interpreting Scripture , of defining and declaring Articles of Faith , and imposing them . This which makes the absolute Power of the Pope he would not I think establish at Rome ; but 't is plain he would have it himself , if he could get it , for the Support of the Christianity of his System . An implicit Faith , if he might have the Management of it , and the taking Fundamentals upon Trust from his Authority , would be of excellent Use. Such a Power in his Hands , would spread Truth and Knowledge in the World , i. e. his own Orthodoxy , and Set of Opinions . But if a Man differs , nay , questions any thing of that , whether it be absolutely necessary to make one a Christian , 't is immediately a Contrivance to let in Popery , and to bring Darkness and Barbarism into the Christian World. But I must tell the Innocent Unmasker , whether he designs it or no , That if his calling his System the only Christianity , can bring the World to receive from him Articles of Faith of his own chusing , as Fundamentals necessary to be believed by all Men to make them Christians , which Christ and his Apostles did not propose to all Men to make them Christians , he does only set up Popery in another Guise , and lay the Foundatians of Ignorance , Darkness , and Barbarism , in the Christian World. For all the Ignorance and Blindness , that Popery introduced , was only upon this Foundation . And if he does not see this ( as there is Reason to excuse his Innocence ) 't would be no hard matter to demonstrate it ; If that were at present the Question between us . But there are a great many other Propositions to be proved by him , before we come to that new Matter of Debate . But before I quit these Paragraphs , I must go on with our Unmasker's Account , and desire him to shew where it is XXV . That I make it my Business to beat Men off from taking notice of any Divine Truths ? Next , where it is XXVI . That I cry down all Articles of Christian Faith but one ? Next , how it appears XXVII . That I will not suffer Mankind to look into Christianity ? Again , where it is XXVIII . That I labour industriously to keep People in Ignorance ; Or tell them , That there is no necessity of knowing any other Doctrines of the Bible ? These and several others of the like strain , particularly concerning One Article , and the Epistles ; ( which are his common places ) are to be found in his 59. and 60. Pages . And all this out of a Presumption , that his System is the only Christianity ; And that if Men were not pressed , and perswaded to receive that , just every Article of it , upon pain of Damnation ; Christianity would be lost : And not to do this , is to promote Ignorance , and contemn the Bible . But he fears where no fear is . If his Orthodoxy be the truth , and conformable to the Scriptures , the laying the Foundation only where our Saviour and his Apostles have laid it , will not overturn it . And to shew him , that it is so , I desire him again to consider what I said in p. 8. of my Vindication : Which , because I do not remember , he any where takes notice of in his Reply , I will here offer again to his consideration : Convince but Men of the Mission of Jesus Christ ; make them but see the Truth , Simplicity and Reasonableness of what he himself hath taught , and required to be believed by his Followers , and you need not doubt , but being once fully perswaded of his Doctrine and the Advantages , which all Christians agree are received by him , such Converts will not lay by the Scriptures ; But by a constant reading and study of them , will get all the Light they can from this Divine Revelation ; and nourish themselves up in the words of Faith and good Doctrine , as St. Paul speaks to Timothy . If the reading and study of the Scripture were more pressed than it is , and Men were fairly sent to the Bible to find their Religion ; and not the Bible put into their hands only to find the Opinions of their peculiar Sect or Party , Christendom would have more Christians , and those that are , would be more knowing , and more in the right than now they are . That which hinders this , is that select bundle of Doctrines , which it has pleased every Sect to draw out of the Scriptures , or their own inventions , with an Omission ( and as our Unmasker would say , a Contempt ) of all the rest . These choice Truths ( as the Unmasker calls his ) are to be the standing Orthodoxy of that Party , from which none of that Church must recede without the forfeiture of their Christianity , and the loss of eternal Life . But whilst People keep firm to these , they are in the Church , and the Way to Salvation . Which in effect , what is it but to incourage ignorance , laziness , and neglect of the Scriptures ? For what need they be at the pains of constantly reading the Bible ? Or perplex their Heads with considering and weighing what is there deliver'd , when believing as the Church believes , or saying after , or not contradicting their Domine , or Teacher , serves the turn ? Further , I desire it may be consider'd what Name that meer Mock-shew of recommending to Men the study of the Scripture deserves ; if , when they read it , they must understand it just as he ( that would be , and they are too apt , contrary to the Command of Christ , to call their Master ) tells them . If they find any thing in the Word of God , that leads them into Opinions , that he does not allow ; If any thing they meet with in Holy Writ seems to them to thwart or shake the received Doctrines , the very proposing of their Doubts renders them suspected : Reasoning about them , and not acquiescing in what ever is said to them , is interpreted want of due respect and deference to the Authority of their Spiritual Guides : Disrepute and Censures follow : And if in pursuance of their own Light , they persist in what they think the Scripture teaches them , they are turn'd out of the Church , deliver'd to Sathan , and no longer allow'd to be Christians . And is thus a sincere and rightly directed study of the Scriptures , that Men may understand and profit thereby , incouraged ? This is the Consequence of Mens assuming to themselves a Power of declaring Fundamentals , i. e. of setting up a Christianity of their own making . For how else can they turn Men , of as unblameable Lives as others of their Members , out of the Church of Christ ( for so they count their Communion ) for Opinions , unless those Opinions were concluded inconsistent with Christianity ? Thus Systems , the Inventions of Men , are turn'd into so many opposite Gospels ; and nothing is truth in each Sect , but what just suits with them . So that the Scripture serves but like a Nose of Wax , to be turn'd and bent , just as may sit the contrary Orthodoxies of different Societies . For 't is these several Systems that to each Party are the just Standards of Truth , and the meaning of the Scripture is to be measur'd only by them . Whoever relinquishes any of those distinguishing Points , immediately ceases to be a Christian. This is the Way that the Unmasker would have Truth and Religion preserv'd , Light and Knowledge propagated . But here too the differing Sects giving equal Authority to their own Orthodoxies will be quits with him . For as far as I can observe , the same Genius seems to influence them all ; even those who pretend most to freedom , the Socinians themselves . For when it is observed how positive and eager they are in their Disputes ; how forward to have their Interpretations of Scripture received for Authentick , though to others in several places they seem very much strain'd ; How impatient they are of Contradiction ; and with what disrespect and roughness they often treat their Opposers ; May it not be suspected that this so visible warmth in their present Circumstances , and Zeal for their Orthodoxy , would ( had they the Power ) work in them , as it does in others ? They in their turns would I fear be ready , with their Set of Fundamentals ; which they would be as forward to impose on others , as others have been to impose contrary Fundamentals on them . This is and always will be the unavoidable effect of intruding on our Saviour's Authority , and requiring more now as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , than was at first required by our Saviour and his Apostles . What else can be expected among Christians , but their tearing , and being torn in pieces by one another ; whilst every Sect assumes to it self a Power of declaring Fundamentals , and severally thus narrow Christianity to their distinct Systems ? He that has a mind to see how Fundamentals come to be fram'd and fashion'd , and upon what Motives and Considerations they are often taken up , or laid down , according to the Humours , Interests , or Designs of the Heads of Parties , as if they were things depending on Mens pleasure , and to be suited to their convenience , may find an Example worth his notice , in the Life of Mr. Baxter , Part II. p. 197. — 205. Whenever Men take upon them to go beyond those Fundamental Articles of Christianity , which are to be found in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles , where will they stop ? Whenever any Set of Men will require more as necessary to be believed to make Men of their Church , i. e. in their sense Christians , than what our Saviour and his Apostles propos'd to those , whom they made Christians , and admitted into the Church of Christ ; however they may pretend to recommend the Scripture to their People , in effect no more of it is recommended to them , than just comports with what the Leaders of that Sect have resolv'd Christianity shall consist in . 'T is no wonder therefore there is so much Ignorance amongst Christians , and so much vain outcry against it ; whilst almost every distinct Society of Christians Magisterially ascribes Orthodoxy to a select Set of Fundamentals distinct from those proposed in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , which in no one Point must be question'd by any of its Communion . By this means their People are never sent to the Holy Scriptures , that true Fountain of Light , but hood-wink'd : A Veil is cast over their eyes , and then they are bid read the Bible ▪ They must make it all chime to their Churches Fundamentals , or else they were better let it alone . For if they find any thing there against the received Doctrines , though they hold it and express it , in the very terms the Holy Ghost has deliver'd it in , that will not excuse them . Heresie will be their lot , and they shall be treated accordingly . And thus we see how , amongst other good effects , Creed-making always has , and always will necessarily produce and propagate Ignorance in the World , however each Party blame others for it . And therefore , I have often wonder'd to hear Men of several Churches so heartily exclaim against the implicit Faith of the Church of Rome ; when the same implicit Faith is as much practised and required in their own , though not so openly professed , and ingenuously owned there . In the next Section , the Unmasker questions the Sincerity of mine , and professes the greatness of his concern for the Salvation of Mens Souls . And tells me of my Reflection on him upon that account , in the 9th . Page of my Vindication . Answ. I wish he would for the right Information of the Reader every where set down , what he has any thing to say to in my Book , or my Defence of it , and save me the Labour of repeating it . My words in that place are , Some Men will not bear , that any one should speak of Religion , but according to the Model , that they themselves have made of it . Nay , though he proposes it upon the very terms , and in the very words , which our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd it in ; yet he shall not escape Censures and the severest insinuations . To deviate in the least , or to omit any thing contained in their Articles is Heresy , under the most invidious Names in fashion ; and 't is well if he escapes being a downright Atheist . Whether this be the Way for Teachers to make themselves hearken'd to as Men in Earnest in Religion , and really concern'd for the Salvation of Mens Souls I leave them to consider . What Success it has had towards perswading Men of the truth of Christianity , their own Complaints of the prevalency of Atheism on the one hand , and the number of Deists on the other sufficiently shew . I have set down this Passage at large , both as a confirmation of what I said but just now ; as also to shew , that the Reflection , I there made , needed some other Answer than a bare Profession of his regard to the Salvation of Mens Souls . The assuming an undue Authority to his own Opinions , and using manifest Untruths in the defence of them , I am sure is no mark that the directing Men right in the way to Salvation is his chief aim . And I wish , that the greater Liberties of that sort , which he has again taken in his Socinianism Vnmask'd , and which I have so often laid open , had not confirm'd that Reflection . I should have been glad , that any thing in my Book had been fairly controverted , and brought to the touch , whether it had or had not been con●uted . The matter of it would have deserved a serious debate ( if any had been necessary ) in the words of Sobriety and the Charitable temper of the Gospel , as I desired in my Pre●ace : And that would not have mis-become the Vnmasker's Function . But it did not consist , it seems , with his Design . Christian Charity would not have allow'd those ill-meant Conjectures , and groundless Censures , which were necessary to his purpose ; and therefore he took a shorter course , than to confute my Book , and thereby convince me and others . He makes it his business to rail at it , and the Author of it ; that that might be taken for a confutation . For , by what he has hitherto done , arguing seems not to be his Talent . And thus far who can but allow his Wisdom ? But whether it be that Wisdom that is from above , first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , I shall leave to other Readers to judge . His saying nothing to that other Reflection , which his manner of expressing himself drew from me , would make one suspect it favoured not altogether of the Wisdom of the Gospel ; nor shew'd an over great Care of the Salvation of Souls . My Words , Vindic. p. 25. are I know not how better to shew my Care of his Credit , than by intreating him , that when he takes next in hand such a Subject as this , wherein the Salvation of Souls is concerned , he would treat it a little more seriously , and with a little more Candour ; lest Men should find in his Writings another Cause of Atheism , which in this Treatise he has not thought fit to mention . Ostentation of Wit in General , he has made a Cause of Atheism , p. 28. But the World will tell him ; That frothy light Discourses concerning the serious Matters of Religion , and Ostentation of trifling mis-becoming Wit , in those who come as Ambassadors from God , under the title of Successors of the Apostles in the great Commission of the Gospel , is none of the least Causes of Atheism . But this advice I am now satisfied ( by his Second Part of the same Strain ) was very improper for him ; and no more reasonable , than if one should advise a Bu●●oon to talk gravely ; who has nothing left to draw attention , if he should lay by his scurrility . The remainder of this 4th . Chapter , p. 61. ●67 . being spent in shewing , why the Socinians are for a few Articles of Faith , being a Matter that I am not concern'd in ; I leave to that forward Gentleman to examine , who examined Mr. Edwards's Exceptions against the Reasonableness of Christianity ; and who , as the Unmasker informs me , p. 64. was chosen to vindicate my attempt , &c. If the Unmasker knows that he was so Chosen , it is well . If I had known of such a choice , I should have desired that somebody should have been chosen to Vindicate my attempt , who had understood it better . The Unmasker and Examiner are each of them so full of themselves , and their own Systems , that I think they may be a fit match one for another ; And so I leave these Cocks of the Game , to try it out in an endless battle of wrangling ( till Death them depart ) which of them has made the true and exact Collection of Fundamentals ; And whose System of the two ought to be the prevailing Orthodoxy , and be received for Scripture . Only I warn the Examiner to look to himself ; For the Unmasker has the whiphand of him , and gives him to understand , p. 65. that if he cannot do it himself by the strength of his Lungs , the vehemency of his Oratory , and endless attacks of his Repetitions , the Ecclesiastical Power , and the Civil Magistrates lash have in store demonstrative Arguments to convince him that his [ the Vnmasker's ] System is the only true Christianity . By the way , I must not forget to mind the Unmasker here again , that he hath a very unlucky hand at guessing . For , whereas he names Socinus as one from whom I received my Platform , and says that Crellius gave me my Kue ; it so falls out , that they are two Authors of whom I never read a Page . I say not this , as if I thought it a fault if I had , for I think I should have much better spent my time in them , than in the Writings of our learned Unmasker . I was sure there was no offending the Unmasker without the guilt of Atheism ; only he here , p. 69. very mercifully lays it upon my Book , and not upon my Design . The tendency of it to Irreligion and Atheism , he has proved in an Eloquent Harangue ( for he is such an Orator he cannot stir a foot without a Speech ) made as he bids us suppose by the Atheistical Rabble . And who can deny , but he has chose a fit Imployment for himself ? Where could there be found a better Speech-maker for the Atheistical Rabble ? But let us hear him : For though he would give the Atheistical Rabble the Credit of it , yet 't is the Unmasker speaks . And because 't is pity such a pattern of Rhetorick and Reason should be lost , I have for my Reader 's Edification , set it all down verbatim . We are beholding to this worthy Adventurer for ridding the World of so great an Incumbrance , viz. That huge Mass and unweildy Body of Christianity , which took up so much room . Now we see that it was this bulk and not that of Mankind which he had an eye to , when he so often mention'd this latter . This is a Physician for our turn indeed : We like this Chymical Operator that doth not trouble us with a parcel of heavy Drugs of no value , but contracts it all into a few Spirits , nay doth his business with a single drop . We have been in bondage a long time to Creeds and Catechisms , Systems and Confessions ; we have been plagued with a tedious Beadroll of Articles , which our Reverend Divines have told us we must make the Matter of our Faith. Yea , so it is , both Conformists and Nonconformists ( though disagreeing in some other things ) have agreed in this to molest and Crucifie us . But this noble Writer ( we thank him ) hath set us free ; and eas'd us by bringing down all the Christian Faith into one Point . We have heard some Men talk of Epistolary Composures of the New Testament , as if great Matters were contain'd in them , as if the great Mysteries of Christianity ( as they call them ) were unfolded there : But we could never make any thing of them ; and now we find that this Writer is partly of our Opinion . He tells us that these are Letters sent upon occasion , but we are not to look for our Religion ( for now for this Gentleman's sake we begin to talk of Religion ) in these places . We believe it , and we believe that there is no Religion but in those very Chapters and Verses , which he has set down in his Treatise . What need we have any other part of the New Testament ? That is Bible enough , if not too much . Happy , thrice happy shall this Author be perpetually esteemed by us , we will Chronicle him as our Friend and Benefactor . It is not our way to Saint People : Otherwise we would certainly canonize this Gentleman ; and when our hand is in , his pair of Booksellers for their being so Beneficial to the World in publishing so rich a Treasure . It was a blessed day when this hopeful Birth saw the Light , for hereby all the Orthodox Creed-Makers and Systematick Men are ruined for ever . In brief , if we be for any Christianity , it shall be this Author's ; for that agrees with us singularly well , it being so short , all couch'd in four words neither more nor less . It is a very fine Compendium , and we are infinitely obliged to this great Reformer for it . We are glad at heart that Christianity is brought so low by this worthy Pen-man , for this is a good presage that it will dwindle into nothing . What! But one Article , and that so brief too ! We like such a Faith , and such a Religion , because it is so near to none . He hath no sooner done , but as it deserved , he crys out , Euge Sophos . And is not the Reader , quoth he , satisfied that such Language as this hath real truth in it ? Does not he perceive , that the discarding all the Articles but ONE makes way for the casting off that too ? Answ. 'T is but supposing that the Reader is a civil ●entleman , and answers Yes , to these two Questions , and then 't is Demonstration , that by this Speech he has irrefragably proved the tendency of my Book to Irreligion and Atheism . I remember Chillingworth somewhere puts up this Request to his Adversary Knot : Sir , I beseech you , when you write again , do us the favour to write nothing but Syllogisms . For I find it still an extream trouble to find out the conceal'd Propositions , which are to connect the parts of your Enthymems . As now for Example , I profess to you I have done my best endeavour to find some Glue , or Sodder , or Cement , or Thread , or any thing to tie the Antecedent and this Consequent together . The Unmasker agrees so much in a great part of his Opinion with that Jesuit ( as I have shew'd already ) and does so infinitely out-doe him in spinning Ropes of Sand , and a course Thread of Inconsistencies , which runs quite through his Book , That 't is with great justice , I put him here in the Jesuits place , and address the same Request to him . His very next words give me a fresh reason to do it : For thus he argues ▪ p. 72. May we not expect , that those , who deal thus with the Creed , i. e. Discard all the Articles of it but one , will use the same Method in reducing the ten Commandments and the Lord's Prayer , Abbreviate the former into one Precept , and the latter into one Petition ? Answ. If he will tell me where this Creed , he speaks of , is , it will be much more easie to answer his Demand . Whilst his Creed , which he here speaks of , is yet no where , it is ridiculous for him to ask Questions about it . The Ten Commandments and the Lord's Prayer , I know where to find , in express words set down by themselves , with peculiar marks of distinction . Which is the Lord's Prayer we are plainly taught , by this Command of our Saviour , Luk. XI . 1. When we pray , SAY , Our Father , &c. In the same manner and words we are taught what we should believe , to make us his Disciples by his Command to the Apostles what they should Preach , Mat. X. 7. As ye go preach SAYING . What were they to say ? Only this , the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . Or , as St. Luke expresses it , IX . 2. They were sent to preach the Kingdom of God , and to heal the Sick ; Which , what it was we have sufficiently explain'd . But this Creed of the Unmasker , which he talks of , where is it ? Let him shew it us distinctly set out from the rest of the Scripture . If he knows where it is , let him produce it , or leave talking of it , till he can . 'T is not the Apostles Creed , that 's evident . For that Creed he has discarded from being the Standard of Christian Faith , and has told the World in words at length , That if a Man believes no more than is in express terms in the Apostles Creed , his Faith will not be the Faith of a Christian. Nay , 't is plain , that Creed has in the Unmasker's Opinion , the same tendency to Atheism and Irreligion , that my Summary has . For the Apostles Creed reducing the Forty , or perhaps Four hundred Fundamental Articles of his Christian Creed , to Twelve ; and leaving out the greatest part of those necessary ones which he has already , and will hereafter in good time give us , does as much dispose Men to serve the Decalogue , and the Lord's Prayer just so ; as my reducing those Twelve to Two. For so many at least he has granted to be in my Summary , viz. The Article of one God , Maker of Heaven and Earth , and the other of Jesus the Messiah ; though he every where calls them but ONE : Which , whether it be to shew , with what love and regard to truth he continues , and consequently began this Controversie ; or whether it be to beguile and startle unwary , or confirm prejudiced Readers , I shall leave to others to judge . 'T is evident he thinks his Cause would be mightily maimed , if he were forced to leave out the charge of ONE Article ; and he would not know what to do for Wit or Argument , if he should call them two . For then the whole weight and edge of his strong and sharp reasoning in his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , p. 122. would be lost . There you have it in these words ; When the Catholick Faith is thus brought down to one single Article , it will soon be reduced to none ; the Unit will dwindle into a Cypher . And here again , it makes the whole Argument of his Atheistical Speech , which he winds up with these convincing words ; We are glad to hear , that Christianity is brought so low by this worthy Pen-man ; for this is a good Presage , that it will dwindle into nothing . What! ONE Article , and that so brief too : We like such a Faith and such a Religion , because it is so near NONE . But I must tell this Writer of equal Wit , Sense , and Modesty , That this Religion , which he thus makes a dull Farce of , and calls near none , is that very Religion , which our Saviour Iesus Christ and his Apostles preach'd for the Conversion and Salvation of Mankind ; no one Article whereof , which they propos'd as necessary to be received by Unbelievers to make them Christians , is omitted . And I ask him , whether it be his Errand , as one of our Saviour's Ambassadors to turn it thus into Ridicule ? For till he has shewn , that they Preach'd otherwise , and more than what the Spirit of Truth has recorded of their Preaching in their Histories , which I have faithfully collected , and set down , all that he shall say reflecting upon the Plainness and Simplicity of their Doctrine , however directed against me , will by his Atheistical Rabble of all kinds , now they are so well enter'd and instructed in it by him , be all turn'd upon our Saviour and his Apostles . What tendency this , and all his other trifling , in so serious a cause as this is , has to the propagating of Atheism and Irreligion in this Age , he were best to consider . This I am sure , the Doctrine of but one Article , ( if the Author and finisher of our Faith , and those he guided by his Spirit , had Preach'd but one Article ) has no more tendency to Atheism , than their Doctrine of one God. But the Unmasker every where talks , as if the Strength of our Religion lay in the number of its Articles ; and would be presently routed , if it had but a few : And therefore he has mustered up a pretty full band of them , and has a reserve of the Lord knows how many more , which shall be forthcoming upon occasion . But I shall desire to mind this Learned Divine , who is so afraid what will become of his Religion , if it should propose but one or a few Articles as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , that the Strength and Security of our Religion lies in the Divine Authority of those who first promulgated the terms of admittance into the Church , and not in the Multitude of Articles suppos'd by some necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian : And I would have him remember , when he goes next to make use of this strong Argument of ONE dwindling into a Cypher , that One is as remote as a Million from none . And if this be not so , I desire to know whether his way of arguing will not prove Pagan Polytheism to be more remote from Atheism than Christianity . He will do well to try the force of his Speech , in the Mouth of an Heathen , complaining of the tendency of Christianity to Atheism , by reducing his great number of Gods to but one , which was so near none and would therefore soon be reduced to none . The Unmasker seems to be upon the same Topick where he so pathetically complains of the Socinians , p. 66. in these words . Is it not enough to rob us of our God , by denying Christ to be so ; But , must they spoil us of all the other Articles of Christian Faith but one ? Have a better heart ▪ good Sir , for I assure you , no body can rob you of your God , but by your own consent ; Nor spoil you of any of the Articles of your Faith. If you look for them where God has placed them , in the Holy Scripture ; and take them as he has framed and fashion'd them there ; there you will always find them safe and sound . But if they come out of an Artificer's Shop , and be of humane Invention , I cannot answer for them : They may , for ought I know , be nothing but an Idol of your own setting up ; which may be pull'd down , should you cry out never so much , Great is Diana of the Ephesians . He , who considers this Argument of one and none , as managed by the Unmasker , and observes his Pathetical way of reasoning all through his Book , must confess , that he has got the very Philosopher's Stone in disputing . That which would be worthless Lead in others , he turns into pure Gold ; His Oratory changes its Nature , and gives it the noble Tincture : So that what in plain reasoning would be Nonsence , let him but put it into a Speech , or an Exclamation , and there it becomes strong Argument . Whether this be not so , I desire Mode and Figure may decide . And to those I shall desire he would reduce the Proofs , which p. 73. he says , he has given of these following Propositions , viz. XXIX . That I have corrupted Mens Minds . XXX . That I have depraved the Gospel . XXXI . That I have abused Christianity . For all these three , p. 73. he affirms of me without Proof , and without Honesty . Whether it be from confusion of Thought , or unfairness of Design ; either because he has not clear distinct notions of what he would say , or finds it not to his purpose to speak them clearly out , or both together ; so it is , that the Unmasker very seldom , but when he rails , delivers himself so that one can certainly tell what he would have . The Question is , what is absolutely necessary to be believed by every one to make him a Christian. It has been clearly made out from an exact Survey of the History of our Saviour and his Apostles , that the whole aim of all their Preaching every where was to convince the unbelieving World of these two great Truths . First , That there was one Eternal invisible God , Maker of Heaven and Earth ; And next , That Iesus of Nazareth was the Messiah , the promised King , and Saviour . And that upon Mens believing these two Articles they were Baptized , and admitted into the Church , i. e. received as Subjects of Christ's Kingdom , and pronounced Believers . From whence it unavoidably follows , that these two are the only Truths necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. This Matter of Fact is so evident from the whole tenor of the four Gospels , and the Acts ; And presses so hard , that the Unmasker , who contends for a great number of other Points necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , thinks himself concern'd to give some Answer to it : But in his usual way full of Uncertainty and Confusion . To clear this Matter , he lays down four Particulars . The First is , p. 74. That the believing Iesus to be the promised Messiah , was the first step to Christianity . The Second , p. 76. That though this one Proposition ( viz. of Jesus the Messiah ) be mentioned alone in some places , yet there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other Matters of Faith were proposed . The Third , p. 76. That though there are several Parts and Members of the Christian Faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of Scripture . The Fourth , p. 78. That Christianity was erected by degrees . These particulars he tells us , p. 74. he offers to clear an Objection . To see therefore whether they are pertinent or no , we must examine what the Objection is as he puts it . I think it might have been put in a few words : This I am sure , it ought to have been put very clear and distinct . But the Unmasker has been pleased to give it us , p. 73. as followeth . Because I designed these Papers for the satisfying of the Reader 's Doubts , about any thing occurring concerning the Matter before us , and for the establishing of his wavering Mind , I will here ( before I pass to the Second general Head of my Discourse ) answer a Query or Objection , which some and not without some shew of Ground may be apt to start . How comes it to pass , they will say , that this Article of Faith , viz. That Iesus is the Messiah or Christ , is so often repeated in the New Testament ? Why is this sometimes urged without the mentioning of any other Article of Belief ? Doth not this plainly shew that this is all that is requir'd to be believed as necessary to make a Man a Christian ? May we not inferr from the frequent and sole repetition of this Article in several places of the Evangelists and the Acts , that there is no other Point of Faith of absolute necessity ; but that this alone is sufficient to constitute a Man a true Member of Christ. By which he shews , that he is uncertain which way to put the Objection , so as may be easiest to get rid of it : And therefore he has turn'd it several ways , and put several Questions about it . As First , Why this Article of Faith , viz. That Jesus is the Messiah , is so often repeated in the New Testament . His next Question is , Why is this sometimes urged without the mentioning any other Article of Belief , which supposes that sometimes other Articles of Belief are mentioned with it . The Third Question is , May we not infer from the frequent and sole repetition of this Article in several places of the Evangelists and Acts. Which last Question is in effect , Why is this so frequently and alone repeated in the Evangelists and the Acts , i. e. in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles to Unbelievers . For of that he must give an account , if he will remove the difficulty . Which three , though put as one , yet are three as distinct Questions , and demand a Reason for three as distinct Matters of Fact , as these three are , viz. frequently proposed ; Sometimes propos'd alone ; and always propos'd alone in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles ; for so in truth it was all through the Gospels and the Acts to the unconverted Believers of one God alone . These three Questions being thus jumbled together in one Objection , let us see how the Four particulars he mentions will account for them . The first of them is this . The believing of Iesus to be the promised Messias , was , says he , the first step to Christianity . Let it be so , what do you infer from thence ? The next words shew , Therefore this rather than any other Article was propounded to be believed by all those whom either our Saviour or his Apostles invited to imbrace Christianity . Let your Premises be never so true ; and your Deduction of this Proposition be never so regular from them , it is all lost Labour . This Conclusion is not the Proposition you were to prove . Your Questions were , why this Article is so often proposed ? And in those frequent repetitions , why sometimes urged alone , and why always proposed alone , viz. to those whom either our Saviour or his Apostles invited to imbrace Christianity . And your Answer is , because the believing Iesus to be the Messias , was the first step to Christianity . This therefore remains upon you to be proved , XXXII . That because the believing Iesus to be the Messias , is the first step to Christianity ; therefore this Article is frequently proposed in the New Testament ; Is sometimes proposed without the mentioning any other Article ; and always alone to Vnbelievers . And when you have proved this , I shall desire you to apply it to our present Controversie . His next Answer to those Questions is in these words , p. 76. That though this one Proposition or Article be mentioned alone in some places , yet there is reason to think and be perswaded that at the same time other Matters of Faith were proposed . From whence it lies upon him to make out this reasoning , viz. XXXIII . That because there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time , that this one Article was mentioned alone ( as it was sometimes ) other Matters of Faith were propos'd . Therefore this Article was often proposed in the New Testament ; Sometimes proposed alone ; and always proposed alone in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles to Unbelievers . This I set down to shew the force of his Answer to his Questions : Supposing it to be true , not that I grant it to be true , That where this one Article is mentioned alone , we have reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other Matters of Faith [ i. e. Articles of Faith necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ] were proposed : And I doubt not but to shew the contrary . His Third particular , in Answer to the Question proposed in his Objection stands thus , p. 76. That though there are several Parts and Members of the Christian Faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of the Scripture ; which Answer lays it upon him to prove XXXIV . That because the several parts of the Members of the Christian Faith do not all occur in any one place of Scripture ; Therefore this Article , That Jesus was the Messias , was often proposed in the New Testament , sometimes proposed alone , and always proposed alone in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles , through the History of the Evangelists and the Acts. The Fourth and last Particular , which he tells us is the main Answer to the Objection , is in these words , Pag. 78. That Christianity was erected by degrees . Which requires him to make out this Argument , viz. XXXV . That because Christianity was erected by degrees , Therefore this Article , that Jesus was the Messias , was often proposed in the New Testament , sometimes proposed alone , and always proposed alone in the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles to Unbelievers , recorded in the History of the Evangelists and Acts. For , as I said before , in these three Questions he has put his Objection ; To which he tells us this is the main Answer . Of these four Particulars it is that he says , p. 74. To clear this Objection , and to give a full and satisfactory Answer to all doubts in this Affair , I offer these ensuing particulars , which will lead the Reader to the right understanding of the whole case . How well they have clear'd the Objection , may be seen by barely setting them down as Answers to these Questions , wherein he puts the Objection . This is all I have hitherto done : Whereby is very visible how well ( supposing them true ) they clear the Objection ; and how pertinently they are brought to answer those Questions wherein his Objection is contain'd . Perhaps it will be said , that neither these , nor any thing else can be an apposite Answer to those Questions put so together . I answer , I am of the same mind . But if the Unmasker through ignorance or shuffling will talk thus confusedly , he must answer for it . He calls all his three Questions one Objection over and over again : And therefore which of those Questions it does or does not lie in , I shall not trouble my self to divine : Since I think he himself cannot tell . For , which ever he takes of them , it will involve him in equal Difficulties . I now proceed to examine his particulars themselves , and the truth contain'd in them . The first , pag. 74. stands thus . 1. The believing of Iesus to be the promised Messias was the first step to Christianity . It was that which made way for the imbracing of all the other Articles , a Passage to all the rest . Answ. If this be , as he would have it , only the leading Article amongst a great many other equally necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; This is a reason , why it should be constantly preach'd in the first place . But this is no reason , why this alone should be so often repeated , and the other necessary Points not be once mention'd . For I desire to know , what those other Articles are , that in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles are repeated or urged besides this ? In the next place , if it be true , that this Article , viz. That Iesus is the Messiah , was only the first in order , amongst a great many Articles as necessary to be believed ; how comes it to pass , that barely upon the Proposal and believing of this , Men were admitted into the Church as Believers ? The History of the New Testament is full of instances of this , as Act. VIII . 5. 12. 13. IX ▪ and in other places . Though it be true what the Unmasker says here , That if they did not give Credit to this in the first place , that Iesus of Nazareth was that Eminent and Extraordinary Person prophe●ied of long before , and that he was sent and Commissioned by God , there could be no hope that they would attend to any other Proposals relating to the Christian Religion ; yet what he subjoins , That this is the true reason , why that Article was constantly propounded to be believed by all that looked towards Christianity , and why it is mention'd so often ●n the Evangelical Writing is not true . For First , this supposes that there were other Articles joyn'd with it . This he should have first proved , and then given the reason of it ; And not , as he does here , suppose what is in the Question , and then give a reason , why it is so ; and such a reason that is inconsistent with the Matter of Fact , that is every where recorded in Holy Writ . For if the true reason , why the Preaching of this Article , that Iesus was the Messiah , as it is recorded in the History of the New Testament , were only to make way for the other Articles , one must needs think , that either our Saviour and his Apostles ( with reverence be it spoken ) were very strange Preachers ; Or that the Evangelists , and Author of the Acts were very strange Historians . The first were to instruct the World in a new Religion consisting of a great number of Articles , says the Unmasker , necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , i. e. a great number of Propositions making a large System , every one whereof is so necessary for a Man to understand , and believe , that if any one be omitted , he cannot be of that Religion . What now did our Saviour and his Apostles do ? Why , if the Unmasker may be believed , they went up and down with danger of their Lives , and Preach'd to the World ▪ What did they Preach ? Even this single Proposition to make way for the rest , viz. This is the Eminent Man sent from God to teach you other things , which amounts to no more but this , That Iesus was the Person which was to teach them the true Religion , but that true Religion it self is not to be found in all their Preaching ; nay , scarce a word of it . Can there be any thing more ridiculous , than this ? And yet this was all they Preach'd ; if it be true , that this was all which they meant by the Preaching every where Iesus to be the Messiah ; And if it were only an Introduction and a making way for the Doctrines of the Gospel . But it is plain it was called the Gospel it self . Let the Unmasker , as a true Successor of the Apostles , go and Preach the Gospel as the Apostles did , to some part of the Heathen World , where the Name of Christ is not known : Would not he himself , and every body think , he was very foolishly imploy'd , if he should tell them nothing but this , that Iesus was the Person promised and sent from God to reveal the true Religion ; But should teach them nothing of that true Religion , but this Preliminary Article ? Such the Unmasker makes all the Preaching recorded in the New Testament , for the Conversion of the Unbelieving World. He makes the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , to be no more but this ; that the great Prophet promised to the World was come , and that Iesus was he : But what his Doctrine was , that they were silent in , and taught not one Article of it . But the Unmasker mis-represents it : For as to his accusing the Historians , the Evangelists , and Writers of the Acts of the Apostles , for their shameful omission of the whole Doctrine of the Christian Religion , to save his Hypothesis , as he does under his next Head in these words , That though this one Proposition be mention'd alone in some places , yet there is reason to think and be perswaded , that at the same time other Matters of Faith were proposed ; I shall shew how bold he makes with those inspired Historians , when I come to consider that particular . How ridiculous , how senseless this bold Unmasker and Reformer of the History of the New Testament makes the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , as it stands recorded of them by infallible Writers , is visible . But taking it as in truth it is there , we shall have a quite other view of it . Our Saviour Preach'd every where the Kingdom of God , and by his Miracles declar'd himself to be the King of that Kingdom . The Apostles Preached the same , and after his Ascension openly avowed him to be the Prince and Saviour promis'd . But Preach'd not this , as a bare Speculative Article of simple belief . But that Men might receive him for their King , and become his Subjects . When they told the World that he was the Christ , it was not as the Unmasker will have it ; Believe this Man to be a Prophet , and then he will teach you his new Religion ; which when you have received and imbraced , all and every Article thereof , which are a great number , you will then be Christians , if you be not ignorant or incredulous of any of them . But it was , Believe this Man to be your King sent from God : Take him for such , with a resolution to observe the Laws he has given you , and you are his Subjects ; you are Christians . For those , that truly did so , made themselves his Subjects : And to continue so there was no more required than a sincere endeavour to know his Will in all things , and to obey it . Such a Preaching as this of Iesus to be the Messiah ; the King and Deliverer that God Almighty had promised to Mankind , and now had effectually sent to be their Prince and Ruler ; was not a simple preparation to the Gospel : But when received with the Obedience of Faith , was the very receiving of the Gospel ; and had all that was requisite to make Men Christians . And without it be so understood , no body can clear the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles from that incredible Impersection ; or their Historians from that unpardonable negligence , and not doing either what they ought , or what they undertook ; which our Unmasker hath so impiously charged upon them , as will appear yet plainer in what I have to say to the Vnmasker's next Particular . For as to the remainder of this Paragraph , it contains nothing but his censure and contempt of me , for not being of his Mind ; for not seeing as he sees , i. e. in effect not laying that blame , which he does either on the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles ; or on the inspired Writings of their Historians , to make them comply with his System , and the Christianity he would make . The Unmasker 's Second Particular , p. 76. tells us , That though this One Proposition or Article be mention'd alone in some places , yet there is reason to think , and be perswaded , that at the same time other Matters of Faith were proposed . For it is confess'd by all intelligent and observing Men , that the History of the Scripture is concise ; and that in relating of Matter of Fact many Passages are omitted by the Sacred Penmen . Wherefore though but this one Article of belief , ( because it is a Leading one , and makes way for the rest ) be expresly mention'd in some of the Gospels , yet we must not conclude thence , that no other Matter of Faith , was requir'd to be admitted of . For things are briefly set down in the Evangelical Records , and we must suppose many things which are not in direct terms related . Answ. The Vnmasker here keeps to his usual custom of speaking in doubtful terms . He says , that where this one Article , that Iesus is the Messiah , is alone recorded in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , We have reason to be perswaded , that at the same time other Matters of Faith were propos'd . If this be to his purpose , by Matters of Faith must be meant Fundamental Articles of Faith , absolutely necessary to be believed by every Man to make him a Christian. That such Matters of Faith are omitted in the History of the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles by the Sacred Historians , this , he says , we have reason to be perswaded of . Answ. They need be good Reasons to perswade a rational Man , that the Evangelists in their History of our Saviour and his Apostles ( if they were but ordinarily fair and prudent Men ) did , in an History publish'd to instruct the World in a new Religion , leave out the necessary and Fundamental parts of that Religion . But let them be consider'd as inspired Writers , under the Conduct of the infallible Spirit of God , putting them upon , and directing them in the writing of this History of the Gospel , and then it is impossible for any Christian , but the Unmasker , to think , that they made any such gross Omissions , contrary to the design of their Writing , without a Demonstration to convince him of it . Now all the reason that our Unmasker gives is this : That it is confessed by all intelligent and observing Men , that the History of the Scripture is concise , and that in relating Matters of Fact , many Passages are omitted by the Sacred Penmen . Answ. The Unmasker might have spar'd the Confession of intelligent and observing Men , after so plain a Declaration of St. Iohn himself , Chap. XX. 31. Many other things did Iesus in the presence of his Disciples , which are not written in this Book . And again , XXI . 25. There are also many other things that Iesus did , the which if they should be written every one , I suppose the world could not contain the Books that should be written . There needs therefore no opinion of intelligent and observing Men to convince us , that the History of the Gospel is so far Concise , that a great many Matters of Fact are omitted , and a great many less material Circumstances , even of those that are set down . But will any intelligent or observing Man , any one that bears the Name of a Christian , have the Impudence to say , that the inspired Writers , in the relation they give us of what Christ and his Apostles Preach'd to Unbelievers to convert them to the Faith , omitted the Fundamental Articles which those Preachers proposed to make Men Christians ; and without a belief of which they could not be Christians ? The Unmasker talks after his wonted fashion ; seems to say something , which when examin'd proves nothing to his Purpose . He tells us , That in some places where the Article of Iesus the Messiah is mention'd alone , at the same time other matters of Faith were proposed . I ask , were these other matters of Faith all the Unmasker's necessary Articles ? If not , what are those other matters of Faith to the Unmasker's Purpose ? As for Example , in St. Peter's Sermon , Act. II. Other matters of Faith were proposed with the Article of Iesus the Messiah . But what does this make for His Fundamental Articles ? Were They all propos'd with the Articles of Iesus the Messiah ? If not , Unbelievers were converted and brought into the Church without the Unmasker's necessary Articles . Three Thousand were added to the Church by this one Sermon . I pass by now St. Luke's not mentioning a Syllable of the greatest part of the Unmasker's necessary Articles ; and shall consider only , how long that Sermon may have been . 'T is plain from v. 15. that it began not till about Nine in the Morning , and from v. 41. that before Night Three Thousand were converted and Baptized . Now , I ask the Unmasker , whether so small a Number of Hours as St. Peter must necessarily imploy in Preaching to them were sufficient to instruct such a mixed Multitude so fully in all those Articles , which he has propos'd as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , as that every one of those Three Thousand , that were that day Baptized , did understand and explicitly believe every one of those his Articles , just in the sense of our Unmasker's System ? Not to mention those remaining Articles which the Unmasker will not be able in twice as many Months to find and declare to us . He says , That in some places where the Article of Iesus the Messiah is mentioned alone , at the same time other matters of Faith were proposed . Let us take this for so at present , yet this helps not the Unmasker's case . The Fundamental Articles , that were propos'd by our Saviour and his Apostles , necessary to be believed to make Men Christians , are not set down ; but only this single one of Iesus the Messiah : Therefore will any one dare to say that they are omitted every where by the Evangelists ? Did the Historians of the Gospel make their relation so concise and short , that giving an account in so many places of the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles for the Conversion of the Unbelieving World , they did not in any one place , nor in in all of them together , set down the necessary Points of that Faith , which their Unbelieving Hearers were converted to ? If they did not , how can their Histories be called the Gospels of Iesus Christ ? Or how can they serve to the end for which they were written ? Which was , to publish to the World the Doctrine of Iesus Christ , that Men might be brought into his Religion ? Now I challenge the Unmasker to shew me not out of any one place , but out of all the Preachings of our Saviour and his Apostles , recorded in the four Gospels , and the Acts , all those Propositions which he has reckon'd up as Fundamental Articles of Faith. If they are not to be found there , 't is plain , that either they are not Articles of Faith necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; or else , that those inspired Writers have given us an account of the Gospel , or Christian Religion , wherein the greatest part of Doctrines necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian are wholly omitted : Which in short is to say , that the Christianity which is recorded in the Gospels and the Acts , is not that Christianity , which is sufficient to make a Man a Christian. This ( as absurd and impious as it is ) is what our Unmasker charges upon the Conciseness , ( as he is pleased to call it ) of the Evangelical History . And this we must take upon his word ; Though these inspired Writers tell us the direct contrary . For St. Luke in his Preface to his Gospel , tells Theophilus , that having a perfect knowledge OF ALL THINGS , the Design of his Writing was to set them in order , that he might know the certainty of those things , that were believed amongst Christians . And his History of the Acts begins thus , The former Treatise [ i. e. his Gospel ] have I made , O Theophilus , of ALL that Iesus began to do and to teach . So that how concise soever the Unmasker will have his History to be , he professes it to contain ALL that Jesus taught . Which ALL must , in the narrowest sense , that can be given it , contain at least all things necessary to make a Man a Christian. 'T would else be a very lame and imperfect History of ALL that Jesus taught ; if the Faith contained in it were not sufficient to make a Man a Christian. This indeed , as the Unmasker hath been pleased to term it , would be a very lank Faith , a very lank Gospel . St. Iohn also says thus of his History of the Gospel , Ch. XX. 30 , 31. Many other signs truly did Iesus in the presence of his Disciples , which are not written in this Book : So far his History is by his own Confession concise . But these , says he , are written , that ye might believe , that Iesus is the Messiah the Son of God , and that believing ye might have life through his Name . As concise as it was , there was yet ( if the Apostle's word may be taken for it against the Unm●sker's ) enough contain'd in his Gospel , for the procuring of eternal life to those who believed it . And whether it was that one Article that he there sets down , viz. That Iesus was the Messiah , or that Set of Articles which the Unm●sker gives us , I shall leave to this Modern Divine to resolve . And if he thinks still , that all the Articles he has set down in his Roll , are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , I must desire him to shew them to me in St. Iohn's Gospel , or else to convince the World , that St. Iohn was mistaken , when he said , that he had written his Gospel , that Men might believe that Iesus is the Messiah the Son of God , and that believing they might have life thorugh his Name . So that granting the History of the Scripture to be so concise as the Unmasker would have it , viz. That in some places the infallible Writers , recording the Discourses of our Saviour and his Apostles , omitted all the other Fundamental Articles propos'd by them to be believed to make Men Christians , but this one , that Iesus was the Messiah ; Yet this will not remove the Objection that lies against his other Fundamentals , which are not to be found in the Histories of the Four Evangelists ; nay , which are not to be found in every one of them . If every one of them contains the Gospel of Jesus Christ , and consequently all things necessary to Salvation , Whether this will not be a new ground of Accusation against me , and give the Unmasker a right to charge me with laying by three of the Gospels with contempt , as well as he did before charge me with a contempt of the Epistles , must be left to his soveraign Authority to determine . Having shew'd , that allowing all he says here to be as he would have it , yet it clears not the Objection , that lies against his Fundamentals ; I shall now examine what truth there is , in what he here pretends , viz. that though the one Article , that Jesus is the Messiah , be mention'd alone in some places , yet we have reason to be perswaded from the conciseness of the Scripture History , that there were at the same time join'd with it other necessary Articles of Faith in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles . It is to be observed , that the Unmasker builds upon this false Supposition , that in some places other necessary Articles of Faith join'd with that of Iesus the Messiah , are by the Evangelists mention'd to be propos'd by our Saviour and his Apostles , as necessary to be believed to make those they Preach'd to Christians . For his saying , that in some places that one necessary Article is mention'd alone , implies that in other places it is not mention'd alone , but join'd with other necessary Articles . And then it will remain upon him to shew , XXXVI . In what place either of the Gospels or of the Acts , other Articles of Faith are join'd with this , and propos'd as necessary to be believed to make Men Christians . The Unmasker , 't is probable , will tell us , that the Article of Christ's Resurrection is sometimes join'd with this of the Messiah , as particularly in that first Sermon of St. Peter , Acts II. by which there were Three Thousand added to the Church at one time . Answ. This Sermon well consider'd , will explain to us both the Preaching of the Apostles , what it was that they propos'd to their unbelieving Auditors to make them Christians ; and also the manner of St. Luke's recording their Sermons . 'T is true , that here are deliver'd by St. Peter many other Matters of Faith besides that of Iesus being the Messiah : For all that he said being of Divine Authority , is Matter of Faith , and may not be disbelieved . The first Part of his Discourse , is to prove to the Iews , that what they had observed of Extraordinary at that time amongst the Disciples , who spake variety of Tongues , did not proceed from Wine , but from the Holy Ghost ; And that this was the pouring out of the Spirit prophesied of by the Prophet Ioel. This is all Matter of Faith , and is written , that it might be believed : But yet , I think , that neither the Unmasker , nor any body else will say , that this is such a necessary Article of Faith , that no Man could without an explicit belief of it , be a Christian : Though being a Declaration of the Holy Ghost by St. Peter , it is so much a Matter of Faith , that no body , to whom it is now propos'd , can deny it and be a Christian. And thus all the Scripture of the New Testament , given by Divine Inspiration is Matter of Faith , and necessary to be believed by all Christians to whom it is propos'd . But yet I do not think any one so unreasonable as to say , that every Proposition in the New Testament is a Fundamental Article of Faith , which is required explicitly to be believed to make a Man a Christian . Here now is a matter of Faith join'd , in the same Sermon , with this Fundamental Article that Iesus is the Messiah ; And reported by the Sacred Historian so at large , that it takes up a Third part of St. Peter's Sermon recorded by St. Luke ; And yet it is such a matter of Faith , as is not contain'd in the Unmasker's Catalogue of necessary Articles . I must ask him then , whether St. Luke were so concise an Historian , that he would so at large set down a matter of Faith propos'd by St. Peter , that was not necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , and wholly leave out the very mention of all the Unmasker's additional necessary Articles , if indeed they were necessary to be believed to make Men Christians ? I know not how any one could charge the Historian with greater unfaithfulness , or greater folly . But this the Unmasker sticks not at , to preserve to himself the Power of appointing , what shall , and what shall not be necessary Articles ; and of making his System the Christianity necessary , and only necessary to be received . The next thing that St. Peter proceeds to in this his Sermon is , to declare to the Unbelieving Iews , that Iesus of Nazareth , who had done Miracles amongst them , whom they had Crucified and put to Death , and whom God had raised again from the Dead , was the Messiah . Here indeed our Saviour's Crucifixion , Death , and Resurrection are mentioned : And if they were no where else recorded , are matters of Faith ; which , with all the rest of the New Testament , ought to be believed by every Christian to whom it is thus propos'd ; as a part of Divine Revelation . But that these were not here propos'd to the Unbelieving Iews , as the Fundamental Articles , which St. Peter principally aimed at , and endeavoured to convince them of , is evident from hence ; That they are made use of as Arguments to perswade them of this Fundamental Truth , viz. That Iesus was the Messiah , whom they ought to take for their Lord and Ruler . For whatsoever is brought as an Argument to prove another Truth , cannot be thought to be the principal thing aimed at in that argumentation ; though it may have so strong and immediate a connexion with the Conclusion , that you cannot deny it without denying even what is inferr'd from it , and is therefore the fitter to be an Argument to prove it . But that our Saviour's Crucifixion , Death , and Resurrection , were used here as Arguments to perswade them into a belief of this Fundamental Article , that Iesus was the Messiah ; and not as Propositions of a new Faith they were to receive ; is evident from hence , that they Preach'd here to those who knew the Death and Crucifixion of Iesus , as well as Peter : And therefore these could not be propos'd to them as new Articles of Faith to be believed : But those Matters of Fact , being what the Iews knew already , were a good Argument joyn'd with his Resurrection to convince them of that truth , which he endeavoured to give them a Belief of . And therefore he rightly inferred from these Facts joined together , this Conclusion , the believing whereof would make them Christians . Therefore let all the House of Israel know assuredly , that God hath made that same Iesus , whom ye have crucified , Lord and Christ. To the making good this sole Proposition his whole Discourse tended : This was the sole Truth he laboured to convince them of : This the Faith he endeavoured to bring them into ; which as soon as they had received with Repentance , they were by Baptism admitted into the Church , and three Thousand at once made Christians . Here St. Luke's own Confession , without that of intelligent and observing men , which the Unmasker has recourse to , might have satisfied him again , that in relating matters of Fact , many passages are omitted by the sacred Pen-men . For says St. Luke here v. 40. And with many other words , which are not set down . One would at first sight , wonder why the Unmasker neglects these demonstrative Authorities of the Holy Pen-men themselves , where they own their Omissions , to tell , us , that it is confessed by all intelligent and observing men , that in relating matters of Fact , many Passages are omitted by the sacred Pen-men . St. Iohn in what he says of his Gospel , directly professes large Omissions , and so does St. Luke here . But these Omissions would not serve the Unmasker's turn : For they are directly against him , and what he would have : And therefore he had reason to pass them by . For St. Iohn , in that passage above-cited , Ch. XX. 30 , 31. tells us , that how much soever he had left out of his History , he had incerted that , which was enough to be believed to eternal Life . But these are written that ye might believe , and believing ye might have life . But this is not all he assures us of , viz. That he had recorded all that was necessary to be believed to eternal Life : But he in express words , tells us what is that ALL that is necessary to be believed to eternal Life ; and for the Proof of which Proposition alone , he writ all the rest of his Gospel , viz. That we might believe . What ? Even this . That Iesus is the Christ the Son of God , and that believing this we might have life through his Name . This may serve for a Key to us , in reading the History of the New Testament ; And shew us , why this Article that Iesus was the Messiah , is no where omitted , though a great part of the Arguments used to convince Men of it , nay very often th● whole Discourse ▪ made to lead Men into the Belief of it , be entirely omitted . The Spirit of God directed them every where to set down the Article , which was absolutely necessary to be believed to make Men Christians ; So that That could no ways be doubted of nor mistaken ; But the Arguments , and Evidences , which were to lead Men into this Faith , would be sufficient , if they were once found any where , though scattered here and there in those Writings , whereof that infallible Spirit was the Author . This preserved the Decorum used in all Histories , and avoided those continual large and unnecessary Repetitions , which our critical Unmasker might have call'd tedious , with juster Reason , than he does the Repetition of this short Proposition , that Iesus is the Messiah ; which I set down no oftner in my Book , than the Holy Ghost thought fit to insert in the History of the New Testament , as concise as it is . But this it seems to our Nice Unmasker , is tedious , tedious and offensive . And if a Christian and a Successor of the Apostles cannot bear the being so often told , what it was , that our Saviour and his Apostles every where preach'd to the Believers of one God , though it be contain'd in one short Proposition ; What cause of Exception , and disgust would it have been to Heathen Readers , some whereof might perhaps have been as Critical as the Unmasker , if this sacred History had in every Page been filled with the repeated Discourses of the Apostles , all of them every where to the same purpose , viz. to perswade Men to believe , that Iesu● was the Messiah ? It was necessary even by the Laws of History , as often as their preaching any where was mention'd to tell to what purpose they spoke ; which being always to convince Men of this one Fundamental Truth , 't is no wonder , we find it so often repeated . But the Arguments and Reasonings , with which this one Point is urged , are , as they ought to be , in most places left out . A constant Repetition of them had been superfluous , and consequently might justly have been blam'd as tedious . But there is enough recorded aboundantly to convince any rational Man , any one not willfully blind , that he is that promised Saviour . And in this we have a reason of the Omissions in the History of the New Testament ; which were no other than such , as became prudent , as well as faithful Writers . Much less did that Conciseness ( with which the Vnmasker would cover his bold Censure of the Gospels and the Acts , and as it seems , lay them by with Contempt ) make the holy Writers omit any thing , in the preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , absolutely necessary to be known , and believed to make Men Christians . Conformable hereunto , we shall find St. Luke writes his History of the Acts of the Apostles . In the beginning of it he sets down at large some of the Discourses made to the unbelieving Iews . But in most other Places , unless it be where there was something particular in the Circumstances of the Matter , he contents himself to tell to what purpose they spoke : Which was every where only this , That Iesus was the Messiah . Nay , St. Luke in the first Speech of St. Peter , Act. 11. which he thought fit to give us a great part of , yet owns the Omission of several things , that the Apostle said . For having expressed this Fundamental Doctrine , That Iesus was the Messiah , and recorded several of the Arguments wherewith St. Peter urged it for the Conversion of the unbelieving Iews his Auditors , he adds v. 40. And with many other words did he testifie and exhort saying , Save your selves from this untoward Generation . Here he confesses , that he omitted a great deal which St. Peter had said to perswade them . To what ? To that which in other words he had just said before v. 38. Repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of Iesus Christ , i. e. Believe Iesus to be the Messiah , take him as such for your Lord and King , and reform your Lives by a sincere Resolution of Obedience to his Laws . Thus we have an account of the Omissions in the Records of Matters of Fact in the New Testament . But will the Unmasker say , that the preaching of those Articles , that he has given us as necessary to be believ'd to make a Man a Christian , was part of those Matters of Fact , which have been omitted in the History of the New Testament ? Can any one think that the Corruption and Degeneracy of humane Nature , with the true Original of it ( the Defection of our first Parents ) the Propagation of Sin and Mortality , our Restoration and Reconciliation by Christ's blood , the Eminency and Excellency of his Priesthood , the Efficacy of his Death , the full Satisfaction thereby made to divine Iustice , and his being made an all-sufficient Sacrifice for Sin , our Iustification by Christ's Righteousness , Election , Adoption , &c. were all proposed , and that too in the Sense of our Authors System , by our Saviour and his Apostles , as Fundamental Articles of Faith , necessary to be explicitely believed by every Man , to make him a Christian , in all their Discourses to Unbelievers ; And yet that the inspired Pen-men of those Histories every where , left the mention of these Fundamental Articles wholly out ? This would have been to have writ not a concise , but an imperfect History of all , that Iesus and his Apostles taught . What an account would it have been of the Gospel , as it was first preached and propagated , if the greatest part of the necessary Doctrines of it were wholly left out , and a Man could not find from one end to the other of this whole History , that Religion , which is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ? And yet this is that , which under the Notion of their being concise , the Vnmasker would perswade us to have been done by St. Luke and the other Evangelists in their Histories . And 't is no less than what he plainly says in his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism , p. 109. Where to aggravate my Fault in passing by the Epistles , and to shew the Necessity of searchin them for Fundamentals , he in words blames me ; But in effect , condemns the Sacred History contain'd in the Gospels and the Acts. It is most evident , says he , to any thinking Man , that the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity purposely omits the Epistolary Writings of the Apostles , because they are fraught with other Fundamental Doctrines besides that one which he mentions . There we are instructed concerning these grand heads of Christian Divinity . Here i. e. in the Epistles , says he , There are Discoveries concerning Satisfaction , &c. and in the close of his List of his Grand Heads , as he calls them , some whereof I have above set down out of him , he adds , These are the Matters of Faith contained in the Epistles . By all which Expressions he plainly signifies , that these , which he calls Fundamental Doctrines , are none of those , we are instructed in , in the Gospels and the Acts ; that they are not discover'd nor contain'd in the historical Writings of the Evangelists . Whereby he confesses , that either our Saviour and his Apostles did not propose them in their Preachings to their unbelieving Hearers ; or else , that the several faithful Writers of their History , willfully , i. e. unfaithfully , every where omitted them in the account they have left us of those Preachings ; Which could scarce possibly be done by them all , and every where , without an actual Combination amongst them to smother the greatest and most material parts of our Saviour's and his Apostles Discourses . For what else did they , if all that the Unmasker has set down in his List be Fundamental Doctrines ; every one of them absolutely necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; which our Saviour and his Apostles every where preached to make Men Christians ; but yet St. Luke and the other Evangelists , by a very guilty , and unpardonable Conciseness , every where omitted them ; and throughout their whole History never once tell us , they were so much as proposed ; much less that they were those Articles , which the Apostles laboured to establish and convince Men of every where , before they admitted them to Baptism ? Nay , the far greatest part of them the History , they writ , does not any where so much as once mention ? How after such an Imputation as this the Unmasker will clear himself from laying by the four Gospels and the Acts with contempt let him look ; if my not collecting Fundamentals out of the Epistles had that Guilt in it . For I never denied all the Fundamental Doctrines to be there ; but only said , that there they were not easie to be found out ; and distinguished from Doctrines not Fundamental . Whereas our good Vnmasker charges the historical Books of the New Testament with a total Omission of the far greatest part of those Fundamental Doctrines of Christianity , which he says are absolutely necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. To convince the Reader what was absolutely required to be believed to make a Man a Christian , and thereby clear the holy Writers from the Unmasker's Slander , any one need but look a little further into the History of the Acts , and observe St. Luke's Method in the Writing of it . In the beginning ( as we observed before ) and in some few other places , he sets down at large the Discourses made by the Preachers of Christianity to their unbelieving Auditors . But in the Process of his History , he generally contents himself to relate , what it was their Discourses drive at ; what was the Doctrine they endeavour'd to convince their unbelieving Hearers of , to make them Believers . This we may observe is never omitted . This is every where set down . Thus Acts V. 42. he tells us , that daily in the Temple , and in every house the Apostles ceased not to teach , and to preach IESUS THE MESSIAH . The particulars of their Discourses he omits , and the Arguments they used to induce Men to believe he omits : But never fails to inform us carefully what it was the Apostles taught and preach'd , and would have Men believe . The account he gives us of St. Paul's Preaching at Thessalonica , is this : That three Sabbath Days he REASON'D with the Iews out of the Scriptures , OPENING and ALLEDGING that the Messiah must needs have Suffer'd and risen again from the Dead ; and that Iesus was the Messiah , Act. XVII . 2 , 3. At Corinth , That he REASON'D in the Synagogue every Sabbath , and PERSWADED the Iews and the Greeks , and TESTIFIED that Iesus was the Messiah . XVIII . 4 , 5. That Apollos mightily convinced the Iews , SHEWING BY THE SCRIPTURES that Iesus was the Messiah , XVIII . 27. By these , and the like places , we may be satisfied what it was that the Apostles Taught and Preach'd , even this one Proposition that Iesus was the Messiah ; For this was the sole Proposition they reason'd about ; this alone they testified , and they shew'd out of the Scriptures ; and of this alone they endeavour'd to convince the Iews and the Greeks , that believed one God. So that it is plain from hence , that St. Luke omitted nothing , that the Apostles Taught and Preach'd ; none of those Doctrines , that it was necessary to convince Unbelievers of , to make them Christians : Though he in most places omitted , as was fit , the Passages of Scripture which they alledg'd , and the Arguments those inspired Preachers used to perswade Men to believe and imbrace that Doctrine . Another convincing Argument , to shew that St. Luke omitted none of those Fundamental Doctrines which the Apostles any where propos'd as necessary to be believed , is from that different account he gives us of their Preaching in other places , and to Auditors otherwise dispos'd . Where the Apostles had to do with Idolatrous Heathens , who were not yet come to the knowledge of the only true God , there he tells us they propos'd also the Article of the one Invisible God , Maker of Heaven and Earth : And this we find recorded in him out of their Preaching to the Lystrians , Act. XIV . and to the Athenians , Act. XVII . In the later of which St. Luke , to convince his Reader that he out of conciseness omits none of those Fundamental Articles , that were any where propos'd by the Preachers of the Gospel as necessary to be believed to make Men Christians , sets down not only the Article of Iesus the Messiah , but that also of the one invisible God , Creator of all things , which ( if any necessary one might ) this of all other Fundamental Articles might by an Author , that affected brevity , with the fairest excuse have been omitted , as being implied in that other of the Messiah ordained by God. Indeed , in the Story of what Paul and Barnabas said at Lystra , the Article of the Messiah is not mention'd . Not that St. Luke omitted that Fundamental Article , where the Apostles taught it : But they having here begun their Preaching with that of the one living God , they had not , as appears , time to proceed farther , and propose to them what yet remain'd to make them Christians : But they were , by the instigation of the Iews , fallen upon , and Paul stoned , before he could come to open to them this other Fundamental Article of the Gospel . This by the way shews the Unmasker's Mistake in his first Particular , p. 74. where he says ( as he does here again in his second Particular , which we are now examining ) that believing Iesus to be the Messiah is the first step to Christianity ; and therefore this , rather than any other , was propounded to be believed by all those , whom either our Saviour , or the Apostles , invited to imbrace Christianity . The contrary whereof appears here ; Where the Article of one God is proposed in the first place , to those whose Unbelief made such a proposal necessary . And therefore if his Reason ( which he uses again here , p. 76. ) were good , viz. That the Article of the Messiah is expresly mention'd alone , because it is a leading Article and makes way for the rest , this Reason would rather conclude for the Article of one God : And that alone should be expresly mentioned instead of the other . Since as he argues for the other , p. 74. if they did not believe this in the first place , viz. That there was one God , there could be no hopes that they would attend unto any other Proposal relating to the Christian Religion . The Vanity and Falshood of which reasoning , viz. That the Article of Jesus the Messiah was every where propounded rather than any other , because it was the leading Article , we see in the History of St. Paul's Preaching to the Athenians . St. Luke mentions more than one Article , where more than one was propos'd by St. Paul ; though the first of them was that leading Article of one God , which if not received in the first place , there could be no hope they would attend to the rest . Something the Unmasker would make of this Argument of a leading Article for want of a better , though he knows not what . In his first particular , p. 74. he makes use of it to shew , why there was but that one Article propos'd by the first Preachers of the Gospel , and how well that succeeds with him we have seen . For this is Demonstration , that if there were but that one propos'd by our Saviour and the Apostles , there was but that one necessary to be believed to make Men Christians : Unless he will impiously say that our Saviour and the Apostles went about Preaching to no purpose . For if they propos'd not all that was necessary to make Men Christians , 't was in vain for them to Preach , and others to Hear ; if when they heard and believ'd all that was propos'd to them , they were not yet Christians : For if any Article was omitted in the Proposal , which was necessary to make a Man a Christian , though they believed all that was proposed to them , they could not yet be Christians ; unless a Man can from an Infidel become a Christian , without doing what is necessary to make him a Christian. Further , if his Argument of its being a leading Article proves , that that alone was propos'd , It is a Contradiction to give it as a Reason , why it was set down alone , by the Historian where it was not proposed alone by the Preacher , but other necessary matters of Faith were propos'd with it ; unless it can be true that this Article of Iesus is the Messiah , was propos'd alone by our Saviour and his Apostles , because it was a leading Article , and was mention'd alone in the History of what they preach'd , because it was a leading Article , though it were not propos'd alone , but jointly with other necessary matters of Faith. For this is the use he makes here again , p. 76. of his leading Article under his second Particular , viz. To shew why the Historians mention'd this necessary Article , of Iesus the Messiah , alone , in places where the Preachers of the Gospel propos'd it not alone , but with other necessary Articles . But in this latter case it has no shew of a Reason at all . It may be granted as reasonable for the Teachers of any Religion not to go any farther , where they see the first Article which they propose is rejected , where the leading Truth , on which all the rest depends , is not received . But it can be no reason at all for an Historian who writes the History of these first Preachers , to set down only the one first and leading Article and omit all the rest , in instances where more were not only propos'd , but believed and imbraced , and upon that the Hearers and Believers admitted into the Church . 'T is not for Historians to put any distinction between leading or not leading Articles ; But if they will give a true and useful account of the Religion , whose Original they are writing , and of the Converts made to it , they must tell , not one , but all those necessary Articles , upon assent to which Converts were Baptized into that Religion , and admitted into the Church . Whoever says otherwise , accuses them of falsifying the Story , misleading the Readers , and giving a wrong account of the Religion which they pretend to teach the World , and to preserve and propagate to future Ages . This ( if it were so ) no pretence of conciseness could excuse or palliate . There is yet remaining one Consideration , which were sufficient of it self to convince us , that it was the sole Article of Faith which was preach'd ; And that if there had been other Articles necessary to be known and believed by Converts , they could not upon any pretence of conciseness be supposed to be omitted : And that is the Commissions of those , that were sent to Preach the Gospel . Which since the Sacred Historians mention , they cannot be suppos'd to leave out any of the material and main Heads of those Commissions . St. Luke records it , Ch. IV. 43. that our Saviour says of himself , I must go unto the other Towns to tell the good news of the Kingdom , for ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) upon this Errand am I SENT . This St. Mark calls simply Preaching . This Preaching what it contain'd St. Matthew tells us , Ch. IV. 23. And Iesus went about all Galilee , teaching in their Synagogues , and preaching the good news of the Kingdom , and healing all manner of Sickness , and all manner of Diseases amongst the People . Here we have his Commission , or End of his being sent , and the Execution of it : Both terminating in this , that he declar'd the good News that the Kingdom of the Messiah was come ; and gave them to understand by the Miracles he did , that he himself was he . Nor does St. Matthew seem to affect such conciseness , that he would have left it out , if the Gospel had contained any other Fundamental Parts , necessary to be believed to make Men Christians . For he here says , all manner of Sickness , and all manner of Disease , when either of them might have been better left out , than any necessary Article of the Gospel to make his History concise . We see what our Saviour was sent for . In the next place , let us look into the Commission he gave the Apostles , when he sent them to Preach the Gospel . We have it in the X. of St. Matthew , in these words ; Go not into the way of the Gentiles , and into any City of the Samaritans enter ye not . But go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel . And as ye go PREACH , SAYING THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN IS AT HAND . Heal the Sick , cleanse the Lepers , raise the Dead , cast out Devils : Freely have ye received freely give . Provide neither Gold , nor Silver , nor Brass in your Purses ; nor Scrip in your journey ; neither two Coats , neither Shooes nor yet Staves ( for the Workman is worthy of his meat ) . And into whatsoever City or Town ye shall enter , enquire who in it is worthy , and there abide till ye go thence . And when ye come into any house salute it . And if the house be worthy , let your peace come upon it : But if it be not worthy , let your peace return to you . And whosoever shall not receive you , nor hear your words ; When ye depart out of that house or City , shake off the dust of your feet . Verily , I say unto you , It shall be more tolerable for the Land of Sodom and Gomorrha , in the day of judgment , than for that City . Behold , I send you forth as Sheep in the midst of Wolves : Be ye therefore wise as Serpents , and harmless as Doves . But beware of Men , for they will deliver you up to the Councils , and they will scourge you in their Synagogues . And ye shall be brought before Governours , and Kings for my sake , for a Testimony against them and the Gentiles . But when they deliver you up , take no thought how or what ye shall speak ; for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall speak . For it is not ye that speak , but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh in you . And the Brother shall deliver up the Brother to Death , and the Father the Child : and the Children shall rise up against the Parents , and cause them to be put to Death . And ye shall be hated of all men for my Name 's sake : But he that endureth to the end shall be saved . But when they persecute you in this City , flee ye into another : For verily I say unto you , ye shall not have gone over the Cities of Israel till the Son of man be come . The Disciple is not above his Master , nor the Servant above his Lord. It is enough for the Disciple that he be as his Master , and the Servant as his Lord. If they have called the Master of the house Beelzebub , how much more shall they call them of his houshold ? Fear them not therefore : For there is nothing covered , that shall not be revealed ; and hid , that shall not be known . What I tell you in darkness , that speak ye in light : And what ye hear in the ear , that preach ye upon the house tops . And fear not them which kill the Body , but are not able to kill the Soul : But rather fear him which is able to destroy both Soul and body in Hell. Are not two Sparrows sold for a farthing ; And one of them shall not fall on the ground without your Father ? But the very hairs of your head are all numbred . Fear ye not therefore , ye are of more value than many Sparrows . Whosoever therefore shall confess me before men , him will I confess also before my Father which is in Heaven . But whosoever shall deny me before men , him will I also deny before my Father which is in Heaven . Think not that I am come to send peace on Earth ; I came not to send peace but a sword . For I am come to set a man at variance against his Father , and the Daughter against her Mother , and the Daughter-in Law against the Mother in Law. And a man's foes shall be they of his own houshold . He that loveth Father and Mother more than me , is not worthy of me . And he that loveth Son or Daughter more than me , is not worthy of me . And he that taketh not his Cross and followeth after me , is not worthy of me : He that findeth his life shall lose it : And he that loseth his life for my sake shall find it . He that receiveth you receiveth me , and he that receiveth me receiveth him that sent me . He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet , shall receive a Prophets reward ; and he that receiveth a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . And whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones a cup of cold water only , in the name of a Disciple , verily I say unto you , he shall in no wise lose his reward . And it came to pass when Iesus had made an end of Commanding his twelve Disciples . This is the Commission our Saviour gave the Apostles when he sent them abroad to recover , and save the l●st Sheep of the house of Israel . And will any of the Unmasker's intelligent and observing Men say , that the History of the Scripture is so concise , that any passages , any essential , any material , nay any parts at all of the Apostles Commission are here omitted by the Sacred Penman ? This Commission is set down so at full , and so particularly , that S. Matthew , who was one of them to whom it was given , seems not to have left out one word of all , that our Saviour gave them in charge . And it is so large , even to every particular Article of their Instructions , that I doubt not but my citing so much , verbatim out of the Sacred Text , will here again be troublesome to the Unmasker . But whether he will venture again to call it tedious , must be as Nature or Caution happen to have the better on 't . Can any one who reads this Commission , unless he hath the Brains as well as the Brow of an Unmasker , alledge that the conciseness of the History of the Scripture has concealed from us those Fundamental Doctrines , which our Saviour and his Apostles Preach'd ; but the Sacred Historians thought fit by consent , for unconceivable Reasons , to leave out in the Narrative they give us , of those Preachings ? This Passage here wholly confuteth that . They could Preach nothing , but what they were sent to Preach : And that we see is contain'd in these few words , Preach , saying the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand . Heal the Sick , cleanse the Lepers , raise the Dead , cast out Devils , i. e. Acquaint them , that the Kingdom of the Messiah is come , and let them know by the Miracles , you do in my Name , that I am that King and Deliverer they expect . If there were any other necessary Articles , that were to be believed , for the saving of the lost Sheep they were sent to , can one think that St. Matthew , who sets down so minutely every Circumstance of their Commission , would have omitted the most important , and material of it ? He was an ear Witness , and one that was sent ; And so ( without supposing him inspired ) could not be misled by the short account he might receive from others , who by their own , or others forgetfulness might have drop'd those other Fundamental Articles , that the Apostles were order'd to Preach . The very like account St. Luke gives us of our Saviours Commission to the Seventy , Ch. X. 1 , — 16. After these things the Lord appointed other seventy also , and sent them two and two before his face into every city and place whither he himself would come . Therefore said he unto them , The harvest truly is great , but the labourers are few : Pray ye therefore the Lord of the h●rvest , that he would send forth labourers into his harvest . Go your ways : behold , I send you forth as Lambs among Wolves . Carry neither purse , nor scrip , nor shooes : and salute no man by the way . And into whatsoever house ye enter , first say , Peace be to this house . And if the son of peace be there , your peace shall rest upon it ; if not , it shall return to you again . And in the same house remain eating and drinking such things as they give : for the labourer is worthy of his hire . Go not from house to house . And into whatsoever city ye enter and they receive you , eat such things as are set before you . And heal the sick that are therein , and SAY VNTO THEM , THE KINGDOM OF GOD IS COME NIGH VNTO YOV . But in whatsoever city ye enter , and they receive you not , go your ways out into the streets of the same and say , Even the very dust of your city which cleaveth on us , we do wipe off against you : Notwithstanding , be ye sure of this , that the Kingdom of God is come nigh unto you . But I say unto you , that it shall be more tolerable in that day for Sodom than for that city . Wo unto thee Chorazin , Wo unto thee Bethsaida : For if the mighty works had been done in Tyre and Sidon , which have been done in you , they had a great while ago repented , sitting in sackcloth and ashes . But it shall be more tolerable for Tyre and Sidon at the judgment than for you . And thou Capernaum , which art exalted to Heaven , shalt be thrust down to Hell. He that heareth you , heareth me : and he that despiseth you despiseth me : and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me . Our Saviour's Commission here to the Seventy , whom he sent to Preach , is so exactly conformable to that which he had before given to the Twelve Apostles , that there needs but this one thing more to be observed , to convince any one , that they were sent to convert their Hearers to this sole belief , that the Kingdom of the Messiah was come , and that Iesus was the Messiah . And that the Historians of the New Testament are not so concise in their account of this Matter , that they would have omitted any other necessary Articles of Belief , that had been given the Seventy in Commission . That which I mean is , the Kingdom of the Messiah is twice mentioned in it to be come , v. 9. & 11. If there were other Articles given them by our Saviour to propose to their Hearers , St. Luke must be very fond of this one Article , when for conciseness sake , leaving out the other Fundamental Articles that our Saviour gave them in charge to Preach , he repeats this more than once . The Unmasker's Third Particular , p. 76. begins thus ; This also must be thought of , that though there are several parts and members of the Christian Faith , yet they do not all occur in any one place of Scripture . Something is in it ( whether owing to his Will , or Understanding , I shall not enquire ) that the Unmasker always delivers himself in doubtful , and ambiguous terms . It had been as easie for him to have said , There are several Articles of the Christian Faith , necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , as to say ( as he does here ) There are several parts and members of the Christian Faith. But as an evidence of the clearness of his Notions , or the fairness of his Arguing , he always rests in generals . There are , I grant , several parts and members of the Christian Faith , which do no more occur in any one place of Scripture , than the whole New Testament can be said to occur in any one place of Scripture . For every Proposition deliver'd in the New Testament for Divine Revelation , is a part and member of the Christian Faith. But 't is not those parts and members of the Christian Faith we are speaking of ; But only such parts and members of the Christian Faith , as are absolutely necessary to be believed by every Man , before he can be a Christian. And in that sense I deny his Assertion to be true , viz. That they do not occur in any one place of Scripture . For they do all occur in that first Sermon of St. Peter , Act. II. 11. by which Three Thousand were at that time brought into the Church , and that in these words , Therefore let all the house of Israel know assuredly , that God hath made that same Iesus , whom you have Crucified , Lord and Christ. Repent and be baptized every one of you in the Name of Iesus Christ. Here is the Doctrine of Jesus the Messiah , the Lord , and of Repentance propos'd , to those who already believe one God ; Which I say , are all the parts of the Christian Faith necessary to be received to make a Man a Christian. To suppose , as the Unmasker does here , that more is required , is to beg , not prove the Question . If he disputes this Collection of mine out of that Sermon of St. Peter , I will give him a more authentick Collection of the necessary parts of the Christian Faith from an Author that he will not question . Let him look into Act. 20. 20 , &c. and there he will find St. Paul saying thus to the Elders of Ephesus , whom he was taking his last leave of , with an Assurance , that he should never see them again . I have kept back nothing that was profitable unto you . But have shew'd you , and have taught you publickly and from house to house , testifying both to the Iews , and also to the Greeks , repentance towards God , and Faith towards our Lord Iesus Christ. If St. Paul knew what was necessary to make a Christian , here it is : Here he ( if he knew how to do it , for 't is plain from his words he designed to do it ) has put it together . But there is a greater yet than St. Paul , who has brought all the parts of Faith necessary to Salvation into one place , I mean our Saviour himself , Ioh. XVII . 13. in these words . This is Life eternal , that they might know thee the only true God , and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent . But the Unmasker goes on . Therefore when in some places , only one single part of the Christian Faith is made mention of , as necessarily to be imbrac'd in order to Salvation , we must be careful not to take it alone , but to supply it from several other Places , which make mention of other necessary and indispensable points of belief . I will give the Reader a plain instance of this , Rom. X. 9. If thou shalt believe in thy heart , that God hath rais'd him ( i. e. the Lord Iesus ) from the dead thou shalt be saved . Here one Article of Faith , viz. the belief of Christ's resurrection ( because it is of so great Importance in Christianity ) is only mention'd : But all the rest must be supposed , because they are mention'd in other places . Answ. One would wonder that any one conversant in holy Writ , with ever so little Attention ; much more that an Expounder of the Scriptures should so mistake the sense and stile of the Scripture . Believing Iesus to be the Messiah with a lively Faith , i. e. as I have shew'd , taking him to be our King , with a sincere submission to the Laws of his Kingdom , is all that is required to make a Man a Christian ; for this includes repentance too . The believing him therefore to be the Messiah , is very often , and with great reason , put both for Faith and Repentance too ; which are sometimes set down singly , where one is put for both , as implying the other : And sometimes they are both mention'd ; and then Faith , as contradistinguish'd to Repentance , is taken for a simple Assent of the mind to this Truth that Iesus is the Messiah . Now this Faith is variously expressed in Scripture . There are some particulars in the History of our Saviour allow'd to be so peculiarly appropriated to the Messiah , such incommunicable marks of him , that to believe them of Iesus of Nazareth was in effect the same , as to believe him to be the Messiah , and so are put to express it . The principal of these is his Resurrection from the dead , which being the great : and demonstrative Proof of his being the Messiah , 't is not at all strange , that the believing his Resurrection should be put for believing him to be the Messiah : Since the declaring his Resurrection was a declaring him to be the Messiah . For thus St. Paul argues , Act. XIII . 32 , 33. We declare unto you good tidings , or we preach the Gospel to you , for so the word signifies , how that the promise that was made unto the Fathers , God hath fullfilled the same unto us their children , in that he hath raised up Iesus again . The force of which Argument lies in this , that if Iesus was raised from the dead , then he was certainly the Messiah : And thus the promise of the Messiah was fullfilled in raising Iesus from the dead . The like Argument St. Paul useth , 1 Cor. XV. 17. If Christ be not raised , your faith is vain , you are yet in your Sins . i. e. If Iesus be not risen from the dead , he is not the Messiah , your believing it is in vain , and you will receive no benefit by that Faith. And so likewise from the same Argument of his Resurrection , he at Thessalonica proves him to be the Messiah , Act. XVII . 2 , 3. And Paul , as his manner was , went into the Synagogue , and three Sabbath Days reasoned with the Jews out of the Scriptures , opening and alledging that the Messiah must needs have suffered , and risen again from the dead : And that this Iesus whom I preach unto you is the Messiah . The necessary Connection of these two , that if he rose from the dead he was the Messiah ; And if he rose not from the dead he was not the Messiah ; The chief Priest and Pharisees , that had prosecuted him to Death , understood very well , who therefore came together unto Pilate saying , Sir , we remember that that deceiver said , whilst he was yet alive , after three days I will rise again . Command therefore that the Sepulchre be made sure unto the third day , least his disciples come by night and steal him away , and say unto the people , he is risen from the dead : So the last error shall be worse than the first . The error they here speak of , 't is plain , was the opinion , that he was the Messiah . To stop that Belief , which his Miracles had procured him amongst the People , they had got him put to Death : But if after that , it should be believed , that he rose again from the dead , this demonstration that he was the Messiah , would but establish what they had laboured to destroy , by his Death : Since no one , who believed his Resurrection , could doubt of his being the Messiah . 'T is not at all therefore to be wonder'd , that his Resurrection , his Ascension , his Rule and Dominion , and his coming to judge the quick and the dead , which are Characteristical marks of the Messiah , and belong peculiarly to him , should sometimes in Scripture be put alone as sufficient descriptions of the Messiah ; And the believing them of him put for believing him to be the Messiah . Thus , Acts X. our Saviour in Peter's Discourse to Cornelius , when he brought him the Gospel , is describ'd to be the Messiah , by his Miracles , Death , Resurrection , Dominion , and coming to judge the quick and the dead . These , ( which in my Reasonableness of Christianity , I have upon this ground taken the Liberty to call concomitant Articles ) where they are set alone for the Faith to which Salvation is promis'd , plainly signifie the believing Iesus to be the Messiah , that Fundamental Article which has the promise of Life ; And so give no Foundation at all for what the Unmasker says , in these words . Here one Article of Faith , viz. The belief of Christ's Resurrection ( because it is of so great Importance in Christianity ) is only mention'd ; but all the rest must be suppos'd , because they are mention'd in other places . Answ. If all the rest be of absolute , and indispensible Necessity to be believed to make a Man a Christian , all the rest are every one of them of equal importance . For things of equal Necessity to any end , are of equal Importance to that end . But here the Truth forced its way unawares from the Unmasker . Our Saviour's Resurrection , for the reason I have given , is truly of great importance in Christianity ; so great , that his being or not being the Messiah stands or falls with it : So that these two important Articles are inseparable , and in effect make but one . For since that time , believe one and you believe both ; Deny one of them and you can believe neither . If the Unmasker can shew me any one of the Articles in his List , which is not of this great importance mention'd alone with a promise of Salvation for believing it , I will grant him to have some colour for what he says here . But where is to be found in the Scripture any such Expression as this ; If thou shalt believe with thy heart the corruption and degeneracy of humane nature , thou shalt be saved ? or the like ? This place therefore out of the Romans makes not for , but against his List of necessary Articles . One of them alone he cannot shew me any where set down , with a Supposition of the rest , as having Salvation promis'd to it . Though it be true , that that one which alone is absolutely necessary to be superadded to the Belief of one God , is in divers places differently expressed . That which he subjoins , as a Consequence of what he had said , is a farther Proof of this . And consequently , says he , if we would give an impartial account of our belief , we must consult those places : And they are not all together , but dispersed here and there : Wherefore we must look them out , and acquaint our selves with the several particulars , which make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate . Answ. Never was Man constanter to a loose way of talking . The Question is only about Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian : And here he talks of the several particulars , which make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate ; Confounding as he did before essential and integral parts , which it seems he cannot distinguish . Our Faith is true and saving , when it is such as God by the new Covenant requires it to be : But it is not entire and consummate , till we explicitely believe all the Truths contained in the Word of God. For the whole Revelation of Truth in the Scripture , being the proper and entire Object of Faith. Our Faith cannot be entire and consummate , till it be adequate to its proper Object , which is the whole divine Revelation contain'd in the Scripture : And so to make our Faith entire and consummate , we must not look out those places , which he says , are not all together . To talk of looking out , and culling of places is Nonsense , where the whole Scripture alone can make up our belief , and render it entire and consummate : Which no one , I think , can hope for in this frail State of Ignorance and Error . To make the Unmasker speak Sense , ● and to the purpose , here , we must understand him thus . That if we will give an impartial Account of the Articles , that are necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , we must consult those places where they are , for they are not all together , but dispersed here and there , wherefore we must look them out , and acquaint our selves with the several particulars which make up the Fundamental Articles of our belief , and will render a Catalogue of them entire and consummate . If his Supposition be true , I grant his Method to be reasonable , and upon that I join issue with him . Let him thus give us an impartial Account of our belief : Let him acquaint us with the several particulars , which make up a Christian's belief , and render it entire and consummate . Till he has done this , let him not talk thus in the air of a Method , that will not do : Let him not reproach me , as he does , for not taking a course , by which he himself cannot do , what he reviles me for failing in . But our hasty Author , says he , took another course , and thereby deceived himself and unhappily deceived others . If it be so , I desire the Unmasker to take the course he proposes , and thereby undeceive me , and others ; and acquaint us with the several particulars which make up a Christian's belief , and render it entire and consummate . For I am willing to be undeceived : But till he has done that , and shewn us by the success of it , that his course is better , he cannot blame us for ●ollowing that course we have done . I come now to his Fourth and last particular , p. 78. which he says , is the main Answer to the Objection , and therefore I shall set it down in his own words entire as it stands together . This , says he , must be born in our Minds , that Christianity was erected by degrees , according to that Prediction and Promise of our Saviour , that the Spirit should teach them all things , Joh. XIV . 26. and that he should guide them into all truth , Joh. XVI . 13. viz. after his departure and ascension , when the Holy Ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten Mens minds , and to discover to them the great Mysteries of Christianity . This is to be noted by us , as that which gives great light in the present case . The discovery of the Doctrines of the Gospel was gradual . It was by certain steps that Christianity climbed to its heighth . We are not to think then that all the necessary Doctrines of the Christian Religion were clearly publish'd to the World in our Saviour's time . Not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : But some which were necessary for the succeeding one were not then discover'd or at least not fully . They had ordinarily no belief , before Christ's Death and Resurrection , of those Substantial Articles , i. e. that he should die and rise again ; But we read in the Acts , and in the Epistles , that these were formal Articles of Faith afterwards , and are ever since necessary to compleat the Christian belief . So as to other great Verities , the Gospel increased by degrees , and was not perfect at once . Which furnishes us with a reason why most of the choicest and sublimest truths of Christianity are to be met with in the Epistles of the Apostles , they being such Doctrines as were not clearly discover'd and open'd in the Gospels and the Acts. Thus far the Vnmasker . I thought hitherto , that the Covenant of Grace in Christ Jesus had been but one , immutably the same : But our Vnmasker here makes two , or I know not how many . For I cannot tell how to conceive , that the Conditions of any Covenant should be changed , and the Covenant remain the same : Every change of Conditions in my apprehension makes a new and another Covenant . We are not to think , says the Vnmasker , That all the necessary Doctrines of the Christian Religion were clearly publish'd to the World in our Saviour's time ; not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : But some which were necessary for the Succeeding one , were not then discover'd ; or at least not fully . Answ. The Unmasker , constant to himself , speaks here doubtfully , and cannot tell whether he should say that the Articles necessary to Succeeding times , were discover'd in our Saviour's time , or no : And therefore , that he may provide himself a retreat , in the doubt he is in , he says , they were not clearly publish'd ; they were not then discover'd , or at least not fully . But we must desire him to pull off his Mask , and to that purpose . 1 o. I ask him how he can tell , that all the necessary Doctrines were obscurely published or in part discover'd ; for an obscure publishing , a Discovery in part , is opposed to , and intimated in not clearly published , not fully discover'd . And if a clear and full Discovery be all that he denies to them , I ask XXXVII . Which those Fundamental Articles are , which were obscurely publish'd , but not fully discovered , in our Saviour's time ? And next , I shall desire him to tell me XXXVIII . Whether there are any Articles necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , that were not discover'd at all in our Saviour's time , and which they are . If he cannot shew these distinctly , it is plain he talks at random about them : But he has no clear and distinct conception of those that were publish'd , or not publish'd ; clearly or obscurely discover'd , in our Saviour's time . It was necessary for him to say something , for those his pretended necessary Articles , which are not to be ●ound any where propos'd in the Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles to their yet Unbelieving Auditors ; And therefore he says , We are not to think all the necessary Doctrines of the Christian Religion were clearly published to the World in our Saviour's time . But he barely says it , without giving any Reason , why we are not to think so . It is enough that it is necessary to his Hypothesis . He says we are not to think so , and we are presently bound not to think so . Else from another Man , that did not usurp an Authority over our Thoughts , it would have requir'd some Reason to make them think , that something more was requir'd to make a Man a Christian after than in our Saviour's time . For , as I take it , it is not a very probable , much less a self-evident Proposition , to be received without Proof , That there was something necessary for that time , to make a Man a Christian , and something more that was necessary to make a Man a Christian in the succeeding time . However , since this great Master says we ought to think so , let us in obedience think so as well as we can ; till he vouchsafes to give us some Reason to think , that there was more requir'd to be believed to make a Man a Christian in the succeeding time , than in our Saviour's . This , instead of removing , does but increase the Difficulty : For if more were necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian after our Saviour's time , than was during his life ; how comes it , that no more was propos'd by the Apostles in their Preaching to Unbelievers for the making them Christians , after our Saviour's Death , than there was before : Even this one Article , that he was the Messiah ? For I desire the Unmasker to shew me any of those other Articles mentioned in his List ( except the Resurrection and Ascension of our Saviour , which were intervening Matters of Fact , evidencing him to be the Messiah ) that were propos'd by the Apostles after our Saviour's time to their Unbelieving Hearers , to make them Christians . This one Doctrine , that Iesus was the Messiah , was that , which was propos'd in our Saviour's time to be believed , as necessary to make a Man a Christian : The same Doctrine was likewise what was propos'd afterwards , in the Preaching of the Apostles to Unbelievers , to make them Christians . I grant this was more clearly propos'd after than in our Saviour's time ; But in both of them it was all that was propos'd to the Believers of one God , to make them Christians . Let him shew , that there were any other propos'd in or after our Saviour's time to be believed , to make Unbelievers Christians . If he means by necessary Articles published to the World , the other Doctrines contain'd in the Epistles ; I grant they are all of them necessary Articles to be believed by every Christian , as far as he understands them . But I deny , that they were propos'd to those they were writ to , as necessary to make them Christians , for this demonstrative Reason : Because they were Christians already . For Example , many Doctrines proving , and explaining , and giving a farther Light into the Gospel , are publish'd in the Epistles to the Corinthians and Thessalonians . These are all of Divine Authority , and none of them may be disbelieved by any one who is a Christian : But yet what was propos'd or publish'd to both the Corinthians and Thessalonians to make them Christians , was only this Doctrine that Iesus was the Messiah : As may be seen , Act. XVII . and XVIII . This then was the Doctrine necessary to make men Christians in our Saviour's time ; And this the only Doctrine necessary to make Unbelievers Christians after our Saviour's time . The only difference was , that it was more clearly propos'd after than before his Ascension : The Reason whereof has been sufficiently explain'd . But any other Doctrine but this , propos'd clearly or obscurely , in or after our Saviour's time , as necessary to be believed to make Unbelievers Christians , That remains yet to be shewn . When the Unmasker speaks of the Doctrines that were necessary for the succeeding time after our Saviour , he is in doubt whether he should say they were , or were not discover'd in our Saviour's time ; and how far they were then discover'd : And therefore he says , some of them were not then ●●●cover'd , or at least not fully . We must here excuse the doubtfulness of his talking concerning the discovery of his other necessary Articles . For how could he say they were discover'd , or not discover'd , clearly or obscurely , fully or not fully , when he does not yet know them all , nor can tell us , what those necessary Articles are ? If he does know them let him give us a List of them , and then we shall see easily whether they were at all publish'd or discover'd in our Saviour's time . If there are some of them , that were not at all discover'd in our Saviour's time , let him speak it out , and leave shifting : And if some of those , that were not necessary for our Saviour's time , but for the succeeding one only were yet discover'd in our Saviour's time , why were they not necessary to be believed in that time ? But the truth is , he knows not what these Doctrines necessary for Succeeding times are , and therefore can say nothing positive about their Discovery . And for those that he has set down , as soon as he shall name any one of them , to be of the number of those not necessary for our Saviour's time , but necessary for the Succeeding one , it will presently appear , either that it was discover'd in our Saviour's time ; And then it was as necessary for his time as the Succeeding : Or else that it was not discover'd in his time , nor to several Converts after his time , before they were made Christians ; And therefore it was no more necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian in the Succeeding , than it was in our Saviour's time . However , general Positions and Distinctions without a Foundation , serve for shew , and to beguile unwary and inattentive Readers . 2 o. Having thus minded him that the Question is about Articles of Faith necessary to be explicitly and distinctly believed to make a Man a Christian ; I then , in the next place , demand of him to tell me , XXXIX . Whether or no all the Articles necessary now to be distinctly and explicitly believed to make any Man a Christian , were distinctly and explicitly published or discover'd in our Saviour's time . And then I shall desire to know of him , XL. A Reason why they were not . Those that he instances in of Christ's Death and Resurrection , will not help him one jot : For they are not new Doctrines revealed , new Mysteries discovered ; but Matters of Fact , which happen'd to our Saviour in their due time , to compleat in him the Character and Predictions of the Messiah , and demonstrate him to be the Deliverer promised . These are recorded of him by the Spirit of God in holy Writ ; but are no more necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , than any other part of Divine Revelation , but as far as they have an immediate Connexion with his being the Messiah , and cannot be denied without denying him to be the Messiah : And therefore this Article of his Resurrection ( which supposes his Death ) and such other Propositions as are convertible with his being the Messiah , are , as they very well may be , put for his being the Messiah ; and as I have shew'd , propos'd to be believed in the place of it . All that is reveal'd in Scripture has a consequential necessity of being believed by all those , to whom it is propos'd : Because it is of Divine Authority , one part as much as another . And in this sense , all the Divine Truths in the inspired Writings are Fundamental and necessary to be believed . But then this will destroy our Vnmasker's select Number of Fundamental Articles : And the choicest and sublimest Truths of Christianity , which he tells us , are to be met with in the Epistles , will not be more necessary to be believed , than any , which he may think the commonest or meanest Truths in any of the Epistles or the Gospels . Whatsoever part of Divine Revelation , whether reveal'd before , or in , or after our Saviour's time ; whether it contain ( according to the distinction of our Unmasker's nice palate ) choice or common ; sublime or not sublime Truths ; is necessary to be believed by every one , to whom it is propos'd , as far as he under●tands , what is propos'd . But God by Iesus Christ has entred into a Covenant of Grace with Mankind ; a Covenant of Faith , instead of that of Works , wherein some Truths are absolutely necessary to be explicitly believed by them to make Men Christians ; and therefore those Truths are necessary to be known , and consequently necessary to be propos'd to them to make them Christians . This is peculiar to them to make Men Christians . For all Men , as Men , are under a necessary obligation to believe what God proposes to them to be believed : But there being certain distinguishing Truths , which belong to the Covenant of the Gospel , which if Men know not , they cannot be Christians ; and they being some of them such as cannot be known without being propos'd ; those and those only are the necessary Doctrines of Christianity I speak of ; without a knowledge of , and assent to which , no Man can be a Christian. To come therefore to a clear decision of this Controversie , I desire the Unmasker to tell me , XLI . What those Doctrines are which are absolutely necessary to be proposed to every Man to make him a Christian . XLII . 1 o. Whether they are all the Truths of Divine Revelation contain'd in the Bible . For , I grant his Argument ( which in another place he uses for some of them , and truly belongs to them all ) viz. That they were reveal'd and written there on purpose to be believed , and that it is indispensibly necessary for Christians to believe them . XLIII . 2 o. Or whether it be only that one Article of Iesus being the Messiah , which the History of our Saviour and his Apostles Preaching has with such a peculiar distinction every where propos'd . XLIV . 3 o. Or whether the Doctrines necessary to be propos'd to every one to make him a Christian , be any set of Truths between these two . And if he says this latter , then I must ask him , XLV . What they are ? that we may see why those rather than any other contain'd in the New Testament , are necessary to be propos'd to every Man to make him a Christian ; And if they are not every one propos'd to him , and assented to by him , he cannot be a Christian. The Vnmasker makes a great noise , and hopes to give his unwary , though well-meaning Readers , odd Thoughts , and strong Impressions against my Book , by declaiming against my lank Faith , and my narrowing of Christianity to one Article ; which , as he says , is the next way to reduce it to none . But when it is consider'd , it will be found , that 't is he that narrows Christianity . The Unmasker , as if he were Arbiter and Dispenser of the Oracles of God , takes upon him to single out some Texts of Scripture ; and , where the words of Scripture will not serve his turn , to impose on us his Interpretations and Deductions as necessary Articles of Faith ; which is in Effect to make them of equal Authority with the unquestionable Word of God. And thus , partly in the words of the Scripture , and partly in words of his own , he makes a Set of Fundamentals , with an Exclusion of all the other Truths deliver'd , by the Spirit of God in the Bible : Though all the rest be of the same Divine Authority , and Original ; and ought therefore all equally , as far as they are understood , by every Christian to be believed . I tell him , and I desire him to take notice of it : God has no where given him an Authority thus to garble the inspired Writings of the Holy Scriptures . Every part of it is his Word , and ought every part of it to be believed by every Christian Man , according as God shall inable him to understand it . It ought not to be narrowed to the Cut of the Vnmasker's peculiar System : 'T is a Presumption of the highest Nature , for him thus to pretend according to his own Phancy to establish a Set of Fundamental Articles . This is to diminish the Authority of the Word of God , to set up his own ; and create a reverence to his System , from which the several parts of Divine Revelations are to receive their Weight , Dignity and Authority . Those Passages of Holy Writ which suit with that , are Fundamental , Choice , Sublime and Necessary : The rest of the Scripture ( as of no great moment ) is not Fundamental , is not necessary to be believed , may be neglected , or must be tortur'd to comply with an Analogy of Faith of his own making . But though he pretend to a certain Set of Fundamentals ; yet to shew the Vanity , and Impudence of that pretence , he cannot tell us which they are ; and therefore in vain contends for a Creed he knows not , and is yet no where . He neither does , and which is more , I tell him he never can give us a Collection of his Fundamentals gather'd upon his Principles out of the Scripture , with the rejection of all the rest as not Fundamental . He does not observe the difference there is between what is necessary to be believed by every Man to make him a Christian , and what is requir'd to be believed by every Christian. The first of these is what by the Covenant of the Gospel is necessary to be known , and consequently to be propos'd to every Man to make him a Christian : The latter is no less than the whole Revelation of God ; all the Divine Truths contain'd in Holy Scripture ; which every Christian Man is under a necessity to believe , so far as it shall please God upon his serious and constant endeavours to enlighten his Mind to understand them . The Preaching of our Saviour and his Apostles , has sufficiently taught us what is necessary to be propos'd to every Man to make him a Christian. He that believes him to be the promised Messiah , takes Iesus for his King , and repenting of his former Sins , sincerely resolves to live for the future in obedience to his Laws is a Subject of his Kingdom , is a Christian. If he be not , I desire the Unmasker to tell me , what more is requisite to make him so . Till he does that , I rest satisfied , that this is all that was at first , and is still necessary to make a Man a Christian. This , though it be contain'd in a few words , and those not hard to be understood ; though it be in one voluntary act of the Mind relinquishing all irregular Courses , and submitting it self to the rule of him , whom God had sent to be our King , and promised to be our Saviour ; Yet it having relation to the Race of Mankind from the First Man Adam to the End of the World , it being a Contrivance , wherein God has displaid so much of his Wisdom and Goodness to the corrupt and lost Sons of Men , and it being a Design to which the Almighty had a peculiar regard in the whole Constitution and Oeconomy of the Iews , as well as in the Prophecies and History of the Old Testament ; This was a Foundation capable of large Superstructures . 1. In explaining the Occasion , Necessity , Use and End of his coming . 2. Next , in proving him to be the Person promis'd ; by a Correspondence of his Birth , Life , Sufferings , Death , and Resurrection , to all those Prophecies and Types of him , which had given the expectation of such a Deliverer , and to those Descriptions of him whereby he might be known , when he did come . 3. In the discovery of the Sort , Constitution , Extent , and Management of his Kingdom . 4. In shewing from what we are deliver'd by him , and how that Deliverance is wrought out , and what are the Consequences of it . These , and a great many more the like , afford great numbers of Truths deliver'd both in the Historical , Epistolary , and Prophetical Writings of the New Testament , wherein the Mysteries of the Gospel hidden from former Ages were discover'd ; and that more fully , I grant , after the pouring out of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles . But could no body take Christ for their promised King , and resolve to obey him , unless he understood all the Truths that concern'd his Kingdom , or , as I may say , Mysteries of State of it ? The truth of the contrary is manifest out of the plain and uniform Preaching of the Apostles , after they had received the Holy Ghost , that was to guide them into all Truth . Nay , after the writing of those Epistles , wherein were contain'd the Unmasker's Sublimest Truths ; They every where propos'd to Unbelievers Iesus the Messiah to be their King , Ordain'd of God ; and to this join'd Repentance : And this alone they Preach'd for the Conversion of their Unbelieving Hearers . As soon as any one assented to this , he was pronounced a Believer ; And these inspired Rulers of the Church , these infallible Preachers of the Gospel , admitted him into Christ's Kingdom by Baptism . And this after , long after our Saviour's Ascension , when ( as our Unmasker expresses it ) the Holy Ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten mens Minds , and to discover to them the great Mysteries of Christianity , even as long as the Apostles lived : And what others were to do , who afterwards were to Preach the Gospel ; St. Paul tells us , 1 Cor. III. 11. Other foundation can no man lay than that is laid , even Iesus the Messiah . Though upon this Foundation Men might build variously , things that would , or would not hold the touch ; Yet however , as long as they kept firm to this Foundation , they should be saved , as appears in the following Verses . And indeed , if all the Doctrines of the Gospel , which are contain'd in the Writings of the Apostles and Evangelists , were necessary to be understood , and explicitly believed , in the true sense of those that deliver'd them , to make a Man a Christian ; I doubt whether ever any one , even to this day , was a true Christian : Though I believe the Unmasker will not deny but that , e're this , Christianity ( as he expresses it ) is by certain steps climbed to its height . But for this , the Unmasker has found a convenient and wise remedy . 'T is but for him to have the Power to declare , which of the Doctrines deliver'd in Holy Writ are , and which are not necessary to be believed , with an additional Power to add others of his own , that he cannot find there , and the business is done . For unless this be allow'd him , his System cannot stand : Unless his Interpretations be received for authentick Revelation , we cannot have all Doctrines necessary for our time ; In truth , we cannot be Christians . For to this only , what he says concerning the gradual discovery of the Doctrines of the Gospel tends . We are not to think , says he , that all the necessary Doctrines of the Christian Religion were clearly publish'd to the World in our Saviour's time . Not but that all that were necessary for that time were publish'd : But some that were necessary for the succeeding one were not then discover'd , or at least not fully . I must here ask the Unmasker a short Question , or two ; as First , XLVI . Are not all the Doctrines necessary for our time contain'd in his System ? Next , XLVII . Can all the Doctrines necessary for our time , be propos'd in the express words of the Scripture ? When he has answer'd these two plain Questions ( and an Answer to them , I shall expect ) the World will then see , what he designs by Doctrines necessary for our Saviour's time , and Doctrines necessary for succeeding times ; whether he means any thing else by it , but the setting up his System , as the exact Standard of the Gospel ; and the true and unalterable Measure of Christianity , in which it has climbed to its height . Let not good and sincere Christians be deceived , nor perplexed by this Maker of another Christianity , than what the infallible Spirit of God has lest us in the Scriptures . 'T is evident from thence , that whoever takes Iesus the Messiah for his King , with a Resolution to live by his Laws , and does sincerely repent as often as he transgresses any of them , is his Subject ; All such are Christians . What they are to know , or believe more concerning him , and his Kingdom , when they are his Subjects , he has left upon Record in the great and Sacred Code , and Constitutions of his Kingdom , I mean in the Holy Scriptures . All that is contain'd therein , as coming from the God of Truth , they are to receive as Truth , and imbrace as such . But since it is impossible explicitly to believe any Proposition of the Christian Doctrine but what men understand , or in any other sense than we understand it to have been deliver'd in ; An explicit belief is , or can be required in no Man , of more than what he understands of that Doctrine . And thus , whatsoever upon fair Endeavours , he understands to be contain'd in that Doctrine , is necessary to him to be believed : Nor can he continue a Subject of Christ upon other terms . What he is perswaded is the meaning of Christ his King , in any Expression he finds in the Sacred Code ; That by his Allegiance he is bound to submit his Mind to receive for true , or else he denies the Authority of Christ , and refuses to believe him ; nor can be excused by calling any one on Earth Master . And hence it is evidently impossible for a Christian to understand any Text in one sence , and believe it in another , by whomsoever dictated . All that is contain'd in the inspired Writings , is all of Divine Authority , must all be allow'd for such , and received for Divine and infallible Truth , by every Subject of Christ's Kingdom , i. e. every Christian. How comes then the Unmasker to distinguish these Dictates of the Holy Spirit into necessary and not necessary Truths ? I desire him to produce his Commission , whereby he hath the Power given him to tell , which of the Divine Truths contain'd in the Holy Scripture are of necessity to be believed , and which not . Who made him a Judge or Divider between them ? Who gave him this Power over the Oracles of God ; to set up one , and debase another at his pleasure ? Some , as he thinks sit , are the choicest Truths . And what I beseech him are the other ? Who made him a Chuser , where no body can pick and chuse ? Every proposition there , as far as any Christian can understand it , is indispensibly necessary to be believed : And farther than he does understand it , it is impossible for him to believe it . The Laws of Christ's Kingdom do not require Impossibilities , for they are all reasonable , just and good . Some of the Truths delivered in Holy Writ are very plain : 'T is impossible , I think , to mistake their Meaning : And those certainly are all necessary to be explicitely believ'd . Others have more Difficulty in them , and are not easy to be understood . Is the Unmasker appointed Christ's Vicegerent here , or the Holy Ghost's Interpreter , with Authority to pronounce which of these are necessary to be believ'd , and in what Sense , and which not ▪ The Obscurity that is to be found in several passages of the Scripture , the difficulties that cover and perplex the meaning of several Texts , demand of every Christian Study , Diligence , and Attention , in reading and hearing the Scriptures ; in comparing , and examining them ; and receiving what light he can from all manner of helps , to understand these Books wherein are contain'd the Words of Life . This the Unmaker , and every one is to do for himself ; and thereby find out , what is necessary for him to believe . But I do not know that the Unmasker is to understand , and interpret for me , more than I for him . If he has such a power I desire him to produce it . Till then I can acknowledge no other infallible , but that guide , which he directs me to himself here in these Words , According to our Saviour's promise , the Holy Ghost was to be sent in a special manner to enlighten mens minds , and to discover to them the great mysteries of Christianity . For whether by men he here means those on whom the Holy Ghost was so eminently poured out , Act. II. Or whether he means by these Words , that special Assistance of the Holy Ghost , whereby particular men to the end of the World , are to be lead into the Truth , by opening their understandings , that they may understand the Scriptures ( for he always loves to speak doubtfully and indefinitely ) I know no other infallible guide , but the Spirit of God in the Scriptures . Nor has God left it in my choice , to take any Man for such . If he had , I should think the Unmasker the unlikeliest to be he , and the last Man in the World to be chosen for that ▪ Guide : And herein , I appeal to any sober Christian , who hath read what the Unmasker has with so little Truth and Decency ( for 't is not always mens fault if they have not Sense ) writ upon this Question , whether he would not be of the same mind ? But yet as very an Unmasker as he is , he will be extremely apt to call you Names , nay to declare you no Christian ; and boldly affirm you have no Christianity , if you will not swallow it just as it is of his Cooking . You must take it just as he has been pleased to dose it ; no more , nor no less , than what is in his System . He hath put himself into the Throne of Christ , and pretends to tell you , which are , and which are not the indispensable Laws of his Kingdom . Which parts of his divine Revelation you must necessarily know , understand , and believe , and in what sense ; and which you need not trouble your head about , but may pass by as not necessary to be believed . He will tell you that some of his necessary Articles are Mysteries , and yet ( as he does p. 115. of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism ) that they are easy to be understood by any Man , when explained to him . In answer to that , I demanded of him who was to explain them ? The Papists I told him , would explain some of them one way , and the Reformed another ; The Remonstrants and Anti-remonstrants give them different senses ; And probably the Trinitarians and Unitarians will profess , that they understand not each other 's Explications . But to this in his reply he has not vouchsafed to give me any answer . Which yet I expect , and I will tell him why ; Because as there are different Explainers , there will be different Fundamentals . And therefore , unless he can shew his Authority to be the sole Explainer of Fundamentals , he will in vain make such a pudder about his Fundamentals . Another Explainer , of as good Authority as he , will set up others against them . And what then shall we be the better for all this stir , and noise of Fundamentals ? And I desire it may be consider'd how much of the Divisions in the Church , and bloody Persecutions amongst Christians , has been owing to Christianity thus set up against Christianity , in multiplied Fundamentals and Articles , made necessary by the Infallibility of opposite Systems . The Unmasker's Zeal wants nothing but Power to make good his to be the only Christianity , for he has found the Apostles Creed to be defective . He is as infallible as the Pope , and another as infallible as he ; and where Humane Additions are made to the Terms of the Gospel , Men seldom want Zeal for what is their own . To conclude ; What was sufficient to make a Man a Christian in our Saviour's time , is sufficient still , viz. the taking him for our King and Lord , ordained so by God. What was necessary to be believed by all Christians in our Saviour's time as an indispensable Duty , which they owed to their Lord and Master , was the believing all divine Revelation , as far as every one could understand it : And just so it is still , neither more nor less . This being so , the Unmasker may make what use he pleases of his Notion , That Christianity was erected by Degrees , it will no way ( in that sence in which it is true ) turn to the advantage of his select Fundamental necessary Doctrines . The next Chapter has nothing in it , but his great Bug-bear , whereby he hopes to fright People from Reading my Book , by crying out , Socinianism , Socinianism . Whereas I challenge him again to shew one word of Socinianism in it . But however it is worth while to write a Book to prove me a Socinian . Truly , I did not think my self so considerable , that the World need be troubled about me , whether I were a follower of Socinus , Arminius , Calvin , or any other Leader of a Sect amongst Christians . A Christian I am sure I am , because I believe Iesus to be the Messiah , the King and Saviour promised , and sent by God : And as a Subject of his Kingdom , I take the rule of my Faith , and Life , from his Will declar'd and left upon Record in the inspired Writings of the Apostles and Evangelists in the New Testament : Which I endeavour to the utmost of my power , as is my Duty , to understand in their true sense and meaning . To lead me into their true meaning , I know ( as I have above declar'd ) no infallible Guide , but the same Holy Spirit , from whom these Writings at first came . If the Unmasker knows any other infallible Interpreter of Scripture , I desire him to direct me to him . Till then , I shall think it according to my Master's Rule , not to be called , nor to call any Man on Earth Master . No Man , I think , has a right to prescribe to my Faith , or Magisterially to impose his Interpretations or Opinions on me : Nor is it material to any one what mine are , any farther than they carry their own Evidence with them . If this , which I think makes me of no Sect , entitles me to the Name of a Papist , or a Socinian , because the Unmasker thinks these the worst , and most invidious he can give me ; and labours to fix them on me for no other reason , but because I will not take him for my Master on Earth , and his System for my Gospel ; I shall leave him to recommend himself to the World by this Skill , who no doubt will have reason to thank him for the rareness and subtility of his Discovery . For , I think , I am the first Man , that ever was found out to be at the same time a Socinian , and a Factor for Rome . But what is too hard for such an Unmasker ? I must be what he thinks fit . When he pleases a Papist , and when he pleases a Socinian , and when he pleases a Mahometan . And probably , when he has consider'd a little better , an Atheist ; for I hardly scaped it when he writ last . My Book , he says , hath a tendency to it ; and if he can but go on , as he has done hitherto , from Surmises to Certainties , by that time he writes next his Discovery will be advanced , and he will certainly find me an Atheist . Only one thing I dare assure him of , that he shall never find , that I treat the things of God or Religion so , as if I made only a Trade , or a Jest of them . But let us now see how at present he proves me a Socinian . His first Argument is , my not answering for my leaving out , Matth. XXVIII . 19. and Iohn I. 1. Pag. 82. of his Socinianism Unmask'd . This he takes to be a Confession , that I am a Socinian . I hope he means fairly , and that if it be so on my side , it must be taken for a standing Rule between us , that where any thing is not answer'd , it must be taken for granted . And upon that score , I must desire him to remember some Passages of my Vindication , which I have already , and others which I shall mind him of hereafter , which he passed over in Silence , and hath had nothing to say to , which therefore by his own rule , I shall desire the Reader to observe , that he has granted . This being premised ; I must tell the Unmasker , that I perceive he reads my Book with the same Understanding that he writes his own . If he had done otherwise , he might have seen , that I had given him a reason for my omission of those two , and other plain and obvious Passages and famous Testimonies in the Evangelists , as he calls them , where I say , p. 11. That if I have le●t out none of those Passages or Testimonies , which contain what our Saviour and his Apostles preach'd and required assent to , to make Men Believers , I shall think my Omissions ( let them be what they will ) no Faults in the present Case . Whatever Doctrines Mr. Edwards would have to be believed , to make a Man a Christian , he will be sure to find them in those Preachings and famous Testimonies of our Saviour and his Apostles I have quoted . And if they are not there , he may rest satisfied , that they were not propos'd by our Saviour and his Apostles , as necessary to be believed to make Men Christ's Disciples . From which words , any one but an Unmasker , would have understood my Answer to be , That all that was necessary to be believed to make Men Christians , might be found in what our Saviour and the Apostles propos'd to Unbelievers for their Conversion : But the two Passages abovemention'd , as well as a great many others in the Evangelists , being none of those , I had no reason to take notice of them . But the Unmasker having out of his good pleasure put it once upon me , as he does in his Thoughts of the Causes of Atheism , p. 107. That I was an Epitomizer of the Evangelical Writings , though every one may see I make not that my Business , yet `t is no matter for that , I must always be accountable to that fancy of his . But when he has proved , XLVIII . That this is not as just a reason for my omitting them , as several other obvious Passages and famous Testimonies in the Evangelists , which I there mention , for whose Omission he does not blame me , I will undertake to give him another Reason , which I know not whether he were not better let alone . The next Proof of my being a Socinian is , that I take the Son of God to be an expression used to signifie the Messiah . Slichtingius and Socinus understood it so , and therefore I am , the Unmasker says , a Socinian . Just as good an Argument , as that I believe Iesus to be a Prophet , and so do the Mahometans , therefore I am a Mahometan : Or thus , The Unmaskert holds that the Apostles Creed does not contain all things necessary to Salvation , and so says Knot the Jesuit : Therefore the Unmasker is a Papist . Let me turn the Tables , and by the same Argument I am Orthodox again . For two Orthodox , Pious and very Eminent Prelates of our Church , whom , when I follow Authorities , I shall prefer to Slichtingius and Socinus , understand it as I do , and therefore I am Orthodox . Nay , it so falls out , that if it were of force either way , the Argument would weigh most on this side : Since I am not wholly a Stranger to the Writings of these two Orthodox Bishops , but I never read a Page in either of those Socinians . The never sufficiently admir'd and valued Archbishop Tillotson's words , which I quoted , the Unmasker says , do not necessarily import any such thing . I know no words that necessarily import any thing to a Caviller . But he was known to have such clear Thoughts , and so clear a Stile ; so far from having any thing doubtful , or fallacious in what he said , that I shall only set down his words as they are in his Sermon of Sincerity , p. 2. to shew his meaning . Nathaniel , says he , being satisfied , that he [ our Saviour ] was the Messiah , he presently owned him for such , calling him THE SON OF GOD , and the King of Israel . The words of the other Eminent Prelate , the Bishop of Ely , whom our Church is still happy in , are these . To be the Son of God , and to be Christ , being but different Expressions of the same thing : Witness , p. 14. And p. 10. It is the very same thing to believe that Iesus is the Christ , and to believe that Iesus is the Son of God , express it how you please . This ALONE is the Faith which can regenerate a man , and put a divine Spirit into him , that it makes him a Conqueror over the World as Iesus was . Of this the Unmasker says , that this Reverend Author speaking only in a general way represents these two as the same thing , viz. That Iesus is the Christ , and that Jesus is the Son of God , because these Expressions are applied to the same person , and because they are both comprehended in one general Name , viz. Jesus . Answ. The Question is whether these two Expressions , the Son of God , and the Messiah , in the Learned Bishop's Opinion signifie the same thing . If his Opinion had been asked in the Point , I know not how he could have declar'd it more clearly . For he says they are Expressions of the same thing , and that it is the very same thing to believe that Iesus is the Messiah , and to believe that he is the Son of God ; Which cannot be so , if Messiah and Son of God have different Significations : For then they will make two distinct Propositions in different Sences , which it can be no more the same thing to believe , than it is the same thing to believe that Mr. Edwards is a Notable Preacher , and a Notable Railer ; or than it is to believe one Truth and all Truths . For by the same Reason , that it is the same thing to believe two distinct Truths , it will be the same thing to believe two thousand distinct Truths , and consequently all Truths . The Unmasker , that he might seem to say something , says that the Reverend Author represents these as the same thing . Answ. The Unmasker never fails , like Midas , to turn every thing he touches into his own Metal . The Learned Bishop says very directly and plainly , that to be the Son of God , and to be the Messiah , are Expressions of the same thing : And the Unmasker says , he represents these Expressions as one thing . For `t is of Expressions that both the Bishop and he speak : Now , Expressions can be one thing , but one of these two ways : Either in Sound , and so these two Expressions are not one ; Or insignification , and so they are . And then the Unmasker says , but in other words , what the Bishop had said before , viz. That these two to be the Son of God and to be the Messiah , are Expressions of the same thing . Only the Unmasker has put in the word Represents to amuse his Reader , as if he had said something , and so indeed he does after his fashion , i. e. obscurely and fallaciously ; which when it comes to be examined , is but the same thing under shew of a difference : Or else , if it has a different meaning , is demonstratively false . But so it be obscure enough to deceive a willing Reader , who will not be at the pains to examine what he says , it serves his turn . But yet , as if he had said something of weight , he gives Reasons for putting Represents these two Expressions as one thing , in stead of saying , these two are but different Expressions of the same thing . The First of his Reasons is , Because the Reverend Author is here speaking only in a General way . Answ. What does the Vnmasker mean by a General way ? The Learned Bishop speaks of two particular Expressions applied to our Saviour . But was his Discourse never so general , how could that alter the plain Signification of his words , viz. That those two are but different Expressions of the same thing ? 2 o. Because these Expressions are applied to the same person . Answ. A very demonstrative Reason , is it not , that therefore they cannot be different Expressions of the same thing ? 3 o. And because they are both comprehended in one general Name , viz. Iesus . Answ. It requires some Skill to put so many Falshoods in so few words . For neither both nor either of these Expressions are comprehended in the Name Iesus : And that Iesus , the Name of a particular Person , should be a general Name , is a discovery reserv'd to be found out by this new Logician . However general is a Learned Word , which when a Man of Learning has used twice , as a Reason of the same thing , he is cover'd with Generals . He need not trouble himself any farther about sence , he may safely talk what Stu●● he pleases , without the least Suspicion of his Reader . Having thus strongly proved just nothing ; he proceeds and tells us , p. 91. Yet it does not follow thence , but that if we will speak strictly and closely , we must be forced to confess , they are of different Significations . By which words ( if his words have any Signification ) he plainly allows , that the Bishop meant as he says , that these two are but different Expressions of the same thing : But withal tells him , that if he will speak closely and strictly , he must say , they are of different Significations . My concernment in the case being only , that in the Passage alledg'd , the Reverend Author said , that the Son of God and the Messiah were different Expressions of the same thing , I have no more to demand after these words of the Unmasker , he has granted all I would have . But shall leave it to the decisive Authority of this Superlative Critick to determine , whether this Learned Bishop , or any one living , besides himself , can understand the Phrases of the New Testament , and speak strictly and closely concerning them . Perhaps his being yet alive , may preserve this Eminent Prelate from the malicious driveling of the Unmasker's Pen , which has bespotted the Ashes of two of the same Order , who were no mean Ornaments of the English Church ; And if they had been now alive , no body will doubt , but the Unmasker would have treated them after another fashion . But let me ask the Unmasker , whether ( if either of these Pious Prelates , whose words I have above quoted , did understand that Phrase of the Son of God to stand for the Messiah , which they might do without holding any one Socinian tenet ) he will dare to pronounce him a Socinian . This is so ridiculous an Inference , that I could not but laugh at it . But withal tell him , Vindic. p. 23. That if the sence wherein I understand those Texts be a Mistake , I shall be beholding to him to set me right : But they are not popular Authorities , or frightful Names , whereby I judge of Truth or Falshood . To which I subjoin these words ; You ●ill now no doubt applaud your Conjectures , the Point is gain'd , and I am openly a Socinian . Since I will not disown , that I think the Son of God was a Phrase , that among the Iews in our Saviour's time was used for the Messiah , though the Socinians understand it in the same sence . And therefore I must certainly be of their Perswasion in every thing else . I admire the accuteness , force , and fairness of your Reasoning , and so I leave you to triumph in your Conjectures . Nor has he sailed my expectation : For here , p. 91. of his Socinianism Unmask'd , he upon this erects his Comb , and Crows most mightily . We may , says he , from hence as well as other Reasons , pronounce him the same with those Gentlemen ( i. e. as he is pleased to call them my good Patrons and Friends the Racovians ) which you may perceive he is very apprehensive of , and thinks , that this will be reckon'd a good Evidence of his being , what he denied himself to be before . The Point is gain'd , saith he , and I am openly Socinian . He never utter'd truer words in his life , and they are the Confutation of all his Pretences to the contrary . This Truth which unwarily dropt from his Pen , confirms what I have laid to his Charge . Now you have Sung your Song of Triumph , 't is fit you should gain your Victory , by shewing , XLIX . How my understanding the Son of God to be a Phrase used amongst the Iews in our Saviour's time , to signifie the Messiah , proves me to be a Socinian . Or if you think you have proved it already , I desire you to put your Proof into a Syllogism : For I confess my self so dull , as not to see any such Conclusion deducible from my understanding that Phrase as I do , even when you have proved that I am mistaken in it . The places which in the New Testament shew that the Son of God stands for the Messiah , are so many , and so clear , that I imagine no body that ever consider'd and compar'd them together , could doubt of their meaning , unless he were an Vnmasker . Several of them I have Collected and set down in my Reasonableness of Christianity , p. 25 , 26 , 27. 29. 34 , 35 , 36. 41. 50 , 51. 53 , 54. 60. 95. 101. First , Iohn the Baptist , Joh. I. 20. when the Iews sent to know who he was , confessed he himself was not the Messiah . But of Iesus he says , v. 34. after having several ways in the foregoing Verses declar'd him to be the Messiah ; And I saw and bare record , that this is the SON OF GOD. And again , Chap. III. 26 — 36. he declaring Iesus to be , and himself not to be the Messiah , he does it in these Synonymous terms of the Messiah and the Son of God , as appears by comparing , v. 28. 35 , 36. Nathanael owns him to be the Messiah , in these words , Ioh. I. 50. Thou art the SON OF GOD , Thou art the King of Israel : Which our Saviour in the next Verse calls Believing , a term , all through the History of our Saviour , used for owning Iesus to be the Messiah . And for confirming that Faith of his , that he was the Messiah , our Saviour further adds , that he should see greater things , i. e. Should see him do greater Miracles , to evidence that he was the Messiah . Luke the 4 th . 41. And Devils also came out of many crying , Thou art the Messiah the Son of God , and he rebuking them suffered them not to speak . And so again , St. Mark tells us , Chap. III. 11 , 12. That unclean Spirits , when they saw him , fell down before him and cried , saying , Thou art the Son of God. And he strictly charged them , that they should not make him known . In both these places , which relate to different times , and different occasions , the Devils declare Iesus to be the Son of God. ` T is certain , whatever they meant by it , they used a Phrase of a known Signification in that Country . And what may we reasonably think they designed to make known to the People by it ? Can we imagine these unclean Spirits were Promoters of the Gospel , and had a Mind to acknowledge and publish to the People the Deity of our Saviour , which the Vnmasker would have to be the Signification of the Son of God ? Who can entertain such a thought ? No , they were no Friends to our Saviour : And therefore desir'd to spread a Belief of him , that he was the Messiah , that so he might by the envy of the Scribes and Pharisees , be disturb'd in his Ministry , and be cut off before he had compleated it . And therefore we see our Saviour in both places forbids them to make him known ; As he did his Disciples themselves , for the same Reason . For when St. Peter , Mat. XVI . 16. had own'd Iesus to be the Messiah , in these words ; Thou art the Messiah the Son of the living God. It follows , v. 20. Then charged he his Disciples , that they should tell no man , that he was Iesus the Messiah . Just as he had forbid the Devils to make him known , i. e. to be the Messiah . Besides , these words here of St. Peter can be taken in no other sence , but barely to signifie that Iesus was the Messiah , to make them a proper Answer to our Saviour's Question . His first Question here to his Disciples , v. 13. is , Whom do men say that I the Son of Man am ? The Question is not , of what Original do you think the Messiah when he comes will be ? For then this Question would have been as it is , Mat. XXII . 42. What think you of the Messiah , whose Son is he ? If he had enquir'd about the common opinion concerning the Nature and Descent of the Messiah . But his Question is concerning himself ; Whom of all the extraordinary Persons known to the Iews , or mentioned in their Sacred Writings , the People thought him to be . That this was the meaning of his Question is evident , from the Answer the Apostles gave to it ; And his further demand , v. 14 , 15. They said , some say thou art Iohn the Baptist , some Elias , and others Ieremias , or one of the Prophets . He saith unto them , But WHOM say ye that I am ? The People take me , some for one of the Prophets , or Extraordinary Messengers from God , and some for another : But which of them do you take me to be ? Simon Peter answer'd and said , Thou art the Messiah the Son of the living God. In all which Discourse , 't is evident there was not the least Enquiry made by our Saviour concerning the Person , Nature , or Qualifications of the Messiah ; but whether the People or his Apostles thought him , i. e. Iesus of Nazareth to be the Messiah . To which St. Peter gave him a direct and plain Answer in the foregoing words , declaring their Belief of him to be the Messiah : Which is all , that with any manner of Congruity , could be made the sence of St. Peter's Answer . This alone of it self were enough to justifie my interpretation of St. Peter's words , without the Authority of St. Mark and St. Luke , both whose words confirm it . For St. Mark Chap. VIII . 29. renders it , Thou art the Messiah , and St. Luke , Chap. IX . 18. The Messiah of God. To the like Question , Who art thou , Iohn the Baptist gives a like Answer , Ioh. I. 19. 20. I am not the Christ. By which Answer , as well as by the following Verses , it is plain , nothing was understood to be meant by that Question , but , which of the extraordinary Persons promised to or expected by the Iews , art thou ? Ioh. XI . 27. The Phrase of the Son of God is made use of by Saint Martha : And that it was used by her to signi●ie the Messiah , and nothing else is evident out of the Context . Martha tells our Saviour , that if he had been there before her Brother died , he by that Divine Power , which he had manifested in so many Miracles which he had done , could have saved his Life ; and that now , if our Saviour would ask it of God , he might obtain the Restoration of his Life . Iesus tells her , he shall rise again : Which words Martha taking to mean , at the general Resurrection , at the last Day , Iesus thereupon takes occasion to intimate to her , that he was the Messiah , by telling her , that he was the Resurrection and the Life , i. e. That the Life , which Mankind should receive at the general Resurrection , was by and through him . This was a description of the Messiah . It being a received Opinion amongst the Iews , that when the Messiah . came , the Just should rise , and live with him for ever . And having made this Declaration of himself to be the Messiah , he asks Martha , Believest thou this ? What! Not whose Son the Messiah should be ; But whether he himself was the Messiah , by whom Believers should have Eternal Life at the last Day . And to this , she gives this direct and apposite Answer ; Yea , Lord , I believe that thou art the Christ the Son of God , which should come into the World. The Question was only whether she was perswaded , that those , who believe in him , should be raised to eternal Life ; That was in effect , whether he was the Messiah : And to this she answers yea Lord , I believe this of thee ; And then she explains what was contain'd in that Faith of hers , even this , that he was the Messiah , that was promis'd to come , by whom alone Men were to receive eternal Life . What the Iews also understood by the Son of God is also clear from that passage at the latter end of XXII . of Luke . They having taken our Saviour , and being very desirous to get a Confession from his own Mouth , that he was the Messiah , that they might from thence be able to raise a formal , and prevalent Accusation against him before Pilate ; the only thing the Council asked him was , whether he was the Messiah , v. 67. To which he answers so in the following Words , that he lets them see , he understood , that the design of their Question was to entrap him , and not to believe in him , whatever he should declare of himself : But yet he tells them , Hereafter shall the Son of Man sit on the right hand of the power of God ; Words that to the Iews plainly enough owned him to be the Messiah : But yet such as could not have any force against him with Pilate . He having confessed so much , they hope to draw yet a clearer Confession from him . Then said they all , art thou then the Son of God ? And he said unto them , ye say that I am . And they said , what need we any further witness ? For we our selves have heard of his own Mouth . Can any one think that the Doctrine of his Deity ( which is that which the Unmasker accuses me for waveing ) was that , which the Iews designed to accuse our Saviour of before Pilate ; or that they needed Witnesses for ? Common sense , as well as the current of the whole History shews the con●●ary . No , it was to accuse him , that 〈◊〉 owned himself to be the Messiah , and ●hereby claim'd a Title to be King of the Iews . The Son of God was so known a Name amongst the Iews to stand for the Messiah ; that having got that from his Mouth , they thought they had Proof enough of Treason against him . This carries with it a clear and easie meaning . But if the Son of God be to be taken , as the Unmasker would have it , for a Declaration of his Deity , I desire him to make common , and coherent sence of it . I shall add one Consideration more to shew , that the Son of God was a Form of Speech then used amongst the Iews to signifie the Messiah , from the persons that used it . uiz . Iohn the Baptist , Nathanael , St. Peter , St. Martha , the Sanhedrim , and the Centurion , Luke XXVII . 54. Here are Iews , Heathens ; Friends , Enemies ; Men , Women ; Believers , and Unbelievers ; All indifferently use this Phrase of the Son of God , and apply it to Iesus . The Question between the Unmasker and me is whether it was used by these several persons , as an Appellation of the Messiah , ( or as the Unmasker would have it ) in a quite different Sence ; As such an Application of Divinity to our Saviour , that he that shall deny that to be the meaning of it in the minds of these Speakers , denies the Divinity of Iesus Christ. For if they did speak it without that meaning , it is plain it was a Phrase known to have another meaning ; or else they had talked unintelligible Jargon . Now I will ask the Unmasker , whether he thinks , that the Eternal Generation , or as the Unmasker calls it , Filiation of Iesus the Son of God , was a Doctrine that had enter'd into the Thoughts of all the Persons above-mentioned , even of the Roman Centurion , and the Soldiers that were with him watching Jesus ? If he say he does , I suppose he thinks so only for this time , and for this occasion : And then it will lie upon him to give the World convincing Reasons for his Opinion , that they may think so too : Or if he does not think so , he must give up this Argument , and allow that this Phrase , in these places , does not necessarily import the Deity of our Saviour , and the Doctrine of his eternal Generation : And so a Man may take it to be an Expression standing for the Messiah , without being a Socinian , any more than he himself is one . There is one place , the Unmasker tells us , p. 87. that confutes all the Surmises about the Identity of these terms . It is , says he , that famous Confession of Faith , which the Aethiopian E●nuch made when Philip told him he might be baptized if he believed . This without doubt was said according to that apprehension which he had of Christ , from Philip's instructing him ; for it is said , he Preached unto him Iesus , v. 35. He had acquainted him that Iesus was the Christ the anointed of God , and also that he was the Son of God , which includes in it that he was God. And accordingly this Noble Proselyte gives this account of his Faith , in order to his being Baptiz'd , in order to his being admitted a Member of Christ's Church , I believe that Iesus is the Son of God ; Or you may read it according to the Greek , I believe the Son of God to be Iesus Christ. Where there are these two distinct Propositions . 1 o. That Iesus is the Christ , the Messiah 2 o. That he is not only the Messiah , but the Son of God. The Unmasker is every where steadily the same subtil Arguer . Whether he has proved , that the Son of God , in this Confession of the Eunuch , signifies , what he would have , we shall examine by and by . This at least is Demonstration , that this Passage of his overturns his Principles ; and reduces his long List of Fundamentals to two Propositions , the belief whereof is sufficient to make a Man a Christian. This Noble Proselyte , says the Unmasker , gives this account of his Faith in order to his being baptized , in order to being admitted a Member of Christ's Church . And what is that Faith according to the Unmasker ? He tells you there are in it these two distinct Propositions , viz. I believe , 1 o. That Jesus is the Christ the Messias ; 2 o. That he is not only the Messias , but the Son of God. If this famous Confession , containing but these two Articles were enough to his being Baptized ; If this Faith were sufficient to make this Noble Proselyte a Christian ; what is become of all those other Articles of the Unmasker's System , without the belief whereof , he in other places tells us a Man cannot be a Christian ? If he had here told us , that Philip had not time nor opportunity , during his short stay with the Eunuch , to explain to him all the Vnmasker's System , and make him understand all his Fundamentals ; he had had Reason on his side : And he might have urged it as a Reason why Philip taught him no more . But nevertheless he had , by allowing the Eunuch's Confession of Faith sufficient for his Admittance as a Member of Christ's Church , given up his other Fundamentals as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; even that of the Holy Trinity : And he has at last reduced his necessary Articles to these two , viz. That Iesus is the Messiah , and that Iesus is the Son of God. So that after his ridiculous calling mine a lank Faith , I desire him to consider , what he will now call his own . Mine is next to none , because , as he says , it is but one Article . If that reasoning be good , his is not far from none : If consists but in two Articles , which is next to one , and very little more remote from none than one is . If any one had but as much Wit as the Unmasker , and could be but as smart upon the number two , as he has been upon an unit , here were a brave opportunity for him to lay out his Parts ; and he might make vehement Complaints against one , that has thus cramp'd our Faith , corrupted mens Minds , depraved the Gospel , and abused Christianity . But if it should fall out , as I think it will , that the Unmasker's two Articles should prove to be but One , he has saved another that labour , and he stands painted to himself with his own Charcoal . The Unmasker would have the Son of God , in the Confession of the Eunuch , to signifie something different from the Messiah : And his reason is , because else it would be an absurd Tautology . Answ. There are many Exegetical Expressions put together in the Scripture , which though they signifie the same thing , yet are not absurd Tautologies . The Unmasker here inverts the Proposition , and would have it to signifie thus . The Son of God is Iesus the Messiah , which is a Proposition so different from what the Apostles proposed every where else , that he ought to have given a Reason , why , when every where else they made the Proposition to be of some thing affirm'd of Iesus of Nazareth , the Eunuch should make the Affirmation to be of something concerning the Son of God : As if the Eunuch knew very well what the Son of God signified , viz. as the Unmasker tells us here , that it included or signified God ; and that Philip , ( who we read at Samaria preach'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Messiah , i. e. instructed them who the Messiah was ) had here taken pains only to instruct him , that this God was Iesus the Messiah , and to bring him to assent to that Proposition . Whether this be Natural to conceive , I leave to the Reader . The Tautology , on which the Unmasker builds his whole Objection , will be quite removed , if we take Christ here for a proper Name in which way it is used by the Evangelists and Apostles in other places , and particularly by St. Luke ; as Act. II. 28. III. 6. 20. IV. 10. XXIV . 24 , &c. In two of these places , it cannot with any good sence be taken otherwise ; for if it be not in Act. III. 6. and IV. 10. used as a proper Name , we must read those places thus , Iesus the Messiah of Nazareth : And I think it is plain in those others cited , as well as in several other places of the New Testament , that the word Christ is used as a proper Name . We may easily conceive , that long before the Acts were writ the Name of Christ , was grown by a familiar use to denote the Person of our Saviour , as much as Iesus . This is so manifest , that it gave a Name to his Followers , who as St. Luke tells us , XI . 26. were were called Christians ; And that , if Chronologists mistake not , Twenty Years before St. Luke writ his History of the Apostles ; And this so generally , that Agrippa a Iew uses it , Act. XXVI . 28. And that Christ as the proper Name of our Saviour was got as far as Rome , before St. Luke writ the Acts , appears out of Suetonius , l. 5. And by that Name he is called in Tacitus , Ann. l. 15. 'T is no wonder then , that St. Luke in Writing this History , should sometimes set it down alone , sometimes join'd with that of Iesus , as a proper Name ; which is much easier to conceive he did here , than that Philip propos'd more to the Eunuch to be believed to make him a Christian , than what in other places was propos'd for the Conversion of others ; or than what he himself propos'd at Samaria . His 7th . Chapter is to prove , that I am a Socinian , because I omitted Christ's Satisfaction . That Matter having been answer'd , p. 147. where it came properly under consideration , I shall only observe here , that the great stress of his Argument lies as it did before ; not upon my total omission of it out of my Book , but on this , that I have no such thing in the place where the Advantages of Christ's coming are purposely treated of ; from whence he will have this to be an unavoidable Inference , viz. That I was of Opinion , that Christ came not to satisfie for us . The reason of my omission of it in that place , I told him was because my Book was chiefly designed for Deists ; and therefore I mention'd only those Advantages , which all Christians must agree in ; and in omitting of that , comply'd with the Apostle's Rule , Rom. XIV . To this he tells me ●latly , that was not the design of my Book . Whether the Unmasker knows with what design I publish'd it better than I my self , must be left to the Reader to judge : For as for his Veracity in what he knows , or knows not , he has given so many Instances of it , that I may safely referr that to any body . One Instance more of it may be found in this very Chapter , where he says , I pretend indeed , p. 5. that in another place of my Book , I mention Christ's restoring all Mankind from the state of Death , and restoring them to Life , and his laying down his Life for another , as our Saviour Professes he did . These few words this Vindicator hath picked up in his Book since he wrote it . This is all , through his whole Treatise , that he hath drop'd concerning that Advantage of Christ's Incarnation , i. e. Christ's Satisfaction . Answ. But that this is not all that I drop'd through my whole Treatise concerning that Advantage , may appear by those places above-mentioned , p. 157. where I say , that the design of Christ's coming was to be offered up ; and speak of the Work of Redemption ; which are Expressions taken to imply our Saviour's Satisfaction : But the Unmasker thinking I should have quoted them , if there had been any more , besides those mention'd in my Vindication , upon that Presumption sticks not boldly to affirm , that there were no more ; and so goes on with the Veracity of an Unmasker . If affirming would do it , nothing could be wanting in his Cause that might be for his Purpose . Whether he be as good at proving , this Consequence ( amongst other Propositions which remain upon him to be proved ) will try , viz. L. That if the Satisfaction of Christ be not mentioned in the place where the Advantages of Christ's coming are purposely treated of , then I am of Opinion , that Christ came not to satisfie for us . which is all the Argument of his 7th . Chapter . His last Chapter , as his first , begins with a Commendation of himself . Particularly , it boasts his freedom from Bigolism , Dogmatizing , Censoriousness , and Vncharitableness . I think he hath drawn himself so well , with his own Pen , that I shall need referr the Reader only to what he himself has writ in this Controversie , for his Character . In the next Paragraph , p. 104. he tells me I laugh at Orthodoxy . Answ. There is nothing that I think deserves a more serious Esteem than right Opinion ( as the Word signifies ) if taken up with the Sense of Love and Truth . But this way of becoming Orthodox has always Modesty accompanying it , and a fair Acknowledgment of Fallibility in our selves , as well as a Supposition of Error in others . On the other side , there is nothing more ridiculous than for any Man or Company of Men to assume the Title of Orthodoxy to their own set of Opinions , as if Infallibility were annexed to their Systems , and those were to be the standing Measure of Truth to all the World ; from whence they erect to themselves a power to censure and condemn others for differing at all from the Tenets they have pitch'd upon . The Consideration of humane Frailty ought to check this Vanity : But since it does not , but that with a sort of Allowance it shews it self in almost all religious Societies , the playing the trick round , sufficiently turns it into ridicule . For each Society having an equal right to a good Opinion of themselves , a Man by passing but a River or a Hill , loses that Orthodoxy in one Company which pu●●ed him up with such Assurance and Insolence in another ; and is there , with equal Justice , himself expos'd to the like Censures of Error and Heresie , which he was so forward to lay on others at Home . When it shall appear that Infallibility is intailed upon one set of Men of any Denomination , or Truth confined to any Spot of Ground , the Name and Use of Orthodoxy as now it is in Fashion every where , will in that one place be reasonable . Till then , this ridiculous Cant will be a Foundation too weak to sustain that Usurpation that is raised upon it . 'T is not that I do not think every one should be perswaded of the Truth of those Opinions he professes . 'T is that I contend for : And 't is that which I fear the great Sticklers for Orthodoxy often fail in . For we see generally that Numbers of them exactly jump in a whole large Collection of Doctrines , consisting of Abundance of particulars ; as if their Notions were by one common Stamp printed on their Minds , even to the least Lineament . This is very hard , if not impossible , to be conceived of those who take up their Opinions only from Conviction . But how fully soever I am perswaded of the Truth of what I hold , I am in common Justice to allow the same Sincerity to him that differs from me ; And so we are upon equal Terms . This Perswasion of Truth on each side , invests neither of us with a right to censure or condemn the other . I have no more reason to treat him ill for differing from me , than he has to treat me ill for the same cause . Pity him I may ; inform him fairly I ought ; but contemn , malign , revile or any otherwise prejudice him for not thinking just as I do , that I ought not . My Orthodoxy gives me no more Authority over him , than his ( for every one is Orthodox to himself ) gives him over me . When the Word Orthodoxy ( which in effect signifies no more but the Opinions of my Party ) is made use of as a pretence to domineer ( as ordinarily it is ) it is , and always will be ridiculous . He saith I hate even with a deadly hatred all Catechisms and Confessions , all Systems , and Models . I do not remember , that I have once mentioned the Word Catechism , either in my Reasonableness of Christianity , or Vindication . But he knows I hate them deadly , and I know I do not . And as for Systems and Models , all that I say of them , in the Pages he quotes to prove my Hatred of them , is only this , viz. p. 8. of my Vindication Some Men had rather you should write booty , and cross your own Design of removing Mens Prejudices to Christianity , than leave out one Title of what they put into their Systems . Some Men will not bear it , that any one should speak of Religion , but according to the Model that they themselves have made of it . In neither of which places do I speak against Systems or Models ; but the ill use , that some Men make of them . He tells me also in the same place , p. 104. that I deride Mysteries . But for this he hath quoted neither words , nor place : And where he does not do that , I have reason from the frequent Liberties he takes to impute to me , what no where appears in my Books , to desire the Reader to take what he says not to be true . For did he mean fairly , he might , by quoting my Words , put all such Matters of Fact out of doubt ; and not force me so often as he does to demand where it is , as I do now here again , LI. Where it is that I deride Mysteries ? His next Words , p. 104. are very remarkable : They are O how he [ the Vindicator ] grins at the Spirit of Creed making ? p. 18. Vind. the very thoughts of which do so haunt him , so plague and torment him , that he cannot rest till it be conjured down . And here by the way , seeing I have mention'd his rancour against Systematick Books and Writings , I might represent the Misery that is coming upon all Booksellers if this Gentleman and his Correspondents go on suc●essfully . Here is an effectual Plot to undermine Stationers-Hall ; for all Systems and Bodies of Divinity , Philosophy , &c. must be cashier'd : Whatever looks like System must not be bought or sold. This will fall heavy on the Gentlemen of St. Paul 's Church-yard , and other places . Here the Politick Unmasker seems to threaten me with the Posse of Paul's Church-yard , because my Book might lessen their Gain in the Sale of Theological Systems . I remember that Demetrius the Shrinemaker which brought no small gain to the Crafts-men whom he called together , with the Workmen of like Occupation , and said to this purpose ; Sirs , Ye know , that by this Craft we have our Wealth ; Moreover ye see , and hear , that this Paul hath perswaded , and turned away much People saying , that they be no Gods that are made with hands , so that this our Craft is in danger to be set at naught . And when they heard these Sayings , they were full of wrath , and cried out , saying , Great is Diana of the Ephesians . Have you , Sir , who are so good at Speech-making , as a worthy Successor of the Silver-smith , regulating your Zeal for the Truth , and your writing of Divinity by the Profit it will bring , made a Speech to this purpose to the Craftsmen , and told them , that I say , Articles of Faith , and Creeds , and Systems in Religion cannot be made by Mens Hands or Fancies ; But must be just such , and no other , than what God hath given us in the Scriptures ? And are they ready to cry out to your content , Great is Diana of the Ephesians ? If you have well warm'd them with your Oratory , 't is to be hoped they will heartily join with you , and bestir themselves , and choose you for their Champion , to prevent the Misery you tell them is coming upon them , in the loss of the Sale of Systems and Bodies of Divinity ; For , as for Philosophy , which you name too , I think you went a little too far . Nothing of that kind , as I remember , hath been so much as mention'd . But however , some sort of Orators , when their hands are in , omit nothing true or false , that may move those that they would work upon . Is not this a worthy Imployment , and becoming a Preacher of the Gospel , to be a Sollicitor for Stationers-Hall ? and make the Gain of the Gentlemen of Paul's Church-yard a Consideration , for or against any Book writ concerning Religion ? This , if it were ever thought on before , no body but an Unmasker , who lays all open , was ever so foolish as to Publish . But here you have an account of his Zeal : The views of Gain are to measure the truths of Divinity . Had his Zeal , as he pretends in the next Paragraph , no other aims , but the defence of the Gospel , 't is probable this Controversie would have been managed after another fashion . Whether what he says in the next , p. 105. to excuse his so o●ten pretending to know my Heart and Thoughts , will satisfie the Reader , I shall not trouble my self . By his so often doing it again in his Socinianism Unmask'd , I see he cannot write without it . And so I leave it to the Judgment of the Readers , whether he can be allow'd to know other Mens thoughts , who in many Occasions seems not well to know his own . The Railing in the remainder of this Chapter I shall pass by , as I have done a great deal of the same strain in his Book : Only to shew how well he understands or represents my sense , I shall set down my Words , as they are in the Pages he quotes , and his Inferences from them . Vindicat. p. 22. Socin . Unmask'd , p. 108. I know not but it may be true , that the Antitrinitarians and Racovians understand those places as I do : But 't is more than I know , that they do so . I took not my sence of those Texts from those Writers , but from the Scripture it self , giving Light to its own meaning by one place compared with another . What in this way appears to me its true meaning , I shall not decline ; because I am told that it is so understood by the Racovians , whom I never yet read ; nor embrace the contrary , though the generality of Divines I more converse with , should declare for it . If the sence wherein I understand those Texts be a Mistake , I shall be beholding to you , if you will set me right . But they are not popular Authorities , or frightful Names whereby I judge of Truth or Falshood . The professed Divines of England , you must know , are but a pitiful sort of Folks with this great Racovian Rabbi . He tells us plainly , that he is not mindful of what the generality of Divines declare for , p. 22. He labours so concernedly to ingratiate himself with the Mobb , the Multitude ( which he so often talks of ) that he hath no regard to these . The generality of the Rabble are more considerable with him , than the generality of Divines . He tells me here of the Generality of Divines . If he had said of the Church of England , I could have understood him . But he says , The professed Divines of England ; And there being several sorts of Divines in England , who , I think , do not every where agree in their Interpretations of Scripture ; which of them is it I must have regard to , where they differ ? If he cannot tell me that , he complains here of me for a Fault , which he himself knows not how to mend . Vindicat. p. 18. Socin . Unmask'd , p. 109. The list of Materials for his Creed , for the Articles are not yet formed , Mr. Edwards closes , p. 111. with these words , These are the Matters of Faith contain'd in the Epistles , and they are Essential and Integral parts of the Gospel it self . What just these ? neither more nor less ? l. 4. If you are sure of it , pray let us have them speedily , for the reconciling of Differences in the Christian Church , which has been so cruelly torn about the Articles of the Christian Faith , to the great Reproach of Christian Charity , and Scandal of our true Religion . This Author , as demure and grave as he would sometimes seem to be , can scoff at the matters of Faith contain'd in the Apostles Epistles , p. 18. l. 4 , &c. Does the Vindicator here scoff at the Matters of Faith contain'd in the Epistles ? Or shew the vain Pretences of the Unmasker ; who undertakes to give us out of the Epistles a Collection of Fundamentals , without being able to say whether those he sets down be all or no ? Vindicat. p. 33. Socin . Unmask'd , p. 110. I hope you do not think how contemptibly soever you speak of the Venerable Mob , as you are pleas'd to dignifie them , p. 117. that the bulk of Mankind , or in your Phrase , the Rabble are not concerned in Religion , or ought not to understand it in order to their Salvation . I remember the Pharisees treated the Common People with Contempt , and said , Have any of the Rulers or of the Pharisees believed in him ? But this People who knoweth not the Law are cursed . But yet these , who in the censure of the Pharisees were cursed , were some of the Poor , or , if you please to have it so , the Mob , to whom the Gospel was Preach'd by our Saviour , as he tells Iohns Disciples , Mat. XI . 5. To Coakse the Mob , he prophanely brings in that place of Scripture . Have any of the Rulers believed in him ? Where the Prophaneness of this is , I do not see ; Unless some unknown Sacredness of the Unmasker's Person make it Prophaneness to shew , that he like the Pharisees of old , has a great contempt for the Common People , i. e. the far greater part of Mankind ; as if they and their Salvation were below the regard of this elevated Rabbi . But this of Prophaneness may be well born from him , since in the next words my mentioning another part of his Carriage is no less than Irreligion . Vindicat. p. 25. Socin . Unmask'd p. 110. He prefers what I say to him my self to what is offer'd to him from the Word of God , and makes me this Complement , that I begin to mend about the close , i. e. when I leave off quoting of Scripture , and the dull Work was done of going through the History of the Evangelists and the Acts , which he computes , p. 105. to take up three Quarters of my Book . Ridiculously and irreligiously he pretends , that I prefer what he saith to me , to what is offer'd to me from the Word of God , p. 25. The Matter of Fact is as I relate it , and so is beyond pretence , and for this I refer the Reader to the 105. and 114. Pages of his Thoughts concerning the Causes of Atheism . But had I mistaken , I know not how he could have call'd it Irreligiously . Make the worst of it that can be , how comes it to be Irreligious ? What is there Divine in an Vnmasker ; that one cannot pretend ( true or false ) that he prefers what I say , to what is o●●er'd him from the Word of God , without doing it Irreligiously ? Does the very assuming the Power to de●ine Articles , and determine who are , and who are not Christians , by a Creed not yet made , erect an Unmasker presently into God's Throne , and bestow on him the title of Dominus deusque noster , whereby Offences against him come to be Irreligious Acts ? I have misrepresented his meaning ; Let it be so : Where is the Irreligion of it ? Thus it is : The Power of making a Religion for others ( and those that make Creeds do that ) being once got into any one's fancy , must at last make all Oppositions to those Creeds and Creed-maker's Irreligion . Thus we see in process of time it did in the Church of Rome : But it was in length of time , and by gentle degrees . The Unmasker , it seems , cannot stay , is in hast , and at one jump leaps into the Chair . He has given us yet but a piece of his Creed , and yet that is enough to set him above the state of Humane Mistakes or Frailties , and to mention any such thing in him , is to do Irreligiously . We may further see , says the Unmasker , p. 110. how counterfeit the Vindicator's Gravity is , whil'st he condemns frothy and light Discourses , p. 26. Vindic. And yet in many Pages together , most irreverently treats a great part of the Apostolical Writings , and throws aside the main Articles of Religion as unnecessary . Answ. In my Vindic. p. 19. you may remember these words , I require you to Publish to the World those Passages which shew my contempt of the Epistles . Why do you not ( especially having been so called upon to do it ) set down those words , wherein I most irreverently treat a great part of the Apostolical Writings ? At least why do you not quote those many Pages wherein I do it ? This looks a little suspiciously , that you cannot : And the more , because you have in this very Page not been sparing to quote places which you thought to your purpose . I must take leave therefore ( if it may be done without Irreligion ) to assure the Reader , that this is another of your many Mistakes in Matters of Fact , for which you have not so much as the excuse of Inadvertency : For as he sees , you have been minded of it before . But an Vnmasker , say what you will to him , will be an Unmasker still . He closes what he has to say to me in his Socinianism Unmask'd , as if he were in the Pulpit , with an Use of Exhortation . The false Insinuations , it is filled with , makes the Conclusion of a Piece with the Introduction . As he sets out so he ends , and therein shews wherein he places his Strength . A custom of making bold with Truth , is so seldom curable in a grown Man , and the Unmasker shews so little sence of Shame , where it is charged upon him , beyond a possibility of clearing himself , that no body is to trouble themselves any farther about that part of his established Character . Letting therefore that alone to Nature and Custom , two sure Guides , I shall only intreat him , to prevent his taking Railing for Argument , ( which I fear he too often does ) that upon his entrance every where upon any new Argument , he would set it down in Syllogism , and when he has done that ( that I may know what is to be answered ) let him then give Vent as he pleases , to his noble Vein of Wit and Oratory . The lifting a Man's self up in his own Opinion , has had the Credit in former Ages to be thought the lowest Degradation that Humane Nature could well sink it self to . Hence says the Wise Man , Prov. XXVI . 6. Answer a Fool according to his folly , lest he be wise in his own conceit . Hereby shewing , that Self-conceitedness is a Degree beneath ordinary Folly. And therefore he there provides a fence against it , to keep even Fools from sinking yet lower , by falling into it . Whether what was not so in Solomon's days , be now , by length of time , in ours , grown into a mark of Wisdom and Parts , and an Evidence of great Performances ; I shall not enquire . Mr. Edwards — who goes beyond all that ever I yet met with in the Commendation of his own , best knows why he so extols what he has done in this Controversie . For fear the Praises he has not been sparing of in his So●inianism Unmask'd , should not sufficiently trumpet out his Worth , or might be forgotten ; He in a new Piece entituled , The Socinian Creed , proclaims again his mighty Deeds , and the Victory he has established to himself by them , in these words ; But he and his Friends ( the One-Article-Men ) seem to have made Satisfaction by their profound silence lately , whereby they acknowledge to the World , that they have nothing to say in Reply to what I laid to their Charge , and fully proved against them , &c. Socinian Creed , p. 128. This fresh Testimony of no ordinary Conceit , which Mr. Edwards hath of the Excellency and Strength of his Reasoning in his Socinianism Unmask'd , I leave with him and his Friends to be considered of at their leisure : And if they think I have mis-applied the term of Conceitedness , to so Wise , Understanding , and every way accomplished a Disputant ( if we may believe himself ) I will teach them a way how he , or any body else , may fully convince me of it . There remains on his Score marked in this Reply of mine , several Propositions to be proved by him . If he can but find Arguments to prove them that will bear the setting down in form , and will so publish them , I will allow my self to be mistaken . Nay , which is more , if he or any body in the 112. Pages of his Socinianism Unmasked , can find but Ten Arguments that will bear the test of Syllogism , the true Touchstone of right Arguing , I will grant that that Treatise deserves all those Commendations he has bestowed upon it ; though it be made up more of his own Panegyrick , than a Confutation of me . In his Socinian Creed ( for a Creed-maker he will be ; and whether he has been as lucky for the Socinians as for the Orthodox , I know not ) p. 120. he begins with me , and that with the same conquering Hand and Skill which can never fail of Victory ; if a Man has but Wit enough to know what Proposition he is able to Confute , and then make that his Adversary's tenet . But the Repetitions of his old Song concerning one Article , the Epistles , &c. which occur here again , I shall only set down , that none of these excellent things may be lost , whereby this Accute and Unanswerable Writer has so well deserved his own Commendations , viz. That I say there is but one single Article of the Christian Truth necessary to be believed and assented to by us , p. 121. That I slight the Christian Principles , curtail the Articles of our Faith , and ravish Christianity it self from him , p. 123. And that I turn the Epistles of the Apostle into Waste Paper , p. 127 , &c. These , and the like Slanders , I have already given an Answer to in my Reply to his former Book . Only one new one here I cannot pass over in Silence ; because of the remarkable Prophaneness which seems to me to be in it , which , I think , deserves publick notice . In my Reasonableness of Christianity , I have laid together those Passages of our Saviour's Life , which seemed to me most eminently to shew his Wisdom , in that Conduct of himself , with that Reserve and Caution which was necessary to preserve him , and carry him through the appointed time of his Ministry . Some have thought I had herein done considerable Service to the Christian Religion , by removing those Objections which some were apt to make from our Saviour's Carriage , not rightly understood . This Creed-maker tells me , p. 127. That I make our Saviour a Coward : A Word not to be applied to the Saviour of the World by a Pious or Discreet Christian upon any pretence , without great Necessity and sure Grounds . If he had set down my words , and quoted the Page ( which was the least could have been done to excuse such a Phrase ) we should then have seen which of us two this impious and irreligious Epithete given to the Holy Iesus , has for its Author . In the mean time , I leave it with him , to be accounted for by his Piety , to those , who by his Example shall be incouraged to entertain so vile a thought , or use so prophane an Expression of the Captain of our Salvation , who freely gave himself up to Death for us . He also says in the same p. 127. that I every where strike at Systems , the Design of which is to establish one of my own , or to foster Scepticism , by beating down all others . For clear Reason or good Sence , I do not think our Creed-maker ever had his fellow . In the immediate preceding words of the same Sentence , he charges me with a great Antipathy against Systems ; and before he comes to the end of it , finds out my Design to be the establishing one of my own . So that this my Antipathy against Systems , makes me in love with one . My Design , he says , is to establish a System of my own , or to foster Scepticism in beating down all others . Let my Book , if he pleases , be my System of Christianity . Now is it in me any more fostering Scepticism , to say my System is true and others not , than it is in the Creed-maker to say so of all other Systems but his own ? For , I hope , he does not allow any System of Christianity to be true , that differs from his any more than I do . But I have spoke against all Systems . Answ. And always shall , so far as they are set up by particular Men or Parties , as the just Measure of every Man's Faith , wherein every thing that is contained , is required and imposed to be believed to make a Man a Christian : Such an Opinion and Use of Systems I shall always be against ; till the Creed-maker shall tell me amongst the Variety of them which alone is to be received and rested in , in the absence of his Creed ; which is not yet finished , and , I fear , will not as long as I live . That every Man should receive from others , or make to himself such a System of Christianity as he found most conformable to the Word of God , according to the best of his understanding , is what I never spake against , but think it every one's Duty to Labour for , and to take all opportunities as long as he lives , by Studying the Scriptures every day , to perfect . But this , I fear , will not go easily down with our Author ; for then he cannot be a Creed-maker for others . A thing he shews himself very forward to , how able to perform it we shall see when his Creed is made . In the mean time , talking loudly and at Random about Fundamentals , without knowing what is so , may stand him in some stead . This being all that is new , which I think my self concerned in , in this Socinian Creed , I pass on to his Postscript . In the first Page whereof , I find these words , I found that the Manager of the Reasonableness of Christianity , had prevailed with a Gentleman to make a Sermon upon my Refutation of that Treatise , and the Vindication of it . Such a piece of Impertinency as this , might have been born from a fair Adversary . But the Sample Mr. Edwards has given of himself in his Socinianism Unmask'd , perswades me this ought to be bound up with what he says of me in his Introduction to that Book in these words : Among others , they thought and made Choice of a Gentleman , who they knew would be extraordinary useful to them . And he it is probable was as forward to be made use of by them , and presently accepted of the Office that was assigned him ; and more there to the same purpose . All which , I know to be utterly false . 'T is pity that one who relies so entirely upon it , should have no better an Invention . The Socinians set the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. on Work to write that Book , by which Discovery , the World being ( as Mr. Edwards says ) let into the project , that Book is confounded , baffled , blown off , and by this Skilful Artifice there is an end of it . Mr. Bold preaches and publishes a Sermon without this irrefragable Gentleman's good Leave and Liking : What now must be done to discredit it and keep it from being read ? Why , Mr. Bold too , was set on Work by the Manager of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. In your whole Store-house of Stratagems , you that are so great a Conquerour , Have you but this one Way to destroy a Book which you set your Mightiness against , but to tell the World it was a Jobb of Journey-work for some body you do not like ? Some other would have done better in this new Case , had your happy Invention been ready with it : For you are not so bashful or reserved , but that you may be allowed to be as great a Wit as he who professed himself ready at any time to say a good or a new thing if he could but think of it . But in good earnest , Sir , if one should ask you , do you think no Books contain Truth in them which were Undertaken by the Procuration of a Bookseller ? I desire you to be a little tender in the Point , not knowing how far it may reach . Ay , but such Booksellers live not at the Lower End of Pater-Noster-Row , but in Paul's Church-Yard , and are the Managers of other-guess Books , than The Reasonableness of Christianity . And therefore you very rightly subjoin , Indeed it was a great Master-Piece of Procuration , and we can't but think that Man must speak truth , and defend it very Impartially and Substantially , who is thus brought on to undertake the Cause . And so Mr. Bold's Sermon is found to have neither Truth nor Sence in it , because it was Printed by a Bookseller at the lower End of Pater-Noster-Row ; for that , I dare say , is all you know of the Matter . But that is hint enough for a happy Diviner to be sure of the rest , and with Confidence to report that for certain Matter of Fact , which had never any being but in the forecasting Side of his Politick Brain . But whatever were the Reason that moved Mr. B — to Preach that Sermon , of which I know nothing ; This I am sure , it shews only the Weakness and Malice ( I will not say , and ill Breeding , for that concerns not one of Mr. Edward's Pitch ) of any one who excepts against it , to take notice of any thing more than what the Author has Published . Therein alone consists the Errour , if there be any ; and that alone those meddle with , who write for the sake of Truth . But poor Cavillers have other Purposes , and therefore must use other Shifts , and make a bustle about something besides the Argument to prejudice and beguile unwary Readers . The only Exception the Creed-maker makes to Mr. Bold's Sermon , is the Contradiction he imputes to him , in saying , That there is but one Point or Article necessary to be believed for the making a Man a Christian : And that there are many Points besides this , which Jesus Christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere Christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand : And , That there are particular Points and Articles , which being known to be revealed by Christ , Christians must indispensibly assent to . And where now is there any thing like a Contradiction in this ? Let it be granted for Example , that the Creed-maker's Set of Articles ( let their Number be what they will when he has sound them all out ) are necessary to be believed , for the making a Man a Christian. Is there any contradiction in it to say , There are many Points besides these , which Jesus Christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere Christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand ? If this be not so ; It is but for any one to be perfect in Mr. Edward's Creed , and then he may lay by the Bible , and from thenceforth he is absolutely dispensed with , from studying or understanding any thing more of the Scripture . But Mr. Edwards's Supremacy , is not yet so far established that he will dare to say , That Christians are not obliged to endeavour to understand any other Points revealed in the Scripture , but what are contained in his Creed . He cannot yet well Discard all the rest of the Scripture ; because he has yet need of it for the compleating of his Creed , which is like to secure the Bible to us for some time yet . For I will be answerable for it , he will not be quickly able to resolve what Texts of the Scripture do , and what do not contain Points necessary to be believed . So that I am apt to imagine , that the Creed-maker , upon Second Thoughts , will allow that Saying , There is but One , or there are but Twelve , or there are but as many as he shall set down ( when he has resolved which they shall be ) necessary to the making a Man a Christian ; and the saying , There are other Points besides contained in the Scripture , which every sincere Christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and must believe when he knows them to be revealed by Jesus Christ ; are two Propositions that may consist together without a Contradiction . Every Christian is to partake of that Bread and that Cup which is the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. And is not every sincere Christian indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand these Words of our Saviour's Institutions , This is my Body , and This is my Blood ? And if upon his serious Endeavour to do it , he does understand them in a literal sence , that Christ meant that that was really his Body and Blood , and nothing else ; must he not necessarily believe that the Bread and Wine in the Lord's Supper , is changed really into his Body and Blood , though he doth not know how ? Or , if having his Mind set otherwise , he understands the Bread and Wine to be really the Body and Blood of Christ ; without ceasing to be true Bread and Wine ; Or else , if he understands them , that the Body and Blood of Christ are verily and indeed given and received in the Sacrament , in a Spiritual manner ; Or lastly , If he understands our Saviour to mean by those words , only the Bread and Wine to be a Representation of his Body and Blood ; In which was soever of these Four , a Christian understands these words of our Saviour to be meant by him , is he not obliged in that sence to believe them to be true , and assent to them ? Or can he be a Christian , and understand these words to be meant by our Saviour , in one sence , and deny his assent to them as true , in that sence ? Would not this be to deny our Saviour's Veracity , and consequently his being the Messiah sent from God ? And yet this is put upon a Christian where he understands the Scripture in one sence , and is required to believe it in another . From all which it is evident , that to say there is One , or any Number of Articles necessary to be known and believed to make a Man a Christian , and that there are others contained in the Scripture , which a Man is obliged to endeavour to understand , and obliged also to assent to as he does understand them , is no Contradiction . To believe Jesus to be the Messiah , and to take him to be his Lord and King , let us suppose to be that only which is necessary to make a Man a Christian : May it not yet be necessary for him , being a Christian , to study the Doctrine and Law of this his Lord and King , and believe that all that he delivered is true ? Is there any Contradiction in holding of this ? But this Creed-maker , to make sure Work , and not to sail of a Contradiction in Mr. Bold's words , misrepeats them , p. 241. and quite contrary both to what they are in the Sermon , and what they are as set down by the Creed-maker himself , in the immediately preceding Page ; Mr. Bold says , There are other Points that Jesus Christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere Christian is indispensibly obliged to understand , and which being known to be revealed by Christ , he must indispensibly assent to . From which , the Creed-maker argues thus , p. 240. Now if there be other Points and particular Articles , and those many , which a sincere Christian is obliged , and that necessarily and indispensibly to understand , believe , and assent to , then this Writer hath in effect yielded to that Proposition I maintained , viz. That the belief of one Article is not sufficient to make a Man a Christian , and consequently he runs counter to the Proposition he had laid down . Is there no difference , I beseech you , between being indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and being indispensibly obliged to understand any Point ? T is the first of these , Mr. Bold says , and 't is the latter of these you argue from , and so conclude nothing against him ; nor can you to your purpose . For till Mr. Bold says ( which he is far from saying ) that every sincere Christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand all those Texts of Scripture , from whence you shall have drawn your necessary Articles ( when you have perfected your Creed ) in the same sence that you do , you can conclude nothing against what he hath said concerning that one Article , or any thing that looks like running Counter to it . For it may be enough to constitute a Man a Christian , and one of Christ's Subjects , to take Iesus to be the Messiah , his appointed King , and yet without a Contradiction , so that it may be his indispensible Duty as a Subject of that Kingdom , to endeavour to understand all the Dictates of his Soveraign , and to assent to the Truth of them , as far as he understands them . But that which the good Creed-maker aims at , without which , all his necessary Articles fall , is that it should be granted him , that every sincere Christian was necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand all those parts of Divine Revelation , from whence he pretends to draw his Articles in their true meaning , i. e. just as he does . But his infallibility is not yet so established , but that there will need some proof of that Proposition . And when he has proved that every sincere Christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand those Texts in their true meaning , and that his Interpretation of them is that true meaning ; I shall then ask him , whether every sincere Christian is not as necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand other Texts of Scripture , in their true meaning , though they have no place in his System ? For Example , To make use of the Instance above-mentioned , is not every sincere Christian necessarily and indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand these Words of our Saviour ; This is my body , and this is my blood , that he may know what he receives in the Sacraments ? Does he cease to be a Christian , who happens not to understand them just as the Creed-maker does ? Or may not the old Gentleman at Rome ( who has somewhat the ancienter Title to Infallibility ) make Transubstantiation a Fundamental Article necessarily to be believed , there , as well as the Creed-maker here makes his Sence of any disputed Text of Scripture a Fundamental Article necessary to be believed ? Let us suppose Mr. Bold had said that instead of one point , the Right Knowledge of the Creed-makers One Hundred Points ( when he has resolved on them ) doth constitute and make a Person a Christian ; yet there are many other Points Jesus Christ hath taught and revealed which every sincere Christian is indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand , and to make a due use of : For this I think the Creed-maker will not deny . From whence , in the Creed-maker's Words , I will thus argue . Now if there be other Points and particular Articles , and those many , which a sincere Christian is obliged , and that necessarily and indispensibly , to understand and believe , and assent to , then this Writer doth in effect yield to that Proposition which I maintained , viz. That the Belief of those one hundred Articles is not sufficient to make a Man a Christian. For this is that which I maintain ; That upon this ground , the Belief of the Articles which he has set down in his List , are not sufficient to make a Man a Christian ; and that upon Mr. Bold's Reason , which the Creed-maker insists on against one Article , viz. because there are many other Points Jesus Christ hath taught and revealed , which every sincere Christian is as necessarily and indispensibly obliged to endeavour to understand and make a due use of . But this Creed-maker is cautious , beyond any of his Predecessors : He will not be so caught by his own Argument ; and therefore is very shy to give you the precise Articles that every sincere Christian is necessarily and indispensibly obliged to understand , and give his assent to . Something he is sure there is that he is indispensibly obliged to understand and assent to , to make him a Christian ; but what that is , he cannot yet tell . So that whether he be a Christian or no , he does not know , and what other People will think of him , from his treating of the serious things of Christianity , in so trifling and scandalous a way , must be left to them . In the next Paragraph , p. 242. The Creed-maker tells us , Mr. Bold goes on to confute himself , in saying , a true Christian must assent unto this that Christ Jesus is God. But this is just such another Confutation of himself as the before-mentioned , i. e. as much as a Falshood substituted by another Man , can be a confutation of a Man's self , who has spoken Truth all of a piece . For the Creed-maker , according to his sure way of baffling his Opponents , so as to leave them nothing to answer , hath here , as he did before , changed Mr. Bold's words , which in the 35. p. quoted by the Creed-maker stand thus ; When a true Christian understands that Christ Jesus hath taught that He is a God , he must assent unto it . Which is true and conformable to what he had said before ; that every sincere Christian must endeavour to understand the Points taught and revealed by Jesus Christ , which being known to be revealed by him he must assent unto . The like piece of Honesty the Creed-maker shews in the next Paragraph , p. 243. where he charges Mr. Bold with saying that a true Christian is as much obliged to believe that the Holy Spirit is God , as to believe that Iesus is the Christ , p. 40. In which place , Mr. Bold's words are ; When a true Christian understands that Christ Jesus hath given this Account of the Holy Spirit , viz , That he is God ; He is as much obliged to believe it , as he is to believe that Iesus is the Christ. Which is an uncontestable Truth , but such an one as the Creed-maker himself saw would do him no Service , and therefore he mingles it , and leaves out half to make it serve his turn . But he that should give a Testimony in the slight Affairs of Men , and their Temporal Concerns , before a Court of Judicature , as the Creed-maker does here , and almost every where , in the great Affairs of Religion , and the Everlasting Concern of Souls , before all Mankind , would lose his Ears for it . What therefore this worthy Gentleman alledges out of Mr. Bold , as a Contradiction to himself , being only the Creed-maker's Contradiction to Truth and clear Matter of Fact , needs no other Answer . The rest of what he calls Reflections on Mr. Bold's Sermon , being nothing but either rude and mis-becoming Language of him ; Or pitiful Childish Application to him , to change his Perswasion at the Creed-maker's Intreaty , and give up the Truth he hath owned , in Courtesie to this doubty Combatant , shews the Ability of the Man. Leave off begging the Question , and superciliously presuming that you are in the right , and instead of that , shew it by Argument ; And I dare answer for Mr. Bold , you will have him , and I promise you with him one Convert more . But Arguing is not , it seems , this notable Disputant's way . If Boasting of himself , and contemning others , false Quotations , and feigned Matters of Fact , which the Reader neither can know , nor is the Question concerned in if he did know , will not do , there is an end of him ; He has shewn his excellency in scurrilous Declamation , and there you have the whole of this unanswerable Writer . And for this , I appeal to his own Writings in this Controversie , if any judicious Reader can have the patience to look them over . In the beginning of his Reflections on Mr. Bold's Sermon , he confidently tells the World , That he had found that the Manager of the Reasonableness of Christianity , had prevailed on Mr. Bold to Preach a Sermon upon his Reflections , &c. And adds , And we cannot but think , that that Man must speak the truth , and defend it very impartially and substantially , who is thus brought on to undertake the Cause . And at the latter end , he Addresses himself to Mr. Bold , as one that is drawn off to be an under Journey-man Worker in Socinianism . In his gracious Allowance , Mr. Bold is seemingly a Man of some relish of Religion and Piety , p. 244. He is forced also to own him to be a Man of Sobriety and Temper , p. 245. A very good rise , to give him out to the World , in the very next words , as a Man of a profligate Conscience : For so he must be , who can be drawn off to Preach or Write for Socinianism , when he thinks it a most dangerous Errour , who can dissemble with himself , and choak his inward Perswasions ( as the Creed-maker insinuates that Mr. Bold does in the same Address to him , p. 248. ) and write contrary to his Light. Had the Creed maker had reason to think in earnest that Mr. Bold was going off to Socinianism , he might have reasoned with him fairly , as with a Man running into dangerous Errour : Or if he had certainly known that he was by any By-ends prevailed on to undertake a Cause contrary to his Conscience , he might have some Reason to tell the World as he does , p. 239. That we cannot think he should speak truth , who is thus brought to undertake the Cause . If he does not certainly know that Mr. Bold was THUS brought to undertake the Cause , he could not have shewn a more Villainous and Unchristian Mind than in publishing such a Character of a Minister of the Gospel , and a worthy Man , upon no other Grounds , but because it ▪ might be subservient to his ends . He is engaged in a Controversie that by Argument he cannot maintain ; Nor knew any other way from the beginning , to attack the Book he pretends to write against ; but by crying out Socinianism ; a Name he knows in great Disgrace with all other Sects of Christians , and therefore sufficient to deterr all those who approve , and condemn Books by hearsay , without examining their Truth themselves , from perusing a Treatise to which he could affix that imputation . Mr. Bold's Name ( who is publickly known to be no Socinian ) he foresees will wipe off that false Imputation , with a great many of those who are led by Names more than Things . This seems exceedingly to trouble him , and he labours might and main , to get Mr. Bold to quit a Book as Socinian , which Mr. Bold knows is not Socinian ; because he has read and considered it . But though our Creed-maker be mightily concerned that Mr. B — d should not appear in the Defence of it ▪ Yet this concern cannot raise him one jot above that Honesty , Skill and good Breeding , which appears towards others . He manages this Matter with Mr. B — d , as he has done the rest of the Controversie , just in the same strain of Invention , Civility , Wit and good Sence . He tells him , besides what I have above set down , that he is drawn off to debase himself and the post , i. e. the Ministry , he is in , p. 245. That he hath said very ill things to the lessening and impairing , yea , to the defaming of that knowledge and belief of our Saviour , and of the Articles of Christianity , which are necessarily required of us , p. 245. That the Devout and Pious ( whereby he means himself , for one and none is his own beloved Wit and Argument ) observing that Mr. Bold is come to the necessity of but ONE Article of Faith , they expect that he may in time hold that NONE is necessary , p. 248. That if he writes again in the same strain , be will write rather like a Turkish Spy , than a Christian Preacher ; That he is a Backslider , and Sailing to Racovia with a side Wind : Than which , what can there be more Scurrilous or more Malicious ? And yet at the same time , that he outrages him thus , beyond not only what Christian Charity , but common Civility would allow in an ingenuous Adversary , he makes some awkward Attempts , to sooth him , with some ill timed Commendations ; And would have his under-valuing Mr. Bold's Animadversions , pass for a Complement to him : Because he , for that reason , pretends not to believe so crude and shallow a thing ( as he is pleased to call it ) to be his . A notable Contrivance to gain the greater Liberty of Railing at him under another Name , when Mr. B — d's it seems is too well known to serve him so well to that purpose . Besides it is of good use to fill up three or four Pages of his Reflections ; a great Convenience to a Writer , who knows all the ways of baffling his Opponents but Argument , and who always makes a great deal of stir about Matters foreign to his Subject , which whether they are granted or denied , make nothing at all to the Truth of the Question on either side . For what is it to the Shallowness or Depth of the Animadversions , who writ them ? Or to the Truth or Falshood of Mr. B — d's Defence of the Reasonableness of Christianity whether a Lay-man or a Church-man ; a Socinian , or one of the Church of England answer'd the Creed-maker as well as he ? Yet this is urged as a matter of great weight . But yet in reality it amounts to no more but this , that a Man of any Denomination , who wishes well to the Peace of Christianity , and has observed the horrible Effects the Christian Religion has felt from the Impositions of Men in Matters of Faith , may have reason to defend a Book , wherein the Simplicity of the Gospel , and the Doctrine proposed by our Saviour and his Apostles , for the Conversion of Unbelievers , is made out , though there be not one Word of the distinguishing Tenents of his Sect in it . But that all those , who under any Name , are for imposing their own Orthodoxy , as necessary to be believed , and persecuting those who dissent from them , should be all against it , is not perhaps very strange . One thing more I must observe of the Creed-maker on this Occasion : In his Socinian Creed , Ch. VI. The Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. And his Book , must be judged of by the Characters and Writings of those , who entertain or commend his Notions . A professed Unitarian has defended it ; therefore he is a Socinian . The Author of A Letter to the Deists , speaks well of it , Therefore he is a Deist . Another as an Abettor of the Reasonableness of Christianity , he mentions , p. 125. whose Letters I have never seen : And his Opinions too are , I suppose , set down there as belonging to me . Whatever is bad in the Tenets or Writings of these Men infects me . But the Mischief is , Mr. Bold's Orthodoxy will do me no good : But because he has defended my Book against Mr. Edwards , all my Faults are become his , and he has a mighty Load of Accusations laid upon him . Thus contrary Causes serve so good a Natured , so Charitable and Candid a Writer as the Creed-maker , to the same purpose of Censure and Railing . But I shall desire him to figure to himself the Loveliness of that Creature which turns every thing into Venom . What others are , or hold , who have expressed favourable thoughts of my Book , I think my self not concerned in . What Opinions others have published , make those in my Book neither true nor false ; and he that for the sake of Truth would confute the Errors in it , should shew their Falshood and Weakness as they are there : But they who write for other Ends than Truth , are always busie with other Matters , and where they can do nothing by Reason and Argument , hope to prevail with some , by borrowed Prejudices and Party . Taking therefore the Animadversions , as well as the Sermon , to be his whose Name they bear , I shall leave to Mr. B — d , himself to take what Notice he thinks fit of the little Sence as well as great Impudence of putting his Name in Print to what is not his ; or taking it away from what he hath set it to ; whether it belongs to his Bookseller or Answerer . Onely I cannot pass by the palpable falsifying of Mr. B — d's Words , in the beginning of his Epistle to the Reader , without mention . Mr. B — d's Words are , Whereby I came to be furnished with a truer and more just Notion of the main Design of that TREATISE and the Good Creed-maker set them down thus , The main Design of MY OWN TREATISE OR SERMON : A sure way for such a Champion for Truth to secure to himself the Laurel or the Whetstone . This irresistible Disputant ( who silences all that come in his way , so that those that would cannot answer him ) to make good the mighty Encomiums he has given himself , ought ( one would think ) to clear all as he goes , and leave nothing by the way unanswered , for fear he should fall into the Number of those poor baffled Wretches whom he with so much scorn reproaches , that they would answer if they could . Mr. B — d begins his Animadversions with this Remark , that our Creed-maker had said , That I give it over and over again in these formal Words , viz. That nothing is required to be believed by any Christian Man but this , That Iesus is the Messiah . To which Mr. B — d replies , p. 4. in these Words , Though I have read over the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. with some Attention , I have not observed those formal Words in any part of that Book , nor any Words that are capable of that Construction ; provided they be consider'd with the Relation they have to , and the manifest Dependance they have on what goes before , or follows after them . But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . Whether it was because he would not , or because he could not , let the Reader judge . But this is down upon his Score already , and it is expected he should answer to it , or else confess that he cannot . And that there may be a fair Decision of this Dispute . I expect the same Usage from him , that he should set down any Proposition of his , I have not answer'd to , and call on me for an Answer , if I can . And if I cannot , I promise him to own it in Print . The Creed-maker had said , That it is most evident to any thinking and considerate Person , that I purposely omit the Epistolary Writings of the Apostles , because they are fraught with other Fundamental Doctrines , besides that which I mention ▪ To this Mr. B — d answers , p. 5. That if by Fundamental Articles , Mr. Edwards means here , all the Propositions delivered in the Epistles , concerning just those particular Heads he [ Mr. Edwards ] had there mentioned , it lies upon him to prove , That Jesus Christ hath made it necessary , that every Person must have an explicit Knowledge and Belief of all those , before he can be a Christian. But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . And yet without an Answer to it , all his Talk about Fundamentals , and those which he pretended to set down in that place , under the Name of Fundamentals , will signifie nothing in the present case ; Wherein , by Fundamentals , were meant such Propositions which every Person must necessarily have an explicit Knowledge and Belief of , before he can be a Christian. Mr. B — d , in the same place , p. 6 , and 7. very truly and pertinently adds , That it did not pertain to [ my ] undertaking to enquire what Doctrines either in the Epistles , or the Evangelists and the Acts , were of greatest moment to be understood by them who are Christians , but what was necessary to be known and believed to a Person 's being a Christian. For there are many important Doctrines , both in the Gospels and in the Acts , besides this , That Iesus is the Messiah . But how many soever the Doctrines be , which are taught in the Epistles , if there be no Doctrine besides this , That Iesus is the Messiah , taught there as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , all the Doctrines taught there will not make any thing against what this Author has asserted , nor against the Method he hath observed ; Especially , considering we have an Account in the Acts of the Apostles , of what those Persons by whom the Epistles were writ , did teach as necessary to be believed to Peoples being Christians . This , and what Mr. B — d subjoins ▪ That it was not my design to give an Abstract of any of the inspired Books , is so true , and has so clear Reason in it , that any but this Writer , would have thought himself concerned to have answered something to it . But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . It not being it seems a Creed-maker's Business to convince Mens Understanding by Reason , but to impose on their Belief by Authority , or where that is wanting , by Falshoods and Bauling . And to such Mr. Bold observes well , p. 8. that if I had given the like Account of the Epistles , that would have been as little satisfactory as what I have done already , to those who are resolved not to distinguish BETWIXT WHAT IS NECESSARY TO BE BELIEVED TO MAKE A MAN A CHRISTIAN , AND THOSE ARTICLES WHICH ARE TO BE BELIEVED BY THOSE WHO ARE CHRISTIANS , as they can attain to know , that Christ hath taught them . This Distinction the Creed-maker , no where that I remember , takes any Notice of ; unless it be p. 255. where he has something relating hereunto , which we shall consider when we come to that place . I shall now go on to shew what Mr. Bold has said , to what he answers not . Mr. Bold farther tells him , p. 10. That if he will prove any thing in Opposition to the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. it must be this ; That Jesus Christ and his Apostles have taught , that the Belief of some one Article , or certain Number of Articles distinct from this , That Iesus is the Messiah , either as exclusive of , or in Conjunction with the Belief of this Article , doth constitute and make a Person a Christian : But that the Belief of this , that Jesus is the Messias alone , doth not make a Man a Christian But to this Mr. Edwards irresragably answers nothing . Mr. Bold also , p. 10. Charges him with his falsly accusing me in these words : He pretends to contend for one single Article , with the exclusion of all the rest , for this reason ; because all Men ought to understand their Religion . And again where he says I aim at this , viz. That we must not have any Point of Doctrine in our Religion , that the Mob doth not at the very first naming of it , perfectly understand and agree to , Mr. Bold has quoted my express words to the contrary . But to this , this answerable Gentleman answers nothing . But if he be such a mighty Disputant , that nothing can stand in his way ; I shall expect his direct Answer to it , among those other Propositions which I have set down to his Score , and I require him to prove if he can . The Creed-maker spends Five Pages of his Reflections in a great stir who is the Author of those Animadversions he is Reflecting on . To which , I tell him , it matters not to a Lover of Truth , or a Confuter of Errours , who was the Author ; but what they contain . He , who makes such a deal of doe about that which is nothing to the Question , shews he has but little Mind to the Argument ; that his hopes are more in the recommendation of Names and prejudice of Parties , than in the Strength of his Reasons and the goodness of his Cause . A Lover of Truth follows That , whoever be for or against it ; and can suffer himself to pass by no Argument of his Adversary , without taking notice of it either in allowing its force , or giving it a fair Answer . Were the Creed-maker capable of giving such an Evidence as this , of his Love of Truth , he would not have passed over the Twenty first Pages of Mr. Bold's Animadversions in silence . The Falshoods that are therein charged upon him would have required an Answer of him , if he could have given any : And I tell him he must give an Answer , or confess the Falshoods . In his 255. p. he comes to take notice of these words of Mr. Bold , in the 21. Page of his Animadversions , viz. That a Convert to Christianity or a Christian , must necessarily believe as many Articles as he shall attain to know that Christ Jesus hath taught . Which , says the Creed-maker , wholly invalidates what he had said before in these words , viz. That Iesus Christ , and his Apostles , did not teach any thing as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , but only this one Proposition . That Iesus of Nazareth was the Messiah . The reason he 〈◊〉 to shew , That the former of these Propositions , ( in Mr. Bold ) invalidates the latter , and that the Animadverter contradicts himself , stands thus : For , says he , if a Christian must give assent to all the Articles taught by our Saviour in the Gospel , and that necessarily ; then all those Propositions reckon'd up in my late Discourse , being taught by Christ or his Apostles , are necessary to be believed . Answ. And what , I beseech you , becomes of the rest of the Propositions taught by Christ or his Apostles , which you have not reckon'd up in your late Discourse ; Are not they necessary to be believed , if a Christian must give an assent to ALL the Articles taught by our Saviour and his Apostles ? Sir , If you will argue right from that antecedent , it must stand thus : If a Christian must give an assent to ALL the Articles taught by our Saviour and his Apostles , and that necessarily ; Then all the Propositions in the New Testament , taught by Christ or his Apostles , are necessarily to be believed . This Consequence I grant to be true , and necessarily to follow from that antecedent , and pra● 〈◊〉 your best of it : But withal reme●●ber , that it puts an utter end to your select Number of Fundamentals , and makes all the Truths delivered ▪ in the New Testament necessary to be explicitly believed by every Christian . But Sir , I must take notice to you , that if it be uncertain whether he that Writ the Animadversions , be the same Person that Preached the Sermon , yet it is very visible that 't is the very same Person that reflects on both ; Because he here again uses the same Trick in answering in the Animadversions , the same thing that had been said in the Sermon , viz. By pretending to argue from words as Mr. Bold's , when Mr. Bold has said no such thing . The Proposition you argue from here is this , If a Christian must give assent to all the Articles taught by our Saviour , and that necessarily . But Mr. Bold says no such thing . His words , as set down by your self are ; A Christian must necessarily believe as many Articles as he shall attain to know that Christ Jesus hath taught . And is there no difference ●●●ween ALL that Christ Iesus hath taught ; and AS MANY as any one shall attain to know that Christ Iesus hath taught ? There is so great a difference between these two , that one can scarce think even such a Creed-maker could mistake it . For one of them admits all those to be Christians , who taking Iesus for the Messiah , their Lord and King , sincerely apply themselves to understand and obey his Doctrine and Law , and do believe all that they understand to be taught by him : The other shuts out , if not all Mankind , yet Nine Hundred Ninety Nine of a Thousand , of those who profess themselves Christians , from being really so . For he speaks within Compass , who says there is not one of a Thousand , if there be any one Man at all , who explicitly knows and believes that all that our Saviour and his Apostles taught , i. e. All that is delivered in the New Testament , in the true ●ence that it is there intended . For if giving assent to it , in any sence , will serve the turn , our Creed-maker can have no Exceptions against Socinians , Papists , Lutherans , or any other , who acknowledging the Scripture to be the Word of God , do yet oppose his System . But the Creed-maker goes on , p. 255. and endeavours to prove , that what is necessary to be believed by every Christian , is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , in these words : But he will say , the belief of those Propositions , makes not a Man a Christian. Then , I say , they are not necessary and indispensible ; for what is absolutely necessary in Christianity , is absolutely requisite to make a Man a Christian. Ignorance , or something worse , makes our Creed-maker always speak doubtfully or obscurely , whenever he pretends to argue ; for here absolutely necessary in Christianity either signifies nothing , but absolutely necessary to make a Man a Christian ; and then it is proving the same Proposition by the same Proposition : Or else , has a very obscure and doubtful Signification . For , if I ask him whether it be absolutely necessary in Christianity to obey every one of our Saviour's Commands , what will he answer me ? If he answers , NO ; I ask him which of our Saviour's Commands is it not in Christianity absolutely necessary to obey ? If he answers , YES ; Then I tell him by his rule , there are no Christians ; because there is no one that does in all things obey all our Saviour's Commands , and therein fails to perform what is absolutely necessary in Christianity ; and so by his rule is no Christian. If he answers , Sincere Endeavour to obey , is all that is absolutely necessary ; I reply , And so Sincere Endeavour to understand , is all that is absolutely necessary : Neither perfect Obedience , nor perfect Understanding is absolutely necessary in Christianity . But his Proposition being put in terms clear , and not loose and fallacious , should stand thus , viz. What is absolutely necessary to every Christian , is absolutely requisite to make a Man a Christian : But then I deny that he can inferr from Mr. Bold's words , that those Propositions ( i. e. which he has set down as Fundamental or necessary to be believed ) ar● absolutely necessary to be believed by every Christian. For that indispensible necessity Mr. Bold speaks of , is not absolute , but conditional . His words are , A Christian must believe as many Articles as he shall attain to know that Iesus Christ hath taught . So that he places the indispensible necessity of Believing , upon the condition of attaining to know that Christ taught so . An endeavour to know what Iesus Christ taught , Mr. B — dsays truely is absolutely necessary to every one who is a Christian , and to believe what he has attained to know that Iesus Christ taught , that also , he says , is absolutely necessary to every Christian. But all this granted ( as true it is ) it still remains ( and eternally will remain ) to be proved from this ( which is all that Mr. Bold says ) that something else is absolutely required to make a Man a Christian , besides the unfeigned taking Iesus to be the Messiah , his King and Lord , and accordingly , a sincere resolution to obey and believe all that he commanded and taught . The Jailor , Acts XVI . 30. in Answer to his Question , what he should do to be saved ; was answer'd , That he should believe in the Lord Iesus Christ. And the Text says that the Jailor took them the same hour of the night , and washed their stripes , and was baptized , he and all his straight-way . Now , I will ask our Creed-maker , whether St. Paul in speaking to him the Word of the Lord , proposed and explained to him all those Propositions and Fundamental Heads of Doctrine , which our Creed-maker has set down as necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian. Let it be consider'd , the Jailor was a Heathen , and one that seems to have no more Sense of Religion or Humanity , than those of that Calling use to have : For he had let them alone under the Pain of their Stripes without any Remedy , or so much as the ease of washing them , from the Day before , till after his Conversion , which was not till after Midnight . And can any one think that between his asking what he should do to be saved , and his being baptized , which the Text says , was the same hour and straightway , there was time enough for St. Paul and Silas to explain to him all the Creed-maker's Articles , and make such a Man as that , and all his house understand the Creed-maker's whole System ; especially since we hear nothing of it in the Conversion of these or any others who were brought into the Faith in the whole History of the Preaching of our Saviour and the Apostles ? Now let me ask our Creed-maker , whether the Jailor was not a Christian , when he was baptized ; and whether if he had then immediately died , he had not been saved , without the Belief of any one Article more than what Paul and Silas had then ●aught him ? Whence it follows , that what was then proposed to him to be believed ( which appears to be nothing but that Iesus was the Messiah ) was all that was absolutely necessary to be believed to make him a Christian ; though this hinders not but that afterwards it might be necessary for him , indispensibly necessary , to believe other Articles , when he attained to the Knowledge that Christ had taught them . And the reason of it is plain : Because the knowing that Christ taught any thing , and the not receiving it for true , ( which is believing it ) is inconsistent with the believing him to be the Messiah , sent from God to inlighten and save the World. Every word of Divine Revelation , is absolutely and indispensibly necessary to be believed , by every Christian , as soon as he comes to know it to be taught by our Saviour or his Apostles , or to be of Divine Revelation . But yet this is far enough from making it absolutely necessary to every Christian to know every Text in the Scripture , much less to understand every Text in the Scripture ; and least of all , to understand it as the Creed-maker is pleased to put his sence upon it . This the good Creed-maker either will not , or cannot understand : But gives us a List of Articles culled out of the Scripture by his own Authority , and tells us those are absolutely necessary to be believed by every one , to make him a Christian. For what is of absolute Necessity in Christianity , as those he says are , he tells us is absolutely requisite to make a Man a Christian. But when he is asked whether these are all the Articles of absolute Necessity , to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; This worthy Divine , that takes upon him to be a Successor of the Apostles , cannot tell . And yet , having taken upon him also to be a Creed-maker , he must suffer himself to be called upon for it again and again , till he tells us what is of absolute Necessity to be believed to make a Man a Christian , or confess that he cannot . In the mean time , I take the liberty to say , That every Proposition delivered in the New Testament by our Saviour , or his Apostles , and so received by any Christian as of Divine Revelation , is of as absolute necessity to be assented to by him , in the Sence he understands it to be taught by them , as any one of those Propositions enumerated by the Creed-maker : And if he thinks otherwise , I shall desire him to prove it . The Reason whereof is this , that in divine Revelation the ground of Faith being onely the Authority of the Proposer , where that is the same , there is no difference in the Obligation or Measure of believing . Whatever the Messiah that came from God taught , is equally to be believed by every one who receives him as the Messiah , as soon as he understands what it was he taught . There is no such thing as garbling his Doctrine , and making one part of it more necessary to be believed than another , when it is understood . His saying is , and must be , of unquestionable Authority to all that receive him as their heavenly King ; and carries with it an equal Obligation of assent to all that he says as true . But since no Body can explicitly assent to any Proposition of our Saviour's as true , but in the Sence he understands our Saviour to have spoken it in , the same Authority of the Messiah , his King , obliges every one absolutely and indispensibly to believe every part of the New Testament in that Sence he understands it : For else he rejects the Authority of the Deliverer , if he refuses his Assent to it in that Sence which he is perswaded it was delivered in . But the taking him for the Messiah , his King and Lord , laying upon every one who is his Subject , and Obligation to endeavour to know his Will in all things , every true Christian is under an absolute and indispensible necessity , by being his Subject , to study the Scriptures with an unprejudiced mind , according to that Measure of Time , Opportunity , and Helps which he has ; that in these sacred Writings , he may find what his Lord and Master hath by himself , or by the Mouths of his Apostles , required of him , either to be believed or done . The Creed-maker , in the following Page , 256. hath these Words ; It is worth the Reader 's observing , That notwithstanding I had in twelve Pages together , ( viz. from the Eighth to the Twentieth ) proved that several Propositions are necessary to be believed by us , in order to our being Christians ; yet this Sham-Animadverter attends not to any one of the particulars which I had mentioned , nor offers any thing against them , but onely in a Lumping way , dooms them all in those magisterial Words ; I do not see any Proof he produces , p. 21. This is his wonderful way of confuting me , by pretending that he cannot see any Proof in what I alledge ; and all the World must be led by his eyes . Answ. It is worth the Reader 's observing , That the Creed-maker does not reply to what Mr. Bold has said to him , as we have already seen , and shall see more as we go on ; and therefore he has little reason to complain of him , for not having answered enough . Mr. Bold did well to leave that which was an insignificant lump , so as it was together : For 't is no wonderful thing not to see any Proof , where there is no Proof . There is indeed , in those Pages the Creedmaker mentions , much Confidence , much Assertion , a great many Questions asked , and a great deal said after his Fashion : But for a Proof , I deny there is any one : And if what I have said in another place already , does not convince him of it , I challenge him , with all his Eyes and those of the World to boot , to find out in those Twelve renowned Pages one Proof . Let him set down the Proposition , and his Proof of its being absolutely and indispensibly necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian ; And I too , will join with him in his Testimonial of himself , that he is irrefragable . But I must tell him before-hand , talking a great deal loosely will not do it . Mr. Bold and I say we cannot see any Proof in those Twelve Pages : The way to make us see , or to convince the World that we are blind , is to single out one Proof out of that Wood of Words there , which you seem to take for Arguments , and set it down in a Syllogism , which is the fair trial of a Proof or no Proof . You have indeed a Syllogism in the 23 d. Page , but that is not in those Twelve Pages you mention . Besides , I have shew'd in another place , what that proves ; to which I referr you . In Answer to the Creed-maker's Question , about his other Fundamentals found in the Epistles ; Why did the Apostles Write these Doctrines ? Was it not , that those they Writ to , might give their Assent to them ? Mr. Bold , p. 22. replies ; But then it may be asked again , Were not those Persons Christians , to whom the Apostles writ these Doctrines , and whom they required to Assent to them ? Yes , verily : And if so , What was it that made them Christians , before their Assent to these Doctrines was required ? If it were any thing besides their Believing Iesus to be the Messiah , it ought to be instanced in , and made out . But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . The next thing in Controversie between Mr. Bold and the Creed-maker , ( for I follow Mr. B — d's Order , ) is about a Matter of Fact , viz. Whether the Creed-maker has proved , That Iesus Christ and his Apostles have taught , That no Man can be a Christian , or shall be saved , unless he have an explicit Knowledge of all those things which have an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means and Issue of our Salvation , and which are necessary for the knowing the true Nature and Design of it ? This , Mr. Bold , p. 24. tells him he has not done . To this the Creed-maker replies , p. 258. And yet the Reader may satisfie himself , that this is the very thing that I had been proving just before , and indeed , all along in the foregoing Chapter . Answ. There have been those who have been seven Years proving a thing , which at last they could not do ; And I give you seven Years to prove this Proposition which you should there have proved , and I must add to your score here , viz. LII . That Iesus Christ , or his Apostles , have taught , That no Man can be a Christian , or can be saved , unless he hath an explicit Knowledge of all those things which have an immediate respect to the Occasion , Author , Way , Means and Issue of our Salvation , and which are necessary for our knowing the true Nature and Design of it . Nor must the poor Excuse , of saying , It was not necessary to add any farther Medium ; and then proceed to another Syllogism , because you had secured that Proposition before ; go for Payment . If you had secured it , as you say , it had been quite as easie , and much more for your Credit , to have produced the Proof whereby you had secured it , than to say you had done it ; and thereupon to reproach Mr. Bold with Heedlessness ; and to tell the World , that he cares not what he saith . The Rule of fair Dispute , is indispensibly to Prove , where any thing is Denied . To evade this , is Shuffling ; and he that , instead of it , answers with ill Language , in my Country , is call'd a Foul-mouth'd Wrangler . To the Creed-maker's Exception to my Demand , about the Actual Belief of all his Fundamentals in his new Creed ; Mr. Bold asks , p. 24. Whether a Man can believe particular Propositions , and not actually believe them ? But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . Mr. Bold , p. 25. farther acknowledges the Creed-maker's Fundamental Propositions to be in the Bible ; and that they are for this purpose there , that they may be believed ; And so , he saith , is every other Proposition which is taught in our Bibles : But asks , How will it thence follow , that no Man can be a Christian , till he particularly know , and actually assent to every Proposition in our Bibles ? But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . From p. 26 , to 30. Mr. B — d shews , that the Creed-makers Reply , concerning my not gathering of Fundamentals out of the Epistles , is nothing to the purpose , and this he demonstratively proves . And to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . The Creed-maker had falsly said , That I bring no Tydings of an Evangelical Faith : And thence very readily and charitably inferrs ; Which gives us to understand , that he verily believes there is no such Christian Faith. To this Mr. Bold thus softly replies , p. 31. I think Mr. Edwards is much mistaken , both in his Assertion and Inference : And to shew that he could not so inferr , adds ; If the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. had not brought any Tidings of such a Faith , I think it could not be thence justly inferr'd , that he verily believes there is no such Christian Faith. Because his Enquiry and Search was not concerning Christian●Faith , considered subjectively , but objectively ; What the Articles be which must be believed , to make a Man a Christian ; and not , with what sort of Faith these Articles are to be believed . To this the Creed-maker answers , indeed ; But it is something as much worse than nothing , as Falshood is worse than Silence . His words are , p. 258. It may be questioned , from what he [ the Animadverter ] hath the confidence to say , p. 31. viz. There is no Enquiry in the Reasonableness of Christianity , concerning Faith subjectively considered , but only objectively , &c. And thus having set down Mr. B — d's Words otherwise than they are ; for Mr. Bold does not say there is no Enquiry , i. e. no Mention , ( for so the Creed-maker explains Enquiries here . For to convince Mr. Bold , that there is an Enquiry , i. e. Mention of Subjective Faith , he alledges , That Subjective Faith is spoken of in the 191. and 192. pages of my Book . ) But Mr. Bold says , not that Faith considered subjectively , is not spoken of any where in the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. But That the Author 's Enquiry and Search , ( i. e. the Author's Search , or Design of his Search ) was not concerning Christian Faith considered subjectively : And thus the Creed-maker imposing on his Reader , by perverting Mr. Bold's Sence , from what was the Intention of my Enquiry and Search , to what I had said in it , he goes on , after his scurrilous fashion , to insult , in these words which follow ; I say , it may be guessed from this , what a Liberty this Writer takes , to assert what he pleases . Answ. To assert what one pleases , without Truth , and without Certainty , is the worst Character can be given a Writer : And with Falshood to charge it on another , is no mean Slander and Injury to a Man's Neighbour . And yet to these shameful Arts must he be driven , who finding his strength of managing a Cause , to lie only in Fiction and Falshood , has no other but the dull Billinsgate way of covering it , by endeavouring to divert the Reader 's Observation and Censure from himself , by a confident repeated Imputation of that to his Adversary , which he himself is so frequent in the Commission of . And of this , the Instances I have given , are a sufficient Proof : In which I have been at the Pains to set down the Words on both Sides , and the Pages where they are to be found , for the Reader 's full Satisfaction . The Cause in Debate between us is of great Weight , and concerns every Christian ▪ That any Evidence in the Proposal , or Defence of it , can be sufficient to conquer all Men's Prejudices , is a Vanity to imagine . But this , I think , I may justly demand of every Reader , that since there are great and visible Falshoods on one side or the other , ( for the Accusations of this kind are positive and frequent , ) he would examine on which Side they are ; And upon that , I will venture the Cause in any Reader 's Judgment , who will be but at the pains of turning to the Pages marked out to him ; And as for him that will not do that , I care not much what he says . The Creed-maker's following words , p. 258. have the Natural Mark of their Author . They are these . How can this Animadverter come off with peremptory declaring , that Subjective Faith is not enquired into in the Treatise of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. When in another place , p. 35 , and 36. he averrs , That Christian Faith , and Christianity consider'd Subjectively are the same . Answ. In which words , there are two manifest ●ntruths ; The one is , That Mr. Bold peremptorily declares , that Subjective Faith is not inquired into , i. e. Spoken of in the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. Whereas Mr. Bold says in that place , p. 31. If he [ i. e. the Author ] had not said one word concerning Faith subjectively considered . The Creed-maker's other Untruth , is his saying , That the Animadverter averrs , p. 35. & 36. that Christian Faith and Christianity considered subjectively are the same ▪ Whereas 't is evident , that Mr. Bold arguing against these words of the Creed-maker , ( The belief of Iesus being the Messiah was one of the first and leading Acts of Christian Faith ) speaks in that place of an act of Faith , as these words of his demonstrate . Now , I apprehend that Christian Faith and Christianity consider'd subjectively ( and an ACT ▪ of Christian Faith ▪ I think , cannot be understood in any other sence ) are the very same ▪ I must therefore desire him to set down the words , wherein the Animadverter peremptorily declares , LIII . That subjective Faith is not enquired into , or spoken of , in the Treatise of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. And next to produce the words wherein the Animadverter averrs , LIV. That Christian Faith and Christianity consider'd subjectively , are the same . To the Creed maker's saying , That the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. brings us no tidings of Evangelical Faith belonging to Christianity , Mr. Bold replies ; That I have done it in all those Pages where I speak of taking and accepting Iesus to be our King and Ruler , and particularly he sets down my words out of p. 301. But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . The Creed-maker says , p. 59. of his Socinianism Unmasked , that the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , tells men again and again , that a Christian Man , or Member of Christ , needs not know or believe any more than that one individual Point . To which Mr. Bold thus replies , p. 33. If any Man will shew me those words in any part of the Reasonableness , &c. I shall suspect I was not awake all the time I was reading that Book : And I am as certain as one awake can be , that there are several Passages in that Book directly contrary to these words . And there are some Expressions in the Vindication of the Reasonableness , &c. one would think , if Mr. Edwards had observed them , they would have prevented that Mistake . But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . Mr. Bold , p. 34. takes notice , that the Creed-maker had not put the Query or Objection right , which , he says , some , and not without some shew of ground , may be apt to start : And therefore Mr. Bold puts the Query right , viz. Why did Jesus Christ and his Apostles , require assent to , and belief of this one Article alone , viz. That Iesus is the Messiah , to constitute and make a Man a Christian , or true Member of Christ ( as it is abundantly evident they did , from the Reasonableness of Christianity ) if the belief of more Articles is absolutely necessary to make and constitute a Man a Christian. But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . And therefore I put the Objection or Query to him again , in Mr. Bold's words , and expect an Answer to it , viz. LV. Why did Iesus Christ and his Apostles require assent to , and belief of this one Article alone , viz. That Jesus is the Messiah , to make a Man a Christian ( as it is abundantly evident they did from all their Preaching recorded throughout the whole History of the Evangelists and Acts ) if the belief of more Articles be absolutely necessary to make a Man a Christian ? The Creed-maker having made believing Iesus to be the Messiah , only one of the first and leading Acts of Christian Faith ; Mr. Bold , p. 35. rightly tells him , That Christian Faith must be the belief of something or other : And if it be the belief of any thing besides this , That Iesus is the Christ or Messias , that other thing should be specified ; and it should be made appear , that the Belief that Iesus is the Messiah , without the Belief of that other Proposition , is not Christian Faith. But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . Mr. B — d , in the four following Pages , 36 , — 39. has excellently explained the difference between that Faith which constitutes a Man a Christian , and that Faith whereby one that is a Christian , believes the Doctrines taught by our Saviour ; and the ground of that difference , and therein has fully over-turned this Position , that believing Iesus to be the Messiah , is but a Step , or the first Step to Christianity . But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . To the Creed-makers supposing that other Matters of Faith were proposed with this , That Iesus is the Messiah ; Mr. Bold replies , That this should be proved , viz. That other Articles were proposed , as requisite to be believed to make Men Christians . And p. 40. he gives a Reason why he is of another Mind , viz. Because there is nothing but this recorded , which was insisted on for that purpose . But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . Mr. Bold , p. 42. shews , that Rom. X. 9. which the Creed-maker brought against it , confirms the Assertion of the Author of the Reasonableness , &c. concerning the Faith that makes a Man a Christian. But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . The Creed-maker says , p. 78. This is the main Answer to the Objection , ( or Query above proposed , ) viz. That Christianity was erected by degrees . This , Mr. Bold , p. 43. proves to be nothing to the purpose , by this Reason ; viz. Because what makes one Man a Christian , or ever did make any Man a Christian , will at any time , to the End of the World , make another Man a Christian ; And asks , Will not that make a Christian now , which made the Apostles themselves Christians ? But to this Mr. Edwards Answers not . In Answer to his 6th . Chapter , Mr. Bold , p. 45. tells him , It was not my Business to discourse of the Trinity , or any other particular Doctrines proposed to be believed by them who are Christians ; And that it is no fair and just Ground to accuse a Man , for rejecting the Dotrines of the Trinity , and that Jesus is God ; Because he does not interpret some particular Texts to the same purpose others do . But to this Mr. Edwards answers not . Indeed he takes notice of these words of Mr. Bold , in this Paragraph , viz. Hence Mr. Edwards takes occasion to write many Pages about these terms [ viz. Messiah and Son of God ] But I do not perceive that he pretends to offer any Proof that these were not Synonymous terms amongst the Iews at that time , which is the Point he should have proved , if he designed to invalidate what this Author saith about that matter . To this the Creed-maker replies , p. 257. The Animadver●er doth not so much as offer one syllable ●o disprove what I delivered , and closely urged on that head . Answer , What need any Answer to disprove where there is no Proof brought that reaches the Proposition in Question ? If there had been any such Proof , the producing of it , in short , had been a more convincing Argument to the Reader , than so much bragging of what has been done . For here are more Words spent ( for I have not set them all down ) than would have served to have expressed the Proof of this Proposition , viz. That the terms above-mentioned were not Synonymous amongst the Iews , if there had been any Proof of it . But having already examined what the Creed-maker brags he has closely urged , I shall say no more of it here . To the Creed-makers making me a Socinian , in his Eighth Chapter , for not naming Christ's Satisfaction amongst the Advantages and Benefits of Christ's coming into the World ; Mr. Bold replies , 1. That it is no Proof , because I promised not to name every one of them . And the mention of some is no denial of others . 2. He replies , That Satisfaction is not so strictly to be termed an Advantage , as the effects and fruits of it are ; and that the Doctrine of Satisfaction instructs us in the way how Christ did by divine Appointment , obtain those Advantages for us . And this was an Answer that deserved some reply from the Creed-maker . But to this he answers not . Mr. Bold says right , That this is a Doctrine that is of mighty Importance for a Christian to be well acquainted with . And I will add to it , that it is very hard for a Christian who reads the Scripture with Attention , and an unprejudiced Mind , to deny the Satisfaction of Christ : But it being a term not used by the Holy Ghost in the Scripture , and very variously explained by those that do use it , and very much stumbled at by those I was there speaking to , who were such as I there say , who will not take a Blessing , unless they be instructed what need they had of it , and why it was bestowed upon them ; I left it , with the other disputed Doctrines of Christianity , to be looked into ( to see what it was Christ had taught concerning it ) by those who were Christians , and believed Jesus to be the Saviour promised and sent from God. And to those who yet doubted that he was so , and made this Objection ; What need was there of a Saviour ? I thought it most reasonable to offer such Particulars only as were agreed on by all Christians , and were capable of no Dispute , but must be acknowledged by every body to be needful . This , though the Words above-quoted out of p. 254 , & 256. of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. shew to be my Design ; yet the Creed-maker plainly gives me the Lye , and tells me it was not my Design . All the World are faithless , false , treacherous , hypocritical , Strainers upon their Reason and Conscience , Dissemblers , Iourney-men , mercenary Hirelings , except Mr. Edwards : I mean , all the World that opposes him . And must not one think he is mightily beholding to the Excellency and Readiness of his own Nature , who is no sooner engaged in Controversie , but he immediately finds out in his Adversaries these Arts of Equivocation , Lying and Effrontry in managing of it ? Reason and Learning , and acquired Improvements , might else have let him have gone on with others in the dull and ordinary way of fair arguing ; wherein possibly he might have done no great feats . Must not a rich and fertile Soyle within , and a prompt Genius wherein a Man may readily spie the Propensities of base and corrupt Nature , be acknowledged to be an excellent Qualification for a Disputant , to help him to the quick Discovery and laying open of the Faults of his Opponents ; which a Mind otherwise disposed would not so much as suspect ? Mr. Bold without this , could not have been so soon found out to be a Iourney-man , a Dissembler , an hired Mercenary , and stored with all those good Qualities wherein he hath his full share with me . But why would he then venture upon Mr. Edwards , who is so very quick-sighted in these matters , and knows so well what villainous Man is capable of ? I should not here , in this my Vindication , have given the Reader so much of Mr. Bold's Reasoning , which though clear and strong , yet has more Beauty and Force as it stands in the whole Piece in his Book ; Nor should I have so often repeated this Remark upon each Passage , viz. to this Mr. Edwards answers not ; had it not been the shortest and properest Comment could be made on that triumphant Paragraph of his , which begins in the 128. page of his Socinian Creed , wherein amongst a great deal of no small strutting are these Words ; By their profound silence they acknowledge they have nothing to reply . He that desires to see more of the same noble strain , may have recourse to that eminent Place . Besides , it was fit the Reader should have this one taste more of the Creed-maker's Genius , who passing by in silence all these clear and apposite Replies of Mr. Bold , loudly complains of him , p. 259. That where he [ Mr. Bold ] finds something that he dares not object against , he shifts it off . And again , p. 260. That he doth not make any offer at Reason , there is not the least shadow of an Argument . — As if he were only hired to say something against me [ the Creed-maker ] though not at all to the purpose : And truly , any Man may discern a Mercenary Stroke all along ; with a great deal more to the same purpose . For such Language as this , mixed with Scurrility , neither fit to be spoken by , nor of a Minister of the Gospel , make up the remainder of his Postscript . But to prevent this for the future ; I demand of him , That if in either of his Treatises there be any thing against what I have said , in my Reasonableness of Christianity , which he thinks not fully answer'd , he will set down the Proposition in direct Words , and note the Page of his Book where it is to be found ; And I promise him an Answer to it . For as for his Railing , and other Stuff , besides the Matter , I shall hereafter no more trouble my self to take notice of it . And so much for Mr. Edwards . THere is another Gentleman , and of another sort of Make , Parts , and Breeding , who ( as it seems , ashamed of Mr. Edwards's Way of handling Controversies in Religion ) has had something to say of my Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. And so has made it necessary for me to say a Word to him , before I let these Papers go out of my Hand . It is the Author of The Occasional Paper , Numb . 1. The 2 , 3 , and 4 Pages of that Paper , gave me great hopes to meet with a Man who would examine all the Mistakes which come abroad in Print , with that Temper and Indifferency , that might set an exact Pattern for Controversie , to those who would approve themselves to be sincere Contenders for Truth and Knowledge , and nothing else , in the Disputes they engaged in . Making him Allowance for the Mistakes that Self-Indulgence is apt to impose upon Humane Frailty , I am apt to believe he thought his Performances had been such : But I crave leave to observe , That good and candid Men are often misled , from a fair unbiassed pursuit of Truth , by an over-great Zeal for something that they , upon wrong Grounds , take to be so ; And that it is not so easie to be a fair and unprejudiced Champion for Truth , as some who profess it think it to be . To acquaint him with the Occasion of this Remark , I must desire him to read and consider his 19th . Page , and then to tell me . 1. Whether he knows , that the Doctrine proposed in the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. was borrowed , as he says , from Hobbs's Leviathan ? For I tell him , I borrowed it only from the Writers of the Four Gospels , and the Acts ; and did not know that those words he quoted out of the Leviathan , were there , or any thing like them . Nor do I know yet any farther , than as I believe them to be there , from his Quotation . 2. Whether affirming , as he does positively , this , which he could not know to be true , and is in it self perfectly false , were meant to encrease or lessen the Credit of the Author of the Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. in the Opinion of the World ? Or is consonant with his own Rule , p. 3. of putting candid Constructions on what Adversaries say ? Or with what follows , in these words ; The more Divine the Cause is , still the greater should be the Caution . The very Discoursing about Almighty God , or our Holy Religion , should compose our Passions , and inspire us with Candour and Love. It is very indecent to handle such Subjects in a manner that betrays Rancour and Spite . These are Fiends that ought to vanish ; and should never mix either with a Search after Truth , or the Defence of Religion . 3. Whether the Propositions which he has out of my Book , inserted into his 19th . Page , and says ▪ are consonant to the words of the Leviathan , were those , of all my Book , which were likeliest to give the Reader a true and fair Notion of the Doctrine contained in it ? If they were not , I must desire him to remember and beware of his Fiends . Not but that he will find those Propositions there to be true . But that neither he nor others may mistake my Book , this is that , in short , which it says , 1. That there is a Faith that makes Men Christians . 2. That this Faith is the Believing Iesus of Nazareth to be the Messiah . 3. That the Believing Iesus to be the Messiah , includes in it a receiving Him for our Lord and King , promised and sent from God : And so lays upon all his Subjects an absolute and indisble necessity of assenting to all that they can attain , the Knowledge that he taught ; and of a sincere Obedience to all that he commanded . This , whether it be the Doctrine of the Leviathan , I know not . This appears to me out of the New Testament , from whence ( as I told him in the Preface ) I took it , to be the Doctrine of our Saviour and his Apostles ; And I would not willingly be mistaken in it . If therefore there be any other Faith besides this absolutely requisite to make a Man a Christian , I shall here again desire this Gentleman to inform me what it is , i. e. to set down all those Propositions which are so indispensibly to be believed , ( for 't is of simple Believing , I perceive , the Controversie runs ) that no Man can be a Believer , i. e. a Christian , without an Actual Knowledge of , and an Explicit Assent to them . If he shall do this with that Candour and Fairness he declares to be necessary in such Matters , I shall own my self obliged to him : For I am in earnest , and I would not be mistaken in it . If he shall decline it , I , and the World too , must conclude , that upon a review of my Doctrine , he is convinced of the Truth of it , and is satisfied that I am in the right . For it is impossible to think that a Man of that Fairness and Candour which he solemnly Prefaces his Discourse with , should continue to condemn the Account I have given of the Faith which I am persuaded makes a Christian ; And yet he himself will not tell me ( when I earnestly demand it of him , as desirous to be rid of my Error , if it be one ) what is that more , which is absolutely required to be believed by every one , before he can be a Believer ; i. e. what is indispensibly necessary to be known , and explicitly believed to make a Man a Christian. Another thing which I must desire this Author to examine by those his own Rules , is , What he says of me , p. 30. where he makes me to have a Prejudice against the Ministry of the Gospel , and their Office , from what I have said , p. 260 , 261 , 270. of my Reasonableness , &c. concerning the Priests ▪ of the World , in our Saviour's time ; which he calls bitter Reflections . If he will tell me what is so bitter , in any of those Passages which he has set down , that is not true , or ought not to be said there , and give me the Reason why he is offended at it ; I promise him to make what Reparation he shall think fit , to the Memory of those Priests whom he with so much Good-nature Patronizes , near Seventeen Hundred Years after they have been out of the World ; and is so tenderly concerned for their Reputation , that he excepts against that , as said against them , which was not . For one of the three Places he sets down , was not spoken of Priests . But his making my mentioning the Faults of the Priests of old , in our Saviour's time , to be an Exposing the Office of the Ministers of the Gospel now , and a Vilifying those who are employed in it ; I must desire him to examine , by his own Rules of Love and Candour , and to tell me , whether I have not reason here again to mind him of his FIENDS , and to advise him to beware of them ? And to shew him why I think I have , I crave leave to ask him those Questions . 1. Whether I do not all along plainly , and in express words , speak of the Priests of the World , preceding , and in our Saviour's time ? Nor can my Argument bear any other sence . 2. Whether all I have said of them be not true ? 3. Whether the representing truly the Carriage of the Iewish , and more-especially of the Heathen Priests in our Saviour's time , as my Argument required , can expose the Office of the Ministers of the Gospel now ? or ought to have such an Interpretation put upon it ? 4. Whether what he says of the Ayr and Language I use reaching farther , carry any thing else in it but a Declaration , that he thinks some Men's Carriage now , hath some affinity with what I have truly said of the Priests of the World before Christianity ; and that therefore the Faults of those should have been let alone , or touch'd more gently , for fear some should think these now concerned in it ? 5. Whether , in truth , this be not to accuse them with a Design to draw the Envy of it on me ? Whether out of Good-will to them , or to me , or both , let him look . This I am sure , I have spoke of none but the Priests before Christianity , both Iewish and Heathen . And for those of the Iews , what our Saviour has pronounced of them , justifies my Reflections from being bitter ; And that the Idolatrous Heathen Priests were better than they , I believe our Author will not say : And if he were Preaching against them , as opposing the Ministers of the Gospel , I suppose he would give as ill a Character of them . But if any one extends my Words farther than to those they were spoke of , I ask whether that agrees with his Rules of Love and Candour ? I shall impatiently expect from this Author of The Occasional Paper , an Answer to these Questions ; and hope to find them such as becomes that Temper , and Love of Truth , which he professes . I long to meet with the Man , who laying aside Party , and Interest , and Prejudice , appears in Controversie so as to make good the Character of a Champion of Truth for Truth 's sake ; A Character not so hard to be known whom it belongs to , as to be deserved . Whoever is truly such an one , his Opposition to me will be an Obligation . For he that proposes to himself the convincing me of an Error , only for Truth 's sake , cannot , I know , mix any Rancour , or Spite , or Ill-will , with it . He will keep himself at a distance from those Fiends , and be as ready to hear as offer Reason . And two so disposed , can hardly miss Truth between them , in a fair Enquiry after it ; at least , they will not lose Good-breeding , and especially Charity , a Vertue much more necessary than the attaining of the Knowledge of obscure Truths , that are not easie to be found ; and probably , therefore , not necessary to be known . The unbiassed Design of the Writer , purely to defend and propagate Truth , seems to me to be that alone which legitimates Controversies . I am sure , it plainly distinguishes such from all others , in their Success and Usefulness . If a Man , as a sincere Friend to the Person , and to the Truth , labours to bring another out of Error , there can be nothing more beautiful , nor more beneficial . If Party , Passion or Vanity direct his Pen , and have an Hand in the Controversie , there can be nothing more unbecoming , more prejudicial , nor more odious . What Thoughts I shall have of a Man that shall , as a Christian , go about to inform me what is necessary to be believed to make a Man a Christian , I have declared , in the Preface to my Reasonableness of Christianity , &c. nor do I find my self yet alter'd . He that in Print finds fault with my imperfect Discovery of that wherein the Faith which makes a Man a Christian consists , and will not tell me what more is required , will do well to satisfie the World what they ought to think of him . FINIS . 
A53055	----	The philosphical and physical opinions written by Her Excellency the Lady Marchionesse of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1655 Approx. 506 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53055 Wing N863 ESTC R31084 11771476 ocm 11771476 48875 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53055) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48875) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1489:37) The philosphical and physical opinions written by Her Excellency the Lady Marchionesse of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. [26], 174 p. Printed for J. Martin and J. Allestrye ..., London : 1655. Errata on p. 174. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Allison Liefer Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Allison Liefer Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PHILOSOPHICAL AND Physical Opinions , Written by her Excellency , the Lady MARCHIONESSE of NEWCASTLE . LONDON Printed for J. Martin and J. Allestrye at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard 1655. Collegium sive Aula S.S. t Trinitatis in Academiâ Cantabrigiensi , 1700 TO THE LADY MARQVESSE OF NEVVCASTLE , On her Book intitled her Philosophicall , and Physicall Opinions . WEre the old Grave Philophers alive , How they would envy you , and all would strive Who first should burn their Books ; since they so long Thus have abus'd the world , and taught us wrong , With hard words that mean nothing ; which non-sense . When we have Conn'd by heart , then we commence Masters and Doctors , with grave looks ; and then Proud , because think , thus we are learned men , And know not that we do know nothing right , Like blinde men now , led onely by your sight . And for diseases , let the Doctors look Those worthy learned men but in your Book , They 'le finde such news in their art , and so true As old Hippocrates he never knew , Nor yet vast Gallen ; so you need not seek Farther then English , to know lesse in Greek ; If you read this and study it , you may Out of dark ignorance see brighter Day . W. NEWCASTLE . AN EPISTLE To justifie the LADY NEW CASTLE , AND Truth against falshood , laying those false , and malicious aspersions of her , that she was not Authour of her BOOKS . I Would willingly begin with the common , and Dunstable rode of Epistles , Gentle Readers , but finding you much otherwise , I will fall to our discourse in hand . First 't is but your envious Supposition that this Lady must have converst with many Scholers of all kindes in learning , when 't is well known the contrary , that she never convert with any profest Shooler in learning , for to learn , neither did she need it , since she had the conversation of her Honorable , and most learned Brother from her cradle ; and since she was married , with my worthy and learned Brother ; and for my self I have lived in the great world a great while , and have thought of what has been brought to me by the senses , more then was put into me by learned discourse ; for I do not love to be led by the nose , by Authority and old Authours , ipse dixit will not serve my turn , were Aristotle made a more Philosophical Bible then he is , and all scholers to have a lively faith in him , doth not move me to be of their Philosophical churche at all . And I assure you her conversation with her Brother , and Brother-in-law , were enough without a miracle or an impossibility to get the language of the arts , and learned professions , which are their terms , without taking any degrees in Schooles . It is not so difficult a thing though they make mountains of mole-hills , & say they , thatthis Lady useth many termes of the Schooles ; but truly she did never Impe her high-flying Phancies , with any old broken Fethers out of any university ; and if you read well , which is to understand , and look on her Poems , you will 〈◊〉 they are all new born Phansies , never toucht of heretofore . But for the rarity of the terms , or nests of Divines , Philosophers , Physicians , Geometricians , Astrono mers , and the rest of the Gown-Tribe , as one tearms them , how is it possible she should know them ; And first for Divinity , when she speaks of Predestination , Free-will , 〈◊〉 , and consubstantiation ; truly these termes are not so hard to be got by heart as to be understood , since I beleeve it puzzels the learned to make sense of them . But I beseech you give this Lady so much capacity , as to get them by heart , since every Tub-preacher discourses of them , and every sanctified wife gossips them in wafers , and hipocris at every Christening . Next are the termes of the Philosophers , Certainly 't is no Conjuration to conceive Atomes , invisible , and indivisible bodies , elements , earth , air , water and fire , whereof your elementary fire under the moon is much doubted of , and then you have but three elements . Motion is a difficult thing indeed , to understand the varietes of it , but certainly not of a body moved , that 's no such transcendent thing . Dilation a spreading , Contraction a gathering together Rarificationthinning , and Condensation thickning ; I confesse in the Latine it seems very learned , but in the English very vulgar , there-fore I beseech you give this Lady leave to have the wit , and the judgement to understand these Great no mysteries . And put the case now that this Lady should name materia prima , - and understand the English of it to be first matter , and ask her friend again what they mean by it , and he tells her they say they mean matter without form , and she should answer , there is no matter without some form , so materia prima are two Latine words that mean nothing . An incorporeal substance is too learned to be understood , so that is waved . Now for the termes of Physicians , when she speaks of Choler , Phlegme , Melancholy and Blood , and of Ventricles in the heart and brain , of veines , arteries and nerves , and discourses of fevers , apoplexies , convulsions , Dropsies , and divers other diseases with their particular causes , symptoms and cures ; how should this Lady understand these terms say some ? truly a good Farmers wife in the country , by seeing one of her sheep opened , may well understand the tearms of most of these , and a Constables wife of a hundred in Essex that useth Physick and Surgery may well talk of the diseases , without any great learned mystery , they are so plain and so common , as none needsto construe Greek in Hippocrates or Galen for them . But would you know how we know the great Mystery of these Physical terms , I am almost ashamed to tell you ; not that we have been ever sickly , but by Melancholy often supposed our selves to bave such diseases as we had not , and learned Physitians were too wise to put us out of that humour , and so these tearms cost us much more then they are Worth , and I hope there is no body so malicious , as to envie our bargain , neither truly do I repent my bargain , since Physitians are the most rational men I have converst with all , and my worthy and very good friends , and truly this Lady never converst with any Physitian of any disease , but what she thought she had her self , neither hath she converst with many of that profession . Now for the great learning of knowing the terms of Geometricians , when this Lady touches upon Triangles , Squares , Circles , Diameters , Circumferences , Centers , lines straight and crooked &c. I will not dissect these great mysteries , because they are so very common , as the meanest understands all these termes , even to Joyners and Carpenters , therefore surely this Lady is capable of them . Then of Astronomers , say they , when she speak's of the Horizon , Meridian , Equator , Zodiack , Eclyptick , Tropicks , Poles of the world &c. When these termes are understood thats their meaning , they are no such subtilties , since every boy may be taught them , with an apple for the Globe , and the parings for the sphears , it is so ridiculous then to think that this Lady cannot understand these tearms , as it is rather to be laught at , then to trouble ones self to answer . And that invincible Problem , the quadrature of the circle , as they call it , which makes me doubt that they think themselves wiser , for naming the quadrature , then squaring the circle , who lives that hath not heard of it , and who lives that can do it , and who is dead that hath done it , and put the case it were done , what then ? why then 't is squared , and that 's all , and that all is nothing , much ado about nothing . But we will leave these impertinent , malicious , and most false exceptions to the Lady , and her Books , and will now begin with her book of Poems , examining first her Philosophy there . That 's an old opinion of Atomes , say some , witnesse Democrates and many others ; T is very true they have talkt of atomes , but did they ever dispose of them as they are there , or tell you what several sorts there are of them , and what figure they bear , and being joyned , what forms they produce of all kindes , in all things , if you have read any such things before , I 'le be bold to burn the Book . Why then all these are new opinions , and grounded upon Reason , I say some , but they are Paradoxes , what then ? I hope a Paradox may be as true as an old opinion , and an old opinion as false as a Paradox , for neither the one nor the other makes a truth , either the new or the old , for what is most reason & reasonable ; for in natural Philosophy , one opinion may be as true as another , since no body knows the first cause in nature of any thing . Then this Ladies Philosophy is excellent , and will be thought so hereafter , and the truth is that it was wholy , and onely wrought out of her own brain , as there are many witnesses , by the several sheets that she sent daily to be writ fair for the presse . As for her Poems , where are the exceptions to these ? marry they misse sometimes in the numbers and in the rimes . It is well known by the copies , that those faults lie most upon the Corrector , and the Printer ; but put the case there might be some slips in that kinde , is all the book damned for it , no mercy Gentlemen ? when for the numbers , every Schoole-boy can make them on his fingers , and for Rimes Fenner would have put down Ben. Johnson , and yet neither the boy or Fenner so good Poets . No , it is neither of those either makes , or condemns a Poet , it is new born and creating Phansies that Glorifies a Poet , and in her Book of Poems , I am sure there is excellent , and new Phancies , as have not been writ by any , and that it was onely writ by her is the greatest truth in the world . Now for her Book called the Worlds Olio , say some , how is it possible that she showld have such experience , to write of such things so ; I answer , that I living long in the great world , and having the various fortunes of what they call good and bad , 〈◊〉 the reading of men might bring me to as much experience as the reading of Books , and this I have now and then discourst unto this Lady , who hath wisely and elegantly drest it in her own way , and sumptuously cloathed it , at the charge of her own Phancies and expressions ; I say some of them she hath heard from me , but not the fortieth part of her book , all the rest are absolutely her own in all kindes , this is an ingenious truth , therefore beleeve it . As for the Book of her Philosophical opinions , there is not any one thing in the whole Book , that is not absolutely spun out by her own studious phancy , and if you will lay by a little passion against writers , you will like it , and the best , of any thing she has writ , therefore read it once or twice , not with malice to finde a little fault , but with judgement to like what is good . Truly I cannot beleeve so unworthily of any Scholer , honouring them so much as we both do , that they should envie this Lady , or should have so much malice or emulation , to cast such false aspersions on her , that she did not write those Books that go forth in her name , they will hardly finde out who else writ them , and I protest none ever writ them but her self ; You should rather incourage her , then by false suppositions to let her see the world is so ill natured , as to beleeve falshoods before truths . But here 's the crime , a Lady writes them , and to intrench so much upon the male prerogative , is not to be forgiven ; but I know Gown-men will be more civil to her , because she is of the Gown too , and therefore I am confident you will defend her and truth , and thus be undeceived . I had not troubled you with this , but that a learned Doctor , our very noble friend , writ is word of the infidelity of some people in this kinde ; whatsoever I have write is absolutly truth , which I here as a man of Honour set my hand to . W. NEWCASTLE . TO THE READER . IN my Book called the Worlds Olio , there are such grosse mistakes in misplacing of Chapters , and so many literall faults , as my book is much disadvantaged thereby . As for Chapters , there are many misplaced , for some Chapters that belong to that part of diseases , are misplaced among those of natural Philosophy , as one that belongs to sleep , and three Chapters that are of the temper of Aire ; likewise another Chapter of the strength of the soul and body is placed between the first and last part of the Common-Wealth , which nothing belongs to it : for though there is a soul and body belonging to every Common-Wealth , yet not such a soul and body as I have discourst of there . For the soul of a Common-Wealth is Actuall Justice , and industry . The soul of a man is Contemplation , Reason , and imagination . And the body of a Common-Wealth , is the Citizens therein , and Magistrates thereof . And the body of a man is the senses therein , and the members thereof . Likewise the strength of a Common-Wealth is the Laws . And the strength of a mans body is the nerves . Likewise a short copie of verses which is at the latter end of the book , is what I intended for this book , as being my beloved of all my works , prefering it as my master-piece , although I do beleeve it will not please my Readers , because as I have said in some of my Epistles , few take delight in the study of Natural Philosophy , yet those that delight not , or slight the study , or dispraise the work , make it not the lesse rational , for reason will be reason in the despite of the most malicious detractors or sophsterian censurers , but for the faults and mistakes in my other works , and perchance the like mischance may come to these , and although I know a passion cannot recal an injury past : yet I cannnot but grieve at the misfortune , as for a friend that should be hurt or lamed by some unhappy accident , but if there be any other faults of indiscretions in it , I the Author am to be pardoned by reason somwhat of it was writ in the dawning of my knowledge , and experience , and not having a clear light I might chance to stamble in dark ignorance on molehills of errors ; not that I accuse my book of faults ; but arm my self with truth against crabbed censurers . Likewise I do not lay all the faults in my book to the Printers or Correctors charge , for that would be so great an injustce , as I could never forgive my self for the crime , for the Chapters that are misplaced are through my fault , by reason I sent some part of it after the book was in the presse , and it seems that the Printer or corrector not understanding where to place them , put them in a wrong place . But the literate faults I lay to their charge , whereof I cannot choose but complain , for in some places it is so falsly printed , as one word alters the sense of many lines ; whereby my book is much prejudiced , and not onely by putting in false words , as a costements , for accoutraments , ungrateful for ungraceful , muster for mufler , and the like ; but the significancy of words , to expresse a singular for a plural ; yet I must confesse that this book is much truer Printed then my book of Poems , for where this book hath one fault , that hath ten ; for which I can forgive the Printer , and Corrector ten times easier then I did for the other , but setting aside the faults of my book , and complaining thereof , I must take the liberty in my own behalf to complain of this ill natured , and unbeleeving age , in not allowing me to be the right Authour thereof ; and though it were an endlesse work to answer every idle and impertinent question , or malicious objection ; for I am assured that rational , wise , learned , and just persons will never make a doubt , knowing that nature hath power to temper a brain as she pleaseth both to receive , retain , discuss , and create , yet for truths sake I am willing to satisfie my worthy readers ( if I can ) although I had thought I had answerd it in my former writings . But to answer those objections that are made against me , as first , how should I come by so much experience , as I have expressed in my several books to have ? I answer , I have had by relation , the long and much experience of my Lord , who hath lived to see and be in many changes of fortunes , and to converse with many men of sundry nations , ages , qualities , tempers , capacities , abilities , wits , humors , fashions and customes . And as many others , especially wives go from church to church , from ball to ball , from collation to collation , gossiping from house to house , so when my Lord admits me to his company , I listen with attention to his edifying discourse , and I govern my self by his Doctrine ; I dance a measure with the muses , feast with the Sciences , or sit and discourse with the arts . The second is , that since I am no Scholer , I cannot know the names and terms of art , and the divers and several opinions of several Authors , I answer , that I must have been a natural fool if I had not known and learnt them , for they are customarily taught all children from their nurses brest being ordinarily discoursed of in every family that is of quality , and the family from whence I sprung are neither natural idiots , nor ignorant fools , but the contrary , for they were rational , learned , understanding and wittie . And when I said I never converst an hour with professed Philosophers , for indeed in this age , I have not heard of many which do professe it , or an intimate acquaintance or familiar conversation with profest scholers , nor so much discourse as to learn from them , for three or four visits do not make an intimacy , nor familiarity , nor can much be learnd therefrom , for visiting and entertaining discourse , for the most part are either cautionary , frivolous , vain , idle , or at least but common and ordinary matter , and most commonly all visiting discourses , are after one and the same manner , although the company be several ; but I did not think my readers would have been so rigid as to think I excluded my husband , brothers , and the rest of my family , neither are they profest Philosophers nor Scholers , although they are learned therein , or to beleeve I was so ridiculously foolish , or so foolishly vain , or so basely false as that I strive to make the world to beleeve , I had all my experience and knowledge before I was born , and that my native Language came by instinct , and that I was never taught my A , B , C ; or the marks and names of several things ; but I hope my book hath more spiteful enemies then faults ; for I have said in an Epistle before the second part of my Olio , that if I had never seen nor heard so much as I have done , should never have been able to have writ a book . Thirdly , that I had taken feathers out of the Universities to enlarge the wings , of my fancy ; I answer , no more then David took the wooll from his sheeps backs to cloath his Poetical Phancies of devotion , or as I may say his devout Poetry which is drest with simulising . But it hath been known in several ages , that even poor Peasents that hear nothing but the blating of sheep : the lowing of herds , the crowing of cocks , and the like , and their ordinary discourses of nothing but of their market , or the like , have been high flying Poets , politick states men , wise Governours , prudent Souldiers , subtle Philosophers , excellent Physitians , and what not , even to be eloquent Orators , and Divine preachers , as the holy writ will make manifest to us , and I beleeve many more are mentioned in other Histories of lesse authority ; thus we may observe that nature is Prevalent in all qualities and conditions ; And since nature is so generous to distribute to those that fortune hath cast out , and education hath neglected , why should my readers mistrust nature should be sparing to me , who have been honourably born , carefully bred , and nobly married to a wise man , from whom , as I have said in some of my Epistles , in my book called the Worlds Olio , and do here say again , and again , if it will satisfie the Readers that I am my Lords Scholer , and as I have learnt , so I do daily learn knowledge and understanding , wit , and the purity of my language ; and let me intre at my Readers to be so just to me , as not to condemn me for an ideot by their objections and doubts , as not beleeving I am capable of learning , but let me tell my Readers that what I have learned since I was married , it is from my Lord , and what I had learned before it was from wy own familie , as from my own brothers , for my father died when I was young , and not from strangers ; for though I have seen much company , yet I have converst with few , and I take conversation to be in talking , which I have not practised very much , unlesse it be to particular friends , for naturally I am so wedded to contemplations , that many times when I have been in company , I had not known one word they have said , by reason my busie thoughts have stopped the sense of my hearing ; and though I prefer the delight of contemplation , before the pleasure of the senses , yet when the neerest and dearest of my friends speak , as my husband , brothers , sisters , or their children , my affection is such that I give such an atention to them , as if I had no other thoughts but of what they say , or any other sense but hearing ; but as I have said of the names and tearms of art , and the several opinions of the Antients , and the distinguishment of the sciences , and the like , I learned them from my neerest and dearest friends as from my own brothers , my Lords brother , and my Lord ( but having the words and termes of art makes me not a Philosopher ) nor a Poet ; and if every one in justice ought to have a due , then nature must have a share , and truly I will never be so ingrateful as not to acknowledge her favours , or to belie her in saying she hath not been bountiful to me , for she hath given me such materials , as I hope to build me a monumental fame therewith ; but to satisfie my Readers , I will tell them as well as I can how I came to know , and understand passages , all though I never practised , or were a spectator therein , or thereof ; as put the case my husband , or brothers should tell me of an Army of horse and foot , and that two Armies encountred , and fought a battle , and expresse the forms and figures , rancks and fiels , the flanck , the wings the vans , the rears , and the like , by which relation to my conceit I see it in my brain as perfectly , as if the battle was pitcht , and fought there , and my fancy will build discourse therefrom . Likewise if they should tell me all the parts of an Animal body , and how they are formed and composed , I conceive it as perfectly to my understanding as if I had seen it dissected although I never did and therefore may be deceived in my understanding , for truly I have gathered more by piece-meals , then from a full relation , or a methodical education for knowledge ; but my fancy will build thereupon , and make discourse therefrom , and so of every thing they discourse of , ( I say they ) that is my husband and brothers ; For the singularity of my affections are such , that though I have an ill memory , and could not if it were for my life relate word for word of any discourse , if it be any thing long that I shall hear from strangers , for I am the worst repeater of a story from strangers , or out of a book in the World , when from my neer friends ( especially my Lord ) whose discourses are lively discriptions , I cannot forget any thing they say , such deep impressions their words print in my brain , when I cannot remember one discourse perfectly from others , were they holy sermons to save my soul. but as I have said from a bare relation , I can conceive to my thinking every particular part , and passage , as if I were a witnesse thereof , or an actor therein ; but many things , although I should never have heard of any such thing , yet my natural reason will guide and discover to me , the right and the truth . For put the case I see a watch , or any other invention , and none should tell me how it was made , yet my natural reason would conceive how it was made , so in natural things my natural reason will conceive them without being any wayes instructed ; and so working a brain I have that many times on small objects or subjects will raise up many several phancies , and opinions therein , from which my discourse betwixt reason and those opinions will be produced ; but the truth is , I have more materials to build with , then ground to build on , wherby they become uselesse , but I beleeve time will moulder them to dust , or accidents , as sicknesse may destroy them , as dropsies may drown them , fevers may burn them , consumptions may waste them , or griefs may wither them , or other imployments like usurpers may throw it out of my head , but as yet my head is fully populated with divers opinions , and so many phancies are therein , as sometimes they lie like a swarm of bees in a round heap , and sometimes they flie abroad to gather honey from the sweet flowry rhetorick of my Lords discourse , and wax from his wise judgement which they work into a comb making chapters therein . But those that make these and the like idle objections against me either have not read all my Epistles , and the rest of my books or understands them not , but that is not my fault , but their unjust natures , to censure and condemn before they examine or understand ; Nay they do in somethings faulsely , ac cuse , and maliciously break out of some of my Epistles some parts to throw against me , which is most base and cruel to dismember my book tormenting it with spiteful objections , misforming the truth with falshood : but those that have noble and generous souls will beleeve me , and those that have base and mechannick souls , I care not what they say , and truly I would not have troubled my self in striving to satisfie this present age which is very censorious ; but fear the future age wherein I hope to live , may be deceived , and I by false constructions wronged ; for I have observed that the ignorant , and malicious , do strive to disturb , and obstruct all probable opinions , wittie ingenuities , honest industry , vertuous indeavours , harmlesse phancies , innocent pleasures , and honourable fames although they become infamous thereby . Readers I had forgotten to mention the objection , that there is no distinction between a scholer , and a Philosopher , if they mean as being vulgarly called both scholers I answer a scholer is to be learnd in other mens opinions , inventions and actions , and a philosopher is to teach other men his opinions of nature , and to demostrate the works of nature , so that a scholer is to learn a Philosopher to teach , and if they say there is no distinction between a profest scholer , and a profest philosopher , I am not of their opinion ; for a profest scholer in theologie , is not a profest Philosopher ; for Divines leave nature on the left hand , and walk on the right to things supernatural and if they mean profest scholers , as being bred at universities ( I answer ) that I take not all those that are bred at an Vniversity , and those that are learned to be profest scholers , or those that are great Philosophers to be profest , unlesse they make it their profession , as a profest Divine that hath taken Orders , or a profest Physitian that hath commenced Doctor , or profest Pleaders , or Lawyers that are made Barresters , or Philosophers , that teach Scholers ; but certainly there are many that are very learned that are not profest , as being of that profession by which they live . Likewise an objection for my saying I have not read many Books ; but I answer , for not reading of many Authors , had I understood several Languages , as I do not , , I have not had so much time ; had I indeavoured to have been learned threin , for learning requires close studies , long time , and labour . Besides , our sex takes so much delight in dressing and adorning themselves , as we for the most part make our gowns our books , our laces our lines , our imbroderies our letters , and our dressings are the time of our studie ; and instead of turning over solid leaves , we turn our hair into curles , and our sex is as ambitious to shew themselves to the eyes of the world , when finely drest , as Scholers do to expresse their learning to the ears of the world , when fully fraught with Authors . But as I have said my head was so full of my own naturai phancies , as it had not roome for strangers to boord therein , and certainly natural reason is a better tutor then education ; for though education doth help natural reason to a more sudden maturity , yet natural reason was the first educator ; for natural reason did first compose Common-Wealths , invented arts , and sciences , and if natural reason have composed , invented and discoverd , I know no reason , but natural reason may finde out what natural reason hath composed , invented , and discovered , without the help of education ; but some may say that education is like mony n put to use , which begets increase ; I say it is true , but natural reason is the principal , which without increase could not be , but in truth natural reason , is both the principal and the increase , for natural reason produceth beneficial effects , and findes out the right and the truth , the wrong and the falshood of things , or causes ; but to conclude , what education hath not instructed me , natural Reason hath infor med me of many things . TO THE TWO UNIVERSITIES . Most Famously learned , I Here present the sum of my works , not that I think wise School-men , and industrious , laborious students should value my book for any worth , but to receive it without a scorn , for the good incouragement of our sex , lest in time we should grow irrational as idiots , by the 〈◊〉 of our spirits , through the carelesse neglects , and despisements of the masculine sex to the effeminate , thinking it impossible we should have either learning or understanding , wit or judgement , as if we had not rational souls as well as men , and we out of a custom of dejectednesse think so too , which makes us quit all all industry towards profitable knowledge being imployed onely in looe , and pettie imployments , which takes away not onely our abilities towards arts , but higher capacities in speculations , so as we are become like worms that onely live in the dull earth of ignorance , winding our selves sometimes out , by the help of some refreshing rain of good educations which seldom is given us ; for we are kept like birds in cages to hop up and down in our houses , not sufferd to fly abroad to see the several changes of fortune , and the various humors , ordained and created by nature ; thus wanting the experiences of nature , we must needs want the understanding and knowledge and so consequently prudence , a nd invention of men : thus by an opinion , which I hope is but an erronious one in men , we are shut out of all power , and Authority by reason we are never imployed either in civil nor marshall affaires , our counsels are despised , and laught at , the best of our actions are troden down with scorn , by the over-weaning conceit men have of themselves and through a dispisement of us . But I considering with my self , that if a right judgement , and a true understanding , & a respectful civility live any where , it must be in learned Universities , where nature is best known , where truth is oftenest found , where civility is most practised , and if I finde not a resentment here , I am very confident I shall finde it no where , neither shall I think I deserve it , if you approve not of me , but if I desserve not Praise , I am sure to receive so much Courtship from this sage society , as to bury me in silence ; thus I may have a quiet grave , since not worthy a famous memory ; but to lie intombed under the dust of an University will be honour enough for me , and more then if I were worshipped by the vulgar as a Deity . Wherefore if your wisdoms cannot give me the Bayes , let your charity strow me with Cypres ; and who knows but after my honourable burial , I may have a glorious resurrection in following ages , since time brings strange and unusual things to passe , I mean unusual to men , though not in nature : and I hope this action of mine , is not unnatural , though unusual for a woman to present a Book to the University , nor impudence , for the action is honest , although it seem vain-glorious , but if it be , I am to be pardoned , since there is little difference between man and beast , but what ambition and glory makes . AN EPILOGE TO MY PHILOSOPHICAL OPINIONS . SOme say that my Book of Philosophy , it seems as if I had converst with Des-Cartes or Master Hobbes , or both , or have frequented their studies , by reading their works , but I cannot say but I have seen them both , but upon my conscience I never spake to monsieur De Cartes in my lise , nor ever understood what he said , for he spake no English , and I understand no other language , and those times I saw him , which was twice at dinner with my Lord at Paris , he did appear to me a man of the fewest words I ever heard . And for Master Hobbes , it is true I have had the like good fortune to see him , and that very often with my Lord at dinner , for I conversing seldom with any strangers , had no other time to see those two famous Philosophers ; yet I never heard Master Hobbes to my best remembrance treat , or discourse of Philosophy , nor I never spake to Master Hobbes twenty words in my life , I cannot say I did not ask him a question , for when I was in London I meet him , and told him as truly I was very glad to see him , and asked him if he would please to do me that honour to stay at dinner , but he with great civility refused me , as having some businesse , which I suppose required his absence . And for their works , my own foolish fancies do so imploy my time , as they will not give me leave to read their books , for upon my conscience I never read more of Mounsieur Des-Cartes then half his book of passion , and for Master Hobbes , I never read more then a little book called De Cive , and that but once , nor never had any body to read to me , as for their opinions , I cannot say I have not heard of many of them . As the like of others , but upon my conscience not throughly discoursed of , for I have heard the opinions of most Philosophers in general , yet no otherw aies then if I should see a man , but neither know his estate , quality , capacity , or natural disposition , thus upon my conscience is a truth , not onely in these two Philosophers , but all Philosophers , and not onely Philosophers , but all their learned men , so that I am no otherwayes learned in writers works , or other opinions then those that onely learned the tearms of arts , and sciences , but know no more . The like they may say of Physitians , as of Philosophers , when they read my opinions of diseases ; it is true I have converst with Physitians more then any other learned profession , yet not so much as to increase my understanding , although more then was advantagious for my health , indeed I have been the worst Physitian to my self ; besides wise learned men think it a discredit to discourse learnedly to ignorant women , and many learned men speak most commonly to women , as women do to children nonsense , as thinking they understand not any thing , or else like those that are of another Language speak such gibbrish , to those they would have understood that they understand not themselves yet think those they speak to do conceive them , as if ignorance was bound to understand nonsense , that is not to be understood ; but I desire my Readers , or censurers ; for some will censure that have not read , or at least not understood me , that I did never take nor steal any opinion , or argument from any other as my own , nor never will , and if I hit or light upon the same , it is meer chance . T is true , I have mentioned many opinions , but not as my own opinions or arguments , but rather , 〈◊〉 civilly I have been opposite to those opinions I have heard of , and I make no question but if my Readers will take the paines to compare my writings to others , and throughly examine them , they will I make no question , finde great difference ; for though other Philosophy have treated of matter , form , and motion , being the fundamental ground , of all all natural Philosophical discourse , yet I believe not my way , nor I never read any book of diseases , or medicines but Gerrards Herball , which no question is a very rare book , and cetainly discribes the tempers of herbs , fruits , and drugs very learnedly , but I do verily 〈◊〉 the learning lies more in the tempers then in the applications ; for I beleeve where one is rightly applied , forty are falsly applied , and how shall it be otherwaies , unlesse he had studied the motions and tempers of diseases ; for one and the same diseases may be of several tempers , and motions , wherefore one and the same simple will not cure one and the same kinde , or rather sort of disease ; Wherefore I beseech my readers to be so charitable , and just , as not to bury my works in the monuments of other writers , but if they will bury them , let it be in their own dust , or oblivion , for I had rather be forgotten , then scrape acquaintance , or insinuate my self into others company , or brag of received favours , or take undeserved gifts , or belie noble Benefactors , or to steal , although I were sure the theft would never be discovered , and would make me live eternally . But I have no acquaintance with old Authors , nor no familiarity with the moderns , I have received no instructions by learning , and I never owned that which was not justly my own , nor never stole that which was justly anothers , neither have I retained , but plain truth to defend , and conscience towitnesse for me . Besides , I have heard that learning spoiles the natural wit , and the fancies , of others , drive the fancies out of our own braines , as enemies to the nature , or at least troublesome guests that fill up all the rooms of the house . This opinion , or rather a known truth , was a sufficient cause for me , neither to read many Books , or hear arguments , or to dispute opinions , had I ever been edicted to one , or accustomed to the other , by reason I found a naturall inclination , or motion in my own brain to fancies , and truly I am as all the world is , partial , although perchance , or at least I hope not so much as many are , yet enough to desire that my own fancies , and opinions might live in the world , rather then the fancies and opinions of other mens in my brain . AN EPISTLE TO MY HONOURABLE READERS . MOst Noble Reader , let not partialitie , or obstinacie weigh judgments scales , but truth ; wherefore if you weigh my Philosophical , and Physical opinions with the ancient Philosophers , lay by the weaknesse , and incapacity of our sex ; my unexperienced age , my unpractised time , my ignorant studies , my faint knowledge , and dim understanding to help to pair my discourse , with theirs , in which scale there are learned studies , long experience , practised time , high arguments , and School-disputations ; Besides , they draw and make the large river of their discourse from many several springs ; mine onely flows in little Rivolets , from the natural spring in my own brain . AN EPISTLE TO THE Reader , for my Book of Philosophy . PErchance many that read this book , will hardly understand it , not but it may be as rational , and as probable , as any that have writ before , but unlesse they be contemplary persons , which are not many in our nation , especially in the Protestant opinion , which live not Monastical lives , are not so curious , nor so inquisitive , after nature , as to study that Science ; Besides , they think it unprofitable , bringing no advantage ; but they are much mistaken , for that it is a great insight to the knowledge of all Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals , their constitutions , their sympathies , and antipathies , their extractions , and applications which they apply , for health , and prolonging of life ; Besides , the study in this Science , brings them acquainted with the course of the stars and planets , and the several tempers of the Climats , and the nature of the several Soyls , which is profitable in husbandry ; then it is advantagious for the art of Navigation , and Plantations , and many other things ; but above all , this study is a great delight , and pleases the curiosity of mens minds , it carries their thoughts above vulgar and common Objects , it elevates their spirits to an aspiring pitch ; It gives room for the untired appetites of man , to walk or run in , for so spatious it is , that it is beyond the compasse of time ; besides , it gives pleasure in varieties , for infinite wayes are sirawed with infinite varieties , neither doth it binde up man to those strickt rules as other Sciances do , it gives them an honest liberty , and proves temperance is the greatest pleasure in nature . T is true , moral Philosophy is an excellent study , but the doctrine is too strict for the practise , for it teaches more then can be followed , and Theologie is a glorious study , but the way is difficult and dangerous , for though there are many pathes , yet there is but one that leads to heaven , and those that step awrie fall into the Gulph of damnation , and the deep study in this many times blindes the eyes , both of faith and reason , and instead of uniting mankind with love , to live in peace , it makes discords with controversies , raises up faction to uphold each-side , whose endlesse quarrels are followed with such hatred , and fought with such malice and envie , and the zeal spits so much blood , as if not onely several parties would be rased out , but the bulk of mankinde ; And to study Law , is to study dissention , to study Logick is to study deceit , to make falshood appear like truth ; to study Rhetorick is to study words more then sense , and many the like studies are more painful then useful , more time lost then profit got , more tedious then pleasant , more sophistry then truth . Indeed the Mathematicks brings both profit and pleasure to the life of man , it gives just measure and equal weight , it makes all odd reckonings even , it sets all musical notes , it brings concord out of discord , it gives diminution and extention ; But as I said before , few or none but Monastical men , which live contemplary lives , despising the vanities of the world , next to the service of God , seek to be acquainted with nature , and to observe the course of her works , yet in an humble and respectful manner , as to admire her curiosity , and to glorifie and adore the God of nature , for the wonders they finde by her works , and workings : for this reason , if I had been so learned , I would have put my book into Latine , which is a general language through all Europe , and not have writ it in my native Language , which goeth no further then the kingdom of England , wherein I fear my book will finde but little applause ; because few therein study natural Philosophy , and what they understand not , they cannot judge of , yet I beleeve all that read will take upon them to give a censure , and what their weak braines is not capable to reach at , their active tongues are capable to pull down , so that I fear me my book will be lost in oblivion , or condemned by ignorance , unlesse some generous disposition which hath a genius in natural Philosophy , and learned and eloquent in the Latine tongue will translate my work ; yet I had rather my book should die in Oblivion , then to be divulged to disadvantage , and instead of cloathing it in a new garment , they will dismember the body of sense , as to put out the natural eyes , and put in glasse eyes in the place , or to cut off the legs , and then set the body upon wooden stumps , but unlesse the Translator hath a genius sutable to the Author of the Original , the Original will be disfigured with mistakes ; yet it is easier to translate prose then verse , for rimes , number , and sense , are hard to match in several Languages , it is double labour , and requires double capacitie ; for although Ovid and Dubartus were so happy as to meet a Sylvester and a Sands , yet very few or no other had the like good fortune in our Language : for this reason I would have turned my Atomes out of verse into prose , and joyned it to this book , but I finding my brain would be like a river that is turned from its natural course , which will neither run so smooth , swift , easie , nor free , when it is forced from its natural motion and course , both which made me desist &c. AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Must advertise my Readers that though I have writ difserent wayes of one and the same subject , yet not to obstruct , crosse , or contradict ; but I have used the freedom , or taken the liberty to draw several works upon one ground , or like as to build several rooms upon one foundation , likewise my desire was , to expresse the several works that several motions make in printed figures , that the sense of my opinions might be explained to the eye , as well as to the ear , or conceivements of my Readers ; but by reason the Painters and Cutters in this Country cannot speak , nor understand English , nor I any other Language ; which reason perswaded me to let my Book be Printed without them , for though I might have had such an Interpreter that could expresse grosse material subjects , yet none that were so learned in both Languages , as to expresse , and instruct them to expresse by their art the figures of the fine , curious , subtil , and obscure motions in nature , and to have them all done would have rather puzled my Readers , and confounded the sense of my opinions , then any wayes have advantaged the one , or informed the other . Wherefore I must intreat my Readers to take a little more paines , and care in the reading , and considering part . AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Desire my Readers to give me the same priviledge to discourse in natural Philosophy , as Scholers have in schooles , which I have heard speak freely , and boldly , without being condemned for Atheisme ; for they speak as natural Philosophers , not as Divines : and since it is natural Philosophy , and not Theologie , I treat on , pray account me not an Atheist , but beleeve as I do in God Almighty . A CONDEMNING TREATISE OF ATOMES . I Cannot think that the substance of infinite matter is onely a body of dust , such as small atoms , and that there is no solidity , but what they make , nor no degrees , but what they compose , nor no change and variety , but as they move , as onely by fleeing about as dust and ashes , that are blown about with winde , which me thinks should make such uncertainties , such disproportioned figures , and confused creations , as there would be an infinite and eternal disorder . But surely such wandring and confused figures could never produce such infinite effects ; such rare compositions , such various figures , such several kindes , such constant continuance of each kinde , such exact rules , such undissolvable Laws , such fixt decrees , such order , such method , such life , such sense , such faculties , such reason , such knowledge , such power , which makes me condemn the general opinions of atoms , though not my particular opinions of the figures , that the long atoms make air , the round water , the flat square earth ; also that all the other figures are partly severed from those ; also the measure , and the weight of atoms , of slime , flame , of burning , of quenching of fire , and of the several motions , compositions , and composers in their creating and dissolving of figures ; also their wars and peace , their sympathies and antipathies , and many the like ; but this opinion of mine is , if the infinite , and eternal matter are atoms , but I have considered that if the onely matter were atoms , and that every atome is of the same degree , and the same quantity , as well as of the same matter ; then every atom must be of a living substance , that is innate matter , for else they could not move , but would be an infinite dull and immoving body , for figures cannot make motion , unlesse motion be in the matter , and it cannot be a motion that sets them at work without substance , for motion cannot be without substance or produced therefrom , and if motion proceeds from substance , that substance is moving innately , but if motion is nothing , then every several nothings , which are called several motions , are gods to infinite matter , and our stronger nothing , which is every stronger motion , is god to every weaker nothing , which is every weaker motion ; for if motion depend upon nothing , every particular motion is absolute ; but the old opinions of atoms seems not so clear to my reason , as my own , and absolutly new opinions , which I hear call my Philosophical opinions , which opinions seem to me to be most probable , and these opinions are like Chymistrie , that from a grosse substance , extract the substance and essence , and spirits of life , or knowledge which I call the innated matter . THE OPINION , or RELIGION OF THE OLD PHILOSOPHERS . NAtural Philosophers in their opinions make three gods , the causer , the worker , and the matter , as God , nature , and the Chaos , all three being eternal , as the causer God was , is , and shall be , the worker , nature was , is , and shall be , the matter , chaos was , is , and shal be , was ever , is present , and shall be eternally , and whatsoever was in its self from all eternity , and shall be to all eternity , is a God , but if they make them all but one thing , then they may say there is but one God ; but if they make them three distinct things , then they make three Gods , for though they make them all one in unity , yet not in property , but God is like a Center , from whom all infinites flow , as from him , and through him , and to him , his infinite knowledg knowes all past , present , and what is to come , and is a fixt instant . THE TEXT TO MY Natural Sermon . I As the preacher of nature , do take my text out of natural observance , and contemplation , I begin from the first chapter , which is the onely , and infinite matter , and conclude in the last which is eternity . But I desire my noble Readers to hear me with so much patience , or be so just to me as to observe , that though my text is common , for who hath not heard of the first matter ? and my application old , for what is older then eternity ? Yet that my arguments , and proofs are new ; for what ancient Philosophers have preached after my way ? wherefore most industrious and ingenious students , cast me not out of your Schools , nor condemn my opinions , out of a dispisement of my sex ; for though nature hath made the active strength of the effeminat sex weaker then the masculine , yet perchance she may elevate some fancies , and create some opinions , as sublime , and probable in effeminate brains as in masculine . Wherefore it were unjust to condemn the probable particulars for the errours of the generality ; and if you speak or think me too vainglorious in pleading in my own cause , it may be thought you are irregular , and if I should not plead for my self in a just cause , it may be thought I were not a right begotten daughter of nature , but a monster produced by her escapes , or defects ; for every true childe of nature will require its just inheritance . The first cause is matter . The second is Motion . The third is figure which produceth all natural effects . Nature is matter , form , and motion , all these being as it were but one thing ; matter is the body of nature , form is the shape of nature and motion . The spirits of nature , which is the life of nature , and the several motions are the several actions of nature . The several figures are the several postures of nature , and the several parts , the several members of nature . OF MATTER AND MOTION . CHAP. I. THERE is no first matter , nor first Motion ; for matter and motion are infinite , and being infinite , must consequently be Eternal ; and though but one matter , yet there is no such thing , as the whole matter , that is , as one should say , All. And though there is but one kinde of matter , yet there are infinite degrees of matter , as thinner and thicker , softer and harder , weightier , and lighter ; and as there is but one matter , so there is but one motion , yet there are infinite degrees of motion , as swifter and slower ; and infinite changes of motion ; And although there is but one matter , yet there are infinite of parts in that matter , and so infinits of Figures : if infinite figures , infinite sizes ; if infinite sizes , infinite degrees of bignesse , and infinite degrees of smalnesse , infinite thicknesse , infinite thinnesle , infinite lightnesse , infinite weightinesse ; if infinite degrees of motion , infinite degrees of strengths ; if infinite degrees of strengths , infinite degrees of power , and infinite degrees of knowledge , and infinite degrees of sense . Chap. 2. Of the Form and the Minde . AS I said , there is but one Matter , thinner and thicker which is the Form , and the Minde , that is , Matter moving , or Matter moved ; likewise there is but one motion , though flower or swifter moving several wayes ; but the slower or weaker motions are no lesse motion , then the stronger or swifter . So Matter that is is thinnest or thickest , softest or hardest , yet is but one matter ; for if it were divided by digrees , untill it came to an Atome , that Atome would still be the same matter , as well as the greatest bulk . But we cannot say smallest , or biggest , , thinnest , softest or hardest it Infinite . Chap. 3. Eternal matter . THat matter which was solid , and weighty from all Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was spungie , and light from all Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what had innate motion from Eternity , may be so eternally ; and what was dull without innate motion from Eternity , may be so eternally : for if the degrees could change , then there might be all thin , and no thick , or all thick , and no 〈◊〉 all hard , no soft , and fluid , or all fluid , and no solidity . For 〈◊〉 contracting and dilating may bring and joyn parts together , or separate parts asunder , yet those parts shall not be any other wayes , then by Nature they were . Chap. 4. Of Infinite matter . INfinite matter cannot have exact Form , or Figure , because it hath no Limits : but being divided by motion into several parts , those Parts may have perfect Figures , so long as those Figures last ; yet these parts cannot be taken from the Infinite Body . And though parts may be divided in the Body Infinite , and joyned several wayes , yet Infinite can neither be added , nor diminished ; yet division is as infinite as the matter divided . Chap. 5. No proportion in Nature . IN Nature there is no such thing , as Number or Quantity ; for Number , and Quantity have onely reference to division : neither is there any such thing as time in Eternity ; for Time hath no reference but to the Present , if there be any such thing as Present . Chap. 6. Of one Kinde of Matter . ALthough there may be infinite degrees of matter , yet the Nature , and kinde of matter is finite : for Infinite of severall kindes of matter would make a Confusion . Chap. 7. Of Infinite knowledge . THere can be no absolute Knowledge , if infinite degrees of Knowledge ; nor no absolute power , if there be infinite degrees of strength : nor present , if infinite degrees of motion . Chap. 8. No Judge in Nature . NO Intreaty , nor Petition can perswade Nature , nor any Bribes can corrupt , or alter the course of nature . Justly there can be no complaints made against Nature , nor to Nature . Nature can give no redresse . There are no Appeals can be made , nor Causes determined , because Nature is infinite , and eternal : for Infinite cannot be confined , or prescribed , setled , rul'd , or dispos'd , because the Effects are sa infinite as the Causes : and what is infinite , hath no absolute power : for what is absolute , is finite . Finite cannot tell how Infinite doth flow , Nor how infinite matter moveth to and fro . For infinite of Knowledge cannot guess Of infinite of matter , more , or lesse : Nor infinite of Causes cannot finde The infinite Effects of every Kinde . Chap. 9. Of Perfection . IN infinite can no perfection be , For why ? Perfection is in Unity . In infinite no union can combine , For that has neither Number , point nor Line ; Though infinite can have no Figure , Yet not lie all confus'd in heaps together Chap. 10. Of Inequalities . IF infinites have infinite degrees , And none alike to make Equalities . As if a Haire be cut with curious Arts , Innumerable but unequal parts , And that not any part alike shall be , How shall we joyn , to make them well agree ? If every one is like it self alone , Three cannot be , unlesse three equal One. If one , and one make two ; and two , and two make four yet there must be two equal ones to make two , and two equal two's to to make four . And as two and one make three , yet there must be two equal ones joyned to a single one , to make three , or three equal single ones to joyn in three . The like is in weight , and Measure , Motion and Strength . Chap. 11. Of Unities . IN infinite if infinite degrees , Then those Degrees may meet in Unities . And if one man should have the 〈◊〉 of four , Then four to equal him will be no more . As if one Line should be in four parts cut , Shall equal the same Line together put ; So two and one , though odd is theer ; Yet three and three shall equal be . Like those that equal spaces backwards go , To those that 's forward , equals them we know . Like Buckets in a Well if empty be , As one descends , the other ascends , we see ; So Motions , though their crosse , may well agree , As oft in Musick make a Harmony . Chap. 12. There is no Vacuity . IN Nature if Degrees may equal be , All may be full , and no Vacuity . As Boxes small , and smaller may contain , So bigger , and bigger must there be again . Infinite may run contracting , and dilating , Still , still , by degrees without a separating . Chap. 13. Of Thin , and Thick Matter . THus may thin Matter into Solid run , And by its motion ; , make thick Matter turn In several wayes , and fashions , as it will , Although dull Matter of it self lie still : T is not , that Solid Matter moves in Thin , For that is dull , but thin which moves therein . Like Marrow in the Bones , or Blood in Veins ; Or thinner matter which the blood contains . Like Heat in Fire , the effect is straight to burn , So Matter thin makes solid matter run . Chap. 14. Of Vacuum . IF Infinite inequalitie doth run , Then must there be in Infinite Vacuum . For what 's unequal , cannot joyned be So close , but there will be Vacuity . Chap. 15. The Unity of Nature . NAture tends to Unity , being but of a kinde of Matter , but the degrees of this Matter being thinner , and thicker , softer , and harder , weightier , and lighter , makes it , as it were , of different kinde , when t is but different degrees : Like several extractions , as it were out of one and the same thing ; and when it comes to such an Extract , it turns to Spirits , that is , to have an Innate motion . Chap. 16. Of Division . THe several degrees of Matter cause Division by different motion , making several Figures , erecting , and dissolving them , according as their matter moves . This makes motion and Figure alwayes to be in War , but not the matter ; for it is the several effects that disagree , but not the Causes : for the Eternal matter is alwayes in peace , as being not subject to change ; but motion and Figure , being subject to Change , strive for Superiority : which can never be , because subject to Change. Chap. 17. The Order of Nature . THe Reason , that there is not a Confusion in Nature , but an orderly Course therein , is , the Eternal matter is alwayes one , and the same : for though there are Infinite degrees , yet the Nature of that Matter never alters . But all variety is made according to the several Degrees , and the several degrees do palliate and in some sense make an Equality in infinite ; so as it is not the several degrees of matter , that strive against each other , but several motions drive them against one another . Chap. 18. Of War , and no absolute Power . THe Reason that all things make War upon one another , is , the several * Degrees of matter , the contradiction of motion , and the Degrees , and the advantage of the shapes of ( * ) Figures alwayes striving . Chap. 19. Of Power . THere is no absolute Power , because Power is infinite , and the infinitenesse hinders the absolutenesse : for if there were an absolute power , there would be no dispute : but because there is no absolute power , there would be no dispute ; but because there is no absolute power , therefore there be Disputes , and will be eternally : for the several degrees of matter , motion , and Figure strive for the Superiority , making Faction by ( * ) Sympathy , and Fraction , by ( * ) Antipathy . Chap. 20. Similizing the spirits , or Innate Matter . THe Spirits , or Essences in Nature are like Quick-silver : for say it be fluid , it will part into little Sphaerical Bodies , running about , though it be nere so small a Quantity : and though they are Sphaerical , yet those Figures they make by several , and subtle motion , may differ variously , and Infinitely . This innate matter is a kinde of god or gods to the dull part of matter , having power to form it , as it please , and why may not every degree of Innate matter be as several gods , and so a strong motion be a god to the weaker , and so have an infinite , and Eternal Government ? As we will compare motions to Officers , or Magistrates . The Constable rules the Parish , the Mayor , the Constable , the King the Mayor , and some Higher power the King : thus infinite powers rule Eternity . Or again thus , the Constable rules the Hundred , the Major rules the City , the King the kingdom , and Caesar the world . Thus may dull matter over others rule , According as ' tis* shap'd by motions Tool . So Innate matter Governs by degree , According as the stronger motions be . Chap. 21. Of Operation . ALL things in the world have an Operative power ; which Operation is made by Sympathetical motions & Antipathetical motions , in several Figures . for the assisting Operation is caused by one , the destructive Operation by another ; like Poyson and cordials , the one kills , the other cures : but Operations are infinite , as motions . Chap. 22. Natural , or Sensivtie War. ALL Natural War is caused either by a Sympathetical motion , or an Antepathetical motion . For Natural War , and Peace proceed from Self-preservation , which belongs only to the Figure ; for nothing is annihilated in Nature , but the particular prints , or several shapes that motion makes of matter ; which motion in every Figure strives to maintain what they have created : for when some Figures destroyothers , it is for the maintenance or security ofthemselves : and when the destruction is for , Food it is Sympathetical motion , which makes a particular Appetite , or nourishment from some Creatures to others ; but an Antipathetical motion that makes the Destruction . Chap. 23. Of Annihilation . THere can be no Annihilation in Nature : nor particular motions , and Figures , because the matter remains that was the Cause of those Motions and Figures . As for particular figures , although every part is separated that made such a figure , yet it is not Annihilated ; because those parts remain that made it . So as it is not impossible but the same particular Figures may be erected by the same motions , that joyned those parts , and in the matter may repeat the same motion eternally so by succession : and the same matter in a figure may be erected and dispersed eternally . Thus the dispersing of the matter into particular figures by an Alteration of motion , we call Death ; and the joyning of parts to create a Figure , we call life . Death is a Separation , life is a Contraction . Chap. 24. LIFE . LIfe is the Extract , or spirit of common matter : ( * ) this extract is Agile , being alwayes in motion ; for the Thinnesse of this matter causes the subtilty of the Quality , or property , which quality , or preporty is to work upon all dull Matter . This Essence , or life , which are Spirits of sense , move of themselves : for the dull part of Matter moves not , but as it is moved thereby . Their common motions are four . Atractive . Retentive . Digestive . Expulsive . Attractive is that which we call Growth , or youth . Retentive , is that we call strength . Digestive is that we call Health , that is an equal distribution of parts to parts , and agreeing of those spirits . Expulsive is that which we call Death , or decay . The Attractive spirits gather , and draw the materials together . The Digestive spirits do cut and carve out every thing . The Retentive do fit , and lay them in their proper places . The Expulsive do pul down , and scatter them about . Those spirits most commonly move according to the matter they work on . For in spung and porous light matter , their motion is quick ; in solid , and weighty , their motion is slower . For the solid parts are not onely dull , and immoveable of themselves , but they hinder and * obstruct those Spirits of sence , and though they cut and pierce through all , yet it is with more labour , and slower motion ; for their motions change according to the quantity and quality of that matter they meet with ; for that which is porous and spungy , the Figures that they form that matter in , are sooner made , and sudenlier destroyed , then that which is more combustible . This is the reason , Minerals last longer then Vegetables , and Animals , because that matter is both tougher and harder to work on , then Vegetables and Animals are . These Sensitive spirits we may similize to several workmen , being alwayes busily imployed , removing , lifting , carrying , driving , drawing , digging , and the like . And although these spirits are of substance thinner then dull matter , yet they are stronger by reason of their subtility , and motion , which motion gives them power : for they are of an acute quality , being the Vitriol , as it were , of Nature , cut and divide all that opposeth their way . Now these spirts , though they be infinite , yet we cannot think them so grosse an infinite , as combustible matter , yet those thinner infinites may cut , and carve the thicker infinites all into several figures : like as Aqua-fortis will eat into the hardest iron , and divide it into small parts . As I have said before , the spirits of life works according as the matter is , for every thing is shap'd according to the solidity of the matter ; like as a man which builds a house of such wood , which is tough , and strong , because he knows otherwise it will break , by reason of the great weight they are to bear , but to make laths , he takes his wood and cuts it thin , that the nails may the easier passe through , so joyning and fitting several sorts to proper uses to build his house . Or like a Cook , when he 's to raise a pie , must take stiff Dough ; for otherwise it will not onely fall before it be finished , but it cannot be raised , and to make the lids to cover his pye , he must use a softer Paste , otherwise it will not rowl thin ; thus a stiff paste is not fit for a lid , nor a thinner paste for to raise a Pye ; it may make a Cake , or so . So the spirits of life must make figures , as the matter is fit : and proper therto , for the figure of man or the like ; the spirits of life take the solid and hard matter for the * Bones : the Glutinous matter for the Sinews , Nerves , Muscles , and the like ; and the Oyly matter , for Flesh , Fat , Marrow . So the fluid for Blood , and such like matter . and the spirits themselves do give this dull matter , motion , not onely in the building of the figure , but to make the figure move when it is built . Now the spirits of life , or lively spirits do not onely move dull and immoving matter , but makes that matter to move and work upon others ; for some kinde of figures shall make * another to resemble it self , though not just be as it self is made , but as the shadow like the substance ; for it works as a hand that is guided by another , and not of its own strength : that is the reason , Arts have not so much perfection as nature . The Copy is not so lively as the Original ; for the spirits of life move , and work of their own strength , and the dul matter by the strength of the spirits . Chap. 25. Of CHANGE . THe Change of motion in several Figures makes all change and difference in the World , and their several properties and effects thereto . And that which we call Death , or corruption , is not * an absence of life , but an expulsive motion which doth annihilate those figures , that erecting motion hath made . So death is an annihilation of the Print , not of the Mould of figures ; for the Moulds of those figures of Mankinde , Beast , or Plant , of all kindes whatsoever , shall never be annihilated so long as motion and matter last , which may alwayes be ; for the mould of all figures is in the power of motion , and the substance of matter . Chap. 26. Of Youth , or Growth . THus Spirits of sense work according to the substance of the matter : for if the matter be porous and light , they form those figures quicker , and dissolve them suddenly : But if their matter be solid and hard , they work slower , which makes some figures longer ere they come to perfection , and not so easily undone . And if their strength be too weak for the matter they work upon , as wanting help , then the figure is imperfect , and mishapen , as we say . This is the reason Animals and Vegetables , which are yong , have not so great strength as when they are full grown ; because there are fewer spirits , and the materials are loose and unsetled , not knockt close : But by degrees more spirits gather together , which help to forward their work , bring in materials by food , setling them by nourishment , carrying out by Evacuations that matter that is unuseful , and that Rubbish and Chips , as I may say , which would hinder their motion . If they bring in unuseful matter , their figure increases not , as we say , thrives not . And if they carry out the principal materials , the figure decayes , and falls down . But those parts of matter which are not spirits , do not carry that part of matter which is spirit , but these spirits carry the dull matter . Thus the spirits , the innated matter , move in dull matter , and dull matter moveth by the spirits ; and if the matter be fine , and not gross , which they build withal , and their motion be regular , then the figure is beautiful and well proportioned . Chap. 27. Of Increasing . THe reason that the corruption of one figure is the cause of making of another of the same kinde , is , not onely , that it is of such a tempered matter that can onely make such a kinde of figure ; but that the spirits make figures according to their strength : So that the spirits that are in the Seed , when they have undone the figure they are in , by a general expulsion , which we call corruption , they begin to create again another figure of the same kinde , if no greater power hinder it . For the matter that is proper , to make such like figures , is fitted , or temper'd to their strengths . So as the Temper of the matter , and the strength of the spirits , are the Erectors of those figures eternally . And the reason , that from one Seed , less , or more Numbers are increased and rais'd , is , that though few begin the work , more will come to their help ; and as their numbers are increased , their figures are more , or less , weaker , or stronger . Chap. 28. Of Decay . WHen Spirit of Life have created a Figure , and brought it to perfection ; if they did not pull it down again , they would be idle , having no work to do ; and Idleness is against the nature of life , being a perpetual motion . For as soon as a figure is perfected , the spirits generally move to an expulsive motion . This is the reason , that Age hath not that strength as full-growth : But like an old house falling down by degrees , shed their Haires , or Leaves , instead of Tiles , the Windows broke down , and stopped with Rubbish . So Eyes in Animals grow hollow and dim . And when the Foundation of a house is loose , every little winde shakes it . So when the Nerves being slack , and the Muscles untied , and the Joynts unhing'd , the whole Body is weak , and tottering , which we call Palsies : which Palsies , as the winde , shakes . The Bloud , as the Springe dries up , Rhumes , as Rain falls down , and Vapours , as Dust , flie up . Chap. 29. Of Dead , and Death . DEad is , where there is a General Alteration of such Motion , as is proper to such Figures . But Death is an Annihilation of that Print , or Figure , by an Expulsive Motion : And as that Figure dissolves , the Spirits disperse about , carrying their several burdens to the making of other Figures . Like as a house that is ruin'd by Time , or spoyled by accident ; the several Materials are imployed to other uses ; sometimes to the building of an house again . But a house is longer a building then a pulling down , by reason of the cutting , carving , laying , carrying , placing , and fitting every part to make them joyn together ; so all the works of Nature are sooner dissolv'd then created . Chap. 30. Of Local Shapes . SOme Shapes have power over others , but 't is not alwayes in the size , or bulk of the Figure , but in the manner of their Formes that give advantage , or disadvantage . A little Mouse will run through the Snowt of a great Elephant : A little Flye will sting a great Figure to death ; A Worm will wind through a thick Body ; The Lions force lies in his Claws ; The Horses in his Hoof ; The Dogs in his Teeth ; The Bulls in his Horns ; and Man 's in his Armes , and Hands ; Birds in their Bills , and Talons : And the manner of their Shapes gives them several properties , or faculties . As the Shape of a Bird causes them to 〈◊〉 , a Worm to creep , the Shape of a Beast to run , the Shape of Fish to swim ; yet some flie swifter , and higher then others , as their Wings are made : So some run nimbler then others , according as their Limbs are made ; and some swim glider then others , according as their Fins are made . But Man surpasses the shape of all other Creatures ; because he hath a part , as it were , of every shape . But the same motion , and the same matter without the shape , could not give such External Properties ; since all Internal Properties are wrought out of dull matter . So as it is their shapes , joyned with such motions proper thereunto , that giveth strength , and Agileness . But the Internal Qualities may be alike in every figure ; because Rational Spirits work not upon dull matter , but figures themselves . Chap. 31. The Visible Motion in Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals . THe external motions of Animals are , running , turning , winding , tumbling , leaping , jumping , shoving , throwing , darting , climbing , creeping , drawing , heaving , lifting , carrying , holding , or staying , piercing , digging , flying , swimming , diving . The Internal motion , is , contriving , directing , examining , comparing , or judging , contemplating , or reasoning , approving or disapproving , resolving . From whence arise all the Passions , and several Dispositions . These , and the like , are the visible Internal motions in Animals . The Internal motions of Vegetables , and Minerals , are in operation ; As , contracting , dilating ; which is Attractive , Retentive , Digestive , Expulsive . The Vegetables External motion , is , increasing , decreasing , that is , enlarging , or lasting ; although there may be matter not moving , yet there is no matter , which is not moved . Chap. 32. Of the Working of several Motions of Nature . MOtions do work according as they finde Matter , that 's fit , and proper for each kinde . Sensitive Spirits work not all one way , But as the matter is , they cut , carve , lay . Joyning together Matter , solid Light , And build and form some figures streight upright ; Or make them bending , and so jutting out : And some are large , and strong , and big about . And some are thick , and hard , and close unite ; Others are flat , and low , and loose , and light . But when they meet with matter , fine , and thin , Then they do weave , as Spiders when they spin : All that is woven is soft , smooth , thin things , As flowry Vegetables , and Animal skins . Observe the Grain of every thing , you 'l see , Like inter-woven Threads lye evenly . And like to Diaper , and Damask wrought , In several works , that for our Table 's bought . Or like to Carpets which the Persian made , Or Sattin smooth , which is the Florence Trade . Some matter they ingrave , like Ring , and Seal , Which is the stamp of Natures Common-weal . 'T is Natures Armes , where she doth print On all her Works , as Coin that 's in the Mint . Some several sorts they joyn together glu'd . As matter solid , with some that 's fluid . Like to the Earthly ball , where some are mixt Of several sorts , although not fixt . For though the Figure of the Earth may last Longer then others ; yet at last may waste . And so the Sun , and Moon , and Planets all , Like other Figures , at the last may fall . The Matter 's still the same , but motion may Alter it into Figures every way : Yet keep the property , to make such kinde Of Figures fit , which Motion out can finde . Thus may the Fgures change , if Motion hurls That Matter of her wayes , for other Worlds . Of the Minde . THere is a degree of stronger Spirits then the sensitive Spirits : as it were the Essence of Spirits ; as the Spirit of Spirits , This is the Minde , or Soul of Animals . For as the sensitive Spirits are a weak knowledg , so this is a stronger knowledge . As to similize them , I may say , there is as much difference betwixt them , as Aqua Fortis , to ordinary Vitriol . These Rational Spirits , as I may call them , work not upon dull matter , as the Sensitive Spirits do ; but onely move in measure , and number , which make Figures ; which Figures are Thoughts , as Memory , Understanding , Imaginations , or Fancy , and Remembrance and Will. Thus these Spirits moving in measure , casting , and placing themselves into Figures make a Consort , and Harmony by Numbers . Where the greater Quantity , or Number , are together of those rational spirits , the more variety of Figure is made by their several motions , they dance several dances according to their Company . Chap. 34. Of their several Dances , or Figures . WHat Object soever is presented unto them by the senses , they strait dance themselves into that figure ; this is Memory . And when they dance the same figure without the help of the outward object , this is Remembrance , when they dance the figures of their own invention , ( as I may say ) then that is imagination or Fancie . Understanding is , when they dance perfectly ( as I may say ) not to misse the least part of those figures that are brought through the senses . Will is to choose a dance , that is to move as they please , and not as they are perswaded by the sensitive spirits . But when their motion and measures be not regular , or their quantity or numbers sufficient to make the figures perfect , then is the minde weak and infirme , ( as I may say ) they dance out of time and measure . But where the greatest number of these , or quantity of these Essences are met , and joyn'd in the most regular motion , there is the clearest understanding , the deepest Iudgement , the perfectest knowledge , the finest Fancies , the more Imagination , the stronger memory , the obstinatest will. But somtimes their motions may be regular ; but society is so small , so as they cannot change into so many several figures : then we say he hath a weak minde , or a poor soul. But be their quantity or numbers few or great , yet if they move confusedly , and out of order , we say the minde is distracted . And the reason the minde , or soul is improveable , or decayable , is , that the quantity or numbers are increaseable , or decreaseable , and their motions regular , and irregular , A Feaver in the Body is the same motion among the sensitive spirits , as madnesse is in the minde amongst the rational Spirits . So likewise pain in the Body is like those motions , that make grief in the minde . So pleasure in the body is the like motions , as make delight , and joy in the minde , all Convulsive motions in the Body , are like the motions that cause Fear in the minde . All Expulsive motions amongst the rational spirits , are a dispersing their society ; As Expulsity in the Body , is the dispersing of dull matter by the sensitive spirits . All Drugs have an Opposite motion to the matter they work on , working by an expulsive motion ; and if they move strongly , having great quantity of spirits together in a little dull matter , they do not onely cast out superfluous matter , but pull down the very materials of a figure . But all Cordials have a Sympathetical motion to the matter they meet , giving strength by their help to those spirits they finde tired : ( as one may say ) that it is to be over-power'd by opposite motions in dull Matter . Chap. 35. The Sympathy , and Antipathy of Spirits . PLeasure , and delight , discontent , and sorrow , which is Love , and hate , is like light , and darknesse ; the one is a quick , equal , and free motion ; the other is a slow , irregular , and obstructed motion . When there is the like motion of Rational Spirits in opposite figures , then there is a like understanding , and disposition . Just as when there is the like Motion in the sensitive spirits ; then there is the like constitution of body . So when there is the like quantity laid in the same Symmetry , then the figures agree in the same proportions , and Lineaments of Figures . The reason , that the rational spirits in one Figure , are delighted with the outward form of another Figure , is , that the motions of those sensitive Spirits , which move in that figure , agree with the motion of the rational spirits in the other . This is love of beauty ; And when the sensitive motions alter in the figure of the body , and the beauty decayes , then the motion of rational spirits alter , and the love of godlinesse ceases . If the motion of the rational spirits are crosse to the motion of the sensitive spirits , in opposite figures , then it is dislike . So if the motion be just crosse and contrary , of the rational spirits in opposite figures , it is hate ; but if they agree , it is love . But these Sympathies , which are made only by a likenesse of motions without an intermixture , last not long ; because those spirits are at a distance , changing their motion without the knowledge , or consent of either side . But the way that the rational spirits intermix , is , through the Organs of the body , especially the eyes , and Eares , which are the common doors , which let the spirits out , and in . For the vocal , and verbal motion from the mouth , carry the spirits through the eares down to Heart , where love and hate is lodged . And the spirits from the eyes issue out in Beams , and Raies ; as from the Sun , which heat , or scorch * the heart , which either raise a fruitful crop of love , making the ground fertile , or dries it so much , as makes it insipid , that nothing of good will grow there , unlesse stinking weeds of Hate : But if the ground be fertile , although every Crop is not so rich , as some , yet it never grows barren , unlesse they take out the strength with too much kindnesse ; As the old proverb , they kill with too much kindnesse ; which murther is seldom committed . But the rational spirits * are apt to take Surfet , as well as sensitive spirits , which makes love , and Good-will , so often to be ill rewarded , neglected , and disdain'd . Chap. 36. The Sympathy of Sensitive , and Rational spirits in one Figure . THere is a strong Sympathy , and agreement , or Affection ( as I may say ) betwixt the rational spirits , and the sensitive spirits joyned in one figure : like Fellow-labourers that assist one another , to help to finish their work . For when they disagree , as the rational spirits will move one way sometimes , and the sensitive spirits another ; that is , when reason strives to abate the appetite of the Senses ; yet it is by a loving direction , rather to admonish them by a gentle contrary motion for them to imitate , and follow in the like motions ; yet it is , as they alwayes agree at last ; Like the Father and the Son. For though the father rules by command , and the Son obeies through obedience , yet the father out of love to his son , as willing to please him , submits to his delight , although it is against his liking ; * So the rational spirits oftimes agree with the motions of the sensitive spirits , although they would move another way . Chap. 37. The Sympathy of the Rational and Sensitive Spirits , to the Fgure they make , and inhabit . ALL the External motion in a Figure , is , by the sensitive spirits ; and all the internal , by the rational spirits : and and when the rational and sensitive spirits , disagree in opposite figures , by contrary motion , they oft war upon one another ; which to defend , the sensitive Spirits and rational spirits , use all their force , and power in either Figure ; to defend , or to assault , to succour , or to destroy , through an aversion made by contrary motions in each other . Now the rational spirits do not onely choose the materials for their defence , or assault , but do direct the sensitive spirits in the management thereof ; and according to the strength of the spirits of either side , the victory is gain'd , or lost . If the Body be weak , there is like sensitive spirit , if the direction be not advantagious , there is lesse rational spirit . But many times the Alacrity of the rational and sensitive spirits , made by moving in a regular motion , overcoms the greater numbers , being in a disordered motion . Thus what is lost by Scarcity , is regain'd by Conformity and Vnity . Chap. 38. Pleasure , and Pain . ALL Evacuations have an expulsive motion ; If the Expulsive motion is regular , 't is Pleasure , if irregular , 't is pain . Indeed , all Irregular and crosse motion , is Pain ; all regular motion is pleasure , and delight , being Harmony of Motion , or a discord of Motion . Chap. 39. Of the Minde . IMagine the rational Essence , or spirits , like little spherical Bobdies of Quick-silver several ways * placing themselves in several figures , sometimes moving in measure , and in order : and sometimes out of order this Quick-silver to be the minde , and their several postures made by motion , the passions and affections ; or all that is moving in a minde , to expresse those several motions , is onely to be done by guesse , not by knowledge , as some few will I guesse at Love is , when they move in equal number , and even measure . Hate is an opposite motion : Fear is , when those small bodies tumble on a heap together without order . Anger is , when they move without measure , and in no uniform Figure . Inconstancy is , when they move swiftly several wayes . Constancy is a circular motion , doubt , and suspicion , and jealousie , are when those small bodies move with the odd numbers . Hope is when those small bodies move like wilde-Geese , one after another . Admiration is , when those Spherical bodies gather close together , knitting so , as to make such a circular figure ; and one is to stand for a Center or point in the midst . Humility is a creeping motion . Joy is a hopping , skipping motion . Ambition is a lofty motion , as to move upwards , or * higher then other motions . Coveting , or Ambition is like a flying motion , moving in several Figures like that which they covet for ; if they covet for Fame , they put themselves into such Figures , as Letters do , that expresse words , which words are such praises as they would have , or such Figure as they would have Statues cut , or Pictures drawn : But all their motion which they make , is according to those Figures with which they sympathize and agree : besides , their motion and figures are like the sound of Musick ; though the notes differ , the cords agree to make a harmony : so several Symmetries make a perfect Figure , several figures make a just number , and several quantities or proportions make a just weight , and several Lines make an even measure : thus equal may be made out of Divisions eternally , and infinitely . And because the figures and motions of the infinite Spirits which they move and make are infinite , I cannot give a final description : besides , their motion is so subtle , curious , and intricate , as they are past finding out . Some Natural motions worke so curious fine , None can perceive , unlesse an Eie divine . Chap. 40. Of Thinking , or the Minde , and Thoughts . ONE may think , and yet not of any particular thing ; that is , one may have sense , and not thoughts : For thoughts are when the minde takes a particular notice of some outward Object , or inward Idea ; But Thinking is onely a sense without any particular notice . As for example ; Those that are in a great fear , and are amazed , the minde is in confus'd sense , without any particular thoughts : but when the minde is out of that amaze , it fixes it self on Particulars , and then have thoughts of past danger ; but the minde can have no particular thought of the Amaze ; for the minde cannot call to minde that which was not . Likewise when we are asleep , the Minde is not out of the Body , nor the motion that makes the sense of the minde ceast , which is Thinking ; but the motion that makes the thoughts therein work upon particulars . Thus the minde may be without thoughts , but thoughts cannot be without the minde : yet thoughts go out of the minde very oft , that is , such a motion to such a thing is ceast ; and when that motion is made again , it returns . Thus thinking is the minde , and thoughts the effect thereof : Thinking is an equal motion without a figure , or , as when we feel Heat , and see no fire . Chap. 41. Of the Motions of the Spirits . IF it be , as probably it is , that all sensitive spirits live in dul matter ; so rational spirits live in sensitive spirits , according to the shape of those Figures that the sencitive spirits form them . The rational spirits by moving several ways , may make several kindes of knowledge , and according to the motions of the sensitive spirits in their several figures they make , though the spirits may be the same , yet their several motions may be unknown to each other . Like as a point , that writes upon a Table-book , which when the Letter that was 〈◊〉 thereon , is rub'd out , the Table is as plain , as if there were never any letter thereon ; but though the letters are out , yet the Table-book , and in Pen remain . So although this Motion is gone , the spirit , and matter remain ; But if those spirits make other kindes of motions , like other kinds of Letters , or Language , those Motions understand not the first , nor the first understands not them , being as several Languages . Even so it may be in a sound ; for that kinde of knowledge the Figure had in the sound , which is an alteration of the motion of the rational spirits , caus'd by an alteration of the motion of the sensitive spirits in dull matter : And by these disorderly motions , other motions are rub'd out of the Table-book , which is the matter that was moved . But if the same kinde of letters be writ in the same place again ; that is , when the spirits move in the same motion , then the same knowledg is in that figure , as it was before ; the other kinde of knowledge , which was made by other kinde of motion , is rub'd out , which several knowledge is no more known to each other , then several Languages by unlearned men . And as Language is still Language , though not understood , so knowledge is still knowledge , although not general ; but if they be that we call dead , then those letters that were rubbed out , were never writ again ; which is , the same knowledge never returns into the same figures . Thus the spirits of knowledge , or the knowledge of spirits , which is their several motions , may be ignorant and unacquainted with each other : that is , that some motion may not know how other motions move , not onely in several spirits , but in one and the same spirit ; no more then in every Effect can know their cause : and motion is but the effect of the Spirits , which spirits are a thin subtle matter : for there would be no motion if there were no matter ; for no thing can move : but there may be matter without Self-motion ; but not self-motion without matter . Matter prime knowes not what effects shall be , Or how their several motions will agree . Because * t is infinite , and so doth move Eternally , in which no thing can prove . For infinite doth not in compasse lye , Nor hath Eternal lines to measure by . Knowledge is there none , to comprehend That which hath no beginning , nor no end . Perfect knowledge comprises all can be , But nothing can comprise Eternity . Destiny and Fates , or what the like we call , In infinites they no power have at all . Nature hath Generosity enough to give All figures ease , whilst in that Form they live ; But motion which innated matter is , By running crosse , each several pains it gives . Chap. 42. Of the Creation of the Animal Figure . THe reason , * that the sensitive spirits , when they begin to create an animal figure , the figure that is created feels it not , untill the model befinished , that is , it cannot have an animal motion , until it hath an animal figure ; for it is the shape which gives it local motion ? and after the Fabrick is built , they begin to furnish it with * strength , and enlarge it with growth , and the rational spirit which inhabits it chooseth his room , which is the Head ; And although some rational spirits were from the first creating it , yet had not such motions , as when created : besides , at first they have not so much company , as to make so much change , as to take parts , like instruments of Musick , which cannot make such division upon few strings as upon more . The next , the figure being weak , their motions cannot be strong ; besides , before the figure is inlarged by growth , they want room to move in . This is the reason , that new-born Animals seem to have no knowledge , especially Man ; because the spirits do neither move so strong , nor have such variety of change , for want of company to make a consort . Yet some animals have more knowledge then others , by reason of their strength , as all beasts know their dams , and run to their Dugs , and know how to suck as soon as they are born ; and birds and children , and the like weak Creatures , such do not . But the spirits of sense give them strength , and the spirits of reason do direct them to their food , * and the spirits of sense gave them Taste , and 〈◊〉 , and the spirits of reason choose their meat : for all Animal Creatures are not of one dyet , for that which will nourish one , will destroy another . Chap. 43. The gathering of Spirits . IF the rational spirits should enter into a figure newly created , altogether , and not by degrees , a Childe ( for example ) would have as much understanding , and knowledge in the womb , or when it is new-born , as when it is inlarged and fully grown . But we finde by experience there are several sorts and degrees of knowledge and understanding , by the recourse of spirits : which is the reason , some figures have greater proportion of understanding and knowledge , and sooner then others ; yet it is increased by degrees , according as rational spirits increase . Like as children , they must get strength before they can go . So Learning and experience increase rational spirits , as Food the sensitive : But experience and Learning is not alwayes tyed to the eare ; for every Organ and Pore of the body is as several doors to let them in and out : For the rational spirits living with the sensitive spirits , come in , and go out with them , but not in equal proportion , but sometimes more , sometimes fewer : this makes understanding more perfect in Health then in sicknesse , and in our middle age , more then in the latter age : For in age and sicknesse there is more carried out , then brought in . This is the reason , Children have not such understanding , but their reason increaseth with their years . But the resional spirits may be similized * to a company of Good-fellows , which have pointed a meeting ; and the company coming from several places , makes their time the longer ere their numbers are compleated , though many a brain is disappointed ; but in some figures the rooms are not commodious to move in , made in their Creation , for want of help : those are Changelings , Innocents , or Natural Fools . The rational spirits seem most to delight in spungie soft and liquid matter ; as in the Blood , Brain , Nerves , and in Vegetables ; as not onely being neerest to their own nature , but having more room to move in . This makes the rational spirits to choose the Head in Animals , for their chief room to dance their Figures in : * for the Head is the biggest place that hath the spungy Materials ; thus as soon as a figure is created , those rational Spirits choose a Room . Chap. 44. The moving of Innate matter . THough Motion makes knowledge , yet the spirits give motion : for those Spirits , or Essences , are the Guiders , Governours , Directers ; the Motions are but their Instruments , the Spirits are the Cause , motion but an Effect therefrom : For that thin matter which is spirits , can alter the motion , but motion cannot alter the matter , or nature of those Essences , or spirits ; so as the same spirits may be in a body , but not one and the same knowledge , because not the same motion , that made that knowledge . As for example ; how many several Touches belong to the body ? for every part of the body hath a several touch , which is a several knowledge belonging to every several part ; for every several part doth not know , and feel every several touch . For when the head akes , the heel feels it not , but onely the Rational spirits which are free from the incumbrance of dull matter , they are agile , and quick to take notice of every particular touch , in , or on every part of the figure . The like motions of a pain in the Body . The like motions of the Rational spirits , we call grief in the minde ; and to prove it is the like motion of the Rational Spirits to the sensitive , which makes the knowledge of it , is , when the rational Spirits are busily moved with some Fantasmes , if any thing touches the body , it is not known to the rational spirits , because the rational spirits move not in such motion , as to make a thought in the head , of the touch in the heel , which makes the thoughts to be as senselesse of that touch , as any other part of the body , that hath not such paines made by such motions . And shall we say , there is no sense in the heel , because no knowledge of it in the head ? we may as well say , that when an Object stands just before an eye that is blinde , either by a contrary motion of the thoughts inward , by some deep Contemplation , or otherwise : we may as well say there is no outward object , because the rational spirits take no notice of that Object ; t is not , that the stronger motion stops the lesse , or the swifter , the slower ; for then the motions of the Planets wold stop one anothers course . Some will say , what sense hath man , or any other Animal when they are dead ? it may be answered , that the Fignre , which is a body , may have sense , but not the Animal ; for that we call Animal , is such a temper'd matter , joyn'd in such a figure , moving with such kinde of motions ; but when those motions do generally alter , that are proper to an Animal , although the matter , and Figure remain , yet it is no longer an Animal , because those motions that help it to make an Animal are ceas'd So as the Animal can have no more knowledge of what kind of sense the Figure hath ( because it is no more an Animal ) then an Animal , what sense dust hath . And that there is the reason , that when any part is dead in an Animal , if that those motions that belonged to the Animal , are ceas'd in that part , which alter it from being a part of the Animal , and knowes no more what sense it hath , then if a living man should carry a dead man upon his shoulders , what sense the dead man feels , whether any , or no. Chap. 45. Of Matter , Motion , and Knowledge , or Understanding . VVHatsoever hath an innate motion , hath knowledge ; and what matter soever hath this innate motion , is knowing , : but according to the several motions , are several knowledges made ; for knowledge lives in motion , as motion lives in matter : for though the kind of matter never alters , yet the manner of motions alters in that matter : and as motions alter , so knowledge differs , which makes the several motions in several figures to give several knowledge . And where there is a likenesse of motion , there is a likenesse of knowledge : As the Appetite of Sensitive spirits , and the desire of rational spirits are alike motions in several degrees of matter . And the touch in the heel , or any part of the body else , is the like motion , as the thought thereof in the head ; the one is the motion of the sensitive spirits , the other in the rational spirits , as touch from the sensitive spirits , for thought is onely a strong touch , and touch a weak thought . So sense is a weak knowledge , and knowledge a strong sense , made by the degrees of the spirits : for Animal spirits are stronger ( as I said before ) being of an higher extract ( as I may say ) in the Chymistry of Nature , which makes the different degrees in knowledge , by the difference in strengths and finenesse , or subtlety of matter . Chap. 46. Of the Animal Figure . WHatsoever hath motion hath sensitive spirits ; and what is there on earth that is not wrought , or made into figures , and then undone again by these spirits ? so that all matter is moving , or moved by the movers ; if so , all things have sense , because all things have of these spirits in them ; and if Sensitive spirits , why not rational spirits ? For there is as much infinite of every several degree of matter , as if there were but one matter : for there is no quantity in infinite ; for . infinite is a continued thing . If so , who knows , but Vegetables and Minerals may have some of those rational spirits , which is a minde or soul in in them , as well as man ? Onely they want that Figure ( with such kinde of motion proper thereunto ) to expresse knowledge that way . For had Vegetables and Minerals the same shape , made by such motions , as the sensitive spirits create ; then there might be wooden men , and iron beasts ; for though marks do not come in the same way , yet the same marks may come in , and be made by the same motion ; for the spirits are so subtle , as they can pass and repass through the solidest matter . Thus there may be as many several and various motions in Vegetables and Minerals , as in Animals ; and as many internal figures made by the rational spirits ; onely they want the Animal , to expresse it the Animal way . And if their knowledge be not the same knowledge , but different from the knowledge of Animals , by reason of their different figures , made by other kinde of motion on other tempered matter , yet it is knowledge . For shall we say , A man doth not know , because he doth not know what another man knows , or some higher power ? Chap. 47. What an Animal is . AN Animal is that which we call sensitive spirit ; that is , a figure that hath local motion ; that is , such a kinde of figure with such kinde of motions proper thereunto . But when there is a general alteration of those motions in it , then it is no more that we call Animal ; because the local motion is altered ; yet we cannot knowingly say , it is not a sensitive Creature , so long as the figure lasts : besides , when the figure is dissolved , yet every scattered part may have sense , as long as any kinde of motion is in it ; and whatsoever hath an innate motion , hath sense , either increasing or decreasing motion ; but the sense is as different as the motions therein , because those properties belonging to such a figure are altered by other motions . Chap. 48. Of the dispersing of the Rational Spirits . SOme think , that the Rational spirits flye out of Animals , ( or that Animal we call Man ) like a swarm of Bees , when they like not their hives , finding some inconvenience , seek about for another habitation , or leave the body , like Rats , when they find the house rotten , and ready to fall ; Or scar'd away like Birds from their Nest. But where should this Swarm , or Troop , or Flight , or Essences go , unlesse they think this thin matter is an Essence , evaporates to nothing ? As I have said before , the difference of rational spirits , and sensitive spirits , is , that the sensitive spirits make figures out of dull matter : The rational spirits put themselves into figure , placing themselves with number , and measure ; this is the reason when Animals die , the External Form of that Animal may be perfect , and the Internal motion of the spirits quite alter'd ; yet not absent , not dispers'd untill the Annihilating of the External Figure : thus it is not the matter that alters , but the Motion and Form. Some Figures are stronger built then others , which makes them last longer : for some , their building is so weak , as they fall as soon as finished ; like houses that are built with stone , or Timber , although it might be a stone-house , or timber-house , yet it may be built , not of such a sort of Stone , or such a sort of Timber . Chap. 49. Of the Senses . THe Pores of the skin receive touch , as the eye light , the eare sound , the nose scent , the tongue tast . Thus the spirits passe , and repasse by the holes , they peirce through the dull matter , carrying their several burthens out , and in , yet it is neither the Burthen , nor the Passage that makes the different sense , but the different motion ; ( * ) for if the motion that coms through the Pores of the Skin , were as the motions which come from the Eye , Ear , Nose , Mouth , then the body might receive sound , light , scent , Tast , all other as it doth touch . Chap. 50. Of Motion that makes Light. IF the same motion that is made in the Head did move the Heel , there would appear a Light to the Sense of that part of the figure ; unlesse they will make such matter as the Brain to be infinite , and onely in the head of an Animal . Chap. 51. Opticks . THere may be such motion in the Brain , as to make Light , although the Sun never came there to give the first motion : for two opposite motions may give a light by Reflection , unlesse the Sun , and the Eye have a particular Motion from all Eternity : As we say an Eternal Monopolor of such a kinde of Motion as makes Light. Chap. 52. Of Motion , and Matter . VVHY may not Vegetables have Light , Sound , Taste , Touch , as well as Animals , if the same kinde of motion moves the same kinde of matter in them ? For who knows , but the Sap in Vegetables may be of the same substance , and degree of the Brain : And why may not all the senses be inherent in a figure , if the same Motion moves the same matter within the figure , as such motion without the figure ? Chap. 53. Of the Brain . THe Brain in Animals is like Clouds , which are sometimes swell'd full with Vapour , and sometimes rarified with Heat , and mov'd by the sensitive spirits to several Objects , as the clouds are mov'd by the Wind to several places . The Winds seem to be all Spirits , because they are so agile , and quick . Chap. 54. Of Darknesse . TO prove that Darknesse hath particular motions which make it , as well as motion makes light , is that when some have used to have a light by them while they sleep , will , as soon as the light goeth out , awake ; for if Darknesse had no motion , it would not strike upon the Opick Nerve . But as an equal motion makes light , and a perturb'd motion makes colour , which is between Light and darknesse : So darknesse is an Opposite Motion to those motions that make light ; for though light is an equal motion , yet it is such a kinde , or sort of Motion . Chap. 55. Of the Sun. VVHY may not the Sun be of an higher Extract then the rational spirits , and be like Glasse , which is a high Extract in Chymistry , and so become a ( * ) shining body ? If so sure it hath a great knowledge ; for the Sun seems to be composed of pure spirits , without the mixture of dull matter ; for the Motion is quick , and subtle , as we may finde by the effect of the light , and heat . Chap. 56. Os the Clouds . THe Clouds seem to be of such spungy , and porous Matter , as the Rain , and Aire , like the sensitive spirits that form , and move it , and the Sun the Rational Spirit to give them knowledge ; And as moist Vapours from the Stomack rise , and gathering in the Brain , flow through the eyes : so do the Clouds send forth , as from the Brain , the Vapours which do rise in showres . Chap. 57. Of the Motion of the Planets . THE Earth , Sun , Moon , the rest of Planets all Are mov'd by that , we Vital Spirits cal . And like to Animals , some move more slow , And other some by quicker motion go . And as some Creatures by their shapes do flye , Some swim , some run , some creep , some riseth high So Planets by their shapes about do winde , All being made , like Circles , round we finde . Chap. 58. The Motion of the Sea. THe Sea 's more quick , then fresher waters are , The reason is , more Vital spirits are there . And as the Planets move still round about , So Seas do ebb and flow both in and out . As Arrows flye up , far as strength them lend , And then for want of strength do back descend : So do the Seas in ebbes run back again , For want of strength , their length for to maintain But when they ebb , and flow , at certain times , Is like the Lungs that draw , and breath out wind . Just so do Seas draw back and then do flow , As constant as the Lungs do to and fro : Alwayes in motion never lying still , The empty place they leave , turn back to fill . We may as well inquire of Nature , why Animals breath in such a space of Time , as the Seas ebb and flow in such a space of Time. AN EPISTLE TO CONDEMNING READERS . MAny perchance will laugh in scorn at my opinion , and ask what reason I have to think those things I have described should be made with such a kinde of Motion , my answer is , that I guess by the forms , I mean the figures , or shapes , what the motion may be to produce them ; for I see the figure of a four leg'd Creature hath other motions then two legged Creatures , or then those Creatures that have no legs ; and I see some shape Creatures that can flee , by reason of their figures , which is made proper to produce that kinde of motion ; for those that are not made so , cannot do so . By this I think it probable that Internal motions , are after the manner of External motions ; for we may guess at the cause by the effects , so by the figures of Snow , Frost , Hail , Rain , Vapor , and the like , we may guesse at other Internal , or external motions , that produced their External figures , or alterations , and by the effects of light , darknesse , heat , cold , moisture , what manner of motions produced them ; wherefore I know no reason why any should condemn my opinions . But the custom of their breeding in the Schools of Aristotle , and Socrates , and the rest of ancient Authors , or else they consider not my opinions enough ; for if they did , they might see as much probability for mine , as any of their opinions ; For though in natural Philosophy there may be many touches found out by experiences , and experiments , yet the Study is onely conjecturally , and built upon probabilities , and until probabilities be condemned by absolute and known truth , let them have a place amongst the rest of probabilities , and be not so partial to contradict , as to be unjust to me , take not away the right of my place because young ; for though age ought to have respect , yet not so as to do youth wrong , but I hope my new born opinions will be nourished in Noble and learned Schools , and bred up with industrious Students ; but howsoever , I delight my self , for next to the finding out of truthes , the greatest pleasure in Study , is , to finde out probabilities . I make no question but after Ages will esteem this work of mine , but what soever is new , is not received at the first with that good acceptation , by reason it is utterly unknown unto them , and a newnesse , and an unacquaintednesse makes the ignorance , but when time hath made acquaintance , and a right understanding , and a right understanding will make a friendship betwixt Fame and my Book . OF FORTUNE . PART II. CHAP. 59. MAtter , Figure , and Motions , are the gods that Create fortune ; For fortune is nothing in it self but various motions gathered , or drawn to a point , which point man onely thinks it fixt upon him , but he is deceived , for it fixes upon all other things ; for if any thing comes , and rubs off the bark of a tree , or breaks the tree , it is a miss-fortune to that tree , and if a house be built in such a place , as to shelter a tree from great storms , or cold weather , it were good fortune to that tree , and if a beast be hurt it is a miss-fortune to that beast , or bird , and when a beast , or bird , is brought up for pleasure , or delight , and not to work or be imprisoned , it is a good fortune to that beast , or bird ; but as I said before fortune is onely various motions , drawn to a point , and that point that comes from crosse motions , we call bad fortune , and those that come from Sympathetical motions we call good fortune , and there must needs be Antipathetical Motions as well as Sympathetical Motions , since Motions are so various . But man , and for all that I know , all other things , are governed by outward Objects , they rule , and we obey ; for we do not rule and they Obey , but every thing is led like dogs in a string , by a stronger power , * but the outward power being invisible , makes us think , we set the rules , and not the outward Causes , so that we are governed by that which is without us , not that which is within us ; for man hath no power over himself . Chap. 60. Of time and Nature . NO question but there is a time in Nature , for time is the Variation of Nature , and nature is a producing Motion a multiplying figure , an endlesse measure , a quantilesse substance , an indefaisable matter . Chap. 61. Of Matter , Motion , and Figure . AS I said before in my first part of my Book , that there is no first Matter , nor no first Motion , because Eternal , and Infinite , yet there could be no Motion , without matter ; for Matter is the cause , Motion but the effect of Matter , for there could be no motion unlesse there were Matter to be moved ; But there might be Matter , and Figure , without Motion , as an infinite , and eternal dull lump ; For I see no reason , but infinite might be without running forward , or circle-wayes , if there were not several degrees of the onely Matter , wherein Motion is an Infinite Eternal effect of such a degree . Neither is it nonsense to say , Figure is the effect of Matter ; for though there is no Matter without Figure , yet there could be no figure without Matter , wherefore Matter is the prime cause of Figure , yet there could be no figure without matter , wherefore matter is the prime cause of figure , but not figure of matter , for figure doth not make matter , but matter figure , no more then the creature can make the Creator ; but a creature may make a figure . Thus although there is no first matter , yet matter is the first cause of motion and figure , and all effects . Although they are as infinite and Eternal , as matter it self , and when I say Matter prime , I speak for distinction sake , which is the onely Matter ? The innated Matter , is the soul of Nature . The dull part of Matter , the Body . And the infinite figures , are the infinite form of Nature . And the several motions are the several actions of nature . Chap. 62. Of Causes , and effects . AS I have said before the effects are infinite , and eternal as the Causes , because all effects lie in matter and motion , indeed in matter onely ; for motion is but the effect of matter . Wherefore all particular figures although dssiolvable yet is inherent in the matter , and motion , as for example , if a man can draw the picture of a man , or any thing else , although he never draws it , yet the Art is inherent in the man , and the picture in the Art as long as the man lives , so as long as there is matter , and motion , which was from all Eternity , and shall be eternally ; the effect will be so . Chap. 63. Whether motion is a thing , or nothing , or can be Annihilated SOme have opinion that Motion is nothing , but to my reason it is a thing ; for if matter , is a substance , a substance is a thing , and the motion , and matter being unseparablely , united , makes it but one thing . For as there could be no motion without such a degree , or extract of matter so there could be no such degree or extract of matter without motion , thus motion is a thing . But by reason particular motions leave moving in such matters and figures , shall we say they are deceased , dead , or become nothing ; but say some , motions are accidents , and accidents are nothing ; but I say , all accidents live in substance , as all effects in the causes , say some , when a man for example shakes his hand , and when he leaves shaking , whether is that motion gone ( say others ) no where , for that particular motion ceaseth to be , say they . I answer , that my reason tells me , it is neither fled away , nor ceased to be , for it remains in the hand , and in that matter that created the hand , that is in that , and the like innated matter , that is in the hand . But some will say , the hand never moves so again , but I say the motion is never the lesse there , they may as well say , when they have seen a Chest full of Gold , or the like , and when their eyes are shut , or that they never see it more , that the Gold doth not lie in the Chest , although the Gold may lie there eternally , or if they should see it again , say it is not the same Gold. So likewise particular motions are , but shewed , not lost , or Annihilated : or say one should handle a vessel often , that every time you handle the vessel , it is not the same touch , vessel , or hand , and if you never touch the vessel again , that the hand , vessel , or touch is annihilated . But particular motion , as the vessels , or hand is but used , not annihilated , for particular motions can be no more annihilated , then particular figures that are dissolved and how , in reason can we say in reason particular figures are Annihilated , when every part and parcel , grain , and atome , remains in infinite matter , but some will say , when a house : for example , is pull'd down , by taking asunder the materials , that very figure of that house is annihilated ; but my opinion is , that it is not , for that very figure of that house remains in those materials , and shal do eternally although those materials were dissolved into Atoms , and every Ato me in a several place , part , or figure & though infinite figures should be made by those materials by several dissolutions and Creations , yet those infinites would remain in those particular materials eternally , and was there from all eternity ; And if any of those figures be rebuilt , or Created again , it is the same figure it was . So likewise the motion of the hand which I said for example , if the same hand moves after the same manner , it is the same motion that moved the hand before ; so it may make infinite repetitions ; thus one and the same motion may move eternally , and rest from moving , and yet have a being . Chap. 64. Of Motions . THere are millions of several motions which agree to the making of each figure , and millions of several motions are knit together ; for the general motion of that are figure , as if every figure had a Common-Weale of several Motions working to the subsistence of the figure , and several sorts of motions , like several sorts of Trades hold up each other ; some as Magistrates , and rulers ; others as Train-bands , as souldiers ; some make forts , and dig trenches ; some as Merchants that traffick ; some as Sea-men , and Ship-masters ; some that labour and and work , as some cut and carve ; Others paint , and ingrave ; some mix , and temper , joyn , and inlay , and glue together ; some form , and build ; some cast in moulds , and some makes moulds to cast ; some work rough-casts ; some pollish and refine ; some bear burthens , some take off burthens , some digg , some sowe , some plough , some set , some graft , some plant , some gather , some reap , some sift , some thrash , some grind , some knead , some bake , some beat , some spin , some weave , some sewe together , some wind and twist , some create , and others dissolve , and millions of millions of motions , but as we see external , so we may imagine are internal motions . Chap. 65. Many motions go to the producing of one thing , or to one end . FOr there are millions of several motions go to the making of one figure , or in mixing , as I may say , of several degrees of the dull part of matter , as I will give one for example in grosse external motions , where I will describe it by digestive motions , which is to fit parts , and to distribute parts to several places proper to the work . For digestive motions , there are many several sorts , or kinds of motions mixt together , as for example , a piece of meat is to be boyled , or the like , some motions cut fuel , and others take it up , others carrie , other lay down in a Chimnie , or the like place , others put fire , others kindle it , and make it burn , others take mettle and melt it , others cast such a figure as a pot , others bring the pot , others set it over the fire , others take up water , others carry that water to the pot , others put that water into the pot , others kill a sheep , others divide it into parts , others put it a part into the pot . Thus a piece of meat cannot be boyled without all these motions , and many more , which would be too tedious to relate , for I could have inlarged in three times as many more , only to boyl a piece of meat , and if there be so many several motions in our grosse sense in such things as these , then what is there in infinite Nature , yet for all these infinite varieties of motions , as I said before , I cannot perceive but six ground-motions , or fundamental motions , from whence all changes come , which are these attractive motions , contracting motions , retentive motions , dilative motions digestive motions , and expulsive motions ; likewise , although there be infinite kindes , and different figures , yet the ground-work , from whence ariseth all the veriety , is but from four figures ; as Circular , Triangular , Cupe , and Paralels . And as there are infinite changes of motions , amongst the sensitive innated matter , working on the dull parts of matter , so there are infinite changes of motions in the rational innated matter , making infinite kinds of knowledge , and degrees of knowledge , and understanding , and as there are infinite changes of motion , so there are infinite effects , and every produced effect , is a producing effect , and effects which effect produce effects , and the onely matter is the cause of all effects , for the several degrees of onely matter , is the effect of onely matter , and motion is the effect of some sorts of the degrees of onely matter , and varieties are the the effects of matter and motion , and life is the effect of innate matter ; and knowledge the effect of life . Chap. 66. Of the six principal motions . AS I have said , there are infinite Contractions , Atractions , Retentions , Dilations , digestions , and expulsions , and to explain my self to my readers as well as I can , unlesse they should mistake me , I will here describe , although after a grosse way ; yet according to my capacity . A few of the infinite variety of motions , first there are five , or six principal motions , from whence infinite changes are made , or produced , as from Contractions , Attractions , Retentions ; these three principal motions do in some kinde simpathize to each other ; and dilations , and expulsions do also sympathize to each other , but digestions is a mixt motion taking part of all , but I divide them into six parts , for distinction ; Now to treat of them severally , we must make an imaginary Circumference , and Center . Then first for Attracting motions , which is to draw towards the Center , that is , to draw to a lesse compasse , as to draw towards a point , yet Atractions draw not alwayes after one and the same manner , for some motions draw after them , as horses do Coaches , Carts , sleds and the like , but after several fashions , forms , and biasses and several motions , in those motions some slow , some quick , some crosse , some even . Again , some times Attractive motions draw , as if one should pull in a line , or draw in a net , some slope-wayes , some straight wayes ; some square wayes , some round wayes ; and millions of the like varieties , in this sort of motion , yet all Attracting motion . Secondly , Contracting motions which move after another manner ; for though both these sorts of motions , are to bring towards a point , yet Contraction me thinks , strives more against Vacuum , then Attraction , gathering all into a firm body , stopping up all porous passages , shutting out space , and gathering in matter , as close as it can ; indeed Attractions are but in the way to Contractions , as Dilations to expulsions ; but this sort of motions is , surfling , pleating , folding , binding , knitting , twisting , griping , pressing , tying , and many the like , and after several manners , or fashions . Thirdly , Retention is to hold , or to stay from wandring , to fix , as I may 〈◊〉 , the matter to one place , as if one should stick , or glue parts together . Fourthly , Dilations are to inlarge , as to spend , or extend , striving for space , or compasse ; it is an incroaching motion , which will extend its bounds as far as it can , this sort of motion is melting , flowing , streaming , spreading , smoothing , stretching , and millions of the like . Fiftly , Expulsive , is a motion that shuns all unity , it strives against solidity , and uniformity , it disperses every thing it hath power on ; this sort of motion , is , breaking , dissolving , throwing about . Sixthly , Digestive motions , are the creating motions , carrying about parts to parts , and fitting , and matching , and joyning parts together , mixing and tempering the matter for proper uses . Chap. 67. Of Exterior Motions produced from the six principle Motions . I Will here repeat some of the varieties of grosse exterior motions , such as are visible to our grosser senses , to cleer my readers imaginary motion ; Some motions draw , as horses draw Coaches , Carts , Sleds , Harrows , or the like ; others , as horses , and dogs , are led in a bridle , or string . Some , as beasts draw their prey to the Den moving backwards . Some draw up lines shorter , and thicker , and some draw in circular lines , sloping lines , and square lines . Other sorts of drawing , some straight lines ; some square lines , round lines , slope lines , some motions draw up ; some draw down , some draw side-wayes ; some crosse , some regular ; Other motions do , as if one should drive , or shove a solid substance before them , the varieties of these motions . Some are , as if a man should drive a wheel-barrow , or rowling of barrels , or driving a plough , or a rowler , and millions the like . Others are , as if beasts and men were to carry burthens , some bearing burthens on their back ; some on their head ; some in in their mouth ; some in their arms ; some in their hands ; some under their armes ; some on their thighs ; some on their stings , as Bees do , and millions the like , and every one of those burthens , have several motions thereto , and yet all but bearing motions . Other sorts of motions , as throwing the bar , pitching the bar , throwing a ball , striking a ball , throwing a bowl , flinging a dart , darting a dart , throwing upward , downward , straight-out , side-wayes , and all these several manners , is but a throwing motion . Leaping , running , hopping , trotting , gallopping , climing , clamering , flying , and infinite others , yet all is but a lofty motion . Diving , dipping , mowing , reaping , or shearing , rowling , creeping , crawling , tumbling , traveling , running , and infinite the like examples may be given of the varieties of one and the same kinde of motion . Chap. 68. Of double motions at one and the same time , on the same matter . AS for example ; spinning flax , or the like is drawn long , and small , twisted hard , and round , and at one time . Again , a bowl runs round-way , and yet straight-out at one time . A shuttle-cock spins about in a straight line . The winde spreads , and yet blows straight-out at one and the same time . Flame ascends Circular , and many the like examples may be given . Chap. 69. Of the several strengths . ALthough there be infinite strengths of Motion , yet not to all sorts of figures , nor to all degrees of matter ; for some figures move slow , others move swift , according to the Nature of the shape , or the interior strengths , or the degree , or quantity of innated matter , that created them ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of one and the same strength , yet there are different degrees ; but onely two degrees are subject to our weak sense , as the innate minde , and the innated body , which we call sense and reason , which sense and reason , may be in every thing , though after different manners , but we have confined sense , onely to animal kinde , and reason onely to mankinde ; but if the innated matter is in the dull parts of matter , as the life of the body , then there is no part that hath not sense and reason whether creating or created , dissolving , or dissolved , though I will not say that every creature enjoys life alike , so every figure is not innated alike , for some is weaker innated , and some stronger , either by quantity or degree , yet every figure is innated ; for it is innated matter that creates , and dissolves figures , yet the innated matter works according to the several degrees , and tempers , of the dull part of matter , and to such properties , and figures , and figures properties , and proper figures , that is , motion doth form the onely matter , into figures , yet motion cannot alter the Entity of only matter , but motion can , and doth alter the interior , and exterior figures , and though the several degrees of matter may be placed , and replaced in figures , yet the nature of the matter cannot be altered . Chap. 70. The creations of Figures , and difference of Motions . THose motions that are proper to create figures , are different from those motions that dissolve them , so that sympathetical internal motions , do not onely assist one another , but Sympathetical external Motions , and Sympathetical figures ; this is the reason that from two figures , a third , or more is created , by the way of procreation ; yet all figures are created , after one and the same kinde of way ; yet not after one and the same manner of way , as Vegetables , Minerals , and some sorts of Animals , as such as are bred from that we call corruption , as some sorts of worms , and some sorts of flies , and the like ; Yet are they created by the procreation of the heat , and moisture , the same way are plants that grow wilde produced , but those that are sown or set , although they are after one and the same kinde of way , yet not after the same manner ; for the young vegetables , were produced from the seeds , and the earth , which were sowed , or set together , and in grafts is when two different plants produce seed of mixt nature , as a Mule is produced , or the like creature , from two different Animals , which make them of mixt nature ; for As there is a Sympathetical conjunction in one , and the same kinde of figure , so there is a Sympathetical conjunction in some sorts of figures ; but not in all , nor to all , for that would make such a confusion in nature , as there would be no distinction , of kindes ; besides , it were impossible for some kinde of figures , to make a conjunction with other kindes , being such a difference betwixt them , some from the nature of the figures , others from the shape of the figures . And Minerals are produced by the Conjunction of such Elements , which were begot by such motions , as make heat , and drought , and cold and dry . Thus all figures are created from different motions , and different degrees , of infinite onely matter ; for onely matter joyns , and divides it self by self motions , and hath done so , and will do so , or must do so eternally , being its nature , yet the divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , or dissolve , with the like measure of time , which time is onely as in a reference to several motions . But as I have said , there can be nothing lost in nature , Although there be infinite changes , and their changes never repeated . For say a man dies , and his figure dissolves into dust , as smal as Atoms , and is disperst so , as never to meet , and every Atome goeth to the making of several figures , and so changes infinitely , from figure , to figure , yet the figures of all these changes lie in those parts , and those parts in onely matter ; so likewise several motions may cease as figures dissolve , but still those motions lies in innated matter , and each particular figure , in the generality of matter and motion , which is on the dull part , and innated part of onely matter . Chap. 71. The Agilenesse of innated Matter : INnated matter seems much nimbler in some works , then in other , as making Elements , and their several changes , being more porous then Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , which are more contracted , and not so easily metamorphosed , and on the thin part of dull matter , they seem much nimbler , and agil , then when they work on the grosse part of dull matter ; for though the innated matter can work , but according to the strength , yet not alwayes according to that strength ; for their burthens are not alwayes equal to their strength ; for we see in light thin dull matter , their motions to be more swift , having lesse incumbrances , and lighter burthens , unlesse it be oposed , and stopped by the innated matter , that works in the more solid , or thicker part of dull matter , or move solid and united figures , yet many times the innated matter , that works on the thin part of dull matter , or in more porous figures , will make way through solid and thick bodies , and have the power on those that work on more grosse matter , for the innate matter that works on grosse matter , cannot resist so well , having greater burthens , nor act with that facility as the others can , whose matter is lighter , or figures more pourous ; for we see many times water to passe through great rocks , and mountains , piercing and dividing their strengths , by the frequent assaults thereon , or to ; yet many times the passe is kept or lost , according to the quantity of the innated 〈◊〉 of either side . Chap. 72. Of external , and internal figures and Motions . FOr the motions of heat and drought begets the Sun the motions of heat and moisture begets the Aire . The motions of cold and dry , begets the earth , and the rest of the Planets , and as other motions begot them , so they begot others , and as these Elemental Planets beget in gener all figures , which we call creatures in the world ; so these figures , as they are matched , beget each particular figures of several sorts ; For external figures , are made by internal motions ; for though Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals be internal figures , as to the globe of the World , which is the external figures to them , yet they are external figures to those which are created in them , untill such time as they are cast forth of that mould , as I may say , which they were made in , which is the womb , and the several wombs of several kinds , are several moulds , but indeed all moulds differ in their points . Perchance this subject might be better explained , but my modest thoughts will not give my inquisitive thoughts leave to trace Natures Creations by procreation ; Although I beleeve nature , and her works are pure of themselves , but 't is the Abuse of her works , and not the knowledge that corrupts man-kinde . Chap. 73. Of repeating one and the same work , and of varieties . NAture may repeat one and the same creature if she pleaseth , that is , the same motions , on the same matter , may create the same creature , by reason the same motions , and the same matter , is eternally in the body infinite : thus the Original cause of producing one and the same is eternal , by reason nothing in nature can be annihilated , and though the infinite matter is but one and the same , yet the infinite part of innated matter , moves infinite several wayes , and by reason of the diversity of motion , there is such varietie , as seldom any two creatures are alike , for motion delights in variety , not so much in the different kindes , as in the particular creatures , which makes me think that motion is bound by the nature of the matter , to make such kindes ; Although it be at liberty for particulars , and yet the several kindes may be as infinite as the particulars ; as for example , although motion is bound to Animal kinde , Vegetable kinde , Mineral kinde , and also to make such kinde of worlds as this is ; yet motion may make infinite particular worlds , as infinite particular Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and those infinite worlds may differ , as those kindes of Creaturs ; for worlds may differ from other worlds , not onely as man from man , but as man from beast , beasts from birds , birds from fish , and so as Vegetables do ; for an oak is not like a tulip , or roses ; for trees are not like flowers , nor flowers like roots , nor roots like fruit , nor all flowers alike , nor all roots alike , nor all fruits alike , nor all trees , and the rest , and so for Minerals ; gold is not like lead , nor a diamond like a pibble stone ; so there may be infinite worlds , and infinite variety of worlds , and be all of that kinde we call worlds , yet be nothing alike , but as different , as if it were of another kinde , and may be infinite several kinds of creatures , as several sorts , that we can never imagine , nor guesse at ; for we can guesse , nor imagine at no other wayes , but what our senses brought in , or our imaginations raised up , and though imaginations in nature may be infinite , and move in every particular brain after an infinite manner ; yet it is but finite in every particular figure , because every particular figuse is finite , that is every particular figure comes by degrees from creation to a full growth , from a full growth to a decay , from a decay to a dissolution ; but not a Annihilation , for every particular figure lies in the body infinite , as well as every particular kinde ; for unlesse eternalmatter , and infinite matter , and eternal and infinite motions could be Annihilated , infinite figures wil eternally remain , although not in their whole bulk , yet in their parted pieces ; for though one and the same matter may be made into other figures : yet the former figures have as much a being as the present figures , by reason the matter that was the cause of those figures hath an eternal being , and as long as the cause lasts , the effects cannot be Annihilated . Chap. 74. Of creation , and dissolving of Nature . THe divisions , and substractions , joynings , and creations , are not alike , nor do they continue , and dissolve with the like measures of time ; for some Vegetables are old , and decrepit at a day old , others are but in their prime after a hundred yeers , and so some Animals , as flies and the like , are old and decrepit at a yeer old ; others , as man is but at his prime at twenty yeers , and will live a hundred yeers , if he be healthy and sound ; so in the Minerals , perchance lead , or tin , or the like , is but a flie , for continuance to gold , or like a flower to an oak , then it is probable , that the Sun and the rest of the Planets , Stars , and Millions more that we know not , may be at their full strength at ten hundred thousand yeers , nay million of millions of yeers , which is nothing to eternity , or perchance , as it is likely , other figures were at full strength when matter and motion created them , and shall last until matter dissolves them . Again , it is to be observed that all Spherical figures last longest , I think it is because that figure hath no ends to ravel out at . Chap. 75. Of Gold. SOme say that Gold is not to be altered from the figure that makes it gold , because Chymists have tried and cannot do it , but certainly that innated motion that joyns those parts , and so made it in the figure of Minerals can dissolve those parts , and make it into some figure else , to expresse an other thing ; but being a 〈◊〉 solid part of dull matter then that which makes other minerals , it is longer a creating , and dissolving , then the other figures are , that are of a light or softer substance , and may be the motions that make gold , are of slower nature , so as it is caused from the hardnesse of the matter , or the slownesse of the spirit , caused by the curiosity of the work , wherein they must use more different motions then in other figures ; so as it may be a thousand yeers uniting , or a thousand yeers a dispersing , a thousand , nay ten thousand ; for there is no account , nor time in nature infinite , and because we last not so song as to perceive it , shall we say that Gold was eternal , and shall last eternally ; so we may as well say an Oak , that is a hundred yeers , ere it comes to full maturity , and a hundred yeers , ere it comes to be dissoved , that it was an Oak eternally , and shall be so eternally , because a flower , is created , and dissolved in two or three dayes , but the solidity of the matter , and the cūriosity in the several changes , and enterchanges of motions prolong the work , yet it is hastened , or retarded by the quantity of spirits that work therein ; for when there is more , it is sooner formed , when less , longer ere it come to its figurative perfection . Chap. 76. Of Sympathies , and Antipathies , which is to agree , or disagree , to joyn , or to crosse . THere are infinite sorts of figures , or Creatures , that have Sympathy , and infinite sorts of figures , that have Antipathies , both by their exterior , and interior motions , and some exterior Sympathie with some interior , and some interior with some exteriors , and some exterior with exteriors , and interiors with interiors , both in one and the same figure , and with one and the same kinde , and with different kinds , and with several sorts , which works various effects : and here I will treat a little of Vegetables , and Minerals with Antipathy , or Sympathies , with Animals of all Animals . First , man thinks himself to have the Supreme knowledge , but he can but think so , for he doth not absolutely know it , for thought is not an absolute knowledge but a suppositive knowledge , for there are as many several degrees of knowledge , as of innate matter which is infinite , and therefore not absolute , and as much variety of knowledge , as there is of motions , and though all innated matter is knowing , yet all innated matter is not known ; this makes figures to have of each others a suppositive , but not an absolute knowledge ; thus infinite makes innated matter in some kinde , a stranger to it self , yet being knowing , although not known , it makes an acquaintance with parts of it self , and being various by interchanging motions , it also loseth acquaintance ; the acquaintance we call learning , invention , experience , or memory , the unknown , or not acquainted we call stupidity , ignorance , forgetfulnesse , illiterate , but by the acquaintance of experience , we come to finde the use of many things , and by the use we come to learn , and from our learning we come to practise , and by our practise we come to produce many effects , from the hidden and mystical causes , which are the effects , from the onely cause which is the onely matter , thus we come to finde the use of Earth , Water , Air , and Fire , Vegetables , Minerals , and so Animal with Animal , and we do not onely get new acquaintance ; which is new experience , but we make use of our acquaintance to our own benefit , or at least we strive to do so ; for it is the nature of life , which life is innated matter , to strive for preheminency , and absolute power , that is , onely matter would rule it self , but being infinite it neither absolutely knows it self , nor can absolutely rule or govern it self , and though it be an endlesse work , yet motion which is the moving part of nature , cannot desist , because it is infinite , and eternal , thus moving matter running perpetually towards absolute power , makes a perpetual war ; for infinite , and onely matter is alwayes at strife for absolute power , for matter would have power over infinite , and infinite would have over matter , and eternity would have power over both . Thus infinit and eternal matter joyned all , as to one is alwayes at strife in it self , yet the war is regular , not confused ; For there this is a natural order , and discipline is in nature as much as cruel Tyrannie ; for there is a naturall order , and discipline often-times in cruel Tyranny . Chap. 77. Of different knowledge in different figures . CErtainly there are infinite several kindes , as well as infinite several sorts , and particular creatures in nature , and certainly every several kinde , nay , every several sort in every kinde . Knowledge works after a different manner ; in every different figure , which different manners we call particular knowledges which works according to the figure , so infinite knowledge lies in infinite figure , and infinite figure in infinite matter , and as there are infinite degrees of matter , so there are infinite degrees of knowledge , and as there are infinite degrees of knowledge , so there are infinite degrees of motions , so there are infinite degrees of figures , and as there are infinite degrees , so there are infinite kinds , and as there are infinite kindes , so there are infinite sorts , and so infinite particulars in every sort , yet no kinde can be said to have most , or least , though lesse or more ; for there is no such thing , as most or least in nature . For as I said before , there is onely different knowledge belonging to every kinde , as to Animal kinde , Vegetable kinde , Mineral kinde ; and infinite more which we are not capable to know , but two particular sorts in every kinde ; as for example , Man may have a different knowledge from beasts , birds , fish , worms , and the like , and yet be no wiser , or knowing then they ; For different wayes in knowledge makes not knowledge more or lesse , no more then different paths inlarge one compasse of ground ; nor no more then several words for one and the same thing , for the thing is the same , onely the words differ ; so if a man hath different knowledge from a fish , yet the fish may be as knowing as man , but man hath not a fishes knowledge , nor a fish a mans knowledge . Likewise some creatures may have more , and some lesse knowledge then others ; yet none can be said to have most , or least ; for there is no such thing as most or least in nature , nor doth the weaknesse , or imperfection in particular creatures impaire the knowledge of the kinde , or impair the knowledge as I may say , belonging to any particular sort , nor can any one have such a supremacy of knowledge as to add to the knowledge of the kinde , or sort of kinde , as to have such a knowledge as is above the capacity of that kinde , or sort to understand . As for example , a man to know more then the nature of man is to know ; for what knowledge man hath had , or can have , is in the capacity of the kinde , though not to every particular man , for though nature may work within her self ; yet she cannot work beyond her self , and if there be mixe sorts of creatures , as partly man , and partly beast , partly man , and partly fish , or partly beast , and partly fish , and partly fish , and partly foul ; yet although they are mixt creatures , and may have mixt knowledges , yet they are particular sorts , and different knowledges , belonging to those sorts , and though different sorts have different knowledges , yet the kinde may be of one and the same degree ; that is , every several sort of creatures , in one and the same kinde , is as knowing and as wise , as another , and that which makes some creatures seem lesse perfect then others , or more knowing then others , is the advantage , or disadvantage of their 〈◊〉 , which gives one creature power over another ; but different Knowledg in different creatures takes advantages by turns according as it turns to it . And as there is different Knowledge , and different Kinds , and several sorts , so there is different Knowledge in different senses , in one and the same creature ; for what man hath seen the interior biting motion of Gold , and burning motions of heat ? yet feels them we may imagine by the touch , the interior nature of fire to be composed of sharp points , yet our sight hath no Knowledge thereof , so our sight hath the Knowledge of light ; but the rest of our senses are utterly ignorant thereof ; our ears have the Knowledge of sound , but our eyes are ignorant of the Knowledge thereof ; thus , though our ears may be as Knowing as our eyes , and our eyes as Knowing as our ears , yet they may be ignorant of each other , I say Knowledge , for sense is Knowledg , as well as reason , onely reason is a degree above sense , or sense , a degree beneath reason . Chap. 78. The advantages of some figures , some degrees of matter , and motions , over others . IF we do but stricktly prie into the works of nature , we shall observe , that all internal motions , are much after the manner of external motions , I mean those motions that we can perceive , by those effects , as are subject to our senses , and although for the most part the strongest motions govern the weakest , yet it is not alwayes found that they conquer the weaker ; for there are infinite slights , or infinite advantages to be taken , or mist in infinite nature , some by the 〈◊〉 of their figures , and some in the degrees of matter , and some in the manner of moving ; for slights are just like the actions of Juglers , Vauters , or Tumblers , Wrastlers , or the like ; for shapes I will give one or two for example , as a little Mouse which is but a weak creature , in comparison to an Elephant , yet the small Mouse shall overcome an Elephant , by running up through the snout , and so get into the head , and so gnaw on his brain ; And a Worm is a weak creature in comparison of a man , yet if he get into the guts , it will gnaw out his bowels , and destroy that figure . So for degrees of matter , what advantage hath the innated matter , or the dull part of matter , and for motions , most often the nimbler , and agile motions , get an advantage on the stronger , if more slower , and oftener by the manner of motions ; for many times a diving motion will have the better of a swimming motion , a jumping motion of a running motion , a creeping or crawling motion , of either , a darting motion of a flying motion , a crosse motion of a straight motion , a turning motion of a lifting motion , so an Attractive motion of an expulsive motion , and infinite the like , and every motion may have their advantages by turns , and then the advantages of place , and of times , as I may call it , for distinction sake , some Creatures will suppresse other creatures in the night , when the suppressers dare not appear to the supprssed in the light , a great Army shall be destroyed by a little Army , by standing in a lower patch of ground , oft by fighting at such a time of the day , when the sun shines on their faces , but it would be too long for Methusalems life , to set down examples , being infinite , but this shall serve to expresse my opinions . Chap. 79. Of the figurative figures . MOst figures are lined , and enterlined , as I may say , for expression sake , some figures are like a set , or nest of boxes , as for example , half a dozen boxes one within another , so every of those figures hath the same figure , within one another , the outermost figure being the largest , the inmost figure the least ; as for example , a man builds a house , first he builds the figure of that house with wood , as beams , and rafters and lathes ; next he laies morter , then is the figure of that house in morter , then he laies bricks or stones , then there is the figure of the house in stone , and brick , then it is plaistered within the inside , then there is the figure of the house in plaister , if it be painted , then there is figure of the house in painting ; so likewise an Animal , as a man , first there is the figure of a man in bones , as we may see in a Anatomie , then there is the figure of a man in flesh ; thirdly there is the figure of a man in the skin , then there are many , different figures , belonging to one and the same figure , as every several part of an Animal is of a different figure , and every part hath different figures belonging thereunto ; as man for example , to the hand there is the palm , the back , the fingers , the nailes , yet all makes but one hand . So the head , there is the brain , the pia mater , the dura mater , the scul , the nose , the eyes , the fore-head , the ears , the mouth , the lips , the tongue , the chin , yet all this is but a head ; likewise the head , the neck , the brest , the arms , the hands , the back , the hips , the bowels , the thighes , the legs , the feet ; besides , the bones , the nerves , the muscles , the veins , the arteries , the heart , the liver , the lights , the midrif , the bladder , the kidnies , the guts , the stomacke , the brain , the marrow , the blood , the flesh , the skin , yet all these different figurative parts make but the figure of one man. So for Vegetables , the root , the sap , the peath , the bole , the bark , the branches , make but the figure of one tree ; likewise every figure is different , this man is not like that man , this tree is not like that tree , for some trees are larger , or lesser , higher , or lower , more or lesse branched , crooked , or straghter , so in Animals , some are of one shape , some of another , as men , some are slender and tall ; some little and low ; some big and tall , others thick and low ; some high-nos'd ; some flat-nos'd ; some thick , some thin lipt ; some high fore-heads , some low , some broad , some narrow , and numbers of like examples may be given , not onely to man , but all other Animal creatures according to their shapes , that every particular in one and the same kinde , hath different figures , yet every particular kinde hath but one and the same motion , which properly and naturally belong to that Kinde of figure , as a horse to gallop , to amble , to trot , to runn , to leap , to kick , and the like ; and man to lift , to carry to walk , to run , to pitch , to dig , to shut , to chop , to pull back , to thrust forward ; likewise every particular part in one and the same Kinde , hath but one and the same kinde of motions , local or otherwise , and ever particular bird , hath but one , and the same kinde of motion in their flights , and in their feeding ; So beasts , every particular kinde hath but one and the same manner of motion , and feeding ; so likewise all mankinde hath after one and the same Kinde of motions belonging naturally to every particular part of his body , the onely difference is in the strength , or weaknesse , their restraints or facilities but not different in manner of the movings . But to return , to the figures , I say there are different figures belonging to one and the same kinde of figure , but the ground or fundamental figures in every particular figure , are there . ( As for example ) a tree at first is the figure of wood , the second is such a sort of wood , as a Cedar , an Oak , an Elm , an Ash , and the like ; also of such a nature of wood , some fitter to burn then to build , others that will grow but on such , or such soils , others to last longer , or die sooner , or bud and bear in such , and such seasons , some to bear fruit , others to bear none . Likewise for Animals , the first figure is to be an Animal , that is , to have a local figure , the second figure is to be flesh , not wood . The third is to be such a kinde of flesh as mans flesh , not bears flesh , or dogs flesh , or horse flesh , or cows flesh , and more examples may be given , then I am able to repeat , or my book to infold , but Animals and Vegetables have more different figures , belonging to every particular , figure or Kinde then Minerals , especially metals , which are as it were composed of one piece . Chap. 80. Of the gloomy figures , and figures of parts , and of one piece . AYre is not a shining body of it self , but as the lines of light shine upon it , it is smooth , and may be aglossie body , but not a shining ; for though there are infinite several sorts of brightnesse and shining , yet two I will describe . As there are two sorts of shining figures ; some that cast forth beams of light , as bright shining fire , and likewise from some sorts of stones , bones , and wood , so there are some sorts of figures that onely retain a bright shining quality in themselves , but cast forth no beams there-from ; or else so weak and small , as not useful to our sight , but what is represented to us thereon , by other lights ; this sort is water , metal , and vulgar stones , which perchance ayre may have such a shining body . These shining bodies , as water , or metal , or the like , are not perceived in the dark , but when light is cast thereon , we do not onely perceive the light , but their own natural shining quality by that light . Again , some figures have onely a glosse , which is a faint shining , like as a fained light , or an eclipsed shadow , as all the pores Vegetables , and Animals skins have ; and some figures are glossy through the thinnesse , or transparentnesse , not in the nature , for by reason the figure is thin , and transparent , the light shining , though transparent doth not onely shew the light , but the light gives those figures a glosse . Some figures , as I have said , are as it were all of one piece , as some sorts of earth , water , vapor , and ayr , which may be metamorphosed , by contracting and dilation . Others of divers pieces , and several works , as Vegetables , and Animals , wherein are joynts and knots , some parts soft , and some liquid , some firme , some hard , every part having a several figure , which varieties and contrarieties serve to the consistence , and preservation , but of one perfect figure ; but Animals of all other figures have the most variety of works , and several motions . Chap. 81. Of the dull and innated matter . SOme may say , that if there were infinite dull and in-moving matter , some of it may lie unmoved eternally . I answer , that cannot be , for as there is infinite dulnesse and solidity ; so there is infinite acutenes and facility , by which I mean searching , and penetrating , which in some sense makes it equal , if there be equality in infinite , but the innating matter works not upon the dull matter , as upon a new material ; for the innate matter is mixt with the dull part of matter ; For the innated matter moves in the dull part of matter , and on the dull part of matter , as I have described in my first part , for the innated matter takes not fresh and new ( as I may say ) for distinction sake , to make a figure with ; but turns the dull matter into several figures , joyning each degree as the innate matter will , or as it is proper for such a kinde of figure , for some degrees of matter will not make , I do beleeve some kinde of figures , but the dull part of matter , is not mixed in the innate matter , although the innate matter is mixed in that , for the innate matter is pure in it self , without any gross mixture , for it is the infinite pure part of matter infinite , it is the spirits , or essence of nature . Chap. 82. An answer to an old question , what becomes of the shape , or figure , or outward forms of the old figure , when the nature takes a new form . ALL Created , or not created , or created , and dissolved again , figures or forms , lie in onely matter , either in by parts , or in the whole , for the materials of every figure is but of one matter , and the lump of all figures is the figure of eternal matter , for the infinite particular of figures , is the infinite form , shape , or figure of infinite and eternal matter , and the creation , disposals , and dissolvings of figures , are the several actions of that onely matter ; for infinite motions are the infinite life , of the infinite and eternal life , which life , is as eternal matter , being part of the matter it self , and the manner of moving is but the several actions of life ; for it is not an absence of life when the figure dissolves , but an alteration of life , that is , the matter ceaseth not from moving , for every part hath life in it , be the parts never so small , or disperst amongst other parts , and if life , there must be consequently sense , if sense , knowledge , then there can be no death , if every part hath life in it , so that which we call death , is onely an alteration of such motions , in such a figure , in onely matter . Chap. 83. Of Transmigrations . TRansmigrations are not metamorphosed , for to metamorphose is to change the shape and interior form , but not the intellect , which cannot be without a new creation , nor then , but so as partly the intellect changes , with the shape and interior form , but all bodies are in the way of transmigrations perpetually . As for example , the nourishing food that is received into the stomack transmigrated into Chylus , Chylus into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into fat , and some of the chylus migrated into humors , as Choler , Flegme , and melancholy ; some into excrement , which transmigrats through the body , into dung , dung into earth , earth into Vegetables , Vegetables into Animals ; again by the way of food , and likewise Animals into Animals , and Vegetables into Vegetables , and so likewise the elements . But indeed all creatures are created by the way of transmigration . As for example , hens , or other fouls lay eggs , and then sit on them , from whence a nourishing heat is transmigrated from the hen into the eggs , which transmigrates into a kinde of a Chylus , then into blood , blood into flesh , flesh into sinews , sinews into bones , and some into veines , arteries , brains , and the like . For transmigration is onely the mixing sifting , searching , tempering faculty , of innated matter , which is self-motion , and motion is the onely transmigrater , otherwise infinite matter would lie idle eternally , though I cannot well conceive how infinite can be without motion ; but howsoever we perceive so much as there are proper motions , and mixtures of matter belonging to every particular figure ; and though figures doth produce figures ; yet figures do not order the creation , for it is not the figures that create , but creation that produceth by figures , which creation is motion , which motion is innated matter , which matter creates and dissolves by the way of transmigrations , all figures dissolving to create , and creates to dissolve , but dissolving , and creation , which is that we call life and death , hath onely a reference to the figures , but not of the nature of the matter . Chap. 84. Of metamorphosing of Animals and Vegetables . IT is impossible for Animals and vegetables to be metamorphosed , without a creation , as to transform a man into a tree , or a tree into a man , nor a man into the form of a beast , as to turn mans-flesh into horse-flesh , or horse-flesh into mans-flesh or one mans-flesh to turn into another mans-flesh , or an Oak , into a Cypres , or a Cypres into an Oak , and so the like in all Vegetables , and Animals ; thus Transforming the interior forms , or rather changing the interior form , like garments , putting one , and another interior form , upon one and the same intellect nature , which is impossible , by reason the interior forms , and intellect natures , are inseparable , so that destroying the one , destroyes the other , and a change cannot be made of either , without the dissolution of the whole , no more then a man can change the whole building , without pulling down the house , for though they may make some alterations in the outward shape as to add something more , or take away , and make all lesse , or thicker , or thinner , or higher or lower ; but cannot alter the interior form , which is the foundations , but if they pull it down , the same materials may be put into another form , or into the same form it was at first , but it must first be new built again , before it can have those forms , and they must stay the time of building ; so for every Vegetable creature , and Animal creature , they cannot be metamorphosed , by the reason metamorphosing is to change their forms without a new creation , and they cannot change their forms without a dissolution , and then created anew , by reason the intellect , and the interior form is as one body , and not to be separated ; for the interior forms of these creatures , and the intellects depend upon one another , and without one the another cannot be . The intellect , and the interior form may be divided together into parts ; but not separated apart , though the several sorts of one and the same kinde , as Animal kinde may be mixed in their creations , as to be some part a beast , some part a dog , or the like , and part a man , and some creature partly a bird , and partly a beast , or partly a beast and partly a fish ; yet the intellect is mixt with the interior form , and the exterior shape with the interior form . The like in vegetables , and if the interior forms , and intellects of each sort , nay of each creature , cannot be changed , much lesse of each kinde , thus the intellect natures , and interior forms of it , can never be without a new creation , and as for the exterior shapes of Animals may be altered but not changed ; for Animals of all other creatures have their shapes most unite to the interior form , and 〈◊〉 intellect nature of any other creature in nature . But I desire my readers not to mistake me , for want of terms , and words of Art. For the interior or intellect nature I mean is such properties , disposition , constitution , Capacity , and the like ; that makes it such a creature . The interior form is such a substance , and such a sort as flesh , or fish , or wood , or metal , and not onely so , but such a sort of flesh , as mans-flesh , horse-flesh , dogs-flesh , and the like . So the wood of oak , the wood of maple , the wood of ash ; And the like , so the gold metal , the iron metal , and the like . For horse-flesh is not mans-flesh , nor the wood of oak , the wood of ash , nor the metal of gold , the metal of iron . And as for the exterior form , I mean the outward shape . Chap. 85. The Metamorphosing of the exterior forms , of some figures . ALL figures that are of a united piece , as water and fire are , and not in parts , as not having several parts of different natures , as Animals and Vegetables have , may be Metamorphosed out of one form into another , and rechange into the original form again , yet it is onely their exterior form , not their interior nature . As for example , water that is frozen , or turned to hail , or snow , the exterior is onely metamorphosed ; For the interior nature which is the circular line is unaltered , likewise when the circular line is extenuated into air , the interior circle line is not changed ; but when the interior nature is dissolved , and the matter it was composed of transmigrates into other figures . Likewise metals when the interior nature is changed , it cannot be rechanged again without a new creation ; for if we can turn onemetal into another , yet it is not as the way of metamorphosing , but transmigrating , otherwayes we may say , we can turn Animals and Vegetables into water , when we distil them , but the magick of Chymistry shall nor return them to their interior nature , nor exterior shape . Again , although their desires make them beleeve it possible to be done , but substracting is not metamorphosing , but rather transmigrating , and substracting is one of the chiefest faculties of transmigration . And as for those creatures that are composed of parts of different natures ( as I have said ) their exterior form cannot be metamorphosed , 〈◊〉 those motions that metamorphose one part , cannot metamorphose another . And though every part is different , yet they generally unite to the consistence of the whole figure , whereby the several transforming motions on the several parts would make such a confusion , as upon necessity must dissolve the intellect nature , and interior form of that 〈◊〉 figure , thus striving to alter would destroy . AN EPISTLE TO THE Unbeleeving Readers IN NATURAL PHILOSOPHY . MAny say that in natural Philosophy , nothing is to be known , not the cause of any one thing , which I cannot perswade my self is truth ; for if we know effects , we must needs know some causes , by reason that effects are the causes of effects , and if we can knowbut one effect , it is an hundred to one , but we shall know how to produce more effects thereby . Secondly , the natural Philosophy is an endless study without any profitable advantage ; but I may answer , that there is no Art nor Science , but is produced thereby , if they will without partiality consider from whence they are derived . Thirdly , that it is impossible that any thing should be known in natural Philosophy , by reason it is obscure and hid from the knowledge of man-kinde . I answer , that it is impossible that nature should perfectly understand , and absolutly know her self , because she is infinite , much lesse can any of her works know her . Yet it doth not follow , that nothing can be known , because all is not known . As for example , there are several parts of the world discovered , yet it is most likely not all , nor may be never shall be , yet most think that the whole world is found , because Drake , and Cavendish went in a circular line until they came to the place where they set out at first . And I am most confident that most of all thought all the world was known unto them before the West-Indies were discovered , and the man which discovered it in his brain before he had travelled on the navigable sea , and offered it to King Henry the seventh , who slighted him as a foolish fellow , not beleeving his intelligence , and no question there were many that laughed at him , as a vain fool , others pitied him , as thinking him mad , and others scorned him , as a cheating fellow , which would have couzened the King of England of a sum of money ; but the Queen of Portugal being wiser then 〈◊〉 rest imployed him , and adventured a great summe of money to set him forth on his way , which when the successe was according to the mans Genius brain , and had brought the Queen by the discovery , gold and silver mines for her Coine , then all other nations envied the King of Spain who was heir , and like a company of dogs which fight for a bone , went together by the ears , to be sharers with him . So the Bishop , who declared his opinion , of the Antipodes , was not onely cryed down , and exclaimed against by the vulgar which hates all ingenuity , but learned Scholers stood up against him , and the great and grave Magistrates condemned him as an Atheist for that opinion , and for that reason put him from his Bishoprick , and though he had favour to spare his life , which opinion hath since been found out by Navigators , but the ignorant & unpractised brains , think all impossible that is unknown unto them . But put the case many went about to finde that which can never be found ( as they said natural Philosophy is ) yet they might finde in the search that they did not expect , which might prove very beneficial to them ; or put the case ten thousand should go ten thousand wayes to seek for a cabinet of precious Jewels , and all should misse of it but one , shall that one be scorned and laughed at for his good fortune , or industry ? this were a great injustice . But ignorance and envy strives to take off the glosse of truth , if they cannot wholy overthrow it ; and those that write must arm themselves with negligence against censure . For my part I do , for I verily beleeve , that ignorance and present envie will slight my book ; yet I make no question , when envy is worn out by time , but understanding will remember me in after ages , when I am changed from this life ; but I had rather live in a general remembrance , then in a particular life . Earth Metamorphosed into water , water Metamorphosed to vapor , Aire and fire , at least into heat . PART III. CHAP. 86. MOtion forms a round lump of earth , or such like matter , by extenuating swels it out , and as the swelling increases , the circumferent enlargeth , and when it s extended further then this solid form , it becomes pores , and the parts looser . This degree of extenuation , makes it mud , when it extends further then the degree of mud , it turns to a softer form , as that of slime ; the fourth extenuating degree shapes it into a perfect ring drawing all the loose parts into a compasse line , this becomes water , and the difference of a lump , or ball of earth to the watry circle , for a round lump is when there is no space , or distinct lines , and a circular ring is a distinct line with a hollow center , that is , an empty place , in the midst of a round line , so they may be a round ball , but not a ring , or a round circle line , and a circle line and not a ball , and as I said , when it comes to such a degree , of extenuating , it turns water , that is , to be wet , liquid and fluid , and according as the circles are , is the water more or lesse , and according as the lines are extenuated , or contracted , is the water thicker or thinner , colder or hotter , heavier or lighter , and according as the lines are round , or flat-edge , pointed , or smooth , is the water fresh , sharp , salt , or bitter , but these circles may not onely dilate , and contract several wayes , but after several fashions , as to make vapor , air , fire , snow , hail , ice , and frost , as I shall declare in my following chapters . Chap. 87. Of wetnesse . WE may perceive that whatsoever is hot and dry , and cold and dry , shrinks inward as towards the center , and whatsoever is hot and moist , and cold and moist , dilates as towards the circumference , so that all moisture is wrought by extenuating motions , and drought , by contracting motions , and not onely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions , and drought by contracting motions , and notonely extenuating motions , but such sorts of extenuating motions as in circular figures , which circular figures make water , so soft , smooth , and flowing , smooth , because circular ; for Circles make it smooth , the figures having no end extenuating makes it softby spreading and loosing the parts , as flowing by reason dilations drive all outward as toward the circumference yet the degree of extenuating may out-run the degree of wet ; for wet is in such a degree of extenuating circles as I may say , the middle degree , yet there are many sorts of wet , as oylie , wet , and watry ; but I have described that in my chapter of oyl , but I take oyl rather to be liquid and moist , then wet ; For there is difference betwixt moist , liquid , and wet , for though moist and liquid is in a degree of wet , yet it is not an absolute wet , for dissolved gums are liquid , not wet , melted Sugers are liquid , not wet , oyl is more liquid then wet , and smoak may be said to be liquid , as being of an oyly nature , and air rather to be moist then wet , and dust , Ashes , flame , light , winde , may be said to be fluid , but not liquid nor wet . Chap. 88. Of Circles . A Circle is a round figure without ends , having a circumference , and a center , and the figure of a circle , may be many wayes contracted , but can be but in one way extenuated , which is by inlarging the compasse , of the line ; and the reason is , because it is a round piece , without ends ; for a straight line may be drawn out at either end ; but if a circle be drawn out of the compasse , it may stretch out of the one side , but it will pull in the other side after it , unlesse the line be broke , and then it is no longer a circle , thus we can extend no part out , but another part must contract to give way to that part that goeth out . Chap. 89. Of Softnesse . ALL that is wett is soft , I mean that which is naturally wet ; but all that is soft is not wet , as hair , wool , feathers , and the like . Likewise all that is soft or wet is made by extenuating motions ; now some may ask me , why extenuating motions should cause figures to be soft , more then any other ? I answer , first , that all extentions causeth porousnesse , or spunginesse , by spreading or loosing parts , and all that are porous tend to hollownesse , and all that is hollow tends to slacknesse , and all that are porous hollow , and slack tend to softnesse ; for we may perceive whatsoever figure is porous , is not so firm , strong , nor hard , as those which are close compact ; for that which hath no Vacuum , or Convenient distance , hath not so much Liberty , as that which hath Vacuum ; for Vacuum is space and distance betwixt parts , which gives those parts liberty to move , and remove , and that which hath most liberty is most loose , and that which is most loose is least contracted , and that which is least contracted , is most pliant , and that which is most pliant is soft . But I desire my Readers would not mistake me , for as there is hard , soft , light , heavy , thick , thin , quick , slow , belonging to the nature of the onely infinite matter , so there are belonging to such shapes , or figures made by the working of the infinite motions making infinite figures out of infinite matter ; but the difference is , that what is in the nature cannot be altered , but what is done by the working of motions may be undone again , for the effects may alter , but not the cause ; thus motion and figure , or figure by motion may alter , but not the nature of the matter ; For motion and figure are but the effects of the onely and infinite matter &c. Chap. 90. Of Liquors . ALL liquors are wrought by extenuating motions , and all that is liquid and wet , are circles extenuated to such a degree , and after such a manner , and all that are liquid and wet , is either water or of the nature of water , as also of oyls , vitrals , strong-waters , all juices from fruits , herbs , or the like , or any thing that is liquid and wet ; but though all that is liquid and wet naturally agree in extenuating circles , yet their circle lines are different , which causeth the different effects , for some have different effects interiorly , others exteriorly , and some both interiorly , and exteriorly , for some have circular lines of points , others have circular lines pointed , others have circular lines of points pointed , others have circular lines of points edged , some have smooth circle lines onely edged ; as the sharp edge of a knife , or the like , others have circle lines edged of one side of the line , and pointed on the other side , some their circle lines are flat , others their circle lines are round , some their circle lines are twisted , others plain , some checkred , others smooth , some more sharpe-edged , or pointed then other ; some smoother , and some rougher then other ; And infinite more that I know not how to describe ; But these lines , nor circle points , nor edges , are not subject to our senses , although their effects may make them subject to our reason , for nature works beyond our sense , but reason is part of the sense of nature ; but of all wet liquors oyl is most different from the effects of water , for all other wet liquors do strive to quench fire , but oyl doth assist it , yet all vitrals have an exterior burning faculty , which oyl hath not , and although all strong wet liquors will flame when it is set on fire , yet they will quench out fire , if enough be cast thereon . Chap. 91. The extention and contraction of circles . THe nature of extention strives to get ground , that is , space , or compasse , and to disperse , or level parts as it were , and the nature of contraction strives to thrust out space and compasse , and to thrust up parts close together , and this is the reason that a circle may contract so many several wayes , because contraction flings out the compasse , and makes use of the line , laying the line into millions of several works . And yet the exterior form which is the circular line , be one and the same , that is , the circular line is not divided , but when those works are undone , and the line extended to the full compasse , it receives the original form , which is a round circle ; for as they were contracted without breaking the circle , so they may be extended into a circle again . Likewise the circular forms may be wrought with mixt motions , as partly by contraction , and partly by extenuation , as when a round circle is wound about a staff , or pole , or the like ; for though the winding about the staff be a contracting motion , or at least one way , which is when it draws inward , as towards the center , yet by winding it length-wayes , or upward , is a kinde of an extenuation . Likewise , a circle or smoak when it curls in rings , before the circle break , as we shall oft times see it doth contract , as folding and half curling , so it extenuates as it spreads and weares out . Likewise take a round string , that is , joyn the two ends , and put this circular string double , and then winde it serpentine wayes , and the like , and though the winding , or twisting about is contracting , yet winding or twisting one ring before another is extenuating . Here have I set down after what manner of wayes are contracted , or continuated circles , and thus millions of several works may by circles be wrought , and several figures made thereof ; Likewise for circular lines , some may be broad , some narrow , some round , some flat , some edged , some twisted , but those that are flat are most apt to be edged . Likewise there may be circle lines with smooth lines , some pointed , some checkred , some twisted , some braided , and the like . But although the circle compasse is perfect , yet the line is not a perfect Circular compasse , because the roughnesse makes it uneven . Thus as I have said before , milions of changes may be in circles , but perchance some will say , it is no longer a circle , when it is turned square , or triangular-wayes , or the like . I answer , it is a circle squared , but not a circle broke , for as long as the circle is whole , the interior nature is not dissolved , let the exterior figure be after what manner it will or can ; for still it is a natural circle , although it be put into a Mathematical square , or the like ; so those exterior figures , are but changed shapes , not the natural form , but a natural square is to have four distinct lines , and a triangle three distinct lines , and a cupe six , as I take it , or sixteen ; but it is to be observed , that all those figures that naturally are made of one piece , without distinct parts , or several tempered matter , may change , and rechange their shapes , and yet keep their own interiour nature intire , that is the nature proper to such a figure ; but those figures that are made of many distinct parts , or several tempered matter , would make such a confusion in their transformations , as would ruin the intire foundations . Chap. 92. Of congealed water . WAter is not alwayes exteriorly wet , or fluid , as we may see alwayes when it is congealed to snow , ice , and hail , yet still it is water , keeping the interior nature of being wet and fluid , onely the cold contractions have , as may say , altered the face or countenance thereof ; for it is to be observed , as there are extenuating motions , thrusting and stretching , inlarging further and wider out in compasse , bredth , length , and depth , as from the center to the circumference , so there are contracting motions together , draw winde , twist and pull in , as from the circumference to the center , and not onely by interior motions , but exterior motions ; as for example , cold contraction upon water circles , or any thing that is porous and spungie , draws , and gathers them into several works , or draws them into a lesse compasse , as strings do a purse , or like fishers or faulkners nets . But snow , hail , and frost , and ice is made by a level contraction , as if a Circular line should be laid upon a flat ground , and be drawn a particular work , as for example , according to the number of watry circles , there is such a quantity of water , and if the quantity of water be more then the strength of the cold contraction , it is frozen more or lesse , now the several figures which cold contraction draws to make snow , hail , ice , and frost , are after this manner , as first the interior nature of the water is a round circle like a ring . When it contracts into hail , the exterior figure contracts into a ball , or lump , as if one should winde up a double line , or thread into a bundle , or bottom . Snow is made by contraction , as if one should draw a round line into a three square figure , as triangular way . Ice , as if we should draw a round line into a four square figure , as after a cupe way . Frost is made by such contracting motions , as if a round line should be drawn into a surfling , as a crackling figure . When this congealed cold thaws , it is either by the interior strength of dilating motions , or by an exterior heat that draws these contractions out into smooth extenuating circles again . Thus circular lines may be drawn from the round compasse , to be four square , three square , or length-wayes , as one would clap the brim of 〈◊〉 hat together ; and millions of several works , and never divide the circular lines , but I will not say by a Mathematicall rule , though nature is beyond our learning . And that which makes ice and hail more shining then frost , and snow , is , that the lines are evener ; for all figures that are composed by the way of lines , are apt to shine , and those figures that have fewest points , or ends are smoothest . Now some may say , or ask , why I should think snow is made triangular wayes ? My reason is , because it seems rougher , and not so united as ice , or hail , which shews the interior figure hath more points , or unevener numbers , or unequal lines , and a triangular figure is not so smooth , or at least seems not so , as a circular , a paralel , or cupe ; for in the angulars the points and lines are odd , and the lines run slope-wayes , whereas the figure of a cupe , although it hath more points , yet the figure is more proportionable , by the even number of the points and lines ; for as there are four points , so there are four equal lines , which make an equal number , when in the figure of a triangular the points and lines are odd ; for though there are a plural number , yet it is an uneven number , as being odd . And as I have said , the lines are slope when the figure of a cupe is just square , besides triangular points being odd , multiplie and substract by reflections , as we shall see by triangular glasses , that from one face millions are made by subdividings . Thus what is made uneven by odd numbers , are made even by equal numbers , and the odd points , and slope lines , make the figure of snow rough , and the equal points , and straight lines make the figure of ice smooth , but I treat here of exterior figures , or rather countenances , not of the interior form , for their contractions change the exteriors , not the interiors . But if 〈◊〉 be out , and mistake , either in termes of art , or otherwise , I must intreat my readers to pardon it , for I am no Mathematician , onely I have gathered here and there some little parcels or crums from the discourse of my friends , for I have not much kept the company of strangers , nor conversed with dead Authors by books , but these parcels I have got , I place according to my own fancy , if they sound probably , I have my ends , and the lines of my desires are pointed with a satisfaction . Chap. 93. Motion changing the figure from water to fire . VVHen these watry circle lines begin to inlarge , they grow smaller , and thereby become lesse wet , and more thinne , as vapor which is lesse wet then water , and not so grosse ; for as I said before , when the circle comes in such a degree of extenuating , it becomes wet , and beyond such a degree , it becomes lesse wet ; and so lesse and lesse , as beforè it came to such a degree , it became more and more wet , as from being pores to soft , from soft to liquid , from liquid to wet , likewise from wet to moist , from moist to thin , which thin is air . But when the extenuating lines come to such a degree of smalnesse , as to cut , as a very smal line will do , which is to such a degree , as to be sharp as an edge , it makes it in a degree towards burning fire , so far as to become sulphury hot , as we know by the sense of feeling , we finde the air to be hot . This sort of air which is made of watry circles , is like seething hot water , for it is a moist heat , and not like the natural air , for this is but a Metamorphosed air ; for the interior nature of water is undissolved , onely the exterior is altered , the lines being become small and edged , by the fair extenuations , but when those circles extenuate smaller then the quantity of matter will afford to give a compasse , it breaks , and turns to hot burning fire ; for the extenuating motions therein ceasing not , do stretch those lines so smal , as they fall into pointed parts ; this alters the interior nature from being water , to burning fire , for the interior nature of water is the circle line , but if those lines be drawn by contracting motions into bigger lines , and lesse circles , it becomes from thin hot air to vapor , or mists , and from vapor to water , and so from water to slime , from slime to mud , from mud to earth , as it did extenuate , so it contracts , if nothing hinders the same ; for contraction draws in the lines to such a bignesse , like as a smaller thred to a bigger thred , so from the thinnest air to the thickest air , from grosse air to the thin vapor , from thin vapor to thick vapor , fromthick vapor to water to slime , fromslime to mud , from mud to earth ; but according as the contracting and dilating motions are quick , or slow , it is sooner or longer turning out of one shape into another , and if any of the circular lines break by other motions or figures before it coms to the furthest extention , the quantity becomes lesse wasting that matter into figures of other natures , being dissolved from that natural figure ; thus that ball , or lump may be dissolved , like as Animals , or the like ; For no question these balls are created and dissolved as Animal kinde , and are as numerous as other creatures , and some lasting longer then others , and some dissolving sooner ; though their creations are different , one being produced by procreation , the other by extenuation : thus these elements are increaseable , and decreaseable , and other creature are ; and when the interior nature is altered , it dissolves as other creatures do , onely the exterior with the interior dissolves , which most of other creatures do not , for when the interior is altered in Animals , the exterior is perfect , and dissolves more by degrees . Chap. 94. Of Oyl . OYL is partly of the nature of fire , and partly of the nature of water ; for as it is soft , fluid , liquid , and moist , it is of the nature of water ; as it is hot burning and flamable , it is of the nature of fire , for that which makes it fludi and liquid , is by extenuations , and that which makes it moist and liquid is by extenuating circles , and that which makes it burning , is , that those circular lines are composed of pointed parts , which when fire and oyl meets , the fire breaking those lines a sunder , sets those pointed parts at liberty , which causeth it to rise in a flame , and the reason why it flames , is , that it doth not suddenly lose the circular extenuating nature ; for flame is somewhat of the nature of water , as being fluid , though not wet , and the reason why flame is fluid , is , because it ascends in a circular motion , for though the ascent be in a strict parrelled line , yet the matter is after a circular figure , as a hollow spungy body , as after this manner or the like , which shuts upward , like an arrow out of a bow , onely imagining the arrow to be in serpentine * shape , and to turn and spin about as it ascends , likewise the body to extend , or spread outward , according to the bulk or quantity , which several figures , or several motions , may be all at one time , and in one and the same thing , and work to one and the same effect , and to several effects at the same time , which causeth it to be fluid , liquid , and light , for light as well as oyl , water , or flame , is fluid , caused by extenuating motions , for as water will run forward when it hath liberty , or run backward in a torrent when it is stopt , so light will enter when it hath passage , or run back by reflection if it be stopt , but all those fluidities are different by reason their extenuations are different ; For light is caused by swift extenuating paralel lines ; water , oyl , and the like by extenuating circular lines , which make it moist , and liquid , as well as fluid , but flame takes part from all , for it is light and fluid by the swift extenuating parallel lines , it ascends in , and liquid , although not wet , by the circular motions it ascends up in , and burning by the sharp parts it is composed of ; vitral is after the same nature of oyl , onely the lines are edged , as a knife , or the like , or sharp edged tools , which make it have an exterior pressing quality , as burning fire hath ; but the exterior of oylie lines are smooth , which makes it soft , and glib , and not so sharp and penetrating as vitrals , or the like are . Thus flame , light , oyl , fire vitrals , waters , have mixt motions , to make one figure , and many figures , to make those figures which make them to be of mixt qualities producing mixt effects , as indeed all effects are of a mixt nature . Chap. 95. Of Metals . ALL Metals are created after the manner of circle lines , as water , onely the lines in metal are contracted , as drawing inwards , and water circle lines are extended outward , but in all metals the circle lines are flat , and edged , having a cutting and a subdividing nature , and by reason the exteriour nature is of a circle figure , it is apt to be fluid , and to flow as water doth , when the exterior is melted by forcible motions , then it is one , as that of fire , which draws out the contracted circles of metals , causing it to be fluid by extention , yet the extention is not natural , as it is in water , but forced by an over-powerful motion ; for the nature of metal is not to be fluid , which is the reason that assoon as it can get libertie , that is , when the moer strong motions let go their hold , it contracts into a firm and hard body : again , it breaks not the interior circle , for then the nature alters , for as much as metals loseth in the weight , so much is changed of that quantity , from the natural quality , and though some metals do not , wast in quantity , which is to change in quality , so soon as others , yet they are all dissolvable , although some say gold is not dissolvable ; but sure that opinion proceeds from impatience in man-kinde , not to stay the time , or rather for want of longer time of life , having not so lasting a life , as to observe the alteration , as the dissolution of gold , or perhaps they have not the right wayes to dissolve it ; for certainly it is as all other figures are , dissolvable , and not fixt everlastingly in one body , Chymists make gold as a god , unalterable . Chap. 96. Of the Load-stone . ME thinks 't is strange , that men should wonder more at the nature of the Load-stone in attracting iron , and in the norths attracting o f the needle touched with the Loadstone , then at the suns attracting of vapor . But some will say , that it is the nature of fluiditie , of which nature vapor is one , to move with facility , and not the nature of solidity , of which nature iron is one , which is heavy and slow ; but I say , if the attracting motion in one body be stronger then the contracting , and retentive motions in the other body , and those figures motions work with , be advantagious ; I see no reason but a fluid body may attract a solid body ; For it is not the substance of the body that works , or produceth effects , but the agility , subtility , or strength of motion , and advantage of the shape , so that the working power is more in motion and figure , then meerly the matter ; as for example , doth not experience prove that fluid , vitral , will work through solid metal , the reason is , because the expulsive motions in the vitral and sharp points , are stronger then the contracting motions , in the metal and blunt edges : but some will ask me , why the Load-stone attracts onely iron ? such a question I ask , why beauty should forcibly attract the eye ? they will answer by sympathy ; and I have heard , that it was the opinion of learned men , that sympathy had the same effect , betwixt the Load-stone and iron , but I think it not so much in sympathy , as supremacy . Besides , it is the nature of contracting motions , of which the Load-stone is strongly inhabited withal , to work on that which is without it , as from it , not within it , or as it were upon it , which no other visible kinde of motion doth . And certainly the Load-stone is composed of sharp figures , yet not of such sorts as heats or burns , and those figures do issue out as beams do from the sun : and as they draw the iron , they back return , and as the bright beams issue from the sun , do neither weaken nor lessen it , so the visible beams that issue out of the Load-stone , neither make it lesser or weaker ; yet the beams of the Load-stone , do as the sun beams , the farther they spread out , the lesse strength they have to draw ; Besides , if other motions which oppose , and are stronger then the natural motions , may weaken the strength , as accidental maladies mayweaken Animals , or shrewd and froward weather vegetables , or the natural consisting motions proper to that figure , may turn to expulsive motions , and over-power the natural attracting motions , that issued there-from . But as I have said , it seems the attractive power of the Loadstone , is stronger then the irons retentive power , and sharp figures that issue there-from , are more advantagious then the blunt edges in the iron ; and as the sharp figures in fire unknit and loosen the contractive body of metals , making them fluid , so the sharp points that issue in lines from the Load-stone fasten to iron , drawing it to it ; and as fire works upon several bodies after a different manner of way , according to the nature of the body it works on , producing divers effects ; so for all I can perceive may the Load-stone ; for certainly we do not know , nor never can come to that knowledge , as to perceive the several effects , that are produced from the least , or as we account the most inconsiderable creature made in nature ; so that the Load-stone may work as variously upon several bodies , as fire , and produce as various effects , although nor to our sense , nor after the same manner of wayes , that fire doth , and as fire works variously upon various bodies , so there are fires , as several sorts , and those several ral sorts have several effects , yet one and the same kinde , but as the causes in nature are hid from us , so are most of the effects ; but to conclude my discourse , we have onely found that effect of the Load-stone , as to draw iron to it ; but the attracting motion is in obscurity , being invisible to the sense of man , so that his reason can onely discourse , & bring probabilities , to strengthen his arguments , having no perfect knowledge in that , nor in any thing else , besides that knowledge we have of several things , comes as it were by chance , or by experience , for certainly all the reason man hath , would never have found out that one effect of the Load-stone , as to draw iron , had not experience or chance presented it to us , nor the effect of the needle , and all the ages before , I mean those we have Records of , were ignorant of that one effect , and perchance other ages may finde out some other effects produced therefrom , which these ages are ignorant of ; And as our knowledge comes slow , and in parts , and pieces , so we know but parts and pieces of every particular thing , neither is the generality of our senses capable of one and the same knowledge ; for what one sense knowes , another sense is ignorant of , and questionlesse there are some things in nature that it is impossible for our senses to be made acquainted therewith , as being too curious for our senses , but not to some other senses ; for 〈◊〉 nature hath as many different senses , as other works ; indeed all things are wrought by sensitive motions , which 〈◊〉 needs create a sensitive knowledge in every thing , and where knowledge is , reason is ; for knowledge is reason , and sense is knowledge ; but sense and reason work in several figures , different wayes , and not onely in different figures , but in one and the same figure . Chap. 96. Of the needle . I Perceive the norths attraction of the Load-stone is not after the same manner of attraction , as the Load-stone attracts iron , for the attractions of the Load-stone draws iron to it , but the attraction of the north draws the Load-stone towards it , by the turning it that way , as the Sun will do the the heads of some sorts of flowers ; For if the north attracted the Load-stone , as the Load-stone iron , the Load-stone would be in a perpetual motion , travelling to the north pole , unlesse it were fixt , but I do not hear that a Load-stone doth remove out of the place wherein it is , but it turns , as I may say , the face towards it ; now the question will be whether the Loadstone turns it self towards the north , or the north turns by compulsion , or by sympathy , the experiment will be by iron , that if a great quantity of iron should be said at one side of the needle , whether the needle would not vary from the north towards the iron , if it do , it shews the Load-stone turns itself towards the north , or else it could not turn from the north , for certainly the north hath a greater operative power to turn the Load-stone to it , then the Load-stone could have to turn it self from it , so if a quantity of iron can cause the needle to vary , it shews that the Load-stone turns to the north by a self motion , and not the motions of the north that make it turn to it , but if it varies not towards the iron , then the north forces it , unlesse the Load-stone takes more delight to view the norths frowning face , then to imbrace hard iron , or that the feeding appetite is stronger then the viewing delight ; for it onely turns it self to the face of the north , but if it turns not it self , the north forces it to turn , which as I have said before , is to be found by the experiments of iron ; but if it turns it self , I beleeve it may receive some refreshments from those raies which stream from the north , for all things turn with self-ends ; for certainly every thing hath self-love , even hard stones , although they seem insensible , so the Load-stone may work as various effects upon several subjects , as fire , but by reason we have not so much experience of one as the other , the strangenesse creates a wonder , for the old saying is , that ignorance is the mother of admiration , but fire which produceth greater effects by invisible motions , yet we stand not at such amaze as at the Load-stone , because these effects are familiar unto us . But per chance the Load-stone is nourished by iron as many creatures are by heat , for though the creatures are nourished there with , yet the heat alters not its vertue , nor the body in whichthe heat inheres , loses not the property of heating , the sun is not weakned by warming the earth , though the earth is stronger by the warm ' th of the sun ; but warm ' th feeds after a spiritual manner , not a corporal , and as somethings are nourished by warm'th , so others by cold , as ice , snow , and many other things that are above number . So the Load-stone may be refreshed , although not fed by the cold north , and as fire is fed by fuel , so is the vertual part of the Load-stone by iron , or as exercise gets health and strength to Animal bodies , so doth the Load-stone on iron , and as idlenesse breeds faintnesse , or weaknesse , 〈◊〉 doth the Load-stone from iron . Chap. 98. Of stone . FIre hath more power over Metals in some sense , then on stone , and in some sense hath more power over stone then metals . For fire will sooner melt metal , then dissolve stone , but when the exterior form of stone is dissolved , it is changed from the nature of being stone , and be comes dust and ashes . And though metal would likewise change the interior nature , if the exterior form were dissolved , yet metal , although it be melted , keeps the interior nature , and exterior form , but not the exterior motions ; for metal is metal still , although it be melted , onely it becoms fluid , this sheweth that fire doth not onely alter the exterior motion of stone , but dissolves , the exterior form , and so the interior nature , which in metal it doth not , unlesse a more forcible fire be applied thereto then will serve to melt ; which shewes , that although the interior motions of stone be contractions , as all solid bodies are , yet the interior , nor exterior natural figure is not circular as metals are , for stone cannot be made fluid , and as it were liquid as metal will be , but crumbles into dust , and wasts , as wood or the like , and not evaporates away as water , which metal doth ; This sheweth that the exterior and interior natural form of stone is composed of parts , and not in one piece , as a circle ; I do not mean in one piece , as the exterior bulk , but in one piece , in the exterior , and interior nature ; For though you may pound , or file metal to dust , that dust as small as Atoms , the like may be done to stone , wood , and flesh , or any thing that is dividable , yet it will keep the nature of being metal , stone , wood , flesh , or the like , although the parts be no bigger then an Atom ; but if you do dissolve the exterior nature , the interior nature doth dissove also , thus the exterior form may be altered , but not dissolved , without a total dissolution . Chap. 99. Of burning . ALL that is hot is not of a burning faculty , nor all that is burning is not actually hot , and though Burning Motions work several wayes according to the temperament of the matter , and composure of the figures it meets with , yet the nature of all kinds of burnings is to expulse by a piercing and subdividing faculty , provided that the burning Motions , and burning figures are strong enough to incounter what opposeth them ; but when the opposed bodies and motions have an advantage , either by strength , or otherwayes , it alters the nature and faculty of burning , and many times there is great dispute and long combats amongst the several motions , and different figures , for the preheminency . Chap. 100. Of different burning . THough all that is of a burning nature , or faculty may be called fire , yet all that hath a burning nature , or faculty is not of that sort of fire , which is a bright , shining , hot , glowing fire , as for example , vitrals , brimstone , oyl , or spirits , or that we call cordials , or hot-waters , or any of the like nature . Besides all burning figures , or motions , work not after one and the same manner , though after one and the same nature , being all of a burning quality , or faculty , for some burn interiorly , others exteriorly , but as I havesaid all burning , is of a subdividing faculty . Chap. 101. Fires transformation . THe interior , and exterior figures of hot , glowing , burning , bright , shining fire are all one , and the motions working apart according to the nature of the figure it works on can change every thing it hath power over , into its own likenesse , yet the power , and strength doth alter somewhat according to the work , and becoms grosser , and finer , accoring to the temperaments , or degrees of that which they work on : as for example , wood that is set on fire , or a firy coal , is a grosser body of fire , then flaming oyl , or the like , that is such a sort of moist fluid matter set on fire , for fire takes hold , of the thinnest parts , as well as the thickest ; if they be such thin bodies which are subject to take fire , for when fire is set to wood , it doth not onely take hold of the solid'st parts , but those that are more porous , or fluid , as those that rise in smoak , which become a flaming body , which is a fluid fire , but there is a cold , dul , burning fire , as well as a hot , bright , burning , as all strong vitrals , and this we call hot water , or spirits , which have an exterior nature to burn , or dissolve other bodies , and an interior nature to flame , but it hath not an exterior nature to be hot , nor shining . Also there is another sort of fire , which onely hath an interior nature to flame , but the exterior is neither actually burning , nor hot , as sulphur , or oyl , though oyl is nothing , but a liquid sulphur , and sulphur a hardened oyl . But this cold dul fire hath not the power of transforming to its own likenesse , by reason there is some difference in the interiors to their exteriors , where the quick , hot , burning , bright , shining fire , the exterior and interior is all one , without any difference . Chap. 102. Of such sorts of heating Motions , as cause burning , melting , boiling , Evaporating and rarifying . BUrning , melting , boyling , and evaporating are caused by several motions , or several degrees or temperaments of matter . And though burning , melting , boyling , and evaporating , are caused by expulsive and dilating motions , yet al dilative and expulsive motions , work not after one and the same manner , but according as the matter is ; As for example , leather doth not burn as wood doth , yet both are dissolved by an expulsive motion . Besides , some figures do dissolve into flame , others moulder away into dust , and never flame , as stone , and many more examples may be given , but most commonly all burning motions do pierce , or shut , or wedge , in sharp tootht , or pointed figures ; into those figures they work upon , and then it dissolves it by expulsions ; for those sharp pointed figures , help motion to loosing , and unbinde those parts that they finde joyned and contracted , that they may more freely separate those parts and dissolve those figures , which as they dissolve the thinner parts , dilate into vapor , the lighter parts flie out into fiery points , which are those we call sparks of fire , but the grosser , and more solid part moulders away into dust and ashes , as being too heavy and solid for the points to spread forth , they can onely as it were chew it between their sharp teeth ; for ashes are nothing but chewed wood , yet this manner of chewing doth alter the nature from being wood , or any thing that burns after an expulsive manner , but those fiery motions that onely melt , or rather those figures that are not subject to burn , but onely to melt , is done by a stretching motion , for those motions do as it were thrust out the contracted parts , and cause them to extenuate ; but when the fiery motions cause any thing to boyl , they first stretch out the parts so far , as causeth those parts to be fluid , and as it were liquid , if those things were contracted , but if they be liquid and fluid of themselves , they save those fiery motions that labour , and when this motion strives to ascend with those loose parts , the liquor riseth up in bubbles , or waves , but when those fiery motions are over-poured by the weight , they fall back again ; thus the weight of the liquor , and the sharp points of the fire strive together , one party striving to ascend , the other to descend , so that those fiery motions , are to pull out , or to bear up , and the watry motion to pull , or presse down , but evaporating , is when the extenuating lines are stretcht so far out , as to break , or the lighter parts are carried away , and dispersed amongst other figures ; but all rarifying heats , are caused by slow dilating motions , and not expulsions , for if such sorts of dilations as make rarifying heat , were extended beyond the line of the matter they work on , it alters the nature of the figure , and the motions of that nature ; but rarifying heat is an extenuating motion , spreading parts equally , and evenly , but the farther they are spred , the more hot grows the heat , as neerer to expulsion , and though all rarifying heat is in the way of burning , yet not in the manner . But I must intreat my reader to take notice , that burning motions , make use of burning figures , for all sorts of motions work according to the matter and figure they work on , or in , or to . Chap. 103. Of quenching of fire . THere is such Antipathy betwixt fire , and some sorts of wets , as such wets as are made by smooth extenuating circles , as they never can agree when they do personally meet ; and indeed such sorts of wets , have such power over hot , burning , bright shining fire , as they never incounter , but fire is in danger to be quenched out , if there be not a sufficient quantity to break the watry circles , for it is not the coldnesse that quenches fire , but such sorts of wetnesse , for scalding water will quench out fire , and many sorts of liquors as wine , or the like , although they be flameable , yet if they be cast on this bright , hot , burning fire , it will quench it out , by reason they are more of the wet nature ; then the oyly , and sulphurous , or the burning or flaming faculty . T is true , that there are many liquors that are subject to burn , but there are few wets that have not power to quench , for the spherical drops do either blunt the fiery points , or disperse the the united body , or intangle them in the porous circles . Thus water hath the better unlesse the lines break in the combate , but when fire and water treat apart , or by an Attorny , or hath a body betwixt them to Moderate their * spleens they agree better , but in this treaty most commonly the water becoms weak by rarification , and evaporates into air by too strong , or too much extenuating , extending further then the wet compasse . Chap. 104. Of the quenching of fire , and evaporated Water . THe reason why water quenches fire , is , that the figure being spherical , and porous , gives distance and space of parts , where the sharp figures of fire , flying about to bite the circular lines asunder , that they may ravel out that figure of water , lose their strength both in their ffight and compasse , breaking their forces , by dispersing their parts , and intangling their dispersed parts in the hollow places , in the watry figure , like arrows that are shot into a net , seldom break the net , but intangle themselves , by reason there is no firm substance to strick on , or in ; for being soft and spungy , there is no stop , nor hold ; besides water being wet and wet in the nature is sticking , that when those sharp points do at any time break the lines , they joyn again , for being fluid each part moves to each other , and being wet they joyn , and being circular they unite , into the natural figure . Thus in a plain combat water most commonly hath the better of fire , if there be not too much odds on the fires fide for quantity , but when fire doth come by an undermining motion as when some other figures are betwixt them , then fire gets the better , by the help of those undermining motions . Chap. 105. Of a bright-shining hot , glowing , fire . IT is the nature of bright-shining , hot-glowing fires , to have both an interior , and an exterior burning , and is of such a kinde of subdividing nature , as it strives to dissolve all united parts , or bodies , and if it doth not dissolve all bodies it works on , as we shall see many things which grow harder with fire , yet is not that the nature would not dissolve such a thing , but the power cannot , for those bodies that grow harder with fire , opposes the power of fire , and strives by contraction to unite the looser parts , in a more solid body , to resist with more strength . Also some bodies grow hard by shrinking inward , for assoon as they feel the fire , they draw back , as from an enemy , having an Antipathy thereunto . Thus , it is not the fire that dries or hardens , or maks more solidity , but the opposite body that will not burn , having a strength to oppose , or a nature not to subject to this fire , or the fire hath not a sufficient power to overcome , but this sort of fire hath a general power , though some bodies will strongly resist it ; but it is the nature of this sort of fire , that most bodies they overcome , they first convert them into their own likenesse , but their natures being different , their prisoners die in the fiery arms of their enemies . Chap. 106. Of the drinesse of hot , burning , bright , shining fire . DRinesse hath such a relation to hot , burning , bright , shining fire , as moistnesse to water , for though interior motions are expulsive , yet the exterior is attractive , drawing all unto it , like a greedy appetite , and as the teeth doth mince the the food that is chewed , so doth the pointed figure , of fire , all it laies hold on , or enters into . Chap. 107. Of moist colds , and moist heats , of dry colds , and dry heats &c. HEat doth not make drought , for there is a temper of heat , and moist ; nor cold doth not make drought ; for there is a temper of cold , and moist ; nor heat doth not make moisture , for there is a temper of hot , and dry , nor cold doth not make moisture ; for there is a temper of cold , and dry , but when the motions of heat , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause hot and dry effects , and when the motions of cold , and the motions of drought joyn , they cause cold and dry effects , and when the motions of heat , and the motions of moisture joyns , they cause hot and moist effects ; and when the motions of cold , and the motions of moisture joyn , they cause cold and moist effects , yet there are infinite varieties in their several effects ; but those motions which make cold and heat , I may fimilife to wandring armies , of the Gothes , and Vandals , which over-run all figures , as they all the world , sometimes they work attractive , contractive , retentive , disgustive , expulsive , according to the temper and degree of matter , and proportion and shape of the figures they meet , or according to their own power and strength , and although both cold and heat , are motions that work more or lesse upon all the figures in this world , yet cold heat works not upon figure alike , but differ as their figures differ , nor are cold and heat directly the same motions , although they be of the same kinde of motions , no more then several sorts of beasts kinde , yet all beasts are of Animal kinde , and most commonly like several sorts of beasts that falleth out , or rather like two equal powerful Monarchies , that oppose one anothers power , and fight for preheminency , where sometimes one gets the better , and then the other , sometimes by strength , and sometimes by advantage , but when there is a truce , or a league , they have a common commerce , joyning their motions , working sympathetically together , which produceth an equall temper . Chap. 108. Of the motions of cold , and heat , drouth , and Moisture . COld and heat , are not wrought by different kinds of motions , but after a different manner of workings or movings , for a moist cold , and a moist heat , are but one kinde of motions , as being motions that extenuate , and enlarges from the center to the circumference ; for a moist heat , doth thrust , or drive outward , as toward the circumference . A moist cold doth pull , or draw from the center towards the circumference . As for example , we shall often see a gardiner that rolles a green turft walk , to thrust the roll before him , and when he is weary with pressing forward , he will turn his arms behinde him , and pull the roll after him . Also a dry , or congealed cold , and a dry heat , are not several kindes of motions , but moves after several manners ; for as moist cold , and heat extends , and enlarges from the center , to the circumference , so a dry heat , or a dry , or congealed cold , contracts from the circumference towards the center , the congealed cold in several works ; a dry cold , or a dry heat onely draws into a lesse space , or compasse , yet the same difference in the manner of the motions , is between a dry heat , and a dry cold , as was between a moist heat , and a most cold ; for a dry heat drives from the circumference to the center ; & a dry cold draws from the circumference to the center for although al drought is from the circumference to the center , and all moisture from the center to the circumference , yet the several manner of movings are infinite , also cold , and heat are not several kindes of motions , but different motions , as every man is of man-kinde , but they are different men . And if we observe the effects of heat , and cold , we shall finde them to work after one and the same manner ; for very sharp colds , and great heats , paines equally ; and sharp colds destroy with as great & strong fury , as burning heats ; neither can I perceive that burning heats have swifter motions , then sharp colds ; for water to the quantity shall freez , assoon as any light matter shall burn ; for water shall be assoon frozen , as straw burnt , take quantity for quantity , and Animals shall be assoon frozen to death if they be touched , or struck with very sharp colds , such as are neer the poles , as be burnt under the torrid Zone ; as for plants , we oftener see them killed with cold , then heat , and I perceive there is no thaw so sudden , as a frost ; for when any thing is frozen , it is not suddenly thawed , which half perswades me , that cold is the quicker motion ; but howsoever we perceive they do often dispute for the mastry , when some time the cold predominates , and sometimes the heat . But when there is an amity , and friendship between both , then it is temperate weather . Chap. 109. Of dry heats , and cold , and of moist heats and colds . ALL dry heats , and colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as pleating , folding , surfling , crumpling , knitting , linking , brading , tieing , binding into a lesse compasse , or space . All moist heats , and moist colds , are created , or produced by such manner of motions , as smoothing , planing , stricking , or stretching ; but burning heats , are like those motions that prick a sheet of paper full of holes , or dart it , or cut it , but there are infinite of these several kinds of motions , which make these several heats , and colds , working according to the several degrees , or temperaments of matter , and the composers of figures , but l onely set these few notes to make my discourse , as easy to my readers understanding as I can ; for it is a difficulty to expresse several motions , although they be so grosse as to be visible to the optick sense . Chap. 110. Of shining figures . ALL figures that are composed of lines , are the aptest to shine , because lines are the evenest measure , and the smoothest rule , for mathematical motions to work with , but according as the lines , either exterior , or interior is smooth or rough , contracted or extenuated , shines more or lesse ; for some lines are interiorly even , and smooth , and exteriorly rough and unequal , as pointed lines , or chekred , or milions the like . Others are exteriorly even , and interiorly rough , as lines of points , some are interiorly rough , and exteriorly rough as lines of points pointed and some are interiorly smooth , and exteriorly smooth , which are drawn out even , as one piece , and not composed of parts . Chap. 111. The motions that make natural air , and day light . NAtural air , which is not metamorphosed air , is made by such kinde of motions , as makes cloth that is spun threads weaved , as with shuttles in a loom ; so some motions spin threads of thin dull matter , and other motions interweave those threads , where the grossest sort makes the thicker air , as great threads make course cloth , and the thinner matter makes the serenest air , as small threads make the finest cloth ; where some is like cobweb-lawn , so sheer , or clear , as the smallest objects may be seen through , which is spread about the globe of the earth , as a thin vail over a face , or body , and from the sun rising , the motions that make light run in lines upon it , and so is like a garment laid all over with silver-twist , or rather like silverwier , from the sun rising to high noon , it is as it were , setting , sewing , or imbroidering on ; this serene air at mid-day it is quite finished , and by sun set it is quite reapt off again . And to shew that the lines of light are as it were laid upon this serene air , and not mixt into it , is by the vapor which gathers into dark clouds , which will obscure the light , as far as they spread , besides if the light were intermixt the motions and matter could not so easily , nor so quickly withdraw , or intermingle , as we see they do ; for what is intermixt , is hard to separate ; but dark clouds are onely as spots , which by rarification are rubbed out , if they be wet spots , or drops , they fall out in shours of rain , but by such sorts of motions as by ringing , or squeesing , or griping with a hand , or the like , which breaks the sea , or waves of water , which are clouds , into several streams of drops , sometimes with a greater force , and sometimes with a lesse , according as the motions are stronger , or weaker . The difference betwixt this serene , and natural air , and the metamorphosed air , is as a natural face , and a mask which is put on , or put off according as the watry circles contract , or dilate ; the other in probability may be as lasting as the sun it self , not being subject to change , but by a natural creation or dissolution . Chap. 112 Of light . LIght is made by such a kinde of motion as heat , being an equal extenuating motion , but the difference is , that the motions that make heat , is a spreading motion , but light is made by a spining motion , equally drawing out long paralel lines , with an extraordinary swiftnesse , evennesse , smalnesse , and straightnesse . Chap. 113. The reflections of light . THe reflections of light when are the innated matter draws even lines with equal motions backwards ( as I may say ) for when their motions are stopt , with a more solid matter , then that which they work on to make light , where touching , or beating thereon , they do not break their lines , but the leading innated matter , which makes light , returns back in equal lines , with equal motions , so as there becomes equal lines of light , onely as some lines run forward , others run backward , but in straight paralel lines , not crossed , nor perturbed ; for when these motions are crost , or perturbed , it doth as troubled waters do , the one rising in several colours , as the other in waves , so the colours are the waves , or billows of light . Chap. 114. Of light , and reflections . NO question but there are as many various lights , as faces , and as different kinds of lights , as there are different Animals , or vegetables , or minerals , as some I will here set down for distinction , the sun light , the lighs of the fixt stars , the fire light , meteor light , glow-worm light , rotten wood light , the light of fishes bones , and there are many sorts of stones which will sparkle in the dark , as diamonds , and many I cannot recount . Then there are produced lights , as day from the sun , flame from fire , then there are reflected lights , as the planets , and reflected lights from reflected lights , as the light from the planets on the earth , and infinite reflections made by several motions on figures , for on every figure are several reflections . Chap. 115. Of some opinions of light , darknesse , and Death . SOme say light is nothing but a motion , but there can be no motion without some matter , for where there is no matter , there is nothing to move ; but light , as other effects are , is made by such kind of motions on such degrees , or tempered matter , and so is heat , and cold , and darknesse made by several motions , on such matter , although some opinions are , that darknesse is nothing but an absence of light , as some think death is a cessation of motion ; T is true , death is an alteration of such kinde of motions , as we call life ; so darknesse is not made by such motions as make light , for there are motions belong to darknesse , as well as those to make light ; so there be many several motions , in dissolving of figures , which dissolution we call death , as the creating of a figure , which we call life . Chap. 116. Of darknesse . THose motions which make darknesse , seem to be as swift motions , as those that make light , for the air is as soon made dark as light ; but some do say , there is no motion in darknesse , and that darknesse is a cessation of motion ; T is true , of such kinde of motions as make light ; but not of all motions , no more then the motion of the sun makes all light , or the absence of the sun makes all darknesse ; for first the sun is not the onely light , for we can set up lights , when that is gone , by fire , whose flames do illuminate that part of air , that is neerest , and could we make a fire as bigg as the sun , and feed it perpetually , we might have a perpetual day , and the air will be as much illuminated , if there were a sufficient fire , to inlighten so much air at one time , as the sun doth ; wherefore the sun is not the monopler of such kinde of motions , as make light . And can we rationally think there is no motion in darknesse , because the motions of the suns light are gone from our Hemisphear , we may as well say a fish cannot swim , because such a horse doth not gallop , but to my fancy darknesse works upon the air , as well as light ; for a dark cloud shall obscure the light , as well as the light shall pierce through a dark cloud ; thus darknesse covers many times the face of the light , which shewes it is not alwayes the with-drawing of light which makes darkness , since darknesse hath as much power over the light , as the light over darknesse , but obstructed motions make darknesse , and hinder those equal motions which make light , and those motions that make mists , and fogs , are in some degree like the motions which make darknesse , and so are such motions as make colours , but the motions of darknesse seem to be intermixing motions , as I may say snarled motions , which intangle themselves , and the different motions of darknesse , and light , are like skeines of silk , where the light is like thread which is pulled out even and straight . And darknesse is like a skein of silk , which is so insnarled , or broken , as not any can finde a leading thread , being full of ends , knots and entercourses . Chap. 117. The motions that make Darknesse . THe motions of darknesse upon the air , are after another manner , then those of light , for as light is laid in such smal , straight , even , out-drawn lines , so darknesse is like motions of silk imbroidery , the work to be bossy , full of intermixing stiches , and crosse threds , knotted and purled after this manner . And the reason I say silk , is , because darknesse is softer then light , which light I similise to silver , for the brightnesse of light many times hurts the opticks , which darknesse doth not . Chap. 118. Of Shadows . SHadows are copies , and pictures , drawn , or printed , or ingraven by dark motions , for dark lines made by the eclipsed light , are as the pencel , or the like , the light is the paint , the solid body on which shadows are cast , is the ground or substance to work on , motion is the artificer ; for several lights are like so many several sorts of paintings ; for colours are but a perturbed light as some say , but to shew it is darknesse that doth pencel out , is that there would be no such representments , if darknesse were not ; and too much light drowns the figure , or is as it were plash'd , or dabbed out , or if so much paint were spilt , or cast on the ground without order ; Yet all shadows are not as if they were painted , but printed in black and white , as against a wall , or on water , or the like , but on a looking-glasse , or on a piece of paper through a little hole , in a dark room , it is as painted , the colours being represented as well as the figures . Chap. 119. Of shadows and airie figures . SHadows are printed , or ingraven , or painted by those motions , which make darknesse upon inlightned aire , but the print is not seen , but upon a solid ground , or flat , as I may say , which ground must be opposite to the figure it represents , which is after this manner , as one figure makes more , for the figure makes a figure , that is , the external motion of the external figure cuts out a figure of aire ; for questionless wheresoever our bodies are , there is the figure in air ; for we are alwayes encompast about with air , wherein we make prints of our figures ; for the solid bodies print their figures in that which is more porous , and softer substance , as a seal on wax , or a print on butter , or the like ; thus the solid bodies as they remove , still make new prints perpetually , and infinitely , but as they remove , the prints melt out like verbal and vocal sounds , which print words , and set notes in the air , and the reason we uannot see the letter in the air , as well as hear the sound , is , that the air being so porous , is proper onely to convey a sound to the ear , or to spread it abroad ; but not solid enough to fix the eye thereon , having not substance to hold an object so long a time as to take notice thereof , unlesse it be drawn into a shadow upon a substantial ground , on which the eye may fix ; but until the figurative be cast upon a solid ground , the figures are like sculpture , but when they are drawn in shadows upon a ground , it is as painting , or printing . Chap. 120. Of a more probable opinion to me of light making several colours . THe lines of light are whole and come so from the sun until the light of such a figure , and according to the figure , there the lines are broken , and the breaking of light a ccording to the several figures , makes several colours , so it is not inherent in the thing , but in the form of the thing , which is the figure that makes several colours breaking the several lines of light several wayes , so the Diers of several colours by their observations findes it out by their practise , though they know not the reason of it , but the true reason is , that all those several dies make several figures , which several figures breake the lines of light several wayes , which being broken several wayes produce all those several colours . To shew you that it is several figure that breaks the lines of light that make several colours , you may see it in a pigions neck and brest , how many various colours it will change into , with and in the same place , the lines of light being broken several wayes by the pigions feathers , that make several figures , as also you may perceive in Rain-bows , the sun shining upon a watry cloud , the cloud being between you , and the sun what various colours there are , so to spout water out of your mouth , if it be between me and the sun , it makes the same colours , and all this is nothing else , but that the lines of light are broken so many wayes , by the several forms and figures it shines of , which produceth the multiplicity of all those various colours . Again , more plainly to make it appear , that there can be no more truth but this in colour , take a triangular glasse it is all of one colour , and was never sent to the diers , and look in it , and you shall see the most various colours in the world , the colours are not in the glasse , therefore with rational man it suffers no dispute at all , that colour is nothing else , but the lines of light broken by several forms , and figures , that produceth all the various colours that are in the world . And for excellent disputants , that make Aristotle their church of reason , that cannot erre , and will maintain his nonsense against reason , I leave them to their ignorance , and wish they would rather follow his Logick , and his Rhetorick , then his natural Philosophy , for their own sakes . Chap. 121. Of Colours . SOme say colours are made by perturbed or obstructed light , but in my opinion , colours are broken lines of light ; for when light is obstructed as being stopped it reflects with double light , those lines returning back like double strings , and if it were perturbed light , like over-agitated air , or troubled and rough waters , the light would be onely thicker , and mudier , having not liberty to move in so level , even , and straight , paralel lines ; it is true , those perturbed motions may be the cause many times of breaking the light , which broken parts contracting into several figures , or works , causeth several colours , every particular work , being a several colour , and when these several figurative works are mixt , being part of one work , and part of another , the colors are also mixt . For the several works made of the pieces of light , are that which makes several colours , and not the pieces of light without those works , for if those pieces of light lay scattered and not contracted into several figurative workes , they could , or would not make colours , but if colours are not made by pieces of light , they are made by contracting the straight unbroken lines of light , which contraction turns light into colours , as contractions do water into snow , ice , hail , frost ; Now it is to be observed , that it is not onely the contracted motions on the water that make the difference , but being contracted into such or such a figure ; for whensoever water is contracted into such a manner of figure , it is snow , if into such a figure it is hail , if in such a figure it is ice , into such a figure frost , and may do so constantly , and eternally , and so when light is contracted into such a figure , it is red , when into such a figure , blue , into such a figure , yellow , into such a figure green , and when it is contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , it makes a figure of purple , and if it be contracted partly into the figure of red , and partly into the figure of blue , and partly into the figure of purple , it makes a fourth figure , which is a fourth colour , and so a fift , and so infinites , likewise one and the same figure which is one perfect colour , may vary with each patticular figure , which is each particular colour , and upon what body soever these figures are printed , they take colours , and according as the figures differ , the colours are changed , or alter ; for it is not the body that they are printed on , or the reflections of light , cast upon such bodies that make colours , but such figures made by contracted lines of light , which figurative works give such colours to any thing they can print , or place on , but the reason why I think they are rather broken pieces of light contracted , then contracted streight lines , is , because they are so lasting , for though some colours will fade sooner , yet some will last a long time ; for whatsoever work is wrought with parts , as I may say , several pieces of thread , is not so apt to undo or ravel out , as that which is but of one piece , unlesse the thread were circular , without ends , but lines of light are paralels , and not circles , as for shadows of colours , in my opinion they are produced after this manner as I said , the figure of blue or the like , which is one perfect colour , and the figure of red which is another perfect colour makes a third figure , which is a mixt colour , likewise blue and yellow makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and red , and blue and yellow , makes a different figure , which is a different colour from blue and green , & so we may match figures until we be weary , but whatsoever hath constantly part of one and the same figure , in the several or single compartments of other figures , which are other colours , as blue and green , blue and red , blue and yellow ; and the like appears in shadows , by reason one particular figure , or figurative part is the ground-work , which is , the ground colour , which makes all the colours it mixes with , partly of its own complection , and according as there are more or lesse , of that figure , the shadow is fainter or stronger , and according as the contractions are more or lesse , the colours are deeper , or paler ; for those figures that are closer contracted , and rougher wrought , are the darkest colours , as neerest to black , and those figures that are loosest , contracted , and finer wrought , ars the the lightest , or palest colours , as being most light , when the parts are loosest , and most at liberty , and the brightest , as the most glorious colours that are made of the purest , and clearest light , which is of the smallest lines of light , as I may say , the finest threaded light , for some lights are thicker then others , by reason their lines are grosser . Also colours which are broken contracted lines of light , may appear darker , or brighter according to the reflection , of other lights , or rather according to the straight and unbroken lines of light are that cast upon them , likewise some light doth alter the colours that are made by other lights , as some colours appear not by candle-light as by day-light , and the reason is , that several lines of several lights , being grosser , or finer , causeth the colour to appear duller or brighter , and some particular lights make some colours appear more then others , and some particular lights obscure some particular colours more then others , according as they are further , or neerer off the nature of each other ; for though the several figurative works make the several colours , yet it is the lines and pieces of light , that make those figures and works . Chap. 122. Of airy figures . AS I said before , the solid bodies moving in the soft , & more porous bodies , make many figures therein , some as printed , some as painted , others as sculpture , as cut , or carved in wood , or stone , or cast in metal , or moulded in earth , some are as if a man , or the like creature should print themselves in snow , others as if they should make themselves in snow , as for example ; as if a man should stand , and let the snow fall thick upon him until he were all covered over , there would be his figure in snow , or if he should lie down in snow , there would be his print ; so it is in air , as we move from place to place , new figures are made , and the former figures moulder , or melt out , but according as the air is , so they last , or decay , for if the air be congealed with cold , thickned with grosse fogs or mist , the figures last the longer therein , although in a misshapen posture , like ruinated buildings , or broken statues , or like defeated armies , here an arm , or a piece of an arm , or a hand , and there leggs , here a head , there a mangled body ; but when the air is thin , and serene , the print dissolves assoon as the figure removes ; and if the air were as solid as snow , we should see the figures as perfect in the one , as in the other ; but the air being very thin , and porous , the sight of the eye runs thorow without stay , or stop , taking no notice , like water in a sieve , wherein nought can be contained , because there is no hold to keep the water in from running out . Chap. 123. Of External figures , and internal forms . IN some things there is such sympathy betwixt the internal form , and the external figure , as the alterations of the one , change the nature of the other ; as for fire , when the external figure is altered , the internal faculty is gone , here the internal nature depends upon the exterior figure ; but as for water , the external figure may be changed , as we see when it is frozen , but the internal nature not changed , for it is as water still , though it be not fluid , here the internal depends not upon the external ; but thus much the exterior figures of all things depend so so much upon the exterior form , or nature , that when the internal is changed , the exterior cannot be altered , from and to , as to change the countenance or face , as I may say by contraction , and dilation , as water , and metals , and many others , but an animal figure may remain , as it was for a time , when the internal is changed , but not long , as for example , Animals , although the internal nature , and faculty be changed , which is to move after such a manner , as is proper for Animal , the external figure is not altered : for when Animals are dead , the external , which is the outward shape remains perfect , for a time , yet the internal motions may be in disorder , as they are in animals that sound , or are sick or faint , or in vegetables that are fading , or drooping ; but when the internal motions move orderly again , either of themselves , or by the help of assistant motions , and figures , the Animal is as it was before , and the Vegetable flourisheth green again , thus there may be an alteration ; but when there is an absolute change in the internal , there can be no return , but by a new creation , for all alterations of motions do not do it , but a total change . Chap. 124. Earth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse . EArth , water , air , fire , cold , heat , light , darknesse , is made as Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , that is , that such degrees of innated matter works upon the dull part of matter with various motions , and several degrees , of dull matter produceth such effects joyning parts together , and separating parts asunder , but joyning , and mixing each degree together , loseth not the entity of each degree , for that can never be altered , for as it was from all eternity , so it will last to all eternity . Chap. 125. The motions of the Sun , and Planets . THe Sun , and the rest of the Planets , are questionlesse created as other Animal creatures , and their local motions are according to the shape , as we see all Animals are , for a worm cannot run , but onely moves by gathering up the body from one place , and then stretching it self out farther , or else by rolling , and winding his body from place to place , nor beasts cannot flee as birds , nor birds cannot trot , amble , nor gallop , as beasts , because they have no shape fitted thereto ; for birds want four leggs to pace and gallop , and beasts want wings to flee , so the Planets move according to their shape , turning about as a spherical circle about a center , and if the sun runs about the world with such speed ( as some old opinions are , it must turn as a wheel about the spoake , or rundle as a bowl in the ecliptick line . But if the sun , as some Modern opinions hold , doth not move out of his place , but is as it were fixed , and that the Planets move about it , in circular wayes according to their shape , then the motions of the sun , are onely by dilation , and attractions : from which light , and heat proceeds , and vapor is drawn or suckt up . Chap. 126. Of the motions and figures of the four natural Elements . THe motions that make the natural figure of earth , are not so curious , nor the matter they work on so fine , as those which make fire , air , and water ; for the materials being grosser , their work is rougher , like morter that is made of hair , and lime , and the motions moving not so evenly , or distinctly , but rather mixtly , causeth it to be sad and dark , the solidity , weight , and drought are caused by the contracting , attracting , and retentive motions , which motions are the chief workers and creators of this element , which work like ants , drawing all thereto , making it like a round heap , or like a Load-stone , that attracts the solid matter . The slimie or gelly part of the earth is made by such kinde of motions as spin small lines lik Silk-worms , in a round hollow ball ; water is made after that manner , onely those lines extenuate more into perfect circles . Natural and pure air is made by such a kinde of motion , as spiders spin webs , smal lines spread , and enterwoven evenly . Natural fire is made by such kinde of motions , as the art of whetting , or sharpening , or pointing with a grind-stone , or Load-stone or the like , and is made like the stings of Bees , which pierce , and wound whatsoever they can enter . Natural light is made by such kinde of motions , as wier-drawing , or drawing a small thread from a spindle . Natural darknesse is made by such kinde of motions , as winding up threads upon bottoms , in a heap . I say natural , because they keep their original form , and is the right kinde , and true shape , as I may say of man-kinde ; For if a creature should be partly a beast , and partly a man , it were not of the right kinde , and true shape . Likewise Elements may be of the right kinde , and yet be different as mankinde , for every particular man is not alike , neither in shape nor quality , the like may elements differ . Chap. 127. The reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea thus . I Will not dispute , according to Copernicus , that the earth goes about , & the Sun stands stil , upon which ground Galleleo saith , the reason of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , is the jogging of the earth , the old opinion is , that the moon is the cause of it , which I can hardly beleeve , for mark the tide from Scotland to Margel when the moon hath the same influence , and the tide is so many hours in coming from Scotland to Margell as if one rid post , if it were the moon , why should it not be high water , or full tide Margell , that it is in Scotland at the time , the power of the moon being all one , so that comes very improbable to me , for many things fall out at the same time , and yet the one not cause of the other , and in Philosophy there is nothing so ordinary , as to mistake the cause of things , since indeed the things for the most part are hid from us ; some again will have the Sun the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the sea , others rationally say , heat makes motion , and the seas being salt make motion , because it is hot , but how comes it that the fresh waters ebbe and flow ? even springs well , whatsoever the cause be of the seas motion where it moves , ; for in some places they say it doth not , but where it moves it is never high water in one place , but it is low water in another place , and the sea moves alwayes circularly , for as it is the nature of water to be made in figures of circular lines , so it is the nature to flow circularly , which in my opinion is the reason of the ebbing and flowing tides , that moves circularly , that is , part of a circular , where the convex flows still forward , the flowing motion extends more and more , causing it to swell out , and the concave ends to extend longer and closer , in so much as at last the concave ends are joyned into a convex , for it doth not extend in aperfect round circle , as I shall describe in my following discourse , but after an oval , or rather a pear figure , but when the flowing convex is extended beyond the strength , it straight breaks , being most weak , by reason it is most extended out , so that when the tides have no more strength to flow for want of water to extend , and the convex over-powred by extenuation , it breaks asunder , and so falls back , whereby the convex parts are now become the concave , and where it was concave , is now become convex , which causeth it to flow the other way , and ebb where it did flow , for where it lies concave it ebbs , and where it is conex is flows , and thus it ebbs and flows perpetually , where it hath free passage , but the farther it flows , the weaker it becoms , by reason the strength is abated , like a horse that hath run fast and far , at last is so weak and breathlesse as he falls down , so when the convex can extend no farther , it breaks in two , but as the convex extends , the concave ends draw closer together , whereby such time as they come to joyn , the convex is so bowingly stretched , as it becomes brittle , as I may say or weak , which causeth it to break , but it is to be observed that the tides have a double motion , for as the convex flows forward , the concave ends draw backward at one and the same time , for the extenuation of convex one way , causeth the extenuation of the concave ends the other way ; but by reason the two ends draws close towards a point , the ebbing waters seem narrow and little , but the ebbing tides are but an effect of the flowing tides , not a cause in it self , for the interior nature of water is to flow where it can get liberty , and freedom of passage , and where it doth not flow it is obstructed by some obscure cause , but I desire my reader not to mistake me , as to conceive the motions of the tides , and the interior nature of water all one , being something alike ; but the motions of the tides , and the motions of the interior nature of water are as different as the local motions of Animals , and their interior nature , and I beleeve if the fresh waters had the same liberty as the sea waters , to flow which way they would without opposition , or obstructions of hils , dales , banks and walls , and had the like quantity to move withal , I beleeve they would as naturally flow as the sea , and ebbe when their strength fails , and I beleeve if there were a sufficient quantity of water in the sea , and no obstructions , as Islands , creeks , and the like to hinder the passage , and that the earth were like a billiard ball , it would flow perpetually round , as the Globe turns upon the Pole , if the Pole turns not round with the Globe . Chap. 128. Describing the tides . THe flowing water gathers up together like superflous humors , and swells out the convex , as corrupted matter doth the skin , and never leaves extending till it breaks , but it begins by degrees in a demy-circle , and as it flows it grows larger , and longer extending its compasse . And as the convex extends , the concave ends must of necessity draw closer together . Which makes the ebbing waters like a tail to the convex , which as the body , which makes the ebbing waters to be narrow , and by the reason the bulk of the water flows in the convex , it causeth the concave ends to be small , which makes it shallow , and the more the concave ends extend , the smaller they are , like thread drawn from a full distaff of flax ; for so the concave ends draws , or rather extends from the convex body ; But as I said before the more the convex extends , the closer the concave ends draw together , and when the convex is extended to the uttermost they joyn . And assoon as ever they are joyned and mixt together into one point , as it were , it swels into a body . For the former convex being broke , the waters fal back to that part which was the concave , but now is become the convex , and that part which was the convex , is now become the concave . Yet the convex must be full before the concave ends extend , like as a glasse that must be filled above the brims before it can run over . Chap. 229. Of double tides . AN after , or double tide is caused by winde , like as a man should walk against a very great winde , that although he presseth forward , yet it drives him back , but when he hath broken the gust as it were , he passeth more forcible through , and though winde have power over the exterior motions of the waters , yet not on the interior motions , but winde can discompose the face of the waters , as anger doth the countenance of men . Chap. 130. Ofspring Tides . SPring tides I conceive to be caused by waters that issue forth from the veins of the earth , which are apt to swell , and then to vent themselves forth at certain times , as natural issues , which flowing causeth the tides to be greater , because it hath more strength to extend farther , and the tides to be higher because the convex is thicker , and fuller , for the greater body of water , the farther it flowes ; for it is for want of strength which makes an ebb , or want of passage which makes a stop , and when the tides are lower , there are some invisible obstructions , or the eatrh hath drawn or suckt from that part of the sea . Chap. 131. The tide and stream flowing against each other . THe reason the tide flows against the stream a of River , is , that the quantity of sea water forceth through the stream , and the descent of the river forceth the stream to passe through the motion , or rather by the motion of the tide , for the natural motions of all waters being to flow , and the force of the descent added therto , gives it a double , if not a treble strength , so that when the force of the tide , and the force of the stream meets , and incounters , they make passes , as Duellers that fight hand to hand ; but if one water runs quite through another , it is most probable that the tide runs through the stream , by reason it is armed strongly with salt , which may cause it to be streamproof , when the river water is porous , and weak by reason it is fresh , and thin as I may say . Chap. 132. The difference of salt water and fresh water . THe difference of salt water and fresh , is , that salt waters circle lines are flat , and edged , as a knife , or the like , and in fresh water , round , which edge makes it not lesse smooth , although more sharp , nor hinders the extenuating compasse , but the lines being flat , make it more solid , and so give it more strength , then the fresh water circle that is round , which makes it more porous , then salt water is , by the experience of an egge , and the like , which in fresh water the egge will sink to the bottom , but very salt water will bear it up , from sinking , and according to the strength , it will bear more or lesse , but those lines may exteriorly alter , from flat to round , and round to flat , and never alter the interiour nature , as to break the compasse , which is to dissolve the circle or ring ( as I may say ) which circle ring is the interior figure . Chap. 133. Of winde . WInde is wrought by expulsive motions , and the strength doth not proceed from the thicknesse , or solidity of the body , as many think it doth , conceiving it to be contracted , or prest up air , which if it were , it could not enter into such small porous , and narrow passages as it doth ; wherefore me thinks the strength should not proceed so much from the solidity , as the agilnesse therein ; for the quick repetition doth so sorcibly presse on each other , as upon necessity it must drive all loose , and porous bodies before it , but the farther it bloweth , the fainter is the breadth , for as the repetitions grow short , so weaker . Chap. 134. Of the noise of Tempest and storms . AS I have said , that sort of air which is made by watry circles is apt to sound with every motion that strikes thereon , by reason of the hollow figure being sphericall . Likewise this is the reason running brooks make a murmuring noise ; also this is the reason , that the tides do make such a noise in the ebbs , and flowes , circles pressing , or rather strikeing each other . Again , this is the reason the windes , when they blow upon airy , or watry circles , by striking those spherical circles , cause it to sound , and make a roaring noise , by the confusion it makes therein ; for winde which is an expulsive vapor doth not onely strike those watry circles , but those that are extended into air , and when those motions drive circle against circle , or circle upon circle , makes such quick rebound , which rebounds in contracting and crossing each other , make a confused sound , which we call tempestuous and stormy , and it is to be observed , that a tempest in the air , and a storm in the water , and thunder , is much after one and the same kinde of noise ; But as thunder is caused by the expulsion of the most extended circular lines , so winde is the expulsion of the more grosser circles , as when lines break , which are extended no farther then to vapor , also these expulsions , if they be not very violent , cause rain ; for the expulsed motion being no stronger then to presse upon the unbroken and extended circles , either of vapor , or air , drives it into the watry compasse , but when the weather is cloudy , it is not altogether so hard prest upon , as to drive it into perfect water circles , but to the next degree , as a thick vapor . And when the weather is unconstant , as we say , that is sometimes grosse and thick , and then it will be strait clear , and bright , is as the presser doth abate , or increase ; but unforced raines ( as I may call them ) which is without a violent constraint , is when those circles are drawn into a wetry compasse in a natural order , and by the natural waight , being thicker then natural air , that is original air , and not transmigrated water , it falls down on the earth . Likewise the pouring showers make a sound , by the force of the falling drops , striking as they fall , sound ; but by reason the water is divided , by the falling motions into lesse bodies , as it were , which makes not so strong a sound , having lesse compasse as the tides , or air having fewer circles in a body , as in drops , which makes it of a lesse bulk , and the lesse the body is , the weaker , and the smaller is the sound . But when the watry lines are drawn into a triangular figure of snow , it falls silently without sound , by reason the watry line is drawn out of the extended circle . Besides , that figure is the lightest figure , by reason of the inequality , for a square hath four equal parts , which makes a just number , so an equal ballance which gives it a steddy weight , and a circle is equally round , without parts , which gives a steddy weight . But a triangular figure is in three parts , which is no just number , nor equal ballance , nor steddy weight , which make it of lesse force , for being a wavering figure , it cannot presse hard , nor strike strongly , nor fall heavy , but flies lightly about . Chap. 135. Of thunder and lightning . THunder and lightning are caused from watry circles , for when they are extended from water to vapor , from vapor to air , from temperate air , to hot air , from hot air to fire ; for if those circles extended beyond the compasse , and strength of the line , they break , which is the cause of thunder , and lightning ; for assoon as the farthest extention of the circle is broken , those extended parts do with an extraordinary swift motion run , or rather shut forth into bright flaming flashes , as spinning lines of light , but when those lines extend with a strong strength , they break into smal parts , which causeth thunder to follow lightnings ; for those bteaking parts sometimes expulse disorderly , beating and striking upon those circle lines that are unbroke , which circles being of a hollow figure , cause a sound in the higher region , whereto they are ascended , for their extention causeth them to be light , their lightnesse to ascend ; But all hollow figures being concave within , and convex without , do present to the ear , if they be strong , as concave , and convex glasses doth objects , when presented to the eye ; thus hollow figures cause a hollow sound if they be struck , for the concave draws those motions in which rebounds from fide to side , and the rebounds continue 〈◊〉 sound by the Echos repeated , for sound lasts longer in hollow figures , then in any other , and though I will not say that onely hollow figures make sounds , yet I say that no sound can enter but through hollow figures , as the ear is a hollow figure , and all hollow figures , and the ear is not onely hollow , but circular , but sounds are made in the ear , or rather enters , as light and colours in the eyes , for discord is perturbed motion , or rather close Antipathetical motions , and harmony are sympathetical , and regular motions , but the more of these extenuating circles break , the more lightning there is , and the stronger they brea , the more thunder rhere is , and the harder they strike upon the unbroken circles the lowder is the sound . But if the circle lines break onely asunder , and extend , or shut forth into straight lines without more parts , there is onely lightning without thunder , but if those lines break into more parts , there is thunder also , and when there falls r ain at those times of thunder , it is when the gentler motions of some of those expulsed parts , do not strike hard upon some of those unbroken circles , but presse upon them , which causeth them to draw , and gather into a lesse circle , and a grosser line , untill they return into the watry compasse , where growing too heavy for the hight , falls down toward the center of the earth , as all heavie bodies , if not thick bodies under to bear them up , or stronger motions then their weight to hold them up , thus in my opinion is thunder and lightning caused , and when it rains , those unbroken circles return into its nature again . Chap. 136. Of the alterations of motions . ONe and the same degree of innate matter may change , and rechange the natural posture motion in one and the same figure , but a general alteration of those motions proper to that figure , dissolves the natural form of any one particular figure , for a figure moving by several motions , proper to its kinde , must joyntly consent either by a sympathy , or inforcement to make a dissolution , as well as a creation , but all motions works or alter according as the matter is , or figure they work to , or forced by stronger motions to alter their natural course ; likewise several and contrary motions may work by turns in one and the same figure , by one and the same degree of innated matter . Chap. 137. Of different motions . ALL extenuating motions make not fludity or wet , but such kind of extenuating on such tempered , or on such degrees of dull part of matter , for some extenuating motions make light , others make heat , and infinite the like , so all expulsive motions do not burn , nor all 〈◊〉 motions do not work alike , nor all attractive , nor all retentive , nor expulsive ; for there are infinite wayes or kindes of them , which works infinite varieties , for there are infinite several sorts of heats , coldes , droughts , moistures ( and infinite kindes of lights and darknesse as well as of colours , so infinite wayes of contractions , and attractions , and infinite wayes of expulsions , and so there are such varieties in one and the same kinde , as it is impossible for me to describe , as for one man to draw the several pictures of mankinde from all eternity ; but if I could draw but one picture , it will be enough to shew my art and skill , although but a plain draught , but I finde the work too hard for my wit , yet I have ventured , and mean to hang it on the wall of censure , although I know spite will strive to pull it down . Chap. 138. Of the local motions of water , air , and fire . I perceive there be other figures that have local motions besides Animals , yet it is partly their figures that are proper thereto ; for though there is no matter , but is figured , yet all figures move not but of themselves , and though all figures aremoved , or moving , or both moved and moving , yet all local motions move not after one and the same manner ; but I hear mean by local motion , that which naturally can move from place to place , by their interior nature , and exterior shape , but if the word is not right to the sense , pray pardon it , and take the sense and leave the word , and Christen it a new ; but these kindes of local figures are water , arie , and fire , which move after an Animal manner , although they have not the shape of those we cal Animals , yet they seem Animals by their self motion , as moving from place to place , unlesse they be stopt by stronger motions , or other figures that are more powerful : the like of other Animals , as for example , if one man , or more being stronger bindes another man which hath not strength , nor power to oppose , or hinder them , he cannot move according to the property of his nature and shape . So likewise , if cold contractions be more powerful then the extenuating circles , it bindes up the the water with icie fetters , wherby it cannot move according to the nature , nor circular shape ; so if any man should go to a place , and a high wall should stand betwixt him and that place , he cannot passe unlesse there were a passage , or that he can clamber , which must be by art , because there is no footing , and to jump over it he cannot , for it is so high that the weight of his body will pull him down , before the strength or agilnesse of his limbs shall raise him over , and he cannot flee over by reason his shape is not fitted thereto , having no wings , so water being stopt , and the passage hindered , by a thick bank of earth , cannot move according to its property ; for it is proper for water to move descendingly , at least straight forth ; but when it ascends , it is forced by other more powerful motions , so likewise it is proper for air to move after a level , streaming , or spreading manner . For fire to ascend , after a piercing , shooting , and perpendicular manner , for these elements do as other Animals do , for man , beasts , birds , fishes , their local motions are different according to their shapes , for it is the property of a four legged creature to gallop , trot , pace , run , leap , but they cannot flee , because their shape is not fitted thereto , having not wings , nor a bird cannot gallop , trot , nor pace , having not four leggs to make changes therewith , it is true , a two legged creature may leap , jump , hop , and run . Likewise those fishes can neither run nor flee , that have not wings nor legs ; but those that have mixt shapes , have mixt local motions , as there be fleeing fishes , and swimming birds , and running fishes , and swimming beasts , indeed most creatures can swim , for most shapes are fitted thereto in one kinde or another , but mans shape is such as it can imitate most various motions , though it is the shape that makes al creatures to move different ly , yet it is not altogether the shape that makes them move locally , but there must be such an interior nature proper to such shapes , as Vegetables and Minerals , their property is not to move locally , that is , to have a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seems their interior nature , and exterior 〈◊〉 is not proper thereto , or perchance it is only their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their interior nature that makes them unfit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for we finde their interior nature to be more active 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the exterior shapes of Animals . But to return to those elements I treat of , as first water , the interior nature causes it to be liquid and wet , the exterior shape to be fluid , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction give a local motion to descend , and bear all before it , or with it , that is loose , and unfixt , so fire , the interior nature causeth 〈◊〉 to be hot and dry , the exterior figure to be sharp to 〈◊〉 , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjuncting , giving it a local motion to pierce and divide it , all it can enter into , if not over-powered ; so 〈◊〉 the interior nature causeth it to be soft , and pliant , and the exterior figure to be thin and searching , both agreeing by a sympathetical conjunction , gives it a local motion to enter through all porous bodies in a level line , and to fill up all 〈◊〉 places in other figures , unlesse it be thrust out , and kept out by something more powerful ; It is the natural property for fire to be hot and dry , to be sharp and burning , to move ascending . And for water to be liquid , fluid , and wet , and to descend in a descending line . And air to be soft , and yeelding , to be thin and searching , to move in a level line , unlesse they be forc'd otherwaies , for fire may be supprest downward , and water forc'd upwards and air disperst , and fire is not onely subject to be supprest but quenched out for water , if there be a sufficient quantity to the fire on which it is cast , will over power it : for the innated motions which cause water to be wet , destroy the motions that cause fire to be sharp and burning , and the figure 〈◊〉 destroyed , that is disuniting those parts , and those motions , that keep and maintain those parts in that figure , the property is extinguished too , as we see many Animal figures , do to one another , and birds , and fish , and men destroy beast , birds , and fish , according as they have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and advantage , for indeed the dissolution of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cause of the creation of another , sometime the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one figure , make many figures , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of many figures make but one figure ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath many several manners of moving locally and the elements as other Animals do move somtimes slower , and sometimes faster . Chap. 139. Explanations of onely Matter . IT is to be observed by those figures that are wrought by the way of lines , are soft , smooth , and shining , whether they be paralel lines , cupe lines , triangular lines , or circular lines , but the smaller , and straighter the lines are , the smoother , and brighter is their work , but there are several sorts of softnesse , and several sorts of smoothnesse which are made by several kindes of motions . Then it is to be observed , that all works of contractions , and retentions are stronger , and more lasting , then those figures that are more light , and porous , or extenuating . Thirdly , it is to be observed , that the innated matter , which works upon the light , and thin part of dull matter , is more agil , and nimbler then that which works upon the thick and solid matter , unlesse the strength of the motions be not above , or at least equal to the solidity of the matter . Also it is to be observed , they can make solid figures of light thine matter , by their close , and curious joynings injectures , and mixtures , and porous , and light figures of solid matter , by their dividings , and spreadings , but though the innated matter can contract and dilate , the thick , or thin , light , or heavie fluid or soft , yet it cannot alter the nature , or degrees of the dull part of matter , neither can the innated matter make it self weaker , or stronger then by nature it is , for the entity of onely matter cannot be changed , but though the nature cannot be altered of dull part of matter , yet it may be cut , and carved , and joyned and dispersed into several figures , so the innated matter , although the nature cannot be altered as to make each degree weaker , or stronger , yet they may move swifter , or flower , according as the dull part of matter is they work on or according as the curiosity of the figure requires ; and as I have said before , there be infinite degrees of the dull part of matter ; as solid , and fluid , thinner , and thicker , lighter and heavier , harder , and softer , and infinite degrees of innated matter , as stronger , and weaker , swifter and slower , and though I have said that the innated matter is the thinnest part of onely matter , yet I do not mean the thin incipit matter , as I may call it for distinction sake ; for there is no incipit in infinite , and eternal matter , though there be dull in moving matter , but the innated matter is the infinite extract of the entity of infinite matter , it is the quintessence of nature . Chap. 140. The differences and alterations of figures . IN the progresse of figures , figures are created in figures . The reason is , that infinite motions which are the gods to create , dissolve , and dispose of figures , as they please to move , share as it were the infinite matter , in their working and dividing , and several motions , which is proper to the creation , of such kinde of figures , assisting each other in their works of creation ; but not in the figures dissolution ; for those motions which are proper to create one kinde of figure , are not proper to create another , for every figure hath different motions , in the creation either more or lesse , which is the reason few , or none are just alike , but either in shape , or minde will differ , but when two figures are made with the same motions , among the sensitive innated matter , then their figures are just alike , as we shall see twins , and if the rational matters motion be just alike in several figures , their dispositions and understandings are just alike , and if they differ in their motions but a little , they resemble much either the minde , or the body ; sometimes both , but the more they differ , the lesse they resemble , but almost all 〈◊〉 are distinguishable , which shewes such variety of motions , as there needs no more repetition to move after one , and the same manner ; for there are not onely different motions in different , and several figures , but in one and the same figure , for the same figure doth not look when it is old , as when it was young , nor when it is sick , as when it is in health ; nor when it is cold , as when it is hot , nay the figure will alter and change , every minuit either by the altered motion of the sensitive , or rational ; but most commonly they alter their motions together , as in a joynt concent , for a troubled minde will make the body appear heavy and sad , for joy and grief will make different countenances in the figure , and so every passion in the minde , is most commonly matched with a countenance agreeable thereto , and most commonly other exterinal actions , yet although the motions may differ , the innated matter may be of one and the same degree , for I do not say every degree of innated matter moves alwayes in one kinde of motion ; for though every degree of innated matter , is of a particular strength , yet not of a particular motion . Chap. 141. Of several worlds . AS the Sun differs from the earth and the rest of the planets , and earth differs from the seas , and seas from the airy skie , so other worlds differ from this world , and the creatures therein , by different degrees of innate matter , on different degrees of dull part of matter , which makes different figures by different motions , and as this world is of a spherical figure , so other worlds may be of other figures ; as for Animals , although all Animals are not of one shape ; for a man differs from the shape of a horse , or any other four legged creature , and every sort of beast differs from one another in their shape . So likewise there is difference in their kinds , as well as in their several sorts , for beasts kind differ from birds kinde , so may worlds differ for all we know , and if we should guesse by the several changse , and variety in nature , it is very probable it is so ; & who knows , or indeed might not very easily beleeve it so to be , that worlds may be match'd by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other worlds , as other creatures do , for we finde the planets by a sympathetical conjunction to produce other creatures , as the sun and the earth . And it is to be observed , that as several motions create figures , so several motions work by their created figures , and those motions that creates figure by a sympathetical conjunction , create after their own likenesse , either in the nature or shape , or both , but those figures that create figures without conjunction of figures , after their invention , or imitation as I may say , cannot make such figures as conjunctially of figures man calls 〈◊〉 figures , as birds make nests , or beasts make dens , and men houses , but to reckon all artificial figures , is past my skill , and beyond my life , who knows since we finde new and unheard stars , but that they are the birth of other worlds . AN EPISTLE TO ALL Learned PHYSITIANS . MOst reverend , and gráve Fathers of health , I present this work unto your sage judgements , your prudent practises , your great experiences , your studious observations ; your miraculous cures , and humbly lay it on the tables of your studies , in hope some spare time may invite you to read therin . I dare not commend it , lest you should disprove it ; for as your wisdomes value it , so it is good , or bad . AN EPISTLE TO MY READERS . I Am to be pardoned , if I have not the names and tearms that the Anatomists have or use ; or if I have mistaken some parts in the body , or misplaced any : for truly I never read of Anatomie , nor never saw any man opened , much lesse dissected , which for my better understanding I would have done ; but I found that neither the courage of nature , nor the modesty of my sex would permit me . Wherefore it would be a great change , even to a wonder I should not erre in some ; but I have seen the intrals of beasts but never as they are placed in their bodies , but as they are cut out to be drest , and in the shambles , and perchance I haue seen passing by the shambles , a cruel Butcher cut the throat of a beast , or rip up the body , where the guts and garbidge would burst out , but that gave me not much more knowledge , not seeing how they lay in their bodies : and though it is a usual custome , for Ladies and women of quality , after the hunting a Deer , to stand by until they are ript up , that they might wash their hands in the blood , supposing it will make them white , yet I never did ; but as I have said before , I have seen the intrals of beasts out of their bodies , which intrals I have heard are much like a mans , especially a hogs , so that I know man hath a brain , a heart , a stomack , liver , lights , spleen , and the like ; yet these I never viewed with a curious and searching eye , but as they have laien in some vessels ; and as for bones , nerves , muscels , veines and the like , I know not how they are placed in the body , but as I have gathered several times from several relations , or discourses : here a bit , and there a crum of knowledge , which my natural reason hath put together , of which meat my wit like an unexperienced Cook hath ventered to dresse , if it pleaseth the palats of my readers , I shall account my time not lost ; if not it is not the first dish of good meat that hath been disgust . OF THE MOTION OF THE BODIE . PART IV. CHAP. 141. PHysitians should study the motions of the body , as naturall Philosophers , study the motions of the heavens , for several diseases have several motions , and if they were well watched , and weighed , and observed , they might easily be found out severally ; and as they take compass of the heaven , and stand upon the earth , so they may take the degrees of the disease , although they diffect not the body . Thus natural Physitians may know , when the sun of health will be eclipsed by the shaddow of melancholly , which gets betwixt the body and health ; and natural physitians may come to know the thoughts , as they the stars , by studying the humors of men , & may know what influences they may have upon the body ; and may know the severall changes of their humor , as they the several changes of the moon , that the several changes of the humor , causeth the bloud to ebb and to flow , as the Tides of the Sea ; thus they may make an Almanack of the body , for to shew what weather and seasons there will be , as great tempests and stormes of wind-collick ; whether there will fall upon the Lungs , great rheumes , as showers of rain , or whether there may be great and hot fevers , or whether there will be earthquakes of shaking Agues , or cold , and dumb-palsies , or whether there will be dearths of flesh , and so leave bones bare , by the droughts of heated fevers , or whether the over-flowing of moisture , which causeth dropsies ; thus if we could finde the several motions in several diseases in a body , as surely might be done by observations , and study , and could finde out the several motions by the several operations in physick , we might surely so apply them together , as to make animals , though not live eternally , yet very long ; and truly I think this both of philosophical opinions , may give a great light to this study . Physicians must first take care in their prescriptions , to prevent errours of mistake , before he apply remedies to cure . Cap. 142. The frame of mans body . I Will first discourse of the orderly course of nature , which is to have a perfect shape according to the kinde , or sort of figure , it was created to ; that is , like a house to be well built ; next to have it strong , and firm ; thirdly , to have it commodious ; fourthly , to have it well furnished ; fifthly , to have it clean from dirt , or rubbish ; sixthly , to keep it in repair ; seventhly , to prop it from falling down with old age ; the pulling it down by some evil accident , or burning it by feavers , or the like , or drowning it by dropsies . Andthough I may similize it , to any figure , yet I onely imploy it , to man-kinde ; that is , to havea perfectand upright shape , a clear strength , sound parts , plump and fat , clean from gross humors and obstructions , to keep it healthful with wholsome food , to help nature with cordials , or physick , death being the destruction . Chap. 143. Of natural self-tyrannie . MOtion doth not onely divide matter infinite , but disturb matter infinite ; for self-motion striving and strugling with self-motion , puts it self to pain ; and of all kinde of motions the animal motions disturbs most , being most busie , as making wars and divisions , not onely animal figures , against animal figures , but each figure in itself , by discontents and dislike ; which discontent makes more pain , then ease , orpleasure , or tranquillity , by reason of irregularity ; but motion is an infinite and eternal tyrant , on infinite figures ; for as motion makes figures , so motion dissolves figures , which makes infinite , and eternal matter , eternal restless ; for the extract of infinite matter , which is an innated matter , which innate matter is motion , and makes the dull part of matter so too , by working thereon ; thus the onely and infinite matter is a tyrant to its self , or rather , I may say , infinite , is a tyrant to motion , and motion to figure , and eternity to all . For though infinite , eternal matter , motion , and figure , are individable , yet they are all as separated , in aspiring for motion , although it is but an effect of matter , yet strives for absolute power over matter and figures , and infiniteness strives for the absoluteness and power 〈◊〉 , motion and figure ; and eternity strives for absolute power over all ; thus the effects strive to have power over the prime causes , which is the onely matter ; for if there were no matter , there could be no figure , nor motion , nor infinite , nor everlasting , the like do the minor effects over the minor causes , for effects are causes of effects . Chap. 144. The two ground motions amongst the rational innate matter . THe rational innate matter , moves as it were two-fold , for they have different motions in the figures , from the figurings , like as the sensitive matter , which moves the dull part of matter , internally and externally , according to the nature of each figure ; as for example , the creating of a figure is one way , and the severall actions of the created is another way ; the like doth the rational innate matter , it first runs into figures , and then moves figuratively : Again , some figures they are stronger then others , will force the weaker figure to move after their manner . Chap. 145. The two chief parts belonging to man , is the head , and the heart , wherein resides the rational spirits . THe head , and the heart , are the two residing parts , for the rational innate matter to move in , making passions in the heart , and reasons in the head ; and whensoever those parts be disaffected , the understanding and passions are disordred , and many times so , as never to be rectified ; but some times this disorder comes by the mis-working of the sensitive 〈◊〉 matter , and sometimes by the wrong steps and false measures of the rational innated matter . But though the annimal knowledg or reason be disordered , yet not extinguished , unless the annimal sense be absolutely altered , which is to dye ; for though they move not regular , yet they move after an animal manner : As for example , a man although he goeth not upright , according to his natural shape , but creeps upon his hands and knees , or that he is forced to role from place to place , having neither armes nor legs , yet he moves in an animal manner , and partly to what his natural shape is , for these force motion , or want of some of the outward parts alters him not from being an animal , nor it from being a man , unless all the sensitive motions , which naturally belong to their figure , be altered , and then he turns from that kinde of creature . Chap. 146. Whether the passions are made in the head or heart . ? SOme are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the passions are made in the head ; others that they are made in the heart ; for my part I am of the latter opinion ; that is , that all passions are made in the heart ; as Love , Hate , Fear , Anger , Grief , Jealousie , Envy , Malice , and the like ; and also the Will , and opinions , which are a kinde of passions ; and that imaginations , conceptions , fancies , understanding , judgment , memory , and remembrance , is made in the brain ; and that which we call thought , or animal knowledg is made both in the brain and heart ; for if either of these two parts be wounded , that knowledg dies , as both the sensitive knowledg , and rational , both being that which we call thought , the one belongs to the body , the other to the minde ; for touch is a weak thought , and thought a strong touch ; and my reason is why I think that the passions are created in the heart , and not in the head , is , first , passion and judgment seldom agree . Secondly , when we have the passion of fear or anger , or the like ; all the motions that work to those passions , are felt in the heart ; for if we do observe , we shall finde all passions arise from the heart , and all the parts near thereto will be disturbed ; when in the brain we finde no violent motions at all , perchance the sensitive part may be disturbed , as to make the head-ache , as with a general distemper . Thirdly , there are oft times passions felt as it were in the heart , without any knowledg , or thought of it in the head ; as when we shall be sad , and angry , and fearful , and know no reason why . Besides , objects many times passe by , or as it were , steal through the senses , and likewise creep through the brains , and raise a passion in the heart , without any notice taking thereof , or knowledg how it came therein . Lastly , that although there is a great sympathy betwixt the passions , and imaginations , yet they are not after one and the same manner of motions , which sheweth they are created in several figures , the one in the triangular heart , & the other in the spherical brain , and the different shapes of the head and heart , may be one cause , that makes the difference betwixt passions and imaginations , as well as the different motions . But to prove passions are made in the heart , and not in the head , is , that when the brain is distempered and mad , as we say , yet the passions may be free and regular ; and Love , and Hate , which are the two chief passions , may be constant to the objects they were placed on ; thus the minde or soul , which is the rational innate matter , lies as much in the heart , as the head . Chap. 147. Of different passions in one and the same part . AS for passion , we shall love and hate at one and the same time , but not one and the same thing , at one and 〈◊〉 same time , for that is impossible . But different passions are made according to the subjects or objects they move by , or to ; yet the rational innated matter which creates passions , may move partly sympathetically , and partly antipathetically , at one and the same time . As for example , a man may be in love with a woman , for her beauty , or wit , or behaviour , and yet have an aversion to her bad qualities ; but a man cannot love the person of a woman , and hate it , at one and the same time , but to the creating of those passions , that sympathies , as love , and hope , and joy , and the like ; The rational innate matter , doth as it were spread , and delate its self ; but for those passions that antipathies , it contracts it self more together ; as in hate , fears , jealousies , doubts , envy , spight , and the like ; and when two or three passions arise at one time ; as a passion of grief for my friend that is killed , and a passionate hate to his murtherer , or the like ; then the rational innated matter , divides its self , partly moving after one manner , and partly moving after a quite contrary manner , and so may divide into as many parts , and after as many several manners , as their place or quantity will give way to ; but when we love what was hated , or hate what was loved , then the innate matter changes their motions , towards such a subject , or object , without a division ; but when they move disorderly , the passions are like a tempest at Sea ; passions beat against passions in a confused manner , distempering the whole body , causing the senses to mistake , with the violence thereof ; likewise in the brain there may be opposite motions , amongst one and the same degree of innated matter , either rational or sensitive , either by an alteration of motion in one and the same part of matter , or by divisions moving in parts ; but when the rationall innate matter moves in a regular division , and the measures of time , and the notes of motions skilfully set , and rightly kept , that is curiously or neatly , and carefully ordered ; then there is a harmony , which harmony is a quiet minde , gentle imaginations , a clear understanding , a solid judgment , elevated fancies , and ready memory ; but when this rational innated matter moves disorderly , there arises extravagant fancies , false reasons , misunderstandings , and the like . Chap. 148. The affinity betwixt imaginations and passions . IT is the rational innate matter that makes passions , and not the sensitive innated matter , for the senses onely present the 〈◊〉 , the rational the passions ; which shews the rational innated 〈◊〉 , is as much in the heart , as in the head , and may be of the same degree of strength , although they work different wayes , as being different figures , yet there is such sympathie with each other , whether by recourse , or otherwise ; as passions will raise imaginations , corrupt judgment , disorder reason , and blindfold understanding : And imaginations will raise passions , as fear , love , hate , doubts , hopes , and the like ; which shews that the rational innate matter , in the head , and heart , hath such affinity as the sensitive innated matter hath in the stomach and head ; as the pain in the head will make the stomach sick , and a sickness in the stomach will make the head-ache , I will not say at all times , but most commonly ; neither will imaginations at all times raise a passion , nor a passion , an imagination , but very often . Chap. 149. Of the Brain . THe brain is not the cause of knowledg and understanding , for a bird that hath but a little brain seems as understanding , if not more , then a great beast , as an ox or the like , which hath far greater quantity of brain ; but perchance the bird hath more of the rational innated matter , in his little brain , then the beast that hath more braine , for the rational innated matter , moves in the brain , not on the brain , for that is wrought and moved by the sensitive innate matter , being made of the dull part of matter ; for when the brain is defective , it is caused by the sensitive innated matter , not the rational innated matter ; yet oft times the sensitive innate matter disorders the motions of the rational innated matter , as we shall see in distempered and sick bodies ; like-wise the disordred motions in the rational innate matter , will disorder the sensitive motions , as we shall see by troubled mindes . Chap. 150. Of the multitude of figures amongst the rational matter in the brain and heart . THe reason why we may have millions of several figures in our memory at one time , so likewise raised up to our remembrance , when we can receive but one perfect figure through our senses at one time , is that the passages for outward objects to enter , is so straight in all animal figures , as that but one object can take place therein , I mean as being perfectly distinct , for the passages being straight , many objects entring at once , make a confusion , at least a disorder , for if more then one object be presented at one time , to any particular sense , they are received but by piece-meals , as in the small parts ; and many times the divided parts are so mixt together , as no piece is perfectly seen or heard , or smelt , or tasted , or touched ; besides , the passages being straight , the sensitive innate matter cannot work so regular , having not liberty , for it is not with the sensitive innate matter as with the rational innate matter , by reason the sensitive innate matter works upon gross materials , as upon the dull part of matter , which makes that it cannot move so nimbly , nor divide into parts so suddenly , especially in a straight passage , as the rational innate matter can , which moves onely in number and measure , without any dull mixture , for the rational innate matter , can figure out the whole world , and millions of several figures therein , sooner and swifter then the sensitive innate matter , can print one figure upon any of the senses ; and not onely those figures that the sensitive innate matter presents , or hath presented , but makes those figures that were never presented , as those we call phantasms ; and as I said the rational innate matter hath more room to move in , as in the head , and heart , then the sensitive innate matter , hath in the ear , eye , nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh , so there may be a greater quantity , or proportion of that rational moving matter together , in a body , or bulk , as I may say , then of the sensitive innate matter , in the foresaid passages , and according as the quantity of the rational matter is , there is the more knowledge , and clearer understanding ; the quicker wit , and the livelier memory , the fresher remembrance , and the more multiplicity of thoughts ; for it is not onely the largeness , and extent of the place wherein the rational matter moves in , that makes the more knowledg and understanding , and the like , but the quantity of the rational matter ; for a great head may have but a little wit , or dim understanding , and a little head a quick wit , and clear understanding ; if the little head be full of this rational innate matter , and the great head be empty thereof ; but if the room ( or place ) be large , and filled with this sort of innate matter , according to the bigness , that creature will be very knowing , understanding , and ingenious ; for imagin that all the heads of mankinde were put into the compass of one head , and a sufficient quantity of that rational matter therein , that creature whatsoever it were , would have not onely the knowledg of every particular brain joyned together , but that knowledg and understanding would increase as use-money , for that bulk or bank would multiply , being put together . Chap. 151. Of thoughts . MAny wonder what Thoughts are , and how such millions can be within so little a compasse as the brain . I answer , that a little quantity of the rational innate matter , may make millions of figures , which figures are thoughts . As for example , from eight notes , milions of tunes are made , and from twenty four letters millions of several Languages may be made . Likewise one lump of clay may be molded , and formed into millions of several figures ; and like Pictures many figures may be drawn in one piece , and every figure in a several posture ; Likewise a little picture will represent so great an Army , as would take up many acres of land , were it in a pitched field . Again , a Globe no bigger then a Head , will present the whole world . Again , say some , how is it possible there should be so many several thoughts in the head at one time , and how from one thought should there arise so many of a sudden , and at some times so extravagant as to have no coherence therein , at other times very methodicall , and sympathetical ? To the first I answer , how many several postures may a man put his body into at one time , nay , I may say one part of the body ? for how many several postures may the face draw it self into at one time ? Secondly , I answer , that many several wheels will move with one motion , nay with one kinde of motion several wayes , and many wheels with several motions several wayes , and all within one , and the same compasse , and from one prime spring . Again , some may wonder how it is possible figurative thoughts can inlarge and contract the demension , and extension ; I answer , how is it with Prospective glasses , convex , and concave glasses ; likewise a screen , or a fan , or the like , which can fold in many folds , into one fold , then can draw them out into a plain straight piece again , and so shut up into a fold , or open in a plain piece , as often and as quick as a thought , and millions of the like examples , may be given , but these are enough for this time , on this subject . Chap. 152. Of thinking , or thoughts . THoughts are more pleasant to the minde , then the appetite to the senses , and the minde feeds as greatly on thoughts , as a hungry stomacke doth upon meat ; and as some meat breeds good nourishment , and some bad nourishment , causing either health and strength , or diseases and pain ; so doth thoughts , for displeasing thoughts of grief , and all sad remembrances cause the minde to be dull , and melancholly , or froward , and discontented ; and pleasing thoughts cause the minde to be chearful , pleasant , and delightful . Besides , the minde is like chewing of the cud , for what the senses bring in , and are fed with outward objects ; those swallowed objects , the thoughts of the minde chews over again ; thus the minde is alwayes feeding ; besides , the senses have no longer pleasure , or pain then the objects remain ; but the minde is as much grieved , or delighted when the object is removed , as when they are present ; As for example , a man is as much grieved when he hears his friend is dead , or kill'd , as if he saw him die , or slaine ; for the dead fried lives in the minde , not the minde in the dead friend , and if a man have a fine house , or great riches , or an excellent rare race of horses , or the like , whereupon the minde takes as great delight in thinking of his fine house , as if it dwelt in the house , and as great delight in thinking of his riches , or what he could do with the use of his riches ; for the minde doth not so much dwell in the house , as the house in the minde , nor the minde doth not take so much delight in the use of the riches , as the use to be in the minde , and the remembrance of the curious horses is as much in the minde , as when those horses were in the eye ; for when the sense is filled , the minde can but think , and the minde may as well think when the objects are gone , as when they are present , and the minde may take as much delight , in thinking what the senses have enjoyed , as what they are to injoy , or desire to enjoy ; for thoughts are the fruition of the minde , as objects the fruition of the senses ; for the minde takes as much delight ( if not more ) in thinking of an absolute power , as when the commands of an absolute power is obeyed , for obedience dwells no more in the minde when it is acted , then it did before it was acted , or by the imagination that it is acted ; thus the minde receives no more by action , then it doth by contemplation , onely when the pleasure of the senses are joyned with delightful thoughts , may be said to be more happy , though I beleeve the pleasure of senses draws the delight from the thoughts ; for the more at rest the body is , the more busie the minde is imployed , and as torments of the minde are beyond the torments of the body , or at least the displeasure of the senses ; so the delight of the minde is beyond the ease or rest of the body , or the pleasure of the senses . Chap. 153. Of sleep and dreams . SLeep is caused by a tirednesse of the spirits , for when the sensitive motions are tired , with the working on the dull parts of matter , which tirednesse is slacking the motions , or changing their motions , as when they work lasily , then the figure grows drousy , and the senses dull , being weary of pencelling , copying out objects upon the optick nerve . Likewise with printing letters , and setting notes on the drum of the 〈◊〉 , or in drawing 〈◊〉 of several tasts , touches , and sents on the tongue and pores of the flesh , or striking , or playing on the nerves , and on the dia mater and pia mater , of the brain , but many times the figure grows drowsie , and the senses dull , when the sensitive motions are idle for want of work ; that is , having no variety of objects presented to them ; that is , of such kinde of works ; for the innate matter never ceaseth to move , although the motions are not alwayes agil , and quick , nor after one and the same manner , but when they alter the motions , as I may say more proper then to slacken them , they do as it were cast anchor , pulling down their sail , going as it were under hatches , and the figure that is like a ship , where the motions of the breath are like waves of water , that heave it up , and then sink down , but saile not , nor steer not to any Coast ; and the sensitive innate matter which is in this action , like Mariners when they work under the hatches drawing and winding up the slimy humours in the body , like ropes by attractive motions , staying and setling the loose parts , by retentive motions ; a placing and putting disordered parts into their proper places by disgestive motions , and all the motions busiely imployed ; some mending the figure , stopping the leaks , dearning , b and sewing together the torne sailes , oyling c and greasing the keel , pitching and tarring the cresses ; tying and twisting the roaps , drawing the superfluous moisture to the gutter ready to be pumpt out , sweeping all the rubbish and dirt on a heap , ready to be flung out ; some running up , and returning from the deck , which are the pores of the skin ; but the rational innate matter , is the master of the Animal ship , and the sensitive innate matter , as the Saylors , those works on the dull part of matter , the other directs when occasion serves , that is , when the body is in action ; for though the rational innate matter never labours on the dull part of matter , yet they counsel and direct the animal ship , when it is built , and set afloat , that is , when the body is come to the full growth , and orders it in blustrous storms , and great dangers , but these the rational innated matter , when this animal ship is cast to anchor , which is to sleep , moves onely in a rocking , or rowling motion , as it were from side to side of the cabbin , which is the brain , making no perfect figure nor gives direction , this is sleeping without dreaming ; but dreaming is when they move in figures , making such figures as these objects , which have presented to them by the sensitive motions , which are onely pictures , or copies of the Original objects , which we call remembrance , for remembrance is nothing but a waking dream , and a dream is nothing but a sleeping remembrance , but if the sensitive innated matter moves in the same manner , on the same place , as printing and drawiug such figures or objects in the optick nerve , or setting such notes or letters on the drum of the ear , or drawing such platforms on the dura mater , or pia mater of their brain , or the tongue , flesh , or skin of their own accord , without the presence of the outward objects ; then we see here taste , smell , touch , as strong as if we were awake , if their motions be as strong and industrious ; but many times we have in sleep those objects but in part , and not in whole , the reason is , that either the sensitive innated matter is slow , or else they are not so perfect Artists to work without a sampler , working by misplacing , and mistaking , or else works by halves , according to their skil , or as appetite moves them , make a hogpog , or gallimophry of many several pieces or draughts , into one figure or picture , which make extravagant dreams ; by reason they work not in a methodical manner , and the rational innated matter , moving in the same manner makes a mixt resemblance , but the sensitive innate having not the outward objects in sleep to work by , seldom works perfect , or plain , and working imperfectly they move disorderly , and for the most part that which makes us so often perturbed in our sleeps , is , by moving crosse , and irregular , which crosse , Irregularity insnarles several motions , so as there is no distinction , which is the reason that our dreams are so often obscure , and dark , as we can make nothing of them ; and when the rational innate matter moves crosse , and tumultuously , our dreams are most commonly fearful , and when the sensitive innated matter works so disorderly , our dreams are painfull , and when the sensitive innated matter works perfectly , and the rational innate matter moves justly , we have as much knowledge , and understanding of what we dream of , and as much satisfaction from our senses , as if we were awake , and the real abjects presented to us . Chap. 154. Dreamings of living , and dead figures . THose friends in acquaintance that that have been dead , a long time , and appear in our sleep , we never question the truth of their life , though we may question them how they lived ; again , the reason is , that these figures are as perfect , and lively to our present senses in our sleep , as when we are awake ; for oftimes the sleeping motion prints figures , on the inside of the optick nerve , as on the inside of the pia mater , as the waking motion doth on the outside , and when we hear them as it were discourse words , right on the inside of the drum of the ear , or pia mater , by the sensitive motion , as on the outside when we are awake ; for all the sensitive works inwards asleep , as outward awake ; for if we smell sents pleasing , or displeasing , the sensitive spirits draw lines , and set notes on the inside of the dura mater and pia mater of the brain ; and so for taste and touch , they draw plateforms in the inside of the skin , either of the skin of the tongue , or any other outward parts of the body , as they do on the outside of the skin awake ; Thus the senses present as perfect prints to the rational oft times in sleep , as awake , onely they print on the inside a sleep , and on the outside awake , and what rational creature would not beleeve their senses ; for should a man see another man die , and see him buried , and afterwards should see that man alive again , and hear him speak , and touch him , shall feel the substance of flesh , would not he think he lived ? Thomas the Apostle questions the relations of our Saviours resurrection from the grave , but never questioned his senses , when he saw , and touched him ; so in our dreames , when the sensitive innate matter prints such figures on the optick nerve , as of such a person which is dead , the rational matter straight paterns out the sensitive print ; and when the sensitive print , and the rational figure is just alike , the other motion of the rational matter cannot question the truth of that figure , or figures being there , though they may question how they come alive , again treating with it , as if awake , the same is if the sensitive innated prints , any thing as dead , which is living , and the rational pattern it , the rest of the rational motions make no question of the truth of those sleeping motions , untill waking motions otherwayes inform them ; for rational motion in every particular figure , knows little of the sensitive , but what the senses shews them , in the several motions , yet the rational generally knows what they present unto them , which every particular sense doth not , each motion is unknown , and are strangers to each other in one and the same figure ; for the ear knows not what the eye seeth , nor the eyes know not what the nose smelleth , nor the nose knows not what the tongue tasts , nor the tongue knows not what the body feels , but the rational innat matter in a figure , knows all the sensitive motions in the same figure , as long as the figure is perfect , and moves in an Animal way , and that the rational motion moves regular ; for when the motions are irregular , they can take no perfect copies , nor notice how the sensitive move , that is , the reason that in perturbed passions , which are onely irregular motions , the senses become as it were uselesse to them , but most commonly the disorder of one brings the disorder of the other , I will not say at all times , and so when the sensitive spirits are regular , the rational is regular , but not at all times , for some times the one is regular , the other is not , but the rational which takes copies of the sensitives is oftener disordered by the sensitives , then the sensitives by the rational , for when there is grief in the minde , many times the body is in good health , but it is seldom known when the body is sick , but the minde is troubled . Chap. 155. Of Local Dreames . THe reason that many times we dream of walking woods or houses , and the like , is through this following reason ; The rational innate matter , as I often said before , turns most commonly into such figures , as the sensitive innate matter prints , or hath printed upon the senses , now if a tree or house , or the like , be printed on the inside of the pia mater , or the like sensitive part , when we are asleep , the rational innate matter straight figures them , these figures move after a local manner , although they have not an animal , or local shape ; the reason is , that the rational innated matter being purer in it self , without the mixture of dull matter , moves onely in their own matter , and the figure moves in the matter ; whereas the sensitive innated matter working upon the dull part of matter , moves in that dull matter , and not the dull matter in the sensitive innated matter , that is the sensitive innate matter moves in the dull part of matter , and the dull part of matter is moved by the sensitive innate matter ; thus the sensitive figure is moved , but not moving , but the rational innated matters figures give their own motions ; likewise if we have seen a battle , or heard of a battle , and afterwards we dream of the same , or of the like battle ; then the rational innated matter puts its self into animal figures , and moves after a local manner , each figure placing it self after that manner or way as was related , or printed by the senses , or after away of its own invention , and when the figures encounter each other , as they must do to fight a battle in the brain ; and then some seeme to be falling , and others dead , and some mangled ; those figures are as falling and broken , and cease to move after the local manner ; and when one party seems to move as in a confusion , then the motions are irregular , and just as the senses present , so doth the rational innated matter act in the brain when we sleep , and sometimes when we are awake , as in imagination . Chap. 156. Of the senses , and the objects that pass through the senses . THat innate matter which I call the sensitive spirits makes holes , which holes serve as doors in animal figures to receive outward objects , as the holes that are made in the eyes , ears , nostrils , mouth , and the pores of the skin , wherein the animal receives light , sound , scent , tast , and touch ; the senses are brought and presented by the sensitive innated matter , to the rational innated matter , who takes knowledg thereof ; as for example , there is a hous or a tree , or any the like gross material figure , these being placed beforethe passage of the eyes , those sensitive spirits , in the eye taking notice thereof , with the help of that brings the objects therein , strait prints or paints those objects upon the optick nerve , or upon the outside of the brain , as the dia mater , or pia mater , upon which the rational spirits view as on pictures , then copie them out , not by working on the dull part of matter , as the sensitives innated matter doth , but turn themselves by number and measure , into figures like those printed or painted figures ; the difference is , that the rational matter is like sculptures , the others as pictures upon flats ; these rational figures we call knowledg , or understanding , and as long as these rational figures last , though the object is absent , and the prints rub out , by other objects , or by distance of place , or the like , we call memory ; but when those rational figures are dissolved , and afterwards repeated be wrought without a presentment of the senses , we call it remembrance , and the reason the memory is not so strong , as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect as the memory is ; that with the present object there are two figures as the rational sculpture , and the sensitive point , when the memory is but one , as the sculpture , which remains as with the rational , but the sensitive print is rubbed or worn out , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect , as the memory , is , because remembrance is but a copy of a copy , from the original print , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the Memory , and the memory 〈◊〉 a pattern taken from the objects . Chap. 157. Of figure presented to the senses , and figures together . THe reason why figurative senses are quicker then the figurative growth , is , It is less labour in printing on the dull part of matter then in cutting out sculpt figures , not for the strength of actions , as for the several laborious actions therein , fetching their material a far way , and for many several places , which requires time and place , when printing is but a press laid upon a flat . Chap. 158. Of objects , and the senses , something differing from the other Chapter . THat innate matter which I call the sensitive spirits for distinction sake , makes holes or doors in animal figures , to receive outward objects ; as the ears , eyes , nostrils , mouth , pores of the skin , and the like , and these outward objects are presented , to that part of innate matter which I call rational spirits , but that part of innate matter I call sensitive spirits ; as for example , thus , there is a house , or a tree , or any the like gross material figure ; which is subject to the sense of animal figures , these standing at the doors of the eyes , which as soon as the sensitive spirits perceive , or other sensitive spirits that come in through these doors , strait print or draw the same figure upon the optick nerve , which optick nerve is made of dull matter , by the sensitive spirits from whence the rational spirits viewing from thence that picture , strait run themselves by number and measure into the likeness of that picture , which are those we call knowledg or understanding , and as long as those figures last among the rational spirits , though the objects are absent that we call memory , for when these prints are rubbed off by the sensitive spirits , and others placed thereon , or vaded by distance of place , or obscured by shutting the lids , yet the figure thereof may remain amongst the rational spirits , which is , as I said before , memory , and the repetitions of figures ; 〈◊〉 is , when one and the same figure was dissolved and created again amongst the rational , it is remembrance ; but memory is not so strong as the present sense , nor the remembrance so perfect , as the memory and the reason is , that what the sensitive spirits wrought on the optick nerve , is like a printed or painted figure , and that which the rational spirits make is like a carved statue , like painting , or sculpture , so that in memory the sculpture remains , and in remembrance is created , although the printing , or painting is worn out , or rubbed out , so that the present senses have two figures , one upon the optick nerve , the other amongst the rational spirits , wherein memory remains but one , and the reason why remembrance is not so perfect as memory is , because it is but the copy of a copy from the original , for remembrance is but a pattern taken from the memory , and the memory but a pattern from the object . Chap. 159. Of the figure of the head . THe figure of the brain gives strength to the sensitive motions , and to the rational knowledg in animals , for the scull being made with an arched rough , and the sides being hollow , and the whole head round , which hollow sides arched rough and round compass , cause rebounds * and reflections of the motions therein , which multiplie , increase , and strengthen them , as for the motions and figures of sound , the notes that are made are struck from the drum of the ear , as balls from a hand , to the concave part , and from thence rebound from side to side , and fall down , as a new note is raised , or like many balls struck one after another , so rebounds follow one another , and according as they are struck , so are the rebounds stronger or weaker , and according as they are repeated , so do they last ; the same for sight , for * lines piercing from the optick nerve , darting on the concave parts reflect , and these reflections cause double lines , which make the sensitive figures on the optick nerve appear plain to the rational figure , but if they rebound , and reflections be disorderly returned by disordered motions , they make a confusion , both in the sense , and rational knowledg , as for tast , it strikes from the nerves of the tongue , upon the brain , besides the hollow cave of the mouth , and according as the rebounds are made , and the strokes are struck , the taste is stronger or weaker , but if the brain be stuff'd with cold , then the concaves being stuft and so stopp'd where the rebounds should return , cause the taste to be weak , insomuch as not to be sensibly felt ; and for touch , the pores of the skin and flesh are hollow ; wherein rebounds are made , striking from side to side of each pores ; and we finde by experience that those parts which are not hollow , have not so strong a sense as those that are hollow : Again , if the nerves from whence the strongest strokes are struck be 〈◊〉 slack , the sense is weak . As for scent which is brought through the nostrils of the nose , like water through spouts , which dilates its self through the brain circling the pia mater , swelling , flowing and ebbing , like to the sea about the earth , which when it flows it is strong , but when it ebbs it is weak . But by reason scent is made by streaming motions , and not striking and retorting motions . As the other four senses are , it retaines not so long in the memory as the others do , although it may last longer in the brain or head , being more lasting , most commonly for the present then the rest are , for a stinke will remain in the brain a great while , and so will strong perfumes . Chap. 160. Of Sight . THe general opinion is , that all objects come through the optick nerve , and print the figures received on the brain , and that there are , nor can be no figures in the brain , but what the opticks bring in , and have passed through the eye ; it is true , by experience we finde , that without an eye , we cannot see an outward object , as they are without us , yet we see those objects , as they are without us in our sleep when our eyes be shut ; thus the sense of seeing is not lost , although the eyes were out , and the optick nerves stopped up . But some will say , those objects in dreams have past through in part , or in whole , therefore the question will be , where an animal can have an insight , if it were born blinde ; but if it be so , as the opinion is , that no figure , or insight can be , but what comes , or hath passed through the eye , and optick nerve , must want that sensible knowledge ; for according to that opinion , the ear can do the understanding no service as toward that sense , by reason sound can make no figure to sight , neither will taste , nor sent ; but some may say , touch may discover somewhat of that sense to the understanding , but I think not ; for in my opinion , touch is as senssesse to insight as sound ; for we cannot comprehend more of touch then of sound , for depth and breadth are no more to insight , then high notes , and low notes , nor soft nor hard , no more to insight then swift , and slow , sharp , or flat , nor pleasure , nor pain , no more then harmony , and discord ; but my opinion is , that figures are as inherent to the minde , as thoughts ; And who can have an unfigurative thought , for the minde cannot have thoughts , but upon some matter , and there is no matter but must have some figure , for who can think of nothing ; but the minde is like infinite nature , having no dimension , or extention , no center , nor circumference , no breadth , no depth , and as the innat matter creates figures , so the minde , which is the matter creates thoughts , which thoughts , are the figures of the minde ; for when we hear of a deity , we say in words it is an incorporeal thing ; but we cannot conceive it so in thought , we say we do , but we cannot prove we do ; T is true , the minde may be in a maze , and so have no fixt thought of any particular thing ; yet that amaze hath a figurative ground , although not subscribed ; as for example , my eyes may see the sea , or air , yet not the compasse , and so the earth , or heavens ; so likewise my eye may see a long pole , yet not the two ends , these are but the parts of these figures , but I see not the circumference to the uttermost extention , so the mind in amaze , or the amaze of thinking cuts not out a whole and distinct figurative thought , but doth as it were spread upon a flat , without a circumference , and though there are not such figures in the brain , as it brought through the opticks , yet such figures as the minde creates ; for the minde is innate matter , and innat matter is self-motion , and self-motion , is alwayes moving , and working , which working is figuring ; thus the sensitives innated matter prints figures iu the brain , and the rational innated matter creates figures in the brain after its own invention , which are imagination and conception , wherein are made imaginary worlds , without the materials of outward objects : and perchance these motions may create such a figure as this world , and such several figures , as the several creatures therein , although not so solid and lasting , because those motions want those grosse materials , of which they should create it withal ; but the sensitive innated matter in this cause , prints these figures upon the brain by patterning the rational figures created in the brain , like as when it doth the outward objects , and when the sensitive innate matter works on the inside , as in sleep , then it gives an insight , which are dreams according to their copied prints , and these motions may make lines of light , triangular lines , for colours set notes of tunes , draw plat-forms of taste , and sent , make prints of touch , not onely the rational innated matter , by imagination ; but the sensitive innated matter gives a sensible touch on the brain of all the outward senses , by which touch , I mean sensible knowledge ; thus the interior motions may move the brain with the variety of every sense , without the exterior passages , or objects , and although it may not make those very objects and subjects ; yet such as are proper for each sense , and of the same nature as I said before , draw lines of light , gathering motions make clouds , triangular motions make colours , insnarled motions make darknesse without the outward object , and all other motions that make several figures , or printed figures . Likewise reflections without the help of the eye and so rebounds , and retorts ; for sound , and set notes print words , and plain tunes without the ear ; so likewise for taste , sent , and touch ; but when the brain is filled withoutward objects , the natural motion seldom works after their own invention , having not room as it were , or else it is as it were overpowred with work , having more objects brought in , then they can either conveniently place or sort , or distinguish ; but weak minds , which are slow moving matter , think life an insensible thing , and the head , or brain empty of figures , when it is not filled with outward objects , like as a barrel is not filled with liquor , thinks it empty , because the thin air with which it is filled , is not subject to their grosse senses , so not to their weak capacities . Thus it is not the outward objects that make the sense , but the innate matter , which is self motion , which is the sense and knowledge , and the different motions therein , and therefrom , make the differences thereof , and though different sense and knowledge , may be in different , and several figures , and such kind of sense & knowledge proper for such kind of sorts of figures ; yet the figure adds nothing to the sense , and knowledge , although the innated matter may give a figure such a kind of sense and knowledge and when that figure dies , that kinde of sense and knowledge may alter , which was proper to that kinde of figure ; yet if it were the figure that gave the sense , and knowledg , and not the innated motions , there would be no alteration when the figure is made , or any extraordinary passion , whereby experience we finde the sense , and knowledge do alter all , though the figure be perfect , and in health . Chap. 161 Of Light and Colours . LIght and colour is made upon the optick nerve , as sound on the drum of the ear , for light the sensitive innated matter draws long , straight , smal , even lines , upon the optick nerve , and when colours are made , notes are set upon those lines , drawn upon the optick nerve as thus . Of colours , are when those lines are set with quavor , semy quavor . But light is onely when those lines are drawn without those quavors , semy-quavors , but as we shall see plain song books , after this manner . And the knowledg the rational innated matter takes thereof , is when they move in plain lines , when they move in figures and lines , they move for colours . Chap. 162. Of Blindnesse . Blindnesse proceeds from many causes , as when the cristalline part of the eye is not clear ; for if it be dimming , or failing , or spotted and foul , the objects seem muddy , and misty , and as the water of the cristaline is coloured , so the objects appear ; for as Diamonds , some are of a black water , others of a yellow water , some of a green water , or blue , others of a white water ; so is the cristalline part of several eyes , and according as it is clear , or coloured , so all objects appear . A second defect may be in the ball of the eye ; for according to the compasse of the concave , or convex thereof , the objects are presented neerer , or at a further distance , or longer or shorter , or broader , or narrower . A third defect may be in the eye hole ; for according to the largenesse , or littlenesse thereof , objects are presented , either in whole , or in part , bigger , or lesser , more , or fewer objects enter at once ; for if the eye-lid hole should be too large , the species would disperse too much , disuniting parts and figures , and if too small , the species cannot passe in 〈◊〉 and file , as I may say ; for though the smaller the circle is , the closer it contracts the species , and draws the objects into a straighter line ; yet if they should passe in a crowd , they will stop the mouth of the passage , like water in a glasse when turned suddenly downward , every drop striving to get out first hinders each others so in the strife , as none can passe . A fourth defect may be in the optick nerve , if it be full of slime , and the like , it darknens the sight , stopping the passage of the light , or if it be shrunk , or dried up , likewise if the head be full of grosse vapours , it obscures the sight , as a thick mist doth the sun ; for this foul foggy , and grosse vapors hinder the species from entring , and the sensitive innated matter that should print these objects , on the optick nerve , and if they are not quite stopt , yet it hinders the regularity , making that innated matter to work by piece-meales , or else staies not so long , as to take a perfect survay . The fift and sixth defect may be , if the eyes move too quick , or too slow , which makes the sight imperfect , or dull ; for too quick motions of the eye dazles the sight , and clips and cuts the exterior objects into so many parts , as no one part can be perfectly known , or seen ; and too slow motion blunts the sight like a sharp point that is struck upon a stone , or the like ; besides , when it is fixt too long upon one object , other objects passe by before it removes , or wearies it so much as one cannot take notice of it ; But when the eyes are too quick , it is by reason the nerve strings that tie and fasten the ball of the eye to the head , are too slack , which makes the eye ball so loose as the least motion moves it , or else these nervous strings are too small which makes them so weak , as every little motion moves , so as they are alwayes in motion as it were ; for if the nerves , and sinew-strings be too small for the weight of the eye ball , it may alwayes have a trembling motion , like a sthe aspen , or like weights that cannot poise steddy , as long as there is a disproportion ; and when the eyes are too slow the reason is when the sinews , or nerve-strings , are so short tied , or shrunk up , so that it holds the eye ball too hard , or too straight , giving it not liberty to stir , and turn from side to side , or to role about . A seventh defect may be when the eyes look asquint , as it may do two several wayes ; the one is when the ball of the eye is tied too short , by the nervous string towards the nose , by which the balls of either eye , are drawn so much inward to each other , as to look at each other ; but that they are some wayes hindered by the nose , this makes the lines or points ; that shoot from either eye , to meet acrosse , which makes all exterior objects to look double ; but if the eye string ties the balls of the eyes too short towards the temples it draws the points from the center , and the eyes out of the natural bias which causeth a side look , as seeing two several wayes at once , but neither way perfectly , by reason that the lines that issue from the eyes , lie not level , neither can those lines meet upon an object , in a triangular , which joyns 〈◊〉 sight of each eye into a point , which makes sight so much the stronger . Thus if the strings be too loose , or too hard , or too small , or that the optick is shrunk up , or the eye-lid-hole covered with some scale , or filme , or the eye-lid-hole too little or too big , or the christalline full , or the brain full , or too many vapours continually ascending from the bowels , or stomach , or if the eye be too quick , or too slow , it is a great defect in sight ; But if the passage be quite stopped up , of the strings or christalline part be broke , those are irrecoverably blinde . Chap. 163. Of Hearing . AFter the same manner is the sense received at the ear , onely the difference is , that instead of drawing , printing the outward objects , received through the eye , printed on the optick nerve , so the sensitive innated matter , sets , or pricks down notes , and draws lines on the drum of the ear , as musicians do upon paper , or the like ; and the sensitive innated matter in making them run , and make stops according as the vocal sound is set , and it is louder , or lower , according as they work weaker or stronger , but for the verbal , it is writ , 〈◊〉 printed on the drum of the ear in letters , for words , and the knowledge the animal figure takes , is when the rational innated matter moves according to those letters or notes , or wayes of division : but in a confused sound there is no order , time , nor stop kept , nor no perfect note , nor letter , nor line prick'd , or printed , or drawn , but , as we vulgarly say , it is all scrible-scrable , or else ciphers set for notes ; and like as it is to the opticks , so it is to the ear , for the notes and letters , as the pictures which fade ; for as the outward motions slacken , so the vocal and verbal sound dissolves ; and the memory and remembrance of sounds , vocal and verbal , is as the sense of the objects on the opticks . Chap. 164. Of Articular sounds , or sounds without distinction . IT is strange if we consider that one word should strike so many several ears , and so to be heard perfectly , by every particular ear ; but surely to my reason one word or note cannot fill so many ears , as can stand to hear it : again , it is strange that a word should directly hit into every ear that stands to hear it , I will not say alwayes , for sometimes a word is spoke two or three times over , although the ear be clear before it can hit the entrance , but that is but seldome ; but in my opinion it is not a single word that runs about from ear to ear , for then all would not hear at once , for if there were a multitude , the last ear might not hear a week after , or at least a day after it had been spoken . Wherefore in my opinion it must be after this manner , the mouth , tongue , and breath formes not onely a single word , but millions in one lump , with the same labour of pains , as for one word ; as for example , take a sheet of paper , or the like , and fold it into many folds , in a small compass , and stamp a print thereon , and every fold shall have the like print with one stamp , and until they are parted they stick so close as if they were but one printed body , when every fold is divided by the stamp with the print thereon ; so likewise the mouth folds up thin air , and the tongue gives the printed stamp , which being cast forth like a ball of wilde-fire , disperseth in a crack or sound , and then suddenly spreads about in several streams ; thus millions of words run about in lines of air , passing in all pores and hollow bodies , as the ear or the like , concaves as hollow wood and vaults , where finding resistance , rebounds back in repetitions , and according to their strength , or the strength of their bearing motions , they pierce farther and fall shorter , and according to the freeness of the passage , they sound louder , clearer , lower , or duller , and according to their stamp they are perfect or imperfect . After the same manner is all distinct sounds , notes being printed as words , but sounds without distinction , are like stamps without prints , that is plain pieces of air , but if the ear be stopped , the sound is lost to the brain , I will not say to natural sense , for surely the brain is not the whole ingrosser of that and the like sensitive knowledg , neither will say the animal head ingrosses all that sort of tempered matter , or that no passage can conveigh a sound but the animal ear . But most probably all sounds spread as lights ; as for example , a small candle will enlighten a large compass , by reason rayes of light streame equally from the center candle to the circumference ; so is sound : for when a pistol , or any the like shots of a bullet , the pistol , or that which makes the sound , is the center which spreads sound as fire doth light , and when such a compass of air is filled with sound , either vocal or verbal , every ear that stands in the compass must needs receive the sound if they 〈◊〉 not deaf ; likewise every eye may see day-light , that is not blinde , and the rebounds of sound are as the reflections of light , and verbals are received into the ear , as figures into the eyes ; and as cross lines of light make various colours , so different notes make various tunes : But some may say , that if the air were full of one and the same words , or notes , that more would enter the ears then was sent . I say that is impossible , unless the ear could draw the spreading , or streaming lines from the circumference to a point , which the ear cannot . But I believe art may do the same for sound as it can with light ; for art can draw with glasses made for that purpose , many beams to appoint , but if the eyes did so , it would burn them out . Also they can draw several species , through a small hole . I believe artificial echoes , are or may be made after such a manner . Chap. 165. Of taste , touch , and smell . THese senses are made by such motions as sound is , and as they are set on the drum of the ear , so these are set on the nerves of the tongue , or on the skin , for when the skin is off our tongue , we cannot taste ; likewise for * touch , they are set on the nerves , and sinnews ; and when these notes are set harmoniously , it pleaseth the senses , otherwise it displeaseth them , which displeasure is pain amongst the sensitive innated matter , and hate amongst the rational innate matter . As for scent , they are motions that draw like lines , like a plat-form upon the pia mater of the brain ; indeed the second draught of the sensitive innated matter , is to draw all their figures upon the pia mater of the brain . Chap. 166. Of Touch. TOuch is the general sense of the whole body , which the other senses are not ; for though every part of the body is of a several touch , yet it is all touch ; When sight onely belongs to the eyes ; sound onely to the ears ; scent onely to the nostrils ; and taste onely to the tongue ; besides the loss of any of these senses , nay all of them , may be wanting , as if they were not belonging to life , as indeed they are not , but onely as conveniencies to the life , but not of necessity ; whereas touch is as it were the life of the figure , for when this sense is generally wanting in the animal figure , it is as we say dead ; that is , the natural motion belonging thereto , is generally altered , or quite changed , as we say . This sense is received through the pores of the flesh , and the nerves are the instrumental strings whereon motion playes , either a harmony of pleasure , or a discord of pain , for as their strings are struck , so is pain or pleasure felt , but I have treated sufficiently of this sense in my chapter of numb'd palsies . Chap. 167. Of the pores of the body . THe pores are passages which let out the smoke or vapor , unnatural heat , and the superfluous humors in the body ; also they are passages to let in comfortable warmth , refreshing colds , nourishing air ; these passages have their inconveniencies , for they are a means to conveigh out the good with the bad ; and many times takes in infections , as malignant diseases that passe through the pores , for infection comes in as much through the pores , as any other part of the body . Besides , many times the radical moisture is carried out by unnatural heats , and sometimes the vital spirits by too many transparations ; but these pores passages are drawn or shut closer together by contracting motions , or set wider open by extenuating motions ; but if these common and necessary passages to the interiour parts be 〈◊〉 close shut , either by cold contractions , or hot contractions , it smoothers and choakes the vital parts by keeping the vapor , or smoke that should go forth , for the pores in this case are as the funnels of chimneys , wherein the smoke ascends up , and goeth out , and if they are set too wide open by the extenuating motions , they cause the body to starve , by giving passage to such matter as should be kept in to feed the body , or by giving too free passage , to the natural moisture , that should quench or temper the heat in the body , or by giving too free a passage to the gadding spirits that should stay in the body , to be imployed to the substance and strength thereof ; besides , when they are too open they are as apt to take in , by giving passage to that which is a prejudice to the 〈◊〉 of the body , as infections , malignity , or unnatural colds , or the like . But the pores of the body are always imployed , where the other passages of the body are imployed but some times . THE NATVRAL VVARS IN ANIMAL FIGVRES . PART V. CHAP. 167. ALL animals after they are created , and have an animal life , the figure is inlarged by nourishing motions , and sympathetical matter , these nourishing motions are disgesting motions , carrying those parts which are received by the senses , unto those parts that are created therein , building thereon , and fitting therewith , strengthning by adding thicknesse , as well as inlarging by extention , yet all that is received into the stomack , is not nourishing , the reason is that the temperament of the matter , is not sympathetical , that is agreeing not with the motions therein ; For though it is not so antipathetical to make an open war , which war is sicknesse , yet they do hinder , and obstruct , like several factions , those natural motions which make health ; but when the natural motions and tempers of humours are quite opposite to the food that is received , or the unnatural humours bred in the body by evil digestion , they become mutanous by the quantity that is received , or that ariseth from obstructions , whereupon there becomes a fierce and cruel fight of contrary motions , and temperaments of matter , and whilest they are in the battle , we say the body is sick , and if the natural motions be not strong enough , to beat that evil , and dangerous matter out , or at least able to resist them so far , as to guard themselves until the evil parts do spend themselves with their own fury , or till the natural motions , and temperaments can have some assistance , as cordials , or physick , it destroyes the figure it fights with ; but if the natural motions be more powerfull , either by their own strength , or by their assistance , then the mutinous and rebellious humours , or the foreign enemy , as surfets , and the like ; but when they are beaten out , killed , or taken prisoners , which is to be purged , corrected , or purified , which makes the humours obedient , and peaceable . Chap. 168. Of the four natural Humours of the Body , and those that are inbred . AS there is natural Fire , Aire , Water , and Earth , that is made by an intire creation derived from their own proper principles . As likewise a metamorphosed Fire , Aire , Water , and Earth . So there are humours in Animal bodies , and in other bodies ; for all I can perceive , and though the bodies cannot be metamorphosed , yet the humours may . But in every Animal body there is natural Melancholy , Choler , Flegme , and blood ; the natural blood is the vital vapor ; the natural Flegme is the radical moisture ; the natural Choler is the radical heat , the natural Melancholly is the animal spirits , being the highest extract . And if we do but observe those that be naturally melancholly , have the soundest judgements , the clearest understanding , the subtilest observation , and curiousest inventions , the most conceptions , the 〈◊〉 fancies , and the readiest wits ; likewise the strongest passions , and most constant resolution . but humours which are inbred as flegme , choler , and Melancholy are made as Metamorphosed fire , aire , water , slime mud , and earth , as for example , the chylus is the matter that is metamorphosed . The dilating motions transform it from chylus to slime , from slime to water , from water to blood , from blood to vapor , from vapor to comfortable and lively heat , from comfortable and lively heat , to burning fevers and hectick fevers , and the like . Likewise the chylus by contracting motions , turns from chylus to slime . If they be cold contractions , it turns from slime to flegme , from flegme to heavy melancholly . If hot contractions , it turns from chylus to temperat choler ; from temperat choler to choler adust , from choler adust , to melancholly ; which from a slimy humour to a muddy humor , from a muddy humour , to an earthy dry humour . Some sort of hot contractions make it sharp , some salt , some bitter . Likewise , several sorts of salts , sharpnesse , and bitternesse , are wrought with mixt motions , cold contractions make the humour , glassy , and stony . Hot contractions make the humours tough , clammy glutenous and stony . Hot dilatings make the humour oylie , cold dilations watry . Likewise , mixt motions makes mixt humours , and mixt tempers inclining to each side , as the motions predominate . Chap. 169 The five natural Maladies of the body . EVery diseased figure is either pained , sick , dissy , numb , weak , or mad , sometimes they meet all in one figure , these are distinct senses one from another ; as for pain , although every several part of the body hath different sense , yet they agree in the general , as to be all pain . But sicknesse is quite different from pain , for it is another , sense ; for to have a pain in the stomach , is not to be sicke in the stomach ; neither is any part of the body , but the stomach is liable to this sense ; the head may ake , and the heart may ake , heel , or any part of the body ; but none but the stomach can be sick ; Indeed it is a different sense from pain . Thirdly , a swimming , or diseases in the head , are different from both the other , it is a third sort of sense , neither is any other part of the body subject to this disease , but the head not properly , yet faintnesse , or weaknesse is a disease , as it were tempered with the three former diseases , as to have pain , sick , and dissy , or swimming , to be mixt or compounded into one disease , but it is so mixt and compounded into all three , as neither is perfectly or distinctly felt ; so as it is no distinct sense this disease is generall to the whole body . The fift is madnesse , this sense is neither painful , nor sick , nor dissy , but light in the head , which is different from dissy or swimming ; but this disease infecteth with a distemper , the five outward senses . The last is a numbnesse , and deadnesse of particular parts ; and sometimes of the whole body ; but this disease is not onely a different sense , but an other nature , which is naturally unknown to the figure ; for the figure is not any wayes sensible thereof ; indeed it is of the nature of sowning ; for those that sown , the motions of the animal sense , and minde are quite altered for a time , but then the animal motions return , that is , rechanged to the proper motions again , so that those dead parts that cannot be restored to the sense of touch , are as it were in a continual sown , for though in a sown the exterior motion are proper to the sense of touch is changed , yet the interior motions proper to the consistence , of that figure are not changed ; for if the interior consistent motions were changed , it would turn to 〈◊〉 , so in dead palsies , if the interior consistent motions were changed , those parts would corrupt as do dead carcases . Numb palsies , ie different from dead palsies as fainting from sowning ; for fainting is in the next degree to a sown , so a numb palsie , is the next degree to dead palsies . Chap. 170. I will treat first of the motions that make sicknesse . THe motions that cause sicknes are different according as the sicknes is , or rather the sicknesse is according to the different motions ; for some motions are like the ebbing and flowing tides of the sea ; For the humor furdles , or folds upwards , as the flowing tide , which most commonly provokes to cast , as overflowing the mouth of the stomack , but when the humour folds backward , as the ebbing waters do , that provokes to the stool ; for as falling tides run from one place , they flows to another , so when the humour fals back from the mouth of the stomack , it overflows the belly , but if the humour neither overflows the belly , nor the mouth of the stomack , it runs into the nerves , like as the water runs through the earth , and as the water breaks forth by springs , so doth the Humor by several 〈◊〉 eumes . Again , some sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , are made by such kinde of motions as water boyling in a pot , over the fire , for as ebbing and flowing motions are running backward , and so forward , so boyling motions , are rising upward , and falling downward , there is as much difference in these motions , as betwixt vaughting and running ; but these rising motions cause vapours to the head , for the thin parts which rise highest , when their rising strength failes , fall not hastily down again , but gather to a more solid body , as vapor from the earth doht into clouds , these clouds cause the dimnesse and darknesse of the sight , obstructing the light that is brought by the optick nerves . Again , there are other sorts of sicknesse in the stomack , caused by such motions , as are like the rolling of a barrel , the humour turning about in the figure of a barrel , which figure , or the like , is somewhat bigger in the middle , then the two ends , this humour in the stomack is most commonly tough and thick , being more united , and somtimes one end of this humour is as set upward , and the other downward , and so turned as a barrel with the head upward , and sometimes moved as a barrel the longest way on the ground , these motions cause neither purging by vomits , nor stool , but thrust out into cold sweats ; for though these are not so strong dilating , or expulsing motions as ouer 〈◊〉 , which forceth to vomit , or to purge , yet it extenuates by thrusting weakly out into a faint sweat , then there are other sorts of sickness , which are caused by such motions , as if meat were turning about on a spit , for the center of the humor removes not out of the place , although the circumference turns about ; this is a constant sickness , and the stomach hath no ease , untill the humor is taken out of the stomach by some stronger motions ; as you would take a spit from the fire , or by 〈◊〉 motions , to hold the humor from turning : so there are millions of several motions , which makes several sicknesses in the stomach , for though the stomach can be but sick , yet the sickness is not always after one and the same manner . Chap. 171. Of the motions which cause pains . PAin is caused not onely by irregular motions , but cross motions , or rather , as I may say , jumbling motions ; that is , motion beats upon motion , or , as I may say , runs upon each other , thronging and justling each other ; and several sorts of pain in several parts of the body , are caused by different , cross , or beating motions , but if they be dilating motions , they beat upon one another , by shufling outward , like as foolish women do for place , tumbling upon each other to get foremost ; those painful motions turn to sores , and putrifie , because dilating motions make moisture , and being perturbed , make corruption , but if they be such contracting motions which cause pains , they turn those parts that are pained to be harder , then naturally those parts are , as the stone dry liver , or brain , or the like ; but if those pains be made of mixt motions , as some beat inward , and some outward , and so run cross , they are hard swelling that extends to the exterior parts , but will not break , as the King 's Evil , or Gouts that lie in the flesh , or Sciatica , and many the like ; for though the extenuating motions would burst out , yet the contracting motions keep in , and being both equally strong , neither get the better , for the time the pain is ; and if the pain be amongst the sinews , it is caused either by contracting motions or 〈◊〉 motions , but not mixt , but as it were divided ; for if it be extenuating motions , 〈◊〉 sinews are irregularly stretch'd too far ; if contracting or atracting motions , they irregularly draw , or pull , or gather the sinews strings too short ; if the paines be in the bones , they are onely cross motions , as if one should run one against the other , yet neither shuff backward nor push forwards , being equally strong ; if in the flesh they are intangled motions , which make it incline towards black , as to seem purple , or read , or black . And if the pain be in the skin , they are pricking motions , as if a needle should draw a thread in and out upon a cloath , or the like , but in every pained part there is some difference in the manner of motions , although not in the nature of the motions . Chap. 172. Of swiming or dissiness in the head . DIssiness and swimming in the head is made by several sorts of motions , of such vapor as is condensed into winde , if winde be condensed , if not , it is rarified vapor turned into winde ; and the agilness of the motions therein , causeth the force thereof , by an often repetition , giving no time for a repulse : but howsoever winde is made , either by rarification , or condensation , it is winde most commonly , which causeth that we call a swimming and dissiness in the head ; * for this condensed or rarified vapor , ( which you will ) when it is expulsed , flies violently about , carrying or driving whatsoever is bearable , loose or moveable along , or about with it , according to the strength thereof ; and if this winde be in those veins which incompass and run through the brain , it carries the bloud therein , with such an extraordinary and swift motion about the head , or brain , as it carries the senses , as it were , along with it , which makes the diseased think the brain turned round in the head , when it is onely the vapor , that wheels round therein , or about ; but the lasting strength wasting by the violent swiftness , brings but a short trouble to the diseased , and seldom or never causeth a ruine , unless there be some vein broken by the violence thereof ; but if it be a windy vapor , in the 〈◊〉 and larger parts of the head , it sometimes will gather like a ball , or like that we 〈◊〉 a spinning top , which spins about in the brain , whilest it hath strength , and when the strength fails , the spinning motion is done , and the vapor disperseth , so the dissiness ceaseth ; at other times those vapors will move like a whirlwinde , moving ascendingly , in lesser and lesser circles , until it brings a circle to a point in the shape of a pyramid ; and when the strength abates , or that it breaks it self against more solid matter , the vapor disperses and so expulses , but this sort of motions is so violent , as it causes the diseas'd to fall , but soon to recover , for what is supernaturally violent cannot last long . Chap. 173. Where the brain turns round , or not in the head . ALthough thin vapor may get betwixt the skull and the brain , and likewise slimy 〈◊〉 ; yet I imagine not that the brain is loose from the skull , so as to flap , flash , or to strike against the sides of the skull , when the head is moved , or to turn round , although it is a common phrase , to say , my brain turns round in my head , when they are dissie ; but imagine it is not in the brain that turnes round , but the vapor or the humor therein ; it is true , the brain turns round , when the whole body turns round , but so as it turns round with the head , as one part , not in the head as a part by it self ; and the reason that the dissiness is cured by turning the contrary way , is , that the sensitive motions therein are turned toward their moderate , naturall , and accustomed manner of moving ; for the violence of turning round , forces the sensitive motions , as the winde doth the air , or water , driving all one way , as before it , or rather like a scrue , or a wheel that windes up those motions , as thread upon a spindle , and so unwinds the contrary way . Chap. 174. Of the sound or noise in the head . WHen there is a thin vapor got into the head , as betwixt the skull and the brain , and runs about in Circular lines as a string about a wheele , it makes a humming noise , as a turning wheel doth , and the more by reason the head as well as the vaporous lines is spherical , and though the brain may stick close to the scull , yet not so close but a thin vapor may get betwixt ; but if the vapor be gathered into little hollow balls like cymbals , and runs about the head , it causeth a noise like those cymbals , as a tickling or gingling noise . But if the vapour in the head hath intermitting motions , the sound is like musical instruments , for the stops like notes , make the divisions according to the several motions in the head , is the sound made therein , although the ear is stopp'd without . Chap. 175. Of Weakness . SOwning is caused by the obstruction of the spirits , or too great evacuations , or when any thing suppresses , or laies siege to the heart , or head , they being the magazine of the life of the body , wherein the least disorder is like fire to gunpowder : Weakness is caused by a too much relaxing of the sinews , and small fibres of the body , which are like laths to an house , and flesh like the morter laid thereon . The bones like the strong timber rafters and beams therein , which when the morter is worn off , the laths are apt to loosen ; so when the body is lean , the flesh is wasted , the sinews are apt to slacken . Again , some are weak , by reason the sinews are boyl'd too tender , as too much towards a jelly , which the body will be after moist extenuating diseases , as after extraordinary sweatings , small pox , measels , or the like , or in hydropical diseases . Weakness is in a degree to death , as being towards a final or general expulsion of the figure . Chap. 176. Of numb and dead palsies . A Dead palsie is not onely made by mis-tempered matter , and disordered motions , but by unnatural motions , as improper to the nature of that kinde of figure , working , or mis-working most commonly upon the exterior parts , drawing up or shutting close those passages that should be open , working by contrary motions , from the nature of the figure , which causes insensibility , but as long as the vital parts be untouch'd , which are the stewards , and trustees , to the life of the body , which are to dispose , discharge , and direct , to take in and lay out , for the subsistance of the body ( as I may say ) as long as these are untouch'd , the life of the body may subsist , although the other particular parts be as we say dead , or lost to the natural use of the body . A numb palsie is of the same nature , but not of the same degree ; as for comparison , a dead palsie is , as if a door , for common and necessary passage , should be close shut and lock'd , or nail'd up ; and a numb palsie is as if the door or doors should be half open , and according as it is open , or shut , the numb palsie is more or less , but both dead ; and numb palsies are occasioned by some unnatural contractions , for if it were by some unnaturall expulsions , the parts infected would rot , and fall from the other parts , as 〈◊〉 , which certainly are caused by such kind of unnatural expulsions , as dead palsies are of unnatural contractions ; thus we finde by experience , that they are unnatural contractions , that cause dead palsies , because they do not rot . Wherefore in these diseases there must be applied opening medicines that work dilatively , and if they be caused from a cold contraction , then hot dilating medicines must be applied , but if they proceed from hot contractions , the cold dilating medicines must be applied ; but the difficulty and skill will be to finde whether they proceed from cold , or heat , although most commonly , all physicians do apply in these diseases , very hot and dry medicines , which are contracting , which medicines are quite contrary to the nature of the diseases , which makes them cure so few , but the surest way is to apply dilating medicines , whether hot or cold . Chap. 177. Of that we call a sleepy numbness . A Sleepy numbness is also caused by obstruction or stoppages ; as for example , if any over-burthensome weight lies upon the arm , or hand , or the like , it will become numb , which is vulgarly called sleepy ; the reason is , that pressing too hard upon those parts , we stop the pores , which by touch is received ; for if the pores be close shut , touch cannot enter , no more then if the eye be shut an outward object can enter , or stopping the ears , or nose , a sound , or scent can enter ; as we may finde by experience ; for if any part is bound too hard , it strait becomes numb , likewise a violent blow ; or when any part is tied too hard , that part becomes numb , the reason is , by striking or thrusting back the bloud ; for the bloud is like a running company , which when they are forcibly beaten back , on those companies that are thrusting forward , unite by contraction into so firm a body , that no particular part can stir ; which solid and thick body stops the pores of the 〈◊〉 , and the running motions in the veines ; but also as we give liberty by uniting , or unbinding , or by taking off waight , or by gently rubbing , to open the pores , and disperse the bloud , it is cured . Likewise the sleepy numbness may proceed from a superfluity of vapor , which flying to the pores for vent may stop the passage , by too great a concourse , being more vapor then sudden vent ; but any alteration of motion cures it , by dispersing the vapor , more thin and evenly . Chap. 178. Of the head feeling numb . WHen the skins which wrap up the brain , as the pia mater , and dia mater , are contracted by an inward cold , or an outward cold taken in at the nose , ears , mouth , or pores of the skin , they shrivel , or are drawn in as a handkerchief , or the like ; when we carry some bulk within it , and when those skins are drawn into a straiter compass , then the nature is , it presses upon the brain , as being too strait , wherein the brain cannot freely move . Besides , the veins and little small strings that run about the brain , being contracted with cold , the bloud in those veins cannot so freely run , and those strings being shrunk , make the brain feel as if it were so hard bound , as to be numb ; but this doth rather afright the life of the diseased , then destroy it ; for a little warmth by rubbing the head , or a hot cloth laid on the head , or some warm spoon-meat cures it . Also numbness may proceed from too much bloud in the veins , or too much matter in the nerves , for being too full causeth a stopping , for want of space or room to move naturally in ; but this numbness is not so easily cured , especially when the oppressions lie in the nerves , for opening a vein gives liberty to the bloud ; but I know not how one should so easily open a nerve , neither is the matter within so liquid , as suddenly to run out ; but this numbness is rather of the nature of a dead numbness , then a sleepy numbness . Chap. 179. The manner of motion , or disorder in madness . THe motions that make that extravagancy we call madness , is as a carver , or painter , ingraver , printer , or the like , should place the figures they work , the wrong end upwards ; or as if Mathematicians should draw a plat-form , and should make a square where a circle should be , or should put equall weights in uneven scales , or set false numbers , or make false measure ; or as a painter , printer , carver , or graver , should paint , print , carve , or grave , a Coaches head to a Lions body , or if a painter should draw feathers , on beasts , and hair on birds , or the like ; indeed a sensitive madness , is like dreams in sleep , onely the sensitive motions work in sleep as I have described before , on the inside of the sensitive doors ; and when awake on the outside ; and in sleep be wrought , without a pattern ; and awake by a pattern srom the reall figure , which they present ; and the differences in madness are , that they work be wrought , without the real subjects , on the outside of the sensitive door , as if awake , although there are no objects to take pattern from , as we may perceive by them that are distempered , that they see such objects that are not present , or such as never was , or can be ; and so the like for sounds , tasts , touch , and smelling , that is , the sensitive motions , paints , prints , carves , graves , or the like ; as on the outside of the optick nerve , without a reall pattern ; and when the sense works regular , they never draw on the outside without a pattern , but on the inside , as in sleep , and the like for all the other senses : But the motions of the rational madness are , when they move violently , and irregularly , if the motions be onely violent , then they fall into violent passions ; as anger , fear , malice , or loving , hating , grieving , dispraises , and resolute intentions ; if their motions be irregular , then they have strange conceptions , wild fancies , mixt memories , inconstant and various opinions ; if their motions be violent and irregular , they have strong and strange imaginations , high despaires , obstinate and dangerous resolutions ; if the sensitive and rational innate matter , sympathie in violent irregularity , then they will violently talke , laugh , sing , weep , and sigh , without reason why , or wherefore ; but mistake me not , for when I say , too violent , strong , swift , weak , slow , it is irregular , as to the temper or nature of the figure , but not as to its own nature ; as for example , a clock may go too swift as to the distance of the hour , and yet strike even every nick ; and the pulse may be too swift for the natural temper , and yet keep even time : a musician may play too fast for a solemn tune , and too slow for a light air , and yet play right to the notes ; as for the irregularity , some motions may be too swift , others too slow , for other assistant motions , as for example an army is to march in a body , and some should go , or ride half a day , or a dayes journey before the rest , and some should lag , and come slowly behinde , or that some should go one way , and some another , or as two should carry a burthen , and the hindemost should go too fast for the former , and so tumble or throw down , or as horses in a Coach , the one runs away , and forceth the other to follow , as for disorder , it is somewhat otherwise , as tumults and uproars , as some doing that which they ought not to do , or belong not to them , or instead of garding a house pull it down , or like those that will make a fire in the midst of the house on a woodden floor , and not in the Chimnie ; then there is a disorder in placing , and matching of parts , and alterations of motions , quite different , from the nature of the figure , for some sort of madnes is made by such different motions , as death from that which we vulgarly call life , that is , the motions , are as different , as several kindes of figures ; for in this kinde of madnesse , they no more know in their fits , or remember out of their fits , what they did , or said , or was done to them in their fits , then if they had been dead ; just as in a sound , they know not what was done to restore them , yet there is not a cessation of motions ; neither in the sensitive , nor in the rational , but an alteration of motion , 't is true , there is for a time a cessation of such sorts of motion , as belong to the natural health of the figure , but not to the life . Chap. 180. Of madnesse in the body and minde . THere are two sorts different in madnesse , the one is irregular motion , amongst the rational innated matter , the other amongst the sensitive innated matter , as misplacing , ill mixing , or mismixing , or mistempering , or distempering , false carving , wrong printing off , and on the dull part of matter , as in fevers , or the like diseases , where the distempered matter is misplaced , by which improper motions , alters the natural motions , which makes the natural temper , and causes , and unnatural temper by improper motions ; working upon every particular sense , irregularly , or rather improperly , and mixtly , which makes extravagancies both in each particular senses , and in the generality , this madnesse proceeds from the sensitive , and not from the rational innated matter ; for the rational part will be in order , and describe distinctly what extravagant the sense presents to them ; but this madnesse of the body is oft times mistaken , and thought to be the distemper of the minde , because the sick persons describe those extravagancies by relation , yet oftimes the one causeth the other , but not alwayes ; for many times the minde will be disordered when the body is sound , and healthful , and many times the body will be distempered , when the minde is regular and free ; but the madnesse of the body , onely continues to the height of the disease , and as the disease abates , the extravagancies vades , and by health vanishes away , or rather is rubbed , or worn out , by the Regular , and proper natural motions belonging to that figure , or body , but the madnesse in the minde proceeds from irregular motions , amongst the rational innated matter , as when they neither keep time , nor measure , not onely in making * figures , but in moving those figures , they make this distemper , or rather that disorder , is altogether in the moving matter , when the other distemper is in disordering the moved matter , for the sensitive innate matter may work regularly , according to the nature and strength , but not according to the temper , or degree of the dull matter , nor according to the nature , and property of the kinde , or sort of figure ; but when the sensitive , and the rational joyns in conjugal disorder the minde is ravening as we say , and the body weak . Chap. 181. Madnes is not alwayes about the head . MAdnesse belongs not onely to the head , as that onely the eye , ear , nose , and mouth , sees , hears , smels , and tasts extravagantly ; but every other part of the body that is sensible of touch ; for extravagant touch , is as much as extravavant sight , and the like ; for touch of the brest , or any other part of the body , is a sense , as much as the eye in the head ; thus the body , or senses will be mad as well as the minde , as I have described in former chapters . Likewise for the madnesse in the minde , it is not alwayes bound in the head ; for where there are extravagant passions in the heart , the minde is as mad , as when there are extravagant imaginations , in the head ; for the rational matter , that which we call the soul , or minde is as much , and hath as much recourse to the heart , as to the head , and so to the other parts of the body , for any thing I can perceive . But that matter I call the rational and sensitive spirits , * which others call the animal , and vital spirits ; perchance fools may think me extravagant for giving the matter other names ; but I was forced to take these names , because they were more significant to the sense of my discourse ; besides , perchance they may think , when I speak of rational and sensitive spirits , that they are hobgoblins , ghosts , or visions , such as nurses fright their children with , or superstitions , or as the wiser sort doth to make credulous fools beleeve to keep them in awe , knowing they are apt to disorders . Chap. 182. Musick may cure mad folks . THere is great reason why Musick should cure madnesse ; for this sort of madnesse is no other but the spirits that are in the brain and heart put out of their natural motion , and the spirits having a natural sympathy with Musick , may be composed into their right order ; but it must be such Musick , as the number of the notes must goe in such order as the natural motion of the brain , though every brain hath not one and the same motion , but are set like notes to several tunes : wherefore if it were possible , to set notes to the natural motion of the heart , or that brain that is distempered , it might be perfectly cured , but as some notes do compose the brain by a sympathy to the natural motion , so others do make a discord or antipathy , and discompose it , putting the natural motions out of tune . Thus much for the sensitive Maladies . Chap. 183. Of the fundamental diseases , first of fevours . THere are many several sorts or manners of fevors ; but I will onely treat of the fundamental fevours , which are three , from which three all other fevors are partly derived ; the first is a malignant fevor , the second the hective fevor ; and the third the ordinary burning fevours ; the first is catching , and often deadly , the second is never catching , but alwayes deadly ; the third is neither catching , and seldom deadly ; the first proceeds from violent disordered motions , and distempered matter , and humour . The second from swift motions , which distemper and make waste of the matter , which matter , I mean the substance of the body . The third is too violent motions on well tempered matter . And these three sorts of fevours are often mixt , as it were a part of all mixt into one ; but a high malignant fevor , is a sudden usurpation ; for the disordered motions joyned with a mistempered matter , which is corrupt humours , surprise the body , and destroy the life therein , as we shall see in great plagues , the body is well , sick , and dead in a moment ; these or the like diseases are caused after three manner of wayes , as being taken from outward infection , or bred by an evil habit in the body , or by taking some disagreeing matter therein , which causeth a war of sicknesse ; for upon the disorder which the disagreeing matter makes , the natural motions belonging to the body grow factious , and like a common rout arise in an uproar , which strives onely to do mischief , stopping some passages that should be kept open , and opening some passages that should be kept shut , hindring all regular motions , from working after that natural manner , forcing those they can over power , to turn rebels to the life of the body . For it is against the nature of the innated matter to be idle , wherefore it works rather irregularly then not work at all , but as long as a body lies sick , the power is divided , one part of the innated matter working irregularly , the other according to the natural constitution , which by the regularity , they strive to maintain the chief forts of life which are the vital parts , especially the heart , and disordered motions striving to take , or pull them down , making their strongest assaults thereon ; for the disordered innated matter makes out-works of corrupted matter , stopping as many passages as their power will give leave , so striving either to starve the vital parts , or to oppresse them with corruption , or to burn them by their unnatural heat they make in the body , or to drown them with watrish humor which is caused by the distemper of ill disgestions , and obstructions ; the regular innated matter , strives to break down those works , and to cast , and expel that filth out of the body , and according as each party gets the better , the body is better or worse , and according as the siege continues , the body is sick , and according as the victory is lost or won , is life or death . Chap. 185. Of the infections of animals , Vegetables , and elements . Such motions as corrupt animal bodies , corrupt vegetable bodies , and as corrupt and malignant air is infectious to animals , so likwise to vegetables , and as malignant diseases are catching and infectious , to those that comes neer them , so oftentimes vegetables are infectious to animals , as herbs and fruits , which cause some yeers such dangerous sicknesse and killing diseases to those that eat thereof ; likewise those bodies that are infected do infect sound , and nourishing food , when once it is eaten , causeth that which is good also malignant when once in the body . Chap. 186. Of burning fevros . ALL burning fevours for the most part , are produced from the vital spirits , as when they move irregularly , they corrupt the natural humours which cause a distemper of heat in the body moving towards expulsions , which are dilation ; and when they move with supernatural quicknesse after an extenuating maner , they inflame the body in either causes , emptying the body , and quenching the fire is to be put in execution , for the emptier the body is , the lesse humours there will be . Ltkewise lesse motion , as having lesse matter , for in matter motion lives , likewise the lesse cumbustible matter there is , the sooner the unnatural fire will be quenched , unlesse that the fire be in the arteries , then it is like a colepit set on fire , wherein there is no quenching it , unlesse you drown the coles , so when the unnatural heat is in the arteries , you must drown the life of the body , like the colein the pit before you can quench the fire ; but a 〈◊〉 may be eased , & somwhat prolonged with cooling brothes , and quenching julips , for though they cannot enter the arteries , yet they may keep the outward parts cold and moist , which may cast cold damps quite through the body , but in this case all evacuations are dangerous , for the more empty the body is of humour , the sooner the body is consumed , for the humours serve as oyl , and though they flame , yet they keep in the light of life ; in all other fevours evacuations of all sorts are good , for if it be some melancholy pitch humours that are set on fire in the body , or some oylie cholerick humours , it is but quenching it with cooling julips , without any hurt to the body , and if it be a brandy blood set on fire , it is but drawing it forth by broaching some veines , and the body will be saved from the destruction . Chap. 187. The remedies of Malignant Diseases . IN malignant diseases expelling medicines are best , which expelling medicines are not hot , and dry medicines , for all drugs that are naturally dry , have a contracting quality which is an utter enemy in this disease ; for they must be dilating medicines , and all dilating medicines have a fluid faculty working after the nature of a flowing tide , which is thrusting , or streaming outward , as to the circumference , and the operations of drying medicines , are like the ebbing tide that draws backward or inward , as to it self ; but as I said before , that all hot and dry medicines have a contracting quality , which contractions draw or gather up the malignity , as in a bundle or heap together , and if it be a fiery contraction , it sets it on a fire , which burns out the life of the body ; for fire makes no distinguishment of good or bad , but destroyes all it can in compasse , so as it will not onely burn up the superfluities , or corruptions , but suck or drink up the radical moisture , or charcoales , the vital parts , and consumes the animal life . Wherefore dilating medicines , must be applied in these diseases , but not strong expulsives medicine , by reason the malignity is so intermixt , or spread in the , body that striving with a strong force to cast forth the malignity they should cast forth the nourishing and consistent matter , for the malignity , and corrupt humours being more strong , having a greater party , can resist with more strength the force of expulsion then the nourishing , consistant part can being weak , so that the expulsions give strength to the malignity , or corrupt humours , by taking away the pure , and well tempered matter ; but leting blood in these diseases 〈◊〉 be excellent good , for bleeding is rather of the nature of sweating , then of purging ; besides , it will draw the malignity more from the vital parts into the veins , for the veins having a natural quality or faculty to draw , and to suck into them , will draw , and suck in that which doth most abound , so as it is but still letting blood as the malignity is drawn in , for it is better to let out the blood , then endanger the vital parts , by keeping it in , for if most of the blood should bee let out there will fresh blood increase in a short time , but if the vital parts be never so little corrupted , or putrified or wasted , we cannot heale or make up those parts again . Chap. 134. Diseases caused by conceit , or cured . AS for the Producing diseases by conceit , is thus ; the vital spirits which are the motions of life , have an absolute power over the body , as working every part thereof , and therein , so the animal spirits which are the motions of the mind create imaginations , and conceptions , and the animal spirits and the vital spirits being as man and wife , the animal as the husband , the vital spirits as the wife , whereupon the animal spirits many times beget that desease it figures which is an imagination , and the vital spirits brings that childe forth , being like the figure the animal spirits made , that is , the vital spirits oft times work such motions as makes such diseases , wherefore the animal spirits work those motions into imaginations ; and to prove it , those that conceit they shall have the small pox , measels , pleague , or the like , most commonly they fall sick of that disease , although they come not neer the infection ; and to prove the animal spirits which is the minde , works the same motions by an imagination as the disease is , that those which conceit a disease , do not fall sick of any other disease but the same they imagine , and the reason why these malignant diseases are produced oftner by imaginations then other diseases , is , that those diseases are dangerous , or that they are apt to deform which makes a fearful conception or imagination , to work more strongly ; for did the imiginations work as strong to other diseases as to these , they would produce the same effects ; As for those which are cured by conceit , is when the motion of the animal spirits works stronger then the vital spirits , which causeth the vital spirits to altar those motions that made such diseases ; but those effects are produced but seldom , by reason that the animal spirits seldom work so strong imaginations , for it requires a double , or treble strength to resist or alter the force another way , which must be to cure a disease after this manner , then to joyn and assist , as in the producing a disease ; for when the imagination produceth a disease , the vital spirits joyn with the animal , but when the disease is cured by imagination , the animal spirits takes the animals from their work ; but a great fright , or a sudden joy is a good remedy in some diseases , by reason those passionate motions are strong , and violent , yet they can cure onely loose diseases , not such diseases as are rooted , or fixt , for then the vital spirits are not to be altered by the animal . Chap. 188. Of the expelling malignity to the outward parts of the body . THe reason why malignant diseases , as the plague , or purples , or small pox , measels , or the like ; there break forth spots , swelling scabs , or whelks , is by the power of expelling motion ; But the reason why it sticks in the flesh , and not quite out , is , because the irregular motions that maintain the health and strength of the body , are opposed by disorderly motions , which makes corrupted matter , that makes disordered motions ; for though there can be no corrupted matter , but what is caused from disordered motion , yet when the humors of the body are once corrupted , the motions are more violent ; again , superabundant humors , cause disordered motions ; for as there is too much humor , obstructing the body therewith , so there is too much motion , to work regularly therein , and being against the natural constitution to have so much humor , and motion , it produceth violent sickness , working to the destruction , and not to the maintenance of the body ; but the regular motions , which are digestive motions , which unites , strengthens , and defends the vital parts , by atracting good 〈◊〉 , by retaining the useful parts ; by concocting it into a sollid substance , by expelling of superfluieties , or malignancy out of the body , after a methodical manner , and according as the strength of expelling motions are , so is the malignity , cast forth , for if the repelling motions be stronger then the expelling motion , the malignant presses so hard upon the vital parts , as it smothers the life therein , or burns up the materials thereof : Again , the expelling motions may be so weak , as they cannot thrust out the malignity so far as the circumference of the body which is the skin , or if so far , yet not to stay there so long , as to evapor it out , and then the malignity fals back with a greater violence ; for what is forced , and resisteth , when once it hath liberty , or gets power , it becomes more violent , by how much more it were forced ; but that malignity that doth evaporate forth , doth insensibly enter into the next body it meets ; entring through the nostrils , mouth , or pores of the flesh ; and thus many times , from animal to animal untill there is a general infection , which is a general disorder , for the malignity that enters in by infection , is like a foraign enemy , which enters into a peaceable country , which not onely disorders it , but makes havock and waste , and many times utterly destroyes it , but when a malignant disease is bred in the body , it is like a civil war , where uproars are raised , and outrages are done , by inbred corrupt humors ; but when malignant or other diseases are caused by surfeits , it is like a deluge of fire or water , that either drowns , or burns up the the kingdom of the body ; where sometimes it is saved by assistant * medicines , and sometimes it is so furious , as nothing can help it . Chap. 189. Of Sweating diseases . ALL sweating diseases are caused by such kinde of extenuating motions , as melt metal , and not by such kinde of extenuating motions as evaporate water , for the evaporations of the watery part of the body breath forth in insensible transpirations , as breathing through the pores like a thin air ; but sweat runs through the pores like liquid oar through gutters of earth : but sweats are good or bad for the body , according to the matter or humors that are melted out , as for example ; I will compare the humors of the body to several metals , as Iron , Lead , Tin , Copper , Silver and Gold ; Iron is melancholly dust ; Lead is cold , and dry or cold , and moist melancholly ; Tin is flegm ; Copper is choler ; Silver is the radical humor ; and God is the vital spirits : These humors must be proportionably tempered to make a healthful body ; there must not be too much quantity of Lead , Tin , or Copper , for the Silver or Gold , but unless there be some , they will not work ; like as coyn , it cannot be wrought , or formed without some allay , and if the allay be too much , it abases the coyn . Likewise there must be so much heat in the body onely as to compound those humors , not to melt them out by sweats unless they superabound ; and then Physicians must onely have a care to melt out that humor that superabounds ; for if the radical humor should be melted , or the vital spirits spent , it destroys the body by wasting the life . But in some cases sweating is very beneficial to the body , as in great colds , which have knit up the pores or passages of the body , or in great surfeits , or in malignant diseases , which help to expel the poysonous humor , or corrupted humors in the body , or melt the Icy humors congeal'd by cold ; but those sweats that are beneficial , and wholesome for the body , the body will be much stronger , and agiler , and the spirits quicker , and livelier , ; but those sweats that are pernicious to the body , the body will be faint and weak , after they have sweat ; but in these diseases , a physician must be very careful , when he puts a patient in a sweat , as to give such medicines as will work upon that humor , he would have sweat forth , but in sweating diseases , as when the body sweats too violently , like as in great and dangerous fluxes , which are not to be staied by ordinary means , for although in these diseases , there must be used contracting medicines , yet some sweats require hot contracting medicines , others cold contracting medicines , and those medicines that are applied , must be applied gently , and by degrees , lest by a sudden contraction they should stop the pores of the body too much , which are the doors to let out the smoak in the body , as well as the sweat of the body , or by too hasty contractions those passages should be shut , that should be kept open , or those to be kept opened that should be shut ; but physicians will guess by the patient , what humor they sweat forth ; for cold sweats are from melancholy , clammy sweats from thick flegm ; hot burning sweat from choler ; cold faint sweats proceed from the radical humor ; hot faint sweats from the vital spirits . Chap. 190. Of Surfeits . SUrfeits are superfluities ; as too much heat , or too much cold , or when there is taken into the body too great a quantity of meat , or drink , or the like . Likewise when the nature of the meat is disagreeing to the nature of the body ; where one scruple will be too much , as being ill , which will give a surfeit , for surfeits do not onely oppress by the superfluous quantities of matter , but disturb by the superfluous motions , the disagreeing matter causing more motion , then naturally belonges to a healthful body : Besides , like a company of rude and unruly strangers disturbs and hinders the irregular motions , altering the natural constitutions , and uniformity of the body ; and many times ruines the body , unless an assistant motion in medicinable matter is brought to help , to expel the superfluous , or that the natural expulsive motions in the body , are strong enough , to throw out that ill matter , either by vomit , or stoole , or other evacuation ; but many times the superfluities become so strong , not onely by their own ill nature , or great quantity , but by making a faction ; And so begetting a party amongst the natural motions , which makes such a general disorder , that though the natural digestive motion , and the natural expulsive motion joyn with the like assistant motions taken in medicines , yet the body shall be ruinated , and life cast out , by that matter , and these motions that are their enemies therein . Chap. 191. Of Consumptions . ALL Consumptions are caused by an unnatural expulsion , caused by mistempered matter , or mistempered matter caused by unnatural motions , such as work not to the subsistance or health of the body ; which after they have corrupted the matter , they turn to expulsions , throwing all out of the body ; but if they be onely exterior expulsions , they onely untile the house , that is , they do unflesh the body ; but if they be interiour expulsions , they do not onely unflesh the body , but rot some part in the body ; and if the unnatural expulsions be amongst the vital parts , which are the foundations of the life of the body , the whole fabrick of the body fals without redemption , and the materials go to the building of other figures . But if they are hot expulsions , caused from a thin , sharp , salt humor , there must be applied cold contracting medicines ; and if they be cold expulsions , there must be apylied hot contracting medicines . All cold expulsions are , when the parts are tender , weak and raw , and undigested ; and hot expulsions are , when the parts are burnt , or ulcerated ; for all hot expulsions work upon the parts of the body , as fire on wood when they are burning expulsions , or else like as fire doth on metal , melting them into a liquid substance ; and cold expulsions work upon the parts , as when cloudes beat down into showers of rain , or slakes of snow , breaking or extenuating those clouds into small parts , so that the dropsical humor that ariseth from hot consumptions , are onely liquid like melted metal ; and the dropsical humor that ariseth from cold consumptions , is as a watery floud : but as I said , in all consumptions the remedies must be contractive , or at least retentive ; because the nature of all consumptions are expulsive , but yet all or the most part of physicians , finding their patients to be lean and dry , give all dilative medicines , as if the parts were onely gathered into a less compass ; but the truth is , when so much of the natural bulk of the body is lessened , so much of the body is wasted : I will not say but these unnatural expulsions might proceed from unnatural contractions , like as when any thing is made so dry as it moulders into dust , but when it comes to that degree , it expulses ; so whensoever the body is in a consumption , the motions therein are expulsive : I do not mean by siege or vomit , although they will spit much , which is a kinde of vomiting , but they waste by insensible inspirations ; but all purging medicines are an enemy to this disease , unless they be very gentle ; for though purging medicines do not expulse , after the nature of consumptive expulsions , yet if they be strong , they may in some kinde assist the consumptive expulsions , neither is much leting blood good in these diseases ; yet a little refreshes , and tempers the body ; for in these diseases physitians must do as Chirurgions when they cure wounds , they first clense the sore or wounds , taking away the putrified matter gently with a probe , and then lay a healing plaister , so Physitians must gently purge and bleed the patient , and then give them strengthening , and nourishing remedies : again many Physitians have a rule , that when they perceive their patient to be exteriorly dry , that is , outwardly dry , they think them hot ; but it doth not follow that all drouth proceeds from heat ; for there are cold drouths as well as hot , so that a Physician must warily observe the patients drouth , whether it proceeds from cold or heat , or whether the drouth proceeds for want of a sufficient quantity of matter , for the body to feed upon , or that the matter , which properly should be porous and spungy , is contracted into an unnatural solidity , and though the interior nature of drought is made by contraction , yet the exterior motions may be expulsive ; as for example , if any thing is dryed to that degree as to fall into dust , although the interior be contracting , that caused it to be so dry , yet the exterior motions are expulsive , that causeth it to fall into parts ; but the drouth of consumptions doth proceed most commonly from a scarcity of nourishing matter that should feed each part of the body , for the principal and consistent parts being distempered , cannot disgest so much as will feed the hungry members therof ; but as I have said before , that all consumptions are wrought by expulsive motions , for what is contracted , is not consumed , nor doth consume untill it expulses , but those bodies that are lean or dry by contractions , are not in consumptions , for nothing is wasted , onely the dimensions , and extentions of the body are drawn into a lesser , compasse ; Thus , as I have said , Physitians , although they mistake not the diseases , yet they may easily mistake the manner of the diseases , for one and the same kinde of diseases may move after divers manners in several bodies , and in one and the same body . Chap. 192. Of dropsies . MOst dropsies are something of the nature of consumptions , as being in the way to consumptive expulsions , for they dilate after that manner , as the other expulses , especially if they are dropsies , which proceed from corrupt parts , and then they turn to consumptive expulsions , and the onely difference in most dropsies , and consumptions , is , that dropsies as long as that disease lasts , the motions in the body are most dilating , which is in a degree to expulsion , and when it comes to a consumption they are all expulsions , but as the motions differ , so the diseases differ , for there are several sorts of dilations , and several sorts of expulsions , nay some are different in the manner of working , as if they were of other kindes of motions , but some dropsies proceed from hot dilations , others from cold dilations , and some proceed from too many digestive motions , that is , when there are too many or too strong disgestive motions in the body ; for the natural temper of the body disgests so fast , as makes more nourishment , then the several parts can feed with temperance , which makes the reignes , and the rest of the sucking parts glutinous , or else those many disgesting motions work too curious , for by reason they cannot be idle , they work the nourishing matter too fine , or too thin , for proper uses ; as if flower should be so often bolted , that it could not work into a lump , or batch for bread ; or like as any thing should be wrought upon so much , as to become liquid , as into oyl or water . Other dropsies proceed from the weaknesse of disgestion , those motions being not strong , or sufficient to work all that is brought into the stomach ; whereupon that superfluous matter corrupts with distempered motions , and when it comes to be corrupted , it either dilates , or expulses , if it onely dilates , it turns to water , if expulsive , it casts forth , either by vomit or stool , or else lies to corrupt the principal parts in the body , which when they are joyned together , expulses life by their treacherous usurpation . Other dropsies are caused by too weak contracting motions , causing that to be tender that should be solid , or those parts loose that should be firm , as not contracting hard enough . As first contracting into Chylus , then into blood , then harder , for flesh , and harder for nerves and bones ; the contractions growing weaker and weaker , until they become of no strength , and then they turn to dilations or expulsions ; but pray mistake me not , for though one and the same innate matter may grow weaker , as to abate of such or such a kinde of motion , so increases stronger and stronger , according to the quantity , as to other motions . But as I said before , that innated matter in such diseased bodies , turns from contracting to dilating , turning by degrees from one to another , and then the dilations work more and more , extending more and more in such circular motions as produce water ; for when it comes to such a degree of extention , it is become from being solid to be lesse hard , from being lesse hard , to be soft , from soft to be liquid , from liquid fluid , and when it comes to such a degree of a fluid extention , it turns wet , and when it is soft , liquid , fluid , and wet it is turned to that we call water ; for oyl , though it be soft , liquid , and fluid , yet it is not absolute wet , it is rather moist then wet : for there is a difference between moist and wet , or glibby and wet , or glibby and moist , so that oyl is a glibby and moist body , rather then a soaking wet body ; but when this watry extenuation extenuates beyond the degree of water , they turn to vapour , which causeth the diseased to be puft or blown like a bladder , rather then swell'd out , as we shall perceive that a little time before the patients fall into a consumption , they will be so puft out , as their flesh wil be like a fire-bal , the next degree they fall into a fiery extenuation ; For when the humour extenuates beyond vapor , which is a kinde of an aire , then it becomes hot like fire , which is a hective fevour , and when the humour hath extenuated to the farthest degree , it expulses , and so pulls down and throws out the life of the diseased ; but in the hidropical diseases , there must first be applied attractive medicines to draw out the watry overflows , by issues , cupping-glasses , or the like , then there must be applyed expulsive medicines as purgings , and bleeding , and sweatings , yet they must be gently applyed , for fear of weakning the body by drawing out the humour too suddenly , then there must be applied contracting medicines to draw into an united substance , as to gather or draw up those parts that have been made loose , porous , and spungie with the disease , then there must be applied retentive medicines , to confirm and settle them , after their natural manner , or form , then last there must be applied disgestive medicines to restore what is wasted ; but if any of the principal parts be impaired , wasted or expulsed : they neither can be restored nor mended , but by a new creation , which uncreating braines perhaps conceive not ; but I must intreat my readers to observe , that some sorts of motions begin a disease , that is , they lay the foundations thereof ; and other sorts of motions work upon those foundations . Chap. 193. Of apoplexies . SOme sorts of apoplexies are caused by an inbred superfluous water , in the brain , which being congealed by a cold contraction , falling to the knitting part of the head , which is the hinder part , it stupifies the senses , stopping the natural motions as a flowing river , that is turned into ice ; but those sorts of apoplexies are curable , if assistance be taken in time , which is by hot dilating medicines , not onely to stretch out the icy contraction , but to expell that cold watry humour by a rarification , but if the apoplexie be caused by an inbred slime , as flegme , which is of a thicker nature then water , and is become crusted or peterated by hot contractions , it is seldom or never cured , no more then brick which is once baked by the sun , or in a fire , can be made to such clay as it was before it was burnt ; But mistake me not , for I do not mean the humour is as hard as stone , or brick in the head , but so hard , as to the nature of the brain , that is , the flegme is grown so dry and tough , as not to be dissolved , so soon as the nature of the brain requires it , for though flegme will be contracted into stone , as in the bladder , and kidnies , yet not in the brain , by reason the nature of the brain is so tender , and so sensible , as it cannot indure so solid a substance therein , nor suffer so long a time as the humour will be penetrating to stop the passages to the brain , not but those kinde of motions that produce stone , may be so strong and so swift as to turn matter into stone immediately ; but I do beleeve not in the animal bodies , for they are too weak figures for so strong motions to work in ; but as I said these hot or cold contractions , for both sorts of contractions produce stone , so both sorts of contractions make tough , clammy , crusted , hard flegme , which is some degree towards stone , flegme if it stop the passages to the brain , it causeth an apoplexie ; but the 〈◊〉 why the watry contractions are more apt for cure , is , because the nature of water is fluid , and is easily dissolved by dilations , having interior nature to extenuations ; but slime , and flegme are more solid , and so not so flexible , to be wrought upon , as suddenly to change shape , or nature , in being dissolved or transformed . The third cause is a fulnesse of blood , or a thicknesse of blood ; for when the veins are too full , there is not vacuity enough for the blood to run , so stops the motion thereof , or if the blood is too thick , or clammy , it becoms lesse fluid , and the more solid it is , the slower the motion is , and though the blood may have too quick a motion by reason of heat , so it may have too slow a motion by reason of thicknesse , and if the veines are filled too full of hot blood , wherein are many spirits , it endangers the breaking some of the veines , like as when strong liquor is put into a barrel , if it be filled too ful the strength of the spirits striving for liberty , break the barrel ; the like will the blood in the veins , and if a vein chance to break in the head , it overflows the brain and drowns the life therein . The last is grosse vapor which may ascend from the bowels , or stomack , which causeth so great a smoak , as it suffocates , or choaks the brain , smothering out the life of the body . All apoplexies are somewhat of the nature of dead palsies . Chap. 194. Of Epilepses , which is called falling-sicknesse . THis disease is caused by a water in the brain , which water is most commonly green , like sea water , and hath an ebbing and flowing motion , like the tides thereof , and when the water is at full tide , on the forepart of the head , it takes the diseased after the manner of panting , and short breathing , beating themselves , and foaming at the mouth , neither can they hear , see , smell , nor speak ; the reason is , that the flowing motion driving the watry humour so far out , as it extends the pia mater , and dia mater of the brain , farther then the natural extention ; which extention swelling out towards the outward part of the head , hinders all recourse , stopping those passages which should receive the objects , through the exterior senses ; and the froth or slimy humor , which is betwixt the skin , where the brain lies ; and the skull being pressed out , fals through the throat into the mouth , and there works forth like yeast , which is called foaming ; but though the motions of the head are thus altered for a time , so as there is neither sense nor rational knowledg , yet the body may be after the natural course , and not any wayes altered ; but the body feeling life opprest in the head , the several parts or members in the body , strive and struggle with what power and strength they have to release it : Like as a loyal people that would defend or release their natural and true born King , from being prisoner to a foraign enemy ; but when this water flows to the hinder part of the head , the pia mater , and dia mater , extending out that way , stops all the nerves in the nodel of the head , by which stopping , it stops the exterior motions of the whole body , by reason that place is the knitting place of those moving strings ; and when the water is flow'd , as I said , to this part , the diseased lies as in a swoon , as if they were quite dead , having no visible motion , but as soon as the water begins to fall back , they begin to recover out of the fits ; but as often as the water in the head is at full tides , either of the fore part of the head , or the hinder part , the diseased fals into a fit , which is sometimes oftner then other , for it keeps no constant course , time , nor measure ; and according as the pia mater and dia mater extends , the 〈◊〉 are stonger or weaker . Likewise such green water with such motions about the heart , may produce the same disease , for oft times this green water , or green thin humor ascends or runs from several parts of the body , into the cesterns of the head and the heart ; and this kinde of water or humor , if it be in the nerves , causeth dangerous convulsions , by reason of the sharpness that shrivels up the nerves ; and when it is in the bloud causes the veins to contract , through the same reason , if in the stomach , it causes vomiting , or great fluxes , by subdividing the humors ; and the sharpness , prickling or tickling the stomach , provokes a straining , as tickling in the nose doth sneezing ; so the stomach , either to strain upwards or downwards . Chap. 195. Of Shaking Palsies . SHaking palsies proceed from a supernatural extenuation in the nerves , which by the extenuating becomes more porous and hollow , and becomes like a perpetual earthquake , having a flatuous or windy humor in the bowels thereof , and cannot finde passage out , if it proceeds from a hot extention , there must be applied cold condensing medicines ; If by a cold extention there must be applied hot condensing remedies . Chap. 196. Of Convulsions , and Cramps . COnvulsions proceed from contrary contracting motions , quite from the natural motions of the body , as winding up the sinews , nerves , or veins ; but especially those sinews , which joyn , and impair the muscles together , drawing not onely contrary , but contracting several wayes , and after divers manners ; for some time the nerves are as if we should tie strings in bowt-knots , others as if we should winde 〈◊〉 Lute strings on pegs ; and some are twisted like whip-cord , and many the like wayes , which would be too long to recount , but these contractions proceed either from a winde got into the nerves , or veines , which troubles them as the winde-cholick doth the guts , or a sharp humor that shrivels them together , or as salt watery humor , mixt with winde , which strugling and striving together turns windes , folds , or roles up the nerves , like the waves of the Sea , or a cold icy humor , which draws and gathers in the nerves , as frost will do , all spungie bodies , or some thick clammy humor which stops some passages , which causeth the natural motions to turn irregular , but if the humor be onely in the veins , it is cured by letting bloud , if the bloud be corrupted , sharp or salt , or if the bloud be cold , windy , or watry , hot liquid medicines cure it , or cordial water , or the like ; and if it be a cold humor in the nerves , hot oyls , and extraordinary hot medicines cures it , as the spirit of Caster , oyl of Amber , and the like ; but if it proceed from a salt , sharp , watery humor , or a thick clammy humor in the nerves , it is seldom or never cured , because it is not easily got out , neither can medicines so suddenly get into the nerves , as into the veins ; for though the cold in the nerves may be easily cured , by melting , and dissolving by the comfortable warmth , or violent heats from the hot cordial medicines , which spread about the body , as a great fire in a chimney , which spreads about and heats all the room , if the fire in the chimney be answerable to the bigness , or largeness of the room it is in , and the lesser the room is , and the bigger the fire is , the hotter it is ; wherefore it is to be considered , that those that are at full growth , or are larger of body , if thus , the diseased ought to have a greater proportion , or a larger quantity of those medicines , then a childe , or those that are but little of stature , for though those that are of little stature may be more stronger then those that are of a far bigger bulk , yet in the cause of diffusing or dilating medicines , the circumference of the body must be considered , as well as the strength of the medicines ; and if the convulsion be in the stomach , caused by the aforesaid humor ; purging medicines or cordials may cure it , unless the stomach is gathered , shrivell'd , or shrunk up by an unnatural contracting heat , like as leather that is put into the fire , which when so , the stomach can no more be cured then leather to be made smooth , which is shrunk up in a purse , by fire ; after the like manner as corvulsions or cramps , but cramps most commonly are only contractions of the smal veins , 〈◊〉 tie or twist them up , & many times so hard as they break ; for those that have been much troubled with the cramp , wil have all the skin , where the cramp hath taken them all stretch'd with broken veins ; I mean the small hair veins , but rubbing the part grieved with a warm cloath , will untie and untwist them again , by dissolving the cold , or dispersing the 〈◊〉 , or rarifying the bloud therein , this we 〈◊〉 by experience ; wherefore I should think that in convulsion fits , that are 〈◊〉 by the like , that if the diseased should be rubbed with hot cloaths , outwardly applied , as well as hot medicines inwardly taken , it may do the patient much good . But I must remember my Readers , that in Convulsions , the strength of the medicines inwardly taken , must be according to the strength of the fits ; for if they be strong fits , weak medicines do no good ; for more strength goeth to untie a hard knot , then a loose knot , or to untwist a hard string , then a loose string ; besides , it is hard to know after what manner the knot is tied or twisted , and many indeed are so ignorant of medicines , as the manner of the disease , to apply such as shall hap of the right end , as those which are cured by chance , and chance hits so seldom right , as not one of an hundred escapes of these kinde of diseases , if the disease is any wayes violent , for then the motions tie so fast , and so strong , as they break the life of that figure asunder . There be natural contractions , and unnatural contractions ; that is , proper or improper to the health of the figure . Chap. 197. Of Collicks . ALL Collicks are towards the nature of Convulsions , or at at least Cramps . Some Collicks proceed from raw undigested humors . Some from sharp melancolly humors . Others from cold flegmatick humors Others from hot cholerick humors . Others from putrified humors . Some Collicks are in the stomach ; others are in the bowels , as the guts ; some in the sides , and sometimes in the veins ; but those Collicks are Cramps ; but the cause of all Collicks are by extenuating motions , though the effects are oft times contracting , but if the cause be contracting , it is a Cramp , not a Collick , for a Collick is properly winde , produced from the aforesaid humors ; that is , when those humors extenuate farther then a watry extenuation , which turns into vapor or winde , which vaporous winde , or windy vapor , striving to get vent , being stopped by grosser vapor , or thicker humor , runs about in cross motions , which cause pain ; for the extenuating motions thrusting outward and the resisting motions thrusting backward , run cross , or beat on each other , which causeth pain ; and as long as the strife lasts , the body hath no ease , until some assistance in medicines be given , or that it can over-master the resistent motions ; but when once it hath liberty , it flies out in expulsive motions , at all vents ; but if the extenuating humors are broke , or dissolved in the body , by the well tempered motion therein , or expulsing of its self , it evaporates through the pores of the body in insensible transpirations ; but if the extenuating can finde no way to be expulsed , it gathers inward in small , and smaller rings , like a scrue drawing in the guts or stomach , therein stopping the passages thereof , whereby the body can neither receive nourishment , nor send out excrement , with which the body is brought to an utter destruction ; but these kinds of windes causing this distember , this distemper is oft times produced from sharp , hot , cholerick humors ; which sharpness hath a natural contracting quality which is rather of the nature of a cramp , or a convulsion , then the nature of a collick ; howsoever expulsive medicines are good in these cases of diseases . Convulsions are collicks in the nerves , and cramps collicks in the veins ; and as the collick in the stomach or guts proceeds sometimes from winde , and sometimes from crude bilious sharp humors , so doth this . Chap. 198. Of the diseases in the head , and vapors to the head . DIseases and swimming , which are diseases , belonging onely to the head , differ as the motions and mixture , and forms of matter differ ; for no disease , although of one and the same sort , is just alike ; but although these diseases belongs onely to the head , yet the motions and humors of the stomach have greater affinity to the head , and many times cause the diseases therein , by the course and recourse thereto and therefrom ; for some humors falling from the head into the stomach , do so disaffect that part , as it returns more malignity up again , and sometimes the stomach begins the war , sending up such an army of ill vapors , as many times they do not onely disorder the head , but totally ruinate it ; but most commonly the vapors which ascend to the head , are gathered by contracting motions , into clouds , as vapor is which ariseth from the earth , and as long as the vapor is in a cloudy body , it makes that part feel heavy , and the senses dull by obstructions , for it stops the nose , dims the sight , fills the ears , blunts the taste , and numbs the touch ; especially if the obstruction be caused from a cold contraction , which congeals the vapor to an icy substance , but when it is expulsed , by a hot dilation , it falls down like hail or flakes of snow , by which , I mean , cold glassie flegme , which cold flegme doth most commonly as snow doth which covers the face of the earth ; so this flegme covers , as it were stops the mouth of the stomack , and deads the appetite thereof ; but the danger is in these cold contractions , that 〈◊〉 they should last too long , they may cause numb palsies ; or the like , and if contracted , so as one may say christalined it may cause an incurable dead palsie , but if it be disperst by a hot expulsion , it is dissolved in thundring coughs , or falls like pouring shoures of * rain , running through the spouts of the noise , eyes , and mouth , and through the pores of the skin , and sometimes falls into the cabberns or bowels of the body , as the stomack , and the intrals ; but if some of the floud-gats chance to be stopped by obstructions , these shoures may chance to overflow the body , and make an utter destruction , otherwise it onely washes and clenses these parts ; but if vapor be gathered by a hot contraction , they become sharp and salt , as being of a burning quality , and if they be disperst by a hot expulsion , they fall down like a misling rain , which hath a soaking and penetrating faculty , cutting and piercing those parts they fall on by insensible degrees , which rots the vital parts , not onely by the sharpnesse which ulcerates , but by a continuated unnatural weaknesse , which if once the parts begin to decay , which is the foundation , the building must needs fall . Chap. 199. Of catching cold . ONe is apter to catch cold standing against a crevis , or door , or window , then in a wide plain . For narrow passages receive air , as pipes do water , though there comes in lesse quantity , it passes with a greater force . The like cause makes us catch cold after great heats , by reason the pores of the body are extended there-with , and are like so many windows set open , which receive air with too great a force . Chap. 200. Of the several motions in an animal body . VVHen a body is in perfect health , the motions therin do not onely work regularly , and proportionably placing every part of matter rightly , and properly mixing , and tempering the matter as it should be , or as I may say , fittly ; that is , when the quantity of matter , or humour is proportionably , and the motion moves equally , for though every kinde or sort of motion may move evenly , and keep just time , yet not equally or harmoniously ; as for example , say there were a company of musicians , and every one played skilfuly , justly , tunable , timely , on the same notes ; yet may there be too many trebles for the tenor , and bases , or too many tenors for the trebles and bases , and too many bases for the tenors and trebles to make a harmony ; So in the body there may be too much of one , or more kinde of motions for other kindes to make a harmony of health , as for proof ; too many contracting motions , make the body too dry , and contract diseases ; as for example , instead of binding any thing , we should break it by pulling or drawing too hard together , or instead of joyning of parts , we should knock them so close as to rivet , or split them ; or instead of gathering such a quantity of matter , or joyning such a number of parts , we should gather twice or thrice the quantity ; or numbers of the like examples might be given ; for all other kinde of motions , as dilating or expulsive , instead of throwing out the 〈◊〉 , or rubbish in a house , we should pull down the house , and disperse the materials therein , digging up the foundation thereof . Likewise too many dilating , or expulsive motions , may disperse , or divide parts , or unsettle , or unground parts : which disunites weaknes , and dissolves parts or bodies . Wherefore all contracting , attracting , retentive , disgestive , dilating , expulsive motions in a well tempered body , must move like the several Planets , every sort in their proper sphears , keeping their times , motions , tempers , and degrees ; but too many or too strong contracting motions , cause the gout , stone , plurisie , hective fevers , numb and dead palsies , dry-liver , brain , and many the like ; and too many dilating motions , cause dropsies , winde-colicks , rhumes , shaking palsies , sweats , or fainting sicknes , & milions , the like , and too many , or too strong expulsive motions , cause fluxes , vomiting , bleeding , and the like , and too many , or too strong digestive motions , cause too much blood , fat , and flesh , which is apt to choak the vital parts , or may nourish some particular parts , so much as may make them grow , and swell out so bigg , as they may be disproportionable , for the rest of the parts in the body . But still I must remember my readers ; that all dilating motions , are in the way of expulsion ; and all attractions in the way of contraction , and digestion , are mixt motions taking part from either side , then I must remember my readers , that there are infinite wayes or manners of contractions , and infinite wayes , or manners of wayes of attraction , and so of retentions , dilations , expulsions , and disgestions , where every change makes a several effect . Chap. 201. Of the several tempers of the body . A Healthful temper of the body , is an equal temper of the body , and mixture of 〈◊〉 , well set parts , and justly tuned motions , whereby life dances the true measure of health , making several figures , and changes with the feet of times ; and a sick distempered body is , when the humours of body are superabundant , or unequally tempered , and the motion perturbed ; and irregular , keeping neither time nor measure , but all diseases proceed from too much cold , or too much heat , or too much drought , or too much moisture , or too much humor , or too much motion , or mistempered humor , or unequal motion , or too swift motion , or too slow motion ; all contracting motions make the body dry , al dilating motions make the bodie moist , some sorts of contracting motions make the body hot and dry , other sorts of contracting motions make the bodie cold and dry ; some sorts of dilating motions make the body hot and moist ; other sorts of dilating motions make the body cold and moist ; all slow or quick motions cause the humours of the body to be heavy , thick , and clammy , all swift motions cause the humors of the body to be thin , sharp , and salt , all crosse-justling , or beating motions , causeth pain ; and according to such and such irregularities , are such , or such sorts , or , kinde , or sorts , or degrees of diseases , are produced there-from . Chap. 202. The nature of purging medicines . MOst purging drugs are of the nature of hot burning fire ; for the inherent motions therein work according to the humour , or matter it meets with , some humor they melt , making it thin and fluid , although it be hard , tough or clammy , and as fire doth oare which is unmelted metal , makes it so fluid , as it will run through a gutter of earth like water ; so do some drugs make some sorts of humour through the body , either upward or downward . Again , some drugs will work upon some humours , as fire upon wood , dividing the humour into small parts , as ashes from wood , which naturally falls downward . And some they will dissolve by mouldring , and crumbling , as fire doth stone , which runs forth like sand , which is stone indeed bred in the body . Some drugs rarifie the humors into wind , as fire will rarifie , and evaporate water , which is set boyling theron . Other drugs will at fire that distils out the moist , and watry substance , from that which is more grosse ; but it is to be observed , that all purging drugs that work by vomit , are somewhat of the nature of that kinde of fire we call sulphur ; or oyl that is melted , or fluid sulphur , when these sorts of drugs are set on fire , as I may say , by the natural or distempered heat in the body , it flies out ascendingly , like AEtna ; for it is of the nature of sulphur to ascend as flame doth ; and certainly al bodies have such motions naturally inherent in them , as make and produce such effects as fire doth on several sorts of humours , by which motions the body hath a natural cleansing faculty , which makes the natural purging quality : but when the motions are so violent , they oftentimes destroy the body with burning fevers , or violent fluxes , or the like ; for the fire in the body , is like a fire in a chimnie , for when the chimny is clean , and the fire proportionable to lie therein , it warms and comforts all about , and is useful for many imployments for the necessaries of life ; but if the chimny be foul , or the fire too big , or too much for the chimny , it sets all in a flame , consuming whatsoever it incompasses , if it be not quenched out with cooling julips , as with water , or by casting on rubbish , or grosse materials to smother it out , as in great fluxes , they will not onely give restringent medicines , as having a natural restringent faculty , but thick meats , as thicked milk , or the like ; but when the body is restringent , or hath taken restringent medicines , it is produced by drying motions , as contracting , or retentive motion , if they be hot , retentive , or contracting motions , they they harden and confirm the humours , as the heat of the sun , or the heat of the fire doth clay , which turns it to brick or tile , or those things we call earthen pots , and according as the humour is grosse or fine , the more britle or hard , or thick or heavie , or thinne or light ; It is for some humor as Proselnye , or Chyney , others as the grosser earthen vessels ; Again , some sorts of contracting , or retentive motions draw the humour , as when bacon , neats tongues , or the like , are dryed in a chimney , or oven , or the like ; other sorts of hot contractions draw the humour , as the sun doth the earth , drying up the watry spring therein ; but if the restringencies either of the body , or of the medicines be caused by cold retentive or contracting motions , it dries the humors , as cold frost dries the earth , or bindes up the humors , as frost binds up the waters in icy fetters , or thickens the humors , as cold thickens the water , or vapor drawn from the earth into clouds of snow . But I am to advertise my readers , that all expulsive motions are not fiery expulsions ; for there are infinite several wayes of expulsive motions , and dilations . Secondly these fiery motions do not alwayes work expulsively , but contractively , attractively , and retentively , and disgestively . Thirdly , all expulsive , dilative , disgestive , contractive , attractive , retentive motions are not fiery , but there is such a kinde , or sort of contractions , attractions , retentions disgestions , dilations , and expulsions , as belong to fire or heat , or as I may better say , produces heat or fire , and as I said there are infinite several wayes of each kinde of motion ; as for example , I will treat of one of them : a bee gather wax , a bird gather straws , and a man gathers sticks ; the bees gather and carie the wax to the hive to make a comb , to lay , or hold and keep the honey ; the bird gathers and carries the straw to build a nest to hatch her young ones in ; the man gathers wood to mend his house , these all gather to one end , but yet several wayes ; for the bees gather the wax , and carie it on their thighs , the bird gathers the straw , and carries it with their bill , the man gathers with his hands , but carries it several wayes , as on his head , or on his shoulders , or at his back , or in his armes , and milions of the like examples may be given upon each kinde or sort of motion , or moved matter . Again , I must advertise my readers , that though I say there are fiery motions in drugs , and natural fiery motions in every animal creature , and so in many other figures ; yet I mean not a bright shining fire , although some are of opinion , that in the heart is a thin flame , and when that is put out , or goeth out , the creature dies ; but I mean not such a fire , for to my apprehension there are three sorts of fire to our perceivance , although there may be numberlesse sorts , yet all of one kinde : as for example , there are those creatures we call animals , though some are beasts , birds , fish , and men , but not onely so , for some are of one sort , and some of another ; for a lennit is not a parot , nor a parot an owl ; nor a horse a cow , nor a sheep a dog , nor a whale a herring , nor a herring a plaise , nor a plaise a lobster ; nor a black-more is not a tauny-more , nor a Europian an Ethiopian , yet all are of animal kinde ; so although there may be several sorts of fire , and so of the other elements , yet all are of the fiery kinde , or likewise the fiery motions make several figures , and several figures have several fiery motions , for every sort of animals have a several shape , and several motions belonging to that shape ; so in fiery figures , and fiery motions ; but as I said before ; there are three sorts of fire . The first is a bright-shining hot-burning fire , that is , when the interior , and exterior temperament of matter , and the interior and exterior figure , and the interior and exterior motions be all as one . The second is a hot-burning fire , but not a bright shining fire , such as Aqua-fortis , vitrals , and such sorts of the same nature which will burn as fire doth , but not thin as the other fire doth ; for though they are both of an interior nature , yet not of an exterior , for the bright-shining fire is all composed of sharp points , as I may say , lines of points , but this vitral fire is as sharp edged lines , like a rasor , or knife , or the like , neither is there external motions alike ; for bright-shining fire mounts upwards , when it is not supprest , or in a straight paralel line , for flame which is the liquid part of bright-shining fire , although it moves in several lines , as it ascends , yet the lines they ascend in are a straight diameter line , but this vitral fire descends as it were downward , or divides as streames of water do , that digs it self a passage through the earth , so this vitral cuts a passage , through what it works on , neither can this sort of fire work so variously , as bright-shining fire can , by reason it hath not so many parts , for points will fall into more parts , and are more swift in motion , then the edged line ; as for example , dust which is numerous little parts heapt together , will be more agile upon the least motion , although it be of a weighty nature , as of the nature of a stone . The smal haires which be of a light , and weightlesse nature , but being not divided into so many parts , cannot move so nimble , as being united lines , but if you cut the hair into smal parts , it shall move with more restlesse motion , then the sand , by so much the more as the substance is lighter . The third sort of fire is that which I call a cold dull fire , such as brimstone , or sulphur , mercury , salt , oyl , or the like , this sort in the interior nature is of the nature of bright-shining fire , both in the motions , and temperaments of matter , but not in the exterior , for it is composed of points , but those points are turned inward , as toward the Center : but assoon as it touches the bright-shining fire , it straight turns the points outward : for those points soon catch hold of those straight circumferent lines , and break them in sunder , which as soon as they are broke , the points are at liberty , and taking their freedom , they mount in a flame ; but when those lines are not dissolved by fire , but crack , as we will snap a string asunder , then they onely sparkle fire out , but not flame out ; but mercury , or quick-silver , the interior is fire , but the exterior is water , for the exterior moves extenuating circles as water doth , and so much as to make it soft , and fluid , but not so much as to make it wet ; for though it alwayes gathers into sphiratical figures , which shews that the exterior would run into wet , but that the interior hinder it , by drawing the circles inward , as cold doth water into hail-stones , but yet the interior wants the force to make it so hard and firm ; but as I did advertise my Readers before , that all sorts of fire work according to the matter it meets with , yet none work so variously , as the bright-shining fire ; which makes me think that drugs are more of the nature of bright-shining fire , then of the two other sorts , because they work in the body according to the humour it meets with , for if it meets wit watrish humors , it boyls it as water in a pot , which either boiles over the mouth of the stomack , or evaporates out in sweat , like dewes , or draws downward , like as in showers ofrain , it melts humors like metal , or turns humors like wood into ashes , or calcines the humor , where some part is fixed , other parts are volable ; As for example , Rubarb hath a double faculty , some humors it expels out , others it bindes up ; for Rubarb is both purging , and restringent , as it is to be observed in great fluxes ; for what it doth not cast forth it confirms to a more solid substance , so as it doth expulse and contract at one time , as I may say , according as it findes the humour it works with ; Again , some drugs move several expulsive wayes , as by vomit and stool , where the vomiting is produced with ascending expulsions , siege with descending expulsions , but that expulses descending are of the nature of vitral fire , all that expulses ascendingly , is of the nature of sulphurous fire ; but the generality of drugs works like bright-shining fire , according to the nature of the matter , it meets with , as I have sormerly described . Chap. 103. The motion of Medicines . AS I have said in my former chapter , that all medicinal drugs , or simples , especially those that purge , are of the nature of fire ; for the motions therein most commonly work apart according to the humor it meets with , as fire doth , which in general is to move so and so * ; yet the natural motions in drugs , and likewise in fire are expulsive , and all that is expulsive , is by antipathetical nature striving to destroy by uniting parts , and all contractive motions are by a sympathetical nature , striving to unite , by imbracing , or drawing parts together , yet the nature of the body they work in the contracting motions , may be antipathetical , and expulsive motions may be sympathetical , the one in expelling the superfluous and corrupted humors , the other in contracting them into a disease , but most diseases are cured by contrary motions ; for if they be diseases of expulsions , they must be cured by contracting , or retentive medicines ; if they be diseases of contractions , they must be cured by expulsive medicines , or else dilating or attracting ; for though the motions of attraction be agreeable , or of the nature of contraction , as to its self , as I may say , that is , to draw or carry , all to a center , as it were , but the onely difference is , that attraction make it self the center , drawing all things to it ; but contractions make the matter they work on , part of the center with them , but all attractions are insinuating motions , inviting , or drawing all towards it self , or like a man that should draw a dish of meat , or as if one should suck the brests or udder , but contracting motions are rather to binde , or knit up parts together , but if the diseases proceed from disuniting motions , then retentive medicines must be applied , which is to firm , hold , or settle parts that are loose , unsteddy ; but if the diseases proceed out of disorder and irregularity , they must be cured by digestive medicines , which is to put every part in order , and in its proper place ; like wise States-men that are neither partial or malicious , ( but Readers know ) that though I say all diseases must be cured by contrary motions , yet the motions that are in such medicines , must sympathize , and agree with the constitution of the body . Lastly , it is to be observed , that every degree in the disease must be followed with the same degree in the medicine , whether swift or slow , strong or weak , or more , or lesse , that is , you match your medicines to the disease ; but mistake me not , I mean not after the literal sense , but after the metaphorical sense ; but al purging medicines are dilative or expulsive , all restringent medicines , are contractive , and retentive . All drawing medicines are attractive . All restorative , or reviving medicines are disgestive . And those contracting medicines that must cure the body , muct sympathize with the natural health , and constitution of the body , not with the disease , for these motions , draw , gather , or at least knit , and bind up the sound parts from the corrupted parts , lest they should intermix , and retentive remedies do not onely stay those parts that are apt to disunite , but give strength , and hold out the assaulting motions in mistempered matter , and all attractive medicines that sympathize with the natural constitutions of the body , sucks and draws forth from the corrupt matter the pure , which is mixed , or inuolved therein ; but those attractive , and drawing medicines that are applied to outward sores , or the like , must have a sympathy with the malady , or putrifaction , for all aversions do cast outward ; or from them , not draw to them . As for the expulsive remedies they must be carefully applied , lest they should cast forth the wrong humor , by which the * malignant grows more powerful , or else should carry out more humor , then the strength of the body , will permit , or should be so weak , or of such a nature , onely to disturb , and unsettle , but not carry forth , from which disturbance great inconveniences , or deadly quarels in the body may arise ; wherefore these medicines are more dangerous then any other sort , although no medicine can be safely applied , unlesse the strength and nature be answerable to the constitution of the body , or the diseases in the body , no not those we call restorative , or reviving remedies , which work disgestively , such as cordials , or the like , for when there is more applied then will agree with the constitution of the body , or with the temper , or degree of the diseases , they turn from being assisting friends , to assaulting enemies , for when they have more force then regular work , they put in disorder those regularities , for want of regular imployment ; for it is against the nature of innate matter to desist from moving , or working , but it is not against nature to change and alter the motions . The several degrees , and natures of drugs of every particular drug , and simple ; I leave my readers to the Herbal , where perchance some of it may be discoursed of right ; or effectually , howsoever it is too laborious a study or practise for me . Chap. 204. Agreeing , and disagreeing of humours , senses , and passions . Some times the humours of the body , and the outward senses agree and disagree ; sometimes the humours of the body , and the passions of the minde , agree , or disagree ; sometimes the passions of the minde , and the outward senses agree , or disagree , and sometimes the senses , and the passions disagree , or agree with the humors of the body . As for example , sometimes the distempered humors in the body , make extravagancy in the senses , as we see in fevers ; and sometimes the distempered humors of the body make a disordered minde , as we see those that have cholerick humors , cholerick passions ; melancholy humours , melancholy passions , and the like , or distempered humors , extravagant imaginations , and the like . Sometimes extravagant senses make extravagant fancies , sometimes a superabundant humor makes a strong particular appetite ; as for example , those in the green sicknesse , the overflowing , or increase of some raw , and indigested humor will cause a strong particular appetite , as some in that disease love to smell strong smells , as camfier , tanned-leather , musty bottles , or the like , or to delight onely in one taste , as oatemeal , coals , or several particular tasts , or extravagant tasts , not natural to the constitution of the body , as to delight to eat coals , leather , candles , cork , and milions of the like ; and the humour increaseth , and is nourished by the sympathy of that extravagant diet ; for what the senses take pleasure in , the minde longs for . Again , some humors Antipathize , as to hate all loathsome tasts , smells , noices , touches , and objects . So passions sympathize with some humors , and disagree with others , for some bitter humors make cholerick passions , sharp humors make spiteful passions , tough humors make a dull understanding , melancholy humors , make timerosity , cholerick humors make courage , and many the like ; then the senses of the minde agree , and disagree often , as some objects will astonish the senses , and ravish the minde , delight the sense , and cause love in the minde ; others which the sense dislike , causeth hate in the minde , pain in the sense , grieving in the minde , pleasure in the sense , delight in the minde ; but if the sense and minde disagree , then the sense likes that the minde hates ; As for example , the sense is taking pleasure upon an object , which for the crosse disposition , the minde 〈◊〉 , or for some injury done , or by some neglect , or out of envie , and as they sympathize , and antipathize in their working , and making ; so in the expulsions , time works out a passion , accidents work out passion , evacuations work out passion ; the like in the senses , so many times humors are expulsed by passions , and as the superfluities are purged out of the body , after the same manner , are violent passions from the minde ; for as the body purges by siege , by vomit , by urin , by spitting , by sweating , by bleeding , by incisions , and the like ; so strong passions are purged by weeping , by sighing , groaning , speaking , and acting ; but if the increasing motions of the humors in the body , and the passions in the minde , be as many , and as strong , as the expulsive motions , then there is a continuance of the same humour or passion , for whatsoever is cast forth , or wasted , is bred again . Chap. 205. Of outward objects disagreeing with the natural motions , and humours in the body . INward commotions of the body are often times caused by outward objects , or subjects , as when the senses take adelight at some kinde of sound , scent , sight , taste , and touch ; as for example , some will sownd at a fearful noise , that is , at a sudden , or unacustomed , or tumultuous noise ; others will sownd at the sight of bloud , or at any cruel object , or at the sight of a cat , or many other creatures ; some will sownd at sweet-smels ; others if they should taste cheese , or any meat they dissike naturally , and some will not onely sownd but die laughing with tickling , the reason is , that the exterior motion anticipates with the natural motions belonging to the body , sometimes onely to the sensitive parts , other-some to the rational part , others to both . The reason is , that the disordered motions of the outward senses , disorder the interior motions , which makes the body sick , and the body passionate , and sometimes the brain frantick , and if they make not the body sick , nor the brain mad ; yet those antipathetical , and these disordered motions , never fail to put the sense to pain , or move passion ; but when these antipathetical motions be toostrong for the natural motions belonging to the body , or minde , it brings death , or unrecoverable madnes , for then the natural motions belonging to that body , is as it were extinguished ; thus we may see that the outward senses may be perfect , and the inward parts within that body may be corrupt and decayed ; so likewise the outward senses may be defected , and the inward parts sound , and so some parts of the body firme , and others infirme , and some of the outward parts , or sense wanting , or defective , others free clear and distinguishing . The reason is , that some of the sensitive innated matter works orderly , others disorderly , and clear from the nature of the body ; for as I have said before , some of the exterior parts of the body , may be nummed , or dead ; the reason is that the natural motions , belonging to such a part of the body are altered , for every part or parcel , hath proper motions belonging thereunto . But if in any part of the body , the natural motions onely work irregularly , then it onely causeth a pain in that part ; but if the motions work crosse to the nature of the body , it causeth that part to die , but if they alter but in part , it causeth onely a numnesse which is in a degree of being dead , but if the natural motions be onely stopt by some outward accident , or actions , as by a sudden fright , which causeth the body to swoon by reason the spirits are contracted by the fright into so straight a compasse , and thronged so close together , that they cannot move in order , or by the action of lying , or pressing too hard , or too heavy upon any part that hinders the spirits therein from moving after their natural manner , which causeth a sleepinesse or numnesse in those parts , that are prest by weight , or strength ; those disorders are soon to be rectified . Again , as by giving liberty , or helping the spirits with cordials which gives strength to them , and sets them at liberty ; but if the sensitive parts be quite altered from their natural course , they seldom are rectified ; But sometimes the assistance of the regular motions in the body , joyning as it were with one consent , do expel that innated matter out of that part wherein they work , contrary to the nature of the body , and supplies that part with fresh , and new matter , that moves as it should do . Likewise as the sensitive innated matter works in some parts of the body irregularly , and in other parts regularly , and in one , and the same part , sometimes regularly , and sometimes irregularly , the same is it many times with the rational innate matter ; for sometimes that will moves regularly , and sometimes iregularly , that makes frantick men , sometimes to be in their wits , and sometimes out of their wits : but if their madnesse be at certain times , as at full of the moon , or high tides , or springs , or falls , or in the midst of summer , or when they keep an evil , or too full a diet , then it proceeds from those outward accidents , which give assistance to the disordered motions , which inhabit in the body , the original defect being amongst the sensitive innate matter , for this shewes that the madness proceeds from some distemper of the body , which most commonly is in the spleen , or that which they call in women , the mother , from which parts arise grosse , and noisom vapors , which ascends up into the head , and disaffects the brain ; and many times the brain is disaffected with its own distempers , and whensoever the brain is distempered , the rational innate matter which moves therein , moves irregularly ; but when those times or seasons are past , or that overfulnesse of humour is purged out , the natural motions of humour get strength , and the man is well untill the return thereof . But if the irregularity be in the rational innate matter , it is most dangerous , for it seldom , or never is cured , nor seldom have intermitting fits , but as a continual fever , in the body , so is a continual madnesse in the minde . But I shall speak more of this in my following chapters . Chap. 206. Of the inward sense , and outward sense , as the interior and exterior parts . SOme of the exterior senses may be extinguished , as sight , hearing , scent , or taste , or some parts of the body numb , or dead , or some disjoynted from the rest ; as leggs , or arms , toes , brest , eyes , nose , or the like , and yet the material parts sound and whole , which materal parts are the vital parts , as the brain , the heart , the liver , the lungs , the lights , the spleen , the maw , the midriff , the kidnies , the bladder , or the like ; as for the heart , and the brain , there is such a sympathising , and conjunction with the whole body , as the least distemper indangers the body , and the least alteration of their shapes , or figures , it destroyes the life of the body , but for the rest of those vitals , or fundamental parts , when they decay , or are any way impaired , the life doth sink down as in were by degrees , according as those parts impaires ; but if they be wounded , or corrupted by poisons , or plaguie infections , or by an absolute , and sudden alteration , from their natural motions or figures , then the life is suddenly extinguished , but the external figures of the rest of the parts have not such a sympathy to the interior motions of the whole figure ; but when I say the exterior figure of the interior parts , I mean the particular figure of every particular part , not onely the outward part , as hands and armes , leggs , and head , and body and the like ; but of brain , and heart , and liver , and so all the rest ; for though they be internal figures , to the external figures , yet they be the external figures to the internal motion that works in them . Chap. 207. The sympathies and antipathies of sound to the minde and actions . THe bottome hole in the eare is covered with a thin caule , or felme , which is called the drum of the ear , where those motions that enter in at the ear beat thereon , like unto drum-sticks , and if the felm , or thin skin , be stretched smooth , or braced straight with the nervous strings , the sound is clear and loud , but if it be weakly braced , and the nervous strings loose , and the thin skin slack , the sound is low and dull , by reason that skin is so soft by the slackness , that the beating , or striking , or playing motion thereon cannot rebound , or retort , but sinks , and is smothered therein ; and if it be stretched very hard , and thin , and then such motions enter the ear , which pierce , or cut sharp , such as we call shrill notes , it doth not onely desturb the natural motion in the brain , but many times breaks that skin , or at least puts it to pain ; likewise if those motions that enter in at the ear , move crosse to the natural motions in the brain , it causeth pain in the head ; likewise if one and the same notes are often repeated , it fills the head so full of this particular motion , as they over-power the natural motions therein ; and as I may say , cause a surfeit thereof in the brain , being glutted therewith , tiring not onely the sensitive part os the brain , which causeth pain or diseases , but oppresseth the rational part of innate matter in the brain , causing a hate thereto ; and if the vocal , or verbal sound are crossed , as by the way of antipathy , it may disorder both the sensitive , and rational innated matter in the brain , so much by striking or pressing into , and by barring and thronging out , as the sense , and reason are so disordered , as the natural government is absolutely overthrown , from whence proceeds madness , at least extravagant passions raised from the heart ; the like disorder both in the head , and heart , may proceed from each of the senses ; and as this or the like external objects , or subjects may disorder by the irregular , and antipathetical motions the health and understanding , which are the interiour motions , so regularity and sympathie of the verbal or vocal motions brought through the ear , may compose the differences , and disorder of the natural interior motions , as health , reason , understanding , affection , or reconcilement ; as for example , a timely , kinde , discreet discourse , may compose a disquiet mind , for the motions of wise , sober , kinde , gentle , or eloquent words may turn the motion of troubled & combustible , or extravagant thoughts into a smooth , and calm temper , or regular order ; Likewise unkinde , and indiscreet , double , false , malicious , hasty , sudden , sad , or frightful discourses , may discompose , and disorder a quiet and well tempered minde , disordering the regular motions , by misplacing the thoughts , making a war in the minde , giving strength to some thoughts , and overpowring others . The like with vocal sounds ; as for musick , the notes in musick agree with the motions of passions , and the motions of several thoughts , as some notes sympathize with passions , and with the several thoughts , and move the actions accordingly , so others discompose the minde , and inveterat and disturb it ; for slow , sought strains on the tenor , and bass , is as commending , extorting , exciting , threatning , terrifying , judging , which moves the minde to melancholy , from whence proceeds fear , superstition , devotion , repenting , praying , and vowing , which causeth an humble submission , dejected countenance , weeping eys , heaved up hands , and bended knees . And slow soft notes , onely on the tenors , are a sad relation , sorrowful laments , mournful complaints , pleadings , petitioning , acknowledging faults , begging pardon , imploring mercy , which moves the minde to a tender pitty and compassion , and a charitable love , from whence proceeds a listning ear , a helping hand , a serious countenance , a sad eye , with a favouring cast therefrom . High , hard , sharp , notes or straines , on the basse or tenor , is like exclaiming , incouraging , or animating , extolling , promising ; which moves the minde to pride , ambition , vain-glory , desire , hope , which makes the body active , the actions adventrous , bold , the eyes darting and quick . Low , sharp straines , and cross notes , and unequal times , move the minde to murmur words , choler , hate , revenge , fury , despair , the cursing , their hands tearing , the legs stamping , their bodies turning several wayes , their countenance maskerd and gastly , and the eyes staring . But quick sharp straines in tenor notes , and soft slow strains on treble notes , are as perswading , flattering , insinuating , professing , inviting , alluring , this moves the minde to love , the thoughts to be amorous ; this makes their actions affective , kissing their hands , making of leggs , mending their garments , offering their service , their words complemental , their countenance smiling , and their eyes glancing . And quick sharp strains , on the tenor , and treble notes , produce a cheerful minde , it makes the thoughts lively , the countenance pleasant , their eyes quick , their discourse wanton , and jesting , their actions laughing , singing , playing , and dancing . But slow low flats strike on the basses , and tenor notes moves the minde to a dull stupidity , wherein the thoughts lie as dead , this makes the body appear like sensless statues of stone , without motion , the head bending down , the eyes fixt to the ground . But Cramatick musick is like Schools disputation , and discord in musick , is like quarrelling , these are the grounds of musical discourses , or discourses in musick . Musick hath a sympathie to the rational motions , because the rational spirits move in number and measure , as musical instruments do . Thus as notes are set , the thoughts are placed , and as the notes change in several tunes , so the thoughts move in several passions , and as notes are composed , so are thoughts , as sembrim of thoughts , a full note is a fixt thought . Thus according as the notes and thoughts agree , the minde , and musick makes a harmony , if I have not matched my strains 〈◊〉 notes , with words and thoughts properly , let those that understand musick , and Rhetorick mend it , for I understand neither , having neither fed at the full table , nor drank at the full head of learning , but lived alwayes upon scattered crums , which I pick up here and there , and like a poor lasie begger , that had rather feed on scraps then work , or be industrious to get wealth , so I had rather write by guesse , then take the pains to learn every nice distinction . And if my book will not please the learned , yet it may please the vulgar , whose capacity can onely dig in the earth , being not able to reach the celestial Orbs by speculation . Chap. 208. The knowledge of diseases . IT is not sufficient for Physitians to study the names of diseases , and to know onely so much , as to distinguish one kinde of disease from another , as we should distinguish man from beast , or so , as a horse from a cow , or as that horse is a barbe , or a coarser , or a genet , or a Turk , or an Arabian , but that this barbe , is not that barbe , or this genet is not that genet , and the like . Likewise to know the nature so , as to know how to use it , and what fit to apply to it ; as for example , a man buyes a horse , and he having onely an old saddle , that he was accustomed to ride with on a horse he formerly had , put it on his new horses back , yet although his horse is of the same Country , or sort of horses , as his former horse was , yet the saddle may not be fit for the new horse , but may be either too big or too little , and by the unfitnesse may gall his horse so sore , and corrupt the flesh so much , as he may be a scald back jade , as long as he lives , if it festers not as to kill him ; so in diseases medicines may be too strong , or too weak , or they may evacuate too much or too little , if they do not not know the just dimension , and extention of the disease . Again , one the same sort of horses may be so dull , as hardly to move out of his pace with the spur , although it should prick so deep , as to make his sides to bleed , when another horse of the same sort , shall run away , over hedg , and ditch , against trees , and stones , untill he hurt himself , and flings his rider , or at least flings , and leaps , and snorts , and stamps ; and grows into a furious heat ; so diseases , some must be handled gently , others more roughly , for in diseases you must learn the disposition of the disease , as well of what kinde , sort , or breed it is ; so likewise it is not enough for a physitian to know what drugs will purge choler , what flegme , and what melancholy , or the like ; but they should study to know the several motions , which work in them , or else their operations will be as their imploiments are , which is chance-medly ; for otherwise a Physitian neither applies his medicines knowingly , nor skilfully , but customarily , because they are usually given in such diseases , whereof some do mend , others do die with them ; but certain if Physitians would take pains to study the several motions of the diseases , and also of the drugs , and medicines they give , and would do as skilful musitians , which make a consort , where although every one plaies upon a several instrument , yet they all make their notes agree , there would follow a harmony of health in the body , as well as a harmony of musick in these consorts . But as I said before it is not sufficient to know how to purg choler , flegme , melancholy , and the like , for the purging of those humors doth not alwayes work cures ; for some diseases do not alwayes proceed so much from the loose humours in the body , as the disordered motions in the body ; for choler , flegme , melancholy , are not superfluous humors of the body ; unlesse the quantity of each be too much ; for the nature of the body , for those humours are part of the body , and the body could not subsist without them , for they are several mixtures , which serve to the consistance of the figure , and as some humours , make and mix such humours , so other motions carry the humour like tempered matter , or lime to the creations or reparations of the figure , which is the body ; and if there were none of those humours , the figure would no more stand , if once a decaying , no more then a house which runs to ruine for want of stone , brick , wood , or morter , or the like : besides , if there were not flegme , choler , would do like a coach wheel , for want of moisture , the motions would set the body on fire , and if no choler , the flegme would drown it , and if neither flegme nor choler , muddy melancholy would dam , or stop it up . But Physitians should study diseases so , as they may be able to distinguish them , as we do the different faces of mankinde , or any other ; For there are as many several kindes of diseases , as there are animals , and as much difference in one , and the same kinde , as there are in the several shapes , and countenances to the body and nature , and disposition of the minde ; besides , diseases are like parents , and children , as the childe may resemble the parent , or the children of the same parents may resemble one another , and yet they are not all one ; Again , diseases may be like half brothers , or sisters , as some may have all one mother , but not one father ; so some diseases may be produced , partly from such a cause , and partly from another . Again , diseases may be matcht , and some to be like widows , and widows that marry again , so diseases may be loose , or be quit of such a producing cause , and joyn with another . As for example , a cold stomack is a disease , and a hot liver is a disease , and both may produce such diseases ; perchance the cold stomack , may be cured , but not the hot liver , when the cold stomack is cured , the hot liver is a widow , which afterwards may chance to match with a cold melancholy spleen , or two or thre , or more diseases , may be matched together ; as if a man should have two or three wives , or a woman as many husbands ; likewise several accidents may be matched , or at least commit adultery , and get bastardly children . As for example , a great heat may be matched or joyned with a sudden cold , which may produce a great fever or other diseases that usually follow , and milions of the like examples may bee given . But I desire my Readers , that they may not condemn my comparisons , as extravagant , and too fantastical for so grave a subject , but I could finde no fitter to expresse my meaning , which is onely that I would have Physitians , as skilful , knowing and learned in diseases , as they are in the customs , manners , humours , and persons of men , and that they may as knowingly distiugnish the difference , alterations , degrees , and alliances of diseases , as they do the several sexes , faces , countenance , dispositions and qualities of men . Besides , who knowes but that the very thoughts of men may be known by the temper of their body ? for could men come but to learn the several motions of the body , which ingenious observations may come to do , they may easily come to learn the motions of the minde , and so come to know the thoughts , which thoughts are the several figures therein , which figures most commonly move sympathetically , with the motions of the body . Chap. 209. To my just Readers . I Desire all those that are friends to my book , if not to my book , for justice sake , that whatsoever is new is my own , which I hope all is ; for I had never any guide to direct me , nor intelligence from any Authors , to advertise me , but write according to my own natural cogitations , where if any do write after the same manner in what language soever , that they will remember my work is the original of their discourse , but they that steal out my opinions , or compare them to old opinions , that are nothing alike , as if one should liken to men that had neither semblance in features , countenance , proportion , nor complexion , because they are two men , as being of madkinde , surely they might be judged to be fools ; but may all such be condemned , as false , malicious , ridiculous or mad . But to such noble dispositions as will give right , and speak truth , may they never receive injury , may honour crown them , fame applaud them , and time reward them with antiquity . This Chapter although it belongs to another book , yet I thought it fit to joyn it to this discourse . Chap. 210. The diatical Centers . ALthough infinite matter and motion was from all eternity ; yet that infinite moving matter is disposed by an in finite Deity , which hath power to order that moving matter , as that Deity pleaseth , by reason there is nothing greater then it self , therefore there is nothing that can oppose its will. Likewise this Deity is as the center of infinite moving matter , for though there can be no center in infinites , by reason there is no circumference , yet in respect the matter is infinite every way from , and to this Deity ; we may say the Deity is the center of infinite matter , and by reason , the infinite moving matter , flowes as much to this diatical , center , as from it , it doth as it were present it self , or rather is forced to be ordered , by its infinite wisdom , which otherwise it would run into an infinite confusion , with which there would be an infinite , horrid and eternal war in nature ; and though this Deity is as the center to infinite matter , yet this Deity in it self is as infinite matter , for its wisdom is as infinite as matter , and its knowledge as infinite as its wisdom , and its power as infinite as both , and the effects of these attributes run with infinite matter , like infinite paralel lines , even and straight , not crossing , nor obstructing , nor can they circumference or circle in each other , the matter and the Deity being both infinite neither is the matter or Deity finite to , or in themselves , for infinite matter hath no end , or period , neither can the infinite Deity comprehend it self , so as it is a god to it self , as well , or as much as to matter ; for this Deity is no wayes finite , neither to its self , nor matter , its knowledge being as infinite as its power , and its wisdom as infinite its knowledge , and its power as infinit as both , and being infinit , its wisdom cannot be above its power , nor its power beyond its wisdom , neither can its knowledge comprehend its power , or the wayes of its wisdom being all infinite and eternal . And though nature is infinit matter , motion and figure creating all things out of its self , for of matter they are made , and by motion they are formed into several and particular figures , yet this Deity orders and disposes of all natures works . GReat God , from thee all infinites do flow ; And by thy power from thence effects do grow ; Thou orderest all degrees of matter , just As t' is thy will and pleasure move it must , And by thy knowledge orderd'st all the best , For in thy knowledge doth thy wisdom rest ; And wisdom cannot order things amiss , For where disorder is , no wisdom is . Besides , great God , thy will is just , for why ? Thy will still on thy wisdom doth rely . O pardon Lord , for what , I now hear speak Upon a guesse , my knowledge is but weak ; But thou hast made such creatures as mankinde , And gav'st them somthing which we cal a mind , Alwayes in motion , never quiet lies , Untill the figure , of his body dies , His several thoughts , which several motions are Do raise up love , hope , joyes , doubts and feare ; As love doth raise up hope , so fear doth doubt , which makes him seek to find the great God out : Self love doth make him seek to finde , if he Came from , or shall last to eternity ; But motion being slow , makes knowledge weak , And then his thoughts 'gainst ignorance doth beat , As fluid waters 'gainst hard rocks do flow , Break their soft streams , & so they backward go : Just so do thoughts , & then they backward slide , Unto the place , where first they did abide ; And there in gentle murmurs , do complain , That all their care and labour is in vain ; But since none knows , the great Creator must , Man seek no more , but in his greatness trust . FINIS . I Finde since I have read my book over , I could have enlarged that part of my book that treats of diseases , much to the advantage ; but I must intreat my noble Readers , to remember there are natural humors , and metamorphosed humors , which are wrought by several motions , as those of Elements ; Also that there are natural contractions , attractions , retentions , digestions , delations , expulsions ; Likewise that there are unnatural of all these motions : that is , such as are proper or improper to the the natural health , or consistence of the several parts and the generality of the whole figure . Also that the motions that make the humor , and the motions that move the humor may be quite different , and some parts of a humor may be made by some sorts of motions , and some by other sorts of motions , where my discourse of the motions which makes the Elements will enlighten the Readers . ERRATA . IN my Epistle to my Honourable Readers , for pair read poiz . In a Condemning Treatise of Atoms , for figures read febures . p. 10. l. 28. r. dissolution . p. 12. l. 30. r. other . p. 22. l. 35. r. dissolution . p. 23. l. 15. r. finite . p. 24. l. 21. r. brain . p. 30. l. 2. r. individable . p. 34. l. 21. r. spread . p. 35. l. 22. r. digging . p. 38. l. 21. r. prints . p. 43. l. 16. r. cold . p. 58. l. 47. r. extenuated . p. 60. l. 15. r. crinkling . and l. 36. r. triangulars . p. 62. l. 4. r. from water . and l. 17. r. as . p. 62. l. 32. r. manner . p. 65. l. 14. r. piercing . p. 104. l. 5. r. heptick fevors . and l. 12. add my . p. 116. l. 25. r. print . p. 123. l. 6. r. foul . p. 130. l. 6. r. dissolution . and l. 27. add and swooning . p. 143. l. 3. r. sensitive . p. 144. l. 24. r. gold . p. 148. l. 10. r. veines . p. 149. l. 6. r. fursball . p. 157. l. 18. blot out , or quick . and l. 42. r. as . p. 158. l. 30. r. dry . and l. 33. r. dry . p. 160. l. 11. r. then . p. 161. l. 19. r. are not all expulsive . p. 162. l. 22. r. matter from the. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A53055-e1450 I mean of Form , dull Matter . Some think there was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confused Heap . The Readers may take either Opinion . Several Motitions , and severall Figures * Not the Matter , but the Degrees . * Not the 〈◊〉 of Figures , but the manner of shapes : which makes some shapes to have the advantage over others much bigger , as a Mouse will kill an Elephant . * Which is in Likenesse . * Unlikenesse . One Shape hath power over another ; one Minde knowes more then another . Either by Growth , or Sense , or Reason . For when Matter comes to such a degree , it quickens . That it begins to move , and Motion is Life . * I mean when I say Obstruct , that it either turns their motion another way or makes them move slower . * I do not say that bones are the solid'st matter in Nature . * As the figure of man. * All Motion 〈◊〉 Life . I mean the Figure of dull matter . As a plentiful Crop or a great Brood . These degrees are visible to us . Dancing is a measur'd Motion . * Scorching is , when the Motioh is too quick . * That is , when there come so many spirits , as they disagree . pressing upon one another . * Those degrees that are neerest , have the greatest Sympathy * Like Chess-men , Table-men , Nine-pins , or the like . * I say higher for expressions sake . * Nothing can be made or known absolute out of Infinite and Eternal . * Though it may mave oMotions , yet not the Animal Motion . * The Figure might be without an Animal Motion , but an Animal motion cannot be untill there is an Animal Figure . * Which food is when such Materials are not proper for such a Figure . * The greater the number is , the more variety of Motion is made , which makes Figures in the brain . * in Animal Shapes * To prove that it is the several Motion , is that we shall have the same sense in our sleep , either to move pleasure or feel pain . * Like glasse . * Natural power . I say extract . because it is the essence of matter . This for example . Drawing motions . Driving m tions . Bearing motions . Throwing , striking , darting motions . Lofty motions . Low 〈◊〉 Conjunction of those different motions . First the earth bears Vegetables , and the plants bear seed , and the seed , and earth bear Vegetables again . Unlesse a greater power destroy it before the natural time . Life is in every thing . It is but one thing , but three words . That is to weaken the degree . Fish is a kind of flesh . The yolk and white is mixt into one substance which we call an adle egge ; before it be a 〈◊〉 it is bloody . T is a lump of flesh before it be bone , or sinew . And then it is no metamorphosing I shal declare . And then it is called a new creature rather then a metamorphosed creature &c. Which circular lines I shal expresse hereafter . I mean natural extenuations . As the pores of the skin . Oyl , hot-waters , wine , vitrals , aquafortis . From earth to water . * As thns Or rather like flame . As if an Ani mal creature should be pulled and dragged out of ' its natural garb . I mean here the exterior nature not the interior nature . I mean the heaviest metal to the hardest stone , as gold to diamonds , or tin , or lead to a soft stone * As Vessels wherein water is put , and fire underneath . This sort of contraction is drawing inward . Those sorts are falling backward . The contracting motions too strong for the expulsive motions . Yet there are but few bodies that are not overcome at last . I mean the matter that made it . As several men will. as peace among neighbours and friends . I say aptest , not as they do . I speak this as a comparison , for I know the sun is much bigger then the earth . As we say dead . I thimk them to be Animals . I say natural because there are metamorphosed elements . If one powers water on the ground it flows with a Convex . In a pear figure . See my chapter of Fame Sound enters into all hollow places , as well as into the Animal ear . I call 〈◊〉 natural that are propper to the figure . Fethers , wool hair , and the like , which are neither liquid , 〈◊〉 , nor wet , onely soft and sympathy All animals are not of one shape . And as a man may pick a hole through the wall , so water will pick a passage through the earth . I mean all exterior motions . Which moves in figures like dancing . The world is presented like a popitplay in the head . a Sleep nonrisheth and gives health , and strength . b Nourishment . c Healing decayes . 〈◊〉 . Strengthening . Knitting the muscles , nervs and the like . Urin to the bladder . Excrements into the guts . Vapors The innate matter can move slower then their strength , or natural agilnesse , but not above nor beyond their natural strength and agilnesse . I call that matter so 〈◊〉 distinction . * As we finde in Churches , and caves made hollow arched , a noise sounds loudest . Lines of light may be made by the sensisitive spirits on the side of the optick nerve as on the outside , as in sleep . All innate matter is as the minde , or life of nature . All without outward help The property of each sense . Fools have lesse rational innated matter in their braines , then those that are wise . * As for touch the pores of the flesh are like harpsical keys , and the nerves like the wyer strings , 〈◊〉 move when those keyes are touch'd , which cause pleasure or pain , like discord , or harmony , according as they are struck or plaid upon . The head ake is different from the tooth ake , or stomack ake , and so every 〈◊〉 , be it never so small , differs . As sauces may be equally mixt with several sorts of things , as none can tast any one thing in it . Like the over flowing of banks . Ebbing from the mouth of the stomack as from the river . Like low marshy grounds . * I think it is rar fied vapor , because it is so easily dispersed . The stronger motions forceth the weaker to their wayes . As on the opticks , or as on the drum of the ear , the pia mater , or the skin for touch and taste . As to see , hear , taste , touch , smell , that which is not present , or perhaps not in nature . * Figures of innated matter . In mad fits . * If I mistake not . Which is corrupt humors . As a sound body . Surfets , or unholsom meats . The stronger motions over power the the weaker Some dayes the body 〈◊〉 better then others , so in an hour or half an hour . As hot and dry Cordials . As to draw every day an ounce , or two as long as the violence of the discase lasts . I meane there interior strength . * As by letting bloud , or the like . Yet it is first caused by other distempered motions , before they come to be distempered expulsions . There are hot expulsions , and cold expulsions , and hot contractions , and cold contractions . As witnesse the frost and ice . The like of other kinde of motions . See in the chap of extenuations of water . Sometimes longer and some times shorter . For as long as the humor remains , the 〈◊〉 are repeated . Winde Collick . A bilious Collick . Cramps oft times taken for Collicks . * Rheums . * Sweats . I have treated of the several sorts of fire . That is when it works , and converts a thinner substance to its own nature . But bound about with straight smooth lines without as to the circumference . As a flint , hard suger , brimstone , or the like . * That which is most apt to I mean purning motions . Restraining motions . Attractive motion . Restoring motion . * The humor that staies behiude . We may hear a tune so often repeated ; that it may grow hateful ; although delightful at first . 
A64353	----	The creed of Mr. Hobbes examined in a feigned conference between him and a student in divinity. Tenison, Thomas, 1636-1715. 1670 Approx. 474 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 137 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64353 Wing T691 ESTC R22090 12486106 ocm 12486106 62288 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62288) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 298:30) The creed of Mr. Hobbes examined in a feigned conference between him and a student in divinity. Tenison, Thomas, 1636-1715. [25], 248, [1] p. Printed for Francis Tyton ..., London : 1670. Dedication signed: Tho. Tenison. First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Errata on p. [1]. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. "The edition of such books of Mr. Hobbes as are cited in this dialogue": p. [25]. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. Philosophy, English -- 17th century. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE CREED OF Mr. Hobbes EXAMINED ; In a feigned CONFERENCE Between HIM , AND A STUDENT in DIVINITY . LONDON : Printed for Francis Tyton , at the three Daggers in Fleet-street . 1670. To the Right Honourable Edward Earl of Manchester , Lord Chamberlain of his Majestie 's Houshold , &c. My LORD , SEeing I ow● to your Liberality both the leisure and subsistence which I enjoy at Holywell , I am under the greatest obligation of presenting , to your Honour , the First-fruits of my Studies , since my retirement to that Place . These Studies promoted by the encouragement of your Lordship , were often suggested to me , by the unwelcome conversation of two sorts of People , of which some appear'd deficient in Faith , and others , in Charity . It is not long , since , by accident , I convers'd with many who were forward enough in venting licentious Principles , in the way , but without the accomplishments , of Mr. Hobbes : neither have I escaped the trouble of meeting with some , who , having heard of the Error , and Recantation , of an unhappy young man , committed , sometime , to my care ; began to reproach my self as a favourer of such opinions . As for this rash attempt against my own good name ( the prejudice , which , from thence , might be sustained in my Calling , being set apart ) ; I could have been content to have sate down in silence under it ; being ready to despise , rather then , deeply , to resent the loudest noise of such impertinent accusers . For I had learn'd of old , and by this instance was reminded of it , how unequal Judges the vulgar are wont to be ; and how very few either can , or do , examine the reason of Things . It sufficeth me , that I continue in the good opinion of your Lordship , and of some other very excellent persons , whose Judgements seem not to be corrupted by ignorance , credulity , or , unjust suspition : and doubtless , that Honour is to be preferr'd which is rather tall then broad . In the mean time , it grieved me to see the Tru●h lye bleeding at the feet of those who had not spurned at it out of strength of Reason , but out of meer wantonness of humour ; and I esteem'd it a piece of Religion to bear such a part as I was able in the vindication of her . In this Cause some have already engaged , whose Learning is greater then that I should either equal it , or give it such praise as it hath merited : and , certainly , the Pens of many others ought also to be sharpned and employed , against our Author ; that so Religion may the more , triumph over Atheism , and glory both in the streng●h and in the number of her Advocates ; and that there may be le●t , as little soundness in the Reputations , as there is in the Discourses , of such unreasonable men . How sound those are , of which Mr. Hobbes hath been the great Patron , I leave to the judgement of all persons , who have not , by any sensual course of life , receiv'd distastful impressions against Religion . He hath affirmed of God that he is a bodily substance , though most refined ; and that he forceth evil upon the very wills of men . He hath fram'd a model of Government , pernicious , in its consequence , to all Nations ; and injurious to the Right of his present Majesty : for he taught the people , soon after the Martyrdom of his Royal Father , that his Title was extinguish'd when his adherents were subdu'd ; and that the Parliament had the Right for that very Reason , because it had possession . He hath subjected the Canon of Scripture to the Civil Powers , and taught them the way of turning the Alcoran into Gospel . He hath said it is lawful , not onely to dissemble , but , plainly to renounce our Faith in Christ , in order to the avoidance of persecution . His imagination hath been infected with so strange an itch after uncertain Novelties in Doctrine , that he hath affronted Geometry it self , which , so well , deserveth the name of Science . You see , my Lord , that the same Person , who endeavoureth to shake the Foundations of Religion , doth manage a quarrel against the very Elements of Euclid . He hath , long ago , publish'd his Errours in Theologie , in the English Tongue , insinuating himself , by the handsomeness of his style , into the mindes of such whose Fancie leadeth their Judgements : and , to say truth of an Enemy , he may , with some Reason , pretend to Mastery , in that Language . Yet for this very handsomeness in dressing his Opinions , as the matter stands , he is to be reproved ; because , by that means , the poyson which he hath intermixed with them is , with more readiness and danger , swallowed . Of late he hath set forth his Leviathan in the Latine Tongue ; declaring his desire ( as is the manner of infected persons ) of spreading his Malady throughout the World. All this being considered , your Lordship will not think it strange , that I use , towards him , in some places , a little warmth in my refutation : which just Zeal , if he interpreteth , Passion and Rayling , he falleth into a like mistake with the poor Norvegian in Balzac , who fled away from a Rose , conceiving it to be Fire . Wherefore for any bitterness of style , I will not be so injurious to my own innocence as to confess it : but for the Elocution it self , I cannot but acknowledge , before so great a Master of speaking as your Lordship is known to be , that , in many places it is beneath mediocrity : yet even that imperfection serveth the Character of such a person as speaketh in an extempora●● 〈◊〉 Dialogue ; he being , now and then , at a loss for aptness or fulness of expression . Concerning the Introduction to this Dialogue , if it seemeth a little from the purpose of the ensuing Arguments , it is the more natural beginning of an occasional Conference , in which men , otherwise then in the Schools , come not immediately to the matter . And I well remember that Minutius Felix , in that Dialogue , wherein he defendeth the Christian Faith against the Cavils of the Pagans , beginneth with a story of his walking towards the Sea ; of his bathing , with good event , in the salt Waters ; and of the little sports which Children used in making the stones dance upon the surface of the waves . That which , possibly , may offend more , is the frugality of notion , wherewith I may seem to have managed some of these great Arguments ; though in relation to the chief business concerning matter as incapable of Thinking , I have not been sparing in my words or conceptions . But your Lordship ( I assure my self ) knoweth well , that a man can scarce keep at distance enough from the crime of Albutius the Rhetorician , who desired to speak , in every Cause , not all that was fitting , but all that he could say : That a Defender of Religion is not always bound to produce the Arguments which prove the Truth , of which the Church is always supposed in possession ; but it sufficeth that he keep off Aggressors : And this ( for instance ) was the manner of L●ctantius . Lastly , that the Book being composed in form of a Dialogue ; by the largeness of my Replyes , I should have seemed guilty of the incivility of common Disputants , who endeavour to ingross the talk , and are unwilling to allow , to others , their turns of speaking . For the rest , I might alledge , with truth enough by way of excuse , the performance of this Labour in the short space of the last Winter-Quarter : but the Apology it self , the great haste in those twelve Arti●les , might perhaps seem a crime and a matter of greater guilt then the errour of Ovid , who made the Sun to post through all the twelve Signes of the Zodiack in a single day . The whole , such as it is , is most humbly submitted to the Candor and Charity of your Lordship , of which , that it is great , I have good assurance , seeing your Honour hath pleased to receive into the number of your dependants , My Lord , Your Lordships most obliged , though unworthy Servant , Tho. Tenison . Camb. Iune 4. 1670 . A TABLE Of the Contents . THe Introduction , Page Mr. Hobbes and the Student meet at Buxton-well . 2. An instance , of the train of imagination occasioned there . 4 , 5. Mr. Hobbes his fear , & suspitious nature , expressed in the instance of S. Roscius , and parallel'd with the Character of Epicurus in Cicero . 5. The entrance into the Dialogue . The Students caution about Moroseness , Profaneness , &c. Mr. Hobbes accus'd by des Cartes , in one of his Epistles , as a man with whom no correspondence is to be held . Des Cartes himself noted for prophaning the holy Text. 5 , 6. Mr. Hobbes defence against the charge of Moroseness , &c. 7. Why des Cartes an Enemie to Mr. Hobbes , and how they differ in the explaining of Sense . ibid. Mr. Hobbes Creed , in 12 Articles , repeated . 8 , 9. Mr. Hobbes boasts of the good effect of his Leviathan upon many of our Gentry . 9. Article 1. Concerning the existence and immaterial nature of God. 9. &c. What Mr. Hobbes meaneth Atheistically , in his pretended argument for the existence of a God. 10. Mr. Hobbes opinion concerning the corporeitie of God noted by des Cartes , and further shewed out of his Leviathan . 10 , 11. The absurd consequences of that opinion ( which in effect denyeth the being of a God : ) one of them noted by Athenagoras . 12 , 13. Mr. Hobbes self-contradiction , whilest he saith all is body , yet denyeth parts in God. 14. Mr. Hobbes denieth incorporeal substances , because the terms are not in Scripture . 15. His self-contradiction and improprietie of speech . 16. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the Scripture favours the doctrine of incorporeal substances , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cited by Ignatius out of the N. T. 17. Against Mr. Hobbes , that both Plato and Aristotle wrote of incorporeal substances 17 , 18. Mr. Hobbes argueth against incorporeal substances from Tertullian and the Doctors of the Greek Church . 19. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the incorporeitie of God is asserted by Athenagoras ; Theophilus Aut. Tatianus , Eusebius , Athanasius , &c. 19 , 20. Des Cartes accuseth Mr. Hobbes of making false illations whatsoever the premisses be . 20. An answer out of other places in Tertullian , to the words cited by Mr. Hobbes . 22. Mr. Hobbes writes the same over and over , especially about incorporeal substances . 23. That Mr. Hobbes fixeth a wrong sense upon the words substance and matter . 24 , 25. A saying of Marcellus concerning the making words free . 24. Mr. Hobbes doctrine concerning the incomprehensible nature of God. 26. How God is incomprehensible . 27 , 28. Against Mr. Hobbes , that we may have an Idea of God : what an Idea is . 31 , 32. That Mr. Hobbes is not advanc'd above the power of imagination . 32 , 33. That Mr. Hobbes condemneth himself by granting a conception of Vacuum . 35. Of the Antients calling God the place of all things . 36. The first Article concluded with the Apostrophe of Arnobius . 36 , 37. Article 2. Concerning the Trinity . 37 , 38. Mr. Hobbes monstrous explication of that mystery . 38. Mr. Hobbes submitteth to the Annotations of the Assembly . 40. Pope Alexanders absurd proof of the Trinity noted by Enjedinus . ibid. According to Mr. Hobbes , there may be more then 100 persons in the Deity . 41. Concerning Adam , Abraham , Moses , Saul , Christ , &c. as representing Gods person . ibid. Against Mr. Hobbes , that Father in the old Testament , is used somtimes in reference to Christ. 42. A text cited by Just. Martyr disagreeing with the vulgar copy . ibid. The Trinity according to the explication of Mr. Hobbes , no mystery at all . 43. Article 3. Of the Origin of the Vniverse . 43 , 44. &c. Mr. Hobbes , conception of a great bulk of matter arising out of a point . 44. Against Mr. Hobbes , that men are not wearied in ascending by effects and causes to the first . 45. Mr. Hobbes , supposing an eternal cause in motion , supposeth an eternal cause to be no eternal . 46. The school of Epicurus noted by Cicero as deficient touching the source of motion . 47. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the Creation is to be proved by reason , not authority . 48 , 49. Mr. Hobbes is followed in his digression about the word Magistrate , and refuted : and places out of Varro , Cicero , Tertullian , Grotius , our Articles , are , to that purpose cited , and Castalio's niceness taxed . 49 , 50 , 51. Against Mr. Hobbes , that if God is , it follows he is Creator of the order of the world : of the scituation of the heart . 52 , 53. Mr. Hobbes ( in De homine ) confesseth that the order of the parts of the body doth inferre the existence of an intelligent framer of them . 54. Article 4. Concerning the incorporeal and permanent nature of Angels : Mr. Hobbes supposeth them as phantasms in dreams , or pictures in a looking-glass 55. &c. Wh●t Spirit and Angel signifie , according to Mr. Hobbes at large . 56 , 57. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the being of Angels and Spirits may be proved from natural reasoning , and the old Testament . 58. Against Mr. Hobbes , that Religion ariseth not from tales publickly allowed 50. Of Cardan and his Genius . ibid. Concerning Witches , Sybills , Oracles , that they ceased not ( as Mr. Hobbes saith ) at Christs coming . Concerning Michael Nostredamus . 61 , 62. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the Angels sent to Abraham and Lot were not meer apparitions . 65. That Christ was not tempted ( as Mr. Hobbes saith ) in a Vision . ibid. Scultetus's mistake of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mr. Hobbes his of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. That the N. T. asserteth the existence of Angels . ●piscopius mistake concerning Christ appearing a● a meer Spectre to the Disciples . 66 ▪ 67. Mr. Hobbes late confession of Angels , as permanent ●nd substantial , from the places in the N. T. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the Scripture speaks of the cre●tion of Angels . 68 , 69. Of the ●ord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Col. 1. the reading of Irenaeus noted . 70. Mr. Hobbes mistake about the word Ghost . 71. Of his verses of the Peak . ibid. Conclusion of the first dialogue . 73. Beginning of the second dialogue . Article 5. Concerning the Soul , and perception in matter . 75. According to Mr. Hobbes , the Soul is the organized body in due mo●ion ; and the Scripture meaneth by Soul , bodily life . 75 , 76. This refuted . Why blood ( called the life ) not to be eaten . 76. Mr. Hobbes hypothesis concerning sensation : be putteth the apparatus for sense it self . 79 , 80 , 81. Difficulties concerning sensation explain'd , in the way , either of Epicurus , or Des Cartes ; a vindication of him concerning the motion of the Globul● . 81. It is prov'd , that sensation is not made by motion or reaction in meer matter . 82 , 83. That Imagination is not meerly Mechanical . 86 , 87. That memory is not meerly Mechanical , 88 to 95 That reason is not Mechanical . 96. That the operation of simple apprehension is not Mechanical . 97. That universals are neither real things nor meer names . 98. That the operation of the mind in framing propositions is not Mechanical . 99. Or in deriving conclusions . 100. Against Mr. Hobbes , that reason is not meerly an apt joyning of Names . 102 , 103. Article 6. Concerning Libertie and Necessitie . 104 , &c. Regius inconsistent with himself , Mr. Hobbes consistent , and after the manner of the Stoicks , in this doctrine . 105. Man according to Mr. Hobbes chuseth , and refuseth , as necessarily as fire burneth . ibid. This doctrine refuted by the reasons in the last Article , concerning the Soul. ibid. Of Bishop Bramhal against Mr. Hobbes . Bishop Taylors judgement concerning that work . 107. This Doctor chargeth God with all impieties , and barbarities committed by men ; and Mr. Hobbes is not ashamed of the consquence . 108 , 109. Against Mr. Hobbes , that Gods permitting of sin , is not the same with willing it . 110 , 111 , 112. Mr. Hobbes doctrine upbraideth all laws . 114. The instance of whipping , and drowning , Nicons Statue . 114 , 115. Against Mr. Hobbes , that the will , if physically necessary , cannot make the action just , or unjust . 115. Against Mr. Hobbes , that men not meerly punished for noxiousness to societie . 116. Of the kil●ing of Beasts . 117. Of the necessity whereby God doth good ; it differs from Mr. Hobbes . 118. Against Mr. Hobbes , that mans libertie contradicts not Gods , or his omnipotence , 119. Nor his Prescience . 120. Of a suff●cient cause . Mr. Hobbes clearly refuted . he trifleth of moral and natural efficacy , distinct , against Mr. Hobbes . 125 , 126. Article 7. Conc●rning th● law of nature : Jus & Lex , not first distinguished by Mr. Hobbes . Of the fundamental rule of temperance , self-interest . 127 , 128. A description of Mr. Hobbes his state of Nature 129 , 130. This hypothesis refuted . 131. To such models a saying of the Lord Baco●s applyed . ibid. Of the Origin of man according to Epicurus . 132. Epicurus ( according to Gassendus ) teacheth the sa●e original of just and unjust with Mr. Hobbes . 133. An instance out of Justin of the civilitie of the Scythians without Law. ibid. All born under government . 134 , 135 , 136. There may be sin against God , and a mans self in the state of nature . 137. Some sort of murther , and theft , in a state of Nature . 138. Of promiscuous mixtures , usual among the Gentiles . 139. Scarce any consent of Nations : the chief , about the Existence of God. 140. What is right reason , and when it is the Law of Nature , and eternal . 142. Concerning the irresi●tible power of God as the measure of his actions . 144. Article 8. Of the power and right of the Civil Soveraign . 147. Laws made in vain , if self-interest be the prime Laws . The consent of Mr. Hobbes , and L.S. in Natures dowry . 148 , 149. Mr. Hobbes doctrine against the Kings Interest 149. Of the Earl of Essex . of Oliver . ibid. The doctrine of Mr. Hobbes , and Mr. White Catholick , against the Kings return . 150 , A place out of Dr. Baily , where Oliver is courted . 151. Mr. Hobbes saith falsly , that no Bishops followed the King out of the Land. 152. That Bishop Bramhal did so : his advice to the Remonstrants against Socinianism . ibid. & 153. Mr. Hobbes prov'd to speak falsly , when he saith he never wrote against Episcopacy . 155. Mr. Hobbes cu●●s zeal , ●or the late King , malicious . 156. He placeth right in present might , against the King , considering the time . 157. His doctrine destructive to Government . 161. The scurrility of his friends pref . to Liberty and necessity noted . ibid. Why the Papists contrary to the interest of the Kings government , and why Mr. Hobb's doctrine is not to be tolerated under any Government . ibid. That Mr. Hobbes doctrine de Cive is old , though bad , taught by Euphemus in an O●ation in Thucydides , and by others . 162. Of Tyranny . 163. Of the prerogative of Princes , not rightly stated by Mr. Hobbes . 165. Article 9. Of the Canon of Scripture , and its obligation before Constantine . 167. A strange saying of Dr. Westons . ibid. Of sacred books not written by those whose names they bear . 168. Of the history of Job in verse . ibid. That the writing the Canon anew by Esdras is a Fable of the Synagoga magna . Bellarmines opinion of Esdras fourth book of the Lxx. 169 , 170. Why the Apocryphall books were excluded the Canon . What books St. Hierom saw , under the title of the first of Macc. in Hebrew . 171 , 172. Of the N.T. declar'd Canon before Constan● ▪ or the Council of Laod. 173. What Pope Gelasius call'd Apocryph●l , and wh●t books he condemned . ibid. Of the Apostles Can●ns . 174. A place in Tertullian , con●●r● in t●e books of the N. T. ibid. The Copies of the N.T. not few , nor all in the hands of Ecclesiasticks , prov'd against Mr. Hobbes . Of the Traditores in Diocletian's days . 175. The N.T. Canon without the civil sanction . 176. That Christ subjected not Iews to the laws of Moses . 178 , 179. Nor the Heathens to the Laws of their Country . Idolatry there a Law , prov'd from the 12 Tables . Augus●us , Caius , Cicero , Socrates , Protagoras , Anacharsis . The design of Tiberius , for the deifying of Christ , obstructed by the Senate : and that Christ came to destroy present Idolatry . 179 , 180. Of the new laws of Christ. 181. That the commands of Christ and decrees of his Apostles , were laws , not bare counsels , against Mr. Hobbes . 184. Of the power of the Church ▪ and ●hat Mr. Hobb●s throughout his books , supposeth there is no power without force . 184 , 185. Of the Societie of the Church . 185. It is prov'd that the function Sacerdotal is not to be exercised , by the civil Soveraign without ordination : though Mr. Hobbes grants to him or any man commissioned by him , a right of Ordination , Abs●lution , Bap●izing , Administring the other Sacraments , &c. 186. Iews and Gentiles condemn'd for unbelief , and not meerly for their old sins , against Mr. Hobbes , who in that matter , fals●fyes St. John. 190. Against Mr. Hobbes , that Christ had a kingdom , and could make laws . 191. Article 10. Conc●rning profession of Christianity under p●rsecution . 192 , &c. Against Mr. Hobbes , that in any Country we are not oblig'd to active obedience . 194. Of Mr. Hobb●s , his becoming ( as Mr. Sorbiere pray'd ) a good Catholick . ibid. That we ought to suffer , rather then obey against Christ ▪ a saying of Tat●anus to that effect ▪ of the Grae●i●ns refusing prostration before the King of P●rsia . of the Christians bowing no longer before the Statues of the Emperours , when Julian added those of false Gods. 195 , 196 , 197. Of Naaman's bowing in the Temple of Rimmon . 199. Of Faith invisible , against Mr. Hobbes ▪ that we ought to profess the faith . ibid. That Christ is not to be ren●unced with the mo●th ▪ that the Magistrates command excuseth not the Apostate . of Mat. 10.23 . &c. 200 , 201. Of Martyrs , their Aera . A double sort in Mr. Hobbes . 203. Of the words Acts. 4.19 . Mr. Hobbes acc●seth them in eff●ct , of impertinencie . 207. Mr. Hobbes remitting Martyrs to heaven , fallet● into the scoff of Julian . ibid. Article 11. Concerning the future estate and place of torment . 209 , &c. Mr. Hobbes aff●rmeth , falsly , that the Torments are eternal , but not to single persons . 211. He useth the irresi●tible power , or mercy of God , as they serve his turns ; this prov'd out of ●is de Cive . 213. Against Mr. Hobbes ; that hell will not be on earth ▪ of the vast numbers of people before the floud , and in a few years after . 215. Mr. ●obbes supposeth devils , earthly enemies of Gods Church . 217. Of the second death . ibid. Whether the wicked shall be annihilated . It is prov'd against Mr. Hobbes , from Sophocles and Grotius , that a miserable life is usually expressed by death . 218. Article 12. Concerning the future estate and place of happiness . 219 , &c. Mr. Hobbes denying the immortality of the soul , granteth a future estate after the Resurrection , by Grace . Ibid. It is prov'd that the soul surviveth the body , and receiveth immediate recompence . 220 , 221. A full answer , to the place of Solomon wrested by Mr. Hobbes to prove that , in death , nothing remaineth of a man but a carcass . 222 , 223 , 224. And to those out of Job . 227. That , although God could raise the body to life , yet without the supposition of a substantial Soul , the Doctrine of Religion would be prejudiced : against Mr. Hobbes . 228. Of the Kingdom of God. Of the place of Heaven , on earth it is prov'd , that Christs Kingdom began long ago . 230 , 231. Against Mr. Hobbes , that St. Marc. 9.1 . refers to the destruction of Jerusalem , and not to the Transfiguration of Christ. 232 , 233. Of the Siege of Jerusalem by Gallus and Titus . Ibid. Coelestial bodies , in opposition to this gross flesh and bloud , confess'd , by Athenagoras and St. Hierom ▪ they seem unagreeable to an Heaven on earth 234. If a man hath no substantial soul , he cannot be the same , in the alter'd contexture of a Coelestial body . Ibid. It is prov'd from Scripture , against Mr. Hobbes , that The Heaven shall not be on earth . 235. Concerning the Argument of Christ , for the Resurrection ; against the Sadduces . 237. The double meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. An answer to 1 Cor. 15.22 . alleged by Mr. Hobbes to prove heaven on earth , and the blessed to be in the estate of innocent Adam . The Interpretation of Crellius and Vorstius . 238 , 239. Of Adams immortality on earth 240. Jerusalem not to be the Metropolis of Heaven , 241. Answer to Psal. 133.3 . produced unskilfully by Mr. Hobbes . 242. Of the New Jerusalem . Of Jerusalem above . Of the new Jerusalem descending . With what it synchronizeth . 243. Answers to the places produced , out of Isaiah ; Joel ; Obadiah ; St. John ; St. Paul ; to prove that The Heaven shall be at Jerusalem on earth , at the second coming of Christ. 244 , 245 , 246 , 247. The Conclusion . 284. The Editions of such Books of Mr. Hobbes , as are cited in this Dialogue . ELementa Philosophica de Cive . A●●stero● . 1647. Humane Nature , London . 1650. Leviathan . London . 1651. Objectiones in Renati Des Cartes Meditationes de prima Philosophia . Amstel . 1654. Of Liberty and Necessity . Lond. 1654. De Corpore , in English , Lond. 1656. Six Lessons to the Oxford-Professors of the Mathematicks . Lond. 1656. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or marks of the absurd Geometry , Rural Language , &c. of Dr. Wallis . Lond. 1657. Elementorum Philosophiae sectio secunda de Homine . Lond. 1658. Mr. Hobbes considered , or his Letter to Dr. Wallis , concerning the Loyalty , Religion , Reputation , and manners of the Author . Lond. 1662. Mirabilia Pecci . Lond. Reprinted , 1666. THE CREED OF Mr. Hobbes , &c. The First Part. MR . Hobbes of Malmsbury , having pretended to furnish the World with Demonstration , in stead of talkative and contentious Learning ; and having particularly attempted to resolve the appearance● of Nature , by Principles almost wholly new , without any offensive novelty ; to discover the Faculties , Acts , and Passions of the Soul of Man , from their original Causes ▪ to ●uild upon these two foundations , the truth of Cases in the Law of Nature , and all the undoubted Elements of Government and Society ; to discourse of God , and of the most momentous Articles of Religion , in a way peculiar to himself ; and having done all this with such a confidence , as becometh only a Prophet or an Apostle : there is certainly no man who hath any share of the Curiosity of this present Age , or hath had his conversation amongst Modern Books , who yet remaineth unacquainted with his Name and Doctrine . Of these , the latter hath spread its malignity amongst us too too far , and it hath infected some who can , and more who cannot read a difficult Author . Wherefore it is the business of this little Book , to expose this insolent and pernicious Writer ; to shew unto my Countreymen that weakness of head , and venome of mouth , which is in the Philosopher , who hath rather seduc'd and poyson'd their Imaginations , than conquer'd their Reason . And in doing this , I shall assume the usual and allowed Liberty of feigning a Discourse betwixt Mr. Hobbes , and a Student in Divinity ; as also such Circumstances as gave occasion to the Dialogue , after the ensuing manner . A certain Divine having allotted one moneth in a year for his Diversion , as also for his better information in the Topography of England , he chose , a while since , to become an eye-witness of those Wonders of the Peak , of which he had sometimes read with some content , in the elegant Prose of Mr. Cambden , and heroick numbers of Mr. Hobbes . In this Progress , he was led at length , by his Curiosity , to Buxton-Well , in such a juncture of time as he esteemed happy : For at the same hour with him , Mr. Hobbes alighted there , together with three or four other persons , of no inferiour quality ; for the old Man being a well-willer to long life , and knowing that those Waters were comfortable to the Nerves , (a) and very usefull towards the prolongation of health , was not unwilling to be a visiter of them . The fellow-●ravellers of Mr. Hobbes had no sooner taken their Foot out of the Stirrop , than they were surprized by the Contents of a Letter , which a Messenger , dispatched after them , deliver'd into their hands . The business was a matter of great importance , and such as admitted of no delay , and was very improper for the attendance of Mr. Hobbes , who was therefore left by them with much excuse , and many expressions of Civility , to the sole conversation of the Divine . In their Address , Mr. Hobbes made his , with a stiff posture , and a forbidding countenance , having no ground of hoping for good usage from Men of that Order , upon which he had cast so much of his foulest Ink , besides their Christian Charity in forgiving Injuries . But it was not long before he learnt virtue from necessity , and chose , rather than to want , or seem to shun , an equal Companion , to put himself into a more sociable humour . After they had said those things which are of course amongst men in their salutations , and made known to one another their names and qualities , and purposes in this Journey , they prepar'd themselves to enter into the Bath ; whilest they were in it , in those intervalls wherein they abstain'd from swiming , and plunging themselves , they discours'd of many things relating to the Baths of the Antients , and the Origin of Springs : Amongst other sayings and enquiries of Mr. Hobbes , he at last brake forth , as it might seem , abruptly , into this Question , What Proportion is observed in the Tuscan Order ? The Divine being well aware of those sudden leaps which the mind often taketh , from one thing to another , return'd first this Answer , That the Tuscan O●der with Base and Capital must be seven times its thickness ; and then replied also , That he could follow the train of Mr. Hobbes 's imaginations , as far as that Question , having guessed within himself at the first hint of them ; which proof of his sagacity being desired , he applied himself in this sort , to the performance of his undertaking : You first ( said he ) beheld the Bath in which we are , you thence proceeded in your thoughts to the Baths of Rome Pagan ; amongst them you solicited the Fountain of Mars ; and thence your imagination passed to the rudeness of Nero , who ( as Tacitus (a) saith , defiled those sacred Waters , and violated the Ceremony of the place , by entring with his polluted body , immediately after one of his Riots : Having thought of Nero , his barbarous act of setting Rome on fire ▪ came next into your mind ; and thence y●u were led unto the motive which did in part induce him to burn the City , that is to say , because it seem'd unto him a rude heap of inartificial structures , and might arise to a greater glory out of its ashes : The thought of building occasioned that of the Fire Orders ; and so at length your fancy was guided to the Tuscan . Mr. Hobbes acknowleged that he had conjectur'd aright , and begged pardon for that slight Question , protesting , that whilest he ●●sed , it came from him unawares , and being pleased with the quick ranging of his companions mind , which he conceived to have been assisted by the study of his own doctrine , concerning a Chain of Phantasmes , he encreased in complacence . When they had in this manner b passed away an hour , they stepped out of the Bath , and having dried and cloathed themselves , they sate down , in expectation of such a Supper as the place afforded , designing to make a meal like the Deipnosophistae , and rather to reason , than to drink profoundly . But in this innocent intention they were interrupted by the disturbance arising from a little quarrell , in which some of the ruder people in the house were for a short time engaged . At this Mr. Hobbs seem'd much concern'd , though he was at some distance from the persons . For a while he was not composed , but related it once or twice as to himself , with a low and carefull tone , how Sextu● Rostius was murthered after Supper , by the Balneae Palatinae . Of such generall extent is that Remark of Cicero , in relation to Epicurus the Atheist , of whom he observed , that he of all men , dreaded most those things which he contemned , Death and the Gods. But Mr. Hobbes having in a short space recovered himself , he was willing to enter with the Ecclesiastick , into a serious Discourse , and to examine and account for such Doctrines in his Books , as were usually accused not only of error , but likewise of downright irreligion . And for the more convenient managing of this Dialogue , the Divine addressed himself to Mr. Hobbes , to this purpose . Student . Before we engage in any Dispute , I am desirous to deal plainly with you , in reference to some things which may obstruct our design ; and I hope you will not interpret for contempt , my ordinary liberty of conversation . You have been represented to the world , as a person very inconversible , and as an imperious dictator of the principles of vice , and impatient of all dispute and contradiction . It hath been said that you will be very angry with all men that will not prese●tly submit to your dictates ; and that for advancing the reputation of your own skill , you care not what unworthy reflexions you cast on others . Monsieur Descartes c hath written it to the confident Mersennus , and it is now publish'd to all the world , that he esteem'd it the better for himself that he had not any commerce with you ; as also , that if you were of such an humour , as he imagined , and had such designs , as he believed you had , it would be impossible for him and you to have any communication , without becoming enemies . You are thought , in di●pute , to use the Scrip●ure with irreverence ; and you have in a scoff men●ion'd the Focus of the Parabola of Dives and La●●rus . I am ashamed of that humour in Descartes , who hearing that Monsieur Petit had a little relish'd his Meditations , said , he w●s well pleased ; adding also , that there was joy in Heaven for one sinner that converted . If you appear morose , wedded to your ▪ opinion , and profane ; if you endeavour to enervate any Ar●icle of moment in our Faith , you must expect , either to be left alone , or to undergo the effects of a just indignation . I applaud in others , and I labour after a mastery of passion in my self ; but when the honour of Religion is concern'd , it is my judgement not to suppress my warrantable zeal ; and I cannot value such a moderate man , as in a worthy cause , is neither hot , nor cold . Mr. Hobbes . For the morosity f and peevishness which I am charged with , all that know me familiarly , know 't is a false accusation . But it is meant , it may be , only towards those that argue against my opinion ; but neither is that true . When vain and ignorant persons , unknown to me before , come to me on purpose to argue with me , and to extort applause for their foolish opinions , and missing of their end , fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions , and then appear not very well contented , 't is not my morosity , but their vanity that should be blamed . For Descartes , he was moved without cause , being jealous g that I should supplant him in his Principles of Philosophy . That fear was groundless ; for I differed much from him , especially in the explication of sense by motion . Let any man read Descartes , h he shall find that he attributeth no motion at all to the object of sense , but an inclination to action , which inclination no man can imagine what it meaneth . Touching the holy Scriptures , I am so far from irreverence towards them , that I have great regard i to the Articles and Decrees of our Church , suspending my sentence , where the Church hath not determined . St●d . It would be much satisfaction to find all this in the sequel of our Discourse , confirmed to me by experience . But whatsoever your behaviour is like to be , I cannot but fear ( having been conversant in your Leviathan ) that your opinions will deserve reproof . I have sometimes heard the substance of them comprized in twelve Articles , which sound harshly to men profe●●ing Christianity ; and they were delivered under the Title of the Hobbist's Creed , in such phrase and order as followeth . I believe that God is Almighty matter ; that in him there are three Persons , he having been thrice represented on earth ; that it is to be decided by the Civil Power , whether he created all things else ; that Angels are not Incorporeal substances , ( those words implying a contradiction ) but preternatural impre●●●ons on the brain of man ; that the Soul of man is the temperament of his Body ; that the Liberty of Will , in that Soul , is physically necessary ; that the prime ●aw of nature in the soul of man is that of self-Love , that the Law of the Civil Sovereign is the obliging Rule of good and evil , just and unjust ; that the Books of the Old and New Testament are made Canon and Law by the Civil Powers ; that whatsoever is written in these Books , may lawfully be denied even upon oath , ( after the laudable doctrine and practice of the Gnosticks ) in times of persecution , when men shall be urged by the menaces of Authority ; that Hell is a tolerable condition of life , for a few years upon earth , to begin at the general Resurrection ; and that Heaven is a blessed estate of good men , like that of Adam be●ore his fall beginning at the general Resurrection , to be from thenceforth eternal upon Earth in the Holy-Land . These Articles , as they are double in their number ; so do they a thousand times exceed in mischievous error , those six so properly called bloody ones , in the dayes of King Henry the eighth — Nay Sir , I beseech you set not so uneasily ; neither prepare to vent your passion ; for if it shall appear in the pursuit of this disputation , that this charge which is now drawn up , is false ; I will not persist in it , but be zealous in moving all your slanderers to lay themselves at those Feet of yours ; at which ( as you your self have written ) a so very many of our English Gentry have , with excellent effect , sate for instruction . At present I desire to take no other advantage from that presumed Creed , than may be derived from the method in which the Articles of it are propounded , as also from the particular subjects contained in them , without any forestalling assent or dissent of mind . For from thence we may fitly borrow both the Heads and the Order , of such a discourse , as will lead us without confusion , throughout all those Opinions , with which you are said , to have debauched Religion . Let us then take our beginning from the first Article , that fundamental principle , which being removed all real Religion falls to the ground ; that is to say ; the Existence of a God. Are you then convinced , that God is ? Mr. Hobbs . I am . For b the effects we acknowledge naturally , do include a Power of their producing , before they were produced ; and that Power presupposeth something Existent that hath such Power : and the thing so existing with power to produce , if it were not eternal , must needs have been produced by somewhat before it , and that again by somewhat else before that , till we come to an eternal ( that is to say , the First , ) Power of all Powers , and ●●rst Cause of all Causes : and this is it which all men conceive by the name of God. Stud. By this argument , unwary men may be , perhaps , deceived into a good opinion of your Philosophy ; as if by the aids of it , you were no weak defender of natural Religion ; but such as with due attention , search your Books , they cannot miss a Key , wherewith they may decypher those mysterious words , and shew that in their true and proper meaning , they undermine Religion in stead of laying the ground-work of it . Des-Cartes in an Epistle to Father Mersennus a makes mention , though with much neglect of your opinion concerning a Corporeal God , this it seems you had broached in a studied Letter , which passed through divers hands , about that time when All things Sacred began to be most rudely invaded ; to wit , the commencement of our Civil Wars . And in diver ▪ Books since that time published , you have often insinuated , and sometimes directly asserted , that whatsoever existeth is material . Seing then , it is absurd to say , that Matter can create Matter ; it followeth that the effects you speak of in your argument , are not to be understood of the very Essences of bodies ( which in your Book de Corpore b you conceive to be neither generated nor destroyed ) but of those various changes , which by motion are caused in nature : your sense then amounteth to this impious assertion ; that in the chain of natural causes , subordinate to each other , that portion of matter which in one rank of causes and effects ( for you admit c of an eternal cause or of causes ) being it self eternally moved , d gave the first impulse to another body , which also moved the neighboring Body , & so forward in many links of succession , 'till the motion arrived at any effect which we take notice of , is to be called God. In the like sense the Atheist Vaninus called nature , e the Queen and Goddesse of Mortals ; being ( as saith a learned Writer ) f a sottish Priest of the said Goddess , and also a most infamous sacrifice . Mr. Hobbes . This principle , that God is not incorporeal , is g the doctrin which I have sometimes written , and when occasion serves , maintain ; I say , therefore , that h the world ( I mean not the Earth only , that denominates the lovers of it worldly men , but the Universe , that is , the whole Mass of all things that are ) is corporeal , that is to say , body ; and hath the dimensions of magnitude , namely , length , breadth and depth , also every part of body is likewise body , and hath the like dimensions ; & consequently every part of the universe is body , & that which is not body , is no part of the ●niverse : and because the universe i● all , that which is no part of it is nothing ; and consequently no where nor do's it follow from hence , that Spirits are nothing ; for they have dimensions , and are therefore really bodies ; though that name in common speech be given to such bodies only , as are visible or palpable ; that is , that have some degree of opacity . But for Spirits they call them incorporeal ; which is a name of more honor , and may therefore with more piety be attributed to God himself ; in whom we consider not what attribute expresseth best his nature , which is incomprehensible , but what best expresseth our desire to honor him . Stud. If every part of body be body , not only ●s to us , but in it self ; there seemeth to be such an inexhaustibleness in the least atome , as will render it , as infinite as the whole Mass of the remaining Matter , neither do I apprehend how there can ever be made a true beginning of the Theory of Nature ; if after the utmost resolution of matter , it be impossible to descend to the very root of Bodies : which Root I would name , a Physical Monad , if you would not use your standing weapons of reproach , a Jargon ; nonsense ; absurd and insignificant speech . But I will pursue this perplexing Argument no further , because we must not loose sight of our main Subject , touching the Corporeity of God ; which is affirmed by you in this place , without the least offer of a Reason ; which in good earnest were a very vain attempt , for if All be matter ; seeing God is infinite and every where b and Body cannot be at the same time in the same space with body , c ( both which by you are also granted ) then by the name of God we must understand the universe . Then d whatsoever we see , or whatsoever we move towards , the same is Jupiter , and such an opinion if it once break in upon our belief , it will make a way there , by which a million of absurdities may follow after it , and that I may not seem to deceive by a general assertion , I will here repeat a few of them . It will follow thence , that All the actions of God proceed by unavoidable compulsion , from the mechanic Laws of moving and moved Matter . That some parts of the Deity perceive , what others do not , there being in divers bodies , divers Re-actions , in which you place the nature of conception a in organized matter ; and must also allow the same in that which hath neither brain nor heart , if you will admit of perception every where , in Your Deity . That if any parts of matter be perfectly at rest , then such parts of the Deity , ( suppose of Gold , Lead , or Marble ) are without understanding , and thus in opposition to the Sovereign God , whose being and knowledge are no where excluded , you have set up a Baal of your own , of which one part is asleep , in the depth of Rest ; and the other is in a journey hurried by motion . It will also follow from this principle of yours , that Idolatry which you somwhere b condemn as sinful , is no crime ; it being no other than an amicable officiousness in one part of the Deity towards the other , if the Universe be God ; and here a saying of Athenagoras c comes in fit time into my mind ; and it is to this effect . If God and Matter be the same thing under differing appellations ; we are impious if we deny to Stones and Trees , to Gold and Silver divine honor . Lastly , if the Universe be God , then Cain , and Cham , and Pharaoh , and Herod , and Pila●e , and Iuda , and ( that I may say it with sufficient emphasis ) the Teacher also of this doctrin is part of the Deity . Mr. Hobbes . This d is all error and railing , that is , stinking wine , such as a Jade le ts fly , when he is too hard girt upon a full Belly . Stud. This nasty metaphor is widely misplaced , whilst instead of saying that I am hard girt , you should have confess'd your self ( for that 's the truth ) to have been galled to the quick . For my self , ● was not intemperate in my passion , but zelous in the truth : but your language is both foul and unjust ▪ and ( to allude further to the beast you speak of ) you therefore boggle and foam , because of a sudden there is too much Light let in upon you , but laying aside this reviling humor , which is common ▪ not with ingenious Phylosophers , but with people of poor and evil education ; let me with calmness be informed of those Reasons , upon which you so confidently support your self in maintaining the materiality of God. Mr. Hobbes . Before I repeat my Reasons , I wil● let you understand that I have expresly taught i● My Leviathan , a that those Phylosophers , who said the World , or the Soul of the World wa● God , speak unworthily of him ; and denied his Existence : for by God is understood the Cause of the World ; and to say that the World is God , is to to say , there is no cause of it , that is , no God. Stud. In this you are at agreement with me , but seem to contradict your self , for here you deny that the World is God , and elsewhere you defend it most pertinaciously , that All is Body , which 〈◊〉 it be , then as hath been said ) the whole is God , if he existeth ; seeing nothing that is , can give bounds unto his in●inite nature , and Body can be a neighbour to Body , but not an Inhabitant . In some places you write down , and in others you dash out your fancy of a corporeal God : you have said , that whatsoever is , is Body ; you have also written , b that to attribute to God , parts or totality , is not honour , because they are attributes only of things finite : and now methinks you should not be so impatient of contradiction from others , seeing you swallow it without straining in your own Books . But from this diversion , please to return unto those promised Reasons , wherewith you are wont to manage this Argument of the materiality of our Creator . Mr. Hobbes . In this I will comply with you ; and my care c it is , and labour , to satisfie the judgement and reason of mankind . And first , d what kind of attribute , I pray you , is immaterial or incorporeal substance ▪ Where do you find it in the Scripture ? Whence came it hither , but from Plato and Aristotle , Heathens , who mistook those thin inhabitants of the brain they see in sleep , for so many incorporeal men ; and yet allow them motion , which is proper only to things corporeal ? Do you think it an honour to God to be one of these ? And would you learn Christianity from Plato and Aristotle ? But seeing there is no such word in the Scripture , how will you warrant it from natural reason ? Neither Plato nor Aristotle did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal spirit ; for they could not conceive how a spirit , which in their language was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in ours , a wind ) could be incorporeal . Stud. In this first Endeavour ( for a Reason I cannot style it ) there are many things which appear to me absurd . You tell us that the Attribute of Incorporeal was borrowed from the Heathens , Plato and Aristotle ; and yet almost in the same breath , you say , that neither of them did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal spirit . You reproach us , as learning Christianity ( in stead of which you ought to have used the more proper term of Natural Theology ) from such Heathens ; and thereby you seem to herd with that ignorant multitude , who of late decry'd all humane Learning , upon pretence that it was heathenish and prophane , as if the Pearl of Wisdome and Reason were so besmear'd by the usage of the Heathens , as to be rendred unfit for the touch and service of a Christian Philosopher . You again are too too much in their humour , whilest you require expres● mention of a term in holy Scripture , and upon the supposed silence of it , reject the notion which may be delivered in another form of words . And moreover , when you say that Plato and Aristotle could not conceive a spirit , by reason that with them it signified a wind , to be incorporeal ; therein also you ought not to have used such confidence in your assertion : for if wind be motion , and motion be so unglued and loose , as to pass from Body to Body , I know not whether the n●me of wind may not more promote , than obstru●t the apprehension of an incorporeal Being . We are informed by Sextus Empiricus , a that some of the Antients contended expresly for the incorporeity of motion . I mean by motion , that force so little yet understood , which is the cause of the translation of bodies , and not , as you somewhere b speak , the relinquishing of one place , and acquiring another . But leaving this subtiler Consideration , I will proceed to shew , that neither the Scripture , nor the School of Plato , or Aristotle , is wholly unacquainted with the Doctrine of an incorporeal spirit . Concerning the holy Scripture , it saith , that God created all things , and filleth all things , and therefore it teacheth that he is immaterial . And for the very term , we may perhaps meet with it in the words of our blessed Lord c who appearing to the doubting and amazed Disciples , encouraged and confirmed their faith , by saying to them , Lay hold of me , handle me , and see that I am not an incorporeal Daemon : you will now tell me , that I follow not the true Copy of the New Testament , in the translation of this produced Text. I defend my self , by answering , that I follow holy Ignatius , who in his undoubted Epistle to those of Smyrna d cited both by Eusebius and St. Hierome , bringeth in our Lord using these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This excellent person who saw our Lord after his resurrection , did either cite the words exactly e or else , which also strengtheneth my cause , he e●press'd the sence of them , according as it was received in the incorruptest Age of the Christian Church . Concerning the Philosophy of Plato , in relation to the Question which lay before us , there is nothing more received , than that he affirmed the most celestial parts of matter , neither to be God , or Angel , or spirit of man , but to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as is the phrase of Hierocles ) the spiritual Chariots of prae-existing Angels , or of departed minds . In the beginning of the Dialogue with the Jew Trypho , Iustin Martyr a at large , relating his small proficiency under the Tutorage of a Stoick , a Peripatetick , and a Pythagorean , adds also , that he adjoyn'd himself at last to a Platonist of great fame ; that he improved daily by his instruction ; that he was extreamly pleas'd , amongst other parts of science , by him taught , with the notion of incorporeal beings : and if I well remember , the great admirer of Plato , Psellus , has call'd the Soul an immaterial and incorporeal fire . b And touching Plato himself , I am sure that I have read this Maxime in his Politicus , c that incorporeal Beings , which are of all others the most glorious and great , are only conspicuous to the faculty of Reason , which though it be there said by Hospes , yet it is approved of by Plato himself , under the name of Socrates , who reply'd , that he had excellently spoken . Neither will I pass by the testimony of Aristotle , who by his separate Intelligences , meaneth ( saith Ben Maimon ) d the same with those , who maintain the existence of incorporeal Angels . And concerning the rational soul , he teacheth , e that it is separable from the body , because it is not the Entelech of any body , having a while before enquired whether it be endued with any peculiar function , not arising from this compounded estate . He also f denieth , that motion can arise from a body . Mr. Hobbes . It is manifest by your thick quotations , that you are much in love with Authority ; to that therefore in the second place I will refer you . Know then g that whatsoever can be inferr'd from the denying of incorporeal substances , makes Tertullian , one of the antientest of the Fathers , and most of the Doctors of the Greek Church , as much Atheists , as my self . Stud. You have not , by this means , advanc'd your hopes of victory ; for I shall make it evident , that the Forces in whose numbers you trust , are falsly muster'd . The Fathers of the Greek Church believe in the same sence with the Doctors of our own , that God is a Spirit : for Ignatius , and Iustin Martyr , you have heard already on what side they stand . Athenagoras , in his Embassie , in behalf of the Christians , to M. Aurelius Antoninus , and L. Aurelius Commodus , discourseth to this purpose . a The Athenians did most justly condemn Diagoras for sacrilegious impiety , who rather than his Coleworts should remain unboyl●d , would cut in pieces the Statue of Hercules , who also did expresly affirm that there was no God at all . But as for us , who separate God from matter , and teach that God is one thing , and matter another , the reproach of Atheism is most unreasonably and injuriously charg'd upon our Creed . The same Athenagoras , in a few Pages after this discourse b again professeth , not as his private opinion , but as the faith of the Christians of that Age , that God admitteth not of any division , neither consisteth of any parts . Then for Theophilu● , the Patriarch of Antioch , who likewise writeth , not as a private man , but as a common Apologist for the Christians ; he tells Antolycus the Heathen c that God is every where , and that every thing is in God. Had he believed God to have been a Body , he would not have placed all other Beings in his boundless Essence , unless we shall take the boldness to accuse the holy Patriarch of that fault , which Des-Cartes imagined he had espied in your self , of failing d whatsoever the Premisses be , in the Illations deduced from them . If we consult Tatianus , in his Oration contra Graecos , we shall likewise obtain his suffrage e for the immateriality of the first cause . There are , said Tatianus , who do maintain that God is a Body ; I am not of the same belief with them , for my perswasion is , that he is incorporeal . E●sebius may be produc'd in the same place f both against your self , touching the materiality , and against Idolater● , touching the worship of Angels ; for thus he speaks , We have learn't to honour the incorporeal powers , according to the degree of their dignity , ascribing divine honour to God alone . St. Athanasius tells the Followers of Sabellius , that it is a very childish and foolish conceit , by the eye , or by the circumscription of place , to comprehend that which is incorporeal g understanding this speech of the infinite Majesty of Almighty God. St. Chrysostome in the same place affirmeth , God and the soul of man , to be incorporeal . h I might here subjoyn in favour of the common opinion , St. Iren●eus , i St. Basil , St. Gregory Nazianzen , St. Gregory Nyssen ▪ St. Epiphanius , and a long order of others , if it were not a needless labour , and would not look more like o●tentation , than necessary defence of truth . Some indeed of the Antients believed Angels not to be wholly incorporeal ; and St. Hierome placeth it amongst the Errors of Origen , that he ascribed to Angels , bodies of Air : they taught not , that Body was their sole essence , but their cloathing . So that to speak after your own manner a I observe a great part of those Forces , by the strength of which you contend against incorporeal substances , to look and march another way . Mr. Hobbes . Tertullian however is on my side ; for he b in his Treatise de Carne Christi , sayes plainly , Omne quod est , corpus est sui generis ; ni hil est incorporale , ●isi quod non est . That is to say , Whatsoever is any thing , is a body of its kind ; nothing is incorporeal , but that which has no being . There are many other places in him to the same purpose ; for that doctrine served his turn to confute the heresie of them that held , that Christ had no body , but was a Ghost : also of the soul he speaks as of an invisible body . You see what fellows in Atheism you joyn with me . Stud. Some perhaps might here reply , that Tertullian was a single witness , and that his testimony might appear invalid , because he was condemned of old , as an Heretick for this very Doctrine ; because he was a man of a various Creed ; because he was better skilled in the Laws of the Roman Empire , than in those of nature ; at least that he attended not to the phylosophick consequence of his opinion ; lastly , because to avoid his adversaries , he ran too nigh the other extreme , and would have used different weapons in another controversie . But it will be more agreeable to the reverence which we owe to that very antient and learned Writer , to explain one place in him by another , than rudely to accuse him . It is therefore to be noted , that Tertullian sometimes called the passive matter by the name of body , and sometimes by body understood the meer substance , being , or essence of things . In the first sence , are those words to be expounded , which we find in his Book de Animâ . c In quantum omne corporale , passibile est , in tantum quod passibile est , corporale est . Now it is not to be imagined , that in this meaning of the word Corpus , a body should be attributed to the impassible Nature of God , by a man who devoutly adored his Perfections . For the second sence , I will alledge the explication which he himself hath made , in his Book against Hermogenes d the Phylosopher and Painter , who being perhaps debauched by his very profession , which chiefly imploy'd his fancie , affirmed that matter was co-eternal with God. Nisi fallor enim , omnis res aut corporalis aut incorporalis sit necesse est : ut concedam interim aliquid incorporale de substantiis dun●axat , cum ipsa substantia corpus sit rei cujusque And in the very words which Us●er in those , now cited by you , and craftily conceal'd , it is apparent that by body , Tertullian meant only essence , and not impenetrable matter . The words are these , Quum autem sit , habeat necesse est aliquid , per quod est : Si habet aliquid per quod est , hoc erit corpus ejus . Omne quod est corpus , est sui generis . Mr. Hobbes . Of Authority enough , let us consult natural Reason , by attending to which I maintain , a that Incorporeal Body , is not a name but an absurdity of speech ▪ Spirits b supernatural commonly signifysie some substance without dimension ; which two words do flatly contradict one another . I say , again , c an Incorporeal Body or ( which is all one ) an incorporeal sub●tance , is a name made up of two names , which have significations contradictory and inconsistent , for d a substance is matter , subject to accidents and alterations . If a man e should talk to me of a round Quadrangle ; or accidents of Bread in Cheese , or immaterial substances ; — I should not say he were in an error , but that his words were without meaning ; that is to say , absurd . Though men may f put together words of contradictory signification , as spirit and incorporeal , yet they can never have the imagination of any thing answering to them . Substance incorporeal g are words , which when they are joyned together destroy one another . I say again , h that to men that understand the signification of these words , substance and incorporeal , as incorporeal is taken , not for subtil body , but for not body , they imply a contradiction . Stud. This unbacked confidence in an argument of such moment , provokes me to tell you , that you are as notorious in repeating , as those Priests whom men of your perswasion are wont to flout at , whilst they should rather have regard to the dulness of their common Audience : as also , that if all things twice said , or elsewhere written by you were picked out ; your Great Leviathan would shrink to a little Scallop . But to reason with you in your own way , I deny it , once and again , that the speech , Incorporeal Substance , either is or implies a contradiction , there 's a bare Nay , of as good strength , as your naked affirmation , you have somewhere promised a to endeavor as much as you could , to avoid too happy concluding : but here you are so hasty , as to leap over all proper premises into such a conclusion , as is made only by a stiff and presumptuous will. But I will be content to answer also , that we forsake the usage of speech , when we confound the names of Body and Substance . The Logicians , who are at variance in other matters , consent in this , that a Substance is either material , or immaterial . If you resolve to fix a sence to the word , Substance , which hitherto all Custome ( which is th● Interpreter of Speech ) ha's determin'd ag●inst ; you usurp too great Authority . M. Pomponius Marcellus fear'd not to tell Tiberius the Emperor , who had us●d a word not truly Latin , in one of his Edicts ; that b it was in his Power to make Men , but not to make Words free of the City . Mr. Hobbes . Do you understand the connexion of Substance and Incorporeal ? If you do , explain it in English ; for the words are Latine . It is something , you 'l say , that being without Body stands under — stands under what ? will you say under accidents ? almost all the Fathers of the Church will be against you ; and then you are an Atheist . Stud. By avoiding the word , Substance , by which ( in despight of general use ) you will mean Body , your cavil vanisheth : for if we should use the terms of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being , or Essence ; affirming that God is a Being which neither is , nor ha's a Body , you will be of a very quick and sagacious Nose to smell out a contradiction in words so put together . For to Be , and to be without Body , are not terms which destroy each other . It might then be inferred , that all moral virtues and all Physical notions were names and nothing else . But I will admit of the word , Substance , and ( which may seem a concession with advantage ) of the word , Matter , too , without any real prejudice to this Cause , for by Substance is frequently under●●ood ( as Des-Cartes himself , d who favour●d not the abuse of words ha's phras●d it ) Metaphysic-Matter . That Matter is the subject about which our mind is conversant , whither it be a feigned notion , a name , a privation , or negation ; for as Plato ha●s observed , the Art of Reasoning , handles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Matters , which are not real , after the manner of Reals ; and Aristotle ( whom you are wont to cite when he may serve your occasion ) divideth a matter into intelligible and sensible ; not meaning , as is manifest from his context , such matter as is composed of imperceptible parts , but such as I now describ'd . Cicero b likewise calleth Indoles by the name of Matter . But substance ( you say ) being construed aright , doth signifie something that standeth under , under what , when ascrib'd to God ? that 's your smart question , it soundeth hastily to answer under Accidents , which are for the most part appurtenances to Body . But if I say , under Attributes ( seeing the Anti-Remonstrants have of late allowed it for good Doctrin , that the Decrees of God are not the very essence of God ; ) c I am not for such an answer , so nigh the borders of Atheism ( you should have said of Heresie ) as you by your false prospective are ready to espie me . But to take away all occasion of further cavil about this name , Incorporeal Substance ; I will at last referr you to the Law , towards which you pretend the profoundest reverence , submitting your very words at the Foot-stool of such Authority . If then a Substance signifieth Body ; and every thing that is , be body ; then is the first Article of the nine and thirty ( which ha's as much validitie in Law , as the Kings Broad-Seal can give it , which I know you judge sufficient ) an heap of absurd and inconsistent words , for , in that Article we are taught that there is but one Living and true God , Everlasting , without Body , Parts or Passions . Mr. Hobbes . To those Doctrins of the Church , which are made Law by the Kings Authority , I owe reverence ; and have alwaies a will to pay it , in pursuance of which will , I have taught in my Leviathan , d and you your self a while since took notice of it , that to attribute Totality or parts to God , is not to honor him ; you may likewise understand , that my opinion concerning God , sayes nothing of him , but that he is . Forasmuch e as God Almighty is Incomprehensible , it followeth , that we can have no conception or Image of the Deity , and consequently all his Attributes signifie our inability and defect of power to conceive any thing concerning his Nature , and not any conception o● the same , excepting only this , that there is a God. The Nature , I say , of God f is incomprehensible ; that is to say , we understand nothing of what he is , but only that he is ; and therefore the Attributes we give him , are not to tell one another what he is , nor to signifie our opinion of his Nature , but our desire to honor him with such Names , as we conceive most honorable amongst our selves . Stud. To this last effort of yours , there are divers things to be replyed ; and in the first place , whereas you have said that to attribute parts to God , is not to honor him ; it follows then , that you , who would seem to mention his Nature with the highest degree of veneration , have notwithstanding a most unworthy conceit of him ; seeing to call him Body , is to cast the reproach of having parts upon him . So that the character which Cicero gave of the Herd of Epicurus , will not be disagreeable to the followers of a Phylosopher whom you know very well ; in words they affirm , but in truth they deny the Existence of God b . Again , whilst in your opinion the Deity is so incomprehensible , that you understand not any thing of his Nature ; but profess to honor him at adventures , by such tokens of esteem as are in use with men : or by such as imply our inability to conceive of him ; the burthen of our holy Lord against the blind Zealots of Samaria , may be most justy taken up against you , who worship , you know not what ? and to say that God is , and also that you apprehend not any attribute that properly appertaineth to his nature , is only to pronounce of God , as of an indefinite Name : for such is naked Being , strip●d and devested o● all such attributes as are required to particularness or distinction of things . Tell me not ●ow , c that though it be not possible for a man that is born blind , to have any imagination what kind of thing fire is , yet he cannot but know somewhat there is , that men call fire , because it warmeth him : for it is not to be concluded from that similitude , that all that will consider , may know that God is , though not what ; he is for a Blind man warmed by the fire understandeth well , because he feeleth the true nature of it , which consisteth not in the colour or shining of i● , but in that sensation which ariseth in him from his nerves touched by such of the more earthy parts of matter , as are put into vehemen agitation . That God is incomprehensible in some sense , is acknowledged by all , who will not arrogantly suppose their minds , as infinite as God , but to say ●hat we know not any thing of God , because we have not an adequate conception of him , is as absurd , as if a Navigator should affirm , that he knows nothing of the Sea , but that it is , because he cannot fathom the utmost depths of it . Maimonides , in the same place d acknowledgeth God to be incomprehensible , yet sheweth that he is incorporeal ; and that something is to be known of him , besides his bare existence , because some men have better apprehensions concerning God than others , who are equal with them in knowing that he is , we pretend not by searching , to find out God ; to find out the Almighty to perfection , but after some imperfect degree of knowledge to apprehend his Nature , if this be denyed to the mind of man , after the most sagacious ranging of it ; and if the attributes , not only of incorporeal and Omnipotent , but also of good , and just , and holy , and true , be not some real strokes of the divine Image , but only marks of honor in the societies of men , then is it an impossible undertaking ( so far will it be from the rule of Religion ) to labor to imitate Him we worship , then are those places to be blotted out of the holy Canon wherein 't is written , That God is Love : that we must be holy , because God is holy : that it behoveth us to be merciful ( for the quality of our virtue ) as our Father , who is in Heaven is merciful , than by affirming that God is good , or just , or holy , we cannot assure our selves , that we shall not by such speeches talk wickedly for God. Mr. Hobbes . That e which men make amongst themselves here by Pacts and Covenants , and call by the name of Justice , and according whereunto men are accounted and termed rightly just or unjust , is not that by which God Almighties actions are to be measured or called just , no more than his Counsels are to be measured by humane wisdome , that which he do's is made just by his doing of it , just I say , in him , though not alwayes just in us . Stud. Of eternal reasons of good and evil , we may discourse more pertinently , in our intended Disquisition touching the Law of Nature , and the obligation of humane Laws . Yet I cannot abstain from interposing here this short reply , that although the most incomprehensible God has not submitted all the Acts of his boundless wisdome to our narrow Judgements , yet for his Acts of justice and equity , he hath appealed to the reason of mankind ; which therefore is an universal and eternal standard , and not made a just and equal measure , by the meer seal and allowance of humane authority . O Inhabitants of Ierusalem , and men of Iudah , judge I pray you ( saith God Almighty ) betwixt me and my Vineyard ! f He also by the Prophet Ezekiel g maketh appeal to the faculties of mortal men , touching the equity of his dispensations . Ye say the way of the Lord is not equal ; hear now , O house of Israel ! Is not my way equal ? Are not your wayes unequal ? Mr. Hobbes . I am willing to dismiss this Argument for a time , and to re-assume it , as you propounded , in its more proper place . In the mean time , I will go on with my opinion , concerning the incomprehensible nature of God. It is h by all Christians confest , that God is incomprehensible ; that is to say , that there is nothing can arise in our fancy from the naming of him , to resemble him , either in shape , colour , stature , or nature ; there is no Idea of him . At i the venerable name of God , we have no Image or Idea of God ; and therefore we are forbidden to worship God by an Image , lest we seem to our selve● to conceive him , who is unconceivable . Christian Religion k obligeth us to believe that God is unconceivable , that is , as I understand it , such a one of whom we have no Idea . And Reason teacheth , that because l whatsoever we conceive , has been perceived first by sense , either all at once , or by parts , a man can have no thought representing any thing , not subject to sense . Stud. If ●od be a body , seeing man may have an image of extention , and of all the possible figures , which may be made by the varieties of extention in matter , what hindreth that we may not have , in your gross way , an Image of God ? But because he is an immaterial substance , we cannot indeed have any bodily resemblance of him ; but there is in every man a power to have an Idea of him . For although it hath been said that there have been found whole Nations ( as in the Western World in Brasil ) who have liv'd without the least suspicion of an infinite Being , yet there is no Nation so very barbarous , wherein the Inhabitants have no faculty at all of exciting in them , this Idea of God. And here I cannot but reprehend it , as a very shamefull error , in a man who placeth truth in the right ordering of names , and pretendeth a to begin the sciences , by setling at first the significations of their words , to confound the names of Image and Idea , as if they were terms of equal importance . It is also an argument of thickness of mind , of a soul not yet advanced above the power of fancy , to say that no man hath , or can have any kind of conception without an Image , as if nothing were authentically written upon the table of our minds , without a seal and sensible impression affixed to it . I conceive ( said a very learned person ) b that case in this to be alike , as if whilest two men are looking at Iupiter , one with his naked eyes , the other , with a Telescope ; the former should avow that Iupiter had no attendants , and that it were impossible he should have any . The reason why Mr. Hobbes denies immaterial Beings , whilest other men apprehend them , is , for that he looks at them with his fancy : they , with their mind . By Idea , is understood , not meerly a corporeal similitude , but any notion without imagery , and whatsoever occurreth in any perception : the very form of cogitation , whereby I become conscious to my self that I have perceived , is an Idea . And Plato , to whose School we owe chiefly this name of Idea , has expresly contended for a knowledge , soaring above the ken of fancy , and taught us , that the greatest and most glorious objects have no Im●ge c attending on their perception . And Clemens Alexandrinus d in his admonition to the Gentiles , told them , with reference to their Idolatry , that the Christians had not any sensible image of sensible matter in their divine worship , but that they had an intelligible Idea of the only sovereign God. There is a great difference betwixt an object seen through a polished Chryst●l , and a piece of painted Glass ; and there is a far greater difference betwixt the Idea of God in a perspicuous mind , and the notion of a God taken through the pictures of Imagination . When we consider that all perfections that are , or can be thought of , by man a second cause , are more eminently to be ascribed to the first ; and when we further conceive , that it is much better to have wisdom , power , truth , justice , goodness , than to want them , and that th●refore they are , in any being , so many perfections , and when we thence indefinitely extend those perfections by the utmost stretch of our minds , we form aright ▪ though not by way of adequate comprehension , such a true and pure Idea of God , as is not discoloured by corporeal phantasms . But because you move in the lower sphear of fancy , you must be satisfi'd in your own way , and be instructed through a corporeal image , or otherwise you will not admit of any Idea . The Iews of old were of that unreasonable temper , who although they had miracles wrought amongst them , exceeding great , great as their own unbelief ▪ yet would not they be contented without a sign from Heaven , such as was that of the descent of Manna , to which that Nation had sometimes been more accustom'd . But if this should naturally be in others , as it seemeth accidentally to be in you , the effect of poring upon points , and lines , and figures ; to conceive nothing without a bodily image , Archimedes and Euclid should as soon by me be condemned to the flames , as Aretine , and any of the Histoires G●lantes . But because you stick in this lower Form of Imagination , I will therefore attempt to take you out such a lesson , as is most agreeable to you in that capacity . Call to mind then , that you begin your na●●ral Phylosophy a from a feigned annihilation of the World , though you dwell not upon the notion of empty space remaining , but straightway fill it with the phantasms of all such bodies , as before their supposed annihilation , you had perceived by your eyes , or any other instruments of sense . And I must note it by the way , that you except man only from this universal annihilation of things , and leave not God out of it , although his Idea implying necessary existence , the not retaining of him , be a contradiction . After this , you lay aside those phantasms , and b grant a conception of boundless space . You likewise maintain that body and space are not the same ; and you conceive , though you do not assert , a Vacuum . Mr. Hobbes . No man c calls this phantasm , space , for being already filled , but because it may be filled ; nor does any man think bodies carry their places away with them , but that the same space contains sometimes one , sometimes another body , which could not be , if space should alwayes accompany the body which is once in it . — Place d is immoveable ; for seeing that which is moved is understood to be carried from place to place , if place were moved , it would also be carried from place to place , so that one place must have another place , and that place another place ▪ and so on infinitely , which is ridiculous . And for the conceit of Vacuum , I say e that though between two bodies there be put no other body , yet if there intercede any imagined space , which may receive another body , then those bodies are not contiguous . I suppose also f that a finite body , at rest , when all space besides is empty , will rest for ever . Stud. Be it so . From hence it may be collected , that you conceive of space , as of something without your mind , into which you suppose no notion can come but from some outward object . You conceive it as something , which doth exist betwixt two bodies , and hindreth the contiguity of them : for bodies are not therefore separated , because I so magine ; but because t●ey are not contiguous , I have an imagination of their distance , and of something interceding . Seeing also you must acknowledge , that this Vacuity may be conceived , greater or less , you cannot imagine ●hat as a meer nothing , which is capable of such affections . You then by consequence ( though in direct terms you will not grant it ) conceive this space as a phantasm of something ; yet not of body , seeing you have said , one body may relinquish and another possess the same immoveable space ; whereby it follows , that you apprehend it as a phantasm o● such a Being , as has largeness and penetration appertaining to it . Extend then your conception of this space indefinitely ; and remember that you conceive the world without any involution of body in body , placed in it ; and that it may remain in your imagination after you have by fiction destroy'd the visible world ; and that the imagined space is such , as you cannot disimagine ; and observe at last , whether you have not attained in your own way , to some competency of fancying an infinite immaterial Being . For my self I have been apt to think of space , as a phantasm of body , really existing ; and because I conceive this boundless extention , by you suppos'd an iniquity , as dull and unactive , and understand not how to deduce from it , or apply to it , the moral perfections which appertain to the Idea of God ; I therefore suspend my sentence . But the Argument presseth yourself , who distinguish the conceptions of space and body , beyond the probability of a Rejoynder . If you were much concerned for Authority , I would here suggest to you , that St. Paul affirms of God , that in him we live and move ; and that it is said by Theophilus A●tiochenus , a as also by Tertullian ( the Author whom you your self celebrate , that God b is the Place of all Beings But touching the particular explication of such sayings , let every man abound in his own sence . And now having spun out this first S●bject of our Discourse , ( concerning the Immateriality of God ) into such an undesigned length , I remember no Conclusion less improper for the winding of it up ( if it may stand with your good liking ) than the Apostrophe of Arnobius , which may thus be rendred : c O thou greatest and chiefest Creator of invisible things ! O thou invisible Divinity , never to be comprehended by the scanty compass of created minds ! Thou art worthy , thou art truly worthy ( if our unhallow'd mouths may presume to mention that transcendent worthiness ) to receive from every understanding nature , never-ceasing praise ; to be petitioned throughout our lives , ( too short alas for such devotion ) with the humblest prostrations ; for thou art the First Cause , the Place and Space of Things , the foundation of the Universe , infinite , unbegotten , immortal , eternal , whom no corporeal Image can describe , no circumscription can determine . We have dwelt long on this first head ; and it was necessary on my part to pursue it with such a copiousness : for if this foundation of the corporeity of all things had not been shaken , your superstructures would have become almost inexpugnable by Phylosophy . But this being rendred sandy and unsound , there will be the less work and strength required to the demolishing of those ; and so in our proceeding , we may imitate ( perhaps ) the descent of heavy bodies , making the more hast , the further we go . I 'm sure in our next Subject , The holy Trinity ; we cannot speak much , and well , it being a deep and revered mystery . Mr. Hobbes . That Doctrine is entangled in words , whereby there is little said of it intelligibly . Hypostatical a is a name that signifies nothing , but is taken up , and learned by rote from the canting Schoolmen . The b doctrine of the Trinity , as far as can be gathered directly from the Scripture , is in substance , this , that the God who is alwayes one and the same , was the person represented by Moses ; the person represented by his Son incarnate ; and the person represented by the Apostles . The true God c may be personated ; as he was , First , by Moses , who governed the Israelites , ( that were not his , but Gods people ) not in his own name , with Hoc dicit Moses , but in God● name , with Hoc dicit Dominus . Secondly , by the Son of man , his own Son , our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ , that came to reduce the Ie●s , and induce all Nations into the Kingdom of his Father ; no● as of himself , but as sent from his Father . And thirdly , by the holy Ghost , or Comforter , speaking and working in the Apostles ; which holy Ghost was a Comforter , that came not of himself , but was sent , and proceeded from them both . d Moses and the Priests , e the Man Ch●ist , and the Apostles , and the Successors to Apostolical power , these three at several times did represent the person of God : Moses , and his Successors the High Priests , and Kings of Iudah , in the Old Testament ; Christ himself , in the time he lived on earth ; and the Apostles and their Successo●s from the day of Pentecost , to this day . God f is one person as represented by Moses , and a●●o her person , as represented by his Son the Christ : for Person being a relative to Representer , it is consequent to plurality of representers , that there be a plurality of persons , though of one and the same substance . Stud. You surprize me here with such an explication of the Trinity , as has not been invented by any Heretick of the unluckiest wit , for these sixteen hundred years . And now I am guided after the manner of the multitude , whose curiosity leads them to see the deformed births and mishapen effects of miscarrying nature , rather than to contemplate the Master-pieces of the Creation : it is not so much the goodness , as the prodigiousness of this novel doctrine , which enticeth me to consider it . And in truth , this conception of a Trinity seems to me more a Monster , than the head of Cerberus , ( that is , death ) it self ; which head would have been call'd four-fold , if the fourth part of the world ( America ) had been then discover'd : but this conception , as will by and by appear , may multiply it self an hundred fold , and be rather a Century , than a Trinity . There is also in it this inconvenience , that before the dayes of Moses , you must affirm one only natural person to have been in the divine nature . Mr. Hobbes . There was but one from whence we may a gather the reason , why those names , Father , Son , and Holy Spirit , in the signification of the Godhead , are never used in the Old Testament : for they are Persons , that is , they have their names from representing , which could not be , till divers men had represented Gods Person , in ruling , or in directing under him . Our Saviour b both in teaching and reigning , representeth ( as Moses did ) the person of God , which God , from that time forward , but not before , is called the Father . Stud. Where is now your will to pay a reverence to the Law , by whose Authority you are taught , in the first Article of the Church of England , that there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity . But you will say , that your Leviathan was published in those dayes c when the King by your doctrine , was no King ; when the Parliament having the supreme strength , had for that very reason , ( the reason which you give , and I may consider in its assigned place ) the sovereign Right , by which they preferred their own Ordinances , and the Constitutions of the Assembly , to the Canons and Articles of the Convocation . And indeed you have told us in that Book , d that you submitted in all Questions ▪ whereof the determination dependeth on the Scriptures , to the interpretation of the Bible , authorized by the Commonwealth , whose Subject you were : that is to say , to the Annotations of the Assembly of Divines ; wherein , no doubt , you might have read the Doctrine of an eternal Trinity asserted , seeing in their shortest Catechism , 't is not omitted . But Law and Scripture ( like the servants of an hard and selfish Master ) are used by you , whilest they have strength to serve your purpose ; but when you cannot work your design by them , they are cast off with utter neglect . But to proceed ; you your self , together with the Law , have affirmed Jesus to be God-man ; e and Arrius granted to him a duration before the world ; and Eusebius , who had some favour for the Arrian Doctrine , supposeth him often to have appeared before , and under the times of the Law. And a very late Writer , who has not fear'd , in his Rhapsodie of Ecclesiastick Stories , f to deny the Eternal God-head of Christ , hath yet maintained it to he very dangerous , to deny his Pre-existence . There were then ( and it follows from the sense of your own confession ) at least two natural persons , of the Father and of Christ , before this world was founded . Further , if every one , representing the Person of God , in ruling or directing under him , addeth a person to the God-head then may it be thence concluded , ( as Enjedinus speaks g in relation to Pope Alexander , who would infer three persons from the three Attributes of Fecit , dixit , benedixit , at the beginning of Genesis ) that there are not only three , but six hundred . For all Civil Powers are Representatives of the King of the Universe ; and you your self affirm , that any Civil Sovereign is Lieu-tenant of God , a and representeth his person . To speak with propriety , Moses was rather a Mediator betwixt God and the People , who were under a Theocracy , and not a Sovereign on earth . And Saul , who was appointed them in the place of God , whom , in their unreasonable wishes , ( out of an apish imitation of the Heathen Models ) they had deposed , seems the first Person representing God among the Iews . It is also to be noted , that the Apostles were Representers , not strictly of Gods Person ▪ but of Christ God-man , from whom they received commission , in his name , to teach and baptize , after all power was given to him . Wherefore the Bishop of Rome has presumed to call himself , rather falsly than improperly , the servant of the servants of God , and Vicar of Christ. But if you are not willing to multiply Persons in the Godhead , by the number of Vicegerents , but chuse to understand this three-fold representation of a three-fold state of People , under Moses , Christ , and the Apostles , ( which yet is an evasion , not at all suggested by you ) even by this artifice , you will not find a back door open , out of which you may escape . For besides that the Apostolical times are but the continuation of the state begun by Christ , and that the Reign of Christ at his second coming , will be a state perfectly new , we must remember , that there were two states before the dayes of Moses ; the one to be computed from Adam , who in most eminent manner represented God , being appointed by him , Universal Monarch of the Earth : the other , from the Revelation made to Abraham who may be said the first person , with whom God made a formal Covenant , Sealed by the Rite of Circumcision , and by Promises guarded from violation . Again , whereas you have affirmed that the names of Father and Son , in the signification of the God-head , are never used in the Old-Testament , therein you consulted not your Concordance . For seeing Christ is called the Son , in the second Psalm , the cor-relative Father is as directly pointed out , as if the very name had in Capital Letters been written down . Neither do I here create by my Fancy ( as is the manner of such , who deal in Allegories of Scripture ) a mystical sense ; because the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews b ha's expounded the words of our blessed Lord , and not of David . Saint Matthew likewise ha's made the same interpretation : if Iustin Martyr was not deceived , either by his memory , or by oral Tradition , or a spurious Copy ; for in stead of those words from Heaven , c at the baptism of Jesus , This is my Beloved Son , in whom I am well pleased ; he ha's in two places , d affirmed the voice to have been this , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . Mr Hobbes . Let us not labor any longer in e a particular sifting of such mysteries as are not comprehensible , nor fall under any rule of natural Science For it is with the mysteries of our Religion , as with wholesome Pills for the sick , which swallowed whole , have the virtue to cure ; but chewed , are for the most part cast up again without effect . Stud. The danger , in my opinion , ariseth not from the mastication of the Physic , but from the indisposed Stomach and Palate of the Patient , to whose health Religion conduceth more , when it is relished by an uninfected Judgment , in the particular accounts of it ; than when it is taken in the lump by an implicit faith which is a way agreeable , not to grown men , but to children in understanding , whom we cannot satisfie , and must not distast . But because you seem not willing to intrude further into this mystery of the God-head , considered in its self and persons , ( which yet , as you would make it , is no more a mystery , than if his Majesty should be called one Sovereign with three persons , being represented by three successive Lord Lieutenants of Ireland ; ) let us descend to the consideration of the Godhead in its outward works ; in which perhaps we may have surer footing ; seeing Phylosophers , unassisted by Revelation have discoursed much upon Our third Head , the Creation of the World. Mr. Hobbes . The questions about the magnitude of the World e ( whether it be finite or infinite ) or concerning its duration , ( whether it had a beginning , or be eternal , ) are not to be determined by Phylosophers . Whatsoever we know , that are men , we learn it from our phantasms ; and of infinite ( whether magnitude or time ) there is no phantasm at all ; so that it is impossible either for a man or any other creature , to have any conception of infinite . Stud. You prove not here , that a man can have no conception , but only that he can have no image of an infinite Cause : whereas it ha's been already shewn , & may hereafter be ev●●ced from the immateriality of Mans Soul , that all conception● and Ideas , are not phantasms , or arise not from them . But whilst you plead the difficulty of conceiving an eternal being in reference to the Creation , you elsewhere f admit of an Idea , difficult enough ▪ for you can feign in your mind that a point may swell to a great figure , such as that of Man ( and this you say g is the only Ide● which we have at the naming of Creator ) and that such a figure may again contract it self into the narrowness of a point , hereby you admit of a natural phantasm of Creation out of nothing , as also of re-annihilation ; for all the supposed points besides that first , which is just commensurate to so much space , can neither arise out of that one , nor shrink into it , and wherea● you add that you cannot comprehend in your mind , how this may po●●ibly be done in nature , h of which before you pranted a phantasm which ariseth from real impulse , if all be Body , it is as much , as if you had said , you can , and you cannot comprehend it . And I cannot but here admire it in a man who pretends to a consistency with himself , that you should allow the above said phantasm ▪ and yet reprehend it as principle void of sense , i and which a man at the first hearing , whether Geometrician or not Geometriciam must abhorr ; ( the which notwithstanding the learned Lord Bacon did embrace ) that the same Body without adding to it , or taking from it , is sometimes greater and sometimes lesse . But to return to the conception of an eternal Cause , though it be not possible to have an Image of God , yet it is easie by the help of Reason , from the Images of things we see , to climb by degrees above the visible World , to the eternal Creator of it . Curiosity or love of the knowledge of Causes , doe's draw a man ( as you will grant ) k from consideration of the effect to seek the Cause ; and again the cause of that Cause , till of necessity he must come to this thought at last , that there is some cause , whereof there is no former cause , but is Eternal , and is called God. Mr. Hobbes . Though l a man may from some effect proceed to the immediate cause thereof , and from that to a more remote Cause , and so ascend continually by right ratiocination from cause to Cause ; yet he will not be able to proceed eternally ; but wearied will at last give over , without knowing , whether it were possible for him to proceed to an end , or not . Stud. We are not , as you imagine , wearied in this assent of our Reason , upon the several roundles of second causes to that which is eternal . for we passe not through every single cause and effect ; but like those who search their pedigree no further , than their great great Grand-Father , yet say , they at first sprung from Adam ; we view some more immediate causes and effects , and consider that there is the like reason of dependency , in the rest and thence as it were , leap forward unto the top of this Iacob's Ladder , and arrive a● the acknowledgment of an eternal , immovable Mover . Mr. Hobbes . Though from this , that nothing can move it self , m it may rightly be inferred that there was some first eternal Movent ; yet 〈◊〉 can never be inferred ( though some use to make such inference ) that that Movent was eternally immoveable , but rather eternally moved : for as it is true that nothing is moved by it self , so is a● true also , that nothing is moved , but by that which is already moved . Stud. Here you proceed not with such consistence and scrupulous ratiocination as becometh a Phylosopher : for if nothing be moved by it self , then to say an eternal Mover is moved , is to say , that that Eternal is not Eternal : for there is something presupposed to give it motion , and another thing foregoing and causing that motion , and so on , in infinitum . Yet you acknowledge in your Book n a first Power of all Powers : but at the present , your reasoning is connected with your beloved notion o● a corporeal Universe . For Matter can never move , but by that which is moved , and so forward , not to an eternal Cause , but in an endless Circle , which yet in some part must have had a beginning , for here the question will return ; how came the sluggish Matter , which cannot help it self , to have motion at first imparted to it ? if there were not an eternal incorporeal self-moving mind ; wherefore you are , again , involved in the condemnation of the Epicureans , of whom Cicero , in his first De Finibus o ha's left this pertinent observation . There being two things to be inquired after in the nature of things , the one , what the Matter is out of which every thing is made ; the other , what is the force or motion which doth every thing : the Epicureans have reasoned concerning Matter , but the efficient Power is a part of Phylosophy which they have left untilled . So little of Reason in this Article of the Creation , is on the side of some men , who would monopolize that honorable name . Mr. Hobbes . Natural Reason is not so much concerned in this question , because p so much cannot be known , as may be sought , the question about the beginning of the World is to be determined by those that are lawfully authorized to order the worship of God , for as Almighty God when he had brought his People into Iudaea , allowed the Priests the First-Fruits reserved to himself ; so when he had delivered up the World to the disputations of men , it was his pleasure that all opinions concerning the nature of infinite and eternal , known only to himself , should ( as the First-Fruits of wisdom ) be judged by those , whose ministry they meant to use in the ordering of Religion . I cannot therefore commend those that boast they have demonstrated by reasons drawn from natural things , that the World had a beginning . Stud. Where find you the Supreme Civil Magistrate ( for him you mean ) to be constituted a Judge of true and false ? then would the Truth be as inconstant , as the Opinions of those Powers ; who being thronged with employments , have of all men , the least room left for speculation . The Great Turk , who ha's made the Alcaron to be Law , ha's there affirmed , that two verses in Surata Vaccae , q were made by God Almighty , two thousand years before the World was framed and written by his Finger ; and all Christian Princes , who determine the Bible to be the Word of God , have thereby determin'd , that such Stories are absurd Fables . If you had so stated the Power of Princes , as to have ascribed a right to them , not ( as you now have done ) of determining questions ( that is , of resolving them into true negations or affirmations ) but of restraining the tongues or pens of men , from venting what they esteem inconvenient for Society ; I know few men of my Order , who would with any vehemence have become your opposers , provided alwaies that this Power be meant of such Opinions , as subvert not natural or Christian Religion : for it is as necessary at all times to professe such Articles , as it is to make profession that we are not Atheists ; the necessity of which may hereafter be proved . Mr. Hobbes . I have so done , as you require , I should ; for in my Letter to Dr. Wallis , r since his Majesties return , I have upon second thoughts restrained the decision of Authority to the publication and not the inward belief of Doctrin● . I say , there that these opinions about the Creation , are to be judged by those to whom God ha's committed the ordering of Religion ; that is , to the Supreme Governors of the Church ; that is , in England to the King. By his Authority , I say , it ought to be decided , ( not what men shall think , but ) what they shall say in those questions . Stud. In this question of the Creation , you seem too bountiful to Authority ; seeing by your own concession , the affirmative is a point so very fundamental , that all natural Religion , if that be taken away , will fall to the ground ; for in the Epistle before mentioned , s you doubt not to affirm , that , as for arguments from natural reason , no man ha's hitherto brought any one , except the Creation , to prove a Deity , that had not made it more doubtful to many men , than it was before . Wherefore it follows that whilst you attribute unto the Civil Magistrate a Right of binding men , if he shall so please , to profess this falshood , that the World had no beginning ; you also ascribe unto the same Magistrate , a Right of banishing the Profession of a Deity out of his Dominions . Mr. Hobbes . Why do you t stile the King by the name of Magistrate ? Do you find Magigistrate to signifie any where the person that hath the Sovereign Power , and not every where the Sovereigns Officers ? Stud. Although you are here guilty of an excursion , yet I am content to follow you , not being ignorant how soon you are out of breath in pursuing any Game started in Philology ; And first , I will grant it to you , that if we have regard to the nicest application of the Word , at some times amongst the Romans , it will not so elegantly agree to the Supreme Power . For in the fourth Book of Cicero ( or rather Cornificius ) ad Herennium , u the Magistrate is said to be imployed in the execution of such Decrees , as were made Law by the Senate : And I have read in Varro , x that the Officers inferior to the Magister Populi or Dictator , and Magister Equitum , were by way of diminution call'd Magistratus ; as from Albus , Albatus : and yet I am assured that Cicero sometimes us'd the Word Magistrate in such a sense as derogates not at all from the super-eminence of things ; for in his third Book De Legibus y we have this sentence ; The Magistrate is a speaking Law , and the Law is a mute Magistrate , and a while after , citing the words of the old Roman Law , he stileth the Consuls , Magistrates , and the Office , Magistracy : and yet he sheweth , that the Consuls at first had Regal and Supreme Power . But seeing Custome since the dayes of Cicero , ha's otherwise applyed divers words ; and seeing that from a diverse administration of affairs , and from new inventions , and other causes , there have arisen new words also ; those persons who will precisely speak , with Cicero and the old Romans ( every of whose words and phrases , cannot be thought extant in the fragments now in our hands ; ) they rather betray their own affectation , than declare themselves Masters of Propriety of Language ; whilst Castalio useth Iova , Tinctio , Genius , Sancte colatur ; in stead of Iehovah , Baptismus , Angelus , Sanctificetur ( which word by the favor of so great a Critic , is not avoided by z Cicero himself ) he seems to study rather niceness , than true cleanness of Latine . The word Magistrate is not forced , when it is used in expressing the Supreme Power ; for Magisterare in Festus a is glossed by Regerè . Your own Champion Ter●ullian ( who well knew how to speak , with the Laws ) interprets b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Magistratus : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denoteth sometimes so great a Power , that it is spoken of the very Prince c of the Powers of the Air , that learned Person had in the above said place an Eye to the Government of the Athenians , which after the succession of Kings failed at the death of Codrus , was administred by Thirteen Magistrates called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which the first was Medon . Cavil not now at the number of these Rulers ; for how many soever the persons are in such a Senate , the Supreme Authority d is but one . If you require modern Authority , the Testimony of Hugo Grotius is beyond just exception , for he acknowledgeth , that Summus Magistratus e is used commonly in denoting the Sovereign Power ; although he approves not of it for exact Roman , and nice Latinity . Lastly , Magistrate is a word , in the sense in which I use it , used also in the Law of King and Church , with which we Englishmen are to speak , rather than with the Twelve Tables , or the Prince of Orators . Recall then to your mind the thirty seventh Article of the Faith pro●essed in England ; that Article , though it consisteth in declaring the Power of the King , in affairs both Civil and Ecclesiastical , yet bears the Tide , Of the Civil Magistrate . But I have busied my self too long in a nicety ●f words , which improve the memory , but give not much advantage to the nobler faculty of reason . It is time then , that we look back upon our main Subject , the Creation of the World. If you have any further matter to deliver , in relation to that Subject , I am ready to attend to you and it . Mr. Hobbes . Something I have to say , but there is little coherence of it , with our former discourse . I add however , ( seeing you seem to have required something more ) that upon supposition of the Being of a God , it follows not that he created the World. f Although it were g demonstrated , that a Being infinite , independent , omnipotent , did exist ; yet could it not rightly be thence inferred , that a Creator do's exist also . Unless a ma● should think , that because there is a Being , which we believe to have created all things , therefore the World was created by Him. Stud. Seeing dependent nature is so far removed from a power of making , that it cannot so much as move it self , but will , if once moved , be without impediment in perpetual motion ; and arre● alwayes , if once at rest , without fresh impulse fro● some neighboring body ; we must of necessity have recourse to a Creator : and because we suppose already in the Idea of God , such infinit●●ower , as excludes the like power from all things else ; it cannot but follow , that there being a World He was the Maker of it . Seeing by the Hypothesis , the impotent World exists , and an infinite power also ; who else can be imagined this Omnipotent Architect ? This absurd Assertion puts me in mind of Heraclitus , who having denied that any of the Gods were Creators , subjoyned also , that neither had any man created the world ; fearing ( sayes Plutarch , in a dry jest ) lest after he had overthrown the power of the Deities , we might suspect some mortal man had been the Author of such a Master-piece . The like consequence is natural from the attribute of divine wisdome , which being infinite , can appertain but to one Essence . If then the world be m●de in number , and weight , and measure , it is demonstrable from thence , both that there is h an eternal Geometer , as also that if such a one existeth , the world , which could not so frame it self , was his Artifice And doubtless , the disposition of the parts of the greater world , and even the oeconomy of the parts of the lesser , that of man , implying most wise designs , do necessarily inferr ( Gassendus himself i confessing it ) the Being of a Creator . We need not search further , than to some one particular Note in the situation of the heart , which is a kind of Box containing many wonders one within another . It is to be observed , k that in man , and in almost all such Animals as live of flesh , that the situation of the heart is not in the center , but in the superior part of the Body , that it may the more readily convey to the head a due portion of bloud . For seeing that the trajection and distribution of the bloud , dependeth wholly upon the Systole of the heart , and that the liquor cast forth , does not so easily ascend , as it flows into vessels paralel or inferior ; if the seat of the heart were more removed from the head , the head would be rendred impotent for want of bloud , unless the heart were framed with a far greater strength , whereby it might , with more potent violence , force up its liquor . But in such Animals , whose neck is extended by nature , as it were , on purpose to meet their provisions , the heart is placed without any prejudice , in the center ; because the head being frequently pendulous , the bloud runs to it in a wide and daily supplyed Channel . Go now ( that I may bespeak you in the way of Gassendus ) l and applaud your wit , in saying that that was done by chance , which could not have been more wisely contrived . Mr. Hobbes . In this Argument , I my self , in my Book de Homine , have not denied the frame of nature to argue design ; and I have there spoken to this purpose . Stud. Please to spare the Translation of the place , for there is ( as I remember ) a conceit in the words , which will be lost in English. Mr. Hobbes . Mock on ; I am not ashamed of the words ; and they are these : a Ad sensus procedo : satis habens , si hujusmodi res attigero tantùm , planiùs autem tract andas aliis reliquero ; qui si machinas omnes tum Generationis tum Nutritionis satis perspexerint , nec tamen eas à Mente aliqui conditas ordinatasque ad sua quasque officia viderine , ipsi profecto sine Mente esse censendi sunt . Stud. Seeing thus much is acknowledged from you , in reference to the Body ; how great may that conviction be ( of the existence of a Creator ) which ariseth from the consideration of Souls and Angels ; whilest Thought is much more admirable than motion , and incorporeal spirit , than matter . Mr. Hobbes . Incorporeal Substance is b a note which you shake too too often ; and here , with much absurdity : For , to say , c an Angel or Spirit is an incorporeal substance , is to say , in effect , there is no Angel or Spirit at all . The Universe d being the aggregate of all bodies , there is no real part thereof that is not also body . The substance of invisible Agents e is by some conceived , to be the same with that which appeareth in a dream , or in a looking-glass , to them that are awake . But the opinion , that such Spirits were incorporeal , could never enter into the mind of any man by nature : However , that name will serve our purpose , for the Introduction of the Fourth Head of our Discourse , The Nature of Angels . Stud. To requite your Quibble ; that Note of Incorporeal Angel ought not to have offended your purged ●ars , seeing the old Philosophers thence derived the harmony of the celestial Orbs. But to be in good earnest ; you seem , by denying Intelligencies or Incorporeal Angels , not only to contend with those despised Philosophers , but to encounter almost the whole world . Mr. Hobbes . It is true , f that the Heathens , and all Nations of the World , have acknowledged that there be Spirits , which for the most part they hold to be Incorporeal ; whereby it might be thought , that a man by natural reason may arrive , without the Scriptures , to the knowledge of this , that Spirits are ; but the erroneous collection thereof by the Heathens may proceed from the ignorance of the Causes of Ghosts and Phantasms , and such other apparitions : that is to say , g from the ignorance of what those things are , which are called Spectra , Images that appe●r in the dark to children , and such as have strong fears , and other strange imaginations . By h the name of Angel , is signified generally a Messenger ; and most often , a Messenger of God ; and by a Messenger of God , is signified any thing that makes known his extraordinary presence ; that is to say , the extraordinary manifestation of his Power , especially by a Dream , or Vision . That Angels are Spirits , is often repeated in Scripture ; but by the name of Spirit , is signified both in Scripture , and vulgarly , both amongst Iews and Gentiles , sometimes thin bodies , as the Air , the Wind , the Spirits vital , and animal , of living Creatures ; and sometimes the Images that rise in the fancy in Dreams and Visions , which are not real substances , nor last any longer , than the dream or vision they appear in ; which Apparitions , though no real substances , but accidents of the brain ; yet when God raiseth them supernaturally , to signifie his will , they are not unproperly termed Gods Messengers , that is to say , his Angels . And as the Gentiles did vulgarly conceive the imagery of the brain , for things really subsistent without them , and not dependent on the fancy , and out of them framed their opinions of Daemons , good and evil ; which because they seemed to subsist really , they called substances ; and because they could not feel them with their hands , incorporeal . So also the Iews upon the same ground , without any thing in the Old Testament that constrain'd them thereunto , had generally an opinion ( except the Sect of the Sadducees ) that those Apparitions ( which it pleased God sometimes to produce in the fancy of men , for his own service , and therefore called them his Angels ) were substances not dependent on the fancy , but permanent Creatures of God ; whereof those which they thought were good to them , they esteemed the Angels of God , and those they thought would hurt them , they called evil Angels , or evil Spirits ; such as was the Spirit of Python , and the Spirits of mad men , of Lunaticks and Epilepticks : for they esteemed such as were troubled with such diseases , Daemoniacks . But if we consider the places of the Old Testament , where Angels are mentioned , we shall find , that in most of them , there can nothing else be understood by the word , Angel , but some Image , raised ( supernaturally ) in the fancy , to signifie the presence of God , in the execution of some supernatural work ; and therefore in the rest , where their nature is not exprest , it may be understood in the same manner . Concerning Spirits , a which some call incorporeal , and some corporeal , it is not possible , by natural means only , to come to knowledge of so much , as that there are such things . Stud. Touching the incorporeal nature of Angels , I will evince the necessity of it , by proving ( when we come to examine the nature of mans Soul ) that matter is not capable of Cogitation . At present , I will consider your two Assertion now delivered ; that the existence of Angels , as permanent substances , is not to be collected from natural Reason ; and that the Writings of the Old Testament speak not in favour of such Doctrine . Concerning the first , it is wont to be said , that strange presages of mind , and warnings in dreams ; wonderfull effects in men snatch'd away , and mountains and buildings removed and demolished , by power invisible ; real apparitions to many men at once ; predictions of Oracles ; confessions and exploits of Wizards , and Witches , do by natural argumentation , prove the existence of Angels : as also that these are apt instruments , to beget terrour in the minds of wicked men , in order to their speedy reformation . Mr. Hobbes . I know , that from fear b of Power invisible , feigned by the mind , or imagined from Tales publickly allowed , ariseth Religion ; not allowed , Superstition . Stud. If these be meer Tales , the publick allowance of them cannot make them to become Religion . For God , being infinitely powerfull and wise , refuseth to be served by the effects of solly and ignorance ; neither standeth he in need of pious frauds and stratagems , wherewith to bring to pass his holy designs ; for they are arguments of impotency in those who use them , and the truths of Religion appear most genuine , when there is due trial made of them , by exposing them to the light . But if these things which I have mention'd , be Tales and Fables , ( all thoughts of which do often shake the higher Powers , who are said to feign them ) then the faith , almost of mankind , is call'd in question ; and the most knowing persons are accused of eredulity or imposture . These Stories have not been meerly believed by children , and short sighted people , but by Socrates , Plotinus , Synesius , Dion , Iosephus , Pomponatius , Cardan , and ( his Transcriber ) Caesar Vanine , and divers others , not ideots in Philosophy , nor yet some of them zealots in Religion . Cardan , a man who would speak liberally of himself , not dissembling his very follies and vices , has , in his Life written by his own hand , a spent an whole Chapter , in discoursing about his good Genius ; and therein he insisteth upon such evidences , as made it manifest to him that his Imagination did not impose upon him . He also foretold b the year , and day of his death ; which , because some will not allow to have been done by skill , they have said , that by starving his body , he effected it , becoming a self-destroyer , to gain the reputation of a Prophet . If there may exist such Inhabitants of the air , ( and there is nothing in nature , which doth hinder such Beings , more than it doth the existence of understanding creatures upon earth ; and there is reason enough to perswade us that all Regions of the Universe are some way peopled ) why should it then seem incredible , that they sometimes bestow a Visit upon mortal men . Were all Body and Matter , the air , as well as earth might be folded into shapes , which think , and direct their motions at pleasure . Although some Stories are hatch●d in Chimney-corners , or in the disturbed imaginations of fearfull people , and are told by such as love to hear themselves talk , and to be believed , and are of easie confutation ; it followeth not thence , ( though it be the common reason ) that all are fables . Then , as is usually said , all Histories would be condemned , because there is such a vast crowd of Romances , which multiply with the number of idle and sensual persons ; and your Thucydides would fall into the dis-repute of Amadis de Gaule . I could tell of one , who wearing good Cloathes , and denying the existence of real Wizards and Witches before vulgar Judges , and by staying in his Chamber from Church , procured , amongst the people , the esteem due to a man of a shrewd head-piece , and one that saw behind the Curtain ; though I am well confirmed , that his ignorance was the Mother , and his laziness the Nurse of his in-devotion . Mr. Hobbes . Necromancy , Witch-craft , charming , and conjuring , ( the Liturgy a of Witches ) is but b juggling , and confederate knavery . The Priests c at Delphi , Delos , Ammon , were Impostors ; the Leaves of the Sybils , ( the Fragments of which seem to be the invention of later times ) and the Prophesies of Nostradamus , are from the same Forge . Stud. For the Sybils , the learned D. Blondel has not ineffectually cast away his studies , in relation to my self . Concerning Oracles , although I underst●nd by divers Authors , and particularly by your Thucydides , d that they gave some Answers dubious , and others false , and divers true , but such as a prudent man might have return'd , out of deep insight into civil affairs ; yet , without a suspicion of antient Historians , too uncharitable , I cannot prevail upon my mind to think , that the Priests had no assistance from Daemons . I know not what other judgement to make of the Answer , which the Pythia e gave to Craesus ; an instance , to which you cannot be a stranger . He enquir'd at Delphos , touching the proper means for the loosning the tongue of that beloved Son of his , who was apt for every thing , besides speech . The Pythia returned answer , that there was no great reason for his solicitousness about the dumbness of the Child , seeing when he should first speak , the hour would be unhappy to his Father . The event was agreeable to the prediction , his Son first crying out , when Sardis being taken , Craesus was ready to fall by the inglorious hand of a common Persian . I could , if you requir'd it , produce strange Instances , in times not so remote from our own ; a good while after the coming of our Lord ; notwithstanding that you have asserted , f that in the planting of the Christian Religion , the Oracles ceased in all parts of the Roman Empire . Marcellinus would have un-deceiv●d you ; and even Iulian the Apostate , who in his works , is frequent in the mention of present Oracles ; and particularly , in an Epistle to Maximus the Cynic , g ( which being private , and to a Philosopher doth argue , that he wrote as he believ'd ) He there tells Maximus , ( who was brought into some danger under Constantius ) that he had consulted the Gods concerning his estate , being far distant from him , and solicitous for his welfare ; and that he could not do it , in person , but by others , not be able to hear immediately , as he suspected , ill tidings of his Friend : as likewise , that the Oracle had return'd answer , that the Philosopher was in some trouble , but not pressed with such extremity , as giveth unnatural counsell . Touching Michel Nostradamus , Physician in Ordinary to Henry the Second of France , I have read his Centuries , with very little edification . Yet , when I remember , that in sixty six , I beheld London in the Flames , I know not how to despise that Stanza of his , a which , if it has not satisfied our reason , I 'm sure it has astonished the imaginations of many . But whether he spake the words , and we contriv'd the sense , I leave under debate . But be these things as they will ; this I am enough confirmed in , that such , as publickly deny Witch-craft , are sawcy affronters of the Law , and therefore , for their opinion , which rather establisheth irreligion , than subverts the faith , they ought to be chastiz'd from those Chairs of Justice , which they have reproachfully stain'd with the bloud of many innocent and mis-perswaded people . Mr. Hobbes . As for Witches , b I think not that their Witch-craft is any real power ; but yet that they are justly punished for the belief they have , that they can do such mischief , joyned with their purpose to do it , if they can . Stud. I have heard it elsewhere said , c that our Witches are justly hang'd , because they think themselves so ; and suffer deservedly for believing they did mischief , because they mean it . But methinks , that Law were to be accused of unreasonable severity , which should take away the life of those , knowingly and deliberately , who before they make confession of their inefficacious malice , are in no sort hurtfull to the Common-wealth , which is not concerned in our thoughts ; and when they make confession , not of any evil practices , but of their delusions of distemper'd fancy , appear to be possessed with madness rather , than a Daemon , and ought rather to be provided for in Bedlam , than executed at Tyburn . But could we grant it to be a piece of ●ustice ; yet would that evasion be too thin to shelter those from the censure of the Law , who ( as I think ) do most insolently revile it , by denying all real confederacy with Daemons . For the Statute of King Iames , d whom you somewhere honour with the attribute of most wise , e condemns to death only such Authors of Enchantment and Witch-craft , as are convicted of real effects : And it is not felony without Clergy , ( though it be imprisonment , with shame of the Pillory ) to attempt to tell of stollen goods , or to destroy or hurt mans body by Conjuration . The Statute also mentioneth the making Covenants with some evil and wicked Spirit , as a practice granted and notorious . But passing from the Law of our Sovereign , to that of Moses , let us Secondly , Consider , Whether thereby you are not also condemned , in the Article of the permanent substances of Angels . It is thought by learned men , that Moses and the Prophets had so conspicuously taught the Being of Angels , a that the very Sadducees denied not absolutely the existence of such Spirits , but their natural Being and duration , conceiving , by their appearing and disappearing on a sudden , that God had created them , upon account of some extraordinary Embassie , and the service being done , reduced them to their first nothing . The Old Testament describes Angels by such Offices , of standing before the Throne of God , and ministring perpetually to the Favourites of God , b as shew , at once , their unfancied existence , and their permanency . It were a voluminous labour , to write each Authority in the old Law ; and it were also a superfluous one , seeing the bare instances of Lot and Abraham are so pregnant with evidence , that no reason can overthrow it , though a boisterous impudence may turn it aside . Mr. Hobbes . Why c may not the Angels that appeared to Lot d — be understood of Images of men , supernaturally formed in the fancy ? — That e to Abraham , was also of the same nature , an Apparition . Stud. The Angels sent to Lot were not meer Phantasms , for the Texts seems as much an historical Relation , as any pas●age in the Acts and Monuments of Gods Church ; the very History of the Passion scarce excepted . And in truth you have bidden very fair towards a phantastical Cross , by affirming our Saviour to have been f tempted in a Vision . Were that true , it would be but a faint encouragement , which the Author to the Hebrews g thought a sufficient motive to animate our hopes in the day of the spiritual battel ; to consider with our selves that our Saviour imagined himself to be tempted , and therefore will succour us that are really tempted . Scultetus h was i betray'd into this error by his mistake of the Greek word rendred a Pinacle ; having read , it seems , in Iosephus , that the Pinacles of the Temple were so very sharp , as not to sustain a bird without piercing its feet . Whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified a Battlement of the Temple , a support easie and sufficient ; on which Saint Iames the Just was placed , and thence by the violence of bloody men , was thrown down headlong . And for your self , you fell into this conceit , by being ignorant , or by not considering k that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth often signifie , not the whole World , but the Land of Palestine , the whole glory of which might , as in a mapp be seen , in the places , at and about Ierusalem . But to return ( if this be a digression from our business in hand ) to the Instance of Lot. It is to be noted that not only Lot , but all his Family , and likewise divers of the impure Sodomites , at the same time , beheld the Angels . There were also such effects , concomitant and remaining ( such as were amongst the rest , Striving and Blindness ) as do manifest that the Angels were real , and substantial Messengers . But if it shall be said , that this whole affair was acted , meerly in the scene of Imagination ; it will thence follow , by a cons●quence bold and impure , as the very sin of Sodom , that God Almighty infus'd into the Sodomites such bewitching Images , as were proper to enkindle in them unnatural Lusts , and then condemn'd them to their darkness for pursuing such Fancies as were his own Off-spring . The Angels that appear'd to Abraham , out-went the power of Fancy , feasting themselves upon real food , and not being entertain'd as at an Imaginary Banquet of Witches . Now , for the New Testament , to collect the sev●ral places , were with Samson , to multiply heaps upon heaps . That divers mention'd under the name of Daemoniacks , in the Scripture , were men disturbed by Melancholy , and possess'd with the ●alling-sickness , is not denied by me ; and hath been publickly asserted a ▪ long since , by a very eminent Divine , but to conclude that all were such , is to do violence to the holy Text , and our own Reason in the interpretation of it ; and thereby to render our selves as mad as the persons we discourse of . It soundeth untowardly to say , that Epilepsies and Phrensies b should beg leave of Christ to go into swine ; and being cast out or cured , ( that is annihilated , as such , by the change of figure and motion in the vessels , blood , and humours ) should after this , be able to enter into the herd , and to hurry them into swift destruction . Yet , of Possessions there may be room for scruple in many cases ; and Galen mentions a Disease , under the horrid name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as I have learnt from Peter Martyr , in his Discourse upon the Mela●choly of Saul . But touching the existence of Angels , there is no place left for the Sceptick , in the Gospel . The Disciples c seeing our blessed Lord , when he walked upon the Sea , supposed him to be an Angel. They would not hereby mean a Phantasm , because he was seen by many of them at the same time , whose differing fancies and motions of brain , cannot be reasonably supposed in this juncture , to have conspir'd . And therefore I cannot commend that interpretation of Episcopius d , which he made upon a passage in St. Luke e ; conceiving that Christ , surprizing the Disciples after his Resurrection , was judg'd , at first , by them a meer spectre , and not a spiritual essence ; it being utterly improbable that the same Spectre , or Phantasm should arise , at the same time , in the brains of all the eleven , without some outward object dispensing its influence to them all . Go now , and say , that the Apostles were not men of so clear an apprehension , in this matter , as your self , being smutted with the dark doctrine - of Daemonologie amongst the Greeks . But what evasion is sufficient , when you read the History of the Deliverance of St. Peter ? Concerning whom the Spirit of God affirmeth expresly a that it was done , not in a Vision , but by the real efficacy of an Angel , commissioned by God. Mr. H●bbes . Considering b the signification of the word Ang●l , in the Old Testament , and the nature of Dreams and Visions that happen to men by the ordinary way of nature ; I was enclined to this opinion , that Angels were nothing but supernatural Apparitions of the fancy , raised by the special and extraordinary operation of God , thereby to make his presence and commandments known to Mankind , and chiefly to his own People . But the many places of the New Testament , and ou● Saviours own words , and in such Texts , wherein is no suspition of corruption of the Scripture , have extorted from my feeble reason , an acknowledgment , and belief , that there be also Angels substantial , and permanent . But to believe they be in no place , that is to say , no where ; that is to say , nothing ; as they ( though indirectly ) say , that will have them incorporeal ; cannot by Scripture be evinced . I add also that concerning the Creation of Angels , there is nothing delivered in the Scriptures . Stud. The Scriptures affirm of Angels , that they are permanent Substances ; they also make them inferior to God ; and they ascribe to God the creating of all things , besides himself ; and therefore , by apparent consequence , they affirm of Angels , that they were created . If an express testimony be required , the Iews will tell you , that Moses ( of whose secret Cabal they think themselves the chief ) understood those words of his , especially of Angels , when he said of God , that In the Beginning he created the Heavens . But the words of St. Paul have seemed to me , of more easie and particular application . Christ ( said d that great Doctor of the Gentiles ) is the Image of the invisible God , the first-born of every creature ; for by him were all things created that are in heaven , and that are in earth , visible and invisible , whether they be Thrones or Dominions , or Principalities or Powers : all things were created by Him , and for Him. These words must be interpreted of Men and Angels , from the importance of the phrase in other places of St. Paul e , and from the mention of procured reconciliation or recapitulation which appertains not to the other parts of the upper or lower World f . If any man here replieth , that because our Saviour took not hold of Angels , became not God incarnate to reduce them , and by his blood to soften and loose their Adamantine chains ; it seems , therefore , absurd to apply this Text to those invisible Orders : he may be satish'd by taking notice of the proper signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that verse ; and this will be best done , by observing the agreement betwixt this Chapter , and the first to the Ephesians ; of which Epistle this to the Colossians is said , by Crellius a and some others , to be a Compendious Rehearsal . The seventh verse of the first to the Ephesians , answereth to the fourteenth of the first to the Colossians ; and the tenth of the first , to the sixteenth and twentieth of the other b . We are then to observe that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Epistle to the Colossians , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that to the Ephesians . And Ireneus c citing that , amongst other Texts in the first to the Colossians , useth this second , and not that first Greek word , Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified first a summ of Money , and afterwards was applyed to any Collection . And we speak not improperly when we say , A general recapitulates his dispersed Soldiers into a Troop . So that hereby is set forth that Soveraignty over Men and Angels , which was acquired by the Death , Resurrection and Ascension , of the Captain of our Salvation , to whom , as Head and Lord , the whole body of them is referred ; and under whom they shall not contend as of old the Angels of Persia and Graecia are said to have done . Mr. Hobbes . For Angels , be they permanent , created , substances , be they what they will ; this I am sure of , that I have no Idea of them . When I think of an Angel , d sometimes the Image of Flame , sometimes of a beautiful Cupid with wings , comes into my fancy ; which Image , I am confident , is not the similitude of an Angel ; and therefore is not the Idea of it . But e believing that they are certain Creatures ministring to God , invisible and immaterial ; we f impose upon the thing believed or supposed the name of Angels ; whilst in the mean time , the Idea under which I imagin an Angel , is compounded of the Ideas of visible things . Stud. You here again are blindly fallen into the old mistake of an Idea for an Image . If we suppose an Angel to be an understanding Essence , either not united vitally to matter , or only to the purest Aether , and conceive it employed in such offices as are in Scripture ascribed to it , we have a competent notion of it , and that is an Idea . But of these invisible Powers above us , methinks we have spoken largely enough , considering their nature , as also the season of the night ; if we pursue our Subject much longer , the morning will break in and affright away the Ghosts we talk of . When Goddess , Thou lifts up thy wakened head Out of the Morning 's Purple bed , Thy Quire of Birds about thee play ; And all the joyful World salutes the rising Day . The Ghosts , and monster-spirits , that did presume A Bodie 's Priviledg to assume , Vanish again invisibly , And Bodies gain ag●n their visibility . So said the best of English Poets , in his Hymn . to Light a . Mr. Hobbes . A Poet may talk of Ghosts ; but I 'm sorry you think that we have been seriously discoursing about them ; for then , it seems , we have talk'd about nothing . It is not well that we render spirits , by the word Ghosts b which signifieth nothing , neither in heaven , nor earth , but the imaginary inhabitants of mans brain . Stud. Gast , or Geast , whence Ghost is a good old English word , and signifieth the same with spirit ; and I could produce Verstegan c to avouch it . The word is good , and the Poetry excellent ; and since I am fallen upon it , I think it will not be amiss , if we unbend a little , and refresh and smooth our spirits with some Poetick numbers , and dismiss our severer Reasonings 'till the morrow . And now , it comes into my mind , that I have about me , your Verses o● the P●ak , which are most agreeable to the place and circumstances , in which we have been ; and in r●peating which , I might be satisfi'd concerning some expressions , and particularly that of — ( ninos sibi concolor Author Fallat ) . Mr. H●bbes . For d my Verses of the Peak , they are as ill in my opinion , as I believe they are in any mans ; and made long since — I will by no means hear them . Stud. Then let us get on the other side of our Curtains , without any Epilogue at all ; for I begin to be as heavy as if the Mines of this Shire had a powerful influence upon me . I would have been glad to have diverted the humour a little with something pleasant , that we might have concluded , as the Italians advise , Con la bocca dolce . But I will force none of my humour upon you . Sir , I return you thanks for your Conversation ; and I wish you , most heartily , a good night . Mr. Hobbes . Sir , a praying God to prosper you , I take leave of you , and am your humble Servant . The End of the First Dialogue . The Second Dialogue . Art. 5. Concerning the Soul of Man. Stud. A Good morrow to you , Mr. Hobbes , I hope you slept well , since I parted from you , notwithstanding the heat of our Disputation . Mr. Hobbes . Very well ; as quietly as if I had been rocked by one of those good Genii , which we spake of , a little before we took our leaves . Stud. I thank God , I slept so soundly , that the passed time is esteemed by me ●ong , upon no other account , than that it hath kept me some hours , from debating such further matters in Philosophy and Religion , as we at first propounded . Mr. Hobbes . Let us then delay no longer , but enter immediately upon our second Conference . Stud. I am ready to wait upon you , and setting aside the time of sleep as nothing , to connect this part of our life with that , wherein we were awake , conferring about Angels ; and because we said as much as we intended upon that Subject , let us descend to the Fifth Article , which concerns those Beings next in order , the Souls of Men ; of them I would gladly hear your thoughts , seeing it is a matter which relates , so closely to the greatest interest of man. Mr. Hobbes . By the Soul , I mean b the Life of Man ; and Life it self is but motion , c so that the Soul or Life d is but a motion of Limbs , the beginning whereof is in some principal part within . Stud. By this means you will make of Man an excellent piece of Clock-work ; which though you have been hammering out , more than thirty years , may methinks , ( like the artificial man of Albertus Magnus ) be broken in sunder in a moment . I know that you may set the wheels of your machin a going ; but what is there within , that shall understand when it goes well or ill , or feel and number the repeated strokes ? You mean surely , by your description the mechanism of the Body set on work , and not the Soul perceiving its operations . Mr. Hobbes . Perception or Imagination a depends ( as I think ) upon the motion of Corporeal Organs ; and so the Mind will be nothing else but a motion in certain parts of an Organized Body . Stud. If you can clearly and distinctly both explain and prove that which you have now proposed in gross , you shall then be esteemed that great Apollo , whom every one that has feigned any singular Hypothesis , does in the absence of good Neighbours , boast himself to be . Mr. Hobbes . Before I undertake this , I will remove out of your way that prejudice which you may have against the notion of the Soul as consisting in Life , by proving most effectually to an Ecclesiastick , that the Scripture giveth countenance to my definition . The Soul b in Scripture signifieth always , either the life , or the living creature ; and the Body and Soul jointly , the body alive . In the first day of the Creation , God said , Let the Waters produce Reptile animae viventis ; The creeping thing that hath in it a living soul : the English translate it , That hath life : And again , God created Whales , Et omnem animam viventem : which in the English is , Every living creature . And likewise of Man , God made him of the dust of the Earth , and breathed in his face the breath of life ; Et factus est homo in animam viventem ; that is , And man was made a living creature . And after Noah came out of the Ark , God saith , He will no more smite , Omnem animam viventem ; that is , Every living creature . And Deut. 12.23 . Eat not the blood , for the blood is the soul ; that is , the Life . From which places , if by Soul were meant a substance incorporeal , with an existence separated from the body , it might aswell be inferred of any other living Creatures , as of Man. — Stud. To argue from one sense of an equivocal word to the universal acceptance of it , becomes not a man of ordinary parts . Nephesh , Soul ( as well as Ruach , Spirit ) is a word of various signification in the Old Testament ; and in many places it denotes a will , lust , or pleasure . We read in the Psalmes b this phrase — To bind his Princes Benaphscho , according to his soul , or , at his pleasure : And again , Deliver me not Benephesch , unto the soul , or will of mine Enemies . When the word is improperly attributed to God in Scripture , this usually is the sense of it . You would now esteem me absurd enough , if I went about to infer from hence , either that the essence of the Soul consisteth in Will and Pleasure , or that the Deity had a Soul , that is Life , that is Motion : The Soul being the spring of bodily life in man , it might by an easie Metonymie , be used ( as in the recited places ) in expressing Life . In that place where the Blood is call'd the Soul or Life ; it was not the design of Moses to set forth Philosophically , the inward essence of a Beast ; but to let the people understand , that the blood of a Beast , which was sprinkled upon the Altar , being an embleme of the life of Man forfeited through disobedience , and an instrument in expiation , they should abstain out of reverence , to that Mystery , from a rude quaffing and devouring of it . But what answer have you in readiness to those places , where the Scripture speaks distinctly of Body and Soul ? Mr. Hobbes . Body and Soul is no more than Body and Life , or Body alive . In those places of the New Testament c , where it is said , that any man shall be cast body and soul into hell-fire ; it is no more than body and life , that is to say , they shall be cast alive into the perpetual fire of Gehenna . Stud. Your Gloss is extreamly wide of the unwrested meaning of the holy Text. For our Saviour d counselleth his Apostles not to fear them that can kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul ; making a manifest distinction thereby betwixt the Soul and the Life of the Body ; for if the Soul were nothing but the Life of the body ; it were in the power of every man to kill our Souls , unto whose sword and malice our lives lay do open . And thus you see , instead of removing truth , which in me you call a prejudice , you have laid a stumbling block in the way , an occasion of falling into error . But let us leave the explication of Scripture , in which you are for the greater part unhappy ▪ and attempt the explication of the exalted mechanism of Living Man , wherein you have laboured so many years , and concerning which you have raised the expectations of many . Mr. Hobbes . The cause of Sense a , is the external body , or object , which presseth the organ proper to each sense ; either immediately as in the Tast and Touch ; or mediately as in Seeing , Hearing and Smelling ; which pressure by the mediation of nerves , and other strings , and membranes of the body , continued inwards to the brain and heart , causeth there a resistance , or counter-pressure , or endeavour of the heart to deliver it self ; which endeavour because outward , seemeth to be some matter without ; and the seeming or fancy , is that which men call Sense . Stud. You do not here at all surprize me , as if some new Philosophy ( for the main , not heard of , in former ages ) had , to your immortal renown , been first discover'd by you . For it has been said of old , that , All variety in bodies ariseth from motion ; and that Sensation is a perception of that manner in which impressing bodies affect us . For Aristotle b hath recited an ancient saying of Philosophers , who holding that Phanta●ms were not the things themselves , but only in our Senses , express'd their opinion by asserting , that there was no blackness , without Sight , nor without Taste . And Des-cartes in his Meteors , published in French together with his Method Dioptriques , and Geometry , as soon as I was born c , explained the nature of Colours , light , and vision , otherwise than by intentional Species ; and told us that by cold and heat , are to understood perceptions occasioned by the less or more vehement touch of little bodies upon the capillaments of the nerves which serve in our organs to that purpose . Yet I am not tir'd in hearing such Hypotheses repeated or varied ; please then to proceed , and if it liketh you , particularly in the explication of the nature of Vision , wherein the Doctrine of Phantasms is most concern'd . Mr. Hobbes . In every great d agitation or concussion of the brain ( as it happeneth from a stroke , especially if the stroke be upon the Eye ) whereby the Optick-nerve suffereth any great violence , there appeareth before the Eyes a certain light , which light is nothing without but an apparition only ; all that is real , being the concussion of motion of the parts of that nerve ; from which experience we may conclude that apparition of light is really nothing but motion within — and image and colour is but an apparition to us of that motion , agitation , or alteration which the object worketh in the brain , or spirits , or some internal substance in the head . Stud. This exposition of Light by the crouding of the parts , though it be not wholly to be rejected , yet may it ( I think ) be rendred suspicious for a time , by that which deserves , at least , the name of a puzzling Objection . Let us then suppose unto our selves , such a circumference as is surrounded with Eyes : for in every point of enlightned space , and at all times there may be Vision . I say then , that the part in the Center being equally crouded on all sides , no motion or pressure can be thence conveighed Diametrically , from Eye to Eye ; which is against the Hypothesis mention'd . This Scruple concerneth also the Philosophy of Des-cartes ; against whose Globuli , in Vision , there hath likewise of late , been this Exception made . They have been supposed , in a right line , to move after the manner of Jack-wheels , the one from East to West moving the next from West to East : from whence it has been concluded that the motion being thus disturbed , the knowledg of the Object cannot distinctly be attained to by the endeavour of the last Globulus . But , to on it what he himself , hath written a concerning the Collateral Globuli ; I observe , that the Globuli are so exactly turned , that they touch but in a point , in the right line of them , and that therefore , according to Mechanick Laws , the Motion from the first Globulus is conv●igh'd directly through the Center of the second , and so in succession , 'till it hath describ'd such a right line as is required in Vision , without other variation in the pressure , than out ward impediments shall occasion . But not to digress too much , or to conjure up such Objections as we cannot easily dismiss by Solution ; let us attend to what is plain . And first , to speak more generally , to me it is plain , that all this while you have describ'd the Apparatus for Sensation , and not the inward Substance which hath a faculty to perceive that it has been variously pressed by Objects . Aristotle b enquiring how the first principles of Knowledg should be Images ; doth cut in sunde● rather than untie the knot , by saying , that in truth they are no● Phantasms , yet not without them . And Descartes , supposing Beasts without a Soul , does therefore , notwithstanding the curious workmanship of their Machin , not much in●erior unto Man's , deny that they have Perception ; but only move , as the Dove of Archytas , or the Eagle of Regiomontanus . I enquire , then , not after the instruments of Sensation , but the Substance perceiving : Neither do I , yet , understand , after all your words about it , what is properly sense ? Mr. Hobbes . Sense a is a Phantasm , made by the Re-action and endeavour outwards in the Organ of Sense , caused by an endeavour inwards from the Object , remaining for some time more or less . Stud. There is not only excited in the Brain an apparence of the Object , but also a Perception of that Image or apparence ; as all , who have their Senses , find by daily experience . If Impressions were , not only Instruments , but acts of Sense ; might we not strongly argue , that a Looking-glass saw , and a Lute heard ? But , to descend unto particulars ; I will endeavour to make it evident , that neither Sense , nor Imagination , nor Memory , no● Reason , nor Will , can ever become the results of moving and rebounding Matter ▪ without the presence of an Immaterial Mind . First , Sensation is not made , neither can it be , by the meer re-action of Matter . It would thence follow , Th●t every part of the World , being capable of moving and rebounding , is also , so often as there is this counter-pr●ssure sensible . Then the springs of all Engins . the Elastic air , resisted wind , and an echoed v●ice , are so many perceiving Essences ; and it is an act , almost of as great unmercifulness though not of so great detriment to the Common-wealth● to knock a nail as a man on the head ; for either nail or hammer would ex●reamly smart for 't . Mr. H●bbes . I know , c there have been Philosophers , and tho●e learned men , who have maintain'd that all Bodies are endued with Sense . Nor can I see how they can be refuted , if the nature of Sense be placed in Re-action only . And , though by the Re-action of Bodies inanimate a Phantasm might be made , it would nevertheless cease , as soon as ever the Object were removed . For , unless those Bodies had Organs , ( as living Creatures have● fit for the retaining of such Motion as is made in ●hem , their Sense would be such , as that they should never remember the same . And therefore this hath nothing to do with that sense which is the Subject of my Discourse . Stud. If this be good Doctrine ; we must , ●bove most persecuted M●n , pity the Hammer or Anvil of Vulc●n ; they being , for the most pa●t ▪ tormented by repeated Strokes . But let this ludicrous Argument give place to more sober Reasoning . Consider then , that Corporeal motion , in all things ( as in water ) aris●th not further in its effects than the Spring-head of its own causal Energy . Mr. Hobbes , It is a confessed , that Motion produceth nothing but Motion . Stud. Then the part counter-pressed , being still only moved , it doth not perceive either that , or how , it s●lf is moved , unless Motion be the perceiving of it self , and the apprehending of M●tion , and of all the varieties of Motion ; which is a phrase of greater insignificancy than any you have not●d amongst the Aristot●lians or School-Doctors In whatsoever Matters we are at difference , I 'm sure we are of the same judgment in this , That a Body at rest , b will always be at rest , unless there be some other body , which by getting into its place , suffers it no longer to remain at rest . So that Matter , in its own nature , is thoroughly dull and stupid ; and in receiving Motion it is meerly passive ; for a Body , when moved , only suffers it self to be crouded from a first place to a second . Mr. Hobbes . In that also , we differ not ; for c Motion is , by me defined , to be the continual privation of one place and acquisition of another . Stud. How then does passive Matter , by being crouded more slowly or swiftly , containing in its own Idea only impenetrable extention , obtain an infused power , from that Motion , to perceive that it is crouded , and in what degree ; and thereby also , to have an active Conc●ption of the Varieties in Nature ? But what av●ileth Rebounding to the very Act of Sense ? ●or to have Re-action is no more than for passive Matter to be thrust first forward , and then backward . And why then , may not the part which is crouded forward , perceive as well in proceeding ●rom one term in a right line , as in receding from the other term ? the difference not consisting in any Physical causality , but in relation , or respect to divers Terms ? The purest parts of the Blood thrust forward to the spinal Marrow , have the same virtue imparted to them ; as , when they are beaten backward towards the Retina , in relation to the Object of Sight ; if we suppose their force unbroken and unaltered . The difference is resp●ctive , as in the way which leads from Cambridge to London , the way is the same ; and the Hackney coming to Cambridge , may be almost , as well imagined to be wiser , when he is whipped and spurred back towards London , as that a part of the Matter thrust from the influence of the Object into the Brain , may be thought more to p●rceive in its return to the Optick-nerve , than in its direct course a The like Arguments are to be used against Fancy or Imagination , as a material attribute ; it being but a Perception of Phantasms , ( especia●ly in Vision ) when the Object is removed . H●re we must say again , that , A perceiving of an Image , and a perceiving that it still dwells with us ; and a perceiving that we perceive it ; that is to say , a feeling of a motion , and a knowing that we feel it , and in what manner , in the Organs of Sense ; is not the Motion it self which we perceive we feel : and yet , Motion is all that is introduced into the Senseless , Un●ctive , Matter , and not any new Principle capable of perceiving Motion . For Motion , as was granted , begets nothing but Motion . You h●ve somewhere b said , That Colour is but an Apparition to Vs , of that Motion , Agitation or Alteration , which the Object worketh in the Brain or Spirits , or some Internal substance in the head : should you proceed and say , That such Motion , Agitation or Alteration , in the part , is the Sense or Fancy perceiving that Motion , Agitation , or Alteration , that is , it self , ( which yet is your Opinion in varied Terms ) you would surely grate the Ears of the veriest Ass in Nature . And here the Argument is of stronger conviction , than in sense . For if a part of Matter mov●d , perceives not that Motion , when the O●ject presseth by an immediate influence ; much le●s is it capable of so Doing , when Motion in the Spirits , or Nerve , or Membrane , is subject in short time to languish , and to lose its degree of swistness , or its determination , by the Encounters of fresh Pressures from without , or endeavours from within , which are numerous and almost perpetual . Farther ; you have admitted of the feign'd conceit of Vacuum in nature ; which you apprehend not as a Phantasm of subtile Matter extended , but conceive a perfectly void space between two Bodies . Of this , you can have no Sensation , because there is no Object to press into the Brain . You have no proper Imagination of it ; for , of Nothing there is no Image . But you have an Idea , or Perception , or in your own word , a Phantasm of it : This Phantasm ( by an Argument ad hominem ) overthrows the opinion of Imagining , or Fancying Matter , whilst it ariseth from the Negation or Privation of it . But that which is of greater strength , is a Reason taken from the disproportion of some Images to the Material Sentient , and the manner how the Image conveigheth it self to the perceiving Matter . We have within us , an Image of the Sun , about two foot in Diameter : were the whole Head the Imagining Subject , it would be no more capable of so wide an Image , than a common Wafer is , of the Broad-Seal . Besides , we may consider , that in the Sentient-Body , each part of it has either the apparence of the whole Image , or of a Part. If , of the whole , then seeing every part of Body is Body , and the smallest atom we can see is resolved further into its parts , and those into their parts without end ; it will follow thence , that we shall have an apparence not of one only Sun , Sun , but of more , perhaps , than we have , of fixed Starrs in the widest and clearest view of the Face of Heaven . If of a part , then w● perceive no whole Image , or entire Apparen●● ; but have as many singular Perceptions broken and divided , as parts in the Image or Percipient : If in any part of the Percipient , all the Impressions are united ; then are the parts of the Image confounded by so doing ; and the parts o● the Percipient by communicating their Motion have lost all their Sense : neither is there a part which has not Parts ; so still the Image will be infinitely multiply'd , or not entirely seen . The next Faculty , is that of Remembrance , which is not to be ranked amongst Mechanical Powers . I ●●quire then , what Faculty perceiving the Image in the Brain , perceives also that the Object is removed ; and how many hours it hath b●●n absent ; and when there aris●th a like p●●ssure from the same Object , discerneth that such a pressure was formerly made ? Mr. Hobbes . By a what Sense ( say you ) shall we take notice of Sense ? I answer by S●ns● it self , namely , by the Memory which for some time remains in us of things sensible , though they themselves pass away : for he that perceives that he has perceived , remembers . Stud. I understand that there may remain a quivering in the Retina , Choroeides , and whole Pia Mater , or in the Spirits , after the Object of Sight is removed , whose presence occasioned a more stiffe Pressure . We see the like in extended and moved Nets and Ropes , and a thousand other Examples in Art and Nature : but this trembling in them , as also in such Machins where the Motion may be more entirely and longer imprisoned , does soon vanish . Whereas the Re-action must remain extreamly long , in such Men ( for Instance ) , who at the seventieth year remember most perfectly , and will repeat with pleasure the passages of their School-play ; even those who retain not the things more newly passed . To tell how this can be explained by the meer Mechanism of the Brain , which has received many millions of changes in it self , and Re-actions occasion'd from the Objects of every Hour , requires a more skilful Oedipus than has yet pretended to unriddle the Secrets of Humane Nature . But if we suppose the Motion remaining in the Brain ( which you call Memory ) , there is no satisfaction given to the Question : in which , proceeding further , we demand , By what Power do you perceive this remaining Motion as formerly , caused , and now continuing ? for to say , That the Motion of the Brain is Perception of that Motion ; and that Motion remaining , is the Perception of remaining Motion ; and that decaying is a perception of the remaining yet decaying Motion ; and that this decaying Motion is a Perception that it was a brisker Vibration in time past ; ( whilst all these Motions suppose a faculty pre-existing , or newly produc'd and apprehensive of them ; which , being the issue of Motion cannot be more apprehensive than its Parent ) to say all this , is to pile up absurd speeches unto the very heighth of Non-sense ; and I have done them too much honour , whilst I have taken such frequent notice of them . I again inquire of you , Whether Sense and Imagination , and Memory , being Motions Phantasms , perish , or are transformed as an impression upon the stamp of new Arms , when the rebounded Motion perisheth , as to the Brain ; or is altered there ? Mr. Hobbes . Phantasms a or Ideas , are not always the same ; but new ones appear to us , and old ones vanish , according as we apply our Organs of Sense , now to one Object , now to another ; wherefore they are generated and perish . And from hence it is manifest , that they are some change or mutation in the Sentient . Now all mutation , or alteration is Motion , or Endeavour ; and Endeavour also is Motion , in the Internal parts of the thing that is altered . Stud. If then , Motion ceaseth , Memory also vanisheth away . Mr. Hobbes . It is confessed . And I have said already , That unless Bodies had Organs ( as living Creatures have ) fit for the retaining of such Motion as is made in them , their Sense would be such as that they should never remember the same . Stud. If then , Oblivion seizeth on us , that is to say , in your sense and phrase , if the Motion be removed from the Sentient ; when the Organ is again moved by the same Object , there ariseth a new Motion , and a new Sensation , but no Remembrance that we were formerly thus moved ; because the S●ntient has only had Motion as it had at first ; the old is perished ▪ We find by common experience , that when something has escap'd our M●mory for many years ; ( suppose , the name of a Person in Story ) , we turn our Dictionaries , we chime over all Syllables we can think of ; we use all endeavours to rubb up ( as we say ) our Memories , and perhaps in vain . Mr. Hobbes . This is Re-conning . And our thoughts run a , in the same mann●r , as one would sweep a room to find a Jewel ; or as a Spaniel ranges the field , 'till he find a scent ; or as a Man should run over the Alphabet , to start a rime . Stud. This business of the Brain is set on work , by the Will or Desire , and so far from being caused by Mechanick impulse , that it is occasioned by a Privation , or , in your way , by the missing of parts . But , to connect my Discourse to those words wherein you interrupted me ; when , after all rubbings up of Memory , we despair of finding this much-sought Name , a● la●t , p●rhaps by accidence we espy it on a Monument , or Medal , or in a Book ; or hear it , o● something of like sound with it , pronounced by another ; straightway there a●iseth in us not only ● P●rception of this Name , by this new Motion which is the whole Mechanick causality ; but also a knowledg that this was th● g●oat we swept for , the Name sought after ; & a rej●ycing in the discovery . The sound was not able to produce in us any other Image than we held of old , when we first read or heard the word ; by what token then could it be known to be the lost Name found , if M●mory be performed without an Immaterial Soul ? Having mentioned Ob●●vion , I will go on , by shewing , that , according to your Principles , almost every thing would be as deeply , and as soon forgotten , as I wish your Doctrines were concerning God , and his Angels , and the Sou●s of Men. Attend then to the meaning of Heraclitus , who was wont to say , That no Man bathed twice in the same River ; and of a Modern Physitian who hath told us , That no Man sits down the same to a second Meal . The Spirits , which with the greatest reason , are supposed to be most the Soul , and to rebound ( because it is not so proper to say , That the Nerves and Membranes rebound from the Spinal Marrow ●o the plexus retiformis ) are always shifting postures and places , and many of them transpire daily , whilst new parts of the Blood are exalted and conveighed into their room . In Children the Organs are changed by accession of Parts ; and in all , in the space perhaps of less than seven years , the whole Sentient , whatsoever it is , is , for the main vanished , ' though the Texture be alike , as was the form of Structure in the Ship of Theseus . How then , ( as Raimundus Martini , argueth a Can any person 〈◊〉 him●●l● , after seventy years , to be individually the same , it he be not endued with a Spiritual and Incorruptible Soul , which remaineth the same intirely throughout that space ; but consisteth only of a Body in Motion , with perpetual flux of Parts ? Or by what fetch or wit can it b● explaned , how the new add●d Matter , by new pressure can remember what was perceived by the former , whose Motion is scattered with it sel● ? If we should suppose the P●rts to remain , and yet the Motion to h●v● p●rished , it is all one to them , when they are moved by a fresh impulse , as if they never had been moved but at that time . Now that the Motion p●risheth daily in effect , that is , that 〈◊〉 far varieth in its degrees and determinations , as not to be in capacity of repr●senting the Object as it did in its unchanged condition , will I think be concluded by premises , by your self , laid down . Do you not then , not only ascribe to the several Senses , proper Organs , and in them proper parts which have animation ; but also affirm the Heart to be the common seat of Sense ? Mr. Hobbes . The Heart b is a common Organ to all the Senses ; whereas that which reacheth from the Eye to the roots of the Nerves , is proper only to sight . The proper Organ o● Hearing is the Tympanum of the Ear , and its own N●rve , from which to the Heart the Organ is common . In the proper Organs of Smell and Taste are nervous Membranes ; in the Palate and Tongue , for the Taste ; and in the Nostrils , for the Smell ; and from the roots of those Nerves to the Heart , all is common . Lastly , the proper Organ of Touch are Nerves and Membranes dispersed through the whole Body ; which Membranes are derived from the root of the Nerves . And all things else belonging alike to all the Senses seem to be administred by the Arteries , and not by the Nerves . Stud. The Spirits , then moved in Vision by the Object , return by counter-pressure to the Retina , and from thence by such Arteries as you make conjecture of b , unto the Heart , the source of Spirits . Mr. Hobbes . Conceptions c and apparitions ( w ch are nothing really but Motion in some Internal Substance of the Head ) stop not there ; but the Motion proceedeth to the Heart . And as in sense d that which is really within us , is only Motion but in apparence ; to the Sight , light and colour ; to the Ear , sound , &c. — So when the action of the Object is continued from the Eyes , Ears , and other Organs to the Heart ; the real effect , there , is nothing but Motion or Endeavour ; which consisteth in Appetite , or Aversion , to or from , the Object moving . But the apparence or sense of that Motion , is that we either call delight , or trouble of Mind . Stud. It is then , impossible to remember , seeing the Motion , in passing to the heart , and in being in the heart , whilst it is dilated in receiving blood from the Vena Cava , and contracted in forcing what is receiv'd into the Habit of the Body , ( for the vulgar Systole is the Diastole of the Heart , and vice versa ) must needs be either communicated to other parts already in Motion , or encreased by the receit of Motion from such infinite parts of blood justling with it , or at least , varied once and again in its determinations , rebounding often from divers terms : wherefore it must be suppos'd to perish ; not properly indeed , seeing no Motion is lost any other way than money is said to be lost when it passeth from one Gamster to another , but to all the intents and purposes of representing the Object ; which , to awaken a new Sensation , must come into the Brain by a new Impulse . So that Motion in the Blood , from the Impression of an outward Object , is like that of water , by a stone cast in ; it is propagated from one circle to another , 'till at length it passeth undiscerned into a foreign subject . But it is time to hasten our pace in the present Controversie . In which , I could not , to say truth , have been very brief , if I had but made a short rehearsal of the very heads of such Arguments as overthrow the Doctrine of Thinking Matter . Let us then , pass by these lower powers of Sense , and Fancy , and Memory ; and consider the more advanced faculty of Reason ; and here we shall perceive , by the manner of Mental working , that Reason is a power superiour to Imagination , and much more to all the causality of corporeal pressure . For ( as Descartes a has , with acuteness , and truth , observed ) we otherwise think of or understand a Triangle , and a figure of a thousand Angles . When we think of a Triangle , we not only understand a figure comprehended by three lines , but also we have a Perception , or Image of those three lines in our Brain ; and that is Imagination . But when we think of a Figure of a thousand Angles , we as perfectly , by our Reason understand , that it consists of a thousand sides , as we perceive the other to consist of three ; but we cannot imagin those thousand Sides and Angles after the same manner that we did the three ; that is , behold them as distinctly pictur'd in our Brain , as present in a Phantasm . And although , by reason of the custom which we have gotten of imagining something as often as there is mention made of a corporeal subject , we may perhaps represent to our selves some confused figure at the hearing the foresaid figure named ; yet it is plain , that this is not the image of a figure of a thousand sides and Angles , because it is in nothing differing from that Image of a Figure which should represent to my self , in thinking of a Figure with a myriad of Sides and Angles , or of any other of very many Sides ; neither doth it conduce at all to the understanding of those proprieties whereby a figure of a thousand Angles differs from other very Polygonous Figures . Again , to proceed in order , I will endeavour to make it evident , beyond all just exception , that the power of Reasoning , in the acts of simple Appreh●nsion , of connecting simple notions into a Proposition , of deriving consequences from premised propositions , is not the meer result of the moved Mechanism of Man's Body . First , In the Acts of simple Apprehension , our Reason , exercised in Notions purely Logical , or Metaphysical , has Ideas which are estranged from all Corporeal Matter . For they are not conceptions of single Beings , but of the manner how we conceive of them our selves , or declare our conceptions unto others . Thus every Youth will tell us , within few days after Matriculation , That Homo is Species . Mr. Hobbes . The Universality a of one Name to many Things , has been the cause that Men think the Things are themselves universal ; and so seriously contend , that besides Peter and Iohn , and all the rest of the Men that are , have been , or shall be in the World , there is yet something else that we call Man , viz. Man in general ; deceiving themselves , by taking the universal or general appellation , for the thing it signifieth : For , if one should desire the Painter to make him the Picture of a Man ; which is as much as to say , of a Man in general ; he meaneth no more but that the Painter should chuse what Man he pleaseth to draw , which must needs be some of them that are , or have been , or may be ; none of which are universal : But when he would have him to draw the Picture of the King , or any particular person ; he limiteth the Painter to that one person he chuseth . Stud. I affirm not , that there is such an existing Being as Man in general ; yet that , there is such an abstracted notion of Man , or Manhood , all Circumstances of Individuation laid aside , is manifest ; seeing it is not a true and proper Predication to say , a Man is Socrates : and therefore the notion reacheth beyond a singular ; and therefore is not an impulse from Sense , whose Objects are all singular . And because a Painter cannot make the Picture of Human Nature , but only of a Human Person ; i● followeth that such a Notion is not Pictur'd in the Fancy . Besides , when we say , a Man is a Species ; we represent not to our selves ( properly in Logick ) Human Nature , but the manner whereby our Mind conceives of it , whilst it takes notice that it agrees to Peter and Paul , a●d Thomas , and every single Man that has been , or is , or shall be produced : For to be Species is not said of Man alone , but of every common Nature . And , this also you might have known more than 6ty years ago in Magdalen-hall in Ox● . It is a shame therefore , for you , to upbraid the Schools , of non-sense and deceit ; into which , if you had enter'd with apprehension , this back-door to Atheism had never bin set open by you . Further , To take you a short lesson out of Ramus , a Man who understood the Mathematicks , and yet despis'd not , though he reformed Logick : The Invention of Arguments , shews Reason to be above the Laws of Matter . For , the Arguments in his first part of Logick ; ( that is , Topicks apt to argue or declare the relation of one thing to another ; as ( Virgil in the fourth Aeneid , says , Fear does argue degenerate Minds ) such as are Cause , Effect , Subject , Adjunct , and the like ; being used here , not to find out the nature of single Beings ( which appertains to Natural Philosophy , Medics , and other Sciences ) nor to interpret Names ( which appertains to Grammar ) but only as places declaring the mutual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or habitudes of one thing to another , which may be related divers ways ; they cannot possibly arise from the single and absolute motions of sense . Wonder not , now , that I am so busie in the first Elements of Logick , seeing your own misconceit about the art of Reasoning , is a manifest relapse into the Ignorance of a second Childhood , and sheweth a necessity of your returning to Oxford anew . Again , if we consider Reason in the framing of Propositions , we find that we connect and disjoyn Subjects and Predicates , we compare and refer them ; we say , this appertains to the other , or it does not ; it is equal to it , or unequal ; like , or unlike ; which being acts of Relation , cannot wholly arise from any thing pressing into the Brain from without , which must be some single and absolute Object ; but from the meer efficacy of an Incorporeal mind . It is impossible that the Sentient by meer Motion should connect or compare one Image with another . For , a divers Phantasm is a divers Motion ; and supposing they remain , the Motion is in a divers part : seeing , the Phantasms or divers Motions would be confounded , if in the same part of the Brain , they should conspire . If then there be one Phantasm in one part , and a second in another , by what imaginable power can they confer ? For , if any part gives its Motion to the other , or receives from it ; the Motion , that is the Phantasm of it , is , by so doing , changed . I may here subjoyn , that , without the Anticipation of Propositions in the mind , it is a difficult matter to understand , how we can be capable of Sense or Fancy , unless we first know what it is to know , and have some antecedent rules whereby to judg of receiv'd Images . Last of all , in deriving Consequences , in longer or shorter trains of coherence , reason shews it self to be an immaterial faculty : For if two Images cannot , as hath bin prov'd , be aptly connected by Imagination and Memory , supposed Mechanical ; Reason , surely , which ranketh all Beings into their distinct Orders and Dependencies ; and connecteth myriads of such Ideas as have no Phantasm appertaining to them , must be divine . Images and Thoughts are produced in us in much disorder , by reason that the Objects which we converse with are many and divers ; and because , our Studies vary upon infinite occasions : so that our thoughts at first do spring up one by one , as Jewels are found . It is , then , the work of Reason to recall and gather together all such of them as are of the same kind , and to lay aside the rest for a convenient season ; and to judg further of their agreeableness , & how they depend upon and illustrate each other , and so as it were to string them into a long a●d nervous coherence ; a chain most fit to adorn a Philosopher . I know not , how a Phantasm , or moved part in the Brain , can receive any other into mutual dependence , which the force of the antecedent or consequent Objects adds not to it . For that which is in Motion acts not at a distance , but presseth only its neighbour ; and that , by way of pulsion , not attraction . Again , Reason , by the drawing of divers Consequences , correcteth Sense ; which , though it doth not properly deceive , ( being such a Perception as naturally ariseth from such a pressure , and such a disposed Organ ) yet would it leave us for ever in Ignorance , if our Reason did not convince us , that the Object is not adequately represented by the Image . In Sense , Imagination , or Memory , one of the fixed Starrs seems not bigger than that in the Badg of the Order of the Garter : the Image is no greater , the Motion of no further force ; and therefore Reason , which by consequences in Astronomy , infers that it is bigger than the Earth , is something much superior to Motion derived from the Object . If after all this , a Man shall say , that the very train of Corporeal Motions in the Head , is the Reason which judgeth of that train , disturbeth its dependance made by succession of Objects , disposeth it after a new manner , and also at pleasure ordereth the train of Logical Ideas not generated by Motion ; it may sooner be resolved concerning such a saying , than about the Perpendicular and Circle in the Angle of Contact ( touching which you think you have written a shrewd matters ) that it doth not meerly incline to , but is co incident with non-sense . Mr. Hobbes . Here is a great deal said , and b too much to be confuted . yet almost every saying may be disproved , or ought to be reprehended . In sum ; It is all error and railing . But what will you say , c if perhaps Ratiocination be nothing but the coupling and concatenation of Names , by the Verb Est ? whence we collect by reason , nothing at all of the Nature of things , but of their Appellations , to wit , whether we joyn the Names of things according to the Agreements which we made ( at pleasure ) about their signification , or whether we do otherwise . If this be so , as so it may be , Ratiocination may depend upon Names , Names upon Imagination , and Imagination , perhaps , as I think , upon the motion of Corporeal Organs ; and so , still , the Soul will be nothing else besides agitation in certain parts of a well framed Body . Nay , It is plain a that there is nothing universal but Names . And Reason b is nothing but reckoning of the Consequences of general Names agreed upon , to certain purposes . Stud. Let Des-Cartes c answer this Objection , to whom you once proposed it . There is ( said he ) in Ratiocination ; a coupling not of Names , but of things signified by certain Names ; and I admire how the contrary could enter into the mind of any Man : For , who doubts that a Frenchman and a German do reason the same things concerning the same Subjects , whilst they conceive their Notions in different Words or Names ? And doth not this Philosopher condemn himself , whilst he speaks concerning Pacts which we made at pleasure , teaching the signification of Words ? for if he admitteth that any thing is signified by Words , why will not he have our Ratiocination consist in that something which is signified , rather than in the bare Words themselves . Thus he , and ( as I think ) with unanswerable pertinence . It might be also said , that , by this Doctrine , an Ass , and a Dumb-man , are equally without Reason , and that a Parrot is indued with it . Mr. Hobbes . There d is no Reasoning without speech . By g the advantage of Names it is that we are capable of Science ; which Beasts for want of them , are not , nor Man , without the use of them . Stud. Where is your Reason in these words , considering the ingeniousness of divers Dumb-men , excelling that of many who are loudly talkative ? Names doubtless , though connected , are not Reason , but the Registers of our Thoughts and Reasonings ; and we proceed from Mental to Verbal discourse ; and when we have conceived a Book , we may , express to the World , the sense of it , in what language we please , if we be Masters of it . The use of Names causeth rather a readiness in Reasoning than begetteth Reason ; and , I think , you somewhere , in your Leviathan a do confess it . So that I may say of Names , as you have done of Symbols in Geometry , that themselves are not Science b but serve only to make men go faster about , in Reasoning ; as greater wind to a wind-mill . Well , I have talk'd my self into a necessity of drinking this untempting Ale. Sir , A good Health to you . Mr. Hobbes . Your Servant , Sir , — that Liquor is not very proper for Philosophers . Stud. This very Draught has put me in mind of an Objection , which makes me extreamly to dislike the Doctrine of Mechanick Ratiocination . This muddy Ale , it seems , shall in some part of it , circle with the Blood , and be sublimed in the Heart , and sent up in Arteries to the Head , and there shall perceive , imagin , remember , and help me to Philosophize , and to make divine Discourses ; and give me not only the warmth , but the very essence of Mental or Verbal Prayer and Thanksgiving . Nay ( that we may pass , in due time to our Sixt Subject ) , It shall also Will and Nill : which I find I may do ; and think strange that I can do so by the meer power of Matter . Mr. Hobbes . There a are certain and necessary causes which make every man to will what he willeth . Stud. Herein , I confess , you disagree not from your self , though you seem at the widest distance from the truth . And Regius b is much more to be blamed for inconsistency , who ass●rting that the Soul might be a mode of the Body , did yet profess that the Will was free ; and , in his own phrase , sui juris . For your self , it was fit , upon supposition of your belief of a Corporeal Universe , that you should maintain a necessity of Willing . For if every thing be Matter , each effect in the World , being the meer result of motion in Matter , will be produced by fatal impulse : And , likewise , that producing impulse , will be necessitated by a former , and so on in so long an order , as cannot be pursu'd , ( without the admittance of an Incorporeal God ) to any end of it , distinctly known . Wherefore the Stoicks , long before you , supposing God to be a kind of Fire , and the Soul to be a subtil Body ; held also the opinion of Irresistible Fate . And Plutarch , and Stobaeus take notice of both Opinions together , as I find them cited by Lipsius in his Manuduction c to that Philosophy : Upon which occasion , a worthy and learned person , hath in his Discourse at the Funeral of Bishop Hall , deservedly call'd you the New Stoick . If then there be nothing more divine in Man , than Matter and Motion ; he does as necessarily chuse or refuse , as Fire ascends , or a Stone is pressed towards the Earth . Mr. Hobbes . It is no more a necessary that Fire should burn , than that a man or other creature , whose Limbs be moved by Fancy , should have Election , that is Liberty , to do what he hath a fancy to do , though it be not in his Will or Power to choose his fancy , or to choose his Election and Will. Good b and evil sequels of Mens Actions retained in Memory , do frame and make us to the Election of whatsoever it be that we elect ; and the memory of such things proceeds from the Senses , and Sense from the operation of the Objects of sense , ( which are external to us , and govern'd only by God Almighty ) and by consequence all actions , even of free and voluntary Agents , are necessary . Stud. Were Man such a piece of Mechanism as has been forged by your untoward invention much of the Cause would be granted to you : and yet , not this , that the Memory of good or evil Sequels of Mens Actions do frame us unto Every election ; because there are too many whom no examples of Punishment will deterr from such evil manners , as they see daily producing bitter effects . But , seeing it has been prov'd that there is in Man , an Immaterial Soul ; it follows thence , that the Motions from the Object , continued to the Brain and Heart , can only solicite , and not force the Assent of that Incorporeal Being which giveth them passage , or resisteth them , and determineth them at its pleasure , in divers cases . Neither can outward force any more restrain this Spiritual mind , than Xerxes could properly fetter the Hellespont . There is then , left me but little work in oppugning your Opinion about Liberty and Necessity , seeing the foundation of your belief of Fate , is the Corporeity of the Universe . It is also , to be considered , that a Person of great fame and place , hath already contended with you ; so very much to your disadvantage , that it seems not worth the while for any Man henceforth , to enter the lists . And of this I will not make my self the Judg , but repeat the opinion of a Learned Man , who was wont to declare his mind in Controversies , with unbyassed freedom . It is known every where ( said that Elegant a Writer ) , with what Piety and acumen [ the last Lord Primate of all Ireland ] wrote against the Manichean Doctrine of fatal Necessity , which a late witty Man had pretended to adorn with a new vizor ; but this excellent person wash'd off the Cerusse , and the Meritricious Paintings ; rarely well asserted the Oeconomy of the Divine Providence ; and having once more triumph'd over his Adversary , Plenus Victoriarum & Trophaearum , be took himself to the more agreeable attendance upon Sacred Offices . Mr. Hobbes . This luxuriant Pen-man boasts of Trophies ; and the Bishop himself , of old , talk'd of b clearing the coast by Distinctions , and dividing his forces into two squadrons , one of places of Scripture , the other of Reasons . And I say notwithstanding ( to continue in the military allusion begun by them ) that in my Books a not only his squadrons of Arguments , but also his reserve of Distinctions are defeated . Stud. I perceive you intend to make good the Character now given of you , of being a witty Man : although , according to the Principles of your own Philosophy , it redoundeth not much to your reputation . For Wit b depending upon a tenuity and agility of spirits , there seemeth wanting in a very witty Man , that fixation of parts which is required to Prudence . Touching your Antagonist , there is no doubt ( and it appeareth by your fretting and sprawling ) that you have felt the smart of that Opposition which he hath made against you . But , so far as I can remember , ( for I have not had for some years , any writing of his in my possession ) he hath not level'd his men in force against that place wherein you seem ( to me ) most capable of being wounded , and wherein your chief strength seemeth to lay ; that is to say , the Materiality of the whole Sphaere of Nature . In relation to which , I am apt to be perswaded , that in this Controversie about Fate , you by a daring consequence , do charge the most holy God with all the iniquities committed in the World. For all Effects arising from Motion ; and all Motion being derived from the first immoveable Mover , all subordinate Causes and Effects will owe themselves in a chain-like dependance , to the supreme Original Cause . Mr. Hobbes . The concourse a of all causes maketh not one simple chain or concatenation , but an innumerable number of Chains , joyned together , not in all parts , but in the first link , God Almighty . — That which , I say , necessitateth b and determineth every action , is the sum of all things , which being now existent , conduce and concur to the production of that Action hereafter , whereof if any one thing now were wanting , the effect could not be produced : This concourse of Causes , whereof every one is determined to be such as it is by a like concourse of former Causes , may well be called ( in respect they were all set and ordered by the eternal Cause of all things , God Almighty ) The Decree of God. Every act c of mans will , and every desire and inclination proceedeth from some cause , and that from another cause , in a continual Chain ( whose first link is in the hand of God , the Cause of all Causes ) ; and therefore the voluntary Actions of Men proceed from Necessity . Stud. Impute not that , with falshood and dishonour , to God , which is caused by Man's unconstrained Will ; the only Mother which conceiveth and bringeth forth Sin ; not withstanding that Objects may incline , and Examples may entice , and opportunities may invite , and evil Angels may tempt , and Constitution may encline , and God permitteth . Let no Man , therefore , say when he is tempted , he is tempted of God ; for , every Man is tempted when he is drawn away by his own lust , and enticed . Mr. Hobbes . 'T is Blasphemy a to say , God can sin ; but to say , that God can so order the World as a sin may be necessarily caused thereby in a Man , I do not see how it is any dishonnour to Him. Stud. These Answers should not have proceeded from a Man , who professeth himself a Christian of no mean degree . b They come ( I was ready to say ) as unexpectedly , as if they had dropped out of the Heavens ; but that they have relation to a lower place . If we brand mortal Men with Names of Infamy and tokens of our abhorence , calling them unmerciful , bloody , deceitful ; who are said by you , in all their actions , to be drawn by Fate ; how can we speak or think with honour of the Deity , whilst we apprehend him as the Original Causer of all those evils , for which we ( unhurt ) abominate one another ; which he himself hath told us he doth abhor ; and for the commission of which Immoralities he will execute vengeance upon the brutish part of Mankind ? When a Sword is sheathed in the Bowels of an innocent and good Man , we reproach not the bloody Weapon which was moved by force ; but we give titles of extraordinary dishonour to the barbarous will of that savage Man , who made it an instrument of such dreadful mischief . If men be carryed on in all their Circumstances , by the mighty torrent of irresistible Motion ; their iniquities , and the dishonours due unto them , are chargable upon the source and spring of Motion . If Men are necessitated to act or omit , as also to will or to refuse , then Exhortations unto such Duties as they perform not , are bitter taunts , and like commands to a Criple to rise up and walk ; and punishment for such evils as they commit , is a cruel usage ; and a declaration against Sin , as hated by the first Cause , ( who cannot be thought in earnest to detest his own workmanship ) ; and as the default of Man ( who is asked in Scripture why he will die ? whilst his very Will to die , is by you supposed fatal ) is imperious mockery , and unworthy deceit . St. Austin himself in his 10 th . cap. de Fide , contra Manichaeos a , speaketh in words to the same effect ; Who ( said the Father ) may not cry out , that it is a ridiculous thing to bind Precepts upon him , who is not at liberty to obey them ; and an unrighteous thing to condemn that man who had no power to perform what he was commanded ? And what can be said of God , which may betoken honour , if he be once accused as the Author of Sin ? Mr. Hobbes . Men b may do many things which God does not command ; and therefore he is not the Author of them . Stud. He is more the Author , who doth secretly necessitate , than he who only does command the effect ; in as much as a command may , as it is daily , be disobey'd , but power irresistible is not to be eluded . And David would have bin more entirely and notoriously the Murtherer of Vriah , by forcing the armed hand of an Ammonite upon him , and the Ammonite less guilty ; than by a bare appointing of him to be placed in the Front of the Battel . Besides , it seems superfluous perfluous to command the doing of that , which the supposed Commander ( with or without promulgation of his Will ) does unavoid●bly bring to pass : for you make God the first Causer of all that is performed , even against the Revelation of his pleasure . Mr. Hobbes . I grant that , though a Men may do many things which God does not command ; yet that they can have no passion , nor appetite to any thing , of which appetite God's Will is not the Cause . Stud. Why then did accused Adam transfer the blame on Eve , and she upon the Serpent ? It had been an easie , if it might have been a true reply , for both of them to have said , Thou thy self didst force us unto that , which by thee is so severely reprehended . The Serpent himself at the hearing of his doom , remained silent ; the very Father of Lies not being impudent in so excessive a degree , as to charge the Almighty with his own evils . Wherefore , in ascribing Sin to God as the first cause of it , you put me in mind of their fancy , upon a mistaken Text , who b affirm'd Leviathan to be the very Father of the Devil . I cannot heartily beg your pardon for that note , because it is necessary that I be zealous , when once the holiness and goodness of God is reproached by humane wit , impudence , madness . Mr. Hobbes . Condemn not in such a furious way , good Dedoctor c of Morality ; for with as ill manners you affirm that God is the Permitter , as I have done , in saying he is the Cause of every action . I am a not ignorant that Divines distinguish between Will and Permission ; and say , that , God Almighty does indeed sometimes permit sins , and that he also foreknoweth that the sin he permitteth shall be committed , but does not will nor necessitate it . — But I find no difference between the Will to have a thing done , and the permission to do it , when he that permitteth can hinder it , and knows that it will be done unless he hinder it . Stud. The difference is heavenly-wide betwixt bare Permission , and that Will which you have fancied in Almighty God ; a Will b attended with such a disposal of all things , as begetteth a necessity in Man's Will of doing Gods. For no Man ever could imagin ( your self excepted ) that bare Permission should have the influence of a necessary Cause ; whereas such influence is ascrib'd , by you , to the Will of God. It appeareth by the Revelation which God hath made to Man , that he does so will Religion that it would be more pleasing to him for Man to obey , than to remain perverse ; yet not in such a manner , that he compelleth him to become his subject by active compliance : for that were to unmake Man as such , that is , as a creature endu'd with a free Will. When God saith of his Vineyard , which made not such returns of fruitfulness as were proportion'd to his cultivation of it , that he could do no more for it than he had done ; he declared plainly that he used such means as were consistent with a liberty in Man of neglecting or misimproving them : And the exercise of this liberty in sinning he permitteth , in regard to Man's free free nature , and because he can , not only chastise him for his delinquency , but likewise , by his Methods and infinite wisdom , bring good out of it . There being then in God , in many cases , a Conditional Will , that will , without the rescinding of any law of Man's unconstrain'd Election , is always done , either by the obedience of Man , or by the vindication of abused mercy in the correction of a stubborn sinner . And thus we have seen how injurious your Doctrine of Necessity , hath been to the just honour of the most Holy Will of God. It is , also , manifest that by the same way , I will not call of reason , but of bold asseveration , you upbraid all Laws , whereby any punishment is inflicted upon Malefactors , of most rigorous and unreasonable procedure ; and thereby , after dishonour done to God , you vilisie his Vicegerents . For , why is the Scourge or Brand , the Rope , or Fire ; the Press , Axe , or Bullet , prepared for those Men , who do not , by their own free choice and power , lay open the fence which Authority hath set down ; but are hurried through it by a foreign violence , against which it is in vain to struggle ? Sword and Pistol , or whatsoever is an instrument in the violation of the Law , or safety of Man , is as guilty as Man himself , and with indignation to be broken in pieces ; if Man be unavoidably and fatally managed ( as in a Puppet-play ) by a foreign hand , discern'd only by you who pretend to see within the Curtain . I remember to have read , that Draco , the Athenian , made a Law , whereby the very Instruments of Homicide were punish'd . And the Sons of him that perished by the fall of Nicon's Statue a which he had whipped , in order to the greater infamy of Nicon , condemn'd the Statue as a Murtherer , and with solemnity , threw it into the Sea But they were not so sottish , by these Laws and practices , to pretend a real punishment of such Instruments ; but they design'd , to move Beholders to the greater abhorrence of spilling human Blood ; and they gave some vent to the fermenting rage of their inward passion , which might have swell'd to their greater discommodity , if they had not sought some means of dischargeing it . Mr. Hobbes . 'T is b unreasonable to punish some Actions of Men , which could not be justly done by man to man , unless the same were voluntary . — The c nature of Sin consisteth in this , that the Action done proceed from our Will , and be against the Law. A Judg , in judging whether it be a sin or no which is done against the Law , looks at no higher cause in the Action than the Will of the doer . Now when I say , the Action is necessary , I do not say it was done against the will of the Doer , but with his will. — And d the Will to break the Law , maketh the Action unjust ; because the Law regardeth the Will , and no other precedent Causes of Action . Stud. The Will , if we have regard to the Opinion which you hold concerning it , can neither render the Action unjust , or the Judg righteous in his sentence of Condemnation : because every Volition e or Act of the Will and Purpose of Man is , by outward violence , made unavoidable ; and the beginning f and progress of deliberation dependeth , also , upon necessary Causes . Mr. Hobbes . I acknowledg that a when first a Man hath a Will to something , to which immediately before he had no Appetite nor Will ; the cause of the Will is not the Will it self , but something else , not in his own disposing . So that whereas it is out of controversie , that of Voluntary Actions , the Will is the necessary Cause ; and by this which is said , the Will is also caused by other things whereof it disposeth not : it followeth , that Voluntary Actions have all of them necessary causes , and therefore are nec●ssitated . Stud. Wherefore , if the Law inflicteth capital punishment upon a Man with regard unto his Will ; the Man suffers for that which was not in his power to help ; and is therefore to be reckoned amongst those whose blood is shed without any proper stain in it . Mr. Hobbes . Men b are justly killed , not for that their Actions are necessitated , but because they are noxious . — Men are not c therefore put to death , or punished , for that their theft proceedeth from Election , but because it was noxious , & contrary to Mens preservation . Stud. The Law regards the free choice , ' though it hath respect also to the mischief derived on the Commonwealth . Wherefore there have been Cities of Refuge constituted for the safeguard of those who had unwittingly , kill'd a man ; whilst the wilful Murtherers were to repay blood for blood . And amongst our selves the blood of the most unuseful person in the Land , shall be avenged by the death of the ablest Soldier , or Counsellor , if the Law may have its course , and it be satisf'd , that he shed it with a deliberate stroke ; whilst a pitiful ignorant Criple shall escape , if by meer mischance , he shall slay such a man as is able to serve a Kingdom , either by his Sword or Prudence . In which cases , the Laws have regard , rather to the wilfulness than the noxiousness of the Actors . So also in the Roman Law * ( reported by Paulus I. C. de poenis Paganorum ) he that wilfully burnt an house was to suffer death ; but he that , by accident , burnt a Village , or an Island , was but a Debtor . But if noxiousness be the Rule of Judging , then are you to change your phrase and say , not that men are punished ( which presupposeth a crime ) but afflicted or killed ; after the manner of Beasts , which , not being capable of Law , do perish without Law ; as their ruin conduceth to the behoof or security of Man. And therefore the Civil Law a calleth not the fact of a Beast injuria , but damnum ; and determineth that a Beast , being devoid of Reason , can do no Injury . Mr. H●bb . As for b Beasts , we kill them justly when we do 't in ord'r to our own preservation . Stud. But that Justice dependeth upon the dominion which God hath vouchsafed Man over those Creatures to which some will not allow so much as sense , * and many no more than direct Perception ; though you are so profuse , in one of your Books c , as to grant them Election and Deliberation . And here , let it be observed , that God who hath given this Dominion to Man , hath revealed it also to be his purpose , not to rule and judg him by absolute Soveraignty ; nor to approve of Men , whilst they measure their Right amongst themselves by a power not to be controll'd . But he hath shew'd that he will govern them , and have you deal with one another , according to the equal Laws of their reasonable Nature . Mr. Hobbes . You run on in Exceptions against that Doctrine of Necessity , which I have proposed ; but you take no notice of the inconveniencies wherwith your own opinion is pressed . And first , you take no notice of the consistence of Freedom and Necessity ; or that God and good Angels a are supposed to be freer than Men , and yet do good necessarily . It was b a very great praise , in my opinion , that Villeius Paterculus gives Cato , where he says , That he was good by Nature ; Et quia aliter esse non potisit . Stud. The Necessity wherewith Almighty God doth always good , is of a kind extremely different from that Physical co-action which you believe to be the Cause of each effect , For , he determineth himself by the eternal Reason of his own most perfect nature , and is not urged by outward impulse ; which if it could once be attributed to him , he would , straightway , cease to be God Omnipotent . Mr. Hobbes . That word , Omnipotent , reminds me of a second inconvenience , which attendeth the Opposers of my Doctrine . For if c Gods Will did not assure the necessity of Man's Will , and consequently of all that on Man's Will dependeth ; the Liberty of Men would be a contradiction and impediment to the Omnipotence and Liberty of God. Stud. It is in you absurd to mention Liberty even in relation to God himself ; because , by ascribing to him a Material Nature , you assign him no Motions but such as arise from Physical compulsion . — But , upon what account is it said by you , that the Omnipotence of God must be obstructed by the grant of an undetermin'd liberty in Man ? It is not , that I know of , affirm'd by any Disputant , that there is such a lawless Liberty in Man , as is not under subjection to the absolute Power of God , but that it is a Liberty which God Almighty , in an agreeableness to the free nature of Man , hath been pleas'd to grant ; and for the greater part to suffer in the exercise of it . Only it is said concerning sin , that God cannot force the Will of Man to the commission of it : for , the production of such a wretched Issue , would argue , not omnipotency , but impotence and imperfection in the parent of it . God created Man , and gave a Law to him ; and design'd not to use his Almighty Power to effect the fulfilling of that Law ; which Power supposeth the Command of a Law to be in vain . He therefore that interposeth not his Power whilst he may , hath not his Power disanulled when his preceptive Will is only withstood , and he permitteth that disobedience . Mr. Hobbes . But what Elusion can be invented touching the foreknowledg of God ? The denying necessity a destroyeth both the Decrees and Prescience of God Almighty ; for , whatsoever God hath purposed to bring to pass by Man , as an instrument , or foreseeth shall come to pass ; a Man if he have Liberty , from necessitation , might frustrate and make not to come to pass ; and God should either not foreknow it , and not decree it ; or he should foreknow such things shall be , as shall never be , and decree that which shall never come to pass . Stud. Touching the Decees of God , it cannot be proved that they extend to all things which come to pass . For his Prescience I 'm sure , that it extendeth to all things possible to be known , and that it hath no necessary influence upon the Event ; it doth neither hinder the Power of God , nor the Liberty of Man. God foreseeth that the Event may come to pa●s , and that he will not hinder it , yet that he might : and it cometh to pass most necessarily if God ●oreseeth it ; but the necessity ariseth from the supposition of the infallibility , and not from any causal energy , of divine foreknowledg . It is manifest by the fulfilled Prophesies of divers inspired Men , that there is Prescience ; and a man may also be assured , that neither is his Liberty intringed by it , nor Prescience by his Liberty . It is evident to every Man , in many cases , ( as evident as that he perceiveth at all or understandeth ) that he willeth or ●efuseth without any constraint upon his freedom . But there is great difficulty in unridling the manner of the consistence of Foreknowledg and Liberty ; because , although there be some notion , yet there is not a knowledg , fully comprehensive of the Divine Wisdom , in a finite Soul. Thus much , notwithstanding , may , with sobriety be offer'd towards the explication of this mysterious truth ; that the boundless wisdom of God who made the World , understanding the Laws and Operations of his Workmanship from the beginning to the end of them , understandeth also the nature of all appearances in all Objects in relation to the mind of Man , in every Estate wherein he is placed , and at all times , together with the dispositions of each Man's Soul , and thereby foreseeth what he will refuse or chuse , whilst he had power ( absolutely speaking ) otherwise either to elect or reject . He that should drop a piece of money , by an undiscerned hand , in the way of a man afflicted with extream poverty ; the same person might readily foresee , that the espied money would infallibly be taken up by that poor man , though he could not but understand that the Beggar had so much power over his own limbs , as not to stoop unless he pleased . But it seemeth not worth the time and pains to reconcile to your apprehension , the Doctrins of Foreknowledg , and undetermin'd Liberty ; because this Objection is by you , proposed , in order to the amusing of other Men's Reasons rather than in justification of the Truth , For , according to your Principles , all evidence or knowledg ariseth from Objects already in being . Neither understand you this of Essence in the Sense of the Metaphysick-Schools , but of the actual presence of caused Objects . Mr. Hobbes . In my Opinion a , Foreknowledg is Knowledg , and Knowledg depends on the existence of things known , & not they on it . However , the Objection serveth for the incommoding of those who maintain another sort of Foreknowledg ; but the argument on which I establish my Doctrine is of another kind . I hold a that to be a sufficient cause , to which nothing is wanting that is needful to the producing of the effect . The same also is a necessary cause : For , if it be possible that a sufficient cause shall not bring forth the effect , then there wanteth somewhat which was needful to the producing of it , and so the Cause was not sufficient ; but if it be impossible that a sufficient Cause should not produce the Effect , then is a sufficient Cause a necessary Cause ; ( for that is said to produce an Effect necessarily , that cannot but produce it . ) Hence it is manifest , that whatsoever is produced is produced necessarily , for whatsoever is produced hath had a sufficient Cause to produce it , or else it had not been ; and therefore also , voluntary actions are necessitated . Stud. In the alterations made in Bodies , every sufficient is an efficient Cause , by reason that matter sufficiently moved cannot stay it self , but is wholly determin'd by foreign impulse ; which impulse also had an undefeated determination . But because I have proved the existence of an Immaterial Soul , I may affirm that all outward preparations being made , so that there remaineth nothing wanting but the Act of Volition ; the Spiritual Mind not being overcome by the sway of Matter , hath a power to abstain from acting , though perhaps it is not pleased to use it . And this we may illustrate by the Example of Abraham , whose Fire , & Wood , and Son to be a Victim , and Sacrificing-knife , were in a readiness and sufficient strength , with these , to execute the Command which God Almighty , by way of trial , had given to him : yet who can doubt that Abraham had a power , at the same time , to render these preparations useless , and to be disobedient ? For , how could those Objects and this Command conveigh a force into his Will , and thence into his Arm , to slay his Son ? though they might present him with a reason which the goodness of his Disposition would not refuse : The intention of Abraham to slay his Son was wrought by a Moral , and not a Physical , or Natural Power . Mr. Hobbes . Natural a efficacy of Objects does determine voluntary Agents , and necessitates the Will , and consequently the Action ; but for Moral efficacy , I understand not what you mean. Stud. I understand by Moral efficacy , the perswa●ive power of such Motives as those which arise from fear , and love , and trust , and gratitude and especially such as arise from the meer reason of the Case ; as when a man doth therefore give Alms , meerly because he apprehends it to be more blessed to give than to receive , and not to be rid of the pang of compassion , or to obtain praise or other reward . By such Motives , the Mind is often prevail'd upon , without the force of Corporeal Motion , being wooed , and not pressed unavoidably into Consent . Of these Motives , that of Fear , may seem to have Me●hanick force ; because , that Passion is often stirred up by the horror of Objects , disturbing the natural course of the Blood. But it will be granted by your self , that the very passion of Fear doth not compell , but incline the Will : For , you acknowledg b that Fear and Liberty are consistent ; as when a Man throweth his Goods into the Sea for fear the Ship should sink , he doth it nevertheless very willingly , and may refuse to do it if he will : It is therefore the action of one that was free . Seeing then the Incorporeal Soul of Man is induced by perswasion , and not compelled by Natural Motion ; you may as soon convince me , that every sufficient Man ( as we are wont to call a wealthy person ) is therefore a dispenser of his Goods , and a liberal Man ; as that the immaterial Soul is , forthwith , compell'd to act , when all things are present which are needful to the producing of the effect , and all impediments are removed . Mr. Hobbes . To say that an Agent a in such Circumstances , can nevertheless not produce the effect , implies a contradiction , and is non-sense , being as much as to say , the Cause may be sufficient , that is to say , necessary ▪ and yet the effect shall not follow . That all b Events have necessary Causes , hath been proved already , in that they have sufficient Causes . Further , let us in this place also suppose any ▪ Event never so casual , as the throwing ( for example ) Ames-Ace upon a pair of Dice , and see , if it must not have been necessary before 't was thrown . For , seeing it was thrown , it had a beginning , and consequently a sufficient cause to produce it , consisting partly in the Dice , partly in outward things , as the posture of the parts of the hand , the measure of force applied by the Caster , the posture of the parts of the Table , and the like : In sum , there was nothing wanting which was necessarily requisite to the producing of that particular Cast , & consequently the Cast was necessarily thrown ; for if it had not been thrown , there had wanted somewhat requisite to the throwing of it , and so the cause had not been sufficient . Stud. Here you make instance in an Event resulting from Circumstances of Bodies , and from Physical motion : in relation to which I have already granted , that a sufficient is an efficient Cause ; and declar'd the reason of it ; and how it toucheth not the present business . But by this last Answer I begin to understand that you obtrude a Sophism upon me , instead of a real Argument . For , whilst you say , that sufficient is the same which necessary , and that if the Cast had not been thrown , there was something wanting ; you include , in your sufficient Cause , when you speak of Man , the very act of Volition , besides all the furniture prepared for that act : And then your meaning amounts to this , that when there is each thing needful , and no impediment , and also a Will to act , the effect followeth . But here you beg the Question , which is this ; Whether , all things requisite to action being present , the will and act of Volition excepted , the Soul hath not a power to forbear that Act ? and whilst you suppose a removal of impediments , and the presence of all things necessary , and the act of the Will also ; and then say , the Cause is sufficient and efficient too , you say no more , than that a Man produceth necessarily , an effect , whilst he produceth it ; which indeed is a truth , ( for he cannot act and not act at the same time ) but in the present Controversie it is an egregious Impertinence . For , the Necessity which you speak of , is not in the Will it self , or in the Effect ; but in that consequence which the mind createth , by supposing that the Will complieth with the means , and that , whilst it chuseth , it cannot but chuse . Wherefore this fallacy is like to theirs , who say , the Will is necessarily determin'd by the last act of the Understanding , meaning , because it is the last : they suppose the last act , and that the Will closeth with the Understanding , and then they say , it followeth upon necessity : which is no more than to affirm , that there is nothing later than the last . And if I am not impos'd upon by my memory , you somewhere argue a , that the Will is the last appetite in deliberating ; and that therefore , though we say in common Discourse , A man had once a will to do a thing , that nevertheles he forbears to do ; yet that is not properly a will , because the action depends not of it , but of the la●t inclination or appetite . You suppose the Will to be the last Inclination , and that there●ore the Action depends upon it , because it is the last ; and then you call it sufficient and necessary , when you have made it to be such ; not in its own nature , but by the supposition framed in your own brain . And thus you have made a great noise and kackling about Sufficient and Efficient , whilst there is nothing here said by you , which is not as insipid as the white of an Egg. But of that Necessity which is said to compell the Will of Man , enough ; let ●s consider that Law which obligeth it , though not by force to action , yet upon default , to punishment . And that we may proceed in order , let our beginning be made at Our Seventh Head , The Law of Nature , that inward Law , in relation to which each Man is a Magistrate to himself , erecting a Tribunal in his own Breast . Mr. Hobbes . There is a right , and also , a Law of Nature . The Right of Nature , is the Liberty each Man hath , to use his own power as he will himself , for the preservation of his own nature , that is to say , of his own life ; and consequently of doing any thing , which in his own judgment , and reason , he shall conceive to be the aptest means thereunto . — The Law of Nature is a precept , or general Rule , found out by Reason , by which a Man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life , or taketh away the means of preserving the same ; and to omit , that , by which he thinketh , it may be lest preserved , — the sum of the Right of the right of Nature , is , by all means we can to defend our selves : This is b the first foundation of Natural Right . Stud. The distinction betwixt the Right , and the Law of Nature , is , with good reason , to be admitted . But you ought not to challenge it * to your self , seeing it is expressly noted by divers ancient Authors , and in particular , by Laurentius Valla c . That which you add , seemeth as false as the other is ancient . For the right dictate of Natural Reason obliging Man ( not yet suppos'd a Member of the great Community ) to an orderly behaviour towards God , and his Parents , as also towards his own Soul and Body , in cases which concern , and which concern not , life & death , is the Law of Nature . Mr. Hobbes . The Dictates of Reason [ concerning Vice and Virtue a Men b use to call by the name of Laws , but improperly : for they are but Conclusions , or Theorems , concerning what conduceth to the conservation , and defence of themselves ; whereas Law properly is the word of him , who by Right hath command over others . Stud. These Dictates being the Natural Operations of our Minds , the Being , and undepraved condition of which in right reasoning , we owe to God ; we cannot but esteem them as the voice of God within us , and consequently Law : wherefore St. Paul calleth the Rule of Natural Conscience amongst the Gentiles , the Law written in their Hearts . — But whence doth it come to pass , that self-interest is laid by you as the foundation-stone of the Law of Nature ? in such sort , that nothing is unlawful which conduceth to such preservation . For , it is commonly taught amongst us , that many things are condemn'd by the light of Reason ; and that we ought not to do evil that good may come on 't ; but prefer the Law of God in nature before private Utility ; it being the truest Self-interest to lose the present secular advantage , for the future recompence of such as , with peril , obey God. Mr. Hobbes . The Reasons of my Opinion are manifest . Because it is natural for Man to avoid pain c and pursue utility ; and because in the state of Nature , there is nothing unlawful against others . For d the desires , and other passions of Man , are in themselves no sin : no more are the actions that proceed from those Passions , 'till they know a Law that forbids them : which , till Laws be made , they cannot know : nor can any Law be made , 'till they have agreed upon the person that shall make it . Stud. Unless you explain your self concerning this state of Nature which you speak of , the way of our proceeding will be darkned by words . Mr. Hobbes . The natural condition of Mankind may be thus explained . Nature hath made Men so equal a in the faculties of Body and Mind ; as that , when all is reckoned together , the difference between Man and M●n , is not so considerable , as that one man can thereupon claim to himself any benefit to which another may not pretend as well as he . From this equality of ability , ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ends . And therefore if any two Men , desire the same thing , which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy , they become Enemies ; and in the way to their end ( which is principally their own conservation , and sometimes their Delectation only ) endeavour to destroy or subdue one another . Whereupon some are invited to invade others , and from others may fear the like invasion . From equality of ability , competition ariseth fomented by equality of hope ; and from thence diffidence of one another : And from this diffidence attended with desire of glory in conquering , there ariseth a war of every Man against every Man. And therefore , whatsoever is consequent to a time of War , where every Man is enemy to every Man ; the same is consequent to the time wherein men live without other security , than what their own strength , and their own inven●ion shall furnish them withal . In such condition , there is no place for industry ; because the fruit thereof is uncertain ; and consequently no culture of the earth , no Navigation , nor use of the Commodities that may be imported by Sea ; no commodious bu●ding ; no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force ; no knowledg of the face of the earth ; no account o● time , no Arts ; no Letters ; no Society ; and , which is worst of all , continual fear , and danger of violent death ; and the life of man , solitary , poor , nasty , brutish , and short . To this War of every Man against every Man , this also is consequent . That nothing can be unjust . The notions of Right and wrong , justice and injustice have there no place . Where there is no common power , there is no Law ; wh●●● no Law , no Injustice . Force and Fraud , are in war the two Cardinal Virtues . Justice and Injustice are none of the Faculties , neither of the Body , nor Mind . I● they were , they might be in a Man that were alone in the World , as well as his Senses , and Passions . They are Qualities , that relate to Men in Society , not in Solitude . It is consequent also to the same condition , that there be no propriety , no dominion , no Min● and Thine distinct ; but only , that to be every Man 's that he can get ; and for so long as he can keep it . And this is the ill condition , which Man by meer nature is actually placed in ; though with a possibility to come out of it : consisting partly in the Passions , partly in his Reason . The Passions that encline men to peace , are , fear of death ; desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living ; & a hope by their industry to obtain them . And Reason suggesteth convenient Articles of Peace , upon which Men may be drawn to agreement . These Articles , are they , which otherwise are called the Laws of Nature . Stud. It is a very absurd and unsecure course to lay the ground-work of all civil Polity and formed Religion , upon such a supposed state of Nature , as hath no firmer support than the contrivance of your own fancy . Let Ptolemy endeavour a Solution of those appearances which arise from the heavenly Bodies , by one sort of Scheme ; and Tycho by another , and Copernicus by a third ; and let Des-Cartes attempt a fourth ; for the declaring , not only in what manner , but by what Efficient Cause , the Starrs may move ; for thus far the interests of Men remain secure , not being minded by such remote Models and Hypotheses . But when the Temporal and Eternal safety of Mankind is concerned ( as in the Doctrines of Civil and Moral , and Christian Philosophy ) then are Hypotheses , framed by imagination , and not by reason assisted with Memory touching the passed state of the World , as exceedingly dangerous as they are absurd . Wherefore , such persons who trouble the World with fancied Schemes and Models of Poli●y , in Oceana's and Leviathan's , ought to have in their Minds an usual saying of the most excellent Lord Bacon concerning a Philosophy advanced upon the History of Nature . That a such a work is the World as God made it , and not as Men have made it : for that it hath nothing of Imagination . The faithful Records of time give us another account of the Origin of Nations ; and common Sense , whereby one apprehends in another's birth , the manner of his own , doth sufficiently instruct us in this truth , that we are born , and grow up under Government ; Our Parents being a before the Institution of Commonwealth , absolute Soveraigns in their own Families : And as Hicrocles speaketh , b Gods upon Earth . Wherefore Cicero , discoursing of the many Degrees of the Society of Men , calleth c Wedlock the beginning of a City ; and , as it were , the Seminary of a Kingdom ▪ So that , to talk of such a state of nature as supposeth an Independency of one person upon another , is to lay aside not only the History of Moses , but also of Experience , which teacheth that we are born Infants , ( of Parents , for that reason , to be obey'd ) , and to put some such cheat upon the World , as Nurses are wont , in sport , to put upon unwary Children , when they tell them , they started up out of the Parsley-bed . And verily some such odd conceit is to be suspected in that Man who says , that all is Matter , and by consequence , that Mankind arose , at first , out of the fortuitous Concretions of it . Epicurus therefore in sequel of that doctrine of his , that all things were produced by atoms , explained the birth of Man , by supposing certain swelling bags or wombs upon the earth , which brake at last , and let forth Infants d nourished by her Juice , clothed by her Vapours , provided of a bed in the soft grass : and he also taught that in the beginning ( though he knew not when ) Men wander'd about like Beasts , and every one was for himself , and that meerly to secure themselves , they combin'd into Societies ; and that those Societies were formed by Pacts and Covenants , and that from those Covenants sprang good and evil , just and unjust . For , such a Romance is to be read , at large , in his Compurgator , Gassendus , a who subjoyneth no Essay of confutation . Mr. Hobbes . It may b peradventure be thought , there was never such a time , nor condition of War , as this now described ; and I believe it was never generally so , over all the World : But there are many places where they live so now . For , the Savage People in many places of America , except the Government of small Families , the concord whereof dependeth on Natural Lust , have no Government at all , and live at this day in a brutish manner . Stud I am sorry that so much barbarousness being charged upon Mankind , so little of the imputation can be fairly taken off Yet that the condition of human nature is not so very rude as you seem to represent it , appeareth from many passages in undoubted Story . Iustin c , in his Epitom of Trogus Pompeius , describeth the ancient Scythians in such a manner , that their Behaviour seemeth to upbraid those People , who call themselves , The Civilized parts of the World. By him we are informed , That they had neither Houses , nor Enclosures of ground , but wander'd with their Cattel in solitary and untilled Desarts ; That Justice had honour derived , to it , not from positive Law , but from the good natures of the People . That no man was more odious , amongst them than the Invader of such things as were occupied by another . In consideration of which inbred civility , the Historian wisheth that the other Nations of the World were followers of the Scythick Moderation ; after which , he thus concludeth . It may seem a matter fit to be admired , that Nature should bestow that upon the Scythians , which the Graecians thems●lves , though long instructed by the Doctrines and Precepts of Law-givers and Philosophers , have not attain'd to : and that formed manners should be excelled by uneducated Barbarity . But , let it be supposed that many brutish Families in America ( in whose stead you might have rather mentioned the wild Arabes a , are so many dens of Robbers , and live by such prey as their power and wildness can provide for them . Yet by this Instance , because it is made in Families , where Government has place , you rather overthrow than prove your supposed state of Nature . Wherefore , in a note added , upon second thoughts , to your Book de Cive b in order to a Solution of this Argument [ that the Son killing his Parent , in the state of Nature , acteth unjustly ] you subjoin an Answer to this effect A man cannot be understood to be a son in the meer state of Nature , seeing as soon as he is born he is under the lawful c Power and Government of them , to whom he oweth his conservation ; to wit , of his Mother or Father , or to him who affords him Provisions of common life . It is further to be marked , that one Family , as it stands separated from another , is as one Kingdom divided from the Territories of a Neighbouring Monarch . If therefore the state of Nature remaineth in a Family not depending upon another Family , in places where there is no common Government ; then all Kingdoms which have not made Leagues with one another , are , at this day , in the same state . Whereas they rather are in a state of defence dictated by prudence ; and , as you say , in the posture a of Gladiators , having their swords pointing , and their Eyes fixed on one another , than in a state of War , prompted by pride and insati●ble ambition . And therefore no affront being offered to a foreign Prince before his Invasion , he is esteem'd both injurious and unjust , whilst for no other reason than his greedy Will , he thrusts inoffensive people out of ancient possession . I know you esteem all distinct Kingdoms in a state of War in relation to each other b , and that therefore they have a right , if they have a Power of invading : but he that consults Grotius , in his Book de jure belli & Pacis ( designed chiefly c to set forth the Rights , not of Domestick , but Formsick VVar ) will not be much of your opinion ; neither will he , easily , be reconcil'd to the Practice of the Romans , in Petronius Arbiter , d ( a Practice to which that of the Spaniards is akin ) , who made foreign Nations to be Enemies , as Princes sometimes make their Subjects , Traytors ; for the sake of their Riches . Mr. Hobbes . I confess e that a great Family , if it be not part of some Commonwealth , is of it self , as to the Rights of Soveraignty , a little Monarchy : whether that Family consist of a Man and his Children ; or of a Man and his Servants ; or of a Man and his Children , and Servants together , wherein the Father or Master is the Soveraign . But yet a Family is not properly a Commonwealth ; unless it be of that power by its own number , or by other opportunities , as not to be subdued without the hazard of War. Stud. In those Places , where there is no common Government ( as of late amongst the West - Arabes , 'till their acceptance of Muley Arsheid , first for their General , and then their King ) a Family may be called a small Kingdom , notwithstanding the meanness of its Power ; because it can , as well , secure it self , against the assaults of another Family , as one Kingdom can withstand the Opposition of another . For , we compare Family to Family , and not to a vast Empire , against whose mighty numbers , it is in vain to make resistance : For , if want of strength doth render a Family no Commonwealth , than by the same reason , the Republicks of Athens , Corinth , Lacedaemon , and the rest , were properly no Republicks , because they were but so many weak and little Members , compar'd to the vast Body of the Graecian Empire . But , further : Were every man supposed loose , even from the yoke of Paternal Government , yet in such a state , there would be place , for the Natural Laws of good and evil . For , first , There is in Mankind , an ability of Soul to ascend unto the knowledg of the first invisible Cause a by the effects of his Power , and Wisdom , and Goodness , which are conspicuous in all the parts of his Creation . I say , an ability to know , not an actual acknowledgment , of the Being of a God. For the Acrothoitae are said , by Theophrasius a , to have been a Nation of Atheists ; as also to have been swallow'd up by the gaping Earth ; undergoing a Judgment worthy that God whom their Imaginations banish'd out of the World. If , then , there be such ability in the Mind of Man , he is capable of sinning by himself , in the secretest retirement from the Societies and Laws of his Fellow-creatures ▪ either by the supiness of his mind in being secure in Atheism , for want of exerting those Powers , by exercise , which God hath implanted in him ; or , by the ingratitude of his mind , by want of Love and Thankfulness to God , whom in speculation he confesseth to exist ; the notion of a Deity including that of a Benefactor . Mr. H. I must acknowledg b , that it is not impossible , in the state of Nature , to sin against God. Stud. A man may also , in that state , fin , by being injurious to himself . Mr Hobb . Neither is that denied , because c hec may pretend that to be for his preservation , which neither is so , nor is so judged by himself . Stud. But he may , likewise , sin , with reference to himself in matters wherein no prejudice accrueth to his health , or outward safety . The Instance may be made in Buggery with a Bea●● , which seemeth to be a sin against the order o● God in Nature . This monstrous Indecency , this detestable and abhominable Vice ( as the Statute calls it ) is , by our Law d , made Felony without Clergy ; and this , surely , in regard it is rather a sin against Nature than Commonwealth ; it being less noxious to Society , to humble , than to kill the owners beast , the latter of which is but a tre●pass . Lastly , In relation to ot●ers , I cannot but judg , that one man espying another , and not discerni●g in him any tokens of mischief , but rather of submission ; if being thus secure & unassaulted , he rusheth upon him , & so , to display his power , and please his tyrannous mind bereave●h him of life ; he is a murd●rer , in the account of God & Man. The reason seemeth unst●ained & cogent . For there is no such neer propriety to a man in any possession as in that of life ; which a man , as to this state , can no more forego , then he can part with himself : neither can the Right be more confirmed to him than his own Pe●●●nality . Wherefore , in no condition of Mankind , can it be forfeited but by his own default or consent . But in meer self defence there 's no murther , because one life being apparently in hazard , it is reason that the assaulted man should esteem his own more dearly than his Enemy's . It is e●sie to understand on which side to act , when it is come to this pass that ( as the Italians say of War a , We must either be spectators of other me●s deaths , or spectacles of our own . Moreover , it appeare●h , unto me , not altogether improbable , that in this feigned state of nature , unjust robbery may have place . For , in this community there being sufficient portions both for the necessity & convenience , of all men ; if one shall intrude into the possessi●n of another who is contented with a modest share , being moved only by ambition & wantonness of mind ; he seemeth to be no other than an unrighteous aggresso● . For all men being , by you , supposed of equal righ● ▪ the advantage of pre-occupancy on the one sid● , do's turn the scale , if natural justice holds the ballance : For it is in Law , an old maxim , In pari jure , melior est conditio Possidentis . Wherefore , if any person endeavours , by such unnatural practises , as I have mention'd , to encrease his outward safety , or brutish delight , he , in truth , destroyeth by his iniquity more of himself than he can preserve by his ambition and lust . And he may be resembled to a rash Seaman , who out of presumed pleasure in swimming , throws himself headlong into a boisterous Sea ; temporal delight and preservation by sin , being the ready way to bottomless ruin . By what hath been said , I am induced to believe , that there is not only iniquity , but injustice too , in a meer state of Nature ; although neither of them be capable of such aggravations , or are extended to so many Instances , as in that state , where men live under Positive Commands . For , to make Instance , not in the lower restraints of fishing , fowling , hunting ; but in the more considerable case of promiscuous mixtures ; such practice seemeth not so much condemned by the Law of Nature , as by Custom , & the commands of Moses ▪ & Christ , & Christian Magistrates , and heathen Powers . For the most holy God would never have begun the World by one Man and Woman , whose Posterity must needs be propagated by the mixtures of their Sons & D●ughters , if what we call Incest , had been inconsistent with any immutable Law of Reason & Nature . Neither would ●e have allowed the Patriarchs in Polygamy , if it had been in truth an absolute evil ; and not rather , in some Circumstances of time and place , and persons , fit and convenient . Neither is there , in these matters , any consent of Nations , who have no other instructor besides Nature : for , the Garamantici married not ; but engendred as the Monsters at the Springs of Africa . And S●leucus gave his own Wife to his son Antiochus , & then passed it into a Law. And Socrates the great pretender to Moral Prudence , esteemed it a civility to his Friend to permit his wife to enter into his imbraces . Wherefore St. Paul affirming that the taking of the Father's wife , was a For●ication not once named amongst the Gentiles , is to be understood of those Heathens whose manners & conversations he had observed in his Travels . And Aelian's Reading or Memory was but narrow , when a in contemplation of the victorious Sicy●●ians deflouring the Pollenaearian Virgins , he cried out , These Practices , by the gods of Graecia , are very cruel , and , as far as I remember , not approved of by the veriest Barbarians . And , as I think , it must be granted to you , that such consent of Nations , as may seem to argue a common principle , whence it is derived ; is not easily , & in many cases , found by those who look beyond the usages of Europe , & the Colonies planted by the Europ●ans . For Pagans ( unless it be in the acknowledgment of God , in which most agree ) do infinitly differ , not only from Jews & Christians , but from one another , & ●rom their very selves also in process of time . And those who liv'd but an hundred years ago , before the strange improvement of Navigation and Merchandize , could understand but little of the manners of distant Nations ; the Traffick being then in a few Port-Towns which held littl● Commerce with the Inland-inhabitants at any remoteness . Yet is there not hence to be taken such licentious advantage , as if there were no Law of Nature . For how various soever the opinions and customs of several Nations are ; in this , they all agree , that good is to be done , and evil to be shunned : which were a vain determination , if it never descended from a general sense , to particularness of direction , which is the immediate rule of manners : for it is this or that good which is to be done , and good in general is an unpracticable notion . Again , there may be eternal Laws of good and evil , though all consent not in them ; because the understanding and manners of men , are depraved and debauch'd by ●●stom , and the several arts of our common Enemy ; in●omuch that divers appear to be men rather in shape and speech , than by severe Reason the law & rule of Life . And here , let it be noted also , that such virtues as a man out of society cannot practise , as , some sorts of justice , gratitude , modesty , and mercy , are laws eternal in the reason of them , because it can never come to pass that , with advantage to society , they may be banish'd out of a Common-wealth . And indeed all the Laws of nature , which relate to certain states , though alterable in the alteration of Circumstances , yet , in the reasons of them , they are everlasting : And Reason that bids a man obey his Father , bids him in some cases , obey not Man but God : and yet the reason is unchangable on which both depend ; to wit , of allegiance to the higher Authority . Mr. Hobbes . If , now , it were agree'd upon , amongst men , what right Reason is , the controversie would be immediately ended . Reason a it self is always right reason — . But no one mans reason , nor the reason of any one number of men , makes the certainty : But the Reason of some Arbitrator , or Judg , to whose sentence men will stand : When men that think themselvs wiser than all others , clamor & demand right Reason for Judg ; they seek no more , but that things should be determin'd , by no other me●s reason , but their own : and this is as intolerable in the society of men , as it is in play after trump is turned , to use for trump on every occasion , that suit whereof they have most in their hand . For they do nothing else , that will have every of their passions , as it comes to bear sway in them , to be taken for right reason , and that in their own controversies : bewraying their want of right reason by the claim they lay to it b . Stud. I cannot but say that prejudice & self-interest doth blind the understanding , and cause it to put evil for good ; & humor , & education , & profit , for reason ; and that an unconcerned Judg decideth a difference , to the commodity not only of peace , but of truth and right . But●seeing it is supposed that an Arbitrator can pronounce such a righteous sentence ; it followeth that he hath some standing Rule whereby to guide his judgment . This is not always the b●ho●f of society ; but it may be known , and it may oblige a man considered by himself , and it concerneth the Hermite , and the shipwra●kt person , who is unfortunately cast upon an uninhabited Island . Now this dictate of right Reason , which , ●ogether with the superadded act of Conscience , is the Law of Nature , consisteth in that moral congruity or proportion which is betwixt the action ( of mind , or ●ongue , or hand ) , and the object , considered relatively in their proper circumstances . That ou● minds can compare the act & object , or discern whether they are congrous or incongruous , equal or unequal , is plain enough by the daily operations of our Faculties ; the truth of which none but a professed Sceptick , calleth in question ; being mov'd thereto , rather by capricious humor , than strength of his argument , the reason of which is destroy'd by his very Hypothesis , that , Nothing is certain . And he that calleth ou● Faculties into question , doth raze the foundations of the Mathematicks as well as of moral doctrine , and leaves no more place for the foot of Archimedes , than of Socrates . For it is as manifest by the comparative operations of our minds , that hatred ( for instance ) and disrespect , towards that Being on which we depend for what we are and have is an ununiform , incongruous , unequal , & disproportion'd carriage , as that a crooked line is unequal to a straight one laying between the same terms . The like may be said of killing an innocent man whom we know to have bin such , and whose continuance in integrity we suspect not ; and of the abusing a benefactor . And he that justifieth such returns , may with equal truth & reason , maintain , that the shortest Garment of David is well proportion'd to the properest stat●re of Saul or Goliah ▪ Now to this perception of moral congruity betwixt the action and the object , considered in their proper circumstances in relation to mens manners , is added an act of conscience in all those who attend to the Laws of their Nature , as rules imprinted in them by the Governour of the World , who made them what they are ; & consequently as the rules of his will in such manner declared to them : and from thence what is reasonable passeth into a Law. And as the mind of man perceiveth this proportion , or conformity , greater or less , he knoweth in some sort the measure of hi● obligation . And when he perceiveth the incongruity to be very little , he concludeth it to be a counsel , rather than a law ; yet will he be moved by that which Ovid calleth , decor Recti , if he be endued with a generous nature . From hence it is manifest , that some primary rules of good and evil , carry a reason with them so immutable , in the etern●l connexion of their terms , that with modesty enough , we may use , concerning them , that boast of Ovid , touching his ow● works ; affirming , that neither the rage of Iupiter , nor the most devouring fire , or War , nor what consumeth more than they both , even Time it self , can abolish and destroy them . And this was the meaning of those in Aristotle a , who believed that what was natural was immoveable , and of the same force in ●ll places , as fire burneth here & also in Persia. And this they mean , who affirm , that God cannot lie , or deny , or hate himself , or approve of him that hateth him , or adoreth him contrary to his declared will ; and that he cannot torture a man , supposed innocent , with never-ceasing misery . Mr. Hobbes . There is no rule which God may not most justly break , because he i● Almighty . This I know b God cannot sin , because his doing a thing makes it just , and consequently no sin . Power c irresi●tible justifieth all actions really and properly , in whomsoever , it be found ; less power does not : ● and because such Power is in God only , he must needs be just in all his actions , and we who , not comprehending his Counsels , call him to the Bar ▪ commit injustice in it . And I kn●w that d God may afflict by a right derived from his Omnipotence , though sin were not . Stud. Far be it from me to say , that God can be suppos'd to sin , because there is no Lord superior to him : but , That he would break the rule of eternal Reason , if he should let his power loose , and do whatsoever might be done , whether with agreeableness or contradiction to his most excellent Nature : thous●nds have thought it , neither can they perswade themselves into another belief . It is true that God might ▪ temporally , have afflicted or annihilated man if he had lived in a state of uprightness and integrity . For , there is strict justice observed in this case , whilst God freely taketh away what he freely gave , or sendeth a calamity to which life is prefer'd by the reasonable choice of man. But to afflict a man extreamly and eternally without the intervention of any sin , is to send a torment which doth infinitely outweigh the good of naked existence , and therefore is , by Curcell●us e and divers others of that School , esteem'd inconsistent with that Justice which is in●eparable ●rom the first Cause : It being absurd to think that such Justice is not a perfection ; and as absurd to imagin that there should be such a perfection in a created Soul , and not in the self-originated Mind . Therefore Chrysippus , and the Stoicks did make God the Original of Right . And some f have derived Ius from Iupiter . And Abraham , the Friend of God , made this expostulation , for which he had no rebuke ▪ Wilt thou destroy the Righteous with the Wicked ? And again , this also , Shall not the Iudg of all the Earth do Right ? An Agent , armed with Power irresistible , though he cannot be withstood in that action of his which might produceth , yet may he be justly condemned for unreasonable proceedings . A man who being bound hand and foot , has a fatal knife put to his throat ( in which case the Power is irresistible in respect of his body , as much as if it were omnipotence ) such a one cannot help himself ; but he may judge without either falshood or partiality , that if in that manner he is butchered , without regard to any crime , the practice is both cowardly and unmerciful . But further , if the Deity justifieth all by power , and can do rightly whatsoever may be done by Omnipotence ( and for that reason ; ) then all the Arguments of the Christian Apologists against the Gentiles ( the barbarous and lascivious practices of whose supposed Gods they judged enough to overthrow their Divinity , and therefore represented at large their immoralities ) were weak and unconvincing : for there was room of replying , that such manners were not to be reprov'd , because the powers above them could so behave themselves without controul . To conclude , whilst by the absolute Soveraignty of God , you affront his other Attributes , you set up an omnipotent Devil in a worse sense then Manes the Persian , who , being seduced by the Fable of his Country , concerning Orimaza and Areimanius , asserted a supreme evil ; but did not , directly , exclude the supreme good out of the world . See , then , how you reproach the Author of all good , by such an imputation of arbitrary Government , and of imperious will which standeth for a Reason ; whereby you take away the most ingenious motive to Religion , Love and Reverence , produced by a conception of God as one who a hath the power to do unto us both good and hurt , but not the will to do us hurt . Remember , also , that the Atheists , in the Book of Wisdom b , who taught after this manner , That the soul was a little spark in the moving of the heart , said likewise , Let us oppress the poor righteous man , let us not spare the widow , nor reverence the ancient gray hairs of the aged . Let our strength be the Law of Iustice ; for that which is feeble is found to be nothing worth . Thus want of reason is betray'd by those bold Writers , who slacken the laws of good and evil . Mr. Hobbes . Notwithstanding all this clamour , you may finde in my own Books , divers laws of Nature c ( no fewer then nineteen d ) set down , and dignified with the Epithet of eternal e . Stud. You have , indeed , mention'd certain natural Laws ; but you have not derived them from the reason and equity of their Nature , but from self-preservation ; and call'd them eternal , not from the unalterable connexion of the terms , but because they always conduce ( in your opinion ) to the temporal peace and safety of single persons : which if it may , at any time be advanced by the violation of such Laws ( as is manifest in every Usurpers breach of Faith and Love ) they can not oblige in that instance , because the Reason of them ( such a Reason as you have imagined ) is then taken away . And doubless upon this account , the Fundamentals of your Policy are Hay and Stubble , and apter to set all things into a blaze , then to support Government , and ( what we are in the eighth Place to discuss ) the Laws of Society . For , if men be lawless in a state of Nature , and for the meer sake of temporal security , do enter into Covenants , and are obliged to Justice , and Modesty , and Gratitude , and other suchlike sociable Vertues , onely because they conduce to our peace , and to the keeping of us fro● the deplorable condition of a War of every man against every man ; then when any subject shall have fair hopes of advancing himself by treading down Authority , and trampling upon the Laws in a prosperous Rebellion ; what is it , according to your Principles , which can oblige him to refuse the opportunity ? If it be said that one Covenant is this , that we must keep the rest ; it will be again inquired , what Law engageth men to keep that Pact , seeing there is no Law of more ancient descent , unless it be that of self-preservation ? for the sake of which ( as it includeth not meer safety , but delight also , as you have stated it a and display of Power ) we suppose the Covenants to be broken . So that , without the obligation laid upon us by Fedility ( the Law of God Almighty in our nature ) antecedent to all humane Covenants ; such Pacts will become but so many loose materials , without the main binder , in the fence of the Common-wealth , which will , therefore , be trodden down , or broken through , by every herd of unruly men . Men are apt to violate what they esteem most just and sacred , for the sake of Reigning ; and they will be , much more , encouraged to break all Oaths of Duty and Allegiance , when they once believe , that their ascent into the Throne , and Possession of the Supreme Power , like the coming of the reputed Heir unto the Crown ▪ as in the case of Henry the Seventh a , doth immediately clear a man of all former Attaindors . Mr. Hobbes . This specious b Reasoning is , nevertheless , false : For when a man doth a thing , which , notwithstanding any thing can be foreseen , and reckoned on , tendeth to his own destruction , howsoever some accident , which he could not expect , arriving , may turn it to his benefit ; yet such events do not make it reasonably or wisely done — As for the instance of attaining Soveraignty by Rebellion ; it is manifest , that though the event follow , yet because it cannot reasonably be expected , but rather the contrary ; and because by gaining it so , others are taught to gain the same in like manner , the attempt thereof is against Reason . Justice therefore , that is to say , keeping of Covenant , is a rule of Reason , by which we are forbidden to do any thing destructive to our life ; and consequently a law of Nature . Stud. This then is the Doctrine of Politics , in which you so much applaud your self ; and of the same strain with the pernicious Book , entituled , Natures Dowry a , printed the year after the Leviathan : That Rebellion is not iniquity , if , upon probable grounds , it becomes prosperous : That he who usurps not like a Politician , is therefore a Villain , because he is a Fool : That all the Usurpers in the World stepping up into the Throne , by means likely to further their ascent , pursue the Fundamental Law of Nature , and are rightful and undoubted Soveraigns : That the Earl of Essex , in the Reign of Q. Elizabeth ( who , after some stain of fame in Ireland , and in the days of a popular Queen , and in a time when he had potent enemies for strength and head-piece , such as Cecil and Sir Walter Rawleigh , appear'd with a small company , upon presumption of the Queens love in case he should miscarry , and upon hopes of the multitude not formed to his purpose by confederacie ) was a Rebel and a Traytor , because he was a weak and unfortunate Politician ; but that Oliver ( who was led on by success to things he never dreamt of in the days of his Poverty , ) and saw the power of the King declining ; and was as sure of being Protector , as a King can be ( upon your grounds ) of remaining Soveraign , by the inclination of the Souldiery , and possession of the Militia ; and therefore usurp'd upon as sure foundations of self-interest , as the nature of Civil Affairs admitteth of ) was , by the direct consequence of your opinion , a lawful Prince , a man of inestimable merit and renown , worthy the Government of thrice three Kingdoms , of dying in his bed , and of a Fame too wide to be contain'd betwixt the Deucalidonian and Brittish Ocean . No , no , there are words more agreeable to his merit , and they have nothing Poetick in them besides the genuine strain of verse a . Curst be the man ( what do I wish ? as though The wretch already were not so ; But curst on let him be ) who thinks it brave And great , his Country to enslave ; Who seeks to overpoise alone The Balance of a Nation , Against the whole but naked State ; Who in his own light scale makes up with Arms the weight . Mr. Hobbes . I have written concerning Oliver b , that his Titles and actions were equally unjust . Stud. This you wrote indeed , but since the return of his Sacred Majesty , who , if men had pursu'd your destructive Principles , and judg'd his Right to have ceased with his Power , had for ever been destitute of any other Throne , then what had been erected in the hearts of the Loyal . Mr. White , also , the part-boyl'd Romanist , who is honour'd with the Title of , Most Learned , in the scurrilous Preface to your Book of Fate , declar'd in English , in an unhappy time , c that a dispossessed Prince ought neither to be desired , nor to endeavour to return , if the people think themselves to be well , and their Trade and Employment be undisturb'd . And he addeth also ; Who can answer they shall be better by the return of the dispossessed party ? Surely , in common presumption , the gainer is like to defend them better then he who lost it . Certainly for this sentence , at such a time published to this Nation , if for no other cause , his Books ought to be burnt in England , as well as some of them have been condemned at Rome ; unless we suppose the crabbedness of the stile , and the obscureness and weakness of the Reasoning in them , may tempt the Author , when better informed , to save Authority the labour of it . Dr. Baily likewise , revolting from the Church of England , forsook his Loyalty at the same time , and caressed Oliver , and hop'd that , by his means , the Pope might come again , and set his Imperial feet upon the neck of English Princes : For he concludes his Legend a of the Bishop of Rochester , after this manner . Thus we see Gods Justice in the destruction of the Churches Enemies ; ( meaning Thomas Cromwel , Vicar-General of the Church under Henry the eighth , and spoiler of Religious Houses ) : who knows but that he may help her to such Friends , though not such as may restore her own Jewels , yet such as may heal her of her wounds ? And who knows but that it may be effected by the same name ? Oliva vera is not so hard to be construed Oliverus , as that it may not be believed , that a Prophet rather then an Herald , gave the common Father of Christendom , the now Pope of Rome , Innocent the Tenth ) such Ensignes of his Nobility ( viz. a Dove holding an Olive-branch in her mouth ) since it falls short in nothing of being both a Prophecy and fulfilled , but only his Highness running into her arms , whose Embleme of Innocence bears him alreadie in her mouth . These Romanists and your self agree too well in owning of U●●rpers , and measuring right by the length of the sword : and therefore when such Politi●ians say , that Olivers Titles and Actions were equally unjust , they are to be understood in such a sense , as when we say of a very D●nce , that he is as good a Logician as Grammarian , that is , in truth neither . Mr. Hobbes . Believe me Sir , my Leviathan was written when Oliver was but General b who had not yet cheated the Parliament of their usurped power : [ and I never had a kindness for him or them . I lived peaceably under his Government , at my return from France , and so did the Kings Bishops also . ] Of the Bishops that then were c — there was not one that followed the King out of the Land , though they loved him , but lived quietly under the protection , first of the Parliament , and then of Oliver ( whose Titles and Actions were equally unjust ) without treachery . Stud. That this is false , your own Conscience will inform you ; for the then Lord Bishop of London-derry ( a man of whom , to your cost , you have heard ) convey'd himself beyond the Seas , and was not there unmindful of the Kings interest ; although he hath not boasted of his Travels , as you are wont to do of your living at Paris . Let the testimony of Bishop Taylor , who was as likely as any man to know and report the truth , decide the controversie : his words are these . d God having still resolved to afflict us , the good man was forc'd into the fortune of the Patriarchs , to leave his Country and his charges , and seek for safety and bread in a strange Land. — This worthy man took up his Cross , and followed his Master . — At his leaving the Low-Countries upon the Kings return , some of the remonstrant-Ministers coming to take their leaves of this great man , and desiring that , by his means , the Church of England would be kind to them ; he had reason to grant it , because they were learned men , and in many things , of a most excellent belief : yet he reprov'd them , and gave them caution against it , that they approached too near , and gave too much countenance to the great and dangerous errors of the Socini●ns . He thus having served God and the King abroad , God was pleased to return to the King and to us all . As for divers others of them , some were imprisoned , and others were by reason of Age , not so apt for forraign travel : and at home , they promoted the cause of their Soveraign , which , if all zealous Loyalists had with-drawn themselves , would , by degrees , have dyed away : and because they refused the Oaths imposed at the peril of their lives , and of their fortunes ( which though they were but little , were their all , ) they therefore are not to be judged treacherous in undermining the usurped Government , or disloyal to the King in enjoying protection under Oliver , whom they neither arm'd , nor owned in power : neither do you , here , take notice of the great number of loyal Priests , of which , some fled beyond the Seas , and others , staying in the Land , were , for their the sake of Allegiance , exposed to as great dangers as the roughest sea could have threatned them with : but it is the manner of some men , to wound true Loyalty and Religion through the sides of Ecclesiastick Officers . Mr. Hobbes . I have not said this to upbraid the Bishops , nor ever a spake I ill of any of them , as to their persons : and against their Office I never writ any thing . I never wrote ( I say ) against Episcopacy ; and it is my private opinion , that such an Episcopacy as is now in England is the most commodious that a Christian King can use for the the governing of Christs Flock : [ and if they submitted to Oliver they did justly , being then absolved of their obedience to their Soveraign ] : for the b obligation of subjects to the Soveraign , is understood to last as long , and no longer , then the power lasteth , by which he is able to protect them . — The end of obedience is protection ; which , wheresoever a man seeth it , either in his own , or in anothers sword , Nature applyeth his obedience to it , and his endeavors to maintain it . Stud. You have here , according as the nature of falshood requireth , backed one untruth with a second : for , in your Leviathan c , you called Episcopacy a Praeterpolitical Church Government , and preferred Independencie above all other forms ; for , at that time , it was gotten uppermost , and seem'd the growing Interest , and Presbytery decayed : the truth is , the latter declin'd before the death of the King , to whose fall , that Partie was loath to give the last thrust : but when your Leviathan came forth , the house of Lords had bin voted useless , and the members that had voted the Kings concessions a ground for the House to proceed to a settlement , were secluded ; and the dregs of the House were Anabaptists and Independents : soon after this d you , thus libeld , that government which was , then by right , his present Majesties : The Analysis , of the Pontifical Power , is by the same way , the Synthesis or construction was ; but beginneth with the knot that was last tyed ( the Popes Supremacy ) ; as we may see in the dissolution of the Praeterpolitical Church-Government in England . First the power of the Popes was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth ; and the Bishops , who before , exercised their Functions in right of the Pope , did afterwards exercise the same , in the right of the Queen and her successors ; though by retaining the Phrase of Jure divino , they were thought to demand it , by immediate right from God : and so was untyed the first knot . After this , the Presbyterians lately in England obtained the putting down of Episcopacy : and so was the second knot dissolved : and almost at the same time , the power was taken also from the Presbyterians : and so we are reduced to the Independencie of the Primitive Christians , to follow Paul , or Cephas , or Apollos , every man as he liketh best : which , if it be without contention , and without measuring the doctrine of Christ , by our affection to the person of his Minister ( the fault which the Apostle reprehended in the Corinthians ) is perhaps the best . Wherefore speak no more of your reverence for Episcopacy , whilst you have cryed hail to it , and yet betraid it : neither is it for you to pretend to loyalty , who , when one asked what was the price of a Roman penny , amidst a Discourse of our civil Warres , ( whilst his thoughts were guided by a train , from , our Warres , to the delivering of the King , from that to the delivering of Christ , from that to the thirty pence received by Iudas , and from that to the value of the Roman penny ) call'd this , in Print , a a Malicious question , in the daies of the Parliament : as if it were malice , and not just zeal , which occasioned his comparing of the Martyrdom of King Charles to the death of the blessed Jesus . It is not , for you , to pretend to loyalty , who place right in force , and teach the people to assist the Usurper , with active compliance , against a dispossessed Prince ; and not meerly to live , at all adventure , in his Territories , without owning the protection by unlawful oaths , or by runing into arms against their dethroned Soveraign . Mr. Hobbes . I cannot but place the right of b government there , weresoever the strength shall be ; [ whatsoever be the ignominious terms with which you revile me . ] Stud. I say then again , ( and I neither revile nor slander you , unless it can be done by the repetition of the truth ) that you give encouragement to Usurpers ; and also , when civil discords are on foot ( as it happens too frequently in all States ) you , hereby move such people as are yet on the side of their lawful Prince , whose affairs they see declining , straitway to adjoyn themselves to the more prospe●ous partie , and to help to overturn those thrones of Soveraigntie , at which a while be●ore they prostrated themselves : for , in your way of reasoning , they have a right to preserve or delight themselves , by any course of means , and can be best protected by the prevailing side , which because it hath more degrees of growing power , ha's it seemeth , therefore more of right . The people thus miss-instructed , will imitate those idolatrous Heathens , who , for some years , worshipped a presumed Goddess made fast unto an Oake : but as soon as the Tree began by Age and Tempest , to appear decaying , they pay'd no further devotion to their Deity , neither would they come within the shaddow of the Oak or Image . Mr. Hobbes . Against this abuse of what I have taught , I have made provision , by inser●ing this amongst other Laws of Nature , that a every man is bound by nature , as much as in him lies , to protect in War the Authority , by which he is himself protected in time of Peace . Stud. That Law was forgotten in the body of your Leviathan , and cometh late into the review : the wound is first made , and then you endeavour to skin it over ; but neither can it so be closed : for this and all other Laws of Nature obliging no further ( as hath been already noted ) then they promote the first , the Law of self-interest ; it is in the choice of every subject ( whom b you make Judge of the means to preserve himself , ) to apply himself to the stronger side ; or for a company combin'd in arms and counsel , when an Heir and a Traytor are ingag'd in Battle with equal success ( as was the practice of the Lord Stanley , and Sir William Stanley and their adherents in the Engagement at Bosworth-Field ) to give the day to the side they presume will most favour them , by over-poising the power of the other side , by their fresh supply . Fear will not keep men from such attempts ; especially fear of outward punishment , whilst every one hopes to conquer , and to mend his game ( as you well c know ) by a new shuffle ; and is ( by you ) misperswaded , that failing in the enterprize , to his temporal peril , is his only offence against the Law of Nature . There is no tye so strong as that of Religion , which eternally bindeth a conscientious subject in allegiance to his Soveraign : and Wars arise from mens self-interests and lusts : and true goodness is both the Creator and Preserver of Peace : unless a man obeyeth for Conscience sake , all the cords of outward Pacts ●nd Covenants will not hold him , when he ●reameth that the Philistins are upon him , and ●hat he can deliver himself by force from the ●ower of his Enemies ; in which number the Prince himself is reckon'd by ambitious subjects , ●ut of favour : neither will such Covenants hold the people that pretend unto Religion , if ●hey be mis-taught that God is glorified in their private good , and that their private good is to ●e valued before the life of a Prince , if they can ●afely deprive him of it . For it is truely said ●y a Friend of yours , a That zeal , like lead , ●s as ready to drop into bullets , as to mingle with a composition fit for medicine . Mr. Hobbes . Covenants b being but words , and breath , have no force to oblige , contain , constrain , or protect any man , but what it has from the publick Sword. The Laws of Nature c ( as Justice , Equity , Modesty , Mercy , and ( in sum ) doing to others as we would be done to ) of themselves , without the terror of some power , to cause them to be observed , are contrary to our natural passions , that carry us to partiality , pride , revenge , and the like . And Covenants without the Sword , are but words , and of no strength to secure a man at all . Stud. The matter is much mended by this answer ; and you who cause or permit ( for with you they are the same ) a person , of none of the best manners , in a Preface to your Book of Destiny to revile the Embassadors of our Lord , and to levie against them , not the force of argument , but of foaming malice , and to reproach them by saying that they are ignorant Tinkers , and Soderers of Conscience ; how do you merit the same mock-name , by making wide holes and passages for every rebellious spirit , instead of stopping an Objection which charged your Doctrine with disloyalty ? For thus , Society is like a State of Nature , and all is managed still by force , notwithstanding the formalities of transferring Right by Pacts , and every man is to stand no longer to his bargain , when he can break it to his advantage : And thus , the Prince is always in a state of danger , because he cannot be , a day secure , of remaining uppermost ; seeing the people are taught by you , to believe that the right of Authority is a deceit , and that every one would have as good a title , if he had as long a sword : For the many-headed Beast will throw the Rider when he burthens and galls them , having no check of inward Law. For the Prince has but the strength of a single man , and the people can't confer irresistible Power , unless when they lift up their hands on high , they can give up their nerves , and muscles , and spirits , as well as testifie their present approbation . Wo to all the Princes upon earth , if this doctrine be true , and becometh popular : if the multitude believe this , the Prince , not armed with the scales of the Leviathan , that is , with irresistible power , can never be safe from the Spears and Barbed irons , which their ambition and presumed interest will provide , and their malice will sharpen , and their passionate violence throw against him . If the Beast , we speak of , come but to know its own strength , it will never be managed : Wherefore such as own these pernicious doctrines , destructive to all Societies of men , may be said to have Wolves heads , as the Laws of old were wont to speak concerning excommunicated Persons ; and are like those ravenous beasts , so far from deserving our love and care , that they ought to be destroyed at the common charge . What you have written three times over , in your de cive , de corpore politico , and Leviathan , ought rather to be esteemed seeds of sedition , then Elements of government and societie : the Principles of the Zelots amongst the Papists ( who obey a Forrein Power against the King ) are not consistent with the government of England ; yet , like the Elements in Aristotle , they are not burthensome in their proper place of Italy : but of such large infection is the doctrine , that it will endanger the life of the Common-wealth , wheresoever it is entertained in the consequences of it . Mr. Hobbes . At Paris a I wrote my Book de cive in Latine — and I know no book more magnified then that beyond the Seas . Natural Philosophie b is but young ; but civil Philosophie yet much younger , as being no older ( I say it provoked , and that my detractors may know how little they have wrought upon me ) then my own book de Cive : a short c sum of that book of mine , now publiquely in French , done by a Gentleman I never saw , carrieth the title of Aethics demonstrated : accuse not then such Politics , as are , though new , yet of sure foundation . Stud. Your Doctrine is old enough , and I wish it had one propertie of Age , to be attended with decay . Carneades and divers others bottom'd Policy and self-Interest , and you have only wire-drawn that which is delivered by them in a lump : and for this , as is the manner of divers who have an itch of writing , you claw your self . I could repeat to you , divers sayings of the ancient deceivers in Moralitie ; such as are , Armatus leges ut o●gitem ? nec natura potest justo secernere iniquum , — utilitas justi prope mater & aequi , and the like : but you would then turn all off , by deriding me for having made a motly Oration . I have somtimes , by my self , made this conjecture , that you being so conversant with Thu●ydides ; the Oration of Euphemus d delivered there , might first hint to you your sandy Politicks : for that Athenian Embassadour to the Camarin●i , amongst other things tending much that way , at last plainly told them , that to a Governour nothing which was profitable was dishonest , or unreasonable : which Doctrine , because it invites ambitious men to step into Authority when the door is open , and mercenary soldiers to decide a dispute , not in favour of the right , but the most profitable side ; because it moveth them that are supream to become Tyrants in the exercise of that power , which Religion ought to limit , though the people may not , and to make their passions their chief rules , and to govern with Armies rather then Laws , or , if with both , to dy their Flags , and to write their Edicts , in the blood of whom they please : because , I say , it taketh off all sence of what we call humanity from the supream powers , and so , not unlike to a Porta Sabina , calls in innumerable evils upon such people as are quiet and modest ; it therefore ought , no more to be sucked in , by Prince or People , then pernicious air in time of common Pestilence . Mr. Hobbes . Name not Tyranny as a word of reproach , for the name of Tyranny e signifieth nothing more nor less , then the name of Soveraignty , be it in one , or many men , saving that they that use the former word , are understood to be angry with them they call Tyrants : and I think the toleration of a professed hatred of Tyranny , is a toleration of hatred to Common-wealth in general — So that here , f I must say to you , Peace , down , for you bark now at the Supream Legislative power ; therefore 't is not I but the Laws which must rate you off . And now me thinks my endeavour g to advance the civil power , should not be by the civil power condemned ; nor private men , by reprehending it , declare they think that power too great [ and after what manner I endeavour the advancement of it , I think it worth the time to declare to you . ] I shew a that the Scripture requireth absolute obedience : I teach b that the people have made artificial chains , called civil laws , which they themselves , by mutual Covenants , have fastned at one end , to the lips of that man , or Assembly , to whom they have given the Soveraign power ; and at the other end , to their own ears : that , c nothing the Soveraign can do to the Subject , can properly be called Injustice or injury , because every subject is Author of every Act the Soveraign doth . That d the proprietie of a subject excludeth not the dominion of the Soveraign , but only of another subject . Stud. Remember Sir , the case of Ahab and Naboth ; unless you suppose it in times of publick necessitie . Mr. Hobbes . Interrupt me not : I teach also , that e the King is the absolute Representative , and that it is dangerous to give such a title to those men , who are sent up by the people to carry their Petitions , and give him ( if he permit it ) their advice . That f the Soveraign is sole Legislator , and not subject to civil laws . That g to him there cannot be any knot in the law , insoluble ; either by finding out the ends to undo it by ; or else by making what ends he will , ( as Alexander did with his sword in the Gordian-knot , ) by the Legislative power ; which no other Interpreter can doe . That there is h no common Rule of good and evil , to be taken from the Nature of the objects themselves ; but from the Person of the man ( where there is no Common-wealth ) or , ( in a Common-wealth ) from the Person that representeth it , or from an Arbitrator or Judge , whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up , and make his sentence the rule thereof . That i where there is no law , there no killing or any thing else can be unjust . That k the civil Soveraign is Judge of what doctrines are fit to be taught . I also maintain l that Soveraigns , being in their own Dominions the sole Legislators ; those books only are Can●nical , that is , Law in every Nation , which are established for such by the Soveraign Authority . Stud. In some things you are just to the Praerogative of Kings ; but in others , you ought to have remembred the words of our Lord , who adviseth us to give to Caesar the things that are Caesars , and unto God the things that are Gods. For your cavil at the name Tyrant , it is in the sense I us'd it ( for exercise of unlimited power ) unbecoming a Prince : but I know how very frequently it is misapply'd by those , who will call the very bridling of their licentiousness , hateful Tyranny ; and find fault with the law , for no other reason but because it is a r●straint upon their supposed freedome : whereas the hedges which the law sets down , are to keep them only in the truest and safest way . The absolute Princes of Syracuse were called Tyrants , though some of them deserved the title of Benefactors : and amongst our selves , the best of Kings was branded with that ignominious character . For that which you have justly said in favour of a Monarch , had it bin Printed before Forty eight , it might have bin of good effect , at least it might have shewed a disposition to promote Loyalty . But being published , after the Kings Martyrdom , and his Sons exile , it served the purposes of those people who had then the Militia in their hands . For you say a that the Rights of a Common-wealth by acquisition , are the same with those , by Institution or Succession : That the power of the Representative ( whether in one or many ) cannot without consent be transferr'd , forfeited , accus'd , punish'd : and that such a person is Supreme Judge . The Parliament therefore ought to have return'd you thanks , for ascribing to them the strength of the Leviathan , and for keeping their nostrils free from the books of the right Heir and his adherents . They ought , especially , to have given you the thanks of the House for saying , b I maintain nothing in any Paradox of Religion ; but attend the end of that dispute of the Sword , concerning the Authority , ( not yet amongst my Country-men decided ) by which all sorts of Doctrine are to be approved , or rejected ; and whose commands , both in speech and writing ; ( whatsoever be the opinions of private men ) must by all men , that mean to be protected by their Laws , be obeyed . But notwithstanding all this , what you seem to build up on the side of the Soveraign , you pull down on the side of the People . For whilst you found all upon single Self-interest , ( to the advancement of which all safe means are , by you , esteemed c lawful ) these specious rights are no longer his , then by main force he can keep possession of them . That will not be long , if great Delinquents call'd in question , and miserable people ( who , like such as stake their Cloak in an over-hot day , are willing to hazard the life they would be rid of ; and are easily misled , not looking upon the stumbling-blocks in the way , but d on the light that others carry before them ) , if these , can promote their private good , by Sword , or Poyson , or Mutiny . The people , if they believ'd that a company of Delinquents e , joyning together to defend themselves by Arms , do not at all unjustly ; but may , lawfully , repel lawful Force , by Force ; they would soon be stirred up , and suffer none , for whom they have respect , to be brought to justice . For your last particular concerning the Power of the Civil Soveraign , in relation to that for which we have assign'd The Ninth place , that is to say , the Canon of holy Scripture ; it see●eth a great indignity offered to the Soveraignty of Christ. Upon this occasion , I remember a saying of Dr. Weston , which would better have become a man in Buff , then a Prolocutor of the Convocation . After six days spent in hot dispute about Religion , in the Reign of Queen Mary , he dismissed those of the Reformed way in these words a : It is not the Queens pleasure that we should spend any longer time in these debates ; and ye are well enough already : for you have the Word , and we have the Sword. So little of the obligation of holy Writ is perceived by those whose eyes are dazled with Secular Grandeur . But , before we come to dispute of the power which maketh the Scripture - Canon , which is , as 't were the Main Battle ; may we not a little breathe and prepare our selves , in some lesser Skirmishes , touching the Writings of the Old and New Testament ? Mr. Hobbes . If you like that course , I am ready to joyn with you . First , then , I take notice b that divers historical Books of the Old Testament , were not written by those whose names they bear ; to wit , much of the Pentateuch , the Books of Ioshuah , and Iudges , and Ruth , and Samuel , and Kings , and Chronicles . Stud. This hath bin , long since said , and proved , by the places which you cite in your Leviathan , by the Frenchman who founded a Systeme of Divinity upon the conceit of men before Adam ! who also , by Recantation , unravel'd his own Cobweb , spun out of his own fancie , rather then the true Records of time . But this doth not invalidate the truth of those Histories , whose sufficient antiquity is , by you , granted . Mr. Hobbes . I observe , again , concerning the Book of Iob a , that though it appear sufficiently that he was no feigned person , yet the Book it self seemeth not to be an History , but a Treatise concerning a question in ancient time disputed , why wicked men have often prospered in this world , and good men have been afflicted : and it is the more probable , because the whole dispute is in Verse — but Verse is no usual stile of such as either are themselves in great pain , as Iob ; or of such as come to comfort them , as his Friends ; but in Philosophy , especially moral Philosophy , in ancient time frequent . Stud. It is not thought that Iob or his Friends , but Moses , or some other , pen'd the History in the form in which we have it . But however you here alledge a Reason , which proveth the contrary to the purpose you would have it serve for : For Poetry exciting the imagination and affections , is fittest for painting out the Scene of Tragedy . You have surely forgotten Ovid de Tristibus . Mr. Hobbes . Please your self in replies : I will proceed to observe further , that b as for the Books of the Old Testament , they are derived to us , from no other time then that of Esdras , who , by the direction of Gods Spirit , ●etrived them , when they were lost . Stud. That place in the fourth Book of Esdras , wherein it is said in his person , Thy Law is burnt c , therefore no man knoweth the things that thou hast done , is a very fable . For though the Autographa of Moses , and the Prophets have been thought to have perished at the burning of Hierusalem , yet it is not true that all the Copies were destroyed : For the Prophets , in the Captivity d read the Law. And concerning that whole fourth Book , it is said by Bellarmine himself , e that the Author is a Romancer . Of the like nature may they seem who talk of the men of the Synagoga magna , making Ezra to be a chief man amongst them , and ascribing to them the several divisions and sections of the Old Testament ; even that , wherein the Book of Daniel is ( most absurdly ) reckon'd amongst the Hagiographa . Of that Synagoga magna , there is not one word spoken by Iosephus , or St. Hierom , though both had very fair occasions , in some parts of their writings , to have intreated of it . And the deficiencie of the Jewish story , about that time , may move us to believe that this was the fiction of modern Rabbies ; and Morinus thinks he has demonstrated that so it was . Mr. Hobbes . I note again , that the f Septuagint , who were seventy Learned men of the Jews , sent for by Ptolomy King of Egypt , to translate the Jewish Law , out of the Hebrew into Greek , have left us no other Books for holy Scripture in the Greek Tongue , but the same that are received in the Church of England . Stud. It is not resolved whether they translated any more then the five Books of Moses , and whether they turn'd them out of Hebrew , Chaldee , or the Samaritan Tongue , to which latter Pentateuch the translation of the seventy is shew'd , by Hottinger , to agree most exactly , in a very great number of places , by him produced in order g : but there is as great question whether that we have , be the true Copy of the Seventy : for seeing therein the names of places ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Caphto●im ) are there rendred not according to the Hebrew , but after the manner in which they were call'd in the latter times under the second Temple h ; the antiquity of the Copy of Rome may be suspected . Mr. Hobbes . Be it also observed , that those Books which are called Apocrypha were left out of the Canon , not for inconformity of Doctrine with the rest , but onely because they are not found in the Hebrew . Stud. Here , again , you erre : for by the same Reason , some part which is contained in the Canon , should have been , of old , excluded . For instance , the Book of Daniel is partly written in Hebrew , and partly written in Caldee ; for Daniel had learnt that Tongue in Babylon by the command of the King. Neither are all Apocryphal Books to be thought not written in Hebrew ; for that excellent Book of the Son of Syrach , as is manifest by his Preface to it , was a translation out of the Hebrew Copy of his Grand-father Iesus . The Reason why such Books were not received by the Jews into the Canon , was not what you suggest , but because they seem'd not written by that kinde of prophesie which they called Ruach Hakkodesh a . Mr. Hobbes . I confess b St. Hierom had seen the first of the Maccabees in Hebrew . Stud. Neither is that rightly noted : For the Book which St. Hierom saw , as is thought by Drusius , a man profoundly learned in these matters , was the first Book of the History of the Hasmon●ei , whos 's Epoch was of later date , though the names are us'd promisouously amongst the Jews . Mr. Hobbes . I proceed to note , that c the Writers of the New Testament lived all in less then an age after Christs Ascension , and had all of them seen our Saviour , or been his Disciples , except St. Paul , and St. Luke ; and consequently whatsoever was written by them is as ancient as the time of the Apostles . But the time wherein the Books of the New Testament were received , and acknowledged by the Church to be of their writing , is not altogether so ancient — These Books , of which the Copies were not many , nor could easily be all in any one private mans hand , cannot be derived from a higher time , then that wherein the Governours of the Church collected , approved , and recommended them to us , as the Writings of those Apostles and Disciples , under whose names they go . The first Enumeration of all the Books , both of the Old and New Testament , is in the Canons of the Apostles , supposed to be collected by Clement the first ( after St. Peter ) Bishop of Rome . But because that is but supposed , and by many questioned , the Council of Laodicea is the first we know , that recommended the Bible to the then Christian Churches , for the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles : and this Council was held in the 364 year after Christ. At which time , though ambition had so far prevailed on the great Doctors of the Church , as no more to esteem Emperours though Christian , for the Shepherds of the people , but for Sheep ; and Emperours not Christian , for Wolves ; and endeavour'd to pass their Doctrine , not for counsel and informatition , as Preachers ; but for Laws , as absolute Governours ; and thought such frauds as tended to make the people more obedient to Chr●stian Doctrine , to be pious ; yet I am perswaded they did not therefore falsifie the Scriptures , though the Copies of the Books of the New Testament , were in the hands onely of the Ecclesiasticks ; because if they had had an intention so to do , they would surely have made them more favourable to their power over Christian Princes , and civil Soveraignty , then they are . Stud. It is plain to those who are versed in the Monuments of the Church , that the Books of the New Testament were declared Canon very early , though the precise time and place be not so easily known . Upon the Enumeration made in the Apostolick Canons , we rely not ; not because that Book is to be esteemed wholly spurious ; but because this Enumeration is made in the eighty fourth Canon . For the first fifty are those for whose antiquity we contend . It is true that the whole is call'd Apocryphal , by the Council a at Rome under Pope Gelasius : and it hath been answer'd , b that they were so called , not as if they were not ancient Pieces , but because they were not made Nomocanon or Canon-law . But doubtless that Council rejected them as spurious Writings , numbring them amongst the late and feigned pieces of the Gospel of St. Andrew , the Revelation of St. Paul , the Books of Og the Gyant , of the Testament of Iob , of the Daughters of Adam , and the like . But it hath also condemn'd the works of Tertullian , St. Cyprian , Arnobius , Lactantius , and the History of Ensebius ; and therefore it is not material what writing standeth or falleth , before such erroneous Judges . Certain it is by other passages , in ancient Writers , that the New Testament was acknowledg'd to be Canon , long enough before the Council of Laodicea . The earliest Christian Writers whose Books are derived to our hands , abound in ●itations of the New Testament , as the undoubted Register of what was done , and taught , and as the publick Rule . Tertullian ( for example ) citeth very many places out of every Book which now is contained in the Canon of the New Testament , if I except the second of St. Peter . And in his fourth Book against Marcion c he speaketh effectually to our present purpose . If that ( said he ) be tru●st which was ●irst , and that be first which ●as from the beginning , and that be from the beginning which is derived from the Apostles , it is also manifest , that that was from the Apostles which is sacred in the Churches of the Apostles . Let us see then what milk St. Paul fed the Corinthians with : by what rule the Galatians were reformed ; what the Philippians , Thessalonians , Ephesians read ; as also what the Romans preach , to whom St. Peter and St. Paul did leave the Gospel sealed with their bloud . We have also Churches instructed by St. John. For although Marcion hath rejected his Apocalypse , yet the succession of Bishops traced to the begin●ing , will establish him as the certain Author of that Book . And he had taught a while before d , that the Gospel had Apostles and Apostolike men for their undoubted Authors . The Books then of the New Testament were received anciently enough , as the Writings of such whose names they bare , and as the Records of Truth . And for the Copies of them , they were so widely dispersed , that it was as hard to corrupt them all , as to poyson the Sea. They were before the Council of Laodicea , not onely in the hands of Ecclesiasticks , but of Christians of any profession ; and of Heathens also . So it appeareth by the reflexions , invidiously made on them , by Celsies , and Hierocles ; not to name Porphyry , who was once of the Jewish , then of the Christian Religion ; and against both at last , by foul Apostacy . In the persecution of D●ocletian , in the beginning of the fourth Century , there was an Edict for the delivering up the Copies of the Gospel : which for fear , was done by divers Christians , known by the name of Traditores in Church-History ; and yet notwithstanding very many Copies were preserved by such good men , who valued the other ●tate before this , and feared to be blotted out of the Book of life , if they should so contribute to the extermination of the Books of Scripture . Historians tell us a that the number of the Traditores was very great ; but that the number of such who ( as the Roman Office saith ) chose rather to give up themselves to the Executioners , then to deliver up holy things to Dogs , was almost infinite : and amongst these were very many Virgins , particularly Crispina , Marciana , Candida . So apparently false it is , that the Copies were but few , and those few onely in the hands of Ecclesiasticks . But in whatsoever hands these Books were , and at whatsoever time they were first publickly acknowledged , in this ( I think ) we agree , ( and Iulian himself b confess'd it , when Apostate ) that they are genuine . Mr. Hobbes . I see not c any reason to doubt , but that the Old and New Testament , as we have them now , are the true Registers of those things , which were done and said by the Prophets and Apostles . Stud. What hindereth then , that we may not at all times , do or speak the things contained in them , after such manner as we are there directed ? And that the Scripture should not be a perpetual Canon to every Christian ; seeing the Laws of Christ are contained in it , and the Successors of the Apostles ( who could bind them upon the Church with sufficient right , though not with outward force ) propounded them as necessary Rules of life ? But , methinks , 't is enough to constitute a Canon to any particular man , if he may , by any means attain unto a certain belief , of any Rule , as delivered by Christ ; without a superadded Decree Ecclesiastical or Civil . Mr. Hobbes . That c the new Testament should in this sense be Canonical , that is to say , a Law in any place , where the Law of the Commonwealth had not made it so , is contrary to the nature of a Law. For a Law is the Commandment of that Man , or Assembly , to whom we have given Soveraign Authority , to make such Rules for the direction of our Actions , as he shall think fit ; and to punish us when we do any thing contrary to the same . When therefore any other man shall offer unto us any other Rules , which the Soveraign Ruler hath not prescribed , they are but Counsel , and Advice ; which , whether good or bad , he that is counselled , may without injustice refuse to observe ; and when contrary to the Laws already established , without injustice cannot observe , how good soever he conceiveth it to be . I say , he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions ; nor in his discourse with other men ; though he may without blame believe his private Teachers , and wish he had the liberty to practise their advice ; and that it were publickly received for Law. Stud. Then , it seems , before the days of Constantine , a private man was obliged to be , a Jew , or a Gentile , according to the Civil Authority under which he was ; and that Christianity did not oblige●●e conversation of any man. Mr. Hobbes . Christ d hath not subjected us to other Laws then those of the Common-wealth ; that is , the Jews to the Law of Moses , ( which he saith ( Mat. 5. ) he came not to destroy , but to fulfil ) and other Nations to the Laws of their several Soveraigns . Stud. That Christ subjected the Jews to the Laws of Moses , considered as such , is a saying which relisheth both of ignorance and irreligion . It is evident that the very Law of the Ten Commandments , obligeth not any Christian man , ( though he be supposed to live under a Jewish ▪ Soveraign ) as delivered by Moses , but as the designe of them agreeth with the Law of Nature , and of Christ , who advanced both Laws , and filled them up , adding as 't were his last hand to an imperfect Draught . And for the Cer●monial Law , our Saviour came to put an end to it , because it was but an estate of expectation , and consisted in shadows of good things to come : and if he had established that as an enduring Law , he had , in effect , denied himself to be the true Messiah . For the sprinkling of the Altar with the bloud of Bulls and Goats , after the ancient manner of the Jews , importeth manifestly that the effectual Oblation is not yet offered : wherefore S. Paul a bespeaketh his Galatians after this manner : Stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free , and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage . Behold , I Paul say unto you , that if you be circumcised , Christ shall profit you nothing . Moses himself foretold that our Saviour should arise after him , and become a Prophet to be obeyed in whatsoever he taught the people b : wherefore Caesar Vanin , who suffered as an Atheist , said , in his Dialogues , that Moses was not so politic as the Messiah , in delivering his Laws ; because he foretold the abrogation of them , whilst Christ propounded his as everlasting . Then for Christs subjecting the Gentiles to the Law of their Civil Soveraign , of what perswasion soever , it is contrary to the great designe of our Saviours coming : for amongst the Heathen the worship of false Gods was the Law of their Country . It was one of the Laws of the twelve Tables c , that no man could have a personal Religion , but worship ●●ch Gods , and in such manner , as the Law of his Country did prescribe . And Cicero shews ●ow , in his days , it was not lawful to worship any sort of Gods ; lest a confusion should be brought into Religion . Hence Augustus , tra●elling in Aegypt , would not step out of his way , to visit Apis ; and Caius his Nephew , passing through Iudea , would not worship at Ierusalem . Hence Socrates and Protagoras , main●aining opinions disagreeing with the Religion of their Country , were condemned ; and Ana●●arsis , also , suffered in Scythia for celebrating the Feast of Bacchus , by the Forraign Ceremonies of Greece . Hence Christ was not registred in the Calendar of the Gods , though Tiberius understanding his Divinity from Pontius Pilate , gave his suffrage for it ; because it pleased not the Senate ; and because ( saith Tertullian ) it was an old Decree of Rome , that no man should be consecrated for a Deity by the Emperour , without their Approbation . If then all persons were to be outwardly obedient to the Civil powers , they were to worship false Deities ; Idolatry being then established by a Law : but on the contrary , it is evident , that one main end of our Saviours coming was to destroy the works of the devil , and to bring the Gentiles from the worship of Daemons , to the service of the true God. Idolaters , therefore , are reckon'd amongst those who shall not inherit the kingdom of Christ : and S. Paul wrote so much particularly to d the Corinthians , and Ephesians , of those days , when the Powers were Heathen ; and not merely to such as should read his Epistles in and after the Reign of Constantine and preaching at Athens against the Altar , To the unknown God ( set up , no doubt , by public● Authority ) and declaiming against the honour paid to false Gods ; he lets them understand that the times of the ignorance of the Gentiles e God winked at , but now he commandet all men everywhere to repent ; because he hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness , by that man whom h● hath ordained ; whereof he hath given assurance unto all men , in that he hath raised him from the dead . Mr. Hobbes . Such discourses are Counsels and not Laws . Our Saviour a and his Apostles left no new Laws to oblige us in this world , but new Doctrine to prepare us for the next ; the Books of the New Testament which contain that Doctrine , until obedience to them was commanded , by them that God had given power to on earth to be Legislators , were not obligatory Canons , that is , Laws , but onely good , and safe advice , for the direction of sinners in the way to salvation , which every man might take , and refuse at his peril , without injustice . Stud. The Doctrines of Christ avail not , at all , towards an entrance into his kingdom , without obedience b to his Laws : and besides , those of mere Nature , he hath left new Laws unto the world : such are those of forgiving enemies , and against private Revenge : those , concerning Baptism , and his holy Supper : concerning Divorce and Polygamy : concerning a professing of faith in him as the Messiah : concerning an Inward Religion , which the Governours of the world cannot take cognizance of ; and which Trypho the Jew , with many others , hath denied to have been given by Moses , whose Laws they suppose to have extended not to the thought , but the conversation . That which concerns Polygamy hath ( I know ) bin doubted ; yet ( as it seemeth to me ) without reason : for when our Saviour said c that he who putteth away his wife and marrieth another , committeth Adultery ; he plainly forbad plurality of wives at the same time ; which if it had bin allowed , the man might have taken more then another to him , without sin . Here then the Law of perfection hath bound us , where Nature seemeth to have left us at liberty . Now seeing these Institutions are the will of Christ , and that Christ hath made sufficient promulgation of them to millions of men , and that he is King of kings , and Lord of lords , and that he hath annexed to them the greatest rewards and punishments to secure them from violation ; it is evident that these are sufficient Laws , both without and against the Civil Sanction . For to say that the Princes of the Earth are Superior to Christ , is a Blasphemy of such altitude , that the ninetieth degree being cut , we can scarce take the heighth of it . What maketh a Superiour Law , but a Superiour Power , declaring his Will in some particular instances , to be obey'd ? The Prohibition of the Tree of Life was the firmest Law to Adam , though no humane Law was then enacted ; nay , although Adam was King of the Earth . But , if the Christian Faith was not a Law for more then three hundred years , to what end is it d that the Apostles , and other Pastors of the Church , after their time should meet together , to decree upon what Doctrine should be taught , both for faith and manners , if no man were obliged to observe their Decrees ? Mr. Hobbes . To this e may be answered , that the Apostles and Elders of that Council , were obliged even by their entrance into it , to teach the Doctrine therein concluded , and decreed to be taught , so far forth , as no precedent Law , to which they were obliged to yeild obedience , was to the contrary ; but not that all other C●●istians should be obliged to observe what they taught : For though they might deliberate what each of them should teach ; yet they could not deliberate what others should do , unless their Assembly had had a Legislative Power ; which none could have but civil Soveraigns . Stud. That is , the Gospel preached by them was no Law then , because it did not cut its way by the Temporal Sword , and had no outward Power to give it countenance , and urge its entertainment . Is that your meaning ? Mr. Hobbes . You conjecture aright : For a in Christs Commission to his Apostles and Disciples — there is nothing of power but perswasion . — They had not in Commission to make Laws ; but to obey , and teach obedience to Laws made ; and consequently they could not make their writings obligatory Canons , without the help of the Soveraign Civil Power . Stud. That b which may seem to give the New Testament , in respect of those that have embraced Christian Doctrine , the force of Laws in the times and places of persecution , is the Decrees they made amongst themselves in their Synods . For we read ( Acts 15.28 . ) the style of the Council of the Apostles , the Elders , and the whole Church , in this manner : It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and unto us , to lay upon you no greater burthen then these necessary things , &c. which is a style that signifieth a power to lay a burthen on them that had received their Doctrine . Now to lay a burthen on another , seemeth the same that to oblige ; and therefore the Acts of that Council were Laws to the then Christians . Mr. Hobbes . They were no more Laws then are those other Precepts , Repent ; be baptized ; keep the commandments ; believe the Gospel ; come unto me ; sell all that thou hast ; give it to the poor ; and , follow me : which are not Commands , but Invitations , and callings of men to Christianity , like that of Esay 55.1 . Ho , every man that thirsteth , come ye to the waters . Stud. I● seemeth strange that such Counsels should not therefore be Laws , ( though some of them are given imperatively enough ) because men are gently wooed and invited , and not by outward force compelled to an outside obedience . Our subordination to Christ obligeth us to the performance of his revealed will , which is , for that reason , Law. And because he chooseth to rule us , rather with a Scepter of Righteousness , then an iron Rod , we are , by that , the more obliged , and not at liberty from obedience . You ought , therefore , to have said , not that the Doctrines of our Saviour were not Laws , but that the Civil Soveraign may lay a further obligation upon his Christian subjects , ( as those that make a vow of Chastity , do , upon themselves ) by making them become his Laws . Thus many Articles of the Christian Faith are inserted into the first Law of the Codex Theodosianus ; not having thereby , first obtained , but doubled their obligation . But this string of errour runneth through the whole body of your Leviathan , that , without apparent force , there is no Law. And this is the chief ground of your irreverent and false Doctrine , against the Power of the Christian Church . Because it is a visible society professing the Doctrine of the Cross , and hath not of it self external co-active Power , but , by virtue of the Commission of Christ as King , layeth spiritual obligation upon men , ( and thereby is consistent with the Civil Empire , in which it is , ) therefore you deny unto the Church the right either of making or declaring Laws c as if there were not onely a quibble but a truth , in the meaning of the Frontispiece of your Leviathan , which compares the Canons of the Convocation , to those of the temporal Militia ; and that they could not properly have that name , unless they had Powder , and Bullet , and Fire , ( external force ) attending on them . It is plain enough ( and you your self do own it ) that after the Ascension d of our Lord , the Power Ecclesiastical , was in the Apostles ; and after them , in such as were by them ordained to preach the Gospel , and to convert men to Christianity , and to direct them that were converted in the way of Salvation ; and after these , the Power was delivered again to others by these ordained . But how this Spiritual Power , in the Administration of Spiritual Affairs in Christ's Kingdom ; in ordaining Successors ; in celebrating the Eucharist ; in loosing and binding ; in admitting members into this Spiritual but visible society by Baptisme ( which is a proof both of the Society and its Power ) how all this ( I say ) was derived on the person of Constantine , who was neither Ordained , nor ( as some tell us ) baptized till his death ; requireth greater skill to explain , then I dare yet pretend to : he therefore rather gave outward aids and succours , then true Authority and Right to the Doctrines and Commandments of his Soveraign Jesus . Which things being well consider'd , you ought not to have ascrib'd ( as somewhere you have done ) the very rights of the Priestly Function to the Civil Powers . Grotius , who has not had thanks from all for his liberality to the Civil Magistrate in relation to the Affairs of the Church , hath yet made it his whole designe ( in the second Chapter of his Book De Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra ) to make it manifest , that Authority about Holy things , and the Sacred Function , are distinct . In the same person they may be ( as in Anius the King and Priest of Phoebus ) but not without Ordination . For the Power depending upon our Lords Commission , is not convey'd but by Succession , through the hands of the Commissioned . Our thirty seventh Article , doth attribute to the King a Power of outward Rule in Ecclesiastical matters , yet granteth not to him either the ministring of Gods Word , or of the Sacraments . And under the Law , it was said unto Vzziah the King a It pertaineth not unto thee Vzziah to burn incense unto the Lord , but to the Priests , the sons of Aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense . And because he would use his force in usurping the rights of the Priest , God Almighty smote him with immediate Leprosie ; and taught him to discern betwixt might and right . Yet the Kings of Iudah had power in the Synagogue . They had ●o de facto ; neither in many things , wherein they ordered Religion , were they reproved . Yet to say the truth , the having such right is no where commanded in the Old Law ; which enjoyn'd not the people to have a King ; but , upon conditions , permitted one to them , if they should prefer the customs of the Heathen-nations , before the most excellent estate of Theocracie . Wherefore let them see whether they build closely , who establish the Ecclesiastical Power of Christian Princes , upon the exercise of it amongst the Kings of Iudah . It concerneth you also to consider whether you have not unduly ascrib'd unto the Prince , as such , the Power of the Keys , and the Right of Ordination , and Ministration of the Sacraments , and Word of Christ. The Monarch ( say you ) or b the Soveraign Assembly onely hath immediate Authority from God , to teach and instruct the people ; and no man but the Soveraign receiveth his Power Dei Gratia simply — He it is that hath c authority not onely to preach ( which perhaps no man will deny ; ) but also to baptize , and to administer the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; and to consecrate both Temples and Pastors to Gods service — If the Soveraign Power d give me command ( though without the ceremony of imposition of hands ) to teach the Doctrine of my Leviathan in the Pulpit , why am not I , if my Doctrine and life be as good as yours , a Minister as well as you ? This is saying and not proving ; and because the Power was from Christ derived to the Apostles , and from them in Succession , by Ordination ; and can be in none to whom it is not convey'd in such a Channel ; what you have said , had you been versed in the several Writings of a Divine of the Church of England ( a man of greater and better Learning then either your self or Mr. Selden , whose Doctrine you seem to have swallow'd down together with the good provisions of his Table ; and who is said to have mistaken the very sta●e of the Erastian-Controversie a whilst he defined Excommunication to be a censure inferring a civil penalty ▪ ) you would have either altered your opinion , or aggravated your error . It appeareth , by what hath been delivered , that there is Authority enough , without the civil Sanction , to make the Doctrines of the Apostles to become Laws , to wit , the Kingly Power of Christ , whose Commissioners they were , and who had power to cause their rights to descend to others by Ordination . And before the days of Constantine , there wanted not the Fountain of outward force , not onely in our Lord , who could dash in pieces Soveraigns of the finest mold ; but also in his Members , who ( as is manifest from Ecclesiastical story ) had often strength enough to have check'd the fury of their persecutors , and to have forc'd the yoke of Christ upon their necks . But it seemed good to our blessed Lord , during this state of mans probation ; to deal chiefly with him , according to his reasonable nature , and to invite rather then compel . And yet , methinks , the threatnings of eternal vengeance seem to carry more force with them , then all the prisons in the world . And it is time to think that the Gospel obligeth , when we hazard perpetual misery by disobeying it , whether we be Jews or Greeks , if its sound hath reached us . Mr. Hobbes . The Jews and Gentiles were to be damned , not for their infidelity , but a their old sins . If the Apostles Acts of Council were Laws , they could not without sin be disobeyed . But we read not any where that they who receiv'd not the Doctrine of Christ , did therein sin ; but that they dyed in their sins ; that is , that the sins against the Laws to which they owed obedience , were not pardoned . And those Laws were the Laws of Nature , and the Civil Laws of the State , whereto every Christian man had by pact submitted himself . And therefore by the burthen , which the Apostles might lay on such as they had converted , are not to be understood Laws , but Conditions , proposed to those that sought Salvation ; which they might accept or refuse at their own peril , without a new sin , though not without the hazard of being condemned and excluded out of the Kingdom of God , for their sins past . And therefore of Infidels St. Iohn saith not , the wrath of God shall come upon them , but the wrath of God remaineth upon them ; and not that they shall be condemned , but that they are condemned alreadie . Stud. What will not a man say rather then acknowledge himself in an errour , though the thing it self speaketh it ? Here 's mistake clap'd upon mistake : yet the scales of the Leviathan are not so close , but a blinde Archer may shoot between them . Have you not read what our Lord said to his disciples , after his resurrection ? Go ye into all the world b and preach the Gospel to every creature . He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ; and he that believeth not shall be damned . The Author , also , to the Hebrews c exhorteth the Jews to believe in Christ ; and telleth them they shall , for ever , be excluded the Kingdom of heaven for their unbelief , ( it they persevere in it ) as their forefathers came short of Canaan , for the same reason . And although S. Iohn , in the places cited , doth speak in the present tense , yet in others of the same Chapter , he speaketh in the future : and in that very verse which you cite partially , concealing the words which are against you , he maketh their unbelief the cause of that severe decree which , already , was gone forth . V. 18. He that believeth on him is not condemned ; but he that believeth not is condemned already , because he hath not believed in the name of the onely begotten Son of God. V. 19. This is the condemnation , that light is come into the world , and men loved darkness rather then light , because their deeds were evil . V. 36. He that believeth on the Son hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the Son shall not see life ; but the wrath of God abideth on him . Mr. Hobbes . There is , yet , behinde , a reason , whereby I prove that the doctrine of the Gospel is not made Law , by Christ or his Apostles . The Apostles power a was no other then that of our Saviour , to invite men to embrace the Kingdome of God ; which they themselves acknowledged for a Kingdome ( not presen● , but ) to come ; and they that have no Kingdome can make no Laws . Stud. Christ , as Mediator , before his Resurrection , had power of making s●ronger Laws then any Soveraigns now upon Earth , for he had immediate Commission from God in Heaven . He that saw Christ b saw him that sent him ; and whatsoever Christ spake , even as the Father said unto him , so he spake . And he that rejected him was to be condemned by his words at the last day . And Christ when his Father sent him , was design'd to be a King over Men and Angels , and for that purpose he came into the World : and he acquired this Kingship by way of Conquest in his resurrection from the dead : after which he spake c unto his Disciples , saying , All power is given unto me i● Heaven and in Earth . Go ye , therefore , and ●●ach all Nation● , baptizing them in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the holy Ghost : teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you : and lo● , I am with you allwaies unto the end of the World. And when he ascended and sate on the right hand of God , he was inaugurated into his Heavenly Kingdom d and became in truth a Divine Heroe , as those amongst the Heathens were in pretence ; and he at present raigneth , be the Earth never so rebellious , in the Oeconomie of his Church . But to step , out of this , into our Tenth Place of Discourse : if the commands of Christ and his Apostles , are not , also , Laws , without the civil Sanction ; what meaneth the common doctrine , in the Scripture , of suffering for the sake of Christianitie ? we are enjoyned to take up the Cross , and to follow Christ : Blessedness is promised to those who are persecuted for righteousness sake ; that suffer as Christians : and we are taught , that the way to preserve our lives , is to loose them , for a time , in the glorious cause of Jesus . Such commands and exhortations to dye rather then to obey unchristian injunctions , are delivered in vain ; yea they deserve the name of impious , if they be not a royal Law , without the stamp and allowance of civil Authoritie . It is then , in your opinion , not only our Priviledge but our duty , to save th● skin entire ; and , for the sake of outward safety , to obey that which is truly Law , the Law of our Countrie , though we live amongst the Heathens ; rather then to follow dangerous , though Evangelical , Counsel . Mr. Hobbes . You may easily make conjecture of my sense , in the present case ; because I say the disobedient to the civil Powers do violate that which is properly Law. We are not obliged e to obey any Minister of Christ , if he should command us to do any thing contrary to the command of the King , or other Soveraign representant of the Common-wealth whereof we are Members , and by whom we look to be protected . Stud. Were this truth , there ought not to have bin any zealous propagation of the Gospel ; but it should have expired , with the Author of it upon the Cross. For the Apostles sinned both against the Law of Nature , and Common-wealth , in exposing their lives to hazzard by preaching to the Gentiles ; if it was injustice to gain-say their Pagan Edicts . St. Thomas , then , though armed with Miracles to command assent , ought , either not to have wandred to the East-Indies ; or being there , not to have preached up a new Religion : and what he suffered , for that cause , was just , from the hand of Pagan Authority . Mr. Hobbes . Into what place a soever a man shall come , if he do any thing contrary to the Law , it is a crime . If a man come from the Indies hither , and perswade men here to receive a new Religion , or teach them any thing that tendeth to disobedience of the Laws of his Country , though he be never so well perswaded of the truth of what he teacheth , he commits a crime , and may be justly punished for the same , not only because his doctrine is false , but also because he does that which he would not approve in another , namely , that coming from hence , he should endeavour to alter the Religion there . Stud. A good man would be desirous of information , in matters of the greatest moment , from what quarter soever of the Heavens , the light shined into his understanding : and the question is only of the assurance which the Teacher can give , and not of the equity of his Practice . But to pass by that enquiry , I cannot refrain from asking you ( though I can guess at your opinion ) whether every Traveller is bound to profess the Religion of that Country into which he goeth ? I mean not this of meer prudence and caution , of an open countenance and close breast ; but of actual compliance with all forraign institutions ; so as to do as men do at Rome , or Constantinople , or Agra , if we were sojourners there . Mr. Hobbes . To this I shall , by and by , say somthing particularly ; but I will now , in general terms , affirm , that whosoever b entreth into anothers Dominion , is subject to all the Laws thereof ; unless he have a priviledge by the Amity of the Soveraig●s , or by special Licence . Stud. Seeing then the Romanists depend much upon Opus operatum ; if you returned but to Paris , the prayer of Monsieur Sorbiere would be heard , who , ( in his Voyage , when he weeded England ) desired you might become a good Catholick : this digression puts me in mind of a saying of B. Andrews , who , when it was told , that some of the Scotch-Clergie , were to be made Bishops ; advised , that they should be made Priests First . But , what great motive is there to this compliance with the civil Power , of any perswasion ? Mr. Hobbes . That I hinted , just now , in saying , that by them we look to be protected . Stud. As if the favour of our Lord , the Prince of glory , towards his sincere , and faithful , patient , and undaunted subjects ( who will not be baffled out of truth , nor be ashamed of the Gospel ) were not of more value then the thin shelter of worldly-power ; which , if it could hide us under Rocks and Mountains , could not secure us from the stroke of him , who is , in the first place , to be feared : methinks , in the competition betwixt danger from men and disobedience to Christ , ( as in the case of such as are commanded by Heathen powers to sacrifice to Daemons ) it is easie to see on which hand we ought to turn : when there is before us , a Natural and a Moral evil , the Natural being the least , is therefore to be chosen : thus Socrates was obliged to prefer Death , before the acknowledgement of Polytheism ; and by such choice , we , in truth , preserve our selves , and most effectually obey that dictate of Nature : for we part with a short and unpleasant , for an happy and endless life ; and our health is eternally secured to us , by the effusion of the blood of Martyrdom : and , indeed , it hath been the sence of almost all mankind , derived from the fear of a God , or the excellent Nature of virtue , that the honest good is to be prefer'd before either the profitable , or the pleasant ; and that in such cases , the powers on Earth are not to be obeyed , though upon the refusal of their pleasure , they will glut their malice with the blood of men . The three Children , menaced with the Furnace , chose rather to suffer the wrath of Nebuchadnezzar , then to do his will , in worshiping the golden Image ; and God Almighty declar'd his acceptance of such a refusal , whilst , by Miracle he delivered them . And the fact of those Parents who saved Moses , not being afraid a of the commandment of Phara●h , who design'd all the Males of Israel for slaugh●er , is deliver'd down unto posteritie , with honour and applause , by the Author to the Hebrews : and in that little book of Martyrs , we read b of some , who scorn'd to accept of a temporal deliverance , when it was offer'd to them , upon the unworthie terms of Apostacie or recantation ; they having , in their eye , a greater reward . And it is recorded , rather to the same then reproach of the Eastern Magi , c that in returning to their Countrie , they passed by , Herod , who had , with evil intent , commanded them to bring him word concerning the birth of the King of the Jews . If a Prince ( said d Tatianus ) commands me to deny my God , I will rather dye at his foot , then live to exercise his pleasure : and the holy Bishop Felix Africanus and his Associates ( men of great Integritie and constancie of mind ) would r●ther give up their own lives , then the copies of the new Testament which Dioclesian intended so to destroy , that it might not be found at all in the Annals of the World , that ever there was such a doctrine as Christianitie . The very Grecians , whose manner was to use prostration only in the Rites of their Religion , refused , what peril soever was imminent , to worship , in that fashion the King of Persia : and the Christians who somtimes payed a civil respect before the Images of the Emperours , chose rather to expose themselves to the crueltie of their Enemies , then to humble themselves , as in former daies , when Iulian added to them , the Images of false Gods : and such refusals are not destructive of Government and Societie , because the true Christian , doth not , in these cases , fill the World with clamours , or endeavour to raise tumults , but is led in imitation of his Saviour , like an innocent and weak Lamb , unto the slaughter e Mr. Hobbes . For an f unlearned man , that is in the power of an idolatrous King or State , if commanded on pain of death to worship before an Idol , he detesteth the Idol in his heart , he doth well , though if he had the fortitude to suffer death rather then to worship it , he should do better . Stud. The most obscure and illiterate person , doing outward worship to false Gods , though he sinneth not with such scandal as the wise and the renowned , who are apt to draw a multitude in●o the like snare , yet he is not to be acquitted as an innocent man. For , by such means , the Idolators who affright this man out of his Religion , do triumph over the honour of the true God , the procuring of whose dishonour is against Reason , which teacheth man , apart , to adore his Soveraign Lord , and in Societie , to be publick in his adoration , and not to conceal it under the Vizour of an ill-instructed Pagan who serveth Devils . Reason ( you a know ) directeth , not only to worship God in secret ; but also , and especially in publick , and in the sight of men : for without that , ( that which in honour is most acceptable ) the procuring others to honour him , is lost . But to come to somwhat peculiar in Christianitie ; what if b a King or a Senate , or other Soveraign Person , forbid us to believe in Christ ? Mr. Hobbes . To this c I answer , that such forbiding is of no ef●ect ; because belief and unbelief never follow mens commands . Faith is a gift of God , which man can neither give , nor take away , by promise of rewards , or menaces of torture . Stud. But d what if we be commanded by our lawful Prince , to say with our tongue , we believe not ; must we obey such command ? Mr. Hobbes . Profession e with the tongue is but an external thing , and no more then any other gesture whereby we signifie our obedience ; and wherein a Christian who holdeth firmly in his heart the faith of Christ , hath the same Liberty which the Prophet Elisha allowed to Naaman the Syrian . — Naaman believed in his heart ; but by bowing before the Idol Rimmon , he denyed the true God in effect , as much as if he had done it with his lips . Stud. In both these answers you miss-understand the Faith of the Gospel , which is not complete , unless the outward profession answereth to the inward act of assent : for the Church is a visible societie professing the Christian faith ; which men entered into by a visible sign ; in which are Officers of divers ranks ; in which there is a communion of visible symbols ; and he that chooseth only to have faith in his heart , renounceth his title of Member , in this spiritual Societie : our Saviour commanded his Disciples , that their light should shine before men . And St. Iohn f upbraideth many of the chief Rulers , who believed on Christ , but , because of the Pharisees , did not confess him , lest they should be put out of the Synagogue : because they loved the praise of men more then the praise of God. Hear also what St. Paul saith unto the Romans : g If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Iesus , and shalt believe in thine heart , that God hath raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved : for with the heart man believeth unto righteousness ; and with the mouth confession is made unto Salvation . For Naaman , who was a Gentile , amongst Gentiles , he had promised to sacrifice for the future , to none but the God of Israel ; and his incurvation was his civil Office towards the King , for which notwithstanding , he begg'd especial License . If this be not an answer , I refer you to Episcopius * who will not send you away unsatisfied . But what can you h answer to our Saviours saying , Whosoever denyeth me before men , I will deny him before my Father which is in Heaven ? Mr. Hobbes . This i we may say , that whatsoever a subject , as Naaman was , is compelled to in obedience to his Soveraign , and doth it not in order to his own minde , but in order to the Laws of his Country , that action is not his , but his Soveraigns ; nor is it he that , in this case , denyeth Christ before men , but his Governour , and the Law of his Country . Stud. Instead of shewing the consistencie of your Doctrine with our Saviour's words , you tacitly accuse them , either of impertinency , or ill advice : For you make him to speak to this effect : Persecutions will arise a , but be willing to be treated like your Master , a man of sufferings , and acquainted with grief : and fear not the faces b and menaces of men ; but publish , in the openest manner , unto the World c , such Doctrines as you hear in private , whilst you sit at my feet . And do not so fear d those who persecute you , as to save your bodily life by the renouncing or suppressing of my Doctrine : but stand in aw of me , whom if ye disobey , ye forfeit life eternal . And remember that there is a God e , who , in such perilous times , will take care of you . If , therefore , you will own and publish my Faith , f I will own you as my loyal Subjects , and make you happy in my Kingdom : if you will renounce my Faith for fear of men , I will not take notice of you , as appertaining to me , when you shall stand in the greatest need of protection . But , though I have said all this , yet upon second thoughts it seemeth reasonable that I excuse you , and condemn such bloudy Powers as shall , by persecution , compel you to blaspheme : 'T is they who force open your mouths , and move your tongues , and form the breath , and renounce me ; but you are all the time very sound Believers ; Believers in your hearts . And therefore , if you deny me before such powers , I will transfer the blame on them . So wretched is your Paraphrase , that it overthroweth the plainest and often-reapted letter of the Text. But supposing that our Saviour had not delivered himself thus expresly against your Doctrine ; how would you have reconcil'd your gross dissimulation with that sincerity which the Searcher of the hearts requireth ? Mr. Hobbes . If any man g shall accuse this Doctrine , as repugnant to true , and unfeigned Christianity ; I ask him , in case there should be a subject in any Christian Common-wealth , that should be inwardly in his heart of the Mahometan Religion , whether if his Soveraign command him to be present at the Divine-service of the Christian Church , and that on pain of death , he think that Mahometan obliged in conscience to suffer death for that Cause , rather then to obey that command of his lawful Prince . If he say , he ought rather to suffer death , then he authorizeth all private men , to disobey their Princes , in maintainance of their Religion , true or false : If he say , he ought to be obedient , then he alloweth to himself , that which he denyeth to another . Stud. In this reply , which toucheth not the proposed difficulty , you run out into two absurd suppositions . First , that a Christian Magistrate sheddeth the bloud of an Heathen for not frequenting the Christian Assemblies : next , that there is a parity of reason in the persecution of a Christian , and of a Mahometan ; and that the Alcoran may as much oblige the Conscience , as the Testament of our Lord. But I must again ask you , what you g will say of all those Martyrs we read of in the History of the Church ? I hope you will not say that they have needlesly cast away their lives . Their bloud hath been more truely the seed of the Christian Church , then the opinion of Ghosts , Ignorance of second causes , Devotion towards what men fear , and taking of things casual for Prognosticks , have ever been ( as you affirm ) the seeds of natural Religion , a which is generated out of the inquisitive temper of men , who , by observing any excellent effect , are naturally led to search out the cause , and so proceed to the first Original . The Martyrs ( I say ) did , under Christ , preserve the Christian Faith , which if it had not been professed with the mouth , would have dy'd away , as a spark where no breath doth cherish it . Their memory is precious in the Church of God , and their names will be had in everlasting remembrance . They have been thought b to have the priviledge of rising first , and , in that sence , to have a part in the first Resurrection . The Christians anciently kept their Assemblies at their Monuments : and the Church of Alexandria c beginneth its account , at the Aera of holy Martyrs . And yet you seem to disrespect them as imprudent Zealots , and to think their bloud was but so much water spilt upon the ground , a rash and useless effect . Mr. Hobbes . For answer hereunto d , we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that Cause put to death ; whereof some have received a Calling to preach , and profess the Kingdom of Christ openly ; others have had no such Calling , nor more has been required of them then their own Faith. The former sort , if they have been put to death , for bearing witness to this point , that Jesus Christ is risen from the dead , were true Martyrs ; for a Martyr is , ( to give the true definition of the word ) a witness of the Resurrection of Jesus the Messiah , which none can be but those that conversed with him on earth , and saw him after he was risen : for a witness must have seen what he testifieth , or else his testimony is not good . And this is manifest from Acts 1.21 , 22. of these men which have companyed with us-must one be a Martyr ( that is , a Witness ) with us of his Resurrection . Where we may observe that he which is to be a witness of the truth of the Resurrection of Christ — must be — one of his Original Disciples : whereas they which were not so , can witness no more , but that their Antecessors said it , and are therefore but witnesses of other mens Testimony ; and are but second Martyrs , or Martyrs of Christs witnesses . Stud. By this answer , wherein you approve of the Martyrdom of the Apostles , you grant unto me what I contend for , and contradict your former doctrine . For if the Apostles , drawing temporal deaths upon themselves , by preaching the Gospel , when they were enjoyned to desist , by the Civil Powers , are to be justified by us , and honour'd , for such resistance unto bloud ; then there was given to them a Superiour Law by Christ , by the vertue of which higher obligation they were free from active duty to the Civil Powers : otherwise , if without a Law , they had opposed the present Governours , they had been pernicious Rebels , and not honourable Defenders of the Faith. What you add concerning the word Martyr , is a weak nicety of Grammar , upon which the stress of this Cause doth not depend . For the Question is not , whether no man be properly call'd a Witness but an eye-witness , or he who beareth testimony of report received at second or third hand , but whether , at any distance of time , a man may not have sufficient ground to believe the Gospel ; and whether , after the hearty belief of it , he may with his mouth renounce it out of a tender regard to flesh and bloud . To proceed in this Argument ; there is yet remaining another objection , to which , I know not what answer can be by you returned . It is the Argument used by St. Peter and St. Iohn , to the Rulers of the people and Elders of Israel , when , by menaces , they urg'd them to desist from the propagation of the holy Gospel : Whether it be right ( said those Apostles ) in the sight of God , to hearken unto you more then unto God , judge ye a Mr. Hobbes . If the command b of the Civil Soveraign be such , as that it may be obeyed , without the forfeiture of life eternal ; not to obey it is unjust — but if it be such as cannot be obeyed , without being damned to eternal death , then it were madness to obey it . — All men , therefore , that would avoid , both the punishments that are to be in this world inflicted , for disobedience to their earthly Soveraign , and those that shall be inflicted in the world to come for disobedience to God , have need to be taught to distinguish well between what is , and what is not necessary to eternal Salvation . — Now c all that is necessary to Salvation , is contained in two Vertues , Faith in Christ , and Obedience to Laws . Now — d our Saviour Christ hath given us no new Laws , but counsel to observe those we are subject to ; that is to say , the Laws of Nature , and the Laws of our several Soveraigns : and for Faith , The e ( Vnum necessarium ) onely Article of Faith , which the Scripture maketh simply necessary to Salvation , is this , That Jesus is the Christ. Having thus f shown , what is necessary to Salvation ; it is not hard to reconcile our obedience to God , with our obedience to the civil Soveraign , who is either Christian or Infideld . If he be a Christian , he alloweth the belief of this Article , that Jesus is the Christ ; and of all the Articles that are contained in it , or are , by evident consequence , deduced from it ; which is all the Faith necessary to Salvation : and because he is a Soveraign , he requireth obedience to all his own , that is , to all the Civil Laws ; in which also are contained all the Laws of Nature , that is , all the Laws of God : for besides the Laws of Nature , and the Laws of the Church , which are part of the Civil Law , ( for the Church that can make Laws is the Common-wealth , ) there be no other Laws Divine . — And when the civil Soveraign is an Infidel , every one of his own subjects that resisteth him , sinneth against the Laws of God. — And for their Faith g it ●s internal , and invisible ; they have the Li●ense that Naaman had , and need not put themselves into danger for it . But if they do , they ought to expect their reward in Heaven , ●nd not to complain of their lawful Soveraign — In the mean time , they are to intend to obey Christ at his coming , but at present they are bound to obey the Laws of that Infidel King : all Christians are bound in Conscience ●o to do . — Thought is free b — but when it comes to confession of Faith , the private Reason must submit to the publick ; that is to say , to Gods Lieutenant . Stud. Instead of the resolution of this Que●y , when we are to obey God , rather then man , you shew that we may very well do both together ; and so ●ndirectly you accuse the Apostles of falshood or folly in their suggestion . And here again you repeat your errors , that Christ hath not made any new Laws , and that the Faith of a Christian is intire without , or contrary to profession ; and you suppose , what the experience of the World refuteth , that Infidel Kings command not sometimes against the Laws of Nature . Also , whilst here you remit the Martyrs , scoffingly , to heaven for a reward , you fall , unawares , into the mock of Iulian the Apostate , who amidst his persecution , us'd this taunt ; It becometh not you Christians to enjoy any thing in this world , for your Kingdom is in Heaven . But if such persons as suffer for Christianity , shall be rewarded in Heaven ; their constancie then was noble and excellent , whilst they chose trouble rather then base compliance ; and those who inflicted evils on them for doing what God approved , were unjust . If then you remit the Martyrs to Heaven , you send the civil Soveraigns , who shed the bloud of the Apostles for disobedience to their unrighteous Edicts , to a place of less refreshment . Mr. Hobbes . You have made your instance in the Apostles , of whose Martyrdom I approve , because of their Commission . For others , who hazard their lives for Christianity , I praise them not : he that is not sent a to preach the fundamental Article , but taketh it upon him of his private Authority , though he be a witness , and consequently a Martyr , either primary of Christ , or secondary of his Apostles , or their Successors ; yet is he not obliged to suffer death for that cause ; because being not called thereto , 't is not required at his hands ; nor ought he to complain , if he looseth the reward he expecteth from those that never set him on work . None therefore can be a Martyr , neither of the first nor second degree , that have not a warrant to preach Christ come in the Flesh ; that is to say , none , but such as are sent to the conversion of Infidels . Stud. Every Member of the Christian Society is bound to profess the Gospel ; as hath been proved : and therefore a private man , though he hath not right , not having Commission to exercise the Offices of a Priest , yet hath he a command to own the truth , when he is adjur'd to confess of what faith he is ; not onely in relation to Christianity in general , but also in relation to the Doctrines of Moment in it , which sometimes the Christian Powers do erre in . And every person will , with readiness , make such profession , notwithstanding the terrours of the Civil Sword , who hath sworn in his heart and tongue Allegiance unto Christ ; who is sincere in his Religion ; who valueth his soul more then his body ; who is heartily perswaded of a life or death eternal , the latter of which is Our eleventh Subject . Mr. Hobbes . The maintainance b of civil Society , depending on Justice , and Justice on the pow●r of life and death , and other less rewards and punishments , residing in them that have the Soveraignty of the Common-wealth ; it is impossible a Common-wealth should stand , where any other then the Soveraign , hath a power of giving greater rewards then life ; and of inflicting greater punishments then death . Now seeing eternal life is a greater reward then the life present ; and eternal torment a greater punishment then the death of Nature ; it is a thing worthy to be well considered , of all men that desi●e ( by obeying Authority ) to avoid the calamities of confusion and Civil War , what is meant , in holy Scripture , by life eternal , and torment eternal . Stud. What is then to be understood by eternal Torment , if we aright interpret the Holy Scripture ? Mr. Hobbes . I mean by these , such torments a as are prepared for the wicked in Gehenna , or what place soever , [ for a Season ] . These have been b set forth by the Congregation of Gyants ; the Lake of fire ; utter darkness ; Gehenna , and Tophet ; which things are not spoken in a proper , but Metaphorical sence . Now where , or whatsoever , these torments shall be , I c can find no where that any man shall live in torments everlastingly . Stud. In St. Matthew d the same Greek word , in the same sentence , is used in setting forth as well the happiness of the Righteous , as the punishment of the Wicked ; which therefore is to be construed as endless as the joy of the Pious , to the blessedness of whom the most daring Origenist hath not affixed a period . Mr. Hobbes . I confess the torments to be eternal ; but I am of opinion that the same persons do not eternally feel them . The Fire e or torment prepared for the wicked in Gehenna , ●ophet , or in what place soever , may continue for ever ; and there may never want wicked men to be tormented in them ; though not every , nor any one eternally . The Fire f prepared for the wicked , is an everlasting fire : that is to say , the estate wherein no man can be without torture , both of body and minde , after the Resurrection , shall endure for ever ; and in that sence the fire shall be unquenchable , and the torments everlasting : but it cannot thence be inferred , that he who shall be cast into that fire , or be tormented with those torments ▪ shall endure , and resist them so , as to be eternally burnt and tortured , and yet never be destroyed , nor dye . Stud. You have by this means , so very much allayed the heat of the everlasting burnings ( so far as it can be done by confidence in opinion ) that they are rendred almost as tolerable as a death by fire on earth . For the Epithet Everlasting , thus interpreted , cannot mightily affright a single person from evil manners , who considers that the Flame , how long soever it be continued in it self , shall scorch him but for a season . But God in holy Scripture threatneth every man with perpetual misery ; and where g it saith that the fire shall not be quenched , it saith also , not that The worm , but their worm , or remorse of conscience , dyeth not . Our Saviour also taught us h to make our Peace with God in this estate of Probation ; before we were hal'd to Prison ; where every one that cannot pay his deb●s to that Supreme Lord ( towards whom our obligations can scarce be cancelled in that state , where we are depriv'd of means , neglected by us in this life ) shall be chain'd to eternal Bondage . St. Iohn also saith , i that the Beast and the false Prophet shall be tormented in the Lake of fire and brimstone , day and night , for ever and ever . The Fewel , it seems , shall be as eternal as the Flame . Mr. Hobbes . It seemeth k hard , to say , that God who is the Father of Mercies , that doth , in Heaven and Earth , all that he will ; that hath the hearts of all men in his disposing ; that worketh in men both to do and to will ; and without whose free gift a man hath neither inclination to good , nor repentance of evil , should punish mens transgressions without any end of time , and with all the extremity of torture , that men can imagine , and more . Stud. God hath so given such gifts to all , whom he will severely account with , that they are left without apology . And he will not seem an hard Master , if we have as due a regard to his Majesty and Goodness , both abused by us ; and to our own means , and wilful refusal of the better part , whilst he hath set before us life and death ; as we are wont to have to our own flesh and bloud ; seeing nothing burneth in Hell ( as St. Bernard noted ) besides the proper will of man. But why to you of all men should this seem hard ? For you believe that the irresistible power of God , as such , doth justifie all things ; and a that the right of afflicting men at his pleasure , belongeth naturally to God Almighty ; not as Creator and gratious ; but as omnipotent . This irresistible Power is urged by you , where it serveth your Hypothesis ; and where it yeildeth no advantage to your Cause , there you will have Mercy to succeed in its place . And this may be , more particularly observed , in a Section of your Book De Cive b . To the sixth Law of Nature ( saith that Book ) which teacheth that punishments respect the future , belong all those places of Holy Writ , which enjoyn the shewing of Mercy ; such as are ( Matt. 5.7 . ) Blessed are the merciful : for they shall obtain mercy . Lev. 19.18 . Thou shalt not avenge nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people . Now there are who think this Law so far from being confirmed , that they imagine it invalidated by the Scriptures : because there remaineth to the wicked eternal punishment after death , where there is no place either for amendment or example . Some resolve this objection , by saying , that God , who is under no obligation , referreth all things to his own Glory ; but that it is not lawful for man so to do : as if God would seek his glory , that is to say , please himself in the death of a sinner . It is more rightly answer'd , that the institution of eternal punishment was before sin , and respected this onely , that men might , for the future , be afraid of sinning . It is , from this place , to be observed , that you once construed the phrases of Scripture , wherein it speaketh of eternal torments , with relation to the persons , and not the mere state of torture ; as also that you here advance not power , but plead for Mercy ; and lastly , that you abuse the veracity of God , by supposing him to scare the children of men , with such bug-bear threatnings , as shall never , upon their most enormous delinquencie , be put in execution . But in what horrid place , and of what confounding quality , are the future torments , if they be not , to single persons eternal ? for I cannot but imagine that they are extreamly bitter , if they be but short . What then seemeth to you to be the place and state of the damned ? Mr. Hobbes . Gods enemies , and their torments after Judgement c , appear by the Scripture to have their place on eaath . And there the Reprobate d shall be in the estate , that Adam , and his Posterity were in after the sin committed ; saving that God promised a Redeemer to Adam , and such of his seed as should trust in him , and repent ; but not to them that should dye in their sins as do the Reprobate . And further — the wicked being left in the estate , they were in after Adams sin , may at the Resurrection live as they did , marry , and give in marriage , and have gross and corruptible bodies , as all mankinde now have ; and consequently , may engender perpetually , after the Resurrection as they did before . Stud. If all the wicked shall ( as you acknowledge a ) , be together raised up ; and put into Hell on earth ; if also their condition shall be such as to admit of Generation , eating and drinking ( the provisions for which require wide spaces upon earth , not at all possessed by the bodies of men ) and there be also required room ( as you assert ) for the followers of Christ ; it will trie the utmost of your Mathematick-skill , to finde place sufficient , for the bodies of all that have already lived , or shall live before the Universal Judgment . Some of no mean degree amongst the Learned b have , by probable Rules , computed the number of men before the Floud ( who begat Sons and Daughters at a very great age ) ; and have found it to exceed much more then a thousand millions : insomuch , that the Floud may seem to have been almost as necessary in relation unto the numbers of people , as to the increase of their iniquities . And they observe how , in less then four hundred years after the Floud , there were Armies c in the Eastern Countries , sufficient to leave nothing rising there besides the Sun. If therefore Tophet be on earth , let it not any more be taken up , as a Proverb , by us , That Hell cannot be satisfi'd , seeing it will be glutted with half the people for whom it is prepared . But , methinks , if that be , in truth , the estate of the Reprobate , which you have described ; the literal Hinnom may seem to have been overspread with greater horror , then the mystical shall be ; and the unrighteous may dance and leap with joy in their very chains of darkness ; seeing they neither pinch extreamly at the present , nor shall be everlasting : there is nothing more Divine to voluptuous men , then to eat , and drink , and to exonerate nature , and to be immortal in their off-spring . Mr. Hobbes . You are too hasty in your reflexions : you mistake that for the full description of Hell , which I design'd for the easier part of it . I therefore tell you further , that they c shall be punished with grief , and discontent of mind , from the sight of that eternal felicitie in others , which they themselves , through their own incredulity , and disobedience , have lost . And because such felicity in others is not sensible but by comparison with their own actual miseries ; it followeth that they are to suffer such bodily pains and calamities , as are incident to those , who not only live under evil and cruel Governours , but have also for Enemy , the eternal King of the Saints , God Almighty . Stud. But shall not there be Devils let loose upon those persons who have bin seduced by th●m from obedience to God! shall not they be deliver'd over to the Tormentors , who have not discharged their obligations towards him , and have such outward scourges superadded to the lash of remorse within ? Mr. Hobbes . For d the Tormentors , we have their nature and properties , exactly and properly , delivered by the names of the Enemy , or Satan ; the Accuser , or Diabolus ; the Destroyer , or Abaddon : which significant names , Satan , Devil , Abaddon , set not forth to us any individual Person , as proper Names use to doe ; but only an Office or Quality ; and are therefore Appellatives . — Gods Kingdome was in Palestine ; and the Nations round about were the Kingdomes of the Enemy ; and consequently by Satan , is meant any earthly Enemy of the Church . [ You are therefore mistaken in the notion of Tormentors . Now that which completeth the misery of the damned is , that they shall dye again . ] Stud. That which you make the top of their calamitie , is to be reckoned as a priviledg , because it puts an end to their torment together with their being ; the continuance of which cannot make recompence for that misery with which in the real Hell , it will be oppressed : but whence is it proved , by you , that the last pain of the damned is such destruction ? Mr. Hobbes . I learn , from the Scripture a that amongst bodily pains , is to be reckoned also to every one of the wicked , a second death : for though the Scripture be clear for an universal Resurrection ; yet we do not read , that to any of the Reprobate is promised an eternal life . [ I know you will now salve your self by saying b ] that by the second and everlasting death , is meant a second , and everlasting life , but in torments ; a Figure never used but in this very case . Stud. The Figure in which we speak , whilest we express a great calamitie by death , is of common use , in relation to the incommodities of this present life : for nothing is more usual then to say , that to live is to be well . St. Paul with reference to his many troubles , said he dyed daily . And Grotius , somwhere c expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by such , quibus vita haud vitalis . In Sophocles , you might have read these words ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That this , also , is the true meaning of the second death , appeareth to those who are aware that the phrase was borrowed by St. Iohn , from the Hebrew-Doctors ; with whom it was , and is , most frequent , to call the torments of Hell by that very name . Wherefore those words of David d He seeth that wise men die , are thus Paraphrased by the Caldee Paraphrast : He shall see wicked wise men , who die the second death , and are adjudged to Hell. Having now attended to your Opinion concerning the Place and Estate of the damned ; methinks , it begetteth , in me , as feeble belief , as the Fables of Charon , and the River Styx , and the black Frogs therein , were wont to do in Iuvenal's daies , amongst the Romans ; whose very children , ( he saies ) unless they were so young as not to pay for their Bath , were apt to scoffe at such improbable stories . But let us now understand ( in order to the dispatch of our Twelfth and last Head ) What , more successful doctrine you can deliver , concerning the felicities of the just . He that cannot paint a Devil well , is not likelie to shew masterie in the painting of an holy Angel : but whatsoever your description be of eternal life , I am ready to fix my eye upon it ; and if I espie reason , to approve it . Mr. Hobbes . In delivering my opinion concerning the future state , I will begin by telling you , that , e the Soul of man is not in its own nature eternal , or a living creature independent on the body ; and that no meer man is immortal , otherwise then by the resurrection in the last day , except Enoch and Elias . — But f though there be no natural immortalitie of the Soul ; yet there is life eternal , which the Elect shall enjoy by grace . Stud. It hath bin , alreadie , proved , that there is , in man , a spiritual substance which immagineth , remembreth , reasoneth ; and that therefore naturally it endureth after the dissolution of that body from which it is , by such notorious marks , distinguish'd : neither doth it slumber , 'till the sounding of the last Trump , at the general resurrection . It is true , that without the assistance of Revelation we cannot , well understand that our withered bodies shall spring out of the dust : and therefore , with reference to the resurrection , the ancient Iews , in their Forms of Benediction a celebrated the power of God above the ordinary Laws of Nature : and whatever hopes the Heathens may have , they cannot have firm assurance , that their Souls shall be permitted to enjoy that duration which they are , by nature capable of ; or that , if they shall be permitted to survive their bodies , they shall have a great , or endless , happiness . For when they consider that there is God , and that , how virtuous soever they have bin , yet , their own consciences bearing witness , they have , too often , transgressed his Laws ; they may be justly suspicious either of annihilation , or at best , of a low degree of felicitie : and this suspition will be encreased if , with you , they gaze at his irresistible power , and look not , with hope , upon his Philanthropie : and therefore such salvation , as signifieth the advancement of the Soul of man to the utmost height of blessedness , is not of Nature or humane merit , but of grace ; and an effect of the merits of our Lord , who having overcome death , did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all believers . But yet of this bounty we , in some measure , partake , if we dye as Christians , so soon as ever we have lay'd down this burthen of the flesh : and of this we are assured by Revelation ; especially , by that in the New Testament : therein we read , that our Saviour promised to the repenting Thief , that very day , a place in Paradise , that is , in some Region of happy Souls ; which the Jews were wont to call Paradise , or the Garden of pleasure . That , besides the bodily life , there is a Soul in man which cannot be touched by the sword , or utmost violence of our Enemies . That St. Stephen , in the very Article of death , commended his Spirit into the hands of Christ ▪ beseeching the same Jesus to receive it . That the dead , who dye in the Lord , are from henceforth , or b immediately in an happy estate . Neither can we , with tolerable sense , expound the Article of Christs descending into Hell , or into Hades , that is , the state of the dead ; as also his preaching to Spirits in prison ; unless we suppose him to have had an immaterial Soul , whereby his Spirit might be in the state of separate Spirits , as well as his body was in the state of dead bodies , their corruption excepted : for to mean All of the body , is to say in effect , twice over , that he was dead and buried ; and so to commit Tautology in the most compendious systeme of the Christian Faith ▪ Neither must we forget the wish of St. Paul , who desired to be dissolved that he might be with Christ ; esteeming that far better for his own Person , though his continuance in the world was of more advantage to the Christian church . Now it cannot but be imagined that S. Paul exspected , so soon as ever he had quitted this earthly Tabernacle , to be received by Christ , into the mansions prepared above : for seeing his inclinations were so poised betwixt the thoughts of the benefit of the Church , and the delay of his consummate happiness , that he knew not which way to turn the scale ; there is no doubt but he would have preferred the advantage of the Church , for which he would gladly spend , and be spent , before s●ch an Estate , wherein , for more then sixteen hundred years , he should not so much as think of Christ , or his holy Gospel , but be as if he had never bin . Mr. Hobbes . [ There are other places , perhaps more pertinent , to which I will return an answer . ] And first , c there are the words of Solomon ( Ecclesiastes 12.7 . ) Then shall the dust return to dust , as it was , and the Spirit shall return to God that gave it : which may bear well enough ( if there be no other Text directly against it ) this interpretation , that God only knows , ( but man , not ) what becomes of a mans Spirit , when he expireth : and the same Solomon , in the same book , ( Chap. 3. v. 20 , 21. ) delivereth the same sentence in the sense I have given it : his words are , All go ( man and beast ) to the same place ; all are of the dust , and all turn to dust again : who knoweth that the Spirit of man goeth upward , and that the Spirit of the beast goeth downward to the earth ? that is , none knows but God : nor is it an unusual phrase to say of things we understand not , God knows what , and God knows where . — But , what interpretation shall we give , besides the literal sense of the words of Solomon , Eccles. 3.19 . That which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts , even one thing befalleth them : as the one dyeth , so doth the other ; yea , they have all one breath ( one Spirit ) so that a man hath no preheminence above a beast , for all is vanity . By the litteral sense here is no natural immortalitie of the Soul. Stud. You would here impose upon me , by confounding the sense of those several verses , which are to be interpreted apart from each other . And that we may aright conceive the meaning of them ( and not say only , though perhaps with reason we may do it , I 'm sure with Authority a that Solomon here and in other places doth personate the Atheist ; ) it is fit that we observe how the Preacher , in this book , sets forth the beginning , progress , and ripeness of his disquisition , concerning the happiness of man. Wherefore in the begining of his enquiry , he setteth down his raw apprehensions : and he relateth , in the first and second Chapters , how he , once , thought folly equal with wisdom , and that there was nothing better then to eat and drink ; and what adventures and trials he made , towards the better understanding of what was good for the sons of men : and in this third Chapter , he declareth how full of mystery he found the workes of God ( v. 11. ) and how little was manifest , especially to sensual men , of the future state : but in the eleventh and twelfth Chapters , wherein he declareth his advanced judgement , and calleth men off from the world , to the thoughts of the day of account , and to the early remembrance of their Creator ; to the fear of God , and the observance of his commands ; he layeth it down as a positive doctrine ( a doctrine apt to promote such observance , fear , and remembrance ) which at first was delivered , by him , as a probleme , or as the mistake of worldly men , that when the wheel shall be broken at the Cistern , and the circle of our blood utterly disturbed , then the dust shall return to the earth as it was ; and the Spirit shall return to God who gave it . But if the Spirit be the breath and life , and not an immaterial substance , why make you it so hard to know what becomes of it ; so that only God can understand it ? for might we not say , that the machine of the body is dissolved , the breath vanisheth in the soft air , the motion is gone from the carcasse into ambient bodies ? we might then , with equal admiration say of a Clock broken all to peices , and in rest ; God knoweth what is become of it ; for , in both instances , there is only a dissolution of the contexture of the parts , and the motion , convey'd to other portions of neighbouring matter . Why , also , do you vary from the translation of the Hebrew copy ▪ in Chap. 3. v. 21. for instead of , Who knoweth the spirit of man that is ascending , and the Spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth ? You have thus rendred the words ; Who knoweth that the spirit of man goeth upward ? for there is great difference betwixt this saying , Who knoweth that Mr. Hobbes is a Mathematician ? and this , Who knoweth Mr. Hobbes , who is a Mathematician ? The former disposition of Solomon's words supposeth a Spirit , and the ascent of it , and withall , our ignorance of the nature of the Soul : the latter leaveth it doubtful whether the Spirit ascendeth or not . It is well ( though I believe you knew it not your self ) that the Seventie Interpreters a are , a little , on your side . Mr. Hobbes . But what is , on your part , to be said b to those words of Solomon in Chap. 4. ver . 3. of Ecclesiastes ? Better is he that hath not yet been , then both they ; that is , then they that live or have lived ; which if the Soul of all them that have lived , were immortal , were a hard saying ; for then to have an immortal Soul , were worse then to have no Soul at all . Stud. To this , the easie truth is to be replyed , that the wise man preferreth a condition of not being ( if we suppose him speaking in his own Person ) before a life of misery : and doubtless it is better to have no Soul , then to have a Soul immortal , together with immortal grief : and the saying is common amongst Divi●es , that it had bin better for Dives to have had no tongue , then to have bin possessed of it , meerly as a subject , for the fury of the infernal flames to prey upon : and I think also , it is the natural sense of mankind . Wherefore though Iob was a man of great fortitude of spirit , and one who feared , by impatience , to offend God ; Yet when his calamities , as so many waves in thick succession , were ready to over-whelme him , he began to curse the day of his Nativitie . Mr. Hobbes . There is yet another place in the book of Ecclesiastes , which confirmeth my opinion of the state of the dead . It is said , c in Chap. 9. ver . 5. That the living know they shall dye , but the dead know not any thing ; that is , naturally , and before the resurrection of the body . Stud. For answer to this citation , I ●efe● you to Diodati , whose notes you have no reason to despise , seeing you have submitted the declaration of your judgement d to the Annotations of the Assembly , who pleased to transcribe so very many places out of the aforesaid Authour : observe therefore the context , and his interpretation , which I may represent to you in this Paraphrase . Ver. 3. By reason of this indifferency of events ( mentioned by Solomon , in the beginning of the Chapter ) worldly men dally with , 'till they die i● , their sins . ( Ver. 4. ) For whilst life doth last , the gate of hope , and repentance , is open ▪ though men make not use of this opportunity in order to their salvation . For a living dogg , that is to say , a great sinner alive , is happier whilst God grants to him life , and opportunitie of conversion ; then a lesser sinner ( compared to a Lyon , which is a more noble , and not so unclean a beast as a dogg ) who dyeth in his impenitencie , and so is past all remedy . ( Ver. 5. For the living know they shall die , and through the fear of death , may be induced to repentance , whilst there is space for it : but the dead know not any thing ; not in this sense , that their souls do loose all knowledge , conscience , or remembrance ; but in this , because it availeth them nothing to Salvation ; and they understand not now the things that belong to their peace , for they are , by the absence of opportunity , quite hidden from their eyes : neither have they any more a reward , set down for virtue , whilst a man liveth in this world , which is the place appointed for us to labour ▪ and run our race in : for the memory of them is forgotten ; God hath for ever cast them off , according to that of David a — Like the slain that lye in the grave , whom thou remembrest no more : and they are cut off from thy hand . And this sense of the place is confirmed by the tenth verse , where Solomon presseth men to a speedie exercise of religion , in these words : Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do , do it with thy might ; for there is no work nor device , nor knowledg , nor wisdom in the grave whither thou goest . Mr. Hobbes . What answer have you to the words of Iob , b Chap. 14. ver . 7. There is hope of a tree , if it be cast down : though the root thereof wax old , and the stock thereof dye in the ground , yet when it senteth the water , it will bud , and bring forth boughs like a plant : but man dyeth and wasteth away , yea , man giveth up the ghost , and where is he ? And ( ver . 12. ) man lyeth down , & riseth not till the heavens be no more . But when is it , that the heavens shall be no more ? S. Peter tells us that it is at the general resurrection . Stud. It hath been thought by some , a sufficient answer to this place , to understand it of entire man , as he consisteth of soul and body ; seeing man is not , man ariseth not , ' though the soul existeth and ascendeth , before the consummate estate of both , in the great day of the Messiah . I know , also , that the Jews , c consider Iob as a Gentile , who had no assurance of a future state , and that he speaketh , in the seventh Chapter , as much against the resurrection of the body , as the immortalitie of the soul. As the cloud ( saith Iob ) is consumed and vanisheth away ; so he that goeth down to the grave shall come up no more . And there are many who expound the letter ( in the 19 Chap. and 25 , 26. verses ) of the restitution of Iobs body , tormented with worms , to soundness of health ; and of the blessings descending upon him , in his latter daies , even to the eclipsing the glories of his first posteritie . Mr. Hobbes . What need is there of answer upon answer in the present case ? for this doctrine of the natural immortalitie of the soul , which you so eagerly conted for , is d unnecessary to the Christian faith . For supposing that when a man dies , there remaineth nothing of him but his carcass ; cannot God that raised inanimated dust and clay into a living creature by his word , as easily raise a dead carcass to life again , and continue him alive for ever , or make him dye again , by another word ? Stud. If you attempt , thus , to explain the resurrection of entire man , you will be pressed with such a weighty inconvenience , as cannot , by the utmost strength of your wit , be ever sustained . For if man be not raised up by a reunion of his immaterial soul to the main Stamina of such a body as he , somtimes , had ; but meerly by the framing again , and moving , of such matter as he is supposed to have wholly consisted of , and by the help of which he hath done worthy , or shameful acts ; then either the same man , who obeyed or transgressed , is not raised up to an estate of reward or punishment ; or else he is raised with all the parts of matter which conduced to action , and appertained to him , almost from the cradle , to the grave , and is , therefore , in the last day , of such dimensions , that he may not only equal the antient Gyants of which we read in story , but likewise come nigh the bulk of those very mountains which they are said to have heaped up in defiance of H●aven . Mr. Hobbes . Well ; whatsoever the essence of man is , or whensoever any part of him is supposed to be happy ; it is most probable , that , at the last day , the place of heaven , shall be on earth . The a kingdom of God in the writings of Divines , and specially in Sermons , and treatises of devotion , is taken most commonly for eternal felicity , after this life , in the highest heaven , which they also call the kingdom of glory ; and somtimes for ( the earnest of that felicity ) sanctification , which they term the kingdome of grace ; but never for the Monarchy , that is to say , the Soveraign power of God over any subjects acquired by their own consent , which is the proper signification of Kingdom . To the contrary , I finde the Kingdom of God to signifie , in most places of Scripture , a Kingdom properly so named , constituted by the votes of the people of Israel in peculiar manner ; wherein they chose God for their King by Covenant made with him , upon Gods promising them the possession of the land of Canaan — Now the Throne b of this our King is in Heaven , without any necessity evident in Scripture , that man shall ascend to his happiness any higher then Gods footstool the earth . Stud. There is no need of the consent of men , in the right notion , of the Kingdom of God ; for the Lord is King , be the people never so unquiet . Also , there is nothing more frequent , in the New Testament , then the notion of Gods Kingdom of Grace in the dispensation of the Gospel ; and of glory , in the highest Heavens . And for the latter , we pray in the second petition of that Form which our Lord taught us ; and the former we acknowledge in the Doxologie . The holy Baptist , being the fore-runner of the Christ , preached unto the Jews ( who though they justifi'd themselves at present by the works of the Law , yet held repentance necessary to the reception of the Messiah ) the Doctrine of Penance ; adding this reason , because the kingdom of heaven was at hand : and this had been an improper Doctrine , if the Messiah , as you dream , was not to have a Kingdom , till after more then sixteen hundred years . Our Saviour , therefore , when he preached ( as his Fore-runner had done ) that Doctrine of Repentance ; he us'd not the same phrase , Repent , for the kingdom of heaven is at hand ; but he said , c Repent , and believe the Gospel , that is , forsake sin , and enter into the Kingdom of the Messiah , by Grace . Our Lord , also ( in the twelfth Chapter of St. Matthew ) proveth , by his great power over Satan and the Kingdom of darkness , that the Kingdom of the Messiah , was then come . And he declared d That Baptism was a Sacrament of entrance and admission into the Kingdom of the Gospel . And he e receiv'd the Hosannah's of the people , who saluted him as that King of Israel , who came unto them in the name of the Lord. And when he was asked f by the Pharisees , when the Kingdom of God should come , he answered ; The Kingdom of God is within you ; that is , it is already come , it is g amongst you . The further manifestation of his Kingdom , he foretold , in prophesying of his coming to take vengeance on the bloudy Jews , by his scourges , the Romans , in the destruction of Ierusalem : the History of which , as it standeth in Iosephus , if it be duly compared with the predictions of our Lord , is sufficient to stop the widest mouth of profaneness ; and to hold up a powerful light against the dim Ey-balls of the most forsaken Atheists . To this the words of St. Mark have relation , in the ninth Chapter , and first Verse : Verily I say unto you , that there be some of them that stand here , which shall not taste of death , till they have seen the kingdom of God come with power . Mr. Hobbes . Those words ( alledged h by Beza long ago ) if taken grammatically , make it certain that either some of those men that stood by Christ at that time , are yet alive , or else that the Kingdom of God must be now in this present world . — But yet if this Kingdom were to come at the Resurrection of Christ , why is it said , Some of them , rather then All ? for they all lived till after Christ was risen . Stud. Christ , at his Resurrection , had vindicated to himself , by way of conquest over Death and Hell , this spiritual Kingdom ; but the manifestation of it , in power , was displayed in the desolation of the City of Ierusalem . And because ( for instance ) St. Iohn liv'd , to see the triumph of Christ , over his bloud-thirsty Enemies , though all the Apostles did not ; there was , therefore , reason for saying , Some of them , rather then , All. Mr. Hobbes . If a it be lawful to conjecture at the meaning of the words , by that which immediately follows , both here , and in St. Luke , where the same is again repeated , it is not unprobable , to say they have relation to the Transfiguration , which is described in the Verses immediately following . — And so the promise of Christ was accomplished by way of Vision . Stud. You are to look backward and not forward : for the words do manifestly relate to those of the eighth Chapter , where our Saviour had commanded the embracers of his Gospel to take up the Cross ; and promised that , by their constancie in their Christian Profession , they should save their lives ; whilst , others , who would endeavour to preserve life by denying the persecuted faith , should be destroyed : and so it came to pass , when Gallus , even against the reason of State , did raise the Siege before Ierusalem ; the Christians and convert-Jews , escapeing , whilst a door was open , unto the Mountains , and into the City Pella ; and not remaining 'till Titus , some moneths after , renewed the Siege . After this exhortation to constancie , and promise of deliverance , our Saviour , threatned that he would be ashamed of such , who should refuse to confess him before men , at his coming , in the glory of his Father , with his holy Angels : which coming with Angels , and open rejection of cowardly spirits , ( importing their present claim , and his refusal ) agreeth not to his Transfiguration , which was transacted in secret with some of the Disciples , and the apparition of Moses and Elias . — There is therefore reason for Divines , to insist upon a kingdome of Christ , alreadie come , a kingdom of the Gospel : neither want they reason on their side , when they affirm , that the kingdom of glory is in the highest Heavens ; and not on earth : which if men rise the same they were when they acted in the present world ( retaining all their parts , howsoever new-moulded , ) then according to your Hypothesis , which conceiveth man to be wholly material , the whole earth will be little enough to give the Blessed space , wherein to move with pleasure ; and we shall be as much in the dark for the place of the damned , as the place it self is said to be . Our blessed Saviour hath assur'd us , that we shall , in the Resurrection , be like the Angels . And St. Paul hath , also , informed Christians , that they shall be indued with Coelestial Bodies , when they have put off these earthly Sepulchres in which their nobler mindes lay entombed ; and that this body of flesh and bloud ( for of that , is his whole discourse * and not of any moral body , of sin and corruption ) shall not inherit the Kingdom of God. And from hence Athenagoras b hath been taught to say , that in the Resurrection , we shall not be as flesh , though we bear flesh about us . Now this Angelical , Coelestial Body , seemeth very unagreeable to the condition of Inhabitants upon earth : neither had innocent Adam such a body in Paradise . And it is , also , to be noted , that the Blessed cannot , by any means enjoy such Coelestial Bodies , according to the principles by you delivered ; and of this I , above , have given some intimation . For if man be onely a piece of well-disposed matter , and is devoyd of an immaterial soul , upon the permanent oneness of which dependeth , chiefly , his individuation , he is no more the same person upon so great an alteration made in the contexture of the body , then a spire of Grass is the same with part of the flesh of an Ox , into which after digestion , it is transform'd . But why doth it seem to you incredible , that holy men shall be caught up with Enoch , and Elias , and St. Paul , and enjoy their happiness in Heavenly Regions , when there are so many places of Scripture which look that way ? Our blessed Lord a administreth comfort to such as bear his Cross , by telling them that their reward is great in Heaven . And he adviseth b all his followers , to lay up for themselves treasures , not on earth , but in the heavens , that their hearts may with the greater facility be lifted up , by Divine and Heavenly Meditation . And c he spake these words of consolation to his Disciples who began to be , most deeply concerned , at the thoughts of his departure : Let not your heart be troubled : ye believe in God , believe also in me . In my Fathers house are many mansions ; if it were no : so , I would have told you . And if I go and prepare a place for you , I will come again , and receive you unto my self , that where I am , there ye may be also . This , then , was the Doctrine of Christ ; as also of his Apostles . St. Paul delivereth this Doctrine with much confidence , saying d , We know , that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of God , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens . And e he blesseth God for the faith of the Colossians ; and for the hope which was laid up for them , in the Heavens . And he comforteth the Thessalonians f , after this manner : The Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout , with the voice of the Arch-angel , and with the trump of God : and the dead in Christ shall rise first : then we which are alive , and remain , shall he caught up together with them in the clouds , to meet the Lord in the air : and so shall we ever be with the Lord. The Author , also , of the Epistle to the Hebrews g , extolleth the patience of the afflicted Converts , and likewise insinuateth the great Reason which they had to take joyfully the spoiling of their earthly goods , because they had in Heaven a better and enduring substance . Mr. Hobbes . I have , with much patience , attended to your citations : there is reason that now you should listen to such as on my side , may be produced . We finde h written in in St. Iohn , That no man hath ascended into heaven , but he that came down from heaven , even the son of man that is in heaven — yet Christ was then not in Heaven , but upon the earth . The like is said of David ( Acts 2.34 . ) where St. Peter , to prove the Ascension of Christ , using the words of the Psalmist i , Thou wilt not leave my soul in hell , nor suffer thine holy One to see corruption , saith , they were spoken ( not of David , but ) of Christ ; and to prove it , addeth this reason , For David is not ascended into Heaven . But to this a man may easily answer , and say , that though their bodies were not to ascend till the general day of Judgement , yet their souls were in Heaven , as soon as they were departed from their bodies ; which also seemeth to be confirmed by the words of our Saviour k who proving the Resurrection out of the words of Moses , saith thus , That the dead are raised , even Moses shewed , at the bush , when he called the Lord , the God of Abraham , and the God of Isaac , and the God of Iacob . For he is not a God of the dead , but of the living ; for they all live to him . But if these words be to be understood onely of the immortality of the soul , they prove not at all that which our Saviour intended to prove , which was the Resurrection of the body , that is to say , the immortality of man. Therefore our Saviour meaneth that those Patriarchs were immortal ; not by a property consequent to the Essence , and Nature of Mankinde ; but by the Will of God , that was pleased of his meer Grace , to bestow eternal life upon the faithful . And though at that time the Patriarchs , and many other faithful men were dead , yet , as it is in the Text , they lived to God ; that is , they were written in the Book of Life with them that were absolved of their sins , and ordained to life eternal at the Resurrection . Stud. Our Lord design'd to prove a future state , against the Sadduces , who denyed , not onely the Resurrection of the body , but likewise the existence of Angel or Spirit : and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do not always imply the raising of the body ; but , being used without the addition of flesh or body , do usually denote the future life , and the awakening , and advancing of the Soul ; or the conserving or keeping of it alive ; as God is said to have raised up Pharaoh , that is , to have kept him still alive a And whereas you suggest , that the Patriarchs were alive onely by destination ; it is an exposition derived by you , from your Hypothesis , that man is wholly mortal , and not from the letter of the words , where Christ speaketh in the present , and not the future time ; affirming that the Patriarchs live already , and not that they shall be awakened unto life , after many hundreds of years . Mr. Hobbes . A second place is b that in St. Paul ( 1 Cor. 15.22 . ) For as in Adam all dye , even so in Christ shall all be made alive — Now , if as in Adam , all dye , that is , have forfeited Paradise , and eternal life on earth ; so in Christ all shall be made alive ; then all men shall be made to live on earth ; for else the comparison were not proper . Stud. That Adam , if he had remained obedient , should have lived eternally upon earth , together with all the race of men to have been produced out of his loyns ( to whom this earth would , at last , have denyed Elbow-room ) is a conceit of yours which reason doth not favour . For the first man was of the earth earthy , he was sustained by corruptible food ; he was design'd for propagation before his fall ; which things seem to argue a mortal nature , and are , by our Saviour , excepted from the condition of those who shall enjoy eternal blessedness . And though it was said to him , that in eating the forbidden fruit he should dye the death ; that argueth thenceforth a necessity of dying and denyeth not a capableness of dying formerly : and though God Almighty could have sustain'd his mortal nature for ever upon earth , yet there is ( as I think ) no promise of it in Holy Writ : and whilst we consider the future estate of blessed men , described in Scripture ; there is some reason for us to believe , that he should have rather been translated to an Heavenly Paradise , then to have dwelt , for ever , in the Eden below . Neither was it the business of the Apostle , in this Text , to determine any thing of the place , but to set forth the priviledge of Believers , by the means of Christ , at the last day . The meaning of the Apostle , who speaketh here of those that are Christs , seems no other then this . As all who came from Adam were obnoxious to death , and could not , naturally , claim the priviledge of a Resurrection to life eternal : So all who believe in the Messiah shall not rot for ever in the grave , but be raised up to everlasting happiness . To this sense agree both Crellius , and Vorstius , whom I , the rather , name to you , because they were men of singularity in conceit , and such as stepped out of the beaten Road of Divinity , which the Orthodox believe the truest and safest way . In the Paraphrase of this comparison , All of one kinde , is answered by All of the other kinde , and death by life : And therefore there is no impropriety in the comparison , though , in other particulars , the things compared disagree . The main scope of the Apostle , in setting forth the advantage of Believers at that day , by Christ , doth justifie the similitude , though the place of life be not the same to all the Sons of Adam which was possessed by that Root of mankinde . Parables ( saith Salmeron , who wrote of them ) are like to swords ; the Hilts and Scabbards of them are variously wrought , but it is the Edge whereby they ●o execution . Mr. Hobbes . Notwithstanding what hath been talk'd , I still maintain that c the Elect after the Resurrection shall be restored to the estate , wherein Adam was before he had sinned : [ and that the place shall be on earth , and more particularly at and about Ierusalem ] . Concerning b the general salvation , because it must be in the Kingdom of Heaven , there is great difficulty concerning the place . On one side , by Kingdom ( which is an estate ordained by men for their perpetual security against Enemies , and want ) it seemeth that this Salvation shall be on earth : for by Salvation is set forth unto us , a glorious reign of our King , by conquest ; not a safety by escape : and therefore there where we look for Salvation , we must look also for Triumph ; and before triumph ; for victory ; and before victory , for battle : which cannot well be supposed , shall be in heaven — and it is evident by Scripture , that Salvation shall be on earth , then , when God shall reign ( at the coming again of Christ ) in Ierusalem ; and from Ierusalem shall proceed the Salvation of the Gentiles that shall be received into Gods Kingdom . Stud. In this speech of yours , there is a threefold error , easily confuted and broken in sunder . First , you say the Elect shall be in the estate of innocent Adam ; and you would have comparison answer comparison , as face answereth face . Yet our Saviour saith , That the elect shall neither eat , drink , nor marry . Secondly , you suppose a War in the estate of the heaven on earth ; and after that victory : the former of which , is inconsistent with that uninterrupted peace which the Scripture ascribeth to that estate ; and the latter is meant of Christ the Captain of our Salvation conquering death ; in behalf of Believers , by dying , and arising again , and triumphing over death in ascending and reigning at Gods Right-hand . Wherefore St. Paul saith a O death , where is thy sting ? O grave , where is thy victory ? And , again , Thanks be to God which giveth us the victory , through our Lord Iesus Christ. Neither ( in the third place ) do you speak consistently with your self , when you mention Ierusalem as the Metropolis of Heaven . For blessedness being , by you , supposed the recovery of the estate lost in Adam , the chief seat of it ought , by you , to have been fixed in the Region of Eden ; which , where it is , those Atheists who scoff at the story of Adam , may be instructed , both in relation to their knowledge and manners , by an obscure , but yet most learned b Geographer and Divine . Mr. Hobbes . Will you suffer me to proceed in proving that the future estate of Gods subjects shall be upon earth , & particularly at Ierusalem ? Stud. You shall not be unseasonably interrupted . Mr. Hobbes . That it shall be on earth is proved from a third place c , Rev. 2.7 . To him that overcometh I will give to eat of the tree of Life , which is in the midst of the Paradise of God. This was the Tree of Adams eternal life , but his life was to have been on earth . Stud. You here mistake ( as many have done in attempting to unfold the Revelation ) this Book of Mysteries which representeth , Allegorically , to our senses , the things in Heaven , by patterns on earth . There is a Paradise not upon earth ; an entrance into which our Saviour promised to the relenting and believing Malefactor , that very day upon the Cross. Besides , the meer letter of the Text fixeth the chief Seat of Heaven in Eden , not in Ierusalem . Mr. Hobbes . To my opinion concerning the Heavenly Ierusalem on earth , seemeth d to agree that of the Psalmist ( Psal. 133.3 ) Vpon Zion God commanded the blessing , even life for evermore : for Zion , is in Ierusalem , upon earth . Stud. This blessing is meant of temporal long life which God promised , so especially , to the obedient , in the Land of Canaan : neither cannot it ( with reason ) be interpreted of a life eternal ; for David saith , in the last place , that God did there command a blessing . Besides , though Zion was at Ierusalem ; yet Hermon , which is first named , was on the other side of Iordan , on the utmost part of the holy Land Ea●tward . Mr. Hobbes . My opinion seemeth , again , to be confirmed a by St. Iohn , ( Rev. 21.2 . ) where he saith , I Iohn saw the holy City , new Ierusalem , coming down from God out of heaven , prepared as a bride adorned for her husband . And again , vers . 10. to the same effect ; as if he should say , The new Ierusalem , the paradise of God , at the coming again of Christ , should come down to Gods people from heaven , and not they go up to it from earth . Stud. Heaven is the Ierusalem above , which the Patriarchs sought b in contra-distinction to Canaan below : of this Ierusalem above , St. Paul saith c that it is free that is , typed by Sarah the free-woman , and cannot but be free from Enemies seeing God is the King of it ) and that it is the mother of us all ; that is , the Gospel came thence immediately by Christ , and not , as the law , by the mediation of an Angel . Our original , as Christians , we owe to heaven , and thence are we nourished ; and preserved by the divine grace : and to the revelation of this Ierusalem Christians attain , by the preaching of the Gospel , which is a dispensation of more clearness and comfort then the Law d And the new Ierusalem descending is a type of Heaven in a glorious estate of the Christian Church on earth ; the commencement of which hath much puzled those who have spent their studies about the great Millenium . But this new Ierusalem descended is not to be esteemed the estate of just men made perfect , because it is said that the e Nations of them which are saved shall walk in the light of it : and also that after the thousand years , wherein the Martyrs are thought to raign with Christ , in the new Ierusalem below ; the devil f shall be loosed and go out to deceive the Nations , and with them , as Enemies in battel array , to encompass the holy City : which things are improperly ascribed to a state of entire joy , in the life eternal , of the saved in the Ierusalem above . If then as Mr. Mede affirmeth g and attempteth to prove ) the new Ierusalem Syncronizeth with the seventh Trumpet or Interval from the destruction of the beast , and supposeth afterwards a loosing of Satan , it cannot be understood of the highest heaven , or the consummate happiness of man. Mr. Hobbes . [ There are behind , divers places in the Prophets , in order to the evading of whose force , you will much perplex your understanding : and when I have once produced them , I shall then have done drawing , at my end , of this Saw of disputation . ] How good soever b the Reason , before alleadged , may b● , I will not trust to it , without very evident places of Scripture . The state of Salvation is described at large , Isaiah 33. ver . 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Look upon Zion , the City of our solemnities ; thine eyes shall see Ierusalem a quiet habitation , a tabernacle that shall not be taken down ; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed , neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken . But there the glorious Lord will be unto us a place of broad Rivers , and streams , wherein shall goe no galley with oars ; neither shall gallant ship pass thereby . For the Lord is our Iudge , the Lord is our Law-giver , the Lord is our King , he will save us . Thy tacklings are loosed ; they could not well strengthen their ma●t ; they could not spread the sail : then is the prey of a great spoil divided , the lame take the prey , and the ●nhabitants shall not say I am sick ; the people that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity . In which words we have the place from whence salvation is to proceed , Ierusalem , a 〈…〉 ; the eternity of it , a Tabernacle that 〈…〉 : be taken down , &c. the Saviour of it , the Lord , their Judge , their Law-giver , their King , he will save us ; the Salvation , the Lord shall be to them as a broad mote of swift waters , &c. The condition of their enemies , their tacklings are loose ; their masts weak , the lame shall take the spoyl of them . The condition of the saved , the inhabitant shall not say , I am sick : and lastly , all this comprehended in forgiveness of sin ; the people that dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity . By which it is evident that Salvation ( as I said ) shall be on earth , then , when God shall reign ( at the coming again of Christ ) in Ierusalem ; and from Ierusalem shall proceed the salvation of the Gentiles that shall be received into Gods kingdom : as is also more expresly declared by the same Prophet , Chap. 65.20 , 21. And they ( that is , the Gentiles who had any Jew in bondage ) shall bring all your Brethren for an offering to the Lord , out of all Nations , upon Horses , and in Charrets , and in Litters , and upon Mules , and upon swift beasts , to my holy Mountaine , Ierusalem , saith the Lord , as the children of Israel bring an offering in a clean vessel into the house of the Lord : & I will also take of them for Priests , and for Levites , saith the Lord. Whereby it is manifest , that the chief seat of Gods kingdom ( which is the place from whence the salvation of us that were Gentiles , shall proceed ) shall be Ierusalem : and the same is also confirmed by our Saviour , in his discourse with the woman of Samaria , concerning the place of Gods worship ; to whom he saith , Ioh. 4.22 . That the Samaritans worshipped they knew not what , but the Jews worship what they knew , for salvation is of the Jews , ( ex Iudaeis , that is , begins at the Jews : ) as if he ●hould say , you worship God , but know not by whom he will save you , as we do , that know it shall be by one of the tribe of Iudah , a Iew , not a Samaritan : and therefore also the woman not impertinently answered him again , We know the Messias shall come . So that which our Saviour faith , Salvation is from the Iews , is the same that S. Paul sayes ▪ ( Rom. 1.16 , 17. ) The ●●spel is the power of God to salvation to every one that believeth ; to the Iew first ●nd also to the Greek : for therein is the righte●●sness of God revealed from faith to f●ith ; from the faith of the J●w , to the faith of the Gentile . In the like sense the Prophet Ioel describing the day of judgement ( Chap. 2.30 , 31. ) that God would shew wonders in heaven and in earth , blood and fire , and pillars of s●●ak ; the Sun shall be turned into darkness , and the Moon into blood , before the great and terrible day of the Lord come ; he add●th , ver . 32. And it shall come to pass , that whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord , shall be saved : for i● mount Zion , and in Ierusalem shall be Salvation . And Obadiah ver . 17. saith the same , Vpon mount Zion shall be deliverance , and there shall be holyness , and th● h●use of Jacob shall possess their possessions , that is , the poss●ssions o● the heathen ; which possessions he expresseth most particularly in the following verses , by the mount of Esau , the land of the Philistin●s , the fields of Ephraim , of Samaria Gilead , and the Cities of the South ; and concludes with these words , The kingdome shall be the Lords . All these places are for salvation , and the kingdome of God ( after the day of judgement ) upon earth . Stud. It is manifest that Isaiah , in those places , meaneth the salvation from Senacherib & the Assyrians wrought by God himself , in the daies of Hezekiah ; whilst the Jews relyed upon Sethon , who deceiv'd them , hoping that the As●yrians and they weakning each other , his strength might be the better promoted against both . The Prophecy of Ioel concerneth , literally , those times , when th● Caldeans , by sword and fire , destroyed Ierusalem , at which season , ( according to the height of the prophetick style ) the very face of the heavens ( by reason of the flames , and smoke , and streams of blood ) were alter'd , to the amazement of common spectators . It seemeth also a type of the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus . The saved , V. 32. were the captives reserved alive , a remnant design'd by God for the continuance of his Church . Obadiah is to be understood a of the destruction of the Edomites , and of the aforesaid salvation from the Assyrians . The places in S. Iohn , and S. Paul , relate to the beginning of the Gospel , & not to the beginning of the kingdome of glory b the Messiah according to the flesh , arising from that Nation ; and the Gospel being first offered to th●m . You should have done well to have added those other words in St. Iohn ( V. 21. ) The hour cometh & now is when ye shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at Jerusalem worship the Father . You have , for the serving your hypothesis erred most grosly in these your last interpretations of holy writ : & I cannot but pity you , whilst I perceive you , in gloriously , stumbling , when you are just stopping out of this disputation . Let no man , hereafter , honour you with the name of Philosopher , who findeth you no happier at the interpretation of Nature , then of the holy Bible ; into the inward sense of which you enter not , by any expedite unlocking of its mysteries ; being resolved to force a way , through it , to your own novel conceits . But at this , I am not to be astonished : for there is so much learning , and so much attention required to the true understanding of divers sections of holy writ ; that if a man hath not made it much his business , to study , and meditate , about that true and concerning part of Antiquity , to compare text with text , and reading with reading , and sacred history with profane , his thoughts will scarce be worth the writing down upon the most neglected piece of paper . Good Sir be wise to sobriety ; handle the Scripture with more reverence and care ; be not rashly busie in relation to the things of the Altar , for there is a burning coal , ready , always , to stick to a profane finger , which will endanger somthing of greater price then your reputation . Mr. Hobbes . You your self have not examined a the Scriptures to the bottom : therefore you perhaps may be , but are not yet , a good Divine . I would you had but so much Ethicks , as to be civil : but you are a notable expositor , so fare you well , and consider what honor you doe to the University of which you have bin a member ; and what honor you do to Corpus Christi Colledge , by your divinity ; & what honor you do to your Degree , with the manner of your language : & take this counsel along with you ; Think me no more worthy of your pains ; you see how I have fouled your fingers . Stud. Nay , if the scene be so changed , that we must rail and quarrel instead of debating matters with sober reason , it is time to have done ; the world having long since , had enough of passion and impertinent noise . ERRATA . IN ●pist . Ded. lin . 6. for owe , read ow. pag. 6. lin . 11. for extemporanious read extemporary . ●n the Table . Mr. Hobbes very often printed for Mr. Hobbes's . p. 7. l 2. f. doctor r. doctrine . l. 21. after trifleth , add a period . l. 25. f. temperance r. nature . p. 9. l. 22. after table , add a period . p. 12. l. 22. after on earth , a comma . In the Book . p. 4. l. 17. for solicited r. selected . l. 30. for Fire r. Five . p. 5. l. 19. for Rostius r. Roscius . p. 6. l 14 : for the Confident r. your Friend . p. 10. l. 22. after God , a period . p. 14. l. 2. for wine r. wind . p. 14. in Marg. after part 2. p. add 190. & l 14. & 21. p. 22. l. 1. & l. 22. & p. 27. l. 25. & p. 33. l. 33. & p. 37. l. 6. & p. 43. l. 22. & l. 29. & p. 46. l. 16. & p. 47. l. 9. f. Phylosoph &c. r. Philosoph . &c. p. 16. in marg . for . upp . r. hyp . p. 17. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 33. f. lay r. layeth . p. 18. marg . f. ed Fir. r. ed Ficin . f. Necochim r. Nevochim . p. 19. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 20. in marg . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 23. l. 7. for signifyfie r. signifie . p. 24. l. 10. after affirmation , a period . p. 25. l. 7. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 26. l. 3. f. hastily r. harshly . p. 28. the colon to be set after [ what he is : ] p. 29. l. 2. after he is , a period . l. 5. after nature . a period . l. 29. after wisdom , a period . p. 33. l. 29. after Imagination , a comma . p. 35 l. 33. f. iniquity r. inanitie . p. 36. l 12. after celebrate , a comma , p. 39. l. 7. after , but one , two points : p. 40. l. 24. f. he r. be . p. 44. l. 26. f. pranted r. granted . p. 45. l. 26. f. Assent r. Ascent . p. 46. l. 1. after rest , a comma . p. 48. l. 9. after ●ramed , a comma . p. 50 l. 13. f. things r. Kings . p. 51. l. 9. after air , a period . p. 59. l. 8. f. All r. the. p. 62. l. 10. f. be able r. being able . p. 72. l. 13. a●ter Ghost , a comma . l. 27. f. ninos sibi r. ni nos tibi . p. 73. l. 9. f. humour r. humours . p. 76. l. 11 , 12. most effectually to an Ecclesiastic , in a Parenthesis . p 78. l 22. blot out do . p. 79. l. 32. for to underst . r. to be underst . p. 83. l. 7. after counter-pressure , add a comma . p. 90. l. 10. after motions , a comma . p. 93. l. 5. in the marg . f. ipsu r. i●sum . p. 94. l. 5. blot out in . p. 96. ●ult . f. should r. I should . p. 103. l. 18. l. teaching r. touching . p. 108. l. 20. f. men in r. main . p. 118. l. 5. f. you r. them . p. 127. l. 18 , 19. of the right , printed twice . p. 131. l. 21. f. invaded r. minded . p. 133. l. 28. ● . Epitom r. Epitome . p. 134. l. 19. f. Arabes r. Arabs . l. 21. f. wildness r. wiliness . p. 136. l. 13. f. Arabes r. Arabs . p. 140. l. 9. f. Pollen . r. Pellenaearian . p. 144. l. 8. blot out their . p. 161. l. 21. f. the r. your . p. 162. l. 8. f. and self r. on self . p. 163. l. 8. f. calls r. le ts . p. 201. l. 22. f. reapted r. repeated . p. 203. l. 21. f. effect r. effusion . p. 227. l. 8. f. cast r. cut . p. 228. l. 14. f. posterity r. prosperity . l. 18. f. conted r. contend ▪ Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64353-e7290 (a) M●rab . Pecc● . p. 1● . Haec r●●o● luta 〈◊〉 confirer a m●n 〈◊〉 tr●mentum , &c. Cam●d . 〈◊〉 Provinc . Da●b . p. 361. F●ntes — 〈…〉 corpori ●a●u● es , &c. (a) Vide●atur po●us sacros & Ceremoni●m loci toto corpore poll ●isse , &c. b Mira●● . Pecc● ▪ p. 1● , 19. Postqua● vexatis , per tota● , fluctib●● , horam Lusimu● ; egressi siccis , &c. Ve●● . tos stratis expecta● c●●●ula menfis . ●ivine 〈◊〉 . Di. 〈◊〉 5 ▪ 6. 〈…〉 . c 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 f Mr. H. C●usid . p. 59 , 60. g Let de M● . D. 3. tom p. 159. a● M●rsen . Rego●e p●ura ex te discat de meis principiis , quam jam novit ▪ h Mr. H. six Le●s . p. 38. i Lib. & neces . p. 47. a Six Less . p. 57. I beli●ve my Levia●han hath framed the minds of a 1000 Gentlemen to a conscientious obedience i● p●esent G●vernm●nt , which otherwise would have wavered in that point . b Hum. Nat. p 132 & Lev. c. 12 p. 53. & Object . 5. p. 97. a Tom. 3. p. 419 Dat. 1641. b De Corp. Part. 2. p. 84. c De Corp. c. 26. p. 307 'Till at l●st we came to one or many eternal Cause or Causes . d Ibid. e Tit. lib. ● . C. V. De Admirandis naturoe R●ginae Deaeque mortalium . f D. Windet de vitā funct . Stat● . p. 13. g H. Consid . p. 32. h Leviath ; part . 4. ch . 46. p. 37 ▪ a Lev. p. 4.11 , 19 , 39 , 371. lib. & ●●c . p. 5. six Less . p. 56. b Lev. part . 2. p. 190. & Hum. Nat. p. 134 c D. Corp. part 2. p. 78 , 79. d Iupiter est quodcunque , vides quoc●nque mov●●s . a Lev. p. 3. &c. & . part . 4. p. 352. &c. b Lev. part . 4. p. 359. to 366. c Athenag . Leg. pro Christian. p. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d H. consid . p. 62.63 . a Lev. p●rt . 2. p. b Ibid. c F.B. Ep. to Humna● . d H. Consid . p. 32 , 33. a S●xr . Emp. Pyr. upp . l. 3. c. 17. p. 13● . b De Corp. pa●t . 2. c. 8. p. 79. c Luke 24 39. d Ign. Ep. ed. Vess . p. 3. e He pref●c●th to th●m by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he said unto them , not adding , to this purpose , a J●st . M●r● . op . p 219. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Plat. Pol. Ed. Fir. p. 182. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Soc● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d More Nerochim , part . 2. c. 6. p. 200. e Arist de An. l. 2. c. 1. f Ar. de Coelo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Mr. H. Cons. p. 37. a Athen. Leg. p. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b Ath. p. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Theoph. Antioch . l 2 p 81. d Obj. & Resp. 3. p. 103. R●●p . ad Obj. 12. M●ro●que m● nullam hacte●●s rectam ●llationem in ●is objectioui●us invenisse . e Tat. Assyr . p. 162. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Eus dem . Evang. l. 3. p. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. g Ath. cont . Sab. gr●g . tom . 1. p. 660. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. h Ap. Sandit interp . Parad. in ● c. 4 . 2● . p. 197. i I●en . l. 3. c. 23. p. 290. a Lib. & Nec . p. 6. b Mr. H. Consid. p. 37 , 38. c Te●tul . de An. c. 7. p. 268. d Tert. advers Herm. c. 35 p. 246. a Hum. Nat. p. 1●8 . b Hum. Nat. p. 135 c Lev. c. 4. p 17. d Obj●ct . 9 p. 100. Subst●ntia est materia subjecta accid●nlibus , & mutationibus . e Lev. c 5. p. 19. f Lev. c. 12 p. 53. g Lev. c. 34. p. 207. h Lev. c. 34. p. 214. a Hum. Na● p. 2. ●● b S●et●n . de 〈◊〉 G●amm●● . p. 23. in M. ● M. T is eni● Caesar 〈…〉 Ve●bis seem●th t●● be●●er ●●●ding . M● . H. ●o●s p 33. d Resp. tertiae p. 94. Sub ratione substantiae vele●iam si lubet , sub ratione materiae nempe Metaphysicae . a Ar. ● . 8. M●t c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b ●nver . Or. 8 l. 3. p. 203. c Vide A●min Ex. Thes. Gom. p. 159. & Goma● . Tom. 3. Disp. 9. d Lev. part . 2. p. 190. e Hum. Nat. p. 132. f Lev. c. 34 p. 208. S. Lev. p. 53. & p. 371. & Hum. Nat. p. 134 & H. cons. p. 31. b Verbi● quidem ponunt rei●sa tollunt Deos . c Hum. Nat. p. 133. Obj. ● . p. 97. Lev. c. 11. p. 51. d More Nev. c. 59. part . 1. p. 98 99. e Lib. nece●● . p. 21. f Isa. 5.3 , 4. g Ezek. 18.25 , 29. h Mr. H. Cons. p. 31. i Hobbii Obj. 5. p. 97 k Obj. 11. p. 10● . l Lev. c. 3. p. 11. a See Lev. c. 4. p. 15. b Ep. to R. before Phylos . E●say . c Plat. Po●●● . p. 1●1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. d Cl●m . Al. Adm. ad G●nt p. 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a De Corp. c. 7. p. ●7 . b De Corp. p. 68. c De Co●p . ib. Sect 2. d Ib c. 8 p. 77. e Ib. p. 79. Sect. 9. f P. 83. Sect. 19. a Ad Ant. l. 2 p. 81. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Te●t . adv . Prax. p. ●03 . a. &c. c Arn. l. 1. p. 17. a Lev. c. 5. p. 21. b Lev. c. 42 p. 268 , 269 c Lev. c. 16. p. 82. d It is pl●in from Lev. p. 210 214 215. that he means not a person by the H. G. but zeal . The voice of God in a dream . Gifts ; the power of God working by causes to us unknown . e Lev. c. 33 ● . 204 , 205 f Lev. p. 266. a Lev. c. 42. p. 26● . b Lev. ● . 41 p. 266. c Ann● 1650. d Lev. p. 238. & H. Cons. p. ●● . e Lev. p. ●61 . c. 45. O● S●viou● was a m●n , whom w● also believe to be G●d imm●r●al . f Sandius in Enuel . H●st Ecc. l. 10. p. 229. g G. Enj●d . cont . Trin. p. 2. a Lev. c. 1● p. 89. b Hebr. 1●5 c M●tth . 3 15 d ●ust . Matt. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 316. & p. 331. e Lev c. 32 p. 195. e De Corp. c. 26. p. 306 , 307. Sect. 1. f De Corp. c. 8. p. 84 Sect. ●0 . g O●j . 10. p. ●01 . h De Corp. p. 84. ib. i Enis . Ded. before six Less . p. 3. k Lev. c. 11. p. 51. l De Corp. c 26. p. 307 m De Corp. c. 26 p. 307 n Hum. Nat. p. 13. Lev. c. 12. ●3 . o Cum i● rerum naturâ duo sint quaerenda , unum , quae materia sit ex quâ quaeque res efficiatur ; alterum , quoe vis sit , quae quidque efficiat ; de materi● disseruerunt Epicurei ; vim & causa● efficiendi reliquerunt p De Corp. p. 307. q ●p Hotting Bib●i-O●ient . p. 10● , 109. r H. Consid . p. 36. s H. Cons. p. 34. t H. Cons. p. 36. u P. 2 9. Sect. 35. Senatus of ●icium est , consilio Civitatem juvare , Magistratus officium est , operâ & diligentiâ consequi voluntatem Senatus . x De Linguâ Lat. l. 4. p. 15. Sect. 14. y Cic. l. 3. de Leg. p. 1●04 . z Cic ▪ a De Verb fig. p. 308. b Tert. adv . Hermog . p. 240. Sect. 19. c Ephes. 2.2 . see Rev. 1.5 . d Lev. p. 89 Man ▪ or Assembly of m●n , having the Sovereignty . e Hugo Grot. de Imp. sum Pot. circae sacra . p. 2. c. 1. f V. de Obj. 5. p. 97 in conclus . g Obj. 10. p 101. De Corp. c. 26. p. 307. Whether we suppose the World to be finite , or infinite , no absurdity w●ll follow . h Mirab. Pecci . p. 8. Laudamusque tu●s , Aeterne G●ometer , A●tes . i Gass. in l 10 Diog. Laert. p. 696. k D. Lower de Motu cordis . p. 2 , 3. l Gass. ubi sup●à . I nunc , & dic ●asu id sactum , quod non potuit sapientius sieri . a De Ho● . c. 1 p 4. b Answ. to Pref. to Gondibert p. 87. c Lev. c. 34 p. 214. d Lev c. 34 p. 207. e Lev. c. 12 p. 53. f Hum. na● . c. 11. p. 13●●39 . g Hum. nat . p. 138. Sect. 5. h Lev. c 34 p. 211 , 212 a Hum. nat . p. 136. b Lev. c. 6. p. 26. a Card. d● vitâ prop. c. 47 p. 262. b Thuan ▪ ad Ann. 1576. p. 136. a Lev. p. 54. b L●v. c. 12. p. 56. c Ibid more at la●ge . d See Thucyd . p. 68 , 77 , 82 , 113 , &c. e H●rod . Clio. p. 39. f Lev. c. 12. p. 59. g Jul. Ap●st . op . p. 181. Epist. 38. a Cent. 2. p. 20 Quart. 51. Le sang du juste á Londres fera faute , Bruslez par foudres de vingt trois les ●tx , &c. b Lev. c. 2 ▪ p. 7. c Dram. Poes . p. 4. d 1 Ja. c 12. e Lev. c. 19 p. 101. a See Episcop . Iust. Th●ol . l 4. c. 2. p. 347. b See Dan. 7 10. Ps. 34 7. Ps. 68.17 . Ps. 91.11 , 12. comp . with Mat. 4.6 . & Luk 4.10 . c Lev. c. 34 p. 212. d Gen. 19. e Lev c. 36 p. 227. f Lev. c. 45. p. 354. g Heb 2.18 . h In delic . Evang. i See Deut. 22 ▪ 8. k Lev. ib. — . No Mo●ntain high enough to shew him one whole Hemisphere a Mr. Mede book 1. s. 37 , 38 , 39. fol. b s. Mat. 8 28 , to 32. c Mat. 1● ▪ 26 ; d Episcop . Inst. Theol. p. 347. e Luk. 24 ▪ 33 , 34. a Act. 12.9 And he went out and followed him , and wist not that it was true which was done by the Angel ; but thought he saw a visiou . b L●v. c. 34 p. 214. ●ev . p. 211 d Col. 1.15 16. e Ephes. 1 ▪ 20 , 21. comp . with Hebr. 1.3 , 4 , &c. to the end . f Col. 1.20 a Crell . com . in Ep. ad Col. p. 528. b Gr●t . in 1. Ephes. 10. Certe ut pleraque Epistolae ad Coloss. cum bâc Epist. congruant , ita & l●cur iste ( Col. 1 . 1● . ) bu●c incem adferre & vicissim ab eo lucem mutuari videtur . c Iren. l. 1. c. 1. p. 16. d Object . 5. p. ●7 . e Credens . elegantly . f Imponimus , elegantly . a Mr. Cowl●y , p. 36 , 37. b Lev. c. 34 p. 210. c Versteg . Ant. & Prop. of the Anc. English Tongue , p. 220. d Mr. H. S●gmai . p. 14. a Concl●s . of Mr. H. of lib. & necess . p. 80 Notes for div A64353-e20660 b Leviat : cap. 46. p. 373. Soul or Life . c Lev. p. 29 d Lev. p. 1. a Obj. 4. p. 96. b Leviat . c. 44. pag. 339 , 340. a See Maimon . more , Nev. pa. 1. c. 41. pag. 59. b Psalm 105.22 . & Psal. 27 1● . See Ier. 8.15 . Iudg. 1.10.16 , &c. c Lev. c. 44 p. 340. d Mat. 10.28 . a Lev. p. 3● b Ar. de An. l. 3. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c A Leyde , 1637. la Diopt. p. 5 , &c. les Meteor . Disc. prem . p. 161 162. d Hum. nat . p. 11 , &c. a Meteor ▪ c. 8. p. 28● . to 285. b De A● . l. 3. c. 8. a De corp . c. 25. pag. 292. c De corp . p. ●93 . a Lev. p. 3. b Se● de Corp. p. 15 ▪ Lev. p. 4. c De Corp. c. 8. Art. 10. & also p. 150. de Corp. a Hum. nat p. ●4 . The Interior Coat of the Eye is nothing else , but a piece of the Optick-nerve ; & therefore the Motion is still thereby continued into the Brain ; & by resistance or re-action o● the Brain , is also a rebound into the Optick ▪ nerve again , which we not conceiving it as such , call Light. b Hum. ●at . p. 13. a De corp . c. 25. p. 290. a De corp . c. 25. p. 291. S. 1. a Lev. p. 10 a Raim . Mart. pug ▪ ●idei . par . 1 c. 4. p. 165 Ipsu ●sse illum quoque nunc , qui fuit tunc , est ●ir●nissima mentis ejus conceptio : bujusmodi ergo essentia ejus non est complexio , quae ab ill● tempore forsitan est plus quam millesies permutata . b De Corp. c. 25 S. 10 p. 301. b Ibid ad init . c Hum. nat . c. 7. p. 69. d Lev. p. 25 ● . 6. a Medit. 6. p. 36. a Hum. nat . p. 48 , 49. a Ep. ded . before 6. Less . p. 4. D. W's . Treatises de Aug. Cont & Arith Infin I have in two or three leaves wholly and clearly con●uted . b Mr. H. Consid. p. 60. c O●j . 4. p. 96. a Hum. nat . p. 49. b Lev. c. 5. p. 18. c Resp. 3. p. 96. d Lev. c. 4. p. 16. g Hum. nat . p. 46. a Lev. p. 12 in the end , & p. 14. b Ep. ded . bef . ● Less . a Libert . & Nece . p. 61 b Phil. nat : p. 478. c I. Lyps . Phys. Stoi . l. 1. p. 28. a Libert . & Necess . p. 17 , 18. b Liber . & Nec . p. 61 , & 62. a Bishop Taylor 's Fun. Ser. on Bishop Bramhall , p. 55 , 56. b Liber . & Necess . p. 5. a Lib. & Nec . p. 64. b See Hu. Nat. p. 124 a Lib. & Ne● . p. 16. b Lib. & Nec . p. 15. c Eev . c. 21 p. 108. a Liber . & Nec . p. 24. b Hi Cons. p. 46 , 47. Nor can the clamor of my Adversaries make me think my self , a worse Christian than the best of them . a Quis non clame● stultum esse praecep●ta dare ei , c●i librum non est quod pracipitur facere . Et iniquum esse ●um damnare , cui n●n fuit potestas jussa complere ? b Lev. cap. 21. p. 108. a Lev. ib. b See Heinsii . Exer. Sac. p. 227 c 6 Less . p. 64. a L. & N. p. 22.23 . b See Lev. p. 108. a Suidas in Nicon . b Lib. Nec . p. 66. c Lib. Nec . p. 41 , 42. d Lib. & Nec . p. 27 , 28. e See Lib. & Necess . p. 42. f See L. & Nec . p. 17. a Lib. & N. p. 71 , 72. b Lib. & Nec . p. 29. c L. & N. p. 30. * Mosaic . & Roman . Leg. Collat. Tit. 12. p. 37. a L. i. ff . s● Quadrup . S. 1. b Lib. & Nec . p. 30. * See Descartes in 2. vol. Epist. lat . p. 6 , 7. &c. c Lib. & Nec . p. 10 , 11 , 12. a Lib. & Nec . p. 48. b L. & N. p. 34. c Lev. c. 21. p. ●08 . a Lib. & Nec . p. 79 , 80. a Lib. & Nec . p. 16. a Lib. & Ne , 72 , 73. a L. & N. p. 16. b Leviath . p. 108. a Lib. & Nec . p. 73. b L. & N. p. 76 , 77. a Leviath . c. 6. p. 2● . a Leviath . c. 14. p. 64. b De Cive . c. 1. p. 11. Iuris naturalis fundamentum primum est , ut quisque vitum & membra sua , quantum potest tueatur . * Leviat : p. 64. they that speak of this Subject use to con●ound Ius and Lex . c Lauren. Vall. Elegant . l. 4. c. 48. p. a Lev c. 15 p. 80. lin . 8 &c. b Ibid. line 17 , &c. c De Cive . p. 11. fertur unusquisque &c. d Leviath . c. 13 p. 62. a Lev. c. 13 p. 60 , to 63. more at large . a Dr. Rs. Pref. to Sir F. B. nat . Hist. a Leviath . c. 22. p. 121 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Cicero de Offic. l. 1. S. 17. op p. 1217. Principium urbis & quasi Seminarium Reipublicae . d ●ucret . Crescebant uteri terrae radicibus apti , &c. a Gassend . Phil. Epi● . Synt. c. 26. de Orig. Juris , p 238 , 239. b Leviath . c. 13. p. 63. c Iust. Hist. l. 2 : p. 18 , 19. a See Martyr . Legat. Babylon . l. 3. p. 81. b De Cive . c. 1. p. 14. c Ibid. Potestas , not potentia . a Leviath . p. 63. b See Lev : p. 110. c Vide Grotij Prolegom . d Si qua foret tellus quae fulvum mitt●●●t aurum bos●is erat . e Lev. c. 20 p. 105. a De Cive . c. 14. pag. 250. a Ap. Sim. plic . Com. in Epictet . Ench. pag. 200. Ed. Cant. b De Cive . c. 1. p● 13. in Annot. c De Cive . p. 14. d 25 Hen. 8. c. 6.5 . Eliz. c. 17. a Cibisogna essere spet●atori dell ' altrui morte , O spettacolo delta nostra . a Ael●l . 6. var. Hist. ap . Grot. de Iur. bel . & pa. p. 464. a Leviath . p. 18 , 19. b See L●v. p. 79 , 80. a Aristo● . de mor. l. 5 c. 10. p. 84 b Liber . & Nec . p. 24. c Ib. p. 22. d Ib. p. 42. e Curcell . de Iure Dei in Creat . innocent . p. 5. &c. f Ap. Grot. de Iu. bel . in Prolog . a See Hum. Nat. p. 89. b Wisd. 2 . 2-3 10.11 c ●ee de Civ● . c. 2-3 . p. 18 , 36. and Lev. c. 14 , 15. p. 64 , &c. d Lev. p 78 e Lev. p. 79 a Lev. p. 61. a Lord Bacon in H. 7. p. 13. b Lev. p. 73 a 1652. P. 31. cited by the Learned A. of the F. D. in Append. p. 123 ▪ Those Christians who lived under the Heathenish Emperours , but wanted strength to defend themselves , were by that Precept ( Rom. 13.1 . ) obliged to sit still and to endeavour nothing against those that had the sword in their hands , &c. a Mr. Cowley in his Disc. of O. C. p. 59. b ● . Consid . p. 12. c Th. White of Obed. and Govern. 17. ground p. 144. &c. to 156. second Edit . published London 1655. a O. B. life of Bishop Fisher , published the same year with Mr. Whites Book London , p. 260 , &c. b H. Cons. p. 18.19 . c H. Consid. p. 11.12 . d Bp. T. Fun. ser. p. 49-50 . a H. Con. p. 43-44 . b Lev. c. 21. p. 114. c Lev. p. 385. d Members secluded , Feb. 1. 1648. Lords voted down , Feb. 6. 1648. Lev ▪ pub . Lo● . 1651. a Lev. p. 9. b H. Cons. p. 19. a Lev. p. 390. b De Civ . l. 1. c. 1 p. 12. Sect. 9. c Lev. p. 48. a Memoires of Q. E. p. 53. b Lev. p. 89 See p. 87. c Lev. p. 85 a H. Co● . p. 7. b Ep ▪ ded . Be● . d● Corpore . c Six Less . p. 56. d Thucyd. l 6. p. 467. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e Lev p. 392. Review● f Six Less . p. 62. g Ep. ded . bes . Lev. a Lev. p ▪ 105. b Lev. p. 108.109 . c ibid. & Lev. p. 90. ●82 . d Lev. p. 128. see p. 169. e Lev. p. 95. f Lev. p. 137.169 . g Lev. p. 143. c. 26. h Lev. p. 24. i Lib. & Nec . p. 29. k L●v. p. 91 l Leviath . p. 119 c 33 a Lev. p. 102. b Lev. p. 241. c Lev. p 90 De Cive , c. d Lev. p. 159. e Lev. p. 111 , 112-113 See p. 69 o● Lev. and L. S. Natur●s Dowry in Append. to F.D. p. 54 a Dr. Hey●ins Hist. of the Reform . in Q. M. p. 30 b Lev. p. 200.201 . at large . a Lev. p. 202. b Lev. ● 203. See Lev. 284. c 4 E●d . c. 14.21 , &c. d Dan. ● . 11 , 1● , 1● . e De Sc●●p . Eccles. p. 22. f Lev. p. ●99 . g See ●●otting . Thes. Philolog . p. 2●1 , &c. h See Dr. Light-foot's Horae Hebr . in S. Marc. p. 49 , 50. a See Vo●sin in Proem . Pug. fid . p. 103. b Lev. p. 199. c. 33. c Lev. p. ●03 , 204. a Bin ▪ Conc. tom . 3. p. 663. b Dr. H●m . Conc. Ign●t . Ep. p. 4. c Tert. adv . Marc. l 4. p. 415. d Ter● . ●b . p. 14. B. a Vide Bisciol . Epit. Annal . Bar. p. 137. Tradit . ingens numerus ; sed propè insi●irus ill●rum , qui mortem potius , &c. b Jul. Apost . Epist. p. 195. c Lev. p. ●04 . c Lev. c. 42 p. 284 285 d Lev. p. 285. a G●l . 5. ● , ● . b Deut. 18.15.18 . comp . with . Acts 3.22 , &c. c Nemo separatim Deos habesci● . d 1 Cor. 6.9 Ephes. 5.5 1 Cor. 10.7 e Acts 17.30 , 31. a Leviath . p 285. b Heb 5.9 . c S Luke 16.18 . d See Lev. p. 286. e Ibid. a Lev. p. 285. b See in the end of that page , and p. 286. c Lev. p. 171. d Lev. p. 267. a 2 Chron. 26.18 , 19 , &c. b Lev. p. 125. c Lev. p. 297. d Stigm●●● p. 18. a See Just weights & meas . p. 25. a Lev. ● . 285. John 3.36 John 3.18 b S. Marc. 16.15.16 . c Heb. 4.11 . &c. a Lev. c. 42. p. 286. b John 1● ▪ 45.48 . ●0 ▪ c Mat. 28.18 . d 1 Pet. 3● 〈…〉 e Lev. p. 27● . a Lev c. 27. p. 152. b L viath . p. 114. a Heb. 11.23 . b V. 35. c S. Mat. 2 ● &c. d Ta●ian . p 144. e O●ig . 〈◊〉 Cels. l 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Lev. c. 45. p. 362. a Lev. p. 192. b Lev. c. 42. p 271. c Ibid. d Ibid. e Ib●d . 2 Kings 5.17 . f John 12●42 , 43. g Rom. 10.9 , 10. * Episcop . Resp. ad 64. Quaest. p 59 , 60. h Lev. p. ●71 . i Ibid. a S. Mat. 10.23 , 24 , 25. b Vers. 20. c Vers. 27. d Vers. 28. e Verse● 29 , 30 , 31. f Verses 32 , 33. g Lev. p. 271 , 272. g Lev. p. 272. a Lev. p. 54. b See Mr. Mede's works , p. 944. c See Scal. de Em. Temp. Proleg . p. 18. d Lev. p. 272. a Acts ● . 19. b Lev. p. 321 , c. 43. c Lev. p. 322. d Ibid. Sect. 3. e Lev. p. 324. f Lev. p. ●30 . g Lev. p. 331. b Lev. p. 238. a Lev. p. 272. c. 42. ● & p. 273. b Lev. p. 238. c. 38. a Lev. p. 345. b Leviath . p. 242 , 243 c Lev. p. 345. Sect. 1 d St. Mat. 25 last . e Lev. p. 345. Sect. last . f Lev. p. 245. c. 3● . g S. Mark 9.44 . h S. Matt. 5 25 , 26. i Rev. 20.10 . k Lev. p. 345. a Lev. p. 187. b De Cive c. 4 p. 69. Sect. 9. c Lev. p. 242. d Lev. p. 345 , 346. a Lev. p. 244. b See Dr. B's Pseud. Epid. p. 374. & ● c Of Ninus against the Bactrians consisting of 700000 Foot , 200000 Ho●se , 10600 Cha●i●●● Of Semira●is agai●st the Indians , of 1300000 Foot , 500000 Horse , 100●00 Chariots : Of Staurobates against her , consisting of a greater number . c Lev. ● . 244. d Leviath . p. 244. ●ect . 1. See Lev. p. 213. a Lev. p. 244. See p. 243. b Lev. p. 332. c Grotius in Apoc. 14.13 . d Psal. 49.11 ▪ e Lev. p. 241. f Lev p. 344. a Pococ● in no● . in Doct. Moy● . p. 149. b Rev. 14 ▪ 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jam nunc . Grot. i● loc . c Lev. p. 343 , 344. a Raimund Pug. Fid. p. 155. a Lxx ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b Lev. p ▪ 344. c Lev. p. 344. d Lev. p. ●38 . a Psal. 88.5 . b Lev. p. 241. c Truth springing out of the Earth , p. 209 See Job 7. ●,10 . d Lev. p. 339. a Lev. c. 35. p. 216. b Lev. p. 240. See more to this purpose , in this page . c Matt. 4. ●7 . See Matt. 12. ●8 . d St. John 3 5. e Joh. 12.13 . f Luk. 17.20 , 21. g ' Ev 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luk. 1.28 . Inter Mulier . h Lev. p. 341 , 342. a Lev. p. 342. * St. Hieron . in Esai . c. 24. p. 102. Caro & sanguis reg . Dei non possidebunt . Non quod , secundum haeriticos , dispereat natura corporum , sed quod corruptivum hoc induat incorruptionem , &c. b Athenag . p. 35. a Matt. 5.12 . b Matt. 6.19 , 20 , 21. and Luke 12.33 . c Joh. 14.1 , 2 , 3. d 2 Cor. 5.1 . e Col. 1.5 . f 1 Thess. 41.6 , 17. g Heb. 10.34 . h Joh. 3.13 . Lev. p. 240 , 241. i Psal. 16.10 . k Luk. ●0 . ●3 , 38. a Vorst . in Rom. 9 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hoc es● . feci ut restares , vel superesles . sec. Hebr. itaque sensus est , Nolui ●● exscindere , sed potius reservare . b Lev. p. 239. c Lev. p. 345. b Lev. p. 246. a 1 Cor. 15.55 , 56. b Mr. Carver of the scituation of the terrestrial Pa●adise . c Lev. p. 239. d L●v. It. a Lev. p. 239. b Heb. 11 10 , to 16. c Gal. 4.25 , 26. d See Heb. 1.12 , to 258. e Rev. 21.24 . f Rev. 20.7 , 8 , 9. g M. Medes in Clav. Apoc. par . 2. p. 534.5 . b Lev. p. 246 ▪ 247 , c. 38. a See 2. Chron. 28.9.16 , 17. &c. b Luk. 24.47 . Rep. & rem . to be preached to all — beginning at Jerusalem Acts 13.46 . — the word first spoken to you — a An Imitation of his conclus of Stigmal , p. 31. 
A67135	----	Reflections upon ancient and modern learning by William Wotton ... Wotton, William, 1666-1727. 1694 Approx. 489 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 196 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A67135 Wing W3658 ESTC R32928 12784145 ocm 12784145 93870 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67135) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93870) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1538:24) Reflections upon ancient and modern learning by William Wotton ... Wotton, William, 1666-1727. [32], 359 p. Printed by J. Leake for Peter Buck ..., London : MDCXCIV [1694] Errata: p. [32] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Includes bibliographical references. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Learning and scholarship. Philosophy -- History. 2004-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REFLECTIONS UPON Ancient and Modern LEARNING . By WILLIAM WOTTON , B. D. Chaplain to the Right Honourable the EARL of NOTTINGHAM . LONDON , Printed by J. Leake , for Peter Buck , at the Sign of the Temple , near the Inner-Temple-Gate , in Fleet-street , MDCXCIV . TO THE Right Honourable DANIEL Earl of NOTTINGHAM , Baron FINCH of DAVENTRY . May it please Your Lordship , SInce I am , upon many Accounts , obliged to lay the Studies and Labours of my Life at Your Lordship's Feet , it will not , I hope , be thought Presumption in me to make this following Address , which , on my Part , is an Act of Duty . I could not omit so fair an Opportunity of declaring how sensible I am of the Honour of being under Your Lordship's Patronage . The Pleasure of telling the World that one is raised by Men who are truly Great and Good , works too powerfully to be smothered in the Breast of him that feels it ; especially since a Man is rarely censured for shewing it , but is rather commended for gratifying such an Inclination , when he thankfully publishes to whom he is indebted for all the Comforts and Felicities of his Life . But Your Lordship has another Right to these Papers , which is equal to that of their being mine : The Matter it self directs me to Your Lordship as the proper Patron of the Cause , as well as of its Advocate . Those that enquire whether there is such a Spirit now in the World as animated the greatest Examples of Antiquity , must seek for living Instances , as well as abstracted Arguments ; and those they must take care to produce to the best Advantage , if they expect to convince the World that they have found what they sought for . This therefore being the Subject of this following Enquiry , it seemed necessary to urge the strongest Arguments first , and to prepossess the World in favour of my Cause , by this Dedication . For those that consider that the Vertues which make up a great Character , such as Magnanimity , Capacity for the highest Employments , Depth of Judgment , Sagacity , Elocution , and Fidelity , are united in as eminent a Degree in Your Lordship , as they are found asunder in the true Characters of the Ancient Worthies ; that all this is rendred yet more Illustrious by Your Exemplary Piety and Concern for the Church of England , and Your Zeal for the Rights and Honour of the English Monarchy ; and last of all , that these Vertues do so constantly descend from Father to Son in Your Lordship's Family , that its Collateral Branches are esteemed Publick Blessings to their Age and Country ; will readily confess that the World does still improve , and will go no further than Your Lordship , to silence all that shall be so hardy as to dispute it . Justice therefore , as well as Gratitude , oblige me to present these Papers to Your Lordship : Though , since I have taken the Freedom , in several Particulars , to dissent from a Gentleman , whose Writings have been very kindly received in the World , I am bound to declare , that the chief Reason of this Address was , to let the World see , that I have a Right to subscribe my self , May it please Your Lordship , Your Lordship 's Most Obliged , And Most Dutiful Servant and Chaplain , WILLIAM WOTTON . PREFACE . THE Argument of these following Papers seems , in a great Measure , to be so very remote from that holy Profession , and from those Studies , to which I am , in a more particular Manner , obliged to dedicate my self , that it may , perhaps , be expected that I should give some Account of the Reasons which engaged me to set about it . In the first Place therefore , I imagined , that if the several Boundaries of Ancient and Modern Learning were once impartially stated , Men would better know what were still unfinished , and what were , in a manner , perfect ; and consequently , what deserved the greatest Application , upon the Score of its being imperfect : Which might be a good Inducement to set those Men , who , having a great Genius , find also in themselves an Inclination to promote Learning , upon Subjects wherein they might , probably , meet with Success answerable to their Endeavours : By which Means , Knowledge , in all its Parts , might at last be compleated . I believed likewise , that this might insensibly lead Men to follow such , and only such , for their Guides , as they could confide in for the ablest and best in those several Kinds of Learning to which they intended to apply their Thoughts . He that believes the Ancient Greeks and Romans to have been the greatest Masters of the Art of Writing that have ever yet appeared , will read them as his Instructors , will copy after them , will strive to imitate their Beauties , and form his Stile after their Models , if he proposes to himself to be excellent in that Art himself : All which Things will be neglected , and he will content himself to read them in their Translations , to furnish his Mind with Topicks of Discourse , and to have a general Notion of what these Ancient Authors say , if he thinks he may be equally excellent a nearer Way . To read Greek and Latin with Ease , is a Thing not soon learnt : The Languages are too much out of the common Road ; and the Turn which the Greeks and Latins gave to all their Thoughts , cannot be resembled by what we ordinarily meet with in Modern Languages ; which makes them tedious , till mastered by Use. So that constant Reading of the most perfect Modern Books , which does not go jointly on with the Ancients , in their Turns , will , by bringing the Ancients into Dis-use , cause the Learning of the next Generation to sink ; by reason that they , not drawing from those Springs from whence these excellent Moderns drew , whom they only propose to follow , nor taking those Measures which these Men took , must , for want of that Foundation which these their Modern Guides first carefully laid , fail in no long Compass of Time. Yet , on the other Hand , if Men who are unacquainted with these Things , should find every Thing to be commended because it is oldest , not because it is best ; and afterwards should perceive that in many material and very curious Parts of Learning , the Ancients were , comparatively speaking , grosly ignorant , it would make them suspect that in all other Things also they were equally deficient ; grounding their general Conclusion upon this very common , though erroneous , Principle , that because a Man is in an Errour in those Things whereof we can judge , therefore he must be equally mistaken in those Things where we cannot . Now , this Extream can be no Way more easily avoided , than by stating the due Limits of Ancient and Modern Learning ; and shewing , in every Particular , to which we ought to give the Pre-eminence . But I had another , and a more powerful Reason , to move me to consider this Subject ; and that was , that I did believe it might be some way subservient to Religion it self . Among all the Hypotheses of those who would destroy our most holy Faith , none is so plausible as that of the Eternity of the World. The fabulous Histories of the Egyptians , Chaldeans and Chineses seem to countenance that Assertion . The seeming Easiness of solving all Difficulties that occurr , by pretending that sweeping Floods , or general and successive Invasions of Barbarous Enemies , may have , by Turns , destroyed all the Records of the World , till within these last Five or Six Thousand Years , makes it very amiable to those whose Interest it is , that the Christian Religion should be but an empty Form of Words , and yet cannot swallow the Epicurean Whimfies of Chance and Accident . Now the Notion of the Eternity of Mankind , through infinite successive Generations of Men , cannot be at once more effectually and more popularly confuted , than by shewing how the World has gone on , from Age to Age , improving ; and consequently , that it is at present much more knowing than it ever was since the earliest Times to which History can carry us . But upon Examination of this Question , several Difficulties appeared , which were carefully to be removed . The greatest was , That some Sciences and Arts , of a very compounded Nature , seem really to have been more perfect anciently than they are at present ; which did , as it were , directly overthrow my Position . Therefore I was obliged , first , to enquire whether the Thing were true in Fact , or not : Next , If true , whether it proceeded from a particular Force of Genius , or from the Concurrence of some accidental Circumstances ; and also , whether , in Case such Circumstances did concurr , in other Things , where those Accidents could have no Place , the Moderns did not out-do the Ancients so much , as , allowing the World to be no older than the Mosaical Account , it was reasonably to be expected that they should . For then , if all these Questions could be satisfactorily resolved , the Objection would be no Objection at all ; and Mankind might still be supposed to improve , even though in some Particulars they should go back , and fall short of the Perfection which once they had . There is no Question but these Excellencies of the Ancients might be accounted for , without hurting the Account given by Moses , by resolving them into a particular Force of Genius , evidently discernable in former Ages , but extinct long since . But this seemed to be of very ill Consequence , since it did , as it were , suppose that Nature were now worn out , and spent ; and so might tempt a Libertine to think that Men , like Mushrooms , sprung out of the Earth when it was fresh and vigorous , impregnated with proper Seminal Atoms , now , of many Ages , no longer seen . When nothing therefore seemed so likely to take off the Force of the main Objection , as the finding of particular Circumstances which might suit with those Ages that did exceed ours , and with those Things wherein they did exceed them , and with no other Age nor Thing besides ; I did at last please my self , that I had found these Circumstances ; and in setting them down , I took Care , neither to be deceived my self , nor ( as I hope ) to deceive any Body else . But what shall be said to those numerous Deluges , which , no Body knows how many Ages before that of Noah , or before one another , are said to have carried away all Mankind , except here and there a Couple of ignorant Salvages , who got to some high Mountain , and from thence afterwards replenished the Earth ? This Hypothesis ( as these Men call it ) is so very precarious , that there needs nothing to be replied , but only that it is as easily dis-proved by denying , as affirmed by asserting , since no Records nor Traditions of the Memory of the Facts are pretended ; and something easier , because it may be demonstrably proved , that a general Flood cannot be effected without a Miracle . Now , partial Deluges are not sufficient : If one Country be destroyed , another is preserved ; and if the People of that Country have Learning among them , they will also have a Tradition , that it once was in the other Countries too , which are now dis-peopled . Upwards of the Age of Hippocrates , Knowledge may be traced to its several Sources : But of any great Matters done before Moses , there are no sort of Foot-steps remaining , which do not , by their Contradictions , betray their Falshood ; setting those aside which Moses himself has preserved . There is Reason to suppose that Invasions of Barbarous Enemies were anciently of the same Nature , as they have been since ; that is , they might possibly make entire Conquests of the Countries which were so invaded ; but we cannot suppose that any of these pretended Ante-Mosaical Conquests , of which we are now speaking , made a greater Alteration than that which the Goths and Vandals made in the Roman Empire ; that which the Saracens first , and the Turks afterwards made in the Greek ; or that of the Tartars in China . The Goths and Vandals had no Learning of their own ; and if we consider Politeness of Manners , and nothing else , they seem truly to have deserved the Name of Barbarous : They therefore took some of the Roman Learning , as much as they thought was for their Turn , the Memory whereof can never be said to have been quite extinct during the whole Course of those ignorant Ages , which succeeded , and were the Effects of their Conquests . The Saxons in England , being taught by the British Refugees , who planted themselves in Ireland , and from thence , by the Way of Scotland ▪ came by degrees back again into their own Country , had as much , if not more Learning than any of their Europaean Neighbours . The Saracens applied themselves to Learning in earnest , as soon as the Rage of their first Wars was over ; and resolving to make theirs a compleat Conquest , robbed the Greeks of their Knowledge as soon as they had possessed themselves of the most valuable Parts of their Empire . The Turks learnt enough , not to be thought illiterate , though less proportionably than any of the forementioned Conquerors : They can write and read ; they preserve some rude Annals of their own Exploits , and general Memorials , it matters not how imperfect , of precedent Times : And they lose none of the Mechanical Arts which they found in the Countries where they came , since they either work themselves , or employ others that shall ; which , to the present Purpose , is all a case . The Tartars have , since their Conquest , incorporated themselves with the Chineses , and are now become one People , only preserving the Authority still in their own Hands . In all these Instances one may observe , that how barbarous soever these several Conquerors were when first they came into a Civilized Country , they , in Time , learnt so much at least of the Arts and Sciences of the People whom they had subdued , as served them for the necessary Uses of Life ; and thought it not beneath them to be instructed by those to whom they gave Laws . Wherefore there is Reason to believe , that since Mankind has always been of the same Make , former Conquests would have produced the same Effects , as we see later ones have done . In short , We cannot say that ever any one Invention of Universal Use has been laid aside , unless some other of greater , and more general Use has come in the Room of it , or the Conquerors took it away , for some Political Reason , either letting it totally die , or supplying it with something else , which to them seemed a valuable Equivalent . Have any of these Conquerors , since Tubal-Cain's Time , once suffered the Use of Metals , Iron for Instance , or Gold , to be lost in the World ? Have Letters been ever lost , since the Time of that first Cadmus , whoever he was , that found them out ? Or was Mankind ever put to the Trouble of inventing them a second Time ? Have the Arts of Planting , of Weaving , or of Building , been at any Time intermitted ? Does any Man believe that the Use of the Load-Stone will ever be forgotten ? Are the Turks so barbarous , or so spightful to themselves , that they will not use Gun-powder , because it was taught them by Christians ? Does not Garçilasso de la Vega inform us , that the Peruvians would have worshipped the Spaniards as Gods , if their Cruelties had not soon led these harmless People to take them to be something else , because they taught them the Use of Iron and Looking-Glasses ? ( Whence we may be sure that this innocent and honest Nation never had Learning amongst them before . ) Do not we find that they and the Mexicans , in a Compass of Four or Five Hundred Years , which is the utmost Period of the Duration of either of their Empires , went on still improving ? As the whole New World would , probably , have done in not many Ages , if these two mighty Nations had extended their Conquests , or if new Empires had arisen , even though the Spaniards had never come among them ; since those two Empires of Mexico and Peru , which were the only considerable Civilized Governments in America , got constant Ground of their Enemies ; having the same Advantages over them , as formed Troops have over a loose Militia . Or can we think that they would again have relapsed to their old Barbarity of themselves , when once they had been weary of those Arts , and of that Learning ( such as it was ) which then they had ? Mankind is not so stupid a Thing , but if they do at any Time find out what may do them great and eminent Service , they will learn it , and make use of it , without enquiring who it is they learn it of , or taking a Prejudice at the Thing , because , perhaps , they may be indebted to an Enemy for it . Barbarous and Polite are Words which rather referr to Matters of Breeding and Elegance , than of Sound Judgment , or Common Sense ; which first shew themselves in making Provision for Things of Convenience , and evident Interest , wherein Men scarce ever commit palpable Mistakes . So that it seems unaccountable that the History of Learning and Arts should be of so confessedly late a Date , if the Things themselves had been very many Ages older ; much more if the World had been Eternal . Besides these , I had a Third Reason to engage me to this Undertaking ; which was , the Pleasure and Usefulness of those Studies to which it necessarily led me : For Discoveries are most talked of in the Mechanical Philosophy , which has been but lately revived in the World. Its Professors had drawn in to it the whole Knowledge of Nature , which , in an Age wherein Natural Religion is denied by many , and Revealed Religion by very many more , seemed highly important to be so far known at least , as that the Invisible Things of the Godhead may be clearly proved by the Things that are seen in the World. Wherefore I thought it might be Labour exceeding well spent , if , whilst I enquired into what was anciently known , and what is a new Discovery , I should at the same Time furnish my Mind with new Occasions of admiring the boundless Wisdom and Bounty of that Almighty and Beneficent Essence , in and by whom alone this whole Universe , with all its Parts , live , and move , and have their Being . I had also a fresh Inducement to this Search , when I found to how excellent purpose my most learned and worthy Friend , Mr. Bentley , has , in his late Discourses against Atheism , shewn what admirable Use may be made of an accurate Search into Nature , thereby to lead us directly up to its Author , so as to leave the unbelieving World without Excuse . But , after all that I have alledged for my self , I must acknowledge , that I soon found that I did not enough consider Quid valeant humeri , aut quid ferre recusent . The Subject was too vast for any one Man , much more for me , to think to do it Justice ; and therefore , as soon as I had drawn up a rude Scheme of the Work , I intended to have given it over , if the importunate Sollicitations of my very ingenious Friend , Anthony Hammond , Esq had not at last prevailed upon me to try what might be said upon it : And it was so difficult a Thing to me to refuse what was so earnestly pressed by a Person who was so very dear to me , and which in the present Case was a great deal more ; one , for whose Sence and Judgment , all that know him have so very particular a Regard , that I resolved at last , rather to hazard my own Reputation , than to deny his Request ; especially , since I hoped that it might , perhaps , give some Body else an Opportunity to compleat that , of which this Treatise is a very imperfect Essay . I hope I need make no Apology , that a great Part of this Discourse may seem too Polemical for a Writing of this kind : But that could not be avoided , because the Argument it self has been so much debated . The ablest Men of the two opposite Parties are , Sir William Temple , and Monsieur Perrault : They are too great Men , and their Writings are too well known , and too much valued , to be over-looked . They cloath their Thoughts in so engaging a Dress , that a Man is tempted to receive all they say , without Examination ; and therefore I was afraid that I might have been accused of betraying my Cause , if , whilst I endeavoured to act the Part of a Mediator , and to give to every Side its just due , I had omitted what these two elegant Advocates had severally alledged for their respective Hypotheses . What Censure the World will pass upon my Performance , I know not ; only I am willing to think that those who shall not agree to what I say , will grant that I have represented the Opinions of other Men with Impartiality and Candour , and that I have not discovered any Bigottry or Inclination to any one particular Side ; which will be a good Step to make them believe , that I shall not obstinately defend any one Position , which may hereafter be proved to be erroneous . June 11. 1694. CONTENTS . Chap. 1. GEneral Reflections upon the State of the Question , p. 1 Chap. 2. Of the Moral and Political Knowledge of the Ancients and Moderns , p. 11 Chap. 3. Of Ancient and Modern Eloquence and Poesie , p. 20 Chap. 4. Reflections upon Monsieur Perrault 's Hypothesis , That Modern Orators and Poets are more excellent than Ancient , p. 45 Chap. 5. Of Ancient and Modern Grammar , p. 55 Chap. 6. Of Ancient and Modern Architecture , Statuary , and Painting , p. 61 Chap. 7. General Reflections relating to the following Chapters : With an Account of Sir William Temple 's Hypothesis of the History of Learning , p. 77 Chap. 8. Of the Learning of Pythagoras , and the most Ancient Philosophers of Greece , p. 91 Chap. 9. Of the History and Mathematicks of the Ancient Egyptians , p. 103 Chap. 10. Of the Natural Philosophy , Medicine and Alchemy of the Ancient Egyptians , p. 116 Chap. 11. Of the Learning of the Ancient Chaldeans and Arabians , p. 136 Chap. 12. Of the Learning of the Chineses , p. 144 Chap. 13. Of the Logick and Metaphysicks of the Ancient Greeks , p. 154 Chap. 14. Of Ancient and Modern Geometry and Arithmetick , p. 159 Chap. 15. Of several Instruments invented by the Moderns , which have helped to advance Learning , p. 169 Chap. 16. Of Ancient and Modern Chymistry , p. 183 Chap. 17. Of Ancient and Modern Anatomy , p. 190 Chap. 18. Of the Circulation of the Blood , p. 206 Chap. 19. Further Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Anatomy , p. 218 Chap. 20. Of Ancient and Modern Natural Histories of Elementary Bodies and Minerals , p. 238 Chap. 21. Of Ancient and Modern Histories of Plants , p. 252 Chap. 22. Of Ancient and Modern Histories of Animals , p. 263 Chap. 23. Of Ancient and Modern Astronomy , and Opticks , p. 275 Chap. 24. Of Ancient and Modern Musick , p. 282 Chap. 25. Of Ancient and Modern Physick , p. 289 Chap. 26. Of Ancient and Modern Natural Philosophy , p. 299 Chap. 27. Of the Philological Learning of the Moderns , p. 310 Chap. 28. Of the Theological Learning of the Moderns , p. 322 Chap. 29. Reflections upon the Reasons of the Decay of Modern Learning , assigned by Sir William Temple , p. 342 ADVERTISEMENT . ☞ THE Reader is desired to take Notice , that the Second Edition of Sir William Temple's Essay is quoted every where in this Book ; but that all the Citations are also to be found in the Third Edition , which was Corrected and Enlarged by the Author . ERRATA . PAg. 90. lin . 5. r. Accounts . p. 94 , 95. r. Van Dalen . p. 122. l. 5. r. exurere . p. 145. l. ult . for Mechanicks , r. Mathematicks . p. 146. l. 3. r. Verbiest . p. 164. l. 26. r. Van Heuraet . p. 176. l. 24. r. Limb. p. 280. l. 22. r. Ellipse . p. 271. l. 3. r. could . p. 312. l. 2. r. when we . p. 314. l. 26. for Letter , r. Discourse . p. 315. l. 13. for it is , r. they are . REFLECTIONS UPON Ancient and Modern LEARNING . CHAP. 1. General Reflections upon the State of the Question . THE present State of the Designs and Studies of Mankind is so very different from what it was 150 Years ago , that it is no Wonder if Men's Notions concerning them vary as much as the Things themselves . This great Difference arises from the Desire which every Man has , who believes that he can do greater Things than his Neighbours , of letting them see how much he does excel them : This will oblige him to omit no Opportunity that offers it self to do it , and afterwards to express his Satisfaction that he has done it . This is not only visible in particular Persons , but in the several Ages of Mankind , which are only Communities of particular Persons , living at the same time , as often as their Humours , or their Interests , lead them to pursue the same Methods . This Emulation equally shews it self , whatsoever the Subject be , about which it is employed ; whether it be about Matters of Trade , or War , or Learning , it is all one : One Nation will strive to out-do another , and so will one Age too , when several Nations agree in the pursuit of the same Design ; only the Jealousie is not so great in the Contest for Learning , as it is in that for Riches and Power ; because these are Things which every several People strive to ingross all to themselves , so that it is impossible for bordering Nations to suffer with any Patience that their Neighbours should grow as great as they in either of them , to their own prejudice ; though they will all agree in raising the Credit of the Age they live in upon that Account , that being the only Thing wherein their Interests do perfectly unite . If this Way of Reasoning will bold , it may be asked how it comes to pass , that the Learned Men of the last Age did not pretend that they out-did the Ancients , as well as some do now ? They would , without question , could they have had any Colour for it : It was the Work of one Age to remove the Rubbish , and to clear the Way for future Inventors . Men seldom strive for Mastery , where the Superiority is not in some sort disputable ; then it is that they begin to strive ; accordingly , as soon as there was a fair Pretence for such a Dispute , there were not wanting those who soon made the most of it , both by exalting their own Performances , and disparaging every Thing that had been done of that kind by their Predecessors : 'Till the new Philosophy had gotten Ground in the World , this was done very sparingly ; which is but within the Compass of 40 or 50 Years . There were but few before , who would be thought to have exceeded the Ancients , unless it were some few Physicians , who set up Chymical Methods of Practice , and Theories of Diseases , founded upon Chymical Notions , in opposition to the Galenical : But these Men , for want of conversing much out of their own Laboratories , were unable to maintain their Cause to the general Conviction of Mankind : The Credit of the Cures which they wrought , not supporting them enough against the Reasonings of their Adversaries . Soon after the Restauration of King Charles II. upon the Institution of the Royal Society , the Comparative Excellency of the Old and New Philosophy was eagerly debated in England . But the Disputes then managed between Stubbe and Glanvile , were rather Personal , relating to the Royal Society , than General , relating to Knowledge in its utmost extent . In France this Controversie has been taken up more at large : The French were not satisfied to argue the Point in Philosophy and Mathematicks , but even in Poetry and Oratory too ; where the Ancients had the general Prejudice of the Learned on their Side . Monsieur de Fontenelle , the celebrated Author of a Book concerning the Plurality of Worlds , begun the Dispute about six Years ago , in a little Discourse annexed to his Pastorals . He is something shy in declaring his Mind ; at least , in arraigning the Ancients , whose Reputations were already established ; though it is plain he would be understood to give the Moderns the Preference in Poetry and Oratory , as well as in Philosophy and Mathematicks . His Book being received with great Applause , it was opposed in England by Sir William Temple , who , in the Second Part of his Miscellanea , has printed an Essay upon this very Subject . Had Monsieur de Fontenelle's Discourse passed unquestioned , it would have been very strange , since there never was a new Notion started in the World , but some were found , who did as eagerly contradict it . The Opinion which Sir William Temple appears for , is received by so great a Number of Learned Men , that those who oppose it ought to bring much more than a positive Affirmation ; otherwise , they cannot expect that the World should give Judgment in their Favour . The Question now to be asked , has formerly been enquired into by few , besides those who have chiefly valued Oratory , Poesie , and all that which the French call the Belles Lettres ; that is to say , all those Arts of Eloquence , wherein the Ancients are generally agreed to have been very excellent . So that Monsieur de Fontenelle took the wrong Course to have his Paradox be believed ; for he asserts all , and proves little ; he makes no Induction of Particulars , and rarely enters into the Merits of the Cause : He declares that he thinks Love of Ease to be the reigning Principle amongst Mankind ; for which Reason perhaps he was loath to put himself to the trouble of being too minute . It was no wonder therefore if those to whom his P●oposition appeared entirely new , condemned him of Sufficiency , the worst Composition out of the Pride and Ignorance of Mankind . However , since his Reasonings are , generally speaking , very just , especially where he discourses of the Comparative Force of the Genius's of Men in the several Ages of the World , I resolved to make some Enquiry into the Particulars of those Things which are asserted by some to be Modern Discoveries , and vindicated to the Ancients by others . The General Proposition which Sir William Temple endeavours to prove in this Essay , is this , That if we reflect upon the Advantages which the ancient Greeks and Romans had , to improve themselves in Arts and Sciences , above what the Moderns can pretend to ; and upon that natural Force of Genius , so discernable in the earliest Writers , whose Books are still extant , which has not been equalled in any Persons that have set up for Promoters of Knowledge in these latter Ages , and compare the Actual Performances of them both together , we ought in Justice to conclude , that the Learning of the present Age , is only a faint , imperfect Copy from the Knowledge of former Times , such as could be taken from those scattered Fragments which were saved out of the general Shipwreck . The Question that arises from this Proposition will be fully understood , if we enquire , ( 1. ) Into those Things which the Ancients may have been supposed to bring to Perfection , ( in case they did so ) not because they excelled those that came after them in Understanding , but because they got the Start by being born first . ( 2. ) Whether there are any Arts or Sciences which were more perfectly practised by the Ancients , though all imaginable Care hath been since used to equal them . ( 3. ) Whether there may not be others wherein they are exceeded by the Moderns , though we may reasonably suppose that both Sides did as well as they could . When such Enquiries have once been made , it will be no hard matter to draw such Inferences afterwards , as will enable us to do Justice to both Sides . It must be owned , that these Enquiries do not immediately resolve the Question which Sir William Temple put , for he confounds two very different Things together ; namely , Who were the Greatest Men , the Ancients , or the Moderns ? and , Who have carried their Enquiries furthest ? The first is a very proper Question for a Declamation , though not so proper for a Discourse , wherein Men are supposed to reason severely , because , for want of Mediums whereon to found an Argument , it cannot easily be decided : For , though there be no surer Way of judging of the Comparative Force of the Genius's of several Men , than by examining the respective Beauty or Subtilty of their Performances ; yet the good Fortune of appearing first , added to the Misfortune of wanting a Guide , gives the first Comers so great an Advantage , that though , for instance , the Fairy Queen , or Paradise Lost , may be thought by some to be better Poems than the Ilias ; yet the same Persons will not say but that Homer was a greater Genius than either Spencer or Milton . And besides , when Men judge of the Greatness of an Inventor's Genius barely by the Subtilty and Curiosity of his Inventions , they may be very liable to Mistakes in their Judgments , unless they knew , and were able to judge of the Easiness or Difficulty of those Methods , or Ratiocinations , by which these Men arrived at , and perfected these their Inventions ; which , with due Allowances , is equally applicable to any Performances in Matters of Learning of any sort . It will however be some Satisfaction to those who are concerned for the Glory of the Age in which they live , if , in the first place , it can be proved , That as there are some parts of real and useful Knowledge , wherein not only great Strictness of Reasoning , but Force and Extent of Thought is required thoroughly to comprehend what is already invented , much more to make any considerable Improvements , so that there can be no Dispute of the Strength of such Men's Understandings , who are able to make such Improvements ; so in those very Things , such , and so great Discoveries have been made , as will oblige impartial Judges to acknowledge , that there is no probability that the World decays in Vigour and Strength , if ( according to Sir William Temple's Hypothesis ) we take our Estimate from the Measure of those Men's Parts , who have made these Advancements in these later Years ; especially , if it should be found that the Ancients took a great deal of pains upon these very Subjects , and had able Masters to instruct them at their first setting out : And Secondly , If it should be proved , that there are other curious and useful Parts of Knowledge , wherein the Ancients had equal Opportunities of advancing and pursuing their Enquiries , with as much Facility as the Moderns , which were either slightly passed over , or wholly neglected , if we set the Labours of some few Men aside : And Lastly , If it should be proved , that by some great and happy Inventions , wholly unknown to former Ages , new and spacious Fields of Knowledge have been discovered , and , pursuant to those Discoveries , have been viewed , and searched into , with all the Care and Exactness which such noble Theories required . If these Three Things should be done , both Questions would be at once resolved , and Sir William Temple would see that the Moderns have done something more than Copy from their Teachers , and that there is no absolute necessity of making all those melancholy Reflections upon a the Sufficiency and Ignorance of the present Age , which he , moved with a just Resentment and Indignation , has thought fit to bestow upon them . How far these Things can , or cannot be proved , shall be my Business in these following Papers to enquire . But First , Of those Things wherein , if the Ancients have so far excelled as to bring them to Perfection , it may be thought that they did it because they were born before us . CHAP. II. Of the Moral and Political Knowledge of the Ancients and Moderns . I Have often thought that there could not be a pleasanter Entertainment to an inquisitive Man , than to run over the first Thoughts which he had in his Infancy , whilst he was gathering his Collection of Idea's , and labouring to express those Sounds , by which he perceived that his Mother and Nurse made themselves be understood . We should then see the true Gradations by which Knowledge is acquired : We should judge , perhaps , what is in it self hard , and what easie , and also what it is that makes them so ; and thereby make a better Estimate of the Force of Men's Understandings , than can now be made . But this it is in vain to lament for , since it can never be had . Yet it may in general be observed , that the first Thoughts of Infants are of Things immediately necessary for Life . That being in some measure satisfied , they spend their Childhood in Pleasure , if left to their own Liberty , till they are grown up . Then they begin to reflect upon the Things that relate to Prudence and Discretion , and that more or less , according as their Circumstances oblige them to carry themselves more or less warily towards those with whom they converse . This is , and ever was , general to all Mankind ; whereas they would not take so much pains to cultivate the Arts of Luxury and Magnificence , if they were not spurred on by Pride , and a Desire of not being behind other Men. So that it is reasonable to suppose , that , all those Things which relate to Moral Knowledge , taken in its largest Extent , were understood by the ancient Egyptians , Greeks and Romans , in as great Perfection as the Things themselves were capable of . The Arts of Governing of Kingdoms and Families ; of Managing the Affections and Fears of the unconstant Multitude ; of Ruling their Passions , and Discoursing concerning their several Ways of Working ; of Making prudent Laws , and Laying down wise Methods by which they might be the more easily and effectually obeyed ; of Conversing each with other ; of Giving and Paying all that Respect which is due to Men's several Qualities : In short , all that is commonly meant by knowing the World , and understanding Mankind ; all Things necessary to make Men wise in Counsel , dexterous in Business , and agreeable in Conversation , seem to have been in former Ages thoroughly understood , and successfully practised . There seems , indeed , to be some Reason to fear , that in the Arts of Knavery and Deceit , the present Age may have refined upon the foregoing ; but that is so little for its Honour , that common Decency does almost as much oblige me to throw a Veil over this Reproach , as common Interest does all Mankind to put an effectual Stop to its Increase . But since we are enquiring into Excellencies , not Blemishes and Imperfections , there seems to be great Reason to affirm , that After-Ages had no need to invent Rules , which already were laid down to their Hands ; but that their Business was chiefly to re-examine them , and to see which were proper for their Circumstances , considering what Alterations Time sensibly introduces into the Customs of every Age ; and then to make a wise Choice of what they borrowed , that so their Judgment might not be questioned by those who should have the Curiosity to compare the Wisdom of several Ages together . If we descend into Particulars , these Observations will , I believe , be found to be very true : The minutest Differences between Vertue and Vice of all sorts , are judiciously stated by Aristotle , in his Ethicks to Nicomachus . Xenophon's Cyrus shews that he had a right Notion of all those Things which will make a Prince truly great and wise . The Characters of all those Vices which are immediately taken notice of in Civil Life , are admirably drawn by Theophrastus . Nothing can give a clearer Idea of one that has lived under Tyrants , than the Writings of Tacitus ; in whose Histories , almost every Thing is told in such a Way , as we see that Ill Usage and Disappointments lead Men to censure and report the Actions of former Governors . Great Skill in all the Arts and Secrets of Persuasion appear every where in Demosthenes and Tully's Orations , in Quinctilian's Institutions , and the Orations in Thucydides , Sallust and Livy . The Duties of Mankind in Civil Life , are excellently set forth in Tully's Offices . Not one Passion of the Soul of Man has been untouched , and that with Life too , by some or other of the Ancient Poets . It would require a Volume to state these Things in their full Light ; and it has been done very often by those who have given Characters and Censures of Ancient Authors . So that one may justly conclude , that there is no one Part of Moral Knowledge , strictly so called , which was not known by the Ancients , equally well as by the Moderns . But it would be a wrong Inference to conclude from thence , that the Ancients were greater Genius's than the Men of the present Age. For , by Sir William Temple's Confession , b , the Chineses and Peruans were governed by excellent Laws : and Confucius and Mango Capac may well be reckoned amongst the Law-givers and Philosophers of those which are commonly called learned Nations ; though neither of them , especially the Latter , can justly be suspected of learning what they knew by Communication from other Nations . From whence Sir William Temple rightly concludes , that Common Sence is of the Growth of every Country ; and that all People who unite into Societies , and form Governments , will in time make prudent Laws of all kinds ; since it is not Strength of Imagination , nor Subtilty of Reasoning , but Constancy in making Observations upon the several Ways of Working of Humane Nature , that first stored the World with Moral Truths , and put Mankind upon forming such Rules of Practice as best suited with these Observations . There is no Wonder therefore , that in a long Series of Ages , which preceded Socrates and Plato , these Matters were carried to a great Perfection ; for as the Necessity of any Thing is greater , so it will be more and more generally studied : And as the Subject of our Enquiries is nearer to us , or easier to be comprehended in it self ; so it will be more throughly examined , and what is to be known will be more perfectly understood . Both these concurr here : Necessity of conversing with each other put Men upon making numerous Observations upon the Tempers of Mankind : And their own Nature being the Thing enquired after , all Men could make their Experiments at home ; which , in Consort with those made with and by other People , enabled them to make certain Conclusions of Eternal Truth , since Mankind varies little , if any thing , any farther than as Customs alter it , from one Age to another . Since therefore this Necessity always lasts , and that all the Observations requisite to compleat this noble Science , as it takes in the Art of Governing Kingdoms , Families , and Men's private Persons , cannot be made by one or two Generations , there is a plain Reason why some Nations , which wanted Opportunities of diffused Conversation , were more barbarous than the rest ; and also , why others , who for many Ages met with no Foreign Enemies that could overturn their Constitutions , should be capable of improving this part of Knowledge as far as unassisted Reason was able to carry it . For , after all , how weak the Knowledge of the ancient Heathens was , even here , will appear by comparing the Writings of the old Philosophers , with those Moral Rules which Solomon left us in the Old Testament , and which our Blessed Saviour and his Apostles laid down in the New. Rules so well suited to the Reason of Man , so well adapted to civilize the World , and to introduce that true Happiness which the old Philosophers so vainly strove to find , that the more they are considered , the more they will be valued : and accordingly , they have extorted even from those who did not believe the Christian Religion , just Applauses , which were certainly unbiassed , because , not being led by the Rewards which it proposes , nor deterred by the Punishments which it threatens , they could have no Motive to commend them but their own native Excellency . So that one may justly wonder why Sir W. T. should give us an Account of Mahomet's Life , and that so minutely , as not to omit the Sergian Monk , his Master c , in his Essay of Heroick Vertue ; where he mentions Law-givers , as well as Generals , and yet take no notice of Moses and Jesus Christ. It is evident therefore , that though in some Sence the Moderns may be said to have learned their Politicks and Ethicks from the Ancients , yet there is no convincing Argument that can be brought from those Sciences , singly considered , that the Ancients had a greater Force of Genius than the wise and prudent Men of these later Generations . If , indeed , in all other Sciences , Mankind has for 1500 Years been at a full Stop , the Perfection of the Ancient Politicks and Ethicks may be justly urged , amongst other Arguments , for the comparative Strength of their Parts ; otherwise not . But there are other Parts of Learning , that may seem capable of farther Improvement ; of which , the Advocates for the Ancients do not only pretend that they were the Inventors , but that their Performances have never since been equalled , much less out-done ; though within these last 200 Years all imaginable Pains have been taken to do it ; and great Rewards have been given to those who have , licèt non passibus aequis , laboured to come near the Copies which were already set them . From whence these Men think it probable that all Modern Learning is but Imitation , and that faint and flat , like the Paintings of those who draw after Copies at a Third or Fourth Hand from the Life . Now , as this can only be known by an Induction of Particulars , so of these Particulars there are two sorts : One , of those wherein the greatest part of those Learned Men who have compared Ancient and Modern Performances , either give up the Cause to the Ancients quite , or think , at least , that the Moderns have not gone beyond them . The other of those , where the Advocates for the Moderns think the Case so clear on their Side , that they wonder how any Man can dispute it with them . Poesie , Oratory , Architecture , Painting , and Statuary , are of the First Sort : Natural History , Physiology , and Mathematicks , with all their Dependencies , are of the Second . CHAP. III. Of Ancient and Modern Eloquence and Poesie . IT is acknowledged by most Men , that he who has studied any Subject , is a better Judge of that Subject than another Man who did never purposely bend his Thoughts that way , provided they be both Men of equal Parts . Yet we see there are many Things , whereof Men will , at first sight , pass their Judgment , and obstinately adhere to it , though they not only know nothing of those Matters , but will confess that it requires Parts , and Skill , and Exercise , to be excellent in them . This is remarkably visible in the Censures which are passed upon Pieces of Oratory and Poesie every Day by those who have very little , or none , of that sort of Learning themselves ; and to whom all that is said of Skill in those Things , and of a true Relish of what is really fine , is Jargon and Cant. And in the mean time , these Men do in other Things shew great Accuracy and Judgment , even in Subjects which require quick Apprehension , nice Observation , and frequent Meditation . If one should ask why such Men so frequently mistake and differ in those other Matters , the Answer , I think is this : ( 1. ) The Foundations of Eloquence of all sorts lying in Common Sence , of which every Man is in some degree a Master , most ingenious Men have , without any Study , a little Insight into these Things . This little Insight betrays them immediately to declare their Opinions , because they are afraid , if they should not , their Reputation would be in danger . On the contrary , where the Subject is such , that every Man finds he can frame no Idea of it in his own Mind , without a great number of Premises , which cannot be attained by common Conversation , all wise Men hold their Hands , suspect their own Abilities , and are afraid that they cannot fathom the Depth of his Knowledge with whom they converse ; especially if he has a Name for Skill in those Matters . And therefore , talk with such Men of a Law-Case , or a Problem in Geometry , if they never studied those Things , they will frankly tell you so , and decline to give their Opinion . Whereas if you speak to them of a Poem , a Play , or a Moral Discourse upon a Subject capable of Rhetorical Ornaments , they will immediately pass their Censure , right or wrong ; and Twenty Men , perhaps , shall give Twenty different Opinions ; whilst , in the other Cases , scarce Two of the Twenty shall disagree , if they are conscious to themselves that they have Skill enough to judge without another's help . ( 2. ) In most of these Things our Passions are some Way or other concerned ; at least , being accustomed to have them moved , we expect it , and think our selves disappointed when our Expectation is deceived . Now , when a Man is to judge in Matters of this kind , he generally before-hand is pre-possessed with such Passions as he would willingly have raised , or confirmed ; and so speaks as his Expectation is answered . But when our Passions do not move in these Matters , as they seldom do upon Subjects a great way off , then our Censures are more unanimous . For , as the Poet says , Securus licet Aeneam Rutulumque ferocem Committas ; nulli gravis est percussus Achilles . So that there is no great Wonder why Men should receive the Writings of the Ancients with so great Respect : For the Distance of Time takes off Envy ; and the being accustomed from our Childhood to hear them commended , creates a Reverence . Yet though due Allowances ought to be made for these Pre-possessions , one has Reason to believe , that this Reverence for the Ancient Orators and Poets is more than Prejudice . ( By Orators , I understand all those Writers in Prose who took pains to beautifie and adorn their Stile . ) Their Works give us a very solid Pleasure when we read them . The best in their kind among the Moderns have been those who have read the Ancients with greatest Care , and endeavoured to imitate them with the greatest Accuracy . The Masters of Writing in all these several Ways , to this Day , appeal to the Ancients , as their Guides ; and still fetch Rules from them , for the Art of Writing . Homer , and Aristotle , and Virgil , and Horace , and Ovid , and Terence , are now studied as Teachers , not barely out of Curiosity , by Modern Poets . So likewise are Demosthenes , Aristotle , Tully , Quinctilian , and Longinus , by those who would write finely in Prose . So that there is Reason to think that in these Arts the Ancients may have out-done the Moderns ; though neither have they been neglected in these later Ages , in which we have seen extraordinary Productions , which the Ancients themselves , had they been alive , would not have been ashamed of . If this be so , as I verily believe it is , sure now ( it will be objected ) It is evident that the Ancients had a greater Force of Genius than the Moderns can pretend to . Will it be urged , that here also they had an Advantage by being born first ? Have these Arts a fixed Foundation in Nature ; or were they not attained to by Study ? If by Nature , why have we heard of no Orators among the Inhabitants of the Bay of Soldania , or eminent Poets in Peru ? If by Study , why not now , as well as formerly , since Printing has made Learning cheap and easie ? Does it seem harder to speak and write like Cicero or Virgil , than to find out the motions of the Heavens , and to calculate the Distances of the Stars ? What can be the Reason of this Disparity ? The Reasons are several , and scarce one of them of such a Nature as can now be helped , and yet not conclusive against the Comparative Strength of Understanding , evidently discernible in the Productions of the Learned Men of the present , and immediately foregoing Ages ; to which I would be understood strictly to confine my Notion of the Word Modern . These Reasons I shall examine at large , because , if they are valid , they quite take away the Force of Sir William Temple's Hypothesis ; and by removing the blind Admiration now paid to the Ancient Orators and Poets , set it upon such a Foot as will render the Reading of their Books more useful , because less superstitious . They are of several Sorts ; some relating to Oratory , some to Poesie , and some in common to both . I shall first speak of those which relate more particularly to Poetry , because it was much the ancientest Way of Writing in Greece ; where their Orators owned , that they learned a great deal of what they knew , even in their own , as well as in other Parts of Learning , from their Poets . And here one may observe , that no Poetry can be Charming that has not a Language to support it . The Greek Tongue has a vast variety of long Words , wherein long and short Syllables are agreeably intermixed together , with great Numbers of Vowels and Diphthongs in the Middle-Syllables , and those very seldom clogged by the joyning of harsh-sounding Consonants in the same Syllable : All which Things give it a vast Advantage above any other Language that has ever yet been cultivated by Learned Men. By this Means all manner of Tunable Numbers may be formed in it with Ease ; as still appears in the remaining Dramatick and Lyrick Composures of the Greek Poets . This seems to have been at first a lucky Accident , since it is as visible in Homer , who lived before the Grammarians had determined the Analogy of that Language by Rules ; which Rules were , in a very great measure , taken from his Poems , as the Standard ; as in those Poets that came after him . And that this peculiar Smoothness of the Greek Language was at first Accidental , farther appears , because the Phoenician or Hebrew Tongue , from whence it was formed , as most Learned Men agree , is a rough , unpolished Tongue ; abounding with short Words , and harsh Consonants : So that if one allows for some very small Agreement in the Numbers of Nouns , and Variations of Tenses in Verbs , the two Languages are wholly of a different Make. That a derived Language should be sweeter than its Mother-Tongue , will seem strange to none that compares the Modern Tuscan with the Ancient Latin ; where , though their Affinity is visible at first Sight , in every Sentence , yet one sees that that derived Language actually has a Sweetness and Tunableness in its Composition , that could not be derived from its Parent ; since nothing can impart that to another , which it has not it self : And it shows likewise , that a Barbarous People , as the Italians were when mingled with the Goths and Lombards , may , without knowing or minding Grammatical Analogy , form a Language so very musical , that no Art can mend it . For , in Boccace's Time , who lived above 300 Years ago , in the earliest Dawnings of Polite Learning in these Western Parts of the World , Italian was a formed Language , endued with that peculiar Smoothness which other European Languages wanted ; and it has since suffered no fundamental Alterations ; not any , at least , for the better , since in the Dictionary of the Academy della Crusca , Boccace's Writings are often appealed to in doubtful Cases , which concern the Niceties of the Tongue . Now , when this Native Smoothness of the Greek Tongue was once discovered to common Ears , by the sweetness of their Verses , which depended upon a Regular Composition of Long and Short Syllables , all Men paid great Respect to their Poets , who gave them so delightful an Entertainment . The wiser Sort took this Opportunity of Civilizing the rest , by putting all their Theological and Philosophical Instructions into Verse ; which being learnt with Pleasure , and remembred with Ease , helped to heighten and preserve the Veneration already , upon other Scores , paid to their Poets . This increased the Number of Rivals , and every one striving to out-do his Neighbour ; some by varying their Numbers , others by chusing Subjects likely to please , here and there some , one or two atleast of a sort , proved excellent : And then , those who were the most extraordinary in their several Ways , were esteemed as Standards by succeeding Ages ; and Rules were framed by their Works , to examine other Poems of the same sort . Thus Aristotle framed Rules of Epick Poesie from Homer : Thus Aristophanes , Menander , Saphocles and Euripides were looked upon as Masters in Dramatick Poesie ; and their Practice was sufficient Authority . Thus Mimnermus , Philet as and Callimachus were the Patterns to following Imitators for Elegy and Epigram . Now , Poetry being a limited Art , and these Men , after the often-repeated Trials of others , had proved successless ; finding the true Secret of pleasing their Country-men , partly by their Wit and Sence , and partly by the inimitable Sweetness of their Numbers , there is no Wonder that their Successors , who were to write to a pre-possessed Audience , though otherwise Men of equal , perhaps greater Parts , failed of that Applause of which the great Masters were already in possession ; for Copying nauseates more in Poetry , than any thing : So that Buchanan and Sannazarius , tho' admirable Poets , are not read with that Pleasure which Men find in Lucretius and Virgil , by any but their Country-men , because they wrote in a dead Language , and so were frequently obliged to use the same Turns of Thought , and always the same Words and Phrases , in the same Sense in which they were used before by the Original Authors ; which forces their Readers too often to look back upon their Masters ; and so abates of that Pleasure which Men take in Milton , Cowley , Butler , or Dryden , who wrote in their Mother-Tongue , and so were able to give that unconstrained Range and Turn to their Thoughts and Expressions that are truly necessary to make a compleat Poem . It may therefore be very reasonably believed , that the natural Softness , Expressiveness and Fulness of the Greek Language gave great Encouragement to the Greek Poets to labour hard , when they had such manageable Matter to work upon , and when such Rewards constantly attended their Labours . This likewise was a great Help to their Orators , as well as their Poets ; who soon found the Beauties of a numerous Composition , and left nothing undone , that could bring it to its utmost Perfection . But this was not so important a Consideration , as alone to have encouraged the Greeks to cultivate their Eloquence , if the Constitution of their Governments had not made it necessary ; and that Necessity had not obliged a very great Number of ingenious Men to take Pains about it . Most part of Greece , properly so called , and of Asia the Less , the Coasts of Thrace , Sicily , the Islands in the Mediterranean , and a great part of Italy , were long divided into great Numbers of Kingdoms and Commonwealths ; and many of these small Kingdoms , taking Example by their neighbouring Cities that had thrown off their imperious Masters , turned , in time , to Commonwealths , as well as they . These , as all little Governments that are contiguous , being well nigh an even Match for each other , continued for many Ages in that Condition . Many of the chiefest were Democracies ; as , the Republicks of Athens , Syracuse , Thebes and Corinth ; where it was necessary to complement the People upon all Occasions : So that busie , factious Men had Opportunities enough to shew their Skill in Politicks . Men of all Tempers , and all Designs , that would accuse or defend , that would advise or consult , were obliged to address themselves in set Harangues to the People . Interest therefore , and Vanity , Motives sometimes equally powerful , made the Study of Rhetorick necessary ; and whilst every Man followed the several Bias of his own Genius , some few found out the true Secret of Pleasing , in all the several Ways of Speaking well , which are so admirably , and so largely discoursed of by the ancient Rhetoricians . Demosthenes being esteemed beyond all his Predecessors , for the Correctness of his Stile , the Justness of his Figures , the Easiness of his Narrations , and the Force of his Thoughts ; his Orations were looked upon as Standards of Eloquence by his Country-men : Which Notion of theirs effectually damped future Endeavours of other Men , since here , as well as in Poetry and Painting , all Copiers will ever continue on this side of their Originals . And besides , the great End of Oratory being to persuade , wherein Regard must be had to the Audience , as well as to the Subject , if there be but one Way of doing best at the same time in both , as there can be but one in all limited Arts or Sciences , they that either first find it out , or come the nearest to it , will unquestionably , and of Right , keep the first Station in Men's Esteem , though perhaps they dare not , for fear of disgusting the Age they live in , follow those Methods which they admire so much , and so justly , in those great Masters that went before them . That these Accidents , and not a particular Force of Genius , raised the Grecian Poesie and Oratory , will further appear , if we reflect upon the History of the Rise and Increase of both those Arts amongst the Romans : Their Learning , as well as their Language , came originally from Greece ; they saw what was done to their Hands , and Greek was a living Language ; and so , by the help of Masters , they could judge of all its Beauties . Yet , with all their Care , and Skill , and Pains , they could not , of a long time , bring their Poetry to any Smoothness ; they found that their Language was not so ductile , they owned it , and complained of it . It had a Majestick Gravity , derived from the People themselves who spoke it ; which made it proper for Philosophical and Epical Poems ; for which Reason , Lucretius and Virgil were able to do so great Things in their several Ways , their Language enabling them to give the most becoming Beauties to all their Thoughts . But there not being that Variety of Feet in the Latin , which Language , for the most part , abounds in Dactyles , Spondees and Trochees ; nor that Sprightliness of Temper , and in-bred Gaiety in the Romans , which the Greeks are to this Day famous for , even to a Proverb , in many Parts of Poetry they yielded , though not without Reluctancy , to a People whom they themselves had conquered . Which shews , that Natural Imperfections cannot be overcome : And when these Imperfections are accidental , as the Language is which every Man speaks at first , though he has equal Parts , and perhaps greater Industry , yet he shall be thrown behind another Man who does not labour under those Inconveniences ; and the Distance between them will be greater , or less , according to the Greatness or Quality of these Inconveniences . If we bring this Thing down to Modern Languages , we shall find them labouring under much greater : For , the Quantities of Syllables being , in a manner , lost in all Modern Languages , we can have no Notion of that Variety of Feet which was anciently used by the Greeks and Romans , in Modern Poems . The Guide of Verses is not now Length of Syllable , but only Number of Feet , and Accent : Most of the French Accents are in the last Syllable ; Ours , and the Italian , in the fore-going . This fits French for some sorts of Poems , which Italian and English are not so proper for . Again , All Syllables , except the Accented one in each Word , being now common in Modern Languages , we Northern People often make a Syllable short that has two or three Consonants in it , because we abound in Consonants : This makes English more unfit for some Poems , than French and Italian ; which having fewer Consonants , have consequently a greater Smoothness and Flowingness of Feet , and Rapidity of Pronunciation . I have brought these Instances out of Modern Languages , whereof Sir William Temple is so great a Master , to prove my first Assertion ; namely , That though a very great deal is to be given to the Genius and Judgment of the Poet , which are both absolutely necessary to make a good Poem , what Tongue soever the Poet writes in ; yet the Language it self has so great an Influence , that if Homer and Virgil had been Polanders , or High-Dutch-Men , they would never , in all probability , have thought it worth their while to attempt the Writing of Heroick Poems ; Virgil especially , c who began to write an Historical Poem of some great Actions of his Country-men ; but was so gravelled with the Roughness of the Roman Names , that he laid it aside . Now , as the Roman Poetry arrived to that Perfection which it had , because it was supported by a Language which , though in some Things inferiour to the Greek , had noble and charming Beauties , not now to be found in Modern Languages ; so the Roman Oratory was owing to their Government : Which makes the Parallel much more perfect : And all those Reasons alledged already for the Growth of the Attick Eloquence , are equally applicable to the History of the Roman ; so that there is no Necessity of Repeating them . To which we may add , That when the Romans once lost their Liberty , their Eloquence soon fell : And Tacitus ( or Quinctilian ) needed not have gone so far about to search for Reasons of the Decay of the Roman Eloquence . Tully left his Country and Profession , after his Defence of S. Roscius Amerinus ; resolving to give over Pleading , if Sylla's Death had not restored that Freedom which only gave Life to his Oratory : And when the Civil Wars between Pompey and Caesar came on , he retired , because his Profession was superseded by a rougher Rhetorick , which commands an Attentive Audience in all Countries where it pleads . When Orators are no longer Constituent Parts of a Government , or , at least , when Eloquence is not an almost certain Step to arrive at the chiefest Honours in a State , the Necessity of the Art of Speaking is , in a great measure , taken off ; and as the Authority of Orators lessens . which it will insensibly do as Tyranny and Absolute Power prevail , their Art will dwindle into Declamation , and an Affectation of Sentences , and Forms of Wit. The Old Men , who out-live their former Splendor , will , perhaps , set their own Scholars and Auditors right , and give them a true Relish of what is Great and Noble ; but that will hardly continue above one or two Generations . Which may be super-added as another Reason why there were no more Demosthenes's or Tullies , after the Macedonian and Roman Emperors had taken away the Liberty of their respective Commonwealths . It is Liberty alone which inspires Men with Lofty Thoughts , and elevates their Souls to a higher Pitch than Rules of Art can direct . Books of Rhetorick make Men Copious and Methodical ; but they alone can never infuse that true Enthusiastick Rage which Liberty breaths into their Souls who enjoy it : And which , guided by a Sedate Judgment , will carry Men further than the greatest Industry , and the quickest Parts can go without it . When private Members of a Common-wealth can have Foreign Princes for their Clients , and plead their Causes before their Fellow-Citizens ; when Men have their Understandings enlarged , by a long Use of publick Business , for many Years before they speak in publick ; and when they know that their Auditory are Men , not only of equal Parts , and Experience in Business ; but also many of them Men of equal , if not greater Skill in Rhetorick than themselves : Which was the Case of the old Romans . These Men , inflamed with the mighty Honour of being Patrons to Crowned Heads , having Liberty to speak any Thing that may advantage their Cause , and being obliged to take so great Pains to get up to , or to keep above so many Rivals , must needs be much more excellent Orators , than other Ages , destitute of such concurrent Circumstances , though every thing else be equal , can possibly produce . Besides all this , the Humour of the Age which we live in is exceedingly altered : Men apprehend or suspect a Trick in every Thing that is said to move the Passions of the Auditory in Courts of Judicature , or in the Parliament-House : They think themselves affronted when such Methods are used in Speaking , as if the Orator could suppose within himself , that they were to be catched by , such Baits . And therefore , when Men have spoken to the Point , in as few Words as the Matter will bear , it is expected they should hold their Tongues . Even in the Pulpit , the Pomp of Rhetorick is not always commended ; and very few meet with Applause , who do not confine themselves to speak with the Severity of a Philosopher , as well as with the Splendour of an Orator ; two Things , not always consistent . What a Difference in the Way of Thinking must this needs create in the World ? Anciently , Orators made their Employment the Work of their whole Lives ; and as such , they followed it : All their Studies , even in other Things , were , by a sort of Alchemy , turned into Eloquence . The Labour which they thought requisite , is evident to any Man that reads Quinctilian's Institutions , and the Rhetorical Tracts of Cicero . This exceedingly takes off the Wonder : Eloquence may lie in common for Ancients and Moderns , yet those only shall be most excellent that cultivate it most , who live in an Age that is accustomed to , and will bear nothing but Masculine , unaffected Sence ; which likewise must be cloathed with the most splendid Ornaments of Rhetorick . Sir William Temple will certainly agree with me in this Conclusion , that former Ages made greater Orators , and nobler Poets , than these later Ages have done ; though perhaps he may disagree with me about the Way by which I came to my Conclusion ; since hence it will follow , that the present Age , with the same Advantages , under the same Circumstances , might produce a Demosthenes , a Cicero , a Horace , or a Virgil ; which , for any thing hitherto said to the contrary , seems to be very probable . But , though the Art of Speaking , assisted by all these Advantages , seems to have been at a greater heighth amongst the Greeks and Romans , than it is at present , yet it will not follow from thence , that every Thing which is capable of Rhetorical Ornaments should , for that sole Reason , be more perfect anciently than now ; especially if these be only Secondary Beauties , without which , that Discourse wherein they are found may be justly valuable , and that in a very high Degree . So that , though , for the purpose , one should allow the Ancient Historians to be better Orators than the Modern , yet these last may , for all that , be much better , at least , equally good Historians ; those among them especially , who have taken fitting Care to please the Ears , as well as instruct the Understandings of their Readers . Of all the Ancient Historians before Polybius , none seems to have had a right Notion of writing History , except Thucydides : And therefore Polybius , whose first Aim was , to instruct his Reader by leading him into every Place , whither the Thread of his Narrative carried him , makes frequent Excuses for those Digressions , which were but just necessary to beget a thorough Understanding of the Matter of Fact of which he was then giving an Account . These Excuses show that he took a new Method ; and they answer an Objection , which might otherwise have been raised from the small Numbers of extant Histories that were written before his Time ; as if we could make no Judgment of those that are lost , from those that are preserved . For , the Generality of those who wrote before him , made Rhetorick their chief Aim ; and therefore all Niceties of Time , and Place , and Person , that might hurt the Flowingness of their Stile , were omitted ; instead whereof , the Great Men of their Drama's were introduced , making long Speeches ; and such a Gloss was put upon every Thing that was told , as made it appear extraordinary ; and Things that were wonderful and prodigious were mentioned with a particular Emphasis . This Censure will not appear unjust to any Man who has read Ancient Historians with ordinary Care ; Polybius especially : Who , first of all the Ancient Historians , fixes the Time of every great Action that he mentions : Who assigns such Reasons for all Events , as seem , even at this distance , neither too great , nor too little : Who , in Military Matters , takes Care , not only to shew his own Skill , but to make his Reader a Judge , as well as himself : Who , in Civil Affairs , makes his Judgment of the Conduct of every People from the several Constitutions of their respective Governments , or from the Characters and Circumstances of the Actors themselves : And last of all , Who scrupulously avoids saying any Thing that might appear incredible to Posterity ; but represents Things in such a manner , as a wise Man may believe they were transacted : And yet he has neglected all that Artful Eloquence which was before so much in fashion . If these therefore be the chiefest Perfections of a just History , and if they can only be the Effects of a great Genius , and great Study , or both ; at least , not of the last , without the first , we are next to enquire whether any of the Moderns have been able to attain to them : And then , if several may be found , which in none of these Excellencies seem to yield to the noblest of all the Ancient Histories , it will not be difficult to give an Answer to Sir William Temple's Question ; Whether d D'Avila 's and Strada 's Histories be beyond those of Herodotus and Livy ? I shall name but two ; The Memoirs of Philip Comines , and F. Paul 's History of the Council of Trent . Philip Comines ought here to be mentioned for many Reasons : For , besides that he particularly excels in those very Vertues which are so remarkable in Polybius , to whom Lipsius makes no Scruple to compare him , he had nothing to help him but Strength of Genius , assisted by Observation and Experience : He owns himself , that he had no Learning ; and it is evident to any Man that reads his Writings . He flourished in a barbarous Age , and died just as Learning had crossed the Alpes , to get into France : So that he could not , by Conversation with Scholars , have those Defects which Learning cures , supplied . This is what cannot be said of the Thucydides's , Polybius's , Sallusts , Livies , and Tacitus's of Antiquity . Yet , with all these Disadvantages , to which this great one ought also to be added , That by the Monkish Books then in vogue , he might sooner be led out of the Way , than if he had none at all to peruse , his Stile is Masculine and significant ; though diffuse , yet not tedious ; even his Repetitions , which are not over-frequent , are diverting : His Digressions are wise , proper , and instructing : One sees a profound Knowledge of Mankind in every Observation that he makes ; and that without Ill Nature , Pride , or Passion . Not to mention that peculiar Air of Impartiality , which runs through the whole Work ; so that it is not easie to withdraw our Assent from every Thing which he says . To all which I need not add , that his History never tires , though immediately read after Livy or Tacitus . In F. Paul's History one may also find the Excellencies before observed in Polybius ; and it has been nicely examined by dextrous and skilful Adversaries , who have taken the Pains to weigh every Period , and rectifie every Date . So that , besides the Satisfaction which any other admirable History would have afforded us , we have the Pleasure of thinking that we may safely rely upon his Accounts of Things , without being mis-guided in any one leading Particular of great moment , since Adversaries , who had no Inclination to spare him , could not invalidate the Authority of a Book which they had so great a Desire to lessen . I had gone no further than D'Avila and Strada , if there were as much Reason to believe their Narratives , as there is to commend their Skill in writing . D'Avila must be acknowledged to be a most Entertaining Historian ; one that wants neither Art , Genius , nor Eloquence , to render his History acceptable . Strada imitates the old Romans so happily , that those who can relish their Eloquence , will be always pleased with his . Upon the whole Matter , one may positively say , That where any Thing wherein Oratory can only claim a Share , has been equally cultivated by the Moderns , as by the Ancients ; they have equalled them at least , if not out-done them , setting aside any particular Graces , which might as well be owing to the Languages in which they wrote , as to the Writers themselves . CHAP. IV. Reflections upon Monsieur Perrault 's Hypothesis , That Modern Orators and Poets are more excellent than Ancient . WHatever becomes of the Reasons given in the last Chapter , for the Excellency of Ancient Eloquence and Poetry , the Position it self is so generally held , that I do not fear any Opposition here at home . It is almost an Heresie in Wit , among our Poets , to set up any Modern Name against Homer or Virgil , Horace or Terence . So that though here and there one should in Discourse preferr the present Age , yet scarce any Man who sets a Value upon his own Reputation , will venture to assert it in Print . Whether this is to be attributed to their Judgment , or Modesty , or both , I will not determine ; though I am apt to believe , to both , because in our Neighbour-Nation , which is remarkable for a good deal of what Sir William Temple calls Sufficiency , some have spoken much more openly . For the Members of the Academy in France , who since the Cardinal de Richelieu's Time , have taken so much Pains to make their Language capable of all those Beauties which they find in Ancient Authors , will not allow me to go so far as I have done . Monsieur Perrault , their Advocate , in Oratory sets the Bishop of Meaux against Pericles , ( or rather , Thucydides , ) the Bishop of Nismes against Isocrates , F. Bourdaloüe against Lysias , Monsieur Voiture against Pliny , and Monsieur Balzac against Cicero . In Poetry likewise he sets Monsieur Boileau against Horace , Monsieur Corneille and Monsieur Moliere against the Ancient Dramatick Poets . In short , though he owns that some amongst the Ancients had very exalted Genius's , so that it may , perhaps , be very hard to find any Thing that comes near the Force of some of the Ancient Pieces , in either Kind , amongst our Modern Writers , yet he affirms , that Poetry and Oratory are now at a greater heighth than ever they were , because there have been many Rules found out since Virgil's and Horace's Time ; and the old Rules likewise have been more carefully scanned than ever they were before . This Hypothesis ought a little to be enquired into ; and therefore I shall offer some few Considerations about his Notion . Sir William Temple , I am sure , will not think this a Digression , because the Author of the Plurality of Worlds , e by censuring of the Old Poetry , and giving Preference to the New , raised his Indignation ; which no Quality among Men was so apt to raise in him as Sufficiency , the worst Composition out of the Pride and Ignorance of Mankind . 1. Monsieur Perrault takes it for granted , that Cicero was a better Orator than Demosthenes ; because , living after him , the World had gone on for above Two Hundred Years , constantly improving , and adding new Observations , necessary to compleat his Art : And so by Consequence , that the Gentlemen of the Academy must out-do Tully , for the same Reasons . This Proposition , which is the Foundation of a great part of his Book , is not very easie to be proved ; because Mankind loves Variety in those Things wherein it may be had so much , that the best Things , constantly re-iterated , will certainly disgust . Sometimes the Age will not bear Subjects , upon which an Orator may display his full Force ; he may often be obliged to little , mean Exercises . A Thousand Accidents , not discoverable at a distance , may force Men to stretch their Inventions to spoil that Eloquence which , left to it self , would do admirable Things . And that there is such a Thing as a Decay of Eloquence in After-Ages , which have the Performances of those that went before constantly to recurr to , and which may be supposed to pretend to Skill and Fineness , is evident from the Writings of Seneca and the Younger Pliny , compared with Tully's . 2. The Ancients cannot justly be accused of not using an exact and artificial Method in their Orations , if one examines Tully's Pleadings , or reads over Quinctilian's Institutions . And if Panegyricks and Funeral-Orations do not seem so regular , it is not because Method was little understood , but because in those Discourses it was not so necessary . Where Men were to reason severely , Method was strictly observed : And the Vertues discoursed upon in Tully's Offices are as judiciously and clearly digested under their proper Heads , as the Subject-Matter of most Discourses written by any Modern Author , upon any Subject whatsoever . And it does not seem possible to contrive any Poem , whose Parts can have a truer , or more artful Connexion , than Virgil's Aeneis : And though it is now objected by Monsieur Perrault , as a Fault , that he did not carry on his Poem to the Marriage of Aeneas and Lavinia , yet we may reasonably think , that he had very good Reasons for doing so ; because , in Augustus's Court , where Matters of that sort were very well understood , it was received with as great Veneration as it has been since ; and never needed the Recommendation of Antiquity , to add to its Authority . Nay , we can give very probable Reasons , at this distance , for it . It is a Fault in Heroick Poetry , to fetch Things from their first Originals : And to carry the Thread of the Narrative down to the last Event , is altogether as dull . As Homer begins not with the Rape of Helen , so he does not go so far as the Destruction of Troy. Men should rise from Table with some Appetite remaining : And a Poem should leave some View of something to follow , and not quite shut the Scenes ; especially if the remaining Part of the Story be not capable of much Ornament , nor affords a Variety . The Passion of Love , with those that always follow upon its being disappointed , had been shown already in the Story of Dido . But Monsieur Perrault seems to have had his Head possessed with the Idea of French Romances ; which , to be sure , must never fail to end in a general Wedding . For I observe , Secondly , That among other Arguments produced by him , to prove that the Ancients did not perfect their Oratory and Poesie , he urges this ; That the Mind of Man , being an inexhaustible Fund of new Thoughts and Projects , every Age added Observations of its own to the former Store ; so that they still increased in Politeness , and by Consequence , their Eloquence of all sorts , in Verse or Prose , must needs be more exact . And as a Proof of this Assertion , he instances in Matters of Love : wherein the Writings of the best bred Gentlemen of all Antiquity , for want of Modern Gallantry , of which they had no Notion , were rude and unpolished , if compared with the Poems and Romances of the present Age. Here Monsieur Perrault's Skill in Architecture seems to have deceived him : For there is a wide Difference between an Art that , having no Antecedent Foundation in Nature , owes its first Original to some particular Invention , and all its future Improvements to Superstructures raised by other Men upon that first Ground-work ; and between Passions of the Mind , that are Congenial with our Natures ; where Conversation will polish them , even without previous Intentions of doing so ; and where the Experiences of a few Ages , if assisted by Books that may preserve particular Cases , will carry them to as great an Heighth as the Things themselves are capable of . And therefore , he that now examines the Writings of the Ancient Moral Philosophers , Aristotle for instance , or the Stoicks , will find , that they made as nice Distinctions in all Matters relating to Vertue and Vice ; and that they understood Humane Nature , with all its Passions and Appetites , as accurately as any Philosophers have done since . Besides , It may be justly questioned , whether what Monsieur Perrault calls Politeness , be not very often rather an Aberration from , and Straining of Nature , than an Improvement of the Manners of the Age : If so , it may reasonably be supposed , that those that medled not with the Niceties of Ceremony and Breeding , before unpractised , rather contemned them as improper or unnatural , than omitted them because of the Roughness of the Manners of the Ages in which they lived . Ovid and Tibullus knew what Love was , in its tenderest Motions ; they describe its Anxieties and Disappointments in a Manner that raises too too many Passions , even in unconcerned Hearts ; they omit no probable Arts of Courtship and Address ; and keeping the Mark they aim at still in view , they rather chuse to shew their Passion , than their Wit : And therefore they are not so formal as the Heroes in Pharamond or Cassandra ; who , by pretending to Exactness in all their Methods , commit greater Improbabilities than Amadis de Gaule himself . In short , Durse e , and Calprenede f , and the rest of them , by over-straining the String , have broke it : And one can as soon believe that Varillas and Maimbourg wrote the Histories of great Actions just as they were done , as that Men ever made Love in such a Way as these Love-and-Honour Men describe . That Simplicity therefore of the Ancients , which Monsieur Perrault undervalues , is so far from being a Mark of Rudeness , and Want of Complaisance , that their Fault lay in being too Natural , in making too lively Descriptions of Things , where Men want no Foreign Assistance to help them to form their Idea's ; and where Ignorance , could it be had , is more valuable than any , much more than a Critical Knowledge . 3. Since , By that lowd Trumpet which our Courage aids , We learn , that Sound , as well as Sense , persuades ; the Felicity of a manageable Language , when improved by Men of nice Ears , and true Judgments , is greater , and goes further to make Men Orators and Poets , than Monsieur Perrault seems willing to allow ; though there is a plain Reason for his Unwillingness : The French Language wants Strength to temper and support its Smoothness for the nobler Parts of Poesie , and perhaps of Oratory too , though the French Nation wants no Accomplishments necessary to make a Poet , or an Orator . Therefore their late Criticks are always setting Rules , and telling Men what must be done , and what omitted , if they would be Poets . What they find they cannot do themselves , shall be so clogged where they may have the Management , that others shall be afraid to attempt it . They are too fond of their Language , to acknowledge where the Fault lies ; and therefore the chief Thing they tell us is , that Sence , Connexion and Method are the principal Things to be minded . Accordingly , they have translated most of the Ancient Poets , even the Lyricks , into French Prose ; and from those Translations they pass their Judgments , and call upon others to do so too . So that when ( to use Sir J. Denham's Comparison ) by pouring the Spirits of the Ancient Poetry from one Bottle into another , they have lost the most Volatile Parts , and the rest becomes flat and insipid ; these Criticks exclaim against the Ancients , as if they did not sufficiently understand Poetical Chymistry . This is so great a Truth , that even in Oratory it holds , though in a less Degree . Thucydides therefore has hard Measure to be compared with the Bishop of Meaux , when his Oration is turned into another Language , whilst Monsieur de Meaux's stands unaltered ; for , though Sence is Sence in every Tongue , yet all Languages have a peculiar Way of expressing the same Things ; which is lost in Translations , and much more in Monsieur D' Ablancourt's , who professed to mind two very different Things at once ; to translate his Author , and to write elegant Books in his own Language ; which last he has certainly done ; and he knew that more Persons could find fault with his Stile , if it had been faulty , than find out Mistakes in his Rendring of the Greek of Thucydides . Besides , the Beauty of the Author's Composition is , in all Translations , entirely lost , though the Ancients were superstitiously exact about it ; and in their elegant Prose , as much almost as in their Verse . So that a Man can have but half an Idea of the ancient Eloquence , and that not always faithful , who judges of it without such a Skill in Greek and Latin as can enable him to read Histories , Orations and Poems in those Languages , with Ease and Pleasure . But it is time to return to my Subject . CHAP. V. Of Ancient and Modern Grammar . GRammar is one of the Sciences which Sir William Temple says , that g no Man ever disputed with the Ancients . As this Assertion is expressed , it is a little ambiguous : It may be understood of the Skill of the Moderns in the Grammatical Analogy of Latin and Greek , or of their Skill in the Grammar of their Mother-Tongues . Besides , Grammar may either be considered Mechanically , or Philosophically . Those consider it Mechanically , who only examine the Idiotisms and Proprieties of every particular Language , and lay down Rules to teach them to others . Those consider it as Philosophers , who run over the several Steps , by which every Language has altered its Idiom ; who enquire into the several Perfections and Imperfections of those Tongues with which they are acquainted , and ( if they are living Languages ) propose Methods how to remedy them , or , at least , remove those Obscurities which are thereby occasioned in such Discourses where Truth is only regarded , and not Eloquence . Now , this Mechanical Grammar of Greek and Latin has been very carefully studied by Modern Criticks . Sanctius , Scioppius , and Gerhard Vossius , besides a great Number of others , who have occasionally shown their Skill in their Illustrations of Ancient Authors , have given evident Proofs how well they understood the Latin Tongue : So have Caninius , Clenard , and abundance more , in Greek : Wherein they have gone upon sure Grounds , since , besides a great Number of Books in both Languages , upon other Subjects , abundance of Grammatical Treatises , such as Scholia upon difficult Authors , Glossaries , Onomasticons , Etymologicons , Rudiments of Grammar , &c. have been preserved , and published by skilful Men ( most of them at least ) with great Care and Accuracy . So that there is Reason to believe , that some Modern Criticks may have understood the Grammatical Construction of Latin as well as Varro , or Caesar ; and of Greek as well as Aristarchus , or Herodian . But this cannot be pretended to be a new Invention ; for the Grammar of dead Languages can be only learned by Books : And since their Analogy can neither be increased , nor diminished , it must be left as we find it . So that when Sir William Temple says , That no Man ever disputed Grammar with the Ancients ; if he means , that we cannot make a new Grammar of a dead Language , whose Analogy has been determined almost Two Thousand Years , it is what can admit of no Dispute . But if he means , that Modern Languages have not been Grammatically examined ; at least , not with that Care that some Ancient Tongues have been ; that is a Proposition which may , perhaps , be very justly questioned . For , in the first place , it ought to be considered , that every Tongue has its own peculiar Form , as well as its proper Words ; not communicable to , nor to be regulated by the Analogy of another Language : Wherefore he is the best Grammarian , who is the perfectest Master of the Analogy of the Language which he is about ; and gives the truest Rules , by which another Man may learn it . Next , To apply this to our own Tongue , it may be certainly affirmed , that the Grammar of English is so far our own , that Skill in the Learned Languages is not necessary to comprehend it . Ben. Johnson was the first Man , that I know of , that did any Thing considerable in it ; but Lilly's Grammar was his Pattern : and for want of Reflecting upon the Grounds of a Language which he understood as well as any Man of his Age , he drew it by Violence to a dead Language that was of a quite different Make ; and so left his Work imperfect . After him , came Dr. Wallis ; who examined the English Tongue like a Grammarian and a Philosopher at once , and showed great Skill in that Business : And of his English Grammar one may venture to say , That it may be set against any Thing that is extant of the Ancients , of that kind : For , as Sir William Temple says upon another Occasion , there is a Strain of Philosophy , and curious Thought , in his previous Essay of the Formation of the Sounds of Letters ; and of Subtilty in the Grammar , in the reducing of our Language under Genuine Rules of Art , that one would not expect in a Book of that kind . In France , since the Institution of the French Academy , the Grammar of their own Language has been studied with great Care. Isocrates himself could not be more nice in the Numbers of his Periods , than these Academicians have been in setling the Phraseology , in fixing the Standard of Words , and in making their Sentences , as well as they could , numerous and flowing . Their Dictionary , of which a good Part is already printed ; Vaugelas's and Bouhours's Remarks upon the French Tongue , Richelet's and Furetiere's Dictionaries , with abundance of other Books of that kind , which , though not all written by Members of the Academy , yet are all Imitations of the Patterns which they first set , are Evidences of this their Care. This Sir William Temple somewhere owns : And though he there supposes , that these Filers and Polishers may have taken away a great part of the Strength of the Tongue , which , in the main , is true enough , yet that is no Objection against their Critical Skill in Grammar ; upon which Account only their Labours are here taken notice of . So much for the Mechanical Part of Grammar . Philosophical Grammar was never , that we know of , much minded by the Ancients . So that any great Performances of this sort are to be looked upon as Modern Increases to the Commonwealth of Learning . The most considerable Book of that kind , that I know of , is Bishop Wilkins's Essay towards a Real Character , and Philosophical Language : A Work , which those who have studied , think they can never commend enough . To this one ought to add , what may be found relating to the same Subject , in the Third Book of Mr. Lock 's Essay of Humane Understanding . CHAP. VI. Of Ancient and Modern Architecture , Statuary , and Painting . HItherto the Moderns seem to have had very little Reason to boast of their Acquisitions , and Improvements ; Let us see now what they may have hereafter . In those Arts , sure , if in any , they may challenge the Preference , which depending upon great Numbers of Experiments and Observations , which do not every Day occurr , cannot be supposed to be brought to Perfection in a few Ages . Among such , doubtless , Architecture , Sculpture and Painting may , and ought here to be reckoned ; both because they were extreamly valued by the Ancients , and do still keep up their just Price . They are likewise very properly taken notice of in this Place , because they have always been the Entertainments of Ingenious and Learned Men , whose Circumstances would give them Opportunity to lay out Money upon them , or to please themselves with other Men's Labours . In these Things , if we may take Men's Judgments in their own Professions , the Ancients have far out-done the Moderns . The Italians , whose Performances have been the most considerable in this kind , and who , as Genuine Successors of the Old Romans , are not apt to undervalue what they do themselves , have , for the most part , given the uncontested Pre-eminence to the Ancient Greek Architects , Painters and Sculptors . Whose Authority we ought the rather to acquiesce in , because Michael-Angelo and Bernini , two wonderful Masters , and not a little jealous of their Honour , did always ingenuously declare , that their best Pieces were exceeded by some of the ancient Statues still to be seen at Rome . Here therefore I at first intended to have left off ; and I thought my self obliged to resign what I believed could not be maintained , when Monsieur Perrault's Parallel of the Ancients and Moderns came to my Hands . His Skill in Architecture and Mechanicks was sufficiently manifested long ago , in his admirable Translation of , and Commentaries upon Vitruvius : And his long Conversation with the finest Pieces of Antiquity , and of these Later Ages , fitted him for judging of these Matters better than other Men. So that , though there might be great Reason not to agree to his Hypothesis of the State of Ancient and Modern Eloquence and Poesie ; yet in Things of this Nature , where the Mediums of Judging are quite different , and where Geometrical Rules of Proportion , which in their own Nature are unalterable , go very far to determine the Question , his Judgment seemed to be of great weight . I shall therefore chuse rather to give a short View of what he says upon these Subjects , than to pass any Censure upon them of my own . Of Architecture he says , That though the Moderns have received the Knowledge of the Five Orders from the Ancients , yet if they employ it to better Purposes , if their Buildings be more useful , and more beautiful , then they must be allowed to be the better Architects : For it is in Architecture , as it is in Oratory ; as he that lays down Rules , when and how to use Metaphors , Hyperbole's , Prosopopoeia's , or any other Figures of Rhetorick , may very often not be so good an Orator as he that uses them judiciously in his Discourses : So he that teaches what a Pillar , an Architrave or a Cornice is , and that instructs another in the Rules of Proportion , so as to adjust all the Parts of each of the several Orders aright , may not be so good an Architect as he that builds a magnificent Temple , or a noble Palace , that shall answer all those Ends for which such Structures are designed . That the chief Reason why the Doric , the Ionic , or the Corinthian Models have pleased so much , is , partly because the Eye has been long accustomed to them , and partly because they have been made use of by Men who understood and followed those other Rules which will eternally please , upon the Score of real Usefulness ; whereas the Five Orders owe their Authority to Custom , rather than to Nature . That these Universal Rules are ; To make those Buildings which will bear it , lofty and wide : In Stone-work , to use the largest , the smoothest , and the evenest Stones : To make the Joints almost imperceptible : To place the perpendicular Parts of the Work exactly Perpendicular , and the Horizontal Parts exactly Horizontal : To support the weak Parts of the Work by the strong : to cut Square Figures perfectly Square , and Round Figures perfectly Round : To hew the whole exactly true ; and to fix all the Corners of the Work evenly , as they ought to be . That these Rules , well observed , will always please even those who never understood one single Term of Art : Whereas the other accidental Beauties , such as he supposes Doric , Ionic , or Corinthian Work to be , please , only because they are found together with these , though their being the most conspicuous Parts of a Building made them be first observed : From whence Men began to fansie Inherent Beauties in that , which owes the greatest part of its Charms to the good Company in which it is taken notice of , and so in time delighted , when it was seen alone . That otherwise it would be impossible that there should be so great a Variety in the Assigning of the Proportions of the several Orders ; no two eminent Architects ever keeping to the same Measure , though they have neither spoiled nor lessened the Beauty of their Works . That if we go to Particulars , we shall not find ( for the purpose ) in the Pantheon at Rome , which is the most regular , and the most magnificent ancient Building now extant , two Pillars of a like thickness . That a the Girders of the arched Roof do not lie full upon the great Columns or Pilasters ; but some quite over the Cavities of the Windows which are underneath ; others half over the Windows , and half upon the Columns or Pilasters . That the Modillons of the Cornice are not exactly over the Middle of the Chapiters of the Pillars . That in the Fronts of the Piazza's , the Number of the Modillons in Sides of equal length is not alike : With several Instances of Negligence , which would now be thought unpardonable . That , generally speaking , in other Buildings , their Floors were twice as thick as their Walls ; which loaded them exceedingly , to no purpose . That their Way of Laying Stones in Lozenges was inconvenient as well as troublesome , since every Stone so placed was a Wedge to force those asunder on which it leaned . That they did not understand the nicest Thing in Architecture , which is , the Art of Cutting Stones in such a manner , as that several Pieces might be jointed one into another ; for want of which , they made their Vaults of Brick plaster'd over ; and their Architraves of Wood , or of one single Stone ; which obliged them to set their Pillars closer to one another than otherwise had been necessary : Whereas , by this Art of Cutting Stone , Arches have been made almost flat ; Stair-Cases of a vast heighth have been raised , where the Spectator is at a loss to tell what supports them ; whilst the Stones are jointed into each other in such a manner , that they mutually bear up themselves , without any Rest but the Wall , into which the innermost Stones are fastned . That they had not Engines to raise their Stones to any considerable heighth ; but if the Work was low , they carried them upon their Shoulders ; if high , they raised sloping Mounts of Earth level with their Work , by which they rolled up their Stones to what heighth they pleased : For , as for the Engines for Raising of Stones in Vitruvius , those who understand Mechanicks are agreed , that they can never be very serviceable . That it is not the Largeness of a Building , but the well executing of a Noble Design , which commends an Architect ; otherwise the Egyptian Pyramids , as they are the greatest , would also be the finest Structures in the World. And last of all , That the French King's Palace at Versailles , and the Frontispiece of the Louvre , discover more true Skill in Architecture of all sorts , than any thing which the Ancients ever performed , if we may judge of what is lost , by what remains . What Monsieur Perrault says of the Ancients Way of Raising their Stone , may be confirmed by the Accounts which Garsilasso de la Vega , and others , give of the vast Buildings of massy Stone which the Spaniards found in Peru , upon their first Arrival . It is most certain that the Peruans knew not the Use of Iron ; and by consequence , could make no Engines very serviceable for such a purpose . They ground their Stones one against another , to smooth them ; and afterwards they raised them with Leavers : And thus , with Multitude of Hands they reared such Structures as appeared wonderful , even to Men acquainted with Modern Architecture . Of Sculpture he says ; That we are to distinguish between entire Statues , and Basso Relievo's ; and in entire Statues , between naked and cloathed Pieces . The naked Images of the Ancients , as Hercules , Apollo , Diana , the Gladiators , the Wrestlers , Bacchus , Laocoon , and some few more , are truly admirable : They shew something extreamly noble , which one wants Words for , that is not to be found in Modern Work : Though he cannot tell whether Age does not contribute to the Beauty . That if some of the most excellent of the Modern Pieces should be preserved 1500 or 2000 Years , or ting'd with some Chymical Water , that could in a short time make them appear Antique , it is probable they would be viewed with the same Veneration which is now payed to Ancient Statues . That the naked Sculpture of single Figures is a very noble Art indeed , but the simplest of any that has ever charmed Mankind ; not being burthen'd with a Multiplicity of Rules , nor needing the Knowledge of any other Art to compleat it ; since a Man that has a Genius , and Application , wants only a beautiful Model in a proper Posture , which he is faithfully to copy : And therefore , That in the Cloathed Statues of the Ancients , the Drapery wants much of that Art which is discernable in some Modern Pieces ; they could never make the Clothes sit loose to the Bodies , nor manage the Folds so as to appear easie and flowing , like well-made Garments upon living Bodies . That the Basso Relievo's of the Ancients plainly show , that the Statuaries in those Days did not understand all the Precepts that are necessary to compleat their Art ; because they never observed the Rules of Perspective , they did not lessen their Figures gradually , to make them suitable to the Place where they stood , but set them almost all upon the same Line ; so that those behind were as large , and as distinguishable , as those before ; as if they had been purposely mounted upon Steps , to be seen over one another's Heads . That this is visible in the Columna Trajana at this Day , though that is the noblest ancient Performance in Basso Relievo still remaining ; wherein , together with some very beautiful Airs of some of the Heads , and some very happy Postures , one may discern that there is scarce any Art in the Composition of the whole , no lessening of the Relievo in any part , with great Ignorance in Perspective in the whole . That the ancient Works in Basso Relievo did not truly deserve that Name , being properly entire Statues , either sawed down perpendicularly , from Head to Foot , with the fore-part fastned , or glued to a flat Ground , or sunk half way in : Whereas the true Art consists in raising the Figures so from their Ground , which is of the same Piece , that with two or three Inches of Relievo , they may appear like distinct Images rising out of the Ground , some more , some less , according to the several Distances in which they ought to be placed . Of Painting , he says ; That three Things are necessary to make a perfect Picture ; To represent the Figures truly ; To express the Passions naturally ; and , To put the whole judiciously together . For the First , It is necessary that all the Out-Lines be justly drawn , and that every Part be properly coloured . For the Second , It is necessary that the Painter should hit the different Airs and Characters of the Face , with all the Postures of the Figures , so as to express what they do , and what they think . The whole is judiciously put together , when every several Figure is set in the Place in which we see it , for a particular Purpose ; and the Colouring gradually weakned , so as to suit that part of the Plain in which every Figure appears . All which is as applicable to the several Parts of a Picture that has but one Figure , as to the several Figures in a Picture that has more . That if we judge of Ancient and Modern Paintings by this Rule , we may divide them into three Classes : The First takes in the Age of Zeuxis , Apelles , Timanthes , and the rest that are so much admired in Antiquity . The Second takes in the Age of Raphael , Titian , Paul Veronese , and those other great Masters that flourished in Italy in the last Age. The Third contains the Painters of our own Age ; such as Poussin , Le Brun , and the like . That if we may judge of the Worth of the Painters of the First Classe by the Commendations which have been given them , we have Reason to say , either that their Admirers did not understand Painting well , or that themselves were not so valuable , or both . That whereas Zeuxis is said to have painted a Bunch of Grapes so naturally , that the Birds pecked at them ; Cooks have , of late Years , reached at Partridges and Capons , painted in Kitchins ; which has made By-standers smile , without raising the Painter's Reputation to any great heighth . That the Contention between Protogenes and Apelles shewed the Infancy of their Art : Apelles was wonderfully applauded for drawing a very fine Stroke upon a Table : Protogenes drew a Second over that , in a different Colour ; which Apelles split into two , by a Third . Yet this was not so much as what Giotto did , who lived in the Beginning of the Restoration of Painting in Italy ; who drew , without Compasses , with a single Stroke of a Pencil , upon a Board , an O , so exquisitely round , that it is still proverbial among the Italians , when they would describe a Man that is egregiously stupid , to say , That he is as round as the O of Giotto . That when Poussin's Hand shook so much , that he could scarce manage his Pencil , he painted some Pieces of inestimable Value ; and yet very indifferent Painters would have divided every Line that he drew , into nine or ten Parts . That the Chineses , who cannot yet express Life and Passion in their Pieces , will draw the Hairs of the Face and Beard so fine , that one may part them with the Eye from one another , and tell them . Though the Ancients went much beyond all this ; for the Remains of the ancient Painting discover great Skill in Designing , great Judgment in Ordering of the Postures , much Nobleness and Majesty in the Airs of the Heads ; but little Art , at the same time , in the Mixing of their Colours , and none at all in the Perspective , or the Placing of the Figures . That their Colouring is all equally strong ; nothing comes forward , nothing falls back in their Pictures ; the Figures are almost . all upon a Line : So that their Paintings appear like Pieces in Basso Relievo , coloured ; all dry and unmoveable , without Union , without Connexion , and that living Softness which distinguishes Pictures from Statues in Marble or Copper . Wherefore , since the Paintings of these Ancient Masters were justly designed , and the Passions of every several Figure naturally expressed , which are the Things that the Generality of Judges most admire , who cannot discern those Beauties that result from a judicious Composition of the whole , so well as they can the distinct Beauties of the several Parts , there is no Wonder that Zeuxis and Apelles , and the other Ancient Masters , were so famous , and so well rewarded . For , of the three Things at first assigned , as necessary to a perfect Painter , true Drawing , with proper Colouring , affect the Senses ; natural Expressing of the Motions of the Soul move the Passions ; whereas a Judicious Composition of the whole , which is discernable in an Artful Distribution of Lights and Shades , in the gradual Lessening of Figures , according to their respective Places , in making every Figure answer to that particular Purpose which it is intended to represent , affects the Understanding only ; and so , instead of Charming , will rather disgust an unskilful Spectator . Such a Man , and under this Head almost all Mankind may be comprehended , will contentedly forgive the grossest Faults in Perspective , if the Figures are but very prominent , and the View not darkned by too much Shade ; which , in their Opinion , spoils all Faces , especially of Friends , whose Images chiefly such Men are desirous to see . When he compares the Paintings of Raphael and Le Brun together , he observes , That Raphael seems to have had the greater Genius of the two ; that there is something so Noble in his Postures , and the Airs of his Heads ; something so just in his Designs , so perfect in the Mixture of his Colours , that his St. Michael will always be thought the first Picture in the World , unless his H. Family should dispute Precedency with it . In snort , he says , That if we consider the Persons of Raphael and Le Brun , Raphael perhaps may be the greater Man : But if we consider the Art , as a Collection of Rules , all necessary to be observed to make it perfect , it appears much more compleat in Monsieur Le Brun's Pieces : For Raphael understood so little of the gradual Lessening of Light , and Weakning of Colours , which is caused by the Interposition of the Air , that the hindmost Figures in his Pieces appear almost as plain as the foremost ; and the Leaves of distant Trees , almost as visible as of those near at hand ; and the Windows of a Building four Leagues off may all be counted as easily as of one that is within twenty Paces . Nay , he cannot tell whether some part of that Beauty , now so peculiar to Raphael's Pieces , may not , in a great Measure , be owing to Time , which adds a real Beauty to good Paintings . For , in Works of this kind , as in New-killed Meat , or New-gathered Fruit , there is a Rawness and Sharpness , which Time alone concocts and sweetens , by mortifying that which has too much Life , by weakning that which is too strong , and by mixing the Extremities of every Colour entirely into one another . So that no Man can tell what will be the Beauty of Le Brun's Family of Darius , Alexander's Triumph , the Defeat of Porus , and some other Pieces of equal Force , when Time shall have done her Work , and shall have added those Graces which are now so remarkable in the St. Michael , and the H. Family . One may already observe , that Monsieur Le Brun's Pieces begin to soften ; and that Time has , in part , added those Graces which it alone can give , by sweetning what was left on purpose , by the judicious Painter , to amuse its Activity , and to keep it from the Substance of the Work ' . Thus far Monsieur Perrault . Whether his Reasonings are just , I dare not determine : Thus much may very probably be inferred , That in these Things also the World does not decay so fast as Sir William Temple believes ; and that Poussin , Le Brun and Bernini have made it evident by their Performances in Painting and Statuary , h That we have had Masters in both these Arts , who have deserved a Rank with those that flourished in the last Age , after they were again restored to these Parts of the World. CHAP. VII . General Reflections relating to the following Chapters : With an Account of Sir William Temple 's Hypothesis of the History of Learning . IF the bold Claims of confident and numerous Pretenders might , because of their Confidence and Numbers , be much relied on , it were an easie Thing to determine the present Question , without any further Trouble . The Generality of the Learned have given the Ancients the Preference in those Arts and Sciences which have hitherto been considered : But for the Precedency in those Parts of Learning which still remain to be enquired into , the Moderns have put in their Claim , with great Briskness . Among this Sort , I reckon Mathematical and Physical Sciences , considered in their largest Extent . These are Things which have no Dependence upon the Opinions of Men for their Truth ; they will admit of fixed and undisputed Mediums of Comparison and Judgment : So that , though it may be always debated , who have been the best Orators , or who the best Poets ; yet it cannot always be a Matter of Controversie , who have been the greatest Geometers , Arithmeticians , Astronomers , Musicians , Anatomists , Chymists , Botanists , or the like ; because a fair Comparison between the Inventions , Observations , Experiments and Collections of the contending Parties must certainly put an End to the Dispute , and give a more full Satisfaction to all Sides . The Thing contended for on both Sides is , the Knowledge of Nature ; what the Appearances are which it exhibits , and how they are exhibited ; thereby to show how they may be enlarged , and diversified , and Impediments of any sort removed . In order to this , it will be necessary , ( 1. ) To find out all the several Affections and Properties of Quantity , abstractedly considered ; with the Proportions of its Parts and Kinds , either severally considered , or compared with , or compounded with one another ; either as they may be in Motion , or at Rest. This is properly the Mathematician's Business . ( 2. ) To collect great Numbers of Observations , and to make a vast Variety of Experiments upon all sorts of Natural Bodies . And because this cannot be done without proper Tools , ( 3. ) To contrive such Instruments , by which the Constituent Parts of the Universe , and of all its Parts , even the most minute , or the most remote , may lie more open to our View ; and their Motions , or other Affections , be better calculated and examined , than could otherwise have been done by our unassisted Senses . ( 4. ) To range all the several Species of Natural Things under proper Heads ; to assign fit Characteristicks , or Marks , whereby they may be readily found out , and distinguished from one another . ( 5. ) To adapt all the Catholick Affections of Matter and Motion to all the known Appearances of Things , so as to be able to tell how Nature works ; and , in some particular Cases , to command her . This will take in Astronomy , Mechanicks , Opticks , Musick , with the other Physico-Mathematical and Physico-Mechanical Parts of Knowledge ; as also , Anatomy , Chymistry , with the whole Extent of Natural History . It will help us to make a just Comparison between the Ancient and Modern Physicks ; that so we may certainly determine who Philosophized best , Aristotle and Democritus , or Mr. Boyle and Mr. Newton . In these Things therefore the Comparison is to be made , wherein one can go no higher than the Age of Hypocrates , Aristotle and Theophrastus , because the Writings of the Philosophers before them are all lost . It may therefore be plausibly objected , that this is no fair Way of Proceeding , because the Egyptians and Chaldaeans were famous for very many Parts of real Learning long before ; from whom Pythagoras , Thales , Plato , and all the other Graecian Philosophers , borrowed what they knew . This Sir William Temple insists at large upon ; so that it will be necessary to examine the Claims of these Nations to Universal Learning : In doing of which , I shall follow Sir William Temple's Method ; and first give a short Abstract of his Hypothesis , and then enquire how far it may be relied on . Sir William Temple tells us , That the chiefest Argument that is produced in behalf of the Moderns , is ; i That they have the Advantage of the Ancients Discoveries to help their own : So that , like Dwarfs upon Giants Shoulders , they must needs see farther than the Giants themselves . To weaken this , we are told , That those whom we call Ancients , are Moderns , if compared to those who are ancienter than they : And that there were vast Lakes of Learning in Egypt , Chaldea , India and China ; where it stagnated for many Ages , till the Greeks brought Buckets , and drew it out . The Question which is first to be asked here , is , Where are the Books and Monuments wherein these Treasures were deposited for so many Ages ? And because they are not to be found , Sir William Temple makes a Doubt , l Whether Books advance any other Science , beyond the particular Records of Actions , or Registers of Time. He may resolve it soon , if he enquires how far a Man can go in Astronomical Calculations , for which the Chaldeans are said to be so famous , without the Use of Letters . The Peruan Antiquities , which he there alledges , for Twelve or Thirteen Generations , from Mango Capac , to Atahualpa , were not of above Five Hundred Years standing . The Mexican Accounts were not much older ; and yet these , though very rude , needed Helps to be brought down to us . The Perisan Conveyances of Knowledge , according to Garçilasso de la Vega , were not purely Traditionary , but were Fringes of Cotton , of several Colours , tied and woven with a vast Variety of Knots , which had all determinate Meanings ; and so supplied the Use of Letters , in a tolerable Degree : And the Mexican Antiquities were preserved , after a sort , by Pictures ; of which we have a Specimen in Purchas's Pilgrim . So that when Sir William Temple urges the Traditions of these People , to prove that Knowledge may be conveyed to Posterity without Letters , he proves only what is not disputed , namely , That Knowledge can be imperfectly conveyed to Posterity without Letters ; not that Tradition can preserve Learning as well as Books , or something equivalent . But since Sir William Temple lays no great Weight upon this Evasion , I ought not to insist any longer upon it . He says m therefore , That it is a Question , whether the Invention of Printing has multiplied Books , or only the Copies of them ; since , if we believe that there were 600000 Books in the Ptolemaean Library , we shall hardly pretend to equal it by any of ours , nor perhaps by all put together ; that is , we shall be scarce able to produce so many Originals that have lived any Time , and thereby given Testimony of their having been thought worth preserving , All this , as it is urged by Sir William Temple , is liable to great Exception . For , ( 1. ) If we should allow that there is no Hyperbole in the Number of Books in the Ptolemaean Library , yet we are not to take our Estimate by our Way of Reckoning . Every Oration of Demosthenes and Isocrates , every Play of Aeschylus or Aristophanes , every Discourse of Plato or Aristotle , was anciently called a Volume . This will lessen the Number to us , who take whole Collections of every Author's Works in one Lump ; and call them accordingly in our Catalogues , if printed together , but by one Title . ( 2. ) Sir William Temple seems to take it for granted , that all these Books were Originals ; that is to say , Books worth preserving ; which is more than any Man can now prove . I suppose he himself believes that there were Ancients of all Sorts and Sizes , as well as there are Moderns now . And he that raises a Library , takes in Books of all Values ; since bad Books have their Uses to Learned Men , as well as good ones . So that , for any Thing we know to the contrary , there might have been in this Alexandrian Library a great Number of n Scribblers , that , like Mushrooms or Flies , are born and die in small Circles of Time. ( 3. ) The World can make a better Judgment of the Value of what is lost , at least , as it relates to the present Enquiry , than one at first View might perhaps imagine . The lost Books of the Antiquity of several Nations , of their Civil History , of the Limits of their several Empires and Commonwealths , of their Laws and Manners , or of any Thing immediately relating to any of these , are not here to be considered , because it cannot be pretended that the Moderns could know any of these Things , but as they were taught . So neither is what may have related to Ethicks , Politicks , Poesie and Oratory here to be urged , since in those Matters , the Worth of Ancient Knowledge has already been asserted . So that one is only to enquire what and how great the Loss is of all those Books upon Natural or Mathematical Arguments , which were preserved in the Alexandrian , Asiatick and Roman Libraries , or mentioned in the Writings of the Ancient Philosophers and Historians . By which Deduction , the former Number will be yet again considerably lessened . Now , a very true Judgment of Ancient Skill in Natural History may be formed out of Pliny , whose Extracts of Books , still extant , are so particular for the present Purpose , that there is Reason to believe they were not made carelesly of those that are lost . Galen seems to have read whatever he could meet with relating to Medicine , in all its Parts : And the Opinions of Abundance of Authors , whose Names are no where else preserved , may be discovered out of his Books ; of the famous ones especially ; whom at every Turn he either contradicts , or produces to fortifie his own Assertions . Ptolemee gives an Account of the old Astronomy in his Almagest . Very many Particulars of the Inventions and Methods of Ancient Geometers are to be found in the Mathematical Collections of Pappus . The Opinions of the different Sects of Philosophers are well enough preserved in the entire Treatises of the several Philosophers who were of their Sects ; or in the Discourses of others , who occasionally or expresly confute what they say . So that I am apt to think , that the Philosophical and Mathematical Learning of the Ancients is better conveyed to us than the Civil ; the Books which treated of those Subjects suiting better the Genius's of several Men , and of several Nations too : For which Reason the Arabs translated the most considerable Greek Books of this kind ; as , Euclid , Apollonius , Aristotle , Epictetus , Cebes , and Abundance more , that had written of Philosophy or Mathematicks , into their own Language ; whilst they let Books of Antiquity and Civil History lie unregarded . Sir William Temple's next Enquiry is , From whence both the Ancients and Moderns have received their Knowledge ? His Method does not seem to be very natural , nor his Question very proper , since , if Discoveries are once made , it is not so material to know who taught the several Inventors , as what these Inventors first taught others . But setting that aside , the Summ of what he says , in short , is this : o The Moderns gather all their Learning out of Books in Universities ; which are but dumb Guides , that can lead Men but one Way , without being able to set them right if they should wander from it . These Books , besides , are very few ; the Remains of the Writings of here and there an Author , that wrote from the Time of Hippocrates , to M. Antoninus , in the Compass of Six or Seven Hundred Years : Whereas Thales and Pythagoras took another sort of a Method ; Thales acquired his Knowledge in Egypt , Phoenicia , Delphos and Crete ; p Pythagoras spent Twenty Two Years in Egypt , and Twelve Years more in Chaldea , and then returned , laden with all their Stores ; and not contented with that , went into Ethiopia , Arabia , India and Crete ; and visited Delphos , and all the renowned Oracles in the World. q Lest we should wonder why Pythagoras went so far , we are told , that the Indian Brachmans were so careful to educate those who were intended for Scholars , that as soon as the Mother 's found themselves with Child , much Thought and Diligence was employed about their Diet and Entertainment , to furnish them with pleasant Imaginations , to compose their Mind and their Sleeps with the best Temper , during the Time that they carried their Burthen . It is certain that they must needs have been very learned , since they were obliged to spend Thirty Seven Years in getting Instruction : Their Knowledge was all Traditional ; they thought the World was round , and made by a Spirit ; they believed the Transmigration of Souls ; and they esteemed Sickness such a Mark of Intemperance , that when they found themselves indisposed , they died out of Shame and Sullenness , though some lived an Hundred and Fifty or Two Hundred Years . r These Indians had their Knowledge , in all probability , from China , a Country where Learning had been in Request from the Time of Fohius , their first King. It is to be presumed , that they communicated of their Store to other Nations , though they themselves have few Foot-steps of it remaining , besides the Writings of Confucius , which are chiefly Moral and Political ; because one of their Kings , who desired that the Memory of every Thing should begin with himself , caused Books of all sorts , not relating to Physick and Agriculture , to be destroyed . s From India , Learning was carried into Ethiopia and Arabia ; thence , by the Way of the Red Sea , it came into Phoenicia ; and the Egyptians learnt it of the Ethiopians . This is a short Account of the History of Learning , as Sir William Temple has deduced it from its most ancient Beginnings . The Exceptions which may be made against it are many , and yet more against the Conclusions which he draws from it : For , though it be certain that the Egyptians had the Grounds and Elements of most parts of real Learning among them earlier than the Greeks , yet that is no Argument why the Grecians should not go beyond their Teachers , or why the Moderns might not out-do them both . Before I examine Sir William Temple's Scheme , Step by Step , I shall offer , as the Geometers do , some few Things as Postulata , which are so very plain , that they will be assented to as soon as they are proposed . ( 1. ) That all Men who make a Mystery of Matters of Learning , and industriously oblige their Scholars to conceal their Dictates , give the World great Reason to suspect , that their Knowledge is all Juggling and Trick . ( 2. ) That he that has only a Moral Persuasion of the Truth of any Proposition , which is capable of Natural Evidence , cannot so properly be esteemed the Inventor , or the Discoverer rather , of that Proposition , as another Man , who , tho' he lived many Ages after , brings such Evidences of its Certainty , as are sufficient to convince all competent Judges ; especially when his Reasonings are founded upon Observations and Experiments drawn from , and made upon the Things themselves . ( 3. ) That no Pretences to greater Measures of Knowledge , grounded upon Account of Long Successions of Learned Men in any Country , ought to gain Belief , when set against the Learning of other Nations , who make no such Pretences , unless Inventions and Discoveries answerable to those Advantages , be produced by their Advocates . ( 4. ) That we cannot judge of Characters of Things and Persons at a great Distance , when given at Second-hand , unless we knew exactly how capable those Persons , from whom such Characters were first taken , were to pass a right Judgment upon such subjects ; and also the particular Motives that biassed them to pass such Censures . If Archimedes should , upon his own Knowledge , speak with Admiration of the Egyptian Geometry , his Judgment would be very considerable : But if he should speak respectfully of it , only because Pythagoras did so before him , it might , perhaps , signifie but very little . ( 5. ) That excessive Commendations of any Art or Science whatsoever , as also of the Learning of any particular Men or Nations , only prove that the Persons who give such Characters never heard of any Thing or Person that was more excellent in that Way ; and therefore that Admiration may be as well supposed to proceed from their own Ignorance , as from the real Excellency of the Persons or Things ; unless their respective Abilities are otherwise known . CHAP. VIII . Of the Learning of Pythagoras , and the most Ancient Philosophers of Greece . IN my Enquiries into the Progress of Learning during its obscurer Ages , or those , at least , which are so to us at this Distance , I shall begin with the Accounts which are given of the Learning of Pythagoras , rather than those of the more Ancient Grecian Sages ; because his School made a much greater Figure in the World , than any of those which preceded Plato and Aristotle . In making a Judgment upon the Greatness of his Performances , from the Greatness of his Reputation , one ought to consider how near to his Time those lived , whose express Relations of his Life are the oldest we have . Diogenes Laërtius is the ancientest Author extant , that has purposely written the Life of Pythagoras : According to Menagius's Calculations , he lived in M. Antoninus's Time : And all that we learn from Diogenes is only , that we know very little certainly about Pythagoras . He cites , indeed , great Numbers of Books ; but those so very disagreeing in their Relations , that a Man is confounded with their Variety . Besides , the Grecians magnified every Thing that they commended , so much , that it is hard to guess how far they may be believed when they write of Men and Actions at any Distance from their own Time. Graecia Mendax was almost proverbial amongst the Romans . But by what appears from the Accounts of the Life of Pythagoras , he is rather to be ranked among the Law-givers , with Lycurgus and Solon , and his own two Disciples , Zaleucus and Charondas , than amongst those who really carried Learning to any considerable heighth . Therefore , as some other Legislators had , or pretended to have , Super-natural Assistances , that they might create a Regard for their Laws in the People to whom they gave them ; so Pythagoras found out several Equivalents , which did him as much Service . He is said , indeed , to have lived many Years in Egypt , and to have conversed much with the Philofophers of the East ; but if he invented the XLVIIth . Proposition in the First Book of Euclid , which is unanimously ascribed to him by all Antiquity , one can hardly have a profound Esteem for the Mathematical Skill of his Masters . It is , indeed , a very noble Proposition , the Foundation of Trigonometry , of universal and various Use in those curious Speculations of Incommensurable Numbers ; which his Disciples from him , and from them the Platonists , so exceedingly admired . But this shews the Infancy of Geometry in his Days , in that very Country which claims the Glory of Inventing it to her self . It is probable , indeed , that the Egyptians might find it out ; but then we ought also to take notice , that it is the only very considerable Instance of the real Learning of Pythagoras that is preserved . Which is the more observable , because the Pythagoreans paid the greatest Respect to their Master , of any Sect whatsoever ; and so we may be sure that we should have heard much more of his Learning , if much more could have been said : And though the Books of Hermippus and Aristoxenus t are lost , yet Laërtius , who had read them , and Porphyry and Jamblichus , Men of great Reading , and diffuse Knowledge , who , after Diogenes , wrote the Life of the same Pythagoras , would not have omitted any material Thing of that kind , if they had any where met with it . Amongst his other Journies , Sir William Temple mentions Pythagoras's Journy to Delphos u . Here , by the by , I must beg leave to put Sir William Temple in mind of a small Mistake that he commits in the Word Delphos , both here , and pag. 13. when he speaks of Thales . In both Places he says that Pythagoras and Thales travelled to Delphos : He might as well have said , that they travelled to Aegyptum , and Phoeniciam , and Cretam . It should be printed therefore , in his next Edition , to Phoenicia , and Delphi : For the English use the Nominative Cases of old Names , when they express them in their Mother Tongue . But setting that aside , what this makes to his purpose , is not easie to guess . Apollo's Priestesses are not famous for discovering Secrets in Natural or Mathematical Matters ; and as for Moral Truths , they might as well be known without going thither to fetch them . Van Daleu , in his Discourses of the Heathen Oracles , has endeavoured to prove , that they were only Artifices of the Priests , who gave such Answers to Enquirers as they desired , when they had either Power or Wealth to back their Requests . If Van Daleu's Hypothesis be admitted , it will strengthen my Notion of Pythagoras very much ; since when he did not care to live any longer in Samos , because of Polycrates's Tyranny , and was desirous to establish to himself a lasting Reputation for Wisdom and Learning amongst the ignorant Inhabitants of Magna Graecia , where he setled upon his Retirement , he was willing to have them think that Apollo was of his Side . That made him establish the Doctrine of Transmigration of Souls , which he brought with him out of India , that so those Italians might think that he had a certain Reminiscence of Things past , since his first Stage of Life , and the Beginning of the World ; and upon that Account admire him the more : For Laërtius w says , that he pretended to remember every Thing that he had done formerly , whilst he was in those other Bodies ; and that he received this as an especial Favour from Mercury , who gave him his Choice of whatsoever he desired , except Immortality . x Hence also he obliged his Scholars to go through a Trial of Five Years , to learn Obedience by Silence : And that afterwards it was granted to some few , as a particular Favour , to be admitted into his Presence . These Things tended very much to impress a Veneration of his Person upon his Scholars , but signified nothing to the Advancement of Learning ; yea , rather hindred it . Those that live in the End of the World , y when every Thing , according to Sir William Temple , is in its Declension , know no Way so effectual to promote Learning , as much Conversation and Enquiry ; and , which is more , they have no Idea how it can be done without them . The Learned Men of the present Age pretend to no Acquaintance with Mercury or Apollo , and can do as little in Natural Knowledge by such a Sham-Revelation , as they can by Reminiscence . If a Man should , for Five Years together , read Lectures , to one that was not allowed to make Pauses , or ask Questions ; another Man , in the ordinary Road , by Books and Professors , would learn more , at least , to much better purpose , in Six Months , than he could in all that Time. Pythagoras was , without question , a wise Man , well skilled in the Arts of Civil Prudence ; by which he appeased great Disturbances in those Italian Commonwealths : He had much more Knowledge , than any Man of that Age in Italy , and knew how to make the most of it . He took great Delight in Arithmetical Speculations , which , as Galileo z , not improbably , guesses , he involved in Mysteries , that so ignorant People might not despise him for busying himself in such abstruse Matters , which they could not comprehend ; and if they could have comprehended , did not know to what Use to put them . He took a sure Way to have all his Studies valued , by obliging his Scholars to resign up their Understandings to his Authority and Dictates . The great Simplicity of his Manners , with the Wisdom of his Axioms and Symbols charmed an ignorant Age , which found real Advantages by following his peaceful Measures ; much above those that were formerly procured by Rapin and Violence . This seems to be a true Account of Pythagoras , in the History of whose Reputation , there is nothing extraordinary , since Civilizers of Nations have always been as much magnify'd as the Inventors of the most useful Arts : But one can no more conclude from thence , That Pythagoras knew as much as Aristotle or Democritus , than that Friar Bacon was as great a Mathematician as Dr. Barrow , or Mr. Newton , because he knew enough to be thought a Conjurer in the Age in which he lived , and no despicable Person in any other . But it may not be amiss to give a Tast of some of the Pythagorean Notions ; such , I mean , as they first started in Europe , and chiefly valued themselves upon . Of this Sort , were their Arithmetical Speculations . By them they pretended to explain the Causes of Natural Things . The following Account of their Explication of Generation is taken out of Censorinus and Aristides . Perfect Animals are generated in two distinct Periods of Time ; some in Seven Months , some in Nine . Those Generations that are compleated in Seven Months proceed in this Order : In the First Six Days after Conception the Humour is Milky ; in the next Eight it is turned into Blood ; which Number 8 bears the Proportion of 1⅓ to 6 ; in Nine Days more it becomes Flesh ; 9 is in a Sescuple Proportion to 6 ; in Twelve Days more the Embryo is formed ; 12 is double to 6 : Here then are these Stages , 6 , 8 , 9 , 12 ; 6 is the First perfect Number , because it is the Sum of 1 , 2 , 3 , the only Numbers by which it can be divided : Now if we add these Four Numbers 6 , 8 , 9 , 12 together , the Sum is 35 , which multiply'd by 6 makes 210 , the Number of Days from the Conception to the Birth ; which is just Seven Months , allowing 30 Days to a Month. A like Proportion must be observed in the larger Period of Nine Months , only 10 the Sum of 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 added together , must be added to 35 , which makes 45 ; that multiply'd by 6 gives 270 , or Nine Times 30 , the Number of Days in larger Births . If these fine Notions are compar'd with Dr. Harvey's upon the same Subject , no doubt but we shall all be Converts to Sir William Temple's Opinion , and make a vast Difference between the poor Observations of these later Ages , and the sublime Flights of the Ancients . Now tho' abstracted Mathematical Theories , which cannot be relished by one that has not a tolerable Skill in Mathematicks before , might , perhaps , prudently be concealed from the Vulgar , by the Pythagorean School ; and in their Stead , such grave Jargon as this imposed upon them ; yet even that shews how little Knowledge of Nature they could pretend to . Men that aim at Glory , will omit no probable Methods to gain it , that lie in their Way ; and solid Discoveries of a real Insight into Nature , would not only have been eternally true , but have charmed Mankind at another Rate , than such dry sapless Notions as seem at first View to have something of Subtilty ; but upon a Second Reflection , appear vain and ridiculous . From Pythagoras I shall go on to the Ancient Sages , a , who were so learned in natural Philosophy , that they foretold not only Eclipses in the Heavens , but Earthquakes at Land , and Storms at Sea , great Droughts , and great Plagues , much Plenty or much Scarcity of certain Sorts of Fruits or Grain , not to mention the magical Powers attributed to several of them , to allay Storms , to raise Gales , to appease Commotions of People , to make Plagues cease . One of the ancientest of these was Thales . He was so deeply skilled in Astronomy , that by the Sun 's Annual Course he found out the Equinoxes and Solstices . He is said also first to have foretold Eclipses ; some Geometrical Properties of Scalene Triangles are ascribed to him , and challenged by Euphorbus : Nice we are sure they were not , because the Theorem of Pythagoras was not then found out . When Sir William Temple extolled the Skill of these Ancient Sages , in foretelling Change of Weather , he seems to have forgot that he was in England , and fansied that these Old Philosophers were there too . The Climates of Asia Minor , and Greece , are not so various as ours ; and at some stated Times of the Year , of which the recurrent Winds give them constant Warning , they are often troubled with Earthquakes , and always with violent Tempests : So that by the Conjectures that we are here able to make of the Weather at some particular Seasons , though we labour under so great Disadvantages , we may easily , guess how much certainer Predictions may be made by curious Men in serener and more regular Climates ; which will take off from that Admiration , that otherwise would be paid to those profound Philosophers , even though we should allow that all those Stories which are told of their Skill are exactly true . Besides , there is Reason to believe that we have the Result of all the Observations of these Weather-wise Sages in Aratus's Diosemia and Virgil's Georgic's ; such as those upon the Snuffs of Candles , the croaking of Frogs , and many others quite as notable as the English Farmer 's Living Weather-Glass , his Red Cow that prick'd up her Tail , an Infallible Presage of a coming Shower . Sir William Temple's Method leads me now to consider , what Estimate ought to be made of the Learning of those Nations , from which he derives all the Knowledge of these Ancient Greeks : I shall only therefore give a short Specimen of those Discoveries , with which these Ancient Sages enriched the Ages in which they lived , as I have already done of the Pythagoreans , and then proceed . Diogenes Laërtius informs us of Empedocles's b Skill in Magick , by the Instance of his stopping those pestilential Vapours that annoy'd his Town of Agrigentum . He took some Asses , and flea'd them , and hung their Hides over those Rocks that lay open to the Etesian Winds , which hindred their Passage , and so freed the Town . He tells another Story of Democritus c , That he was so nice in his Observations , that he could tell whether a Young Woman were a Virgin , by her Looks , and could find it out , though she had been corrupted but the Day before ; and he knew by looking upon it , that some Goats Milk that was brought him , was of a Black Goat that had had but one Kid. These are Instances very seriously recorded by grave Authors of the Magical Wisdom of the Ancients ; that is , as Sir William Temple defines it , of that d excelling Knowledge of Nature , and the various Powers and Qualities in its several Productions , and the Application of certain Agents to certain Patients , which by Force of some peculiar Qualities , produce Effects very different from what fall under vulgar Observation and Comprehension . CHAP. IX . Of the History and Mathematicks of the Ancient Egyptians . FRom these Ancient Sages Sir William Temple goes to the Nations , from which they received their Knowledge , which are , Egypt , Chaldea , Arabia , India and China ; only he seems to invert the Order , by pretending that China and India were the Original Fountains from which Learning still ran Westward ; I shall speak of them in the Order in which I have named them , because the Claims of the Egyptians and Chaldeans having a greater Foundation in Ancient History , deserve a more particular Examination . It must be owned , That the Learning which was in the World before the Grecian Times was almost wholly confined to the Egyptians , excepting what was amongst the Israelites : And whosoever does but consider how difficult it is to lay the first Foundations of any Science , be they never so small , will allow them great Commendation ; which if the Advocates for them had been contented with , there had been an End of the Controversie . Instead of that , all that has since been added to their Foundations , has been equally challenged as originally due to them , or at least once known by them , by e Olaus Borrichius , and several others long before Sir William Temple , wrote upon this Argument . Before I enter upon this Question . I shall desire that one Thing may be taken Notice of ; which is , That the Egyptians anciently pretended to so great Exactness , that every Failure is more justly imputable to them , than to other Nations ; not only their History was so carefully look'd after , that there was a College of Priests set up on purpose , whose chief Business it was successively to preserve the remarkable Matters of Fact that occurred in their own Ages , and transmit them undisputed to Posterity , but also , there was answerable Care taken to propagate and preserve all other Parts of useful Learning : All their Inventions in Physick , in Mathematicks , in Agriculture , in Chymistry , are said to have been inscribed on Pillars , which were preserved in their Temples ; whereby not only the Memory of the things themselves was less liable to be lost ; but Men were further encouraged to use their utmost Diligence in finding out things that might be of publick Advantage , when they were certain of getting Immortality by these Inventions . This generous Custom was the more to be applauded , because every Man was confined to one particular Part of Learning , as his chief Business ; that so nothing might escape them . One was Physician for the Eyes , another for the Heart , a Third for the Head in general , a Fourth for Chirurgical Applications , a Fifth for Womens Diseases , and so forth . Anatomy , we are told , was so very much cultivated by the Kings of Egypt , that they particularly ordered the Bodies of dead Men to be opened , that so Physick might be equally perfect in all its parts . Where such Care has been used , proportionable Progresses may be expected , and the World has a Right to make a Judgment not only according to what is now to be found , but according to what might have been found , if these Accounts had been really true . In the first Place therefore , we may observe , That the Civil History of Egypt is as lamely and as fabulously recorded as of any Nation in the Universe : And yet , the Egyptians took more than ordinary Care to pay all possible Honours to the Dead , especially their Kings ; by preserving their Bodies with Bitumen and resinous Drugs , and by building sumptuous Monuments to lay them in : This certainly was done to perpetuate their Memories , as well as to pay them Respect : It was at least as Ancient as Joseph's Time ; how much older we know not . The Jews , who for another and a more sacred Reason , took care of their Dead , took equal Care to preserve their Genealogies , and to draw an Uniform Thread of their History from Abraham down to the Destruction of the Second Temple . Herein they acted consistently , and their History is a standing Instance of this their Care ; whereas the Egyptian History is so very inconsistent a Business , that it is impossible to make a coherent Story out of it : Not for Want of Materials , but because their Materials neither agree with themselves , nor with the History of any other Nation in the World. A more certain Proof of the Deficiency of the Egyptian History cannot be produced , than that the Time of the building of the Pyramids was lost when Herodotus ; was in Egypt ; as also the Aera of the only great Conquerour of that Nation , Sesostris . The first of these is not slightly to be passed over . Such vast Fabricks could not be raised without Numbers of Hands , and a great Expence of Time and Money , or something equivalent . The Traditions of their Erection are indeed minutely enough set down in Herodotus ; but then they are set down as Traditions ; and which is more , they are solely to be found in him , though he is not the only ancient Writer that mentions the Pyramids ; he only names Cheops and Mycerinus , who are differently named by other Historians ; and the Time when they lived , is as little agreed upon , as the Names by which they are called . The History of a Nation can sure be worth very little , that could not preserve the Memory of the Names at least , if not the Time , of those Princes , who were at so much Pains to be remembred , in a Place where their Monuments were so very visible , that no Person could ever sail up and down the Nile , to or from their capital City Memphis , without taking Notice of them ; and every Man upon his first seeing of them would naturally ask , what they were , by whom , and for what Intent erected . To which we may add , that these very Buildings are more exactly described in Mr Greaves's Pyramidographia , than in any ancient Author now extant . The Difficulty of determining the Age when Sesostris lived , is another Instance of the Carelesness of the Egyptian Historians . Either he was the same with Sheshak , who invaded Judaea in Rehoboam's Time , as Sir John Marsham f asserts after Josephus , or not : If he was , his Time is known indeed , but then the Authority of Manetho , and of those Pillars from which Manetho pretended to transcribe the Tables of the several Dynasties of the Egyptian Kings , is at an End ; besides , it contradicts all the Greek Writers that mention Sesostris , who place him in their fabulous Age , and generally affirm , that he lived before the Expedition of the Argonauts , which preceded the War of Troy. If he was not that Sheshak , then the Time when the only famous Conqueror of the Egyptian Nation lived is uncertain , and all that they know of him is , that once upon a time there was a mighty King in Egypt , who conquered Ethiopia , Arabia , Assyria and up to Colchis , with Asia the Less , and the Islands of the Aegean Sea , where having left Marks of his Power , he returned home again to reap the Fruits of his Labours : A Tradition which might have been preserved without setting up a College at Heliopolis for that Purpose . The very learned Mr. Dodwell in his Discourse concerning the Phoenician History of Sanchoniathon , advances a Notion which may help to give a very probable Account of those vast Antiquities of the Egyptians pretended to by Manetho . He thinks that after the History of Moses was translated into Greek , and so made common to the learned Men of the neighbouring Nations , that they endeavoured to rival them by pretended Antiquities of their own , that so they might not seem to come behind a People , who till then had been so obscure . This , though particularly applied by Mr. Dodwell to Sanchoniathon's History , seems equally forcible in the present Controversie : For Manetho dedicated his History to Ptolemee Philadelphus , at whose Command it was written , and wrote it about the Time that the LXXII Interpreters translated the Pentateuch . The great Intercourse which the Egyptians and Israelites formerly had each with other , made up a considerable . part of that Book , and occasioned its being the more taken Notice of ; so that this History being injurious to the vain pretences of that People , might very probably provoke some that were jealous for the Honour of their Nation , and Manetho amongst the rest , to set up an Anti-History to that of Moses ; and to dedicate it to the same Prince who employed the Jews to translate the Pentateuch , and who ordered Manetho himself to bring him in an Account of the Egyptian Antiquities , that so any Prejudices which Ptolemee , who was of another Nation himself , might entertain against their Country , might be effectually removed . This Notion is the more probable in our Case , because it equally holds , whether we follow Sir John Marsham's Accounts , who has made the Egyptian Antiquities intelligible ; or whether they are left in the same Confusion that they were in before . That most Learned Gentleman has reduced the wild Heap of Egyptian Dynasties into as narrow a Compass as the History of Moses , according to the Hebrew Account , by the help of a Table of the Theban Kings , which he found under Eratosthenes's Name , in the Chronography of Syncellus . For , by that Table he 1. Distinguished the Fabulous and Mystical Part of the Egyptian History , from that which seems to look like Matter of Fact. 2. He reduced the Dynasties into Collateral Families , reigning at the same time , in several Parts of the Country ; which , as some learned Men saw before , was the only Way to make those Antiquities consistent with themselves , which till then were confused and incoherent . But it seems evident by the Remains that we have of Manetho in Eusebius , and by the Accounts which we have of the Egyptian History in Josephus's Books against Appion , and in the Ancient Christian Writers , that the Egyptians in Ptolemee's Time did not intend to confine themselves within the Limits set by Moses , but resolved to go many Thousand Years beyond them . If therefore Eratosthenes's Table be genuine , not only Manetho's Authority sinks , but the Pillars from whence he transcribed his Tables of the Kings of their several Dynasties are Impostures , since they pretend to give successive Tables of vast Numbers of Kings reigning in several Families , for many Ages ; which ought to be contracted into a Period of Time , not much exceeding Two Thousand Years . If the Table of Eratosthenes be not the true Rule by which the Egyptian Antiquities are to be squared , then the former Prejudices will return in full force ; and one cannot value Tables , and Pillars , and Priests , that could not fix the Time of the Erection of the Pyramids , and the Age of Sesostris , so certainly , as that when Herodotus was in the Country , they might have been able to inform him a little better than they did . This long Enquiry into the Egyptian History will not , I hope , be thought altogether a Digression from my Subject , because it weakens the Egyptians Credit in a very sensible Part : For , if their Civil History is proved to be egregiously fabulous , or inconsistent , there will be no great Reason to value their mighty Boasts in any thing else ; at least , not to believe them upon their own Words , without other Evidence . In Mathematicks , the Egyptians are , of all Hands , allowed to have laid the first Foundations : The Question therefore is , how far they went. Before this can be answered satisfactorily , one ought to enquire whether Pythagoras and Thales , who went so far to get Knowledge , would not have learnt all that the Egyptians could teach them : Or whether the Egyptians would willingly impart all they knew . The former , I suppose , no Body questions : For the latter , we are to distinguish between Things that are concealed out of Interest , and between other things , which , for the same Interest , are usually made publick . The Secret's of the Egyptian Theology were not proper to be discovered , because by those Mysteries they kept the People in awe : The Philosopher's Stone likewise , if they had been Masters of it , might , for Gain , have been concealed : And Medicinal Arcana are of Advantage oftentimes to the Possessors , chiefly because they are Arcana . But Abstracted Mathematical Theories , which bring Glory to the Inventors when they are communicated to those that can relish them , and which bring no Profit when they are locked up , are never concealed from such as shew a Desire to learn them ; provided that by such a Discovery the first Inventors are not deprived of the Glory of their Inventions ; which is increased by publishing , if they have before-hand taken Care to secure their Right . So that we may reasonably conclude , that when Pythagoras is commended for no famous Invention in Geometry , except the 47th . Proposition of the First Book of Euclid , that he brought nothing of more Moment , in that Way , with him , out of Egypt ; and therefore , either the further Discoveries that were made in Geometry , were made by the Egyptians afterwards ; or , which is more probable , they were Grecian Superstructures upon those Foundations . Besides , though a Man travelled into Egypt , yet it does not follow from thence that he learnt all his Knowledge there . So that though Archimedes and Euclid were in Egypt , yet they might , for all that , have been Inventors themselves of those noble Theorems which are in their Writings . In Archimedes's Time Greeks lived in Alexandria ; and the Learning of Egypt could no more at that time be attributed to the old Egyptians , than the Learning of Archbishop Usher , Sir James Ware , and Mr. Dodwell , can be attributed to a Succession of those learned Irish-men who were so considerable in the Saxon Times . This last Consideration is of very great Moment ; for few of the Greeks , after Plato , went into Egypt purely for Knowledge : and though Plato brought several of his Notions out of Egypt , which he interwove into his Philosophy , yet the Philosophers of the Alexandrian School , who , for the most part , were Platonists , shew by their Way of Writing , and by their frequent Citations out of Plato's Books , that they chose to take those Things from the Grecians , which one would think might have been had nearer home , if they had been of the Original Growth of the Country . The most considerable Propositions in Euclid's Elements were attributed to the Greeks ; and we have nothing confessedly Egyptian , to oppose to the Writings of Archimedes , Apollonius Pergaeus , or Diophantus : Whereas , had there been any Thing considerable , it would most certainly have been produced , or , at least , hinted at , by some of those very learned Egyptians , or rather later Greeks born in Egypt ; whose Writings that treat of the Extent of the Egyptian Knowledge , are still extant . Having now examined the History and Geometry of the Egyptians , it will be much easier to go through their Pretences , or rather the Pretences of their Advocates , to Superiority in other Parts of Learning . The Egyptians seem to have verified the Proverb , That he that has but one Eye , is a Prince among those that have none . This was Glory enough ; for it is always very honourable to be the First , where the Strife is concerning Things which are worth contending for . CHAP. X. Of the Natural Philosophy , Medicine and Alchemy of the Ancient Egyptians . THE Egyptian Natural Philosophy and Physick shall be joined together , because there is so great an Affinity between them , that true Notions in either Science assist the other . Their Physick , indeed , was very famous in Homer's Time : And wonderful Things are told of Hermes , the pretended Father of the Chymical Art. But one ought to distinguish between particular Medicines , how noble soever , and general Theories founded upon a due Examination of the Nature of those Bodies from whence such Medicines are drawn , and of the Constitution and Fabrick of the Bodies of the Patients to whom they are to be applied , and of the incidental Circumstances of Time and Place ; which are necessary to be taken in by a wise Physician . The Stories of the West-Indian Medicines are many of them very astonishing ; and those Salvages knew perfectly how to use them , and yet they were never esteemed able Physicians . This Instance is applicable to the present Question : Galen often mentions Egyptian Remedies in his Treatises of Medicines , which are numerous and large , yet he seldom mentions any of their Hypotheses , from which only a Man can judge whether the Egyptians were well-grounded Physicians , or Empiricks . This is the more remarkable , because Galen had lived long at Alexandria , and commends the Industry of the Alexandrians in cultivating Anatomy , which is so necessary a Part of a Physician 's Business . In general therefore we may find , that all the Egyptian Notions of Physical Matters were built upon Astrological and Magical Grounds : Either the Influence of a particular Planet , or of some tutelar Daemon were still considered . These Foundations are precarious and impious , and they put a Stop to any Increase of real Knowledge , which might be made upon other Principles . He that minds the Position of the Stars , or invokes the Aid of a Daemon will rarely be sollicitous to examine nicely into the Nature of his Remedies , or the Constitution of his Patients , without which none of the ancient rational Physicians believed that any Man could arrive at a perfect Knowledge of their Art. So that if Hippocrates learn'd his Skill in Egypt , as it is pretended , the Egyptian Physicians afterwards took a very stupid Method to run upon imaginary Scents , so far as even to lose the Memory that they had ever pursued more rational Methods . Those that would be further satisfied of the Truth of this Matter of Fact , may find it abundantly proved in Conringius's Discourse of the old Egyptian Medicine h . But we are told , that there was a particular sort of Physick , used only amongst the Egyptian Priests , which was kept secret , not only from the Greeks that came into their Country for Knowledge , but from the Generality of the Natives themselves ; wherein , by the Help of the Grand Elixir , they could do almost any thing but restore Life to the Dead . This Elixir , which was a Medicine made with the Philosophers Stone , was a Chymical Preparation : And if we may believe Olaus Borrichius i , the Great and Learned Advocate of the Chymical and Adept Philosophers , was the Invention of Hermes , who was contemporary with Isis and Osiris , whose Age none ever yet determined . If these Claims are true , there is no Question but the Egyptians understood Nature , at least that of Metals , in a very high Degree . This is an Application of Agents to Patients k , which , if made good , will go farther than any Assertion commonly brought to prove the extent of Egyptian Knowledge : And therefore , I presume , I shall not be thought tedious if I enlarge more particularly upon this Question , than I have done upon the rest ; especially since there has not been , that I know of , any direct Answer ever Printed to Borrichius's Book upon this Argument , which he wrote against the forementioned Discourse of Conringius . One may justly wonder that there should have been so noble an Art as that of turning baser Metals into Gold and Silver so long in the World , and yet that there should be so very little , if any thing , said of it in the Writings of the Ancients . To remove this Prejudice therefore , all the fabulous Stories of the Greeks have , by Men of fertile Inventions , been given out to be disguised Chymical Arcana . Jason's Golden Fleece , which he brought from Colchis was only a Receipt to make the Philosopher's Stone , and Medea restored her Father-in-Law , Aeson , to his Youth again by the Grand Elixir . Borrichius is very confident that the Egyptian Kings built the Pyramids with the Treasures that their Furnaces afforded them , since if there were so many Thousand Talents expended in Leeks and Onions , as Herodotus tells us there were , which must needs have been an inconsiderable Sum in Comparison of the whole Expence of the Work , one cannot imagine how they could have raised Money enough to defray the Charge of the Work any other Way . And since Borrichius , Jacobus Tollius has set out a Book called Fortuita , wherein he makes most of the Old Mythology to be Chymical Secrets . But though Borrichius may believe that he can find some obscure Hints of this Great Work in the Heathen Mythologists , and in some scattered Verses of the Ancient Poets , which according to him they themselves did not fully understand when they wrote them ; yet this is certain , That the ancientest Chymical Writers now extant , cannot be proved to have been so old as the Age of Augustus . Conringius believes that Zosimus Panopolita is the oldest Chymical Author that we have , whom he sets lower than Constantine the Great . That perhaps may be a Mistake ; for Borrichius , who had read them both in MS. in the French King's Library , brings very plausible Arguments to prove that Olympiodorus , who wrote Commentaries upon some of the Chymical Discourses of Zosimus , was 150 Years older than Constantine , because he mentions the Alexandrian Library in the Temple of Serapis , as actually in being , which in Ammianus Marcellinus's Time , who was contemporary with Julian the Apostate , was only talked of , as a thing destroyed long before . I don't mean that which was burnt in Julius Caesar's Time , but one afterwards erected out of the scattered Remains that were saved from that great Conflagration , which is mentioned by Tertullian , under the Name of Ptolemee's Library at Alexandria . If this Zosimus is the same whom Galen mentions , for a Remedy for sore Eyes , in his 4th . Book of Topical Medicines , then both he and Olympiodorus might have been considerably older ; and yet have lived since our Blessed Saviour's Time. However , be their Age what it will , they wrote to themselves , and their Art was as little known afterwards as it was before ; Julius Firmicus is the First Author that has mentioned Alchemy , either by Name , or by an undisputed Circumlocution ; and he dedicated his Book of Astrology to Constantine the Great . Manilius indeed ( who is supposed to have lived in Augustus's Time ) in the 4th . Book of his Astronomicon , where he gives an Account of those that are born under Capricorn , has these Words , — scrutari caeca metalla , Depositas & opes , terraeque exuere venas , Materiemque manu certâ duplicarier arte : which last Verse seems to be a Description of Alchemy : But besides that , the Verse is suspected to be spurious ; even the Age of Manilius himself is not without Controversie ; some making him contemporary with the Younger Theodosius , and consequently later than Firmicus himself . We may expect to have this Question determined , when my most Learned Friend Mr. Bentley shall oblige the World with his Censures and Emendations of that Elegant Poet. But if these Grecian Chymists have the utmost Antiquity allowed them that Borrichius desires , it will signifie little to deduce their Art from Hermes , since Men might pretend that their Art was derived from him in Zosimus's Days , and yet come many Thousand Years short of it , if we follow the Accounts of Manetho . Wherefore , though this is but a negative Argument , yet it seems to be unanswerable , because if there had been such an Art , some of the Greeks and Romans , who were successively Masters of Egypt , would have mentioned it at least , before Zosimus's Time. Such a Notice whether with Approbation , or Contempt , had been sufficient to ascertain the Reality of such a Tradition . Tacitus l tells us that Nero sent into Africa to find some Gold , that was pretended to be hid under Ground : This would have been an excellent Opportunity for him to have examined into this Tradition , or to have punished those , who either falsly pretended to an Art which they had not , or would not discover the true Secret ; which in his Opinion would have been equally criminal ; and had Nero done it , Pliny would have told us of it , who was very inquisitive to collect all the Stories he could find of every thing that he treats about , whereof Gold m is one that is not slightly passed over ; and besides , he never omits a Story because it appears strange , and incredible , if we may judge of what he has left out , by what he has put in , but often ranges the wonderful Qualities of natural Bodies under distinct Heads , that they might be the more observed . To evade the Force of this Argument , Borrichius n says that the Egyptians were afraid of their Conquerours , and so industriously concealed their Art. But there is a wide Difference between concealing the Rules and Precepts of an Art , and concealing the Memory that ever there was such an Art. If it was ever known before the Persian Conquest , as by his Account of the Erection of the Pyramids , which were built many Ages before Cambyses's Time , it is plain he believes it was , though we should allow it to have been in few Hands , it is not credible that this Art of making Gold should never have been pretended to before Dioclesian's Time , who is reported by Suidas to have burnt great Numbers of Chymical Book , which gave an Account of the Process . Whereas afterwards , ever now and then , Footsteps of cheating Alchemists are to be met with in the Greek Historians . It was not possible to pretend to greater Secrecy in the Manner of their Operations , than is now to be found in all the Writings of Modern Adept Philosophers ( as they call themselves . ) And yet these Men , who will not reveal their Process , would think themselves affronted , if any Man should question the real Existence of their Art. But the Hypothesis of those who find Chymical Secrets in Homer , Virgil , and the rest of the ancient Poets , is liable to several Exceptions taken Notice of neither by Conringius nor Borrichius . 1. They say that when Jason heard that the King of Colchis had a Book writ upon a Ram's-skin , wherein was the Process of the Philosopher's Stone , he went with the Argonauts to fetch it . Here it may be objected , 1. That it is not likely that Sesostris , who conquered Colchis , would ever suffer the Egyptian Priests to reveal such a Secret to that conquered People . Dioclesian according to them burnt all the Chymical Books that he could find in Egypt , that the Egyptians might not rebel , when they were deprived of that Fund , which supported their Wars . And Borrichius supposes that the Egyptian Priests used this Art chiefly to supply the Expences of their Kings . 2. How came Jason and the Argonauts not to grow richer by this Fleece ? It cannot be pretended that it was concealed from them , because it was like the Books of the Modern Adepti , written in so obscure a Stile , that it was unintelligible for want of a Master ; since Medea was with Jason , who had the Secret , what or how great soever it was . 3. Since the Grecians were not tied to Secrecy , how came their Traditions to be so obscure , that those Passages in Apollonius Rhodius's Argonauticks which are supposed to be meant of the Grand Elixir , were never applied to a Chymical Sense , till the Writings of Synesius , Zosimus , and the other old Grecian Chymists appeared ? Especially since , 4. Apollonius Rhodius himself was an Alexandrian Greek , born in Egypt , and so could easily acquaint himself with the Traditions of that Country , which he , originally of another Nation , was under no Obligation to conceal . 2. The Chymists , at least Borrichius for them , own Democritus's Books to be genuine , upon the Credit of Zosimus who quotes them : If they are , this pretended Secrecy falls to the Ground : For Democritus affirms , That he learnt his Art from Ostanes a Mede , who was sent by the Kings of Persia into Egypt , as Governour of the Egyptian Priests . Then the Secret was divulged to some of the Conquerours of their Country . If so , why no more Tradition of it ? If not the Process it self , yet at least the Memory that once there was such a Process ? Which would have been enough for this Purpose . The same Question may be asked of Democritus , to whom Ostanes revealed it . This will weaken Zosimus's Credit as an Antiquary , upon whose Assertion most of this pretended Antiquity is founded . Since at the same Time that he objects the Secrecy of the ancient Egyptian Priests , as a Reason why the Memory of this Art was so little known , he owns himself obliged to a Greek , who had it from the Egyptians at Second Hand . But how will these Pretenders to remote Antiquity , who tell us , that Moses , by his Skill in Chymistry , ground the Golden Calf to Powder , reconcile a Passage in Theophrastus to their Pretensions ? He , speaking of Quicksilver o , says that the Art of extracting it from Cinnabar was not known till 90 Years before his Time , when it was first found out by Callias an Athenian . Can we think that the Egyptians could hinder these inquisitive Grecians , who staid so long in their Country , from knowing that there was such a Metal as Mercury ? Or could these Egyptians make Gold without it ? If they could , they might reasonably suppose that the Israelites could make Brick without Straw , since they could make Gold and Silver without that , which Modern Adepti affirm to be the Seed of all Metals . Theophrastus's Words are too general , to admit of an Objection , as if he believed that Callias's Invention ought to be limited to his own Country . This , join'd to the great Silence of the Ancients , especially Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus , who dwell so long upon the Egyptian Arts and Learning , concerning most of the wonderful Phaenomena of that extravagant Metal , plainly shews that there were no Traditions of such mighty things to be done by it , as the Alchemist's Books are full of . Borrichius therefore recurrs to his old Subterfuge , Egyptian Secrecy , and finds some doubtful at least , if not fabulous , Stories of Daedalus , and Icarus , and the Poetical Age , which he opposes to the positive Testimony of Theophrastus . Perhaps this may be thought to be begging the Question , since some who have written of the Philosophers Stone , have taught that their Mercury has no Affinity with common Mercury : Which has led many Persons to try several extravagant Processes to find it out . But Eirenaeus Philalethes , who is look'd upon as one of the clearest Writers that has ever written upon this Subject ; says expressly that p Natural Mercury Philosophically prepared is the Philosophical Menstruum , and the dissolvent Mercury . After so long an Enquiry into the Antiquity of this Art of transmuting Metals , it will be asked perhaps , what may be thought of the Art it self . I must needs say , I cannot tell what Judgment to make of it : The Pretences to Inspiration , and that Enthusiastick Cant , which run through the Writings of almost all the Alchemists , seem so like Imposture , that one would be tempted to think that it was only a Design carried on from Age to Age , to delude Mankind : and it is not easy to imagine why God should hear the Prayers of those that desire to be rich . If , as they pretend , it was Zeal for the good of Mankind that made them take such Pains to find out such noble Medicines as should free Men from the most obstinate Diseases to which our Natures are subject , why do they not communicate them , and leave the Process in Writing plainly to Posterity , if they are afraid of Danger for themselves : Concern for the Welfare of Mankind and affected Secrecy , seem here inconsistent things : Men of such mortified Tempers , and publick Spirits ought not to be concerned , though Gold or Silver were made as common as Lead , or Tin , provided that the Elixir which should remove all Diseases were once known . Though these are reasonable Prejudices against the Belief of the Truth of this Operation , yet one can hardly tell how to contradict a Tradition so general , and so very well attested q . So many Men , methinks , could not have cheated the World successfully so long , if some had not been sincere : And , to use a Proverb in their own Way , so much Smoak could scarce have lasted so long without some Fire . Till the seminal Principles from which Metals are compounded , are perfectly known , the Possibility of the Operation cannot be disproved : Which Principles , as all other real Essences of things , are concealed from us . But as a wise Man cannot , perhaps , without Rashness disbelieve what is so confidently asserted , so he ought not to spend much Time and Cost , about trying whether it will succeed , till some of the Adepti shall be so kind as to give him the Receipt . By what has been said it is evident , what Opinion one ought to have of the Chymical Skill of the ancient Egyptians : Though it is most probable that the Art owes its Original to them , from whom it receives its Name : But this Original is much too late to do Sir William Temple's Hypothesis any Service . But it is high Time to leave the Egyptian Physick , and therefore , I shall only add One or Two Instances of their Skill in Anatomy , and so pass on . Gellius r and Macrobius s observe ; the one from Appion , who wrote of the Egyptians ; the other from the Egyptian Priests themselves , that there is a particular Nerve that goes from the Heart to the little Finger of the Left-Hand , for which Reason they always wore Rings upon that Finger ; and the Priests dipped that Finger in their perfumed Ointments ; this being ridiculed by Conringius , Borrichius t assures us that he always found something to countenance this Observation upon cutting of his Nails to the quick : Pliny in the 37 th . Chapter of the 11 th . Book of his Natural History , and Censorinus in the 17 th . Chapter of his little Book De Die Natali , give this following Reason from Dioscorides the Astrologer , why a Man cannot live above a Hundred Years , because the Alexandrian Embalmers observed a constant Increase and Diminution of Weight of the Hearts of those sound Persons whom they opened , whereby they judged of their Age. They found that the Hearts of Infants of a Year old weighed two Drachms , and this Weight encreased Annually by two Drachms every Year till Men came to the Age of Fifty Years : At which Time they as gradually decreased till they came to an Hundred , when , for want of a Heart , they must necessarily die . To these two Instances of the Criticalness of Egyptian Anatomy I shall add one of their Curiosities in Natural Enquiries ; and that is , their Knowledge of the Cause of the Annual Overflowing of the Nile . This , which was the constant Wonder of the Old World , was a Phaenomenon seldom over-looked by the Greek Philosophers : Seven of whose Opinions are reckoned up by Plutarch , in the First Chapter of the Fourth Book of his Opinions of the Philosophers . If Curiosity generally attends a Desire of Knowledge , and grows along with it , then the Egyptian Priests were inexcusably negligent , that they did not know that the swelling of the Nile proceeded from the Rains that fell in Ethiopia , which raising the River at certain Seasons , made that overflowing of the Flats of Egypt . One would think that in Sesostris's Time the Egyptian Priests had Access enough into Ethiopia ; and whoever had once been in that Country could have resolved that Problem , without any Philosophy . It was known indeed in Plato's Time , for then the Priests told it to Eudoxus ; but Thales , Democritus , and Herodotus , who had all enquired of the Egyptians , give such uncouth Reasons , as shew that they only spoke by guess . Thales thinks that the Etesian Winds blew at that Time of the Year against the Mouths of the River , so that the fresh Water finding no Vent , was beaten back upon the Land. Democritus supposes that the Northern Snows being melted by the Summer Heats , are drawn up in Vapours into the Air , which Vapours circulating towards the South , are by the Coldness of the Etesian Winds condensed into Rain , by which the Nile is raised . Herodotus thinks that an equal Quantity of Water comes from the Fountains in Summer and Winter , only in Summer there are greater Quantities of Water drawn up by the Sun , and in Winter less , and so by Consequence all that Time it overflowed . Democritus's Opinion of the Phaenomenon seems not amiss , though his Hypothesis of the Cause of it is wrong in all Probability : Yet it is plain , That Plutarch did not believe it to be the same with that which the Egyptian Priests gave to Eudoxus , which is the only true one , because he sets them both down apart . The Cause of this wonderful Phaenomenon could not be pretended to be a Secret ; no Honour could be got by concealing a thing , the pretended Ignorance whereof was rather a Disgrace . Those Egyptian Priests , whose Business it was to gather Knowledge , must have had an extraordinary Love for a sedentary Life , or have been averse to inform themselves from others , more than the rest of Mankind , who would not be at the Pains either to learn what Sesostris's Soldiers could have told them , or to go about Two Hundred Miles Southward to search for that , which they must certainly have often reasoned about , if they were such Philosophers as they pretended to be . Nay , by the Curiosity of the Greeks we are sure they did reason about it ; they thought it as much a Wonder as we can do now : Rather more , because they knew of no other Rivers , that overflow at periodical Seasons like it , as some are now known to do in the East-Indies . Upon the whole Matter , after a particular Search into the whole Extent of Egyptian Learning , there seems to be no Reason to give the Egyptians the Preeminence in point of Knowledge above all Mankind . However , considering the great Labour which is requisite to form the First Notions of any part of Learning , they deserve great Applause for what they discovered , and ought to have proportionable Grains of Allowance for what they left unfinished : So that when the Holy Scriptures u assure us that Moses was skilled in all the Learning of the Egyptians , they give him the greatest Character for humane Knowledge that could then be given to any Man. The Egyptian Performances in Architecture were very wonderful , and the Character which Hadrian the Emperour gives them , that they found Employments for all Sorts of Persons , the Blind , the Lame , the Gouty , as well as the strong and healthy , shews that it was natural to the Egyptians to be always busied about something useful . The Art of Brewing Mault-drinks was very anciently ascribed w to the Egyptians as the first Inventors , for which these Northern Nations are not a little beholding to them . Their Laws have , by those who have taken the greatest Pains x to destroy the Reputation of their Learning in other things , been acknowledged to be very wise , and worth going so far as Pythagoras , Solon and Lycurgus did to fetch them . So that if Sir William Temple had extolled their Learning with any other Design than that of disparaging the Knowledge of the present Age , there would have been no Reason to oppose his Assertions . CHAP. XI . Of the Learning of the Ancient Chaldeans and Arabians . THE Chaldeans and the Arabs are the People that lie next in Sir William Temple's Road. We may pronounce with some Certainty , 1. That the Chaldean Astronomy could not be very valuable , since , as we know from Vitruvius , and others , they had not discovered that the Moon is an Opake Body . Whether their Astronomical Observations were older than their Monarchy , is uncertain : If they were not , then in Alexander the Great 's Time they could not challenge an Antiquity of above Five or Six Hundred Years . I mention Alexander , because he is said to have sent vast Numbers of Observations from Babylon , to his Master Aristotle . The Assyrian Monarchy , of which the Chaldean might not improperly be called a Branch , pretends , indeed , to great Antiquity : Great Things are told of Ninus and Semiramis , who is more than once mentioned by Sir William Temple , in these Essays , for her Victories , and her Skill in Gardening ; but these Accounts are , very probably , fabulous , for the following Reasons . Till the Time of Tiglath-Pileser and Pul , we hear no News of any Assyrian Monarchs in the Jewish History . In Amraphel's Time , who was overthrown by Abraham and his Family , in the Vale of Siddim , the Kings of Chaldea seem to have been no other than those of Canaan , Captains of Hords , or Heads of Clans : And Amraphel was Tributary to Chedorlaomer King of Elam , whose Kingdom lay to the East of Babylon , beyond the River Tigris . Chushan Rishathaim King of Mesopotamia , who was overthrown some Ages after by Othoniel , the Israelitish Judge , does not seem to have been a mighty Prince : It may be said , indeed , that he was General to some Assyrian Monarch ; but that is begging the Question , since there is nothing which can favour such an Assertion in the Book of Judges . But when the Assyrians and Babylonians come once to be mentioned in the Jewish History , they occurr in almost every Page of the Old Testament . There are frequent Accounts of Pul , Tiglath-Pileser , Shalmanezer , Sennacherib , Esar-haddon , Nebuchadnezzar , Evil-merodach , Belshazzar ; and who not ? But these Kings lived within a narrow Compass of Time ; the oldest of them but a few Ages before Cyrus . This would not suit with that prodigious Antiquity which they challenged to themselves . The Truth is , Herodotus , who knew nothing of it , being silent , Ctesias draws up a new Scheme of History , much more pompous ; and from him , or rather , perhaps , from Berosus , who was Contemporary with Manetho , and seems to have carried on the same Design for Chaldea , which Manetho undertook for Egypt , Diodorus Siculus , Pompeius Trogus , Eusebius , Syncellus , and all the Ancients that take notice of the Assyrian History , have afterwards copied . Ctesias knew he should be straitned to find Employment for so many Kings for Thirteen Hundred Years ; and so he says , they did little memorable after Semiramis's Time. Sir William Temple employs them in Gardening . As if it were probable that a great Empire could lie still for above a Thousand Years ; or that no Popular Generals should wrest the Reins out of the Hands of such drowzy Masters in all that Time. No History but this can give an Instance of a Family that lasted for above a Thousand Years , without any Interruption : And of all its Kings , not one is said to reign less than Nineteen , but some Fifty five Years . The healthiest Race that ever was heard of ; of whom , in Thirteen Hundred Years , not one died an untimely Death . If any Thing can be showed like this in any other History , Sacred or Profane , it will be easie to believe whatsoever is asserted upon this Subject . If therefore the Chaldean Learning was no older than their Monarchy , it was of no great Standing , if compared with the Egyptian . The Account of Nebuchadnezzar's Dream , in the 2d . Chapter of Daniel , shews the Chaldean Magick to have been downright Knavery ; since Nebuchadnezzar might reasonably expect that those should tell him what his Dream was , who pretended to interpret it when it was told them ; both equally requiring a super-natural Assistance : Yet there lay their chiefest Strength ; or , at least , they said so : Their other Learning is all lost . However , one can hardly believe that it was ever very great , that considers how little there remains of real Value , that was learnt from the Chaldeans . The History of Learning is not so lamely conveyed to us , but so much would , in all probability , have escaped the general Ship wrack , as that , by what was saved , we might have been able to guess at what was lost . If the Learning of these Ancient Chaldeans came as near that of the Arabs as their Countries did , one may give a very good Judgment of its Extent . Sir William Temple observes , that Countries little exposed to Invasions , preserve Knowledge better than others that are perpetually harrassed by a Foreign Enemy ; and by Consequence , whatsoever Learning the Arabs had , they kept ; unless we should suppose that they lost it through Carelesness . We never read of any Conquests that pierced into the Heart of Arabia the Happy , Mahomet's Country , before the Beginning of the Saracen Empire . It is very strange therefore , if , in its Passage through this noble Country , inhabited by a sprightly , ingenious People , Learning , like Quick-Silver , should run through , and leave so few of its Influences behind it . It is certain that the Arabs were not a learned People when they over-spread Asia : So that when afterwards they translated the Grecian Learning into their own Language , they had very little of their own , which was not taken from those Fountains . Their Astronomy and Astrology was taken from Ptolemee , their Philosophy from Aristotle , their Medicks from Galen ; and so on . Aristotle and Euclid were first translated into Latin , from Arabick Copies ; and those Barbarous Translations were the only Elements upon which the Western School-men and Mathematicians built . If they learnt any thing considerable elsewhere , it might be Chymistry and Alchemy from the Egyptians ; unless we should say that they translated Synesius , or Zosimus , or some other Grecian Chymists . Hence it follows , that the Arabs borrowed the greatest part , at least , of their Knowledge from the Greeks , though they had much greater Advantages of Communicating with the more Eastern Parts of the World , than either Greeks or Romans ever had . They could have acquainted us with all that was rare and valuable amongst those Ancient Sages . The Saracen Empire was under one Head in Almanzor's Time ; and was almost as far extended Eastward as ever afterwards . His Subjects had a free Passage , from the Tagus to the Ganges ; and being united by the common Bond of the same Religion , the Brachmans , some of whom did , in all probability , embrace the Mahomet an Faith , would not be shy of revealing what they knew , to their Arabian Masters . By this Means , the Learning of the Egyptians , Chaldeans , Indians , Greeks and Arabs , ran in one common Channel . For several Ages , Learning was so much in Fashion amongst them , and they took such Care to bring it all into their own Language , that some of the learnedest Jews , Maimonides in particular , wrote in Arabick , as much as in their own Tongue . So that we might reasonably have expected to have found greater Treasures in the Writings of these learned Mahometans , than ever were discovered before : And yet those that have been conversant with their Books say , that there is little to be found amongst them , which any Body might not have understood as well as they , if he had carefully studied the Writings of their Grecian Masters . There have been so many Thousands of Arabick and Persick MSS. brought over into Europe , that our learned Men can make as good , nay , perhaps , a better Judgment of the Extent of their Learning , than can be made , at this distance , of the Greek . There are vast Quantities of their Astronomical Observations in the Bodleian Library , and yet Mr. Greaves and Dr. Edward Bernard , two very able Judges , have given the World no Account of any Thing out of them , which those Arabian Astronomers did not , or might not have learnt from Ptolemee's Almagest , if we set aside their Observations which their Grecian Masters taught them to make ; which , to give them their due , Dr. Bernard commends , as much more valuable than is commonly believed , in a Letter to Dr. Huntingdon , printed in the Philosophical Transactions , containing their Observations of the Latitudes of Twenty of the most eminent of the Fixed Stars . We owe , indeed , to them alone the Way of Counting by Ten Cyphers , ascending beyond Ten in a Decuple Proportiou ; which is of unspeakable Use in Astronomical and Algebraical Calculations , and , indeed , in all Parts of Arithmetick . The Use of Chymistry in Physick , together with some of the most considerable Chymical Preparations , which have led the Way to most of the late Discoveries that have been made in that Art , and in Natural Philosophy by its Means , have been unanimously ascribed to the Arabs by those Physicians that have studied their Books y . Though , in Strictness , the whole Arabian Learning , with all their Inventions , what , and how great soever they were , may be reckoned as Modern , according to Sir William Temple's Computation . But I am willing to give it up , and content my self with what has been done by the learned Men of these two last Ages , since the Greeks brought their Learning along with them into Italy , upon the Taking of Constantinople by the Turks . At least , this is evident , that the old Arabian Learning could never be any one of those Fountains from whence the Grecian might have been drawn ; and so can never be urged as such by those who give an Account of the History of Learning . CHAP. XII . Of the Learning of the Chineses . BY this Time , I am afraid , I shall be thought as tedious as an Irish Tale-teller , fit for nothing but to lull my Reader asleep : But there is but one Stage more left ; and though it is a great Way off , yet it may be easily reached upon Paper , and then will be as easily dispatched . For China , we are told , is a charming Country , and therefore most proper to be thought upon at the End of a tedious Discourse . Sir William Temple knows very well , That the whole Chinese History depends upon the sole Authority of Martinius , and those Missionaries who published Confucius lately at Paris . Martinius z tells his Reader that he was obliged to learn Sixty Thousand independent Characters before he could read the Chinese Authors with Ease . This is , without all doubt , an excellent Method to propagate Learning , when Eight , or Ten of the best Years of a Man's Life must be spent in learning to read . The most considerable Specimen of Chinese Learning that we have , is in the Writings of Confucius ; which if F. Couplet and his Companions had Printed under their own Names , Sir William Temple would have been one of the first a that would have called those Rules and Instructions discoursed of with great Compass of Knowledge , Excellence of Sense , Reach of Wit , illustrated with Elegance of Stile , and Aptness of Similitudes and Examples , an incoherent Rhapsody of moral Sayings , which good Sense and tolerable Experience might have furnished any Man with . If the Chineses think every part of Knowledge , but their own Confucian Ethicks , ignoble and mechanical , why are the European Missionaries so much respected for their Skill in Medicine and Mechanicks ? So much Knowledge in Mathematicks as will but just serve an Almanack-maker , will do their Business . F. Verbrist says in a Letter Printed some Years since in the Philosophical Transactions , That the Honours which were paid him in the Emperour's Court , were in a great Measure owing to his teaching the Emperour to find the Time of the Night by the fixed Stars and an Astrolable : This shews that the Chineses were very meanly skilled in these things ; and it is probable , that those who are ignorant of such ordinary Matters , seldom carry their Speculations to a much greater Height . Martinius and Trigautius , who lived long in China , were able fully to inform the World of the Extent of the Chinese Knowledge ; and the Pains which Martinius has taken to write the History , and to state the Geography of that mighty Empire , is a sufficient Indication of his great Willingness to advance its Reputation in Europe . The Chineses are allowed to be a sagacious and industrious People , and their Skill in many mechanical Arts shew them to be so ; so that if they had ever applied themselves to Learning in good earnest , and that for near so long a Time , as their History pretends to , there is no Question but we should have heard much more of their Progress . And therefore whatsoever can be said of Chinese Knowledge can never be of any Weight , as long as small Skill in Physick and Mathematicks shall be enough to protect the European Missionaries in a Court where they themselves are esteemed the greatest Scholars , and honoured accordingly . But the Chinese Physick is wonderfully commended by Dr. Vossius and Sir William Temple b : The Physicians excel in the Knowledge of the Pulse , and of all simple Medicines , and go little further : Neither need they ; for in the first , they are so skillful , that they pretend not only to tell by it , how many Hours or Days a sick Man may last ; but how many Years a Man in perfect seeming Health may live , in Case of no Accident or Violence ; and by Simples they pretend to relieve all Diseases that Nature will allow to be cured . What this boasted Skill is , may be seen in the little Tracts of the Chinese Physick published by Andrew Cleyer c ; but because few will in all Probability have Patience to go through with them , since they are not very pleasant to read , I shall give a short Specimen of them , by which one may judge of the rest . The most Ancient Chinese Discourse of Physick , Intituled , Nuy Kim d , gives this Account of the Production of our Bodies , and of the Relation of the several parts , with the Five Elements . Out of the Eastern Region arises the Wind , out of the Wind Wood , or Plants , out of Wood Acidity , from thence the Liver , from the Liver the Nerves , from them the Heart : The Liver is generated the Third in Order , and perfected the Eighth : The Spirits of the Liver , as they relate to the Heaven ( the Air ) are Wind ; as Wood in the Earth , as the Nerves in our Bodies , so is the Liver in the Limbs : Its Colour is Blue , and its Use and Action is to move the Nerves : The Eyes are the Windows of the Liver ; its Tast is acid , its Passion or Affection is Anger : Anger hurts the Liver , but Sorrow and Compassion conquer Anger , because Sorrow is the Passion of the Lungs , and the Lungs are Enemies to the Liver : Wind hurts the Nerves , but Drought , the Quality of the Lungs , conquers Wind : Acidity hurts the Nerves , but Acrimony , or that sharp Tast which is proper to the Lungs , conquers Acidity , or Metal conquers Wood. Out of the Southern Region arises Heat , out of Heat Fire , out of Fire Bitterness : From it the Heart is generated , thence the Blood ; out of Blood comes the Spleen , or Earth out of Fire ; the Heart governs the Tongue ; that which is Heat in Heaven , Fire upon Earth , Pulsation in the Body , is the Heart in the Members : Its Colour is Red , has the Sound of Laughing ; its Vicissitudes are Joy and Sorrow ; the Tongue is its Window , its Tast Bitterness , its Passion Joy ; too much Joy hurts the Heart ; but Fear , the Passion of the Reins , which are Enemies to the Heart , conquers Joy : Heat hurts the Spirits , but Cold conquers Heat : Bitterness hurts the Spirits , but Saltness of the Reins conquers Bitterness , or Water quenches Fire . The Heart is generated the Second in Order , and is perfected the Seventh . Out of the middle Region ariseth Moisture , out of that Earth ; out of Earth Sweetness ; from Sweetness cometh the Spleen , Flesh from that , and the Lungs from Flesh : The Spleen governs the Mouth ; that which is Moisture in the Heaven , is Earth in Earth , Flesh in the Body , and the Spleen in the Members : Its Colour is Yellow ; it has the Sound of Singing ; its Window is the Mouth , its Tast is sweet , its Passion is much Thoughtfulness : Thoughtfulness hurts the Spleen , but Anger conquers Thoughtfulness : Moisture hurts Flesh , but Wind conquers Moisture : Sweetness hurts Flesh , but Acidity conquers Sweetness : In a Word , Wood conquers Earth , or the Liver the Spleen . The Spleen is generated the Fifth in Order , and is perfected the Tenth . Out of the Western Region arises Drought : Thence come Metals , from them comes Sharpness , out of that are the Lungs , out of the Lungs come Skin and Hair , out of Skin and Hair come the Reins ; the Lungs govern the Nostrils : That which is Drought in the Heaven ( or Air ) is Metal in the Earth , Hair and Skin in the Body , and Lungs in the Members : Its Colour is Whitish , has the Sound of Weeping ; its Windows are the Nostrils , its Tast is sharp , its Passion is Sorrow : Sorrow hurts the Lungs , but Joy conquers Sorrow : Heat hurts the Skin and Hair , but the Cold of the Reins conquers Heat : Sharpness hurts the Skin and Hair , but Bitterness conquers Sharpness . The Lungs are generated the Fourth in Order and are perfected the Ninth . Out of the Northern Region arises Cold , out of Cold comes Water , thence Saltness , thence the Reins , thence the Marrow of the Bones , thence the Liver . The Reins govern the Ears ; that which is Cold in the Air , Water in the Earth , Bones in the Body , is Reins in the Members : Its Colour is Blackish , has the Sound of Sobbing ; its Windows are the Ears , its Tast is Saltness , its Passion is Fear : Fear hurts the Reins , but Thoughtfulness conquers Fear : Cold hurts the Blood , but Drought conquers Cold ▪ Saltness hurts the Blood , but Sweetness conquers Saltness . The Reins are generated the First in Order , and perfected the Sixth . The Missionary who sent this Account to Cleyer a Physician at Batavia , was afraid e that it would be thought ridiculous by Europeans ; which Fear of his seems to have been well grounded . Another who lived long in China , wrote also an Account of the Chinese Notions , of the Nature and Difference of Pulses , which f he professes that he would not undertake to prove by European Principles . One may judge of their Worth by the following Specimen g . The Chineses divide the Body into Three Regions : The First is from the Head to the Diaphragm : The Second from thence to the Navel , containing Stomach , Spleen , Liver and Gall , and the Third to the Feet , containing the Bladder , Ureters , Reins and Guts . To these Three Regions , they assign Three sorts of Pulses in each Hand . The uppermost Pulse is governed by the radical Heat , and is therefore in its own Nature overflowing and great . The lowermost is governed by the radical Moisture , which lies deeper than the rest , and is like a Root to the rest of the Branches : the middlemost lies between them both , partakes equally of radical Heat and Moisture , and answers to the middle Region of the Body , as the uppermost and lowermost do to the other Two. By these Three Sorts of Pulses , they pretend to examine all Sorts of acute Diseases , and these also are examined Three several Ways : Diseases in the Left-Side are shewn by the Pulses of the Left-Hand , and Diseases in the Right-Side by the Pulses of the Right . It would be tedious to dwell any longer upon such Notions as these , which every Page in Cleyer's Book is full of : The Anatomical Figures annexed to the Tracts , which also were sent out of China , are so very whimsical , that a Man would almost believe the whole to be a Banter , if these Theories were not agreeable to the occasional Hints that may be found in the Travels of the Missionaries . This however does no Prejudice to their Simple Medicines , which may , perhaps , be very admirable , and which a long Experience may have taught the Chineses to apply with great Success ; and it is p●ssible that they may sometimes give not unhappy Guesses in ordinary Cases , by feeling their Patients Pulses : Still this is little to Physick , as an Art ; and however the Chineses may be allowed to be excellent Empiricks , as many of the West Indian Salvages are , yet it cannot be believed that they can be tolerable Philosophers ; which , in an Enquiry into the Learning of any Nation , is the first Question that is to be considered . But it is time now to leave those Countries , in some of which there seems never to have been any solid Learning originally , and in the rest but the Beginnings of it , to come to Greece , as it stood in the Age of Aristotle , Theophrastus , Euclid , and those other Great Men , who about the Time of Alexander the Great , and afterwards , did such great Things in almost all Parts of real Learning . If upon Enquiry it shall be found that a Comparison may be made between these Ancients and the Moderns , upon any Heads wherein Learning is principally concerned , which will not be to the Disadvantage of the latter , then there needs not any Thing to be said further . Whether it can or no , is now to be enquired . CHAP. XIII . Of the Logick and Metaphysicks of the Ancient Greeks . SInce all that has been said in the Second and Third Chapters , concerning the Ethicks , Politicks , Eloquence and Poesie of the Ancient Grecians , belongs to them in their most flourishing Ages , a great Part of the Subject Matter of this Enquiry has already been dispatched . The remaining Parts of their Knowledge may be reduced to these Four Heads : Logick , Metaphysicks , Mathematicks and Physiology . Logick is the Art of Reasoning ; but by it Men commonly understand the Art of Disputing , and making Syllogisms ; of answering an Adversary's Objections dexterously , and making such others as cannot easily be evaded : In short , of making a plausible Defence , or starting probable Objections , for or against any Thing . As this is taught in the Schools , it is certainly owing to the Ancients : Aristotle's Organum is the great Text by which Modern Logicians have framed their Systems ; and nothing , perhaps can be devised more subtile in that captious Art h , than the Sophisms of the Ancient Stoicks . But as Logick is truly the Art of Reasoning justly , so as not only to be able to explain our own Notions , and prove our own Assertions , clearly and distinctly ; but to carry our Speculations further than other Men have carried theirs , upon the same Arguments ; it has not only been much cultivated by Modern Philosophers , but as far pursued as ever it was by the Ancients : For hereby have the late Enquiries been made into Physical , Metaphysical and Mathematical Matters , the Extent whereof is hereafter to be examined . Hereby the Ancient Mathematicians made their Discoveries , and when they had done they concealed their Art ; for , though we have many noble Propositions of theirs , yet we have few Hints how they found them out ; since the Knowledge of the fore-going Books in Euclid's Elements is necessary to explain the Subsequent , but is of little or no Use to help us to find out any Propositions in the subsequent Books , ( which are not immediate Corollaries from what went before ) in case those Books had been lost . Whether the Moderns have been deficient in this noble Part of Logick , may be seen by those who will compare Des Cartes's Discourse of Method , Mr. Lock 's Essay of Humane Understanding , and Tschirnhaus's Medicina Mentis , with what we have of the Ancients concerning the Art of Thinking : Where , though it may be pretended that their Thoughts and Discoveries are not entirely new in themselves , yet to us , at least , they are so , since they are not immediately owing to ancient Assistances , but to their own Strength of Thought , and Force of Genius . And since this Art is , indeed , the Foundation of all Knowledge , I ought to take notice , that my Lord Bacon and Des Cartes were the two Great Men , who both found Fault with the Logick of the Schools , as insufficient of it self for the great Design of Logick , which is the Advancement of real Learning ; and got Authority enough to persuade the World , in a very great Degree , that other Methods must be taken , besides making Syllogisms ; and ranking the Sorts of Things under Predicaments and Predicables , by those who would go much farther than their Predecessors went before them . The true Use of the common Logick , being rather to explain what we know already , and to detect the Fallacies of our Adversaries , than to find that out , of which we before were ignorant . So that the Moderns have enlarged its Bottom ; and by adding that Desideratum which the Ancients either did not perfectly know , or , which is worse , did invidiously conceal , namely , the Method of discovering unknown Truths , as Monsieur Tschirnhaus calls it , have , if not made it perfect , yet put it into such a Posture , as that future Industry may very happily compleat it . Metaphysicks is properly that Science which teaches us those Things that are out of the Sphere of Matter and Motion , and is conversant about God , and Spirits , and Incorporeal Substances . Of these Things Plato and his Disciples wrote a great deal : They plainly saw , that something beyond Matter was requisite to create and preserve the August Frame of the World. If we abstract from Revelation , the Cartesians discourse more intelligibly concerning them , than any of the Ancients . So that though very many of their particular Notions , as also of F. Mallebranche's , M. Poyret's , and other Modern Metaphysicians , are justly liable to Exception , yet the main Foundations upon which they reason , are , for the most part , real ; and so , by Consequence , the Superstructures are not entirely fantastical : And therefore they afford a vast Number of Hints to those who love to apply their Thoughts that Way , which are useful to enlarge Men's Understandings , and to guide their Manners . This , which is strictly true of the Modern Metaphysicks , is as much as can be said of the Ancient : And because a Comparison cannot be made without reading their several Writings , the surest Way to try the Truth of this Proposition will be to read Plato and his Commentators ; and along with them , Des Cartes's Meditations , Velthuysius de Initiis primae Philosophiae , Mallebranche's Recherche de la Verité , Poyret's Cogitationes de Deo , and Mr. Lock 's Essay of Humane Understanding , already mentioned . This may be done without undervaluing what the Ancients wrote upon these noble Subjects : And the Question is not , Whether they were great Men ? But , Whether the Moderns have said any Thing upon these Matters , without Copying out of other Men's Writings ? Which , unless we will do them Wrong , we are bound to say they have . CHAP. XIV . Of Ancient and Modern Geometry and Arithmetick . IN the Method which I set to my self in these Reflections , I chose to begin with an Enquiry into those Sciences , whose Extent is more liable to be contested ; and so onwards , to those which may more easily be determined . Monsieur Perrault , who has not finished his Parallel , that I know of , took it for granted , that if the Prize were granted to the Moderns in Eloquence , in Poesie , in Architecture , in Painting , and in Statuary , the Cause would be given up in every Thing else ; and he , as the declared Advocate for the Moderns , might go on triumphantly with all the rest . Wherein , possibly , he was not , in the main , much mistaken . How he manages the remaining Part of his Parallel , I know not . I intend to begin with Abstracted Mathematicks ; both because all its Propositions are of Eternal Truth , and besides , are the Genuine Foundations upon which all real Physiology must be built . The Method which I shall follow is this : ( 1. ) I shall enquire into the State of Ancient and Modern Mathematicks , without any particular Application of the Properties of the several Lines and Numbers , Surfaces and Solids , to Physical Things . ( 2 ) I shall enquire what new Instruments have been invented , or old ones improved , by which the Knowledge of Nature of any sort has been , or may be , further enlarged . ( 3. ) I shall enquire whether any Improvements have been actually made of Natural History , and of any Physico-Mathematical or Physical Sciences , such as Astronomy , Musick , Opticks , Medicks , and the like . ( 4. ) From all this , I shall endeavour to pass a Judgment upon the Ancient and Modern Ways of Philosophizing concerning Nature in general , and its principal Phaenomena , or Appearances . I begin with Geometry and Arithmetick , because they are general Instruments whereby we come to the Knowledge of many of the abstrusest Things in Nature ; since , as Plato said of old , God always Geometrizes in all his Works . That this Comparison might be the more exact , I desired my learned and worthy Friend , Mr. John Craige , to give me his Thoughts upon this Matter : His own learned Writings upon the most difficult Parts of Geometry , for such are the Quadratures of Curve Lines , will be sufficient Vouchers for his Skill in these Things . I shall set down what he says , in his own Words . If we take a short View of the Geometry of the Ancients , it appears , that they considered no Lines , except Streight Lines , the Circle , and the Conick Sections : As for the Spiral , the Quadratrix , the Conchoid , the Cissoid , and a few others , they made little or no Account of them . It is true , they have given us many excellent and useful Theorems concerning the Properties of these others ; but far short of what has been discovered since . Thus the Quadrature of the Circle , which did so much exercise and perplex the Thoughts of the Ancients ; How imperfect is that of Archimedes , in comparison of that exhibited by Van Ceulen ? And every Body knows how this is exceeded by the later Performances of Mr. Newton , and Monsieur Leibnitz . Archimedes , with a great deal of Labour , has given us the exact Quadrature of the Parabola ; but the Rectification of the Parabolick Line , depending on the Quadrature of the Hyperbola , is the Invention of this last Age. The rare Properties of the Conick Sections , in the Reflexion and Refraction of Light , are the undoubted Discoveries of these later Times . It were easie to give more Instances of this Nature , but these are sufficient to shew how far the Modern Mathematicians have out-done the Ancients , in discovering the noblest and usefullest Theorems , even of those few Figures which they chiefly considered . But all this is nothing , in Comparison of that boundless Extent which the Modern Mathematicians have carried Geometry on to : Which consists in their receiving into it all the Curve Lines in Nature , together with the Area's and Solids that result from them ; by distinguishing them into certain Kinds , and Orders ; by giving general Methods of describing them , of determining their Tangents , their Lengths , their Area's , and the Solids made by the Rotation of them about their Axes . Add to all this , the general Methods that have been invented of late for finding the Properties of a great Number of these Curves , for the Advancement of Opticks , Mechanicks , and other Parts of Philosophy : And let any Man of Sense give the Preference to the Ancient Geometry if he can . That the Ancients had general Methods of Constructing all plain Problems by a streight Line and a Circle , as also all Solid Problems by the help of a Conick Section , is most certain . But it is as certain that here they stopped , and could go no further , because they would not receive any Order of Curves beyond the Conick Sections , upon some nice Scrupulosity in multiplying the Number of the Postulata , requisite to the describing of them . Whereas the Modern Geometers , particularly the renowned Des Cartes , have given general Rules for Constructing all Problems of the 5th . or 6th . Degree . Which Method , if rightly understood , is applicable to all Problems of any Superior Order . How deficient the Geometry of the Ancients was in that Part which related to the Loca Geometrica , is manifest from the Account that Pappus gives us of that Question , about which Euclid and Apollonius made so many ineffectual Attempts : The Solution whereof we owe entirely to Mr. Isaac Newton i . For it is evident that Des Cartes mistook the true Intent of the Ancients in this Matter . So that the Loca Solida is now one of the perfectest Parts of Geometry that we have ; which before was one of the most confused , and defective . From comparing the Ancient and Modern Geometry , I proceed to the Comparison of those Arts , to which we owe the Improvements both of the one , and the other . These are chiefly Two , viz. Algebra , and the Method of Indivisibles . As to the latter of these , I shall not stand to enquire whether Cavallerius was the first Inventor , or only the Restorer of it . I know k Dr. Wallis is of Opinion that it is nothing but the Ancients Method of Exhaustions , a little disguised . It is enough for your Purpose , that by the help of Cavallerius's Method , Geometry has been more promoted in this last Age , than it was in all the Ages before . It not only affords us neat and short Demonstrations , but shews us how to find out the abstrusest Theorems in Geometry . So that there has hardly been any considerable Improvement of late , which does not owe its Rise to it ; as any Man may see , that considers the Works of Cartes , Fermat , Van Heuruet , Huygens , Neil , Wallis , Barrow , Mercator , Leibnitz , and Newton . Archimedes's Propositions of the Properties of a Sphere and a Cylinder , are some of the easiest Examples of this Method . How vastly more curious , and more useful Theorems have been since added to Geometry , is known to every one that is conversant in the afore-mentioned Authors ; especially Mr. Newton , Leibnitz and Huygens : To instance particulars , were to transcribe their whole Books and Treatises . Let us , in the next Place , compare the Ancient and Modern Algebra . That the Ancients had some kind of Algebra , like unto ours , is the Opinion of several learned Writers of late : And it is evident from the Seven remaining Books of Diophantus , that it was brought to a considerable Length in his Time. But how infinitely short this was of that Algebra which we now have , since Vieta's Time , will appear to any that considers the different Process of both . For , tho' Diophantus has given us the Solution of a great many hard and knotty Arithmetical Problems , yet the last Step of his Resolution serves only for one particular Example of each Problem : So that for every new Example of the same Question , there must be a new Process made of the whole Analysis . Whereas by our Modern Algebra , the Analysis of any one Case gives a general Canon for all the infinite Cases of each Problem ; whereby we discover many curious Theorems about the Properties of Numbers , not to be attained by Diophantus's Method ; this being the peculiar Advantage of Specious Algebra , first introduced by Vieta , and wonderfully promoted by several worthy Mathematicians since . Beside this intolerable Imperfection of the Ancient Algebra , used by Diophantus , which required as many different Operations as the Problem had different Examples , that is , infinite ; all which are included in one general Solution by the Modern Algebra ; there is this great Defect in it , that in Undetermined Questions , which are capable of innumerable Solutions , Diophantus's Algebra can seldom find any more than one ; whereas , by the Modern Algebra , we can find innumerable , sometimes all in one Analysis ; though in many Problems we are obliged to re-iterate the Operation for every new Answer . This is sufficient to let you see , that ( even in the Literal Sense ) our Algebra does infinitely exceed that of the Ancients . Nor does the Excellency of our Algebra appear less in the great Improvements of Geometry . The reducing all Problems to Analytical Terms , has given Rise to those many excellent Methods , whereby we have advanced Geometry infinitely beyond the Limits assigned to it by the Ancients . To this we owe , ( 1. ) The Expressing all Curves by Equations , whereby we have a View of their Order , proceeding gradually on in infinitum . ( 2. ) The Method of Constructing all Problems of any Assignable Dimension ; whereas the Ancients never exceeded the Third . Nay , from the Account which Pappus gives us of the afore-mentioned Question , it is evident , that the Ancients could go no further than Cubick Equations : For he says exprefly , they knew not what to make of the continual Multiplication of any Number of Lines more than Three ; they had no Notion of it . ( 3. ) The Method of Measuring the Area's of many Infinities of Curvilinear Spaces ; whereas Archimedes laboured with great Difficulty , and wrote a particular Treatise of the Quadrature of only one l , which is the simplest and easiest in Nature . ( 4. ) The Method of Determining the Tangents of all Geometrick Curve Lines ; whereas the Ancients went no further than in determining the Tangents of the Circle and Conick Sections . ( 5. ) The Method of Determining the Lengths of an infinite Number of Curves ; whereas the Ancients could never measure the Length of one . If I should descend to Particulars , the Time would fail me . As our Algebra , so also our Common Arithmetick is prodigiously more perfect than theirs ; of which , Decimal Arithmetick and Logarithms are so evident a Proof , that I need say no more about it . I would not be thought , however , to have any Design to sully the Reputation of those Great Men , Conon , Archimedes , Euclid , Apollonius , &c. who , if they had lived to enjoy our Assistance , as we now do some of theirs , would , questionless , have been the greatest Ornaments of this Age , as they were deservedly the greatest Glory of their own . Thus far Mr. Craig . Those that have the Curiosity to see some of these Things proved at large , which Mr. Craig has contracted into one View , may be amply satisfied in Dr. Wallis's History of Algebra , joyned with Gerhard Vossius's Discourses De Scientiis Mathematicis . It must not here be forgotten , that Abstracted Mathematical Sciences were exceedingly valued by the ancientest Philosophers : None that I know of expressing a Contempt of them but Epicurus , tho' all did not study them alike . Plato is said to have written over the Door of his Academy , Let no Man enter here , who does not understand Geometry . None of all the learned Ancients has been more extolled by other learned Ancients , than Archimedes . So that if in these Things the Moderns have made so great a Progress , this affords a convincing Argument , that it was not Want of Genius which obliged them to stop at , or to come behind the Ancients in any Thing else . CHAP. XV. Of several Instruments invented by the Moderns , which have helped to advance Learning . HAving now enquired into the State of Mathematicks , as they relate to Lines and Numbers in general , I am next to go to those Sciences which consider them as they are applied to Material Things . But these being of several Sorts , and of a vast Extent , taking in no less than the whole Material World , it ought to be observed , that they cannot be brought to any great Perfection , without Numbers of Tools , or Arts , which may be of the same Use as Tools , to make the Way plain to several Things , which otherwise , without their Help , would be inaccessible . Of these Tools , or Instruments , some were anciently invented , and those Inventions were diligently pursued : Others are wholly new . According to their Uses , they may be ranged under these two General Heads : ( 1. ) Those which are useful to all Parts of Learning , though perhaps not to all alike . ( 2. ) Those which are particularly subservient to a Natural Philosopher , and a Mathematician . Under the first Head one may place Printing , and Engraving . Under the Latter come Telescopes , Microscopes , the Thermometer , the Baroscope , the Air-Pump , Pendulum-Clocks , Chymistry , and Anatomy . All these , but the two last , were absolutely unknown to former Ages . Chymistry was known to the Greeks , and from them carried to the Arabs . Anatomy is , at least , as old as Democritus and Hippocrates ; and among the exact Epyptians , something older . The Use of Printing has been so vast , that every thing else wherein the Moderns have pretended to excel the Ancients , is almost entirely owing to it : And withal , its general Uses are so obvious , that it would be Time lost to enlarge upon them ; but it must be taken Notice of , because Sir William Temple has questioned m whether Printing has multiplied Books , or only the Copies of them , from whence he concludes , that we are not to suppose that the Ancients had not equal Advantages by the Writings of those that were ancient to them , as we have by the Writings of those that are ancient to us . But he may easily solve his own Doubt , if he does but reflect upon the Benefit to Learning which arises from the multiplying Copies of good Books : For though it should be allowed , that there were anciently as many Books as there are now , which is scarce credible , yet still the Moderns have hereby a vast Advantage , because , ( 1. ) Books are hereby much cheaper , and so come into more Hands . ( 2. ) They are much more easily read ; and so there is no Time lost in poring upon bad Hands , which wastes Time , wearies the Reader , and spoils Mens Eyes . ( 3. ) They can be printed with Indexes , and other necessary Divisions , which , though they may be made in MSS. yet they will make them so voluminous and cumbersome , that not one in Forty who now mind Books , because they love Reading , would then apply themselves to it . ( 4. ) The Notice of new and excellent Books is more easily dispersed . ( 5. ) The Text is hereby better preserved entire , and is not so liable to be corrupted by the Ignorance or Malice of Transcribers ; this is of great Moment in Mathematicks , where the Alteration of a Letter , or a Cypher , may make a Demonstration unintelligible . But to say more upon this Subject would be to abuse Mens Patience , since these things , if not self-evident , yet need no Proof . Engraving upon Wood , or Copper , is of great Use in all those Parts of Knowledge where the Imagination must be assisted by sensible Images . For want of this noble Art , the Ancient Books of Natural History and Mechanical Arts , are almost every where obscure ; in many Places unintelligible . Mathematical Diagrams , which need only a Ruler and a pair of Compasses , have been better preserved , and could with more Ease be drawn : But in Anatomy , in Mechanicks , in Geography , in all Parts of Natural History , Engraving is so necessary , and has been so very advantageous , that without it , many of those Arts and Sciences would to this Hour have received very little Increase . For when the Images , the Proportions , and the Distances of those things wherein a Writer intends to instruct his Reader , are fully and minutely engraven in Prints , it not only saves Abundance of Words , by which all Descriptions must of Necessity be obscured , but it makes those Words which are used , full and clear ; so that a skillful Reader is thereby enabled to pass an exact Judgment , and can understand his Authors without a Master , which otherwise it would be impossible to do ; so as to be able to discern all , even the minutest Mistakes and Oversights in their Writings , which puts an end to Disputes , and encreases Knowledge . These are general Instruments , and more or less serviceable to all sorts of learned Men in their several Professions and Sciences : Those that follow are more particular : I shall begin with those that assist the Eye , either to discern Objects that are too far off , or too small . The Imperfections of Distance are remedied in a great Measure by Telescopes ; whose chief Use , that comes under our Consideration , is to discern the Stars , and other celestial Bodies . To find out the first Inventor of these sorts of Glasses , it will be necessary to learn who first found out the Properties of Convex and Concave Glasses in the Refraction of Light. Dr. Plot has collected a great deal concerning F. Bacon , in his Natural History of Oxfordshire ; which seems to put it out of doubt that he knew that great Objects might appear little , and small Objects appear great ; that distant Objects would seem near , and near Objects seem afar off , by different Applications of Convex and Concave Glasses ; upon the Credit of which Authorities , Mr. Molineux n attributes the Invention of Spectacles to this learned Friar , the Time to which their earliest Use may be traced , agreeing very well with the Time in which he lived ; but how far F. Bacon went , we know not : So that we must go into Holland for the first Inventors of these excellent Instruments , and there they were first found out by one Zacharias Joannides o , a Spectacle-maker p of Middleburgh in Zeland ; in 1590 q he presented a Tellescope of Two Glasses to Prince Maurice , and another to Arch-Duke Albert , the former of whom apprehending that they might be of great Use in War , desired him to conceal his Secret. For this Reason , his Name was so little known , that neither Des Cartes r nor Gerhard Vossius s had ever heard any thing of him , when they attributed the Invention of Telescopes to Jacobus Metius of Alkmaer . However it taking Air , Galileo Galilei took the Hint , and made several Telescopes , by which making Observations upon heavenly Bodies , he got himself immortal Honour . Thereby t he discovered Four Planets moving constantly round Jupiter , from thence usually called his Satellits , which afterwards were observed to have a constant , regular , and periodical Motion . This Motion is now so exactly known , that Mr. Flamstead , who is one of the most accurate Observers that ever was , has been able to calculate Tables of the Eclipses of the several Satellits , according to which , Astronomers in different quarters of the World , having Notice of the precise Time when to look for them , have found them to answer to his Predictions , and published their Observations accordingly . This is an effectual Answer to all that Rhapsody which Stubbe u has collected in his Brutal Answer to Mr. Glanvile's Plus Ultra , about the Uncertainty of all Observations made by Telescopes ; since it is impossible to calculate the Duration of any Motion justly by fallacious and uncertain Methods . By the Eclipses of Jupiter's Satellits , Longitudes would soon be exactly determined if Tubes of any Length could be managed at Sea. w But Jupiter is not the only Planet about which things anciently unknown have been revealed by this noble Instrument . The Moon has been discovered to be an Earth endued with a libratory Motion , of an uneven Surface , which has something analogous to Hills and Dales , Plains and Seas ; and a ●●ew Geography ( if one may use that Word without a Blunder ) with accurate Maps has been published by the great Hevelius x , and improved by Ricciolus y , by which Eclipses may be observed much more nicely than could be done formerly . The Sun has been found to have Spots at some times ; the Planets to move round their Axes ; Saturn to have a Luminous Ring round about his Body , which in some Positions appears like two Handles , as they are commonly called , or large Prominencies on opposite Parts of his Limbs , carried along with him , beside Five Planets moving periodically about him , as those others do about Jupiter : The milky Way to be a Cluster of numberless Stars ; the other parts of the Heaven to be filled with an incredible Number of fixed Stars , of which , if Hevelius's Globes are ever published , the World may hope to see a Catalogue . These are some of the remarkable Discoveries that have been made by Telescopes : And as new Things have been revealed , so old ones have been much more nicely observed , than formerly it was possible to observe them . But I need not enlarge upon particular Proofs of that , which every Astronomical Book , printed within these Fifty Years , is full of . If I should , it would be said , perhaps , that I had only copied from the French Author of the Plurality of Worlds , so often mentioned already . As some Things are too far off , so others are too small to be seen without help . This last Defect is admirably supplied by Microscopes , invented by the same Zacharias Joannides z ; which , besides Miscellaneous and Occasional Observations , have been applied to Anatomy , by Malpighius , Leeuwenhoeck , Grew , Havers , and several others . The first very considerable Essay to shew what might be discovered in Nature , by the help of Microscopes , was made by Dr. Hook , in his Micrography ; wherein he made various Observations , upon very different Sorts of Bodies . One may easily imagine what Light they must needs give unto the nicer Mechanism of most Kinds of Bodies , when Monsieur Leeuwenhoeck has plainly proved , that he could , with his Glasses , discern Bodies several Millions of Times less than a Grain of Sand. This may be relied upon , because Dr. Hook , who examined what Leeuwenhoeck says of the little Animals which he discerned in Water , of which he tells the most wonderful Things , does , in his Microscopium , attest the Truth of Leeuwenhoeck's Observations . Besides these which are of more universal Use , several other Instruments have been invented , which have been very serviceable to find out the Properties of Natural Bodies ; and by which several Things of very great Moment , utterly unknown to the Ancients , have been detected . As , 1. The Thermometer , invented a by Sanctorius , an eminent Physician of Padua . It s immediate Use is , to determine the several Degrees of Heat and Cold ; of which our Senses can give us but uncertain Notices ; because they do not so much inform us of the State of the Air in it self , as what its Operations are at that Time upon our Bodies . But Sanctorius used only open Vessels , which are of small Use , since Liquors may rise or fall in the Tubes , as well from the Increase or Diminution of the Weight of the Air , as of Heat and Cold. That Defect was remedied by Mr. Boyle b , who sealed up the Liquors in the Tubes , Hermetically , that so nothing but only Heat and Cold might have any Operation upon them . The Uses to which they have been applied , may be seen at large in Mr. Boyle's History of Cold , and the Experiments of the Academy del Cimento . 2. The Baroscope , or Torricellian Experiment ; so called from its Inventor , Evangelista Torricelli , a Florentine Mathematician ; who , about the Year 1643. found that Quick-Silver would stand erect in a Tube , above 28 Inches from the Surface of other Quick-Silver into which the Tube was immersed , if it was before well purged of Air. This noble Experiment soon convinced the World , that the Air is an actually heavy Body , and gravitates upon every Thing here below . This Gravitation being found unequal at several Times , Mr. Boyle applied this Instrument to Mechanical Uses c , and shewed how it might teach us to know the Differences and Changes of Weather ; when dry , and when wet ; since , by a vast Number of Observations , he had learnt , that in dry Weather the Air drove up the Mercury , and in wet Weather let it fall again ; though never lower than 28 Inches , and scarce ever higher than 32. 3. These Observations , with other Collateral Experiments , induced him to believe that the Air was , in Truth , a Springy Body , which expanded or contracted it self in a Reciprocal Proportion , to the Increase or Lessening of the Compression of the Ambient Bodies . For which he invented an Instrument to draw the Air out of Vessels that were filled with it , by Suction . The first Essays of that kind seem to have been made some Years before his appeared , by Otto Guerick of Magdebourg ; but as he applied them chiefly to the Gravitation of the Air , without taking any notice of its Spring ; so they were very imperfect , when compared to Mr. Boyle's . By this Air-Pump , as it is usually called , he discovered Abundance of Properties in the Air , before never suspected to be in it . What they are , either considered singly , or in their Operations upon all sorts of Bodies , may be seen at large in his Physico-Mechanical Experiments concerning the Weight and Spring of the Air ; and in several of his other Discourses upon the same Argument ; some of which are printed by themselves , and others in the Philosophical Transactions d . How far they may be relied upon appears from this ; That though Hobbes and Linus have taken a great deal of Pains to destroy Mr. Boyle's Theory , yet they have had few or no Abettors : Whereas the Doctrine of the Weight and Spring of the Air , first made thorowly intelligible by Mr. Boyle , has universally gained Assent from Philosophers of all Nations who have , for these last Thirty Years , busied themselves about Natural Enquiries . 4. The Invention of Pendulum-Clocks ought here to be remembred , since from them it appears , that the Diurnal Motion of the Earth is not so exactly Periodical , as that a true Equation of Time can thereby be obtained ; but by this Instrument , the Measure of the Variation being once adjusted , the true Time of the Earth's Diurnal Motion can , at all Seasons of the Year , be more exactly known . The Use of it in making of Astronomical Observations is also very obvious ; for they could not anciently be so minute as they are at present , for want of such nice Sub-Divisions of an equable Motion as it affords . The Invention of this noble Instrument is attributed , by the Publisher of the Experiments of the Academy del Cimento , to Galileo Galilei , who found out so many excellent Theorems of the Nature and Proportions of the Motions of Projected and Vibrating Bodies . He says that Galileo first applied the Pendulum to Clock-work ; and that his Son Vincenzio put it in practice in the Year 1649 e . It was little taken notice of , however , in these Parts , till Monsieur Huygens revived or invented it a-new ; to whom , for that Reason , the Glory of finding out this useful Instrument is commonly attributed . Upon this Occasion I ought not to omit that great Improvement of Watches , by adding a Second Spring to balance the First ; ( as the Pendulum in a Clock does the Weights ) which also is attributed to Monsieur Huygens , though he and Dr. Hook have both contended for the Honour of this useful Invention . It appears by the Philosophical Transactions , and by Dr. Hook's Lectures , that he had a right Notion of this Matter , and that he had made several Essays to reduce it to Practice , some Years before any of Monsieur Huygens's Watches were produced ; but that Monsieur Huygens first made Pendulum-Watches ( so they are commonly called ) that proved thoroughly serviceable . These will not be disputed to be Modern Inventions , since the whole Business of Clocks and Watches was unknown to all , even the Arabian , Antiquity f : Their Astronomers measured their Time by Hour-Glasses of Water , or Vibrating Strings of several Lengths ; which would , indeed , serve them , in most Cases , to measure Time nicely by , whilst they were observing ; though they were of no Use upon other Occasions ; and even then were liable to great Hazards . CHAP. XVI . Of Ancient and Modern Chymistry . CHymistry , or the Art of Dividing Bodies by Fire , comes next to be considered . So great Things have thereby been discovered in Nature , that were unknown without it , that it may justly be esteemed as one of the chiefest Instruments whereby Real Knowledge has been advanced . It has been cultivated by three Sorts of Men , for very different Reasons ; by Refiners , Alchemists , and Chymists , properly so called . The Refiner's Art , which is older than the Flood , is in Holy Scripture ascribed to Tubal-Cain , as its first Inventor g . The early Use of Gold and Silver , as Instruments of Exchange in Trade , in the Eastern Parts , shews , that Men very anciently knew how to separate Metals from their Dross , to a great Degree . And as frequent Purifications are necessary for that Work , so we find that the Necessity of them was long ago commonly known , since David compared a Righteous Man to Silver Seven Times purified in the Fire h . Yet that their Art was comparatively rude , is certain , because they did not know how to separate Gold from Silver ; besides a very great many other Secrets relating to that Art , which could not be known before the Way of Making Aquae Fortes : And their particular Qualities in corroding several sorts of Metals were discovered , and applied to these Purposes . I have spoken already of Alchemy , or the Art of Making Gold ; and so I shall pass on to the Chymist's Art , which consists in making such Analyses of Bodies by Fire , or other Agents , Chymically prepared , as may reduce them into more simple Substances , than those out of which they were before compounded . The Discoveries which have been hereby made are so very much later than those Ages which Sir William Temple contends for , that those who thought they had a great deal to say for the other Parts of Chymistry , do here give up the Controversie . Borrichius himself owns , that Hippocrates , Aristotle and Galen knew so little of Chymistry , that they could not so much as make Rose-water . Now , though he says this with a Design to disparage their Skill in Physick , when compared with the Egyptian , yet therein he destroys his own Hypothesis ; because , in several Places of his Vindication of the Hermetical and Chymical Philosophy and Medicine , against Conringius's Book De Medicina Hermetica , he takes Pains to prove , that the Knowledge of these very Men was originally owing to the Egyptians . But the Thing speaks it self : The inward Use of Antimonial , Vitriolick , and Mercurial Preparations in Physick , was very little known before the Time of Basilius Valentinus , and Paracelsus : What was ancienter , was taken from the Arabs , who are Moderns against Sir William Temple . ( i ) They may be looked upon as the ii first Inventors of Chymical Medicine : ( i ) They first extracted Vinous Spirits from Fermented Liquors : Not to mention Abundance of other Preparations , which Arnoldus de Villa Nova , Raymund Lully , his Scholar , and F. Bacon learned from them . I will not deny but some Chymical Experiments were very anciently known . Solomon k hints at the Disagreement of Vinegar and Nitre ; which , though not intelligible of common Nitre , yet , as Mr. Boyle l found by his own Experience , it is certainly true of Egyptian Nitre ; which , as being a natural Alkali , will cause an Ebullition , when joined with any Acid Salt. The Property of Mercury to mix , or , as the Chymists speak , to Amalgamate with Gold , was known in Vitruvius's Time : Though by that one may perceive , that very few of its other Properties were then known ; since Pliny , who mentions that Quality of Mercury , that it will Amalgamate with Gold , speaks of it as a singular Thing , in these Words , m Every Thing swims upon Quick-Silver but Gold ; that only it draws to it self . Whereas now every Body knows that Mercury will Amalgamate with all Metals but Copper and Iron . And if the Ancients Skill in Minerals may be judged of by Pliny's Accounts , they n believed that Lead was heavier , and more ductile than Gold. Some Passages likewise are produced by Borrichius , to prove that the Ancients understood something of Calcinations , and the Use of Lixiviate Salts : But these Things are very few , very imperfect , and occasional . Chymistry was not esteemed as a distinct Art ; or the Analyses thereby produced , worthy a Philosopher's Notice ; though the Industry of later Ages have found them to be so regular and remarkable , that many Persons have thought that the Constituent Principles of Mixed Bodies are no other Way so certainly to be found out . Hence have the Hypotheses of the Paracelsians taken their Beginning ; who held , that Salt , Sulphur and Mercury were the active Principles of Composition of all Mixed Bodies . Hence several others have been led to believe , that the Primary Constituents of very many Bodies were Acid and Alkalizate Salts . Which Hypotheses , though liable to many Exceptions , as Mr. Boyle o has fully proved , are founded upon such a Variety of surprizing Experiments , that those who first started them were not so unadvised , as one that is wholly unacquainted with the Laboratories of the Chymists might , at first View , suspect . For it is certain , that five distinct and tolerably uniform Substances may be drawn from most Vegetable and Animal Substances , by Fire ; namely , Phlegm , Fixed Salt , Oil , Earth , and Spirit , or Volatile Salt dissolved in Phlegm . So that here is a new Field of Knowledge , of which the Ancients had no sort of Notion . The great and successful Change hereby made p in the Pharmaceutical Part of Physick , shews that these Philosophers by Fire have spent their Time to very good purpose . Those Physicians who reason upon Galenical Principles acknowledge , that in very many Cases , the Tinctures , Extracts , Spirits , Volatile Salts , and Rosins of Vegetables and Animals , are much more efficacious Remedies than the Galenical Preparations of those self-same Medicines . Nay , though they are not easily reconciled to Mineral Preparations , because the Ancients not knowing how to separate them from their grosser Faeces , durst very seldom apply them to any but Chirurgical Uses ; yet they themselves are forced to own , that some Diseases are of so malignant a Nature , that they cannot be dispelled by milder Methods . The Use of Mercury in Venereal Distempers , is so great , and so certain , that if there be such a Thing as a Specifical Remedy in Nature , it may justly deserve that Title . The Unskilfulness of those who have prepared and administred Antimonial Medicines , has made them infamous with many Persons , though many admirable Cures have been , and are wrought by them , skilfully corrected , every Day . And it is well known , that the inward Use of Steel has been so successful , that in many Diseases , where the nicest Remedies seem requisite , whether the Constitution of the Patients , or the Nature of the Distempers , be considered , it is , without Fear , made use of ; tho' its Medicinal Virtues , in these Cases , have been found out by Chymical Methods . Upon the whole Matter , it is certain , that here is a new and gainful Acquisition made : The old Galenical Materia Medica is almost as well known , in all probability , as ever it was ; since there are so great Numbers of Receipts preserved in the Writings of the old Physicians . The Industry of Modern Naturalists has , in most , at least , in all material Cases , clearly discovered what those Individual Remedies are , which are there described . So that whatsoever Enlargement is made , is a clear Addition ; especially , since these Minerals and Metals were then as free and common as they are now . Besides , vast Numbers of Galenical Medicines , Chymically prepared , are less nauseous , and equally powerful ; which is so great an Advantage to Physick , that it ought not to be over-looked . CHAP. XVII . Of Ancient and Modern Anatomy . ANatomy is one of the most necessary Arts to open to us Natural Knowledge of any that was ever thought of . It s Usefulness to Physicians was very early seen ; and the Greeks took great Pains to bring it to Perfection . Some of the first Dissectors q tried their Skill upon living Bodies of Men , as well as Brutes . This was so inhumane and barbarous a Custom , that it was soon left off : And it created such an Abhorrence in Mens Minds of the Art it self , that in Galen's Time even dead Bodies were seldom opened ; and he was often obliged r to use Apes instead of Men , which sometimes led him into great Mistakes . It may be said , perhaps , that because there is not an ancient System of Anatomy extant , therefore the Extent of their Knowledge in this particular cannot be known . But the numerous Anatomical Treatises of Galen do abundantly supply that Defect . In his elaborate Work of the Uses of the Parts of Humane Bodies , he gives so full an Idea of ancient Anatomy , that if no other ancient Book of Anatomy were extant , it alone would be sufficient for this purpose . He is very large in all his Writings of this Kind , in taking Notice of the Opinions of the Anatomists that were ancienter than himself , especially when they were mistaken , and had spent much Time and Pains in opening Bodies of Brutes , of which he somewhere promises to write a comparative Anatomy . So that his Books not only acquaint us with his own Opinions , but also with the Reasonings and Discoveries of Hippocrates , Aristotle , Herophilus and Erasistratus , whose Names were justly venerable for their Skill in these things . Besides , he never contradicts any Body without appealing to Experience , wherein though he was now and then mistaken , yet he does not write like a Pedant , affirming a thing to be true or false upon the Credit of Hippocrates , or Herophilus , but builds his Argument upon Nature as far as he knew her . He had an excellent Understanding , and a very piercing Genius , so that the false uses which he very frequently assigns to several Parts , do certainly shew that he did not understand the true Texture of those Parts , because where his Anatomy did not fail him , his Ratiocinations are , generally speaking , exact . Wherefore in this particular his Mistakes instruct us as effectually in the Ancients Ignorance , as his true Notions do in their Knowledge . This will appear at large hereafter , where it will be of mighty use to prove , That the Ancients cannot be supposed to have known many of the most eminent Modern Discoveries , since if they had known them , they would not have assigned such Uses to those Parts , as are not reconcilable to those Discoveries . If Galen had known that the Pancreas had been a Heap of small Glands , which all emit into one common Canal , a particular Juice carried afterwards through that Canal into the Guts ; which there meeting with the Bile goes forwards , and assists it in the making of the Chyle , he would never have said s that Nature made it for a Pillow to support the Veins ; which go out of the Liver in that Place , where they divide into several Branches , lest if they had been without a Rest , they should have been hurt by the violent Eruption of the Blood ; and this too without the assigning any other Use for it . By Anatomy there is seldom any thing understood but the Art of laying open the several Parts of the Body with a Knife , that so the Relation which they severally bear each to other may be clearly discerned . This is generally understood of the containing Parts , Skin , Flesh , Bones , Membranes , Veins , Arteries , Muscles , Tendons , Ligaments , Cartilages , Glands , Bowels , wherein only the Ancients busied themselves : As for the Examination of the Nature and particular Texture of the contained Parts , Blood , Chyle , Urine , Bile , Serum , Fat , Juices of the Pancreas , Spleen and Nerves , Lympha , Spittle , Marrow of the Bones , Mucilages of the Joints , and the like ; they made very few Experiments , and those too for want of Chymistry very imperfect . The Discoveries therefore which have been made in that nobler part , which are numerous and considerable , are in a manner wholly owing to later Ages . In the other , a great deal was anciently done , though a great deal more was left for Posterity to do . I shall begin with the Body in general . It is certain that all the great Divisions of the Bones , Muscles , Veins and Arteries ; most of the visible Cartilages , Tendons and Ligaments , were very exactly known in Galen's Time ; the Positions of the Muscles , their several Originations , the Insertions of their Tendons , and investing Membranes , were , for the most part , traced with great Nicety and Truth ; the more conspicuous pairs of Nerves which arise either from the Brain or Spinal Marrow , were very well known and carefully followed ; most of the great Branches of the Veins and Arteries ; almost all the Bones and Cartilages , with very many Muscles , have still old Greek Names imposed upon them by the Old Anatomists , or Latin Names translated from the Greek ones : So that , not only the easie things and such as are discernable at first Sight , were throughly known ; but even several particulars , especially in the Anatomy of Nerves , were discovered , which are not obvious without great Care , and a good deal of practical Skill in diffecting . So much in general ; from which it is evident , that as far as Anatomy is peculiarly useful to a Chirurgeon , to inform him how the Bones , Muscles , Blood-Vessels , Cartilages , Tendons , Ligaments and Membranes lie in the Limbs and more conspicuous Parts of the Body , so far the Ancients went : And here , there is very little that the Moderns have any Right to pretend to as their own Discoveries ; though any Man , that understands these things , must own , That these are the first things which offer themselves to an Anatomist's View . Here I shall beg Leave to descend to Particulars , because I have not seen any Comparison made between Ancient and Modern Anatomy , wherein I could acquiesce ; whilst some , as Mr. Glanvile t , and some others who seem to have copied from him , have allowed the Ancients less than was their Due ; others , as Vander Linden and Almeloveen u , have attributed more to them than came to their Share ; especially since ( though perhaps it may be a little tedious , yet ) it cannot be called a Digression . Hippocrates w took the Brain to be a Gland . His Opinion was nearer to the Truth than any of his Successors ; but he seems to have thought it to be a similar Substance , which it evidently is not . And therefore , when several Parts of it were discovered not to be glandulous , his Opinion was rejected . Plato took it to be Marrow , such as nourishes the Bones ; but its Weight and Texture soon destroyed his Notion , since it sinks in Water wherein Marrow swims ; and is hardned by Fire , by which the other is melted . Galen x saw a little farther , and he asserts it to be of a nervous Substance , only something softer than the Nerves in the Body . Still they believed that the Brain was an uniform Substance , and as long as they did so , they were not like to go very far . The first Anatomist who discovered the true Texture of the Brain was Archangelus Piccolhomineus y an Italian , who lived in the last Age. He found that the Brain properly so called , and Cerebellum , consist of Two distinct Substances , an outer Ash-coloured Substance , through which the Blood-Vessels which lie under the Pia Mater in innumerable Folds and Windings , are disseminated ; and an inner every where united to it , of a nervous Nature , that joins this Bark ( as it is usually called ) to the Medulla Oblongata , which is the Original of all the Pairs of Nerves that issue from the Brain , and of the Spinal Marrow , and lies under the Brain and Cerebellum . After him Dr. Willis z was so very exact , that he traced this medullar Substance through all its Insertions into the Cortical , and the Medulla Oblongata , and examined the Rises of all the Nerves , and went along with them into every Part of the Body with wonderful Curiosity . Hereby not only the Brain was demonstrably proved to be the Fountain of Sense and Motion , but also by the Courses of the Nerves , the Manner how every Part of the Body conspires with any others to procure any one particular Motion , was clearly shewn ; and thereby it was made plain even to Sense , that where-ever many parts joined at once to cause the same Motion , that Motion is caused by Nerves that go into every one of those Parts , which are all struck together . And though Vieussens and du Verney have in many things corrected Dr. Willis's Anatomy of the Nerves ; yet they have strengthened his general Hypothesis , even at the Time when they discovered his Mistakes , which is the same thing to our present purpose . Galen , indeed a , had a right Notion of this matter , but he traced only the larger Pairs of Nerves , such as could not escape a good Anatomist . But the manner of the forming of the Animal Spirit in the Brain was wholly unknown . In Order to the Discovery whereof , Malpighius b by his Microscopes found that the Cortical Part of the Brain consists of an innumerable Company of very small Glandules , which are all supplied with Blood by Capillary Arteries ; and that the Animal Spirit , which is separated from the Mass of the Blood in these Glandules , is carried from them into the Medulla Oblongata through little Pipes , whereof one belongs to every Gland , whose other End is inserted into the Medulla Oblongata , and that these Numberless Pipes , which in the Brain of some Fishes look like the Teeth of a small Ivory Comb c , are properly that which all Anatomists after Piccolhomineus have called the Corpus callosum , or the Medullar Part of the Brain . This Discovery destroys the Ancient Notions of the Uses of the Ventricles of the Brain , and makes it very probable that those Cavities are only Sinks to carry off excrementitious Humours , and not Store-Houses of the Animal Spirit : It shews likewise how little they knew of the Brain who believed that it was an uniform Substance . Some of the Ancients disputed d whether the Brain were not made to cool the Heart . Now though these are ridiculed by Galen , so that their Opinions are not imputable to those who never held them ; yet they shew that these famous Men had examined these things very superficially : For no Man makes himself ridiculous if he can help it ; and now , that Mankind are satisfied by ocular Demonstration that the Brain is the Original of the Nerves , and the Principle of Sense and Motion , he would be thought out of his Wits that should doubt of this Primary use of the Brain , though formerly when things had not been so experimentally proved , Men might talk in the dark , and assign such Reasons as they could think of , without the Suspicion of being ignorant or impertinent . The Eye is so very remarkable a Member , and has so many Parts peculiar to its self , that the Ancients took great Notice of it . They found its Humours , the watry , crystalline , and glassy , and all its Tunicles , and gave a good Description of them ; but the Optick Nerve , the aqueous Ducts which supply the watry Humour , and the Vessels which carry Tears were not enough examined . The first was done by Dr. Briggs e , who has found that in the Tunica Retiformis , which is contiguous to the glassy Humour , the Filaments of the Optick Nerve there expanded , lie in a most exact and regular Order , all parallel one to another , which when they are united afterwards in the Nerve are not shuffled confusedly together , but still preserve the same Order till they come to the Brain . The crystalline Humour had already been discovered to be of a Double-Convex Figure , made of Two unequal Segments of Spheres , and not perfectly spherical as the Ancients thought . So that this further Discovery made by Dr. Briggs , shews evidently why all the Parts of the Image are so distinctly carried to the Brain , since every Ray strikes upon a several Filament of the Optick Nerve , and all those strings so struck are moved equably at the same Time. For want of knowing the Nature and Laws of Refraction , which have been exactly stated by Modern Mathematicians , the Ancients discoursed very lamely of Vision . This made Galen think that the crystalline Humour f was the Seat of Vision , whose only Use is to refract the Rays , as the known Experiment of a dark Room , with one only Hole to let in Light , through which a most exact Land-skip of every thing without , will be represented in its proper Colours , Heights and Distances , upon a Paper placed in the Focus of the Convex Glass in the Hole , which Experiment is to be found in almost every Book of Opticks , does plainly prove . Since the same thing will appear , if the crystalline Humour taken out of an Ox's or a Man's Eye , be placed in the Hole instead of the Glass . The Way how the watry Humour of the Eye , when by Accident lost , may be and is constantly supplied , was first found out and described by Monsieur Nuck g , who discovered a particular Canal of Water arising from the internal Carotidal Artery , which creeping along the Sclerotic Coat of the Eye , perforates the Cornea near the Pupil , and then branching its self curiously about the Iris , enters and supplies the watry Humour . As to the Vessels which moisten the Eye , that it may move freely in its Orbit , the Ancients knew in general that there were Two Glands in the Corners of the Eyes h ; but the Lympheducts , through which the Moisture is conveyed from those Glands were not fully traced till Steno . i and Briggs k described them ; so that there is just the same Difference between our Knowledge and the Ancients in this particular , as there is between his Knowledge who is sure there is some Road or other from this Place to that , and his who knows the whole Course , and all the Turnings of the Road , and can describe it on a Map. The Instruments by which Sounds are conveyed from the Drum to the Auditory Nerves in the inner Cavities of the Ear , were very little , if at all , known to the Ancients . In the First Cavity there are Four small Bones , the Hammer , the Anvil , the Stirrup , and a small flattish Bone just in the Articulation of the Anvil and the Stirrup . It is now certainly known , that when the Drum is struck upon by the external Air , these little Bones , which are as big in an Infant as in adult Persons , move each other ; the Drum moves the Hammer , That the Anvil , That the Stirrup , which opens the oval Entrance into the Second Cavity : None of these Bones were ever mentioned by the Ancients , who only talked of Windings and Turnings within the Os Petrosum , that were covered by the large Membrane of the Drum. Jacobus Carpus , one of the first Restorers of Anatomy in the last Age , found out the Hammer and the Anvil , Realdus Columbus discovered the Stirrup , and Franciscus Sylvius the little flattish Bone , by him called Os Orbiculare ; but mistook its Position : He thought it had been placed Sideways of the Head of the Stirrup , whereas Monsieur du Verney l finds that it lies in the Head of the Stirrup , between that and the Anvil . The other inner Cavities were not better understood , the spiral Bones of the Cochlea , that are divided into Two distinct Cavities , like Two pair of Winding-Stairs parallel to one another , which turn round the same Axis , with the Three semicircular Canals of the Labyrinthus , into which the inner Air enters , and strikes upon the small Twigs of the Auditory Nerves inserted into those small Bones , were things that they knew so little of that they had no Names for them ; and indeed till Monsieur du Verney came , those Mazes were but negligently , at least unsuccessfully , examined by Moderns as well as Ancients ; it being impossible so much as to form an Idea of what any former Anatomists asserted of the wonderful Mechanism of those little Bones , before he wrote , if we set aside Monsieur Perrault's m Anatomy of those Parts , which came out a Year or two before ; who is not near so exact as Monsieur du Verney . The other Parts of the Head and Neck , wherein the Old Anatomy was the most defective , were the Tongue as to its internal Texture , and the Glands of the Mouth , Jaws and Throat . The Texture of the Tongue was but guessed at , which occasioned great Disputes concerning the Nature of its Substance , n some thinking it to be glandulous , some muscular , and some of a peculiar Nature , not to be matched in any other part of the Body . This therefore , Malpighius examined with his Glasses , and discovered , that it was cloathed with a double Memorane ; that in the inner Membrane there are Abundance of small Papillae , which have extremities of Nerves inserted into them , by which the Tongue discerns Tasts , and that under that Membrane it is of a muscular Nature consisting of numberless Heaps of Fibres which run all manner of Ways over one another like a Mat. The general Uses of the Glands of the Mouth , Jaws and Neck were anciently known ; it was visible that the Mouth was moistend by them , and the Mass of the Spittle supplied from them ; and then , having named them from the Places near which they lie , as the Palate , the Jaws , the Tongue , the Ears , the Neck , they went no further ; and there was little , if any thing , more done , till Dr. Wharton , and Nicolaus Steno examined these Glands . And upon an exact Enquiry Four several Salival Ducts have been discovered , which from several Glands discharge the Spittle into the Mouth . The First was described by Dr. Wharton o near Forty Years ago : it comes from the conglomerate Glands that lie close to the inner side of the lower Jaw , and discharges it self near the middle of the Chin into the Mouth . The Second was found out by Steno p who published his Observations in 1662 ; this comes from those Glands that lie near the Ears , in the inside of the Cheek , and the outside of the upper-Jaw : The Third was found out q by Thomas Bartholin , who gave an Account of it in 1682 , and about the same Time by one Rivinus a German : It arises from the Glands under the Tongue , and going in a distinct Canal to the Mouth of Wharton's Duct , there , for the most Part , by a common Orifice , opens into the Mouth . The Fourth was discovered by Monsieur Nuck r ; he found a Gland within the Orbit of the Eye , from which , not far from the Mouth of Steno's Duct , Spittle is supplied to the Mouth by a peculiar Canal . Besides these , the same Monsieur Nuck found some smaller Glands near the last , but lower down , which by Four distinct Pipes carry some Spittle into the Mouth ; so careful has Nature been to provide so many Passages for that necessary and noble Juice , that if some should fail , others might supply their Want. CHAP. XVIII . Of the Circulation of the Blood. FRom the Head , we are to look into the Thorax , and there to consider the Heart , and the Lungs . The Lungs , as most of the other Viscera , were believed to be of a Parenchymous Substance , till Malpighius found by his Glasses s that they consist of innumerable small Bladders , that open into each other , as far as the outermost ; which are covered by the outer Membrane , that incloses the whole Body of the Lungs : And that the small Branches of the Wind-Pipe are all inserted into these Bladders ; about every one of which the Veins and Arteries are entwined , in an unconceivable Number of Nets and Mazes ; that so the inspired Air may press upon , or mix with , the Mass of Blood , in such small Parcels as the Ancients had no Notion of . The Wind-Pipe also it self is nourished by an Artery that creeps up the Back-side , and accompanies it in all its Branchings : Which was first found out by Frederic Ruysch , a Dutch Professor of Anatomy at Leyden , about Thirty Years ago . But the great Discovery that has been made of the Lungs , is , That the whole Mass of Blood is carried out of the Right Ventricle of the Heart , by the Arteria Pulmonaris , called anciently Vena Arteriosa , through all the small Bladders of the Lungs , into the Vena Pulmonaris , ( or Arteria Venosa ; ) and from thence , into the Left Ventricle of the Heart again . So that the Heart is a strong Pump , which throws the Blood , let in from the Veins , into the Lungs ; and from the Lungs , afterwards , into the Arteries ; and this by a constant rapid Motion , whereby the Blood is driven round in a very few Minutes . This Discovery , first made perfectly intelligible by Dr. Harvey , is of so very great Importance to shew the Communication of all the Humours of the Body , each with other , that as soon as Men were perfectly satisfied that it was not to be contested , which they were in a few Years , a great many put in for the Prize , unwilling that Dr. Harvey should go away with all the Glory . Vander Linden , who published a most exact Edition of Hippocrates , in Holland , about Thirty Years ago , has taken a great deal of Pains to prove that Hippocrates knew the Circulation of the Blood , and that Dr. Harvey only revived it . The Substance of what has been said in this Matter , is this ; that Hippocrates speaks t in one Place , of the Usual and Constant Motion of the Blood : That in another Place , he calls u the Veins and Arteries the Fountains of Humane Nature , the Rivers that water the whole Body , that convey Life ; and which , if they be dried up , the Man dies : That in a Third Place , he says , w That the Blood-Vessels , which are dispersed over the whole Body , give Spirit , Moisture and Motion , and all spring from one ; which one ( Blood-Vessel ) has no Beginning , nor no End , that I can find ; for , where there is a Circle , there is no Beginning . These are the clearest Passages that are produced , to prove , that Hippocrates knew the Circulation of the Blood ; and it is plain from them , that he did believe it as an Hypothesis ; that is , in plain English , that he did suppose the Blood to be carried round the Body by a constant accustomed Motion : But that he did not know what this constant accustomed Motion was ; and that he had not found that Course which , in our Age , Dr. Harvey first clearly demonstrated , will appear evident from the following Considerations : ( 1. ) He says nothing of the Circulation of the Blood in his Discourse of the Heart , where he Anatomizes it as well as he could ; and speaks of x the Ventricles , and the Valves y , which are the immediate Instruments by which the Work is done . ( 2. ) He believes that the Auricles of the Heart z are like Bellows , which receive the Air to cool the Heart . Now there are other Uses of them certainly known , since they assist the Heart in the Receiving of the Blood from the Vena Cava , and the Vena Pulmonaris . This cannot be unknown to any Man that knows how the Blood circulates ; and accordingly , would have been mentioned by Hippocrates , had he known of it . ( 3. ) Hippocrates speaks of Veins a , as receiving Blood from the Heart , and going from it : Which also was the constant Way of Speaking of Galen , and all the Ancients . Now , no Man that can express himself properly , will ever say , That any Liquors are carried away from any Cistern , as from a Fountain or Source , through those Canals which , to his Knowledge , convey Liquors to that Cistern . ( 4. ) Hippocrates says , the Blood is carried into the Lungs , from the Heart , for the Nourishment of the Lungs ; without assigning any other Reason b . These seem to be positive Arguments , that Hippocrates knew nothing of this Matter ; and accordingly , all his Commentators , Ancient and Modern , before Dr. Harvey , never interpreted the former Passages of the Circulation of the Blood : Neither would Vander Linden , in all probability , if Dr. Harvey had not helped him to the Notion ; which he was then resolved to find in Hippocrates , whom he supposed not the Father only , but the Finisher also of the whole Medical Art. It is pretended to by none of the Ancients , or rather their Admirers for them , after Hippocrates . As for Galen , any Man that reads what he says of the Heart and Lungs , in the 6th . Book of his De Usu Partium , must own , that he does not discourse as if he were acquainted with Modern Discoveries ; and therefore it is not so much as pretended that he knew this Recurrent Motion of the Blood. Which also further shews , that if Hippocrates did know it , he explained himself so obscurely , that Galen could not understand him ; who , in all probability , understood Hippocrates's Text as well as any of his Commentators , who have written since the Greek Tongue ; and much more , since the Ionic Dialect has ceased to be a living Language . Since the Ancients have no Right to so noble a Discovery , it may be worth while to enquire , to whom of the Moderns the Glory of it is due ; for this is also exceedingly contested . The first Step that was made towards it , was , the finding that the whole Mass of the Blood passes through the Lungs , by the Pulmonary Artery and Vein . The first that I could ever find , who had a distinct Idea of this Matter , was Michael Servetus , a Spanish Physician , who was burnt for Arianism , at Geneva , near 140 Years ago . Well had it been for the Church of Christ , if he had wholly confined himself to his own Profession ! His Sagacity in this Particular , before so much in the dark , gives us great Reason to believe , that the World might then have had just Cause to have blessed his Memory . c In a Book of his , intituled , Christianismi Restitutio , printed in the Year MDLIII . he clearly asserts , that the Blood passes through the Lungs , from the Left to the Right Ventricle of the Heart ; and not through the Partition which divides the two Ventricles , as was at that Time commonly believed . How he introduces it , or in which of the Six Discourses , into which Servetus divides his Book , it is to be found , I know not , having never seen the Book my self . Mr. Charles Bernard , a very learned and eminent Chirurgeon of London , who did me the Favour to communicate this Passage to me , ( set down at length in the Margin ) which was transcribed out of Servetus , could inform me no further , only that he had it from a learned Friend of his , who had himself copied it from Servetus . Realdus Columbus , of Cremona , was the next that said any thing of it , in his Anatomy , printed at Venice , 1559. in Folio ; and at Paris , in 1572. in Octavo ; and afterwards elsewhere . There he asserts the same d Circulation through the Lungs , that Servetus had done before ; but says , that no Man had ever taken notice of it before him , or had written any Thing about it : Which shews that he did not copy from Servetus ; unless one should say , that he stole the Notion , without mentioning Servetus's Name ; which is injurious , since in these Matters the same Thing may be , and very often is observed by several Persons , who never acquainted each other with their Discoveries . But Columbus is much more particular ; e for he says , That the Veins lodge the whole Mass of the Blood in the Vena Cava , which carries it into the Heart , whence it cannot return the same Way that it went ; from the Right Ventricle it is thrown into the Lungs by the Pulmonary Artery , where the Valves are so placed as to hinder its Return that Way into the Heart , and so it is thrown into the Left Ventricle , and by the Aorta again , when enliven'd by the Air , diffused through the whole Body . Some Years after appeared Andreas Caesalpinus , who printed his Peripatetical Questions at Venice , in Quarto , in 1571. And afterwards with his Medical Questions , at the same Place , in 1593. He is rather more particular than Columbus , especially in examining how Arteries and Veins joyn at their Extremities ; which he supposes to be by opening their Mouths into each other : And he uses the Word Circulation in his Peripatetical Questions , which had never been used in that Sence before . He also takes notice , that the Blood swells below the Ligature in veins , and urges that in Confirmation of his Opinion . At last , Dr. William Harvey printed a Discourse on purpose , upon this Subject , at Francfort , in 1628. This Notion had only been occasionally and slightly treated of by Columbus and Caesalpinus , who themselves , in all probability , did not know the Consequence of what they asserted ; and therefore it was never applied to other Purposes , either to shew the Uses of the other Viscera , or to explain the Natures of Diseases : Neither , for any Thing that appears at this Day , had they made any Numbers of Experiments , which were necessary to explain their Doctrine , and to clear it from Opposition . All this Dr. Harvey undertook to do ; and with indefatigable Pains , traced the visible Veins and Arteries throughout the Body , in their whole Journey from and to the Heart ; so as to demonstrate , even to the most incredulous , not only that the Blood circulates through the Lungs and Heart , but the very Manner how , and the Time in which that great Work is performed . When he had once proved that the Motion of the Blood was so rapid as we now find it is , then he drew such Consequences from it , as shewed that he throughly understood his Argument , and would leave little , at least , as little as he could , to future Industry to discover in that particular Part of Anatomy . This gave him a just Title to the Honour of so noble a Discovery , since what his Predecessors had said before him was not enough understood , to form just Notions from their Words . One may also observe how gradually this Discovery , as all abstruse Truths of Humane Disquisition , was explained to the World. Hippocrates first talked of the Usual Motion of the Blood. Plato said , That the Heart was the Original of the Veins , and of the Blood , that was carried about every Member of the Body . Aristotle also somewhere speaks of a Recurrent Motion of the Blood : Still all this was only Opinion and Belief : It was rational , and became Men of their Genius's ; but , not having as yet been made evident by Experiments , it might as easily be denied as affirmed . Servetus first saw that the Blood passes through the Lungs ; Columbus went further and shew'd the Uses of the Valves or Trap-doors of the Heart , which let the Blood in and out of their Respective Vessels , but not the self same Road : Thus the Way was just open when Dr. Harvey came , who built upon the First Foundations ; to make his Work yet the easier , the Valves of the Veins which were discovered by F. Paul the Venetian , had not long before been explained by Fabricius ab Aqua pendente , whence the Circulation was yet more clearly demonstrated . There was one thing still wanting to compleat this Theory , and that was the Knowledge how the Veins received that Blood which the Arteries discharged ; first it was believed that the Mouths of each sort of Vessels joined into one another ; that Opinion was soon laid aside , because it was found that the capillary Vessels were so extremely small , that it was impossible with the naked Eye to trace them . This put them upon imagining that the Blood ouzes out of the Arteries , and is absorbed by the Veins , whose small Orifices receive it , as it lies in the Fibres of the Muscles , or in the Parenchyma's of the Bowels : Which Opinion has been generally received by most Anatomists since Dr. Harvey's Time. But Monsieur Leeuwenhoek has lately found in several sorts of Fishes f , which were more manageable by his Glasses than other Animals , That Arteries and Veins are really continued Syphons variously wound about each other towards their Extremities in numberless Mazes , over all the Body ; and others have found g what he says to be very true in a Water Newt . So that this Discovery has passed uncontested . And since it has been constantly found , that Nature follows like Methods in all sorts of Animals , where she uses the same sorts of Instruments , it will always be believed , That the Blood circulates in Men after the same Manner as it does in Eels , Perches , Pikes , Carps , Bats , and some other Creatures , in which Monsieur Leeuwenhoek tried it . Though the Ways how it may be visible to the Eye in Men , have not , that I know of , been yet discovered . However this visible Circulation of the Blood in these Creatures effectually removes Sir William Temple's Scruple , who seems unwilling to believe the Circulation of the Blood , because he could not see it . His Words are these h : Nay it is disputed whether Harvey 's Circulation of the Blood be true or no , for though Reason may seem to favour it more than the contrary Opinion ; yet Sense can very hardly allow it , and to satisfie Mankind both these must concurr . Sense therefore here allows it , and that this Sense might the sooner concurr , Monsieur Leeuwenhoek describes the Method how this Experiment may be tried in his 66 th . Letter : The Inferences that may be made from this Noble Discovery are obvious , and so I shall not stay to mention them . CHAP. XIX . Further Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Anatomy . IF after this long Enquiry into the First Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood , it should be found that the Anatomy of the Heart was but slightly known to the Ancients , it will not , I suppose , be a Matter of any great Wonder . The First Opinion which we have of the Texture of the Heart , was that of Hippocrates i , that it is a very strong Muscle ; this tho' true was rejected afterwards for want of knowing its true Use ; its internal Divisions , its Valves , and larger visible Fibres were well known and distinctly described by the Ancients ; only they were mistaken in thinking that there is a Communication between the Ventricles through the Septum , which is now generally known to be an Errour . The Order of the Muscular Fibres of the Heart was not known before Dr. Lower , who discovered them to be Spiral like a Snale-Shell , as if several Skains of Threads of differing Lengths had been wound up into a Bottom of such a Shape , hollow , and divided within . By all these Discoveries Alphonsus Borellus k was enabled to give such a Solution of all the Appearances of the Motion of the Heart , and of the Blood in the Arteries , upon Mathematical and Mechanical Principles , as will give a more satisfactory Account of the wonderful Methods of Nature in dispensing Life and Nourishment to every Part of the Body , than all that had ever been written upon these Subjects before those things were found out . Below the Midriff are several very noble Viscera : The Stomach , the Liver , the Pancreas or Sweet-Bread , the Spleen , the Reins , the Intestines , the Glands of the Mesentery , and the Instruments of Generation of both Sexes ; in the Anatomical Knowledge of all which Parts , the Ancients were exceedingly defective . The Coats of the Stomach have been separated , and the several Fibres of the middle Coat examined by Dr. Willis l with more Exactness than formerly ; he also has been very nice in tracing the Blood-Vessels and Nerves that run amongst the Coats , has evidently shewn that its Inside is covered with a glandulous Coat , whose Glands separate that Mucilage ; which both preserves the Fibres from being injured by the Aliments which the Stomach receives , and concurrs with the Spittle to further the Digestion there performed ; and has given a very particular Account of all those several Rows of Fibres , which compose the musculous Coat : To which if we add Steno's Discovery of the Fibres of the musculous Coat of the Gullet , that they are spiral in a double Order , one ascending , the other descending , which run contrary Courses , and mutually cross each other in every Winding ; with Dr. Cole's m Discovery of the Nature of the Fibres of the Intestines , that they also move spirally , though not , perhaps , in a contrary Order , from the beginning of the Duodenum to the end of the streight Gut , the Anatomy of those parts seems to be almost compleat . The great Use of the Stomach and the Guts , is to prepare the Chyle , and then to transmit it through the Glands of the Mesentery into the Blood ; this the Ancients knew very well ; the Manner how it was done they knew not . Galen n held that the Mesaraick Veins , as also those which go from the Stomach to the Liver , carry the Chyle thither , which by the Warmth of the Liver is put into a Heat , whereby the Faeculencies are separated from the more spirituous Parts , and by their Weight sink to the Bottom ; the purer Parts go into the Vena Cava . The Dregs which are of two sorts , Choler and Melancholy , go into several Receptacles ; the Choler is lodged in the Gall-Bladder and Porus Bilarius : Melancholy is carried off by the Spleen . The Original of all these Notions was Ignorance of the Anatomy of all these Parts , as also of the constant Motion of the Blood through the Lungs and Heart . Herophilus , who is commended as the ablest Anatomist of Antiquity , found out o that there were veins dispersed quite through the Mesentery , as far as the small Guts reach , which carried the Chyle from the Intestines into several Glandulous Bodies , and there lodged them . These are the Milky Veins again discovered by Asellius about Fifty Years ago , and those Glands which Herophilus spoke of , are probably that great Collection of Glands in the Mesentery that is commonly called the Pancreas Asellii . After Herophilus none of the Ancients had the Luck to trace the Motions of the Chyle any further , and so these milky Veins were confounded with the Mesaraicks , and it was commonly believed , That because all Mesaraicks carry the Blood from the Intestines into the Liver , therefore they carried Chyle also when there was any Chyle to carry ; and hence probably it was that the Liver was believed to be the common Work-House of the Blood. But when Asellius had traced the Chyle as far as the great Gland of the Mesentery , it was soon found not to lie there . And Pecquet , about Forty Years since , discovered the common Receptacle of the Chyle , whither it is all brought . Thence he also found that it is carried , by particular Vessels through the Thorax , almost as high as the Left-Shoulder , and there thrown into the Left Subclavian Vein , and so directly carried to the Heart . It has also been discovered that in his Canal , usually called Ductus Thoracicus , there are numerous Valves , which hinder the Return of the Chyle to the common Receptacle , so that it can be moved forwards , but not backwards . Since this Passage of the Chyle has been discovered , it has been by some believed , that the Milk is conveyed into the Breasts , by little Vessels , from the Ductus Thoracicus . The whole Oeconomy of that Affair has been particularly described very lately by Mr. Nuck ; before whose Time it was but imperfectly known . He says therefore , that the Breasts are Heaps of Glands , supplied with Blood by innumerable Ramifications of the Axillary and Thoracick Arteries ; some of which passing through the Breast-bone , unite with the Vessels of the opposite Side . These Arteries , which are unconceivably small , part with the Milk in those small Glands , into small Pipes , four or five of which meeting together , make one small Trunk ; of these small Trunks , the large Pipes , which terminate in the Nipple , are made up ; though before they arrive thither , they straiten into so small a Compass , that a stiff Hair will just pass through . The Nipple , which is a Fibrous Body , has seven or eight , or more Holes , through which every Pipe emits its Milk upon Suction ; and , lest any one of them being stopped , the Milk should stagnate , they all have cross Passages into each other , at the Bottom of the Nipple , where it joyns to the Breast . The fore-mentioned Discovery of the Passage of the Chyle obliged Men to re-examine the Notions which , till then , had generally obtained , concerning the Nature and Uses of the Liver . Hitherto it had been generally believed , that the Blood was made there , and so dispersed into several Parts , for the Uses of the Body , by the Vena Cava . Erasistratus , indeed , supposed p that its principal Use was , to separate the Bile , and to lodge it in its proper Vessels : But , for want of further Light , his Notion could not then be sufficiently proved ; and so it presently fell , and was never revived , till Asellius's and Pecquet's Discoveries put it out of doubt . Till Malpighius discovered its Texture by his Glasses , its Nature was very obscure . But he has found out , ( 1. ) That the Substance of the Liver is framed of innumerable Lobules , which are very often of a Cubical Figure , and consist of several little Glands , like the Stones of Raisins ; so that they look like Bunches of Grapes , and are each of them cloathed with a distinct Membrane . ( 2. ) That the whole Bulk of the Liver consists of these Grape-stone-like Glands , and of divers sorts of Vessels . ( 3. ) That the small Branches of the Cava , Porta , and Porus Bilarius , run through all , even the least of these Lobules , in an equal Number ; and that the Branches of the Porta are as Arteries that convey the Blood to , and the Branches of the Cava are the Veins which carry the Blood from all these little Grape-stone-like Glands . From whence it is plain , that the Liver is a Glandulous Body , with its proper Excretory Vessels , which carry away the Gall that lay before in the Mass of the Blood. Near the Liver lies the Pancreas , which Galen believed q to be a Pillow to support the Divisions of the Veins , as they go out of the Liver ; and , for what appears at present , the Ancients do not seem to have concerned themselves any further about it . Since , it has been found to be a Glandulous Body , wherein a distinct Juice is separated from the Blood ; which , by a peculiar Canal , first discovered by Georgius Wirtsungus , a Paduan Physician , is carried into the Duodenum ; where meeting with the Bile , and the Aliment just thrown out of the Stomach , assists and promotes the Business of Digestion . The Spleen was as little understood as the Pancreas ; and for the same Reasons : Its Anatomy was unknown , and its Bulk made it very remarkable ; something therefore was to be said about it : And what no Body could positively dis-prove , might the easier be either received or contradicted . The most general Opinion was , that the grosser Excrements of the Chyle and Blood were carried off from the Liver , by the Ramus Splenicus , and lodged in the Spleen , as in a common Cistern : But since the Circulation of the Blood has been known , it has been found , that the Blood can go from the Spleen to the Liver , but that nothing can return back again into the Spleen . And as for its Texture , r Malpighius has discovered , that the Substance of the Spleen , deducting the numerous Blood-Vessels and Nerves , as also the Fibres which arise from its Second Membrane , and which support the other Parts , is made up of innumerable little Cells , like Honey-Combs , in which there are vast Numbers of small Glandules , which resemble Bunches of Grapes ; and that these hang upon the Fibres , and are fed by Twigs of Arteries and Nerves , and send forth the Blood there purged , into the Ramus Splenicus , which carries it into the Liver ; to what purpose , not yet certainly discovered . The Use of the Reins is so very conspicuous , that , from Hippocrates's Time , downwards , no Man ever mistook it : But the Mechanism of those wonderful Strainers was wholly unknown , till the so often mentioned Malpighius s found it out . He therefore , by his Glasses , discovered , that the Kidneys are not one uniform Substance , but consist of several small Globules , which are all like so many several Kidneys , bound about with one common Membrane ; and that every Globule has small Twigs from the emulgent Arteries , that carry Blood to it ; Glands , in which the Urine is strained from it ; Veins , by which the purified Blood is carried off to the Emulgent Veins , thence to go into the Cava ; a Pipe , to convey the Urine into the great Basin in the middle of the Kidney ; and a Nipple , towards which several of those small Pipes tend , and through which the Urine ouzes out of them , into the Basin . This clear Use of the Structure of the Reins , has effectually confuted several Notions that Men had entertained , of some Secundary Uses of those Parts ; since hereby it appears , that every Part of the Kidneys is immediately , and wholly subservient to that single Use , of Freeing the Blood from its superfluous Serum . What has been done by Modern Anatomists , towards the Compleating of the Knowledge of the remaining Parts , I shall omit . That the Ancients likewise took Pains about them , is evident from the Writings of Hippocrates , Aristotle and Galen . The Discoveries which have since been made are so great , that they are , in a manner , undisputed : And the Books which treat of them are so well known , that it will not be suspected that I decline to enlarge upon them , out of a Dread of giving up more to the Ancients in this Particular , than I have done all along . The Discoveries hitherto mentioned , have been of those Parts of Humours of the Body , whose Existence was well enough known to the Ancients . But , besides them , other Humours , with Vessels to separate , contain , and carry them to several Parts of the Body , have been taken notice of ; of which , in strictness , the Ancients cannot be said to have any sort of Knowledge . These are , the Lympha , or Colourless Juice , which is carried to the Chyle and Blood , from separate Parts of the Body : And the Mucilage of the Joints , which lubricates them , and the Muscles , in their Motions . The Discovery of the Lympha , which was made about Forty Years ago , is contended for by several Persons . Thomas Bartholine , a Dane , and Olaus Rudbeck , a Suede , published their Observations about the same Time : And Dr. Jolliffe , an English-Man , shewed the same to several of his Friends , but without publishing any Thing concerning them . The Discoveries being undoubted , and all Three working upon the same Materials , there seems no Reason to deny any of them the Glory of their Inventions . The Thing which they found was , that there are innumerable small , clear Vessels in many Parts of the Body , chiefly in the Lower Belly , which convey a Colourless Juice , either into the common Receptacle of the Chyle , or else into the Veins , there to mix with the Blood. The Valves which Frederic Ruysch found and demonstrated in them , about the same Time , manifestly shewed , that this is its Road ; because they prove , that the Lympha can go forwards from the Liver , Spleen , Lungs , Glands of the Loins and Neck , or any other Place , whence they arise , towards some Chyliferous Duct , or Vein ; but cannot go back from those Chyliferous Ducts , or Veins , to the Place of their Origination . What this Origination is , was long uncertain , it not being easie to trace the several Canals up to their several Sources . Steno t and Malpighius u did , with infinite Labour , find , that Abundance of Lympheducts passed through those numerous Conglobate Glands that are dispersed in the Abdomen and Thorax ; which made them think that the Arterious Blood was there purged of its Lympha , that was from thence carried off into its proper Place , by a Vessel of its own . But Mr. Nuck has since w found , that the Lympheducts arise immediately from Arteries themselves ; and that many of them are percolated through those Conglobate Glands , in their Way to the Receptacle of the Chyle , or those Veins which receive them . By these , and innumerable other Observations , the Uses of the Glands of the Body have been found out ; all agreeing in this one Thing , namely , that they separate the several Juices that are discernable in the Body , from the Mass of the Blood wherein they lay before . From their Texture they have of late been divided into Conglomerate , and Conglobate . The Conglomerate Glands consist of many smaller Glands , which lie near one another , covered with one common Membrane , with one or more common Canals , into which the separated Juice is poured by little Pipes , coming from every smaller Glandule ; as in the Liver , the Kidneys , the Pancreas , and Salival Glands of the Mouth . The Conglobate Glands are single , often without an Excretory Duct of their own , only perforated by the Lympheducts . Of all which Things , as essential to the Nature of Glands , the Ancient Anatomists had no sort of Notion . The Mucilage of the Joints and Muscles was found out by Dr. Havers x . He discovered in every Joint , particular Glands , out of which issues a Mucilaginous Substance , whose Nature he examined by numerous Experiments ; which , with the Marrow supplied by the Bones , always serves to oil the Wheels , that so our Joints and Muscles might answer those Ends of Motion , for which Nature designed them . This was a very useful Discovery , since it makes Abundance of Things that were very obscure in that Part of Anatomy , very plain , and facile to be understood : And , among other Things , it shews the Use of that excellent Oil which is contained in our Bones , and there separated by proper Strainers , from the Mass of the Blood ; especially , since , by a nice Examination of the true inward Texture of all the Bones and Cartilages of the Body , he shew'd how this Oil is communicated to the Mucilage , and so united as to perform their Office. And if one compares what Dr. Havers says of Bones and Cartilages , with what had been said concerning them before him , his Observations about their Frame may well be added to some of the noblest of all the former Discoveries . These are some of the most remarkable Instances , how far the Knowledge of the Frame of our Bodies has been carried in our Age. Several Observations may be made concerning them , which will be of Use to the present Question . ( 1. ) It is evident , that only the most visible Things were anciently known ; such only as might be discovered without great Nicety . Muscles and Bones are easily separable ; their Length is soon traced , and their Origination easily known . The same may be truly said of large Blood-Vessels , and Nerves : But when they come to be exquisitely sub-divided , when their Smalness will not suffer the Eye , much less the Hand , to follow them , then the Ancients were constantly at a Loss : For which Reason , they understood none of the Viscera , to any tolerable Degree . ( 2. ) One may perceive that every new Discovery strengthens what went before ; otherwise the World would soon have heard of it , and the erroneous Theories of such Pretenders to new Things would have been exploded and forgotten , unless by here and there a curious Man , that pleases himself with reading Obsolete Books . Nullius in verba is not only the Motto of the ROYAL SOCIETY , but a received Principle among all the Philosophers of the present Age : And therefore , when once any new Discoveries have been examined , and received , we have more Reason to acquiesce in them , than there was formerly . This is evident in the Circulation of the Blood : Several Veins and Arteries have been found , at least , more exactly traced , since , than they were in Dr. Harvey's Time. Not one of these Discoveries has ever shown a single Instance of any Artery going to , or of any Vein coming from the Heart . Ligatures have been made of infinite Numbers of Vessels ; and the Course of all the Animal Juices , in all manner of living Creatures , has thereby been made visible to the naked Eye ; and yet not one of these has ever weakned Dr. Harvey's Doctrine . The Pleasure of Destroying in Matters of this Kind , is not much less than the Pleasure of Building . And therefore , when we see that those Books which have been written against some of the eminentest of these Discoveries , though but a few Years ago , comparatively speaking , are so far dead , that it is already become a Piece of Learning even to know their Titles , we have sufficient Assurance that these Discoverers , whose Writings out-live Opposition , neither deceive themselves , nor others . So that , whatsoever it might be formerly , yet in this Age general Consent in Physiological Matters , especially after a long Canvass of the Things consented to , is an almost infallible Sign of Truth . ( 3. ) The more Ways are made use of to arrive at any one particular Part of Knowledge , the surer that Knowledge is , when it appears that these different Methods lend Help each to other . If Malpighius's , or Leeuwenhoek's Glasses had made such Discoveries as Men's Reason could not have agreed to , if Objects had appeared confused and disorderly in their Microscopes , if their Observations had contradicted what the naked Eye reveals , then their Verdict had been little worth . But when the Discoveries made by the Knife and the Microscope disagree only as Twi-light and Noon-day , then a Man is satisfied that the Knowledge which each affords to us , differs only in Degree , not in Sort. ( 4. ) It can signifie nothing in the present Controversie , to pretend that Books are lost ; or to say , that , for ought we know , Herophilus might anciently have made this Discovery , or Erasistratus that ; their Reasonings demonstrate the Extent of their Knowledge as convincingly as if we had a Thousand old Systems of Ancient Anatomy extant . ( 5. ) In judging of Modern Discoveries , one is nicely to distinguish between Hypothesis and Theory . The Anatomy of the Nerves holds good , whether the Nerves carry a Nutritious Juice to the several Parts of the Body , or no. The Pancreas sends a Juice into the Duodenum , which mixes there with the Bile , let the Nature of that Juice be what it will. Yet here a nice Judge may observe , that every Discovery has mended the Hypotheses of the Modern Anatomists ; and so it will always do , till the Theories of every Part , and every Juice , be as entire as Experiments and Observations can make them . As these Discoveries have made the Frame of our own Bodies a much more intelligible Thing than it was before , though there is yet a great deal unknown ; so the same Discoveries having been applied to , and found in almost all sorts of known Animals , have made the Anatomy of Brutes , Birds , Fishes and Insects much more perfect than it could possibly be in former Ages . Most of the Rules which Galen lays down in his Anatomical Administrations , are , concerning the Dissection of Apes . If he had been now to write , besides those tedious Advices how to part the Muscles from the Membranes , and to observe their several Insertions and Originations , the Jointings of the Bones , and the like , he would have taught the World how to make Ligatures of all sorts of Vessels , in their proper Places ; what Liquors had been most convenient to make Injections with , thereby to discern the Courses of Veins , Arteries , Chyle-Vessels , or Lympheducts ; how to unravel the Testicles ; how to use Microscopes to the best Advantage : He would have taught his Disciples when and where to look for such and such Vessels or Glands ; where Chymical Trials were useful ; and what the Processes were , by which he made his Experiments , or found out his Theories : Which Things fill up every Page in the Writings of later Dissectors . This he would have done , as well as what he did , had these Ways of making Anatomical Discoveries been then known and practised . The World might then have expected such Anatomies of Brutes , as Dr. Tyson has given of the Rattle-Snake ; or Dr. Moulin , of the Elephant : Such Dissections of Fishes as Dr. Tyson's of the Porpesse ; and Steno's , of the Shark : Such of Insects as Malpighius's of a Silk-Worm ; Swammerdam's , of the Ephemeron ; Dr. Lister's , of a Snail ; and the same Dr. Tyson's , of Long and Round Body-Worms . All which shew Skill and Industry , not conceivable by a Man that is not a little versed in these Matters . To this Anatomy of Bodies that have Sensitive Life , we ought to add the Anatomy of Vegetables , begun and brought to great Perfection in Italy and England at the same Time , by Malpighius and Dr. Grew . By their Glasses they have been able to give an Account of the different Textures of all the Parts of Trees , Shrubs and Herbs ; to trace the several Vessels which carry Air , Lympha , Milk , Rosin and Turpentine , in those Plants which afford them ; to describe the whole Process of Vegetation , from Seed to Seed ; and , in a Word , though they have left a great deal to be admired , because it was to them incomprehensible ; yet they have discovered a great deal to be admired , because of its being known by their Means . CHAP. XX. Of Ancient and Modern Natural Histories of Elementary Bodies and Minerals . HAving now finished my Comparison of Ancient and Modern Anatomy , with as much Exactness as my little Insight into these Things would give me Leave , I am sensible that most Men will think that I have been too tedious . But , besides that I had not any where found it carefully done to my Hands , ( though it is probable that it has in Books which have escaped my Notice ) I thought that it would be a very effectual Instance , how little the Ancients may have been presumed to have perfected any one Part of Natural Knowledge , when their own Bodies , which they carried about with them , and which , of any Thing , they were the nearliest concerned to know , were , comparatively speaking , so very imperfectly traced . However , in the remaining Parts of my Parallel , I shall be much shorter ; which , I hope , may be some Amends for my too great Length in this . From those Instruments , or Mechanical Arts , whether Ancient or Modern , by which Knowledge has been advanced , I am now to go to the Knowledge it self . According to the Method already proposed , I am to begin with Natural History in its usual Acceptation , as it takes in the Knowledge of the several Kinds of Elementary Bodies , Minerals , Insects , Plants , Beasts , Birds and Fishes . The Usefulness , and the Pleasure of this Part of Learning is too well known to need any Proof . And besides , it is a Study , about which the greatest Men of all Ages have employed themselves . Of the very few lost Books that are mentioned in the Old Testament , one was an History of Plants , written by the wisest of Men , and he a King. So that there is Reason to believe , that it was cultivated with Abundance of Care by all those who did not place the Perfection of Knowledge in the Art of Wrangling about Questions , which were either useless , or which could not easily be decided . Before I enter into Particulars , it is necessary to enquire what are the greatest Excellencies of a compleat History of any one sort of Natural Bodies . This may soon be determined . That History of any Body is certainly the best , which , by a full and clear Description , lays down all the Characteristical Marks of the Body then to be described ; so as that its Specifical Idea may be perfectly formed , and it self certainly and easily distinguished from any other Body , though , at first View , it be never so like it ; which enumerates all its known Qualities ; which shews whether there are any more besides those already observed ; and , last of all , which enquires into the several Ways whereby that Body may be beneficial or hurtful to Man , or any other Body ; by giving a particular Account of the several Phaenomena which appear upon its Application to , or Combination with other Bodies , of like , or unlike Natures . All this is plainly necessary , if a Man would write a full History of any single Species of Animals , Plants , Insects , or Minerals , whatsoever . Or , if he would draw up a General History of any one of these Universal Sorts , then he ought to examine wherein every Species of this Universal Sort agrees each with other ; or wherein they are discriminated from any other Universal Sort of Things : Thus , by degrees , descend to Particulars , and range every Species , not manifestly Anomalus , under its own Family , or Tribe ; thereby to help the Memory of Learners , and assist the Contemplations of those who , with Satisfaction to themselves and others , would Philosophize upon this amazing Variety of Things . By this Test the Comparison may be made . I shall begin with the simplest Bodies first ; which , as they are the commonest , so , one would think , should have been long ago examined with the strictest Care. By these I mean , Air , Water , Earth , Fire ; commonly called Elements . The Three first are certainly distinct and real Bodies , endued with proper and peculiar Qualities ; and so come under the present Question . Of the History of Air the Ancients seemed to know little more than just what might be collected from the Observation of its most obvious Qualities . It s Necessity for the immediate Subsistence of Life , and the unspeakable Force of Rapid Winds , or Air forcibly driven all one Way , made it be sufficiently observed by all the World ; whilst its Internal Texture , and very few of its remoter Qualities , were scarce so much as dreamt of by all the Philosophers of Antiquity . It s Weight only was known to Aristotle y , ( or the Author of the Book de Coelo ) who observed , that a full Bladder out-weighed an empty one . Yet this was carried no further by any of the Ancients , that we know of ; dis-believed by his own School , who seemed not to have attended to his Word ; opposed and ridiculed when again revived , and demonstrably proved , by the Philosophers of the present Age. All which are Evidences , that anciently it was little examined into , since they wanted Proofs to evince that , which Ignorance only made disputable . But this has been spoken to already ; I shall therefore only add , that , besides what Mr. Boyle has written concerning the Air , one may consult Otto Guerick's Magdebourg-Experiments , the Experiments of the Academy del Cimento , Sturmius's Collegium Curiosum , Mr. Halley's Discourses concerning Gravity , and the Phaenomena of the Baroscope in the Philosophical Transactions z . From all which one may find , not only how little of the Nature of the Air was anciently known ; but also , that there is scarce any one Body , whose Theory is now so near being compleated , as is that of the Air. The Natural History of Earth and Water come under that of Minerals : Fire , as it appears to our Senses , seems to be a Quality , rather than a Substance ; and to consist in its own Nature , in a Rapid Agitation of Bodies , put into a quick Motion ; and divided by this Motion , into very small Parts . After this had been once asserted by the Corpuscularian Philosophers , it was exceedingly strengthned by many Experimental Writers , who have taken abundance of Pains to state the whole Doctrine of Qualities clearly , and intelligibly ; that so Men might know the difference between the Existence or Essential Nature of a Body , and its being represented to our Senses under such or such an Idea . This is the Natural Consequence of proceeding upon clear and intelligible Principles ; and resolving to admit nothing as conclusive , which cannot be manifestly conceived , and evidently distinguished from every Thing else . Here , if in any Thing , the old Philosophers were egregiously defective : What has been done since , will appear by consulting , among others , the Discourses which Mr. Boyle has written upon most of the considerable Qualities of Bodies , which come under our Notice ; such as his Histories of Fluidity and Firmness , of Colours , of Cold , his Origin of Forms and Qualities , Experiments about the Mechanical Production of divers particular Qualities , and several others , which come under this Head ; because they are not Notions framed only in a Closet , by the help of a lively Fancy ; but Genuine Histories of the Phaenomena of Natural Bodies ; which appeared in vast Numbers , after such Trials were made upon them , as were proper to discover their several Natures . And therefore , that it may not be thought that I mistake every plausible Notion of a witty Philosopher for a new Discovery of Nature , I must desire that my former Distinction between Hypotheses and Theories may be remembred . I do not here reckon the several Hypotheses of Des Cartes , Gassendi , or Hobbes , as Acquisitions to real Knowledge , since they may only be Chimaera's and amusing Notions , fit to entertain working Heads . I only alledge such Doctrines as are raised upon faithful Experiments , and nice Observations ; and such Consequences as are the immediate Results of , and manifest Corollaries drawn from , these Experiments and Observations : Which is what is commonly meant by Theories . But of this more hereafter . That the Natural History of Minerals was anciently very imperfect , is evident from what has been said of Chymistry already ; to which , all the Advances that have ever been made in that Art , unless when Experiments have been tried upon Vegetable or Animal Substances , are properly to be referred . I take Minerals here in the largest Sence ; for all sorts of Earths , Sulphurs , Salts , Stones , Metals , and Minerals properly so called . For Chymistry is not only circumstantially useful , but essentially necessary here ; since a great many Minerals of very differing Natures would never have been known to have belonged to several Families , if they had not been examined in the Furnaces of the Chymists . But I think this is so clear , that I should lose Time if I should say any Thing more about it ; and therefore I shall rather mention some other Things , wherein Discoveries have been made in and by Mineral Bodies , without the help of Chymistry . The greatest of which is , of a Stone which the Ancients admired a , without ever examining to what Uses it might be applied ; and that is , the Magnet : The noblest Properties whereof Sir William Temple acknowledges to be anciently unknown b ; which is more , indeed , than what some do c , who , at the same Time , make our Fore-fathers to have been extreamly stupid , that could suffer such a Discovery to be ever lost . So that all that can be said of the Advances which , by the Uses of the Load-stone , have been made in several Parts of Learning , do not in the least affect Sir William Temple . However , I shall mention some of the greatest , because he charges the Moderns with not making all the Uses of so noble an Invention ; which he supposes the Ancient Greeks and Romans would have made , had it fallen into their Hands : Which makes him assert , that the Discoveries hereby made in remote Countries have been rather pursued to accumulate Wealth d , than to increase Knowledge . Now , if both these can be done at once , there is no Harm done : And since there is no Dispute of the one , I think it will be an easie Matter to prove the other . I shall name but a few Particulars , most of them rather belonging to another Head. Geography therefore was anciently a very imperfect Study , for want of this Knowledge of the Properties of the Loadstone . The Figure of the Earth could formerly only be guessed at ; which Sir William Temple 's admired Epicurus e did , for that Reason , deny to be round ; wherein he seems to have been more reasonable , than in many other of his Assertions ; because he thought it an Affront to the Understanding of Man , to be determined by bare Conjectures , in a Matter which could no other Way be decided . Whereas now , most Parts of the Ocean being made easily accessible , the Latitudes , and respective Bearings of every Place are commonly known : The Nature and Appearances of Winds and Tides are become familiar , and have been nicely examined by Intelligent Men in all Parts of the World : The Influence of the Moon , joyned with the Motion of the Earth , have been taken in upon almost infallible Grounds , to found Theories of the Sea's Motion upon . And there are great Numbers of other noble , pleasant and useful Propositions in Geography , Astronomy and Navigation , which ultimately owe their Original to the Discovery of that single Quality of this wonderful Stone , that it always points towards the North. If these Sciences have brought to us the Wealth of the Indies , if they have enlarged the Commerce and Intercourse of Mankind , it is so far from being a Disparagement to the Industry of the Moderns , who have cultivated them to such useful Purposes , that it is the highest Character that could be given of those Men , that they pursued their Inventions to such noble Ends. Knowledge not reduced to Practice , when that is possible , is so far imperfect , that it loses its principal Use. And it is not for acquiring Wealth , but for mis-employing it when he has acquired it , that a Man ought to be blamed . Now , to compleat what I have to say of Geography all at once , I shall take notice , that as the Improvements by Navigation have made all the Sea-Coasts of the Universe accessible , so the Art of Engraving upon Copper-Plates has made it easie for Men to draw such Draughts of every particular Coast , as will imprint lasting and just Idea's of all the Parts of the known World. For want of this , the Ancient Descriptions even of those Countries which they knew , were rude , and imperfect : Their Maps were neither exact , nor beautiful : The Longitudes and Latitudes of Places , were very little , if at all , considered ; the latter of which can now be exactly determined , and the former may be very nearly adjusted , since the Application of Telescopes to Astronomical Uses has enabled Men to make much nicer Observations of the Moon 's Eclipses than could formerly be made ; besides those of Jupiter's Satellites , to which the Ancients were entirely Strangers . This makes our Maps wonderfully exact ; which are not only the Divertisements of the Curious , but of unspeakable Use in Civil Life , at Sea especially ; where , by the help of Sea-Charts , Sailers know where they are , what Rocks lie near them , what Sands they must avoid ; and can as perfectly tell which Way they must steer to any Port of the Universe , as a Traveller can , upon Salisbury-Plain , or New-Market-Heath , which Way he must ride to a great Town , which he knows before-hand is not far from the Edge of the Plain , or of the Heath . Velserus has printed some ancient Maps f , that were made for the Direction of the Roman Quarter-Masters ; and if a Man will compare them with Sanson's , or Blaeu's , he will see the difference ; which in future Ages will certainly be vastly greater , if those Countries which are now barbarous , or undiscovered , should ever come into the Hands of a Civilized or Learned People . But I have not yet done with the Load-stone . Besides these occasional Uses of the Magnet , its Nature , abstractedly taken , has been nicely enquired into , thereby to discover both its own Qualities , and its Relation to other Bodies that are round about it . And here indeed one may justly wonder , that when Flavio Amalphi g had discovered that Iron touched with a Magnet , always points towards the North , that all the Philosophers of that Age did not immediately try all Manner of Experiments upon that strange Stone , which was found to be so exceedingly useful in Matters of common Life : The Portuguezes , who first made daring Voyages by the Help of the Compass into the Southern and South-Eastern Seas , better knew the Value of that rich Discovery ; but Philosophy was in those darker Ages divided between the School-men and the Chymists ; the former presently salved the Business with their Substantial Forms , and what they could not comprehend came very properly under the Notion of an Occult Quality : The latter found nothing extraordinary in their Crucibles when they analyzed the Magnet ; and so they seem soon to have given it over : Besides , in those Days few Men studied Chymistry with any other Design than that of finding out the Philosopher's Stone , to which the Load-stone could do them no further Service than that of supplying them with another hard Name to cant with h . For these Reasons therefore , it lay in a good Measure neglected by Men of Letters , till our famous Country-man Dr. Gilbert of Colchester , by a vast Number of Experiments , found that the Earth was but a larger Magnet , and he indeed , was the first Author of all these magnetical Speculations which have been made since that have had the good Fortune to be generally approved . This great Man , whom Galileo and Kepler express a great Veneration for in their Writings , deserves here to be mentioned upon another Account , because He , my Lord Bacon , and Mr. Harriot , all English-men , are the Three Men to whom Monsieur Des Cartes was so very much obliged for the first Hints of the greatest things , which he has given us in his Philosophical and Mathematical Discourses . For nothing does more convincingly put these things out of Doubt , than to trace them up to their first Originals , which can be done but in a very few . But it is time to proceed . CHAP. XXI . Of Ancient and Modern Histories of Plants . THE Natural History of Plants comes next ; which , for Variety and Use , is one of the noblest and pleasantest Parts of Knowledge . It s Mechanical and Medicinal Advantages were early known . Fruits afforded the first Sustenance to Mankind ; and the old Heathens esteemed those worthy of Consecration , who taught them to till their Grounds , gather their Seed , and grind their Corn ; with Trees they built themselves Houses , afterwards they found that the Bark of some Plants would serve for Cloaths , and others afforded Medicines against Wounds and Diseases . There is no doubt therefore , but this Part of Knowledge was sufficiently cultivated for the Uses of humane Life ; especially when the World becoming Populous , had communicated their Notions together , and Conversation had introduced the Arts of Luxury and Plenty amongst Mankind . But whether the Natural History of Plants was so exactly known formerly as it is at present , is the Question . The ancientest Writers of Plants now extant , are Theophrastus , Pliny and Dioscorides ; indeed the only ones who say any thing considerable to the present Purpose . Theophrastus describes nothing ; gives abundance of Observations of several Plants , and the like ; but what he says is too general for our Purpose . Pliny and Dioscorides who lived long after him do give Descriptions indeed of a great many Plants , but short , imperfect and without Method ; they will tell you for Instance , that a Plant is hairy , has broad Leaves , that its Stalks are knotty , hollow or square ; that its Branches creep upon the Ground , are erect , and so forth ; in short , if there is any thing remarkable in the Colour or Shape of the Stalk , Root , Seed , Flower or Fruit , which strikes the Eye at first Sight , it may perhaps be taken Notice of , but then every thing is confused , and seldom above one or two Plants of a sort are mentioned ; though perhaps later Botanists have observed some Scores plainly reducible to the same general Head. Pliny ranges many of the Plants , which he describes in an Order i something Alphabetical , others k he digests according to their Virtues , others he l puts together , because they were discovered by great Persons , and called by their Discoverers Names ; all which Methods , how much soever they may assist the Memory in remembring hard Names , or in retaining the Materia Medica in one View in a Man's Head , signifie nothing to the Understanding the Characteristical Differences of the several Plants ; by which alone , and not by accidental Agreements in Virtue , Smell , Colour , Tast , Place of Growth , Time of sprouting , or any mechanical Use to which they may be made serviceable , Men may become exact Botanists : Without such a Method , to which the Ancients were altogether Strangers , the Knowledge of Plants is a confused thing depending wholly upon an uncommon Strength of Memory and Imagination , and even with the Help of the best Books scarce attainable without a Master . Conradus Gesner , to whose Labours the World has been unspeakably beholden in almost all Parts of Natural History , was the first Man ( that I know of ) who hinted at the true Way to distinguish Plants , and reduce them to fixed and certain Heads . In a Letter to Theodorus Zuingerus m , he says , that Plants are to be ranged according to the Shape of their Flowers , Fruits and Seeds ; having observed that Cultivation , or any accidental Difference of Soil , never alters the Shape of these more Essential Parts ; but that every Plant has something there peculiar , by which it may be distinguished , not only from others of a remoter Genus , but also from those of the same Family . About the same Time Andreas Caesalpinus , and Fabius Columna , the first especially , reduced that into an Art , which Gesner had hinted at before ; yet what they writ lay neglected , though Clusius , Caspar Bauhinus , Parkinson , Gerard and Johnson , and John Bauhinus had taken very laudable Pains in describing , not only the more general Sorts taken notice of by the Ancients , but also in observing their several Sub-divisions with great Niceness and Skill . John Bauhinus also had described every particular Plant then known , in his General History of Plants , with great Accuracy ; and compared whatsoever had been said before , and adjusted old Names to those Plants which Modern Herbarists had gathered , with so much Care , that the Philological Part of Botany seems by him to have , in a manner , received its utmost Perfection . The great Work already begun by Caesalpinus and Columna , was still imperfect ; which , though , perhaps , not the most laborious , was yet the most necessary to a Man that would consider those Things Philosophically , and comprehend the whole Vegetable Kingdom , as the Chymists call it , under one View . This was , to digest every Species of Plants under such and such Families and Tribes ; that so , by the help of a general Method , taken only from the Plants themselves , and not from any accidental Respects , under which they may be considered , once thoroughly understood , a Learner might not be at a Loss upon the Sight of every new Plant that he meets with , but might discern its General Head at first View ; and then , by running over the Tables thereunto belonging , might , at last , either come to the particular Species which he sought for , or , which would do as well , find that the Plant before him was hitherto undescribed , and that by it there would be a new accession made to the old Stock . Mr. Ray drew a rough Draught of this Matter , in the Tables of Plants inserted into Bishop Wilkins's Book , of a Real Character , and Philosophical Language ; and was soon followed by Dr. Morison , in his Hortus Regius Blesensis ; who , pursuant to his own Method , begun a General History of Plants ; which he not living to finish , Mr. Ray undertook the whole Work anew , and very happily compleated it . This great Performance of his , which will be a standing Monument of Modern Industry and Exactness , deserves to be more particularly described . First , therefore , He gives an Anatomical Account , from Malpighius and Grew , of Plants in general : And because the Ancients had said nothing upon that Subject , of which , for want of Microscopes , they could only have a very obscure Notion , all that he says upon that Head is Modern . Afterwards , when he comes to particular Plants , he draws up Tables , to which he reduces the whole Vegetable Kingdom , except a very few irregular Plants , which stand by themselves . These Tables are taken from the Shape of the Flowers , Seeds , Seed-vessels , Stalks and Leaves ; from the Number or Order of these when determined , and Irregularity when undetermined ; from the Want , or having of particular Juices , Lympha's , Milks , Oils , Rosins , or the like : In short , from Differences , or Agreements , wholly arising from the Plants themselves . His Descriptions are exacter than John Bauhine's ; and his are much better than those of the Generality of Botanists that were before him ; and there are scarce any of theirs , which are not preferable to those of Pliny , and Dioscorides . He avoids Confusion of Synonymas , which had made former Authors tedious ; and by inserting what was already extant in the Malabar-Garden , Boym's Flora Sinensis , Marcgravius's Natural History of Brasil , Hernandez's Account of the Plants of Mexico , Cornutus's History of the Plants of Canada , and other Indian Accounts of Natural Rareties , into his General History , has shewed , that the Moderns have been as careful to compleat the Natural History of remoter Countries , as to understand the Productions of their own . It may be wonder'd at , perhaps , why I should mention this , since the Ancients were not to be blamed for being ignorant of Things which they had no Opportunities of knowing . But , besides that it proves the Extent of Modern Knowledge in Natural History , which may be considered , without any Regard to the Opportunities of acquiring it , it proves also , against Sir William Temple , that the Moderns have done what they could in every Point , to make the greatest Use they were able of every Addition to their former Knowledge , which might accrue to them by the Discovery of the Usefulness of the Load-Stone in Navigation . His Words are these ; n The vast Continents of China , the East and West-Indies , the long Extent and Coasts of Africa , have been hereby introduced into our Acquaintance , and our Maps ; and great Increases of Wealth and Luxury , but none of Knowledge brought among us , further than the Extent and Situation of Country , the Customs and Manners of so many Original Nations . — I do not doubt but many great and more noble Uses would have been made of such Conquests , or Discoveries , if they had fallen to the Share of the Greeks and Romans , in those Ages , when Knowledge and Fame were in as great Request as endless Gains and Wealth are among us now : And how much greater Discoveries might have been made by such Spirits as theirs , is hard to guess . Sir William Temple here owns , that the Political Uses which can be made by such Discoveries , are inconsiderable ; though , at the same Time , he confesses , that even those have not been neglected , since he acknowledges that Men have brought from those Barbarous Nations their Customs and Manners ; which is the only Political Use that I know of that is to be learnt by Travel . What other Advantages might have been made , is hard to tell , unless such as may conduce to the Compleating of Natural History ; the Benefits whereof are agreed upon of all Hands to be very great . The Subject now before me is Botanics , which has been so far from being neglected , that all imaginable Care has been taken to compleat it . Monsieur Van Rheed , the noble Collector of the Plants that are so magnificently printed in the Eleven Volumes of the Hortus Malabaricus , has added more to the Number of those formerly known , than are to be found in all the Writings of the Ancients . When o Prince Maurice of Nassaw , who gave Sir William Temple the wonderful Account of the Parrot which he mentions in his Memoirs , was in Brasil , he ordered Pictures and Descriptions to be taken of all the Beasts , Birds , Fishes and Plants that could be found in that Country : They are now in the Elector of Brandenburgh's Library , fit for the Press . Every Day new Additions are made to this Part of Natural History . Breynius's , Plukenet's , and Herman's Collections , are Modern to those of Clusius , Rauwolfius , and Prosper Alpinus ; as theirs are to those of Pliny , and Dioscorides . One is also to consider , that this is a much more laborious Business , than the Knowledge of Fowls , Fishes , and Quadrupeds . The Confusion in which the Ancients left Botanical Knowledge , shews how little they understood it . And , which is still more remarkable , it is not only in Indian or Chinese Rareties , that our Botanical Knowledge excels theirs ; but in the Productions of Countries , equally accessible to them , as to us . There are no new Species in Europe or Asia , which the Ancient Herbarists could not have discovered ; no new Soils to produce them without Seed , in case such a Thing were ever naturally possible . Let but a Man compare Mr. Ray's Catalogue of English Plants , and those other numerous Catalogues of the Plants of other Countries , drawn up by other Modern Botanists , with the Writings of Pliny and Dioscorides ; let him run over Ray's General History , or , if that be not at hand , Gerard's , Parkinson's , or John Bouhine's Herbals , or Gaspar Bauhine's Pinax ; and deduct every Plant , not growing wild , within the Limits of the Roman Empire , and he will see enough to convince him , that not only this Part of Knowledge is incomparably more exact and large than it was formerly ; but also , by comparing the Writings of the first Restorers of the Knowledge of Simples , Matthiolus , Dodonaeus , Fuchsius , Turner , and the rest , with the Writings of Ray and Morison , that it has been always growing , and will do so still , till the Subject is exhausted . It is well known that Travelling in Mahometan Countries is very dangerous ; that it is what no Man that makes Learning his Aim in Journeying , would willingly undertake , if he were not very ardently possessed with the Love of it . So that whatsoever Perils the Ancient Sages endured in their Journeys into Egypt for Knowledge , are equalled at least , if not out-done , by our Modern Sages ; to use that Word , in Sir William Temple's Sence , for one that goes far and near to seek for Knowledge . Nay , I may safely add , that a few inquisitive and learned Travellers , such as Rauwolfius , Prosper Alpinus , Bellonius , Guillandinus , and Sir George Wheeler , have acquainted the learned Men of these Parts of the World with the Natural History of the Countries of the Levant , not only better than they could have known it by reading the Books of the Ancients ; but , in many Particulars , better than the Ancients themselves , Natives of those very Countries , knew it , if the extant Books can enable us to give a competent Judgment in this Matter . And if Travelling far for Knowledge be sufficient to recommend the Ancients to our Imitation , I may observe , that Mr. Edmond Halley , who went to St. Helena , an Island situate in the 16th Degree of Southern Latitude , to take an Account of the Fixed Stars in the Southern Hemisphere , which are never visible to us who live in the Northern ; and to Dantzick , to conferr about Astronomical Matters , with the great Hevelius , has taken much larger Journeys than any of the Ancients ever did in the sole Pursuit of knowledge . So much for the Natural History of Bodies not endued with Sensitive Life . CHAP. XXII . Of Ancient and Modern Histories of Animals . INsects seem to be the lowest and simplest Order of Animals ; for which Reason I shall begin with them . That some are very beneficial to Man , affording him Food and Rayment ; as , the Bee , and the Silk-Worm : And others , again , very troublesome ; as , Wasps , Hornets , Gnats , Moths , and abundance more ; was formerly as well known as now . In their Observations about Bees , the Ancients were very curious . Pliny p mentions one Aristomachus , who spent Fifty Eight Years in observing them : And it is very evident from him , Aristotle , and Aelian , that , as far as they could make their Observations , the Ancients did not neglect to digest necessary Materials for the Natural History of this wonderful and useful Insect . They were so particularly careful to collect what they could gather concerning it , that it is to be feared a very great Part of what they say is fabulous . But if they were curious to collect Materials for the History of this single Insect , they were , in the main , as negligent about the rest . They had , indeed , Names for general Sorts of most of them ; and they took notice of some , though but few , remarkable Sub-divisions . The Extent of their Knowledge in this Particular has been nicely shewn by Aldrovandus and Moufet . In their Writings one may see , that the Ancients knew nothing of many Sorts ; and of those which they mention , they give very indifferent Descriptions ; contenting themselves with such Accounts as might , perhaps , refresh the Memories of those who knew them before , but which could signifie very little to those who had never seen them . But of their Generation or Anatomy they could know nothing considerable , since those Things are , in a great Measure , owing to Observations made by Microscopes ; and having observed few Sub-divisions , they could say little to the Ranging of those Insects which they knew already by distinct Characteristicks , under several Heads . For want of observing the several Steps of Nature in all their Mutations , and taking notice of the Sagacity of many sorts of Insects , in providing convenient Lodgings for themselves , and fit Harbours for their young ones , both for Shelter and Food , they often took those to be different , which were only the same Species at different Seasons ; and those to be near of Kin , which only Chance , not an Identity of Nature , brought together . The Clearing of all these Things is owing to Modern Industry , since the Time that Sir William Temple has set as a Period of the Advancement of Modern Knowledge ; even within these last Forty Years . It lies , for the most part , in a very few Hands ; and so is the more easily traced . In Italy , Malpighius and Rhedi took several Parts . Rhedi q examined very many general Sorts , those Insects especially which are believed to be produced from the Putrefaction of Flesh : Those he found to grow from Eggs laid by other grown Insects of the same Kinds . But he could not trace the Origination of those which are found upon Leaves , Branches , Flowers , and Roots of Trees . The Generation of those was nicely examined by Malpighius , in his curious Discourse of Galls , which is in the 2d . Part of his Anatomy of Plants ; wherein he has sufficiently shewn , that those Excrescencies and Swellings which appear in Summer upon the Leaves , tender Twigs , Fruits and Roots of many Trees , Shrubs and Herbs , from whence several sorts of Insects spring , are all caused by Eggs laid there by full grown Insects of their own Kinds ; for which Nature has kindly provided that secure Harbour , till they are able to come forth , and take Care of themselves . But Rhedi has gone further yet , and has made many Observations upon Insects that live , and are carried about on the Bodies of other Insects . His Observations have not been weakned by Monsieur Leeuwenhoek , whose Glasses , which are said to excel any ever yet used by other People , shewed him the same Animals that Monsieur Rhedi had discovered already ; and innumerable sorts of others , never yet thought of . Besides Monsieur Leeuwenhoek , there have been two very eminent Men in Holland for this Business ; Goedartius and Swammerdam . Goedartius , who was no Philosopher , but one who , for his Diversion , took great Delight in painting all sorts of Insects , has given very exact Histories of the several Changes of Caterpillars into Butter-Flies , and Worms or Maggots into Flies ; which had never before been taken notice of , as specifically different . These Changes had long before been observed in Caterpillars and Maggots by Aristotle , Theophrastus and Pliny : But they , who did , in a manner , all that has been done in this Matter by the Ancients , content themselves with general Things . They enter not into Minute Enquiries about the several Species of these Animals , which are very numerous : They do not state the Times of their several Changes . So that these Matters being left untouched , we have an admirable Specimen of the Modern Advancement of Knowledge , in Goedartius's Papers r . Still an Anatomical Solution of these Appearances was wholly unknown . What s Ovid says of the Metamorphoses of Insects , is suitable enough to the Design of his Poem : And there we may well allow such a Natural Change of Caterpillars into Butter-Flies , as is not to be accounted for by the Regular Laws of Growth and Augmentation of Natural Bodies . But a Natural Historian has no need of the Fictions of a Poet. These Difficulties therefore were cleared by Swammerdam t , who , in his General History of Insects , proves , that all the Parts of the full-grown Insect , which first appears in a different Form from what it assumes afterwards , were actually existent in the Foetus , which creeps about as a Caterpillar , or a Maggot , till the Wings , Horns and Feet , which are inclosed in fine Membranes , come to their full Growth ; at which Time that Membrane , which at first was only visible , dries up , and breaks ; out of which comes forth the Insect proper to that Kind ; which then gendring with its like , lays such Eggs as in a seasonable Time are hatched ; that so the Species , which is not generated by Chance , may always be preserved . In England , Dr. Lister has done the most to compleat this Part of Natural History . His Book of Spiders gives an Account of very many Species of those Animals , formerly unobserved . His Latin and English Editions of Goedartius , have not only made that Author more intelligible , by ranging his confused Observations under certain Heads conformable to Nature , which may serve also as Foundations to enlarge upon , as more Species shall hereafter be discovered ; but also have given him an Opportunity of saying many new Things , pertinent to that Subject , all tending to increase our Knowledge of those small Productions of the Divine Mechanicks . And his Discourse of Snails , lately printed , has shewn several very curious Things in that wonderful Tribe of Animals ; which , though observed above Thirty Years ago , by Mr. Ray , yet had not been much believed , because not sufficiently illustrated by some able Anatomist . This is what our Age has seen ; and it is not the less admirable , because it cannot be made immediately useful to humane Life : It is an excellent Argument to prove , That it is not Gain alone which biasses the Pursuits of the Men of this Age after Knowledge ; for here are numerous Instances of Learned Men , who finding other Parts of Natural Learning taken up by Men , who in all Probability would leave little for After-comers , have , rather than not contribute their Proportion towards the Advancement of Knowledge , spent a World of Time , Pains and Cost , in examining the Excrescencies of all the Parts of Trees , Shrubs , and Herbs , in observing the critical Times of the Changes of all sorts of Caterpillars and Maggots , in finding out by the Knife and Microscopes the minutest parts of the smallest Animals , in examining every Crevice , and poring in every Ditch , in tracing every Insect up to its Original Egg , and all this with as great Diligence , as if they had had an Alexander to have given them as many Talents , as he is said to have given to his Master Aristotle . I shall put Fishes , Fowls and Quadrupeds together , because the Question as it relates to the Natural History of these Animals , may be brought into a small Compass . For as to the Anatomical part it is certain , That every Instance of the Defect of Ancient Anatomy already mentioned , is a Proof how little the Texture of the inward Parts of all these Creatures could possibly be known , and consequently that no Old Descriptions of these Animals which should go beyond the parts immediately visible would have been considerable . There is hardly one eminent Modern Discovery in Anatomy , which was not first found in Brutes , and afterwards adjusted to humane Bodies . Many of them could never have been known without the Help of Live-dissections ; and the rest required Abundance of Trials upon great Numbers of different sorts of Beasts , some appearing plainer in one sort of Animals , and some in another , before the Discoverers themselves could frame such a clear Idea of the things which they were then in Pursuit of , as that they could readily look for them in Humane Bodies ; which could not be procured in so great Plenty , and of which they had not always the Convenience . All which things extremely tended to the perfecting of the Anatomy of all sorts of Brutes . About the other Part , which may comprehend an Account of their Way of Living , their Uses to humane Life , their Sagacity , and the like ; the Ancients took much Pains , and went very far : And there are a great many admirable things in Aristotle's History of Animals concerning all these Matters . What Helps he had from Writers that lived before him we know not ; if he had but little , it must be owned that his Book is one of the greatest Instances of Industry and Sagacity that perhaps has ever been given . But since , the Question is not so much , whether that is an excellent Book , as whether it is perfect , it ought to be compared with Mr. Willoughby's Histories of Fishes and Birds , and Mr. Ray's Synopsis of Quadrupeds , as the perfectest Modern Books upon these Matters ; and then it will be easie to make a Judgment . I shall not make it my self , because no Man can mistake , that compares them , though never so negligently , together . I name only Aristotle , because he is , to us at least , an original Author : He had examined very many things himself , and though he took a great deal upon trust , yet that could not be avoided , since he had so little , that we know of , from more remote Antiquity , and it was too vast a Work for any one single Man to go through with by himself . Aelian and Pliny seem only to have copied , and , with Submission be it spoken , their Writings are Rhapsodies of Stories and Relations partly true , and partly fabulous , which themselves had not Skill enough to separate one from the other , rather than Natural Histories ; from which Accusation , even Aristotle himself cannot wholly be excused . To make this Comparison the easier , one may consult Gesner and Aldrovandus ; or , if they are too voluminous , Wotton De Differentiis Animalium , who has put under one View , in several Heads , almost every thing that is to be found in any ancient Authors concerning these things . What he has collected of the Elephant , may be compared with Dr. Moulin's Anatomy of the same Creature : The Ancients Observation concerning Vipers may be read along with Rhedi's and Charas's . Their Anatomical Descriptions of many other Animals may be examined with those published by the Members of the French Academy and Mr. Ray in his Synopsis : And then the Imperfections of the one , and the Excellencies of the other will be clearly seen , and the Distance between each exactly stated ; though perhaps this may seem too far about , since it is manifest at first Sight , That no ancient Descriptions of any Creatures could be at present valuable , when their whole Anatomy was so imperfect . Some mistakes however might , methinks , have been prevented ; the Egyptian Sages could sure have taught them that a Crocodile moves his under-Jaw and not his upper ; they might soon have found that a Lion has Vertebres in his Neck , and with them by Consequence can move it upon Occasion ; and has as large a Heart as other Creatures of his Size ; that a u Porcupine shoots out none of his Quills upon those that set upon him ; and several other things , which would have prevented several Over-sights that are not much for the Honour of Ancient Diligence . This would have saved Abundance of fabulous Relations that may be found in ancient Naturalists . Their heaping up monstrous Stories without giving distinguishing Marks many times to testifie which they believed , and which not , is an evident Sign , that they were not enough acquainted with these Creatures to make a thorough Judgment what might be relied upon , and what ought to be rejected . For accurate Skill in these things helps a Man to judge as certainly of those Relations which himself never saw , as Political Skill does to judge of Accounts of Matters that belong to civil Life , and a great deal better , by how much Nature goes in an evener Course than the Wills and Fancies of Men , which are the Foundations of most of the Things that are transacted in the World. CHAP. XXIII . Of Ancient and Modern Astronomy , and Opticks . HAving now gone through with the several Parts of Natural History , I am to enquire into the State of Physico-Mathematical and Physical Sciences : Such as Astronomy , Opticks , Musick and Medicks . I put Astronomy first , because of the vast Extent , and real Nobleness of its Subject ; and also because it has suffered the least Eclipse of any part of Knowledge whatsoever in the barbarous Times : For when the Greeks neglected it , the Arabs , and from them the Spaniards took it up . That this Enquiry might be the more exactly made , and that you might be throughly convinced of the Truth in this Matter , to which chiefly our Obligation lies , Mr. Edmond Halley , whose Labours towards the Advancement of this Science , have made him famous in so many distant Parts of the World , did me the Favour to communicate this following Paper . As for the Astronomy of the Ancients , this is usually reckoned for one of those Sciences wherein consisted the Learning of the Egyptians ; and Strabo expresly declares , That there were in Babylonia several Universities , wherein Astronomy was chiefly professed ; and Pliny tells us much the same thing : So that it might well be expected , that where such a Science was so much studied , it ought to have been proportionably cultivated . Notwithstanding all which it does appear , That there was nothing done by the Chaldaeans older than about CCCC Years before Alexander's Conquest , that could be serviceable either to Hipparchus , or Ptolemee in their Determination of the celestial Motions : For had there been any Observations older than those we have , it cannot be doubted but the victorious Greeks must have procured them , as well as those they did , they being still more valuable for their Antiquity . All we have of them is only Seven Eclipses of the Moon , preserved in Ptolemee's Syntaxis ; and even those , but very coursely set down , and the oldest not much above 700 Years before Christ , so that after all the Fame of these Chaldaeans , we may be sure they had not gone far in this Science ; and though Callisthenes be said by Porphyry to have brought from Babylon to Greece , Observations above MDCCCC Years older than Alexander , yet the proper Authors making no Mention , or Use of any such , renders it justly suspected for a Fable . What the Egyptians did in this Matter is less evident , no one Observation made by them being to be found in their Country-man Ptolemee , excepting what was done by the Greeks of Alexandria , under CCC Years before Christ. So that whatever was the Learning of these Two ancient Nations as to the Motions of the Stars , it seems to have been chiefly Theorical , and I will not deny but some of them might very long since be apprized of the Sun 's being the Center of our System , for such was the Doctrine of Pythagoras , and Philolaus , and some others who were said to have travelled into these Parts . From hence it may appear , That the Greeks were the first practical Astronomers , who endeavoured in earnest to make themselves Masters of the Science , and to whom we owe all the old Observations of the Planets , and of the Equinoxes and Tropicks , Thales was the first that could predict an Eclipse in Greece , not DC Years before Christ , and without doubt it was but a rude Account he had of the Motions ; and 't was Hipparchus who made the first Catalogue of the Fix'd-Stars , not above CL Years before Christ , without which Catalogue there could be scarce such a Science as Astronomy , and it is to the Subtilty and Diligence of that great Author , that the World was beholding for all its Astronomy for above MD Years . All that Ptolemee did in his Syntaxis , was no more but a bare Transcription of the Theories of Hipparchus , with some little Emendation of the periodical Motions , after about CCC Years Interval ; and this Book of Ptolemee's was without Dispute , the utmost Perfection of the Ancient Astronomy , nor was there any thing in any Nation before it comparable thereto ; for which Reason all the other Authors thereof were disregarded and lost ; and among them Hipparchus himself . Nor did Posterity dare to alter the Theories delivered by Ptolemee , though successively Albategnius and the Arabs , and after them the Spanish Astronomers under Alphonsus , endeavoured to amend the Errors they observed in their Computations . But their Labours were fruitless , whilst from the Defects of their Principles , it was impossible to reconcile the Moon 's Motion within a Degree , nor the Planets , Mars and Mercury , to a much greater Space . Now in this Science to compare the Ancients with the Moderns , and so make a Parallel as just as may be , I oppose the Noble Tycho Brahe , or Hevelius to Hipparchus , and John Kepler to Claudius Ptolemee ; and I suppose no one acquainted with the Stars will doubt , That the Catalogue of the Fix'd-Stars made by Tycho Brahe , about C Years since , does beyond Competition far excel that of Hipparchus , being commonly true to a Minute or Two , when the other many times fails half a Degree , both in Longitude and Latitude ; and this is the fairlier carried , for that it was as easie for Hipparchus to observe the Fixd'-Stars , as for Tycho , or Hevelius , had he made Use of the same Industry and Instruments , the Telescope wherewith we now observe to the utmost possible Nicety , being equally unknown to Tycho as to Hipparchus , and not used by Hevelius . But what may justly be expected from Monsieur Cassini and Mr. Flamsteed in this Matter , does yet further advance in preciseness , as not capable to err half a mioute , though made with Instruments w of the Production of Gresham . As to the other Comparison between Kepler and Ptolemee , I question not but all that can judge , will be fully convinced that the Hypothesis of Eccentricks , and Epicycles introduced by the Ancients only to represent the Motions , and that but coursely too ; with the Opinion of Ptolemee himself thereon , that the natural Motions were otherwise performed , ought not to be valued against that elegant Theory of the planetary Motions , first invented by the acute Diligence of Kepler , and now lately demonstrated by that excellent Geometer Mr. Newton , viz. That all the Planets move in Elliptick Orbs about the Sun , at whose Center , being placed in one Focus of the Eclipse , they describe equal Area's in equal times ; this , as it is the necessary result of the Laws of Motion and Gravity , is also found rigorously to answer to all that is observed in the Motions , so that the Moderns may , with as much Reason as in any other Science whatsoever , value themselves on their having improved , I had almost said perfected , this of Astronomy . Optical Instruments have been so serviceable in the Advancement of Astronomy , that the Sciences which demonstrate their wonderful Properties ought next to be considered . Here also I must own my Obligation to Mr. Halley for this following Account of what the Ancients have done in them , and how much they have been out-done by Modern Mathematicians . I suppose there are few so thorough-paced Fautors of Antiquity , as to brag much of their Skill , either in Opticks , or Dioptricks . Their Want of Opticks appears in their Want of Authors treating thereon ; and yet much better in their Want of Ordonnance , ( as it is called ) in their Paintings , and Basse Relieve's , as has been already said in its proper Place . And as to Dioptricks , though some of the Ancients mention Refraction as a natural Effect of transparent Media , yet Des Cartes was the first who , in this Age , has discovered the Laws of Refraction , and brought Dioptricks to a Science . And the Invention of Telescopes and Microscopes ; which must be wholly allowed to this Century , has received no small Improvements from the Study and Charge of Sir Paul Neile , and some other Members of Gresham . And these are such Instruments of real Knowledge , that though we will allow the Ancients to have done all that great Genii , with due Application , could arrive at ; yet , for want of them , their Philosophical Argumentation could not come up to the present Pitch ; not being able to fathom the boundless Depths of the Heavens , nor to unravel the Minutiae of Nature , without the Assistance of the Glasses we are now possessed of . CHAP. XXIV . Of Ancient and Modern Musick . SIR William Temple having assured us x , that it is agreed by the Learned , that the Science of Musick , so admired by the Ancients , is wholly lost in the World : And that what we have now , is made up of certain Notes that fell into the Fancy of a poor Friar , in chanting his Mattins . It may seem improper to speak of Musick here , which ought rather to have been ranked amongst those Sciences , wherein the Moderns have , upon a strict Enquiry , been found to have been out-done by the Ancients . I have chosen , however , to speak of it in this Place , for these following Reasons . 1. That whereas all Modern Mathematicians have paid a mighty Deference to the Ancients ; and have not only used the Names of Archimedes , Apollonius and Diophantus , and the other Ancient Mathematicians , with great Respect ; but have also acknowledged , that what further Advancements have since been made , are , in a manner , wholly owing to the first Rudiments , formerly taught : Modern Musicians have rarely made use of the Writings of Aristoxenus , Ptolemee , and the rest of the Ancient Musicians ; and , of those that have studied them , very few , unless their Editors , have confessed that they could understand them ; and others have laid them so far aside , as useless for their Purpose ; that it is very probable , that many excellent Composers have scarce ever heard of their Names . II. Musick has still , and always will have very lasting Charms . Wherefore , since the Moderns have used their utmost Diligence to improve whatever was improvable in the Writings of all sorts of Ancient Authors , upon other equally difficult , and very often not so delightful Subjects , one can hardly imagine but that the World would , long ere now , have heard something more demonstrably proved of the Comparative Perfection of Ancient Musick , with large Harangues in the Commendation of the respective Inventors , if their Memory had been preserved , than barely an Account of the fabulous Stories of Orpheus or Amphion , which either have no Foundation at all ; or , as Horace of old understood them y , are allegorically to be interpreted of their reducing a Wild and Salvage People to Order and Regularity . But this is not urged against Sir William Temple , who is not convinced of the Extent of Modern Industry , Sagacity , and Curiosity ; though to other Admirers of Ancient Musick , who , upon Hear-say , believe it to be more perfect than the Modern , and yet are , for other Reasons , sufficiently convinced of the unwearied Diligence , and answerable Success of the Modern Learned , in retrieving and improving other Parts of Ancient Knowledge , it will not appear inconsiderable . III. Musick is a Physico-Mathematical Science , built upon fixed Rules , and stated Proportions ; which , one would think , might have been as well improved upon the old Foundations , as upon new ones , since the Grounds of Musick have always been the same : And Guido's Scale , as Dr. Wallis assures us , is the same for Substance with the Diagramma Veterum . IV. The Ancients had not , in the Opinion of several who are Judges of the Matter , so many Gradations of Half-Notes and Quarter-Notes between the Whole Ones as are now used ; which must of necessity introduce an unspeakable Variety into Modern Musick , more than could formerly be had : Because it is in Notes , as it is in Numbers ; the more there are of them , the more variously they may be combined together . V. Excessive Commendations can signifie nothing here , because every Man gives the highest Applauses to the perfectest Thing he ever saw , or heard , of any Kind . And if he is not capable of inventing any Thing further in that Way himself , he can form no Idea of it , beyond what himself was at that Time affected with . VI. It is very probable that the Ancient Musick had all that which still most affects common Hearers . Most Men are moved with an excellent Voice , are pleased when Time is exactly kept , and love to hear an Instrument played true to a fine Voice , when the one does not so far drown the other , but that they can readily understand what is sung , and can , without previous Skill , perceive that the one exactly answers the other throughout ; and their Passions will be effectually moved with sprightly or lamentable Compositions : In all which Things the Ancients , probably , were very perfect . To these Men , many of our Modern Compositions , where several Parts are sung or played at the same Time , would seem confused , intricate , and unpleasant : Though in such Compositions , the greater this seeming Confusion , the more Pleasure does the skilful Hearer take in unravelling every several Part , and in observing how artfully those seemingly disagreeing Tones joyn , like true-cut Tallies , one within another , to make up that united Concord , which very often gives little Satisfaction to common Ears ; and yet it is in such sort of Compositions , that the Excellency of Modern Musick chiefly consists . For , in making a Judgment of Musick , it is much the same Thing as it is of Pictures . A great Judge in Painting does not gaze upon an exquisite Piece so much to raise his Passions , as to inform his Judgment , as to approve , or to find fault . His Eye runs over every Part , to find out every Excellency ; and his Pleasure lies in the Reflex Act of his Mind , when he knows that he can judiciously tell where every Beauty lies , or where the Defects are discernable : Which an ordinary Spectator would never find out . The chiefest Things which this Man minds , is the Story ; and if that is lively represented , if the Figures do not laugh when they should weep , or weep when they should appear pleased , he is satisfied : And this , perhaps , equally well , if the Piece be drawn by Raphael , as by an ordinary Master , who is just able to make Things look like Life . So likewise in Musick ; He that hears a numerous Song , set to a very moving Tune , exquisitely sung to a sweet Instrument , will find his Passions raised , whilst his Understanding , possibly , may have little or no Share in the Business . He scarce knows , perhaps , the Names of the Notes , and so can be affected only with an Harmony , of which he can render no Account . To this Man , what is intricate , appears confused ; and therefore he can make no Judgment of the true Excellency of those Things , which seem fiddling to him only , for want of Skill in Musick . Whereas on the contrary , the Skill or Ignorance of the Composer serve rather to entertain the Understanding , than to gratifie the Passions of a skilful Master ; whose Passions are then the most thoroughly raised , when his Understanding receives the greatest Satisfaction . VII . It will be difficult to form a just Idea of the Pleasure which the Ancient Musick afforded , unless one reflects upon the confessedly unimitable Sweetness of the Ancient Poetry , the Greek especially ; which , when sung by clear and sweet Voices , in such a manner , as that the Hearer never lost a Syllable , could scarce fail of producing those Emotions of Soul which the Poet intended to raise . And , indeed , the great End of Musick , which is to please the Audience , was anciently , perhaps , better answered than now ; though a Modern Master would then have been dis-satisfied , because such Consorts as the Ancient Symphonies properly were , in which several Instruments , and perhaps Voices , played and sung the same Part together , cannot discover the Extent and Perfection of the Art , which here only is to be considered , so much as the Compositions of our Modern Opera's . From all this it may , perhaps , be not unreasonable to conclude , that though z those Charms of Musick , by which Men and Beasts , Fishes , Fowls and Serpents , were so frequently enchanted , and their very Natures changed , be really and irrecoverably lost ; yet the Art of Musick , that is to say , of Singing , and Playing upon Harmonious Instruments , is , in it self , much a perfecter Thing , though , perhaps , not much pleasanter to an unskilful Audience , than it ever was amongst the Ancient Greeks and Romans . CHAP. XXV . Of Ancient and Modern Physick . AFter these Mathematical Sciences , it is convenient to go to those which are more properly Physical , and in our Language alone peculiarly so called . What these want in Certainty , they have made up in Usefulness : For , if Life and Health be the greatest good Things which we can enjoy here , a Conjectural Knowledge , that may but sometimes give us Relief when those are in danger , is much more valuable than a certain knowledge of other Things , which can only employ the Understanding , or furnish us with such Conveniencies as may be spared ; since we see that several Nations which never had them lived very happily , and did very great Things in the World. Before I begin my Comparison between Ancient and Modern Skill in Physick , it may be necessary to state the Difference between an Empirick , and a Rational Physician ; and to enquire how far a Rational Physician may reason right , as to what relates to the curing of his Patient's Distemper , though his general Hypotheses be wrong , and his Theories , in themselves considered , insufficient . An Empirick is properly he who , without considering the Constitution of his Patient , the Symptoms of his Disease , or those Circumstances of his Case which arise from outward Accidents , administers such Physick as has formerly done good to some Body else that was tormented with a Disease which was called by the same Name with this that his Patient now labours under . A Rational Physician is he who critically enquires into the Constitution , and peculiar Accidents of Life , of the Person to whom he is to administer ; who weighs all the known Virtues of the Medicines which may be thought proper to the Case in hand ; who balances all the Symptoms , and , from past Observations , finds which have been fatal , and which safe ; which arise from outward Accidents , and which from the Disease it self : And who thence collects , which ought soonest to be removed , which may be neglected , and which should be preserved or augmented ; and thereupon prescribes accordingly . Now it is evident , that such a Man's Prescriptions may be very valuable , because founded upon repeated Observations of the Phaenomena of all Diseases . And he may form Secondary Theories , which , like Ptolemee's Eccentricks and Epicycles , shall be good Guides to Practice ; not by giving a certain Insight into the first Causes , and several Steps , by which the Disease first began , and was afterwards carried on ; but by enabling the Physician to make lucky Conjectures at proper Courses , and fit Medicines , whereby to relieve or cure his Patient . And this may be equally successful , whether he resolves every Thing into Hot or Cold , Moist or Dry ; into Acids , or Alkali's ; into Salt , Sulphur , or Mercury ; or into any Thing else . He does not know , for Instance , that Spittle , Bile , and the Pancreatick Juice , are the main Instruments of Digestion ; yet he sees that his Patient digests his Meat with great Difficulty : He is sure that , as long as that lasts , the sick Man cannot have a good Habit of Body ; he finds that the Distemper arises sometimes , though not always , from a visible Cause ; and he has tried the Goodness of such and such Medicines , in seemingly parallel Cases . He may be able therefore to give very excellent Advice , though he cannot , perhaps , dive into the Nature of the Distemper so well as another Man ; who having greater Anatomical Helps , and being accustomed to reason upon more certain Physiological Principles , has made a strict Enquiry into that very Case : And so by Consequence , though he cannot be said to know so much of the Essence of the Disease as that other Man , yet , perhaps , their Method of Practice , notwithstanding the great Disparity of each others Knowledge , shall be , in the main , the same . Though all this seems very certain , yet , in the Argument before us , it is not an easie Thing to state the Question so equally , as to satisfie all contending Sides . He that looks into the Writings of the Generality of the Rational Physicians , as they called themselves , by way of Eminence ; that is to say , of those who , about Fifty Years ago , set up Hippocrates and Galen , as the Parents and Perfecters of Medicinal Knowledge , will find , throughout all their Writings , great Contempt of every Thing that is not plainly deducible from those Texts . On the other Hand , If he dips into the Books of the Chymical Philosophers , he will meet with equal Scorn of those Books and Methods , which they , in Derision , have called Galenical . And yet it is evident , that practising Physicians of both Parties have often wrought very extraordinary Cures by their own Methods . So that there seems to have been equal Injustice of all Hands , in excluding all Methods of Cure not built upon their own Principles . Here therefore , without being positive in a Dispute , about which the Parties concerned are not themselves agreed , I shall only offer these few Things . ( 1. ) That if the Greatness of any one particular Genius were all that was to be looked after , Hippocrates alone seems to have been the Man , whose Assertions in the Practical Part of Physick might be blindly received : For he , without the Help of any great Assistances that we know of , did that which , if it were still to do , would seem sufficient to employ the united Force of more than one Age. He was scrupulously exact in distinguishing Diseases , in observing the proper Symptoms of each , and taking notice of their Times and Accidents , thereby to make a Judgment how far they might be esteemed dangerous , and how far safe . Herein his particular Excellency seems to have lain ; and this , in the Order of Knowledge , is the first Thing that a Rational Physician ought to make himself Master of : Which is a sure Argument that Hippocrates throughly understood what Things were necessary for him to study with the greatest Care , in order to make his Writings always useful to Posterity . ( 2. ) That though we should allow the Methods of Practice used by the Ancients , to have been as perfect , nay , perfecter than those now in use , which some great Men have eagerly contended for ; yet it does not follow , that they understood the whole Compass of their Profession so well as it is now understood ; because it is absolutely impossible to form just Theories of all Diseases , so as to lay down the perfectest Methods of Cure possible , which shall be adapted to all Persons , in all Circumstances , till Anatomy and Physiology are perfectly known ; and by Consequence , later Theories are always more esteemable , as they are raised upon newer Discoveries in Anatomy and Physiology : So that we may be sure no Ancient Theories can be so excellent as some of those which have been devised by Modern Philosophers . ( 3. ) That if the Addition of every new Medicine be an useful Accession to the Body of Physick , then a new Method of preparing known Medicines ; of making those Things profitable and noble Remedies , which before were dreaded as Poysons , or laid by as useless ; and of trying such Experiments upon Bodies yet unexamined , as will soon and certainly discover some of their most principal Virtues must be of unspeakable Advantage , and make the Knowledge of those who possess such a Method justly more valuable than of those who want it . But this relates more particularly to Chymistry , of which enough has been said already . ( 4. ) That if the Practice of proper Judges be a reasonable Prejudice for or against any Thing , then this Science has received vast Improvements of late Years : For now the Generality of Physicians acquiesce in Modern Theories , or , which in the present Dispute is all one , advance new ones upon Anatomical and Physical Principles , pursuant to those Discoveries which have been lately made . In their Practice they mix Galenical and Chymical Medicines together . They own that Galenical Ways of preparing Drugs , anciently made use of in the Practice of Physick , are , in many Cases , not so valuable as Chymical ones . In short , though they pay a due Respect to the Writings of the Ancients ; and in those Things where they find by their own Experience , that the Ancient Observations hold , follow their Directions ; yet their constant Language , and as constant Practice , whensoever one opposes Ancient Authorities to them , is , That the Ancients did very well for their Time ; but that Experience , and further Light , has taught them better Things . This , I must needs own , has very great Weight with me , who am apt , caeteris paribus , to believe every Man in his own Way ; Physicians especially , because their Science is entirely got by a long Series of repeated Experiments and Observations : So that it seems to be almost impossible , but that , in all such Cases , where Men have the Assistance of former Light , and where the Subject upon which they employ their Pains wanted a great deal of that Perfection , which those that study it have an Idea of , as still wanting , and can only be attained by a longer Experience , successive Ages must make great Additions to the former Stock . ( 5. ) That though the noble Discoveries of these latter Ages might , possibly , be found in Hippocrates , Aristotle and Galen , yet , since no Interpreters could ever find them there , till they had been discovered anew by Modern Physicians , who followed Nature only as their Guide , these late Discoverers have an equal Right to the Glory due to such Discoveries , as the Ancients could possibly have : They both copied after the same Original ; they both decyphered the same Characters , that before were unintelligible ; not by reading Books , but by trying Experiments , and making Observations . And therefore Vander Linden , Almeloveen , and the rest of the Bigots for the Ancients , deal very unjustly , when they cry out , upon the Sight of any new Discovery , This Hippocrates knew , This Aristotle taught . Could these Men have made these Discoveries by studying those Ancient Authors , without the Assistance of Dr. Harvey , Asellius , Pecquet , Malpighius , or the rest ? This will hold , in case these Things had really been in the Ancients : That they are not , I hope I have proved already . To which I shall only add , that former Commentators wanted neither Greek , nor Skill ; and had such Things been in their Writings , they would infallibly have found them there . It is easie now to tell what Acquisitions have been made since Galen's Days . When Hippocrates lived , Anatomy was a rude , imperfect Thing : It has since been growing ; and the Theories of all Diseases have been proportionably more compleat . Chymistry has been introduced into Physick ; thereby the Materia Medica has been enlarged by some as noble Medicines as any the Ancients were acquainted with , the Nauseousness of many Medicines has been removed ; and they have been made less clogging , and more efficacious , since they may be taken in lesser Quantities , and in more pleasant Vehicles ; to as good , if not better purpose than before . Botanicks have been unspeakably enlarged ; and thereby also the Dispensatories have been stocked with some excellent Remedies , that the old World was unacquainted with . If these Particulars be rightly stated , as they seem to be , they will go very far to decide the Question . And so I shall leave it , without determining any Thing positively about it . CHAP. XXVI . Of Ancient and Modern Natural Philosophy . HAving gone through with the most considerable Branches of Natural and Mathematical Knowledge , I am now to enquire into the Comparative Excellency of Ancient and Modern Books of Philosophy , thereby to see in which of them Nature , and its Operations , are explained best . Here I shall first enquire into the several Methods of Philosophizing ; and afterwards , into the Intrinsick Worth of the Doctrines themselves . Moderns here are taken in a very strict Sence . I shall mention none who have made any a Entries upon this noble Stage of Nature above LXXX . Years ago , since the Time of those first Flights of the Restorers of Learning , that are so exceedingly applauded by Sir William Temple . For Natural Philosophy was the last Part of Knowledge which was cultivated with any particular Care , upon the Revival of Learning ; though Natural History , which is a principal Ground-work , had been long before increasing , and a considerable Heap of Materials had been collected , in order to the Work. As for Modern Methods of Philosophizing , as compared with the Ancient , I shall only observe these following Particulars . ( 1. ) No Arguments are received as cogent , no Principles are allowed as current , amongst the celebrated Philosophers of the present Age , but what are in themselves intelligible ; that so a Man may frame an Idea of them , of one sort or other . Matter and Motion , with their several Qualities , are only considered in Modern Solutions of Physical Problems . Substantial Forms , Occult Qualities b , Intentional Species , Idiosyncrasies , Sympathies and Antipathies of Things , are exploded ; not because they are Terms used by Ancient Philosophers , but because they are only empty Sounds , Words whereof no Man can form a certain and determinate Idea . ( 2. ) Forming of Sects and Parties in Philosophy , that shall take their Denominations from , and think themselves obliged to stand by the Opinions of any particular Philosophers , is , in a manner , wholly laid aside . Des Cartes is not more believed upon his own Word , than Aristotle : Matter of Fact is the only Thing appealed to ; and Systems are little further regarded , than as they are proper to instruct young Beginners , who must have a general Notion of the whole Work , before they can sufficiently comprehend any particular Part of it ; and who must be taught to reason by the Solutions of other Men , before they can be able to give Rational Solutions of their own : In which Case , a false Hypothesis , ingeniously contrived , may now and then do as much Service as a true one . ( 3. ) Mathematicks are joyned along with Physiology , not only as Helps to Men's Understandings , and Quickners of their Parts ; but as absolutely necessary to the comprehending of the Oeconomy of Nature , in all her Works . ( 4. ) The new Philosophers , as they are commonly called , avoid making general Conclusions , till they have collected a great Number of Experiments or Observations upon the Thing in hand ; and , as new Light comes in the old Hypotheses , fall without any Noise or Stir . So that the Inferences that are made from any Enquiries into Natural Things , though perhaps set down in general Terms , yet are ( as it were by Consent ) received with this Tacit Reserve , As far as the Experiments or Observations already made , will warrant . How much these Four Things will enlarge Natural Philosophy is easie to guess . I do not say that none of these things were anciently done ; but only that they were not then so general . The Corpuscular Philosophy is in all Probability the oldest , and its Principles are those intelligible ones I just now commended . But its Foundations being very large , and requiring much Time , Cost , and Patience to build any great Matters upon , it soon fell ; before it seems to have been throughly understood . For it seems evident , That Epicurus minded nothing but the raising of a Sect , which might talk as plausibly as those of Aristotle , or Plato , since he despised all Manner of Learning , even Mathematicks themselves , and gloried in this , that he spun all his Thoughts out of his own Brain ; a good Argument of his Wit indeed , but a very ordinary one of that Skill in Nature , which Lucretius extols in him every time that he takes Occasion to speak of him . The whole Ancient Philosophy looks like a thing of Ostentation and Pomp , otherwise I cannot understand why Plato should reprove Eudoxus and Archytas , for trying to make their Skill in Geometry useful in Matters of civil Life , by inventing of Instruments of publick Advantage ; or think that those sublime Truths were debased when the unlearned part of Mankind have been the better for them . And therefore , as Plutarch complains in his Life of Marcellus , Mechanical Arts were despised by Geometers till Archimedes's Time : Now though this be particularly spoken there by Plutarch of the making of Instruments of Defence and Offence in War , yet it is also applicable to all the Ancient Philosophy and Mathematicks in general . The old Philosophers seemed still to be afraid that the common People should despise their Arts if commonly understood ; this made them keep for the most Part to those Studies which required few Hands and Mechanical Tools to compleat them : Which to any Man that has a right Notion of the Extent of a natural Philosopher's Work , will appear absolutely necessary . Above all , the Ancients did not seem sufficiently to understand the Connection between Mathematical Proportions of Lines and Solids , in an abstracted Proposition , and in every Part of the Creation ; at least in their reasonings about the Causes of Natural Things , they did not take any great pains to shew it . When Galen was to give an Account of Vision in his Books c De Usu Partium , because he had Occasion to use some few Geometrical Terms , as Cone , Axis , Triangle , and the like ; he makes a long Excuse , and tells a tedious Story of a Daemon that appeared to him , and commanded him to write what he did ; and all this least the Physicians of that Age should think that he conjured , and so take a Prejudice against all that he said . This shews that in Galen's Time at least , there was little Correspondence between Mathematical and Physical Sciences , and that Mankind did not believe that there was so intimate a Relation between them as it is now generally known there is . Many a Man that cannot demonstrate any one single Proposition in Euclid , takes it now for granted that Geometry is of infinite Use to a Philosopher ; and it is believed now upon trust , because it is become an Axiom amongst the Learned in these Matters . And if it had been so received in Galen's Time , or by those more ancient Authors , whom Galen's Contemporaries followed , or pretended at least to follow , as their Patterns ; such as Hippocrates , whom all sides reverenced , Herophilus , Erasistratus , Asclepiades , and several more , there would have been no need of any Excuses for what he was doing ; since his Readers being accustomed to such sort of Reasonings , would either readily have understood them , or acquiesced in them as legitimate Ways of Proof . If Three , or Four Mathematical Terms were so affrighting , how would those learned Discourses of Steno and Croone , concerning muscular Motion have moved them ? How much would they have been amazed at such minute Calculations of the Motive-strength of all sorts of Muscles in the several general sorts of Animals , as require very great Skill in Geometry , even to understand them , which are made by Borellus in his Discourses of the Motion of Animals ? It is not enough in this Case , to quote a Saying or Two out of some great Man amongst the Ancients , or to tell us that Plato said long ago , That God geometrizes in all his Works ; as long as no Man can produce any one Ancient Essay upon any one Part of Physiology , where Mathematical Ratiocinations were introduced to salve those Phaenomena of Natural Things , upon which it was possible to talk plausibly without their Help . At least it is certain , That they contented themselves with general Theories , without entring into minute Disquisitions into the several varieties of Things , as is evident in the Two Cases already alledged , of Vision and Muscular Motion . Now as this Method of Philosophizing laid down above , is right , so it is easie to prove that it has been carefully followed by Modern Philosophers . My Lord Bacon was the first great Man who took much pains to convince the World that they had hitherto been in a wrong Path , and that Nature her self , rather than her Secretaries , was to be addressed to by those who were desirous to know very much of her Mind . Monsieur Des Cartes , who came soon after , did not perfectly tread in his Steps , since he was for doing most of his Work in his Closet , concluding too soon , before he had made Experiments enough ; but then to a vast Genius he joined exquisite Skill in Geometry , and working upon intelligible Principles in an intelligible Manner ; though he very often failed of one Part of his End , namely , a right Explication of the Phaenomena of Nature , yet by marrying Geometry and Physicks together , he put the World in Hopes of a Masculine Off-spring in process of Time , though the first Productions should prove abortive . This was the State of Natural Philosophy , when those great Men who after King Charles II's Restoration joined in a Body , called by that Prince himself , the ROYAL SOCIETY , went on with the Design ; they made it their Business to set their Members a work to collect a perfect History of Nature , in order to establish thereupon a Body of Physicks ; what has been done towards it by the Members of that illustrious Body will be evident by considering that Boyle , Barrow , Newton , Huygens , Malpighius , Leeuwenhoek , Willoughby , Willis , and Abundance more already named amongst the great Advancers of real Learning , have belonged to it : If it shall be thought too tedious a Work to examine all their Writings , Mr. Boyle's Works , any one good System of the Cartesian Philosophy , Monsieur Rohault's for Instance , or to comprehend all under one , a Book Intituled , Philosophia Vetus & Nova ad Usum Scholae accommodata , may be consulted , and then it will be evident enough of which Side the Verdict ought to be given ; in the last Book especially it is evident how very little the Ancients did in all Parts of Natural Philosophy , and what a great Compass it at present takes , since it makes the Comparison I all along appeal to . Thus , it seems to me to be very evident , That the Ancients Knowledge in all Matters relating to Mathematicks and Physicks was incomparably inferiour to that of the Moderns . These are Subjects , many of them at least , which require great Intenseness of Thought , great Strength and Clearness of Imagination , even only to understand them , how much more then to invent them ? The Ancient Orators , who spoke so great things in Praise of Eloquence , who make it so very hard a thing to be an Orator , had little or no Notion of the Difficulty of these Sciences ; the Romans especially who despised what they did not understand , and who did not without some Indignation learn of a People whom themselves had conquered . But if they could have conceived what a Force of Genius is required to invent such Propositions as are to be found in the Writings of their own Mathematicians , and of the Modern Geometers and Philosophers , they would soon have acknowledged that there was need of as great at least , if not greater Strength of Parts and Application to do very considerable things in these Sciences as in their own admired Eloquence , which was never more artfully employed than in commending it self : The Panegyricks which they made upon Geometry , were rather Marks of their Pedantry than of their Skill ; Plato and Pythagoras admired them , and therefore they did so too , out of a blind Reverence to those great Names . Otherwise amongst those numerous Commendations which are given to Archimedes , some would have been spent upon the many noble Theorems which he discovered , and not almost all upon the Engines wherewith he baffled Marcellus at the Siege of Syracuse . The Proposition , That the Superficies of a Sphere is equal to the Area's of Four of its greatest Circles , which is one of the most wonderful Inventions that was ever found in Geometry , shews him to have been a much greater Man , than all that is said of him by the Roman , or Greek Historians . Had experimental Philosophy been anciently brought upon the Stage , had Geometry been solemnly and generally applied to the Mechanism of Nature , and not solely made use of to instruct Men in the Art of Reasoning , and even that too , not very generally neither , the Moderns would not have had so great Reason to boast as now they have : For these are things which come under ocular Demonstration , which do not depend upon the Fancies of Men for their Approbation , as Oratory and Poetry very often do . So that one may not only in general say that the Ancients are out-done by the Moderns in these Matters , but also assign most of the particulars , and determine the Proportion wherein and how far they have been exceeded , and shew the several Steps whereby this sort of Learning has from Age to Age received Improvement ; which ends Disputes and satisfies the Understanding at once . CHAP. XXVII . Of the Philological Learning of the Moderns . HItherto in the main I please my self , that there cannot be much said against what I have asserted , though I have all along taken Care not to speak too positively , where I found that it was not an easie Thing to vindicate every Proposition without entring into a Controversy , which would bear plausible things on both sides , and so might be run out into a Multitude of Words , which in Matters of this kind are very tiresome . But there are other Parts of Learning still behind , where the very offering to compare the Moderns to the Ancients may seem a Paradox ; where the subject Matter is entirely ancient , and is chiefly , if not altogether contained in Books that were written before the Ancient Learning suffered much Decay . Under this Head Philology and Divinity may very properly be ranked . I place Divinity last to avoid Repetition , because what I have to say concerning Modern Philology will strengthen many things that may be urged in the Behalf of Modern Divinity as opposed to the Ancient . In speaking of the Extent and Excellency of the Philological Learning of the Moderns within these last 200 Years , I would not be mis-understood . For the Question is not whether any Modern Critick has understood Plato or Aristotle , Homer or Pindar , as well as they did themselves , for that were ridiculous ; but whether Modern Industry may not have been able to discover a great many Mistakes in the Assertions of the Ancients about Matters not done in their own Times , but several Ages before they were born . For the Ancients did not live all in one Age , and though they appear all under one Denomination , and so as it were upon a Level , like things seen at a vast Distance , to us who are very remote from the youngest of them ; yet , upon a nearer View , they will be found very remote each from the other ; and so as liable to Mistakes when they talk of Matters not transacted in their own Times , as we are when reason of Matters of Fact , which were acted in the Reign of William the Conquerour . Wherefore if one reflects upon the Alteration which Printing has introduced into the State of Learning , when every Book once printed becomes out of Danger of being lost , or hurt by Copiers ; and that Books may be compared , examined , and canvassed with much more Ease than they could before , it will not seem ridiculous to say , That Joseph Scaliger , Isaac Casaubon , Salmasius , Henricus Valesius , Selden , Usher , Bochart , and other Philologers of their Stamp , may have had a very comprehensive View of Antiquity , such a one as Strangers to those Matters , can have no Idea of ; nay a much greater than , taken altogether , any one of the Ancients themselves ever had , or indeed , could have . Demosthenes and Aristophanes knew the State of their own Times better than Casaubon or Salmasius : But it is a Question whether Boëthius or Sidonius Apollinaris knew the State of Demosthenes's Time so well ; yet these also are Ancients to us , and have left behind them Writings of a very estimable Value . Literary Commerce was anciently not so frequent as now it is , though the Roman Empire made it more easie than otherwise it could have been . In Ecclesiastical Antiquity this can be more fully proved than it can in Civil ; because Monuments of that Kind are more numerous , and have been better preserved . How widely were the Greek Writers many times mistaken , when they gave an Account of the Affairs of the Latin Churches . And how very imperfect , many Times , were the Accounts which the Western Churches had of Things of the greatest Moment that had been determined in the East ? Though the Council of Nice was Oecumenical , yet the African Churches knew so little of its Canons above Fifty Years after it was held , that the Bishops of Rome imposed Canons made in another Council , held several Years after , in another Place , upon them , as Canons made in the Council of Nice : Yet they were all , at that Time , under one common Government , and these Things were acknowledged by all Sides to be of Eternal Concernment . The same Negligence , if not greater , is discernable in Matters which were studied , rather as Recreation and Diversion , than as necessary Business . How many of the Ancients busied themselves about Examining into the Antiquities of several Nations , especially after the Old Testament was translated into Greek ? Yet how few of them understood the Languages of those Countries of which they disputed ? There were but two of the Ancient Fathers , that we know of , that pretended to Learning , who understood Hebrew accurately ; Origen , and St Hierom : And how well St. Hierom understood it , is now certainly known ; not like the Lightfoot's , the Buxtorf's , the Drusius's , and the Cappell's of the present Age , one may be very well assured : The other Oriental Languages , even these Inquisitive Fathers knew very little , or nothing , of . To how good purpose they have been cultivated by the Moderns , the Writings of Selden , Bochart , Pocock , and several others , do abundantly declare . When Pocock and Golius went into the East , to bring away their Learning , they went to very good purpose indeed . The Bodleyan and Leyden-Libraries can witness what vast Heaps of Eastern MSS. have been brought by such Men as these , into Europe . One would think I were drawing up a Catalogue , not writing of a Letter , if I should enumerate the Books which have been printed about the Oriental Learning , within these last Seventy Years : And how much they have enlightned all manner of Antiquity , is easie to tell . How clearly has the Old Chronology and Geography been stated by Modern Criticks and Philologers ; and the Mistakes and Carelesness of many Writers detected , who were esteemed Authentick even in the Times wherein they lived ? Selden and Bochart , to name no more at present , have plainly proved , that all the Ancient Greek Antiquaries were not near so well acquainted with the Originals of that Mythology , which then made up a good part of their Religion , as well as of their Learning , as it is known at present , since the Languages of those Countries , from whence most of those Rites and Stories took their Original , have been carefully examined , and critically studied . Is it not a very odd Thing , that of so many as have written of the Pyramids , there should not be one exact Account of them , Ancient nor Modern , till Mr. Greaves described them ? They were admired formerly , as much as now d ; reckoned amongst the Seven Wonders of the World ; and mentioned , from Herodotus's Time , downwards , by all that gave any Account of Egypt : Yet most Men copied after Herodotus ; and many of the rest , who did not , spoke by guess . None of the extant Ancient Authors was so exact as Sir George Sandys , who wanted nothing but Mathematical Skill , to have left nothing for Mr. Greaves , who came after him , to do . This is an eminent Instance , whereby we may give a certain Judgment of the Historical Exactness of the Ancients , compared to that of the Moderns . It may be improved to considerable Purposes ; at least , it is of great use to justifie those Modern Writers , who have , with great Freedom , accused some of the Greatest of the Ancients , of Carelesness in their Accounts of Civil Occurrencies , as well as of Natural Rareties ; and who have dared to believe their own Reason , against the positive Evidence of an old Historian , in Matters wherein one would think that he had greater Opportunities of knowing the certain Truth , than any Man that has lived for several Ages . But here I expect that it should be objected , that this is not to be esteemed as a Part of Real Learning . To pore in old MSS. to compare various Readings ; to turn over Glossaries , and old Scholia upon Ancient Historians , Orators and Poets ; to be minutely critical in all the little Fashions of the Ancient Greeks and Romans , the Memory whereof was , in a manner , lost within Fifty or an Hundred Years after they had been in use ; may be good Arguments of a Man's Industry , and Willingness to drudge ; but seem to signifie little to denominate him a great Genius , or one who was able to do great Things of himself . The Objection is specious enough , and the Indiscretions of many Modern Commentators have given but too much Colour for it ; which has , in our Nation especially , been riveted in Men's Minds , more , perhaps , than in any other learned Nation in Europe : Tho in Enquiries into the remotest Antiquities of the oldest Nations , perhaps no People have done near so much as some learned English-Men . But this Objection lies chiefly against the Men , not the Knowledge , the Extent whereof it is only my Business to enquire into ; and yet , even there too , it is without Ground ; for , whoever will be at the pains to reflect upon the vast Extent of the various Knowledge which such Men as those I named before had treasured together , which they were able to produce to such excellent Purposes in their Writings , must confess that their Genius's were little , if at all , inferiour to their Memories ; those among them especially , who have busied themselves in restoring corrupted Places of Ancient Authors . There are Thousands of Corrections and Censures upon Authors to be found in the Annotations of Modern Criticks , which required more Fineness of Thought , and Happiness of Invention , than , perhaps , Twenty such Volumes as those were , upon which these very Criticisms were made . For , though , generally speaking , good Copies are absolutely necessary ; though the Critick himself must have a perfect Command of the Language and particular Stile of his Author , must have a clear Idea of the Way and Humour of the Age in which he wrote ; many of which Things require great Sagacity , as well as great Industry ; yet there is a peculiar Quickness in Discerning what is proper to the Passage then to be corrected , in distinguishing all the particular Circumstances necessary to be observed , and those , perhaps , very numerous ; which raise a judicious Critick very often as much above the Author upon whom he tries his Skill , as he that discerns another Man's Thoughts , is therein greater than he that thinks . And the Objection that is commonly made against Editors of old Books , That every Man cries up his own Author , beyond all that have ever wrote upon that Subject , or in that Way , will rarely hold of truly great Criticks , when they pass their Judgments , and employ their Thoughts upon indifferent Books ; since some have taken as much Pains , in their Critical Annotations e , to expose Authors who have had the good Luck to be exceedingly commended by learned Men , as ever others did to praise them . Soon after Learning was restored , when Copies of Books , by Printing , were pretty well multiplied , Criticism began ; which first was exercised in Setting out Correct Editions of Ancient Books ; Men being forced to try to mend the Copies of Books , which they saw were so very negligently written . It soon became the Fashionable Learning ; and after Erasmus , Budaeus , Beatus Rhenanus and Turnebus had dispersed that sort of Knowledge through England , France , Germany , and the Low-Countries , which before had been kept altogether amongst the Italians , it was , for about One Hundred and Twenty Years , cultivated with very great Care : And if since it has been at a Stand , it has not been because the Parts of Men are sunk ; but because the Subject is , in a manner , exhausted ; or , at least , so far drained , that it requires more Labour , and a greater Force of Genius , now to gather good Gleanings , than formerly to bring home a plentiful Harvest ; and yet this Age has produced Men who , in the last , might have been reckoned with the Scaligers , and the Lipsius's . It is not very long since Holstenius , Bochart , and Gerhard Vossius died ; but if they will not be allowed to have been of our Age , yet Isaac Vossius , Nicholas Heinsius , Frederick Gronovius , Ezekiel Spanheym and Graevius may come in ; the two last of them are still alive , and the others died but a few Years since . England , perhaps , cannot shew a proportionable Stock of Criticks of this Stamp . In Henry VIII's Time there was an admirable Set of Philologers in the Nation ; though there is great difference to be made between a good Critick , and a Man that writes Latin as easily and correctly as his Mother-Tongue . Sir Thomas More , Cardinal Poole , Linacre , Collet , Cheek , Ascham , and several more , often to be met with in Erasmus's Epistles , wrote Latin with a Purity that no Italian needed then to have been ashamed of . Let the Subject they wrote have been what it would , one may see by the Purity of their Stile , that they wrote in a Language which expressed their Thoughts without Constraint . A great Familiarity with the politest Authors of Antiquity was what these Men valued themselves much upon ; and it was then the Delight of the Nation , as much as their Disputes in Religion would give them Leave . Though this seemed to sink by degrees , yet that afterwards Critical Skill in Antiquity was valued and pursued by our learned Men , will not be questioned by those who consider that Sir Henry Savile , Mr. Cambden , Archbishop Usher , Mr. Selden , Sir John Marsham , Mr. Gataker ( not to mention some now alive , whose Fame will one Day equal that of the Scaligers and the Grotius's of other Nations ) were the Glories of our Country , as well as of the Age they lived in . In short , to conclude this Argument : Though Philological and Critical Learning has been generally accused of Pedantry , because it has sometimes been pursued by Men who seemed to value themselves upon Abundance of Quotations of Greek and Latin , and a vain Ostentation of diffused Reading , without any Thing else in their Writings to recommend them ; yet the Difficulty that there is , to do any Thing considerable in it , joyned with the great Advantages which thereby have accrued to the Commonwealth of Learning , have made this no mean Head whereon to commend the great Sagacity , as well as Industry of these later Ages . CHAP. XXVIII . Of the Theological Learning of the Moderns . TO Philology I before added Divinity , and , as I hope to prove , not without Reason . As they relate to our Question , they both agree in this , that the Subject of them both is truly Ancient ; and that it is impossible to become very excellent in either of them , without a familiar Conversation with those Original Books , to which the great Masters of both these Sciences do constantly appeal . Our Blessed Saviour did not reveal his Law by Halves to his Apostles , nor is the New Testament an imperfect Rule of Faith : The Old Testament likewise has constantly been at hand ; and the Jews have , ever since their Return from the Babylonish Captivity , been scrupulously sollicitous to preserve the f Genuine Hebrew and Chaldee Text of the Old Testament , pure and uncorrupted , to succeeding Ages . Yet , though these , together with the Writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers , be Instruments without which no Divine can work ; and though it seems almost impossible that any Man should be able to perform all the Duties of his Profession , that are incumbent upon him as a Scholar , without a competent Exactness in all these Things ; yet it is very possible that Modern Divines , who make use of these Instruments , may be better Work-men than those Ancient Fathers , who furnished them with the greatest part . Now , that there may be no Disputes about Terms mis-understood , it will be necessary to explain what is here meant by a perfect Divine ; that is to say , such an one as may be a Standard whereon to found a Comparison . A perfect Divine ought to understand the Text of the Old and New Testament so exactly , as to have a clear Notion of every Book in general , and of the Grammatical Meaning of every Text in particular ; that so he may be able to reconcile all Difficulties , and answer all Objections that may arise : He ought to understand the State of the Church , as to its Doctrine and Discipline , in its several Ages : He ought to be thoroughly versed in all the General Notions of Ethicks , taken in their utmost Extent , to enable him to resolve such Cases of Conscience as may occurr , with Judgment and Satisfaction ; he ought to be a Master of all the Topicks of Perswasion which can ever lie in his Way , that so his Exhortations may please and convince those whom he designs to perswade at the same Time ; last of all he ought to be able to answer all the Objections which may be , or have been raised against the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , by its open or secret Enemies . These seem to be the necessary Qualifications of a Perfect Divine ; it may perhaps , be questioned whether any Man did ever fully come up to this Description ; neither is it necessary that any should , since the Question will be as perfectly answered by determining who have come the nearest to it , as by assigning any particular Person that ever quite reach'd up to it . For these Differences do not lie in a Mathematical Point , and I do not desire that any disputable things should ever be brought under Debate . One Qualification indeed , and that the greatest of all , I have omitted ; but that relates not to the present Controversie , since we are not now enquiring who were the holiest Men , but who have been the greatest Masters of their Professions , the ancient Fathers or the Modern Divines . The first thing required , is an exact Knowledge of the Text of the Old Testament . Herein even the LXX Interpreters themselves have often failed , as has been abundantly proved by Modern Criticks . The Copies they used were sometimes faulty , and since they did not mend those Faults , it is very probable they did not see them . It has been observed already , That scarce any of the Fathers understood Hebrew besides Origen and St. Hierom , who therefore were followed as Oracles by many of their Successors ; even that alone will not suffice , because there are no other Books written in that Language : For which Reason Syriac , Chaldee , Samaritan and Arabic , have been studied by Modern Criticks ; not to mention the Writings of the Rabbins and the Talmudists , to which the Ancients were utter Strangers . If we come to Particulars , who of the Ancients ever unravelled the Chronology of the Old Testament like Archbishop Usher , and Sir John Marsham ? Though Eusebius's Chronicon is a standing Evidence how much he , and Julius Africanus before him , endeavoured to clear that Matter , which was of so great Use to confound the vain Pretences to Antiquity of those other Nations that were so very unwilling to yield to the Jews in this Particular . Who has ever given so rational and so intelligible an Account of the Design and Intent of the several parts of the ceremonial Law as Dr. Spencer ? Who has acquainted the World with the Geography of Genesis , or the Natural History of the Bible , like Monsieur Bochart ? These are much harder things than the lengthning of a fine-spun Allegory , or than a few moral Reflections which constitute the greatest part of the Ancient Comments . But the New Testament , you will say , was written in a Time that was nearer at Hand ; and so was certainly better understood . Without doubt it was , by the First Fathers ; for which Reason their Interpretations g and their Reasonings , if we could have recovered many of them would have been of infinite Value : But when once the Synagogue and the Church broke off all their Correspondence , when once the immediate Reasons of the first Establishment of many Parts of the Christian Discipline , and of great Numbers of Allusions to Jewish Customs and Traditions which are to be found in the New Testament , could only be known by Study and Reading , all which the first Christians knew without Study , as we do the Manners and Fashions of our own Age and Country , then the ancient Interpretations of the New Testament began to fail , and though some of them , S. Chrysostom's and Theodoret's especially , are in themselves , setting Antiquity aside , truly valuable ; yet , for want of such a diffused Knowledge of Eastern Antiquities as was necessary , and which only could be had by a long Conversation with the Books that are written in those Languages , these admirable Commentators seem in several Places not to have found out the true Original of many things in the New Testament which have been discovered since . To the next Thing , which is Skill in Ecclesiastical Antiquity , I have spoken already . The Third and the Fourth , which relate to a Divine as a Casuist , or as a Preacher , may be considered of together , wherein we of the present Age may , without Vanity , boast of having the best Books , and of them too the greatest Numbers , upon these Subjects , written in our own Language , and by our own Countrymen , of any People in the World. The Excellency of a Casuist is to give such Resolutions of Doubts and Questions proposed to him , as may both suit with the particular Circumstances of the Person who desires Satisfaction ; and also may be perfectly agreeable to the Law of God. A Preacher then seems to perform his Office best , when he can at once instruct and move his Auditors ; can raise their Passions , and inform their Judgment : That so every Sermon upon a Doctrinal Head may contain the Solution of a Case of Conscience . For the first of these ; It is certain that many of the ablest of the Ancient Fathers were very excellent Casuists ; as , indeed , every Man who has a right Judgment , an honest Mind , and a thorough Acquaintance with the Design of our Blessed Saviour , revealed in the Gospel , must of necessity be . And if , at this distance , many of their Decisions seem over-severe , there is as great , at least , if not greater Reason to suspect , that the Complaints now-a-days raised against them , may arise from our Degeneracy , as from their unwarrantable Strictness . But for the Ancient Way of Preaching , there is much more to be said . The great Handle by which an Hearer is enabled to carry along with him a Preacher's Arguments , is , Method and Order . Herein the Ancient Homilists are very defective : Flights of Rhetorick , which are more or less judiciously applied , according to the Abilities of the several Preachers , make up the greatest part of their Discourses : And , after Origen , most Men busied themselves in giving the People Allegorical Interpretations of Passages of Scriptures , which were infinite , according to the Fancies of those that used them . St. Chrysostom , indeed , reformed this Custom in the Greek Church : His Authority went very far ; and his Interpretations were almost always Literal , and , suitably to his vast Genius , very judicious . But he that considers Preaching as an Art capable of Rules and Improvement , will find a mighty Difference between a just , methodical Discourse , built upon a proper Text of Scripture , wherein , after the Text is carefully explained , some one Duty or Doctrine of Religion , thence arising , is plainly proved by just and solid Arguments , from which such Topicks of Persuasion are drawn at last , as are the most likely to raise such an Affection , and engage those Passions in the Minds of all the Auditors as will please and move good Men , and silence , at least , if not persuade the Bad ; and between a loose , paraphrastical Explication of a large Portion of Scripture , which ends at last in a general Ethical Harangue , which is the usual Method of most of St. Chrysostom's Homilies . Whereas by the former Method , strictly followed , very many of our English Sermons , especially those of the Great Men of our own Church , since the Restauration , are Solutions of the most difficult Questions in Divinity , and just Discourses upon the several Duties of the Christian Life ; and this with so much Smoothness , so great Beauty of Language , and such a just Application of the greatest Ornaments of True and Masculine Eloquence , to Things at first View very often the most opposite , that the Hearer takes a Pleasure to think , that then he is most instructed , when he is best pleased . The Want of this Method in the Ancient Homilists , is the great Reason why they are so little read . It is not because they are hard to be understood ; for an indifferent Skill in Greek and Latin is sufficient to go through with the greatest part of them : But Want of Method , great Multiplicity of Words , and frequent Repetitions , tire out most Readers : They know not how far they are got , but by the Number of the Leaves ; and so having no Rest for their Minds to lean upon , when once they begin to be weary , they are soon disgusted . If therefore these Inconveniences are , in a great Measure , avoided by Modern Preachers , their Sermons are , in their Kind , more perfect , though the Matter which both of them work upon be the same . And if these Things be the Effects of great Study , and of an exact Judgment , at least in those who contributed the most to so great an Alteration , then this also may come in as a proper Evidence of the Increase of Modern Learning ; and with much more Reason than those Things which only tend to divert a Man when he is unfit for serious Business . Who those are who have succeeded the Hookers , the Chillingworths , the Sandersons , and the Hammonds of this last Age , to such excellent purpose for the present , and those that shall come after , I need not name ; but shall rather conclude with that Saying in Velleius Paterculus , upon a not much unlike Occasion ; Vivorum ut admiratio magna , ita censura difficilis est . The last Thing which I mentioned as necessary for a Divine , is , To be able to answer such Objections as have been , or may be raised against the Christian Faith. Of the Controversies which have arisen among Christians , and the Adversaries with whom they have been obliged to engage , there are in the present Account two Sorts ; those which the Ancient Fathers were concerned with , and those that appeared since . Of the Latter it may , possibly , seem hard to pass a Judgment , since one cannot well say how Men would have managed Disputes which never came in their Way . The former may also be sub-divided into those which have been renewed in our own Time ; and those of which we have only the Memory in Ancient Books . So that one is rather to consider how Controversies were handled in general , and so inferr how these Modern ones would have been managed , had there been an Occasion , which have only engaged the Wits and Passions of later Ages . It is evident , that in their first Dispures with the Gentiles , the old Apologists did , with great Accuracy , expose both the Follies of their Worship , and the Vanity of their Philosophy : They opened the Christian Religion with great Clearness ; they showed the Grounds of their Belief , and proved its Reasonableness upon such Principles as were both solid in themselves , and suitable to the Ways of Arguing , and the peculiar Notions of all their several Adversaries . Afterwards , when the Mysteries of the Christian Religion were so eagerly debated , in Ages wherein they feared no Foreign Force , they shewed as great Subtilty in their Arguments , and as great Dexterity in shifting off the Sophisms of their Opponents , as have ever been shewed in later Times . So that thus far the Moderns seem to have little Advantage : And , indeed , the Books that were written in Defence of the Christian Religion were very admirable : But in the Controversies that were managed amongst themselves , there seem to be , many Times , as visible Signs of too great a Subtilty , as of a judicious Understanding of the Point in hand : They used little Method in ranging their Arguments , and rarely stated the Question in plain and short Terms ; which made them often multiply Words to a tedious Length , that both tired the Readers , and darkned the Dispute . That all these Faults are too often found in the Polemical Discourses of the Moderns , is most certain : But Comparisons are always laid between the ablest Men of both Sides . The Modern Defences of the Doctrines of the Trinity , and the Incarnation , may be compared with the old Defences of the same Doctrines against the Arians , and other Ancient Hereticks . If Hereticks may be compared with Hereticks , there is no Question but the Socinians are much abler Disputants than the Arians and Eunomians of old : They have collected every Thing that could look like an Argument ; they have critically canvassed every Text of Scripture which anciently was not so Grammatically understood as now it is , and have spared no Pains nor Art to wrest every Thing that , with any Shew of Reason , could be drawn to their Side : They have refined upon the Philosophical Notions of God , and of his Attributes ; and have taken great Care not to confound their Readers , or themselves , with Want of Method , or a Multiplicity of Words . Such able Adversaries have not failed of as able Opponents . And when Men of Skill manage any Dispute , whatsoever it be , they will teach one another the Art of Reasoning , even though before-hand they should not well have understood it , when their Debates continue to any Length . Whence also it has followed , that though these Great Men , who have defended our Faith against such subtile Adversaries would have shewn their Skill equally upon any other Subject which they should have undertook ; yet upon these Questions , the Truth would otherwise have never been so perfectly known . And here it ought to be observed , that the Art of making Controversies easie and intelligible , even though the Arguments should be all the same that had formerly been urged , shews much greater Skill , and a more thorough Understanding of those Matters , than had been discovered before : For , he that makes another understand a Thing in few Words , has a more clear and comprehensive Knowledge of that Thing , than another Man who uses a great many . Such a Man's Excursions , if he has a Mind at any Time to go out of the Way , or to enlarge , for the Ease of those who love to have Things expressed in an Homilitical Manner , will never tire ; because , having his Point still in view , he will take Care that his Readers or Auditors shall always know where he is . Hence it is , that there are many Sermons in our Language , upon the most abstruse Questions in the Christian Religion , wherein English Readers who never read Fathers nor School-men ; whose Heads have never been filled with Terms of Art , and Distinctions many Times without a Difference , may both in few , and clear Propositions , know what they are to believe , and at the same Time know how to defend it . Hereby in all our Controversies with Papists , Socinians , and Dissenters , many admirable Discourses have been written , wherein one sees the Question rightly stated , presently brought to an Head , and accurately proved by such Arguments as its particular Nature may require . It cannot be denied , but a good deal of this Methodical Exactness was at first owing to the School-men ; but they are Moderns here : And if their Writings have some Excellencies , which the elegant Composures of more learned Ages want , this also affords us a convincing Argument , that Mankind will , in something or other , be always improving ; and that Men of working Heads , what Subject soever they handle , though they live in Times when they have none but barbarous Patterns to copy after , will do many things which politer People did not know , or else over-look'd . Upon this Occasion , I cannot but take Notice that the Moderns have made clearer and shorter Institutions of all Manner of Arts and Sciences than any which the Ancients have left us . I have already instanced in the Method , whereto all the Parts of Natural History have been reduced . It is evident , That Method in all those things must be the Effect of a Comprehensive Knowledge of the Bodies so ranged and of a nice Comparison of every several Body and Animal one with another , since otherwise their mutual Differences and Agreements cannot possibly be adjusted ; the same has been done in Anatomy , in Chymistry , in all parts of Physicks and Mathematicks : How confused many Times , and always lax are Galen's Anatomical Discourses in Comparison of Bartholin's , Diemerbroeck's and Gibson's ? Monsiéur Perrault has observed already h that Aristotle expressed himself so obscurely in his Physical Discourses , that his Meaning is almost as variously represented as there have been Commentators who have written upon him ; whereas no Man ever doubted of the precise meaning of the Writings of Des Cartes and Rohault , though all Men are not of their Opinion . In Mathematicks the thing is yet more visible ; how long and tedious are Euclid's Demonstrations , either in Greek , or as they are commented upon by Clavius , in Comparison of Tacquet's or Barrow's ? Tacquet has made Astronomy intelligible with a very little Help ; which before was not to be attained without a Master , and a World of Patience ; the same has Varenius done in the Mathematical Part of Geography , Tacquet in Practical Geometry , Opticks , and Catoptricks . The Doctrine of the Conic Sections in Apollonius Pergaeus is so intricate , the Demonstrations are so long and so perplexed , that they have always deterred all but First-Rate Geometers : This Pensioner De Witte , has made so easie in his Elements of Curve Lines i , that it is readily mastered by any Man who has read the First Six Books of Euclid . Such Abridgments save Abundance of Labour , and make Knowledge pleasant to those , who in the last Age were so exceedingly frightned with the Thoughts of the Difficulty of these Studies , that Sir Henry Savile made as formal a Business of his Prelections upon the Definitions , Axioms , and VIII First Propositions of the First Book of Euclid , which may be thoroughly comprehended by a Man of ordinary Parts in Two Hours Time , by the Help of Tacquet's Elements , as a Man would now of Lectures upon the hardest Propositions , in Mr. Newton's Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy . To these judicious Abridgements the wonderful Increase of this Part of Knowledge , for these last LXX Years is in a great Measure to be attributed ; and though Methodizers and Compilers of Systems have very often the hard Fate to be undervalued by those who have been Inventors themselves ; yet , in Mathematical Sciences the Case is something different ; for things cannot be abbreviated here , without an almost intuitive Knowledge of the Subjects then to be abridged , and brought into one View . In Moral , or Historical Discourses , an Epitomizer immediately sees what is either in its self superfluous , or not to his particular Purpose ; and so when he has cut it off , what remains is in some sort intire , and may be understood without the rest , so that there is no Harm done : But here that will by no means suffice , for the most verbose Mathematicians rarely ever said any thing for saying Sake , their 's being Subjects in which Figures of Rhetorick could have no sort of Place , but they made every Conclusion depend upon such a Chain of Premises already proved , that if one Link were broke , the whole Chain fell in Pieces ; and therefore , he that would reduce those Demonstrations into a narrower Compass , must take the whole Proposition a new in Pieces , must turn it several Ways , must consider all the Relations which that Line , or that Solid has to other Lines or Solids , must carefully have considered how many several Ways it can be generated , before he can be able to demonstrate it by a shorter Method , and by other Arguments , than those by which it was proved before ; in short , he must in a Manner be able to invent the Proposition of himself , before he can put it into this new Dress ; for which Reason , Tacquet , Barrow , and De Witte , have been reckoned amongst the Principal Geometers of the Age , as well as for their other Inventions in Geometry . Tschirnhaus's Medicina Mentis will give a clear Idea of many things relating to this Matter : And now , having gone through the several Parts of the Parallel which I proposed at first to make , I shall close all with Sir William Temple's Words a little altered . k Though Thales , Pythagoras , Democritus , Hippocrates , Plato , Aristotle and Epicurus , may be reckoned amongst the First mighty Conquerours of Ignorance , in our World ; and though they made great Progresses in the several Empires of Science , yet not so great in very many Parts , as their Successors have since been able to reach . These have pretended to much more , than barely to learn what the others taught , or to remember what they invented ; and being able to compass that it self , have set up for Authors upon their own Stocks , and not contenting themselves only with commenting upon those Texts , have both copied after former Originals already set them , and have added Originals of their own in many things of a much greater Value . CHAP. XXIX . Reflections upon the Reasons of the Decay of Modern Learning , assigned by Sir William Temple . HAving therefore , as I hope , sufficiently proved that there has not been such a Fall in Modern Learning , as Sir William Temple supposes ; nay , even that comparatively speaking the Extent of Knowlege , is at this Time , vastly greater than it was in former Ages , it may seem , perhaps , a needless Thing to examine those Reasons which he alledges , of the Decrease of that which in the gross has suffered no Decay . Something however , I shall say to them , because if they do not prove what Sir William Temple designs , yet they will prove at least , what a perfect thing Learning might have been , if it had not met with such Impediments . The first Blow which he says l , that Learning received , was by the Disputes which arose about Religion in Europe , soon after the Revival of Learning in these parts of the World. There is no doubt , but the Thoughts of many very able Men were taken up with those Controversies ; who , if they had turned them with the same Application to natural or civil Knowledge , would therein have done very extraordinary things . Yet , considering all things , it may be justly questioned , whether Learning may not by these very Disputes , have received either immediately , or occasionally , a very great Improvement , or at least , suffered no very considerable Diminution . For , ( 1. ) it is certain , That whatsoever relates to Divinity as a Science , has hereby been better scanned , and more accurately understood and explained than otherwise it would ever have been ; and , I suppose , this will be readily owned to be one of the most excellent Parts of Knowledge . ( 2. ) It is a Question , whether very many of the greatest Promoters of any Part of this Theological Knowledge , would , or could have done so great things , upon any other Subject . Opposition in general , whets Mens Parts extremely , and that inward Satisfaction which a good Man takes , in thinking that he is employed upon Arguments of greatest Concern to the Souls of Men , inspires him with an Ardour that adds Wings to his native Alacrity ; and makes him in all such Cases , even out-do himself . ( 3. ) When different Parties are once formed , and great Numbers of Youths are constantly trained up to succeed the older Champions of their respective Sides ; as they shall drop off , all of them will not apply their Minds to Studies , immediately relating to their own Professions , but here and there one , as his Genius shall lead him , will try to excel in different Ways for the Glory of his own Party ; especially if he sees any of his Adversaries eminently famous before him , in those things . Thus Petavius set himself to contradict Joseph Scaliger's Books De Emendatione Temporum , and Scioppius fell upon his other Critical Writings : Whilst Isaac Casaubon concerned himself only with publishing and Commenting upon Athenaeus , Polybius , and Theophrastus : He was complemented by all Sides , but when once he wrote against the Annals of Cardinal Baronius , he met with numerous Adversaries ; and there was scarce a Critick of the Church of Rome that wrote for some Time afterwards , that did not peck at something or other in his other Writings . This Emulation eminently appeared in the Order of the Jesuits , the main Design of whose Institution seems to have been to engross all Learning , as well as all Politicks , to themselves ; and therefore , we see so many extraordinary Men amongst them for all sorts of things , thereby to give the World Occasion to think , that there must certainly be something more than ordinary in the Constitution of a Body , which every Day produced such excellent Persons . So that if one considers how far this Emulation went , which even yet is not wholly extinct , it is hard to say , whether Disputes in Religion have not rather helped to encrease the Stock of Learning than otherwise ; at least , one may venture to say that they have not diminished it . It is most certain , that the different Political Interests in Europe , have done it a mighty Kindness . During the Establishment of the Roman Empire , one common Interest guided that vast Body , and these Western Kingdoms amongst the rest . Rome was the Center of their Learning of the West , as well as of their Hopes , and thither the Provinces of this Part of the World had always Resort : Whereas now every Kingdom standing upon its own Bottom , they are all mutually jealous of each others Glory , and in nothing more than in Matters of Learning in those Countries , where they have Opportunities to pursue it . About an Hundred and Fifty , or Two Hundred Years since , it was esteemed a very honourable Thing to write a true Ciceronian Style : This the Italians pretended to keep to themselves , and they would scarce allow that any Man beyond the Alpes , unless perhaps , Longolius and Cardinal Pole , wrote pure Roman Latin : This made other Nations strive to equal them , and one rarely meets with a Book written at that Time upon a Subject that would bear the Elegancies of Stile in bad Latin : When Critical Learning was in Fashion , every Nation had some few great Men at the same Time , or very near it , to set against those of another . Italy boasted of Robertus Titius , and Petrus Victorius ; France had Joseph Scaliger , Isaac Casaubon , Cujacius , Pithaeus , Brissonius , and several more . Switzerland produced Gesner , for that and almost every thing else ; Germany had Leopardus , Gruter , Putschius , and others ; the Low Countries had Justus Lipsius ; England had Sir Henry Savile , every Country had some great Men to keep up its Glory in those things which then were in greatest request . In this last Age Mathematical and Physical Sciences seem to have been the Darling Studies of the Learned Men of Europe ; there also the same Emulation has been equally visible . When Great Britain could shew such Men as my Lord Bacon , my Lord Napier , the Inventor of Logarithms , Mr. Harriot , Mr. Oughtred , and Mr. Horrox ; Holland had Stevinus , who first found out Decimal Arithmetick , and Snellius ; France could reckon up Des Cartes , Mersennus , Fermat , and Gassendi ; Italy had Galileo , Torricellius , and Cavallerius ; Germany , Kepler ; and Denmark , not long before , Tycho Brahe . When afterwards the Philosophers of England grew numerous , and united their Strength , France also took the Hint , and its King set up a Royal Society , to Rival ours . The Duke of Tuscany had set up already at Florence the Academy del Cimento , whose Members employed themselves in pursuing the same Methods . In Germany , an Academy of the same Nature has been raised . Even Ireland has had its Philosophical Society . From all which , such Swarms of Great Men in every Part of Natural and Mathematical Knowledge have within these few Years appeared , that it may , perhaps , without Vanity , be believed , that if this Humour lasts much longer , and learned Men do not divert their Thoughts to Speculations of another Kind , the next Age will not find very much Work of this Kind to do : For this sort of Learning has spread where-ever Letters have had any Encouragement in Europe so successfully , that even the Northern Kingdoms have had their Bartholin's , their Borrichius's , their Rudbeck's , their Wormius's , and their Hevelius's , who have put in for that Prize which the Inhabitants of warmer Climates seemed already in possession of . This has occasioned the Writing of Abundance of Books , to vindicate the Glory of every great Invention to some eminent Man of that Country that the Authors of those Books belonged to . Which Disputes , though many Times very pedantically managed , and with an Heat mis-becoming Learned Men , yet has had this good Effect , that while some were zealous to secure the Glory of the Invention of Things already discovered , to their own Countries ; others were equally sollicitous to add a more undisputed Honour to them , by new Inventions , which they were sure no Man could possibly challenge . Another Reason of the Decay of Learning , according to Sir William Temple m , is , the Want of Protection from Great Men , and an unsatiable Thirst after Gain , now grown the Humour of the Age. That Princes do not now delight to talk of Matters of Learning in their publick Conversations , as they did about an Hundred and Fifty Years ago , is very evident . When Learning first came up , Men fansied that every Thing could be done by it , and they were charmed with the Eloquence of its Professors , who did not fail to set forth all its Advantages in the most engaging Dress . It was so very modish , that the fair Sex seemed to believe that Greek and Latin added to their Charms ; and Plato and Aristotle untranslated , were frequent Ornaments of their Closets . One would think by the Effects , that it was a proper Way of Educating of them , since there are no Accounts in History of so many very great Women in any one Age , as are to be found between the Years 15 and 1600. This Humour in both Sexes abated by Degrees ; and the Great Men being either disgusted with the Labour that was requisite to become thoroughly Learned , or with the frequent Repetitions of the same Things , Business and Diversions took up their Thoughts , as they had done formerly . But yet , in the main , the Learned Men of this Age have not so very much Reason to think themselves ill used , as it is commonly thought . What by Fellowships of Colleges , and Ecclesiastical Preferments , here in England ; and by the same sort of Preferments , added to the Allowances in several Monastical Orders , in Popish Countries , there are very fair Settlements for Men of Studious and Sedentary Lives ; and innumerable Instances can be given in these two last Ages , of the excellent Uses which very many Men have made of them : So that every such Preferment bestowed upon any learned Man , upon the Score of his Merit , by Princes , or Great Men , in whose Gift they were , is an Instance of their Beneficence to Men of Letters : And whether a Man is considered by a Pension out of a Prince's Exchequer , or by the Collation of a Preferment in that Prince's Gift , it is to the Man who enjoys it the self-same Thing . Neither have Examples been wanting in the present Age , of Sovereign Princes who have made it as much their Business to encourage Learned Men , as , perhaps , in any of the former , that are so much commended for that very Reason . Christina Queen of Sweden , who in other Respects , was by no Means the Glory of her Sex , did , whilst she lived at Stockholm , send for the learnedest Men of Europe to come to her , that she might converse with them about those Things wherein they were most excellent . Des Cartes , Salmasius , Bochart , Nich. Heinsius , Isaac Vossius , were of that Number : And her Profuseness , which knew no Bounds , was never more visible , than in her Marks of Respect to Men of Letters . Afterwards , when she setled at Rome , her Palace was always an Academy of the Virtuosi of that City . The present French King , whilst Monsieur Colbert lived , took a singular Pride in sending Presents to the most celebrated Scholars of Europe ; without regarding whether they were his own Subjects , or of his own Religion , or no. This he did purely for his Glory , the Principle which Sir William Temple n so very much applauds . His own Protestant Subjects , before he involved them in one common Ruin , tasted of his Liberality of that Kind upon Occasion : And whatsoever his other Actions are , and have been ; yet his extraordinary Care to breed up his Son to Learning , his erecting of Academies for Arts and Sciences at Paris , and his frequent Bounties to Men of Letters , justly require that , upon this Account , he should be mentioned with Honour . Cardinal de Richelieu , Cardinal Mazarini , Monsieur Fouquet , and Monsieur Colbert , though no Sovereign Princes , yet had Purses greater than many of them . Cardinal de Richelieu was himself a Scholar ; and all of them were eminently Favourers of Learned Men. I have mentioned my own Country last , that I might once more observe , that it was a Prince of our own , who founded the ROYAL SOCIETY , o whose Studies , Writings and Productions , though they have not out-shined or eclipsed the Lycaeum of Plato , the Academy of Aristotle , the Stoa of Zeno , or the Garden of Epicurus , because they were neither written at the same Time , nor , for the most part , upon the same Subjects ; yet will always help to keep alive the Memory of that Prince , who incorporated them into a Body , that so they might the easier do that by their Joint-Labours , which singly would have been , in a manner , impossible to be effected . The last of Sir William Temple's Reasons of the great Decay of Modern Learning p is Pedantry ; the urging of which is an evident Argument , that his Discourse is levelled against Learning , not as it stands now , but as it was Fifty or Sixty Years ago . For the new Philosophy has introduced so great a Correspondence between Men of Learning and Men of Business ; which has also been encreased by other Accidents amongst the Masters of other learned Professions , that that Pedantry which formerly was almost universal , is now in a great Measure dis-used ; especially , amongst the young Men , who are taught in the Universities to laugh at that frequent Citation of Scraps of Latin , in common Discourse , or upon Arguments that do not require it ; and that nauseous Ostentation of Reading , and Scholarship in publick Companies , which formerly was so much in Fashion . Affecting to write politely in Modern Languages , especially the French and ours , has also helped very much to lessen it , because it has enabled Abundance of Men who want Academical Education to talk plausibly , and some exactly , upon very many learned Subjects . This also , has made Writers habitually careful to avoid those Impertinences which they know would be taken notice of and ridiculed ; and it is probable , that a careful perusal of the fine new French Books , which of late Years have been greedily sought after by the politer sort of Gentlemen and Scholars , may in this particular , have done Abundance of good . By this means , and by the Help also of some other concurrent Causes , those who were not learned themselves being able to maintain Disputes with those that were , forced them to talk more warily , and brought them by little and little to be out of Countenance at that vain thrusting of their Learning into every thing , which before had been but too visible . Conclusion . THis seems to me to be the present State of Learning , as it may be compared with what it was in Former Ages : Whether Knowledge will improve in the next Age , proportionably , as it has done in this , is a Question not easily decided . It depends upon a great many Circumstances ; which singly , will be ineffectual , and , which no Man can now be assured , will ever meet . There seems Reason indeed , to fear , that it may decay , both because ancient Learning is too much studied in Modern Books , and taken upon trust by Modern Writers , who are not enough acquainted with Antiquity to correct their own mistakes ; and because Natural and Mathematical Knowledge , wherein chiefly the Moderns are to be studied as Originals , begin to be neglected by the Generality of those who would set up for Scholars . For the Humour of the Age , as to those things , is visibly altered from what it was Twenty or Thirty Years ago : So that though the ROYAL SOCIETY has weathered the rude Attacks of such sort of Adversaries as Stubbe , who endeavoured to have it thought , That Studying of Natural Philosophy and Mathematicks , was a ready Method to introduce Scepticism at least , if not Atheism into the World : Yet the sly Insinuations of the Men of Wit , That no great things have ever , or are ever like to be performed by the Men of Gresham , and , That every Man whom they call a Virtuoso , must needs be a Sir Nicholas Gim-crack , have so far taken off the Edge of those who have opulent Fortunes , and a Love to Learning , that Physiological Studies begin to be contracted amongst Physicians and Mechanicks . The Truth is , one must spend a good deal of Time and Pains , of Industry and Attention , before he will be able thoroughly to relish them : And those who do not , rarely know their Worth , and consequently do very seldom pass a right Judgment upon them : For which Reason , when the present Sett of Philosophers are gone off , it is a great Question , whether a new one will succeed , that may equal them . Their Writings , however , will be preserved , and as our Age has raised a nobler Monument to the Memory of Archimedes and Diophantus , of Hippocrates and Aristotle , of Herophilus and Galen , by improving of their Inventions , than had been raised for a Thousand Years before ; so some future Age , though , perhaps , not the next , and in a Country , now possibly little thought of , may do that which our great Men would be glad to see done ; that is to say , they may raise real Knowledge , upon the Foundations laid in this our Age , to the utmost possible Perfection , to which it can be brought by mortal Men in this imperfect State. But this is what one would gladly hope should be reserved for his own Posterity , and his own Country ; how it may be reserved is obvious : It must be by joining Ancient and Modern Learning together , and by studying each as Originals , in those things wherein they severally do most excel ; by that means few Mistakes will be committed , the World will soon see what remains unfinish'd , and Men will furnish themselves with fitting Methods to compleat it : And by doing Justice to every Side , they will have Reason to expect , that those that come after them will do the same Justice to them , whenever they shall think fit to submit their Productions to publick Censure . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67135-e2140 a Pag. 5. 55 , 56. Notes for div A67135-e2670 b Essay 3. upon Heroick Vertue , Sect. 2 , 3. c Essay 3. pag. 248. He means Sergius , a Monk ; turning the Name of a Man into the Denomination of an Order . Sergius is said to have been a Nestorian . Notes for div A67135-e3200 c Cum res Romanas inchoasset , offensus materiâ & nominum asperitate , ad Bucolica transiit . Donatus in Vitâ Virgilii , d Pag. 57 Notes for div A67135-e4990 e Pag. 5. e The Author of Astraea . f The Author of Cleopatra . Notes for div A67135-e6060 g Pag. 44. Notes for div A67135-e6800 Pag. 88. Pag. 95. Pag. 97 , 99 a Bandeaux de la voute du Temple . Pag. 111. Pag. 113. Pag. 114. Pag. 115. Pag. 117. Pag. 118. Pag. 119 ▪ 120. Pag. 121. Pag. 125. Pag. 129. Pag. 121. Pag. 129. Pag. 130. Pag. 132. Pag. 133. Pag. 134. Pag. 143. Pag. 135. Pag. 136. Pag. 139. Pag. 141. Pag. 142. Pag. 150. Pag. 146. Pag. 147. Pag. 159. Pag. 160. Pag. 161. h Pag. 52. Notes for div A67135-e8250 i Pag. 5. Pag. 6 — 10. l Pag. 8. m Pag. 6 n Ibid. o Pag. 11 , 12. p Pag. 13 , 14 , 15. q Pag. 16 , 17. r Pag. 22 , 23. s Pag. 21. Notes for div A67135-e9650 t Two very considerable Writers of Pythagoras 's Life . u Pag. 15. w Vita Pythag. §. 4. x Ibid. §. 10. y Pag. 53. z System . Cosmic . a pag. 28. b Vitâ Empedoclis , §. 60. c Vit. Democriti , §. 42. d Pag. 46. Notes for div A67135-e11050 e In Hermete Aegyptio . f In Canone Chronico . Notes for div A67135-e12950 h De Hermeticâ Aegyptiorum vetere & Paracelsicorum novâ Medicinâ . i De Ortu & Progressu Chemiae ; as also Hermetis Aegyptiorum & Chemicorum sapientia ab Herm. Con●ingii Animadversionibus vindicata . k Pag. 46. l Annal. Lib. XVI . m Nat. Hist. Lib. XXXIII . cap. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. n Herm. Aegypt . o Lib. de Lapidibus . p Enarratio Methodica trium Gebri Medicinarum , p. 18. q Vide Borrichium de Ortu & Progressu Chemiae , & Morhofii Epistolam de transmutatione Metallorum ad Joelem Langelottum . r Noct. Attic. Lib. X. cap. 10. s Saturnal . l. 7. cap. 13. t Herm. Aegypt . Praefat. u Acts VII . 22. w Herodotus Columella , Lib. X. x Conringius in Medicinâ Hermeticâ . Notes for div A67135-e15950 y Vide Morhofii Epist. ad Langelottum . Notes for div A67135-e17440 z Hist. Sinic . Praefat . a pag. 178. b pag. 179 , 180. c Specimen Medicinae Sinicae . Francof . 1682. Quarto . d Ibid. Pag. 85 , 86 , 87. e Risum forte plus movebit Europaeo , quam plausum . ibid. pag. 87. f Haudquaquam suscipiam principia ista principiis nostratibus probanda . ibid. pag. 2. g ibid. pag. 3 , 4. Notes for div A67135-e18300 h Vide A. Gellii Noct. Attic . lib. 1. cap. 2. Notes for div A67135-e18840 i Philos. p. 74 , 75. k History of Algebra , pag. 285. l The Parabola . Notes for div A67135-e20270 m Pag. 6. n Dioptric . Pag. 256 , 257 , 258. o Borelius de vero Inventore Telescopii , pag. 30. p Ibid. Pag. 35. q Ibid. Pag. 30. r Dioptric . s De scientiis Mathemat . p. 70. t Vide Galilaei Nuntium sidereum primò ni fallor , impressum , A. D. MDCVIII . u Plus Ultra reduced to a Non-plus . Pag. 28 , 36. w Vide Philosoph . Transact . n. 177. x Selenograph . y Almagest . z Borellus , ubi supra , P. 35. a Borellus de motu Animalium Part. II. Prop. clxxv . b See his Thermometrical Thoughts , prefixed to his History of Cold. c Philos. Transact . Num. 9 , 10 , 11-55 . d Num. 62 , 63 , 122. Vide Catalogue of Mr. Boyle 's Works , at the End of the First Part of the Medicinal Experiments , Printed 1692. in Twelves . e Experiments of the Academy del Cimento , p. 12. Edit . Eng. f See Dr. Edw. Bernard 's Letter to Dr. Huntingdon , about the Latitude of Twenty Fixed Stars , from Arabian Observat . Phil. Trans . Notes for div A67135-e22000 g Gen. 4. 22. h Psal. 12. 6. ii Borrichius de Ortu & Prog. Chem. Morhofius ad Langelottum . k Prov. 25. 20. l Boyle 's Producibleness of Chymicall Principles , P. 30 , 31. m Omnia ei innatant praeter aurum ; id unum ad se trahit . N. H. lib. xxxiii . cap. 6. n Nec pondere aus facilitate materiae praelatum est caeteris metallis , cum cedat per utrumque plumbo . N. H. lib. xxxiii . cap. 3. o Sceptical Chymist , and Product . of Chymical Principles . p See Mr Boyle 's Usefulness of Experimental Philosophy . Notes for div A67135-e22910 q Corn. Celsus in Praefatione . r Anat. Administrat . passim . s De usu Partium , lib. V. cap. 2. t Essay of Modern Improvements of useful Knowledge . u Inventa Nov. Antiqua . w De Glandulis pag. 418. §. 7. Edit . Vander Linden . x De usu Partium , lib. VIII . cap. 6. y Malpighius Epist. de Cerebro ad Fracassatum , p. 2. z Anat. Cerebri . a De V. P. l. 8. c. 4. b De Cerebri Cortice . c De Cerebro , pag. 4. d Galen de V. P. l. 8. c. 2. e Theory of Vision . Grew's Transact . numb . 6 , and Philos. Transact . numb . 147. f De usu Partium , lib. VIII . cap. 6. g De Ductibus novis Aquosis h Galen de V. P. lib. X. c. 11. i Observat . Anatomicae de Oris Oculorum & Narium Vasis . k Ophthalmographia . l Traité del ' Organes de l' Ouye. Paris , 1683. m Essays de Physique , Part II. n Vide Malpighium de Linguâ . o Adenograph . cap. 21. p Observat . Anatde Oris Vasis . q Nuck Sialograp . r Ibid. Notes for div A67135-e24430 s Epist. de Pulmonibus . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Morbis , lib. 1. §. 30. Edit . Vand. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , De Corde , §. 5. w 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . De Venis , §. 17. x De Corde , §. 4. y Ibid. §. 7 , 8. z Ib. §. 6. a Arteriae quidem purum sanguinem & spiritum à corde recipiunt ; Venae autem & ipsae à corde sanguinem sumunt , per quas corpori distribuitur ; De Structura Hominis , §. 2. b De Corde , §. 10. c Vitalis Spiritus in sinistro cordis ventriculo suam Originem habet , juvantibus maximè pulmonibus adipsius generationem . Est spiritus tenuis , caloris vi elaboratus , flavo colore , igneâ potentiâ , ut sit quasi ex puriore sanguine lucidus , vapor : generatur ex facta in pulmone mixtione inspirati aëris cum elaborato subtili sanguine , quem dexter ventriculus sinistro communicat . Fit autem communicatio haec non per parietem cordis medium ut vulgo creditur , sed magno artificio à dextro cordis ventriculo , longo per pulmones ductu , agitatur sanguis subtilis ; à pulmonibus praeparatur ; flavus ejicitur , & à venâ arteriosâ in arteriam venosam transfunditur ; deinde in ipsâ arteriâ venosâ inspirato aëri miscetur & exspiratione à fuligine repurgatur ; atque ita tandem à sinistro cordis ventriculo totum mixtum per diastolen attrahitur , apta supellex ut fiat spiritus vitalis . Servet . Christian. Restit . d Duae insunt cordi cavitates , h. e. ventriculi duo ; ex his alter à dextris est : à sinistris alter ; dexter sinistro multò est major ; in dextro sanguis adest naturalis , ac vitalis in sinistro : illud autem observatu perpulchrum est , substantiam cordis dextrum ventriculum ambientem tenuem satis esse , sinistram vero crassam ; & hoc tum aequilibrii causâ factum est , tum ne sanguis vitalis , qui tenuissimus est , extra resudaret . Inter hos ventriculos septum adest , per quod fere omnes existimant sanguini à dextro ad sinistrum aditum patefieri ; id ut fiat facilius , in transitu ob vitalium spirituum generationem tenuem reddi : sed longâ errant viâ : nam sanguis per arteriosam venam ad pulmonem fertur , ibique attenuatur ; deinde cum aëre unà per arteriam venalem ad sinistrum cordis ventriculum defertur ; quod nemo hactenus aut animadvertit , aut scriptum reliquit . Reald. Columb . Anat. lib. vii . p. 325. Edit . Lut. e Idcirco quando dilatatur , sanguinem à cavâ venâ in dextrum ventriculum suscipit , nec non ab arteriâ venosâ sanguinem paratum ut diximus unà cum aëre in sinistrum : propterea membranae illae demittuntur & ingressui cedunt : nam cum cor coarctatur , hae clauduntur ; ne quod susciperetur per easdem vias retrocedat ; eodémque tempore membranae tum magnae arteriae , tum venae arteriosae recluduntur , aditúmque praebent spirituoso sanguini exeunti , qui per universum corpus funditur , sanguinique naturali ad pulmones delato . Res itaque semper habet , cum dilatatur , quas prius memoravimus , recluduntur , clauduntur reliquae ; itáque comperies sanguinem qui in dextrum ventriculum ingressus est , non posse in cavam venam retrocedere . Ibid. pag. 330. Vide quoque lib. xi . pag. 411. f Letter 65. 66. g Philos. Transact . numb . 177. h 44 , 45. Notes for div A67135-e26290 i De Corde , §. 4. k De Motu Animalium , Part II. cap. 5. l Pharmaceut . Rational . m Philos. Trans . numb . 125. n De Usu Partium , lib. 4. cap. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. o De U. P. lib. 4. c. 19. p Galen de U. P. lib. 4. cap. 13. q De U. P. lib. 5. cap. 2. r De Liene . s De Renibus . t Observat . Anatom . u Epist. de Glandul . Conglobat . w Adenograph . x Osteolog . Notes for div A67135-e27920 y De Coelo , l. 4. c. 4. z Num. 179 , & 181. a Their Opinions are collected by Gassendi , in his Animadversions upon Laërtius's Life of Epicurus , p. 362 , 363. b Pag. 48. c This they have collected from a Passage in Plautus , Merc. Act. 5. Sc. 2. Huc Secundus Ventus nunc est , cape modo vorsoriam ; where by vorsoria they understand the Compass , because the Needle always points towards the North : Whereas vorsoria is nothing but that Rope with which the Mariners turned their Sails . d Pag. 49. e Vide Gassendi's Animadversions upon Laërtius's Epicurus , pag. 672. f Commonly called the Peutingerian Tables . g To him this Discovery is attributed by Salmuth upon Pancirollus ; others call him John Goia of Amalphi ; but Gassendi , Animad . Pag. 364. says , it was found out by a French - man , about the Year MCC . since it is mentioned by one Guyotus Provineus , a French Poet of that Time , who calls the Compass Marineta ; to which Gassendi also adds , That it was most probably a French Invention , because the North-Point is by all Nations marked in their Compasses by a Flower-de-Luce , the Arms of France . h Magnesia Nigra , used by Eyrenaeus Philalethes , and ridiculed by Surly in Ben Johnson 's Alchemist . Notes for div A67135-e29400 i N. H. l. 12. cap. 13. and l. 27. throughout . k The 12 th . Book is chiefly of Treeswhich bear odoriferous Gums , and so on of all the rest . l N. H. l. 25. cap. 6 , 7. & alibi passim . m Epist. Medicinal . p. 113. a. n Pag. 49. o Mentzel . Index Plantar . Multiling . in Praefatione . Notes for div A67135-e30770 p N. H. 1. 11. c. 9. q Experimenta circa Generationem Insectorum . r De Insectis , Edit . Lister . s Metam . l. 15. t Hist. General . Insect . u Borellus de Motu Animalium Part. II. Prop. 219. Fabulosa narratio passim circumsertur de Hystrice , quae cutem tendendo , spinas illas praelongas quibus dorsum éjus tegitur , longiùs ejaculatur . De hoc Animali enarrabo ea , quae propriis oculis vidi . Hystrix non ejaculatur spinas suas praelongas , sed tantummodo eas arrectas retinendo tremulâ concussione agitat & vibrat . Hoc quidem efficitur à pelle musculosà , & à musculis semilunaribus , quibus interna cutis stipata est , qui radices spinarum erigunt & concutiunt . Vide quouque Raii Synopsin Animal . Quadruped . Pag. 209. Notes for div A67135-e31620 w p. 57. Notes for div A67135-e32680 x Pag. 45. y Silvestres homines , saeer interprésque Deorum , Caedibus & victu foedo deterruit Orpheus : Dictus ob hoc lenire Tigres rabidósque Leones . Dictus & Amphion , Thebanae conditor arcis , Saxa movere sono Testudinis , & prece blandâ , Ducere quo vellet . Art. Poet. z Pag. 45. Notes for div A67135-e33900 a Pag. 44. b Pag. 46. c De U. P. lib. X. cap. 12 , 13 , 14. Notes for div A67135-e34700 d Barbara Pyramidum sileat miracula Memphis . Martial . e Vide Petri Cunaei Animadversiones in Nonni Dionysiaca . Notes for div A67135-e35910 f Sir William Temple questions , p. 38. whether we have any Thing more Ancient than the Augustan Age of the Old Hebrew and Chaldaean Languages , that is Genuine . It may be said , that he designed to except the Old Testament ; which I believe he did : However , there being no Restriction in his Words , he himself must own that it is loosly expressed . g See Mr. Dodwell 's Two First Dissertations upon S. Irenaeus . h Parallele des Anciens & des Modernes , Dialog . III. Pag. 251 — 257. i Annexed to the last Editions of Des Cartes 's Geometry . k Pag. 30. Notes for div A67135-e37350 l Pag. 64 , 65. m Pag. 67-71 . n Pag. 68. o Pag. 57. p Pag. 71. 
A09500	----	Varieties: or, A surveigh of rare and excellent matters necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principall heads of diverse sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of naturall things unfoulded, &c. Digested into five bookes, whose severall chapters with their contents are to be seene in the table after the epistle dedicatory. By David Person, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman. Person, David. 1635 Approx. 632 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 222 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09500 STC 19781 ESTC S114573 99849798 99849798 14966 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09500) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14966) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 516:8) Varieties: or, A surveigh of rare and excellent matters necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principall heads of diverse sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of naturall things unfoulded, &c. Digested into five bookes, whose severall chapters with their contents are to be seene in the table after the epistle dedicatory. By David Person, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman. Person, David. [50], 47, [5], 49-93, [7], 97-123, [2], 126-178, [4], 181-190, [4], 177-208, 217-256, [4], 105, [1] p. 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Combat -- Early works to 1800. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VARIETIES : OR , A SVRVEIGH OF RARE AND EXCELlent matters , necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons . Wherein the principall Heads of diverse Sciences are illustrated , rare secrets of Naturall things unfoulded , &c. Digested into five Bookes , whose severall Chapters with their Contents are to be seene in the Table after the Epistle Dedicatory . By DAVID PERSON , of Loghlands in Scotland , Gentleman . Et quae non prosunt singula , juncta juvant . LONDON , Printed by Richard Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard , at the signe of the green - Dragon . 1635. To THE MOST NOBLE AND ILLVSTRIOVS , IAMES , DUKE OF LENNOX , EARLE Darnley and Marche , Baron of Setrington , Treboulton and Methuen , LORD Great Chamberlane and Admirall of Scotland ; Gentleman of his MAIESTIES Bedchamber ; Knight of the most Noble order of the GARTER , and one of the most Honourable Privy COUNCELL , in both KINGDOMES . WHo sacrificed unto their Gods of old ( most Noble and illustrious Prince ) were accustomed to appropriate the matter of their offerings , as neere as they could , to the nature and better acceptance of the Deity to whom they immolated ; as to Mars a Horse , to Phoebus a Cocke , to Venus a paire of Doves , to Vulcan fire , and the like ; in this Dedication I doe not much deviate from that ceremony , for as your Gr. knowledge is generally observed to bee multifarious , and as the many successive most famous Vertues of your illustrious Predecessors doe most conspicuously survive in you , so no where more duely could this volume of Varieties be sacrificed then to your Gr. Larger merits , which have learned Spaine and other Countreys to speake you every way most generous and Noble ; and which favourably shined upon by our most glorious Sun , makes all conclude you to prove in your maturer yeares both delightfull and profitable to King and Countrey . What my continued night-watches , studies , travells , and expences have beene in these recollections , I will think worthily bestowed if they be graciously accepted ; and if they be thought worthy of your Graces Patronage , I have my wish : Meane gifts have beene favourably receaved by most worthy men ; the PERSIAN KINGS disdaine not their Peasants cups of water ; not Donum but Dantis animus is most acceptable ; and with what integrity of affection I offer this , shall appeare in what more worthy labour shall come from me hereafter ; which already is devoted to your G. most worthy Patronage ; as are my perpetual Orations to God for increase of all happinesse to be heaped on you ; which shall be still seconded with the most reall and best services that are in the possibility of Your G. most humble and most zealous devoted servant . D. PERSON . In PERSONI Polyanthea . SVbtiles , varias , jucundas res , simul uno Congestas Libro , perlege lector , habes . Hîc Coelum , hîc superos Manes , ac Tartara cernes , Totus & ingentes quas capit Orbis opes . Eximium miraris opus , longè tamen infra Authoris vastum subsidet ingenium . Da. Episc. Edinburgensis . Ad LECTOREM . SI variis gaudes , miranda , recondita quaeris ; Si peregrina cupis , splendida , rara , bona ; Si leges , artes , & quae Coelestia spectant ; Si manes , mores , Physica , mentis opes ; Hoc opus eximium , ex cunctis praestantia pandet : Perlege , vix aliud talia , tanta dabit . Liv●r summa petens carpat ; sed carpitur ipse Irradiante libri lumine , ne invideat . Io. Episco . Cathanesius . In praeclara Davidis Personi gymnasmata . FInibus hic arctis ingens constringitur orbis , Et stupet humanae Iuppiter artis opus . Hunc olim fragili conclusit Graecia vitro , Nunc brevis immenso cum Iove charta capit . Vitreus interijt , durabit charteus orbis , Ingenij donec cultor & artis erit . A. Ionstonus , Medicus Regius . In Davidis Personi Lochlandij opera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu de multifaria rerum varietate . QVàm variae rerum facies , quàm gramine campi Depicti vario , varij quàm floribus horti , Quàm varium stellis Coelum , quàm piscibus aequor , Et picturatis volucrum sunt agmina pennis : Tam varia & libri sunt argumenta perennis , Quae Persone tibi famam peperêre perennem . Io. Adamsonus Academiae Edinburgensis Rector Primarius . Of Persons Varieties . THe Lawyer here may learne Divinity , The Divine , Lawes , or faire Astrology ; The Dammaret respectively to fight , The Duellist to court a Mistresse right ; Such who their name take from the Rosie-Crosse May here by Time , learne to repaire their losse : All learne may somewhat , if they be not fooles Arts quicklier here are lesson'd , than in Schooles . Distich , of the same . This Booke a World is ; here if errours be , The like ( nay worse ) in the great world we see . William Drummond , Of Hathorn-den . In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Iuventutem Nobilem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . QVos plebi exemit splendor virtutis avitae , Et ditant veteri praedia structa manu ; Dianae queis cura sequi , queis Castra diones ; Quasque voluptates lusus inanis habet , Discite , Personus , quantum majora secutus , Prima dedit Castris tempora Phoebe tuis . Aemulus aethereos imitari deinde labores , Deseruit charum patria quic quid habet . Quique Isim , Rhodanumque citum , Rhenumque Padumque , Qui Lirim , & Tiberim , Dordoniumque bibunt , Tam varios hominum mores scrutatus & urbes , Sedulo Palladias accumulavit opes : Has quoque nunc ultrò promit , queis pectora vobis Sit fas eximijs excoluisse bonis : Quaeque sibi multo constabant ante labore , Dat vobis tenui mole paranda libri . Nubila quicquid habent , quicquid versatilis aether Eximium , aut vasto terra , vel unda sinu , Daedala naturae secreta , Artisque stupenda Quas sophia , aut partes clara mathesis habet , Accipite , & grata pensetis mente labores , Discite & hinc studium Nobile velle sequi . Tho. Crafordius . Generoso & omnigenâ cum ingenij tum morum Nobilitate illustri Davidi Persono à Lochlands . AStraeus poterat vates post somnia lauri Gustatae , lauri demeruisse decus . Maeonios postquam manes pater Ennius hausit , Romani eloquij coeperat esse pater . Pro monstro exemplum est ; quando dij cuncta labore Vendunt , & duris gratia rebus inest ; Tu varios hominum mores , urbesque secutus , Evario florum germine mella refers . Priscaque componens his tempora , cuncta perennas , Cascaque temporibus das rediviva novis . Ast ne ali●s tanti constent , compendia praestas ; Et macrocosmum terra Britanna legit . Ro. Fairlaeus . In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . NVnc tibi , nunc quantum debebit doctior orbis , Cui tuus unus erit Bibliotheca liber ? Gualt . B●llendinus . A TABLE OF THE WHOLE BOOKE : Wherein their severall Chapters , with their Sections , and whole Contents are orderly pointed forth . The Table of the first Booke , Wherein the matter and nature of the Heaven , Sunne , Moone , Starres , Ayre , Sea , and Earth is comprehended . Sect. 1. OF the matter whereof the Heavens are composed , with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it . Pag. 4 Sect. 2. Of the Starres , their substance and splendor , where also of the Sunnes place in the Firmament . 8 Sect. 3. Of the Moone , her light , substance , and power over all sublunary bodies . 10 Sect. 4. Of the Element of Fire , whether it be an Element or not , and of its place . 12 Sect. 5. A briefe Discourse of Meteors ; of their causes , matter , and differences . Sect. 6. That the Earth and Waters make but one Globe , which must bee the Center of the World. Of the Seas saltnesse , deepnesse flux , and reflux ; why the Mediterrancan and Indian Seas have none : Of Magellanes strait ; what maketh so violent tyde there , seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth . Of the Southerne Sea , or Mare del Zur . 18 Sect. 7. That the mountaines and valleyes dispersed over the earth , hindreth not the compleatnesse of its roundnes : Of burning mountaines and caves within the Earth . 25 Sect. 8. Of time , whether it be the producer or consumer of things : Of the wisedome and sagacity of some Horses and Dogges : How the Adamant is mollified of the Needle in the Sea Compas ; and the reason of its turning alwayes to the North. 28 Sect. 9. Of Fishes , if they may be said to breathe , seeing they lack pulmons : Of flying fishes , if such things may be , &c. which are the reasons of their possibility , are deduced , exemplified . 34 Sect. 10. Of fishes , and their generation : How fowles are generated in the waters . If gold can be made potable ; and of the matter of precious stones . 40 Sect. 11. Of the Earth , its circumference , thicknesse , and distance from the Sunne . 43 A TABLE OF THE SECOND BOOKE . OF METEORS . Chapt. 1. THe definition of Meteors , their matter , substance , place , and cause . 46 Chap. 2. Where Meteors are composed of Clouds , where they are fashioned , together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region . 52 Chapt. 3. Of falling Starres , Fleakes in the ayre , and other such ●●ery Meteors . 55 Chapt. 4. Of Comets , their matter , forme , nature , and what way they portend evill to come . 61 Chap. ● . Of R●ine , Dew , H●are-frost , and their cause . 69 Chap. 6. Of Snow , its cause , matter , and nature . 73 Chap. 7. Of Windes , their true cause , matter , and nature , &c. 75 Chap. 8. Of Earth-quakes , their cause and nature . 79 Chap. 9. Of Thunder , Lightning , Ha●le , and certaine other secrets of Nature , with their solution . 82 Chap. 10. Of Rivers , Fountaines and Springs , their sources and causes . 88 A TABLE OF THE Third Booke . OF ARMIES AND BATTELS . Sect. 1. THat greatest Armies have not alwayes carried away the victory ; the reason of it ; two examples of Semiramis , and Xerxes . 97 Sect. 2. Examples of Greeke , Roman , and Brittish Battels , where the fewer number have overcome the greater . 100 Sect. 3. Whether it bee requisite , that Princes hazard their Persons in field , or not ; of the encouragement that their presence giveth to the Souldiers : When a King should venture to the field ; and what Lievtenants are to be deputed by him ; all exemplified . 102 Sect. 4. Of the Romans prudencie and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies ; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their Embassies : and of the danger of too strict Commissions . 105 Sect. 5. Difference betweene Battels and Duels : that Generals may refuse challenges : with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres . 108 Sect. 6. That the exploits of our moderne Warriours have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient ; with some examples to that effect . 111 Sect. 7. The different betwixt the ancient manner of warfare , and the moderne : how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceede those of the ancient Greekes and Romans . 113 Sect. 8. That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportunities to try their prowesse in battell , than the modernes have . 115 Sect. 9. The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battels , both by sea and by land ; the battels of Cannas and Trasimenes described . 116 Sect. 10. A Maxime in Militarie discipline , inferred , to confirme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . 119 Sect. 11. That the French , what within their owne Countrey and abroad , have fought more battels of late times , than any other Nation ; and of their successe in them . 120 Sect. 12. That Emulation amongst the Princes in France , rather than Religion , was the cause of the many Civill-warres there . 122 A TREATISE OF DVELS and COMBATS : Sect. 1. OF Combats by Champions for cleering of Queenes honours : Combats betwixt Ladies ; betwixt Church-men ; and betwixt Iudges : Combatants , rewarded by Kings their spectators ; and S. Almachius kill'd for declaiming against Duels , &c. Sect. 2. A recitall of two memorable duels , the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky , and Don Philippin ; the other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello , and Ieronimo Anca , both of Arragon , in the presence of Charles the fifth . 129 Sect. 3. How Combats may be thought permissible : the relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray , in the presence of King Henry the second of France ; citations of the Canon Law against Combats : Examples of a Combate where the innocent was killed : that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duels were permitted , ought to be left to God. 133 Sect. 4. Severall objections for the tolleration of Duels and Combats confuted ; Cajetans opinion of Duels , wherein also the lawfulnesse of Battels is allowed . 136 Sect. 5. Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Monomachie : where also is inserted the story of the Horatii and Curiatii . 139 Sect. 6. That Kings and Generals of Armies , for saving of the greater bloud-shed of their Souldiers , have fought single for victories : Examples of both ; A quarrell and challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth , and Francis the first , King of France : how it tooke no effect . 141 Sect. 7. A discourse of a combate , where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians ; wherein the French were overcome , and some observations thereupon . 144 Sect. 8. A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High-lands of Scotland , ( betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity ) for the totall extirpation of the one of them ; fought before Ki●g Robert the second , at Perth in Scotland . 147 Sect. 9. A combate appointed by two French Barons , the one of Gasconie , the other of Poictou , which was taken up of their own accord in the field : the end of this Title . 149 A TREATISE OF DEATH : And of divers Orders and Ceremonies of Burials . Sect. 1. The remembrance of death requisite in all men : Ceremonies for the remembrance of it ; some documents against the feare of it : what death Iulius Caesar wished : of Autocides : of selfe-murtherers , &c. 153 Sect. 2. That Christians ought not to feare death , as the Ethnicks did . All things , save man , keepe their constant course . The uncertainty of mans life . 156 Sect. 3. In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients : Of Alexander : of Sylla : How the people of Vraba did use their dead : Customes of Finland , Lapland , Greece , and other places , concerning Burialls . 158 Sect. 4. Other severall Customes of interring the dead amongst Egyptians , Romans , and Indians ; that the manner of Christians interrements are preferrable to all other . 162 Sect. 5. That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies , as by their Bels , Cymbals , Torches , Processions of order , and the rest : silent obsequies condemned : A story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after death ; and the cause thereof . 164 A TREATISE OF Mentall reservation . Sect. 1. THe Decree of the Councell of Constance , That no faith is to be kept with Hereticks and enemies , is agitated : the commendation of peace : that a necessary and just warre is to be preferred to it : a story of Augustus Caesar. 167 Sect. 2. Montall reservation defined . All fraudulencie in making peace or taking truce , condemned ; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians , Romans , and others . 170 Sect. 3. The integrity of the Ancients commended in making peace , and their other pactions . A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose . Graeca fides , what , and wherefore used : Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander , and his Nephew Caesar Borgia , &c. 172 Sect. 4. The difference betwixt the ancient and the moderne Romans in uprightnesse of dealing , instanced by a story of Pompey the Great , and Augustus Caesar. 175 Sect. 5. Of the breach of faith to enemies : treacherie at a siege of Capua : treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a siege of Genoa : the strictnesse of Generalls over common Souldiers exemplified , &c. 176 A TREATISE OF Laughing and Mourning . Sect. 1. THe benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers . 181 Sect. 2. Of sudden deaths that have happened unto men amidst their feasting and other jolli●ies , exemplified with stories both sacred and prophane . 182 Sect. 3. Stories of severall worthy and brave men , that upon occasions have shed teares : of the sensible griefe of some Horses , Dogges , and Hawkes upon the losse of their Masters . 184 Sect. 4. Risus Sardonicus , what and how to be taken : Of the holy teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme in France . 187 Sect. 5. Of weeping for the dead , how to be moderated . The matter of teares : of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing : moderation in both commended . 188 A TABLE OF THE fourth Booke . Of Curiosities , &c. Sect. 1. THe difference betwixt factions and seditions : a rebellion of the cōmon people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians . Emulation a principall producer of great exploits ; the harme that followeth Curiositie , and that Church-men are not exempt from it . 177 Sect. 2. How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church ; a recitall of some impertinent curiosities in Religion ; with some also of Subtilis Scotus , and Thomas Aquinas , &c. 179 Sect. 3. A continuation of some other Theologicall and Metaphysicall subtilities and curiosities . 181 Sect. 4. Of Curiosities in Logick ; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature : to what Heaven the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapt : what place is said to be Abrahams Bosome . 182 Sect. 5. The curiositie of the Millenarii ; with many other curiosities more frivolous than necessary . 184 Sect. 6. That the Planets and other celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and women , that Astrologers ascribe unto them : that the starres are innumerable : Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea : where the center of the earth is ; its circumference . Of Aetna , Hecla , Saint Patricks hole , and the like . 186 Sect. 7. To search out the secrets of Nature allow able , if men be not too curious in them ; Eudoxus wish ; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius : Aristotle drowned in Euripus : Too much curiosity is a plague sent down from heaven on men ; the Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of God ; how the heathenish Gods were pourtrayed . 190 Sect. 8. Too great curiosities condemned ; and a moderation to be used in them prescribed . 193 Sect. 9. How God disppointeth the expectations of the most curious ; and that the most subtill spirits runne into greater errours than the meaner doe . 194 Sect. 10. An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature : Of the Needle in the Sea compasse : Of the inundations of the River of Nilus , and from whence it hath its source and beginning : Of the severall dispositions of men : Why continuall burning Hils and Mount●ines doe not diminish , &c. 190 Sect. 11. Of Christopher Columbus his practicall curiosity in his discovery of the new World , or America . 199 Sect. 12. The conclusion of this Treatise of Curiosity , conteining a singular curiosity of Livia , Tiberius Caesars wife . 203 Of divine Philosophy , and Mans Felicity . Sect. 1. THe Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the Vnderstanding and Will of Man Aristotles definition of happinesse : The distinction in Vnderstanding and Will ; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicity . 205 Sect. 2. That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our Will , is confuted : Aristotles opinion hereupon . A theologicall solution on it , seconded with a Philosophicall ; and an agreement of both to solve the difference . 207 Sect. 3. Which of the three faculties of the soule , Vnderstanding , Memorie , and Will , is the most excellent . 218 Sect. 4. Liberty and compulsion defined ; that the will is prompted by the understanding , and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence : At what the will and understanding chiefly ayme , proved to bee the glory of God. 219 Sect. 5. That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity ; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences ; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted ; which is philosophically agitated . 221 Sect. 6. That wealth and honour cannot be esteemed to bee our supreame good or felicity , and the reason therefore ; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions : Opinions of severall Sects of Philosophers concerning felicity , instanced to that effect . 223 Sect. 7. The later Philosophers have aymed neerer the definition of true felicity , than the more ancient ; and their opinions specified : the finall and true scope of mans felicity , is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men , for endevouring to attaine unto it . The Consonancie and Agreement of the ancient Philosophers , with our Christian Professours . Sect. 1. THe difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician , compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and Divine . Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian : The multiplicity of Heathenish gods : that Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity . 229 Sect. 2. Of Gods creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order ; Plato's reasons that the world hath a life . Aristotles opinion of God ; he is praised , and at his dying , preferred before many doubtfull Christians . 231 Sect. 3. Plato's opinion concerning the creation of the world ; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes : Opinions of Plato , Aristotle , and other Philosophers , confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things . 234 Sect. 4. Opinions of Plato , Aristotle and some Hebrewes , concerning the worlds eternity : the consonancie of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the worlds creation . 236 Sect. 5. Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures ( as we Christians doe unto God ; with a recapitulation of severall consonancies betwixt us and them . 238 Sect. 6. Severall other opinions wherein the ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians , confirmed by the testimonies of their Poets . 240 Sect. 7. Of good and bad spirits ; and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good spirits . 242 Sect. 8. How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits ; and in what orders they were divided of old . 243 OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES . Sect. 1. THat nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest ; exemplified in the death of Perseus King of Macedon : The primary and secondary causes of sleepe : that a sound co●science is a great motive to sound sleepe , proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes . 245 Sect. 2. Examples of Kings and great Commanders , that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploit or encounter , have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe ; and the reasons thereof agitated . 248 Sect. 3. Alexander the great his sound sleeping , when he should have encountred Darius in battell , here excused . Cato's sleeping before his death , whereupon is inferred a discourse against selfe-murther . 249 Sect. 4. Of Dreames both Naturall , Accidentall , Divine , and Diabolicall : Apollodorus dreame ; Abrahams , Iosephs , Pharaohs , Nebuchadnezzars , &c. 251 Sect. 5. The Emperour Severus his dreame of Pertinax ; which he caused to be molded in Brasse : An admirable dreame of the Emperour Henry the fifth ; Cicero's of Octavianus . That beasts dreame , but hard labouring men seldome , and the reason thereof , &c. 254 A Table of the fifth Booke , Wherein the READER must conceive , that the Page begins anew , and doth not follow the former computation . OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN . Sect. 1. Treating briefly of Numbers in generall . 1 Sect. 2. Conteining variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of Three , as of Heaven , and Hell , and of Poeticall fictions , and some observations amongst the Romans . 2 Sect. 3. Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations , redacted under the number of three . 5 Sect. 4. Of Politicke Government : Of living Creatures ; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions , as Physicians , Iudges , and Lawyers , &c. with some Physicall observations , all Tripartite . 7 Sect. 5. Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven , as of the age of the World , and mans generation . 9 Sect. 6. How the seven Planets are sayd to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. 11 Sect. 7. The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven , what attributes they gave , with some of Hypocrates observations thereon . 13 Sect. 8. Of the Seven Wonders of the world . 14 Sect. 9. A continuation of observations on the number of seven , taken out of holy Scripture . 15 Sect. 10. Of the seven great Potentates of the world ; of criticall dayes , and climacterick yeeres , with other observations . 16 Sect. 11. Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending . 19 A TREATISE OF Prodigies and Miracles . Sect. 1. The definition of Miracles , with their distinction ; In what time they were requisite , in what not , &c. 21 Sect. 2. Of Prodigies , and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans . 23 Sect. 3. A continuation of prodigies which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre ; with many others that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome . 26 Sect. 4. Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres betwixt Marius and Sylla ; of some in Iulius Caesars time ; as , at his passing the River of Rubicone , the Pharsalian warres , and at his death , &c. 28 Sect. 5. Of Prodigies before the death of Galba , before the destruction of Ierusalem , and at the end of the Valeri●n persecution . 29 Sect. 6. A continuation of other Prodigies , with a conclusion of this Treatise . 31 SALAMANDRA ▪ OR The Philosophers Stone . Sect. 1. THe History of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino . 33 Sect. 2. The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter : the different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians : the definition of the Philosophicall Stone ; the generall way and matter whereof it is made . 35 Sect. 3. The Authors proposition : the reason of its denomination ; opinion of most approved Authors touching it ; and of the possibility and factibility of it . 37 Sect. 4. That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse expensive and laborious than many things we both use and weare ; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others . 39 Sect. 5. A generall relation of the matters and materials requisite to this Worke ; and in what time it may bee perfected . 41 Sect. 6. Of the five degrees whereby the Worke is perfectioned , and first how to bring it to Solution . 43 Sect. 7. How from Solution to make Coagulation . 44 Sect. 8. How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation . 45 Sect. 9. The way to bring the Worke to Fixation . 46 Sect. 10. From all the former , how to perfectionate Multiplication . 47 Sect. 11. A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it , used by some Filii artis , and why it is called Salamandra . 47 OF THE WORLD . Sect. 1. OF the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods ; and upon how ill grounds they were setled , 94 Sect. 2. Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen ; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils ; that they were but mortall men : And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature , beeing , and power of their Gods. 51 Sect. 3. Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of soules rejected ; of the coupling of the soule and body together ; with severall opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soule . 54 Sect. 4. The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Beliefe ; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance , and place of its abode ; how they thought soules after the separation from the body to bee rewarded for good or ill , &c. 56 Sect. 5. Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confuted ; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures . 58 Sect. 6. Severall opinions of severall Philosophers concerning the Worlds Eternity ; their naturall reasons for approving of it ; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquity of the World. 60 Sect. 8. The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the Worlds beginning and matter : the infallible truth of it ; and a checke of Augustines against over-curious inquisitors after those and the like mysteries . 64 Sect. 9. How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes whereby God is knowne ; the parts whereof the world is composed ; the division of the celestiall Spheares , wherein severall varieties may be observed . 65 Sect. 10. The order of the Elements , with some observations of the Ayre and Water . 70 Sect. 11. Of the Earth , that it is the lowest of all the Elements ; its division , first into three , then into foure parts ; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled . 71 Sect. 12. Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world : what Countries and Ilands are contained within Europe , and what within Asia . 73 Sect. 13. With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed , and in what places Christianity is most professed , &c. 75 Sect. 14. America and the New found-lands briefly described ; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning . 77 Sect. 15. Wherein is to bee seene some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end . 79 Sect. 16. Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving , confuted : Archimedes opinion of the world : an Induction to the following Section . 81 Sect. 17. The division of the starrie firmament , in twelve houres ; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country : and the maintainers of these opinions confuted : the divers dispositions of people of severall nations , how attributed to the naturall disposition of the Planets : An observation of Gods Providence . 83 Sect. 18. The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men , Countries ; plots of ground , &c. and that these proceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it . 87 Sect. 19. How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts ; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries ; and to what Countries the faculties of the soule are attributed . 88 A generall Introduction and incitement to the study of the METAPHYSICKS . Sect. 1. OF the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Metaphysick ; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it ; and finally whereof it principally treateth . 91 Sect. 2. The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie ; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences . 93 Sect. 3. Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysick , inducing all men to the study of it ; and setting downe some principall ends and uses thereof . 95 Sect. 4. The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysick ; that onely free and sublime mindes , not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this studie ; and the Reasons wherefore . 96 Sect. 5. For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science , and the most necessary to be understood by Christians . 99 Sect. 6. The first respect , for the universality . 101 Sect. 7. The second Respect , for the dignity . That the consideration of the soule of man belongeth to the Metaphysicks , with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof . 102 Sect. 8. The third Respect , for the Vsefulnesse . Of the great use of Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Divines , in Controversies , and other things : A Conclusion . 104 A Table of the principall Authors perused in the Contexture of this booke . A AMbrosius . Augustinus . Ammianus Marcellinus . Alexander ab Alexandre . Aristoteles . Aristophanes . Apuleius . Albertus Magnus . Aulus Gellius . Albertus Coloniensis . Ausonius . Aetius . Auriliacus Albitegnius . B Bodinus . Buchananus . Boe●ius Hist. Beroaldus . C Chrysostomus . Cardanus . Caietanus Cicero . Cuspinianus . Cornelius Tacitus . Cujacius . Copernicus Clavius . Chopinus . Comineus . Catullus . Conimbricenses . Claudianus . D Pioniseus Areopagita Dion . E Ennius . Elias Vineti . F. Fernelius . Froissard . Fonseca . G. Guicciardin . Galen . Gensales Ovied●s . H Hieronimus . Horacius . Haly Arab. Homerus . Herodotus . Herodianus . Hypocrates . Herpinus . I. Irenaus . Ius Civile & Canon . Iuvenalis . Iustinus Trogus . L. Lactantius . Lucanus . Lu●●ius . M. Montaignes . P. Martyr Verini . P. Martyr De●ad . Mercator . Martialis . P. Mathew Paris . Magirus . Macrobius . N. Natalis Comes . O. Origines . Ortelius . Onuphrius . Ovidius . P. Plato . Plinius . Plutarchus . Polybrus . Plautus . Philo Hebr●●●● , Propertius Ptolomaus . Pierius Hierogli Q. Quintus Curtius . Quintilianus . R. Riplous . Rodiginus . Ruuius . S. Seneca Ph. Strab● . Sophocles . Seneca Trag. Suettonius . Serres . Scaliger . Suarez . Sabellicus . Sacraboskus . T Tertullianus . Tibullus . Titus Linvius . Terentius . V. Valerius Maximus . Vitruvius . Virgilius . Velleius Paterculus . Villamont . Vlpranus . Volatteranus . X. Xeuophon . TO THE READERS OF these Varieties . Courteous Reader , AS best deserving Precedency I beginne at you , whose short Character may be this : One who is accomplished with such endowments as make an excellent man , the meanest whereof would blow up some men with self-conceit , selfe-love , selfe-praise , and an universall disparaging of others abilities ; He hath learned that God distributeth not his gifts to all men , and makes good use of it ; for he derideth , despraiseth , nor condemneth any man , nor his workes nor actions as being conscious that God might have endued him with that mans spirits , to have produced no more admirable thing : He reades many bookes ; though he may serve for a library himselfe , yet his censure of these bookes he measureth by the Authors abilitie , good intention , and the profits it may yeeld to meaner Capacities than his , but so discreetly , that his words favour more of Commendation than reproach : In a word , he is one that escapeth not the Venemous bites of the ignorant Rable , but hath Antidotes against it , Yea hee is one , who when he considers my Travells , studies , expences , and painefull observations , and withall that my tenne yeares travell abroad hath taught me almost to forget my Native Language , and that the importunitie of friends made me put this to the view of the world which I thought ever to suppresse , as being for the most part composed in the Countrey , farre from the conversation of the learned which is the cheefe helpe to the perfectioning of such workes ; he is one I say , that will then give such a Candide censure of me and it , that the most rigide Critick will be strucke dumbe from Calumnie ; But before I leave him , let him give me leave to tell him ingenuously , that to him onely I present this worke , and promise that ere long he shall be gratified with a present farre more worthy of his excellently well qualified goodnesse . As opposite in all the former expressions to the courteous , I addresse my selfe to the carping Reader ; He is not a naked but a ragged pretender to all wit and learning and hath a smattering of many some things : He is so conceited of himselfe that he is not content to discommend some of the parts and members of another mans creature , as not elegant enough or uniformely composed , but will lay most vile and infamous asperations on the whole body of it whilst in his owne conscience he findes his to be but prodigious monsters , if ever he had a sparke of Promethean fire in him to give a short life to any thing : When hee meetes with any ignorant men , then the Peacockes taile of ostentation spreads abroad and they silly creatures admire the Varietie of its colours even to the disparagement of more perfit and more sweetly singing Birds : but presently that falls , and the most ignorant then perceive the harshnesse of his note : He feedes all the world with large promises of some rare worke to proceed from him ere long , and thereby hee so long feedes and drinkes ; till both he and it and his name doe all die : and none to sing his requiem ; Now being loath to resuscitate so peccant a humour , I leave him too without an Epitaph in hope never to heare of his succession or his ghost wandring after this . For the ignorant Reader , hee hath such a qualitie , to make himselfe appeare wittie , that he will commend every thing that he doth not understand and so I am sure of his approbation ; but Land●●iab indocto vituperari est . Wherefore I leave him to admire and wish for better proficiencie . Lastly , to the view of all in generall ; I expose this booke into the world ; upon this confidence that if the most discreet and Iudicious give it but that auspicious approbation , that many worthy and learned gave it before it sufferd the Presse ; for the rest my care is taken ; yet shall I to all ( but in a different manner ) ever be A Well-wisher . D. P. The Authors Friend to the Booke . GOe ventrous booke , thy selfe expose To learned men , and none but those ; For this carping age of ours Snuffes at all but choycest flowers , Cul'd from out the curious knots Of quaint writers garden plots ; These they smell at , these they savor , Yet not free from feare , nor favour : But if thou wert smel'd a right By a nose not stuft with spight , Thou to all that learning love Might'st a fragrant nosegay prove , So content thee , till due time , Blazethy worth throughout this Clime . To the curious Reader . THough in the former leaves you may descry The Sum of all this Book , drawne to your eye , In succinct perspective ; yet if you trace A little farther , and survey each place As it in all dimensions , colours , Art , Is measured out ; O! then it would impart , That true content that every man enjoyes Betwixt things Reall , and fine painted toyes : Most Sciences Epitomized heere Are as the Noone dayes light set down most cleere ; With other rarities , to yeeld delight , If thou but daigne to reade the same aright . How er'e thou think , or speake , my comfort 's this , They 'le speak themselves wel , though thou speak amisse . ERRATA . What Errors have Escapt in this booke , either in the Quotations , Omission of Words transplacing , or the like , let them be imputed to the Transcriber , And shall be mended Godwilling . PErcurri librum hunc , cui inscriptio est Varieties , &c. nihilque in eo contra Catholicam fidem , aut bonos more 's inveni . THOMAS WEEKES R. P. D. Epo. Lond. à Sacris . The first Booke of Varieties . CONTAINING , A DISCOVRSE AND DISCOVERIE OF some of the Rarest and most Profitable secrets of naturall things , whether in Heaven , Aire , Sea , or Earth . As of The Heavens , Sunne , Moone , and Starres , their Matter , Nature , and Effects , &c. The Ayres Regions , and their effects , &c. The Seas saltnesse , deepenesse , and motion . The Earths circumference , and distance from the Heavens : by way of Question and Answer . The Preface to the following questions ; wherein is set downe the Praise , Effects , Vses , Ends and Parts of Philosophy . SEEING Philosophy ( which is the love of Wisdome , and of the knowledge of divine and humane things ) by auncient Philosophers and Wise men in their severall ages , was accounted not an invention of mortall men , but a precious Iewell , and an inestimable propine , sent downe from the Gods above ; Thereby , in a manner , to make men partakers of their divine knowledge : which made the Poets feigne Minerva ( the patronesse and president of wisdome ) to have issued from Iupiter's braine , and the Muses ( nurses of learning ) to be his daughters ) it is no wonder that Plato in his Timaeo , and M. T. Cicero , do so highly extoll the knowledge of it , giving to it the Attributes of the Searcher of vertue , the Expeller , and chaser away of vice , the Directer and guider of our lives , the Builder of Cities , Assembler of men , ( for before that knowledge , they strayed through Wildernesses like bruit Beasts ) the Inventer of Lawes , Orderer of manners , Promover of discipline , Instructer of morall good living , and the meane to attaine a peaceable and quiet death . Finally , seeing by it we arrive at the perfect understanding ( at least , so farre as humane wit can reach ) of all the secrets that Mother Nature containeth within her imbraces , whether in the Heavens , Aire , Seas , Earth , and of all things comprehended within or upon them . What time can we better spend here on Earth , than that which we imploy in the search of her most delightfull instructions ? for thereby every sort of men , whether Moralist or Christian , may have his knowledge bettered ; which made Saint Paul , and before him Aristotle confesse , that by the knowledge of these visible things we might be brought to the knowledg , admiration , and adoration of our great and powerfull GOD , the Maker of Nature ; for the knowledge of naturall things , and of their causes , leadeth us ( as it were ) by the hand to the search of their Author and Maker . This the Poet points at , when he sang , Praesentemque refert quaelibet herba Deum . There is nothing so meane in Nature , which doth not represent unto us the Image and Power of the Maker ; and argue , that none but He could have been their Former . And it is this sort of Knowledge , which properly we call Philosophy , or Physick , which in this Treatise I intend most to handle ; and by which , as by one of the principall parts of Philosophy , the reader may have an insight in the Cabals and secrets of Nature . The Philosophers and Learned sort reserved , in a manner , to themselves the other parts of Philosophy , as not being so absolutely necessary for all to understand , except a very few , and these pregnant wits only : For Logicke , the first and lowest of all , is but as an Instrument necessary for the other parts , wherewith to serve themselves , by subministring grounds and wayes of reasoning , thereby to inforce conclusions of the precedents , which they propounded . Metaphysicks againe , contrary to the Physicks , medleth with things transcendent and supernaturall , wherto every reader is not called , and wherof al alike are not capable ; neither are the Mathematicks befitting every spirit , giving hard essayes even to the most pregnant wits , all not being alike capable of the dimensions and mensurations of bodily substances ; no more than all are for the Military precepts and Architecture , Printing , Navigation , Structure of Machins , and the like ; which are things consisting in Mechanick and Reall doings : neither are all alike able for Musick , Arithmetick , Astronomy , Geometry , &c. whereas all men as fellow-inhabitants of one World , and the workmanship of one Hand , by an inbred propensenes , w th a willing desire are carried to the search of things meerely Naturall : though , as in a Citie , Common-wealth , or Principality all in-dwellers are not alike , neither in honour , dignity , nor charge . If in the discovery of these Mysteries and secrets of Nature , I answer not the vast expectation of the overcurious ; the more modest and discreet Reader will rest satisfied ▪ that I inferre the most approved Reasons of the more Ancient and Moderne Philosophers , and such men as have most Copiously treated of them , thereby to ease thee and all men of the like paines and turmoile , that I have had in the search of these secrets ; which if they bring thee that content & satisfaction that I desire and intended for thee ; I am assured of a favourable applause , and have the reward I expected . Section 1. Of the matter whereof the Heavens are composed with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it . ALthough the world , and all comprehended within its imbraces , is the proper subject of Physicke , and that Physiologie is nothing else but a Discourse of Nature , as the Greek Etymologie sheweth , and so were a fitting discourse for this place ; yet because the questions which concern a Christian to know , against the Philosophicall conceits ; ( Of the Worlds eternity , his pre-existent matter , that it had a beginning , but shall never have an end : if there be more worlds than one ? If the world be a living Creature , in respect of the Heavens perennall and incessant rotation , and the Ayres continuall revolution ; the Seas perpetuall ebbing and flowing ; the Earths bringing forth , o● conceiving fruit alternatively , &c. Because , I say , these questions of the World , together with these , if there was a World before this which is now ? or , if there shall be one after this is consummated ? if there bee any apart by this ? ) are handled in the Chapter of the World in this same Booke ; I passe them for the present , and betake me to the more particular questions more necessary to be knowne , and lesse irreligious to be propounded . And because the Heavens , of all the parts of the World are most conspicuous , as that wheretoever we bend our eyes , being the most glorious Creature of all the Creators workes ; at it I will begin : but as I said , I would alwayes have the Reader to understand that I propound these questions not so absolutely of mine owne braine to solve them , as to give him a view of the variety of opinions ; yea , of the most learned in these high and sublime questions , whereat we may all conjecturally give our opinions , but not definitively , while it please the great Maker to bring us thither , where we may see Him and them more cleerely . Quest. First then , I aske of what matter are the heavens composed ? Answ. Diverse have beene the opinions of Philosophers upon this subject : For Averroes in his first booke of the heavens , and there in Text 7. and tenth , holds it to bee so simple a body that it is free from all materiall substance ; which opinion of his , by this may be refelled , that with Aristotle in the eight booke of his Metaph. chap. 2. and in his first booke De coelo , and Text 92. What ever things falles under the compasse of our senses , these same must bee materially substantiall : But the heavens are such , and therefore they must be materiall . Besides that all movable Essences consist of matter and forme , as Aristotle in his second booke of Physicke chap. 1. holdeth . But so it is that the heavens are movable , therfore they cannot be free of matter . Quest. Seeing then it is evinced by argument , and concluding reasons , that the heavens doe consist of matter ; I aske now , what kinde of matter are they compounded of ? Answ. The Philosophick Schooles in this point are different : Some of them maintaining , a like matter to be common with them , and the sublunarie bodies , that is , that they were composed of the foure elements , of which all things here below doe exist . Neither lacked there some Sects that gave forth for truth , that the heavens were of a fierie and burning nature , which opinion Aristotle confuteth by many reasons in his first Book , De coelo chap. 3. establishing his owne , which have beene held for truth not only by his Sectaries the Peripateticks , then ; but ever since have beene approved ; which is , that the matter of the heavens being distinct in nature , from that of the foure elements of which all other sublunarie things are framed , must bee composed of a quintessence ; which opinion of his he thus maintaineth against the Platonists and all others who maintained that it was framed of the most pure and mundified part of the foure elements : for ( saith hee ) All simple motion which we finde in nature , must belong unto some simple body ; But so it is that we finde a circular motion in nature which no wayes appertaineth unto any of the elements , in regard that in direct line , they either fall downeward , as the waters and earth ; or else they ascend upward , as the ayre , and fire : And it is certaine that one simple body , cannot have more proper and naturall motions than one . Wherefore it followeth of necessitie , that seeing none of the elements have this circular motion as is before verified , therefore there must be a distinct simple body from them , to which this motion must appertaine , and that must be the heaven . As for those who enforce identitie of matter in kind , betwixt the heavens and these elementarie things below , and consequently would involve them under corruption , which is peculiar to all other things ; their warrant is of no validitie : for although they take upon them , to demonstrate , by their late Astronomicall observations in the Aetherian region , new prodigies not observed nor remarkable heretofore , which both Ruvius and the Conimbricenses give forth to proceed from a corruption , and defect of the first cause from whence they flow ; They mistake : in so farre as they are rather extraordinary workes of the great maker , threatning mortalls by their frownings , then other wayes Symptomes of the Celestiall P●r●xysmes and corruption . Neither must you understand that I doe so adhere unto the heavens incorruptibility , that I thinke it free from all change , but contrarily rest assured that at the last conflagration , it shall suffer a change and novation , but no dissolution , as the low elementarie world . Quest. You conclude then that the heavens are of a fift substance , not alembecked out of the foure elements , but an element by it selfe , having it 's owne motion severall from the others which is a circular one ? Answ. Yea , truly I doe . Quest. But now seeing all circular motion is such , that it hath some immoveable thing in the middle of it , whereabout it whirleth ever , as we see in a Coach Wheele and the axeltree : What is this immovable thing , whereabout the heavens circular rotation , and perpetuall motion is ? Answ. The Globe of the earth , which ( whatsoever fond conceit Copernicus had concerning the motion of it ) yet remaineth firme and immovable . And the heaven doth rolle still about this earth , and hath still as much below it as we see round about and above it . Sect. 2. Of the Starres , their substance and splendor , where also of the Sunnes place in the firmament . Quest. But I passe from the motion of the heavens , and their matter , which you hold to be a quintessence , and so a thing distinct from the foure elements . Now I crave to understand , what is the matter of these twinckling Starres which we see glancing in the face and front of this heaven ? Answ. Of that same matter whereof the heavens are , because in simple and not composed bodyes their parts doe communicate with that same nature , and matter whereof the whole is ; so that the heaven being a most simple body , and the Starres , her parts or a part of it , no wonder that they communicate both of one essence ; and of this opinion is the Philosopher himselfe in his second booke De coelo . chap. 7. Quest. But if so be ( as you say ) the starres are of a like matter with the body of the heavens ; how then is it that they are a great deale more cleare and glauncing where they appeare , then the rest of the heaven is ? Answ. Because they are the thicker part , and better remassed together , and of a round Spherick forme , and so more susceptible of light . Now round they must be , for besides , that we discerne them so with our eyes ; the Moone , and Sunne , are found to bee round . But so it is , that all Starres are of a like forme and matter , but the lesser and the bigger differ only by the lesser or greater quantity of their matter condensed , or conglobed together . Quest. But whether doe they shine with their own innate or inbred light , or is their splendor borrowed from any other beside ? Answ. Some such light they have of their owne , howbeit but little , whatsoever Scaliger saith to the contrary in his sixtie two exercitation . But indeed , the brightnesse of the Starres light floweth from the Sun , the fountaine of all light , and that this is either lesser or more , according to their diversitie of matter , and their equality and inequality , there is no question : For which cause the Sunne is placed in the midst of all the moveable Starres , as in the midway betwixt the starrie firmament , and the first region of the aire , from thence to communicate his light unto all ; so that those which are nearer unto him above , and to us below , doe seeme brighter than these higher above ; as may be seene in Venus , Mercurie , and Luna . Sect. 3. Of the Moone , her light , substance , and Power over all sublunarie bodyes . Quest. NOw resolve mee , if the Moone hath not more light of her selfe then the rest ? Answ. Yea she hath a glimps of light indeed of her selfe , but that is dimme and obscure ; as may be seene in the sharp-new ( as we say : ) but as for the fulnesse of that light wherewith shee shineth unto us at the quarters or full , she borroweth that from the Sun. But we may better conceive the weaknesse of her light in her eclipses ; when the earths shadow , interposed betwixt the Sun and her directly , vaileth and masketh her face ; which then appeareth blackishly browne , yet not altogether destitute of light . Now as the light of the Sunne is the fountaine of warmenesse by day ; even so , no question , but the winter and Summer nights , are at a full Moone warmed more , then during the first or last quarters . Quest. But is it true which is usually reported , that in the body of the Moone there be mountaines , and valleys , and some kinde of spirituall creatures inhabiting ; which Palingenius an Italian Poet describeth at length ? Answ. It is certaine , and our Mathematicians have found out , that in the Moone there are some parts thicker , some thinner , which make her face not to looke all cleare alike ; for that dimmer blackenesse in the middle of it ( vulgarly called the Man in the Moone ) is nothing else but a great quantitie of the Moones substance not so transparent as the rest , and consequently lesse susceptible of light : which black part of it , with other spots , here and there Plinius lib. 2. cap. 9. of his Naturall historie taketh to be some earthly humors attracted thither by her force , and attractive power ; which I hardly give way to , in respect of the weaknesse of her force to draw to her any heavy dull and earthly humor , which never transcend the regions of the aire , above all which the Moone is . Quest. Now finally , hath the Moone no power over particular sublunary bodies ? for I heare much of the influence and power of the Planets over the bodies of Men , Beasts and Plants . Answ. As for the power and efficacy of the other Planets over us , I have something in the title of Necromancie . As for the Moones power experience sheweth , that the ebbes and flowes of the Sea , ( how different so ever the Coasts be ) depend totally and constantly on the full and change of the Moone ; for accordingly her waters swell , or decrease . Moreover the braines and marrow in the bones of Man and beast doe augment or diminish as the Moone increaseth , or waneth , as doe likewise the flesh of all shell fishes . Dayly experience too hath taught your Pruners of trees , gelders of cattell , gardners and the like , to observe the Moones increase , and decrease : all which is strongly confirmed by Plinie in his second booke De Historia animalium , and Aristotle lib. 4. cap. 41. De generatione animalium . Sect. 4. Of the Element of Fire , whether it be an Element or not , and of its place . Quest. LEaving the heavens , their number , matter , Sun , Moone and Starres , I come lower unto the foure Elements whereof the Philosophers will all things below the Moone to be framed and made . First , then I adhere to Cardan and Volaterans opinion , that betwixt the sphere of the Moone , and the first region of the aire , where the Philosophers place this fire to be , which they make the first element , it cannot be , and so that it cannot be at all ; because , that if it were there , we should see it with our eyes ; for the Comets , and these lancing Dragons , and falling Stars , &c. whereof many are neighbours with this Ignean-sphere , we visibly see , and the fires which burne on earth also . Answ. There is not a point of Philosophy , which if you reade judiciously , and peruse the Authors treating thereupon , but you shall finde such controversie , concerning the establishing of it amongst themselves , that one to an hundred if you find two or three jumpe together . Quest. But yet as a Mirrour or Glasse giveth way unto diverse faces , and representeth unto every one their owne visage , although never so farre different from other , while it of it selfe remaineth unchanged or unaltered : So it is with truth , how different soever the opinions bee of the searchers out of it in any Science ; yet this verity it selfe abideth in them all , and is alwayes one and alike in it selfe : and so in this point , what ever be Volateran or Cardans opinion , yet sure it is , that the Element of fire is there ; and the cause why it is not seene as are our materiall , and grosly composed fires , of all the Elements mixt together ; is the purenesse , subtilenesse , and simplicity ( if I may say so ) of that Element . Which reason may serve too against them when they say , that if it were there , it should burne all about . And which , likewise , may serve for answer to the objection of the Comets , which are seene : seeing they are of a terrestriall maligne exhalation , and so having in them that earthly mixture , and being inflamed by the neighbour-heate of that fiery Element ; no wonder though they bee seene , and not it ; her subtile purenesse being free of all combustible matter , and so the lesse conspicuous to our eyes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive perspicuum , nisi condensetur , est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quia visum non terminat , Iul. Scal. Exer. 9. There is no such question about the second Element which is the Aire : for of it all agree , that it hath three regions wherein all these you call Meteors are fashioned , as clouds , haile , snow , thunder , wind , and dew ; yea , and higher than all these , in the first and supreme Region these blazing Comets , although other men place them above the Moone , which are so formidable to ignorants who know not the causes of their matter . Quest. Is this so as you give it forth ? Answ. It is of verity , that the first Element which we call the Element of fire , is disputable , and hath beene denied by many : but as for the Ayre , none ( to my knowledge ) ever called it in question ; neither is there in all our Philosophy a subject more fitting a man of spirit to know , than the discourse of the Meteors therein framed ; of all which , although you have a tractate hereafter , by it selfe , yet one word here more to make you understand their nature , and matter , the better . Section 5. A briefe Discourse of Meteors , of their causes , matter , and differences . THE great Creator hath so disposed the frame of this Vniverse , in a constant harmony , and sympathy amongst the parts of it ; that these Heavenly Lights , which wee see , above our heads , have their owne force , power , and influence , upon this Earth , and Waters , whereon , and wherein we live ; marying ( as it were ) these two so farre distant Creatures , both in place and nature , by the mediation of this Ayre above spoken of ; which participateth of both their qualities ; warmenesse from the Heavens , and moistnesse from the Earth and Waters . Nature then , but Melior naturâ Deus , or GOD , better than Nature , hath ordained the Sunne , Fountaine of light and warmth , to be the physicall or naturall cause , yea , and the remotest cause , ( as wee say in the Schooles ) of these Meteors ; as Aristotle himselfe in his first Book of his Meteors , cap. 2. observeth . When I speak of the Sun as most principall , I seclude not the Stars , and these celestiall bodies , which rolling about in a per-ennall whirling and rotation , doe lance forth their power upon the Earth also . The neerest Physicall or naturall cause againe , must be understood to be cold and heate ; heate from these heavenly bodies , to rarifie or attenuate the vapors of the Earth , whereby they may bee the easier evaporated by the Sunne ; or heate , to draw fumes and vapours from the Earth upward ; cold againe , to condensate and thicken those elevated vapours in the Ayre ; to thicken them , I say , either in clouds , raine , or snow , or the rest . Thus , as the Meteors have a twofold cause as you have heard , so have they a two fold matter . The first and remotest , are the two Elements , but of them chiefly Earth , and Water : the neerer cause or matter are exhalations extracted from these former two . Which exhalations I divide in fumes and vapours : fumes being a thin exhalation hot and dry , elevated from the Earth ; and that of their most dried parts , by the vertue of the heavenly Starres , and the Sunnes warmenesse elevated , I say , by the vertue and warmnesse of the Sunne and Stars , from the driest parts of the Earth , even the Element of fire , from whence , and of which , our Comets , fiery-Darts , Dragons , and other ignean Meteors doe proceed ; although later Astronomers have found and give forth , some of the Comets formation to be above the Moone . Whereas vapours are exhalations , thicker , and hotter , swifter drawne up from the Seas and Waters by the power of the Sun and Stars ; of which vapors , thither elevated , are framed , our raines , snow , haile , dewe , wherewith ( they falling back againe ) the Earth is bedewed and watered : When , I say , that these vapours are hot and moist ; thinke it not impossible , although the waters , their mother , be cold and moist ; for that their warmnesse is not of their owne innate nature , but rather accidentall to them by vertue of the Sunne and Starres warmnesse ; by whose attractive power , as the efficient cause , they were elevated . Now then as of fumes , elevated to the highest Region of the Ayre , the fiery Meteors are composed : so of their watery vapours which are drawne no higher than the middle Region , proceeds raine , clouds , snow , haile , and the rest ; or if they passe not beyond this low Region wherein we breath , they fall downe into dew , or in thick mysts . Thus you see , that these vapours are of a middle or meane nature , betwixt the Ayre and the Waters ; because they resolve in some one of the two easily ; even as fumes are medians betwixt fire and earth , in respect that they are easily transmuted or changed in the one or the other . And thus as you have heard the efficient and materiall causes of Meteors : So now understand that their forme dependeth upon the disposition of their matter , for the materiall dissimilitude , either in quantity , or quality , in thicknesse , thinnesse , hotnesse , drinesse , aboundance , or scarcity , and so forth , begetteth the Meteor it selfe , different in species and forme , as if you would say , by the aboundance of hot and dry exhaled fumes , from the Earth , and the most burnt parts thereof are begot the greater quantity of Comets , winds , thunders ; and contrary-wayes by the aboundance of moist vapours , elevated by the force of the Sunne from the Seas and waters , we judge of aboundance of raine , haile , or snow , or dew , to ensue , according to the diverse degrees of light in the Ayrie Region whither they are mounted . Now , when I said before , that hot exhaled fumes are ever carried aloft , to the highest Region of the Ayre ; take it not to be so universally true , but that at times , they may be inflamed even in this low Region of ours here ; and that through the Sunnes deficiency of heate , for the time : for as the uppermost Region is alwayes hot , the middle alwayes cold , so is the lower , now hot , now cold , now dry , and againe moist , according to the Sunnes accesse , or recesse from it , as Aristotle , lib. 1. Meteo . cap. 3. noteth . And of this sort are these even visible inflamations , which in the Seas are seene before any storme , flaming and glancing now and then , as I my selfe have seene ; yea , and sometimes upon the tops of Ships masts , Sterne , and Poope , or such as in darke nights now and then are perceived to flutter about Horse-meines and feet , or amongst people gone astray in darke nights . And these our Meteorologians call Ignes fatui & ignes lambentes , wilde-fires . Sect. 6. That the earth and waters make but one globe , which must be the Center of the world . Of the Seas saltnesse , deepnesse , flux , and reflux ; why the mediterranean & Indian Seas have none ; Of Magellanes strait , what maketh so violent tyde there , seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth . Of the Southerne Sea or Mare del Zur . THus then leaving the Aire , I betake me unto the third and fourth elements , which are the earth and waters ; for these two I conjoyne in the Chapter of the world , and that after the opinion of the most renowned Cosmographers , howbeit Plinius Lib. 2. Naturalis Histor , cap. 66. and with him Strabo lib. 1. distinguish them so , as they would have the waters to compasse the earth about the middle , as though the one halfe of it were under the waters , and the other above , like a bowle or Apple swimming in a vessell : for indeede Ptolomee his opinion is more true , that the earth and waters , mutually and linkingly embrace one another and make up one Globe , whose center should be the' center of the world . But here now I aske , seeing the frame of the universe is such that the heaven circularly encompasseth the low spheares , each one of them another , these the fire , it the Aire , the aire againe , encompasseth the waters ; what way shall the water be reputed an element if it observe not the same elementarie course , which the rest doe , which is , to compasse the earth also , which should be its elementarie place ? Answer . True it is , that the nature of the element is such ; but GOD the Creator hath disposed them other wayes , and that for the Well of his Creatures upon earth . Who , as he is above nature and at times , can worke beyond , and above it , for other wayes the earth should have beene made improfitable , either for the production or entertainement of living and vegetable Creatures , if all had beene swallowed up and covered with waters ; both which now by their mutuall embracing they do : hence necessarily it followeth , that the Sea is not the element of water , seeing all elements are simple and unmixt creatures , whereas the Seas are both salt , and some way terrestriall also . How deepe hold you the Sea to be ? Answ. Proportionably shallow or deepe ; as the earth is either stretched forth in valleys or swelling in mountaines , and like enough it is , that where the mouth of a large valley endeth at the Sea , that shooting as it were it selfe forth into the said Sea , that there it should bee more shallow then where a tract of mountaines end ; or shall I say that probably it is thought that the Sea is as deepe or shallow below , as commonly the earth is high in mountaines , and proportionably either deepe or shallow as the earth is either high in mountaines or low and streacht forth in vallies ? But what reason can you render for the Seas saltnesse ? Answer . If we trust Aristotle in his 2 booke of Meteors and 3. as he imputeth the ebbing and flowing of the Sea to the Moone , so he ascribeth the cause of its saltnesse to the Sunne , by whose beames the thinnest and sweetest purer parts of it , are extenuated and elevated in vapors , whilest the thicker and more terrestriall parts ( which are left behind by that same heate ) being adust become bitter and salt ; which the same Author confirmeth in that same place before cited , by this , that the Southerne Seas are salter , and that more in Summer , then the others are ; and inforceth it by a comparison in our bodies , where our urine by him is alleadged to be salt in respect that the thinner and purer part of that moistnesse , by our inborne warmenesse is conveyed and carryed from our stomack ( wherein by our meate and drinke it was engendred ) thorough the rest of the parts of our body : Neither leaveth he it so , but in his Problems Sect 23. & 30. for corroboration hereof he maintaineth , that the lower or deeper the Sea-water is , it is so much the fresher , and that because the force of the Suns heat pierces and reaches no further , then the Winter Cold extendeth its force for freezing of waters unto the uppermost superfice only , and no further . If it bee true then that the Seas are salt , wherefore are not lakes and rivers by that same reason , salt also ? Answer . Because that the perpetuall running and streames of rivers in flouds hindreth that , so that the sun beames can catch no hold to make their operation upon them : and as for lakes , because they are ever infreshed with streames of fresh springs which flow and run into them , they cannot be salt at all : the same reason almost may serve to those who as●● what makes some springs savour of salt , some vitrio●●●●e of brimstone , some of brasse and the like ? To which nothing can be more pertinently answered , then that the diversity of mineralls through which they run , giveth them those severall tastes . What have you to say concerning the cause of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea ? Answ. To that , all I can say is this , that Aristotle himselfe for all his cunning was so perplexed in following that doubt , that he died for griefe because he could not understand it aright , if it be truth which Coelius Rhodiginus lib. 29. antiquarum lectionum cap. 8. writeth of him ; it is true indeede ( yea and more probable ) that many ascribe the cause of his death to have beene a deepe melancholy contracted for not conceaving the cause aright of the often flowing and ebbing of Euripus a day , rather than to the not knowing the true cause of the Seas ebbing and flowing chiefly , seeing Meteor . 2 & 3. he ascribeth it to the Moone the mother and nurse of all moist things ; which is the most receaved opinion , and warranted with the authoritie of Ptolomee and Plinius both , as depending upon her magnetick power , being of all Planets the lowest , and so the neerer to the Sea ; which all doe acknowledge to bee the mistris of moisture , and so no question but to it it must be referred , which may bee fortified with this reason . That at all full Moones and changes , the Seas flowing and swelling is higher then at other times , and that all high streams and tydes are observed to bee so , seeing the Moone doth shine alike upon all Seas , what is the cause that the Mediterranean Sea , together with the West Indian-Seas , all along Hispaniola and Cuba and the Coasts , washing along the firme Land of America , to a world of extent , hath no ebbing nor flowing , but a certain swelling , not comparable to our Seas ebbing and flowing ? Answ. Gonsalus Ferdinando Oviedes observation in his History of the West-Indian-Seas , shall solve you of that doubt ; and this it is , He compareth the great Ocean to the body of a man , lying upon his back , reaching his trunck from the Pole Artick ( from the North and East ) to the Antartick , South & West ; stretching forth the left Arme to the Mediterranean , the other to the West-Indian-Seas ; now the Ocean ( as the lungs of this imagined body ) worketh , by Systole and Diastole on the neerer parts to it , & maketh a flux and reflux where its force faileth in the extremities , the hands and feet , the Mediterranean and Indian Seas . Quest. How is that possible ; that you admit no flux nor reflux to the West-Indian-Seas ; seeing their Histories informe us , that at Magellanes-strait , that same West Sea doth glide through the firme land of America , into the Mare Del Zur , and that with such rapiditie and vertiginousnesse , that no Ship is able with Wind or Art to returne from that South-Sea backward ? Answ. That must not be thought so much a flowing as the course of Nature , whereby the Heavens , Sun , Moone , and Stars , yea , and the Sea , doe course from East to West , as that Strait doth run . I may joyne to this the Easterly-wind which of all others bloweth most commonly ( as elsewhere ) so there also , which furthereth that violent course : and of this opinion is Peter Martyr in his Decads upon the Historie of that Countrey . Quest. Admit all be true you say : but what have you to say to this , that the Mare Del Zur hath flux and reflux , and yet your West-Indian-Seas have little or none , as you confesse ? how then can the Moone be the cause of the universall Seas ebbing and flowing , seeing they two under one Moone both , are neverthelesse so different in Nature , and yet so neere in place ? Answ. Seeing Ferdinando Oviedes , who was both Cosmographer & Hydographer leaveth that question undilucidated , as a thing rather to be admired than solved , leaving to the Reader thereby ( in a manner ) to adore the great Maker , in the variousnes of his works ; I thinke much more may I be excused not to pry too deepely in it . Quest. What is the cause then , seeing the Moone is alike in power over all waters , that Lakes and Rivers flow not and ebbe not as well as the Sea doth ? Answ. Because these waters are neither large nor deepe enough for her to worke upon , and so they receive but a small portion of her influence . Quest. What is the reason ? why , seeing the Sea is salt , that the Rivers and Fountaines which flow from her ( for we all know that the Sea is the Mother of all other waters ) as to her they runne all back againe ( exinde fluere , saith the Poet , & retro sublapsareferri ) are not salt likewise ? Answ. Because the Earth through whose veines and conduits these waters doe passe to burst forth thereafter in springs , cleanseth and mundifieth all saltnesse from them as they passe . It seemeth that your former discourse maketh way for answer to such as aske , why the Sea doth never debord nor accreace a whit , notwithstanding that all other waters doe degorge themselves into her bosome , the reason being , because there runneth ever as much out of her to subministrate water to springs and rivers , as she affordeth them . But is it possible which is reported that our late Navigators have found by experience , that the Seas water so many fathomes below the superficies is fresh so that now they may draw up waters to their shippes by certaine woodden or rather yron vessells , which ovally closed , doe slyde thorough the first two or three fathomes of the salted superfice downe to the fresh waters , where artificially it opens , and being filled , straight shutteth againe , and so is drawne up , which they report to have but small difference in tast from the waters of fresh Rivers , which ( if it bee true ) is a strange , but a most happily discovered secret . Answ. Yea it is possible , for probably it may be thought , that the Sunnes raies which before are granted to bee the cause of the Seas saltnesse , penetrate no further than the first superfice ; like as on the contrary the coldnesse of the Northerne windes freezeth , but the uppermost water congealing them into Ice ; or the reason may better be the perpetuall and constant running and disgolfing of Rivers , brookes and springs from the earth into it : And verily I could be induced to thinke the Mediterranean sea , the Sound of Norwey , and such like which lye low , and are every where encompassed with the higher land except where they breake in from the greater Ocean , that such Seas should be fresh low , in regard of the incessant currents of large Rivers into them , and in respect they doe not furnish water back again to the springs , rivers , and fountaines , seeing they are low beneath the earth ; yea it hath troubled many braines to understand what becommeth of these waters which these Seas dayly receave : but it cannot bee receaved for possible , that the waters of the great Ocean are fresh , at least drinkably fresh under the first two or three fathomes , it being by God in natures decree made salt for portablenesse . Sect. 7. That the Mountaines and valleys dispersed over the earth , hindreth not the Compleatnesse of its roundnesse : Of burning mountaines , and Caves within the earth . BVt leaving the Sea , thus much may be demaunded concerning the earth , why it is said to be round ? since there are so inaccessible high mountaines and such long tracts of plaine valleys scattered over it all ? Answ. These mountaines and valleys are no more in respect of the earth to hinder its roundnesse , then a little flie is upon a round bowll , or a naile upon a wheele to evince the rotunditie of it , for the protuberances of such knobs deface not the exact roundnesse of the whole Globe , as not having a comparable proportion with it . But what signifie these burning mountaines so frightfull to men , which may be seene in severall places of the earth ; as that of Island called Hecla , in Sicilie called Aetna , besides the burning hills of Naples which I have seene , one in Mexico in our new found lands of America so formidable as is wonderfull : If the earth be cold as you give it forth to be ; then how can these mountaines burne so excessively ; or if they bee chimneys of hell venting the fire which burneth there in the center of the earth , or not ? Answ. No question , but as there are waters of divers sorts , some sweet , others salt , and others sulphureous , according to the minerall veynes they run thorough ; right so there be some partes of the earth more combustible then others , which once being enflamed and kindled either by the heate of the Sunnes beames , or by some other accident , and then fomented by a little water ( which rather redoubleth the heate then extinguisheth it ; as we see by experience in our farriers or smiths forges , where to make their coales or charco ales burne the bolder , they bedew or besprinkle them with water ) they hold stil burning , the sulphureous ground ever subministrating fewell to the inflammation . But they and the like do not hinder the earths being cold , no more , than one or two Swallowes make not the spring of the yeare . But yet , if so be the earth be so solid and massie as you say it is , and that it admitteth no vacuitie ; How and whence proceede these terrible earth-quakes , tremblings , palpitations , to the overwhelming of Cities , shaking of Towers and steeples , &c. Answ. No question but as these are commonly prodigies and fore-runners of Gods wrath to bee inflicted upon the Land where they happen , as may be seene in the second booke of the Kings chap. 22. Commota est , & contremuit terra , & quoniamiratus est Dominus ; So some way lacke not their owne naturall causes : and they be chiefly comprehended in one for all , and this is it , that the earth is not unfitly compared unto a living mans body , the rocks and stones whereof are his bones , the brookes and rivers serpenting thorough it , the veynes and sinewes conveying moistnesse from their fountaines unto all the members ; the hollow of our bowells and of the trunke of our bodies , to the vast and spacious cavernes and caves within the body of this earth ( and yet these not hindering the massinesse of the earth , for where earth is , it is massie indeed ) within the which hollow of our bodyes our vitious windes are enclosed , which if they have no vent , presently they beget in us Iliak passions , collicks , &c. whereby our whole body is cast into a distemper and disturbed ; even as the windes enclosed in these cavernes , and hollow subterranean places , preassing to have vent , and not finding any , making way to themselves , do then beget these earth-quakes . And of this opinion is Aristotle lib. 2. Meteor . cap. 7. Sect. 8. Of time , whether it bee the Producer or Consumer of things : of the wisedome , and Sagacity of some Horses , and Dogges : How the Adamant is Mollified of the needle in the Sea compas : and the reason of its turning alwayes to the North. SEeing there is nothing more properly ours , than time , and seeing it is the eldest daughter of nature ; How is this , that you Philosophers bereave us of our best inheritance saying that there no time at all : in respect ( say you ) the time past , is gone , the future and time to come is not yet , and the time present is ever glyding and running away , yea and your Aristotle calleth it but a number of motions : seeing then it consisteth but of parts not having a permanent being , it cannot be said to be at all , say you . Answ. Our true Philosophers reason not so , it is but our Sophists who by their insnaring captions doe cavil thus , therfore take heed of the subdolousnesse of their proposition , which is not universally true : for admit that maxime might hold , concerning the standing and not standing of a thing in its parts , in subjects materiall essentiall and permanent , yet it must not evert things of a fluid and successanean nature , such as time is : and whereas they say that the parts of time are not , they mistake ; in so farre as time is to be measured by now , which the Greekes doe terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ever existeth , and by which indeed time is said properly to have existence . Quest. What things hold you to be in Time ? or whether is Time the consumer , or the producer of things ? Answ. To the first , with Aristotle , I understand onely such things to be in Time as are subiect to mutations , changes , risings , and fallings , such as are all naturall things below the Sphere of the Moone ; by which meanes , things sempiternall wanting both beginning and ending , whose diuturnity cannot be measured by time , cannot fall under it . 2. Ans. To the second , whether Time be the producer or consumer of things ; I answer , that as in the contravertible points of Philosophy our learned disagree amongst themselves ; so herein they agree not aright ; indeed Aristotle ( whom customably we all follow ) in his 8. Cap. lib. 4. Physic●●n , will have Time rather to be the cause of the ruine and decay of all things , and that by vertue of its motion , by which sublunary bodies are altered and corrupted , rather than of their rising , increase , or growing . And with him many of our Poets , Tempus edax rerum , tuque invidiosa vetust as Omnia conteritis , — and againe , Omnia fert aetas , animum quoque , &c. Tempora labuntur , tacitisque senescimus annis , Et fugiunt ( fraeno non remorante ) dies . To which opinion of Aristotle Cardan adhereth , calling Time the Author of life and death : but as Iulius Scaliger hath refuted divers of his opinions in his exercitation , 352. not without reason hath he confuted this also , making Time to bee an accidentall cause of the decay of things ; for beside Time there must be causa agens which is the Law of Nature ingrafted in all things living , moving , creeping , vegetating , by which they tend to ruine : as sinne in Man ( besides his naturall corruption ) is , and must bee thought the Author of his death . Now seeing your Philosophy admitteth no other difference betwixt Men and Beasts , but the use of reason , wherewith we are endued above them ; how wil you tearme those many reasonable things performed by Beasts , wherof our Histories are full : as that of Bucephalus of Alexander the Great , who would suffer none to back him but his Master , though never so artificially disguised in his apparell ; Iulius Caesar his Horse likewise , who at his death was observed to fast so long , is remarkeable : and that of Nicomedes , who because his Lord was killed in the field , choosed rather to dye starving for hunger , than to survive him : Stories of the sagacity of Dogs , bookes are fully replenished w th ; the example of one only shall suffice ; This Dog being with his Master , when a Robber killed him for his purse , and had flung him into a River that he might not be found againe , did first leape into the River after his dead Master , and then upon his shoulders bore up his head so long , as any breath was remaining within him , thereafter discerning him to be dead , straight followes the rogue by his sent to the Citie , finds him , and incessantly barketh at him whithersoever he went ; while at length , his Master being missed , and the Rogue under suspicion of robbery , and the Dogs violent pursuing the fellow drew the people into a jealousie of the murther : whereupon the robber being called before a Iudge , after due examination confessed the murther , was condemned , & died for the fact . Now I demand , if these and the like doings of Beasts be not founded upon reason whereof we men brag as of a greater prerogative above them ? Answ. No wayes ; for we must distinguish betwixt actions of true reason , such as ours are ; and these which are done by a naturall instinct or sensitive faculty of sagacity , use and custome , but most especially , from that which is a neere tying bond even amongst the cruellest of Beasts , a perpetuall resenting of a good turne received ; as is manifest in the example of the Lion , who not onely saved the life of that poore condemned caitive , who fled into his denne and cave , because he pulled out of his pawe the thorne which molested him , but likewise fed him , by killing beasts of all sorts and bringing them unto him ; whereof Gellius at length ; and out of him Du Bartas . If I should follow forth here all other questions of Natures secrets , the taske were long and tedious , and peradventure , lesse pleasant to the Reader , than painfull to me : as why , the Adamant-stone which ( of its owne nature ) is so hard , that neither fire nor Iron can bruise or break it , is neverthelesse broke in peeces in a dishfull of hot Goates-bloud , soft bloud being more powerfull than hard Iron ? Whether fishes doe breath or not , seeing they have no lungs the bellowes of breath ? What can be the cause of the Loadstones attractive power to draw Iron unto it ? Why , some Plants and Herbes ripen sooner than others ? Or what makes a member of a Man or Beast being cut from the body , to dye presently ; and yet branches of trees cut off will retaine their lively sap so long within them ? Whether or not there be such affinity , and to say love amongst plants and herbes , that some will more fruitfully increase , being set , planted , or sowen , together , then when mixed amongst others , according to that of the Poet , Vivunt in Venerem frondes , omnisque vicissim Felix arbor amat , nutant ad mutua palmae Foedera , populeo suspirat populus ictu , &c. To which questions , & some others hereafter to be handled , for me to give answer , were no lesse presumption and foole-hardinesse , than a demonstration of my grosser ignorance ; since , Cardan and Scaliger are so farre from agreement in these matters , as may be seen in Scaligers Exercitations ; yet having propounded these questions , and to say nothing of my owne opinion touching the solution of such Riddles ( as wee call them ) were someway an imputation ; and I might be equally blamed with those who leade their neighbour upon the Ice , and leave him there ; wherefore thus I adventure . And first , why the Adamant which for hardnesse is able to abide both the force of the fire , and dint of any hammer , yet being put in Goates-bloud , parteth asunder . Answ. Howbeit Scaliger in his 345. Exercitation Sect. 8. giveth no other reason than that absolutely , it is one of the greatest miracles and secrets of Nature ; and therein refuteth their opinions , who alleage the Analogie and agreement of the common principles of Nature ; which are common to the bloud and to the Adamant together , to be the cause ; yet I thinke for my owne part , that if any naturall reason may be given in so hidden a mystery , it may be this ; That Goates ( as we all know ) live and feed usually on cliffie Rocks wheron herbs of rare pearcing and penetrative vertues and qualities grow ; ( neither is the derivation of that herbes name Saxifrage other , than from the power it hath to breake stones asunder ) Goates then , feeding on such rockie-herbes as these , no wonder that their bloud having Analogie and proportion to their food , be penetrative , and more proper to bee powerfull in vertue , than otherwayes convertible in fatnesse , for wee see them of all grazing Beasts the leanest . Quest. Now by what power draweth the Loadstone Iron unto it ? Answ. Aristotle in the 7th . Booke of his Physicks which almost al other Philosophers do affirme , That the Loadstone attracteth Iron unto it by their similitude and likenesse of substances ; for so you see they are both of a like colour : and that must be the cause how the false-Prophet Mahomet , his Chest of Iron , wherein his bones are , doth hang miraculously unsupported of any thing , because either the pend or some verticall stone of the Vault where it is kept , is of Loadstone : and thus with Iulius Scaliger , Exercitatione , 151. I disallow Caspar Bartholinus his opinion , who alleageth that the Loadstone doth not meerely and solely by its attractive faculty draw Iron unto it , but for that it is nourished and fed by Iron ; for nothing more properly can bee said to feed , than that which hath life . Therefore , &c. Here also it will not be amisse to adde the reason why the Needles of Sea-compasses ( as these of other Sun-Dyals ) being touched by the Loadstone , doe alwayes turne to the North ; and this is the most received ; That there is under our North-Pole a huge black Rock under which our Ocean surgeth and issueth forth in foure Currants , answerable to the foure corners of the Earth , or the foure winds , which place ( if the Seas have a source ) must bee thought to be its spring ; and this Rock is thought to be all of Loadstone ; so that by a kinde of affinity ( it would seeme ) by a particular instinct of nature , it draweth all other such like stones or other metals touched by them towards it . So that the reason of the Needles turning to the North in Compasses is that Nigra rupes of Loadstone lying under our North Pole : which by the attractive power it hath , draweth all things touched by it , or it s alike thither . Section 9. Of Fishes , if they may be said to breath , seeing they lack pulmons : Of flying fishes , if such things may be , &c. which are the reasons of their possibility , are deduced , exemplified . Quest. BVT whether and after what manner can Fishes be said to breath , seeing they have no lungs , the bellowes of breath ? Answ. This question hath beene agitated many Ages agoe , both pro & contra , as we say ; Arist. cap. 1. De respiratione , denying that they can breath : Plato and divers others of his Sect affirming the contrary : they who maintaine the negative part do reason thus ; Creatures that want the Organs and Instruments of breathing , cannot be said to breath or respire ; but such are all fishes , therefore , &c. The opposites on the other side doe thus maintaine their breathing ; all living creatures not onely breath , but so necessarily must breath that for lack of it they dye , as experience sheweth : nay , that the very insects , or ( as you would say ) demi-creatures , they must breathe : but fishes are living Creatures , therefore they must breathe . The Aristotelians answering this , distinguish the major proposition , restraining the universality of it but to such Creatures as live in the Aire , whereas there is no Ayre in the water , the nature of it not admitting place for Ayre as the Earth doth , which being opened with any Instrument , as with a Plough or Spade , may admit Ayre ; whereas the waters will fill all the void presently againe , as we may see by buckets , boxes , or any other materiall thing , being put into the water , and taken out againe , doe leave no vacuum behinde them ; for the waters doe straight wayes reincorporate : seeing then there is no Ayre in the Fishes Element , they cannot nor need not be said to breath ; for contrariwise wee see that being drawne from the waters to the Ayre they doe incontinently dye . For answer to both extreames , I could allow for fishes a kind of respiration called refrigeration , which improperly may be said to be respiration ; but since nothing properly can be said to breath but that which hath lungs , ( the instruments of breathing ) which indeed fishes have not : The conclusion is cleare ; That they have rather a sort of refrigeration , then respiration . Quest. But is it of truth which wee heare of our Navigators , that in the Southerne seas they have seene flying fishes , and herring like a foggie or moist cloud fleeing above their heads , and falling againe in the Seas with a rushing and flushing ? Answ. Yea I thinke it possible ; for the great Creator , as he hath created the foules of the Aire , the beasts of the earth , and the fishes of the Sea , at the first creation , in their owne true kindes ; So hath hee made of all these kindes Amphibia . And as there are foure footed beasts and fowles of double kinds , living promiscuously on land and water , why may there not be fishes of that nature also ? of which hereafter . So hath hee indued the Aire ( as the more noble element of the three ) with that prerogative ; that in it , either fowles or watery creatures might be engendred ; out of vapors either moist or terrestriall , or extracted from standing lakes , stanckes , marishes , myres , or the like oyly and marshie places ; which waters , elevated to the Aire , by the violent operation of the Sunnes beames , either from the Seas , or the fore-said places , by the benefit of the warme Aire , where they abide , as in the fertile belly of a fruitfull mother , doe there receave the figure either of frogge or fish , according to the predominancy of the matter whereof that vapor is composed ; from whence again as all heavie things doe tend downeward , so doe they also . Which hath made some suppose that herrings , ( by them called flying fishes ) doe descend from the aire , their place of generation : where indeed more truly , the error commeth this way ; the Herrings , in their season , doe come in great shoales ( as Sea men say ) upon the superfice of the waters , where scudding along the coasts , some sudden gale of wind ( they being elevated upon the top of some vaste wave ) may chance to blow them violently so farre , till they encounter , and light on a higher billow , which hath made Marriners thinke they flie . Quest. What have you to say to this , that as there are fishes extraordinary , so I have heard of fowles without either feete or plumes ? Answ. Fowles they cannot be , because fowles are defined to be living creatures feathered and two footed ; and since these are not such , fowles they cannot be : And yet Iulius Scaliger exercitatione 228. sect . 1. & 24. maketh mention of them , calling them Apodes , which Greeke word is as much as without feete . Quest. But , leaving the various diversities of fowles , as the Geese who hatch their egges under their paw , or foote , and the like , how doe those claick geese in Scotland breed , whereof Du Bartas maketh mention as of a rare work of nature ? Answ. Their generation is beyond the ordinary course of nature , in so much that ordinarily one creature begetteth another ; but so it is , that this fowle is engendred of certaine leaves of trees , out of which in a manner it buddeth , and ripeneth ; Now , these trees growing upon the bankes of lakes , doe , at their due time , cast these leaves , which falling into the lake , doe there so putrifie , that of them is engendred a Worme , which by some secret fomentation & agitation of the waters , with the Suns helpe , groweth by little and little to be a fowle somewhat bigger than a Mallard , or wild Duck ; and in those waters they live and feed , and are eaten by the inhabitants thereabouts . First then , I resolve their questions who argument against the possibility of this generation , and then I shall cleare you of that doubt you have proposed : thus it standeth then with these Argumentators ; when Aristotle in his last chapter of his third booke De generatione animalium , before he had dissenssed the materiall causes of all kind of perfect creatures , In the end falleth upon the materiall cause of insects , and so of the lesse perfect ; one kinde of them he maketh to be produced of a Marish clay an earthie and putrified slimie substance , whereof wormes , froggs , snailes and the like are produced ; the Sun beames , as the efficient cause , working upon that matter ; The other sort is more perfect , and these are our Bees , waspes , flyes , midges and so forth , which are engendred of some putrified substance , as , peradventure , of a dead horse , oxe , or asse ; out of which by the operation of the environing aire , and the internal putrefaction together they are brought forth : The insects of the Sea are said to have the like generations , whereof Aristotle De historia Animalium , lib. 1. cap. 1. Et in libro de respiratione ; and lately the learned Scaliger Exercitatione 191 sect . 2. Notwithstanding the venerable testimony and authority of such famous Authors ; yet our beleevers of miracles doe reason thus both against the generation of the Claik Geese ; and of the Insects also . Every thing begotten must be engendred of a like unto it selfe , as men , horse , Sheepe , Neat , &c. engender their life ; and this by the warrant and authoritie of Aristotle else where , but particularly cap. 7. Meteor . Text 2. Quest. But so it is that the body of the heavens , the Sun and his heate , are no wayes similia or alike unto these Insects produced and procreated from the slymie and putrified matters above rehearsed . And therefore that cannot be the way of their generation . Thus they . Answ. To this answer must be made Philosophically , in distinguishing the word alike to it selfe ; for things may be said alike unto other , either of right , or univoce as they say in the Schooles : That way indeed our Insects are not a like to the putrified earth or beast they came of , but Analogice they may be said to be alike , that is , in some respect , in so farre as they communicate in this , that they are produced of the earth , and by the warmenesse of the Sun , which are things actually existing . Quest. Now to cleere the question concerning fowles wanting feete and feathers ; whether may such things be , or not ? Ans. Yea , for as the great Creator hath ordained in nature betwixt himselfe and us men here , Angels , yea good and bad spirits ; betwixt sensitive and insensitive Creatures , mid creatures which wee call Zoophyta , and Plantanimalia , as the Fishes Holuthuna , stella marina , Pulmo marinus , &c. Even so betwixt fowles and fishes , nature produced middle or meane creatures , by the Greekes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or beasts of two lives ; partly living by waters , partly by earth ; And of this sort these fowles must be , as betwixt land beasts and fishes , are frogs , and Crocodills ; and some others the like . Sect. 10. Of fishes , and their generation : How fowles are generated in the waters . If gold can be made potable ; and of the matter of precious stones . Question . BVt you have not as yet sufficiently enough satisfied my minde of that scruple , wherewith it was perplexed : for I was saying that if things on the earth were propagated by their likes , as by the authority of Aristotle I did instance , and almost unto that the Lyrick Poet Horace applaudeth while he saith , although not to this purpose wholly , fortes creantur fortibus , and againe , Nec imbellem feroces progenerant aquilae columbam ; then how can fishes be said to live , and have their substance of , and by the Sea ? For if the Maxime both of Philosophie and medicine hold good , that we exist and have our being of those things wherof we are nourished ; surely fishes existing of a more grosse and more materiall substance than water is , cannot be said to live by the Sea ; much lesse Fowles , seeing their flesh is more terrestriall , and for that cause they build and bring forth their young ones upon the Land ; whereas otherwayes it should seeme that they live and have their essence , and existence from the Sea : for in Genesis we reade , that the Great Creator commanded the waters to produce swimming , creeping , and flying creatures upon the Earth ? Answ. With Aristotle whom you object to mee , you must consider , that in the fire and ayre no Creature is framed : For so in the 4th . Booke of his Meteors he holdeth : from them two indeed he admitteth vertue and power to bee derived to those which are created upon the Earth , and in the Waters ; true it is , that Fowles being volatile Creatures , their generation should have fallen by lot in the Ayre ; but in respect that none can be well procreated there , the next Element became their bringer forth ; as neerest in nature to the Ayre , and as being little lesse than a condensed Ayre , from which these Foules might soone flye up : so that all things here below being made up of a dry , and then of a thickned moist matter , which are the Earth and Waters ; no marvell , that properly of them all things are procreated : howbeit they may be said to have their temperament and vertues from the superior two , fire and ayre : and where it may be objected how the matter of Fishes should be so firme and solid , they being nourished by the thin , waterish , and slimy substance of the waters ; it must be considered that the Seas and waters are not so exempted of some mixture of earth in them , out that even as the Earth some way participateth of them , so they impart partly to it their moistnesse againe ; of which mixture both Fowles and Fishes doe live . Quest. What is your opinion concerning the potablenesse of Gold , after which , our Chymists , and Extractors of quintessences , Calcinators , and Pulverizers of Metals make such search and labour ; whereby Gold made drinkable ( as they undertake ) our youth neere spent may be renewed againe , all diseases cured , and the drinker thereof to live for many Ages ? Answ. Although Gold of all Metals be the King , as the Sun amongst the Planets , and that it is the softest of all , and most volatile , so the easiest to bee extended and wrought upon ; in so much , that one Ounce of it is able to cover many Ounces , and Pounds of Silver : yea , although of all Metals it abideth the triall of the fire best , and loseth nothing by it , as Arist. in the 3. Booke of his Meteors , cap. 6. observeth ; yet that it may be made potable I doubt much of it , and am a Galenist in that point , and that for these two notable reasons which Iulius Scaliger setteth downe in his 272. Exercitation . First , because there must bee some resemblance betwixt the body nourished and the thing that nourisheth ; which no more holdeth betwixt our bodies and gold , than betwixt a living and a dead thing . Secondly , because nothing is able to nourish us , which the heate of our stomack is not able to digest : But such is Gold , and therefore , &c. Alwayes of the worth and vertue of Gold , reade Plinius , lib. 1. &c. 3. cap● 1. Quest. Now what is the matter of precious-Stones ; earth it cannot be ; for it is heavie , dull , and blackish coloured ; they are glitteringly transparent like Stars : water it is not , for even Crystalline Ice will dissolve , whereas they for hardnesse are almost indissoluble : yet Cleopatra is said to have liquefide a Pearle to Anthonie . Answ. They are of most purified earth , not without some mixture of moistnesse , but such as are both mavellously by the force of the Sun subtilized , tempered , and concocted . Section 11. Of the Earth , its circumference , thicknesse , and distance from the Sunne . OVR Cosmographers generally , but more particularly our Geographers have beene very bold to take upon them the hability ( as I am informed ) to shew how many graines of Wheate or Barley will encompasse the whole Earth , which I esteeme a thing impossible to any mortall man to doe , and therefore frivolous to be undertaken : and I think it very much , if they can demonsttate how many Miles it is in compasse , leaving to trouble their wits with the other : yet hereupon I desire to be resolved . Answ. The Philosophicall generall knowledge of things , is twofold , either knowing things which fall under the reach of their Science in their effects , thereby to come to the knowledg of the cause ; or contrariwise , by the cause first to know the effects to come . But the Mathematicall demonstrations , whereof Geometry is a part , consist not in these speculations , but in reall demonstrations ; and that in such sort , that their positions being once well founded , thereon they may build what they please ; whereas on the other side , a little error or mistaking in the beginning , becommeth great and irreparable in the end : and so to make way to your answer ; there is no question , but if once a Geometrian give up the infallible number of the Miles which the Earth will reach to in compasse , but soone and on a sudden hee may shew how many graines will encompasse it ; for it is universally held that the Earth is in circuit one and twenty thousands and so many odde hundred Miles ; a Mile consisteth of a thousand paces , a pace of five feet , a foot of foure palmes , a palme of foure fingers breadth , a fingers beadth of foure Barley cornes ; and so from the first to the last , the number of the Miles holding sure , the supputation of the graines number will cleere it selfe by Multiplication . Quest. By that meanes I see you seeme to make no difficulty of that whereof I so much doubted ? Answ. No indeed ; and in this point I perceive how farre learned men are to be respected above ignorants ; yea as much as Pearles , Diamonds , or precious Stones are to be preferred to grosse Minerals . Quest. Seeing all depende upon the knowledge of the Earths compasse , then how many Miles hold you it to be in roundnesse ? Answ. The discovery of our new found-lands , and the confident assurance which our moderne Navigators and Mappers have of this Terra australis incognita , maketh that punctually not to be pointed out : but what may satisfie in that , or in knowing how thick the masse of the Earth is , in how many dayes a man might compasse it about , if by land it were all travellable : or conjecturally to shaddow how great is the distance betwixt the Earth and the Firmament , I referre you to the Title of Curiosity following ; for as I finde a discrepance amongst our most learned Writers , in divers most important heads of their professsion ; So in this point also I finde them variable and disassenting ; for Elias Vineti commenting on Sacrobosk upon that Text , giveth forth the Earths compasse to extend to above two hundred and fifty thousand stadia , whereof every eight maketh up our Mile ; which shall farre exceed the most received opinion of our expertest Mathematicians ; who by their moderne Computations make the reckoning of its circumference but to amount to one and twenty thousand miles and six hundred ; & that answerably to the three hundred and sixty degrees wherewith they have divided the great heavenly Circle , and proportionably thereunto the Earth . Yet pondering aright the discrepance and oddes which doth arise betwixt our learned Authors , concerning the compasse of the Earths Globe , wee shall perceive it to proceed from the great diversity of Miles in divers Nations , every man understanding them to be the Miles of that Nation wherein hee liveth : but speaking to our Natives of Britanne , it is found by daily experience of Mathematicians , that if a man goe 60. of our British Miles further to the North , then ( I say ) visibly he shall perceive the Pole to rise a degree higher , and the Equinoctiall to fall a degree lower ; whereby it is manifest , that to one degree of the great Circle of heaven ( such as is the Meridian ) there answereth on earth 60. of our myles ; Now there being in every such great circle 360. degrees or equall parts , multiplying 360. by 60 ; wee finde that they produce 21600. myles British : for a line imagined to passe by the South and North Poles , and so encompasse the earth , would easily appeare to amount to the same computation . As for the diametricall thicknesse of the earth ; the proportions of a circles circumference to its diameter ( or lyne crossing from one side to the other thorough the centre ) being somewhat more than the triple , such as is the proportion of 22 to 7. called by Arithmeticians triple Sesquiseptima , triple with a seaventh part more ; and seeing the circumference of the great circle of the earth is a little lesse than 22000 myles ; it followeth , that the thicknesse or diameter of it from face to face , is a little more than 7000. And consequently the halfe diameter , viz. from the circumference to the centre neer about 3600 miles . Now then suppose a man to travell under the equinoctiall or middle lyne of the earth betwixt the two poles , making every day 15. of our British myles ; It is manifest that such a Traveller should compasse the whole circumference of the earth in three yeares 345 dayes , some 20. dayes lesse than 4 yeares : As for the distance of the earth from the firmament , I dare not give you it for current : yet in the Schooles thus they shadow it , that the aires diametrical thicknesse is ten times above that of the waters ; the waters diameter ten times above that of the earth : By the Aire I understand here all that vast interstice betwixt us and the Moone ; which if it be true , counteth it selfe : but because the distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun is more particularly specified by our Astronomers ; therefore to give you further content , thus much of it you shall understand ; that if you will remarke diligently , and compare together the observations of Ptolomeus , Albategnius , and Allacen , you shall finde , that the aforesaid disstance betwixt the centre of the earth and that of the Sun containeth the earths Semidiameter 1110. times : Now as I have said before , the earths Semidiameter being somewhat lesse then 3500. we shall take it in a number , to wit 3400. Which if you multiply by the aforesaid 1110. the product will shew you the whole distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun to be 3774000. Three millions , seaven hundred seaventie foure thousand myles : likewise if from this number you substract 3400. myles for the earths Semidiameter from the centre to the superfice , and 18700 myles , which is the Suns halfe diameter according to the doctrine of the afore-named Astronomers , there remaineth 3751900. myles , as the distance betwixt the uppermost superfice of the earth which we tread upon , and the neerest superfice of the Sunne , which being the chiefe and middle of the planets may conjecturally shaddow forth the distance of the earth from the heavens . OF VARIETIES THE SECOND BOOKE : CONTEINING A DISCOVRSE OF METEORS , As of Comets , falling Starrs , and other fiery impressions , &c. Of Winde , Clouds , Thunder , Haile , Snow ; Raine , Deaw , Earth-quakes , with their true Naturall Causes and effects , &c. Of Rivers , and Fountaines , their Springs , and Sources , &c. BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. To THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD PATRICK , By the providence of God Archbishop of Glasgow , Primate of Scotland , and one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councell , and Exchequer in that Kingdome , &c. My LORD . TO whom can those two Pillars IACHIN and BOAS erected before Salomons Temple , bee more properly applyed then to your Grace , who both in Church and common-wealth have showne your selfe to bee the lively Hieroglyphick figured by them , as your Memorable deeds in both can beare record to Posterity ? for with what vigor did your piety and zeale extend it selfe in suppressing vice and superstition in the Churches con●redited to your care , and in establishing vertue and learning both there and elsewhere , may appeare in the peoples harmonious Concord in Religion to Gods glory , your eternall praise and their eternall comfort ; And as your Piety , so have your Iustice , and travells beene extraordinary in settling of the Church rents universally through the land , repossessing every man of his owne tithes upon most competent considerations ; all which with your great gravity Munificence and other endowments fit for the accomplishment of so venerable a Prelate , have heaped upon you both Gods blessings , our Royall Soveraignes favour , and the peoples love , and reverence ; But least others should deeme that adulation which the mouth of verity would even extort from your enemies , without further commendations of your Person , I humbly recommend this booke to your Graces Patronage , acknowledging the strong tyes I have to continue Your Graces most obsequious servant , D. PERSON . OF METEORS , THE SECOND BOOKE . CHAPTER 1. The definition of Meteors , their Matter , substance , place , and cause . I Define Meteors to bee things , above our sight , in the ayre , as the Etymology of the word importeth . I divide them into dry and moist , according to the diversity ▪ of the matter whereof they are framed , which are dry and moist vapours and exhalations extracted from the earth and waters ; and from thence elevated to the regions of the ayre , where they are fashioned ; and that diversely , according either to the degree of the Region they are framed in , or the matter whereof they are fashioned . The Philosophers and meere naturalists have not alike consideration of them ; for Philosophers have regard to them both as they have their dependance from above , specifying time , place , and all other their circumstances : whereas the meere naturalists doe particularize none of them , but generally shew how they flow from the earth : the knowledge of stars , and of the regions of the ayre , better fitting the Philosopher then the other . For so it is , that , the vapors , and exhalations which the Sun extracteth out of the Seas and earth , sending them up to the regions of the ayre , are the true and originall materiall cause of these Meteors . Not of all uniformely , but severally of each one , according to the height , whereto they are elevated from the said waters and earth ; and the nature of the vapour elevated : which I may not unfitly compare to the naturall body of man , whose stomacke is the centre of his fabrick , which sendeth up to the head , the moyst or flatulent humors , wherewith for the time it is affected ; and receiveth backe againe either heated and consuming distillations , or refrigerated and quenching humors , wherewith to attemperate and refresh the incessant motion and heat of the other noble parts by a circular motion . Quest. I know the curiosity of more subtile spirits will move the question , whether the Sun draweth exhalations from the lowest or first region of the ayre ; seeing it is humid and hot , sometime hotter , sometime colder , according as the reverberation of the Sunnes heat from the earth affecteth it : although I grant , that the ayre , of its owne nature , is hot ; yet that hindereth not , but accidentally , it may be heated also , yea sometimes made hotter then of its nature it is . To this question I answer . Answ. That the subtilty and rarefaction of the ayrs humidity hindereth the Sunne from exhaling of it ; for although some parts of the moist ayre be grosser than others , yet the same grosser parts are more subtile then any vapor , which the Sun extracteth from the earth or waters : for not all subtile humidity is evaporable , but that of water only , as that which may more easily be apprehended by heat . As then , the lowest and first region of the ayre about us , wherin we breath here , is hot and moist , both by nature and accident ; as I was saying , by the reverberation of the sunne-beames , upon solid and combustible bodyes , and heated by the exhalation of fumes from places or things that are apt to be kindled , even so , the uppermost region is hot and dry , both by nature , and accident ; and almost more , or rather by accident then by nature , propter viciniam ignis ; albeit the supreme region must be hotter then the lower , both in respect of the propinquity of it , to the element of fire , ( even as the lowest region by the neighbour-hood of it to the earth oftentimes is colder than hot ) as also in respect of the nearenesse of it to the heavens , which as with the light of them , they warme the lower things ; So , by the rapidity and velocity of their circular course , they heate this first region also . Now as these two regions are of themselves hot , and moist , and hot and dry ; so the middle Region is only cold , but drierwhere it is contiguous with the uppermost , and more moist whereit is ●igher the lowest . This great coldnesse of it , enforced together , by an Antiperistasis ( as we say ) or opposite contrarieties of heate above , and cold below . The Ayre then being divided into these three Regions , wherewith the uppermost , as comprehended within the concavity of the fiery Element , is ever hot and dry , the lowest hot and moist , but of a weake and debill heat , which by a breathing cold may be changed ; the middle Region is alwayes cold . CHAP. 2. Where Meteors are composed . Of Clouds , where they are fashioned , together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region . NOW remaines to know in which of these Regions any of these Meteors are framed : and first , whether or not Clouds be generated in the middle Region of the Ayre ? It is most likely , that not there , but in the lower ; because in it diverse other Meteors alike in matter and forme are framed . To which , not so much cold is requisit , as to the other two ; yet the nature of Clouds being considered , we shall finde them to be generated in the middle Region onely . For , seeing Clouds are nothing else but vapours mounted , and thickned by condensed cold ; then sure they cannot bee framed in the uppermost Region of the Ayre , because in it the Sunnes rayes are directed , lacking reflex , beside the circular and Spherick motion it hath , by vertue of the proximity of the Elementary fire , which warmeth it againe : this thickning or condensing cold cannot be in the lower region , by reason of the heate of it through the reverberation of the Suns rayes , beating upon the solid bodies of the earth , and waters : so there resteth the middle Region , in which the reflex faileth , & the vertue from above too of the direct Sunnes rayes ; so that naturally it being cold , in it only these vapours must be condensed to a cloud . And whereas I was saying before that it should seeme that the Clouds are begotten in the lowest Region ; in respect that in it , Waters , as Dew and Fountaines , at least their matter and forme are brought forth , that alwayes cannot hold ; because that Fountaines , and Rivers , are rather bred in the concavities , and hollow places of the earth , than of it , or rather flow and have their source from the Seas . Neither must my words be mistaken , when I say that the middle Region is naturally cold , seeing before I have set downe the Ayre , naturally to be hot and moist ; for when I say that it is cold , it must bee understood , but respectively , in regard of the other two , as wanting the reflective heate of the lower Region , and the circulative heat by the ignean or fiery warmenesse of the other . Now if it be objected that seeing the middle Region of the Ayre is cold , and all cold things are heavie , and so consequently tend downeward ; what can be the reason that this middle Region falleth not thorow the lowest to its own centre of weight , which is the earth ? It availeth not ; for first , not all frigidity draweth or tendeth alwayes from its circumferences , to the centre , but that only which is absolutely and simply cold ; as that of the Earth and Waters , and not that of the Ayre , which ( as I say before ) is but respectively cold ; yea , albeit that the middle Region divide not the lowest in whole , yet in parts it doth ; as in raine , when it falleth from the middle one upon the dissolution of a cloud . Finally it may be said here , that clouds not onely may bee seene beneath us to inviron the tops of our lower Mountaines ; for I my selfe crossing the lower Alpes , at Genoa , have seene them below me along the sides of the Mountaines ; they likewise may be perceived to glide over the Plaines , and swimming over our Lakes and Rivers : yet that serveth not to prove , that they are generated in the lowest Region ; but rather argueth the ascending of these vapours , and the gathering of them together ; of which the clouds must bee coagulated and no otherwise , as that they are absolutely there framed . But this by the way . CHAP 3. Of falling Starres , Fleakes in the Ayre , and other such fiery Meteors . THere be foure Elements as all know ; the Fire hot and dry , the Ayre hot and moist , the Earth dry and cold , the Waters cold and moist . Now as of the moisture of the Waters , whether in their owne Element , or on the Earths superfice , are composed all watery vapours , as clouds , raine , dew , haile , snow , and hoare-frosts , &c. Even so , from the dry parts of the Earth , calefied , or made hot by the Sun-beames doe proceed fumy exhalations , whereof the fiery and burning Meteors are generated . But so it is , that of these vaporous exhalations , whereof all the ignite and fiery Meteors or impressions are composed , all are not framed alike ; for according to the diversity of the dispositions of their matter they are either round or long , or more long than round , or more round than long ; for if by the efficient and materiall causes , which are the Sunne-beames exhaling these fumous evaporations from the driest part of the Earth , these spumeous exhalations are such as are combustible and capable to bee kindled ( if it be of a like length and breadth : ) then in that case , it shall be seene to burne in the uppermost Region of the Ayre like a blazing fire of straw : if it bee longer than broad , then is it taken for those long falling Stars , which by the Meteorologians are called Dall . If otherwayes broader than long , then are they called fiery inflammations , which seeme to reele in the Ayre , as it were , and to shoot hither and thither . And because sometimes these exhalations ( although dry ) have some coldnesse in them ; therefore the ejaculation of that cold matter , maketh the Meteor to seeme by that extrusion to fall ; as being in labour to expell it ; whence more properly are our falling Stars , which Stars at some times seeme to fall aside , at other times strait downe , or upward , according as their matter is for the time either disposed or placed . And if it be objected how contrary to their nature can they descend or fall downe , their matter being light and not ponderous ? I told before , that that commeth by expulsion , and by way of projection ; for confirmation whereof , may be added the experience we have of Thunder , whose bolts and claps light at times , even at our feet ; otherwhiles what in our houses , beating downe Pinacles and Steeples , the tops of Turrets and the like , although it be both light and dry ; and the reason is , That Thunder being generated in the middle Region of the Ayre , not by exustion of any kindled hot matter , but rather by a separation of an expelling cold ; meane while this cold thickning and coagulating it selfe together with violence , in a manner detrudeth the hot matter , which with it was thither drawn up , and maketh such a noise and terrible din , the time of that expulsion , that not only the Ayre seemeth to bee rent asunder , but the very Earth also appeareth to tremble at its violence . Iust so , as the matter of the falling Stars is placed , they fall either straight down , aside , or upward , as before I noted . Even so is it with the Thunder . Now , as those vapors , thickned in the ayre , doe produce the afore-said effects ; so shall it not bee thought amisse , to say , that the same ayre , being thickned , with their vapors , but not condensed in a cloud , by susception of light , but chiefly from the Suns rayes opposite to it either by night or day , but chiefly by night , become fiery coloured , and looke as burning ; the same vapors stirring to , and fro , and being someway thickned , by refraction of light , doe assume unto themselves variable , and diverse colours ; and those fires in effect are the same which vulgarly are called pretty dancers : and by reason that the materiall cause of such impressions is swift , and soone vanisheth , therefore they abide and remaine the shorter time ; for such phantasmes not being come to the full perfection of other Meteors , ( as seldome they are seene to doe ) so their abode , and being is but short , and inconstant , they being composed but of hot , and dry exhalations , from chalky , rocky , sandy and sulphureous parts of the earth , there being a mixture of moysture with them . And to the effect , that this may be somewhat better cleared , we must consider : That foure sorts of vapors are exhaled , or drawne up out of the earth by vertue of the Sunnes rayes , beside the smoake of our fires , which ascending to the ayre also augments these fiery Meteors . First vapors hot and dry , not having so much humidity in them , as may be able to overcome them ; but rather such , as may make this dry vapor to be continued , for no earthly thing can continue without moisture . Secondly , cold and dry , which altogether are of the earth's nature , virtually cold , albeit formally all vapors are hot . The third are those vapours which are hot and moyst , where humidity predominateth over the heat . The fourth kind of vapors which ascend , are cold and moyst , in which absolutely watry moystnesse beareth rule , and this vapor virtually is called cold . These foure sorts of vapors then are the neerest matter of all our meteors . The first whereof , viz , hot and dry vapors , doe ascend through the ayre quickly , even to the concavity of the firy and ignean element ; where being enflamed and enkindled , it becommeth the right generation and propagator of our fiery Meteors : whereas , the second , being hot , and moyst , doth not ascend so high ; and because it is easily resolved , it commeth to bee ayre . The other two cold and dry , and cold and moyst vapors are elevated aloft also , but no farther then to the colder parts , where they are thickned and coagulated together , by the invironing cold ; but so , as cold and moyst are converted to raine ; and the other cold and dry to wind , or this falls downe with the pluvious or rainy vapour . This being so , we may see , that there are foure kindes of vapors and exhalations , conformable to the foure elements which make up the matter of these Meteors ; in such sort , that as there are hot , and dry exhalations , and cold and dry , even so there are hot vapours and cold and humid ones also . Since then , you know the matter of wind , raine , falling stars and inflammations in the ayre , let us heare what can bee objected : One demands , what is the cause that the falling stars or other descending flames or flashes make no such noyse as the thunder doth , seeing their matter and manner of composing is almost alike . Answ. Because the cloud which throweth away and expelleth them , invironeth not them in her belly , as their clouds doe , in which the matter of the thunder is ; for the thunder bursting thorough the cloud occasioneth the clappe . Quest. Now if it be asked , what meane these fiery inflammations , which at some times in the night are seene , either amongst our horse feet when we ryde , or about their maines , or sometimes like the glaunce of a candle light before , a little above or about us ? The answer is , that these dry exhalations , as diverse other things , are of severall degrees ; some elevated to the highest region , others to the middle region , and these , which ascend no higher then this low region where we inhabit , being composed of a more oleagenous , or oyly substance , doe inflame sooner , than these of the middle region doe , as being invironed with cold . Or if it be asked ? Why see we not such inflammations in the day time as in the night ? No question but that then they are , and more frequent then in the night , but the greater light obfuscateth the lesser . Or if it be asked ; What meane the rents and clefts ( as it were ) which we see in the firmament , as if it were opened and hollowed in 〈◊〉 places ? That is nothing else , but the vapors and exhalations , carryed up to the ayre , which are condensed and thickned together ; where , by accident , if in the midst of this condensation , any part be more subtile , or thinner then the extremities are ; that thinnest part , appearing black , and the two extremities coloured , maketh people believe that it is an open gappe , which indeed is not . Quest. As to that question ; by what cause it hapneth , that moanings , mournfull voyces , and sometimes also laughings are heard in the ayre ? I thinke the Meteorologians answer not so fully satisfactorie as theirs , who treate of spirits , whom I may well call Physiognosticks : for the Albertists , upon this place , say , that the cause is , the multitude of exhalations , extracted out of graves and other Subterranean places , pressing upward , thorough places not proportionable for them ; and being of themselves , of a resolutive nature , doe make noyses , not unlike to those of men ; which in my conceit is ridiculous : and yet such is their glosse upon the latine Text , De die igitur sol pro●ibet . Answ. But I incline rather to their opinion , who , speaking of the nature of spirits , say , that these Cachinnations or laughings , and weeping voyces , which we heare , are rather Aereall spirits ; which is handled more largely in my title of spirits , where you may find all their orders and natures . Now because the matter of comets , is of greatest moment , amongst all the Meteors ; I hasten to them . CHAP. 4. Of Comets , their matter , forme , nature , and what way they portend evill to come . COmets , being of the number of Ignean and fiery Meteors ; No question , they are composed of a like matter ; the difference being in the quantity of that matter more or lesse , to wit , dry , clammie and hot exhalations , in their framing being condensed , and by reason of the motion of the superior bodyes , in the fiery element beginning to kindle , doe make these comets ; and thus they differ from the fiery Dragons , and falling sttars ; for these Meteors , once kindled by way of exustion , and extrusion , or projection , are throwne downe suddenly , and so vanish ; where , on the other side , the dry and hot exhalations , whereof Thunder is composed by way of detrusion , ( the cloud renting asunder , in whose body it was enclosed ) doe presently vanish , as lightnings ( their forerunners ) doe . Now where the nature of comets must be such ; that neither the firy kindling of them may soone consume it , by the greatnesse and violence of it ; neither must their matter be so weake and thinne , that the fire may on a sudden overcome it , but such as may endure at least for a little season , both with the quality of the fire , and the disposition of the matter condensed and thickned ; and yet so as the exustion or kindling of the matter and condensed exhalation , beginning at end of it may ascend upward , til it consume the whole extent of its rayes and beames upon the matter combustible , in forme of a beard , or long discheveld look of haire , continuing so for a time ; from whence Cometa à Coma , hayre , hath its denomination . Now the forme and shape of these exhalations , is not ever after a like proportion or fashion ; that is , alwayes long and broad ; so that the one end being kindled , the other remaineth but enlightned , like a beard , from whence they are called Crinitae stellae , or Barbatae Cometae , bearded Comets . For sometimes their figure wil be Spherick and round ; so that the fire taking these Spherick exhalations in the middest maketh the blazing beames which extend from the centre to the circumferences , to looke like long hayre circled about a face or head . Neither must it be thought that this haire or invironing beames are like to these which before a storme we see incompassing the Sunne , but more frequently the Moone , which Aristotle calleth Halae & Halones ; for these Circles by us called broughes , are a world of way remote from the bodies of the Sunne and Moone , and in effect , are but in the troubled Ayre , with aboundance of exhalations and vapours , thorow which , the Sunne and Moones rayes , making way to themselves , do fashion these circles about them there . Whereas these circles or long beards of the Comets , a●e directly under , yea , sometime above the concave of the Moone ; and thence to the first Region of the Ayre they are conveyed with the Comets of that same matter of exhalation , and nature ; although our moderne Astronomers , now averting this Aristotelian opinion , have found out some Comets place to bee above the Moone . This being briefly spoken of the matter and forme of Comets , it may be asked what course they have ? to which I answer ; first , that the motion of Comets is common with that naturall course of the world ; for either it is from the Orient to the Occident , or from the West to the East : at times most frequently it declineth to the South , and at other times to the North ; now high , then low , now seeming neere to the Earth , then remote from it . And if it be said , how can Comets have so many different courses , seeing a simple body can have no more but one motion of it selfe ? To this I say , that as the Sphere of fire and the supreme Region of the Ayre , by the heavenly motions are wheeled about from the Orient to the Occident ; thus the Comets exist above the first Region , and so naturally with it they should keepe the same course : in respect that conformably a thing placed , must turne with the place , in which it existeth . So if this first Region by the rapidity of the Heavens be moved ; much more should Comets , they being neerer to it than the first Region . Now albeit the Heaven , Fire , and Ayre move in a circular motion , yet they move not all alike , for by certaine degrees the course of the one is swifter than the other ; so that the Ayre as neerest to the Earth , is flower than the other two . By this subdeficiency then , the Ayre , and they within it , seemes but to goe about frō Occident to Orient of its own proper motion , having regard to the swiftnesse and velocity of the superior course . And whereas I say , that they move high and low , to and fro ; that is to be understood in so far that every thing perfectible striveth to attaine to its owne perfection ; which consisteth in the approximation and neere attaining and touching of the generant , which chiefly beareth rule in the place , whereat they aime or tend ; whether that thing engendred bee a Star , or any other celestiall vertue , whereunto this subdeficient striveth to attaine . Now the reason wherefore most commonly Comets doe reach , either to the South , or North , is to be attributed to the speciall influence of some other Star drawing them thitherward ; as the Loadstone maketh Iron turne towards it : and whereas sometimes they appeare low and neere the Earth ; at other times farther remote from it : that must be appropriated either to the inflamation of the Comets matter , either at the neerer or farther end , or else to the height , or lownesse of the Region , above which it is elevated : for none of the three Regions , but have in them their owne degrees and stations , some parts in them being higher than others are . The place of their appearing is most frequently in the Northerne Climates ; and that most often under Via lactea , which is that white coloured draught called the milkey way in the firmament , which may be perceived by night , reaching in a manner from East to West . The time of their abode againe is but at shortest seven or eight dayes ; albeit I reade of some that blazed halfe a yeare ; but such have seldome happened : neverthelesse the shortnesse or length of their abode , is to bee imputed imputed to the bignesse or scantnesse of their matter . Now rests to know , whether or not these Comets may portend or prognosticate bad or infortunate events of things here below , and whether over particular persons or Countries in generall ? To this the Philosophers ( who will have all things , either above or below , to be and exist by naturall reasons , and admit no prodigies or things beyond nature ) make answer that Comets are but meere naturall things , no way fore shewing evils to come . Because ( say they ) when Iupiter fals to bee in the signe of Pisces , or in the signe of Cancer , if then the Comets appeare , it foretokeneth aboundance , and wealth , as in the dayes of Iulius Caesar , there was one seene ; which neverthelesse had no evill ensuing upon it ; as it may bee seene in Albertus his Commentary upon Aristotles Text in the Meteors , latinized , Ejus autem quod est . Besides this say they , when Comets are seene , then these evils which follow them , and which they portend should fall forth through all or very many parts of the Earth , seeing they are seene by all , or most : the contrary whereof is knowne . Besides , that burning Lances or Speares which now and then also are seene in the Ayre ; and other fiery impressions , which are of that same matter with these Comets , should foretell evils to happen , as well as they which are not . But above all , seeing it is oftenest thought , that Comets either foretoken great winds , or raines ; none of which can be , say they : not winds , because the matter whereof the winds behoveth to be , which are dry exhalations , are converted towards the framing of the same Comets themselves . Not raine ; for no one thing can be a signe of two opposite contrarieties . Thus seeing Comets portend drouth , they cannot likewise preaugurate inundations , and overflowings ; finally , much lesse the death of Princes and Monarchs no more than of other private men ; seeing the same constellation and ascendent may be equall , and have regard to meane men as well as to them , in a like distance . Which reasons , with diverse moe albeit at first view , they may seeme forcible ; yet being better considered their insufficiency will soone appeare : for none of the naturall Philosophers but doe acknowledge their Prognostications , for some one thing or other ; albeit the Astrologicall Philosopher particularizeth them more punctually . And thus they say , that a Comet circumbeamed about with that which they call long hayre ( to say so ) invironing it as we see , about the Sunne , Moone and Starres ; before a storme and great tempest , doth signifie and portend great debording of waters ; whereas if it bee but radiant in one side , that is a sure signe of terrible and destructive drougth , and consequently of famine and scarcity ; because without humidity and warmenesse corne and fruits cannot grow . Now as high winds move and stirre the Seas with other waters ; so from that commotion ariseth raine and boisterous showers ; so that appeare how they will , yet they ever portend some one evill or other . As for death of Princes and change of estates fore●howne by them , experience of former Ages can qualifie ; and by late miserable proofe it may be understood by that blazing Star , which appeared in the yeare 1618. I being at that time in Florence , where an Italian Astronomer , upon the third Bridge , drawing in his Table-bookes the height and aspect of it , was overheard by us who gazed on him , to cry although with a low voice , Vae Germaniae , Woe unto Germany : and who so is , but never so little acquainted with the histories of diverse Nations , shall soone perceive in them what lamentable accidents have ensued after extraordinary deluges , and overflowings of waters , and intollerable droughts ; but more especially after the appearing of Comets , what dreadfull effects according to their affections : so we require , that those Recusants would with the Philosopher , who denied that the fire was hot , but put their finger into it to try the truth of his assertion . Neither do our Astronomicall Philosophers want their owne grounds , wherein they settle the warrant of change of estates , after the apparitions of these Comets ; and this for one . That the exhalations of hot and dry vapours from the Earth , whereof these Comets are made , betoken a bilious and wrathfull , sudden and irefull disposition of the in-dwellers of these Countries ; for the same ayre which they attract , and emit , doth someway affect them , and this ayre is filled with these exhalations , resolved by the heat of the incumbing Sun ; so no question but this same way it moveth their bodies and minds to feare fiery and sudden revolts , fightings , seditions , and uproares . Comets appeared in England before their Countrey was conquered by the Normans : and thereafter another , when they subdued France . What more remarkable one then that which appeared above Hierusalem , before its sacking and captivity ? And againe , what desolation befell all Italy , almost after that prodigious debording of waters which fell from the Alpes without any former raine ? Charles the 8th . of France his entering thereafter , and the disasterous chances that followed thereupon can testifie : all which our and their stories can record , besides many others , as Sabellicus in the penult . booke of his last Aeneids doth intimate . Neither yet may I be induced to beleeve , that the Starre whereof Tichobray , that famous renouned and noble Astronomer maketh mention , which is yet seen and was affirmed to be ( though the Prince now bee dead ) most fitly appropriated to the victorious , wise , and fortunate Gustavus King of Sueden , to have beene no other than a Comet , what ever reasons he alledgeth to the contrary . Albeit such remarkable Starres are rather observed to appeare at the death of great men and Kings , than at their birth . Neither must we instance the example of the Starre , which was observed by the wise men of the East , at the birth of our Lord and Saviour at Nazareth ; such extraordinaries should be admired , not inferred to exemplifie things . For answer to this , that the death of common people may as well happen under these Comets , as that of Princes : there is no question but that the supereminency of great persons and States making them the more remarkable , maketh their death also more perspicuously to be notified . And as in the Title of curiosities I have showne , that not ever the most curious questions of Arts and Sciences are the most profitable ; Even so in this I allow not of Hali the Iew his commentary , upon the centiloquy of Ptolomee ; where , referring the death of Princes to comets he thus saith . Quòd si apparuerit cometa Domino istius regni exeunte in Oriente , significat mortem Regis , vel principis ; si autem Dominus istius regni fuerit in Occidente , significat aliquem de regno suo interfecturum Regem ; I over-slip the interpretation of these words , least the divulging of them might more harme than profit . Alwayes leaving Philosophicall alterations , thus much by naturall experience we may resolve upon ; that they never appeare , but some bad event followeth thereon , either to the countrey over which it blazeth , or to which it aspecteth ; or else to that countrey over which ruleth a starre which that comets tayle tendeth towards or followeth ; though much rather to that countrey which it hath aspect unto : not by vertue of its influence , but by reason of the superabundancie of maligne , dry , and hot exhalations regorging and dispersing themselves over it . CHAP 5. Of Raine , Dew , hoare-frost and their cause . AS hot and dry exhalations are the matter and cause of Meteors in the upper region of the aire , of which before : Even so , cold and moist vapors are the causes of these ; after this manner ; vapors elevated up into the ayre , by force of the Sunnes beames ; and being separated from the heat which accompanied them ; either , by that heat 's ascending higher , and leaving the grosser vapors ; or the subtillest of that heat being extinguisht by the grossenes , & aboundance of cold and moist vapors , which mounted up with it in the ayre : or else by the coldnesse of the place , the middle region of the ayre . These grosser vapors I say segregated from that heat , which accompanied it , and being thickned and carried about in the ayre for a time , fall back againe to the earth ; but being first coagulated in a cloud , which dissolving , falleth down to the place from whence it ascended : so that by a circular motion first the waters resolving in vapors , the vapors thickning in a cloud , then that dissolving back againe into waters , imitateth in a manner the circular motion of the Sunne , by whose approximation as these vapors are elevated , even so by his elongation ( if I may say so ) they doe fall backe againe . Now , as this is the generall cause of these moyst Meteors , so is it the particular cause of the falling of Rayne : for Raine being a watery vapor , carryed up by heat into the Ayre , and there that heat leaving it , resolveth and falleth downe againe in great or lesser showers , according to its quantity . Dew and Hoare-frost are not so generated , for why ? When there is not such quantity of vapors elevated in the day time ( through want of heat to draw them up , or through great drowth upon the earth , ) they are not carried high : in hoter countreys they fall downe againe before the day be spent , and that by them is called Serene , as in France particularly : So when these elevated vapors are thickned in waters , without either so much heat as may dry them up , or so much cold as to congeale them ; then I say the dew appeareth . Now the Hoar-frost happeneth otherwise ; as , when the like exhaled vapours are congealed , before they be condensed ; whereby you may see that dew falleth in temperate times and places , whereas Hoare-frosts fall in Winter and in the colder parts of the earth : and the reason may be alleadged , that , seeing vapors are hoter than water ; in respect of the concomitating heat , whereby they are carried up ; no question , but more cold is required , for the congelation of vapors , then of waters : and so if in cold seasons , and places , waters congeale , and harden , much more may we say of vapors congealable into Hoare-frost . Thus we have touched the materiall and efficient causes of dew and Hoare-frost ; so it shall not be amisse to shew that the time when the Sun ingendreth these Meteors in the ayre , by the drawing up of these vapors , from out the earth and waters , must be , when the lowest region of the ayre is , calme , serene and cleare , without wind raine , or cooling clouds ; for they being mounted thither may either hinder their ascending or condensation and thickning ; as also the stirring winds would hinder their condensation , or at least their congregation or gathering together . Now that both dew and Hoare-frost are begotten of vapors not carryed high in the ayre , by this it may be knowne ; because we see little Hoare-frost or dew , in the higher mountaines , where it seemeth likeliest , they are made and doe recide in regard of the cold there ; which is so much the more probable in this , that the heat , which elevateth these vapors from low and Marshy places , carrying ( as you would say ) a burden heavier then their hability can comport with , leaveth them ere they can ascend any higher . Besides that , we may say , that the second region of the ayre , being higher than these mountaines , and carryed about ; and in a manner drawne after the circular wheeling about of the heavens , dissolveth these vapors by its motion ; and by this meanes maketh the dew and Hoare-frost , for so I expound Pruina . Notwithstanding this , a greater motion is required , to disgregate and sunder apart heavy and many vapors , then few and light ones ; now seeing the matter of Snow , and Raine is greater and containeth a great many more vapors then the matter of dew and Hoare-frost : Therefore it is , that in exceeding high Mountaines , neither raine , dew , nor Hoare-frost fall ; because of the violent motion and great flux of the ayre there : for that matter is rather even wheeled about with that violent motion , whereas in the lower Mountaines againe , because of the lesser flux and motion of the ayre snow and raine falls , but not deaw nor Hoare-frosts . To end this part in a word then , I say , That dew and Hoare-frost have a like matter common to both , viz , moyst vapours exhaled from the earth and waters , but not highly elevated in the ayre ; and ( except in quantity ) they differ not , but onely in this , that dew is fashioned of moderate cold , the other is begotten by a more violent . CHAP 6. Of Snow : its cause , matter and nature . THe matter of Snow , is a cloud , composed of an aereall substance , whereby it may bee made some way hot ; and of a terrestriall and earthly matter , whereby when it is dissolved , it leaveth some muddy substance behind it ; but the most speciall matter of it is of the vapors exhaled from the waters dispersed over the earth . Their place , is in the middle region where violent colds are ; which excessive cold must not be thought their generation only , but then , when that cold is dispersed through the whole ayre ; for then this cold is not so sharpe and piercing , as that cold is , which , by the dispersed heat in the ayre , is reenforced and crowded into one place . Now because such colds are not spread abroad through the whole ayre , but at certaine times , as in winter , in the end of Autumne , and in the beginning of the Spring ; therefore it is that in winter in the tayle of Autumne or in the beginning of the Spring , Snow falleth ( at least then ) most frequently . And because the Northerly Climats are coldest and farthest remote from the hot Zone , as there where the Sunne beames hath least reflex ; — Quod sol obliqua non nisi luce videt . Therefore it is also , that in these places snow is most usually seene . Now if it be said , how can it be , that the snowy cloud must be of a hot ayrie disposition , seeing the other two ingredients are earthly and waterish vapors which naturally are cold , for by this I should include contrarieties in one subject ? To which I answer ; that there are no absurdities in that ; for in this case , the one is as ingredient , the other as egredient , the one over-comming , the other remitting something of its dignity : for as the cold holdeth together this snowy cloud , till it dissolve into water ; so , before this cloud begin to dissolve into snow , we find the ayre which before was marvailous cold , during the time of the congealing of this cloud , to wax somewhat hoter by reason of the aery heat , which leaveth the cloud and disperseth it selfe through the ayre . From whence likewise we may gather the reasons why the snowy cloud , before it dissolve in the ayre , is cleare , and cleareth the earth also : Whereas the rainy clouds doe both dimme the sky and earth , & are exceeding cold immediately before the rayne fall downe ? That is , because the rainy cloud , hath nothing but grosse and heavy earth and watrish vapors in it ; whereas the snowy one , hath besides them , the ayre inclosed , which being by nature warme , and then being thrust out of the cloud by the predominancie of the other two , cleareth and warmeth both . CHAP. 7. Of Windes , their true cause , matter and nature , &c. IN the former part of this treatise , we have heard that there are two sorts of exhalations , whereof all Meteors above us , in the Ayre , are composed : one of them moist , called vapours ; the other dry , called fumes or smoke ; not that any of these are so either wholly dry or moist , or that they have no mixture of others , for that is not : but that the predominancy of the one above the other , in the compound , maketh the denomination . Now as the heat of the Sun , extracting these two from the earth and waters is their efficient cause , so they againe are the materiall causes of the Meteors made up by them , viz. vapours , the causes of raine , haile , snow , dew , clouds and so forth . As the dry and fumous exhalations are the causes of winde in particular , as also of the hot Meteors above mentioned . Hot and dry exhalations then are matter and causes of the wind ; and as they are elevated in the Ayre by the force of the Sunne ; so no question but from that same Ayre , the winds begin to blow , and not from the Earth first ; which in this may be discerned ; because that the highest Mountaines ( I meane , if they exceed not the first Region ) Towres , Trees , Steeples , and so forth , are more agitated with winds , then the lower and baser are , as being neerer the ayre . Feriunt summos fulmina montes . Saepius ventis agitatur ingens Pinus — And the reason is , because straining to mount aloft conformable to their nature , they are reverberated againe by the middle region , their opposite ( being cold and moist ) to their hot and dry nature . Now as the beginnings and first springs of Rivers are small , but by corrivation of other lesser ones they increase : Even so the first beginnings and principalls of windes are commenced but with few exhalations ; no question but their increment floweth from the adunition and combination of more exhalations ; Whence it is , that some yeares are more windy and some seasons too , then others ; and commonly the dryest Summers maketh the windiest and most tempestuous winters . It is said in Scripture , that the wind bloweth where it pleaseth , and that none knoweth , either whence it commeth or whither it goeth . And it is truth indeed to speake particularly , we feele it and find it , we know it evanish away into the many vast and spacious inturnings of the ayre ; but from what particular place it floweth , we know not well : for as they are small in their principalls , so no doubt , but they receive augmentations in their progresse . Here then it may be inferred , that winds and raine are not procreated of the selfe same matter , as some foolishly doe maintaine ; which by this only may bee evidently confuted , that often times the windes are abated by raine ; and commonly after raine we have windes : The first for this naturall reason , because that violence of winds blowing clouds together , and the invironing cold condensing and thickning them together , makes them dissolve into water . The other is because of waters or raine falling from the clouds , by which meanes the Ayre is warmed , and consequently the Earth ; which maketh it yeeld aboundance of hot exhalations for the Sunnes rayes to transport upward to the Ayre , wherewith wind is framed againe . And if it be objected , that exhalations are common causes of winds , and yet of the same winds , some are cold , as the North , and East , whereas the Southerly and Westerly are commonly hotter ? To this may be answered , that the exhalations themselvs are not the occasion of that , but the disposition of the Climats from whence they flow ; the Suns heat never aproaching the North Climat , but afarre off , and obliquely , or side-wayes ; occasioning the cold of it , and consequently of the winds blowne from thence . Whereas more perpendicularly it glanceth on the other Meridian and Westerne parts ; by which means , as the Earth is warmed , so are the winds . And if it be asked , why in the height of Summer ( the Sun being in Cancer ) that then are fewest and lowest winds , as in the extremity and cold of Winter there are few likewise , as by experience may be seene : To that may be answered , That as in all things extremities are vicious , even so in this matter ; for great heat and drought in Iune , Iuly , and August , doe keepe back the winds and their matter , as extremity of cold doth in December and Ianuary . The Earth in that time of Summer , being burnd up with scorching heate , hindereth the winds to rise ; because the earth then is burningly dry wthout any mixture of moistnesse ; out of which drougth of the earth , without some moistnesse no fumes can be exhaled . So the Ayre clogged with cold , thick , heavie , and lumpish clouds of raine and waters , holdeth ( as it were ) the winds within their Precinct ; hindring them to blow then , till the Ayre be disburdened of that load , and doe give way to the winds to sport themselves in the spring , recompensing their long captivity with licencious unbridled blasts . Or to know how the wind bloweth is this : First , the exhalations whereof it is composed , are carried from the Earth , high up to the middle Region of the Ayre , but so , that when it is there , it is encountered and repercussed , tossed and moved with cold and condensed Ayre ; finally it is put aside , from whence againe by violence it is throwne downe by the cold predominating in that Region , so it striketh upon this lower Region of the aire , in the descent of it ; not right and diametrically downe , but slentingly ; which ayre againe beating the Earth , by the superiour impulsion , and the earths repelling it upward or back againe , maketh it ( following the round circumference of the Ayre ) to blow about , filling it with its noise . As for the number of the winds , what Countries be subject to such or such winds , what maketh the Northerly winds to blow dry , the Southerly moist ; I refer the first to Sea-men , whose experience is surer than our contemplation : the other are soone solved by a good Naturalist ; for the Sunne shining upon the South Countries more kindlie and hotter than upon the North , maketh the winds conforme to the Ayre of the Countries , hotter there , than in the North , and moister . CHAP. 8. Of Earthquakes , their cause and nature . THIS question dependeth upon the knowledge of the former ; for the nature and matter of winds being well understood will cleere this the sooner . I formerly said then that cold and dry exhalations , by the force of the Sun elevated up in the Ayre , and from thence by predominating cold beaten aside , and from that through the Ayre downward to the Earth back againe whirling upon the face of it , and round about through this lowest Region , are the matter and nature of the winds ; which cold and dry exhalations , I say , are the matter of these winds , which often times so lowdly blow upon the superfice of the Earth ; that not onely Ships on the Seas , Trees in the Woods are overturned by their violence ; but likewise high Steeples and Towers are made to shake and tremble in such sort , that even Bels have beene blowne out of the one , the roofe of the other uncovered ; our fruits and cornes beaten downe to the terror and amazement of the beholders . Even so dry and cold exhalations , but these more grosse , and not so Elementary as the first , enclosed within the bowels and concavities of the Earth , ( for Nature hath no vacuity ) and there converted into winds , doe struggle and strive as it were , to burst up through this earth to attaine to its owne right place , which is upwards ; and that is the cause of this trembling and motion of the Earth which we call Earthquakes . And because the Southerne Countries are hotter than the Northerne , in respect of the Suns approach to them , I meane in its perpendicular beholding of them , they ( I say ) are consequently more apt to bee enflamed , and so to be concaved and wasted within ; yea , and to be more capable of the engendring and reception of these exhalations and winds , and their effects : therefore it is , that these Countries are more subject to the motions and tremblings of the earth ( whereof their particular Histories afford us testimonies enough ) than the more Northerly are ; for they having grosser and lesse matter evaporated from them by the Sunnes heat , doe admit lesse concavities , and so fewer exhalations : so then , both winds and Earthquakes are of one selfesame matter and subject , viz. of cold and dry exhalations , wherof they are framed ; and they differ onely in this ; That the exhalations whereof the winds are , doe rise more purified , of the superfice of the earth , and as we say in Schooles , Ex Elemento superiori ; whereas the other , more grosser are from below , Et ex Elemento inferiori , so that both in matter and motion they doe agree . Neither is this called in question by Aristotle , handling the same matter , Lib. 3. Meteor . Where his Commentator Albertus Coloniensis compareth this motion of the Earth by the power of these inclosed vapours in the bowels and cavernes of it , to the motions and tremblings of our pulse , by the Systole and Diastole of our spirits , in and above our hearts , and so within the cavity or hollownesse of our bodie . And yet , not content with this comparison , he insisteth in the duration and continuance of the Earths motion , saying , that even as the tremblings wherewith our bodies are agitated ( during the fits of a Feaver ) doe continue so long as the faulty and peccant humour reigneth in our veines , and accordingly diminisheth its proportion , as the matter occasioning the feaver impaireth : even so it is with this trembling of the earth , having respect to the multitude of vapours and to their declining ; for the more these vapours are , the Earthquake lasteth the longer , and is more violent ; but when they spend and decline , its violence and continuance is remitted . I know now the Philosopher and Naturallist ( who admit nothing done in nature , to bee otherwise than by naturall meanes ) will admit nothing beyond the reach of Nature when they are posed . How is it then that commonly after Earthquakes , Plagues , Pestilences , and death of Bestiall doe ensue ? To this they answer , That the exhalations which causeth the Earths motion , having burst up through the Earth , infecteth our Ayre with the infective breath of it , which it contracteth when it was incarcerated within the bowels and wast places of the said Earth ? Likewise they ascribe some such or not farre different reasons in their owne degree , to the cause of evils which usually ( I wil not say ever ) befall after blazing Comets , which although in effect they have their owne probabilities ; yet they should not deprive our great Creator from the supernaturall working thereof , who by such unusual and terrible Syncopes of nature , would even foretell , and have mortall men , ( whom these prodigies admonish ) forewarned of some effects of his wrath to ensue ; to the effect , that if they will amend , and turne to their God by humiliation , and repentance , they may avert that evill threatned , and prevent his judgments . CHAP. 9. Of Thunder , Lightning , Haile and certaine other secrets of Nature , with their solution . AND first concerning Thunder . Quest. What can bee the causes of the lightning , and firefleakes , which in Latine are termed Fulgura , & coruscationes , either in the clouds themselves , from whence Thunder proceeds , or wavering in the ayre ? Whether or no the exhalations , inclosed within the cloud from whence they doe proceede , be the cause , and occasion , both of the Thunder it selfe , it 's sound , and of the coruscation and lightning also ? Answ. Yea ; but diversly , and by it's owne course ; for first by the agitation , and motion of it , within the cloud , it causeth the sound after this manner : The dry exhalation , ( whereof this sound , thunder it selfe and lightnings are generated ) ascending upward , in the vapour , to the middle region of the aire , is engrossed in a cloud , through the coldnesse of the place : so it is compacted , and this exhalation coarcted within the belly of that thickned and condensed matter : which dry , or firy exhalation , thus inclosed , ( by Antiperistasis or contrariety ) by the environing cold , in the outward body of the cloud , striveth to get out , and make way for it selfe ; at last , with much reluctance , overcomming the environing cold , maketh that hideous and horrible noyse , wherewith here on earth wee are so terrified , that sometimes Women are strooke in such feare by it , that they part with child ; So by that same agitation it kindleth too , being of a combustible substance , viz. of a dry , terrestriall , and inflamable matter ; which , once kindled by Antiperistasis , expelleth it selfe , with violence , through that cold thickned cloud : but first in , and about the cloud it maketh these flashes and coruscations spoken of before : so in lightnings , it disperseth it selfe , here , and there through the aire , both clearing the cloud above , and the aire beneath . Now if it be asked ; What is the cause , why we see sooner the lightning then we heare the thunder clap ? That is because our sight is both nobler , and the eye is sooner perceptive of its object , then our eare ; as being the more active part and priore to our hearing : beside the visible species are more subtile , and lesse corporeal then the audible species , this being reall , the former intentionall , as the skilfull in Opticks know : and this is the reason why likewise we see the flash , ere we heare the noyse of discharged gunnes . Question . Againe , being asked , why fire , being naturally light , doth not rather ascend then descend ? Answ. ( To that as before : ) Because it is extruded by violence from its abode . Besides this , it being accoupled to a matter contrary to its owne nature , and that matter predominating , viz. A dry terrestriall substance , in which it existeth ; that I say , this terrestriall matter , tending downe-ward , draweth the fire perforce with it : which may be perceaved by a kindled charcoale throwne out of ones hand , which carryeth the fire along with it . Againe , if it be expostulated , what can be the cause of the admirable effects of this thunder ? at some times bruising the blade of a sword , the sheath un-offended ; melting mony and gold in a pocket , the pocket remaining entire ; and killing a Man and not harming his cloathes ; And what maketh things touched by it smell of sulphure and brimstone ? And to kill a man in such sort , that the bolts shall bruise all his bones , the flesh never a whit hurt , nor by appearance touched ; and the like . Thus much for answer . The thunder which is expelled or extruded from blacke clouds , is more violent and hath greater force , than that which is ejaculated from the whiter clouds . This thunder then by nature subtile , and pearcing , but much more purified in it's distent , when it mixeth with the aire , is far more subtilized : And againe being by the fire , and heate of the thunder repurged of all grossenesse , it is made so purely spirituall , that is pearceth suddenly , and insensible as it were , almost all porous bodyes , and never exerciseth it's force till it finde resistance : And hereby it appeareth plainely how the skin is , as it were , untouched when the bone is broken , which may serve for all accidents in this kinde . But when it onely toucheth the outward of things without any great hurt , it betokens the weaknes , and imbecillity of the matter . And where commonly bodyes , so thunder beaten , doe smell of sulphure and brimstone , the matter of Thunder giveth the reason , for it is composed of dry , and sulphureous exhalations , as of the smoake of Sulphur-terrae by Naples ; of hot smoke in bathes , and rocks there ; of Monte de Sommi ; of Aetna in Sicilie : of the burning hills at Mexico in America : of our Hecla in Island , and such like chalkie , lymie and sulphureous places ; so vapors elevated out of these and the like places , must make thunder which is composed of them , to savour of them . Now to those , who aske which is the place where thunder is procreated , and begotten : answere may be made , from the grosse humidity , having in it some terrestriall glutinous , and viscous humor not easily separated from it that it existeth in ; which being thickned in a cloud in the highest part of the middle region whither they are elevated , above all other clouds , composed of other moist vapours ; from thence ( I say ) by the invironing cold , by Antiperistasis , or a stronger opposite part , they are extended and throwne downe . Qu. Again , if any demand why blacke clouds are conjectured most to containe , and send forth thunder bolts most fearefull ? I answer , indeed as blacke clouds , flashes , and lightnings , are little to be regarded , in respect that the blacnesse of them argueth but little firy matter to bee within ; But contrarywayes that it aboundeth in waterish vapours ; So commonly after thunder great raines , ensue ; the cloud being dissolved , and the fire expelled . But indeed , if the lightning bee not much to be feared of such a blacke cloud , yet the thunder bolt of it is terrible , as being violently expelled by the predominating cold , even as the great charge of a Cannon enforceth the bullets flight , and causeth the roaring noyse of it . Of reddish , or whitish coloured clouds , the bolt is but weake in regard of the rarity , and paucity of cold vapours to expell it ; but the flashes and lightning will be found dreadfull , in respect of the abundance of exhalations , wherewith , after their owne colour , the cloud is dyed . But leaving these fiery and hot Meteors , we betake us againe unto the moyst and watery ones , as more consonant and frequent to our climate . First , if it bee asked whether our moyst Meteors , such as snow , haile , and raine , have one common matter , whereof they are generated ; and if they have one , what can be the cause of their different shapes and formes ; for we see the snow broad and soft , contrarieways haile , round and hard . No question but one matter is common to all , viz. Waters ; from which , by vapours they are elevated to the aire ; and in which they are dissolved againe : but the difference standeth here . That the neerest matter ( to say so ) of snow , is vapours congealed in a cloud , which hath in it a great mixture of aire ; by which meanes , being some way heated , when the snow dissolveth , you see it holdeth , open and soft , by reason of that aire , whereas haile hath no airy substance in it , and thus qualified by experience , that we see haile fall downe on a suddaine , and ofttimes with violence , because of the terrestriall heavinesse of it , whereas snow falleth but leasurely . The reason why haile is round may be this , because falling down from the middle region where it is congealed , by the way it reencountereth with some circular and round drop of raine or water , which accordingly by the rolling about of the haile it selfe , becommeth hard likewise ; more especially , as not having any hot place , but the cold aire to fall through , till it light on our lowest region ; which accidentally hot , for the time , you see , maketh them immediately after their lighting upon the earth , to dissolve quickly , or at least not long after . And as these two are formed in the highest of the middle regions , and for the extreame cold which is there are congealed : so on the other side because the clouds from whence raine issueth , doe not ascend so high , therefore they dissolve in drops before they can be congealed . And so by degrees , dew and Hoar-frost , because they are not mounted so high as the matter and clouds of raine ; Therefore they fall sooner , and softlyer then raine doth ; so one matter is common mother unto all of them , but the degrees of their elevation in the aire maketh their differences : the haile higher then the Snow , the Snow then the Raine , the Raine then the Hoar-frost , mildew , or dew is . CHAP 10. Of Rivers , Fountaines and Springs , their sources and causes . THere ariseth a question here not unworthy of our consideration . Whether the Springs and Rivers , in and on the earth have their originall from the waters of the Sea , by subterranean conduits , or from the waters on the superfice of the earth which is caused by raine ; or finally from the huge and unmeasurable caverns , and hollow places of the earth , in whose bowells are monstrous lakes , pooles , and other standing waters , created of the ayre , therein enclosed , which not having any vent to ascend upward , but being condensed there , dissolveth it selfe into these waters . Now before we enter into the solution of this question , we must understand , that when I speake of the vast and endlesse caves , like valleys within the bowels of the earth , wherein waters are , that it is no invention of mine own : for Seneca , & with him Aristotle in his Meteorologicks in the 19 booke of his naturall questions instanceth it , saying , Quid miraris ( saith he ) si distructos terra non sentiat , cum adjectos mare non sentit ? And againe , Quemad modum supra nos imbres , it a infra nos fluvios aer facit , supra autem nos diu segnis aer stare non potest , qui aut sole atte●uatur , aut vento exp●nditur ; sub terra autem , quod aerem in aquam vertit idem semper est , scilicet umbra aeterna , frigus perenne & in excitato densitas quae , semper materiam fontibus fluminibusque praebebunt , and so forth : all which hee confirmeth in that same place by authority of Theophrast , whom hee bringeth in saying , That since the Earth hath swallowed Townes , Cities , and houses , who can doubt but that there are within her bowels , Brookes , Caves , Dens , and Valleyes ? which seeing they cannot be empty , must of necessity bee full of waters . Seeing then all things are composed of all the Elements , as of their common causes ; ( For water is a thickned ayre ; and the Ayre againe a rarified water : ) How then can these subterranean hollow places , but be full of waters , since the Earth doth dissolve in waters , to fil them up ? For the earth being delved or digged but a very few footsteps downe , water doth straight appeare , earth and water being of as great affinity as ayre and waters are : howbeit Zeno and others doe contradict this opinion , saying ; That the Earth is a massie , solid , and homogenean body . I say , that absolutely the Sea ( as a common Mother to all waters ) is she , from whence all Rivers , and Springs have their source , but yet not so wholly , but that they may be augmented by raine and water , as wee see by experience ; that after huge raines , both Fountaines and rivers doe accreasse . And if it bee asked , how water being of its owne nature heavie , can leave its owne element and centre , and bee conveighed to the tops of Mountaines and high places , as may bee daily seene almost every where ? To this first , I say , that the Sea being some way higher than the Earth , most easily , by its owne conduits , and channels , it may make passage unto it selfe , as through so many veines . Besides this , the vapours which the Suns heat , and the power of some other Planets , raiseth from the waters even under the earth , are not ever exhaled and carried aloft to the Ayre , but sometimes are even retained for a long time in solid places of the innermost parts of the earth ; where gathering themselves into the concavities thereof , they boile upward by the force of the said agitation , as a pot upon the fire , by the force of an under heare : so these waters bubling up through the earth cause our fountaines ; which running downeward againe , to the Valleys and Plaines , doe make our Brookes , Rivers , and Springs . And of this opinion is venerable Albertus Coloniensis , commenting Aristotle upon this question , Dubio nono & decimo . Or it may be said , that the caverns and concavities of the earth , being filled up with waters , which distill from the want of the caved earth above , are procured by the grosse Ayre there inclosed and converted into waters , which issuing out of the rarer or voider parts of the Earth , above , do occasion these Springs , Rivers , and Brookes . If it be demanded if steepe Mountaines do not retribute and send downe waters to feed our Springs and Rivers ; there is no question , for in their concavities , of certaine , there are treasures of waters , which bursting out at their lower parts , doe yeeld plenty enough , to bedew the lower Countries ; not that these waters are gathered there by raines which fall ( for raine-waters penetrate not so deepe into the earth ) but rather that the Mountaines themselves , being spongeous , doe attract and draw together , their whole dissolved waterish matter , to the frontiers and concavities ; from whence surging and breaking-forth through orifices , they grow into springs , brooks and sometimes rivers . Quest. What causeth some Fountaines to last longer than others ? certainly , that must proceed from the copiousnesse and aboundance of the veine and and waters , such long-lasting ones have , above the others . Or finally , if it be demanded what can be the cause that some Rivers , and Springs , which formerly did flow in large swift currents , do lessen , and sometimes totally dry up ? That must not be imputed to the scituation or change of the Starres , as some suppose ; by which ( say they ) all places in the world are altered ; but rather unto the decay of the veine : peradventure , because the earth preasing to fill up voidnesse , hath sunke down in that place , and so choaked the passage , and turned , the course another way . Neither can there be a fitter reply given unto those who aske ; what maketh two Springs or Fountaines which are separated onely by a little parcell of ground , to bee of a contrary nature ? yea , one sweet and fresh , the other brackish and salt ; one extreame cold , another neere adjoyning to it , to bee luke-warme . Then the diversity of Oares or Metals , through which these waters doe runne , which is the cause of their different tasts and temperatures ; as on one parcell of ground some flowers and herbs salutiferous and healthfull ; others venemous , and mortall may grow . The Moone is often said to bee the efficient cause of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ; now if so be ( as universally all the Learned hold ) what is the cause , seeing shee is universally seene by all Seas in a manner , ( and I may say equally ) that therefore all Seas flow not and ebbe not alike ? To this I thinke no better reply can be given , than that some Seas there are which be rather Lakes , in a manner , and of fresher water than Seas , in respect of the incessant running of endlesse Rivers into them , whereof they make no account againe ( to say so ) by subministring matter to Rivers , Fountaines , Brookes , or Lakes , as the Ocean doth : the invironing bankes , and shoares being higher almost than they : such are all Sounds , Gulphs , and ( it may be ) the Mediterranean Sea also . Or yet we may say , that the profundity and deepenesse of some Coasts hindereth the flowing more then it doth upon shallow and ebbe sands and other valley and low bankes . Now the cause of our hot Baths neere Bristoll , in Flanders , Germany , France , Italy , and else where , is onely the sulphureous and a brimstony Oare , or Metall through which their waters runne ; as the salt earth through which some waters doe runne , is the cause of their saltnesse , such as the Salt-pits in Poland , and Hungarie , out of which Salt is digged , as our Pit-coales , and stones are digged out of Quarries . And no question but these waters are heated too by running through such earth . These , and the like , are the reasons given by Philosophers , for such secrets of Nature , as either here before I have touched , or may handle hereafter : and howbeit , by humane reason men cannot further pry into these and the like , yet no question but the power of the great Maker , hath secrets inclosed within the bowels of Nature , beyond all search of man : To learne us all to bend the eyes of our bodies , and minds upward to the Heavens from whence they flow , to rest there in a reverent admiration of his power , working in , by and above nature ; and that by a way not as yet wholly manifested unto mortall men . By all which , and many more we may easily espie as the power , so the wisdome of this our Maker , in disposing the forme of this Vniverse , whether the great World , or the little one , MAN ; in both which there is such a harmony , sympathy , and agreement , betwixt the powers above , which wee see with our eyes , as the Heavens , and the distinguished Regions of the Ayre in the greater World , with the Earth and Seas ; or of the soule , minde , life , and intellect of Man ; the heaven in him comparatively , with his body , the Earth , and such like , of the one with the other ; that is the great and little world together , as is a wonder . For as in the Ayre , how the lower parts are affected , so are the superiour ; and contrarywise , as the superior is disposed , right so the inferiour . So we see that not onely a heaven of Brasse , maketh the Earth of Iron , but likewise waterish and moist earth , causeth foggy and rainy ayre : as a serene or tempestuous day maketh us commonly either ioyfull or melancholy : or as a sad and grieved minde causeth a heavie and dull body : but contrariwayes , a healthfull and well tempered body , commonly effecteth a generous and jovially disposed minde . OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE : CONTEINING FIVE TREATISES . OF 1. Armies and Battels . 2. Combats and Duels . 3. Death and Burials . 4. Laughing and Mourning . 5. Mentall Reservation . BY DAVID PERSON OF Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE THOMAS Earle of Hadington LORD Privy Seale of Scotland , and one of His Majesties most HONOURABLE Privy Counsell in both KINGDOMES . Right Honourable , IF writers of books in former ages have made a gratefull commemoration in the front of their workes , of worthy , men who for their brave deeds either in Peace , or War , Church or Common wealth were renounced , thereby to enternize their fame , and by their examples to extimulate others to the imitation of their vertues ; nothing could expiat my trespasse , if I should passe over your Lordships most accomplished rare vertues , thereby to deprive posterity of so excellent a President , especially amongst your other many exquisite perfections you being in this barren age so worthy a patterne , and Bountifull Patron of letters and literate men . Let antiquity boast it selfe of the integritie of a Greeke Aristides , in the gravity and inflexibilitie of a Roman Cato , and the rest : yet our age may rejoyce to have all these accumulated on your Lordship alone ; Envy cannot conceale with what credit and generall applause ( as through the Temple of Vertue to the Sacrary of Honour ) you have past all the orders of our Senatoriall Tribunall even to the highest dignity ; where , like an Oracle , you strike light through most foggie and obscurest doubts . The continued favour of Kings , the aggrandizing of your estate by well managed fortune , the peopling by the fecunditie of your fruitefull loynes not only your owne large stocke but many of the most ancient and honourable families in our nation , may well set out your praises to the world , but the true Panegyrick which I ( if able ) would sound abroad your Honours due deserving merits , to which , in all humility and reverence , I offer this small pledge of my entirer affection , hoping ere long to present them with something more worthy the studies and travels of Your Lordships in all dutifull obedience . D. PERSON . OF ARMIES AND BATTELLS : VVherein by the way our moderne VVarfare , is compared with the Old Roman . THE THIRD BOOKE . Section 1. That greatest armies have not alwayes carryed away the victory , the reason of it ; two examples , of Semiramis , and Xerxes . I FIND in Histories , that not alwayes the greatest , and most numerous armies , have carried away the victories in Battels ; whether it is , that the LORD of Hoasts will disappoint them who trust in their numbers , and armies of men , or their Martiall Horses and their strength , or in their military discipline . For it is probable , that as their infinite numbers , cannot ever be so well Marshalled , as that , at all times requisite , they can come to blowes ; so on the contrary , if once they chance to turne backes , the Panike feare that seazeth on so grosse , and peccant a body , is so remedilesse , that they can scarce ever bee brought againe into any right or perfect order , which in lesser armies , driven to such extremities , we heare and reade to have hapned : Or rather shall we say with that Captaine of the Volsci , marching against the old Romans ? Armati armatis obstant virtute pares , sed necessitate superiores . And againe ; Iustum est bellum , quibus necessarium , & pia arma , quibus nulla , nisi in armis , relinquitur spes . I need not insist too much on battels of unequall numbers , for the Greeke and Roman Histories are replenished with them ; yet two I will produce , as incredible for their numbers , as unlikely for their losse . The one , of Semiramis Queene of Babylon , who setting out for the conquest of the Indies , made up an army of three millions of armed men , whereof tenne hundred thousand Horsemen , the rest were foot , besides many hundred thousand Chariots , with blades like sythes , or falchions , sticking out on either side ; with many hundred thousand Camells and Elephants to fight on . Which horrible armie was so overthrown by the Indian Emperour , that scarce one hundred returned home alive . The other was of Xerxes , that powerfull King of Persia , who intending to subdue Greece , came downe upon it with such an army , that Rivers were drunke dry by the multitude of his souldiers . Herodotus reporter of the former two , reckoneth this whole army to amount to seventeene hundred thousand by land : and two hundred and fifty thousand by Sea , with 2200 Galleys ; for , by Sea and land , he intended their subversion , and came downe for that intent . The insolencie of this King ( environed with this terrible armie ) was such ; that intending likewise to subdue Europe , and for which purpose he prepared to passe the Hellespont , ( some seaven miles broad ) but because his bridge of boates , by the waters impetuousnesse , was overthrowne , which he caused to be contrived for that effect ( as Alexander did at Tyre ) he made his Souldiers , with him , vainely to whip the Sea for it's resistance against his so vast power . Neverthelesse this presumptuous King ( I say ) with all his forces , and numbers of men , by a small number of Greekes , was overcome at the Battell of Thermopilae ; in so far that , that same glorious King of Medes and Persians , was forced to steale over the Hellespont , slenderly accompanied in a frigat , or Shallop , in the yeare of the world 4720. or thereabouts , if Sabellicus mistake not . Now as these two remarkable and populous armies were thus defeated by the smaller number , and so confirmeth this assertion afore-mentioned ; So who will follow forth the tract of all either divine , or heathen Histories , shall finde it more manifestly approved . As for holy Histories , unlesse I were obliged not only by an Historicall but by an Evangelicall faith also , to trust all comprehended with●n the old and New Testament as undoubted veritie , I could hardly be induced to beleeve , that so little a territory as the holy land was ( and yet is ) could afford so many hundred thousand fighting men , as were so often recorded to bee raised in it ; unlesse that some would say , that beside the blessing of God upon that land in making it to overflow with milke and hony , wheat , wine and oyle , that so he would have it to abound in men likewise . Sect. 2. Examples of Greeke , Roman , and British Battels , where the fewer number have overcome the greater . THere is a freedome left to every Reader of Histories , to beleeve or not beleeve every particular in them : yet those battailes , where the fewer numbers have overcome the greater , will most startle beleefe ; as that victorie of Alexander over Darius ; the battails of Thrasymenes , Cannes , with the Pharsalian field , and the like . For Alexander , with but a few , did beat Darius great hosts : Hannibal , with lesser multitudes overthrew the Roman Consuls , Paulus Aemilius , and Terentius Varro ; Iulius Caesar , with almost the halfe of Pompeys number put him and his armie to rout . But neither the imparitie of the Greeke , nor Roman battels fought by them can give so great assurance of possibility , that small troupes have overcome the greater . As that battell of Poictiers by Edward the blacke Prince of England , against Iohn King of France ! where , not onely foure times as many that day were put to rout , by the worthy English , but likewise the King himselfe was led captive into England ; whose ransome redacted his countrie unto that penury , and scarcity of money , that they were forced thereafter , to coyne and stampe pieces of leather money , as their History of that time recordeth . Neither , was that glorious victory over the French much more remarkeable , nor more sufficient for proofe of this then was that famous victorie of our valiant Bruce , at the battell of Bannak-burne , against an other Edward . I might adde to these two the renowned victories woone by Scanderbeg a petty Prince of the Epirots , who with but a handfull of men ( as it were ) did overcome the hundreds of thousands of that victorious Mahomet , as at length may bee read in the Turkish Historie . Sect. 3. Whether it be requisite that Princes hazard their Persons in field or not ; of the Encouragement that their presence giveth to the Souldiers : When a King should venter to the field ; and what Lievtenants are to bee deputed by him ; all exemplified . OVr Politicians , of latter times , have made it a great question , whether a Soveraigne Prince should hazard his person in battell or not , considering the great losse that ensueth either by his death , or captivitie ; a thing never doubted of in former ages ; no not by such Kings who though sickly and diseased , have caused to carry their bodyes from their bed unto the field , thereby the more to encourage , with their presence , their mutining and doubting armies ; as Plutarch witnesseth in the life of Eumenes . Yea , Xisca had such a conciete of himselfe and his owne presence , that after his death , he ordained his skinne to be flead off him , and a drumme to be covered with it ; imagining thereby , that , as he in his life had terrified and sorely beaten his enemies , so the sound of this after his death would be a terrour unto them . Neither , was there any thing encouraged our brave English , at the approch of the Spanish armado , more , than the assurance and undismayed countenance of that ever famous Q. Elizabeth , ryding in the front of her troupes with a Iaveline in her hand ( like an armed Pallas ) as the Bishop of Ely in his treatise of the 88. most appositely relateth . Philippe de Commines observeth nothing more worthy of re-marke in the battell of Fornouncie ( which the Italians call the battell of Tarr which was strooke at the foote of the Appennine mountaines , by the French King Charles the eight , against the Venetian an armie , under the conduct of the Marquise of Mantua , their generall , at the Kings returne from Naples homeward , ) then the young King his generous encouraging of his people , with a chearefull countenance : and so much the more ; because that the night before , the armie was so terribly frighted with thunder , flashes of fire from heaven , horrible tempests of winde , and raine , all which he perswaded his Souldiers , were onely ominous prodigies , to dismay their enemies . So then , when I seeme to admit , or allow the presence of a King in his Armie , rather than to devolve that charge on Deputies ; it is not to bee understood , that therefore hee should play or act the part of a Souldier , exposing his sacred person unto danger and palpable hazard , which are onely for common Souldiers ; but onely by his advice , and countenance , to encourage , direct , and ensure all things . — stetit aggere fulti Cespitis intrepidus vultu , meruitque timeri Nil metuens — As Lucane speaking of Iulius Caesar , exquisitly remarketh : neither yet is it to be understood , that a King should in person be in his battels , and armies at all occasions , but then only and especially , when the enemy is within , or approaching his Countrey ; for otherwayes hee may very conveniently doe his businesse abroad , by his Lievetenants . Provided alwayes , that he who is imployed , be not of such eminency , as thereby he bee able to encroach upon his estate ; and then armed with men , power , and strength , favour and meanes , attempt against his Soveraignety : but that by consanguinity , or other obliging bonds , the Prince bee assured of this great mans fidelity and trust : as examples of former Ages can yeeld sufficient testimony to have beene practised : to which purpose I will onely instance , that notable authority of Velleius Paterculus , in his abridgement of the Romane History ; when he speaketh of that great imployment intrusted unto Pompey , in scouring the whole Seas of those mighty and many Pirats which infested it . Idem autem ( saith he ) in Marci Antonii praetura ipsi concreditum fuit , populus id aequo animo ferebat ; ( and why ) Quia rarò eorum invidetur honoribus quorum vis non timetur , tum demum verò extrema eorum formidantur , qui vim in potestate habent . Next it is most requisite in the deputed expeditions that two Commanders be not placed over one armie , the Heavens cannot abide two Sunnes , as Darius was told by the Macedonian Alexander . — omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erat — But leaving former examples , or later miserable experiences of this wee have in hand , I cannot but applaud that memorable Motto of the Duke de Mayne , on his Colours and other Ensignes , which doth well to this purpose ; for when he had taken upon him the conduct of his Brother the Duke of Guyse's forces , after hee was killed at Blois , had these words for his Motto , — vno avulso non deficit alter Aureas , & simili frondescet virga metallo . Section . 8. Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies ; and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their embassies : and of the danger of too strict Commissions . IF it be objected here , that the Romans and Grecians ( who were chief Masters of this military Art ) did in all their expeditions send two Consuls , or Deputies together ; yet that maketh not any wayes against the former assertion : for as the severall effects thereof proved not alwayes successefull , as their lamentable warres can testifie ; and particularly the bloudy fights betwixt Silla and Marius , each vindicating to himselfe the honour of captivating the Numenian Iugurtha : they commonly were sent , so , that either alternatively they should beare rule ; or the younger was accoupled to the elder , that the younger might submit and give way to the gravity , yeares , and authority of his Senior ; or finally these Consuls were so attemperated in that charge , that one of a slow and procrastinating disposition was still joyned to one of a sudden and forward nature ; yet none of all scarce ever proved successefull to the Citie : For what desolation Terentius Varro his suddennesse brought unto the State that day that befell him to command , ( although against the will or consent of the elder Paulus Aemilius ) at the battell of Cannes , their Histories yet may beare record in letters of bloud . And though Marcellus and Fabius , were so joyned , that Marcellus impatiency was tempered and allayed by the delaying nature of Fabius , yet there are few Fabii Maximi to endure the upbraiding and insolent bravadoes of a camarade as he did ; yea , and of his whole Armie , for not fighting at such occasions as they thought advantagious ; of whom the Poet said well , Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem . And of both , their legender Plutarch ; That Marcellus was the Sword of Rome , and Fabius the Buckler and defence ! That the Grecians sent alwayes two together , either to wars , or in Embassage , was rather to the effect each should pry into , and controll the others actions , to save their Common-wealth unbetrayed , then for advancing the businesse they were sent about ; as in the lives of Lisander and Calicrates is manifest ; every one of them for envy , emulation , and ambition , undoing that which the other had plotted . Now , as the Romane and Greeke examples above rehearsed , doe make little for the authority of two Generals over an Armie , seeing the formerly particularized evils doe ensue : In as little doe I thinke their example to be imitated in these our dayes for prescribing particular and precise injunctions unto Generals , in so farre , that they may not in a jot transgresse the limits of their Commission . For though the Romane History affordeth examples enow of Fathers ; who , when their own sons had returned victorious , and the businesse they went about , well and honourably performed ; for which the first day they were honoured with the Ovations and Triumphs due unto victors ; yet the next day were put to death for having gone beyond the points of their Commission ; yea , but for halting one day more by the way , than punctually they were enjoyned to doe : ( though peradventure they had brought the enemy unto such a passe , that if that day had escaped from giving battell , or any other thing of like consequence , the state of the Common-wealth might have beene imperilld , or the enemy escaped , or the like . ) Yet I know not how their doings , by Lawes of a well managed state , may be lawfully warranted . For in wars it may be , that the opportunity of doing well presenteth it selfe so , that if the General lose the point of that present service ( though his Commission carry no warrant for it ) he may hazard to posterity both his fame and credit , and may , ( which is more ) endanger the state , or Prince whom he serveth . But as the jealousie of the Romans for the conservation of their liberty and state burst out in these strict Commissions ; so I shall wish that for the preservation of ours , all expert States-men upon most weighty considerations doe advise , such as the multifarious exigencies of affaires require ; for I am no wayes to direct . Section 5. Difference betweene Battels and Duels : that Generals may refuse challenges : with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres . NOw to returne to our Battels from which we have digressed ; I observe great ods betwixt battels and duels : for in battels neither Generals of Armies repute it a point of disparagement or discredite , if either they refuse to fight , when they are bravado'd by their enemy : nor yet a point of disgrace to sue for conditions of peace and friendly compositions , when all things all the cleare in the field : any of which , or both , in matter of duels , should be reputed a perpetuall disgrace , unlesse it were in such termes as the Barons did ; mentioned in the Chapter of combats . Of the first , we have the example of Fabius Maximus , whom Hannibal bravadoed so insolently , that Fabius's owne souldiers had him in derision . And of late , the Duke of Parmas example , who relieved the Towne of Paris , from that terrible siege , wherewith King Henry the third and last of the Valoyses had beleagured it ; for rising in armes against him in fauour of the house of Guise : I say , this Duke having raised this siege , at last releeved the City with necessaries , in spight of all King Henry the great , then of Navarre , his valour , and hard pursuit ; yea , and offer of battell : yet he returned the way he came without apprehending any disgrace , but deferred till he thought fitting againe to give him battell . And on the other part , if any of all the worthy Ancients had reputed it an aspersion , or imputation either to their fame , valour , or fortune , who so unlikely to sue for putting off fighting , as that witty , wise , valorous ( and till then fortunate ) Hannibal , and that at the hands of the man on earth , with whom he stood most upon points of credit and reputation , viz. Scipio , his Antagonist ? And yet the History represents unto us , that the sixteenth yeere of the Punick warres , when Scipio the African , had invented , and prosecuted that stratagem of warre , to draw Hannibal out of Italy , by kindling the fire of war in his own Countrey , yea , at the Gates of Carthage ; which accordingly as he had invented , he put in execution ; so that the Countrey and Citie , at the first approach of the Roman army , posted away Commissioners unto Hannibal to hast him over into Africk with all his force , or else that all was undone . Hannibal , I say , considering that policy , and withall remembring unto what extremity he had both driven Rome , and almost all Italy , and what he might have done if he had not beene so soone fatally recalled ; moreover , being landed , and finding his forces not able enough to encounter Scipio ( both Armies being in sight of other ) before the battell should begin , desired parly with Scipio , and in these or the like termes the History makes Hannibal in mid-field to speake unto him , after serious eying each other . The Heavens be propitious unto our meetings ; now that I , who am the elder , sue for cessation from fighting this day ( great Scipio ) impute it unto fortune ; whom now I perceive like a woman to favour thee at this time , who art the younger ; the variablenesse of these events ( mee thinks ) should move thee to condescend unto the peace I plead for , yea , as willingly and effectually as I crave it , if you doe but ponder in the ballance of an impartiall and not preoccupied minde , what diversity of chances have fallen out since the beginning of our warres , and how , even now , this same Citie , which offereth conditions of peace , had both your glorious Rome , and in it all Italy , quaking and trembling under the auspices of my fortunate successes ; and how I am still the same man as before : and withall , how the Gods have a watching eye , and revenging hand when they are invocated as witnesses unto equall conditions offered and refused for the preserving of humane bloud . And as they ever were , so still they are able , to turne the chance against all , whose swelling presumption would hinder the perpetuall peace of both Empires . I am confident yet , great Scipio ( saith he ) that the sense of vicissitude in martiall affaires shall touch thee so , as not to indanger all thy fresh former Trophees under the hazard of a doubtfull battell . Call but to minde the fatall examples of so many brave wariours , and particularly of your countrieman Attilius Regulus ( seeing home-bred experiences are most sensible ) who having attained the verticall point of honour , and preferment , by the fortunatenesse of his succesfull victories , while hee did not command his felicities , was plunged in the miserablest of misfortunes , &c. Sect. 6. That the exploits of our moderne warriours , have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient ; with some examples to that effect . AS no judicious man can be so unjust as not to retribute due honour to the never dying Worths , and valours , of the many renowned Roman and Greek Commanders , with others in all former Ages ; so ought no man to be so transported with their so largly famed deeds , as thereby to derogate from the true worths , the many most admirable exploits ; the undaunted courages , of the many excellent and most warlike Commanders that have of later Ages , like so many Comets , shined in their times , over Christendome ; of whom our own Countries ( without ostentation I say it ) have filled up a very large number . It is not to be doubted but that in these our latter ages there are men every way equall for all manner of warlike exploits , whether stratagems , policie , or undaunted courage , to the so famed Hannibal , Scipio , Fabius Maximus and the rest . That exploit of Hannibals indeed , when Fabius Maximus had enlabyrinthed him in that straight of the Apennine Mountaines was preferable to any in my conceit : with which I ballance that admirable stratagem of Sir Francis Drake in firing the Spanish Armado in 88. That it bred the ruine of that so huge and expensive Navie and so formidable to this whole Iland . It is observed of Hannibal , that being in that straight , and recollecting his wits how to escape , with his armie , hee gathered together all the Oxen in the country about him , and under cloud of night , having tyed unto their hornes bundles of vine branches , like little fagots , which he kindled , and therewith chased them along the Mountaines . Now they being so terrifyed with the flames of fire , burning about their eares , made such a noyse , and dreadfull show along the sydes of the mountaines , as they ranne , that the Roman army , which lay in the valley , being astonied at such a sight , ( it being in the night ) when all things are most dreadfull ) did betake it selfe unto the opposite Mountaine , and made way to the Carthaginian armie which then marched to escape : neither think I , but for all the fame of these ancient illustrious deeds registrated in their records , but if either they had chanced to have adoe with the people of these ages , where the acts of warre are better refined , and purified then in those times ; Or yet if our commanders had served in that age ; but they had come shorter of victories here , then ours had done in their atchievements there . But as Alexander reputed Achilles happy who had a Homer to sound his praises ; even so these brave Heroes were a like happy , whose Histories have not beene sparing to set them out in their fullest dimensions . Sect. 7. The difference betwixt the ancient manner of warrefare ; and the moderne : how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceed those of the ancient Greekes and Romans . IN marshalling of our armies , and Battels , our moderne plans jump almost with those of the Ancient ; yet our Sieges , beleaguring of townes , and instruments of war doe far exceede theirs , whether by Sea , or by land . And first that the forme of drawing up of our armies , is not far different from theirs , appeareth in this . Our armies consist of so many regiments , the regiment of so many companies , and our companies of so many Souldiers ; then , subdivided amongst themselves . Our armies , in whole , having their Generalls commanding them , our Regiments their Colonells , our Companies their Captaines , and every one of these their Lievtenants and under-officers , conformable unto the stations of their charge , such as Sergeant Majors , Quarter-masters , Ancient Corporalls , Serjeants of companies , &c. Even so the Roman armies were composed of so many legions ; the legion made up of 6000. souldiers , over which a Tribune had command : these againe were subdivided into so many Cohorts : the Cohorts into so many Manipuli , which being redivided in Centuries , were againe subdivided in Contuberneys which were the meanest company in a legion . These had a Captaine , a Lievtenant , and Ensigne bearer , wherefore they were called Subsignarii Milites . Thus two centuries made up a Manipulus , 3. Manipuli a Cohort , 10. Cohorts a legion , and so many Legions an armie lesse or more according to the exigencie of their affaires . When a Legion stood in battell array , the least squadron of it , was a Manipulus wherein was two Ordaines conjoyned together making 10. in front , and their Lievtenant in the reire : this excellent order of the old Roman warre-fare , is well nigh imitated by our moderne warriours , as I was saying in the fields , when , both then , and elsewhere their armies , were like well governed Citties . Yet on the other side the Roman sieges and all their engines of warre , come short in comparison of our manner of beleaguring now adayes , notwithstanding their testudines , vineae , aggeres , and Turres , which were hurdells and plankes of Timber , built in such sort that Souldiers might securely fight under them , or like Mounts of earth rolled before them , under which they might make approach unto Walles , either for scaling , or undermining ; these and all others of this sort , when they come in comparison with our fire workes , but chiefly our thundring Cannons , they are found to be but of little availe . But what shall we say ? Truly we may conclude that in these dayes , true valour and strength had their just assayes , cum latus lateri , dextra dextrae , pes pedi , as Plautus saith , were opposed to one another . Whereas now the bravest , and most venturous fellows without much proofe of their undoubted courages , are prostrate on the ground : So that for any thing I either heare or can reade in the French Histories , where manifest fights have beene in these latter ages ; and since these Vulcanian Thunderers have beene in request ; I understand ( I say ) yea even by those who were present , and had borne a part of the play themselves ; that so soone as the fire and showers of shot were spent , the victory almost beganne to incline , unto one side , or other ; before the push of Pikes , wherein commonly the strength of battels co●sist ; the Romans indeed had their fundi , and hurling ; Darts , but what were all these unto the former ? Sect. 8. That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportunities to try their prowesse , in battell ; then the modernes have . AND as in their field battells , and seiges of Cities , their people had occasion afforded , by the lacke of these shot , to prove themselves and show sufficiently unto their commanders , testimonyes of their valour , strength , and dexterity : Soin their Sea-fights , though they had no Ships of any bignesse but Galleys ( which then , as now , were of a low tyre ; ) yet , whensoever they encountred , they had occasion to exhange blowes enow . Whereas our Sea-fights ( as they say ) now adayes , are able to astonish Nepture himselfe ; no mercie being to be found nor almost place secure within our Ships , exposed as butts unto the fury of the roaring Cannon . That their numbers in these kind of fights exceeded ours , beyond compare , there is no question , their Histories doe verifie it : but if ever in their time there was such a Naumachie or sea-fight in their seas , as the battell of Lepanto betwixt us and the Turkes , I doubt of it . Where the favour of the Lord of Hoasts seco●ding the Christians order , valour , Commanders and Souldiers willingnesse , and affections to that fight , purchased that victory worthy to be sung by a King , yea the best since Salomon , of one that bore Crowne , KING Iames of blessed memorie , which at length is to beseene in the Turkish Historie , and in Du Bartas small workes . Sect. 9. The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battells , both by Sea , and by land ; the battells of Cannas and Trasimenes described . AS for the disposition of the Roman , or Greeke Sea-fights and battells , I find little other order , then that they were drawne up in a cressant , and so was the battell of Lepanto . But for their land battels , I read of foure kinds of pitching of them : For they were either into a straight front , by them called recta acies very usuall amongst them ; Or else the manner of imbattelling observed by Caesar against Ariovistus , was in request , which was , when one corner of the army was advanced neerer the neerest point of the enemies army then the other was ; to the effect , the one being wearied , the other might advance to renew the charge a fresh , which by him in his Commentaries was called acies obliqua . The third I understand , to bee that observed by Scipio in Spaine called acies sinuata , in manner of halfe Moone , whose points were advanced , as the Sea-battells spoken of before : And his reason of marshalling of them thus was , because he understood his enemies best men to be placed in the middle of their army , and so by advancing his cornets he discomfited , and put their battallions unto confusion , before the better Souldiers could come unto blowes . The fourth is acies gibbera , or gibbosa : When the maine battell advanced , but the two cornets lay lagging behinde in manner of Cressant too , with the Hornes or points arreirward : This forme was observed by Hannibal at the battell of Cannas , whereas he did the contrary unto Scipio , neither wanted he his warrand as the effect proved . And howbeit Sr. Walter Raleigh in diverse places of his great and judicious workes takes me much , yet in nothing more , than in this description of the plaine order , fight , and end of that battell at Cannas , which was thus ; Terentius Varro having inforced the grosse of Hannibals Cressant , in which , contrary to Scipio's order , his worst souldiers were , whilst some Numidians counterfeiting a flight , to traine the Romans unto their chase , some further within the Cressant made way unto them ; till in the end , they were encountred by Hanniball himselfe : who standing in his squadron of Carthaginians , under the shaddow of the vanquished grosse battallion drove them back againe , within the circumference of the halfe Moone , whose face looked towards him ; which closing again , where it was first inforced , environed the il-governed Roman Armie ; so that they were exposed as a pray , unto the fury of the Maures , Numidians , Spaniards , Carthaginians , and some of their Countrey-men Italians , whereof Hannibals Armie consisted . Which overthrow of the Romans , with that at Trasimenes received under the consulship of Cneius Servilius , and Titus Flaminius , hapned rather by the fury and blinde ambition of the two younger Consuls , for the time ( who would not attend the opportunities of times , and places appointed by their elders , viz. Paulus Aemilius Consul with Varro , and Cne . Servilius , with Flaminius , ) then by the dexterity of Hanniball ; or yet the valour of his people above them ; yet may they not counterpoyse , or at least over-value that of Pharsalia , where , the Romans , amongst themselves , gave sound proofes of their courages unto their owne destruction : although Iulius Caesars part ( with fewer numbers ) was more to be admired above Pompey , in regard of his providence above him in this . Section . 10. A Maxime in militarie discipline , inferred to confirme Pompeys oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . IT is a maxime of military discipline , that if thy enemy invade thee , by running upon thy Armie with force , in that case , to abide their charge in setled and sound station ; if otherwayes , they budge not to flye upon them : for Pompey his Armie being composed of the flowre of the Roman youth ; no question , but if hee had commanded them to give the charge , they , whose hot bloud and rising spirits , had incensed and redoubled their courages , by the onset , had inforced Caesars host ( which although it was composed of old beaten souldiers , yet being so farre inferiour , as it was in numbers unto them ) to a flight , so to avoide the swelling and furious onset : whereas , on the contrary , they were commanded to abide Caesars charge : and thus by that attendance , their young and first fury being cooled and abated ; withall , Caesar ( as a well experienced Commander , enjoyned his people to invade these young blouds , imagining ( as it came to passe ) that being amorous youths , they had rather turne their faces than have them torne ( howbeit these skars are rather the honourable badges of true valour , than hinderances or lets of love to a discreet mind ) by which meanes , as Pompey lost the field , so did hee all hopes of redintegrating his losses againe , making his recourse unto the King of Aegypt , where by the way he was killed . Section 11. That the French , what within their owne Countrey and abroad , have fought more battels of late times , than any other Nation ; and of their successe in them . BVT to leave Greeke and Roman Histories , and to passe by the battels , whereof in them are plenty to be read : I will descend to the later Ages , where the liberty of Writers is some way better restrained from debording ; and whereof the commemoration will bee more taking , and delightfull unto the Reader . And to begin with the French ; I finde , that they have given maniest battels within this later Age , both at home in their owne bowels , and abroad : and at home with strangers , though not with discredit , yet with small advantage . For to take a survey , either of their battels with the English in France , or in Italy ; either in Lombardy for Millan , or in , and about Naples with the Spaniard ; we shall finde by their owne Writers , that few of them have beene fortunate : in so much , that beside the common losse in field , their Generals were either taken , or killed , both by the English and Spanish . Indeed I will not say , but at some times their deeds have beene most worthy , both in the fights at Giradadda , and Tarr , which may counterpoise the losse of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna ; the Duke of Nemoures at Cerisoles ; and almost the captivity of their King at Pavi● : yet what shall we say ? they have lost all their footing beyond the Alpes : whether by their misfortune , ill government , or the Heavens decree , which have bordered France in w th such unpassable marches , in a manner , that it may learne to live by it selfe without encroaching upon her neighbours . As for their intestine battels againe ; so many in so short space have not bin struck in any place throughout the world . For albeit Flanders and Holland , have beene now for long time debated , betwixt the Spaniards and the States ; in so farre , as it hath beene , sedes belli , and the publike Theatre whereon the Tragedies of bloudy Mars have beene acted unto the view of all Christendome , since the beginning of their troubles , and the reformation of Religion , as well as France : yet we shall scarce find in all their History of one set battell ; for the story of Newport which comes the neerest unto one of any , was rather a successive fight , than a pitched field . Section . 12. That emulation amongst the Princes in France , rather than Religion , was the cause of the many civill-warres there . VVHether the procrastinating and long suffering humour of the Spaniard , with whom the Hollanders have to doe ( wherein they exceed the French ) whether their feare to hazard the undoubted losse of the whole Countries unto the parties overcome upon a doubtfull battell ; or whether ( like wise Scipio ) they are loth to lose a souldier , be the cause of their never appointing set field , I know not : but I dare say , that there have beene more civill-wars and battels strooke within the bowels of France , since the reformation of Religion , there , than in all Christendome , for that or other causes whatsoever . The battell of S. Dennis , Moncon tour , Yvri , Iarnack , Coutras , Arques ; besides , diverse others lesse remarkable may witnesse . Which argueth necessarily how hot and sudden the disposition of that people is . And how justly Iulius Caesar in his Commentaries ( and with him divers others ) have hit , when hee describeth the nature and humour of the ancient Gaules . Neither must it be thought , that the zeale of Religion onely rouseth up this ferocity , on both sides , unto such bloudy fights and battels . For other Countries about , have appeased all dissentions about Religion with fewer fights , and lesse bloudshed at , least in open field , as who frequent their Histories may finde . And howsoever Religion was partly a motive unto it : yet it was sometimes used as a cloake to cover the emulous ambition of some great men : as that betwixt those illustrious Families of Bourbon and Guyse , both aspiring unto the Crowne , by the visible declining of the name of Valois , in the person of King Henry the third . As for all the late battels fought in Germany and other places of Christendome , there being so copious and plentifull relations of them every where to bee had , I passe them by , and referre the Reader to them . OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOKE . OF DVELS AND COMBATS . AS by Duels and Combats ( under the false glosse of gaining , maintaining , or repairing of Honour and reputation ) there hath beene more young , generous , and Noble bloud spilt over Christendome , then by any other Pestilentiall Custome whatsoever ; So , no Nation hath beene so universally and so long infested with them , as France ; in so farre , that it almost may be said that the first fountaine of them sprang from thence , all Christendome beside not affording so many memorable ones as it alone . Their heat and impatient sudden fury that way being imputed by some of their owne Writers to Mars the Predominant Planet over that Clime : And first I observe , that by their Salick Law Title 69. Duels were authorized , and that Law seconded by the Gambetts Law , as Agobardus ad Ludouicum Imperatorem hath it ; and continued so ( though not without some opposition till the reigne of Henry 2. Sect. 1. Of combats by Champions for Cleering of Queenes Honours : Combats betwixt Ladies ; betwixt Church-men : and betwixt Iudges : Combatants , rewarded by Kings their Spectators ; and S. Almachius kild , for declaming against Duels , &c. LOtharius ( saies P. P. Nicolas in his 5. Chapter : ) desirous to make tryall of the Chastitie of his Wife Teuberga was advised by the Bishops to choose a Champion , and his wife another ; which two were by simple Combats to resolve the Scruple : Their Queenes too had recourse to Duels , in choosing Champions to maintaine their Honours and cleere any imputations layd against them : for Iudeth , Wife to King Lewis the Gentle , being by him accused of having dishonoured his bed , by accompanying with Bernard his kinsman and Prince of the bloud , was purged of that staine by Bernards entring the lists , and freely offering Combat to any that would maintaine that wrongfull quarrell . And their Ladies also , not Content to have their honours and their other quarrels maintained by their Champions , have themselves to publike view , within lists , body against body fought in single Combats , as Petrus de Auriliaco in his Title de Duello , affirmeth . And not onely their Women , but their Church-men also , were licensed to decide any debate of great consequence that had risen amongst them by Duell , whereof I will onely mention that out of Goffridus Abbas Vindoci in his 3. booke 38 Epistle . of Rhenold Chesnell Clarke of the Church of Xanites , who fought a Combat with one Guilleaume a Religious Monke of Vandosme . But more memorable is that of Anselme Besse , Churchman and Treasurer of the Church of Laon , who being accused of having robbed the Church treasury , of severall rich and precious pieces , and sold them to a Goldsmith of Soissons , who had deposed against him , obstinately denied the fact , and craved combate , which was granted ; they fought , and the Goldsmith was overcome ; notwithstanding these things were sold him by the Monk : yet ( saith my Author ) the Goldsmith for having violated his oath , which he had given unto the other , never to reveale the theft , was condignely punished . Nor have their Iudges beene exempted from this triall by duell ; for Chopnius de Domanio , Tit. 26. § . 15. telleth of one Marsilli a Counsellor of the Parliament who , being accused by another of corruption or bribery , was dispensed withall by the authority of Parliament to challenge his accuse● , and did fight with him in the quarrell . Moreover , Petre d' Auriliack declareth , that their Kings did not onely authorize Duels , but were oft-times eye-witnesses and spectators of them . Charles the 6. ( saith Frossard in his 3. Tome ) was present on S. Thomas day , behinde S. Martines in the fields at Paris , at the combate of Iohn de Carrouges , and Iames Legris , and from that time conferred a Pension on Carrouges : And Charles the 8. ( saith Ferronius , lib. 1. Hist. ) did behold Zerbulo and La Laude whilst they fought , and rewarded both , giving to Zerbulo 300. Crownes , and to La Laude 50. And of later dayes K. Henry the 2d. was present at that of Chastangueraye against Iarnack ; of which hereafter . Nay , the natures of that people in former ages have beene so averse to have any custome , how pernicious so ever , abrogated , that it is recorded of S. Almachius , that for having declamed publikely against Duels and the frequency of them in his time , he was , by the obstinate and seditious multitude over-run , and violently put to death . But not minding to fill up this Discourse with the many famous and memorable combats that have bin fought amongst themselves , and against strangers in that Nation ; as that of Peter Bajard against Don Alonzo de Sancto major : Anno , 1503. Or that of the Earle of Arguemont , against Montmorancy in the Isle of Maisiers ; or that of Delarges against Vaudrey , Anno 1521. with many others : Or of later dayes , how in King Lewes's voyage towards Limo●ine , six score were killed in single combate ; with as many or thereabouts in his voyage towards Savoy . I will only mention in stead of all two most memorable ones , the one in France , the other in Spaine ; and first of the French in the following Section . Section 2. A recitall of two memorable duels , the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky , and Don Philippin : The other in Spaine betweene Pedro Torrello , and Ieronimo Anca , both of Arragon : in the presence of Charles the fifth . THE French shal be first inserted here , although latest acted , for it was but in the dayes of King Henry the 4th . surnamed the Great ; set downe by du Mathieu , and thus briefly it is . In the warres betwixt the said King , and the Duke of Savoy , for the recovery of the Marquisat of Saluces usurped long before that time , during the time of the French divisions by the said Dukes , and now reclamed by this King , as having bin formerly rent from his Crowne , although it lyeth in a manner within the Savoyards bosome : it fell out so , at the taking in of a little Towne there , that Crekie did vant to have got in that conflict * Philippin's skarfe : which words being conveighed to his eares , he forthwith challenged Crekie of a lye ; and that so much the rather ; for that at certaine other swaggerings , where Philippin his fortune was to be before this fatall fight ; Crekie likewise , had vented and vaunted , that hee had dipt his hand in the 〈◊〉 bloud ; which wrongs ( at least so pretended by him ) accumulated together , drove him ( if the French History say right , for Fides sit penes Authorem ) to undertake the challenge , yet not without the valorous Duke his brothers threatning instigation : the time , place , weapons , judges , and all , agreed upon , they fought couragiously both : but yet so , that the French having the advantage of the Sun , which even then was tending towards the West , by good fortune , and it may be by the equity of the challenge ( for Perkins holds Duels not to be examens of innocency ) left the Savoiard dead upon the field : The Spanish duell was more remarkable in its circumstance , howbeit inferiour in the dignity of the combarants , and in the event of their fight ; for although it be proverbially spoken , that the French in single combat or duell , are better than the Spaniard , and the Spaniard in battels and greater numbers doe surpasse the French ▪ even so in Italy I have oftentimes heard , that the Florentine alone is more wise , and subtle than the Venetians : but they againe in counsell are more wise and deliberate than the Florentines In this combate the Spaniards gave very sound proofes both of their courage and daring . The discourse of it is at length , and in its punctuall circumstances set downe in their Countrey story , which I will briefly touch . In the dayes of Charles the 5. that fortunate Prince , for the time both Emperour and King of Spaine , there lived in his Court Peter Torello , & Hierome Anca Arragonois , both Gentlemen of note ( for so they were called ) and withall entire and loving Comerades : these two on some occasion faling to contradictory termes , from words they fell so foule , that it came to a challenge , from challenge to a meeting , from that to fighting ; in which combate , after some bouts , Peter Torello was overthrowne by the default of his Rapier , which either broke , or else was beaten out of the hilt by his Antagonists furious blowes ; by whom he was forced instantly either to dye , or sue for life ; who being put to that extremity , condescended to accept of his life ; but conditionally , that on the faith of a Gentleman , hee should reveale that secret to none living , which he might doe the more trustily , seeing no other were witnesses to it , but more especially seeing it was not through lack of courage on his part , nor of daring , but rather by chance of warre . Things thus put up , they returne to Court , living together after their old fraternity , as if never such a thing had beene amongst them , never so much as a motion or whispering of it ; till within a certaine space of time a report of Torello his overthrow burst out , which comming to his eare after it had beene blazed through the whole Court , he pondered with himselfe , that hee could not be avenged on his companions perfidiousnesse by a private duell againe , whom hee perswaded himselfe was the onely revealer of his disgrace and that secret ; ( notwithstanding Hierome Anca certainly affirmed the discovery therof to be by a Neat-heard , who unknowne of them overheard and saw them ) Torello therefore being set on revenge to repaire his disgrace , which he beleeved was whispered and talked of by every one , had recourse to the Emperour , and begged at his Majesties hands , that it might please him for the recovery of his reputation now in question , to grant him a publike combat with his enemy , who perfidiously against his plighted faith , had revealed the matter , whereof he made a particular rehearsall : whereunto the Emperour after many instant solicitations gave way , but with this restriction ; that first , they should fight armed : next , that when hee should throw in betwixt them a golden rod , which at solemne times he bore in his hand , they should give over , and not fight to death , as in other combats : these conditions were accepted by both parties , the day and place appointed , where in the Emperours presence , and face of the whole Court , with great pompe and solemnity , the two combatants did appeare clothed ; first , in their most sumptuous attire , and accompanied with their most honorable friends : from whence , after low and humble reverences done ; first , to the Emperour , sitting there in his Chaire of state , next , to the Chancelor ( whom the Story highly regardeth ) they were conveighed every one to their own pavilion at the ends of the Carieer ; from whence comming forth againe , armed at all peeces , and ( as they say ) Cap ape , they re-entred the precinct of their appointed place ; where after solemne oathes made , that no other quarrell brought them to that hazardous encounter , but the defence of their honour ; they commenced that memorable duell to the admiration of their beholders , with uncertaine victory ; till in the end , the Emperour throwing his golden rod betwixt them , approving the courage and proofes of both , caused them to be parted , though without great difficulty they could not be separated . Sect. 3. How Combats may bee thought permissible : The relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray , in the Presence of King Henry the second of France ; citations of the Canon law against combats : Example of a Combat where the innocent was killed : that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duells were permitted , ought to be left to God. IN the former combats Spanish was more remarkable then the French ; that first it was authorized by an Emperour and then countenanced by him . Wherin if any would inferre , that by this I would seeme to authorize Duells ; hereafter the contrary shall appeare : But thus much I may say ; If any sort of Duels should be tolerated in a Common-wealth , I thinke that that which is performed after this manner ( wherein as in his Miles gloriosus , Plautus speakes , Pes pedi , dextra dextrae , latus lateri opponitur ) it is more dispensable then otherwise to permit men to butcher one another ; true valour , strength , dexterity and courage being then put to the essay , although with the hazard of their lives , yet not with the infallible losse of any or both , as in other Combats . These two examples I have brought in out of the French and Spanish Histories , brieflier couched here then in their owne Countrey Registers , Where they are at length and in their smallest circumstances set downe . Now as here I allow of the Spanish sort of Duells ( if any way to be tolerated ) so can I not but disapprove the French King Henry the second his admitting and permitting of a Duell , not betwixt two men of a privat estate , nor by themselves in private , neither for any remarkable injury done by one to another ; but in the face and presence of himselfe and Court in their shirts , and so to inevitable death of either , or both , and for nothing but a leger or slight French quarrell , as a demanti betwixt two notable persons , of two illustrious houses , Iarnak and Chastaigneray ; where the fortune of the fight favouring the weaker for the time , to wit Iarnak , sent his adversary , if not from the field to the grave , yet so sore wounded , that within few dayes thereafter he dyed . I might have alleadged moe of former ages , but that the neerer our owne dayes things fall out , they bring with them the greater credit to the present times . Charles the fifth his example may bee thought to be tolerable : and though by the constitutions or rather permissions of some Princes , Duells have beene tolerated , as particularly when the notoriousnesse of a fact ( as of murther ) can neither be proved by witnesses , nor oathes of parties , and such other legall wayes ; which sort of proofes the Civilians call a vulgar sort of probation , as in the Decretalls lib. 2. quest . 5. cap. consuluistis , & cap. De Monomachia , is apparent . Neverthelesse , the civill lawes as well as the Canon , do absolutly condemne them , because say they , it is a fallacious proofe , the order of nature favouring commonly the stronger above the innocent . As in the Decretalls cap. supra citato de purgatione vulgari , is manifest by a case propounded of two , who upon accusations of theft , challenged each other to Combat , where the stronger having overthrowne the weaker , was found neverthelesse guilty ; for the goods in question were at last found in the Victors house . To say here ; What shall a Prince doe when hee is importuned by one for Iustice of such or such a man , for this or the like crimes ; but to referre it to a Monomachy or Duell , seeing other proofes faile ? I answer , that by such meanes both God and the King are tempted ; for if God hath reserved to himselfe the discovery of what by all searching cannot be discovered , is not that an intolerable importunity , to pry or search any farther in that , but that the Magistrate ( all legall proofes being used ) doe absolve him , whom secundum allegata & probata hee findeth innocent , and refer to the all-seeing and all knowing God , the punishment of him who is guilty , seeing in his owne time he can by meanes unsearch'd by men , bring about a punishment on him , whom peradventure the civill Iudge hath absolved : for otherwise it should seeme , that we were suing after a miracle , by permitting a Combat for proofe , as was used in Linonia or Lapland in like cases , as may bee seene in the aforesaid Chapter De probatione Vulgari in the Decretalls : for there saith the Canonist ; If any crime such as that could not be proved , and that the accused or suspected , cryed that he was innocent , and so stood forth in the avouching of his innocency , hee was forced for the more and farther proofe thereof , either bare footed to tread on hot yron , or else to wash his hands in hot boyling water . For notwithstanding all the circumspection of Iudges in prescribing equality of armes , and all the objections which can be thought on , either for prescribing equall quarters to both , or to save both from such treachery and circumvention ; Yet can neither of these caveats be so punctually and judiciously set downe , but ●hat the one part may be weaker than the other : nei●her yet have we assurance , that God will ever show his justice in such Combats ; because it is written , Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. Sect. 4. Severall objections for the tolleration of Duells and Combats confuted ; Cajetans opinion of Duells wherein also the lawfulnesse of Battells is allowed . IF it be said here , that David did fight in single Duel with GOLIAH ; That maketh not against us for that was done by the instinct of the HOLY Ghost : Neither are all the deeds of the Saints to be obtruded as exemplary for all men , to imitate ; they are rather to bee admired than followed : for then Abraham his going to sacrifice his beloved and only Sonne Isaac , might be an instance too for imitation . But with Demosthenes we should live by Lawes not examples , albeit examples are more moving at some times then lawes . I find indeed , that Cardinall Cajetan admits them ; but upon two considerations : first , when two Armies are ready for the shocke and yet where the most equitable part hath the fewest forces , in that case saith he , the event of the battel may be referred to a Duell of one of both armies , for avoyding of greater bloudshed ; for in that case , si bellum sit licitum , quid ni & duellum ? Next when any private man accused of a crime whereof he is innocent , is neverthelesse borne downe by power of adverse parties , if then by the Magistrates authority ( to whom he complaineth ) a Duell be offered , to decide the question , in that case , hee admits these fights to bee permissible : for why ( saith hee ) if we may safely fight with a Rogue , who would rob us of our goods , why not with him who would doe so with our honour , it being alike to him , at least the odds not being great , whether he dye by his adversaries hand , or by the sword of the Magistrat , it being a lot of chance experimented in the person of Ionas . As all the Canonists , save Cajetan only , in the causes and cases above-mentioned do disallow Duells , so the Civilians approve them not ; for in the F. de gladiatoribus . L. Constant. it is said , that Cruenta spectacula in otio civili non placent . Then Leo and Anthemius Titulo de Feriis . L. Dies festos command , ut lachrymosa spectacula ferarum tollantur . Now if such sanguinolent and bloudy showes and baitings of Bores , Leopards , Bulls and Lions , either amongst themselves , or else of condemned persons with them , yea and sometimes of venturous fellowes to try their strength and daringnesse with them , were for these unnaturall sights prohibited , much more thinke I , should these of men one with other bee absolutely discharged . Now if it be objected here , that in the civill law , wee find the Emperours themselves , to have promised immunity and impunity to the gladiators , who either had vanquished their Commerad , or peradventure killed him in such fights , as ad Aquiliam . L. Qua actione . § . Si quis , is evident : To that I answer , and not without the same Law. That such killing when it did happen amongst these Luctators ( which were men appointed to wrestle and fight together for sport to the people , who beheld them barter strokes , and exchange blowes in the bottome of the Amphitheatre called Arena , whilest they sate in security ) was not injuriae causâ , or by any premeditated malice , but only by meere accident without the deliberation of him , qui intulit damnum ; whereas in these combats or Duells , they flye to it on intention and resolution , either to kill or to bee killed : and the intention judgeth our actions , not the events . Neither need I for this be reputed an Anabaptist , though I refute the lawfulnesse of duells , by the afore-said reasons ; as though I therefore denied the lawfulnesse of necessary Warres , because they are founded upon some apparent grounds of Scripture , for out of the same we have many Warrants more inforcing besides examples where the Lord of Hosts hath showne his power and approbation in favouring of battels undertaken for his cause . To say si bellum sit licitum , quidni & duellum ? if a War be lawfull , why not a Duell ? It followeth not , for howsoever Majus and Minus change not the species and kinds of things , as we say in the Schooles , yet is there great discrepance betwixt the two ; for battels are approved by the authoritie of God , nature and Nations ; provided the causes bee lawfull and just , as pro aris & focis : for the other there are none at all ; for David and Golias , their fight carry no example for imitation : But if any Nations have tollerated them , it hath beene but such , Quos sol obliqua non nisi luce videt . Not the Greeks , Latins , Assyrians , Aegyptians and the like . Sect. 5. Cajetans reason for referring the event of Battels to Monomachie : Where also is inserted the story of the Horatii and Curiatii . AS for the first condition admitted by Cajetan for Duells ; which is , when two armies are ready to joyne , for preventing of greater bloud-shed , he averreth that it is better to referre the event of a battell to a Monomachy of two , then otherwise to hazard all : There is nothing more memorable in all the Roman History then the experience of this , in that notable not so much Monomachy as Polymachy of three brethren , Romans , called Horatii , against other three brethren of the Alban side called Curiatii , and those partly of kinne and alliance , to which the decision of the victory of either of the armies , by the Roman and Alban Kings with their whole armies consent was concredited . Those sixe in the middle of both Armies valourously fighting for their owne private lives and credit , their countreys fame and liberty , having so glorious a Theatre to act so important and tragicall a combat upon , did so bravely on both sides , that the panting armies were in no lesse anxiety for the event of their tryalls , then the perplexed combatants themselves : at length the victory , which seemed dubiously disposed in favours of either side begun to incline to the Albans first , and that by the death of two of the Roman brethren ; whereupon the Roman Survaior counterfeits to fly , and so was pursued by the other three ; but turning to the formost of his pursuers he set so furiously upon him that hee forthwith killed him ; then turning to the second with like fury rewarded him after the same manner : Now the Survaiour of the Curiatii being brother in Law to this victorious Roman , received the same lot that his brothers had from his valorous hands , which afterwards caused the death of his owne Sister , the last killed Albans Spouse , as in the Roman Historie may be read at large . Section 6. That Kings and Generals of Armies , for saving of the greater bloudshed of their Souldiers , have fought single for victories . Examples of both . A quarrell and challenge betwixt the Emperour Charles the fifth , and Francis the first , King of France : how it tooke no effect . VVHEN I say then , that neither the Greeks nor Romans admitted single combats , it must bee understood , except in time of just warres , in which either one or moe souldiers may single out a combate with one of the adverse party , with permission of the Generall , or else one Generall with another for saving the bloud-shed of many ; as Cassius and Marcellus did each of them fight with their adverse Generals : yea , and sometimes Kings one against another have done so for sparing the bloud of their subjects ; As Alexander the great did combate single with Porus King of the Indians , Godfrey of Bovillon , against Arnold King of the Saxons ; Romulus , with one of the Kings of Latium ; and Hundick King of Saxony , with a King of Denmarke ; and of fresher memory , Charles of Aniou challenged Peter of Arragon , to duell ; where at Burdeaux in Aquitany , before the Prince of Wales , for the time , with swords , they should have tried the right and claime that they both pretended to the Crowne of Naples , but they met not just on the day and place appointed ; whose default it was , their diverse Histories agree not : like as the Histories of France and Spaine dissent upon the challenge given in a manner , and accepted by Charles the 5th . Emperour for the time , and King of Spaine , with Francis the first of that name , King of France : albeit Guicchardin neutrall to both ; and reputed as another Cornelius Tacitus for his impartiality in his History of Italy , following forth the circumstances of the battell at Pavie sheweth at length , how the French King Francis was beaten there , and taken prisoner by the Viceroy of Naples , Generall of the Imperiall forces , from whence by sea he was conveighed into Spaine : and how after a long and strait imprisonment , he was put to so high and invaluable ransome as lightly hath not beene heard of : moreover , the quitting of the best branch of the patrimony of his Crowne , the rites , titles and interests he pretended to the Kingdome of Naples , the Dutchy of Milan , for the which then they had beene a swaggering ; His rights and soveraignties of Artois , Brabant , Hainault , and so forth : yea , to the mariage of Eleonora Widow of the King of Portugall and sister to the said Emperour , a ransome which he was as unwilling to pay as agree to any of the former Articles , her favour being as it was unfavourable to him , who otherwise was an amorous Prince ; and although the distressed King subscribed to all , and confirmed the Articles with his promise , yet it was so , that often he protested even there ( neither did he smother it ) that promise what he would , performe them he could not , neither legally might he . So that being set at liberty , his two sonnes accepted in hostage for him , and returned home ; he was charged by the Emperour for the performance of the points subscribed by him : whereto he answered , That it was not in his power , no more than in any other Kings to alienate things belonging to the Crowne , without the consent of his whole States obtained thereunto . And for his promises he said , That seeing extraordinary conditions had extorted them from a Prince in close prison , and his consent to them violently wrung from him , they must consequently be infirme , for promises accessory to such like compulsions cannot be of better force and value . Which with the like and better replyes , when they came to the Emperours eares , he forthwith challenged the King by his Heraulds of breach of faith , and offered in single combate to fight with him in the quarrell , which the French king accepting , desired him to appoint day and place , giving him the lye as often as he would say , that he had falsified his promise . But as their severall stories disagree upon the particulars , so every one doth vindicate their owne Prince , from all aspersion and staine of breach . Section 7. A discourse of a combate where thirteene French Knights fought against so many Italians : wherein the French were overcome ; some observations thereupon . THE Italian and French Histories agree not upon the verity of that , not so much monomachy as polymachy of thirteene French Cavalliers against so many Italian . And because it is counted as a very memorable thing in their History , I shall the briefliest I may , touch it , to give the Reader content . At Barletta in the kingdome of Naples where the French and Spanish forces lay debating by sword , the right that either King clamed to that Crowne ; by their Generals for the time , Lantrek the French , and Consalvo Ferrandes , the Spaniard : it fell out so , that at Kubos a Village of no great importance , a French troope had got the foile by an Italian one , for the time , under the pay of the Spaniard ; of which severall Companies , certaine souldiers by hazard ranne encountring together by their contumelious and reproachfull objecting of one anothers defects : the Italians to the French their vaine-glorious brags , and that in effect their courage was not so good . The French to them , their subdolous and crafty tricks by which they fight more fortunately than stoutly . They brought the matter to such a height , that thirteene of the one side were to fight on Horsebacke against thirteene of the other , the field to bee Career rayled about on the side , but not at the two passages , in the middle of both Armies ; the quarrell was for the maintenance of the honour of their countreys ; and it was agreed upon , that the victors should not only have a certaine summe of Gold , but the ransome also of their captiv'd Prisoners . As soone as they had covenanted , they met , they fight ; the French are beaten , some killed , others taken . Which notable overthrow albeit Guicchardine lib. 5. of his History of Italy attributeth absolutely to the valour of his country-men above the French ; and penneth it in all circumstances with the exhortatory Orations of their Generalls before the fight and the triumphs after : yet the French in their bookes , and with them Sabellicus also an Italian , lib. 2. Aenead . XI . imputeth it rather to the cousening subtilties of the Italians then otherwise , to their sole courage , because ( say they ) and Sabellicus with them , it was condescended upon , that if any horse-man that fallied should transgresse the precinct of the Career through error or un-skilfulnes , that he shold be held as dead , neither thereafter should be admitted to reenter the list to help his fellowes ; by which meanes the Italians knowing the eagernes , heat , and impatiency of the French , did plant themselves within the centre of the camp , without budging , and attend the French charge from a little distance within the limit of the Career ; where wisely if they had remained as they were placed , and not precipitated the charge , they had apparantly woon that field . The French then whose charge is ever furious , and then more than ever , let loose so fiercely upon them , that five of their side and but two Italians transgressed the bounds ; who not being able to wheele and raine about their Horses againe , by that meanes lost the victorie , in the sight of the panting and votary Armies . Now albeit in this so conspicuous and ominous combat the French were beaten , neverthelesse we find commonly , that one for one the French surpasse the Spaniard , although in companies they surmount them ; and in this same fight although the French had the worse , yet by all likelihood , if their Horses had not proved their losse , they should have borne away that dayes credit . Alwayes as in this heat of an impatient nature , wee communicate with the French , and it may bee in our single combats too ; So our neighbours the worthy English may justly bee said to participate with the long patience , mature and ripe deliberatnes of the Italian and Spaniard : consequently more capable to maintaine and keepe well , than with the other to conquer and suddenly to subdue . Sect. 8. A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High. lands of Scotland ( betwixt whom there had beene a long and mortall enmity ) for the totall extirpation of the one of them ; fought before King Robert the second , at Perth in Scotland . I Were ingrateful to my country to passe here with silence , that true Polymachy , recorded of in our Histories , registred there to posterity , as a thing memorable , which befell in the dayes and under the Reigne of King Robert the second , if I rightly remember . This brave Prince being often molested with the mutuall complaints of two powerfull Clans or Surnames in the High-lands where his Majesties judiciall power could but hardly and with many incumbrances execute his authority upon the parties offenders on both sides . After their mutuall supplications given in , that they might at one time both rid his Majesty of molestation , themselves and their successors of the perpetuall feare wherein they dayly were , for their Wives , children , goods , and Cattell ; by one open fight , where all of either of these names should be on both sides . The King giving way to their Petition , the day and place was appointed , it fell out so , that there were one fewer on the one side than on the other ; where the generosity of the party having the advantage of the supernumerary man , did appeare in so farre that they refused to fight with the advantage of one more , neither yet could any of them be induced to lye by to make them equall , all being desirous to bee equall sharers of the common fortune : which controversie a Saddler of the City of Perth where the Combat was fought perceiving ; least the King , Court and Country which were met ( to see so famous a spectacle ) should be disappointed , did offer for pay to make up the odde man , and was observed by all to doe so well for his owne hand , that when all the rest were either killed in the field , or else with terrible and deadly wounds left so ( it being one of the most bloudy butcheries of so many as is seldome read of ) he alone or else with few moe escaped , and that by swimming the River of Tey . Howsoever France in the dayes of KING Henry the third and fourth , was so overspread with the bloud of Gentlemen killed in Duells , which amounted to such a number ( notwithstanding all the Kings edicts to the contrary ) that almost they could have made up an army , and that Duells came to such a height , that none was reputed a brave fellow except he had killed a man as they said : Yet finde I none so remarkable as that combat betwixt the Duke of Savoy his bastard brother and the Chevalier Creky , the time of the Wars betwixt King Henry the 4th . and the said Duke , for the Marquissate of Saluces , of which before . Section 9. A Combat appointed by two French Barons , the one of Gasconie , the other of Poictou , which was taken up of their own accord in the field : The end of this Title . NOw to end this discourse : Exemplum alios fortasse nepotes instruet . In my time I remember at the Court of France an ancient Gascon Baron and Poictouvin 2 man of his owne coate , but younger , falling to contradictory termes for a naughty matter , because in the Kings house they durst not put hand to their swords , did agree to meet elsewhere : time place and armes are designed ; the Gascon that same morning betimes calling on his page , commands him to provide a bottle of Wine and to have it in readinesse at the place appointed , before hee came : where he himselfe following and presently espying his adversary , both being demounted , and in their shirts , before they began to lye at their guard , in these or the like termes the Elder bespake the younger . That I as the Elder doe take upon me to speake first , impute it not to any presumption I have of my worth , but to the priority of my yeares . Wee reade in the Roman History , that two of their Consulls who before had bin at mortall enmity and variance , going together with their Armies against the enemy , being a pretty way from the City , the elder should say to the younger , Camerad , seeing we goe together on a publike charge , in conjunct offices , let us lay downe all former grudges under this stone , now if thou please , at our returne , lift thou it up againe and reassume them : you may advise ; but for the present I thinke this best , which was agreed unto to the great contentment of the younger . So say I to thee , if it please thee for so petty and frivolous a quarrell , that wee expose our lives and estates to the hazard of a doubtfull fight and of a variable fortune , I will not decline it : For as none doubteth of your courage ; So I trust , that none dare call mine in question ; so then if you list Cavalier , with the worthy Roman , let us bury in this Boule of wine our yesternights rash words : so we shal procure Gods blessing upon our soules and bodies , and our Prince his favour by our good examples to his quarrelling courtiers ; and withall indissolubly tye our loves together for ever , without any disparagement of our credit or reputation ; which being accepted by the younger , and related to the King , they were by him in presence of the whole Court condignely praysed , as most duely they deserved . Now albeit it be not of those or the like voluntary duels I treat of here , but of these which are tolerated by permission of the Prince or Magistrate for the eschewing of murther & greater bloud-shed in the common-wealth , upon apparent conject res of wrongs received , yet I thought it not altogether imperinent to insert this story . Now for the other . Although some have permitted them , as of old Fraton King of Denmarke , and are yet tolerated in Muscovia : yet we finde that Rhotaris King of Lombardy , absolutely discharged them : and although his successor for the inconvenience which thereafter ensued licensed them againe , yet hee protested that it was against his will and conscience : and as these good Kings inhibited them ; so , many of the French Kings , as Philip le bel , Lewis the 9th . Charles the 9th . King Henries 3d. and 4th . and many moe of the best governed Common-wealths have done the like . Which maketh mee admire why Bodin in his 7. Chapter of his 4. Booke of Republick , giveth way to their toleration ; they being both repugnant to the Law of God , and contrary to the Civill and Canon Lawes , and the constitutions of best governed Kingdomes . Indeed , the said Bodin , admits them onely to be permissible , when legall proofes are wanting , provided , that they be only for matter of honor , not wealth ; and consequently among persons honourable , for the preventing of further bloud-shed , averting of kinsfolkes murthers , and such like evils which might ensue : to which if he had subjoyned Charles the 5th . his condition of fighting armed , I thinke his reasons might have beene more passable . But however in elder times , duels were tolerated by certaine Kings , which by appearance , the necessity of those times required ; as common Stewes were for eschewing of greater inconveniencies ; yet they being practises so ill-grounded , so unnaturall , and so farre both against the Lawes of God , and Man ; Succeeding Kings ( in every Nation almost ) have enacted most strict Lawes against them , with most exemplary punishments , to be executed on the rash infringers of them : all which , being well knowne every where , were superfluous to be inserted in this small Treatise . A TREATISE OF DEATH , And of diverse Orders and Ceremonies of Burials . Section 1. The remembrance of death requisite in all men : Ceremonies for the remembrance of it ; some documents against the feare of it ▪ what death Iulius Caesar wished ; of Autocides ; of selfe-murtherers , &c. THERE is nothing whereof a Christian should be more mindefull than of death . The Ethnickes that wanted the true consolation which a beleeving and faithfull Christian hath , had nothing more frequent in their mouthes than Death : The Poets are full of these passages . Vive memor , quàm sis aevi brevis — . Nascentes morimur , mors rediviva brevis . Especially Horace , with Tribullus , Catullus , Propertius , Seneca Tragoedus , Persius , Iuvenall , Claudian , Ovid , Lucianus , and the rest ; whereof to make mention , were to fill up a little Volume : there is nothing almost under the heavens but may serve man as a memoriall thereof ; the Sunne setteth at evening , the day giveth place to the night ; Summer , to Winter ; infancy to childhood ; that to youth , it to man-hood ; this againe to decrepit old age : whence it may be inferred , that the best fruits we can reap of all our studies , yea , chiefly of Philosophy , are to prepare us for this death : neither almost to any other end tend all their documents , than to live w th pleasure in reason here , & then to dye in patience , no wayes dismaid at the approach of death , because of its inevitablenesse , of our our obedience to the Law of Nature , of the examples of al Ages , sexes and conditions of men to this houre , who have gone before us : so that the principall aime of vertue whereof they made such account , was to induce & prepare all that have beene , are , or shall succeed , to a patient acceptance , or rather a contempt of it , that we might passe our lives more peaceably here ; which otherwise by the perpetuall feare of it , would be a never-dying life . For this cause , it should seeme , the Ancients , did institute Graves , Monuments , and Tombes , to be either in the Churches , or Church-yards adjoyning thereunto , as in the most conspicuous and usuall places where the living frequented most . I cannot but wonder , that what the Philosophers thought fit continually to bee thought on , Iulius Caesar should wish to come upon him suddenly and at unawares . Histories relate , that while some Philosophers were reasoning before him , What sort of death was best ; some alledging one kinde , and some another ; He maintained that a sudden and unfore-seene death , was the best : for howsoever unto a man of his high estate and profession , it might seeme a word dispensable ; yet to a Christian who is learned to say , A morte subita & improvisa libera me Domine , it cannot so well be allowed : who as he should not wish a death unforeseene , neither yet be unprepared at the sudden aproach of it ; so should he not by any meanes either accelerate or wish it , thereby to bee rid out of any incomberances that may befall . Nec metuit mortem bene conscia vita — Nec optat — For as Saint Augustine reason well against such Autocides and selfe murtherers , it is rather a token of pusillanimity and lacke of courage in them , than otherwayes a marke of true resolution to doe so ; seeing they had not the daring to abide the dint of adversities which threatned them . Let us all remember to implore in our daily prayers , our Makers assistance from above , to aide us in that last houre : for my owne part , I thinke it one of the best fruits of my studies or travels , to be ever arming my selfe against it : and as in my morning and evening prayers I call for peace of conscience , in the assurance of my reconciliation with my God ; and for peace on Earth , for his blessing upon my children , his favour upon my King and Countrey : so more specially for the favourable assistance of the Holy Ghost the comforter to assist me then ; that neither the terror of a present death may affright me , nor my trust and confidence breed in mee presumption , nor my feare , despaire ; but there being a sweet harmony betwixt my soule and my God , I may lay downe my life , in hope to re-assume it againe for ever . Section 2. That Christians ought not to feare death , as the Ethnicks did . All things , save man , keepe their constant course . The uncertainty of mans life . IT is true , that the consideration of death , which of all terrible things is most terrible , as being the partition of the soule and body , and so the destruction of this structure , was the cause , why divers of the Ancients fearing almost even to name it , were wont to say in stead of ( he is dead ) he sleepes , he hath left off to be ; hee is gone downe to the lower parts of the earth , — hunc ferreus urget Somnus , in aeternam clauduntur lumina noctem . Or desiit esse , or transiit ad manes , and so forth ; the reason being , that few or none of them had the full knowledge , much lesse the assurance of the enjoying these pleasures after this life past , which we Christians being taught at a better schoole , have : wherefore as well learned disciples of so worthy a master ; let us learne not only to name it , but sted fastly to abide the approch , the frowne and dint of it . In me si lapsus labtur orbis — — impavidum ferient ruinae . Remembring our selves , that howsoever soule and body be severed for a season , and that the body lye companion with them that sleep in the dust ; yet that they shal conjoyne againe in the glorious resurrection to possesse those joyes unknowne to many of the Ancients , which our Lord and Master hath purchased to us by his death : remembring that howsoever wee should live to the fulnesse of yeares , that wee shall see no more , even unto the last date of our dayes , than a boy of ten or fifteene yeeres : For the seasons of the Yeare , the Dayes , and Nights , the Seas , Sun , Moone , and Starres , Plants , Herbes , yea , Beasts themselves , &c. keepe a constant course , which in a perpetuall revolution were set : and if so be that in these any change be , then bee sure it is a foretoken of Gods kindled wrath against us . For the Heathen Astronomer , when the Sunne did eclipse at the time of our Lords passion , could well say , That either the God of Nature was suffering , or else the frame of the world was to dissolve , the eye of all things suffering such a deliquie : now if the elder see any thing other than the younger , be sure it is not in the nature and course of things above spoken , which in perpetuall revolution do observe the course prescribed unto them by their Maker : But in the persons of men , which pointeth out unto us the frailty of their estates ; and even of them also ( if we remarke well ) we shall finde more who have died within thirty or thirty five yeeres of Age , than past it : But death being the common subject of our preachers especially in their funerall Sermons , I passe it over as their peculiar Theme , and according to my first purpose doe hasten to the divers sorts of Burialls . Sect. 3. In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients ; of Alexander ; Of Sylla : How the People of Vraba did use their dead ; Customes of Finland , Lapland , Greece and other places , concerning burialls . AND first for the Antiquity of interring of the dead , as Writers doe abound in their testimonyes , that even amongst enemies in the hottest of their hostility and Wars , Truces were granted for burying of the dead ; so particularly in the Word of God we have warrant out of the Macchabees , that although there were not positive lawes of Nations and Countries for this effect , Nature seemes to have ingraued it in the hearts of all ; thus Palinurus case in Virgill is regrated , that he wanted the honour of buriall , for having made ship-wracke ; thus the Poet deploreth his losse . Heu numium Coelo & Pelago confise seren● , Nudus in ignota Palinure jacebis arena . What reverence and regard the Roman Emperors have had unto it in their lawes and statutes in Iustinians workes may be seene plentifully , and especially in one Title expressed by it selfe , De non violando Sepulchro . Alexander the great having discovered Achilles Tombe in Greece overgrowne with brambles and briers , so honoured it , that being crowned with a Garland of Lawrell and Cyprus , he carowsed so many full bowles of Wine to his memory , untill he had almost lost his owne . So did Tullius Cicero for the time Questor , send into Cicilie to readorne Archimedes Tombe , it being almost obscured with thornes and brambles . Contrariwise to this , Sylla his cruelty and inhumane barbarity against the dead bodyes of his enemys , is yet registred in the records of his Country ; for that he ( to be avenged upon his enemies being dead , whom alive he could not come at ) caused to disinterr the halfe putrified carcases whereon he trampled with his Horses ; and being Iealous of being so served after his death , ordained his body to bee cast into Tyber , and caused to divert the Rivers course , so to disappoint all who should search after it . The like I find done by a certaine Pope , who caused to carry about with him the Corps of some Cardinalls in Sheletons , upon Mules ever before him , to be avenged of them , for that either they had crossed his election , or had conspired against him ; whereupon the Author , Septem praelati Papa iubente praelati , &c. Even the most barbarous Nations , who otherwayes wanted all sort of humanity and civility , have had respect to this . For I finde in Peter Martyrs decads touching the Historie of the West Indies in Vraba and other parts thereabout , how they doe dry ( as we doe fishes ) the bodyes of their dead , which thereafter they hang up round about the Walls of their inner roomes , adorning their heads , shoulders , and upper lips with Gold and Pearle : And Ortelius in his Cosmographie , speaking of Find-land , or Lapland , ( which he calls Livonia ) where there is no Religion almost at all , ( because after the manner of the Heathen they worship the Sunne , Moone and Serpents , &c. ) I find ( I say ) that when any one of great esteeme dieth , his friends sit round about his corps laid on the earth , but not yet covered with any mould , and make good cheere , and drinke to his farewell ; and putting the Cuppes in his hand , as if he could pledge them , they quaffe about a long time ; in end , they lay him in the grave with store of meate , and drinke by him , and put a peece of money in his mouth , and a sharpe Pole-axe fast by him : then they shout aloud in his eares , and give him in Commission , that when he shall come to the other world whither they had victualled him , and given him mony to defray his charges , that he faile not whensoever he meete with any Dutch man , to correct him , as well as they had thralled him and theirs in this world : which custome ( but after a more solemne manner and sumptuous . ) they of China , Cathay , and Tartarie keepe almost in all points . The like wherof that same Author observeth done in Ternessare a Citie of the East Indies , but not to a like enemy : In Greece , yet ( as of old ) at least in such parts of it as are under the Turkish Empyre ; whensoever any remarkable person dieth , all the women thereabouts after their old heathen custome , meete together about the house of the deceased and there choosing the lowdest and shrillest voices to beginne , betimes in the morning they make lamentable howlings and cryes ; weeping and tearing the haire from their heads , beating their teats and breasts , with their nailes , defacing their cheekes and faces , they conduct him to his grave singing by the way his praises , and recounting what memorable things he had done in his life . Which custome Aëtius an ancient Historian of our Country observeth to have beene used of Old amongst our British , and yet in our Highlands is observed : The Poets in their Luctus & neniae make mention of this and the like , as Ovid , Horace , Iuvenall , Catuallus , Tibullus , Propertius ; amongst the Greekes , Sophocles , Musaeus , Aristophanes , Phocyllides and the rest ; whereof Ennius , speaking of himselfe . Nemo me lachrymis decoret , nec funera flet● Faxit , Cur ? volito vivus per ora virum . Sect. 4. Other severall Customes of interring the Dead amongst Aegyptians , Romans , and Indians ; that the manner of Christian Interrements are preferreable to all other . NOw what hath beene the Curiosity of the Aegyptians for the keeping of their dead , their Momies can testifie , where the whole and intyre bodyes of some of their Princes and great men were to bee seene of late , who died many thousand yeares agoe ; whereof who pleaseth to reade may consult Diodorus Siculus , Ammianus Marcellinus , Strabo , Herodotus and others : the Athenians , and after their example the Salaminians ( saith Sabellicus . lib. 5. Aeneid . 2. ) used to interre their dead with their faces turned to the Sunne setting , not to the rising , with the Megarians ; and apparently Catullus was of their opinion when he said , Nobis cùm semel occidit brevis lux , nox perpetua una dormienda est . But of the severall fashions of burying the dead I finde two most remarkable ; the one of some Greeks and Romans , and not used but by those of the better sort , which was in burning the Corps of the deceased after this manner ; There was either an Eagle or some other great fowle tyed unto the top of the Pyramide of Wood wherein the dead body lay ; This Pyramide being kindled by some of the most intire friends of the deceased , amongst the cloud of smoke the Fowle being untyed which was tyed before , was seene to flutter and flye away , which by the Spectators was taken to be the soule of the deceased flying to Heaven ; the Ashes then of this burnt body they collected and kept in an Vrne , and of this the Poets almost every where make mention . The other was the Indians in eating the dead bodyes of their Parents , and friends , as they did in ire to those of their foes , thinking that they could give them no more honorable Sepulchre , abhorring the others burning into ashes as a thing unnaturall ; which might well be seene at the time that Alexander had conquered them ; for he willed both Greekes and Indians to doe alike , but they upon no condition would condiscend to that , the power of custome being so strong , as it was impossible for any Novations ( though never so good ) to alter it . Amongst al fashions above rehearsed , I think that of our Christian interments to be most consonant to nature , seeing of earth we are , and that to it we must returne againe : As for the Greekes howling , weeping , renting their cloathes , haire , and faces , it seemeth that Saint Augustine in his worke De cura pro mortuis habenda , aymed at them ; for in that whole worke , I perceave nothing that maketh much for praying for them , but chiefly he willeth all men to moderate extraordinary Griefes mournings and howlings for them , seeing they rest from their labours ; and his conclusion is good , that if prayers for the dead be not meritorious for them , yet at least that they are some way comfortable for the living ; Si non subsidia mortuorum ( saith hee ) tamen solatia sunt viventium : Indeede I will not deny but that Father and others also in their writings allow prayer for the dead ; as Peter Martyr , Vermillius also in his loco . 9. lib. 3. in the Title De Purgatorio , denyeth it not , but onely he refuseth such prayers to have beene subsidiary or helpfull to them , but rather congratulatorie , for that they were released from all their miseries ; which he instanceth by the funerall Oration of Saint Ambrose upon the deaths of the Emperors , Theodosius and Valentinian , where there is no mention of praying for their soules to ease or shorten their paines in Purgatory . Section 5. That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funerall ceremonies , as by their bells , Cymballs , Torches , processions of order and the rest : silent obscquies condemned : a story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after her death ; and the cause thereof . NOw for all this , as there is nothing whereby the Church of Rome reapes more commodity then by their prayers for the dead ; for it is called , the Friers kitchen ; So it is , there is nothing wherein their pompous solemnities and their devotion appeareth more than in their accompanying their dead to the grave , with the sound of Bells and Cymballs , Tapers , Torches , prayers , musicke , Church Ornaments , solemne processions of the fraternities , and not without contention of precedence of orders : all which ceremonyes as they bred a kinde of pious compassion in the beholders , So it begetteth a manner of content to their eyes and eares ; But our silent and dumbe obsequies , as wanting Bells and other noyse , doth not so take the Spectators and such as accompany them . Now I will close this Title with one observation which the Poets remarke ; who affirme that the spirits and Manes of them who want their due burialls , wander here and there in Ghostly apparitions untill their bones be interred . Nec ripas datur horrendas , aut nigra fluenta Transportare prius , quàm sedibus ossa quierunt . For the punishment of the neglect of it may appeare in one of our Northern Countries , cald Lawder ; who on her death-bed had enjoyned her husband to bury her in the Church-yard , which if hee did not , shee threatned that her Ghost would haunt him after her death : but the plague then raging in those parts , and he fearing that if she were publikely buried , that all would have suspected her to have died of the plague , whereupon every one would have deserted him , and so lest hee should bee left succourlesse , he resolved to conceale her death , and buried her in a corner of his Garden ; but thereafter , this womans ghost , I say , did so incessantly both haunt and affright , both him , his children , and family , that there was no resting for them at any time ; till by the advise of the Clergy she was taken up againe and buried , where she desired to be in her life-time ; which being done , both she and they rested . A TREATISE OF MENTALL-RESERVATION ; And of no faith to bee kept unto Hereticks . Section 1. The decree of the Councell of Constance , That no faith is to be kept with hereticks and enemies , is agitated : the commendation of peace : that a necessary and iust war is to be preferred to it : A story of Augustus Caesar. I begin this rhapsodicall Treatise with the famous act of the Councel of Constance , wherein it was decreed , That no faith was to bee kept unto Hereticks and Enemies of the faith ; by vertue whereof , as Vlidislaus King of Hungary violated the peace concluded betwixt him and Amurath ( for the time great Turk ) at the instigation and solicitation of Cardinall Iulian sent to him from Rome for that purpose , to the great prejudice of the civill Christian estate , and aggrandizing of theirs ; So by vertue of the same the Martyrizing of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prague although under trust and safe conduct granted by the good Emperor Sigismundus , was to the great prejudice of the Ecclesiastique Roman estate , by renting a sunder from her Sea a great many of the Churches of Europe : for hee that is the God of peace and Hosts both , never exercises his revenging hand better then when things agreed upon equall termes are not observed : So the Histories report , that the same day of the Battaile given by the Hungarian King unto the Turke , that Amurath lifting up his eyes unto heaven , should say , Iesus , if thou be a true God , and of this people who encounter mee this day , and that they honour and serve thee , shew it by the equity of this cause , which by his obtaining of that dayes victory was plainly manifested : and it is manifestly seene , that the breach of faith plighted to the two Bohemians , and their burning unto ashes , was so far from smothering the faults whereof they complained ; that on the contrary , diverse worthy and learned men after them , blowing this coale , by them then kindled , have made its flame to blaze through all the world : as the bloudy wars through many parts of Europe , for maintaining of their cause ; at least their opinions , can to after ages beare record . It is true indeed , this word Peace sounds sweet in every eare ; wherefore our Saviour Christ leaving this world , left his peace with his Disciples ; and his house also is called Domus pacis : and blessed be the feet of those that carry the glad tydings of peace ; yea , the Angell from heaven proclaimed peace on earth , and towards men good will : in a word , Beati pacifici , Blessed are all peacemakers : yet it hath never beene thought so gracious , but that a necessary warre was to be preferred unto it , if it was dishonestly violated , or shamefully agreed upon . What then may be said to Bartoll one of the greatest Lawyers of his age , who in the Law , Conventionum codice de pactis , or at least in the Digestis maintaineth , That faith is not to bee kept to particular enemies ; which Cicero in his 3. lib. Officiorum , although but a Heathen , contradicteth : and that of Vlpian , no lesse in credit than he , That it is lawfull to circumvent one another ; and chiefly , seeing in all their writings they esteeme more of the true keeping of our promised faith in all our actions , than of strict and precise justice ; but so thought not the good Emperour Augustus Caesar , though he had promised a great many Talents of gold to those who should bring him the head of Crocotas a notable robber in his time , which robber hearing of this reward , came of himselfe , and layed downe his head at the Emperours feet , and craved the reward conditioned ; whereupon the Emperour did appeare so farre from revenge , that he forthwith granted him not onely his life , but the promised Talents also . Neither did the noble Iosua so , when he was deceaved with the Gibeonites ; for although those deceaving Polititians , or rather hypocrites hold for truth that , Frangenti fidem , fides frangatur eidem . And worse than that , they doe violate likewise their plighted faith to those who have done them no injurie , nor made any breach of faith at all : yet , I say , Iosua did not so to the Gibeonites who deceived him ; for when the Iewish Captaines would have beene revenged on them ; the Princes answered : Wee have sworne unto them by the Lord God of Israel , now therefore we may not touch them , &c. Iosh. 9. 19. Section 2. Mentall-reservation defined . All fraudulency , in making peace , or taking truce condemned ; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians , Romans , and others . WHat shall bee said to those , who while they sweare and promise , have neverthelesse in their minde no intention at all to performe ? Linguajuravi , mentem injuratam servavi . A maxime with the former , not hatched in the braine of a Florentine matchiavill , but raked out of the profoundest Cabinet of the most secret , and most obscure dungeon in hell : Cleomenes after a truce made up with the Argiues for seven dayes ; the third night thereafter under trust and assurance , surprized them ; and then being challenged of his promise , made answer , That he made truces for dayes , and not for nights : Lysander used to say , that men should be deceaved with oathes , as children with apples : the generosity of a noble Alexander acknowledged no such guile ; who when Polypercon his Counsellor had advised him to take advantage of the darkenesse of the night , against Darius , could reply , That he had rather chuse to repent the losse of his fortune , than to purchase victory with shame , Malo me fortunae poeniteat , quàm pudeat victoriae : and the magnanimous Romans were offended w th their Embassadour Lucius Marcius , in the managing of his wars with Perseus King of Macedon , because he went about by subtilties and circumventions to purchase his victories : on such considerations as these , they sent back to Pyrrhus , K. of Epirots his Physitian , ( who had undertaken to poyson him : ) likewise Camillus at the siege of Veij , made the children whip their Master with rods , who had rendered them by his treachery into the Consuls hands . The bravest , both Commanders , and Souldiers , who were taken prisoners by the Samnites , and had obtained liberty to come backe to Rome to take leave of their friends ; were by them sent back againe , or rather , returned of their owne accord , although some to a certaine death : so farre were they from holding , that faith should not be kept either to enemies in generall or particular , much lesse to stretch a thing to the contrary , whereof they had a reservation in their minde ; for by such jugling evasions those Roman prisoners taken by Pyrrhus , and permitted to come home and visit friends , might have alleaged , that they were not obliged to return , ( as they did ) because they might have said , that howsoever they had sworne with their mouthes , yet in their hearts they thought not so : likewise , Attilius Regulus the Consull , taken by the Carthaginians , and set at liberty to visit the City , upon promise of returne might have said : but the innocency of that age knew no other way but the right and square , and rather choosed to undergoe death , than to make a breach of the integrity of their faith made unto an enemy . Sect. 3. The integrity of the ancients commended in making peace , and their other pactions . A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose . Graeca fides , what , and wherefore used : Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander , and his nephew , Caesar Borgia , &c. I will not passe under silence the manner observed by the Ancients in breaking truces , peace , pactions , or leagues amongst them ; that posterity may understand , how averse they were from having their thoughts dissonant from their words : and to this purpose I remember , that at the peace concluded on betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians in the dictatorship of Pub. Corn. Scipio , a Roman Herauld standing up betwixt both parties , assembled for finishing of the same , after they had spoken their mindes , hinc jnde , the Herauld , I say , standing with a stone in his hand , in these termes concluded the matter . If justly , and without any fraud or guile , I make the oath of observancie , and doe finish this paction , then may the Gods be propitious , and grant that all things may fall happily out unto us ; if I either doe or thinke otherwise than I have spoken , then , ( so all the rest be safe ) let me fall and perish alone by mine owne Lawes , in my owne family , with my private Lares , and domestick Gods , in my owne Temples and Sepulchers , as this stone fals from my hand ; which words finished , he throweth the stone from him , or rather lets it fall to the ground , and so endeth . The Carthaginian Herauld swore by all their Countrey Gods , and their private ones , to observe all that is covenanted . Livius noteth these same tearmes to have beene used in the first peace concluded on betwixt these same people in the consulship of Iunius Brutus , and Marcus Valerius , or shortly after ( if Sabellicus mistake not ) , which two first Consuls , Rome had diverse yeeres before Zerxes expedition against the Greekes : alwayes Polybius hath these same words both exemplary and memorable : like as Sabellicus in his 6. lib. Aenead . 4. punctually fetteth them downe , albeit both Livie and Dionysius remarke but the generals : the speciall thing which I observe , is the word Cogito : if I thinke otherwise ; which confounds all our mentallists , and makes them Mentirists : let the Greekes with their deceaving tricks and coosenages keepe that dishonourable honour , Graeca fides , which is alwayes taken for a subdolous and fraudulent faith : but God defend that ever such aspersions and imputations be laid to a true Britanne ; and let Popish Rome , now of late declined and degenerated from the old honest Rome , pride her selfe and her sectaries in their mentall-reservations ; let one Pope Alexander and his nephew Caesar Borgia vaunt themselves ; the one , that he did never think the thing which he spake ; the other , that like our mentallists , hee never spake the thing which hee thought : and let a Leo the tenth of that name , promise truth and faith to a Paul Baillon , ( who had expelled his nephew out of Perugia , ) that he under trust of his Holinesse's word should come unto Rome safely with his associates , to live at Court as before , and yet neverthelesse , did put him and them to death : as likewise a Cardinall , Alfonso of Sienna , who for suspition of poysoning the Pope with a Buccado , or Nosegay , retired himselfe from Court , perceiving his Holinesse countenance to bee cast downe upon him , and would not be moved to returne againe ; but under his holinesse faith and true promise made , not onely to himselfe , but to the Embassadour of Spaine , in his Masters name , for his more security also ; yet neverthelesse having once caught him in his net , did put him to a violent death . His successor Clement the seventh did almost this same to the Florentines , to whom , as he had solemnly conditioned to give them their liberties and Immunities , as likewise to the Spanish Ambassador in his Masters name , for them , for theirfurther security ; yet being once possest of their City , contrary to promise , he subjected it to his Nephew , who having strengthned it with strong and mighty Cittadells and forts , did appropriate it to himselfe and his family : Let these Popes ( I say ) thinke and promise one thing , and doe another ; farre be it from any Britan to doe so ; as equity and truth is , or ought to be in your hearts , so let truth be in your mindes also . Sect. 4. The difference betwixt the auncient and the moderne Romans in uprightnesse of dealing , instanced by a story of Pompey the Great , and Augustus Caesar. AND now it shall content me to parallell one example amongst thousands which I could produce , of the honestie and integrity of old Rome with our new Christianized Rome ; and then let the indifferent reader judge of the one and of the other ; The great Pompey , when he with his Navall Armie ( so much renowned in their stories , ) had scowred all the Mediterranean Sea , then infested with Pirats , having ( I say ) given his promise of safety to one or two of the most special amongst them , did not violate nor molest them ; but that was little ; for Augustus Caesar did as much to Crocotas ; but herein shewed he his honest minde , that when he had two of his most speciall enemies within his chiefe Galleon , ( although for the time but coldly enough reconciled unto him , ) and was spoken unto by the Pilot , who acquainted him , that now it was the time to ridde himselfe of them both ; and if hee pleased , that he himselfe should be the man to doe the businesse ; No , no , said he ; If thou haddest killed them without acquainting mee therewith , then hadst thou done a peece of good service ; but now , doe it not , since they are here under my trust . Quia habita fides ipsam obligat fidem . We should make our words and actions agree and jumpe together , such Princes who in their life time dissembling grant pardons to offenders , and yet leave it in charge to their successors to be avenged on them , can no wayes be excused : for seeing our intentions do judge our actions ; death cannot acquit them of that obligation , besides that the entrant King is made formidable at his entrie , who otherwise should enter his Crowne with love and peace . Sect. 5. Of the breach of Faith to Enemies : Treacherie at a Siege of Capua : Treacherie and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a Siege of Genoa . The strictnesse of Generalls over common Souldiers exemplified , &c. NEither yet know I how to exempt from the scandall of this fault these two which I read of in the late Italian History ; The one , that of the LORD Aubigny at the Siedge of Capua , where he commanded the French without the Towne ; and Seigneur Fabricius Colonna within : For the Historie saith , that while the said Colonna was parlamenting on the face of a bastion with the said LORD Aubigny , upon conditions of surrendring ; That the ( French by the negligent watch of Centinells within , suspecting no hostility during a parle ) entred the Citie in fury , and so made Prize of it . Although it might bee lawfull to all commanders ( where there are no covenants made ) to take the best advantages of their adversaries that occasion can offer ; and though Montaignes , whether favouring his owne countrey , or being mis-informed of the passages of that Siedge ( I know not ) thinketh that this Policy was intended or premeditated by that ever upright and most valourous Warriour Bernard Lord D' Aubignie ( which must be a mistake ; ) yet the Precedent and succeeding most valourous and many most generous acts of that ever renouned man , may witnes the contrary ; for many French Writers , ( as may be seene in Master Quines booke of his life ) have so ingenuously , honestly and according to his Merit , illustrated his brave acts in so lively Colours , that the honours , which for them were conferred upon him , would convince one , and confirme their credit that have so largely and truely spoken of him : that it may truly be continued of his worth . Vivet post funera Virtus . The other at Genoa , where the Marquesse of Pesquierra was commander of the Spanish forces without the Towne , and the Duke Seigneur Octavian Fregoso commanding within in the name of the French King ; in like manner ( and it may be for revenge and compensation of the Capuan cruelty ) whilest the two Generalls were under tearmes , yea , and finall conditions of rendring the Towne ; The Spanyard ( taking advantage of the negligent attendance of those within , who were secure , thinking all ready for the surrendring ) entred the City , putting them all to the sword without distinction of Age , Sexe , or condition . I know not ( I say ) how to quit these two from the imputation of treachery , except to say , that at times the insolency and fury of poore incensed Souldiers is so hardly suppressed by the threatnings of their Generalls or Commanders , as is a wonder ; yea admit it were in as reformed a Warfare as that whereof the Lord Montagues in his Chapter of Conscience lib. 12. speaketh ; where amongst divers others of his notable discourses , he bringeth in a Generall causing to kill a Souldier and rip up his stomack to see the pottage which a poore woman complained he had wrest from her , and with which she was to save her childe from starving , conditionally , that if it were not found there , the Woman playntife should dye , to expiate his death and her false accusation . But strange it is albeit , this former recited Maxime should hold in Warres ; That from a generall Councell which ( as they say ) cannot erre , the representative body of the holy Church , the Columne of veritie , that from it ( I say ) such a decree should have sprung , which may occasion us to say of them as was said of the licentious Souldiers , Quibus , cùm quod libet , lioet , & quod libent , audent , & quod audent , faciunt : O Saecucula , O mores ! A TREATISE OF LAVGHING AND MOVRNING . Section 1. The benefits and content that all men reape by the workes and labours of Writers and Travellers . HIstories and travellers are said to be like those who cracke the Nut and give away the kernell ; their toyles , labours and witty inventions are by them readie drest for all readers , hearers or seers ; for when they read their travells and studies , they are like those who lying secure upon land , doe from some Promontory behold a ship tossed on the swelling billowes , beating with raging windes and tempests , and well nigh Ship-wrackt : Et mare cum Spumis candentibus astra lacessit : & cum tartarei subsidit ad ima barathri : Who sees or reades their workes receive the sweete of their toile : but yet not hereby challenging any singularity unto my selfe above others , I freely offer and expose these labours to all , which for the variety will ( I hope ) bee acceptable ; and gracious acceptance is the reward I crave . But to the matter in hand . Section 2. Of sudden deaths that have hapned unto men amidst their feasting and other Iollities , exemplified with stories both Sacred and prophane . IN the Countrie of Agenois ( a part of the famous province of Aquitaine , ) where first I spent some yeares not without some copious and severall observations : a Baron there , Mr. de Longad la barriere , at a feast in his owne house , laughing and making merry with his Guests , having a legge of a pullet in his hand , expired suddainely amongst their hands . Mirth at banquets should not be excessive but moderate ; for which the Aegyptians used at their feast to set a Scull or Anatomie on or by the table , that by the thought and sight thereof they might moderate their excesse , which oftentimes hastneth death or else diseases . Holy Scriptures furnisheth us with examples , as those of Nebuchadonosor , Baltasar , and the rich glutton , who had the most exemplarie punishments in this kinde that we reade of . In the Roman History Cornelius Balbus recorded by Tacitus , who , whilest he was under a cloud and silence of night , carousing , quaffing , and laughing so loud , that the sicke Emperor ( his Lord ) could heare him from his chamber windowes with his camrades , is memorable , who not only endangered the losse of his Princes favour , but of his life also for his so unseasonable and insolent mirth . Now , if we shall leave feasting , and but speake of other Ioyes , we shall finde that when men thinke their estate most secure , and doe rejoyce in the injoying of it ; that even then their suddaine fall hapneth , and followeth them as their shadow : King David for glorying in his numbered people , was plagued : Iulius Caesar in his imperiall Throne having by the overthrow of his enemies attained that verticall point of earthly honour , was even then and there murdered . King Henry the second of France , was amidst the triumphs and tiltings of his Sisters wedding solemnities , killed . King Henry the third at the rendering up of his rebellious Citie of Paris to him , was murthered by the trayterous stroake of a blacke Frier , his predecessors both shortly taken away : But more miserably , his great and valorous successor Henry 4th . in the middest of that glorious City , and of the pompous shewes at his Queenes coronation , was murdered . Our hopefull Prince Henry taken away about the time of his sisters mirthfull Nuptialls . And I read of a Prince in an Historian , whose torch dedicated and lighted to Hymen in his nuptialls , served to kindle his funerall pile . Not to speake a word of Philip of Macedon killed in the middest of his Army , while he is assisting the sacrifice to the Gods : Nor of his Son Alexander the great , cut off in the floure of his yeares , Ioyes , and glorious great victories , with a thousand of this same kinde . Section 3. Stories of severall worthy and brave men ; that upon occasions have shed teares : of the sensible greefe of some Horses , Dogges , and Hawkes upon the losse of their Masters . WHich being so , we may see that the Lord ordained wisely the Pascall Lambe to be eaten with bitter hearbes ; And providently the old heathen enjoyned us to mingle cares amidst our joyes . Laeta tibi austeris varientur festa profestis . From holy Scripture we have warrant , that it is better to be in the house of mourning and weeping , then in that of laughing : And blessed are they that weepe ; for they shall bee comforted , and their teares washt from their eyes ; our Saviour is said to have wept , and never to have laughed : we reade of St. Peters teares ; of the royall Prophets , of the Prophet Ieremy his complaints ; of the groanings , howlings and lamentings of the best servants of GOD , of none , or little of their rejoycing , except it had beene under the Crosse , or at least in the Lord ; finally with teares wee come into this world , with care wee abide in it , and with paine we remove from it . Yea even of those who are most enured , and hardened with fights , bloudsheds , alarmes , and consequently , who should seeme most averse from teares , pitie and compassion , some I marke to have solemnly wept and are signalized , more peradventure in consideration of humane frailty , as measuring things by themselves , then otherwise for any great matter or reason they had to shedd teares for the time ; seeing they had obtained the thing they so eagerly desired . — Nam cum praeda sternitur , alter Praemia solliciti certa laboris habet . The good Emperor Adrian at his triumphant entrie into Rome after a remarkable victorie , seeing the innumerable spoyles of his enemies before his Imperiall chayre , and the Captives themselves manicled and fettered with chaines , doing homage unto him ; It is recorded of him , that though he rejoyced in publike , yet in private hee wept , and in a manner expressed by all likelihood no lesse than our famous Buchanan in this distich . Tuquoque crudelis Babylon dabis improba paenas , Et rerum instabiles experiêre vices . King David shed teares at the sight or hearing of his sonne Absoloms death : Iulius Caesar , at the sight of Pompeys head : Vespasian , seeing the holy and magnificent Sanctum Sanctorum on fire : Xerxes , the insolent Persian King , yet seeing a number of hundred thousands in a plaine , wept , considering the frailty of nature ; for that of so many as hee saw there , they might bee all dead in few houres , dayes , or yeeres . To these , I may subjoyne Bajazet successor to Mahomet Emperour of the Turks , Anno , 1481. his teares , after his brother Zizimus had surrendered himselfe to the great Master of Malta , in name of all the Christian Princes ; whom neverthelesse he drove to that extremity . As for Heraclitus his perpetuall weeping for the misery of this world , I thinke it as worthy of blame , as Democritus his continuall laughing at the folly of it : seeing ( with Salomon ) there are times to laugh , and times to weepe also , — Nam res humana fatiscit , Laeta nisi austeris varientur festa profestis . And if we trust Sabellicus ; not onely Men , but also Horses and Dogs , have beene seene to weepe for the losse of their Masters ; he instanceth particularly , that those Horses which Iulius Caesar vowed to Mars at his passage over Rubicon , were observed before his murther to stray carelessely up and downe , prognosticating ( as it were ) their masters death by their unaccustomed drooping , dejectednesse , and shedding of teares : Du Bartas Hawke , which hee relateth to have cast it selfe ( after some other signes of sorrow ) into the grave with the corps of its dead Master , may be mentioned as rare and memorable . Section 4. Risus Sardonicus , what , and how to be taken : Of the holy teare kept in the Abby Church at Vandesme , in France . NOw for laughing : that which we call Risus Sardonicus , is a perfect modell and patterne of our humane laughing : for as they who have eaten of the hearb Sardis , do all the perfect gestures of one tickled with joy or mirth , as dimpling their cheeks , and other like gestures ; yet it is onely the contracting power of that venomous herbe , that procureth that convulsive gesture in them : the Crocodiles teares may be compared oftentimes to our weeping , as being either delusive , treacherous , or revengefull ; and too many ( I feare ) doe like Iudas , kisse , onely to deceive . But what shall be said to the Teare which is conserved in a Violl , and kept in a little Chappell on the North-side of the Abbey-Church , at Vandome in France ; which they give forth to be a teare which fell from our Lords eyes , and was kept since in that Violl by some holy Saint living in those dayes ; which in an overpious beleefe , they say , hath continued since without diminution ; by them called , La Sainte larme , The holy teare : this at solemne festivall dayes they shew and exhibite to the superstitiously credulous people , that repaire thither from the remotest parts of that kingdome ; who with great and submissive prostration and kneeling , kisse it , to the great and gainefull profit of the keeper : truly , for my owne part , I am not so universally catholick ( though I have seene it ) as to beleeve that , no more than their religious paradoxes of the transportation of our Lady De Loretta her chamber from so many diverse places and countries , to the place where now it is : neither finde I any motion to pray God for helpe in my unbeliefe of this and other such fained miracles of theirs , being so meerely and palpably grosse inventions of men . Sect. 5. Of weeping for the dead how to be moderated . The matter of teares : of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing : moderation in both commended . ALthough Tertullian in his booke De patientia , did forbid the people in his dayes to mourne and weepe for the dead , yet our Lord and other Saints have wept for them : S. Paul indeed , reprehendeth the immoderatenesse of it , 1 Thes. chap. 4. where he forbiddeth not the Thessalonians to sorrow at all ; but not sorrow as those who had no hope of the resurrection . The Poet could finde fault with immoderate mourning for the dead ; which in this Iron and declining age of the world but very few needs to be reproved for . Tu semper urges flebilibus modis Misten ademptam , nec tibi vespero , Cadente decedunt amores , Necrapidum fugiente solem . The philosophicall reason given for not mourning for the dead , I thinke neither allowable to a Christian , nor to a meere naturallist ; for they say , that it is but lost time and action , seeing death is remedilesse , common , necessary ; and teares cannot prevaile to recall them againe , and therefore availe nothing : for such like arguments are rather to reinforce sorrow , than otherwayes to mitigate griefe : and so much the rather , because there is no remedy for it : for as another Philosopher replieth to one who reprooved him for lamenting so heavily the death of his sonne , since ( said he ) you know that there is no remedy for it ; and therefore ( replied the other ) doe I weepe : yet some of the wisest sort of them agreed unto this mourning for the dead , as a kind , naturall duty ; in so farre , that they who wept not for their parents death , were by them said , In patrios minxisse cineres . Not to speake of the matter of teares , whether it be the same with that of sweate , or the waterish part of bloud , all these being salt : I shall enquire the occasion of teares , which we finde out of holy and prophane stories , to be both joy and sorrow . In Ezra , when the Iewes saw the holy Temple re-edified , They wept ( saith the Prophet ) but diversly , some for joy to see it rebuilt againe , others for sorrow to see the glory and ornament of it , as it was then , not comparable to the former : so wept Ioseph for joy upon his brethrens necks : in a word , ire and revenge will occasion teares , as well as pitty and compassion ; yea , some will weepe on no occasion . Mens immota manet , lachrymae volvuntur inanes . I can say no more to the stupidity of these people , than to their folly who laugh at all occasions without cause . OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOK : CONTEINING FOVRE TREATISES . OF 1. Curiosities . 2. Divine Philosophy , or Mans felicity . 3. The Consonancy and agreement betwixt Ancient Philosophers and Christian professors . 4. Sleepe and Dreames . BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvant . LONDON , Printed by RICHARD Badger , for Thomas Alchorn , and are to be sold at his shop , in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Greene - Dragon . 1635. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE , IOHN , Earle of Traquair , Lord Linton and Caberston ; his MAIESTIES Treasurer Depute of Scotland , and one of his Majesties most Honorable Privie-Councell there . Right honorable , EXamples of Histories and daily experience teach us , that as Piety and Iustice are the pillars of a State , and the Countrey happy ( as none more than ours ) whose King is endued with them , seeing people commonly follow their example ; so most fortunate is the Land , where a most wise King substitutes such officers of State , as whose piety , justice , charity , and other vertues , may be a comfort , rule , and example to the people , over whom God and their King hath placed them : That this reflecteth upon you my Lord , none of our Nation is so destitute of understanding as to question ; upon which assurance I have adventured this dedication to your Lordship , that where these eminent vertues doe so cleerely shine there can be no clouded mystinesse cast betwixt a candide and auspicious acceptance , and this small tender of my duty to honourable vertue , and entire affection to your Honour : which in your younger yeeres at Paris ( where I began this work ) I did vow unto your then blooming merits ; and now performe , that it may remaine to after Ages , as an everduring token of the love , favour , duty , honour , and respect , that was alwayes carried to the most illustrious name of Stewart in generall , and to You my Lord in particular , as a Noble branch of the Honorable Stock of Lennox , By Your Lordships faithfull and affectioned servant , David Person . OF VARIETIES THE FOVRTH BOOKE , Of Curiosities , where the greatest Subtilities of all Sciences are some way unfolded , and disapprooved ; and some naturall Curiosities propounded , as of the Heavens , Aire , Seas , Earth , &c. Section 1. The difference betwixt factions and ( editions : a rebellion of the common people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians . Emulation a principall producer of great exploites ; the harme that followeth Curiosity , and that Church-men are not exempt from it . AS order and unity are the upholders of a Commonwealth , so factions and seditions are their overthrow ; These two I hold not to bee one ; for sedition is by open violence ; faction , under colour of Iustice ; That both these are procured by too curious and ambitious braines and diseased spirits , who envy other mens preferment or wealth above their owne ; it is manifest ; as thorow all the Romane history , so particularly in that sedition of the Commons who openly rose up against the Senat and Patricians , flying in armes to the Aventine Mount , where neverthelesse by that elegant Oration of Menenius Agrippa ( set downe by Livius at length ) they were appeased . My purpose here is not to hinder that honest emulation , and allowable curious ambition of well doing either in private or publike men ; for both the Greeke and Roman stories doe sufficiently informe us , that there were never greater incitements to an emulous antagonist , then their opposites glorious exploits in war , and vertuous proceedings in peace ; nor sharper spurres to waken and rouse up their lasinesse ( if any was ) then the desire to parallell them ; examples are very obvious in this kinde . My intent here is to desire a moderation in men of all conditions , especially the learned ; for the harme , prejudice and evill that idle and sturring Curiosities ( which have beene caused by Antagonists emulations , and disputes ) have procured in private and publik men or States , in warre and peace , is universally and dayly perceaved and regrated : And who so would thinke that our Clergy and Gowne men who prescribe rules of wisedome unto others , are to bee exempted from this fault , are farre deceaved ; for both of old and late dayes they have barboyled the sound doctrines of their professions , with their idle , unnecessary , and too curious questions ; who so will with me skimme over but a handfull of them , shall soone confesse this truth . Section 2. How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church ; A Recitall of some impertinent Curiosities in Religion ; with some also of Subtilis Scotus , and Thomas Aquinas , &c. ANd first then , it may bee demanded , what solid peace and agreement hath been in the sacred Church which is the piller of Truth , since the purity of the Primitive Doctrine left by the holy Evangelists , Apostles , and their Successors hath beene adulterated , and martyred with curious questions ; as those of Transubstantiation , Concomitance , Latreia , Dulia , Hyperdulia , mentall reservation , equivocations , implicite faith , congruities , condignities , and Supererogations , together with the inerrability of the Popes Holinesse , Semi-man , and Demi-God ; as also those questions of our late Divines , whether CHRISTS death alone was satisfactory for our salvation , or His life and death together ? And those questions also of providence , of predestination , of prescience , Gods effective and permissive power in sin , if GOD can lie , or recall time past , or make a thing done , to bee undone , &c. what hath mooved our so inquisitive Curiosists , as Subtilis Scotus , and D. Thom. who have ( as it were ) so overclouded all with their pregnancies of wit , to be so curiously sollicitous , as to enquire , whether or not besides Creation and Generation , there were any other production of things in nature different and distinct from those two ? which surely is not ; for by that meanes accidents should befound to be concreated & congenerated , not inhesive , and having their being in the subject according to the Logicians rule , accidentis est inesse . Whereupon followed that no lesse idle then curious question , whether GOD may sustayne accidents after the substracting of their subject from them , in which they were , and with which they were concreated ; as who can imagine a whitenesse to exist without a wall , paper , cloud , cloath or some such subject to be in , wherwith first it was concreated , as Ruvius in his Commentary upon the second Phys. and second de anima fondly giveth forth ? seeing it is certaine , that the actions of GODS will are ever bounded to , and terminated with an object , either possible or actuall ; and the reason of this is , because all potency and possibility to bee , tendeth to and terminateth in an object , from which it may assume the owne species & kind ; So that the acts of the divine Intellect or understanding tending to an object extant , or in aptibility to exist , do tend to it , as it is in the Divine intellect ; and so consequently such , as actually or possibly existeth . Such questions as these being more fit to cruciate and perplexe the mindes , yea even of the most learned , then otherwise to instruct them or any of the weaker sort . Section 3. A continuation of some other Theologicall and Metaphysicall subtilities and curiosities . SVch as this , is that of the multiplicity of formes in one selfe same subject , and this ; if the formes of matters be extracted out of the potentiality of the matters , which certainly is , the first , not : wherein I agree with Suares , in his disputation upon the first of the Metaphysicks ; and whether Angells be species or individualls ; howbeit in my minde , what ever Divus Thomas speaketh in favour of species , they are more properly to be held as individualls ; yea , and with our Moderne Divines reverence , whether Protestants or Iesuites ; what can bee the formall object of our faith , the subject of it being once perfectly knowne ; howbeit in effect to my opinion , the formall object of it ( with Divus Thomas ) must bee the divine verity manifested unto us in holy Scripture by our Lord and Master , the holy Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles , the pen men of GOD , together with the authority of the Church , which authority is but as a testimoniall , and secondary , and with both and all others permission , who prye and dive so deepely in the Orcum and mysteryes of Learning , as , whether or not Creation bee all one with the thing Created , sooner solved , then advisedly propounded : for so it is , that Creation being an action of the divine will , fiat & factum est . Gen. 1. 34. Moreover , that will in GOD , and His Divine essence being all one , there is no question , but that Creation is prior to the thing created : the like , or part whereof neither the Iewish Thalmud , nor the Mahometan Alcoran scarce ever did propound to their Readers . But I leave the sublimity of Theologicall and Metaphysicall questions which hath puzled marvellously even the best refined and acute Spirits . Section 4. Of Curiosities in Logick ; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature : to what Heaven the Prophet Enoch and Elias were wrapt ; what place is said to be Abrahams bosome . VVHat hath the Logician advantaged his art of reasoning by troubling himselfe and others , with what kind of relation is betwixt the creature and the Creator ? Whether , with Aristotle , predicamentall or not ? mutuall , or that it holdeth onely of the creature , not of the Creator also ? howsoever , predicamentall with Aristotle it cannot be ; for that Creation argueth no change in GOD , ( as it doth in the thing Created , which is transchanged from a not being to a being which is certaine , ) because GOD and supernall intelligencies ( as meere formes free of all matter ) doe worke by their intellect and will ; So that Creation proceeding from GOD as an act of His will and intellect , must have beene from all eternity with Him , nothing being in Him which was not with Him likewise . To the former adde this curiosity likewise : what Heaven it was which the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapt into ? for our curious Our anographers by their doings ( I warrant you ) shall exclude them out of all Heavens : for why say they ? into the Aire , ( which is the first Heaven ) they could not be wrapt , seeing if they were taken up from the Earth for rest and ease , there they would find little , it being the proper place of stormes and tempests ; neither into the second , for if for ease , joy and rest , they were taken from the earth , it behooved to be elsewhere then there , because that starrie Heaven by many is held to be in perpetuall revolution and motion ; much lesse will they admit them into the third Heaven ; because they were not as yet gloryfied , at least , there is no warrant in Scripture for it : besides that , our MASTER IESUS CHRIST being Primitiae resurrectionis was the first that entered , which was many ages after their uptaking . Where the bosome of ABRAHAM is , to which most credibly they were rapt , our curious Topographers cannot agree ; their sublimities and curiosities rather producing scruples then instruction . What it is , is by all almost agreed upon ; but where it is , maketh the doubt : with Peter Martyr Vermillius loco . 16. Classis 3. It is thought to be nothing els then a place of rest , where the soules of the Fathers departed before our SAVIOURS comming to the World , were attending , and in joy expecting it , denominated from Abraham the Father of the faithfull , without excluding the rest of the Fathers ; which place , what ever they say , I take to have beene in Heaven , in which ( we know ) there are many stations , how ever they perplexe themselves in marshalling our lodgings there . And , against them all , of this opinion is S. Augustine , Commenting on the 85. Psalme . Section 5. The Curiosity of the Millenarij ; with many other Curiosities more frivolous then necessary . THe curiosity of the Millenarij , called by the Greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is worth your notice ; who give forth , that after the generall resurrection , the godly shall enjoy a thousand yeares pleasures in soule and body on this earth , before the wicked be resuscitated , which they on earth did want whilest the wicked flourished ; and that according to Irenaeus his opinion . lib. adversus haereticos . But they have even as much likelyhood and warrant for this out of holy Scripture , as others have for that other tenent , that after the resurrection of man , there shall bee likewise a renovation of beasts , hearbes , plants , &c. But to proceed in their subjects , what curiosity hath driven our Inquisitors to aske , if death shall bereave our most learned of all sence and insight in Sciences , that in Heaven they shall be in no better degree of happinesse then the rude ignorant ; wheras in the first to the Corinthians and the fifteenth Chapter it is said , alia est gloria lunae , alia solis ; better it were to know how to come there , then inquisitively to search what higher places there are there : but no question if the arguments drawen from contraries , doe hold , then sure in hell there bee diversitie of paynes , so in Heaven also there bee disparity of joyes : for in the house of the Lord are many mansions . Yea , but saith my curiosist , what language shall we speake in Heaven ? an idle question ; what other language should we have but Hallelujuhs , hymnes , and praises to Him who sitteth upon the Throne ? This with many other scruples , and errors in inverting , perverting augmenting , derogating , transverting , throwing , wresting GODS Word , Will , Truth , and Decree , I passe , and apply my selfe to the Physiologist enquiring , if there was a world before this began ; if there shall be another after this . If there bee more then this which presently we inhabite ; if there be more celestiall spheares then one ; what time of the yeare this world began , and when it shall have an end . All which , in my Title of the world I handle , excepting onely the multiplicity of heavenly orbes which I doe admit , refusing alwayes their Eccentrick and Epilicks ; as also I dissallow the Eccentricks of the earth , as being all curiosities of small moment , and remit the Reader to the sound and true knowledge of the course , nature , and influence of the planets ; which our curious Physitians , or Pseudo-Astrologers imaginatively do handle . Section 6. That the Planets and other Celestiall bodies have not that power over the natures of men and Women that Astrologers ascribe unto them : That the Starres are innumerable ; Of the number and greatnesse of some in Via lactea ; Where the center of the earth is ; its Circumference . Of Etna , Hecla , Saint Patricks hole , and the like . NEither can I bee induced to believe the inforcing power they ascribe to these planets over men and womens natures at the houre of their birth ; they may well ( I confesse ) incline and helpe our propensnes , force them they cannot : for with Homer latinized ; Tales sunt hominum mores , qualis pater ipse Iupiter aurifer as lustravit lampade terras . Or rather w th Hippocrates the Lord of their Art I think , against these sublime curiosities , that the heavens worke not upon the sublunary bodies of children , but by the mediation of the Air , which being alwayes in motion , and seldome alike at all times , cannot alwayes produce such and such like infallible dispositions proper to any one alone more then to others , in , and of that same time and place : the contrary whereof we see . Mille hominum species , & rerum discolor usus . Velle suum cuique est , nec voto vivitur uno . But what ever fall out , it must not be so much attributed to the domination of any Starre at the Nativity of him or her , that way disposed , more then to others who sucke in that same Air , but rather to the diversity of mens inclinations of whom they are propagated ; or to their studies , educations , and affections , &c. Thus the extremity of Philosophy is accounted folly , as the best rules in Physicke are ; not but in case of extreme necessity , to use Physicke at all . But yet , what extremity of folly is it in our Astronomers to give up the reckoning , yea even of the immoveable Stars , when GOD their Maker ( blessed forever ) holdeth them ( in respect of men ) as innumerable ; as when He assured Iacob the Patriarch of the numerousnesse of his posterity , He compareth their innumerablenesse to the Stars of the heaven ; when ( howsoever these of via lactea alone are so miscounted , that there are miriads besides , millions of misreckonings given up by the Arabs themselves ) Reneus Herpinus in his Apology for Bodin against Augerius Ferrerius his booke de diebus decretonorijs intendeth to give their supputation , if not infallibly , learnedly and Astrologically ; yet too too curiously , in that place fol. 22. he divideth them in forty eight figures , and placeth twelve in the Zodiack , fifteene Meridionalls beyond the Ecliptick ; twenty one Septentrionalls , and so forth ; besides so many obscure ones , of which some of the biggest he instanceth to be 107 times bigger then the earth ; some againe of the first and sixth bignesse , eighteene times bigger , observing the diameter of the largest , foure times bigger then that of the earth . Whereas the diameter of the lesser sort is in comparison to that of the earth , as fifteene , to eight , in respect of twenty one : all which hee prooveth against Ferrerius to observe a constant , equall , and not different course ; of which Starres neverthelesse , their number , course , bignesse , force , &c. not onely Ptolomeus ( the Primat and Patron of that Science ) ( although Plotinus , Proclus , and Prophyre have not adhered to his demonstrations ) in his worke , at least in his Preface 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaketh rather as of things sooner remarked by the Ancients , then rightly understood by him or them either ; But likewise his Commentator Theon Alexandrinus on the like subjects giveth forth , that in these and the like matters , he desireth not his words to be taken for undoubted authorities : What have our Topographers wonne by inquiring , what can be in the centre of this Terrestiall Globe , which he giveth up to be neere seven thousand myles in diametrall thicknesse ? whether hell be there or not ? and whether or not Aetna in Italy , hecla in Island , Saint Patriks hole in Ireland , or that formidably burning Mountayne by the American Mexico ( wherein at times as elsewhere also ( if our Historians mistake not ) there are plaints and mourning voices to bee heard through ) by the vents and Chimneyes of hell , as they give out . Or what advantage have our Vranographers , or our familiar describers of the heavens , made ( not to bee behind with our Geographers , who have given up the compasse of the earth ? how soone a man may encompasse it , as in the first Treatise of the secrets of nature may be seene ? what have they advantaged ( I say ) by giving up the vastnesse of the firmament so unmeasurably large as they doe ? for by their calculation , though a man ride fourty myles a day , yet shall he not see so much ground in many thousands of yeares as the firmament goeth about the earth in twenty foure houres : So learned Clavius calculateth in his Commentary upon Sacroboscus . But withall to know whether or not the Moone be inhabited , or hath mountaines , vallies , and champion ground within her body , and so forth ; and whether the rest of the planets as she , be likewise inhabited ; considering ( say these curious fellowes ) that these vast bodies cannot be framed for light onely , if not for this use also : but being wearyed with these and alike more curious then profitable questions , I leave them . Section 7. To search out the secrets of Nature allowable ; if men be not too curious in them ; Eudoxus wish ; Plinius killed on the Mountaine of Vesuvius : Aristotle drowned in Euripus ; Too much curiosity is a plague sent downe from Heaven on men ; The Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of GOD ; How the Heathenish gods were pourtrayed . IF any curiosity may be allowed , I thinke the inquiry of the hidden and abstruse secrets of nature are agreeable and pleasing for a curious spirit ; provided that their curiosity carry them no further then to a reverent and respectfull admiration of the power of God , working in Nature by them . But if once such curious and inquisitive braines doe transgresse these limits , and after the meditation of these things , doe begin to drawe out of the secrets of Nature that which is unprofitable , being knowne , and so doe become transgressors of the old Law , Non altum sapere , not to be too inquisitive ; then I say their curiosities become vitious : such as this , was the curiosity of Eudoxus , who desired at the hands of the gods to be so neere the Sun as to discerne the matter of it , ( which was in question amongst his fellow Philosophers for the time ) although it should bee to the hazard of his life ; Such curiosity as this : cost Plinius his life , while too curiously he approached to the top of the Mount Vesuvius , by Naples ( which I did with the hazard of mine also ) from thence to look down to the body of the hollowed hill to see if he might discerne the cause and matter of that fyre , which bursting up in flames now and then , had made it hollow within , for then being choakt with a flash of a suddayne flame , hee dyed ; So the river Euripus did requite Aristotle his curiosity with the like punishment , although not drowning or overwhelming him with waves , yet causing in him such melancholy for not comprehending its nature , as procured his death ! We have warrant from holy Scripture , that too much curiosity to knowe things , is sent downe upon men as a plague , in so farre , that Herod esteemed Saint Paul distracted through his too much learning ; and they are scarce otherwise , who thinke by their shallow capacity , to comprehend the height , length , and depth of GODS workes , which are so much the rather His , by how much the lesse we understand them . And it is observable that our beliefe is setled upon things incredible to humane reason ; to which a humble submission of spirit attayneth sooner , then a curious inquiry . Thus Saint Augustine esteemed , GOD better to be adored , bene sentiendo , quàm multum loquendo ; In such sort , that Simonides the Poet , who was desired to describe God , required first one day to thinke upon the subject ; and then another , lastly a third ; and in the end confessed ingeniously , that the more he studied it , the further he was from comprehending it , and the more he searched into that Theame , the lesse he understood it ; which gave us well to understand how wisely the Aegyptian Priests , Indian Brachmians , the Persian Magi , the French Druides , and all the old Philosophers and wise men did , who caused to mould and pourtrayte their gods with their fingers upon their lippes , to teach men ( their Adorers ) not to bee too curious inquirers after their Nature , or rashly blabbe forth what ever they imagine of them , least that being discovered , they should have beene found in the end to have beene but men , either worthy in their time for warre or peace , and after their death , deified . Micat inter omnes Iulium fidus , velut inter ignes Luna minores . Whereas the Nature of our great God-head is so profound a gulfe , and hid mystery , that as the Sun beames dazeleth our mortall eyes , being too stedfastly fixed upon them ; even so doth over-curious inquiry after God , and such other abstruse mysteries , obfuscate the dim eyes of our understandings : And as the Sun cannot bee seene but by his owne light ; So no more can God be knowne but by himselfe . Section 8. Too great curiosities condemned ; and a moderation to bee used in them prescribed . THus then , as in Divine and heavenly mysteries wee should not be too curious , but should rather content us with what is revealed ; So should we not in our worldly affaires busie our selves too curiously and perplexedly : For as Gods secrets are not disclosed to the highest and most eminent amongst men , but to the meaner and ignorant sort ; even so fortune and chance of this world falleth and followeth not alwayes the wisest and most curious , but on such as for the most part doe not pursue them ; and these we doe tearme , foole happy or more happy then wise . Dum vitant stulti vitia , in contraria currunt . When I blame the extremity of curiosity as a master-vice , it is not for that we should with the Stoicks , ●ull our selves asleepe , and cast off even allowable care concerning the events of our affaires in this life ; as to remitt and put over all to destiny ; which is no lesse blame-worthy , then with the Epicureans , to eate and drinke , as if the morrow we were to die : For as the golden mediocrity , and commendable vertue consisteth betwixt extreames ; even so ( I say ) avoyding both evills , this meant good may be admitted , to be curious after all such things as concerne our vocation and trade of life : And for this indeed wee have warrant ; but so , that we referre the event of all to the alseeing providence , who best knoweth our wants , and can best helpe them . Section 9. How GOD disappointeth the expectations of the most Curious ; And that the most subtill spirits runne into greater errors then the meaner doe . I Wonder , since neither the subtilties of this present age , nor the wisdom of our predecessors , neither Prophets of old , nor preaching of new , no not theirmost curious inquiries could rippe up the causes and notions of things , which it hath pleased the Everliving to worke both above and below the concavity of the Moone , in a manner to dazell mens eyes , and to make their profoundest wits stoope under the wonders of His workes ; Why then should our curious Spirits rack their braines about the resolution of such questions , which , as they are difficult to be solved , so are they dangerous ( I may say ) and impious to be propounded . And it is great presumption for mortall men to reduce under the precinct of humane sciences those things the knowledge of which GOD out of His infinite wisedome hath thought fit not to impart to mortalls . For as God is above nature , so worketh He after His owne will , either supernaturally , or else by some secret power of Nature unknowne to us ; To which point , the most subtile of all the Ancient Philosophers some times were driven . And yet these great spirits who could not content themselves but w th the speculation of such things , as fell not under the reach and capacity of the weaker , and meaner sort ; did sometimes in the meaner subjects stumble most miserably . So while they ranne above the heavens , roaving and tormenting themselves with their numbers , matter , force , motions , sounding , depths and centre , yea , and turning the circumference of the earth , overskimming the Seas , saluting the Antipodes , and bringing novells from their Courts , and of their Caballs , dreaming with themselves ( as Archimedes did ) that they might remove the Globe of the universe out of its owne place , and turne it about , if they had whereon , and wherein to fixe their machins ; they in the end ( I say ) doe stumble , and fall in grosse absurdities ; like those men who peradventure , having sailed the better part of their lives , upon the stormy Ocean , and past her greatest dangers , may neverthelesse at last be drowned in a little Brooke . Medium tenuere Beati . Section 10. An inducement to the studie and search of the secrets of Nature ; Of the Needle in the Sea compasse ; Of the inundations of the River of Nilus ; And from whence it hath its sourse and beginning ; Of the severall dispositions of men ; Why continuall burning hills and Mountaines doe not diminish , &c. BVt on what more fertill and spacious a field can curious Spirits extend , and expatiate the wings of their fancies , then the discovery and searching out of the secrets of Nature , as in those things which are obvious to our outward senses , leaving those contemplative mysteries afore spoken of , to the omniscious Author of them , for when mans curiosity hath reached or rather dived into the depth of the secrets of the heavenly bodies and their changes ; then the Creator , to checke ( as it were ) their curiosities and presumption , altereth that orderly course that they presumed to have gathered thereby ; which made Dionysius Areopagita , seeing the Sunne Ecclipsed at full Moone , when our LORD and SAVIOUR suffered , contrary to their Astronomicall position , to cry out , that either the God of Nature suffered at that time , or the course of Nature was inverted , or the Machine of the universe was to dissolve ; with other the like examples knowne to all that are versed in the Scripture . Now to speake a little more of the incertainty of these curiosities ; Mercator , and other more moderne Geographers hold , that the needle in the compasse , doth vary more or lesse from the Pole , as the place of observation is more or lesse distant from the Azorick Meridian , from whence it hath its longitude ; Whereas the more ancient tooke its longitude to be from the Canaries Meridian . Some againe , as Herodotus , will the River of Nilus , to take its source and beginning from the forked top of the Mountaine Sienna in Ethiopia , from whence ( saith he ) doe surge two admirable Currents , one towards the South and Ethiopia ; the other toward the North and Aegypt ; I call these currents admirable , because the Whirlepooles and bublings in these waters are so great , violent and absorping , that though a Boate were there tyde with most strong Cables , yet they would suck it in and ingurgitate it ! Others will have its inundations and Increment , to issue from the hills of the Moone in Arabia , A montibus lunae Arabia-Australis : whereupon such abundance of Snow falleth , that it liquifying and melting , runneth so abundantly and violently downe , that it procureth these wonderfull inundations : Plinius againe ( if Sabell : mistake not lib. 3. Eneid : 1. ) maketh its source and deboarding to flow from Affrick crossing Media , as the Danube doth Europe ; Or else from Mauritania the lesser , instancing for possibility that the melted snow discending from thence causeth the overflowings in Aegypt ; from whence ( say they ) serpenting and gliding through a vast tract of ground in the bowels of the earth , that striving ( as it were ) to be refreshed with new aire , it bursteth out in Mauritania Caesariensi , where it runneth the space of twenty dayes journey againe under ground ; from whence it issueth againe and plentifully stretcheth it selfe through Ethiopia , with many meandres and turnings , and separateth Aegypt from the rest of Africk ; where finally through most rockie , Precipitious and Declivous Mountaines with most hideous rumbling , and terrible noyse , it casteth it selfe down where the Catadupae dwell ; and running through Aegypt , disburdeneth it selfe , into the Mediterranean Sea. Others againe ( not without great contradiction ) doe variously picture out the severall dispositions of men according to their severall Countryes , whereof read Bodinus in his sixth Chapter lib. 5. of his Republick : where he saith , that those who are borne towards the South are more humane , ingenious and affable then those towards the North : with severall other distinctions which hee setteth downe in that Chapter : Some too , give the reason why so many great hills in severall places of the earth doe incessantly burne , without great diminution of the earth or their greatnesse , to be because the Sea winding it selfe in by secret Conduits , doth continually arrouse , or water the Sulphureous vaine which subministrates fewell to their flame ; as the endlesnesse of the combustible matter is the cause of the not diminishing of the earth : with many of the like , as may bee read in severall authors : Wherefore thus much for the contemplative and coniecturall curiosity ; Now to the Practick . Section 11. Of Christopher Columbus his Practicall Curiosity in his discovery of the new World or America . NOw lastly , to conclude this treatise with Practicall curiosity , instead of many , I will onely touch that so fortunate and so much famed one of Columbus in the discovery of America ; He was an Italian , borne in Genoa , whose most pregnant , curious and searching wit , farre excelled all that ever were before him , in the like attempts ; This worthy Columbus ( I say ) imagining , that since the Globe of the universe , the celestiall Spheares , Aire , Waters , and all superior bodies were round , concluded with himselfe that the earth could not bee triangular , as in a manner it then was when hee knew no other lands , but Europe , Africk , Asia , but circular and round also ; as the rest of the Elements ; and so consequently that there behooved to be some vaste tract of land , yet unknowne , which should extend it selfe from South West to North West ; Which conception of his he thus fortified . That seeing of three hundred and sixty degrees , which the world containeth in longitude , there being onely one hundred eighty filled up with land ; that the Almighty Creator would not have suffered from all beginning the waters to overflow all the rest . But not content with this contemplation onely , he never gave over till he put the tryall of it in practise ; wherefore in the yeere of God , 1492. aided and therefore furthered by the King of Spaine , he set to sea , directing his course to the Canary-Islands ( whereat from Spaine he first arrived ) towards the Southwest : but having spent many dayes upon the Sea without sight of land , to the great toile , labour , and anguish of his men , who began to mutine amongst themselves and despaire of ever returning home , much lesse of attaining their adventure ; he was driven to his wits end , whereupon politickly , ( and as it were prophetically ) he strove with all probabilities to assure them that within two or three dayes , at furthest , they should discover land ; which the more confidently he undertooke , because ( saith my Author ) he had perceived the colour of the clouds then tending towards him , to bee more white and more purified like landclouds , from whence they behoved to come , then those that meerely proceeded from the seas ; which conjecture of his proved true ; for it pleased God , that the third day thereafter they discovered this land they sought for , of which , with its length , bredth , nature , &c. there are whole volumes extant ; and from this countrey it is , that the gold , money and ware be transported , which hath caused our dearths ; all things in the dayes of our forefathers , being bartered one for another as common merchandises . This mans spirit ( no question ) was warmed with a more celestiall fire than ordinary ; who first of all before him , did both invent and execute so glorious a designe , and profitable an enterprise , as the discovery of a new world . Neverthelesse , there hath not wanted some ; who , to bereave him of this honour , doe gather out of Plato's dialogue twixt Critias and Solon , that there was some knowledge of this world in former times ; because so it is , that the Aegyptian Priests of the City Sais reported unto him , that they had found in ancient Monuments , some mention of a terrible great Island , called Atlantida , which was opposit , or went off and on , with the straits of Gibaltar , of old called Hercules Pillars ; but that it was taken away by Deucalions deluge , as we reade of Sicily to have beene rent from Italy . Which admit were true : yet who , amongst the sonnes of men , before Columbus , did ever adventure to discover it ? nay who so thinketh it to be an Island , mistaketh farre : for our moderne navigators have found it to be continent almost , and firme land ; as joyning to the East-Indies on the one hand , and to those Lands under the two Poles on the other : moreover , whereas Sicily is removed from Italy but a very few miles ( if ever they were conjoyned ) as Ireland is from Britanne ; this America , or , as they would have it , Atlantida , is distant from the mouth of the straights , where ( they say ) it was taken away , some thousands of miles . I know too , how Peter Martyr , cap. 1. and first decade , attributeth the first discovery of this to a Spaniard , to defraud Columbus of his due praise and honour : and how some have gone about , to take away from him the denomination of that Countrey , attributing it to Vespucius , calling him Americus , because he entered farther in the firme land than Columbus ; who glad of his first discovery , made no long stay there : so that at the second setting out of a new Navie , this Vespucius went further in , Egregiam verò laudem : as if the honour were not the first attempters : so Sheepe beare wooll , and Oxen plough , although not for themselves . Some too , say , that Columbus , being a learned man , gathered this enterprize from some verses in Seneca in his Medea , Venient annis secula seris . Quibus oceanus vincula rerum Laxet , & ingens pateat Tellus , Tiphis que novos deteget orbes , Nec sit terris ultima Thule , &c. And why not ? for this same ( if it so was ) argued the sublimity of his spirit ; for who , I pray you , before him , ever marked or gathered the like from them to put that Theory and contemplation in practise ? Then , sure it is , that none of the ancients , Greeke or Roman whatsoever , can in this be compared or balanced with him . Sect. 12. The conclusion of this Treatise of curiosity ; containing a singular curiosity of Livia , Tiberius Caesars wife . BVT ere I fully close up this Treatise , and where I might bring before you many ; let me onely present you with one woman , whose singular curiosity was admirable , or ( if you will ) casuall ; it is reported by Cuspinian , an ancient and famous Author , in the life of Tiberius Caesar ; that Livia being with childe of Tiberius , fell into an inquisitive curiosity , to know whether the child she went withall should prove male or female : wherupon , repairing to Scribonius the Astrologer , she was advised by him to take an Egge from under a sitting Hen , and to hold it so long betwixt her hands , till ( through the heate of them ) the egge should burd and breake the shell ; which accordingly she did , and thereout came a Cock-chicken : whereupon the Mathematician divined , that she should be delivered of a man childe ; who as the bird was crested , should beare a crowne , and command over others : and so thereafter it happened . OF DIVINE PHILOSOPHY , AND MANS FELICITY . Section 1. The Sunne and Moone in the Heavens compared to the understanding and will in Man. Aristotles definition of happinesse : The distinction of understanding and Will ; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chiefe felicitie . AS there are two Lamps in the heavens which enlighten this lower world , the Sunne , and the Moone : So there are two principall faculties which rule in Man , the understanding and the will. For as the Sunne in the Firmament , is as Master of the rest of the Stars , giving life to the Earth by the mediation of the Ayre ; so this understanding ruleth the rest of the faculties of the minde ; and as the Moone hath little light of her selfe ( as being but a diaphanous body or susceptible of light ) but what it borroweth from the Sunne , as the wife hath her lustre from her husband ; so should not the will obstinately will any thing , but what the cleerenesse of the understanding foreseeth to bee conducible unto us ; and what hath passed and bin sifted through the judgement ; though otherwise we see it oft times come to passe . The Philosophers have a much disputed question , in what our happinesse consisteth , Whether in the actions of our understanding , or in those of our will ( which indeed are nothing else but that which we terme contemplation and action ) distinctly in any one of them , or in both conjunctly . For seeing Aristotle defineth happinesse to bee an operation of the soule according to most perfect vertue , and that elsewhere he calleth it , the best and pleasantest thing that is ; it cannot be then but one ; because , what is spoken superlatively , is peculiar but to one onely : so it would seeme , that this felicity or happinesse consisteth onely in the operation of one of them and not of both ; the one and the other way being both for the object and their operation the most pleasant and perfect things we have : by the operation of our understanding or intellect , we have the speculation and contemplating of God , and by the will his love . Howsoever by this it would seeme , that it consisteth in some one of the two onely ; yet if we have regard to reason which enforceth the placing of it so , or the Texts in Scriptures , where it is said , that our happinesse consisteth in the contemplation of God , or in his knowledge ; we shall finde , that neither this perfect vision and knowledge of God can be separated from his love , nor his love from the knowledge of him . Wherefore it must consist of both joyntly . But if by one of the two simply a man were made happy , then he could not totally , but diminitively be called so , which should not be thought ; seeing nothing which is not entire ought to be attributed to felicity , because it should not be defective in any thing : whereupon we may conclude , that the perfect felicity whereof both the Philosophers of old have treated , and here now we handle , is neither divisively an action of the intellect according to prudence and wisdome , nor yet of the will , according to morall vertue , as Aristotle in his Politicks alledgeth ; but one combined of both according to perfect vertue . For if the question were betwixt the two , to which of them the prerogative and pre-eminence should appertaine , the matter were very ambiguous . Section 2. That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our will is confuted : Aristotles opinion hereupon . A theologicall solution on it , seconded with a Philosophicall ; and an agreement of both to solve the difference . IT is true , that the understanding goeth before the will , whereas will must waite for information from the understanding ; seeing we cannot well will a thing we understand not , Ignoti nulla cupido . Besides this , seeing our beatitude and felicity consisteth in the acquisition and fruition of the end of the thing we aime at : certainely that cannot be by the act of our will , although it hath goodnesse it selfe for the object ; considering , that Will , almost even in the most regenerate is so depraved , that without the grace of God , we cannot so much as will any good thing , without the preceding judgement of reason , in regard that Will is defined to be a rationall appetite ; consequently it is , that even in those who say that their will standeth for a reason , yet in their judgement there wanteth not their judiciary election . For St. Bernard in his worke of Grace and Free-will affirmeth ; that Will , to what hand soever it turne it selfe , hath reason accompanying it ; yet not that it is alwayes guided with true reason , but that at least it is never without its owne reasons . These considerations being had , it would appeare , that this our happinesse should be placed in the understanding , and not in the actions of our will ; except we take them so , as they have a reference to reason or understanding , in which they are rooted , or ( at lest ) should be . But if that be true on the otherside , as certainly it is , which Aristotle in his Ethicks affirmeth , that our happinesse perfecteth it selfe by the most noble operation of the most excellent part upon the excellentest subject ; sure it is , that the noblest part of a man is his soule , the most excellent faculty whereof is his free-will ; whose most lively operation is love , and whose most worthy object is God : so that from thence it would follow , that our happinesse consisteth in the love of God , consequently in the operation of our will. Now that the will hath the more excellent power then the understanding , is cleare ; because that faculty ( whose habits , operations and objects are more noble than the others ) surpasseth the other : but so it is , that will surpasseth in all these , for knowledge and wisedome must give place to love and charity ; because it were better never to have knowne God , then having knowne him not to love him . Besides all this , seeing the actions , which are done , doe depend upon the nature of the agent , the actions of the will , are so much more noble , then those of the understanding , in how far the Intellect may be necessitated by the object of it , and by forcible and convincing reasons , which it cannot withstand ; whereas will is free and cannot bee forced ; for then it should rather bee a nilling ( to say so ) then a willing . Moreover in good Philosophy an argument taken from the nature of opposites is forcible : by the like reason I say then , if the understanding were better than the will , that then the contrary to the understanding were worse than the contrary to the will ; seeing contraries are the consequences of contraries : but so it is not ; for the contrary of will is worse than the opposite to the Intellect ; because the hatred of God , which is opposite to the love of God , which dependeth upon the action of will , is worse than the ignorance of him . Epist. 2. Pet. 6. 2. Now as the actions of the will doe surpasse them of the understanding , so doth the object of it ; for goodnesse which is the object of the will excelleth verity the object of the intellect , as farre as deeds doe words ; seeing verity is nothing else , but an adaequation or conformity of our conceptions with the words we utter . Sect. 3. Which of the three faculties of the soule , Vnderstanding , Memorie , and Will , is the most excellent . THe three principall faculties of mans soule , understanding , memory , and will , have their severall operations : the understanding playeth as it were the Advocate , memory the Clerke , and will the Iudge ; but who knoweth not that the Iudge is alwayes above the other two ? To say then that will cannot well make election without preceding sciscitation from the Intellect , is oft times true ; but not alwayes : for sometimes without the information of understanding the will worketh , Et nunquam visae flagrabat amore puellae . In a word , since the actions of the will are more noble then these of the understanding , it being true ( as it is ) that actions worke not but with a regard to their object : the object of the will being an universall good , and that of the understanding but a particular , under the restriction of verity ; thereupon it followeth , that the object and action of the will ( being the better ) in them consisteth our happinesse . Sect. 4. Liberty and compulsion defined ; that the will is prompted by the understanding , and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence ; At what the will and understanding chiefly aime , proved to bee the glory of God. ARguments in the behalfe of will , are grounded most upon the freedome of its operations , whereas these of the understanding are coarcted and limited as is said . Yet when all is spoken , our understanding wanteth not its owne liberty , at least in so farre as liberty is opposed to compulsion . For if there were nothing compelled but that which is repugnant to the inclination of the thing , certaine it is that inclination to any thing agreeth very well with the intellect . Now whereas it is said that the object of will which is good , supposeth that of the intellect , which distinguisheth the veritie of the thing : we must consider ; that the will of it selfe could not have willed that , except first by the understanding it had knowne it to be such ; so by this meanes the will hath no further regard to the object of it , in so farre as it begetteth felicity and happinesse , then the intellect hath ; and although , by way of understanding , it bee made the adaequate or proper object of the will , yet it ceaseth not to bee the object of the understanding also ; as having all things that are , and which may fall under our capacity , for object ; and consequently , it shold be thought nobler and freer then the will , in regard of the boundlesse object which it hath in its extent . But to leave the decision of this question to better Divines , seeing it falleth neere on the controversie of faith and good workes ( by which together wee attaine salvation , as by the operations of will and understanding we attaine felicity ) I say , that all men naturally doe desire for the well of their will , to be happy and have contentment ; and for the exercising of their understanding to have a marke to ayme at , which all Philosophers allow to be true ; yet few of them came ever to the just point of both . It is necessary then to have a butt , and to have that good , and to have one , because GOD hath given us an understanding whose perfection is wisdome , and so one ; to which as at a marke our understanding addresseth all her powers , and bendeth perpectually all her forces : againe to have it good ; because hee hath given a will whose perfection is goodnesse . And certainely , God who is wisedome and goodnesse himselfe , had an eye unto both these in the creation of all things : For seeing the Philosophers confesse , that nature doth nothing amisse , what should then bee thought of God , whom nature serveth , is but as a handmaid . Now as GOD who is the beginning , middle and end of all things , hath had no other end in his workes But himselfe : Even so , we his Creatures , should have no other ayme nor end in our actions but him only , seeing we have both our beginning , continuing and ending from him : Naturally all reasonable creatures doe wish well to themselves , and therefore propose some marke which they ayme at as their peculiar good : which can be nought else but the end for which man was created , to wit the glory of God , who hath made all things for it : So that in striving to come thither , hee attaineth to his owne proper end and good , which is the good hee aymeth at and naturally seeketh . By this meanes if we find either the principle butt of mans ayme or our Soveraigne good , wee have found both , the butt hee shooteth at as the object of his understanding , and his good for the object of the will ; hee therefore should apply all his endeavours to this end , and all his desires to this his good . Section 5. That all Philosophicall precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity ; Philosophicall distinctions to know what is good of it selfe in Sciences ; yet all weake to illustrate wherein mans true happinesse consisted ; which is Philosophically agitated . IF man had persisted in his first integrity , hee had not beene now to seeke this felicity ; for then his understanding clearely perceaved truths , and his will readily desired all good things . But since the losse of the first , the ladders of the Philosophers in all their sciences have beene too short to lead us to the latter : for although their end is to know ( which Aristotle affirmeth to bee good of it selfe , as by Morall Philosophy to discerne good from evill , and right from wrong ; by physicke , health from sicknesse ; by the Mathematicks , equall from unequall proportions : by Astrology , the course and force of the Starres , and the celestiall signes : by Geography the length and compasse of the earth ; by the Physickes the naturall principles and causes of things : by Metaphysicks supreme essences , good and evill spirits ) yet none of all these could leade us to that right knowledge that I intend here . For all their sciences did conclude only to us , that a mans happinesse consisted in a quiet and pleasant life , whose tranquillity is not interrupted with feare , want , sicknesse and the like , but all these will not serve our turne ; for their worth passeth no further than this life and the body , and so must perish ; but true happinesse never hath an end . In the handling then of this felicity and happines it must bee remarked , that it is common to the whole species of mankind , and therefore as all are borne capable of that end , so all should tend to that butt . Man feareth nothing more then his end ( it being of all terrible things the most terrible ) nor wisheth any thing more earnestly then ever to bee , and this Soveraigne good wee aspire unto is the end of man ; beyond which we shall crave no more ; for if there were any thing further to be craved , it could not be our end , because beyond the end there can be nothing ; or if we craved any thing further , it could not be our Soveraigne good ; seeing the greatest property of this beatitude is as to crave nothing further , so not to feare the losse of that we have , and withall to be content with that which we possesse . Of necessity then , that which must bee our Soveraigne good , behoved to be agreeable to the nature of man , particular to his species , yet common to all the individua of that kinde : And in so farre as it is our Soveraigne good , it must bee universall , perfect and everlasting . Thus having found out the nature of this our beatitude and felicity , let us a little run over the world , and al the Philosophers , to see , if either the one hath in her bosome , or if the other hath found it out by their curious inquiries . Sect. 6. That wealth and Honour cannot bee esteemed to be our supreme good or felicity , and the reason therefore ; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions : Opinions of severall sects of Philosophers concerning felicity instanced to that effect . THe things of this world which should seeme to make a man most happy are these two , wealth and honours ; but alas ! the one is winde , and the other clay ; they content not all men , for all men attaine not unto them , and yet they that have them are not alwayes content , seeing they who have most , doe for the most part still crave more . Lastly they perish and decay ; and the feare to lose them is more galling then the pleasure almost to enjoy them is solid ; by which meanes they cannot bee our soveraigne good , seeing these doe neither limit our wishes , nor fulfill our wills : they are not common nor permanent . Vigour , strength and beauty are but blossomes of youth , which decay with age . As for the Philosophers , looke how many sects and diverse orders they had , so different were their opinions . Aristotle in his Ethicks alleadgeth two sorts of happinesse ; the one civill , and Politicke , which consisteth in the prudency of our actions ; the other private and domesticke , which may be thought contemplation : but both these leadeth us not to the end we hunt after , nor yet are they the end themselves . Plato indeed in his Phaedon commeth nearer the truth , when he saith , that beauty , health , strength , wit , doe corrupt and make us worse ; so they cannot bee our chiefe good , unlesse conjoyned with the Gods goodnesse , whereunto Aristotle ( both in his first booke De coelo , and in his worke De mundo ) agreeth . But I list not hereto fill this short Treatise , with long and tedious allegations of authorities . St. Aug. in the 19th . booke of the City of God , in the 1. chap. reports out of Varro , that there was in his dayes 288. different opinions upon that matter , but few or none that hit aright . For as in Mathematicks , a little errour in the beginning becommeth great in the end ; as the mistaking of one in a million in the beginning , falsifies the whole account in the end : so fared it with them ; the further they went , the further they strayed . Socrates indeed came neere ( by the Oracle of Delphos thought to be the wisest amongst them all ; in respect he confessed , he knew nothing , because he knew not himselfe ) when he saith , that if any man may be termed happy , it must be he who hath a cleere and undefiled conscience , whose tranquill and secure ignorance is not perturbed with the worlds cares , but being void of coveting and feare , which molested others , neither needeth nor craveth any more . Solon thinketh , that no man can be happy before his death , seeing the end crowneth all ; considering belike , that as a Ship which hath sailed the vast and spacious Seas , when to appearance all danger is past , may peradventure make shipwrack in the haven : so might a man whose life had beene past in pleasures and security , make a tragicall end , as monuments of all ages can beare record : and the particular example of Croesus King of Lydia , who in his dying houre called on the name of Solon , attesting this saying of him to be true : and this same Solon , hit the marke a great deale neerer than Epicurus , who placeth our felicity in the pleasure of the body ; whom the Stoicks deride , saying , that there was no rose without its prickle , and so they setled it in the peaceable governement of morall vertues . From these againe the Perpateticks , and Academick Philosophers doe differ , amongst whom , divine Plato hath come neerest the foresaid marke . Sect. 7. The later Philosophers have aimed neerer the definition of true felicity than the more ancient ; and their opinions specified . The finall and true scope of mans felicity , is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men for endeavouring to attaine unto it . THE later Philosophers doe cleare this matter more fully ; wherefore more worthy of citation , as Seneca , Cicero , Plutarch , Iamblicque , and Porphyre , all which have not onely refuted most wittily the Epicures and Stoicks touching their opinions , but have shewen that they and all the others were onely disputable opinions , and have concluded , that the beatitude of man consisteth in the knowledge and union of us with God : but little knew they that the first knot of our union with this God was united , and therefore the question is harder now ; how we are to be reunited againe . To cast up here the opinion of Aristippus , who placed our happinesse in Venery ; or of Diodorus , in the Privation of paine ; of Calypso , and Dinomachus in Pleasure and honesty together : of Herullus , in the knowledge of Sciences , esteeming that thereby we might live both contentedly and prudently : of Zeno , in living according to nature ; and so forth in the rest ; might bee enough to try the readers patience : seeing of these things which they esteemed happinesse , some were common to us with the Beasts ; others were not common to all , and so they failed in the rules of our felicity . This being so , let us now at least finde it out , and so in a word conclude . Briefly , as all happinesse at first consisted in the union of man with God ; so our happinesse renewed , consisteth in the reunion of us with the same God , from whom we have fallen ; by which reuniting , we shall both contemplate his face , and love him , in whom we shall have our joy accomplished , wherewith the heart of man can never here be satiated , beyond which we shall crave no farther : this felicity is not peculiar to the great ones of this world above the meaner , but equally obtainable of all who in humility of heart , and uprightnesse of conversation , doe imbrace IESVS the Sonne of GOD , by whom onely we may be reunited , since he is the onely and soveraigne Mediator , blessed from all eternity . The conscience , which hath its assurance grounded upon this foundation , and rock of verity , may call it selfe truly happy , because it hath the earnest in this life , of that great felicity which is to come , whereby it possesseth it selfe in peace which passeth all naturall understanding ( one of the surest tokens of this happinesse ) neither perturbed with the terrors of the superstitious , nor yet with the carelessenesse and lulled security of the Atheist ; but in a sweet harmony betwixt the two extremes , it retaineth the golden mediocrity . This is that soveraigne felicity to my judgement , whereby a man liveth contentedly here , whatsoever befalleth him ; and dyeth in peaceable assurance of that happinesse which is to come ; which soveraigne felicity we shall attaine unto , if by a lively faith wee embrace the Sonne , and live according to his will ; and so put in ure and practise that great Canon of Religion , to live and beleeve well ; espousing by that meanes our will and understanding together . THE CONSONANCIE AND agreement of the ancient Philosophers , with our Christian Professours . Section 1. The difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician ; compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and divine . Some of Plato's opinions not farre dissonant from our Christian : The multiplicity of Heathenish gods : That Plato came neere the definition of the Trinity . AS , where the Physiologer leaveth to contemplate , there the Physitian beginneth ; so where the Metaphysitians end , there the Divines commence their study , not to follow forth their doings , but , to refine their grosser rudiments ; like cunning Painters , by the subtiltie of their Art , giving life , breathing , and in a manner , moving unto a picture , which a more grosse Painter had but rudely delineated . It was of old held for a truth , Platonicos pa●cis mutatis fieri posse Christianos : That with the change but of a very point , the Platonicke Philosophers might be brought to be Christians ; from whence Plato was called Divine . Who so shall revolve the monuments of his workes , shall find that , not without reason , hee hath beene so styled : for all other sects of Philosophers , have but like men in Cimmerian darkenesse , gropingly stumbled , now and then , upon the nature of the true God-head ; and every nation in those dayes , had their severall , and those strangely imaginarie Gods , distinguished in so many rankes , imployed in so many businesses , appointed to so many different and sometime base offices ; that their number , in fine , became almost innumerable ! In the meane time this man , soaring above them al , hath more neerly jumped with our beliefe touching the God-head . In so farre that Amuleus that great Doctor in Porphyre his Schooles having read Saint Iohn the Evangelist his proeme , was strooke with silence and admiration , as ravished with his words ; but at length burst out in these termes : by Iupiter ( saith he ) so thinketh a Barbarian , meaning Plato ; that in the beginning the word was with God , that it is this great God by whom all things were made and created . Now that this is true , This much I find , in his Parmenides , concerning the nature of the God-head . That there are three things to bee established concerning the maker of all : which three must be coeternal , viz. That he is good ; that he hath a minde or understanding ; and that he is the life of the world . Section 2. Of Gods Creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order ; Plato's Reasons that the world hath a life . Aristotles opinion of God ; hee is praysed , and at his dying preferred before many doubtfull Christians . THis King or father of all , which is above all nature , immoveable yet moving all ; hath in him an exuberant and overflowing goodnesse ! From the Father and goodnesse , the minde or understanding proceedeth , as from the inbred light of the Sun commeth a certaine splendor ; which minde is the divine or Fathers Intelligence , and the first borne Son of goodnesse . From this minde ( the life of the world ) floweth a certaine brightnesse , as from light ; which breatheth over all , distributeth , yeeldeth , and conteyneth all things in life ; So that the world which consisteth of foure principles , or elements , comprehended within the compasse of the heavens , is but a body , whose partes , as the members of a living creature , cohering and linked together , are moved , and doe draw breath by benefit of this life or spirit ( as he thinks . ) This Virgil in his sixth of the Aeneids aymed at when he saith , Principio coelum & terras , camposque liquentes , Lucentemque globum lunae , Titaniaque astra Spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . By his opinion here , as all animalls and living creatures doe live every one by their owne life ; so the world as of greater dignity then any of the rest , hath a more noble life whereby it moveth , then they : And in effect , many pithy reasons he produceth both in his Epimenides , in Timaeo , and in the 10. Booke of his Lawes , to prove the world to bee an animall , both from the constant and perpetuall course of the heavens ; from that naturall heat of the Sun , seeing the Sun and man ingender man , to which , as to all the Starres , he attributeth a soule , by which they live ; but so , that as they are of a delicate and transparent body , so live they a most blessed life : yet not that they are moved with an other life then the whole world is . For as in the body of man the soule , whereby our sinewes , bones , flesh , bloud and all , are moved is one and the same , notwithstanding all the members be not alike vivificated ; so is it there . For what reason is there ( saith he ) that man who is called a little world , and encompassed of the foure elements , as well as the great world is , should be said to live , and in the meane time to deprive the greater one of life ; Seeing the motion of the heavens , and of her lights , the moving of the Seas , the seasons of the yeare , all keepe their equall and constant courses ? Alwayes as Plato here before setleth a Trinity in the God-head , the Father ; the minde , or mens which is the Son ; and the life of the world flowing from them as the Spirit , and as brightnesse from light : So in his Timaeo he avoucheth that there is in the heavens one certaine Ens , which is ever alike unto it selfe , without beginning or ending , which neither needeth , nor taketh helpe of any ; which can neither be seene by mortall eye , nor yet perceived by any mortall sense , but onely to be contemplated by our minde and understanding . So Aristotle in his Metaphysicks , and in his workes De mundo , esteemeth this Ens , sempiternall , unmeasurable , incorporeall , and individuall , not resting in this habitable world , but above it , in a sublime one , unchangeable , not subject unto any passion or affection ; who as hee hath of himselfe a most blessed and perfect life , so without errour may it be said of him , that he giveth life unto all other things below ; and it is to be observed , that as in his writings hee acknowledged this God , so in his dying-houre , he made his writings and words jumpe together . Which is so much the rather to be remarked : because , whereas many Christians did professe a sort of religion in their life-time , which on their death-beds they did disclaime : yet this man as he acknowledged God in his writings ; so dying , he recommended his soule unto him in these words , Ens entium , miserere mei . And particularly in his Booke of the Heavens , the 9. cap. as is cleere ; there ( saith he ) without the outmost heavens there is no place , vacuity , or end : because , those that are there , are not apt or meet to bee in place ; neither yet maketh time them any older , nor are they subject to change , or alteration , being exexempted from all passion , affection or change : they leade a most blessed and eternall life . And in the 12. of his Metaphysicks , cap. 7. but more especially , cap. 10. De unitate primi motoris . In God ( saith he ) is age and life eternall , and continuall , which is God himselfe . Section 3. Platos opinion concerning the Creation of the world ; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes : Opinions of Plato , Aristotle , and other Philosophers , confirming God onely to be the Creator of all things . AS the Philosophers doe agree with us herein , and in sundry other places about the nature of God , so doe they likewise ; that this God made the world , and all that is in it , governeth it , and sustaineth it . And first Plato in Timaeo : if , saith he , this world be created and begotten ; it must necessarily be , by some preceding cause , which cause must be eternall , and be gotten of none other . Now what this cause is , in his Epimenides thus he expresseth , I ( saith he there ) maintaine God to be the cause of all things , neither can it be other wayes . And in that dispute which is betwixt Socrates and his friend Crito : let us not be solicitous what the people esteeme of us , but what hee thinketh who knoweth equity from iniquity , who is above , and the only verity , who cannot be knowne , nor pourtrayed by any image or representation ( saith he ) because no eye hath , or can see him : who whilest hee moveth all things , yet abideth unmoveable , who is knowne to be mighty and powerfull , and who is onely knowne by his workes to be the Creator of this world : as Socrates , so his disciple Antisthenes acknowledged this : yea , Plato in Epimenide , maintaineth these Gods to know all things , to heare and see them : then , that nothing escapeth their knowledge , whatsoever mortall things they be that live or breathe . And Aristotle in his booke De mundo , proveth , that all things which it comprehendeth , are conserved by God ; that he is the perfecter of all things that are here on earth ; not wearied ( saith hee ) like man , but by his endlesse vertue indefatigable . By all which , we may discerne , that hee acknowledgeth , ( I may say religiously ) this visible world , and all things therein to be created of God , as in the 2 Book and 10. chap. of his Worke of generation and corruption , at large appeareth . To which authorities we may adde these of Galenus , lib. 2. De foetu formando ; and of Plato , Deum opificem & rectorem nostri esse : and that of Aristotle , Deum cum genitorem , tum conservatorem nostri esse , quorum principium , medium & finem continet . Of Theophrast , Divinum quiddam omnium principium , cujus beneficio sint & permaneant universa . Of Theodoret , Deus ut Creator naturae , sic & conservator , non enim quam fecit naviculam destituet : but chiefly Galen , Eum qui corpus nostrum finxit , quicunqueis fuerit , adhuc in conf●rmatis particulis manere . Now although in these particulars they agree both with us , and amongst themselves ; yet in one point , as may be seene in the subsequent section , they differ . Sect. 4. Opinions of Plato , Aristotle and some Hebrewes , concerning the worlds eternity . The consonancy of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the worlds creation . ARistotle would conclude the eternity of the world , saying , that as it had being from before all beginning , so that it should never have an end ; to which opinions some of the Hebrewes ( particularly Leo the Thesbite ) seeme to assent so far , ( howbeit they speake not of the ever durancie of it ) that after six thousand yeeres expired , they understand it shall rest one thousand ; which then ended , it shall begin of new againe , and last other seven . And so by course last , and rest , till the revolution of that great jubile of seven times seven be out runne . At which time , then this elementary world , and nature the mother of all things shall cease . To which opinion some way Origen in his worke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quod mundus cum tempore coeperit , did incline . Yet for all this , I say , Plato in his Timaeo , speaking of the procreation of the world , and of the vertues of the heavens , proved that the world had a beginning , and consequently that it shall have an end . And that this is true ( saith he , ) it is aspectable , and may bee seene , it may be handled , it hath a body : whence followeth , that it hath beene begotten , and seeing it is begotten , it must bee by some preceding cause : Now , saith hee , as it is a great worke to search out this causer of it , so by our enquiry having found him , to divulge him unto the vulgar is not altogether convenient . Further he saith , that God willing to beautifie this world , as his chiefe worke , made it a living creature subject to our sight ; containing within the inclosure of it , all other living creatures , according unto their severall species and kindes ; whereas he approcheth neerer the minde and sense of our profession , than his fellow Aristotle : so directly in his Timaeo he maintaineth , that as God created or begat the world , so he infused in it a procreative power ; which by divine or heavenly heate , induced from above , might propagate and procreate every thing according unto the owne kinde of it , whether living or vegetable , whether above or below . And as the great Prophet , and servant of God , Moses , bringeth in God speaking unto his creatures after their creation was finished , Increase and multiply , &c. So Plato in his Timaeo , bringeth in God speaking of the world , and all contained therein , in these words ; All ye who are created by mee , give eare to what I am to say , I will give you seed and a beginning of being ; wherefore , doe ye for your parts beget , and bring to light living creatures after your kinds : augment and nourish them with food , and when they shall cease to be , let the earth receive them back againe from whence they came . And to this Aristotle in his 2 Book De generatione & corruptione , cap. 10. giveth way where preferring in that place generation unto corruption , hee saith , that it is more worthy to be , then not to be ; seeing properly to be appertaineth onely unto God , and not unto creatures . After the fabrick of the universe was accomplished , it should have beene for no purpose , if creatures had beene wanting in it : therefore lest God should seeme to have forgot it , he infused in every one , according unto their owne kind , a procreative power , by which the generation of things might be perpetuated . But how did he this ? saith hee , First generally , having spread abroad in the Heavens , and Starres his divine seed ( for they claime a part in our generation ) Then particularly , in every thing the owne proper seed of it : all which he avoucheth in the 12. Booke of his Metaphysicks , cap. 7. Section 5. Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures ( as we Christians doe ) unto God ; with a recapitulation of severall consonancies betwixt us and them . IN which places and severall others of their workes , as these worthy men have ascribed the cause of the being of all things unto God ; contrary to the opinion of these other frivolous preceding Philosophers ; who imputed the cause of it unto the concourse of Atomes : So ascribe they the government of all these sublunary things unto the powers above , with us Christians : and not unto chance or fortune , as these former Philosophers did . Thus Aristotle in the first of his Meteorologicks ; It is necessary , saith he , that this whole world which environeth the earth , should be continuated with the superior conversions , or revolutions of those celestiall circles , and bodies , which roll , and wheele above : because the whole vertue of it dependeth from thence . Neither is it probable , that he , who hath created the world , and all that is within it , should abandon and leave it so : but that as the frame of the fabricke was his , so likewise the guiding and ruling of it should be ascribed unto him also . Which is more cleerely exprest by the said Aristotle , in his booke De mundo . Where he saith that it is an old saying , and left by tradition from our forefathers ; that all things both are of God , and likewise sustained by him ; and that there is no nature of it selfe , left unto it's owne Tutory able to attaine well being ( for so I interprete Salutem ) without his assistance or helpe : wherefore his opinion is , that God holdeth the beginning , middle , and end of all things . So Theophrast saith , that all things have a divine beginning , by which they are and doe subsist . Dionysius likewise in his booke De divinis nominibus avoucheth , that nothing hath subsistance , but by the omnipotent power of God : with whom , Theodoret , that the governour of nature is the Creator of it : neither will he forgoe that Ship which hee hath built : Hence GOD is said by the ancients to bee divided through all natures , as if all were full of God ; because his divine power spreadeth it selfe over , and is seene in all his workes , how be it one way in the heavens , another way againe in the inferiour creatures ; for in them also his power manifesteth it selfe . Inde hominum pecudumque genus , vitaeque volantum , Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus , Igneus est ●llis vigor & coelestis origo Seminibus — Section 6. Severall other opinions wherein the Ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians ; Confirmed by the Testimonyes of their Poets . GOD then as he created all things , maintaineth and governeth them , both according to these Philosophers opinions , and ours ; so they jumpe with us in this , that , to procure his greater favour and to shun his greater curse , we should adore , invoke , and sacrifice unto him not only the calves of our lippes , but reall sacrifices , as in those dayes under the law was done by Aaron and his successors under the Old Testament ; and as they who were appointed to attend upon the Altar were sequestrated from amongst the rest of the people , so was it amongst them . The Poets are full of the testimony of both these . Now as particularly Processions were used for the good successe of their cornes , ( as yet in the Roman Church is observed ) so had they particular dayes , which they esteemed more sacred then others . Tibullus in the first Elegie of his second booke perfectly particularizeth it . Dii Patrii , purgamus agros , purgamus agrestes , Vos mala de nostris pellite limitibus . Neu seges eludat messem , &c. Vina diem celebrent : non festâ luce madere Est rubor , errantes & malè ferre pedes . And as yet in the said Church there is invocation of certaine Saints , for such or such diseases , and for raine , whose relicts in such processions they carry about ; so the same Poet in the same Elegie acknowledgeth some Gods to be appropriated ( as I may say ) to this , or that use and place . Huc ades aspiraque mihi , dum carmine nostro Redditur agricolis gratia Coelitibus Ruracano , rurisque Deos. Lastly as in the new Roman profession there is almost in every family the Statue of some Saint , so finde I amongst the ancient to have beene the like . Sed patrii servate lares ; aluistis iidem , cursarem vestros cùm tener antepedes . Nec pudeat prisco vos esse è stirpite factos , Sic veteris sedes incoluistis avi . Tunc melius tenuere fidem : cùm paupere cultu Stabat in exigua ligneus aede Deus . That they acknowledged nothing to happen unto men by chance , but by the dispensation of the supreme powers , In that also they agreed with us . Finally , I may say that as these Philosophers acknowledged punishments for sins to be inflicted upon men both in their life , and after their death , so had they confidence of joyes to be reaped in the world to come for their good deeds , as Socrates in his Apologie for himselfe at length declareth . Sect. 7. Of good and bad Spirits : and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good Spirits . AS for their opinion concerning good , or bad spirits ; I reade Plato and Aristotle come so neere ours , that you would beleeve , that they had collected their sayings out of the holy Scriptures yet they doe startle my beliefe , when they say that the continuall rolling of the celestiall orbes and their spirits doe make that harmony they speak of in the heavens ; I could much easier have trusted them if they had spoken any thing of Musicke within the heavens by those spirits , where wee have warrant indeed , that the blessed Spirits there , assisting the presence of him that sitteth upon the Throne , doe sing Allelujas , glory to God on high . Which good Spirits , as I finde them distributed in 9. severall Quires or orders by Dionysius , so in Plato finde I 9. distinct orders of good daemones . Yea the story of the evill spirits is no cleerer set downe by our owne Writers , then they have it expressed in theirs . The blessed spirits as I was saying , are divided by Dionysius in these Quyres , Seraphins , Cherubins , Thrones , Dominations , Vertues , Powers , Principalities , Arch-angels , and Angels ; subdivided in two rankes . The first of them assisting the presence of the Almighty . The second is called inferior , because as it obeyeth the commandement of the first ( as Dionysius in the tenth Chap. of his booke touching the heavenly hierarchie witnesseth : ) so their imployment is much in the world : as the Lord his servants excuting his wil , appointed either for whole countries , or particular persons . Apparent accinctae aurae flammaeque ministrae , ut jussa accipiant . Sect. 8. How neere the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits ; and in what orders they were divided of old . AS for the b●d spirits who were banished heaven , ( the first and best mansion ) for their pride , they invaded the principality of this world , and so bewitched it by their craft , that there was no nation almost that they did not draw to their obedience under the name of God , and that so strangely , that every where after a like manner , they were worshipped and adored as Gods , both amongst the French Druides , and the remotest Gymnosophists of the Indies , in shapes of Idols : how soever since the comming of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , both they and the old Sybillas have ceassed for a great part , although , yet in many places their sacrifices doe continue . And that same Lucifer goeth about yet as a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devoure . So Plato by severall arguments proveth not onely that they are , but setteth down their division and power over the world ; both generally and particularly . But leaving all , both Deos majorum , and minorum gentium , The gods , as they termed them , of greater , or lesser Nations ; their Gods Patrii and Penates , ordained for the custodie of provinces , or families ; their Dii Lares , which were propitious ones , or Larvae the badder sort , with their Genii , good or bad Angels , ordained as they thought for the guarde and attendance of every particular person and so forth , I conclude this Treatise . OF SLEEPE AND DREAMES . Section 1. That nothing can subsist without sleepe or rest ; Exemplified in the death of Perseus King of Macedon : The Primary and secondary causes of sleepe : That a sound conscience is a great motive to sound sleepe ; Proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sonnes . ALL motion tendeth to , and endeth in rest , except that of the Heavens ; Which , in a perennall rotation wheeleth ever about ! Wherefore men , beasts , Fowle , Fishes , after the dayes travell doe covet , and betake themselves to rest , as it is in the Poet. Nox erat , & placidum carpebant fessa soporem Corpora , per terras , syluaeque & saua quierunt Aequora , cum medio volvuntur sider a lapsu , Cum tacet omnis ager , pecudes , pictaeque volucres . — Et corda oblita laborum , &c. Captabant placidi tranquilla oblivia somni . This sleepe is so necessary to the life of man , that for want of it many have dyed , as Perseus King of Macedon , who being prisoner in Rome , and for torture being kept from sleepe , there dyed . Causes of sleep are two fold , Primary and secondary : The true , Primary , Philosophicall , and immediate cause of sleepe may be said to be this ; the heart , the fountaine and seat of life , having much adoe to furnish every part of the body with the streames of vitall spirits , hath most adoe to furnish the braines , which are the greatest wasters of them , in regard of the many and ample employments it hath for them , as for Pensing , Projecting , consulting , reasoning , hearing , seeing and so forth ; which functions of the braine doe so exhaust the animall spirits , sent up thither per venas carotides , through the veines organs ; after by circulation in that admirable Rete , or net of the braine , they are there setled , that of all necessity either our life in the heart behooveth to cease , or it must betake it selfe to rest againe , for the recollection and drawing backe of her spent vitall spirits , to refurnish the braines with a new recrew of them . Secondary causes of sleepe are divers ; as excessive labour , agitation of the body , repletion , as by excesse of meates or drinkes , inanition , as by Copulation and many more of this kinde , which doe so waste the spirits , that of necessity , there behooveth a cessation to be for a time , that new spirits may be recollected for refreshing of it ; Ausonius wittily chiding his servants lasie drowsinesse , imputes it to excesse of meate and drinke . Dormiunt glires hiemem Perennem , At cibo parcunt ; tibi causa , somni est Multa quod potes ; nimiaque tendas — Mole saginam . Adde to these causes the tranquillity of a sound Conscience ; Whereupon it was , that the two Sons of Thirois ( mentioned by Quintilian ) upon most reasonable judgement ; were quitted from the murther of their Father , who was found in that same Chamber with them alone , and they both in a sound sleepe , the murtherer perchance having fled away : for it was reasoned , no men , guilty of so heynous a crime , as Patricide , could sleepe so soundly , as they were found to doe , by the discoverers of their murdered Father . But leaving examples of this or the former causes whereof every where are plenty , I proceed . Section 2. Examples of Kings and great Commanders , that upon the thoughtfulnesse of some great exploite or encounter , have beene extraordinarily surprized with unusuall sleepe ; and the resons thereof agitated . VVE reade that great men and Commanders upon the most important poynt of their exploytes and affaires , have sometime fallen in so deepe sleepes , that their servants and followers have had much adoe to get them to awake , the like formerly being never perceaved in them . Iustinus and Quintus Curtius in the life of Alexander the great relate of him : That , in the morning of that day appoynted for that memorable battell betwixt him and Darius , he fell in so deepe a sleepe , and slept so long , that , on the very shock of the battell , very hardly could his favorite Parmenio , after two or three tryalls get him to awake . It is agreed upon that hotter constitutions are least subject to sleepe , and all his actions and proceedings marke him out to be such an one ; so it could not be his constitution that brought that sleepinesse on him ; but he being then in hazard either to loose or conquer a field , whereby both his Crowne , Countrey , and reputation lay at the stake ( motives to keep a man awake ) had so , no question , toyled his minde and body in the right preparing and ordering of all things befitting a man of his place , for the encounter ; that being at a resolution , he gave himselfe to sleepe , which his former thoughtfulnesse and paines did augment upon him ; and not , as some would have it , the terror of his enemies forces : as Marcus Anthonius objected to Augustus in that Navall combat against Pompey in Sicilie , that he had not courage enough to behold the order of the battell ; for indeed he fell asleepe and slept so long till the Victory was his , which he knew not of till Agrippa with much adoe had awaked him . But indeed I construe both their courages rather to have beene so great ( as their former and succeeding actions may witnesse ) that they disdayned that the app●●hension of such hazards or accidents as might ensue so great encounters , should any way startle them from giving way to their owne inclinations , whether to sleepe or wake , or doe or not doe this or that . Section 3. Alexander the great his sound sleeping , when hee should have encountred Darius in battell , heere excused . Catoes sleeping before his death , whereupon is inferred a discourse against selfe-Murder . BVt laying all these excuses aside ; I cannot much marvell at this sleeping of Alexander , he being so young in the flower of his age , and so more subject to sleepe ; besides being so puffed up with the fortunate successes of his affaires , which made him have so high a conceit of himselfe , ( as to whom ( sayth one ) fortune gave up townes captive , and to whose pillow , whilest he slept , victories were brought ; ) as I must admire that strange sleepe of Cato ; who , after Caesars ▪ Conquest of the field at Pharsalia , despairing of the liberty of his enslaved Countrey , resolved to kill himselfe rather then behold the ensuing alteration which Caesars government would bring with it ; He then ( I say ) having put all his domestick affaires in order , expecting newes of the departure of his Colleagues from the Port of Vtica , fell in so sound a sleepe , that his servants in the next roome , overheard him to snort extreamly ; yet after that sleepe , which ( as it should seeme ) would have opened the eyes of any mans reason and understanding , so farre as not onely to abhorre his first so ill-sett resolution , but totally to extirpate a future thought of so damned an intention : he awaked so strongly confirmed in his former intent , that forthwith he stabbed himselfe : And sleepe is sayd to mollifie and mitigate fury or rage in any mans minde , Praeter Catonis invictum animum . Now , though this man , ( whom , his many other excellent vertues had made famous ) and many other worthy men amongst the ancients , did imagine for the like deathes to be highly commended for courage ; yet Saint Augustine ( and with him every good Christian ) reputeth it rather to be an infallible marke of Pusillanimity , and want of firme and constant resolution , to behold and withstand dangers , and inciteth us rather to awaite death , which is the worst that can befall us ; then , to prevent the sufferance of triviall crosses by unnaturally Boutchering our selves : To which purpose Cicero , in presence of this same Cato , saith : That since , we are placed here by our generall the GOD Almighty , as Souldiers in a garrison ; that it behooveth us not basely to forgoe our station , till it be his good pleasure to call us off : So much for sleepe , now to dreames which are the companions of sleepe . Section 4. Of Dreames , both Naturall , Accidentall , Divine and Diabolicall : Apollodorus dreame ; Abrahams , Iosephs , Pharaohs , Nebuchadnezzars , &c. MAny more things might have beene brought in , in the former Sections , as of those that walke or talke in their sleepe , with the reasons thereof , and illustrations to that purpose ; but so many having handled those theames , and I studying so much as I can brevity , and to shun tautologies , I remit the Reader to them ; and will now by the way touch upon dreames : And they are either Naturall , Accidentall , Divine or Diabolicall . Naturall are caused either by the Predominant matter , humor or affections in us : As the Cholericke , who dreameth of fire , debates , skirmishes and the like ; The Sanguine , of love-sports and all joviall things ; The Melancholicke on death , dangers , solitudes , &c. where the flegmaticke dreameth of Waters , Seas , drowning and the rest . These dreames which proceed from our Naturall or predominant affections are either of love , jealousie , feare , avarice , envy , &c. by the first we may Presage and judge of the sickenesses which may ensue upon the superaboundance of such and such humors ; ( because they being the effects of the redundancy of these humors , have a connexion in Nature with them , as all other effects have in their causes . ) By the latter dreams we may presage , and judge of the affections , and passions of the mind , and so consequently of the vices , consisting in their extreames ; So the avaricious dreameth of gold , the lover of his Mistris , the Iealous of his corrivall , &c. and if not ever , yet for the most part , this happeneth true or at least in part . Accidentall dreames , are caused either by dyet , by feare or joy conceaved in the day time ; or the propense desire to have such or such a thing to come to passe , and the like : Thus oft times a vicious soule will figure to it selfe in dreames the terrors that it feareth : As Apollodorus , who dreaming that the Scythians were fleaing off his skinne , thought that his owne heart murmured this unto him : Wretched man that thou art ! I am the occasion of all these thy evills which thou endurest . Divine dreames are those , whereby it pleaseth God to give either a warning or insight of things to come ▪ such the Lord sent on Abraham the fifteenth of Genesis ; and on Ioseph in the first of Saint Mathew ; that too of Pharaoh , Genesis forty one : Of Pharaohs Butler , and Baker , Genesis forty : of Nebuchadnezzar , &c. Diabolicall dreames cannot fore-shew any thing unto any man ; they may give a shaddow or representation of things past unto us , but not otherwise : Then seeing there is little connexion of things past and to come , therefore can there be no foresight by them ; for although the Divell knoweth many things , and at some times even speaketh the truth of things to come , thereby to inveigle our credulity , when in effect he only lyeth to deceave us ; yet unto them we ought to give no regard or faith . Now how Naturall or accidentall dreames can portend or foreshew future things , it is doubted : indeed Cardan setteth downe the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how , but not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why , any wayes cleerely enough , to my understanding . For the dreames that GOD sendeth upon a man , I understand to be mysticall , and portending somthing touching his service : Our spirits it cannot well bee ; for when we are awake , we cannot foreshew any thing to come , at least without praemeditation , not by any Philosophicall ground whatsoever . Neither can they be moved by the divel , for he is a deceaver , and all his workes impostures : It must be then some other spirit , that infuseth these accidentall dreames whereof we will instance examples heereafter ; to my mind , it must be rather some peculiar extraordinary inspiration in the dreamer for the time , than Anima Mundi , or spiritus universitatis , although many learned men ascrybe such dreames to it particularly . An example of this kind I read in Herodian , where it is reported , that the Emperor Severus dreamed he saw Pertinax mounted upon his richly Caparassoned Horse , and receaved as Emperor by the Pretorian Souldiers , but that the Horse straight wayes flung Pertinax off his backe , and came stooping to Severus ; who reaching the Horse by the mayne forthwith mounted him , and was by the same Souldiers receaved and admitted Emperor ; which indeed came so to passe . Section 5. The Emperor Severus his dreame of Pertinax ; which he caused to be molded in Brasse ; An admirable dreame of the Emperor Henry the fifth ; Cicero's of Octavianus . That beasts dreame , but hard labouring men seldome ; and the reason thereof , &c. WHereon hee caused the whole drift as it happened , to be cast in brasse , of which at length in Sabellicus Aenead . 7. lib. 5. To which I may subjoyne that dreame of the Emperor Henry the fifth , who being grievously pained with the stone , dreamt that Saint Barnabas had cut him and gave him the stone in his hand ; which when he awaked , to his great Ioy he found to be true , if we may be beleeve Cuspinian . Likewise that Dreame of Cicero may bee ranked amongst these : He dreamt that there appeared a Boy before him who once should be Emperor and Master over Rome ; the next day , after his accustomed manner passing through the publicke market place , and espying Octavianus Augustus a little boy playing the part of a Commander over the rest of his companions , he called to minde the feature and stature of the boy who the night before had appeared to him in his sleepe , and finding that in every lineament he assimilated Octavianus , took him by the hand & brought him before all the people that were there assembled , presented him , and told them that one day that boy should command over them , which thereafter came to passe . Now dreaming is not proper to men only when they sleep , but to beasts also ; for War Horses accustomed to allarmes , and skirmishes , are observed to start as afrighted , and sometime to neigh ; Spaniels , Hounds and other hunting Doggs are knowne with their voyces to hunt in their sleepe . — Iam Iamque teneri Credit , & extento stringit vestigia Rostro . But sleeping men doe not at all times dreame , wearyed and labour-toyled bodyes doe never finde them . Dulce sopor fessis in gramine . Againe , Sopor virorum dulcis agrestium . Because nature hath enough to doe to disburden and disgest the drowsinesse , wherewith their whole senses were clogged . But I will adde no more of dreames , then that which Cato long agoe hath warned us of , Somnia ne cures , nam mens humana quod optat Et sperat vigilans , in somnis vidit id ipsum . That this is love , beside dayly experience we have warrants out of our most famous Poets . In somnis eadem plerosque videmus obire , Causidicos causas agere , & componere lites , Induperatores pugnare & praelia obire . The reason hereof being that the object of our senses doe not only move them while they are present at a businesse , but also leaveth some certaine Idea imprinted in the minde ; which rancountring with our drowsie phantasies amidst our sleepes , produceth these confuted dreames above spoken of . FINIS . OF VARIETIES , The fifth Booke . Conteining five Treatises . 1 Of the Numbers Three and Seven . 2 Of Miracles and Prodigies . 3 Of the Philosophers Stone . 4 Of the World. 5 An Introduction to the Metaphysicks . By DAVID PIERSON of LOVGHLANDS in SCOTLAND Gentleman . Et quae non prosunt singula , multa juvent . LONDON printed for T. A. 1635. TO THE RIGHT Honourable , my noble good Lord , THOMAS Lord BINNING , &c. My ever honoured good Lord , NO so base attribute but might justly be vented against mee , had I so farre supprest Your Lo ▪ most generous goodnes , and many singular favours conferred on my demerits , as not in this dutifull dedication , sacrificed to the altar of your larger merits , present this small offering of my greater good will and affection : I will not implore your propitious acceptance , for your noted and courteous affability to all , and gracious acceptance of meanest gifts , animates me to this presumption . What your knowne vertues ( my Lord ) are , would require a more accurate and tighter Pen than mine to delineate ; yet were not the world so given , that even truthes themselves are taken for palpable flatteries , I could tell with what universall applause and commendation your younger vertues and generosities in your travels made even strangers to honour and admire you ! I could tell what great hopes our Countrey hath already received , that you will not onely to the Lands and Possessions of your worthily noble Father , succeed as Heyre , but to his singular Knowledges and Vertues also ; which have already so fairely budded and now ripen so hopefully , that none can doubt the successe ; I could tell too of your Prudence , Courage , Charity , and your other ample endowments ; but I am so full of admiration of your every goodnesse , that what the Tragedian said of Cares , I may of my affections , Leves loquuntur , ingentes stupent : Accept then ( my deare Lord ) for expression of all , this little Booke ; which , how voluminous and accurate soever it could be , were due to your high deservings from me ; That Your Lo : in it , is mixed with so noble Partners , I hope for pardon not reproofe , which likewise intreate for all my other trespasses and boldnesse with your Honour , alwayes humbly desiring the continuance of your Noble Love and Favours to one , who would no longer wish to live , if it were not both to live and die Your Lo : most faithfull and entirely-affectioned Servant ▪ D. PIERSON . OF THE NVMBERS THREE and SEVEN . SECT . 1. Treating briefly of Numbers in generall . GOD at the Creation is said to have made all things in number , weight , and measure , as indeede they were in a most exact order , symmetrie and proportion . Antiquity have remarked many things by severall Numbers , as Pierus in his Hierogliphicks at length relateth , Pythagoras is said to have esteemed much of the number of five , as composed of the first even and odde , numbers two and three : Numero Deus impare gaudet . Severall men have severally treated of severall numbers , but I have here made choyce of three and seven , as finding maniest and most memorable things in all Sciences comprehended within them ; which thus pack't up together , cannot but bee infinitely delightfull , and most helpefull to the memory of every Reader . SECT . 2. Conteining variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of three , as of Heaven , and Hell , and of Poeticall fictions , and some observations amongst the Romans . THree of all Numbers should be held in greatest veneration . The Persons of the God-head are three , Father , Sonne , and Holy Ghost , which is that most blessed Trinity . There are said to bee three Heavens ; Aëriall , which is betwixt this and the starry Firmament : Etheriall , that great Primum Mobile encompassing the first : and Empireall , or Cristalline Heaven , the habitation of the blessed Spirits , whither ( as is supposed ) Saint Paul was ravished . There are also three Regions of the Ayre . As three heavens , so there are said to bee three Hels ; The Grave , the place of torment , and the anxiety of a vexed minde . Saturne had three Sonnes , Pluto , Neptune , Iupiter . Iupiter had his three-fold Thunder , Neptune his three-forked Trident , and Pluto his three-headed Cerberus . Diana , according to the place where shee was , hath three severall names ; in the Heavens , Luna or Lucina ; on Earth Diana ; in Hell Hecate . There were also three Graces , Aglaia , Thalia , Euphrosine : and the Muses are numbred by thrice three . Three Iudges are fained by Poets to be in Hell ; Minos , Aeacus , and Radamanthus . Three Furies Daughters of Acheron ; Alecto , Tyfiphone , Megera . Three Hesperides ; Aeagle , Arethusa , Hesperethusa . Three Syrens ; Parthenope for wit ; Ligia for vertue ; and Leucosia for beauty : Aspectu verbis , animi candore trahuntur Parthenopes , Ligiae , Eeucosiaeque , viri . Three Sisters of the Destinies called Partcae ; Clotho draweth out the thread of our lives ; Lachesis , spinneth or twisteth it ; and Atropos cutteth it at our deaths : Clotho Colum bajulat , Lachesis net , Atropos occat . Gerion was said to have had a three-fold body : Three shaped Chymaera ; Sphinx was fained to have three severall Visages ; and three fatidick or prophecying Sybeles , & many the like amongst Poets : Martia Roma triplex , Equitatu , Plebe , Senatu . Amongst the Romans were three kindes of Flamens or Priests , their Deales , Martiales , and Quirinales . They had also three kindes of Prophets ; Aruspices , who divined by sacrifices on Altars ; Augures by the chirping of Birds ; and Auspices , who foretold the events of things by beholding the entrals of birds . They divided every of the twelve moneths in three ; Ides , Nones , and Calends . The Romans also , for recovery of the Greeke Lawes , sent three men , Spurius Posthumius , Servius Sulpitius , and Aulus Manlius : And amongst them three were noted for obteining greatest spoyles from their Enemies , Romulus , Coriolanus , and M. Marcellus . Romes three-fold government was first by Kings , then Consuls , lastly Emperours . SECT . 3. Conteining some Theologicall and Morall precepts and observations , redacted under the number of three . THere are three Theologicall vertues ; Faith , Hope , and Charity ; and three principall Morall vertues ; Temperance , Iustice , and Fortitude . Three things incident to man ; To fall in sinne , which is humane ; to rise out of it againe , which is Angelicall ; and to lye in sinne , which is Diabolicall . Three things in all our actions are to be observed ; that our appetite bee ruled by reason ; that neither lesser nor greater care bee taken about any thing then the cause requireth ; and that things , belonging to liberality and honour , be moderated . There are three principall duties belonging to every Christian in this life ; to live in piety and devotion towards God ; Charity towards our Neighbours , and Sobriety towards our selves . There are also three subalterne , and lesse principall ; to use respect to our superiours , clemencie to our inferiour ; and gravity to our equalls . Wee offend God three wayes , with mouth , heart , and hands , ( by hand heere I understand all our senses ; ) for which to him wee ought to make amends three other wayes , by Confession , Contrition , and Satisfaction . Three degrees of Christs humiliation ; his Incarnation , life , and death : three of his exaltation ; his Resurrection , ascention , and sitting at the right hand of the Father . There are three things incident to unregenerate Nature ; Ambition , Avarice , and Luxury . There are three wayes to know God : Negatively , whereby what evill is in man , is denied to be in God : then by way of excellencie , whereby , what good is in man we acknowledge to be in God most eminently above man , and in the abstract of it : Lastly by way of causality , whereby we acknowledge God to bee the efficient cause of all things . Gods word was written by Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles . David for numbring his people had choyce of three things , Plague , Sword , and Famine . Salomon had choyce of three blessings ; Wisdome , Wealth , and length of dayes . Three great enemies continually assaile man : the Devill without him , the World about him , and the Flesh within him : Against which hee should be armed with these three weapons ; Fasting , Praying , and Almes giving . Love three fold ; Divine , Worldly , and Diabolicall . Moreover we are tyed to a three-fold Love ; Of God , our neighbour , and our selves . A three-fold feare also possesseth us ; a Naturall feare , for our lives and goods ; a Civill , for our honour and fame ; and a Conscientious for our soules . So wee are said to see with three kinde of eyes ; of our bodies , reason , and faith . The Popes Mitre is engirt with three Crownes . SECT . 4. Of Politick Government : Of living Creatures ; and of duties belonging to men of severall professions , as Physicians , Iudges , and Lawyers , &c. with some Physicall observations , all Tripartite . THere are three kindes of Government ; Monarchy , of Kings ; Aristocracie , of Nobility ; and Democracie of Commons ; as our State consisteth of Clergie , Nobility , and Commons . Phylosophers , Physicians , and Divines doe severally prescribe dyet for living to all men ; the first a moderate , the second a sparing , the third a most strict continencie . There were principally three kinde of Creatures ordained for the use of man , living in three severall Elements , Fowle in the Ayre , Beasts on the Earth , and Fish in the Sea. Three kinde of living things , Intellectuall , Sensitive , and Vegetable ; as Men , Beasts , and Plants . There are three Principles of Physick ; Matter , Forme , Privation . There are also three things requisite in a Physician ; to restore health lost , to strengthen it being weake , and to preserve it when it is recovered . Even so the Lawyers parts are three-fold ; to recover meanes lost , to preserve them when they are purchased , and to purchase such onely as wee have right to ; which three the Canonists performe , in purchasing of Benefites , recovering those which are lost , and in conserving those which are once obtained . A Iudge should have these three qualities ; not to be delaying , mercenary , nor ignorant . Lawes of men are three-fold ; of Nature , of Nations , and of Cities ; and the Lawes of God are , Morall , Ceremoniall , and Iudiciall . Three things chiefly are to bee observed in Iudgement , Examination , Consultation , and Sentence . Three things too are requisite in a good Chirurgian ; an Eagles eye , a Lyons heart , and a Ladies hand . Three thing● required in an Oratour ; to speake fitly , ornately , and copiously ; or as some will have it , demonst ratively , deliberatively , and judicially : and in every of these , the Circumstances are to bee observed , Time , Place , and Persons . There are three objects of the whole Civill Law , Things , Persons , Actions . Amongst Latine Poets , three kindes of Verses are chiefly used , Heroick , Elegiack , and Lyrick ; under Lyrick are comprehended Saphick , Iambick , and the rest . Three species of sicknesse wherewith we ate affected ; which are of quality , humour , and substance ; which againe resolve in three kinde of feavers , Simple , Corrupt , and Pestilentious : Simple feavers too are three-fold , Quotidian , Tertian , Quartan : Corrupt or Hectick Feavers three-fold ; the first being in the consumption of our ordinary humour ; the second in our Balmie or oyly substance , both curable ; the third which consumeth our noble parts called Marasmus , past cure . Of all measurable bodies there are three dimensions ; length , breadth , and deepnesse . Three things especially the Persians taught their children ; to ride , shoote , and speake truth . The day is divided into Morning , Noone , and Evening . Every Moone hath her increase , full , and wane , and Post triduum mulier fastidit & hospes & imber . SECT . 5. Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven , as of the age of the World , and mans generation . THe Number of Seven by many learned men hath beene held the most mysticall , and by some entituled the most sacred of Numbers , as on it many most remarkeable matters have happened : God created the world in six dayes , and rested the seventh ; and therefore amongst the Iewes every seventh moneth , and seventh yeare were appointed to ●est : and in how great reverence was their great Iubilee , which every seventh yeare being multiplied by seven , fell out every 49 yeare ? The age of the world is divided into seven ; the first from Adam to Noahs flood ; the second from that to Abrahams time ; the third from Abraham to the freeing of the people of Israel from their Captivity in Egypt ; the fourth , from their comming out of Egypt to the building of Salomons Temple ; the fifth , from that to the Babylonish Captivity , at what time Ieremie writ his Lamentations ; the sixth , was the time betwixt that and the comming of our blessed Saviour : the seventh from our Saviours time to the end of the world . And some have given forth , that the world shall take end the six thousand yeare of its age , and rest the seventh . The first seven dayes after conception , the seede of man in the wombe becommeth Embrion , the seventh weeke there-after it becommeth faetus and quickneth ; and the seventh moneth after that it is partus , and is brought into the world . SECT . 6. How the seven Planets are said to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. AStrologians , who will have the life and constitution of man to depend on the force of the starres and celestiall bodies , ( no wayes depriving God of his Soveraigne and absolute power ) have divided the age of man into seven parts , ascribing to every part one of the seven Planets which ruleth over it . The first they call Infancie , over which they place the Moone , which is of nature weake and moyst , changeable by encreases and wanes , and this they make to last but foure yeares . The second from foure to fourteene , called childhood , over which they set Mercury , because hee of himselfe is indifferently good or bad , according to the good or bad Planets with whom he is joyned ; so in this age a boy bewrayeth his inclination , and is so flexible , that according to his education and company he is mingled with , hee becommeth either good or bad , and that impression he then taketh , can hardly be rooted out of him . The third containeth the next eight yeares , and continueth to the twenty two ; over which they place Venus , Et primae lanuginis aetas in Venerem est praeceps ; and it was called Youthead . The fourth , called Adolocencie , lasteth twenty yeares , and continueth till the 42 yeare , and is governed by Sol , the Sunne , which Astrologians call the spring , the light , the eye of the world , and King over the other Planets : In his age man attaineth to his full strength and vigour , becommeth hardy , judicious , understanding , &c. The fifth lasteth from 42 to 56 , and is called manhood or virile age , ruled by Mars , a bad star , dangerous , fierce , and hot ; for in that men begin to wax angry , impatient , and avaricious , but more temperate in their dyet , and more constant in their actions . The sixth taketh up 12 yeares , so lasts to 78 , and is called old age , governed by Iupiter , a noble Planet , making men religious , just , chaste , temperate , and pious : In this age men abandon on paines and travell , and practise devotion and good workes . The last is from 78 to 98 , which yeares few come to , and is called decrepit old age , ruled by Saturne , the highest and most maligne Planet , cold , dry , and mellancholick ; cumbersome , insupportable , weake , and growing againe childe-like . SECT . 7. The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven , what attributes they gave , with some of Hypocrates observations thereon . BY Saint Ambrose in his 12. chap. de Moha & Arca ; S. Origen in his 2 Homily on Genesis , and his third on Exodus ; and Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica ; this number is sometime called a cleane number , a holy number , a virgin number , a mysticall , a number of perfection , with many the like Epithets attributed unto it both by Civill and Ecclesiasticall Writers ; yet Chrysostome in his 24 Homily on Genesis , speaking of the number of Beasts that entered the Arke , inveyeth against , and taxeth all observers of numbers : Hypocrates in his worke de partu Septimestri , enlarging himselfe on the properties of this number , saith , that the life of man consisteth of septinaries ; that in seven dayes a childe hath all his compleate members ; and that if any man abstaine totally from meate and drinke seven dayes , hee cannot live ; that a childe borne the seventh moneth may live , but not one borne the eight ; because ( saith hee ) that then Saturne , by course over-ruseth the birth ; that in seven yeare children have all their teeth ; that the Guts of man are seven times his length ; that the celesticall bodies of the Moone , and of the eight and ninth Orbe doe move by Septinaries ; the Moone maketh her course in foure seven dayes ; the eight Spheare finisheth its revolution in seven thousand yeares ; the ninth , in seven times seven thousand , which make out forty nine thousand , and many the like . SECT . 8. Of the seven Wonders of the world . THere have beene seven wonders famed through the world , so called , either for the vastnesse of the fabrick , or curiosity of workmanship : 1. The Pyramides of Egypt . 2. The Towre of Pharos , built by Ptolemy King of Egypt . 3. The Walls of Babylon , built by Semiramis . 4. The Temple of Diana in Ephesus , which was beautified with 127 Pillars of Parian Marble . 5. The Tombe or Sepulchre of Mausolus King of Caria , built by his Q. Artemesia . 6. The Colossus at Rhodes , the Image of a huge Gyant cast in Brasse , which be-stridde the River which runneth to Rhodes , under which a ship might passe : By some the Pallace of Cyrus which was reported to bee cimmented with gold , obtained the seventh place , though some , as Martiall in his first Epigram , preferreth Vespasians Amphitheater at Rome before it , or any of the former : but the matter is not worthy a controversie . So I leave them and proceede . SECT . 9. A continuation of observations on the number of seven , taken out of holy Scripture . THe Israelites compassed the Walls of Ierice seven times ; and at the seventh blast of the Rammes hornes , which they carried about them , they fell downe to the ground , and the Walls were throwne downe . The greater part of ancient Sacrifices were by sevens , as seven Rammes , seven Bullocks , &c. Sybilla enjoyned Aeneas to sacrifice in sevens , Nunc grege de intacto septem mactare juvenc●s Prestiterit , totidem lectas de more bidentes . The principall Feasts and Solemnities of Gods people continued seven dayes . Seven dayes the people eate unleavened bread at the Passeover . God had seven thousand reserved unto himslfe , which bowed not their knee to Baal . Iob had seven Sonnes ; and Zachary maketh mention of seven eyes , wherwith God seeth all things . The Prophet Elisha commanded Naaman the Leper to wash himselfe seven times in the River of Iordane . The number of Beasts which entered the Arke of Noah were seven : The Arke rested on the Mountaine of Ararat on the seventh moneth : and in the 19. of Proverbs , Wisedome hath built her house on seven Pillars ; the seven Candlesticks , the seven Churches of Asia ; the Booke closed with seven seales ; the seven Angels , with their seven Trumpets ; the seven viols of Gods wrath ; the seven degrees of the Temple ; seven loaves served the whole Companie which were with our Lord : Pharaoh dreamed of seven fat , and seven leane kine : and God in the 26 of Leviticus , threatneth a seven-fold curse to bee multiplied on all that thinke the evils that be fall them to come by chance ; all which with many more mentioned in Scripture , cannot be without their owne mysteries ; No marvell then that Pythagoras and others have reputed this number a religious one ; since Scriptures are full of occurrences of this number ; and the world consisteth of the harmony of seven Vnities , Naturall , Conjugall , Regular , Personall , Essentiall , Ecclesiasticall , and Politicall . SECT . 10. Of the seven great Potentates of the world ; of criticall dayes , and climacterick yeares , with other observations . IN the Heavens are seven Planets , and in the Earth seven great and powerfull Potentates doe rule : the great Cham of Tartary ; the Emperour of China , by them called the second Sonne of God ; the Sophy of Persia ; the great Turke ; the Emperour of Germany ; Prester Iohn ; the powerfull Monarch of Aethiopia ; and the Emperour of Russia . The seventh and forteenth day in all diseases are accounted most dangerous , and are called Criticall . Macrobius , Aulus Gellius and others observe , that every seventh yeare in the life of man there followeth some alteration either in estate , voyce , colour , hayre , complexion , or conditions : And Seneca , Septimus quisque annus aetati notam imprimit , wherefore the 7. 14. 21. 28. 35. 42. 49. 56. and 63. the great Climactericke yeare are counted dangerous for all . Firmian adviseth all to take great heede to themselves in these yeares : Octavianus Caesar having passed this date , writ to his Nephew Caius , to congratulate with him , that he had yet seven yeares more to live . There are seven Liberall Sciences , Grammar , Dialect , Rhetorick , Musick , Arithmetick , Geometrie , and Astronomie : Gram. loquitur , Dia. vera docet , Rhet. verba colorat , Mus. canit , Ar. numerat , Geo. ponderat , As. colit astra . Seven Roman Kings , Romulus , Numa Pompilius , Tullus Hostilius , Ancus Martins , Tarquinius Priscus , Servius Tullius , Tarquinius Superbus . Rome was built upon seven Hills ; Palatinus , Capitolinus , Quiritalis , Caelius , Escalinus , Aventinus , and Viminalis . There were seven wise men of Greece ; Solon , Thales , Chilo , Pittacus , Cleobulus , Bias , and Periander . There were seven kinde of Crownes amongst the Romans . 1 The Triumphall , first made of Lawrell , & there after of Gold , given to their Emperours by the Senate , in honour of their Triumphs . 2 Obsidionall , given by Souldiers to their Emperours , for delivering them from a Siege ; and it was made of grasse , gathered from about the trenches of that Siege . 3 The Civicall Crowne , which was bestowed on any Souldier that had releeved a captived Citizen . 4 A Murall Crowne , which was given to any man that first entered a Towne , or had scaled the Walls of it . 5 Castrensis , a Crown , given to the first enterer into the Enemies Campe or Trenches . 6 The Navall Crowne , bestowed on him that first had boorded an Enemies Vessell . 7 Was called Ovalis , or a Crowne of rejoycing , made of Myrtle , which was put on the heads of their Emperours , in ●vatione ( as they said ) or in signe of rejoycing at his admittance to that dignity . SECT . 11. Of the Worlds Continuance and Ending . THat subtle and excellent Philosopher Leo Hebreus , expatiating in the meditation of this Number of seven , admiring and speaking of the worlds rest , saith ; That after six thousand yeares are expired , in the seventh thousand this elementary world shall rest , which God thereafter will renew seven times , betwixt every seven thousand giving one thousand yeares rest ; after all which , saith hee , this elementary world , the Earth and all beneath the Moone , the Celestiall world also shall take an end : which Proclus also the Academick secondeth , when hee saith , that the life of this world is septenary , its parts , proportion , and circles are septenary ; and with them many other Philosophers have dived too deepe into these mysteries ; yet I cannot passe by Charon , who in his History bringeth in Elias the Iew ( not the Thesbite ) affirming , that the world shall last but six thousand yeares : viz. two thousand before the Flood ; 2000 from it to the comming of the Messias ; and from that two thousand more to the Consummation of all things ; which in all amounteth to 6000. Wherto S. Augustine in his first Booke on Genesis , ad Manichaos , some way enclineth ; yet Hesychius ingeniously confesseth his ignorance of it , since neither to the Sonne of man ( as he was man ) nor to the Angels that knowledge was revealed : Origen adheareth to Leo Hehraeus opinion of 7000. yeares continuance in his Homily , Quòd Mundus cum tempore caeperit , in this third Booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and goeth further , saying , that after this world is ended , another shall begin ; and that before this world , there was another which hee would strive to approve with Authorities out of holy Scripture , which doeth savour a little too much of presumption ; for in all the Scripture there is no expresse mention to bee found either of the one or other : But wee are commanded , not to pry too farre in these and the like mysteries which concerne not our salvation , and which God hath kept onely to himselfe . Mitte arcana Dei , coelumque inquirere quid sit : Yet indeede this Father in his Homily de fine vel consummatione , ingeniously confesseth , that he only handled those matters by way of reasoning , than any wayes to conclude an infallibility of them ; for in the end he acknowledgeth , that hee wrote them in great feare and suspensive trembling . OF PRODIGIES AND MIRACLES : Which are true , which false . SECT . 1. The definition of Miracles , with their distinction ; In what time they were requisite , in what not , &c. SAint Augustine , that famous and reverend Father of the Church in his 6. Booke de utilitate credendi ad Honoratium , defineth Miracles , to bee things beyond the expectation and power of the beholder : Whereof there are two kindes , True and False . The false are such Miracles as are not in effect the thing they seeme to be ; or if they be , they are not of any power that excelleth nature , but meerely of and by the power of nature , though obscured and hid ; which the bad spirits as well as the good can performe . True Miracles are done by the power of God , beyond all faculty of created nature , partly to draw the beholder to a due and true admiration of him in them , and partly to confirme their saith : such as these were ; the bringing back of the shadow ten Degrees in the Diall of Ahaz , for Ezechias : A Virgin to conceive with childe , and yet remaine a Virgin : To draw water out of a hard Rock : To make the Sea to part in twaine ; the Sunne to stand still ; to turne water into wine ; to cause Manna fall from heaven , and many of the like kinde comprehended in holy Scripture , which indeede were miraculous things of themselves , if we consider the nature of their doing ; where , on the other side , false Miracles may , in a manner , be thought miraculous , but not so much for the nature of their doing , as for the manner how they are done ; Neque enim ( saith one ) constant miracula magnitudine operum ; so these Miracles are not so much to be measured by the greatnesse of the worke , as by the way of doing of them : and such as these bad spirits cannot bring to passe , because how wonderfull soever their miracles appeare to be , yet they doe no wayes exceede the reach of Nature : Itaut mirabi lia quanquam sint , non proinde sint , & Miracula . Neither is it to be denied , but that God serveth himselfe with , and permitteth the false Miracle-workers , intending thereby rather to trie the faiths of the beholders of them , than any way to allow or confirme their doings , as Deut. cap. 13. vers . 3. may be seene . Now , where it is said before , that true Miracles are for the confirming , as false ones are for trying of our faiths ; this must be understood to be , when the workers of them doe teach withall so sound doctrine , that his Miracles may bee judged by it , not it by them . Hereby I intend not to enforce a necessity of miracles perpetually for confirming our faith ; for though , during the Churches infancie , they served some way towards the establishing and confirming of the weake and wavering faiths of the hearers ; yet now they are not so requisite , seeing the Law , Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles workes and writing are so universally preached unto all . SECT . 2. Of Prodigies , and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans . BEing loath to trouble the Reader with the tedious definitions of Prodigies , nor with the severall and many opinions of Writers concerning them I will relate onely some storyes of them , and of the times wherein some of them happened ; of all which , as the most part of the Roman Writers make mention , so particularly Sabellicus in his Rhapsoeticall history of the world ; and that from the 11. or 12. Booke of his 4. Aeneid , unto the end of his Worke. During the first Punick Warre , ( which was the first betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans ) under the Consulship of Appius Claudius , and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus , which was the foure hundreth and ninety yeare after the building of Rome ; the Roman Histories were then both more frequent , and did savour more of truth and possibility than their former : Wherefore to begin with that time , I observe , that there never happened any remarkeable Prodigie , either in the Ayre , Water , or Earth , after which there were not presently Expiations , Lustrations , Prayers or offerings made unto their Gods , to whose Temples and Altars people of every sex , age , and condition did flock and runne , to pacifie and appease their incensed wrath ; which may serve to condemne the neglect and contempt that is in Christians of the like Prodigies , and teach us ( as these Heathen did when they chanced ) to repaire to our true God , and implore for mercy , and forbearance of wrath at his hands . To begin then ( as I said ) with Prodigies observed in the time of the first Punick or Carthaginian Warre ; of those many admirable ones recorded by Sabellicus , I finde this most worthy of relation : In the Picenean Territory , Cneius Domitianus , and Lucius Annius being Consuls , a River was observed for the space of a whole morning , to runne red blood , no accident that might cause it being perceived by any ; for which , and some others the like , the Romans intituled their Novendialia sacra , or expiations for nine dayes ; and Livius likewise in the time of Tullus Hostilius their third King , relateth , that the like propitiatory Sacrifices were ordained for the like causes . In Hetruria also , ( which is now the Florentines bounds ) the heavens were perceived to burne . In the Citie of Ariminii , three Moones at once were one night seene by the Inhabitants ; all which Prodigies appeared about the end of the foresaid first Punick Warres . Shortly after , about the beginning of the second warre , after Hanno was overcome by Scipio , a Childe of a moneth old was heard to crie in the Streete Triumphi , Triumphi . In the fields of Amitermin neere Rome , ships were discerned in the skie , and men in long white garments were perceived to march towards one another , but never to meete . In the Picen Territory it rained stones ; and the Sunne and Moone were seene to joust ( as it were ) at one another ; and in the day time two Moones appeared in the heavens . At Phalascis the heavens seemed to bee rent asunder : And at Capua , the Moone seemed to burne ; and , as envolved in a showre of raine , to tend towards the Earth ; Civitas ob haec prodigia ( saith Sabellicus ) lustrata est , lectisternium & supplicatio indicta , aliaque aliis diis placamina decreta . SECT . 3. A continuation of Prodigies , which happened in the time of the second Punick Warre ; with many others that were seene under the times of severall Consuls of Rome . IN the first yeare of this second Carthaginian Warre , under the Consulship of Fabius Maximus , & Marcus Claudius Marcellus , a green Palme tree in Naples tooke fire , and burn'd away to ashes . At Mantua , a litle Rivulet or stripe of water which ranne into the River Mincio , was turned into blood : And at Rome it rained blood . An Oxe was heard there to speake these words , Cavetibi Roma . Afterward in the Consulship of Quintus Fabius , sonne to Fabius Maximus , and Titus Sempronius Graccus , the similitude or likenesse of great , long , and tale ships appeared to bee upon the River of Taracina in Spaine : At Amiternum in Italie , a litle Brooke ranne blood for severall dayes : In Albano monte in Rome , it rained stones . The Sunne at divers times was seene of a bloody colour : Many Temples and holy houses in Rome were beaten downe with Thunderbolts from heaven : some of the Citie Ensignes or field Colours were observed to sweate blood ; two Sunnes appeared in the Heavens ; at one time it rained milke , at another stones . During the Consulship of Cornelius Cethegus , and Sempronius , at what time the Africane Warres were appointed to Scipio , two Sunnes at one time were seene in the Heavens : and the night ( which is by nature darke ) appeared extraordinary light : A Comet in forme like a burning torch was discerned to reach from the East to the West ; and it rained stones after that notable overthrow given to Hanniball by Scipio , ( which was the last to Hanniball ) and at the time when the Consull T. Claudius was appointed to prepare for Africk , to appease some mutinies that had risen there ; upon his setting out to that voyage , the Orbe and face of the Sunne was visibly discerned to be lesse than usuall : Moreover in the Veliternean fields , the Earth rent asunder in so huge and frightfull gappes , that trees and whole houses were swallowed up in it ; after which there followed showres of stones . In the Consulship of ●n . Belius , and L. Aemilius Paulus , it rained blood for two whole dayes together : And the Statue of Iuno in the Temple of Concord at Rome was perceived to shedde teares . SECT . 4. Of Prodigies that happened during the civill warres betwixt Marius and Sylla ; of some in Iulius Caesars time ; as , at his passing the River of Rubicone , the Pharsalian warres and at his death , &c. AT the beginning of the Civill warres betwixt Martus and Sylla , a Mule , by nature barren , did foale : The Capitoll tooke fire ; and which was lamentable , it being a worke of foure hundreth yeares standing , & famous through all the world , was destroyed , the whole Citie was so shaken with Earth-quakes , that the face of it was wonderfully defaced : and a woman conceived and was delivered of a Serpent . When Iulius Caesar had cross'd the River of Rubicon , contrary to the decree of the Senate , the heavens , as foreseeing what imminent danger was to ensue thereupon , rained blood . The Statues and Images of their Gods in the Temples did sweat great droppes of blood ; and many faire buildings in the Citie were beaten downe with fire and thunder from heaven . On the same day that the Pharsalian battell was strooke , the Statue of Victoria , which stood in the Temple of Minerva at Eulide , was seene to turne its face towards the Temple doore , whereas before it beheld the Altar . At Antioch in Syria , such great noyse and clamours were heard twice a day about the Walls of the Towne ; that the people , afrighted with a supposed approach of the Enemy , ranne out of the Citie in their Armes . In the Temples of Ptolemais , Organs and other Instruments were heard to play before Caesars death : And those horses , which at the passage of Rubicon he had consecrated to Mars the day before his massacre , were observed and seene to weepe and to forsake their foode , and stray about . Shortly after his death too , about the proscription of Lepidus and Antonius , an Oxe being led out to plough , uttered these words to his Master ; Why urge you mee to worke , wee shall lacke no corne , but men : and a new borne childe did speake . SECT . 5. Of Prodigies before the death of Galba ; before the destruction of Ierusalem , and at the end of the Valerian persecution . THere were such fearefull Earth-quakes before the death of the Emperour Galba , that at the renting asunder of the Farth , most hideous noyses were heard , not unlike to the lowing of Oxen : But of all the Prodigies and Miracles that I read of , those which went before the destruction of Ierusalem , were the most terrible , whereof Iosephus maketh mention at length , yet my Author recounteth others no lesse memorable , which were these : The Comet in the shape of a Sword that appeared and ( as it were ) did hang directly over the Citie , before the destruction . An Oxe leading to the Altar to be there sacrificed , in the middle of the Temple , did bring forth a calfe , to the amazement and astonishment of all beholders of it : One night , about midnight it grew as light within the Temple , as at noone-day . Hoasts of armed men , and Chariots appeared in the ayre ; and the Priests heard a voyce within the Sanctuary expresse these words ; Let us remove from hence . About the end of the Valerian persecution , before the death of Galenus the Emperour , ( in whose dayes the Empire began mightily to decline ) there was darkenesse for some dayes over all that tract of Earth , in and about Rome ; There were most dreadfull thunders heard , with most frightfull noyses , as roaring and fearefull lowings in the ayre , and bowels of the Earth ; whereupon followed so terrible Earthquakes , and openings of the Earth , that whole Villages and Townes were thereby destroyed : Lastly , through the dread and terrour of these frightfull noyses , and by the sight of these Prodigies and portentuous wonders , many both men and beasts were strucken dead . SECT . 6. A continuation of other Prodigies ; with a conclution of this Treatise . ABout the end of the Goths and Vandals wars against the Romanes , there were seene in the ayre , Armies flaming as all on fire ; from which there rained drops of blood : and thereafter followed extraordinary overflowing and deboarding of Rivers , but chiefly of Tyber ; which of all other Rivers is observed to deboard both most excessively and most often ; and these ever goe before some evill to happen to the City : But of all her deluges , none more memorable than that which happened under the Pontificy of Pelagius , which overswelled the walles of the City , destroyed all the Corne in the lower Countries , and procured such a famine and Pestilence , that thereby many thousands perished , amongst whom the Pope himselfe , after whom Gregory , the most worthy Pope of that name succeeded . In the time of Sabianus successor to him , a terrible and Portentuous blazing starre was seene ; and the sea cast up many Monsters with visages like men . These , and many the like were seene before the dayes of Bonifacius the third , in whose time the Romane Church obtained of Phocas then Emperour , the title of Mother and supreame Church ; for till then the Greeke Church claimed the superiority . In the dayes of Adrian the second Pope of that name , it rained blood three dayes . A little before the death of Sergius ( the first Pope that began to change his Proper-name ) terrible fiery torches and fleakes were seene in the ayre , with great noyse and thundring . In the Pontificy of Iohn the eleaventh , sonne to Sergius , a fountaine in Genoa ranne blood in great aboundance . About the time that Iohn the twelfth was for his flagitiousnesse and abomination deposed by the Emperour Otho , a great stone fell from heaven : In Naples likewise within this hundreth yeares there fell a brownish coloured one of an extraordinary bignesse . In France likewise upon a St. Iohns day there fell a great peece of Ice , in a showre of raine , many feete long . In the yeare of our Lord 1012. when Ierusalem was taken by Anmrath the great Turke , there were terrible earthquakes , and fiery impressions seene over all the firmament , and the Moone appeared bloody . But to recount all Prodigies and Miracles which in latter ages have appeared in severall Countries ; and to set downe the severall Reasons that are given for them , with the events observed to ensue after every of them , would take up a greater Volume than I intend this whole booke to be ; therefore I will here put an end to this discourse . SALAMANDRA , OR A short Treatise of the PHILOSOPHERS STONE SECT . 1. The Historie of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino . THe History of one Antonio Bragadino a Cyprian Gentleman , which in my time I did reade in Villamont a French Barones travels and voyages , hath occasioned mee to undertake this taske . This man , saith he , for the good services done to the Venetians in the time of their Warres upon that Isle , being retired to Venice , and there become their stipendiarie , ( or rather pensioner ) having fallen at variance with some clarissimo whereupon ensued blood ; not being able to keepe their citie any longer for feare of his life , withdrew himselfe to the countrey ; where being in necessity ( through reason of his pension which he wanted ) bethinking himselfe how he might live by his wits ; in the end , retiring to a desert , he rancountred with an Hermite , who tooke , him to his cell ; and having imparted to him his distresse , got this comfortable answer back againe ; that if hee would be partner with him of the taske which sundry yeares agone he had undertaken , that he would not onely releeve him of his present necessity , but likewise ( if the event : deluded not his intention ) would make him one of the richest and wealthiest men in the world : To which discourse having listned , and perceiving it was nothing but the blowing of the coale hee meaned , being allured thereto by his present want , the hope and expectation of future gaine , the venerablenesse and gravity of the person , the religious silence of so solitary a place , he embraced the offer , and in the end became so expert in the calling , that by his white powders , ( for as yet hee had not come to that perfection to make red ) he redeemed himselfe from his exile , by presenting the Senate of the Citie with Ingots , to the value of fiftie thousand Crownes , with certificate , if that it should please them to restore him to his wonted liberty ( for thither was his affection carried beyond all the parts of the world , in regard his Mistresse was there ) hee should enrich their Treasure for ever . Wherewith the Senate being much pleased , received him to their favour againe , where he was entertained like a Prince , attended with a Guard not so much for honour of his person , as for feare he should have left them , and gone otherwhere ; while in the end his Ingots being suspected and called in question for the validity of them , his Guard beginning to vilifie him , and to neglect their wonted strict attendance , hee under cloud and silence of night , with his Mistresse , and a black dogge which still followed him , fled their Citie and Territory ; and in the end having come to the Duke of Baviers ' bounds to Germany , was there apprehended and hanged upon a gilded Gybbet , as one who had deluded the world by his sophisticate monies . SECT . 2. The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter : The different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians : the definition of the Philosophicall Stone ; the generall way and matter whereof it is made . THe History , I say , of this unfortunate man , and rich couzener , made me the more curious and desirous to know the nature of so rare a thing as that which they call the Philosophicall Stone , which if men might attaine to , the West Indes should not bee so much frequented as they are ; but O how great is the wisedome and power of the Creator of all , who reserveth the perfect knowledge of so high a secret to himselfe , and imparteth it but to very few , knowing the insatiablenesse of the heart of man ; and to these who know not the worth of gold , hee doth bestow it in such plenty , that their ordinary houshold-stuffe , as Tongs , Chuffles , Pots , Tables , and Cupbords , &c. are made of it whereas they starve in a manner for that whereof we have such store ; and which they esteeme asmuch above their gold as we prize their gold above our other necessaries . So far as I can learn , I find that the Philosophicall stone ( by the Arabes called Elixir ) is the very true and just seed that engendereth and begetteth gold : For gold is not procreated ( as I may say ) either of Brimstone , nor of Mercurie , nor of any such thing as fraudulently some suppose and give forth ; but it is to be search't and found out of gold it selfe , and that most purified : for there is nothing in Nature which hath not of it , or rather in it the seede of its owne kinde , whereby it may be multiplied ; but yet hardly by Art may it be drawne out , by reason that the greatest and most vigorous strength of that seede consisteth in a certaine oylie substance , or rather adhereth to it ; which , whensoever by fire wee goe about to draw out , or segregate from the substance it selfe , it consumeth away ; which not being so in gold , because by the violence of no fire it can be so burnt away , but that it may abide the whole strength and force of Art ; therefore out of it onely that seede or Elixir may bee extracted , whereto it seemeth the Poet alludeth , when hee saith , — Vni quoniam nil deperit auro Igne , velut solum consumit nulla vetustas , Ac neque rubigo , aut aerugo conficit ulla Cuncta adeò firmis illic compagibus haerent . SECT . 3. The Authors proposition : the reasons of its denomination ; opinions of most approved Authors touching it ; and of the Possibility and factibility of it . I Passe by the methode and order of Fernelius in his last chapter de ab ditis rerum causis , as being too speculative ; for I will here set downe a more full and ample description of it , and such as hath beene imparted by the most accurate wits that this age affordeth , after I have a litle spoken of the names both of it , and of the Authors who treat of it ; and have resolved some scrupulous difficulties ; yet my intention herein is rather to let the Readers know the most approved opinions of the most learned Writers on this subject , then definitively to set downe mine owne . It is called a Stone , because the things whereof it is composed are consolidated and coagulated in a hard and heavy ( yet friable ) masse , and thereafter reduced to a most subtle powder . It is called the Philosophers Stone , because Philosophers were the first Inventers of it , and they best know the making and use of it . They give it an infinite ( almost ) number of names partly to set out the matter , nature , and properties of it , and partly to obscure and hide it from the ignorant and impostors ; for the which cause they gave it many figurative names , styling it by some part of the matter whereof it is made , and by similitudes , as they call it Salamandra , quae igne concipitur , igne nutritur , igne quoque perficitur : It is conceived , nourished , and perfected by the fire and in the fire : Philosophi celare volentes veritatem quasi omnia figurativè loquuti sunt . Many thinke the Philosophers Stone a thing impossible to be got , but a multitude of most ancient and modern Philosophers have thought otherwise , who knew both the theorie and practick of it : And of the transmutation of mettals , Libavius bringeth in a great number of them that testifie the same , in his Appendix de natura metallorum , amongst whom hee produceth Geberus Hermes , Arnoldus , Thomas de Aquino , Bernardus comes ; Ioannes Rungius , Baptista Porta , Rubeus , Dornesius Vogelius , Penotus , Quercetanus , & Franciscus Picus , who in his 3. Booke c. 2. de auro , declareth eighteene particular instances , whereby he affirmeth plainely , that so many times hee did see the transmutation into silver and gold , so that the possibility and factibility of the Philosophers Stone and transmutation is evident . If any would alleadge difficulty , it is true any thing is difficult , and even the most facile thing is such to them that are ignorant , but to those that know it in speculation and operation , it is most easie , even as ludus puerorum , and opus mulierum . SECT . 4. That the making of the Philosophers Stone is lesse expensive and laborious than many things wee both use and weare ; why the makers of it enrich not themselves and others . THe true making of that Stone is neither expensive , nor long , nor wearisome to those that have the dexterity of it . Betwixt the Barley graine that must be sowne , and the aquae vitae that is made of it , there is both a longer time , and many more points of labour : And betwixt the linnessed , and the linnen cloath wee were , there is a longer time , and much more labour than in the framing of Philosophers Stone , as these blowers would have the world beleeve . It is true , many chymicall Philosophers so soone as they attained this precious Stone , the very knowledge of it delighted them more than worldly gaine ; and they made more use of it in Physick than in projection . And if any would aske ; what was the cause they made not themselves and all their friends most excellently rich . It may be well answered , they lacked not , they had contentment , they delighted more in theory than practick : they disdained to bee gold-makers to those that were greedy , or to those that were through idlenesse needy , and were afraid to be made a prey and captivate slaves to avaricious and cruell tyrants : these things and such like made them obscure and hide from the world what they knew or could doe , intending rather to have by the Philosophers Stone a balsamick universall medecine than the feminary of gold . Many have written divers treatises of this subject some one way some another way , some more mystically some more plainely ; and what is darke in one , is found againe more cleare in another , specially to such as are diligent Readers of the Hermeticall Philosophy , I will therefore set downe here what by most approved consent of all , is the most easie and compendious way to perfite the Philosophers Stone , without prejudice to others , that thinke they knew a better way . In this my discourse there shall be nothing obscure , but that which a ●●lius artis may easily understand . SECT . 5. A generall relation of the matters and materials requisite to this worke ; and in what time it may bee perfected . ANd first , these principles and grounds for this worke are to bee understood , to wit , 1. Every mettall consists of Mercury as a common versatill and flexible matter of the which all mettalls are , and unto the which all may bee by Art red●ced . 2. The species of mettals , and their specifick and essentiall formes are not subject to transmutations , but onely the individuals of the species . 3. All mettals differ not in their common nature and matter , but in their degree of perfection and purity . 4. Art surmounteth and over-reacheth Nature , for Art assisted by Nature in a short space may perfect that which Nature otherwise by it selfe was a thousand yeares in perfiting and accomplishing . 5. God hath created every mettall in its owne kinde , and hath implanted in them ( specially in the perfect mettall ) a seed whereby they may be by Art multiplied . The chiefe matter of this Worke is most purified gold , and silver joyned together in the progresse of the Worke ; and ( as some hold ) Gold alone in operation ad rubeam tincturam , and silver alone ad albam ; and Mercury according to Art well prepared , is the principall perfiter of the Worke. The onely and chiefe key in this Worke , is that black brat that ariseth and is emergent out of the solution of Sol and Luna with Mercury ; called Caput 〈…〉 &c. The chiefest workes are Solutio and Coagulatio ; by solution caput corvi is obtained , as a seminary arising from the dissolved Sol , Luna , and Mercurius , and must be chiefly regarded . By coagulation caput corvi is fixed and fitted for impregnation and fermentation . Solution whereby caput corvi is obtained , is more facile ; but coagulation is more difficile . The time to finish the whole Worke is not yeares , but some moneths ; the expense are not many , but tollerable , and the paines are easie , with some diligent attendance on the Worke : One Fornace Philosophically made for distinction of the degrees of the fire will suffice : And one or two Glasses will be needfull ; the Glasse must be a Viall in forme , and with a long small cragge or neck , the body of it must be round , and so devised , that consisting of two parts , the inferior part may receive the superiour part , that it may be closed skilfully , and opened againe at the Artificers pleasure ▪ SECT . 6. Of the 5 degrees whereby the Worke is perfectioned , and first how to bring it to Solution . THe whole artifice in composing the Philosophers Stone consists in five distinct operations each following other in order , to wit , Solution , Coagulation , Fermentation , fixation , and Multiplication . Solution . Take of Mercury ( made menstruall by calcination , so subtily prepared by sublimation , that it may become sharpe and piercing ) twelve ounces : of Solis the best sort refined by frequent fulmination , and drawne forth in most thinne plates or pieces , one ounce ; upon the which in a Glasse powre some of the Mercury about the fourth or fifth part . Set the Glasse in a luke warme heate in the first degree on ashes , and so stopped and closed , that nothing fall in nor out of it , when it is stirred and inclined ; and let all stand for the space of 15 , or 20 dayes , during the which time a part of the Sol will be dissolved into the Mercury , by reason of the internall fire and corroding acrimome thereof , powre off that menstruall and keepe it , and powre on another part of the same , doing as is said before ; and let all stand eight or ten dayes , and so forth doe till the Sol be all dissolved into the mercuriall watter , which after the commixtion and resolution of Sol into it , Mercury which before was menstruall , now is of another temper , and is called lac virgineum , aqua vitae wherein Sol is fully dissolved . Put all this lac virgineum in the Glasse with the foresaid degree of heate every eight or ten dayes , then will appeare a black brat and mater , partly emerging and swimming above , and partly subsident which ( the watter or lac being first powred off ) must be collected so oft as it appeareth , and is to be kept for coagulation : It is called caput corvi , sulphur auri crudum & nondum fixum . SECT . 7. How from Solution to make Coagulation . COagulation : put the sulphur Solis into the viol-glasse closse stopped , and set it in the foresaid first degree of heat for eight dayes , till it bee almost exsiccat with the humidity of lac virginis that was left inherent in it ; and then open the glasse and poure thereon asmuch of the lac as is the weight of the caput corui , and mixing it well , let it stand one or two dayes till they both be coagulat in one , and become almost dry ; and so forth doe thus till all the lac bee drunke up , which will be about the space of 90. dayes more or lesse , according as the matter is of quicknesse and activity ; and if this lac or aqua vitae bee suspected to have contracted any dulnesse and superfluous humidity while it was in the former worke of solution : in that case it is to bee prepared againe , quickned , sharpned , and made fitter for this present worke of Coagulation . Both these , to wit the Lac virg . and Sol. being Coagulat as is said , the Coagulation must yet goe on , and with the second degree of heat for the space of a month , the matter Coagulat must stand in that heat , till there appeare cauda pavonis , that is , a variety and multitude of colours ; and at length it will turne to a white colour , called corpus album , sulphur album , coagulatum album , terra philosophorum , &c. SECT . 8. How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation . FErmentation : take as much of purified and laminated Sol. ( as answereth to the third part of the foresaid coagulatum album ) and of menstruall Mercury foure parts of the weight of Sol. Amalgamaz them and put them in the viol on a lukewarme heat for 15. dayes , till Sol. by the Mercury bee reduced into a subtile calx . Then amalgamaz in a marble morter all the foresaid coagulatum album with the Calx Solis and menstruall Mercury , then put altogether in the viol , and set it for a month in a heat of the second degree : then set it in a heat of the third degree , and let it so continue a good space till it become an hard white heavy masse , and from thence to an yellow colour , and from this to an orenge colour , and thereafter incline to be redish coloured . SECT . 9. The way to bring the worke to Fixation . FIxation : for projection and transmutation , take the halfe of the said masse and bruise it , put it in a luted glasse , and set it on sand in a furnace , and increase the fire unto the fourth degree , that all may be made so fervent , that if a drop of water do fall on the sand it make an hissing , it must stand so , for 40. dayes , till the pulverished masse become a most subtile pouder . And for projection of this pouder , one part of it upon a 100. parts of Mercury vulgar ( but washed with vineger and salt ) will make the whole , a perfect tincture , and as some hold ; one part of this hundreth fold tincture projected on another hundreth parts of Mercury : in whole will make and afford 1000. parts of tincture for gold , whereof one part projected on 100. parts of warme Mercury , will presently transmute it into perfect Sol. SECT . 10. From all the former , how to perfectionate Multiplication . MVltiplication : is that wonderfull part of this artifice , whereby the stone being once made , needeth not to be made over againe ; but may be multiplied to suffice continually , and it is thus done . Take the other halfe of the masse left in Fixation , or what quantity you please of it before Fixation , and put to it of Lac virgineum or aqua vitae ( prepared and provided for the purpose , and made after the manner aforesaid ) a third part , and handle it after the same manner as is set downe in the worke of Fermentation , and it will become as fit both for Fixation to Projection , and Multiplication as before , and will ever be , so oft as it is reiterate . SECT . 11. A short recitall of some other wayes of perfecting it , used by some Filij artis , and why it is called Salamandra . IF any please to make the Philosophers stone onely ad album , that is for transmutation of Mercury into Luna , he may observe this forefaid methode , which is onely ad rubrum , and so proceede in all things after that same manner , except onely two things . 1. for Sol take Luna fined and battered out in small and thinne plates . 2. when it commeth to the worke of Fermentation , give it onely a heat and fire in the third degree , so long till the Fermented masse become somewhat hard , and then proceede with it to Fixation and Multiplication as is said in the operation ad rubrum . Some joyne together both Sol and Luna in the progresse of the worke till it come to Fermentation , and then to obtaine tinctura alba for transmutation into Luna , they put to Luna for the Ferment , and to obtaine tinctura rubra for transmutation into Sol they put to Sol for the Ferment , & so they proceed as is said . There are diverse otherwayes in the making of the Philosophers stone , some more compendious , some of a longer processe , but this that is here set downe is the best . The Philosophers stone is rightly called Salamandra , because it s bred and nourished in the fire . It is a treasure both for turning other mettals into gold or silver , and for any universall medicine to cure and prevent almost all diseases . Which so admirably being once by art found out , doth shew its power and force ; that with Augurollus , Ipsius ut tenui projecta parte , per undas Aequoris : Argentum vivum tum si foret aequor Omne velimmensum , Verti mare posset in aurum . OF THE WORLD , Its Beginning , Frame , and Ending ; At least the conjecturall Ending . SECT . 1. Of the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods ; and upon how ill grounds they were setled . IN perusing the Monuments and Writings of the old Philosophers , as I finde them abstruse and intricate in divers points of their professions ; so particularly I remarke their irresolutions , and likewise the differences amongst themselves . Of these speciall heads following , to passe by divers others which I have observed in their Poets ; First of the true nature and essence of the Godhead which they worshipped ; Next of the discent of their soules into their bodies , and of the event of these soules when they should leave them : And lastly , of the beginning and ending of this World , of every one of which a little here . Alwayes in handling these points , and the first principally I exempt Plato and Aristotle , for what their opinion is herein , I have touched in that Title which sheweth , how neere in all these three they jumpe with our Christian Religion , which otherwise distracted the rest of the Sects . To be briefe then , à love principium ▪ this is admirable , that some Gods they admitted as not perfect ones ; whence Ovid saith , or at least bringeth in Iupiter to this purpose . Quos quoniam nondum coeli dignamur honore , Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus ; as if in any Deity , there should be imperfection ; But , why not so to them ? seeing Chrysippus admitteth some mortall as well as immortall , which at the last conflagration of the world shall all be consumed by fire ; so that of their Dii minorum gentium , none shall goe safe , except Iupiter alone . To passe by , that Srato exempts the Gods from all charge and office , ascribing all things to be done by Nature ; presupposing , as many restoratives ordained for the upholding of it , as there are destructives appointed for its undoing . Was there not Gods appointed by them , as the Patrons to all vices , and authorizers of it ? yea they set them at oddes one against the other ; Mulciber in Troiam pro Troia stabat Apollo . And againe , Neptunus muros , nagnoque immota tridenti fundamenta quatit , &c. And through all Homer , Minerva aideth Achilles ; Iupiter lamed Vulcan ; he againe enchained Mars and Venus , and the like fopperies . SECT . 2. Of the severall sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen ; that they imagined them to bee authors of evils ; that they were but mortall men : And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature , beeing , and power of their Gods. IT was some way dispensable , yet at least ( quoad eos ) to have fained Gods almost for all naturall productions , as Flora for the flowers of the Gardens , Bacchus for the Wines , Ceres for the Corne , Iuno for Childe-births , and so forth : yea and to have prescribed one for every Craft or Trade ; yea and one for the tutelage of every Countrey . But that they should have imagined their Gods so irreligious , as to have beene fawtors or authors , much lesse actors of evill , I thinke farre beneath the beliefe of any ( ex faece ) of the lees and dregges of the people , much more of a wise man and a Philosopher ; which moveth mee to thinke , that those were wisest amongst them , who medled least to speake of their Gods , and vexed not themselves with their enquiry ; but with Socrates , esteemed the best judgement that they could make of their Gods , to be , to judge nothing at all of them . The most diligent inquirers in the end discovered them to have beene but mortall men , who in their life-time had proved worthy either in Warre or peace & were deified after their death : And accordingly Augustus Caesar had more Temples and pompous solemnities instituted in his favour , than Iupiter Olimpius almost had . So that to obscure the basenesse of their Gods , it would seeme , that they were moulded or painted of old with their fist closed upon their mouthes , or at least their fingers , as willing thereby living men , to speake either sparingly of their nature , or nothing at all . Thus Pythius Apollo said well , and before him Timaeus to his Disciple Socrates , speaking of the nature of the Gods ; Vt potero explicabo , non ut certa & fixa sunt quae dixero , sed ut homunciolus probabilia conjectura adumbrans . And in other places , Sperantium sunt haec non probantium . But to enter here into the diversity of their opinions concerning the Deity the nature and descent of their Gods I am loath , lest wee should imagine those Philosophers , in stead of wise men , as they were called , to have beene starke madde : Thales esteeming Gods to bee spirits , which had made all things of water , for he was the first that ●ried in the cabin of their secrets : Anaximenes on the contrary , willeth them to be of the ayre , because they ( as it ) should bee in continuall motion : Others of no little note , repute the Sunne and the Moone with the Starres to be Gods. Labentem coelo qui ducitis annum Liber & alma Ceres vestro si numine , &c. Some againe made that Law imprinted in our hearts , by which we are inwardly ( as it were ) driven to doe good , and to abstaine from evill : Pythagoras reputed God to be a certaine Spirit , spread and shed abroad on , or in the nature of all things ; so that with him all were full of Gods : Others finally flatly deny that there was any at all , but that all things had beeing as they are , and should continue in a perennell motion , vicissitude , and change : But I should weary you if I should but relate every one of their severall opinions . SECT . 3. Pythagoras opinion concerning the transmigration of soules rejected ; of the coupling of the soule and body together ; with severall opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soule . O What perplexity and doubts were the ancient Philosophers plunged in concerning the transmigration of their soules ? their renowned Pythagoras avouched that strange opinion of Metempsychosis , of the change or transplacing of the soule of a dying man , to , and in the body of a new borne creature , whether beast or rationall body ; and then that body dying againe , that selfe same soule to remove and regaine a new habitation , and so to continue from body to body . To which so fond an imagination , I thinke no old womans fable comparable . And yet I excuse some way the irresolution of the Philosophers in this point , much more than in the mistaking of their Godhead ; because I finde , that besides them , even the best Professors have doubtings in this point ; that some of our Christian Fathers have beene touched with an admiration how the soule and body were coupled and yoaked together , whence one of the most famous is brought in , saying that Modus quo animae adherent corporibus omninò mirus est , nec comprehendi a● homine potest ; as before him Plinius , Omnia abdita & in naturae majestatis gremio reclusa ; So that with the Poet , no marvell though they should say likewise , Ignoratur enim quae sit natura animai Nata est , an contra nascentibus insinuetur . Et simul intereat nobiscum morte perempta An tenebras orci visat , vastasque lacunas , An pecudes alias divinitus insinuet se. The alterations and disputes concerning the substance of the soule are so many and different as is a wonder ; some deny there is any soule in the body , but that our bodies move of themselves , by the instinct and power of nature ; Others againe confesse that there is a soule wherewith our bodies are vivified , say , it is a mixt thing composed of water and earth ; others , of fire and earth : Empedocles wills it to be of and in the blood ; thus Eurialus dying , was said to render sanguineam animam , — Sanguineam vomit ille animam : Zeno more judiciously in that kinde , esteemeth it to bee the quintessence of the foure Elements : Hypocrates , a spirit diffused through the whole body and every part thereof , Ita ut sit tota in toto , & tota in qualibet parte : It was a generall and received opinion , that in this world there was a generall Soule , Anima mundi , from which as all particular ones were extracted , so being separated from their bodies , thither they returned againe , according to which Virgill saith , — Deum namque ire per omnes , Terrasque tractusque maris , &c. And againe , Scilicet hinc reddi deinde ac resoluta referr● Omnia , nec morti esse locum . — SECT . 4. The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Beliefe ; that they differed concerning the time of the soules continuance , and place of its abode : how they thought soules after the separation from the body to be rewarded for good or ill , &c. THe last most plausible opinion , and which hath purchased to it selfe most Patrons , was , that the Father infused it into the Childe by generation ; from which opinion few have swarved but Christians , who are taught to beleeve that the soule is given us from above . The Iewish Church held ( as wee ) Coelitus demissa , and not ex traduce : Thus Salomon , Eccles. 12. ver . 7. The Philosophers generally held the contrary : the Poets ( whom I account Rythmicall Philosophers , as Philosophers unversified Poets ) are copious in this subject . Fortes creantur fortibus , & bonis , faith the Lyrick , Nec imbelles faerocem . progenerant aquilam columbae : And againe another , Dolus vulpibus , ac fuga cervis A Patribus datur . Now as they differed in opinion touching the substance and discent of their soules ; so no lesse varied they about the time how long , and the place where the soules should continue after the dissolution of their bodies . The Stoicks maintained , that the soule shall remaine a certaine space after the dissolution from the body , but not ever : Pythagoras and his Sect , of whom a little before , that the soules of the departed did remove from that body to another : of which sort yet some were of opinion , that of these same soules some removed to heaven againe , and within a space thereafter reddescended to the lower parts , which Virgill intimateth when hee saith , O Pater ! Anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est Sublimes animas , rursumque ad tarda reverti Corpora est ? And againe , Lathos culices & longa oblivia potant . Plato ( and that he hath out of Pindarus ) esteemeth that as a man hath lived well or ill in this world , accordingly his soule shall bee requited hereafter ; if well , that then it shall be rejoyned to the Starre to which it was first assigned ; if ill , that then it shall be coupled to one of some malignant influence . Finally , Apuleius Madaurensis in his tractate of the Moone , bringeth in Plutarch , maintaining , that the soules of well doers here during their abode in bodies , to be converted into Demi-gods or Saints : On the contrary , the ill ones , or at the least the worst are turned into Demons : As for the absolute eternity of them , they medled with that opinion rather more Sperantium quàm probantium . By this preceding discourse , wee may see how farre we are obliged to the infinite mercies of our great God , who as he hath revealed himselfe truly unto us , at whom these ancient wise men but in a glimpse obscurely aymed ; so hath hee ridde our mindes of that perplexity , wherein they were wrapt and infolded touching both the discent and event of our Soules . SECT . 5. Philosophicall tenents of plurality of Words confuted ; of Gods Creation of male and femall of all living Creatures . BEcause the discourse of the World , and the Philosophers opinions touching the beginning , continuance , and ending of it , is the Theame which directly here I intend to handle ; I haste me to it . That there were more worlds than one , Democritus , Epicurus , and others mantained as an undoubted verity , whence the Poet , Terramque & Solem , Lunam , Mare , caetera quae sunt Non esse unica , sed numero magis innumerali . The reason whereupon they grounded the probability of their opinion , was this , because that in all the Vniverse there was nothing created alone without a mate or fellow , as in all birds , fishes , beasts ; Yea in plants and hearbs , and in man their under Monarch may be seene , but as Aristotle himselfe hath confounded that opinion of his , prior Philosophers concerning their plurality of worlds , so naturall reason may leade us by the hand to its convincing ; for , if there was another world , it behoveth to be as this is , spherite and round , because that of all figures the orbicular is as most perfect , so most spacious ; then if they were round , howbeit in their sides they might touch and kisse one another , yet sure betwixt the superior convexes and lower concaves , there behoved to bee vacuities , which their owne Maximes admit not , for Natura , say they , abhorret à vacuo . As for that conjugality ( if abusively I might say so ) of all living Creatures in paires , it was ordained by the great maker for the propagation and multiplication of their kindes , which otherwise had decayed ; for with Apulcias , Cunctatim sumus perpetui , sigillatim mortales . SECT . 6. Severall opinions of severall Phylosophers concerning the Worlds Eternitie ; their naturall reasons for approving of it ; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquitie of the World. THeir other opinion of the Eternitie of the World hath had more Patrons than this , and that so much the rather , because that seeing the Godhead , their supreame Ens was from all Eternitie , that therefore I say , hee could not then even from all beginning ( if Eternitie could admit a beginning ) be a Creator without a creature , for otherwise he should have nothing to do , as they say . So that those of this opinion doe not infringe , that of the most famous in all the Greeke schooles , favoring the Eternitie of the World saying , that the World was a god created by a greater One ; this World being a body composed of soule and bodie , which Soule had its seate and residence in the Center , from whence it diffused by musicall numbers , her force and power to the remotest extremities of the circumference , having within it , other lesser gods , as the Seas , Aire , Starres , which doe corresponde to other in a mutuall harmonie , in perpetuall agitation and motion . The Earth sending up vapors to the Aire , the Aire rayning downe upon the Seas againe , the Seas by secret conduits and channells transmitting them into the earth like veines ramifying themselves and bubbling up in fountaines , rivers , and brookes , &c. The Sunne and starres infusing their force upon all Creatures and vegetables : The Moone hers upon the Sea. Apuleius as in his tractat de Mundo Luna , & Deo ; Socrates aimes at this above spoken : So Herodotus when he enquired at the Aethiopian and Aegyptian Gymnosophists what they thought of the Eternitie of the Word , had for answere , That since their first king of whom they shew him the picture exquisitely done , There had runne out a leven thousand and so many hundred yeares , and that by their observations , the Sunne had changed foure times his ordinary course , and the heavens theirs also . And Diodorus setteth downe that in his dayes the Chaldeans kept Register of foure hundreth thousand yeares since the first beginning , which admit , were but Lunarie ( which is problematicke neverthelesse ) it is above all measure farre beyond the reckoning of their neighbours the Iewes : To this opinion of the Egyptian and Indian Gymnosophists , favouring the Eternitie of the World , may be added the opinion of the Materiarie philosophers , who howbeit they admit the beautie of the World to have come unto it with time , yet they hold confidently that the Chaos and matter it selfe ( whence I call them Materiarcy ) was coetanean and contemporary from all beginning with the Maker : Of this opinion was Hesiod in his Theogoma saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Now to speake of the divers opinions of the other old Philosophers who admitted a beginning to this world , and what principalls they supposed for it . Heraclitus was of opinion that the world was begunne with fire , and that by the fatall order of the Destinies , it should bee destroyed by it againe , and dissolved in flames ; yet in such sort , that after some ages thus being purified , it should be renewed againe , which Leo Hebraeus some way admits . Thales againe would have the beginning of it to have beene of water , having fished that out of Homer as it seemeth and Virgill from him againe : At nos interram lympham vertaminor omnes . And we often reade in Homer and Virgil , pater oceanus . But what more foolish or idle conceit than that of Democritus and Leucippus , who imagined the beginning of the world and of all contained therein to have beene by the casuall encounter of Atoms ( which are little infectile bodies ( not unlike the Moates which wee see to tumble and rowle about in the Sunne beames , when they pierce any glasse-window or cranice , whose encounter like unto these , say they , doe either perpendiculagor or obliquely , sphericall or angularly , crowde together this globe , and all the diversities in it , whereof indeede I may say with the Satyrists : Spectatum ad missir sum teneatis amiei ? This is that which Virgil savoreth when he bringeth in old Silenus his Canto to this purpose , in these words : Nemque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta Semina , terrarumque animaque marisque fuissent Et liquidi simulignis ut his exordia primis Omnia — & ipse etiam mundi concreverit orbis . All which opinions in this may be refuted , that they derogate too much from the power of God , whether they would have had the world eternall , or of any preexisting water , insomuch as they thought not him who is able to draw light out of darkenesse , sufficient to have framed by his very World all this Fabricke of nothing , or yet if this Chaos had beene drowned in oblivion , and sunck in darknesse , not to have raised and reframed a new one , by the same Word and his power . SECT . 8. The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the Worlds beginning and matter : the infallble truth of it ; and a checke of Augustines against over curious inquisitors after those and the like misteries . THe more tolerable opinion was of those who held all things to be composed in time of the foure elements ; admitting the Creatures of the Etheriall Region to bee of a like kinde and species with these of the Sublunary , and yet they thought not that any thing of them could be , but by some preëxisting matter . Whereas we hold sacred anchor of veritie , that the mightie infinite , eternall , and all-powerfull God , created this World of nothing in and with time about five thousand sixe hundereth and odde yeares agoe , and that hee shall destroy it in time knowne onely to himselfe . And if they aske what God was doing before this short number yeeres ; We answere with S. Augustine replying to such curious questioners , that he was framing Hell for them . Seeing then it was created , and with time , it cannot therefore be eternall : ( these two being repugnant and incompatible ad idem as we say ) which indeed to mortall men inlightned but with nature only , is hard to beleeve : As for Trismegistus in his Poemander , and Plato in his Timeo , what they have spoken more divinely than others herein , no question but they have fished it out of Moyses his Pentateuch , who flourished before them , as Diodorus and Iosephus both witnesse . SECT . 9. How Philosophers differ from Christians in the wayes whereby God is knowne ; the Parts whereof the world is composed ; the division of the Coelestiall Spheares , wherein severall varieties may be observed . THere are three wayes of knowing God ; first affirmatively by which , whatever good is in man , they with us acknowledged to be in God , in a supereminent manner , and in abstracto ( as we say in the schooles ) Secondly , by denying what ever evill is in man , can any wayes be in God which is called the way of negation ; But in the third way which is called the way of causation , by which we acknowledge God to be the causer of all things only . There they did mistake in so farre as they imputed the cause of many things to a continued series and a perennall succeeding of one thing to another , for although Saint Augustine , Lib. 2. de civitate dei . cap. 17. and 4. holds that nature hath charecterised that much in every one , to know the finger of God in their Fabricke . For that which to us Christians are as undoubted truths , to them were dubitable grounds , grounded upon their physicall maxime . That ex nihilo , nihil fiet . But leaving these opinions of Philosophers ( as almost al Cosmographers do ) I divide the world into two parts Caelestiall and Elementary ; for the Almighty hath so disposed and linked them together , That the Elementary or lower world cannot subsist without the Celestiall ; Her vertue , power , motion , and influences ; for effectuating whereof the heavens are framed like a concaved Globe , or a hollow Bowle , whose center or middle body is this earth , environed about with these heavens , distant equally at all parts from it . The Celestiall Region , which properly is all the bounds betwixt the Sphere of the Moone , and the highest heavens comprehendeth in it eight Starrie Orbes , of which eight ; seaven Plannets have their spheares betwixt the starrie firmament and the ayre : but so set that every ones orbe is lesser than the other , untill they reach the Moones ; which is the least , last , and lowest spheare of all . The eight orbe which is the starrie firmament comprehendeth all the rest of the fixed starres , and under it the planetary spheares before mentioned ; But yet so , that it againe is environed by one greater , more ample and capacious , called the ninth spheare ; And this ninth is girt about againe by that most supreme of al , called the tenth or primum mobile , above which againe is the Emperian or Christaline heaven , which is the domicile and habitation of the blessed Spirits . The tenth spheare or primum mobile , is that in order , by whose perennall revolution , the starrie firmament and all the rest are rowled and wheeled about in the space of 24 houres from East to West , upon the two Poles of th world called the South and North , or Polearticke or Antarticke . Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis at illum Sub pedibus styx atra videt , manesque profundi . And yet that revolution is not so swift , but that the Plannets have every one their owne course and motions , and that from the West to the East upon other Poles ; by the Astronomers called Zodiack Poles : Nor is each Plannets course aalike swift and rapid for the Moones course through the Zodiack is ended in one moneth . The Sunnes in a yeare and so forth of the rest : So that Saturne finished his but in 30 yeares , Iupiter his in 12. And Mars in lesse and fewer , to wit in 2. Venus , and Mercury whose place is next below the Sunne , in the like space with the Sunne ; but by reason of their changing by retrogradation and progression , they are sometimes before the Sunne in the morning , and sometime behinde at evening , and at othertimes so neere him that they cannot bee seene : finally the Moone as remotest from the first Mover or tenth heaven , is swiftest in her owne peculiar motion through the Zodiack , which shee endeth ( as I was saying ) in 27. dayes and some odde houres . Neither thinke It strange although the change fall not untill the 29. and a litle more ; the reason being , that during the time of 27. dayes wherein the Moone goeth thorough the Zodiack , the Sunne in the meane time by his peculiar motion hath gone 27 degrees forward in that same Zodiack ; which space the Moone must yet measure before shee can be in Conjunction with the Sunne , which in effect is the change . So they two are to be distinguished , the Periodick motion of the Moone , & her Lunation from change to change . All these motions of the Starres , our Astronomers have found out by visible demonstrations ; as for a peculiar motion allotted to them besides , it is a thing of some further consideration . Aristotle , and the Astronomers of that age doe teach , that the eight Spheare , commonly called the Firmament of fixed starres , is the highest and next to the first movable ; yet the later Astronomers observing in the fixed starres , beside the daily revolution of 24 houres , another motion from West to East , upon the Poles of the Zodiack , in regard one simple body ( such as is the Firmament ) cannot have but one motion of it selfe , have concluded , that above the Firmament of fixed starres , there behoved to be a ninth heaven : And last of all the later Astronomers ( and chiefly the Arabs ) observing in the fixed starres a third motion , ( called by them Motus trepidationis , or trembling motion ) from North to South , and from South to North , upon its owne Poles in the beginning of Aries and Libra , have hereupon inferred , that there is yet above all these a tenth heaven , which is the first moveable in 24. houres , moving round about from East to West upon the Poles of the World , and in the same space drawing about with it the nine inferiour heavens ; and the ninth heaven upon the Poles of the Zodiack , making a slower motion to the East , measureth but one degree in one hundreth yeares , and therefore cannot absolve its course before six and thirty thousand yeares ; which space is called the great Platonick yeare , because Plato beleeved , that after the end thereof , the heavens should renew all things as they had beene in former times , seeing they returned to their first course ; so that then hee should bee teaching those same Schollers in the same Schoole : whereby it seemeth , that this motion was not unknowne in his time . The slownesse of this motion proceeding from the neerenesse to the first moveable , like as the eight Orbe or Firmament finisheth its trembling motion in 7000. yeares ; but of this trembling motion as also of the number , motions , and aspects of the Starres , who lists to reade Ioannes Herpinus his Apologie for Bodin against Ferrerius , shall rest marvellously contented . SECT . 10. The order of the Elements , with some observations of the Ayre and Water . NOw betwixt the Spheare of the Moone and the Earth and Waters , is the Element of Ayre , next after the Element of fire , filling up all that vast intecstice , divided in three Regions , whose middle Region by Anteperistasis ( as we say ) of the supreame one ever hot ; and the lower ones now hot , now somewhat cold , is ever cold , and so is made the receptacle of all our Meteors , Raine , Haile , Snow , and so forth , framed there accordingly as the matter elevated from the earth and waters is either hot , moist , dry , cold , high or low . Next to the Element of the Ayre , is the Element of Water and Earth , which two make but one Globe , whose uppermost superficies is breathed upon with the incumbing and environing Ayre . These two are the center to the Globe and environing heavens ; the great Ocean ( by Homer and Virgil called Pater Oceanus ) which compasseth the earth , and windeth about it ; as it is father to all other floods , fountaines , brookes , bayes , lakes , which doe divide themselves through the whole body and upon the face of the Earth , like so many veines shedde abroad and dispersed thorough our humane bodies , whose source and spring is from the Liver ; so hath it divers denominations from the Coasts it bedeweth , as Britannick , Atlantick , Aeth●opick , Indick , and so forth . Now the reason why the Seas which are higher than the Earth , doe not overflow it ( seeing it is a matter fluxible of it selfe ) cannot bee better given by a Naturalist , ( setting aside Gods eternall ordinance ) than that the waters having their owne bounds from the bordering circumferences , doe alwayes incline and tend thither . Praescriptas metuens transcendere metas . SECT . 11. Of the Earth , that it is the lowest of all the Elements ; its division , first into three , then into foure parts ; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled . THe Earth is as the heaviest , so the lowest ; subsidit tellus though divers admit not the waters to bee higher than the earth ; of which opinion Plato seemes to mee to be , placing the spring of Rivers and Fountaines in orco or cavities of the earth . The former opinion our famous Buchanan elegantly illustrateth , in his first Booke de Sphaera , Aspice cumpleuis è littore concita velis Puppis eat , sensim se subducente Carina Linteaque & su●mo apparent Carche sia maio Nec minus è naviterram spectantibus unda In medio assurgens , &c. Which argueth rather the Earth to be round , nor that the Seas or waters are higher than it : so it may be confidently enough said , that the water is above , about , and in the Earth , yea and dispersed thorough it , as the blood is diffused and dispersed thorough the body or man or beast , from its spring the Liver , the Orcum ( as we may say ) of it . This Earth alwayes by the Geographers of old was divided into three parts , viz. Europe , Asia , Africk , not knowing any further , but suffereth now a new partition or division ; since the dayes of Columbus , who in the yeare 1492 , by an enterprize ( to the eternall memory of his name ) made discovery of America , added by our moderne Mappes as a fourth part , which ( according to our late Navigators and discoverers , shall bee found to exceede the other three in extent ; from whence the gold and silver commeth hither as Merchant wares , occasioning all the dearth we have now , considering how things were in value the dayes of our Fathers , as Bodin , in his paradoxes against Malestrot , averreth ; so that the profuse giving of their gold for our trifies , through the abundance of their inexhaustible gold mynes , maketh now , by the abundance of money , which formerly was not ; that a thing shall cost ten , yea twenty , which before was had for one or two ▪ Mercator , that most expert Cosmographer , expecteth as yet the fifth part of the Earth , intituling it Terra Australis ; the Spaniards in their Cardes , Terra dell fuego , which must be by South , that Sea descried by Magellanes : So that by his supputation the world shall be divided yet in three , making Europe , Asia , Africk but one , as but one Continent , which in effect it is ; America , and this looked for terra Australis , the other two . SECT . 12. Of the different professions of Religion in the severall parts of the world : what Countries and llands are contained within Europe , and what within Asia . BVt leaving those two last parts ( as most remote from our commerce and knowledge ) of Europe , Africk , and Asia , thus much I finde in Cosmographers , that scarce the fourth part of these three is Christians , and yet those Christians differing amongst themselves ; the Greeke Church differing in five principall points from the Roman ; that from the Protestants ; and the other amongst themselves . For not to speake of Europe where Christianisme is gloriously professed , consisting of Spaine , Portugall , France , Italy , Greece , Thracia , Germany , Hungary , Rusland , Poll , Sweden , Denmarke , Gothland , of the Ilands lying in the Ocean , as Brittaine , Ireland , Island , Greeneland . In the Mediterr anean , as Cicilie , Rhodes , Malta , Cyprus , Corsica , Sardinia , Candia , Majorica , Minorica , and some few others ; if we shall but overlooke the large & plentifull bounds of Asia , illustrious in this , that the History of the Creation and Redemption of the world was especially accomplished in it , with the places wherein were the largest Monarchies , ( so much blazed in Histories ) in all this I say shall be found litle or nothing of Christianisme . For to divide it in five maine Principalities , or rather Monarchies ( whereof now it consisteth ) to wit , in that of the great Dutchie of Muscovia or Russia , ( a good part whereof is in Europe ) in the great Cham of Tartary his Empire , both these two lying or reaching to the North ; In the Empire of China , whose Lord by them is called the Soveraigne of the Earth , the Sonne of heaven : In the Monarchie of the Sophie of Persia , lying in the bosome of that part of the world ; and in the Turkish Empire , together with the Indian Monarchie : To omit the Emperour of Germany . SECT . 13. With what Religions and Sects all the Easterne and Northerne Countries are possessed , and in what places Christianity is most professed , &c. WHat in all these ( I say ) of our Christian Religion but little , and where there is any , it is so mixed with Iudaisme and Paganisme as is a wonder ; for in Iappan , and thorough all the East Indies , howbeit the Iesuites indeede have laboured to draw them to Christianisine , yet their Histories record how and what way they are mixed ; And to winde about againe towards Aethiopia and Prester Iohn his estate , reputed Soveraigne and Monarch over forty or fifty Kings and Provinces : There are there also some footesteps of our profession , but as else-where , so intoxicated with Iudaisme , that besides divers other points , they are promiscuously circumcised and baptised : Then to passe by Egypt , next neighbour , how it is all enslaved to the Mahumetans , all know : In what better case are the Africans , the Numids , Maures , Barbars ; and then in and about the Atlantick coast , these of Fez and Marroco , and so forth . So it hath pleased God the Maker , to chastise the world for the sinnes of men ; in which although light hath cleerely shined , yet they have delighted more in darknes than in it . I will not say but in Musco , Tartary , China , and Persia there be some Christians also ; but these are commonly Greekes by profession , and yet so farre rent asunder and eclipsed from the true doctrine acknowledged by S. Paul to the Corinthians , Ephesians , Philippians , and the rest , as is pittifull : divided amongst themselves in divers Sects , as Nestorians , Iacobites , Georgians , Armenians , Copits , &c. thus dispersed thorough all the Easterne Church ; they obtrude unto us of the Westerne too , that we are Schismaticks , and severed amongst our selves likewise , as Papists , Anabaptists , Lutherans , Calvinists , &c. Nether are the Negro Princes of Africk , the Turkes and Mahumetans , and all the other idolatrous people and Nations of the South , so in accord amongst themselves , that they are free from division ; for Leo After in the third Booke of his Historie , quoteth particularly their differences and divisions ; for the Turkes foure great Doctors and Mahomete successors are divided in 72 severall Sects , which are extended and dispersed thorough all the Turkes Dominions , in Europe , Africk , Asia ; alwayes the rest of the World , as Terra Australis , and all America , except in such parts where the late Conquests are made by the Spaniards , English ; and French are so farre from Christianity , that they dwell all in the profoundest darknes of most grosse Paganisme , serving and adoring the Devill and his excruciating spirits ; sacrificing their children , and those of the best sort , either to pacifie their ire , or to conciliate their favour . SECT . 15. America and the New-found-lands briefly described ; and some opinions about what time of the yeare the world had its beginning . I Can speake nothing of Terra Australis or Incognita ; as for America , I finde in the Mappe of the new found world , that although it be almost all continent , yet in a manner it is divided in two Ilands , but so that they are made contiguous by nature , by a little Tract of Land or Isthmos , where their principall and Metropolitane Citie standeth , called Mexico ; a brave Citie indeede , lying in that Bay. The Peninsule , or Northerly part of this America containeth in it Hispanianova , the Province of Mexico , Terra florida , Terra nova , Virginia , nova Francia , nova Scotia ; further North is not yet discovered : The Southerne Peninsule againe reaching towards Magellane ; and that part containeth Peru , Brasil , &c. This is the whole world as yet knowne , of which Plinius in the second Booke Naturalis Historiae , ( which you may be sure was long before the discovery of this America ) speaketh , when hee raileth against the covetousnesse of Princes , who incroached upon others limits ; and mens ambition in conquering pieces and lumpes of inheritances here and there ; not taking heede , that so little a piece of ground must containe the best and worthiest Monarchy in the end . Which world hath neither beene made over againe , and recreated as a thing with time worne and growne old , needeth restauration ; of which opinion was Philo Hebreus out of Theophrast ; neither yet was it from all eternity , which Aristotle in his 3. cap. lib. 1. de caelo giveth way to , saying , that to be created and to be from all beginning , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & de numero impossibilium : But , on the contrary , wee have a warrant that it is , and was created , and that consequently it shall have an end , when it shall please the Maker thereof to bring on that period of time ; at which , howbeit both Divines and Philosophers have conjectured , yet punctually to say when , the Angels of heaven know it not , much lesse they ; uncertaine it is likewise , at what time of the yeare it did begin ; although the Rabins , and many Christians following them ( as Bodin in his Republick , and his Apologetick friend Herpinus ) accurately maintain , that it began in September , which September is with them mensis Nisan ; and I could be induced to that same beliefe : yet more probably the Spring of the yeare may be thought to bee the time when the world began , as the day beginneth with the morning , and as the sunne riseth upon our Horizon with the day . And howsoever the authority of fabulous Poets should not serve to instance a matter of so high an importance , yet Virgill his testimony in his fourth Georgicks , is not wholly to be slighted . Haud alios prima crescentis origine mundi Illuxisse dies , aliumve habuisse tenorem Crediderim : ver illuderat , ver magnus agebat . Orbis & Hybernis parcebant flatibus Euri. SECT . 15. Wherein is to be seene some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end . DIvers ( you see ) have beene the opinions of the Worlds beginning , number , and ending also : some thinking it eternall , others corruptible , and those also differing among themselves . Cyprian Ludovicus ( whom Iohannes Bodin refureth in his cap. of the changes of States ) presumeth the yeare when this dissolution shall bee , may be knowne : howsoever wee should hold us to the written word of God , as to a holy Anchor ; in which as we learne that it had a beginning , so must we know that it shall have an end ; and rather to be preparing for the approach of it , than curiously and superstitiously to be inquiring when that shall be ; seeing it hath not pleased God to make it knowne ; for where God in the Scripture hath not a tongue to speake , we should have none to enquire or aske , or an eare to heare : I will relate the opinions of some in this point , among which , in my opinion , the Arabs , Moores , and with them the Iewes , as particularly Albumazar a Cabalist , have by all likelihood conjectured best the time of its dissolution , that any before either Chaldean or Egyptian have done . For , within these few hundred yeares they have discovered the Caball and secret of the trembling motion of the eight Orbe , that it doth not accomplish its course but in seven thousand yeares ; which in Analogy and relation is some way answerable to the seventh yeares rest of the Earth , the seventh dayes rest from labour : So that indeede by Leo Hebreus his opinion , the world should last but 6000 years , & rest the seventh ; which opinion is founded upon the c. helck , in the Iewish Sanhedrim ; where it is written , 6000 yeares the world shall last , & then it shall decay : which Lactanctius lib. 7. cap. 14. illustrateth , comparing the six thousand yeares to the six dayes of the weekes labour , the seventh to the Saboaths rest : our ancient both Poets and Oratours have all given after ages to understand , that they all , I say , almost knew generally that its destruction was to come in the appointed time by the Fates . Although as wiser than us their successors did not touch the question , as Plato in his Timeo ; Cicero in his Booke de natura Deorum ; Macrobius c. 10. de somno Scipionis : and for them all Ovid us lib. 1. Metamorph. Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus , Quo mare , quo tell us , corruptaque regio coeli Ardeat , & mundi moles operosa laboret . SECT . 16. Copernicus his opinion of the Earths moving , confuted : Archimedes opinion of the world : an Induction to the following Section . NExt unto this , I subjoyne the franticke and strange opinion of Copernicus , who taketh on him to demonstrate , speaking of the worlds frame , that the Sunne is immoveable and placed in the Center of the World , and that the Globe of the Earth is moveable , rolling and wheeling about , admitting the change of States to depend upon the Eccentrick of the Earth ; so that hee giveth not onely to the said Earth a daily running about the Sunne in 24 houres , in the space of the day and night , but likewise an annuall revolution ; which opinion how absurd it is , as Nature convinceth it of errour , so authorities of the Learned shall confound it : for besides that , in Scripture we have warrant , that the Earth is stablished sure — — Stat nullo mobilis aevo Terra , super solidae nitens fundaminae molis Pollenti stabilita manu . Moreover Archimedes the rarest Mathematician that erst was or since hath beene , and who caused to be engraven upon his Tombe in Sicilie the Spheare , with this admirable position — Datun● pondus movere . Granted to King Hieron of Siracusa , that there was no weight which he could not move ; And that if there were any other earth beside this whereon he might establish his Machin , and Mathematicall Instruments , he durst undertake to move this out of its place , whereon we dwell ; By which he would have us know , that the earth budged nor moved not , much lesse in such celeritie to compasse the Sunne , as Copernicke esteemed . Lastly , I am to evert that ground of some too curious Astrologers , who upon the change of Triplicities , undertake also to found the change and alteration , which they would prove upon the face of the earth , both in the nature of the ground , and in the qualities of people : But because the Word of Triplicitie is not so usuall as that every one understandeth it aright therefore thus much for the intelligiblenesse of it in the following Section . SECT . 17. The division of the starrie firmament , in twelve houres ; of the Power and efficacie that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country : and the maintainers of these opinions confuted : the divers dispositions of people of severall nations , how attributed to the naturall disposition of the Planets : An observation of Gods Providence . THe body of the Starrie firmament which with our eyes we see , by the moderne , at least not very old Arabs , and Moores ( who first found out the trembling motion of it , as they hold called by them Motus trepidationis ) is divided in twelve houses , which for more cleerenesse , and intelligiblenesse are more compendiously packt up in foure , every one of the foure answerable to a corner of it ; as we see in Scripture the foure Winds mentioned ; To every one of which foure againe , there are three houses or Asterismes appropriated . These houses or starres belonging to them are observed to appertaine to the Region upon which they glanced first : So that what ever nature either the people or ground there at the first influence or aspect of that house had thereupon , by this trembling motion of theirs , the Triplicitie having changed about is transported to another Region , which is another thing than the Triplicit●e set downe , or at the least alleadged so by Ptolomie in his booke Quadripartit , whereof Bodin maketh mention in his fourth de Republica : Allotting the Triplicitie of fire to Europe , of Water to Africa ; to Asia Septentrinall and Orientall Ayre , and the Triplicitie of earth to Asia meridionall . To say that the fixed starres in these houses of theirs , by the trembling motion of their Orbe ; had changed place or seate also , and thereby that they had changed the triplicitie or nature of the regions of the earth either in the qualitie of the ground , or nature of the people , were most absurd , and capable to subvert all the Maximes of Iudiciary Astrologie concerning the Horoscopie of men and Citties ; which hold as true now as they did this day two thousand yeares , as Cardan averreth , who held Ptolomeus his Maximes in that point , which he againe had from the Caldeans and Aegyptians , amongst whom there is not a word of these triplicities . For to say with Haly Arab , that Ptolomie obscured it amongst his writs , to make it a caball and secret , argueth it selfe of falshood , as being unlikely that he had interred and smothered so rare a secret , or yet made it a caball which otherwayes might have added so much lustre to his workes . But so it is on the contrary , that notwithstanding all these alleadged changes of triplicities , we see these same proprieties of Coelestiall signes ; which Cardan and Iulius Maternus observed by Caldeans and Aegyptians stand good in such sort , that not onely the Elements and Elementary things , Reptiles , Plants , Animalls , with all living and moving creatures of all species and kindes mineralls , &c. keepe that same frame and figure without , and nature within which they had at first ingraft and ingraven , and primitively characterised in and upon them ; But also we see the seasons of the yeare , nights and dayes , Sunne , Moone , and Sarres , to observe their constant and equall course which from all beginning was imposed upon them . Whereby even now as before , we see the people of the North different from these of the South in nature , Stature complexion , colour , disposition , as at more length I have set downe in my Title of the diversitie of mens humors : And that not onely by authoritie of famous writers who have described them to bee just so then , as now yet wee see them ; But likewise conforme to the positure of the very body of the heavens themselves . So that in a manner the nature and seate of the Plannets argueth of necessitie the nature of the people to which they shall be found to appertaine . As Saturne to the Meridionall and Southernely people , a dry and Melancholious Starre : Mars , to the Septentionall , as strong and Iustier Iupiter againe , father of light and life equall to both : Venus for the Southerne , as more lascivious than the other : The Moone for us in the North againe as more moyst and unconstant than they , while Mercurie shall be equall almost for both : But more enclyning to the Southerne , as being better spirits ; for from them eloquence , and contemplative Sciences doe flow unto us : As from us to them Miriads of lustie great people , which overranne all their fertill provinces : And if it be objected , how it comes to passe seeing Venus and lasciviousnesse are attributed to them , that they should bee lesse populous than we ; To this I answere , That their women in numbers farre exceed their men . Thus Polygamie was and is so frequent amongst them , for if according to their wits they were both strong and numerous , the World could not abide them : Thus the Al-seeing God hath disposed things wisely in this world , that the worst and subtilest creatures are fewest in number ; as Lyons , Foxes , Wolves , Leopards , whereas the weaker and more Innocuous sort are more frequent , as Sheepe , Beeves , Hart , Hinde , and so forth . SECT . 18. The causes of the Changes of severall things as of men , Countries ; plots of ground , &c. and that these proceede not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it . NOw if so be that some of the people have changed any whit of their former innated Natures , That must not be imputed so much to the change of Triplicities as to education , and the commerce of other more politicke Nations , which is more frequent than before ; formerly it being counted a rare thing for a man to make a voyage to Spaine or Portugall , whereas now new found worlds and people of other countenances , are nothing so strange and wonderfull unto us . Finally , that some Countries , or rather Grounds , are become more barren than they were , that men are more weake , and lower of stature than they were ; must not bee imputed to their triplicities , but rather it argueth the wrath of God upon the earth for the Sinnes of Mortalls , the inhabitants thereof , and in like manner , the decaying age of the World , as in plentifulnesse , so in vertue : for if the Luxurious plentie of Sicily , Asia the lesser , of Egypt on the other side againe ; and Barbarie ; if by these triplicities they are changed , I pray you , where is it ? for my owne part wheresoever I have beene , whatsoever I heare or reade , nothing but universall complaints of the Earths waxing worse and worse : I end this with that of Plimus in his Naturall History , complaining upon the badnesse of the times in his dayes to that they were before . Gaudebat terra triumphali aratore & laureato v●mere subigi . This was when the Emperours themselves tooke pleasure in Agriculture , leaving their Scepters , to betake themselves to the Plough . SECT . 19. How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts ; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries ; and to what Countries the faculti●s of the soule are attributed . AS these above-cited Writers and many others have gone about with most apparent reasons to attribute the temperament of severall Countries , and the severall dispositions and complexions of men in those Countries , to the site and disposition of the Planets that governe over such and such places and men ; so they instance many inducing examples for the proofe of it . One of them in comparing the great World to the little world [ Man , ] willeth us to imagine a Man , walking or laid , according to the naturall motion of the superiour bodies , from East to West ; and wee shall evidently perceive , that his right Arme , ( wherein his greatest strength and vigour is ) and his right Side , ( where the Liver and Gall are placed ) are towards the North ; and the left hand and side ( which is called the feminine part ) towards the South ; whereupon it is inferred , that according to this and the posture of the celestiall Bodies , the place and people of the world , that the right side beholdeth , which are the Northerne ( wherein the Easterne are comprehended ) are strong and lusty , where the people of the opposite part of the world , are more weake and lash . The one faire and lovely , the other brownish , swarthy and hard favoured ; the one cold and moyst , the other hot and dry ; the one given to labour and travell , the other to study and contemplation ; the one joviall and merry , the other mellancholick and grave ; the one simple and no wayes malicious , the other crafty and deceitfull ; the one inconstant , the other pertinacious , never swarving from his intended resolutions ; the one prodigall , the other parcimonious and sparing ; the one affable and facill , the other arrogant and stayed ; the one mercifull , the other cruell and revengefull ; the one chaste and bashfull , the other venereous and affronted ; the one impatient , the other long suffering ; the one in Counsell rash and sudden the other more constant & deliberate , with severall other the like qualities , wherein the one halfe of the world North and East , doe differ from the other , South and West : All which they doe back with many forcible Reasons , in so farre , that there is not any part in the Microcosme Man , to which they doe not assimilate some part of the great World : yea the three principall faculties of the soule , Imagination , Reason , and Vnderstanding are attributed to three parts of the World. Imagination , which is proper for meditations of divine and sublime Sciences , which consist not in demonstration and Reason , but on a naked and simple beliefe , is appropriated to the Meridionales or Southerne people , who of all others are most carried away with superstitions . The second Reason , to the Mid-people , participating of both extreames , betwixt the religionary Southerne , and the laborious , industrious , and warlike Northerne . The third , which is Vnderstanding , to the Northerne , who have more strong and robustuous bodies , fitter for labour and handy-workes than the other two . So , ( as succinctly as I could ) I have given you a relish , what the most learned have both written and thought of the world , and its parts till a fitter time , wherein ( God willing ) you shall receive a more ample content in this and other things . A GENERALL INTRODVCTION AND INCITEMENT To the studie of the METAPHYSICKS : Wherein the most excellent ends and uses thereof are illustrated , and how necessary it is to be understood by Christians . SECT . 1. Of the severall titles and appellations that have beene given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Mataphysick ; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it ; and finally whereof it principally treateth . THe high and sublime Science , which we call Metaphysick , hath divers titles and styles attributed unto it , partly by Aristotle himselfe , and partly by other Authors , as is observed by Suarez in the beginning of his first Metaphysicall Disputation , and by Fonseca in his prooemium , prefixed to his Commentaries upon Aristotles Metaphysicks cap. 8. For first , this Science is called Sapient●a ● Metaph . c. 1. & 2. because it disputeth of highest and most hard matters , and of the first and most generall causes of things . Secondly it is called Philosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or by way of excellencie , 4 Metaph. cap. 2. because it exceedeth all other parts of Philosophy in dignity very farre , and as a Queene it hath Soveraignty , and royall prerogatives above them all , prescribing unto every particular Science the bounds and limits of it , confirming or establishing the principles of them all . Thirdly , it is called prima Philosophia , 6. Metaph . cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 6. because it treateth of most excellent matters , as of God and of the Angels , in so farre as they may be knowne , by the light of Nature : for as they are knowne to us by divine revelation , the consideration of them belongeth to Divinity . In the same respect it is called Philosophia Theologica , 6 Mataph . cap. 1. and Scientia Theologica , 2 Metaph. cap. 6. and by Christian Philosophers , who know another Theologie above , for distinctions cause , it is called Naturalis Theologia . Last of all , it is called Metaphysica , which word occurreth not in Aristotle himselfe , but is used by his Interpreters and followers ; yet it is grounded upon the titles of Aristotles Bookes of Metaphysicks , which after by Aristotle himselfe , or by Theophrastus , who is thought to have collected Aristotles Workes , and to have digested them in order , are intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , idest , post naturalia aut transnaturalia , and that , either because this Science was invented after Naturall Philosophy , for the knowledge of the natures of bodily substances , ( which is called Physiology ) or else because the things considered in it , are beyond and above the order or ranke of naturall things ; that is , of grosse and bodily substances , for it doth treate of spirituall and invisible substances , viz. of God and of the Angels ; as also it treateth of the attributes and notions or conceptions of entity or beeing , which are common to all things , which have a reall being , whether they be bodily substances , or spirituall , yea whether they be substances or accidents . SECT . 2. The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysick to the other parts of Phylosophie ; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences . ARistotle , who is thought to be the first author of this sublime and almost divine Science , added it to the rest of the parts of Philosophy , chiefly for two causes , as Fonseca well observeth in the 6. chapter of the Preface to his Commentaries upon the Metaphysicks . First , because in the Physicks these substances are considered , which are composed of bodily matter and forme ; and in the Mathematicks , they are said to be accidentia abstracta à materia secundùm rationem ; yet truely and really in their beeing or existence they have a necessary dependencie from bodily matter , and therefore are called Accidentia materialia , because they have their beeing in , and from grosse and bodily substances . Now besides these , there are some things meerely immateriall , that is , neither composed of bodily matter and forme , nor yet any way depending from bodily matter , ( which therefore are in the Schooles said to be abstracta à materia & secundùm rem & secundum rationem ) as God , the Angels , spirituall accidents & caet . And therefore , as materiall substances are considered in the Physicks , and materiall accidents in the Mathematicks ; so it was requisite , that there should be a third kinde of Science , to wit , the Metaphysicks , for the consideration and handling of things meerely immateriall , and independing from bodily matter . Secondly , there are some generall degrees and conceptions of entity or beeing , as also some attributes , properties , principles , and some divisions or distinctions , which are common to all things , whether they be bodily and materiall , or spirituall and immateriall , as ens , essentia , existentia , unitas , veritas , bonitas , and the divisions of ens , in completum , & incompletum , finitum & infinitum , necessarium & contingens , permanens & successivum , absolutum & respectivum , principium & principiatum , causam & effectum , subjectum & adjunctum , signum & signatum , mensuram & mensuratum , actum & potentiam , &c. Now these things are transcending , and doe exceed the limits of particular and inferiour Sciences , as Physick , Geometry , Arithmetick , and the Sciences which are subalternate and subordinate to them ; wherefore they cannot be handled in them , but for the handling of them there must bee some generall and transcendent Science , whose speculation is not limited to any particular species entis , but comprehendeth and taketh in all things under the capacity and amplitude of the object of it . And this is Metaphysick , of which we are now speaking . SECT . 3. Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysick , inducing all men to the study of it ; and setting downe some principall ends and uses thereof . BY this , every man may cleerely see the necessity of this Science for the perfection of Philosophy . But it may be , that some will thinke , the consideration of these immateriall or spirituall things , of which I did speake in my first reason , as also these attributes , properties , and distinctions which are common to things materiall and immateriall , and of which I did speake in my second reason , some , I say , will thinke the consideration of them not to bee necessary , but to be more curious than profitable . But I perswade my selfe , no wise or judicious man will thinke so . For first , without the knowledge of these generall and transcendent Metaphysicall tearmes and notions or conceptions no solide knowledge can be had , for the subjects which are handled in inferiour Sciences . Secondly , seeing man in respect of the constitution of his nature , is participant , both of things bodily and materiall , as also of things immateriall and spirituall , ( for which cause by Philo Iudeus in his Booke de op●ficio mundi , he is called nexus Dei & mundi , and rerum materialium & immaterialium hor●zon ) were great sottishnesse or stupidity in man , to labour for the knowledge of materiall and bodily things , with which he symbolizeth in respect of his baser part , that is his body , and not to care for knowledge of spirituall and immateriall things , to which he is like , and as it were of kinne in respect of his better part , to wit , his soule . Thirdly , seeing the happinesse of man , I meane his contemplative or speculative happinesse , standeth in the knowledge and contemplation of these things , which are most excellent and most sublime , he would come very farre short , of that happinesse , if he were ignorant of these things , which are handled in the Metaphysicks : for they are spirituall and immateriall , and consequently are most excellent , and also most sublime and difficult , in respect they doe farre exceede the reach of all sense and sensitive knowledge . SECT . 4. The excellencie and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysick ; that onely free and sublime mindes , not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this stud●e ; and the Reasons wherefore . I Have spoken already of the divers names and titles of this Science , of the reasons wherefore it was invented , as also of the necessity of it : Now in the last roome I will speake something of the excellencie and dignity of it . Aristotle in the 1. Booke of his Metaphysicks 2 chapt . saith , two things which serve very much for manifesting or declaring the excellencie of this Science , first hee saith , that it is a Science more fit and suitable for God than for men ; or to give you it in his owne words , that ejus possessio non existimari debet humana , that is , that man is not sufficiently worthy to possesse or enjoy this Science , and that because this Science , of all Sciences , is most free ; yea it onely is free from all subjection to other Sciences , and from all reference to any higher or more eminent knowledge : for all naturall knowledge can equall , and much lesse exceede the sublimity of Metaphysicall speculation ; and therefore this Science requireth a minde free and sublime , that is , a minde not depressed with base cogitations , nor distracted with worldly cares , as ordinarily the mindes of men are , in respect of the manifold wants and necessities into which they are subject in this life . Seeing then God only is free from such distracting and depressing cares , therefore in Aristotles judgement , this Science is more suitable for him than for men . Secondly hee saith , that this Science is amongst all Sciences the most honourable , because it is most divine : And that it is most divine , hee proveth by two very forcible reasons , first because this Science versatur in rebus divinis , it contemplateth divine and heavenly things : and this hee proveth , because it considereth God himselfe as he is the first principium , and the supreame cause of all things . Secondly , because Haee Scientia maximè à Deo habetur , the perfect and exact knowledge of this Science most truely and properly is attributed to God : for this Science in a manner , vieweth and considereth all things , it hath an especially eye to spirituall and invisible substances , and amongst these it especially and chiefly contemplateth God himselfe , as the highest degree of entity , and the supreame cause of all things . Now to take a full view of all the rankes , orders , and degrees of things to have a positive and distinct knowledge of that invisible world , the world of Angels , and above all , to have a perfect and comprehensive knowledge of that boundlesse Ocean of beeing and goodnesse which is in God , it requireth not a finite ingine or understanding , but an infinite capacity and an unspeakable sharpenesse of wit. SECT . 5. For three respects the Metaphysick is called the most excellent Science , and the most necessary to be understood by Christians . BY these things which are said by Aristotle in that chapter , and in other parts of his workes , for the commendation of this Science , wee may see this Science to be most excellent in three respects . First , because of the universality and amplitude of the object or subject of it ; for in the Spheare or circuite of it , all rankes , orders , and degrees of things are comprehended , so that looke how farre the knowledge of the whole celestiall Globe exceedeth the knowledge of one constellation , and the knowledge of the universall Mappe or table of the whole Earth exceedeth in dignity the knowledge of the Mappe of one Province or Countrey , as farre doth Metaphysick ( which is as it were one universall Carde or Mappe , presenting to our view all rankes , orders , and degrees of beeing ) exceede in dignity these particular delineations and descriptions of things , which are set downe in inferiour Sciences . SECT . 6. The first respect , for the universality . SEcondly , because of the dignity of the subject of it ; for , not onely is this Science exercised about the speculation of the highest and most generall causes , principles , and attributes of things , but also it descendeth into a speciall consideration of the most noble and excellent things of the world , that is , of God and of his Angels : for , not onely doe Christian Philosophers now in the Metaphysicks dispute of them , but also Aristotle himselfe in his Metaphysicks , especially in his 12 Booke , doth most excellently discourse of them . And truely it is more than marvellous , that an Heathnick or Pagan-philosopher should , by the light of Nature , have penetrated so farre into the knowledge of God. For to passe by that which he writeth in the 10. chapter of that Booke De unitate Dei , proving and demonstrating , unum esse principium & gubernatorem universi ; and concluding his discourse with that saying of the Poet : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To omit , I say , this discourse of his De unitate primi motoris , or ( as he calleth God in that Booke ) primi moventis immobilis , in the 7 chapter of that Booke , he sheweth , that God is primum intelligibile & primum appetibile , that is , he is ens omnium aptissimum & dignissimum quod intelligatur & appetatur , as Fonseca , commenting upon that place , doth expound it : that he necessariò existit , & caetera omnia ab co pendent : that perfectissimam & beatissimam vitam degit ; that ejus beatitudo est perpetua , & sine intermissione aut alteratione ; that Dei beatitudo ex sui contemplatione nascitur ; that ejus contemplatio est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , jucund●ssimum quid & optimum ; that not onely vivit vitam beatissimam , but hee is ipsa v●ta beata ; or as he speakes himselfe , vita sempiterna & optima . Truely this Pagan Philosopher hath found a wonderfull joy and delight in this his speculation of the essence and happinesse of God , ( as Suarez noteth writing upon this place , in his Index locupletissimus in Phisicam , lib. 12. cap. 7. ) yea he seemeth to have beene ravished with the sweetnesse of this heavenly contemplation . It is no wonder , that Dav●d in the 104 Psalme vers . 34. said , My meditation of him ( that is of God ) shall be sweete , aud ● w●ll bee glad in the Lord. For if Aristotle found such sweetnesse in the contemplation of God , as hee is Pater mund , or Pater entium ; what sweetnesse , yea what heavenly , what ravishing joy may a man living within the Church have in the contemplation of God , as he is Pater Ecclesiae , and Pater misericordiarum ? 2 Cor. 1. 3. SECT . 7. The seco●d Respect , for the dignity . That the consideration of the soule of man belongeth to the Metaphysicks , with severall Reasons for the proofe thereof . THere are some who thinke , that not onely the contemplation of God , and of the Angels doe belong unto the Metaphysicks , but also the contemplation De anima humana seu rationali ; and that , because it is a spirituall or immateriall substance . Suarez in the first Tome of his Metaphysicks , Disput. 1. Sect. 2. Parag. 18. most justly condemneth this opinion ; and that 1. because consideratio totius , & consideratio partium ejus ad unam & eandem scientiam pertinet . Now the consideration of man himselfe belongeth not to Metaphysick , but to Physick ; and therefore the consideration of the soule of man , which is a part of man , belongeth also to Physick or naturall Philosophy . 2. Albeit the soule of man be an immateriall substance in it selfe , and although in the reall beeing of it , it hath not a necessary dependencie from bodily matter , yet God hath appointed , that the ordinary and naturall existence or beeing of it , as also the operation of it , should be in materia corporea . It is farre more probable , that which is affirmed by Ruvins and Conimbricenses in the Frontispiece of their Treaties de anima separata à corpore , and in their first questio prooemialis , before their disputes de anima , that the consideration of the beeing and operation of the soule in statu separationis à corpore , after death untill the day of the generall resurrection , doth belong not to Physick , but in some respects to Theologie , and in other respects to Metaphysick . For the handling of these questions , [ An status separationis à corpore , sit animae rationali naturalis ; an anima à corpore separata habeat naturalem appetitum redeundi ad corpus ; an anima separata specie ab Angelis differat , & quas facultates seu potentias , quas species intelligibiles , quos habitus , & quem modum cognoscendi habeat anima separata à corpore : ] the handling , I say , of these questions doth belong properly to Metaphysick ; neverthelesse these same Authors , whom I have now cited , as also Suarez in the place already spoken of , affirme , that the Tractatus de anima separata , may most commodiously be added to the Bookes de anima , not as a proper part of the Science de anima , but as an Appendi● to it . SECT . 8. The third Respect , for the Vsefulnesse . Of the great use Metaphysick is towards the furthering of all Divines , in Controversies , and other things : A Conclusion . THirdly and lastly , this Science exceedeth all the rest indignity , in respect of the great use it hath in all other Sciences and Arts , especially in Theology it selfe ; I neede not to insist in the confirmation of this : for it is very well known , that by the grounds of Metaphysick , wee may demonstrate against Atheists , that there is a God ; against Pagans , that this God is one ; against Cerdon , Marcion , and the Manichaean Hereticks , that there are not duo principia , but unum summum & primum principium ; against the Stoickes , that there is not such a fatall necessity in all events as they dreamed of , against that damnable and detestable Heretick Conradus Vorstius that Deus est infinitus , immensus , indivisibilis , simplex , totus in qualibet re in qua est ; aeternus , & quoad substantiam suam , & quoad ejus decret a immutabilis , & omnium accidentium expers ; for that wretched and madde Doctor denied all these things . In many other Questions and Controversies , which the Church hath against Hereticks ancient and moderne , there is great use of Metaphysick . But I feare to weary the Reader with these Generalls , For I intend hereafter ( God willing ) to put forth a small Treatise of Metaphysicks , wherein you shall finde that noble Science more perspicuously delineated . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09500-e8520 The praise of Philosophy ▪ Effects of Philosophy . Vses and ends of Philosophy . Of Logick ▪ Of Metaphysicks . Of Mathematicks ▪ The Authors Apologie . Questions concerning the World. The way how these questions are propounded . Diverse opinions of the heavens substance . What is the true matter & substance of the firmament . The earth rolled about with the heavens . What is the substance of the stars . What maketh them so cleare . The Sun placed amiddest the Planets & why . What light the Moone thineth with . what signifieth the black spots in the face of the Moone . The Moones power over sublunarie bodies . Reasons that there is not an lement of fire . Comparison of a Mirrour to variety . Why Commets are seene and not the Element of fire . Knowledge of Meteors fit for men of spirit . The remotest cause of Meteors . The neerest cause . Their remotest matter . Matter and cause of the moist Meteors . Difference betwixt fumes and vapours . Great differences of the Meteors . What are our S. Anthonies fires . The earth and waters not se●cred like the other elements but linked together . Quest. Why the waters are not about the earth ▪ Quest. Quest. Why lakes and running flouds are not salt . Why some fountaines savour of brasse , or salt , &c. Quest. Of the Seas ebbing and flowing . Why the Mediterranean & West-Indian Seas have no flux or reflux . Of Magellanes Strait , what maketh so violent a tyde there . Why the Mare Del Zur hath flux , and not the neighbouring Sea. Why Lakes & Rivers ebbe not nor flow not . Why the Sea w●xes never more nor lesse for all the waters runne to and from it . Quest. If the Seas be fresh some fathomes below he superfice . The probability , that certaine Seas may be fresh low . Quest. Reason for the burning hi●ls which are in divers Countries . The true cause of earth-quakes . The comparison of the earth and mans a body . Reasons why there is no time ▪ The Reasons confuted . What things are said to be in Time. Aristotles opinion , that Time is the ruine of things how to be expounded . Quest. Of the wittinesse of Dogs ●nd Horses . Of the love of a Dog to his Master . Discourse of a Dogs memory . Distinction between things done by reason and a naturall inclination . That certaine plants & herbs vvill grow hi●dlier together than others . The true cause how the hard Adamant is dissolved in a dish of Goats bloud . What maketh the Loadstone draw Iron . What maketh the Needle in a Sea compasse turne ever to the North. Reasons pr● and contra that fishes breath . What way fishes may be said to breath . If herring can ●●ie . How herring may be engendred in the Aire . A sea-sawing r●●●on why herring 〈◊〉 site . Apodes , or fowles without feet or Plumes . Of Claick Geese . Diverse kindes of Insects . Sea Insects . Reasons why Insects are not propagated by a Celestiall heat . What middle Creatures are . How fishes can be said to live by the Sea seeing their flesh is more firme then the water whereof they are gene●●ted . How fowles are brought forth in waters The cause of the firme flesh of fishes . That Gold cannot bee made potable . The matter of precious stones Quest. Two Philosophicall wayes to know things . What leeteth that We cannot aright give up the supputation of the Earths cricumference . Diversity of opinions concerning the worlds Compasse . The earths circumference or compasse . The thicknesse of the earth . Distance of the earth from heaven . The most approved opinion of the earths distance from the Sun. Notes for div A09500-e13920 Definition of Meteors : their matter , substance and height of formation . Meteors severally considered by Philosophers and na●uralists . A comparison of these Vapors ●nto the body of man , chiefly to the ven●●icle and head , Whether there be any exhala●ions from the lowest Region of the ayre ? The lowest region of the aire is hot and moist , both by nature and accident . The uppermost region hot and dry . The middle region is only cold , at least respectively . In what region of the Ayre the Meteors are composed . What clouds are . Clouds are fashioned in the middle region . Concerning the middle ●●gion . Solution . The foggy vapours which we see like clouds skimming our lakes are but ascending to frame the cloud . The matter and forme of fiery Meteors from whence they proceed . What are our falling-stars . What maketh them fal dovvn seeing they are light ? Solution . Of thun●er , the matter whereof , and place where . The matter & forme of th●se which we call pretty Dancers Fower sorts of vapors ascend from the earth and waters which ar● the neerest m●tter of all Meteors ▪ Ayre what . Raine what . wind . Quest. What is the cause , that the falling Stars make no noyse as the Thunder seeing one matter is common to both . What meaneth these fi●es wee see by night before us or by us when we ride at some times . Why are they not seene in the day time ▪ What be these complainings and laughing which sometimes are heard in the ayre ? They are Aereall spirits . The nature & forme of comets . The reason of their long hayre or beard . Sometimes they are round . Halos . 1. area ▪ What are the Circles about the Moone , which we call broughes ? What course the Comets observe . Answer for the diverse courses of Comets . What maketh the Comets commonly move from the South to the North. The place of their abode commonly . Whether or not they can portend evill to come . The Philosophers deny it , admitting them but as naturall things . The Philosophicall reason why not . Other of their reasons why they can portend no evill to come . Other reasons of theirs . The contrary is seene by experience . Lamentable accidents which have followed after the appearing of Comets . The reasons which our Astronomicall Philosophers give , that Comets may portend change of States . Examples of Comets appearing before desol●tion . Answer to the former objections . Conclusion of comets with a particular observation . The first matter of raine The way how raine falleth downe . The matter & manner how dew is engendred . What is that which in France we call Serene . The matter & manner how Hoare-frost , are fashioned . The place where dew and hoare-frost are framed . Some more good observations of dew and Hoar-frost What Snow is ? Much Snow in the Northerne climats , and Why ? Difference betwixt the Snowy cloud and the rainy one . The matter and cause of winde . The beginning of wind is but small , but it encreaseth in blowing . A place of Scripture concerning winds solved . What maketh raine commonly follow winde . And what after raine . What maketh some windes cold , other hot seeing one matter is common to both . What maketh that in the heat of Summer there are fewest winds , seeing then there should be most . The way how the wind bloweth . Againe , the way how the wind bloweth . The matter and forme of Earthquakes . What makes the Southerne countries most subject to these earthquakes . The od● betweene wind & earthquakes ▪ A very fit comparison . As our bodies are stirred with a hot ague , even so the earth with an inclosed wind . A remarkable question . Solutions both Philosophicall and Theologicall . What is the matter of lightnings . The right cause of the noyse of thunder after the lightning . Why we see the lightning before wee heare the noyse . And why do●● it descend seing it is light . The cause of the admirable effects of thunder . Why the thunder of blacke clouds are more terrible , then those of White . Why those that be thunder beaten smell of brimstone . The true matter of thunder . The reason why the thunder of black clouds are most dangerous . All weake Meteors have one common matter ▪ Their difference in forme , and place . Why haile is round . Why raine falleth in drops . From whence fountains have their courses . That there is waters within the earth . The Sea the mother of fountaines . How Fountaines are on the tops of mountaines . How mountaine ; furnisheth water unto fountains . Why some springs cease running . What maketh two fountaines a little distant , one hot and another cold . The veines through which the waters run maketh them salt , hot , or cold . Gods power outreacheth mans wisdome ▪ The comparison of the great & little world . A worthy similitude . Notes for div A09500-e18060 Greatest armies have not alwayes done great . Semiramis innumerable army defeated by a very few under an Indian Prince . Xerxes alio overthrowne by a handfull of Greekes and Salamines . The battaile of Thermopilae . Iohn King of France overthrowne by Edward the black Prince of England . Edward Carnarvan of england overthrowen by Bruce at Bannak-burne . Scanderbeg with a handful● overthrew Mahomet . If Princes may hazzard their persons in a field or not . Queene Elizabeth on the front of her armie in 88. The countenance of a King a great incouragement unto souldiers ▪ When a King should be in proper person in a field . Why powerful subjects are not alw●yes fi●est to bee elected Generals of armies . One Generall ●itter , not two , How the Romans and Grecians send two Commanders with their armies abroad . Their foresight and prudence herein . Fabius and Marcellus contrary dispositions . Why the Grecians did send alwayes two , in ambassage , or to field . The limitating of Generals Commission dangerous . Great ods betwixt battels and duels . To shun fighting at times is no disgrace unto a General Hannibal sueth for peace at Scipio . Hannibals speech unto Scipio . Sr. Fr. Drakes stratageme in 88. Hannibals stratagem . A comparison of drawing up of our armies with the Old Romans . If the Roman field malice exceeded ours , yet our beleaguring , & instruments of warre exceed theirs . The terriblenes of our pieces . How the Romans had a fitter occasion of trying their valour then we . The battell of Lepanto surpasseth all the Romans Sea-fights . Foure formes of drawing up of armies used by the Romans Description of the battell of Cannas . The defeates of Cannas and Trasimenes rather by the Romans unskilfulnesse then prowesse of their foes . A maxime of military discipline . Pompey his oversight at the battell of Pharsalia . The neerer our owne tim●s writers are more spa●ing to write without sure warc●nds . More battels of ●ate amongst the French , than all countries ●e●ide . Few fights abroad to their commendation ▪ The Spaniard more slow and mature in their doings than the French. Emulation betwixt the house of Gwyse and Bourbon , and not religion the cause of warres of France . Notes for div A09500-e22260 France most subject to Duels . ●ombats authorised . Lotharius tryall of his wifes Chastitie . Champions in Duell to cleere Queenes Honours . That Ladyes have fought combats . Combats of Church-men ▪ Combats of Iudges and Counsellors a● Law. Combats , whereof Kings have been spectators . Combats rewarded by Kings . S. Almachius slaine for speaking against combats . Six score men killed in combats in one voyage of K. Lewis of Fran. The quarrell , a Commander on the Kings side . * A principall man in the Dukes party , and brother to him . The challenge The combat . Comparison of the French and Spaniard , Venetian and Florentine . A duel betwixt two Spaniards granted by the authority , and fought in the presence of the Emperour Char●es the 5. The occasion , and quarrell . Occasion , moving the challenger to petition a publike combate . Conditions granted by the Emperour whereupon they should fight . Ceremonies observed in this combate . The event of ●heir fight . What way combats permissible if they should be at all suffered . The Canon Law gaine-sa●eth their permission , and Why ? Example where in a Du●ll the innocent was killed We should rather referre to God the punishment of a misdeed , which by no legall meanes can be cleared , rather then to a fight . David his fight with Goliah should not serve for example , and Why ? Cardinall Cajetan his permission where ●nd how ? Solution of certaine Ob●●ctions . It is not a good consequence , seeing I refuse Duells , therefore Batteils too . No more is it a good consequence , if wars and Battels be lawfull , therefore Combats 〈◊〉 A Notable Combat of 3. Brethren Romans against so many Albans . Their fight . Some Grecian , Roman , Hunnish , Danish Kings have combated with others for saving much bloud . Challenge , but no meeting nor fight , betwixt the Prince of Aragon , and Charles of Anjou . Challenge , betwixt Charles the 5. and the French King , Francis. The occasion of the quarrell . Combate of 13 French knights against so many Italians . The quarrell and challenge . The conditions agreed upon . Observation upon this combat . A memorable combat betwixt two powerfull Clan : & parties of our own nation d●bated of Pearth . The conditions accepted and agreed upon . An Exemplary Combat betwixt two French Barons . Notes for div A09500-e26440 All things we see serves to refresh our memories of death and mortality . The documents of all the old Philosophers tendeth to this chiefly , not to feare death . Burials and tombs in most conspicuous places erected for that cause . Iulius Caesar his death which hee wished , not to be allowed of by a Christian. S. Augustine reputeth it a token rather of pusillanimity to put hand on our selves , than of courage . My usuall prayer . The ancients for all their good injunctions , yet feared it . Not to be afraid of death , and why ? All things except man keepe their constant course . If change be in things , a token of Gods wrath . The Antiquity of interring the dead . The Old Roman Empero●s respect had thereunto . Alexander of Macedon daunced about Achilles tombe . Sylla his cruelty against burialls remarked in Histories . The memory they carry to the dead , in Vraba , and the way how they use the Corps . The manner of burialls observed in Find-land and Lapland . That same sort observed of old in this same Country , and yet in certaine parts of our Highland● ▪ The Aegyptian burials and their Momies most remarkable . Two sorts of interring the dead most remarkable . The Romans burned & consumed theirs to ashes . The Indians againe did eat their dead as thinking their bellies a honorable sepulchre for them . The dumbe & silent obsequies of our burialls condemned . A History of a Gentlewoman , who for not being interred in the Church-yard molested her family , by her ghost , while she was disinterred , and according as shee desired , was buried . Notes for div A09500-e27990 Bartol and Vlpian admit deceit to bee used with the circumventer , and no faith to be kept to particular enemies The Emperour Augustus kept faith , although to a rogue . Of mentall reservation , what it is . Cleomenes although packt up a truce with his enemy , for some-dayes , yet in the night surprised them Alexander the great could honourably say , Malo me fortunae pe●iteat quàm victoriae pudeat . The Romane offended with their Legat L. Marcius , because that in their warres under him with Perseus King of Macedon , he used subtilties and circumventions . The manner observed by the ancients in making their truces , peace , or other pactions . The termes and words of their covenants . The Grecians branded with that , to be called , Not keepers of their oathes . Pope Alexander and his nephew Borgia both remarked dishonest in their deeds and words . Other Popes guilty of that same fault . Exhortation to his Countrey-people not to doe so . The integrity of ancient Romans . Of keeping no faith to enemies . A fault ' committed by our Duke Aubigny at the siege of Capua , or rather by the insolent French under him . A Cruelty committed at Genoa against the French within , by the Spanyard without . Notes for div A09500-e29810 Little good followeth commonly excesse of mirth and laughter . Examples of Nebuchadonozor , Baliasar , and the rich glutton to this purpose . Examples of such who in the middest of all their felicities , have been taken away . Wisely was it ordained that the Paschall Lambe should be eaten with foure hearbes . Our Saviour did never laugh . Foure famous and renowned Warriors , have shed teares . The Emperor Adrian even amidst all his triumphs . remembring the frailty of nature . The Prophet David , when he did heare of Absoloms death Iulius Caesar at Pompeys head . Vespasian seeing the temple of Salomon on fire . Xerxes seeing all his numerous Army before him . We reade of Horses which have wept . The Teare which is in the Abby Church of Vandome , what it can be . Weeping for the dead allowable , provided , it be not immoderate . The matter 〈◊〉 our teares . We laugh and weepe dive●sly for the selfe-same causes . Neither they commendable who laugh alwayes , nor they who mourne . Notes for div A09500-e31620 Difference betwixt factions and seditions . Vproare of the Commons at Rome against the Patricians , appeased by Menenius Agrippa . Emulation and ambition in well doing is allowable . Curiosity the Mother of mischief . Our Schooles and Learned men not exempt from it . What peace hath the most curious questions brought unto the Church , but rather hath divided us all . In Metaphysick we crossed to know , if there be in nature any other production besides Creation and Generation . Whether accidents be create or concreat . If God may sustayne accidents without their substances to subsist in . The actions of Gods will tend unto , and terminate with a subject . If there be multiplicity of formes in one selfe same matter . If formes of matters be extracted out of the potentialitie of the matter . If Angels be species or individualls . Curiosity in Logick to know what sort of relation betweene the creature and the Creator . What Heaven the Prophet Enoch was wrapt unto . What and where Abrahams bosome If beasts , herbs plants , will bee renewed with man after the resurrection . If there be degrees of glory in heaven . What language in heaven . Curiosity in Physicke to know whether there be more worlds then one . If there was one before this . The Starres and heavenly lights force not our inclinations . The inclination of Parent● more mooveth children naturally , then the Starres doe . The number and greatnesse of certain Stars in the via lactea . Diversities of opinions . Via Lactea differently given up . The enquiry of the secrets of nature , convenient food for a curious Spirit . Eudoxus craved to be neere the Sunne although it should be with the hazard of his life , as that hee might knowe it . Because curiosity to know , is a plague , therefore our faith is settled upon things incredible to human reason . The Gods of the Ancients were pourtraited with their fingers upon their mouthes , and why . As in Divine mysteries we should not be too curious : So should we not in any worldly businesse . As we should not b● over-curious ; ●o should we not be l●sse curious with the Stoicks referring all to destiny . As the most curious craftsman is not ever either the wisest or the Wealthiest ; So the most curious heads are not they to whom God manifests his se●rets . God as hee is above Nature , so worketh he beyond Nature some times . Great and sublime spirits stumble more vilely , then the meane● sort . Dion : Areopagita's observation of the Ecclipse at our Saviours suffering . Opinions of the needle in the compasse . Of Nilus , her sourse and inundation . Mens dispositions . Burning hills and Mountaines . Columbus first intention , and motive to his voyage . Columbus his reason . His voyage . His policy . The cause of dearth since Columbus voyage . Columbus's worth depraved . His vindication . Columbus denomination of Americus conferred on Vespucius . Here againe vindicated . Another aspersion on him . Livias curiosity . Notes for div A09500-e34950 The understanding and reason in man , is as the Sunne in the firmament . Will , as the Moone which should have no light cut from her Sun , reason . What happines is , according to Aristotle . By our understanding we know God , by our will we love him . What , and wherein consisteth the old Philosophicall felicity , so much spoken of , being that whereof we now treate . That our felici●● cannot consist in the actions of our will. It would seem that our happinesse did not co●sist in the actions of our reason and understanding , but in these of our will. Reasons in favours of Will. The actions of the will , the object of it seemes to bee more noble then these of the intellect . Will and understanding how coincident . This question of felicity consisting in will and understanding is coincident with that Theologicall question , of Faith & good workes . The end of all Sciences is to know , which the Philosopher saith is good of it selfe ▪ The properties of our Soveraigne happinesse . The greatest property of our feli●i●y is , as to crave nothing more , so not to feare the losse of that which wee have . Wealth and honour cannot be our happinesse . The different opinions of the Philosophers upon this purpose . Happinesse wherein it did consist , according to Socra . The Epicureans and Stoicks , their opinions ▪ The latter Philosophers have refuted al others establishing their owne . Finally , what our true felicity is , and wherein it doth consist . By this soveraine felicity , a man liveth in tranquility , and dieth in peace . Notes for div A09500-e36320 A Simile . Difference betwixt Platonick and Christians . Multiplicity of Gods , amongst the heathen . The Trinity shadowed by Plato . Plato his reasons why the world liveth . His opinion of God. Some of the Hebrews of the same mind . Platos opinion of propagation and continuance of all things . Platos termes not far different from Moses words . Comparison of the old Roman Philosophers with the Roman Church now . The Hierarchie of blessed Spirits . Notes for div A09500-e38380 Sleepe , mainteiner of all living creatures Perseus dyed for want of sleepe . Causes of sleep Secondary . Thirois murther . Alexander the great his sleep . Augustus his . Alexanders great fortune . Catoes sleepe . His death . A digression against selfe murder . In his booke de Senectute . Division of dreames . Natural which Accidentall . Divine . Diabolicall ▪ Severus dream of Pertinax . Severus causeth to be cast the manner of his dreame in brasse . Henry the 5 th . his admirable dreame . Cicero's dream of Octavianus . Notes for div A09500-e40260 Antiquity superstitious in the observance of numbers . The use of number . Three Heavens . Three Hells . Heathnick superstitions . Poeticall fictions . Theologicall and Morall Vertues . Of Sinne. How our appetites are bridled . Christian duties . How wee offend God , an how to appease him . Christs humiliation and exalation . How to know God. David . Salomon . Mans Enemies . Love. Of Feare . Degrees of government . About dye●● What Creatures God ordained for mans use . Physicians . Lawyers . Iudges . Division of Lawes . Chirurgian . Oratour ▪ Civilian . Poets . Physicall observations Customes amongst the Persians . The seven ages of mans life attributed to the seven Planets . Seven Wonders . Notes for div A09500-e43820 Two kindes of Miracles . False Miracles which . True Miracles . Difference betwixt true and false Miracles . Why God permitteth false miracles . When miracles were most necessary . The piety of the ancient Romans after any remakeble Prodigies . Christians blamed . A River ra● blood . The institution of the Nov●ndi●lia sacra . The heavens burned . Three Moones ▪ A childe of a moneth old spake . Men seene in the skie . Two moones at once . A greene Palme tree tooke fire of it selfe . Rivers runne blood . An Oxe spake . It rained stones . Ensignes sweat blood . 〈…〉 The ●arth rend asunder . A Statue wept . The Capitoll destroyed by fire from heaven . Images in Temples sweat blood . Instruments heard to play where none were . An Oxe spake . A Comet like a sword hang over Ierusalem . An Oxe cal●ed . Formidable Thunders & Earth-quakes The deboarding of Tyber ominous to Rome . A blazing starre . The sea cast out monsters . It rained blood three dayes . A huge stone fell from heaven . A great piece of Ice fell in Rome . Conclusion ▪ Notes for div A09500-e46030 〈…〉 His meeting with an Her●●te . His proficiencie in the Art of Chimestrie . His Present to the Senate . Restored to favour . He is suspected of Treachery . Hee flyes to Bavaria . He is hanged on a gilded Gybbet● The plenty of gold which the West Indians have . The true matter of gold . Ripleus c. 3. P. 74. Iodoc. Grenerus p. 36. ●los Flor. p. 35. 37. Thom. Aquin . ad fratrem , c. 1. Tauladan . p. 28. Rosarum . p. 18. Libaniu● Mullerus ▪ Aquinase . 3. Daustricus . p. 16. Monachus p. 16. Benedictus p. 5● , 57 , 58. &c. Mo●iennes two principless Solut. & coagulat . Moriennes Theob . Arnaldus . 〈◊〉 p. 61 , 62. Exercet . 3. in tu bam . Arnald . in specie . Scala philosoph . p. 103 ▪ Mulletus de lap . philosoph Rosarium p. 189. Libanius Arnaldus . Iullius , p. 116. Arnaldus . Mullerus . Miracula chymica . Libanius . Isaacus . Lullius . Calid . c. 6. Rolinus . p. 283. Dastin●s p. 30. Mullerus . Libanius . Scotus p. 61. ●●1 . Agur●lls . Notes for div A09500-e48280 Three speciall points wherewith the ancient Philosophers was most perplexed . The opinions of the old Philosophers concerning the nature of the Gods. The philosophers not only admitted their Gods a● inventers of good , but fomenters of evill also . The Philosophicall errour concerning the discent and progenie of their Gods. The errours touching the descent of their soules . Divers opinions of the philosophers concerning the substance of their soules . The different opinion concerning the event of soules after their separation from their bodies . Their reasons why there were mo● worlds than one . Opinions concerning the Eternitie of the World. The Gymnosophists answere concerning the Eternitie . The Philosophicall differences concerning the beginning of the World. The fond conceites of those who imagined all things to be by the encounter of Atoms . A theological observation upon the premisses . Our Christian beleefe touching the Worlds beginning and ending . Three wayes of knowing God. A briefe description of the World. The division of the heavens and Coelestiall Spheares . The Plannets and their retrodations in their proper spheares . Cause of the Moones change . Different motions of the Starres . What the great Platonick Starre was . The Waters and Earth make but one Globe . Why the Seas debarr'd from overflowing the Earth . Division of the Earth . Of America . What maketh all things so deare now . Of our old known world , the third part is not Christian , and that as yet different amongst it selfe . Division of Asia . The West and East parts . Turkish professors divided amongst themselves . A litle description of America , and the New-found-lands . What time of the yeare the world was created . When probably it may be thought to take an end . Copernick his opinion that the Earth did move , rejected . Why the change of Triplicities cannot be a ground for change of States . The starrie firmament devided in so many Asterismes . Bodin his triplicit●ie is not such . The changing of triplicities notable to change the nature of things ; and Why ? Diversities of peoples natures conformeable to the positure of the heavenly Plannets . The naturall disposition of the Plannets argueth the Inclination of people over which they are planted . If people be changed from that which they were wont to be , Why ? and How ? If some Countries be barren , others plentifull , Why , and How ? Man compared to the World. Qualities of the Northern and Easterne people . The three faculties of the Soule . Conclusion . Notes for div A09500-e54080 Metaphysick first called Sapientia . 2 Phylosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3 Prima Philosophia . 4 Philosophia Theologica . 5 Metaphysica and why . Whereof it treateth . Two causes why Metaphysick is added to the other Sciences . The first . The second cause . Metaphysick excelleth other Sciences . A supposition resolved . First Reason . Second Reason . Third Reason . That Metaphysick is free from all subjection to other Sciences . Reason . Why the Science of Metaphysick is most honourable . Comparison . Christian Philosophers . Aristotle . Fonseca . Suarez . That the consideration of mans soule , and not himselfe belongeth to Metaphysick . Ruvins his opinion . The benefit of the knowle●ge of the Metaphysick● . Controversies . 
A42813	----	Essays on several important subjects in philosophy and religion by Joseph Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. 1676 Approx. 794 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 173 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42813 Wing G809 ESTC R22979 12062169 ocm 12062169 53288 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42813) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53288) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 70:6) Essays on several important subjects in philosophy and religion by Joseph Glanvill ... Glanvill, Joseph, 1636-1680. [340] p. Printed by J.D. for John Baker ... and Henry Mortlock ..., London : 1676. "Imprimatur, Martii 27, 1675. Thomas Tomkins" Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ESSAYS ON SEVERAL Important Subjects IN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION . By JOSEPH GLANVILL , Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty , and Fellow of the R. S. Imprimatur , Martii 27.1675 . Thomas Tomkins . LONDON , Printed by J. D. for John Baker , at the Three Pidgeons , and Henry Mortlock , at the Phoenix in St. Pauls Church-Yard , 1676. ESSAYS . VIZ. I. Against CONFIDENCE in PHILOSOPHY . II. Of SCEPTICISM , and CERTAINTY . III. MODERN IMPROVEMENTS of Knowledg . IV. The USEFULNESS of PHILOSOPHY to THEOLOGY . V. The Agreement of REASON , and RELIGION . VI. Against SADDUCISM in the matter of WITCHCRAFT . VII . ANTIFANATICK Theologie , and FREE Philosophy . To the most Honourable HENRY Lord Marquess , and Earl of Worcester , Earl of Glamorgan ; Lord HERBERT Of Chepstow , Ragland , and Goure , Lord President of Wales , Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Glocester , Hereford , Monmouth , and Bristol ; Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter , And one of the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council , &c. MY LORD , ALthough perhaps in strictness of judging there is somewhat of Impertinency in such Addresses , yet Custome hath obtain'd licence for us Writers thus to express our acknowledgments of favours , and to give publick testimonies to the Deserts of excellent Persons : Your Lordship affords me plenty of subject for both these , and I humbly crave your leave to use the Liberty that is granted without ●…ensure ●…n such occasions , to declare part of my resentments of them . There is nothing more substantial , or valuable in Greatness , than the power it gives to oblige ; for by doing benefits we in some measure are like to Him , who is the Lover of Men , and causeth his Sun to shine upon the good , and upon the evil : Nor doth God Himself glory in the absoluteness of his Power , and uncontroulableness of his Soveraign Will , as he doth in the displays of his Goodness : This , my Lord , is the right , and honourable use of that Greatness he is pleased to vouchsafe unto Men ; and this is that which makes it amiable , and truly illustrious : Your Lordship knows this , and are as much by Nature as by Judgment , formed to live according to such measures : And I think there was never Person of your Lordship's rank , whose genera●… fashion , and converfation was more suited to the sweetest and most obliging Rules of living : For besides that your natural Genius hath nothing ●…aughty , or rough in it , nothing but what is modest , gentle , and agreeable , your Lordships whole deportment is so affable , and condescending , that the benignity of your temper seems to strive for superiority over the greatness of your quality , which yet it no way lessens , but illustrates . This is that which highly deserves , and commands the love , and venerations of all that have the honour , and happiness to know you : And you may justly challenge their devotion , and highest esteem upon all other accounts that can give a great . Person any title to them . For your immediate descent is from a long masculine line of great Nobles , and you are a Remainder of the illustrious Blood of the PLANTAGENETS . What your Family hath deserv'd from the Crown , the vast supplies afforded his late Majesty by that Loyal M●…quess , your Grand-Father , and the sufferings of your House for Him , do sufficiently declare to the World : But your Lordship hath no need that Arguments of Honour , and respect should be fet●…ht from your Progenitors ; the highest are due to your personal Vertues ; and that way o●… living whereby you give exa●…ple to Men of quality , and shew , how Honour , and Interest is to be upheld . For you spend not your time , and Estate in the ●…anities and Vices of the Town , but live to your Country , and in it , after a sp●…d , and most honourable Fashion , observing ●…he Mag●…ence and Char●…ty of the ancient Nobility , with all the Decency , and Impr●…ements of 〈◊〉 Times . And perhaps your L●… ●…ay is one of the best P●…ns the A●… yie●… of a Regular greatness , 〈◊〉 which gr●… is without vanity ; and Nobleness without Luxury , or Intemperance : Where we see a vast Family without noise , or confusion ; and the greatest ●…lenty , and freedom , without provocations to any Debauchery , or Disorder . So that your Lordship's cares , and thoughts are not taken up with the little designs that usually entertain idle , or vainly imployed Men , but in the Service of your King , and Country , and conduct of your Affairs , with prudence and generosity ; in which you not only serve the present Age , but provide for the future . And , my Lord , among the acknowledgments that are due to your Vertues , I cannot but observe the care you t●…e for the constant , daily Worship of God in your Family , according to the Protestant Religion , profest by the Church of England , and the example your Lordship gives by your own attendance on it . This is the f●…rest Foundation of greatness , yea 't is the Crown , and lustre of it : And when all other magnificence is in the dust , and is shrivel'd into nothing , or at the best , into a cold , and faint remembrance , the effects of this will stay by us , and be our happiness for ever ; And all other splendors , in comparison , are but like the shining of ●…ten wood to the Glorys of the Sun , and Stars . This also is the best fence and security to our present comforts and injoyments , both in respect of that temperance and so●…ety it produccth , and chiefly on the account of the blessing of the Supream Donor , who hath made it the promises of this Life , as well as of that which is to come : And therefore the wickedness of those that take Liberty from their Riches and worldly greatness , to defie God , and despise Religion , is as foolish and improvident , as 't is monstrous and unreasonable : and those brutish Men do not render themselves more hateful for their impiety , than they are despicable for their folly . But I need not say this to your Lordship , who are sensible of the absurdities , and malignity of this vice , and give not the least countenance , or incouragement to it by your practice ; being cautious to abstain from all expressions , that grate on the Honour of God , as you are free from any that can give just offence unto Men : For your Lordship is none of those that shoot the arrows of bitter words , and set their mouths against the Heavens ; but your discourse and conversation is adorn'd with that modesty and decency that becomes a great Nobleman , and a good Christian. My Lord , I have not given you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 just acknowledgments , with design to ●…fie or please your Lordship , I know I need your pardon for the trouble your modesty receives from them ; but I have done it for the sake of others , because we live in an Age wherein there is scarcity of such examples . I know 't is ufually indecent to commend Persons to themselves ; but the custome of Dedications will excuse this , which even severity and ill nature cannot impeach of flattery , or extravagance . And as I owe this Testimony to the merits whereby you serve and oblige the Age , so I should acknowledg the Obligations your Lordship hath conferr'd on my self : but this will be a great duty , and business of my Life ; for such empty expressions as these verbal ones , are very unsuitable returns for real and great favours ; and if ever better acknowledgments are in my power , I shall still remember what I owe your Lordship . I now most humbly present you with a Collection of some Essays upon subjects of importance . The design of them is to lay a foundation for a good habit of thoughts , both in Philosophy , and Theology . They were some of them written several years ago , and had trial of the World in divers Editions : Now they come abroad together ( with some things that are new ) reduced to such an Order , as is most agreeable to my present judgment . I could have added much upon such fertile , and useful Arguments ; but I am willing to believe , I have said enough for the capable and ingenious , and I doubt too much for others . If your Lordship shall pardon their imperfections , and accept of the devotion where-with they are offer'd you , it will be the greatest honour , and satisfaction to , My Lord , Your Lordships most humble , Most obliged , and most intirely devoted Servant , JOSEPH GLANVILL . The PREFACE . I Shall not trouble the R●… with much formality , or 〈◊〉 of Prefacing , but only give a brief account of the following Discourses . I know it will be no pl●…usible excuse for any of their Imper●…ctions to alledg , that some of them were written when I w●… very young ; since they came abroad again in an Age wherein more maturity of judgment is expected . But the truth is , I am not grown so much wiser yet , as to have alter'd any thing in the main of those conceptions . If I had thought it worth the while , I might have been more exact in new modelling , and could perhaps have given them a turn that would have been more agreeable to some phancies , but my Laziness , or my Judgment made me think there was no need of that trouble . The FIRST Essay against Confidence in Philosophy , is quite changed in the way of Writing , and in the Order . Methought I was somewhat fetter'd and tied in doing it , and could not express my self with that case , freedom , and fulness which possibly I might have commanded amid fresh thoughts : Yet 't is so al●…'d as to be in a manner new . The SECOND of Scepticism , and Certainty , was written when I was warm in the Consideration of those matters , for the satisfaction of a particular Friend ; what I say was enough for his use , though the Subject is capable of much more ; and I had inlarged on it , but that I am lo●…h to ingage further in Philosophical Arguments . I have annext some of the things I said to Mr. White , but the main of this Ess●…y was never extant before . The THIRD of Mod●…rn Improvements , was first a Controversie : I have here given it another shape . As I never begun a Quarrel , so I never will continue any , when I can fairly let it fall . The Discourse was written violently against by one , who was wholly unconcern'd . The interest be pretended , was the defence of his Faculty against a Passage , wherein he would have me say , That the ancient Physicians could not cure a C●…t-finger ; which I never affirm'd , or thought . But that Person it now so well known , that I need say no more of him , or of that C●…est . His long studied , and triumphant Animadversions have given me no reason , or occasion to alter any thing in the Treatise , except some few Errors of the Press , over which he most ●…d . He hath writt●… divers things against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , I have kept the promise I publickly made , and have never read them . Besides this Antagonist , the learned Dr. Meric Casaubon , writ Reflections on this Essay in a Letter to Dr. Peter Du Mo●…n , who it seems had presented it to him . They were Printed in ●…e year 1669 , and my Answers soon after ready ; But consider●…g that the Doctor allow'd all that which was my main design , ●…d only oppos'd his own mistakes , and suspicious , I thought fit to suppress my Reply ; and was the rather silent because not willing to appear in a Controversie with a Person of Fame and Learning , who had treated me with so much Civility , and in a way so different from that of my other Ass●…ants . I have further to advertise concerning this Essay , That whereas I mention several Discourses of Mr. Boyl's , as intended for the Publick , 't is likely that some of them by this may be extant , though my privacy and retirement hath not afforded me the notice of their publication . The FOURTH Essay of the Usefulness of Philosophy to Theology , was Printed under the Title of Philosophia Pia●… I was commanded to reprint it by a Person of Honour , and great Fame , for whose Learning and universal Accomplishments I have high and just venerations . This put into my thoughts the design of revising of some of my other Writings , and bringing them together into a small Collection , which I have here done . The FIFTH of the Agreement of Reason and Religion , was at first a Visitation Sermon , twice Printed before ; I have now only cast it into the form of a Discourse . It contains the substance of many thoughts and anxieties about that important matter , in a little compass . My chief care was to state , and represent the whole affair clearly ; which I think I have done . The subject ●…b been written on by divers since , who some of them have perplext the matter again ; others have added no one thought . They have written a great deal , I wish I could say , to purpose . I know this freedom is capable of a wrong interpretation , but I am urged to it by a little vexa●…on that the pr●…enders to such a subject should afford me no advantage for the improving my conceptions on it . The SIXTH Essay was one of the first written , and printed four times already . It stands in this place because it 〈◊〉 a p●…rticular service Philosophy doth , in securing one of the out-works of Religion . The Daemon of Tedworth that was annext , is ready to be Printed by it self , with a further Confirmation of that certain●… though much oppos●…d Relation . Since the publishing of these Considerations there hath a thing been put out , of the Question of Wi●…choraft , denying there are Witches , upon some of the weakest pretences I have urged , and disabled . Who ever reads this Essay will see that that Writer was answer'd before he gave himself the trouble to be an Author on that Subject . The SEVENTH is entirely new . 'T is a description of such a Genius in Theology and Philosophy , as I confess I my self like and I believe some others may . But I blame no Mans differen●… sentiment , who allows the liberty of judging that himself takes . I have borrowed the countenance , and colour of my Lord Bacons story ; of which I have given the brief contents . The Essay is a mixture of an Idaea , and a disguised History . Reader , I have done now : But I make thee no promise that I will not write again ; for I perceive that those promises are hardly kept . To appear often in the Press I know is censur'd ; but I see not why that should be a fault , whilst the Books themselves have not greater . If a Man write well , he may deserve excuse at least ; if otherwise , by use he may mend ; or if there be no hopes of that , his writing often is not worth objecting . Nor hath any one need to complain , since no one is concern'd about what another Prints , further than himself pleaseth : And since Men have the liberty to read our Books , or not : Methinks they might give us leave to write , or forbear . This I say , because I know this ill-natur'd humour , puts restraint upon the Pens of some great Men ; and tempts others to make promises , and excuses , which I think do not become them . For my part I have as little leasure to write Books as other Men , for I have that to do which may be reckoned an Imployment ; but every Man hath some va●…ancies , and I love now and then in this manner to imploy mine . 'T is an innocent way of entertaining a Mans self , to paint the image of his thoughts , and no better a Writer than my self may happen to divert , if not to instruct , some others by it . ERRATA . The Reader is desired to take notice of the following Errours of the Press , some of which are so near , in sound , 〈◊〉 the words of the Author , that they may easily be mistaken for his . ESSAY . I. For. Read. Page . Line . BEst compact●…ess Fo●…st compactness , 13 2 The herb , and the flower Herb , and flower , 16 2 Before us , our discoveries Before us , our discoveries , 25 34 All opinions All their opinions , 26 21 Old Law , Old Saw , 28 29 Heavens above , &c. Heavens above it , 28 32 Other opinions Opinions , 30 11 His saying His sayings 31 24 ESSAY . II. Revile against Rail against . 43 4 Boasts of ; Boasts ; 47 16 Isell●…s Psellus 53 19 Are certain Contain , and are 62 13 ESSAY . III. I take 't was I take it 't was , 4 10 Virulam Verulam 34 14 Self-absurd Self-assur'd 52 12 ESSAY . IV. Since then Since them 17 16 Difference Deference 26 25 Jumblings , intermixtures Jumblings and intermixtures 32 13 , 14 Flighted Slighted 34 7 ESSAY . V. Their own interest Their interests 28 8 ESSAY . VI. For Read. Page . Line . Streams Steams 14 22 F●…m whatever What ever 56 17 She apprending She apprehended 56 22 ESSAY . VII . To them , All To them , All 6 13 , 14 From the World From your World 6 37 Such of them that Such of them as 7 1 They that made That they made 11 6 Main works Main marks 30 33 ( 〈◊〉 . ) ( 2. ) 43 31 Note , that the Sum of my Lord Bacons Atlantis , being the brief contents of his Story , printed in the beginning of the 7th Essay , was intended as a Preface to it , and should have been in the Italick Character ; but the Printer hath not done that ; nor made a sufficient Break to distinguish my Lord Bacons Contents ( ending Page 2. Line 12. ) from the Authors Story . Essay I. Against Confidence in Philosophy , And Matters of Speculation . ONE of the first things to be done in order to the enlargement , and encrease of Knowledg , is to make Men sen●…ible , how imperfect their Vnderstandings are in the present state , and how lyable to deception : For hereby we are disposed to more wari●…ess in our Enquiries , and taken off from ●…old and peremptory Conclusions , which are some of the gre●…test hind●…rances of Intellect●…al improvement●… in the World. Therefore , by way of Intr●…duction to Philosophy and grounded Science , we must endeavour first to destroy the confidence of Assertions , and to establish a prudent reservd●…ss and modesty in Opinions . In order to this , I shall here set down some thoughts I have had on this Subject . And in doing it , I shall 1. Offer some considerable Instan●… of Humane Ignorance and Deficiency , even in the main , and most usual things in Nature . 2. I shall enquire into the Ca●…ses of our imperfection in Knowledg , which will afford further evidence and proof of it : and 3. Add some Strict●…es against Dogmatizing in Philosophy , and all matters of uncertain Speculation . My Instances shall be drawn , 1. From the Nature of our Souls ; and 2. from the Constitution of our own , and other Bodies . Ab●… 〈◊〉 former I consider , That if Certainty were any where to be expected , one would think it should be had in the Notices of our Souls , which are our true selves , and whose Sentiments we most in wardly know : In things without us , our shallowness and ignorance need not be matter of much wonder , since we cannot pry into the hidden things of Nature , ●…or obs●…rue the first Springs and Wheels that set the rest in motion . We see but little parcels of the Works of God , and want Phaenomena to make entire and secure Hypotheses : But if that whereby we know other things , know not it self ; If our Souls are strangers to things within them , which they have more advantage to understand than they have in matters of external Nature ; I think then , that this first will be a considerable Instance of the scantness and imperfection of our Knowledg . ( 1. ) I take notice therefore , That the Learned have ever been at great odds and uncertainty about the Nature of the Soul ; concerning which every Philosopher ( almost ) had a distinc●… Opinion : The Chald●…ans held it a Vertue without f●…n ; Xenocrates , and the Aegyptians , a moving N●…ber ; Par●…ider , a compound of Light and Darkness ; Hes●…od and An●…minder , a consistence of Earth and Water : Th●…les call'd in a Nature without rest ; Heraclides supposed it to be Light ; Empedocles to be Blood ; Zeno , the Quintessence of the Elements . G●…len would have it to be an hot Complexion ; Hippocrates , a Spirit diffused through the Body ; Plato , a self-moving Substance ; Aristotle , an Entelechy , or no body knows w●… ; and Var●…o , an heated and dispersed Air. Thus have some of the greatest Men of ●…ntient times differ'd in one of the first Theories of Humane Nature , which may well be reckon'd an Argument of uncertain●…y and ●…perfection : And yet I account not the difficulties about this , to be so hopeless , as they are in les●… noted Mysteries . The great occasion of this diversity , and these mistakes , is , That Men would form some Image of the Soul in their Fancies , as they do in the contemplation of corporeal Objects ; But this is a wrong way of speculating Immaterials , which may be see●… in their effects and attributes , by way of reflection ; but if , like children we run behind the Glass to look for them , we shall m●… nothing there but disappointment . 2. There hath been as much trouble and diversity in enqui●…ing into the Origine of the Soul , as in se●…hing into the nature of it : In the opinion of some learned M●… , It was from the beginning of the World , created with the Heavens and Light : others have thought it an extract from the Vniversal Soul : Some fancied , it descended from the Moon ; others from the Stars , or vast spaces of the Aether above the Planets , some teach , That God is the immediate Author of it ; some that it was made by Angels ; and some by the Parents . Whether it be Created or Traduced , hath been the great Ball of contention to the latter Ages , and after all the stir about it , 't is still as much a question as ever , and perhaps may so continue till the great Day , that will put an end to all Differences and Disputes . The Patrons of Traduction accuse their Adversaries of affronting the Attributes of God ; and the Assertors of Immediate Creation impeach them of violence to the nature of things : And while each of the Opinions strongly opposeth the other , and feebly defends it self , some take occasion thence to say , That both are right in their Oppositions , but both mistaken in their Assertions . I shall not stir in the Waters that have been troubled with so much contention : The Famous St. Austin , and others of the celebrated Antients , have been content to sit down here in a profest Neutrality , and I will not endeavour to urge Confessions in things that will be acknowledged ; but shall note some Difficulties , that are not so usually observed ; which perhaps have more darkness in them , than these so much controverted Doctrines . 1. I begin with the Vnion of the Soul and Body : In the Vnions that we understand , there is still , either some suitableness and likeness of Nature in the things united , or some middle , participating Being by which they are joyn'd ; but in this there is neither . The natures of Soul and Body , are at the most extream distance ; and their essential Attributes most opposite : To be impenetrable , discerpible and unactive , is the nature of all Body and Matter , as such : And the properties of a Spirit are the direct contrary , to be penetrable , indiscerpible , and self-motive : Yea , so different they are in all things , that they seem to have nothing but Being , and the Transcendental Attributes of that , in common : Nor is there any appearance of likeness between them : For what hath Rarefaction , Condensation , Division , and the other properties and modes of Matter , to do with Apprehension , Judgment , and Discourse , which are the proper acts of a Spiritual Being ? We cannot then perceive any congruity , by which they are united : Nor can there be any middle sort of Nature that partakes of each , ( as 't is in some Unions ) their Attributes being such extreams : or , if there is any such Being , or any such possible , we know nothing of it , and 't is utterly unconceivable . So that , what the Cement should be that unites Heaven and Earth , Light and Darkness , viz. Natures of so diverse a make , and such disagreeing Attributes , is beyond the reach of any of our Faculties : We can as easily conceive how a thought should be united to a Statue , or a Sun-beam to a piece of Clay : how words should be frozen in the Air , ( as some say they are in the remote North ) or how Light should be kept in a Box ; as we can apprehend the manner of this strange Vnion . 2. And we can give no better account how the Soul moves the Body . For whether we conceive it under the notion of a Pure Mind , and Knowledg , with Sir K. Digby ; or of a Thinking Substance , with Des-Cartes ; or of a penetrable , indiscerpible , self-motive Being , with the Platonists ; It will in all these ways be unconceivable how it gives motion to unactive matter : For how that should move a Body , whose nature it is to pass through all Bodies without the least jog or obstruction , would require something more than we know , to help us to conceive . Nor will it avail to say , that it moves the Body by its vehicle of corporeal Spirits ; for still the difficulty will be the same , viz. How it moves them ? 3. We know as little , How the Soul so regularly directs the Animal Spirits , and Instruments of Motion which are in the Body ; as to stir any we have a will to move : For the passages through which the S●…rits are convey'd , being so numerous , and there being so many others that cross and branch from each of them , 't is wonderful they should not lose their way in such a Wilderness : and I think the wit of Man cannot yet tell how they are directed . That they are conducted by some knowing Guide , is evident from the steadiness and regularity of their motion : But what that should be , and how it doth it , we are yet to seek : That all the motions within us are not directed by the meer mechanick frame of our Bodies , is clear from experience , by which we are assured , that those we call Sp●…taneous ones , a●…e under the Government of the Will : at least the determination of the Spirits into such or such passages , is from the Soul , whatever we hold of the con●…eyances after ; and these , I think , all the Philosophy in the World cannot make out to be purely mechanical . But though this be gain'd , that the Soul is the principle of Direction , yet the difficulty is no less than it was before : For unless we allow it a kind of inward sight of every Vein , Muscle , Artery , and other Passage of its own Body ; of the exact site and position of them , with their several Windings , and secret Chanels , it will still be as unconceivable , how it should direct such intricate Motions , as that one that was born blind should manage a Game at Chess , or marshal an Army : And if the Soul have any such knowledg , we are not aware of it ; nor do our minds attend it : Yea , we are so far from this , That many times we observe not any method in the outward performance , even in the greatest variety of interchangable motions , in which a steady Direction is difficult , and a Miscarriage easie : As we see an Artist will play on an Instrument of Musick without minding it ; and the Tongue will nimbly run divisions in a Tune without missing , when the Thoughts are engaged elsewhere : which effects are to be ascribed to some secret Art of the Soul ( if that direct ) to which we are altogether strangers . 4. But besides the Difficulties that lie more deep ; we are at a loss even in the knowledg of our Senses , that seem the most plain and obvious of our Faculties . Our eyes that see other things , see not themselves ; and the Instruments of Knowledg are unknown . That the Soul is the percipient , which alone hath animadversion and sense , properly so call'd ; and that the Body is only the receiver , and conveyer of corporeal Motions , is as certain as Philosophy can make it . Aristotle himself teacheth it in that Maxim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And Plato affirms , That the Soul hath life and sence ; but that the Body in strictness of speaking , hath neither the one nor other : Upon which position all the Philosophy of Des-Cartes stands : And it is so clear , and so acknowledg'd a Truth , among all considering Men , that I need not stay to prove it : But yet , what are the Instruments of sensitive Perception , and particular convers of outward Motions to the seat of Sense , is difficult to find ; and how the pure Mind can receive information from things that are not like it self , nor the objects they represent , is , I think , not to be explain'd . Whether Sensation be made by corporeal Emissions , and material Images ; or by Motions that are convey'd to the common sense , I shall not dispute : the latter having so generally obtain'd among the Philosophers : But , How the Soul by mutation , and motion in matter , a substance of an other kind , should be excited to action ; and how these should concern it , that is of so divers a nature , is hardly to be conceiv'd . For Body cannot act on any thing , but by Motion ; Motion cannot be receiv'd but by Matter , the Soul is altogether immaterial ; and therefore , how shall we apprehend it to be subject to such Impressions ? and yet Pain , and the unavoidableness of our Sensations evidently prove , That it is subject to them . Besides , How is it , and by what Art doth the Soul read , That such an Image , or Motion in matter , ( whether that of her Vehicle , or of the Brain , the case is the same ) signifies such an Object ? If there be any such Art , we conceive it not : and 't is strange we should have a Knowledg that we do not know . That by diversity of Motions we should spell out Figures , Distances , Magnitudes , Colours ; things not resembled by them , we must ascribe to some implicit inference , and deduction ; but what it should be ; and by what Mediums that Knowledg is advanced , is altogether unintelligible . For though the Soul may perceive Motions and Images by simple sense , yet it seems unconceivable it should apprehend what they signifie , and represent , but by some secret Art and way of inference : An illiterate Person may see the Letters , as well as the most Learned , but he knows not what they mean ; and an Infant hears the sounds , and sees the motion of the Lips , but hath no conception convey'd to him , for want of knowing the signification of them : such would be our case , not-withstanding all the motions and impressions made by external things , if the Soul had not some unknown way of learning by them the quality of the Objects . For instance , Images and Motions have but very small room in the Brain , where they are receiv'd , and yet they represent the gr●…st Magni●… ; The Image , Figure , ( or what-ev●… else 〈◊〉 may be call'd ) of an Hemisphere of the Heavens , cannot have a Subject larger than the pulp of a Walnut ; and how can such petty Impressions , make known a Body of so vast a wideness , without some kind of Mathematicks in the Soul : And except this be suppos'd , I cannot apprehend how Distances should be perceiv'd ; but all Objects would appear in a cluster . Nor will the Philosophy of Des-Cartes help us here ; For the moving divers Filaments in the Brain , cannot make us perceive such modes as Distances are , unless some such Art and Inference be allow'd , of which we understand nothing . 5. The Memory is a Faculty in us as obscure , and perhaps as un●…ccountable as any thing in Nature . It seems to be an Organical Power , because Diseases do often blot out its Ideas , and cause Oblivion : But what the marks and impr●…ssions are by which the Soul r●…members , is a question that hath not yet been very well res●…'d . There are four principal Hypotheses by which an account hath been attempted ; The Peripatetick , the Cartesian , the Digbaean , and the Hobbian . 1. According to the Peripatetick Schools , Objects are conserv'd in the memory by certain Intentional Species ( as they call them ) a sort of Beings , that have a necessary dependance upon their Subjects ; but are not material in their formal Constitution and Nature . I need not say much against these arbitrary precarious Creatures , that have no foundation in any of our Faculties : Or be that how it will , They are utterly unintelligible ; neither bodily , nor spiritual ; neither produc'd out of any thing , as the matter of their production ; nor out of nothing , which were Creation , and not to be allow'd to be in the power of every , or any finite Being . And though there were no such contradictious contrivance in the framing these Species , yet they could not serve any purpose , as to the Memory , since 't is against the nature of ●…native Effects , such as these are , to subsist but by the continual influence of their Causes ; and so , if this were the true Solution , we could remember nothing longer than the Object was in presence . 2. The account of Des-Cartes is to this purpose ; The Spirits are sent about the Brain , to find the tracks of the Object●… we would call to mind ; which Tracks consist in this , viz , That the Pores through which the Spi●…ts that came from the Objects past , are more easily open'd , and afford a more ready passage to those others that seek to enter ; whence ariseth a special motion in the Glandule , which signifies this to be that we would remember . But if our Remembrance arise from the easie motion of the Spirits through the opened passages ( according to this Hypothesis ) ? How then do we so distinctly remember such a variety of Objects , whose Images pass the same way ? And how the Distances of Bodies that lie in a Line ? Why should not the impell'd Spirits find other open passages , besides those made by the thing we would remember ? When there are such continual motions through the Brain from numerous other Objects ? Yea , in such a pervious substance as that is , why should not those subtile Bodies meet , every where an easie passage ? It seems to me that one might conceive as well , how every Grain of Corn in a Sieve should be often shaken through the same holes , as how the Spirits in the repeated acts of Memory should still go through the same Pores : Nor can I well apprehend but that those supposed open'd passages , would in a short time be stopt up , either by the natural gravity of the parts , or the making new ones near those ; or other alterations in the Brain . 3. The Hypothesis of Sir Kenelm Digby , is next , viz. That things are preserv'd in the Memory by material Images that flow from them , which having imping'd on the common sense , rebound thence into some vacant Cells of the Brain , where they keep their ranks , and postures , as they entred , till again they are stirr'd , and then they appear to the Fancy as they were first presented . But how is it conceiveable , That those active Particles which have nothing to unite them , or to keep them in any order , yea which are continually justled by the occursion of other minute Bodies , ( of which there must needs be great store in this Repository ) should so long remain in the same state and posture ? And how is it that when we turn over those Idaea's that are in our memory , to look for any thing we would call to mind , we do not put all the Images into a disorderly floating , and so make a Chaos of confusion there , where the exactest Order is required : And indeed according to this account , I cannot see but that our Memories would be more confused than our Dreams : and I can as easily conceive how an heap of Ants can be kept to regular and uniform Motions . 4. Mr. Hobbs attempts another way ; there is nothing in us , according to this Philosopher , but Matter and Motion : All Sense is Reaction in Matter [ Leviath . Chap. 1. ] the decay of that Motion , and Reaction , is Imagination ; [ Chap. 2. ] And Memory is the same thing , expressing that decay . [ Ib. ] So that according to M. H. all our Perceptions are Motions , and so is Memory : Concerning which , I observe but two things ; 1. Neither the Brain , nor Spirits , nor any other material Substance within the Head , can for any considerable time conserve Motion . The Brain is such a clammy Consistence , that it can no more retain it than a Quagmire ; The Spirits are more liquid than the Air , which receives every Motion , and loseth it as soon : And if there were any other corporeal part in us , as fitly temper'd to keep Motion as could be wisht ; yet ( 2. ) the Motions made in it would be quickly deadned by Counter-Motions ; and so we should never remember any thing , longer than till the next Impression : and it is utterly impossible that so many Motions should orderly succeed one another , as things do in our Memories ; For they must needs , ever and anon , thwart , interfere , and obstruct one another , and so there would be nothing in our Memories , but Confusion and Discord . Upon the whole we see , that this seemingly plain Faculty , the Memory , is a Riddle also which we have not yet found the way to resolve . I might now add many other difficulties , concerning the Vnderstanding , Fancy , Will , and Affections : But the Controversies that concern these , are so hotly managed by the divided Sohools , and so voluminously handled by disputing Men , that I shall not need insist on them : The only Difficulties about the Will , its nature and manner of following the Vnderstanding , &c. have confounded those that have enquired into it ; and shewn us little else , but that our Minds are as blind , as that Faculty is said to be by most Philosophers . These Controversies , like some Rivers , the further they run , the more they are hid : And perhaps after all our Speculations and Disputes , we conceive less of them now , than did the more plain , and simple Understandings of former times . But whether we comprehend or not , is not my present business to enquire , since I have confined my self to an Account of some great Mysteries , that do not make such a noise in the World : And having spoken of some that relate to our Souls ; I come now to some others that concern II. BODIES : I begin with our Own ; which though we see , and feel , and have them nearest to us , yet their inward Constitution and Frame , is hitherto an undiscovered Region : And the saying of the Kingly Prophet , that we are wonderfully made , may well be understood of that admiration , that is the Daughter of Ignorance . For , 1. There hath no good account been yet given , how our Bodies are formed : That there is Art in the contrivance of them , cannot be denied , even by those that are least beholden to Nature : and so elegant is their composure , that this very Consideration saved Galen from being an Atheist : And I cannot think that the branded Epicurus , Lucretius and their Fellows were in earnest , when they resolv'd this Composition into a fortuitous range of Atoms : 'T were much less absurd to suppose , or say , that a Watch , or other curious Automaton , did perform divers exact and regular Motions , by chance ; than 't is to affirm , or think , that this admirable Engine , an Humane Body , which hath so many Parts , and Motions , that orderly cooperate for the good of the whole , was framed without the Art of some knowing Agent : But who the skilful , particular Archeus should be ; and by what Instruments , and Art this Fabrick is erected , is still unknown . That God hath made us , and fashion'd our Bodies in the nethermost parts of the Earth , is undoubted ; But he is the first and universal Cause , who transacts things in Nature by secondary Agents , and not by his own immediate hand : ( The supposal of this would destroy all Philosophy , and enquiry after Causes ) So that He is still supposed ; but the Query is of the next , and particular Agent , that forms the Body in so exquisite a manner ; a Question that hath not yet been answered . Indeed by some 't is thought enough to say , That it is done by the Plastick Faculty ; and by others 't is believ'd that the Soul is that that forms it . For the Plastick Faculty , 't is a big word , but it conveys nothing to the Mind : For it signifies but this , that the Body is formed by a formative Power ; that is , 't is done , by a power of doing it . But the doubt remains still , what the Agent is that hath this power ? The other Opinion of the Platonists , hath two Branches : some will have it to be the particular Soul , that fashions its own Body ; others suppose it to be the general Soul of the World : If the former be true , By what knowledg doth it do it ? and how ? The means , and manner are still occult , though that were granted . And for the other way , by a general Soul ; That is an obscure Principle , of which we can know but little ; and how that acts ( if we allow such a being ) whether by knowledg , or without , the Assertors of it may find difficulty to determine . The former makes it little less than God himself ; and the latter brings us back to Chance , or a Plastick Faculty . There remains now but one account more , and that is the Mechanical ; viz. That it is done by meer Matter moved after such , or such a manner . Be that so : It will yet be said , that Matter cannot move it self ; the question is still of the Mover ; The Motions are orderly , and regular ; Query , Who guides ? Blind Matter may produce an elegant effect for once , by a great Chance ; as the Painter accidentally gave the Grace to his Picture , by throwing his Pencil in rage , and disorder upon it ; But then constant Uniformities , and Determinations to a kind , can be no Results of unguided Motions . There is indeed a Mechanical Hypothesis to this purpose ; That the Bodies of Animals and Vegitables are formed out of such particles of Matter , as by reason of their Figures will not lie together , but in the order that is necessary to make such a Body ; and in that they naturally concur , and rest ; which seems to be confirm'd by the artificial Resurrection of Plants , of which Chymists speak , and by the regular Figures of Salts , and Minerals ; the hexagonal of Chrystal , the Hemi-spherical of the Fairy-Stone , and divers such like . And there is an experiment mentioned by approved Authors , that looks the same way ; It is , That after a decoction of Herbs in a frosty Night , the shape of the Plants will appear under the Ice in the Morning : which Images are supposed to be made by the congregated E●…uvia of the Plants themselves , which loosly wandring up and down in the Water , at last settle in their natural place and order , and so make up an appearance of the Herbs from whence they were emitted . This account I confess hath something ingenious in it ; But it is no solution of the Doubt . For how those heterogenous Atoms should hit into their proper places , in the midst of such various and tumultuary Motions , will still remain a question : Let the aptness of their Figures be granted , we shall be yet to seek for something to guide their Motions : And let their natural Motion be what it will , gravity or levity , direct or oblique , we cannot conceive how that should carry them into every particular place where they are to lie ; especially considering they must needs be sometimes diverted from their course by the occursion of many other Particles . And as for the Regular Figures of many inaminate Bodies , that consideration doth but multiply the doubt . 2. The union of the parts of Matter , is a thing as difficult as any of the former : There is no account that I know , hath yet appear'd worth considering , but that of Des-Cartes ; viz. That they are united by juxta-position , and rest . And if this be all , Why should not a bag of Dust be of as firm a Consistence , as Marble or Adamant ? Why may not a Bar of Iron be as easily broken as a pipe of Glass ; and the Aegyptians Pyramids blown away , as soon as those inverst ones of smoke . The only reason of difference pretended by some , is , that the Parts of solid Bodies are held together by natural Hooks ; and strong ones , by such Hooks as are more tough and firm : But how do the parts of these Hooks stick together ? Either we must suppose infinite of them holding each other ; or come at last to parts united by meer juxta-position , and rest . The former is very absurd , for it will be necessary , That there should be some , upon which the Cohesion of all the rest should depend ; otherwise , all will be an heap of Dust. But in favour of the Hypothesis of Des-Cartes , it may be said , That the closeness and compactness of the parts resting together , makes the strength of the Vnion : For , ( as that Philosopher saith ) Every thing continues in the state wherein it is , except something more powerful alter it ; and therefore the Parts that rest close together will so continue , till they are parted by some other stronger Body : Now the more parts are pent together , the more able they will be for resistance ; and what hath best compactness , and by consequence fewer parts , will not be able to make any alteration in a Body that hath more . According to this Doctrine , what is most dense , and least porous , will be most coherent , and least discerpible ; which yet is contrary to experience . For we find the most porous , spongy Bodies , to be oft-times the most tough of Consistence . We easily break a Tube of Glass or Chrystal ; when one of Elm , or Ash , will hardly be torn in pieces : and yet as the parts of the former are more , so are they more at rest ; since the liquid Juice diffused through the Wood is in continual agitation , which in Des-Cartes his Philosophy is the cause of fluidity ; so that according to his Principles , the dryest Bodies should be the most firm ; when on the contrary , we find that a proportionate humidity contributes much to the strength of the Vnion . ( Sir K. Digby makes it the Cement it self ) and the driness of many Bodies is the cause of their fragility , as we see 't is in Wood , and Glass , and divers other Things . 3. We are as much at a loss about the composition of Bodies , whether it be out of Indivisibles , or out of parts always divisible : For though this question hath been attempted by the subtilest Wits of all Philosophick Ages ; yet after all their distinctions , and shifts , their new-invented words , and modes , their niceties and tricks of subtilty , the Matter stands yet unresolv'd . For do what they can , Actual , Infinite extension every where ; Equality of all Bodies , Impossibility of Motion , and a world more of the most palpable Absurdities , will press the Assertors of Infinite Divisibility : Nor on the other side , can it be avoided , but that all Motions would be equal in velocity : That the Lines drawn from side to side in a Pyramid , would have more Parts than the Basis : That all Bodies would be swallowed up in a Point ; and many other Inconsistencies will follow the Opinion of Indivisibles . But because I have confined my self to the Difficulties that are not so usually noted ; I shall not insist on these , but refer the Reader , that hath the humour , and leisure , to inquire into such Speculations , to Oviedo , Pontius , Ariaga , Carelton , and other Jesuites , whose management of this Controversie , with equal force on either side , is a considerable Argument of the unaccountableness of this Theory , and of the weakness of our present Understandings . I might now take into consideration the Mysteries of Motion , Gravity , Light , Colours , Vision , Sounds , and infinite such like , ( things obvious , yet unknown ) but I insist no further on Instances , but descend to the second thing I propounded to treat of , viz. II. The CAVSES of our Ignorance , and Mistakes ; And in them we shall find further evidence of the imperfection of our Knowledg . The Causes to be consider'd , are either , 1. The Difficulties and Depth of Science : Or , 2. The present temper of our Faculties . Science is the Knowledg of things in their Causes ; and so 't is defined by the Pretenders to it . Let us now enquire a little into the difficulties of attaining such Knowledg . 1. We know no Causes by Simple Intuition , but by Consequence and Deduction ; and there is nothing we so usually infer from , as Concomitancy ; for instance , We always feel heat when we come near the Fire , and still perceive Light when we see the Sun ; and thence we conclude , that these are the Causes respectively of Heat , and Light ; and so in other things . But now in this way of inference there lies great uncertainty : For if we had never seen more Sun , or Stars , than we do in cloudy weather , and if the Day had always broke with a Wind , which had increast and abated with the Light ; we should have believed firmly that one of them had been the cause of the other ; and so Smoke had been undoubtedly thought the efficient of the Heat , if nothing else had appeared with it . But the Philosophy of Des-Cartes furnisheth us with a better Instance ; All the World takes the Sun to be the Cause of Day , from this Principle of Concomitance : But that Philosopher teacheth , That Light is caused by the Conamen , or endeavour of the Matter of the Vortex to recede from the Centre of its Motion ; so that were there none of that fluid Aether in the midst of our World , that makes up the Sun , yet the pressure of the Globuli ( as he calls those Particles ) upon our Eyes , would not be considerably less : and so according to this Hypothesis , there would be Light though there were no Sun , or Stars ; and Evening , and Morning might naturally be before , and without the Sun. Now I say not that this Opinion is true and certain ; but 't is possible , and I know no absurdity in it ; and consequently , our concluding a Causality from Concomitancy , here , and in other Instances may deceive us . 2. Our best natural Knowledg is imperfect , in that , after all our confidence , Things still are possible to be otherwise : Our Demonstrations are raised upon Principles of our own , not of Vniversal Nature ; And , as my Lord Bacon notes , we judg from the analogy of our selves , not the Vniverse : Now many things are certain , according to the Principles of one Man , that are absurd in the apprehensions of many others : and some appear impossible to the vulgar , that are easie to Men of more improved Understandings . That is extravagant in one Philosophy , which is a plain truth in another : and perhaps what is most impossible in the apprehensions of Men ; may be otherwise in the Metaphysicks , and Physiology of Angels . The sum is , We conclude this to be certain , and that to be impossible from our own narrow Principles , and little Scheams of Opinion . And the best Principles of natural Knowledg in the World , are but Hypotheses , which may be , and may be otherwise : So that though we may conclude many things upon such and such Suppositions , yet still our Knowledg will be but fair , and hopeful Conjecture : And therefore we may affirm that things are this way , or that , according to the Philosophy that we have espoused ; but we strangely forget our selves when we plead a necessity of their being so in Nature , and an impossibility of their being otherwise . The ways of God in Nature ( as in Providence ) are not as ours are : Nor are the Models that we frame any way commensurate to the vastness and profundity of his Works ; which have a depth in them greater than the Well of Democritus . 3. We cannot properly and perfectly know any thing in Nature without the knowledg of its first Causes , and the Springs of Natural Motions : And who hath any pretence to this ? Who can say he hath seen Nature in its beginnings ? We know nothing but Effects , nor can we judg at their immediate Causes , but by proportion to the things that do appear ; which no doubt are very unlike the Rudiments of Nature . We see there is no resemblance between the Seed , and the Herb , and the Flowre ; between the Sperm , and the Animal ; The Egg , and the Bird that is hatcht of it ; And since there is so much dissimilitude between Cause and Effect in these apparent things , we cannot think there is less between them and their first , and invisible Efficients : Now had not our Senses assured us of it , we should never have suspected that Plants , or Animals did proceed from such unlikely Originals ; never have imagined , that such Effects should have come from such Causes , and we can conceive as little now of the nature and quality of the Causes that are beyond the prospect of our Senses : We may frame Fancies and Conjectures of them , but to say that the Principles of Nature are just as our Philosophy makes them , is to set bounds to Omnipotence , and to circumscribe infinite Power , and Wisdom , by our narrow Thoughts and Opinions . 4. Every thing in Nature hath relation to divers others ; so that no one Being can be perfectly known without the knowledg of many more : Yea , every thing almost hath relation to all things ; and therefore he that talks of strict Science , pretends to a kind of Omniscience . All things are linkt together ; and every Motion depends upon many prerequired Motors ; so that no one can be perfectly known singly . We cannot ( for instance ) comprehend the cause of any Motion in a Watch , unless we are acquainted with other dependent Motions ; and have insight into the whole mechanical contexture of it ; and we know not the most contemptible Plant that grows in any perfection , and exactness , until we understand those other things that have relation to it ; that is , almost every thing in Nature . So that each Science borrows from all the rest , and we attain not any single one , without comprehending the whole Circle of Knowledg . I might say much more on this Subject , but I may have further occasion of speaking to it , under the second General , viz. The Consideration II. Of the Imperfection of our present Faculties ; and the malign Influence our Senses and Affections have upon our Minds . I begin with the SENSES ; and shall take notice , 1. Of their Dulness ; and 2. of their liableness to Errour and Mistake . 1. Our Senses are very scant and limited ; and the Operations of Nature subtil , and various . They are only its grosser Instruments , and ways of working that are sensible ; the finer Threads , and immediate Actions are out of reach ; Yea , it 's greatest works are perform'd by invisible , insensible Agents . Now most of our Conceptions are taken from the Senses , and we can scarce judg of any thing but by the help of material Images , that are thence convey'd to us . The Senses are the Fountain of natural Knowledg ; and the surest and best Philosophy is to be raised from the Phoenomena , as they present them to us : when we leave these , and retire to the abstracted notions of our minds , we build Castles in the Air , and form Chymerical Worlds , that have nothing real in them . And yet when we take our accounts from those best Informers , we can learn but very little from their Discoveries . For we see but the shadows , and outsides of things ; like the men in Plato's Den , who saw but the Images of external Objects , and but so many as came in through the narrow entrance of their Cave . The World of God , no doubt , is an other thing , than the World of Sense is ; and we can judg but little of its amplitude and glory by the imperfect Idea we have of it . From this narrowness of our Senses it is , that we have been so long ignorant of a World of Animals that are with us , and about us , which now at last the Glasses , that in part cure this imperfection , have discover'd ; and no doubt , there is yet a great variety of living Creatures that our best Instruments are too gross to disclose : There is Prodigious fineness , and subtilty in the works of Nature , which are too thin for our Senses , with all the advantages Art can lend them : And many , the greatest , and the best of its Objects are so remote that our Senses reach them not by any Natural or Artificial helps : So that we cannot have other than short and confufed apprehensions of those works of Nature : And I sometimes fear , that we scarce yet see any thing as it is . But this belongs to an other consideration , viz. 2. Our Senses extremely deceive us in their reports , and informations ; I mean , they give occasion to our minds to deceive themselves . They indeed represent things truely as they appear to them , and in that there is no deception ; but then , we judge the exterior Realities to be according to those appearances , and here is the Error and Mistake . But because the Senses afford the ground and occasion , and we naturally judg according to their impressions , therefore the Fallacies and Deceits are imputed to their misinformations . This I premise , to prevent a Philosophical mistake , but shall retain the common way of speaking , and call those the errors of the Senses . That these very frequently misreport things to us , we are assured even from themselves : a straight stick seems crooked in the Water , and a square Towre round at a distance ; All things are Yellow to those that have the Jaundice , and all Meats are bitter to the disaffected Palate : To which vulgar Instances it will presently be answer'd , that the Senses in those cases , are not in their just circumstances ; but want the fit medium , due distance , and sound disposition : which we know very well , and learn there was somewhat amiss ; because our Senses represent those things otherwise at othertimes : we see the stick is straight when it is out of the Water ; and the Tower is square when we are near it . Objects have other Colours , and Meats other tastes , when the Body , and its Senses are in their usual temper . In such cases , Sense rectifies its own mistakes , and many times one the errors of another ; but if it did not do so , we should have been alwayes deceived even in those Instances : and there is no doubt , but that there are many other like deceptions , in which we have no contrary evidence from them to disabuse us ; not in the matters of common Life , but in things of remoter speculation , which this state seems not to be made for . The Senses must have their due medium , and distance , and temper ; if any of these are amiss , they represent their Objects otherwise to us than they are : Now these , we may suppose they generally have , in the necessary matters of Life , if not to report things to us as they are in themselves , yet to give them us so , as may be for our accommodation , and advantage : But how are we assur'd , that they are thus rightly disposed , in reference to things of Speculative Knowledg ? What medium , what distance , what temper is necessary to convey Objects to us just so , as they are in the realities of Nature ? I observ'd before that our Senses are short , imperfect , and uncommensurate to the vastness and profundity of things , and therefore cannot receive the just Images of them : and yet we judg all things according to those confused , and imperfect Idaeas , which must needs lead us into infinite errors , and mistakes . If I would play the Sceptick here , I might add , That no one can be sure that any Objects appear in the same manner to the Senses of other men , as they do to his : Yea , it may seem probable , that they do not ? For though the Images , Motions , ( or whatever else is the cause of Sence ) may be alike as from them ; yet the representations may be much varied according to the nature and quality of the recipient : we find things look otherwise to us through an Optick Tube , then they do when we view them at a distance with our naked eyes : the same Object appears red , when we look at it through a Glass of that Colour , but green when we behold it through one of such a Tincture . Things seem otherwise when the Eye is distorted , then they do , when it is in its natural , ordinary , posture ; and some extraordinary alterations in the Brain double that to us , which is but a single Object : Colours are different , according to different Lights , and Positions ; as 't is in the necks of Doves , and folds of Scarlet : Thus difference in circumstances alters the sensation ; and why may we not suppose as much diversity in the Senses of several men , as there is in those accidents , in the perceptions of one ? There is difference in the Organs of Sense , and more in the temper and configuration of the inward parts of the Brain , by which motions are convey'd to the seat of Sense ; in the Nerves , Humours and Spirits , in respect of tenuity , liquidity , aptitude for motion , and divers other circumstances of their nature ; from which it seems that great diversity doth arise in the manner of receiving the Images , and consequently in the perceptions of their Objects . So then , though every man knows , how things appear to himself , yet what impressions they make upon the so different Senses of another , he only knows certainly , that is conscious to them And though all men agree to call the impression they feel from such , or such an Object , by the same name ; yet no one can assuredly tell but that the Sentiment may be different ; It may be one man hath the impression of Green from that , which in another begets the Sense of Yellow ; and yet they both call it Green , because from their infancy they were wont to join that word to that Sentiment , which such an Object produc'd in their particular Sense ; though in several men it were a very divers one . This I know some will think hard to be understood ; but I cannot help that : Those that Consider will find it to be very plain ; and therefore I shall spend no more words about it . The Sum is , Our Senses are good Judges of Appearances , as they concern us : but how things are in themselves , and how they are to others , it should seem , we cannot certainly learn from them : And therefore when we determine that they are , and must be according to the representations of our individual Senses , we are very often grosly deceiv'd in such sentences ; to which yet we are exceeding prone ; and few but the most exercised minds , can avoid them . Of this I 'le give a great Instance or two . 1. It is almost universally believ'd ( at least by the vulgar , ) that the Earth rests on the Centre of the World ; and those ancient Philosophers have been extreamly hooted at , and derided , that have taught the contrary doctrine : For my part , I shall affirm nothing of the main question ; but this I say , That the common inducement to believe it stands still , viz , the Testimony of Sense , is no argument of it : And whether the opinion of Pythagoras , Copernicus , Des-Cartes , Galilaeo , and almost all late Philosophers , of the motion of the Earth , be true , or false ; the belief of its Rest , as far as it ariseth from the presum'd evidence of Sence , is an error . That there is some common motion that makes the day , and night and the varieties of seasons , is very plain and sensible ; but whether the Earth , or the Sun be the Body mov'd , none of our Senses can determine ; To Sense the Sun stands still also ; and no Eye can perceive its Actual motion . For though we find , that in a little time it hath chang'd its Position , and respect to us ; yet whether that change be caus'd by its translation from us , or ours from it , the Sense can never tell : and yet from this , and this only , the greatest part of mankind believes its motion . On the other side , The standing still of the Earth is concluded the same way ; and yet , though it did move , it would appear fixt to us as now it doth , since we are carried with it , in a regular and most even course , in which case motion is not perceiv●…d ; as we find sometimes in sailing in a Ship , when the Shores feem to move , and not that ; — Littus , Campique recedunt . But I give another Instance of a like deception ; It is , 2. The translation of our own passions to things without us : as we judg Light and Heat , and Cold , to be formally in the Sun , Fire , and Air ; when as indeed they are but our own perceptions . As they are in those external Subjects , they are nothing , but such or such configurations and motions in matter ; but when they work on us , they produce different sentiments , which we call Heat , and Light , &c. This will appear to be true to any one that can freely and attentively consider it ; and yet it will be thought so strange and absurd by the generality of men , that they will assoon believe with Anaxagoras , that Snow is black , as him that affirms , that the Fire is not formally hot ; that is , that the very thing we feel , and call Heat in our selves , is not so in that body : when as there , it is but a violent agitation of the subtile , and divided parts of matter , that in it self is nothing like what we perceive from it , and call Heat : That we are hot our selves , we feel ; but that the Fire hath any such formal quality as is in our Sense , no Sense can inform us ; and yet from its supposed evidence men generally so conclude . Which is an other considerable Instance of the false judgments we make on the occasion of our Senses . And now , It is not only common understandings that are abused , and deceiv'd by their Senses ; but even the most advanc'd Reasons are many times missed by them : And since we live the Life of Beasts before we grow up to Men , and our minds are Passive to the impressions of Sense , it cannot be , that our first knowledg should be other , than heaps of Errour , and misconception ; which might be rectified by our after-judgments , but that 't is another unhappiness of our natures , that those early impressions stick by us , and we are exeedingly apt pertinaciously to adhere to them : And though our improving understandings do in part undeceive us , and destroy some grosser errours ; yet others are so fastned , that they are never after remov'd , or dissetled . So that we are not quite weaned from our Child-hood till we return to our second Infancy , and even our Grey-Heads out-grow not those errors , which we learnt before the Alphabet . And therefore since we contracted so many prejudices in our tender years , and those Errors have as plausible an appearance , as the most genuine truths , the best way to attain true Knowledg is to suspend the giving our confirm'd assent to those Receptions , till we have looked them over by an impartial inquiry ; To reckon of them all as false , or uncertain , till we have examin'd them by a free , and unpossest Reason ; and to admit nothing but what we clearly , and distinctly perceive . This is the great Rule , in the excellent Method of Des-Cartes ; but the practise of it requires such a clear , sedate and intent mind , as is to be found but in a very few rare tempers ; and even in them , prejudices will creep in , and spoil the perfection of their Knowledg . I might discourse next of those Errors that do arise from the fallacies of our Imaginations , whose unwarrantable compositions and applications , do very frequently abuse us : and indeed , the Reason of the greatest part of mankind is nothing else but various Imagination ; Yea , 't is a hard matter for the best and freest minds to deliver themselves from the Prejudices , of Phancy ; which , besides the numerous lesser Errors they betray us into , are great occasions ( particularly ) of those many mistakes we are guilty of in speculating Immaterial Natures , & inquiring into the Attributes of God ; and we are much entangled , and puzled by them , in all things we think , or say about Infinity , Eternity and Immensity , and most other of the sublime Theories both of Philosophy , or Theology . But these all arise , either from the false Images of Sense , and the undue compositions , and wrong inferences that we raise from them ; and therefore I shall not need make this a distinct head from the other , of which I have just treated . I come now , II. To consider the evil Influence our Affections have over our Understandings , by which they are great Reasons of our Ignorance , and Mistakes . Periit Judicium ubi res transiit in affectum . That Jupiter himself cannot be Wise , and in Love , was a saying of the Ancients , and may be understood in a larger Sense then They meant . That understanding only is capable of passing a just Sentence , that is , as Aristotle saith of the Law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but where the Will and Passions have the casting voice , the cause of Truth is desperate . Now this is the present unhappy state of Man ; our lower powers are gotten uppermost , and we see like Men on their Heads , as Plato observ'd of old , That on the right hand , which indeed is on the left . The Woman in us still prosecutes a deceipt like that begun in the Garden ; and we are wedded to an Eve , as fatal as the Mother of ous Miseries . The Deceiver soon found this soft place in Adam , and Innocency it self did not secure him from this way of seduction : We now scarce see any thing but through our passions , that are wholly blind , and incapable : So that the Monsters that story relates to have their Eyes in their Breasts , are pictures of us in our invisible selves . And now , all things being double-handed , and having appearances both of Truth , and Falshood , the ingaged affection magnifieth the shews of Truth , and makes the belov'd opinion appear as certain ; while the considerations on the otherside being lessened and neglected , seem as nothing , though they are never so weighty and considerable . But I shall be more particular in the account of these Deceptions . Our Affections ingage us , by our love to our selves , or others ; the former in the Instance of , 1. Natural disposition , 2. Custom and Education , and 3. Interest : the latter , in our over-fond Reverence to 4. Antiquity and Authority . 1. There is a certain congruity of some opinions to the particular tempers of some men : For there is a complexion , and temperament in the mind , as well as in the body : And the doctrines that are suited to the genius , and special disposition of the understanding , find easy welcom , and entertainment : whereas , those that are opposite to it , are rejected with an invincible contempt and hatred . On this account we find men taking in some particular Opinions with strange pleasure and satisfaction , upon their first proposals ; when they are incurably barred up against others , that have the advantage of more reason to recommend them . And I have observ'd often , that even some Theories in Philosophy will not lie in some minds , that are otherwise very capable and ingenious : of which I take this to be a considerable Instance , That divers learned men profess , They cannot conceive a Spirit ( or any being ) without extension ; whereas others say , They cannot conceive , but that whatever is extended is impenetrable , and consequently corporeal ; which diversity I think , I have reason to ascribe to some difference in the natural temper of the mind . 2. But another very fatal occasion of our mistakes , is the great prejudice of Custom and Education : which is so unhappily prevalent , that though the Soul were never so truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the Philosopher call'd it ) an unwritten table in it self ; yet this doth very often so scribble on it , as to render it incapable of other impressions : we judg all things by those Anticipations ; and condemn , or applaud them , as they differ , or agree , with our first Opinions . 'T is on this account that almost every Country censures the Laws , Customs , and Doctrines of every other , as absurd , and unreasonable , and are confirm'd in their own follies beyond possibility of conviction . Our first Age is like the melted wax to the prepared Seal , that receives any impression ; and we suck in the opinions of our Clime and Country , as we do the common Air , without thought , or choice ; and which is worse , we usually sit down under those Prejudices of Education and Custom all our Lives after : For either we are loth to trouble our selves to examine the Doctrines we have long taken for granted , or we are scar'd from inquiring into the things that Custom and common Belief have made Venerable and Sacred . We are taught to think , with the Hermit , that the Sun shines no were but in our Cells , and that Truth and Certainty are confin'd within that Belief , in which we were first instructed . From whence we contract an obstinate adherence to the conceits in which we were bred , and a resolv'd contempt of all other Doctrines : So that what Astrologers say of our Fortunes , and the events of common life , may as well be said of the opinions of the most , that they are written in their Stars , having as little freedom in them as the effects of Destiny . And since the Infusions of Education have such interest in us , are so often appeal'd to as the dictates of Truth , and impartial Reason ; 't is no wonder we are so frequently deceiv'd , and are so imperfect in our Knowledg . Another cause of which is , 3. The power that Interest hath over our Affections , and by them over our Judgments . When men are ingag'd by this , they can find Truth any where ; and what is thought convenient to be true , will at last be believed to be so Facilè credimus quod volumus . So that I do not think , that the learned Assertors of vain , and false Religions , and Opinions , do always profess against their Consciences ; rather their Interest brings their Consciences to their Profession ; for this doth not only corrupt Mens Practise , but very often pervert their Minds also , and insensibly mislead them into Errours . 4. But our Affections misguide us by the respect we have to others , as well as by that we bear to our selves : I mentioned The Instances of Antiquity , and Authority . We look with a superstitious Reverence upon the accounts of past Ages , and with a supercilious Severity on the more deserving products of our own : a vanity that hath possest all times as well as ours ; and the golden Age was never present . For as an inconsiderable Weight by vertue of it's distance from the Centre of the Ballance will out-weigh much heavier bodies that are nearer to it ; so the most light , and vain things that are far off from the present Age , have more Esteem , and Veneration then the most considerable , and substantial that bear a modern date : and we account that nothing worth , that is not fetcht from a far off ; in which we very often deceive our selves as that Mariner did , that brought home his Ship Fraught with common Pebbles from the Indies . We adhere to the Determinations of our Fathers as if their Opinions were entail'd on us ; and our Conceptions were ex-Traduce . And thus while every Age is but an other shew of the former , 't is no wonder that humane science is no more advanced above it's ancient Stature : For while we look on some admired Authors as the Oracles of all Knowledg , and spend that time , and those pains in the Study and Defence of their Doctrines , which should have been imploy'd in the search of Truth , and Nature ; we must needs stint our own Improvements and hinder the Advancement of Science Since while we are Slaves to the Opinions of those before us . Our Discoveries , like water will not rise higher then their Fountains ; and while we think it such Presumption to endeavour beyond the Ancients , we fall short of Genuine Antiquity , Truth : unless we suppose them to have reach't perfection of Knowledg in spight of their own acknowledgments of Ignorance . And now whereas it is observ'd , that the Mathematicks and Mechanick Arts have considerably advanc'd , and got the start of other Sciences ; this may be considered as a chief cause of it , That their Progress hath not been retarded by this reverential awe of former Discoveries : 'T was never an Heresie to out-limn Apelles , or to out-work the Obelisks : Galilaeu●… without a Crime , out-saw all Antiquity , and was not afraid to believe his Eyes , in reverence to Aristotle and Ptolomy . 'T is no disparagement to those famous Optick Glasses that the Ancients never us'd them ; nor are we shy of their Informations , because they were hid from Ages . We believe the polar vertue of the Loadstone , without a Certificate from the dayes of old , and do not confine our selves to the sole conduct of the Stars , for fear of being wiser than our Fathers . Had Authority prevail'd here , the fourth part of the Earth had been yet unknown , and Hercules Pillars had still been the Worlds Ne ultra : Senecd's Prophesie had been an unfulfil'd Prediction , and one Moity of our Globes an empty Hemisphere . 'T is true , we owe much reverence to the Ancients , and many thanks to them for their Helps and Discoveries ; but implicitly and servilely to submit our Judgments to all Opinions , is inconsistent with that respect that we may , and ought to have to the freedom of our our own Minds , and the dignity of Humane Nature . And indeed ( as the great Lord Bacon hath observ'd ) we have a wrong apprehension of Antiquity , which in the common acception is but the nonage of the World. Antiquitas seculi est juventus M●…di : So that in those Appeals , we fetch our Knowledg from the Cradle , and the comparative infancy of days . Upon a true account , the present Age is the greatest Antiquity ; and if that must govern and sway our Judgments , let multitude of days speak . If we would reverence the Ancients as we ought , we should d●… it by imitating their Example , which was not supi●…ly and superstitionsly to sit down in fond admiration of the Learning of those that were before them , but to examine their Writings , to avoid their Mistakes , and to use their Discoveries , in order to the further improvement of Knowledg : This they did ; especially the Philosopher Aristotle used the most freedom in censuring and reproving the supposed Errors and Mistakes of the elder Philosophers , of any that ever had that Name : And therefore there is the less reason why Men should make his Writing Textuary , and as it were infallible , without daring to use the liberty that he taught by his practice . It was from this servile humour of idolizing some fortunate and fam'd Authors , that arose that silly vanity of impertinent Citations , and alledging Authorities in things , that neither require nor deserve them . The Man , no doubt , thought the saying to be Learning , and an Elegancy , That Men have Beards , and that Women have none ; when he had quoted Beza for it : and that other aim'd to be accounted no mean Clerk , that could say , Pax res bona est , saith St. Austin : This folly , as ridiculous as it is , was once very common among those that courted the reputation of being Learned ; and it is not quite worn out of use yet among the Vulgar of Scholars , though all the wiser have outgrown , and do despise it ; And the rest will do the same , when they come to consider , how vain and inglorious it is , to have our Heads and Books laden , as Cardinal Campeius his Mules were , with old and useless Luggage . And if the magnificence of many Pretenders to Knowledg were laid open , it would amount to no more , than the old Boots and Shooes of that proud and expos'd Ambassadour . Methinks it is but a poor easie Knowledg that can be learnt from an Index ; and a mean ambition to be rich in the Inventory of an others Treasure . Authorities alone make no number , unless evidence of Reason stand before them , and all the Ciphers of Arithmetick , are no better than a single nothing . But I return to the consideration of Antiquity : If we impartially look into the Remains of ancient days , we shall find but little to justifie our so slavish a veneration of them : For if we take an account of the state of Science from the beginning , and follow the History of it through the most famous Times , we shall find , that though it hath often changed its Channel , removing from one Nation to another ; yet it hath been neither much improved , nor altred , but as Rivers arc in passing through different Countries , viz. in Name , and Method : For the succeding Times subscribing to , and copying out those that went before them , with little more than verbal Diversity , Knowledg hath still been really the same poor and mean Thing , though it hath appeared in pompous Cloathing , and been dignified by the services of many great and renowned Names . The Grecian Learning was but a Transcript of the Chaldean and Aegyptian ; and the Roman of the Grecian . And though those former Days had , no doubt , many great Wits , and those that made noble Discoveries ; yet we have reason to think that the most considerable and most worthy of them , have perisht and are forgotten . For as the forementioned great Man , the Lord Bacon hath observ'd , Time , as a River , brings down to us what is more light and superficial , while the Things that are more solid and substantial are sunk and lost . And now after all this , it will be requisite for me to add , That I intend not these Remarques in favour of any new Conceits in Theology , to gain credit to such by disparaging Christian Antiquity : No , Here the old Paths are undoubtedly best , quod verum id prius : And I put as much difference between the pretended New Lights , and Old Truths , as I do between the Sun and an evanid Meteor : Though I confess in Philosophy I am a Seeker . Divine Truths were most pure in their Beginnings ; they were born in the fulness of time ; and , ( as some say the Sun was Created ) in their Meridian Strength and Lustre : But the Beginnings of Philosophy were in a very obscure Dawn , and perhaps 't is yet scarce Morning with it . And therefore what we cannot find among former Inquirers , we are to seek in the Attempts of more Modern Men , and in the Improvements of nearer Ages : And not be discouraged by the Old Law , Nil dictum quod non dictum prius . For as to Knowledg , there is no doubt but there are many things new under the Sun , and this Age hath shewn many Novelties even in the Heavens above , &c. I have thus shewn thee How our Senses and Affections mislead our Understandings , and so are great occasions of our Ignorance and Errors ; to which I may add , III. That the Vnderstanding more immediately contributes to its own Deceptions , through its Precipitancy , and hast in concluding . Truth is not to be attained , without much close and severe inquiry : It is not a wide Superficies , easie to be seen , but like a Point or Line that requires Acutness and Intention to discover it ; which is the more difficult , because it is so mingled with Appearances and specious Errors , like the Silver in Hiero's Crown of Gold ; or rather like the Grains of Gold in a Mass of baser Mettals ; It requires much Care , and nice Observation to extract and separate the precious Oar from so much vile Mixture ; so that the Vnderstanding must be patient , and wary , and thoughtful in seeking Truth ; It must go step by step , and look every way , and regard many Things : It must distrust Appearances , and be shy of Assent , and consider again and again before it fixeth . This Method is necessary to the attainment of Knowledg ; but the Mind is generally indisposed to so much Labour and Caution . It is impatient of suspence , and precipitant in concluding ; averse to deep Meditation , and ready to catch at every Appearance : And hence also it is that we embrace Shadows of Fancy and Opinion , and miss of true and substantial Knowledg . Having now given Instances of the Imperfection of our present Knowledg , and shewn some of its Causes , which are further evidence of it ; I come to offer a few Considerations on the whole , against Dogmatizing , and Confidence in uncertain Opinions . As , 1. Confidence in Philosophy , and Matters of Doubtful Speculation betrays a grosser , and more stupid sort of Ignorance ; For 't is the first step of Knowledg to be sensible that we want it : The most exercised Understandings are most conscious to their Imperfections ; and he that is sensible of the frequent failings of his Judgment , will not lean with much trust , and assurance on that which hath so often deceived him , nor build the Castle of his intellectual Security in the Air of Opinions : But on the other side , the shallow , unthinking Vulgar , are sure of all things , and bestow their peremtory , full assent on every slight appearance . Knowledg is always modest and wary ; but Ignorance is bold and presuming , as Aristotle hath observ'd of the confidence and forwardness of Youth . Thus those that have always liv'd at home , and have never seen any other Country , are confidently perswaded that their own is the best ; whereas they that have travel'd , and observ'd other Places , speak more coldly and indifferently of their native Soils ; and so those confined Understandings that never looked beyond the Opinions in which they were bred , are excedingly assur'd of the Truth , and comparative excellency of their own Tenants ; when as the larger Minds that have travail'd the divers Climates of Opinions , and consider'd the various Sentiments of inquiring Men , are more cautious in their Conclusions , and more sparing in positive Affirmations . And if the Dogmatist could be perswaded to weigh the Appearances of Truth and Reason , that are in many other Opinions that he counts unreasonable and absurd , this would be a means to allay , if not to cure his Confidence . 2. Dogmatizing in things uncertain , doth commonly inhabit with untained Passions , and is usually maintain'd upon the obstinacy of an ungover'd Spirit . For one of the first Rules in the Art of Self-Government , is , to be modest in Opinions : And this Wisdom makes Men considerate and wary , distrustful of their own Powers , and jealous of their Thoughts : He that would rule himself , must be circumspect in his Actions ; and he that would be so , must not be hasty , and over-confident in his Conclusions . 'T is Pride , and Presumption of ones self that causeth such forwardness and assurance ; and where those reign , there is neither Vertue nor Reason ; No regular Government , but a miserable Tyranny of Passion and Self-will . 3. Confidence in Opinions , is the great disturber both of our own Peace , and of the quiet of other Men. He that affirms any thing boldly , is thereby ingaged against every one that opposeth it ; He is concern'd , and undertakes for his Tenent , and must fight his way : He confronts every different Judgment , and quarrels all Dissenters ; He is angry that others do not see that , which he presumes is so clear ; he clamours and feviles ; He is still ditrating , and still in a storm : He cannot bear a Contraction , nor scarce a Suspence of Judgment . So that his Peace is at every ones Mercy , and whoever will cross his saying , throws him into the Fire , and destroys his Quiet : And such a Man need not be more miserable . On this account the Stoicks affected an indifferency and neutrality in all Things , as the only means to that freedom from Passion and Disturbance , which they sought : and if there be any repose attainable by the Methods of Reason , there is nothing so like to afford it , as unconcernment in doubtful Opinions . The contrary Zeal and assurance , as it robs every Man of his private happiness , so hath it destroyed the Peace of Mankind : It hath made the World an Ac●…ldama , and a Babel . For this is the ground of all the Schisms , and strivings of Sects , that have fill'd our Air with Smoke and Darkness ; yea , and kindled the fierce Flames that have con●…ed us . Every vain Opiniator is as much assured as if he were infallible ; His Opinions are Truths , certain Truths , Fundamental Ones ; and the contrary Doctrines Heretical and Abominable . Hence arise Disputes , Hatreds , Separations , Wars , of which we have seen , and yet see very much ; and God knows how much more we may : Of all which Mischiefs here is the Ground , viz. Mens presumptions of the certainty of their own Conceits and Ways : and could they but be induced to be modest in them , and to look on them with the eye of less assurance , it would abate their Heats and A●…imosities , and make way for Peace , and charitable Agreement in the things that are undoubtedly True , and Good. 4. Confidence in Opinions is ill Manners , and an affront to all that differ from us ; For the Dogmatist chargeth every one with Ignorance and Error , that subscribes not his Saying . In effect , he gives the lie to whosoever dares dissent from him ; and declares that his Judgment is fittest to be the Intellectual Standard . This is that Spirit of Pride and Rudeness , that faith to every different Apprehender , Stand off , I am more Orthodox than thou art ; a Vanity that is worse than any simple Error . 5. Dogmatizing , and Confidence in doubtful Tenents , holds the Opiniator fast in his Misconceits and Errors . For he that is confident of all things , is unavoidably deceiv'd in most ; and he that assures himself he never errs , will always err : His Presumptions will defeat all attempts of better Information . We never seek for that which we think we have already , but reject those Aids that make promise and offer of it . And he that huggs Vanity and Falshood , in the confidence of undoubted 〈◊〉 and Silence , is commonly intractable to the Methods that should rectifie his Judgment . Ignorance is far fooner cured , than false conceit of Knowledg : and he was a very wise Man that said , There is more hope of a Fool , than of him that is wise in his own Eyes . 6. Dogmatizing shews Poverty , and narrowness of Spirit : There is no greater Vassallage , than that of being enslaved to Opinions . The Dogmatist is pent up in his Prison , and sees no Light but what comes in at those Grates . He hath no liberty of Thoughts , no prospect of various Objects : while the considerate and modest Inquirer , hath a large Sphere of Motion , and the satisfaction of more open Light ; He sees far , and injoys the pleasure of surveying the divers Images of the Mind . But the Opiniator hath a poor shrivel'd Soul , that will but just hold his little Set of Thoughts : His Appetite after Knowledg , is satisfied with his few Mushromes , and neither knows nor thinks of any thing beyond his Cottage and his Rags . I might say a great deal more to the shame of this folly , but what I have writ will be enough for the Capable and Ingenious ; and much less would have been too much for others . And now when I look back upon the main Subject of these Papers , it appears so vast to my Thoughts , that me-thinks I have drawn but a Cockle-shell of Water from the Ocean : Whatever I look upon , within the Amplitude of Heaven and Earth , is evidence of Humane Ignorance : For all things are a great Darkness to us , and we are so to our selves : The plainest things are as obscure , as the most confessedly mysterious ; and the Plants we tread on are as much above us , as the Stars and Heavens : The things that touch us , are as distant from us as the Poles , and we are as much Strangers to our selves , as to the People of the Indies . On review of which , me-thinks I could begin anew to represent the imperfection of our Knowledg , and the vanity of bold Opinions , which the Dogmatists themselves demonstrate , while each Disputer is confident , that the others confidence is vain , from which a third , with more reason , may conclude the same of the confidence of both : And one would think there should need no more to bring those assured Men to modest Acknowledgments , and more becomming Temper than this , That there is nothing about which the Reason of Man is capable of being employed , but hath been the Subject of Dispute , and diverse apprehension : So that the Lord Montaigne hath observ'd , Mankind is agreed in nothing , no not in this , That the Heavens are over us ; Every Man almost differs from another , yea and every Man from himself ; and yet every one is assured of his own Schemes of conjecture , though he cannot hold that Assurance but by this proud Absurdity , That he alone is in the right , and all the rest of the World mistaken . I say then , there being so much to be produced both from the natural and moral World , to the shame of boasting Ignorance ; I cannot reckon of what I have said but as an imperfect Offer at a Subject , to which I could not do right , without discoursing all Things : On which account I had resolv'd once to suffer this Trifle to pass out of Print and Memory : But then considering , that the Instances I had given of humane Ignorance were not only clear ones , but such also as are not ordinarily suspected ; from whence to our shortness in other things , 't is an easie Inference ; I was thence induced to think it might be useful to promote that temper of Mind that is necessary to true Philosophy and right Knowledg . OF SCEPTICISM AND CERTAINTY . Essay II. Essay II. OF SCEPTICISM and CERTAINTY : In a short Reply To the Learned Mr. Thomas White . To a Friend . SIR , I Here send you a Supplement to the former Essay . About two years after my Vanity of Dogmatizing was first printed , there appeared a Book written in Latin against it , which had this Title , SCIRI , sive scepties & scepticorum a jure Disputationis exclusio . The Author was that Learned Man , who hath publisht so many Writings , and is so highly celebrated by Sir Kenelm Digby ; especially famous for his Tract de Mundo : He calls himself sometimes Thomas ex Albiis East Saxonum ; in other Writings , and particularly in this , Thomas Albius : His English Name is Thomas White , a Roman Catholick , and famed Writer for that Church , though censured for some of his Doctrines at Rome . I writ a civil Answer to his Book , which was annext to the Vanity of Dogmatizing , reprinted 1665. That Answer was in English , because the Discourse it defended was so ; and I did not think the Matter worth the Universal Language : Besides , I was induced to reply in that Tongue , by the Example of a Noble Philosopher , one of the great Ornaments of his Age , and Nation , who had then newly answer'd a Latin Book , written by one Linus against him , in English. About the same time that my Reply was printed , his SCIRI came forth again in our Language , whether translated by himself , or any Disciple of his , I do not know ; The Title was , An Exclusion of Scepticks from all title to Dispute : being an Answer to the Vanity of Dogmatizing : by Tho. VVhite . Now because there was nothing of Reply in that new Edition of his Book , I thought to have concerned my self no more about it : but having made you a promise of some Notes concerning Scepticism and Certainty , I have thought fit to treat of those Matters by way of further Answer to that Learned Man. He principally insists on three things . ( 1. ) The Charge of Scepticism . ( 2. ) The Accountableness of those Philosophical Difficulties I have mention'd , as things not yet resolv'd . And , ( 3. ) The Defence of Aristotle . The first is the Subject for which I stand ingag'd to you ; and the second belongs to it , and will be a very seasonable , if not necessary Supplement to the Essay against Confidence in Philosophy . But for the third , I shall refer you to what I have said in my other Answer , and in my Letter concerning Aristotle ; being not willing to meddle any further in Affairs of that nature . I. The charge of Scepticism seems to be the main thing : For , besides that it makes up the Title , the Author hath been pleas'd to write a solemn Warning to the Youth of the Universities , on the occasion of my Book , which he calls Vleus Glanvillanum , in the first page of his Preface ; and declares this pretended Scepticism of mine to be the occasion of his ingagement , in the first paragraph of his Discourse . Now because a great and celebrated Philosopher , with whom I am not fit to be nam'd , is brought in as the Reviver of this deadly Scepticism , which I am supposed to endeavour to advance after him ; I shall repeat the whole Passage , that I may the better vindicate both him and my self against this Objection ; and treat a little of this so common Imputation , which is almost every where alledg'd against all Free Philosophers , who dare think or say any thing that Aristotle hath not taught . The Learned Man Objects thus , p. 1. Scepticism born of old by an unlucky miscarriage of Nature , for her own credit carried off the Tongues of the Elequent , where it had long been foster'd and buried by the steadiness of Christian Faith ; this Monster snatcht from the Teeth of Worms , and Insects , Peter Gassendus , a Man of a most piercing Sagacity , of neat and copious Eloquence , of most pleasing behaviour and wonderful diligence , by a kind of Magick , hath endeavour'd to restore again to Life . He , a Person ( which is the strangest of all ) most tenacious of Catholick Faith , and never suspected guilty of mischievous Tenents : whereas , yet , this scepticism is the Mother of infinite Errors , and all Heresies , and that very seducing Philosophy , and vain Fallacy which the Saints warned by the Apostles have taught us to beware of . Her this Man , otherwise eminent , in his paradoxical Exercitations against the Aristotelians , hath dared to expose , not vailed as before , and wandring like a Quean in the dark , but bold-fac'd , and painted , to the Multitude , and Market place . By his example , the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing , hath produc'd her amongst us , beauteously trickt up , in English : He too a great Master of Wit and Eloquence ; nor indeed are vast Mischiefs to be dreaded from vulgar Heads . This is the occasion of my undertaking . — This is the Charge ; but the severe imputation is sweetned by many very kind words of commendation , which are most justly due to the renowned Gassendus , but given gratis , and undeservedly to the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing . In answer to this charge , I shall set down my Thoughts of Scepticism and Certainty , Subjects well worth considering . The word Scepticism is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to speculate , to l●… about , to deliberate : An ancient Sect of Philosophers ●…nce call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Scepticks ; as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Se●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Doubters ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pyrrhonians , fro●… ●…rho the first noted Author of this Sect. This Pyrrho lived about the time of Alexander the Great , and was born at Elis : He was at first a Painter ; some say an ill one ; and yet he had better have so continued , for his Philosophy was worse than his Painting . He seems to me , according to the account we have of him , to have been a gross and humoursome Fanatick ; especially if that be true that is related by Laertius , That he shun'd and heeded nothing , and would not step aside out of the way for Waggons , Precipices , or Dogs , so that he was follow'd and look'd after like an Ideot , and a Child , then whom his Actions were more stupid : Besides which testimony , we have a worse character of him from Aristocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — , viz. That he neither invented , nor writ any thing that was good , but railed both at Gods and Men. And yet it should seem , by the honour his Country did him , that he was not so very a Sot as some thought , and as divers Passages in the Story of his Life speak him : For he was made High Priest , and great Immunities and Priviledges given to Philosophers for his sake . But I have nothing to do with the Story of his Life : His Disciples were many , the most eminent of them reckon'd by Laertius ; but none hath left so exact an account in writing of the Sceptick Doctrines , ( if they may be so call'd ) as Sextus Empiricus , one much later than those Sectators of Pyrrho . The chief ground of Scepticism he saith , is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That every reason hath an equal one opposite to it : So that they gave no assent to any thing . They allow'd Appearances , but would not grant , that things really are in themselves as they appear to our Senses : or that we can by our Reasons judg any thing truly , and certainly of them : That there is nothing fair or foul , just or unjust , nothing true or real in any thing ; as Laertius speaks of the belief of Pyrrho . And therefore their Phrases were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Not more this than that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; perhaps , and not perhaps ; viz. perhaps it is , perhaps it is not . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I suspend , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I determine nothing ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I comprehend not . And for fear they ●…d be Dogmatical , even in these Phrases , Empericus sait●… 〈◊〉 they do only declare their present Affections , express●… 〈◊〉 things appear to them , without determining any thing , 〈◊〉 even not determining so much as this , I determine nothing . Now besides the professed D●…ples of this Sect , divers other ancient Philosophers spoke doubtfully , and unresolvedly of things : and Cicero in Licullus saith thus of Empedocles ; Empedocles , ut interdum mihi furere videatur , abstrusa esse omnia , nihil nos sentire , nihil cernere , nihil omnino quale sit posse reperire . Sextus Empiricus mentions divers others , who it seems were thought to be Scepticks , or very near them ; as Heraclitus , because he taught that Contraries are in the same thing : Democritus , for denying Hony to be sweet or bitter : The Syrenaick Sect , holding that only the Affections are comprehended : Protagoras , for making the Phaenomena particular to every single Person . But all these he shews to have been Assertors , and very different from the Pyrrhonian Sect. He inquires also of the Academick Philosophy , how it agreed with , or disagreed from the Sceptick . These Philosophers were reputed anciently , and by some ever since thought to be too much addicted to that way . But Sextus clears them from it , beginning with Plato the Founder of the first School , of whom he saith , That though in his Gymnasticks , where Socrates is brought in deriding the Sophists , he hath the Sceptick , uncertain Character ; yet in declaring his Opinion , he was a Dogmatist ; particularly in his Doctrines of Idaeas , Providence , the preference of a Life of Vertue : Which if Plate assent to as existent , he affirms dogmatically ; if as probable , he differs from the Sceptick , in preferring one Opinion before another . Those of the New Academy say all things are incomprehensible , in which , saith Sextus , they differ from us , because they assert this ; but we do not know but that they may be comprehended . They differ also in asserting Good , and Evils , and that some things are credible , others not ; whereas the Pyrrhonians count all to be equal . To this purpose he speaks of them : But for the middle Academy founded by Arcesilaus he saith , that that Philosopher's Institution , and theirs were almost the same , in that Arcesilaus asserted nothing of the existence , or non-existence of things , not preferring one Opinion before another , but in all things suspending . Which he did to make tryal of his Discipl●… whether they were capable of the Doctrine of Plato , which he taught to his Friends . Thus that famous Sceptick doth honour to the memory of those Ancients , by endeavouring to take what he thought to be credit from them , which indeed was ever a disgrace , and ought to be so esteemed still . For those Pyrrhonians , that were of the right strain , seem to me to have been a sort of conceited Humorists , that took a pride in being singular , and venting strange things ; opposing all knowledg , that they might be thought to have the most , and to have found out that universal ignorance , and uncertainty , which others could not see far enough to descry . Which way of pretended Philosophy , as it gratified their pride , so it serv'd their malice and ill-nature , which delights much in the Spirit of Contradiction , and contempt of other Men. This they shew'd in great degree according to Laertius , who saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; They accounted all Fools that were not of their own Party . So that they were in no wise to be reckon'd as Philosophers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Aristocles speaks in Eusebius ; For they pluckt up the Principles of Philosophy by the Roots . And indeed their doubting and suspension was not in order to the forming a surer Judgment , but a resolution to sit down for ever in despair of Knowledg : And therefore they were very improperly call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sookers , since their great Principle was , that nothing was to be found . Upon the whole , it was not without cause that Cicero●… , Aristocles , and other sober Philosophers spoke of their way as down-right madness ; and we have great reason to believe so of the Founder of the Sect , if that be true which is related by Laertius , and others , of his washing a Sow , and running into the Forum with a Spit of Meat in his hand after the Cook that had offended him ; a thing very unbecoming the Professor of the so much talk●… of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or freedom from disturbance . And his unconcernment another time was as sottish , when he past on , and would 〈◊〉 help or take notice of his Friend Anaxarehus , when he 〈◊〉 ●…n into a Ditch ; which was bruitish stupidity , rather than Philosophical Indifference . And indeed this Sect indeavoured to divest themselves of H●…ne Nature , as Pyrro's answer implied , when he was upbraided for avoiding a Dog , viz. that 't was hard wholly to put off Man ; and so they were destructive to the Societies , and all the Interests of Mankind : This I say upon the supposition that they were in earnest , and believ'd themselves ; but I incline to think , that they were only humoursom , and conceited Fellows ; rather than I will say that they were absolutely distracted . Thus you see I could revile against the Scepticks , as well as my Antagonist ; but letting further censure of them pass , I might take notice on this occasion , what odd extravagant People have of old had the name of Philosophers , as if those Ages ( as the Turks now ) had a reverence for Madmen : For many of their Actions and Opinions were very wild freaks of Fancy and Humour , and would gain Men in these days ( as foolish and bad as they are ) no better name , than that of Lunaticks , or Bedlams . This will appear to any one that shall impartially survey the Histories of their Lives , if those Accounts were true that are given of them . But indeed there is reason enough to doubt that : For the Relations we have of old times are usually very fabulous and uncertain , and where the Grecians were concern'd as much as any where , for they had the same Character given them , that the Apostle bestows upon the Cretians ; Graecia mendax . Which among other things shews , how little reason there is we should be superstitiously fond of the broken , dublous , imperfect Remains of those days . But methinks those Philosophers should be greater Men , than they were made in those Histories of their Lives and Doctrines , or else one may justly wonder how their Names come down to us with so much Renown and Glory . But to return to more particular Discourse of the Scepticks . Besides Those anciently , that had that name without just ground sometimes affixt on them , several worthy Moderns have suffer'd under the imputation : and indeed by some all Men are accounted Scepticks , who dare dissent from the Aristotelian Doctrines , and will not slavishly subscribe all the Tenents of that Dictator in Philosophy , which they esteem the only true and certain Foundations of Knowledg : This learned Man seems to be one of those , for the great Gassendus is charged with so much Scepticism on this account , that he writ an Exercitation against Aristotle , p. 2. and those that slight Aristotle's Grounds ( saith our Author in his Preface to the Universities ) must of necessity , being always in quest of Principles , ever fall short of Science . Aristotle's Works it seems are the infallibe Canon of Truth and Certainty ; in him are hid all the Treasures of natural Wisdom and Knowledg ; and there is no name given under Heaven , by which we can be saved from Scepticism , and everlasting uncertainty , but his . If this be so , all the modern Free Philosophers must be Scepticks , and there is no help : and the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing hath no way to escape the imputation ; nor indeed , ( if this be all ) hath he any concern to avoid it . But the Learned Man may be remembred , that in one respect they are not Scepticks , being confident in this belief , that the Principles of Aristotle are not such Certainties , but that 't is possible , succeeding Mankind may sometime or other find error and imperfection in them ; and discover ( if it have not been done already ) that they are not the infallible Measures of Truth and Nature . But the Free Philosophers are by others accounted Scepticks from their way of enquiry , which is not to continue still poring upon the Writings and Opinions of Philosophers , but to seek Truth in the Great Book of Nature ; and in that search to proceed with wariness and circumspection without too much forwardness in establishing Maxims , and positive Doctrines : To propose their Opinions as Hypotheseis , that may probably be the true accounts , without peremptorily affirming that they are . This , among others , hath been the way of those Great Men , the Lord Bacon , and Des-Cartes ; and is now the method of the Royal Society of London , whose Motto is , Nut●…ius in Verba . This is Scepticism with some ; and if it be so indeed , 't is such Scepticism , as is the only way to sure and grounded Knowledge , to which confidence in uncertain Opinions is the most fatal Enemy . Nor doth the Learned Man accuse me of any more than this , in his Preface , in which he thus speaks . I am not angry with the Man , who with a great deal of Wit , and an unfordable stream of Eloquence ( excessive courtesie ) which will ripen with his years , prosecutes what he proposeth to himself , and takes for a truth , not without some savour of modesty : For neither doth he derogate from Faith the power of teaching its Tenents , nor disclaim all hopes of attaining Science hereafter through a laborious amasement of Experiments . — Here I am absolv'd from being a Sceptick , in the ill sense ; For I neither derogate from Faith , nor despair of Science : and the Opinions of those of that character are directly destructive of the one , and everlasting discouragements of the other . Or , if I should affirm that I despair of Science , strictly and properly so call'd , in the Affairs of Philosophy and Nature ; If I should say , we are to expect no more from our Experiments and Inquiries , than great likelyhood , and such degrees of probability , as might deserve an hopeful assent ; yet thus much of diffidence and uncertainty would not make me a Sceptick ; since They taught , That no one thing was more probable than an other ; and so with-held assent from all things . So that upon the whole I cannot but wonder , that this Philosopher , who seems to be so concern'd for the advancement of Knowledg , should oppose me in a Design that hath the same end : only we differ in the Means and Method ; For he thinks it is best promoted by perswading , that Science is not Vncertainty ; and I suppose that Men need to be convinc'd , that Vncertainties are not Science . Now the progress of Knowledg being stopt by extreme Confidence on the one hand , and Diffidence on the other ; I think that both are necessary , though perhaps one is more seasonable : For to believe that every thing is certain , is as great a disinterest to Science , as to conceive that nothing is so : Opinion of Fulness being , as my Lord Bacon notes , among the Causes of Want. So that after all , we differ but in this , That the Learned Man thinks it more sutable to the necessities of the present Age , to depress Scepticism ; and it may be , I look on Dogmatizing , and confident Belief as the more dangerous and common Evil : And indeed between the Slaves of Superstition and Enthusiasm , Education and Interest , almost all the World are Dogmatists ; while Scepticks are but some more desperate Renegado's , whose Intellects are either debauched by Vice , or turn'd out of the way by the unreasonable Confidence of vain Opiniators . In opposing whose Presumptions , I designed also against the neutrality of the Scepticks ; and did not conceited Scioluts ascribe so much to their Opinions , there would be no need of SCIRI'S , or Perswasives to easie and peremptory Assents ; which indeed have more need of Restraints than Incentives ; since 't is the nature of Man to be far more apt to confide in his Conceptions , than to distrust them ; and 't is a question whether there be any Scepticks in good earnest . So that I am so far from deserving Reproof from the Adversaries of Intellectual Diffidence , that were there reason for either , I might expect Acknowledgments : For Confidence in Uncertainties is the greatest Enemy to what is certain ; and were I a Sceptick , I would plead for Dogmatizing ; the way to bring Men to stick to nothing , being confidently to perswade them to swallow all things . For among a multitude of things carelesly receiv'd , many will be false , and many doubtful : and consequently a mind not wholly stupid will some time or other find reason to distrust and reject some of its Opinions : Upon review of which , perceiving it imbraced Falshoods for great Certainties , and confided in them as much as in those it yet retains , it will be in great danger of staggering in the rest , and discarding all promiscuously : Whereas if a Man proportion the degree of his Assent , to the degree of Evidence , being more sparing and reserv'd to the more difficult , and not throughly examin'd Theories , and confident only of those that are distinctly and clearly apprehended ; he stands upon a firm bottom , and is not mov'd by the winds of Fancy and Humour , which blow up and down the conceited Dogmatists : For the Assent that is difficultly obtain'd , and sparingly bestow'd , is better establish'd and fixt , than that which hath been easie and precipitant . Upon the whole Matter it appears , that this Learned Person had no cause to write against me as a Sceptick : And I somewhat the more wonder at it , because I find such things attributed to those , he is pleas'd to call by that name , that no way agree with the Way and Spirit of those Philosophers , whose genius I recommend and desire to imitate : On which account I thought he had some other notion of Sceptick than was usual ; and casting mine eye over his late Purgation presented to the Cardinals of the Inquisition , I found that his Scepticks were some of the Modern , Peripatetical Disputers : These , it seems by their many complaints against his Writings , had obtain'd a general condemnation of them from the Pope and Consistory of Cardinals ; whom therefore in his Appeal to the said Cardinals he accuseth of Ignorance , Corruption of the Aristotelian Doctrines , and Tendency to Heresie and Atheism : And that these are the Scepticks he means , appears from the Preface against me , and divers other Passages of his Book : So that 't is yet more wonderful , that Gossendus , and the Author of the Vanity of Dogmatizing , should be call'd by a Name , which he bestows upon those of so different a temper . And thus of that charge of Scepticism , with which he begins as the occasion of his writing : Having premised which , he endeavours to lay the sure Foundations of Science , and to establish Certainty in Knowledg . But what-ever imperfections there are in that pretended demonstration , I shall not for the present take notice of them ; but only observe , that this Gentleman is the Author of that Science , Demonstration , and Self evidence , of which M. Sargeant , a late controvertial Writer for the Roman Church , makes such boasts of ; and here are his Grounds : Which those learned Men , that are concern'd with him , may if they please , when they have nothing else to do , examine . Having said thus much of Scepticism , and the Scepticks , I shall enquire a little into the matter of Certainty , a subject of both difficulty and importance . It is taken either ( 1. ) for a firm Assent to any thing , of which there is no reason of doubt ; and this may be call'd Indubitable Certainty ; or ( 2. ) for an absolute Assurance , that things are as we conceive and affirm , and not possible to be otherwise , and this is Infallible Certainty . In the first of these Des Cartes lays his Foundations : I cannot doubt , but I think , though nothing should be as I conceive ; and there I cannot suspect neither , but that I my self , that think , am . I am as sure that I have Idaeas , and Conceptions of other things without me , as of God , Heaven , Earth , &c. Thus far that Philosopher is safe , and our Assent is sull ; and it is so in this likewise , That we can compound , or disjoin those Images by affirming , and denying ; and that we have a faculty of Reasoning , and inferring one thing from another : So much as this we clearly perceive , and seel in our selves , what-ever uncertainty there may be in other matters . To these we give a resolv'd and firm Assent , and we have not the least reason of doubt here . Besides which Principles we find others in our minds that are more general , and are us'd and supposed by us in all our Affirmations and Reasonings , to which we assent as fully , such are these : Every thing is , or is not : A thing cannot be and not be , in the same respects : Nothing hath no Attributes : What we conceive to belong , or not to belong to any thing , we can affirm , or deny of it . These are the Principles of all Propositions , and Ratiocinations whatsoever : and we assent to them fully , as soon as we understand their meaning , to which I add this great one more , That our Faculties are true , viz. That what our understandings declare of things clearly and distinctly perceiv'd by us , is truly so , and agreeing with the realities of things themselves . This is a Principle that we believe firmly ; but cannot prove , for all proof , and reasoning supposeth it : And therefore I think Des-Cartes is out in his method ; when from the Idaea's he endeavours to prove that God is , and from his Existence that our Faculties are true : When as the truth of our Faculcies was presupposed to the proof of God's Existence ; yea , and to that of our own also . So that , that great Man seems to argue in a Circle . But to let that pass ; This we constantly assent to without doubting , That our Faculties do not always delude us , That they are not mere Impostors and Deceivers , but report things to us as they are , when they distinctly and clearly perceive them . And so this may be reckon'd one of the prime certain Principles , and the very Foundation of Certainty in the first sense of it . These and such like Principles result out of the nature of our Minds : But , 2. There are other Certainties arising from the evidence of Sense : As , That there is Matter , and Motion in the World : That Matter is extented divisible and impenetrable : That Motion is direct , or oblique : That Matter , and Motion , are capable of great variety of Modifications and Changes . We learn that these , and many other such things are so , from Sense , and we nothing doubt here ; although the Theory and Speculative consideration of those Matters be full of difficulty , and seeming contradiction . In these our Assent is universal and indubitable : But in many particular cases , we are not assured of the report of our Senses ; yea , we dissent from , and correct their Informations , when they are not in their due Circumstances , of right Disposition , Medium , Distance , and the like : and when they pronounce upon things which they cannot judg of : on which account , though our Senses , and the Senses of Mankind do represent the Earth as quiescent : Yet we cannot from thence have assurance that it doth Rest , since Sense cannot judg of an even and regular Motion , when it self is carried with the movent ; so that though it should be true that the Earth moves , yet to Sense it would appear to rest , as now it doth ; as I have discours'd elsewhere . But when the Senses are exercised about their right Objects , and have the other Circumstances that are requisite , we then assent without doubting . And this fullness of assent is all the certainty we have , or can pretend to ; for after all , 't is possible our Senses may be so contrived , that things may not appear to us as they are : But we fear not this , and the bare possibility doth not move us . 3. There are Certainties arising from the Testimony of others . This in ordinary cases is very doubtful , and fallacious , but again in some it is indubitable . As when the Testimony is general , both as to time and place uninteressed , full , plain , and constant , in matters of Sense and of easie Knowledg : In such circumstances as these , the evidence of Testimony is no more doubted , than the first Principles of Reason or Sense . Thus we believe , without the least scruple about it , That there are such places as Rome , and Constantinople , and such Countries of Italy and Greece , though we never saw them ; and many other Historical Matters , which our selves never knew . The Foundation of which assurance is this Principle , That Mankind cannot be supposed to combine to deceive , in things , wherein they can have no design or interest to do it . Though the thing have a remote possibility , yet no Man in his Wits can believe it ever was , or will be so : and therefore we assent to such Testimonies with the same firmness , that we would to the clearest Demonstrations in the World. The second sence of Certainty is that , which I call'd Certainty Infallible ; when we are assured that 't is impossible things should be otherwise , than we conceive and affirm of them : This is a sort of Certainty , that humanely we cannot attain unto , for it may not be absolutely impossible , but that our Faculties may be so contrived , as always to deceive us in the things which we judg most certain and assured : This indeed we do not suspect , and we have no reason to do it ; which shews that we are certain in the former Sense : But we may not say 't is utterly impossible ; and consequently we cannot have the certainty of this latter sort : which perhaps is proper only to Him , who made all things what they are ; and discerns their true natures by an infallible and most perfect knowledg . The sum of which is , that though we are certain of many things , yet that Certainty is no absolute Infallibility ; there still remains the possibility of our being mistaken in all matters of humane Belief and Inquiry . But this bare possibility ( as I said ) moves us not , nor doth it in the least weaken our assent to those things , that we clearly and distinctly perceive : but we believe with as much firmness of assurance the Matters that our Faculties do so report to us , as if there were no such possibility ; and of greater Certainty than this there is no need . It is enough for us , that we have such Principles lodged in our minds , that we cannot but assent to ; and we find nothing to give us occasion to doubt of the truth of them . This is Humane Certainty , and let vain and affected Scepticks talk what they will , they cannot in earnest doubt of those first Principles which I have mention'd . They are universal , and believ'd by all Mankind ; every one knows , every one useth them : For though they do not lie in the minds of all Men in the formality of such Propositions , yet they are implicitly there ; and in the force and power of them every Man reasons , and acts also . These are the Seed of Reason , and all the Conclusions ( at never so great a distance ) that are truly deduc'd from those first Certainties , are as true and certain as they are ; and both together make up what we call Reason . So that this is not so various and giddy a thing as some vain inconsiderate Men talk ; but 't is one steady Certainty , and the same all the World over . Fancies , Opinions , and Humors , that mistaken Men call Reason , are infinitely divers , and fallacious ; But those Principles and Conclusions that are clearly and distinctly perceiv'd by our minds ; those that are immdiately lodg'd in them , and the consequences that truly arise from those , and the right informations of Sence , they are one , and certain , without variety or deceit . Now all Men partake of Reason in some degree ( of the prime Principles at least , and the Faculty of deducing one thing from another ) ; But the most use that little perversly , and to their own deception , arguing from prejudices of Sense , Imagination , and customary Tenents , and so filling up their minds with false and deceitful Images , instead of Truth and Reason . 'T is the office and business of Philosophy , to teach Men the right use of their Faculties , in order to the extending and inlarging of their Reasons ; and one principal Rule it gives is , To be wary and diffident , not to be hasty in our Conclusions , or over-confident of Opinions ; but to be sparing of our assent , and not to afford it but to things clearly and distinctly perceiv'd : And this was the aim and design of that Discourse , which this Learned Man accuseth as such a piece of Scepticism , and discouragement of Science . I have now said what I intended concerning the first thing , on which my Assailant insists , The charge of Scepticism , and I suppose I have sufficiently shewn the injustice of it . I proceed to the second main Business of his Book , which is to give an account of those difficulties which I have mention'd , as yet unresolv'd : Concerning those I affirm not , that they are impossible to be unridled , but that they have not been explain'd by any yet extant Hypothesis ; a sad Argument of intellectual deficience , that after so much talk of Science and endeavour after Knowledg , we should be yet to seek , and that in those Matters which we have the greatest advantages to understand . But this learned Man thinks he can resolve them ; and I have so great a kindness for any ingenious attempts of this sort , and so great a desire to be satisfied about those Theories , that I am ready to entertain any good probability that shall be offer'd , even by a prosest Antagonist ; for Truth is welcome to me from any hand that brings it . I have therefore candidly , and impartially consider'd this Gentleman's Solutions , but cannot satisfie my self with them . The Reasons of my Dissatisfactions I shall now give in an examination of his Accounts . He takes occasion from my waving the difficulties of Magnetism , and the flux and reflux of the Sea , to give his solution of them , But I am not concern'd here , they are none of the things on which I insist , yea I professedly decline them ; and intimate that these are better known , than less-acknowledg'd Mysteries ; Des-Cartes his Hypothes●…is are fair and probable , but I think this Philosopher's Accounts very obnoxious , especially there where he makes so constant and regular an effect , as is the flux and reflux of the Sea to be caus'd by so uncertain , and proverbially inconstant a thing as the Winds . But I shall not trouble my self to remarque on Matters , with which my Discourse hath nothing to do . My business is with the pretended Answers to the Difficulties I mention , as not well resolv'd by any yet known Hypothesis : On which the Learned Man enters , Plea 5th , and in order begins with those about the SOUL , in these words . 1. In the third Chapter therefore of his most eloquent Discourse , he objects our Ignorance of that thing we ought to be best acquainted with , viz. our own SOVLS , p. 30. This I do , and to the Difficulties I propound about the Origine of the Soul : It 's Vnion with the Body : It 's moving of it , and direction of the Spirits ; The general , short Answer is , That to suppose the Soul a Substance , that may be made , come , and join●…d to another , a Subsistence , Thing , or Substance , is a most important Error in Philosophy , of which , he saith , none can doubt , that is able to discern the opposition of one , and many , [ ibid. ] The meaning of which must be , That the Soul is no distinct Substance from the Body : And if so , almost all the World hath hitherto been mistaken : For if we inquire i●…to the Philosophy of the Soul , as high as any accounts are given of it , we shall find its real substantial distinction from the Body to have been the current belief of all Ages , notwithstanding what this Gentleman saith , That none can doubt that this is an error in Philosophy , that knows the opposition of one and many . For , ( 1. ) The highest times , of whose Doctrines we have any History , believ'd its Preexistence ; and consequently that it is a certain Substance , that might be made , come , and be join'd to another . Of this I 'le say a few things . If credit may be given to the Chaldean Oracles , ( and perhaps more is due to them than some will allow Preexistence is of highest Antiquity . We have that Doctrine plainly taught in those ancient Verses : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Oportet te festinare ad Lucem , & patris Lumina , Vnde missa tibi est anima . — And afterwards more clearly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Quaere tu animae canalem , unde aut quo ordine Co●…pori inservieris in ordinem a quo effluxisti Rursu●… restituas . — And Isellus in his exposition of the Chaldean Theology tells us , That according to their Doctrine Souls descended hither , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Either through the moultring of its Wings , or the will of the Father of Spirits , that they might adorn this Terrestrial State : And again Zoroa●…ter , speaking of Humane Souls , saith they are sent down to Earth from Heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Trismegistus ( if those remains that bear his Name may be allow'd ) is express in asserting the same Doctrine : In his Minerva Mundi he brings in God threatning those he had placed in an happy condition of Life and injoyment , with Bonds and Imprisonment , in case of Disobedience ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and they transgressing , he adds , That he commanded the Souls to be put into Bodies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And in another place assigns this for the cause of their Imprisonment in Bodies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He would have them acknowledg that they sustain'd that punishment , and imprisonment in Bodies for the things they had done before they came into them . 3. It was also the Opinion of the Ancient Jews ; That all Souls were at first created together , and resided in a place they call Goph , a Celestial Region . And therefore 't is said in the Mishna , Non aderit filius David , priusquam exhaustae fuerint universae Animae quae fu●…t in Goph . So that they believ'd all Generations on Earth to be supplyed from that Promptuary , and Element of Souls in Heaven ; whence they supposed them to descend by the North Pole , and to ascend by the South ; whence the saying of the Cabalists , Magnus Aquilo Scaturigo Animarum ; From which Tradition 't is like Homer had this Notion , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Janua duplex : Haec Boream Spectans homines demittit : at illa Respiciens Austrum divinior , invia prorsus Est homini , praeb●…tque viam immortalibus unis . 4. 'T is notoriously known , that Pythagoras and his Sectators held the Doctrine of Transmigration , which supposeth Preexistence , and both , that the Soul is a Substance , which can come , and be join'd to another thing . Some Pythagoreans write , that Pythagoras himself after 216 years Transanimation returned to Life again . Now this Opinion being so universally imputed to this Philosopher , and his School , I shall not need to insist on it as far as it concerns them : but I take notice , that both Jews , Persians , Indians , Arabians , and divers other Nations , &c. did of old , and do still hold the same Doctrine . Manasseh ●…en Israel ascribes the Opinion of Transmigration to Abraham ; and the Cabalists teach , that every Soul is successively join'd to three Bodies : So the same Soul they say , was in Adam , David , and the Messias ; and the same in Seth , Shem , and Moses , according to R. Simeon , who ( as the Cabalists generally do ) stops the course in the third Transmigration : as is noted from him by a Learned Man of our own . There are at this day great Sects among the Indians of the East , that retain this Doctrine of Transanimation , believing that the Souls of some descend again into Humane Bodies ; but that others pass into the Bodies of Beasts : So did some of the Ancient Pythagoreans , who taught , that good Men returned to their former blessed and happy Life ; but that the wicked in their first Transmigration chang'd their Sex ; in the second they descended into Beasts : yea , some supposed them at last to go into Trees , and other Vegetables . Now all these committed the great Error in Philos phy , of which I am accused , in supposing the Soul to be a certain Substance , which may directly be made , come , and be join'd to another thing , and so , according to our Author , They could none of them discern the opposition of one and many . But , ( 2. ) This pretended important Error in Philosophy of the Soul 's being a Thing , and Substance ; and one distinct from the Body , must be held by all , that believe its natural Immortality : for Separability is the greatest Argument of real distinction ; especially that which the Schools call Mutual . Now the Soul's Immortality hath had a general Reception from the wiser and better part of Mankind : The Egyptians , Chaldeans , Assyrians , Indians , Jews , Greeks , and universally all that had a name for Wisdom among the Ancients , believ'd it . And the same hath been the apprehension of latter Ages . A Councel of the Church of Rome it self hath defin'd it , and recommended the demonstrating of it to all Christian Philosophers . And if the Soul lives after the dissolution of the Body , 't is certainly a Substance distinct from it ; for nothing can subsist without it self : and real separability cannot consist with Identity and Indistinction . 3. The Sacred and Mosaical Philosophy supposeth the Soul to be a Substance that can come , and be join'd to another : For it tells us , That God breathed into Adam's Nostrils the Breath of Life ; by which generally is understood his infusing a Soul into him : And all the Arguments , that are alledg'd from Scripture to prove its immediate Creation , do strongly conclude it to be a distinct Substance from the Body . And , ( 4. ) The same Doctrine is more than once affirm'd by Aristotle himself , for saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It remains that the Mind ( or ●…oul ) comes from without , and is only a Divine Thing . Again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Mind is separate , &c. a thing apart from the Body . For elsewhere he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Operations of the Body do not communicate with its ( the Soul's ) Operations . He calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Substance , or Subsistence ; for supposing which I am reprehended by our Philosopher : And affirms further , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; The Mind is a Divine and Impassible Thing . It appears then from the Testimonies ( and I could alledg more , if there were occasion ) that Aristotle taught the real Distinction which I suppose , and so , according to our Author , is one of them that understands not the opposition of one and many . Yea , ( 5. ) Our Philosopher's learned Friend and Admirer Sir Kenelm Digby is another , for that ingenious Gentleman affirms in his Immortality , That the Soul is a Substance , and a Substance besides the Body : and almost all that Discourse depends on that supposal . ( 6. ) This Author himself affirms as much in his Peripatetical Institutions , as ever I suppos'd : For he saith , [ 'T is most evident , that the Mind is something of another kind from Quantity and Matter ; That 't is a substantial Principle of Man , and no mode or determination of divisibility , and that there is nothing common to Body and Spirit ] . Besides which in the fifth Book of the same Institutions he discourseth of the Soul's separation from the Body , and asserts it to be evident , that it perisheth not with it , because it hath Actions that belong not to a Body , but hath of it self the Nature of a Being : and its power of Existence is not taken away , when the Body fails , the Soul being apart from , and besides it ; and that matter is not necessary to the Soul's Existence : Many other Expressions there are in that Discourse to like purpose , which speak the Soul 's Real Distinction from the Body , in as great variety of Phrase , as Diversity and Distinction can be spoken . But all this is forgotten , and now 't is a most important Error in Philosophy to suppose the Soul to be a certain Substance , which may directly be made , come , and be join'd to another , and of this none can doubt that understand the Opposition of one and many . I think now by all this 't is pretty clear , that my supposition of the Soul 's being a distinct Substance from the Body , is not peccant , except all the wiser World , both Ancient and Modern , have been mistaken , and our Author himself . But besides all , ( 2. ) It seems to me evident even from the nature of the things , abstracting from Authority . And I think it appears , ( 1. ) From all the common Arguments that prove the Soul Immaterial ; For Perception , Perception of Spirituals , Vniversals , Mathematical Liues , Points , Superficies , Congenit Notions , Logical , Metaphysical , and Moral , Self-reflection , Freedom , Indifferency , and Vniversality of Action : These are all Properti●…●…t all agreeing with Body or Matter , though of never so pure and simple a Nature : Nor is it conceivable how any of these should arise from Modifications of Quantity , being of a divers kind from all the Effects and Phaenomena of Motion . 2. If the Soul be not a distinct Substance from the Body , 't is then a certain Disposition and Modification of it ; which this Author in the tenth Lesson of his Intitutions , seems to intimate , saying , That since the Soul is a certain Affection — which is introduced , and expell'd by corporeal Action — Hence he infe●…rs something that is not for our purpose to relate : And if so , since all diversities in Matter arise from Motion and Position of Parts , every different Perception will require a distinct order and position of the Parts of the Matter perceiving , which must be obtain'd by Motion : I demand then , when we pass from one Conception to another , is the Motion ( the cause of this Diversity ) merely casual ; or directed by some Act of Knowledg ? The former I suppose no Man in his wits will affirm , since then all our Conceptions will be non-sense and confusion ; Chance being the Cause of nothing that is orderly and regular : But if there be a knowledg in us of that directs the Motions that make every distinct Conception ; I demand , concerning that Knowledg , whether it be in like manner directed by some other ; or is it the Effect of mere Casual Motion ? If the former , we must run up in infinitum in our inquiry ; and the latter admits the alledg'd Absurdities . There is no way then of defending the Assertion of the Souls being Matter , or any modification of it , but by affirming with Mr. Hobbs , a certain connection between all our Thoughts , and a necessary fate in all things , which whoever affirms , will find Difficulties enough in his Assertion to bring him to mine , that there is a Vanity in Dogmatizing , and Confidence is unreasonable . I have insisted the longer on this , because the distinction of the Soul from the Body is a very material Subject , the proof of which is very seasonable for the present Age ; and by it I have disabled our Author's pretended Solution of the three Difficulties I mention , viz. of the Origine of the Soul ; its Vnion with the Body , and its moving of it . Concerning whi●…●…st he adds , P. 33. That true it is , one animated Me●…●…oves another , but not that any Substance , that is a pure Soul , moves immediately any Member in which the Soul is not . Which last I know no Body that saith ; I cannot affirm the Soul moves any Member immediately , but 't is like it doth it by the Spirits its Instruments . Much less did I ever say , That the Soul moves any Member in which it is not : But the Seat-of-Sense , and Original of Animal Motion is in the Brain or Heart , or some other main part ( of which in particular I determine nothing ) . Thence the Soul sends its Influences to govern the Motions of the Body , through all which it is diffused . 'T is true , one animate Member moves another , but the Motion must somewhere begin : In Actions purely Mechanical , it begins in material Agents that work upon the Body , and its Parts : but in those that are immediately under our Wills , the Motion hath its beginning from the Soul moving first something corporeal in us , by which other parts are mov'd . But our Author appeals to other Animals , in which , he saith , There 's frankly denyed a Soul independent on the Body : But this Learned Man knows , The Platonists assign them Souls immaterial B●…ings divers from the Body ; and the Peripateticks , substantial Forms distinct from Matter . Des Cartes indeed thinks them to be pure Machines mov'd altogether after the manner of a Clock or Engine ; which if it should prove to be truly their case , yet have we no reason to believe it so in our selves , since we feel it otherwise , viz. That we can move and stop many of our Motions upon the command and direction of the Will ; which Faculty belongs to some Principle Immaterial : And if this be always determin'd by something Corporeal , and not in our own power , as he seems to intimate ; Farewel Liberty , and welcome Stoical Necessity , and irresistible Fate in all things . For the other things that follow pag. 35. in answer to the Doubts about Sensation , particularly our decerning Quantities , Distances , &c. 'T is evident by what he speaks of demonstrating those things by the Opticks , that he understands not the force of the Objection , and hath said nothing that comes near it ; as will appear plainly to any capable Person , that will take the pains to compare what we both write . He comes next , p. 36. to my Difficulties about the Memory ; concerning which I say not , ( as he suggests ) That 't is impossible to be explicated ; but that none of the known Hypotheseis have yet explain'd it ; which is sufficient for my general conclusion of the present Imperfection , and the Narrowness of our Knowledg . But our Author thinks Sir K. Digby's account to be the true Solution ; and answers to my Objection , that 't is as conceivable how the Images , and representations of Objects in the Brain should keep their distinct and orderly situations , without confusion or dissipation ; as how the Rays of Light should come in a direct Line to the Eye ; or how the Atomical Effluvia , that continually flow from all Bodies , should find their way . To which I reply . ( 1. ) The multiplying Difficulties doth not solve any : for supposing these to be unaccountable , or very hard to be explain'd ; yet this would only argue another defect in our Knowledg , and so be a new evidence of the truth of my general Conclusion . But , ( a. ) The propos'd Instances are not so desperate : For 1. supposing Light , with Des-Cartes ( which is most probable ) to consist in the conamen of the aethereal Matter , receding from the Centre of its Motion ; the direct tendency of it to the Eye is no difficulty worth considering ; or if the Rays be Atomical Streams , and Effluxes from the Sun , there is then nothing harder to be conceiv'd in this Hypothesis , than in the direct spouting of Water out of a Pipe ; nor any more , than in the beating of the Waves against the side of a Ship , when it swims in the Sea. And 2. for the other Instance of corporeal emissions that find their way to the Bodies , with which they have intercourse ; it would require to be prov'd , that the secret Operations of Nature are performed by such material effluvia : Perhaps 't is more likely that those strange Effects are not Mechanioal , but Vital , effected by the continuity of the great Spirit of Nature , which is diffus'd through all things : or however , to suppose the Memory to be as clear and plain as Magnetism , and Sympathies , will be no great Advantage to the belief of the intelligibleness of it . There needs no more here ; only I take notice of the Charge , p. 41. in these words , — I 'd remember the ingenious Author , that he mis-imposeth the third Opinion ( which relisheth nothing of Philosophy ) upon Aristotle , who taught the Digbaean way . To which , I say , if the Doctrine of Intentional Species be not Aristotle's , than the Universities of Europe ( who have taught this Opinion to be his ) have hitherto been mistaken ; and this Assertion , that Aristotle deliver'd the Dighaean Doctrine of Atomical Effluvia , will alter the whole Hypothesis ; and then there will be little or nothing of Aristotle in his Schools . ( 2. ) The Digbaean , Atomical Opinion is notoriously known to have been the way of Democritus , and Epicurus , which Aristotle frequently and professedly opposeth ; That Democritus taught the Atomical Hypothesis we have Aristotle's affirmation to justifie : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( speaking of Leucippus and Democritus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Dicunt 〈◊〉 Printas magnitudines , multitudine quidem infinitas , magnitudine vero indivisibiles — and as he goes on , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Horum complexione , & circumplexu omnia gig●…i . And that these solv'd the way of Sensation by material Images we have from Plutarch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Democritus , Epicurus per Idolorum ingressus putarunt visivum evenire . This Hypothesis Aristotle endeavours to confute , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Absurdum e●…iam quod illi non ●…nerit in mentem clubitare , cur oculus vidit solus , aliorum vero nullum quibus apparent idola . And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Democritus & plurimi Physiologerum , quicnque loquuntur de sensia , absurdi●… quidd●…m faciunt ; omnia enim sensibitia tactilia faciunt . We see then Aristotle thought the Doctrine of Sensation by Corporeal Images absurd in Democritus and Epicurus , and therefore he must have much contradicted himself , if he taught the same Doctrine with Sir K. Digby about the Memory , which was one with that of those Ancients . And there is little doubt but that the Memory is excited to Action by the like Instruments that the external Senses are , consonantly to that of Plato in his Ph●…do , ( speaking of the Senses ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz. That the Memory is begot of them : And the same Aristotle affirms almost in the same words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Memory is begot out of the Sense . So that I think I am not mistaken in this matter ; or if I am , I err with the great Body of his Sectators . But whether the Doctrine 〈◊〉 Intentional Species be Aristotlt's or not , 't is no great matter , I make this no charge against him ; And if it be no●… 〈◊〉 , 't is however the common Tenent of his Schools , and so lit to be consider'd as an Hypothosis , which I have done , and sh●…wn it to be an insufficient account of the Memory . To the Difficulty I propose about the Formation of Animals , our Author offers two Things ; The first of them may deservs a word or two about it 〈◊〉 In his own words 't is thus expres●… . Conceive the first thus ; L●…'s say the Seed of a Plant , or Animal , contains invisible parts of all the Animal's Members : These let 's say supplyed with moisture increase , with some slight mutation whereof the reason may be easily rendred ( for example that some parts dryer and harder , others are more throughly water'd , and grow soft ) and what great matter will be apprehended in the formation of living things ? You may remember Sir , that once , when you and I were talking of the wonderful discoveries of the Microscope , and the many compleat Animals it discloseth , which lay hid from our unaided sight , we fell thence into a discourse of the strange and incredible subtilty of Nature in forming so many distinct Parts , and Members , and Passages in those invisible Creatures ; and of the grosness of our Senses in comparison of the fineness and tenuity of those works : I then made an offer to you of this Hypothesis of the Formation of Organical Bodies , which I exprest to this effect : That the Seeds of things are certain , and are the things themselves in little : having all that is in the compleated Body in smallest and invisible parts ; and so generation is but accretion , and growth to greater bulk and consistence . To this purpose our Author here speaks ; and the Hypothesis receives probability , and advantage from the late discoveries of the ingenious Malpeghius , and Dr. Grew in his Anatomy of Plants : Nor is it unlikely but that Vegetables are folded up in their Seeds ; and that their Vegetation is only the expanding and unfolding of them . But in Animals the thing is of more difficult conception , since the immediate matter of many , if not of most , Generations is an homogeneous fluid . To which I know it will be said , that the organiz'd Body is in it , though it be so small as to be invisible : But it is not very probable , that an invisible Atome of a Creature should expand it self into the vastness of a Whale or Elephant ; or that the Original Bodies of those immense Creatures , should be undecernable by the acutest sight , when the seminal Body ( if I may so call it ) of very small Plants are plainly visible . And if this be so , that the Seed of Animals actually contains the formed Bodies of the Animals themselves , those little Bodies must either be supposed created by God , in the form and consistence in which they are , from the foundation of the World ; or they are produc'd after , in an orderly course of Nature : If the former be said , some will be apt to ask , Whether this will not destroy all Philosophy , being so immediate a recourse to Creation , and the infinite Power of God ? And the manner of those Formations is never the more intelligible for being resolv'd into the immediate efficiency of incomprehensible Power and Wisdom . But if they are produc'd in a natural way , we are then as much a●… a loss to find by what Agent , and what direction those Corpuscles are form'd , as we are to understand the way and manner of it in greater Bodies . Or , be they produc'd how they will , by Creation , or Nature , yet still the Trouble and Doubts will be as many and great in the conception of their growth to their visible Bulk , which we call their Generation : For still must be a Director of the Matter by which each part is increast , that must separate , dispose , guide , and proportion it so , as that ●…o part may exceed , none may want : and so the Queries , and Difficulties , that concern the Generation of Organical Bodies , are unanswered notwithstanding this Hypothesis . Our Author's second Solution concerns only the gross and material Ingredients in the formation of Bodies , of which he pretends some account . But this is nothing at all to our business , which was to enquire after the Principle of Direction of those various and methodical Motions that are requisite to the formation of an Animal , or other Organical Body . And the Chymical Processes , and Elementary Solutions of which he speaks p. 43. signifie no more to the Matter , than if a Man should answer an enquiry about the Art and Method of the Motions of a Watch , by saying , They are perform'd by Steel , Iron , Brass , or Silver , wherein the Matter of the Work indeed is declar'd , but not the Artifice . The Learned Man comes next to the Solution of two difficulties I propose about Matter , the Vnion of its Parts , and the composition of Quantity , p. 45. His answer in short is , That there are no actual parts in quantity before division : Which if it be so indeed , there is then no ground for the Questions how they are united ; or of what compounded . But I shall shew ; 1. That there are actual Parts ; and , 2. That the Grounds of the contrary Assertion are weak and insufficient . 1. The formal nature of Quantity is Extention , in the Notion of Aristotle's Schools ; and divisibility in the Philosophy of Sir K. Digby , and our Author ; both which suppose parts , and parts actual : for to be extended , is to have partes extra partes ( as the School Phrase is ) ; and if the Extension be actual , the Parts must be so : for it is not conceivable how a thing can be extended but by parts , which are really distinct from one another , though not separate : Nor can a thing be divided , except we suppose the Parts preexistent in the divisible ; for Divisibility is founded upon real distinction , and 't is impossible to divide that which is one without any diversity . ( 2. ) Except there are parts in Matter before Division , there are none at all : For after they are divided they are no parts , but have a compleatness and integrality of their own , especially if their Subject were an Homogeneous Body . ( 3. ) If there are not actual Parts in Quantity , Contradictions may be verified de eodem in all the Circumstances , which the Metaphysicks teach to be impossible : For the same Body may be seen , and not seen , black and white , hot and cold , moist and dry , and have all other the most contrary Qualities . To this Sir K. Digby answers , [ That it is not one part of the thing that shews it self , and another that doth not , one that is hot , and another cold , &c. But it is the same thing , shewing it self according to one possibility of Division , and not another . ] To this I say first , These distinct Possibilities are founded upon distinct Actualities , which are the parts I would have acknowledg'd : and such a capacity of receiving things so different cannot be in the same Subject without the supposal of parts actually distinct and divers . 2. The Subjects of these contrary Qualities are things actual , whereas Possibilities are but Metaphysical Notions ; and these Subjects are distinct , or Contradictions will be reconcil'd : from which the Inference seems necessary , that Quantity hath Parts , and Parts Actual ; and distinct Possibilities will not salve the Business . And , 3. why must the common Speech of all Mankind be altered ? and what all the World calls Parts be call'd Possibilities of Division ? Which yet , if our Philosopher will needs name so , they be acknowledg'd distinct , and prov'd actual , or at least founded immediately upon things that are so ; my Questions will as well proceed this way as in the common one , viz. How the things that answer to these distinct Possibilities are united , and of what compounded ? There is another Answer which I find in our Author 's Peripatetical Institutions ; the sum of which is , [ That the Contradictions have only a notional repugnance in the Subject as 't is in our Understandings ; and since the parts have a distinct Being in our understanding , from thence 't is that they are capable to sustain Contradictions ] . Which answer , if I understand , I have reason to wonder at , for certainly the Subject sustains the Contradictories as it is in re ; and I never heard of a Notion , black or white , hot or cold , but in a Metaphor : 'T is the real Substance is the Subject of these Contrarieties , which were impossible , if it had not divers Realities answering to the Qualities that so denominate : and therefore 't is not the Understanding that makes the divers Subjects of these Accidents , as our Author suggests : but their being such is the ground that we so apprehend them . This I think is enough to shew that there are actual Parts in Quantity . To which I must add , ( 2. ) That the Grounds of Sir K. Digby , and our Author , on which they build their Paradox , are insufficient . The Reasons are ; 1. Quantity is Divisibility ; 1. Divisibility is Capacity of Division ; 3. What is only capable of division , is not actually divided ; 4. Quantity is not actually divided , and therefore hath no parts actual . To which I say , ( 1. ) That Quantity is divisibility , is presumed ; but extension is before it , in Nature , and our Conception ; and it is the receiv'd Notion , though I think Impenitrability is the truest . ( 2. ) Division supposeth Vnion , and Vnion parts united . ( 3. ) What is only capable of Division in a mechanical Sense , may , and ought to be divided in a Metaphysical : That is , they ought to be divers in their Being , before they can be separated , and distinct in their Quantity ; for Separability must suppose Diversity . But , ( 2. ) It is pleaded against Actual Parts in Quantity ; that if we admit them , we cannot stop till we come down to Indivisibles ; of which to suppose Quantity compounded , is said to be absurd and impossible . In answer to which , I grant the Inference , and have acknowledg'd the Hypothesis of Indivisible ; to be full of seeming Inconsistencies , as is the other also : and therefore I reckon both among the things that are unconceivable : of which there can be no greater Argument , than their having driven such great and sagacious wits upon an Assertion , that is contrary to our Senses , and the apprehension of all the World : That there are no parts in Quantity . And , ( 2. ) 'T is no good method of reasoning to deny what is plain and obvious , because we cannot conceive what is abstruse and difficult : To say that Quantity hath no actual Parts , contrary to the suffrage and senses of Mankind , because we cannot untie the Difficulties that arise from its being compounded of Indivisibles , a nice and intricate Theory . Sir , I crave your pardon for this Spinose and dry Discourse , which I could not well avoid , it being one of the main things of Sir K. Digby's and Mr. White 's Philosophy , and pretended by the latter , as such a Solution of the Doubts I propounded , as renders them scarce any Difficulties at all : For the other things he objects , they are smaller Matters ; and if you have leisure for such Trifles , I refer you to the discussion of them in my larger Answer , annext to my Scepsis Scientifica : in which also you will find what concerns his justification of Aristotle and his Philosophy . I am , Sir , Your affectionate Friend and Servant , J. G. MODERN IMPROVEMENTS OF Useful Knowledge . Essay III. Essay III. Modern Improvements OF Useful Knowledge . NOtwithstanding the shew of Science that the World of Books makes , it must be confest by considerate Men , that Knowledge is capable of far greater Heights and Improvements , than it hath yet attain'd ; and there is nothing hath stinted its Growth , and hindred its Improvements more , than an over-fond , superstitious Opinion of Aristotle , and the Ancients , by which it is presumed that their Books are the Ne Vltra's of Learning , and that little or nothing can be added to their discoveries : So that hereby a stop hath been put upon Inquiry , and Men have contented themselves with studying their Writings , and disputing about their Opinions , while they have not taken much notice of the great Book of Nature , or used any likely Endeavours for further acquaintance with it . This , whoever will consider , and speak impartially , must confess : and yet in spight of the evil Instuence of this Humour , there have been some in all Ages , who have freely search'd into the Creatures of God as they are in his World , without vainly spending of their time in playing with those Images of them that the phansies of Men have fram'd in theirs . And perhaps no Age hath been more happy in liberty of Enquiry , than this , in which it hath pleased God to excite a very vigorous and active Spirit for the advancement of real and useful Learning . This every sensible Man should strive , as he is able , to promote : and I shall now endeavour , as far as my weakness will permit , to raise the capable and ingenious , from a dull and drousie acquiescence in the diseoveries of former tim●… to a noble vigour in the pursuits of Knowleg : And this I 〈◊〉 do , by representing the Incouragements we have to proceed , from the Helps and Advantages we enjoy , beyond those of remote Antiquity . In order to this I consider , THat there are Two chief ways whereby Knowledg may be advanced , viz. ( 1. ) By inlarging the HISTORY of Things : And ( 2. ) By improving INTERCOVRSE and COMMVNICATIONS . The History of Nature is to be augmented , either by an investigation of the Springs of Natural Motions , or fuller Accounts of the grosser and more palpable Phaenomena . For the searching out the beginnings and depths of Things , and discovering the Intrigues of remoter Nature , there are THREE remarkable ARTS , and multitudes of excellent INSTRVMENTS , which are great Advantages to these later Ages ; but were either not at at all known , or but imperfectly , by Aristotle and the Ancients . The ARTS in which I instance , are Chymistry , Anatomy , and the Mathematicks : The INSTRVMENTS , such as the Microscope , Telescope , Thermometer , Barometer , and the Air-Pump : Some of which were first Invented , all of them exceedingly Improved by the ROYAL SOCIETY . To begin with the Consideration of the ARTS mentioned , I observe , That these were very little cultivated or used in Aristotle's Times , or in those following ones in which his Philosophy did most obtain . FOr the FIRST , CHYMISTRY , it hath indeed a pretence to the great Hermes for its Author ( how truly , I will not dispute ) : From him 't is said to have come to the Aegyptians , and from them to the Arabians : Among these it was infinitely roingled with vanity and superstitious Devices : But not at all in use with Aristotle and his Sectators . Nor doth it appear , that the Grecians , or the disputing Ages , were conversant in these useful and lueiferous Processes , by which Nature is unwound , and resolv'd into the Rudiments of its Composition ; and by the violence of those Fires it is made confess those latent parts , which , upon less provocation , it would not disclose . Now , as we cannot understand the frame of a Watch , without taking it into pieces ; so neither can Nature be well known , without a resolution of it into its beginnings , which certainly may be best of all done by Chymical Methods : By those Enquiries wonderful discoveries are made of their Natures ; and Experiments are found out , which are not only full of pleasant surprise and information , but of valuable use , especially in the Practice of Physick ; For It directs Medicines less loathsome and far more vigorous , and freeth the Spirits , and purer parts , from the clogging and noxious Appendices of grosser Matter , which not only hinder and disable the Operation , but leave hurtful Dregs in the Body behind them . I confess , that among the Aegyptians and Arabians , the Paracelsians , and some other Moderns , Chymistry was very phantastick , unintelligible , and delusive ; and the boasts , vanity , and canting of those Spagyrists , brought a scandal upon the Art , and exposed it to suspicion and contempt : but its late Cultivators , and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY , have refin'd it from its dross , and made it honest , sober , and intelligible , an excellent Interpreter to Philosophy , and help to common Life . For they have laid aside the Chrysopoietick , the delusory Designs , and vain Transmutations , the Rosie-crucian Vapours , Magical Charms , and Superstitious Suggestions , and form'd it into an Instrument , to know the Depths and Efficacies of Nature . And this is no small advantage that we have above the old Philosophers of the Notional Way . And we have another , ( II. ) In the Study , Vse , and vast Improvements of ANATOMY , which we find as needful to be known among us , as 't is wonderful 't was known so little among the Ancients , whom a fond Superstition deterr'd from Dissections . For the Anatomizing the Bodies of Men was counted barbarous and inhumane in elder Times : And I observe from a Learned Man of our own , That the Romans held it unlawfal to look on the Entrails . Tettullian severely censures an inquisitive Physician of his time for this practice , saying , That he hated Man , that he might know him . Yea , one of the Popes ( I take 't was Boniface 8. ) threatens to Excommunicate those , that should do any thing of this ( then ) abominable nature . And Democritus was fain to excuse his Dissection of Beasts , even to the great Hippocrates . Nor does it appear by any thing extant in the Writings of Galen , that that other Father of Physicians ever made any Anatomy of humane Bodies . Thus shie and unacquainted was Antiquity with this excellent Art , which is one of the most useful in humane Life , and tends mightily to the eviscerating of Nature , and disclosure of the Springs of its Motion . But now in these later Ages , Anatomy hath been a free and general Practice ; and particularly in this , It hath received wonderful Improvements from the Endeavours of several worthy Inquisitors , some of them Ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY , as Sir George Ent , Dr. Glisson , and Dr. Willis . I instance in the most remarkable of their Discoveries briefly ; And those I take notice of are , The Valves of the Veins , discover'd by Fabricius ab Aquapendente ; The Valve at the entrance of the gut Colon , found , as is generally thought , by Bauhinus ; The Milkie Veins of the Mesentery , by Asellius ; The Receptacle of the Chyle , by Pecquet ; The Ductus Virsungianus , by Jo. George Wirsung of Paedua ; The Lymphatick Vessels , by Dr. Joliffe , Bartholin , and Olaus Rudbeck ; The internal Ductus Salivaris in the Maxillary Glandule , by Dr. Wharton , and Dr. Glisson ; The external Ductus Salivaris in the conglomerated Parotis , The Ductus of the Cheek , The Glandules under the Tongue , Nose , and Palate , The Vessels in the nameless Glandule of the Eye , and the Tear-Glandule , by Nich. Steno ; A new Artery , called Arterea Bronchialis , by Fred. Ruysch . I add , the Origination of those Nerves , which were of old supposed to arise out of the substance of the Brain , but are found by late Anatomists to proceed from the Medulla Oblongata . And though the Succus Nutritius be not yet fully agreed upon by Physicians , yet it hath so much to say for it self , that it may not unreasonably be mentioned among the New Inventions . But of all the Modern Discoveries , Wit and Industry have made in the Oeconomy of Humane Nature , the noblest is that of the Circulation of the Blood , which was the Invention of our deservedly-famous Harvey . 'T is true , the envy of malicious Contemporaries , would have robb'd him of the glory of this Discovery , and pretend it was known to Hippocrates , Plato , Aristotle , and others among the Ancients : But whoever considers the Expressions of those Authors , which are said to respect the Circulation , will find , that those who form the Inference , do it by a faculty that makes all kind of Compositions and Deductions , and the same that assists the Enthusiasts of our days , to see so clearly all our Alterations of State and Religion , to the minutest Particulars , in the Revelation of St. John. And perhaps it may be as well concluded from the first Chapter of Genesis , as from the Remains of those Ancients ; who , if they had known this great and general Theory , how chance they spake no more of a thing , which no doubt they had frequent occasions to mention ? How came it to be lost without memory among their Followers , who were such superstitious porers upon their Writings ? How chance it was not shewn to be lodg'd in those Authors , before the days of Dr. Harvy , when Envy had impregnated and determined the Imaginations of those , who were not willing any thing should be found anew , of which themselves were not the Inventors ? But 't is not only the remotest Ancients , whom time hath consecrated , and distance made venerable , whose Ashes those fond Men would honour with this Discovery : But even much later Authors have had the Glory fastned upon them . For the Invention is by some ascribed to Paulus Venetus ; by others , to Prosper Alpinus ; and a third sort give it to Andreas Caesalpinus . For these , though either of them should be acknowledged to be the Author , it will make as much for the design of my Discourse , as if Harvy had the credit ; and therefore here I am no otherwise concerned , but to have Justice for that Excellent Man : And the World hath now done right to his Memory , Death having overcome that Envy which dog's living Virtue to the Grave ; and his Name rests quietly in the Arms of Glory , while the Pretensions of his Rivals are creeping into darkness and oblivion . Thus , I have done with the Instances of Anatomical Advancements , unless I should hitherto refer the late Noble Experiment of Transfusion of the Blood from one living Animal into another , which I think very fit to be mention'd ; and I suppose 't is not improper for this place : Or however , I shall rather venture the danger of impropriety and misplacing , than omit the taking notice of so excellent a Discovery , which no doubt future Ingenuity and Practice , will improve to purposes not yet thought of ; and we have very great likelyhood of Advantages from it in present prospect . For it is concluded , That the greatest part of our Diseases arise either from the scarcity , or malignant temper and corruption of our Blood ; in which cases Transfusion is an obvious Remedy ; and in the way of this Operation , the peccant Blood may be drawn out , without the danger of too much enfeebling Nature , which is the grand inconvenience of meer Phlebotomies . So that this Experiment may be of excellent use , when Custom and Acquaintance have hardned Men to permit the Practice , in Pleurisies , Cancers , Leprosies , Madness , Vlcers , Small-Pox , Dotage , and all such-like Distempers . And I know not why that of injecting prepared Medicines immediately into the Blood , may not be better and more efficacious , than the ordinary course of Practice : Since this will prevent all the danger of frustration from the loathings of the Stomach , and the disabling , clogging mixtures and alterations they meet with there , and in the Intestines , in which no doubt much of the Spirit and Virtue is lost . But in the way of immediate injection , they are kept intire , all those inconveniences are avoided , and the Operation is like to be more speedy and succesful . Both these noble Experiments are the late Inventions of the ROYAL SOCIETY , who have attested the reality of the former , that of Transfusion of Blood , by numerous Tryals on several sorts of brute Animals . Indeed the French made the Experiment first upon humane Bodies , of which we have a good account from Monsieur Dennis : But it hath also since been practiced with fair and encouraging success , by our Philosophical Society . The other of Injection , if it may be mentioned as a different Invention , was also the product of the same Generous Inventors ; though indeed more forward Foreigners have endeavoured to usurp the credit of both . This latter likewise hath succeeded to considerable good effects , in some new Tryals that have been made of it in Dantzick , as appears in a Letter written from Dr. Fabritius of that City , and printed in the Philosophical Transactions . I proceed now to my THIRD Instance of ARTS , ( if I may take leave to use the word in this large sense ) which are Advantages for deep search into Nature , and have been considerably advanc'd by the Industry and culture of late Times , above their ancient Stature . And the Instance was , ( III. ) The MATHEMATICKS . That these are mighty helps to Practical and Vseful Knowledge , will be easily consest by all , that have not so much ignorance as to render them incapable of information in these Matters : The Learned Gerard Vossius hath proved it by induction in Particulars : And yet it must be acknowledged , that Aristotle , and the disputing Philosophers of his School , were not much addicted to those noble Inquisitions : For Proclus the Commentator upon Euclide , though he gives a very particular Catalogue of the Elder Mathematicians , yet hath not mentioned Aristotle in that number : And though Diogenes Laertius takes notice of a Book he inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a Third , yet extant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Yet it appears not that these were things of very great value ; and Aristotle's Metaphysical procedure , even in Physical Theories , the genius and humour of his Principles , and the airy contentions of his Sect , are great presumptions that this Philosopher was not very Mathematical : And his numerous succeeding Followers , were certainly very little conversant in those Studies . I have elsewhere taken notice , that there is more publish'd by those Disputing Men on some trifling Question about ens Rationis , and their Materia prima than hath been written by their whole number upon all the useful parts of Mathematicks and Mechanicks . It would require much skill in those Sciences , to draw up the full History of their Advancements ; I hear a very accurate Mathematician is upon it : And yet to fill up my Method , I 'l adventure at some imperfect Suggestions about the Inventions and Improvements of this kind : And I begin , ( I. ) With Arithmetick , which is the Handmaid to all the other parts of Mathematicks . This indeed Pythagoras is said to have brought from the Phoenicians to the Graecians : but we hear no great matter of it till the days of Euclide ; not the Euclide that was the Contemporary of Plato , and Hearer of Socrates ; but the famed Mathematician of that Name , who was after Aristotle , and at 90 years distance from the former . This is the first Person among the Ancients , that is recorded by the exact Vossius to have done any thing accurately in that Science . After him it was advanced by Diophantus , methodized by Psellus , illustrated among the Latins by L. Apul●…ius ; and in later times much promoted by Cardan , Gemma Frisius , Ramus , Clavius , and divers more modern Artists ; among whom I more especially take notice of that Ingenious Scotchman the Lord Napier , Who invented the Logarithms , which is a way of computing by Artificial Numbers , and avoiding the tadium of Multiplication and Division . For by this Method all those Operations are performed by Addition and Substraction , which in Natural Numbers were to be done those longer ways . This Invention is of great use in Astronomical Calculations , and it may be applied also to other Accompts . Besides this , the same Learned Lord found an easie , certain , and compendious way of Accounting by Sticks , called Rabdology ; as also Computation by Napier's Bones : Both these have been brought to greater perfection by others , since their first Discovery ; particularly by Vrsinus and Kepler . To them I add the Decimal Arithmettck , which avoids the tedious way of computing by Vulgar Fractions in ordinary Accompts , and Sexagenaries in Astronomy ; exceedingly and lately improved hy our famous Oughtred , and Dr. Wallis a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . If I should here subjoin the Helps this Art hath had from the Works and Endeavours of Anot●…lius , Barlaam , Maximus Planudes , N●…morarius , Floren●…inus Bredonus , Pisanus , Orontius ; and in this Age , from those of Adrianus Romanus , Henischius , Cataldus , Malapartius , Keplerus , Briggius , Crugerus , and a vast number reckon'd up by Vossius , I should be tedious on this Head ; and therefore I pass lightly over it , and proceed , ( II. ) To Algebra , of universal use in all the Mathematical Sciences , in Common Accompts , in Astronomy , in taking Distances and Altitudes , in measuring plain and solid Bodies , and other useful Operations . The first noted Author in this Method was Diophantus , who lived long since the times of Aristotle . He , and those other Ancients that used it , performed their Algebraical Operations by Signs and Characters suted to the several Numbers , and Powers of Numbers , which they had occasion to use in solving Problems : But the later Mathematicians have found a far more neat and easie way , viz. by the Letters of the Alphabet , by which we can solve divers Problems that were too hard for the Ancients , as far as can be discovered by any of their remaining Works . For there were many affected Aequations ( as they call them ) that did not equally ascend in the Scale of Powers , that could not be solv'd by the elder Methods ; whereas the acute Vieta , a Mathematician of this last Age , affirms , he could resolve any Problem by his own Improvements . Besides him , our excellent Oughtred another , lately mentioned , did much in this way . But Des-Cartes hath out-done both former and later Times , and carried Algebra to that height , that some considering Men think Humane Wit cannot advance it further . I will not say so much ; but no doubt he hath performed in it things deserving much acknowledgment , of which we shall hear more in another place . But I proceed , ( III. ) To the Consideration of Geometry , which is so fundamentally useful a Science , that without it we cannot well understand the Artifice of the Omniscient Architect in the composure of the great World , and our selves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the excellent saying of Plato ; and the Vniverse must be known by the Art whereby it was made . So that what Galileo notes of Aristotle , is a great sign of his defects , viz. That he reprehended his Venerable Master for his Geometrical Sublimities , accusing him that he receded from the solid Methods of Philosophizing , through his too much indulging that Study ; Which is so far from being likely , that Geometry is little less than necessary to solid and real Philosophy . And therefore Plato admitted none to his School , but those that were acquainted with that Science : Which practice the mentioned excellent Modern , notes to be directly opposite to the Peripatetick Genius ; and some he knew great Men of that way , dehorted their Disciples from it ; which he introduceth one applauding as a wise Counsel , since Geometry would detect and shame the futilities of that Notional way . But not to take too large a compass , this is certain , That Geometry is a most useful and proper Help in the Affairs of Philosophy and Life . 'T is almost as clear from those former intimations , that Aristotle was not much enclined that way ; and we know that his late Sectators , have very seldome applied themselves to Geometrical Disquisitions . The Result of which is , We must expect the Advantages of this Science , from the declining of his and their Empire ; and I need not say expect it , they are both in present view . And if after this any do require accounts of the Improvements Geometry hath received , since the foundation of that Tyranny by the Man of STAGYRA , I shall offer the best I have ; and though I am conscious that they will be scant and defective , yet I hope sufficient for my present purpose . I note then from the celebrated Vossius , That Euclide was the first that brought Geometry into a Method , and more accurately demonstrated those Principles , which before were scattered among the Greeks and Aegyptians , and not so cogently or carefully proved . And Proclus reckons this famous Man as the Compiler and Demonstrator , not as the Inventor of the Elements ; and two of these Books ( viz. 14 , & 15. ) are ascribed to Apollonius Pergaeus , who was his nearest Successor in Fame for Mathematical Abilities . This Geometrician improved the Science by four Books of Conicks , publish'd of old ; and three more have been lately ( in the year 1661. ) translated out of an Arabick Manuscript in the Duke of Tuscany's Library , and are now abroad . This Manuscript Jacob Golius procured out of the East . Besides which , this Magnus Geometra , as he was called , illustrated Euclide by his Learned Commentary upon him . But Archimedes of Syracuse , was a Person of the greatest renown for Geometrical and Mechanical Performances ; concerning which , Polybius , Valerius , Plutarch , Livy , and others , have recorded prodigious things : This great Wit carried Geometry from general and idle Speculation , to the use and benefit of Mankind ; whereas before him it was an ancient and perverse Opinion , That this Knowledge ought not to be brought down to vulgar Service , but kept up in abstractive Contemplations : upon which score Archytas and Eudoxus , those great Geometricians before Euclide , were scared from the Mechanical and Organical Methods , to the great hinderance of beneficial Improvements in that way . But the excellent Syracusian understood , that this Science is not debased , but promoted and advanced by such Accommodations ; and evinc'd the usefulness and excellency of Geometry , in his admirable Paradox proposed before King Hieron ( Datis viribus datum pondus tollere ) [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] . This Mathematician flourish'd 160 years after the time of Aristotle , who hath the name of the most Ancient that writ in Mechanicks , though that Book of his be not mentioned , either by Archimedes , Athenaeus , Hero , or Pappus , Mechanical Authors ; and Cardan and Patricius affirm that Work to be none of Aristotl's : Whos 's ever it was , the Performance hath praise from the Learned , as explaining the general Causes of Mechanical Geometry . But Archimedes was more practical and particular : And though Plutarch in the Life of Marcellus affirms he writ nothing ; yet the contrary is abundantly proved by Gerard Vossius , who hath shewn that the Books extant under his Name , that contain so many great Maxims of Mechanicks , are genuine ; and both Strabo and Pappus mention them as his . The Design of Archimedes , of combining Mechanism and Geometrick Theary , was after happily promoted by Hero the Elder of Alexandria , who invented those ingenuous Automata , that move by Air and Wires ; concerning which he writ a Book that was Translated by Fredericus Commandinus , as also he did another De Machinis Bellicis , by which he well improved Geometrick Meohanicks : And Pappus particularly celebrates his exactness in solving the Deliaick Problem , De Cubo duplicando , acknowledging that he took most of his own Accounts about that Matter , from that exquisite Man. Next him , I mention Theodosius of Tripoli , who very much improved Geometry by his three Books De Figura Sphaerica , which afforded great assistance to Ptolomy , Pappus , Proclus , and Theon , in their Mathematical Endeavours . Menelaus also , who lived in Trajan's time , contributed very much to the perfecting the Doctrine of Sphaericks , as Vitellio well knew , who was famous for those things which he borrowed from that Author . The Performances also of Ctesibius , who lived in the time of Ptolomeus Physcon , are much celebrated by Plivy . He invented many things in Hydraulicks , and according to Atheneus , he was the first Contriver of Musical Organs . These were Mechanical : but Geminus Rhodius the Master of Proclus Lycius , applyed Logick to Geometry , out of particular Elements abstracting Vniversals . He demonstrated , That there are only Three similar Species of all Lines , viz. Right , Circular , and Cylindrical : And Perseus following his steps , enrich'd Geometry with the Invention of three kinds of Crooked Lines , the Parabole , Hyperbole , and Elipsis ; for which he express'd his extatick joy , as Thales , Pythagoras , and Archimedes did upon like occasions , in a Sacrifice to the Gods. But to be briefer , Pappus improved the Sphoericks ; Theon more methodically digested the Elements of Euclide ; Serenus Antinsensis discover'd , that the Section of a right Cylindre , is the same with the Elipsis of a right Cone ; Copernicus improved the Doctrine of Triangles ; Ramus corrected and supplied Euclide , where his Principles were defective ; Maurolicus writ first of Secant Lines , Clavius much illustrated and promoted the Doctrine of Tangents , Secants , Triangles , Right Lines , and Sphaericks , besides what he did in his Comment upon Euclide , I might mention with These , the worthy Performances of Gusanus , Pitiscus , Snellius , Ambrosius Rhodius , Kepler , Franciseus à Schoten , and others , who contributed very eminently to the Perfections and Advancements of Geometry , and were lare Men. But none have done in it like the Excellent Persons whom I reserve for my last mention ; The chief are , Vieta , Des-Cartes , and Dr. Wallis . To my account of whose Performances , I must premise , That no great things can be done in Geometry , without the Analytical Method ; And though some Learned Men conceive the Ancients were acquainted with this way of resolving Problems , yet their skill in it went no higher than the Quadratick Order of Aequations , which They demonstrated by Circles and Right Lines , which They call'd Loca Plana : but they were able to do nothing in the Cubical Aequations , or any of the Superiour Orders ; though they endeavour'd to cover their defects in this Art , by recourse ad Locos Solidos , ( viz. Conick Sections ) and Lineares , as they called them , such as the Helix , Conchoeides , and those of like nature . But those tortous and curved Lines being described Mechanically by Compound Motions , the Problems resolv'd by them , are performed Organically by the Hand and Eye , not Geometrically . This was the State of the Analytick Art , as long as Learning flourish'd in Greece ; when That was subdued by the Barbarians , their Learning with their Country passed to the Arabians , and also to the Persians , as we have it from Hottinger and Bullialdus : But these Successors of the Greeks did not advance their Learning beyond the imperfect Stature in which it was delivered to them . In that condition it remained till Cardan and Tartaglia , who made some small addition towards the perfection of it ; For they gave some Rules for solving Cubical Aequations , which were certain in some cases , but not in all . Their Invention some other Mathematical Men endeavoured to advance , laying down Rules for solving some Cubick and Biquadratick Aequations ; but could never find an universal way , that might reach all such : Yea indeed they utterly despaired , and held it impossible . At length appears Vieta , who by inventing the Method of Extracting Roots in the most numerous Aequations , and by converting the Signs used by the Ancients into Letters , brought Algebra to a very great perfection , as I have noted above ; and by enriching the Analytical Art , by the Accessions of his Exigetice Numerosa , and Logistice Speciosa , he hath contributed infinite helps to Geometry . After him , divers other Learned Men polisht and adorned his Discourses ; among whom I mention chiefly our Country-men Harriot and Oughtred , who altred Vieta's Notes to advantage , and invented Canons to direct our Operations in the Extracting of Roots , both in pure and adsected Aequations . But after these had thus improved the Analytick Art , and well assisted Geometry by it , Renatus Des-Cartes appears , who in a few Pages , opens a way to mighty Performances : He shews us how all the Problems of Geometry may be brought to such terms , that we shall need nothing to the Construction and Demonstration of them , but the knowledge of the length of certain right Lines ; and that , as all the Operations of Arithmetick are performed by Addition , Subtraction , Multiplication , Division , and Extraction of Roots ( which is a species of Division ) . So in Geometry , for the preparation of Lines that they may be known , nothing needs more to be done , than that others be added to them , or subtracted from them ; or if the Line be single , ( which that it may be the better referred to Numbers , may be called Vnity ) and beside that , two other Lines , that a Fourth be found which shall have the same proportion to one of these Lines , that the other hath to Vnity , which is the same with Multiplication ; or else , that by them a Fourth be found , which may have the same proportion to one of them , which Vnity hath to the other , which is the same with Division ; or lastly , That there be found between Vnity , and some other Right Line , two or more mean Proportionals , which is the same thing with the Extraction of Quadratick and Cubick Roots . And that he may justifie the introducing of Terms Arithmetical into Geometry , he observes , That the avoiding thereof was an occasion of much perplexity and obscurity in the Geometry of the Ancients ; of which he could give no other conjecture , but because they did not sufficiently understand the affinity and cognation of those Sciences . But if I should intend an exact History of all his Performances , I must transcribe Him ; for he hath said so much in little , that 't is impossible to abridge those his close Composures . I shall therefore only hint some principal things referring to his Writings for the rest . And I take notice first , That he hath proposed an Vniversal Method for the Solution of all Problems ; not only those propounded in Right Lines , Plains , and Solids : but also all that are made in Angles , a thing of most general Service in all parts of Mathematicks . By It he resolves the famous Proposition in Pappus , which was too hard for Euclide , Apollonius , and all the Ancients . He discourses the nature of crooked Lines , and shews which are fit to be used in Geometrical Demonstrations ; Gives Rules for the place where to apply our selves in the Demonstration of any Problem ; and tells us , That a Problem after it is brought to an Aequation , and reduced to its least terms , and the unknown Quantity is Quadratick , or of two Dimensisions , that then it may be demonstrated by a Right Line and Circles : but if the Aequation , after it is reduced to its least Terms , leave the unknown Quantity , Cubick or Biquadratick , it must be demonstrated by some one of the Conick Sections . Whereas again , if after the Aequation reduced , the unknown Quantity remain of five or six Dimensions , or more , in infinitum , then the Demonstration must be performed by Lines more and more compound , according to the degree of Composition in the unknown Quantity of the Aequation . But because the way by Lines is perplext and tedious , he gives Rules to reduce Aequations of many Dimensions , to fewer . He shews how to fill up Defects , when any Terms are wanting in the Aequation ; how to convert the false Roots into true , to avoid Fractions , and to lessen Aequations . He hath demonstrated , by a Circle and Parabole , the famous Problems so much agitated among the Ancients , viz. the Trisection of an Angle , and the finding two mean Proportionals between two Lines given , with more brevity and expedition than any that went before him . And this shall suffice by way of intimation , concerning that Prince of Mathematicians and Philosophers . Since him , others have improved this Method : Schotenius hath demonstrated the Loca Plana of Apollonius : Hadderius hath added Inventions of use and pleasant Speculation in his Tract of Reduction of Aequations . Florimundus de Beaune hath writ ingenious and profitable things , de Natura & Limitibus Aequationum . But 't would be endless to attempt full Accounts of the Modern Advancements of this Science , or indeed those accessions of growth it hath had since Vieta . And whoever should go about it , must reckon to begin anew as soon as he hath finish'd what he intended , since Geometry is improving daily . I shall therefore add no more here , but only do right to an excellent Person of our own Nation , Dr. Wallis , a Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY , to whom Geometry is exceedingly indebted for his rare Discoveries in that Science . Particularly , he hath propounded a Method for the measuring of all kind of crooked Lines , which is highly ingenious ; and put an end to all future Attempts about Squaring the Circle , which hath puzzled and befooled so many Mathematicians , that have spent their thoughts and time about it . This he hath brought to effect as it near as can be done , and shew'd the exact performance by rational Numbers impossible : He hath proposed excellent ways for the measuring all kinds of Plains , and all multangular and solid Bodies . But 't is time now to proceed to the consideration of the next Mathematical Science , Viz. ( 4. ) Astronomy , one of the grandest and most magnifique of all those that lie within the compass of Natural Inquiry . I shall not look back to its beginning among the Chaldaeans , Aegyptians , and eldest Graecians , in which Times it was but rude and imperfect , in comparison to its modern Advancements . For the great Men among the Greeks are taken much notice of , but for very ordinary and trite things in this Science : As Anaximander Milesius , for teaching , That the Earth was Globous , and the Centre of the World not bigger than the Sun : Anaximines for affirming , That the Moon shone but with a borrowed Light ; That the Sun and It were Eclips'd by the Earths interposal ; and , That the Stars move round our Globe . And Pythagoras was the first that noted the obliquity of the Ecliptick . This Philosopher indeed was a Person of a vast reach , and said things in Astronomy very agreeable to late Discoveries : But Aristotle made very odd Schemes , not at all corresponding with the Phaenomena of the Heavens , as appears from his Hypotheses of Solid Orbs , Epicycles , Excentricks , Intelligences , and such other ill-contrived Phancies . Besides which , if I should descend to consider his now palpable Mistakes about the nature of Comets , the Galaxy , the Sphere of Fire under the Moon , and numerous other such , I should oblige my self to a large ramble . Wherefore to be brief in these Notes , I observe , That after Aristotle , Astronomy was cultivated and improved by Theophrastus , Aratus , Aristarchus Samius , Archimedes , Geminus , Menelaus , Theon , Hipparchus , Claudius Ptolomaeus , and many others among the Greeks . Among later Authors , considerable things have been done in this way by both Latins and Arabians : To omit the latter , I shall give you some particular Instances of the other . Johannes de Sacro Bosco , ingeniously and methodically explained the Doctrine of the Sphere : Thebit first found the Motion of Trepidation : Regiomontanus published the first Ephemerides : and did excellent things in his Theoricks of the Planets . Wernerus stated the greatest Declination of the Sun. Albertus Pighius directed the way to find Aequinoxes and Solstices : Baersius fram ed perpetual Tables of the Longitudes and Latitudes of the Planets : Copernicus restored the Hypothesis of Pythagoras and Philolaus , and gave far more neat and consistent Accounts of the Phaenomena : Joachimus made Ephemerides according to the Copernican Doctrine : Clavius invented a most useful demonstrative Astrolabe , and writ an exquisite Comment upon Sacro Bosco . But I conclude the last Century with the Noble Ticho Brahe , who performed the great Work of restoring the Fix'd Stars to their true places , the assignation of which before him , was rather by guess , than any competent Rules , and the mistakes here , were the very Root and Foundation of most Errors in Astronomy . For which reason it was , that Copernicus left that earnest advice to his Scholar Joachimus , that he should apply himself to the restitution of the Fix'd Stars ; for till this were done , there could be no hopes of attaining to the true places of the Planets , nor doing any thing to purpose in the whole Science . This ingaged the Noble Tycho to this Enterprise , and he made it the Foundation of all the rest : The Method he used is described by Gassendus . By the help of this noble Performance he reformed the elder Astronomical Tables , both the Ptolomaick and Copernican . And from his Observations of the new Star of 1572 , and six others in his time , he asserted Comets into their place among Heavenly Bodies , shattering all the Solid Orbs to pieces ; And he hath done it with such cleaer conviction , that even the Jesuits , whose thraldom to the Church of Rome , deters them from closing with the Motion of Earth , confess a necessity of repairing to some other Hypothesis than that of Ptolomy , and Aristotle . I might add to this , That this generous Nobleman invented and framed such excellent Astronomical Instruments , as were for use and convenience far beyond any of former Times : Himself hath a Treatise concerning them . He hath also made exquisite Tables of the difference that Refractions make in the appearance of the Stars , and done more great things for Astronomical Improvement , than many Ages that were before him ; for which reason I could not pardon my self in a curt mention of so glorious an Advancer of this Science . The next Age after him , which is ours , hath made excellent use of his Discoveries , and those of his Elder , the famed Copernicus ; and raised Astronomy to the noblest height and Perfection that ever yet it had among Men. It would take up a Volume to describe , as one ought , all the particular Discoveries : But my Design will permit but a short mention : Therefore briefly ; I begin with Galilaeo , the reputed Author of the famous Telescope ; but indeed the glory of the first Invention of that excellent Tube , belongs to Jacobus Metius of Amsterdam : but 't was improved by the noble Galilaeo , and he first applied it to the Stars ; by which incomparable Advantage , he discovered the Nature of the Galaxy , the 21 New Stars that compose the Nebulosa in the Head of Orion , the 36 that conspire to that other in Cancer , the Ansulae Saturni , the Asseclae of Jupiter , of whose Motions he composed an Ephemeris . By these Lunulae 't is thought that Jupiters distance from the Earth may be determined , as also the distance of Meridians , which would be a thing of much use , since this hath always been measured by Lunar Eclipses , that happen but once or twice a year ; whereas opportunities of Calculating by the occultations of these new Planets will be frequent , they recurring about 480 times in the year . Besides , ( to hasten ) Galilaeo discovered the strange Phases of Saturn , one while ob●…long , and then round ; the increment and decrement of Venus , like the Moon ; the Spots in the Sun , and its Revolution upon its own Axis ; the Moons libration , collected from the various position of its Maculae ; and divers other wonderful and useful Raritics , that were strangers to all Antiquity : Shortly after Galilaeo , appears Christopherus Scheiner , who by greater Telescopes viewed the Sun with a curled and unequal Superficies , and in or near the Hori●…n of an Elliptical Figure . He found also , That that supposed uniform Globe of Light , was of a different complexion in its several parts ; some brighter than the main Body , as the Faculae , others darker , as the Maculae . He made more than 2000 Observations of ●…m , and described their Number , Magnitude , Situation , Figure , and Revolutions . Kepler is next to be mention'd , who first proposed the Elliptical Hypothesis , made very accurate and luciferous Observations about the Motions of Mars , and writ an Epitome of the Copernican Astronomy , in the clearest and most pers●…icuous Method , containing the Discoveries of others , and divers considerable ones of his own ; not to mention his Ephemerides , and Book about Comets . Ant. Maria Shirlaeus , with a new Telescope of a larger Diameter than ordinary , discovered five other Stars more remote from Jupiter than his Satellites , and a kind of vapid Atmosphere about that Planet . Franciscus Fontana observed the same Star , with nine others , never leaving it more than ten of its Diameters ; and in 1636 , and 1643. with 8. Anno 1645. with 5 , 1646. with 7. on other days with 6. varying their distances one to another , and not to be seen about Mars or Saturn , nor without extending the Telescope more than was fitting for Fix'd Stars . These Satellites are observed to suffer a defection of their Light , when Jupiter interposeth between them and the Sun ; whence it is inferr'd , That they have their Light from It , and that Jupiter hath none of his own to impart to them . To be brief , Longomontanus described the World according to all the Hypotheses of Ptolomy , Copernicus , and Ticho Brahe : Jansonius Blaeu made far more perfect and exact Coelestial Globes than any were extant before : Gassendus writ judiciously of the Stars about Jupiter , and of Mercury in the Sun , and gave the World most excellent Astronomieal Institutions : Ismael Bullialdus inrich'd the Science with a new Method , to find and easily compute the Paralaxes of Solar Ellipses : Hevelius drew a Graphical Description of the Moon in all its Phases , as it appear'd in the Telescope , accurately delineating its Spots , and shewing the inequality and mountanous protuberances of its Surface , which lends Light to a great Theory . Both these last named are Fellows of the ROYAL SOCIETY . Of the Selenography of Hevelius , Ricciolus made an Improvement , both as to the Number , Figure , Magnitude , Site , Colour of the Maculae , and the Eminencies , Profundities , and Asperities of the Lunar Superficies . Martinus Hortensius found Mercury to have variety of Phases , like the Moon ; as , now Horned , then Gibbous , and at other times Round . But I conclude this Account with the most Worthy and Learned Prelate Dr. Seth Ward , now Lord Bishop of Sarum , who among his other excellent Performances in Astronomy , hath demonstratively proved the Elliptical Hypothesis , which is the most plain and simple , and performed by fewer Operations than either of the other . This indeed was first discours'd of by Kepler , advanced by Bullialdus , but demonstrated by this accomplish'd and venerable Bishop , an Honourable Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . I come next ( 5. ) To consider the Opticks , whose Improvements are of great importance in the Matters of general Philosophy and humane Life ; since the informations of Sense are the ground of both , and this Science rectifies and helps the noblest of them . Concerning it , there was once a Book of Aristotle's extant , according to Laertius : but it hath submitto Time. Since him , this Science hath been cultivated by Euclide , and the celebrated Archimedes , who is said to have done strange things by it , upon the Ships of Marcellus : As Proclus who improved the Archimedian Artifices , destroyed a Fleet by his Specula Vstoria , that besieged Constantinople . Ptolomy of Alexandria made considerable Improvements of Opticks ; and Alhazenus the Arabian , is famous for what he did in It. From thefe , Vitellio drew his , and advanced the Science by his own Wit , and their Helps . Stevinus corrected Euclide , Alhazen , and Vitellio , in some fundamental Propositions that were mistakes ; and in their room substituted considerable Inventions of his own . Roger Bacou our fam'd Country-man ( whom Picus Mirandula calls the Phoenix of his Age , and Vossius , one Learned to a Miracle ) writ acutely of Opticks . He was accused of Magick to Pope Clement iv . and thereupon imprisoned : But the Accusation was founded on nothing but his skill in Mathematicks , and the ignorance of his Accusers . After these , the Dioptricks were improved by Kepler , Gassendus , Mersennus , and the noble and incomparable Des-Cartes , who hath said the most clear , useful , and improvable things about it , that ever were extant on the Subject . But nothing hath so much advanc'd the Science , as the invention of the Telescope by Metius ; and that other of the Microscope , concerning which I have to say in the following Instances . I pass therefore to the last I shall mention in the Mathematicks , which is , ( VI. ) Geography . In this the Ancients were exceedingly defective . And Aristotle knew the World , by the same Figure by which his Scholar conquer'd it . 'T is noted by the ingenious Varenius , that the most general and necessary things in this Science were then unknown ; as , The Habitableness of the Torrid Zone ; The flux and reflux of the Sea ; The diversity of Winds ; The Polar Property of the Magnet ; The true Dimension of the Earth . They wanted Descriptions of remote Countries , concerning which both the Greeks and Romans had very fabulous Relations . They knew not that the Earth was encompassed by the Sea , and that it might be Sailed round . They were totally ignorant of America , and both the North and South parts of this Hemisphere ; yea , and understood very little of the remoter places of their own Asia : Japan , the Java's , the Philippicks , and Borneo , were either not at all known , or exceeding imperfectly of old : But all these are familiar to the latter Times : Mexico and Peru , and the vast Regions of those mighty Empires , with the many Isles of the Great Sea are disclosed : The Frozen North , the Torrid Line , and formerly unknown South , are visited , and by their numerous Inhabitants found not to be so inhospitable and unkind to Men , as Antiquity believed . The Earth hath been rounded by Magellan , Drake , and Candish : The great Motion of the Sea is vulgar , and its Varieties inquiring into every day : The diversities of Winds stated , and better understood : The Treasure of hidden Vertues in the Loadstone found and used . The Spicy Islands of the East , as also those of the remote South and North , frequented , and the knowledge of that People and those Countries transmitted to us , with their Riches ; The most distant Parts being travell'd and describ'd . Our Navigation is far greater , our Commerce is more general , our Charts more exact , our Globes more accurate , our Travels more remote , our Reports more intelligent and sincere ; and consequently our Geography far more perfect , than it was in the elder Times of Polybius and Possidonius , yea than in those of Ptolomy , Strabo , and Pomponius Mela , who lived among the Caesars . And if it was so short in the flourishing Times of the Roman Empire , how was it before in the days of Aristotle , and the Graecians ? We have an Instance of it in the Great Macedonian , who thought the Bounds of his Conquests to be the end of the World ; when there were Nations enough beyond him to have eaten up the Conqueror with his proud and triumphant Armies . So that here also Modern Improvements have been great ; and He will think so , that shall compare the Geographical Performances of Gemma Frisius , Mercator , Ortelius , Stevinus , Bertius , and Guil. Blaeu , with the best Remains of the most celebrated Geographers of the more ancient Ages . Thus I have touched upon some of the Improvements of the ARTS that search into the recesses of Nature , with which latter Ages have assisted Philosophical Inquiries . And in these I see I have struck farther than I was aware into the account of those things also , which lead us to the grosser Phaenomena ; and my Remarques about Geography are all of that nature . However I shall not alter my Method ; but after I have discours'd the Instruments I mentioned for Useful Knowledge , I shall consider somewhat of NATVRAL HISTORY , which reports the Appearances , and is fundamentally necessary to all the Designs of Science . As for the INSTRVMENTS then , that are next , before I come to the Notes I intend concerning them , I observe , That The Philosophy that must signifie either for Light or Vse , must not be the work of the Mind turned in upon it self , and only conversing with its own Idaea's ; but It must be raised from the Observations and Applications of Sense , and take its Accounts from Things as they are in the sensible World. The Illustrious Lord Bacon hath noted this as the chief cause of the unprofitableness of the former Methods of Knowledge , viz. That they were but the Exercises of the Mind , making Conclusions , and spinning out Notions from its own native Store ; from which way of proceeding nothing but Dispute and Air could be expected . 'T was the fault that Great Man found in the Ancients , That they flew presently to general Propositions , without staying for a due information from Particulars , and so gradually advancing to Axioms : Whereas the Knowledge , from which any thing is to be hoped , must be laid in Sense , and raised not only srom some few of its ordinary Informations ; but Instances must be aggregated , compared , critically inspected , and examined ; singly , and in consort : In order to which Performances our Senses must be aided ; for of themselves they are too narrow for the vastness of things , and too short for deep Researches : They make us very defective and unaccurate Reports , and many times very deceitful and fallacious ones : I say therefore , they must be assisted with Instruments , that may strengthen and rectisie their Operations . And in these we have mighty advantages over Aristotle and the Ancients ; so that much greater things may well be expected from our Philosophy , than could ever have been performed by theirs ; though we should grant them all the superiority of Wit and Vnderstanding their fondest Admirers would ascribe to those Sages : For a weak hand can move more weight by the help of Springs , Wheels , Leavers , and other Mechanick Powers , than the strongest could do without them : And that we really have these Advantages , must be shewn by Instance : I mentioned Five that are considerable to that purpose , which I took notice of among many others ; and they were the Telescope , Microscope , Thermometer , Barometer , and Air Pump . ( I. ) The Telescope is the most excellent Invention that ever was , for assisting the Eye in remote Discoveries . The distance of the Heavens is so vast , that our unaided Senses can give us but extreamly imperfect Informations of that Upper World ; And the Speculations that Antiquity hath raised upon them , have for the most part been very mean , and very false : But these excellent Glasses bring the Stars nearer to us , and acquaint us better with the immense Territories of Light : They give us more Phaenomena , and truer Accounts ; disperse the shadows and vain Images of the twilight of naked Sense , and make us a clearer and larger prospect : By these Advantages they inlarge our Thoughts , and shew us a more magnificent Representation of the Vniverse : So that by them the Heavens are made more amply to declare the Glory of God , and we are help'd to nobler , and better-grounded Theories : I have mentioned in my Account of the Advance of Astronomy some of the most remarkable Discoveries that have been made by these Tubes , which exceedingly transcend all the Imaginations of elder Times ; and by the further improvement of them , other things may be disclosed as much beyond all ours . And the present Philosophers are so far from desiring that Posterity should sit down contented with their Discoveries and Hypotheses , that they are continually sollicitous for the gaining more helps to themselves , and those that shall follow , for a further progress into the knowledge of the Phaenomena , and more certain judgments upon them . So that these Glasses are exceedingly bettered since their Invention by Metius , and application to the Heavens by Galilaeo ; and several ingenious Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY are now busie about improving them to a greater height : What success and informations we may expect from the Advancements of this Instrument , it would perhaps appear Romantick and ridiculous to say ; As , no doubt , to have talk'd of the Spots in the Sun , and vast inequalities in the Surface of the Moon , and those other Telescopical Certainties , before the Invention of that Glass , would have been thought phantastick and absurd : I dare not therefore mention our greatest hopes : but this I adventure , That 't is not unlikely but Posterity may by those Tubes , when they are brought to higher degrees of perfection , find a sure way to determine those mighty Questions , Whether the Earth move ? or , the Planets are inhabited ? And who knoweth which way the Conclusions may fall ? And 't is probable enough , that another thing will at last be found out , in which this lower World is more immediately concerned , by Telescopical Observations , which is , the most desired Invention of Longitudes ; upon which must needs ensue yet greater Improvements of Navigation , and perhaps the Discovery of the North-West Passage , and the yet unknown South : Whatever may be thought of these Expectations by vulgar and narrow Minds , whose Theories and Hopes are confin'd by their Senses , those that consider , that one Experiment discovered to us the vast America , will not despair . But 't is time to pass from this , to a second Modern Aid , whereby our Sight is assisted , which is , ( II. ) The Microscope : The Secrets of Nature are not in the greater Masses , but in those little Threds and Springs , which are too subtile for the grosness of our unhelp'd Senses ; and by this Instrument our eyes are assisted to look into the minutes and subtilties of things , to discern the otherwise invisible Schematis●…s and Structures of Bodies , and have an advantage for the finding out of Original Motions ; To perceive the exactness and curiosity of Nature in all its Composures ; And from thence take sensible Evidence of the Art and Wisdom that is in its Contrivance ; To disclose the variety of living Creatures that are shut up from our bare Senses , and open a kind of other World unto us , which its littleness kept unknown : This Instrument hath been exceedingly improved of late , even to the magnifying of Objects many thousand times ; and divers useful Theories have been found and explicated by the notices it hath afforded ; as appears by the Microscopical Writings of Dr. Power and Mr. Hooke , Members of the ROYAL SOCIETY . But ( III. ) The Thermometer was another Instrument I mentioned , which discovers all the small unperceivable variations in the heat or coldness of the Air , and exhibits many rare and luciferous Phaenomena , which may help to better Informations about those Qualities , than yet we have any . And as to this , I observe with the great Verulam , and the other Bacon the Illustrious Mr. Boyle , That Heat and Cold are the right and left hand of Nature : The former is the great Instrument of most of her Operations ; and the other hath its Interest : And yet the Philosophy of Aristotle hath neither done , nor as much as attempted any thing toward the Discovery of their Natures ; but contented it self with the jejune , vulgar , and general description , That Heat is a Quality that gathereth together things of a like nature , and severs those that are unlike ; and Cold congregates both . But now if we will know any thing deeply in the business of Rarefaction and Condensation , the Doctrine of Meteors , and other material Affairs of Nature , other Accounts about these things must be endeavoured ; and the bare informations of our Senses are not exact enough for this purpose ; for their Reports in this kind are various and uncertain , according to the temper and disposition of our Bodies , and several unobserved accidental Mutations that happen in them . This Instrument therefore hath been invented to supply their Defects ; and it gives far more constant and accurate , though perhaps not always infallible Relations : but the justest are afforded by the Sealed Thermometer . And besides the Vses of this Instrument I suggested , it will help very much in framing the History of Weather , which may be applied to many excellent Purposes of Philosophy , and Services of Life . But ( IV. ) The Barometer is another late Instrument very helpful to Vseful Knowledge : That there is gravity even in the Air it self , and that that Element is only comparatively light , is now made evident and palpable by Experience , though Aristotle and his Schools held a different Theory : And by the help of Quick-silver in a Tube , the way is found to measure all the degrees of Compression in the Atmosphere , and to estimate exactly any accession of weight , which the Air receives from Winds , Clouds , and Vapours : To have said in Elder Times , That Mankind should light upon an Invention whereby those Bodies might be weigh'd , would certainly have appeared very wild and extravagant ; and it will be so accounted for some time yet , till Men have been longer , and are better acquainted with this Instrument : For we have no reason to believe it should have better luck than the Doctrine of the Circulation , the Theory of Antipodes , and all great Discoveries in their first Proposals : 'T is impossible to perswade some of the Indians that live near the heats of the Line , that there is any such thing as Ice in the World ; but if you talk to them of Water made hard and consistent by Cold , they 'l laugh at you as a notorious Romancer : And those will appear as ridiculous among the most of us , who shall affirm it possible to determine any thing of the weight of the Wind or Clouds : But Experience turns the laugh upon the confident incredulity of the Scoff●…r ; and he that will not believe , needs no more for his conviction , than the labour of a Tryal ; Let him then fill a Tube of Glass of some Feet in length with Quick-silver ; and having sealed one end , let him stop the other with his Finger , and immerge that which is so stop'd into a Vessel of Mercury , the Tube being perpendicularly erected ; let him then subtract his Finger , and he will perceive the Quick silver to descend from the Tube into the subjacent Vessel , till it comes to 29 Digits or thereabouts ; there , after some Vibrations , it ordinarily rests : The reason that this remainder of the Mercury doth not descend also , is , because such a Mercurial Cylinder is just equiponderant to one of the insumbent Atmosphere that leans upon the Quick-silver in the Vessel , and so hinders a further descent . It is concluded therefore , That such a Cylinder of the Air as presses upon the Mercury in the Vessel , is of equal weight to about 29 Digits of that ponderous Body in the Tube . Thus it is when the Air is in its ordinary temper : But Vapours , Winds , and Clouds , alter the Standard , so that the Quick-silver sometimes falls , sometimes rises in the Glass , proportionably to the greater or less accession of gravity and compression the Air hath received from any of those alterations ; and the Degree of Increase beyond the Standard is the measure of the additional gravity . This Experiment was the Invention of Torricellius , and used to little more purpose at first , but to prove a Vacuum in Nature ; and the deserted part of the Glass-Tube was by many thought an absolute void , which I believe is a mistake : But it hath been since improved to this design of weighing the degrees of compression in the Air ; a thing that may signifie much , in giving us to understand its temper in several Places , on Hills and in Caves , in divers Regions and Climates , which may tend to the disclosing many excellent Theories and Helps in Humane Life . And the Air is so Catholick a Body , and hath so great an influence upon all others , and upon ours , that the advantage of such an Instrument , for the better acquainting us with its nature , must needs be very considerable , and a good Aid to general Philosophy . And who yet knows how far , and to what Discoveries this Invention may be improved ? The World a long time only rudely star'd upon the Wonders of the Loadstone , before its use was found for the advantage of Navigation ; and 't is not impossible , but that future Times may derive so much benefit one way or other from this Invention , as may equal its esteem to that of the Compass . The ROYAL SOCIETY , by their Care and Endeavours in the using this Instrument , give us hopes , that they will let none of its useful Applications to escape us : And I know not whether we may not mention it as the first great benefit we have from it , that it was an occasion of the Invention of Mr. Boyle's famous Pneumatick Engine : And this is the other Instrument I noted , and call'd ( V. ) The Air-Pump : concerning the usefulness of which , that excellent Person himself hath given the best Accounts , in his Discourse of Physico-Mechanical Experiments made in that Engine , by which he hath discovered and proved a rare and luciferous Theory , viz. the Elastick Power or Spring of the Air , and by this , hath put to flight that odd Phancy of the Fuga Vacui ; and shewn , that the strange Effects which use to be ascribed to that general and obscure cause , do arise from the native self-expansion of the Air. The extent of which Elastical Expansion , he hath found divers ways to measure by his Engine , which also discovers the Influence the Air hath on Flame , Smoke , and Fire ; That it hath none in Operations Magnetical ; That it is probably much interspersed in the Pores of Water , and comprest by the incumbent Atmosphere , even in those elose retreats ; What Operation the exsuction of the Air hath on other Liquors , as Oil , Wine , Spirit of Vinegar , Milk , Eggs , Spirit of Vrine , Solution of Tartar , and Spirit of Wine ; The gravity and expansion of the Air under Water ; The interest the Air hath in the vibrations of Pendulums , and what it hath to do in the propagation of Sounds ; That Fumes and Vapours ascend by reason of the gravity of the Ambient , and not from their own positive levity ; The nature of Suction , the cause of Filtration , and the rising of Water in Siphons ; The nature of Respiration , and the Lungs , illustrated by tryals made on several kinds of Animals , and the interest the Air hath in the Operations of Corosive Liquors : These , and many more such-like beneficial Observations and Discoveries , hath that great Man made by the help of his Pneumatick Engine ; and there is no doubt but more , and perhaps greater things will be disclosed by it , when future ingenuity and diligence hath improved and perfected this Invention . ( For what great thing was absolute and perfect in its first rise and beginning ? ) And 't is like this Instrument hereafter will be used and applyed to things yet unthought of , for the advancement of Knowledge , and the conveniences of Life . THus I have performed the first part of my promise , by shewing what Advantages the latter Ages , and particularly the ROYAL SOCIETY have , for deep search into things both by Arts and Instruments newly invented or improved , above those enjoy'd by Aristotle , and the Ancients . I am next , ( II. ) To recount what Aids it hath received from our better acquaintance with the Phaenomena . For this I must consider NATURAL HISTORY more particularly , which is the Repository wherein these are lodg'd : How this may be compiled in the best order , and to the best advantage , is most judiciously represented by the Immortal Lord Bacon ; and to shew how highly It hath been advanced in modern Times ; I need say little more , than to amass , in a brief Recollection , some of the Instances of newly-discovered Phaenomena , which are scatter'd under the Heads of the Arts and Instruments I have discours'd , with the Addition of some others : As , In the HEAVENS , those of the Spots and Dinettick motion of the Sun , the mountanous protuberances and shadows in the Body of the Moon , about nineteen Magnitudes more of Fixed Stars , the Lunulae of Jupiter , their mutual Eclipsing one another , and its turning round upon its own Axis ; the Ring about Saturn , and its shadow upon the Body of that Star ; the Phases of Venus , the increment and decrement of Light among the Planets , the appearing and disappearing of Fixed Stars , the Altitude of Comets , and nature of the Via Lactea : By these Discoveries , and more such , the History of the Heavens hath been rectified , and augmented by the Modern Advancers of Astronomy , whom in their places I have cited . In the AIR ; Its Spring , the more accurate History and Nature of Winds and Meteors , and the probable height of the Atmosphere , have been added by the Lord Bacon , Des-Cartes , Mr. Boyle , and others . In the EARTH , New Lands by Columbus , Magellan , and the rest of the Discoverers ; and in these , new Plants , new Fruits , new Animals , new Minerals , and a kind of other World of Nature , from which this is supplied with numerous conveniences of Life , and many thousand Families of our own little one are continually sed and maintained . In the WATERS , the great Motion of the Sea , unknown in elder Times , and the particular Laws of flux and reflux in many places , are discover'd . The History of BATHES augmented by Savonarola , Baccius , and Blanchellus ; of METALS by Agricola ; and the whole SVBTERRANEOVS WORLD described by the universally Learned Kircher . The History of PLANTS much improved by Matthiolus , Ruellius , Bauhinus , and Gerard , besides the late Account of English Vegetables publish'd by Dr. Merret , a worthy Member of the ROYAL SOCIETY . And another excellent Virtuoso of the same Assembly , Mr. John Evelyn , hath very considerably advanced the History of Fruit and Forest-Trees , by his Sylva and Pomona ; and greater things are expected from his Preparations for Elysium Britanicum , a noble Design now under his hands : And certainly the inquisitive World is much indebted to this generous Gentleman for his very ingenious Performances in this kind , as also for those others of Sculpture , Picture , Architecture , and the like practical useful things with which he hath enrich'd it . The History of ANIMALS hath been much enlarged by Gesner , Rondeletius , Aldrovandus , and more accurately inquir'd into by the Micrographers : And the late Travellers , who have given us Accounts of those remote parts of the Earth , that have been less known to these , have described great variety of Living Creatures , very different from the Animals of the nearer Regions ; among whom the ingenious Author of the History of the Caribbies deserves to be mentioned as an Instance . In our own BODIES Natural History hath found a rich heap of Materials in the above-mentioned Particulars of the Venae Lacteae , the Vasa Lymphatica , the Valves and Sinus of the Veins , the several new Passages and Glandules , the Ductus Chyliferus , the Origination of the Nerves , the Circulation of the Blood , and the rest . And all the main Heads of Natural History have receiv'd aids and increase from the famous Verulam , who led the way to substantial Wisdom , and hath given most excellent Directions for the Method of such an HISTORY of NATVRE . Thus I have dispatch'd the FIRST Part of my Method proposed in the beginning ; but stand yet ingaged for the other , which is to shew , ( II. ) That the later Ages have great Advantages , in respect of Opportunities and Helps for the spreading , and communicating of Knowledge , and thereby of improving and enlarging it . This I shall demonstrate in three great Instances , viz. Printing , the Compass , and the Institution of the Royal Society . For the FIRST , Printing ; It was , according to Polydore Virgil , the Invention of John Cuthenberg of Mentz in Germany , though others give the honour to one Fust of the same City , and some to Laurentius a Burger of Harlem . But whoever was the Author , this is agreed , That this excellent Art was first practised about the year 1440 , and was utterly unknown in Elder Times ; at least in all the parts of the World that are on this side the Kingdom of China , which they say had it more early ; but it signifies not to our purpose . Now by reason of the Ancients want of this Invention , Copies of excellent things could not be so much dispersed , nor so well preserv'd either from the Corruptions of Time , and Interest . The Charge of Books was very great , Forgeries frequent , and Mistakes of Transcribers numerous : They were quickly swept away out of those few Libraries in which they were , by Fire and Violence , or spoiled by Dust and Rottenness . And in the absence of this Art , 't was easie enough for one Aristotle to destroy the most considerable Remains of the Ancients , that the power of his great Scholar put into his hands ; which , 't is credibly reported of him , that he did , to procure more fame for his own Performances : as also to conceal his thefts , and injurious dealings with those venerable Sages , whom he seems to take a great delight to contradict and expose , as I have elsewhere proved . But now , by this excellent Invention , the Knowledge that is lodged in Books , is put beyond the danger of such Corruptions , Forgeries , or any fatal inconvenience : We communicate upon easie terms at the remotest distance ; converse with the Wise Men that went before us , and securely convey down our Conceptions to the Ages that shall follow . So that by this means Knowledge is advantagiously spread and improved ; especially since the Assistance Modern Ingenuity hath brought us , in that other admirable Invention , ( 2. ) The Compass . How defective the Art of Navigation was in elder Times , when they sailed by the observation of the Stars , is easie to be imagin'd : For in dark weather , when their Pleiades , Helice , and Cynosura were hidden from them by the intervening Clouds , the Mariner was at a loss for his Guide , and exposed to the casual conduct of the Winds and Tides . For which reason the Ancients feldom or never durst venture into the Ocean , but steer'd along within sight of the safer Shore . So that the Commerce and Communications of those Days were very narrow ; Their famed Travels in comparison were but domestick ; and a whole World was to them unknown . But it hath been the happy priviledge of later Days to find the way to apply the wonderful Vertues of the Loadstone to Navigation ; and by the direction of the Compass we securely commit our selves to the immense Ocean , and find our path in the vastest Wilderness of Waters . So that Commerce and Traffique is infinitely improved ; the other half of the Globe disclosed ; and that on this side the great Sea , better understood : The Religions , Laws , Customs , and all the Rarities and Varieties of Art and Nature , which any the most distant Clime knows and enjoys , are laid open and made common ; and thereby the History of Nature is wonderfully inlarged , and Knowledge is both propagated and improved . Who it was that first discovered this excellent Mystery , is not certainly known : But one Flavius Goia of Amalphis in the Kingdom of Naples , is said to be the Author ; and to have found this incomparable Rarity about 300 years ago . 'T is pity that one of the greatest Benefactors to Mankind that ever was , should lie hid in so neglected an obscurity ; when the great Troublers of the World , who have vex'd it by the Wars of the Hand , and of the Brain , have so dear and so precious a Memory . For my part I think there is more acknowledgment due to the name of this obscure Fellow , that hath scarce any left , than to a thousand Alexanders and Caesars , or to ten times the number of Aristotle's and Aquinas's . And he really did more for the increase of Knowledge , and advantage of the World by this one Experiment , than the numerous subtile Disputers that have lived ever since the erection of the School of Wrangling . And methinks it may not be improper for me here to take notice of that other great German Invention , that useth to be mentioned in the Company , viz. That of Gun-powder and Artilery , which hath done its Service also for the help and propagation of Knowledge , as you will perceive when you shall consider ; that by the assistance of these terrible Engines of Death , the great Western Indies were presently subdued , which likely had not been so easily effected by the ancient and ordinary Methods of War. 'T was this Thunder and Lightning , and the invisible Instruments of Ruine , that destroyed the Courage of those numerous and hardy People , took away the hearts of the strongest Resisters , and made them an easiy Prey to the Conquering Invaders . And now by the gaining that mighty Continent , and the numerous fruitful ●…sles beyond the Atlantick , we have obtained a larger Field of Nature , and have thereby an advantage for more Phaenomena , and more helps both for Knowledge , and for Life ; which 't is very like that future Ages will make better use of to such Purposes , than those hitherto have done ; and that Science also may at last travel into those Parts , and inrich Peru with a more precious Treasure than that of its Golden Mines , is not improbable . And so these Engines of Destruction , in a sense too are Instruments of Knowledge . Of the first Author of this Experiment we know no more , but that he was a German Monk , who lighted on it by chance , when he was making some Chymical Tryals with Nitre , near about the time of the Invention of the Compass ; but his Name and other Circumstances are lost . Now whoever considers , with the Noble Virulam , how much the state of things in the World hath been altered and advanced by these THREE EXPERIMENTS alone , will conceive great hopes of Modern Experimental Attempts , from which greater Matters may be looked for , than those which were the Inventions of Single Endeavourers , or the Results of Chance . And of all the Combinations of Men that ever met for the Improvement of Science , there were never any whose Designs were better laid , whose Abilities were more promising , or whose Constitution was more judiciously or advantageously formed , than the ROYAL SOCIETY . This Noble Institution was the THIRD Advantage I mentioned , that the Modern World hath for the Communication and Increase of Knowledge . And here I find I am happily prevented , and need not say much about it ; For the HISTORY of their Constitution and Performances that is abroad , gives so full and so accurate an Account of them and their Designs , that perhaps it may be superfluous to do more in This , than to recommend that excellent Discourse to the perusal of those that would be informed about those Matters ; which I do with some more than ordinary zeal and concernment , both because the Subject is one of the most weighty , and considerable , that ever afforded Matter to a Philosophical Pen , and because it is writ in a way of so judicious a gravity , and so prudent and modest an expression , with so much clearness of sense , and such a natural fluency of genuine Eloquence , that I know it will both profit and entertain the Ingenious . And I say further , That the Style of that Book hath all the Properties that can recommend any thing to an ingenious relish : For 't is manly , and yet plain ; natural , and yet not careless ; The Epithets are genuine , the Words proper and familiar , the Periods smooth and of middle proportion : It is not broken with ends of Latin , nor impertinent Quotations ; nor made harsh by hard words , or needless terms of Art : Not rendred intricate by long Parentheses , nor gaudy by flanting Metaphors ; not tedious by wide fetches and circumferences of Speech , nor dark by too much curtness of Expression : 'T is not loose and unjointed , rugged and uneven ; but as polite and as fast as Marble ; and briefly , avoids all the notorious defects , and wants none of the proper Ornaments of Language . In this excellent History the Inquisitive may find what were the Reasons of forming such a Combination as the ROYAL SOCIETY , what is the Nature of that Constitution , what are their Designs , and what they have done . For there is Collection of some ( among numerous others that are in their Repository ) of the Experiments , Observations , and Instruments which they have invented and advanced for the improvement of real , useful Knowledge , and a full vindication of the Design , from the dark suspicions and objections of jealousie and ignorance . BUT that I may not wholly refer my Reader , which may look like a put-off , I 'le here offer something concerning this Establishment , as it is an Advantage for the communication and increase of Science . I say then , That it was observed by the excellent Lord Bacon , and some other ingenious Moderns , That Philosophy , which should be an Instrument to work with , to find out those Aids that Providence hath laid up in Nature to help us against the Inconveniences of this State , and to make such applications of things as may tend to universal benefit ; I say , They took notice , that instead of such a Philosophy as this , That which had usurp'd the Name , and obtained in the Schools , was but a combination of general Theories , and Notions , that were concluded rashly , without due information from particulars , and spun out into unprofitable Niceties , that tend to nothing but Dispute and Talk , and were never like to advance any Works for the benefit and use of Men. This being consider'd , the deep and judicious Verulam made the complaint , represented the defects and unprofitableness of the Notional way , proposed another to reform and inlarge Knowledge by Observation and Experiment , to examine and record Particulars , and so to rise by degrees of Induction to general Propositions , and from them to take direction for new Inquiries , and more Discoveries , and other Axioms ; that our Notions may have a Foundation upon which a solid Philosophy may be built , that may be firm , tite , and close knit and suited to the Phaenomena of things : So that Nature being known , it may be master'd , managed , and used in the Services of Humane Life . This was a mighty Design , groundedly laid , wisely exprest , and happily recommended by the Glorious Author , who began nobly , and directed with an incomparable conduct of Wit and Judgment : But to the carrying of it on , It was necessary there should be many Heads and many Hands , and Those formed into an Assembly , that might intercommunicate their Tryals and Observations , that might joyntly work , and joyntly consider ; that so the improvable and luciferous Phaenomena , that lie scatter'd up and down in the vast Campaign of Nature , might be aggregated and brought into a common Store . This the Great Man desired , and form'd a SOCIETY of Experimenters in a Romantick Model , but could do no more ; His time was not ripe for such Performances . These things therefore were consider'd also by the later Virtuosi , who several of them join'd together , and set themselves on work upon this grand Design ; in which they have been so happy , as to obtain the Royal Countenance and Establishment , to gather a great Body of generous Persons of all Qualities and sorts of Learning , to overcome the difficulties of the Institution , and to make a very encouraging and hopeful progress in their pursuits : For the account of which Particulars , I refer to the History , and only take notice , How ignorantly those rash and inconsiderate People talk , who speak of this Assembly as if they were a company of Men whose only aim is to set up some new Theories and Notions in Philosophy ; whereas indeed , Their first and chief Imployment is , carefully to seek and faithfully to report how things are de facto ; and they continually declare against the establishment of Theories , and Speculative Doctrines , which they note as one of the most considerable miscarriages in the Philosophy of the Schools : And their business is not to Dispute , but Work. So that those others also that look on them as pursuing phansyful Designs , are as wide and unjust in their ill-contriv'd Censure : Since Their Aims are to free Philosophy from the vain Images and Compositions of Phansie , by making it palpable , and bringing it down to the plain Objects of the Senses ; For those are the Faculties which they employ and appeal to , and complain that Knowledge hath too long hover'd in the Clouds of Imagination : So that methinks this ignorant Reproach is , as if those that doted on the Tales of the Fabulous Age , should clamour against Plutarch and Tacitus as idle Romancers . For the main intention of this Society is to erect a well grounded Natural History , which takes off the heats of wanton Phansie , hinders its extravagant Excursions , and ties it down to sober Realities . But we frequently hear an insulting Objection against this Philosophical Society , in the Question , What have they done ? To which I could answer in short , more than all the Philosophers of the Notional way , since Aristotle opened his Shop in Greece : Which Saying may perhaps look to some like a fond and bold Sentence : But whoever compares the Repository of this Society , with all the Volumes of Disputers , will find it neither immodest nor unjust : And their History hath given us Instances sufficient of their Experiments , Observations , and Instruments to justifie a bolder Affirmation . But I insist not on this : The thing I would have observ'd is , That those who make the captious Question , do not comprehend the vastness of the Work of this Assembly , or have some phantastical Imaginations of it . They consider not that the Design is laid as low as the profoundest Depths of Nature , and reacheth as high as the uppermost Story of the Vniverse ; That it extends to all the Varieties of the great World , and aims at the benefit of universal Mankind . For could they expect that such mighty Projects as these should ripen in a moment ? Can a Cedar shoot up out of the Earth like a Blade of Grass ? or an Elephant grow to the vastness of his bulk , as soon as a little Insect can be form'd of a drop of Dew ? No ; The true knowledge of general Nature , like Nature it self in its noblest Composures , must proceed slowly , by degrees almost insensible : and what one Age can do in so immense an Undertaking as that , wherein all the Generations of Men are concerned , can be little more than to remove the Rubbish , lay in Materials , and put things in order for the Building . Our work is to overcome Prejudices , to throw aside what is useless , and yeelds no advantage for Knowledge , or for Life ; To perswade Men that there is worthier Imployment for them , than tying Knots in Bulrushes ; and that they may be better accommodated in a well-built House , than in a Castle in the Air : We must seek and gather , observe and examine , and lay up in Bank for the Ages that come after . This is the business of the Experimental Philosophers ; and in these Designs a progress hath been made sufficient to satisfie sober expectations : But for those that look they should give them the Great Elixir , the Perpetual Motion , the way to make Glass malleable , and Man immortal ; or they will object that the Philosophers have done nothing : for such , I say , their impertinent Taunts are no more to be regarded , than the chat of Ideots and Children . But I think I am fallen into things of which the Ingenious Historian hath somewhere given better accounts ; However I shall briefly endeavour to shew the injustice of the Reproach of having done nothing , as 't is applyed to the Royal Scociety , by a single Instance in one of their Members , who alone hath done enough to oblige all Mankind , and to erect an eternal Monument to his Memory . So that had this great Person lived in those days , when Men deified their Benefactors , he could not have miss'd one of the first places among their exalted Mortals : And every one will be convinc'd that this is not vainly said , when I have added , That I mean the Illustrious Mr. BOYLE , a Person by whose proper Merits that noble Name is as much adorned , as by all the splendid Titles that it wears : And that this Honourable Gentlem●… hath done such things for the benefit of the World , and increase of Knowledge , will easily appear to those that converse with Him in his excellent Writings . ( 1. ) In his Book of the AIR , we have a great improvement of the Magdeburg Experiment , of emptying Glass Vessels by exsuction of the Air , to far greater degrees of evacuation , ease , and conveniences for use ; as also an advance of that other famous one of Torticellius , performed by the New Engine , of which I have said some things above , and call'd the AIR-PUMP . By this Instrument ( as K have already intimated ) the Nature , Spring , Expansion , Pressure , and Weight of the Air ; the decrease of its farce when dilated , the Doctrine of a Vacuum , the Height of the Atmosphere , the Theories of Respiration , Sounds , Fluidity , Gravity , Heat , Flame , the Magnet , and several other useful and luciferous Matters , are estimated , illustrated , and explain'd . And ( 2. ) The great Doctrine of the Weight and Spring of the Air is solidly vindicated and further asserted by the Illustrious Author , in another BOOK against HOBS and LINVS . ( 3. ) In his PHYSIOLOGICAL and EXPERIMENTAL ESSAYS , he nobly encourageth and perswades the making of Experiments , and collecting Observations , and gives the necessary Cautions that are to be used in such Designs . He imparts a very considerable luciferous Experiment concerning the different parts and redintegration of Salt-petre ; whence he deduceth , That Motion , Figure , and Disposition of parts , may suffice to produce all the secondary Affections of Bodies ; and consequently , That there is no need of the substintial Forms and Qualities of the Schools . To this he adds a close History of Fluidity and Firmness , which tends mightily to the elucidating of those useful Doctrines . ( 4. ) In his SCEPTICAL CHYMIST he cautions against the sitting down and acquiescing in Chymical and Peripatetical Theories , which many do , to the great hinderance of the growth and improvement of Knowledge . He therefore adviseth a more wary consideration and examen of those Doctrines , before they are subscribed ; and for that purpose he assists them with many very considerable Observations and Experiments . ( 5. ) In his VSEFVLNESS of EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY , he makes it appear how much that way tends to the advance of the Power and Empire of Man over the Creatures , and the universal Benefit of the World ; confirming and illustrating his Discourse with innumerable new and useful Discoveries . ( 6. ) In his HISTORY of COLD , he hath to wonder cultivated that barren Subject , and improved it ( as is noted in the Philosophical Transactions ) by near 200 choice Experiments and Observations . He hath there given an account of the defectiveness of common Weather-Glasses , the Advantages of the new Hermetical Thermometers , and an Inquiry concerning the cause of the Condensation of the Air , and Ascent of Water by Cold in the ordinary Weather-wisers ; All which afford valuable Considerations of Light and Vse . But these are only Preliminaries : The main Discourse presents us with an Account what Bodies are capable of freezing others , and what of being frozen ; The ways to estimate the degrees of coldness ; How to measure the intenseness of Cold produced by Art , beyond that imploy'd in ordinary Freezing ; In what proportion Water will be made to shrink by Snow and Salt ; How to measure the change produc'd in Water between the greatest heat of Summer , the first degree of Winter-cold , and the highest of Art ; How to discover the differing degrees of Coldness in different Regions . A way of freezing without danger to the Vessel . What may be the effects of Cold , as to the preserving or destroying the texture of Bodies . Whether specifick Virtues of Plants are lost through congelation , and then thawing . Whether Electrical and Magnetick Vertues are altered by Cold ? The expansion and contraction of Bodies by freezing ; how they are caused , and how their quantity is to be measured . The strength of the expansion of Water freezing , and an Inquiry into the Cause of that prodigious force . The Sphere of Activity of Cold. How far the Frost descends in Earth and Water . An Experiment shewing whether Cold can act through an hot medium . A way of accounting the solidity of Ice , and the strength of the adhesion of its parts : What Liquors are its quickest Dissolvents . An Experiment of heating a cold Liquor with Ice . These , and many more such instructive and useful things , are contained in that excellent Discourse To which is annex'd a very ingenious Examination and Disproof of the common obscure Doctrine of Antiperistasis , and Mr. Hobbs his Notion of Cold. ( 7. ) In his EXPERIMENTAL HISTORY of COLOVRS , he hath laid a foundation in 150 Experiments at least , for grounded Theory about these Matters . He hath shewn the grand mistake of the common belief , That Colours inhere in their Objects ; and proved they depend upon the disposition of the external parts , and the more inward texture of Bodies . He hath stated and explained wherein the Disparity consists between the Real and Exphatical ; explicated the Nature of Whiteness and Blackness ; rectified some Chymical Principles ; compounded Colours by trajecting the Solar Beams through tinged Glasses ; shewed how by certain Tinctures it may be known , whether any Salt be acid or sulphureous . Hath proved , there is no necessity of the Peripatetick FORMS for the production of Colours , by making Green by nine kinds of mixtures ; compounded Colours real and phantastical ; turned the Blew of Violets by acid Salts into a Red , and by the alcalizate into a Green ; and performed many other extraordinary things on this Subject , for the advantage of Knowledge , and the uses of Life . ( 8. ) In his HYDROSTATICAL PARADOXES he shew'd , That the lower parts of Fluids are press'd by the upper ; That a lighter may gravitate upon one that is more ponderous ; That if a Body contiguous to it , be lower than the highest level of the Water , the lower end of the Body will be press'd upwards by the Water beneath ; That the weight of an external Fluid sufficeth to raise the Water in Pumps ; That the pressure of an external Fluid is able to keep an Heterogeneous Liquor suspended at the same height in several Pipes , though they are of different Diameters ; That a Body under Water , that hath its upper Surface parallel to the Horizon , the direct pressure it sustains is no more than that of a Columne of Water , which hath the mentioned Horizontal Superficies for its Basis. And if the incumbent Water be contained in Pipes open at both ends , the pressure is to be estimated by the meight of a Pillar of Water , whose Basis is equal to the lower Orifice of the Pipe ( parallel to the Horizon ) and its height equal to a Perpendicular , reaching to the top of the Water , though the Pipe be much inclined , irregularly shaped , and in some parts broader than the Orifice ; That a Body in a Fluid sustains a lateral pressure from it , which increaseth in proportion to the depth of the immerst Body in the Fluid ; That Water may be made to depress a Body lighter than it self ; That a parcel of Oil lighter than Water , may be kept from ascending in it ; That the cause of the ascension of Water in Syphons , may be explained without the notion of abhorrence of a Vacuum ; That the heaviest Body known will not sink of it self , without the assistance of the weight of the Water upon it , when 't is at a depth greater than twenty times its own thickness , though it will nearer the Surface . This is the sum of the general Contents of that Discourse , which contains things very useful to be known for the advantage of Navigation , Salt-Works , Chymistry , and other practical purposes . ( 9. ) In his Book of the ORIGINE of FORMS and QVALITIES , he delivers the minds of Men from the imaginary and useless Notions of the Schools about them , which have no foundation in the nature of things , nor do any ways promote Knowledge , or help Mankind ; but very much disserve those great Interests , by setting the Understanding at rest in general obscurities , or imploying it in airy Nicities and Disputes , and so hindring its pursuit of particular Causes , and Experimental Realities . In this Treatise he lays the Foundations and delivers the Principles of the Mechanick Philosophy , which he strengthneth and illustrates by several very pleasant and instructive Experiments . He shews , That the most admirable Things which have been taken for the Effects of substantial Forms , and are used as proofs of the Notional Hypotheses , may be the results of the meer texture and position of parts ; since Art is able to make Vitriol , as well as Nature ; and Bodies by humane skill may be produced , whose supposed Forms have been destroyed . He gives many very ingenious instances to prove , That the Mechanick Motions and order of the Parts is sufficient to yeeld an account of the difference of Bodies , and their affections , without having recourse to the Forms and Qualities of the Schools ; as in the restoration of Camphire to its former smell and nature , after its dissolution and seeming extinction ; in the changes of the colour , consistence , fusibleness , and other Qualites of Silver and Copper ; in the odd Phaenomena of a certain anomalous Salt , and those of the Sea Salt , dried , powder'd , and mix'd with Aqua-Fortis ; and in the Sal Mirabilis , in the production of Silver out of Gold by his Menstruum Peracutum , in the transmutation of Water into Earth in a certain Distillation of Spirit of Wine , and Oil of Vitriol . I say , This excellent Person hath by Experiments rare and new about these Subjects , made it evidently appear , That the internal motions , configuration , and posture of the parts , are all that is necessary for alterations and diversities of Bodies ; and consequently , That substantial Forms and real Qualities are needless and precarious Beings . These are some brief and general Hints of those great things this incomparable Person hath done for the information and benefit of Men ; and besides them , there are several others that He hath by him , and the Inquisitive expect , in which real Philosophy and the World are no less concern'd . I received a late Account of them from an ingenious Friend of his , Mr. Oldenburgh Secretary to the ROYAL SOCIETY , who also renders himself a great Benefactor to Mankind , by his affectionate care , and indefatigable diligence and endeavours , in the maintaining Philosophical Intelligence , and promoting the Designs and Interests of profitable and general Philosophy . And these being some of the Noblest and most Publick Imployments , in which the Services of generous Men can be ingaged , loudly call for their Aids and Assistances , for the carrying on a Work of so universal an importance . But I shall have a fitter place to speak of this , and therefore I return to the Illustrious Person of whom I was discoursing , And for Philosophical News , and further evidence of the Obligation the World hath to this Gentleman ; I shall here insert the Account of what he hath more , yet unpublish'd , for its advantage and instruction . And I take the boldness to do it , because himself hath been pleased to quote and refer to those Discourses in his publish'd Writings ; concerning which , M. O's Account is more particular , and he receiv'd it from the Author . It speaks thus : ( 1. ) Another Section of the Vsefulness of Experimental Philosophy , as to the Empire of Man over inferiour Creatures ; where he intends to premise some general Considerations about the Means whereby Experimental Philosophy may become useful to Humane Life ; proceeding thence to shew , That the Empire of Man may be promoted by the Naturalists skill in Chymistry , by his skill in Mechanicks , or the Application of Mathematicks to Instruments and Engines ; by his skill in Mathematicks , both pure and mixt : That the Goods of Mankind may be much increased by the Naturalist's insight into Trades ; That the Naturalist may much advantage Men , by exciting and assisting their curiosity to discover , take notice , and make use of the home-bred Riches and Advantages of particular Countries , and to increase their number , by transferring thither those of others ; That a ground of high expectation from Experimental Philosophy is given , by the happy Genius of this present Age , and the productions of it ; That a ground of expecting considerable things from Experimental Philosophy is given by those things which have been found out by illiterate Tradesmen , or lighted on by chance ; That some peculiar and concealed property of a natural thing , may inable the knowers of it to perform , with ease , things , that to others seem either not feasible , or not practicable without great difficulty ; That by the knowledge and application of some unobvious and unheeded Properties and Laws of natural things , divers Effects may be produced by other Means and Instruments than those one would judge likely ; and even by such , as if proposed , would be thought unlikely ; That the knowledge of peculiar Qualities , or uses of Physical things , may inable a Man to perform those things Physically , that seem to require Books , and dexterity of hand proper to Artificers ; That the uses of scarce one thing in Nature , to Humane Life , are yet thorowly understood ; That a great Inducement to hope for considerable Matters from Experimental Philosophy , may be taken from the mutual assistance that the Practical and Theorical part of Physick may be brought to afford each other ; That we are not to make our Estimates of what may be hoped for hereafter , when Men shall be assisted with the History of Nature , a method of imploying it , and true Principles of Natural Philosophy , and associated Endeavours , by what is already performed without any of those Assistances . ( 2. ) He hath also in a manner promised Essays touching the concealments and disguises of the Seeds of living Creatures . ( 3. ) An Appendix to the Physico-Mechanical Treatise concerning the Air. ( 4. ) Something concerning Heat and Flame . ( 5. ) The Sceptical Naturalist , shewing the imperfections of Natural Philosophy as we yet have it . ( 6. ) A Discourse of improbable Truths . ( 7. ) The production of Qualities by Art. ( 8. ) Several useful Series of Inquiries and Directions of his , whereof divers are extant in the Philosophical Transactions ; as , ( 1. ) General Heads for a Natural History of a Country small or great . ( 2. ) Observations and Directions about the Barometer . ( 3. ) Inquiries touching the Sea ; and , ( 4. ) About Mines . ( 5. ) Quaeries and Tryals proposed , for the improving of that Grand Experiment , for the transfusing Blood out of one live Animal into another . ( 6. ) Others for the finding the Effects of the Rarifying Engine exhausted , in Plants , Seeds , and Eggs of Silk-Worms . Besides These , he hath a great many other unpublish'd Inquiries , and Series of Experiments and Observations of the most considerable parts of Natural Philosophy . As , ( 1. ) About precious Stones . ( 2. ) Fermentation . ( 3. ) Heat and Flame . ( 4. ) An Account of a new kind of Baroscope , which he calls Statical , and the advantage it hath above the Mercurial . ( 5. ) A New Experiment , shewing how a considerable degree of Cold may be suddenly produced without the help of Snow , Ice , Hail , Wind , or Nitre , and that at any time of the year , viz. by Sal Armoniack . ( 6. ) A way of preserving Birds taken out of the Eggs ; and other small Foetus's . This is the Account I received of that Noble Person 's further Designs for the advantage of Useful Knowledge ; and though he hath not made an absolute Promise of those Discourses to the Publique , yet he is known to have such , and they are with probability expected , since he is too generous to detain from the capable and inquisitive those his excellent Discoveries , which tend to the common Benefit . And thus I have said what may suffice for general Information about the ROYAL SOCIETY , and the hopes we may justly conceive of this Constitution . And in what I have discoursed , I have not deviated from my undertaking , which was to shew the advantage that this latter Age hath , for the promotion and increase of Knowledge , above those of former Times : For by describing the Reasons , Nature , and some of the Effects of this Establishment , I have not obscurely suggested the Helps that the World hath and may expect from Them , for those great and noble Purposes ; and 't is easie to see in the very frame of this Assembly , that they are fitted with Opportunities to collect most of the considerable Notices , Observations , and Experiments , that are scattered up and down in the wide World ; and so , to make a Bank of all the Vseful Knowledge that is among Men : For either by their whole Body , or some or other of their particular Members , they hold a Learned Correspondence with the greatest Virtuosi of all the known Vniverse , and have several of their own Fellows abroad in Forreign Parts , by reason of whose Communications , they know most of the valuable Rarities and Phaenomena observed by the curious in Nature , and all considerable Attempts and Performances of Art , Ingenuity , and Experiment : To which consideration , if we add the inquisitiveness of their Genius , and the way of their proceeding , by particular and cautious Observation ; the coldness and shiness of their Assent , and the numbers of judicious Men that carefully examine their Reports ; I say , If these Particulars be weighed , it will appear to the unprejudiced , That the World had never such an advantage for the accumulating a Treasure of substantial Knowledge , as it hath by this Constitution : For single Inquisitors can receive but scant and narrow Informations , either from their own Experience , or Converses ; and those they have , are frequently very imperfect , or very mistaken : There is often either vanity or credulity , ignorance or design in their Relations , which therefore are many times false in the main Matter , and oftner in the Circumstance : So that the Histories of Nature we have hitherto had , have been but an heap and amassment of Truth and Falshood , Vulgar Tales , and Romantick Accounts ; and 't is not in the power of particular unassociated Endeavours to afford us better : But now , the frame of this Society suggests excellent ground to hope from them sincere and universal Relations , and the best grounded and most useful Collection of the Affairs of Art and Nature , that ever yet was extant : And as they have peculiar Priviledges for the gathering the Materials of Knowledge , so They have the same for the impartment and diffusion of them . I should now put an end to this Discourse , but that there is another common prejudice against the ROYAL SOCIETY , and all those of that Genius , to which I must speak a little ; The Charge is , That they despise the Ancients , and all old Learning , which have been venerable among the best and wisest of all Times . To this I say , That the Modern , free Philosophers , are most ready to do right to the Learned Ancients , by acknowledging their Wit , and all the useful Theories , and Helps we have from them ; They read , and consider their Writings , and chearfully entertain any Notices , or Observations they have imparted to us : They have a respect for their great names , and are ready to do honour to them : But yet they do not think that those , however venerable Sages , should have an absolute Empire over the Reasons of Mankind ; nor do they believe , That all the Riches of Nature were discovered to some few particular Men of former Times ; and that there is nothing left for the benefit and gratification of after-Inquirers : No ; They know , There is an inexhaustible variety of Treasure which Providence hath lodged in Things , that to the Worlds end will afford fresh Discoveries , and suffice to reward the ingenious Industry and Researches of those that look into the Works of God , and go down to see his Wonders in the Deep . This , no doubt , the modesty and justice of the Ancients themselves would have confess'd : But besides this , the Modern Experimenters think , That the Philosophers of elder Times , though their Wits were excellent , yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to Knowledge , or any of the Vses of humane Life ; being for the most part that of Notion and Dispute , which still runs round in a Labyrinth of Talk , but advanceth nothing : And the unfruitfulness of those disputing Methods , which directly and by themselves never brought the World so much practical , beneficial Knowledge , as would help towards the Cure of a Cut Finger , or the Cooling of an Hot Head , is a palpable Argument , That they were fundamental Mistakes , and that the Way was not right . For , as my Lord Bacon observes well , Philosophy , as well as Faith , must be shewn by its Works : And if the Moderns cannot shew more of the Works of their Philosophy in six years , than the Peripateticks can produce of theirs , in the compass of as many Ages , let them be loaded with all that Contempt which is usually the reward of vain , and unprofitable Projectors . I say then the Modern Philosophers arrogate nothing to their own Wit , above that of the Ancients : but by the reason os the thing , and material , sensible Events , they find they have an advantage by their way . And a lame Child that slowly treads the right Path , will at last arrive to his Journeys end ; while the swift Footman that runs about in a Wood , will lose himself in his wandrings . But notwithstanding all this , there are some of Opinion that Aristotle had more advantages for Knowledge than the Moderns , because he had the Survey of all Asia , by those who at the charge of his great Scholar were imploy'd to make Experiments . This I have heard alledg'd ; but I think this reason is very defective , both in what it affirms , and in what it would infer . For first , 'T is evident that Aristotle and the Ancients did not know all ASIA ; for that part which lay beyond the River , was in a manner a Terra Incognita unto them : so that they knew scarce any thing of the Indies that lie on the other side of Ganges , little or nothing of the vast Kingdom of China , nothing of Japan , or the numerous Oriental Islands , besides the defects in the ancient Geography , noted above ; and these made a great , if not the best part of Asia ; of which though Aristotle might have heard , yet we have no shadow of Reason to believe that he had any Informations from thence . And then I consider , ( 2. ) That the Account he had from the best survey'd Regions , were but from Hunters , Fowlers , Fishermen , and such kind of Inquisitors , who were like enough to make vain and mistaken Reports , and he was fain to depend upon the credit of their Relations ; and therefore 't is observ'd by Learned Men that his History of Animals contains many things that are frivolous , and many that are palpably false . To which I add , ( 3. ) The remarque of my Lord Bacon , That though Aristotle made some use of those Experiments ; and Observations he had from those Informers , yet it was after he had concluded and decreed . For he did not use and imploy Experiments for the erecting of his Theories : but having arbitrarily pitch'd his Theories , his manner was to force Experience to suffragate , and yield countenance to his precarious Propositions . And on this account , the Great Man saith , he was less excusable than the Schoolmen , who altogether quitted and neglected the way of particular Industry and Experiment . Thus then Aristotle neither knew all Asia , nor had certain Relations of that part thereof , of which he had the best Informations ; nor did he use those he had as he ought ; which were enough to overthrow the conceit of his Superlative Advantages . But I consider further , That though these things had been otherwise , and as much for the interest of the fond Phansy as could be wish'd , yet , ( 2. ) The Inference must fail , since the latter Ages have a much larger World than Aristotle's Asia ; We have America , and the many New Lands that are discovered by Modern Navigators ; we have larger and more perfect Geography even of the old World , infinitely more acquaintance and better correspondence in all the parts of the Vniverse , by our general Traffique , than the Ancients ; whose Commerce was narrow , and knowledge of remote Parts consisted but in hearsays , and doubtful Rumors - We have besides , New Heavens as well as a New Earth , a larger and truer prospect of the World above us . We have travell'd those upper Regions by the help of our Tubes , and made Discoveries more becoming the Wisdom and Magnificence of our Creatour , and more agreeable to the appearances of things , than the arbitrary Phansies and Conjectures of Aristotle and his Schools . We have a greater World of Arts , Instruments , and Observations , as in all Particulars my Discourse hath made good . And what are Aristotle's peragrations of Asia , to all these ? To the great Western Indies ; to the fuller and clearer knowledge of the Ancient Lands ; to those nobler Accounts we have of the Heavens , and universal Nature ; to our vast Improvements of Chymistry , Anatomy , Arithmetick , Geometry , Astronomy , Geography , Opticks , Natural History , Navigation , and all things else of benefit and instruction ? I say , What are the gleanings of a few mercenary Hunters , Fowlers , and Fishermen , over one part of Asia , to these Advantages ? And what are the Reports of a few ordinary Fellows , and the Tryals of a single Person , to the learned Inquiries and Endeavours of many sagacious inquisitive Ages , and the performances of a numerous Company of deep , wary , diligent , and Eagle-ey'd Philosophers , who have the help of those Observations , and the addition of an infinite number more ? But my Design is , by representing the advantages and hopefulness of the Modern Way , to kindle an ardour towards the generous Experimental Researches , to vindicate Philosophy from the imputation of being notional and unprofitable , and to keep Men from adhering to that which is so , and hath been the occasion of the scandal . And as for those that yet stick there , I have some things to observe concerning the Reasons of their Devotion to that airy disputative Philosophy , and their Enmity to the Practical . I consider then , That easie Youth in its first Addresses to Learning , is wholly passive to the Discipline and Instructions of its Teachers , whose Documents are promiscuously received with ready submission of Understandings , that implicitly depend on their Authority . We suck in the first Rudiments as we do the common Air [ facili haustu ] as my Lord Bacon expresseth it , without discrimination or election , of which indeed our tender and unexcercised Minds are not capable . And , I confess , 't is necessary we should do so ; nor were there any hurt in this innocent easiness , did not most Men all their lives worship the first thing they saw in the morning of their days , and ever after obstinately adhere to those unexamined Receptions : But this is the mischief , we infinitely believe every thing when we are Children ; and most examine little when they are Men , but settle in their first Impressions , without giving themselves the trouble to-consider and review them . And these prejudices , by custom and long acquaintance with our Souls , get a mighty interest , and shut them up against every thing that is different from those Images of Education . This is a general fault and infirmity of humane Nature , and from hence it comes to pass , that the tutour'd Youth slides easily into the belief of the first Principles of Philosophy , which they are taught , and are confirm'd in them by their Exercises and Disputes , and Books and Converses : By these their Vnderstandings , which before were White-Paper , are dyed and deeply tinctured by the colour they have imbibed ; And these infusions insensibly pass as 't were into the very substance of the Mind , and are appeal'd to , on all occasions , as unsophisticated Truths . So that having spent some time in learning and trimming those Notions , the most divert to Business , or other Studies , without troubling themselves with any more Philosophical Pursuits ; but being satisfied with those Notices which their first Education lodg'd in their Minds , they seek no further , nor do care to be wiser in those Matters , than they were in the disputing Infancy of their Knowledge . All this while no other hurt is done , but that Men thus are injurious to themselves , and hinder their own Improvements : but 't is much worse when they fondly fix these as the Pillars of Science , and would have no body else go further than their laziness or their cares will permit them to travel ; but rail spitefully at all Endeavours for the advancement of Philosophick Wisdom , and will be angry with every one that hath outgrown his Cherry-stones and Rattles ; speak evil at a venture of things they know not , and like Mastives , are fiercer for being kept dark . These are the great Enemies of the useful , experimental Methods of Philosophy : They take it ill that any thing should be accounted valuable , in which they are uninstructed , being loth to learn in an Age wherein they expect to Dictate ; and the Satyrist hath told them another reason . — Turpe putant parere minoribus , & quae Imberbes didicere , senes perdenda fateri . This is much the case of many of the Peripatetick Disputers , They imployed their Younger Studies upon the Philosophy of Disputation , and , it may be , gain'd an ability to out-talk many of their Contemporaries in that way . They confirm'd themselves in these Notions by instructing others in them , and upon these Foundations have built the Reputation of being great Scholars , and mighty Disputants among their Admirers . So that we are not to wonder , if they are vehemently displeas'd with the ROYAL SOCIETY , and Experimental Philosophers , since their Designs take away the honour of their Craft , and in this way , They are upon the same level with those that are but beginning ; the thought of which must needs be distasteful to self-absur'd and imperious Minds . And yet , that it may not be thought I speak any of this out of envy to their Fame , I shall do them all the right I can , by acknowledging , That I take them for Persons that understand the Quiddities and Haecceities , the Praecisiones formales and the Objectivae , the Homogeneities and Heterogeneities , the Catagorematice's and the Syncatagorematice's , the Simpliciter's , and the secundum Quid's . They know , no doubt , that First Matter that is neither Quid , nor Quale , nor Quantum ; and that wonderful Gremium materiae , out of which Forms were educ'd , that were never there . They can tell you fine things of the fiery Element under the Moon , and the Epicycles of the Stars ; Can resolve all Questions by the compendious way of Formalitèr , Materialitèr , Fundamentalitèr , and Eminentèr ; Tell the difference between Quodam modo , and Modo quodam ; and shew the causes of all things in Sympathy , Antipathy , Combination of the Elements , and Influences of the Heavens . They see clearly by their Spectactes , That the Milkie-way is but a Meteor , and Comets only kindled Vapours , in spite of the contrary information of the deceitful Telescopes . They can , no doubt , dispute roundly about the composition of Entia rationis , and Vniversals , the Praedications of Genus and Species , and the manner of their conservation in Individuals ; of the number of the Praedicaments , and what Being is in this , and what in another ; of the inherence and propagation of Accidents , the real essence of Relations , the nature of Vbi and Quande , and a thousand other Logical tricks about shuffling and ordering Propositions and Forms of Syllogism . They can discourse of the nakedness of First Matter , the Education of Forms out of its Bosom ; shew , that the want of a Being is a Principle of it , how forms of Elements are refracted in mix'd Bodies ; Dispute subtilly about the Primum incipiens in Motion , the instantaneousness of Generation , the Maximum quod sic , and the Minimum quod non , and infinite more of such wonderful , useful , significant Speculations . And in the Metaphysicks , I acknowledge them in the words of the incomparable Droll ; They know what 's what , and that 's as high As Metaphysick Wit can fly . These , and other such Profundities , are some of the main things of that Philosophy , for which Peripatetick Disputers are so zealous . But for the Mechanick , that attempts material and intelligible Accounts of things , and is in its grounds much ancienter than that of Aristotle which they admire ; for the Experimental Methods , and late Improvements of useful Knowledge ; Many of these Men have a suspicion , if not a contempt of them : Nor do they pretend any acquaintance with those Studies : For concluding that nothing more is to be known , than They learnt in the Circle of Disputations , they sit down in the Opinion of the perfection of their Knowledge , without caring to be inform'd what the Inquisitive World is doing in this Age of Enquiry . And on this occasion , I observe the incompetency of their Judgments , who are Enemies to the Real Experimental Philosophy , in that they do not ( as I intimated ) at all , or very little , understand what they condemn , This I have some reason to say , since in the whole compass of my Acquaintance , which is not very narrow , I profess I know not one who opposeth the Modern way , that is not almost totally unacquainted with it . And on the other side , upon the most careful turn of my thoughts among my Philosophical Friends , I cannot light on one of all those , that are for the Free and Experimental Procedure , but who have been very well instructed in the Peripatetick Doctrines , which they have deserted , and most of them much better than those who are yet zealous Contenders for them . And for my own part , I must confess , That while I was a Youth in the University , I was much delighted with those subtilties that exercise the Brain in the Nicities of Notion and Distinctions , and afford a great deal of idle Imployment for the Tongue in the Combates of Disputation : In which I acknowledge I was none of the most backward , but being highly pleased with those Engagements , I found as much diversion in them , as in my dearest Recreations . But after I had spent some years in those Notional Studies , perhaps with as good success as some others , I began to think CVI BONO : and to consider what these things would signifie in the World of Action and Business , I say , I thought ; but I could find no encouragement to proceed from the Answer my thoughts made me : I ask'd my self , what Accounts I could give of the Works of God by my Philosophy , more than those that have none , and found , that I could amaze and astonish Ignorance with Distinctions and Words of Art , but not satisfie ingenious Inquiry by any considerable and material Resolutions . I consider'd I had got nothing all this while , but a certain readiness in talking , and that about things which I could not use abroad , without being Pedantick and ridiculous . I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more , than the instructing Men in Notion and Dispute ; That its Design was mean , and its Principles at the best uncertain and precarious ; That they did not agree among themselves , nor at all with Nature . I examined the best Records I could meet with about the Author of those current Hypotheses , but could not be assured that Aristotle was he . I saw many Reasons to believe , that most of the Books that bear his Name , are none of his ; and those that are most strongly presumed to be so , are mightily altered and corrupted by Time , Ignorance , Carelesness and Design . I perceived that the Commentators and late Disputers had exceedingly disguised and changed the Sense of those very Writings , and made up a Philosophy that was quite another thing from that which those Books contain . So that by these means I was by degrees taken off from the implicit Veneration I had for that Learning , upon the account of the great Name of Aristotle which it bore . And thus the great impediment was removed , and the prejudice of Education overcome ; when I thought further , That useful Knowledge was to be look'd for in God's great Book the Vniverse , and among those generous Men that had convers'd with real Nature , undisguised with Art and Notion . And still I saw more of the justice of the excellent Poet's Censure of those Notional Philosophers , when he saith , They stand Lock'd up together hand in hand : Every one leads as he is led , The same bare Path they tread , And dance like Fairies a phantastick Round ; But neither change their Motion , nor their Ground . From this Philosophy therefore , and these Men , I diverted my Eyes and Hopes , and fixt them upon those Methods that I have recommended , which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations . And here I think fit to add a Caution which I have given in another Discourse , and do it once more to prevent a dangerous misunderstanding , viz. [ And it is , That I have said nothing of this , to discourage young Academians from applying themselves to those first Studies , which are in use in the Vniversities . Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning ; and so much knowledge of it , as inables for those Duties , is very fit . Nor do I deny , but that those Speculations raise , quicken , and whet the Vnderstanding , and on that account may not be altogether unprofitable , with respect to the more useful Inquisitious ; provided it keep it self from being nice , airy , and addicted too much to general Notions . But this is the danger , and the greatest part run upon the Rock . The hazard of which might in great measure be avoided , if the Mathematicks and Natural History were mingled with these other Studies , which would indeed be excellent Preparatives and Dispositions to future Improvements . And I add further , That the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notious as the bounds and perfections of Knowledge ; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theories , as establish'd and infallible Certainties : But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses , and as things they are to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important . I say , The Peri-patetick Studies thus temper'd , will not , I suppose , be disal-lowed by those who are for the Practical Methods ; and so the Vniversity-Establishments can receive no prejudice from the Spirit that dislikes a perpetual acquiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schools . The USEFULNESS OF Real Philosophy TO RELIGION . Essay IV. Essay IV. THE USEFULNESS OF Real Philosophy TO RELIGION . IT is the perverse Opinion of hasty , inconsiderate Men , that the study of Nature is prejudicial to the Interests of Religion ; And some , who are more zealous than they are wise , endeavour to render the Naturalist suspected of holding secret correspondence with the Atheist : which things if really they were so , 't were fit that the Writings of Philosophers should be sent after the Books of curious Arts , that were voted to Destruction by Apostolick Authority and Zeal ; and then were they all laid together in a fired heap , and one Drop from my Finger would quench the Flames , I would not let fall that Drop . But 't is to be hoped there is no such guilt or danger in the case ; we may suppose rather , that those unkind surmisals concerning natural Wisdom , are the effects of superstitious Ignorance ; yea , I doubt they are some of the Reliques of that Barbarism , that made Magick of Mathematicks , and Heresie of Greek and Hebrew . And now , were this gross conceit about the Knowledge of Nature only the fear and fancy of the meer vulgar , it were to be pardon'd easily , and lightly to be consider'd ; but the worst is , the infection of the weak jealousie hath spread it self among some of those whose Lips should preserve Knowledge ; and there are , I doubt , divers of the Instructers of the People , who should endeavour to deliver them from the vain Images of Fancy , that foment those fears in their own Imaginations , and theirs . For the sake of such , and those others , who are capable of Conviction , I shall endeavour to justific sober Inquisitions into God's Works ; and to shew , that they are not only innocent , but very useful in most of the Affairs wherein Religion is concerned . This I shall do , for more clearness of proof , by a gradual motion of Discourse , from things that are plain , and acknowledg'd ( which I shall touch briefly ) to the main Matter I would enforce : In this order ; ( I. ) That God is to be praised for his Works . ( II. ) That his Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . ( III. ) That the study of Nature , and God's Works , is very serviceable to Religion . ( IV. ) That the Ministers and Professors of Religion ought not to discourage , but promote the knowledge of Nature , and the Works of its Author . THe FIRST contains two things , viz. That God is to be praised ; and particularly for his Works . The former is the constant Voice of Scripture , and Universal Nature ; He is worthy to be praised , saith the Kingly Prophet , 2 Sam. 22. 4. Greatly to be praised , saith the same Royal Saint , 1 Chron. 16. 25. We are to offer him the Sacrifice of Praise , Heb. 13. 15. And are encouraged to do so , because , It is good to sing Praises ; and praise is comely for the upright , Psal. 1. 47. and Psalm . 33. To recite all the particular recommendations and commands of this duty , were endless , I only mention the next to my thoughts , and add , That Nature saith the same ; That Praise is the Tribute that is due to the Author of our Beings ; And we can offer him nothing less , and in a manner nothing else . All the World have been unanimous in this , and the rudest part of Mankind , have owned the dueness of Praise and devout Acknowledgment . And ( II. ) the other Branch is as clear , That God is to be praised particularly for his Works ; For in these we have very full discoveries of his Perfections , and his Mercies , the most proper Subjects for our Praises . But here I must be more large , and therefore propose the following things to be consider'd . ( 1. ) When God himself would represent his own Magnificence and Glory , he directs us to his Works . He illustrates his Greatness to Job , by instancing the Wonders of his Creatures : Among whom we are sent to the Earth , and Ocean ; to the Clouds , and Rain●… to the Light , and heavenly influence ; to Behemoth , and Leviathan ; to the Ostrich , and the Eagle ; and the other Furniture of Land , and Air , and Seas , in the four last Chapters of that Book ; in all these are the marks of his Glory , and his Greatness , and they are no less so of his Wisdom , and his Goodness ; For in Wisdom he hath made them all , Psalm . 104. and the Earth is full of his goodness , Psalm . 119. 54. And again ( 2. ) when devout and holy Men would quicken their own Souls , and those of others , to praise him , they use the same method , and send abroad their Thoughts among the Creatures to gather instances of acknowledgment . Thus Elihu in Job magnifieth his Power by the Lightning and Thunder , by the Snow and Rain , by the Whirlwinds of the North , and Cold of the South , and calls upon his afflicted Friend to remember to magnifie his Works that Men behold ; and again bids him stand still , and consider the wondrous Works of God , Job 36 , and 37 Chapters . And the Psalmist upon the same account urgeth his Soul to bless his Maker for his Majesty , and Honour disclosed in the natural Wonders of the Heavens and Earth , the Winds and Waters , the Springs and Grass , the Trees and Hills , Psalm . 104. throughout , and he gives particular thanks again , Psalm . 136. for the discoveries of the Divine Wisdom and Mercy in the same instances of his Providence and Power ; which he further celebrates by calling upon the noblest of inanimates to praise him , Psal. 148. Praise him Sun and Moon , praise him O ye Stars and Light ; which Creatures of his , though they are not able to sing Hallelujahs , and vocally to rehearse his praise , yet they afford glorious Matter for grateful and triumphant Songs , and by their beauty , and their order , excite those that study and observe them , to adore and glorifie their Maker . And therefore the Prophet runs on further into an aggregation of more Particulars , of Fire , and Hail , Storms , and Vapours , Mountains , and Cedars , Beasts , and Fouls , and creeping Things ; all which in the same Divine Canticle are summon'd to praise him ; that is , we are required to use them as the Matter and Occasions of Holy Eucharist and Thanksgiving . To these I add , ( 2. ) That God was pleased to sanctifie a solemn Day for the celebration of his Works . He appointed a Sabbath for rest , and contemplation to himself ; and for praise and acknowledgment to us ; and his making Heaven , and Earth , the Sea , and all that in them is , is intimated as the reason of the consecration of that Day ; which was observed upon that account among the Jews ; and the devout Christians of eldest times kept the same in memory of God's Creation , after the institution of the other Sabbath . This I take to be enough for the first Proposition , viz. That God is to be praised for his Works . I descend to the second , which is , ( II. ) That his Works are to be studied by those , that would praise him for them . We are commanded to sing Praises with understanding , Psal. 40. 7. and the Offering he requires , is that of a reasonable service . His Works receive but little glory from the rude wonder of the ignorant ; and there is no wise Man that values the applauses of a blind admiration . No one can give God the Glory of his Providence , that lets the Particulars of it pass by him unobserv'd ; nor can he render due acknowledgments to his Word , that doth not search the Scriptures : 'T is equally impossible to praise the Almighty , as we ought , for his Works , while we carelesly consider them . We are commanded to search for Wisdom , as for hidden Treasure ; It lies not exposed in the common ways ; and the chief wonders of Divine Art and Goodness are not on the surface of things layed open to every careless eye . The Tribute of praise that we owe our Maker , is not a formal slight confession that his Works are wonderful and glorious ; but such an acknowledgment as proceeds from deep Observation , and acquaintance with them . And though our profoundest Study and Inquiries cannot unfold all the Mysteries of Nature , yet do they still discover new Motives to devout admiration , and new Objects for our loudest Praises . Thus briefly of the second Proposition also , viz. That God's Works are to be studied by those that would praise him for them . From these I now advance to the Third , which will require more thoughts , and it is this , ( III. ) That the study of Nature and God's Works , is very serviceable to Religion . We commonly believe that the glory of God is the end of this ; we say 't is his , and we know 't is ours , and the Divine Glory is writ upon the Creatures ; the more we study them , the better we understand those Characters , the better we read his Glory , and the more fit are we to celebrate , and proclaim it . Thus the knowledge of God's Works promotes the end of Religion . And it disposeth us to it , by keeping the Soul under a continual sense of God. He that converseth with his Works , finds in all things the clear stamps of infinite Benignity and Wisdom ; he perceives the Divine Art in all the turnings and varieties of Nature , and Divine Goodness in that . He observes God in the colour of every Flower , in every fibre of a Plant , in every particle of an Insect , in every drop of Dew . He meets him in all things , and sees all things are his , and hath an advantage hereby to be instructed how to use them as our Makers , not ours , with reverence and thanksgiving , with an eye to his Glory , and an aim at his Enjoyment . This is the tendency of the knowledge of Nature ; if it be abused to different and contrary Purposes , natural Wisdom is not in fault , but he that turns this excellent Instrument of Religion upon it self . But that better use may be made of it , and by some is , will appear by considering particularly how acquaintance with Nature assists RELIGION against its greatest Enemies , which are Atheism , Sadducism , Superstition , Enthusiasm , and the Humour of Disputing . FOr the First , Atheism , I reckon thus , The deeper insight any Man hath into the Affairs of Nature , the more he discovers of the accurateness , and Art that is in the contexture of things . For the Works of God are not like the compositions of Fancy , or the Tricks of Juglers , that will not bear a clear light , or strict scrutiny ; but their exactness receives advantage from the severest inspection ; and he admires most , that knows most ; since the insides and remotest recesses of things have the clearest stamps of inimitable Wisdom on them , and the Artifice is more in the Wheel-work , than in the Case . For if we look upon any of the Works of Nature through a Magnifying Glass that makes deep Discoveries , we find still more beauty , and more uniformity of contrivance ; whereas if we survey the most curious piece of humane ingenuity by that Glass , it will discover to us numerous Flaws , Deformities and Imperfections in our most Elegant Mechanicks : Hence I gather , That the study of God's Works , shewing us more of the riches of Nature , opens thereby a fairer Prospect of those Treasures of Wisdom that are lodged within it ; and so furnisheth us with deeper Senses , and more Arguments , and clearer Convictions of the existence of an infinitely intelligent Being , that contrived it in so harmonious and astonishing an order . So that if any are so brutish , as not to acknowledge him upon the view of the meer external frame of the Universe , they must yet fall down before the evidence , when Philosophy hath opened the Cabinet , and led them into the Jewel-bouse , and shewn them the surprizing variety that is there . Thus though the obvious Firmament , and the motions of the Sun and Stars , the ordinary vicissitudes of Seasons , and productions of things , the visible beauty of the great World , and the appearing variety and fitness of those Parts that make up the little one in Man , could scarce secure Galen from the danger of being an Atheist : Yet when he pryed further by Anatomical Enquiries , and saw the wonderful diversity , aptness , and order of the minutest Strings , Pipes , and Passages that are in the inward Fabrick ; He could not abstain from the devoutness of an Anthem of Acknowledgment . And that the real knowledge of Nature leads us by the hand to the confession of its Author , is taught us by the Holy Pen-man , who suggests that the visible things of the Creation declare him . The Plebeian and obvious World no doubt doth , but the Philosophical much more . So that whosoever saith , that inquiry into Nature , and God's Works leads to any degree of Atheism , gives great ground of suspicion that himself is an Atheist ; or that he is that other thing that the Royal Psalmist calls him , that saith in his heart there is no God. For either he acknowledgeth the Art and exactness of the Works of Nature , or he doth not ; if not , he disparageth the Divine Architect , and disables the chief Argument of his existence : If he doth , and yet affirms that the knowledge of it leads to Atheism , he saith he knows not what , and in effect this , That the sight of the order and method of a regular and beautiful contrivance tends to perswade that Chance and Fortune was the Author . But I remember I have discours'd of this elsewhere , and what I have said for Philosophy in general from its tendency to devout Acknowledgments , is not so true of any as of the Experimental and Mechanick . For the Physiology of the modern Peripatetick Schools creates Notions , and turns Nature into words of second Intention , but discovers little of its real beauty , and harmonious contrivance ; so that God hath no glory from it , nor Men any Argument of his Wisdom or Existence . And for the Metaphysical Proofs , they are for the most part deep and nice , subject to Evasions and turns of Wit , and not so generally perswasive , as those drawn from the plain and sensible Topicks , which the Experimental Philosophy inlargeth and illustrates . This then gives the greatest and fullest assurance of the Being of God , and acquaintance with this kind of Learning furnisheth us with the best Weapons to defend it . For the modern Atheists are pretenders to the Mechanick Principles , viz. those of meer Matter and Motion ; and their pretensions cannot be shamed or defeated by any so well , as by those who throughly understand that wild Systeme of Opinions These indeed perceive , that there is only Nature in some things that are taken to be supernatural and miraculous , and the shallow Naturalist sees no further , and therefore rests in Nature ; But the true Philosopher shews the vanity and unreasonableness of taking up so short ; and discovers infinite Wisdom at the end of the Chain of Causes . I say , If we know no further than occult Qualities , Elements , Heavenly Influences and Forms , we shall never be able to disprove a Mechanick Atheist ; but the more we understand of the Laws of Matter and Motion , the more shall we discern the necessity of a wise mind to order the blind and insensible Matter , and to direct the original Motions ; without the conduct of which , the Vniverse could have been nothing but a mighty Chaos , and mishapen Mass of everlasting Confusions and Disorders . This of the FIRST , viz. That the knowledge of Nature serves Religion against Atheism ; and that it doth also , ( II. ) AGainst Sadducism . 'T is well known that the Sadduces denyed the existence of Spirits , and Immortality of Souls ; And the Heresie is sadly reviv'd in our days . ( 1. ) What a Spirit is ; and whether there be Spirits , or not ; are questions that appertain to the disquisition of Philosophy . The Holy Scripture , that condescends to the plain capacities of Men , useth the word Spirit ( commonly ) for the more subtile and invisible Bodies , and 't will be difficult from thence to fetch a demonstrative proof of Spirits , in the strict Notion . That there are Angels and Souls which are purer than these gross Bodies , may no doubt be concluded from thence ; But whether these are only a finer sort of Matter , or a different kind of Beings , cannot ( I think ) be determin'd by any thing deliver'd in the Divine Oracles . The Inquiry therefore belongs to Philosophy , which , from divers Operations in our own Souls concludes , That there is a sort of Beings which are not Matter or Body , viz. Beings , self-motive , penetrable and indivisible ; Attributes directly contrary to those of Matter , which is impenetrable , divisible , and void of Self-motion . By these Properties , respectively , the distinct nature of Spirit and Body is known ; and by the same , that there are Spirits , in the strictest sence , as well as corporeal Beings . Now by stating the Nature , and proving the Existence of Spirits , a very considerable service is done to Religion : For hereby our Notion of the adorable Deity is freed from all material grosness , in which way those must conceive him , that acknowledge nothing but Body in the World ; which certainly is a very great dis-interest to his Glory , and suggests very unbecoming thoughts of him . And by the due setling the Notion of a Spirit , the conceit of the Soul 's Traduction , is overthrown , which either ariseth from direct Sadducism , or a defect in Philosophy . Hereby our Immortality is undermined , and dangerously exposed : But due Philosophical Disquisition will set us right in the Theory . For the former of the Errors mention'd , viz. the A●…hropomorphite Doctrines , that make God himself a corporeal Substance ; Those cannot be disproved , but by the Use and Application of the Principles of Philosophy ; Since let us bring what Arguments we can from the Scriptures , which speak of the Perfection , Infinity , Immensity , Wisdom , and other Attributes of God ; These no doubt will be granted ; but the Query will be , Whether all may not belong to a material Being ; a question which Philosophy resolves ; and there is no other way to search deep into this Matter , but by those Aids . So likewise as to the Traduction of the Soul ; The Arguments from Scripture against it are very general ; yea many expressions we find there , seem at first sight to look that way . And therefore this other help , Philosophy , must be used here also ; and by the distinct representation which it gives of the Nature of Sprit , and Matter , and of the Operations that appertain to each , this Error is effectually confuted ; which it cannot be by any other proceeding . Thus Philosophy befriends us against Sadducism , in the first Branch of it , as it explodes the being of Spirits . ( 2. ) The other is , the denyal of the Immortality of our Souls ; The establishment of this likewise , the Students of Philosophy and God's Works have attempted in all Ages , and they have prov'd it by the Philosophical considerations of the nature of Sense ; the quickness of Imagination ; the spirituality of the Vnderstanding ; the freedom of the Will ; from these they infer , that the Soul is immaterial , and from thence , that it is immortal ; which Arguments are some of the most demonstrative and cogent that the meer reasons of Men can use ; but cannot be manag'd , nor understood , but by those that are instructed in Philosophy and Nature . I confess there are other Demonstrations of our Immortality , for the plain Understandings that cannot reach those Heights . The Scripture gives clear evidence , and that of the Resurrection of the Holy Jesus , is palpable ; But yet the Philosophical Proofs are of great use , and serve for the conviction of the Infidel , to whom the other inducements are nothing ; and the deeper knowledge of things is necessary to defend this great Article of Religion against such Men , since they alledge a sort of Arguments to prove the Soul to be mortal , that cannot be consuted but by a reason instructed in the Observations of Nature . For the Modern Sadduce pretends , that all things we do , are performed by meer Matter and Motion ; and consequently , that there is no such thing as an immaterial Being : so that when our Bodies are dissolv'd , the whole Man is destroyed and lost for ever ; which dismal conclusion is true and certain , if there be nothing in us but Matter , and the results of Motion ; and those that converse but little with Nature , understand little what may be done by these ; and so cannot be so well assured that the Elevations , Mixtures , and Combinations of them cannot be at last improv'd so far , as to make a sensible , reasoning Being ; nor are they well able to disprove one , that affirms that they are actually advanc'd to that height : whereas he that hath much inquired into the Works of God and Nature , gains a clear sight of what Matter can perform , and gets more and stronger Arguments to convince him , that its Modifications and Changes cannot amount to perception and sense ; since in all its Varieties , and highest Exaltations , he finds no Specimens of such Powers . And though , I confess , that all Mechanick Inquirers make not this use of their Inquisitions and Discoveries ; yet that is not the fault of the Method , but of the Men ; and those that have gone furthest in that way , have receded most from the Sadducean Doctrines . Among such , I suppose , I may be allowed to reckon the Noble Renatus Des-Cartes ; And his Metaphysicks and Notions of Immaterial Beings , are removed to the greatest distance from all Corporeal Affections ; which I mention not to declare , or signifie my adherence to those Principles ; but for an Instance , to shew , that acquaintance with Matter , and the knowledge of its Operations , removes the Mind far off from the belief of those high Effects which some ascribe to Corporeal Motions ; and from all suppositions of the Soul 's being bodily and material . Thus Philosophy is an excellent Antidote against Sadducism , in both the Main Branches of it . But then I must confess also , that the Philosophy of the late Peripatetick Writers doth rather assist , than overthrow this dangerous Infidelity ; I mean , in what it teacheth concerning Substantial Forms , which I fear tends to the disabling all Philosophical Evidence of the Immortality of Humane Souls . For these Peripateticks make their Forms , a kind of medium between Body and Spirit , viz. Beings that are educed ( as they speak ) out of Matter ; and are so dependent on it , that they perish utterly , or return into the bosom of the Matter , ( as some cant ) when they cease to inform it : But yet they allow not that those Forms are material in their essential Constitution and Nature . This is the Peripatetick account of substantial Forms , and such they assign to all Bodies , and teach , That the noblest sort of them are sensitive and perceptive , which are the Souls of Brutes . If this be so , that Beings which are not Spirits , but corruptible dependants upon Matter , may be endowed with Animadversion , and Sense ; what Arguments have we then to shew , that they may not have Reason also , which is but an Improvement , and higher degree of simple Perception ? 'T is as hard to be apprehended how any of the results of Matter , should perceive ; as how they should join their Perceptions into Reasonings ; and the same Propositions that prove the possibility of one , prove both ; so that those who affirm that Beasts also have their degrees of true Reason , speak very consonantly to those Principles . And if such material , corruptible Forms as the Peripateticks describe , are sufficient for all the Actions and Perceptions of Beasts , I know not which way to go about to demonstrate , that a more elevated sort of them may not suffice for the reasonings of Men. To urge the Topicks of Proof , I mention'd , from Notions , Compositions , Deductions , and the like , which are alledged to prove our Souls Immaterial ; I say , to plead these , will signifie nothing but this , That Humane Souls are no portions of Matter , nor corporeal in their formal Essence ; But how will they evince , that they are not educed from it , that they depend not on Matter , and shall not perish , when their respective Bodies are dissolved . Certainly all those Arguments that are brought for our Immortality , are in this way clearly disabled . For all that we can say , will prove but this , That the Soul is no Body , or part of Matter ; but this will amount to no evidence , if there are a middle kind of Essences , that are not corporeal , and yet mortal . So that when I say , Philosophy serves Religion against Sadducism , I would not be understood to mean the Peripatetick Hypotheseis ; but that Philosophy which is grounded upon acquaintance with real Nature . This , by leaving this whole unintelligible sort of Beings out of its Accounts , ( as things for which there is no shadow of ground from Reason , or Nature , but good evidence of their non-existence from both ) disappoints the Sadduce of the advantage he hath from this needless and precarious Principle . And by distributing Substance into Body , and Spirit , without the admission of middle Natures ; the Real Philosophy gives demonstrative force to those Arguments for our Immortality , that prove our Souls are not Bodies ; and so Sadducism is ruined by it . These things I have thought fit to advertise , not out of design to censure any particular way of Philosophy ; but for the security of my Discourse . And though I have made a little bold with the Peripateticks here , yet the great Name of Aristotle , to which they pretend , is not concerned ; for I am convinc'd , that he taught no such Doctrine of substantial Forms , as his later Sectators and Interpreters have imputed to Him ; who indeed have depraved , and corrupted his sense , ( almost ) in the whole Body of his Principles ; and have presented the World with their own Fancies , instead of the genuine Opinions of that Philosopher . But I proceed , ( III. ) THe Real Philosophy , that inquires into God's Works , assists Religion against Superstition , another of its fatal Enemies . That I may prove this , it must be premised , That Superstition consists , either in bestowing Religious Valuation and Esteem on things , in which there is no good ; or fearing those , in which there is no hurt : So that this Folly expresseth it self , one while in doting upon Opinions , as Fundamentals of Faith ; and Idoliziug the little Models of Fancy , for Divine Institutions : And then it runs away afraid of harmless , indifferent Appointments , and looks pale upon the appearance of any usual Effect of Nature . It tells ominous Stories of every Meteor of the Night ; and makes sad Interpretations of each unwonted Accident : All which are the Products of Ignorance , and a narrow Mind ; which defeat the Design of Religion , that would make us of a free , manly , and generous Spirit ; and indeed represent Christianity as if it were a fond , sneaking , weak and peevish thing , that emasculates Mens Understandings , making them amorous of toys , and keeping them under the servility of childish fears ; so that hereby it is exposed to the distrust of larger Minds , and to the scorn of Atheists ; These and many more are the mischiefs of Superstition , as we have sadly seen and felt . Now against this evil Spirit , and its Influences , the Real , Experimental Philosophy , is one of the best Securities in the World. For by a generous and open Inquiry in the great Field of Nature , Mens minds are enlarged , and taken off from all fond adherences to their private Sentiments . They are taught by it , That Certainty is not in many things ; and that the most valuable Knowledge is the practical ; By which means they will find themselves disposed to more indifferency towards those petty Notions , in which they were before apt to place a great deal of Religion ; and to reckon , that all that will signifie , lies in the few , certain , operative Principles of the Gospel ; and a Life suitable to such a Faith ; not in doting upon Questions , and Speculations that engender strife : and thus the Modern , Experimental Philosophy of God's Works , is a Remedy against the notional Superstition ( as I may call it ) which hath been , and is so fatal to Religion , and the peace of Mankind . Besides which , ( by making the Soul great ) this Knowledge delivers it from fondness on small Circumstances , and imaginary Models ; and from little scrupulosities about things indifferent , which usually work disquiet in narrow and contracted Spirits : And I have known divers , whom Philosophy , and not Disputes , hath cured of this Malady . This we may observe , that those Remedies are the best , and most effectual , that alter the temper and disposition of the Mind ; For 't is suitableness to that , which makes the way to Mens Judgments , and settles them in their Perswasions . There are few that hold their Opinions by Arguments , and dry Reasonings , but by congruity to the Understanding , and consequently by relish in the Affections : So that seldom any thing cures our intellectual Diseases , ( throughly ) but what changes these . And I dare affirm , that the Free , Experimental Philosophy will do this to purpose , by giving the Mind another Tincture , and introducing a sounder Habit , which by degrees will repel and cast out all Malignities ; and settle it in a strong and manly Temperament , that will master and put to flight all idle Dotages , and effeminate Fears . The Truth is , This World is a very Bedlam , and he that would cure Madmen , must not attempt it by Reasoning , or indeavour to shew the absurdity of their Conceits ; but such a course must be taken , as may restore the Mind to a right Crasis ; and that ( when it is effected ) will reduce , and rectifie the extravagances of the distemper'd Brain , which Disputes and Oppositions will but inflame and make worse . Thus , for instance , when frantick Persons are fond of Feathers , and mightily taken with the employment of picking Straws , 't would signifie very little , to represent to them the vanity of the Objects of their Delights ; and when the Melancholist was afraid to sit down for fear of being broken , supposing himself of Glass , it had been to little purpose to have declared to him the ridiculousness of his Fears ; the disposition of the Head was to be alter'd , before the particular Phrensie could be cured . 'T is too evident how just this is in the application to the present Age ; Superstitious fondness , and fears are a real degree of madness . And though I cannot say that Philosophy must be the only Catholick way of Cure , ( for of this , the far greatest part of Men is incapable ) yet this I do affirm , that 't is a Remedy , for those that are strong enough to take it : and the rest must be helped by that , which changeth the Genius ; and this cannot , ordinarily , be done by any thing that opposeth the particular Fancy . However I must say , ( 2. ) That the sort of Superstition which is yet behind in my account , and consists in the causless fear of some Extraordinaries , in Accident , or Nature , is directly cured by that Philosophy , which gives fair likely-hoods of their Causes ; and shews that there is nothing in them supernatural ; the light of the day drives away Apparitions , and vain Images that fancy forms in obscure shades , and darkness . Thus particularly the Modern Doctrine of Comets , which have been always great Bugbears to the guilty , and timorous World ; hath rescued Philosophers from the trouble of dreadful Presages , and the mischievous Consequences that arise from those superstitious Abodings . For whatever the casual Coincidencies may be between those Phaenomena , and the direful Events , that are sometimes observed closely to attend them , ( which , as my Lord Bacon truly notes , are observ'd when they bit , not when they miss ) I say , notwithstanding these , the Real , Experimental Philosophy makes it appear , that they are Heavenly Bodies , far above all the Regions of Vapours , in which we are not concerned ; and so they are neither the Signs , nor the Causes of our Mischiefs . And for the other little things , which afford Matter for the Tales about Prodigies , and other ominous Appearings , the knowledge of Nature , by exciting worthy and magnificent conceptions of the God of Nature ; cures that blasphemous abuse of the adorable Majesty , whereby foolish Men attribute every trivial event that may serve their turns against those they hate , to his immediate , extraordinary interposal . For 't is ignorance of God and his Works , that disposeth Men to absurd ridiculous Surmises , uncharitable Censures , seditious Machinations ; and ( so ) to Thoughts that are prejudicial to the Glory of God , the Interests of Religion , and the security of Government ; to that Justice and Charity we owe to others , and to the happiness that we seek our selves . To which I add , That this kind of Superstition is a relique of Pagan Ignorance , which made Men look on Thunder , Eclipses , Earthquakes , and all the more terrifying Phaenomena of Nature , as the immediate Effects of Powers Supernatural ; and to judge Events by flights of Birds , and garbages of Cattel , by the accidental occursions of this Creature , and the other , and almost every casual occurrence . But these Particulars have been most ingeniously represented and reproved in a late very elegant Discourse about Prodigies ; And though I do not acquiesce in the Design of that excellently penn'd Book , which is to discredit , and take away all kinds of Presages ; Yet I think it hath done rarely well , so far as it discovers the folly and mischiefs of that ignorant and superstitious Spirit , that makes every thing a Prodigy . With such apprehensions as these , the knowledge of Nature fills those Minds that are instructed in it . And there is no doubt , but that the Antipathy the Real Philosophy bears to all the kinds of Superstition , is one cause why zealous Ignorance brands those Researches with the mark of Atheism and Irreligion . For superstitious Folly adopts those groundless Trifles , which Philosophy contemns and reproves , into the Family of Religion ; and therefore reproacheth the Despisers of them , as Enemies to the Faith and Power of Godliness . So it fared with some of the bravest Spirits of ancient times , who have had black Characters fixt upon their great and worthy Names , only for their Oppositions of the foolish Rites and Idolatries of the vulgar Heathen . We know the case of Socrates : And ( as to the interest of their Names ) that of Anaxagoras , Theodorus , Protagoras , and Epicurus , was much worse ; the causless infamy coming down the Stream as far as the last Ages . Since then , we know who was an Heretick for saying there were Antipodes ; and a Pope was taken for a Conjurer for being a Mathematician ; yea those noble Sciences were counted Diabolical ; and even the Sacred Language could scarce escape the suspicion . In later times Galilaeo fell into the Inquisition for the Discoveries of his Telescopes ; and Campanella could not endeavour to assert , and vindicate the freedom of his Mind , without losing that of his Person . I might come nearer to our own days , and knowledge : Gothick barharity , and the Spirit of the Iuquisition is not quite worn out of the Reformation ; Though indeed it ordinarily remains but among the scum and dregs of Men : And no one is either less Religious , or less Wise for being accounted an Atheist by the common Rabble . But where-ever the knowledge of Nature , and God's Works hath in any degree obtain'd , those vile Superstitions have been despised , and put to an infamous flight . But to take another step , ( IV. ) THe Real Philosophy , and knowledge of God's Works , serves Religion against Enthusiasm , another dreadful Enemy . Now Enthusiasm is a false conceit of Inspiration ; and all the bold and mistaken Pretensions to the Spirit in our days , are of this sort . What particularly Religion hath suffer'd from it , would be too long to reckon upon this occasion ; It will be enough to say , in an Age that hath so much and such sad experience of it , That Enthusiasm hath introduced much phantastry into Religion , and made way for all imaginable Follies , and even Atheism it self ; which it hath done two ways . ( 1. ) By crying up the Excesses and Diseases of Imagination for the greatest height of Godliness ; And ( 2. ) By the disparagrment of sober Reason , as an Enemy to the Principles of Faith. And Philosophy assists Religion against both these . FOR the first in order ; The real knowledge of Nature detects the dangerous imposture , by shewing what strange things may be effected by no diviner a cause than a strong Fancy impregnated by Heated Melancholy ; For this sometimes warms the Brain to a degree that makes it very active and imaginative , full of odd Thoughts , and unexpected Suggestions ; so that if the Temper determine the Imagination to Religion , it flies at high things , at interpretations of dark and Prophetick Scriptures ; at Predictions of future Events , and mysterious Discoveries , which the Man expresseth fluently and boldly , with a peculiar and pathetick Eloquence ; which pregnances being not ordinary , but much beyond the usual tone and temper of the Enthusiast ; and he having heard great things of the Spirits immediate Motions and Inspirations , cannot well fail of believing himself inspired , and of intitling all the excursious of his Fancy to the immediate Actings of the Holy Ghost : and those thoughts by the help of natural pride and self-love , will work also exceedingly upon the heightned Affections , and they upon the Body so far , as to cast it sometimes into Raptures , Extasies , and Deliquiums of Sense , in which every Dream is taken for a Prophesie , every Image of the Fancy for a Vision , and all the glarings of the Imagination for new Lights and Revelations . Thus have our Modern Prophets been inspired by Temper and Imagination , and not by Design only ; For we may not think they are all Hypocrites and knowing Impostors ; No , they generally believe themselves , and the strength of their highly invigorated Fancies shuts out the sober Light of Reason that should disabuse them , as sleep doth that of our External Senses in our Dreams . And the silly People that understand not Nature , but are apt to take every thing that is vebement to be sacred , are easily deceived into the belief of those Pretensions ; and thus Diseases have been worship'd for Religion . This account the Philosophy of Humane Nature gives of that , by which the World hath been so miserably abused . And when we cast our eyes abroad , we may plainly see that those glorious things are no more , than what hath been done by the Extatick Priests of the Heathen Oracles , and the Mad-men of all Religions ; by Sybils , Lunaticks , Poets , Dreamers , and transported Persons of all sorts : And it may be observ'd daily to what degrees of elevation excess of drinking will heighten the Brain , making some witty , nimble , and eloquent , much beyond the ordinary proportion of their Parts and Ingenuity ; and inclining others to be hugely devour , who usually have no great sense of Religion ; As I knew one , who would pray rapturously when he was drunk , but at other times was a moping Sot , and could scarce speak sense . Thus also some kinds of Madness , Diseases , Accidents , Peculiarities of Temper , and other natural things that heat the Brain , fill Men with high surprizing Conceits about Religion , and furnish them with fervid Devotion , great readiness of Expression , and unexpected applications of Scripture to their crasy Conceits ; I say , the Experimental Philosophy of our Natures informs us , that all this is common in alienations , and singularities of Mind and Complexion . And they were remarkable in the Prophets of the Heathen , and the Priest whom Saint Austin knew , that would whine himself into an Extasie ; In the wonderful Discourses of the American Bishop , that said he was the Holy Ghost , and the canting fluency of the German Enthusiasts , some of whose Imaginations were as wild and extravagant ; of such Instances I might make up a much larger Catalogue , if I should descend to our Domestick Lunaticks , but their temper is well known , and therefore I only add this more ; That I have often met with a poor Woman in the North , whose habitual conceit it was , That she was Mother of God , and of all things living ; I was wont to personate a kind of complyance with her Fancy , and a modest desire to be further informed about it ; which gentleness drew from her so many odd fetches of Discourse , such applications of Scripture , and such wonderful references to Things , in which she was never instructed , that look'd like gleanings out of Hobbs and Epicurus , that I have been much amazed at her talk : And yet when I diverted her to any thing else of ordinary Matters , she spoke usually with as much sobriety and cold discretion , as could well be expected from a Person of her Condition ; nor did she use to be extravagant in any thing , but about that particular Imagination ; which Instance among many others I might produce , very much confirms me in the truth of that Observation of those Philosophers who have given us the best light into the Enthusiastick Temper , viz. That there is a sort of madness , which takes Men in some particular things , when they are sound in others : which one Proposition will afford a good account of many of the Phaenomena of Enthusiasm ; and shews that the Extravagants among us may be really distracted in the Affairs of Religion , though their Brains are untouc'd in other Matters . Thus a Philosophical use of observation , and the knowledge of Humane Nature by it , helps us to distinguish between the Effects of the adorable Spirit , and those of an hot distemper'd Fancy ; which is no small advantage for the securing the Purity , Honour , and all the interests of Religion . But ( 2. ) there is another mischief of the Enthusiastick Spirit behind , and that is its bringing Reason into disgrace , and denying the use thereof in the Affairs of Faith and Religion : This is an evil that is the cause of many more ; for it hath brought into the World all kinds of Phantastry and Folly , and exposed Religion to Contempt and Derision , by making Madness and Diseases Sacred : It leads Mens Minds into a maze of confused Imaginations , and betrays them into Bogs and Precipices , deprives them of their Light and their Guide , and lays them open to all the Delusions of Satan , and their own distemper'd Brains : It takes Religion off from its Foundations , and leaves the Interest of Eternity in Mens Souls , to Chance , and the Hits of Imagination ; teaching those that are deluded to lay the stress of all upon Raptures , Heats , and Mysterious Notions , while they forget●… and scorn the plain Christianity which is an imitation of Christ in Charity , Humility , Justice , and Purity ; in the exercise of all Vertue , and command of our selves : It renders Men obnoxious to all the Temptations of Atheism , and the blackest Infidelity ; and makes it impossible to convince an Infidel , to settle one that doubts , or to recover one that is fallen off from the Faith. These Evils I am content only to name in this place , having represented them more fully in another Discourse ; and the experience of our own Age may convince us , with a little consideration upon it , That all those fatal Mischiefs have been t●… Effects of the Contempt , and Disparagement of Reason . But yet though I affirm this , I am not so rash , or so unjust as to believe , or say , That this Spirit hath produced all those s●…d things in every one that speaks hotly , and inconsiderately against Reason : I am far from the wildness of such a censure , because I know how much imprudent Zeal , customary Talk , high Pretensions , and superstitious Fears , may work even upon honest Minds , who many times hold bad things in the Principle , which they deny in the Practice , and so are upright in their Wills , while they are very much confused , and mistaken in their Vnderstandings . This I account to be the case of multitudes of pious People in reference to Reason . They have heard hot-headed indiscreet Men declaim against it , and many of them , whose Opinions will not bear the Light , have an interest to do so ; Their Pretensions were plausible , and their Zeal great ; their Talk loud , and their Affirmations bold ; and the honest well-meaning Folks are caught in their Affections ; and these lead bad Principles into their Minds , which are neither disposed , nor able to examine : So they believe and speak after their Teachers ; and say , That Reason is a low , dull thing , ignorant of the Spirit , and an Enemy to Faith and Religion ; while in this they have no clear thoughts , nor yet any evil meaning ; But let these Fancies swim a-top in their Imaginations , and upon occasions they run out at the Tongues end , though they are not always improved to those deadly Practices . For Charity and Caution I have said this ; but yet nothing hinders but that all the forecited Evils are justly said to be the Tendencies , and in too many Instances have been , and are the Effects of this Spirit . And now I doubt not but 't will be granted readily by all considering Men , that whatever assists Religion against this destructive Enemy , doth it most important service ; and this the Free and Real Philosophy doth in a very eminent degree . In order to the proof of this , we may consider what I intimated just now , viz. That Men are led into , and kept in this Fancy of the Enmity of Reason to Religion , chiefly by two things : ( 1. ) By an implicit assent to the Systemes and Distates of those who first instructed them ; And ( 2. ) By defect in clearness of Thoughts , and the ability to state things distinctly , and to understand their Dependencies and Sequels ; Both which Imperfections the Free Philosophy cures . For as to the First , ( 1. ) That Philosophy begins with the inlargement of the Mind , and attempts to free it from Prejudices and Pre-ingagements , which sophisticate and pervert our Judgments , and render us incapable of discerning Things as they are . Modest , impartial enquiry is the Foundation of the real , experimental way of Philosophy . Not that it teacheth Scepticism and Neutrality in all Things , but this Caution in our Disquisitions , That we do not suddenly give firm assents to Things not well understood or examin'd : which no doubt is very just and safe . But as to what concerns those , who through ignorance , or other occasions , are incapable of making due enquiry , I think they ought not to concern themselves about Matters of Speculation at all ; or at least not to affirm any thing positively about them . 'T is enough for such to believe and practise the plain Duties of Religion , which are clear in the Holy Oracles , and with which they may be acquainted without much sagacity , or deep Judgment : For Matters of Theory , and difficult Enquiry , appertain not to the vulgar and lower rank of Understandings : But for those who are capable of search after Truth , and are provided with anvantages for it , Freedom of Judgment is necessary in order to their success . With this , I said , the Real Philosophy begins ; and in all its progresses still more and more disposeth the Mind to it , and so delivers it from the vassalage of Customary Sayings and Opinions . And now whoever is so disposed , will not be so ready to believe that Reason is an Enemy to Religion , till he have consider'd , and examin'd the Matter with an impartial Judgment : And I dare say , whoever shall do that , will want nothing to convince him , that such an Opinion is false and groundless , but clear and distinct Thoughts , and the knowledge of Consequence , with which Philosophy will furnish him . This is the second way whereby it helps to overthrow this Principle of Enthusiasm , viz. ( 2. ) By teaching us to state Matters clearly , and to draw out those conclusions that are lodged in them . For 't is confusion of Notions , and a great defect in reasoning , that makes dark Zeal to rave so furiously against Reason . Now Philosophy is Reason methodiz'd , and improved by Study , Observation , and Experiment ; and whoever is addicted to these , is exercised frequently in inquiry after the Causes , Properties , and Relations of Things , which will inure the Mind to great intentness , and inable it to define and distinguish , and infer rightly ; And by these the Allegations against Reason will be made appear to be idle Sophisms , that have no sound sense or substance in them . And though the Discourses of some , who have talk'd much of Philosophy and Reason , have been sometimes bold and sawcy , and opposite to the Interests of Religion : Yet true Philosophy , and well manag'd Reason , vindicate Religion from those abuses , and shew , that there was Sophistry and imposture in those Pretensions : So that they are no more to be blamed for the Insolencies and Riots of those that usurp their Name , than Religion it self is , for the Immoralities of such as cloath themselves in the Garments of external Piety and Saintship . Thus of the services of Philosophy against ENTHVSIASM . I come now to the last Instance . ( V. ) IT helps Religion against the Humour of Disputing ; By which I mean that evil Genius , that makes Men confident of uncertain Opinions ; and clamorously contentious against every different Judgment . This is that pestilent Spirit that turns Religion into Air of Notion , and makes it intricate and uncertain ; subject to eternal Quarrels , and Obnoxious to Scepticism and Infidelity ; That which supplants Charity , Modesty , Peace , and Meekness ; substituting in their room , Rage and Insolence , Pride and Bitter Zeal , Clamours and Divisions , and all the Opposites of the Spirit of Christ , and the Gospel . So that , it depraves Religion , and makes its Sacred Name an Instrument to promote the Projects of the Kingdom of Darkness ; by envenoming Men one against another , and inflaming their Spirits , and crumbling them into Sects , and disturbing Societies ; and so it hinders the Progress of the Gospel , and lays it open to the scorns of Vnbelievers ; it turns Men from the desire of practising , to the itch of talking , and abuses them into this dangerous belief , That Godliness consists more in their beloved Orthodoxy , than in a sober Vertue , and the exercise of Charity ; it makes them pert and pragmatical ; buste about the Reformation of others , while they neglect their own Spirits ; fancying a perfection in the fluency of the Tongue , while the worst of Passions have the Empire of their Souls . These are some of the sad Effects of the Humour of Disputing , which hath done deplorable execution upon Religion in all Places and Times ; and therefore 't is none of the least Services that can be afforded it , to destroy this evil Genius ; and there is nothing , meerly humane , that contributes more towards the rooting of it out of the World , than the Free and Real Philosophy . For , ( 1. ) An intimate Commerce with God's Works , gives us to see the mighty Difficulties that are to be met in the speculation of them ; and thereby Men are made less confident of their Sentiments about Nature , and by many Considerations and Observations of this kind , are at length brought to such an habitual Modesty , that they are afraid to pass bold Judgments upon those Opinions in Religion , of which there is no infallible assurance . And ( 2. ) By the frequent exercises of our Minds , we come to be made sensible how easily , and how oft we are deceived , through the fallibility of Sense , and shortness of our Understandings ; by Education , Authority , Interest , and our Affections ; and so are disposed to a more prudent coldness and diffidence in things of doubtful Speculation , by which the Disputing Humour is destroyed at the bottom . Besides which , ( 3. ) The Real Philosophy brings Men in-love with the Practical Knowledge : The more we have imployed our selves in Notion and Theory , the more we shall be acquainted with the uncertainty of Speculation ; and our esteem , and love of Opinions will abate , as that sense increaseth : By the same degrees our respect and kindness for Operative knowledge will advance , and grow ; which disposition will incline us also to have less regard to Nicities in Religion , and teach us to lay out our chief Cares and Endeavours about Practical and certain Knowledge , which will assist and promote our Vertue , and our Happiness ; and incline us to imploy our selves in living according to it ; And this also will be an effectual means to destroy the Humour of Contending . ( 4. ) Philosophy gives us a sight of the Causes of our Intellectual Diversities ; and so lessens our expectation of an Agreement in Opinions ; and by this , it discovers the unreasonableness of making c●…sent in less certain Tenents , the condition of Charity and Vnion ; and of being angry , and dividing upon every difference of Judgment ; By which the hurtful Malignities of Disputes are qualified , and the Disease it self is undermined . ( 5. ) It inclines Men to place the Essential Principles of Religion only in the plain , and certain Articles . For Philosophers are disposed to think , that Certainty is in a little room : And whoever believes so , concerning the Tenents of Theology , will not lay the main stress upon any , but the clear acknowledg'd Principles ; by which prudent Caution he serves all the important Concernments of Religion . He will not wrangle for every Conceit ; nor divide for every Difference ; but takes care to walk in the ways of Charity and Obedience ; And so the Church is safe , and Schisms are prevented and cured . ( 6. ) The Real Philosophy ends many Disputes , by taking Men off from unnecessary Terms of Art , which very osten are the chief occasions of the Contests : If things were stated in clear and plain words , many Controversies would be ended ; and the Philosophy I am recommending , inclines Men to define with those that are simplest and plainest ; and thereby also it very much promotes the Interests both of Truth and Peace . In sum , I say , the Free and Real Philosophy makes Men deeply sensible of the Infirmities of Humane Intellect , and our manifold hazards of mistaking , and so renders them wary and modest , diffident of the certainty of their Conceptions , and averse to the boldness of peremptory asserting . So that the Philosopher thinks much , and examines many things , separates the Certainties from the Plausibilities , that which is presumed from that which is prov'd ; the Images of Sense , Phansie , and Education , from the results of genuine and impartial Reason . Thus he doth before he Assents or Denies ; and then he takes with him also a Sense of his own Fallibility and Defects , and never concludes but upon resolution to alter his Mind upon contrary Evidence . Thus he conceives warily , and he speaks with as much caution and reserve , in the humble Forms of [ So I think , and In my Opinion , and Perhaps 't is so — ] with great difference to opposite Perswasion , candour to Dissenters , and calmness in Contradictions , with readiness and desire to learn , and great deligh●… in the Discoveries of Truth , and Detections of his own Mistakes . When he argues he gives his Reasons without Passion , and shines without flaming , Discourses without wrangling , and differs without dividing . He catcheth not at the Infirmities of his Opposite , but lays hold of his Strength , and weighs the Substance without blowing the dust in his eyes . He entertains what he finds reasonable , and suspends his Judgment when he doth not clearly understand . This is the Spirit with which Men are inspired by the Philosophy I recommend . It makes them so just , as to allow that liberty of Judgment to others , which themselves desire , and so prevents all imperious Dictates and Imposings , all Captious Quarrels and Notional Wars . And that this is the Philosophick Genius , may be shewn in a grand Instance , the ROYAL SOCIETY , which is the Great Body of Practical Philosophers . In this Assembly , though it be made up of all kinds of Dispositions , Professions , and Opinions ; yet hath Philosophy so rarely temper'd the Constitution , that those that attend there , never see the least inclination to any unhandsome opposition or uncivil reflexion , no bold obtrusions or consident sayings . The forbearing such Rudenesses is indeed a Law of that Society , and their Designs and Methods of Inquiry , naturally form Men into the modest temper , and secure them from the danger of the Quarrelsome Genius . This is palpable evidence of the sweet Humour , and ingenious Tendencies of the Free Philosophy ; and I believe 't will be hard to shew such another Example in any so great a Body of differing Inclinations and Apprehensions . Thus the Experimental Learning rectifies the grand Abuse , which the Notional Knowledge hath so long foster'd and promoted , to the hinderance of Science , the disturbance of the World , and the prejudice of the Christian Faith. And there is no doubt , but as it hath altered and reformed the Genius in Matters of Natural Research and Inquiry ; so it will in its progress dispose Mens Spirits to more Calmness and Modesty , Charity and Prudence in the Differences of Religion , and even Silence Disputes there . For the free sensible Knowledge tends to the altering the Crasis of Mens Minds , and so cures the Disease at the Root ; and true Philosophy is a Specifick against Disputes and Divisions . To confirm which we may observe further , That where-ever this sort of Knowledge prevails , the Contentious Divinity loseth ground ; and 't will be hard to find any one of those Philosophers , that is a zealous Votary of a Sect : which reservedness doth indeed give occasion to Sectaries , and Bigotts to accuse them of Atheism and Irreligion : But it really is no Argument of less Piety ; but of more Consideration and Knowledge . And 't would make much for the advantage of Religion , and their own , if those fierce Men would understand , that Christianity should teach them that , which they rail against in the Philosophers . But now I must expect to hear , ( I. ) That Disputes serve to discover Truth ; as latent Fire is excited , and disclosed by the collision of hard Bodies : So that the Pretence is , That Philosophy doth , on this account , rather disserve than promote the Interests of Religion . To this , I Answer , ( 1. ) That all the necessary , material Truths in Divinity are already discover'd ; and we have no need of New Lights there , the Ancientest are truest and best ; though in the disquisitions of Philosophy , there will be always occasions of proceeding . I add , ( 2. ) Disputes are one of the worst ways to discover Truth ; If new things were to be found out in Religion , as well as Nature , they would scarce be disclosed by this way of Enquiry . A calm Judgment , and distinct Thoughts , and impartial Consideration of many things , are necessary for the finding Truth ; which lies deep , and is mingled up and down with much Error , and specious falshood ; and 't is hard , if not utterly impessible , to preserve any one of these in the heat of Disputation : In such Occasions , the Mind is commonly disordered by Passion , and the Thoughts are confused , and our Considerations tyed to those things which give colour to our Opinions . We are biast by our Affections towards our own Conceits ; and our love to them is inflamed by opposition ; we are made incapable of entertaining the assistance of our Opposites Suggestions by strong prejudice , and inclined to quarrel with every thing he saith by spight , and desire of triumph : and these are ill Circumstances for the discovery of Truth : He is a wonderful Man indeed that can thread a Needle when he is at Cudgels in a crowd ; and yet this is as easie , as to find Truth in the hurry of Disputation . The Apostle intimates , 1 Tim. 6. 5. That perverse Disputers are destitute of Truth ; and tells us , That of the strife of words come envy , railings , evil surmisings , but no discovery of unknown Verities . But ( II. ) we are told , in favour of Disputes in Religion , That we are to contend earnestly for the Faith that was once delivered to the Saints ; and hereby Heresies are said to be confuted and overthrown : So that the disabling and suppressing of Disputes , seems to be a weakening , rather than any advantage to Religion , and the Concernments of it . To this , I say , That by the Faith we are to contend for , I conceive , the Essentials , and certain Articles are meant ; These we may , and we ought , to endeavour to defend and promote , as there is occasion ; and we have seen , how the Real Philosophy will help our Reasons in that Service . But pious Contentions for these , are not the disputings of which I am now discoursing , those are stiff Contests about uncertain Opinions : And such I dare very boldly say , are no Contentions for the Faith , but the Instruments of the greatest mischiefs to it . As for those other Disputes that are used to convince Men of the Truths of the Gospel , and the great Articles thereof ; and for the disproving Infidelity and Heresie ; they are necessary , and Philosophy is an excellent help in such Contests . So that those other Objections pleadable from the necessity of proving and trying our Faith , and convincing Hereticks ; From the Example of our Saviour's disputing with the Doctors and the Sadduces , and of St. Paul at Athens with the Jews ; These , and such other little Cavils , can signifie nothing to the disadvantage of what I have said about the Humour of Disputing , in Matters of doubtful and uncertain Opinions ; against which the Real Philosophy is an Antidote . ANd thus I have shewn , under five material Heads , That the knowledge of Nature , and the Works of God , promotes the greatest Interests of Religion ; and by the three last it appears how fundamentally opposite it is to all Schism and Fanaticism , which are made up and occasioned by Superstition , Enthusiasm , and ignorant , perverse Disputings . So that for Atheists , and Sadduces , and Fanaticks , to detest and inveigh against Philosophy , is not at all strange ; 'T is no more than what may well be expected from Men of that sort ; Philosophy is their Enemy ; and it concerns them to disparage and reproach it : But for the Sober and Religious to do any thing so unadvised , and so prejudicial to Religion , is wonderful and deplorable : To set these right in their Judgment about Philosophical Inquiry into God's Works , is the Principal design of these Papers ; and in order to the further promoting of it , I advance to the last Head of Discourse proposed , viz. ( IV. ) THat the Ministers and Professors of Religion ought not to discourage , but promote the knowledge of Nature , and the Works of its Author . This is the result of the whole Matter , and follows evidently upon it . And though it will not infer a necessity of all Mens deep search into Nature , yet this it will , That no Friend or Servant of Religion should hinder or discountenance such Inquiries : And though most private Christians , and some publick Ministers , have neither leisure nor ability to look into Matters of natural Research and Inquisition ; yet they ought to think candidly , and wish well to the endeavours of those that have ; and 't is a sin and a folly either in the one or other to censure , or discourage those worthy Undertakings . So that I cannot without trouble , observe how apt some are , that pretend much to Religion , and some that minister in it , to load those that are studious of God's Works , with all the studious Names that contempt and spight can suggest ; The Irreligion of which injurious carriage , nothing can excuse but their ignorance ; And I will rather hope that they neither know what they say , nor what they do , than believe that they have any direct design against the Glory of their Maker , or against any laudable endeavours to promote it . I know well what mischief Prejudice will do , even upon Minds that otherwise are very honest , and intelligent enough . And there are many common slanders , and some plausible Objections in the Mouths of the Zealous against Philosophy , which have begot an ill Opinion of it in well-meaning Men , who have never examined things with any depth of Inquiry . For the sake of such , I shall produce the most considerable Allegations of both sorts , and I hope make such returns to them , as may be sufficient to satisfie those whose Minds are not barr'd by Obstinacy , or Ignorance . I speak first of the bold and broad Slanders , among which , that ( I. ) Of Atbeism is one of the most ordinary ; But certainly 't is one of the most unjust Accusations that Malice and Ignorance could have invented . This I need not be industrious to prove here , having made it appear , that Philosophy is one of the best Weapons in the World to defend Religion against it ; and my whole Discourse is a confutation of this envious and foolish charge . Concerning it I take notice , That Philosophical Men are usually dealt with by the Zealous , as the greatest Patrons of the Protestant Cause are by the Sects . For as the Bishops and other Learned Persons , who have most strongly oppugned the Romish Faith , have had the ill luck to be accused of Popery themselves ; in like manner it happens to the humblest and deepest Inquisitors into the Works of God , who have the most and fullest Arguments of his Existence , have raised impregnable Ramparts , with much industry and pious pains against the Atheists , and are the only Men that can with success serve Religion against the Godless Rout ; These , Superstitious Ignorance hath always made the loudest out-cry against , as if themselves were guilty of that which they have most happily oppugned and defeated . And the certain way to be esteemed an Atheist by the fierce and ignorant Devoto's , is to study to lay the Foundations of Religion sure , and to be able to speak groundedly and to purpose against the desperate Cause of the black Conspirators against Heaven . And the greatest Men that have imploy'd their Time and Thoughts this way , have been pelted with this Dirt , while they have been labouring in the Trenches , and indeavouring to secure the Foundations of the Holy Fabrick . But besides I observe , That narrow , angry People take occasion to charge the freer Spirits with Atheism , because they move in a larger Circle , and have no such fond adherence to some Opinions which they adore and count Sacred . And for my own part , I confess I have not Superstition enough in my Spirit or Nature , to incline me to doat upon all the Principles I judge true , or to speak so dogmatically about them , as I perceive confident and disputing Men are wont . But contenting my self , with a firm assent to the few practical Fundamentals of Faith , and having fix'd that end of the Compass , I desire to preserve my Liberty as to the rest , holding the other in such a posture , as may be ready to draw those Lines , my Judgment informed by the Holy Oracles , the Articles of our Church , the Apprehensions of wise Antiquity , and my particular Reason , shall direct me to describe . And when I do that , 't is for my self , and my own satisfaction ; but am not concern'd to impose my Sentiments upon others : nor do I care to endeavour the change of their Minds , though I judge them mistaken , as long as Vertue , the Interests of Religion , the Peace of the World and their own are not prejudiced by their Errors . By this modest indifference I secure Charity for all the diversities of Belief , and equally offer my Frienship and Converses to the several Sects and Perswasions , that stick to the plain Principles of the Gospel and a Vertuous Life , overlooking their particular fondnesses and follies . This is the temper of my Genius , and this some warm People , who have more Heat than Light , are apt to call Scepticism and cold Neutrality : But that it deserves better Names , I have made appear in some other Papers . True it is , That the Men of the meer Epicurean sort , have left God , and Providence out of their Accounts ; But other Philosophers have shewn what Fools they are for doing so , and how absurd their pretended Philosophy is in supposing things to have been made and ordered by the casual hits of Atoms , in a mighty Void . And though their general Doctrine of Matter and Motion be exceeding ancient , and very accountable ; when we suppose Matter was at first created by Almighty Power , and its Motions ordered , and directed by Omniscient Wisdom ; Yet the supposal , that they are independent and eternal , is very precarious and unreasonable . And that all the regular Motions in Nature should be from blind tumultuous jumblings , intermixtures , is the most unphilosophical Fansie , and ridiculous Dotage in the World ; So that there is no reason to accuse Philosophy of a Fault , which Philosophy sufficiently shames and reproves ; and yet I doubt too many have entertain'd great prejudice against it upon this score ; and 't is a particular brand upon some of the modern Men , that they have revived the Philosophy of Epicurus , which they think to be in its whole extent Atheistical and Irreligious . To which I say , that the Opinion of the World 's being made by a fortuitous concurrence of Atoms , is impious and vile : And this those of Epicurus his Elder School taught : Whereas the late Restorers of the Corpuscularian Hypothesis hate , and despise the wicked and absurd Doctrine ; But thus far they think the Atomical Philosophy reasonable , viz. as it teacheth , That the Operations of Nature are performed by subtile streams of minute Bodies ; and not by I know not what imaginary Qualities and Forms : They think , That the various Motions and Figures of the parts of Matter , are enough for all the Phaenomena , and all the varieties , which with relation to our Senses we call such , and such Qualities . But then they suppose , and teach , That God created Matter , and is the supreme Orderer of its Motions , by which all those Diversities are made : And hereby Piety , and the Faith of Providence is secured . This , as far as we know any thing of elder Times , was the ancient Philosophy of the World , and it doth not in the least interfere with any Principle of Religion . Thus far I dare say I may undertake for most of the Corpuscularian Philosophers of our times , excepting those of M. Hobbes his way . And therefore I cannot but wonder at a late Reverend Author , who seems to conclude those Modern Philosophers under the name and notion of such Somatists , as are for meer Matter and Motion , and exclude immaterial Beings : whereas those Learned Men , though they own Matter and Motion as the material and formal causes of the Phenomena ; They do yet acknowledge God's Efficiency , and Government of all Things , with as much seriousness ; and contend for it with as much zeal , as any Philosophers or Divines whatsoever . And 't is very hard that any number of Men should be exposed to the suspicion of being Atheists , for denying the Peripatetick Qualities and Forms ; and there is nothing else overthrown by the Corpuscularian Doctrines , as they are managed by those Philosophers . So that methinks that Reverend Person hath not dealt so fairly with the great Names of Des-Cartes , and Gassendus , where he mentions them promiscuously with the meer Epicurean and Hobbian Somatists , without any note to distinguish them from those Sadduces ; For both those celebrated Men have laboured much in asserting the Grand Articles of Religion against the Infidel and Atheist . But ( 2. ) 't is alledg'd by some , Philosophy disposeth Men to despise the Scriptures ; or at least to neglect the study of them ; and therefore is to be flighted , and exploded among Christians . To this I say , That Philosophy is the knowledge of God's Works ; and there is nothing in God's Works that is contrary to his Word ; How then should the study of the one incline Men to despise the other ? Certainly had there been any such impious tendency in searching into God's Works to the lessening of our value of the Scriptures , The Scripture it self would never have recommended it so much unto us ; Yea , this is so far from being true , that on the contrary , the knowledge of God's Works tends in its proper nature to dispose Men to love and veneration of the Scriptures ; For by familiarity with Nature , we are made sensible of the Power , Wisdom , and Goodness of God , fresh Instances of which we shall find in all things ; And 't is one great design of the Scripture to promote the Glory of these Attributes : How then can he , that is much affected with them , chuse but love , and esteem those Holy Records which so gloriously illustrate the Perfections he admires ? Besides , by inquiry into God's Works , we discover continually , how little we can comprehend of his Ways and Menagements ; and he that is sensible of this , will find himself more inclined to reverence the declarations of his Word , though they are beyond his reach , and though he cannot fathom those Mysteries , he is required to believe : Such a disposition is necessary for the securing our Reverence to the Divine Oracles , and Philosophy promotes it much . So that , though 't is like enough , there may be those that pretend to Philosophy , who have less veneration and respect for the Scripture than they ought , yet that impious disesteem of those sacred Writings , is no effect of their Philosophy , but of their corrupt and evil Inclinations : And to remove the scandal brought upon Natural Wisdom by those Pretenders , it may be observed , that none are more earnest , or more frequent in the proof and recommendation of the Authority of Scripture , than those of Philosophical Inclination and Genius , who by 〈◊〉 ●…mblick Capacity and Profession , have the best opportunities to give testimony to the Honour of that Divine Book . But to justifie the imputation of the disservice Philosophy doth Religion , and the Scriptures , it may by some be pleaded , That Philosophy , viz. that which is called , the new , teacheth Doctrines that are coutrary to the Word of God ; or at least such as we have no ground from Scripture to believe ; For instance , That the Earth moves : and , That the Moon is of a Terrestrial Nature , and capable of Inhabitants : which Opinions are presumed to be impious , and Antiscriptural . In return to this , I say , ( 1. ) In the general ; 'T is very true , that Philosophy teacheth many things which are not revealed in Scripture ; for this was not intended to instruct Men in the Affairs of Nature ; but its Design is , to direct Mankind , and even those of the plainest Understandings , in Life and Manners ; to propose to us the way of Happiness , and the Principles that are necessary to guide us in it ; with the several Motives and Incouragements that are proper to excite our Endeavours , and to bear them up against all Difficulties and Temptations . This , I say , was the chief Design of that Divine Book ; and therefore 't is accommodated , in the main , to the most ordinary capacities , and speaks after our manner , suitably to sense , and vulgar Conception . Thus we find that the Clouds are called Heaven , the Moon one of the greater Lights , and the Stars mentioned , as less considerable : and the Stars also , Gen. 1. We read of the going down of the Sun , and of the ends of the Earth , and of the Heavens ; and divers other such Expressions are in the Scriptures , which plainly shew , That they do not concern themselves to rectifie the Mistakes of the Vulgar , in Philosophical Theories , but comply with their Infirmities , and speak according as they understand . So that , ( 2. ) No Tenent in Philosophy ought to be condemned and exploded , because there may be some occasional Sayings in the Divine Oracles , which seem not to comport with it ; And therefore the Problems mentioned , concerning the Motion of the Earth ; and Terrestrial Nature of the Moon , ought to be left to the Disquisitions of Philosophy : The Word of God determines nothing about them ; for those Expressions , concerning the running of the Sun , and its standing still , may very well be interpreted , as spoken by way of accommodation to Sense , and common apprehension ; as 't is certain , that those of its going down , and running from one end of the Heavens to the other , and numerous resembling Sayings , are so to be understood . And when 't is else-where said , That the Foundations of the Earth are so fixt , that it cannot be moved at any time , or to that purpose ; 'T is supposed , by Learned Men , that nothing else is meant but this , That the Earth cannot be moved from its Centre , which is no prejudice to the Opinion of its being moved upon it . For the other Hypothesis of the Moon 's being a kind of Earth ; the Scripture hath said nothing of it , on either hand ; nor can its silence be argumentative here , since we know , That all Mankind believes many things , of which there is no mention there : As that there are such places as China , and America , That the Magnet attracts Iron , and directs to the North , and that the Sea hath the motion of Flux , and Reflux , with ten thousand such other things discovered by Experience , of which there is not the least hint in the Sacred Volume : And are not these to be believed , till they can be proved from Scripture ? This is ridiculously to abuse the Holy Oracles , and to extend them beyond their proper Business and Design . To argue against this Supposal , as some do , by Queries , What Men are in that other Earth ? Whether fallen ? and how saved ? is very childish and absurd . He that holds the Opinion , may confess his ignorance in all these things , without any prejudice to his Hypothesis of the Moon 's being habitable ; or the supposal of its being actually inhabited . For that may be , though no living Man can tell the Nature and Condition of those Creatures . But for my part , I assert neither of these Paradoxes ; only I have thought fit to speak thus briefly about them , that they may be left to the freedom of Philosophical Inquiry , for the Scripture is not concerned in such Queries . And yet besides this , which might suffice to vindicate the Neoterick Philosophy , from the charge of being injurious to the Scripture in such Instances , I add , ( 3. ) The Free Experimental Philosophy which I recommend , doth not affirm either of those so much dreaded Propositions : For neither of them hath sufficient evidence to warrant peremptory and dogmatical Assertions : And therefore , though perhaps some of those Philosophers may think , they have great degrees of probability , and are fit for Philosophical Consideration ; Yet there are none , ( that I know ) who look on them as Certainties , and positive Truths : 'T is contrary to the Genius of their way ; to dogmatize for things of so great an uncertainty ; or to be confident against them , where there wants full proof to assure the Negative . But whether the one be true , or the other , Religion and the Scriptures are not at all concerned . Thus briefly of the Slanders that are affixt upon Philosophy , viz. of its Tendency to Atheism , and disparagement of the Scriptures . The other lesser ones are answered in the discussion of these . BUT besides the foul and slanderous Imputations , fastned on Philosophy ; there are some vulgar plausibilities pretended ; the chief of which I shall now recite and answer ; 'T is said , ( 1. ) There is too much curiosity in those Inquiries ; and St. Paul desired to know nothing but Christ , and him crucified . To which I answer , That what is blameable curiosity in things not worth our pains , or forbidden our scrutiny , is Duty , and laudable endeavour in Matters that are weighty , and permitted to our search . So that no ill can justly be fastned upon Philosophical Inquisitions into Nature , on this account , till it be first proved , That a diligent observance of God's Goodness and Wisdom in his Works , in order to the using them to his Glory , and the benefit of the World , is either prohibited or impertinent . There is indeed such a depth in Nature , that it is never like to be throughly fathomed ; and such a darkness upon some of God's Works , that they will not in this World be found out to Perfection : But however , we are not kept off by any expressness of Prohibition ; Nature is no Holy Mount that ought not to be touched ; yea , we are commanded , To search after Wisdom , and particularly after this , when we are so frequently called upon to celebrate our Creator for his Works ; and are encouraged by the success of many that have gone before ; For many shall go to and fro , and Science shall be increased . So that our Iniquiries into Nature are not forbidden ; and he that saith they are frivolous , and of no use , when the Art of the Omniscient is the Object , and his Glory , and the good of Men , the end , asperseth both the Creator and the Creature , and contradicts his duty to both . As for the latter clause of the Objection , which urgeth that Speech of St. Paul , of his desiring to know nothing but Christ and him crucified , 1 Cor. 2. 2. I return to it , That he that shall duely consider the Discourse of the Apostle in the verse before , and those that succeed , will perceive , That in this expression he only slights the affected Eloquence of the Orators and Rhetoricians ; He spoke in plainness and simplicity , and not in those inticing words of Man's Wisdom , which he desired either not to know at all , or not in comparison with the plain Doctrines of the Gospel . Or , if any should take the words in the largest sense , then all sorts of Humane Learning , and all Arts and Trades are set at nought by the Apostle ; And if so , the meaning can be no more than this , That he preferred the Knowledge of Christ before these ; For 't is ridiculous to think , that he absolutely slighted all other Science . The Knowledge of Christ is indeed the chiefest and most valuable Wisdom , but the Knowledge of the Works of God hath its place also , and ought not quite to be excluded and despised : Or , if Philosophy be to be slighted , by this Text , all other Knowledge whatsoever must be condemn'd by it . But it will be urged , ( 2. ) That there is a particular Caution given by the Apostle against Philosophy , Col. 2. 8. Beware lest any one spoil you through Philosophy . To this I have said elsewhere , That the Apostle there means either the pretended Knowledge of the Gnosticks , the Genealogies of the Jews , or the disputing Learning of the Greeks ; and perhaps he might have a respect to all those sorts of Science falsly so call'd . That the Disputing Philosophy of the Greeks is concerned in the Caution , will appear very probable , if we consider , That much of it was built on meer Notion , that occasioned division into manifold Sects , which managed their Matters by Sophistry and Disputations , full of nicity and mazes of Wit ; and aimed at little , but the pride of mysterious talk of things , that were not really understood . Such a Philosophy the Apostle might justly condemn , and all Wise Men do the same , because 't is very injurious to Religion , Real Knowledge , and the Peace of Men. But what is this to that , which modestly inquires into the Creatures of God , as they are ; That collects the History of his Works , raising Observations from them for the Discovery of Causes , and Invention of Arts , and Helps for the benefit of Mankind ? What vanity ; what prejudice to Religion can be supposed in this ? Is this , think we , that Philosophy , that Wisdom of this World , which the great Apostle censures and condemns ? He is bold that saith it , speaks a thing he knows not , and might , if he pleased , know the contrary ; Since the Method of Philosophy I vindicate , which proceeds by Observation and Experiment to Works , and uses of Life , was not , if at all , the way of those Times in which the Apostles liv'd , nor did it begin to shew it self in many Ages after ; and therefore cannot be concerned in St. Paul's Caution to his Colossians ; nor in his smartness against worldly Wisdom elsewhere , for by that we are to understand the Fetches of Policy , the Nicities of Wit , and Strains of Rhetorick that were then engaged against the progress of the Gospel : But what is all this to the Philosophy of God's Works ; which illustrates the Divine Glory , and comments upon his Perfections , and promotes the great Design of Christianity , which is doing good ; and in its proper Nature tends to the disposing of Mens Minds to Vertue and Religion ? But ( 3. ) If Philosophy be so excellent an Instrument to Religion ; it may be askt ( and the Question will have the force of an Objection ) why the Disciples and first Preachers of the Gospel were not instructed in it ; They were plain illiterate Men , altogether unacquainted with those Sublimities ; God chose the foolish things of this World , to confound the wise . So that it seems he did not shew this kind of Wisdom that respect which according to our Discourse is due unto it . I answer , That this choice the Divine Wisdom made of the Publishers of the Glad Tydings of Salvation , is no more prejudice or discredit to Philosophy , than it is to other sorts of Learning ; and indeed 't is none at all to any : For the special Reasons of God's making this Election seem such as these , viz. That his Power might more evidently appear in the wonderful propagation of the Religion of Christ Jesus , by such seemingly unqualified Instruments ; That the World might not suspect it to be the contrivance of Wit , Subtilty and Art , when there was so much plainness and simplicity in its first Promoters : And perhaps too it was done in contempt of the vain and pretended knowledge of the Jews and Greeks , over which the plainness of the Gospel was made gloriously to triumph . To which I add this ; It might be to shew , That God values Simplicity and Integrity above all Natural Perfectious , how excellent soever . So that there being such special Reasons for the chusing plain Men to set this grand Affair on foot in the World , it can be no disparagement to the Knowledge of Nature , that it was not begun by Philosophers . And to counter-argue this Topick , we may consider , That The Patriarchs , and Holy Men of Ancient Times that were most in the Divine Favour , were well instructed in the Knowledge of God's Works , and contributed to the good of Men by their useful Discoveries and Inventions . Adam was acquainted with the Nature of the Creatures ; Noah a Planter of Vineyards ; Abraham ( as Grotius collects from Ancient History ) a great Mystes in the Knowledge of the Stars . Isaac prosperous in Georgicks . Jacob blessed in his Philosophical Stratagem of the speckled Rods. Moses a great Man in all kinds of Natural Knowledge . Bezaleel and Aholiab , inspired in Architecture . Solomon a deep Naturalist , and a Composer of a voluminous History of Plants . Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Azariab , skilled in all Learning and Wisdom ; Ten times better , saith the Text , than the Magicians and Astrologers in Nebuchadnezzar's Realm : And to accumulate no more Instances , the Philosophers of the East made the first Addresses to the Infant Saviour . CONCLUSION . WE see upon the whole . That there is no shadow of Reason why we should discourage or oppose modest Inquiries into the Works of Nature ; and whatsoever ignorant Zeal may prompt the common sort to , me-thinks those of generous Education should not be of so perverse a frame : Especially it becomes not any that minister at the Altar , to do so great a disservice to Religion , as to promote so unjust a Conceit as that of Philosophy's being an Enemy unto it . The Philosophers were the Priests among the Egyptians , and several other Nations in Ancient Times ; and there was never more need that the Priests should be Philosophers , than in ours ; For we are liable every day to be called out to make good our Foundations against the Atheist , the Sadduce , and Enthusiast ; And 't is the Knowledge of God in his Works that must furnish us with some of the most proper Weapons of Defence . Hard Names , and damning Sentences ; the Arrows of bitter words , and raging passions , will not defeat those Sons of Anak ; these are not fit Weapons for our Warfare . No , they must be met by a Reason instructed in the knowledge of Things , and fought in their own Quarters , and their Arms must be turned upon themselves ; This may be done , and the advantage is all ours . We have Steel and Brass for our Defence , and they have little else than Twigs and Bull-rushes for the Assault ; we have Light , and firm Ground , and they are lost in Smoak and Mists ; They tread among Bogs and dangerous Fens , and reel near the Rocks and Steeps . And shall we despise our Advantages , and forsake them ? Shall we relinquish our Ground , and our Light , and muffle our selves up in darkness ? Shall we give our Enemies the Weapons , and all the odds , and so endeavour to insure their Triumphs over us ? This is so●…tishly to betray Religion and our selves . If this Discourse chance to meet with any that are guilty of these dangerous Follies , it will , I hope , convince them , That they have no reason to be afraid of Philosophy , or to despise its Aids in the Concerns of Religion . And for those who never yet thought of this part of Religion to glorifie God for his Works , I wish it may awaken them to more attentive consideration of the wisdom and goodness that is in them ; and so excite their pious acclamations . And to encourage them to it , I shall adventure to add , That it seems very probable , that much of the Matter of those Hallelujah's and triumphant Songs , that shall be the joyful entertainment of the Blessed , will be taken from the wonders of God's Works ; and who knows , but the contemplation of these , and God in them , shall make up a good part of the imployment of those glorified Spirits ; who will then have inconceivable advantages for the searching into those Effects of Divine Wisdom and Power , beyond what are possible for us Mortals to attain . And those Discoveries which for ever they shall make in that immense Treasure of Art , the Vniverse , must needs fill their Souls every moment with pleasant astonishment , and inflame their hearts with the ardours of the highest Love and Devotion , which will breathe forth in everlasting Thanksgivings . And thus the study of God's Works joyned with those pious Sentiments they deserve , is a kind of anticipation of Heaven ; And next after the contemplations of his Word , and the wonders of his Mercy discovered in our Redemption , it is one of the best and noblest Imployments ; the most becoming a reasonable Creature , and such a one as is taught by the most reasonable and excellent Religion in the World. THE AGREEMENT OF Reason and Religion . Essay V. Essay V. THE AGREEMENT OF Reason and Religion . THere is not any thing that I know , which hath done more mischief to Religion , than the disparaging of Reason , under pretence of respect and favour to it : For hereby the very Foundations of Christian Faith have been undermin'd , and the World prepared for Atheism . And if Reason must not be heard , the Being of a God , and the Authority of Scripture , can neither be proved nor defended ; and so our Faith drops to the Ground like an House that hath no Foundation : By the same way , those sickly Conceits , and Enthusiastick Dreams , and unsound Doctrines that have poyson'd our Air , and infatuated the Minds of Men , and expos'd Religion to the scorn of Infidels , and divided the Church , and disturbed the Peace of Mankind , and involv'd all the Nation in so much Blood , and so many Ruines ; I say hereby , all these fatal Follies , that have been the oceasions of so many Mischiefs , have been propagated and promoted . On which accounts I think I may affirm , with some confidence , That here is the Spring-Head of most of the Watters of Bitterness and Strife ; And here the Fountain of the Great Deeps of Atheism and Fanaticism , that are broken up upon us . So that there cannot be a more seasonable Service done either to Reason or Religion , than to endeavour the stopping up this Source of Mischiefs , by representing the Friendship and fair Agreement that is between them : For hereby Religion will be rescued from the impious accusation of its being groundless and imaginary : And Reason also defended against the unjust Charge of its being prophane and irreligious : This we have heard often from indiscreet and hot Men ; For , having entertain'd vain and unreasonable Doctrines , which they had made an Interest , and the Badges of a Party , and perceiving that their Darling Opinions could not stand , if Reason , their Enemy , were not discredited ; They set up loud cries against it , as the grand Adversary of Free Grace and Faith ; and zealously endeavour'd to run it down under the misapplyed names of Vain Philosophy , Carnal Reasoning , and the Wisdom of this World ; and what have been the Effects of this proceeding , we have seen and felt . So that , in my Judgment , it is the great duty of all sober and reasonable Men , to rise up ( as they can ) against this Spirit of Folly and Infatuation : And something I shall attempt now , by shewing , That Reason is very serviceable to Religion ; and Religion very friendly to Reason . In order to which , I must ( 1. ) State , what I mean by Religion ? and what by Reason ? For there is nothing in any Matter of Enquiry or Debate that can be discover'd , or determin'd , till the Terms of the Question are explain'd , and the Notions settled . The want of this hath been the occasion of a great part of those Confusions we find in Disputes ; and particularly most of the Clamours that have been raised against Reason in the Affairs of Religion have sprung from it . For while ungrounded Opinions , and unreasonable Practises are often call'd Religion , on the one hand ; and vain Imaginations , and false Consequences are as frequently stiled Reason , on the other ; 'T is no wonder that such a Religion disclaims the use of Reason ; or that such Reason is opposite to Religion . Therefore , in order to my shewing the Agreement between True Religion , and the Genuine Reason , I shall , with all the clearness that I can , represent the just meaning of the one , and of the other . For Religion first ; It is taken either strictly for the Worship of God ; or in a more comprehensive sense , for the sum of those Duties we owe to Him : And this takes in the other , and agrees with the Notation of the Name , which imports Binding , and implies Duty . Now all Duty is comprised under these two , viz. Worship and Vertue : Worship comprehends all Duties that immediately relate to God , as the Object of them ; Vertue , all those that respect our Neighbour and our Selves . So that Religion primarily , and mainly consists in Worship and Vertue . But Duty cannot be performed without Knowledge , and some Principles there must be to direct the Practice : and those that discover the Duties , and guide Men in the performance of them , are call'd Principles of Religion . These are of two sorts ; Some ( 1. ) Fundamental and Essential . Others ( 2. ) Accessory and Assisting . Fundamental is a Metaphor taken from the Foundation of a Building , upon which the Fabrick is erected , and without which it cannot stand . So that Fundamental Principles are such , as are presupposed to the Duties of Religion ( one , or more ) and such , as are absolutely necessary to the doing of them : of this sort I shall mention three , viz. ( 1. ) The Being of God , and the perfections of his Nature . The belief of these is necessary to all the parts of Religion . He that comes unto God , in any way of Worship , or Address , must know that he is , and in some measure , what : Namely , he must know , and own the commonly acknowledg'd Attributes of his Being . 2. A second necessary Principle is , The Providenee of God , viz. the Knowledge , That he made us , and not we our selves ; that he preserves us , and daily provides for us the good things we enjoy : This is necessary to the Duties of Prayer , Praise , and Adoration : And if there be no Providence ; Prayer , and Thanksgiving , and other Acts of Worship , are in vain . 3. A third Fundamental , is , Moral , Good , and Evil. Without this there can be no confession of Sin ; no respect to Charity , Humility , Justice , Purity , or the rest that we call Vertues . These will be confes'd to be Fundamentals of Religion : And I shall not dispute how many more may be admitted into the number . These we are sure are such , in the strictest sense , for all Religion supposeth , and stands upon them : And they have been acknowledg'd by Mankind in all Ages and Places of the World. But besides these , there are other Principles of Religion , which are not in the same degree of absolute necessity with the former , but yet are highly serviceable , by way of incouragement and assistance . I reckon four , viz. ( 1 , ) That God will pardon us if we repent . ( 2. ) That he will assist us , if we endeavour . ( 3. ) That he will accept of Services that are imperfect , if they are sincere . ( 4. ) That he will righteously reward and punish in another World. These contain the Matter and Substance of the Gospel ; more clearly and explicitly reveal'd to the Christian Church ; but in some measure owned also by the Gentiles . So that I may reckon , that the Principles I have mention'd , are the sum of the Religion of Mankind ; I mean , as to the Doctrinal Part of it : and the Duties recited before , are the Substance of the Practical , which primarily and most essentially is Religion . And Christianity takes in all these Duties , and all these Principles ; advancing the Duties to higher degrees of Excellency and Perfection ; incouraging them by new Motives and Assistances ; and superadding two other Instances , Baptism , and the Lord's Supper . And for the Principles , it confirms those of Natural Religion ; it explains them further , and discovers some few new ones : And all these , both of the former and the latter sort , are contain'd in the Creed . Here are all the Fundamentals of Religion , and the main Assisting Principles also . And though our Church require our assent to more Propositions ; yet those are only Articles of Communion , not Doctrines absolutely necessary to Salvation . And if we go beyond the Creed for the Essentials of Faith ; who can tell where we shall stop ? The sum is , Religion primarily is Duty ; And Duty is All that which God hath commanded to be done by his Word , or our Reasons ; and we have the substance of these in the Commandments : Religion also , in a secondary sense , consists in some Principles relating to the Worship of God , and of his Son , in the ways of devout and vertuous living ; and these are comprised in that Summary of Belief , called the Apostles Creed . This I take to be Religion ; and this Religion I shall prove to be reasonable : But I cannot undertake for all the Opinions some Men are pleased to call Orthodox ; nor for all those that by many private Persons , and some Churches , are accounted essential Articles of Faith and Salvation . Thus I have stated what I mean by Religion . The OTHER thing to be determined , and fixt , is , the proper Notion of Reason . For this we may consider , that Reason is sometimes taken for Reason in the Faculty , which is the Vnderstanding ; and at other times , for Reason in the Object , which consists in those Principles and Conclusions , by which the Understanding is informed . This latter is meant in the Dispute concerning the Agreement or Disagreement of Reason and Religion . And Reason in this sense , is the same with natural Truth , which I said is made up of Principles and Conclusions . By the Principles of Reason we are not to understand the Grounds of any Man's Philosophy ; nor the Critical Rules of Syllogism ; but those imbred Fundamental Notices , that God hath implanted in our Souls ; such as arise not from external Objects , nor particular Humours or Imaginations , but are immediately lodged in our Minds ; independent upon other Principles or Deductions ; commanding a sudden assent ; and acknowledged by all sober Mankind . Of this sort are these , That God is a Being of all Perfection . That nothing hath no Attributes . That a Thing cannot be , and not be . That the Whole is greater than any of its Parts . These , and such-like , are unto Vs , what Instincts are to other Creatures . And these I call the Principles of Reason . The Conclusions are those other Notices that are inferred rightly from these ; and by their help , from the Observations of Sense ; And the remotest of them that can be conceived , if it be duly inferred from the Principles of Reason , or rightly circumstantiated Sense , is as well to be reckoned a Part and Branch of Reason , as the more immediate Conclusions , that are Principles in respect of those distant Truths . And thus I have given an account also of the proper Notion , and Nature of Reason . I AM to shew next , ( 2. ) That Religion is reasonable ; and this implies two things , viz. That Reason is a Friend to Religion ; and that Religion is so to Reason . I begin with the FIRST : and here I might easily shew the great congruity that there is between that Light , and those Laws , that God hath placed in our Souls ; and the Duties of Religion , that by the expressness of his written Word he requires from us ; and demonstrate that Reason teacheth All those , excepting only the two Positives , Baptism and the Holy Eucharist . But there is not so much need of turning my Discourse that way ; and therefore I shall confine it to the Principles of Religion , which are called Faith , and prove that Reason exceedingly befriends these . It doth this ( I. ) By proving some of those Principles ; And ( II. ) By defending all . For the clearing both , let us consider , That the Principles of Religion are of two sorts . Either ( 1. ) Such as are presupposed to Faith ; or such as ( 2. ) are formal Articles of it . Of the first are ; The Being of a God ; and the Authority of the Scripture . And of the second , such as are expresly declared by Divine Testimony ; as the Attributes of God ; the Incarnation of his Son , and such like . ( I. ) For the former , they are proved by Reason ; and by Reason only . The others we shall consider after . ( 1. ) That the Being of a God , the Foundation of all , is proved by Reason , the Apostle acknowledgeth , when he saith , That what was to be known of God , was manifest ; and to the Heathen , Rom. 1. 19. and he adds , vers . 20. That the invisible Things from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the Things that are made . And the Royal Psalmist speaks to the like purpose , Psal. 19. The Heavens declare the Glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy-Works . And again , Psal. 148. 3. Praise him Sun and Moon , praise him ye Stars and Light ; which intimates , that these Works of his afford Matter to our Reasons for Religious Acknowledgments . And Reason proves the Existence of God , srom the beauty , and order , and ends , and usefulness of the Creatures ; for these are demonstrative Arguments of the Being of a wise and omnipotent Mind , that hath framed all things so regularly and exactly ; and that Mind is God. This Article then , Reason proves , which was the first Branch of the Particular ; and I add , that it is Reason only that can do it ; which was the other . For there are but three things from whence the Existence of any Being can be concluded , viz. Sense , Revelation , or Reason . Sense hath no more to do here , but to present Matter for our Reasons to work on ; and Revelation supposeth the Being of a God , and cannot prove it ; for we can have no security that the Revelation is true , till we are assured it is from God , or from some commissioned by him . The knowledge of his Being therefore , must precede our Faith in Revelation ; and so cannot be deduced from it . So that only Reason is left to assure us here . And thus Reason lays the very Corner Stone of Religion . The next to this , is the other Principle mentioned , viz. ( 2. ) The Divine Authority of Scripture : This also is to be proved by Reason , and only by it . The great Argument for the truth of Scripture , is the Testimony of the Spirit in the Miracles wrought by Christ and his Apostles : Our Saviour himself useth this Argument to gain credit to his Doctrines , Believe me for the Work 's sake ; The Works that I do bear testimony of me ; and if I had not done among them the Works that no other Man did , they had had no sin , John 15. 24. And the Apostles continually urge that great Miracle , the Resurrection of Christ from the dead , for the conviction both of the Jews and Gentiles , That he was the Son of God , and his Doctrines true . Now Miracles are an Argument to our Reasons , and we reason from them thus : Miracles are God's Seal , and they are wrought by his Power , and he is true and good , and would not lend these to Impostors to cheat and abuse Mankind : Therefore whoever works real Miracles for the confirmation of any Doctrine , it is to be believed , that he is taught of God , and commissioned to teach us : And that Christ and his Apostles did those things which are recorded of them , is Matter of Testimony ; and Reason clears the validity of this , by the aggregation of multitudes of Circumstances , which shew , That the first Relators could not be deceived themselves , and would not deceive us ; nor indeed could in the main Matters , if they had designed it . And the certainty of the conveyance of those things to us is evinced also by numerous convictive Reasons : So that the matter of Fact is secure ; and that such Doctrines were taught , as are ascribed to those Divine Persons ; and those Persons inspired that penned them , are proved the same way : And so it follows from the whole , that the Gospel is the Word of God ; and the Old Testament is confirmed by that . Thus Reason proves the Divine Authority of Scripture ; and those other Arguments that use to be produced for it , from its Stile , and its influence upon the Souls of Men ; from the excellency of its Design , and the Providence of God in preserving it ; are of the same sort , though not of the same strength . Reason then proves the Scriptures , and this only ; for that they are from God , is not known immediately by Sense ; and there is no distinct Revelation that is certain and infallible to assure us of it ; and so Reason only remains to demonstrate the Article . These two great Truths , The Existence of God , and Authority of Scripture , are the first in our Religion ; and they are Conclusions of Reason , as well as Foundations of Faith. And thus briefly of those Principles of Religion that are presupposed unto it ; we have seen how Reason serves for the Demonstration of them . ( II. ) I COME now to the other sort of Principles , viz. those that are formally so ; They are of two sorts , ●…t and pure : The mixt are those that are discovered by Reason , and declared by Revelation also ; and so are Principles both of Reason , and Faith : Of this kind are the Attributes of God ; Moral good , and evil ; and the immortality of Humane Souls . The Principles of pure Faith , are such , as are known only by Divine Testimony , as the Miraculous Conception , the Incarnation , and the Trinity . The first sort Reason proves , as well as Scripture ; this I shew briefly in the Instances mention'd . ( 1. ) That the Divine Attributes are revealed in the Holy Oracles , is very clear ; and as plain it is that they are deduced from Reason ; For 't is a general Principle through the World , That God is a Being absolutely perfect ; And hence Reason concludes all the particular Attributes of his Nature ; since Wisdom , Goodness , Power , and the rest , are Perfections , and imply nothing of imperfection or defect ; and therefore ought to be ascribed to the infinitely perfect Being . ( 2. ) That there is moral Good , and Evil , is discoverable by Reason , as well as Scripture . For these are Reason's Maxims ; That every Thing is made for an end ; and every Thing is directed to its end by certain Rules : These Rules , in Creatures of understanding and choice , are Laws ; and the transgressing these , is Vice and Sin. ( 3. ) The Immortality of our Souls is plain in Scripture ; and Reason proves it , by shewing the spirituality of our Natures ; and that it doth , from the nature of Sense ; and our perception of Spiritual Beings ; of Vniversals , and of Logical , Metaphysical , and Mathematical Notions ; From our compounding Propositions , and drawing Conclusions from them ; From the vastness and quickness of our Imaginations , and liberty of our Wills ; all which are beyond the Powers of Matter , and therefore argue a Being that is Spiritual , and consequently immortal ; which Inference , the Philosophy of Spirits proves . Also , the Moral Arguments of Reason from the goodness of God , and his Justice in distributing Rewards and Punishments ; the nature of Vertue , and tendencies of Religious Appetites , conclude , I think , very hopefully , That there is a Life after this . Thus in short of the Principles I called mixt , which Reason demonstrates . BUT for the others , viz. ( 2. ) Those of pure Revelation , Reason cannot prove them immediately ; nor is it to be expected that it should : For they are Matters of Testimony ; and we are no more to look for immediate proof from Reason of those things , than we are to expect , that abstracted Reason should demonstrate , That there is such a place as China ; or , that there was such a Man as Julius Caesar : All that it can do here , is to assert and make good the credibility , and truth of the Testimonies that relate such Matters : and that it doth in the present case , proving the Authority of Scripture ; and thereby , in a remoter way , it demonstrates all the Mysteries of Faith , which the Divine Oracles immediately discover . And it is no more disparagement to our Reasons , that they cannot evince those Sacred Articles by their own unaided force , than it is a disgrace unto them , that they cannot know that there are such things as Colours , without the help of our Eyes ; or that there are Sounds , without the faculty of Hearing . And if Reason must be called blind upon this account , because it cannot know of it self such things as belong to Testimony to discover ; the best Eyes in the World may be so accounted , because they cannot see Sounds ; and the best Palate dull and dead , because it cannot taste the Sun-Beams . But though I have said , That Reason cannot of it self immediately prove the Truths of pure Revelation ; Yet ( 1. ) it demonstrates the Divine Authority of the Testimony that declares them ; and that way proves even these Articles . If this be not enough , I add thesecond Assertion , ( 2. ) That Reason defends all the Mysteries of Faith and Religion : And for this , I must desire it be noted , That there are two ways whereby any thing may be defended , viz. Either ( 1. ) by shewing the manner how the thing is ; Or , if that cannot be done , by shewing ( 2. ) That it ought to be believed , though the manner of it be not known : For instance , if any one denies , That all sorts of Creatures were in the Ark , under pretence , that it is impossible they should be contained within such a space ; He that can shew how this might be , by a distinct enumeration of the kinds of Animals , with due allowance for the unknown Species , and a computation of the particular capacity of the Ark ; he defends the Sacred History the first way : But if another denies the conversion of Aaron's Rod into a Serpent , upon the same account , of the unconceivableness of the manner how it was done ; this cannot indeed be defended the former way : But then it may , by representing that the Power of God is infinite ; and can easily do what we cannot comprehend : and that we ought to believe upon the credit of the Testimony , ( that being well proved to us ) though the manner of this miraculous performance , and such others as it relates , be unknown . And as it is in this last case , so it is in all the Mysteries of Faith and Religion ; Reason cannot defend them indeed the first way : But it doth the second , by shewing , That the Divine Nature is infinite , and our Conceptions very shallow and finite ; that 't is therefore very unreasonable in us to indeavour to pry into the Secrets of his Being , and Actions ; and to think that we can measure and comprehend them : That we know not the Essence and Ways of acting of the most ordinary and obvious Things of Nature , and therefore must not expect throughly to understand the deeper Things of God , That God hath revealed those Holy Mysteries unto us ; and that 't is the highest reason in the World to believe , That what be saith is true , though we do not know how these things are . These are all Considerations of Reason , and by the proposal of them , it sufficiently defends all the Mysteries that can be proved to be contained in the Sacred Volume , and shews that they ought to be received by us , though they cannot be comprehended . Thus if any one should ask me , How the Divine Nature is united to the Humane ? and declare himself unwilling to believe the Article till he could be satisfied , how ; My answer would be in short , That I cannot tell ; and yet I believe it is so ; and he ought to believe the same , upon the credit of the Testimony , though we are both ignorant of the Manner . In order to which I would suggest , that we believe innumerable things upon the evidence of our Senses , whose Nature and Properties we do not know : How the parts of Matter cohere ; and how the Soul is united to the Body , are Questions we cannot answer ; and yet that such things are , we do not doubt : And why , saith Reason , should we not believe God's Revelation of things we cannot comprehend ; as well as we do our Senses about Matters as little understood by us ? 'T is no doubt reasonable that we should , and by proving it is so , Reason defends all the Propositions of Faith and Religion . And when some of these are said to be above Reason , no more is meant , Than that Reason cannot conceive how those things are ; and in that sense many of the Affairs of Nature are above it too . Thus I have shewn how serviceable Reason is to Religion . I am next to prove , That ( II. ) Religion befriends it : And here I offer some Testimonies from the Holy Oracles to make that good ; and in them we shall see , how God himself , and Christ , and his Apostles , do own and acknowledge Reason . I consider ( 1. ) that God , Isa. 1. 18. calls the rebellious Israelites to reason with him ; Come now , and let us reason together , saith the Lord ; and by Reason he convinceth the People of the vanity of Idols , Isa. 44.9 . And he expostulates with their Reasons , Ezek. 18. 31. Why will ye die , O ye House of Israel ? And Mich. 6. 3. O my People , what have I done unto thee ? And wherein have I wearied thee ? Testifie against me . He appeals unto their Reasons , to judge of his proceedings . Isa. 5. 3. And now , O inhabitants of Jerusalem , and Men of Judah , judge I pray you between me and my vineyard ; are not my ways equal ? and are not your ways unequal ? In this he intimates the competency of their Reasons , to judge of the equity of his Ways , and the iniquity of their own . And ( 2. ) our Saviour commands the Disciples of the Pharisees , to give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's , and to God the things that are God's ; implying the ability of their Reasons to distinguish between the things that belonged to God , and those that appertained to Caesar. And he in divers places argues from the Principles and Topicks of Reason : From that which we call , à majori ad minus , from the greater to the less , John 13. 14. He shews it to be the duty of his Disciples , to serve their Brethren in the meanest Offices , and to wash one another's feet , because he had washed theirs , Vers. 14. inforcing it by this consideration of Reason ; For the Servant is not greater than his Lord , Vers. 26. and useth the same , John 15. 20. to shew , that they must expect Persecution , because He , their Lord , was persecuted . And Luke 12. 23. He endeavours to take them off from carking care and sollicitude about Meat and Raiment , by this consideration from Reason , That the Life is more than Meat , and the Body than Raiment , intimating that God having given them the greater , there was no doubt but he would bestow the less , which was necessary for the preservation of it . To these Instances , I add some few from the Topick , à minori ad majus , from the less to the greater , in the arguings of our Saviour . Thus Mat. 7. 11. If ye being evil know how to give good Gifts to your Children , how much more shall your Father which is in Heaven give good Things to those that ask him ? The ground of the Consequence is this Principle of Reason , That God is more benign and gracious , than the tenderest and most affectionate of our earthly Parents . So Luke 12. 24. He argues , that God will provide for Vs , because he doth for the Ravens , since we are better than they ; How much more are ye better than the Fowls ? Which arguing supposeth this Principle of Reason , that that Wisdom & Goodness , which are indulgent to the viler Creatures , will not neglect the more excellent . He proceeds further in the same Argument , by the consideration of God's clothing the Lillies , and makes the like inference from it , Vers. 28. If God so clothe the Grass , how much more will be clothe you ? And Mat. 12. He reasons that it was lawful for him to heal on the Sabbith-day , from the consideration of the general Mercy that is due even to brute Creatures ; What Man shall there be among you that shall have one Sheep , and if it fall into a Pit on the Sabbath day , will he not lay hold of it to lift it out ? How much more then is a Man better than a Sheep ? Vers. 12. Thus our Saviour used Arguments of Reason . And ( 3. ) the Apostles did so very frequently . S. Paul disproves Idolatry this way , Acts 17. 29. Forasmuch then as we are the Off-spring of God , we ought not to think that the God head is like unto Gold , or Silver , or Stone graven by Art. And the same Apostle proves the Resurrection of the Dead by the mention of seven gross Absurdities that would follow the denyal of it , 1 Cor. 1. 15. viz. If the Dead rise not , Then 1. Christ is not risen ; And then 2. our Preaching is vain , and we false Apostles , And if so , 3. your Faith is vain ; And then 4. you are not justified , but are in your sins ; And hence it will follow 5. That those that are departed in the same Faith are perished ; And then 6. Faith in Christ prosits only in this Life ; And if so , 7. we are of all Men the most miserable , Because we suffer all things for this Faith ; From ver . 14. to ver . 19. And the whole Chapter contains Philosophical Reasoning , either to prove or illustrate the Resurrection ; or to shew the difference of glorified Bodies from these . And S. Peter , in his second Epistle , Chap. 2. shews , that sinful Men must expect to be punished , because God spared not the Angels that fell . Instances of this would be endless ; these may suffice . And thus of the Second thing also , which I proposed to make good , viz. That Religion is friendly to Reason ; and that appears , in that God himself , our Saviour , and his Apostles own it ; and use Arguments from it , even in Affairs of Faith and Religion . BUt divers Objections are urged against the use of Reason in Religion , from Scripture , and other Considerations : The chief of them I shall consider briefly . From Scripture 't is alledged , ( 1. ) That God will destroy the Wisdom of the Wise , 1 Cor. 1. 19. And the World by Wisdom knew not God , vers . 21. And not many wise Men after the flesh are called , vers . 26. And God chose the foolish things of this World to confound the wise , vers . 27. By which expressions of wisdom and wise , 't is presumed that Humane Reason , and Rational Men , are meant . But these Interpreters mistake the Matter much , and as they are wont to do , put mere Arbitrary Interpretations upon Scripture ; For by Wisdom here , there is no cause to understand the Reason of Men ; but rather the Traditions of the Jews ; the Philosophy of the Disputing Greeks ; and the worldly Policy of the Romans , who were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Rulers of that World : That the Jewish Learning in their Law is meant , the Apostle intimates , when he asks in a way of Challenge , vers . 20. Where is the Scribe ? And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies one that was skill'd in their Laws and Customs . And that the Philosophy of the Greeks is to be understood likewise , we have ground to believe from the other Question in the same Verse ; Where is the Disputer of this World ? Which , though some refer to the Doctors among the Jews also , yet , I humbly think , it may more properly he understood of the Philosophers among the Grecians ; For the Apostle writes to Greeks , and their Philosophy was notoriously contentious . And lastly , That the worldly Policies of the Romans are included in this Wisdom of this World , which the Apostle vilifies , there is cause to think from the sixth Verse of the second Chapter , where he saith , He spake not in the Wisdom of the Princes of this World ; And 't is well known that Policy was their most valued Wisdom ; Tu regere imperio — To govern the Nations , and promote the grandeur of their Empire , was the great design and study of those Princes of this World. Now all these the Apostle sets at nought in the beginning of this Epistle ; Because they were very opposite to the simplicity , and holiness , self-denial , and meekness of the Gospel . But that is this to the disadvantage of Reason ; to which those sorts of Wisdom are as contrary , as they are to Religion ? And by this I am enabled , ( 2. ) To meet another Objection urged from 1 〈◊〉 2●… 14. But the natural Man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God , for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can be know them , because they are spiritually discerned . Hence the Enthusiast argues the Universal Inability of Reason in things of Religion ; and its Antipathy to them : Whereas I can apprehend no more to be meant by the words , than this , viz. That such kind of natural Men as those Scribes , and Disputers , and Politioians , having their Minds depraved ; and prepossessed with their own Wisdom , were indisposed to receive this , that was so contrary unto it . And they could not know those things of God , because they were Spiritual , and so would require a Mind that was of a pure and spiritual frame , viz. free from that earthly Wisdom of all sorts , which counts those things foolishness ; and which by God is counted so it self ; 1 Cor. 3. 19. which place ( 3. ) Is used as another Scripture against Reason . The Wisdom of this World is foolishness with God : But it can signifie nothing to that purpose , to one that understands and considers the Apostle's meaning . What is meant by the Wisdom of this World here , I have declared already ; And by the former part of my Discourse it appears , that whatever is to be understood by it , our Reason cannot ; since that either proves , or defends all the Articles of Religion . ( 4. ) And when the same Apostle elsewhere , viz. 2 Cor. 1. 12. saith , That they had not their Conversation in fleshly Wisdom ; we cannot think he meant Humane Reason by that ; for Reason directs us to live in simplicity , and godly sincerity , which he opposeth to a life in fleshly Wisdom . By this therefore , no doubt ; he means the Reason of our Appetites , and Passions , which is but Sense and Imagination , ( for these blind Guides are the Directors of the Wicked ) but not the Reason of our Minds , which is one of those Lights that illuminate the Consciences of good Men , and help to guide their Actions . And whereas 't is objected , ( 5. ) From Col. 2. 8. Beware lest any spoil you through Philosophy . I Answer , There is nothing can be made of that neither , for the disgrace of Reason ; for the Philosophy the Apostle cautions against , is the same which he warns Timethy of , 1 Tim. 1. 4. Neither give heed to Fables and endless Genealogies that minister Questions ; calling these , prophane , and vain bablings , and oppositions of Science , falsly so called , 1 Tim. 6. 20. By all which , Learned Interpreters understand the pretended Knowledge , of which the Gnosticks boasted , which consisted in the fabulous Pedigrees of the Gods under the name of 〈◊〉 ; and it may be the Genealogies of which the Jews were so fond ; and the disputing Philosophy among the Greeks , which was properly , Science falsly so called , and did minister Questions , and endless Strife ; I say , 't is very probable these might be comprehended also : But Reason is no otherwise concerned in all this , but as condemning , and reproving these dangerous Follies . THUS we see the Pretensions from Scripture against Reason are vain . But there are other Considerations by which it useth to be impugned , as , ( 1. ) OUR Reason is corrupted , and therefore is not fit to meddle in Spiritual Matters . To this I say , That Reason , as it is taken for the Faculty of Understanding , is very much weakened and impaired ; It sees but little , and that very dully , through a Glass darkly , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 13. And it is very liable to be misled by our Senses , and Affections , and Interests , and Imaginations ; so that we many times mingle Errors , and false Conceits , with the genuine Dictates of our Minds , and appeal to them , as the Principles of Truth and Reason , when they are but the vain Images of our Phansies , or the false Conclusions of Ignorance and Mistake . If this be meant by the corruption of Reason , I grant it ; and all that can be inferred from it will be ; That we ought not to be too bold and peremptory in defining speculative , and difficult matters ; especially not those that relate to Religion , nor to set our Reasonings against the Doctrines of Faith and Revelation . But this is nothing to the disreputation of Reason in the Object , viz. Those Principles of Truth which are written upon our Souls ; or any Conclusions that are deduced from them : These are the same that they ever were , though we discern them not so clearly as the Innocent State did : They may be mistaken , but cannot be corrupted . And as our Understandings , by reason of their weakness , and liableness to Error , may take falshoods for some of those ; or infer falsly from those that are truly such ; so we know , they do the same by the Scriptures themselves , viz. they very often mis-interpret , and very often draw perverse conclusions from them ; And yet we say not , That the Word of God is corrupted , nor is the use of Scripture decryed because of those abuses . But here advantage will be taken to object again , ( 2. ) That since our natural Vnderstandings are so weak , and so liable to mistake , they ought not to be used in the Affairs of Religion ; and 't will signifie little to us that there are certain Principles of eternal Reason , if we either perceive them not , or cannot use them . To this I Answer , That if on this account we must renounce the use of our natural Understandings , Scripture will be useless to us also ; For how can we know the meaning of the words that express God's Mind unto us ? How can we compare one Scripture with another ? How can we draw any Consequence from it ? How apply general Propositions to our own particular Cases ? How tell what is to be taken in the Letter ; what in the Mystery , what plainly ; whatin a Figure ? What according to strict and rigorous Truth ? What by way of accommodation to our Apprehensions ? I say , without the exrcise of our Understandings , using the Principles of Reason , none of these can be done , and without them Scripture will signifie either nothing at all , or very little to us . And what can Religion get this way ? This Inference therefore is absurd and impious . All that can justly be concluded from the weakness of our Understandings , will be what I intimated before , that we ought to use them with modesty and caution ; not that we should renounce them . He is a Mad-man , who , because his eyes are dim , will therefore put them out . But it may be objected further , ( 3. ) That which Men call Reason is infinitely various , and that is reasonable to one , which is very irrational to another ; Therefore Reason is not to be heard . And , I say , Interpretations of Scripture are infinitely various , and one calls that Scriptural , which another calls Heretical ; Shall we conclude therefore , That Scripture is not to be heard ? Reason in it self is the fame all the World over , though Mens apprehensions of it are various , as the Light of the Sun is one , though Colours are infinite : And where this is , it ought not to be denied , because follies and falshoods pretend relation to it ; or call themselves by that name . If so , farewel Religion too . But ( 4. ) 'T is Socinianism to plead for Reason in the Affairs of Faith and Religion . And I Answer , 'T is gross Phanaticism to plead against it . This Name is properly applicable to the Enemies of Reason ; But the other of Socinianism is groundlesly applyed to those that undertake for it ; and it absurdly supposeth that Socinians are the only rational Men ; when-as divers of their Doctrines , such as , The Sleep , and natural mortality of the Soul , and utter ex●…inction , and annihilation of the Wicked after the Day of Judgment , are very obnoxious to Philosophy and Reason . And the Socinians can never be confu●…ed in their other Opinions , without using Reason to maintain the Sense and Interpretation of those Scriptures that are alledged against them . 'T is an easie thing , we know , to give an ugly Name to any thing we dislike ; and by this way the most excellent and sacred Things have been made contemptible and vile . I wish such hasty Censurers would consider before they call Names ; That no Truth is the worse , because rash Ignorance hath thrown dirt upon it . I need say no more to these frivolous Objections . Those that alledge Atheism , and tendency to Infidelity against the reverence and use of Reason , are disproved by my whole Discourse : Which shews that the Enemies of Reason most usually serve the ends of the Infidel , and the Atheist ; when as a due use of it destroys the Pretensions of both . NOw from the foregoing brief Discourse I shall deduce some Corollaries , that may be of use for the better understanding of the whole Matter . 1. Reason is certain and infallible ; This follows from the state I gave of the Nature and Notion of Reason in the beginning . It consists in First Principles , and the Conclusions that are raised from them , and the Observations of Sense . Now first Principles are certain , or nothing can be so ; for every possible Conclusion must be drawn from those , or by their help ; and every Article of Faith supposeth them : And for the Propositions that arise from those certain Principles , they are certain likewise ; For nothing can follow from Truth , but Truth in the longest Series of Deduction . If Error creep in , there is ill consequence in the case . And the sort of Conclusions that arise from the Observations of Sense , if the Sense be rightly circumstantiated , and the Inference rightly made , are certain also . For if our Senses in all their due Circumstances deceive us , All is a delusion , and we are sure of nothing : But we know , that first Principles are certain , and that our Senses do not deceive us , because God , that bestowed them upon us , is True and Good ; and we are as much assured , that whatever we duly conclude from either of them , is certain ; because whatever is drawn from any Principle , was virtually contained in it . ( 2. ) I infer , That Reason is , in a sense , the Word of God , viz. That which he hath written upon our Minds and Hearts ; as Scripture is that which is written in a Book . The former is the Word , whereby he hath spoken to all Mankind ; the latter is that whereby he hath declared his Will to the Church , and his peculiar People . Reason is that Candle of the Lord , of which Solomon speaks , Prov. 20. 27. That Light , whereby Christ hath enlightned every one that cometh into the World , John 1. 9. And , that Law whereby the Consciences of the Heathen either accuse , or excuse one another , Rom. 2. 15. So that Hierocles spoke well , when he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : To be perswaded by God and right Reason , is one and the same thing . And Luther called Philosophy , within its own bounds , The Truth of God. ( 3. ) The belief of our Reason is an Exercise of Faith ; and Faith is an Act of Reason . The former part is clear , from the last Particular , and we believe our Reasons , because we have them from God , who cannot mistake , and will not deceive . So that relying on them , in things clearly perceived , is trust in God's veracity and goodness , and that is an exercise of Faith. Thus Luke 12. The not belief of Reason , that suggests from God's clothing the Lillies , that He will provide for us , is made by our Saviour a defect of Faith , Vers. 28. O ye of little Faith ! And for the other part , that Faith is an Act of Reason , that is evident also : For , 'T is the highest Reason to believe in God revealing . ( 4. ) No Principle of Reason contradicts any Articles of Faith. This follows upon the whole . Faith befriends Reason ; and Reason serves Religion , and therefore they cannot clash . They are both certain , both the Truths of God ; and one Truth doth not interfere with another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Aristotle , Truth agrees with all things that are . Whatsoever contradicts Faith , is opposite to Reason ; for 't is a Fundamental Principle of that , That God is to be believed . Indeed sometimes there is a seeming contradiction between them ; But then either something is taken for Faith , that is but Phansie ; or something for Reason , that is but Sophistry ; or the supposed contradiction is an Error and Mistake . ( 5. ) When any thing is pretended from Reason , against any Article of Faith , we ought not to cut the Knot , by denying Reason ; but endeavour to unite it , by answering the Argument ; and 't is certain it may be fairly answered . For all Hereticks argue either from false Principles , or fallaciously conclude from true ones : So that our Faith is to be defended , not by declaiming against Reason , in such a case , ( which strengthens the Enemy , and , to the great prejudice of Religion , allows Reason on his side ) ; But we must endeavour to defend it , either by discovering the falshood of the Principles he useth in the name of Reason ; or the ill Consequence , which he calls Proof . ( 6. ) When any thing is offered us for an Article of Faith that seems to contradict Reason , we ought to see that there be good cause to believe that this is divinely revealed , and in the sense propounded . If it be , we may be assured from the former Aphorisms , that the Contradiction is but an Appearance ; and it may be discovered to be so . But if the Contradiction be real , This can be no Article of Revelation , or the Revelation hath not this sense . For God cannot be the Author of Contradictions ; and we have seen , that Reason , as well as Faith , is his . I mean , the Principles of Natural Truth , as well as those of Revelation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith Aristotle , Truth is throughout contrary to falshood ; and what is true in Divinity , cannot be false in Reason . 'T is said indeed in the Talmud , If two Rabbins differ in Contradictories , yet both have their Opinions from Moses , and from God. But we are not obliged to such an irrational kind of Faith ; And ought not to receive any thing as an Article of it , in a sense that palpably contradicts Reason , no more than we may receive any sense that contradicts the direct Scriptures . Faith and Reason accord , as well as the Old Testament , and the New ; and the Analogy of Reason is to be heeded also , because even that is Divine and Sacred . ( 7. ) There is nothing that God hath revealed to oblige our Faith , but he hath given us reason to believe that he hath revealed it . For though the thing be never so clearly told me , if I have not reason to think , that God is the Revealer of what is so declared , I am not bound to believe it ; except there be evidence in the thing it self . For 't is not Faith , but vain credulity to believe every thing that pretends to be from God. So that we ought to ask our selves a Reason , why we believe the Scripture to be the Revelation of God's Will , and ought not to assent to any sense put upon it , till we have ground to think , that that sense is his mind ? I say , we must have ground , either from our particular Reasons , or the Authority of the Church ; otherwise our Faith is vain Credulity , and not Faith in God. ( 8. ) A Man may hold an erroneous Opinion from a mistaken sense of Scripture , and deny what is the truth of the Proposition , and what is the right meaning of the Text , and yet not err in Faith. For Faith is a belief of God revealing : And if God have not so revealed this , or that , as to give us certain ground to believe this to be his sense , he hath not sufficiently revealed it to oblige our Faith. So that though I deny such , or such a sense , while I believe it is not from God ; his veracity and Authority is not concerned , since I am ready however to give a chearful assent to what-ever is clearly and sufficiently revealed . This Proposition follows from the former , and must be understood only of those Doctrines that are difficult , and obscurely delivered : And that many things are so delivered in Scripture , is certain ; For some are only hinted , and spoken occasionally ; some figuratively , and by way of Parable , and Allegory ; some according to Mens Conceptions ; and some in Ambiguous and Aenigmatical Phrases ; which Obscurities may occasion mistake in those , who are very ready to believe what-ever God saith ; and when they do , I should be loth to say that such err in Faith ; Though those that wrest plain Texts to a compliance with their Interests , and their Lusts ; Though their Affections may bring their Judgments to vote with them , yet theirs is Error in Faith with a witness , and capable of no benefit from this Proposition . ( 9. ) In searching after the sense of Scripture , we ought to consult the Principles of Reason , as we do other Scriptures . For we have shewn , That Reason is another part of God's Word . And though the Scripture be sufficient for its own end , yet Reason must be presupposed unto it ; for without this , Scripture cannot be used , nor compared , nor applied , nor understood . ( 10. ) The Essentials of Religion are so plainly revealed , that no Man can miss them , that hath not a mighty corrupt bias in his Will and Affections to infatuate and blind his Vnderstanding . Those Essentials are contained in the Decalogue and the Creed : Many speculative remoter Doctrines may be true , but not Fundamental . For 't is not agreeable to the goodness or justice of God , that Mens eternal Interests should depend upon things that are difficult to be understood , and easily mistaken . If they did , No Man could be secure , but that , do what he could , he should perish everlastingly , for not believing , or believing amiss some of those difficult Points , that are supposed necessary to Salvation ; and all those that are ignorant , and of weak understanding , must perish without help , or they must be saved by implicit Faith in unknown Fundamentals . THESE are some Propositions that follow from my Discourse , and from one another . The better they are considered , the more their force will be perceived ; and I think they may serve for many very considerable purposes of Religion . Charity , and the peace of Mankind . ANd now , as a Conclusion to the whole , I shall add some Considerations of the dangerous tendency of the common practice ( at least among the Sects ) of declaiming against Reason as an Enemy to Religion . ( 1. ) It tends to the introduction of Atheism , Infidelity , and Scepticism ; and hath already brought in a flood of these upon us . For what advantage can the Atheist and Infidel expect greater than this , That Reason is against Religion ? What do they pretend ? What can they propose more ? If so , there will be no proving , That there is a God ; or , That the Scripture is his Word ; and then we believe gratis ; and our Faith hangs upon Humour and Imagination ; and that Religion that depends upon a warm Phansie , and an ungrounded belief , stands but till a Disease , or a new Conceit alter the Scene of Imagination , and then down falls the Castle , whose Foundation was in the Air. 'T was the charge of Julian the Apostate against the Primitive Christians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; That their Wisdom was to believe ; as if they had no ground for their Faith. And those that renounce and decry Reason , justifie Julian in his Charge . If this be so , Religion will have no bottom , but the Phansie of every one that professeth it ; and how various and inconstant a thing Imagination is , every Man knows . These are the Consequences of defamations of Reason , on the pretended account of Religion ; and we have seen , in multitudes of deplorable Instances , That they follow in practice , as well as reasoning . Men of corrupt inclinations suspect that there is no Reason for our Faith and Religion , and so are upon the borders of quitting it ; And the Enthusiast , that pretends to know Religion best , tells them , that these Suspicions are very true ; and thence the Debauchee gladly makes the desperate Conclusion : Or at least ; when they hear that Reason is uncertain , various , and fallacious , they deny all credit to their Faculties , and become confounded Scepticks , that settle in nothing . This I take to have been one of the greatest and most deadly occasions of the Atheism of our days ; and he that hath rejected Reason , may be one when he pleaseth , and cannot reprehend , or reduce any one , that is so already . ( 2. ) The denial of Reason in Religion , hath been the principal Engine that Hereticks and Enthusiasts have used against the Faith ; and that which lays us open to infinite follies and impostures . Thus the Arrians quarrelled with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it was deduced by consequence , but not expressed in Scripture . The Apollinarists would by no means allow of Reason ; And St. Austin saith of the Donatists , that they did calumniate , and decry It , to raise prejudice against the Catholick Faith ; and elsewhere , Doctores vestri Hominem dialecticum fugiendum potius , & cavendum , quàm refellendum censuerunt . The Vbiquitarians defend their Errors , by denying the judgment of Reason ; and the Macedonians would not have the Deity of the Holy Ghost proved by Consequence . The later Enthusiasts in Germany , and other places , set up loud and vehement out-cries against Reason ; and the Lunaticks among us ( that agree in nothing else ) do yet sweetly accord in opposing this Carnal Reason ; and this indeed is their common Interest . The impostures of Mens Phansies must not be seen in too much light ; and we cannot dream with our eyes open . Reason would discover the nakedness of Sacred Whimsies , and the vanity of Mysterious Non-sense ; This would disparage the Darlings of the Brain , and cool the pleasant heats of kindled Imagination : And therefore Reason must be decryed , because an enemy to madness ; and Phansie set up , under the Notion of Faith and Inspiration . Hence Men had got the trick to call every thing that was Consequent , and Reasonable , Vain Philosophy ; and every thing that was Sober , Carnal Reasoning . Religion is set so far above Reason , that at length it is put beyond Sobriety and Sense ; and then 't was fit to be believed , when 't was impossible to be proved , or understood . The way to be a Christian , is first to be a Brute ; and to be a true Believer , in this Divinity , is to be fit for Bedlam . Men have been taught to put out their eyes , that they might see ; and to hoodwink themselves , that they might avoid the Precipices . Thus have all Extravagancies been brought into Religion , beyond the Imaginations of a Fever , and the Conceits of Midnight : Whatever is phansied , is certain ; and whatever is vehement , is Sacred ; every thing must be believed , that is dream'd ; and every thing that is absurd , is a Mystery . And by this way , Men in our days have been prepared to swallow every thing , every thing but what is sober : whatever is wild , will be suck'd in like the Air ; but what is reasonable , will be fled like Infection . So that if a Man would recommend any Doctrine for his life , to those Enemies of Reason , it must be some odd non-sense , in the clothing of Imagination ; and he that can be the Author of a new kind of Madness , shall lead a Party . Thus hath Religion , by the disparagement of Reason , been made a Medley of Phantastick Trash , spiritualized into an heap of Vapours , and formed into a Castle of Clouds ; and exposed to every Wind of Humour and Imagination . ( 3. ) By the same way great advantage is given to the Church of Rome : Which is well known by those that adhere unto it . And therefore Perronius , Gonterius , Arnoldus , Veronius , and other Jesuites , have loudly declaimed against Reason ; and the last mentioned , Veronius , presented the World with a Method to overthrow Hereticks , ( meaning those of the Protestant Faith ) which promised more than ordinary ; And that was , to deny and renounce all Principles of Reason in Affairs of Faith , absolutely and roundly ; and not to vouchsafe an Answer to any Argument against Transubstantiation , or the other Articles of their new Faith ; but point-blank to deny whatever Reason saith in such Matters . And he affirms , that even these Principles of Reason , viz. Non entis non sunt Attributa ; omne quod est , quando est , necesse est esse ; and such like , which are the Foundations of all Reasoning , are dangerous to the Catholick Faith , and therefore not to be heeded . This Man speaks out , and affirms directly and boldly , what the other Enemies of Reason mean , but will not own . This is a Method to destroy Hereticks in earnest ; but the mischief is , all Christians , and all other Religions , and all other Reasonings are cut off by the same Sword. This Book and Method of Veronius was kindly received by the Pope , priviledged by the King of Spain , approved by Cardinals , Archbishops , Bishops , and all the Gallick Clergy , as solid , and for the advantage of Souls ; and the Sorbone Doctors gave it their approbation , and recommended it as the only way to confute us , and all the other Adversaries of their corrupted Faith and Religion . Did these know what they did ? And did they , think we , understand the Interest of the Roman Church ? If so , we kindly serve their ends , and promote their Designs in the way , which they account best , while we vilifie and disparage Reason . If this be renounced in Matters of Religion , with what face can we use it against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , or any other Points of the Roman Creed ? Would it not be blameless and irreprovable for us to give up our Understandings implicitly to the Dictates and Declarations of that Church ? May we not follow blindly whatever the Infallible Man at Rome and his Councils say ? And would it not be vain self-contradiction to use Arguments against their Decrees , though they are never so unreasonable ? Or to alledge Consequences from Scripture against any of their Articles , though never so contrary to the Holy Oracles ? How easily may they rejoyn , when we dispute against them ; You argue from Reason , and by Consequences ; But Reason is dull and carnal , and an enemy to the things of the Spirit , and not to be heard in the high Matters of Religion ? And what can we say next , if allow of the Accusation ? I say , by this way , we perfectly disable , or grosly contradict our selves , in most of our Disputes against the Romanists : And we are very disingenuous in our dealings , while we use Reason against them , and deny it , when 't is urged against our selves by another sort of Adversaries ; which implies , that when we say , Reason is not to be heard , we mean , 't is not to be heard against us ; But it must against the Church of Rome , or any others we can oppugn by it . So that our denying Reason in Religion is either very humoursom and partial , or 't is a direct yielding up our Cause to our Enemies ; and doing that our selves , which is the only thing they desire , to undo us ; and to promote their own Interests upon our Ruines . And thus I have represented some of the Mischiefs that arise from the disparagement of Reason ; we see they are great ones , big of many others , and such as are destructive to all Government , and all the Interests of the sober part of Mankind . This is properly Fanaticism , and all that we call so , grows upon it . Here the Enemies of our Church and Government began ; upon this they insisted still , and filled their Books , and Pulpits , and private Corners , with these Cantings . This was the Engine to overthrow all sober Principles , and Establishments ; with this the People were infutuated , and credit was reconciled to Gibberish , and Folly ; Enthusiasms , and vain Impulses . This is the Food of Conventicles to this day ; the root of their Matter , and the burden of their Preachments . Let Reason be heard , and tie them to Sense , and most of their Holders-forth haue no more to say . Their spirituality , for which they are admired , is besides Reason , and against it , rather than above it ; And while this Principle of the enmity between Reason and Religion stands , the People will think them the more Spiritual Preachets , because they are the less reasonable : And while they are abused by such a belief , 't will be impossible for sober Men to have any success in their endeavours to convince them . AGAINST Modern Sadducism In the Matter of Witches and Apparitions : Essay VI. Essay VI. AGAINST MODERN SADDUCISM In the Matter of Witches and Apparitions . IF any thing were to be much admired in an Age of Wonders , not only of Nature , ( which is a constant Prodigy ) but of Men and Manners ; it would be to me matter of astonishment , that Men , otherwise witty and ingenious , are fallen into the Conceit that there 's no such thing as a Witch , or Apparition , but that these are the Creatures of Melancholly and Superstition , foster'd by Ignorance and Design ; which , comparing the confidence of their disbelief , with the evidence of the things denied , and the weakness of their Grounds , would almost suggest , that themselves are an Argument of what they deny ; and that so confident an Opinion could not be held upon such inducements , but by some kind of Witchcraft , and Fascination in the Fancy . And perhaps that evil Spirit , whose Influences they will not allow in Actions ascribed to such Causes , hath a greater hand and interest in their Proposition than they are aware of . For that subtil Enemy of Mankind ( since Providence will not permit him to mischief us without our own concurrence ) attempts that by stratagem and artifice , which he could never effect by open ways of acting ; and the success of all wiles depending upon their secrecy , and concealment , his influence is never more dangerous than when his agency is least suspected . In order therefore to the carrying on the dark and hidden Designs he manageth against our Happiness , and our Souls , he cannot expect to advantage himself more , than by insinuating a belief , That there is no such thing as Himself , but that Fear and Fancy make Devils now , as they did Gods of old . Nor can he ever draw the assent of Men to so dangerous an Assertion , while the standing sensible Evidences of his Existence in his practices by and upon his Instruments , are not discredited and removed . 'T is doubtless therefore the interest of this Agent of Darkness , to have the World believe , that the Notion they have of Him , is but a Phantôme and Conceit ; and in order thereunto , That the stories of Witches , Apparitions , and indeed every thing that brings tidings of another World , are but melancholick Dreams , and pious Romances . And when Men are arriv'd thus far , to think there are no Diabolical Contracts or Apparitions , their belief that there are such Spirits , rests only upon their Faith , and reverence to the Divine Oracles ; which we have little reason to apprehend so great in such Assertors , as to command much from their assent ; especially in such things in which they have corrupt Interests against their evidence . So that he that thinks there is no Witch , believes a Devil gratis , or at least upon Inducements , which he is like to find himself disposed to deny when he pleaseth . And when Men are arrived to this degree of Disfidence and Infidelity , we are beholden to them if they believe either Angel , or Spirit , Resurrection of the Body , or Immortality of Souls . These things hang together in a Chain of Connexion , at least in these Mens Hypothesis ; and 't is but an happy chance , if he that hath lost one Link , holds another . So that the Vitals of Religion being so much interessed in this Subject , it will not be unnecessary imployment particularly to discourse it . And in order to the proof that there have been , and are unlawful Confederacies with evil Spirits , by vertue of which the hellish Accomplices perform things above their natural Powers ; I must premise , that this being matter of Fact , is only capable of the evidence of Authority and Sense : And by both these , the being of Witches and Diabolical Contracts , is most abundantly confirm'd . All Histories are full of the Exploits of those Instruments of Darkness , and the Testimony of all Ages , not only of the rude and barbarous , but of the most civiliz'd and polish'd World , brings tidings of their strange performances . We have the Attestation of thousands of Eye and Ear-witnesses , and those not of the easily deceivable Vulgar only , but of wise and grave Discerners ; and that , when no Interest could oblige them to agree together in a common Lye : I say , we have the light of all these Circumstances to confirm us in the belief of things done by Persons of despicable Power and Knowledge , beyond the reach of Art , and ordinary Nature . Standing publick Records have been kept of these well-attested Relations : and Epocha's made of those unwonted Events ; Laws in many Nations have been enacted against those vile practices ; Those among the Jews , and our own , are notorious : such Cases have been often determined near us , by Wise and Reverend Judges , upon clear and convictive Evidence : and multitudes in our Nation have suffered death for their vile Compacts with Apostate Spirits . All these I might largely prove in their particular Instances , but that 't is not needful , since those that deny the being of Witches , do it not out of ignorance of these Heads of Argument , of which probably they have heard a thousand times ; But from an apprehension that such a belief is absurd , and the things impossible . And upon these presumptions they contemn all Demonstrations of this nature , and are ha●…dned against Conviction . And I think , those that can believe all Histories are Romances , that all the wiser World have agreed together to juggle Mankind into a common belief of ungrounded Fables ; that the sound Senfes of multitudes together may deceive them ; and Laws are built upon Chymera's ; that the gravest and wisest Judges have been Murderers ; and the sagest Persons Fools , or designing Impostors : I say , those that can believe this heap of Absurdities , are either more credulous than those whose credulity they reprehend ; or else have some extraordinary evidence of their Perswasion , viz. That 't is absurd and impossible there should be a Witch or Apparition . And I am consident , were those little appearances remov'd , which Men have form'd in their Fancies against the belief of such things ; their own Evidence would make the way to Mens assent , without any more Arguments than what they know already to enforce it . There is nothing then necessary to be done , in order to the establishing the belief I would reconcile to Mens minds ; but to endeavour the removal of those Prejudices they have received against it : the chief of which I shall particularly deal with . And I begin with that bold Assertion , That I. ( I. ) THe NOTION of a Spirit is impossible and contradictious ; and consequently so is that of Witches , the belief of which is founded on that Doctrine . To which Objection I Answer , ( 1. ) If the Notion of a Spirit be absurd , as is pretended ; that of a GOD , and a SOUL distinct from Matter , and Immortal , are likewise Absurdities . And then , That the World was jumbled into this elegant and orderly Fabrick by chance ; and that our Souls are only parts of Matter , that came together we know not whence , nor how ; and shall again shortly be dissolv'd into those loose Atoms that compound them ; That all our Conceptions are but the thrusting of one part of Matter against another ; and the Idea's of our Minds meer blind and casual Motions : These , and a thousand more the grossest Impossibilities and Absurdities ( consequents of this Proposition , That the Notion of a Spirit is absurd ) will be sad Certainties and Demonstrations . And with such Assertors I would cease to discourse about Witches and Apparitions , and address my self to obtain their assent to Truths infinitely more Sacred . And yet ( 2. ) though it should be granted them , that a Substance immaterial is as much a contradiction as they can fancy ; yet why should they not believe that the Air , and all the Regions above us , may have their invisible intellectual Agents of Nature like unto our Souls , be that what it will ; and some of them at least as much degenerate as the vilest and most mischievous among Men. This Hypothesis will be enough to secure the possibility of Witches and Apparitions . And that all the upper Stories of the Universe are furnish'd with Inhabitants , 't is infinitely reasonable to conclude from the Analogy of Nature ; Since we see there is nothing so contemptible and vile in the World we reside in , but hath its living Creatures that dwell upon it ; the Earth , the Water , the inferiour Air ; the Bodies of Animals , the Flesh , the Skin , the Entrails ; the Leaves , the Roots , the Stalks of Vegetables ; yea , and all kind of Minerals in the Subterrancous Regions : I say , all these have their proper Inhabitants ; yea , I suppose this Rule may hold in all distinct kinds of Bodies in the World , That they have their peculiar Animals . The certainty of which I believe the improvement of Microscopical Observations will discover . From whence I infer , That since this little Spot is so thickly peopled in every Atom of it , ' ●…is weakness to think that all the vast spaces above , and hollows under Ground , are desert and uninhabited . And if both the superiour and lower Continents of the Universe have their Inhabitants also , 't is exceedingly improbable , arguing from the same Analogy , that they are all of the meer sensible Nature , but that there are at least some of the Rational and Intellectual Orders . Which supposed , there is good foundation for the belief of Witches , and Apparitions ; though the Notion of a Spirit should prove as absurd and unphilosophical , as I judg the Denial of it . And so this first Objection comes to nothing . I descend then to the second Prejudice , which may be thus formed in behalf of the Objectors . II. ( II. ) THere are Actions in most of those Relations ascribed to Witches , which are ridiculous and impossible in the nature of things ; such are ( 1. ) their flying out of Windows , after they have anointed themselves , to remote places . ( 2. ) Their transformation into Cats , Hares , and other Creatures . ( 3. ) Their feeling all the hurts in their own Bodies , which they have received in those . ( 4. ) Their raising Tempests , by mattering some nonsensical words , or performing Ceremonies alike impertinent , as ridiculous . And ( 5. ) their being suck'd in a certain private place of their Bodies by a Familiar . These are presumed to be actions inconsistent with the nature of Spirits , and above the powers of those poor and miserable Agents . And therefore the Objection supposeth them performed only by the Fancy ; and that the whole mystery of Witchcraft is but an illusion of crasie Imagination . To this aggregate Objection I return , ( 1. ) In the general : The more absurd and unaccountable these Actions seem the greater confirmations are they to me of the truth of those Relations , and the reality of what the Objectors would destroy . For these Circumstances being exceeding unlikely , ( judging by the measures of common belief ) 't is the greater probability they are not fictitious : For the contrivers of Fictions use to form them to as near a conformity as they can to the most unsuspected Realities , endeavouring to make them look as like Truth , as is possible in the main Supposals , though withal they make them strange in the Circumstance . None but a Fool , or Madman , would relate , with a purpose of having it believed , that he saw in Ireland , Men with Horns on their Heads , and Eyes in their Breasts ; or , if any should be so ridiculously vain , as to be serious in such an incredible Romance , it cannot be supposed that all Travellers that come into those parts after him should tell the same Story . There is a large Field in Fiction ; and is all those Relations were Arbitrary Compositions ; doubtless the first Romancers would have framed them more agreeable to the common Doctrine of Spirits ; at least , after these supposed Absurdities had been a thousand times laugh'd at , People by this time would have learn'd to correct those obnoxious Extravagancies ; and though they have not yet more Veracity than the Ages of Ignorance and Superstition , yet one would expect they should have got more Cunning. This suppos'd Impossibility then of these Performances , seems to me a probable Argument that they are not wilful , and designed Forgeries . And if they are Fancies , 't is somewhat strange , that Imagination , which is the most various thing in all the World , should infinitely repeat the same Conceits in all Times and Places . BUT again ( 2. ) the strange Actions related of Witches , and presumed to be impossible , are not ascribed to their own Powers , but to the Agency of those wicked Confederates they imploy : And to affirm that those evil Spirits cannot do that , which we conceit impossible , is boldly to stint the powers of Creatures , whose Natures and Faculties we know not ; and to measure the world of Spirits by the narrow Rules of our own impotent Beings . We see among our selves the Performances of some out-go the Conceits and Possibilities of others ; and we know many things may be done by the Mathematicks , and Mechanick Artifice , which common Heads think impossible to be effected by the honest ways of Art and Nature . And doubtless , the subtilties and powers of those mischievous Fiends , are as much beyond the reach and activities of the most knowing Agents among us , as theirs are beyond the wit and ability of the most rustick and illiterate . So that the utmost that any Man's Reason in the World can amount to in this particular , is only this , That he cannot conceive how such things can be performed ; which only argues the weakness and imperfection of our Knowledg and Apprehensions ; not the impossibility of those Performances : and we can no more from hence form an Argument against them , than against the most ordinary Effects in Nature . We cannot conceive how the F●… is form'd in the Womb ; nor as much as how a Plant springs from the Earth we tread on ; we know not how our Sou●…s move the Body ; nor how these distant and extream Natures are united ; as I have shewn elsewhere . And if we are igno●…t of the most obvious things about us , and the most considerable within our selves , 't is then no wonder that we know not the Constitution and Powers of the Creatures , to whom we are such strangers . Briefly then , Matters of Fact well proved ought not to be denied , because we cannot conceive how they can be performed . Nor is it a reasonable method of Inference , first to presume the thing impossible , and thence to conclude that the Fact cannot be proved : On the contrary , we should judg of the Action by the Evidence , and not the Evidence by our Fancies about the Action . This is proudly to exalt our own Opinions above the clearest Testimonies , and most sensible Demonstrations of Fact : and so to give the Lye to all Mankind , rather than distrust the Conceits of our bold Imaginations . But yet further , ( 3. ) I think there is nothing in the Instances mention'd , but what may as well be accounted for by the Rules of Reason and Philosophy , as the ordinary Affairs of Nature . For in resolving Natural Phaenomena , we can only assign the probable Causes , shewing how things may be , not presuming how they are : And in the particulars under our Examen , we may give an account how 't is possible , and not unlikely , that such things ( though somewhat varying from the common road of Nature ) may be acted . And if our narrow and contracted Minds can furnish us with apprehensions of the way and manner of such Performances , ( though perhaps not the true ones ) 't is an argument that such things may be effected by Creatures , whose Powers and Knowledg are so vastly exceeding ours . I shall endeavour therefore briefly to suggest some things that may render the possibility of such performances conceivable , in order to the removal of this Objection , that they are Contradictions , and impossible . For the first then , That the Confederate Spirit should transport the Witch through the Air to the place of general Rendezvous , there is no difficulty in conceiving it ; and if that be true which great Philosophers affi●… , concerning the real separability of the Soul from the Body without Death , there is yet less ; for then 't is easie to apprehend , that the Soul , having left its gross and sluggish Body behind it , and being cloth'd only with its immed●…e Vehicle of Air , or more subtile Matter , may be quickly conducted to any place , by those officious Spirits that attend it . And though I adventure to affirm nothing concerning the truth and certainty of this Supposition , yet I must needs say , it doth not seem to me unreasonable . Our experience of Apoplexies , Epilepsies , Extasies , and the strange things Men report to have seen during those Deliquiums , look favourably upon this Conjecture ; which seems to me to contradict no Principle of Reason or Philosophy , since Death consists not so much in the actual separation of Soul and Body , as in the indisposition and unfitness of the Body for Vital Union , as an excellent Philosopher hath made good : On which Hypothesis , the Witch's anointing her self before she takes her flight , may perhaps serve to keep the Body tenantable , and in fit disposition to receive the Spirit at its return . These things , I say , we may conceive , though I affirm nothing about them ; and there is not any thing in such Conceptions but what hath been own'd by Men of Worth and Name , and may seem fair and accountable enough to those who judg not altogether by customary Opinions . There 's a saying of the great Apostle that seems to countenance this Platonick Notion ; what is the meaning else of that Expression , [ Whether in the Body , or out of the Body , I cannot tell ] except the Soul may be separated from the Body without death ? Which if it be granted po●…sible , 't is sufficient for my purpose . And ( 2. ) The Transformations of Witches into the shapes of other Animals , upon the same supposal is very conceivable , since then 't is easie to apprehend , that the Power of Imagination may form those passive and pliable Vehicles into those shapes , with more ease than the Fancy of the Mother can the stubborn Matter of the Foetus in the Womb , as we see it frequently doth in the Instances that occur of Signatures , and monstrous Singularities ; and perhaps sometimes the confederate Spirit puts tricks upon the Senses of the Spectators , and those Shapes are only Illusions . But then ( 3. ) when they feel the Hurts in their gross Bodies , that they receive in their Aiery Vehicles , they must be supposed to have been really present , at least in these latter ; and 't is no more difficult to apprehend how the hurts of those should be translated upon their other Bodies , than how Diseases should be inflicted by the Imagination , or how the Fancy of the Mother should wound the Foetus , as several credible Relations do attest . And ( 4. ) for their raising Storms and Tempests ; They do it not by their own , but by the power of those Evil Spirits that reside in the Air ; and the Ceremonies that are enjoyn'd them , are doubtless nothing else but Entertainments for their Imaginations , and likely design'd to perswade them , that they do those strange things themselves . ( Lastly , ) For their being suck'd by the Familiar , I say , ( 1. ) we know so little of the nature of Daemons and Spirits , that 't is no wonder we cannot certainly divine the Reason of so strange an Action . And yet ( 2. ) we may conjecture at some things that may render it less improbable ; For some have thought that the Genii ( whom both the Platonical and Christian Antiquity thought embodied ) are recreated by the Reeks and Vapours of Humane Blood , and the Spirits that proceed from them : Which supposal ( if we allow them Bodies ) is not unlikely , every thing being refresh'd and nourish'd by its Like . And that they are not perfectly abstract from all Body and Matter ( besides the Reverence we owe to the wisest Antiquity ) there are several considerable Arguments I could alledge to render exceeding probable . Which things supposed , the Devil 's sucking the Sorceress is no great wonder , nor difficult to be accounted for . Or perhaps ( 3. ) this may be only a Diabolical Sacrament , and Ceremony to confirm the Hellish Covenant . To which I add , ( 4. ) That the Familiar doth not only suck the Witch , but in the Action infuseth some poisonous Ferrnent into Her , which gives her Imagination and Spirits a Magical Tincture , whereby they become mischievously influential ; and the word V●…nesica intimates some such Matter . Now that the Imagination hath a mighty power in Operation , is feen in the just-now mention'd Signatures , and Diseases that it causeth ; and that the Fancy is modified by the Qualities of the Blood and Spirits , is too evident to need proof . Which things supposed , 't is plain to conceive that the Evil Spirit having breath'd some vile Vapour into the Body of the Witch , it may taint her Blood and Spirits with a noxious Quality , by which her infected Imagination , heightned by Melancholy , and this worse Cause , may do much hurt upon Bodies that are obnoxious to such Influences . And 't is very likely that this Ferment disposeth the Imagination of the Sorceress to cause the mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or separation of the Soul from the Body , and may perhaps keep the Body in fit temper for its re-entry ; as also it may facilitate transformation , which , it may be , could not be effected by ordinary and unassisted Imagination . Thus we see , 't is not so desperate to form an apprehension of the manner of these odd Performances ; and though they are not done the way I have describ'd , yet what I have said may help us to a conceit of the Possibility , which sufficeth for my purpose . And though the Hypothesis I have gone upon will seem as unlikely to some , as the things they attempt to explain are to others ; yet I must desire their leave to suggest , that most things seem improbable ( especially to the conceited , and opinionative ) at first proposal : And many great Truths are strange and odd , till Custom and Acquaintance have reconciled them to our Fancies . And I 'le presume to add on this occasion , ( though I love not to be confident in affirming ) that there is none of the Platonical Supposals I have used , but what I could make appear to be indifferently fair and reasonable . III. ( III. ) A Nother Prejudice against the being of Witches , is , That 't is very improbable that the Devil , who is a Wise and Mighty Spirit , should be at the beck of a poor Hag , and have so little to do , as to attend the Errands and impotent Lusts of a sil'y old Woman . To which I might answer , ( 1. ) That 't is much more improbable that all the World should be deceiv'd in Matters of Fact , and Circumstances of the clearest Evidence and Conviction ; than that the Devil , who is wicked , should be also unwise ; and that He that perswades all his Subjects and Accomplices out of their Wits , should himself act like his own Temptations and Perswasions . In brief , there is nothing more strange in this Objection , than that Wickedness is Baseness and Servility ; and that the Devil is at leasure to serve those whom he is at leasure to tempt , and industrious to ruine . And ( 2. ) I see no necessity to believe that the Devil is always the Witches Confederate ; but perhaps it may fitly be considered , whether the Familiar be not some departed Humane Spirit , forsaken of God and Goodness , and swallowed up by the unsatiable desire of Mischief and Revenge ; which possibly by the Laws , and capacity of its State , it cannot execute immediately . And why we should presume that the Devil should have the liberty of wandering up and down the Earth and Air , when he is said to be held in the Chains of Darkness ; and yet that the separated Souls of the Wicked , of whom no such thing is affirm'd in any Sacred Record , should be thought so imprison'd , that they cannot possibly wag from the Place of their Confinement , I know no shadow of Conjecture . This Conceit I 'm confident hath prejudic'd many against the belief of Witches and Apparitions , they not being able to conceive that the Devil should be so ludicrous , as Appearing Spirits are sometimes reported to be in their Frolicks ; and they presume , that Souls departed never revis●… the free and open Regions ; which confidence , I know nothing to justifie : For since good Men in their state of separation are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , why the wicked may not be supposed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the worst sense of the word , I know nothing to help me to imagine . And if it be so supposed that the Imps of Witches are sometimes wicked Spirits of our own Kind and Nature , and possibly the same that have been Sorcerers and Witches in this Life : This Supposal may give a fairer and more probable account of many of the Actions of Sorcery and Witchcraft , than the other Hypothesis , that they are always Devils . And to this Conjecture , Pleadventure to subjoin another , which also hath its probability , viz. ( 3. ) That 't is not impossible but that the Familiars of Witches are a vile kind of Spirits , of a very inferiour Constitution and Nature , and none of those that were once of the highest Hierarchy , now degencrated into the Spirits we call Devils . The common division of Spirits is in my Opinion much too general ; and why may we not think , there is as great a variety of Intellectual Creatures in the Invisible World , as of Animals in the Visible ? And that all the Superiour , yea , and Inferiour Regions , have their several kinds of Spirits differing in their natural Perfections ; as well as in the Kinds and Degrees of their Depravities ? Which if we suppose , 't is very probable that those of the basest and meanest Orders are they , who submit to the mention'd Servilities : And thus the Sagess , and grandeur of the Prince of Darkness need not be brought in question on this Occasion . IV. BVt ( IV. ) the Opinion of Witches seems to some to accuse Providence ; and to suggest that it hath exposed Innocents to the fury and malice of revengeful Fiends ; yea , and supposeth those most obnoxious , of whom we might most reasonably expect a more special care and protection ; most of the cruel practices of those presum'd Instruments of Hell , being upon Children , who as they least deserve to be deserted , by that Providence that superintends all things , so they most need its Guardian Influence . To this so specious an Objection , I have these things to answer . ( 1. ) Providence is an unfathomable Depth ; and if we should not believe the Phaenomena of our Senses , before we can reconcile them to our Notions of Providence , we must be grosser Scepticks than ever yet were extant . The miseries of the present Life , the unequal distributions of Good and Evil , the ignorance and barbarity of the greatest part of Mankind , the fatal disadvantages we are all under , and the hazard we run of being eternally miserable and undone ; these , I say , are things that can hardly be made consistent with that Wisdom and Goodness that we are sure hath made , and mingled it self with all things . And yet we believe there is a beauty , and harmony , and goodness in that Providence , though we cannot unriddle it in particular Instances ; nor , by reason of our ignorance and imperfection , clear it from contradicting Appearances ; and consequently , we ought not to deny the being of Witches and Apparitions , because they will create us some difficulties in our Notions of Providence . ( 2. ) Those that believe that Infants are Heirs of Hell , and Children of the Devil as soon as they are disclosed to the World , cannot certainly offer such an Objection ; for what is a little trifling pain of a moment , to those eternal Tortures ; to which , if they die as soon as they are born , according to the tenour of this Doctrine , they are everlastingly exposed ? But however the case stands as to that , 't is certain , ( 3. ) That Providence hath not secur'd them from other violences they are obnoxious to , from cruelty and accident ; and yet we accuse It not , when a whole Townful of Innocents fall a Victim to the rage and ferity of barbarous Executioners in Wars and Massacres . To which I add , ( 4. ) That 't is likely the mischief is not so often done by the evil Spirit immediately , but by the malignant influence of the Sorceress , whose power of hurting consists in the fore-mention'd Ferment , which is infused into her by the Familiar . So that I am apt to think there may be a power of real Fascination in the Witches Eyes and Imaginations , by which for the most part she acts upon tender Bodies . Nescio quis teneros oculus — For the Pestilential Spirits being darted by a spightful and vigorous Imagination from the Eye , and meeting with those that are weak and passive in the Bodies which they enter , will not fail to infect them with anoxious Quality , that makes dangerous and strange Alterations in the Person invaded by this poisonous Influence : which way of acting by subtil and invisible Instruments , is ordinary and familiar in all natural Efficiencies . And 't is now past question , that Nature for the most part acts by subtil Streams and Aporrhaea's of Minute Particles , which pass from one Body to another . Or however that be , this kind of Agency is as conceivable as any of those Qualities , which our Ignorance hath called Sympathy and Antipathy ; the reality of which we doubt not , though the manner of Action be unknown . Yea , the thing I speak of is as easie to be apprehended , as how Infection should pass in certain tenuious Streams through the Air , from one House to another ; or , as how the biting of a mad Dog should fill all the Blood and Spirits with a venomous and malign Ferment ; the application of the Vertue doing the same in our Case , as that of Contact doth in this . Yea , some kinds of Fascination are perform'd in this grosser and more sensible way , as by striking , giving Apples , and the like , by which the contagious Quality may be transmitted , as we see Diseases often are by the touch . Now in this way of conjecture , a good account may be given why Witches are most powerful upon Children and timerous Persons , viz. because their Spirits and Imaginations being weak and passive , are not able to resist the fatal Influence ; whereas Men of bold Minds , who have plenty of strong and vigorous Spirits are secure from the Contagion ; as in pestilential Airs clean Bodies are not so liable to Infection as other tempers . Thus we see 't is likely enough , that , very often , the Sorceress her self doth the mischief ; and we know , de facto , that Providence doth not always secure us from one anothers Injuries ; And yet I must confess , that many times also the Evil Spirit is the Mischievous Agent ; though this Confession draw on me another Objection , which I next propose ; V. ( V. ) IT may be said , that if Wicked Spirits can hurt as by the Direction , and at the desire of a Witch , one would think they should have the same power to do us injury without instigation or compact ; and if this be granted , 't is a wonder that we are not always annoyed and infested by them . To which I Answer , ( 1. ) That the Laws , Liberties , and Restraints of the Inhabitants of the other World are to us utterly unknown ; and in this way , we can only argue our selves into confessions of our Ignorance , which every Man must acknowledge that is not as immodest , as ignorant . It must be granted by all that own the Being , Power , and Malice of Evil Spirits , that the security we enjoy is wonderful , whether they act by Witches or not ; and by what Laws they are kept from making us a Prey , to speak like Philosophers , we cannot tell : Yea , why they should be permitted to tempt and ruine us in our Souls , and restrain'd from touching or hurting us in our Bodies , is a Mystery not easily accountable . But ( 2. ) though we acknowledg their Power to vex and torment us in our Bodies also ; yet a reason may be given why they are less frequent in this kind of mischief , viz. because their main Designs are levell'd against the interest and happiness of our Souls , which they can best promote , when their Actions are most sly and secret ; whereas did they ordinarily persecute Men in their Bodies , their Agency and wicked Influence would be discover'd , and make a mighty noise in the World , whereby Men would be awaken'd to a sutable and vigorous opposition , by the use of such means as would engage Providence to rescue them from their rage and cruelties ; and at last defeat them in their great purposes of undoing us eternally . Thus we may conceive that the security we enjoy may well enough consist with the power and malice of those Evil Spirits ; and upon this account may suppose that Laws of their own may prohibit their unlicenc'd Injuries ; not from any goodness there is in their Constitutions , but in order to the more successful carrying on the projects of the Dark Kingdom ; as Generals forbid Plunder , not out of love to their Enemies , but in order to their own success . And hence ( 3. ) we may suppose a Law of Permission to hurt us at the instance of the Sorceress , may well stand with the polity of Hell , since by gratifying the wicked Person , they encourage her in malice and revenge , and promote thereby the main ends of their black Confederacy , which are to propagate Wickedness , and to ruine us in our eternal Interests . And yet ( 4. ) 't is clear to those that believe the History of the Gospel , that Wicked Spirits have vexed the Bodies of Men , without any instigation that we read of ; and at this day 't is very likely that many of the strange Accidents and Diseases that befal us , may be the infliction of Evil Spirits , prompted to hurt us only by the delight they take in mischief . So that we cannot argue the improbability of their hurting Children and others by Witches , from our own security and freedom from the Effects of their Malice , which perhaps we feel in more Instances than we are aware of . VI. ( VI. ) ANother Prejudice against the belief of Witches , is , a presumption upon the enormous force of Melancholly and Imagination ; which without doubt can do wonderful Things , and beget strange Perswasions ; and to these Causes some ascribe all the Effects of Sorcery and Witchcraft . To which I reply briefly ; and yet I hope sufficiently , ( 1. ) That to resolve all the clear Circumstances of Fact , which we find in well-attested , and confirm'd Relations of this kind , into the power of deceivable Imagination , is to make Fancy the greater Prodigy ; and to suppose , that it can do stranger Feats than are believed of any other kind of Fascination . To think that Pins and Nails , for instance , can , by the power of Imagination be convey'd within the Skin ; or that Imagination should deceive so many as have been Witnesses in Objects of Sense , in all the Circumstances of Discovery : This , I say , is to be infinitely more credulous than the Assertors of Sorcery , and Demoniack Contracts . By the same reason it may be believ'd , that all the Battels and strange Events of the World , which our selves have not seen , are but Dreams and fond Imaginations , and like those that are fought in the Clouds , when the Brains of the deluded Spectators are the only Theatre of those fancied Transactions . And ( 2. ) to deny evidence of Fact , because their Imagination may deceive the Relators , when we have no reason to think so , but a bare presumption , that there is no such thing as is related , is quite to destroy the Credit of all Humane Testimony , and to make all Men liars in a larger sense than the Prophet concluded in his haste . For not only the Melancholick and the Fanciful , but the Grave and the Sober , whose Judgements we have no reason to suspect to be tainted by their Imaginations , have from their own knowledge and experience made reports of this Nature . But to this it will possibly be rejoyn'd , and the Reply will be another prejudice against the belief for which I contend , viz. VII . ( VII . ) THat 't is a suspicious circumstance that Witchcraft is but a Fancy , since the Persons that are accused , are commonly poor and miserable old Women , who are over-grown with discontent and melancholy , which are very imaginative ; and the Persons said to be bewitch'd , are for the most part Children , or People very weak , who are easily imposed upon , and are apt to receive strong Impressions from nothing : whereas were there any such thing really , 't is not likely , but that the more cunning and subtil Desperado's , who might the more successfully carry on the mischievous Designs of the Dark Kingdom , should be oftener engaged in those black Confederacies ; and also one would expect Effects of the Hellish Combination upon others than the Innocent and the Ignorant . To which Objection it might perhaps be enough to return , ( as hath been above suggested ) that nothing can be concluded by this and such-like arguings , but that the policy and menages of the Instruments of Darkness are to us altogether unknown , and as much in the dark as their Natures ; Mankind being no more acquainted with the Reasons and Methods of Action in the other World , than poor Cottagers and Mechanicks are with the Intrigues of Government , and Reasons of State. Yea , peradventure ( 2. ) 't is one of the great Designs , ( as 't is certainly the Interest ) of those wicked Agents and Machinators , industriously to hide from us their influences and ways of acting , and to work , as near as is possible , incognito ; upon which supposal 't is easie to conceive a reason , why they most commonly work by , and upon the weak and ignorant , who can make no cunning Observations , or tell credible Tales to detect their Artifice . Besides ( 3. ) 't is likely a strong Imagination , that cannot be weaken'd or disturb'd by a busie and subtil Ratiocination , is a necessary requisite to those wicked Performances ; without doubt an heightned and obstinate Fancy hath a great influence upon impressible Spirits ; yea , and as I have conjectur'd before , on the more passive and susceptible Bodies : And I am very apt to believe , that there are as real Communications and Intercourses between our Spirits , as there are between Material Agents ; which secret Influences , though they are unknown in their Nature , and ways of acting , yet they are sufficiently felt in their Effects : For Experience attests , that some by the very majesty and greatness of their Spirits , discover'd by nothing but a certain noble Air that accompanies them , will bear down others less great and generous , and make them sneak before them ; and some , by I know not what stupifying vertue , will tie up the Tongue , and confine the Spirits of those who are otherwise brisk and voluble . Which thing supposed , the influences of a Spirit possess'd of an active and enormous Imagination , may be malign and fatal where they cannot be resisted ; especially when they are accompanied by those poisonous Reaks that the Evil Spirit breaths into the Sorceress , which likely are shot out , and applyed by a Fancy heightned and prepared by Melancholy and Discontent . And thus we may conceive why the Melancholick and Envious are used upon such occasions , and for the same reason the Ignorant , since Knowledge checks and controuls Imagination ; and those that abound much in the Imaginative Faculties , do not usually exceed in the Rational . And perhaps ( 4. ) the Daemon himself useth the Imagination of the Witch so qualified for his purpose , even in those Actions of mischief which are more properly his ; for it is most probable , that Spirits act not upon Bodies immediately , and by their naked Essence , but by means proportionate and sutable Instruments that they use ; upon which account likely 't is so strictly required , that the Sorceress should belive , that so her Imagination might be more at the Devotion of the mischievous Agent : And for the same reason also Ceremonies are used in Inchantments , viz. for the ●…egetting this Diabolical Faith , and heightning the Fancy to a degree of strength and vigour sufficient to make it a fit Instrument for the design'd performance . These I think are Reasons of likelihood and probability , why the Hellish Confederates are mostly the Ignorant and the Melancholick . VIII . ( VIII . ) THe frequent Impostures that are met with in this kind , beget in some a belief , that all such Relations are Forgeries and Tales ; and if we urge the evidence of a Story for the belief of Witches or Apparitions , they will produce two as seemingly strong and plausible , which shall conclude in Mistake or Design ; inferring thence , that all others are of the same quality and credit . But such Arguers may please to consider , ( 1. ) That a single Relation for an Affirmative , sufficiently confirmed and attested , is worth a thousand Tales of forgery and imposture , from whence an Universal Negative cannot be concluded . So that though all the Objector's Stories be true , and an hundred times as many more such Deceptions ; yet one Relation , wherein no fallacy or fraud could be suspected for our Affirmative , would spoil any Conclusion could be erected on them . And ( 2. ) It seems to me a belief sufficiently bold and precarious , that all these Relations of Forgery and Mistake should be certain , and not one among all those which attest the Affirmative Reality , with Circumstances as good as could be expected or wish'd , should be true ; but all fabulous and vain . Certainly they have no reason to object Credulity to the Assertors of Sorcery and Witchcraft , that can swallow so large a Morsel . And I desire such Objectors to consider , ( 3. ) Whether it be fair to infer , that because there are some Cheats and Impostors , that therefore there are no Realities . Indeed frequency of deceit and fallacy will warrant a greater care and caution in examining ; and scrupulosity and shiness of assent to things whereing fraud hath been practiced , or may in the least degree be suspected : But , to conclude , because that an old Woman's Fancy abused her , or some knavish Fellows put tricks upon the ignorant and timorous , that therefore whole Assizes have been a thousand times deceived in judgement upon Matters of Fact , and numbers of sober Persons have been forsworn in things wherein Perjury could not advantage them ; I say , such Inferences are as void of Reason , as they are of Charity and good Manners . IX . ( IX . ) IT may be suggested further , That it cannot be imagin'd what design the Devil should have in making those solemn Compacts , since Persons of such dehauch'd and irreclaimable Dispositions as those with whom he is supposed to confederate , are pretty securely his antecedently to the Bargain , and cannot be more so by it , since they cannot put their Souls out of possibility of the Divine Grace , but by the Sin that is unpardonable ; or if they could so dispose and give away themselves , it will to some seem very unlikely , that a great and mighty Spirit should oblige himself to such observances , and keep such a-do to secure the Soul of a silly Body , which 't were odds but it would be His , though He put himself to no further trouble than that of his ordinary Temptations . To which Suggestions 't were enough to say , that 't is sufficient if the thing be well prov'd , though the Design be not known : and to argue negatively à fine , is very unconclusive in such Matters . The Laws and Affairs of the other World ( as hath been intimated ) are vastly differing from those of our Regions , and therefore 't is no wonder we cannot judge of their Designs , when we know nothing of their Menages , and so little of their Natures . The ignorant looker-on can't imagine what the Limner means by those seemingly rude Lines and Scrawls which he intends for the Rudiments of a Picture ; and the Figures of Mathematick Operation are non-sense , and dashes at a venture to one un-instructed in Mechanicks : We are in the dark to one anothers Purposes and Intendments ; and there are a thousand Intrigues in our little Matters , which will not presently confess their Design , even to sagacious Inquisitors . And therefore 't is folly and incogitancy to argue any thing one way or other from the designs of a sort of Beings , with whom we so little communicate ; and possibly we can no more aim , or guess at their Projects and Designments , than the gazing Beast can do at ours , when they see the Traps and Gins that are laid for them , but understand nothing what they mean. Thus in general . But I attempt something more particularly , in order to which I must premise , That the Devil is a name for a Body Politick , in which there are very different Orders and Degrees of Spirits , and perhaps in as much variety of place and state , as among our selves ; so that 't is not one and the same Person that makes all the Compacts with those abused and seduced Souls , but they are divers , and those 't is like of the meanest and basest quality in the Kingdom of Darkness ; which being supposed . I offer this account of the probable Design of those wicked Agents , viz. That having none to rule or tyrannize over within the Circle of their own Nature and Government , they affect a proud Empire over us ( the desire of Dominion and Authority being largely spread through the whole circumference of degenerated Nature , especially among those , whose pride was their original transgression ) every one of these then desires to get Vassals to pay him homage , and to be employed like Slaves in the services of his Lusts and Appetites ; to gratifie which desire , 't is like it may be allowed by the constitution of their State and Government , that every wicked Spirit shall have those Souls as his property , and particular Servants and Attendants , whom he can catch in such Compacts ; as those wild Beasts that we can take in hunting are ours , by the allowance of our Laws ; and those Slaves that a Man hath purchas'd , are his peculiar Goods , and the Vassals of his Will. Or rather those deluding Fiends are like the seducing Fellows we call Spirits , who inveigle Children by their false and flattering Promises , and carry them away to the Plantations of America , to be servilely employed there in the Works of their Profit and Advantage . And as those base Agents will humour and flatter the simple unwary Youth , till they are on Ship-board , and without the reach of those that might rescue them from their hands : In like manner the more mischievous Tempter studies to gratifie , please , and accommodate those he deals with in this kind , till Death hath lan●…h'd them into the Deep , and they are past the danger of Prayers , Repentance , and Endeavours ; and then He useth them as pleaseth Him. This account I think is not unreasonable , and 't will fully answer the Objection . For though the Matter be not as I have conjectur'd , yet 't will suggest a way how it may be conceiv'd , which destroys the Pretence , That the Design is inconceivable . X. BVt ( X. ) we are still liable to be question'd , how it comes about that those proud and insolent Designers practice in this kind upon so few , when one would expect , that they should be still trading this way , and every-where be driving on the Project , which the vileness of Men makes so feisable , and would so much serve the interest of their Lusts. To which , among other things , that might be suggested , I return , ( 1. ) That we are never liable to be so betrayed and abused , till by our vile Dispositions and Tendencies we have forfeited the care and oversight of the better Spirits ; who , though generally they are our guard and defence against the malice and violence of Evil Angels , yet it may well enough be thought , that sometimes they may take their leave of such as are swallowed up by Malice , Envy , and desire of Revenge , qualities most contrary to their Life and Nature ; and leave them exposed to the invasion and sollicitations of those Wicked Spirits , to whom such hateful Attributes make them very sutable . And if there be particular Guardian Angels , ( as 't is not absurd to fancy ) it may then well be supposed , that no Man is obnoxious to those Projects and Attempts , but only such whose vile and mischievous Natures have driven from them their protecting Genius . Against this dereliction to the power of Evil Spirits , 't is likely enough what some affirm , that the Royal Psalmist directs that Prayer , Psal. 71. 9 , 10. Cast me not off in the time of old Age ; forsake me not when my strength faileth . For — They that keep my Soul [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the LXX and the Vulgar Latin , Qui custodiunt animam meam ] they take counsel together , saying , God hath forsaken him , persecute him and take him , for there is none to deliver him . ( 2. ) 'T is very probable , that the stare wherein they are , will not easily permit palpable Intercourses between the bad Genii , and Mankind , since 't is probable that their own Laws and Government do not allow their frequent excursions into this World. Or , it may with as great likelyhood be supposed , that 't is a very hard and painful thing for them , to force their thin and tenuious Bodies into a visible consistence , and such Shapes as are necessary for their designs in their correspondencies with Witches . For in this Action their Bodies must needs be exceedingly compress'd , which cannot well be without a painful sense . And this is perhaps a reason why there are so few Apparitions , and why Appearing Spirits are commonly in such hast to be gone , viz. that they may be deliver'd from the unnatural pressure of their tender Vehicles , which I confess holds more in the Apparitions of Good , than of Evil Spirits ; most Relations of this kind , describing their discoveries of themselves as very transient , ( though for those the Holy Scripture records , there may be peculiar reason why they are not so ) whereas the Wicked Ones are not altogether so quick and hasty in their Visits : The reason of which probably is , the great subtilty and tenuity of the Bodies of the former , which will require far greater degrees of compression , and consequently of pain , to make them visible ; whereas the latter are more feculent and gross , and so nearer allied to palpable Consistencies , and more easily reduceable to Appearance and Visibility . At this turn , I have again made use of the Platonick Hypothesis , That Spirits are embodied , upon which indeed a great part of my Discourse is grounded : And therefore I hold my self obliged to a short account of that supposal . It seems then to me very probable from the Nature of Sense , and Analogy of Nature . For ( 1. ) we perceive in our selves , that all Sense is caus'd and excited by Motion made in Matter ; and when those Motions which convey sensible Impressions to the Brain , the Seat of Sense , are intercepted , Sense is lost : So that , if we suppose Spirits perfectly to be disjoin'd from all Matter , 't is not conceivable how they can have the sense of any thing ; For how material Objects should any way be perceiv'd , or felt without Vital Union with Matter , 't is not possible to imagine . Nor doth it ( 2. ) seem sutable to the Analogy of Nature , which useth not to make precipitious leaps from one thing to another , but usually proceeds by orderly steps and gradations : whereas were there no order of Beings between Us , ( who are so deeply plunged into the grossest Matter ) and pure , unbodied Spirits , 't were a mighty jump in Nature . Since then the greatest part of the World consists of the finer portions of Matter , and our own Souls are immediately united unto these , 't is exceeding probable , that the nearer orders of Spirits are vitally join'd to such Bodies ; and so , Nature by degrees ascending still by the more refin'd and subtile Matter , gets at last to the pure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or immaterial Minds , which the Platonists made the highest Order of Created Beings . But of this I have discoursed elsewhere , and have said thus much of it at present , because it will enable me to add another Reason of the unfrequency of Apparitions and Compacts , viz. ( 3. ) Because 't is very likely , that these Regions are very unsutable , and disproportion'd to the frame and temper of their Senses and Bodies ; so that perhaps the Courser Spirits can no more bear the Air of our World , than Bats and Owls can the brightest Beams of Day : Nor can the Purer and Better any more endure the noysom Steams , and poisonous Reeks of this Dunghil Earth , than the Delicate can bear a Confinement in nasty Dungeons , and the foul squalid Caverns of uncomfortable Darkness . So that 't is no more wonder , that the better Spirits no oftner appear , than that Men are not more frequently in the Dark Hollows under-ground . Nor is 't any more strange that evil Spirits so rarely visit us , than that Fishes do not ordinarily fly in the Air , ( as 't is said one sort of them doth ) or that we see not the Batt daily fluttering in the Beams of the Sun. And now by the help of what I have spoken under this Head , I am provided with some things wherewith to disable another Objection , which I thus propose : XI . ( XI . ) IF there be such an intercourse between Evil Spirits and the Wicked ; How comes it about that there is no correspondence between Good Angels , and the Vertuous ; since without doubt these are as desirous to propagate the Spirit and Designs of the Vpper and better World , as those are to promote the Interest of the Kingdom of Darkness ? Which way of arguing is still from our Ignorance of the State and Government of the other World , which must be confest , and may , without prejudice to the Proposition I defend . But particularly , I say , ( 1. ) That we have ground enough to believe , that Good Spirits do interpose in , yea , and govern our Affairs . For that there is a Providence reaching from Heaven to Earth , is generally acknowledg'd ; but that this supposeth all things to be order'd by the immediate influence , and interposal of the Supreme Deity , some think , is not very Philosophical to suppose ; since , if we judge by the Analogy of the Natural World , all things we see are carried on by the Ministery of Second Causes , and Intermediate Agents . And it doth not seem so Magnificent and Becoming an apprehension of the Supreme Numen , to fancy his immediate Hand in every trivial Management . But 't is exceeding likely to conjecture , that much of the Government of us , and our Affairs , is committed to the better Spirits , with a due subordination and subserviency to the Will of the chief Rector of the Universe . And 't is not absurd to believe , that there is a Government that runs from Highest to Lowest , the better and more perfect orders of Being still ruling the inferiour and less perfect . So that some one would fancy that perhaps the Angels may manage us , as we do the Creatures that God and Nature have placed under our Empire and Dominion . But however that is , That God rules the Lower World by the Ministery of Angels , is very consonant to the Sacred Oracles . Thus , Deut. 32. 8 , 9. When the Most High divided the Nations their Inheritance , when he separated the Sons of Adam , he set the Bounds of the People , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the number of the Angels of God , as the Septuagint renders it ; the Authority of which Translation , is abundantly credited and asserted , by its being quoted in the New Testament , without notice of the Hebrew Text ; even there where it differs from it , as Learned Men have observ'd . We know also that Angels were very familiar with the Patriarchs of old ; and Jacob's Ladder is a Mystery ; which imports their ministring in the Affairs of the Lower World. Thus Origen and others understand , that to be spoken by the Presidential Angels , Jer. 51. 9. We would have healed Babylon , but she is not healed : forsake her , and let us go . Like the Voice heard in the Temple before the taking of Jerusalem by Titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And before Nebuchadnezzar was sent to learn Wisdom and Religion among the Beasts , He sees a Watcher , according to the LXX , an Angel , and an Holy One come down from Heaven , Dan. 4. 13. who pronounceth the sad Decree against Him , and calls it the Decree of the Watchers , who very probably were the Guardian Genii of of Himself and his Kingdom . And that there are particular Angels that have the special Rule and Government of particular Kingdoms , Provinces , Cities , yea and of Persons , I know nothing that can make improbable : The instance is notorious in Daniel , of the Angels of Persia and Graecia , that hindred the other that was engaged for the Concerns of Judaea ; yea , our Saviour himself tells us , that Children have their Angels ; and the Congregation of Disciples supposed that St. Peter had his : Which things , if they be granted , the good Spirits have not so little to do with Us , and our Matters , as is generally believed . And perhaps it would not be absurd , if we referr'd many of the strange Thwarts , and unexpected Events , the Disappointments and lucky Coincidences that befal us , the unaccountable Fortunes and Successes that attend some lucky Men , and the unhappy Fates that dog others that seem born to be miserable ; the Fame and Favour that still waits on some without any conceivable Motive to allure it , and the general neglect of others more deserving , whose worth is not acknowledg'd ; I say , these and such-like odd things , may with the greatest probability be resolv'd into the Conduct and Menages of those Invisible Supervisors , that preside over , and govern our Affairs . But if they so far concern themselves in our Matters , how is it that they appear not to maintain a visible and confest Correspondence with some of the better Mortals , who are most fitted for their Communications and their Influence ? To which I have said some things already , when I accounted for the unfrequency of Apparitions ; and I now add what I intend for another return to the main Objection , viz. ( 2. ) That the Apparition of Good Spirits is not needful for the Designs of the better World , what-ever such may be for the Interest of the other . For we have had the Appearance and Cohabitation of the Son of God ; we have Moses and the Prophets , and the continued Influence of the Spirit , the greatest Arguments to strengthen Faith , the most powerful Motives to excite our Love , and the noblest Encouragements to quicken and raise our Desires and Hopes , any of which are more than the Apparition of an Angel ; which would indeed be a great gratification of the Animal Life , but 't would render our Faith less noble and less generous , were it frequently so assisted : Blessed are they that believe , and yet have not seen . Besides which , the Good Angels have no such Ends to prosecute , as the gaining any Vassals to serve them , they being Ministring Spirits for our good , and no self-designers for a proud and insolent Dominion over us . And it may be perhaps not impertinently added , That they are not always evil Spirits that appear , as is , I know not well upon what grounds , generally imagined ; but that the extraordinary detections of Murders , latent Treasures , falsified and unfulfill'd Bequests , which are sometimes made by Apparitions , may be the courteous Discoveries of the better , and more benign G●…nii . Yea , 't is not unlikely , that those Warnings that the World sometimes hath of approaching Judgments and Calamities by Prodigies , and sundry odd Phaenomena , are the kind Informations of some of the Inhabitants of the Upper World. Thus was Jerusalem forewarned before its sacking by Antiochus , by those Aiery Horsemen that were seen through all the City for almost forty days together , 2 Mac. 5. 2 , 3. And the other Prodigious Portents that fore-ran its Destruction by Titus : which I mention , because they are notorious Instances . And though , for mine own part , I scorn the ordinary Tales of Prodigies , which proceed from superstitious Fears , and unacquaintance with Nature , and have been used to bad Purposes by the Zealous and the Ignorant ; Yet I think that the Arguments that are brought by a late very Ingenious Author , to conclude against such Warnings and Predictions in the whole kind , are short and inconsequent , and built upon too narrow Hypotheseis . For if it be supposed , that there is a sort of Spirits over us , and about us , who can give a probable guess at the more remarkable Futurities , I know not why it may not be conjectured , that the kindness they have for us , and the appetite of fore-telling strange things , and the putting the World upon expectation , which we find is very grateful to our own Natures , may not incline them also to give us some general notice of those uncommon Events which they foresee . And I yet perceive no reason we have to fancy , that what-ever is done in this kind , must needs be either immediately from Heaven , or from the Angels , by extraordinary Commission and Appointment . But it seems to me not unreasonable to believe , that those officious Spirits that oversee our Affairs , perceiving some mighty and sad Alterations at hand , in which their Charge is much concerned , cannot chuse , by reason of their affection to us , but give us some seasonable hints of those approaching Calamities ; to which also their natural desire to foretel strange things to come , may contribute to incline them . And by this Hypothesis , the fairest Probabilities , and strongest Ratiocinations against Prodigies , may be made unserviceable . But this only by the way . I desire it may be considered further , ( 3. ) That God himself assords his Intimacies , and converses to the better Souls , that are prepared for it ; which is a priviledge infinitely beyond Angelical Correspondence . I confess the proud and fantastick Pretences of many of the conceited Melancholists in this Age , to Divine Communion , have prejudiced divers intelligent Persons against the belief of any such happy vouchsafement ; so that they conclude the Doctrine of Immediate Communion with the Deity in this Life to be but an high flown Notion of warm Imagination , and over-lushious self-flattery ; and I acknowledge I have my self had thoughts of this nature , supposing Communion with God to be nothing else but the exercise of Vertue , and that Peace , and those Comforts which naturally result from it . But I have considered since , that God's more near and immediate imparting himself to the Soul that is prepared for that happiness by Divine Love , Humility , and Resignation , in the way of a vital Touch and Sense , is a thing possible in it self , and will be a great part of our Heaven ; That Glory is begun in Grace , and God is pleased to give some excellent Souls the happy Ante-past ; That Holy Men in ancient Times have sought and gloried in this Injoyment , and never complain so sorely as when it was with-held , and interrupted ; That the Expressions of Scripture run infinitely this way , and the best of Modern good Men , do from their own experience attest it ; That this spiritualizeth Religion , and renders its Injoyments more comfortable and delicious ; That it keeps the Soulunder a vivid Sense of God , and is a grand security against Temptation ; That it holds it steady amid the Flatteries of a Prosperous State , and gives it the most grounded Anchorage , and support amid the Waves of an adverse Condition ; That 't is the noblest incouragement to vertue , and the biggest assurance of an happy Immortality ; I say , I considered these weighty things , and wondred at the carelesness , and prejudice of Thoughts that occasion'd my suspecting the reality of so glorious a Privilege ; I saw how little reason there is in denying Matters of inward Sense , because our selves do not feel them , or cannot form an apprehension of them in our Minds : I am convinced that things of gust and relish must be judg'd by the sentient and vital Faculties , and not by the noetical Exercises of speculative Understandings : And upon the whole , I believe infinitely that the Divine Spirit affords its sensible Presence , and immediate Beatihck Touch to some rare Souls , who are divested of carnal Self , and mundane Pleasures , abstracted from the Body by Prayer and Holy Meditation ; spiritual in their Desires , and calm in their Affections ; devout Lovers of God , and Vertue , and tenderly affectionate to all the World ; sincere in their Aims , and circumspect in their Actions ; inlarged in their Souls , and clear in their Minds : These I think are the dispositions that are requisite to fit us for Divine Communion ; and God transacts not in this near way , but with prepared Spirits who are thus disposed for the manifestation of his Presence , and his Influence : And such I believe he never fails to bless with these happy foretasts of Glory . But for those that are Passionate and Conceited , Turbulent and Notional , Confident and Immodest , Imperious and Malicious ; That doat upon Trifles , and run fiercely in the ways of a Sect ; that are lifted up in the apprehension of the glorious Prerogatives of themselves and their Party , and scorn all the World besides ; For such , I say , be their Pretensions what they will , to Divine Communion , Illapses , and Discoveries , I believe them not ; Their Fancies abuse them , or they would us . For what Communion hath Light with Darkness , or the Spirit of the Holy One with those , whose Genius and Ways are so unlike him : But the other excellent Souls I describ'd , will as certainly be visited by the Divine Presence , and Converse , as the Chrystaline Streams are with the Beams of Light , or the fitly prepared Earth , whose Seed is in it self , will be actuated by the Spirit of Nature . So that there is no reason to Object here the want of Angelical Communications , though there were none vouchsafed us , since good Men enjoy the Divine , which are infinitely more satisfactory and indearing . And now I may have leave to proceed to the next Objection , which may be made to speak thus : XII . ( XII . ) THe belief of Witches , and the wonderful things they are said to perform by the help of the Confederate Daemon , weakens our Faith , and exposeth the World to Infidelity in the great Matters of our Religion . For if they by Diabolical Assistance , can inflict and cure Diseases , and do things so much beyond the comprehension of our Philosophy , and activity of common Nature ; What assurance can we have , that the Miracles that confirm our Gospel were not the Effects of a Compact of like nature , and that Devils were not cast out by Beelzebub ? If Evil Spirits can assume Bodies , and render themselves visible in humane Likeness ; What security can we have of the reality of the Resurrection of Christ ? And if , by their help , Witches can enter Chambers invisibly through Key-holes , and little unperceived Crannies , and transform themselves at pleasure ; What Arguments of Divinity are there in our Saviour's shewing himself in the midst of his Disciples , when the Doors were shut , and his Transfiguration in the Mount ? Miracles are the great Inducements of Belief ; and how shall we distinguish a Miracle from a Lying Wonder ; a Testimony from Heaven , from a Trick of the Angels of Hell ; if they can perform things that astonish and confound our Reasons , and are beyond all the Possibilities of Humane Nature ? To this Objection I reply ; ( 1. ) The Wonders done by Confederacy with Wicked Spirits , cannot derive a suspition upon the undoubted Miracles that were wrought by the Author and Promulgers of our Religion , as if they were performed by Diabolical Compact , since their Spirit , Endeavours , and Designs , were notoriously contrary to all the Tendencies , Aims , and Interests of the Kingdom of Darkness . For , as to the Life and Temper of the Blessed and Adorable JESUS , we know there was an incomparable sweetness in his Nature , Humility in his Manners , Calmness in his Temper , Compassion in his Miracles , Modesty in his Expressions , Holiness in all his Actions , Hatred of Vice and Baseness , and Love to all the World ; all which are essentially contrary to the Nature and Constitution of Apostate Spirits , who abound in Pride and Rancour , Insolence and Rudeness , Tyranny and Baseness , Universal Malice , and Hatred of Men : And their Designs are as opposite , as their Spirit and their Genius . And now , Can the Sun borrow its Light from the Bottomless Abyss ? Can Heat and Warmth flow in upon the World from the Regions of Snow and Ice ? Can Fire freeze , and Water burn ? Can Natures , so infinitely contrary , communicate , and jump in Projects , that are destructive to each others known Interests ? Is there any Balsam in the Cockatrices Egg ? or , Can the Spirit of Life flow from the Venom of the Asp ? Will the Prince of Darkness strengthen the Arm that is stretcht out to pluck his Usurp't Scepter , and his Spoils from him ? And will he lend his Legions , to assist the Armies of his Enemy against him ? No , these are impossible Supposals ; No intelligent Being will industriously and knowingly contribute to the Contradiction of its own Principles , the Defeature of its Purposes , and the Ruine of its own dearest Interests . There is no fear then , that our Faith should receive prejudice from the acknowledgement of the Being of Witches , and Power of Evil Spirits , since 't is not the doing wonderful things that is the only Evidence that the Holy JESUS was from God , and his Doctrine True ; but the conjunction of other Circumstances , the Holiness of his Life , the Reasonableness of his Religion , and the Excellency of his Designs , added credit to his Works , and strengthned the great Conclusion , That he could be no other than the Son of God , and Saviour of the World. But besides , I say , ( 2. ) That since Infinite Wisdom and Goodness rules the World , it cannot be conceiv'd , that they should give up the greatest part of Men to unavoidable deception . And if Evil Angels , by their Confederates are permitted to perform such astonishing things , as seem so evidently to carry God's Seal and Power with them , for the confirmation of Falshoods , and gaining credit to Impostors , without any Counter-evidence to disabuse the World ; Mankind is exposed to sad and fatal Delusion : And to say that Providence will suffer us to be deceived in things of the greatest Concernment , when we use the best of our Care and Endeavours to prevent it , is to speak hard things of God ; and in effect to affirm , That He hath nothing to do in the Government of the World , or doth not concern himself in the Affairs of poor forlorn Men : And if the Providence and Goodness of God be not a security unto us against such Deceptions , we cannot be assured , but that we are always abused by those mischievous Agents , in the Objects of plain Sense , and in all the Matters of our daily Converses . If One that pretends he is immediately sent from God , to overthrow the Ancient Fabrick of Established Worship , and to erect a New Religion in His Name , shall be born of a Virgin , and honoured by a Miraculous Star ; proclaimed by a Song of seeming Angels of Light , and Worshipped by the Wise Sages of the World ; Revered by those of the greatest Austerity , and admired by all for a Miraculous Wisdom , beyond his Education and his Years : If He shall feed Multitudes with almost nothing , and fast himself beyond all the possibilities of Nature : If He shall be transformed into the appearance of extraordinory Glory , and converse with departed Prophets in their visible Forms : If He shall Cure all Diseases without Physick or Endeavour , and raise the Dead to Life after they have stunk in their Graves : If He shall be honoured by Voices from Heaven , and attract the Universal Wonder of Princes and People : If he shall allay Tempests with a Beck , and cast out Devils with a Word : If he shall foretel his own Death particularly , with its Tragical Circumstances , and his Resurrection after it : If the Veil of the most famous Temple in the World shall be Rent , and the Sun darkned at his Funeral : If He shall , within the time foretold , break the Bonds of Death , and lift up his Head out of the Grave : If Multitudes of other departed Souls shall arise with Him , to attend at the Solemnity of his Resurrection : If He shall , after Death , visibly Converse , and Eat , and Drink with divers Persons , who could not be deceived in a Matter of clear Sense , and ascend in Glory in the presence of an astonisht and admiring Multitude : I say , if such a One as this should prove a Diabolical Impostor , and Providence should permit him to be so credited and acknowledged ; What possibility were there then for us to be assured , that we are not always deceived ? yea , that our very Faculties were not given us only to delude and abuse us ? And if so , the next Conclusion is , That there is no God that judgeth in the Earth ; and the best , and most likely Hypothesis will be , That the World is given up to the Government of the Devil . But if there be a Providence that superviseth us , ( as nothing is more certain ) doubtless it will never suffer poor helpless Creatures to be inevitably deceived , by the craft and subtilty of their mischievous Enemy , to their undoing ; but will without question take such care , that the Works wrought by Divine Power for the confirmation of Divine Truth , shall have such visible Marks and Signatures , if not in their Nature , yet in their Circumstances , Ends , and Designs , as shall discover whence they are , and sufficiently distinguish them from all Impostures and Delusions ; And though wicked Spirits may perform some strange things that may excite wonder for a while , yet He hath , and will so provide , that they shall be basfled and discredited ; as we know it was in the Case of Moses and the Aegyptian Magicians . These things I count sufficient to be said to this last , and shrewdest Objection ; Though some , I understand , except , that I have made it stronger than the Answer I have applyed . That I have urged the Argument of Unbelievers home , and represented it in its full strength , I suppose can be no matter of just reproof ; For to triumph over the weakness of a Cause , and to over-look its strength , is the trick of shallow and interessed Disputers , and the worst way to defend a Good Cause , or confute a Bad One. I have therefore all along urged the most cogent Things I could think of , for the Interest of the Objectors , because I would not impose upon my Reader or my self ; and the stronger I make their Premises , the more shall I weaken their Conclusion , if I answer them ; which whether I have done , or not , I refer my self to the Judgments of the Ingenious and Considerate ; from whom I should be very glad to be informed in what particular Points my Discourse is defective ; General Charges are no Proofs , nor are they easily capable of an Answer . Yet , to the mention'd Exception , I say , That the strength of the Objection is not my fault , for the Reasons alledg'd ; and for the supposed incompetency of my return , I propose , that if the Circumstances of the Persons , Ends , and Issues be the best Notes of Distinction between true Miracles and Forgeries , Divine and Diabolical Ones , I have then said enough to secure the Miracles of our Saviour , and the Holy Men of Ancient Times . But if these Objectors think they can give us any better , or more infallible Criteria , I desire them to weigh what I have offer'd about Miracles in some of the following Leaves , before they enter that Thought among their Certainties . And if their other Marks of Difference will hold , notwithstanding those Allegations , I suppose the inquisitive believing World would be glad to know them ; and I shall have particular Obligations to the Discoverer , for the strength with which he will thereby assist my Answer . But till I see that , I can say nothing stronger ; or if I saw it , which I shall not in haste expect , I should not be convinced but that the Circumstances of Difference which I have noted , are abundantly sufficient to disarm the Objection ; and to shew , that though Apparitions , Witchcraft , and Diabolical Wonders are admitted : yet none of these can fasten any Slu●… , or ground of dangerous Doubt upon the miraculous performances of the H. Jesus and his Apostles . If the dissatisfied can shew it , I shall yeeld my self an humble Proselite to their Reasons ; but till I know them , the General Suggestion will not convince me . Now , besides what I have directly said to the Main Objection , I have this to add to the Objectors , That I could wish they would take care of such Suggestions ; which , if they overthrow not the Opinion they oppose , will dangerously affront the Religion they would seem to acknowledge . For he that saith , That if there are Witches , there is no way to prove that Christ Jesus was not a Magician , and Diabolical Impostor , puts a deadly Weapon into the hands of the Infidel , and is himself next door to the Sin against the Holy Ghost : of which , in order to the perswading greater tenderness and caution in such Matters , I give this short account . THe Sin against the Holy Ghost is said to be Unpardonable ; by which sad Attribute , and the Discourse of our Saviour , Mat. 12. from the 22 to the 33 Verse , we may understand its Nature . In order to which we consider , That since the Mercies of God , and the Merits of his Son , are infinite , there is nothing can make a Sin unpardonable , but what makes it incurable ; and there is no Sin but what is curable by a strong Faith , and a vigorous Endeavour : For all things are possible to him that believeth . So that , That which makes a Sin incurable , must be somewhat that makes Faith impossible , and obstructs all means of Conviction . In order to the finding which , we must consider the Ways and Methods the Divine Goodness hath taken , for the begetting Faith , and cure of Infidelity : which it attempted , first , by the Prophets , and Holy Men of Ancient Times , who , by the excellency of their Doctrine , the greatness of their Miracles , and the holiness of their Lives , endeavoured the Conviction and Reformation of a stubborn and unbelieving World. But though few believed their report , and Men would not be prevail'd on by what they did , or what they said ; yet their Infidelity was not hitherto incurable , because further means were provided in the Ministry of John the Baptist , whose Life was more severe , whose Doctrines were more plain , pressing and particular : and therefore 't was possible that He might have succeeded . Yea , and where He failed , and could not open Mens Hearts and Eyes , the Effect was still in possibility , and it might be expected from Him that came after , to whom the Prophets and John were but the Twilight and the Dawn . And though His miraculous Birth , the Song of Angels , the Journey of the Wise Men of the East , and the correspondence of Prophesies , with the Circumstances of the first appearance of the Wonderful Infant : I say , though these had not been taken notice of , yet was there a further provision made for the cure of Infidelity , in his astonishing Wisdom , and most excellent Doctrines ; For , He spake as never Man did . And when these were despised and neglected , yet there were other Means towards Conviction and Cure of Unbelief , in those mighty Works that bore Testimony of Him , and wore the evident Marks of Divine Power in their Foreheads . But when after all , These clear and unquestionable Miracles which were wrought by the Spirit of God , and had eminently his Superscription on them , shall be ascribed to the Agency of Evil Spirits , and Diabolical Compact , as they were by the malicious and spightful Pharisees ; when those great and last Testimonies against Infidelity , shall be said to be but the Tricks of Sorcery , and Complotment with Hellish Confederates ; This is Blasphemy in the highest , against the Power and Spirit of God , and such as cuts of all means of Conviction , and puts the Unbeliever beyond all possibilities of Cure. For Miracles are God's Seal , and the great and last Evidence of the truth of any Doctrine . And though , while these are only dis-believed as to the Fact , there remains a possibility of Perswasion ; yet , when the Fact shall be acknowledg'd , but the Power Blasphemed , and the Effects of the Adorable Spirit maliciously imputed to the Devils ; such a Blasphemy , such an Infidelity is incurable , and consequently unpardonable . I say , in sum , the Sin against the Holy Ghost seems to be a malicious imputation of the Miracles wrought by the Spirit of God in our Saviour to Satanical Confederacy , and the Power of Apostate Spirits ; Then which , nothing is more blasphemous , and nothing is more like to provoke the Holy Spirit that is so abused to an Eternal Dereliction of so Vile and so Incurable an Unbeliever . This account , as 't is clear and reasonable in it self , so it is plainly lodg'd in the mention'd Discourse of our Saviour . And most of those that speak other things about it , seem to me to talk at random , and perfectly without Book . I Have thus endeavoured to remove the Main Prejudices against the belief of Witches and Apparitions ; and I 'me sure I have suggested much more against what I defend , than ever I heard or saw in any that opposed it , whose Discourses , for the most part , have seemed to me inspired by a lofty scorn of common belief , and some trivial Notions of Vulgar Philosophy . And in despising the Common Faith about Matters of Fact , and fondly adhering to it in things of Speculation , they very grosly and absurdly mistake : For in things of Fact , the People are as much to be believ'd , as the most subtile Philosophers and Speculators ; since here , Sense is the Judge . But in Matters of Notion and Theory , They are not at all to be heeded , because Reason is to be Judge of these , and this they know not how to use . And yet thus it is with those wise Philosophers , that will deny the plain Evidence of the Senses of Mankind , because they cannot reconcile Appearances to the fond Fancies of a Philosophy , which they lighted on in the High-way by Chance , and will adhere to at adventure . So that I profess , for mine own part , I never yet heard any of the confident Declaimers against Witchcraft and Apparitions , speak any thing that might move a Mind , in any degree instructed in the generous kinds of Philosophy , and Nature of things . And for the Objections I have recited , they are most of them such as rose out of mine own Thoughts , which I obliged to consider what might be to be said upon this occasion . For though I have examined Scot's Discovery , sancying that there I should find the strong Reasons of Mens dis-belief in this Matter : Yet I met not with any thing in that Farrago that was considerable . For the Author doth little but tell odd Tales , and silly Legends , which he confutes and laughs at , and pretends this to be a Confuration of the Being of Witches and Apparitions . In all which , His Reasonings are Trifling and Childish ; and when He ventures at Philosophy , He is little better than absurd : So that I should wonder much if any but Boys and Buffoons should imbibe Prejudices against a Belief so infinitely confirmed , from the loose and impotent Suggestions of so weak a Discourser . But however observing two things in that Discourse that would pretend to be more than ordinary Reasons , I shall do them the civility to examine them . It is said , ( 1. ) THat the Gospel is silent , as to the Being of Witches ; and 't is not likely , if there were such , but that our Saviour or his Apostles had given intimations of their Existence . The other is , ( 2. ) MIracles are ceased , and therefore the prodigious things ascribed to Witchcraft , are supposed Dreams and Impostures . For Answer to the First in order , I consider , ( 1. ) That though the History of the New Testament were granted to be silent in the Business of Witches and Compacts , yet the Records of the Old have a frequent mention of them . The Law , Euod . 22. 18. against permitting them to live , is famous . And we have another remarkable prohibition of them , Deut. 18. 10. 11. There shall not be found among you any one , that maketh his Son or his Daughter pass through the Fire , or that useth Divination , or an Observer of Times , or an Enchanter , or 〈◊〉 Witch , or a Charmer , or a Consulter with Familiar Spirits , or a Wizard , or a Necromaneer . Now this accumulation of Names , ( some of which are of the same sense and import ) is a plain indication that the Hebrew Witch was one that practised by compact with evil Spirits . And many of the same Expressions are put together in the Charge against Manasses , 2 Chron. 33. viz. That he caused his Children to pass through the Fire , observed Times , used Inchantments , and Witchcraft , and dealt with Familiar Spirits , and with Wizards . So that though the Original word which we render Witch and Witchcraft should , as our Sadduces urge , signifie only a Cheat and a Poisoner ; yet those others mention'd , plainly enough speak the thing , and I have given an account in the former Considerations , how a Witch in the common Notion is a Poisoner . But why meer poisoning should have a distinct Law against it , and not be concluded under the general one against Murder ; why meer Legerdemain and Cheating should be so severely animadverted on , as to be reckon'd with Inchantments , converse with Devils , and Idolatrous Practices : I believe the denyer of Witches will find it hard to give a reason . To which I may add some other Passages of Scripture that yield sufficient evidence in the Case . The Nations are forbid to hearken to the Diviners , Dreamers , Inchanters , and Sorcerers , Jer. 27. 9. The Chaldaeans are deeply threatned for their Sorceries and Inchantments , Isa. 47.9 . And we read that Nebuchadnezzar called the Magicians , Astrologers , Sorcerers , and Chaldaeans , to tell his Dream . My mention of which last , minds me to say , that for ought I have to the contrary , there may be a sort of Witches and Magicians that have no Familiars that they know , nor any express Compact with Apostate Spirits ; who yet may perhaps act strange things by Diabolick Aids , which they procure by the use of those Forms , and wicked Arts that the Devil did first impart to his Confederates : And we know not but the Laws of that Dark Kingdom may injoyn a particular attendance upon all those that practise their Mysteries , whether they know them to be theirs or not . For a great interest of their Empire may be served by this Project , since those that find such success in the unknown Conjurations , may by that be toll'd on to more express Transactions with those Fiends that have assisted them incognito : Or , if they proceed not so far , yet they run upon a Rock by acting in the Dark , and dealing in unknown and unwarranted Arts , in which the Effect is much beyond the proper efficiency of the things they use , and affords ground of more than suspicion that some Evil Spirit is the Agent in those wondrous Performances . Upon this account , I say , it is not to me unlikely but that the Devils may by their own Constitution be bound to attend upon all that use their Ceremonies and Forms , though ignorantly , and without design of Evil ; and so Conjuration may have been performed by those who are none of the Covenant-Sorcerers and Witches . Among those perhaps we may justly reckon Balaam , and the Diviners . For Balaam , Moncaeus hath undertaken to clear him from the Guilt of the greater Sorcery . And the Diviners are usually distinctly mentioned from those that had Familiar Spirits . The Astrologers also of Elder Times , and those of Ours , I take to have been of this sort of Magicians , and some of them , under the colour of that Mystical Science , worse . And I question not , but that things are really done , and foretold by those pretended Artists , that are much beyond the regular Possibilities of their Art ; which in this appears to be exceedingly uncertain and precarious , in that there are no less than six ways of erecting a Scheme , in each of which the Prediction of Events shall be different , and yet every one of them be justifiable by the Rules of that pretended Science . And the Principles they go upon , are found to be very Arbitrary , and Unphilosophical , not by the ordinary Declaimers against it , but by the most profound Inquirers into things , who perfectly understand the whole Mystery , and are the only competent Judges . Now those Mystical Students may in their first Addresses to this Science , have no other Design , but the satisfaction of their Curiosity to know remote and hidden things ; Yet that in the Progress being not satisfied within the Bounds of their Art , doth many times tempt the Curious Inquirer to use worse means of Information ; and no doubt those mischievous Spirits that are as vigilant as the Beasts of Prey , and watch all occasions to get us within their envious reach , are more constant Attenders , and careful Spies upon the Actions and Inclinations of such , whose Genius and Designs prepare them for their Temptations . So that I look on Judicial Astrology as a fair Introduction to Sorcery and Witchcraft . And who knows but that it was first set on foot by Evil Spirits , as a Lure to draw the Curios●…'s into those snares that lie hid beyond it . And yet , I believe also , It may be innocently enough studied by those that aim only to understand what it is , and how far it will honestly go ; and are not willing to condemn any thing which they do not comprehend . But that they must take care to keep themselves within the Bounds of sober Enquiry , and not indulge irregular Sollicitudes about the knowledge of Things , which Providence hath thought fit to conceal from us ; Which who-ever doth , lays himself open to the Designs and Sollicitations of Wicked Spirits ; and I believe there are very few among such as have been addicted to those Arts of Wonder and Prediction , but have found themselves att●…qued by some unknown Sollicitors , and inti●…d by them to the more dangerous Actions and Correspondencies . For as there are a sort of base and fordid Spirits that attend the Envy and Malice of the Ignorant and viler sort of Persons , and betray-them into Compacts by Promises of Revenge ; So , no doubt , there are a kind of more Aiery and Speculative Fiends , of an higher rank and order than those wretched Imps , who apply themselves to the Curious : and many times prevail with them by offers of the more Recondite Knowledge ; as we know it was in the first Temptation . Yea , and sometimes they are so cautious and wary in their Conversations with more resined Persons , that they never offer to make any express Covenants with them . To this purpose I have been informed , by a very Learned and Reverend Doctor , that one Mr. Edwards , a Master of Arts of Trin. Coll. in Cambridge , being reclaimed from Conjuration , declared in his Repentance , that the Daemon always appeared to him like a Man of good fashion , and never required any Compact from him ! And no doubt , They sort themselves agreeably to the State , Port , and Genius of those with whom they converse ; Yea , 't is like , as I conjectured , are assistant sometimes to those , to whom they dare not shew themselves in any openness of appearance , lest they should fright them from those ways of Sin and Temptation . So that we see , that Men may act by Evil Spirits without knowing that they do so . And possibly Nebuehadnezzar's Wise Men might be of this fort of Magicians ; which supposal I mention the rather , because it may serve me against some things that may be objected : For , it may be said , If they had been in Confederacy with Devils , it is not probable that Daniel would have been their Advocate , or in such inoffensive terms have distinguisht their skill from Divine Revelation ; nor should he , one would think , have accepted the Office of being Provost over them . These Circumstances may be suppos'd to intimate a probability , that the Magi of Babylon were in no profest Diabolical Complotment , and I grant it . But yet they might , and in all likelyhood did use the Arts and Methods of Action , which obtain Demonaick Cooperation and Assistance , though without their privity , and so they were a loss criminal sort of Conjurers ; For those Arts were conveyed down along to them from one hand to another , and the Successors still took them up from those that preceded , without a Philosophical Scrutiny or Examen . They saw strange Things were done , and Events predicted by such Forms and such Words ; how , they could not tell , nor 't is like did not inquire , but contented themselves with this general account , That 't was by the power of their Arts , and were not sollicitous for any better Reason . This , I say , was probably the case of most of those Predictors ; though , it may be , others of them advanced further into the more desperate part of the Mystery . And that some did immediately transact with appearing Evil Spirits in those times , is apparent enough , from express mention in the Scriptures I have alledg'd . And the Story of the Witch of Endor , 1 Sam. 28. is a remarkable Demonstration of the Main Conclusion ; which will appear , when we have considered , and removed the fancy and glosses of our Author about it , in his Discovery : where to avoid this Evidence , he affirms , This Witch to be but a Cozener , and the whole Transaction a Cheat and Imposture , managed by her Self and a Confederate . And in order to the perswading this , he tells a fine Tale , viz. That she departed from Saul into her Closet , Where doubtless , says he , she had a Familiar , some lewd crafty Priest , and made Saul stand at the Door like a Fool , to hear the cozening Answers . He saith , she there used the ordinary words of Conjuration ; and after them , Samuel appears , whom he affirms to be no other than either the Witch her self , or her Confederate . By this pretty knack and contrivance , he thinks he hath disabled the Relation from signifying to our purpose . But the Discoverer might have consider'd , that all this is an Invention , and without Book . For there is no mention of the Witch's Closet , . or her retiring into another Room , or her Confederate , or her Form of Conjuration ; I say , nothing of all this is as much as intimated in the History ; and if we may take this large liberty in the Interpretation of Scripture , there is scarce a Story in the Bible but may be made a Fallacy and Imposture , or any thing that we please . Nor is this Fancy of his only Arbitrary , but indeed contrary to the Circumstances of the Text. For it says , Saul perceived it was Samuel , and bowed himself , and this Samuel truly foretold his approaching Fate , viz. That Israel should be deliver'd with him into the hands of the Philistines ; and that on the morrow , He and his Sons should be in the state of the Dead ; which doubtless is meant by the Expression , that [ they should be with him ] ; Which contingent Particulars , how could the Cozener and her Confederate foretel , if there were nothing in it extraordinary and preternatural ? It hath indeed been a great Dispute among Interpreters , whether the real Samuel was raised , or the Devil in his likeness ? Most later Writers suppose it to have been an Evil Spirit , upon the supposition that Good and Happy Souls can never return hither from their Coelestial Abodes ; and they are not certainly at the Beck and Call of an impious Hag. But then those of the other side urge , that the Piety of the words that were spoke , and the seasonable Reproof given to despairing Saul , are Indications sufficient that they came not from Hell ; and especially they think the Prophesie of Circumstances very accidental to be an Argument , that it was not utter'd by any of the Infernal Predictors . And for the supposal that is the ground of that Interpretation , 't is judged exceedingly precarious ; for who saith that happy departed Souls were never employed in any Ministeries here below ? And those Dissenters are ready to ask a Reason , Why they may not be sent in Messages to Earth , as well as those of the Angelical Order ? They are nearer allyed to our Natures , and upon that account more intimately concern'd in our Affairs ; and the example of returning Lazarus , is evidence of the thing de facto . Besides which , that it was the Real Samuel they think made probable by the Opinion of Jesus Syrac , Ecclus. 46. 19 , 20. who saith of him , That after his death he prophesied and shewed the King his end : which also is likely from the Circumstance of the Woman's Astonishment , and crying out when she saw him , intimating her surprize , in that the Power of God had over-ruled her Inchantments , and sent another than she expected . And they conceive there is no more incongruity in supposing God should send Samuel to rebuke Saul for this his last folly , an●… to predict his instant ruine , than in his interposing Elias to t●… Messengers of Ahazias when he sent to Beelzebub . Now if it were the Real Samuel , as the Letter expresseth , ( and the obvious sense is to be followed when there is no cogent Reason to decline it ) he was not raised by the Power of the Witches Inchantments , but came on that occasion in a Divine Errand . But yet her Attempts and Endeavours to raise her Familiar Spirit , ( though at that time over-ruled ) are Arguments that it had been her custom to do so . Or if it were as the other side concludes , the Devil in the shape of Samuel , her Diabolical Confederacy is yet more palpable . I Have now done with Scot , and his presumptions ; and am apt to fancy , that there is nothing more needful to be said to discover the Discoverer . But there is an Author infinitely more valuable , that calls me to consider him , 'T is the great Episcopius ; who , though he grants a sort of Witches and Magicians , yet denies Compacts . His Authority , I confess , is considerable , but let us weigh his Reasons . His First is , That there is no Example of any of the Prophane Nations that were in such Compact ; whence he would infer , That there are no express Covenants with Evil Spirits in particular Instances . But I think that both Proposition and Consequence are very obnoxious . For that there were Nations that did actually worship the Devil , is plain enough in the Records of Ancient Times ; and some so read that place in the Psalms , The Gods of the Heathen are Devils ; and Satan we know is call'd the God of this World. Yea , our Author himself confesseth , that the Nation of the Jews were so strictly prohibited Witchcraft , and all transaction with Evil Spirits , because of their proneness to worship them . But what need more ? There are at this day that pay Sacrifice , and all Sacred Homage to the Wicked One in a visible Appearance ; and 't is well known to those of our own that traffick , and reside in those Parts , that the Caribbians worship the Devil under the name of Maboya , who frequently shews himself , and transacts with them ; the like Travellers relate concerning divers other parts of the Barbarous Indies : and 't is confidently reported by sober intelligent Men that have visited those places , that most of the Laplanders , and some other Northern People , are Witches . So that 't is plain that there are National Confederacies with Devils ; or , if there were none , I see not how it could be inferr'd thence , that there are no Personal Ones , no more , than that there were never any Daemoniacks , because we know of no Nation universally possessed ; nor any Lunaticks in the World , because there is no Country of Mad-men . But our Author reasons again , ( 2. ) To this purpose ; That the profligate Persons , who are obnoxious to those gross Temptations ; are fast enough before ; and therefore such a Covenant were needless , and of no avail to the Tempters Projects . This Objection I have answered already , in my Remarques upon the IX Prejudice , and say again here , that if the Designs of those Evil Spirits were only in general to secure wicked Men to the Dark Kingdom , it might better be pretended that we cannot give a Reason for their Temptations and Indeavours in this kind ; But it being likely , as I have conjectur'd , that each of those Infernal Tempters hath a particular property in those he hath seduced and secured by such Compacts , their respective Pride , and tyrannical desire of Slaves , may reasonably be thought to ingage them in such Attempts , in which their so peculiar Interest is concerned . But I add what is more direct , viz. That such desperate Sinners are made more safe to the Infernal Kingdom at large , by such Hellish Covenants and Combinations ; since thereby they confirm and harden their Hearts against God , and put themselves at greater distance from his Grace , and his Spirit ; give the deepest Wound to Conscience , and resolve to wink against all its Light and Convictions ; throw a Bar in the way of their own Repentance , and lay a Train for Despair of Mercy : These certainly are sure ways of being undone , and the Devil we see , hath great Interest in a Project , the success of which is so attended . And we know he made the Assault de facto upon our Saviour , when he tempted him to fall down and worship . So that this Learned Author hath but little Reason to object , ( 3. ) That to endeavour such an express Covenant , is contrary to the Interests of Hell ; which indeed are this way so mightily promoted . And whereas he suggests , that a thing so horrid is like to startle Conscience , and awaken the Soul to Consideration and Repentance ; I Reply , That indeed considering Man in the general , as a Rational Creature , acted by Hopes and Fears , and sensible of the Joys and Miseries of another World , one would expect it should be so : But then , if we cast our Eyes upon Man as really he is , sunk into Flesh , and present Sense ; darkned in his Mind , and governed by his Imagination ; blinded by his Passions , and besotted by Sin and Folly ; hardned by evil Customs , and hurried away by the Torrent of his Inclinations and Desires ; I say , looking on Man in this miserable state of Evil , 't is not incredible that he should be prevailed upon by the Tempter , and his own Lusts , to act at a wonderful rate of Madness , and continue unconcerned and stupid in it ; intent upon his present Satisfactions , without sense or consideration of the dreadfulness and danger of his Condition ; and by this , I am furnished also to meet a fourth Objection of our Author's , viz. ( 4. ) That 't is not probable upon the Witches part , that they will be so desperate to renounce God , and eternal Happiness , and so , everlastingly undo their Bodies and Souls , for a short and trivial Interest ; which way of arguing will only infer , That Mankind acts sometimes at prodigious degrees of brutishness ; and actually we see it in the Instances of every day . There is not a Lust so base and so contemptible , but there are those continually in our Eyes , that feed it with the Sacrifice of their Eternity , and their Souls ; and daring Sinners rush upon the blackest Vilanies , with so little remorse or sense , as if it were their design to prove , that they have nothing left them of that whereby they are Men. So that nought can be inferr'd from this Argument , but that Humane Nature is incredibly degenerate ; and the vileness and stupidity of Men is really so great , that things are customary and common , which one could not think possible , if he did not hourly see them . And if Men of Liberal Education , and Acute Reason , that know their Duty and their Danger , are driven by their Appetites , with their Eyes open , upon the most fatal Rocks , and make all the haste they can from their God and their Happiness ; If such can barter their Souls for Trifles , and sell Everlasting for a Moment ; sport upon the brink of a Precipice , and contemn all the Terrors of the future dreadful day ; why should it then be incredible , that a brutish vile Person , sotted with Ignorance , and drunk with Malice , mindless of God , and unconcerned about a future Being , should be perswaded to accept of present delightful Gratifications , without duly weighing the desperate Condition ? Thus , I suppose , I have answered also the Arguments of this Great Man , against the Covenants of Witches ; and since a Person of such Sagacity and Learning , hath no more to say against what I defend , and another of the same Character , the ingenious Dr. Parker , who directed me to him , reckons these the strongest things that can be objected in the Case , I begin to arrive to an higher degree of Confidence in this belief ; and am almost inclined to fancy , that there is little more to be said to purpose , which may not by the improvement of my Considerations be easily answered ; and I am yet the more fortified in my Conceit , because I have , since the former Edition of this Book , sent to several Acute and Ingenious Persons of my Acquaintance , to beg their Objections , or those they have heard from others , against my Discourse or Relations that I might consider them in this : But I can procure none save only those few I have now discuss'd , most of my Friends telling me , That they have not met with any that need or deserve my notice . By all this it is evident , that there were Witches in Ancient Times under the Dispensation of the Law ; and that there were such in the Times of the Gospel also , will not be much more difficult to make good . I had a late occasion to say something about this , in a Letter to a Person of the highest Honour , from which I shall now borrow some things to my present purpose . I Say then , ( II. ) That there were Compacts with Evil Spirits in those times also , is me-thinks intimated strongly , in that saying of the Jews concerning our Saviour , That he cast out Devils by Beelzebub . In his return to which , he denies not the Supposition or possibility of the thing in general ; but clears himself by an appeal to the Actions of their own Children , whom they would not tax so severely . And I cannot very well understand why those times should be priviledg'd from Witchcraft and Diabolical Compacts , more than they were from Possessions , which we know were then more frequent ( for ought appears to the contrary ) than ever they were before or since . But besides this , There are Intimations plain enough in the Apostle's Writings of the Being of Sorcery and Witchcraft . St. Paul reckons Witchcraft next Idolatry , in his Catalogue of the Works of the Flesh , Gal. 5. 20. and the Sorcerers are again joyn'd with Idolaters , in that sad Denunciation , Rev. 21. 8. And a little after , Rev. 22. 15. they are reckon'd again among Idolaters , Murderers , and those others that are without . And me-thinks the Story of S●…non Magus , and his Diabolical Oppositions of the Gospel in its beginnings , should afford clear Conviction . To all which I add this more general Consideration , ( 3. ) That though the New Testament had mention'd nothing of this Matter , yet its silence in such Cases is not Argumentative . Our Saviour spake as he had occasion , and the thousandth part of what he did or said is not Recorded ; as one of his Historians intimates . He said nothing of those large unknown Tracts of America ; nor gave any intimations of as much as the Existence of that Numerous People ; much less did he leave Instructions about their Conversion . He gives no account of the Affairs and State of the other World , but only that general one , of the Happiness of some , and the Misery of others . He made no discovery of the Magnalia of Art or Nature ; no , not of those , whereby the propagation of the Gospel might have been much advanced , viz. the Mystery of Printing , and the Magnet ; and yet no one useth his silence in these . Instances , as an Argument against the Being of things , which are evident Objects of Sense . I confess , the omission of some of these Particulars is pretty strange , and unaccountable , and concludes our ignorance of the Reasons and Menages of Providence ; but I suppose nothing else . I thought , I needed here to have said no more , but I consider , in consequence of this Objection , it is pretended ; That as Christ Jesus drove the Devil from his Temples and his Altars , ( as is clear in the Cessation of Oracles , which dwindled away , and at last grew silent shortly upon his appearance ) so in like manner , 't is said , that he banisht him from his lesser holds in Sorcerers and Witches ; which Argument is peccant , both in what it affirms , and in what it would infer . For , ( 1. ) The coming of the H. Jesus did not expel the Devil from all the greater Places of his Residence and Worship ; for a considerable part of barbarous Mankind do him publick solemn Homage to this day : So that the very Foundation of the Pretence fails , and the Consequence without any more adoe comes to nothing . And yet besides , ( 2. ) If there be any credit to be given to Ecclesiastick History , there were Persons possessed with Devils some Ages after Christ , whom the Disciples cast out by Prayer , and the Invocation of his Name : So that Satan was not driven from his lesser Habitations , as soon as he was forced from his more famous Abodes . And I see no reason ( 3. ) Why , Though Divine Providence would not allow him publickly to abuse the Nations , whom he had designed in a short time after for Subjects of his Son's Kingdom , and to stand up in the Face of Religion in an open affront to the Divinity that planted it , to the great hindrance of the progress of the Gospel , and discouragement of Christian Hopes ; I say , Though Providence would not allow this height of insolent Opposition ; yet I see not why we may not grant , that God however permitted the Devil to sneak into some private skulking Holes , and to trade with the particular more devoted Vassals of his wicked Empire : As we know that when our Saviour had chased him from the Man that was possessed , he permitted his Retreat into the Herd of Swine . And I might add ( 4. ) That 't is but a bad way of arguing , to set up fancied Congruities against plain Experience , as is evidently done by those Arguers , who , because they think that Christ chased the Devil from all his high Places of Worship when he came ; that 't is therefore fit he should have forced him from all his other less notorious Haunts : and upon the imagination of a decency , which they frame , conclude a Fact , contrary to the greatest Evidence of which the thing is capable . And once more ( 5. ) The consequence of this Imagined Decorum , if it be pursued , would be this , that Satan should now be deprived of all the Ways and Tricks of Cozenage , whereby he abuseth us ; and Mankind since the coming of Christ , should have been secure from all his Temptations ; for there is a greater congruity in believing , that , when he was forced from his haunts in Temples and publick Places , he should be put also from those nearer ones , about us and within us in his daily temptations of universal Mankind ; Then , that upon relinquishing those , he should be made to leave all profest Communication and Correspondence with those profligate Persons , whose vileness had fitted them for such Company . So that these Reasoners are very fair for the denial of all Internal Diabolical Temptations . And because I durst not trust them , I 'le crave leave here to add something concerning those . In order to which , that I may obtain the favour of those wary Persons , who are so coy and shy of their assent , I grant ; That Men frequently , out of a desire to excuse themselves , lay their own guilt upon the Devil , and charge him with things of which in carnest he is not guilty : For , I doubt not but every Wicked Man hath Devil enough in his own Nature to prompt him to Evil , and needs not another Tempter to incite him . But yet , that Satan endeavours to further our wickedness , and our ruin by his Inticements , and goes up and down seeking whom he may devour , is too evident in the Holy Oracles , to need my Endeavours particularly to make it good ; Only those diffident Men cannot perhaps apprehend the manner of the Operation , and from thence are tempted to believe , that there is really no such thing . Therefore I judge it requisite to explain this , and 't is not unsutable to my general Subject . In order to it I consider , That Sense is primarily caused by Motion in the Organs , which by continuity is conveyed to the Brain , where Sensation is immediately performed ; and it is nothing else , but a Notice excited in the Soul by the impulse of an External Object ; thus it is in simple outward Sense : But Imagination , though caused immediately by material Motion also , yet it differs from the external Senses in this , That 't is not from an Impress directly from without , but the Prime and Original Motion is from within our selves : Thus the Soul it self sometimes strikes upon those Strings , whose Motion begets such and such Phantasms ; other-while , the loose Spirits wandring up and down in the Brain , casually hit upon such Filements and Strings , whose Motion excites a Conception , which we call a Fancy or Imagination ; and if the Evidence of the outward Senses be shut out by Sleep or Melancholly , in either case , we believe those Representations to be real and external Transactions , when they are only within our Heads ; Thus it is in Enthusiasms and Dreams . And besides these Causes of the Motions which stir Imagination , there is little doubt , but that Spirits , Good or Bad , can so move the Instruments of Sense in the Brain , as to awake such Imaginations as they have a mind to excite ; and the Imagination having a mighty influence upon the Affections , and they upon the Will and external Actions , 't is very easie to conceive how Good Angels may stir us up to Religion and Vertue , and the Evil Ones tempt us to Lewdness and Vice , viz. by Representments that they make upon the Stage of Imagination , which invite our Affections , and allure , though they cannot compel our Wills. This I take to be an intelligible account of Temptations , and also of Angelical Incouragements ; and perhaps this is the only way of immediate Influence that the Spirits of the other World have upon us . And by it , 't is easie to give an account of Dreams , both Monitory and Temperamental , Enthusiasms , Fanatick Extasies , and the like , as I suggested . This may suffice for an Answer to the first Pretence , viz. the silence of the Gospel in this Matter . I come to examine the other , That ( 2. ) MIracles are ceast , thefore the presumed Actions of Witchcraft , are Tales and Illusions . ] To make a due return to this , we must consider a great and difficult Problem , which is , What is a Real Miracle ? And for answer to this weighty Question , I think , ( 1. ) That it is not the strangeness , or unaccountableness of the thing done simply , from whence we are to conclude a Miracle . For then we are so to account of all the Magnalia of Nature , and all the Mysteries of those honest Arts which we do not understand . Nor ( 2. ) is this the Criterion of a Miracle , That it is an Action or Event beyond all Natural Powers ; for we are ignorant of the Extent and Bounds of Nature's Sphere and Possibilities : And if this were the character and essential Mark of a Miracle , we could not know what was so ; except we could determine the extent of natural causalities , and fix their Bounds , and be able to say to Nature , Hitherto canst thou go and no further ; And he that makes this his measure whereby to judge a Miracle , is himself the greatest Miracle of Knowledge or Immodesty . Besides , though an Effect may transcend really all the Powers of meer Nature ; yet there is a world of Spirits that must be taken into our Account . And as to them also I say , ( 3. ) Every thing is not a Miracle that is done by Agents Supernatural . There is no doubt but that Evil Spirits can make wonderful Combinations of Natural Causes , and perhaps perform many things immediately which are prodigious , and beyond the longest Line of Nature : but yet these are not therefore to be called Miracles ; for , they are Saecred Wonders , and suppose the Power to be Divine . But how shall the Power be known to be so , when we so little understand the Capacities , and extent of the Abilities of Lower Agents ? The Answer to this Question will discover the Criterion of Miracles , which must be supposed to have all the former Particulars ; viz. They are unaccountable , beyond the Powers of meer Nature , and done by Agents Supernatural ; And to these must be superadded . ( 4. ) That they have peculiar Circumstances that speak them of a Divine Original . Their mediate Authors declare them to be so , and they are always Persons of Simplicity , Truth , and Holiness , void of Ambition , and all secular Designs : They seldom use Ceremonies , or Natural Applications , and yet surmount all the Activities of known Nature : They work those wonders , not to raise admiration , or out of the vanity to be talkt of ; but to seal and confirm some Divine Doctrine or Commission , in which the Good and Happiness of the World is concern'd , I say , by such Circumstances as these , Wonderful Actions are known to be from a Divine Cause ; and that makes and distinguisheth a Miracle . And thus I am prepared for an Answer to the Objection , to which I make this brief return , That though Witches by their Confederate Spirit do those odd and astonishing things we believe of them ; yet are they no Miracles , there being evidence enough from the badness of their Lives , and the ridiculous Ceremonies of their Performances , from their malice and mischievous Designs , that the Power that works , and the end for which those things are done , is not Divine but Diabolical . And by singular Providence they are not ordinarily permitted , as much as to pretend to any new Sacred Discoveries in Matters of Religion , or to act any thing for confirmation of Doctrinal Impostures . So that whether Miracles are ceased or not , these are none . And that such Miracles as are only strange and unaccountable Performances , above the common Methods of Art or Nature , are not ceas'd , we have a late great evidence in the famous GREATREX ; concerning whom it will not be impertinent to add the following account , which I had in a Letter from Dr. G. R. Lord Bishop of D. in the Kingdom of Ireland , a Person of singular Piery and Vertue , and a great-Philosopher . He is pleased thus to write . THe great discourse now at the Coffee-Houses , and every-where , is about M.G. the famous Irish Stroker , concerning whom it is like you expect an account from me . He undergoes various Censures here , some take him to be a Conjurer , and some an Impostor , but others again adore him as an Apostle . I confess , I think the Man is free from all Design , of a very agreeable Conversation , not addicted to any Vice , nor to any Sect or Party ; but is , I believe , a sincere Protestant . I was three weeks together with him at my Lord Conwayes , and saw him , I think , lay his hands upon a thousand Persons ; and really there is something in it more than ordinary : but I am convinc'd it is not miraculous . I have seen pains strangely fly before his hand till he hath chased them out of the Body , Dimness cleared , and Deafness cured by his Touch ; twenty Persons at several times in Fits of the Falling-Sickness , were in two or three minutes brought to themselves , so as to tell where their pain was ; and then he hath pursued it till he hath driven it out at some extream part : Running Sores of the Kings-Evil dried up , and Kernels brought to a Suppuration by his hand : grievous Sores of many months date , in few dayes healed : Obstructions , and Stoppings removed ; Cancerous Knots in the Breast dissolved , &c. But yet I have many Reasons to perswade me , that nothing of all this is Miraculous ; He pretends not to give Testimony to any Doctrine ; the manner of his Operation speaks it to be natural ; the Cure seldom succeeds without reiterated Touches , his Patients often relapse , he fails frequently , he can do nothing where there is any decay in Nature , and many Distempers are not at all obedient to his Touch. So that I confess , I refer all his Vertue to his particular Temper and Complexion , and I take his Spirits to be a kind of Elixir , and Vniversal Ferment ; and that he cures ( as Dr. M. expresseth it ) by a Sanative Contagion . This , Sir , was the first Account of the Healer I had from that Reverend Person , which with me signifies more than the Attestations of multitudes of ordinary Reporters ; and no doubt but it will do so likewise with all that know that excellent Bishop's singular Integrity and Judgment . But besides this , upon my inquiry into some other Particulars about this Matter , I received these further Informations from the same Learned Hand . As for M.G. what Opinion he hath of his own Gift , and how he came to know it ? I Answer , He hath a different apprehension of it from yours and mine , and certainly believing it to be an immediate Gift from Heaven ; and 't is no wonder , for he is no Philosopher . And you will wonder less , when you hear how he came to know it , as I have often received it from his own Mouth . About three or four years ago he had a strong impulse upon his Spirit , that continually pursued him from what-ever he was about , at his Business , or Devotion , alone , or in company , that spake to him by this inward Suggestion , [ I have given thee the Gift of Curing the Evil. ] This Suggestion was so importunate , that he complained to his Wife , That he thought he was haunted : She apprehending it as an extravagancy of Fancy ; but he told her he believed there was more in it , and was resolved to try . He did not long want opportunity . There was a Neighbour of his grievously afflicted with the Kings-Evil , He stroked her , and the Effect fucceeded . And for about a twelve-month together he pretended to cure no other Distemper . But then the Ague being very rife in the Neighbourhood , the same Impulse after the same manner spoke within him , [ I have given thee the Gift of curing the Ague ; ] and meeting with Persons in their Fits , and taking them by the Hand , or laying his Hand upon their Breasts , the Ague left them . About half a year after the accustomed Impulfe became more general , and suggested to him , [ I have given thee the Gift of Healing ; ] and then he attempted all Diseases indifferently . And though he saw strange Effects , yet he doubted whether the Cause were any Vertue that came from him , or the Peoples fancy : To convince him of his incredulity , as he lay one night in Bed , one of his Hands was struck dead , and the usual Impulse suggested to him to make tryal of his Vertue upon himself , which he did , stroking it with his other hand , and then it immediately returned to its former liveliness . This was repeated two or three Nights ( or Mornings ) together . This is his Relation , and I believe there is so much sincerity in the Person , that he tells no more than what he believes to be true . To say that this Impulse too was but a result of his temper , and that it is but like Dreams that are usually according to Mens Constitutions , doth not seem a probable account of the Phaenomenon . Perhaps some may think it more likely , that some Genius who understood the Sanative Vertue of his Complexion , and the readiness of his Mind , and ability of his Body to put it in execution , might give him notice of that which otherwise might have been for ever unknown to him , and so the Gift of God had been to no purpose . This is my Learned and Reverend Friend's Relation : I shall say no more about it but this , That many of those Matters of Fact , have been since critically inspected and examined by several sagacious and wary Persons of the Royal Society , and other Very Learned and Judicious Men , whom we may suppose as unlikely to be deceived by a contrived Imposture , as any others whatsoever . I Have now done with my Considerations on this Subject , which I could wish were less seasonable and necessary than I have reason to believe they are : But , alas ! we live in an Age wherein Atheism is begun in Sadducism : And those that dare not bluntly say , There is no God , content themselves , for a fair step and Introduction , to deny there are Spirits , or Witches . Which sort of Insidels , though they are not so ordinary among the meer Vulgar , yet are they numerous in a little higher rank of Understandings . And those that know any thing of the World , know , That most of the small Pretenders to Wit , are generally deriders of the belief of Witches and Apparitions : Which were it only a slight , or meer speculative Mistake , I should not trouble my self or them about it . But I fear this Error hath a Core in it worse than Heresie : And therefore how little soever I care what Men believe or teach in Matters of Opinion , I think I have reason to be concern'd in an Affair , that toucheth so near upon the greatest Interests of Religion . And really I am astonisht sometimes to think into what a kind of Age we are fallen , in which some of the greatest Impieties are accounted but Buggs , and terrible Names , Invisible Tittles , Piccadillo's , or Chimera's . The sad and greatest Instances , are Secriledge , ●…ellton , and ●…hcrast . For the two former , there are a sort of Men ( that are far from being profest Enemies to Religion ) who , I do not know , whether they own any such Vices . We find no mention of them in their most particular Confessions , n●…r have I observed them in those Sermons that have contained the largest Catalogues of the Sins of our Age and Nation . 'T were dangerous to speak of them as Sins , for fean who should be found guilty . But my Business at present is not with these , but the other , Witchcraft , which I am sure was a Sin of Elder Times ; and how comes it about that our Age , which so much out-does them in all other kinds of Wickedness , should be wholly innocent in this ? That there may be Witches and Apparitions in our days , notwithstanding the Objections of the Modern Sadduce , I believe I have made appear in the foregoing Considerations ; in which I did not primarily intend direct Proof , but Defence . Against which if it should be Objected , That I have for the most part used only Supposals , and conjectural Things in the vindication of the Common Belief , and speak with no point-blank assurance , in my particular Answers , as I do in the General Conclusion . I need only say , That the Proposition I defend is Matter of Fact , which the Disbelievers impugne by alledging , That it cannot be ; or , it is not likely : In return to which , if I shew , how those things may be , and probable , notwithstanding their Allegations , though I say not down-right that they are in the particular way I offer ; yet 't is enough for the Design of Defence , though not for that of Proof : for when one saith a thing cannot be , and I tell him how possibly it may , though I hit not the just manner of it ; I yet defeat the Objection against it , and make way for the evidence of the thing de Facto . But after all this , I must confess there is one Argument against me , which is not to be dealt with , viz. A mighty Confidence grounded upon nothing , that swaggers , and Huffs , and swears there are no Witches . For such Philosophers as these , let them enjoy the Opinion of their own Superlative Judgments , and enter me in the first rank of Fools for crediting my Senses , and those of all the World , before their sworn Dictates . If they will believe in Scott , Habbs , and Osborne , and think them more infallible than the Sacred Oracles , the History of all Ages , and the full experience of our own , who can help it ? They must not be contradicted , and they are resolved not to be perswaded . For this sort of Men , I never go about to convince them of any thing . If I can avoid it , I throw nothing before them , lest they should turn again and rend me . Their Opinions came into their Heads by chance , when their little Reasons had no notice of their entrance , and they must be let alone to go out again of themselves the fame way they entred . Therefore not to make much noise to disturb these infallible Huffers , ( and they cannot hear a little for their own ) I softly step along , leaving them to believe what they think . I have only this further to add , That I appear thus much concerned for the justification of the belief of Witches , because it suggests palpable and current Evidence of our Immortality . For though we have reasonable Evidence enough from the Attributes of God , the Phaenomena of Providence , and the Nature of our Souls , to convince any , but those who will stupidly believe , that they shall die like Beasts , that they may live like them : Yet the Philosophick Arguments that are produced for the Article , though very cogent , are many of them speculative and deep , requiring so great an attention and sagacity , that they take no hold upon the whifling Spirits that are not used to Consider , nor upon the common fort that cannot reach such Heights : But they are both best convinced by the Proofs that come nearest the Sense , which indeed strike our Minds fullest , and leave the most lasting Impressions ; whereas high Speculations being more thin and subtile , easily slide off , even from Understandings that are most capable to receive them . This is one of the Main Reasons that engaged me on this Argument , because it affords considerable Evidence of that great Truth , which every Christian ought to be solicitous to have made good . And really if we compute like Men , and do not suffer our selves to be abused by the Flatteries of Sense , and the deceitful Gayeties that steal us away from God , and from our selves , there is nothing can render the thoughts of this odd Life tollerable , but the expectation of another : And Wise Men have said , That they would not have a Moment , if they thought they were not to live again . This perhaps some may take to be the discontented Paradox of a Melancholick , vext and mean Condition , that is pinched by the straightness of Fortune , and envies the Heights of others Felicity and Grandeur ; But by that time those that judge so , have spent the Heats of Frolick Youth , and have past over the several Stages of Vanity ; when they come to sit down , and make sober reflections upon their Pleasures and Pursuits , and sum up the Accompt of all that is with them , and before them , I doubt not but their considering Thoughts will make Solomon's Conclusion , and find , that 't is but a misery to live , if we were to live for nothing else . So that if the content of the present Life were all I were to have for the hopes of Immortality , I should even upon that account be very unwilling to believe that I was mortal : For certainly the Pleasures that result from the Thoughts of another World in those , that not only see it painted in their Imaginations , but feel it begun in their Souls , are as far beyond all the titillations of Sense , as a real lasting Happiness is beyond the delusive Images of a Dream . And therefore they that think to secure the injoyment of their Pleasures , by the infamy of our Natures , in the overthrow of our future Hopes , indeavour to damm up the Fountain of the fullest and cleanest Delights ; and seek for limped Waters in the Sinks and Puddles of the Streets . But this would afford Matter for another Discourse , into which I must not digress , but here make an end of this . Anti-fanatical Religion , AND Free Philosophy . In a Continuation of the NEW ATLANTIS : Essay VII . Essay VII . The Summe of My Lord Bacon's NEW ATLANTIS . WE parted from Peru , with design to pass to China and Japan by the South Sea : and after we had been long driven up and down by contrary Winds , and wandred in the greatest Wilderness of Waters in the World , without the least hopes of making any Land , in that immense undiscover'd Abyss , that was beyond both the Old World , and the New ; it pleased God to bring us into the Harbour of a most Angelical Country , that lay hid in the greatest Ocean in the Universe . We found there a People of singular Goodness and Humanity , who received us with most affectionate kindness , and provided for us with a Parent-like Care and Indulgence : We were lodg'd in a fair Pile of Buildings , call'd the Strangers House , appointed for such Occasions , and there we had all things , both for our Whole and Sick , that belonged to Charity and Mercy . The Governour of that House ( a most obliging and benign Person ) acquainted some of our number with divers remarkable Matters concerning the Kingdom of BENSALEM ( so it was call'd ) ; Particularly , with the strange entrance and beginning of Christianity there , and the excellent Foundation of SOLOMON's House , a Royal Society erected for Enquiries into the Works of God : After we had been there a little while , one of the Fathers of that House came to the Town where we were . He entred in State ; and within few days having had notice of us , he order'd that one of our Company should be brought to him : The rest chose me to wait on the great Man , which I did , and was receiv'd by him with much goodness ; He gave me a particular account of the Foundation of Solomon's House , and the State of Philosophy in Bensalem , granting permission it should be declared to the World. Accordingly it was publisht by Verulamius , in his History call'd the NEW ATLANTIS ; and thus far his Account went. But now I shall enter upon a Relation of things , of which yet there hath been no News from Bensalem . On the third day after I had been with the Father of Solomon's House , a Servant came to me from the Governor of ours , just as we had dined , to desire me to spend the Afternoon with him : I received the invitation with a chearful respect , and went immediately with the Officer to attend his Lordship ; He led me through the Garden of our House into another , the largest and most beautiful I ever saw ; It was encompast with a lofty Stone-Wall ; The Stone were blue , naturally streakt with green . It had Mounts , Grotto's , and Summer-Houses , very pleasant and magnificent ; The Walks were large , planted with Ever-greens , and the Fruit-Trees ( of all sorts that we have , and many that we have not ) set in the old Quincuncial , Lozenge Figures , after the manner of the ancient hanging Gardens of Babylon ; It had Wildernesses , Ponds , Aviaries , and all things else that can render such a place agreeable . I could have dwelt in this Paradise ; but the Servant led me on into a square Cloyster'd Court , having handsome Buildings on all sides , fenced on the South with a tall Grove of Cedar : The Cloysters were paved with red and green Marble , and supported with pollisht Pillars of a speckled Stone , very clear and shining ; Hence we went into a fair spacious Hall adorned with large Maps of all sorts ; here were some Servants decently clad , they were playing at Chess ; as soon as I entred , they arose , and saluted me very civilly with a modest sweetness in their looks , that seem'd very obliging . My Guide conducted me up Stairs into a noble Gallery , hung with most excellent Pictures of Famous Men , and Philosophers ; and , at which I was much surprized , of some that I had seen . He left me here , to give the Governor notice that I was come ; and presently I saw him enter , with a mild chearfulness , mixt with a manly gravity in his Countenance : He had on a long Robe of Purple Silk , and a kind of Turban on his Head of the same colour , which had a Star of Gold wrought on it , worn just before : He imbraced me with much affection , expressing great satisfaction in the opportunity of entertaining me alone : He enquired after the welfare of our People , and whether we wanted any Accommodation , either for our Whole or Sick ; I bowed with a low reverence , and answer'd , That we wanted nothing , but an occasion to speak our acknowledgments of the Bounty and Humanity of that blessed Place ; and particularly to express how much we were oblidg'd to his Lordships generous favours : He replyed smiling , That Complements were not in use in Bensalem ; and taking me by the hand , he led me into an handsome square Chamber wainscotted with Cedar , which fill'd the Room with a very grateful odour : It was richly painted , gilt , and full of Inscriptions in Letters of Gold : He sate him down on a Couch of Green Velvet , and made me take my place by him . After some more particular inquiry into the condition of our Sick , of whom I gave him an account , he told me , That the Father of Solomon's House commanded him to acquaint me with the state of Religion in Bensalem , as himself had with the condition of Philosophy there ; and that he would have done this too , but that the urgent Business of the Publick State , which lay upon him , would not afford him time ; I rose up at these words , and answered with a low submission , That I knew not in what terms to express my sense of the Father's Condescention and Goodness ; and that his excellent Relation of the state of Philosophy , and its ways of improvement in that Kingdom , had inflamed me with desire to know what I might , concerning the Affairs of its Religion , since the so miraculous plantation of Christianity in it ; And particularly , Whether it had kept its ancient Purity , and Simplicity in that Realm ; which was lost in most other places ? This Question , replyed He , ( making me sit down again by him ) I shall fully answer in the things I have to say to you ; and having paused a little to settle his Thoughts , he began his Narrative in this manner . AFTER the Conversion of this Land by the Evangelism of St. Bartholomew , ( of which you have heard ) Religion underwent some Revolutions , that I shall not mention ; But take my ground from the last , which hapned no very long time since : For the understanding which , you must know , That upon the South-West of this place , in the unknown Ocean also , lies an Island , famous for the rise it gave to a very spreading Sect in Religion : From this unfortunate Country , came certain Zealous Persons hither , that pretended to extraordinary Illuminations , and to more purity , strictness , and Spirituality , than other Christians ; They taught , That our Rites and Government were Superstitious and Anti-christian ; That we wanted Pure Ordinances , and Gospel-Worship ; That our Good Works ; and Christian Vertues , were nothing worth ; That the best of our People were but Formalists and meer moral Men ; That our Priests were uninlightned , strangers to the Power of Godliness , and Mysteries of Religion ; and that there was a necessity of a thorow Godly Reformation of our Government , and Worship . The Men at first were only gazed upon by our People , as strange Persons ; But at length , by the vehemence of their Zeal , and glory of their Pretences , they began to make impression on some , who had more Affection than Judgment : By them , and the continuance of their own restless Importunities , they wrought upon others ; And in process of time and endeavour , through the secret Judgment and Permission of God , prevail'd so far , that the great Body of the People , especially of those that were of warm and Enthusiastick Tempers , was leaven'd ( more or less ) with their Spirit and Doctrines . Here he stopt a little , and then said ; 'T is wonderful to consider how some Ages and Times are dispos'd to changes ; some to one sort of alteration , and some to another : In this Age , one Sect and Genius spreads like Infection , as if the publick Air were poisoned with it ; and again , in that those same Doctrines and Fancies will not thrive at all , but die in the hands of their Teachers ; while a contrary , or very different sort , flies and prevails mightily : There is something extraordinary in this , the contemplation of which would be noble Exercise , but not for our present purpose : 'T is enough to note , That the Age at the coming of those Seducers hither , was inclined to Innovation , and to such particular sorts of it : So that in few years the generality of the Zealous , and less considerate , were tainted with those new and gay Notions ; And so p●…ssest they were with the conceit of the divineness and necessity of their Fancies and Models , that they despised and vilified the Ecclesiastical Government , and Governors , and vehemently assaulted our most excellent SALOMONA , the King of this Realm , with continual Petitions and Addresses , to establish them by Law , and to change the whole Constitution of Religion , in complyance with their Imaginations : But he was a Wise and Religious Prince ; He saw the folly and danger of such Alterations , and endeavour'd , by all the ways of Lenity and Goodness , to allay the heat of their unreasonable Prosecutions : But they being the more emboldned by this moderate Course , and provoked by the little inclination the good King shew'd to their New Models , broke out , after some less violent struglings , into down-right Rebellion , which after many Revolutions , too long to be mention'd now , succeeded so far at last , that the Pious Prince was depos'd and murder'd ; the Government usurp'd by the prevailing Tyrants : And , not to mention the disorders of the Civil State that follow'd , the Ecclesiastical was most miserable . For now , all the Sects that have a Name in History in any part of the known World , started up in this Church , as if they had all been transplanted hither : They arose as it were out of the Earth , which seem'd to bring forth nothing but Monsters , full grown at their Birth , with Weapons in their hands ready for Battel ; and accordingly they fell one upon another with strange rage and fierceness . For having torn and destroyed the Ancient Doctrine and Government , every one contended to set up its own , and to have its beloved Opinions and Models , entertain'd and worship'd , as the infallible Truths and Ways of God : So that all places were fill'd with New Lights , and those Lights were so many Wild-Fires , that put all into Combustion . We saw nothing of Religion but glaring Appearances , and Contention about the Shells and Shadows of it . It seem'd to run out wholly into Chaff and Straw ; into Disputes and Vain Notions ; which were not only unprofitable , but destructive to Charity , Peace , and every pious Practice . All was Controversie and Dissention , full of Animosity and Bitterness ; For though they agreed in some common Falshoods and Follies , yet that made no Vnion ; every dissent in smallest Matters was ground enough for a Quarrel and Separation . But these things were common to them . All hated the former Constitutions ; All cried up their own Clan , as the only Saints , and People of God : All vilified Reason as Carnal , and Incompetent , and an Enemy to the things of the Spirit : All had confident , false , and perverse Notions of the Divine Attributes , and Counsels ; All decry'd Vertue and Morality as a dull thing , that was nothing in the account of God. All fill'd their Discourses with the words of Light , Faith , Grace , the Spirit ; and all talk'd in set Phrases , phancifully and ignorantly about them : All pretended to great Heights in Knowledge , though that consisted in nothing but an ability to repeat those Phrases of their Sect , like Parrots : All talk'd of their extraordinary communion with God , their special Experiences , Illuminations , and Discoveries ; and accordingly all demean'd themselves with much sawciness and irreverence towards God , and contempt of those that were not of the same phantastical Fashion : All were zealous in their proper set of Doctrines and Opinions ; and all bitterly oppos'd and vilified every different Judgment . These are some of the main things that made up the common Nature of the Parties : In particulars , as I have said , they were infinitely at variance . While things were in this condition , some of our Missionaries in Forreign Parts returned , and among the other Books , and Rarities from the World , they brought the Works of some of your Episcopal Divines , and other Learned Men , particularly those of Hammondus , Taylorus , Grotius , &c. Such of them that were written in English , they translated into Latin , the rather because they judg'd those Discourses very seasonable and proper to obviate the Evil Genius of the unhappy Age. As soon as they came abroad in the general Language , they were read by the sober sort of our Divines with great approbation and acceptance ; and from them they had Light and Advantage for the detecting the Follies and Extravagancies of the Times . For my part , I was then a Student in the University , and therefore shall chuse to relate what effect those Writings had there , and particularly upon divers of my mine own Acquaintance , who are now very considerable in this Church , and have done great Service in it . It was one Advantage that the Young Academians had from that unhappy Season , that they were stirr'd up by the general Fermentation that was then in Mens Thoughts , and the vast variety that was in their Opinions , to a great activity in the search of sober Principles , and Rules of Life . I shall not undertake to describe the Spirit and Temper of all the Theologues and Students of those Times , but shall give you an account of some that I knew , who have been very useful to the Church in confuting and exposing the Fanatical Principles and Genius , and who derived much of their Spirit and Doctrines from those excellent Authors of your Country . Here I told the Governor that things had been lately also in our parts much after the manner he had described the Condition of theirs ; and that therefore I was very desirous to know by what Ways and Doctrines the People were reduced to a better temper . I said also , that I had relation to one of our Universities , and on that account likewise was sollicitous to understand how those Academical Divines were formed ; and what they did when they came abroad . He answer'd , that he was ready to gratifie my desires ; but then , said he , I would not have you think that I magnifie the Persons I shall describe to you , or their Learning and Performances , above all our other Clergy : No , thanks be to God , we have numbers of Excellent Men , famous for their Piety , Learning , and Usefulness in the Church : of whom , by reason of my distance , and constant Imployments in this place , I have no personal knowledge ; and therefore I choose to speak only of those that were bred in the University about mine own Time ; and the rather , that you may observe the Providence of God in raising Men so serviceable to his Church in the very worst of Days . Having premis'd which , he fell immediately to an account of their Preparations in the University , and thence to a Relation of their Performances after . Of the former he spoke thus ; THose Divines , of whom I have undertaken to say something , went through the usual course of Studies in the University , with much applause and success : But did not think themselves perfect , as soon as they were acquainted with the knowledge contain'd in Systems : No , they past from those Institutions , to converse with the most Ancient and Original Authors in all sorts of profitable Learning . They begun at the top , with the Philosophers of the Eldest Times , that were before the days of Aristotle : They perused the Histories of their Lives and Doctrines , and then read all the remains of them that are extant : They consider'd their Principles , only as Hypotheseis , with Minds free and untainted : They studied , them to know the several Scheams of their Opinions , without passing Judgments yet , upon their Truth , or Falshood . They read Plato , and convers'd much with that Divine Philosopher : They acquainted themselves with Aristotle , his great Scholar ; and by his Original Writings , they found how much he had been misrepresented and abused by his Commentators , ( especially by those of later Times ) and saw how different a thing Aristotelian Philosophy was in his own Works , from that which they had met in compendiums , and the Disputing Books that pretended to it : They made themselves intimate with Plutarch and Cicero : And dealt much with the other chief Writers , both Greeks and Romans : By which means , they were well instructed in the History of Philosophy , and the various Thoughts and Opinions of the greatest Men among the Ancients . But yet , notwithstanding this Conversation with those Sages , They were not so pedantically , and superstitiously fond of Antiquity , as to sit down there in contempt of all later Helps and Advancements . They were sensible , That Knowledge was still imperfect , and capable of further growth , and therefore they looked forward into the Moderns also , who about their time , had imployed themselves in discovering the Defects of the Ancients , in reviving some of their neglected Doctrines ; and advancing them by new Thoughts and Conceptions : They read , and consider'd all sorts of late Improvements in Anatomy , Mathematicks , Natural History , and Mechanicks , and acquainted themselves with the Experimental Philosophy of Solomon's House , and the other Promoters of it . So that there was not any valuable Discovery made , or Notion started in any part of Real Learning , but they got considerable knowledge of it . And by this Vniversal way of proceeding , They furnish'd their Minds with great variety of Conceptions , and rendred themselves more capable of judging of the Truth , or likelyhood of any propos'd Hypothesis . Nor did they content themselves with Reading , and the knowledge of Books , but join'd Contemplation , and much thoughtfulness with it : They exercised their Minds upon what they read ; They consider'd , compar'd , and inferr'd : They had the felicity of clear and distinct thinking , and had large compass in their Thoughts . By reading they rendred their Understandings full ; and by Meditation they kept that fulness from being disorderly and confus'd . Being thus prepared , They addrest themselves to the more close , particular , and thorow study of Divinity : They thought it not enough to read a few Systems , and bundles of Novel Opinions , to understand the current Orthodoxy of the Times , or to gain the faculty of speaking to the People in the taking T●… and Phrase , ( ●…hings that made up the Divines of that Age ) : But enquired into the state of Religion in former days : They read the Histories of the Church , and applyed themselves to a careful perusal of the Fathers of the three first Centuries : In them they looked for the Doctrine and Practices that were in the beginning : They consider'd , that Religion was most pure in those Primitive Times of Holiness and Matyrdom ; and that by knowing what was the belief and use then , they might be enabled to judge better of the more Modern Ways and Opinions : That though other Knowledge grew , and was much advanced by Time , yet Divinity was in its perfectoon , in the days of the Apostles , and nearest Ages to them ; and had still been degenerating ( more or less ) in following Times . That it was therefore best to enquire after the old Ways , and to take the Measures of Faith and Practice , from Primitive Doctrine and Vsage ; and accordingly they endeavoured to form theirs . They convers'd with the Works of your Excellent Writers , whom I mention'd , and other Learned Men , whom Providence raised about that Season , to direct the World to those eldest , best Patterns . They read also the Histories , and observ'd the growth of Sects : They examin'd the Books of the chief reputed Hereticks , and consider'd the Arguments where-with they endeavour'd to establish their Opinions . They descended even to the Wild Scribbles and Contentions of the several Parties in our distracted Land ; They acquainted themselves thoroughly with their Spirit , Principles , Phrases , and ways of Reasoning ; as judging , that none could deal effectually in the exposing and confuting any Sect , but those who well understood it . Besides all this , They directed their Studies ( many of them ) to the Jewish Learning , That they might be instructed in the Rites , Opinions , and Usages of that People , for the better understanding of many things in the Scripture that relate unto them . They enquired into the Reasonableness of the great Principles of Religion , and particularly of the Christian ; and provided themselves thereby to deal with Atheists , Infidels , and Enthusiasts , with which that Age abounded . I could say much more , but this is enough to shew that these Men were qualified to do something in the World. Here I interrupted the Relation a little , and said , That it seem'd to me that such Preparations should have taken up the better part of their Lives , and not have left much time for Action . He answer'd , That Diligence , Meditation , and a right Method of Studies would go very far , and do mighty Matters in an indifferent Time ; and that he who knew the shortest cut , and went constantly on , would pass over a considerable Desart in a few days , while another that loyter'd , or was ignorant of the way , might wander all his Life in it to little purpose . That those Men took the direct Course , and had the best Guides , the choice Books of all sorts ; one anothers excellent Company , and improving Converse . That they spent no unprofitable time , among the Voluminous Triflers ; and in the confused Rubbish of Learning . That they went straight on towards their end , without diverting to bie and impertinent Matters . They that made even their most common Conversations to serve them , in their study of Humane Nature , the Inclinations and Passions of Men : And even the wildness and humours of Sects afforded them instruction in the nature of Enthusiasm , and Superstitions of all kinds . So that their Understandings and Observations were advanced far , while their years were not many ; and they had the happy Conjunction of the Judgment of Ripe Age , with the vigour of Youth . I bowed to declare my satisfaction , and He went on . IT will be time now , after the Discourse of their Preparations , to let you know what they did ; and what were the Effects of these promising beginnings . This I shall do , By representing ( 1. ) Some things that were more general . ( 2. ) Their particular Endeavours in the Affairs of Religion . ( 3. ) A more full account of their Genius , and Thoughts , in some main Parts of Learning . I BEGIN with their more General Actions and Declarations of their Thoughts . ONe of the first things they did , was , to deliver their own Minds ( and to endeavour the same for others ) from the Prepossessions , and Prejudices of Complexion , Education , and implicit Authority ; Asserting the Liberty of Enquiry , and thereby freeing their Reasons from a base and dishonourable Servitude , and vindicating this just Right of Humane Nature . For though they knew , That Green Youth , and Vulgar Inquirers , ought not pragmatically to call their Teachers to account for their Doctrines , or to venture upon deep Speculations without assistance ; Yet they thought , that Men who were bred in the way of Study , had first submisly heard the Opinions of their Instructors , and been well acquainted with their Dictates , who were arriv'd to maturity of Understanding , and a good capacity to seek after Truth ; might at length be permitted to judge for themselves ; that so they might choose , like reasonable Creatures , and not have their Principles brutishly obtruded on them . This they saw was a natural Right , and that the Tyrannical Custom of over-ruling and suppressing it , had held the greatest part of Mankind in fatal Chains of Ignorance and Error . Here , I say , They begun , and taught , That all lovers of Truth , whose Judgements were competently matur'd , ought to free their Minds from the Prejudices of Education , and usurping Authorities ; that is , so far , as not to conclude any thing certainly true , or false , meerly on the account of those Impressions : But to try all things , as Scripture and Reason require , and incourage us ; and to suspend the giving up our full , and resolv'd assent to the Doctrines we have been taught , till we have impartially consider'd and examin'd them our selves . That in our Researches , we ought to retain a Reverence for Antiquity , and venerable Names ; but not blindly to give up our Understandings to them , against clear Evidence of the Divine Oracles , or Impartial Reason . That when other Considerations , on both sides , were equal , the Inducements of old Belief , and reverend Authorities ought to determine us to a probable assent on that side : But when God's Word , or our Faculties stood on the other , we ought not to be enclin'd . Thus they modestly asserted the Liberty of Judgment , and bounded it with so much Caution , that no Prejudice could arise to Legal Establishments from that freedom : For they allow'd it not to immature Youth ; or to illiterate or injudicious Men , who are not to be trusted to conclude for themselves in things of difficult Theory : But advised such , to submit to their Instructors , and so practise the plain things they are taught , without busie intermedling in Speculative Opinions , and things beyond their reach . Such a Liberty of Judgment as this they taught , and such was necessary for the Age , in which the Minds of Men were inthrall'd by the Masters of Sects , and the Opinions then stil'd Orthodox , from which it was accounted Heresie and Damnatiou to recede . So that nothing could be done , to set them at large from those vain Fancies and Ways , till they were perswaded to examine them with freedom and indifference , and to conclude according to the Report of their Faculties . They knew , That Truth would have the advantage , could it but procure an impartial Tryal : That the False Doctrines , and Fanatical Practices of the Times would be detected and sham'd , were it not for the superstitious straightness that supprest all Enquiry ; and that those Old Truths that were exploded with so much abhorrence , would , in all likelyhood , gain upon the Judgments and Assents of all that were free , and durst to be inquisitive . On such accounts they prest the Liberty of Judgment ; and in a time when it was very seasonable , and no hurt could directly arise from it . Since ( 2. ) They taught , and urged much modesty together with it ; and allow'd not Dogmatical Affirmations , but in things that were most fundamental and certain : They consider'd , That our Understandings , at best , are very weak ; and that the search of Truth is difficult ; that we are very liable to be imposed on by our Complexions , Imaginations , Interests , and Affections . That whole Ages , and great Kingdoms , and Christian Churches , and Learned Counsels , have joyn'd in Common Errors ; and obtruded false and absurd Conceits upon the World with great severity , and flaming Zeal ; That much Folly , and great Non-sense have many times generally obtain'd , and been held for certain , and Sacred ; That all Mankind are puzled , and bafled in the disquisition of the seeming , plainest , and most obvious things , In the Objects of Sense , and Motions of our own Souls : That ( in earnest ) we cannot tell , How we speak a Word , or move a Finger ; How the Soul is united to the Body ; or the Parts of Bodies to one another ; how our own were framed at first ; or how afterwards they are nourish'd . That these nearest things , and a thousand more , are hid from our deepest Enquiries . Thus they consider'd often , and fill'd their Thoughts with a great sense of the narrowness of humane Capacity , and the Imperfections of our largest Knowledge ; which they used not to any purposes of unwarrantable Scepticism , or absolute neutrality of Judgement , but to ingage their Minds to a greater wariness in Enquiry , and more shiness of Assent to things not very clear and evident ; to more reservedness in their Affirmations , and more modesty in their Arguings . After this manner they practised themselves , and thus they discours'd to others , and nothing could be more proper for those times , in which everyone ( almost ) was immoderately confident of his own way , and thereby rendred insolent in his Dictates , and incurable in his Errors ; scornful to opposite Judgments , and ready to quarrel all Dissenters ; So that the World was hereby fill'd with Animosity and Clamours ; whereas modesty in Opinions would have prevented those Mischiefs ; and it was taught by those Men as the likelyest way of Cure. For there is no hopes , either of Truth or Peace , while every one of the divided , thinks himself infallible : But when they come to grant a possibility of their being out in their Beloved Tenents , there is something then to work upon towards their better Information . But ( 3. ) there was still less danger in the Liberty they promoted : for as much as they practised and perswaded much prudence to be us'd in the publishing of their Tenents ; They allowed not any declaration of private Sentiments , when such a Declaration might tend to the disgrace or dissettlement of Legal Appointments , or any Articles of the Establish'd Religion ; provided there were no Idolatry , or direct Heresie in the things injoin'd : But believ'd , and taught , That Men ought to content themselves with their own Satisfactions , in the Supposed Truths they have discover'd , without clamorous Disputes , or Wranglings . And though in the large compass of Enquiry they took , and the Considerations they had of all sorts of Idaea's , that enter into the various Minds of thinking Men , it could not be , but that they should have several Apprehensions , different from vulgar Thoughts ; Yet they were very cautious in discovering their Conceptions among the illiterate and unqualified ; They had no delight in speaking strange things , or in appearing to be singular and extraordinary : They were not so fond of their own Opinions , as to think them necessary for all others : Nor were they infected with the Common Zeal , to spread and propagate every Truth they thought they knew : No , they consider'd , there were Truths which the World would not bear , and that some of the greatest would be receiv'd here with the bitterest contempt and derision : So that to publish , would be but to expose them to popular scorn , and themselves also : Their main Design was , to make Men good , not notional , and knowing ; and therefore , though they conceal'd no practical Verities that were proper and seasonable , yet they were sparing in their Speculations , except where they tended to the necessary vindication of the Honour of God , or the directing the Lives of Men : They spoke of other Matters of Notion only among their known Friends , and such as were well prepar'd , able to examine , and dispos'd to pardon or receive them : Among these they discours'd the greatest , freest Speculations , with as much liberty in their Words , as in their Thoughts ; and though they differ'd in many Notions , yet those Differences did nothing but serve the pleasure of Conversation , and exercise of Reasoning : They begot no estrangements or distasts , no noise or trouble abroad . Such was the prudence that They practised and taught ; and this also was very proper for those Times , when every Man vented his Conceits for Articles of Faith , and told his Dreams for Revelations , and then pretended he was extraordinarily enlightned , and strove to make Proselites , and quarrel'd with all that did not embrace his Fancies , and separated from the Communion of the Church , and endeavour'd to involve the World in Hurries and Distractions ; and all this , for the sake of a few pittiful , needless , sensless Trifles : In such a time , this prudent Spirit and Practice was singularly seasonable and useful . But though they were thus cauteous and wary about Theories more remote , and not necessary ; yet they were not altogether indifferent to what Men believ'd and thought : No , They were concern'd , and zealous against the Fanatick Conceits and Humours of the Age , which were the occasions of so much Folly , Irregularity , and Disturbance : And my next Business is to declare in some great Instances , how they demeaned Themselves in opposing of them . This was the second thing I undertook to relate ; namely , Their particular endeavours in the Affairs of Religion . But before I fall on it ; I must declare to you , That They had not any Religion different from that of other Catholick Christians , but were faithful adherers to the old acknowledg'd Christianity , as it was taught by the Church of Bensalem : To this Church they conform'd heartily ; though they were distinguishable from some others of her Sons , by the application of their Genius and Endeavours : I have told you , They grew up among the Sects ; They were Born and Bred in that Age , which they could not help ; But as they order'd the Matter , it was no hurt to the Church , or them , that they were educated in bad times : They had the occasion thence , of understanding the Genius , Humour , and Principles of the Parties , which , those that stood always at distance from them , could not so thorowly and inwardly know : By that means they had great advantage for providing , and applying the Remedies , and Confutations that were proper and effectual ; And by daily Converse , and near Observation , they setled in their Minds a dislike of those ways , that was greater and juster than the Antipathy of some others who saw only their out-sides , that in many things were specious and plausible . They studied in the Places where some of the chief of the Sects govern'd , and those that were ripe for the Service , preach'd publickly , as other Academical Divines did . This they scrupled not , because they were young , and had been under no explicit ingagements to those Laws , that were then unhappily over-ruled : But in those , and in their other Vniversity-Exercises , they much serv'd the Interest of the Church of Bensalem , by undermining the Ataxites , ( so the Sectaries are here call'd ) and propagating the Anti-fanatical Doctrines , which they had entertain'd and improved : So that I cannot look upon that Spirit otherwise , than as an Antidote that Providence then seasonably provided against the deadly Infection of those days : On which account , they were by some , call'd the Anti-fanites , because of their peculiar opposition of the Fans , or Fanites , ( as the Ataxites were sometimes named ) : And though some Persons thought fit to judge , and spoke of Them as a new Sort of Divines ; Yet they were not to be so accounted , in any sense of disparagement ; since the new Things they taught , were but contradictions of the new Things that were introduced ; and new Errors and Pretences , will occasion new ways of Opposition and Defence . I have now ( I doubt ) said the Governor , almost tired you with prefacing , but these things were fit to be premised : I exprest my self well-pleased , both with the Matters he related , and the order which he thought convenient to declare them in ; and so he proceeded to the second main Head ; Their particular Principles and Practices . I MUST tell you then , said He , first , That they took notice of the loud Out-cries and Declamations that were among all the Sects , against Reason ; and observ'd , how by that means all Vanities and Phanatick Devices were brought into Religion : They saw , There was no likelyhood any stop should be put to those Extravagancies of Fansie that were impudently obtruding themselves upon the World ; but by vindicating and asserting the use of Reason in Religion ; and therefore , their private Discourses , and publick Exercises ran much this way ; to maintain the sober use of our Faculties , and to expose and shame all vain Enthusiasms : And as Socrates of old , first began the Reformation of his Age , and reduced Men from the wildness of Fansie , and Enthusiastick Fegaries , with which they were overgrown , by pleading for Reason , and shewing the necessity and Religion that there is in hearkning to its Dictates ; So They , in order to the cure of the madness of their Age , were zealous to make Men sensible ; That Reason is a Branch and Beam of the Divine Wisdom ; That Light which he hath put into our Minds , and that Law which he hath writ upon our Hearts : That the Revelations of God in Scripture , do not contradict what he hath engraven upon our Natures : That Faith it self , is an Act of Reason , and is built upon these two Reasonable Principles , That there is a God ; and , That what he saith is true : That our Erroneous Deductions are not to be call'd Reason , but Sophistry , Ignorance , and Mistake : That nothing can follow from Reason , but Reason ; and that what so follows , is as true and certain as Revelation : That God never disparageth Reason , in Scripture , but that the vain Philosophy , and Wisdom of this World there spoken against , were Worldly Policies , Jewish Genealogies , Traditions , and the Notional Philosophy of some Gentiles : That Carnal Reason is the Reason of Appetite and Passion ; and not the Dictates of our Minds : That Reason proves some Main and Fundamental Articles of Faith , and defends all , by proving the Authority of Holy Scripture : That we have no cause to take any thing for an Article of Faith , till we see Reason to believe that God said it , and in the sense wherein we receive such a Doctrine : That to decry , and disgrace Reason , is to strike up Religion by the Roots , and to prepare the World for Atheism . According to such Principles as these , They managed their Discourses about this Subject : They stated the Notions of Faith and Reason clearly , and endeavour'd to deliver the Minds of Men from that confusedness in those Matters , which blind Zeal had brought upon them ; that so they might not call Vain Sophistry by the name of Humane Reason , and rail at this , for the sake of Fallacy , and the Impostures of Ignorance and Fancy . Hereby they made some amends for the dangerous rashness of those inconsiderate Men , who having heard others defame Reason as an Enemy to Faith , set up the same Cry , and fill'd their Oratories with the terrible noise of Carnal Reason , Vain Philosophy , and such other misapplyed words of reproach , without having ever clearly or distinctly consider'd what they said , or whereof they affirm'd : And this they did too at a time when the World was posting a-pace into all kinds of madness ; as if they were afraid the half-distracted Religionists would not run fast enough out of their Wits , without their Encouragement and Assistance : And as if their Design had been to credit Phrensie and Enthusiasm , and to disable all proof that could be brought against them . This I believe many of those well-meaning Canters against Reason did not think of , though what they did had a direct tendency that way : And accordingly it succeeded ; For the conceited People hearing much of Incomes , Illuminations , Communions , Lights , Discoveries , Sealings , Manifestations , and Impressions , as the Heights of Religion ; and then , being told , that Reason is a low , Carnal Thing , and not to judge in these Spiritual Matters ; That it is a Stranger to them , and at enmity with the Things of God : I say , the People that were so taught , could not chuse but be taken with the wild Exstatical Enthusiasts , who made the greatest boasts of these glorious Priviledges ; nor could they easily avoid looking upon the glarings of their own Imaginations , and the warmths and impulses of their Melancholy , as Divine Revelations , and Illapses . To this dangerous pass thousands were brought by such Preachments , and had so well learn'd to apply the Doctrines they had been taught , that he that should endeavour to undeceive them , was sure to hear what an Enemy this Reason , this Carnal Reason , this Vain Philosophy , was to Free Grace and Faith ; and how little able to judge of those Rich , those Precious , those Spiritual Enjoyments . 'T was time now , in such an Age as this , to assert the sober use of Reason , and to rescue Religion by it . And They did this happily , and shamed all false pretences to the Spirit , shewing , That there was nothing but Nature and Complexion in the Illuminations , Incomes , Raptures , Prophesies , New Lights , fluency of Expression , mysteriousness of Phrase , and other wonderful things of the Enthusiasts , which were ignorantly taken to be Divine Communications , to the great abuse of Religion , and the Souls of Men : Perceiving ( I say ) that this dangerous Phanatick Spirit was the evil Genius of the Age , they bent all their force against it , and detected the imposture , and labour'd zealously to disabuse the credulous People , who were exceeding apt to be taken with such glorious Nothings . ( But of this , I shall have another occasion to speak more . ) ANd because the wildness of Enthusiasm , and reproaches of Reason , had expos'd Christianity it self to the Suspicions of some , and Contempts of others , as if it were a precarious unreasonable thing , that depended only upon Mens Fancies ; Therefore here They labour'd also , with very pious pains , to demonstrate the Truth and Reasonableness of the Christian Religion ; The Beeing of God ; The Immortality of Humane Souls ; And Authority of Scripture ; which they did with much Zeal , and much Judgment : And these Doctrines were too seasonable and necessary in that Age , in which the most glorious Professors laid the whole stress of Religion upon Fancies , and thereby undermin'd the Foundations of Faith , and Truth ; and by many Vanities , and endless Divisions , had made so many Infidels , and unhappily dispos'd so many others to go the same way : Against these therefore They bent their strength , and rescued multitudes , especially those of the springing Generation , from the hands , both of the Enthusiast and the Infidel ; Answering and discrediting all the new Pretensions and Objections , both of the one and the other : And their Endeavours here were very needful , because the Ancient Books of those kinds were despis'd and neglected by the concern'd Parties ; and they were not so suitable to the Guize and Fashion of our Age ; and many Exceptions were started a-new , and many other vain things boasted of , to which those elder Discourses did not apply their force : But these new Defenders of the Christian Truths met them all , and spake the things that were suitable , as well as those that were strong and true : By these means the reasonable sober Spirit began to propagate ; and the Enthusiast , who took notice of it , and knew it would destroy his Glorious Imaginations , rais'd a loud clamour against these Men as Socinians , and advancers of Proud Reason , above Free Grace and Faith. From this envious and foolish Charge , they sufficiently justified themselves by several Sermons , and publick Determinations in their Academical Solemnities , against the chief Principles of Socinianism , sirenously asserting the Deity of Christ , and Immortality of Humane Souls , &c. and vigorously opposing the main Socinian Tenents : In consequence of which , they shew'd the sure and safe ways to destroy those Opinions , without hurting the Catholick Doctrines , which many had wounded to do them spight ; and in this Design some of them appeared in publick with great success . HAving thus asserted the Honour of our Faculties , and maintain'd the Fundamental Interests of Religion , They took notice , what unworthy and dishonourable Opinions were publish'd abroad concerning God , to the disparagement of all his Attributes , and discouragement of vertuous Endeavours , and great trouble and dejection of many pious Minds ; and therefore here they appear'd also to assert and vindicate the Divine Goodness and love of Men in its freedom and extent , against those Doctrines , that made his Love , Fondness ; and his Justice , Cruelty ; and represented God , as the Eternal Hater of the far greatest part of his reasonable Creatures , and the designer of their Ruine , for the exaltation of meer Power , and arbitrary Will : Against these sowr and dismal Opinions They stood up stoutly , in a time when the Assertors of the Divine Purity and Goodness , were persecuted bitterly with nick-names of Reproach , and popular Hatred . They gave sober Accounts of the Nature of God , and his Attributes , suitable to those Declarations of himself he hath made by the Scriptures , and our Reasons : They shew'd continually how impossible it was that Infinite Goodness should design or delight in the misery of his Creatures : That God never acts by meer arbitrary Will , but by a Will directed by the Perfections of his Nature : That to act arbitrarily is Imperfection and Impotence : That he is tyed by the excellency of his Beeing , to the Laws of Right , and Just , and that there are independent Relations of True and Good among things , antecedent to all Will and Vnderstanding , which are indispensible and eternal : That Goodness is the Fountain of all his Communications and Actions ad extra : That to glorifie God , is rightly to apprehend and celebrate his Perfections , by our Words , and by our Actions : That Goodness is the chief moral Perfection : That Power without Goodness is Tyranny ; and Wisdom without it , is but Craft and Subtilty ; and Justice , Cruelty , when destitute of Goodness : That God is not pleased with our Praises , otherwise than as they are the suitable Actings of his Creatures , and tend to make them love him , in order to their being happy in him . By such Principles as These , which are wonderfully fertile , and big of many great Truths , they undermined , and from the bottom overthrew the fierce and churlish Reprobatarian Doctrines ; And those Truths they proved from the Scripture , and the Nature of God , and Reason of Things , with all possible clearness , and strength of Evidence . OBserving further , That Faith was preach'd up as the whole of Religion ; and that represented variously , phantastickly , and after an unintelligible manner , drest up in Metaphors and Phrases , and dangerous Notions , that prescinded it from Good Works , and made them unnecessary : Here they appeared also , and detected the vanity and canting of this Airy Divinity ; Stating the Notion of Faith plainly and clearly , and stripping it out of its Chymerical cloathing , Teaching , That Faith in the general is the Belief of a Proposition affirm'd ; and Divine Faith , the belief of a Divine Testimony ; and Evangelical , Saving Faith , such a Belief as works on the Will and Affections , and produceth the Works of Righteousness : So that the Faith that is said to justifie , ( in the forensick sense ) is a complex thing , and takes in an Holy Life , and all the Graces of the Spirit , which are call'd by the name of Faith , because that is the Root of all the rest . Thus they asserted the necessity of a real , inward Righteousness , against the Solifidian and Antinomian Heresies , which had poison'd the whole Body of the then Current Theology , and was counted the only Spiritual Doctrine . In those days Men were taught , that we are justifi'd only by the Jmputed Righteousness of Christ , by which they said , we are formally Righteous ; That Faith justifi'd only as it laid hold of that , ( as they phrased it ) and that Inherent Righteousness was to be renounc'd , and had nothing to do here . These were the great dear Mysteries of their Theology , that season'd all their Doctrines and Instructions , which by this means also were rendred exceedingly fanciful and dangerous : Therefore in this likewise , those Divines interposed and demonstrated the vanity and mischief of such fulsome and groundless Conceits ; They stated the true and warrantable sense in which Christ's Righteousness is imputed , viz. Metonymically , and as to Effects ; That is , That for the sake of his Righteousness , God was pleas'd to pardon Penitents , and to deal with them upon their Faith , and sincere Obedience , as if they had been Righteous themselves : Not as if he past false , and mistaken Judgements , and looked on Christ's Righteousness as really and properly theirs ; but that for his sake He pardon'd their sins , and accepted of their personal imperfect righteousness , as if it had been perfect . They shew'd that this account was agreeable to Scripture , and the Analogy of sound Faith , and Practice ; and that the other sense was no-where deliver'd in the holy Oracles , but was a meer imagination contrary to the Attributes of God , and to the Doctrines , and designs of the Gospel , and exceedingly pernicious to Christian Life , and Vertue : They alledg'd that Christ's Righteousness is no-where in Scripture said to be imputed : That he is no otherwise made Righteousness to us then he is made Sanctification , and Redemption ; that is , He is the great Author and procurer of them ; and that in that sense he is the Lord our Righteousness . They took notice how that by this odd Fanatick principle , Personal Righteousness was undermin'd , and disparaged ; and one of the first things the people were taught , was , to renounce their own Righteousness , without restriction , or limitation , in which Counsel there is much shew of humility ; but much non-sense and much danger , if it be not deliver'd , and taken in a cautious sense : For the Apostles , and primitive Believers never renounc'd any Righteousness , but that of the Mosaical dispensation , in which some of them had gloried much before their conversion ; But after it , were convinc'd , It was nothing worth , and counted it as dross , and dung in respect of that Righteousness that Christ taught : They never disparaged real , inward Righteousness : Yea they took ground of confidence , and rejoycing from it , viz. from the simplicity and sincerity of their conversation , from their having a good Conscience in all things ; from their stedfastness amidst Tribulations , and patience in their Sufferings ; and they plainly tell us , That Religion was doing Righteousness , and consisted in visiting the Widow and Fatherless , and being unspotted with the World ; in denying all ungodliness , and worldly lusts , and living soberly , righteously , and Godly ; They warn us to beware of those deceivers that would perswade a man may be righteous ; withou●… doing righteously ; yea they declare the promises to be entail'd upon those , that by patient continuance in well-doing seek for Glory , and Immortality . But said He , I forget my self , and run out too far into this Discourse , in which I suppose I need not inform you , the Scriptures being so full in it . Here I took liberty to move a Question , and ask'd him , Whether those Divines did teach , or allow Mens relying , and depending on their own inward Vertues , or outward Works ? To this he said , They had not the least imagination , that there was either Merit , or Perfection in our qualifications , or performances ; but that in those respects they renounc'd their own righteousness , and obedience : That they acknowledg'd , and declared that our highest , best services could never deserve the divine notice , or acceptance by any worthiness in them ; But then , added He , They said also , that Christ's obedience was Perfect , and Meritorious , and that God was so well satisfied with it , that for his sake he promised to pardon the failings of our duties , and to accept of Sincerity instead of Perfection : That on this account , our short , defective righteousness was receiv'd , as if it had been adaequate , and compleat ; we being through Christ , under a Covenant of Grace , and Pardon , and our obedience not judg'd according to strict measures , and proportions , but by the rules of mercy , and favour . Thus they stated that matter clearly , and struck at the root of Antinomian follies , and impostures . ANd because Morality was despised by those elevated Fantasticks , that talk'd so much of Imputed Righteousness , in the false sense ; and accounted by them , as a dull , and low thing ; therefore those Divines labour'd in the asserting and vindicating of this : Teaching the necessity of Moral Vertues ; That Christianity is the highest improvement of them ; That the meer first-table Religion is nothing , without the works of the second ; That Zeal , and Devoutness , and delight in Hearing , Prayer , and other externals of worship , may be in very evil men : That Imitation , and Custom , and Pride , and Self-love may produce these : That these are no more then the Forms of Godliness : That the power of it consists in subduing self-will , and ruling our passions , and moderating our appetites , and doing the works of real Righteousness towards God , and our Neighbour . And because there was a Religion that had got into credit , that did not make Men better , but worse in all relations , worse Governours , and worse Subjects , and worse Parents , and worse Neighbours ; more sower , and morose , and fierce , and censorious ; Therefore , They prest Men to consider , That the design of Religion was to perfect humane Nature ; To restore the empire of our minds over the will , and affections ; To make them more temperate , and contented in reference to themselves , and more humble , meek , courteous , charitable and just towards others . On such things as these , performed sincerely , by the assistance , and encouragement of Faith in Christ , and from a desire to be ruled by his Laws , they lay'd the whole stress . ANd being the Age was unhappily dispos'd to place much Religion in their conceited Orthodoxy , and Systems of Opinion , to the destruction of Charity , and Peace ; To the dissetlement of Religion , and great hinderance of real Godliness : They therefore zealously decryed this superstition of Opinions , and smartly reproved Disputings , and eagerness of contest about Notions , and lesser Truths : Shewing the inconveniencies , and mischiefs of that spirit , and it's inconsistency with Charity , and the peace of Mankind : They perswaded modestly in all extraessential Doctrines , and suspence of judgement in things that were not absolutely certain ; and readiness to pardon the mistakes of those that differ from us in matters of speculation . In order hereunto , They made this one of their main Doctrines ; That The principles which are necessary to Salvation are very few , and very plain , and generally acknowledg'd among Christians : This they taught , and were earnest in it , because they saw it would secure Charity to dissenters , and prevent all vehemencies of captious dispute , all schisms , and unnecessary separations , and many Wars , and Persecutions upon the account of Religion : For if the things in which Men differ , be not Religion , be not Faith , and Fundamental ; If this be true , and this truth acknowledg'd , All these would want pretence ; and so Peace and Vnity would possess the spirits of Men. They saw that Religion , which was shaken by divisions , and rendred suspected of uncertainty through the mixture of uncertain things , would stand safe , and firm when 't was lay'd only upon the plain , infallible , undoubted propositions : That holiness would thrive , when Mens zeal was taken off from talking , and disputing against others , and directed inwards to the government of themselves , and the reformation of their own hearts , and lives : That Papism , which in those times of distraction began to spread even here , would drop to the ground , if it were believed , That the necessary principles of Religion were few , and plain , and those agreed on : For then there would be no need of an Infallible Interpreter , and Judge : I say , They were sensible , that all the great Interests of Religion , and Mankind might be served by the acknowledgment of this one Reasonable Principle ; which they saw was the only way to bring us to stability , and consistence ; ●…o Peace , and Vnion . In Consequence of this Spirit , and Doctrine , they discours'd the things wherein they differ'd from others , with mildness , and modesty , without anger , and damning sentences ; and afforded their converses to all sorts of good Men , though they believ'd them mistaken : They never exprest rage in their conversations , or discourses against bare errours , and mistakes of judgment : But for the pride , and confidence , censoriousness and groundless separations , that are the frequent attendants of different opinions ; These sometimes mov'd them to anger , and expression of just resentment ; because they look'd on them as great Immoralities , and very pernicious sins : And on the occasion of these spiritual vices , they were warmed with zeal , against the Sectaries , and Bigots ; for the taking down of whose pride , and confidence , They thought it necessary to detect the Impostors , and to expose their vanities ; which they did successfully , and shew'd : That their Divinity consisted most in Phrases ; and their boasted spirituality , in fond affections : That their new lights were but freakish fancies ; and old Heresies revived ; and the precious Mysteries of their Theology , but conceited absurdities , and non-sense in a fantastick dress : They happily drew the parallel between our Separatists , and those antient ones , the Pharisees ; and proved that the same spirit acted the Ataxites , that govern'd those Jewish Fanaticks : And because their pretences were taking , and specious , and had caught great numbers of the easie , well meaning people of Bensalem ; Therefore , to disabuse them , they labour'd much to shew the shortness of their kind of Godliness ; and the danger of placing all Religion in Praying , Hearing , Zeal , Rapture , Mysteries , and Opinions . Accordingly they declar'd , and prov'd , That 1. Fluency , and Pathetick eloquence in suddain Prayer may proceed , and doth , many time , from excited passion , and warm imagination ; from a peculiar temper , and heated melancholly : That these are no sign that a man prays by the spirit , nor do they argue him to be one jot the better , then those that want the faculty , or any whit the more accepted of God for it : That to pray by the spirit is to pray with Faith , Desire , and Love ; and that a Man may pray by the spirit , and with a Form. 2. That people may delight to hear from other causes , then conscience , and a desire to be directed in the government of their Lives : That hearing is very grateful to some , because it feeds their opinions , and furnisheth their tongues , and inables them to make a great shew of extraordinary Saint-ship : They represented that meer animal Men , and fond lovers of themselves may be much taken with hearing of the Gracious promises , and Glorious priviledges of the Gospel ; when at the same time , they are told they are all theirs , and theirs peculiarly , and exclusively to the rest of Mankind : That pride , and vanity , and self-love will recommend , and indear such preaching ; That it is most luscious to fond , and conceited men , to hear how much better , and more precious they are then their Neighbours ; how much dearer to God , and more favour'd by him ; what an interest they have in free , distinguishing Grace , and how very few have a share in it , besides themselves : How their enemies are hated of God , and how sad a condition they are in , who differ from them in practices , and opinions : To doat on such preaching , and admiringly to follow such Preachers , They shew'd , was but to be in love with flattery , and self-deceit : That it was no sign of Godliness , but an evident argument of pride , malice , and immoderate selfishness ; That these are the true causes of the zeal , and earnestness of many after Sermons ; and of the pleasure that they have in hearing , though they would perswade others , and believe themselves , that the love of Religion , and sence of duty are the only motives that prevail with them . 3. Concerning zeal , They taught ; That zeal in it self is indifferent , and made good , or bad , as it's objects , and incentives are ; That meer education , and custom , natural conscience , and particular complexion , do sometimes make Men very zealous about things of Religion : That though the fervours of the Ataxites for their Doctrines , and ways , were not all feigned ; but real and sincere ; Yet their zeal was nothing worth , being but meer natural passion , kindled by a fond delight in their own self chosen practices , and opinions ; That their coldness to the great known necessary duties of Justice , Charity , Obedience , Modesty , and Humility was an evident sign , that their heat for pretended Orthodox tenents , and modes of worship , had nothing Divine in it : That true zeal begins at home with self-reformation ; and that where it was imployed altogether about amendments of external Religion , and publick Government , it was pernicious , not only to the World , but to a Mans self also . 4. And because the heights of zeal ran up sometimes into raptures , and exstacies , which were look'd on as wonderful appearances of God in the thus transported persons ; Therefore , here also They undeceived the people ( as I said in the general before ) by shewing , That these alienations may be caused naturally , by the power of a strong fancy , working upon violent affections : That they together may , and do , oft , produce deliquiums of sense ; That the Imagination working then freely , and without contradiction , or disturbance from the external senses , and being wholly imploy'd about Religious matters may form to it self strange Images of extraordinary apparitions of God , and Angels ; of Voices , and Revelations ; which being forcibly imprest on the fancy , may beget a firm belief in the exstaticall person , that all these were divine manifestations , and discoveries ; and so he confidently thinks himself a Prophet , and an inspired Man , and vents all his conceits for Seraphick truths , and holy Mysteries : And by the vehemency of his affirmations , and the strange effects of his distemper , others are perswaded into the same vain opinion of him , that he hath of himself , to the great disparagement of Religion , and deception of the simple . This whole mystery of vanity , and delusion They lay'd open to the World , and shew'd , that all was but a natural disease , and far enough from being sacred , or supernatural : That very evil Men , and even the Heathen Priests have felt all those effects , and pretended to the same wonder●… and were as much inspired , and divinely acted , as those exstatical Dreamers : 5. And whereas those high flown Enthusiasts talk'd much of mysteries ; and the Sects , ( generally contending which should , out-do the other here ) made up their schemes of divinity of absurdities , and strange , unintelligible fancies ; and then counted their groundless belief of those wild freaks , a great sign and exercise of Faith , and spirituality ; The Divines ( of whom I am speaking ) imploy'd themselves worthily to detect this taking imposture also ; They gave the true senses in in which the Gospel is a mystery , viz. A secret , hid in the councils of God , and not discoverable by reason , or humane enquiries till he was pleased , in the fulness of time , to unfold it clearly , and explicitly by his Son , and by his Spirit , who revealed the mystery that had been hid from ages : That Religion may yet be call'd a mystery , as it is an Art that hath difficulty in the practice of it : And though all it 's main , necessary Articles are asserted so clearly , that they may be known by every sincere Inquirer , and in that respect have no darkness , or obscurity upon them ; Yet They asserted , that some of those propositions may be styled mysterious being inconceiveable as to the manner of them : Thus the Immaculate Conception of our Saviour , for instance , is very plain as to the thing , being reveal'd clearly , That it was ; Though unexplicable , and unreveal'd as to the mode , How : They said , That our Faith is not concern'd in the manner , which way this , or that is , except where it is expressly , and plainly taught in Scripture ; but that the belief of the simple Article is sufficient : So that we are not to puzzle our selves with contradictions , and knots of subtilty , and fancy , and then call them by the name of mysteries . That to affect these is dangerous vanity , and to believe them , is silliness , and credulity : That by , and on the occasion of such pretended mysteries , The simplicity of the Gospel hath been destroy'd , the minds of Men infatuated , sober Christians despis'd , the peace of the Church disturb'd , the honour of Religion expos'd , the practice of holiness and vertue neglected , and the World dispos'd to Infidelity , and Atheism it self . 6. And since the being Orthodox in Doctrine , and sound in their new conc●…ed Faith , was in those times a great matter , and one mark of Saint-ship ; as errour on the other hand was of unregeneracy , and Reprobation ; They shew'd , That bare knowledge of points of Doctrine was nothing worth , in comparison of Charity , Humility , and Meckness ; That it did not signify in the divine esteem without these , and such other concomitant Graces : That a man was never the better for being in the right opinion , if he were proud , contentious , and ungovernable with it : That ignorance , and mistake in lesser things when joyn'd with modesty , and submission to God , and our Governours , was much to be prefer'd before empty turbulent , and conceited Orthodoxy : That errors of judgment are truly infirmities , that will not be imputed , if there be no corrupt , and vicious mixture with them : That they are not hurt to him whom they do not seduce , and mislead ; nor do they make any alteration in our state : That God pardons them in us , and we ought to overlook and pass them by in one another . By such ways and representations as these They disabl'd the main works wherby the fond Ataxites concluded themselves to be the Godly ; and destroy'd the chief grounds on which they built their proudest pretences . So that their wings being clipt , they came down to the ordinary level with other mortals ; leaving the title of Godliness , and Saint-ship to be made out by quiet devotion , and self-government , by Meekness , and Charity , Justice , and Patience , Modesty , and Humility , Vniversal Obedience to Gods Commands , Reverence to Superiours , and Submission to Governours ; and not by the other fantastical , and cheap things , consisting but of imaginations , and phrases , and mystical nothings . ANd for as much as each Sect confin'd the Church , Saintship , and Godliness to it self , and entail'd the Promises , and Priviledges of the Gospel upon it's own People ; Therefore here They stood up , and reprov'd the Anti-christian pride and vanity of that cruel , and unjust humour ; Shewing , That the Church consists of all those that agree in the profession , and acknowledgment of the Scripture , and the first comprehensive , plain Creeds , however scatter'd through the World , and distinguish'd by names of Nations , and Parties , under various degrees of light , and divers particular models , and forms of Worship , as to circumstance , and order : That every lover of God , and of the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity , who lives according to the few , great acknowledg'd Doctrines , and Rules of a vertuous and holy life , is a true Christian , and will be happy ; though he be ignorant of many points that some reckon for Articles of Faith , and err in some , which others account sacred , and fundamental : By which Catholick principle , foundation is lay'd for universal Charity , and Union ; and would Christian men be perswaded to govern themselves according to it , all unnecessary Schisms , and Separations would be prevented , and those Hatreds , and Animosities cur'd , that arise from lesser disagreements . AGain , whereas as the Ataxites had made Religion a fantastick , and unintelligible thing , ( as I have told you ) and drest it up in an odd , mumming , and ridiculous disguise ; Those Divines labour'd much to reduce it to it 's native plainness , and simplicity ; purging it from sensless phrases , conceited mysteries , and unnecessary words of Art ; Laying down the genuine notions of Theology , and all things relating to Faith , or Practice , with all possible perspicuity , and plainness : By which means many scandals were remov'd , and vain disputes discredited , divisions stop'd , Religious practice promoted , and the peace of the Church at last establish'd . They told the Ataxites that though they talk'd much of closing with Christ , getting in to Christ , rolling upon Christ , relying upon Christ , and having an interest in Christ ; and made silly people believe that there was something of Divine Mystery , or extraordinary spirituality under the sound of these words ; That yet , in good earnest , either they understood not what they said , and mean'd nothing at all by them ; or else the sense of them was but believing Christ's Doctrines , obeying his Laws , and depending upon his Promises ; plain , and known things : They shew'd that all the other singular phrases , which they us'd , and which the people were so taken with , were either non-sense , and falsehood ; or but some very common , and ordinary matter at the bottom : That they had generally silly , and fantastick conceptions of Free Grace , Gospel-liberty , Saving knowledge , Pure Ordinances , The motions of the Spirit , Workings of Corruption , Powerful preaching , Liberty of Conscience , Illuminations , and Indwellings : That their Admirers generally talk'd those words by rote , without knowing the meaning of them ; and that the Teachers themselves understood them in a false and erroneous sense : That bating such words , and the talk of Outgoings , Incommings , Givings-in , Dawnings , Refinings , Withdrawings , and other Metaphors , there was nothing extraordinary in their whole Divinity , but the non-sense , and absurdities of it : Thus They declar'd freely against the Gibberish of that Age , and stated the right Notion of those points of Religion , which the others had so transformed , and abused . FUrther : Whereas the Sects kept up loud cryes against the Church of Bensalem , as guilty of Superstition , Will-worship , undue Impositions , and Persecution ; They took them to task here also and declar'd , That Superstition in the properest sense of it , imports , An over-timerous , and dreadful apprehension of God , which presents him as rigid , and apt to be angry on the one hand ; and as easie to be pleas'd with flattering devotions on the other ; so that Superstition works two wayes , viz. by begetting fears of things , in which there is no hurt ; and fondness of such , as have no good in them : on both which accounts they declar'd the Ataxites to be some of the most superstitious people in the World : They shew'd , That their dreadful notions of God , which represented him as one that by peremptory , unavoidable decrees had bound over the greatest part of men to everlasting Torments , without any consideration of their sin , only to shew the absoluteness of his power , over them ; I say , They declar'd that those black thoughts of Him , were the Fountain of numerous superstitions : That their causless fears of the innocent Rites , and usages of the Church of Bensalem , which were only matters of order , and decency , appointed by the Governours of the Church , and not pretending any thing , in particular , to divine Institution , was very gross , and silly superstition : That they were very superstitious in being afraid , and bogling at prescribed Forms of Prayer ; kneeling at the holy Sacrament , the Cross in Baptism , and the like becomming , and decent Institutions : That 't was Ignorance , and Superstition to fly off with such dread from a few injoyn'd Ceremonies , because ( forsooth ) they were symbolical , and significant ; That the Ceremonies that are not so , are vain , and impertinent : That the Ruling Powers may appoint such , for the visible instruction , and edification of the People , and for the more reverence , and solemnity of Worship : That the current principle among them , [ That Nothing is to be done in the Worship of God , but what is particularly commanded , and prescribed in Scripture ] is a foolish , groundless conceit , and the occasion of many Superstitions : That though this is always pretended , and said , yet it was never proved : That to observe the Church in such appointments , without any opinion of their antecedent necessity , is a due act of obedience to it ; But to fly from them as sinful , and Anti-christian , is great Superstition . These things they declar'd , and prov'd against the negative Superstitions of Taste not , Touch not , handle not : And They shew'd also , how justly chargeable the Ataxites were with many Positive ones ; in that they doated upon little , needless , foolish things , and lay'd a great stress of Religion upon them : That the keeping such stir about pretended Orthodox opinions , and the placing them in their Creeds , among the most sacred and fundamental Doctrines , was a dangerous and mischievous Superstition : That it was very superstitious to dignify private conceits , or uncertain tenents , with the style of Gospel-light , Gods Truths , precious Truths , and the like expressions of admiration , and fondness : That to intitle the Spirit of God to the effects of our imaginations , and the motions of natural passions , was Superstition ; and that so was the opinion of the necessity , and spirituality of suddain conceiv'd prayer : That there was much Superstition in their Idolizing their particular ways of Worship , and models of Discipline , as the pure Ordinances , and Christs Government , and Scripture Rules : And that in these , and many other respects they that talk'd so much against Superstition , were themselves most notoriously guilty of it . As to Will-worship They taught , ( after your most learned Hammondus ) That the Apostle in the only place where it is mention'd , Col. 2. doth not speak of it , in an evil sense ; But that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports a free , and unconstrain'd worship , which is the more acceptable for being so : That Sacrifices before the Law ; Free-will-offerings under it ; The feasts of Purim , and Dedication , Davids design of building the Temple ; the Austerities of the Rechabites ; and St. Paul's refusing hire , for his labour among the Corinthians , were of this sort . That men are not to be blamed for Will-worship , except they would impose it without Authority , as necessary . That when they thus teach for Doctrines their own Traditions , and grow so proud , and conceited with them , as to separate from the publick Communion , upon the fancy that they are more pure , and holy then others ; That this their Will-worship is sinful , and Pharisaical ; which was the case of the Ataxites , who therefore were Will-worshippers in the evil sense ; But the Anti-fanites shewed , that the pious Institutions of just Authority were no way lyable to any such imputation : That such might impose particular Circumstances , and Decencies , and that those Impositions were no way contrary to Gospel Liberty : That that was only Freedom from the Jewish yoke , from the bondage of sin , and power of Sathan : not Liberty from the Injunctions and Appointments of Civil , or Ecclesiastical Governours : That all , or the chief power of these , conconsisted in fixing , and appointing circumstances of order , and decorum , that were left undetermined , and not prescrib'd in Scripture : That if they may not do this , they are in a manner useless : That the Church of Bensalem impos'd nothing that was grievous , or prohibited : They minded the Ataxites that themselves were great Imposers , That they imposed Oaths ; and Ceremonies in that part of Religious Worship , a form of words , the lifting up of the hand ; and That they would have impos'd numerous , doubtful , and false opinions , to have been subscrib'd as a necessary Confession of Faith ; making thereby their own private tenents of equal moment , and certainty with the great fundamental Articles , which is proper imposing upon the Conscience : That they would not , by any means , allow Liberty of Conscience , when they were in power ; that this then was the great Abomination , and the most accursed thing in the world : That they persecuted the Bensalemites for their Consciences with wonderful inhumanity ; That when other power is taken from them , they are grievous persecutors with their Tongues , and are continually shooting the Arrows of bitter , scornful words against all that are of different judgment . Thus Those Divines disabled all the charges , and pretences of the Fanites ; and turn'd the points , and edge upon themselves . And they manag'd their Rebukes of these self-condemn'd men , with much judgment , and wit , without any thing of fierceness , or scurrility : They shew'd them the Immorality of their spirit , and it's contradictions , and antipathy to the genius , and temper of the Gospel ; and urged , That though they hated debauchery , and some gross Carnal sins , as the Pharisees did the Publicans , Yet they were given up to many other sorts of wickedness , to spiritual Pride , Malice , Envy , Avarice , Stubbornness , Disingenuity , and Disobedience : That they harbour'd , and kept warm these , under their pretences of Christs Righteousness , and their specious forms of Godliness : That though they were always confessing sin , in the general , with much seeming remorce , and trouble of spirit , yet they seldom , or never , made acknowledgements of these . That though they lov'd to hear the sins of Drunkenness , and Prophaneness vehemently declaim'd against ; Yet they could not endure to have these throughly detected , and reprov'd : That even their own Teachers durst not touch here , and that when others did it , though without naming parties or pointing out persons , they call'd it Railing and Persecution ; and made no other use of those just rebukes : That though they shew'd great seeming tenderness of Conscience in other smaller matters of Mint , Annise , and Cummin ; Yet they seldom appear'd sensible , or troubl'd at their transgressions in those greater matters of the Law. ANd because these people were always making complaints , and sad mo●…ns of their sins , without endeavouring to amend ; Those Divines represented to them , that such complaints were but forms , and a fashion that they followed : That sad looks , and whinings , were but a shew of Humility , and Repentance : That if they were sensible of their sins indeed , they would use the Grace of God to overcome them , till at last they arriv'd at victory ; and not still continue in a state of whimpering , and complaining : That these men cousened themselves into a false opinion of their penitence , and were perswaded , that this was enough without conquest , and true reformation of heart , and life , that their remaining sins were but infirmities , and the spots of Gods children , which were covered with Christs Righteousness , and not seen in the Elect : By which they deluded themselves into dangerous presumption , and security . These our Divines endeavour'd to destroy , and to pluck away the fig-leaves of all their false , and imperfect marks of Godliness ; and shew'd that their usual complaints , were but like the noise of Parrots , without an inward sence ; That when men were only sensible , and sorry , they were yet but under the Law , and a state of bondage : That the Gospel aims at Liberty , and Victory , and that we are but just entred , and are yet very imperfect , till we have attain'd some considerable measure of that : That the great mark of sincerity , is , to be proceeding , and going forwards , and towards the conquest of sinful habits and inclinations : That we are not to look on these , as failings , and infirmities , and so sit down contented with some tears , and customary confessions under the power of them : That Infirmities are but single acts , and such too as have not the will in them : That God hath afforded us sufficiency of means , and helps enough to subdue all the evils of our natures ; and that if we neglect to use those aids , and live at rest under any sinful appetites and passions , we are Hypocrites , and our boasted Faith , and spiritualities will signify nothing to us . HEre the Governour made a little stop , and then said ; I have run over these things as they offer'd themselves to my mind ; I might have set them in a better order , and have added many other particulars , but as to method , there is no great need of curiosity in it in such a relation : By the things I have told you , you may gather what was the Genius of those Divines in many others , which for brevity I omit . I said , that though one might collect the opinion of many matters more , by what he had been pleas'd to represent to me ; yet there were two things which I had a desire to be informed in further , viz. Their Notion of Free Grace ; and Justification by Faith. Their Doctrines about these , answer'd He , might in great part be gather'd from some of those principles I have mention'd ; but however I shall gratify you with a short account of them : For Free Grace , it was ever in the mouths of the Ataxites , and they seem'd to be transported , and ravish'd in the admiration of it : But their notion was very perverse , and false : For they made it an arbitrary kindness , bestow'd upon some very few persons , for no reason in the world ; Not for the sake of any vertue , or divine qualifications , but only for meer , uncountable will , and pleasure : And said , That God from this Free Grace ( as they call'd it ) chang'd the hearts of the Elect by an immediate , irresistible power ; and created Faith , and other Graces in them , in the same way of omnipotent operation . Against these dangerous conceits , they taught , That God loves Vertue , and Holiness , and is no fond Respecter of Persons : That those are the proper objects of his special kindness : That there was a general Grace which had appear'd unto all men , in the light of Reason , the Laws written upon our hearts , and common aids of the Spirit : That it's freedom , consisted in it's universal diffusion through the world without let , or impediment ; and in the spontaneity of it : This said he may seem somewhat a hard word ; but I have no plainer to express the fulness of my sense by ; and I never use a difficult term , when the thing can be spoke as well in one that is more easie and familiar . I answer'd , that I understood it very well , and that he meant that Gods Grace was willing , and unforc'd ; flowing from the benignity of his nature ; still communicating it self to all Subjects that were capable : You apprehend me right , continued the Governour , and thus he hath imparted himself to all Mankind : But then added He , There is a Grace , more special , that concerns Christians only , without us ; the declaration of the Gospel : and within us ; those divine vertues that are wrought by them , and therefore call'd Graces : He said , The Gospel perswadeth without force , and God works upon us by it , in a way proper , and sutable to reasonable Creatures , by our Reasons , and our Interests , by our Hopes , and our Fears : assisting all good desires , and endeavours by the operation of his holy Spirit . This , said he , acts as a General Cause , according to the dissposition of the Subject : our endeavours would be weak and fruitless without it ; And yet , It never works alone by meer omnipotence , without our endeavours : They operate in conjunction , as the Sun , and moysture of the earth , and seminal principles do in the production of Plants , and Flowers ; each cause doing what is proper to it : The Dictates of the Spirit are contain'd in the Gospel , and the Spirit enlightneth , and teacheth by that . And so he came to the great Doctrine of Justification by Faith : Here he call'd to my mind what he had related before concerning Faith , and the false notions of it among the Fanites : and then said , Justification is either taken for the making us just , or the dealing with us as if we were such : And that Faith is taken as a single Grace , viz. The belief of the Gospel ; or complexly , as it comprehends all the rest , viz. The whole body of Holiness . Having premis'd which necessary distinctions , He told me , That Faith in the single acception of it , was the great instrument of the Gospel , to make us just ; and so justified in the proper , Physical sense ; But that as it compriseth the other Graces , it justifies in the forensick , and less proper sense , viz. That God deals with the Faithful , namely those that are sincerely obedient to the Gospel , as if they had been strictly , and perfectly just , and had fulfill'd his Laws . By the help of which short , and plain state of the controversie , methought I saw clearly into the whole matter , and was free'd from many perplexities , and confusions in which I was wont to be involv'd . And being thus inform'd of the principles of those Divines in those chief heads of Doctrine , I had a curiosity to have an account of their mind , concerning the Form of Ecclesiastical Government , about which there had been so much stir in our European parts of Christendom , and therefore intreated him to represent their opinion to me in this subject : To which he answer'd me thus . The Antient Form of Church Government in this Island ever since the plantation of Christianity in it , hath been Episcopal : But of later years , it was very much hated , and opposed by the Ataxites , who set up new Modells ( every sect it 's own fancy ) as the only divine Government , and Discipline of Christ ; So that the Scriptures were rack'd , and every little word , and point forc'd , and many subtilties of interpretation suborn'd to declare for the beloved imagination : and then the whimsie was voted to be of divine right , and the only Scripture-Government ; and the advancing of it , made no less then the Interest of Gods Glory , and the promoting of Christs Kingdom . On the other side , the antient Government was decry'd as superstitious , Church Tyranny , Humane Invention , a limb of Antichrist to be extirpated root , and branch , by a thorow , Godly Reformation : In which design ( as I told you ) they succeeded to the subversion both of the Civil , and Ecclesiastical state : But when they had destroy'd , they knew not how to build ; for they could never agree upon the Platform to be erected in the room of that which they had subverted : For every Sect was for setting up it 's own frame ; and every one had a different Model from every other ; and each was confident , that it's Form was Christs Institution , and so by no means to be receded from , in the least point : The effects of which were endless Animosities , Hatreds , and Struglings against each other , and the greatest rage , and violence of them altogether , against the Church of Bensalem , and all Episcopal constitutions . Amidst these Bandyings , some Antifanatick Divines taught , That there was no reason to think , that any particular Model was prescrib'd in Scripture , so , as to be unalterable , and universal : That it was necessary there should be a Government in the Church ; That the Apostles had appointed General Officers , and General Rules , such as God's Glory , Edification , Decency , Order , avoidance of Offence , and the like ; but that it did not appear , they had determined the particular Circumstances , and Form : That there was no express command of them ; and that the plea of Apostolical example ( could it be made out ) would not hold for an universal Law to the Church in all ages , except where there was some intrinsick , necessary goodness in the things practised ; or some annext Precept to inforce it : That there was neither of these in the present case ; and therefore they urged , That the Form , and Circumstances of Government , was to be left to the Ruling Powers in the Church , to be order'd by them so as should seem best to suit with the General Rules , and Ends of Government . By the means of which Principles , Foundation was lay'd for Peace , and Obedience ; and that age was prepared for the reception of the old , Legal establish'd Government , when it should be restored . Concerning This those Divines taught , That it was of all the most venerable Form , and greatly to be rever'd for its Antiquity , Vniversality , and the Authority it had from Apostolical Practice , and our Fundamental Laws : That on these , and other accounts , it was infinitely to be prefer'd , and chosen , before any new-fangled Model , upon the score of which declarations , and discourses , in the Ataxites times , great complaint was made by them , among the foolish Zealots of their party , that the Vniversities , were over-run with a Prelatical spirit , than which , nothing was more odious in those days : But the prudent men took no notice of their clamours , but went on with the design of propagating such sober Principles , as tended to the healing of the Nation . When the publick Government of the Church was restor'd ; They most chearfully put themselves under it , and submitted to its Orders heartily , upon the belief of its being the most Primitive , Catholick , Prudent , Legal Government in the world . I Have now , said the Governour , past over the particulars , in which you desir'd to be inform'd ; much more might have been said of them , but I know your own thoughts will improve these suggestions , which are enough to give light to the main Notions . I returned him my humble acknowledgements for the care , and pains he had taken to satisfy , and inform me in these , and the other heads of those Mens Doctrines . To which he answer'd , That it was a great pleasure , and satisfaction to him if he had given me any content by his relation ; and then will'd me that if there were ought in the Theological part , that I had any query about , I would propose it freely : For , said he , we have a little time more to spare in talking of this first General , if you have any curiosity to be inform'd further of any thing belonging to it . I answer'd that he added to his favours by the liberty of Questioning , he was pleased to allow me , and that I had one thing more to desire a few words of , if he so pleas'd , which was , what Way of Preaching those Divines followed : This said He , I should have minded my self , and am very glad you remember me of it ! You must know then , continued He , That there was not a greater diversity in any thing in Bensalem in the Age of which I now speak , than in the Modes of Preaching ; of which amongst other evils , this was one , and not the least , That the people distasted , and contemn'd all the Doctrines , and Instructions that were not deliver'd after their own fashion , though otherwise never so seasonable , and wholesome ; and inordinately admiring their own men , who spoke in the Phrase , and Mode that they fancied , they vilified , and despis'd those others , that us'd another method , though it were never so solid , edifying , and useful . And indeed , things were come to that pass in Bensalem , that there was scarce any other use made of Preaching , but to pass judgments upon the Preacher , and the Sermon ; which was not only undertaken by the people of Age , and Experience : or by those only of better education and more advanc'd knowledge ; But every Age , and every condition , was thought fit to judge here , every Youth , and Ignorant ; every Rustick , and Mechanick would pass absolute , and definitive sentence in this matter . Accordingly the most empty , and fantastical Preachers were generally the most popular : And those that dealt most in jingles , and chiming of words , in Metaphors , and vulgar similitudes , in Fanatick Phrases , and Fanciful schemes of speech , set off by pleasing smiles , and melting Tones , by loudness and vehemency ; These were sure to be the taking , precious men , though their discourses were never so trifling , and ridiculous . But the Divines , whom I describe , were no admirers of this ill-gotten , and ill-grounded Fame : They had no ambition to be cry'd up by the common Herd , nor any design to court their applauses : They car'd not for their favour , or kind thoughts further , than those afforded advantage and opportunity for the doing of them good . This they consider'd as the end of their Ministry , and this they made the Rule and Measure of their Preaching ; which I shall describe to you under these following Characters . 1. It was Plain both in opposition to , First , Obscurity , and Secondly , Affectation . First , They preach'd no dark or obscure notions ; For though their thoughts were conversant about the deepest Theories , both in Philosophy , and Religion , yet they knew , that such were not fit for Pulpits , or common hearers They had no design to make themselves admir'd by soaring into the Clouds : Their great aim was the edification , and instruction of those to whom they spoke ; and therefore they were so far from preaching the heights of speculation , That they usually avoided ( as much as they could ) all the Controversies of Religion , in which the Essentials of Faith , and Practice were not concern'd . And when either of these call'd for discourse of Doctrinal matters , their great care was to be understood . For secondly , They did not involve their discourses in needless words of Art , or subtile distinctions ; but spoke in the plainest , and most intelligible Terms : and distinguish'd things in the most easie and familiar manner that the matter of discourse would bear . They took this for an establish'd Rule , That unwonted words were never to be us'd , either in Pulpits , or elsewhere , when common ones would as fitly represent their meaning : and they always chose such , as the custom of speaking had rendred familiar in the Subjects on which they spoke , when those were proper , and expressive . And though many sorts of thoughts , and Subjects cannot be made obvious to the meer vulgar ; yet they endeavour'd to render such as were out of the common road of thinking , clear , and plain to those that are capable of the matters they were to express . Thirdly , They did not trouble their hearers with pretended Mysteries : They led them not into the dark places of Daniel , and the Revelations : nor fed them thence with their own imaginations under pretence of secret , and hidden Truths : No , they taught them from the plain Texts , and Doctrines of the Holy Writings : and gave them the sincere milk of the Word without any mixture of elaborate fancies , or mystical vanities . Fourthly , They slighted , and avoided all canting Fanatick Phrases , which were so much the Mode of those times . For They saw , they did but please with their sound , without conveying any sense into the minds of those that were so much delighted with them . So that the pretended plain preaching of those days , was really not at all understood ; nor as much as intelligible . Therefore instead of such phrases , They us'd the most proper , and natural expressions , and such as most easily opened the mind to the things they taught . I do but slightly mention these particulars here , said the Governour , because I have spoken of them before in my larger accounts of these men : And so he went to the second thing mentioned , viz. ( 1. ) The plainness of their preaching , in opposition to Affectation . Now the usual affectations of Preachers , said he , relate either to Learning , Wit , or Zeal ; from all which They were very free . For first , They affected not to ostentate Learning , by high-flown expressions , or ends of Greek , and Latine : They did not stuff their Sermons with numerous , needless Quotations ; or flourish them with the names of great Authors : ways to be admired by the Vulgar , and despised by the Wise : No , their Learning was not shewn in such cheap trifles as these , but it abundantly appear'd to the intelligent , by the judgement and strength , the reason , and clearness with which they spoke . Secondly , They despis'd the small essays of appearing witty in their Sermons : They us'd no jingling of words , nor inventions of sentences , no odd fetches of observation , or niceness in labour'd periods : They affected no gayness of metaphors , or prettiness of similitudes : no tricks to be plaid with the words of their Texts ; or any other of the conceited sorts of fooling : but spoke with seriousness , and gravity , as became the Oracles of God ; and shew'd their wit in the smartness , and edge of the things they deliver'd , without vanity , or trifling . Thirdly , They did not put on fantastical shews , and appearances of affected zeal : They us'd no set Tones , or clamorous noise ; no violent , or Apish actions : They spoke with a well-govern'd affectionateness , and concerment ; and such as shew'd they were in earnest : and very sensible of the weight of the affairs they were about : But without any thing of indecency , or extravagance . And now , said He , after what I have mention'd under this first Head , I may spare my pains of speaking much under the rest that follow ; and therefore I shall be brief on them . ( II. ) Those Divines were methodical in their preaching : not that they were nice , in running their Texts into all the minute divisions of words ; or formal in tying themselves just to one order on all Subjects : But they divided their matter into the substantial parts of Discourse ; or resolv'd it into some main Proposition ; and so treated of their subject in the method that was natural to it , and most beneficial for the people they were to instruct : They went not on in a cryptick undiscover'd order on the one hand , nor did they spin out their matter into numerous , coincident particulars on the other : But made their Method very easie , and obvious , and their Heads few , and very distinct ; which is helpful both to the understandings , and memories of the hearers . ( III. ) Their preaching was Practical : For though they taught all the great substantial principles of Religion ; yet still they directed them to Practice , and laid the main stress on that . According to the saying of our Blessed Lord , If ye know these things , blessed are ye if ye do them . They taught the true , practical Divinity , without whimsies , and Romantick strains ; and laid down the Rules of Life that are practicable , and such as sort with the plain Precepts of the Gospel , and the condition , and possibilities of humane nature : They spoke here , as those that understood the passions , appetites , and ways of men ; and the course that was to be taken , to set them in right order : They did not talk by roat out of Books , or Enthusiastick experiences ; They did not direct by Metaphors , and Phrases , and unpracticable fancies : But laid down the true , sober , rational , experimental method of action . ( IV. ) Their way was earnest and affectionate : They were not cold , or trifling , in matters of such vast consequence : They did not invite with indifference ; or reprove with softness ; or direct with negligence and unconcernment : But did all these , with a zeal , and warmth sutable to such weighty occasions . But then , They endeavour'd to excite mens affections , not by their senses , and imaginations only ; not , as I said before , by meer empty noise , and Tones , and Gestures , and Phrases , and passionate out-crys ; but by the weight of their sense , and the reason of their perswasions , endeavouring by the understandings , to gain the affections ; and so to work on the will , and resolutions . Such was Their way of Preaching , on which I might have much enlarg'd , but I give you only the brief Heads . Here I ask'd him , what entertainment this their preaching met with in Bensalem ? He answer'd , That for a long time it was but coldly receiv'd by the people , whose imaginations , and humours us'd to be fed upon Allusions , and Phrases , and Metaphors , and Opinions : And therefore , they hated sound Doctrine , and distasted the sincere Word : Their pallates were so vitiated by the fantastical food , to which they had been us'd , that the substantial and wholesome dyet would not down with them : So that those Divines were not at all popular at first , but the People generally ran after the affected , fanciful men , who entertain'd their itching Ears with jingles , and mysteries , and new nothings . And after that many of These Teachers had forsaken the publick places of Worship , and in opposition to the Authority of the Church , and Edicts of State , betook themselves to holes and private corners , The bewitch'd multitude followed them into those places ; Their zeal , and admiration of their own Men being increased , and heightned by the prohibition , and restraint that was upon them : For they doted on the fancies They taught ; and could not endure sound sense : But the Judicious of all sorts , entertain'd , and relish'd the sober , unaffected preaching of the Anti-fanaticks ; And at length also , by time , and their approbation , and example , most of the well-meaning , mis-led people were recover'd back to the Church of Bensalem , and brought to a relish and liking of the plain way of Instruction . And now said He , I have done with what concerns the Theological Genius , and Principles of the men I undertook to describe , 'T is too late for us at present to enter upon their way of Philosophy and Learning : of this I have given some short hints , but I intend you a larger account at our next meeting ; and if you are not tyred already with my discourse , that shall be to morrow in the afternoon , which I hope I shall have at liberty : If you will come hither at that time , you will find me ready to acquaiut you with what is further considerable in the Story of those Men. I thank'd him , with a profound reverence for the satisfaction and pleasure he had afforded me already in his Relation ; and for that further entertainment he was pleas'd to design for me ; saying , that I never counted time better spent than that , which I had the honour to pass in his Instructive Conversation , and on Subjects of such delight , and importance . And so I took my leave for that night , and was conducted back by the same Messenger to my Lodgings . I Went the next day , at the appointed time , and found the Governour in the same room . After some Reflections on his past Relation , and a few common matters of Discourse ( which I need not remember ) He told me , He would acquaint me now with some things relating to the Opinion , and Genius of the same Men , in several sorts of Learning : of this , said He , you heard somewhat in the beginning , which will shorten this Account : I answer'd , that I did well remember what was told me of their universal way of study , and converse with the best Authors , both Antient , and Modern . I therefore shall omit further discourse of that , said He , and tell you their Opinion ( as far as I apprehend it ) of the several chief parts of Philosophy , and Learning . I begin with LOGICK : As to this , They oppos'd not the usual Systems of the Schools , as they were Exercises , and Institutions for Youth : But They did not like the formal Syllogistical way among maturer Reasoner●… They many of them more approv'd of the Logick of Plato , which teacheth first to explain the Terms of the Question , and then to proceed by orderly Gradations from one proposition to another , till we come to the thing we would prove . A method of Reasoning more quick , and close , and much less subject to fallacies , and wandrings , than the way o●… Syllogism . And to move the propositions from whence a man would infer his conclusion , in the modest , Socratical way of Question ; In my judgment , is a very good , and advantageous method . For in this , the occasions of passion which are ministred by positive assertions , are taken away , and the Arguer is ingaged no further , then he thinks fit . He may break off when he pleaseth , without prejudice to his credit , which he hath not ingag'd , by undertaking Dogmatical proof of any thing : And so disputes may be brought to a short , and fair issue ; and extravagant heats may be avoided : for the Arguer may keep himself uningaged , and so see more clearly how to apply his force , and restrain the discourse within the bounds of the subject : whereas in the positive way of disputing by Syllogism , there are these contrary disadvantages : Our Reasons are led a great way about ; Mens minds are concern'd for the credit of their assertions , which they positively undertake to prove ; Ambiguous and Aequivocal Terms steal-in , and insensibly mislead the Reasoners ; or distinctions are applyed , which mislead them more ; The Disputer takes up one end , and runs away hastily in an opposition of it , perhaps without clearly understanding what it means , and without observing how this new pursuit works him off from the main business ; He goes on still , and is still turn'd out of his way more , and more , by him that he opposeth : For if he seek occasion to evade the force of the Argument , he may do it well , and salve his credit to , and the deceit shall not easily be perceiv'd . In like manner the opponent for his part , may by Syllogism draw his answerer , though a wary person , almost whether he pleaseth , and impose upon him by Terms , and fallacious Contexture of words , although he be one that understands consequence well , in plain reasoning : And so in this way , men may talk endlessly , but come to no result ; and when they are weary of rambling , they may sit down , if they please , but be it when , and where they will , they know not how they came thither , nor what is become of the Question at first debated . This is the usual issue of all Syllogistical disputes ; But in the Platonical , and Socratical method , these extravagancies may easily be avoided : which therefore I think to be the better way for men , that would find truth , and inform one another : But for the Youth that would try their wits , and appear subtile in arguing , Syllogisms may be proper for their purposes . For PHYSIOLOGY ; They did not sit down in any System , or Body of Principles , as certain and establish'd : They consider'd the incomprehensible wisdom that is in the works of God ; the difficulties that occur in the seeming plainest things ; the scantness , of our largest knowledge , and shallowness of our deepest enquiries ; of which I spoke before : and therefore gave but timerous assent to any notions in Natural Philosophy : They held no infallible Theory here : Nor would they allow any speculations , or accounts of Nature to be more then Hypothesis , and probable conjecture : And these they taught were not to be rais'd from abstracted notions , and the unassisted operations of the mind , but to be collected leasurely from a careful observation of particulars : So that they thought , with much reason , that the best Foundation for Natural Philosophy would be a good History of Nature : This they saw to be very defective in their Time , and that while it remain'd in that imperfection , the knowledge of Nature , and the use of it , would be very scanty , and inconsiderable : But that from its inlargement , more , and surer Light might be expected , and the uses of Life , and Empire of man over the Creatures , might be greatly promoted , and advanc'd . For These ends the Foundation of Solomon's House , about that time , was lai'd ; and This divers of them thought the best design that ever was for increasing Natural Knowledge , and the advantages of Humane Life , and infinitely beyond all the disputing , notional ways , from which nothing could arise , but dispute , and notion : They consider'd this method of joint endeavours , in such a royal , and noble Assembly , about the Phoenomena , and effects of Nature , to be the way to make Philosophy operative , and useful : To take it off from spending it's strength in forming vain Ideas of fancy , and wrangling endlesly about Chimaeras ; and to make an Instrument of Action , and profitable works . But notwithstanding this , They did not wholly slight General Hypotheses , and Philosophical conjectures : No , They enquir'd into all the considerable speculations , that are extant , both Antient , and Modern ; though they addicted not themselves to any of the Sects of Philosophers : They rejected no probable Opinion with contempt ; nor entertain'd any , with fondness : They doated on none , because they were Antient ; nor did they contemn any , because they were new : But receiv'd the likelyhoods of Truth , and Knowledge of any date , from any hand , or in any dress . Here I ask'd , whether these men were not enemies to Ari-stotle , and his Philosophy ? He answer'd , That They gave that respect to Aristotle , that was due to his antiquity , parts , and reputation in the World : That they read his Books , and thought as well of him , as of some others of the Philosophers : That they gladly receiv'd any of the Truths , or Probabilities , that he taught : But then , That they did not make his Authority absolute ; or slavishly submit their judgments to all his Dictates ; They did not reckon him infallible in Philosophy ; no nor yet free from many actual , great mistakes : They did not prefer his judgment before all the elder Philosophers , or those of his own time ; Nor did they think he was without Equal , or Superiors , both in Knowledge , and Vertue : They had not that partial , unjust fondness for him , that the Moores , and Monks , and some other vain men had , to the prejudice , and disvalue of the Philosophers , that were before Him , from whom he took most of his Notions . He said , That the Philosophy taught in some common Schools , for Aristotle's , was a depravation , and corruption of it : That it was but Monkery , and Moorish Ignorance formed into idle , and unintelligible whimsies . That the main Principles , Foundation , and Soul of that Philosophy , Their first matter , Substantial Forms , and Qualities , were meer Imaginations , that had no ground either from Sense , or Reason : That they were utterly unaccountable in themselves ; and served no purpose of Knowledge or Life : But rendred all the Philosophy that was built on them fantastical , and useless . On the other side he said , That the Corpuscular Philosophy was the eldest , and most accountable Doctrine : That it was as antient as Natural Philosophy it self : That it was applicable to the Phoenomena of Nature , and that it was very easie , and intelligible : This Theory , added he , those Philosophers preferred much to the other of Qualities and Forms , which in comparison is novel . They examined the Philosophy of your Gassendus , which restor'd , and amplified the Atomical Doctrine : And enquired into the Hypotheses of that other great man of your World , Renatus Descartes ; Both whose works had been brought hither , by our Missionaries . This làtter they consider'd , and studied much , and in him they found a prodigious wit , and clear thoughts , and a wonderfully ingenious Fabrick of Philosophy , which they thought to be the neatest Mechanical System of things that had appear'd in the World ; However , they adhered not to it , as the certain Account of Nature ; nor yielded their assent as to positive , and establish'd Truth ; But entertain'd what they thought probable , and freely dissented in other matters . Yea some of them , who thought highly of his Mechanical wit , and believ'd he had carried matter and motion as far they could go ; declar'd earnestly against the compleatness , and perfection of his Hypotheses ; and learnedly shew'd , That the Mechanical Principles alone would not salve the Phoenomena ; and that his accounts though they were pretty , and ingenious , were yet short , defective , and unsatisfying ; and in some things not very agreeing , and consistent . These judg'd that nothing could be done in Physiology without admitting the Platonical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Spirit of Nature ; and so would have the Mechanical Principles aided by the Vital : But in these matters , others of them had different thoughts ; though all agreed in the modesty , and freedom of judgment and discourse . As to MORAL PHILOSOPHY , They did by no means approve of the Contentious , Disputing Ethicks , that turn'd that useful knowledge , into Systems of unprofitable niceties , and notions ; and made it ( as Cicero speaks ) to be rather Ostentatio Scientiae , then Lex Vitae : But they founded theirs , upon the excellent knowledge of Humane Nature and Passions : Into these they inquir'd much , and observ'd the various inclinations , and workings of the Humours , and Appetites of Men ; especially they studied themselves , and entred into the recesses of their own souls : Nor did they stop here , but formed their knowledge , and observations into solid Rules of Life , for the commanding of their passions , and bounding their desires , and governing themselves , by the Laws of Vertue and Prudence . Such were their Ethicks ; and their Tempers , and Practices were suitable . For though they were men of rais'd understandings , and great learning ; Yet were they not , in the least , haughty , or conceited ; but their behaviour was generally most sweet , and obliging : They cared for no mans wit , that wanted goodness ; and despis'd no mans weakness , that had it : They hated the humour of those learned men , who were stately , and imposing ; and dislik'd nothing more then Ill-nature : whatever their own was by Birth and Temper , their care was to make it sweet , by Discipline and Usage ; and so , exercis'd their Moral Pinciples , and Rules upon themselves : They were no admirers of Popularity , but pitied those that were at pains for Air and noise : They followed a sober , vertuous course , without flanting shews , and pretensions ; and liv'd in an innocent , even cheerfulness , without rapture , on the one hand , or dejection , on the other : They were free in their Conversations , and not superstitiously scrupulous about things that are harmless and indifferent . But , said the Governour ; I consider , I need not insist thus on the description of their Moral Temper of Spirit ; It may be collected in these , and many other particulars , from what hath been said before : And therefore I now pass immediately to their METAPHYSICKS , About which , I must first tell you , That they had no opinion of those of the Peripatetick Schools , which consisted of Logical niceties , and empty notions , that sophisticated mens reasons , and inclin'd them to hover in abstracted generals , and to rest in meer Terms of Art ; to the neglect of the more material ratiotinations : Such Metaphysicks were in use at that time in the Vniversities of Bensalem ; and therefore out of respect to the Statutes of those Seats of Learning , They did not professedly endeavour to expose those studies : No , They were against rude and violent Innovations ; But yet as they had opportunity , they prudently advis'd such Youth as they knew , to take care that they did not dwell on those Aery Notions ; or reckon of them , as any part of that standing Knowledge , which they were to use , through the course of their future lives : They allowed them for exercise , but caution'd against the reception of them , as Principles of Truth , and Science . Here I ask'd , whether Those men were against all Metaphysicks ? or what sort they allowed ? He made answer ; That They were not against all . But that 1. Some of them counted , The explication of General Terms , and notions of things to appertain to Metaphysicks ; and this they reckon'd to be most necessary , and useful for the avoiding confusions , and mistakes in reasoning : So that they never entred into any Controversie , or Enquiry , without stripping the words , and notions , they were to treat of , from all fantastry , and borrowed senses , and fixing them in their natural , and genuine acception : Knowing , that most disputes and errours in reasoning arise from mistakes of simple Terms . 2. But then others of Them , who as highly esteem'd of this course , judg'd it to belong to Logick , and that it was not to be brought under this science , the only object of which , They made the Spiritual , and Immaterial World : And in this sort of Metaphysicks , the Science of Spirits , they were not all of one Opinion ; For some were for the Doctrine of Plato , making Sprita , extended , penetrable , indiscerpible , self-motive substances : Whereas others thought with Descartes , that extention , motion , and the like Attributes , belong'd only to Bodies , and had nothing to do with Spirits , which could be defin'd by nothing , but Thinking , and the Modes of it . But this difference in Opinion produc'd no rudeness , or heats of opposition , only it gave exercise some times , to their wits , in their private Philosophical entertainments . As for the Doctrine of the common Schools of Tota in Toto — Both sides esteem'd it contradictious , and vain : And knew , that this was one great occasion of the Sadducism , and disbelief of Spiritual Beings , which was so much the Mode of that age . I said , That I had heard something of both these Doctrines ; And that each of them seem'd to me , to contain opinions that were very strange ; adding , that I desir'd to know , whether those Gentlemen entertain'd the conceits , that the old Platonists , and our Cartesians did , in their Hypotheses ? He ask'd me what notions I meant ; I answer'd , That the Platonists held , There was an Anima Mundi ; and the Praeexistence of particular Souls , things seemingly very uncouth , and absurd . And the Cartesians , on the other side , taught , That all things were Mechanical , but Humane thoughts , and operations ; and that the Beasts were but meer Automata , and insensible machins ; which , said I ; seem very odd , and ridiculous fancies . As to these Opinions replyed he , They had different thoughts , as other Philosophers have ; Some of them supposing that the Platonical Opinions are very fit to be admitted , to give assistance to the Mechanical Principles ; which they think very defective of themselves . And Others judging , That the Cartesian Hypotheses are probable , and Mechanism sufficient to account for the Phoenomena ; and that there is no need of introducing so hopeless , and obscure a Principle , as the Soul of the World. In the Matters , and Mysteries of Providence , They also take several ways of Opinion : But then , the dissenters to either judgment , do not condemn the opposite , as ridiculous , and absurd : Knowing , That there is a great appearance of truth in the contrary Doctrine ; and no certainty in that , which they approve most . As to the Opinion of Praeexistence of souls : It hath said He , been the Doctrine of many of the wisest men of eldest times , both Gentiles , Jews , and Christians , and the almost general belief of the old Eastern World : It contains no opposition to any Article of Faith , and some believe , It will give a very plausible , and fair solution of the main , and most difficult things in Providence : On which accounts it should not , I think , be rashly , condemn'd as absurd ; but may very well deserve to be heard , and is very worthy to be examin'd : Though , added He , I affirm nothing positively of it ; And I suppose many of the persons I describe , were dispos'd to like thoughts with these , in reference to that Hypothesis . I pray'd him to acquaint me with their Opinion of the MATHEMATICKS ? He Answered , That They were great valuers of those Sciences ; which they accounted excellent preparatives , and helps to all sorts of Knowledge , and very serviceable particularly in this , That they us'd the mind to a close way of reasoning , and were a good Antidote against the confus'd , and wandring humour of Disputers : For which reason , Some of them thought , it would be very well , If they were us'd as the first Institutions of the Academick Youth ; judging , that these Sciences would exercise the wit , as much , as the usual Logicks , at least ; and beget a much better habit in the mind , then those contentious studies . Besides This , said He , I cannot at present think of any thing more , considerable , concerning their inclinations , in meer Humane Knowledge : But as to their way of Learning , as Divines , something may be added , And with Relation to this I may say , 1. That they are not much taken with the School-men , but rather think , That those subtile , and Angelical Doctors have done Religion no small disservice , by the numerous disputes , niceties , and distinctions they have rais'd , about things , otherwise plain enough : By which , The natural , and genuine conceptions of mens minds are perverted , and the clear light of Reason , and Truth intercepted , and obscur'd : And they judg'd , There was less cause in the latter ages to reckon of School-Divinity , since the Peripatetick Philosophy , on which it was grounded , grew every where into discredit : So that they thought it not safe , to have Religion concern'd , in that , which did not truly help it ; and which was not now able to help it self . 2. They did not admire many of the Commentators , and Expositors of the Scripture : For though they praised those Industrious Men for their Zeal , and Devotion to the holy Writings : Yet they did not think much due to divers of their performances . For a considering Man could not but observe , how they kept voluminous stir about the plain Places , which they never left , till they had made Obscure ; while they let the difficult ones pass without notice . Besides which , the manifold Impertinencies , Phancies , Disputes , Contradictions to one another , and the Scriptures , which were observable among those Writers , rendred divers of them of mean account in the Judgment of those Men. However they had a just esteem of many of the Critical Interpreters , and particularly of those famous Lights of your end the World , well known to us also , Grotius , and Hammondus , whose learned works and expositions they beheld with great respect , and veneration . ( 3. ) As for the ANTIENT FATHERS ; They valued those greatly of the first 300 , yea 500 years , who lived before Christianity was so much mingled with Opinions , and corrupted by disputes ; and the various devices of Men : Their works they reverenced , because there was much holiness , in those venerable persons , and much simplicity in their writings , and among others , there are two particular reasons , why they had those sages in so much esteem . ( 1. ) Because the Controversies they handle , are mostly such , as Concern the main things of Religion , in opposition to the Jews , Heathens , and some gross Hereticks , who undermined the Foundations of Faith , and Life : These were undertakings worthy the zeal , and pains of those holy Ancients ; who did not multiply unnecessary quarrels , and occasions of dispute ; or make speculative opinions Articles of Faith , and fundamentals of Religion , and presently denounce thick Anathema's against all , that differed from them in lesser matters ; But they stuck firmly to the few , plain things , and placed their Religion principally in a holy Life , and lived in Charity , and Love , and frequent communion : Those days , and those Men the Antifanites celebrated much , and prayed , and endeavour'd for the Restauration of Christianity to that Primitive Temper : ( 2. ) They reverenc'd those Fathers , because living nearer the times of the Apostles , they had more advantages to know their Doctrines , and Government , and Usages , than the ages at a greater remove have : on which Accounts , They attend more to their practises and opinions , then to those of succeeding times , when pride , ambition , covetousness , and disputes had lead Men aside into the various ways of phancy , and faction : These then they accounted excellent witnesses of Christianity , and our best Interpreters of it's Dectrines , and Constitutions ; though they did not make them Judges in affairs of Faith , and Religion , or reckon all to be infallible , that they did , or said . Thus were they dispos'd towards the first Fathers . For Those of the following ages They esteem'd their piety , and zeal ; and praised God for the good they did in their Generations ; and gave all due acknowledgments to their pious endeavours ; and were ready to imbrace their instructions in the ways of Godliness , and Vertue ; and willing to receive the evidence of any truth from them : But They did not equal them in their estimation with the Elder Fathers , nor superstitiously doat on all their sayings ; nor take them for the best Guides in all the Doctrines of Religion . For those Fathers lived in the disputing ages , when pride , and interest and prevailing faction had espoused opinions , as essentials of Faith , and made Men quarrel , and divide , and break the peace of the Church , of the World , for Trifles ; They much differ'd from one another ; and some of them , at times , from themselves ; and many of them , in some things , from Scripture , and Reason , and more primitive Antiquity : They disputed often with much eagerness ; and were very angry with each other about things of no great moment ; and vented unseemly passions , and were too often very impatient of Contradiction , and different judgment . They , some of them spoke hastily , and determined too soon in a heat , against one kind of opposites ; and then , forgot at another time , and affirm'd the quite contrary , against an other sort of Adversaries : They made too much of their opinions , and were many times too severe to harmless dissenters . These , and divers more such , were the weaknesses of many , of those Reverend Men : which I do not mention , said He , to detract from their worth in other things , or to lessen their just honour and valuation : but to shew you some of the things , which , 't is like , were the reasons , why those Divines did not esteem of the latter , as they did of the most ancient Fathers . These , and such like , I say , I judg might be the reasons : But They themselves were very cautious in saying any thing that might look like detractions , or disesteem of those venerable Persons : They contented themselves to omit poring on such of them , as They thought there might be less cause to admire , or less need to study ; without discovering their nakedness , and imperfections ; or discouraging others from following their inclinations to converse with them . Yea , they neglected not to read them themselves , as they had time , and occasion : But then , they read them not with design to gather fine sentences to adorn their discourses , nor to gain Authorities in speculative matters , to confirm their opinions : But to improve their reasons , to get direction from their pio●…s councils , and to inform themselves of the Genius , Principles , and Customes of the Times , in which they successively lived : That they might not be imposed on by the pretenders to Antiquity , who endeavour'd to gain pretence to their Innovations , by pretence of ancient 〈◊〉 : And this is enough of their Inclinations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I have now , said : He , 〈◊〉 a word to speak m●… , under this Head , and that shall be briefly ; ( 4. ) About their opinion of the Rabinical Learning : Among the Authors of this sort , diverse of them were very conversant : not out of any great esteem of the Men , or their Learning ; but from a desire to acquaint themselves by Them , with the Doctrines , Terms of speech , and Customes of the Jews , in order to their better understanding of the Scriptures , and the defence of Christianity , against those enemies of the Cross. On these accounts , they 〈…〉 Writers , notwithstanding the 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 , with which their Books were loaded , to be very useful for a Divine , and like to be of more behoof to him , than all the tedious volumes of the Schoolmen : And some thought , it would not be amiss , if the Rabbins succeeded in those places , which those other Doctors , were leaving vacant . And now , said He , I have also given you a Taste of the Genius , and Humour of those Divines in some chief parts of Learning : And though I have mentioned only some particular sorts , yet I do not thereby exclude them from their share in the Languages , History , and other kinds of knowledg ; which I have omitted in this account , only , because their sence of them , for the most part , was common with the judgment , and opinion of other learned Men. I have represented to you their Genius and endeavours , not with design ( as I intimated before ) to exalt , and magnifie them above the other Divines of Bensalem , but to shew how the Providence of God over-rul'd those evil times , in which those Men were bred , and to raise a good and generous Spirit amid the extravagances of an unhappy age : and I have thus particularly described their Principles , and Practices , not to exclude other worthy , and Reverend Men ( with which , thanks be to God , this Church abounds ) from the share of acknowments that are due to their pious , and excellent Labours , but because those Persons are better known to me , than any others of our Clergy . At this Period of his discourse , a Servant came in , and with low reverence , acquainted the Governor that some Persons of quality were come to speak with him . Upon which , he rising up , told me , He was sorry for this interruption , but hoped ere long , to have the freedom of another opportunity of Conversing with me . FINIS . Books Published by Mr. Joseph Glanvill . THe Way of Happiness represented in it's Difficulties , and Encouragements ; and freed from many popular , and dangerous mistakes . Catholick Charity , recommended in a Sermon before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London . A Fast Sermon on the Kings Martyrdom . Lux Orientalis , being a modest Philosophical Enquiry into the Doctrine of Pra-existence . A Prefatory Answer to Mr. Henry Stubbs . A Further Account of Mr. Stubbs . A Letter concerning Aristotle . An Apology for some of the Clergy who suffer under false , and scandalous Reports , on the occasion of the Rehearsal Transprised . An Earnest Invitation to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper . Seasonable Reflections and Discourses , in order to the cure of the Scoffing and Infidelity of a degenerate Age. ESSAYS , Philosophical , and Theological . Books Printed for , and Sold by Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Pauls Church-Yard , and at the White Hart in Westminster-Hall . A Rational Account of the Grounds of Protestant Religion ; being a Vindication of the Lord-Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Relation of a Conference , &c. from the pretended Answer of T. C. folio . Sermons preached upon several occasions , with a Discourse annexed concerning the true Reasons of the Suffering of Christ , wherein Crellius's Answer to Grotius is considered . fol. Irenicum : A Weapon-Slave for the Churches wounds : In quarto . Origines Sacra ; or a Rational Account of the Grounds of Christian Faith , as to the Truth and Divine Authority of the Scriptures , and the matters therein contained , quarto . A Discourse concerning the Idolatry practised in the Church of Rome , and the hazard of Salvation in the Communion of it , in Answer to some Papers of a Revolted Protestant , wherein a particular account is given of the Phanaticisms and Divisions of that Church , Octavo . An Answer to several late Treatises occasioned by a Book entituled , A Discourse concerning the Idolatry practised in the Church of Rome , and the hazard of Salvation in the communion of it , the first Part , Octavo . A second Discourse in vindication of the Protestant Grounds of Faith , against the pretence of Infallibility in the Roman Church , in Answer to the Guide in Controversie , by R. H. Protestancy without Principles , and Reason and Religion ; or the certain Rule of Faith , by E. W. with a particular enquiry into the Miracles of the Roman Church , Octavo . An Answer to Mr. Cresy's Epistle Apologetical to a Person of Honour , touching his Vindication of Dr. Stillingfleet , Octavo . All written by Edw. Stillingfleet , D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty . The Rule of Faith , or an Answer to the Treatise of Mr. J. S. entituled Sure-Footing , &c. by John Ti●…lotson , D. D. Preacher to the Honourable Society of Lincolns-Inn . To which is adjoyned a Reply to Mr. J. S. his third Appendix , &c. by Edw. Stillingfleet , D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty . Knowledge and Practice : Or a plain Discourse of the chief things necessary to be known , believed and practiced in order to Salvation : By. S. Cradock , Quarto ; a Book very useful for Families . The Remains of Sir Walter Rawleigh , in Twelves . A Discourse of War and Peace , by Sir Robert Cotton , in Octavo . The Moral Philosophy of the Stoicks , in Octavo . Hodders Arithmetick , Twelves . The Triumphs of Rome over despised Protestancy , Octavo . The Original of Romances , Octavo . The Advice of Charles the Fifth , Emperor of Germany and King of Spain , to his Son Philip the Second , upon resignation of his Crown to his said Son , Twelves . Observations upon Military and Political affairs , by the Right Honourable George Duke of Albemarle , Folio , Published by Authority . A Fathers Testament : by Phineahs Fletcher , in Octavo . A Sermon preached before the King , January 30. 1675. by Greoge S●…radling , D. D. Dean of Chichester , and one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary . A Sermon preached before the King , May 9. 1675. by John Sadb●…ry , D. D. Dean of Durham , and Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty . The Reformation Justified , in a Sermon preached at Guild Hall Chappel , September 21. 1673. before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , &c. upon Acts 24. 14. A Sermon preached November 5. 1673. at St. Margarets Westminister , upon St. Matthew , 7. 15 , 16. A Sermon preached before the King , February 24. 1675. upon Heb. 3. 13 , These three last by Edw. St●… , D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty . Books Printed for , and Sold by John Baker , at the three Pidgeons in St. Pauls Church-Yard . DUPORT in Psalmos 4. Greek , and Latine . Cantabrigiae . 4. — Idem in Psalmos , 4. Grace . — in Homer . 4. Grace , Latine , Beveridge Grammatica Orientalis . 8. Gore Nomenclator Geograph . 8. Seldeni Eutichyus . 4. Arab. Lat. Ailsbury de Decreto Dei. 4. Dionysius de Situ Orbis . 8. Grace . Comenii Janua . 8. Lat. cum Figu . Confessio Fide●… . 8. Doughtei Analecta Sacra . 8. p. s. 23. Ignoramus . 12. Vossii Elementa Rhetorica . 8. Elegantiae Poeticae . 12. Exaletation of Ale. 8. Comenii Vestibulum . 8. Lat. Eng. Pasoris Lexicon . 8. Gr. Lat. Quintiliani Orationes . 8. Glanvil on the Sacrament . 12. Burroughs Remedy against Grief . 12. bound together . Directions about Death 12. bound together . Emperor Augustus's speeches to the Married and Unmarried . Dr. Meggots Sermon before St. Pauls Scholars on St. Pauls day , 1675. A Visitation Sermon before the Lord Bishop of Ely , by Timothy Parker , at Lewis in Sussex . Praeces scholae Paulinae . 8. Lat. Eng. Where are Sold all sort of Forreign Books and School-Books . FINIS . 
A61130	----	A treatise partly theological, and partly political containing some few discourses, to prove that the liberty of philosophizing (that is making use of natural reason) may be allow'd without any prejudice to piety, or to the peace of any common-wealth, and that the loss of public peace and religion it self must necessarily follow, where such a liberty of reasoning is taken away / translated out of Latin. Tractatus theologico-politicus. English Spinoza, Benedictus de, 1632-1677. 1689 Approx. 620 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 247 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61130 Wing S4985 ESTC R21627 12567990 ocm 12567990 63390 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61130) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63390) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 703:27) A treatise partly theological, and partly political containing some few discourses, to prove that the liberty of philosophizing (that is making use of natural reason) may be allow'd without any prejudice to piety, or to the peace of any common-wealth, and that the loss of public peace and religion it self must necessarily follow, where such a liberty of reasoning is taken away / translated out of Latin. Tractatus theologico-politicus. English Spinoza, Benedictus de, 1632-1677. [34], 452 p. [s.n.], London : 1689. Translation of part of Spinoza's Tractatus theologico-politicus. This work was first published anonymously in Amsterdam, 1670. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TREATISE PARTLY THEOLOGICAL , And Partly POLITICAL , Containing some few DISCOURSES , To prove that the Liberty of PHILOSOPHIZING ( that is Making Use of Natural Reason ) may be allow'd without any prejudice to Piety , or to the Peace of any Common-wealth ; And that the Loss of Public Peace and Religion it self must necessarily follow , where such a Liberty of Reasoning is taken away . John Epist. 1 st chap. 4 th v. 13 th . Hereby know we , that we dwell in God , and God in us , because he hath given us of his Spirit . Translated out of Latin. LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1689. THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER . THE Gentleman that turn'd the following Treatise Written Originally in Latin into English , did it at spare Hours , only to divert and please himself , and therefore cares not who is displeased with his having done it . There are certainly some , who will pass very severe Censures upon this Treatise ; but that will not at all concern the Translator , who is not bound to make good the Authors Opinions , being only obliged to justify , that the Version hath truly and faithfully ( tho' not every where Word for Word ) render'd the Authors Sense and Meaning . Religion and Government being the Subject Matter of the Book , 't is easy to guess what Sort of Men are like to decry it ; but let those who are angry and find fault with it answer it ; In the mean time the Crape Gown and the Long Robe are both defied to prove there are any Tenets in the whole Treatise , half so dangerous or destructive to the Peace and Welfare of human Society , as those Doctrins and Maxims are , which have of late Years been broached by time-serving Church-men and Mercenary Lawyers ; for which they justly deserve the hatred and contempt of all Mankind . Nothing more needs be said to any Reader , than to desire he will deliberately read the Book twice over , before he condemn or commend it , when that is done , whether he like or dislike the Treatise it self , or the Translation of it , shall be all one to him , who never valued himself upon other Peoples Opinions , nor did ever think any part of his Reputation depended upon the Iudgment of Fools or Knaves . THE PREFACE . WEre it in the Power of Men , to govern all their Affairs , by sure and infallible Councel ; or could Mankind always live in a constant course of Prosperity , there would be no such thing in the World as Superstition ; but because Men many times fall into straights , out of which no Councel can deliver them , and by immoderately coveting the uncertain Goods of Fortune , miserably Fluctuate between hope and fear ; those two Passions easily driving the doubtful mind of Man hither and thither , render it prone to believe any thing , whereas otherwise it is over Confident , Proud and Vain-glorious . And of this , tho' few know themselves , there is scarce any Body ignorant : Do we not daily see many weak Men during prosperity so wise in their own conceit , that they think Councel an Affront ; but in adversity when they know not which way to turn themselves , begging every Bodies Advice , and there is not any , be it never so vain , foolish and absurd , which they will not follow upon very light grounds , they will also hope the best , and presently again fear the worst , whatever happens during their fears which puts them in mind of any past good or evil , that they think Prognosticates good or bad Fortune , and tho' they be a hundred times deceived , count it a lucky or unlucky Omen . Whatever is strange and unwonted , begets their Wonder , and looking upon it as a prodigy , say it portends almighty God's Anger ; for the pacification whereof , Men given up to superstition , but Enemies to true Religion , think it horrible Impiety not to make Prayers and Oblations , and to that end fancying a Thousand things , as if nature it self were as perfectly distracted as they , make strange Interpretations of her Meaning . This then being the condition of Mankind , we find those Persons most addicted to all kind of superstition , who greedily desire those things with are uncertain , and every one of them ( especially when they are in danger and cannot help themselves ) with Vows and Womanish Tears imploring Divine Assistance ; calling reason ( because it cannot shew them a certain way to the vanities they desire ) Blind , and human Wisdom Folly ; but on the contrary , believe dreams , dotages of the Imagination and Childish Follies to be divine Oracles ; saying that God despiseth the Wisdom of the Wise , and hath not Written his Will in the mind of Man , but on the entrails of Beasts , and that Ideots , Lunaticks and Birds by divine inspiration and instinct , can foretel his Decrees , so mad hath Fear made Men. And as Superstition hath its Original from Fear ; so is it kept up and continued by it ; of which Truth if any Man desire ( beside what hath been said ) any particular Examples , let him read the 5 th Book and 4 th Decade of Quintus Curtius , where he will find Alexander the Great , applying himself to Diviners and Prophets , when he first began to doubt his Fortune at the Straights of Susa ; but after the Conquest of Darius , never more consulting them , till terrified with the revolt of the Bactrians , and with the Scythians provoking him to Battle when he lay wounded ; he returns again to the Folly of human Superstition , and commands Aristander , to whom he gave much credit , to inquire by Sacrifices , what was like to be the event of his Affairs , and to this purpose many Examples may be produced , all which would clearly shew , that Men are most troubled with Superstitious Fancies during their Fears ; and all those things which they have so vainly and religiously rever'd , are nothing but the false representations and dotages of a Mellancholly and timerous Mind . And Lastly , that they who pretend to prediction , are much in request with the common People , and most feared by Kings and Princes , when a Kingdom is in any great distress or calamity , but because these things are so vulgarly known , I pass them by . Fear then being the cause of Superstition , it clearly follows , that all Men are naturally inclin'd and subject to it ( whatever others say , who think it proceeds from a certain imperfect confused knowledg Men have of a Deity . ) It follows likewise , that Superstition must of necessity be very various and inconstant , because all ridiculous Follies of the Mind , Fits of Frenzy , yea Superstition it self , cannot be maintained , but by Hope , Hatred , Anger and Deceit ; it proceeding not from Reason but Passion , and that too very violent . As therefore Men easily fall into all sorts of Superstition , so on the contrary , it is very difficult to make them continue in any one kind ; because the common People being all times alike miserable , are never long quiet , but still most pleased with that which is new , and never yet deceived them ; which inconstancy , hath been the cause of many Tumults and cruel Wars , and as Quintus Curtius in his 4 th Book and 10 th Decad hath very well observed , nothing so absolutely governs the Multitude as Superstition . Whence it happens , that the common People under colour of Religion , are sometimes easily induced to adore their Kings , and at other times to curse and abhor them , as the common Plagues of Mankind : Therefore to avoid this mischeif , great Pains are taken to adorn and attire Religion ( whether true or false ) that it may appear very Grave and Solemn , and all Persons pay unto it the highest degree of respect and veneration . This hath so luckily succeeded amongst the. Turks , who count it a Crime so much as to dispute , and have their understandings possest with so many prejudices , that there is no place in their Minds left for Reason , no not so much as doubt . But if it be , as indeed it is , the great Arcanum and concern of Monarchical Government , to deceive the People , and to cover Fear by which they are kept in Subjection , under the specious name of Religion ; that so they may fight for Slavery as for their own Safety , and think it no Shame but their greatest Honour , to spend their Bloud and Lives for the Glory of one single Person ; so on the contrary , in a free Commonwealth , nothing can be more mischeivously devised or attempted , than to possess Mens Judgments which are free , with Prejudices ; or in any manner to restrain or compel them , it being utterly repugnant to Common Liberty : As for Seditions stir'd up under pretence of Religion , they arise from enacting Laws concerning things meerly speculative , and because Opinions are many times Condemned for Crimes , and the maintainers and followers of those Opinions , seldom Sacrific'd to the public Safety , but to the Hatred and Cruelty of their Adversaries : But if the Laws of Government , would take no Notice of Words , and only punish Mens Actions , there could never be any lawful pretence for such Seditions , nor could Controversies be turn'd into Quarrels . Seeing therefore that Men are seldom so happy to live in a Commonwealth , where every one is allowed the Liberty of Judging and Worshipping God according to his own Understanding , or where nothing is esteem'd dearer and sweeter then Liberty ; I thought my Undertaking would be neither unpleasing or unprofitable , if I could make it appear , that such a Liberty may be granted , without any danger to Religion , or the Peace of a Commonwealth ; but that all three must stand and fall together . And this is the chief thing , which in this Treatise I intended to demonstrate ; to which purpose I thought it necessary , in the first place , to mark out the chief Prejudices concerning Religion , I mean the Footsteps of Antient Servitude , and in the next place , those Prejudices which relate to the right of Sovereign Power ; which many with shameless boldness study to Usurp , and then to secure themselves , amuse the Minds of the Multitude still Subject to Superstition , with specious shews of Religion , that all may again run into Bondage . In what order I make these things manifest , I will presently in few words declare ; but first I will mention the Causes which moved me to write . I have often wonder'd , that Men who boast themselves Professors of the Christian Religion , which consists in Love , Peace , Moderation and Dealing uprightly with all Men , should so unjustly contend , and cruelly hate one another , by which their Faith is better known , then by the forenamed Vertues . There is now scarce any Man whatever he be , Christian , Iew , Turk or Heathen , that can be known by any thing but his habit and attire , by frequenting such a Church , by maintaining such an Opinion , or by being the sworn Disciple of such a Master ; but in all other things Mens Lives and Conversations are all alike : Searching into the Cause of this Evil , I found it proceeded from the common Peoples being perswaded , that a very great part of Religion , consisted in setting a very high value upon the Service , Dignities , Offices and Benefits of the Church , and in honouring Churchmen with all possible Reverence ; for so soon as this abuse crept into the Church , every Knave had a mind to be a Priest , and the desire of propagating Religion , degenerated into sordid Avarice and Ambition ; so that the Temple it self , was turn'd into a Theatre , where Ecclesiastical Doctors did not Preach , but like Orators harangued the People , not to instruct , but to be admired by them ; publicly reproaching their Adversaries , and venting such new fangled Doctrines , as they thought would best please the Multitude . From hence necessarily arose those great Contentions , Envy and inveterate Hatred , which no length of time could asswage . T is no wonder then , that of the primitive Religion , nothing remains but the external worship ; wherein the People seem rather to Flatter than Adore God ; Faith is become nothing but credulity and prejudice , such as turns rational Men into Brutes , by denying them the Liberty of their Judgment to distinguish Truth from Falshood , and such as seems purposely invented , totally to extinguish the Light of Human Understanding . Piety and Religion , O immortal God! now consist in absurd Mysteries , and they that contemn and reject Human Reason and Knowledge , as naturally depraved , they forsooth , which is strangely irrational , must pass for Men divinely illuminated . Truly if such Men had but one spark of Divine Light , they could not be so superciliously Mad , but would learn to Worship God with more Prudence , and instead of hating , as they now do , would love those that differ from them in Opinion ; and forbearing to prosecute them with so much enmity , would rather ( since they pretend to fear their Salvation , more then their own Fortune ) have pity and compassion upon them : Moreover , if such Men had any Divine Light , it would appear in their Doctrine . I confess they pretend , they can never enough admire the profound Mysteries of the Scripture , yet I cannot perceive they teach any thing , but the Speculations of Aristotle and Plato , to which , that they may not seem followers of the Gentiles , they have fitted and accomodated the Scripture ; and , as if it were not enough , for these Men to run mad with the Greeks , would have the very Prophets also to doat like themselves ; which clearly shews , they never saw the Divinity of the Scripture , no not so much as in a dream . By how much the more they admire the Mysteries of Scripture , so much the more they seem to flatter and sooth Scripture , rather than believe it ; of which likewise another Evidence is , that many Men ( as to the better understanding and finding out the true meaning of Scripture ) lay it down for a Principal and Fundamental position , that the Scripture is of divine inspiration , and in every part infallibly true ; which is the very thing that cannot be made out or proved by any other way , but a strict examination and right understanding thereof ; and do likewise establish it for a rule , that in interpreting Scripture , which needs no human Glosses , the Scripture it self is our best guide . When I seriously considered that natural reason was not only contemned , but also by many condemn'd , for the Fountain of Impiety , and human inventions past for divine Doctrins ; that Credulity was accounted Faith , and Philosophical Controversies were maintaned both in Church and State with so much animosity and heat of dispute ; from whence I perceived that not only cruel hatred and dissention ( by which Men are easily stir'd up to sedition ) but many other mischeifs ( too tedious to be here mentioned ) took their beginning ; I resolved diligently to examin the Scripture a new , with a free and unprejudiced mind , and neither to affirm any thing positively of it , or admit any thing to be it's Doctrine which was not clearly Demonstrated by it . Under this caution , I Composed a method of interpreting the Sacred Volums , and furnisht with it , I began in the first place to inquire , what Prophesy was ? why God revealed himself to the Prophets ? and whether they were acceptable to God , because they had sublime thoughts and notions of God and Nature , or only for their Piety ? These things being known , I could easily determin that the Authority of the Prophets , was of greatest weight in things relating to real vertue , and to the use and benefit of Life ; but in other matters , their opinions did very little concern us . This being likewise known , I further inquired , what it was for which the Iews were called Gods chosen People , and when I perceived , it was only because God chose out for them , a particular part and climate of the World , where they might live conveniently and securely ; I thereby also learnt , that the Laws revealed by God to Moses , were nothing else but the Statutes of that particular government of the Iews , and that none but the Iews , were bound to receive them ; yea that the very Jews themselves , were not bound by them any longer , then their Government continued . That I might know whether it can be concluded from Scripture , that the understanding of of Mankind is depraved by Nature , I inquired whether the Catholic Religion , or the Divine Law revealed to all Mankind by the Prophets and Apostles , were any other then that which natural Reason teacheth and Lastly , whether Miracles happen contrary to the order of Nature ? and whether they do more certainly and clearly prove the Being and Providence of God , then those things do , which we clearly and distinctly understand by their first Causes ? but when I could find nothing in whatever the Scripture expresly teacheth , disagreable or repugnant to human understanding , and when I likewise saw , that the Prophets taught nothing but what was plain , and might easily be understood , and that they adorn'd and confirm'd their Doctrin , with such a Style and such reasons , as they thought would most affect the minds of the multitude with Devotion towards God ; I was fully perswaded , that the Scripture left reason perfectly free , and had nothing to do with Philosophy ; but that each stood on its own basis . But that I might plainly demonstrate these things , and put an end to the whole matter , I shew which way the Scripture is to be interprepreted , and that all its knowledge of things Spiritual , is to be drawn from it self , and not from those things which we know by the light of nature . Then I pass on , to shew those prejudices which spring from thence , and that the common People ( addicted to Superstition , prizing the reliques of time above eternity ) do rather adore the Books of the Scripture , than the very word of God it self . After this I shew the revealed word of God , not to be any certain number of Books , but a simple knowledge of Gods will revealed to the Prophets ( that is ) to obey God with the whole heart , by practising Justice and Charity : I shew that the Scripture teacheth this , according to the capacity and opinions of those to whom the Prophets and Apostles were sent to Preach this Word , which they did , that Men without any reluctancy might cordially embrace it . The Fundamentals of Faith being discovered , I Lastly , conclude the object of revealed knowledge to be nothing else , but obedience , and so distinct from natural knowledge , as well in respect of its object , as its foundations and means ; that it hath nothing in common with it ; but each maintains its own proper dominion , without any mutual disagreement , and that neither ought to be subservient , or a hand-maid to the other . Moreover , because the dispositions of Men are very different , one being possest with this , and another with that opinion , and that which moveth one Man to Devotion , provokes another to Laughter ; every one ought to have the Liberty of his own judgment , and the Power of interpreting the Principles of Faith , according to his own reason ; and that no Mans Faith is to be justified or condemned , but only by his Works ; so that all Men may obey God with Freedom of mind , and only Righteousness and Charity be in esteem . After I have by these things , shewed the Liberty granted by God's revealed Law to all Men , I go on to the other part of the question , which is , that this Liberty may be allow'd , without any prejudice to the Peace of a Common-wealth , or to the Rights of the Supream Powers ; nor can it be taken away , without great detriment and danger , both to peace , and the whole republick . To demonstrate this , I begin from every Mans natural right , which reacheth so far as every Mans Desire and Power can extend it self , and no Man by the Law of Nature , is bound to live according to another Mans Will or Inclination ; but every Man is the assertor of his own Liberty . Further I shew , that no Man departs from this right , but he that transfers the Power of defending himself to another , and that he must necessarily and absolutely be the keeper of that right , upon whom every one hath devolved his own natural right of living as he pleaseth , together with the Power of Defending himself ; and from hence I prove , that they who are possest of the Supream Power , have right to all things within their Power , and that they only are the Protectors of Law and Liberty ; all other Men being obliged to Act , according to their determinations and Decrees ; but because no Body can so far deprive himself , of his Power of defending himself , as to cease from being a Man , I thence conclude , that no Man can be totally deprived of his natural right , but that Subjects do still retain by the Law of Nature , many things which cannot be taken from them , without very great danger to Government . Those things being granted to be their rights either by tacit implication , or by express agreement and stipulation made between them and their Governours . These things being considered , I passon to the Commonwealth of the Iews , which I fully enough describe , shewing upon what Reason , and by whose Decree , Religion first began to obtain the force of a Law ; touching upon some other things by the By , which seem worthy to be known . After this I shew that they who have the supreme Power , are not only Protectors and Interpreters of the Civil , but also of the Divine Law , and that in them only is the right of Judging , what is just or unjust , pious or impious . And then I conclude that that Right is best maintained , and the Government most safe , where every Man hath free liberty to think , and speak what he thinks . These are the things , Philosophical Reader , which I offer to thy examination ; believing they will be acceptable to thee , for the Excellency and Utility of the Subject , as well of the whole Book , as of every single Chapter , to which many things might be added ; but to this Preface , I do not intend the Dimensions of a Volum : the chief things in it , are sufficiently known to Philosophers , to others I care not to commend this Treatise , because I have not the least hope they will like it . I know how fast those Prejudices stick , which the mind of Man hath embraced under the form of Religion ; I known also , 't is as impossible to root out Superstition , as Fear out of the Minds of the common People , whose constancy is but contumacy , and are never to be govern'd by Reason , but always rashly praise or dispraise . The Vulgar therefore , and all of like Affections with them , I do not invite to read these things , I had rather they should contemn the Book , then be troublesome by making perverse Constructions of it , as they use to do of all other things ; not profiting themselves , but hindring others , who would reason more like Phylosophers , did they not think Reason ought to be but a Hand-maid to Divinity : To Men of that Opinion , I think this Work extreamly useful , but because many have neither mind or leisure to read these things , I am forced here , as well as in the end of the Treatise to declare ; I have written nothing which I do not willingly submit to the Examination and Judgment of the chief Rulers of my Country : For if they shall think any thing I say , repugnant to the Laws or public Peace of it , I willingly unsay and recant it . I know my self a Man Subject to Mistake , but I have taken the greatest Care I could , not to Err , and particularly , that whatever I write , may in all things be consonant to the Laws of my Country , and agreeable to Piety and good Manners . A TABLE Of the several CHAPTERS . CHAP. I. OF Prophesy . CHAP. II. Of Prophets . CHAP. III. Of the calling of the Jews , and whether the Gift of Prophesy were peculiar only to the Jews ? CHAP. IV. Of the Divine Law. CHAP. V. The reason why Ceremonies were instituted ? of the belief of Scripture-Histories , why and to whom it is necessary ? CHAP. VI. Of Miracles . CHAP. VII . Of the Interpretation of Scripture . CHAP. VIII . Sheweth that the Pentatenk , the Books of Joshua , Judges , Ruth , Samuel and the Kings , were not Written by the Persons whose Names they bear ; and then inquires , whether those Books were Written by several Persons , or by one only , and by whom ? CHAP. IX . Whether Hesdras did perfectly finish those Books ? and whether the Marginal Notes found in the Hebrew Copies , were but diverse readings ? CHAP. X. The rest of the Books of the Old Testament are examined in the same manner as the forementioned . CHAP. XI . Whether the Apostles Writ their Epistles as Apostles and Prophets , or only as Doctors and Teachers ? and what is the Office of an Apostle ? CHAP. XII . Of the true Original Hand Writing or Text of Scripture , why Scripture is called Holy ? and why the Word of God ? Lastly , that the Scripture so far as it contains the Word of God , is derived to us pure and uncorrupted . CHAP. XIII . What is Faith ? who are the faithful ? what are the Fundamentals of Faith ? Faith distinguisht from Philosophy . CHAP. XIV . Divinity no Hand-maid to Reason , nor Reason to Divinity ; upon what ground we believe the Authority of Sacred Scripture . CHAP. XV. How Commonwealths came to be founded , of every Mans Natural and Civil Right , of the Right of Supreme Powers . CHAP. XVI . No Man can transfer , or part with all his particular Right to the Supreme Power , nor is it necessary that he should : Of the Commonwealth of the Jews , what it was while Moses lived ? and what after his Death before they chose Kings ? and of the Excellency of it ; lastly , what were the Causes why so Divine a Commonwealth perished , and could not subsist without Seditions ? CHAP. XVII . Certain Political Maxims Collected out of the Commonwealth and Histories of the Jews . CHAP. XVIII . That Religion , and all things relating to it , are subject to no other Power , but that of the Supreme Magistrate ; that the external Form of Public Religious Worship , ought to be accommodated to the Peace of the Common-wealth , if we would rightly obey God. CHAP. XIX . That in a free Commonwealth , it is lawful for every Man to think as he pleaseth , and to speak what he thinks . CHAP. VIII . Sheweth that the Pentateuk , the Books of Joshua , Judges , Ruth , Samuel and the Kings , were not Written by the Persons whose Names they bear ; and then inquires , whether those Books were Written by several Persons , or by one only , and by whom ? CHAP. IX . Whether Hesdras did perfectly finish those Books ? and whether the Marginal Notes found in the Hebrew Copies , were but diverse readings ? CHAP. X. The rest of the Books of the Old Testament are examined in the same manner as the forementioned . CHAP. XI . Whether the Apostles Writ their Epistles as Apostles and Prophets , or only as Doctors and Teachers ? and what is the Office of an Apostle ? CHAP. XII . Of the true Original Hand Writing or Text of Scripture , why Scripture is called Holy ? and why the Word of God ? Lastly , that the Scripture so far as it contains the Word of God , is derived to us pure and uncorrupted . CHAP. XIII . Shews that Scripture teacheth nothing but what is very plain , intending nothing but Mens Obedience ; neither doth it teach or declare any other thing of the divine Nature , then what a Man may in a right Course of Life in some degree imitate . CHAP. XIV . What is Faith ? who are the faithful ? what are the Fundamentals of Faith ? Faith distinguisht from Philosophy . CHAP. XV. Divinity no Hand-maid to Reason , nor Reason to Divinity ; upon what ground we believe the Authority of Sacred Scripture . CHAP. XVI . How Commonwealths came to be founded , of every Mans Natural and Civil Right , of the Right of Supreme Powers . CHAP. XVII . No Man can transfer , or part with all his particular Right to the Supreme Power , nor is it necessary that he should : Of the Commonwealth of the Jews , what it was while Moses lived ? and what after his Death before they chose Kings ? and of the Excellency of it ; lastly , what were the Causes why so Divine a Commonwealth perished , and could not subsist without Seditions ? CHAP. XVIII . Certain Political Maxims Collected out of the Commonwealth and Histories of the Jews . CHAP. XIX . That Religion , and all things relating to it , are subject to no other Power , but that of the Supreme Magistrate ; that the external Form of Public Religious Worship , ought to be accommodated to the Peace of the Common-wealth , if we would rightly obey God. CHAP. XX. That in a free Commonwealth , it is lawful for every Man to think as he pleaseth , and to speak what he thinks . CHAP. I. Concerning Prophesy . PRophesy or Revelation is the true Knowledge of any thing revealed to Men by God ; and he is a Prophet , who declares and expounds those things which God hath revealed , to Persons that cannot have any certain knowledge of those Revelations , but must therefore only by mere Faith receive and embrace them . A Prophet was by the Iews called Nabi , ( that is ) an Orator or Interpreter ; as appears in the 7 th chap. of Exodus v. 1 st . And the Lord said unto Moses , see I have made thee a God to Pharaoh , and Aron thy Brother shall be thy Prophet , as if he should have said , Aron by Interpreting to Pharaoh , what thou say'st , shall Act the Part of a Prophet , and thou the Part of God. We will speak of Prophets in the next Chapter , but in this only of Prophesy . It follows from the definition which hath been given of it , that Natural knowledge may be called Prophesy ; for those things which we know by the light of nature , depend only upon the knowledge of God , and his Eternal decrees : but because this knowledge is natural to all Mankind , being founded upon Principles common to all Men ; 't is of no value with the vulgar , who always affecting things rare and out of their Road , despise the Gifts of Nature ; and therefore whereever mention is made of Prophetical knowledge , they totally exclude Natural , which may with as much right be called Divine , as the other whatever it be ; seeing the Nature of God of which we participate , and the decrees of God , dictate it unto us , neither doth Natural knowledge differ from that which Men call Divine , but only because Divine knowledge exceedeth the Limits of Natural ; and because the Laws of Humane Nature considered in themselves , cannot be the cause of Divine knowledge : but Natural knowledge in respect of the certainty which it includes , and in respect of the Fountain from whence it proceeds , namely from God himself , doth in no wise give place to Prophetical knowledge , unless some will think or rather dream , that the Prophets had Humane Bodies , but not Humane Souls , and therefore their perceptions and knowledge were of a quite different Nature from ours . But though natural knowledge be Divine , yet they that possess and propagate it , cannot be called Prophtes , because the things which they teach , may with equal certainty , and in as high a degree , be Apprehended and Embraced by others , as well as by themselves , and that too not by Faith only . Since therefore our Mind for no other reason , but only because it containeth in it self , the Nature of God , as its Object , and also participating thereof , is able to Form certain Notions which explicate the Nature of things , and teach us the use of Life , we may with reason conclude , that the Nature of Man's mind , being what 't is conceived to be , is the prime Cause of Divine Revelation , for all those things which we clearly and distinctly understand , the Idea of God ( as we have already shewn ) and Nature dictate to us , not in words , but in a much more excellent manner , and such as best suites with the Nature of the Mind , as every one finds by his own experience , who hath but tasted what certain knowledge is : but because my cheif purpose is to speak of those things which belong only to the Scripture , that little I have said of Natural knowledge shall suffice , and I now proceed to other causes and means , by which God reveals to Men , those things which do exceed , and also those which do not exceed the bounds of Natural knowledge , ( for nothing hinders but that those things which we know by the Light of Nature , God may by other ways , communicate to Men ) of which now I will more fully Treat . But whatsoever is said upon this Subject , ought to be fetcht only from Scripture ; for we can say no more of things that pass our understanding , then that which the Prophets have deliver'd to us , either by word or writing ; and because we have not any Prophets that I know in these our days , all that we have to do , is diligently to peruse the Sacred Volums which the Prophets have left us ; but still with this caution , that we determin nothing positively of things of this Nature , nor attribute any thing to the Prophets themselves , which they have not plainly spoken and taught . But it is in the first place to be observed , that the Iews never used to make mention of mediate and particular Causes , nor ever regarded them ; but for the promoting of Religion , Piety , and Devotion , had always recourse to God , ( for Example ) if they got Money by the Trade of Merchandizing , they said God gave it , if they earnestly desired to do any thing , they said God disposed their Hearts to it , if they seriously thought on any thing , they said it was declared to them by God ; so that every thing which the Scripture saith God declared to any one , is not to be taken for Prophesy and Supernatural knowledge , but that only which the Scripture expresly declares , or from the Circumstances of the narration , plainly appears to be Prophesy and Revelation : If then we run through all the Sacred Volums , we shall find , that all those things which God revealed to the Prophets , were revealed to them either by words , or by Figures and Signs , or else by both together , and that the words , and Signs , were either real and true , without the imagination of the hearing and seeing Prophet ; or but imaginary ( that is ) the fancy and imagination of the Prophet , even when he was awake , was so disposed , that he verily thought , he heard words , or saw and beheld some thing or sign . God in a true and real voice , revealed those Laws to Moses , which he prescribed to the Iews ; as appears by the 25 th chap. of Exod. v. 22. where he saith , And there will I meet with thee , and I will commune with thee from above the mercy Seat , from between thee two Cherubims which plainly shews , that God made use of some real voice , seeing Moses where-ever he pleased , found God ready to speak to him ; and that only this voice , by which the Law was Published , was a true and real voice , I will presently shew . One would think that the voice by which God called Samuel was real ; because in the first Book of Sam. the 3 d. chap. and last verse , it is said , The Lord appeared again in Shiloh , for the Lord revealed himself to Samuel in Shiloh by the word of the Lord , as if he had said , the appearance of God to Samuel , was nothing else , but Gods making known himself to him by word , or signifyed no more , then that Samuel heard God speaking : but because we are forced to distinguish between the Prophesy of Moses , and that of the other Prophets , it must be concluded , that the voice heard by Samuel , was but imaginary ; because it was like the voice of Ely , which he had so often heard , and therefore the sooner wrought upon his fancy ; for being thrice called , Samuel still thought it was by Ely , the voice which Abimelech heard was imaginary , for it said Gen. chap. 20. v. 6 , God said unto him in a Dream , and therefore Abimelech not waking , but in his sleep , ( the time when the fancy is naturally most apt to imagin things that are not ) might have a strong Impression of Gods Will upon his Imagination . It is the Opinion of some Iews , that the words of the Decalogue , were not vocally pronounced by God ; but that the Israelites only heard a noise , which did not articulately form words , but that the People during the noise , mentally understood the Laws of the Decalogue , which was once also my own Opinion , because I found the words of the Decalogue in Exodus , to differ from those of the Decalogue in Deutronomy : whence it might seem to follow , seeing God spake but once , that the Decalogue is not the very words of God , but only contains the Sence or signification of his Will. But unless we will wrest the Scripture , it must be granted , that the Israelites did hear a real and true voice ; for the 4 th vers . of the 5 th chap. of Deut. saith , The Lord talked with you Face to Face in the Mount , ( that is ) as two Men use Personally and Corporally , to communicate their conceptions one to another ; therefore it seems much more consonant to Scripture , that God did really create a voice , by which he revealed the Decalogue ; but the reason why the words of the two Decalogues vary , may be seen in the 8 th following Chapter of this Book ; yet that neither fully solves the doubt ; for it seems very Irrational , to conclude that any thing created by , and depending on , God as all other created Beings do , should be able to express or expound , the Essence or Existence of God Personally , viz. by saying in the first Person , I am the Lord thy God , though where a Man says with his Mouth , I understand , yet no Body thinks 't is the mouth of that Man , but his Mind that understands ; but because the mouth hath Reference to the Nature of the Man that said it , and the Person also to whom it was said knows what is the Nature of the Intellect , he easily understands the mind of the speaking Person , by a Comparative consideration of himself , but they who knew nothing of God , but his mere name , and desired him to speak that they might be certain of his Existence , how could they be satisfyed in their Request by any Creatures saying , I am thy God ; when that Creature which said so , did no more resemble God , nor belong to his Nature , then any other Creature did , what if God should have Framed the Lips of Moses , yea of any Beast ? to have articulatly pronounced and spoken those words , I am thy God doth it follow , that the Israelites should thereby have understood the Being and Existence of God ? Moreover , the Scripture seems plainly to declare , that God himself spoke , ( and for that end descended from Heaven down upon Mount Sinai ) and that not only the Iews heard him speak , but also the Nobles and Elders , as we read in the 24 th c. of Ex. Neither doth the Law revealed to Moses , to or from which , nothing was to be added or taken away , and was the Establisht Law of the Country , ever command that we should believe God to be Incorporeal , and to have no Shape or Figure ; but only that we should believe there is a God , and should Worship him only , and that the Iews might not depart from his Worship , he commanded that they should not fancy or make any likeness or Image of him ; for since they had never seen any likeness of God , they could make no Image which would Resemble God , but necessarily some other Creature which they had seen ; and so bestow the Worship and Honour of God upon that Creature . The Scripture expressly declares God to have Figure , and that Moses when he heard God speak , happened to see it , though indeed it was but his back parts ; in which there is a hidden Mistery , of which we will hereafter speak more at large . I will now go on to quote those places , which declare the means , whereby God hath revealed his Decrees to Men. That Revelation may happen only by Signs or Figures is plain by the 21 th chap. of the 1 st . Book of Chron. where God declared his Anger to David , by an Angel holding a drawn Sword in his hand , in like manner to Balaam , and though Maimonides and some others would have it thought , that in this Story and all others , which relate the appearing of Angels , as to Manoah , and to Abraham when he would have Sacrificed his Son ; the Apparitions were always in sleep , ( not that any Man broad waking is able to see an Angel ) yet they talk to no purpose , for they minded nothing else , but straining Scripture to countenance Aristotle's and their own idle Figments , than which nothing can be more ridiculous . God revealed to Ioseph , his future Dominion by Images , that were not real and external , but internal and depending only upon the Imagination of the Prophet . By Signs and Words God revealed to Iosua , that he would Fight for the Israelites , by shewing to him an Angel with a Sword in his hand , as Captain of the Host , and by words also , which Iosua heard from the Angel , it was represented to Isaiah by Figures chap. 6. That God's Providence would desert the People , by imagining the most holy God on a very high Throne , and the Israelites polluted and plunged in the filth of their Sins , and so at a great distance from God : by which signs he understood the present miserable state of the People ; but their future calamities were revealed to him by words spoken , as it were , by God himself . And of this kind , I could bring many Examples out of Sacred Writ , were they not so generally known to all ; but all these things are more clearly proved by the Text it self ; in the 12 th . Chap. Numb . v. 6 , 7. If there be a Prophet among you , I the Lord will make my self known to him in a Vision ( that is by signs and hieroglyphics ( but as for the Prophesy of Moses , it was vision without signs ) and will make my self known to him in a dream ( that is not in a true real voice and words . ) But to my Servant Moses not so , with him will I speak mouth to mouth , even apparently and not in dark Speeches , and the similitude of the Lord shall he behold ( that is ) beholding me as a Friend and Companion , speaks to me without fear , as it is in the 33. chap. of Exod. v. 11. Therefore without doubt the rest of the Prophets , did not hear a true and real voice , which yet more evidently appears out of the 34. chap. of Deu. v. 10. And there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto Moses , whom the Lord knew face to face ; which must be understood by voice only , for Moses himself , as the 33. chap. of Exod. plainly declares , did never see God's Face . Beside these ways and means , I have mentioned , I find no other in Sacred Sripture , whereby God hath communicated himself to Men ; and therefore ( as I have already said ) no other are to be supposed or admitted , and though we may clearly understand , that God may immediately communicate himself to Men , for he without using any Corporeal Means doth communicate his Essence to our Minds ; yet that any man by the mind alone , should comprehend those things , which are not contained in the Principles of Natural Knowledge , nor can be deduced from them ; must necessarily argue , that that mans mind , is far more Noble and Excellent , then any Human Understanding ; Wherefore I believe , never any Man arrived to so great a degree of Perfection above others , beside Christ , to whom the purposes of God , for the Salvation of mankind , were immediately revealed . So that God did manifest himself to the Apostles , by the Mind of Christ , as he did before to Moses by an Aereal Voice , and therefore the Voice of Christ , like that which Moses heard , may be called the Voice of God. And in this Sense also we may say , the Wisdom of God viz. Wisdom more then Human , assumed Human Nature in Christ , and Christ was the Way to Salvation . But I think it necessary for me here to declare , that some things , which some Churches determine and maintain , concerning Christ , I do neither assert nor deny ; for I ingenuously confess , I do not understand them , those things which I have affirmed , I have collected out of the Scripture it self . I have no where read , that God appeared or spoke to Christ , but that God was revealed to the Apostles by Christ , who was the Way to Salvation . And lastly that the Old Law was not delivered immediately by God , but by an Angel. Wherefore if Moses spake to God Face to Face , as a Man useth to do with his Friend , ( that is by the mediation of two Bodies ) Christ communed with God mentally or Mind to Mind . I do therefore maintain , that beside Christ , no Man ever reeived any Revelation from God , but by the help of the Imagination , or by the help of Words or Signs , and therefore to Prophesy , there is not so much need of a perfect Understanding , as of a Lively Imagination , as shall be shown in the following Chapter , we are now to inquire what the Scripture means by the Spirit of God , infused into the Prophets , or the Prophets speaking by the Spirit of God ; to find out the meaning of these Phrases and Expressions , it is first necessary , to search what the Hebrew word Ruagh signifies , which the Vulgar interprets Spirit . The word Ruagh , in its Proper and Genuine Sense , signifies Wind , but is very frequently used , to signifie many other things , which nevertheless are derived from Wind : For sometimes it signifies Breath , Psal. 135. v. 17 th . Neither is there any Breath in their Mouths . Secondly it signifies Life or Respiration . 1 st . Book of Sam. chap. 30. v. 12. His Spirit came again to him , ( that is he breathed . ) Thirdly , it is taken for Courage and Strength , Iosu. chap. 11 th . v. 11 th . There was not a Man left to breath . Ezek. chap. 2. v. 2. And the Spirit ( that is Strength ) entered into me and set me upon my Feet . Fourthly , it is taken for Vertue and fitness , Iob. chap. 32. v. 8. There is a Spirit in Man , ( that is as appears in the following Verse . ) Wisdom and Understanding , but is not always to be found in the Aged , for I now find it depends upon the particular Qualification aud Capacity of a Man. So in the 27. chap. of Numb . v. 8. Take thee Iosua the Son of Nun , a Man in whom is the Spirit . Fifthly , It is taken for a Man's Opinion , Numb . chap. 14 v. 24. Because he had another Spirit with him . Proverbs chap. 1 st . v. 23. I will pour out my Spirit , ( that is my Mind ) unto you . And in this Sense . It is used to signifie the Will , Purpose , or Resolution , the Appetite , the Desire , and the Anger or Passion of the Mind : Ezek. chap. 1. v. 12. They went every one straight forward whether the Spirit , ( or their Will ) was to go , they went. Isaiah . chap. 30. v. 1. That take Councel but not of me , that cover with a Covering but not of my Spirit . Isai. chap. 29. v. 10. The Lord hath poured out upon you the Spirit , ( that is ) the desire of deep Sleep , Iudges chap. 8. v. 3. Then their Spirit ( that is Anger ) was abated towards him . Prov. chap. 16. v. 32. He that ruleth his Spirit , ( that is his Appetite ) is better then he that taketh a City . Prov. chap. 25. v. 28. He that hath no rule over his own Spirit , is like a City broken down . Isai. chap. 33. v. 11. Your Spirit ( in the English Translation Breath ) as Fire shall devour you . Moreover this Word Ruagh , as it fignifies the Mind , so doth it serve to express the Passions , and sometimes the gifts of the mind . A high Spirit signifies Pride , a lowly Spirit humilitly , an evil Spirit hatred and melancholly , a good Spirit kindness and benignity , the Spirit of jealousie , the Spirit of fornication , the Spirit of wisdom , council , fortitude , which because in Hebrew , Substantives are oftner used than Adjectives , signify a wise , prudent , valiant Mind . Sixthly , it signifies the life or soul , Eccles. chap. 3. v. ii . Spiritus idem est omnibus , The same breath is to all , and the Spirit returns to God that gave it . Lastly , it signisies the quarters of the World ( from whence the wind blows ) and likewise the sides of any thing which stands towards those quarters , as appears , Ezek. chap . 37. v. 9 . and chap. 42. v. 16,17,18,19 . &c. Now it is to be noted , that a thing is attributed to God , and said to be God's ; First , because it pertaineth to the Nature of God , and is as it were a part of God ; as when we say the Power of God , the Eyes of God. Secondly , when a thing is in the Power of God and Acts according to his Will and Pleasure ; so in Scripture the Heavens are called the Heavens of God , because they are his Chariot and place of Abode . Assyria is called the Scourge of God , and Nebuchadnezzer the Servant of God. Thirdly , when a thing is dedicated to God , as the Temple of God , the Nazarite of God , the Bread of God. Fourthly , that which hath been deliver'd by the Prophets , and not revealed by the Light of Nature , therefore the Law of Moses is called the Law of God. Fifthly , when any thing is superlatively exprest ; as the Mountains of God , ( that is ) the highest Hills ; the sleep of God that is deep sleep ; in this sence is to be understood the 11 th Verse of the 4 th Chap. of Amos , where God says , I have overthrown some of you as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah , ( that is ) like that memorable overthrow : for seeing God himself speaks , it cannot otherwise be properly exprest , the Natural Knowledge of Solomon is called Divine , and the Knowledge of God , because it was so much above that which is common . The Psalms speak of the Cedars of God , to express their extraordinary height , in the First Book of Sam. Chap. 10. v. 7. it is said , The fear of the Lord fell on the People , which signifies a very great fear and in this sense , all things which exceeded the Capacity of the Iews , and whose natural Causes where not known to them , were always referr'd and attributed to God. Tempests were called Gods Chiding and Threatnings , Thunder and Lightning his Darts and Arrows , they thought God kept the Winds shut up in the Caverns of the Earth , which they called his Treasuries ; in which Opinion they differ'd from the Heathen , only by believing God , and not AEolus , to be their Ruler ; upon this ground Miracles are also called the Works of God , that is stupendious , wonderful works , tho' indeed all things in Nature are the Works of God , and only by Divine Power act and subsist ; in the same Sence the Psalmist calls the Miracles done in Egypt the Powers of God , because in the Iews greatest danger , they open'd a way to their safety and deliverance , when they least expected it , and were therefore so much admir'd by them . Seeing then the Works of Nature which are strange and unusual , are called the Works of God , and Trees of extraordinary height and magnitude , the Trees of God , it is no wonder that in Genesis , Men very Valiant and of great Stature , tho' impious Robbers and Fornicators , were called the Sons of God , the Ancient Heathen as well as the Iews , used to attribute to God , every thing in which any one excell'd other Men ; Pharaoh when he heard the Interpretation of his Dream said , that the Spirit of the Gods was in Ioseph , and Nebuchadnezzar said , the Spirit of the Holy Gods was in Daniel ; nothing was more frequent among the Latines , then to say things very curiously wrought , were done by a Divine Hand , which Expression if a Man would turn into Hebrew , he must say done by the Hand of God. By these places I have quoted , many other in Scripture where mention is made of the Spirit of God , may be easily understood and explained , the Spirit of God , and the Spirit of Iehovah , in some places signifie nothing but a vehement dry and destroying Wind , as Isa. Chap. 40. v. 7. The Grass withereth , the Flower fadeth , because the Spirit of the Lord bloweth upon it . Also Gen. Chap. 1st . v. 2. and the Spirit of God ( that is a strong Wind ) moved upon the Waters . It also signifies a great Mind or Courage , the Courage of Gideon and Sampson , are stiled in Scripture the Spirit of God ( that is ) a bold daring Mind , ready to undertake and attempt any thing . So also any particular vertue or skill more then ordinary is in Scripture called the Spirit of God , Exod. Chap. 31. v. 3. And I have filled him with the Spirit of God in Wisdom and Workmanship speaking of Bezaleel ; so Isa. Chap. 11. v. 2. And the Spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him , ( that is ) as the Prophet more fully explains himself , the Vertue of Wisdom , Councel and Might : in like manner Sauls Melancholy , is called an Evil Spirit of God , or from God , that is , deep Melancholy ; for Sauls Servants who called his Melancholy the Melancholy of God , were they that sent for Musick to recreate him , which shew'd that they did not think his Melancholy to be any more than Natural , sometimes by the Spirit of God is signified the Life of Man , Iob Chap. 27. v. 3. The Spirit of God is in my Nostrils alluding to what is said Gen. Chap. 2. v. 7. God breathed into Mans Nostrils the Breath of Life ; so Ezek. Chap. 37. v. 14. saith , Prophesying to the Dead , and I will put my Spirit in you , and ye shall live , that is I will restore Life to you , in the same Sense speaks , Iob Ch. 34. v. 14. If he gather unto himself his Spirit and his Breath ; so likewise is to be understood the 3 Verse of the 6 th Chap. of Gen. My Spirit also shall not always strive with Manfor that he also is flesh , ( that is ) Man hereafter shall do according to the dictates of his Flesh , and not of his Mind , which I gave him to discern Good from Evil , Psal. 51. v. 10 , 11. David says , Create in me a clean Heart O God , and renew a right Spirit within me , cast me not away out of thy presence , and take not thy Holy Spirit from me ; because it was believed , that Sins came only from the Flesh , and that the Soul or Mind did incline Men only to good : therefore the Psalmist implores Gods Assistance against his carnal Affections , and prays that his Mind or Soul which God gave him , may be preserved and kept by God , now because the Scripture describes God like a Man , and because the Common Peoples Capacity is weak doth attribute to God a Mind , affections of Mind , and likewise a Body and Breath , therefore the Spirit of God is many times in Scripture taken for the Will , the Mind , the Power , and the Breath of Gods Mouth , Isa. Chap. 40. v. 13. the Prophet saith , who hath directed the Spirit of the Lord ( that is ) who hath disposed the mind of God , to will any thing which he himself hath not determin'd . Likewise Chap. 63. v. 10. They rebelled and vexed his Holy Spirit . Hence it is , that sometimes 't is taken for the Law of Moses , because it doth as it were explain and unfold Gods Mind ; for Isa. in the 11 th V. of the 63. Ch. saith , where is he that put his Holy Spirit within him , ( that is ) the Law ; as is clearly Collected from the Context . Nehemiah Ch. 9. v. 20. saith , thou gavest also thy good Spirit to instruct them , speaking of the time of the Law , Deut. Ch. 4. v. 6. Moses speaking of the Law saith , This is your wisdom and understanding , so David , Psal. 43. v. 11. saith , Thy good Spirit leadeth me into the Land of Vprightness , ( that is ) thy mind revealed to us , leadeth us into the right way , the Spirit of God also signifies the Breath of God , which is as improperly attributed to God as is Body or Mind , Psal. 33. v. 6. And all the Host of them by the breath of his Mouth , it signifies the power and might of God , Iob Chap. 33. v. 4. The Spirit of God hath made me ( that is ) the Power of God or rather his decree , for the Psalmist speaking poetically saith , by the Word of the Lord were the Heavens made and all the Host of them by the Breath of his Mouth . Also Psal. 139. v. 7. It is said whether shall I go from thy Spirit , where Spirit signifies Gods Power and presence . Lastly , the Spirit of God is used in Scripture , to express the affections of Gods Mind , namely his Benignity Mercy , &c. Michah Chap. 2. v. 7. Is the Spirit of the Lord straightned , are these his doings ? so Zachary Chap. 4. v. 6. not by might not by power but by my Spirit , ( that is ) only by my Mercy , and in this Sense I think , ought to be understood the 12 th Verse of the 7 th Chapter of Zachary , They made their Hearts as an Adamant Stone , least they should hear the Law and the Words which the Lord of Hosts hath sent in his Spirit by the former Prophets , where Spirit must signifie mercy , in this Sense speaketh also the Prophet Haggai Chap. 2. v. 5. Loe my Spirit , that is my Grace and Mercy remaineth among you , fear ye not ; Isa. Chap. 48. v. 16. It is said , the Lord and his Spirit hath sent me , there Spirit may be understood to signifie the Will and Mercy of God , or his mind revealed in the Law ; for the Prophet saith from the beginning ( that is when he first came to declare Gods Wrath and Judgments against them , he spake not in secret , from the time that it was published there was I , but now I am a Messenger of Joy sent by the Mercy of God to proclaim your restauration : it may also as I have already said be taken for the mind and will of God , revealed in the Law , ( that is ) he by the Command of the Law Levit. Chap. 19. v. 17. came to admonish them ; therefore under the same conditions and in the same manner , he warns as Moses did , and at last like Moses , ends with predicting their restauration , but in my Opinion the first Exposition seems the best . To return to what was first intended , by all these Quotations it is evident , that these following plain Phrases of Scripture . The Prophets had the Spirit of God. God poured out his Spirit upon Men. Men were filled with the Spirit of God , and with the Holy Ghost , signifie nothing more , then that the Prophets had some particular extraordinary Vertue above other Men , and were Persons very Eminent for their constant piety : Moreover , that they understood the Mind and Will of God ; for we have shewn , that the Spirit in the Hebrew Language , signifies both the mind and the purpose and resolutions of the mind ; yea the Law , because it makes known Gods Mind , is called the Spirit and Mind of God : so that the imagination of the Prophets , forasmuch as by it the decrees and purposes of God were revealed , may likewise be called the Mind of God , and the Prophets may be said to have the Spirit of God , now though the Mind and Will of God , be Written in our minds , and his Eternal purposes and decrees be Engraven on our Hearts ; and consequently ( to use the Scripture Phrase ) we also understand the Mind of God ; yet because natural Knowledge is common to all Men , it is very little esteem'd , and the Iews who valued themselves above all other Nations , extreamly despised it , because it was common to all Mankind . Lastly , the Prophets were said to have the Spirit of God , because Men were altogether ignorant of the Causes of Prophetical Knowledge , and did not only admire it , but as they did all other strange and unusual things , ascribed it to God as the immediate Author of it . We may then without any scruple affirm , that the Prophets did no other way understand the revelations of God , then by the help of imagination ; that is by the means of words or signs , and these either real or imaginary : for seeing we find in Scripture , no other means beside these , it is not lawful to suppose or fancy any other : but by what Laws and Rules of Nature it was done , I confess I am utterly ignorant . I might with others say , it was done by the Power of God ; but it would be little to the purpose , and no more then if I should by some unintelligible terms express the form of any thing , all things are done by the Power of God , for the Power of Nature is nothing but the Power of God , and 't is certain that we therefore do not understand the Power of God , because we are ignorant of natural Causes ; and we very foolishly have recourse to the Power of God , when we know not the natural Cause of any thing , ( that is ) when we are ignorant of Gods Power , but we have now no need of knowing the cause of prophetical Knowledge , for as I have already intimated , we only endeavour to find out what the Scripture teacheth us , that from thence as from the precepts of Nature we may know our Duty , but with the Causes of Scripture-Doctrines we have nothing to do . Seeing then the Prophets by the help of imagination , understood those things which God revealed , there is no doubt but they perceived many things , which were beyond the extent of natural understanding , for from words and signs many more Ideas may be formed , then can be only out of those Principles and Notions , upon which all our natural Knowledge is founded . Hence it is evident , why the Prophets perceived and declared all things parabolically and in dark Speeches , and exprest all spiritual things after a corporal manner , because that doth better sute with the nature of the imagination ; neither can we now wonder , why the Scripture or the Prophets , spake so improperly and obscurely of the Spirit or Mind of God , as Numb . Chap. 11. v. 17. I will come down and talk with thee there ; and I will take of the Spirit which is upon thee , and put it on them . Likewise in the 1 st Book of Kings chap. 22. v. 11. and Zedekiah the Son of Chenaanah made him Horns of Iron , and he said , thus saith the Lord , with these shalt thou push the Syrians till thou hast consumed them , Michah saw God sitting , Daniel saw him like an Old Man cloathed in white Garments , Ezekiel like fire , and they who were with Christ descending like a Dove , the Apostles like Cloven Tongues , and Paul before his Conversion like a great light , all which Visions , agree with those fancies and imaginations , which the vulgar have of God and of Spirits . Lastly , because the imagination is wandring and unconstant , Prophesy did not long continue with the Prophets , nor was it frequent but very rare , and as there were but very few that had it , so likewise 't was very seldom ; we are now to inquire , how the Prophets could be sure of those things , which they perceived only by the strength of imagination , and not by the certain Principles of mental Knowledge : but whatever may be said concerning this Particular , ought to be fetcht from Scripture , tho' ( as we have already confest ) we have no true knowledge of the thing , and cannot explain it by its first Causes ; however what the Scripture declareth concerning the truth and certainty of the Prophets . I will shew in the following Chapter , wherein I resolve to treat of Prophets . CHAP. II. Of Prophets . IT appears by the preceding Chapter , that the Prophets were not endued with perfection of mind above other Men ; but only with strength and vivacity of imagination , which Scripture-Histories abundantly testify : Solomon excell'd all others in Wisdom but not in the gift of Prophesy , Heman , Darda , Kalcoll , tho' Men very Wise , yet were no Prophets , when plain Countrymen who had no Learning , yea Women as Hagar , Abrahams Maid had that gift : which is agreeable both to Reason and Experience ; for they who most excel in fancy and imagination , are less apt to understand things clearly , and they that have excellent understandings , have their fancy and imagination not so strong , but better kept within compass , that it may not be confounded with the intellect : those Men therefore , who endeavor out of the Books of the Prophets , to find the true knowledge of Natural and Spiritual things , are extremely mistaken ; which I purpose to shew at large , because the Times , Philosophy , and the matter it self requires it . I will not at all value what superstition babbles to the contrary , which hates nothing more then such Men as live good Lives , and are lovers of true solid knowledge ; with shame be it spoken , 't is now come to that pass , that they who freely confess , they have no particular Idea of God , and only know him by created Beings ( of whose Causes they are Ignorant , ) are presently branded with the Name of Atheists . To proceed orderly in proving the Point ; I will shew , that there was a difference between the Prophets , not only in respect of imagination and temperament of Body , but also in respect of the Opinions wherewith they were prepossest ; so that they never became the more Learned by Prophesy ; which I will presently more fully make out , but I must first speak of the Prophets certainty , because it belongs to the Subject of this Chapter , and because it contributes somewhat to the Proof of what I design to demonstrate . Because simple imagination doth not in its own Nature include certainty , as every clear and distinct Idea doth ; there must necessarily some other thing accompany imagination , to make us sure of the things we imagin , and that is reasoning whence it follows , that Prophesy of it self , doth not include certainty ; because it depends only upon the imagination , and therefore the Prophets themselves , were not certain of what God revealed , by the Revelation it self , but by some sign ; as appears by Abraham Gen. chap. 15. v. 8. And he said , Lord God whereby shall I know that I shall Inherit it ? asking a Sign after he heard the promise : without doubt he believed God , and did not ask the sign that he might believe , but that he might be sure the promise came from God. The same thing more plainly appears by Gideon , Judges chap. 6. v. 17 , and he said unto him if I have found Grace in thy sight then shew me a Sign , that thou talkest with me . God said to Moses , let this be a sign unto thee , Ezechiah who well knew that Isaiah was a Prophet , asked a sign of him when he foretold his recovery ; which shews that the Prophets had always some sign , by which they were certain of the things they Prophetically imagined ; and therefore Moses Deut. chap. 18. v. 22. bids the People ask a sign of any that pretend to Prophesy , which sign was to be foretelling some future event . Prophesy therefore in this particular gives Place to Natural knowledge , which needs no sign , but in its own Nature includes certainty ; but the certainty of Prophesy , was not Mathematical , but only Moral , which also appears by Scripture Deut. chap. 13. Moses warneth the People , that if any Prophet should teach them to Worship any other God , tho' he confirmed his Doctrine by Signs and Miracles , yet the Prophet was to be put to death ; for Moses goes on and says that God did by Signs and Miracles prove the People , whether they loved the Lord with all their heart . Christ in like manner warneth his Disciples , telling them Math. chap. 24. v. 24. there should arise false Christs and false Prophets , and should shew great signs and wonders . Ezechiel chap. 14. v. 9. plainly declares that God sometimes deceives Men with false Revelations ; And if the Prophet be deceived when he hath spoken a thing , I the Lord have deceived that Prophet ; which Michaiah also testifies of the Prophets of Ahab , 1 st . Book of Kings chap. 22. v. 21. 22 , 23. And tho' this shews Prophesy to be a thing somewhat doubtful and uncertain , yet it had a great deal of certainty in it , for God never deceiveth the Godly and Elect , but according to that saying in the 1 st . Book of Sam. chap. 24. v. 13. As saith the Proverb of the Ancients , wickedness proceedeth from the wicked , but my hand shall not be upon thee , and as it likewise appears by the History of Abigal and her discourse , God useth pious Persons as Instruments of his goodness , and wicked Men for Executioners of his wrath , this likewise is made Evident by the Case of the Prophet Michaiah , for tho' God had decreed Ahab should be deceived by the Prophets , he made use of false Prophets ; but to a good Prophet , revealed the Truth of what was to happen , and did not hinder the Prophet from foretelling the Truth ; but still the certainty of the Prophet was but Moral , because no Man can justify himself before God , nor boast that he is the Instrument of God , the Anger of God led David to Number the People , whose Piety the Scripture sufficiently declares , all Prophetical certainty was founded upon three Particulars . First the Prophets did as strongly , and with as much vivacity imagin the things revealed , as Men waking use to do the things they see ; Secondly the certainty of the Prophets was confirm'd by a Sign , and Thirdly because their Minds were continually inclin'd to Vertue and Justice , tho' the Scripture doth not always make mention of the sign , yet we ought to believe the Prophets still had a sign ; for the Scripture doth many times leave out circumstances and conditions , and relates things as supposed to be known . Moreover , it is to be granted , that the Prophets , who Prophesied nothing new , but what was contain'd in the Law of Moses , had no need of a sign ; ( for example , ) the Prophesy of Ieremy concerning the destruction of Ierusalem , needed no sign , because 't was confirm'd by the Prophesies of the rest of the Prophets , and by the threatnings of the Law ; but for the confirmation of Hananiahs Prophesy , who against all the Prophets foretold the sudden Restauration of the City , there was necessity of a sign , till the coming to pass of what he predicted should make it good , Ierem. chap. 28. v. 9 , 10. Seing then the certainty of Prophesy which depended upon signs , was not Mathematical ( that is such as necessarily follow'd from the thing apprehended or seen ) but only Moral ; and that signs were given to satisfy and convince the Prophet himself , it likewise follows , that signs were given according to the Opinion and Capacity of the Prophet ; so that the sign which made one Prophet confident and certain of his Prophesy , could not assure another , as the signs were different and various , so also Revelation it self did vary in every Prophet , according to the disposition of his imagination , the temper of his constitution , or the Opinions wherewith he was prepossest , ( for example ) if a Prophet were chearful and merry , to him were revealed Victories and Peace , which cause Mirth and Gladness ; such things using to take up the fancy of such Men , to a Man sad and melancholly were revealed Wars , Plagues and Evils to come ; if a Prophet were kind , merciful , chollerique or severe , accordingly were his Revelations : The fancy of the Prophet was also sometimes , the cause that Revelations differed in Stiles for if the Prophet were of an elegant and exalted fancy , the mind of God was made known to him in an eloquent lofty Stile , if the Prophets fancy were obscure and confused , so was in like manner his Revelation , when Revelations were made to a Country rustick , the signs represented were Oxen , Cows , &c. to a Souldier , Captains and Armies , to a Courtier , Palaces and regal Thrones . Lastly Prophesy varied according to the Opinions wherewith the Prophets were affected , Math. chap. 11. to the Magi addicted to Astrology , the Nativity of Christ was revealed by a Star appearing in the East , to the Dreamers or Prophets of Nebuchadnezzar was revealed the destruction of Ierusalem by inspecting the entrails of Beasts ; that King also understood it from Oracles and the Shooting of Arrows into the Air. To Prophets who believed Men had free Will , and Acted according to their will and choise , God revealed himself as indifferent , and ignorant of Mens future Actions , all which Particulars we will singly prove , by Places of Scripture . First it appears by the 2 d Book of Kings chap. 3. v. 15. that Elisha before he Prophesy'd to Iehoram , desired a Minstrel to Play before him , and that till he was pleased with the Music of the Instrument he could not , because he was Angry with the King , foretel what should happen ; they who are Angry with any Person , are apt and inclined to imagin Evil rather then good , but they are mistaken who say God is never revealed to Angry and Melancholly Persons ; for to Moses who was incensed against Pharaoh , without the help of any Musical Instrument , God revealed that miserable Plague of the death of their first born , Exod. chap. 11. God was revealed to Angry Cain , to angry and impatient Ezechiel was revealed the misery and obstinacy of the Iews , Ezek. chap. 3. v. 14. Ieremy sad and weary of his Life , Prophesy'd the Captivity of the Iews , so that Iosiah would not consult him , but sent to a Woman Hilkiah the Prophetess , to whose milder disposition the mercy of God was more likely to be revealed 2 d Book of the Chron. chap. 24. v. 22. Michiah never Prophesy'd any good to Ahab ( as did some other Prophets in the 1 st Book of the Kings chap. 20. v. 13. ) but all his Life time Prophesy'd Evil ; as plainly appears in the 1 st Book of the Kings , chap. 22. v. 8. and more plainly in the 2 d. Book of Chron. chap. 18. v. 7. the Prophets therefore in respect of the different temperament of their Body , inclined to some Revelations more then to others . The Stile also of Prophesy , differed according to the Eloquence of every Prophet ; the Prophesies of Ezekiel and Amos are Written in a lower and less Elegant Stile , then those of Isaiah and Nahum ; and if any who understand the Hebrew Tongue , desire to inquire narrowly into these things , let them compare some Chapters one with another of diverse Prophets upon the same Subject , and they shall find a great deal of difference in the Stile : compare the first Chapter of the Courtier Isaiah , from the 11 th vers . to the 20 th , with the 5 th chap. of the Herdsman Amos , from the 21 th to the 24 th verse , compare the Order and Reasons of the Prophesy of Ieremy , which he wrote chap. the 49 th at Edom ; with the Order and Reasons of Obadiah : compare the 40 th chap. of Isai. v. 19 , 20. and his 44 th chap. from verse the 8 th , with the 8 th chap. 6 th verse and the 13 th chap. 2 d. verse , of the Prophet Hosea , if all things be considered , it is very Evident that God had no peculiar Stile of speaking , but according to the Learning and Capacity of the Prophet , it was either Elegant , Concise , Sharp , Rude , Prolix or Obscure : Prophetical Representations and Hierogliphicks were various , tho' they signify'd the same thing : for the Glory of God leaving the Temple , was otherwise represented to Isaiah , then it was to Ezekiel ; the Rabbines would have both representations to be the same , and that Ezekiel being a Country Man , extraordinarily admired his own ; and therefore described it with all its Circumstances : but unless the Rabbines were assured by Faithful Tradition the thing was so indeed , we are not bound to believe them ; for Isaiah saw Seraphims with six Wings , and Ezekiel Beasts with four , Isaiah saw God clothed and sitting upon a Throne , Ezekiel saw him like Fire , both of them without doubt saw God as each was wont to imagin Representations also varyed , not only in their manner and form , but in their clearness and perspicuity ; for the Representations made to Zachary were so obscure , that they could not be understood by the Prophet himself without Explication , as appears by the Story ; and those of Daniel , tho' explain'd , were not understood by him , which happened not in Respect of the difficulty of the thing revealed ( for it concerned Human Affairs , which exceed not the bounds of Human Capacity but only as they are future ) but because Daniel was not so well able to Prophesy waking , as in his sleep ; which appears by his being so terrify'd in the beginning of the Revelation , that he was scarce able to stand , and therefore through weakness of imagination and want of strength , things were so obscurely Represented to him , that he could not understand them , tho' they were Expounded , and here it is to be observed , that the Wonders which Daniel heard were only imaginary , and therefore being at that time so much troubled , it is no wonder that he could not understand by words which he so confusedly and obscurely imagin'd , but they that say God would not clearly reveal the matter to Daniel , seem not to have read the words of the Angel , who said expresly , Dan. chap. 10. v. 14. Now am I come to make thee understand what shall befal thy People in the latter days , &c. those things therefore remain'd obscure , because at that time there was no Man found , who so much excell'd in the strength and Power of imagination , as to have a clearer Revelation made to him . Lastly the Prophets to whom it was revealed that God would take away Eliah , perswaded Elisha that he was only to be Translated to some other place , where he might be found by them ; which Evidently proves that they did not rightly understand Gods Revelation , there is no need of being larger upon these Particulars ; for nothing is more manifest in Scripture , then that God did bestow upon some Prophets , a much greater Portion of the Gift of Prophesy , then he did upon others ; but that Prophesy and Representations differ'd , according to the Opinions which the Prophets maintain'd , and that Prophets were prejudiced with different , yea contrary , Opinions ( I mean concerning things meerly Speculative ; but as to things relating to honesty and good manners , we ought to think otherwise ) I will more exactly and fully prove , because 't is a matter of greater moment , and from thence will conclude , that Prophesy never left the Prophets more Learned , but left them in the Opinions wherewith they were prepossest , and for that reason in things meerly Speculative , no Man is obliged to believe them . Many men have very unadvisedly perswaded themselves , that the Prophets knew all things , within the compass of Human Understanding , and tho' some places of Scripture tell us plainly , that the Prophets did not know some things ; yet they are rather willing to confess , they do not understand those places of Scripture , then yeild the Prophets were Ignorant of any thing ; or else they endeavour so to wrest the Words of Scripture , that they would have it say , that which it doth not mean. If either of these be lawful , then Farewel to all Scripture , for in vain do we endeavour to prove any thing by Scripture , if those things which are most clear in it , shall be reckon'd amongst those that are obscure and unintelligible , or else shall be interpreted as we please . ( For example ) nothing is more plain then that Iosuah , and perhaps he that wrote the Book of Iosuah , did belive ; that the Sun moved about the Earth , that the Earth had no motion , and that the Sun for some time stood still : Yet many because they will not allow of any mutation in the Heavens , so expound that Place , that it shall not seem to imply any such thing ; but others , who think themselves better Phylosophers , because they believe the Eatrh moves , and the Sun stands still , or at least moves not about the Earth , do with might and main , endeavour to wrest the Proof of their Opinion , out of the same Scripture against its plain Words : Indeed at these Men , I much wonder , is any Man obliged to believe , that Iosuah a Souldier was perfectly skill'd in Astronomy ? and that a Miracle could not be revealed to him , or that the Light of the Sun , could not remain longer above the Horizon then ordinary , unless Iosuah understood the Cause thereof ; both seem to me ridiculous , and I had rather plainly say , that Iosuah did not know the true Cause of that continuing Light , and that all the Army with him did think , that the Sun had adiuvrual motion about the Earth , and that it 's standing still that particular Day was the true Cause of its longer shining ; but did not understand , that the great abundance of Hail , which the 11 th . Verse of the 10 th . chap. of Iosuah says , was then in the Region of the Air , might cause a greater refraction of Light then ordinary , or some other thing of like Nature , which is not our Business here to inquire . In like manner according to the Capacity of Isaiah , a Sign was given by the Shadow 's going back upon the Dyal of Ahaz , because his Opinion was , that the Sun moved and not the Earth ; and for Parhelij perhaps , he never dreamt of any such thing , which we may without any scruple maintain , for the Sign might really happen , and be foretold to the King , though the Prophet were ignorant of the true Cause thereof : The same may be said of Solomon's Building , that if all the measures and Proportions of it were revealed by God , they were revealed according to Solomon's Capacity and Opinion , for seeing we are not bound to believe that Solomon was an exact Mathematician , we may lawfully affirm , that he knew not what proportion the Diameter of a Circle ought to bear to the Peripheria or Circumference , but thought with the common sort of Workmen , that it should be as three to one ; but if it be lawful to say , that we do not understand the Text in the 1 st . Book of Kings , chap. 7. v. 23. Truly I know not what we can understand from Scripture , since there the Building is simply and historically related ; if it be lawful to suppose the Scripture meant otherwise , but , for some Reason to us unknown , would write in that manner , what can follow but a total overthrow of all Scripture ? and then there is nothing so absurd or wicked , which Malice can invent , that may not under Scripture Authority be countenanced and committed ; but what we maintain savors not of Impiety , for Solomon , Isaiah , Ioshua &c. tho' Prophets , were Men subject to Human Infirmities . The drowning of all Mankind by a Deluge , was revealed to Noah according to his capacity , for he thought no Part of the World was inhabited but Palestine , and the Prophets without any prejudice to their Piety , might be , yea were Ignorant , not only of things of this Nature , but also , of Matters of greater consequence , for they discovered very little of the Divine Attributes , but had mean and Vulgar Opinions of God , to which their Revelations were accommodated ; as by many Testimonies of Scripture shall be proved , so that we may plainly see , they were not so much commended for the Excellencies and Sublimity of their Knowledge , as for their Piety and constancy of Mind . Adam was the first Man to whom God revealed himself : Yet he knew not that God was Omnipresent and Omniscient ; for he hid himself from God and endeavour'd to excuse his Sin to God , as if he had been before a Man ; therefore God was revealed to him according to his Opinion and Capacity , that is , as one who was not every where , and as one Ignorant of Adam's Sin ; For Adam heard , or seemed to hear God walking in the Garden , calling and asking Adam where art thou ? Asking likewise because Adam was ashamed , whether he had eaten of the forbidden Tree ? Adam therefore knew no other Attribute of God , then that he was the maker of all things . God was revealed to Cain according to his Capacity ( that is ) as one ignorant of Human Actions , nor did he need any higher Knowledge of God to repent of his Sin. To Laban God revealed himself , as the God of Abraham , because Laban believed that every Nation had a peculiar God , as appears Gen. chap. 31. v. 29. Where he saith to Iacob , the God of your Father spoke to me Yesternight . Abraham was ignorant of God's Vbiquity and Prescience ; for as soon as he heard the Sentence against Sodom , he prayed that God would not execute it , till he knew whether all deserved the Punishment , Gen. chap. 18 th . v. 24. Peradventure there may be found Fifty righteous within the City . Nor was God otherwise revealed to him , for in Abraham's imagination God said , verse . 21 th . I will go down now and see whether they have done according to the Cry of it , which is come unto me , and if not , I will know . God's Testimony of Abraham in Gen. chap. 12. v. 19. Speaks of nothing but Abraham's Obedience , and that he would command his Children , and his Houshold after him to keep the Way of the Lord , and to do Judgment and Justice ; but says nothing of any extraordinary knowledge or Conceptions , that he had of God. Moses did not perfectly know that God was Omniscient , and that Human Actions were govern'd by his Decrees ; for tho' God told him , Exod. chap. 3. v. 8. That the Israelites would hearken to his Voice , yet Moses doubted and said in the 1 st . verse of the 4 th . chapter . What if they will not believe me nor hearken to my Voice ? And therefore God was revealed to him , as indifferent and ignorant of Mens future Actions , for he gave unto him two Signs and said , Exod. chap. 4. v. 8 , 9. And if it shall come to pass they will not believe thee , nor hearken to the Voice of the first Sign , they will believe the Voice of the latter Sign , but if they will not believe the latter Sign , then take of the Water of the River &c. And indeed if a Man will without prejudice consider the Opinions of Moses , it will clearly appear , that Moses thought God a Being that always was , is , and ever shall be ; and therefore called him Iehovah , which in Hebrew expresseth those three times of existing ; but of his Nature he declared no more , then that he was very merciful , kind and very jealous , as appears in many Places of the Pentateuch . He believed and taught also , that this Being was so different from all other Beings , that he could not be exprest by the likeness of any other visible Thing ; that he was invisible , not because he thought beholding him was in it self impossible ; but only in respect of Human Frailty , he thought also that this Being was in regard of his own Power , single and but one , he allow'd that there were other Beings , which by the Order and Command of God , were God's Substitutes and Vicegerents ( that is ) Beings to whom God gave Power and Authority to govern Nations , to provide for and take care of them ; but Moses declared the Being , which the Iews were bound to worship , to be the most high God ( that is ) in the Hebrew Phrase , the God of all Gods ; therefore Moses in his Song , Exod. chap. 15. v. 11. saith , who is like unto thee O Lord amongst the Gods ! and Iethro Exod. chap. 18. v. 11. saith , Now I know that the Lord is greater then all Gods ( that is ) I must acknowledge with Moses , that Iehovah is greater then all Gods , and of Singular Power : but whether Moses believed , that the Beings which were God's Vicegerents were created by God , may be doubted , since he said nothing ( that we know ) of their Creation or Original . Another of Moses's Doctrines was , that this being out of a Chaos , Gen. chap. 1 st . v. 2. brought this Visible World into Form and Order , furnished Nature with the Seeds of all things , and therefore hath absolute Power and Authority over all things , as it is Deut. chap. 10. v. 14 , 15. And by that absolute Power , chose the Iewish Nation for himself , and appointed a Particular Place of the Earth for their Habitation , Deut. chap. 4. v. 19. and chap. 32. v. 8. But other Nations and Countries , he left to the care of other Gods substituted by him , and therefore God was called the God of Israel , and the God of Ierusalem , 2 d. Book of Chron. chap. 32. v. 19. And other Gods were called the Gods of the Nations : For this Reason the Jews believed , that the Country which God chose for them , required a particular and different worship of God , from that of other Countries , nor would they suffer the worship of other Gods , or any worship proper to other Countries to be exercised amongst them , it was believed that the People whom the King of Assyria brought into the Country of the Iews , were devoured by Lyons , because they knew not the manner of the worship of the God of the Land , 2 d. Book of Kings chap. 17. v. 24 , 25. It is the Opinion of Aben Ezra , that Iacob upon this Ground , when he was about returning into his own Country , commanded his Sons to put away the Gods of the Land in which they were ; and prepare themselves for a new Way of Worship , Gen. chap. 35. v. 23. David told Saul , because he was by Persecution compell'd to forsake his Country , that he was driven out from the Inheritance of the Lord , and sent to serve other Gods 1 st . Book of Sam. chap. 26. v. 19. Lastly , Moses believed that God had his Habitation in the Heavens , Deut. chap. 33. v. 26 Which was a frequent Opinion among the Heathen . Now if we carefully observe the Revelations of Moses , we shall find them fitted and suited to those Conceptions and Opinions which he had of God : because he believed that God's Nature was Gracious , Merciful , Longsuffering &c. Therefore according to this Opinion , and these Attributes was God revealed to him , Exod. chap. 34. v. 6 , 7. Where it is declared why God appeared to him : also Exod. chap. 20. v. 4 , 5. In Exod. chap. 33. v. 18. We read that Moses desired to see God , but because Moses , as hath been already said , had formed in his imagination no Likeness or Figure of God , and as I have already shewed , God was not revealed to the Prophets , but according to the disposition of their Fancy and Imagination , therefore God appeared to him under no Image or Similitude , and the Reason of it was , because 't was repugnant and contrary to the imagination of Moses ; but other Prophets , Isaiah , Ezekiel and Daniel testify that they saw God. Moses was answered by God in the 20 th Verse of the 33. Chap. of Exod. thou canst not see my Face ; and because Moses believed that God was visible ( that is it imply'd no contradiction in the Divine Nature to be so ) else he had never made such a request , therefore God also answer'd , no Man shall see my Face and live , giving a Reason suitable to Moses's Opinion ; for God did not say that his Divine Nature was in it self invisible , and impossible to be seen ; as indeed it is , but that it could not be seen because of human Weakness and Frailty . After the Israelites had worshipt the Golden Calf , that God might reveal to Moses the Israelites should become like other Nations , God tells him , Exod. Chap. 33. v. 2 , 3. that he would send an Angel ( that is a Being ) who instead of the supreme Being , should take care of the Israelites ; but that he himself would be no more in the midst of them : and from this Moses was to conclude , that the Israelites were thenceforth not to be beloved by God any more then other Nations , who were committed to the care of Angels or other Beings , as appears by the 16 th Verse of the Chapter . Lastly , because Moses believed that God dwelt in Heaven , therefore was God revealed as descending from Heaven upon Mount Sinai , and Moses that he might speak with God ascended the Mount , which he needed not to have done , had he thought God to be in all places : The Israelites knew very little of God , tho' he was revealed to them ; as was sufficiently manifested , by their bestowing on a Calf , the Honour and Worship due to God ; and by saying to that Calf , these be thy Gods , O Israel , that brought thee out of the Land of Egypt . Nor is it to be believed , that Men accustomed to the Superstitions of Egypt , Ignorant and broken to the Yoke of a tedious Bondage , should have any right Understanding of God ; or that Moses should teach them any thing more , then a peculiar manner and way of living ; not instructing them as a Philosopher , to make living well their free and voluntary choice ; but as a Legislator compelling them by the Commands and Power of Law : So that a good Life , the Love and Service of God , was to them rather Servitude then true Liberty , or the Grace and Gift of God : for Moses Commanded them to love God and keep his Law ; that they might acknowledge their deliverance out of Egypt to be by God , he terrifyed them with threatnings in case they Transgrest the Law , and promis'd them many Blessings , if they carefully observed it ; So that he dealt with the Israelites , as Parents use to do with Children void of Reason , which is an Evidence , that they were ignorant , how Excellent a thing Vertue is , and what was true happiness . Ionas thought he could fly from the presence of God , which imply'd , that he also believed God had substituted other Powers , to take care of those Countries and Nations which were not within the Territories of Iudea , in all the Old Testament , we read of no Person who spoke so rationally of God as Solomon , who for natural Knowledge excell'd all the Men of his time , and therefore thought himself above the Law ( which was only given to those who wanted the dictates of Reason and natural Understanding ) and slighted the observance of those Laws , which particularly concern'd him as he was King , and consisted in three Particulars , as may be seen , Deut. Chap. 17. v. 16 , 17. he was indeed to blame in breaking those Laws , and did not do like a Philosopher , when he deliver'd himself up to pleasure and sensuality ; yet we read in Ecclesiastes , he declared all the Goods of Fortune to be Vanity , and that nothing is to be so highly prized as Wisdom and Understanding , and no punishment equal to a Mans being a Fool , Prov. Chap. 17. But let us return to the Prophets , of whose differing Opinions we have taken notice , the Rabbines who have left us the Books of the Prophets now extant , found the Opinions of Ezekiel so contrary to those of Moses , as may be seen in the Treatise of the Sabbath ( Chap. 1 st fol. 13. page 2 d. ) that they were near resolving not to receive the Book of Ezekiel for Canonical , and had conceal'd it , if a certain Person called Hananiah , had not undertaken to expound it , which some report he did with great Labour and Study ; so that 't is not certain whether it were a Commentary he wrote , and was perhaps lost , or that he changed and glossed upon Ezekiels words and discourses , according to his own fancy ; however it was , the 18 th Chapter of Ezekiel doth not seem to agree with the 34 Chap. of Exod. v. 7 ; nor with the 32 Chap. of Ieremy v. 18. Samuel believed that when God had decreed any thing , he never repented or changed that decree , 1 st Book of Sam. Chap. 14. v. 29 ; Saul when he repented of his Sin and desired to worship God ; Samuel told him God would not change his Decree , but the contrary was revealed to Ieremy , for when ever God decreed good or evil to any Nation , if Men became either better or worse , before the Execution of the Sentence , God did accordingly alter his decrees , Ierem. Chap. 18. v. 8 , 10. the Prophet Ioel beleived that God repented of the Evil which he at any time decreed , Io. Chap. 2. v. 13. in the 4 th Chap. of Gen. v. 7. it clearly appears , that it is in Mans Power to overcome Evil Temptations , and to live well by what God said to Cain , who notwithstanding as we find in Scripture and in Iosephus , never subdued his Passions , by the forecited Text in Ieremy , we may conclude that God changeth his purposes either of doing good or evil , according to Mens living well or wickedly ; yet on the contrary , St. Paul teacheth nothing more plainly , then that Men have no Power over themselves , against the Temptations and Lusts of the Flesh , but by the particular Mercy and Election of God ; as may be seen in the 9 th Chapter to the Romans from the 10 th Verse onward ; in the 3 d Chap. v. 3 d , where he asketh whether God be unrighteous in taking vengeance , he Corrects himself in speaking after that manner like a Man. From what hath been alledged , we have sufficiently proved what we proposed , namely that God fitted and suted his Revelations according to the Capacity and Opinions of the Prophets ; and that they might be and indeed were , ignorant of things meerly speculative , which did not pertain to Charity and a godly Life , that the Prophets were also of very different Opinions , and consequently in the Knowledge of Natural and Spiritual things , we are not to rely and ground our selves upon them : We conclude then , that we are not bound to believe any thing more from the Prophets , then the end and substance of what they revealed ; and that in other things , it is free for a Man to believe as he thinks best , ( for example ) Cains Revelation teacheth us , that God did admonish him to live well , which was the intent end , and substance of the Revelation ; but it doth not declare to us the freedom of Mans Will , or any other Philosophical Matter ; therefore tho' in the Words and Reasons of that Admonition , freedom of Will seem to be clearly asserted , yet 't is lawful to be of a contrary Opinion , since those Words and Reasons , were only applyed and suited to the Capacity of Cain . The Prophet Michaiahs Revelation only declared , what should be the Event of the Battle between Ahaband Aram ; and therefore we are only bound to believe that ; but whatever else was contain'd in that Revelation concerning the true and lying Spirit of God ; or concerning the Host of Heaven standing on each side of God , with other Circumstances in that Revelation ; they do not at all concern us , but every one may believe of them as he thinks most agreeable to Reason , the same may be said of the Reasons declared to Iob , for God's having absolute Power over all things , if it be true that they were a Revelation , and that he Writ as an Historian and not ( as some believe ) like a Poet : they were revealed according to Iobs Capacity , for his particular Conviction , but they were not intended as Universal Reasons to convince all Men ; nor are we to determin otherwise of the Reasons used by Christ , to convince the Pharisees of their Ignorance and Obstinacy , and to perswade his Disciples to live righteously ; all those Reasons were accommodated to the Opinions and Principles of the Persons to whom they were urged ( for example ) when Christ said to the Pharisees , Mat. Chap. 12 v. 26. If Satan cast out Satan he is divided against himself , how then shall his Kingdom stand , here Christ convinceth the Pharisees , from their own Principles and Opinions , who said he cast out Devils by Belzebub the Prince of Devils ; but we ought not to conclude , that Christs Words are an absolute proof , that there are Devils and a Kingdom of Devils . So also when he said to his Disciples , Matth. Chap. 18. v. 10. Take heed that ye despise not one of these little Ones , for I say unto you , that in Heaven their Angels do always behold the Face of my Father which is in Heaven , by these Words Christ taught nothing more , then that they ought not to be proud , or despise any one , whatever else was faid , was only the better to perswade his Disciples , the same may be said of the Signs and Discourses of the Apostles ; nor need we say more of this Subject , because it would be extreamly tedious to Quote all those places of Scripture which are Writen only Ad hominem , or according to Mens Capacity ; and with a great prejudice to Philosophy , are maintain'd to be Divine Doctrines . 'T is sufficient to have mention'd these few general ones , the Curious Reader may himself examine the rest ; but seeing all those things which I have spoken concerning Prophets and Prophesy , do directly concern the thing I aimed at , which was to divide Philosophy from Theology ; yet because I have only touched upon the question generally , I will now in the following Chapter , inquire whether the Gift of Prophesy were peculiar only to the Iews , or common to all Nations ? And also what is to be understood by the calling of the Iews . CHAP. III. Of the calling of the Jews , and whether the Gift of Prophesy were peculiar only to the Jews . EVery Mans prosperity and true happiness consists only in the fruition of good , but not in the glory , that he alone and no other Person enjoys that good ; for whoever thinks himself the more happy , because it is well with him when it is not so with other Men ; or because he is more fortunate and prosperous then others , is ignorant what is true felicity and beatitude ; and the joy which ariseth from such a conceit is Childish , and savors of an envious Evil Mind ( for example ) Mans true beatitude and felicity , consists only in Wisdom and the knowledge of Truth , but not in his being wiser then other Men , or that other Men want true knowledge ; for that adds not at all to his Wisdom , which is his true happiness , he therefore that rejoyceth in being happyer then other Men , takes Pleasure in their misfortune , and is an envious Evil Man ; and he that is so , never knew true Wisdom or the Peace of a good Life ; seeing therefore , that the Scripture for the better perswading the Iews to obey the Law , saith Deut. chap. 10 v. 19. that God chose them above all People , and was nigher to them then to all other Nations Deut. chap. 4. v. 7. that he gave them Statutes and Laws more righteous and just , then he did to other Nations , as it is in the 8 th Verse of the same chap. and lastly , that God made himself more known to them then to other People , as it is in the 32 th verse of the 4 th chap. All this was spoken according to the capacity and understanding , of those that did not know what was true blessedness , as we have shewn in the foregoing Chapter , and as Moses himself , testifies in Deut. chap. 9. v. 6 , 7. for the Iews had not been less blessed , tho' God had equally called all Men to Salvation , nor had God been less gracious to them , tho' he had been as nigh to other Nations ; their Laws had not been less righteous , nor they less wise , tho' the same had been prescribed to all other People , and the Miracles done among them had not less declared Gods Power , tho' the like had been wrought for other Nations ; nor had the Iews been the less obliged to serve and Worship God , tho' God had equally given to all other Men the same Gifts which he bestow'd on them . God's saying to Solomon ( in the 1 st Book of Kings chap. 3. v. 12. ) that none after him should be ever like him for understanding , seems to be only a manner of speaking to declare the excellency of Solomons Wisdom ; what ever the words mean , yet we ought not to believe , that to increase Solomons happiness , God promis'd never to make any Man so wise as he ; for that would not at all have made Solomons Wisdom greater , neither would a wise King have given God the less thanks , tho' God had said , he would bestow as much Wisdom upon all other Men. But tho' we say , that Moses in the forecited places of the Pentateuch , spake according to the Capacity of the Iews ; yet we cannot deny but that God prescribed those Laws of the Pentateuch to the Iews only , that he spoke only to them , and that no other Nation ever saw such miracles as were wrought amongst them , all that I intend is , that Moses spake after such a manner , and made use of such arguments , the better to convince their Childish understandings , and bind them the faster to the service and worship of God. Lastly , we will shew , that the Iews did not excel other Nations in knowledge or Piety , but in some other thing ; or ( that I may with Scripture speak to their Capacity ) God did not make choise of the Iews above other Nations , that their knowledge might be more sublime , or their Lives more righteous then other Peopl's , but for another end and purpose ; and what that was , we will in order declare . But before I begin , I will in few words explain , what I mean in that which follows , by Gods disposing and direction , what by Gods external and internal assistance , what by Gods calling or Election . And Lastly , what I intend by fortune , I take Gods disposing or direction , to be the fixed order and immutable course of Nature , or the Concatenation of Natural things and causes ; for we have already shewn , that the universal Laws of Nature , whereby all things are done and determin'd , are nothing else but Gods eternal decrees , which imply eternal verity and necessity : therefore whether we say , that all things are done and brought to pass , according to the Laws of Nature , or by the ordination and decree of God , we say but one and the same thing ; because the Power of all Natural beings , is nothing else , but the Power of God by which all things were ordered and done , it therefore follows , that whatever Man , who is a part of Nature , doth for the preservation of his being , or whatever Nature without any indeavour of his , offers him for that end ; it is offered by the divine Power , operating either by human Nature , or by things without it : so that whatever human Nature can perform by its own Power for self preservation , that may be truly called Gods internal assistance , and that benefit and advantage which Man receives from the Power of external causes , may be justly termed Gods external help : which fully explains what is to be understood by Gods calling or Election ; for since no Man can do any thing but by the predeterminate order of Nature , that is according to Gods eternal direction and decree , it is a necessary consequence , that no Man chuseth for himself any way or manner of living , or effecteth any thing , but by the particular Will and Calling of God , who chose him before others , so to live , and so to Act. Lastly by fortune nothing else is to be understood , but Gods disposing and directing human Affairs , by external and unexpected Causes . These things premised , we return to our first purpose , of inquiring what it was , for which the Iews are said to be chosen by God before other Nations , and to make it out , I proceed in this manner . All those things which we can honestly and lawfully desire , may be referred to these three Heads . First , to know things by their first and immediate Causes . Secondly . to Master our Passion and affections , and acquire a constant habit of vertue , and Lastly , to live in Bodily health and safty . The means directly conducing to the two first of these heads , and which may be consider'd as prime and efficient causes ; are contained in human Nature ; so that the obtaining of them is within our Power , or cheifly depends upon the Laws only of human Nature : and therefore it must be concluded , that those gifts are not peculiar to any one Nation , but were always common to all Mankind , unless we can perswade our selves , that Nature first procreated diverse kinds of Men ; but the means which conduce to our living in health and safty , consist cheifly in things external , and are therefore called the gifts and goods of Fortune , because they depend upon the disposition of outward causes , of which we are altogether ignorant , so that in this particular , the Fool and the wise Man is alike happy or unhappy , yet as to secure living and to avoid the injuries both of Men and Beasts , human wisdom and diligence may contribute very much ; reason and experience teach us , that to live in safty , there is no way so ready and certain , as to form Societies Subject to Laws , to chuse a convenient part of the Earth for habitation , and to unite every individual Person 's strength , to preserve the whole Collective Body : but to the forming and preserving of Societies , no little wisdom and diligence is required ; and therefore that Society shall be more secure , more lasting , and less Subject to Fortune and Accidents , which is founded and ordered by prudent and careful Men ; and on the contrary , those Societies which are formed and govern'd by Men of gross and mean understandings , do for the most part depend upon Fortune , and are of no long continuance ; but where such a Society stands long , it owes its duration not to its own , but to some other conduct , and if it overcome great dangers , and the Affairs thereof prosper , it cannot but admire and adore Gods disposing and ordering things ( by external and hidden causes , when he doth not Act by human Nature and Understanding ) seeing whatever happens to such a Society of Men beyond their Expectation and Opinion , may be counted a Miracle . Nations therefore are distinguisht one from another , in respect of Society and Laws , under which they live and are govern'd ; so that the Iewish Nation was not chosen by God before others , in respect of their understanding and tranquility of mind , but in regard of their association and Fortune , by which they arriv'd to that government which lasted so many Years , it manifestly appears by Scripture , that the Iews excelled other Nations only in the prosperous management of those Affairs , which concern'd their Living Securely , and that they overcame great dangers only by Gods external Assistance ; but in other things they were but equal to other Nations , and God was alike good to all , it is evident as we have proved in the preceding Chapter , that the Iews as to their knowledge , had very vulgar Notions and thoughts of God ; and therefore as they were not chosen above others , upon the account of their knowledge ; so neither were they chosen in respect of their vertue and good Life , for in that they were but like other Nations , and but a very few of them were chosen ; their calling and election , consisted in the temporal felicity and advantages of their government , neither can we perceive , that God promis'd any more to the Patriarchs and their successors , yea by the Law , nothing else was promised for a reward to obedience , but the continual prosperity of their Government and some other benefits of this Life : in case of disobedience and breach of Covenant , they were threatned with the ruin of the Government , temporal misery and destruction , and no wonder ; for the end of all Society and Government , ( as hath been already and shall hereafter be more fully declared ) is to live in Happiness and Security . But Government cannot subsist without Laws which every Man must obey , for when the Members of a Society refuse to be govern'd by the Laws , in that very instant the Society is dissolved , and the Government destroyed , to the Commonwealth of the Iews , nothing else could be promised for the constant Observation of their Law , but the safety , benefits and conveniences of this Life , and for their Rebellion no other punishment was prophesy'd , but the destruction of their Government , the Miseries which would thereupon ensue , and perhaps some other Evils which might peculiarly happen to them from the ruin of their Government , which was singular and different from others , but of these things we need say no more at this time , I only add , that the Laws of the Old Testament , were revealed and prescribed only to the Iews , for when God called and chose them to a particular kind of Society and Government , they were necessarily to have singular Laws ; whether God prescribed peculiar Laws to other Nations , and revealed himself prophetically to their Law-givers , under those attributes which they in their imagination used to ascribe to God , I am not certain ; however it appears by Scripture , that other Nations had Governments and particular Laws by the external direction of God , to prove which I will only quote two places , Gen. chap. 14. v. 18 , 19 , 20. where it is said , that Melchisedech was King of Salem , and the priest of the most high God , and that he blessed Abraham , which ( as we may see Numb . chap. 6. v. 23. ) was the Priests Office , and Abraham the beloved of God gave to the High Priest the tenth part of all his booty ; which plainly proves , that before God founded the Iewish Nation , he constituted Kings and Priests in Ierusalem , and prescribed them Laws and Ceremonies : but whether he did it prophetically I cannot affirm , however I am perswaded , that Abraham while he continued there , liv'd religiously according to those Laws ; for Abraham received no particular Religious Rites from God , and yet it is said Gen. chap , 26. v. 5. that Abraham kept the Commandments , Statutes , and Laws of God , which must necessarily be those of King Melchisedch . Malachy chap. 1 st . v. 10 , 11. God there reproves the Iews saying , who is there even among you that would have shut the Doors for nought ? ( meaning of the Temple ) neither do ye kindle fire on my Altar for nought , I have no Pleasure in you saith the Lord of Hosts , neither will I accept an Offering at your hand , for from the Rising of the Sun to the going down of the same , my name shall be great among the Gentiles , and in every place incense shall be offered to my name , and a pure offering , for my name shall be great among the heathen saith the Lord of Hosts , which words sufficiently testify unless we wrest their sense , that at that time , the Iews were not more beloved of God then other Nations , that God was made known more to other Nations by Miracles , then he was at that time to the Iews who then without Miracles , recovered again in part their Government , and that other Nations had Religious Rites and Ceremonies , wherewith God was well pleased ; but these things I pass by , it being sufficient for my purpose to have shewn , that the Election of the Iews concerned nothing else , but the temporal well fare of their Bodies , their Liberty , Government , or the ways and means by which it was erected ; consequently their Laws as they were necessary to the Establishment of that particular kind of Government , and Lastly , the manner how those Laws were revealed : but as to all other things , wherein the Happyness of Man's Life consists , they were but equal to other Nations . Seeing then the Scripture Deut. chap. 4. v. 7. Saith , that no Nation had God so nigh unto them as the Iews . That must be understood only in Respect of the Government , and of that time only in which so many Miracles happened ; but in Respect of Knowledge and Vertue which is true Happyness , God ( as we have already proved ) was equally Gracious to all Men , which is evident in Scripture , for the Psalmist saith , Psal. 145. v. 18. The Lord is nigh unto all them that call upon him , to all them that call upon him in Truth : also in the same Psal. v. 9. The Lord is good to all , and his tender Mercies are over all his Works . Psal. 33. v. 15. He fashioneth Mens Hearts alike . The meaning of which Expression is , that God gives to all Mankind the same Intellect ; for among the Iews , as 't is well known , the Heart was believed to be the Seat of the Soul and Understanding . It appears Iob chap. 28. v. 28. That the Law prescribed by God to all Mankind , was to fear the Lord , depart from evil and to do well , and therefore Iob , tho' a Gentile , was very acceptable to God , and excell'd in Religion and Piety : Lastly , it is plain by the 4 th . chap. of Ionah . v. 21. That God was not only to the Iews , but to all Men , Gracious , Merciful , slow to Anger , and of great Kindness , which are the Words of Moses , Exod. chap. 34. v. 6. So that Ionah said , he fled to Tarshish , because he knew God being Merciful and Gracious , would pardon the Ninevites , who were Gentiles . We then conclude , seeing God is equally good to all Mankind , and that the Iews were only chosen by God in respect of their Society and Government ; that every particular Iew considered as a Person out of that Common-weath and Government , had no Gift of God above other Men , nor was there any difference between a Iew and a Gentile . If God be equally good and gracious to all Men , and that the Duty and Office of a Prophet , was not so much to instruct Men in the particular Laws of their Country , as to teach them the Way to good and Vertuous living ; there is no doubt but all Nations had their Prophets , and that the Gift of Prophesy was not peculiar to the Iews : which is proved by Profane , as well as by Sacred , Histories . Tho' in the Sacred Histories of the Old Testament , it doth not plainly appear , that other Nations had so many Prophets as the Iews , or that any Gentile Prophet was expresly sent by God to other Nations ; nothing is to be inferr'd from thence , because the Iews only took care , to write the History of their own Affairs , and not of other Nations . It is enough that in the Old Testament , we find that Gentiles , and Men uncircumcised as Noah , Enoch , Abimeleck , and Balaam did Prophesy ; and that also the Iewish Prophets , were not only sent by God to their own People , but likewise to other Nations . Ezekiel Prophesy'd to all the Nations known in his Time , and Obadiah , for ought we know , to none but the Edomites . Ionah was a Prophet chiefly to the Ninevites , Isaiah did not only lament and foretel the Calamities , and Prophesy the Restauration of the Iews , but also of other Nations , for he saith chap. 16. v. 9. Therefore will I bewail with the weeping of Iazer . In chap. 19. He first foretelleth the Calamities , and afterwards the Restauration of the Egyptians ; in the 19 , 20 , 21 , 25. Verses , he tells them God would send them a Saviour , and would deliver them , that God should be known to them , and that they should worship God by Sacrifices and Oblations ; and Lastly , he calls Egypt the Blessed People of God , all which is very worthy of our Observation . Lastly , Ieremy was not only a Prophet to the Iews , but was in Express Terms called the Prophet of the Nations . Ierem. chap. 1 st . v. 5. Before thou camest out of the Womb , I sanctify'd thee , and ordained thee a Prophet to the Nations . He Prophetically be wayl'd and foretold , the Restauration of other Nations , he saith , chap. 48. v. 31. Therefore will I howl for Moab , I will cry out for all Moab , and v. 36. Therefore my Heart shall sound for Moab like Pipes . And afterward foretels the Restauration of the Egyptians , the Amonites and Elamites . Without question other Nations had their Prophets as well as the Iews , tho' the Scripture mentions only Balaam , to whom was revealed what should befal other Nations , as well as the Iews ; Yet we are not to believe , that Balaam never Prophesy'd till he was sent for by Balaack ; it appears by the story , that he was Famous for Prophesy , and other Divine Endowments ; for Balaack said to him Numb . chap. 22. v. 6. I know , he whom thou blessest is blessed , and he whom thou cursest is cursed . So that he had the same Power and Vertue , which God Gen. chap. 12. v. 3. bestowed upon Abraham . Balaam also answers Balaack's Messengers , as one accustomed to Prophesy ; for he bid them stay all Night till the Word of God were revealed to him ; when he Prophesyed , ( that is ) made known what was truly the Mind and Will of God , he used to say these Words . He hath said , who heard the Words of God , and knew the. Knowledge of the most high , who saw the Vision of the Almighty salling into a Trance , but having his Eyes open . Lastly , after he had by Gods Command blessed the Israelites , he began as he was wont to Prophesy of other Nations , foretelling what should happen to them in time to come , all which fully proves , that he had been always a Prophet , or had often Prophesyed ; and what is further to be observed , that he likewise had that which made the Prophets certain of the truth of their Prophesy , namely an honest and good Mind , for he did not as Balaack thought , curse and bless whom he would , but only those that were to be blessed or curst as God pleased ; therefore he answered Balaack , if Balaack would give me his House full of Gold , I cannot go beyond the Commandment of the Lord , to do either good or bad of mine own Mind , but what the Lord saith that will I speak ; as for Gods being angry with him , it was no more then happen'd to Moses , when by Gods Command he went into Egypt , Exod. Chap. 4. v. 24. where it is said , the Lord met him and sought to kill him , his taking Mony to Prophesy was no more then was done by Samuel , 1 st Book of Sam. chap. 9. v. 7 , 8. St. Peter in his 2 d Epistle Chap. 2. v. 15 , 16. and Iude in the 11 th Verse of his Epistle tells us , in what Balaam sinned , but what saith the 20 th Verse of the 7 th Chap. of Ecclesiastes , No Man so just upon Earth who always doth good and never Sins : certainly the Prayers of Balaam were very prevalent , seeing 't is so often recorded in Scripture , that for a Testimony of God's Mercy to the Israelites , he refused to hear Balaam , and turned his Curses into a Blessing , as we may see , Deut. Chap. 23. v. 5. Iosh. Chap. 24. v. 10. and Neh. Chap. 13. v. 2. So that without question he was a Person very acceptable to God , who is never moved with the Prayers or Curses of wicked Men. Seeing therefore that Balaam was a true Prophet , and that notwithstanding , Ioshua Chap. 4. v. 22. calls him a Southsayer , yet that name was sometimes taken in a good Sense , and those that the Gentiles called Augurs or Diviners , were true Prophets , and those whom the Scripture Condemns for false Diviners , were they that deceived the Nations , as the false Prophets did the Iews , which clearly appears out of other places of Scripture . We therefore conclude that the Gift of Prophesy , was not peculiar to the Iews , but common to all Nations ; but the Pharisees zealously maintain the contrary , and say that the Iews only had that Divine Gift , and that other Nations did foretel future Events ( what will not Superstition invent ) by I know not what Diabolical Power and Arts : the place of greatest Authority in the Old Testament , which the Pharisees quote for the Confirmation of their Opinion , is Exod. Chap. 33. v. 16. where Moses saith to God , Wherein shall it be known here that I and thy People have found Grace in thy sight : is it not in that thou goest with us , so shall we be seperated I and thy People from all the People that are upon the face of the Earth . Hence the Pharisees infer that Moses Petitioned God , to be present with the Iews , that he would prophetically reveal himself to them , and that he would not grant that Favour to any other Nation , certainly it is very ridiculous to think , Moses envyed the presence of God to other Nations and People , or that he durst desire any such thing , but the truth of the Case was , that after Moses knew the obstinate disposition and Rebellious Mind of his Nation , he clearly saw that without very great Miracles , and the particular external Assistance of God , he should never perfect what he had begun ; but that they must all necessarily perish without such Assistance ; and therefore that it might appear God would preserve them , he prayed for that extraordinary external Aid from God , for he saith , Exod. Chap. 34. v. 9. If now I have found Grace in thy sight , O Lord , let my Lord I pray thee go among us for it is a stiffnecked People , the reason therefore why Moses desired that particular external help from God , was because the People were stubborn and disobedient , and that Moses desired no more then this external Assistance , appears evidently by Gods Answer , v. 10. of the same Chapter , Behold I make my Covenant before all thy People , I will do Miracles such as have not been done in all the Earth nor in any Nation : So that Moses here treateth of the Election of the Iews only in that Sense I have explain'd it , and requested no other thing of God , but I find another Text in Paul's Epistle to the Romans , Chap. 3. v. 12. which much more satisfies me , tho' he seem to be of a disserent Opinion from mine ; for he saith , what Advantages hath the Jew or what profit is there in Circumcision ? much every way , chiefly because unto them were Committed the Oracles of God. But if we carefully consider the Doctrine which Paul chiefly design'd to maintain , we shall find it so far from contradicting mine , that it perfectly agrees with it ; for he saith , v. 29 th . of the same Chap. Is he the God of the Jews only , is he not also of the Gentiles ? And chap. 2. v. 25 , 26. he saith , if the Circumcised break the Law , Circumcision is made Vncircumcision , and if the Vncircumcised keep the Righteousness of the Law , shall not his Vncircumcision be counted for Circumcision ? He further saith , v. 9. of the same Chapter , that both Iews and Gentiles were all under Sin , but there can be no Sin where there is no Commandment or Law. 'T is evident that the Law was absolutely reveal'd to all Mankind ( as I have already shewn by the 28 th . v. of the 28 th Chap. of Iob ) under which all Men lived ; namely that Universal Law which obligeth all Men to live a virtuous and good Life ; and not that particular Law , which was ordain'd for the Constitution and Advantage of any single Government , and was suited to the disposition of only one particular People . Lastly , Paul concludes , because God is the God of all Nations , that is equally good to all Mankind ; and because all were equally under the Law and Sin , therefore God sent Christ to all Nations , that he might free all from the Bondage of the Law , that for the future they might do well , not by the compulsion of Law , but by their own free will : So that Paul makes good my Doctrine to a tittle , by his saying that the Oracles of God were Committed to the Jews , we are to understand that the Laws which were given to other Nations , by Revelation and internal Communication to their Minds , were delivered to the Jews in Writing ; or we must say , ( that seeing Paul endeavour'd to confute that which only the Iews could Object ) he answer'd according to the understanding , and the then received Opinion of the Jews , the better to insinuate those things which he had partly heard and seen , because with the Grecians he became a Greek , and to the Jews a Jew . Nothing now remains , but answering the Objections of some Men , who perswade themselves that the Election of the Jews , was not temporal only , and in respect to their Government , but eternal : they say that the Jews after the loss of their Government , tho' so many Years dispersed and divided among all Nations , still survive and are yet in being , which never happen'd to any other Nation ; that the Scripture in many places seems to declare , that God chose them to be his People for ever , and that tho' they have lost their Government and Commonwealth , they are still Gods Elect : the places of Scripture which they think most clearly prove this eternal Election , are chiefly the 36. v. of the 31 Chapter of Jerem. where the Prophet testifies , that the Seed of Israel should continue Gods People for ever , by comparing them with the immutable and fixed order of Heaven and Nature . Thus saith the Lord 〈◊〉 giveth the Sun for a Light by Day , and the Ordinances of the Moon and Stars for a Light by Night , who divideth the Sea when the Waves thereof Roar ; if these Ordinances depart from before me , saith the Lord , then the Seed of Israel also shall cease from being a Nation before me for ever . The second place of Scripture is , Ezek. Chap. 20. from the 32. Verse onward , where God seemeth to declare , that tho' the Iews should willfully depart from his Worship , yet he would gather them again from all Countries where they should be scatter'd , and would lead them into the Wilderness of the People , as he did their Fathers into the Wilderness of Egypt , and after he had separated from them the Rebels and Transgressors , he would bring them into his Holy Mountain , where all the House of Israel should serve him , there are other places of Scripture cited by the Pharisees , but in answering these two , I think I shall clear all others , which will be easily done , after I have proved by Scripture , that Gods choice of the Iews was not eternal , but on the same Conditions that he before chose the Canaanites , who also , as we have shewn , had a High Priest , who Religiously Worshipt God , and yet were at last rejected by God for their Luxury , Sloth and Idolatry . Moses , Levit. chap. 18. v. 27 , 28. warneth the Israelites , that they should not pollute themselves with Incest and other Abominations , as did the Canaanites , least the Land spewed them out as it did the Nations before them , and Moses Deut. chap. 8. v. 19 , 20. in express Words threatens their total Destruction ; I testify against you this day , that ye shall surely perish as the Nations which the Lord destroyeth before your Face , so shall ye perish because ye would not be obedient unto the Voice of the Lord your God , and to this purpose , there are other places in the Law , which shew , that Gods Election of the Iews was not eternal , if therefore the Prophets foretold them , of a new everlasting Covenant of the Knowledge , Love and Favour of God , it is manifest that it was promised only to those , that were Pious , and feared God ; for in the forecited 20 th . Chapter of Ezek. it is expresly said , that God would separate from them the Rebellious and Transgressors , Zeph. chap. 3. v. 11 , 12. God , saith he , would take away out of the midst of them those that were Proud , and he would leave an Afflicted and Poor People , and because this Election was founded only upon Piety and real Vertue , it is not to be imagin'd , that it was promis'd to none but those that were Godly and Vertuous amongst the Iews exclusively to all other Nations ; but we ought to believe , that the true Prophets among the Heathen ( which we have shew'd all Nations had ) did likewise promise the same to their own People , and still comforted them with it , this eternal Covenant of the Knowledge and Love of God , is Universal as appears , Zeph. chap. 3. v. 10. from beyond the Rivers of AEthyopia my Suppliants even the Daughter of my dispersed shall bring my Offerings . So that in this particular , no difference is to be made between Iews and Gentiles , and therefore no other Election was peculiar to the Iews , but what I have declared ; the Prophets in their Prophesies of this Election , which only had respect to vertuous living , mingled many things concerning the Sacrifices and Ceremonies of the Temple , and rebuilding the City , and under those Figures according to the Custom and Nature of Prophesy , expounded things Spiritual , that they might likewise declare to the Iews whose Prophets they were , that Restauration of their Government and Temple , which they were to expect in the Reign of Cyrus . That the Iews should still remain without any Government after a dispersion of so many Years is no wonder , seeing they have separated themselves from all Nations , and incur'd their hatred not only by external Rites contrary to those of other Nations , but also by the sign of Circumcision , which they most religiously observe , that their being hated by other Nations contributes very much to their continuance , is proved by Experience . When the King of Spain heretofore compell'd the Iews to profess the Religion of that Kingdom , or else to quit the Country , many Iews turn'd Papists , and because those that changed their Religion became thereby capable of the same Priviledges and Honours which natural Spaniards enjoy'd , they were presently mixed with the Natives , and in a short time there remain'd none of the race : but the contrary happen'd in Portugal , where tho' the King forced them to profess the Religion of the Country , they still lived apart by themselves , because they were declared incapable of all Preferments . I am of Opinion , that only the sign of Circumcision may be able to perpetuate the Nation , and unless the Principles of their Religion Effeminate their Minds , they may one time or other when they see a fair opportunity , Re-establish their Government , and be again chosen by God. Of the like Case , the Chineses are a Famous Example , who Religiously preserve a particular lock of Hair upon their Heads , by which they distinguish themselves from other People , and have thereby preserved themselves so many thousand Years , that their Antiquity exceeds all other Nations , they have heretofore recovered their lost Empire , and without doubt will do so again , when the Courage of the Tartars , hath lain a while longer buried in Wealth , Luxury and Sloth . Lastly , if any Man upon what ground soever will maintain , that Gods Election of the Iews was eternal , I will not contradict him , provided he grant that their Election whether Temporal or Eternal , and as it was peculiar to the Iews , did only respect their Government and bodily Conveniences ( which alone may distinguish one Nation from another ) but that upon the account of Knowledge and Vertue , there is no Nation distinguisht from , nor any chosen by , God before another . CHAP. IV. Of the Divine Law. THE word Law taken absolutely , signifies , That , according to which every individual , or all , or some , of the individuals of the same Species , do Act by one and the same determinate Rule , and that Rule depends either upon the necessity of Nature , or the Will and Pleasure of Men : the Law which depends upon the necessity of Nature , is that which necessarily follows from the very Nature or Definition of any thing ; and the Law which depends upon the Pleasure of Men , and is more properly called Law , is that which Men for the greater safety and benefit of Life , or for other Causes do prescribe to themselves and others , ( for Example ) that all Bodies when they hit or dash against other less Bodies , do loose so much of their own Motion , as they impart to those other less Bodies , is the Universal Law of all Bodies , which follows from the necessity of Nature : so likewise when a Man remembers one thing , he is presently mindful of another like it , or as soon as he sees them together , is a Law which necessarily follows from Human Nature ; but that Men voluntarily part with , or are compell'd to part with that Right , which every one hath by Nature , and oblige themselves to a certain Rule and Manner of living , depends upon the Will and Pleasure of Men ; and tho' it be absolutely granted , that all things by the Universal Laws of Nature , are ordain'd to be , and Operate , according to a certain and determinate Rule ; yet I say those Laws do depend upon the Pleasure of Men. First , because Man as he is a great part of Nature makes and constitutes a part of the Power of Nature , and therefore those things which follow from the necessity of Human Nature ( that is from Nature it self as we conceive it regulated by Human Nature ) tho' they follow necessarily , yet they follow from Human Power ; wherefore the Sanction of those Laws may very well be said to depend upon the Will of Men , because it so depends upon the Power of Mans Mind , that the Mind of Man as it apprehends things under the Notion of true or false , may nevertheless be clearly understood , without those Universal Laws ; but not without the Law of necessity as I have defined it . Secondly , I have said those Universal Laws of nature , depend upon the Pleasure of Men , because we ought to define and explain things by their next and immediate causes , and that Universal consideration of Fate and the chaining together of causes , can no way help us in the forming and ordering our thoughts concerning particular things , ( that is ) we know not how things are ordered and tyed together , so that it is better , yea absolutely necessary , for the benefit of Life , to consider things as they are possible , and so much of Law consider'd absolutely . But because the name of Law , by Translation , is apply'd to natural things , and commonly by Law , nothing else is meant but a command , which Men may , or may not perform , so that it confines human Power to bounds and limits , beyond which it might go , and yet commands nothing which it is not able to do , therefore Law more particularly defined , is that rule and manner of living , which Men for some end prescribe to themselves or to others : but because very few know the true end of Laws , and Men being for the most part incapable of Understanding it , do not live according to the dictates of reason , therefore Law-givers , that they might equally bind all , have wisely establisht an end very different , from that which necessarily follows from the Nature of Laws ( namely ) by propounding to those who keep the Law , that which they most love , and by threatning the breakers of the Law , with that which they most fear ; and so endeavor , as far as 't is possible , to rule the multitude , as a Horse is govern'd with a Bridle ; so that Law in its common acceptation , is that rule of living , which by the Power of others is prescribed to Men , and consequently that they who obey Laws are said to live under Law , and may be called Servants or Subjects , he that giveth to every one his due because he is afraid of the gallows , is under the Power of another , and being compell'd by the fear of punishment to do what he doth , cannot be called just , but he that giveth to every one his due , because he knows the necessity and the true end and reason of Laws , what he doth is free and voluntary , and he may therefore be deservedly called a just Man : which I suppose to be St. Pauls meaning , when he said , they that lived under the Law could not be justify'd fy'd by the Law , for justice as it is commonly defined , is a constant Voluntary resolution of rendring to every Man that which is his due , and therefore Solomon Prov. chap. 20. v. 15. saith , it is joy to the just to do judgment but the wicked fear . Seeing then Law is nothing else but a rule of living , which Men for some end prescribe to themselves or to others , the Law may therefore be distinguisht into human and divine , by Mans Law we understand that rule of living which secures life and the weal public , but the Divine Law hath respect only to our cheifest good , that is the true knowledge and love of God : the reason why I call this Law Divine , is in respect of the Nature of our cheifest good , which I will with all possible brevity and plainess declare . Whereas our better part is our underderstanding , it is certain if we seek our own good , we ought cheifly to endeavour as much as is possible , the perfecting our intellect ; because in the perfection of that consists our cheifest happiness ; and since all our knowledge and certainty which removes all doubt , depends only upon the knowledge of God , because nothing can be , or be known without God , and because we may doubt of all things , while we have no clear and distinct Idea of God , it follows that our perfection , and cheifest happiness , depends only upon the knowledge of God. Moreover , since nothing can either exist , or be known , without God , it is certain that all things in Nature , in respect of their essence and perfection , do imply and express the Notion of God , and consequently the more we know natural things , the greater and more perfect knowledge we acquire of God ; because the knowledge of an effect by its Cause , is nothing else , but knowing the true Nature and Property of the cause ; so that by how much the more we know natural things , so much the more perfectly do we know the being of God , who is the cause of all things ; and all our knowledge ( that is ) our cheifest happiness , doth not only depend , upon , but wholly consists in , the knowledge of God : which consequence is made good , by a Mans becomming more or less perfect , according to the Nature and perfection of the thing he most loves , and so on the contrary . He therefore is most perfect , who pertakes most of the highest Beatitude , and who above all things , loves and is most delighted with the intellectual knowledge of God , who is the most perfect of all beings . Hitherto then our cheifest good and happiness , still returns into the knowledge of God , the end then of all human actions , so far as we have an Idea of him being God ; the means which this end requires , may be called the commands of God , because they are as it were prescribed by God existing in our minds ; and the rule of living which respecteth this end , may be called the divine Law ; but what those means are , and what that manner of living is which this end requires , how the best Goverments and Men in living one with another should pursue this end , is a Subject for moral Philosophy to handle , my present business is only to speak in general of the Law divine . If then the love of God be Man's cheifest felicity and beatitude , and the ultimate end and scope of all Mens actions ; it follows , that he only keeps Gods Law , whose care is to love God , not for fear of punishment , or for the love of any other thing , as Pleasure , Wealth , Fame , &c. but only because he knows God ; or because he knows that the knowledge and love of God is the cheifest good the ; summ then and cheif precept of the Divine Law , is to love God as our cheifest good , not as we have already said , for fear of some Evil or Punishment , nor for the love of any other thing in which we take delight . But tho' the Notion of a God dictate to us , that God is our cheifest good , and that the knowledge and love of God , is the end to which all our Actions ought to be directed ; yet the carnal Man cannot understand these things , and they seem vanity to him , because he hath too low and narrow a knowledge of God , and because also in this cheifest good which consists only in speculation and purity of the mind , he finds nothing that he can handle , eat , or wherewith to gratify the Flesh , with which he is most pleased : but they that know there is nothing more excellent then reason , and a clear understanding , will esteem them the most solid of all Pleasures . We have now shewn in what cheifly the Divine Law consists , and what are human Laws , namely all those which are directed to another end , unless they were establisht by divine Revelation ; for under this consideration , things also as we have already shewn , are attributed to God ; and in this sense the Law of Moses , tho' it were not Universal but accomodated to the disposition and preservation of one particular People , may be called the Law of God or the Divine Law ; seeing we believe it given by prophetical Revelation : So that now if we consider the natural Divine Law , as we have explain'd it , we shall find it to be Universal and common to all Mankind ; since we have derived it from human Nature in general . Secondly , that it doth not require the belief of Histories whatever they be , since this Divine natural Law , is understood only in consideration of human Nature , and we may as well conceive it in any other Man as in Adam , and as well in a Man who lives a solitary , as in one that leads a social Life , nor can the belief of Histories tho' true , give us the knowledge , or consequently the Love of God ; for the Love of God proceeds from the knowledge of God , and the knowledge of God , must be derived from common notions in themselves certain and known , so that the belief of History , is far from being a means absolutely necessary to the attainment of our cheifest good ; but tho' the belief of Histories cannot give us the knowledge and Love of God , yet we grant reading of them to be very useful in respect of civil Life , for the more we know and observe Mens manners and conditions , of which their Actions are the best evidence ; with the greater caution may we live amongst them , and the better may we suite our Lives and Actions to their dispositions so far as is reasonable . Thirdly , this natural Divine Law requires no Ceremonies , ( that is ) Actions in themselves indifferent , and are only good in respect of their institution , or because they represent some good necessary to our well being ; or rather Actions whereof our understanding doth not comprehend the reason ; for natural light requires nothing but what that light can attain to , and only that which it discovers to us can be our good and the way to our happiness : those which are good only by precept and institution , or because they are representatives of some good , they cannot perfect our understanding , they are but meer shadows , and and cannot be reckon'd amongst those Actions which are the Off-spring and Fruits of our knowledge and sound judgment ; which to prove more at large , is not here necessary . Fourthly , the highest reward of the Divine Law , is the Law it self ; namely to know God , and to love him freely and continually with the whole heart ; and the penalty of the Law , is the loss of that knowledge and love , the Bondage of the Flesh , and an inconstant Fluctuating Mind . These things thus considered , we are now to inquire first , whether by natural light , we can conceive and know God as a Law-giver and Prince prescribing Laws to Men ? Secondly , what the Scripture saith of this natural light and Law ? Thirdly to what end Ceremonies were instituted ? Fourthly , of what concern it is to know and believe the Sacred Histories . Of the two first particulars , we will treat in this , and of the two last in the following Chapter . What we are to conclude concerning the first particular , may be easily deduced from the Nature of Gods will , which is distinguisht from Gods knowledge , only in respect of our reason ( that is ) the will and knowledge of God , are in themselves one and the same thing , nor are they distinguisht but in reference to the thoughts we form of Gods knowledge ( for example ) when we consider that the Nature of a Triangle is from all eternity contain'd in the Divine Nature , as an eternal Truth , then we say God hath the Idea of a Triangle , or understandeth the Nature of a Triangle ; but when afterwards we consider that the Nature of a Triangle , is so contain'd in the Divine Nature not in respect of the necessity of the essence and Nature of a Triangle , but in respect only of the necessity of the divine nature , yea that the necessity of the essence and Properties of a Triangle as they are conceived to be eternal Verities depend only upon the necessity of the divine nature and knowledge of God , and not upon the nature of the Triangle , then that which we have called Gods knowledge we call Gods Will and decree , therefore in relation to God , we say one and the same thing when we say that God knew , or that God willed and decreed that three Angles of a Triangle , should be equal to two right Angles . Whence it follows that Gods affirmations and negations , must always imply eternal necessity and verity , if then ( for example ) God said to Adam , that he would not have him eat of the Tree of Good and Evil , it would imply a contradiction that Adam should be able to eat of it , and it was impossible that Adam should eat of it , if that divine decree did imply eternal verity and necessity , but because the Scripture saith , that God did command Adam , that he should not eat of that Tree , and yet notwithstanding he did eat of it , it must necessarily be said , that God only revealed to Adam the Evil that would follow upon it , but did not reveal the necessity of the Evil's following , whence it came to pass , that Adam understood that Revelation , not as an eternal verity and necessary Truth , but as a Law or Ordinance , upon which Gain or Loss was to follow , not in respect of the Necessity and Nature of the Action done , but only in respect of the Absolute Will and Command of a Prince . The Revelation therefore in respect of Adam only , and only for want of Knowledge in him , was a Law , and God a Law-giver and Prince . For the like defect of Knowledge , was the Decalogue a Law to the Iews , because they knew not the Being of God to be an Eternal Verity ; therefore , that which was revealed to them in the Decalogue , namely that there was a God , and that he only was to be worshiped , was received by them as a Law , but had God spoken to them immediately , and not by Corporeal means , they had taken it for an Eternal Verity and not for a Law , and what we say of Adam and the Israelites , may be said of all the Prophets , who writ Laws in the Name of God , that they did not rightly understand God's Decrees to be Eternal Verities . ( For Example ) Moses by Revelation or by Principles revealed to him , understood the means whereby the People of Israel might be best united , in a particular Place of the World , form a Common-wealth , and erect a Government , and also the best way to compel that People to obedience ; but yet he did not know , nor was it revealed to him , that those means , or that Way was best , neither that from the common Obedience of the People , in such a Climate of the World , that end would necessarily follow , to which those means were directed ; and therefore all those things were not understood by him as Eternal Verities , but as Precepts and Institutions , which he prescribed as the Laws of God , and this was the Reason , that he imagined God , was a Governour , a Lawgiver , a King merciful and Just , when all these are only the Atributes of Human Nature , and not any Part of the Divine Nature : but tho' we say this of the Prophets , who writ Laws in the Name of God , we ought not to say the same of Christ , for though he seemed to write Laws in the Name of God , we are to believe , that he understood things truly and perfectly , for Christ was not so much a Prophet , as he was the Mouth of God , for God by the Mind of Christ ( as we have shewn in the first Chapter ) did reveal some things to Mankind , as he did before by Angels , ( that is a Created Voice . ) And by Visions ; wherefore it would be altogether Irrational to think , that God accommodated his revelations to the Opinions of Christ , as that God fitted heretofore his revelations to the Opnions of the Visions , and of the Angels ( that is created Voices ) that he might communicate the things , which were to be revealed to the Prophets , then which nothing can be more absurd , especially since Christ was not sent to the Iews only , but to all Mankind : so that it was not sufficient his Mind should be fitted to the Opinion of the Iews , but to the Opinions and Documents general to all Mankind , that is those Notions which were common and True ; and from communicating himself immediately to Christ , or to his understanding , and not as he did to the Prophets by words and Signs , nothing else can be concluded , but that Christ did truly perceive and understand those things which were revealed ; for then a thing is clearly understood , when it is clearly and mentally perceived without the help of Words and Signs . Christ therefore understood things truly and plainly , and if ever he prescribed them as Laws , he did it because the People were ignorant and obstinate , and acting God's Part , applyed himself to the Nature and Dispofition of the People , and therefore tho' he spoke somewhat plainer then the rest of the Prophets , yet sometimes he spoke Obscurely and by Parables , especially when he spoke to them , to whom it was not given to know the Kingdom of Heaven , Mat. chap. 13. v. 11. But without doubt , all things which he taught those , to whom it was given to know the Misteries of the Kingdom of Heaven , he taught them as Eternal Verities , and did not prescribe them as Laws , and in this confideration , he freed them from the Bondage of the Law , and yet nevertheless did the more confirm it , and deeply ingrave it on their Hearts , which Paul seems to declare in the 7 th . chap. of his Epist. to the Romans , v. 6 th . But now we are delivered from the Law , that being dead wherein we were held , that we should serve in Newness of Spirit , and not in the Oldness of the Letter , and in chap. 3. v. 8. Therefore we conclude , that a Man is justified by Faith without the Deeds of the Law. But neither doth Paul speak very clearly , for he saith , Rom. chap. 3. v. 5. I speak as a Man , which he expresly saith , when he calls God just and righteous , and without doubt because of the Frailty of the Flesh , he supposeth Mercy , Grace and Anger to be in God , applying his Discourses to the understanding of the Common People as may be seen in his first Epistle to the Corinthians chap. 3. v. 1 , 2. Brethren , I could not speak unto you as Spiritual , but as unto Carnal Men. Rom. chap. 8. v. 18. He declareth that the Mercy and Wrath of God doth not depend upon Mens Works , but on his own Will. Moreover no Man is justified by the Works of the Law , but only by Faith , Rom. chap. 3. v. 28. And by Faith nothing is meant , but a full consent of the Mind . Lastly , Paul declares that no Body is Blessed who hath not in him the Mind of Christ , Rom. chap. 8. v. 9. Now if any Man have not the Spirit of Christ , he is none of his ; by which Mind and Spirit , he may understand the Laws of God to be Eternal Verities . We conclude therefore , that God was described as a Prince and Law-giver , and stiled Just and Merciful , only in regard to the Capacity of the Vulgar , and their want of Knowledge , but that God from the necessity and perfection of his Nature , doth act and govern all things , and his Will and Decrees are Eternal Verities , and imply Eternal Necessity , which is the thing I purposed in the first Place to explain , and prove , passing now to the Second Particular , let us run through the whole Scripture , and see what it saith of this Natural Light and Divine Law. The first thing we meet with , is , the History of the first Man , where we are told , God commanded Adam , he should not eat of the Fruit of the Tree of good and evil , which seems to signify , that God commanded Adam , to do and seek after God , under the Notion of good , and not as it is contrary to evil : that is , to seek after good for good 's sake , and not for fear of evil ; for he that doth-good as we have already said , upon the account of knowing and loving what is good , doth it with a free and constant mind , but he that is compell'd by the fear of evil , is forced by punishment , acts like a Slave , and lives under the command of another ; and therefore that one thing which God commanded Adam , comprehends all the Divine Natural Law , and perfectly agrees with the Dictates of Natural Reason , now would it be a difficult matter from this very Principle , to unfold the whole History or Parable of the first Man ; but I pass it by , because I am not certain whether my Explication will agree with the Writers meaning , and because many will have the History to be no Parable , but a plain and simple Narration : it will therefore be better to make use of other Places of Scripture , those especially , of which he was Author , who in Strength of natural Knowledge exceeded the wisest of his Age , and whose sayings , the People counted as Sacred as they did those of the Prophets , I mean Solomon , whose Prophesy and Piety is not so much commended in Scripture , as his Wisdom and Prudence ; he in his Proverbs calls Human Understanding , the Fountain of Life , and placeth misfortune only in Folly ; for he saith , chap. 16. v. 22. Vnderstanding is a well-spring of Life to him that hath it , but the Punishment of Fools is their folly . Where we are to note , that by the word Life , in the Hebrew is signified , happy Life , as appears Deut. chap. 30. v. 10. I have set before thee Life and Death , Blessing and Cursing , therefore chuse Life . And he therefore deriveth the happiness of Life from Knowledge , and Punishment from the want of it , which exPresly agrees with what we observed in the fourth Place , concerning the Divine Natural Law : but that this Fountain of Life the Understanding , prescribeth Laws to the Wise , is proved by Prov. chap. 13. v. 14. The Law of the Wise is a Fountain of Life , that is as appears by the fore-cited Text , the Understanding and Knowledge . Moreover , chap. 3. v. 13. 'T is said in express Terms , that Uuderstanding and Wisdom make a man happy , and give him the true peace of mind . Happy is the Man tbat findeth Wisdom , and the Man that getteth Vnderstanding . And v. 16 , 17. Length of days is in her right Hand , and in her left Riches and Honour , her ways are ways of Righteousness , and all her Paths ( which Wisdom points out ) are Peace . In the Opinion of Solomon then , only Wise men live quietly and happily , not as the wicked , whose minds are disturbed and tost to and fro with contrary Passions and Affections : So that as Isaiah saith chap. 47. v. 20 , 21. The wicked are like the troubled Sea , that cannot rest , there is no Peace to the wicked . Lastly , in the Proverbs that which clearly confirms this Opinion , is what he saith , chap. 2. v. 3. If thou criest after Knowledge , and liftest up thy Voice for Vnderstanding , then v. 5. Thou shalt understand the fear of the Lord , and find the Knowledge of God. ( or rather the Love of God , for the Hebrew word Iadah signifies both , ) for Verse the 6 th . ( which observe well ) The Lord giveth Wisdom , out of his Mouth cometh Knowledge and Wisdom . Which words clearly declare , First , that only Understanding and Wisdom teach us to fear God Prudently , ( i e ) to serve him truly , and to worship him rightly . Next , that Wisdom and Knowledge flow from the Mouth of God , and are given by God ; that is , our Understanding and Wisdom depends upon , proceeds from , and is only perfected by , the Idea or Knowledge of God : Solomon goes on , and in the 9 th Verse shews , that in , and from , this Knowledge , is continued and derived the Science of true Morality and Policy ; Then shalt thou understand Righteousness , Iudgment and Equity , yea every good thing . And Verse the 10 th When Wisdom shall enter into thy Heart , and Knowledge is pleasant to thy Soul , Verse the 11 th . Discretion shall preserve thee , understanding shall keep thee . All which Expressions plainly agree with natural Knowledge , which teacheth us Morality and true Vertue ; after we have gained the Knowledge of things , and tasted the Excellency of Understanding . The Happiness and Tranquility , therefore of a Man , that improves his natural Reason and Knowledge , doth not in Solomon's Opinion chiefly depend upon Fortune ; ( that is God's external Assistance ) but upon his own internal Vertue and Faculties ( that is God's internal aid ) because by watching , working , and well considering , he preserveth himself . Lastly , that place of St. Paul. Rom. chap. 1 st . v. 20. Is very worthy of our Notice , where ( according to Tremelius's version of the Siriack Text ) he saith , The invisible things of God , from the Creation of the World , are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his external Power and Godhead , so that they are without excuse . By which words he maketh it evident , that all men by the Light of natural Reason and Knowledge , may understand the Power of God , and his Eternal Divinity , by which they may be able to know and conjecture , what they are to seek and pursue , and what they are to avoid ; and so concludes , that all are without excuse , and cannot pretend Ignorance , which they might very vvell , if he spoke of Supernatural Knovvledge , and of the Bodily passion and resurrection of Christ ; therefore he goes on in the 24 th Verse and says , God gave them up to uncleanness , through the Lust of their own Hearts , describing to the end of the Chapter , the Vices of Ignorance ; which Vices , he declares to be the punishment of Ignorance , agreeing with that Proverb of Solomon mentioned Chap. 16. v. 22. The punishment of Fools is their folly . So that it is no wonder , Paul says evil doers are inexcusable , for as every Man sows , so shall he reap . Evil unless Wisdom prevent , necessarily brings forth evil ; the Scripture therefore expresly commends natural Knowledge , and the Divine Natural Law , so that I have done with what I intend to treat of in this Chapter . CHAP. V. The reason why Ceremonies were instituted ? to what end ? and tow hom the Belief of Scripture-Histories are necessary . ? IN the foregoing Chapter we have shewn , that the Divine Law , which makes Men happy , and teacheth the right way of Living , is Universal to all Mankind ; and we have so derived it from Human Nature , that it appears to be born with , and as it were engraved upon , the Mind and Heart of Man ; but because Ceremonies , those at least which we find in the Old Testament , were only instituted for the Iews ; and so fitted to their Government , that for the most part , they might be observed in their Public Assemblies , tho' not by every Individual Person ; it is manifest , that they did not belong to the Divine Law , nor contributed any thing to the making men happy or vertuous , but concerned only the Election of the Iews ( that is by what we have proved in the third Chapter ) the temporal happiness of the Body , and peace of their Government , and consequently could be of no longer use , than while their Government lasted . If those Ceremonies in the Old Testament , had any relation to God's Law , it was only because they were instituted by revelation , or upon revealed Principles ; but because the most solid reason prevails little with ordinary Church-men , I will make use of Scripture , to shew upon what account , and in what manner , Ceremonies were useful to the Establishment and Preservation of the Iewish Common-wealth . The Prophet Isaiah very plainly declares , that by the Divine Law is meant , that Universal Law which consists in living uprightly , not in Ceremonies , Chap. 1 st . v. 10. He calleth upon the People to hear the Law of God , but tells them in the following Verses , that God hated their Sacrifices and Oblations , their New Moons , their Feasts , and their Sabbaths , and in the 16. and 17. Verses declares , the Law it self to be comprehended in a few Particulars ; namely in cleansing the Heart , in constantly doing well , in relieving the Oppressed , and no less clear is that Place , in the 40 th Psal. v. 7 , 8. Sacrifice and Offering , thou didst not desire , mine Ears hast thou opened , burnt Offering and Sin Offering hast thou not required , Idelight to do thy Will O God , for thy Law is within my Heart : here David calls that the Law of God , which is written in his Heart or inward Parts , separated from Ceremonies , which not being in their own Nature good , are not written in our minds : beside these two Places , others may be found in Scripture , which testify the same thing , but there is no need of more Quotations . That Ceremonies conduce not to our true Happiness , but respect only the temporary Prosperity of Government , appears likewise by the Scripture , which for the Observation of Ceremonies , promised only bodily Benefits ; but for keeping the Universal Divine Law true Felicity : In the Books commonly called the five Books of Moses , nothing is promised , but temporal Prosperity , namely , Honour , Fame , Victory , Riches , Pleasures and Health ; and altho' in those five Books , are contained beside Ceremonies , many things that are Moral , yet they are not there contained as Moral Doctrines , and Universal instructions common to all , but as Commands and Precepts , fitted to the particular Capacity , and Genius of the Iewish Nation , and such as concern'd the prosperous State of that Government : ( for Example ) Moses did not teach the Iews as a Doctor and Prophet , but commanded them as a Lawgiver and Prince , that they should not kill or steal ; nor doth he prove this as Doctrine by Reason , but to his Commands adds Punishment , which according to the disposition of every Nation , as we find by Experience , may and ought to vary , the Commandment of not committing Adultery , respected only the Prosperity of the Commonwealth and its Government , for had it been a Moral Doctrine , which concern'd the Peace of the mind , as well as of the Commonwealth , and every particular Man's true felicity , it would have as much condemn'd the inward concupiscence of the Heart , as the outward act of Lust , as Christ did Math. Chap. 5. v. 28. Whose Doctrines were Universal , and therefore the reward which Christ promised , were Spiritual and not Corporal ; for Christ was sent not to ordain Laws , and Establish Government , but only to Preach and Teach the Universal Divine Law : and hereby we understand Christ did not Abrogate the Law of Moses , seeing he introduced no new Laws into the Iewish Commonwealth , but Preached only Moral Doctrines , which he distinguisht from the Laws of the Common-wealth , because the Pharisees were so Ignorant , that they thought every one lived Righteously who kept Moses Law , which ( as we have already said ) concern'd only that Commonwealth , and served rather to compel , then instruct the Iews . But let us now return to other places of Scripture , which for the observing of Ceremonies , promise nothing but bodily benefits , and for the keeping of the Universal Divine Law , true beat tude . In this point , none of all the Prophets speaks so plainly as Isaiah , Chap. 58. for after Condemning Hypocrisy , and commending Liberty and Charity towards themselves and their Neighbours , which are Vertues dictated to us by the Universal Divine Law , he saith , Verse the 8 th . Then shall thy Light break out as the Morning , and thy Health shall spring forth speedily , thy Righteousness shall go before thee , the Glory of the Lord shall be thy reward . Afterwards he commends to them the keeping of the Sabbath , and for their care in observing that , he promiseth , Verse the 24 th . Then shalt thou delight thy self in the Lord , and I will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the Earth , and feed thee with the Heritage of Jacob thy Father for the Mouth of the Lord hath spoken it : by which we plainly see , that the Prophet promised to the Practice of the Divine Natural Law , a spiritual Reward , a sound Mind in a healthful Body , and the Glory of God after Death ; but to the Observation of Ceremonies , nothing but the prosperous continuance of their Government , and bodily Happiness , in the 24 th . and 25 th . Psalms , no mention is made of Ceremonies , but only of moral Duties , because those Psalms treat of nothing but true Happiness and Beatitude , tho' Parabolically propounded ; for 't is certain that Gods Holy Hill , his Tabernacles , and dwelling in them , with other Blessings mentioned in those Psalms , could not litterally signify the Mountain of Ierusalem , or the Tabernacle of Moses , for they were inhabited by none but the Tribe of Levi , who Ministred in the Tabernacle and Temple . Moreover all those Sayings of Solomon , cited in the preceding Chapter , concerning the Excellency of Wisdom and Knowledge , promise true Felicity , because they teach us to know and fear God , that the Iews after the destruction of their Government , were not bound to the Observation and Practice of Ceremonies , is evident by the Prophet Ieremy , who foretelling the approaching destruction of the City of Ierusalem , Chap. 9. v. 23 , 24. declares that none are acceptable to God , but they that know him , and understand that he exerciseth loving Kindness , Judgment and Righteousness in the Earth , and that he will delight in none but those that know these things ; as if the Prophet had said , that after the destruction of the City , God would for the future require nothing else of the Iews , but the Observation of the Natural Law , Obligatory to all Mankind . The New Testament likewise proves the same thing , for it teacheth only Moral Doctrines , and promiseth to the Practice of them the Kingdom of Heaven ; the Apostles , after the Gospel began to be Preached to Nations that were not obliged to the Laws of the Iewish Commonwealth , quite left off Ceremonies , and if the Pharisees after the destruction of their Government , retained any , or the greatest part of them , it was more to oppose the Christians , then to please God ; for after the sacking of the City , when the Iews were carried Captives into Babilon , and were not ( for ought we know ) divided into Sects , they presently neglected Ceremonies , bid farewel to the whole Law of Moses , forgot the Laws of their own Country , as superfluous , and mixed themselves with the rest of the Nations , as appears out of Esdras and Nehemiah : therefore without doubt , the Iews after their Government was dissolved , were no more bound by Moses's Law , then they were before they became a Commonwealth , for while they lived among other Nations before their going out of Egypt , they had no peculiar Law , nor were obliged to any but the Natural Law ; observing also the Laws of the Country and the Nation where they lived , which were not repugnant to the Divine Natural Law ; the Patriarchs indeed offer'd Sacrifices to God , but that was because they were from their Infancy accustomed so to do , it being the Practice of all Men from the time of Enoch to offer Sacrifices , to incite and testify their Devotion : the Patriarchs therefore offered their Sacrifices , neither as Men Commanded by any Divine Precept , or Instructed by the Universal Law of Nature , but only because it was the Custom of that time , and if they did it by any Command , that Command was no other then that of the Commonwealth wherein they lived , and which ( as I have shewn in the 3 d. Chapter where I spoke of Melchisedek ) they were bound to obey . Having justified my Opinion by Scripture-Authority , I will next from general Principles very briefly shew , why Ceremonies were useful to Establish and Preserve the Iewish Commonwealth . Society is not only convenient , but absolutely necessary to living securely from the danger of Enemies , and likewise for the quicker and more easy dispatch of human labour and business ; for unless Men mutually assist one another , they must want both time and means ( so far as 't is possible ) to preserve themselves ; all Men are not equally fit for all things , nor is every one able to procure those things of which he singly stands in need ; no individual Person hath time or strength enough to Plow , Sow , Reap , Grind , Bake , Boyl , Weave , Knit , and do very many other things necessary to support Life , not mentioning Arts and Siences , which perfect and make human nature happy ; we see that those People who live Barbarously without any Policy , lead miserable bruitish lives , and do not come by those necessaries and sorry Houshold-stuff which they have , without helping one another ; if Men were so constituted by Nature , that they would desire nothing but what right reason dictates , Societies would need no Laws , and only to instruct Men in the precepts of Morality , would be sufficient to make them with a free and constant mind , do whatever should be for the public Good , but 't is far otherwise with human Nature , all men indeed seek their own Good and Advantage , not according to the Dictates of right Reason , but according to their own peculiar Lusts , and hurryed with the violence of their own Affections , without regard to any thing else , believe that to be good , which they ardently desire . This is the reason why no Society of Men can subsist without Government , Force and Laws to moderate and restrain unbridled Passions and Affections : but down right compulsion is intollerable to human Nature , and therefore Seneca , the Tragedian says , Empires maintain'd by force last but a little while ; mild Governments endure longest , what Men do out of fear they do against their Will , never considering the utility or necessity of what they do , but only take care to avoid capital Punishment ; yea , they can hardly refrain from rejoycing at the losses and misfortunes of their Rulers , and tho' they themselves suffer by it , cannot forbear wishing and doing them all the mischief they are able ; but above all things , Men are impatient of obeying , and being govern'd by their equals ; and lastly , nothing is more difficult than to deprive Men of that Liberty , which they once enjoy'd : From all which it follows , that all Societies , if it be possible , should be govern'd by their own general assemblies , that so no Body may be Subjected to his equal ; but where the reins of Government are in the hands of a few , or one single Person , there that single Person ought to have extraordinary qualifications above others , or at least , should endeavour to make the People think so , and in every government such Laws ought to be made , as are likely to incline Men to do their duty , not for fear of punishment but in hope of reward . Moreover , because obedience consists in executing the commands of those that rule , it follows , that in a Society where the ruling Power is in the Collective Body of the People , and Laws are made by general and common consent , there is no such thing as obedience , and tho' the Laws be increased or diminished , yet still the People remain free ; because they are not Subject to the Authority of another , but Act by their own voluntary universal agreement and consent : but 't is quite contrary , where a single Person governs ; for there all are Subject to whatever he commands , so that unless the People have been always educated under such absolute government , it will be very difficult for a Monarch , to make new Laws , or to take away any liberty from the People , which they have formerly enjoy'd . These things being thus generally considered , we now come to the Common-wealth of the Iews , who when they went first out of Egypt , were not obliged to the Laws of any other Nation , so that they might then constitute and enact what Laws and Statutes they pleased , and fix themselves and their government , in any part of the World they had a mind to possess ; but being a stupid People , and by long servitude depraved in their understanding , they were unfit to make good and prudent Laws , or to govern themselves by their own democratical Authority without a Superior , the Power of governing was therefore to be put into the hands of a single Person , who was to command the rest , and compel them by force , who was likewise to prescribe and interpret Laws : This Power Moses easily obtain'd , because he excell'd all others in divine Vertue and Power , which Power he perswaded the People by many Testimonies Exod. chap. 14. v. 31. and chap. 19. v. 9. was given him by God , being thus qualify'd he made and prescribed Laws to the People , but took special care , that the People might do their duty , not so much out of fear , as of their own free will , which he did upon two considerations ; First , because the Peoples obstinate and Rebellious Nature , would not endure continual compulsion . Secondly , because there was an approaching War , which was like to succeed better by encouraging , then by threatning the Soldiers , every one endeavoring by his valor rather to get Reputation , then avoid Punishment : for this reason also , Moses by Gods command , introduced Religion into the Common-wealth , that Devotion , more then fear , might incline them to obedience . Lastly , he obliged them by many benefits , which he promised they should receive from Heaven . The Laws which he establisht were not very severe , as will appear to any Man that considers , how many circumstances were required to the condemning of any offender ; that the People who could not govern themselves , might absolutely depend upon the verbal commands of the supream Magistrate , he did not permit them being accustomed to Bondage , to do any thing of their own accord ; but whatever they did , was to be done according to the prescript of the Law ; no Man could at his own Pleasure , Plow , Sow , or Reap ; no Man could eat what he pleased , nor could he cloth himself , shave his Head and Beard , or make merry , but according to certain Rules set down in the Law ; nor was this all , for they were to have upon the Posts of their Doors , upon their Hands and their Fore-heads , certain Signs which were to put them in continual mind of their obedience : the end and design then of Ceremonies , was that the People might do nothing by their own will and determination , but only by the command of another , and by continual Action and meditation confess , they were not Masters of themselves , but wholly Subjected to the will of another , by all which 't is evident , that Ceremonies conduce nothing to true felicity , and that those of the Old Testament , yea the whole Law of Moses , concerned only the government of the Iews , and consequently had respect to nothing more then Bodily conveniences ; as for Christian Ceremonies , namely Baptism , the Lords Supper , Holy-days , public Forms of Prayer , or any others common to Christianity ; if they were ever instituted by Christ , or his Apostles , ( which doth not clearly appear ) they were only appointed as marks and signs of the Universal Church , but not as things that contain any Sanctity in themselves , or contribute any thing to eternal happiness , and therefore being ordain'd , not in reference to government , but only in respect to mutual Society , he that liveth alone , or he that liveth under a government where the Christian Religion is forbidden , is not oblig'd to the Observation of these Ceremonies , and yet may live happily ; an example whereof we have in the Kingdom of Iapan , where the Hollanders by the command of their East-India Company , abstain from all outward Worship , and that their so doing is justifiable , I think is not difficult to prove from the Fundamental Principles of the New Testament . But I hasten to the Second particular which I purposed to treat of in this Chapter , namely , why believing the Histories contained in Scripture is necessary , and to find out this by Natural reason , I thus proceed . Whoever will perswade , or disswade Men to , or from , any thing , which is not in , or by it self known ; must deduce that thing from Principles generally granted and allowed , and must convince those Men either by reason or experience , that is , by things which Men by their Sences know to have happen'd in Nature , or else by maxims which the understanding can neither doubt or deny ; but unless experience be such as is clearly and distinctly understood , tho' it may convince a Man , yet it cannot equally affect the understanding , and disperse the Clouds thereof , as will that which is proved by intellectual Principles ( that is ) orderly deduced from Notions certain and intelligible , especially if the question be of any thing that is meerly Spiritual , and falls not under sense : but because to prove things only by intellectual Propositions , requires a long Chain of Notions , much Circumspection , Sharpness of Wit , and great Temper , all which are seldom found together ; therefore Men had rather be taught by experience , then put themselves to the trouble of linking together all their perceptions deduced from a few maxims : so that he that would teach a whole Nation , I need not say all mankind any particular doctrine , and would be clearly understood in all things by all Men , he must confirm his Doctrine by experience , and must accomodate his reasons and the definitions of what he teacheth , to the capacity of the vulgar , who make up the greatest part of Mankind , and must not think of giving such definitions as he thinks fittest , for tying his reasons together , because he would then write only to the Learned , and would be understood but by a very few . Seeing then the Scripture was revealed first , for the use and instruction of a whole Nation , and afterwards of all Mankind ; it was absolutely necessary , that the things therein contain'd , should be suited to the capacity of the common People , and confirm'd only by experience : to make my meaning yet more clear , I say that all things taught in Scripture , which are only Speculative , are cheifly these . First , that there is a God , or a being which made all things , and by infinite wisdom governeth and sustaineth all things , who taketh great care of Mankind , and particularly of those that live honestly and Religiously ; but for those that live wickedly , he separates them from the good , and afflicts them with greivous Punishments . But all those things the Scripture confirms only by experience , namely by the Histories which it recites , nor doth it plainly define any of these things , but fiteth all its reasonings and expressions , according to the capacity and understanding of the vulgar , and tho' experience can give a Man no true and plain knowledge of things , nor teach a Man what God is , in what manner he orders and upholdeth all things , or how he takes care of Mankind , yet it gives Men so much light and knowledge , as is sufficicient to Imprint in their Minds Piety and Obedience . So that now I think 't is very plain , to what Persons and for what reasons , the belief of Scripture Histories is necessary , that is to the common People , by whom things cannot be clearly and distinctly understood ; and whoever denies these Histories , because he neither believes the being or Providence of God , is impious ; but he that is ignorant of these Histories , and yet by natural reason concludes there is a God who made and preserveth all things , if he live a vertuous life , that Man is blest , yea more blessed then the vulgar , because beside the Truth of his Opinions , he hath a clear and distinct understanding . Lastly , he that is ignorant of Scripture History , and knows nothing of God by the light of natural reason , if he be not impious and obstinate , yet he may well be accounted a Beast rather then a Man , and to have no Gift of God in him : but 't is to be observed , that when we say the knowledge of Scripture History is very necessary for the common People , I do not mean all the Histories contain'd in the Bible , but only the cheif ; and those that give the clearest Evidence of the before mentioned Doctrins , and have the greatest influence upon the minds of Men ; for if all the Histories in the Scripture , were absolutely necessary to prove its Doctrine , and no conclusion could be made but from the consideration of all the Histories together contain'd in it , then the demonstration and proof of its Doctrine , would not only exceed the capacity of the vulgar , but the understanding of all Mankind ; for who could possibly retain and comprehend so great a Number of Histories , and so many circumstances and parts of Doctrine , as might be collected from so many and different Histories ; truly I cannot be perswaded that those Men , who left us the Scripture as we now have it , abounded with so much Wit , as to be able to find out such a demonstration of its Doctrine ; much less do I believe , that the Doctrine of the Scripture could not have been understood , unless we had been told of Isaacs strivings about the digging of Wells , of Achitophels , Council to Absalon , and the Civil Wars between the Children of Iudah and Israel , with other Chronicles of like kind ; or that the Iews who lived in the time of Moses , were not so capable of understanding the Doctrine of Scripture by Histories , as were the Iews who lived in the time of Esdras , of which more hereafter , the common People are therefore obliged to know only those Histories , which stir up their minds to Devotion , Piety and Obedience , but they are not competent Judges of those Histories , because they are more pleased with the narrations and the unexpected events of things , then with the Doctrine it self ; and for this reason beside the reading of Histories , they need Pastors and Ministers in the Church , to instruct their weak understanding . But not to digress from what we principally design'd to prove , we conclude that the belief of Histories whatever they be , doth not belong to the Divine Law , nor doth of it self make Men happy or blessed , nor are Histories profitable , except it be in point of Doctrine , which is the only thing that makes some Histories therefore contain'd in the Old and New Testament , excel those that are profane and common , and Scripture Histories mutually compared , are more excellent one then another , for sound and wholsom Doctrine . He then that reads Scripture Histories , and in all things gives intire credit to them , yet if he follow not their Doctrine and amend his Life , it is all one with him , as if he read the Alchoran , a Comedy , or any vulgar History ; but as we have already said , he that never heard of Scripture , if his Opinions be true , and his Life righteous , he is truly blessed , and the Spirit of Christ is in him : but the Iews are of a contrary Opinion , for they say , let a Mans Opinions be never so Orthodox , and his Life never so vertuous , yet if he be guided only by natural Light , and not by the Doctrins which are Prophetically revealed to Moses , he can never be blessed and happy , which Rabbi Maimonides boldly affirms in his Eighth Chapter and Second Law concerning Kings . He that receiveth the Seven Commandments and diligently performeth them , is one of the Pious among the Nations , and Heir of the World to come ( that is ) if he receive and Practise them , because God in his Law commanded and revealed them by Moses , and because those precepts were also given to the Sons of Noah : but if he Practise them by the guidance and dictates of natural reason , he is none of us , nor is he to be thought one of the Pious and Learned of the Nations . It was an opinion among the Iews , that God gave to Noah seven Commandments , and that all Nations were obliged to observe only those seven ; but that God gave many more Commandments to the Iews , that he might make them much happier then other Nations . Rabbi Ioseph the Son of Shem Tob in his Book called Kbod Elohim , or the Glory of God , likewise saith , that tho' Aristotle ( whose Book of Ethicks was in his opinion the best that ever was written ) had omitted nothing which belonged to that Subject , and he himself had diligently Practised all he Writ , yet he could not be saved , because he embraced those Doctrins he taught , as the dictates of reason , and not as divine and Prophetical Revelations . But these conceits are meer Fopperys , grounded neither upon reason or Scripture , and need no more confutation , then doth the opinion of some Men , who maintain that by natural light and reason , we cannot know any thing belonging to Salvation , a Tenet that cannot be rationally prov'd , by Men who do not allow themselves any reason but what is corrupted and depraved , and if they boast of any thing above reason , 't is meer Folly and far beneath reason , as sufficiently appears by their manner of living : so that of this we need say no more , I will only add this , that no Man can be known but by his works , and therefore they that abound in the Fruits of Love , joy , peace , long suffering , Gentleness , Goodness , Faith , Meekness , Temperance , &c. against whom saith Paul ( Galat. chap. 5. v. 22. ) there is no Law , whether they be taught by reason or Scripture , they are certainly taught of God , and are truly blessed . CHAP. VI. Of Miracles . AS Men use to call that knowledge Divine , which exceeds human capacity and understanding ; so when any thing is done in nature , of which the common People know not the cause , that they call the Work of God : for the vulgar believe Gods Power and Providence do most plainly appear , when they see any thing strange and unusual happen in nature , contrary to the customary opinion they have of Nature ; especially when that which happens , is for their benefit and advantage ; and they think the being of a God never more clearly proved , then when nature seems not to keep its constant course ; and therefore conclude , that those Men deny the Being and Providence of God , who endeavour to explain and understand what they call Miracles by their natural causes . They indeed think , that while Nature goes on in her wonted course , God doth nothing , and on the contrary , when God Acts , the Power of Nature and Natural Causes are idle and at a stand : so that they imagin two numerical distinct Powers , namely the Power of God , and the Power of Nature appointed and directed ( or as most Men now believe ) Created by God ; but what they mean by either , or what they understand by God and Nature , they know not , but fancy Gods Power to be like that of a great King. And the Power of Nature nothing but blind force and violence , the Common People therefore , call the extraordinary Works of Nature , Miracles , or the Works of God , and partly out of Devotion , partly out of a desire to contradict those that love the Study of Natural Sciences , they affect , being ignorant of Natural Causes , desiring to hear of things they do not know , and those things , which they least know , they most admire : by taking away Natural Causes , and by imagining things out of the order of Nature , they think God is most adored when all things are immediately referr'd to his Power and Will ; neither do they think the Power of God at any time so wonderful , as when according to their fancy , it conquers and subdues the Power of Nature . Which Opinion was first brought into the World by the Iews , who to convince the Heathen , that then Worshipt the Sun , Moon , the Earth , Water , Air , &c. told them their Gods were weak , inconstant , mutable , and subject to the Power of the invisible God ; whose Miracles they proclaim'd , and by them endeavour'd to prove , that the whole frame of Nature was by the Power of that God whom they worshipt , created chiefly for their good and benefit : with which Opinion Men were so pleas'd , that ever since they have not ceased to fain Miracles , that they may be thought better beloved by God then others ; and that the end and purpose of Gods making and preserving all things , was chiefly for their sakes . How arrogant is the foolish Vulgar who conceive nothing rightly of God or Nature , but confound the Ordinances of God , with the imaginations of Men , and think Nature so narrow , that they believe Man to be the principal part thereof . Having thus discovered the Opinions and Prejudices of the Common People concerning God and Nature , I will proceed in order , and shew first , that nothing can happen contrary to Nature , whose order and course , is eternal , constant and immutable , explaining also what is a Miracle . Secondly , that we cannot know the essence , existence nor consequently the providence of God by Miracles , but they more manifestly appear , in the constant and unchangeable order of Nature . Thirdly , I will prove by some Scripture Examples , that the Scripture it self , by the decrees , purposes and providence of God , means nothing else but that regular course of Nature , which necessarily follows from its eternal Laws . Lastly , I will shew , how Scripture Miracles are to be interpreted , and what we are principally to observe in the Relations we have of Miracles : all which particulars , are the subject of this present Chapter , and will be very useful to the design of this whole Treatise . The first Particular is proved , by what we have said in the 4 th Chapter Concerning the Divine Law , ( namely ) that whatsoever God willeth and decreeth , implyes eternal verity and necessity ; for the Knowledge of God is not distinguisht from his Will , and we say the same thing , when we say God willeth , and God knoweth any thing ; because by the same necessity , derived from the Nature and Perfection of God , whereby he knoweth any thing to be what it is , by the same necessity , must God will that thing to be what it is : but since nothing is necessarily true , but what is so by the Will and Decree of God ; it clearly follows , that the Universal Laws of Nature , are the very Ordinances of God , which flow from the necessity and perfection of his Divine Nature . Whatever therefore cometh to pass in Nature , which is repugnant to its Universal Laws , that must necessarily be contrary to the Decree and Knowledge of the Divine Nature ; or if any one conclude that God doth any thing against the Laws of Nature , he likewise must grant , that God Acts contrary to his own Nature , which is the greatest of all Absurdities . As therefore nothing happens in Nature , contrary to its Universal Laws , so neither doth any thing happen , which doth not agree with , and follow from them ; for whatever is done , is done by the Will and eternal Decree of God ( that is ) according to Laws and Rules , which imply eternal Verity and Necessity : and therefore tho' the Laws in which are contained eternal Verity and Necessity , be not known to us , yet Nature always observes them , and consequently keeps her constant and unchangeable course . No rational Man can believe the Power and Vertue of Nature to be limited , and its Laws confin'd to some particular Operations and Effects , and not fitted Universally to all ; for since the Power and Vertue of Nature , is the very Vertue and Power of God ; we ought to believe the Power of Nature infinite , and the Laws of Nature so general , that they extend themselves to all things , which fall under the comprehension of the Divine Knowledge : otherwise it must be granted , that God Created Nature so weak and impotent , and its Laws and Rules so defective , that to preserve and maintain Nature , he must upon every new occasion assist and succour it , that things may fall out according to his Will ; which is very irrational for any Man to suppose . If then nothing happens in Nature , which doth not follow from its Rules and Laws , that its Laws are extended to all things within the compass of Divine Knowledge , and that Nature keeps a fixed immutable and regular Course ; it is manifest that whatever Men call a Miracle , is only so in respect of their Opinions , and signifies nothing else but some work or thing done , of which we cannot discover the natural Cause , by an example of any thing that ordinarily happens like it ; at least the Person cannot , who relates or records the Miracle . I might call that a Miracle , whose cause cannot be made out from any natural Principles known by the Light of Nature ; but because Miracles were wrought according to the Capacity of the Vulgar , who knew not the principles of natural things , it is certain that the Antients counted that a Miracle , which they could not explain as the common People use to do natural things , namely , by recurring to their Memory , for bringing to mind some other thing of the like kind , which they did not admire : for the common People think , they very well understand a thing , when they do not admire it . By this Rule and no other , Men in old and later times , have judged of Miracles , and it is not to be doubted , but many things are related in Scripture for Miracles , whose causes might have been made manifest from the known principles of natural things , as we have hinted in our 2 d Chapter , where we spoke of the Suns standing still in the time of Ioshua , and its going backward in the time of Hezekiah on the Dyal of Ahaz , but of these things more at large , when I come to speak of the Interpretation of Miracles . I will now go on to prove the Second particular , namely that we cannot by miracles understand the Essence , Existence , or Providence of God , but that they are more clearly apprehended by us , in the fixed and immutable order of nature , which I thus prove . If the Existence of God be not of it self known to us , it must then be made out and concluded , from Notions whose verity is so firm and unshaken , that there cannot be a Power by which those Notions may be changed , at least , they ought to appear so to us at that time , when from them we conclude the existence of God , if we will have that existence to be indubitable : for if we could think those Notions mutable by any Power whatever it be ; then might we doubt of the Truth of those Notions , and consequently of our conclusion , namely God's Existence ; nor could we be certain of any thing , and seeing we cannot know what is congruous or contrary to Nature , but that which we prove to be congruous , or contrary to those Prime Notions ; if we could conceive any thing in Nature to be done , by any other Power whatever contrary to Nature , that must also be contrary to those first Notions , and so be rejected as absurd and against Reason ; or else we must doubt of our prime Notions , and consequently of God , and all things else . Miracles therefore in what manner soever we apprehend them , as they are understood to be Works contrary to the Order of Nature ; are far from proving God's existence , they rather bring it into Question , for without Miracles vve may be assur'd of it , namely , by knovving that all things observe the certain and immutable Order of Nature ; but granting that to be a miracle , vvhich cannot be explained and made knovvn by natural Causes , vve ought then either to conclude , that it hath natural Causes , but such as cannot be found out by Human Understanding , or that it hath no immediate Cause , but God or his Will ; but if all things which are effected by Natural Causes , are done only by the Power and Will of God , we must necessarily at last come to this , that whether a Miracle have natural Causes or not , it is a Work which cannot be manifested by a Natural Cause ( that is ) 't is a Work which exceeds Hnman Capacity , and from a Work that exceeds Human Understanding , we can understand and collect nothing : for whatever we clearly and distinctly understand , we do it by the thing it self , or some other ; and that which is clearly and distinctly understood by it self , ought to be perfectly known to us ; therefore by a miracle , or any Work exceeding Human Capacity , we cannot conceive God's Essence or Existence , nor can we absolutely understand any thing of God or Nature : but on the contrary , when we know all things to be ordained and establisht by God , and that the Operations of Nature ncessarily flow from the Essence of God , and that the Laws of Nature , are the Eternal Decrees and purposes of God ; it must necessarily be concluded , that we so much the better know God and his Will , by how much the better we understand and know Natural Things , how they depend in their first Cause , and how they operate according to the Eternal Laws of Nature : So that in Respect of our Understanding , with much more Reason are those Works to be called the Works of God and his Will , which we clearly and distinctly understand , then those of which we are totally ignorant , tho' they strangely effect our imagination , and cause our wonder ; because only those Works of Nature , which we clearly and distinctly know , render our Knowledge of God more sublime , and more evidently declare the Will and Decrees of God : So that those Men do but trifle , who , when they do not understand a thing , run presently to the Will of God , and ridiculously betray their own Ignorance , moreover , whatever we conclude from miracles , yet the Existence of God cannot in any manner be concluded from them ; for since a miracle is a limited Work , and expresseth only a certain and limited Power , we cannot from such an Effect , conclude the Existence of a Cause whose Power is infinite ; but only of a Cause whose Power at most , is greater then that Effect . I say at most , because from many concuring Causes , there may follow an effect , whose Vertue and Power may be less then all the Causes together , and yet much greater then the Power of any one of those Causes taken single ; but because the Laws of Nature . As we have already shewn , extend themselves to things Infinite , being conceived by us under a kind of Eternity , and Nature by them proceeds in a certain and unchangeable course ; so far do those Laws in some measure declare to us , the Eternity and Immutability of God ; and therefore we conclude that neither God's Being or Providence , can be known by miracles ; but may much better be concluded from the fixed and unalterable Course of Nature : I speak now of a miracle , as it is taken for a Work that is above Human Capacity , or believ'd to be so ; for as it is supposed to be a Work , that interrupts or perverts the Order of Nature , or is repugnant tc its Laws ; it is so far from giving us any Knowledge of God , that it takes away , that which we naturally have , and makes us doubt of God and all other things . Nor do I know any difference between a thing done contrary to Nature , and that which is done above Nature ( that is as some explain themselves ) a thing which is not done contrary to the Order of Nature , but yet is not effected and produced by Nature : for seeing a miracle is not wrought out of Nature , but within the Compass of it ; tho' it be concluded to be above Nature ; yet it must necessarily interrupt Natures Order , which , by the Decrees of God , we conceived to be fixed and immutable ; and therefore whatever is done in Nature , which doth not follow from the Rules of Nature , that must necessarily be repugnant to that Order , which God to all Eternity by Universal Laws establisht in Nature , and consequently , being against Nature , and its Laws , the believing it must bring all things into doubt , and lead us to Atheism , So that by what hath been said , I hope I have so proved the Second Particular , that we may again conclude a miracle , whether contrary to Nature or above it , to be a meer absurdity , and that by a miracle nothing can be understood in Scripture , but a Work of Nature , which is indeed above Human Understanding , or at least believed to be so . Before I proceed to the Third Particular , I resolve to prove from Scripture ; that we cannot know God by Miracles : indeed the Scripture doth no where Litterally say so , but we may conclude it from the 13. Chap. of Deut. Where Moses commands the People to put any Prophet to death , who went about to seduce them : And tho' the Sign , and the Wonder come to pass whereof he spake unto thee , an yet thou shalt not hearken to the Words of the Prophet , for the Lord your God proveth you ; that Prophet shall be put to death . From whence it clearly follows , that miracles might be done by false Prophets , and unless men were fortifyed with the true Knowledge and Love of God ; they might be induced by miracles to worship false Gods , as well as the true : Moses adds , because the Lord your God proveth you to know , whether you love him with all your Heart , and with all your Soul. The Israelites notwithstanding all their miracles , had no right Notions of God , which appears by Experience ; for in the Absence of Moses , they called upon Aron to make them visible Gods , who to their Eternal shame , made them after so many Miracles done , a Calf to represent God. Asaph , who had heard of so many miracles , yet doubted of God's Providence ; and had he not at last understood what was true Happiness , he had gone out of the right Way , Psalm . 73. Solomon also in whose time the Iews were in their highest Prosperity , believed that all things happened by chance , Eccles. Chap. 3. v. 19 , 20 , 21. and chap. 9. v. 2 , 3. The very Prophets themselves , knew not how to reconcile the Course of Nature and Human Eevents , with the Notions they had of God's Providence ; but to Wisemen whose Knowledge is not built on miracles , but upon clear and distinct conceptions , the thing is very evident , especially to those who place true Happiness in Vertue and Tranquility of Mind ; and study more to submit to Nature , then to make Nature obedient to them ; knowing certainly , that God directeth Nature as its own Universal Laws , and not as the particular Laws of Human Nature require ; and that God hath a care not only of Mankind , but of the whole Frame of Nature in general ; and it appears by Scripture , that miracles cannot teach us to know God or his Providence , tho' we find in Scripture that God wrought miracles to be known to Men. Exod. Chap. 10. v. 2. The wonders which he did in Egypt , were to convince the Israelites , that there was a God ; yet it doth not follow , that the miracles themselves taught them to know God , but only that the Iews were prepossest with such Opinions , that they would easily be perswaded by those Signs : for as I have already shewed in the Second Chapter , that the conceptions , which the Prophets had by Revelation , were not drawn from Universal and common Notions ; but from concessions sometimes absurd , and from the Opinions of those , to whom the Revelations were made ; and from theirs , whom the Holy Spirit would convince , as we have proved by many Examples , and the Testimony of Paul , who was to the Iews a Iew , and with the Grecians a Greek . But tho' those Miracles were sufficient to convince the Israelites , and the Egyptians , from their own Principles , that there was a God , yet they were not able to give them a right understanding and Idea of God ; they understood nothing more by them , then that there was a Power greater , then all other known Beings , and that that Power took a particular care of the Iews , whose Affairs were at that time , so prosperous above all other Nations ; but did not teach them , that God hath an equal care of all Mankind , which we know only by Philosophy or true Wisdom ; and therefore the Iews , and all that knew nothing of God's Providence , but from the different State of Human Affairs , and from the disparity of men's Fortunes , perswaded themselves , that the Iews were better beloved by God , then all other Nations ; tho' they did not excel any other People in Human perfection , as we have already declared in our Third Chapter . We now proceed to the Third Particular , that is to prove by Scripture , that the Commands and Decrees of God , and consequently his Providence , are indeed nothing else , but the regular Course of Nature ( that is ) when the Scripture saith , any thing was done by God , or the Will of God , nothing more is to be understood , then that it was done according to the Order and Rules of Nature , and not as the Vulgar imagine , that Nature was idle and ceased from Action , or that the Order of Nature , was for sometime interrupted . The Scripture doth not give us the true Knowledge of things , which do not concern its Doctrine , because , as we have already declared , it needless , it meddles not with demonstrating things by their natural Causes , nor with things that are meerly Speculative ; and therefore to prove by consequence , what we intend ; we will quote some Scripture Histories , whose Relations are fullest of Circumstances . In the first Book of Sam. Chap. 9. v. 15 , 16. It is said , that God told Samuel in his Ear , that he would send Saul to him ; and yet God did not send him , as Men use to send Messenger ; one to another , but this mission of God , was nothing but the Order and Course of Nature ; for Saul sought his Father's lost Asses , and thinking he should not find them ; by Advice of his Father's Servant , he went to the Prophet Samuel , to know if he could tell him where they were ; nor doth it appear any where in the whole Relation , that Saul had any particular Command from God , beside this natural Course to go to Samuel . Psal. 105. v. 24. 'T is said , that God turned the Heart of the Egyptians to hate the Israelites : which turning was Natural ; as appears by the first Chap. of Exodus , where very good Reasons are given , for the Egyptians keeping the Israelites in subjection . In the 9 th . Chap. of Gen. v. 13. God saith to Noah , that he would set his Bow in the Cloud ; which Action of God was nothing , but the Reflection and Refraction of the Sun-Beams , in the minute drops of Rain Water . Psal. 147. v. 18. The natural Operation , and warmth of the Wind , by which , Frost and Snow are melted , is called the Word of God ; and v. 15. the Wind is called the Commandment of God , Psal. 104. v. 4. The Wind and the Fire are called the Messengers and Ministers of God , and many other like places in Scripture clearly shew , that the Decree , the Command , the Saying and Word of God , are nothing else but the Operation and Order of Nature ; and without doubt many things which are related in Scripture , and attributed to God , naturally come to pass ; because it was not the intent of Scripture , to give us an account of things by their natural Causes ; but only to relate those things which strongly possess the imagination , and in such manner and stile , as was most likely to cause admiration and fill Mens minds with Devotion . If then we find in Scripture some things , of whose natural causes we are ignorant , or that seem to have happen'd against the order of nature ; we are not presently to doubt , but believe , that what did really happen , came to pass by the course of nature ; which is confirm'd by the many Circumstances that accompany'd miracles , tho' the Circumstances were not particularly related , or were at least poetically related : I say the Circumstances clearly prove , that the miracles required , and had natural causes . When the Egyptians were to be smitten with the Plague of boiles , Moses was to cast up and sprinkle Ashes into the Air , Exod. chap. 9. v. 10. The Locusts also by Gods natural command , namely by an East Wind blowing a whole Day and Night , covered the Land of Egypt , and left it again with a strong West Wind , Exod chap. 10. v. 13. 19. By the command of God , was a way made through the Sea for the Iews , by an East Wind that blew a whole Night Exod. chap. 14. v. 21. when the Prophet Elisha was to raise the Child , thought to be dead , he several times stretched himself upon the Body , till he grew warm and opened his Eyes , in the 2 d. Book of Kings chap. 4. v. 34,35 . so also in the 9 th . chap . of St. Iohns Gospel , some Circumstances are mentioned which Christ used , when he Cured the blind Man ; many other things are related in Scripture , which all declare that miracles require somewhat more then the absolute command of God ; and therefore tho' all the Circumstances of miracles and their natural causes , be not always particularly exprest ; yet we ought to believe , that miracles were not wrought without them . Which appears by the 14 th chap. of Exod. v. 27. where it is said , that only upon the stretching out of Moses's hand , the Sea returned again to its full strength , without making mention of any Wind ; yet in the 15 chap. of Exod. called Moses's Song v. 10. it is said , thou didst blow with thy Wind ( that is a strong Wind ) and the Sea covered them . So that this Circumstance was omitted in the Story , to make the miracle appear the greater : but some will urge , that we find many things in Scripture , which cannot in appearance be explain'd by natural causes ; as that the sins of Men may be the cause of the Earths Barrenness , and Mens Prayers the cause of its Fertility ; that Faith may give sight to the Blind , with other things of the like kind , recorded in the Old and New Testament : but to this I have already given Answer , in shewing that the Scripture , doth not give us the knowledge of things by their next immediate causes , but only relates things in that order , and expresseth them in such Words and Phrases , as are most likely to stir Men up , especially the multitude to Devotion ; and for that reason speaks many times very improperly of God , and the things it treats of , not so much to convince our reason , as to affect and possess our minds , and our imaginations ; if the Scripture should relate the destruction of any Empire , in the same manner that Historians and Politicians use to do , it would not at all affect the Common People , but when the overthrow of a Kingdom is poetically described , and declared to be the immediate Work of God's own hand , how strangely are Men moved with it ? When the Scripture saith , that for the Sins of Men , the Earth is barren , or that blind Men are restored to sight by Faith ; it signifies no more then do those other Sayings , that God is angry or grieved with our Sins , that he repents of the good he hath done , or intended , and that God by seeing a Sign called to mind his promise , all which Expressions are spoken poetically , or according to the Opinions and Prejudices of the Writer ; so that we absolutely conclude , that all things which the Scripture relates to have happen'd , did happen as all things do , according to the Laws of Nature ; and if in Scripture there be any thing recorded which by plain and evident Demonstration , may be proved to be repugnant to the Laws of Nature , or impossible to follow from them ; we ought to believe it was inserted by Sacrilegious Men ; for whatever is against Nature , is against Reason , and whatever is against Reason , ought to be rejected as absurd . Nothing now remains , but only to say somewhat of interpreting Miracles , or rather to recollect what hath been already said , and illustrate it by some Example , which is the fourth Particular I promis'd to treat of . That no body by mistaking a Miracle , may think there is something in Scripture which is contrary to the Light of Nature . It seldom happens that Men relate any thing that comes to pass so nakedly and truly , but that to their Relations they add somewhat of their own conceits ; yea when they see or hear any thing , unless they beware of their own preconceived Opinions , they will be so far prepossest , that they will never rightly understand what they see or hear , especially if what hath happen'd be above the Capacity of the Spectator or Relator , and it be for his advantage that the thing should happen in that very manner : hence it is that Men in their Histories and Chronicles , rather vent their own Opinions , then make faithful Relations , and one and the same Matter of Fact , related by two Men of different Opinions , shall be so diversly represented , that it shall seem two different Cases : so that oft times it is not very difficult , by the very Histories to discover what were the Opinions of the Historians : to Evidence this , I might cite many Philosophers , who have Written Histories of Nature , as well as Chronologeis , but I will make use of only one mention'd in Scripture , and leave the Reader to judge of the rest . In the time of Ioshua , when the Iews believed that the Sun was carryed about the Earth by a Dyurnal Motion , and that the Earth did not move at all , they fitted the Miracle which happen'd when they fought against the five Kings , according to this their preconceiv'd Opinion , and did not say simply , that the day was longer then ordinary , but that the Sun and Moon stood still , or ceased from motion ; which at that time served as a very good Argument to convince the Heathen , who Worshipped the Sun , that their God the Sun , was under the Power of another Deity , who could at his pleasure make him change his Course ; and therefore partly out of Religion , and partly from the Opinion wherewith they were prepossest , they apprehended and related the thing much otherwise then indeed it was ; therefore to explain Miracles and to understand by their relations , how things did truly and really happen , it is necessary to know the Opinions of those , who first reported the Miracles , or left them in Writing , and to distinguish their Opinions , from that which was represented to them by their Sences , else we may confound their Judgments and Opinions , with the Miracle it self : It is likewise necessary to know their Opinions , that we may not confound the things which really happen'd , with the things which were only imaginary , and but Prophetical Revelations ; for many things in Scripture are related and believed as things real , which were but representations and meer imaginations ; as that God the first and highest of all Beings , descended from Heaven , Exod. chap. 19. v. 18. Deut. chap. 5. v. 23. upon Mount Sinai , and that the Mountain smoaked because God came down upon it in the midst of Fire : we are likewise told of Eliahs going to Heaven in a Fiery Chariot , with Horses of Fire ; all which were but representations suted to the Opinions of them , who delivered to us those things for realities ; when in truth they were but meer representations ; whoever is but little wiser then the Multitude , knows that God hath neither Right or Left Hand , that he neither resteth nor moveth , that he is comprehensively in no place , but is infinite , and in him are contain'd all perfections . These things I say are known to Men , who judge of things by the perceptions of a pure understanding and not as their Fancy is affected by their outward Sences ; as is usual with the Vulgar , who believe God to be Corporeal , and imagining he Exerciseth Kingly Dominion , fancy his Throne to be in Heaven above the Stars , at no great distance from the Earth ; to which and the like Opinions many Cases in Scripture are Accommodated ; but yet ought not to be thought real by Wise Men. Truly to understand how Miracles happen'd , it concerns us to know the Phrases and Figures of the Hebrew Language ; for he that is not well acquainted with them , will take many things in Scripture for Miracles , which were never thought so by the Penmen of it ; so that he will not only be mistaken in the Things and Miracles that happen'd , but will be likewise ignorant what was the meaning of those by whom the Scripture was Originally Written ( for Example . ) The Prophet Zachary chap. 14. v. 7. speaking of a future War saith , but it shall be one day which shall be known to the Lord , nor Day nor Night , but it shall come to pass that at the Evening time , it shall be Light , in which words he seems to predict a great Miracle ; but they signify no more , then that a doubtful Battle should be fought , whereof the Success should be known only to God , but towards Evening the Iews should be Victorious . In the like Phrases and Expressions , the Prophets were wont to foretel and write the Victories and overthrows of the Nations , Isaiah . chap. 13. v. 10. declareth the destruction of Babylon in these words , the Stars of Heaven and the Constellations thereof shall not give their Light , the Sun shall be darkned in his going forth , and the Moon shall not cause her Light to shine , which no body believes did happen in the destruction of that Empire , nor that which the Prophet adds . v. 13. therefore will I shake the Heavens and the Earth shall remove out of her place . In like manner , Isaiah chap. 48. v. 21. they thirsted not when he led them through the deserts , he caused the Waters to flow out of the Rock , for them he clave the Rock also and the Waters gushed out ; by which words nothing more is meant , then that the Iews found Fountains in the deserts , by which they quenched their thirst ; for no such Miracles happen'd when by the consent of Cyrus they returned to Ierusalem , many expressions of like Nature , occur in the Scripture , and are only fashions of speaking amongst the Iewish Nation ; I need instance in no more , but let it be observed , that the Iews made use of such Phrases , not only for Ornament to their Language , but also to express their Devotion ; and therefore attributed all things to God ; so that the Scripture seems to relate nothing but Miracles , even when it speaks of things meerly natural . We are therefore to believe , that when the Scripture saith God hardened the Heart of Pharaoh , nothing more was signified , then that Pharoah was very obstinate and disobedient ; and when it is said , God opened the Windows of Heaven , nothing more is to be understood , then that there fell abundance of Rain : whoever then will but consider , that many things in Scripture are related very briefly , imperfectly , and without Circumstances , shall find nothing repugnant to natural Reason , but many things which seem very obscure , may with a little Meditation be explain'd and easily understood : so that I think I have sufficiently proved , what I intended : but before I put an end to this Chapter , I have thought fit to intimate , that in speaking of Miracles , I have taken a course different from that I made use of in treating of Prophesy ; for I declared nothing positively concerning Prophesy , but what I could conclude from fundamental Princiciples revealed in the Scripture ; but what I have said concerning Miracles , I have drawn from Principles known by the Light of Nature , which I did designedly , because I could not know wherein Prophesy consisted , nor could I aver any thing of it ( it being a meer Theological question exceeding human Capacity ) but what I could derive from revealed Principles ; so that I was forced to make a short Historical Collection of Prophesy , and from thence to form some Maxims which might instruct me , as far as 't was possible , in its Nature and Properties : but because that which we inquire concerning Miracles , namely , whether any thing in Nature can happen which is either contrary to its Laws , or doth not follow from them , is a Philosophical Subject , I thought it much better to clear the Question , by making use of Principles known by the Light of Nature , as those that are most obvious . I say I did it purposely , because I can also prove it from fundamental Principles of Scripture , which declareth that the course and order of nature in general , is constant and immutable , Ps. 148. v. 6 . he also establisht them for ever and ever , he hath made a decree which shall not pass , and Ierem. chap. 31. v. 35 , 36. thus saith the Lord who giveth the Sun for a Light by Day , and the Ordinances of the Moon and the Stars for a Light by Night , which divideth the Sea when the Waves thereof roar ; if these Ordinances depart from before me saith the Lord , then the Seed of Israel shall cease also from being a Nation before me for ever : the Philosopher in his Book of Ecclesiastes chap. 1. v. 10. saith , is there any thing whereof it may be said , see this is new , it hath been already of old time , which was before us , v. 11. he saith , there is no remembrance of former things , neither shall there be any remembrance of things to come with those that come after : by which words he means , that nothing happens which hath not happen'd before , tho' it be forgotten ; in the 3 d Chapter v. 11. he saith that God hath made every thing beautiful in its time , and v. 14. he saith whatever God doth , it shall be for ever , nothing can be put to it nor any thing taken from it , v. 15. that which hath been is now , and that which is to be , hath already been , which clearly declares , that Nature keeps a constant fixed and unchangeable course , that God in all Ages known and unknown , it still the same , that the Laws of Nature are so large and perfect , nothing can be added to , or taken from them , and lastly that there is nothing new in Miracles , but what seems so to Mans ignorance , these things are expresly declared in Scripture , but 't is no where said , that any thing happens in Nature , either contrary to its Laws , or not proceeding from them ; so that Miracles require Causes and Circumstances , and are not immediately wrought by I know not what Kingly and absolute Empire , which the Vulgar attribute to God ; but by his divine Power and Decree , manifested in the Laws and Order of Nature , and that Miracles may be wrought by seducing Impostures ; as appears , Deut. chap. 13. and Matth. chap. 24. v. 24. from whence it manifestly follows , that Miracles were things natural , and therefore ( to use Solomons expression ) are not to be thought new or contrary to Nature , but have as neer an Alliance as is possible , to natural things , which may be easily made out by the Rules I have laid down , drawn from the Scripture : but tho' I say we are taught these things by Scripture , yet I do not mean , that the Scripture delivers them to us as Doctrines necessary to Salvation , but only that the Prophets received them as we do , and therefore 't is left to every Mans Liberty , to have such an Opinion of them , as is most likely to incline him most religiously and heartily to serve God , and of this mind was Iosephus , for he concludes his Second Book of Antiquities with these words ; Neither ought any Man to marvel , at this so wonderful discourse , that thorow the Red Sea a passage should be found , to save so many Persons in times past , and they rude and simple ; whether it were done by the Will of God , or that it chanced of it self ; since not long time ago God so thinking it good , the Sea of Pamphilia divided it self , to give way to Alexander King of Macedons Souldiers , having no other passage , to destroy the Empire of the Persians , and this all acknowledge , who have Written the Acts of Alexander , and therefore of these things let every one think as he pleaseth . Chap. VII . Of the Interpretation of Scripture . MOst Men acknowledge the Holy Scripture to be the Word of God , which teacheth Mankind the way to true Happiness and Salvation ; but this Opinion hath so little influence upon Mens Lives , that the common People take no care , to regulate theirs according to the Doctrines of Scripture ; and every Man believing himself divinely inspired , would under pretence of Religion , compel all others to be of his Opinion . We often see those whom we call Divines , very solicitous to father their own Fancies upon Scripture , and the Divine Authority thereof , making no scruple with great boldness to interpret it , and tell us what is the mind of the Holy Ghost . When they meet with any difficulties , they do not so much fear mistaking the Holy Spirits meaning , and the right way to Salvation ; as to be found guilty of Error , and by loosing their Authority to fall into contempt ; but if Men did heartily believe that which they profess concerning the Scriptures , they would lead other kind of Lives , there would not be half so much contention and hatred in the World as now there is ; nor would Men with so much Blind Zeal and boldness , venture upon expounding Scripture , and introduce so many novelties into Religion ; but on the contrary , would be very cautious of maintaining any thing for Scripture Doctrine , which is not manifestly contained in it , and the Men who have not been affraid to adulterate Scripture in so many places , would never have commited such impious Sacriledge . But ambition and wickedness have so far prevailed , that Religion doth now consist , not so much in obeying the dictates of the Holy Spirit , as in defending Mens own fantastical opinions ; Charity is now no part of Religion , but discord and implacable hatred pass under the masque of Godly Zeal . To these evils superstition hath joyned it self , teaching Men to despise reason and nature , and to admire and reverence that only which is repugnant to both ; 't is no wonder that Men to be thought the greater admirers of Scripture , should Study so to expound it , that it may seem contradictory both to nature and reason , and therefore dream of profound misteries hidden in it , which misteries ( that is their own obsurdities ) they labour and weary themselves to find out ; and neglecting things which are of most use , ascribe to the Holy Spirit , all the Dotages of their own imagination , and with much heat and passion , endeavor to defend their own idle conceits . Whatever is the result of Mens understanding , that Men endeavor to maintain by clear and pure reason , but all opinions derived from their passions and affections , must be defended by them to avoid these troubles , and to free our minds from all Theological prejudices , that we may not rashly receive the Foolish inventions of Men , for the Doctrins of God ; I will now treat of a right method of interpreting Scripture , of which method whoever is ignorant , he can never certainly know the true Sense and meaning , either of the Scripture or the Holy Ghost . I say in few Words , that the method of interpreting Scripture , doth not differ from the method of interpreting nature ; for as the method of explaining nature , cheifly consists in framing a History thereof , from whence , as from undeniable concessions , shall follow the definitions of natural things ; so likewise to expound Scripture , it is absolutely necessary to compose a true History thereof , that thence , as from sure Principles , we may by rational consequences collect the meaning of those who were Authors of the Scripture , that every one ( who admits of no other Principles or concessions in expounding Scripture , or in reasoning of the things therein contain'd , but such as are fetcht from the Scripture it self , or the History of it ) may proceed without danger of Erring , and be able to discourse and reason as securely of things which exceed human capacity , as of any thing we know by natural light . Now that it may evidently appear , that this is the only sure way , and agrees with the method of explaining nature , we are to observe , that the Scripture very often treats of things , that cannot be deduced from Principles known to us by natural light ; because Revelations make up the greatest part of Scripture History , which Principaly contains Miracles ; that is ( as we have already shew'd in the foregoing Chapter ) narrations of things not common or usual in nature , suted and fitted to the judgment and opinions of the Historians that wrote them : Revelations also as we have shew'd in the Second Chapter , were accomodated to the opinions of the Prophets , and exceed human capacity , wherefore the knowledge of all these things ( that is ) of almost every thing contained in Scripture , ought to be derived only from Scripture , as the knowledge of natural things ought to be from nature : as for moral Doctrins contained in the Bible , tho' they may be demonstrated from common and general Notions , yet it doth not appear by those Notions , that the Scripture teacheth those Doctrins ; nothing but the Scripture it self makes out that , and to give a clear demonstration of the Scripture's Divinity , we must from the Scripture it self , prove the Truth of the Moral Doctrins which it teacheth , because in that Truth only , the Divine Authority of Scripture appears ; for as we have already shewn , the certainty of the Prophets , consisted in their being just and vertuous , which to make us believe them , ought likewise appear to us . We have already shewn that Miracles cannot prove the Divine Nature of God , and that they might be wrought by false Prophets , the Divine Authority of Scripture appears then , in its teaching us what is true and real Vertue , and that can be proved only by Scripture it self , if not , we could not without a great deal of prejudice believe the Scriptures , and think them to be of divine inspiration : the Scripture indeed , doth not give us any definition of the things whereof it treats , so neither doth Nature ; and therefore as from several Actions of Nature , we make definitions of natural things ; in the same manner , from several narrations of all things contained in Scripture , are conclusions to be drawn . The general rule then of interpreting Scripture is , that we conclude nothing to be Doctrine , which doth not manifestly and clearly appear , from the History of Scripture ; what kind of History it ought to be , and what are the Principal things it ought to contain , comes now to be declared . First , it ought to contain the Nature and Proprieties of that Language in which the Books of Scripture were Originally Written , and which the Authors of those Books were wont to speak ; that so all the Senses which every Speech , according to the ordinary use of speaking will bear and admit , may be found out ; and because the Pen-Men both of the Old and New Testament were Iews , the knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue , is above all things necessary , to understand not only the Books of the Old Testament , which were Written in Hebrew , but also of the new ; for tho' some of the Books of the New Testament , were Published in other Languages , yet they are full of Hebrewisms . Secondly , The Sentences of every Book , ought to be Collected and reduced to Heads ; that so all that concern one and the same Subject , may be easily found , and all those which seem doubtful and obscure , or repugnant to one another , ought to be noted : I call those Speeches clear or obscure , whose Sense is easily or difficultly made out by the context , and not in respect of the Truth of those Speeches , easily or difficultly perceived by reason ; for only the Sense of what the Scripture saith , and not the verity is our business ; we are therefore to take special heed , that in searching out the Sense of Scripture , we do not suffer our reason , as it is founded upon the Principles of natural knowledge , to be prepossest with prejudice ; and likewise that we do not confound the true Sense of the words , with the verity of the matter ; for the true Sense is to be found out , only by the use of the Language , or by such a way of reasoning , as is grounded only upon Scripture . That all these things may be perfectly understood . Take this example for illustration ; These sayings of Moses God is Fire , and God is jealous how plain and clear are they , so long as we regard only the signification of the words , but in respect of reason and truth , how dark and obscure , yea tho' the litteral Sense of the words be contrary to natural reason , yet unless it contradict any fundamental Principles derived from Scripture , their litteral Sense is still to be retained , so on the contrary , if these sayings in their litteral construction , should be found repugnant to Principles deduced from Scripture , tho' they should be most agreeable to reason , yet they ought to be Metaphorically not litteraly understood . To know then whether Moses did , or did not believe God to be Fire , we ought not to conclude the one or the other , because the Opinion is either contrary or consonant to reason , but it must be gathered from some other of Moses own sayings ( for example ) because Moses in very many places hath plainly declared , that God is not like any visible thing , either in Heaven , Earth , or the Waters , we must conclude that either this saying , God is Fire , or else all his other sayings are to be Metaphorically interpreted , but because we ought as seldom as 't is possible , to depart from the litteral Sense , we must therefore inquire whether this saying God is Fire will admit of any other Sense beside the litteral , ( that is ) whether the word Fire signify any other thing beside natural Fire , and if in the Hebrew Tongue , it can never be found to signify any thing else , then this saying of Moses is no other way to be interpreted , tho' it be repugnant to reason : but on the other side all those other sayings of Moses , tho' consentaneous to reason , are to be conformable and accomodate to this ; but if the common use of the Language will not suffer this to be done , then those several sayings are Irreconcileable , and we are to suspend our judgment of them . But now because the Word Fire , is also taken for anger and jealousy , Iob. chap. 31. v. 12. these sayings of Moses are easily reconcileable , and we may lawfully conclude , that these two Sentences God is Fire , and God is jealous signify both the same thing . Moreover , because Moses plainly saith , God is jealous , and doth no where declare that God is free from all manner of passion and affections of the mind , we may conclude that Moses did think , or at least taught other Men to think , God was jealous , tho' we believe the opinion contrary to reason : for as we have already shewn , it is not lawful for us , to wrest the Sense and meaning of Scripture , according to the dictates of our reason or preconceived Opinions , because all our knowledge both of the Old and New Testament , must be derived only from themselves . Thirdly , This History of Scripture , ought to give such an account of the Books of the Prophets remaining with us , as may inform us , of the Lives , Manners and Studies of the Authors of every Book ; who the Person was , upon what occasion he wrote , in what time , to whom ; and in what Language , and Lastly , it ought to tell us , what was the Fortune of every Book , how it was first received , into whose hands it fell , how many various readings it had , how it came to be received for sacred and Canonical . And Lastly , how all the several Books came together into one Volume ; I say all these things this History of Scripture ought to contain . To know what Sentences of Scripture are to be taken for Laws and precepts , and what only for moral Doctrins , it is very expedient to know the Life , Manners , and Study of the Author ; beside we can with more ease know , the meaning of any Mans Words , when we know his genius , disposition and ingenuity . Moreover , that we may not confound Doctrins whose morality and Obligation is perpetual , with those that were but temporary , and of use only to some particular People ; it behoveth us to know , upon what occasion , at what time , to what Nation , in what Age , all these instructions were Written . Lastly , it is fit we should know , beside the Authority of every Book , whether the Books have been adulterated , or at least whether any Errors have crept into them , and whether they have been corrected by Learned and Faithful Men , all which things are absolutely necessary to be known , that we may not with Blind Zeal receive every thing obtruded upon us , but believe that only , which is certain , plain , and past all doubt . After we have such a History of Scripture , and have firmly resolved to conclude nothing to be the Doctrine of the Prophets , which doth not naturally follow , or may be clearly drawn from this History ; then it will be time to prepare our selves , to search out the meaning of the Prophets , and of the Holy Ghost ; which to do , the like method and order is required , that is to be used in interpreting nature by its own History ; for as in searching out natural things , we first endeavour to inquire concerning that which is Universal , and common to all nature , as Motion and Rest ; and the Laws and Rules of both , which nature always observes , and by which it continually Acts , and from these we afterwards by degrees proceed to other things less general ; so likewise from this History of Scripture , we are first to inquire after that which is most general , and is the Basis and Foundation of all Scripture , and is commended by all the Prophets , for the most profitable and perpetual Doctrine to Mankind ( for example ) that there is only one omnipotent God , who only is to be worshipt , who provideth for all , and loveth those best , who serve him and love their Neighbours as themselves , is a Doctrine every where so express and plain in Scripture , that no Body ever doubted the Sense and meaning thereof ; but what God is , why and in what manner he beholdeth and provideth for all things , the Scripture doth no where expresly and positively declare , nor teach it as an eternal Doctrine , but on the contrary , the Prophets as we have already shewn , did not agree amongst themselves concerning these things , and therefore in matters of like nature , we are not posi●ively to determin what is the Doctrine and meaning of the Holy Spirit , tho' it may be very well made out by natural knowledge . This general Doctrine of the Scripture , being rightly known , we are then to pass on to things less Universal , which concern the common use of Life , and which are derived like rivulets from this general Doctrine . Such are all the particular external Actions of real Vertue , which cannot be Practiced but as occasion is offer'd , and whatsoever in Scripture relating to them seems doubtful or obscure , must be explain'd and determin'd by the Universal Doctrine ; and for those things which seem contradictory one to another , we are to examin . Upon what occasion , at what time , and to whom they were written ( for example ) when Christ said , Blessed are they that mourn for they shall be comforted . We know not who are the Mourners meant in this Text ; but because Christ afterwards , bids us take no thought for any thing , but seek the Kingdom of God and the righteousness thereof , which he commends to us as our cheifest good , Math. chap. 6. v. 33. therefore it follows , that the Mourners meant by Christ , must be those who lamented to see the Kingdom of God and its righteousness , so much neglected by Men ; for which no others could Mourn , but those whose affections were Heavenly , and contemned all things here below . So also when Christ said Math. chap. 5. v. 39. Whatsoever shall smite thee on the right Cheek , turn to him the other also , if he had spoken this as a Law-giver , by this command he had abrogated the Law of Moses , which he declareth in the 17 th verse , he came not to destroy , but fulfil : We are therefore to inquire , who said this , to whom , and when he said it . First , it was Christ that said it , not as a Law-giver who ordained Laws ; but as a teacher , who gave moral instructions , not so much to reprove their deeds , as to correct their thoughts : next he spoke it to Men opprest , who lived in a Common-wealth extreamly corrupted , where justice was neglected , and whose ruine and destruction was near at hand : this Doctrin of Christ , was likewise Preached by the Prophet Ieremy , before the first destruction of the City of Jerusalem , Lament . Chap. 3. v. 30. He giveth his Cheek to him that smiteth him . Wherefore seeing the Prophets did not teach this Doctrine , but in the time of oppression , nor was any where commanded by them as a Law ; and on the contrary Moses ( who did not write in times of oppression , but took care to establish a good Common-wealth ) tho' he condemned revenge , and the hating of our Neighbour , yet he commanded , that an Eye should be given for an Eye : hence it appears by the fundamental Principles of Scripture , that this Doctrine of Christ and Jeremy , for suffering Injuries and submitting to Wicked Men , ought to be practised only in times of oppression , and in Places where Justice is not so easily to be had ; but not in a good Common-Wealth , because in good Governments , where Justice is maintain'd , every Man is obliged if he will be Just , to require Satisfaction for Injuries before a Judge , Levit. Chap. 5. v. 1. Not upon the score of Hatred and Revenge , which are forbidden , Levit. Chap. 19. v. 17 , 18. But to preserve and maintain the Justice and Laws of a Man's Country , and that wicked Men may not get advantage , and thrive by their wickedness , all which is agreeable to Natural Reason : to this purpose , I could bring many more Examples , but these are sufficient to explain my meaning , and shew the usefulness of that method , which is the Subject of my present Discourse . But hitherto I have only shewn , the Way to find out the Sense of those Scripture Sentences , which concern the Use of Life ; and are therefore more easily understood ; because among the Penmen of the Bible , there never was any controversy about them ; but other passages in Scripture which concern Matters meerly Speculative , are not so plain and obvious , because the Way to them is very narrow ; for tho' in things meerly Speculative , the Prophets as we have already shewn , differ'd amongst themselves , and the narrations of things , were suited to the prejudice of every Age , yet it is not at all Lawful for us to determine , what was the meaning of one Prophet , by the clear Places of another ; unless it be evident to us , that they were both of one Opinion : how then the meaning of the Prophets , in such Cases is to be known by the History of Scripture , I will in few words declare ; we must in the first Place , begin with what is most general , and from those Sentences of Scripture , which are most plain and clear , inquire what is Prophesy or Revelation , and in what it chiefly consists . Next we ought to inquire , what a Miracle is , and after that of things usual and common ; this being done , we ought to consider the Opinions of every Prophet , and from them guess at the meaning of every Prophesy , History and Miracle : but what caution we are to use , that in these things we do not confound the Sense of the Prophets and Historians , with the meaning of the Holy Spirit , and the Truth of the Matter , I have already shewn in their proper Places . But this is to be noted concerning the meaning of Revelations , that this my method teacheth us , to find out only those things , which the Prophets heard or saw , and not what they signified and represented to us by Figures an Hierogliphicks ; of these things we can only make Conjectures , but cannot certainly derive them from the fundamental Principles of Scripture . Now though I have shewn the manner of interpreting Scripture , and proved it to be the sure way of finding out the Sense thereof ; yet indeed I confess those Men may have a more certain Knowledge of the true meaning of it ( if any such Men there be ) who have received a Traditional Explication thereof , made by the Prophets themselves ( which the Pharisees affirm they have ) or such as have a high Priest , who cannot err in expounding Scripture , and that the Roman Catholics boast of their Popes : but seeing we cannot be sure of such a Tradition , or the Authority of such a Priest or Pope , we cannot build upon either , because the Primitive Christians deny the one , and the most Antient Sects of the Iews the other . And if we consider the Series and Succession of Years , which the Pharisees received from their Rabbies , by which they carry their Tradition as high as Moses himself , we shall find it false , as I have proved in another place : such a Tradition therefore , ought to be much suspected , and tho' in our method , we are forced to suppose some kind of Iewish Tradition to be sincere and uncorrupt , namely , the Signification of words in the Hebrew Tongue , which we have received from the Iews , yet we need not much doubt this , tho' we very well may the other ; for it can be of no Advantage or Use to any Man , to change the Signification of any Word , tho' it often may be , to alter the Sense of a Speech . It is also very difficult to be done , for he that should endeavor to change the Sense of any Word , must necessarily construe all those Authors , who have written in that Tongue , and used that Word in its common acceptation , according to the Genuine Sense of every Author ; or else must falsify them with a great deal of Caution . The ignorant multitude as well as Learned Men , are the keepers of a Language , but the Learned only preserve the Sense of Speeches and Books , and consequently , tho' Learned men may change or corrupt the Sense of some scarce Book ; yet they cannot the Signification of Words : beside if any man had a mind to alter the Signification of a Word , to which he is accustomed , he cannot without a great deal of difficulty do it , either in speaking or writing . For these and other Reasons I am perswaded , it never yet came into any man's head to corrupt a Language , tho' many have perverted the Sense of a writer , either by changing or misinterpreting his sayings . If our method ( which layeth this for a ground , that the knowledge of Scripture , is to be drawn only from the Scripture ) be plain and true ; then where it is not able to give us the true Sense and Knowledge of Scripture , we may well despair of it : what difficulty there is of arriving by this method to the true Meaning and Knowledge of the Sacred Volumes , or what is further to be desired in it , I will now declare . The chiefest difficulty in this method is , that is requireth a perfect Knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue , but how is that to be had ? the Antient and most skilful Masters in the Hebrew Language , have left little to posterity of the Elements and Learning of it ; we have from them neither Dictionary , Grammar , or Rhetoric . The Iewish Nation hath lost all its Ornaments and Beauty ( which is no wonder having suffer'd so many Calamities and Persecutions ) and retains nothing but a few Fragments of their Language , and of a few Books , for all the names of Fruits Birds , Fishes , and many other things , by the Injury of time are lost . So that the Signification of many Names and Words , in the Old and New Testament , is unknown or very disputable . Seeing then all these things , and likewise a Dictionary of the Hebrew Phrases , and manners of speaking in the Hebrew Language , are very necessary to be had , because all the Forms of Speech peculiar to the Iewish Nation are forgotten and lost ; we cannot as we would find out all the Senses of every Sentence in Scripture , which according to the customary use of the Language it comprehends , and there are many Sayings in Scripture , tho' exprest in known words , whose Sense nevertheless is obscure and inscrutable , and as we have no perfect History of the Hebrew Tongue , so the Nature and Constitution of the Language is such , and so many Ambiguities spring from it ; that 't is impossible to frame such a method , as shall direct a Man to find out the true Sense of all that is said in Scripture : for beside the Causes of Doubt common to all other Languages , there are some others in this , from whence proceed many uncertainties , which causes here to specify , I think worth a Man's pains . First , Obscurity and ambiguity in Scripture , is caused sometimes by using the Letters of the same Organ one for another . The Iews divided all , the Letters of their Alphabet into five Classes or Forms , because there are five particular Parts or Instruments of the Mouth used in pronunciation : the Lips , the Tongue , the Teeth , the Palate , and the Throat ; for Example Alpha , Ghet , Hgain , He , are called Guttural Letters , and are without any difference known to us , taken one for another . El which signifies To , is often taken for Hgal , which signifies upon , and so interchangebly ; whence it cometh to pass , that all the Parts of a Speech are rendred doubtful , or are like words which have no Signification . The Second cause of ambiguity , is the divers and manifold Signification of conjunctions and Adverbs ; for example , Vau promiscuously serves to joyn and disjoyn , signifying And , but , because , indeed , otherwise , then , Ki hath seven or eight Significations , because , although , if , when , even , as , that , burning , and so almost all Particles . The Third cause of many Ambiguities is , because Verbs in the Indicative Mood , want the Present , the Preterimperfect , the Preterpluperfect and the Future tense , and others much used in other Languages . In the Imparative and Infinitive Mood , they want all the Tenses except the Present , and in the Subjunctive have none at all ; and tho' all these defects of Moods and Tenses , may with great Elegancy be supplyed , by Rules and Principles deduced from the Language ; yet they have been wholly neglected by the Antient Writers , who promiscuously used the Present and Preterperfect tenses for the Future ; and sometimes the Indicative Mood for the Imperative and Subjunctive ; which caused great Ambiguity in their Writings : beside these three great Causes of uncertainty in the Hebrew Language , there remain two other very observable , and both of very great moment . The first is , that the Iews made no use those Letters we call Vowels . The Second , that they never used in their Writings to distinguish their Words , or express their quantity , by any Marks or Signs ; and tho' both Vowels and Marks use to be supplyed by Points and Accents , yet we cannot trust to them , seeing they were invented , and brought into use by modern Men ; whose Authority is of no great Value . The Antients wrote without Points , that is without Vowels or Accents , as appears by many Testimonies , but some of later times brought in both , to interpret the Bible as they thought fit ; so that the Points and Accents , which we now have , are only Expositions of Men of the present Age , whom we ought not to reverence and believe above other Expositors : they that are Ignorant of this , know not the Reason , why the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews is to be excused , that in the 21 th . Verse of the 11 th . Chap. of that Epistle , he explains the Text in the 31 th . Verse of the 47 th . Chap. of Genesis quite otherwise , then it is in the pointed Hebrew Text ; as if the Apostle had been to learn the Sense of Scripture from the Punctists , in my Opinion the Punctists are mistaken ; that it may appear they are , and that the difference of the two interpretations , ariseth from the want of Vowels , I will give you both : The Punctists by their Points render the Text in Genesis thus , and Israel bowed himself Vppon ( or by changing hgain into Aleph , a Letter of the same Organ ) towards the Beds Head ; but the Author of the Epistle saith , Israel bowed himself leaning Vppon the top of his Staff , by reading Mateh , instead of the Word Mitah , which difference cometh only from the Vowels . Now seeing the forecited Chapter of Genesis , speaketh only of Iacob's Age , and not of his Sickness as doth the following Chapter , it is much more probable the Historian meant , that Iacob leaned Vppon the top of his Staff ( wherewith Men of very great Age use to support themselves ) and not that he did bow himself uppon or towards his Beds Head ; because in so rendring the Text , there is no need to suppose any interchange of Letters . By this Example , I have not only reconciled that Place in the Epistle to the Hebrews , with the Text in Genesis , but have also shewn how little credit is to be given to our new Points and Accents ; so that he who will interpret Scripture without prejudice , must with a great deal of doubting narrowly examin them . To return to our purpose , every one may easily conjecture , that from such a Nature and Constitution of the Hebrew Tongue , must proceed so many Ambiguities , that 't is impossible for any method to resolve them all ; and there is little hope it can be done , by the mutual comparing of one saying with another ( which we have declared to be a singular way of finding out the true , of many Senses , which every Sentence according to the common use of the Language , will bear and admit . ) Seeing this comparing of Places , cannot explain one another but by meer chance ; because no Prophet wrote with express Intention , to explain the Words of another Prophet or his own ; and also because we cannot know one Prophet's or Apostle's meaning by anothers , unless it be in things that concern the use of Life ; but not when they speak of things Speculative , and when they relate Miracles or Histories : moreover , I can give you many Instances of Speeches in Scripture , that are inexplicable , but at present I pass them by , and proceed to observe , what other difficulties yet remain , in this method of interpreting Scripture , and what is further to be wisht for in it . Another difficulty attends this method , because we have not such a History of all the Books of Scripture as is necessary ; for we know not the Authors , or rather the Pen-men of many of the Books ; at least we doubt of them , as I shall at large shew in the following Chapter ; neither do we know , upon what Occasion , or when those Books of whose Pen-men we doubt , were written , we are ignorant into what Hands all the Books fell , nor know we in whose Copies so many various Readings are found , and whether there be not some , which have more various Readings : what advantage it is to know all these things , I have briefly declared in its proper place ; but I have there purposely omitted some things , which come now to be considered , if we read any Book , that contains things incredible , unintelligible , or written in very obscure Terms , and know not who was its Author , or at what time or upon what occasion it was written ; in vain do we labour to find out the true Sense thereof , for none of these things being known , 't is impossible to understand , what the Author did or could mean : but when we are once satisfyed in these things , our Thoughts demine without prejudice , and give to the Author , or to him in whose Favour the Author writ , neither more or less then is his due ; nor do we think of any other things , then were or might be in the Author's mind , and such as the time and occasion requir'd : and this is apparent , for it often happens , when in divers Books , we read stories one like another , we pass different Judgments on them , according to the different Opinions we have of the Writers . I remember I have read in a certain Book , of a Man called Orlando furioso , who rid upon a winged Monster through the Air , into what Countries he pleas'd , and slew a great Number of Men and Giants , with abundance of other Fancies beyond all Reason and Sense . A story like this I have read in Ovid of Perseus , and another in the Book of Iudges and Kings of Sampson , who single and unarmed slew Thousands of Men , and of Eliah who with a Chariot and Horses of Fire , mounted up to Heaven ; these stories I say are like one another , yet we make different judgments of every one of them . The first Author wrote nothing but Fables , the Second matters Political , and the Third Sacred , and this for no other reason , but the different opinions we have of the writers . It is therefore evident , that the knowledge of those Authors , who have written things obscure and very difficult to be understood , is absolutely necessary to interpret their writings , and among several readings of obscure Histories , that we may chuse the true , 't is necessary to know in whose Copies those diverse readings are found , and whether many other readings have not been met with , amongst Men of greater Authority . Lastly , we meet with another difficulty in expounding some Books of Scripture , by not having those Books in the same Language wherein they were first written ; for 't is the common opinion , that the Gospel according to St. Mathew , and the Epistle to the Hebrews , were written in the Hebrew Tongue , which Copies are no where extant . In what Language the Book of Iob was written is a doubt , Abenezra in his Commentaries , affirms it was Translated out of some other Language into Hebrew , which is the cause of its obscurity : Of the Apocryphal Books I say nothing , because they are of little or no Authority . These are all the difficulties in this method of interpreting Scripture by such a History as might be had of it , of which I promised to give an account , and I think them so great , that I may boldly say , we cannot know the true sense of Scripture in many places , or at most , we can without any certainty but guess at it ; however this is to be observed , that all those difficulties can only hinder us , from knowing the mind of the Prophets in things imperceptible , which we can only imagin , but not in things intelligible , of which we may form clear conceptions : for things which in their own nature are easily conceived , can never be spoken so obscurely , but that they may be quickly understood , according to that usual saying a Word to the Wise. Euclyd who writ of nothing but what is very plain and obvious , is easily understood by every Body in any Language , and therefore to be sure of his Sense and meaning , there is no need of a perfect , but only a superficial knowledge of the Tongue wherein he wrote , nor of knowing his Life , Study , Manners , in what Language , when , or to whom he wrote , neither knowing the Fate of his Book , its various readings , or how it came to be generally received ; what I say of Euclyd , may be said of all Men , who have written of things in their own nature easy to be understood ; so that we conclude , the meaning of the Scripture , and the true Sense thereof , concerning moral Doctrins , may be easily attained , by such a History as might be composed of it : For all Lessons of true Piety , are given us in words of common and frequent use , and are therefore plain and easy to be understood ; and because our happiness and the peace of our Lives , consists in Tranquillity of Mind , which we find only in things which we clearly understand ; it evidently follows , that we may certainly find out the meaning of Scripture , in things necessary to happiness and Salvation ; and therefore we need not be so Sollicitous about other matters , which when they seem so difficult to our reason and understanding , have more curiosity in them then profit . I have now shewn what is the true method of explaining Scripture , and sully declared my opinion concerning it , I doubt not but every one sees , this method requires nothing more then natural reason , whose Nature and Vertue cheifly consists in deducing by right consequences , things obscure from known and indisputable concessions ; and tho' we grant , that this natural light is not sufficient to find out all things in Scripture , it is not from any defect in this natural light , but because the right way which it shews us , was never observed and troden by Men : So that in tract of time , it is become painful , and almost impossible to pass , as in my opinion manifestly appears by the difficulties I have mentioned . It now remains that I examin those Mens opinions , who are not of mine : the first to be considered is theirs , who positively affirm , that natural light is not sufficient to interpret Scripture , and that only Supernatural light can do it ; but what they mean by Supernatural light , I leave them to explain : I suppose they do but in obscure terms confess , that they are very doubtful of the true Sense of Scripture , for if we diligently consider their expositions , we shall find they contain nothing Supernatural ; yea they will appear to be meer conjectures , if they be compared with their explanations , who pretend to nothing more then what is natural ; they will be found like them to be human , long Studied and Elaborate . In maintaining that natural light is not able to explain Scripture they are mistaken , what we have said makes it clear , that the difficulty of expounding Scripture doth not arise from any defect of strength in natural light ; but only from Mens sloth ( I will not say malice ) who have neglected to Compose such a History of Scripture , as might have been framed of it ; and also because all Men ( if I be not deceived ) confess , that Supernatural light is a divine gift bestowed only upon believers ; but the Prophets and Apostles Preached not only to believers but to wicked unbelievers , who were notwithstanding their impiety and unbelief , capable of understanding the meaning of the Prophets ; otherwise they had Preached but to Children and Infants , and not to Men endued with reason : and Moses had in vain prescribed Laws , if his Laws were intelligible only to believers who needed no Law. Wherefore they that seek after supernatural light to understand the mind of the Prophets and Apostles , seem void even of natural light , and such I think are far from having that Heavenly Gift of light supernatural . Maimonides was not of these Mens Opinion , for he thought most places of Scripture would bear several , yea contrary Senses , and thought likewise , that we cannot be certain of the true Sense of any place , unless we know the place as we interpret it , to contain nothing but what is agreeable to reason , or not contrary to it ; for if in its litteral Sense it appear repugnant to reason , tho' the Sense appear clear , yet he thinks the place ought to be otherwise interpreted ; and this he plainly declares in the 25 th Chapter of his Book called More Nebuchin , where he saith know that I do not refuse to say the World is eternal because there are Texts in Scripture which say the World was created , for the Texts which declare the World was created , are not more then those that tell us God is Corporeal , neither are the ways of expounding those Texts , concerning the Creation of the World , Shut up or barred against us ; but we could as well explain them , as I did the other when I proved God to be incorporeal ; perhaps I could better and with more ease expound the Texts of the Worlds Creation , and maintain the World to be eternal , then I did those of Gods corporiety , when I proved God to be incorporeal ; but for two reasons I will not do it , or believe that the World is eternal : First because it is evident by a clear Demonstration , that God is not Corporeal , for all places of Scripture whose litteral Sense is repugnant to a Demonstration , require explication , because it is certain they ought not to be taken litterally , but the eternity of the World is not proved by any Demonstration , and therefore it is not necessary to offer violence to the Scripture , and wrest it by expositions , to maintain an opinion that is but probable , when we may with any reason maintain the contrary opinion . The second reason is , because believing God to be incorporeal , is not contrary to the Fundamentals of the Law , but to believe the eternity of the World , as Aristotle did , destroyeth the very Foundation of the Law. These are the Words of Maimonides , from which that manifestly follows which I said before : for if he were convinced by reason , that the World was eternal , he would not scruple to wrest the Scripture and make such expositions of it , as might support that opiuion ; and he would be presently certain , that the Scripture tho' it every where plainly say the contrary , did declare the World to be eternal , and consequently , could never be certain of the true Sense of Scripture , tho' never so plain ; so long as he doubted the Truth of the thing ; or that the Truth were not evident to him , for so long as the Truth of a thing is not apparent , we are so long ignorant whether the thing be agreeable or contrary to reason , and consequently , we know not whether the litteral Sense be true or false ; which opinion if it were true , I would absolutely grant , that some other light , beside what is natural , is necessary for us to interpret Scripture : for most of the things we meet with in it , cannot be deduced from Principles known by natural reason ( as we have already shewn ) and therefore the Truth of them cannot be made manifest , by the strength of natural reason ; and consequently the true Sense and meaning of the Scripture , cannot appear to us without some other light . Moreover , if this opinon were true , the common People who are ignorant of , or at least do not mind Demonstrations , would entertain no Scripture but what they received from the Authority or Testimony of Philosophers ; and consequently ought to suppose , Philosophers cannot Err in the interpretation of Scripture ; which truly would be a new Ecclesiastical Authority , and a kind of Priesthood which the vulgar would rather scorn then reverence . And tho' our method require the knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue , which the vulgar have no time to Study ; nothing can upon that Score be objected , for the common People of the Iews and Gentiles , to whom the Prophets and Apostles Preached , understood the Language of the Prophets and Apostles , and by it understood the meaning of the Prophets , tho' not the reasons of the things they Preached , which according to the opinion of Maimonides , they ought to have known , to make themselves capable of understanding the Prophets meaning . It doth not follow from the rule of our method , that the common People must necessarily rely upon the Testimony of interpreters , for I have given an instance of a People , that knew the Language of the Prophets and Apostles : but Maimonides can never shew me a common People , that knew the causes of things , which he says was the knowledge whereby the mind of the Prophets was to be understood , and as for the common People of these days , we have already shewn , that all things necessary to Salvation , tho' the reasons of them be not known , may be easily understood in any Language , because they are so common and ordinary , and for this knowledge the vulgar do not depend upon the Testimony of interpreters ; in other things they follow the Fortune of the Learned . But to return to a stricter examination of Maimonides opinion , first he supposeth that the Prophets did in all things agree one with another , and that they were most excellent Philosophers , because as he will have it , their conclusions were drawn from the Truth of things , but this I have proved in my Second Chapter to be false . Next he supposeth , that the Sense of Scripture cannot be made out by Scripture , for as much as it doth not Demonstrate any thing , nor doth it prove the things of which it Treats by definition and Primary Causes , wherefore according to the opinion of Maimonides , the true Sense of Scripture can neither appear or be deduced from Scripture : But I have likewise proved this to be false , in the present Chapter ; For I have made it appear , both from reason and examples , that the Sense of Scripture is found out only by Scripture , and to be derived thence , even when it speaks of things unknown to us by natural light . Lastly , Maimonides supposeth that it is Lawful for us , according to our preconceived opinions , to expound and wrest the Words of Scripture , and to deny or change the litteral Sense thereof be it never so express and plain ; which Liberty is Diametrically opposite , to what I have Demonstrated in this and other Chapters , and Savors of too much boldness : but should I grant him this Liberty , what advantage will he get by it ? none at all , for those things which cannot be Demonstrated , make up the greatest part of Scripture , we cannot by this way make out , nor by this rule expound or interpret them , when on the contrary by following our method , we may explain many things of this kind , and as we have already shewn , safely dispute of them , but those things which are in their own nature perceptible , their Sense is easily drawn from the context , and as Maimonides method is unprofitable , so it takes from the common People all certainty , which they , and all that follow any other method , can by diligent reading have of the Sense of Scripture ; and therefore we reject it as dangerous , useless , and absurd , as for the forementioned Tradition of the Pharisees , we know not that there is any such , and as for the Popes Authority , I for no other reason deny it , but because it wants clear Proof , for had they as much Scripture to shew for it , as heretofore the Iewish High Priests had for theirs , I should be as little concerned that some of the Popes of Rome , have been Hereticks and wicked Men , as that the High-Priests of the Iews were sometimes as bad , and yet by the command of Scripture , had still the Power of interpreting the Law ; as appears by the 17 chap. of Deut. v. 11 , 12. chap. 33. v. 10. and Mal. chap. 2. v. 7 , 8. But because the Popes can shew us no such Testimony , their Authority is very much to be doubted , and that no Man may deceive himself , and think that according to the example of the Iewish High-Priests , the Catholic Religion also wants a High Priest , it is to be observed , that the Laws of Moses were the public Laws of the Country , and needed a public Authority to maintain them ; for if every Man have a Liberty of interpreting the public Laws as he pleaseth , no Common-wealth can stand , but presently dissolves , and public Laws become private : but in Religion the Case is quite different ; for seeing Religion doth not so much consist in external Actions , as in Truth and Singleness of Heart , it is of no Public Power or Authority ; for Truth and Sincerity of mind is not infused by the command of Laws , or by public Authority , and no Man can be compell'd by force or by Laws , to be made holy , nothing but good brotherly Council , education , and a mans own free judgment can do that . Seeing then every Man hath right to think of Religion as he pleaseth , and it cannot be imagin'd any Man can part with this right ; it is in every Mans Power to judge of Religion , and consequently to expound and interpret it to himself ; for as the cheif Power of interpreting Laws , and judging of Public Matters , resides in the Magistrate upon no other account , but because they are public ; so likewise for the same reason , the Supream Authority of explaining and judging of Religion , is in every particular Person , because it is every private Mans right . The Authority then of the Iewish High-Priest to interpret Laws , is far from proving the Popes Authority to interpret Religion but rather the contrary that every particular Man hath right to do it ; So that it is evident our method of interpreting Scripture i. the best , for seeing the supream Power of interpreting it , ought to be that natural reason which is common to all Men , and not any Supernatural light or external Authority ; this method ought not be so difficult and abstruse , that none but acute Philosophers can make use of or Compose it , but it must be fitted and proportion'd , to Mens understanding and capacity , as I have proved mine to be , the difficulties that are in it , have proceeded from Mens sloth and negligence , not from the nature of the Method . CHAP. VIII . Sheweth that the Pentateuk , Books of Joshua , Judges , Ruth , Samuel , and the Kings , were not Written by the Persons whose Names they bear , and then inquires whether the Writers of all these Books were diverse Persons , or but one , and who ? IN the former Chapter , we have spoken of the Foundations and Principles of the Knowledge of the Scriptures ; and we have shewn them to be nothing else , but a true History of the Scripture , which History , tho' very necessary , the Antients neglected to compose , or at least if they Writ or left any by Tradition , it perished by the injury of time ; and consequently a great part of the Fundamentals and Principles of Scripture-knowledge was lost ; which loss however had been more tollerable , if Men of succeeding Ages had kept themselves within their true bounds , and had faithfully delivered to their Successors , those few Principles which they received or found out , and had not out of their own Brains forged new , whereby the History of Scripture is not only imperfect , but remains full of Errors , and the Foundations of Scripture Knowledge , are not only so few that a perfect History cannot be built on them , but they are also very faulty and defective . To rectify this , and remove the common prejudices in Divinity , is my purpose , but I fear I go about it too late , for things are now almost come to that heigth , Men in this point will endure no correction , but obstinately defend whatever they have embraced under the form of Religion ; Reason prevailing with very few , so universally have these prejudices spread themselves in the Minds of Men. I will nevertheless endeavour and try what I can do , because the business is not absolutely desperate : that I may in order shew what these prejudices are , I will begin with those which concern the Penmen of those Books that are accounted sacred , and first concerning the Writer of the five Books of Moses , commonly called the Pentateuk . Men have generally believed , that they were Written by Moses himself , and the Pharisees so stifly defended this Opinion , that they counted him a Heretic that thought otherwise : and for this Reason Aben Ezra a Person of an ingenuous disposition , and no mean Learning , being the first I read of who took notice of this mistake , durst not plainly declare his thoughts , but only hinted his Opinion in obscure Words , which I will not scruple to explain , and give you their naked meaning . Aben Ezra's Words in his comment upon Deutronomy are these . Beyond Iordan — Now thou mayest understand the Mistery of twelve and Moses also wrote the Law and the Cananite was then in the Land , in the Mount of the Lord shall it be seen , behold his Bedsted was a Bedsted of Iron then shalt thou know the Truth , by these few Words he shews and plainly declares , that it was not Moses , but some other Person that lived long after him , who wrote the Pentateuk ; and that Moses wrote some other Book , to make this appear his first Observation is , that the Preface of Deutronomy which begins thus , These be the words of Moses which he spake unto all Israel beyond Jordan , could not be Written by Moses who never passed Iordan . His second Observation is , that the Book which Moses wrote was fairly Copyed out in the compass of one Altar , as appears Deut. chap. 27. v. 5 , 8. Iosh. chap. 8. v. 31 , 32. which Altar the Rabbins declare , was made only of twelve Stones ; from whence it follows , that the Book which Moses Writ , was a Volume much less then the Pentateuk ; and this I think Aben Ezra meant by the mistery of twelve , unless perhaps he understood those twelve Curses which are in the forementioned 27 th Chapter of Deutronomy , which he might believe were not Written in the Book of the Law , and therefore beside the Writing of the Law , commanded the Levites to repeat those Curses , that they might by Oath bind the People to observe the Written Laws , or else perhaps he meant the last Chapter of Deutronomy , that speaks of Moses's Death ; which Chapter consists only of twelve Verses : but these and other things which are spoken only by guess , need not a more curious Examination . The third Observation is , that 't is said Deut. chap. 31. v. 9. Moses wrote this Law and delivered it , &c. which could not be the words of Moses , but of some other Person declaring what Moses did , and what he wrote . His fourth Observation is that place Gen. chap. 12. v. 6. where it is said , speaking of Abraham passing through Canaan , that the Cananite was then in the Land , which words must be Written after Moses's Death , when the Cananites were driven out , and did not possess the Land ; and this must likewise be the meaning of Aben Ezra's commenting upon this place in these words ; And the Cananite was then in the Land , it seems that Canaan Nephew to Noah , took that Land from some others who possessed it , if not , then there is a great mistery in the thing , whosoever understands it , let him be silent ( that is ) if Canaan invaded those Countries , then the meaning of those Words the Cananite was then in the Land , must be that there was a time past when the Land was inhabited by another Nation , but if Canaan were the first who lived in that Country ( as appears by the 10 th . Chap. of Gen. he was ) then the words must imply , that in the time of the Person , who wrote the Book of Genesis , the Cananites were not in the Land ; so that Moses could not be the Writer of it , because in his time the Cananites were still in the Possession of that Country ; and this is that Mistery , he would not have made public . His Fifth Observation is that which is in the 22 th chap. Gen. v. 14 where speaking of Mount Moriah , the Text saith , it is said to this day in the Mountain of the Lord shall it be seen : now it was not called the Mountain of the Lord , till after it was dedicated to the Building of the Temple , and this choice of the Mountain was not made in the time of Moses , who did not speak of any place chosen by God , but only foretels that God would in time to come , chuse a place which should bear Gods Name . His sixth Observation is what is said , Deut. chap. 3. speaking of Og King of Basan , these words are interposed , v. 11 th . for only Og King of Basan remained of the remnant of the Gyants behold his Bedsted was a Bedsted of Iron is it not in Rabbah of the Children of Ammon ? Nine Cubits was the length thereof , which Parenthesis clearly shews , that the Writer of these Books lived long after Moses , for this manner of speaking argues , that the Person related what past long ago , and to obtain credit , shewed some Antient Reliques . Without question this Bedsted , was first found in the time of David , who Conquered this City , as is declared in the 30 th Verse of the 12 Chap. of the second Book of Samuel and not only here , but a little after , the Historian , to Moses words adds these in the 14 th Verse , Jair the Son of Manasseh took all the Country of Argob unto the coasts of Jeshuri and Maachathi , and called them after his own name Bashan , Haveth , Jair , unto this day ; these Words I say were added by the Historian , to explain Moses's Words in the 13 th Verse , and the rest of Gilead and all Bashan being the Kingdom of Og , gave I unto the half Tribe of Manasseh , all the Region of Argob , with all Bashan which is called the Land of the Gyants , and therefore the Historian was forced to explain what those places were , which were antiently so called , and also to give a reason why in his time they were called by the name of Iair , who was of the Tribe of Iudah and not of Manasseh , as appears by the 2 d Chap. of the 1 st Book of the Chron. v. 21 , 22. We have now explained Aben Ezra's meaning , and also those places in the Pentateuk quoted by him , to make good his Opinion ; but indeed he hath not taken notice of all , nor of the principal places , for there are more of greater moment which I will now mention : First , the Writer of these Books doth not only speak of Moses in the third Person , but also testifies many things of him , namely God spake with Moses , God spake with him face to face , Moses was the meekest of all Men , Numb . chap. 12. v. 3. Now the Man Moses was very Meek above all Men upon the Face of the Earth , Moses was wroth with the Officers of the Host , Numb . chap. 31. v. 14. Moses the Man of God , Deut. chap. 33. v. 1. Moses the Servant of the Lord dyed , Deut. chap. 34. v. 5. And there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto Moses . v. 10. but in Deutronomy where the Law which Moses wrote and declared to the People is set down , Moses speaketh and tells them what he did in the first Person , Deut. chap. 2. v. 1 , 17. The Lord spake unto me and I prayed unto the Lord , but then again after the Historian had repeated Moses's words , he goes on and again speaks in the third Person , declaring how Moses delivered to the People in Writing that Law which he had published . Lastly , the Historian relates , how Moses warned and admonished the People and ended his Life ; all which , namely the manner of speaking , the Testimony and Character given of Moses , with the context of the whole History , fully satisfy that the Books were not Written by Moses , but by some other Person . Secondly , it is to be observed , that this History doth not only relate , how Moses dyed , was buryed , and that the Iews Mourned thirty Days for him ; but making likewise a Comparison between him and all the other Prophets that lived after him , saith , he excelled them all , Deut. chap. 24. v. 10. and there arose not a Prophet since in Israel like unto Moses whom the Lord knew face to face . Which as it is a Testimony that Moses could not give of himself , so could no other Man who immediately followed him , but it must necessarily be one , who lived many Ages after him ; because he speaketh of the time past , saying there arose not a Prophet since , and of his Burial he saith , no Man knoweth of his Sepulchre unto this day . Thirdly , it is to be Noted , that the History calls some places by Names , which they had not in Moses's time , but by others given them long after , Gen. chap. 14. v. 14. it is said Abraham pursued his Enemies unto Dan , which name was never given to that City till long after the Death of Ioshua , as appears by Iudg. chap. 18. v. 29. and they called the Name of the City Dan , after the Name of Dan their Father who was Born unto Israel , how be it the Name of the City was Laish at the first . Fifthly , , it is to be observed , that the Histories are continued for a longer time then Moses lived ; for Exod. chap. 16. v. 35. it is said the Children of Israel did eat Manna forty Years until they came to the Borders of the Land of Canaan , namely till the time mentioned , Iosh. chap. 5. v. 12. In the Book of Gen. 36. v. 31. These are the Kings that Reigned in the Land of Edom before there reigned any King over the Children of Israel : the Historian without doubt there declareth , what Kings the Edomites had before David Conquer'd them , and set Governours over them ; as appears in the 2 d Book of Sam. chap. 6. v. 11 , 14. by all this it is as clear as day , that the Pentateuk was not Written by Moses , but by some other who lived many Ages after him . But let us consider the Books which Moses wrote , and are mention'd in the Pentateuk : First , it appears , Exod. chap. 17. v. 14. God commanded Moses to write the War against Amalek , but in what Book it doth not appear , Numb . chap. 21. v. 10. there is a Book mentioned called the Wars of the Lord , wherein without question Moses gave a full Relation of the War against Amalek , and also of all those Encampings or pitching their Tents , which the Author of the Pentateuk saith , Numb . chap. 33. v. 2. were described by Moses ; it likewise appears , Exod. 24. v. 4 , 7. that Moses wrote another Book , called the Book of the Covenant , which he read to the People when they first made a Covenant with the Lord , but this Book or Epistle contained very few things , the Laws only or Commands of God recited in Exod. from the 22 Verse of the 20. chap. to chap. 24. which no body will deny , who without partiality and with any sound Judgment reads that Chapter ; it is there declared , that as soon as Moses understood the Peoples readiness to enter into a Covenant with the Lord , he wrote the Oracles and Laws of God in a Book , and early in the Morning , certain Ceremonies being performed , he read to all the Congregation the Condition of the Covenant , which being read and understood by all the People , they with a general Consent obliged themselves to all that God Commanded ; so that considering the shortness of the time in which it was Written , and the manner of making the Covenant , the Book could contain no more then the few things I have mentioned . Lastly , it appears , that Moses in the fortieth Year after their going out of Egypt , explained all those Laws which he had prescribed , as may be seen , Deut. chap. 1. v. 5. and again obliged the People to the observance of them , Deut. chap. 29. v. 14. and then wrote a Book which contained those Laws so explain'd , and the New Covenant , Chap. 31. v. 9. which was called the Book of the Law of God , to which Ioshua made an Addition , by registring that agreement , whereby the People in his time , obliged themselves and entered a third time into Covenant with the Lord , Iosh. chap. 24. v. 25 , 26. but because we have no Book extant either of the Covenant of Moses or Ioshua , it must necessarily be granted , that the Book perished , unless we will be as mad as the Chaldee Paraphrast Ionatan , and wrest the Scripture as we please ; for he being prest with this difficulty , chose rather to corrupt the Scripture then confess his Ignorance ; for those words in the 26. v. of the 24. chap. of Iosh. Joshua wrote these words in the Book of the the Law of God , &c. he render'd thus in his Chaldee Translation . And Ioshua wrote these words , and kept them with the Book of the Law of God , there is no medling with Men , who will see nothing but what they list , is not this denying what is Scripture , and forging new at our pleasure ! We then conclude , that this Book of the Law of God , was not the Pentateuk , but quite another ; which the Author of the Pentateuk hath orderly interwoven with his work ; as appears by what hath been and shall be further said : where the forecited place in Deutronomy saith , that Moses wrote a Book of the Law , the Historian adds , that he delivered it to the Priests , and commanded them at certain set times to read it before all the People : which implyes that the Book must be much less then the Pentateuk , seeing at one meeting it might be read all over and understood by the People : nor can we here forbear to observe , that of all the Books Written by Moses , this only of the second Covenant and his Song ( which he afterwards Writ for all the People to Learn ) he commanded to be Religiously kept ; because the first Covenant obliged only those that were present , and the second not only all present but their posterity also , Deut. chap. 29. v. 14 , 15. He therefore commanded this Book of the second Covenant , to be carefully and Religiously preserved to future Ages , and also his Song ; because future Ages were chiefly concern'd in it . Seeing then it is not evident , that Moses ever writ any Books beside the Book of the Law and his Song , which he commanded to be kept , and that many things in the Pentateuk could not be Written by him ; I conclude that no Man can upon any good ground , but must altogether against reason , make Moses the Author of the Pentateuk but some body may perhaps here ask , whether Moses besides these Books did not write the Laws when they were first revealed to him ( that is ) whether in the space of forty Years , he did not set down in Writing any of those Laws which he prescribed , beside those few contain'd in the Book of the first Covenant : to this I answer , that tho' I should grant it to be very agreeable to reason , that Moses should commit to Writing , those Laws which he Communicated to the People , at the same time and place , when and where they were publisht ; yet I deny that it is lawful upon this Ground to affirm he did ; for I have already shewn , we ought in like Cases to determin nothing , but what is manifestly proved , either by Scripture it self , or by consequences drawn from the Principles of it , and not because a thing seems Consonant to Reason ; for Reason it self doth not oblige us to be possitive : It may be the Senate of Seventy Elders communicated to the People Moses's Edicts in writing , which were afterwards collected , by him that writ the Pentateuk , and were orderly inserted into the History of Moses's Life ; and so much for the five Books of Moses . It is now time to examin the rest , the Book of Ioshuah for like Reasons could not be written by Ioshua , it must be some other Person , that gives so good a Character of him in several places of that Book ; Iosh. Chap. 6. v. 27. The Lord was with Ioshua , and his Fame was noised throughout all the Country , that he omitted nothing , but did all that Moses commanded , Chap. 8. v. 35. Chap. 11. v. 15. That he waxed Old , called all the People together , and at last dyed . Moreover some things are related which happen'd after his Death ; namely , that the People continued to worship God as long as the Old men lived , who knew Ioshua . In the 16. Chap. v. 10. It is said , that Ephraim and Manasseh did not drive out the Cananites , that dwelt in Gezur , but the Cananites dwell among the Ephramites to this day , and serve under Tribute . Which is the same Expression we find in the first chap. of Iudges . v. 21. But the Iebuzites dwell with the Children of Benjamin in Ierusalem unto this day . Which manner of speaking implies , the Writer relates what was long ago past , as appears Iosh. Chap. 15. Verse the last , the Iebuzites dwell with the Children of Iudah unto this day . The same Expression is likewise used in the History of Kaleb , beginning at the 13 th . Verse of the said Chapter . The building of an Altar beyond Iordan , by the two Tribes and a half mention'd in the 22. Iosh. v. 10. In all Probability happen'd after Ioshuah's Death ; because in all that story , there is not so much as one word said of him ; but the People only deliberated to make War , sent Embassadors , received and approved the Answer which was returned . Lastly , it appears by the 14 th . Verse of the 10 th . Chap. That the Book of Ioshua was written many Ages after his Death , for the Text saith , and there was no day like that before or after it , that the Lord hearkened to the Voice of a Man : If then Ioshua writ any Book , it must be that of Iasher , mentioned in the same story v. the 13 th . As for the Book of Iudges , I believe no Man in his right Wits will think it written by the Iudges themselves , for the end of the History in the 2 d. Chap. clearly shews , it was all written by one single Person , who tells us in many places , that in those days there was no King in Israel ; which is an argument it was written in a Time when the People had Kings . Concerning the Books of Samuel there needs no deliberation , seeing the History is carried on so far beyond his death ; but however let this be observed , that this Book must be written many Ages after him , for the Hestorian in the 1 st . Book of Sam. Chap. 9. v. 9. saith , in a parenthesis . Before time in Israel , when a Man went to inquire of God , thus he spake , come let us go to the Seer , for he that is now called a Prophet , was before time called a Seer . The two Books of the Kings , as appears by the Books themselves , were collected out of what was written of the Reign of Solomon , see the 1 st . Book of Kings chap. 11. v. 5. And out of the Chronicles both of the Kings of Iudah and Israel , chap. 14. v. 19 , 29. The rest of the Acts of Ieroboam , how he warred , and how he reigned ; behold they are written in the Books of the Chronicles of the Kings of Iudah . We therefore conclude , that all the Books which we have named , were written long after the Matters of Fact happen'd which they relate : If we consider the Connexion and Subject of these Books , we shall quickly find , that they were all written by one and the same Historian , who designed to write the Antiquities of the Iews , from their first Original to the first destruction of Ierusalem ; for the Books are by connexion so linked together , that they seem to be but the single Narration of one Historian ; for as soon as he hath done with the Life of Moses , he begins the next Book with these words . Now after the Death of Moses the Servant of the Lord , it came to pass that the Lord spake unto Ioshuah . And ending the story of Ioshuah with his Death , he doth with the very same Transition and Conjunction , begin the Book of Iudges in these words . Now after the Death of Ioshuah , it came to pass that the Children of Israel asked the Lord : And to this Book of Iudges as an Appendix , he joyneth the Book of Ruth in these words . Now it came to pass in the days when the Iudges ruled , that there was a Famin in the Land. To which Book of Ruth , he doth in the same manner joyn the first Book of Samuel : that ended , with his wonted Transition , he goes on to the Second Book , and to this ( the History of David not being fully endded ) he joyns the first Book of Kings : then going on with David's History , addeth with his usual Connexion the Second Book . The context and Order of the Histories , likewise declare the Historian to be but one Person , who propounded to himself one certain end ; for he begins with the Original of the Iewish Nation , then in order shews upon what occasion and at what time Moses prescribed Laws , and Prophesyed many things to them ; afterward he relates how they invaded the Land of Promise , according to Moses's predictions , Deut. Chap. 7. And when they had possest it , how they would forsake God's Laws , Deut. Chap. 31. v. 16. And what evils should thereupon follow , verse . 17. Next he declares how they would chuse Kings , Deut. Chap. 17. v. 14. Whose Affairs should succeed well or ill , according to the care they took in observing the Laws , Deut. Chap. 28. v. 36 , 68. And Lastly concludes with the ruin of their Government as Moses foretold : Of things which served litle to the Establishment of the Law , he said nothing , or else refers the Reader to other Authors ; so that all these Books conspire in this one thing , namely , the publishing the Prophesies and Edicts of Moses , and making them good by what after happen'd . The simplicity and plainness of the Subject of all the Books , the connexion of them , and their being written many Ages after the things done , is argument enough to perswade any Man , that they were all written by one Historian ; but who he was , I cannot evidently prove , I have some Reasons , and those of some weight , to think it was Esdras , seeing the Historian ( whom we now know to be one Person ) carries on the History as far as Iehoiachim's deliverance out of Prison ; and moreover adds , that he sate at the King's Table all his Life , which must be either the Table of King Iehoiachim , or of the Son of Nebuchadnezzar ( for the Sense is very dubious . ) It follows that it could not be any one before Esdras , the Scripture saith of Esdras , without mentioning any other Person , Ezra . Chap. 7. v. 10. That he had prepared his Heart to seek the Law of the Lord , to do it ; and Verse 6 th . That he was a ready Scribe in the Law of Moses . So that I cannot conjecture any body but Esdras should write those Books : in the Testimony given of him , we find that he did not only seek the Law of God , but that he likewise explain'd it , Nehem. Chap. 8. v. 8. Where it is said , that they read in the Book of the Law of God distinctly , and gave the Sense thereof , and caused them to understand the Reading . Now because in the Book of Deutronomy , not only the Book of the Law of Moses ( at least a great part of it ) is contained , but also many things are inserted for the better explication thereof ; I conjecture , The Book of Deutronomy to be that Book of the Law of God , written , set forth , and expounded by Esdras , which they then read , and that many things are put in by Way of Parenthesis , more clearly to explain it . We gave you several instances , when I unfolded Aben-Ezras meaning , there are more of the like kind as appears , Deut. Chap. 2. v. 12. The Horites also dwelt in Seir before time , but the Children of Esau succeeded them , when they had destroyed them from before them , and dwelt in their stead , as Israel did unto the Land of his Possession , which the Lord gave unto them . This explains the 3 d. and 4 th . Verses of the same Chapter namely , that Mount Seir , which was the Inheritance of the Sons of Esau , was not found by them uninhabited ; but that they invaded the Horites , who first dwelt there ; and having subdued , destroyed them , as the Children of Israel did the Cananites after the Death of Moses : likewise in the 10 th . Chapter it is evident , that the 6 , 7 , 8 , and 9. verses are interposed by Way of Parenthesis with the Words of Moses ; for the 8 th . Verse which begins in these words , at that time the Lord separated the Tribe of Levi — must necessarily have reference to the 5 th . Verse , which speaks of Moses coming down from the Mount , and putting the Tables into the Ark ; and not to the death of Aron ( mentioned in the 6 th . Verse . ) Of which Esdras spake here for no other Reason , but because Moses in the story of the Golden Calf , which the People worshipt , said , in the 9 th . Chap. v. 20. That he prayed for Aron . The Historian goes on and declares , that God at that time , of which Moses speaks , chose for himself the Tribe of Levi , that he might shew the Cause of their Election , and also why the Levites had no Part or Inheritance with their Brethren : this done in the words of Moses , he follows the thred of the History . If we consider the Preface of the Book , and all the Places which speak of Moses in the Third Person , and many other things , which cannot now be known , which he added or exprest in other words , that they might be the better understood by those that lived in his time ; without doubt had we the very Book of the Law which Moses wrote , we should find that all the Commandments very much differ not only in words , but in Order , Matter and Sense . Compare the Decalogue of this Book with that in Exodus , where it is expresly set down , we shall find this to vary from that ; for the Fourth Commandment in Deutronomy is not only commanded in another Form ; but is enlarged , and the Reason of it likewise differs much from that in Exodus ; so that this as in other Places was done by Esdras , because he explained the Law of God to those that lived in his days ; and therefore 't is likely this was the Book of the Law of God , which he set forth and expounded , and I likewise believe it , the first of all those Books he wrote , because it contains the Laws of his Country , which the People extreamly wanted , and also because this Book is with no Antecedent Connexion joyned to another , but without any kind of reference begins thus . These be the Words of Moses . And after he finished this Book , and taught the People the Laws , I believe he applyed himself to compose the whole History of the Iewish Nation , from the Creation of the World to the first Destruction of the City Ierusalem ; inserting this Book of Deutronomy in its proper Place , and perhaps to the first five Books gave the Name of Moses , because his Life is the Principal Subject of them ; for the same reason , he called the Sixth Book by the Name of Ioshuah , the Seventh Iudges , the Eighth Ruth , the Ninth and perhaps the Tenth Samuel , the Eleventh and Twelfth Kings , but whether Esdras perfected them , as he desired with his own Hand , inquire in the next Chapter ? CHAP. IX . Whether Esdras perfected the Books , which we suppose he wrote ? and whether the Marginal Notes , which are found in the Hebrew Copies be divers readings ? HOW much the inquiry made in the former Chapter , concerning the Pen-Man of the Books therein mentioned , may conduce to the perfect understanding of them ; will be easily guess'd by those Places only , which we have quoted to make good our Opinion in this Point ; which places would otherwise have seemed very obscure : but beside the Writer , there are other things observable in the Books themselves , which Common Superstition will not suffer the vulgar to discern . The cheifest of them is , that Esdras ( whom I will suppose to be the Writer of the foresaid Books , till some body shew me another more likely to pen them ) did not with his own Hand perfect the Relations which the Books contain ; but did only collect the Histories out of several writers , and sometimes only copying them out , left them to Posterity neither examin'd nor put into any Order ; but what should hinder him from compleatly finishing his Work ( unless it were untimely death ) I cannot conjecture : we have indeed no Antient intire Iewish Histories ; but out of a few fragments left us it is evident , that Esdras as I have already said , gather'd his stories from several Writers , and left them very confused and imperfect . The History of Ezekiah , as it is found written from the Relation of Isaiah the Prophet , in the Second Book of Kings chap. 18. v. 17. is recorded in the Chronicles of the Kings of Iudah ; and the story in the Chronicles , see Book the 2 d. Chap. 32. v. 32. We find related almost in the same words ( very few excepted ) as it is in the forenamed Chapter of the Book of Kings : from whence nothing else can be concluded , but that there were divers readings of Isaiah's Relation , unless some will also here dream of Misteries : Moreover , the last Chapter of this Book of the Kings , is contained in the last Chapter of the Prophet Ieremy , and we find likewise the 7 th . Chap. of the Second Book of Samuel , in the 17 th . Chap. of the first Book of Chronicles ; but the words in divers places so much changed , that it may be easily known , the two Chapters were taken out of two different Copies , of the History written by the Prophet Nathan . Lastly , The Genealogy of the Kings of Edom , which we have , Gen. Chap. 36. from v. 31 th . Is set down in the same words , in the 1 st . Chap. of the 1 st . Book of Chron. Beginning at the 43 th . Verse : Now tho' it be evident , that the Author of the Book of Chronicles , took the things which he related out of other Historians ; yet he had them not out of the Twelve Books , which we believe were written by Esdras ; and without doubt had we the Original Histories it would so appear : but because we have them not , let us examin the Histories as they now are , observing their Order and Connexion , their various Repetitions , and their disagreement in Calculation of Time , that we may judge of other things . Consider first , the History of Iudah and Thamar , Gen. Chap. 38. The Historian begins his Narration in these words . And it came to pass at that time , that Iudah went down from his Brethren : Which time , must necessarily have reference to some other time , of which he had immediately spoken before ; but to that time spoken of in the preceding Chapter of Genesis , it could have no Relation ; for from the time that Ioseph was carried into Egypt , until Iacob the Patriarch went down thither with all his Family , there passed but twenty two Years ; for Ioseph , when he was Sold by his Brethren , was but Seventeen Years Old , and when he was sent for out of Prison by Pharaoh but Thirty , to which , if the Seven Years of Plenty , and Two of Famin be added , they make up in all no more than Two and Twenty ; in which space of time , no Man can conceive so many things should happen ; namely , that Iudah should successively have three Sons , of which the Eldest should at a fit Age marry Thamar , and he dying the Second Brother should take her to Wife , who also dyed , and that sometime after this happen'd , Iudah himself should ignorantly lye with his own Daughter in-Law Thamar , and have two Children by her at one Birth ; whereof one likewise , should within the aforesaid time of two and twenty Years become a Father . Seeing then all these things cannot be referr'd to the time spoken of in Genesis , but must necessarily relate to some other time spoken of in some other Book , Esdras must therefore only Copy out this Story , and unexamin'd add it to others : but not only this Chapter , but likewise the whole Story of Ioseph and Iacob , must necessarily be taken out of several Historians , so little congruity is there in it , for the 48 th Chap. of Gen. tells us that when Ioseph brought his Father Iacob to Pharaoh , Iacob was an hundred and thirty Years Old , from which deduct twenty two which he passed in Mourning for the loss of Ioseph , and seventeen which was Ioseph's Age when he was Sold , with seven which he served for Rachel ; it will appear that he was fourscour and four Years Old when he Marryed Leah , and that on the other side , Dinah was scarce seven Years Old when she was Ravisht by Sechem ; and Simeon and Levi not fully eleven and twelve Years of Age , when they Assaulted the City of Sechem and put all the People of it to the Sword. There is no need of particularizing all things of this kind in the Pentateuk , if this only be consider'd , that in the five Books all the Precepts and Historical Relations are promiscuously set down , without any order , without any regard had to time , and that one and the same History is often , and sometimes diversly repeated ; it must be granted that all these things were confusedly gathered and laid together , that they might afterwards be examin'd and put into order , and not only those things which we find in the first five Books , but the rest of the Histories contain'd in the other seven , were also Collected in the same manner . Who doth not plainly see that in the 2 d Chapter of Iudges from the sixth Verse , a new Historian brought in , who had Written the Acts of Ioshua and his very Words used ? For after our Historian in the last Chapter of Ioshua , had spoken of his Death and Burial , and promis'd in the beginning of the Book of Iudges , to declare what happen'd after Ioshua's Death ; if he intended regularly to prosecute his own History , why doth he again in the 2 d Chapter of Iudges tell us what Joshua did , and speak again of his Death and Burial as he had before , the 17 and 18 chap. of the 1 st Book of Sam. are in all probability taken out of another Historian , who made the cause of David's frequenting Saul's Court , to be quite different from that spoken of in the 16. chap. of the same Book , for he did not understand that David by the Advice of Saul's Servants , was called to Court , as is declared in the said 16 th chap. but that his Father sending him to visit his Brethren in Saul's Camp , David by his Victory over Goliah became known to Saul , and afterward lived in his Court. I suspect the same thing of the 26 th chap. of the 1 st Book of Sam. and that the History of that Chapter and what is related in the 24 th chap. are one and the same ; but taken out of several Writers : but of this enough , I come now to examine the Computation of time . It is said in the 6 th chap. of the 1 st Book of Kings , that Solomon four hundred and fourscore Years after the Children of Israel came out of the Land of Egypt , and in the fourth Year of his own Reign , began to Build the House of the Lord , but from the Histories themselves we can make it appear it was a much longer time till the Temple was Built . Years For first Moses govern'd the People in the desert . 40 Joshua who lived a hundred and twenty by the Opinion of Josephus and others govern'd not above . 26 Kusan Risgataim kept the People in Bondage . 08 Othonyel the Son of Kenaz Judged . 40 Eglon the King of Moab kept the People in Bondage . 18 Ehud and Samger Judged . 80 Jachin King of Canaan kept the People under . 20 The People afterward had rest . 40 Were again in Subjection to Midian . 07 Were again at Liberty under Gideon . 40 Were under the Power of Abimelech . 03 Tola the Son of Puah Judged . 23 Jair Judged . 22 The People were again in Bondage to the Philistines and Ammonites . 18 Iephtah Judged . 06 Absan the Bethlemite Judged . 07 Elon the Zebulonite . 10 Abdon the Pirathonite . 08 The People again in Bondage to the Philistins . 40 Samson Judged . 20 Ely Judged . 40 The People in Bondage again to the Philistines till delivered by Samuel . 20 David Reigned . 40 Solomon before he began to Build Reigned . 04 All these Years added together make up the Number of 580. To which number are to be added , the Years of that Age wherein the Common-wealth of the Iews flourished after the Death of Ioshua , until it was subdued by Kusan Risgataim ; which I believe were many ; for I cannot be perswaded , that all the People who had seen the wonders of Joshua's time , should presently after his Death perish altogether ; neither that they who succeeded them , should at once bid farewel to all their Laws , and from a great deal of Vertue , fall in an instant into the depth of Wickedness and Folly : neither that Kusan Risgataim Conquer'd them at a blow ; but seeing all these things require almost an Age to bring them to pass , it is not to be doubted but the Scripture in the 2 d. 7 th . 9 th . and 10 th Chapters of the Book of Judges , doth comprize the Histories of many Years which it hath passed over in silence . We are moreover to add the Years which Samuel Judged , whose number we find not in Scripture , and the Years also of Saul's Reign , which are left out in the former Computation , because by his History 't is not evident how many he Reigned , indeed it is said in the 1 st Verse of the 13 th Chap. of the 1 st Book of Sam. that Saul Reigned two Years , but that Text is maimed , and we may from the History it self conclude his Reign was longer ; that the Text is defective , no Man who hath but the least Knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue can doubt , for it begins thus in the Latin Translation . Annum natus erat Saul cum regnavit & duos annos regnavit supra Israelem . Which in our English Bible is thus render'd . Saul Reigned one Year , and when he had Reigned two Years , &c. but who sees not , that the number of Years of Saul's Age when he began to Reign was omitted , and that the time of his Reign was more then two Years , any Man may gather from the History it self ; for in the 27 th Chap. of the same Book , Verse the 7 th . it is said that the time David dwelt in the Country of the Philistines , was a full Year and four Months ; so that by this Calculation all things else which passed in Sauls Reign , must happen in the space of eight Months , which no Man can believe : Iosephus in the end of his 6 th Book of Antiquities , hath thus corrected the Text. Saul while Samuel lived Reigned eighteen Years , and after Samuels Death two , but the Story in the 13 th chap. doth in no wise agree with what went before , for towards the end of the 7 th chap. v. 13. we are told , that the Philistines were so subdued by the Israelites , that they came no more into the Coasts of Israel and the Hand of the Lord was against the Philistines all the days of Samuel ; and yet in the foresaid 13 th Chapter 't is said , that in Samuels Life time , the Philistins invaded the Israelites and reduced them to so great Misery and Poverty , that they wanted not only Arms to defend themselves , but also Smiths to make so much as a Sword or a Spear , that Man must take pains enough , who made it his business so to reconcile all the Histories of the first Book of Samuel , that they should not appear to be Written and put in order by one Historian : but I return to what I proposed , the Years of Sauls Reign ought to be added to the foregoing Computation ; now how many were the Years of the Israelites Anarchy , the Scripture doth not mention ; my meaning is , that the space of time is not certain , wherein those things happened , which are related from the 17 th Chapter of Iudges to the end of that Book ; so that no exact calculation can be made from the Histories themselves ; neither do they agree in any , but differ very much ; so that it must be granted they were collected from divers Writers , and were never examin'd or put into any order . There is no less disagreement in computation of time , between the Book of Chronicles of the Kings of Judah , and the Book of Chronicles of the Kings of Israel , for in the 2 d Book of Kings chap. 1 st v. 17. it is said , Jehoram the Son of Ahab King of Israel , began to Reign in the Second Year of the Reign of Jehoram the Son of Iehosaphat King of Judah , but in the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah , see the 2 d Book of Kings chap. 8. v. 16. it is said that Jehoram the Son of Iehosaphat King of Judah , began to Reign in the fifth Year of Jehoram the Son of Ahab King of Israel : he that will compare the Histories of the Books of Chronicles , with those in the Book of Kings , shall find many of the like differences , which I will not here particularly mention , nor trouble you with the shifts some Authors have used to reconcile them ; the Rabbines perfectly doat , and some Commentators that I have read , imposing upon us their own dreams and inventions , plainly corrupt the very Language it self ( for example ) in the 2 d Book of the Chronicles c. 22. v. 2. it is said Ahaziah wa● Forty and two Years Old when he began to Reign . Some would have these Years to commence not from Ahaziah's Nativity , but from the Reign of Omri , if they can prove this to be the meaning of the Author of the Book of Chronicles , I may in plain Terms say of him , that he knew not how to speak Sense . Commentators are full of the like conceits , wherein were there any Truth , a Man might pofitively aver , that the Ancient Hebrews did not understand their own Language , but were ignorant of all order in History , and that there is no rule or any reason to be observed in expounding Scripture ; but every Man may phancy and forge what he pleases . If any think I speak too generally and without ground , I intreat that Man to shew me any such certain order in these Histories , as Chronologers may without any gross mistakes follow , and that while he is endeavoring to explain and reconcile the Histories , he will so strictly observe the Pharses and Manners of speaking , the disposing and contexture of the Narrations , that another according to his explications , may in Writing imitate them , which if he can do , I will throw away my Pen and take him for an Oracle . I have been endeavoring but could never do any thing like it , I have Written nothing which I did not often and long meditate , and tho' from my Childhood , I have been Seasoned with the common and general opinions concerning Scripture , yet I could not possibly avoid confessing the things I have mentioned , but I will no longer detain the Reader concerning this particular , nor will I further provoke him to undertake , that which I think is not feasible ; I only made the proposal the better to explain my own meaning , and I now proceed to consider those things which concern the Fate or Fortune of the Books ; for we are to observe , that they have not been so carefully kept by posterity , as that no faults have crept into them : the Ancient Scribes have taken notice of many dubious readings , and many maimed Texts , and yet not of all ; but whether the faults which have crept into those Books , be of so great importance as to give the Reader much trouble , I will not dispute ; I believe they are not considerable to those that Read the Scripture with any Freedom of judgment , and I can positively affirm , that I never observed any Error or variety of Readings concerning mere precepts or instructions , which could render them doubtful or obscure ; but many will not allow of any faults at all in any thing throughout the whole Scripture , but peremptorily maintain , that God by a singular and special Providence , hath kept the Bible free from all corruptions or adulteration , and that the various Readings of it , comprehend profound misteries , and will have great Secrets lye hid , even in Asterisms , Spaces , Points and Accents : but whether this opinion proceed from folly , and the dotage of Devotion , or from their arrogance and malice , allowing none but themselves to know Gods Secrets I cannot tell ; of this I am sure , I never read any thing which came from such Men , that seem'd mysterious , but rather savor'd of Schoool-boy conceits . I have met with some trifling Cabbalists , whose Freaks and Folly a Man cannot chuse but admire . That faults have crept into the Scripture , no ingenuous Person can deny , who reads that Text I have already mention'd concerning Saul , in the 13 th chap. v. 1 st . of the 1 st Book of Samuel , and also that in the 2 d verse of the 6 th chap. of the 2 d Book of Sam. where it is said that David arose and went with all the People that were with him from Judah , to bring from thence the Ark of God. Who doth not see that the name of the place to which they went to fetch the Ark is lest our , viz. Kiriathjearim nor can any Man deny but that the Text in the 37 th verse of the 13 th chap. of the 2 d Book of Sam. is defective . But Absolon fled and went to Talmai the Son of Ammihud and mourn'd for his Son every day . It should have been , and David mourned for his Son every day , and therefore in our English Translation the Word David is put in , but is not in the Latin. There are other such faults which do not at present occur to my memory . That the marginal Notes found every where in the Hebrew Copies were dubious readings , no Man will doubt , who considers that many of them proceeded from the great likness , which some of the Hebrew Letters have one to another , namely , from the similitude which is between the Letter Kaf and Bet , the Letter Iod and Van , the Letter Dalet and Res ( for example ) in the 2 d Book of Sam. chap. 5. v. 24. it is said in the Latin Translation , in co tempore quo audies , the margent hath it Cum audies , and Iudges chap. 21. v. 22. the Latin Text is , & quando earum patres vel fratres in multitudine ( hoc est saepe ) ad nos venerint , into the margent is put ad litigandum : many different readings likewise come from the use of those Letters , whose sound or pronunciation is in reading scarcely perceived , and one is sometimes taken for another ( for example ) Levit. chap. 25. v. 29. it is Written in the Text , that if a House were sold which was in a City that had a Wall , the margent says that had not a Wall. But tho' these things are evident yet we will make answer to some arguments of the Pharises , who endeavor to perswade the World , that marginal Notes were by those that Copied out the Books of Scripture , purposely placed there to signify some great mystery : they ground their first argument which I think very slight , upon the common use of reading the Scripture , for say they , if these marginal Notes were used purposely to shew various readings , and such as could not be decided ; why then hath custom prevailed , still to retain the marginal Sense as always the best , and that it was fit the most genuine and approved Sense , should be exprest in the Text rather then in the margent . Their Second Argument which carries some countenance is this , errors and mistakes in Books say they , are not purposely put in , but happen by chance , now how comes it to pass that in all the first five Books , the Hebrew Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nagnad which signifies in Latin Puella and in English a Girl or Young Maid , should contrary to the Rules of Grammar be Written in all places but one as a defective Word , without the Letter He , and yet in the margent be Written always right , did this happen by mistake , and was the Writer always so much in haste , that when he came to this word he constantly left out that Letter ? this defect might without any scruple have been easily mended and supplyed ? if then these various Readings did not happen by chance , and yet those evident Errors were left uncorrected , the first Writers must designedly do it , thereby to signify somewhat . But these Arguments are easily answer'd , that which is urged concerning Use and Custom , is not much to be minded . I know not how far Superstition might prevail , but sometimes both Readings or Senses might seem equally good and tollerable , and therefore that neither might be neglected or undervalued , they would have one written , and the other read ; they were afraid in a Matter of such consequence , to pass any positive Determination , least they might through uncertainty mistake , and take the wrong Reading for the true ; and therefore resolved not to prefer one before the other , which they must have done , if they had commanded that one only should be written and read : the Reason why the Marginal Notes are not written in the Text , is because some things , tho' they be rightly written , yet they would have them read as they were noted in the Margent ; and therefore they appointed the Bible to be generally read according to the Marginal Notes . Old Obsolete words out of use , which the good Manners of the present time would not permit to be publickly read , caused the Scribes to put things into the Margent , which they would have publickly read , Marginal Notes not being always dubious Readings , but contain'd sometimes Words and Expressions not in Use : the Antient Scribes being Men free from evil Meaning , exprest things in plain downright words without Courtly Epithites ; but after Naughtiness and Luxury began to Reign , those words which the Antients thought had no immodesty in them , began to be accounted Obscene ; yet there was no necessity upon this account to change the Text and Scripture it self , but for Decency's sake , they ordained that those words , which signify'd Coition and the Excrements , should be publickly read to the People with greater Modesty , as they were noted in the Margent . Lastly , whatever the reason be , why they read and interpreted the Text according to the Marginal Notes , yet it is not because those Marginal readings are always the truest interpretation ; for the Rabbines do not only differ in the Talmud from the Masorites , and have other Readings which they approve ; but some Notes are found in the Margent , which the common Use of the Language will not allow ( for example ) in the 2 d. Book of Sam. Chap. 14. v. 22. The Text saith , in that the King hath fulfilled the request of his Servant . Which the Latin Translation renders , quia effecit Rex secundum Sententiam servi sui , which construction is very regular , and agrees with that in the 16 th Verse of the same Chapter ; but the reading in the Margent , which is servi tui of thy servant , doth not agree with the Person of the Verb. So also in the last Verse of the 16 th Chapter of that Book , the written Text in the Latin Translation is , ut cum consultat ( id est consultatur ) verbum Dei. But in the Margent is added the Pronoun quis , for the Nomnative case to the Verb , which was not learnedly done ; for the common Custom of that Language was to use Verbs Impersonals , for the Third Person singular of Verbs Active , as is well known to Grammarians . In like manner we meet with many Marginal Notes , which ought to be preferr'd before the written reading of the Text. Now for the Pharisees Second Argument , it is easily answer'd by what hath been said , namely , that the Scribes , beside dubious Readings , noted obsolete words ; for without doubt as in other Languages , so in the Hebrew , later times antiquated and made useless many words , which were found in the Bible by later Writers , who as we have said , noted them in the Margent , that they might be read before the People in the Sense and Signification that was then in use : for this Reason the word Naghar is every where found noted in the Margent , because antiently it was of the common Gender , and signifyed the same that did the word Iuvenis amongst the Latins , so also the Metropolis of the Jews was wont to be called Jerusalem , and not Jerusalaim . I think the same of the Pronoun ipse and ipsa , he and she , because the later Writers have changed Vau into Iod ( which change in the Hebrew Tongue is frequent ) when they would signify the Feminine Gender ; but the antients never used to distinguish the Feminine from the Masculine Gender of this Pronoun but only by the Vowels . Moreover , the Anomaly or Irregularity of Verbs in former and later times was not the same ; and Lastly , The Antients made use of Paragogical ( that is ) additional Letters , as an Elegancy particular to their times ; all which I can prove by many examples , with which I will not at this time trouble the Reader , If any Man ask how I came to the Knowledge of these things , I answer , because I have found them in very Antient Copies of the Bible , tho' later Writers would not follow those Copies , which is the only cause that in other Languages almost lost , Obsolete words are still understood : but perhaps some will still object , and since I have declared , that the greatest Part of those Notes are not doubtful readings , will ask me first why of one Place , there are never found more then two readings ; why not sometimes three or more ? Secondly , seeing there are somethings in the written Text , so manifestly repugnant to the Rules of Grammar , which yet are rightly noted in the margent , it may be asked , how it is possible to believe that the Writers could make any doubt , which was the true Reading ? To this I answer , First , that there were more Readings then we find noted in our Copies ; for in the Talmud there are many noted , which are neglected by the Masorites , and in many places so much misliked by them ; that the Superstitious Corrector of the Bombergian Bibles , was forced to confess in his Preface , that he knew not how to reconcile them : he saith , here we know not what to answer more then we did , namely , that it was the Custom of the Talmudists to contradict the Masorites , and therefore we have not sufficient Ground to conclude , that of one Place there were never more then two readings , yet I easily grant , yea I believe , that there are not now to be found more then two Readings of one place and that for two Reasons . First , because that , from whence the variety of Readings proceeded , could not occasion more then two ; for we have shew'd , that the difference of Readings , arose from the Similitude , which was between some Letters , and still the doubt was no more but this , which of two Letters was to be written ? whether Bet or Kaf , Jod or Vau , Dalet or Res. Of which there was frequent use ; and therefore it often happen'd , that the Sense was tollerable with either : beside it was doubtful sometimes , whether a Syllable was long or short , whose quantity was to be determin'd by those Letters whose pronunciation was scarcely to be perceived : and Lastly , all marginal Notes were not dubious Readings , for as we have already said , many of them were put in for decency and modesty's sake ; and sometimes to explain Obsolete and Antiquated words . The Second Reason why I perswade my self that more then two Readings cannot be found of one Place , is , because I believe the Antient Scribes met with very few Originals ; perhaps not above two or three ; In the Treatise of the Scribes , chap. 6 th . There is mention made but of three , which they pretend were found in the Time of Esdras , and boast that the Notes were put in by him ; however it were , tho' they had three Original Copies , we may with reason imagine , that two of them might still agree in the same Place together : but every body may justly wonder , that only in three copies there should be found three divers Readings of one Place . How it came to pass , that after Esdras there should be so great a scarcity of copies , can be no great wonder to any Man , who will but read the first chapter of the first Book of Machabees ; or the Seventh Chapter of the Twelveth Book of Iosephus's Antiquities : yea 't is a Miracle , that after so great and continual a Persecution , they should be able , if we consider the story , to keep those few they had . We see then the Reasons why we no where meet with more then two dubious Readings , so that it can be no argument at all to conclude , that because there are no where more then two , therefore the Bible in those noted places was not written right , purposely to signify some Mistery . The Second Objection which saith , some things are so manifestly false written , that no body can deny it , and therefore those Errors ought to have been corrected rather in the Text , then noted in the margent is of no great weight ; nor am I obliged to know , what was the Reason they did not do it : perhaps it was beeause they were so honest , as to leave the Bible to posterity just as they found it , in the few Originals they met with ; and thought fit to note the disagreement between the Original Copies , rather as divers , then dubious Readings ; nor have I called them dubious , upon any other account , but because I cannot tell which of the two ought to be preferr'd . Lastly , The Scribes beside these dubious readings , ( by leaving a void space in the middle of Paragraphs ) have noted many defective places , the precise number of which spaces , the Masorites have observed to be twenty eight , I know not whether they believe there is likewise some mistery in that number , the Pharisees are very religious observers of this space ; there is an Example of one of them Gen. Chap. 4. v. 8. In the Latin Translation , 't is thus written , & dixit Cain Habeli Fratri suo , — & contigit dum erant in Campo ut Cain . So that where we expected to hear what it was Cain said to his Brother , there is only a void Space , of which spaces the Scribes have left Twenty eight , in many of which nothing would seem to be wanting , if there had not been such a void space left . CHAP. X. The rest of the Books of the Old Testament in like manner examined . OF the two Books of Chronicles , there is not much to be said worth a man's knowing , nor any thing that is certain ; more than that they were written long after Esdras ; and perhaps , after Iudas Maccabeus rebuilt the Temple : for in the 9 th . chap. of the first Book of Chron. the Historian tells us , what Families ( in the time of Esdras ) first inhabited Ierusalem , and in the 17 th . verse of that Chapter speaks of the Porters , whereof two are likewise named in the 19 th verse of the 11 th chapter of Nehemiah , which is a plain proof , that these Books were written after the City was rebuilt . Concerning the Writer , the Authority . Doctrine , and usefulness of the Books , I can say nothing ; but I very much wonder they should be esteem'd Sacred and Canonical , by those men who think the Book of Wisdom , Tobit , and others Apocriphal : It is not my purpose to magnify their Authority , seeing they are generally receiv'd for Canonical ; as they are I leave them . The Psalms were collected and divided into five Books , in the time of the Second Temple ; for the 88 th Psalm was by the testimony of Philo Iudaeus , published when King Iehoiachim was kept a Prisoner at Babylon ; and the 89 th Psalm , when he was set at liberty . I believe Philo would not have said it , had it not been the received Opinion of his time ; or had he not heard it from very credible persons . I believe the Proverbs of Solomon were collected much about the same time , or at least , in the days of King Iosiah ; because it is said , Prov. chap. 25. v. 1. These are the Pooverbs of Solomon which the men of Hezekiah King of Judah copied out . But I cannot here forbear to take notice of the great boldness of the Rabbins , who would have excluded this Book and that of Ecclesiastes , out of the Sacred Canon , which had been certainly done , had they not met with some places which commend Moses Law ; 't is pity such things , so sacred and excellent , should lie at the mercy of such men ; we thank them for communicating them to us , but 't is a great doubt whether they have been faithfully deliver'd to posterity , which I will not here strictly examin , but proceed to the Books of the Prophets : Having seriously consider'd them , I plainly perceive , That the Prophesies contain'd in them , were collected out of other Books ; they are not set down in the order wherein they were deliver'd , nor written by the Prophets themselves ; neither are all recorded , but such as here and there could be found out : so that these Books are but meer fragments of the Prophets . Isaiah began to prophesy in the time of Vzziah King of Iudah as the Writer of the Book of Isaiah himself testifies in the 1 st . chap. and 1 st . verse ; and Isaiah did not Prophesy only in that King's Reign , but also wrote a History of all that King did ; as appears in the 2 d Book of Chron. chap. 26. v. 22. The rest of the Acts of Uzziah first and last , did Isaiah the Prophet the Son of Amos write ; which Book 't is pity we have not , those things which we have , as hath been already said , were copied out of the Chronicles of the Kings of Iudah and Israel : The Rabbins likewise declare , That Isaiah also prophesy'd in the time of Manasseh , by whom he was put to death ; and tho' in that they seem fabulous , yet they did not believe all his Prophesies were extant . The Prophesies of Ieremy which are Historically related , were pick'd up , and collected out of divers Chronologers ; for they are not only confusedly put together , without any regard had to time ; but the same History is also repeated in divers manners ; for the 21 th chap. contains the Prophesy , wherein Ieremy foretold King Zedekiah , who sent to consult him , That the City of Ierusalem should be destroy'd ; and for which Prophesy he was apprehended . Then after an abrupt breaking off from this History ; the 22 th chap. sets forth Ieremy's Declamation and Prophesy against King Iehoiachim , who reigned before Zedekiah , declaring Iehoiachim's Captivity . After this , the 25 th chap. declares those things which were before reveal'd to the Prophet , in the fourth year of King Iehoiachim , and without observing any order of time , goes on to heap together many Prophesies , till at length the 38 th chapter ( as if the fifteen intermediate chapters had been but a Parenthesis ) returns again to that spoken of in the 21 th chap. for the conjunction Then , wherewith the 38 th chapter begins , relates to the 8,9 , and 10 verses of the 21 th chap. and the relation given in this 38 th chap. of Ieremy's last apprehension , and being long kept in a Dungeon , is very different from that we have of it in the 37 th chap. So that it clearly appears , all these things were taken out of divers Historians , and no other excuse can be made for them . The rest of Ieremy's Prophesies contain'd in other Chapters , where he speaks in his own person , seem to be copied out of the Book which Baruch writ from Ieremy's own Mouth ; which Book ( as appears by the 2 d. verse of the 36 th chap. contain'd only those things which were reveal'd to the Prophet , from the time of Iosiah unto the fourth year of Iehoiachim , from which year the Book begins ; out of which Book also all those things seem to be copy'd , which are related from the 2 d verse of the 45 th chap. to the 49 th verse of the 51 th chap. That the Book of Ezekiel is likewise but a fragment , is manisest by the first verses thereof ; for who doth not take notice , that the Conjunction Now wherewith the Book begins , relates to somewhat that had been already said , and joins that , to what he had further to say ; not only the Conjunction , but the whole Contexture of what he spoke , implies and supposeth other things which had been before written ; for the Writer himself saith by way of Parenthesis , in the 3 d verse of the 1 st . chap. The word of the Lord came often to Ezekiel the Priest , the Son of Buzi in the land of the Chaldeans : as if he should say , That the words of Ezekiel which hitherto he had copied out , related to other things which were revealed to him before the present thirtieth year . Iosephus in his 10 th Book of Antiquities , chap. 9. declares , Ezekiel prophesy'd that Zedechiah would not see Babylon , which Prophesy doth not appear in the Book we have of Ezekiel ; but the 17 th . chap. foretels the contrary , that he was to be carry'd Captive thither . Whether Hoseah wrote any thing more than is in the Book which bears his name , I am not certain ; but I much wonder that we should have nothing more of his ; seeing by the persons testimony who wrote the Book called Hosea , that Prophet Prophesy'd no less than eighty four years , as appears by the 1 st verse of the 1 st chap. where the several Kings are named , in whose times he lived : in general , we know that the writers of the Books which we call the Prophets , did neither collect the Prophesies of all that were Prophets , nor all the Prophesies of those Prophets whose names we have ; for we have not any of the Prophesies of those Prophets who prophesy'd in the time of Manasseh , ( of which Prophets mention is made , tho' not by name , in the 2 d Book of Chron. chap. 33. v. 10 , 18 , 19. ) nor have we all the Prophesies of the twelve Prophets : We have none of Ionah's Prophesies , but those that concerned the Ninevites , tho' he also prophesy'd to Israel , as appears by the 25 th . verse of the 14 th chap. of the 2 d. Book of Kings . Of the Book of Iob , and of Iob himself , there hath been among Writers much dispute ; some think Moses wrote the Book of Iob , and that the whole story is nothing but a Parable , which is likewise a Tradition of the Rabbins in their Talmud , and favour'd by Maimonides in his Book still'd More Nebuchim : Others believe the History to be real and true , and that Iob lived in the time of Iacob , and married his Daughter Dinah ; but Aben Ezra , as I have already said , in his Commentaries on the Book of Iob saith , It was translated out of some other Language into the Hebrew ; which I could wish he had more clearly prov'd ; for then we might conclude , the Gentiles also had Books which were Sacred . I leave the thing still doubtful , and conjecture that Iob was some Gentile of great constancy of Mind , who at first was very prosperous , afterward very unfortunate , and in the end very happy : for in Ezechiel , chap. 14 v. 14. he is named with Noah and Daniel for a righteous man. The various Fortune , and constant Mind of Iob , gave many an occasion of disputing God's Providence , and to the Author of the Book , of composing a Dialogue , whereof the Subject and Stile seem to be a Man 's rather at ease , meditating in his Study , than sick on a Dunghill ; and I might with Aben Ezra believe , the Book to be translated out of another Language , because it seems to affect the Heathen Poesy ; the Father of the Gods being in the first Chapter brought in twice , calling a Council , and Momus , who is called Satan , answering God with great liberty ; but these are meer frivolous conjectures . The Book of Daniel without doubt from the 8 th Chapter thereof , contains the Writings of Daniel ; but from whence the first seven Chapters were copy'd , I know not ; we may suspect , that seeing all of them , but the first , were written in the Chaldee Language , they were taken out of that Nation 's Chronologies , of which could we be certain , it were a clear proof , that the Scripture is to be accounted Sacred , only in respect of the things contain'd in it , and not in respect of the Language , Words , or Stile wherein they are express'd ; and that all Books which declare and teach what is excellently good , in what Tongue , or by what Nation soever written , are equally Sacred : Let this , at least , be observ'd , that the Chapters which are written in Chaldee , are no less Sacred than any of the rest in the whole Bible . To this Book of Daniel , the first Book of Ezra is so annex'd , that it appears they were both written by one person , who relates what successively past amongst the Iews , from the first Captivity : And to this Book of Esdras , without doubt is joyn'd the Book of Hester , for the Conjunction wherewith the Book begins , can relate to no other Book , nor can it be thought the same Book which Mordecai wrote ; for he that writ the Book of Hester , saith in the 9 th chap. v. 20. that Mordecai wrote Letters , and declares what were their Contents : Moreover , the 31 th of the same Chapter tells us , That Queen Hester confirm'd by a Decree , all things concerning the Feast of Purim , or Lots ; and in the 32 th . verse 't is said , it was written in the Book ; that is , according to the Hebrew manner of speaking , in a Book which every one at that time knew ; which Book , with others , Aben Ezra says , was lost ; what else concerned Mordecai , the Historian in the 10 th chap. v. 2. saith , was written in the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia ; and therefore , without question this Book of Daniel , was written by the same person who wrote the Affairs of Daniel and Ezra ; and so also was the Book of Nehemiah called the Second Book of Ezra : so that we conclude , these four Books , namely , Daniel , Ezra , Hester , and Nehemiah , to be written by one Historian ; but who he was , I cannot so much as guess ; but that we may know whoever he were , from whence he had the knowledge of the things he relates , and from whence he copy'd them out ; we are to take notice , that the Governours and Princes of the Iews in the time of the Second Temple , as did their Kings in the time of the First , kept Scribes or Historiographers , who writ Annals , and recorded what past ; which Annals , or Chronologies , are every where cited in the Book of Kings ; but those of the Princes and Priests of the Second Temple , are quoted first in Nehemiah , chap. 12. v. 23. and also in the first Book of Machabes , chap. 16. v. 24. and no question this Book of Annals was that Book mention'd ( in the 32 th verse of the 9 th chap. of Hester ) in which the Decree of Queen Hester , and those things that concern'd Mordecai were written ; which Book we agree with Aben Ezra was lost ; and out of this Book of Annals , all things contain'd in the four Books we have last mention'd , were in all probability taken and copy'd ; for there is no other Book quoted by the writer of these four , nor do we know any other of publick Authority . That these four Books were not written either by Ezra or Nehemiah , appears by what is said in the 9 th and 10 th verses of the 12 th chap. of Nehem. where the Genealogy of the High-Priest Iesuah , is deriv'd down to Iaduah the sixth High-priest , who went to meet Alexander the Great , when he had almost conquer'd the Kingdom of Persia ; as appears in the 2 d. Book and 8 th chap. of Iosephus's Antiquities ; or as Philo Iudaeus saith in Libro temporum , the sixth and last High-priest under the Persian Monarchy ; which is likewise plainly declar'd in the 22 th verse of the aforesaid 12 th chap. of Nehem. where the Historian saith , The Levites in the days of Eliashib , Ioiada , Iohanan , and Iaduah , were recorded Priests to the Reign of Darius the Persian ; that is , in the Annals of that Government . And sure , no Man will believe , that Hezra or Nehemiah were so long liv'd , to survive fourteen Persian Kings ; for Cyrus the first King of Persia , was he that gave the Iews liberty to rebuild their Temple , and from him to Darius the fourteenth and last King of the Persians , are reckoned 230 years : therefore without all doubt , these four Books I have mention'd , were written long after Iudas Maccabeus restor'd the worship of the Temple ; and also , because at that time were spurious counterfeit Books of Daniel , Hesdras and Hester publish'd by some malicious persons , who were of the Sect of the Zadduces ; for the Pharisees would never own them : and tho' in the Book which we call the 4 th of Esdras there are some fabulous stories , which we also find in the Talmud ; yet they ought not to be fathered on the Pharisees ; for there is no Man of sense but believes those Tales were added by some trifling fellow , perhaps to render the Pharisaical Traditions ridiculous , or to make the people of that time believe , that the Prophesies of Daniel were fulfill'd , thereby to confirm them in their Religion , and in the midst of so many and great Calamities , to keep them from despair : But tho' these Books be of no great Antiquity , yet many faults ( I suppose , through haste in those who copy'd them out ) have crept into them ; for in these , as in the rest , are many Marginal Notes , ( of which we spake in the former Chapter ) and also some places for which no excuse can be made ; but if it be granted , that the Marginal Readings of these Books , be as the Pharisees would have it , as ancient as the Writers themselves , then it must necessarily follow , that the Scribes ( if they were more than one ) put these Notes into the Margent , because they did not find the Annals , from whence they copy'd out the Books perfectly written ; and tho' some faults be very plain and obvious , yet the Scribes would not be so bold to alter or mend the Writings of their Ancestors . Of this particular I have said enough , and I now pass on to shew those errors whereof no notice is taken in the Margent . I cannot tell how many I meet with in the 2 d chap of Ezra , for in the 64 th verse it is said , that the whole Congregation together , of those that went up out of Captivity to Ierusalem , was forty two thousand three hundred and threescore ; and yet if the particular numbers throughout the whole Chapter , be exactly summ'd up and added together , they make the total to be no more than twenty nine thousand eight hundred and eighteen ; so that there is an error in the total , or particular numbers . Now 't is most likely the total number was not mistaken , but set down right , because every one might keep that in memory , tho' he could not remember the particular numbers ; had there been any error or mistake in the total , every body would have known it , and it might have been easily mended , which is confirm'd by the 7 th chap. of Nehemiah , which tells us , that the whole number of them that came up from the Captivity , was the very same mention'd in the 2 d chap of Ezra ; but the particular numbers very much differ ; for some are more , and others less in Nehemiah , than they are in Ezra , and amount in all to thirty one thousand eighty nine ; so that there is no doubt , but that the errors as well in the Book of Ezra , as of Nehemiah , were in the particular numbers : Commentators rack their Wits and Inventions , to reconcile these apparent contradictions ; and while they adore the very Words and Letters of Scripture , do nothing , as we have already said , but expose the Writers of the Bible to Contempt ; as if they knew not how to speak , or put that which was spoken by them into any order ; yea , they do nothing but make that part of Scripture which is plain , obscure : For if every Man should take a liberty of explaining Scripture , as they do , we could not be sure of the true sense of any part thereof : I am perswaded , those Commentators themselves , tho' they with so much zeal excuse the Writers of the Old Testament , would count any other Man a ridiculous Historian , who should write as they have done ; and if they think him a Blasphemer , who says the Scripture is in some places faulty , what shall I say of those Men , who bely the Scripture , and so expose the holy Pen-men thereof , as if they knew not how to speak ; and deny the plain and clear sense of Scripture ? What in it can be plainer , than that Esdras and his fellow Priests in the second Chapter of that Book which is said to be his , took a particular account of all that went up to Ierusalem ; seeing the number of them is set down , who could not derive their Pedigree , as well as theirs that could ? And what is more clear , than that Nehemiah , as appears by the 7 th chap. and 5 th verse of that Book , only copy'd out the Register which Esdras had made ? Who ever makes any other Exposition thereof , denies the true sense of Scripture , and consequently , the Scripture it self . 'T is ridiculous Piety to pretend to rectify one place of Scripture by another , when plain places are darkened by obscure , and those that are right and true corrected and corrupted by those that are false and erroneous ; but God forbid I should call them Blasphemers , who have no malicious intentions , because there is no Man free from Error . Beside the Errors which are in the particular numbers , both of Esdras and Nehemiah's Genealogy , there are divers in the names of the Families , more in the very Pedigrees , in the Histories , and , I fear , likewise in the very Prophesies themselves ; for the Prophesie of Ieremy in the 22 th chap. against Iehoiachim , which says , He should be buried with the burial of an Ass , drawn and cast forth beyond the Gates of Ierusalem , doth not at all agree with the History of him in the last Chapter of the 2 d. Book of Kings ; no nor with what is related of him in the last Chapter of Ieremy ; especially , in the last Verse ; neither do I see any reason why Ieremy should tell King Zedechiah , that he should die in peace , Ierem. chap. 34. v. 5. who was taken Captive , and after he had seen his Children slain before his Face , had his own Eyes put out . If Prophesies may be interpreted according to events , the names of those two Kings seem to be mistaken one for the other , but that is too paridoxical to be maintain'd , and I had rather leave the point under an impossibility of being determin'd , seeing if there be any error in it , it must be the fault of the Historian , and not in the Original Copies from whence he wrote . Of any other Errors I will take no particular notice , seeing I cannot without troubling the Reader , because they have been already noted by others . Rabbi Solomon finding the manifest contradictions which are in the erroneous Genealogies , doth in his Commentaries on the 8 th chap. of the first Book of Chronicles , break out into these words , Esdras , ( whom he supposeth to have written the Chronicles ) called the Sons of Benjamin by wrong names , and deriv'd his Pedigree otherwise than we find it in the Book of Genesis , and describes the greatest part of the Cities of the Levites , otherwise than Joshua did , because he met with different Originals : And a little after saith , The Genealogy of Gibeon , and others , is twice and diversly repeated , because Esdras found different Registers of each . Genealogy ; and in copying them out , follow'd those whereof the greater number did agree ; but when the number of differing Genealogies was equal , he wrote after the Original of both : So that it appears by Rabbi Solomon's own confession , these Books were copied from uncertain , and imperfect Originals : The Commentators themselves , many times do nothing more than shew the causes of the errors , and I believe , that no person of any sound Judgment , can think that the Sacred Historians , did write purposely to contradict themselves : Perhaps it will be said , I go about to overthrow the Scripture , and give occasion to suspect , that it is every where faulty ; but I have prov'd the contrary , for I hereby vindicate the Scripture , and provide against the adulterating and corrupting thereof in those places which are clear and true . It doth not follow , that because some places are faulty , therefore all must be so : because every Book is in some places false , 't is no good ground to conclude it is no where true ; especially when the Stile of it is perspicuous , and the meaning of the Author perfectly known . So much for the Books of the Old Testament : Now by what hath been said , we may easily conclude , that before the time of Iudas Macch●b●us , no Books were esteemed Canonical , but those which we now have from the Pharisees of the Second Temple , ( who likewise instituted set forms of Prayer ) these Books being selected from many others , and only by their Decree receiv'd into the Canon : he therefore that will demonstrate the Authority of Holy Scripture , is bound to prove the Authority of every particular Book , the proving any one to be Divine , is not enough to prove the Divinity of all ; unless it be granted , that the Council of the Pharisees could not err , which is impossible for any Man to make good ; the reason which inclines me to believe , that none but the Pharisees chose the Books of the Old Testament , and made them Sacred by Canon ; is , because the last Chapter of Daniel declares , That there shall be a Resurrection of the Dead , which the Zadduces utterly deny'd . Moreover in the Treatise of the Sabbath , chap. 2. fol. 30. parag . the 2 d , Rabbi Iehuda says , The learned in the Law endeavour'd to suppress the Book of Ecclesiastes , because many expressions in it , were contrary ( which observe ) to the Books of the Law of Moses ; but the reason why it was not suppress'd , was , because it begun and ended according to the Law : A little after he saith , They would also have conceal'd the Book of Proverbs ; and lastly , in the first Chapter of the same Treatise , fol. 13 th , these are his words , Truly I name the Man for kindness sake , had it not been for Neguniah the Son of Hiskiah , the Book of Ezechiel had been absconded , because there are expressions in it repugnant to the words of the Law : By all which it is manifest , that the learned in the Law , held a Council to determin what Books should be receiv'd for Sacred , and what should be rejected , so that whoever will be sure of the Authority of all , must search into the Council , and know upon what ground and reason every Book was receiv'd . I should now examin the Books of the New Testament , but I hear it hath been already done by Men learned in the Sciences , and skilful in Tongues ; I am not Grecian good enough to undertake it , beside we want Original Copies of those Books which were written in Hebrew , and therefore I will not ingage my self in the business , but only observe some things which make to my main purpose , and that shall be the work of my next Chapter . CHAP. XI . Enquires whether the Apostles wrote their Epistles , as Apostles and Prophets , or only as Teachers ; and sheweth what is the Office of an Apostle . WHoever reads the New Testament , must be convinc'd , that the Apostles were Prophets , but because the Prophets , ( as I have shew'd in the end of the first Chapter ) did but seldom , and not always speak by Revelation ; it may very well be a Question , Whether the Apostles , like Moses , Ieremy , and others , did by express Command and Revelation write their Epislles as Prophets , or else , only as private Men and Teachers ; especially , because in the 1 st Epist. to the Corinthians , chap. 14. v. 6. Paul in express terms declares , there are two sorts of speaking , the one by Revelation , the other by Knowledge ; I say therefore , it may be doubted , whether the Apostles in their Writings did Prophesie or instruct Their Stile , if we mark it , is very far different from that us'd in Prophesie ; it was alway the custom of the Prophets to declare , That they spake by the Command of God , still beginning with expressions like these , So faith the Lord : The Lord of Hosts saith , The Word and Decree of the Lord ; which they did use not only in their publick Speeches , but also in their Letters or Writings , which contain'd Revelations ; as appears in the Letter written by Elijah the Prophet to King Iehoram , ( 2 d Book of Chron. chap 21. v 12. ) and there came a Writing to him from Elijah the Prophet saying , Thus saith the Lord God ; but in the Apostles Writings , we meet with no such expressions , but the clean contrary ; 1 st Epist . Corinth . chap. 7. v. 40. Paul says he speaks after his own Judgment : Yea , in many places we find expressions which argue a doubtful and uncertain mind ; as in the Epist. to the Rom. chap. 3. v. 28. Therefore we conclude : And Rom. chap. 8 v. 18. for I reckon , and many of the like kind . Beside these there are other manners of speaking , which do not at all savor of Prophetical Authority ; as in the 1 st Epist. Corinth , chap. 7. v. 6. But I speak this by permission , not of commandment : and in the 25. verse of the same chap. I give my Iudgment as a Man who hath obtain'd mercy of the Lord to be faithful ; and it is to be observ'd , That when Paul in this Chapter speaks , as if he did not know whether he had , or had not a command from the Lord for what he said , it is not to be understood of a Command from God by Revelation , but only , that he preach'd that Doctrine , which Christ the Lord taught his Disciples in the Mount. Moreover , if we observe in what manner the Apostles deliver the Doctrine of the Gospel in their Writings , we shall find it much different from the Prophets way of instructing ; for the Apostles are always found reasoning , insomuch that they seem rather to dispute than Prophesie . Prophesies contain nothing but positive Opinions and Decrees therefore God is always introduced , not arguing with Reason , but peremptorily commanding by the Power and Soveraignty of his Nature and Essence : Prophetieal Authority allows of no rational disputing ; for whoever will by reasoning confirm his Opinions , doth in so doing submit them to the Arbitrary Judgment of another ; as doth Paul reasoning in his 1 st . Epist . to the Corinth . chap. 10. v. 15. I speak as to wise men , judge ye what I say : And lastly , because the Prophets did not understand the things that were reveal'd to them by Reason and Natural Knowledge , as we have shewed in the first Chapter ; tho' some things in the Pentateuch , seem to be concluded and confirmed by Inference and Illation ; yet if we consider them , they cannot be taken for peremptory and decisive Arguments : ( For example ) when Moses said to the Israelites , Deut. chap. 21. v. 27. Behold , while I am yet alive with you this day , ye have been rebellious against the Lord , and how much more after my death . We are not here to think , that this was an Argument used to convince the Israelites by Reason , that they would certainly after Moses death depart from the worship of God , because the Argument had been false , as may be prov'd by Scripture ; for the people persevered constantly in it during the life of Ioshua and the Elders ; and afterwards also in the life time of Samuel , David , and Solomon : these words therefore of Moses , were but a moral manner of speaking , which he Rhetorically us'd , the more strongly to imagin and foretel , that peoples future defection ; the reason why I do not say , that Moses to make his Prediction true , spake these words of himself , and not by Revelation as a Prophet , is , because in the 21 verse of the same Chapter ; God reveals to Moses in other words , what the people would do ; so that there was no need of reasoning to make Moses surer of this Prediction and Decree ; but it was only necessary to give him a livelier representation thereof in his imagination , ( as I have shewed in the first Chapter ) which could be done no better way , than by imagining that the peoples present rebellious Humor , which he had so often try'd , would be the very same for the future ; so that we are not to think , Moses's Arguments which we meet with in the Petanteuch , to be drawn from the Repositories of Reason , but to be taken only for manners of speaking , whereby he did more lively imagin , and more effectually express God's Decrees . I will not deny , but that the Prophets might reason and argue by Revelation ; but that which I maintain , is , That the Prophets by how much more rational the Arguments were which they used , so much more natural did their Knowledge appear , which they had of things revealed , and that the Prophets knowledge was supernatural , chiefly appear'd in their speaking Dogmatically , Imperiously , and Sententiously ; so that Moses the chief Prophet , never made use of any Logical Argument , and I therefore conclude , Paul's long Deductions and Reasonings , which we find in his Epistle to the Romans , were never written by Supernatural Revelation , and the manner of speaking and arguing in the Writings of the Apostles , doth clearly shew , that they were not by Divine Revelation and Command , but were the dictates of their own natural Reason , and contain nothing but brotherly admonitions , full of gentleness and kindness , ( no evidence of Prophetical Authority ) such as is that excuse in the 15. chap. to the Rom. verse 15. Brethren I have written the more boldly unto you ; and this Opinion may with the greater confidence be maintain'd , because we no where read that the Apostles were commanded to Write , but only to Preach where ever they went , and to confirm their Doctrine by Signs ; for their Presence and Signs were absolutely requir'd to convert the Nations to Christianity , and confirm them in it ; as Paul himself in his Epist. to the Rom. chap. 1. v 11. expresly declares , I long to see you , that I may impart unto you some spiritual gift , to the end you may be establish'd : But here it may be objected , that if we allow the Apostles did not write as Prophets , then by the same reason it may be concluded , they did not preach as Prophets ; for when they went hither and thither to preach , they did it not by express Command , as did the Prophets in time past . We read in the Old Testament , Ionah went to Nineveh to preach , that he was expresly sent thither , and that which he was there to preach was reveal'd to him . We are told at large , that Moses was sent into Egypt by God , what he was commanded to say to the people of Israel , and to King Pharaoh , what Signs and Wonders also he was to do in their presence to make them believe . Isaiah , Ieremy , and Ezekiel were expresly commanded to preach to the Israelites . Lastly , the Prophets never preached any thing , but what the Scripture testifies they receiv'd from God , but of the Apostles we very seldom read any such thing , when they went hither and thither to preach ; but on the contrary , we find the Apostles according to their own Will and Inclination , chose what places they would preach in , as appears by that contention even to separation between Paul and Barnabas , Act. chap. 15. v. 39. and that the Apostles many times in vain attempted to go to some particular places , whereof we have instances in Paul himself , who says in his first Chapter to the Romans , v. 13. I would not have you ignorant , that oftentimes I purposed to come to you , but was let hitherto ; and chap. 15. v. 22. For which cause I have been often hindred from coming to you . And lastly , in the 16 th chap. 1 st Epist. to the Corinth . v. 12. he saith , As touching our brother Apollos , I greatly desir'd him to come unto you with the Brethren , but his Will was not at all to come at this time , but he will come when he shall have convenient time ; so that from such expressions as these , from the Apostles contention , and because when they went hither and thither to preach , the Scripture doth no where testify as it did of the Ancient Prophets , that they went by the express command of God ; we ought to conclude , that the Apostles did not preach as Prophets , but as Men who were only Teachers . But this Objection may be easily answered , if we take notice of the difference between the calling of Apostles in the New , and of Prophets in the Old Testament , for the Prophets were not called to Preach and Prophesie to all Nations in general , but only to some particular people , for which an Express and particular Command was necessary ; but the Apostles were called to preach to all Nations without exception , and to convert them to Christ , so that where-ever they went they executed his Commission ; nor was there any necessity before they went , that which they were to preach should be reveal'd to them , they being those Disciples to whom Christ said , Matth. chap. 10. v. 19 , 20. When they deliver you up , take no thought how or what ye shall speak , for it shall be given unto you in that same hour , what you shall speak : We therefore conclude , the Apostles had those things by particular Revelation , which they personally preach'd and confirm'd by Signs , but what they simply spake or writ without Signs to confirm it , that proceeded only from their Natural Reason and Knowledge , as you see in the forecited 14 th chap. of the 1 st Epist. to the Corinth . v. 6. That all their Epistles begin with the Declaration and Approbation of their Apostleship , makes nothing against me ; for on the Apostles , as I shall presently shew , was not only bestow'd the gift of Prophesie , but they had also Authority given them to teach and instruct : Upon this ground the Apostles began and wrote their Epistles with the declaration of their Apostleship , and perhaps to gain upon the Minds of their Readers , and to stir them up to Attention , did in the first place testify , That they were those Men , who by their Preaching , were known to all Believers ; and who , by such clear proofs had made it evident , they taught the true Religion , and right way to Salvation . What I find in these Epistles concerning the Call of the Apostles , and of the Divine and Holy Spirit wherewith they were inspir'd , relates only to their Preaching , except it be in those places , where by the Spirit of God , and the holy Spirit is meant only a sound right Judgment , and a pure sanctify'd Mind devoted to God , ( of which we have spoken in our first Chapter . ) For example , Paul , in 1 Corinth chap. 7. v. 40. saith , But she is happier if she so abide after my Iudgment , and I think also I have the Spirit of God ; where by the Spirit of God is understood his own Opinion , as the Context proves ; his meaning is , that in his Judgment and Opinion , the Widdow was happy who would not marry a second Husband , for he himself had resolv'd to live single , and therefore thought himself happy : Of this kind we find other expressions , which I think needless to mention : If then it pass for granted , That the Epistles of the Apostles were the dictates only of Natural Reason , how could the Apostles only by Natural Reason , teach those things which did not fall within the compass of it ? Consider what I have said in the seventh Chapter of this Treatise , concerning the Interpretation of Scripture , and we shall find no difficulty in the Question ; for tho' many things contain'd in the Bible , often surpass our Capacity and Understanding , yet we may safely dispute of them , provided we admit of no Principles but what are fetch'd from the Scripture ; and upon this ground the Apostles might conclude , collect , and as they pleas'd , teach many of those things which they had seen , heard , and were reveal'd to them . Tho' Religion , as it was preach'd by the Apostles , in barely publishing the History of Christ , is not to be comprehended by Natural Reason , yet the principal and chiefest part thereof , which consists , as doth the whole Doctrine of Christ , in moral Precepts and Instructions , every Man by Natural Light may attain : The Apostles did not stand in need of Supernatural Illumination , to fit and apply Religion which they had before confirm'd by Signs , to every Man 's ordinary Capacity , that it might be readily embraced ; nor was Supernatural Assistance necessary to mind Men of it , the design , and end of all the Epistles , is , to teach and admonish Men to live that kind of life , which every one of the Apostles judg'd best to confirm and establish them in Religion : and here we are to remember , what was said a little before , That the Apostles were not only enabled to preach the History of Christ , and confirm what they preach'd by Signs as Prophets ; but had also Power and Authority to admonish and instruct Men , in that way which every particular Apostle thought best ; both which gifts Paul mentions in his 2 d Epist. to Timothy chap. 1. v. 11. Whereunto I am appointed a Preacher , and an Apostle , and teacher of the Gentiles : Likewise in his 1 st Epist. to Timothy , chap. 2. v. 7. Whereunto I am ordain'd a Preacher , and an Apostle : ( I speak the truth in Christ , and lie not ) a teacher of the Gentiles in Faith and Verity ; which Texts clearly prove both his Offices of Apostle and Doctor , but his Authority to warn and instruct , whomsoever , and whensoever he pleas'd , he expresly declares in his Epistle to Philemon , verses the 8 th and 9 th , Tho' I might be much bold in Christ , to enjoyn thee that which is convenient , yet for loves sake I rather beseech thee , whence we are to note , that if those things which Paul was to command Philemon , had been receiv'd from God by Paul as a Prophet , and which , as a Prophet he ought to have commanded him ; then it had not been lawful for Paul , to change that Command of God into Intreaties ; it must therefore be necessarily understood , that Paul here speaks of the liberty of Warning and Admonishing , which he had as a Teacher , and not as a Prophet . Tho' it be not clearly prov'd , that every Apostle might chuse that way of teaching which he himself thought best , but only that they were both Prophets and Teachers by vertue of their Apostleship , yet Reason tells us , that whoever hath Power and Authority to teach , hath also Power and Liberty to chuse his own way of doing it ; but because it will be more satisfactory to prove by Scripture , that every Apostle chose his own particular way of teaching : Consider what Paul himself saith in his Epistle to the Romans , chap. 15. v. 20. So have I strived to preach the Gospel , not where Christ was named , lest I should build upon another mans foundation ; if every one of the Apostles made use of the same way of teaching , and all built Christian Religion upon the same Foundation , what reason had Paul to call those Foundations another Mans ? It must necessarily be concluded , that every one built Religion upon a several Foundation , and it was with the Apostles , as it is with other Doctors , who having a peculiar method of teaching , desire alway to teach those who are perfectly ignorant , and never learnt of any other Master . If we carefully read over the Epistles , we shall find that the Apostles did agree concerning Religion it self , but differ'd about its Foundations . To establish Men in Religion , and to prove that Salvation depended only upon the Grace and Mercy of God , Paul's Doctrine was , that no Man ought to boast of his Works , but only of his Faith ; and that no Man could be justify'd by Works , but only by Faith , ( Rom. chap. 3. v. 27 , 28. ) By Paul also was preached the whole Doctrine of Predestination ; but Iames on the other side , in his Epistle declares , that a Man is justify'd by Works , and not by Faith only , ( Iames chap. 2. v. 24. ) and in few words gives a brief account of Religion , not at all concerning himself with any of Paul's Disputations : Without doubt the Apostles building Religion upon several Foundations , hath been the original cause of all those Controversies and Schisms , wherewith the Church was in the Apostles time , hath been ever since , and for ever will be troubled ; unless Religion be purg'd and separated from all Philosophical Speculations , and reduced to those few and plain Doctrines which Christ taught his Followers , which was impossible to be done by the Apostles themselves ; because Men then knew not the Gospel , and because the novity of its Doctrine should not offend their Ears , they as near as possible , suited and fitted it to the Genius and Disposition of Men in that time , as appears by ( the 1 st Epist. to the Corinth . chap. 9. v. 19 , 20. ) and was built upon the most known Foundations , and receiv'd Principles of those times ; therefore none of the Apostles philosophiz'd so much as Paul , who was called to preach to the Gentiles ; the rest preaching to the Iews , who were despisers of Philosophy , likewise apply'd themselves to their Genius , ( see the Epist. to the Galath . chap. 2. from the 11 verse forward , ) and preach'd Religion strip'd naked from all Philosophical Speculations : How happy likewise would our times be , could we see Religion freed from all Superstition . CHAP. XII . Of the true Original Hand-writing of the Divine Law ; why Scripture is called Holy ? and why the Word of God ? Lastly , That the Scripture , as it contains the Word of God , is derived down to us pure and uncorrupted . THey that look upon the Bible , however it be , as a Letter sent from Heaven by God to Man , will certainly exclaim and say , I am guilty of the sin against the Holy Ghost , in maintaining , that the Word of God is faulty , maimed , adulterated , and contradictory to it self ; that we have but fragments of it , and that the Original Writing of the Covenant which God made with the Iews perish'd ; but I doubt not , would they well consider the thing it self , they would cease their exclamations ; for Reason , as well as the Opinion of the Prophets and Apostles , plainly declares , That the Eternal Word and Covenant of God , and true Religion is written in Mens Hearts , ( that is ) imprinted by God upon the Mind and Understanding of mankind ; which is that true Hand-writing of God , which he sealed with the Idea of himself ; ( that is ) the Image of his own Divine Nature . Religion was first deliver'd to the Iews as a written Law , because they were at that time in their Understanding , little more than Children ; but afterwards Moses ( Deut. chap. 30. v. 6. ) and Ieremy ( chap. 31. v. 33. ) prophesied , that in time to come , God would write his Law in their Hearts ; so that the Iews , and , among them , chiefly the Zaduces , always contended for their Law written in Tables , which others did not , who had it engraven on their Hearts : He then that considers this , will find nothing in what I have said , contrary to God's word , or that will weaken Faith and Religion ; but rather , as I have shewed toward the end of the tenth Chapter , what will confirm and strengthen both . Had not that been my intention , I had been altogether silent upon this Subject , and to avoid disputes , would have freely granted , that there are deep Mysteries hidden in the Scripture : but because from thence hath sprung up intollerable Superstition , and many other mischievous inconveniences , of which I spake in the beginning of the seventh Chapter , I could not possibly pass them by : Religion needs not be attired with any Superstitious Ornaments , but rather loseth part of its Beauty and Lustre , when it is adorned with such Fopperies . But some will say , That tho' the Divine Law be written in Mens Hearts , yet nevertheless the Scripture is the word of God , and therefore 't is as unlawful to say of Scripture , as of the Word of God , that 't is maimed or corrupted . I on the other side fear such Men pretend too much Sanctity , and convert Religion into Superstition ; yea , that they worship Pictures and Images , ( that is ) Paper and Ink for the Word of God ; this I know , that I have said nothing misbecoming the Scripture or the Word of God ; and that I have laid down no Position , which I have not made good by clear Reason ; and therefore I may positively aver , that I have not publish'd any thing that is impious , or that savors of the least impiety : I confess , some prophane persons , to whom Religion is a burthen , may take a liberty of sinning , and without any reason indulging their sensual pleasure , may infer , that the Scripture is every where faulty and falsify'd , and consequently of no Authority ; to such Men nothing will be an answer , for according to the common saying , that which is never so well and truly spoken , may be abused by an ill and sinister Interpretation ; they that are lovers of their Pleasure , will take any occasion to do it ; and they who in time past had those Originals , the Ark of the Covenant , the Prophets and Apostles themselves , were not one jot the more obedient or the better for them , but all as well Iews as Gentiles were alike still the same , and Vertue in all Ages was a thing very rare : But to clear all Scruples , I will now shew upon what ground and reason , Scripture or any other mute thing , may be called Sacred or Holy ; next , what is indeed the Word of God , that it is not contained in a certain number of Books : And lastly , that as it contains those things which are necessary to Obedience and Salvation , it cannot be corrupted : By these particulars every one may easily judge , that I speak nothing against the Word of God , or give any occasion for Men to be wicked or ungodly . That is called Holy and Divine which is dedicated to Piety and the practice of Religion , and a thing continues Holy so long as Men make a Religious use thereof ; when Men cease to be Religious , that thing ceaseth to be Sacred , and when the thing is used to impious purposes , then that thing which was before Sacred , becomes unholy and prophane : ( For example ) the very place called by Iacob the Patriarch Beth-el , the House of God , because he there worship'd God reveal'd to him ; was afterwards called by the Prophets the House of Iniquity , Amos , chap. 5. v. 5. Hoshea , chap. 10. v. 5. because the Israelites , by the Command of Ieroboam , did there sacrifice to Idols . Another example will plainly prove the thing : Words have a certain signification , only by use and custom ; and if they be according to that use so disposed , that they move Men who read them to Devotion , then those words are esteemed Sacred ; and likewise the Book wherein they are written ; but if afterward it come to pass , that the use of those words is lost , and thereby the words become insignificant , and the Book wherein such words are , is quite neglected and laid aside , either through malice , or because Men have no need of it , then the words and the Book , as they are of no use , so have they no Sanctity in them . Lastly , If those words come to be otherwise construed , and Custom so far prevail , as to give them a clean contrary sense and signification , then the words and the Book which were before esteemed Sacred , may become filthy and profane ; whence it follows , that nothing can be absolutely either Sacred or Profane , but only in respect of Mans Mind or Understanding ; which clearly appears by many places of Scripture ; I will quote only one or two ; Ieremy ( chap. 7. v. 24. ) saith , the Iews did falsely call Solomon's Temple the Temple of God ; for as he further saith in that Chapter , the Name of God could remain in that Temple no longer than it was frequented by Men who worship'd him , and maintain'd Justice ; but when Murderers , Robbers , and Idolaters resorted to it , 't was then but a Den of Thieves . I have often wonder'd , that the Scripture no where declares what became of the Ark of the Covenant , certainly it was either lost or burnt with the Temple , tho' nothing was esteemed more Sacred and Venerable among the Iews . The Scripture then is Sacred , and its sayings Divine , so long as Men are thereby moved to Devotion ; but if the Scripture be quite neglected , as it was heretofore by the Iews , it is nothing but Paper and Ink , 't is then profaned , and left liable to Corruption ; and when it is corrupted and perisheth , it cannot be truly said the Word of God is corrupted and lost ; as in the Prophet Ieremy's time , it could not be truly said the Temple of God was burnt , which Ieremy himself declareth of the Law ; for chap. 8. v. 8. he reproves the Wicked in these words , How do ye say we are wise , and the Law of the Lord is with us ? Lo certainly in vain made he it , the Pen of the Scribes is in vain ; ( that is ) tho' ye have the Scripture , yet ye falsely say , you have the Law of God , since ye have made it of no effect : In like manner , when Moses brake the first Tables , it cannot be said , that in anger he cast the Law of God out of his Hands and brake it , no person ought to think so , he brake only the Stones , which , tho' before accounted Sacred , because upon them was engraven the Covenant by which the Iews bound themselves to obey God , yet afterward had not the least Sanctity in them , because the People by worshiping the Golden Calf , made that Covenant void : For the same cause the second Tables , with the Ark wherein they were kept , might likewise perish . 'T is no wonder then if none of those Originals are to be found , or that the like should befal the Books we have , when the very Original of Gods Law , the most Sacred of all things is utterly lost : Let Men then forbear to charge me with impiety , seeing I have spoken nothing against the Word of God , nor have any way profaned it ; if their anger be just , let it be vented against the people of old , whose wickedness prophaned and destroyed the Ark of God , the Temple , the Law , and all things else that were Sacred : If according to the 2 d Epist. to the Corinth . chap. 3. v. 3. The Epistle of Christ were written not with Ink , but with the Spirit of the living God , not in Tables of Stone , but in the fleshly Tables of the Heart : Let Men cease to adore the Letter , and not be so much concern'd for it . Having sufficiently explain'd the Holiness and Divinity of Scripture , let us now see what is properly meant by Debar Iehovah the word of God. Debar signifies Word , Speech , Decree , Thing ; now upon what grounds any thing in the Hebrew Language may be said to be God's , or have relation to God , I have shew'd in the first Chapter ; so that I need not repeat what I have there said , or in the sixth Chapter , what I have said of Miracles ; 't is evident what the Scripture means by the Word of God : To make the thing very clear , I need only declare , that when the Word of God is predicated of any Subject which is not God himself , it properly signifies that Divine Law , of which we treated in the fourth Chapter , namely , That Religion which is universal and common to all mankind , mention'd in Isaiah , chap. 1. v. 10. where the Prophet declares , That the right way of living , consisted in Charity , and in a sincere and pure Heart , which he calls the Law and Word of God : The Word of God is also taken Metaphorically , for the order or course of Nature , and Fate , ( because it follows and depends upon the Eternal Decree of the Divine Nature ) particularly for whatever the Prophets foresaw in this course of Nature ; because the Prophets understood future events , not by natural Causes , but thought them to be the Will and Decrees of God. Moreover , it is taken for that which any Prophet commanded or declared , because he knew it not by Natural Light , but by the singular Vertue and gift of Prophesie ; and more especially , because the Prophets ( as we have shewed in the fourth Chapter ) apprehended God under the notion of a Lawgiver ; for these three reasons then , the Scripture is called the Word of God , ( namely ) because it teacheth us true Religion , whereof God from all Eternity is the Author . Secondly , because it makes Prophesies to be God's Decrees : And lastly , because the Authors of those Prophesies , taught for the most part that which they did not know by Natural Reason , but by a faculty and gift peculiar only to them , and introduced God speaking as it were in them . Now tho' the Scripture contain many things which are meerly Historical , and may be unnderstood by Natural Knowledge , yet the Scripture is called the Word of God , in respect of those other particulars I have last mention'd ; so that now we plainly see , why God is called the Author of the Bible ; ( namely ) upon the account of teaching us what is true Religion , and not because it contains , and hath communicated to us such a certain number of Books . And hence we may also learn , that the Bible is divided into the Old and New Testament , because before the coming of Christ , the Prophets Preached Religion as the Law of their Country , and by force of the Covenant made in Moses's time ; but after Christ's coming , because the Apostles preached Religion upon Christ's account , as a Law universal to all mankind ; not that the Prophets and Apostles differ'd in Doctrine , or that the Books of either Testament , are the Deeds and Indentures of the Written Covenant ; nor , lastly , because Natural Religion which is universal , is new , unless it be in respect of those that knew it not , according to that saying of Iohn the Evangelist , chap. 1. v. 10. He was in the world and the world knew him not . If then we had not some of those Books which the Old and New Testament contain , yet we should not want God's Word , ( as it properly signifies true Religion ) for we do not think any part thereof is wanting , tho' we lack many of those other excellent Writings , namely , the Book of the Law , which was so Religiously kept in the Temple , as the Original wherein the Covenant was first written , with many other Books of the Wars and Records of time , from whence the Books of the Old and New Testament , which we now have , were transcribed and collected : And this is made good by many reasons ; first , because the Books of both Testaments were not written at one and the same time , for the use of all Ages ; but by chance for some particular people , and that as the Time and their particular Disposition requir'd , which plainly appears , by the calling of the Prophets , who are called to warn and reprove the ungodly of their own time , and also by the Writings of the Apostles . Secondly , Because understanding the Scripture , and the meaning of the Prophets , is one thing ; but to understand the Mind of God ( that is ) the real truth of things is another ; as appears by what hath been said in the second Chapter of Prophets ; which distinction likewise holds in Histories and Miracles , as we have shewed in the sixth Chapter : But in understanding places which treat of true Religion and real Vertue , no such distinction ought to be made . Thirdly , Because the Books of the Old Testament , were chosen out of many others , and were approved and joyned together by a Council of the Pharisees ; as we have declared in the tenth Chapter ; and for the Books of the New Testament , they were receiv'd into the Canon by the Decrees of certain Councils , when several other Books , by many accounted Sacred , were rejected as Spurious : These Councils both of Pharisees and Christians , were made up of Men , who were no Prophets , but only learned Doctors ; yet it must necessarily be granted , that in this choice they made the Word of God their Rule ; so that before they gave their Approbation to the Books , they ought to know what was the Word of God. Fourthly , Because as we have shewed in the preceding Chapter , the Apostles did not write as Prophets , but only as Teachers , and chose that way of instructing , which every one judged most easie for his Disciples ; from whence it follows , as we have concluded in the end of the said Chapter , that their Writings contain many things , whereof in Respect to Religion we have no absolute need . Fifthly and lastly , Because in the New Testament , there are four whom we call Evangelists ; but who believes it was God's express Will , that the History of Christ should be four times told and deliver'd to Men in Writing ? Tho' things may be contain'd in one , which are not in another , and that one helps to understand another ; we must not therefore conclude , that all things which the four declare , are absolutely necessary to be known , and that God made choice of them to write purposely , that the History of Christ might be the better understood ; for every one preach'd his own Gospel in several places , and every one wrote what he preach'd plainly , that he might the more faithfully relate the History of Iesus Christ , and not for any explanation to the rest . If by mutually comparing them together , they are somet●mes more easily and better understood , that happens by chance , and only in very few places , of which , tho' we were ignorant , the History notwithstanding would be very perspicuous , and Men nevertheless blessed and happy . Having shewed that the Scripture in respect of Religion only , and the universal Divine Law , is properly called Scripture : It now remains to prove , that in this respect , and as it is properly so call'd , it is neither maimed , faulty , or corrupted ; and here I call that thing faulty , maimed and corrupted , which is so falsely written and compos'd , that the true sense of the words , cannot either by the use of the Language , or by the Scripture it self be found out ; for I do not affirm , that the Scripture , as it contains the Divine Law , always observes the same letters , points , accents and words , ( I leave that to the Masorites who so superstitiously adore the Letter ) but only that the signification and sense ( in respect of which only , any Speech is to be called Divine ) is derived to us uncorrupted , tho' the words whereby that sense was signified , have been often changed ; that cannot , as we have said , detract from the Sacredness of Scripture , for it would not have been one jot less Divine , had it been written in other Words , or in any other Language . That we have received the Divine Law in this respect uncorrupted , no body can question , for by the Scripture it self , without any doubt or difficulty we perceive , that the summ thereof is to love God above all things , and our Neighbours as our selves . This cannot be adulterated , nor written by a too hasty erring Pen , for if the Scripture ever taught any other thing , it must necessarily teach all other things ; otherwise seeing this is the Foundation of all Religion , take away this Foundation , and the whole Fabrick falls to the ground ; and if this were not so , the Scripture were not Scripture , but quite another Book . It remains then without Controversie , this was always the Doctrine of Scripture , and consequently , that no error could creep into it to corrupt its Sense , which would have been quickly perceiv'd by every body , and who ever had gone about to corrupt it , his Malice would have presently appear'd : If then this Foundation be immoveable and incorruptible , the same must be concluded of other things , which indisputably follow from it , and which are also fundamentals ; as that God is , that he provides for all , that he is Omnipotent , and that he hath decreed it shall go well with Good , and ill with Wicked-men , and that our Salvation depends only upon his Grace and Mercy . These things the Scripture every where plainly teacheth , and ought always to teach , else all other things were vain and without any Foundation : 'T is as impossible to corrupt any other Moral Doctrines , which are built upon , and evidently follow from this Foundation ; namely , to do justice , to succour those that are in want and distress ; not to kill , not to covet , and none of these moral Precepts can be mis-interpreted or corrupted by malice , or obliterated by length of time : If any of these things should be blotted out , they would be again dictated to mankind , by the first general Foundation , and more especially by the Doctrine of Charity which is every where so much commended in the Old and New Testament : Should it be granted , that there is no wickedness which ever entred into the Heart of Man , which some person or other hath not committed , yet never was there any Man , who to excuse or justifie his Crimes , endeavour'd to blot out the Laws , or to preach Impiety for good and wholsome Doctrine . Tho' it be every Man's nature , whether King or Subject , when he hath done any thing that is evil , to palliate the fact with such Circumstances , as may make it appear as little as is possible dishonest or unjust . We therefore conclude , that the Universal Divine Law , which the Scripture teacheth , is deliver'd and derived to us pure and incorruptible . There are other things also , which have been faithfully deliver'd to us , namely , the general Collection of Scripture Histories , because they are universally known . The common people of the Iews , were wont to sing the Antiquities and Ancient Facts of their Nation , in Psalms or Songs . The principal things done by Christ and his Passion , were quickly publish'd through the whole Roman Empire , and therefore 't is impossible to believe , unless the greatest part of mankind should agree in that which is incredible , that the principal things in Scripture Histories should be deliver'd to posterity , otherwise than they were first receiv'd . Whatever then is adulterated or faulty , must happen only in this or that Circumstance of a Prophesie or History , the more to move people to Devotion , or in some Miracle to puzzle and nonplus Philosophers ; or lastly , in matters Speculative , after they were brought into Religion by Schismaticks , abusing Divine Authority to support their own inventions : But whether these things be or be not adulterated and corrupted , doth not at all concern Salvation , which I will expresly shew in the following Chapter , tho' I think enough hath been already said to prove it , in this , and the second Chapter . CHAP. XIII . Shews , that the Scripture teacheth nothing but what is very plain ; intending nothing but Mens Obedience ; neither doth it teach or declare any other thing of the Divine Nature , than what a Man may in a right course of life , in some degree imitate . WE have already declared in the second Chapter of this Treatise , that the Prophets did not so much excel in perfection of Mind and Understanding , as in a singular faculty and power of Imagination : That God revealed to them no deep points of Philosophy , but only things very plain and easie , condesending and applying himself to their Capacities , and preconceiv'd Opinions . We have in the fifth Chapter shewn , that the Scripture delivers and teacheth things in such a manner , as may render them most easie to be understood by every Man , and that it doth not prove , deduce , and link things together , by maxims and definitions , but only plainly relates and declares things ; and to make Men believe , confirms what it says by Experience , ( that is ) by Miracles and Histories ; making use of such a Stile , and such Expressions , as are most likely to move and prevail upon the Minds of the common people ; of which I have spoken in proving the third Particular of the sixth Chapter . Lastly , I have shew'd in the seventh Chapter , that the difficulty of understanding the Scripture , lies only in the Language wherein it was originally written , and not in the sublimity and abstruceness of the Subject whereof it treats ; and moreover , that the Prophets did not preach only to the Learned , but in general to all the Iews ; and that the Apostles preached the Doctrine of the Gospel , in Churches where there was a common and universal Assembly of all people : by all which it evidently appears , that Scripture Doctrine contains no high Speculations , nor Philosophical Arguments , but only things plain and intelligible by the meanest and dullest Capacities . I strangely admire the accuteness of those Men , who discover in the Scripture Mysteries so profound , that 't is impossible for the Tongue of Man to unfold them , and who have fill'd Religion with so many Philosophical Speculations , that they have turn'd the Church into an Academy , Religion into a Science , or rather into Wrangling and Dispute : But 't is no wonder that Men who boast of Supernatural Illumination should pretend to more than we find in Philosophers , who own they have no more than what is Natural . I would really admire those illuminated Men , could they teach us any new Speculations , or any thing that was not common and vulgar amongst the Heathen Philosophers , whom they call Blind : For if you inquire what are those profound Mysteries , these inspir'd Men perceive in Scripture , they can tell us of nothing beyond the idle fancies and conceits of Plato and Aristotle , which look more like the Dreams of Ideots than Discoveries made out of Scripture by Learned Men. I do not positively maintain , that nothing belongs to Scripture Doctrine , which is matter of meer Speculation , for in the preceding Chapter I have mentioned some fundamentals of Scripture that are so ; but my meaning is , they are very few and very plain ; what they are , and upon what reason determin'd to be so , I come now to shew , which will be easily done , after that we know the Scriptures chief design was not to teach Arts and Sciences , and that it requires from Men nothing but Obedience , condemning their Obstinacy , not their Ignorance : Moreover , because Obedience toward God , consists only in loving our Neighbour , ( for whoever loveth his Neighbour purposely to obey God , he , as Paul saith , Rom. chap. 13. v. 8. hath fulfilled the Law ) it follows , that no other Knowledge is commended in Scripture , but that which is necessary to all Men , that they may , according to this Precept of loving our Neighbour , obey God ; which Knowledge , if Men have not , they must necessarily be stubborn , or at least without the discipline of Obedience ; but all other Speculations which do not directly tend to this end , whether they concern the knowledge of God , or of natural things , they have nothing to do with Scripture , and are to be excluded out of revealed Religion . Now tho' these things be obvious to every Man , yet because upon this point depends the ending of all debate in Religion ; I will demonstrate and explain the thing as fully and clearly as is possible ; which to perform , we in the first place ought to prove , That an intellectual and accurate knowledge of God , is not a gift so common to all Believers as is Obedience . Secondly , That the Knowledge which God by his Prophets requir'd of all Men in general , and which every Man is oblig'd to have , is nothing else but the Knowledge of his Divine Justice and Love , both which particulars are evidently prov'd out of the Scripture it self , Exod. chap. 6. v. 3. God for an evidence of his particular favour to Moses , saith , I am the Lord , I appear'd unto Abraham , unto Isaac , and unto Jacob , by the name of God Almighty , but by my name Jehovah , was I not known to them ; for the better understanding of this Text , we are to observe , that Elsadai signifies in Hebrew , God alsufficient , because he giveth to every Man that which is sufficient for him ; and tho' Sadai of it self , be often taken for God , yet the word El , is always to be understood ; we are therefore to note , that in Scripture there is no other word to be found but Iehovah , that signifies God's absolute Being without any relation to things created , and therefore the Iews will have this to be God's proper Name , and all others to be Appellatives ; and indeed all the rest of God's Names , whether they be Substantives or Adjectives , are but Attributes given to God , as he is consider'd under a relation to his Creatures , or is made manifest by them : The word El , or by adding to it the Paragogical Letter He , Eloha signifies nothing else but Powerful , which is a title of Dignity or Excellency , as when we stile Paul an Apostle : Other Vertues of his Power , are exprest by saying the great God , God to be feared , the just , merciful God , &c. or to express them all at once , the plural number of this word El is often used in a singular signification . Seeing then God said to Moses he was not known to the Patriarchs by the Name of Iehovah , it follows , they knew no Name or Attribute of God that express'd his absolute Essence and Nature , but only his Works and his Promises , ( that is ) his Power as it was manifested by things visible ; and this God said to Moses , not to accuse the Patriarchs of Unbelief , but to magnify and commend their Faith and readiness to believe ; by which , tho' they had not so great a knowledge of God as Moses had , yet they firmly rely'd on his Promises ; not like Moses , who tho' he had sublimer Notions of God , doubted his Divine Promises , and told God , that instead of the Deliverance he had promised , he had brought the Children of Israel into a worse condition . If then God told Moses , that the Patriarchs knew not that singular and proper Name of God , to commend their Faith and simplicity of Heart , and to put Moses in mind of the particular Favour and Grace God had shewed him ; it clearly proves my first Position ; which is , That Men are not obliged by any express Command to know God's Attributes , it being a peculiar gift granted only to some Believers , which I need not prove by Scripture , since it is evident beyond all dispute , that every Man hath not an equal share of Divine Knowledge ; and that a Man is no more able by a Command to become Wise , than 't is in his own power to be , or live : Men , Women and Children may all , as they are commanded , obey , but never could a Command make any Man wise . If any Man say there is no need of understanding God's Attributes , but only of simply believing them , without any demonstration , he talks idly ; for invisible things , which are the objects only of the Mind , can only be seen by Demonstrations , ( that is ) firm convincing Arguments , and therefore what a Man only and barely hears of things invisible , never affects the Understanding , nor declares a Man's meaning any more , than do the words of a Parrot , or some artificial Engin , that speak without Understanding or Sense . But before I proceed further , I ought to give an account why 't is often said in Genesis , that the Patriarchs preached in the Name of Iehovah , which seems expresly to contradict what I have said . This is easily answer'd , if we consider what hath been said in the eighth Chapter , where we have proved , that the Writer of the Pentateuch did not call things and places by those very names which they had at the time of which the Writer speaketh , but by the names which they were known by , in the Writers own time ; therefore when 't is said in Genesis , that God was preached to the Patriarchs by the Name of Iehovah , it is not because God was known to them by that Name , but because to that Name of God , the Iews pay'd the highest Reverence and Veneration when Genesis was written : and this must necessarily be a true and clear Answer , because it is expresly said in the forecited text of Exodus , that God was not known to the Patriarchs by his Name Iehovah ; and because also in Exod. chap. 3. v. 13. Moses desired to know God's Name , which must have been known to him , had it been known to the Patriarchs before him . It must therefore be concluded , that the faithful Patriarchs were ignorant of this Name of God , and that the Knowledge of God is a Gift not a Command . It is now time to pass on to the proof of the second Particular , That God required from Men by his Prophets , no other Knowledge of himself , than the Knowledge of his Divine Justice and Love ; ( that is ) those Attributes which Men in a right course of living , may in some measure and degree imitate ; which the Prophet Ieremy in express words declares ; for chap. 20. v. 15 , 16. speaking of King Iosiah , he saith , Did not thy Father eat and drink , and do Iudgment and Iustice , and then it was well with him ; he judged the cause of the poor and the needy , then it was well with him ; is not this to know me , saith the Lord ? Nor are those words less clear , chap. 9. v. 24. Let him that glorieth glory in this , that he understandeth and knoweth me , that I am the Lord which exercise loving kindness , Iudgment and Righteousness in the Earth , for in these things I delight , saith the Lord. We have a further proof , Exod. chap. 34. v. 6. where Moses desiring to see and know God , God revealeth no other Attributes to him , but such as declare his Divine Justice and Love. Lastly , How express in the point are the words of St. Iohn in the fourth Chapter of his first Epistle ; because no Man ever saw God , he maketh God known only by Love ; and concludes , that he knoweth God , and God dwelleth in him who hath Charity . We see then , that Moses , Ieremy , and Iohn comprize that Knowledge of God which every Man is bound to have , in that only wherein we say 't is comprehended ; namely , in believing , that God is superlatively just and merciful , and the only pattern of a good life : The Scripture doth no where give any express and positive definition of God neither doth it prescribe any other Attributes to be imitated and believed by us , but those we have named , nor are those expresly commended as Attributes ; so that from all these things we conclude , that the intellectual Knowledge of God , which considers God as he is in his own Nature and Essence , which Nature no Man can by any certain course of life imitate or take for his pattern , doth not at all teach a Man how to live well , neither doth it concern a Man's Faith or revealed Religion : So that a Man may be infinitely mistaken in it , and yet not offend God. Let us not wonder then , that God apply'd himself to the Imaginations and preconceived Opinions of the Prophets , and that faithful Believers had different Opinions of God , as by many Instances we have proved in the second Chapter ; nor let any Man wonder , that the Sacred Volumes do every where speak so improperly of God , ascribing to him Hands , Feet , Eyes , Ears , Mind , Local Motion , yea , Passions of the Mind , saying , he is Jealous , Merciful , &c. and sometimes set him out as a Judge sitting in Heaven on a Regal Throne , and Christ at his Right hand , all which is spoken according to the Capacity of the Vulgar , whom the Scripture intended to make Obedient , but not Learned . Of these things , whatever ordinary profest Divines , have by Reason and Natural Light discovered to be disagreeable to the Divine Nature , they will have Metaphorically Interpreted , but that which is above their Capacity must be taken Litterally . If all things of this kind we meet with in Scripture , must be taken and understood Metaphorically , then the Scripture was not written for the rude and ignorant common people , but for the Learned , and especially for Philosophers ; and if it should be sin piously and in simplicity of Heart , to believe those things of God , which the Sacred Volumes have in the Letter ascribed to him , the Prophets considering the weakness of the common people's Understanding , ought to have been very wary and careful , what Phrases and Expressions they used , and should have clearly and plainly , which is no where done , declared those Attributes of God which every Man is bound to believe : No Man ought to think , that Opinions considered absolutely in themselves , without respect to a Man's Works , have any Piety or Impiety in them , but a Man is said to be Godly or Ungodly in his Faith , in respect of those Opinions which incline him to Obedience , or those that encourage him to Sin and Disobedience ; so that if a Man , tho' he rightly and truly believe , be stubborn and disobedient , his Faith is evil ; and on the contrary , if a Man believe that which is false , and yet live well , his Faith is good ; for the true knowledge of God , is not a Precept , but a Divine Gift , and God never required from Men , any other Knowledge , than that of his Divine Love and Justice , which Knowledge is necessary only to Obedience , not to Science . CHAP. XIV . What is Faith. Who are Believers . The fundamentals of Faith stated . Faith distinguish'd from Philosophy or Reason . TO understand truly what Faith is , 't is very necessary to know , that the Scripture was fitted and accommodated not only to the Capacity of the Prophets , but also to the Understanding of the inconstant mutable vulgar people of the Iewish Nation , of which no person can be ignorant , that will but a little consider and observe the Scripture . He that will take all things which are promiscuously set down in Scripture , to be that universal positive Doctrine , whereby God is to be known , can never rightly discern what was suited to the Capacity of the Iews , but not being able to distinguish between Divine Doctrine , and the common peoples Opinions , must take human Fictions and Fancies for Heavenly Instructions , and consequently very much abuse the Sacred Scriptures Authority . Who doth not plainly see , that this is the cause we have so many Sectaries , who maintain their different and contrary Opinions to be all Doctrines and Principles of Faith , which they confirm by many Scripture proofs , so that 't is become a Dutch Proverb , Geen Ketter sonder letter , there is no Sectary or Heretick but hath a Text of Scripture to maintain his Opinion . The Sacred Books of Scripture were not all written by one person , nor for the people of one Age , but by divers persons of different dispositions , and for the people of several Ages distant in time from one another , almost two thousand years ; by some computations many more . We do not charge these Sectaries with impiety , for applying the words of Scripture to their own Opinions , as heretofore they were suited to Vulgar Capacities , it being lawful for every one to apply Scripture to his own Opinions , if he find himself thereby more inclin'd to obey God in those things which relate to Justice and Charity ; but we blame the Sectaries for not allowing other Men the same liberty they themselves take ; they count all Men , be they never so honest and vertuous , who are not of their Opinions , the Enemies of God , and persecute them as such ; but call those who are of their Mind , God's Elect , be they never so very Knaves ; which is the most pernicious wicked humour can possibly be in a Common-wealth . To make it clear then , how far in point of Faith , every Man may extend his liberty of thinking what he pleaseth , and upon whom we are to look as Believers , tho' they differ in Opinion ; I resolve to shew in this Chapter what Faith is , to declare what are the fundamentals of Faith , and to distinguish Faith from Reason or Philosophy , which is the chief design of the whole Treatise . To do these things in order , 't is necessary to put you in mind again , what is the Scriptures principal intention , for that will shew us the right Rule of determining what is Faith. We have told you in the preceding Chapter , that the chief design of Scripture is to teach Men Obedience , which no Man can deny ; for who doth not plainly see the Discipline of Obedience to be the main scope of the Old and New Testament ? The only End of both is to make Men obey God with all their Heart . I need not repeat what I have already told you , that Moses did not endeavour to convince the Israelites with Reason , but to bind and oblige them by a Covenant , by Oaths and Benefits ; he threatned those that broke the Law with punishment , and encouraged the observers of it with Rewards ; which were means not to increase Knowledge , but only to procure Obedience : The Doctrine of the Gospel , contains nothing but plain simple Faith , namely , to believe God , and to reverence and worship him , or which is the same thing , to obey him . There is no need of demonstrating a thing so evident , or of heaping up Texts of Scripture that commend Obedience , whereof there are many in both Testaments ; what a Man is to do to obey God , the Scripture in many places declares ; namely , that the whole Law consists in loving our Neighbour ; so that it must be granted , that he in the Judgment of the Law is obedient , who according to God's Command loveth his Neighbour as himself ; and that he on the contrary , who hateth his Neighbour , or cares not for him , is rebellious and disobedient . Lastly , it must be confest , that the Scripture was written and published , not only for the Wise and Learned , but for all people in general of all times : Hence then must it follow , that we are not commanded by Scripture to believe any thing else , but what is absolutely necessary to enable us to perform and obey this Commandment , so that this Precept is the only Rule of Catholick Faith , and by it only , all those fundamental Doctrines of Faith , which every one is oblig'd to believe , ought to be defined and determined ; which being clear and manifest , and that , from this Foundation only , all things ought to be rationally deduced and derived : Let any Man judge , whether the many Disputes and Dissentions sprung up in the Church , could have any other cause than those I mentioned in the beginning of the seventh Chapter , which force me here to shew from this Foundation I have laid , the manner and reason of stating and determining , what are the true Doctrines and Principles of Faith ; for unless I do this , and make it good by sure and certain Rules , I have indeed hitherto done very little , seeing otherwise every Man may introduce what he pleases , under pretence that 't is a necessary means to Obedience ; especially , when any thing comes into question concerning the Divine Attributes : To proceed orderly in making the thing clear and plain , I will begin with the definition of Faith , which according to the Foundation I have laid , ought to be thus defined . Faith , is to have such Thoughts or Opinions of God , as make a Man obey him ; where such thoughts are not , there is no Obedience , and where they are , Obedience necessarily follows such Opinions ; which definition is so clear , and evidently follows from what we have already demonstrated , that it needs no explication : What follows from this definition I will briefly shew ; first , that Faith of it self without Obedience , is not able to save a Man , as Iames saith , Chap. 2. 17. Faith without Works is dead ; which is the Subject of that whole Chapter . Secondly , That he who is truly obedient , must necessarily have Saving Faith ; for where ever there is Obedience , there , as I have said , must be Faith , which the same Apostle saith expresly in the 18 th verse of the said 2 d chap. Shew me thy Faith without thy Works , and I will shew thee my Faith by my Works ; and Iohn in his 1 st Epist. chap. 4. v. 78. Every one that loveth his Neighbour is born of God , and knoweth God , he that loveth not , knoweth not God , for God is love ; from whence it likewise follows , that we can judge no Man to be a Believer , or an Unbeliever , but by his Works , ( that is ) if his Works be good , tho' in his Opinions he dissent from other Believers , yet he is a Believer ; and if his Works be evil , tho' in words he agree with others that believe , he is an Infidel ; for where there is Obedience , there must necessarily be Faith , and Faith without Works is dead , which Iohn in chap. 4. 13. expresly declares , Hereby know we that we dwell in him , and he in us , because he hath given us of his Spirit , which Spirit is Love , for he said just before , God is Love ; and concludes from his own Principles , that he certainly hath the Spirit of God , who hath Love ; and because no Man ever saw God , he concludes , that no Man can have any sense or knowledge of God , but only by Love ; and that no Man can know any other Attribute of God but Love , by partaking of it ; which Reasons , if they do not absolutely convince , yet they sufficiently explain St. Iohn's meaning . What he saith in the 3 d and 4 th verses of his 2 d chap. in express words fully proves what we maintain ; And hereby , saith he , do we know that we know him , if we keep his Commandments ; he that saith I know him , and keepeth not his Commandments , is a liar , and the truth is not in him ; hence it again follows , that they are Antichrists , who persecute honest and just Men , that differ from them in Opinion , and do not maintain their Doctrines ; they that love Justice and Charity , are thereby only known to be Believers , and whoever persecutes such Believers is Antichrist . Lastly , it follows , that Faith doth not require Opinions that are in themselves true , but such only as are pious , and incline a Man's Heart to Obedience : There are many things that have not the least shadow of ●ruth in them , which a Man may believe , and yet be ignorant that they are false , otherwise he would necessarily be disobedient . How cometh it to pass , that he who is a lover of Justice , and studies to obey God , reverenceth that as Divine , which he knows is no way agreeable to the Divine Nature ? Men may err in the simplicity of their Hearts , and the Scripture , as I have already said , condemns stubbornness not ignorance , which follows from the very definition I have given of Faith ; every part thereof being derived from the general Foundation before mentioned , and from the main end and design of Scripture ; so that Faith doth not require from Men , Opinions absolutely true in themselves , but such only as are necessary to Obedience , and to confirm a Man in love towards his Neighbour ; by which Love , to use St. Iohn's expression , every Man is in God , and God in him . Seeing then every Man's Faith in respect of Obedience or Disobedience , and not in respect of truth or falshood , is to be esteemed good or evil ; and seeing Mens dispositions are so various , that none agree in all things , but are so diversly sway'd by Opinion , that what moves this Man to Devotion , begets in another Laughter and Contempt ; it f●llows , that to Universal Faith , only those Doctrines are necessary , concerning which , amongst honest Men there can be no dispute ; those things that are of such a nature , that one Man may account them Religious , and another Irreligious , are to be judged only by Works ; to Catholick Faith then those Doctrines only belong , which beget in a Man Obedience toward God , and of which , if a Man be ignorant , 't is impossible he should obey him ; in other things , every Man according to the knowledge he that of himself , may , to establish himself in the love of Justice , think what to him seemeth best , which will take away all occasions of Dispute and Controversie in the Church . Now I will not fear to name those Doctrines of Universal Faith , or those Fundamentals of Scripture that ( by what I have proved in these two last Chapters ) tend all to this ; that there is a Supreme Being that loveth Justice and Charity , to whom all that will be saved , must be obedient , and worship him , in the exercise of Justice and love towards their Neighbour , and from hence these several Positions clearly and easily follow . First , That there is a God , or Supreme Being , who is most just and merciful , by whose Example every Man ought to regulate his life ; he that knoweth not , or doth not believe that God is , cannot obey him , or acknowledge him to be his Judge . Secondly , That this God is one , which Opinion is absolutely necessary to make a Man adore , admire , and love God , for Devotion , Admiration , and Love , are caused by that excellency which is in one above all others . Thirdly , That he is every where present , or that all things are known to him , for if any thing were hidden from him , or if Man did not think that he seeth all things , we might doubt of his Equity and Justice , whereby he governeth all things . Fourthly , That he hath Supreme Power and Dominion over all things , that he doth nothing by compulsion , but of his own good Will and Pleasure ; all are bound to obey him , and he no body . Fifthly , That the worship of God , and obedience to him , consists only in Justice and Charity towards our Neighbours . Sixthly , that only they who obey God by such a course of life will be saved , and others who live Slaves to their Lusts and Pleasures will be condemned . If Men did not firmly believe this , there would be no reason why a Man should rather obey God than his own desires and pleasures . Seventhly and lastly , God pardoneth the sins of those that repent ; there is no Man living without sin , and therefore if this were not an Article of Faith , all would despair of Salvation , and there would be no reason to believe God merciful ; but he who stedfastly believes , that God , through Grace and Mercy , whereby he ordereth all things , pardoneth Men's offences , and is thereby more flamed with love towards God , he knoweth Christ according to the Spirit , and Christ is in him . Every one of these things is necessary to be known , that all Men without exception may obey God , according to the prescript of the Law which we have already explained . If you take away any of the aforesaid Positions or Doctrines , there can be no Obedience ; but what God , or what this exemplar of living well is ? Whether he be Fire , a Spirit , Light , Cogitation , &c. it concerns not our Faith , neither in what notion or respect he is an example for us to live by . Whether it be because he hath a just and merciful Mind , or because all things subsist and act by him , and consequently , we by and through him understand what is just and good ; it matters not what every Man thinks or concludes of these things , neither is Faith concerned , whether a Man believe that God is , in respect of his Power , Omnipresent ; or whether he govern all things by the freedom or necessity of his nature ; whether he prescribe Laws as a Prince , or teach Eternal Verities ; whether Men obey God as free agents , because they have freedom of Will , or because they are necessitated by God's Decrees ? Whether the reward of good Men , and the punishment of evil , be natural or supernatural ? Faith is not concerned how a Man understands these things , so long as he makes no conclusions whereby he may take a liberty of sinning , or lessen his Obedience to God : Of these Doctrines of Faith a Man may make such an interpretation , as is most likely to make him believe , and obey God chearfully without any reluctancy ; for as we have already shewn , Faith was heretofore revealed and written , according to the Capacity and Opinions of the Prophets and People of that time , so that now also , every Man is bound to apply his Faith to his own Reason , in such a manner as may make him without the least doubting or reluctancy believe ; for as we have proved , Faith rather requires Piety than Verity , and as Faith cannot be pious and saving , without Obedience , so nothing but Obedience makes a Man a faithful Believer ; his Faith is not best , who can give the best reasons for it , but he that hath done the most and greatest works of Justice and Charity . A Doctrine which must in all Mens Judgments be very wholsome and necessary in all Common-wealths , for taking away the causes of much wickedness and many troubles . Before I go further , by what hath been said , the Objections may be easily answered , which were mentioned in the first Chapter , where I treated of God's speaking to the Israelites from Mount Sinai ; for tho' that Voice which the Israelites heard , could not give that people any Philosophical or Mathematical certainty of God's Existence , yet it was sufficient to make them admire God , under that knowledge they before had of him , and incite them to Obedience towards him , which was all that God purposed and designed in that spectacle ; it was not God's intention at that time to teach them the true and real Attributes of his Essence , ( because he then revealed none to them ) but to break and subdue their rebellious and stubborn humor , and draw them to Obedience ; and therefore he did not set upon them with Arguments and Reason , but with Tempest , Noise , Thunder and Lightning , as is recorded , Exod. 20. 20. I am now to prove , that between Faith or Theology , and Philosophy , there is no commerce or affinity ; which no Man can deny , who knows how much the Foundation and End of these two faculties differ ; for the end and design of Philosophy , is Verity ; and the intention and end of Faith , is nothing but Obedience and Piety . The fundadamentals of Philosophy , are common notions which are to be drawn only from Nature it self , but the principles and fundamentals of Faith , are to be derived from Scripture-History , Scripture-Language , from the Scripture it self , and from Revelation ; as we have shewn in the 7 th Chapter : Faith therefore allows every Man such a freedom and liberty of Reasoning or Philosophizing , that he may think what he will of any thing , provided he do nothing that is wicked , and condemns only those for Hereticks and Schismaticks , who broach Doctrines that are the causes of disobedience , hatred , contention , and wrath ; esteeming only such to be Believers , who use their utmost endeavours to perswade and practise Justice and Charity . Lastly , Because what I have said in this and the former Chapter , was what I chiefly intended in the whole Treatise ; I earnestly request the Reader , before I proceed further , that he will again and again carefully read , and seriously consider , the Contents of these two Chapters , and that he will have Charity enough to believe , that I have written nothing with design to introduce new Doctrines ; but only to rectify what is amiss , which I hope e're long to see done . CHAP. XV. Theology or Divinity is no Handmaid to Reason , nor Reason to Divinity : Why we believe the Authority of the Holy Scripture . AMongst those that know not how to distinguish and divide Philosophy from Theology , there is very great dispute , whether the Scripture ought to be subservient to Reason , or Reason to Scripture , ( that is ) whether we are to judge of the Sense of Scripture by Reason ; or whether Reason ought to submit to Scripture ? The Scepticks , who deny the certainty of Reason , maintain one of these Opinions , and the Dogmatists , who judge all things by Reason , the other ; but both , as appears by what I have said , are extremely mistaken ; for whoever follows either of the two Opinions , must necessarily deprave either Reason or Scripture . We have shewn that the Scripture doth teach us no Philosophy , but only Piety , and all things contained in it , are fitted to the Capacity and Opinions of vulgar people : Whoever then goes about to apply it to Philosophy , must father upon the Prophets , many things whereof they did never so much as dream , and interpret that to be their meaning which never was . He , on the other side , who makes Reason or Philosophy a Handmaid to Divinity , will be necessitated to let the mistaken Opinions of old times pass for Divine Truths ; possessing and blinding his Understanding with Error and Prejudice , and both run mad together without Reason . The first among the Pharisees , who openly declared , that Scripture was to be accommodated to Reasons , was Maimonides , ( whose Opinion we have hinted and refuted in the 7 th Chapter ) but tho' this Author were of great Authority among the Pharisees , yet the greatest part of that Sect did not agree with him in this point , but generally maintained the Opinion of Rabbi Iehuda Alpakhar , who endeavouring to avoid the Error of Maimonides , fell into the clean contrary Opinion , holding that Reason ought to be a Handmaid to Scripture , and wholly subjected to it ; and would have nothing in Scripture metaphorically interpreted , because the literal sense was contrary and repugnant to Reason , but because it was so to the Scripture it self , ( that is ) to the positive Doctrines of Scripture , and laid it down for a general rule , that whatever the Scripture did in plain and express words affirm and teach , that upon the account of its Authority was to be admitted for Truth , if no other Position were found in the Bible , which did only consequentially , but not directly contradict it ; for there are some Scripture expressions , which seem to imply contradiction to what hath been positively and expresly declared , and therefore those places only are to be metaphorically taken : ( For example ) Deut. 6.4 . it is plainly and positively declared , That there is but one God , or that God is but one ; but there are many places where God speaking of himself , and the Prophets of God speak in the plural number , which manner of speaking supposeth and implies more God's than one , tho' that doth not clearly and directly appear to be the intention of the words : All those places therefore are to be metaphorically interpreted , not because it is repugnant to Reason , that there should be more Gods than one , but because the Scripture it self directly declares that there is but only one . So likewise , because the Scripture , Deut. 4. 15. doth in the Rabbi's Opinion directly declare , that God is Incorporeal , therefore upon the Authority only of this Text , and not upon any account of Reason , we are bound to believe God hath no Body , and consequently , all places of Scripture are to be metaphorically taken , which ascribe to God Hands , Feet , or which seem to suppose God Corporeal : This was the Opinion of this Author , whom I commend for explaining Scripture by Scripture , but I wonder that a rational Man should endeavour to destroy Reason : It is very true , that Scripture ought to be expounded by Scripture , so long as there is doubt of the sense of the words , or of the meaning of the Prophets ; but when we have found out the true sense , 't is absolutely necessary to make use of our Reason and Judgment , to gain our assent and consent to it ; for if we must submit to Scripture , tho' our Reason be not at all convinced by it , must we submit with Reason , or like blind Men without any Reason at all ? if we submit without Reason , we do it foolishly without Judgment ; if we submit with Reason , then 't is by the command and dictates of Reason , that we believe and embrace the Scripture , which we would not do , were it contrary to Reason . Who can in his Mind believe , or consent to any thing which his Reason flatly opposeth ? Denying a thing with a Man's Heart , is nothing else but the gainsaying and dissent of a Man's Reason . I extreamly wonder some Men should subject that excellent gift and Divine Light , Reason , to Dead Letters , which humane Malice may corrupt and mis-interpret , and yet account it no offence to speak unworthily against Reason and the Mind of Man , whereon God hath engraven his Word , saying , Our Reason is blinded and lost , but in the mean time declare , 't is abominable wickedness to think any such thing of the Letter , which they Idolize for the Word of God ; they account it great Piety in a Man , not to trust to his own Judgment and Reason , but great wickedness to doubt their fidelity , who communicated to us the Sacred Volumes . Certainly such Men's Folly exceeds their Piety : What troubles them ? What is it they fear ? Cannot Religion and Faith be defended unless Men be professedly ignorant , and bid Reason farewell ? they that think so , do rather fear than believe Scripture . God forbid that Religion should be a Servant to Reason , or Reason to Religion , both may with great Peace and Concord preserve their own proper Dominion , which I will presently prove , after I have a little examined the Tenet and Opinion of our Rabbin Alpakhar ; he , as I have said , would have us receive every thing for truth which the Scripture affirms , and reject every thing as false which the Scripture denies ; and maintains , that the Scripture doth no where in express words affirm or deny , any thing contrary to what in another place it hath positively affirmed or denied ; both which are very bold and rash Positions . I will not press him with what perhaps he never took notice of , that the Scripture contains several Books , that it was written by several Authors , in several Ages , for the use of divers people ; and seeing upon his own Authority only , he maintains , what neither Reason or Scripture ever said , he ought to shew , that all those places of Scripture , which do but by consequence contradict others , may from the nature of the Language , and in respect of the place , conveniently bear a metaphorical interpretation ; and he ought likewise to prove , That the Scripture is derived down to us , without any corruption or adulteration . To come close to the business , I ask him concerning his first Position , Whether we are bound to believe every thing to be true which the Scripture affirms ; and reject every thing as false which it denies , tho' both be contrary to our Reason ? If he answer that nothing can be found in Scripture contrary to Reason , I press him with this instance . In the Decalogue , Exod. 34. 14. Deut. 4. 24. and in other places , it is said , That G●d is Iealous ; but that such a passion as Jealousie should be in God is contrary to Reason : Now if there be other places in Scripture which suppose God not to be Jealous , they must be metaphorically interpreted , that they may not seem to suppose any such thing . The Scripture expresly saith , That God came down upon Mount Sinai , Exod. 19.20 . and ascribes to him other local motions , no where expresly declaring , that God is not moved ; so that all Men ought to believe it to be truth , and therefore that which Solomon saith of God in 1 Kings 8. 27. That he cannot be comprehended , or contained in any place , tho' it do not expresly but only consequentially declare , that God is not moved , ought to be in like manner metaphorically understood : The Heavens also must be taken for God's Throne and Habitation , because the Scripture declares positively they are . Many things of this kind , are said in Scripture , consonant to the Opinions of the Prophets and People , which Reason and Philosophy , but not Scripture say are false , all which according to the Rabbi's Opinion , who in such cases will allow no consulting with Reason , must pass for Truths . He affirms that which is not true , in saying that no one place of Scripture expresly and directly contradicts another , but only by consequence ; for Moses , Deut. 4. 24. expresly declares , That God is a consuming fire , and directly denies that God is like any visible thing , Deut. 4. 12. Now if the Rabbi will have this latter Text , not directly , but only by consequence to deny that God is Fire , and therefore must be so interpreted that it may not seem to deny it ; let him have his Will , and let us grant , that God is Fire ; or rather , not to be as mad as he , we will let this pass , and make use of another example : Samuel directly denies , that God ever repents of his Decrees , ( 1 Sam. 15. 29. ) but Ieremy on the contrary affirms , ( Chap. 18. v. 8 , 10. ) That God doth sometimes repent , both of the good and of the evil that he purposed and decreed . Do not these two Texts directly oppose one another ? Which of these two must be metaphorically interpreted ? both the Opinions are general , and contrary to each other ; what one directly affirms , the other positively denies , so that the Rabbi , by his own Rule , is bound to believe one and the same thing to be true and false : but what matter is it , tho' one place do not directly , but only by consequence contradict another ? If the consequence be clear , and the nature and circumstance of the place will admit of no Metaphorical Explication ; of which many are to be found in the Bible , we have spoke to them in the second Chapter , where we have shewn , that several Prophets had different Opinions , and particularly of those contradictions which I in the 9 th and 10 th Chapter have made appear to be in several of the Scripture Histories ; they need not be repeated , what I have said being sufficient to confute the Absurdities and Falsities which must necessarily follow from the Rabbi's Rule , and to shew how unadvisedly and grosly the Author is mistaken . The different Opinions of both Rabbies being confuted , I do again positively declare , That Divinity or Theology ought not to be a Servant to Reason , nor Reason to Theology , but both ought to maintain their own Dominion ; Reason ought to rule in things which relate to Wisdom and Truth , and Theology in matters which concern our Piety and Obedience : The power of Reason doth not so far extend it self , as to determin , that Men only by Obedience , without the true knowledge of things may be blessed and happy , but Theology dictates nothing else , and commands nothing but Obedience , not intending or being able to do any thing against Reason , as we have shewed in the preceding Chapter : Theology determins Doctrines of Faith , no further than is necessary to Obedience , but how those Doctrines are precisely in respect of Verity to be understood , it leaves Reason to resolve , which is the light of our Mind , and without which we see nothing but Dreams and Fancies . But here by Theology , I mean only Revelation , so far as it declares the scope and end to which the Scripture aims , ( namely , the reason and manner of living obediently , or the Doctrines of Faith and Piety . ) This is that which is properly the word of God , and doth not consist in a certain number of Books , as we have shewed in the 12 th Chapter : Theology taken in this sense , if we consider its Precepts and Instructions , perfectly agrees with Reason ; and if we consider its End and Design , in nothing contradicts it ; and therefore universally concerns all mankind . As for the whole Scripture in general , the sense thereof , as we have shewed in the 7 th . Chapter , is to be determined by Scripture History , and not by the History of Nature , which is the Foundation and proper Subject of Philosophy : Nor ought we to be troubled or concerned , if after we have found out the true sense of the Scripture , the Scripture in some places seem repugnant to Reason ; for whatever of that kind we meet with in the Bible , and of which Men may without any breach of Charity be ignorant , doth not at all concern Theology , or the Word of God ; and consequently , of such things , a Man may without sin think what he pleaseth , and therefore we positively conclude , that Reason is not to be accommodated to Scripture , nor Scripture to Reason . But seeing the fundamental point in Divinity , of Mens being saved only by Obedience , cannot be demonstrated by Reason to be true or false ; it may by way of Objection be then asked , Why then do we believe it ? If we do it blindly without Reason , we act like Fools without Judgment ; if on the other side , we say this Fundamental Tenet may be proved by Reason , then Divinity is a part of Philosophy , and cannot be sever'd from it . To this I answer , That I do clearly confess , this Fundamental Doctrine of Theology cannot be made out by Natural Reason , at least , no Man that I know hath ever done it ; therefore Revelation was absolutely necessary in the case , but yet we may make use of our Judgment and Reason , that what hath been revealed may with a moral certainty be believed by us ; I say with moral certainty , for it is not to be expected , that we can have any greater assurance than the Prophets themselves had , to whom the Revelation was first made , and who had no more than a moral certainty , as we have shewed in the second Chapter of this Treatise . They therefore are in a very great error , who endeavour to prove the Authority of Scripture by Mathematical Demonstration , for the Authority of the Bible depends upon the Authority of the Prophets , and consequently , can be proved by no stronger argument , than the Prophets made use of to perswade the people of theirs : Our certainty of the Scriptures Authority , can be grounded upon no other Foundation , than that whereon the Prophets founded their Certainty and Authority ; and we have already shewn the certainty of the Prophets , consisted in three particulars . First , In a clear and lively imagination . Secondly , In a Sign . Thirdly and principally , in a Mind inclined and devoted to Justice and Vertue : nor could they give any other evidences of their Authority , either to the people to whom they spake in their own persons by word of mouth ; nor can any other be given to us , to whom they speak by their Writings ; the lively imagination of the Prophets , was an Argument only to themselves , and therefore all our assurance concerning Revelation , doth and must consist only in the other two particulars , namely , in a Sign , and in the Doctrine . The eighteenth Chapter of Deuteronomy commands the people to obey that Prophet , who in the name of the Lord gave them a true Sign , but if he prophesied any thing that was false , tho' it were in the Name of the Lord , he was to be put to death ; as he was who endeavoured to seduce them from the true Religion , tho' he confirm'd his Prophesie with Signs and Miracles ; as appears in the 13 th Chapter of Deuteronomy ; whence it follows , that a true Prophet was to be known from a false , by his Doctrine and by a Miracle both together , for such a one only Moses declareth to be a true Prophet , and commanded the people to believe him , without any fear of being deceived : But he declared those to be false Prophets , and guilty of Death , who foretold any thing that was false ; tho' it were in the Name of God ; or he that preached false Gods , tho' he wrought true Miracles : We then are oblig'd to believe the Scripture , ( that is ) the Prophets , upon account only of their Doctrine confirm'd by Signs ; because we see the Prophets above all things commend Justice and Charity , and intended nothing else ; because with a sincere Mind without any guile or deceit , they declared that Men by Faith and Obedience should be made happy , and confirm'd this their Doctrines with Signs . We therefore conclude and perswade our selves , that when they prophesied , they did neither dote or speak unadvisedly ; in which Opinion we are the more confirm'd , when we consider , that all their Moral Doctrines , did perfectly agree with Reason ; for it is very observable , that the Word of God in the Prophets , is exactly consonant to the Word of God within us ; so that I say again , we are as much assured of these things by the Scripture , as the Iews were by the Prophets preaching to them viva voce ; for we have proved in the end of the second Chapter , that the Scripture as to its Doctrine and the principal Histories thereof , is derived down to us uncorrupted , and therefore this Fundamental Doctrine of Scripture and Theology , ought with good reason to be embraced by us , tho' it cannot be proved by Mathematical Demonstration . It is very great folly not to believe a thing which hath been confirmed by so many Testimonies of the Prophets , and which is so great a comfort to those who have but ordinary portions of Reason , which is so beneficial to the publick , and which may without any danger or loss be believed : We can give no reason for our doubting or unbelief , but our not having Mathematical Demonstration to prove it ; as if nothing could contribute to living vertuously and prudently , but that which is absolutely and apparently true , in which there is not the least shadow or doubt , and as if there were nothing of chance and uncertainty in our Actions : I confess , they who think Philosophy and Divinity contradictory one to another , and therefore conclude one of them ought to be dethroned and subjected to the other , do very well to build Divinity upon a sure Foundation , and endeavour by Infallible Demonstration to support it ; yet I cannot but condemn those that make use of Reason to destroy Reason , and by Certain Reason endeavour to prove there is no certainty in Reason ; while they are demonstrating the Verity and Authority of Theology , and strive to deprive Reason of its power ; they subject Theology to the Empire of Reason , and allow it no other splendor , than what it borrows from Natural Light : If they boast of relying upon the Internal Testimony of the Holy Spirit , and say they make use of Reason only to convert Infidels , we ought not to believe them , because 't is evident , that the Holy Spirit beareth witness to nothing but good Works , which Paul , Galath . 5. 22. therefore calls the fruits of the Holy Spirit , and the Holy Spirit is nothing else , but that Tranquility of Mind , and Peace of Conscience , which ariseth in us from doing good . But of the truth and certainty of things meerly speculative , no other Spirit but Reason beareth witness , Reason only can challenge the power of judging what is true , they that pretend to any other Spirit , whereby to make themselves certain what is true ; maintain that which is false , and are either prejudiced with their own Passions and Affections , or else fearing to be baffled and made ridiculous by Philosophers and Men of Reason , fly for Shelter and Sanctuary to that which is Sacred ; but what Altar can protect him , who offends the Sacred Majesty of Reason ? I need say no more to such Men , having I hope sufficiently proved , why Theology ought to be distinguish'd from Philosophy , and in what each of them chiefly consists ; that neither of them ought to be a Servant to the other , and that both of them may exercise their own peculiar power , without offending one another : Lastly , I have shew'd where there was occasion , what Absurdities , Mischiefs and Inconveniencies follow from Men's confounding these two faculties , not knowing how exactly to distinguish and divide one from the other . Before I proceed , I desire notice may be taken , that I declare the benefit and necessity of Sacred Scripture ; ( that is ) Revelation , to be exceeding great , for seeing we cannot by Natural Light , perceive that Simple Obedience is the way to Salvation , and that God's special Grace and Favour hath by Revelation only , and not by Reason , made it known unto us ; the Scripture must certainly be a great help and consolation to all mankind ; because tho' every Man may obey , yet in respect of the whole , there are very few , who by the dictates and conduct of Reason live vertuously , so that were it not for the Testimony of Scripture , we might doubt of most Men's Salvation . CHAP. XVI . Of founding Commonwealths . Of every Man's Natural and Civil Right . Of the Right of Supreme Powers . HItherto I have carefully endeavoured , to distinguish and divide Philosophy from Theology , and have shewed the liberty of reasoning which Theology allows every Man ; it is now time to enquire , how far this liberty of thinking and speaking a Man's Thoughts , may in the best governed Commonwealths extend it self . And that we may orderly examin the matter , we will discourse of the Foundations of Commonwealths , and in the first place , of every Man 's Natural Right , without any relation either to Government or Religion . By the Law and Institution of Nature , I mean nothing else , but those Rules of Nature , according to which every individual Being , is naturally appointed and ordained , in such a certain manner to be , and to act ; ( for Example ) Fishes are by Nature ordained to swim , and the greater to eat the less ; therefore by the Sovereign Right or Law of Nature , they possess and enjoy the Water , and the greater eat the less : For it is certain , that Nature considered absolutely hath Sovereign Right to all things within its own power ; ( that is ) the Right of Nature may extend it self , so far as its Power can extend ; for the Power of Nature , is the Power of God , who hath Sovereign Right to all things . But because the universal Power of the whole frame of Nature , is nothing else but the Power of every individual Being joyned together ; it follows , that every individual Being hath Sovereign Right to all things within the compass of its Power ; or the Right of every Individual may extend it self , so far as its determinate Power will reach : And because the supremest Law of Nature is , that every thing should endeavour as far as it is able , to preserve it self in that state wherein it is , without having regard to any thing else but it self ; it follows , that every individual Being , hath Sovereign Right to this self-preservation ; ( that is ) to continue its existence , and to operate as it was naturally ordained : And in this respect there is no difference between Men and other Individual Beings in Nature , nor between Men endued with Reason , and others who know not the use of it , nor between Fools and Men in their right Senses ; for what every thing doth by , and according to the Laws of its own Nature , that it hath in the highest degree right to do ; because it acteth as it was by Nature appointed , and can do nothing otherwise ; amongst Men therefore considered living only under the Power of Nature , he that knows not what Reason is , as well as he who knows not what Vertue is , hath as much right to live according to the Laws of his Appetite , as he who directeth his life by the Rules of Reason : My meaning is , That as a wise Man hath right to all things which Reason dictates , or that lives according to the Laws and Rules of Reason ; so likewise an ignorant or meer sensual Man , hath right to all things , whereto his Appetite leads him , or that liveth according to the Law of his Appetite , which is the same thing that Paul declares , who acknowledgeth that before the Law ( that is ) so long as Men were considered living in the State and under the Power of Nature , there was no sin . The Natural Right therefore of every Man , is determin'd not by Reason , but by Appetite and Power , for all Men are not naturally ordain'd , to act and operate according to the Rules and Laws of Reason ; but on the contrary , all Men are born actually ignorant of all things , and before they can know the right of living , and acquire the habit of Vertue , a great part of their Age , tho' they be well educated , is spent and passeth away ; yet in the mean time they are bound to live , and as much as in themselves lies , to preserve themselves by the impulse of their Appetite , seeing Nature hath given them nothing else wherewith to do it , and hath denied the actual use of right Reason ; so that they are no more obliged to live by the Rules of it , than a Cat is bound to live like a Lion ; whatsoever then every Man , as he is considered under the Power and Laws of Nature , shall either by the dictates of Right Reason , or by the impulse of his Appetite , think convenient and profitable for him ; that by the Law of Nature is lawful for him to desire , and either by force , deceit , intreaties , or any other way he thinks most easie to get it , and may consequently take any one for an Enemy , that endeavours to hinder him from having his desires . From whence it follows , that the Law and Institution os Nature , under which all Men are born , and for the most part live ; prohibits nothing but what no body desires , or is in no bodies power , nor doth it forbid , Contention , Hatred , Wrath , Deceit , or any thing absolutely to which a Man's Appetite inclines him : Nor is this any wonder , for Nature is not bounded and shut up within the Laws only of Human Reason , which designs and intends nothing but the real good and preservation of mankind , but acts according to an infinite number of other Laws and Rules , which regard the whole frame and eternal course of Nature , whereof Man is but a small Particle , and all Individual Beings are by the necessity and Laws of Nature only , ordained in such a certain manner to exist and operate ; so that if there be any thing in Nature , which seemeth to us absur'd , and rediculous , or evil , 't is because we know things only in part , and because we are for the most part ignorant of the Order , Course , and Coherence of Universal Nature , and would have all things directed and governed by our Reason ; when in the mean time , that which our Reason thinks evil , is not so in respect of the course and Laws of Universal Nature , but only in respect of the Laws of our particular Nature . But without doubt or dispute , 't is very much for Mens advantage , to live according to the Laws and Dictates of Reason , which , as I have said , intends nothing else but the real good of mankind ; and there is no body who doth not desire to live in safety and out of fear , which is impossible , so long as it is lawful for every Man to do what he lists ; and Reason hath no greater priviledge than Hatred or Anger . He that lives where there is continual Enmity , Hatred , Wrath , and Deceit , must live always in danger and fear , and therefore Men avoid them as much as they can : When we likewise consider , that Men live wretchedly and miserably without mutual Assistance and the conduct of Reason , as we have shewed in the fourth Chapter , it must clearly appear , that if Men will live securely without fear , there is an absolute necessity of uniting themselves and agreeing together , to transfer the Right which every particular Man hath by Nature to all things , upon the whole collective Body assembled and living together in Society , which Right is to be determined and directed , not by the strength and Appetite of every single person , but by the Power and Will of the whole assembled together , which would however be a vain attempt , if that Society would still follow the Dictates of sensual Appetite . By the impulse of sensual desire , every Man is carried a several way , and therefore they must stedfastly resolve , and firmly covenant to govern and direct all things , according to the dictates of Reason , ( which no Man will oppose that is not out of his Wits ) and must bridle all desires that are injurious to one another : They must do nothing to others , which they would not have done to themselves . And lastly , must defend one anothers Right , as they would their own : Why such an agreement ought to be entred into , and ought to stand firm and inviolable , is our next enquiry . It is the Universal Law of Human Nature , that no Man should quit or neglect any thing , which he thinks to be for his good , unless it be for the hope of a greater good ; ( that is ) every Man of two goods ought to chuse the greatest , and of two evils the least ; I mean , that which seemeth to the Chuser the greatest , or the least ; because things are not sometimes in themselves what we judge them to be : And this Law is so deeply engraven upon Human Nature , that it is to be reckoned amongst the Eternal Verities of which no Man can be ignorant . From this Law it necessarily follows , that no Man doth ever sincerely promise , to depart from that Right which he hath to all things , and faithfully keep his Promise , unless it be for fear of a greater evil , or for the hope of a greater good . Suppose a Thief force me to promise , that I will give him all my Goods when he pleaseth to have them ; now seeing , as I have already said , that my Natural Right is only limited and determined by my own Power , it is certain , that I may by falshood and deceit , free my self from this Thief , in promising what he demands , and by the law of Nature I may deceitfully make him such a Promise . Suppose likewise , that I have , without any fraudulent intention , promis'd a man not to taste Meat , Drink , or any other kind of Nourishment , for the space of twenty days ; afterwards I perceive what a foolish promise I have made , and that I cannot without the hazard of my life keep it ; in this Case , seeing I am by the Law of Nature obliged , of two evils to chuse the least , I may very lawfully break this promise , and do as if I had never made any ; and it is my natural right so to do : for whether I have in truth , or but in mine own Opinion made an ill promise ; yet since the evil is so great which I fear , I am authorised by the Law of Nature , to take any Course to avoid it : from whence we conclude , that no Promise or Covenant can have any obligatory Power , unless it be upon a consideration , that some advantage or benefit is to accrue by it ; take away the Consideration , and the Covenant becomes null and void . It is therefore perfect folly , to expect from any Person , the constant keeping and faithful performance of his Promise or Contract , unless at the same time things be so order'd , that he who keeps not his Covenant , shall lose much more than he can gain by the breach thereof ; which is a Consideration that ought first to take place in the founding of any Commonwealth : if all men would willingly submit to the conduct of Reason , and knew what was necessary and profitable for the Publick , every man would detest fraud and deceit ; and for the good and preservation of the Common-wealth , would above all things faithfully perform his Promises , which is the Common-wealth's only defence and security : but men are far from being guided by reason , every man is led away by his Pleasure and Lusts , and mens minds are often so possest with Covetousness , Glory , Envy , Anger , and other Passions , that they have no room left for Reason ; and therefore tho' men may promise , with external Signs of Faithfulness and Sincerity , and enter into Covenants to make good their Promises ; yet no man can be sure they will be made good , unless some benefit and advantage attend their performance ; seeing every man by the Law of Nature may deal deceitfully , and break his promise , in hopes of greater good , or for fear of greater evil : but because ( as we have already shewn ) natural right is determin'd by every man's particular power , it follows , that as much as every man either voluntarily , or by force transsers of his own Power upon another , from so much of his own right he parts with to another , and he hath Soveraign right over all , who hath the Supream Power , wherewith he may by Force and severe Punishment which is Universally feared , keep all in subjection ; which right he shall no longer retain , than he can preserve the power of doing what he will , otherwise he must reign precariously , and no man that is stronger than he , is bound to obey him . For this reason , without any repugnancy or resistance made by natural right , may a Society be formed , and Covenants faithfully kept , if every particular person do transfer all the Power which he hath , upon the Society ; which Society by that means will have the Soveraign right of nature to all things , ( that is ) will be possest with the Supream Power of Governing , which every one willingly or for fear of Punishment will be bound to obey . The Right or Power of such a Society , is called Democracy , which is a general Assembly of men , who in fellowship have Soveraign right to all things within their Power ; from whence it follows , that Supream Power is bound by no Law , but all ought to obey it in all things ; which obedience every one did in express words , or tacitly , and by implication promise , when he transfer'd all his own Power of defending himself , ( that is ) all his own natural right upon the Society : So that if any men intended to keep any thing to themselves , at the same time they ought to have provided , and taken care for the defence and safe keeping thereof ; but if they did not , nor could do it , without dividing , and consequently destroying the Government and Commonwealth , that ought to be accounted an absolute submission of themselves to the will of the Supream Power ; which being done absolutely , and not only upon necessity , but likewise for very good reasons , unless we will declare our selves Enemies to the Commonwealth , and act contrary to Reason , which perswades us to defend the Commonwealth with our utmost power ; we are bound to obey all the Commands of the Supream Power , be they never so absurd ; for even those , Reason commands us to obey , that of two evils we may chuse the least : Consider likewise , how easily every one may run into the danger , of submitting himself absolutely to the Will and Arbitrary Power of another ; for as we have shewn , Supream Powers have no longer right of commanding what they will , than they can keep that Power ; for as soon as they lose it , they lose likewise the right of commanding all things , and that right falls to him or them that can get and keep it ; therefore it very rarely happens , that Supream Powers command harsh and unreasonable things , for it very much concerns them to look to themselves , to keep their Power , to mind the publick good , and order all things by the Rules of Reason . No violent Governments , saith Seneca , ever stood long : It is observable that in Democratical Governments , severe and unreasonable Commands are never much to be feared ; for 't is almost impossible , that the major part of an Assembly , if it be great , should agree in that which is unreasonable and absurd ; the Foundation and End likewise of that Government , being only to avoid the mischiefs of boundless Appetite , and to keep Men as much as may be within the compass of Reason , that they may live together in Peace and Amity ; which Foundation once taken away , down falls the whole Fabrick , against which Ruin to provide , is the duty of the Supream Power : The Subjects part is to obey , and acknowledge nothing else to be right , but what is declared to be so by the Supream Power . But some may think , that by this Rule , I make Subjects Servants or Slaves , because they account him a Servant who acts by Command , and him free , who only obeys his own Will ; which is not absolutely true , for he that gives himself up to his own pleasure and desires , and neither sees or does what is for his own good , is indeed the greatest of Slaves ; and he only is free , who of his own accord lives according to the dictates of Reason . Acting by Command , which is Obedience , doth in some sort take away Liberty , but 't is the account upon which a Man acts , that makes him a Servant ; for if the end of the action be wholly and solely for the benefit of him that commands , without any advantage to the Agent , then the Agent is a Servant , and unprofitable to himself ; but in a Commonwealth or Government , where the welfare of all the People , and not of him that governs , is the principal and Supreme Law ; he that in all things obeys the Supreme Power , is not an unprofitable Servant to himself , but is to be counted a Subject , and therefore that Commonwealth is counted freest , where the Laws are sounded upon most Reason , for there every Man , when he will , may be free , in living with his own intire consent , according to the Rules of Reason : Tho' Children are bound to obey all the Command of their Parents , yet they are not Servants , for the Commands of Parents tend chiefly to the good of their Children , and therefore we acknowledge there is great difference between a Servant , a Son , and a Subject , who are thus defined . A Servant is he , who is bound to obey the Commands of his Master which respect only the Masters benefit . A Son is he , that by his Parents Command doth that which is for his own good : And a Subject is he , who by the Command of the Supreme Power , doth that which is for the good of the Publick , and consequently , as he is one of that Body , for his own benefit : By what I have said , I think I have clearly shewn , what is the Foundation of Democratical Government , of which , before all others , I chuse to treat , because it seems most natural , and comes nearest to that freedom and liberty which Nature allows every Man ; for in Democratical Government , no Man so transfers his own Natural Right to another , as for ever after to be excluded from consultation , but only transfers it upon the major part of the Society , of which he still makes one , and upon this all remain as they were before , in their natural estate , equal . Moreover , I purposely treated of this Government , because it best suited with my Intention , which was to speak of the benefit of Liberty in a Commonwealth : I will therefore have nothing to do with the Foundations of other Powers ; nor to know their Right , is it necessary to know whence they had , and often have their Original ; that is too manifest . From what I have declared , where ever the Supreme Power is , whether in one person , in few , or in all , 't is certain , that they have the Soveraign right of commanding what they will , and whoever either willingly or by compulsion transfers to another the Power of defending himself , he hath clearly parted with his Natural Right , and consequently must resolve to obey him that hath it in all things , which he continues obliged to do , as long as the King , the Nobles , or the People can preserve the Supreme Power which they received , which was the first Foundation of transferring Natural Right , of which I need say no more . The Foundations and Right of Government being laid open , it is easie to determine , what is private civil Right , what is Injury or Wrong ; what is Justice , what Injustice in a Civil State. Lastly , Who is a Confederate or Ally , who is an Enemy , and what is Treason . By private civil Right , no other thing can be understood , but every Man 's keeping and preserving himself in the state wherein he is ; which Liberty is limited and determined , by the Decrees and Dictates of the Supreme Power , and defended by the sole Authority thereof ; for after every one hath transferr'd to another , his right of living according to his own Will , which only bounded his own power ; I mean , his liberty of defending himself ; he is then obliged to live according to his Will , to whom he hath parted with that Liberty , and from him only must expect Protection . Injury or Wrong , is when a Citizen or Subject is compell'd to suffer loss or damage from another , contrary to Civil Right , and the Decrees of the Supreme Power ; for there can be no such thing as Wrong or Injury , any where but in a Civil State , nor can any wrong be done to Subjects by the Supreme Power , which may lawfully do whatever it pleaseth , and therefore hath place only amongst private persons , who by Law are obliged not to offend one another . Justice is a constant resolution of giving to every one , that which by the Law rightly interpreted belongs to him : Justice and Injustice , are sometimes called Equity and Iniquity , because they that are appointed to end Suits and Differences , are bound not to have any respect to persons , but to look upon all as equals , and equally to defend every Man's right ; neither envying the rich nor despising the poor . Confederates are Men of two Cities or Societies , who to avoid the danger and inconveniencies of War , or for any other advantage and benefit , mutually covenant not to offend or hurt one another ; but in case of necessity to assist and help one another , both preserving their own Power and Dominion . This League or Contract , will so long continue firm and binding , as the consideration of danger or profit upon which it was founded continues ; because no person covenants , or is oblig'd to perform his contracts , unless it be in hope of some good , or fear of some evil , which being the Foundation of all Contracts ; take away that Basis , Experience tells us , they all fall to the ground : For tho' divers Empires and Governments , do mutually covenant not to do any thing to the prejudice or hurt of one another , yet 't is always the endeavour of both , to hinder one another from growing too powerful ; neither do they believe one anothers promises , unless they be fully satisfied , that the End of their agreement be for the benefit of both ; nor is there any wrong in the case , for who but a Fool , ignorant of the right of Supreme Power , will give credit to the words or promises of him who having Supreme Power , hath right to do what he will , and who is obliged by no other Law , but the publick safety and benefit of the people under his Government ? we likewise observe , that Religion and Piety signify very little ; for who ever hath the Supreme Power , cannot without consequent mischief , keep his Promises which prove prejudicial and destructive to his People and Government ; or that he cannot perform them without breaking Faith with his Subjects ; by which Faith he is principally obliged , and which usually with Oaths he solemnly and religiously promiseth to keep . An Enemy is one that liveth out of the Commonwealth , and neither as a Confederate or Subject , will own its Power or Government ; for 't is not the hatred of a Commonwealth , but its Right and Power , which maketh a Man an Enemy ; for the Power of a Commonwealth over him , who will by no kind of Contract own its Power , is the same that it hath over him who doth it harm , because it hath right to compel him one way or other , to yield and submit to it , or confederate with it : Lastly , Treason in Subjects or Citizens , is only where they have by express or imply'd Contract , transferr'd all their right to the City or Commonwealth , and that Subject is counted guilty of Treason , who endeavours to usurp the right of the Supreme Power to himself , or transfer it upon another ; I say , he that but endeavours it , for if none were to be condemned till after the commission of the fact , the punishment would many times come too late ; therefore I say positively , he that by any means goes about to usurp , or take away the right of the Supreme Power , making no difference whether the Commonwealth shall be a gainer or loser by it , upon what account soever he attempted or did it , yet he hath committed Treason , and is justly condemned , which every one also acknowledgeth to be just in War ; for if a Souldier keep not his station , but without his General 's knowledge or command , assaults the Enemy , tho' he beat him , and did it very advisedly , yet doing it of his own head , he deserves death , having violated his own Oath and his Geneneral's Authority : Now tho' Subjects do not see that their case and a Souldiers is alike , yet in truth the reason is the same in both , sor seeing the Commonwealth ought to be governed , defended , and preserved , by the Counsel only of the Supreme Power , and all have absolutely covenanted that this right shall reside only in the Supreme Power ; if any Man shall at his own Will and Pleasure , without the knowledge of the Supreme Council , make any publick attempt , which would certainly prove very advantageous to the Commonwealth , yet having violated the right of the Supreme Power , he is lawfully and deservedly condemned . Now to clear all scruples , if any Man ask , Whether maintaining that a Man in his Natutural State hath Natural Right to live according to the Laws and Dictates of his own Appetite , be not flatly contrary to the revealed Law of God ? Seeing every Man , whether he have or have not the use of Reason , is equally obliged by God's Command to love his Neighbour as himself , and therefore we cannot , without being very injurious , do any harm to another and live according to our own Lusts. This Objection is easily answered ; for if we consider only the state of Nature ; that state , and Nature it self , were before there was any Religion ; for by Nature no Man knows that there is any obligation upon him to obey God , nor can he come to the knowledge of it by Reason ; but whoever knows it , must know it only by Revelation confirm'd with Signs ; and therefore , before Revelation no body was bound by the Divine Law , of which every Man must be necessarily ignorant . The state of Nature then , and the state of Religion , must not be confounded , but considered apart , and as we have proved by Paul's Authority , the state of Nature is understood to be without Religion , without Law , without sin or wrong doing . Nor do we consider the state of Nature as before , and without the revealed Law of God , in respect of Ignorance only ; but in respect also of that freedom and liberty in which all Men were born ; for if Men by Nature were bound by the Law of God , or if God's Law were by Nature a Law , there was no need of God's making a Covenant with Men , and obliging them by Oath and Contract . It must therefore be absolutely granted , that God's Law took place , from the time that Men by an express Covenant with God , promised to obey him in all things ; by which Covenant and Promise , they did as it were depart from their natural freedom , and transferr'd their natural right upon God ; in like manner as we have declared is done in a Civil State. But of this I will treat more at large in the following Chapter . It may by way of Objection be further demanded , how I can maintain , that Supreme Powers still retain their natural right of doing what they will ; when Supreme Powers as well as Subjects are bound by the Law of God ? To solve this difficulty , which doth not rise so much from the state , as from the right of Nature ; I say , that the same consideration which obligeth a Man in the state of Nature , to live according to the dictates of Reason ; obligeth him likewise to God's revealed Law , namely , because it is better and safer for him so to do : But however , if he will not , 't is still but at his own peril , and therefore he may live according to his own Will , and is not bound to live by any other Man's direction , or to acknowledge any mortal Man to be his Judge , or upon any religious account his Superiour . And this is the Right and Power which I say the Supreme Power still retains . Supreme Powers may consult Men , but are not bound to acknowledge any Man their Judge , nor any Man but themselves the Assertor or Protector of Religion , a Prophet only excepted ; who confirms his express Mission from God by undoubted Signs and Wonders ; and then neither , do Supreme Powers acknowledge Man but God to be their Judge ; but if the Supreme Power will not obey God in his revealed Law , 't is at their own peril , no Natural or Civil Right can resist them , for Civil Right depends upon the Decree and Will of the Supreme Power , and Natural Right depends upon the Laws of Nature , which do not respect Religion as it intends and designs the benefit of mankind only , but were fitted and accommodated to the order and course of Universal Nature , ( that is ) the Eternal Decree of God , whereof we are ignorant : And this is what others mean , who do not so clearly express themselves , when they say , that a Man may sin against the revealed Will of God , but not against his Eternal Decree , by which he predestinated and ordained all things : If any Man ask me , when the Supreme Power commands any thing against Religion , and the Obedience which we by express Covenant have promised to God , whether we ought to obey God or Man ? I answer very briefly , resolving to speak more fully of it in the following Chapter , That above all things we ought to obey God , when we have a certain and undubitable Revelation ; but because Men are usually very much mistaken in matters of Religion , and because of the diversity of their Dispositions , have great contests about their own Phancies , as we find by woful experience ; it is certain , that if no Man should be bound to obey the Supreme Power , in things which a Man thinks concern his Religion ; the Civil Right and Laws of the Commonwealth , would depend upon every particular Man's different Judgment and Affection ; for no Man would be bound by any publick Law , which he thought contrary to his Faith or Superstition ; and under this pretence every one would be at liberty to do what he pleased : For his reason therefore , Supreme Power , to whom by Divine and Natural Right , it belongs to preserve and protect the Laws of Government , ought to have the sole power of judging , determining , and establishing Religion ; and all Men are bound by their Faith and Allegiance , which God hath commanded should be kept , to obey all the Commands and Decrees of the Supreme Power which concern Religion ; but if they that have the Supreme Power be Heathen and Infidels , we must either make no agreement with them , or suffer all extremities if we do covenant with them , and transfer our Right and Power upon them ; seeing we thereby deprive our selves of defending Religion and our selves : We are bound to obey and keep Faith with them , and may be compell'd to it , unless it be where God by undoubted Revelation hath declared a person to be a Tyrant , or excepting the person by Name , hath promised his particular aid and assistance against him . We read , that of all the Iews which were in Babylon , there were only three young Men who were assured of God's particular assistance , that would not obey Nebuchadnezzar ; all the rest but Daniel , whom the King himself adored , were compell'd by the Law to obey him ; perhaps believing in their Minds , that by God's Decree they were delivered into that Kings Hands , and that by God's appointment he was to be King , and keep the Supreme Power . Eleazer , on the contrary , however it went with his Country , gave an Example of his constancy to his followers , and would rather endure all extremities than suffer their Right and Power to be transferr'd upon the Greeks , and tried all means possible to avoid being compell'd to embrace the Faith and Religion of the Heathen ; which is confirmed by daily experience . The Supreme Powers that profess Christian Religion , for the security of their Government , make no scruple of entring into Leagues and Covenants with Turks and Infidels , and command their Subjects who live amongst them , not to use any greater liberty in Religion , or any other Affairs , than the Articles of such Leagues , or the Country in which they live allow ; as appears by the Contract , which I have already told you , the Hollanders made with the people of Iapan . CHAP. XVII . 'T is neither necessary or possible , to transfer all things upon the Supreme Power : Of the Iews Commonwealth , what it was during the Life of Moses , and what after his death before they chose Kings , and of its Excellency : What were the Causes of the destruction of so divine a Commonwealth , and why it could not subsist without Sedition . THough much of what hath been said in the preceding Chapter , of the right of Supreme Powers , and transferring on them every Mans natural Rights , may upon serious consideration be very agreeable to Practice ; yet when all is done , many things will remain in theory only , and be found absolutely impracticable : For no Man can so far transfer his Power , and consequently his Right upon another , as to cease from being a Man ; nor was there ever any Supreme Power that could do all that it would : 'T is vain for Supreme Power to command a Subject to hate his Friend and love his Enemy ; or to command a Man not to be provoked with Reproach and Contempt , or not to desire to be freed from fear , and other things of the like kind , which necessarily follow from the Laws of Nature : this is made manifest by daily Experience ; for Men never so depart from their Right , or so transfer their Power upon others , but that they are still feared even by those to whom they have transfer'd it ; for Government is many times as much in danger of Subjects deprived of their Right , as it is of foreign Enemies ; and if Men could be so far divested of their Natural Right , as afterwards not to be able to do any thing but according to the Will and Pleasure of those that have the Supreme Power ; then indeed all sorts of Tyranny and Violence might without danger be practis'd on Subjects , which I believe cannot enter into any Mans thoughts ; so that it must be granted that every Man retains much of his own Right , which still depends upon no bodies will but his own . Now that it may be rightly understood how far the right of Government extends it self , it is to be observed , That the Power of Government doth not precisely consist in its being able to compel men by fear , but also in all other means whereby it is able to make men obey its Commands ; for 't is not the Reason of obeying ; but actual Obedience that makes a man a Subject . Upon what account soever a man resolves to perform the Commands of Supreme Power , whether for fear of punishment , for hope of benefit , for love of his Country , or any other affection ; yet still he acts by the Command of the Supreme Power , though it be upon deliberation with himself . It is not therefore to be concluded , That a man who doth any thing by his own counsel and deliberation , acts by his own Power , and not by the Authority of the Government ; for being obliged by love , or forced by fear , he still of his own accord acts to avoid some evil . Either there must be no such thing as Authority and Power over Subjects , unless it did necessarily extend it self to all things which make men upon deliberation submit to it ; and consequently whatever a Subject doth agreeable to the Commands of the Supreme Power , whether he do it for fear , love , ( or , which is more frequent ) for hope and fear together , or out of reverence , which is composed of fear and admiration , on , or for any other Reason ; yet he still acts not by his own Power , but by the Authority and Power of the Government : And hence it is very evident , that Obedience doth not so much respect external Actions , as the inward Consent and Submission of the Mind ; and he is most under the Power of another , who with a willing mind , deliberately resolves to execute all his Commands . That Power is always greatest , which reigns over the hearts of Subjects ; but if they should be accounted most powerful who are most feared , how potent must they be , who are govern'd by Tyrants , who commonly dread nothing so much as their own Subjects . Though there cannot be so great a Command over mens Minds , as there may be over their Tongues , yet the Minds of men are in some kind under the Dominion of Supreme Power , because it can several ways bring it so about , that a very great part of the People shall believe , love , and hate , whatever the Supreme Power pleaseth : And though this be not effected by the direct Commands of the Supreme Power , yet Experience tells us , 't is often done by the Authority ( that is ) by the direction of that Power : So that we may without any difficulty conceive , how men may believe , love , hate , despise , and be carried away with any other Passion , to which the Authority of the Supreme Power pleaseth to incline them . But though upon this very account we may conceive the Right and Power of Government to be very large , yet 't is impossible that any Dominion should be so great and absolute , that he or they who have it , should be able in all things to do what they please : therefore , as I have already said , it is not my intention to shew how to form a Government that shall be perpetual ; but my purpose is only to take notice of those things , which Moses by Divine Revelation declared were most likely to preserve and perpetuate a Commonwealth . We shall then see what those things are , which for the benefit and safety of a Commonwealth , are to be granted to Subjects by the Supream Power . Reason and Experience tell us , That the safety and preservation of Government , depends chiefly upon the fidelity of Subjects , and their Courage and Constancy in executing the Commands of the Supream Power ; but the way of teaching Subjects to be constantly faithful and couragious , is not so easily found out ; because Governours , as well as the governed , are Men , and not caring for Labour , are still prone to Lust. They think securing Government to be an impossible Work , who have tried the mutable Humours of the Multitude , which is never ruled by Reason , but by their own Passions and Affections , ready for all rash Attempts , easily debauched by Covetousness and Luxury ; every single man thinks he knows all things , and judgeth every thing to be just or unjust , right or wrong , as it makes for his profit or loss : Pride makes him scorn to be governed by his Equals , still envying another man's better Reputation or greater Fortune , which is never equal , desires and rejoyceth in his Neighbours Misfortunes . There is no need of more Instances ; all know how mens Minds are agitated and possest , and to what Mischeif men are hurried headlong , by dislike of their present Condition , by desire of Change , by Rage and contemptible Poverty . To prevent all these things , and to constitute a Government wherein there shall be no place left for fraud , and so to order all things , that all People , of what Disposition soever , shall prefer the publick good before their . own private benefit , is the great difficulty . The Necessity of preserving and securing Government , hath much busied mens heads ; but it hath been hitherto impossible , to put Supreme Power into a condition of being less in danger , or in less fear , of Subjects than of Enemies : Witness the Roman Commonwealth , never conquer'd by its own Enemies , but often opprest and overthrown by its own Citizens , and especially in that Civil War of Vespasian against Vitellius ; as may be seen in the Fourth Book of Tacitus , where he describes the miserable condition of the City of Rome . Alexander the Great ( saith Quintus Curtius , in the End of his Eighth Book ) did more fear the Fame of a Subject than an Enemy , because he was afraid his own People might ruine his Greatness . Distrusting his own Fate , he thus bespake his Friends : Let it be your care only to preserve me from the Treachery and Conspiracy of my own People , and then no hazards in the War shall put me in fear . Philip was more secure in the Front of Battel abroad , than in the Theatre at home ; he oft-times avoided the force of his Enemies , but he could not escape the violence of his own Friends ; and if you consider the End of other Kings , you shall number more that have been slain by their own Subjects , than by any Forreign Power ( See Quintus Curtius , lib. 9. § . 6. ) This was the Reason why Kings , who were Usurpers , to secure themselves and their Dominion , endeavour'd to perswade the People , they were descended from the Immortal Gods ; because they thought , if their Subjects did not take them for Men , like themselves , but believed them to be Gods , they would be the better contented to deliver themselves up to their Power and Government . Augustus perswaded the Romans , that he was descended from AEneas , the Son of Venus , one of their Deities ; he had Temples dedicated to him , and was worshipt by Flamens and Priests , in the same manner that other Gods were . Tacitus in his First Book of Annals , tells us , That Alexander would be saluted by the Name of Iupiter's Son , which was not Pride , but Design , as appears by the Answer he return'd to the invective Speech made by Hermolaus : ( In the Eighth Book and Eighth Section of Quintus Curtius ) Alexander speaks to this purpose : One thing is very ridiculous which Hermolaus requires , That I should not own Jupiter to be my Father , being so declared by his Oracle , as if the Answer of the Gods were in my Power ; he offer'd me the Name of his Son , which was very suitable to the Designs I am now about ; I wish the Indians would also believe me to be a God : Success in War depends much upon Fame , and that which is falsly believed , sometimes works the same effects which things do that are true . In which few words , he very artificially endeavours to continue People in their ignorance , and neatly insinuates the Design of his dissembling , which Cleo likewise did in his Oration , whereby he endeavour'd to perswade the Macedonians to sooth and flatter the King : for after he had with admiration spoken in praise of Alexander , and reckon'd up all his Merits , giving a colour of Truth to the Fraud , he shews the advantages gain'd by it , in words to this effect . The Persians are not only prudent , but pious in worshipping their Kings as Gods , because it was the Safety of Majesty ; and then concludes , That he himself would be the first , who at the King's entrance , would fall down upon the Earth , and worship him ; and that he thought the wisest amongst them would follow his Example : ( See Curtius in his Eighth Book , § . 8. ) But the Macedonians were wiser : Nor can any but meer Barbarians be so grosly cheated , and of Subjects , suffer themselves to be made Slaves , altogether unprofitable to themselves . Others have , with more ease , perswaded the World , That the Majesty of Kings is Sacred , that they are God's Vicegerents on Earth , ordained by God , and not establisht by the Votes and Consent of Men , but preserved and defended by the particular aid and protection of Divine Providence . This , and much more , have Monarchs devised to secure their Government , with which I will not meddle , but proceed to those things , which , for the preservation of Government , Divine Revelation taught Moses . We have already declared , in the Fifth Chapter , that after the Israelites went out of Egypt , they were not subject to the Laws or power of any other Nation ; but it was lawful for them to Institute what Laws , and possess what Lands they pleased ; for when they were freed from the intollerable bondage of the Egyptians , and were not bound by Covenant to any Mortal , they again recover'd their natural Right to all things which were in their Power , and every Man might freely resolve whether he would keep his natural Right , or part with , and transfer it to another . Being then in this natural State , by the Counsel of Moses , in whom all had a very great trust and confidence , they resolved to transfer their Power upon no mortal Man , but upon God only ; and without further delay promis'd , all with one Voice , to obey God in all things , and never to own any other Power , but such as God by Prophetical Revelation should institute and appoint . This Promise and Translation of their Right and Power upon God , was in the same manner that we have supposed it to be done in a common Society , when Men resolve to depart with their natural Right : For as it appears ( Exod. chap. 24. ver . 7. ) they freely without any Compulsion , not terrified with any threats , did by express Covenant and Oath , part with their natural Right , and transfer'd it upon God ; and that the Covenant might be firm and binding , without any suspicion of fraud , God Covenanted nothing with them till after they had made tryal of his wonderful Power ; by which they had already been , and were afterwards to be preserved ; ( see Exod. chap. 19. v. 4 , 5. ) for upon this very ground of believing , that the Power of God only could save them , they transfer'd all their Power of preserving themselves , and consequently all their Right upon God. The Government then of the Jews was only in God , and therefore by vertue of the Covenant was called the Kingdom of God ; God was rightful King of the Jews , and consequently the Enemies of that Government were Gods Enemies , and the Subjects of that Commonwealth , who went about to usurp that Government , were guilty of Treason against his Divine Majesty , and the Laws of that Common-wealth were the Laws and Commands of God : So that in this Commonwealth , Civil Right and Religion , which we have shewn consists only in Obedience towards God , were but one and the same thing : My meaning is , that the Doctrines of Religion were Laws and Commands ; Piety was Justice , and Impiety wrong and Injustice : he that forsook the publick Religion ceased to be a Subject , and upon that very account was thought an Enemy ; he that dy'd for Religion was thought to dye for his Country , and between Religion and Civil Right there was no difference . Upon this account this Government might very well be called Theocracy , seeing the Subjects thereof were bound by no Law but what was revealed by God. But these things were thus , more in opinion then reality , for the Jews did indeed still retain the Absolute Power of Government , as will appear by what shall be presently declared , namely by the Form and Rules whereby their Government was Administred , which is now my purpose to explain . Seeing the Jews did not transfer their Power upon any other Man , but all equally parted from it as is done in Democratical-government , and all cryed with one Voice , Whatsoever God himself ( without any other intermediate Person ) shall speak to us , that will we do ; it clearly appears by this Agreement , they all continued equal , and the Power and Right of consulting God , of receiving and interpreting Laws , was equal in them all , and the Administration of the Government was in the whole Congregation . Upon this ground all equally at first hearken'd what God would say , and what he would Command ; but in this first meeting they were so terrified , and heard God speaking with so muh astonishment , that every Man thought that day would be his last . Full of very great fear they came again to Moses , and said , We have heard Gods Voice out of the midst of the Fire : Now therefore why should we dye ? This great Fire will consume us , we shall dye if we hear the Voice of the Lord our God any more ; therefore go thou near and hear all that the Lord our God shall say , and speake thou unto us , all that the Lord our God shall speak unto thee , we will hear and do it . By saying this they clearly abolisht the first Covenant , and transfer'd upon Moses their own Right of consulting God , and interpreting his Laws and Decrees ; for here they did not as before , promise to obey all that God should say to them , but all that God should speak to Moses ; ( See Deut. c. 5. v. 25 , 26 , 28. ) so that now none but Moses , became the giver and interpreter of Gods Laws , and consequently was the Supreme Judg , over whom no Man had power ; he only was Gods Vicegerent among the Jews , in him resided the Supreme Majesty , seeing he only had the power of consulting God , of returning Gods Answers to the People , and compelling the People to obey them . I say he only , for if any Man , during the Life of Moses , had preached any thing in the name of God , though he were a true Prophet , yet he had been a guilty Usurper . ( see Numb . c. 11. v. 27 , 28. ) And here we ought to observe , that though the People chose Moses , yet they had not the power of Electing any Successor in his place ; for at that very time when they transfer'd their Right and Power of consulting God upon Moses , and promis'd to receive from him Gods answers , they lost all their power , and whoever Moses declared should be his Successor , him were they bound to accept as chosen by God himself ; and had Moses chosen one who was to have , as Moses himself had , the whole Administration of the Government ; namely , the Power of consulting God alone in his Tent , and consequently the Power of making and abrogating Laws ; of making War and Peace ; sending Embassadors ; appointing Judges ; chusing a Successor , and ordering all other things that belong to Supreme Power ; the Government had been perfectly Monarchical , and there had been no other difference between the Jewish and other Monarchies but this , that other Monarchies are or should be Govern'd according to Reason , by Gods Decree , of which the Monarch is ignorant ; but the Jewish Monarchy , by Gods Decree revealed only to the Monarch ; which difference doth not at all diminish , but increase the Monarchs Power and Dominion over all , but the condition of the Subjects in both Monarchies is the same : For the Subjects in both being ignorant of Gods Decree , do absolutely depend upon the Mouth of the Monarch , and he only is to declare what is right and what is wrong . And if the People believe that the Monarch is to command nothing but by the will of God revealed to him , in that very respect they are not the less , but the more subject to him . Now Moses did not chuse any such Successor , but left Successors , who were so to Administer the Government , that it could not be called Popular , Aristocratical , or Monarchical ; but rather Theocratical : For the Power of Interpreting Laws , and Communicating Gods Answers to the People , was in one Person , and the Right and Power of Administring the Government , according to the Laws already explain'd , and according to the Answers already made known , was in another . ( See Numb . c. 27. v. 21. ) But that these things may be clearly understood , I will , in order , declare in what manner the Government of the Jews was Administred . First , The People were commanded to build a House , which was to be God's , that is , the Palace of the Supreme Majesty of that Government ; and this was not to be built at any particular Persons cost , but the publick charge of all the People , that the House where Counsel was to be asked of God might be Publick and Common to all : The Levites were the Courtiers or Officers of this Divine Palace ; of these , the Chief next to God after the King , was chosen Aaron , the Brother of Moses , whose Legitimate Sons succeeded him : He , as next to God , was the chief Interpreter of the Divine Laws , return'd the Answers of the Divine Oracle , and made Supplications to God for the People ; had he herewith had the commanding Power , there had nothing wanted of his being an absolute Monarch ; but that Power he had not , and the whole Tribe of Levy was so far excluded from having any hand in the Administration of government , that they were not allow'd to possess , with the rest of the Tribes , any Lands in their own right , upon which they might live ; but were to be maintain'd and relieved by the rest of the People , as a Tribe dedicated to God. The Militia was chosen out of the rest of the twelve Tribes , they were commanded to invade the Country of the Canaanites to divide their Lands into twelve parts , and to distribute the parts amongst the Tribes by Lot. Ioshua was elected General and Chief Commander of the Militia , who only in future Affairs and Emergencies had the power of consulting God : not as Moses had alone in his Tent or in the Tabernacle , but by the High-Priest , to whom only God gave his Answers : The power of passing those Answers which were deliver'd to the High-Priest into Laws , and the power of compelling the People to obey them ; the Manner and Means of executing those Commands ; the choice of the Militia , or the choice of those that should chuse it ; of sending Embassadors in his own name ; the whole power of making and carrying on War , depended absolutely and solely upon the Will of Ioshua , into whose power and place no body did ever lawfully succeed , nor was there ever any other chosen , unless by God himself , the Peoples affairs not requiring any such choice ; but all matters of Peace and War were under the direction and government of the Princes of the Tribes . All from twenty years old to sixty were commanded to bear Arms ; the Army was formed only out of their own People , who did not swear Fidelity to the General or Chief-Priest , but to God and Religion , and were therefore called the Lords Host , and God , by the Jews , the Lord of Hosts : For this reason the Ark of the Covenant , upon which depended Victory or the loss of their Battels , was always carryed in the midst of the Army , that the People beholding as it were their King , might fight with their utmost courage and strength . From these Commands of Moses to his Successors , we conclude that he chose Administrators or Ministers of State , but none that had absolute Power ; for he gave to no body the sole power of Consulting God when he pleas'd , and consequently not the Authority which he himself had , of making and abrogating Laws ; of making War or Peace ; of chusing Officers for the Temple , or in any of the Cities ; all which do properly belong to him that hath Supreme Power . The Chief Priest indeed had power of interpreting the Laws , and returning Gods Answers to the People ; but not as Moses , when he pleas'd , but only when he was called upon by the General or Supreme Council to do it . On the other side , the General of the Army , and the Councils , could consult God when they pleas'd , but could not receive God's Answers from any but the High Priest ; and therefore what God said by the Mouth of the High Priest , was not a Law and Decree , as it was in the Mouth of Moses , but only Answers ; and when those Answers were received by Ioshua and the Council , then had they the force of Laws and Decrees . Moreover , the High Priest , who receiv'd Answers from God , had nothing to do with the Militia , nor had he any share in the Government ; and on the other side , they that were possest of Lands had no power to make Laws : The Chief Priest Aaron , and his Son Eleazer , were both chosen by Moses ; but when Moses was dead no man had the power of chusing the High Priest , but the Son still succeeded the Father . The General of the Army was also elected by Moses , not by the Power of the High Priest , but took upon him the Generalship or Supreme Power by vertue of that Authority which Moses gave him ; and therefore when Ioshua dyed , the High Priest chose no body into his place , nor did the Princes ask Council of God concerning a new General , but every one commanded the particular Militia of his own Tribe , and all the Princes , jointly together , had the same power over the whole Army that Ioshua had ; and it seems there was no need of a General , unless when they were to fight against an Enemy with joint Forces , of which there was constant occasion and necessity in Ioshua's time , when they had no fixed place of abode , and all things were in Common : But after all the Tribes were by right of Conquest possest of Lands , which they were commanded to keep and divide amongst themselves , and Property began ; then there was no more need of a General , because the several Tribes by that division , became not only fellow Subjects but Confederates ; they were in respect of God and Religion fellow-Subjects , but in respect of one Tribes power over another , no more than Confederates . In all particulars ( that of the Jews publick Temple excepted ) like the States of the seven United Provinces ; for the division of that which is common into parts , is nothing else but every Mans possessing his own part , and the rest quit the right which they had to it . Moses therefore chose the Princes of the Tribes , that after the Land and the Government was divided , every one might take care of his own part ; that is , that the Prince of every Tribe , should by the High Priest ask Council of God , concerning the Affairs of his own Tribe ; that he should command the Militia of his own Tribe ; build and fortifie Cities ; appoint Judges in every City ; fight against the Enemies of his own Tribe , and have the absolute Power of Peace and War within his own Tribe ; nor was he obliged to acknowledge any other Judge over him , but God , or a Prophet whom God should expresly send ; and if he departed from the Worship of God , the rest of the Tribes were to account him no Subject , but fight against him as a publick Enemy , that had violated the Faith of the Covenant made with God ; of which in Scripture we have several Examples . When Ioshua was dead , the Children of Israel , without any new General , asked Counsel of God , and when they understood that the Tribe of Iuda was first to assault the Enemy , Iuda agreed only with his Brother Simeon , to go up with united Forces , and fight the Enemies of both their Lots ; in which agreement none of the rest of the Tribes were comprehended . ( See Iudges c. 1. v. 1 , 2 , 3. ) But every Tribe , as that Chapter declares , fought separately against its own particular Enemy , and spared the Lives of whom they pleased , though they were commanded upon no terms to spare any , but to extirpate all ; for which Sin they were indeed reproved , but never called to account for it . When the Tribes made War one upon another , and medled with one anothers Affairs in assaulting the Benjamites , it was because they had justly offended the rest of the Tribes , by breaking the common Bond of Peace ; so that none of their Confederates could safely venture themselves amongst them . This was the reason the rest of the Tribes invaded the Benjamites in a hostile manner , and after the fighting of three several Battels having conquer'd them , by right of War put all Nocent and Innocent to the Sword , which they afterward repented too late . That which I have said of the Power of every particular Tribe , is by these Examples confirm'd : But some body will perhaps ask , who chose the Successor of the Prince of every particular Tribe ? I find nothing certain in Scripture concerning it , but seeing every Tribe was divided into Families , and the eldest were the Heads of every Family , I suppose of these Heads , the eldest did by Right succeed him that was Prince of these Seniors or Elders ; Moses chose the Seventy that were to assist him , who with him , were the supreme Council , and after the Death of Ioshua , had the Administration of the Government . By Elders , often in Scripture , and amongst the Iews , are meant Judges ; but this particular not being much to our purpose , it is sufficient that I have proved , no person after Moses's Death , executed all the Offices of Supreme Power ; for since all things did not depend upon the pleasure and will of one single person , nor upon the Decrees of the Council or People , but some things were done by one Tribe , others by another , by the equal Power , and joynt Authority of every one ; it evidently follows , that from the Death of Moses the Government was neither Monarchical , Aristocratical or Popular , but , as I have said , Theocratical : First , because the Temple was the Palace of the Government , and upon that account only all the Tribes were Fellow-Citizens . Secondly , Because all the Citizens or Subjects , were to swear Fidelity and Allegiance to God their Supreme Judge , to whom only they promised to yield Obedience . And lastly , Because the Chief Commander , or General , when there was occasion , was to be chosen by none but God , which Moses , in the Name of God , expresly prophesied to the People ( Deut. 17. 15. ) which likewise appears by the Election of Gideon , Sampson , and Samuel ; and therefore it is not to be doubted , but the rest of their faithful Captains were chosen in the same manner , though it be not set down in their History . These things being thus laid open , it is time to enquire , how this Con by poverty , sold his Land , when the Year of Iubilee came , it was e who did govern , as of those that were governed , that neither the Subjects should become Rebels , nor the Governours Tyrants . They that have Supreme Power , or the Administration of Government , when they wickedly oppress and abuse their Subjects , they still endeavour to make the People believe , that all their Actions are just and legal , which may be easily done , when the Interpretation of the Law depends only upon them . 'T is this that makes them take so much Liberty of doing what their Desires dictate , and think much of their Prerogative lost , when the power of interpreting the Laws is in any but themselves ; or when the Laws are so perspicuously and clearly interpreted , that there can be no doubt or dispute concerning them . The Iews therefore were very much secured against the Oppression and Injustice of their Princes , by Moses giving the power of interpreting the Laws to the Levites , ( Deut. chap. 21. v. 15. ) who had no administration or part in the Government with the rest ; but all their Honour and Fortune depended upon their truly and rightly interpreting the Law. Moreover , all the people were commanded once in every seven years , to assemble together in one place , where the High Priest read and expounded to them the Laws ; and likewise every particular person was obliged , constantly , with great care , to read over the Book of the Law : ( See Deut. chap. 21. v 9. and chap. 6. v. 7. ) The Princes and Rulers therefore , for their own sakes , were to take good heed , that they did all things according to the known Prescription and Rules of the Law , if they expected any Honour from the People , who would then reverence them as God's Ministers and Vicegerents ; otherwise they must expect the Universal Hatred of the People , which was a sort of Divine Vengeance . Another thing which very much bridled the Exorbitant Power and Lust of their Princes , was their Militia's being formed out of their own People , none from Twenty to Sixty excepted ; it not being in the Prince's Power to levy , or keep in Pay any Forreign Forces . This , I say , was a thing of great Consequence ; for Princes cannot possibly oppress their Subjects , without Forces in continual Pay ; and Princes fear nothing so much as the Power of their own armed Subjects , by whose Valour , Labour , and Expence of Blood , the Glory and Liberty of a Kingdom is purchast and secured . Therefore Alexander , when he was to fight a second Battel against Darius , hearing Parmenio give Advice which did not please him , Quintus Curtius , in his Fourth Book , says , Alexander would not check Parmenio again , though he had upbraided Alexander more bitterly than was expedient , but fell upon Polyperchon , who was of Parmenio's Opinion : Nor could Alexander oppress the Liberty of the Macedonians , which he most feared , till after he had , out of the Prisoners he took , formed Troops that out-numbred his own People ; that being done , he did what he pleas'd , being before restrain'd by the Liberty which the best of his own Subjects enjoy'd : And if this Liberty of Armed Subjects in other Governments , be a Bridle to Princes , who ascribe to themselves the Glory of all Victories , it was certainly a much greater Curb to the Princes of the Iewish Tribes , whose Soldiers fought not for the Glory of their Prince , but the Glory of God , and ventur'd no Battles till they received an Answer from God. What is more to be observed , is , That all the Princes of the Iews were associated and linked together by a Religious Covenant ; so that if any one forsook the publick Religion , and offer'd to violate every man's Divine Right , they might justly account him a publick Enemy , and destroy him . Thirdly , Another thing which kept the Iewish Princes within bounds , was the fear of a New Prophet ; For if any man of an unblameable Life and Conversation , could by some certain signs , prove himself a Prophet , that Prophet had presently Right to the supreme Power , in the same manner that Moses himself had by Revelation ; and not as the Princes who were to consult God by the High Priest : and without doubt such Prophets could easily make the Oppressed People of their Party , and by some little signs perswade them to what they pleas'd : But when Justice was duely administred , the Prince could make such timely provision , that the Prophet should so far submit to his Judgment , as to be strictly examined , whether his Life and Conversation were good ? Whether the signs of his Mission were true ? And lastly , Whether that which he prophesied in the Name of the Lord , were agreeable to the Religion and Laws of the Country ? If the Signs he gave failed , or if his Doctrine were new , he might by the Authority of the Prince , be justly condemn'd , or else approved and received . Fourthly , The Prince could not claim the Power of governing , upon the account of being more Nobly descended than others , but had Right to it only by Seniority of Age and Merit . Lastly , The Princes , and all the Army , had as much Reason to desire Peace as War ; for the Militia being composed only of Iewish Subjects , the same persons that were Soldiers , managed Affairs in times of Peace ; he that was a Commander in the Field , was in the Tribunal a Judge ; and he that was a General in the Camp , was a Prince in the City : Therefore none could desire War for Wars sake , but only to enjoy Peace , and to defend their Subjects Liberties . Perhaps the Prince abstain'd , as much as was possible , from Innovations , that he might not attend , and wait on the High Priest , which he might think beneath his Dignity . So much for the Reasons which kept the Princes within bounds . Let us now see what kept the People to their Duty . The Principles of the Government will make this clear ; for whosoever considers them , will find , they begot so much Affection in the Hearts of the People , that it was impossible any man should think of betraying or deserting his Countrey ; but must be so much affected with it , that he would suffer any Extremities , rather than be subject to any other Forreign Government : For after they transferr'd their Power upon God , acknowledging their Kingdom to be the Kingdom of God , and believed they only were the Children of God , and all other Nations God's Enemies , believing their mortal Hatred against them to be Piety : ( See Psal. 139. v. 21 , 22. ) They could abhor nothing more , than swearing Fidelity , and promising Obedience to Strangers ; nor could any thing be thought so execrable and abominable , as betraying their Countrey ; ( that is ) the Kingdom of that God they worship'd . It was counted an horrible Offence to go out of their Countrey to live , because they would not celebrate the Worship of God , to which they were strictly obliged , any where but in their own Land , which was therefore called , the Holy Land , and every part of the Earth beside , esteemed by them profane and unclean . Therefore David , being forced by Saul to fly his Country , complains in these words , ( 1 Sam. chap. 26. v. 19. ) If they be the children of men that have stirred thee up against me , cursed be they before the Lord ; for they have driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord , saying , go serve other Gods. This was the Reason ( which is very worthy Observation ) that no Iewish Subject was ever condemn'd to Banishment ; He that sins deserves to be punish't , but his punishment oughr not to be a sin . The Affection which the Iews had for their Countrey , was not simply Love , but Piety , which , with their Hatred to other Nations , was so augmented by their daily Worship , that it became natural to them ; for their daily Worship was not only different from , but absolutely contrary to that of all other Nations , and was the Reason they did not only live unmixt , but separate from them . Continual Reproach must necessarily beget perpetual Hatred , and there is no Hatred so great and lasting , as that which is grounded upon difference in Religion , and is believed to be pious : There was no Reason why their Hatred should decrease ; for all other Nations did as mortally hate them . Let Reason and Experience judge then , whether the Liberty of the Subject , Devotion towards their Countrey , Absolute Power over all Nations , against whom their Hatred was not only counted lawful , but pious ; Singularity of Religious Rites , and manner of living , were not powerful Arguments to perswade the Iews , with great Courage and Constancy of Mind , to suffer any thing for their Countrey ? For while Ierusalem stood , they would never endure any other Government ; therefore was it called , the Rebellious City , ( Ezra chap. 4. v. 12 , 15. ) The second Government ( which was scarce a shadow of the first , after the Priests had usurped the Power of the Princes ) was with great difficulty destroyed by the Romans , as Tacitus tells us , in the second Book of his History : Vespasian , saith he , put an end to the Iewish War , by the taking of the City Jerusalem , an hard and difficult work , because of the Peoples Disposition and Obstinacy in their Superstition , and because the besieged had Courage and Strength enough to suffer all Extremities . Beside all these things , which only Opinion made dear and valuable , there was another thing in this Government , which was a fingular and solid Argument to continue the People in their Obedience , and take from them all thoughts of deserting their Countrey ; and that was Profit , which is the Strength and Life of all Humane Actions . In this Particular , their Advantages were very considerable ; for Subjects had no where greater Right to any thing they possest . The Iewish Subjects had an equal portion of Land and Fields with the Prince ; and every one was an eternal Lord of his part ; for if any man , forced by poverty , sold his Land , when the Year of Iubilee came , it was to be intirely restored . There were likewise other Institutions of this kind ; so that a fixed Estate could never be perpetually alienated : Where could poverty be more tolerable , than in a Country where every man 's mutual Charity , was that part of his Religion whereby he hoped to purchase the Favour of God , who was his King : so that the Iews could never live well in any Country but their own , and out of it were sure to meet with Injury and Reproach . To keep them in their own Country from Civil War , and to take away the Causes of Contention , their being subject to no Equal , but only to God himself , contributed very much : so likewise did their mutual Love and Charity , which was not a little increased by the general Hatred all other Nations had against them . Another thing , which beyond all that I have mentioned , much contributed to keeping the people within the Limits of their Duty , was that strict Discipline of Obedience under which they were educated ; for they were to do nothing but according to positive prescriptions of Law ; they could not when they pleas'd , but only at certain times , and in certain Years plow , and that but with one sort of Cattel ; they had likewise prescribed Rules for sowing and reaping ; and indeed , ( as we have shewn in the Fifth Chapter , concerning the Use of Ceremonies ) their whole course of Life was but a continual practice of Obedience , so that being accustomed to it , it seemed rather Liberty than Servitude . This was the Reason they desired not what was forbidden , but that which was commanded . At certain times of the Year they were to give themselves up to Mirth , Pleasure and Ease ; not to indulge their own Appetites , but to serve God the more chearfully : Thrice in a Year they were God's Guests , ( see Deut. chap. 16. v. 16. ) Every Seventh day of the Week they were to cease from all kind of Labour , and take their rest ; at other set times , rejoicing ; honest Recreations and Feasting , were not only allow'd , but commanded , which above all things prevail upon mens Minds , especially that Joy which ariseth from Devotion , ( that is ) from Love and admiration together . Their Worship prescribed on Festival Days being short and various , kept them from loathing and weariness . To all this add the high Reverence and Veneration they had for the Temple , which was still preserved by the particular Worship they were to perform in it , and by many things they were to observe and do , before it was lawful for any one to enter into it : So that even now we cannot without great horror , read that abominable wicked act of Manasseh , who caused an Idol to be set up in the Temple . Nor was the Reverence much less which the People had for the Law , which was religiously kept in the Sanctuary ; so that no Rumors or Discontents among the People were here to be feared ; for no body could meddle or pass any Judgment in matters of Religion , but every man , without consulting Reason , was to do all things which God by his Answers in the Temple , or by the Laws already given , commanded them . It now then appears under what manner of Government the Iews lived , of which , I hope , I have given a very clear , though but brief Account . It now remains , that we enquire , Why the Iews did so often forsake the Law , why they were so often conquer'd , and why at last their Government was totally destroyed . Perhaps some will tell me , Their stubborn and rebellious Humour was the Cause ; That 's but a childish and frivolous Answer : Why was this Nation more rebellious than any other , was it their Natures ? Nature doth not make Nations , but only individual Persons , who are distinguish't and divided into Nations , by diversity of Language , Laws and Customs : From Laws and Customs every Nation acquires a particular Disposition , a particular Condition , and peculiar Prejudices and Opinions . If it must be granted , That the Iews were more stiff-necked and rebellious than any other Nation , it must be because they had Bad Laws and Evil Customs ; and it is a certain Truth , That if God had decreed their Government should have had a longer continuance , he would have given them other Laws and Statutes , and another Administration of Government . Therefore what can we say more , than that God was offended and angry with them , not only as Ieremy saith , from the building of their City , ( Ierem. chap. 32. v. 31. ) but from the very time he gave them their Laws , which Ezekiel testifies , ( chap. 20. v. 25. ) saying , I gave them statutes which were not good , and judgments whereby they should not live , and I polluted them in their own gifts , in that they caused to pass through the fire all that openeth the womb , that is , the first-born , that I might make them desolate , to the end , that they might know I am the Lord. That these Words , and the Cause of their Destruction may be rightly understood , we are to take notice , That God's first Intention was to commit the Administration of all things pertaining to Religion , to the First-born ; not to the Levites , as appears , ( Numb . chap. 8. v. 17. ) where God says , all the first-born of the children of Israel are mine , I sanctified them for my self . But after all the People , the Levites only excepted , had worshipped the Golden Calf , they were defiled and rejected , and the Levites who sided with Moses , as appears , ( Exod. chap. 32. v. 20 , 27. ) were chosen into their room : ( Deut. chap. 10. v. 8. ) The Lord separated the tribe of Levi to stand before the Lord , to minister him , and to bless his Name . Which change , when I seriously consider , it makes me think of those Words in Tacitus : Illo tempore non fuisse Deo curae securitatem illorum , fuisse ultionem : At that time God took more care to be revenged upon them , than to preserve them . God was so extreamly incensed against them , that though Laws usually provide for the Safety , Honour and Security of People , yet the Laws which God gave the Iews , were with a purpose to punish , and be revenged upon them : so that their Laws were not Laws ; that is , the Peoples Safety , but their Plague and Pnnishment . Consider how many things the People were bound to give to the Priests and Levites , beside the Money that was to be pay'd for the Redemption of the First-born : Consider likewise , that the Levites were only permitted to come near whatever was accounted holy , which continually minded the People of their Uncleanness and Repudiation ; with which 't is very likely the Levites might often reproach them : for amongst so many thousand Levites , no question but there were some troublesome pragmatical Fellows , who provoked the People ; and the People on their part , to be quit with the Levites , narrowly watched and pryed into their Actions , who being but Men , were subject to many failings and miscarriages , which , as is usual , were charged upon the whole Function , and at last , especially when Provisions were dear , in all probability , the People grew weary of maintaining so many lazy , idle and hated persons , who were no Kin at all to them . No wonder then when the People were at ease , and publick Miracles ceased , if they who were in Authority became remiss , and the covetous incensed Minds of the People grew careless , and neglecting the Divine Worship , of which they began to be suspicious and ashamed , desired a new . 'T is likewise possible , that the Princes to keep the Commanding Power still in their own hands , might court the People to take part with them against the Priest , and bring in a new Religion . But had the duration and security of the Government been designed when it was first instituted , things might have gone well , if all the Tribes had had equal Honour and Power ; for who would have violated the Sacred Right of his Kindred ? They would rather for Piety and Religion's sake , have maintained their Parents , Brothers , and Kinsmen , seeing from them they were to receive the Interpretation of the Law , and the Divine Oracles . The Tribes would have been tied in a stricter Bond of Amity , if all had had equal Power of administring in the Temple ; at least , there had been less fear of Discord , if the Election of the Levites had not been grounded upon the Wrath and Vengeance of God : But , as I have already said , God was very angry with them , and that I may again use Ezekiel's Expression , he polluted them with their gifts , in the redemption of their first-born , that he might destroy them . This appears by their Histories ; for as soon as the People began to be idle in the Wilderness , many , not of the meanest sort , began to be offended with the Choice of this Tribe , believing that Moses did not act by God's Command , but did all things as he himself pleased ; because he made choice of his own Tribe above all the rest , and made a perpetual Settlement of the Priesthood upon his own Brother : So that a Tumult being rais'd , they tell Moses and Aaron , that all the Congregation were every one of them holy , and that they lifted themselves up above all the Congregation of the Lord. No Reason could appease them , but they were all miraculously destroy'd , which occasion'd a Universal Sedition amongst all the People , who believed that they who perished were not destroyed by God's Judgment , but by some Trick of Moses ; after which followed a great Plague , which made the People weary of their Lives . This was the end of the Sedition , but not the beginning of any Amity or Affection ; and God told Moses ( Deut. chap. 33. v. 21. ) that he knew the imagination the people went about , even before he had brought them into the Land which he sware : and Moses a little after , Verse 27. saith to the People , I know thy rebellion , and thy stiff neck ; behold while I am yet alive with you this day , ye have been rebellious against the Lord , and how much more after my death ? And , as all the World knows , so it happened ; great Changes , all manner of Licentiousness , Luxury and Idleness , made them grow daily worse and worse , till being often beaten by their Enemies , they brake their Holy Covenant , and desired a Mortal King. The Temple became his Palace , and the Tribes casting off the Divine Law and the Priesthood , his Subjects . The Electing of a King was a great occasion of new Seditions , to reign precariously , or suffer any Power to controll theirs , was intolerable to their Kings : They who from private Men were elected to the Throne , were contented with the Dignity conferr'd upon them ; but when their Sons came by Right of Succession to the Crown , they began by degrees to make Alterations , that the Supreme Power might reside only in them ; which Power they had not , so long as the Power of the Laws was not in their hands , but were interpreted and kept by the High Priest in the Sanctuary . So that the Kings were still subject to the Laws , and had not Authority enough to abrogate the Old , or make New. Moreover , the Levites had power to keep the Kings , as well as the Subjects , under the Notion of being profane persons , from medling with Sacred Matters . Lastly , Because all the power of their Kings depended upon the pleasure of any one who was accounted a Prophet ; of which they had an Example in Samuel , who with great Boldness and Liberty commanded Saul to do what he pleas'd , and for one Offence only transferr'd the Kingdom upon David , which indeed made the Government perfectly precarious . To avoid this , their Kings consecrated other Temples , that they might have no more need of consulting the Levites , and enquired after others to prophesie , in opposition to those who were accounted true Prophets : But yet they could never compass their Ends ; for the Prophets were still ready , watching their opportunity till a Successor came , and then the Prophets , by their Divine Power , did sometimes set up some Famous and Worthy Person , who being displeas'd with the King , did , under pretence of vindicating Religion , endeavour to usurp the Supreme Power , or some part thereof . But neither this way could the Prophets compass their Ends ; for though they took away the Tyrant , yet the Causes of Tyranny still remain'd , and they did , with a great Effusion of the Subjects Blood , only purchase another new Tyrant . So that there was no end of their Discords and Intestine Wars ; and the Causes of violating God's Law , were still the same ; which could never end but with the Total Destruction of the Common-Wealth . We have now seen how Religion began in the Iewish Common-Wealth , and how the Government might have been perpetual , if the Just Wrath of God would have permitted it to continue ; But because it would not , therefore it perished . I have here spoken only of their First Government , the Second being but a Shadow of their First , seeing they were still under the Power of the Persians . After they obtained their Liberty of Cyrus , the High Priests became their Princes , by usurping the Supreme Authority ; the Priests having as great a Mind to the Crown as to the Mitre . Of this Second Government I need say no more . Whether their First Government , as it was conceived Durable , or Religious , be a Pattern that may be followed , will appear in the next Chapter . For the Close of all , I desire it may be particularly observed , That by what hath been declared in this Chapter , it is evident , That Divine Right or Religion , had its Beginning and Rise from a Covenant or Contract ; without which there is no Right but that of Nature ; and therefore the Iews were not obliged by any Precept of Religion , to shew any Kindness towards any other Nations , who were not concerned in the Covenant , but only to those of their own Common-Wealth . CHAP. XVIII . Certain Political Maxims Collected from the Government and Histories of the Jews Commonwealth . THough the Government of the Jews , as it hath been describ'd in the preceding Chapter , might have been perpetual ; yet 't is an Example that cannot now be follow'd , nor is it advisable to put it in practice ; for if any Men would transfer their power upon God , they ought to do it as the Jews did , by an express Contract or Covenant ; so that not only the mind of them that transfer their power , but also the Will of God , upon whom the power is transfer'd ought to be known ; but God hath revealed by the Apostles , that the Covenant of God shall no more be written with Ink , nor in Tables of Stone , but shall by his Spirit be written in our Hearts . That form of Government , under which the Jews lived , might be very useful and convenient for them who lived alone , without any foreign Trade or Commerce , who kept themselves within their own Territories , and separated themselves from all the rest of the World ; but 't is in no wise fit for People that live by trading with others , and consequently it is to very few people that the Jewish government can be of any use or advantage ; but though it be a pattern that cannot be follow'd in all things , yet there were in it many things very worthy of our observation , and which are fit to be put in practice . Because my intention is not to treat expresly of Government , I will pass many things by , and only take notice of those that make for my purpose ; Namely , That it is not repugnant to the Kingdom of God , to make Majesty Elective ; that is , to chuse the Person or Persons who shall have the Supream Power of Government ; for after the Iews transferr'd their Power upon God , they delivered the Supream Power of Governing to Moses , who thereby had in God's Name , the sole Authority of making and abrogating Laws , of chusing sacred Ministers , and likewise the sole power of teaching , judging , and punishing : and though the Priests were Interpreters of the Law , yet they had no power at all to judge the People , nor to excommunicate any person ; for none could do that but the Judges and Princes , who were chosen out of the People , as appears ( Ioshua chap. 6. v. 26. ) where Ioshua adjured the people , not to rebuild Iericho ; ( Iudges chap. 21. v. 18. ) where the Elders of the Congregation appointed what Women the Benjamites should marry , to propagate their Tribe , and ( 1 Sam. chap. 14. v. 24. ) where Saul commanded the People not to eat any food till Evening . If we consider the Histories and Successes of the Iews , we shall find other things very well worth our Observation : First , That there were no different Sects of Religion amongst them , till after the Priests in the Second Government usurped the Supream Authority , and the Power of making Laws . To make their Authority lasting , they took upon them the Power which the Princes had , and at last , would be called Kings . The Reason is apparent ; for in the First Government , nothing was made Law by the High Priest , because he had no power of decreeing any thing ; his Business was only to return those Answers to the Princes and Council , which were given by God : So that at that time , their High Priests could not desire to make new Decrees , but only to do that which was their known Duty ; for they had no other way to preserve their Liberty against the Princes , but by keeping the Laws free from Violation and Corruption ; but after the Priests got power of medling with matters of Government , and of Priests became Princes , then every one , as well in Religion as other Affairs , would have all things determin'd by the Pontifical Authority , daily making Decrees , which they would have to be as Sacred as the Laws of Moses ; so that Religion degenerated into horrible Superstition ; the true Sense and Interpretation of the Law was corrupted , and the Priests , after the Restauration , attempting to get the Supream Power into their hands , to gain the People , so soothed and flatter'd them , that they approved of all they did , were it never so wicked , and made Interpretations of Scripture suitable to their Humours and Practices , which Malachy in express Words testifies , reproving the Priests of his own time in this manner , ( Mal. chap. 2. v. 7 , 8. ) The Priest's lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth ; for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts : But ye are departed out of the way , ye have caused many to stumble at the law , ye have corrupted the covenant of Levi , saith the Lord of hosts . And so goes on in reproaching them with interpreting the Law as they pleased , with their respecting of persons , and taking no heed to walk in God's ways . It is certain , that though the Priests were never so cautious and wary , yet they were narrowly observed by the wiser sort , who taking notice of the Priests Boldness , declared , That the People were not bound to the Observation of any Laws , but those that were Written , and that all Decrees made by the Priests , which the deceived Pharisees ( chosen , as Iosephus tells us , out of the meanest of the People ) called , the Tradition of their Fathers , were not at all obligatory , nor to be obey'd . Without all doubt , the High Priest's flattering the People , the Corruption of Religion , and the Multiplication of Laws , became a great occasion of those Disputes and Controversies which could never be ended ; for when men in the heat of Superstition begin to quarrel , and supreme Magistrates on one side or other , concern themselves in the Dispute , the Controversie never ends , and there is a necessity of dividing into Sects . In the Second place , it may be observed , That the Prophets , who were but private persons , sometimes by the great Liberty they used , in admonishing , reproving , and reproaching the People , did rather provoke than make them better , who notwithstanding , would with much greater patience , receive correction and instruction from their Kings . Yea , the Prophets were sometimes intolerable to very pious good Kings , by arrogating a Power of judging what was well , and what ill done , and sometimes by reproving Kings to their faces , if they suffer'd any thing to be publickly or privately done , which was contrary to their Judgment . Asa , who was by the Testimony of Scripture , a good King , imprison'd Hanani the Prophet , ( see 2 Chron. chap. 16. ) for too boldly reproving and reproaching him , for the League he made with the King of Syria . Beside this Example , there are others , which shew , That the Liberty the Prophets took , did sometimes more hurt than good ; I need not instance the Civil Wars , which were occasioned by the Prophets pretending to the Supream Power . A Third thing fit to be observed , is , That during the time the People governed , there happened but one Civil War , which being ended , the Victors had so much compassion for the Conquer'd Party , that their whole care and study , was , how to restore them to their former Power and Dignity . But after the People , not accustomed to Kings , had changed the Form of their Government into Monarchy , there was no end of their Civil Wars ; they fought such fierce and bloody Battels , as almost exceed Belief ; for in one Battel ( which is hardly credible ) Fifty Thousand Israelites were slain by the men of Iudah , and in another , the Israelites slew a very great number , though not specified of the men of Iudah , took the King himself Prisoner , demolish'd a great part of the Walls of Ierusalem ; and , to shew , that the Rage of War hath no Moderation , they destroy'd the Temple , sack't the City , laden and glutted with the Spoils and Blood of their Brethren , taking Hostages , they leave the King in his almost ruin'd Kingdom , and more secured by the Weakness , than the Faith of the King of Iudah's Subjects , laid down their Arms. The men of Iudah in a few years after , recovering strength , come again into the Field , and fight another Battel , wherein the Israelites were again Victors , killing an Hundred and Twenty Thousand of the Men of Iudah , and carried away Captives Two Hundred Thousand of their Wives and Children , with a very great Booty ; so that consumed by these and other Battels , mention'd in Scripture , they at last fell a prey to their Enemies . Before they had Kings , they sometimes lived in perfect peace Forty Years together ; and once , which is scarce credible , Fourscore Years without any Forreign or Domestick War ; but after they were governed by Kings , and fought not for Peace and Liberty , but the Glory of their Monarch , we find them continually embroil'd , the Reign of Solomon only excepted , whose Wisdom and Vertue better appear'd in Peace than in War ; the desire of reigning at last became so excessive , that their Kings sometimes waded to the Throne in Blood. Lastly , During the Government of the People , the Laws remain'd in their first purity , and were constantly observed ; for before Kings came in , there were very few Prophets● but after the Election of Kings , the Prophets grew very numerous . We read , Obadiah hid at one time an Hundred in a Cave , to save their Lives . We likewise find , the People were often deceived with False Prophets ; the People , before Kings had the Government , being as there was occasion , sometimes haughty , and sometimes humble , did , when they were in Calamity , forsake their evil ways , sought God , restored the Laws , and by these means freed themselves from danger and distress ; but their Kings , whose haughty Minds cannot without shame stoop , obstinately persisted in their Sins and Vices , till the Commonwealth was utterly destroyed . By all this it clearly appears , First , How dangerous it is both to Religion and Government , to put the Power of making Laws and governing , into the hands of Priests , and that it is much safer to restrain them from medling in any Business , till their Counsel be ask'd , and to keep them from preaching and teaching New Doctrines and Opinions . Secondly , It is very dangerous to judge and determine of things meerly speculative by Scripture , or to make any Laws concerning Opinions , which are , or may be in themselves disputable . That Government is very Tyrannical , where Opinions are counted Crimes ; 't is a sign the angry Multitude are Masters . Pilate , to gratifie the incensed Pharisees , commanded Christ to be crucified : It was usual with the Pharisees , when they had a mind to put Worthy Persons out of their Places , and Offices of Dignity , to ask Questions concerning Religion ; this made them accuse the Sadduces of Impiety . According to the Example of the Pharisees , , base and abominable Hypocrites , under pretence of Zeal for Religion , persecute and traduce honest worthy vertuous men , whom for that Reason they envy , and by publickly inveighing against their Opinions , stir up the People against their Persons . This unworthy Practice , because it is cloaked with Religion , can hardly be restrained , where the Supreme Powers have introduced any Sect whereof they themselves were not Authors ; for then the Sectaries , not the Supream Powers , are accounted Interpreters of the Divine Law ; that is , the Supream Power makes Sectaries Interpreters of Scripture , and then the Magistrates Authority signifies little with the People , who have great Veneration for their Teachers , to whose Doctrine and Decisions they think even Kings ought to submit . To avoid all these Mischiefs , nothing can be safer for a Commonwealth , than to place all Religion and Piety only in Works ; that is , only in the Exercise of Justice and Charity ; and for Matters of Opinion , to leave every Man free to his own Judgment . But of this Particular more largely hereafter . Thirdly , We see how necessary it is , for the good both of Religion and Government , to fix the Right and Authority of determining even in things pertaining to God and Religion , and of judging what is right and what is wrong , in the Supream Powers ; for if the power of judging Mens Actions , could not without great danger to Religion and Government , be allow'd to the Prophets , much less ought it to be granted to Men , who can neither prophesie or do Miracles . But of this Particular I will speak expresly in the next Chapter . Fourthly , and lastly , We see how dangerous it is , for People never accustomed to Kingly Government , and have Laws accordingly framed , to chuse a Monarch ; for as the People cannot endure such a Government , so Kingly Authority cannot brook Laws , or any Rights and Priviledges of the People , Establish't by any others of less Authority ; and a King will have very little mind to maintain Laws , wherein the Peoples Interest was more intended and provided for than his own : for in maintaining such Laws , he will think himself rather the Peoples Servant than their Master . A New Monarch will make it his business to make New Laws , framing the Rules of Government to his own purpose , and will reduce the People to such a Condition , that they shall not be able , with as much ease , to unmake as make a King. But here I cannot pass by another Observation , which is , That it is a very dangerous thing to take away the Life of a King , though it be evident to all the World he is an Absolute Tyrant ; Because when a Nation is accustomed to Kingly Authority , and hath been governed only by it , they will scorn and contemn any Authority that is less ; and when they have taken away one Tyrant , they will be necessitated as heretofore the Prophets were , to chuse another in his room , who must be a Tyrant whether he will or no ; for how can he behold his Subjects Hands stain'd with Royal Blood , and approve the Fact , which was but a president , to shew how they might likewise deal with him ? If he will be a King , and will have the People acknowledge his Power , and not be his Judge , he must , unless he intend to reign precariously , first revenge the Death of his Predecessor , and make the People an Example , that they may not dare to commit the like Parricide upon him . But how can he revenge upon the People the Death of a Tyrant , unless he first defend the former Tyrant's Cause , approve his Actions , and consequently tread in his steps ? Hence it comes to pass , that people may indeed change , but never destroy a Tyrant , or turn ancient Monarchical Government into any other form . Of this the People of a Kingdom not far from us , have given the World a fatal Example , who under colour and form of Law and Justice , took away their King's Life ; and when he was gone , they could do no less than change the form of Government ; but after much Blood spilt , it came to this pass at last , that another person was set up , not by the Name of King ( as if all the Quarrel had been for nothing but a Name , ) who could not possibly stand , unless he destroyed the Royal Line , and all that were suspected to be the last King's Friends : He disturb'd the Quiet of Peace , which breeds Rumors , with new Wars , that thereby he might divert the Minds of the People from reflecting upon the King's Murder ; but the Nation at last finding they had done nothing for the publick good , by putting to Death their Lawful King , and by changing the Government , had brought themselves into a Condition worse than they were in before , they resolved to return from whence they had strayed ; nor were they quiet till they saw all things restor'd to their former state . Perhaps some will object the Example of the People of Rome , who with much ease rid themselves of a Tyrant ; but their Example , I think , makes good my Opinion ; for though the People of Rome could easily destroy a Tyrant , and change their form of Government , because the Power and Right of chusing a King and his Successor , was in the People ; and because the People ( amongst whom were many criminal and seditious persons ) were not accustomed to Kings , for of Six they kill'd Three , yet still they did nothing , but in the place of one Tyrant chuse many , who kept them always embroil'd in Foreign and Civil War , till the Government , under another Name , as it did lately in England , fell again to a Monarch ; but the States of Holland never , that we know , had Kings , but only Earls or Counts , upon whom the Supream Power was devolved : for the States , by their Declaration publisht in the time of the Earl of Leicester , make it evident , That they still reserved to themselves the Power and Authority of minding those Counts of their Duty , and likewise kept continually in their own hands the power of maintaining their own Authority , and defending their Subjects Liberty ; in case those Counts did at any time abuse their power , the States had still Authority to restrain and punish them , that they could do nothing without their Consent and Approbation . Whence it clearly follows , that the Right of Supream Power and Majesty always resided in the States , which Power the last Earl endeavouring to usurp , the States could not possibly be thought guilty of any Revolt or Rebellion , when they did only restore their almost lost Government to its Pristine State : These Examples fully prove , That ancient Forms of Government ought to be preserved , and cannot , without great danger of total ruine , be changed . CHAP. XIX . Religion , and all things pertaining to it , are subject to no other Power , but that of the Supream Magistrate . Publick External Forms of Religious Worship , ought to be accommodated to the Peace of the Commonwealth . WHen I said , That they only who have the Supream Power , have Right to all things , and that all things depend upon their Decrees , I meant things Sacred as well as Civil ; that is , Supream Magistrates are the Supream Heads , Judges , and Interpreters of all things both in Church and State , which is the particular Point I intended to treat of in this Chapter , because there are many , who will not allow Supream Civil Magistrates to have any power over things Sacred , nor will they own them to be Judges or Interpreters of God's Law , but with strange Boldness accuse and traduce them ; yea , sometimes ( as heretofore Ambrose did the Emperor Theodosius ) Excommunicate them out of the Church . But , as it will appear in the end of this Chapter , these Men have a mind to divide and share the Government , or get it wholly into their own hands . I will first shew , That Religion hath the Force of a Law , only from their Decrees who have the Supream Power ; and that all External Religious Worship , and Outward Practice of Piety , ought to be suited and accommodated to the Peace of the Common-wealth ; ( That is ) so ordered and regulated , as may make most for the Quiet thereof , and consequently ought to be determin'd and settled by the Supream Power , to whose Judgment in all Causes , Sacred and Civil , we ought to submit . But that I may not be mistaken , I speak only of the outward Worship and Exercise of Religion and Piety , and not of Piety it self , and the inward Worship of God , or of the Means whereby the Mind is internally disposed to worship God in sincerity : for the inward Worship of God , and Piety it self , is in every man 's own power , ( as we have shewn in the end of the Seventh Chapter ) which power no man can transfer upon another . It appears by the Fourteenth Chapter , what I mean by the Kingdom of God , where I shew , That he fulfilleth the Law of God , who exerciseth Justice and Charity , because God hath commanded it ; from whence it follows , That the Kingdom of God , is where Justice and Charity have the force of a Law and Precept . I think there is little difference , whether God teach us the Practice of Justice and Charity by Natural Light , or by Revelation , or whether God command it ; for it matters not how it was revealed , so as it obtain the Force of a Law , and become in the highest Degree obligatory to Men. If I then prove , That Justice and Charity cannot become a Law or Command , but by the Power and Command of the Supream Powers , it will be easily granted ( seeing Supream Power is always in the hands of the Supream Magistrates , ) that Religion becomes a binding Law , only by their Decrees , who have the Power of Government , and that God hath no peculiar Kingdom over Men , but by them who have the Supream Ruling Power . That the outward Practice of Justice and Charity becomes an obligatory Law by the Command of the Supream governing Power , appears by what I have said in the Fourteenth Chapter , where I have declared , That in the State of Nature , Reason cannot pretend to any greater power than Natural Appetite may ; and that they who live according to the Laws and Dictates of Natural Appetite , have as much Right to all things within their Power , as they that live according to the Rules of Reason : So that for this very Reason we cannot conceive , there can be in the State of Nature any sin , nor can we think God to be a Judge punishing sins , but all things carried on in their course , according to the Laws of Universal Nature ; to use Solomon's own Words , all things come alike to all , there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked , to the clean and to the unclean , no place being left for Justice and Charity . But that the Dictates of Reason ( that is , as I have shew'd in the Fourteenth Chapter , ) the Divine Law written in our hearts , might obtain the strength and force of a Law , it was necessary , that every man should part from his Natural Right , and transfer it either upon all , upon some , or upon one ; and that then we first came to know what was Justice and what Injustice , what Equity and what Iniquity : Justice therefore , and the Dictates of Right Reason , with Love to our Neighbour , becomes a Precept and obligatory Law , by the Power and Decrees of Supream Magistrates ; and because , as I have shew'd , the Kingdom of God consists in the power that Justice , Charity , and true Religion have over us , by becoming a Law to us ; therefore it follows , that God hath no peculiar Kingdom over Men , but by those who have the Supream Ruling Power . Whether we consider Religion revealed to us by natural or prophetical Light , the Demonstration is Universal , seeing Religion is the same , and equally revealed by God , which way soever it be supposed to come to our knowledge ; and therefore that Religion prophetically revealed , might obtain the force of a Law among the Iews , it was necessary every man should first part with his natural Right , and that all with one common consent , should resolve to obey and submit to all things which should by God be prophetically revealed to them ; just as People do in Democratical Government , where all with common consent resolve to live according to the Dictates of Reason ; and though the Iews did transfer their Power upon God , yet they did it more in opinion than reality ; for the Supream Power really and absolutely remained still in them till they transferr'd it upon Moses ; who was thenceforward an absolute King , and by him only God reigned over the Iews . Moreover , because Religion became a Law only by the Power of the Supream Government , Moses could punish none before the Covenant was made , because then no man had parted with his own Power and Right . They broke the Sabbath before the Covenant was made , and were not punished , as appears ( Exod. chap. v. 27. ) but after the Covenant , when every man had parted with his Natural Right , he that broke the Sabbath only by gathering sticks , was stoned , as appears ( Numb . chap. 15. v. 36. ) and the observation of the Sabbath when the People had parted with their Power , became a Law by the Command of the Supream Magistrate . Lastly , Upon this very ground also , when the Commonwealth and Government of the Iews was destroyed , Revealed Religion had no longer the Force of a Law ; for without doubt , as soon as the Iews transferr'd their Power upon the King of Babylon , the Covenant of the Kingdom of God , and the Obligation of the Divine Law ceased ; for as soon as they were Subjects to the King of Babylon , the Covenant whereby they promised to obey God in all things became void , and they could no longer perform it : From the time they were subjected to the King of Babylon , they were no longer in their own power ( as they were in the Desart and their own Country ) , but were in all things obliged to obey the King of Babylon ( as appears by what we have said in the Sixteen Chapter ) , and by what Ieremy saith ( Chap. 29. v. 7. ) Seek ye the peace of that City whither I have caused ye to be earried captives , and pray unto the Lord for it ; for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace . They could not seek or provide for the peace of that City as Ministers of Government , because they were Captives ; and therefore they were to do it as Servants or Subjects , by keeping themselves free from Sedition , and by observing the Laws of the Government , though very different from those of their own Country : By which it is evident , that Religion among the Iews obtain'd the force of a Law by the Command of the Supream Power , which Power being destroyed , Religion was no more a Law or Command of that particular Government , but was to be accounted a general Dictate of Reason : I say , of Reason , because Catholick Religion was not yet known by Revelation ; we therefore conclude , that Religion , whether it be natural or revealed , acquires the Force of a Command only by the Decree of those who have the Supream Power ; and God hath no peculiar Kingdom over Men , but by the Supream Magistrate . And this is made more clear by what hath been said in the Fourteenth Chapter , where we have shewn , That all God's Decrees imply Eternal Verity and Necessity ; nor can we conceive God as a Prince or Lawgiver to Men ; therefore Divine Documents made known to us by the light of Nature , or revealed to us by the Prophets , have not the force of a Law immediately from God , but must necessarily receive it from those , or by their means , who have the Power of commanding and making Laws ; and by their means only we apprehend that God reigns over Men , and directs Humane Affairs according to Justice and Equity , which is also proved by Experience ; for we can find no Footsteps of Divine Justice , but where the just reign : otherwise ( to use Solomon's Expression once more , ) the like event is to the righteous and to the wicked , to the clean and to the unclean ; which made many doubt God's Providence , who believed , that God did immediately reign over Men , and made Universal Nature only for their use . Seeing then both Reason and Experience make it evident , that the power of the Divine Law depends upon the Decrees of the Supream Magistrate , it follows , that the Supream Powers are Interpreters of it . Upon what account we shall presently declare , but first we will shew , That the External Worship of God , and the Exercise of Piety , if we will rightly obey God , ought to be perform'd and regulated in such a manner , as may best suit with , and is most likely to preserve the Peace of the Commonwealth . Certainly a Man's Piety and Love to his Country ought to be very great ; for take away Government , farewel all hope of benefit or safety , all things are presently in a perillous Condition , and the Reign of Rage and Impiety fills all Peoples Minds with Terror and Confusion . Whence it must follow , that what good soever I do to my Neighbour , if it be destructive to the Commonwealth , may be counted Impiety ; and on the other side , any hurt done to my Neighbour for the preservation of the Commonwealth , ought to be accounted Charity ; ( for Example ) if a Man strive with me for my Coat , it is very great Charity in me to give him my Cloak also ; but where this may endanger the safety of Government , it is much greater Charity to bring that Man to Justice , though I know he will be condemn'd to death . Manlius Torquatus is celebrated in Story , for preferring the Peoples Publick Safety before his own Son's Life . If then Publick Safety be above all Laws , and all Laws , both Divine and Humane , have a special regard to it ; if it likewise be the Office and Duty only of the Supream Power , to determine what is for the Publick Safety of Government , and to command whatever it thinks is so , 't is a necessary consequence , that no body but the Supream Power ought to determine in what manner a Man ought to shew his Love to his Neighbour ; that is , in what manner he is bound to obey God. So that now we understand why , and upon what ground the Supream Powers are Arbiters and Interpreters of Religion , and that no body can rightly obey God , if he do not accommodate the Publick Practice of Piety whereto every man is obliged , to the publick benefit and peace of the Commonwealth , by observing all Commands of the Supream Powers ; for seeing we are all bound to practice Piety towards all men , none excepted , and to do no man any Injury , it follows , That it is not lawful for any man to do good to one , if thereby he hurt another ; much less if he thereby endanger the Commonwealth ; and no person can , according to God's Command , practice Charity towards his Neighbour , unless his Religion and Charity be so regulated , as to promote the Publick Good. Now no private man can know what is for the Publick Good , unless it be by the Decrees and Laws of the Supream Power , whose business it is to take care of the Commonwealth ; and therefore no man can rightly practice Piety , and obey God , unless he be obedient to the Decrees and Determinations of the Supream Power , which is verified by common practice : for it is not lawful for any Subject to help or assist any Man , whom the Supream Power hath judged worthy of Death , or declared to be a publick Enemy . Though the Iews were commanded to love their neighbours as themselves , ( Levit. chap. 19. v. 8. ) yet if any man had offended against the Commands of the Law , they were bound to make it known to the Judge , and in case he were condemned to Death , to kill him ( Deut. 13. 8 , 9. and 17. 7. ) That the Iews might preserve their Liberty , and keep their Lands in their own possession , it was necessary ( as we have shewn in the Seventeenth Chapter ) to accommodate their Religion to their Government , and separate themselves from other Nations . It was therefore said , Love thy neighbour , but hate thine enemy , ( Matth. chap. 15. v. 43. ) But after they lost their Government , and were carried away Captives to Babylon , then Ieremy bid them seek the peace of that City : And because Christ knew they were to be scattered and dispersed into all parts of the World , he taught them the Practice of Charity to all Mankind in general ; which evidently proves , That Religion was always accommodated to the publick benefit of the Common-wealth . If any man ask me , by what Right or Authority the Disciples of Christ , who were but private persons , could preach Religion ? I say , they did it by Vertue of that Power they received from Christ against unclean Spirits : ( See Matth. chap. 10. v. 1. ) I have in the end of my Sixteenth Chapter expresly declared , That all men are bound to keep Faith with a Tyrant , unless it be such a one against whom God hath by Revelation promis'd his particular assistance ; and therefore none can take Example from the Apostles , unless he have also power to do Miracles , which appears by what Christ said to his Disciples , ( Matth. chap. 10. v. 28. ) Fear not those who can kill the body . Had this been said generally to all men , Government would be to no purpose , and those Words of Solomon not at all to be regarded , ( Prov. chap. 24. v. 21. ) My son , fear God and the King. We must therefore conclude , That the Authority which Christ gave his Disciples , was in a particular manner given only to them , and ought not to be drawn into example by others . I value not the Reasons which are urged against this Opinion , by them that would have the Civil Power to be in the Civil Magistrate ; but all things pertaining to Religion in the Power of the Church ; their Reasons are so frivolous they need no refutation ; yet I cannot chuse but take notice , how mightily those men are deceived , who to maintain ( pardon the Expression ) their seditious Humour , urge the Authority of the High Priest among the Iews ; who , say they , was the sole Administrator of all things that were sacred and concern'd Religion : But those men may remember the High Priests received that Power from Moses , who , as we have proved , was the person that had the Supream Power , and by whose Command or Decree , the High Priest could at any time be divested and deprived of his Power ; for Moses did not only chuse Aaron , but also his Son Eleazer , and his Nephew Phineas , and gave them power to exercise the Pontifical Office ; and though the Priests always kept that power , yet nevertheless were they still but the Substitutes of Moses ; that is , of the Supream Power : for as we have made it appear , Moses chose no Successors , but so distributed all his own Offices , that they who came after him , seemed but such Deputies as administer the Government for absent , not deceased Kings . In the second Government the High Priests were indeed the Supream Magistrates , but that was after they had usurped the Regal Power ; but before that Usurpation , the Priests always depended upon the Decrees of the Supream Power , and their Kings had absolute power over all things pertaining to Religion ( as shall appear by what will be said towards the End of this Chapter . ) 'T is true their Kings could not personally officiate as a Priest in the Temple , because all men that could not derive their Pedigree from Aaron , were counted profane and unclean , which is now no Obstacle in a Christian Common-wealth ; for in these days , the Priesthood not being entailed upon any particular Family , but requiring only some particular Qualifications , Kings or Supream Magistrates , cannot be barred from medling with Matters belonging to Religion , upon any account of profaneness ; but all is in their power , and no body , but by their authority or allowance , hath any Right to officiate in the Church : for the Power of chusing Ministers , of setling the Church , of stating and determining the Doctrines thereof , prescribing Religious Rites and Ceremonies , judging of Mens Piety and Manners , the power of excommunicating and receiving again into the Church , and of providing for the poor , are all in the Supream Magistrate ; and these things are not only true , but likewise very necessary , not only for the good of Religion , but also for the safety of the Commonwealth ; for all men know , how much the People esteem and depend upon the Power and Authority of those , whose Function is accounted Sacred , they having an absolute Dominion over their Minds . He then that endeavours to deprive the Supream Magistrate of this Power , goes about to share and divide , or else usurp the Government ; from whence must necessarily arise such Contention and Discords , as were heretofore between the Kings and Iewish High Priests , which could never be appeased . If this Power be taken away from Supream Magistrates , how can they determine of Peace or War , or of any other Business , if they must be obliged to follow other Mens Opinions , by whom they are to be taught what is good or evil ? That Power is Supream , and there can be none greater , which hath the Right of declaring and determining what is Piety , what Impiety , and what in Religion is lawful or unlawful . All Ages have been sensible , how many Mischiefs such a Power in any but the Supream Magistrate , hath produced : I will give you but one Example : As soon as such a Power was granted to the Pope , or Bishop of Rome , by degrees he became Superiour to all Kings , and at last ascended to so high a pitch of earthly Dominion , that whatever Kings or Emperours have since done to lessen it , hath been to no purpose ; but they have rather much encreased it , and that which no Monarch ever effected by Fire and Sword , Church-men have been able to do only with their Pen ; which is a plain proof of the Pope's Power , and a convincing Argument to perswade Supream Powers , to keep that Authority he pretends to in their own hands . If we consider the Observations I have made in the preceding Chapter , we shall find , that the residing of this Power in the hands of Supream Magistrates , is very much for the Benefit and Advancement of Religion and Piety ; for as I have already declared , the Prophets themselves , though fill'd with Divine Power and Vertue , yet because they were but private men , the great Liberty they took in admonishing , reproving , and upbraiding the People , did rather provoke than amend them ; who notwithstanding patiently submitted to the Reproof and Chastisement of their Princes . Besides , Kings themselves , because they had not the power of judging and determining Matters of Religion , many times forsook the true Religion , and most of their People with them ; which hath likewise , upon the same account , often happen'd in Christian Governments . But here perhaps some will ask , if Supream Powers should chance to be wicked , who shall then have the Power and Authority of vindicating and maintaining Religion and Piety ? And who shall then be the Interpreters of it ? I ask them on the other side , What if Priests and Ecclesiasticks grow wicked and impious , must they continue Interpreters of Religion , and God's Word ? If they that have Supream Power should do whatever they please , whether they do , or do not meddle with Religion , all things without doubt , both Sacred and Civil , are like to be in a very ill Condition ; but in much worse , when private men shall seditiously pretend to a Divine Right , of defining and defending all chings which concern , or in any wise pertain to Religion . The denying of this Power to Supream Magistrates , must necessarily cause very ill Consequences ; for they will in all probability ( as did the Iewish Kings , who had not this Power absolutely ) grow wicked and ungodly , and from that which is but uncertain and contingent , will follow most certain Mischief and Ruin to the Government . If then we have any regard either to the Just Right of Supream Power , to the safety of Government , or the advancement of Religion and Piety , we must grant , that the regulating and determining all things concerning Religion , and the Worship of God , depends upon the Decrees of the Supream Power ; and that such only are Ministers of God's Word , who are authoriz'd by the Supream Magistrate , to teach and instruct the people in those principles of Religion and Piety , which they that have the Supream Power , think most likely to procure the publick Good of the Common-wealth . I have now no more to do , but to declare the Cause , why in Christian Governments there hath been so much dispute about this Power , when in the Iewish Commonwealth it never , that I know , came into controversie . It is little less than a Wonder , that a thing so necessary and profitable , should still be a Question , and the Subject of continual Cavil ; and that Supream Magistrates should never be able to exercise this Power , without contention , and without fear of danger and prejudice to Religion . If the Cause of this could not be found out , I would confess all I have said in this Chapter , to be meer Theoretical Speculative Notions , of no use ; but any person that will but look back , and consider the beginnings of Christian Religion , may easily discover the Cause of this Controversie . They that first taught Christian Religion , were not Kings , but private persons , who contrary to the Will and Commands of those in Supream Power , whose Subjects they were , preached in private Churches or Congregations , and instituted Forms of Worship , without any respect had , or account given to the Government ; and likewise regulated and determined all things relating to Religion . Though Christian Religion , after many years , began to be profest in Commonwealths , by those that had the Supream Power , yet the Ecclesiasticks , who instructed Emperours and Kings in the Christian Religion , were , without any difficulty , still acknowledged Teachers and Interpreters of God's Word , Pastors of the Church , and God's Ministers ; but that Christian Kings and Princes might not afterwards assume any such Authority to themselves , Churchmen very warily provided against it , by forbidding the Chief Ministers and the High Priest of the Church to marry , by multiplying the Doctrines and Tenets of Religion to a prodigious number , and by so confounding them with Philosophy , that it was absolutely necessary for the Chief Interpreter , and Judge of Religion , to be a Philosopher as well as a Divine , and to busie himself in unprofitable Speculations , fit only to take up private mens time , who have nothing else to do . But it was far otherwise in the Iewish Commonwealth ; for their Church began with their Government , and Moses , who was the Supream Magistrate , taught the people Religion , setled their Forms of Worship , and chose their Priests . This was that which made Kingly Authority so much esteemed by the People , and put the Right and Power of all things pertaining to Religion , into the hands of Supream Magistrates ; for though after the Death of Moses , no Man governed so absolutely as he did , yet the Right and Power of determining all things concerning Religion , as well as other Affairs , still remained , as we have already proved , in the Prince ; and the People , to be instructed in Religion and Piety , were no more bound to go to the High Priest , than they were to the Chief Iudge , ( Deut. chap. 17. v. 9 , 11 , 12 ) Thou shalt come to the Priests , the Levites , and to the Chief Iudge , that shall be in those days to enquire ; and he that will not hearken unto the Priest , or unto the Iudge , that man shall die . Though the Kings had not power equal to that of Moses , yet the Priests and Levites were appointed and ordered to do what the Kings thought fit ; for , as it appears in ( 1 Chron. chap. 28. v. 11 , 12. ) King David order'd how the Temple should be built , according to a Model he prescribed ; and as it appears in the 23 d Chapter of the same Book , David , out of all the Levites , chose twenty four thousand to set forward the building of the Temple , six thousand to be Officers and Iudges , four thousand to be Porters , and four thousand to praise the Lord upon musical Instruments : he likewise divided the Levites into companies , and set Rulers over them , which Companies were to serve and wait in their turns . For other particulars , I refer the Reader to the ( 28 th Chapter of the 2 d Book of Chron. v. 13. ) where it is said , That King Solomon commanded Offerings to be made according as Moses instituted : And ( ver . 14. ) it is said , That Solomon , according to the order of David his Father , appointed the Courses of the Priests and Levites to their Service and Charges ; and ( ver . 15. ) the Historian saith , They departed not from the Commandment of the King , given to the Priests and Levites , concerning any matter , or concerning the Treasures . By all which , & by other Histories of their Kings , it is evident , that the whole Exercise of Religion , and all the Service that concerned it , depended only upon their King's Command : And tho' their Kings had not , as Moses had , the Power of chusing the High-Priest , or of consulting God without him , or of condemning the Prophets that prophesy'd in their Reigns , the Prophets having power to chuse a new King , and to pardon any that had taken away a King's Life ; yet , I say , the Prophets themselves had no power to call any King to an account for breaking the Laws , or in any judicial manner and form to proceed against or condemn him . And therefore if there had been no Prophets who by particular Revelation could pardon the killing of a King , Kings in the Jewish Commonwealth must have had absolute Power over all things both Sacred and Civil , as Supreme Powers have in these our Days , who have no Prophets , nor are obliged to receive any ; being in no wise bound by the Laws of the Jews Commonwealth . And this Power , tho' our Kings marry , they absolutely have , and may keep , if they do not suffer Doctrines and Articles of Religion to be multiplied , or mingled and confounded with Arts and Sciences . CHAP. XX. In a Free Commonwealth it should be lawful for every Man to think what he will , and speak what he thinks . WEre it as easie to command Mens Minds , as it is their Tongues , all Supreme Powers would reign securely , and no Government would be Violent or Tyrannical : For then every Man would live according to the Will of those in Supreme Power , and would think every thing true or false , good or evil , just or unjust , according to their Determinations and Decrees . But it is impossible , as we have observed in the beginning of the 17 th Chapter , that any Man's Mind or Thoughts should be in another Man's power ; because no Man can transfer , or be compelled to transfer his natural Right of Reasoning and Judging of Things , upon any other Man : And therefore that Government is counted Tyrannical , which would reign over Mens Minds ; and Supreme Powers do their Subjects wrong , and deprive them of their just Right , when they command them to receive or reject , according to their Prescriptions , whatever they declare to be true or false ; and positively appoint what Opinions and Notions Men in their Devotions shall have of God ; which is a thing wholly in a Man 's own power , and from which no Man , tho' he would , can part . I confess , a Man's Judgment may be so many ways prepossest , that tho it be not directly and absolutely in another Man's power , yet it may have such a dependence on him , as to be thought very much at his dispose ; but in spite of all that Art can do , Men will abound in their own Sense , and there will for ever be as many diversities of Opinions , as there are of Palats : Tho' Moses , not by Craft , but by Divine Power , had so prepossest the Minds of his People , that they believed he said and did all things by Divine Inspiration ; yet he could not escape ill Reports and sinister Interpretations ; much less then can other Monarchs . Were the thing possible , it might rather be done in Monarchical , than in Democratical Government , which is managed by an Assembly of all , or the greatest part of the People ; and the Reason I think is obvious . Tho' Supreme Powers have right to all things , and are believed to be Interpreters both of Law and Religion ; yet they could never keep Men from judging of things according to their Reason and Capacities , nor from being this or that way affected . They may indeed account all men Enemies who do not in all things absolutely think as they do ; but we do not here dispute of their Power , but of what is most convenient and profitable . I grant , that Supreme Powers may Reign Tyrannically , and put Subjects to death for very slight Causes , if they please ; but all Men will deny that this can be done with Reason or Prudence , because it will prove dangerous and destructive to the Government : Yea , it may be denied that Supreme Magistrates have absolute Power , and consequently have not absolute Right to do such things as these ; because we have proved , that the Right of Supreme Magistrates is determined by their Power . If then no Man can part with this Liberty of Judging and Thinking what he will , but every Man by the Sovereign Right of Nature is Master of his own Thoughts . Supreme Powers in any Commonwealth can never hope for Success , in prescribing to Men of different Opinions , Limits and Rules for what they shall say : For if Wise-men cannot keep silence , much less can the ignorant Multitude hold their peace , it being all Mens Infirmity , tho' never so much Secresie be required , to make others privy to their Counsels : And therefore that Government is Violent , where every Man is deny'd the Liberty of saying and declaring what he thinks ; and that Government is moderate and well ordered , where such a Liberty is allow'd . 'T is true , and no Man can deny , but that Supreme Magistrates may be injur'd and offended by Words as well as Deeds ; and tho' it be impossible wholly to take away this Liberty from Subjects , yet , on the other side , it will be pernicious to put no Restraint upon it : So that now my Business is to shew , how far this Liberty , without any danger to the Peace of the Commonwealth , or prejudice to the Right of Supreme Power , may and ought to be allow'd ; which was , as I have hinted in the beginning of the 16 th Chapter , my chief Intention and Design . From the Fundamentals of Government which I have already explain'd , it clearly follows , That the ultimate End of Government is not to domineer , and keep Men in fear and Subjection ; but to free Men from Terror , that every Man may , as far as 't is possible , live securely ; that is , may still retain his natural Right of subsisting and acting without hurting himself , or any other person . I say , The End of Government is not to turn Rational Men into Beasts or walking Engines , but to suffer both their Souls and Bodies to do each their proper Duties , allowing them the free Use of Reason , that they may not by Hatred , Envy , Anger , or Deceit , become Enemies to one another : So that the End of Publick Government is indeed Liberty ; and to the forming of a Commonwealth , it is absolutely necessary , that the Power of making Laws and Decrees should be either in all , in some , or in one single Person : For seeing in every Man's Opinion , tho' it be free , there is difference and variety , and every Man is apt to believe that he knows all things ; 't is impossible to make them all of one mind , or to agree in their Discourse . So that they can never live peaceably , unless every one part with his power of doing what his own Mind prompts him to . But tho' every one part with the power of doing what he pleases , yet he doth not part with his power of Reasoning and Judging ; so that tho' he cannot without offence act or do any thing against the Decrees or Determinations of the Supreme Powers ; yet he may freely think , judge , and consequently speak ; provided in what he simply speaks or teacheth , there be Reason , and no crafty malicious Design , through Hatred or Revenge , to make , by vertue of his own Authority , Innovation in the Commonwealth . For example , If a Man think a particular Law contrary to right Reason , and therefore fit to be repealed ; yet if he submit his Opinion to the Judgment of the Supreme Power , ( whose Right it is to make and repeal Laws ) and in the mean time do nothing contrary to the Tenor of that Law , he deserves well of the Commonwealth ; as doth every good Subject : But if , on the contrary , he speak against that Law purposely to accuse the Magistrate of Injustice , and to render him odious to the People ; or if he seditiously endeavour to abrogate that Law , in spite of the Magistrate , he is a rebellious Disturber of the Publick Peace . We see then upon what ground every Man , without prejudice to the Peace of the Gommonwealth , or to the Right of Supreme Powers , may speak and teach what he thinks , if he leave them the power of regulating Mens Actions , and do nothing contrary to their Decrees , tho' he sometimes do contrary to that which in his own Opinion and Judgment he thinks to be good ; which notwithstanding he may with a good Conscience , yea ought to do , if he will be accounted a good Subject . For , as I have already shewn , Justice depends upon the Decrees of the Supreme Power , and no Man can be said to be Just , unless he live according to the known Laws . Piety , as I have declared in the preceding Chapter , chiefly consists in the practice of things which preserve the Peace and Tranquillity of the Commonwealth ; which cannot possibly be preserved , if every Man should live as he pleaseth : And therefore 't is Impiety in any Subject , to act contrary to the Decrees of the Supreme Power ; because , were it lawful for every Man so to do , the total Ruine of the Commonwealth must necessarily follow . No Man can be said to act against the Dictates of his own Reason , who submits to the Decrees of the Supreme Power ; because every Man by the persuasions of his own Reason resolved to part with his Right of Living according to his own Will : And this is proved by practice ; for in Councils compos'd of the Supreme or Subordinate Powers , it seldom happens that any thing is decreed or determin'd by the universal Consent and general Vote of all the Members ; yet the Results of those Counsels , whatever they be , are always accounted as much the Decrees of those who voted against , as of those that voted for them : So that by the very Principles of Government , we see , that without any wrong done to the Rights of Supreme Power , a Man may use the Liberty of his own Judgment : And 't is very easie from the Fundamentals of Government , to determine what Opinions in a Commonwealth are to be accounted Seditious ; namely , those which directly nullifie and destroy the Covenant , whereby every Man obliged himself to part with his Right of Living according to his own Will. For example , If any Man think the Supreme Power is subject to some other Power ; that a Man ought not to perform his Promises ; or , that it is lawful for every Man to live as he pleases : These , and the like Opinions , render a Man seditious , because they are directly repugnant to the foresaid Covenant ; not barely because they are his Judgment and Opinion , but because such Opinions have in them a great deal of Crime and Guilt : For even by so thinking , a Man tacitly breaks all the Bonds of that Fidelity which he promised to the Supreme Power . Therefore other Opinions , which contain no actual Breach of the Covenant , no Revenge , no Anger , &c. are not to be accounted Seditious , unless it be in a Commonwealth where Reason is depraved , and where ambitious and superstitious Men are grown to such a heighth , that they cannot endure those that are honest or ingenuous , but will have the People think their Authority greater than the Supreme Magistrate's . I do not deny , but that there may be some Opinions , which tho' they seem to intend nothing but simply to argue and judge , what is true , and what false ; yet they may be very maliciously propounded and divulged : Of these we spoke in the 15 th . Chapter , but so that Reason nevertheless should remain free . Lastly , If we seriously consider , that every Man's Fidelity to the Commonwealth , as his Faith towards God , ought to be judged and known only by his Works ; namely , by Charity towards his Neighbour ; we cannot doubt but that the best Commonwealths will give every Man the same Liberty of Reasoning , that they do of Believing . I confess , by such a Liberty some Inconveniences may sometimes happen : But what Wisdom and Prudence can prevent all Inconveniences ? He that by Laws thinks to prevent all , will sooner provoke then amend vicious Men. Inconveniences that cannot possibly be prevented or avoided , must be tolerated ; we must bear with them , tho' we suffer by them . Of how many Mischiefs are Luxury , Drunkenness , Envy , and Covetousness the Cause ? Yet these are tolerated , because tho' they be Vices , it is not in the power of Laws to restrain them . How much more then ought Liberty of Judgment to be allowed , which is truly a Vertue , and should not be supprest ? No Inconveniences can arise from it , which may not , as I will prove , be avoided by the Authority of the Supreme Magistrate . Beside , this Liberty is very necessary to the Advancement of Arts and Sciences , in which the greatest proficiency is made by those men who have their Judgments free from preoccupation . But suppose mens mouths may be stopt , and so awed , that they shall not dare to utter any thing against the Determinations of the Supreme Power ; yet 't is still impossible to keep them from thinking what they please ; and when men think ill of Magistrates , there breach of Faith soon follows ; and nothing is to be expected in such a Commonwealth , but abominable Flattery , Perfidy , and the destruction of all ingenious Arts. 'T is not so easie a matter to keep men from talking ; the greater care is taken to keep them silent , the more many times will they talk . Perhaps Covetous men , Flatterers , and mean-spirited People , who place their chiefest Felicity in filling their Bags and their Bellies , may hold their Peace ; but vertuous honest men , who have had Liberal Education , cannot be silent : Such is mens Nature , that nothing is a greater Vexation to them , than to see those Opinions , which they verily believe to be true , condemn'd ; and themselves accounted wicked and sinful , for doing that which they think is their Duty both towards God and Man. This makes them detest the Laws , and count any seditious Attempts against the Magistrate lawful and just . In Laws against Opinions , wicked men are seldom concern'd ; such Laws are commonly made , not to restrain bad , but to provoke good men ; and cannot be defended without a great deal of danger to the Government : Such Laws are likewise useless ; for men cannot obey Laws which condemn those Opinions they firmly believe to be true : And , on the other side , they who think those Opinions false , take the Laws that condemn them , to be be their Privileges ; wherein they so triumph , that afterward the Magistrate , if he would , is not able to repeal them . Lastly , The making of such Laws hath often caused great Schisms in the Church ; for if men did not hope with the general applause of the People to insult over their Adversaries , and get Preferment , by procuring the Magistrate to favour , and the Laws to countenance their Opinions , Learned Doctors would quickly leave their fierce Disputes , and bitter Contentions . Reason and daily Examples tell us , That Laws which command what every man must believe , and forbid speaking or writing against this or that Opinion , are commonly instituted to gratifie or give way to the Passions of those , who rather than endure a Baffle from ingenious men , will with their stern and morose Authority turn the Peoples Zeal into Fury , and hound them on upon whom they please . But would it not be much better , to suppress the Anger and Rage of the Multitude , rather than make Laws against men that love Vertue and Learning , and bring the Commonwealth into such a Condition , that honest harmless men cannot live in it ? What can be more mischievous to a Commonwealth , than to send Honest men like Rogues into Banishment , only because they are of this or that Opinion , and cannot dissemble ? Can any thing be more pernicious , than to treat Persons of a free ingenuous disposition like Enemies , and for no Crime or Wickedness put them to death , making the Scaffold , which frights none but Villains , a publick Theatre whereon innocent Persons give such Examples of Courage and Patience , as turn to the shame and reproach of the Supreme Magistrate's Majesty ? They that know themselves to be honest , never fear Punishment , as the wicked do ; neither will they by base whining Submissions and Recantations endeavour to avoid it : Their innocent Minds are not troubled with Guilt or Repentance ; they do not think it shameful , but glorious , to die for Liberty and a good Cause . To whom can their Death be a Terror ? The base ignorant Multitude know not why they suffer ; honest men are their Friends , and none but seditious Persons their Enemies ; and all but base Sycophants and Flatterers , are ready to follow their Example . That Faith and Honesty then may be in greater esteem , than Flattery and Dissimulation ; that Supreme Magistrates may keep their Power , and not be forced to yield to seditious Persons , Liberty of Judgment ought to be allowed , and men are so to be govern'd , that tho' they be of different and contrary Opinions , they may however live together in peace and amity . Without doubt this way of Governing is best , and subject to least Inconveniences , seeing it is most agreeable to Mens Nature : For in Democratical Government ( which comes nearest to the State of Nature ) all covenant to act , but not to reason and judge by common Consent ; my meaning is , because all men cannot think the same things , they have agreed to make that a binding Law which had most Voices , reserving still a Power of repealing that Law , when they thought fit . And therefore where there is least Liberty allow'd of Judging , there men are farthest from their natural State , and the Government is full of Force and Violence . To make it evident , that from this Liberty can arise no Inconveniences which the Supreme Magistrate may not with ease avoid , and keep men of contrary Opinions from hurting one another , I need not go far for Examples . The City of Amsterdam hath , to the wonder of all the World , and its own great advantage , tasted the Fruits and Benefit of this Liberty ; for in that flourishing Commonwealth and famous City , men of all Nations and Religions live together in peace ; and when they would trust any man with Goods or Money , they only desire to know whether he be rich or poor , or whether in his Dealing he be a man of his Word , or a cheating Knave ; they never enquire of what Religion or Sect he is , neither is that regarded in any Court of Justice ; there is no Sect so odious , but hath the Publick Magistrate's Protection , if they do no man wrong , live honestly , and give every one his Due . How great a Schism was there occasion'd not long since , by a Controversie in Religion , between the Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants ? And it appeared by many Examples , that Laws made to take away Disputes concerning Religion , did much more provoke than pacifie People , and made some take the greater Liberty . Schisms proceed not from the study of Truth , that Fountain of Meekness and Moderation ; but from an imperious Humour of prescribing to others : And therefore they are rather to be counted Schismaticks , who damn other mens Writings , and stir up the waspish Multitude against them ; than those that write to Learned men , and call nothing but Reason to their aid : So that they are truly Disturbers of the Publick Peace , who in a Free Commonwealth would take away the Liberty of mens Judgments , which ought not to be supprest . We have now shewn , First , That 't is impossible to take away mens Liberty of speaking what they think : Secondly , That this Liberty may without prejudice to the Rights of Supreme Power be granted to every man , and that every man may use this Liberty , provided he design no Innovations in the Commonwealth , and act nothing against the known establish'd Laws thereof : Thirdly , That this Liberty , which every man may enjoy if he do not break the Publick Peace , can cause no Inconveniences which may not easily be restrained or remedied : Fourthly , That all men may make use of this Liberty without being guilty of any Impiety . Fifthly , That all Laws made concerning Opinions and Matters meerly speculative , are useless and unprofitable . Sixthly , and lastly , we have proved , That this Liberty may not only be allow'd , without any Danger to Publick Peace , Piety , and to the Right of Supreme Power ; but ought to be granted for the Preservation of all these : For where there are Endeavours to take away this Liberty , and men are arraigned only for Opinions , without examining whether they have any evil Intentions , there honest men are made Examples , and suffer a Martyrdom ; which doth not at all terrifie but irritates and moves the People to Pity and Revenge . Learning and Arts decay , Faith is corrupted , Flatterers and perfidious Persons are countenanced , Adversaries triumph in having their Will , and prevailing on the Supreme Powers to embrace their Doctrine , which at last inclines them not only to undervalue , but usurp their Authority , boasting they are God's Elect , that their Power is from God , but the Magistrate's Authority only from men , and consequently , the Magistrate's Power subordinate to theirs ; which absolutely destroys the very Being of all Commonwealths ; and therefore , as I shew'd in the 18 th . Chapter , a Commonwealths greatest Safety is to place Religion and Piety in the Practice of Justice and Charity , and to make things Sacred as much subject to Supreme Power , as things Civil , and to take cognizance of nothing but mens Actions , suffering every man to think what he will , and speak what he thinks . I have now in this Treatise done what I design'd ; and I do again sincerely profess , That I have written nothing which I do not freely submit to the Examination and Judgment of the Supreme Powers of my Country : If they think any thing I have said , be contrary to the Laws or Publick Safety thereof , I recant it . I know my self a man subject to Errors ; but my chiefest Care hath been to write nothing but what is consonant to Reason , to the Laws of my Country , and to the Rules of Piety and Good Manners . FINIS . 
A64084	----	A brief disquisition of the law of nature according to the principles and method laid down in the Reverend Dr. Cumberland's (now Lord Bishop of Peterboroughs) Latin treatise on that subject : as also his confutations of Mr. Hobb's principles put into another method : with the Right Reverend author's approbation. Tyrrell, James, 1642-1718. 1692 Approx. 572 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 249 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64084 Wing T3583 ESTC R23556 12072926 ocm 12072926 53522 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64084) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53522) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 584:3) A brief disquisition of the law of nature according to the principles and method laid down in the Reverend Dr. Cumberland's (now Lord Bishop of Peterboroughs) Latin treatise on that subject : as also his confutations of Mr. Hobb's principles put into another method : with the Right Reverend author's approbation. Tyrrell, James, 1642-1718. Cumberland, Richard, 1631-1718. De legibus naturae disquisitio philosophica. [99], 396, [3] p. Printed, and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin ..., London : 1692. Advertisement: p. [1]-[3] at end. First edition. Dedication signed: James Tyrrell. Based on Cumberland's De legibus naturae disquisitio philosophica. Reproduction of original in University of Chicago Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Philosophy. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur . Guil. Lancaster , R. P. D. Henrico Episc. Lond. à Sacris Domest . Mar. 14. 1691 / 2. A BRIEF DISQUISITION OF THE Law of Nature , According to the Principles and Method laid down in the Reverend Dr. Cumberland's ( now Lord Bishop of Peterborough s ) Latin Treatise on that Subject . AS ALSO His Confutations of Mr. Hobbs's Principles put into another Method . WITH THE Right Reverend Author's Approbation . LONDON : Printed , and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin , near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane . 1692. TO THE Right Reverend Father in GOD , RICHARD , Lord Bishop of PETERBOROUGH . My LORD , HAving , many Years agon , when your Learned and Judicious Treatise of the Laws of Nature was first published , carefully perused it to my great satisfaction , I also thought it necessary to make an Epitome , or Abridgment of it , as well for my own better Remembrance , as that I believed it might be also useful , as an Introduction to Ethicks , for some near Relations of mine , for whom I then designed it . These Papers , after they had lain by me several Years , I happened to shew to some Friends of mine , ( and in particular to the Honourable Mr. Boyle ; ) who so well approved of the Undertaking , that they encouraged me to make it publick , as that which might give great satisfaction to those of the Nobility and Gentry of our own Nation , ( as well as others of a lower rank ) who either do not understand Latin , or else had rather read Epitomes of greater Works , than take the Pains to peruse the Originals . Which Task , tho' not very grateful to me , yet I was prevailed with to undertake , and to look over those Papers again , and add several considerable Passages out of the Treatise itself ; and this not for Fame's sake , or the honour of being thought an Author , since I was satisfied , that nothing of that nature could be due to one , who does not pretend to more , than to Translate or Abridge another Man's Labours : Yet I am willing , in pursuance of your Lordship's Principle , to sacrifice all these little private Considerations to the Publick Good , as being sensible , that in the Trade of Learning ( as in other Trades ) divers , who cannot be Inventors , or chief Merchants , may yet do the Publick good service by venting other Mens Notions in a new dress ; especially since I have also observed , that things of this kind , if well done , ( and with due acknowledgment to the Authors from whence they are borrowed ) as they have proved beneficial to those whose Education , or constant Employments in their own Professions , will not give them leave to peruse many Volumes , written perhaps in a Language they are no great Masters of ; so also , they have not failed of some Commendation from all Candid Readers . Thus Monsieur Rohault's Abridgment of Des Cartes's Philosophy , and Monsieur Bernier's of Gassendus's , ( to mention no more ) have been received with general Applause , not only by all Ingenious Men of the French , but also of our own Nation , who understand that Language . And the Learned and Inquisitive Dr. Burnet hath thought an Undertaking of this kind so useful for our Nobility and Gentry , as to give us his own elegant Translations , or rather Abridgments in English , of his two ingenious Treatises of the Theory of the Earth . And I doubt not , but your Lordship would have done somewhat in this kind , with this admirable Work of yours , had not the constant Employments of your Sacred Function , as well as your other severe and useful Studies , hindred you from it . But , perhaps , it may be thought by some , that this Task hath been very well performed already by Dr. Parker , late Bishop of Oxford , in his Treatise , entituled ▪ A Demonstration of the Laws of Nature , and therefore needs not be done over again . But to this I shall only say , that as he hath borrowed all that is new in that Work from your Lordship's Book , so it is with so slight an acknowledgment of that Obligation , that since he owns himself beholding to you for no more than the first Hint , or main Notion , no wonder if he hath fallen very short of the Original from whence he borrowed it , both in the clearness , as well as choice of the Arguments or Demonstrations , and in the particular setting forth of those Rewards and Punishments derived ( by God's appointment ) from the Nature of Men , and the Frame of Things ; which can only be done according to that exact Method your Lordship hath there laid down . Tho' , I confess , there is one thing that is particular in that Authors Undertaking , ( viz. ) That excellent Account he there gives us of the great Differences and Uncertainties among the most famous of the Heathen Philosophers , concerning Mans Soveraign Good , or Happiness , chiefly for want of the certain belief of a future state , and that clear conviction we now have , that Mens chiefest Good or Happiness consists in God's Love and Favour towards them : As also his observation , That , notwithstanding all that can be said of the Natural Rewards of Vertue , and Punishments of Vice , nothing but the reasonable hope and expectation of Happiness in a Life to come , can in all Cases bear us up under all the Miseries , Sorrows and Calamities of this . And herein I must own I agree with him ; and therefore hope your Lordship will pardon me , if I have in the ensuing Discourse insisted somewhat more particularly upon these future Rewards and Punishments , which I doubt not may very well be proved from Reason , and the necessity of supposing them , in order to the asserting and vindicating God's Justice and Providence : Tho' I grant , that the Gospel , or Divine Revelation , hath given us more firm grounds for this our Belief , than we had before by the mere light of Nature . But supposing this Work of Bishop Parker never so well performed ; as I do not deny , but it hath all the advantages of a Popular and Gentile Stile , and that neat Turn he gives to all his Writings ; and therefore I have not scrupled to transcribe , out of his Discourse , one or two Passages , where I thought either his way of urging your Lordship's Arguments , or the close summing them up , was not to be mended by any other Pen : Yet since ( as I have already observed ) the whole is not done from your Lordship's Work , and is also too concise , and full of Digressions , and besides wants your solid Confutations of Mr. H.'s Principles , it seems necessary , that another Treatise more exact in the kind , should be published as more agreeable to your Lordship's Original : Whether this which I now present you with , be such , I must submit to your Lordship's and the Reader 's judgment . But since I have undertaken this difficult Province with your Lordships approbation , it is fit , that I give you , as well as the Reader , some account of the Method I have followed in this Treatise , and wherein it differs from yours . First then , to begin with the Preface , The substance of it is wholly yours , except the Introduction concerning the usefulness of the Knowledge of the true Grounds of the Law of Nature , in order to a right understanding of Moral Philosophy , nay Christianity itself . But for a Conclusion to the Preface , I have also made some Additions , wherein . I have shewn your Principle of Endeavouring the Common Good , is not a new Invention , but that which several Great Men had before delivered , as the only firm Rule , by which to try not only all our Moral Actions , but all Civil Laws , whether they are right and just ; that is , agreeable to right Reason , or not . And I have also concluded it with a set of Principles , very necessary to be understood , for the proving the Truth of all Natural Religion , and the Law of Nature , tho' the two last alone are the Subject of your Lordship's Book , as well as of my Abridgment of it . But to speak more particularly of the Discourse itself , since I here design no more than an Epitome , I hope your Lordship will not take it ill , if I have omitted most of your rare Instances and Parallels drawn from the Mathematicks , many of which are above the capacity of common Readers , ( tho' therein your Lordship hath shewn your self a Great Master ) and have confined my self only to such plain and easie Proofs and natural Observations as Men of all capacities may understand . So also if in the Chapter of Humane Nature , I have left out divers curious Anatomical Observations , wherein the Structure of Mens Bodies differs from that of Beasts , if I thought they were at all questionable or doubtful , or such as did not directly tend to the proving , that Mens Bodies are fitted and ordained by God for the Prosecution of the Common Good of others of their own Kind , above all other Creatures . I have also made bold to contract the Chapters in your Work , into a lesser number , having disposed the substance of them into other places , or else quite omitted some , as not so necessary to our purpose : As for example , I have placed most of the Matter of the third Chapter , De bono naturali , partly in the explanation of the word Good , in our Description of the Law of Nature , in the third Chapter , reserving what remained of it to the second part for the Confutation of that Principle of Mr. H. That no Action is Good or Evil in the State of Nature . So likewise for the fourth Chapter , De Dictaminibus Practicis , I have set down the Substance of it ( omitting the Mathematical Illustrations ) in our second Chapter of Humane Nature . So also the sixth Chapter , entituled , De iis quae in Lege Naturali continentur . And the seventh and eighth , De Origine Dominii , & Virtutum Moralium . I have partly disposed the substance of them into the first Chapter of the Nature of Things , but chiefly into your fourth Chapter , reducing all the Laws of Nature , and Moral Vertues therein contained , into this one Principle , of Endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings . But as for your last Chapter , viz. that part of it which contains the Consectaria , or Consequences deducible from the foregoing Chapters , in relation to the Law of Moses , and all Civil Laws ; I have made bold to omit , since it is plain enough , that all the Precepts of the Decalogue do tend either ( in the first Table ) to the Honour and Glory of God , in his commanding himself to be the sole Object of our Worship , and that without any Images of himself ; or else ( in the second Table ) to our Duties towards others , wherein the highest Vertue and Innocence are prescribed . And so likewise , that all the Laws of the Supreme Civil Powers have no Authority , but as they pursue this Great Rule , or Law of Nature , of procuring the Common Good of Rational Beings ; that is , the Honour and Worship of God , and the Peace and Happiness of their Subjects , and of Mankind in general : And whereas your Lordship hath here also solidly and briefly confuted many Gross Errors in Mr. H.'s Morals , as well as Politicks , some of those Confutations I have made use of in the second Part , viz. those that relate to that Author 's Moral Principles , which , if they are false , his Politick ones will fall of themselves . To conclude , I must beg your Lordships Pardon , if I have made bold to alter your Method , as to your Confutation of Mr. H.'s Principles . For whereas you have thought fit to do it in the Body of your Work , and as they occurred under the several Heads you treat of ; since I perceiv'd the placing your Answers after that manner , did disturb the Connexion and Perspicuity of the Discourse , I thought it better to cast those Answers into a distinct part , digested under so many Heads , or Propositions , in the order in which they stand in Mr. H.'s Books , de Cive , and Leviathan , where the Reader , if he pleases , may compare what I have quoted out of him . And I hope your Lordship will not take it amiss in me , if ( to render the Work more pleasant and grateful to common Readers , and that it may not look like a bare Translation ) I have added several Notions and Observations , some of my own knowledge , and others out of History , and the Relations of Modern Travellers , concerning the Customs of those Nations commonly counted Barbarous , who yet by their amicable living together , without either Civil Magistrates , or written Laws , serve sufficiently to confute Mr. H.'s extravagant Opinion , That all Men by Nature are in a State of War. I have likewise presumed to add those Aphorisms of Good and Evil contained in Bishop Wilkins's Treatise of Natural Religion , and Dr. Moor's Enchiridion Ethicum , that the Reader may see them all at once , tho' I confess they are most of them to be found ( tho' dispersedly ) in your Lordship's Work. I have also inserted some things , in answer to the Objections at the end of the first Part , out of that noble contemplative Philosopher , Mr. Lock 's Essay of Humane Vnderstanding ; since he proceeds upon the same Principles with your Lordship , and hath divers very new and useful Notions concerning the Manner of Attaining the Knowledge of all Truths , as well Natural , as Divine , and the Certainty we have of them . But , I fear , I have trespass'd too much upon your Lordship's Patience , by so long an Epistle , and therefore shall conclude with my Prayers for your Lordship's Happiness and Health , since I am confident you cannot but prove more useful for the common good of our Church and State , in this high and publick Station to which Their Majesties have thought fit to call you , than you could have been in a more private Condition : And I hope your Lordship will look upon this Dedication as a small Tribute of Gratitude , which all the World must owe you for your Learned and not Common Undertakings , of which Obligation none ought to be ( or indeed is ) more sensible than , My LORD , Your Lordship 's most faithful and humble Servant , JAMES TYRRELL . THE PREFACE TO THE READER , By way of INTRODUCTION . I Suppose you are not ignorant , that the Study of Moral Philosophy , or the Laws of Nature , was preferred ( by Plato , Aristotle , Socrates , and Tully , the wisest of the Heathen Philosophers ) above all other knowledge , whether Natural or Civil , and that deservedly , as well in respect of its usefulness , as certainty , since it was to that alone ( as most agreeable to the Natural Faculties of Mankind ) that Men , before they were assisted by Divine Revelation , owed the Discovery of their Natural Duties , to God , themselves , and all others : as Cicero hath shewn us at large in those three excellent Treatises , De Officiis , De Finibus , and De Legibus . And tho' I grant we Christians have now clearer and higher Discoveries of all Moral Duties , by the Light of the Gospel , yet is the Knowledge of Natural Religion , or the Laws of Nature , still of great use to us , as well for the confirmation as illustration of all those Duties , since by their Knowledge , and the true Principles on which they are founded , we may be convinced , that God requires nothing from us in all the practical Duties of revealed Religion , but our reasonable Service ; that is , what is really our own interest , and concerns our good and happiness to observe , as the best and most perfect Rule of Life , whether God had ever farther enforced them or not by any revealed Law. And tho' I do not deny , that our Saviour Jesus Christ hath highly advanced and improved these Natural Laws , by more excellent and refined Precepts of Humility , Charity , and Self-denial , than were discovered before by the wisest of the Heathen Philosophers , especially as to the greater assurance we have of that grand Motive to Religion and Vertue , the immortality of the Soul , or a Life either eternally happy or miserable , when this is ended : Yet certainly it was this Law of Nature , or Reason alone , by which Mankind was not only to live , but also to be judged , before the Law given to Moses , and it must be for not living up to this Natural Light , that the Heathens shall be condemned , who never yet heard of Christ , or of a revealed Religion , and so cannot ( as St. Paul expresly declares to the Romans ) believe on him of whom they have not heard , Rom. 10.14 . And therefore the same Apostle , in the first Chapter of the same Epistle , appeals to the knowledge of God , from the things that are seen , that is , the Creation of the World , as the foundation of all Natural Religion , and their falling [ notwithstanding this knowledge , ] into that gross Idolatry they professed , as the only reason , why God gave them up to their own hearts lusts , because that when they knew God , they glorified him not as God , neither were thankful , but became vain in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was darkned , v 21. And so likewise in the second Chapter , the Apostle farther tells them , that when the Gentiles , who have not the Law , do by nature the things contained in the Law , these having not the Law , are a Law unto themselves , shewing the work of the Law written in their hearts ; that is , the Law of Nature or Reason , as the main substance or effect of the Mosaical Law. And that it is by this Law alone , that they shall be judged , mark what immediately follows , Their consciences bearing witness , and their own thoughts ( or reasonings , as it is rather to be rendred ) in the mean while accusing or excusing each other . And indeed the Apostle supposes the Knowledge of God as a Rewarder of Good Works , as the foundation of all Natural , as well as revealed Religion , and the first Principle of saving Faith , as appears in his Epistle to the Hebrews , Chap. 11. v. 6. But without faith it is impossible to please him , for he that comes unto God must first believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of all them that diligently seek him . But I need speak no more of Natural Religion , and how necessary it is to the true Knowledge of the Revealed , since the Reverend and learned Dr. Wilkins , Late Bishop of Chester , hath so well perform'd that Noble Vndertaking , in that excellent Posthumous Treatise , published by the Reverend Dr. Tillotson , now Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , to which nothing needs to be added by so mean a Pen as mine . But since the Laws of Nature , as derived from God the Legislator , are the foundation of all Moral Philosophy and true Politicks , as being those which are appealed to in all Controversies between Civil Soveraigns , and also are the main Rules of those mutual Duties between Soveraigns and their Subjects : It is worth while to enquire how these Laws may be discovered to proceed from God as a Legislator . Now whereas this can only be done by one of these two ways , ( viz. ) Either from the certain and manifest Effects and Consequences that proceed from their observation ; Or , 2dly , From the Causes from which they are derived . The former of these hath been already largely treated of by others , especially by the most learned Hugo Grotius , in his admirable Work , De Jure Belli & Pacis . And by his Brother William , in that small Posthumous Treatise , De Principiis Juris Naturalis . And by the Iudicious Monsieur Puffendorf , in his learned Treatise , De Jure Naturae & Gentium : As also by our own Countryman , Dr. Sharrock . Who have all undertaken to prove their certainty from their general belief and reception by the wisest and most civilized Nations in all Ages . To which we may also add the learned Mr. Selden , in that most elaborate Work , De Jure Gentium juxta placita Hebraeorum . And as I do acknowledge , that those Great Men have all deserved very well in their way , so I think none deserves greater commendation , than that excellent Work of Grotius the Elder , which as it was the first in its kind , so it is worthy of enduring as long as Vertue and Iustice shall be in esteem among Mankind . And tho' the Objections which are wont to be brought against this Method of proving the Laws of Nature , are not of so great moment , as to render it altogether fallacious or useless , as some would have it to be ; yet I freely acknowledge they can chiefly serve to convince Men of sincere and honest minds , and who are naturally disposed to Vertue and right Reason : So that I conceive it were more useful , as well as certain , to seek for a firmer and clearer Demonstration thereof , from a strict search and inquisition into the Nature of things , and also of our own selves , by which I doubt not but we may attain not only to a true Knowledge of the Laws of Nature , but also of that true Principle on which they are founded , and from whence they are all derived . But it will not consist with the narrow bounds of a Preface , to propose and answer all the Objections that may be made against their Method of proving the Law of Nature , from the Consent of Nations , neither perhaps can it be done at all to the universal satisfaction even of indifferent persons ; since it may be still urged by those that do not admit them , that altho' some Dictates of Right Reason may be indeed approved of by our Vnderstandings , and are commonly received and practised by most Nations for their general usefulness and conveniency : Yet it must be acknowledged , that there is still required the Knowledge of God as a Legislator , by whose Authority alone they can obtain the force of Laws . The Proof of which ( tho' the most material part of the Question ) hath been hitherto omitted , or but slightly touch'd , by former Writers on this Subject . But besides the Objections of some of the Ancients , Mr. Selden and Mr. Hobbs have also argued against this Method , tho' upon divers Principles , and from different Designs , the latter intending , that no body should receive these Dictates of Reason , as obligatory to outward Actions , before a Supreme Civil Power be instituted , who shall ordain them to be observed as Laws . And tho' he sometimes vouchsafes them that Title , yet in his De Cive , cap. 14. he tells us , That in the state of Nature they are but improperly called so , and that tho' the Laws of Nature may be found largely described in the Writings of Philosophers , yet are they not for this cause to be called Laws , any more than the Writings or Opinions of Lawyers are Laws , till confirmed and made so by the Supreme Powers . But , on the other side , Mr. Selden more fairly finds fault with the want of Authority in these Dictates of Reason , ( considered only as such ) that he may from hence shew us a necessity of recurring to the Legislative Power of God , and that he may thereby make out , that those Dictates of Reason do only acquire the force of Laws , because all our knowledge of them is to be derived from God alone , who when he makes these Rules known to us , does then ( and not before ) promulgate them to us as Laws . And so far I think he is in the right , and hath well enough corrected our common Moralists , who are wont to consider these Dictates of Reason as Laws , without any sufficient proof , that they have all the Conditions required to make them so , viz. That they are established and declared to us by God as a Legislator , who hath annexed to them sufficient Rewards and Punishments . But I think it is evident , that if these Rational Dictates can by any means be proved to proceed from the Will of God , the Author of Nature , as Rules for all our Moral Actions , they will not need any Humane Authority , much less the Consent or Tradition of any one or many Nations to make them known to be so : Therefore , tho' I grant this learned Author hath taken a great deal of pains to prove from divers general Traditions of the Iewish Rabbins , that God gave certain Commands to Adam , and after to Noah , contained in these seven Precepts , called by his Name ; and that those various Quotations this learned Author hath there produced , do clearly prove , that the Iews believe , that all Nations whatever , altho' they do not receive the Laws of Moses , yet are obliged to observe the same Moral Laws , which they conceive to be all contained under the Precepts above mentioned ; and tho' this Work is indeed most learnedly and judiciously performed , and may prove of great use in Christian Theology , yet I must confess it still seems to me , that he hath not sufficiently answered his own Objection concerning Mens Ignorance , or want of Discovery of the Law-giver ; for altho' it should be granted , that those Traditions they call the Precepts of Noah , should be never so generally or firmly believed by the whole Iewish Nation , yet are they not therefore made known to the rest of Mankind , and one of them , viz. That of not eating any Part or Member of a living Creature , is justly derided and received with scorn by all other Nations . So that it seems evident to me , that the unwritten Traditions of the learned Men of any one Nation , cannot be looked upon as a sufficient promulgation made by God as a Law-giver , of those Laws or Precepts therein contained ; and that all Nations , who perhaps have never heard of Adam or Noah , should be condemned for not living according to them , especially when we consider , that it is but in these latter Ages of the World , that the Iewish Rabbins began to commit these Traditions to Writing ; and that it is most probable the ancient Iews knew nothing of them , since neither Josephus , nor Philo Judaeus , take any notice of these Precepts in their Writings . Therefore that the Divine Authority of those Dictates of Right Reason , or Rules of Life , called the Laws of Nature , may more evidently be demonstrated to all considering Men , it seemed to me the best and fittest Method to inquire first into their Natural Causes , as well internal as external , remote as near , since by this Series of Causes and Effects , we may at last be more easily brought to the knowledge of the Will of God , their first Cause , from whose intrinsick Perfections and extrinsick Sanctions , by fit Rewards and due Punishments , we have endeavoured to shew , that as well their Authority as Promulgation is derived . I know indeed , that the greatest part of former Writers have been content , to suppose , that these Dictates of Reason , and all Acts conformable thereunto , are taught us by Nature , or at most do only affirm in general , that they proceed from God , without shewing us which way , or the manner how . Therefore it seemed highly necessary to us , that we ought to inquire more exactly how the force of Objects from without , and of our own Notions or Idea's from within us , do both concur towards the imprinting , and fixing these Principles in our Minds , as Laws derived from the Will of God himself ; which Work if it be well performed , we hope may prove of great use , not only to our own Nation , but to all Mankind ; because from hence it may appear , both by what means Men's Vnderstandings , may attain to a true , and natural Knowledge of the Divine Will , or Laws of God ; So that if they practise them not , they may be left without excuse : And this Principle will likewise serve for a general Rule , by which the Municipal Laws of every Common-wealth may be tryed , whether they are Iust , and Right , or not ; that is agreeable with the Laws of Nature , and so may be corrected , and amended by the supreme Powers , when-ever they have deviated from this great End of the common Good. And from hence may also be demonstrated , that there is somewhat in the Nature of God , as also in our own , and all other Men's Natures , which administers present Comfort and Satisfaction to our Minds , from good Actions , as also firm Hopes , or Presages of a future Happiness , as a Reward for them when this Life is ended ; whereas on the other side the greatest Misery , and most dismal Fears , do proceed from wicked , or evil Actions , from whence the Conscience seems furnished , as it were with Whips , and Scorpions to correct and punish all Vice , and Improbity : So that it may from hence appear , that Men are not deluded in their moral Notions , either by Clergy-men , or Politicians . I grant , the Platonists undertake to dispatch all these Difficulties a much easier way , only by supposing certain innate Idea's of moral Good , and Evil , imprest by God upon the Souls of Men. But I must indeed confess my self not yet so happy , as to be able thus easily to attain to so great a Perfection , as the Knowledge of the Laws of Nature by this natural Instinct , or Impression : And it doth not seem to me either safe , or convenient to lay the whole Stress of Natural Religion , and Morality upon an Hypothesis , which hath been exploded by all Philosophers , except themselves , and which can never alone serve to convince those of Epicurean Principles , for whom we chiefly design this Work : But whosoever will take the Pains to peruse , what hath been written , against these innate Idea's by the inquisitive , and sagacious * Author of the late Essay of humane Understanding , will find them very hard , if not impossible to be proved to have ever been innate in the Souls of Men , before they came into the World : Therefore as I shall not take upon me , absolutely to deny the Being , or Impossibility of such Idea's , so I shall not make use of any Arguments drawn from thence in this Discourse , Though I heartily wish that any Reasons , or Motives , which may serve to promote true Vertue , and Piety may prevail as far as they deserve , with all sincere and honest Men. And the same Reasons , which deterred me from supposing any natural Laws innate in our Minds , have also made me not presently suppose , as many do ( without any due proof ) That such Idea's have existed in the Divine Intellect from all Eternity . And therefore I looked upon it as more proper , and necessary to begin from those things , which are most known , and familiar to us by our Senses , and from thence to prove that certain Propositions of immutable Truth prescribing our Care of the Happiness , or common Good of all rational Agents considered together , are necessarily imprinted upon our Minds from the Nature of things , and which the first Cause perpetually determines so to act upon them : And that in the Terms of these Propositions , are intrinsecally included an evident Declaration of their Truth , and certainty , as proceeding from God the first Cause in the very intrinsick Constitution of things : From whence it will be also manifest , that such practical Propositions are truly and properly Laws , as being declared , and established by due Rewards , and Punishments annexed to them by him , as the supreme Legislator . But after it shall appear , that the Knowledge of these Laws , and a Practice conformable to them are the highest Perfection , or most happy State of our Rational Natures : It will likewise follow , that a Perfection Analogous to this Knowledge , and a Practice conformable to these Laws , must necessarily be in the first Cause ; from whence proceeds , not only our own Natural Perfections , but also the most wise Ordination of all Effects without us , for the common Conservation , and Perfection of the whole Natural System , or Vniverse , which our Eyes daily behold : For that is look'd upon by me among the things most certainly prov'd , That it must be first known , what Iustice is , and what those Laws enjoyn , in whose Observation all Iustice consists , before we can distinctly know , that Iustice is to be attributed to God , and that his Iustice is to be considered by us as a Pattern , or Example for us to imitate . Since we do not know God by an immediate Intuition of his Essence , or Perfections , but only from the outward Effects of his Providence , first known by our Senses , and Experience : Neither is it safe to affix Attributes to him , which we cannot sufficiently understand , or make out from things without us . Having now shewn you in general , the difference between our Method , and that which others have hitherto followed , it is fit we here declare , in as few words as we can , the chief Heads of those things which we have delivered in this Treatise . Supposing therefore those natural Principles concerning the Laws of Motion , and Rest sufficiently demonstrated by Naturalists ( especially such as depend upon Mathematical Principles ) since we have only here undertaken to demonstrate the true Grounds of Moral Philosophy , and to deduce them from some supposed Knowledge of Nature , and as they refer to our Moral Practice ; I have here therefore supposed all the Effects of corporeal Motions , which are natural and necessary , and performed without any Intervention of humane Liberty , to be derived from the Will of the first Cause . And , 2dly . ( which Mr. H. himself likewise in his Leviathan admits ) that from the Consideration , and Inquisition into these Causes , and from the Powers , and Operations of natural Bodies , may be discovered the Existence of one Eternal , Infinite , Omnipotent Being , which we call God. So that every Motion impress'd upon the Organs of our Senses , whereby the Mind is carried on to apprehend things without us , and to give a right Iudgment upon them , is a natural Effect ; which by the Mediation of other inferiour Causes , owes its Original to the first Cause . From whence it follows , that God by these natural Motions of Causes , and Effects delineates the Idea's , or Images of all natural and moral Actions on our Minds ; And that the same God , after he hath thus made us draw various Notions , from the same Objects , does then excite us to compare them with each other , and then joyn them together , and so determines us to form true Propositions of the things , thus singly received and understood . So that sometimes a thing is exposed whole , and all at once to our View , and sometimes it is more naturally considered successively ; or according to its several parts ; And the Mind thereby perceives that the Notion of awhole , signifies the same , with that of all the several Idea's of the particular parts put together , and so is thence carried on to make a Proposition of the Identity of the whole , with all its parts . And can truly affirm , that the same Causes , which preserve the whole , must also conserve all its constituent parts ; and then from a diligent Contemplation of all these Propositions , ( which may justly challenge the Title of the more general Laws of Nature ; ) we may observe , that they are all reduceable to one Proposition ; from whose fit , and just Explication , all the Limits , or Exceptions , under which the particular Propositions are proposed , may be sought for , and discovered , as from the Evidence of that one Proposition , which may be reduced into this , or the like Sence , ( viz. ) The endeavour as far as we are able of the common good of the whole System of Rational Beings conduces , as far as lies in our Power to the good of all its several Parts or Members , in which our own Felicity is also contained as part thereof ; Whereas the Acts opposite to this Endeavour , do bring along with them Effects quite opposite thereunto , and will certainly procure our own Ruine , or Misery at last . Therefore the whole Summ of this Proposition , may be reduced to these three Things . 1. That which concerns the Matter of it , to wit , the Knowledge of its Terms drawn from the Nature of Things . 2. It s form , ( viz. ) the Connexion of those Terms contained in this practical Proposition , and particularly such , which because of the Rewards , and Punishments annexed to them , may make it deserve to be called a Divine , Natural Law , as proceeding from God the Authour of Nature . Or , 3. The Deduction of all other natural Laws from this , as their Foundation , and Original , from that Respect , or Proportion they bear to the common Good , or happiest State of the whole aggregate Body of Rational Beings . But as to the Explication of the Terms of this Proposition : I hope the Reader will not be scandaliz'd , that we attribute Reason to God , and have reckoned him as the Head of Rational Beings , since we do not thereby mean , that Sort of Reason which consists in deducing Conclusions from prior Propositions , but rather that absolute Omniscience , and perfect Wisdom , which we understand to be in God , which Cicero himself could not better describe , than by the Name of Adulta Ratio ; or , the most perfect Reason . And if we Mortals can know , or apprehend any aright , thing of him , it is as we do partake of some part , though in an infinitely lower Degree of that only true Knowledge , and Vnderstanding . So that if we can once rightly judge , that the common Good of Rational Beings , is the greatest of all others ; it is no doubt true , and no otherwise true , than as it is so apprehended by the Divine Intellect ; As when it is demonstrated to us , that the three Angles of a Triangle , are equal to two right ones , no doubt , but the Deity it self , had before the same Idea of it . So likewise if we have affirmed , that we can contribute any thing to the good , and happiness of rational Beings , by our Benevolence towards them , and so may seem to suppose , that there is a certain good common to us , and the Deity ▪ and which we may some way serve to promote : We desire to be understood not as if we imagin'd , that by our testifying our Love , and Honour towards God , in any internal , or external Acts of Worship ; we could add , or contribute any thing to his infinite Happiness , and Perfections ; but only as judging it more gratefull , and agreeable to his Nature , if by our Deeds we express our Gratitude and Obedience to him , by imitating him in our Care of the common good of Mankind , than if we deny his Being , or blaspheme his Attributes , and violate , or contemn his Laws : So likewise , if in our Thoughts , Words and Actions , we express our Worship , and Love towards him , we doubt not but it is more pleasing , and agreeable to his Divine Nature , than if by the contrary Actions we should signifie our neglect , or hatred of him . For if we abstractively compare any two rational Natures together , we must acknowledge a greater Similitude , when one of them agrees , and co-operates with the other , than if we should suppose a Disagreement or Discord between them , or that the End or Design intended by the one should be crossed , or opposed by the other . Neither do I see what can hinder , but that the same may be affirmed , if one of these rational Natures be supposed to be God , and the other only Man. Therefore , as it is known by our common Sense , that it is more gratefull to any Man to be beloved , and honoured , than to be hated , and contemned . So it may be found by a manifest Analogy of reason , that it is more gratefull to God , the Head of rational Beings to be belov'd , and honour'd by the Service and Worship of us Men , than to be hated , and contemned . For as the Desire of being beloved argueth no Imperfection in us ; so likewise in God , it is so far from giving the least Suspicion thereof , that on the contrary , it rather argues his Goodness , since our Natures are perfected , to the highest Degree they are capable of , by our Love to him , and Obedience to his Commands . So that , when we speak of any Good , common to us with the Divine Nature , it is only to be understood Analogically ; for those things which we perceive to conserve , or perfect our own Nature we call gratefull to us , that is , as they render the Mind pleased , and full of Ioy , Pleasure , and Satisfaction : And though we confess we cannot contribute any thing to the infinite Perfection of the Deity , Yet since this Ioy , or Complacency proceeding from our Love , and Service towards him may be conceived without any Imperfection , they I think may be safely attributed to his Divine Nature , and look'd upon as a sort of good endeavoured by us for him , since God esteems our Love , and Service as the only Tribute we can pay him , and therefore he hath inseparably annexed the highest Rewards to this Love of himself ( as shall be proved in this following Discourse ) which certainly he would never have done , unless it had been his Will , that we should thus love , and worship him . So that though I grant , that the Divine Good or Happiness is not at all advanced by our Worship of him ; yet will not this at all derogate from our definition of endeavouring the Common good of Rational Beings , which may be made out by these following Considerations . 1. That all Rational Beings , or Agents are , and must be considered together , as naturally , and necessarily constituting one intellectual System , or Society ; because they agree together , to prosecute one chief End , Viz. The good of the Vniverse , or World , especially of that intellectual System ; by the fittest Means applicable to that End since , whilst they are truly rational , they cannot differ in judging what is that best End ; nor avoid chusing the same necessary Means , leading thereunto . 2. That although God , the Head of this intellectual System , be indeed uncapable of any Addition to his infinite Happiness , and Perfection , yet the whole System ( in as much as it includes all finite rational Beings ) is capable of Improvement in these its finite parts , which Improvement God cannot only desire , but ever did , and will promote both by his own Power , as also by that of all subordinate voluntary Agents , whereby God's Essential Goodness becomes manifest to us : And the good of the whole System may reasonably be judged as grateful , or pleasing to God the head thereof , although it can add nothing to himself : thus in Embryons all the other Members daily grow , and improve , after the Head or Brain is supposed to have attained its full bigness . These voluntary , or free Actions of the subordinate Agents , when they concur with God's wisdom and goodness , are naturally and evidently known to be more pleasing ( as being rewarded by him ) than malevolent Actions opposite to this chief end , which fight both against God and Men ; nor does the consideration of God's rewarding such good Actions , imply any addition to his Divine Perfections . So that our Benevolence towards God , and consequently , our worship of him , is but our free acknowledgment , that he naturally , and essentially is ( what he ever was and will be ) the same infinite , good , and wise Disposer , and Governour of the whole System of rational Beings ; and this our benevolence by giving him Glory , Love , Reverence , and Obedience fulfils all the Duties of humanity towards those of our own kind , which answers both the Tables of the moral , or natural Law ; and in this consent of our minds with the divine Intellect , consists that compleat harmony of the Vniverse of intellectual Beings . The great influence of these Principles upon all the parts of natural Religion , may be more fully express'd and made out ; by these following considerations . 1. The voluntary acknowledgment and consent of our minds to the Perfections of the divine Nature and Actions , include the agreement , and concurrence of our chief Faculties , viz. The understanding , and will , therewith ; and moreover , naturally excite all our Affections to comply with them , and so strongly dispose us in our future Life , and Actions , to compose our selves to the imitation thereof , to the utmost of our Abilities ; particularly these Principles naturally produce in us . First , Praises , and Thanksgivings to God , private and publick , for goods already done to our selves , or others , wherein the Essence of Prayer is contained . 2. Hence also arise Hope , Affiance , or Trust in God , which I willingly acknowledge is fullest of assurance , when founded not only on observations , or past experience of Providence ; but hath also revealed promises annex'd , relating to future Good. 3. To conclude , when our Acknowledgment , and high esteem of the divine Attributes move us to the imitation thereof , we must needs thereby arise to those high degrees of Charity , or the endeavour of the greatest publick good which we observe in God to prosecute , and such Charity imports not only exact Iustice to all , but that overflowing bounty , tenderness and sympathy with others , beyond which humane Nature cannot arrive ; because these not only harmoniously consent with the like Perfections in God , but also co-operate with him , to the improvement of the finite parts of the rational System , whereof he is the infinite , yet Sympathizing head , who declares he takes all that is done to the Members of this intellectual Society , as done to himself . Nevertheless , I profess my self to understand this Sympathy , or compassion in God in such a Sence only , as it is understood in Holy Writ , for that infinite concern for the good of his best Creatures , which is contained in his infinite goodness , and is a real perfection of his Nature , not implying any mistake of others for himself , nor any capacity of being lessened or hurt by the power of any mans malice , but yet fully answers , ( nay infinitely exceeds ) that solicitous care , and concern for the good of others , which Charity and Compassion work in the best of men . In short , if the Reader will take the pains to peruse the Three first Chapters of this Discourse , he will find , that we have , in explaining the terms of this Proposition , not only given a bare interpretation of Words , but also have proposed the true Notions , and Natures of those things , from whence they are taken ; as far as is necessary for our purpose , and may observe that by one , and the same labour we have directly , and immediately explained the Power , and necessity of those humane Actions , which are required to the common Happiness of all men , and also to the private good , and necessity of particular Persons . Altho' it seemed most convenient to use such general words , which may in some Sence be attributed to the Divine Majesty , and to have done it with that Design , that by the help of this Analogy thus supposed , not only our obligation to Piety and Vertue , but also the Nature of Divine Iustice , and Dominion may be from hence better understood . But as for what concerns the form of this Proposition it is evident , that it is wholly practical , as that which determines concerning the certain effects of humane Actions . But it is also to be noted , that altho' the words , conduces , or renders , in either of these Propositions , are put in the present Tense ; Yet it is not limited to any time present , but abstracts from it : And because its truth doth chiefly depend upon the Identity of the whole , with the parts ; it is as plainly true of all future time , and is as often used by us in this Discourse with respect to future , as well as present Actions . And therefore this Proposition is more fit for our purpose , because built upon no particular Hypothesis ; for it doth not suppose men born in a Civil State , nor yet out of it , neither see any Kindred or Relation to be among men , as derived from the same common Parents , as we are taught by the Holy Scriptures ; since the obligation of the Laws of Nature is to be demonstrated to those who do not yet acknowledge them : Neither on the other side doth it suppose , ( as Mr. H. doth in his de Cive ) a great many men already grown , and sprung up out of the Earth like Mushrooms ; But our Proposition , and all those things which we have deduced from it , might have been understood , and acknowledged by the first Parents of mankind , if they had only considered themselves together with God , and their Posterity which was to come into the world . Neither may it less easily be understood and admitted by those Nations , which have not yet heard of Adam and Eve. Neither may it be amiss to observe , concerning the Sence of this Proposition , that in the same words in which the Cause of the greatest , and best effect is laid down , there is also delivered in short the means to the chiefest end , because the effect of a rational Agent , after it is conceived in its mind , and that it hath determined to bestow its endeavours in producing it , is called the End , and the Acts , or Causes by which it endeavours to effect it , are called the means ; and from this observation , may be shown a true method of reducing all those things which Moral Philosophers have spoken about the means to the best end , into natural Theorems concerning the Power of humane Actions , in producing such Effects ; and in this form , they may more easily be examined whether they are true , or not , and may be more evidently demonstrated so to be ; and also we may hence learn by the like Reason , how easily all true knowledge of the force of those natural Causes , which we may any way apply to our use , does suggest fit Mediums for the attaining of the end intended , and so may be applyed to Practice according to occasion : Lastly , from thence it appears , that either of these Propositions , which we have now laid down , do so far approach to the nature of a Law , as they respect an end truly worthy of it , viz. The common good of all rational Beings ; or else ( if you please to word it otherwise ) the Honour , or Worship of God , conjoyned with the common Good , and Happiness of mankind . And tho' it doth not yet appear , that this Proposition is a Law , because the Lawgiver is not yet mentioned , nevertheless I doubt not but you will find in the Body of this Discourse , that it hath all things necessary to render it so , viz. God , considered as a Legislator , and his Will or Commands sufficiently declared to us , as a Law from the very constitution of our Natures , as also of other things without us ; and likewise established by sufficient Rewards , and Punishments both in this life , and the next ; neither do we suppose it can be more evidently proved , that God is the Author of all things , than that he is also the Author of this Proposition , concerning the common good of rational Beings , or concerning his own Honour , and Worship conjoyned with the common Good of mankind : And tho' I confess we have been more exact , and have dwelt longer upon the Rewards , that we may expect from the observation of this Law , than upon the Punishments , which are appointed for the breach of it ; and tho' I know the Civilians have rather placed the Sanction of Civil Laws in Punishments , than Rewards ; yet I hope we have not offended , tho' we a little deviate from their Sense , and make it part of the Sanction of this Law , that it is established by Rewards , as well as Punishments ; since it seems more agreeable to the Nature of things , whose foot-steps are strictly to be followed , to consider the positive Idea's of Causes , and Effects in our minds , and which do not receive either Negations , or Privations by our outward Senses ; and our Affections ought rather to be moved by the Love , or Hopes , of a present , or future Good ; than by the Fear , or hatred of the contrary Evil : For as no man is said to Love , Life , Health , and those grateful motions of the Nerves , or Spirits which are called corporeal Pleasures , because he may avoid Death , Sickness , or Pain ; but rather from their own intrinsick Goodness , or Agreeableness with our humane Natures ; so likewise no rational Man desires the Perfections of the mind , to wit , the more ample and distinct knowledge of the most noble Objects , the most happy State of rational Beings , can only give him ; and all this , not only that he ▪ may avoid the mischiefs of Ignorance , Envy , and Malevolence ; but because of that great Happiness , which he finds by experience to spring from such vertuous Actions , and Habits , and which render it most ungrateful to us , to be deprived of them ; and so the Causes also of such Privations are judg'd highly grievous , and troublesome : From whence it also appears , that even Civil Laws themselves , when they are established by Punishments , ( e. g. ) by the fear of Death , or loss of Goods , ( if we consider the thing truly ) do indeed force men to yield obedience to them from the love of Life , or Riches ; which they find can only be preserved by their observation . So that the avoiding of Death , and Poverty is but in other words , love of Life , and Riches ; as he who by two Negatives would say he would not want Life , means no more , but that he desires to enjoy it : To which we may likewise add , that Civil Laws themselves ought to be considered from the end which the Law-makers regard in making them , as also which all good Subjects design in observing them ; to wit , the publick Good of the Commonwealth ( part of which is communicated to all of them in particular , and so brings with it a natural Reward of their obedience , ) rather than from the Punishments they threaten , by whose fear some only are deterred from violating them ; and those of the worst , and most wicked sort of Men. But tho' we have shewn , that the Sum of all the Precepts or Laws of Nature , as also of the Sanctions annexed to them , are briefly contained in this Proposition ; yet it s Subject , is still but an endeavour to the utmost of our Power , of the common Good of the whole System of rational Beings , this limitation of the utmost of our Power implies , that we do not think our selves capable of adding any thing to the Divine Perfections which we willingly acknowledge to be beyond our Power . So that here is at once exprest both our Love towards God , and Good will to mankind , who are the constituent parts of this System . But the Predicate of this Proposition is , that which conduces to the good of all its singular Parts , or Members , and in which our own Happiness , is contained as one part thereof . Since all those good things , which we can do for others , are but the Effects of this endeavour : so that the Sum of all those Goods ( of which also our own Felicity consists ) can never be mist of either in this Life , or a better , as the Reward of our obedience thereunto . So to the contrary Actions , Misery in this Life , or in that to come , are the Punishments naturally due . But the Connexion of the Predicate with the Subject , is both the Foundation of the truth of this Proposition ; and also a Demonstration of the natural Connexion , between this obedience , and the Rewards , as also between the Transgression , and the Punishments . From whence the Readers will easily observe , the true Reason for which this practical Proposition , and all others which may be drawn from thence , do oblige all rational Creatures to know , and understand it ; whilst other Propositions ( suppose Geometrical ones ) tho' found out by right Reason , and so are Truths proceeding from God himself , yet do not oblige men to any Act , or Practice pursuant to them ; but may be safely neglected by most Men , to whom the Science of Geometry may not be necessary ; whereas the Effects of the endeavour of the common Good , do intimately concern the Happiness of all mankind , ( upon whose joynt or concurrent Wills , and Endeavours , every single mans Happiness doth after some sort depend ) so that this Endeavour , can by no means be neglected without endangering the losing all those hopes of Happiness , which God hath made known to us , from our own Nature and the Nature of things ; and so hath sufficiently declared the Connexion of Rewards and Punishments , with all our Moral Actions , from whose Authority , as well this general Proposition , as all others , which are contained in it , must be understood to become Laws . So that from the terms of this Proposition , it is apparent , that the adequate , and immediate effect of our thus acting , and concerning which this Law is established ; is whatever is grateful to God , and beneficial to Men , that is , the natural Good of all the parts of the whole System of rational Beings ; Nay further , is the greatest of all Goods , which we can imagine , or perform for them ; since it is greater than the like good of any particular part , or Member of the same System . And farther , it is thereby sufficiently declared , that the Felicity of particular Persons , is derived from this happy State of the whole System ; as the Nutrition of any one Member of an Animal is produced by a due Distribution of the whole Mass of Blood diffused through all the parts of the Body . From whence it appears , that this Effect must needs be the best , since it shews us , that not the private Felicity of any single Man is the principal end of God the Legislator , or ought to be so of any one , who will truly obey his Will ; and by a Parity of reason it also appears , that those humane Actions , which from their own natural force , and Efficacy are apt to promote the common Good , are certainly better , than those which do only serve the private Good of any one Man , and that by the same proportion , as a common Good is greater than a private : So likewise those Actions , which take the nearest way to attain this effect as an End , are called Right , because of their natural Similitude with a right or straight line , which is always the shortest between the two Terms . But the same Actions , when compared with a Natural , or positive Law , as a rule of Life , or Manners , and are found conformable to it , are called morally good , and also right ; that is , agreeable to the Rule , but the Rule it self is called right , or straight , as it shews the nearest way to the End. But I shall referr you for the clearer Explication of these things , to what we have farther said concerning them in the Discourse its self , especially in the Second part , wherein we prove against Mr. H's Principle , that there is a true Natural , and Moral Good antecedent to Civil Laws . But however , it may not be amiss to give you in short the method which we take to prove , that this Law of endeavouring the common Good , is really and indeed , and not Metaphorically a Law. 1. This general Supposition being premised , That all particular Persons who can either promote or oppose this common Good are parts of that whole Body of mankind , which is either preserved , or prejudiced by their endeavours . We shall not now descend to the particular Proofs as they are drawn from the Causes of such Actions of which we have partly treated in the Chapter of humane Nature , and partly from their natural Effects and Consequences , of which we have largely discoursed , in the Chapter of the Obligation of the Law of Nature ; as also in the Second part in our Observation on Mr. H's Principles ; all which may nevertheless be reduced to these plain Propositions . 1. As I have observed it is manifest , that our Felicity , or highest Reward is essentially connected by God the Legislator , with the most full , and constant exercise of our natural Powers employed about the noblest Objects , and greatest Effects they can be capable of as proportioned to them ; from whence it may be gathered , that all men endued with these Faculties are naturally obliged under the penalty of losing , or missing of this their Happiness , to exercise those Powers about the worthiest Objects , ( viz. ) God , and Mankind . Nor can it be long doubted , whether our Faculties may be more happily exercised in maintaining Friendship , or Enmity with them ; for I , think it is certain , there can be no Neutral State in which God and Men , can neither be beloved , nor hated ; or in which we can stand so far Neuters , as neither to do things gratefull , nor ungratefull to them . But if it be granted , that there is a manifest Necessity ( if we will be truly happy ) of preserving Amity both with God and Men , here is thereby presently declared the Sanction of this general Law of Nature , which we are now enquiring into , for this alone establishes all Natural Religion , and also all those things , which are necessary to the Happiness and preservation of Mankind , which are , besides Piety towards God , 1. A peaceable Commerce and Agreement of divers Nations , which are treated of by the Law of Nations , which is but a Branch or subordinate Member of this great Law of Nature . 2. The Constitution , and Conservation of a Civil Society , or Common-wealth , which is the Scope of all Civil Laws . And , 3. The Continuance of Domestick Relations , and private Friendships , concerning which the general Rules of Ethicks , as also the more particular ones of Oeconomies do prescribe . And therefore , we have put together many things in the Chapter of humane Nature , by which all particular Persons of sound Minds are some way rendred capable of so large a Society , and are either more nearly , or remotely disposed to it . And we do here intreat the Reader , that he will not consider those things , each of them singly , or apart , but all together ; since from all of them conjoyned , he may raise a sufficient Argument to prove the Existence , and evince the Sanction of this most general Law of Nature , and that Men will necessarily fail of their Happiness , which chiefly consists in the Adequate , or proper Exercise of their rational Faculties , unless they will exercise them in cultivating this Amity , or Love both with God , and Men ; to which Ends they are before all other Animals particularly adapted . But from the Effects of such Actions conducing to the Common good of Rational Beings , we have also further shewn in the Chapter of the Obligation of the Laws of Nature , that this Sanction by sufficient Rewards , and Punishments , is most commonly connected with such Actions . And it is manifest , that in the first place God , as the best and wisest of Rational Beings is to be loved , and honoured by such Actions or Endeavours , as that the Goods , and Fortunes of all innocent Persons of what Nation soever , are thereby secured as far as lies in our Power , and all things profitable for particular Persons , procured according to the Proportion they bear to the good of the whole Body of Mankind ; so that this Law will not permit any thing to be done , which the Care of the whole doth not allow : Nor can any thing be supposed more worthy a rational Creature , and from whence greater Effects can proceed , than a Will always propeuse towards the good of this whole Body governed by the Conduct of a Right Vnderstanding . Therefore , since it can certainly be foreknown , that such Effects will follow from this Endeavour , no Man can be ignorant that all the Ioys , and present Comforts of true Piety , are therein contained , together with the hopes of a blessed Immortality , besides those many Conveniencies of Peace , and commerce with those of other Nations , and all those Emoluments both of Civil , and Domestick Government , and private Friendships which are connected with this Endeavour , as the common Rewards thereof , and which cannot by any Means within our Power be otherwise obtained . So that , he who neglects the Care of the Common good , doth also reject the true Causes of his own Felicity , and embraces those of his Misery , as a Punishment due to his Folly. In short , since it is manifest from the Nature of things , that the highest Happiness which we can procure for our selves , proceeds from our Care both of Piety to God , and Love and Peace with Men. And that the Endeavour of these can only be found in his Soul , who truly studieth the common Good of all Rational Beings , it is also evident , that the greatest Rewards , that any one can acquire , are necessarily connected with this Endeavour , and that the Loss , or Deprivation of this Felicity , doth necessarily adhere as a Punishment to the opposite Actions . The former of these , which declares the true Causes of all that Felicity , which particular Persons can thereby obtain , we have proved from Natural Effects found by Experience . The latter , ( viz. ) that Piety to God , and Charity or Benevolence towards all Men , are contained in the Endeavour of the common Good ; and we have also proved in the fourth Chapter , that all Vertues , both private and publick , are contained in this Endeavour . But because the Connexion of Rewards and Punishments , which follow those Acts which are for the common Good , or opposite to it , is something obscured by those Evils which often befall good Men , and those good Things which too frequently happen to Evil ones , it is enough to our Purpose to shew , that notwithstanding all these the Connexion between them is so sufficiently constant , and manifest in the Nature of things , that from thence may be certainly gathered the Sanction of the Law of Nature , commanding the former , and prohibiting the latter Actions . And we may suppose those Punishments to suffice for its Sanction , which , ( all things rightly weighed ) much exceed the Gain that may arise from any Act done contrary to this Law. But in comparing of the Effects which do follow good Actions on one hand , and Evil ones on the other those good , or evil Things ought not to be reckoned in to the Account , which either cannot be acquired , or avoided by any humane Prudence , or Industry ; such as are those which proceeding from the Natural Necessity of External Causes , may happen to any one by mere Chance , which are wont to fall out alike , both to good and bad . Therefore we shall only take those into our Account , which may be foreseen and prevented by humane Foresight , as some way depending upon our own Wills or Acts. But I must also acknowledge , that these Effects do not all depend upon our own particular Powers , but many of them do also proceed from the good Will and Endeavours of other Rationals ; yet since it may be known from their Natures , as they are , is agreeable to our own , that the common Good is the best , and greatest End which they can propose to themselves , and that their Natural Reason requires that they should act for an End , and rather for this than any other less good , or less perfect : And that it is moreover known by Experience , that such Effects of Vniversal Benevolence , may be for the most part obtained from others , by our own benevolent Actions ; it is just that those Effects should be numbred or esteemed among those Consequences , which do for the most part so fall out , because every Man is esteemed able to do whatever he can perform , or obtain by the Assistance of others . So that the whole Reward which is connected to good Actions , by the natural Constitution of Things , is somewhat like those Tributes of which the publick Revenues consist , which do not only arise out of constant Rents , but also out of divers contingent Payments , such as Custom , or Excise upon Commodities , whose value , although it be very great , yet is not always certain , though they are often farmed out , at a certain Rate . Therefore in the reckoning up of these Rewards , not only those parts thereof ought to come into Account , which immutably adhere to good Actions , such as are that Happiness , which consists in the Knowledge and Love of God , and good Men , the absolute Government of our Passions , the sweet Harmony , and Agreement betwixt the true Principles of our Actions , and all the parts of our Lives , the Favour of the Deity , and the Hopes of a blessed Immortality proceeding from all these : But there ought also to be taken into the Account , all those Goods , which do , ( though contingently ) adhere to them , and which may either happen to us from the good Will of others , or flow from that Concord , and Society , which is either maintained between divers Nations , or those of the same Common-wealth ; and which we do as far as we are able , procure for our selves by such benevolent Actions . And by the like Reason , we may also understand of what particulars all that Misery , or those Punishments may consist , which is connected with those Acts , that are hurtfull to the common Good. So that all of us may learn from the Necessity of the Condition in which we are born , and live , to esteem contingent Goods ; and to be drawn to act by the Hopes of them ; for the Air it self , which is so necessary for our subsistence , and Preservation doth not always benefit our Bloud , or Spirits , but is sometimes infected with deadly Steams , and Vapours : Nor can our Meat , Drink or Exercise always preserve our Lives , but do often generate Diseases . And Agriculture it self doth not always pay the Husband-man's Toyl with the expected Gain , but sometimes he even loses by it . And sure we are not less naturally drawn to the Endeavour of the common Good , than we are to such natural Actions from the Hope of a Good , that may but probably proceed from them . But how justly we may hope for a considerable Return from all others , joyntly considered , for all our Labours bestowed upon the common Good ; we shall be able to make the best Account of , when we consider what our own Experience , and the History of all Nations for the time past , may teach us to have befallen those who have either regarded , or despised this great End. But because the whole Endeavour of this common Good , contains no more but the Worship of the Deity , the Care of Fidelity , Peace , and Commerce betwixt Nations , and the instituting , and maintaining Government both Civil and Domestick , as also particular Friendships , as the parts thereof taken together , it is manifest , that the Endeavour thereof exprest by a mutual Love and Assistance must in some Degree be found among all Nations , as necessary to their own Happiness and Preservation : Nay , it seems farther manifest to me , that those who attain but to the Age of Manhood do owe all those past Years , much more to the Endeavour of others bestowed upon the common Good , than to their own Care , which in their tender Age was almost none at all . For we then do altogether depend upon , and owe our Preservation to that Obedience , which others yield as well to Oeconomical Precepts , as to all Laws both Civil and Religious , which do wholly proceed from this Care of the common Good. Whereas it is certain , that if afterwards we expose our Lives to danger , Yea , if we lose them for the publick Good , we should lose far less for its sake , than we did before receive from it ; for we do then only lose the uncertain Hopes of future Enjoyments , whereas it is certain that scarce so much as the Hope of them can remain to particular Persons where the common Good is destroyed , for we have thence received the real Possession of all those Contentments of Life , with which we are blest : And therefore we are bound in Gratitude , as well as by Interest , to return those again whenever they are lawfully required of us ; though I grant ( for the Honour of the Gospel ) that the firmest Encouragements , and greatest Reward we Men can have for exposing , nay , losing our Lives for the Benefit , or Service of the Common-wealth , is that Happiness we may justly expect in another Life after this . These things seem evident to us , as resembling that Method whereby we are naturally taught , that the Health , and Strength of our whole Body is preserved by the good Estate of its particular Members , in its receiving Food , and Breath : Although sometimes Diseases may breed within the Body , or divers outward Accidents ( as Wounds , Bruises , and the like ) do happen to it from without , which may hinder the particular Members from receiving that Nourishment , which is necessary for them : And we are taught after the same Manner by the Acts , immediately promoting the common good , that the Happiness of particular Men , ( which are the Members of this natural System ) may no less certainly be expected , nor are less naturally derived from thence , than the Strength of our Hands doth proceed from the due State of the whole Mass of Bloud , and nervous Iuice : Though we confess that many things may happen , which may cause this general Care of the whole Body of Mankind , not always to meet with the good Effect we desire ; so that particular Persons may certainly , infallibly enjoy all the Felicity they can hope for , or expect : Yet this is no Argument against it , any more than that the taking in of Air , and Aliments , ( however necessary for the whole Body ) should prevent all those Accidents , and Distempers it is subject to , since it may happen as well by the violent , and unjust Actions of our fellow Subjects , ( like the diseased Constitution of some inward part ) or by the Invasion of a foreign Enemy ( like a Blow , or other outward Violence ) that good Men may be deprived in this Life of some Rewards of their good Deeds , and may also suffer divers outward Evils ; Yet since these are more often repelled by the Force of Concord , and Civil Government , or are often shook off after some short Disturbances , either by our own private Power , or else by that of the Civil Sword , as Diseases are thrown off by a healthfull Crisis , or Effort of Nature . So that notwithstanding all these Evils , Men are more often recompenced with greater Goods , partly from the Assistance of others , but chiefly from that of Civil Government , or else of Leagues made with Neighbouring States : From whence it is that Mankind hath never been yet destroyed ; notwithstanding all the Tyranny and Wars , that Men's unreasonable Passions have exercised , and raised in the World , and that Civil Governments , or Empires , have been more lasting than the most long lived Animals . From all which it is apparent , that the deprived Appetites of divers Men , or those Passions which do often produce Motions so opposite to the common Good , ought no more to hinder us from acknowledging the Natural Propensions of all the rest of Mankind ( considered together ) to be more powerfully carried towards that which we every Day see may be procured thereby , ( viz. ) The Conservation and farther Perfection of the whole Body of Mankind , than that divers Diseases breeding in the parts of Animals , or any outward Violence should hinder us from acknowledging , that the Frame of their Bodies , and the Natural Function of their parts are fitted , and intended by God , for the Conservation of Life , and the Propagation of their Species . But that we may carry on this Similitude , ( between a living Body and its particular Members , with the whole Body of Mankind , and all the Individuals contained under it , ) a little farther , I will here give you Monsieur Pascal's Excellent Notion concerning this common Good , as it is published in those Fragments , Entituled , Les Pensees de Monsieur Pascal , since it both explains and confirms our Method . He there supposes , That God having made the Heavens , and the Earth , and divers other Creatures , not at all sensible of their common Happiness , would also make some rational Beings which might know him , and might make up one Body consisting of rational Members ; and that all Men are Members of this Body , so that it is necessary to their happiness , that all particular Men , as Members of this Body , conform their particular Wills to the Vniversal Will of God , that governs the whole Body , as the Head or Soul thereof . And though it often happens , that one Man falsly supposes himself an independent Being , and so will make himself the only Centre of all his Actions ; yet he will at last find himself whilst in this State , ( separated from the Body of rational Beings , and who not having any true Principle of Life , or Motion , doth nothing but wander about ) distracted in the uncertainty of his own Being ; but if ever he comes to a true knowledge of himself , he will find , that he is not that whole Body , but only a small Member of it , and hath no proper Life , and Motion , but as he is a part thereof : So that to regulate our Self-love , every Man ought to imagine himself , but one small part of this Body of Mankind , composed of so many intelligent Members , and to know what Proportion of Love every Man oweth himself , let him consider what Degree of Love the Body bears to any one small single part , and so much Love , that part ( if it had sense ) ought to bestow upon it self , and no more : All Self-love that exceeds this is unjust . So far this sagacious contemplative Gentleman thought long since , though I confess he doth not proceed to shew in what manner the Good of every individual Person depends upon the Happiness of the whole Body of Mankind , as our Author hath here done ; though no doubt , he was excellently well fitted to do it , if he had lived to reduce those excellent Thoughts , into a set Discourse . We have delivered in this Epitome the Summ of that Method , by which we have enquired into the Sanction of the Laws of Nature , in which we have considered all the Felicity naturally flowing from good Actions , as a Reward annexed to them by God the Author of Nature , and their Loss , or contrary Evils that follow them , as a Punishment naturally flowing from their Transgression : And indeed , our Method seems very much confirmed from the common Consent of Mankind , since all Men , of however different Opinions concerning moral Principles , do yet agree in this , that good Actions ought still to be encouraged by Rewards , and evil ones to be restrained by Punishments ; in this all Sects of Philosophers , however quarrelling among themselves , do agree ; As also the Founders of all Religions , and the Makers of all Civil Laws , have made this their main Foundation ; Nay , those , who would seem most to neglect all Rewards , and would deduce all Vertues from Gratitude alone , yet find it necessary to acknowledge this Gratitude to proceed from the Memory of Benefits receiv'd : But sure it still argues as much Love towards ourselves , when we are persuaded to do our Duty by a Consideration of Benefits already received , as when we do it for the same things to be received hereafter ; yea , he seems to act more generously , who is moved to act for a good only in expectation , than he who doth as much for the like good things , which he already enjoys . But this Method which we have here taken to reduce all the Laws of Nature to this single Proposition of endeavouring the common Good , seems the more convenient , because its proof is more easie , and expedite than that of so many Rules , which are wont to be proposed by Philosophers , and the Memory will be less burdened by the daily Remembrance of this one Proposition , than of many ; especially when we are directed to it from the Nature of this common Good , as a Measure whereby the Iudgment of any considering Man , may put Bounds to his own Actions , and Passions , in the doing of which all Moral Virtue consists . And this Work Aristotle hath recommended to the Iudgment of every rational Man in his Definition of Vertue , though he hath not indeed shewn us the Rule of making this Iudgment ; whereas our Proposition teacheth us , that the Rule is to be taken from the Nature of the best , and greatest End ; that is , Respect being had to all the parts of the whole System of rational Beings , or of that Common-wealth of which God is the Head , and all the Members are his Subjects . And from this Principle is also to be derived that Order , or Preference among all the particular Laws of Nature , according to which , the former doth still retain , or limit the latter , which Dr. Sharrock hath prudently , and solidly observed in his Book De Officiis , Chap. 10. As for Example , that there is a Prior Reason for abstaining from invading that which is anothers , than of observing Promises ; and likewise there is a greater Account to be made of Faith once given , than of returning Benefits , &c. But the true Ground of all these Rules is only to be found in our Principle , because it more conduces to the common Good , that a Prior Law of Nature concerning making , and preserving Properties should not be violated by the Invasion of another's Right , than that any one should observe a Compact , or Promise , when it cannot be done without such an Invasion ; and there is the like Reason in observing those other Laws , which we have reckoned up in the following Discourse , according to their due Order and Dignity : so that indeed no Man ought to wonder , that we have so positively asserted , that no Vertue can be explained without a Respect to the State of all rational Beings , or of the whole intellectual World ; for we see in Natural Philosophy , that the Accidents of Bodies daily obvious to our Senses , such as are the communication of Motion , Gravitation , and the Action of Light and Heat , Firmness and Fluidity , Rarefaction and Condensation , can never be explained , without a Respect to the whole System of the corporeal World , and the Motion therein to be preserved : Lastly , from this order among the Laws of Nature , whereby all the special ones are still made subordinate to this general one of the common Good , and the lowest of them to the highest , it may easily be shewn that God never dispenses with them , unless in those Cases , in which the Obligation of a lower , or less Law , may seem to be taken away , and the nature of the Action so changed , as that there may be only place left for the Observation of the higher . To conclude , we have here likewise shewn , that the Generation of all Commonwealths is to be deduced from these two Principles , tending to this great End of the common Good of Rationals , viz. first ; from that which Commands the Constitution of a distinct Property in things , and in the labours , or endeavours of Persons , whereby no such Property is yet instituted , and where it is found to be so , to preserve it inviolate , as the chief and necessary Medium to this common Good. 2. From that Law which Commands a peculiar Love , or Benevolence of Parents towards their Children ; for this could never have exerted it self , unless our first Parents had permitted their Children when grown up , to enjoy a part of those necessaries of Life , which were needful for their future Subsistance , and so from many such Fathers of Families joyning together by mutual Compacts for common Defence , might arise the first Governments in the World , of whatsoever kind you please to suppose . But in the following Discourse , we have thought it best to confine our selves within the bounds of Philosophy , and have wholly abstained from Theological Questions : And therefore we have not said any thing concerning Good , or Evil Spirits , or Angels , or taken in their Good or Happiness , into our Hypothesis ; for tho' I doubt not of the Existence of such intelligent Beings , yet it is certain , all we can understand of them proceeds wholly from Divine Revelation , or humane Tradition , neither of which are true means of obtaining Philosophical , or natural Knowledge . As for the Second part of this Treatise , in which is contained the Confutations of some of Mr. H's Principles , or Arguments ; since the First part is entire without it , and that the truth is a sufficient Proof to its self , I leave it to the discretion of the Reader , whether he will trouble himself to peruse it , or not , since all Men's tempers , do not alike suit , with the study of Controversies ; but it was necessary not only to lay a Foundation of better moral Principles , but also to shew the Falshood , and Vanity of those he hath laid down ; since otherwise it might have been thought by some ▪ that they were altogether unanswerable : Yet I hope we have performed that unpleasant Task , without reflecting upon the Memory of the dead , and disturbing the Ashes of a Person , who whilst he lived , was ( as must be acknowledged ) even by his Enemies , considerably famous , both for Wit and Learning . I have little more to add , but that I doubt not , but our learned Author ( whose work I have now abridged ) hath hit upon that true method of proving the Law of Nature , which the Lord Bacon in his Advancement of Learning , tells the Reader that he desired to see well performed , and that his Design was to make enquiry into the true Fountains of Iustice ; and publick Vtility , and so in every part of the Law , to represent a kind of real Character , or Idea of that which is truly just ; by which general Mark , he that will bend his study that way , and examine the Grounds , or endeavour the Amendment of the Laws of particular Kingdoms , or States , may be truly guided in this noble Vndertaking ; And he there proceeds to give some general Aphorisms , which he calls the Idea's of Vniversal Iustice , and his Fifth Aphorism is very home to our purpose , for he there tells us , that the main End to which all Laws should tend , and whereunto they should direct their Decrees , and Sanctions , is only the common Good , or Felicity of the People : And sure this could have no Foundation , but as the Felicity of any particular People , or Nation is contained in general , or the common Good , and Happiness of rational Beings . And tho' I grant that our Faculties are not fitted to pierce into the internal Fabrick , and real Essences of Bodies as the above-mentioned Author of the Essay of humane Understanding , hath very well observed : Yet in the same place he also grants , That the Knowledge we have of them , is sufficient to discover to us the Being of a God , and of a Divine Providence , and that the Knowledge of our selves , and the Nature of other things are sufficient to lead us into a full , and clear Discovery of our Duty towards him , as being the great Concernment of our Lives , and that it becomes us as rational Creatures to employ our Faculties about what they are most adapted to , and follow the direction of Nature , where it seems to point us out the way . So that it is highly reasonable to conclude , that our proper Employment lies in moral , rather than natural Truths : And therefore the same Author hath in his Fourth Book , and Third Chapter , pag. 274. this Passage : The Idea of a supream Being , infinite in Power ; and Wisdom , whose Workmanship we are , and on whom we depend , and the Idea of our selves as understanding , rational Creatures , being such as are clear to us , these would , I suppose , if duly considered , and pursued , afford such Foundations of our Duty , and rules of Action , as might place Morality amongst the Sciences capable of Demonstration ; wherein I doubt not , but from Principles as incontestable as those of the Mathematicks , by necessary Consequences , the measures of Right and Wrong might be made out to any one that will apply himself with the same indifferency and attention to the one , as he doth to the other of these Sciences : And in the Twelfth Chapter of the same Book , he saith , p. 325. This gave me the Confidence to advance that Conjecture , which I suggested Chap. 3. viz. That Morality is capable of Demonstration as well as Mathematicks ; For the Idea's that Ethicks are conversant about , being all real Essences ; and such as I imagine have a discoverable Connexion , and Agreement one with another : So far as we can find their Habitudes , and Relations , so far we shall be possessed of certain , real , and general Truths ; And I doubt not , but if a right method were taken , a great part of Morality might be made out with that clearness that could leave to a considering Man , no more reason to doubt , than he could have to doubt of the Truth of any Propositions in Mathematicks which have been demonstrated to him . And I am confident our Author hath found out this only right method ; and made use of the fittest Demonstrations for the Proof of this Principle of the common Good of rational Beings , as the Sum of all natural Laws ; so that I hope you will have no cause to doubt , but that he hath as fully demonstrated it to be so , as if he had given us so many Mathematical Demonstrations of it . But since as in the Mathematicks , there are required certain Principles , or Postulatums , which must be taken for granted , before its professors are able to demonstrate any thing from them ; so we shall reduce all we have to say on this Subject , into Six plain Postulata ; the Three first of which having been already made out by others both in Latin and English ; I shall wave the Proof of them , and shall confine my self wholly to the Three last : The Propositions are these , 1. That there is one Infinite , most powerful , intelligent Being , which we call God , who is the Author , and Creator of the Vniverse , or World. 2. That God as he hath created , so he likewise governs , and preserves this World , consisting of Bodies and Spirits , by certain corporeal Motions , and Dictates of Reason , by which Spirits act as the chief Instruments of his Providence . 3. That God , thereby maintains , and preserves all his Creatures , and farther designs the Happiness , and Preservation of such of them as are sensible , as far as their frail , and mortal Natures will admit , and that Power which God hath given to mankind over them . 4. That of all Animate , or sensible Creatures , God hath made Man alone to be conscious of his own Existence ; and also that it is more particularly his Duty , to act as his subservient Instrument ; not only for his own private Good , and Happiness , but also for the common Good of all rational Beings . 5. That this knowledge of God's Will , as our Duty , is plainly discovered to us , from the Being and Nature of God , as also of our selves , and of those things without us , which he hath made necessary for our use , and Preservation . 6. That these Dictates , or Conclusions of right reason , all tending to one great End , viz. the common Good of rational Beings ( in which our own is contained ) being given us by God as a Legislator for the well governing , or right ordering of our Actions to this End , constitute the Law of Nature ; as being established by sufficient Rewards and Punishments , both in this Life , and in that to come . TO THE BOOKSELLER . THE Learned Authour of this Treatise sent it to me ( then being in a Private Station ) above a year ago , but then concealed his Name from me , either through his great Modesty , or because in his Prudence he thought that if I knew him , I might be biassed in my judgment , by the Honour which I am obliged to have to his Family , and especially to his Grandfather by his Mother's side , the most Learned Primate of Ireland . Wherefore I read the Book without any respect to the unknown Writer , and considered only the Merits of the Performance . Thus I found that he had not only well translated and epitomized in some places what I had written in Latin , but had fully , digested the chief things of my Design in a well chosen Method of his own , with great Perspicuity , and had added some Illustrations of his own , or from other Learned Authours , with a Philosophical Liberty , which I must needs allow . For this Reason I judged that the then unknown Authour had give too low a Title to his Book ; and that I was to esteem him a good Hyperaspistes , or able Second , in this Combat for Truth and Justice , rather than a Translater or Epitomizer of what I had written . This obliged me to enquire diligently after the Authour's Name and Quality , and then I soon obtained the Favour and Honour of a more intimate Conversation with him . Hereby I soon found that I might safely leave the Maintenance of that good Cause in which I was engaged , to his great Abilities and Diligence . And I hope that since this Learned Gentleman hath conquer'd the Difficulties of the Search into the Rise of the Laws of Nature , now many of our younger Gentry will be encouraged to follow him in the way which this his Treatise makes plain before them . For from thence they may receive assistance , not only to discern the Reasonableness of all Vertue and Morality , which is their Duty and Ornament as they are Men , but also they may here see the true Foundations of Civil Government and Property , which they are most obliged to understand , because , as Gentlemen , they are born to the greatest Interest in them both . I need add no more to give you Assurance that I freely consent to your Printing of this Book , and am , Your affectionate Friend , Ric. Peterborough . The Contents of the First Chapter . A Brief Repetition of the Preface ; That the Law of Nature can only be learnt from the Knowledge of a God , and from the Nature of Things , and of Mankind in general , § 1. A state of the Question between us and the Epicureans and Scepticks , § 2. The method proposed , in what manner we are to enquire into the Nature of things , and of mankind , in order to prove certain general Propositions , that shall carry with them the Obligation of Natural Laws , § 3. The Soul supposed to be rafa Tabula , without any innate Idea's . Our method proposed of considering God as the Cause of the World , and all Things and humane Actions , as subordinate causes and effects , either hindring , or promoting our common Happiness and Preservation , § 4. All the Laws of Nature deduceable from hence , as so many practical Propositions , and all our observations or knowledge of it reduceable to one Proposition , of the highest Benevolence of rational Beings towards each other ; as the summ of all the Laws of Nature ; and what is meant by this Benevolence , § 5. What things are necessary to be known or supposed , in order to the knowledge of this universal Benevolence , § 6. The Connexion of the Terms of this Proposition proved , and what is to be collected from thence ; The true happiness of single Persons inseparable from that of Mankind ; The general Causes of its Happiness to be considered in the first place , § 7. Therefore no Man's particular Happiness can be opposed , or preferred before the Happiness of all other rational Beings ; The contrary practice unreasonable and unjust , § 8. Yet that this Proposition cannot be of sufficient efficacy , till we have proposed the Common Good of Rationals for the great End of all our Actions , § 9. The Effects of this Proposition not prejudiced by the ill use of Men's Free-wills , § 10 , 11. By what steps and degrees the Knowledge of this Common Good comes to be conveyed into our minds from the nature of things , § 12. First Natural Observation that in our free use and enjoyment of all the outward Necessaries of Life , and in our mutual administring them to each other , consists all men's happiness and preservation , from whence also proceeds a Notion of the Common Good of Rationals , § 13. That Men are able to contribute more to the good and happiness of those of their own kind , than any other Creatures , § 14. Nothing a surer help and defence to Mankind , than the most sincere and diffusive Benevolence , § 15. Nor any thing more destructive to it , than their constant Malice and Ill-will , § 16. That these Principles are as certain as any in Arithmetick and Geometry , notwithstanding the supposition of Men's free-will , § 17. Yet that they are only Laws as proceeding from God the first Cause , and as establish'd with fit Rewards and Punishments , § 18. That from these natural and general Observations we attain to a true knowledge of the Causes of all Men's happiness , and that by the Laws of Matter and Motion these Causes act as certainly as any other , § 19,20 . Hence arises a true notion of things naturally and unalterably good or evil , § 21. That Men's natural Powers , and the things necessary for life , can neither be exerted nor made use of contrary to the known rules of Matter and Motion , § 22. Some Conclusions deduceable from hence , as that we chiefly concern our selves about those things and actions that are in our Powers , § 23. No man self-sufficient to procure all things necessary for his own preservation and happiness , and therefore needs the good-will and assistance of others , § 24. None of these necessaries for Life can produce the Ends design'd , but as they are appropriated to Man's particular uses and necessities for the time they make use of them , § 25. From whence arises the Right of Occupancy or Possession , which may be exercised even during a natural Community of most things , § 26. That as this natural Division and Propriety in things is necessary to the preservation of particular Persons , so it is also of Mankind considered as an aggregate Body , § 27. That these Principles destroy Mr. H's Hypothesis of the Right of all Men to all things in the state of nature , § 28. The necessity of a farther Division and Appropriation of things now Mankind is multiplyed on the Earth , § 29. No Man hath a Right to any thing any farther than as it conduces or at least consists with the common good of rational Beings , § 30. The knowledge of these natural Causes and Effects alike certain in a natural as civil State , with a brief Recapitulation of the Grounds and Arguments insisted on in this Chapter , § 31. The Contents of the Second Chapter . MAN to be considered as a natural Body , as an Animal , and also as a rational Creature . Some Observations from the first of these Considerations , as that humane Bodies and Actions are subject to the same Laws of Matter and Motion with other things , § 1 , 2. No Actions or Motions more conducive to Man's happiness , than what proceed from the most diffusive Benevolence , § 3. Mankind considered as a System of natural Bodies , doth not make any considerable difference between them , when considered as voluntary Agents endued with sense , but that they rather act more powerfully thereby , § 4. Men's greatest security from Evils , and hopes of obtaining Good , depends upon the good-will and voluntary Assistance of others , § 5. Several natural Conclusions drawn from these Observations , § 6. The like being found true in animate as well as inanimate Bodies , will make us more sollicitous towards the general good of those of our own kind , § 7. That loving or benevolent Actions towards each other constitute the happiest state we can enjoy ; and also it is ordained by a concourse of Causes , that all rational Beings should be sensible of these Indications , § 8. This proved from several natural Observations , as , 1. That the bulk of the Bodies of Animals being but narrow , the things necessary for their preservation can be but few , and most of them communicable to many at once , and so requires a limited self-love consistent with the safety and happiness of others , § 9. 2. That Creatures of the same kind cannot but be moved to the like affections towards others , as towards themselves , from the sense of the similitude of their natures , § 10. Animals do never deviate from this natural state , but when they are seized with some preternatural Disease or Passion , which as oft as it happens are absolutely destructive to their natures , § 11. All Creatures express a delight in the society of others of the same kind ; some cases or intervals wherein Nature seems to act otherwise , no contradiction to this general Rule , § 12. All Animals impelled by the natural Constitution of their parts to a Love of those of a different Sex , and to a natural Affection to their Offspring , § 13. All Animals take delight in the sweeter Passions of Love , Ioy , Desire , &c. as helpfull to their natural Constitution ; whereas the contrary Passions , when inordinate , are highly destructive to it , § 14. Mr. H. cannot deny these natural Propensions , and therefore is forced to suppose somewhat in Man's nature that renders him more unsociable than Brutes , § 15. Other peculiar Observations relating to Man , whereby he is made more capable of promoting the common good ; as first , from the greater quantity of Brains in Men , than in Brutes , § 16. 2. From the natural Constitution of their Bloud , and Spermatick Vessels , from whence arises a Necessity of Marriage , and of a more constant and lasting Love to their Offspring , § 17. 3. From the wonderfull structure of Men's hands it is proved , that this Instrument was given us , for some more noble use than bare self-preservation , § 18. Lastly , From the upright posture of Men's bodies , and way of motion , § 19. The next Set of Observations tending to prove Men more fitted for the promoting of this common good , is taken from the natural and peculiar faculties of Men's Souls above those of Brutes : And , 1. from that of deducing effects from their Causes ; and vice versa ; especially in that of distinguishing of real or natural , from apparent Goods , § 20. What is understood by us , by a natural or moral Good or Evil. Certain Axioms for the plainer understanding their Nature and Degrees , § 21. How we arrive to an Idea of a species or kind of Creatures , and also to a notion of the general or common good of Mankind , § 22. Speech and the Invention of Letters peculiar faculties of Man's nature , § 23. And the great Benefits arising from thence in order to the common good , § 24. Men do infinitely exceed Beasts in their discursive Faculties , as also in the knowledge and use of Numbers , § 25. As also in the Power of Vnderstanding the different Quantities and Proportions between Bodies , which we call Geometry , § 26. The two great remaining Prerogatives of humane Souls , Freedom of Will as to moral Actions , and the Knowledge of a God , § 27 , 28. What knowledge we can have of his Attributes ▪ which can never be truly understood , but with respect to their great End , the Prosecution of the common good of the Vniverse , § 29. The Contents of the Third Chapter . A Brief recapitulation of the former Chapters , and a summing up all those Observations into a general Proposition of God's Willing and Commanding the Common Good of rational Beings , as the main End of all our Actions , § 1. A brief Explanation of the Terms of our Description of the Law of Nature , and that words are not always essential to Laws , § 2. That all moral Truths or Duties as declared by God , are contained in this one Proposition of Endeavouring the common good ; certain Principles laid down for the proving it , § 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. That this being once discovered to us , we lie under a sufficient Obligation to observe this Proposition , as a natural Law , with the Explanation of the Term Obligation , and who hath Authority to oblige us , § 7 , 8 , 9. Yet that this Obligation may well consist with the freedom of our wills ; the difference between a mere animal , and a rational or natural Good , the neglect of which distinction is the Cause of Epicurus and Mr. H's Errors , § 10. The last part of the Obligation to this Law , viz. its Sanction by Rewards and Punishments ; certain Axioms necessary to be known in order to the right understanding the true nature of a moral Good or Evil ; and of Man's true happiness and perfection , with its difference from that of other Beings , § 11. That though all moral Obligation does not consist in Rewards or Punishments ; Yet that by reason of the weakness of humane Nature , it is insignificant without them ; with a Scale of Nature , shewing the difference between Vegetables and inanimate Bodies , and between Men and Brutes , § 12. The strictest Sanction , and consequently Obligation to all Laws consists in Rewards and Punishments duly distributed ; God's right of Dominion not to be resolved into his irresistible Power , § 13. The internal Rewards ordained by God in Nature , are , first , the inward satisfaction of the Soul , and also the pleasure all men take in the exercise of the sweeter passions of Love , &c. § 14 , 15. The external Rewards are all the like returns of this Benevolence from others , with the praise or commendation of all good men , together with the peace and protection of the civil Government , § 16 , 17. Lastly , from God , Soundness of mind and body , with all those outward blessings he usually bestows on the peaceable and vertuous ; with a Solution to the difficulty , why God often afflicts Good men , § 18. The internal Punishments ordained by God for the transgression of this Law , are , the absence or privation of the former good things , which is , an Evil and a Punishment , § 19. Errour , and being governed by the Passions , a real Evil , and an internal Punishment , § 20. 3. That such evil Actions cannot but be often displeasing to the Person that doth them , § 21. 4. That Vices and Crimes seldom come alone , but let in a train of others of the same kind , or worse , along with them , § 22. 5. That such an Offender cannot get out of this state when he will , at least not without the trouble of Repentance , § 23. 6. The fear of Punishment both from God and Man , § 24. The external Punishments are , 1. The Evils thot happen to the body from violent and unsociable Passions , § 25. The 2d . Those returns of hatred or contempt which all such men must expect from others , § 26. The 3d. Returns of revenge from those they have injured , § 27. Lastly , Those Punishments which are often inflicted by the civil Powers ; all which natural Punishments Mr. H. himself acknowledges to be ordained by God , § 28. That where these Punishments fail in this Life , they will be supplied by others infinitely more grievous and durable in that to come , § 29. A brief recapitulation of this Chapter , that this Proposition of our Endeavouring the common good , &c. is truly a Law , as containing all the Conditions requisite thereunto , § 30. The Contents of the Fourth Chapter . A Brief repetition of what hath been said in the first Chapter , That no man can have a right to preserve his own Life , but as it conduces to the common good , &c. That in all Societies the good of the lesser part must give place and be subordinate to that of the greater , § 1. That a due consideration of this Law will lead us to a knowledge of the reason and grounds of all the particular Laws of nature , § 2. And also that all moral Vertues are contained under this one Law of endeavouring the common good . That Prudence is nothing but the knowledge of our duty , in order to the graet End , the Common Good , as Constancy in the prosecution of it , is therefore true fortitude , § 3. That Temperance or Moderation in all corporeal Pleasures is no otherwise a Vertue , than as it conduces to the happiness and preservation of Mankind ; That under Love and Benevolence are contained the Vertues of Innocence , Meekness , &c. § 4 , 5. Equity a Vertue as it promotes the common good of mankind , § 6. The same proved likewise of Iustice , since nothing can be called ours , either by natural or civil Laws , but as it conduces to this great End , and a natural and civil Property necessary thereunto ; the one in a natural state , the other in a civil society , § 7. From Property arises the necessity of Contracts , Promises , Gifts , &c. all which are still to be governed by this great Law , § 8. From this natural Property arises the Vertue of Moderation , setting bounds to inordinate self-love in order to the common good ; Frugality no otherwise a Vertue , than as it renders us not burthensome , not injurious to others , § 9. The natural Love of Parents to their Children to be exercised and limitted with respect to the common good , § 10. All the rest of the moral Vertues , such as Temperance , Frugality , &c. more particularly explained to proceed from the same original , and not to be understood without it , § 11. The same more particularly applyed , and made out in every particular Vertue , which constitutes Iustice , § 12. All the homolitical Vertues , i. e. such as respect conversation , or the due use of speech , explained after the same manner , with a like respect to the common good , § 13 , 14 , 15. Self-love and Self-preservation only lawfull in order to this End , § 16. Some farther Explanations of the nature of Temperance , and wherein it consists , § 17. That part of it called Chastity , a Vertue only as it tends to the good and propagation of mankind , § 18. Another part of it , viz. Modesty in seeking of riches , honour , &c. Vertues only as they limit our self-love from pretending to more than we have need of , or deserve in order to the common good , § 19. That a regard to this great Rule runs through all the moral Vertues , which are all of them contained under the most diffusive Benevolence towards rational Beings , § 20. Right Reason explained to be only a due consideration of this End in all moral actions towards God or Men ; and that the knowledge of these moral rules is as certain as that of the knowledge of any other natural causes and effects concerning the preservation of Animals , § 21. And that from their true understanding proceeds all the certainty we can have of natural Laws , notwithstanding there may be a sufficient latitude left us for indifferent actions , § 22. The Common Good as it is a collection of all other goods , so it is a true standard , or measure of them , as shewing what goods are to be sought for or desired before others , § 23. It is only to be learnt from hence , what degrees of passions or affections are lawfull , that is , consistent with the Common Good , and consequently thereby to judge of the several degrees and proportions of goodness and happiness , § 24. Piety towards God a Vertue , as it conduces to the common good and happiness of rational Beings , § 25. Nothing a Good , but as it contributes to this great End , § 26. The reason of this disquisition into the true grounds of Good and Evil , as being that which makes all moral Philosophy a practical Science , and not merely speculative , like that of the Stoicks , § 27. A brief Conclusion out of Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Laws of Nature , § 28. The Contents of the Fifth Chapter . THE Objections of two sorts of Men , Platonists and Epicureans , against this Notion of the Common Good ; the Objections of the former to be first considered ; their first Objection , That it is more suitable to God's goodness to imprint certain Innate Idea's of good and evil on our minds , § 1. Answer thereunto out of Mr. Lock 's Essay , &c. § 2. A farther Answer from St. Paul , That the visible things of the Creation are a sufficient proof of the Being of a God , and of the Laws of Nature , § 3. The laboriousness of our Method no material Objection , § 4. An explicit Idea of this Common Good , not always necessary to its observation , § 5. Another Objection against our Method , That it makes every man's obligation to endeavour this Common Good , to arise from its being chiefly good to himself . Answer , That this , if it be considered , will prove a mistake ; though I grant our Obligation to it as a Law cannot extend farther , than as it concerns our happiness or misery , § 6 , 7. A Reply to the Objections of the Epicureans ; The first Objection , That it seems not suitable to God's goodness , &c. to permit this great End of the Common Good to depend upon the unreasonable Passions and Lusts of mankind . Answ. That God intended Man for a voluntary Creature , to be moved by moral Evil , as well as Good ; and that God notwithstanding all this restrains his Actions by his infinite Power and Providence , § 8 , 9. Second Objection , If this Law of Nature is so easie to be known , how comes it to pass , that so many Nations seem wholly ignorant of it , many living without any knowledge of a God , or of a moral Good or Evil ? § 10. Answer . This Objection is of no more weight against the Certainty of this Law , than it is against that of Arithmetick and Geometry , but that if they are guilty of this ignorance , it proceeds either from the Loss of the Tradition of the Creation , or else from want of time or opportunities to consider these things , § 11. Men's not making a due use of their faculties in discovering these Truths , no objection against their certainty , § 12. The last Objection , That this Notion of the Common Good , is a mere Platonick Idea , without any reality in Nature , § 13. This Objection in vain , if it be considered , That this Notion of the Common Good is made up of particulars , and that from thence arises an Idea of a common or general Good , which though a complex one , is as true and real as any other , and as agreeable to the Nature of things , farther proved from Lock 's Essay ; and that Mr. H. himself cannot deny the Truth of this Notion , § 14. Mr. H's great Rule of doing as you would be done by , signifies nothing without respect to the Common Good of Mankind , § 15. So neither that of preserving a Man's self , or any other innocent person , unless as it conduces to the Common Good of Mankind , § 16. Not only the whole Law of Nature , but the revealed Law of Moses , and the Gospel of Jesus Christ reducible to this one Proposition , of Endeavouring the Common Good , and that this was the great design of Christ's coming into the World , § 17 , 18. A Conclusion of the whole , § 19. TO THE BOOKSELLER . THE Learned Authour of this Treatise sent it to me ( then being in a Private Station ) above a year ago , but then concealed his Name from me , either through his great Modesty , or because in his Prudence he thought that if I knew him , I might be biassed in my judgment , by the Honour which I am obliged to have to his Family , and especially to his Grandfather by his Mother's side , the most Learned Primate of Ireland . Wherefore I read the Book without any respect to the unknown Writer , and considered only the Merits of the Performance . Thus I found that he had not only well translated and epitomized in some places what I had written in Latin , but had fully digested the chief things of my Design in a well-chosen Method of his own , with great Perspicuity , and had added some Illustrations of his own , or from other Learned Authours , with a Philosophical Liberty , which I must needs allow . For this Reason I judged that the then unknown Authour had given too low a Title to his Book , and that I was to esteem him a good Hyperaspistes , or able Second , in this Combat for Truth and Justice , rather than a Translater or Epitomizer of what I had written . This obliged me to enquire diligently after the Authour's Name and Quality , and then I soon obtained the Favour and Honour of a more intimate Conversation with him . Hereby I soon found that I might safely leave the Maintenance of that good Cause in which I was engaged , to his great Abilities and Diligence . And I hope that since this Learned Gentleman hath conquer'd the Difficulties of the Search into the Rise of the Laws of Nature , now many of our younger Gentry will be encouraged to follow him in the way which this his Treatise makes plain before them . For from thence they may receive assistance , not only to discern the Reasonableness of all Vertue and Morality , which is their Duty and Ornament as they are Men , but also they may here see the true Foundations of Civil Government and Property , which they are most obliged to understand , because , as Gentlemen , they are born to the greatest Interest in them both . I need add no more to give you Assurance that I freely consent to your Printing of this Book , and am , Your affectionate Friend , Ric. Peterborough . OF THE Law of NATURE , And its OBLIGATION . CHAP. I. Of the first Means of discovering the Law of Nature ; ( viz. ) the Nature of Things . § 1. HAving , in the Introduction to this Discourse , shewn you those several Methods , by which divers Authors have endeavoured to prove a Law of Nature ; and having also given my Reasons , ( tho' in short ) why I cannot acquiesce in any of them , as laying too weak Foundations whereon to raise so great and weighty a Building ; and having likewise given you the only true Grounds , by which it can , as I suppose , be made out , ( viz. ) from the Existence of a GOD declaring his Will to us ; from the Frame of the World , or by the Nature of all Things without us ; as also from our own Natures , or that of Mankind in general , we , by the Power of our natural Faculties , or Reasons , drawing true Conclusions from all these . This being premised , I shall now proceed particularly to declare , in the first place , what I understand by the Frame of the World , or Nature of Things , in order to the proving the Existence and Obligation of the Law of Nature , and that it is really and truly a Law obliging all Persons of Years of Discretion and sound Minds , to its Observation : Which being performed , I shall then proceed to our own Nature , as included in that of all Mankind . § . 2. But though the ancient , as well as modern Scepticks and Epicureans , have of old , and do still at this day , deny the Existence of any Law of Nature , properly so called ; yet , I suppose , that we are both sufficiently agreed what we understand by this Term , since we both thereby mean certain Principles of immutable Truth and Certainty , which direct our voluntary Actions concerning the election of good , and the avoiding of evil Things , and so lay an Obligation , as to our external Actions , even in the state of Nature , and out of a Civil Society , or Common-weal . That such eternal Truths are necessarily and unavoidably presented to , and perceived by Men's Minds , and retained in their Memories , for the due ordering or governing of their Actions , is what is here by us affirmed , and by them as confidently denied . And I farther conceive , That the Actions so directed and chosen , are first known to be naturally good , as productive of the greatest publick Benefits ; and afterwards are called morally Good , because they agree with those Dictates of Reason , which are here proved to be the Laws , or Rules , of our Manners , or voluntary Actions : So also the Evil to be avoided , is first the greatest natural Evil , which afterwards for the like Reason is called Moral . § . 3. Therefore that the Existence of such Propositions may more plainly appear , and be demonstrated to the Understandings of all indifferent Readers , it is necessary that we first carefully consider the Nature of divers Things without us , as also that of Mankind ; and what we mean by Good and Evil , whether Natural or Moral . Lastly , we shall shew what those general Propositions are , which we affirm carry with them the Force or Obligation of Natural Laws , as declaring their Exercise or Performance necessary to the compassing of an End , that ought to be endeavoured or sought after , in order to our true and greatest Happiness . § . 4. Nor let it seem strange , that I suppose the Nature of divers Things , about which we are daily conversant , ought first to be looked into , and considered : For I will here suppose the Soul , or Mind of Man , to be at first , rasa Tabula , like fair Paper , that hath no connate Character or Idea's imprinted upon it ( as that noble Theorist Mr. Lock hath , I suppose , fully proved ) and that it is not sensible of any thing at its coming into the World , but it s own Existence and Action ; but receives all its Idea's afterwards , from such Objects as it hath received in by the Senses : So that our Understandings being naturally destitute of all Notions or Idea's , we cannot comprehend how they can operate , unless they be first excited by outward Objects . And indeed how can we understand what may be helpful and agreeable , or else hurtful and destructive to Men's Minds and Bodies , unless we first consider ( as far as we are able ) all the Causes , as well near as remote , which have made , constitute , and still preserve Mankind , or else may tend to its destruction , either for the time present , or to come ? Nor indeed can it be understood what is the fittest and best Thing , or Action , any Person can perform in a Case proposed , unless first all those Effects which may proceed from it , in all its various Circumstances , be duly considered and compared together . So that the Contemplation both of the Causes on which Men's Safety and Happiness depends , as also of the Effects which may be produced by their joint or concurring Forces and Endeavours , must necessarily lead our Minds , first to the Consideration of all other Men , and next of our selves , as a very small part of Mankind . And in the next place , that we proceed to contemplate this System of Things , called the Visible World , but more especially GOD , as its Creator and Governour , according to the Method laid down in the Introduction to this Discourse ; the Idea's of which being duly considered and digested in our Minds , we may draw from thence certain Conclusions , by which we may judge or determine what Humane Things and Actions are certainly and necessarily conducing to the Common Good and Happiness of all Rational Beings , and in which every particular Person 's Felicity or Well-being is contained , as a part thereof ; and in which Rational Dictates , or Conclusions , I shall hereafter prove this Law of Nature to consist . § . 5. No body , I suppose , will think it necessary to the matter in hand , that I should here make Physical Disquisitions into the Natures of all Things that are the Objects of our Senses , that being the Business of profess'd Naturalists : It is sufficient for us to shew , That all the Rules of Moral Philosophy , and the Laws of Nature , may be at last resolved into certain natural and easie Observations , gathered from common Experience ; or else into certain Conclusions , established upon the known Principles of Mathematicks and Physicks ; by which , I do not only mean all those natural Laws of Matter and Motion in Bodies , but also the Operations of our own Souls , as far as we are able to know or enquire into them . From all which , by the Order of Natural Causes , we may be led to the Knowledge of GOD their Creator and Ordainer , and so may acknowledge Him as the only Cause of all these excellent Effects , since this Nature of Things doth as well suggest to our Minds the Idea of a Creator , as of the Things created ; and so supplies us with sufficient matter from which we may deduce all the Laws of Nature , as so many true Practical Propositions , though it is only the Knowledge of the First Cause , or Creator , that can stamp any Authority or Obligation upon them . Now although there may be many Things collected from our Knowledge of several Beings in the World , that may serve for our Moral Instruction , and the cultivating of our Manners ; yet I shall , for Brevity's sake , only select some of the most material of them , and such as may serve to explain our short account of the Law of Nature , which ( notwithstanding several Authors have so much enlarged upon it ) I think may very well be reduced to this single Proposition , viz. The most universal Love , or most diffusive Benevolence of all Rational Beings towards each other , constitutes the happiest State they can be capable of : So that their Endeavour of the Common Good by this Benevolence , is the sum of all the Laws of Nature , and in which they are all contained . Note , That by this Love or Benevolence , I do not mean only a fruitless Desire , or Well-wishing , but an active Affection , exerting it self in all the Acts of Piety towards God , Duty towards Parents , Kindness and Gratitude towards our Country , Friends , and Relations , and of Charity and Humanity towards all the rest of Mankind , as often as any opportunity offers it self . § . 6. In the making out of which Description of the Law of Nature , it is here needless to inquire into the Nature of our Souls , and the manner of our Knowledge and Understanding ; since the former hath been so Learnedly perform'd by the Reverend Dr. Ward late Bishop of Salisbury , and the latter so exactly done already in English by the above mentioned Author of the Essay of Humane Vnderstanding . I shall only briefly suppose upon his Principles , that our Souls do , 1. From the very birth , by degrees , receive Idea's drawn from outward Objects by our Senses . 2. That it is their faculty from divers single Notions , or Idea's put together , to come to make complex ones , that is , to make divers Propositions or Conclusions ; not only concerning their own inward Actings , but also about all those outward Objects , with which they are daily conversant , and which may tend to the finding out the readiest means of attaining to , and preserving themselves in the happiest State and Condition they are able to acquire . These things being suppos'd , it were needless to trouble you with any farther descriptions of this Love , or Benevolence , since every Person cannot but be sufficiently sensible of its Nature , Degrees , and various Operations , that will but make any Self-reflection upon his own Inward Affections . § . 7. But as for the due Connexion of the Terms of this Proposition , in which its Truth does chiefly consist , it seems to me plain enough : It being no more than to affirm , That our endeavour of procuring all the good things in our Power , and which are most conducing to our own preservation and Happiness , and of all other Rational Beings , is the best , or chiefest thing that all Persons can do , to render both themselves , and all others , as happy as their Natures will permit or can require ; and that there is no surer , or more powerful means to be discovered by us , whereby we may obtain a full enjoyment of all the good things of this Life , and the hopes of that to come , than by endeavouring our own Felicity in Conjunction with that of others So that from what I have already advanced , the Reader may Collect these two Propositions , 1. That the Foundation of all our Natural Happiness consists in an habitual determination of the Will to the utmost of its Ability and Perfection , whereby we may be always ready and prepared to endeavour this Common good of Rationals . 2. That the true Happiness of each Individual Person , cannot be separated from that of other Rationals , since the whole doth not differ from all its parts taken together ; so that this Proposition , concerning this general or diffusive Benevolence , is thus to be understood ; viz. Not to mean , or only intend , what any single , or a few Persons may perform towards the procuring of their own private Happiness , or that of their own Party or Faction , distinct from that of the rest of Mankind ; but what all particular Persons may jointly contribute to render themselves and others happy ; that is , what each of them may rationally perform towards the obtaining this Common Felicity . For it ought first to be known in general what all Men are able to do , or not to do , towards any common end , ( such as is the common happiness of Rationals ) and then what it is possible for any particular Person in this or that Case to perform ; for example , towards his own private happiness , as separate from that of all others ; though such cases being Indefinite , cannot be certainly or distinctly known . § . 8. But indeed the care of any particular Persons , or a few Men's happiness is rendred useless for the present , nor can be hoped for the future , if it is sought by opposing , or postponing the happiness of all other Rationals ; because the mind being thus affected , a main , and essential part of its own felicity must needs still be wanting ; ( viz. ) That inward Peace of Conscience proceeding from a solid Reason , and true Prudence , always constant and agreeable to it self . For whilst such a Person resolves to act by one rule towards himself , and by another towards all others , who are of the same Nature , and therefore need and require the same things with himself , he must needs contradict his own Reason , and so wants that true Joy and Satisfaction constantly springing in the mind of a Just , Benevolent , and Good-natur'd Person , from the sense of another's good and happiness when promoted , or procured by himself : So that it is impossible for any Man to be truly happy , who not only neglects the necessary causes thereof ; God , and all other Men , ( on whose Help and Assistance his true Happiness , and Well-being wholly depends ) but also provokes them to his certain ruine and destruction ; so that there is no surer way , which can bring any Man to the attaining his own particular Happiness , but that which leads him also to endeavour the Common Good of all other men , as well as his own . § . 9. But I here acknowledge , that this Proposition concerning Universal Benevolence , cannot be of sufficient efficacy for the due ordering our Actions , and correcting our Manners , until we have first propos'd to our selves this Common Good of Rational Beings ; ( viz. ) Our own Felicity ( in conjunction with that of others ) as our main end , and that we are convinced that the various Acts contain'd under this general Love , or Benevolence , are the only true means to procure it : The truth of which Proposition , is , in the first place , to be made manifest to us ; in the next all those other Propositions that can be deduced from thence ; such as are those less general ones , which determine concerning the Natural Power of Fidelity , Gratitude , Paternal and Filial Affection , as also of all other particular Vertues , necessary for the obtaining any part of this humane Felicity ; for as well the whole truth of this Proposition , as of all those which follow from thence , depend upon the Natural , and Necessary Power of such Actions , as real Causes producing such Effects . § . 10. And though perhaps it may at first sight seem to detract from their certainty , that they depend upon such an uncertain Cause as Man's Will. Yet however it suffices , for their truth and certainty , that whenever such voluntary Causes shall exert themselves , such Effects will certainly be produced . Thus in Arithmetick we freely Add and Subtract ; that is , we can choose whether we will perform those Operations or not ; but if we reckon truly , we shall always find the Total , equal to all the particulars either Added or Subtracted . And there is a like certain , and true Connexion between all the Causes and Effects , which can be known in any other Science . And this I have likewise imitated in this Treatise of Moral Philosophy , by reducing all the parts , of which it consists , to this one Head or Summ , ( viz. ) Love or Benevolence ; which Idea I shall improve by enquiring into its several Kinds , and shewing the necessary Connexion of this , or that particular Action , with the Common Good of Rationals , which ought to be the great end sought for by us . § . 11. But since our voluntary Actions alone can be govern'd by Reason , and those only which concern intelligent Agents , are to be considered in Morals ; it is evident , that from none of all these Actions we can frame a higher , or more comprehensive Idea , than this of Universal Benevolence , which comprehends the willing , and endeavouring of all good things , and the removal , or hindring of all evil ones , from those Objects about which it is conversant : And this Benevolence extends its self to all Moral Actions , as well those of considering , and comparing divers goods with each other , as of inquiring into the means by which they may be produced ; nor is it more certainly true , that the Addition of several numbers makes a Summ Total , than that this Benevolence produces a general good effect to all those towards whom we exert it . Thus it is as certain , that Piety , Fidelity , Gratitude , paternal and conjugal Affection , together with filial Duty , make up the chief and constituent parts of this Benevolence , as that Addition , Substraction , Multiplication and Division , are several parts of Arithmetick ; so that it is no material Objection , That this Universal Benevolence may be prejudiced or lessened by the wickedness or ill-nature of Men. So that the great end , or Summ of the Law of Nature , cannot be thereby generally obtain'd as it ought , any more than it is an Objection against the certainty or usefulness of Arithmetick , or Geometry , that some Men should through Lazyness and Inadvertency , altogether neglect their Rules , or make false Conclusions from those Sciences , or should through Ignorance or prejudice , deny their certainty . So likewise it is in the Science of Morality , as contain'd in the Law of Nature , which is chiefly imploy'd in weighing , and taking a true account of those humane Powers , that contribute to the Common Good of Rational Beings ; which since they may vary somewhat in so great a variety of possible Cases , he may be said , ( and that deservedly ) to have well performed this task , who first affirms in general , that all those Powers are comprehended under the most general and diffusive Benevolence ; though he may be able afterwards more particularly to demonstrate ; that a just division of things , Fidelity , Gratitude , and all the other vertues are contain'd under it , and also shew in what Cases they become useful to this end ; by which means Religion , and humane Society , with all other things which may render Men's lives happy and safe , will be certainly improved and advanced . And herein consists the Solution of that most useful Problem concerning the Common good of Rationals , procur'd by the most diffusive Benevolence , which Moral Philosophy teaches us to search after . Nor is the truth or authority of such Precepts at all prejudic'd or diminisht , though very many Persons will not obey them , or will set themselves to oppose them ; since this only can be the consequence of it , That they will thereby lose their own happiness , and perhaps may draw others by their false reasons into the same misery : and so I doubt not on the other side , but that Men would think themselves oblig'd to perform all the Acts that constitute this Benevolence , if they were but once convinced that so great and noble an end , as the Common Good of Rational Beings , ( and in which their own happiness is likewise contained ) will be certainly procured thereby , and cannot be had by any other or contrary means . § . 12. I come now to consider , that together with the knowledge of this visible World , ( of which our selves make but a small part ) there is likewise convey'd into our minds by our Senses a certain knowledge , 1. Of divers natural outward goods . 2. And those not only peculiar to our selves alone , but common to all those of our own kind . 3. Of which goods some are greater than others , and that good which hath none that we know excels it , we may call the greatest or highest . 4. Also of those , some are commonly in our Power , others we understand to exceed the narrow limits of our humane forces ; but since the Nature of these things is by two several ways discovered to us , either more confusedly by common experience and daily Observation , or else more distinctly from experimental Philosophy , and the Mathematicks ; the former of these methods being easie , and obvious to every one , I shall rather make use of that ; whereas the other would be only proper for Philosophers and Mathematicians , since the Grounds or Principles of the Law of Nature , ought to be alike evident to the Illiterate as well as to the Learned , for all are under the like obligation to observe them ; and therefore I shall only put you in mind of such vulgar and easie Observations , which no Rational Man can dispute , or deny : and such , as from which I undertake to prove , that the Knowledge and Coherence of the Terms of this Proposition may evidently be deduced . § . 13. Our first Natural Observation therefore is , that by our free use , and enjoyment of those products of the Earth , that come under the general Titles of Food , Clothing , Houses , &c. and also by that help or assistance , which one or more Persons can afford each other ; Men may be preserved , and live as happily and contentedly for several years , as their frail Nature will permit . And in the next place , that these effects being not only agreeable , but necessary to our Natures , are naturally good , as tending to their Preservation or Perfection ; and therefore by the same reason , Men's affections , from whence these outward things and acts do proceed , and which produce all these good effects , are conceiv'd under the notion of good Will , or Benevolence , which must be also good ; since whatever goodness is contain'd in the effects , must be likewise in the cause . And we are also sensible , that by this Benevolence , we are not only able to help our selves , or some few Persons , but many others , as well by our advice , as by our strength and industry ; especially when we see divers others of our own kind who are able , and seem also willing to requite us in the like manner . So that each of us in particular , may be provided with a sufficient stock of all the necessaries of Life , by our mutual help and assistance , all which would not only be wanting to us , but we should be expos'd to innumerable mischiefs and hazards , as also to a great want even of necessaries , if all Persons looking only to themselves , should always shew themselves ill-natur'd , malevolent , and enemies towards other Rational Beings ; whereas the contrary endeavours being thus helpful , and necessary to so many others , may easily and naturally produce in our minds a notion of this Common good of Rationals , which from the obvious Similitude of Rational Beings to each other , must equally respect all those , which we have opportunity or occasion of knowing , or conversing with , as also those with whom we have not . § . 14. And I may add farther from constant experience , that we are able to contribute more to the good , and assistance of those of our own kind , than any other Creatures , because their Nature ( and consequently what is good , or destructive to it ) is more evident to us from the knowledge we have of our selves , than of other Creatures . For as our Nature is capable of more , and greater goods than they , and in the attaining of which we can better assist each other ; so we must also confess it to be liable to greater Dangers and Calamities ; for the declining and removing of which , God hath appointed our mutual Benevolence expressed by our endeavours , and assistance of each other , as the most suitable and necessary means thereunto . § . 15. And we may also observe , that by our Advice and Counsel , communicated by apt Signs or Words , we are able to contribute many helps and conveniencies of Life to those of our own kind , of which other Animals are altogether uncapable either of acting or receiving . And farther , because of the Similitude of those of our own kind with our selves , we cannot but think it agreeable to our Rational Natures to do , or to procure the like things for them , as for our selves , and can also be sensible of greater Motives to benefit Men , than other Creatures ; since we have all the reason to hope , that those we have thus done good to , or obliged , being moved by our benefits , will make us a suitable return whenever it lies in their power , and that they may one time or other , in the like , or some other way oblige us . So that it is evident from Common Experience , that there can be no larger Possession , nor any surer defence for Mankind , than the most sincere Piety towards God , the Head of Rational beings , and the most diffusive Love , and sincere Benevolence of all Persons towards each other ; since if they prove malevolent , or ill-natur'd , they may easily bereave us of all things we enjoy , together with our Life it self : nor can the Love or Good-will of others , be obtained by any more certain or powerful means , than that every one should shew himself so affected in his Actions towards others , as he desires they should be towards himself ; That is , Loving and Benevolent upon all occasions , though more particularly to those to whom we are obliged by Friendship or Relation . § . 16. Last of all , the same Experience that demonstrates the mutual Benevolence of particular Persons to be the most powerful Cause of their Felicity , does as necessarily teach us from a like parity of Reason , that the Love , or Good-will of any greater number of Men , towards any the like number , hath a-like proportionable effect ; so on the other side , the constant Malice or Ill-will of all Men towards all , express'd by suitable Actions , would soon bring destruction to the whole Race of Mankind , since it would soon destroy all the Causes requisite to their Happiness , and Well-being , and introduce a perpetual Enmity and War , which are the certain Causes of the greatest Miseries and Calamities , which can befall Mankind : all which , though Mr. H. himself acknowledges , yet he will not own the necessity of Men's mutual Love and Concord , to be also as necessary to their Preservation . But why the Causes of Men's Preservation and Happiness , as being Prior in Nature , should not be more evident than those of their Destruction ; since the one is altogether as evident and necessary , and may be as easily foreseen and prevented , as the other , I can see no reason ; and I should be glad if any of Mr. H's Disciples could shew us any sufficient Reason for that Opinion . § . 17. So that these things which I have now laid down concerning the Natural means of Men's happiness , do appear so evident from our common Reason , and daily Experience , that they are of like certainty with the Principles of Arithmetick and Geometry , in all whose Operations , there are still supposed certain Acts depending upon our free , humane , Faculties ; and yet neither of these Sciences are rendred the more uncertain , from the supposition of Men's Free-will , whether they will draw Lines , or cast up Sums , or not ; since it suffices for their truth and certainty , that there is an inseparable Connexion between such Acts , which are supposed to be in our Power to exert , and all the effects sought for ; To the finding of which , both the pleasure annexed to their Contemplation , and the various uses of Humane Life do at once invite us . And in the like manner , the truth of all Moral Knowledge is founded in the Immutable Coherence between the highest Felicity , which Humane Power can attain to , with those Acts of universal Benevolence , that is of Love towards God and Men , and which exerts it self in all the particular moral Vertues ; yet in the mean time , these two things are still supposed , That Men desire , and seek the highest Felicity they are capable of ; and also , That they are able to exercise this Benevolence , not only towards themselves , but God and Men , as partakers with them of the same Rational , or Intelligent Nature . This I have thought fit to add , to prevent all those Cavils which Mr. H's Disciples are used to make against Morality , from the necessity of our Wills. § . 18. But before I proceed farther to inquire into the Nature of things , I desire you to remember what I have already hinted in the Introduction to this Discourse , That this truth concerning the efficacy of Universal Benevolence , for the Preservation and Happiness of Rational Beings , as also all other Propositions alike evident , and contained under it , do all proceed from God , as the first Cause , and Ordainer of all things ; and consequently of our Humane Understanding , and of all truths therein contained . And since these Rules drawn from the Natures of things , tend to the procuring God's End and Design , viz. The Preservation , and Happiness of Mankind ; and also that it hath pleased Him to annex certain natural Rewards , to the Observation of these Dictates of Reason , and Punishments to their Transgression ; so that they thereby becoming apt , and sufficient for the due ordering of our Thoughts , and governing our Actions towards God , our selves , and all others , ( as I shall farther make out in this Discourse ) I see nothing wanting to give it the Essence , and Vigour of a Law. And I shall farther shew before I have done , that under this general Rule of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings , or Universal Benevolence , is contained Piety towards God , and the highest Good-will or Charity towards Men , and is the Summ both of the Moral Law of Moses , and of the Gospel of our Saviour Iesus Christ. § . 19. These Things being thus proposed in general , I come now more particularly to shew , that a due Observation and Knowledge of these natural Things without us , will truly and clearly teach us what Operations or Motions of them are good , or evil , for all other Men , as well as our selves ; and also shew us how necessarily and unalterably all these Things are produced ; for Natural Knowledge searches into the true Causes of that Generation and Corruption which daily happens to all Natural Bodies , and especially to Men , and so can demonstrate the necessary coherence of these Effects , with their Causes ; and therefore those Causes that help to generate or preserve Men , and that make them live happily in this Life , are Natural Goods , as the Causes of their Misery and Dissolution are Natural Evils : And it then as plainly follows , That by this Knowledge we can as certainly demonstrate and foretell what Things are naturally Good , or Evil , for all Mankind , as for any single Person . § . 20. Therefore we may truly conclude , That the Knowledge of all these Effects , which either Nature or Humane Industry can produce for Men's Food , Clothing , Habitation , and Medicine , is part of this Natural Knowledge : To which we may also add the understanding of all other Humane Operations , and of the Effects proceeding from thence , for the Uses of Humane Life . For although the voluntary Actions of Men , as they exert themselves towards Things without them , do not work exactly after the same manner as meer Mechanick Motions , viz. from the Pulsion or Motion of other Bodies , but either from their Reasons , or Wills ; yet since all the outward Motions we exert , receive their Measure and Force from the Natural Powers of Humane Bodies , which are of the same Nature with others , and so must perform their Natural Functions , as they are regulated by the necessary Laws of Matter and Motion , much after the same manner as other Natural Motions , it is evident , that these voluntary Actions , whenever they are thus exerted , are regulated by the same Natural Laws : And it is commonly known how much Men's Industry , by the various Motions of their Bodies ( which a Philosopher can easily resolve into mechanick ones ) , does contribute to their own and other Men's Preservation , by providing and administring Victuals , Cloths , Physick , Houses , &c. In performing which Effects , Men's Strength , and Skill in Husbandry , Building , Navigation , and other manual Trades , are chiefly employ'd . Nor are the Liberal Arts absolutely free from these Laws of Motion , since by the help of certain sensible Signs , and articulate Notes , or Marks , as Words , Letters , or Cyphers , the Minds of Men come to be endued with Knowledge , and directed in most of their Civil and Moral Duties . I have only thought fit to hint thus much concerning Humane Actions , considered as meer Natural Things existing without us ; but I shall treat more fully of them in the next Chapter , when I come to treat of the Nature of Man , considered as a voluntary Agent . § . 21. Hence it plainly appears , That all these Natural Things , and the mutual Helps by which they are procured , may be certainly known , and foreseen by us , to be naturally and unalterably Good ; that is , tending to the Preservation and Happiness of Mankind . And for the same Reason all those contrary Causes , or Motions , by which Men's Bodies are weakened or destroyed , by lessening or taking away the Necessaries and Conveniences of Life , such as Food , Rayment , Liberty , Quiet , &c. And also those Actions by which Vertue and Knowledge may be rooted out of Men's Minds ; and Errours , and unbridled Passions , destructive to the Common Good of Mankind , introduced into their Rooms , are necessarily and in their own Nature Evil. Therefore when we determine of Natural Goods , or Evils , according to the Law of Nature , we are not only to consider the Preservation of a few particular Persons , since the Punishment ; nay , Death of these , may often conduce to the Common Good ; but rather that of the aggregate Body of Mankind , subordinate to GOD , as the Head of Rational Beings , in this Natural System or Commonweal , establish'd by Natural Laws : For the good of an aggregate Body , is nothing else but the Chiefest Good that can accrue to all its Parts , or the Individual . § . 22. Having now found out from the Nature of Things , by what means our Minds can receive the Idea's of a Common Natural Good , and Evil , and these no less certain and stable , than those by which the Causes of Generation and Corruption are exhibited to them ; I come next to consider , That that Matter and Motion , in which the Powers of Humane Bodies ( as well as other Parts of this Visible World ) consist , and exert themselves after a limitted manner , and have a finite Quantity , and certain Bounds , beyond which , they cannot act ; from which Principles , flow those known Laws of Natural Bodies , as that they cannot be at once in divers Places , and therefore cannot be moved towards contrary Points , at the same time ; or so as to be subservient to the contrary Wills of divers Persons , at once ; but are so bounded and determined in their Natures , as to be only ordered or disposed of , according to the Will of one Person alone , or else of divers consenting or conspiring to the same End , or Design . For if Men should think thus to make use of them , they would be so far from conducing to their Benefit , or Preservation , that they would only tend to their Hurt , and Destruction ; since if the Stronger had a Right to take from the Weaker by Strength , and the Weaker from the Stronger by Cunning and Surprize , any of these Necessaries of Life , which he was once possessed of ; yet when he had them , he could be no more assured that he should keep them , than he was that last possessed them , since one Stronger , or more Cunning than himself , may yet come , and serve him as he had done the other before ; and so on , 'till all Men that enjoy'd them should be destroy'd , and the Things contended for , perish without use : So that there could remain neither any Owner , nor Thing to be owned . § . 23. From all which that hath been now laid down , I shall draw some Conclusions of great moment to our Subject ; as , ( 1. ) From this Knowledge of the Nature of Things , ( and especially of our own Humane Nature ) we may learn that somuch celebrated Distinction of the Stoicks , between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) those Things which are in our own Power and Disposal , such as are the voluntary Motions and Inclinations of our Bodies and Minds ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) the Things out of our Power , such as are those Corporeal Motions , so violent and irresistible , which we daily observe to proceed from the Nature and Frame of the World , which we weak Creatures are not able to resist , and from whose irresistible Force , all things here below are in a perpetual flux ; whence also there happens to us Men , a perpetual vicisfitude of Things , as well Adverse as Prosperous , as also of Maturation , Decay , and Dissolution : So that this Distinction ( if duly observed ) will be of singular use , as well in forming our Manners , as governing our Affections : For from hence we are taught not to expect any other or greater Happiness , as a Reward of all our Labours and Endeavours , than what may proceed from a prudent Management of our Rational Faculties , and from those External Helps which we may expect Divine Providence will afford us , in its governing the World ; by which means we may befreed from those fruitless Labours and Endeavours , to which Men's vain Fears , and groundless Hopes , so often transport them : Nor shall we too much afflict our selves for those Evils , which either do now , or may hereafter , without our own Faults , inevitably befal us , whence the greatest part of those Troubles and Molestations , which are wont to proceed from Grief , Anger , and Discontent at our present Fortunes , or Conditions , may , by our Prudence , or Patience , be prevented : Neither are we hereby only directed to the avoiding of Evils , but here is also chalked out to us , a more short and compendious method , by which we may , by degrees , attain to those two greatest Blessings which can be enjoyed by us in this Life ; the Culture of our own Minds , and the Government of our Passions . § . 24. I need not prosecute this Subject any farther , but shall proceed to take notice of those obvious Observations to our Purpose , viz. That it is evident from common Experience , That the natural Forces , or Powers , of any one Person , are too weak , scanty , and inconsiderable , towards the obtaining all that Happiness he desires and is capable of ; to procure which , he still wants the Help and Assistance of many other Persons and Things , to render his Life safe , pleasant , or contented : And , further , that it is in the Power of any one of us , to contribute many Things towards the use of others of our own kind , which we do not need our selves ; and which though of no use to us , yet may be of singular use to their Happiness , or Preservation . But since we are certain , from those known Bounds of our Power , that we are not able to compel all those by force , whose Assistance we stand in need of , to co-operate with us , towards this our main End and Design , viz. Happiness ; there can be no surer Means , or safer Defence left us , than that by a constant offering and affording those Necessaries of Life , together with our Assistance to others , as often as it lies in our Power ; we may thereby probably render them likewise Benevolent and Helpful to us in the like Necessities , or Occasions : So that this Benevolence , or Charity , is only a constant Will and Endeavour of acting thus sincerely and diffusively , whenever any Opportunity offers it self ; and that even in those Cases , in which it may oftentimes be probably foreseen , that no return can be immediately expected from the Person to whom the Benefit is done ; since , however , it still contributes to the general Good of Mankind , of which that Person we so benefit is a Member : Which general Benevolence doth not yet hinder , but that we may bestow and exercise a larger share , and higher degrees thereof , towards those from whom our own long Acquaintance , and nearer Relation , may persuade us to hope for larger Returns of Friendship . § . 25. Whence we may , in the next place , observe , That if our Assistance , and other Things in our Power , certainly contribute to the Use , or Benefit of others , they can only perform this , as they are assign'd , or appropriated , to the particular Persons , that are to make use of them , according to some certain time and place . So that if Right Reason prescribe a Use of Things , and Humane Helps , as necessary for the Happiness and Preservation of Mankind , it , as necessarily , prescribes , that this Use of these Things , should be appropriated to them , that are thus to use them , for the time they stand in need of them , and according to the place in which they are to be used . The Consequence is evident , because Right Reason can only prescribe that to be done , which will consist with the nature of the Things that are to be used , and the Persons that are to use them . So that it is evident , a Division , or Appropriation of Things , and Humane Assistances and Labours , is absolutely necessary for the Subsistence and Happiness of all Men ; whence it also follows , That this necessary Limitation , or Appropriation of any of these Things to particular Persons , for the time they stand in need of them , is a natural Separation of them , from the use of all others , during the time they are so made use of . By One Thing , I mean such single Things as are uncapable of division ; and to make use of which , it is absolutely necessary that it be possessed whole and entire , such as are Food , Cloths , and the like ; for there are other Things which are likewise called One , as one Island , one Field , and the like , which may very well serve for the Use of divers Persons at once , and whose Division arising from the positive Consent of Men already entred into Civil Societies , or Commonweals , I need not now treat of . § . 26. But from this natural Division , or Appropriation of Things , and its Necessity for the Preservation of Mankind , arises that Natural and Primitive right proceeding from Occupancy , which both Philosophers and Civilians grant to have place in the state of Nature , supposing a Community of most Things : For Right is but a certain Faculty , or Power of Acting , or enjoying any thing granted us by a Law ; but in this state , there is no other Law but that of Right Reason , given by GOD , concerning such Actions as are necessary for the Common Good of Rational Beings . Therefore since Right Reason requires a separate use of particular Things , and Humane Assistances , as necessary and conducing to this End , there must needs follow from thence , a Right to the Use and Enjoyment of any particular Thing , during the time the Possessor so makes use of it ; for a Man hath the same Right to live tomorrow , as he hath to day ; and consequently hath the same Right to all the Means which are necessary for his Preservation : Therefore if this House , Servant , or any thing else that I am now possessed of , be necessary for my Happiness or Preservation to day , I shall have also a like Right to it for the future as long as it continues thus necessary : And in this state , there being no other Judge of the Means of my own Preservation but my self , I shall have a Right to it as long as I live , for the same Reason for which I had a Right to it at first . So that unless , the Use or Necessity ceasing , I alter my Mind concerning it , or assign my Interest in it to another , I have a perpetual Right in it , excluding that of any other , during the time that I am thus possessed of it : Not that I hereby grant every Man a Right , in the state of Nature , to all Things which his unreasonable Passions , or Appetites , shall fansie to be necessary for his own Preservation , or Happiness , but only to so much of the Means conducing thereunto , as any Man , whilst he judges according to Right Reason , or Equity , and the natural Necessities of himself and Family , shall rightly so determine , without arrogating , or assuming to himself more than is really necessary for those Ends , and without robbing others of what is also necessary for them , which is down-right Violence and Injustice . § . 27. Whence it plainly appears , That this natural Division , or Property in Things , first proceeding from Occupancy and Possession , as it is necessary for the Preservation of all particular Persons , so it must be likewise for that of Mankind , considered as an aggregate Body , consisting of divers Individuals , the same Means being necessary for the preservation of the whole , as are requisite to all its constituent Parts or Members , though this kind of Property may very well consist with Community , as at Ord'naries and Theatres , every one that pays his Money hath a Right to his Dinner , or Place ; yet none can tell which it is , or where it shall be , 'till he hath it on his Plate , or is actually seated in it . § . 28. Whence it may appear , That these Principles being truly drawn from the Nature of Things , will , without any more ado , destroy Mr. H.'s wild Hypothesis , concerning the Natural Right of all Men to all Things , that he may thereby prove a Right , in the state of Nature , in all Men ▪ of doing whatsoever they please towards others , necessary to their Preservation ; so that thence may arise a natural state of War of all Men against all . And hence it likewise appears upon what grounds every Man hath a Right to his own Life , Limbs , and Liberty , viz. because they are the natural Means by which we are enabled to serve GOD , and assist Mankind ; in doing which , we prosecute the Common Good of Rational Beings . And from these Principles here laid down , it clearly appears , That Mr. H.'s Doctrines concerning the Law of Nature , and Dominion , are not only precarious , but manifestly false ; which , first , suppose ( without any sufficient Proof ) an unlimitted Right of all Men to all Things , to be necessary to their Preservation , as the Foundation of all Natural Laws , and Civil Societies . For the proving of which , he only makes use of some false and specious Arguments , as I hope I have sufficiently made appear in the Second Part of this Treatise . § . 29. Having now established a Natural Property in such Things , and Humane Helps , or Assistances , as are necessary for Men's Happiness and Preservation , in order to the Common Good , I shall not concern my self to prove the Convenience of Civil Property , as now established in most Commonweals ; nor shall now trouble you with those Mischiefs , which Aristotle , in his Politicks , hath very well proved , would follow from a Community of Things , from those unavoidable Strifes and Contentions , which would daily arise from our using the Fruits of the Earth in common : Only I think I may say thus much , That since Mankind is so multiplied in well-inhabited Countries , that there is not Land sufficient to be divided amongst all the Inhabitants , so as to serve for each Person 's comfortable Subsistence without foreign Trade , or mechanick Employments , there must necessarily follow a more full and exact Division and Appropriation of the Necessaries of Life , such as are Land , or the Use and Products thereof ; as , Corn , Cattel , and the like , in order to the Preservation and Happiness of that Nation , or Civil Society , by whose Consent such a Division and Appropriation of these Things were at first introduced ; which being once setled by Civil Laws , there is the like Reason for its continuance ; and Men have as much Right to those Things they thus enjoy , by the particular Laws of the Countries where they live , as they had before in the state of Nature , to whatever they could possess by the Right of Occupancy , or Possession ; since it is evident , That this more exact Property , or Dominion , consisting in a stricter and more limitted use of these Things , hath a greater efficacy in order to the Happiness and Preservation of that Nation , or part of Mankind , which have thus agreed to it , than the bare Occupancy , or Possession of these Things had before such a Division made , or agreed upon ; nor can it now be altered , however , perhaps , hard and unequal it may prove to some particular Persons , since it will always conduce to the Happiness and Tranquility of each particular Civil Society , or Commonweal , that it should continue as it doth , than it should be still altered , according to every Man 's particular Fancy , or Interest , since such a Change can never be made , without inconceivable Discontents , and Civil Dissentions , which would quickly end in open Violence and Hostility . § . 30. So that from these Principles here laid down , there is no Right conferred upon any Man , of doing whatever his own wild Fancy , or unbounded Appetite may prompt him to , but only , what he shall , according to right Reason , truly judge necessary to his own , or Family's Happiness and Preservation , in order to the Common Good of Mankind . Therefore I here desire you to take notice , that whatever Right we enjoy , even to the things most necessary for our Preservation , it is founded , if not in the Precept , yet at least permission of this great Law of Nature , of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings , when we truly judge according to the Nature of things , concerning the means necessary , and conducing to this great End ; so that it can never be proved , that any one hath a right of Preserving himself , unless it be first made out , how this Right of Self-preservation , conduces to , or at least consists with this Common Good. Since no Rational Man can ever believe , that God intended the Preservation , much less the Sensual Pleasures of any one Man , as the Sole End of His Creation . Which Principle being once established , as the Foundation and Original of all the Natural , or Civil Rights we enjoy ; our own natural Powers and Rights , will appear so limitted thereby , that we cannot without injury , and injustice , violate or invade the Rights of others , much less break out into open War against them without just Cause ; nay all those Arguments by which any one Man can assume a Right to Preserve himself by the Law of Nature , will likewise be of the same force to prove , that he ought to Preserve others also ; and that it can never become lawful for us in any State , to rob Innocent Persons of what is necessary for their Well-being and Preservation ; but rather on the contrary , that all Men's natural Rights , should be secured from the mischiefs of unreasonable Violence , and War , and Contention ; which natural Security in a Civil State or Commonweal , is highly improved and encreased by the Assistance of Humane Skill and Industry , according to the established Laws of Property or Dominion . § . 31. I have spoken thus much concerning the necessary Connexion between the particular Actions above mentioned , and the Common Good of Mankind , that by considering their relation to this Great End , the Nature of all Humane Actions may more certainly be known and predetermined . Since the Dependance of natural Effects on their Causes , are absolutely necessary and immutable ; for as well in the state of Nature or Community , as of Civil Society , or separate Property , those Humane Actions which cause , or procure , that the minds of all other Persons should not be prejudiced by Errors , Lyes , or Perfidiousness ; nor their Bodies hurt , nor their Lives , Goods , Fames and Chastities violated , or taken away , and also by which a grateful return is rendred to those that have done us good ; or in short , all those Actions by which the true happiness of any one Man , or more is procured , without injury to others , as they always were , so they ever will be the certain Causes of the Common Good , and Happiness of Mankind , and are therefore distinguished by the Titles of moral Vertues , as I shall more at large demonstrate in this Discourse , when I come to shew how all moral Vertues are derived from , and at last resolved into this Principle of the Common Good of Rational Beings . But least the variousness of the Observations treated of in this Chapter , and their Independance upon each other , should render them perplext , and consequently unconvincing to Common Readers , who may not be able to carry so long a train of consequences in their minds ; I shall contract what hath been now said into these few plain Propositions . 1. That though all particular men are mortal , and but of a short duration , yet that God hath still preserved mankind without any sensible failure or decay . 2. That in Order to this , God hath made man to be propagated by Generation , and also to be preserved by divers outward means , which we call necessaries of Life . 3. That these Natural means can no way answer this End , but as they are allowed , or appropriated to the uses and occasions of particular Persons , during the time they stand in need of them , and so cannot at the same time answer the different or contrary desires , and necessities of divers men , endeavouring to use these things after contrary or different manner . 4. That the taking away those necessaries of Life , which another is rightly possessed of , doth not only cause the ruine and destruction of that Person and his Family , who were thus possessed of them ; but by causing a perpetual strife among Mankind , will render these things uncapable of being made use of at all for their Common Good and Preservation . 5. That such a Strife , if prosecuted to the utmost , will certainly end in the destruction , not only of particular Persons and Nations , but of all mankind contrary to God's design . 6. From all which we may Rationally collect , that God designs the Preservation and Happiness of Mankind , as also of all Individual Persons as parts of it , as far as their frail and mortal Natures will permit , and in subordination to the good of the whole body thereof . 7. That therefore there are no surer means to procure this great End of the Common Good of Mankind , than an Universal Benevolence towards Rational Beings ; consisting , First , in Divine Love or Piety towards God , and in Respect of Men , not only in permitting each other quietly to enjoy all the necessaries of Life , but also in making a settled division of them to others , so as to be appropriated to several mens uses or occasions ; which dictates being given us by God as a rule of all our moral Actions , ( in the exercise of which is contained our truest Happiness , as in its violation , our greatest Misery ) is therefore truly and properly a Law , and indeed the Summ of all the Laws of Nature . CHAP. II. Observations and Conclusions , drawn from the consideration of Humane Nature and Right Reason , as also from the Nature of God. § . 1. HAving in the former Chapter drawn such easie and obvious Observations , from the Nature of those things without us , which we daily stand in need and make use of , as may serve to prove , after what manner we ought to make use of them , and whence that Right arises we have to them . I come now to make the like Observations from the Nature of Mankind , in order to the proving , that we are designed by God for the Good and Preservation of others besides our selves , and that in the doing of this , we procure ( as far as lies in our Power ) the Good and Happiness of all Rational Beings , in which our own is likewise included . To perform this task , I shall first take notice of those Qualities or Properties that belong to man ( 1 ) as a meer Natural Body , ( 2 ) such as belong to him as an Animal , ( 3 ) such as are peculiar to him as a Rational Creature , endued with a higher and nobler Principle than Brutes , viz. an Immortal Soul. § . 2. To begin with the first of these , it is evident , that as a Natural Body , he is endued with these Properties common to all other Natural Bodies . First , that all his motions , in which his Life , Strength , and Health consist , do all proceed from God , the first and Original , or Cause of them , and are necessarily complicated with , and depend upon the motions of innumerable other Bodies , among which the Corporeal motions of others , ( which do often limit and restrain our own ) are first and chiefly to be considered . ( 2 ) That from them , as from other Bodies , motion may be propagated Indefinitely , and which does not perish , but concur with other motions to perpetuate the Succession of things , that is , contribute to the conservation of the Universe ; and as the former teaches us , that a particular end , viz. our own Preservation , depends upon our Common or joynt Forces , or Natural Powers ; so this latter instructs us , that such Powers and motions of particular Persons , are often most Beneficial , and conducing to the Common Good of all men . The first of these Conclusions forbids us to hope for , or endeavour our own private Good or Happiness , as separate and distinct from that of all others , and so excites us to seek the Common Good of Rationals , as the Original of our own particular Happiness . The other Conclusion shews , that this endeavour of the Common Good can never prove in vain , or to no purpose , since it concurrs with the Will of God , and conduces to the Preservation of the Universe , and of all Humane Creatures therein contain'd ; and farther , that in each complicated motion , as well in that , towards which divers Causes concurr for the Preservation of any Body for a certain time , as also in that , whereby each particular Body concurrs to the Conservation of the whole System . There is a certain order still observed , whereby some motions are necessarily determined by others in a continual Series , or Succession , all which are yet governed or over-ruled , by the motion of the whole System of Natural Bodies . And although this sort of Contemplation , may seem remote from common use , yet is it not to be contemned as altogether unprofitable in Humane Affairs ; for it makes us more distinctly perceive from some certain general Principles , how necessary a constant and certain order is amongst those Causes , that Act from Corporeal forces ; so that many of them , may each in their order Successively concurr to an effect foreseen , or designed by us ; and farther shews us a rule how we may certainly judge , what Cause does more or less contribute to the Effect sought for , or desired ; so that from the Natural Power of these Causes , their Order , Dignity or Power , in respect to each Effect , are to be determined and judged of ; and we are taught from the Nature of things , as well what Causes are to be most esteemed for those good Effects they have , or may produce , as also which are most diligently to be sought , for the obtaining those ends which we desire , and by which means it may be also known ; that those Causes which Philosophers call Universal , viz. God the first Cause , and the motion of the Celestial Bodies as proceeding from Him , are the Original Causes of the Common Good or Happiness of Mankind , a part of which we either always do actually , or can hope to enjoy . § . 3. But omitting those Motions which are not in our Power to influence or alter , it is certain , that among the things which are in either our Power to do or forbear ; those voluntary Humane motions proceeding from an Universal Benevolence of all Men towards all others , are the principal Causes of their Common Happiness , and in which every one's private Good is included . Since from this source proceed all those Actions , by which Men's Innocence and Fidelity towards each other are preserved ; as also by which Humanity , Gratitude , and almost all the other Vertues are exerted and performed , after as certain a manner , as the Natural motions of the Spirits , Bowels , Nerves , and Joynts in an Animal , do wholly proceed from the motion of the Heart , and Circulation of the Blood : which judgment or determination , being taken from the Nature of things duly considered , should , without doubt , cause us to yield Obedience to all the Laws of Nature , as contributing to this Common Good of Rational Agents , and may make us also diligently to take care , that the same be observed by others , so that there may be nothing wanting that can be done by us , whereby we may not be rendered as happy as our frail Natures in this will allow ; since right reason can propose no higher or nobler End , than this of all our moral Actions . § . 4. Yet whilst we compare the Aggregate Body of mankind , ( as far as we can Act by Corporeal force ) with the Natural Systems of other Bodies . I am not unmindful of the manifest difference there is between them , viz. That all the Effects of meer Corporeal Systems , are produced by the Contiguity , and immediate Operation of Bodies , moving upon others that are to be moved by them ; without any Sense , Deliberation , or Liberty , which are only to be found in Humane Actions , in whose Motions and Operations on each other , though a great difference often intervenes ; yet for all that , it is evident , that the Corporeal Powers of Men when exerted , are subject to the same Laws of motion with other Bodies , and that divers Men may often cooperate to one certain Effect , relating to the Good or Hurt of others , so that there is the same necessity of a Subordination between Humane motions , as there is between those of other Bodies . And I must here farther take notice , that Men have frequent opportunities of meeting together , and also many other means by which they may hurt or help each other , by Words , Writing , or other Actions . So that , if we consider the Nature of Mankind , in the whole course of their Lives , it ought to be considered as one entire System of Bodies , consisting of several particular parts ; So that nothing almost can be done in Relation to any Man's Life , Family , or Fortune , which doth not some way or other , either benefit or prejudice , those things which are most dear to others also : as the motion of any one Body in the System of the World , Communicates it self to many others . For that great Prerogative of Knowledge and Understanding , with which Man is endued , supplies the Contiguity required for motion in other Bodies . Men being often excited to Action , by certain Arbitrary signs or words , by which they understand , what hath been done by others in places far distant . So also our Intellect apprehending a likeness of Desires and Aversions , between those of the same Species with it self , as to things necessary or hurtful to Life , as also being able to remember other Men's Actions towards themselves , or those they love , are from thence excited to hope for , or expect the like things from them , and are also provoked to a requital when occasion is offered . Such Properties being plainly Natural , and constant in Humane Nature , are no less efficacious to excite Men to such Actions or motions , than a mutual contact between Bodies , is to Communicate motion between all the parts of any Corporeal System . § . 5. From which Natural Observations it is plainly manifest , that particular Men may hence Learn , that both their greatest Security from Evil , and all their hopes of obtaining any Good or Assistance from others , towards making themselves Happy , doth truly and necessarily depend upon voluntary Actions , proceeding from the Benevolence of others , who do likewise themselves stand in need of the like means for their Happiness and Safety . From whence we easily perceive , that these mutual Helps and Assistances of Men towards each other , are highly beneficial to all of them , and answer that Concourse of Natural Bodies , and that Cession or giving place to each other , which is so necessary for the performance of their motions . So that from this necessity of these mutual helps , it as necessarily follows , that he who would consult his own Happiness and Preservation , should procure ( as far as he is able ) the Good will and Assistance of others , since he cannot but be sensible , that he is able to afford and perform to others , divers like Offices of kindness , and so is able to conspire with the whole System of Rational Beings , towards the same End , ( viz. ) the Common Good of Rational Beings : and that on the contrary , the weak and inconsiderable forces of any one Man , are not sufficient to compel so many others , each of them equal ( if not Superiour ) to himself , both in Wit and Power , to yield him their help and assistance , to their own prejudice , whether they will or no ; which would prove as impossible , as that a hundred pound weight placed in one Scale of a Balance , should bear down several other hundred weights , put on the opposite Scale : So likewise the force and cunning , of any single Person , is of no sufficient Power or Force , against the several Necessities , Counsels , and Endeavours , of innumerable others towards their own , and the Common Good , without any consideration of his particular Happiness alone . Therefore it is manifest from this natural Balance of Humane Powers , that men may be more certainly induced by our Benevolence , or Endeavour of the Common Good , to yield us those things and assistances we stand in need of , than by using force or deceit , which Mr. H. * supposes , even the Good and Vertuous may lawfully exercise in the State of Nature , as the only natural means of Self-preservation , in his Imaginary State of Nature . § . 6. So that from these Natural Observations , concerning all the means necessary to the Conservation of the Corporeal Universe , and of the several sorts of Beings therein contained , we may draw these conclusions . 1. That all things are so disposed , that not the least quantity of matter and motion , can ever be lost ; but the same Species of Animals , are still continued , and are rather encreased than lessened , notwithstanding all the opposition of the cruel Passions , and unruly Appetites of some other Animals , so that in this perpetuity of matter and motion , by a continual succession of things , the Natural Good , or Conservation of the Corporeal Universe consists , and towards which it is carried according to the immutable Laws of motion ; nor can there be any sufficient reason given , why the Conservation of Mankind may not be looked upon as established by as certain and natural a Power of Causes , as the Successive Generations of any other Creatures , since they depend alike upon the lasting Nature of the Corporeal Universe ; and agree in all the Essentials of Animals . And certainly the Addition of a Rational Soul to our Bodies , does very often put us in a better Condition than that of Brutes , but can never make us in a worse ; which will be evident to any Man that considers the benefits , which accrew to our Bodies from the Government of our Reason , and which do abundantly recompense some inconveniencies which may happen to them from the errours of our minds . Nay , it is most certain , that its errours concerning Food , Pleasure , and other things which concern the Preservation of our Bodies , proceed from the Soul 's yielding , against the Admonitions of Reason , to Carnal Appetites , and Corporeal or Animal Passions . 2. That the matter and motion of all Bodies , as also of Men ( considered only as such ) do Mechanically , or whether they will or no , promote the motion of that of the Corporeal Universe , since the motion of all particular Bodies is determined , by the general motion of the whole System . In short , our Judgments concerning the necessary means of the Happiness of Mankind , may be convinced from these Natural causes operating after the same manner , and by the same Natural Laws , by which the Corporeal Universe is preserved , since they consist in these two Rules : 1. That the endeavours of particular Persons towards their own Preservation , are as plainly necessary for the Conservation of the whole Species of Mankind , as the mechanick motions of particular Bodies , are to the general motion of the whole Corporeal System . 2. That the Powers of particular Persons , by which they defend themselves against the force of others , should be so equally Balanced , as that ( like the motion of other Bodies ) none of them should be destroyed or lost , to the Prejudice or Detriment of the whole . Somewhat like which , is seen in all the motions of the Corporeal System of the World , which proceed from its Plenitude , and the mutual Contact of Bodies , and so extend themselves through the whole mass of matter ; but it is the proper Talent of Humane Reason and Understanding , to observe that each Man 's particular Happiness , does depend upon the voluntary Actions of other Rationals , after a much nobler manner , even when they are far distant , and can therefore take care that all Humane Actions may in like manner conduce to the Common Good of Rational Agents , as the motions of all Bodies , do to the Conservation of the whole Corporeal System ; which will be truly performed , if in all voluntary Actions which respect others , those two Rules aforegoing be observed . So that we are taught from the real Natures of things , as well as that of Inanimate Bodies , after what manner , and to what Degree we ought to pursue our own particular Happiness , that is , only as it conduces to , and is included in that of the Common Good of Rational Agents . So we are hence also instructed , what Actions are prescribed , or forbid by the Laws of Nature ; since such Actions only are thereby commended , as promote this great End , and the contrary Actions forbidden , which disturb or hinder it ; which is also supposed by all Princes and States in their Deliberations and Treaties of Peace , it being that , in which they all agree , as contributing to their Common Safety and Preservation , ( viz. ) That the Powers of all the several states concerned , should be so justly moderated and equally balanced , that none may destroy or oppress each other . Thus between neighbouring Nations , not Subject to the same Common Power ; it is chiefly provided in all their Leagues and Treaties , that the Forces of each particular Common-wealth , should be so equally balanced by the Assistance , and Support of their Consederates and Allies , that it should be impossible for any one of them to swallow up , or destroy another ; but that there should be still left to each of them Power , and means sufficient to preserve themselves , and their Subjects in Peace and Safety , as being the main ends , for which they were at first ordained by God , and Instituted by Men. § . 7. And as it is proper to all Natural Bodies , that whilst they persevere in their own motion , there is likewise a necessity they should also contribute , and be subservient to the motions of innumerable other Bodies , from the general Laws of motion , for the Conservation of the Universe , and which Rule being also found true in Animals ; it seems to admonish us , not only as meer Animals , but rational Agents , that we contribute our particular endeavours towards the general Good , or Preservation of all those of their own Kind , since it is not only a possible effect , but also such a one , as depending upon Causes so perfect and certain , we may with reason believe , that it will endure to the end of the World. But if we farther add to these Observations , those things that distinguish Animate from Inanimate Bodies , they will yet more strongly convince us , and make us see more sufficient reasons , wherefore ( not so much concerning our selves with other Corporeal Beings ) we should be chiefly sollicitous in giving our assistance to those of our own Kind : First , then the Nature of Animate is distinguished from that of Inanimate Bodies , by such a fit disposition of parts , and an apt conformation of their Natural Organs , as suffices for their Generation , Sensation , Imagination , Affections , Nourishment , and also all spontaneous motions . And it is by these Actions , that all sorts of Animals endeavour their Conservation , and Happiness for the time that is appointed them , and thereby procure the Preservation of the whole Species . § . 8. But I shall not dwell too long upon these common obvious things , which are so evident in themselves , but shall from hence deduce something more material to our purpose , ( viz. ) that from the same intrinseck Constitution of all Animals , whereby they are determined to this Endeavour of Preserving themselves , there are besides given manifest Declarations , that Loving and Benevolent Actions towards those of their own Kind , are also necessary for their own defence , and constitute the happiest State of Life they can enjoy . And likewise that it is farther ordained from the same concourse of External and Internal Causes , that all Rational Agents cannot but be sensible , or mindful of these Indications . The first of these Conclusions contains the Sense , and Sanction of the Law of Nature , as the latter regards its Promulgation , or the manner whereby it comes to be made known to us . I shall explain each of them in their order . § . 9. It is therefore first to be observed , That the corporeal Bulk , even of the largest Animals , is contained within a small and narrow compass ; as also that the space of Time wherein they can live , or be preserved , is not long : From whence it follows , That but a few Things , and a small quantity of them , are really necessary for their Nourishment and Preservation ; or where there is need of a Concurrence of more of them , they are only such as may be freely communicated to many at once ; whence they are naturally led to desire but a few particular Things , but daily stand in need of divers others in common , whose use may yet be well communicated to many at once , without exhausting their store ; such as are the free Enjoyment of Air , Light , Fire , Water , &c. And farther , if we consider the Structure of their Bodies , we may observe , That the same superficies of the Skin which hinders the effusion , governs also the Circulation of the Blood , and does at the same time fix bounds to those Appetites and Necessities by which they are urged to seek their own Preservation : So that those few Things that suffice to repair the vital Flame which daily consumes , are likewise sufficient not only for the Conservation of their life , and natural strength , but also for inabling them to contribute their Help and Assistance to others of the same kind . And , lastly , the Structure and Capacity of the Vessels , in which their Aliment is digested , and of those that convey the Chyle , as also of the Veins and Arteries that receive it , being but narrow , require but a small quantity to fill them . So that I think no Brute can be guilty of Mr. H's Errour , of judging or desiring all Things whatever , as necessary for its own Preservation ; since from the intrinseck and constituent Parts of all Animals , it plainly appears , That but a few Things suffice to allay their Hunger and Thirst , and to prevent the Injuries of the Weather . And if , so few Things are necessary for their Happiness and Preservation , they may very well leave the rest of those Products which the Earth so plentifully brings forth , to be enjoyed by others of their own kind , since the finite quantity of their Bodies limitting their Appetites to the desiring , and their Powers only to the using a few necessary Things : From this Use and Necessity , there arises a natural Division or Appropriation of Things , amongst divers Animals of the same kind ( as I shewed before in the last Chapter . ) The allowance or permission of which Distribution , is the Foundation of all that mutual Concord and Benevolence amongst them , and which their Nature requires for their Preservation : So that if this innate Love , or Desire of Self-preservation in Animals , be limited after the manner we have now described , this once satisfied , there can be no Reason why they should withstand , or obstruct the Conservation of others of the same kind , either by hindring their Enjoyment of those Things which they themselves do not need , or in refusing to lend them their Help and Assistance , when there is occasion , and that it is not needful for themselves . § . 10. The next Observation we make , is from the Effects of the Senses , as also the Imagination and Memory in Animals when they are taken up , and employed about others of the same kind : For since from the Impressions made on their Organs of Sense , they cannot but perceive , that such Creatures are of the same Nature with themselves ; such Notions must , from the Constitution of their Nature , move them to somewhat a like affection towards them as towards themselves . But I shall here avoid all Controversies concerning the Knowledge of Brutes , or which way their Affections are moved by their Imaginations ; and shall only suppose , That their Imagination excites their Passions , and that these Passions do likewise often produce the like Motions , or Inclinations , in their fellow Animals : From whence I collect , That this Similitude of Nature does highly conduce to the procuring of Benevolence , or Concord , amongst those of the same kind , unless there be some unaccountable Antipathy , or Dissimilitude of Disposition , which may happen to excite Enmity , or Discord between them ; which yet not often happens : Whence it follows , That Animals , as long as they are in their Right Senses , and are mindful of themselves , cannot forget others of the same kind , since under the same Idea's by which they conceive their own Nature , and the Necessities thereof , they cannot but have an Idea of that of others of the same Species with themselves ; and must also be sensible , that such Animals , being urged by the like Appetites of Hunger and Thirst as themselves , are thereby moved to seek Food when hungry or thirsty ; and cannot but be also sensible , that it is highly grateful to them , when the use of these Necessaries is left free and undisturbed , or else is administred to them by others , or that they are any ways assisted by them in the obtaining them . § . 11. But since Idea's of this sort do constantly spring in the Minds of Animals , as also produce perpetual motions to love or Good-will , arising necessarily from this similitude of Nature ; it also follows , that they never so far deviate from their natural state , as when , through Madness , or any other violent Appetite , or Passion , they act contrary to these first and most natural Dictates ; as all Men grant it to be a preternatural Disease in a Dog , when seized with Madness , he bites all other Dogs he meets with ; or when a Sow , through a depraved Appetite , eats her own Pigs . Nor indeed can I see any reason why all other kinds of inordinate Passions , which disturb the natural Disposition of an Animal , so as to make it do extravagant Actions , and hurtful to its own Species , without any just Cause , ( such as Anger , and vehement Envy often times produce ) may not be justly esteemed as preternatural Distempers of the Blood , or Brain , very like to that of a mad Dog ; for there often appears in those that are transported with these Passions , all the Symptoms of those Diseases that proceed from an overflowing of Choler , or a violent effervescence of the Blood , such as an icterial blackness of the Face , paralytick Tremblings , and other Signs well enough known to Physicians . Nor is an immoderate needless Fear of Animals of the same kind , to be less reckoned among such Diseases , since it is not only preternatural , or besides their Constitution when in Health , but doth likewise , as well as other Diseases , destroy the Body , by driving them into an immoderate Sadness , unseasonable Solitude and Watchings , with other Symptoms of predominant Melancholy , whence an untimely Death is often accelerated . Neither can there be any Mean , or End , put to this unreasonable Fear , when once the Mind is touch'd and infected with a false Imagination , that all other Men design to kill and destroy them ; which Madness is very like that of those , who being bitten by a mad Dog , are afraid of Water , and all Liquids , though they cannot live without them , of which I have met with a famous Example in the French Chronicles of King Charles VI. who being seized with a violent apprehension , that all his Servants were bribed , by his Son the Dauphin , to poison him , did quite abstain from all Food , 'till at last he died , as truly of Hunger , as Fear . § . 12. And it is evident ( and Mr. H. himself confesses it ) that Men , as well as other sociable Animals , do more or less delight in the society of each other of the same kind , as may be observed from those signs of Joy and Satisfaction which they express when they meet after any long absence : But since it is as plain , that the Causes of this Association and Agreement , proceed from the intrinseck Nature of the Creatures , and are no other than those by which the Blood , Spirits , and Nerves are continued and preserved , in a due and healthy state ; it as evidently follows , That the Safety and Preservation of each of them , cannot be separated from a Propension , at least , to a friendly Association with those of their own kind ; so that though they sometimes quarrel about the same Meat , or Female , yet this does not any ways cross or contradict this great End of Nature , of procuring the Common Good of the Universe ; but is rather in order to it , viz. when the Desire of Food , in order to their own Preservation , or Lust , to propagate their Species , prompts them to fight , and sometimes to destroy each other ; the time of which Contention , is yet but small , in comparison of the greater part of their Lives , in which they are observed to live in peace : And that all Animals are determin'd by Nature , to prosecute and endeavour the Common Good of their own Species , by the same Causes that preserve the Lives of each of them in particular , appears from the great Love and Kindness , which Creatures of the same Species , but of different Sexes , express towards each other , and by virtue of which , they perform the Act of Generation , so highly grateful and pleasing to each other , and thereby propagate their Off-spring ; which when brought forth , they love and defend , as part of themselves , unless some unusual Distemper intervene , which may sometimes disturb or change these natural Propensions ; as when Sows or Rabbets eat or destroy their young ones ; which happening but seldom , is rather to be accounted among the Diseases of the Brain , or Distempers of the Appetite , than to be ascribed to their natural State , or Constitution ; and does no more contradict this general Law of Nature , than the ascent of Water in a Pump , does oppose that general Rule of the constant descent of heavy Bodies . So that we may , for all that , affirm , That the Procreation of their young , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or natural Affection they have for them , and desire of breeding them up , 'till they are able to shift for themselves , are seldom or never separated ; for Preservation is but , as it were , the Generation of the same Creature still continued . So that the same natural Causes excite Animals to the one , as well as the other . But it is evident , That their Off-spring can neither be generated , or preserved , unless those of different Sexes do , for some time , maintain Peace , and a Co-habitation with each other , which in many others of them , continues much longer than the bare time of Generation , ( viz. ) for the whole season of Coupling and Breeding up of their young ones ; and in divers others , as Doves , Pigeons , &c. This Affection continues ( like Marriage ) as long as their Lives . And that Creatures are excited to generate their like , from the same natural Causes for which their own Preservation is procured , appears from this anatomical Observation , that part of the same nutritious Juice passes into the Nourishment of the Body , and the rest to the Propagation of Seed ; and the whole Circulation of the Blood , with the Causes that produce and promote it , as the muscular force of the Heart , and that strange and wonderful Artifice of the Valves in the Veins , do by one and the same Action , serve for the particular Nutrition of the Animal , and also perform the more publick Duty of Propagation of the Species , whilst it does , at the same time , send down part of that matter to the Spermatick Vessels out of which the Seed is produced . § . 13. But leaving the nicer Disquisition of these anatomical Observations to Naturalists and Physicians , I shall only add this one Observation , That it is evident that all Animals are , by these means , impelled to the Love of those of a different Sex , and also of their own Off-spring , and so are brought to impart some of that Self-love , with which they are first endued , to others of their own kind , from an irresistible instinct of Nature : And hence it is truly observed of Men , That after they are married , and have got Children , they are more prone to , and sollicitous after Peace than before ; but that this desire of Propagation , disposes Men to a greater Affection towards those of the Female Sex , is so evident , that it needs no proof . But since Mr. H. and others of his Opinion , do grant these Observations , concerning the natural Propensions of Creatures to be true , but are wont to evade them , by affirming , That they only proceed from the sole Love of their own Pleasure and Satisfaction ; and that all the Actions proceeding from thence , tend to no higher end than the Love and Preservation of themselves ; as I do not in this part of the Discourse , intend to dispute , so have I not omitted to answer this Objection in the last Chapter , which is designed on purpose for answering all those Objections that can well be made against our Definition of the Law of Nature . § . 14. The last general Observation to be drawn from the Nature of Living Creatures , may be taken from that Sweetness and Pleasure they take and enjoy in those Actions and Passions that tend to the Common Good of their own Kind , since it is very well known to Naturalists , that in those sweeter Passions of Love , Desire , Hope , Joy , ( especially when employed about any great Good towards others ) the vital Motions of the Blood and Heart are then highly helped and promoted . So that the Veins and Arteries are filled with a milder and nobler Juice , whilst brisker and more active Spirits are thereby generated , and the Circulation of the Blood , and consequently all the other animal Functions , are more easily and nimbly performed . So that by those very Affections by which they do good to Animals of their own Kind , they themselves are also satisfied and delighted , and as far as they feel this naturally rooted in their very Natures , they must needs incline to these Affections so highly conducing to their own Happiness and Preservation ; whereas , on the contrary , in Hatred , Envy , Fear , and that Sadness and Ill-humour which necessarily springs from those sour and immoderate Passions ; the Circulation of the Blood is obstructed , and the Heart rendred more heavy , and unapt to motion . So that it thereby expels the Blood with greater difficulty in its Systole , from whence proceeds meagerness and paleness of the Countenance , with innumerable Inconveniencies to the whole Oeconomy of the Body , but chiefly in the Functions of the Brain and Nerves , such as are those Diseases which are attributed to the Spleen , deep Melancholy , and Discontent . But these things being rather of a medicinal Consideration , I shall but only just mention them , though the Writings of Physicians may yield us divers Examples of such who have hastened their own Fate , through immoderate Envy and Regret , that they could not satisfie their Malice or Revenge ; of which I may chance to give you a taste when I come to consider the Sanction of the Law of Nature by Punishments , proceeding from the undue and immoderate exercise of those Passions . § . 15. But as Mr. H. and his Disciples cannot deny these Natural Propensions in Brute Creatures towards mutual Concord , so they have no other way to evade these Instances , but by supposing some things in Man's Nature , that render him worse Natur'd , and more unmanageable than Bears , Wolves , &c. That so being naturally in a perpetual state of War , they can no way be kept from destroying each other , but by some Common Supreme Power set over them to keep them all in awe ; which Arguments , and the Answers to them , since by their length they would too much perplex the Connexion of this Discourse , I shall refer you to the Second part , wherein I hope I have made it appear , that there is nothing in Man's Nature considered as an Animal , that ought to be governed by right Reason , ( and in which alone he excels other Creatures ) that can lay any necessity upon him of being more fierce , and unsociable than Brutes . § . 16. Having now dispatched these common and easie Observations concerning Man , considered as a meer Body , and also such as concern his Nature as an Animal , tending to prove , that the endeavour of the Common Good of his own Species , was one great End and Design of God in His Creation . I come in the next place to consider those particulars , in which the Nature of Man excels that of Brutes , and whereby he is rendred much more capable than they of promoting , and performing this great End , viz. the Common Good of Rational Agents : which I shall divide into two Heads , either those belonging to the Body , or else to the Soul or Mind ; as to the former , though there are divers Anatomical Observations , made by curious Anatomists and Learned Physicians , concerning the differences between the Constitution of the inward parts , or vessels in Men and Brutes ; yet I shall take notice of no more , than what are absolutely necessary to our purpose , and which may serve to shew , what are the natural Causes of that Excellency and Superiority , that is commonly found in Humane Intellects , above those of Brutes . The first of which Observations may be drawn from the large quantity of brains which is found in Humane Bodies , and which bears a much greater proportion in respect of their bulk , than in any other Creatures ; for though the weight of an ordinary Humane Body , does seldom exceed above a fourth part of that of a Horse or Bull ; yet for the motion and government of so much a smaller Body , Nature hath allowed him near double the quantity of brains , viz. about the weight of four or five pounds , so that there is eight times as much brains , appointed for the government of the like bulk in a Man , as in an Ox or Horse . And though the Carcases of the largest Sheep and Hogs , do often weigh near as much as a Humane Body : yet their brain is not above an eighth part of the weight in proportion to ours ; which seems to be thus ordain'd by Nature , that by reason of the greater largeness of the Vessels , the Animal Spirits should be prepared in greater plenty , and also have more room to work , and so should become more lively and vigorous in Man , than in other Creatures ; since all the Nerves do either spring from the brain , or else from the Spinal Marrow which is continuous , and of the same substance with it ; whence it may follow that this larger quantity , and consequently greater strength of brain in a Man above other Creatures , was intended to serve him to direct , and govern that greater variety of Motions and Actions depending thereupon , with a more exact care and deliberation . § . 17. A second Observation to prove , that Man is a Creature ordained by God for a fuller and more constant Association with those of his own Kind , ( which also tends to the promoting of the Common Good of his Species ) than other Creatures , may be taken from the natural Constitution of his Blood , and Spermatick Vessels , by which his Appetite to Copulation is not confined ( as in most other Creatures ) to some certain times , but are equally the same at all seasons of the Year ; from whence proceeds a desire of Marriage , or a constant Cohabitation with one , or more Women , from whence must likewise follow a more constant generation of their Off-spring , and a more lasting care of them when generated and brought forth . For whereas Brutes quit the care of their Young , and drive them away from them as soon as ever they are able to shift for themselves ; Man alone loves and cherishes his Off-spring , and continues his love and care of them as long as they Live , and still loves them the more the longer they have continued with them , and the more care and pains they have bestowed on their Education : and so likewise Man is the only Creature we know of , that makes any returns for this care , by Acts of Duty and Gratitude towards his Parents ; for as for the Gratitude of Storks to their Sires or Dams when old , I look upon it as an old Fable . § . 18. Lastly , I shall consider the wonderful Frame and Structure of the Hand in Man , which though I grant it not peculiar to him alone ; all Creatures of the Ape or Monky kind , having their fore-paws very like it , and in many Actions using them to the same ends , both in feeding themselves , and carrying their Young ones ; yet since we see our Hands were not given us instead of Feet to go upon , ( as in them ) we may justly conclude , that they were Fram'd for some Higher and Nobler Use , than our bare Preservation , or the hurting or destroying of others . Since if God had ordained them only for this end , sharp Teeth , Claws and Horns , would have done much better , and would have saved us the trouble of making Swords , Spears , and such like Instruments , not only of self-preservation but destruction ; whereas we find that by the help of our Hands , directed by our reason , we are able to do much more than any of those weak silly Animals can do with their Paws , since they cannot serve them to make any of those ordinary Instruments , or Utensils of Life , which even the most Barbarous Nations cannot be without ; or so much as to administer to each other , many of those ordinary helps and assistances , which Men by means of their Hands do daily afford each other . So that if we consider the Ordinary use of these Members , especially in labouring Men and Mechanicks , we shall find , that they do not only serve for their own Sustenance and Preservation , but also for the benefit and maintenance of many others of their own kind , who cannot well Subsist without the manual Labour of others . And though I grant this noble Instrument the Hand , is often abused by wicked and violent Men , to make unjust Wars , and commits Murders and Robberies , and by lesser Thieves to pick Pockets , Pilfer , &c. and that without this they could never commit such Villainies ; yet doth it not follow , that their Hands were bestowed upon them by God for that end . Since if He intended the Common Good and Happiness of Mankind , as His great end , He never could intend that these Instruments should be made use of to a quite contrary design , viz. their Ruine and Destruction . So that whoever will but strictly consider all this , cannot but confess , that we are made and ordained to depend upon each others assistance , and that Man was Created for a higher purpose than his own single Self-preservation . § . 19. Which may be farther made out from the natural Constitution of Humane Nature , as that no Man is born Self-sufficient , or able to procure all things necessary for his bare Subsistence , much less for a quiet or pleasant Life , but needs the Assistance of others to breed him up whilst an Infant , or to tend him when he is sick , old , or unable to help himself ; or if it be sometimes possible for a time , yet it must be with great hardship and scantiness , that any Man 's own single Labour , unassisted with the Help of others , can provide himself all the Necessaries of Life . Whence first arises another necessity of Marriage in the state of Nature , which is the Contract of a Man and a Woman to live together , for the propagation of their Species , and breeding up of their Off-springs , and also for mutual Help , and a joint Provision of the Necessaries of Life for themselves and them . And , secondly , a necessity of a Man's living in concord , or society , with all other Men , especially those of his own Nation , or Commonwealth . So that it is evident , the chief Happiness and Well-being of Mankind , depends upon their mutual administration of these Things , as often as need shall require ; that is , upon Acts of the highest Love and Benevolence , in order to the Common Good. To all which may be added another Observation , of the great difference in the Frame of Men's Bodies from those of Brutes , in the upright posture of their progressive motion ; Man alone going upon two Legs , whereas most other terrestrial Animals go upon all four , whereby Men have the constant use of their Hands , both to help and assist themselves and others , to a much greater degree , and in a much more powerful manner than what Brutes are able to perform . But whereas some Atheists have alledged , That this Posture proceeds rather from Custom and Example than Nature ; I desire them to shew me any Nation in the World so barbarous , that doth not go upon two Legs as well as we : And though Children , 't is true , before they can go , must crawl ; yet it is not upon their Hands and Feet , but Knees : For a Man's Legs ( as is notorious to Anatomists ) are so much longer than his Arms , and are likewise so set on , that they cannot be brought to move in Right-Angles with the Arms , or Fore-legs , as in Brutes : And though I grant that some Beasts , as Apes , Monkeys , and Bears , can sometimes go upon their Hind-feet , yet is not this constant ; but as soon as the present Necessity is over , they soon return to their natural posture . To conclude , I think I may leave it to any indifferent Reader to judge , whether from all these natural Observations from the Frame of Humane Bodies , and the Nature of their Passions , it doth not evidently appear , That Man's Happiness and Subsistence in this Life , was not designed by GOD to depend upon his own particular sensual Pleasure , or the meer satisfaction of his present Appetites and Passions , restrained to himself , without any Consideration of others of his own Kind , but was rather intended for the Common Good and Preservation of the whole Species of Mankind . § . 20. Having now dispatched those natural Observations that may be drawn from the Constitution or Frame of Man's Body , in order to the rendring him capable of serving the Common Good in the propagation of his Species , I shall proceed to the next Head before laid down , ( viz. ) those Excellencies , or Prerogatives , of the Humane Soul , or Mind ; and in which he excels all other Creatures : And , in the first place , Mr. H. very well observes , That it is peculiar to the Nature of Man , to be inquisitive into the Causes of the Events they see ; and that upon the sight of any thing that hath a beginning , to judge also that it had a Cause which determined the same to begin when it did : And also whereas there is no other Felicity amongst Beasts , but the enjoying their daily Food , Ease , and Lust , as having little or no foresight of the time to come for want of Observation and Memory of the Order , Consequence , and Dependance of the Things they see . Man alone observes how one Event hath been produced by another ; and therein remembers the Antecedence and Consequence . Whence he certainly must be endued with a larger Capacity , for observing the natures of Things without himself ; and is also able to make more curious and exact Searches into their Causes and Effects , than the most sagacious Brutes ; who though they are endued with some few Appetites , or Inclinations , towards those Things that are necessary for their Preservation , and an Aversion for others that are hurtful to them ; yet this seems to proceed from some natural instinct , or impression , stampt by GOD on their very Natures , and not from Reason or Deliberation : As , young Wild-Ducks ( they say ) will run away from a Man , as soon as they are hatch'd ; and Chickens know the Kite , though they never saw her before ; and this not from any Experience or Rational Deduction . But as for Man , it is his Faculty alone , to proceed from some known Principles , to draw Rational Deductions , or Conclusions , which were not known before : The exercise of which Faculty , we call Right Reason , or Ratiocination ; which though I grant is not born with him , and so is not a Property belonging to him as a meer Animal ( since we see Children , 'till they come to some Years , and Fools , and mad Folks act without it so long as they live ) yet is it not therefore Artificial , ( as some would have it ) since all Persons of Years of Discretion , and who will give themselves leisure to think , may attain to a sufficient degree of it , for the well-Government of their Actions , in order to their own Preservation , and the discovering that Duty they owe to GOD and the rest of Mankind : Which Notions being peculiar to Man , and also common to the greater part of Mankind , either from Men's own particular Observations , or Rational Deductions ; or else from the Instructions of others , who themselves first found out such Rational Conclusions , and taught them to their Children , or Scholars , with their first Elements of Speech , come , in process of time ( having forgot when those early Notions were first instill'd into them ) to be taken for connate Idea's : So that I doubt they have been , by too many , ( who have not well considered their Original ) mistaken for Idea's , or Notions impressed by GOD upon their Souls . But leaving this , of which others have said enough , it cannot be denied but that from this Faculty of deducing Effects from their Causes , Man hath been always able to find out sufficient Remedies for his own natural Weakness , by the Invention of several Arts , such as Physick and Chyrurgery for his Preservation and Cure , when sick or hurt : And also those of a more publick Nature , such are the Knowledge of Policies , or the well-Government of Common-weals , of Navigation , Warfare , or the Art Military , for his Happiness and defence , as a Sociable Creature . So that , though Man is born naked , and without those natural defences and Weapons , with which divers Brutes are furnished by Nature ; yet by the power of this Faculty , he is able , not only much better to secure himself from the violence and injury of the Weather , by providing himself with Cloths , Houses , and Victuals before-hand , since Nature hath not made him to live like Beasts upon those Fruits of the Earth , which it spontaneously produces , but can also tame , subdue , and kill the strongest , fiercest , and cunningest Brutes , and make them subservient , to those Ends and Designs for which he pleases to employ them : So likewise from this Faculty of Judging of Consequences from their Antecedents , and foreseeing the Probability or Improbability of future Events , he thereby distinguishes between real and apparent Goods ; that is , between such Things that may please for the present , and do afterwards hurt him ; and those which though they may seem displeasing for a time , yet may after do him a greater Benefit ; which Principles , since they contain Foundations of all Morality , and the Laws of Nature , which we now treat of , it will not be amiss here particularly to set down , as the Grounds of what I have to say on this Subject . § . 21. First , It hath been already proved , That every Animal is endued with a Natural Principle , whereby it is necessarily inclined to promote his own Preservation and Well-being ( yet not excluding that of others of their own Kind ) that therefore which most conduces to this end , is called a natural Good ; and , on the contrary , that which is apt to obstruct and hinder it , is evil . Among which Goods and Evils , there are several kinds or degrees , according as Things are endued with more or less fitness or power to promote or hinder this End. All which , may be reduced to these plain Maxims , or Propositions , as I have taken them out of Dr. Moor's Enchiridion Ethicum ; so that I have collected these Axioms , and put them together in this method , as they are represented by those excellent Authors above-mentioned , that you may see them all at one view ; though I grant there are many other natural Truths , which are also useful to prove what Actions are productive of the Common Good , divers of which we have given you dispersedly in these two Chapters . Principle I. THe lessening or escaping of an Evil , is to be reckoned under the Notion of Good. Principle II. The lessening or loss of Good , is to be reckoned under the Notion of Evil. Principle III. That which is Good , is to be chosen ; that which is Evil , to be avoided . Principle IV. The greater Good is to be preferred before the less ; and a less Evil to be endured , rather than a greater . Principle V. Such Things , or Events , whether Good or Evil , as will certainly come to pass , may fall under Computation , and be estimated according to their several Degrees as well as Things present : And the same likewise is for such Things as may probably come to pass , though this Probability may be somewhat remote , as it is counted a valuable Thing , and may be estimated at a certain rate ; for a Man to be one amongst four or five equal Competitors for an Office , or to be the fourth or fifth Expectant of an Inheritance ; and though in such Cases there may be the odds of three or four to one , yet the Price that is set upon this , may be so proportioned , as either to reduce the Purchase to an equality , or make it at least a very advantageous Bargain . Principle VI. A present Good may reasonably be parted with , upon a probable Expectation of a future Good , which is much greater , and more excellent . Principle VII . A present Evil is to be endured , for the avoiding of a probable future Evil which is far greater . Principle VIII . The greater the Evil , the more reason there is to venture the loss of a greater Good , or the suffering of a less Evil for the escaping it . Principle IX . It is better to be without any Good , than by the enjoyment of it to endure an Evil , as great or greater than that Good comes to . And these last Principles respecting our selves , may serve to produce Prudence , Temperance , and Fortitude in our Minds ; the rest that follow , respect our Duty towards others , and are the Foundation of all Right and Wrong among Men. Principle X. We ought to pursue the Chiefest , or Common Good , with the highest ; and all less or subordinate Goods , with a less Affection , or Desire : Neither ought we to make the Highest , or Common Good , subordinate to the Meaner , or middle Goods , or the middle Goods to the least . Principle XI . Whatsoever Good you would have done to your self , in such and such Circumstances , you ought to do the same to another , in the same or like Circumstances , as far as may be , without prejudicing the Community . Principle XII . Whatsoever Evil you would not have done to your self , you ought to abstain from doing that to another . Principle XIII . Good is to be recompenced with Good , and not with Evil. Principle XIV . It is good for a Man to enjoy all the Means wherewith he may live happily . Principle XV. It is better for the Publick , or Common Good , that one Man should not live voluptuously , than that another should thereby live miserable . Principle XVI . If it is a Publick , as well as a Private Good , for any one to have enough wherewith to live happy ; it follows from the same Rule , That it is doubly better , when there is sufficient for two Men ; and by the same Rule of Proportion , a thousand times better if there be sufficient for a thousand to live happy : So that at last , from the same Principle , it must be confessed , That if all the Men in the World , or all Mankind , could live happily , it were the greatest Good we could suppose them capable of . Principle XVII . It is necessary to the Publick Good , That every Man's Right and Property be allowed him , and its free Vse or Possession be likewise permitted him , without any Injury or Molestation from others , though it must be granted , that a Man may so behave himself , as whatsoever is his , whether by Possession , Gift , or Purchase ; may lawfully cease to be so , as a Punishment for his Crimes , in transgressing this great Law of Nature , of endeavouring the Common Good. Principle XVIII . It is better to Obey God , declaring His Will to us by the true Principles of Natural Reason , than our own unreasonable Lusts and Passions , or the wicked desires or Commands of Men. These and the like Principles may fitly be called Natural , as well as Moral Axioms , as being the true results of Natural Reason , and are so clear and manifest of themselves , that if any one will consider them without prejudice , or being byass'd by Passion , or too much Self-love , they will not need a long train of Arguments to prove them ; since they appear true and evident at the first Proposal . So also these Moral Principles , considered as Propositions declaring the Connexion of all Humane Actions , with the Natural effects that depend upon them ; as for example , when they shew us any Action which will most certainly conduce to our own , and all others happiness , and that it appears to be not only our Duty but Interest to perform them . These Principles thus considered , with relation to our future Actions , may be called Practical Dictates , since they do not only shew us the highest End we can propose to our selves , in order to our present and future happiness ; but do also direct us to the choice of the fittest means to attain it . But I think it doth sufficiently appear , that we are not only able to form a complex Idea of this Common Good of Rational Beings ; but also from the faculty of comparing the likeness of our own Nature with that of all other Men , can also frame an universal or complex Idea of a Species , or kind of Creatures agreeing in the same natural Properties , and requiring the same things for their Happiness and Subsistence as himself . Note that I do not mean by this , any adequate Idea of the true Physical Nature of Mankind , since of this ( as of all other substances ) we have no other knowledge but by their sensible qualities , therefore I mean only here an Idea fori , or such a common and inadequate Idea of the Nature of Man , as serves us for all the moral Rules of Life , which Idea he can give a name to , and call mankind , and so comes to consider , and understand all the Causes and means , not only of his own Preservation and Happiness , but that of all other men's , considered as an aggregate Body . And from thence is able to draw divers Conclusions concerning the proportion , and degrees of men's natural Good or Happiness , according to the Principles before laid down ; till he at last arrive at this Universal Idea of the Common Good of Rational Beings , as the highest and noblest that he can attain unto , and which is most inseparably conjoyned with his own particular Conservation and Happiness . But whereas God hath Created other Creatures to act for their own present Satisfaction and Preservation , without any consideration of that of others : He hath made man alone , not only able to contribute to the good and Preservation of his own kind , but hath also made him sensible of this Ability : and I shall farther shew in this Discourse , that he hath laid a sufficient Obligation on him to exert it . § . 22. Another faculty of the Rational Soul , and only proper to Man as a sociable Creature , is , That of Speech , or expressing our Notions by significant Words or Sounds ; which though it be not born with us , yet however may be reckoned amongst the Natural faculties of Mankind , as well as going with two legs ; since we find no Brute Creatures capable of it , though divers of them are endued with Tongues like ours , and that divers Birds can pronounce whole Sentences , yet have they no notion of what they say : whereas there is no Nation , though never so Barbarous , but hath the use of Speech . And to shew you farther , how natural some sort of Speech is to Mankind , I have heard of two young Gentlemen that were Brothers , ( and I knew one of them my self ) who though born deaf , and consequently dumb ; yet by often and long Conversation with each other , came to frame a certain Language between themselves , which though it seemed perfect Gibberish to the standers by , yet by the sole motion of their Lips and other signs , they perfectly understood each other ; which was likewise evident from this , that in the dark they were not able to converse at all . So that this faculty seems to have been bestowed by God on Mankind , not for his Preservation as a meer Animal , Since divers Brutes are able to subsist for more years without it ; and therefore seems to be intended to render Man a Sociable Creature , and who was by this Faculty to benefit others of his own kind , as well as himself ; for we are not only hereby able to impose certain Arbitrary names to particular things ; but having first framed Universal Idea's , can likewise give names to them , as to this general Idea applicable to all particular Men in the World , we can give the name of Man ; and herein consists the main difference between Men and Brutes , and not in Ratiocination alone . Since I suppose even Brutes have right Idea's of those Objects they have received by their Senses ; and can likewise inferr , or reason right about them : As when a Dog by often seeing his Master take down his stick before he goes abroad , does thence argue when ever he does so , that his going abroad will follow , expressing his Joy by barking and leaping : yet we cannot find that Brutes have any general or complex Idea's , much less names for them , having no more but a few Ordinary signs , whereby to express their present Appetites and Passions ; but the main benefit of Speech seems to respect others more than our selves , since we are hereby able to instruct them in many Arts and Sciences , necessary for their Happiness and Preservation , and also to advise and admonish them in all Civil and Moral Duties ; and there is scarce any one so Brutish , who is not sensible that in the exercise of this Faculty , consists one of the greatest pleasures of Humane Life , ( viz. ) Conversation : and supposing Men in a state of War , I do not see how they could ever well get out of it again , were it not for Treaties and Articles of Peace ; but must ( like game Cocks and Bulls ) fight it out , till one side were either quite destroyed , or forced to run away , and quit that Territory or Country where they Liv'd . § . 23. Nor can we omit another great benefit we receive from Speech , ( viz. ) the Invention of Letters , by which we are not only able to Register our present Thoughts for our own remembrance ; but can likewise Profit and Instruct , not only the present , but also all future Generations ; by Books or Writings , as we do now make use of the Knowledge and Experience of those who dyed , some Thousands of Years before we were born . But since Mr. H. and others , have made some Objections against the benefit of Speech and Letters , as that they tend oftentimes to promote false Opinions , and War amongst Mankind . Granting it to be so , it is no more an Objection against the benefits we receive by them , than it were to say , that the Air , Water , or Food , ( the only means of Life ) are hurtful to Mankind ; since by the necessary course of Nature , or else our own Intemperance , they often become the causes of Plagues , Surfeits , and divers other diseases , whereby Mankind is destroyed . Yet since that Author hath made the use of Speech , one great Reason why Men cannot live so peaceably as Brutes , and therefore fansies they must be in a Natural state of War : I shall therefore referr the Answering it to the Second Part , since my Intention is not here to Argue , but Instruct . § . 24. Men do also far exceed Brutes in their Rational or discoursive Faculty , as appears in the Knowledge of Numbers , or Collecting divers single things into one Total Summ , which we call Arithmetick ; so necessary for all Affairs of a Civil Life , and the Duties of distributive Justice . And though I grant it is an Art , and that divers Barbarous Nations want that exact knowledge of it which we have ; yet by reckoning upon their fingers they have a sufficient use of it , as much as is necessary for their purpose or business ; and if they did but apply their Minds to it , I doubt not but that they would arrive to the same perfection in Arithmetick as we do . But I look upon this Faculty as peculiar to Mankind , since we cannot perceive Brutes to have any knowledge of it . Thus if from Bitches or Sows , you take away never so many of their Young ones ; yet if you leave them but one or two , they do not miss the rest ; which shews that they have no Idea's of Numbers , whatever they may have of Quantity . § . 26. To this Observation may likewise be added as a Consequence thereof , that Faculty so proper to Mankind , of measuring the quantities of Bodies , the distances between them , and the Proportions they bear to each other , which Science we call Geometry or Mathematicks ; which Arts were certainly invented by Man , as a Creature intended for a Sociable Life ; since on some of these depend most Trades , all Commerce , Architecture , Navigation , and most of the Rules of distributive Justice , with other Arts needless here to be set down . So that whoever will but seriously reflect upon the excellency of these Sciences , as well in the certainty of their Demonstrations , as in the vast and Stupendious effects they produce ; cannot but acknowledge that our Rational Faculty , exceeds that of Brutes by many degrees . § . 27. But there yet remain behind two of the greatest Prerogatives of Man's Soul , and in respect of which alone he is made a sit Subject of the Law of Nature . The first is freedom in Actions , or the power of doing or forbearing any Action ; which does not only consist in indifferent things , as when a Man of two different Objects , chuses which of them he pleases ; but is also able to chuse a greater Good , before a less , and does likewise often preferr ( though unjustly ) a present less Good grateful to his Senses , before a greater Good approved of by his Reason ; yet however it cannot be denyed , but that Man by the power of his Reason , is able to move and excite his Passions of Love and Pity , when he sees Objects that require his help and assistance : Nay , can also by deliberation , command and over-rule those domineering Passions of Lust , Anger , and Revenge , &c. When they happen to prompt him to Actions that are contrary to his own true Good , and that of the rest of Mankind . And lastly , Man being capable to comprehend all particular goods , and to add them together into one Sum , viz. the Common and General Good of Rationals , as the best and most noble End he can imploy himself about , is also able to divert his thoughts from his own private pleasure and profit alone ; and fix them upon the care of his Relations and Friends , or the more publick Good of his Country . And though I grant it is difficult , exactly to explain after what manner we exert this Faculty , since the Nature and Actings of the Rational Soul , are very abstruse ; yet I appeal to every Man 's own Heart , whether he does not find in himself , not only a Liberty to do or forbear indifferent Actions , such as going abroad or staying at home ; but likewise such as are certainly better by a Rational estimate , if he will but give himself time to consider , and weigh the Nature and Consequence of them , or else to what purpose is he sorry ? Or why does he repent the having done any foolish , wicked , or rash Action ? Since if all Actions were absolutely necessary , it were as idle and insignificant as if he should be sorry , that he were not made a Prince , rather than a private Person ; or instead of a Prince that he was not an Angel. So that certainly , God would not then have endued Man with these two Properties peculiar to him , viz. That of Conscience , or a Reflection upon the Good or Evil of his own Actions , and that of Repentance or Sorrow , for having done amiss , altogether in vain , since both were needless , if all Actions were a-like necessitated . § . 28. But the last and highest Faculty , and whereby Man's Nature is chiefly distinguished from that of Brutes , is , when by the force of his Reason , ( acting by the method and means here describ'd ) he becomes sensible of the existence , Providence , and other Perfections of the Deity ; from whence we may inferr , that it is highly improbable , if not impossible , that this most Wise and Powerful Being , which we call God , should have Ordained any Power or Faculty in Man's Soul to no purpose . If therefore He hath Endued Man alone of all his Creatures , with the Knowledge of his own Existence and Attributes , as far as is necessary for us Finite Creatures to conceive of them ; since I grant we are not able to comprehend Infinite Perfections , it is not likely , that God should endue Man alone with this so excellent a Knowledge , for so useless an End as bare Speculation ; which alone is of no great Use or Benefit , either to himself , or the rest of Mankind , whose Good and Happiness God chiefly intended in their Creation : So that indeed we cannot apprehend any End more worthy his Divine Wisdom and Goodness , in Creating us capable of these Idea's , than what is Practical , that is , as it some way serves to direct our Actions , as free and voluntary Agents towards the obtaining our own Good and Happiness , Conjoyn'd with that of other Rational Beings . Nor can any Actions render us more Happy , than those that testifie our high Veneration of God's Infinite Perfections , and a deep Sense of his Goodness towards us , and whereby we may be disposed to an entire Obedience to his Laws , whether Natural or Reveal'd , whenever they are made known to us ; so that if it can be prov'd , that these Dictates of right reason , called the Laws of Nature , derive their Authority from God as a Law-giver , and were intended by Him for the Happiness and Preservation of Mankind , and as Rules whereby he would have us direct all our Actions to this great End ; there can be no doubt but we lie under a sufficient Obligation to observe them ; and to prove this , will be the next and greatest part of our task . § 29. But before I undertake this , it will not be amiss to Treat a little , concerning those Attributes of the Deity , as far as we can have any Idea's of them ; since from the consideration of the Nature of things , and also of our own Humane Nature , we cannot but be carry'd on to consider the Nature of God Himself ; and if from the Creation of the Universe , we cannot but conceive Him of Infinite Power ; so from His Acting and Ordaining all things , for the best and Worthiest End , we may likewise affirm Him to be also Infinitely Wise and Good ; so that His Infinite Power always Acting for the best and wisest Ends , is still so limitted by His Infinite Wisdom and Goodness , that it cannot Act any thing destructive to the Common Good of Rational Beings , of which Himself is the chief ; and from hence proceeds the certainty of the Law of Nature , as also our perpetual Obligation to it . For as I will not affirm that God could not have made the World , and the Things therein , after another manner than He hath done ; so since He hath made it in the Order we now find it , this great Law of Nature , of endeavouring and procuring the Common Good of Rational Beings , is of the same Duration with that of the Universe it self ; and so consequently of constant and perpetual Obligation in respect of Himself , and all those whom He hath Ordained to be His Subordinate means , or Instruments to procure it , especially as Men , whom He hath made Conscious of our Duty , and able to Co-operate with Him for this Great and Excellent End. CHAP. III. Of the Law of NATURE , and that it is reducible to one single Proposition , which is Truly and Properly a LAW , as containing all things necessary thereunto . § 1. HAving already in the Two former Chapters from the Great Book of Nature , ( that is , as well that of things without us , as of our selves in particular , and of Mankind in general ) made several Observations for the proving of this Proposition , That Man was Ordain'd by God for a Sociable Creature , whose Being , Preservation and Happiness , was to depend upon the Assistance and Good-will of God his Creator , as also those of his own kind ; I come in the next place to shew , That every one is oblig'd to a return of the like Benevolence to others ; for we can by no means be better assured of the like Good-will from them , than by doing them the same good Offices , as often as it lies in our Power , which we desire they should do for us , and that this constitutes the happiest state Men are capable of in this Life , viz. Peace and Concord , not only among particular Men , but also between all Common-wealths and Nations , of which the whole body of Mankind consists , so that it evidently appears , that the true and Natural state of Mankind , is , That of Peace , Love , or mutual Benevolence , and which indeed would require no other Rewards , than what proceeds from it self , ( were Man a Creature always governed by right reason and his own true Good ) Rewards and Punishments being Ordained for Men , as too often govern'd by their Passions and Sensual Appetites , and not according to the perfection of their Rational Nature . Yet since it pleased God , to Create Man a mixt Creature , consisting of a Body and a Soul , and being too often drawn aside by Passions , not directed by right reason , and to stand in need of Punishments as well as Rewards , to keep him to his duty ; thence arises a necessity of His dealing with Man as a Legislator , and of giving him certain natural Laws or Rules , whereby to govern his Actions , with certain Penalties and Rewards annext to them ; which Laws may be very well contracted into one single Proposition , or practical Conclusion drawn from the Nature of God , our own Nature , and that of things without us , by the Observations already laid down , viz. That God wills or commands , that all reasonable Persons should endeavour the Common Good of Rational Beings , as the great End for which they were Created , and in pursuance of which , consists their own true Good or Happiness , as in its neglect or violation , their greatest Misery . § . 2. Having given you this summary description of the Laws of Nature , as coming from its first Cause , God , I shall now explain the terms therein contain'd , to avoid all Ambiguity and Exception . ( 1 ) By Wills and Commands , I do not mean any Commands by Words , that being the method of God's Revealed , and not Natural Will , and so is not the Subject of this Discourse ; and therefore I do here only understand that Will or Command of God , which is to be learned from the Consideration of his Divine Nature , our own , and that of all other things , consisting not in Words , but in Idea's ; that is true Conclusions drawn from right Reason ; but that words are not always Essential to a Law , or that it cannot be made known to the Subjects , without some set form of Speech , may appear by Persons born Deaf and Dumb , whom we often find to have Notions of a God , and a Law of Nature , though they were not convey'd in their Minds by Words or Writing , for it is sufficient if the Will of the Legislator may be discovered by any other sit means or signs , especially when ( as in this Law we now treat of ) there are such certain Rewards and Punishments , annexed to their Observation or Transgression , as may make it their Interest , rather to observe than transgress them ; which is not only visible in Men but Brutes . Since we see , that by certain Signs imprinted in their Minds , by the means of fit Rewards and Corrections ; Elephants , Horses , Dogs , &c. are made Susceptible of Humane Commands , ( and as far as their Natures permit ) are governable by Laws of our Prescribing ; For we can shew them by such signs , what Actions are to be done or omitted by them ; and certainly God hath not left us less plain demonstrations of his Will , in reference to our Duty towards him , from that Knowledge he hath given us of his Existence , as also of our own Nature , as I shall farther prove in this Discourse . By Rational Persons , I mean , all those , though of never so mean a Capacity , who are able to make such easie and natural Observations and Conclusions , as I have already laid down : And therefore Children , under the Years of Discretion , Idiots and Mad-folks , are still to be excepted from this Law , who not having the actual use of right reason , are not able to draw those Observations and Consequences from the Nature of things , as are already laid down , and which are necessary for the right understanding thereof . By Endeavour , I mean all such voluntary Actions , which Persons of sound Minds can knowingly , and deliberately perform towards the good of others , without destroying or hurting their own true Happiness ; which endeavours , though ( by many unforeseen accidents in the Course of Nature ) they may be often frustrated , and so fail of their intended design : yet when we have done the utmost we are able , we have sufficiently perform'd our Duty , since no Laws require the performance of more , than is in our Power to perform . By the Common Good of Rational Beings , I understand the collective Happiness of the Deity , as the head of them , and that of all the individual Persons of Mankind , existing together with us , as the constituent parts or members ; and in which each Man 's particular Good and Happiness is included ; since it is impossible to endeavour the Happiness of others , as voluntary Agents , unless each particular Person whose duty it is so to do , have first a right to preserve , and make himself happy , jointly with others in his Proportion , to the whole Body of Mankind . By true Good or Happiness , I mean , all those Goods whether of Body or Mind , by which Men may be rendred truly Happy , and contented in this Life , and in that to come ; but in which , whenever the former stand in Competition with the latter ; the Goods of the Soul are to be preferred ; that is , the good of our better or Eternal part , before that of our Body , which is less valuable and temporal . But I need add nothing here to prove , That God is the Head of all Rational Beings , and in what Sence we may be said to procure or endeavour his Good and Happiness , since I have spoken so largely of that in the Preface to this Discourse ; and as for the difference between Natural and Moral good , I have said so much concerning it in the Second Part , in the Confutation of Mr. H's Sixth Principle , that by Nature nothing is Good or Evil ; that it would be impertinent to repeat it here . I shall now prove , that this Proposition , containing this Description of the Law of Nature is true , that is , agreeable to the Will of God , as far as it is declared to us ; by what we are able to know of His Divine Nature , or can collect from our own , and the Natures of all things without us , and that all the Moral Duties we owe , either to God , ourselves , or others , are contained in , or may be reduced to this one Proposition , Of our endeavouring the Common Good of Rationals ; in order to which , I shall lay down these Propositions . § . 3. 1. That God in the first place Wills and Intends His own Glory and Service , and in the next , the Good and Preservation of all Mankind , and of all particular Persons therein contain'd , as far as consists with that frail and Mortal state wherein He hath Created them . This Proposition hath already been made out in the First Part of this Discourse ; wherein I have proved , that the Preservation and continuance of all the Species of Creatures , ( and consequently of Mankind as one of them ) does wholly depend upon God's Providence . And as for the Individuals , or particular Persons , since God's Knowledge is Infinite , and extends even to the least things ; and also that of these Particulars , each Species of Creatures is made up , and consists . It is likewise as evident , that God designs their Good and Preservation , as well as that of the whole kind ; though I grant He prefers the Good of the whole Species , before that of the Individuals . 2. It is the Will of God that all Men of sound Minds , should be made conscious of this His intention of the Good and Preservation of Mankind , and that they should operate as His Subordinate means , or Instruments towards this great End. Which I shall prove thus : 1. It is evident that all Men of sound Minds , have a notion of the Good and Happiness of others as well as of themselves . 2dly . That this Notion or Idea , when truly pursued , will at last extend it self to all Mankind ; for it can never stop short of it , as long as it may still proceed farther , and find new and fit Objects to work on ; every Individual Member of Mankind making a part of this Universal Idea . 3. That this Notion of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings , is not only possible to be performed , but is also highly Rational , and the greatest and noblest End we can imagine or propose to our selves , as comprehending the Good and Happiness of the whole System of Rational Beings , and is also true , i. e. agreeable with the Divine Intellect : which I thus make out , these grounds being supposed . § . 4. First , It is certain , that all the truths our Minds are endued with , or capable of , are from God , since whatever perfection is found in the effect , must needs have been first more eminently in its Cause . Therefore if the Knowledge of Truth be a perfection , ( as doubtless it is ) it must be much more so in God , the Original Cause thereof , so that if this Idea of the Common Good of Rational Beings , as the highest Good we Men are capable of knowing , it being a clear and perfect ( though complext ) Idea , drawn from the Nature of God and all other things ; and being a Collection of the Good and Happiness of the Deity , and of all other Rational Agents ; it must be true , and consequently from God. And the Divine Intellect , doth as certainly agree with our Idea's concerning it , as it doth when we judge , that the Base of an Equilateral Triangle , is equal to either of the Crura or Legs . Therefore this Idea of the Common Good is true , and that it is also certain , that all Truth is from God , as likewise that He hath made us truly to understand , that he Wills the Good and Happiness of Mankind ; it is likewise as certain , that he would have us act as Rational Agents , conscious of this His great design . § . 5. The Second Part of this Proposition ( viz. ) That God would have us Operate as his Instruments to this End ; will be likewise as clear when you consider what I have already said , That God who hath made nothing in vain , would not have endued us with an Idea of this Common Good , as the greatest End we can propose our selves , for mere Speculation , but rather for some practical End , in order to our own Good and Happiness , with that of others ; especially since God hath placed it so much in our Power to promote and procure this Common Good , since as far as we endeavour the Good and Happiness of particular Persons , we do so far contribute our share to that of Mankind , considered as one aggregate Body . Thus whatsoever does good to any one Member , does so far benefit the whole Body ; and the Good and Happiness of an aggregate Body consisting of divers distinct Members , consists in that of each of its parts . So then , if God intends the End , ( viz. ) the Common Good of Mankind , ( as I have already proved ) he designs likewise the means to produce it : Nor can there be any better means , or fitter Instruments for this End , than the joint Endeavours of all Men , expressed by all the Acts of Benevolence and Kindness towards each other ; since it is certain ( as I said before ) that Men can contribute more to the Hurt , or Benefit , of each other , than all the rest of the Creatures put together . Therefore as God hath designed the End , and ordained sufficient means to produce it , ( viz. ) Men's kind and benevolent Actions ; so it is as evident , That he will make use of Men , as the necessary means for this End. Tho' I grant he hath ordained us to operate , not only as mechanick Causes , but rather as free and voluntary Agents to produce it ; that is , as true Subjects to this Law of Nature . * Thus by the same steps that we arrive at the knowledge of God the Supreme Being , we are likewise brought to an acknowledgment of this his great Design , of the Common Good of Rational Beings . And if from all the wonderful Observations , and curious Contrivances ( observed in this last Chapter ) drawn from the Nature of Things , and Mankind , we cannot but conclude , That they were so disposed by a most Wise , Intelligent Being , towards this great End : And the very same appearances that discover these Things , must likewise declare his Intention of making use of us men , as necessary means thereunto . § . 7. The last Proposition for the proving this Description of the Law of Nature to be true , is this : That GOD having made this Discovery of his Will unto us , we thereupon lie under a sufficient Obligation , to observe this great Law of endeavouring this Common Good : To prove which , I first suppose that Obligation to an Action enjoyned by the natural Law , is the necessary and constant effect thereof , upon every Person subject to it ; and that this immediately results from its own Nature , this Law being always just and right as the Will of GOD , the Legislator is , from whence it proceeds : So that I understand Obligation to Active Obedience to be the immediate effect of this Law , yet that it primarily flows from that Will of GOD , which ordained this Law , and made Man a Creature subject to it ; as Heat in us is the immediate Effect or Action of Fire upon us , but originally both the Fire and Heat is from the first Cause . Now there is no legal Liberty left us in the case of natural Laws , to chuse whether we will be obliged to the Actions therein commanded , or rather will submit to the Punishment attending the Violation thereof ; and although our natural Liberty of Will be not destroyed thereby , yet we have no Right left us to determine our selves otherwise than natural Law directs , because all Moral Truth , or Rectitude , is comprehended within that Law. But in Humane Laws , because they may enjoyn something amiss , there a Right is often left to us to chuse rather to bear the Penalty , than to obey them , ( because we are obliged rather to obey GOD than Man ) in case they command any Action contrary to the Divine Law , whether Natural or Revealed . § . 8. For the further clearing of this , I shall premise somewhat to explain this Word Obligation , which the Civilians thus define : Obligatio est vinculum Iuris , quo quis astringitur debitum persolvere . That is , an Obligation is that Bond of Law , whereby every one is obliged to pay his Debt , or Due : Which Definition doth well include all sorts of Obligations , if by the Word Ius , or Law , we understand that Law whose Obligation we propose to define . So that by vinculum Iuris in this Definition , we understand that Bond , or Tye , of the Law of Nature , by which every one is obliged to pay this natural Debt , i. e. to perform that Duty which he owes to GOD his Creator , by reason of his own Rational Nature , or else to undergo those Punishments which are ordained for his Disobedience or Neglect . So that there is a twofold Tye , or Obligation , in all Laws ; the one active in the Debt , or Duty ; the other passive , in a patient submission to the Punishment , in case of any wilful neglect , or omission thereof : Of both which , we shall speak in their order . § . 9. But you are first to take notice , That none can oblige us to do , or forbear any Action , but such who have a right to Command us : So that this Obligation proceeds from that just Right of Dominion , which a superiour Power hath over us and our Actions ; and as far as we are subject to others , we are so far under an Obligation to their lawful Commands , which obliges us to a discharge of that Debt , or Duty , we owe them ; that is , when we are obliged to do , or forbear any Action from the Will , or Command of a Supreme Power , or Legislator , to whom , when sufficiently made known to us , we are bound to yield Obedience to the utmost of our Power : And herein consists the Obligation , or Duty , ( viz. ) in the Conformity of our Actions to a Rule , such as is declared by the Will of the Legislator . So that all our Obligation to the Laws of Nature , is at last resolved into that absolute Dominion , which GOD , as he is the Great Creator and Preserver of Mankind , hath over us : For I cannot understand a Right ( especially of Dominion ) to be invested or seated in any Supreme Power , but by virtue of something which may be called ( at least analogically ) a Law. 2. That every Dictate of the Divine Wisdom , concerning Matter fit to be established by a Law , is such a Law : And so Cicero ( the best Master of Language ) speaks , towards the end of his First Book de Legibus . 3. That the Eternal Wisdom of GOD , contains eminently , or analogically , in it , all that we can know to be Natural Law. 4. But to know that it is Natural Law , or the Dictate of true Reason , concerning the fittest means to the best End , or greatest Good , it is necessary to this purpose , That the Supreme Government of all Things ( and especially of Rational Creatures ) should be in him , who is most able and willing to pursue and attain that greatest End ; that is , it must be setled in GOD. 5. So that by this Dictate of Eternal Wisdom , or of performing all Things for the best End , the Soveraignty becomes his Right ; and our Knowledge that this Dictate of Eternal Wisdom is in him , assures us , That this Right is immutably fix'd and vested in him . 6. Although in the method of investigating the Laws of Nature , as they subsist in our Minds , the first Law respects the End , and this concerning the Means , comes in the second place : Yet in our Thoughts concerning GOD , we know that infinite Wisdom comprehends all these Dictates together ; and therefore that the Dictate , or Law , setling Universal Dominion in GOD , is co-eternal with him ; and so is as early in his Nature , as the first Natural Law ; the Obligation of which , we are establishing in this Chapter . And here arises the difference between a Moral Obligation ( which is that we now treat of ) and a Civil one , or that by which we are obliged to Laws in Civil Governments , the former being in respect to GOD's immediate Will , as the Supreme Legislator ; whereas all the Duty we owe to our Civil Magistrates , Parents , and Masters , &c. is only in subordination to GGD's Will so declared unto us , and who hath ordained this Obedience for his own Worship and Glory , and in order to the Common Good of all Humane Societies and Commonwealths , that is , of Mankind in general . § . 10. Yet I think notwithstanding all we have said of the Force and Nature of this Obligation , it may well enough consist with the natural Freedom of Man's Will , since all these Considerations do still but excite , not necessitate Him to act one way or other : For it is still left in his Power either to chuse that which is absolutely the best in obeying this Will of God , or else to preferr a less present Good before it , in the satisfaction of his Appetites , or Passions : And herein likewise consists the difference between an Animal Good , or Evil , and a Moral one ; the former being those natural Means conducing to each Man's preservation , or destruction , considered as a mere Animal , without any respect to God as their Author , or the Common Good of Rationals as their Rule . The latter , that is of all Humane Moral Actions , or Habits , considered as agreeable , or disagreeable unto the Laws of Nature , ordained by God as a Legislator , and made known to Man , in order to the Common Good of Rational Beings ; so that they are thus morally Good , or Evil , only in respect of their Conformity , or Disagreement with the Will of God ; and as their Observance , or Neglect , brings either Good , or Evil ( that is , Happiness , or Misery ) upon us in this Life , or in that to come . From whence you may observe the necessity of putting God , in all our descriptions , or definitions of the Law of Nature , as the Author thereof : For were it not for his existence , in whose divine Intellect the Idea's of Moral Good , and Evil , are eternally established , and into whose will so ordaining them , they are ultimately to be resolved . Mr. H.'s ( or rather Epicurus's Assertion ) would certainly be true , That there is nothing morally Good , or Evil , in its own Nature . And it may here be also observed , That the great omission of divers Writers on this Subject , in not placing God as the Cause , or Author of the Law of Nature , in their definitions , hath been perhaps the main , if not only Reason of that false Assertion , That the Laws of Nature are not properly so , 'till they are established by the Authority of the Supreme Civil Power ; so on the other side , if it be made evident , That God Wills , or Commands , all Men should endeavour the Common Good of Rationals , as the greatest they are capable of ; it must necessarily follow , That we lie under a sufficient Obligation , by all the Tyes of Duty and Gratitude , to concurr with God's Will and Design , in pursuing and endeavouring this great End. § . 11. But since God hath thought fit to make Man a Creature consisting of two different and distinct Parts , or Principles , a Soul and a Body , both capable of Good and Evil , i. e. of Rewards and Punishments ; I come now to the other part of this Duty , or Obligation , by which we are bound , by all the Rational Motives , or Rewards , that Man's Nature is capable of , to observe this great Law ; and deterred by all the contrary Evils , or Punishments , from neglecting or transgressing it : In order to which , I shall lay down these plain Axioms , drawn from the Nature of Moral Good and Evil , which you may find in the Learned Bishop Wilkin's excellent Discourse of Natural Religion . Axiom 1. That which is morally good , ( i.e. ) agreeable to the Will of God , is to be desired and prosecuted ; and that which is evil , i. e. contrary to his Will , is to be avoided . Ax. 2. The greater congruity there is in any thing to the Reason of Mankind , and the greater tendency it hath to promote or hinder the Perfection of Man's Nature , in the endeavour of the Common Good ; so much greater degrees it hath of moral Good , or Evil ; and according to which , we ought to proportion our Inclinations , or Aversions thereunto . Ax. 3. So that it is suitable both to the Reason and Interest of Mankind , that all Persons should submit themselves to God's Will , upon whom they depend for their Happiness and Well-being , by doing such Things as may render them acceptable to Him , and avoiding those contrary Actions which may provoke his Displeasure , that is , in short , in prosecuting the Common Good of Rational Beings . Ax. 4. Hence the Rational Nature , and the Perfections belonging to it , being more Noble than the Sensitive , a moral Good is to be preferred before an animal Pleasure ; and that which is morally evil , is more to be avoided , than that which is merely animal . Ax. 5. A present animal Good may be parted with , upon a probable Expectation of a greater future moral Good. Ax. 6. A present Evil is to be endured , for the probable avoiding of a greater , though future Evil. But since all the Rewards which God can bestow upon us , for our observing this fundamental Law , of endeavouring the Common Good of Rationals , does only amount to the truest and highest Happiness that Man's Nature is capable of ; it is fit that we sufficiently state that Happiness , and wherein it consists : For the clearing of which , I shall lay down these two plain Propositions . § . 12. Prop. 1. That which gives , or constitutes the Essence of any thing , and distinguisheth it from all other things , is called the essential form of that thing . Prop. 2. That State , or Condition , by which the Nature of any thing is advanced to the utmost perfection which it is capable of , according to its kind , is called the Chief End , Good , or Happiness of such a Being : Thus , for Example , ( to give you a Scale , drawn from the Nature of those Beings we know to be endued with Life or Motion ) 1. The Nature of Plants consists in having a vegetative Life , by which they receive Nourishment and Growth , and are enabled to multiply their kind . The utmost Perfection which this kind of Being is capable of , is to grow up to a state of Maturity , to continue unto its natural Period , and to propagate its kind . 2. The Nature of Brutes ( besides what is common to them with Plants , consists in their being endued with Faculties , whereby they are capable of apprehending external Objects , and of receiving Pain or Pleasure from them , in order to their own Preservation , and the propagation of their Species . The utmost Perfection of these , consists in mere sensitive Pleasures ; i. e. of doing and enjoying such Things as are grateful to their Appetites and Senses . But the Nature of Man , ( besides what is common to him with Plants and Brutes , both in the vegetative and sensitive Life ) consists in the Faculty of Right Reason , whereby he is made capable of understanding the Law of Nature , and of its Rewards and Punishments , either in this Life , or that to come , to induce him to their Observation , and deterr him from the transgression of them : Which Sentiments , as no Creature in this visible World , except Man , does partake of ; so his Chief Good , or Happiness , consists in the improvement and perfection of this Faculty ; that is , in such Actions as are most agreeable to Right Reason , and as may best entitle him to the Divine Favour , and afford him the greatest Assurance of a lasting Happiness , both in this Life , and after it is ended . So that all the Actions of Man , considered as voluntary and subject to the Law of Nature , and thereby capable of Rewards and Punishments , are called Moral , as being directed by God the Supreme Legislator , to the greatest and most excellent End , viz. the Common Good of Rational Beings . § . 13. Having laid down these Principles of moral Good and Evil , in order to the setling and clearing the Nature of this Obligation , and wherein it consists ; I shall , in the next place , particularly declare the Sanction of this Law , ( viz. ) those Rewards which God hath ordained for the Observation of this Law of Nature , of endeavouring the Common Good , and those Punishments he hath appointed for its Breach , or Transgression . But I have already laid down , That all Obligation upon the Soul of Man , arises properly from the Commands of some rightful Superior Power ; that is , such a one who hath not only force sufficient to inflict what Evils he pleases upon the Disobedient ; but , who hath also given us just Grounds , or Reasons , wherefore he requires us to determine the natural Liberties of our Wills , according to his Pleasure ; both which , whenever they meet in any Supreme Power ; and that he hath once signified his Will to us , ought to produce in our Minds not only fear to offend , but also a love of , and obedience to his Commands . The former , from the Consideration of his irresistible Power : The latter , from their own intrinseck Goodness , as also from all those Motives which ought to persuade us to perform his Will. For as one who hath no other Reason than down-right force , why he will have me perform and submit to his Commands , whether I will or no , may indeed so far terrifie me , that to avoid a greater Evil , I may think it best to obey him ; yet that fear once removed , there will then remain nothing that can hinder me from acting according to my own , rather than his Will , or Humour : So on the other side , he who can give me never so good Reasons why I ought to obey him ; yet if destitute of Power , to inflict any Punishment upon me for my Disobedience , such his Commands may , without any outward inconvenience , be neglected by me , if I think fit , unless he is endued with sufficient Power to vindicate the Neglect , or Contempt , of his Authority . Therefore the strictest Sanction which any Soveraign Power can give unto its Laws , is , when it is not only able , but hath also sufficiently declared , That it will conferr a sufficient share of good Things , or Rewards , for so doing ; and of Evils , or Punishments , upon any breach , or neglect of its Commands : So though I grant the whole force of this Obligation is properly resolved into the Will of the Legislator , or those to whom the Custody of these Laws are committed ; all which , are included in this Law of Nature , since we find God commanding it , to whom we ought to yield absolute Obedience ; though not in Right of his irresistible Power alone , but rather as he hath , by his Eternal Wisdom and Goodness , in his Creation and Preservation of us , an absolute Dominion over , and an undoubted Right to Command us ; and consequently we are obliged to yield Obedience to his Laws , as they are not only highly reasonable , ( being ordained for the Common Good of Rationals ) but are also established by sufficient Rewards and Punishments . But since the former seem more plainly declared to Mankind , and are likewise more agreeable to our Rational Nature , which should rather delight to be allured by Rewards , than terrified by Punishments ; I shall first begin with the natural Rewards annexed to the Observation of this great Law of Nature , of endeavouring the Common Good : Which may be divided into Internal , or External ; that is , either in relation to the Soul alone , or to the Body and the Soul joyntly considered . judice to his Health , do so much indulge his Genius , as to keep a Table above his Estate , and thereby become unable to provide for his Family , or to contribute to the publick charges of the Commonweal , he is highly guilty of Intemperance , though perhaps he may do it without any prejudice to his Health . § . 18. And as for that other sort of Temperance , called Chastity , or Continence , I need not farther to declare how much the Common Good and Happiness of Mankind depend upon it , having already shewn divers of those Evils , and Inconveniencies , that do necessarily follow the contrary Vices : I shall only add , That it is sufficient that the commission of this Offence of Incontinence , makes a Man guilty of another's Sin , as well as his own : Therefore I define Chastity to be the abstaining from all inordinate , or forbidden Lusts , in order to the Common Good , or for the propagation of Mankind ; and therefore is not only confined to the bare forbidding of Fornication , but also extends it self to that moral Obligation , or Contract , which we call Marriage : So that out of a consideration of this great End , those promiscuous Copulations between Brothers and Sisters , and divers other near Relations , which upon the first Peopling of the World were lawful because then necessary for the propagation of Mankind , are now , for the same Reason , become unlawful ; since without an abhorrence of this Copulation between Brothers and Sisters , it were hard , if not impossible , that the Chastity of such young Persons , conversing so constantly and intimately together from their youth , should be otherwise preserved , without an early prepossession of the horrour of such promiscuous Copulations . And hence also I suppose , That Natural Reason taught most Nations , after Mankind began to be multiplied upon the Earth ; and the memory of their first original Relation they had to each other , to be forgotten , to prohibit Marriage between near Relations , that by this means new Friendships , and stricter Bonds of Amity , should be contracted between Families and Persons not nearly related in Blood ; from whence a larger diffusion of Friendship and Kindness , proceeding from this Relation , might be spread amongst Persons not only of the same Commonweal , but of divers Nations ; and also that those Factions , and Enmities , which would often happen between particular Men , and Families , were they only to marry into their own Clan , or Tribe , may be prevented ; or if begun , may , by fresh Alliances , be reconciled and taken away . So that it is evident , That the Reason of this Vertue of Chastity , or Continence , can no way be truly explained , or understood , without a true knowledge of the End for which it was ordained , viz. the Common Peace , Happiness , and Preservation of Mankind . § . 19. I shall only add somewhat more concerning that other sort of Temperance , relating to our seeking after , and acquiring those outward Goods often conducing , though not absolutely necessary , to our Well being , ( viz. ) Riches and Honour ; and therefore the same general Law which limits our Love towards our selves , in order to the Common Good , ought also , from the same Consideration , to limit and regulate our Desires , both in acquiring and keeping these Advantages ; and therefore they are to be sought for to no other End , than as they may render us more capable of promoting the great End above-mentioned , and to which they ought always to be subordinate . The former of these Vertues relating to Riches , is called Moderation , which is a limitted Care in acquiring and keeping Riches ; of which I need speak no farther , having sufficiently shewn the Measure and Reason of it , when I defined Liberality and Frugality , with their opposite Vices : The other sort of Temperance relating to Honours , is called Modesty , and may be defined a Justice towards our selves , in a reasonable Desire of Honours , in order to the Common Good ; and therefore consists in a due Mediocrity , as well in desiring Honours , as avoiding Infamy ; and this Vertue , as it curbs the Desire from seeking higher Things than the Person really deserves , or may well pretend to , in order to this great End , is called Humility ; which is a low or true esteem of a Man's self , or personal Merits . But as this Desire of the Common Good , often elevates the Mind to the performing of great and noble Actions , whereby he may acquire the highest Honours , it is then called Magnanimity ; and therefore the Magnanimous is still supposed to be endued with perfect Vertue , and a most large Desire of the Common Good of Mankind , as believing he hath reason to judge himself worthy of any Honour that he can justly pretend to : And I suppose every Man is sensible , That it is a part of the same Vertue , not only to seek for true Honour , but also to take care to preserve it , when it is obtained : And from the Consideration of these Vertues , the contrary Vices are more easily understood ; for Pride is directly opposite both to Magnanimity , and Humility shewing it self in a preposterous Ambition , foolish Arrogance , or Vain-glory ; and so Pusillanimity , or meanness of Spirit , is directly contrary to Magnanimity . § . 20. Thus we have run through almost all the particular Vertues , and do still find in each of them a constant Respect , or Tendency , to the Common Good of Mankind : So that whether they regard our selves or others , the same great End is still intended by God , the most Wife Legislator : And this Law being thus established , there is therein contained the largest and most diffusive Society between divers Nations , or Commonweals , and the truest Love and Benevolence between all the Members of the same Commonweal , as also between particular Families : So that there may be hence demonstrated and determined the certain Rules and Measures of true Piety towards God , as distinguish'd from Impiety and Superstition ; and also of all other Vertues towards Men , which must be first truly known , and applied to their right Objects , that the Names of these Vertues , when falsly imposed on Actions contrary to the Laws of God and Nature , may not deceive us : For it is hence evident , That all the parts of universal Justice and Benevolence , ( viz. ) all the particular Vertues contained under them , are only commanded in order to this Common Good ; because it is manifest by Experience , That such Just and Benevolent Actions , are always endued with a natural Power of procuring and promoting the Common Peace and Happiness of divers Nations and Commonweals , as also of lesser Societies and particular Persons ; of all which , considered in their due order and subordination to each other , this Common Good of Mankind is made up , and consists . § . 21. And , farther , it may be hence clearly shewn what is that Right Reason , by which every prudent Man ought to prescribe to himself a just Mediocrity in all his moral Actions ; for it only consists in practical Propositions , proposing or declaring to us this great End ; and also shewing us all the means in our Power whereby we may attain it ; which are those that , in the first place , prescribe the Rules of Piety , and Divine Worship , both private and publick . ( 2. ) Those that concern the Society and Commerce of divers Nations and Commonweals . ( 3. ) All positive Laws , whether Civil or Domestick , tending to the Good of the Civil Society wherein we live . ( 4. ) True and rational Conclusions , drawn from Knowledge , or Experience , either of our selves , or others , concerning the natural Efficacy of Things and Actions , all which are at last resolved into the natural Power of such Humane Actions , as may either benefit , or hurt Mankind , considered apart , or in an aggregate Body , as in a Family , or Nation ; since Experience doth not with less certainty teach us , what kind of Actions are beneficial , or hurtful to Mankind ; then it shews what sort of Diet will either nourish , or destroy us : Nor is it more difficult to understand the Truth of this Proposition , That a right , or equal Distribution of all Things necessary for Life , is requisite to the Common Good and Happiness of Mankind , than it is to know in Physick , That it is necessary for the Life and Health of an Animal , that a due proportion of Nourishment be equally distributed to all its Parts , or Members ; both which Truths , are grounded on the same natural Principles , ( viz. ) That the same Things which preserve the whole , do also preserve all its parts ; and , vice versa , the same Things which preserve all the Parts , or Members , do likewise serve to the Conservation of the whole ; which being evident from true Principles , is a Science taught by Experience , drawn from the Nature of Things . § . 22. And th●● from the immutable Efficacy of Corporeal Causes of this sort ; for the production of their Effects on all Humane Bodies ▪ depends all the Certainty and Knowledge of Natural Philosophy and Physick : So likewise from their immutable Influence , or Powers on Humane Actions , for the Conservation of particular Persons , Families , and Commonweals , proceeds all the Certainty of those practical Propositions , called Natural Laws , which constitute Moral Philosophy , shewing and determining the Nature of all Vertues and Vices : Nor is that variety of Actions , which may be prescribed to Persons in distinct Families , or Commonweals , and under various Circumstances of Life , more repugnant to the constant Care of preserving all the Parts , or Members , which contribute to this great End , than the diversity of Diety , and ways of living peculiar to divers , Climates , Ages , or Constitutions of Men's Bodies , are to the constant Care that all Men have of preserving their own Lives and Healths , according to the several Necessities of their Natures : For as in these we cannot , by doing whatever we will , promote this End ; but Nature hath put some limits thereunto , although our weak Understandings cannot attain to a nice , or mathematical exactness in assigning them , as we may live long and healthfully enough , without weighing our Meat and Drink , like Lessius ; so we may likewise procure the Common Good , as far as lies in our Power , although we do not always perform that which is absolutely or simply best in all Cases ; it is as much as God the Legislator requires , if we truly endeavour it , and contribute as far as we are able unto this great End. § . 23. In the last place , I shall here repeat what I have before laid down , That this Common Good of Rationals , as it is a Collection of all natural Goods ( and the greatest of all others ) so it is the true Standard of all other Goods , either natural , or moral : So that by our comparing them with this , we may truly determine whether they are greater , or less than each other ; and so whether they are principally to be desired and sought after , or to be postponed to other greater Goods . Likewise the same measure where the proportion of these Goods is taken , gives us a true estimate of all the contrary Evils , and so shews us what is more , or less to be avoided , or repented of . § . 24. We may also hence learn what degrees of Passions , or Affections are lawful ; for it is certain , That only such a proportion of Affections are required , as are congruous to our Rational Nature , and exactly answering the true Estimate of those good , or evil Things by which they are excited ; but since the Government of our Appetites and Passions , is a thing of so great moment , as that on which all our Vertue and Happiness ( as far as it is in our Power ) depends ; which Government proceeds from our knowledge of a true measure of all Goods , and Evils , according to which they are to be judged ; therefore I shall be the larger in explaining what I have a little before laid down , ( viz. ) That the Common Good ought to be the Standard of all our Affections and Passions , as being so ordained by God , and determined by the Nature of Things ; which is evident , in that we have demonstrated this Common Good , to be that great End , to whose prosecution all Men are naturally obliged , by the Will of God , as a Legislator , who must have given us the knowledge of any thing as Good , or Evil , to little purpose , unless he had also given us a Rule by which we might judge of the several measures , or degrees of this Goodness : So that this Common Good being once established as a certain Measure , or Standard for this End , the Good of each particular Person will bear such a proportion to that of the whole Body of Rationals , as the Soundness of any one Member , does to the Health of the whole Body . So from the knowledge of this Order of divers subordinate Goods , and the proportion which any one of them bears to the Common , or Greatest Good , may easily be deduced how much the Well-being , or Happiness of every single Person , may contribute to that of the whole Family ; the Felicity of a Family , to that of a Commonwealth ; that of a Common-weal , to the Happiness of all Nations ; and of all these considered together , what proportion they may bear to the Common Felicity of Mankind . So that hence you may be easily satisfied how much the knowledge of this one Truth , conduces to our right prosecution of this great End , and , indeed , Sum of all the Laws of Nature . § . 25. Lastly , ( which yet ought rather to have been put in the first place of all ) let us consider the chief and principal of all the moral Vertues , Love , or Piety towards God , expressed in all the Acts of Divine Worship , as Prayer , Praise , Thanksgiving , &c. This must needs be a Vertue , since it does that which is highly grateful and pleasing to God the Head of all Rational Beings , and speaking after the manner of us Men , performing somewhat Good , and agreeable to his Divine Nature ; and which also in respect of our selves , makes us most happy , not only by rendring the Deity propitious to us , but also by a nearer spiritual approach and conversation with it , in those holy Exercises , it puts us in the happiest state we can be capable of in this mortal Life , and so makes us more able to perform the great End of our Creation , ( viz. ) Our contributing to the Common Good of Rational Beings . § . 26. I have been the larger in laying down , and explaining this Law , as a Measure , or Standard of all good Actions , to the end that we should esteem all Good , or Evil , not as it more or less profits or hurts our own particular Bodies alone , but as it may more or less add to , or detract from this Common Good : So that in comparing of all Goods together , whether Natural or Moral , we ought still to look upon that as the greatest Good which conferrs most ; and that to be the least , which contributes least to this great End , which is therefore to be desired , or prosecuted by us with proportionable Affections and Endeavours : From whence also may be drawn a general and powerful Remedy , against all those inordinate Passions proceeding from excessive Self-Love , by which Men are most commonly drawn to hurt or injure others : For a Man who thus governs himself , will not extravagantly desire any of these outward Things , nor suffer his Soul to be disturbed by the consciousness of any Crime , who judges nothing truly Good , but what really conduces to the common Good of Rationals . § . 27. Thus I hope I have demonstrated the true Reasons and Grounds of Moral Good and Evil , or of Vertue and Vice ; and have endeavoured to render Moral Philosophy ( or the true Knowledge of the Laws of Nature ) a practical Science , and not merely Speculative , or Notional , like that of the Stoicks ; who whilst they allowed nothing to be really good , but Vertue ; or Evil ; except Vice ; and kept such a pother to extol the real Good of the former , and declaim against the certain Evil of the latter ; yet by not giving us the true Reasons , or Grounds , why Vertue should be embraced , and Vice avoided , they rendred their Philosophy merely speculative , and only fit for those idle Porches in which they declaimed , scarce having any farther influence upon the Actions of Life , when either their own Affections , or any powerful outward Temptation , did at any time prompt them to act contrary thereunto : For Vertue is only to be esteemed as the highest or most perfect Good ; not as it is a well-sounding Word , or that fills our Minds with some vain empty Notions , but as it determines our Actions to their utmost influeence upon the Common Good of Rational Beings , which is the only true Piety , as consisting in the Performance of the Commands and Will of God , by the imitation of his Divine Goodness and Beneficence . § . 28. So that I shall conclude this Chapter with Dr. Parker's excellent Consideration on this Subject ; and which being better than any thing that I can now think of , I shall make bold to give it you almost in his own Words , with a little alteration . So that it is now demonstratively certain by induction of Particulars ( according to the method we have now taken ) that every Vertue hath some natural Efficacy to promote the Common Good of Rationals ; and is no otherwise a Vertue , but as it contributes to this great End , and that each Man 's true private Interest and Happiness , is therein contained , and inseparably connected with it , by the necessary order of Nature , i. e by the Contrivance and Wisdom of Divine Providence : So that nothing can be more evident , than that its Author commands all his Rational Creatures , that are capable of any knowledge of his Will , and sence of their Duty , to act suitably to that Order of Things which he hath established in the World , and to that Declaration of his Will , which he hath made by that Establishment , in order to the bringing about this great End of the Common Good of Rational Beings . CHAP. V. Containing an Answer to such Objections as may be made against the Law of Nature , thus explained and reduc'd into this Proposition , Of Endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings ; with a Conclusion , proving this to be the sum of all Laws , whether Natural or Revealed . § . 1. SInce there are two sorts of men , who according to their several Principles , and Inclinations , may make different Objections against this our Method of proving , and deducing the Law of Nature , and contracting it into this sing'e easie Proposition , of our endeavouring the common good of Rational Beings ; I shall therefore divide them into Platonists , or Epicureans . Those who put the whole stress of their belief of the Laws of Nature upon innate Ideas , or Principles of Moral Good and Evil imprest by God upon mens Souls ; and who , I doubt not , may have a true zeal ( though without knowledge ) for this Common Good ; which is more than I can promise for those , who fal●ing into the other extream , will not acknowledge that we can have any true or certain notion , or idea , of this Common Good , so as to make it the main end of all our Actions . I shall therefore in the first place consider those Objections that may be made by the former sort of Men ; whose first Objection may be this , That it is most suitable to the goodness of God to imprint upon the minds of men certain Characters and Notions of himself , and also of those Moral Duties which he requires of them ; and not to leave them in the dark , and in doubt about things of so great a Concernment to them ; since by that means he would not only have secured himself of that Worship and Veneration which is due from so Intelligent a Creature as Man , but would also with great ease and certainty have taught him his duty towards himself , and others , without puting him to the trouble and pains of discovering his Existence , and all those Moral Duties that depend upon it , by so tedious a Method as I have here proposed ; which every man hath not time to inquire into , nor perhaps Faculties strong enough to make such rational Conclusions or Deductions from the Nature of God , and other things , for the understanding of the Laws of Nature , as we have here laid down : and therefore , that God ( who doth all things by the best and easiest means ) hath imprest all the Notions or Ideas of Good and Evil upon mens Souls . § . 2. To which Objection I need return no other Answer than what is already made by the Author of the Essay concerning Human Vnderstanding ( so often cited by me ) ; I shall therefore give it to you in his own words , Book I. chap. 4. § . 12. This Argument , if it be of any force , will prove much more than those who use it in this case expect from it ; for if we may conclude , That God hath done for men , all that men shall judge is best for them , because it is suitable for his Goodness so to do ; it will prove not only , that God hath imprinted on the minds of men an Idea of himself ; but that he hath plainly stamped there , in fair Characters , all that men ought to know or believe of him , and all that they ought to do in obedience to his Will ; and that he hath given them a Will and Affections conformable to it . This no doubt every one will think is better for men , than that they should in the dark grope after Knowledge , as St. Paul tell us , all Nations did after God , Acts VIII . 27 , or than that their Wills should clash with their Vnderstandings , and their Appetites cross their Duty . The Romanists say , 'T is best for men , and so suitable to the Goodness of God , that there should be an Infallible Iudge of Controversies on Earth , and therefore there is one : And I by the same reason say , 'T is better for men that every man himself should be infallible . I leave them to consider , whether by the force of this Argument they shall think that every man is so . I think it a very good Argument to say , the infinitely Wise God hath made it so , and therefore it is best . But it seems to me a little too much confidence of our Wisdom , to say , I think it best , and therefore God hath made it so ; and in the matter in hand , it will be in vain to argue from such a Topick , that God hath done so , when certain Experience shews us that he hath not . But the Goodness of God hath not been wanting to men , without such original impressions of Knowledge , or Ideas stamped on the mind , since he hath furnished man with those Faculties which will serve for the sufficient discovery of all things requisite to the end of such a Being : And I doubt not but to shew , that a man by the right use of his natual Abilities may , without any innate Principles , attain to the knowledge of a God , and other things that concern him : God having endued man with those faculties of Knowledge which he hath , was no more obliged by his Goodness to implant these innate Notions in his Mind , than that having given him Reason , Hands and Materials , he should also build him Bridges , or Houses ; which some People in the World , however of good natural parts , do either totally want , or are but ill provided of as well as others are , ( perhaps ) wholly without Ideas of God , and Principles of Morality , or at least have but very ill ones . The reason in both Cases being this , That they never employed their Parts , Faculties and Powers industriously that way , but contented themselves with the Opinions , Fashions , and things of their Countrey , as they found them , without looking any farther . So far this Learned Author . § . 3. And as for what is farther urged , the difficulties of the coming to the knowledge of the Being of a God , by the method we propose , if this were not plainly to be read from the great Book of the World , St. Paul had in vain accused the general corruption of the Gentiles , and their loss of the knowledge of the true God , as he doth in the 1st of the Romans , v. 19 , 20. Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them , for God hath shewed it unto them : For the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternal power , and Godhead : so that they are without exaus . Where you may observe , the Apostle here appeals to the common Reason of Mankind , guided by things without us , for the proof of the Existence of a Delty , that they may be left without all excuse for this their wilful ignorance and neglect . § . 4. And as for the other part of the Objection , concerning the difficulty and laboriousness of the Method we have here proposed , for the discovery of the Law of Nature , and the weakness of mens Faculties , for the making such rational Conclusions from the Nature of Things ; I think that will signifie much less than the former , if those that make this Objection will please to consider how obvious such Conclusions are , and how easily made out , in the Third Chapter of this Discourse ; where I particularly treat of the Natural Power of mens Minds , in making Observations from the Nature of Things , and reducing them into certain practical Propositions , in order to their own future happiness , in conjunction with that of others : So that I think I may safely affirm , that those who are not of Natural Parts sufficient to discover the Being of a God , and a Providence ; as also to understand the Laws of Nature , which depend upon that Knowledge : If they did but duly apply their Minds to think upon their own Original , and that of the World , by true Principles of Reason , must be either Fools or Madmen , and so not capable Subjects of the Laws of Nature , as not being to be reckoned amongst rational Creatures ; or else , which is worse , are down-right Atheists ; who , to indulge their own unreasonable Lusts and Passions , do absolutely deny all those clear Demonstrations from Natural Things , which are brought for the proof of a Deity , and of their Duty towards it . § . 5. And tho I grant that all men do not ordinarily reduce all the Laws of Nature into this one single Proposition , of endeavouring this common good of Rational Beings , or may not have an explicite Notion of it ; Yet this will not hinder , but that they may for all that really pursue it , tho' they may not have so large and perfect a knowledge of the grounds of their Duty , as they would have if they were sensible of this Idea : For if a man be but throughly convinced that he is not made for himself alone , but that he ought to mind the good and preservation of others besides himself ; and that he doth truly observe the Laws of Nature , towards himself , by a temperate and a rational Life : As also , towards his Neighbour , by observing that great Rule , of doing as he would be done by , in all cases towards others . I say , such a man , tho' never so simple and ignorant in other things , doth really contribute his share of endeavour towards procuring the common good : And tho' he may not distinctly know all the true reasons and grounds of his own Actions ; yet if he thus lead his Life , and observe all these Rules tending to this End , I doubt not but that he will meet with all those Rewards intended by God for Vertuous Actions ; provided he have never heard of , or at least wilfully refused the more perfect Law of the Gospel , delivered by our Saviour Jesus Christ , when duly proposed to him . Thus a Countrey Carpenter may deserve sufficient Wages , and Commendation , if he can build a House , and honestly perform his Work , according to those few practical Rules he hath learnt , tho' he doth not understand all the Principles of Geometry , or Architecture , according to which , all that he hath wrought may easily be demonstrated to him , if he will but take the pains to understand them . § . 6. There is another Objection which this sort of men may make against our Method of finding out , and demonstrating this great Law of Nature , in that I make every man's obligation to endeavour it , to arise from its being good or evil to himself alone ; whereby it may seem , as if we supposed the honour of God , and the common good of mankind were to be postponed ▪ and made subservient to the happiness of any particular person . To satisfie which Scruple , I do in the first place affirm , that we do not intend any such thing , since we have all along endeavoured to establish the quite contrary Doctrine ; For I assert , that no man hath any Right , properly so called , to his own Life or Being , but in order , and as it conduces to the honour and service of God , and the common good of mankind . I shall therefore now more distinctly declare how these ( tho' some may think them contrary to each other ) do very well consist . In the first place therefore I desire you to take notice , that our Natural Obligation to this Law is not discovered by us in the same order and method , as it is constituted by God in the nature of Things ; for our weak finite Understandings , when acting without the assistance of Divine Revelation , do slowly enough at first , attain to the knowledge of Individual , or Single Things ; and thence taking rise from such common effects as are most obvious to our Senses , proceed to their more obstruse Causes , until at length discovering one Infinite Being , called God , to be the first Cause and Creator of all things . We from thence collect not only what is his Nature , but also what is his Will ; whereby we do not only find that he is the best , and most perfect Being ; But that as such , he willeth and procures the good and preservation , not of some few Singulars alone , but of the whole Species of Mankind . And lastly , that he would have us men cooperate , as subordinate , ( tho free Agents ) to this End , as the greatest and worthiest we can undertake : Which tho' it be the last thing we come to the knowledge of , yet is that which is first and chiefly intended by God , as the principal object of our Knowledge , and the main End of all our Moral Actions . So that it seems evident , this knowledge of our selves , and of things thus learnt from experience and observation , was intended by God , only to serve as steps to raise us to that larger knowledge , and nobler desire of pursuing the common good of Rationals , as the sum of all our Moral Duties . And that our Wills and Affections towards this end , are not to be regulated or directed in the same order , by which this common good comes to be discovered ; i. e. ( with a respect to our selves alone ) ; but from a true judgment concerning the measures of that natural good and perfection therein contained . So that tho' we are at first indeed excited to the procuring our own happiness , as the prime and most natural motive of all our Actions ; yet we come at last upon better consideration to discover , that this happiness of ours is contained in our endeavours of the Common good of Rational Beings , and is inseparable from it , as the conservation of any of our particular Members is contained in the health and preservation of the whole Body . § . 7. And this Proposition , that every single man's good is contained in the common-good , proves indeed , that the sanction of this general Law , is by rewards and punishments to Every single man : But that Every is not to be restrained to my self , or any one man alone , but extends alike to each other man , or all men : Since it is evident , that these words ( Every man ) collectively taken , amount to all men ; as every part collectively taken signifies the whole . And tho' the main end intended by God , the Legislator , from such Rewards and Punishments , are obedience to his Laws , and the preservation of Mankind , as his Subjects ( which are indeed of much greater value to him , than the happiness of any one single person ) ; Yet will it not detract from the perfection or sincerity of this obedience , if from the consideration of a man 's own particular happiness or misery , he thereby comes to consider and understand , that God hath commanded him to pursue an higher and nobler end than that alone ; yet to which his own happiness or misery are inseparably connected . § . 8. I come in the last place to these objections , that may be made by men of quite contrary Principles ; and who will not acknowledge , that we either can , or ought to propose this common good , as the Sum of all the Laws of Nature , and the main end of all our Moral Actions . Their first objection may be this ; That it seems not suitable to God's Infinite Goodness , and Power , and Wisdom , in the Government of Mankind , if he did really intend its good and happiness ( as we here suppose ) to permit so great a Design to be so often disturbed , if not quite frustrated , in divers parts of the World , by the various Passions , and unreasonable Appetites , of so many violent , wicked and unjust men ; which , if Mankind is well considered , do make up the greatest part of this Aggregate Body . In answer to this objection , I might tell those that make it , that the true original of that depraved State of Mankind , and from which all that Disorder , which we now find in Humane Nature is derived , was the Fall of Adam , the first Father of Mankind ; who thereby conveyed a weakness of Reason , and that prevailing Power which we feel in our sensual Appetites and Passions to all his Posterity , whereby man is become very prone to Evil , and too apt to transgress the Laws of Nature . But I shall not insist upon this , because the Gentlemen with whom I have to do , may laugh at all Divine Revelation , not accept of any Proofs as sufficient , but what can be brought from meer Natural Reason , I shall therefore answer them in their own way ; and shall first of all grant ; That God might , if he had thought fit , have created Man without any possibility of sinning , and have determined him only to that which is morally good . But then God hath not created a Man , but quite another Creature : For he having made Man to consist of two different Principles , a Body and a Soul ; the one to be driven on by Sensual Appetites and Passions ; the other to be governed by Reason : It was necessary that he should be carried towards Good or Evil , as one or other of these should prevail . So that considering what sort of Creature God hath made us , he hath done all he needed to do towards the good and happiness of Mankind ; Supposing that he hath created us , and deals with us as free , voluntary Agents , endued with a freedom of choice , either to deliberate upon the consequence and nature of all our Moral Actions before we do them ; and either to act according to the Rules of Right Reason , or else clean contrary thereunto , that is , wholly at random , or by chance , which is unworthy our Rational Nature . § . 9. So that God having thus left the greatest part of man's happiness in his own power , either to be obtained by endeavouring this common good ; or else missed of , or lost by his own neglect of it . It is not to be wondered , if mens unreasonable Appetites and Passions , looking no farther than their present Pleasures , or outward Advantages , do often carry them away without any consideration of those future , but as certain and greater evils which may follow them in the whole course of their lives . By which abuse of mens natural Freedom , I grant the good and happiness of Mankind is very much disturbed and diminished : Therefore it is no wonder , that ( tho' God's will be sufficiently declared against such Actions , ) it is not more often observed and followed ; nor could God have ordered things better or otherwise than they are ; unless he should have made man with out all freedom of choice , and have determined his Will only to one sort of Actions ; which had rendered him quite another Creature , and incapable of those rewards and punishments , which are absolutely necessary for the government of man , as he is made by God , a free , voluntary Agent . Secondly , Tho' God hath thus made us free Agents , but that by the ill use of our Faculties , we become more prone to evil Actions than good ones ; Yet it must still be acknowledged , God's Infinite Power and Providence hath set such limits to the unruly Appetites and Passions of wicked men , that tho' it must be confessed , that by private Violence , Wars and Persecutions for Religion , they do more mischief to Mankind than all the Savage Beasts , Earthquakes or Plagues in the World ever did : Yet this is but in some few particular Places or Countries at a time ; and God hath so restrained these Passions and Lusts , not only by Natural , Divine and Civil Laws ; but also by necessary ill consequences that follow such Actions ; that it is not often that such men can accomplish their wicked designs with that success and pleasure they propose to themselves . And in those Countries where these Violences are acted , the Scene often alters : And in those Countries where Civil-Wars and Persecution for Religion , have not only very much disturbed the Common Peace and Happiness , but also diminished the number of the Inhabitants , God doth often think fit , either through mens weariness of Wars , or by the sudden death of a Cruel and Ambitious Prince ( who was the chief cause of it ) again to restore peace and happiness to these Kingdoms or Countries where Civil-Wars and Persecutions had before so cruelly raged , and so long prevailed . So that notwithstanding all that can be objected , against God's intending the good and happiness of Mankind ; it is certain , that from the beginning of the World to this day , he hath preserved it in the same State ; as he hath also done all other Species of Creatures . So that we may boldly affirm , the number of men in the world rather increases than diminishes ; tho' it may please God , for the correction or extirpation of some extremely wicked , and incorrigible Nations , to permit them to be oppressed , diminished , or quite destoyed by Forreign Force , Civil Wars , or Domestick Tyranny . § . 10. A Second Objection that may be brought by those of Epicurean Principles , is , That if the Being of a God , and the certainty of the Laws of Nature be so easy to be found out , and discovered by mens Natural Reasons and Observations ; how it comes to pass that there are some whole Nations in the World , who have ( as we know of ) no Notions at all of a God , or a Moral Good or Evil ; as Travellers report of those Negroes , who inhabit near the Bay of Soldania , not far from the Cape of Good-Hope ; who also fell their Children for Slaves , to those that will give most for them : As also others in the West and East-Indies ; that make War upon , and devour all Strangers they can take Prisoners Others , as in the Isle of Formosa , rendring abortive all Children that the Mothers conceive , before they are thirty years old . Others in the West-Indies , and in Africa , stealing from Strangers whatsoever they can lay their hands on . It were tedious to relate all the particular Instances of this kind . Whosoever desires to see more of them . may consult the Learned Author of the above-mentioned Essay of Human Understanding , Book the I. Chap. III. § . 9. besides what he may himself collect from his own reading , or observation . So that it may be urged , that if these People are part of Mankind , and therefore Rational Creatures , how it comes to pass that they should not be able , as well as we , to come to the knowledge of a God , and of those Natural Laws , which we suppose to be given to Mankind ? § . 11. To all which I shall reply , not by denying , as some do , the matters of Fact themselves , which is an easy , but too positive a way of confutation ; but shall take them at present for granted , since they are delivered to us by many Authors of sufficient credit . And therefore , first of all , I think I may safely affirm , That tho' these Instances may be of considerable weight , against those who found all our Knowledge of the Laws of Nature upon certain Innate Principles , or the common consent of Mankind : Yet they will prove nothing against us , who have , I hope , made out the certainty and obligation of this Law , from more evident Principles : So that the contrary belief or practice of divers Nations in the World , is no more an Argument against the Being of a God , or of the Laws of Nature , than their ignorance in Arithmetick and Geometry , is against the certainty or usefulness of those Sciences ; these people , being most of them not able to reckon beyond their ten Fingers . Now setting aside Innate Ideas , and Consent of Nations , as proofs of the Laws of Nature ; what other means do there remain ; but the uncertain Tradition of a God , and these Moral Laws from their Parents , or Ancestors ; or else to discover them by Reason , and taking observation from the Nature of things , according to the method here laid down . The former of these ( if they had ever any such thing ) it is certain that they have now quite lost so that no Footsteps of it now remains among them . And as for the latter , these ignorant and barbarous Nations , being wholly taken up , through the whole course of their lives , either in procuring for themselves the common necessaries for life , or else in brutish and sensual Lusts and Pleasures ; it is no wonder that they give themselves no time or opportunity to think of these things , nor yet employ their thoughts , in considering the cause of their Being , or for what end they came into the World. So that it is not strange that they should be so little sensible of the Being of a God , and what Worship or Duties he requires of them : Nor can I give a better account of this ignorance , than what you may find in the Author last mentioned , who thus concludes his Paragraph against the necessity of Innate Principles ( already cited in the beginning of this Chapter . ) Had you or I been born ( says he ) at the Bay of Soldania , possibly our Thoughts and Notions had not exceeded these brutish ones of the Hoteutots that inhabit there : And had the Virginian King , Apochancana , been educated in England , he had perhaps , been as knowing a Divine , and as good a Mathematician as any in it . The difference between him , and a more improved English-man , lying barely in this , That the exercise of his Faculties was bounded within the Ways , Modes and Notions of his own Countrey , and was never directed to any other , or farther Enquiries : And if he had not any Idea of a God , as we have , it was only because he pursued not those Thoughts that would certainly have led him to it . § . 12. Which account , tho' it were sufficient alone to take off this difficulty , yet I shall farther add ; That altho it is true the Existence of a God , and the Laws of Nature are to be discovered by Natural Reason ; yet this must be exerted , and made use of according to a right Method , and is like the Talent in the Gospel , either to be infinitely increased , or else may be buried , without ever being made use of as it ought . So that mens not making use of their Reason , and those Faculties which God hath given them , is no more an Argument against God 's not having given men sufficient Means and Faculties to attain to the knowledge of these things , than if a man , who by perpetual sitting still , should have lost the use of his Legs , had reason to find fault with God , for not giving him sufficient means of going , and helping himself . So that it seems evident to me , that it is left in most mens power , whether they will by a due use of their Reason , raise themselves to the highest perfection and happiness that thei human nature is capable of ; or else by employing their minds about meer sensual objects and carnal enjoyments , debase themselves into the state of Brutes : For I am satisfied , that it is not reasoning about common and outward things , that constitutes the only difference between us and them ; since they reason right about those things that are the objects of their Senses ; but that it rather consists in the more excellent Faculties of framing Universal Ideas , and by a due enquiry into the causes and nature of things , of coming to the knowledge of God , and of his Will , either naturally declared , according to the method here laid down ; or else supernaturally revealed in the Holy Scripture . And indeed , I think , a Dog or a Horse , to be a much better Creature than a Man , who hath never had , or else hath totally extinguished the belief of a God , and of his Duty towards him ; for the one lives according to its nature , and those Faculties God hath given it : But a Man , who wants the knowledge of God , and of his duty towards him , by neglecting the chief end of his Creation , and by giving himself wholly up to the government of his Passions , and unreasonable Appetites , debases his nature , and so becomes , by his own fault , like a Brute . § . 13. The last Objection that I can think of , and which may be also made by Mr. Hobs's Disciples , is ; That they look upon this endeavour of the Common Good of Mankind , as a meer Platonick Idea , or Term of Art , without any reality in nature to support it . Of which opinion Mr. Hobs seems to be , when he tells us , in his Leviath . Book I. chap. 4. That of Names , some are proper and singular to ore only thing , as Peter , John , This Man , this Tree ; and some are common to many things , as Man , Horse , Tree , every of which , though but one name , is nevertheless the name of divers particular things , in respect of all which together it is called an universal , there being nothing in the World universal , but Names . For the things named are every one of them individual and singular . So that on these Principles we can have no knowledge of any common good out of a Commonwealth , where it arises merely from Compacts ; every man being naturally determined to seek his own particular preservation and satisfaction , without the least consideration of any thing else . § . 14. In answer to which Objection , I desire you to take notice , That if in our Description of the Law of Nature , or Explication of it , we had any where supposed , that in this endeavour of the common Good , a Man either could , or ought to neglect his own preservation , and true happiness , there might have been some reason for this Objection ; But since I have proved , that the true good and happiness of every particular person is included in the Common Good of Rationals , and depends inseparably upon it ; though I grant every man 's own happiness and misery is a main motive of his acting to this end , and also consists in a right endeavour of it ; which if it be so , this part of the Objection falls of it self , unless they will affirm , That a Man's self-preservation and happiness only consists in the present satisfaction of his own sensual Appetites and Passions , let what will be the consequence ; which how false and unreasonable a thing it is , any rational Man may judge . 2dly , We have also sufficiently made out , that there is an unalterable Common Good and Evil established by God in the nature of things , necessary for the preservation , or tending to the destruction , not only of this , or that particular man , but for all the men in the World , conceived under the collective Idea of Mankind , and that in the state of Nature , and out of a Civil State or Common-wealth : Since by comparing our own particular Natures with those of all other men , and finding them to agree in the same Wants , general Properties , and desires of like things necessary for life , and an aversion to others destructive to it , we can thereby certainly determine what Things or Actions will conduce not only to our own happiness and preservation , but to all others of our own Kind . From whence there arises a clear Idea of the Common Good of Mankind , since ( as I have already proved ) one peculiar Faculty of human Nature different from that of Beasts , is , to abstract universal Ideas from particular things , and then to give general Names to those Ideas , which though they are but Creatures of our own understanding , and not existing out of our own Brains ; yet are for all that true Ideas of the general Natures of those things from whence they are taken ; and as for the general Names of them , if there were not real notions in our minds , agreeable to the nature of those things from whence they were taken , and that before any Names imposed upon them , they would indeed be non-sense , or meer empty Sounds , without any Ideas to support them : But the before-cited Author of the Essay of Humane Vnderstanding , Book II. Chap. 24. grants , That the Mind hath a power to make complex , collective Ideas of Substances , which he so calls , because such Ideas are made up of many particular Substances , considered together as united into one Idea , and which so joined , are looked on as one ; v. g. the Idea of such a collection of men as make an Army , though consisting of a great number of distinct Substances , is as much one Idea as the Idea of a Man. And the great collective Idea of all Bodies whatsoever , signified by the name World , is as much one Idea , as the Idea of any the least particle of matter in it ; it sufficing to the unity of any Idea , that it be considered as one Representation , or Picture , tho made up of never so many particulars . And he likewise farther grants , That it is not harder to conceive how an Army of Ten thousand men should make one Idea , than how a Man should make one Idea ; it being as easie to the mind to unite into one the Idea of a great number of men , to consider it as one , as it is to unite into one particular all the distinct Ideas that make up the composition of a Man , and consider them altogether as one . Therefore I can see no reason , why any man by considering the nature of all the Men in the World , may not only have a true Idea of all Mankind , but also of the things or means that may produce their common good , or happiness , as well as a General of an Army of 100000 men can have a true Idea of that collective Body of Men , and order all things necessary for their common safety and preservation ; And if Mr. Hobs's Assertion be true , That there is nothing universal but Names , his beloved Sciences of Arithmetick and Geometry would also be false and uncertain ; since they only considering Numbers , Lines and Figures in general , and collecting universal Ideas from thence , do raise true Rules or Axioms in those Sciences from those universal Ideas , though there be nothing really existing in Nature out of our own Brains , but Units and single bodies . And therefore Mr. H. is mistaken , when he will have nothing to have any real Existence in nature but single things , as if our abstract Idea's of Universals were Nothing , because they are not Bodies : But if these general Idea's are true , as agreeing with the things from whence they are taken , it will also follow , that they have a real existence , and consequently may have Names given them , whereby to signifie and represent them to our own minds , and those of others we converse with . So that whatsoever we find to contribute to the Preservation , Happiness and Perfection of all the men we know , or have heard of , we may as certainly conclude to be naturally good for all Mankind , and so a much greater good than that of any one particular Person ; which Mr. H. himself acknowledges in his Treatise De homine , Chap. 11. § . 14. where treating of the Degrees of Good , which of them are greater or less he plainly declares , that to be a greater good ( coeteris paribus ) which is so to more men , than that which is so to fewer . So that if the Rational and free use of a man's Will consists in its consent with that true judgment the Understanding makes , concerning those things that agree in one Common Nature ; and if we can thereby truly judge or determine what things are necessary , or beneficial for the Natures of all other men , as well as our own ; I see no reason why we may not desire , that they should also enjoy the like good things with our selves , and likewise endeavour ( as far as lies in our power ) to procure it for them ; since it is also a Duty imposed upon us by God ; and that we lie under sufficient obligations to do it , we have already proved . In short , This Common Good of Rationals , being thus made known to us , may very well be proposed as the end of all our Moral Actions , and being the greatest we can desire or imagine , the Understanding judging aright , cannot but determine , that this Knowledge and Desire will more conduce to the Happiness and Perfection of our Human Nature , than that of any lesser Good : So that if this be greater than any other Good we can come to the knowledge of , it will likewise prove to be the greatest and noblest end men can propose to themselves . And Mr. H. himself is also sometimes sensible of this Common Good , when in the 31 Chap. of his Leviathan , in the last Page , he hath made in his Latin Translation , this Addition . That he doth not despair that this Doctrine of his being become more acceptable by custom , will at length be received bono publico , for the Common Good. So that it seems he presages his Doctrine will come one day to be beneficial not only to one particular State , or Commonwealth , but for the Common Good of all men , who are with him yet in the State of Nature : And if Mr. H. hath so perfect a Notion of the Common Good of all Nations , I think there will be no great difference but in Words , between that and the Common Good which we maintain . § . 15. But to come to a conclusion ; I hope , notwithstanding all that hath been objected to the contrary , it hath been sufficiently made out , that not only all the Moral Virtues are contained in , and may be reduced to this one Principle , Of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings ; But that likewise all the Laws of Nature , ( which are but the Exercise or Practice of these particular Vertues upon their due Objects , may be also reduced into this single Proposition ; since they all of them respect either a man's Duty towards God , by a dué worship of him , or else towards himself , in the exercise of Temperance , &c. or else by the due observation of Justice and Charity , or the most diffusive Benevolence towards others of our own Kind ; according to the Order we have already laid down in the former Chapter . All which is but our endeavouring to procure ( as far as we are able ) this Common Good of Rational Agents . 'T is true Mr. H. in his Lev. Chap. 13. contracts all the Laws of Nature into this short and easy Rule which he says is intelligible even by the meanest capacities ( viz. ) Do not that to another , thou wouldest not have done to thy self . Which Rule , tho' very true , and the same in effect , which was given by our Blessed Saviour himself ; yet without the consideration of the Common Good of Mankind , would too often fail . For if this Rule were strictly and literally to be understood , no Prince , Judge , or other Magistrate , could condemn a Malefactor to death ; for in so doing , he did that to another , which he would not have done to himself , in the like State : Since he himself , as well as the Criminal he condemns , would then desire to be pardoned if he could . But indeed the reason why all Judges , and other inferior Officers of Justice , are excused from the observation of this Rule , in their publick Capacities , is , Because they do not then act as private persons , but as publick Representatives , or Trustees , with whom the Common Good and Peace of the whole Kingdom or Commonwealth is intrusted ; which ( as I have already shewn ) makes but a small part of the Common Good of all Rational Agents . § . 16. There are likewise others who reduce the Laws of Nature into this single Rule or Precept , Preserve or do good to thy self , and any other innocent persons as to thy self : Which tho' I grant to be a true Rule , as containing our Saviour's Epitome of the Commandments of the Second Table , Love thy Neighbour as thy self : Yet doth it not express the Reason or Principle on which it is founded ; for we have no reason to love our Neighbour , but as they partake of the same Common Rational Nature with our selves ; and that our doing them good , doth conduce to the preservation and happiness of the whole Body of Mankind ; of which that person , as well as our selves , are but small parts , or Members : Nor have we any particular obligation to endeavour our own particular Good , but as it conduces to , and is part of the Common Good of Mankind . § . 17. And as the whole Law of Nature , so likewise the Revealed Law , given from God by Moses to the Iews , and intended in due time to be made known to all Mankind ; tends to no other end , than this great Law of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Agents . For all the Precepts of the First Table of the Decalogue , which prescribe our Duty towards God , and which our Saviour hath so excellently well contracted into this single Precept , Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart , and with all thy soul , and with all thy strength , &c. contain nothing more than this great Rule . For as God , before he thought fit to create the World , and whilst there was yet no Creature to worship or serve him , was not then less happy or perfect ; so neither now he hath created them is he the happier , if we worship him , or the more unhappy , if we omit it . For man being created as an Object for the Divine Goodness to exert it self upon , it must necessarily follow , that all the Precepts of the First Table , as well as of the Second , are in some sort intended for Man's Good and Happiness , as well as God's Honour and Service . So that even that Great Commandment of keeping holy the Seventh day , which most chiefly respects God's own Glory and Service , did also promote the Good and Happiness not only of the Iews , God's particular Subjects , but also of all Mankind , whensoever this Law should be discovered to them . So that tho' it commands the dedicating of that day to the Worship and Service of God , and is observed in obedience to his Commands ; Yet even in this , he does not design his own Glory and Honour alone ; ( nay , according to Saint Austin , Our Good only ) but also our Good and Happiness ; which is then most perfect and compleat , when we bestow our time in the contemplation of his Infinite Perfections and Goodness towards us , and in rendring him thanks for his unspeakable Benefits . So that though I grant he hath made and ordained us for his Service ; yet he hath so constituted our Nature , as to make our highest happiness inseparably connected with all the particular Acts of his Worship . And therefore our Saviour reproves the Iews , when they found fault with him , for suffering his Disciples to pluck the Ears of Corn on the Sabbath day , expresly telling them , That if they h●d known what this means , I will have mercy , and not sacrifice , they would not have condemned the guiltless ; for the Son of Man [ i. e. not Christ alone , but every Christian ] is Lord even of the Sabbath-day : And in St. Mark , That the Sabbath was made for man , and not man for the Sabbath . Thereby teaching us , that the Sabbath it self was also instituted for Man's sake ; and that in cases of necessity , he is Master of it . And so likewise our Saviour himself , by chusing to do his greatest Miracles of healing on the Sabbath-day , hath taught us , that the performance of acts of Charity and Mercy on that Day , is a great and necessary part of God's Service . § . 18. But as for the Precepts of the Second Table , I need not insist upon them ; because our Saviour himself hath contracted them all , ( even that of honouring our Parents ) into this short Precept , Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self : Which is no more than to bid us endeavour the common good of Mankind , to the utmost of our power . So that as this Law of the most diffusive Benevolence of Rational Agents , contains the Sum of all the Laws of Nature , as also of the Moral Law , contained in the Ten Commandments ; so likewise is it the Sum of the whole Gospel delivered by our Saviour Christ , and his Apostles . For as one great design of our Saviour's coming into the World , was by his most excellent Precepts and Examples , to exalt the Law of Nature to a higher perfection , than what Men , by the common use of Reason , could generally attain to ; so likewise was it one of the main designs of his coming , to restore the Law of Moses to its Primitive Purity and Perfection ; and to free it from those false Interpretations and Traditions , with which the Pharisees had corrupted it . For whereas they had confined the observation of that Command of loving our Neighbours , only to outward Acts , or at least , restrained it only to those of their own Nation or Religion ; our Saviour Christ commands a greater perfection , and forbids even so much as the thoughts or desires of Murder , Adultery , &c. And whereas the Iews did suppose , that they were not obliged to shew Acts of Charity or Mercy , to those of a different Religion from themselves , our Saviour teacheth them by that excellent Parable of the Traveller that fell amongst Thieves , and was taken up and cured by the merciful Samaritan , when the ill-natured Priest and Levite had passed him by , saying to the Lawyer who had ask'd , Who is my Neighbour , Go thy ways , and do thou likewise . By which he plainly intimates ; That we ought to do all Acts of Charity and Benevolence , to all persons that stand in need of them , let their Nation or Religion be never so different from our own . So that whosoever will but seriously consider the great end of our Saviour Christ's coming into the World , and also the whole scope and design of his Doctrine ; will find , that it was only to procure , as well by his Example as Precepts , the good and happiness of all Mankind . For to what end else did he take upon him the Form of a Servant , and endured a poor and miserable life , with an ignominious Death , but to procure everlasting happiness for all those that should truly believe in him ? Or to what other end were all those excellent Precepts , so often given by Christ and his Apostles , of loving one another ? And therefore St. Paul tells the Romans , Chap. 13. v. 8. that he that loveth another , hath fulfilled the Law : And more fully in the last Chapter to the Galatians , v. 14. For the Law is fulfilled in this one word , even in this , Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy self . And in his First Epistle to the Corinthians , Cap. 13. he is very large and particular in setting forth the necessity , and exalting the excellency of Charity , above all the other Spiritual Graces ; without which , he tells them , If he had Faith so as to remove Mountains ; yet , if he had not Charity , he were nothing . Now what is this Charity , but an unfeigned love and good-will to all Mankind ? Ch. 2.17 . And St. Iames tells us , That Faith without Works is dead , being alone . And St. Iohn in his First Epistle , makes the love of our Brethren , ( that is of all men ) the great sign and demonstration of our love to God , when he tells them , that if a man says , I love God , and hateth his Brother , he is a lyar ; for he that loveth not his Brother , whom he hath seen , how can he love God , whom he hath not seen . And this Commandment we have from him , That he who loveth God , love his Brother also . So that whoever will but consider what hath here been said , cannot but acknowledge , that this excellent Doctrine of the Gospel , concerning the most intense love towards God , and the most diffusive Charity towards Men , doth not only far exceed all the Precepts of Philosophers , but also the Revealed Law of Moses it self . Now what can be the design of all these excellent Precepts ? but by all the Commands and Perswasions imaginable , and by all the Promises of the most glorious Rewards and Threatnings of the most terrible and lasting Punishments , to advance the Glory of God , and to procure the Welfare and Happiness of the whole Race of Mankind . § . 19. To conclude ; Though I suppose the Law of Nature , if duly observed , where it hath pleased God to give men no other knowledge or discovery of his Will , may yet give them a rational share of happiness , not only in this Life , but in that to come ; yet I hope no indifferent or rational Man , but upon due consideration of the lapsed and depraved state of Humane Nature , and how prone it is to be carried away by exorbitant Lusts and Passions , contrary to the Dictates of right Reason , and his own Conscience , but must also acknowledge , that it was a great demonstration of God's Goodness and Mercy , to give us the most Glorious Light of his Gospel ; and to send his Blessed Son , not only to instruct us , but also to die for us . Which great Mystery , that in God's due time , and according to his Promise , may be speedily revealed to all Mankind , we ought daily to make it our hearty Prayers to his Divine Majesty , That every Heart may know , and every Tongue confess , That Iesus is both Lord and Christ ; who hath brought Life and Immortality to light , through the Gospel . The End of the First Part. THE HEADS OF THE SECOND PART . BEING A Confutation of Mr. H's Principles . THE Introduction Containing the Reasons why we have put these Answers to Mr. H's Principles into this Method . Sect. 1. The Heads of the First Principle . That Man is not a Creature born apt for Society . His Reasons for it ; That a Man is not a Sociable Creature by Nature , but Accident ; for otherwise we should love all men alike . All Society proceeds from Self-interest ; this resolved into mutual Fear , or else desire of Glory and Dominion over others . Sect. 2. 1. Answer , That these words , born unapt for Society , are equivocal ; since who doth not know how unapt Children and Fools are to understand the force of Compacts . Mr. H. takes his whole measure of Humane Nature from those Passions that precede the use of Reason and Experience , which are also natural , as he himself confesses in another place . Sect. 3. That is natural which every man , when of years of Discretion , either doth , or may attain to . Sect. 4. Answer to his 2d Argument concerning Interest ; Society , though desired for a man 's own good , or Interest , doth not make it for all that less natural . Sect. 5. Answer to his Argument from Fear ; not the cause of Natural , but of Civil Society , which we are not now treating of . Sect. 6. Answer to his Instances from the Company he had kept ; which being some witty , ill-natured men , no standard can be taken from thence of the nature of all men . Sect. 7. Answer to his Argument concerning Dominion : No Man able by his own single Power to force all the rest of Mankind to submit to his Will. Sect. 8. Mr. H. himself doth not deny , but that men cannot subsist or live without Society , though to evade this , he consounds Natural with Civil Society ; the absurdity of which is exposed by shewing it to be besides the Question . Sect. 9. The Heads of the Second Principle . That all men are by nature equal . His Argument proved from Mens mutual will and power of hurting each other ; and chiefly from the power which all men , even the most weak , have of taking away each others lives . Sect. 1. Answer . This equality , though granted , doth not prove that all men are by nature equal as to all things . Sect. 2. The Heads of the Third Principle . That there is a mutual will or desire in all men of hurting each other . His Argument proposed , That tho some men according to a natural Equality will allow to other men the same things as to themselves ; yet that the major part of men are not so modest , but will arrogate to themselves honour above others , or else will assault other mens Goods , or Persons , out of a false esteem of their own Power ; from thence arises a necessity of others defending their Persons and Goods against them . This proved also from the great Contention arising among men from strife of wit ; And lastly from many desiring the same thing at once . Sect. 1. Answer . None but Fools and wicked Men can have a desire to hurt those that have done them no injury ; so that this does not reach all men , nor yet that even these have a will to hurt all men alike , but only those that stand in their way , or whose Goods they desire . Self-defence argues no desire of hurting others . Sect. 2. Answer to his 2d Argument , from mens contention of wit ; difference of Opinion , no real ground of mens destroying each other . Sect. 3. Answer to his Argument , from mens desire to think well of themselves , and to contemn others ; viz. That this Observation doth not reach all men , but only those foolish and unreasonable men he describes . Sect. 4. Answer to his Argument , from many men desiring the same thing at once . This , tho true , among Brutes and wicked , and unreasonable Men , yet doth not reach all Mankind , since Reason dictates the contrary ; God hath bestowed enough of the necessaries of life among Mankind in the state of Nature , so that they need not fight for them . Sect. 5. Heads of the Fourth Principle . That Nature hath given to all men a right to all things . Mr. H's Argument proposed , That all men having a Right to preserve themselves , have also a Right to judge of the means of their own preservation ; therefore whatever they think conduces thereunto , they have a Right to , let it be what it will ; Profit being here the only measure of Right . Sect. 1. Answer . Mr. H's Argument reduced into a Syllogisme , shews , That all men have not a right to all things , but only so many of them as they shall think necessary for their own preservation : Yet even here that mens false Judgment concerning the means , cannot give them a right to all things whatever , tho judging never so unreasonably . Sect. 2. Farther proved from Mr. H's own Definition of right Reason ; Right never used properly , but with respect to some Law acknowledged by Mr. H. himself , in his Treatise De Cive . Mr. H's Errors and Contradictions of himself about the use of the word Right Reason . Sect. 3. Not true , that in a Commonwealth the publick Reason , or Law thereof , is always to be taken for Right , or that no man can distinguish true Reason from false , but by comparing it with his own . Mr. H's Argument reduced into a Syllogism ; whereby it appears , That the major is false . Mens false Judgments , or Reasons , cannot alter the nature of things , nor can give them a right to all things . Sect. 4. Mr. H's Error in this matter ; whence it proceeds . Sect. 5. No Rule of deciding any doubt , or difference in the state of Nature , but the nature of things , or consent of the Parties concerned . Sect. 6. Humane Nature will ever acknowledge a difference between Right and False Reason , and that according to Mr. H's own definition of it . Sect. 7. But to evade this Difficulty , M. H. supposes all men to be necessarily evil , or to be so by Nature . The Argument of the Author of Tractatus Theologico politicus , to the same effect ; That whatever Action , though never so wicked or unreasonable any man doth , he hath a right to do it , because he could act no otherwise at that time . Sect. 8. Those Arguments refuted : Necessity never called a Right , that word being never used , but with respect to Men capable of Reason , and Deliberation ; Men of sound Minds , and mature Age , can never plead Ignorance , nor be excused if they voluntarily give themselves up to be governed wholly by their own Appetites and Passions . Sect. 9 , 10. Mr. H's Excuse ; That in the state of Nature , and where there is no Legislator , Mens Passions are no sins . Answered , Since there is no State either Natural , or Civil , wherein God ceases to be a Legislator , or that the Laws of Nature are not properly Laws . Sect. 10. Mr. H's Artifice in taking away all Freedom from Mankind , and making all Actions necessary , whereby he destroys all the grounds of Moral Good and Evil ; his contradicting himself , when he acknowledges this Right of all men to all things to be unprofitable , since himself before makes Utility to be the measure of all Right . The Heads of the Fifth Principle . That in the state of Nature , whatsoever any one doth to another is no injury . Mr. H's Arguments for this ; That in the state of Nature there are no Laws ; where there is no Law , there is no Injustice ; where there is no Injustice , there is no Injury ; Iustice and Injustice , no Faculties either of the Body , or Mind ; for Injustice supposes some Propriety or Dominion , which cannot be supposed in this State. The same Opinion held by Epicurus long ago , Sect. 1. Answer . The Dictates of Right Reason , or the Laws of Nature , are the Laws of God , and therefore give every man a right to his Life , and all means necessary thereunto . So that whatever a man enjoys by the Right of Nature , it must be Injury and Injustice to take it away . And Mr. H. himself agrees , that to be injurious , which is repugnant to Right Reason ; that is , to any known Truth , that may be collected from thence . He likewise acknowledges the Dictates of Right Reason to be the Laws of Nature , and therefore must confer a right to every man to their Lives , and all the Necessaries thereof . Sect. 2. Yet Mr. H. when he is hard prest , cannot deny , but that there may be injury done to another , in the state of Nature ; as when a Son kills his Father , but hath this Subterfuge , that a Son cannot be understood in the State of Nature to his Father . This Opinion confuted : That every man owes the like gratitude to any other who should maintain and educate him , as to his Father ; and it would be as much injury to hurt the one , as the other . Sect. 3. This Argument in his Lev. false and precacarious . For if God , in the State of Nature , is truly a Legislator , then the Laws of Nature are truly Laws ; but this is already proved . Sect. 4. The Heads of the Sixth Principle . That nothing is Good or Evil in the State of Nature . Mr. H's Reason for it : That every Man in the State of Nature , makes his own Iudgment or Appetite the Rule of Good and Evil ; which are ever understood with respect to the Party that uses them ; and that in the State of Nature , is either every man 's own self ; or in a Civil , of the Persons that represent the Commonwealth . Sect. 1. This he explains Physically in his Human Nature , from the different Motions which those Objects produce in the Brain , proceeding from mens different Temperaments . Sect. 2. Answer . Mr. H's uncertainty and looseness in his Notions of Good or Evil observed . Sect. 3. That notwithstanding the variety of Tempers or Humours , or the different Genius of particular Nations in some Customs , &c. yet they for the most part agree in certain Notions necessary for the Common Good and Preservation ; and consequently that of all Mankind . Sect. 4. A more certain Account of Good and Evil , as well Natural as Moral , than what Mr. H. hath given us . Sect. 5. Mr. H. notwithstanding all he hath said to the contrary , acknowledges a Common Good in the state of Nature . Sect. 6. The difference between a Natural and a Moral Good , and wherein it consists . The confounding of these , the great cause of Mr. H's . Errours in this Matter . Sect. 7. Mr. H. sometimes blames this narrow Humour in some men , that desire nothing but their own private advantage ; and likewise confesses that that is a greater good which benefits more persons , than what doth good but to a few . Sect. 8. That notwithstanding all what Mr. H. hath said to the contrary , all rational and good men must acknowledge , that to be good , which tends to the happiness and preservation of Mankind , and which likewise may any ways contribute to effect it : That if we do not make the Common Good of Rational Agents , the End of all our Actions ; all our Notions about Moral , as well as Natural Good , will be various and uncertain . Sect. 9. The Heads of the Seventh Principle . That the State of Nature is a State of War. That all Mr. H's precedent Principles , tend only to prove this darling one : If therefore , those are well answered , this Principle must fall . His New Reasons in his Leviathan proposed : He deduces this state of War from Three Causes in the Nature of Man. 1st , Competition . 2dly , Diffidence . 3ly , Glory . Each of which do in their turns make men fall together by the ears . A state of War , not only that of actual fighting , but all that time wherein mens Inclination to it may be certainly known ; illustrated by a Simile of rainy Weather . Sect. 1. Answer to this Argument : 'T is first observed , that Mr. H. differs in his manner of proving the necessity of this state of War ; differs in his Leviathan , from that in his De Cive : Since he here only supposes such a War to be lawful , without any other proof . Sect. 2. 2 d. Observation , That this Author in his Argument here proposed , doth still take the Natural state of Man only from his Passions , without any consideration of Reason or Experience ; which is contrary to what he had before laid down , when he made Experience any of the Faculties of the Mind . Yet that none of these Passions do necessarily and uninevitably hurry men into a State of War. Sect. 3. That none of these Persons , if governed by Reason , ought to incite men to War ; and that Reason can never perswade men to fall together by the ears , out of Competition . Sect. 4. That Diffidence of others , can never , if duly considered , be any Motive to make War with all men ; since such a War is not only destructive in its own nature , but also impracticable . Sect. 5. Mr. H. appeals to experience of what men do for their own security , answered ; as also his Simile from the Weather . Sect. 6 He himself grants that there was never actually throughout the World , such a state of War , as he describes . His instances from the Savage People of America make rather against , than for him ; proved by Authorities of Travellers . Sect. 7. His Instance from the practice of Sovereign Powers , proved to be of no force . Sect. 8. Answer to his Argument from the Passion of Glory , which doth not inevitably hurry men to War , since it is more often mastered by other greater Passions ; as Fear of Death , Desire of things necessary , &c. Observation ; That the same Passions which excite men to War , do also , with him , at other times perswade them to Peace ; and that those Passions are really the more strong , that do so . Sect 9. Mr. H's Argument from certain Peculiarities in Humane Nature ; why men cannot live as sociably with each other as Brutes ? The 1st . Competition for Honours , &c. Answer , No Argument to be drawn from this , in the state of Nature . Sect. 10. His 2d Reason answered ; That the Common Good , among Brutes , differs not from the Private , as it does among Men. Sect 11. Answer to his 3d. Instance ; That Creatures not having the use of Reason , do not find fault with the Administration of the Commonwealth ; That this can be no Argument in the state of Nature , before Common-wealths are instituted , &c. Sect. 12. Answer to his 4th Reason ; That Brutes have not the use of Speech , and so cannót make Good seem Evil , and Evil Good : Men not in a worse condition than Brutes , by reason of Speech , but rather in a better . Sect. 13. Answer to his 5th Reason ; That Brutes do not distinguish between Injury and Damage , whereas it is otherwise in men . Sect. 14. Answer to his last Reason ; That the agreement of Brutes is natural ; but in Men artificial . Sect. 15. So much granted Mr. H. That men are tormented with divers Passions , which Beasts are not : And so on the other side , men are endued with other Passions , which move them more strongly to Concord . Sect. 16. A farther Consideration of the absurdity and Inconsistency of this Hypothesis , of a Natural state of War. Sect. 17. The Heads of the Eighth Principle . That mutual Compacts of Fidelity are void in the state of Nature ; but not so in a Common-wealth . His Reason for it : Because where Covenants are made upon a mutual trust of future Performances , either Party may chuse whether he will perform , or not ; because he is not sure that the other will perform his Part also : And of this he is the sole judge : But that it is otherwise in a Civil State , where there is a Common Power to compel either of them that refuse . Sect. 1. The reason apparent why he supposes Civil Sovereigns always in a state of War. Sect. 2. Upon these Principles it is altogether in vain for Princes or States , to make any Leagues or Treaties of Peace with each other . This Notion gives them also a Right of putting to death , or making Slaves of Embassadors , and all others that come into their Dominions . Sect. 3. That upon this Principle of Mr. H's . if Compacts do not bind in the state of Nature ; neither will they be of any force in a Civil State , if either all , or the major part of the Contractors , should have all at once a mind to break them ; upon pretence , that either others do not perform their Parts , or that they fear they will not do it . Sect. 4. Mr. H. far exceeds his Master Epicurus in this Evil Principle . Sect. 5. The Heads of the Ninth Principle . The Law of Nature is not truly a Law , unless as it is delivered in the Holy Scripture . His Reasons for it : That though they are Dictates of Reason , yet that for want of a Legislator , and of sufficient security for those that shall observe them ; they are not Laws , but as delivered in Scripture . Sect. 1. That it hath been already proved , that this Law of endeavouring the Common Good , is the sum of all the Laws of Nature , and that proceeding from God , and established by sufficient Rewards and Punishments ; it hath all the Conditions required to a Law. That the defect of other Writers , in not taking the like Method , hath been the cause of Mr. H's ▪ and others falling into this Error . This Law not being given in any S●t form of Words , no Objection against its certainty , or plainness . Sect. 2. This Law of Nature being to be collected from our own Natures , and that of things , is capable of being known even by persons born deaf and dumb . Mr. H. acknowledges ▪ these Laws to be properly so , as proceeding from God. His allowing that those Laws oblige only to a desire or endeavour of the Mind , that they should be observed , a meer Evasion . Answer to his Objection , of the want of Rewards and Punishments , he himself having obviated this , by confessing in his Lev. that they are established by natural Rewards and Punishments : If the Law of Nature is not properly a Law , then there are no natural Rights properly so call'd . Sect. 3. Answer to his main Reason ; That we are not obliged to external Acts , for want of sufficient security ; That if this were a sufficient Objection ; then neither Civil Laws would oblige . Divine Punishments , as certain as Humane . Sect. 4. That mens greatest Security consists in a strict observation of all the Laws of Nature ▪ Mr. H. in some places acknowledges , That if we do not observe the Laws of Nature , we shall fall into other Evils , besides those that proceed from the violence of Men. Sect. 5. Two Reasons proposed ; shewing the falseness of this Argument of Mr. H. The one , the Declaration of all Civil Sovereigns concerning mens Innocency till accused ; The other from Mr. H's own Concession of a much greater Insecurity that will follow from their non-observation ; ( viz. ) a War of all men against all , which is the most miserable State of all others . Sect. 6 , 7. The Heads of the Tenth Principle . That the Laws of Nature are alterable at the will of the Civil Sovereign . That this is but a consequence of his former Principle , That nothing is good or evil in the state of Nature ; his Arguments for this Principle , Because it proceeds from Civil Laws , that every man should have distinct Rights to himself , as also should not invade those of others ; it follows that these Precepts , Thou shalt honour thy Parents ; Thou shalt not kill , &c. are Civil Laws , and that the Laws of Nature prescribe the same things , yet implicitely ; for the same Law commands all Compacts to be observed ; and that to yield obedience , when obedience is due , was covenanted at the Institution of the Commonwealth ; and therefore whatever Civil Sovereigns command concerning these things , must be obeyed , since they alone can appoint what shall be yours , or anothers , or what shall be Murther , Theft , &c. Sect. 1. Nothing written by Mr. H. more wickedly or loosely , nor wherein he more contradicts himself , than in this Principle . The main foundations of which are already destroyed . No Compacts made at the Institution of any Commonwealth , which can be of greater force than the Law of Nature . The dreadful Consequences that will follow from the contrary Principle ; Mr. H. allowing even Idolatry it self to be lawful , if commanded by the Supream Powers . That the Secondary Laws of Nature can never contradict , or alter those that are prior to them , as more conducing to the Common Good ; though Civil Laws may restrain , or enlarge several particular Instances . His Example of the Lacedemonian Boys answered . Sect. 2. A Concluding Instance in answer to this , from that Law of ours , against relieving wandring Beggars . Sect. 3. Uncertain , whether Mr. H. broached this dangerous Doctrine out of ignorance , or design of flattering Civil Sovereigns ; yet that by this he endeavours to destroy all Vertue and Goodness in Princes , and all obligation of Obedience in Subjects , whenever they are strong enough to rebel . Sect. 4. The Conclusion ; containing an Apology for the length of these Confutations . Sect. 5. The Second Part : Wherein the Moral Principles of Mr. Hobbs's De Cive & Leviathan , are fully Considered , and Confuted . INTRODUCTION . § . 1 THough perhaps it may not seem unnecessary , after so much as hath been said , to prove the certainty , and constant obligation of the Law of Nature , of endeavouring the Common Good of all Rational Bei●gs ; more particularly to confute the Principles of Epicurus , and his Follower Mr. H. it being a true Maxim in other Sciences , as well as Geometry , Rectum est Index sui , & obliqui : Yet since those Authors have not only poisoned the World with their pernicious Tenets , but have also endeavoured to support them with the specious appearances of Reason and Argument ; it may be expected , that we should say somewhat in answer to these Reasons and Arguments Mr. H. the Reviver of those Principles in this Age , hath brought in his Book De Cive & Leviathan , to maintain and support them . And therefore I have thought fit to add some Considerations , and Confutations of them , as far as they contradict the Principles we have here laid down ; and rather to put them here all together at the end , than in the Body of our Treatise of the Law of Nature ; since there they would not only have interrupted the Coherence of the Discourse it self , but would have also disturbed , and taken off the minds of the ordinary Readers ( for whom I chiefly intend it ) from a due consideration of the truth and connexion of the things therein contained . And therefore I have thought fit rather to cast them all together into a distinct part by themselves ; since if you are Master of that former Part of this Discourse , you will easily perceive , not only the Falshood and Absurdity of Mr. H's Principles , but that it was from his Ignorance , or Inconsideration of this great Principle of the Common Good of Rational Beings , that he first fell into those Errors , and made private Self-preservation not only the first motive ( which had been true enough ) but also the sole end of all Moral Actions , which is altogether false , and below the dignity , not only of a Philosopher , but a Man. I have therefore gone through all his Moral Principles in order ; and as for his Politick ones , if these are false , they will need no other Confutation ; and I have reduced them into certain Heads , or Propositions , and have truly given you this Sum of Arguments , that no man may find fault with me for misrepresenting his Opinions . PRINCIPLE I. Man is not a Creature born apt for Society . § . 1. MR. H. in his Philosophical Elements , or Treatise De Cive , Chap. 1. § . 2. lays down , and maintains this Principle , and gives certain specious Reasons for it ; which because they are somewhat tedious , and divers of them very trivial , I shall rather chuse to contract them , than be at the trouble of transcribing all that he hath loosely enough laid down for the maintenance of this Assertion ; referring you , if you doubt whether I rightly represent his meaning , to the Author himself in the place above-cited . He there in the first place supposes , that Man is not a Sociable Creature , because it could not be otherwise in Nature , but only by accident ; for if Man loved Man naturally , there could be no reason given why every one should not love every one alike , as being alike Man ; or why he should rather frequent those in whose Society Honour and Profit is conferred , rather on himself , than others . Therefore we do not by nature seek Companions , but to be either honoured , or profited by them . These in the first place ; but those in the second ; And this he thinks he hath sufficiently proved , by shewing us for what end men herd together , and what they do when they are met ; for if they come together for Commerce-sake , every one minds not his Companion 's , but his own Interest . If for Publick Affairs , there arises a certain Court-friendship , having more of mutual fear than love ; from whence often Faction , but never Good-will is produced . If for the sake of Mirth and Pleasure , every one is wont to please himself in those things which raise laughter ; from whence he may ( as it is the nature of what is ridiculous ) by the comparison of another's weakness or infirmity , become more acceptable to himself : And he there proceeds to shew from several Observations he had made in the Companies he had kept , That all men that converse together either for the sake , or the instruction of others , do only seek Company for their own profit , or glory , and not the good of others ; that is , for the love of himself , not of his Companions : And therefore since Man can never seek Civil Society , only out of a desire of glory ; and although the Profits and Conveniences of life may be encreased by mens mutual assistance , yet since that may be much better procured by a dominion over others , than by their Society , no body can doubt , but that men are more vehemently carried by their Nature , when fear is removed , to dominion , than Society ; therefore it is to be laid down for a Principle , That the original of all great and lasting Societies did not proceed from the mutual Benevolence of Men , but their mutual Fear ; And by Fear , as he tells us in the Annotation to this Paragraph , he doth not mean only to be frightned , but under that word Fear , he comprehends any prospect of a future Evil , as to distrust , suspect , beware , and to provide that they may not fear , to be also the part of those who are afraid . § . 2. Having given you the Author's Sense , and in great part his own words ; I shall now proceed to make some Observations upon them ; and in the first place must observe , That the main strength of his Arguments consists in the ill , or false use of these words , unapt for Society . For if he only understands by them , that Men are born actually unapt for Civil Society , because they are Infants , or else unexperienced of the Evils proceeding from the Wants thereof ; this is indeed a great discovery , and worthy a Philosopher , that Children , or People without experience , are not able to understand the meaning or force of Compacts ; or are unable immediately to enter into a Civil State. Nor is his Reason any better ; That though Infants and persons of full Age , though unexperienced , partake of Human Nature ; yet being thus unapt for Society , Man is not made fit for it by Nature , but Discipline . § . 3. From whence I observe , That he only takes the measure of Humane Nature , from those Passions which precede the use of Reason , Experience , and Discipline . And as they first and chiefly shew themselves in Children and Fools ; or persons unexperienced . Whereas , according to the Opinion of the best Philosophers , we suppose the truer nature of Man , ought rather to be taken from his utmost Perfection , viz. his Reason , or the power of deducing Effects from their Causes ; by which alone , he is distinguished from Brutes : And so the Will may incline us to those things , which Reason shall judge most fit and convenient for our Natures . And therefore Mr. H. doth very absurdly , to oppose Experience , and Discipline , to Nature ; since whatever men learn by either of these , they must still attain to it by the force of their Rational Natures , and those Faculties of Reason and Speech , which Brutes are not capable of : And therefore the nature of a Creature is best judged of from the utmost Perfection it attains to : As the Nature of a Plant is not to be taken from its first appearance , or as soon as ever it peeps out of the Earth , but from its utmost state of perfection , when it comes to bear Flowers , Seed , or Fruit. And even that Experience , to which Mr. H. attributes all our Reason , he himself grants to be a natural , and not acquired Power : See his Leviathan , Chap. 8. where treating of Intellectual Vertues , he hath these Words ; The Intellectual Vertues are of two sorts , Natural , and acquired . By Natural , I mean not that which a man hath from his Birth , for that is nothing else but sense , wherein men differ so little from one another , and from brute Beasts , as it is not to be reckoned amongst the Virtues . But I mean that Wit , which is gotten by use only , and experience , without method , culture , or Instruction . § . 4. To conclude this Head , I desire those Gentlemen of his Opinion , to take notice , That all Philosophers , and Writers of Politicks , as well as Mr. H. were not ignorant how unfit Infants , and Grown Persons , without experience , or labouring under any unruly Passion , were to enter into Leagues , or Compacts ; or to perform any of the Duties of a Civil Society : But yet for all that , they supposed man to be born for those ends ; which by the force of his Rational Nature , he may at last attain to , unless something preternatural ( such as are those disorderly Passions , or Diseases of the Mind ) intervene : And Iuvenal's Saying is as old as true ; Non aliud Natura , aliud Sapientia dictat . And sure it is a childish Inference , and favours more of Sophistry , than true Philosophy , to say , Men are born Infants , and therefore unapt for Civil Society . Since any Country Fellow could have taught him better , who thinks his Son born apt to be a Plough-man , or a Grasier , though he knows he will not be able to hold the Plough , until he is twelve or thirteen years of age ▪ Nor yet to understand Grazing , until he is able to ride and go to Market . § . 5. But let us now more particularly examine the Reasons this Author there gives us , why Man is a Creature naturally unapt for Society , which he will have to be only by accident ; Because if one man loved another naturally as man , there could be no reason why every man should not love every man alike ; or wherefore he should rather frequent those in whose company he is most likely to get Honour and Profit . Therefore we do not naturally seek Companions , i. e. for their own sakes ; but either to gain Honour or Prosit by them : These in the first place ; but those in the Second , &c. In answer to which , I grant indeed , that particular persons , when they joyn with others , in any Society or Company , do usually consider some peculiar end , either of Profit or Pleasure ; which may thence redound to themselves . Yet doth it not therefore follow that Man is not a Creature designed by God for Society ; or that he is not obliged by the Laws of Nature , or right Reason to be friendly and sociable even to those from whom no present advantage can be expected . For tho' it be granted , that men either from a peculiar agreement of dispositions , or that they suppose they can sooner obtain some particular end or advantage , in some mens Conversation than others ; and do therefore prefer such mens Company before others ; yet does not this prove , That man is not naturally a Sociable Creature : Since he himself grants , That men can neither live comfortably , nor be so much as bred up , or preserved , without the help and society of others . Therefore if he is determined to the end , viz. happiness , and self-preservation , he is likewise as necessarily determined to the means , ( viz. ) Society . And his inclination to this or that man's company more than others , is no more an Argument against our Natures requiring Society , than if I should argue ▪ That because I love Mutton better than Veal ▪ therefore it is not from my nature , but only by accident , that I am ordained to preserve my life by eating . And as for the instances which he gives , to let us see with what intent men meet together , from what men do when they are met . It is plain that Mr. H. here confounds that natural Society , which is absolutely necessary for man's preservation , with these particular Clubs or Companies , which men keep for their greater pleasure or advantage ▪ And though I have already granted , that some mens particular profit or pleasure may be promoted or increased , by frequenting some mens Companies , rather than others ; as suppose there be a greater agreement of Dispositions ; or that we have been more used to this or that man's Company by Education , or long acquaintance , &c. And though it be likewise granted , that a man does more frequent their Company , among whom he finds most honour and profit . Since every man may lawfully pursue his own pleasures and advantages ( if he knows rightly how to judge of it . ) Yet this doth not at all contradict man's sociable nature , provided the Common Bonds of Society be not broken and disturbed , by any mans more particular Interests or Inclinations ; and God has not so designed us to good for others , as that we should neglect all care of our selves ; but that this sociableness is therefore to be observed by mankind , that by a mutual communication of humane assistances , and other natural goods , between divers persons , we may more conveniently promote our own pleasure or advantage jointly with that of others ; Since a mutual love and benevolence , is to be observed among men , though not otherwise related to each other , than by the common relation of Humanity , and with whom we may preserve a sufficient concord , by doing them good , rather than hurt , whenever it lies in our power . And though a man , when he joyns himself with some particular Company , will in the first place consider his own pleasure or profit , before that of his Companions : Yet ought he not so to consult his private advantage , as that the good of the Civil Society , or of Mankind in general , be thereby prejudiced , by injuring any of its particular Members : And a man as well in Natural , as Moral and Civil Actions , may propose his own pleasure or profit , in the first place , though he may also intend some higher or nobler end of his thus acting . Thus a man who intends to marry , may lawfully propose to himself his own pleasure and satisfaction ; though the great end of Marriage , ( and which he may also chiefly intend ) be the propagation of Mankind . So likewise a Master or Tutor that instructs others , may lawfully propose to himself his own profit or advantage thereby ; though he may also ultimately intend the instruction of his Scholars , or Pupils ( that is , the Common Good of Mankind ) as the great end of his taking that Profession . So likewise in Civil Societies or Commonwealths , a man may propose to himself his own Security , Profit , or Honour , as a reason why he bestows his time and labour , or ventures his life in the service of the Publick : And yet he may farther propose to himself the love of his Countrey , or the good of the Common-wealth , as the great End of his Actions . § . 6. So that it is to little purpose , which Mr. H. alledges , That the original of the greatest and most lasting Societies , to wit , Commonwealths , did not proceed from mutual Good-will , but mutual Fear ; ( the Word Fear being used for any fore-sight , or precaution of a future Evil. ) For we are not here considering the original of Civil Societies , but of that natural sociableness among men , which we look upon as most necessary and agreeable to the nature of man ; though some particular men being also sensible how obnoxious they were to the Injuries of those who sought their own pleasure or profit , without any consideration of the interest or good of others , did , to prevent them , unite themselves together in that stricter League of Amity , called Civil Society . So that this Common Amity or Benevolence , cannot be omitted to be first supposed , even in the very constitution of Common wealths : Since those who founded them , must have been before united , either by some natural relation ; and a mutual confidence in , or benevolence towards each other ; although perhaps , others might afterwards , out of fear of their Power , or a liking of their Government , be compelled or allured , to joyn or associate themseves with them . § . 7. But as for those Instances Mr. H. gives us of those that seek Society only to censure the Lives and Actions of other men ; thereby to gain Glory to themselves , from the Follies or Infirmities of those they converse with ; Such sort of Conversation , consisting for the most part of some idle ill-natured men , who count themselves Wits , and have little else to do , but to speak ill of , and censure others , does not concern the major part of Mankind ; who needing each others Society , for more necessary occasions , have commonly other Business to discourse of , when they meet . § . 8. As for the rest of those things he says , That the Necessaries of life may be much better procured by dominion over , than by the Society of others , that is altogether false , and precarious ; since no man by his own single strength , and without the voluntary help or society of others , could ever yet subdue , and make Slaves of all other men he met with : And therefore if any man ever increased his natural power or advantage over others , it was not by vertue of his own sole power or strength , but by mens deference to his Valour , or Vertue , when they chose him for their Head , or Leader ; or else that they followed him , and obeyed his Commands as their Father , or Grandfather , out of reverence to his Wisdom , or Gratitude for his Benefits . § . 9. To conclude , He himself there objects , that men cannot grow up , or live contentedly without the society and assistance of others : And therefore cannot deny , but men desire the society of each other , their Nature compelling them thereunto . But to come off from this Objection , he will have nothing called Society , but Commonwealths ; which , says he , are not meer Meetings , but Leagues , for making of which Compacts are necessary . And therefore still argues , that Infants , and those that are unexperienced , are uncapable of them , &c. Upon which I shall only observe , That Mr. H. imposes upon himself , and others , by confounding that first , and most natural amity , and sociableness of Persons of one and the same Family , as of Husband and Wife , Parents and Children , &c. towards each other , with that artificial Society , which proceeding wholly from Compacts , we call a Commonwealth : So likewise he imposes on his Readers in the use of the words Nature , and Natural ( as I have partly shewn already ) for by these words is commonly understood , either something that is by Nature inseparably proper to its subject , as to a Fish to swim ; and other things are natural and proper to a Creature , not as a meer Animal , but as of such a Species , and at such an Age ; as for a Man to go upon two Legs , and speak . Lastly , It sometimes signifies an aptness in a Subject to receive some farther perfection by culture and discipline , with which Nature intended it should be endued . So the Earth is intended by Nature for the production of Vegetables ; yet it doth not naturally bring forth all Plants in all places alike , without Plowing , or Setting ; yet are not these Plants so sown , or set , less natural for all that : So likewise I have already proved , that whatever perfection we attain to by the power of our Reason or Experience , it is not less natural notwithstanding . PRINCIPLE II. All Men by Nature are equal . § . 1. WHich he thus undertakes to make out in the Chapter last cited , § . 3. The cause of mutual Fear consists partly in mens natural equality , partly in their mutual Will of hurting ; from whence it happens , that we are neither able to expect security from others , nor yet afford it to our selves ; For if we consider Men grown up , and take notice how frail the Frame of a Man's Body is ( which failing , all his force , strength and wisdom fails together with it ) and how easie it is for any the most weak , to kill the strongest Man ; there is no reason , that any man trusting in his own strength , should suppose himself superior by Nature to others . For those are equal , who are able to do the like things against each other ; but those who can do the greatest thing , that is , take away life , are able to do like , or equal things to each other ; therefore all men are by nature equal , that unequality which now is , being introduced by Civil Laws . § . 2. Before I answer which , I shall first make these Concessions and Limitations : First , I grant , That all Civil unequality of ●●rsons is introduced by Civil Laws . 2 dly , ●●at there is also such a natural equality among Men , that there is nothing which one man can arrogate to himself as a Man , but by the same reason which he judges it fit or necessary for himself , he must also judge it alike fit and necessary for another man , who stands in like need of it . Thus if Victuals , Cloaths , and Liberty , are things necessary for his own being , and preservation , they are likewise equally necessary for the well-being and preservation of all other men , and consequently that they have a like right to them ; from which natural equality proceeds that great Rule of the Law of Nature , To do to others , as we would have others do to us : And in this sense I agree with him , that all men are equal ; so that in this sense it is so far from being a cause of war , or dissention among men , that it rather perswades to amity and concord : Yet doth not this equality hinder , but that there is notwithstanding a natural unequality of strength or power amongst men , both in body and mind ; since any man , that doth but observe the great difference there is in both the strength and understanding of some persons above others , but will grant , that there is as great , or greater difference between some men and others , than there is between some Brutes ( supposing Apes , or Elephants ) and men , in understanding : Yet does there not any natural equality follow from the Reason Mr. H. here gives us , That those are equal , that are able to do the like things to each other , to wit , take away their lives : For besides that , there are some born maimed , and cripled , or else so void of understanding , as not to have either the will or ability to hurt or kill others ; and if a Coward and a stout man are to fight , or a very weak man and a strong , will any man say that they are an equal match ? And this Mr. H. tells us , That it is easie for the weakest to kill the strongest man ; he grants it must either be by chance , cunning , or surprize . I grant indeed it may happen by chance , and yet this will not make the match to be equal ; any more than it is in Cockfighting , where the Gamesters will lay five to one on such a Cock's side against another set down to fight with him ; and though perhaps the weaker Cock may happen to kill the stronger by a chance stroke , yet no man will therefore affirm , that both these Cocks were equal by nature ; the same may be said of Men. But it may be replied , That there is a great difference between Men and Beasts , since though Brutes cannot , yet a Man weaker in body or mind than another he would be revenged of , may join , or combine with one as wise and strong as his Adversary , and then they will be an equal Match in point of strength . If this were a good Argument , it would prove more , or rather contrary to that for which it is designed ; for this weaker man may combine with one as strong and wise as the other , and then the odds will be apparently on the weaker man's side : But if I should grant the utmost that can be asked , that both these mens wit and strength taken together , are still but an equal match to the other , may not this wiser and stronger man as well also combine with others as wise and strong as himself , and then will not the unequality be much greater than it was before ? And as for cunning , or surprize , it signifies as little , since the stronger man may be as cunning as the other , and may have also as good luck in surprising him at unawares ; but it is indeed a very trivial Argument to prove this natural equality , because those are equal that are able to do the like things to each other ; since this were to level Man with the most despicable Creatures ; For there is scarce any Beast , nay Insect , so weak , but may sometime or other destroy a man by force , or surprize ; and we read of a Pope who was choaked by swallowing of a Fly in his Drink , which if it could be supposed to be done by the Fly on purpose , would make the Fly and the Pope to be equal by Nature . PRINCIPLE III. That there is a mutual will or desire in all men in the state of Nature , of hurting each other . § . 1. WHich Mr. H. thus endeavours to prove in the same Chapter of his De Cive . There is a will ( says he ) indeed in all men of doing hurt in the state of Nature , but not from the same cause , nor alike culpable . For one man , according to a natural equality , allows to others all the same things as to himself , which is the part of a modest man , and of one that rightly measures his own strength ; another esteeming himself superior to others , will have all things to be lawful for himself only , and arrogates an honour to himself above others , which is the part of a proud disposition ; therefore the will of hurting is in this man from a vain glory ; and a false esteem of his own power , as it is in the other from a necessity of defending his own Goods and Liberty against the other's violence . Besides , since the strife of wit is the greatest amongst men , it is necessary that very great discord should arise from that Contention ; for it is not only odious to contradict , but also not to consent ; for not to consent to another in a thing , is tacitly to accuse him of error in that matter ; so likewise to dissent in very many things , is as much as to count him a Fool ; which may appear from hence , that no Wars are more sharply prosecuted , than between different Sects of the same Religion , and the Factions of the same Commonwealth , where there is a strife concerning Doctrine , or Civil Prudence . But since all pleasure and satisfaction of mind consists in this , That a man may have somewhat , by which , comparing himself with others , he may think highly well of himself ; it is impossible but that they should shew their mutual hatred and contempt sometimes , either by laughter , words or gestures , or by some outward sign , than which there is indeed no greater vexation of , mind , neither from which a greater desire of hurting can arise . But the most frequent cause why men desire to hurt each other , arises from hence , that many desire the same thing at once ; yet ( which very often happens ) they neither may , nor can enjoy it in common , nor will yet divide it ; from whence it follows , that it must be given to the stronger ; but who is the stronger , can only be known by fighting . § . 2. From which , I shall first observe , That it is not true , that in the state of Nature , there is in all men a like will of hurting each other : For in this State , the first , and most natural condition to be considered is , when men have not as yet at all provoked each other , nor done them either good or harm . And in this condition , none but a Fool , a Wicked man , or a Mad-man can have any desire to hurt another , who hath given him no provocation for it : Though I grant , that there are too many men ( such as Mr. Hobbs describes ) who will arrogate more things to themselves , than they either deserve , or really need ; yet even in these men , there is not a will to hurt every man alike , but only those who stand in their way ; and whose Goods , or other things , they may think may be useful for themselves . Nor yet are these all Mankind , since he grants there are some , and perhaps as many , or more ; who , according to natural equality , will allow to others all the same things , as to themselves , which he grants is the part of a modest man , and who makes a true estimate of his own strength . And certainly , if this modest man judges according to right reason , who allows to others the same things , as to himself ; this violent or proud man ( he here describes ) cannot acquire any right to the liberty or goods of others , from his own unreasonable judgment , and false estimation of his own strength or merit : Nor is this self-defence , of the modest or honest man , properly a desire to hurt the other , but only a necessity to defend himself against his assaults , since he had no intention to hurt him , before this violent man gave him a just provocation . § . 3. As for that strife of Wit , which ( as he says ) is the greatest among men ; though there may be some difference in Opinions , and Contentions arise from thence ; Yet doth it not therefore follow , that there must from thence necessarily arise a desire in all men , of hurting or destroying others : For there are many of so equal and reasonable a disposition , that they can find no cause of hating , much less of hurting others ; though they often differ from them in opinion ; or that they must take all others for fools , if they prefer their own Judgment before another Man's . And as for Mr. H's Instances , that there are no Wars more sharp than those between the different Sects of the same Religion , or the Factions of the same Commonwealth , these Examples will not make out that for which he produces them ; Since he grants , Wars about Religion do seldom happen , but amongst those of different Sects in the same Religion ; which shews it doth not proceed from the Natural State of Mankind , which ought to be governed by Reason , not Superstition ; much less from natural Religion , but from an unreasonable Superstition , or blind Zeal , too often inflamed by the Priests of either Party ; making it not their own , but God's Cause , or Glory , ( as they call it ) for which they would have them fight , persecute , and destroy each other . And as for the Wars and Contentions between the different Factions of the same Commonwealth ; it is apparent they have no place in the meer state of Nature ; since they are produced by mens entring into Civil Society ; aud therefore they are not fairly urged by Mr. H. as an Instance of their desire to hurt each other in the state of Nature . § . 4. In answer to his Assertion , That all satisfaction of the mind is placed in something , by which a man comparing himself with others , may thereby think highly well of himself : And therefore it is impossible but they must declare their hatred and contempt of each other , sometimes either by laughter , &c. than which there can be no greater vexation , neither from which a greater desire of revenge doth usually arise . I thus reply : First , Neither does this Observation reach , so that they must needs take pleasure in puting a higher value upon themselves , than they deserve ; or that right Reason , or Prudence , should perswade them to affront others , either by Words or Actions : Neither yet to take for Affronts , and mortal Injuries , all those things , which any silly , ill-bred Fellow may happen to do : Since such quarrels do not proceed either from Nature , or Reason , but from foolish Customs , and bad Education ; as appears in making , giving the lie , an affront , which was not so , till about an Age agone ; neither is among other Nations , but us Europeans , any occasion of a Quarrel : Nor yet is there any necessity , but that men may , and often do differ from each other , in opinion and words too , without giving one another the lie , or any just occasion of offence : And therefore these are no sufficient grounds to raise a general Rule of the Natural state of all Mankind , from the indiscretion , or ill manners of some , nay many men . § . 5. As for his last Reason , from the desire of divers men at once to the same thing , which cannot be decided without fighting . In answer to this , I grant this may be true amongst Brutes ; as also amongst brutish and unreasonable men : But since God hath endued men with Reason , either to divide the thing , if it be capable of division ; or else to use it by turns , where it is not , where divers have an equal right in it ; or else to leave it wholly to the first occupant ; since every man hath a natural right to what he thus acquires , as is fully proved in the precedent discourse . Therefore granting mens Lusts and Passions do often encline them to War and contention , yet are not they therefore determined , or necessitated thereunto ; seeing God hath given Man Reason to foresee , as also to prevent the evils of War ; and has likewise endued them with as strong Passions ( as Mr. H. acknowledges ) to incline them to peace ; as hath been more fully made out , when we speak of the Natural State of Mankind : Neither in the state of Nature , hath God made so niggardly a distribution of things , that no man can desire ; or make use of any thing necessary for life , but presently another must start up to be his competitor for it : Since if men lived according to right Reason , and the necessities of Nature , and still used the Fruits of the whole Earth in Common , there would be yet left a sufficient stock to supply the Necessities of them all , without coveting the Goods of others , or taking away that they are already possessed of . PRINCIPLE IV. That Nature hath given to every one a right to all things . De Cive . C. 1. § . 10. § . 1. THAT is ( as he explains it ) in a meer natural state , or before men were obliged to each other by any Compacts , it was lawful for every one to do all things whatsoever , and against whomsoever it pleased him so to do ; and to possess , use , and enjoy all things , which he would or could ; but Since whatsoever things any one would have , they either seemed good for himself , because he desires them , and do either conduce to his own preservation , or at least may seem to conduce to it : But whether those things do really conduce to this end , he supposes he hath in the former Article proved the Person himself to be sole judge . So that those must be counted as necessary means , which he judges as such : And by the 7th Article aforegoing , those things are done and enjoyed by the right of Nature , which do necessarily conduce to the preservation of his own life and members : Whence it follows , to have and do all things in the state of Nature , is lawful for all men ; and this is what is commonly said , That Nature hath given all things to all men : From whence also it is understood , that in the state of nature , Profit or utility , is the measure of Right . Which Argument in his Annotations to this Article , he thus explains and contracts . This is so to be understood , that that which anyone may do , in a meer natural state , is injurious to no man : Not that in such a state it is impossible to sin against God , or to violate the Laws of Nature ; but injustice towards men supposes Human Laws , which are not in the state of Nature ▪ But the truth of the proposition so understood , is demonstrated to the mindful Reader , in the foregoing Paragraphs : But because in some cases , the hardness of the Conclusion drives out the memory of the Premises , he contracts the Argument , and lays it thus to be seen at once ; By Art , the 7th it is proved , that every one hath a right of preserving himself ; and by Art. the 8th . Therefore the same person hath a right to use all means necessary thereunto . But by Art. the 9th , Those means are necessary , which he shall judge to be so . Therefore the same person hath a right to have , and possess all things which he shall judge necessary for his own preservation : Therefore in the judgment of the doer , that which is done , either by Right , or by Injury . Therefore it is done by Right , because in the state of Nature nothing is injurious . I have made bold to add this last Clause from what went before , because otherwise the Argument is imperfect . Therefore it is evidently true , That in a mere natural State , every man hath a right to all things . § . 2. For the destroying of which Principle , as also for the answering the Arguments which he brings to support it , I shall in the first place observe , That the Author's Conclusion ▪ which he makes from his Premises in his Annotations , viz. That every man hath a right to do , and possess all things which himself shall judge necessary for his own preservation , is not the same which he draws from the same Premises in the Text , ( viz. ) That every man hath a right to have , and do all things in the state of Nature . For indeed from his own Principles no other Conclusion can follow , than what he hath now drawn from thence in his Annotation ; for no man in his right Senses ever yet judged , that to have , and do all things whatever , was absolutely necessary for his preservation ; only that he had a right indefinitely to as many of them as he should judge necessary for this End. 2 dly , Neither ought a man in the state of Nature to propose the bare preservation of his own Life , and Members , as the only end of living , since that may be enjoyed by those who are really very miserable , as may be observed in such as labour under tedious and constant Infirmities , or are condemned to the Mines , or Gallies , or suffer themselves to be carried away by any domineering , or irrational Appetite or Passion ▪ And if the preservation of a man's Life and Members , were the only ends of life ; then if another in the state of Nature should threaten to kill or maim him , unless he would deny , or blaspheme God , or murther his Father , it were upon this Principle lawful , nay necessary for him so to do ; it being the only means by which he could preserve his life and Limbs . 3 dly , Neither doth any man's rash or false judgment , that such a thing is necessary for his own preservation , confer on him a right to that thing ; for then God had given him a right to all things they should in any passion , or rash and inconsiderate humour fancy necessary for that end , tho it really tended to their destruction , or that of other innocent men ; So that if a man should think the blood of his dearest Friend would cure him of some Distemper he lay under , he might lawfully upon this Principle murther him ( if he could do it safely ) ; And then God should have given men a right of destroying themselves and others , whenever they thought ( though falsly ) that it conduced to their preservation , the satisfaction of their unreasonable Appetites or Humours : since such an unlimited Right , or rather License , can be so far from conducing to any man's preservation , that if any men should ever have gone about to put it in practice , it would have long since produced not only their own destruction , but that of all Mankind . § . 3. And if Mr. H. his own definition of right Reason be true , Art. 7th of this Chapter , That it is a liberty of using a man's Faculties according to right Reason ; then certainly right Reason can never judge contradictory Propositions to be true , as that I should in the state of Nature have a right to all things my Neighbour was possessed of , and his life into the bargain , if I thought it might conduce to my self-preservation ; and that this should be likewise as true , and rational a conclusion , that he should have the like right against me ; since the word right is never used by any Writers of this Subject , but with respect to some Law , either Natural , or Civil , which Mr. H. acknowledges in the next Chapter , Art. 1st , in these words . But since all do grant that to be done by Right , which is not done contrary to right Reason , we ought to suppose that done by Injury , which is repugnant to right reason ; or which contradicts some truth collected from true Principles by right Reason ; but that is done by Injury , which is done against some Law , therefore right Reason is a certain Law , which is called natural , since it is not less a part of Humane Nature than any other Faculty or Affection of the Mind : as Mr. H. himself confesses in this 2d Chapter of this Treatise De Cive , § . 1. tho he strives to avoid the force of it in his Annotations to this Article ; where , by right Reason in the state of Nature , he tells us , He does not thereby understand ( as many do ) any infallible Faculty in men , but the Act of Ratiocination ; that is , every man 's own true reason concerning his own Actions , as they may redound to the profit or hurt of himself , or other men ; and the reason why he calls it a mans own Reason , is , that though in a Commonwealth the reason thereof , that is , the Civil Law , is to be taken as right by all the Subjects ; yet out of a Common-wealth , where no man can distinguish right Reason from false , but by comparing it with his own , every man 's own Reason is not only to be taken for the Rule of his own Actions , but also in his own Affairs , for the measure of all other mens Reason : But how this will agree with what follows , I cannot tell ; When he calls right Reason that which concludes from true Principles ; because that in false ratiocination , or in the folly of men not observing those duties towards others which are necessary to their own preservation , consists all the violation of natural Laws . But how false ratiocination , or folly , should give them a right to all they have a mind to act thus towards others , I cannot apprehend ; but from these words of Mr. H. I shall only observe , That though I do not suppose Reason to be any infallible Faculty , any more than the casting up of an Account into a Sum total , though false , to be right Arithmetick , or true Counting ; yet by right Reason , when it is not erroneous , is to be understood the true exercise of that Faculty ; not erroneous in its judgments , and therefore doth not consist in the bare act of Ratiocination , but in its true effects ; that is , when true Propositions , or Premises , being laid up in the memory , those Conclusions are drawn from thence , which when they are practical , and contain true moral Rules of life , are called Laws of Nature . § . 4. And therefore it is not true , that in a Commonwealth the publick Reason , or Law thereof , are to be always taken for Right ; for then if the Laws of the Common-wealth should enact Parricide , Ingratitude , and breach of Faith , to be exercised as Vertues , and to conduce to the good and preservation of Mankind , they would presently become so ; which , I suppose , neither this Author , nor any rational Man would affirm . Nor is his other Proposition any truer , that out of a Commonwealth , no man can distinguish right Reason from false , but by comparing it with his own ; and therefore that must be the measure of all his Actions , from whence he deduces the right of all men to all things ; which Argument I shall reduce into the form of a Syllogism , that you may the better judge of its truth . It is lawful in the state of Nature for every one to possess all things , and to do all things towards all men , which some Iudge shall judge necessary for the preservation of his own life and Members : But those things that every man himself shall judge to be necessary to his preservation , those the only Iudge in this case judges to be necessary for this end ; ( for he had proved before , that himself is the only Judge in the state of Nature , what things are necessary for his preservation ; ) therefore to have , and do all things , &c. is necessary for a man 's own preservation . In which Syllogism the major is certainly false , because though a man's self be the sole Judge in the state of Nature , yet he may give a false Sentence , and suppose those things to be necessary for his preservation which really are not ; neither is there any reason that in the state of Nature , any more than in a Civil State , the bare Sentence of a Judge should confer a true and equitable Right on any man to an Estate , if the Judge determines contrary to all the Rules of Law and Equity . So likewise in the state of Nature , a man 's own judgment can confer no Right upon him , when he quits the only true Rules of his Judgment , which in this State can only be the Laws of Nature , or right Reason , and the nature of things , and Mankind , from whence only they are drawn . Nor can there be any State supposed , either Natural , or Civil , in which there is no Rule of Humane Judgment , or that whatsoever a man's mind shall rashly suppose things to be , that they must presently become such as he hath fancied them : Since the utility of things necessary for the preservation of Humane Nature depend not upon mens rash judgments , but upon the force of their natural Causes ; and a man by thus falsly judging , that he had a right to all things that he hath a mind to , and that they are absolutely necessary for his preservation , can no more make them become so , than if he should judge that Ratsbane were Sugar-candy , it would be thereby presently turned into wholsome Food : So likewise those general , and universal Causes , which procure the preservation , or mischief of Mankind , do depend upon such fixt Principles in Nature , as are not to be altered by the judgment of any Judge , whether he be a single man in the state of Nature , or the Supream Powers in a Commonwealth . § . 5. But this Error of Mr. H. concerning the force of his Sentence , which thus falsly pronounces an absolute Dominion over all men , and all things , to be necessary for his preservation , and thereby to confer a Right thereunto ; seems to proceed from hence , That he having observed in a Civil State the Sentence of the Supream Magistrate , or Judge , had that force with the Subjects , that whether his Sentence were according to the Rules of Law , or natural Equity , or not , it was nevertheless to be obeyed , and submitted to : Whereas this Submission proceeds wholly from their Consents who instituted the Commonwealth , in order to the publick Good , and for the putting some end to Controversies ; since all the Subjects must submit to the Judgment of the Supream Power , or Magistrate , whether it be right or wrong ; because they are all satisfied , that it conduces more to their common quiet and safety , that some few should sometimes suffer through an unjust Judgment , than that Controversies should be endless , or at least not without Civil Wars , or Disturbances . So that it is evident , That it is only from a greater care of the Common Good , than of the Lives or Estates of any particular person that lays a foundation for this Prerogative , which though I grant belongs to all Supream Powers , yet if this once come to be generally and notoriously abused by constant course of wilful Violence , Oppression and Injustice , so that the Subjects cannot longer bear it , they will quickly make their appeal somewhere else , unless they are hindred by some predominant Power , or Force over them . § . 6. But on the other side it is certain , That men in the state of Nature cannot admit of any final Judgment , or determination of a doubt or difference , besides an evidence either from the things themselves , or from that trust or credit they place in some mens either Judgment or Testimony , whereby all manner of doubt or scruple is clearly removed out of the minds of the Parties concerned ; and that it appears evident to them , that they are not imposed upon ; neither can there be any end of debates amongst divers Pretenders , unless one Party being convinced by the strength of the other's Reasons , come over to his , or their Opinion ; or else being satisfied of the Knowledge and Integrity of some third Person , as an Arbitrator , do willingly submit to his Sentence . § . 7. For Humane Nature will ever acknowledge a difference between right Reason , and false ; and between a just , and an unjust Judgment ; and 't is only Truth and right Reason that have this Prerogative , that they can confer a right on us of doing those things which they prescribe . For even Mr. H. in his definition of Right , acknowledges , that it is only a liberty of using our Faculties according to right Reason ; whereas all Error , or false Judgment , whether it be concerning Necessaries for the preservation of Life , or in any other practical matter , can give no man a right of doing that which he then falsly judges necessary for his preservation . And therefore Mr. H's Conclusion , where he acknowledges at last , That right Reason is that which concludes from true Principles ; and likewise that in the false reasoning , and folly of men , in not understanding their Duties towards other men , consists all the violation of the Laws of Nature ; grants as much as I can desire ; but how this will agree with that loose definition of Reason , where he supposes every man's reason to be alike right , I desire any of his Disciples to shew me . Therefore to conclude , I can only allow that to be practical right Reason , which gives us leave to undertake things reasonable and possible , and that forbids a man to arrogate to himself alone a dominion over all men , and all things , which is needless and impossible , indeed wholly pernicious to his preservation . § . 8. But to avoid this difficulty , Mr. H. and his Followers fly to the Subterfuge of a natural necessity in men , that so judge thus falsly , and act contrary to the Laws of Nature , or Reason : And therefore in his Preface to this Treatise , he supposes all men to be evil by Nature , and makes them necessarily determined by their Appetites and Passions ( before they are endued with Reason and Discipline ) to act mischievously , and unreasonably ; and therefore tells us , that Children , unless you give them every thing they desire , cry , and are angry , and will strike their very Fathers and Mothers ; and it is by nature they do so , and yet are blameless ; as well because they cannot hurt , as also that wanting the use of Reason , they are yet free from all its Duties : But the same persons , when grown up , and having got strength enough to hurt , if they hold on to do the same things , they then begin both to be , and to be called evil . So that a wicked man is almost the same thing , as an overgrown Child , or a man of a childish disposition , because there is the same defect of Reason at that age , in which by Nature , improved by Discipline , and experience of its inconveniencies , it commonly happens to be amended . So likewise the Author of Tractatus Theologico Politicus , who more openly than Mr. H. ( but upon the same Principles ) endeavours to destroy all Religion , both Natural , and Revealed ; argues to this purpose , in the 16th Chap. of the said Treatise . First , By the Law of Nature , He understands nothing but the Nature of every Individual ; according to which , we conceive each of them naturally determined to exist after a certain manner . Thus Fishes are ordained to swim , and the great ones to devour the less : Therefore Fishes live in the Water , and devour each other by the highest Right : For Nature considered simply , hath a right to all things it can do , or its right extends it self , as far as its power ; Since the power of Nature is but the power of God , who hath the highest right to all things . But because the power of Vniversal Nature , is nothing but the power of all the Individual Creatures together , it follows that every Individual hath the highest right to all things it can do ; that is , it extends it self as far as its power . And since it is the first Law of Nature , that every thing should endeavour , as far as it is able , to preserve it self in its Natural State : and that , without any consideration of other Creatures , but only of it self : Therefore it follows , that every Individual hath the highest right to exist , and operate , as it is thus naturally determined : Nor will he allow any difference , by Nature , between men and other Creatures ; neither between men endued with Reason , and those that have not yet attained the use of it ; neither between Fools and Madmen , and others that are of sound Vnderstanding ; and his Reason is this , For whatever any Creature doth by the force of its Nature , it doth it by the highest Right , viz. because it acts as it is by Nature determined , neither is it able to act otherwise : Therefore among men , whilst considered as living under the meer Empire of Nature , as well he that doth not yet understand Reason , or hath not acquired a habit of Virtue , lives by the highest Right , according to the Laws of his own Appetite , as well as he that directs his Life according to the Rules of Reason . So that as a Wise-man hath a Right to all things that Reason dictates , or of living according to its Rules : So likewise the ignorant and foolish hath a like right to all things which their Appetites desire . So that every man's Natural Right , is not determined by Right Reason , but by Power and Appetite . For all men are not naturally ordained to operate according to the Laws of Reason , but on the contrary are born ignorant of all things ; and before they come to know the true Rules of life , or acquire a habit of Vertue , a great part of their life slips away , tho' they are never so well educated : And therefore he concludes , that whatever any one does in order as he thinks to his own preservation , or the satisfaction of Sensual Appetites , whilst he is in this meer state of Nature , it is lawful , because the only Rule he hath to act by . § . 9. Having given you all that can be said for this wicked , as well as foolish Opinion , in their own words ; I shall now endeavour to confute it . In the first place therefore I observe , that this which they call the right of Nature , and which Mr. H. defines to be a state of perfect Liberty , is in their sense no other than that of absolute necessity : And therefore I shall leave it to the Reader to judge how properly this word Right belongs to Brutes , Infants , and Fools . For the Word Right is used by those that treat of Ethicks , only in respect of reasonable men , as capable of deliberation and judgment , and endued with freedom of Action , and so subject to Laws . For to call that necessity , by which Fishes devour each other , and Mad-men beat their Keepers , a Right , were as proper to talk of a Right of Stones to fall downwards : no Philosophers but these , ever using the word Right for necessity , but a liberty left by the Law of Nature , of acting according to Reason : 2ly , The last Author confounds the nature of Beasts , Fools and Mad-men , who have no knowledge of a God , or sense of a Moral Good and Evil , with that of rational Creatures , who are ordained for greater ends , and to be governed by a higher Law , than that of meer Appetite or Passion : And I desire these Gentlemen to shew us , that such unreasonable Appetites and Passions do necessarily and unevitably carry men to act constantly according to them ; so that the men had then no power left , to oppose , resist or restrain them : and tho' we grant that Children are not yet sensible ; and Fools and Mad-men are never perhaps capable of the Laws of Reason or Nature , and so cannot be subject to them , nor are to be esteemed amongst voluntary Agents : Yet doth it not follow , that those that are of Mature Age , and sound Minds , and so cannot plead invincible ignorance of the Laws of Nature , but out of their own wilful humour , or unreasonable Appetites , neglect to know or learn , or through wilful ignorance transgress it , should claim the like exemption . For though we are not angry with Children , or natural Fools , if they cry for , or take away any thing they see , and pity mad people , even while they are outragious with those that tend them : Yet have we not the same forbearance and pity for men of sound Minds , and mature Age , if they do the like unreasonable things , and govern themselves by no other Law , but their own unreasonable Appetites and Passions ; Since it was in their power both to have known and acted otherwise ; and to have deliberated and judged , whether it were not better for them to forbear such evil Acts , than to do them . § . 10. Neither can invincible ignorance be any excuse as to them ; for though perhaps they may not have Brains fit for the Mathematicks , or are not able to deduce all the Laws of Nature from their true Principles ; yet by the Precepts of others , as well as their own Reason , and the observation of their own Natures , as well as other mens , they might easily have learnt all the Duties of an honest man ; that is , their Duty towards their Neighbour , by that Golden Rule , of doing as they would be done by : And their Duty towards themselves , by endeavouring their own true happiness and preservation , by the only means tending thereunto , viz. Without injuring others ; and doing their Duty towards God , in reverencing him , and obeying his Will , when discovered to them ; also in endeavouring , to the utmost of their power , the Common Good of Mankind ; and all which Principles have been ever so natural to men , that they have in all Ages acknowledged them to have still remained the same . Therefore Mr. H. as also the Author of the Treatise last mentioned , are very much mistaken , so directly to oppose our knowledge of the Laws of Nature , to the Rational Nature of Man ; as if he were so much beholden to Art for them , that he could never have acquired them himself , without teaching ; which were all one as to say , That because most men learn Arithmetick . , therefore it is so absolutely besides , or above Nature , that no man ever attained it of himself , which is contrary both to Reason and Experience , since both Arithmetick and Geometry , as also Ethicks , must have been natural to those that first taught them . But I have already sufficiently proved by Mr. H's own Concession , That Reason and Experience are as natural to Humane Nature , as Hunting is to Dog 's , tho in both of them there is required both Exercise and Experience to learn it . § . 11. Nor doth Mr. H's Excuse , which he gives us in the 13th Chapter of his Leviathan , signify any thing ; ( viz. ) That mens Passions in the state of Nature are no Sins , nor the Actions which proceed from them , as long as they see no Power which can prohibit them ; For neither can a Law be known before it be made , neither can it be made , till they have agreed upon a Legislator . To which may be easily answered , that Mr. H. all along proceeds upon this False Supposition , That God is not a Legislator without Divine Revelation ; nor that the Laws of Nature are properly his Laws ; both which Assertions , if they have been proved false in the preceding Discourse , it will certainly follow , that the Laws of Nature or Reason proceeding from God himself ▪ are truly Laws ; and the Actions prohibited by them are Sins , although men will not through wilful Ignorance discover this Legislator , nor will consent to his Laws . And Mr. H. himself acknowledges in his Chapter of Laws , that the Subjects lie under an obligation to obey them , if it can be made appear to them that the Legislator is endued with a Supream Power over them , and hath both sufficiently established , and promulgated his Laws ; both which may be truly affirmed of the Laws of Nature . § . 12. But indeed Mr. H. and his Followers have done very cunningly in taking away all freedom from Mankind , and to suppose an absolute necessity of all moral Actions ; since they could not otherwise destroy the Laws of Nature , and equal Men with Brutes , but by pulling up all the Foundations of moral Good and Evil. But I need say no more on this Subject to shew the folly and unreasonableness of this Opinion , than to put down Mr. H's words on this Subject in Art. 11. of this Chapter , Where he confesses that this Right of all men to all things , is absolutely unprofitable for Mankind , because the effect of this Right is all one , as if there were no such Right at all . For although any man might say of every thing , This is mine ; yet could he not use it , because of his Neighbour , who might by an equal Right pretend that it was his . Which is as good as to own , that this right is none at all : For he himself in the Article before-going , makes Utility to be the measure of all Right ; but here is a Right without any Utility at all ; therefore these words Right and Vnprofitable , are contradictory ; for Right refers in this definition to some use or profit that a man may make of his natural Liberty ; but to be unprofitable , owns that there is no use or need of this natural Liberty in that matter . PRINCIPLE V. That in the state of Nature , whatsoever any one doth to another , cannot be injurious to any Person . § . 1. BEcause , says he , Injustice towards men supposes Humane Laws , none of which are yet in being in the meer state of Nature , De Cive , Cap. 1. Annot. ad § . 10. which he thus likewise endeavours to prove in his Leviathan , Chap. 13. Where there is no common Power , there is no Law ; where there is no Law , no Injustice ; Force and Fraud are in War the two Cardinal Vertues ; Iustice and Injustice are none of the Faculties either of the Body or Mind ; If they were , they might be in a man that were alone in the World , as well as his Senses and Passions : They are all Qualities that relate to men in Society , not in Solitude . It is consequent also to the same condition that there be no Propriety , no Dominion , no Mine and Thine distinct , but only that to be every man 's that he can get , and for so long as he can keep it : All which is no more than what Epicurus long ago asserted , as Diogenes Laertius hath told us in the Account he gives of his Life and Opinions ; To this effect , That between those Animals which cannot be joined by any Compact or Bargain , that they should not hurt each other ; there is no Right , or Injury : So it is likewise amongst Nations , which either will not , or cannot enter into Compact ; that they do neither hurt , nor are hurt ; For Injustice is nothing in it self ; although in some places such a Bargain is made by mutual Compacts that they should not hurt each other . So that Injury is no evil in it self , but only consists in a fear , or suspicion , lest it should not be concealed from those who are appointed Revengers of such Injuries . § . 2. In answer to all which , I doubt not to prove , that these Principles of Epicurus , as well as of Mr. H. and his Disciples , are taken up without any just or solid grounds ; for by the dictates of right Reason , considered as ( they are ) the natural Laws of God , a perfect Right is given to every man to his Life , and all those necessary means thereunto , without which he cannot subsist . For whatever a man enjoys by the right of Nature , it must needs be injury and injustice to take it away : for every invasion or violation of another's Right or Property , is Injury , by whatever Law he enjoys it : And much more if that Right be conferred upon him by the Law of Nature , given by God as a Legislator , than if it proceeded from meer Humane Compacts . And though Mr. H. here asserts , That no injury can be done to any man , with whom we have made no Compact ; yet Chap. 2. Art. 1. of his De Cive , he says , That since all men will grant that to be done by Right , which is not contrary to right Reason ; we ought to believe that to be done by Injury , which is repugnant to right Reason ; that is , which contradicts any Truth collected by right Reason from true Principles : But what is done by Injury , we acknowledge to be done contrary to some Law. So that here he grants , that an Injury may be done contrary to the Laws of Nature , before any Compact , or translation of our Right to another ; and since he there acknowledges those Dictates of Reason to be Laws , I would fain see how those can give any man such a right to invade , or violate the Rights of another : For Right ( as he himself well defines it ) being a Liberty granted by right Reason , requires that men , who pretend to act or speak according to its Dictates , cannot act contradictorily to its other Principles , or Conclusions . And 't were to no purpose for him to say , that the Injury is done to God alone , when his Laws are broken , unless he can shew that those Laws of God do not confer a right on men to their Lives , and all the necessaries thereof ; and do not likewise prohibit others from violating this Right so granted . § . 3. But yet this Author , when he is prest hard , does acknowledge , that there may be injury done to another out of Civil Government : For it being objected , whether if a Son should kill his Father in the state of Nature , he should not do him an injury ; he answers , That a Son cannot be understood to be in a natural State in respect of his Parents , he being as soon as ever he is born ▪ under their power and command , to whom he owes his being and preservation . Yet sure a man's Parents , by begetting and breeding him up , do not thereby acquire a property or dominion over him as long as he lives ; though I grant Children , when they either marry , or otherwise , become lawfully discharged from the government of their Parents , still owe a filial piety and gratitude to them ; and that it is a great impiety and injury in Children towards them , to hurt or destroy them , though they are no longer under their power and command . So likewise the same Law of Nature , which prescribes gratitude to these our natural Benefactors , doth make it injurious for any man to hurt or kill any other Person , who had educated , or maintained him , or otherwise highly obliged him ; since the same Laws of Gratitude that make it injurious to hurt , or murther his Father in the state of Nature , do also command the like duty towards any other Benefactor . § . 4. But his Argument in his Leviathan is much more false and precarious ; when he argues , That where there is no common Power , there is no Law ; and where there is no Law , there is no Injustice . All which he brings to prove the necessity of his natural state of War. For , first , though I grant , where there is no Common Power , ( that is , no Legislator ) there is no Law , yet that is not true of the Laws of Nature ; since if they proceed from God as a Legislator ( as I hope we have proved in the precedent Discourse ) they are truly Laws , before any Civil Power was instituted to make Laws , or to see them observed ; and consequently that it is the highest injury and injustice to take away any thing from others being innocent , and doing us no hurt , that is necessary for their Life , or preservation , which they are already possest of ; and though it is true , that Justice and Injustice are no natural Faculties of the Mind , yet right Reason is ; from whence all Justice is deduced , and which a man is always bound to exercise as soon as he becomes capable of being a Member of Humane Society : ( I do not mean a Civil one ) and if there be a natural Equity ( as this Author acknowledges , De Cive , cap. 14. § . 14. ) there is likewise a natural Justice , and Injustice too : but I shall say more of this in the next Principle . PRINCIPLE VI. That in the state of Nature there is nothing Good , or Evil. § . 1. I Shall here give you Mr. H's Opinion , and his Reasons for it , in his own words , as they are in his Leviathan , cap. 6. Whatsoever is the object of any man's Appetite , or Desire , that is it which he for his part calls Good ; and the object of his Hate , and Aversion , Evil : and of his Contempt , Vile and Inconsiderable . For these words of Good , Evil , and Contemptible , are ever used with relation to the Person that useth them , there being nothing simply and absolutely so ; Nor any common Rule of Good and Evil to be taken from the nature of the Objects themselves , but from the person of the Man ( where there is no Commonwealth ) or , ( in a Commonwealth ) from the Person that represents it ; or from an Arbitrator , or Iudge , whom men by disagreeing shall by consent set up , and make his Sentence the Rule thereof . He speaks to the same effect in all his other Works ; as in De Cive , cap. 4. § . 17. in his De Homine , cap. 11. which it were tedious here to repeat ; and therefore I refer you to the places I have here cited . § . 2. But this he endeavours Physically to explain in his little Treatise of Humane Nature , cap. 7. § 1. compared with Chap. 3. where he supposes , That the motion , in which consists the conception of things without any intervention of the Iudgment , passes from the Brain to the Heart ; and as it there hinders , or helps its vital motion , it is said to please or displease ; But that which so pleases any one , he calls Good : And that which displeases him , Evil : and hence from the diversity of Constitutions , or Temperaments , there are divers Opinions of Good that is naturally and necessarily so . And in the state of Nature unblameably , from his Opinion that judges it . § . 3. There is nothing that Mr. H. hath written more loosely , and unlike a Philosopher , than these unstable Opinions both of natural and moral Good and Evil. And therefore it is a matter of great moment to have a fixed and constant notion of Good ; because as long as this is fluctuating and uncertain , all knowledge of our true Felicity ( which is the greatest Good of every man ) as also of the Laws of Nature , and of all particular Vertues , ( which are nothing but the means and causes of obtaining this Good ) will be likewise various , wandring and uncertain . § . 4. Therefore , although it must be confest , that because of some peculiarity in the divers Temperaments of men , it sometimes happens that one sort of Diet , or Medicines , may be hurtful to one , which may not prove so to another ; yea , which Experience hath approved , not only to be innocent , but wholsome for others : Something like which may be observed in the Genius and Manners of Nations quite different from others , in some particular Customs and Constitutions ; yet this doth not any more take away the common Consent of Mankind concerning the nature of Good , and its constituent parts and degrees , than the small difference of mens Faces takes away the agreement between them in their common Natures as Men , or that general likeness that is between them , in the conformation and use of their principal Parts . For sure there is no Nation so barbauros which will not own , that there are greater hopes and satisfaction in loving , and obeying God , than in blaspheming and disobeying of him . There is scarce any Nation that is not sensible , that filial duty towards Parents , gratitude to their Benefactors , love and kindness to their Friends and Neighbours , fidelity in their Promises and Agreements , are good and necessary for their own welfare and preservation , and consequently of Mankind . No difference of Temper makes any man in his Senses not perceive it to be good for all men , that the Lives , Liberties Estates and Members of all innocent Persons , should be preserved ; And therefore that the killing , or robbing of them should be every-where prohibited under the most severe Penalties . Or lastly , What peculiar humour in men can make them not think it good and beneficial for particular Families and Nations , that the Conjugal Fidelity of the Marriage-bed , the Chastity should be preserved inviolated . The same may be said concerning the right of using and enjoying all those outward things , that are necessary for life , or conduce to our health , fame , honour , the education of our Children , and the preservation of Friendship , since in their Judgment concerning the goodness of these things about which the whole business of the Laws of Nature , and of most Civil Laws is taken up , all rational men do as equally agree in their Opinions as concerning the whiteness of Snow , or the brightness of the Sun ; Though I do not lay the main stress of their obligation to these Actions on this general Agreement , since I have laid down contrary Principles in the foregoing Discourse . § . 5. But I shall now proceed to give you a more true and setled Notion of Good and Evil , both natural and moral : I therefore define Good in general to be , that which preserves , encreases , or perfects the Faculties and Powers of one or more things ; for by these effects that peculiar agreeableness of one thing with another declares it self to us , and which is requisite to make any thing to be truly called good for the nature of this Being before others . Which effects likewise discover to us the hidden powers , and intrinsick natures of things . These strike upon our Senses , and beget a knowledge in us of those things from whence they flow ; which Goods I grant may be different , according to the divers natures of those Beings which they respect . Thus a suitable Soyl , Air , and Moisture are naturally good for Plants , because they are agreeable to their nature , and are necessary for their preservation , growth and perfection : So likewise convenient Food , Health and Liberty , are naturally good for an Animal ; since they serve for their preservation and happiness as long as they continue to live . So likewise , That is also good for man , which preserves and encreases the powers of his Mind and Body , without doing hurt to , or prejudicing any others of his own kind ; nor doth the mind of Man make these Rules concerning the nature of one , or a few Creatures of a sort , but is able from the knowledge it hath of singulars , to make certain general Propositions , or Conclusions , concerning what is good , or evil , for the whole Species , or Kind , whose nature he hath enquired into ; because , since there is the same general nature in every one of the Individuals of this or that Kind , the true happiness of one or more of them being once known , it is easie likewise to know what share and kind of happiness is to be desired by all of them : For it is apparent , That the improvement of the Understanding in knowledge , and the government of the Will by sedate and regular Affections ; as also the health and vigour of the Body , in which the true happiness of any particular man does chiefly consist , do also comprehend ( if universally considered ) the common happiness of all men , that ever have been , or shall be born , which also may be affirmed concerning the means to these natural Goods , and which are required as necessary to all Mankind ; such as Food , Exercise , Sleep , and the like ; And this , because of the identity between the parts and the whole ; that is , between the nature of any one , or more men , with that whole Systeme of Rational Agents , comprehended under the general Name and Idea of Mankind . From whence it also follows , that whatsoever doth good to one member , or part of this aggregate Body , all the rest being unhurt , or unprejudiced , thereby may be truly said to do good to the whole aggregate Body of Mankind ; which Consideration may excite us to a due care of our selves , provided it be not prejudicial to others from a consideration of the common Good of Mankind . Analogically unto this we may also judge , that to promote the efficacy of God's Natural Right to rule our selves , and all other rational Creatures , is to perform a thing good , or grateful to God , as Supream Governour of the World ; and this we do by a due care to promote obedience to his own Laws , either in our selves , or others . And therefore , though we so far agree with Mr. H. that that may be called good which is agreeable to any other Being , and so must be meant relatively ; yet doth not this always refer to the Appetite of him that desires it , nor yet to the irrational Opinions of any one or more men , if they judge contrary to the Rules and Principles of Nature or Reason . And therefore , though a Wench that hath the Green-Sickness , by reason of her depraved Appetite , may fancy Tobacco-pipes , or Charcoal to have an excellent relish , and so to be good for her ; yet will not her thinking so , make them become a wholsome nourishment . The like may be said of any Actions , or Vices , which a Vicious or unreasonable man may take pleasure in ; such as Drunkenness , Whoredom , &c. which howsoever they may please him at the present , yet will certainly in time destroy him in this life , or in that to come . And therefore it is not true , which Mr. H. here lays down , That all Good and Evil is only to be taken in respect of him whom at that time it pleases or displeases : Whereas every rational Man ought first rightly to judge what things are good , and then to desire them , because they are really so ; that is , because their natural powers or effects are really helpful , or agreeable to our Nature : And to consider a private Good , as that which profits one person ; and a common Good , as it profits many . And that not because it is at that instant desired , and approved of out of a depraved Appetite , or wanton humour : it being only the part of Brutes , Mad-men and Fools , to measure the goodness of Things , or Actions , by their present Lusts , without any government of Reason , or thoughts of the future . § . 6. But Mr. H. himself doth sometimes talk more soberly ; and though he doth here , as also elsewhere , inculcate , That every thing is either good , or evil , according to the opinion of the Person that so judges it ( in the state of Nature ) or else ( in a Civil State ) of the Person that represents the Common-wealth ; yet in his Leviathan , Chap. 30. when he reckons up the Offices of the Civil Soveraign , he makes one of the chiefest to be the making of good Laws . Now he there tells us , A good Law is that which is needful for the good of the People , and withal perspicuous ; and a little farther he thus goes on ; And therefore a Law that is not needful , having not the true end of a Law , is not good . A Law may be conceived to be good , when it is for the benefit of the Sovereign , though it be not necessary for the People ; but it is not so : where you see , the good of the People ( which is certainly that which is common to many ) is here acknowledg'd by him , and proposed as the main end of the Legislator's Duty : But this end being thus proposed , the true nature of it is first to be known , and determined , before the Law can prescribe what is good or evil for the People . So likewise Chap. 14. § . 4. of his De Cive , speaking concerning the Rules of right Judgment in a Civil State , he tells us ; That since it is impossible to prescribe any Vniversal Rules whereby all Controversies ( which will be infinite , may be judged ) it is still understood in every case pretermitted by the written Laws , that the Law of natural Equity is to be followed . Where you see he grants that the Laws of natural Equity may be known , and followed ; And that divers more Cases may be determined from thence , than can be by the Civil Laws themselves : but we do only so far contend with him , that some Rules of Equity may be so evidently and naturally known , that all honest and sincere men cannot at all differ about them ; though in the mean time we freely grant , That there are divers things so indifferent , that no human Reason can universally determine , that it is more necessary for the common Good , that a thing be done , or a Case judged this way , rather than the other . § . 7. Having stated what we mean by a natural Good , and Evil ; I shall now give a right notion of a moral Good , and how it differs from the former . A moral Good is those voluntary Actions and Habits which are conformable to the Law of Nature , or Reason , considered as given by God , as a Law-giver , for a Rule of all our Humane , or voluntary Actions : For there are many natural Goods that conduce to a man's happiness , which are not morally good , nor are commanded by any Law. Such as are quickness of Wit , Learning , Strength of Mind and Body , &c. On the other side , I suppose , that no Action of the Will can be commanded by God , ( and so morally good ) which doth not by is own nature , as well as from the Will of God ( the Legislator ) conduce to the happiness of Mankind : The not taking notice of which distinction , between natural and moral Goods , hath been the occasion of another great Error in Mr. H. when he makes that which seems good to every man 's own self , to be the only object of his desires , as he doth in his De Cive , Cap. 1. Art. 2. which he likewise more fully expresses in Cap. 3. Artic. 21. Every one is presumed to seek that which is good for himself ; but that which is just only by accident , and for peace sake ; viz. That which is just , he will only have to regard another's good ; which he supposes no man will seek , unless it were for fear of those Evils which proceed from a state of War : But all he says only tends to prove , that men are so framed , that it is repugnant to their Nature , and so absolutely impossible for them to mind , or desire any thing , unless for their own particular worldly profit , and glory , as he hath laid down in those Principles we have already considered . § . 8. But I cannot but take notice , that Mr. H. himself in his Treatise De Homine , ( published after his De Cive ) Cap. 12. § . 1. seems not at all to approve of this ill humour in men , by these words . We confess that it may so fall out through the ill use of his free will , that a man of a narrow Soul may consider nothing but himself , and so may desire nothing but what he judges for his own private advantage . And in the same Treatise , Cap. 11. § . 14. where he doth purposely consider which is the greater , or lesser amongst Goods ; he plainly confesses , That it is a greater good which benefits more persons , than that which doth good to fewer . § . 9. But giving him leave to contradict himself as much as he will , yet notwithstanding all that he hath said to the contrary , I doubt not but all rational and good men are of a more generous Spirit ; who do not only esteem that to be good , which is good for themselves alone , but also whatsoever tends to the conservation , happiness and perfection of Mankind . And whatsover they thus esteem to be good , that they will also desire , wish for , and contribute their utmost endeavour to procure for others , as well as themselves : Nor do I see any reason to hinder , but that whatsoever I find agreeable to any mans Nature , I may do my endeavour , as far as lies in my power , that he may obtain it ; But this much I must freely confess , That if men do not propose to themselves one common End , or Effect , viz. the common good of Rational Agents , whose Causes ( whether efficient , or perfective ) should be before-hand agreed on to be Good ; and those that hinder its production , Evil ; the words Good and Evil will always be equivocal , various , and uncertain ; being still to be taken in as many different Senses , as there are particular Men. So that whatsoever Action , or thing , is called good by any one man , because it serves his turn ; that other men , if it crosses their desires , will be sure to call evil , which is incongruous to Reason , and to the Communication of knowledge among men , which is the main end of Speech ; Whereas , if the words Good and Evil are applied to those things which concern the nature of Rational Beings in general , they will have a certain and determinate sense and signification , which will not only be constantly true , and intelligible , but prove most useful and profitable to all Mankind ; and that we are not only capable of understanding , but also of contributing our Endeavours for the procuring of this Common Good , and are also under a sufficient obligation thereunto , is , I hope , fully made out in the Fourth Chapter of the precedent Discourse , where we expresly treat of the Law of Nature , and its obligation . PRINCIPLE VII . That the State of Nature is a State of War. § . 1. ALL the Principles that Mr. H. hath hitherto laid down , have been only in order to the establishing this Darling Principle of the natural state of War. But since we have already in our Answer to his former Principles , shewn their falshood and absurdity ; If those Foundations be ill laid , the Superstructure must needs be infirm , and therefore I shall omit all that he hath in his De Cive inferred from those false Principles ; and shall only apply my self to what he hath in his 13th Chapter of his Leviathan , given us a-new for the proof of this Principle , and which doth not depend upon the former ; For here he derives this natural State of War from Three Principal Causes in the nature of Man. First , Competition . Secondly , Diffidence . Thirdly , Glory . The first makes man invade for Gain . The second for Safety , and the third for Reputation . The first use Violence to make themselves Masters of other Mens persons , Wives , Children and Cattel . The second to defend them . The third for Trifles ; as a word , a smile , a different Opinion , and any other sign of undervaluing , either directly in their persons , or by reflection on their Kindred , their Friends , their Nation , their Profession , or their Name . Hereby it is manifest , That during the time men live without a Common Power to keep them all in awe , they are in that condition which is called War , as is of every man against every man. For War consists not in Battel only , or the Act of Fighting ; but in a tract of time wherein the will to contend by Battel is sufficiently known . And therefore the notion of time is to be considered in the nature of War , as it is in the nature of Weather . For as the nature of Foul-weather lies not in a shower or two of Rain , but in an inclination thereto of many days together . So the nature of War consists not in actual fighting , but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary . All other is Peace . § . 2. In answer to which , I must first take notice , That Mr. H. in his Leviathan deduces this Right of War of all men against all , from other Principles than he doth in his De Cive , Chap. 1. § . 12. where from the supposed right of all men to all things , he deduces a war of all men against all , and which renders it both lawful and necessary : But in his Leviathan , in the Chapter here cited , he first asserts the state of Nature to be a state of War , and from thence argues all things therein to be lawful ; as you may see in the Conclusion of that Chapter , where he tells us , That by the same right that one man invades , the other resists ; from whence arises a War on both sides just . So that being not at all sollicitous about the Right of making War , he only supposes this War must needs arise from the nature of mens Passions , and Desires ; and this War being once supposed , he positively asserts , That it must follow ( though without any proof ) that there is in this State nothing just , or unjust : Indeed his way of arguing in his Leviathan is more plausible , but less close than the former in his De Cive ; For all Persons of sense must agree , that a War ought first to be proved just , before it can be thence deduced what things are lawful therein , even towards Enemies : Neither doth himself suppose that all things are lawful , even in the justest War ; for in his De Cive , Annot. ad Art. 37. cap. 3. he grants that Drunkenness , and Cruelty , are not to be practised even in War ; and therefore it is necessary that some natural Principles , or Laws , be first acknowledged , by whose command or permission we may be able to judge of any War , whether it be just , or not , or before we can thence infer those things to be lawful which are acted therein ; for otherwise even contradictory Propositions may be alike true ; and Titius , for example , might have a right to the Life and Goods of Sempronius , if he thought them necessary for his own Preservation ; and so likewise Sempronius would have the same Right against Titius : which would be contrary to all the Rules of right Reason , and Equity ; and this is so evident , that Mr. H. himself , although in the latter part of this first Chapter , De Cive , he affirms , That in the state of Nature , there is no difference between just and unjust ; yet in the former part he endeavours to prove , that this power of making War ought to be allowed to every man in that state as necessary to his own preservation ; which is all one , as if he had affirmed this War to be just and lawful on both sides ; which is contrary to Reason . But whatsoever proves any thing to be just , and lawful in any State , must likewise suppose , that there is a difference between lawful and unlawful in the same State , and must suppose some Law in force , by whose command or permission at least , that Act becomes lawful : which , as we endeavour to establish , so doth Mr. H. as plainly destroy it , whilst he asserts no difference between just and unjust : but with what reason I shall leave it to the indifferent Reader to judge . § . 3. But since I have already answered those Preliminary Principles which he hath laid down in his De Cive , to prove the necessity of this state of War , there remains nothing else for us to do , but to examine those new Reasons Mr. H. hath here given us in this Chapter of his Leviathan to prove this state of War to be both natural , and necessary ; which he here deduces from three Affections in the nature of man. 1. Competition for the same thing . 2. Diffidence of each other . 3. Glory to himself . The first is manifest ; That during the time men live without out a Common Power to keep them in awe , they are in that Condition which is called War. Whence I cannot but again observe , That this Author takes the natural state of Mankind only from their Passions , without any consideration of Reason , or Experience ; although he hath already supposed both of these to be natural Faculties of the Mind : and the true nature of a thing is to be taken not from its imperfections , or weaknesses , but from the utmost perfection that it is by its nature capable of ; and therefore this Author hath dealt very preposterously to treat of the natural State of Man , as of a meer Animal , only governed by the force of his Passions ; whereas , the principal part of Man , and which ought to have the government over all the other Faculties , is Reason ; or that Faculty of the rational Soul , whose due use and exercise ought not to be excluded , but rather conjoined with the operations of all the other natural Faculties , by any Writer who will truly describe the Nature of Man ; nor yet are men necessarily impelled by these Passions , as meer Machines are driven or moved by the Wind , or Weights ; but that they may be governed , and restrained by Reason , or fear of future evil : so that they do not hurry men into War by any natural , or inevitable necessity . Indeed those Ideas of the Mind , which are necessarily generated therein from the impulse of outward Objects , are not prohibited by the Law of Nature , because we are design'd by God to govern those Actions only which are in our powers : Whereas these Passions and Ideas , from whence Mr. H. collects this state of War to be necessary , are of this sort , since being concerning things future , and at a distance , and depending upon mens reason , and foresight , they may be also governed thereby ; and Mr. H. himself acknowledges in his De Cive , Chap. 3. § . 31. That though men , because of their different Appetites , cannot agree of the present , yet they may of the future , and from thence acknowledges , that Peace is to be sought as the foundation of all natural Law. § . 4. And therefore I think I shall be able easily to shew , that every one of these three Master-Passions , which he hath here described as the Causes of War , ought ( if governed by Reason ) to persuade the contrary . And in the first place , for his Passion of Competition , That when two men desire the same thing , which they cannot both enjoy , they become Enemies ; and in the way to their end , endeavour to destroy , or subdue one another . Now certainly Reason in this Case will never incite a rational man to enter into a state of War with another , for the obtaining of that which he hath a mind to as well as he . For if it be a thing the other is already possessed of , he ought by the Rules of Reason , and Equity , to let him enjoy it by right of Occupancy or Possession ; it being then necessary for his preservation , or happiness ; and he himself , if possessed of the like thing , would think it reasonable that he should be likewise permitted quietly to enjoy it : So that if he act by one Rule in relation to himself , and by another in respect of all other men , in the same Case , or Circumstances , this must be altogether unreasonable : And Mr. H. himself doth sufficiently shew the grievous mischeifs of such an unreasonable way of proceeding , when he tells us , That from hence it comes to pass ; That where an Invader hath no more to fear than another man's single Power , If one plant , sow , build or possess a convenient Seat , others may probably be expected to come prepared with Forces united to dispossess and deprive him , not only of the Fruit of his Labour , but also of his Life , or Liberty ; and the Invader again is in the like danger of another . To which I may also add , and he again of a third ; till at last all the Owners of it being successively destroyed , the House or Seat will become void , and no man left to inhabit it ; which Condition Mr. H. himself confesses to be so sad , and deplorable , that he will have Mankind from the Dictates of Reason to do all they can to get out of it , by entering into a Civil Society . But I suppose that right Reason will rather hinder all rational men from ever falling into this State at all , if they can by any means avoid , or prevent it ; since Peace is to be valued from its own Conveniences without trying , or comparing it with the Evils of War , as Health is valuable for its own agreeableness to our Natures , without trying by woful experience ▪ what sickness is . § . 5. And as for his next Passion , Diffidence of each other ; That there is no way for any man to secure himself , so reasonable as Anticipation ; that is , by force , or wiles , to master the persons of all men he can , so long , till he see no other Power great enough to endanger him . And that this is no more than his own conservation requires , and is generally allowed . Now can all this reasonably persuade a man to put himself in so hazardous a condition , as by force , or fraud , as to go about to master and subdue all those he will be afraid of ; or to think he is able to do this by his own single strength till he sees no other Power great enough to endanger him ? Since for any man to be able to do this , he must have more cunning , natural Strength and Courage and Cunning , than ever Homer supposed Vlisses , or Achilles , to have been masters of ; or our Modern Romance-makers can feign in their Heroes ; Since upon these Terms of Self-preservation , a man ( like a Game-Cock ) would be forced to fight a Battel , or two , every day whilst he lived , and how long this would last , supposing other men of equal strength , and as well prepared as himself , I refer him to the experiment of fighting-Cocks , who seldom survive the twelfth or thirteenth Battel ; and though it is true , that there are some that taking pleasure in contemplating their own Power in Acts of Conquests , which they may pursue farther than their own Security requires ; yet this was never known to be performed by any man's single strength , but by a Combination with divers others , who through the esteem they had of his Integrity , or Courage , chose such a man to be their Leader , or Prince , before another : And this Account , both the Ancient Historians , and Poets , give us of the Original of the first Monarchs , and Ancient Kings , in the Heroical Times ; and admitting the first Kingdoms to have begun by Fathers , or Patriarchs of Families , as some Divines suppose , yet they could never have raised a sufficient Force to have conquered others , without the Combination of the Heads or Fathers of other Families : Nor could Nimrod himself , ( who is supposed the first Tyrant , or Conqueror , ) ever have enlarged the Bounds of his Empire by his own single strength , or that of his particular Family , without such a Combination which requires Compacts between the Persons that make it ; and when they once do this , they are then no longer in the meer state of Nature , having set up and acknowledged a common Power over them to keep them in awe : from whence it appears , that it is ridiculous , nay absolutely impossible , for any single man to take pleasure in contemplating his own Power in Acts of Conquest by his own personal Valour , or Cunning , as Mr. H. supposes a man may do in the state of Nature . § . 6. And as for his appeal to Experience , That when a man taking a Iourney , arms himself ; when going to Bed , he locks his Doors ; when even in his House , he locks his Chests : And asks what opinion he hath of his Fellow-subjects , when he rides armed , and shuts his Doors ; or of his Children and Servants , when he locks his Chests ; And whether he doth not thereby accuse Mankind as much by his Actions , as he doth by his Words ? To all which I answer , No , he doth not . For though I grant it is no fault to distrust , and secure himself as well as he can against violent and unjust Persons , either upon the Road , or in his own House ; yet doth not this Diffidence accuse all his Fellow-subjects , or all his Children , and Servants , much less all Mankind , of a design to murther , or rob him ; or give him any Right to make War upon them by way of anticipation ; for when he goes armed , or locks his Doors , or Chests , 't is true , he grants there are some violent and wicked Persons , whom he would secure himself against : yet doth not this accuse all Mankind of this wicked Design , since a man will do all this , if he be satisfied that there are but two or three Thieves between his own House and London ; or but one thievish Person in his Family , which is but a small proportion to a whole Countrey , or Kingdom , or even to his own particular Family ▪ much less doth he thereby pass a Censure upon all Mankind : though it is true , he thereby acknowledges , that there is , and ever will be , amongst men , divers who are more governed by their present Appetites and Passions , than by Reason , or the Laws of Nature . Much less doth such a diffidence give a man a right in the state of Nature of setting upon , mastering , and killing all Persons whatsoever , that he fancies have power sufficient to endanger him in his Life , or Goods , before they have given some sufficient signs that they intend so to do ; for then it might be lawful ( were it not for the Laws ) for a man , when he is thus armed , to set upon , not only Thieves , but every man he meets , for fear he should set upon him first ; nay , might likewise kill , or knock in the Head , ( if he were in the meer state of Nature ) any of his Children , or Servants , or even his Wife her self , if he did but fancy they went about to murther , or rob him ; which how wicked and unreasonable a thing it would be , I leave to any man's Reason and Conscience to judge . Nor does his comparing the state of War to the nature of Foul-weather , at all help him , which he saith , doth not lie in a shower or two of Rain , but in an inclination thereto of many days together : So the nature of War consists not in actual fighting , but in the known disposition thereto : all which I easily grant , but he must likewise own that it is never called a Rainy , or foul Season , till it hath actually rained ; till then we never say it is foul weather , though it be never so cloudy ; so neither is this bare inclination to hurt , an actual War , till there hath been some signs or tokens of hostility expressed . § . 7. Yet he grants there was never such a condition of War as this that he describes generally all over the World : But that there are many places where men live so now , and Instances in many savage People of America ; where , except the Government of small Families ( the concord whereof depends on Natural Lust ) they have no Government at all , and live at this day in that brutish manner he hath before described : But were it so as he affirms that brutish way of living , which is in too many Particulars practised by these Savage People , both in Affrica , and America , where they have almost lost all knowledge of a God , or of a Moral Good and Evil ; Ought the Practice of such Barbarous People to be of sufficient Authority to prove , that they live according to the true state of Human Nature , or that they have a right to live and act thus in all things they thus unreasonably practice ? But had this Author read any true or exact relations of those Places in America he mentions , he might have found that in many of those Nations , even , where there is no Civil Power to keep them in awe , and tho' they have no other Government in time of Peace , but that of the Fathers , or Heads of Families : Yet doth not their concord wholly depend upon Natural Lust : For besides the Government of Husbands over their Wives , and those conjugal Duties and Services which their Wives yield them in these Places ; Parents are more fond of their Children , and Children again are more dutiful and kind to their Parents , and take more care of them when they are sick or old , than they commonly do with us : And though there be no Common Power to keep them in awe , yet having no Riches , but the meer necessary Utensils of Living , nor any Honours , except Military , to contend for , and which are not obtained without great hardships and sufferings ; and having also few Words of contempt , or disgrace among them ; whole Towns , nay Nations , have lived together for many Ages in sufficient Amity and Concord , without ever falling together by the ears . And if there be any Murthers and Adulteries committed among them , every particular person injured , or else the Relations of the Party slain , are their own Judges and Executioners ; the mutual fear of which , joyned with the Natural Peaceable Temper of the People , causes fewer of those Crimes to be committed among them , than with us , where there are Laws and Publick Officers appointed to punish all such Injuries : And for the Truth of this , I refer you to two Authors of undoubted Credit , ( viz. ) Lerius in his History of his Navigation to Brazil , Chap. 18. and the French Author of the Natural History of the Caribbè Islands , Part. 2d . Chap. 11. and § . 19. besides other Authors on this Subject , whom you may consult in Purchas's Pilgrimes , in his Volume of America . And though these People have often Wars with their Neighbours , yet is it not with all , but only some particular Nations , with whom they have constant Wars , and eat them when they can take them Prisoners . Yet do they at the same time maintain Peace with all others . So remote is it from Truth , that any Nation in the World can live and subsist , by maintaining a constant War against all others . Nor did I ever hear of any more than one People or Nation in the West-Indies , near Carolina , called the Westoes , that made this Fatal Experiment , by making war upon all their Neighbours , one after another , till they were in a short time reduced from 7000 Fighting Men , to 700 , and were afterwards quite extirpated by those Nations they had injured : Which Relation I receiv'd from a Gentleman of Quality , who hath a considerable Interest in those parts . So impossible a thing it is , for Mankind to subsist , or be preserved a year together in Mr. H's imaginary State of War. §. 8 . Nor is his other Instance from the Actions of Kings , and Persons of a Soveraign Authority , any better , whom he makes like Gladiators , Having their Weapons pointing , and their eyes fixed on each other ; That is , their Forts , Garrisons and Guns , upon the Frontieres of their Kingdoms , and continual Spies upon their Neighbours , which is a posture of War. Where I may first observe , that he doth not directly affirm , That all Princes are in a State , but only in a Posture of War , which I grant is both lawful and necessary : Since no Prince or Common-wealth can be secure , that his Neighbours will constantly observe the Laws of Nature , and not invade his Territories , without any just cause given . Yet I think no Prince , or other Supreme Power ( whom he makes the only Judges of Good and Evil ) will be so wicked or unreasonable to affirm , that they have a natural right to invade the Territories , Lives and Estates of all Neighbouring Princes , and their Subjects ; much less , when they have made Leagues or Compacts of Peace with each other , that they are not obliged to observe them , only for prevention that they may not do the like to them , and break their Compacts first : For that he himself confesses to be absolutely contrary to the Laws of Nature , and of Right Reason . But that upon Mr. H's Principles such Compacts being made in the meer State of Nature , and without any Common Power to see them observed , do not at all oblige , I shall shew you more particularly by and by . § . 9. I come now to his last Passion , ( viz. ) Glory , for which he would have all men to be naturally in a State of War. But admitting that divers men look that their Companions should value them at the same rate as they do themselves ; and upon the least signs of Contempt , or undervaluing , naturally endeavour as far as they dare , to extort a greater value from their Contemners , which amongst them that have no Common Power to keep them quiet , may be enough to make them destroy each other . Yet doth not this hold true in every man ; for even among those that labour under this Passion of Vain-glory , there are many in whom fear of others is a much more predominate passion , and such will rather take an affront , than venture to beat or kill another to revenge it : Since the hazard is certain , but the Victory ( supposing the person every way his equal ) uncertain . And if this Vain-glory may be so far mastered by another stronger Passion ; why may it not also be overpowered by Reason ? For a rational man will consider , that he cannot force men to have a better esteem of his Words or Actions by fighting every one that shall declare their dislike of them , or else knows that he is not at all the worse for the foolish censures of unreasonable men ; or that he is obliged to take for an affront , whatsoever every scurrilous impertinent Fellow shall intend so : And he himself doth here likewise suppose , that there are other as strong Passions that incline men to Peace , as fear of Death , desire of such things as are necessary ; commodious living ; and a hope by their Industry to obtain them ; from whence I observe , that the greatest part of these Passions which now incline men to Peace , are but the same in other words , which before inclined them to War : For what is this Diffidence of another , and this Anticipation , which he makes so reasonable , but a fear of Death , or other mischief , from those whom he thus goeth about to prevent ? And what is this desire of things necessary for life , but a Branch of that Right which he supposes all men have to all things ? But granting that the same Passions may in some men produce different effects ; yet if these Passions that incline men to peace are more strong and powerful than those that excite them to War , then certainly Peace will be their more constant and Natural State : Since as Mariners relate the violent blowing of two contrary winds , doth often in the Center of their Motion produce a Calm . And therefore Mr. H. proceeds very rashly , to lay such a great stress on those Passions , which provoke men to War , without also considering , and putting into the contrary Scale all those that incline men to the contrary , which certainly are more prevalent in most men : For what can more strongly influence mens Actions , than fear of Death , and all those other miseries which he himself so lively describes to be the necessary Consequences of the State of War : And whereas he tells us , that reason suggesteth convenient Articles of peace ; I think I have sufficiently proved , that Reason is so far from needing Articles of peace , that it can never prompt considering men to believe themselves naturally in so dangerous and miserable a State , as this which Mr. H. supposes ; much less to fall into it on purpose , without any just cause given . But since this Author undertakes to give us many Reasons why mens Passions will not permit them to live in peace as well as divers other Creatures , whom he confesses can do so without Laws ; We will a little examine those Reasons he brings , Why mens Nature will not naturally permit them to live in peace , as well as those brute Creatures ; and therefore I shall put them down in his own Words , as you may find them in his Lev. Chap. 17. § . 10. It is true , that certain living Creatures , as Bees and Ants , live sociably one with another ( which are therefore by Aristotle , numbred amongst Political Creatures ) and yet have no other Direction than their particular Iudgments , and Appetites , not Speech , whereby one of them can signifie to another , what he thinks expedient for the Common Benefit . And therefore some men may perhaps desire to know why mankind cannot do the same ? To which I answer . First , That men are continually in competition for Honour and Dignity , which these Creatures are not ; and consequently amongst men , there ariseth from that ground , Envy and Hatred , and finally War ; but amongst these not so . To which I reply , That these Civil Honours , about which he supposes these Contentions do so often arise amongst men , have no place in the State of Nature , being not known amongst men , before the Institution of Commonwealths ; and therefore they cannot in this State , which he now treats of , contend for them more than Brutes . So that the only true Glory and Honour which can be found , out of a Civil Government , is as Cicero very well defines it in his Tusc. Quest. the agreeing praise of good men , and the uncorrupted Suffrages of those that rightly judge of excellent Vertue . But all the Vertues being contained under the study of the Common Good of Rational Beings , from thence alone can spring the praise of good men : And the desire of such Honour , is so far from causing a War against all men , that as from a contrary Principle , men may by this be excited to the exercise of all those Virtues , which Mr. H. himself allows , Lev. Chap. 15. to be the necessary means of Common Peace and Safety . § . 11. His Second Reason is , that amongst these Creatures , the Common Good differeth not from the Private ; and being by nature inclined to their Private , they procure thereby the Common Benefit . But Man , whose joy consisteth in comparing himself with other men , can relish nothing , but what is eminent . To which we may reply , that Mr. H. has done us a Courtesie , in acknowledging before he is aware ; that even out of Civil Government , there is some common and publick Good , which may be indeed procured even by Brutes themselves : And he has elsewhere also told us ( as in his Treatise De Homine , Chap. 10. the very last Words ) But we suppose the knowledge of the Common Good , to be a fit means to bring men both to Peace , and Vertue ; because it is both amiable in its own Nature , and the surest defence of each man's private Good. And sure its difference in some cases from the private good of some men , is no sufficient Reason why men should rather fall out and fight among themselves , than Bees or Ants , whose Common Good is likewise distinguished from the private . But as for what he affirms , concerning the Nature of men , if it be universally understood of all men ( as his words seem to intend ) 't is false , and spoken without all manner of proof , unless we must be sent back to his general Demonstration of these things in his Introduction to his Lev. when he advises every man to this Rule , Nosce teipsum ; and therefore would teach us from the Similitude of the thoughts any passions of one man to those of another , thereby to know what are the thoughts of all other men , upon the like occasion . Perhaps Mr. Hobbs knew himself very well , and was sensible there was nothing more pleasant to him , than comparing himself with other men , and so could relish nothing in himself , either as his own Natural Endowments , or acquired Improvements , but what was more eminent , and greater than other mens ; and from thence gathered the same thoughts to be in all others : But he ought to have shewn something in the nature of man , from whence it is necessary that all men should so judge ; for certainly all that are truly rational , can know from the true use of things , and from the necessity of their own Natures , how to judge concerning their own things , whether they are pleasant or not , and to what degree they do delight them , without comparing them with those of other men : So that indeed none but the foolish or envious can only be pleased , as far as their own things exceed those of others . But if he would have this censure , only to concern such men , it will not then afford a sufficient cause of an Universal War of all men against all ; And though perhaps Strife and Contention may be begun amongst such envious , foolish People , yet the strength or reason of the more prudent and peaceable may easily restrain it , that it shall never hurt , or destroy all men , by making them enter into a state of War against all . § . 12. His Third Reason is , That these Creatures having not ( as man ) the use of Reason , do not see ( or at least think they see ) any fault in the administration of their Common business : Whereas amongst men , there are very many that think themselves . Wiser , and Abler to govern the Publick , better than the rest ; and those strive to Reform , and Innovate , one this way , another that way , and thereby bring it into Distraction , and Civil War. To which we may thus Reply , That this Reason offers nothing whereby men may live less peaceably among themselves , if they were in the state of Nature , and Subjects to no Civil Government , than Brutes : But in this state , mens Natural Propensions to universal Benevolence , and to the Laws of Nature , would have some place , notwithstanding what he hath here alledged to the contrary ; as I have sufficiently proved in the precedent Discourse . Nor doth he here offer any thing whereby men could less agree among themselves to institute a Common-wealth , for this is the thing whose causes we are now seeking for . But he only objects something , which will hinder them from preserving it , when it is instituted ; and therefore this will also shake all the foundations of Peace , even in a Commonwealth , when it is made never so firm according to his own model . But we do well to consider , whether mens Reason does not more powerfully promote Peace and Concord , by detecting many errors of the Imaginations and Passions , than it doth Discord , by its fallibility about those things which are necessary , being but few , and those plain enough . Besides , men do not presently make War , as soon as they suppose they spy out somewhat they may blame in the Administration of publick Affairs ; for the same reason which discovers the fault , does also tell them , that many things are to be born with for Peace sake , and sugggests divers means whereby an emendation of that fault , or miscarriage , may be peaceably procured . So that I dare appeal to the Judgment of the indifferent Reader , whether the condition of Mankind is worse than that of Brutes , because it is Rational ; and whether Mr. H. doth not judge very hardly of all men , by making their Reason guilty of all these miseries , which in other places he imputes only to the Passions ; and from this cause would prove that men must live less peaceably with each other than Brute Creatures . In short , Mr. H's Answer is nothing to the purpose , for our inquiry is concerning the obligation of the precepts of Reason in the state of Nature ; and his Answer is , That most mens Reason is so false , as that it would dissolve all Commonwealths already constituted . § . 13. His fourth Reason is , That these Creatures , tho they have some use of voice in making known to one another their desires , and other affections ; yet they want that art of words by which some men can represent to others , that which is Good in the likeness of Evil , and Evil in the likeness of Good ; and augment or diminish the apparent greatness of Good and Evil , discontenting men , and troubling their peace at their pleasure . The force of which Answer is no more than this ; That because it sometimes falls out , that the common People are moved to Mutiny and Sedition by a specious , or sophistical Sermon , or Oration , that therefore men , as having the use of Speech , cannot maintain peace among themselves : which consequence is certainly very loose ; for he ought to prove , that all men do necessarily and constantly make such Speeches , tending to Civil War , and Sedition ; and also that such Speeches , when heard , do constantly prevail on their Auditors , or the most part of them , that they should presently take up Arms : For it may be , that even the Vulgar may see through such false and specious Speeches , and may not suffer themselves to be deluded by them . It may also happen , that they may rather give credit to the peaceable Speeches of the more wise , and moderate , as founded upon more solid Reasons : And it may be , that they will rather consider the true weight of the Arguments , than the empty sound of the Words ; and certainly mens rational Nature leads them to do this ; for they know they cannot be fed , or defended by Words , but by Actions proceeding from mutual Benevolence : What then doth hinder , but that the Eloquence and Reason of the Good and Peaceable may not often prevail , with which both the Reason of the Speaker , the true interest of the Auditors , and the nature of things do all agree ; But I shall speak no more of this Subject now , having in the precedent Discourse sufficiently proved , That men receive much greater Benefits from the use of Speech ( though it may sometimes be the cause of Civil Discords , and Wars ) than they do Evils and Mischiefs thereby . And I suppose Mr. H. himself ( were he alive ) would confess that Mankind would not be rendered more peaceable , or easie to be governed , had they been all created dumb , or else had all their Tongues been cut out by the irresistible power of his great Leviathan , the Civil Soveraign . § . 14. His fifth Reason is , That irrational Creatures cannot distinguish between Injury , and Damage ; and therefore as long as they be at ease , they are not offended at their Fellows : Whereas man is then most troublesome , when he is most at ease ; for then it is that he loves to shew his wisdom , and controul the Actions of them that govern the Commonwealth . By which Antithesis , he would infer , That men live together less peaceably than Brutes , because they distinguish between Injury and Damage : But we think much otherwise ; and that most men would more willingly suffer some damage , even done by other men , so it be not done injuriously . And I acknowledge that all the distinction between these two , is founded in the knowledge of Right , and Law , which indeed is only proper to men . But that this Knowledge should make them more prone to violate the publick Peace , and to trample upon the Laws and Rights of their Superiors , I can by no means admit ; much less , that Subjects that abound in peace , and riches , are more apt to envy their Superiors , and to shew their wisdom in finding fault with their Rulers ; or that the Subjects of England , for example , who ( God be thanked enjoy both sufficient peace , and plenty ) are more apt to find fault with their Governors , than those in France or Turkey , where they are poor and miserable by Taxes , and other Severities ; or that they can even there forbear repining at the cruel Treatment of their Rulers , though perhaps their Spirits may be so debased , and their Powers so weakned by this oppression , that they may not be so able to shew it by publick discourse , much less by resistance ; and so free themselves from this Tyranny , as perhaps they would do if they had sufficient Riches and Courage . And that I conceive is the true reason why this Author is such an Enemy in all his Books to the happiness and wealth of the People , whom he would all along make Slaves instead of Subjects . But suppose that the lawful Rights of Princes are sometimes violated by the unbridled Lusts of some evil men , yet I do not see how this knowledge of the difference between those things which are done by right , and those which are done by wrong , do render them more apt to do Injuries to others . But he tells us , That man is then most troublesome , when he is at ease . But sure , it is not without Injustice , that he imputes the Faults of some men to all Mankind , and that without any proof ; unless , perhaps , finding such Passions in himself , he thence concluded that they must likewise be natural to all others , according to the method he makes use of in his Introduction to this Book ; which I have before taken notice of , when he bids us examine this similitude of Passions , and so whether they do not agree with his own Thoughts . But I must freely confess they do not agree with mine ; let me be but happy , and want nothing , and though others may be richer , or happier , I shall not envy them , nor am I at all the worse for it : But indeed Mr. H. does very preposterously to alledge this fault of mens love to shew their wisdom , and controul the Actions of them that govern the Commonwealth , against all Mankind ; whilst he yet supposes men in the state of Nature , which sure ( according to his own Hypothesis ) precedes all Civil Government . But we are now come to Mr. H's last Reason ; and let us see if he can thereby prove any better , That Mankind is less prone to Peace than Brute Creatures . § . 15. Lastly , The agreement of these Creatures is natural , that of Men is by Covenant only , which is artificial ; and therefore it is no wonder if there be somewhat else required , besides Covenants to make their Agreement constant , and lasting ; which is a Common Power to keep them in awe , and to direct their Actions to the common benefit . To which I reply , That the true natural Causes intrinsical to Men as they are Animals , and which can bring them to consent to the exercise of Peace , and mutual Benevolence amongst themselves , are alike with those that are found in other Animals , even the fiercest , and cruellest , suppose Lions , or Bears , ( if you will ) as I hope I have sufficiently proved in the former part of this Treatise . Nor can Mr. H. shew any thing which is wanting to man , but yet is found in Brutes as a cause of their peaceable agreement ; for that which he urges , That the Agreement of these Creatures is natural , that of men is by Covenant only , and therefore artificial , may perhaps impose upon the Vulgar , but may easily be confuted by any one that will but consider to the next Consequence : For those very Compacts or Covenants he mentions , are made by the power , as well of mens Rational , as Animal Natures : And certainly if there had been no Covenants made among men , and that they had not the use of Reason , yet the common Nature of Animals of the same kind , would have had as much force with them , as with other Creatures , that they should agree to maintain a mutual benevolence , as well as Brutes of the same kind , without destroying each other , whose agreement is by him acknowledged to be natural : What then hinders , but after there is besides added to Mankind Reason , and the use of Speech , but that the same natural agreement may still remain ? Reason sure doth not take away the natural endeavours , and propensions to Concord in Man , more than other Animals ; neither is this agreement less natural , or constant , because it is expressed by words : As our Appetite , and taking in of Food , do not cease to be natural Actions in us , although we may express this Appetite by words , or signs ; and may also appoint the time , place , and what sort of Meat we will eat . And Mr. H. himself ( as well as others ) does sometimes acknowledge Reason to be a natural Faculty , as he does in his De Cive , in the place already quoted : From whence it follows ; That this stricter Society or Agreement which Reason dictates should be established by Compacts , wholly proceeds from the rational Nature of Mankind . But it will farther appear , That this Agreement proceeding from the use of Speech , is therefore more fitly called natural , if we consider our practical Reason to be altogether determined from the nature of the best End we can foresee or propose ; and the best means we can use thereunto . And farther , there is nothing more can be effected by the utmost endeavours of our Reason , than that those propensions to concord , with others of our own kind , ( which are so natural to all Animals ) should be directed to their fit object ( viz. ) all other rational Creatures , and that all our particular actions should be thence exerted according to their due place , time , and other circumstances . So that the very taking in of Meat , and Drink , is most natural , and proceeds from the natural constitution of an Animal . Yet this in all particular cases , is best governed , and directed by a man's Reason , taking care of his own Health without any irregularities in his Diet ; whilst those precepts of thus regulating his Diet , whose force and certainty he observes from the Nature of things , and his own particular Constitution , may very well deserve in some cases , the name of an Art. Therefore Mr. H. hath done very ill in making that agreement among men , which is expressed by Compacts , to be so artificial , as it must be quite opposed to what is natural . I shall not indeed deny , those words by which Compacts are expressed , to have proceeded from the Arbitrary agreements of men : Yet that consent of their minds , concerning the mutual offices of Benevolence , of which words are only the signs , is altogether Natural : For in that consent of minds concerning the mutual commutation of Duties , consists the whole Nature of Compacts ; as all its obligation proceeds from thence : But the knowledge and will of constituting some signs , either by words or Actions , whereby this sort of consent may be declared , is so natural , and easy to men , without any Teaching , that it may be observed in persons born Deaf and Dumb , as I have given some instances in the foregoing Discourse . In short , this consent express'd by Compacts , concerning , these most general acts of Benevolence , which may be considered in any disquition concerning the Laws of Nature , is either not to be called Artificial , or if it be so termed , that Term is so to be understood , as it agrees with all mens natural Consents , and not as it may be opposed to them ; that so it may become thereby less firm and durable , as Mr. H. supposes it ; for the signification of a natural Consent , constituted by words , tho with some kind of Art , doth not at all diminish its firmness or duration ; and therefore I think it doth sufficiently appear , that Mr. H. is very much mistaken , when he supposes that the agreement of Brutes of the same kind is more constant and natural than that among men ; and that mens natural propensions to a Benevolence towards others , are not so strong in men , as in other Animals : So that I shall leave it to the impartial Reader , whether upon a due consideration of his Answers , and our Replies , he will conclude , as this Author doth in his Treatise de homine , chap. 10. That men do exceed Wolves , Bears , and Serpents , in Cruelty and Rapacity , who are not rapacious beyond hunger ; which if he had affirmed of some men who are degenerated from all sentiments of humanity , had not been much amiss ; but to affirm it of all mankind in general , is too severe and false a censure to be let pass : Whereas it must be at the worst , acknowledged , That no general Propositions can be made , concerning the particular Passions and Humours of all men ; since there is not only a greater difference of Wit , but also a greater variety of Passions and Inclinations amongst men , than brutes ; and that not only among whole Nations , but particular persons : For all the kinds of brutes have almost the like Inclinations , and are governed by the like passions and appetites ; so that if you know one of them , you almost know them all ; but in mankind , so many men , so many Minds , and so many almost several Humours and Dispositions : And which is more , the same man doth not only differ from others , but also oftentimes from himself ; and that which at one time he mightily loves and approves of , at another he abhors and condemns . § . 16. Yet so much I shall grant Mr. H. That men are tormented with many Passions unknown to Brutes , such as are Coveteousness , Ambition , Vain-glory , Envy , Emulation , or Strife of Wit , with the Sense of which Brutes are not at all concerned ; all which I confess , do extremely hinder mens natural Peace and Concord : So on the other side , he hath not only several other Passions , that as strongly persuade him to seek and observe them , yet God hath also endued him with reason whereby from the consideration of his own Nature , and of other things , he may attain a knowledge of his Deity , and be thereby led to discover , that all the Laws of Nature are not only bare dictates of Reason , but are also Laws truly established by the Will of God the Legislator , for his own Honour , and the Happiness and Preservation of Mankind ; but so far I shall agree with Mr. H. , that in any Country , where men live without any knowledg of a Law , either natural or reveal'd , that in all those places they are in as bad or worse state than Brutes can be imagined to be . § . 17. To conclude , I cannot but take notice , that Mr. H's Hypothesis labours under these great Absurdities . First , He supposes that in the State of Nature a man's Reason tells him , that his Self-preservation cannot be obtained without this War against all men ; but afterwards finding by experience the fatal Evils and Mischiefs proceeding from this kind of Life , to have also by his reason found out , and then proposed those Conditions of Peace , called Laws of Nature , in order to his own Happiness and Self-preservation ; as if right Reason could ever dictate contradictory or opposite means to this same end , such as are a State of War , and a State of Peace ; a neglect and violation of all the Laws of Nature , as lawful and necessary for a man's safety in the State of Nature , and a strict observation of them when once entered into a Civil State , for the same design . Secondly , This Hypothesis is highly derogatory to the Goodness and Providence of God ; for if he were the Author and Creator of Mankind ( as certainly he was ) then whoever believes this * Hypothesis , must also believe that God contrived things so ill , that unless his Creatures had been more cunning and provident than himself , they must of necessity ( like the Earth-born Brethren in Ovid's Metamorphosis , have perished by each others hands as soon as they were made . So that the preservation and well-being of Mankind would be entirely attributed to their own Wit and Cunning , and not to God's Goodness or Providence , who must have sent his Creatures into the World in such an evil state as should oblige them first to seek their own mutual Ruin and Destruction , as the way to their Preservation . So that Mankind must owe all the happiness and comfort of their Lives , not to their Creator , but themselves : since with him the Laws of Nature , whereby they are preserved , were not given or established by God their Legislator , but are only so many Rules of Art or humane Wit , like other Inventions of mens contriving , and still suppose man to be departed from that natural state of War in which God put him , into an Artificial one of Peace of his own making : But certainly the Deity that made us ( if we suppose him Good and Wise ) made us not to be miserable ( as Mr. H. himself confesses we must have been ) had we continued in this state of War. So that to suppose God made us , and left us in that condition , it is directly to deny our Creator's Goodness . And then if we suppose him wise , we cannot imagine that he would frame a sort of Creatures only to destroy themselves , unless we can believe his only design was to sport himself in their folly and madness , in beholding them by all the ways and arts of Force and Fraud contriving their own mutual Destruction . And therefore if the Creation of Man were the product of the Divine Wisdom and Goodness , his Natural State must have been that of Peace , and not such a Condition as that which this Author supposes . Lastly , Mr. H. doth himself ingeniously confess , that he believes there was never actually such a state of War , as he supposes and describes : And therefore , tho I grant it is both lawful and usual for natural Philosophers , who not being able through the imbecility of our humane Faculties , to discover the true nature and essences of Bodies , or other Substances , do therefore take a liberty to seign or suppose such an Hypothesis , as they think will best suit with the nature of the things themselves , of which they intend to treat ; and from thence to frame a body of natural Philosophy , or Physicks , as Aristotle of old , and Monsieur Des Cartes , in our age have performed : Yet can we not allow the same liberty in moral or practical Philosophy , as in speculative . And therefore such a precarious Hypothesis , as this of a natural state of War , is by no means to be admitted as the necessary consequence of that natural Right , which every man hath to preserve himself : For whether we consider Mankind to have been together with the world , generated from all eternity , as Aristotle , and the more modern Platonists did believe ; or else to have sprung out of the earth like Mushrooms , as Epicurus of old , and Mr. H. in his De Cive suppose ; or else as we ( according to the Divine Revelation of the holy Scriptures ) do believe , That Mankind was at first propagated from one Man , and one Woman , created for that purpose by God : Now let us at present suppose which of these we please to be the true Original of Mankind , we cannot from thence with any reason conclude , that it was at any time such a state of War of all men against all ; for if , according to the first Hypothesis , we suppose Mankind to be Eternal , they were likewise from all Eternity propagated by distinct Families , and divided into several Nations , and Common-wealths , as they are at this day : But if it be objected , that those distinct Nations or Commonwealths , were always such from all Eternity ; Then it will likewise follow , that they were also from all Eternity in the same state they now are ; that is , not of War , but Peace . But we shall further shew the absurdity of that Supposition , before we have concluded our Considerations upon this Head. So on the other side , if we proceed upon the Epicurean Hypothesis , of Mankind's springing out of the Earth ; if we do not likewise suppose them to have been made like Game-Cocks , or those Earth-born men I have already mentioned , who presently fell a fighting , and destroying each other without any Cause ; it will not do the business : And therefore let us now with Mr. H. suppose these men , being all made of equal strength , both of body and mind ; it is plain , that they must be at first in a state of Peace , before they could ever fall together by the Ears ; so then the state of Peace was Prior in Nature to that of War , and also more agreeable to Human Nature . 2 dly , Supposing these Earth-born men to have been all rational Creatures , and equal in strength and cunning , they would never have entered into a state of War , and have fallen a cutting each others Throats without some just Cause , or Provocation first given . For if they were all equal , every man would consider each of his Fellows as of a like ability with himself ; and that if he struck him first without any cause , he would be as well able to resist , and make his party good with him , as he could be to hurt him ; the fear of which would have rather caused Peace than War : Since whoever struck first , could not be sure of the Victory ; And if any two should have fallen to Cuffs , this could be no reason for all the rest to have also fallen together by the Ears , since there was no cause why they should suppose a Will or Inclination in each other to War , till they had expressed it by some outward signs ; so that this natural Equality among men , and mutual fear of each other , which Mr. H. supposes to be the chief causes of War , would certainly have rather inclined these men to Peace . But if we follow the Divine Authority of the Holy Scriptures , it is then certain , That all Mankind being derived from one Man , and one Woman , their Children could never be in this state of war towards their Parents , by Mr. H's own confession ; much less could the Parents ever be so unnatural towards their Children , who were made out of their own Substance ; nor yet could the Brothers , or Sisters , who partake of the same Human Nature derived from their Common Parents , and who were bred up together from their Infancy in a state of Peace and Amity , be rationally supposed presently to have fallen together by the ears without any other cause , or provocation given , than Mr. Hs Passions of mutual distrust , and desire of glory : Therefore when after the Fall of Adam , man's Nature was degenerated into that state we now find it , wherein mens Passions , I own , do too often domineer over their Reason ; and that Cain , through Malice and Envy , slew his Brother , as we read in Genesis . Of this state of War , as it is the first Example of man's Degeneracy , so it is also of God's dislike , and punishment of this cruel Sin of Murther , which is indeed but the effect of this Author's state of War. But I beg the Reader 's pardon if I have been too prolix in the confutation of this Principle ; this being the main foundation of all those Evil and False Opinions contained in this Author 's Moral and Political Works : if therefore this is throughly destroyed , all that is built upon it will fall of it self . But since Mr. H. hath by his Supposition of certain Compacts , or Covenants , undertaken to shew a Method how men got out of this wretched state of War ; in which let us see whether his next Principle answers the Designs he proposes . PRINCIPLE VIII . § . 1. That mutual Compacts of Fidelity in the State of Nature , are void , but not so in a Commonwealth . WHich Principle he expresses and proves at large , in his de Cive , cap. in these words : But those Covenants that are made by Contract , where there is a mutual Trust , neither party performing any thing presently in the state of Nature , if any just Fear shall arise on either side , are void . For he who first performs , because of the evil disposition of the greatest part of men , only studying their own profit , no matter whether by right or wrong , betrays himself to the lust of him with whom he contracts : For there is no reason that any man should perform first , if it is not likely that the other will perform afterwards ; which whether it be likely or not , he who fears , must judge , as it is shewn in the former Chapter , Art. 9. I say things are thus in the state of nature ; but in a Civil state , where there is one who can compel them both , he who by Contract is first to perform , ought first to do it . For since the other may be compelled , the reason ceases , for which he feared the other would not perform . Which Principle is somewhat otherwise expressed in his Lev. chap. 14. which since it differs something from the other , in the manner of expression , I shall likewise give in you his own words . If a Covenant be made wherein neither of the Parties perform presently , but trust one another , in the condition of mere nature ( which is a condition of War of every man against every man ) upon any reasonable supposition , it is void ; but if there be a common Power set over them both , with right and force sufficient to compel performance , it is not void ; for he that performeth first , hath no assurance the other will perform afterwards , because the mere bonds of words are too weak to bridle mens Ambition , Avarice , Anger , and other Passions , without the fear of some coercive Power , ( which in the condition of mere Nature , where all men are equal , and judges of the justness of their own fears , cannot possibly be supposed ) ; and he which performs first , doth but betray himself to his enemy , contrary to the Right ( he can never abandon ) of defending his life , and means of living . § . 2. You may now more plainly see the reason why he supposes in the foregoing Chapter , That all Kings and persons of Soveraign Authority , are always in a posture , or state of War ; which he more plainly expresses in his de Cive , chap. 10. § . 17. in these words ; But what are divers Commonwealths , but so many Garisons fortified against each other with Arms and Ammunition ? Whose State , because they are kept in awe by no common Power , ( altho an uncertain Peace , or short Truces may intervene ) is yet to be accounted for the state of Nature , that is , for a state of War. From all which it is easie to deduce the grievous mischiefs that would thereby happen to mankind . For in the first place these Civil Sovereigns he mentions , can never be obliged by any Covenants from making War upon , and ruining each other , nor can be accused for breach of Faith , or Infidelity , when they do so ; for being still in the state of Nature , that will necessarily follow , which he lays down at the end of his former Chapter , as the consequences of this state : To this War of every man against every man , this also is consequent , that nothing can be unjust . The notions of Right and Wrong , Iustice and Injustice , have there no place ; where there is no common Power , there is no Law ; where no Law , no Injustice . Force and Fraud are in War the two Cardinal Vertues . § . 3. So that you see upon these Principles it is altogether in vain for Princes to make any Articles or Covenants of Peace with each other ; no , not if they swear to them never so solemnly ; for in the last words of this Chapter he tells us , That the Oath adds nothing to the obligation ; for a Covenant , if lawful , binds in the sight of God , without the Oath , as much as with it ; if unlawful , binds not at all , tho it be confirmed with an Oath : So that if the Covenant could not oblige , the Oath will serve to as little purpose : What Princes will thank him for this Doctrine , I know not ; but I hope it is not an Apology for the late actions of any Princes but the Ottoman Emperor , and our Christian Grand Signior on the other side the water ; but if the state of Princes towards each other is so bad , that of the Subjects is much worse ; for from these Principles the safety of all Ambassadors , Merchants , and Travellers in the Territories of any Prince or State with whom we are at Peace , is thereby utterly taken away ; nor can the Subjects be in a better condition than their Masters ; for by this Author's determination , they are presently Enemies as soon as they come under a Foreign Power : For such Princes being always in the state of Nature towards each other , it is a part of their Natural Right or Prerogative , to force all those that are weaker to give a Caution of their future Obedience ( and good behaviour ) unless they will rather suffer Death . For nothing can be imagined more absurd , than that he who being weak you have in your power , by letting him go , you may render both strong , and your Enemy . All which are his own words , in his De Cive , Cap. 1. § . 14. Nor can I understand what he means by a future Caution of Obedience , but the Submission of those who are thus seized upon , and their coming into the same Commonwealth , and subjecting themselves wholly to their Empire , who thus lay hold on them : For he tells us presently after , That a certain and irresistible Power confers a Right of Governing and Ruling those , who cannot resist it . So that if this Doctrine be true , in what an ill condition are Ambassadors , and other Strangers in foreign Countries now at League with us , any one may easily perceive . Well , but suppose such Strangers could or would submit themselves absolutely to these Foreign Powers , they may yet chuse whether they will accept it , since no Law of Nature , according to Mr. H's Principles , can oblige Foreigners to any outward Acts of Kindness or Mercy towards others , who are not of the same Commonwealth , since they may either accept of this their Submission , or else refuse it , and put them to Death , tho otherwise never so innocent . § . 4. But if Compacts with those of different Commonwealths , whether Princes or Subjects , are of so little force , let us see whether they will signify any more among those , who having agreed to renounce this State of Nature , are willing to transfer all their Power upon one , or more Persons , and so enter into his Commonwealth . Where , first , I desire you to observe , that these Pacts or Covenants , by which every Man renounces his Natural Right , are still made in the State of Nature , in which State , it is lawful for any Man to doubt of another's Fidelity ; but whether a Man justly fears that another will not perform his part , he that fears , is the only Judge ; and therefore Mr. H. concludes , that every man hath cause to fear , whenever he is afraid . Which reason , if it were of any force , would infer , that not only those Compacts are invalid in which nothing is performed on either part ; but also those in which any thing of any moment remains yet to be done by either Party , for he who will not keep Faith any longer , may when he pleases pretend to be afraid , lest the other should break his Faith with him , and that very justly , whilst he himself is the only Judge of it ; and therefore his Reason ( which is always supposed to be right ) may not only tell him , that he need not perform his part of the Covenant , but also that it is absolutely void , if he thinks fit to make it so . But if any one will say , that he himself hath prevented this Objection by his Annotation to this Article ; as also in his Lev. in this Chap. That the Cause of fear , which makes such a Covenant invalid , must be always something arising after the Covenant made , as some new fact , or other sign of the Will not to perform , else it cannot make the Covenant void . For that which could not hinder a Man from promising , ought not to be admitted as an hindrance of performing . All which , tho it be very true , yet if what he hath already alledged in his foregoing Section be also true , it will not signify any thing ; because he there tells us , that whether it is likely that he will perform , or not , he who is afraid , is the only Judge , ( right or wrong , it is all one ) and therefore this fear of another mans failing in his trust , may either arise from his calling to mind the false and evil Disposition of all men , which before the Compact he had not well considered , or else he may suppose any Act of the other Parties ( tho never so innocent ) to be a sufficient sign of his Will not to perform his part . Nor is there any thing in the State of Nature , which can make such a timerous man secure of the Fidelity of others , for the performance of their Compact ; because as Mr. H. tells us in his De Cive , Cap. 5. § . 1 , 2. Cap. 7. § . 27. All the hope of security is placed , in that a man may prevent all others , either openly , or by surprise . So , that altho it appears that the Utility of observing of Compacts be never so manifest , yet cannot it by this Principle lay any firm Obligation upon mens minds , but that they may depart from them , whenever they will neglect or oversee this Utility , or that they think they may better secure their own interest by any other means ; since the Will and Conscience of man can never be so obliged by their naked Compacts , that they may not depart from , or act contrary to them , whensoever they think they may safely , and for their own private advantage do it . For the Obligation will not only cease , if it shall please all those who have so covenanted to depart from their Covenants at once , as when men discharge themselves of them by mutual consent : But supposing also this consent still to continue , the force of an Obligation will yet be wanting ; for since that dictate of Reason of keeping Compacts , has not as yet attained the force of a Law , as being made ( as I have already observed ) in the meer state of Nature ; any single Person , according to his particular Humour , or predominant Passion of Fear , or Suspicion , or Self-interest , may depart from this dictate of Reason , tho the rest do not agree so to do ; because no man according to Mr. H. in the Law of Nature , can ever be tied by any Compact to quit the doing of that which he judges necessary for his own Interest , or Self-defence . For in the very beginning of this 14th Chapter in his Lev. he defines a Law of Nature to be a Precept , or general Rule found out by Reason , by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his Life , or takes away the means of preserving the same , and to omit that by which he thinketh it may be best preserved . So that for the preservation of a man's life , or whenever he thinks those Compacts may take away the means of preserving it , he may without crime fail in keeping his Compacts either for Publick Peace , or the observation of Justice with his Fellow-subjects , or of Fidelity , or of Obedience to his Civil Sovereign ; who upon these Principles , is in no better a condition , nor so good , as any of his Subjects : Because Mr. H. doth not allow in his Leviathan , Cap. 18. of any compacts to be made between the Sovereign , and the Subjects ; who only Covenant one with the other , and not with him , to give up their right of governing themselves to this man , or Assembly of men , and that they do thereby authorize all his Actions . So that since this Compact is made in the state Nature , and that this Law of keeping of Compacts , is only a dictate of Reason , and no Law ; it can lay no higher obligation upon mens Consciences in the state of Nature , than any other Law of Nature , which Mr. H. plainly tells us Chap. 17. In the state of Nature do not oblige , nor can the Common Power set over men , lay any obligation in Conscience upon them , why they should not break these Compacts towards each other , when ever they think it convenient : For since the Civil Sovereign can only oblige them to its outward observation by those Punishments as he pleases to appoint for such offences as are destructive to the Publick Peace , every man that will venture the fear of discovery , or being taken , or whenever he thinks he can make a Party strong enough to defend himself from those that would punish him for the breach of them ; may safely , nay lawfully , transgress them , when-ever the awe , or fear of the Civil Sovereign ceases . So that it is evident there doth still need some higher Law , or Principle than this of meer Fear of the Civil Power to make men honest , or to keep their Compacts when they have made them . § . 5. To Conclude , Mr. H. doth far exceed his Master Epicurus in this rare invention ; for that old Fellow , one would think , had sufficiently shaken the foundations of all common Peace , and Justice , when he laid down in his ratis sententiis or established dictates , That there is no such thing as Iustice between those Nations who either could not , , or would not enter into mutual Covenants that they should not hurt , or be hurt by each other ; Yet however , he thought fit to leave the force of those Compacts unviolated , although there was no common Power over them , which might keep those Nations in awe . But Mr. H. that he might indulge as much as he could to his darling passion of Fear , hath also allowed men this Liberty , That in the state of Nature , Compacts of mutual Fidelity may by right be violated , without any other cause given than the fear or suspicion of the Party afraid . PRINCIPLE IX . The Law of Nature is not properly a Law , unless as it is delivered in the Holy Scriptures . § . 1. WHich Principle he endeavours to prove in his De Cive Cap. 3. Art. the last , in these words : But those that we call Laws of Nature , being nothing else but certain conclusions understood by reason concerning the doing of things ; ( whereas a Law properly and accurately speaking , is the word of him that commands something to be done , or not done by others ) ; they are not Laws , properly speaking , as they proceed from Nature : Yet as far as they are given by God in the Holy Scripture , they are properly called by the name of Laws ; Which likewise he hath more briefly contracted in his Leviathan , Cap. 15. in these words : These dictates of Reason , men use to call by the Name of Laws , but improperly , for they are but Conclusions , or Theorems concerning what conduceth to the conservation and defence of themselves ; whereas Law properly is the word of him , that by right hath a command over others . But yet if we consider the same Theorems as delivered in the word of God , that by right commands all things , then are they properly called Laws . § . 2. The Reason for which opinion he gives us in his De Cive Cap. 5 § . 1 , 2 , 3. in these words ; It is self-manifest , that the actions of men do proceed from their Will , and their Will from Hope and Fear : So that as often as it seems , that a greater Good , or lesser Evil is like to happen to them , from the violation of Laws , men willingly violate them ; therefore every man's hope of security and preservation is placed in this , that he may be able to prevent his Neighbour either by his own force or art , openly or at unawares . From whence it is plain , that the Laws of Nature do not presently , as soon as they are known , give sufficient security to every one of observing them ; and therefore as long as no caution can be obtained from the Invasion of others , that Primitive Right must still remain to every one , of taking Care of himself by all the ways that he will , or can ; which is the Right of all men , to all things , or the Right of War ; and it suffices for the fulfilling of the Law of Nature , that any one should be ready or willing to have Peace when it may be had with security . § . 3. So likewise in his Leviathan , Chap. 14. tho he grants that the Laws of Nature ought to be observed , yet because they are contrary to our Natural Passions , that carry us to Partiality , Pride , Revenge , and the like ; and their Covenants without the Sword , are but Words , and have no strength to secure a man at all ; therefore notwithstanding the Laws of Nature , if there be no Power erected , or not great enough for our security , every man will , and may lawfully rely on his Strength and Art , for caution against all other men . And in his 15th . Chap. of his Leviathan , he farther tells us , The Laws of Nature oblige in foro interno , that is to say , they bind to a desire that they should take place : But in foro externo , that is , to the putting them in Act , not always . For he that should be modest and tractable , and perform all he promises in such time , and place , where no man else would do so , should but make himself a Prey to others , and procure his own certain Ruin , contrary to the ground of all the Laws of Nature , which tend to Nature's Preservation . § . 4. I have been the larger in giving you his own words in this place , because I could not well contract them without spoiling his sense ; and also that you may the better see whether he be clearly answered , or not . In the First place therefore , if it be already made out in the precedent Discourse , that in this Proposition of endeavouring the Common Good of Rational Beings , are contained all the Laws of Nature , and that it doth likewise appear to proceed from God , from the Nature of things , and those Rewards and Punishments he hath annexed to its observation and transgression : Then notwithstanding what Mr. H. hath here said , this Law of Nature is properly a Law ; as having all the conditions necessary thereunto : But that which might lead Mr. H. into this Error , was , That all Writers upon this Subject , thought it sufficient to define the Law of Nature to be only a Dictate of right Reason , without deducing its Authority from God , as a Legislator : Or if they have supposed God the Author of it , as Suarez in his Book de Legibus ; and Grotius in his de Iure Belli & pacis have done : Yet they contented themselves with supposing , that God had impress'd these Idea's upon mens Souls , as so many innate Notions , which they call the Light of Nature , without shewing us by some more plain or certain means ( as our Author hath done in the preceding Discourse ) how we may attain to the knowledge of this Law. The weakness , or precariousness of which Hypothesis being discovered by Mr. H. gave him occasion to suppose that the Law of Nature was not properly a Law , for want of a Legislator ; and farther , they having defined this Law of Nature to be a dictate of right reason , which seems only proper to revealed or Civil Laws , delivered in some set form of words , Mr. H. hath here also defined a Law , To be the Word , or Speech of him who hath a Right to Command a thing to be done , or not to be done : And so the Laws of Nature not being delivered in any set form of words , cannot be upon these grounds properly Laws . § . 5. But I think we have already sufficiently proved , that the Law of Nature , being to be collected from our own Natures , and that of other things without us , does not consist in any set form of words , but in those true Notions or Idea's taken from the things themselves : And we have already shown , that Persons born deaf or dumb ; are capable of understanding this Law , though they have not the use of words . And Mr. H. himself before he is aware , doth sufficiently confess this Truth in more places than one of his de Cive . For after he hath in the last Art. of his Third Chap. denied the Laws of Nature to be properly Laws , he begins his 4 th . Chap. with these Words . That which is called the Natural , and Moral , the same is wont to be also called the Divine Law , nor undeservedly ; because Reason , which is the very Law of Nature , is immediately given by God to every man , as the Rule of his Actions , as also because the Precepts of Life which are thence derived , are the same which are given by the Divine Majesty for the Laws of his Heavenly Kingdom by our Lord Iesus Christ , and his Holy Apostles . Those things therefore which may be before understood by Reason concerning the Law of Nature , the same we shall endeavour to confirm from the Holy Scripture . So likewise in his 15 th . Chap. Article 3. he tells us , That the Laws of God are declared after a Threefold manner . The First of which is by the Tacit Dictates of Right Reason : From both which places we may plainly collect , That if the Laws of Nature are Dictates of right Reason , and if the Laws of God and Nature , or Reason , are all one and the same , and that Right Reason is the very Law of Nature , and is immediately given by God to every Man as a Rule of his Actions , it will likewise as necessarily follow , that those Laws or Dictates of Reason are also Divine , since they proceed from God as a Legislator . Nor will it serve his turn to alledge , as he doth in his Leviathan 15. Chap. That the same Laws ( viz. ) of Nature , because they oblige only to a desire , and endeavour ( I mean an unfeigned and constant endeavour ) are easy to be observed . For in that he requireth nothing but endeavour ; he that endeavoureth their performance , as far as he can fulfilleth them , and he that fulfilleth the Laws , is just . § . 6. This will prove a meer Evasion , if you please to consider , That unless the Laws of Nature regard the outward Actions of men , they cannot partake of the nature of Laws , nor do they carry any obligations along with them , because it is impossible to seek Peace with others , or to depart from our natural Rights by any internal Act of the Mind alone , without outward Actions , and most of those Actions do in their own nature necessarily regard , and concern others besides our selves . But if he should reply , that such Actions are improperly called Laws , for want of Rewards and Punishments : To this we may likewise return , That we have already fully proved in this Discourse , that they carry with them the true force of Laws , as containing all the Conditions necessary thereunto . And he himself in his Leviathan , chap. 21. doth expresly acknowledge , and set down divers of those natural Punishments which are appointed by God as natural effects of the Transgression or breach of the Law of Nature . Which Passage , because I have already transcribed it in the Discourse it self , Chap. 3. I shall therefore refer you thither . But in short , If there be no Laws of Nature properly so called , in the state of Nature , it will likewise necessarily follow , that there is no such thing as Natural Rights properly so called ; And so his Right of all men to all things , and to make war upon all men , will be very improperly called a Right ; for they cannot be properly so , but as they are granted , or permitted us , by some Laws properly so called , which in this state can only be those of God , or Nature . § . 7. But we are weary of such Contradictions , and therefore let us now farther examine the only Reason he brings why he denies their obligation to external Acts in the state of Nature , ( viz. ) Because we cannot be secured that others will observe them in those things which are necessary to our preservation ; [ and therefore infers ] that every man's hopes of his own Security are placed in this , That by his own Force or Wiles he may prevent his Neighbour openly , or at unawares . This is that invincible Argument which seems strong enough in his Judgment to destroy all outward Obligations to the whole Law of Nature . Yet I think for all that , it is easy enough to be answered . And therefore in the first place , we reply , That there is no need of supposing such a perfect Security to be afforded by the Laws of Nature concerning other mens observing them , as must needs be free from all Fear , before we can be obliged to external Actions conformable to them ; for the Will of God , the first Cause , being known , whereby he establishes these Laws , there will arise a certain obligation to the performance of such external Actions ; though some men may be so wicked , as to break , or neglect them , and to practice evil and violent Actions towards those that would observe them . But I shall now farther prove ( notwithstanding this Objection ) that we are under a greater obligation to the Laws of Nature , than we are to the Civil Laws of our Country , to whose external obedience he will have all men whatsoever obliged . For all Persons , although they are not under the same Commonwealth , yet are all Members of the same more large Empire of God himself . Now it is most notorious , that those that are Subjects to the same Civil Power , cannot be perfectly secure , either that their Fellow-subjects will observe all the Civil Laws , by abstaining from Murther , Robbery , or Rebellion , &c. or that the Civil Sovereign can , or will always punish all the Transgressors of his Laws , especially where Factions are potent , though he is never so watchful over the Publick Good. So that if to these cautious Men of Mr. H's Principles , it seems a sufficient Reason for their outward obligation to the Civil Laws , if it appears more probable that the Civil Sovereign both will , and can take care of the Authority of his Laws , by protecting the Obedient , and punishing the Refractory , than that he will forbear , or neglect so to do ; it will likewise follow , That to all men who exercise true Piety , and Obedience to God's Natural Laws , their obligation to observe them will not prove the more infirm , though God doth not always presently , and immediately punish all the Transgressions and Violations of his Natural Laws ; it being a sufficient security to them of his Goodness and Justice , since he will certainly inflict more severe Punishments upon their Transgressors , either in this life , or in that to come , than any Humane Power can do upon Offenders against their Civil Laws . So that if Mr. H's Argument were valid , not only the outward obligation of all Natural , but also of all Civil Laws , would be quite destroyed ; since in neither State we can be perfectly secure , that all others will observe them ; and indeed he demands that which is altogether impossible , when he requires an absolute and perfect Security concerning future voluntary Actions , either in a Civil , or a Natural State ; which as such can be only contingent . § . 8. But if he will permit us to call that a State of security , which is the most free of any from the fear of future Danger , or Misery , we assert , That God has made it manifest to all men , by all those signs , ( which we have already shown to be sufficient to evince our Obligation ) that even out of a Civil Government , he shall be much more safe from all sorts of Evil , who shall most strictly and constantly observe all the Laws of Nature in his outward Actions , as well as internal Inclinations , than he who ( according to Mr. H's Doctrine ) shall seek this Security by endeavouring to prevent , and assault all other men by force or fraud . But it is necessary when we compare the dangers , or security of the good or just men , ( which are only those who observe the Laws of Nature in their outward Actions ) as also of the wicked or unjust , who do otherwise , to make a true Experiment , which of these will give most certain security ; there is not only to be reckoned into this account , those Evils which may happen to them from the Violence of other men , but also those , which such wicked men bring upon themselves by their inconstant and unreasonable way of living , as also by their inordinate Passions , such as Envy , Anger , Intemperance , &c. and moreover , all those Evils , or Punishments , which may with reason be feared from God , both in this Life , and in that to come ; which also are to be compared not in any one particular case , or in a few circumstances only , but in all those that may happen through the whole course of their Lives ; for otherwise it is impossible , that we should truly judge which course of Life , either that of constant Justice or Injustice would be more secure . But we have , I hope already , sufficiently made out , that their condition is much more happy and secure , who observe the Laws of Nature in the whole course of their Actions , than those who act otherwise . To which I shall only add , That altho Mr. H. himself , when he treats of the security requisite to the outward Observation of the Laws of Nature , doth wholly insist upon a perfect security from the Invasion of other men , and affirms , Because it is not to be had in the State of Nature , that therefore no body is obliged in that State to outward acts of Justice , but hath still a right to all things , and of making War upon all Men ; Yet in other places of his Book , as if he had forgot himself , he doth acknowledge ( altho but sparingly ) that he himself perceived that there was a sufficient Obligation to an external Conformity to the Laws of Nature , even out of a Civil State , lest we should fall into other Evils besides those which may be feared from the violence of men . As for Example , when he endeavours to prove in his De Cive , Cap. 3. § . 2 , 3. That Faith is to be kept with all men , he fetches his reason from hence , That he who violates his Covenant , commits a Contradiction , which he acknowledges to be an Absurdity in Humane Conversation . And therefore , if he can admit in this case , that it is better to observe , than to violate our Covenants , lest we should fall into a Contradiction ; what reason is there , why we should not also universally infer the same consequence from the breach of every Law of Nature , and consequently an Obligation to all their outward Actions ? So that it will be better to observe than to transgress them in the State of Nature , because their Violation doth still imply a Contradiction or Absurdity in all Humane Society or Conversation ; for whosoever will seriously consider the Nature of rational Agents , will acknowledge , that all the Felicity possible for them , doth depend upon the Common Good and Happiness of the whole System , as its necessary and adequate Cause ; and therefore every man ought to seek both of them together ; for whensoever he transgresses any Law of Nature , he then separates his own private Good or Advantage , from that of the publick ; which being contradictory ways of acting , must needs raise a Civil War , or Contest in a mans own Conscience , between his Reason , and his Passions , which must grievously disturb its Tranquility ; which Evil , since it also takes away his Peace and Security , is no contemptible Punishment naturally inflicted by God for such Offences . § . 9. I shall now only propose two Reasons more , whereby I think we may demonstrate the falseness of this Argument of Mr. H. The first is , That Presumption of the Civil Laws , both in our own , and all other Kingdoms , which sufficiently declares what Judgment Civil Sovereigns ( whom this Author makes the only Judges of right or wrong ) have made of Humane Nature ; to wit , that every one is presumed to be good , until the contrary be proved by some outward Action , and that made out by sufficient Proof or Testimony ; and therefore , if their Judgment be true , he must own all other men ought not to be esteemed as Enemies , or so wicked as he is pleased to suppose ; so that they may be set upon and killed , tho never so innocent , for any private mans security . And this Presumption is more strong against Mr. H. because he founds that Security , which he acknowledges to be sufficient in Commonwealths , upon those Punishments by which the Supreme Powers can restrain all Invaders of other mens Rights ; but it is certain , that no Punishments are inflicted in Civil States , unless according to the Sentence of some Judges , who always give Sentence according to this Presumption . This therefore is either a true Presumption , and so able to direct our Actions in the State of Nature , or else even in Commonwealths there is not to be found a sufficient security by the Laws made and Punishments inflicted according to this Presumption ; and so neither Civil Laws themselves do oblige us to outward Acts , and thus every Commonwealth would soon be dissolved . But since we are satisfied , that publick Judgments given according to this Presumption , do for the most part render mens Lives secure enough , and certainly much more safe , than if all who are arraigned at the Bar were presumed to be Enemies , and according to Mr. H's rule of prevention , should be all forthwith condemned to suffer as guilty ; therefore it also follows , that the private Judgments of particular men concerning others , made according to this Presumption , do more conduce to the security of all men , than this Authors rash Presumption of the Universal Pravity of all men , and would thence persuade us that all others in the State of Nature are to be prevented , and set upon by force and fraud . § . 10. A second reason to prove , that the violation of the Laws of Nature , as to outward acts , will procure us less security than their exact observation , may be drawn from hence , That Mr. H. himself confesses , there will thence necessarily follow a War of all men against all ; which War being once supposed , he rightly acknowledges , that all men would become miserable , and must presently perish : From whence it appears , that all security is sought for in vain , by this mad state ; so that there can remain no more hopes of it ; tho Mr. H. teaches otherwise in his de Cive , cap. 5. § . 1. and Lev. cap. 13. viz. That in the mutual fear of men , no body hath a better way of security , than by this anticipation or prevention ; that is , every one may endeavour so long to subject all others by force or fraud , as he sees any man left , of whom he ought to beware ; that is , as long as there is one man left alive ; and so the whole earth would soon become a desart , and the common sepulchre of mankind ; for no man can provide any aid or assistance for himself from other men in this state , because Covenants of mutual Faith , by which alone others can be joined in Society with him , will not oblige to external acts in this state , as I have shewed he acknowledges ; and therefore there remains no security by this way of anticipation : So that if there be any security in Nature , I appeal to the reasons and consciences of men , whether this is not more likely to be had by the endeavour of the common Good of Mankind , by doing good and not evil to those who have done us no harm , than by Mr. H.'s method of Anticipation which can yield no security at all . PRINCIPLE X. That the Laws of Nature are alterable at the Will of the Civil Soveraign . § . 1. THis is a natural consequence from what he hath already laid down , That nothing is morally good or evil in the state of Nature , before the Institution of a Commonwealth . Yet that you may see that I do not impose upon Mr. H. in this Assertion , I will give you his own words , in his de Cive , cap. 14. § . 9 , 10. But because it arises from Civil Laws , that as well every one should have a proper Right to himself , distinct from that of another , as also that he may be forbidden to invade other mens Properties , it follows that these Precepts , Honour thy Parents , Thou shalt not defraud any man in that which is appointed by the Laws ; Thou mayest not kill a man whom the Laws forbid thee to kill ; Thou shalt avoid all Carnal Copulation forbidden by the Laws ; Thou shalt not take away another mans Goods without his consent ; Thou shalt not frustrate Laws and Iudgments by false Witness , are all Civil Laws . It is true , the Laws of Nature prescribe the same things , but immplicity ; for the Law of Nature , as is said before , Cap. 3. § . 2. commands Compacts to be observed ; and therefore , also to yield Obedience when Obedience was covenanted ; and to abstain from what is anothers , when it is defined by the Civil Law , what it is ; but all the Subjects do Covenant from the Constitution oi the Commonwealth , to yield Obedience to his Commands , who hath the supream Power , that is to the Civil Laws . For the Law of Nature did oblige in the state of Nature , where first of all where Nature gave all things to all men , nothing was anothers , and therefore impossible to invade it ; and in the next place , where all things were common ; therefore also all Carnal Copulations were lawful . Thirdly , Where there was a state of War , it was then lawful to kill any man. Fourthly , Where all things were determined by a man 's own Iudgment , therefore also were the Honours and Duties due to Fathers . Lastly , Where there were no publick Iudgments , therefore there was no need of giving Testimony either true or false ; since therefore the Obligation to observe those Laws , is prior to the Promulgation of them , as being contained in the very constitution of the Common-wealth , by vertue of this Law of Nature , which prohibits the violation of Compacts ; the Law of Nature commands all Civil Laws to be observed . For where we are under an Obligation to Obedience , before we know what will be commanded , we are there universally , and in all things obliged to obey ; from whence it follows , That no Civil Law which is not made in reproach to God , ( in respect of whom , all Common-wealths are not at their own Disposals , nor can be said to give Laws ) , cannot be against the Law of Nature . For altho the Law of Nature prohibits Theft , Adultery , &c. Yet if the Civil Laws should command you to take away any thing from another , or to lye with any Woman ; that is not Theft , Adultery , &c. For the Lacedemonians of old , when by a certain Law , they permitted their Boys privately to take away other people's Goods ; they then commanded those Goods not to be the Owners , but theirs who thus stole them . And therefore such a private taking , was no Theft . In like manner , the promiscuous Copulation of Sexes amongst the Heathens , according to their own Laws , were lawful Marriages . § . 2. There is nothing that Mr. H hath written more rudely and wickedly , and wherein he more contradicts himself , than in this Assertion , concerning the mutability of the Laws of Nature , as to outward Actions ; since he himself tells us immediately after , That the Laws of Nature are immutable and eternal ; and that Injustice , Ingratitude , Arrogance , Pride , Iniquity , Acception of Persons , and the like , can never be made lawful : for it can never be that War shall preserve life , and Peace destroy it . But how the Laws of Nature can be immutable , and yet alterable as to outward Actions , at the Will of the Civil Soveraign , I cannot comprehend . But since we have already destroyed those two main Principles introductive to this , ( viz. ) That no Action is good or evil in the state of Nature , till either the revealed Law of God , or that of the Civil Soveraign hath made it so ; and also that the Laws of Nature are not properly Laws in the state of Nature ; Let us now examine the only reason he here gives us for this Assertion , which is this ; That the Law of Nature which prohibits the violation of Compacts , commands all Civil Laws to be observed ; since our Obedience to the Supream Powers is one of the first Compacts that men made at the Institution of the Commonwealth ; granting all which to be true , yet was it not absolutely , or in all things , that this Obedience was promised , but only in such as regard the publick good of the Commonwealth , or tend to the common Good or Preservation of Mankind ; for if the Civil Soveraign should make a Law , that every one might knock his Father in the Head , when he came to such an Age , and marry his Mother , or rob any other man , tho' his dearest Friend , of all the necessaries of Life : All these wicked Actions will become lawful to be done , nay , every man were obliged to do them , if the Law of Nature commanded all Civil Laws to be observed without distinction ; but he here tells us , That no Civil Laws can be against the Law of Nature , which are not made in direct reproach to God. And upon this Principle no Law can be so , but what directly denies his Existence ; since in his Leviathan , Ch. — he makes even Idolatry lawful , if it be once commanded by his infallible Leviathan , the Supream Power : But if Mr. H. had but read and considered any ordinary System of Ethicks , he would have found , that it was one of the first Principles in that Science , that the Laws of Nature ( like the moral Vertues ) are so nearly linked , and have such an inseparable dependance upon each other , that the first and prior Laws of Nature can never be contradicted by the latter , or secondary . And therefore tho' it is true , that Compacts are to be observed by the Law of Nature , and that Obedience to the Commands of the Civil Soveraign , is one of those Compacts which men make when they institute , and enter into a Commonwealth , or Civil State ; yet were those Promises of Obedience only made concerning such things , which the Laws of Nature have commanded , or permitted to be done , in order to the common good of rational Beings . I grant therefore , That the Civil Laws of every Commonwealth , as they may appoint what outward Rewards or Punishments they please for the Observation or Transgression of the Law of Nature ; and also in order to this end may ordain what outward Acts shall be called Murder , Adultery , Theft , &c. yet doth it not therefore follow , That they have a Power to alter the Nature of all moral Actions , and so make a new Law of Nature ; tho' I own they may enlarge or restrain their exercise in some particular Actions or Instances . But since this is best cleared by examples , I shall here give you some of each sort . First , Therefore tho' our Laws give leave to men to converse alone with married Women without any Crime , yet in divers Countries it is not so , But whoever is found alone in the Company of another man's Wife without his leave , it is lawful for the Husband to kill them both ; because such private Congresses being esteem'd as bad as downright Adultery , the Punishment of it is left as it was in the state of Nature , to the discretion of the Husband : But doth it therefore follow , That the Supream Power might make a Law , whereby it may be lawful for a Husband to kill every man that should but happen to look upon his Wife , because he may at the same time commit Adultery with her in his heart ? So likewise by our Law , the Husband is to be esteemed the Father of all Children which his Wife shall bring forth , if he were within the English Dominions at the time when the Child was Begot , though he were at that same time an Hundred Miles off , and though the Mother should assure the Child , that not her Husband , but another man were really his Father ; Yet is not such a Child obliged to believe her , or to pay any Duty or respect to that Person , though he be really his Father : But will it therefore follow , that the King and Parliament may make a Law , That no Child whatsoever should Honour and Obey his Parents . But to come to the Author's last instance of the Lacedemonian Boys ; I will not deny but it might be lawful for the Spartans ( as the Egyptians likewise did ) to make a Law , That private Thefts committed without discovery , or violence to mens Persons , should not only alter the Property in the things stolen , bu also pass unpunished ; since this may very well consist with the Publick Peace and safety of the People , and may also tend to the Publick good of the Commonwealth ; since it might not only make men more careful of their Goods , but might also serve to make those Boys more crafty , secret , and undertaking in greater matters , when they should come to be men ; which as Plutarch tells us , was the main reason why Licurgus made this Law : But does it therefore follow , that either the Lacedemonians or Egyptians might have made it Lawful for Thieves and Robbers to assault all mens Persons , and take away their Goods by Force , or to Rob men of those things ( such as Food and Rayment ) which are absolutely necessary for Human Life , or that such a Law could ever have been made practicable , or have been observed , without the absolute dissolution of the Civil Government ? Whereas if Mr. H. had but considered the distinction between that Natural and Civil Property , which we have made out in the first Chap. of the preceding Discourse , he had never fallen into this Error , of supposing all Theft or Robbery whatsoever to become Lawful , if once ordained so by the Supreme Power . § . 3. I shall give you but one instance more from the Laws of our own Kingdom , by which it is enacted , That whoever shall relieve a way going Beggar , shall forfeit Ten shillings to the Poor of the Parish ; which Law was made for the Publick Good , and to prevent Wandering , Idleness , and Beggary in the Poorer sort of People . But doth it therefore follow , that it might be Lawful for the King and Parliament to make a Law against all Charity , or Relief of the Poor whatsoever ? So that you may see , that no Civil Laws whatsoever , can lay any obligation upon mens Consciences , but as they either regard the publick Good of the Commonwealth , or the more general good of all Rational Beings . § . 4. But whether Mr. H. fell into this Error for want of a due knowledge and consideration of this great Law of Nature ; or else out of a desire to flatter all Civil Sovereigns , is hard to determine ; though it be very suspitious , that he did it rather out of design than ignorance ; since he teaches us in his de Cive , and Lev. That Princes being free from all Promises and Compacts to their Subjects , may dispose of their Lives and Fortunes at their pleasure , and therefore can do them no injury , though they treat them never so cruelly , because he is in respect of them still in the state of Nature ; by which means he at once endeavours to destroy all Virtue and Goodness in Princes , and all Reverence and Respect in the minds of their Subjects ; and makes no difference between a Nero or Caligula , and a Trajan or an Antonine . And consequential to this , he likewise makes the will of the Supreme Power , though perhaps but one single man , to be the only measure of Good and Evil , Just and Unjust : So that whatever he Commands or Forbids , must immediately be look'd upon as Good or Evil , because he hath Commanded it , or Forbidden it ; by which means , Princes would have no other Rules left them of their Moral , or Politick Actions , but their own Arbitrary Humours , or Wills : Which if it were so , men would be in a much worse condition under the Power of this irresistible Leviathan , than they were in the state of Nature ; since a man is in more danger , as to his Life and Fortune , who is at the Mercy of one Cruel and unreasonable man , who commands an Hundred thousand men , than he who was before in danger of the violence of an Hundred thousand single men in the state of Nature , since it was Lawful for him to have provided for his own security by combination with others , which in a Civil state it is upon his Principles unlawful to do ; though I confess , not being true to them , he leaves every man a Right of self-defence , or Resistance , even under a Civil Government whenever he is strong enough to Rebel , or Resist the Magistrate , by which means he takes away with one hand , all that he had before bestowed with the other . § . 5. But I think I have now sufficiently exposed the Falseness , as well as Wickedness of those Principles : And though I will not be so uncharitable as to affirm , that either Mr. H. , or all his Followers , either did , or would always act according to them , ( yet as Cicero long since observed in his Offices ) they have more reason to thank the natural goodness and generosity of their own Natures , than the Doctrines they have embraced , if they do not . But if I have been too tedious in the performance , I hope the Reader will pardon me , if these pernicious Principles are sufficiently Confuted at last , since it is impossible for any man to judge of their Truth or Falsehood , without first considering the Author's Opinion , in his own words , and then strictly examining the reasons he brings for them ; which could not well be contracted into a less compass . But having not only , I hope , laid foundations for a more solid building in the precedent Discourse ; but also cleared off that Rubbish in this second Part , that might obstruct its Evidence in the minds of all Candid and indifferent Readers ; I shall therefore beseech God , the great Ruler of mens hearts and affections , That what we have said in this Treatise , may have that good effect , as if not to produce , yet at least to increase true Piety towards God , and good Will and Charity among men . FINIS . Books Printed for Richard Baldwin . STate Tracts : Being a farther Collection of Several Choice Treatises relating to the Government . From the Year 1660 to 1689. Now Published in a Body to shew the Necessity , and clear the Legality of the Late Revolution , and our present Happy Settlement , under the Auspicious Reign of Their Majesties , King William and Queen Mary . Mathematical Magick : Or , The Wonders that may be performed by Mechanical Geometry . In Two Books . Concerning Mechanical Powers , and Motions . Being one of the most Easie , Pleasant , Useful , ( and yet most neglected ) part of Mathematicks . Not before treated of in this Language . By I. Wilkins , late Lord Bishop of Chester . The Fourth Edition . Bibliotheca Politica : Or a Discourse by way of Dialogue , Whether Monarchy be Iure Divino : Collected out of the most Approved Authors , both Ancient and Modern . Dialogue the First . Dialogue the Second . Whether there can be made out from the Natural , or Revealed Law of God , any Succession to Crowns by Divine Right ? Dialogue the Third . Whether Resistance of the Supream Power by a whole Nation , or People , in cases of the last Extremity can be Justified by the Law of Nature , or Rules of the Gospel ? Dialogue the Fourth . Whether Absolute Non-Resistances of the Supream Powers be enjoined by the Doctrine of the Gospel , and was the Ancient Practice of the Primitive Churh , and the constant Doctrine of our Reformed Church of England ? The Speech of the Right Honourable Thomas Earl of Stamford , Lord Gray of Grooby , &c. at the General Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Leicester , at Michaelmas , 1691. His Lordship being made Custos Rotulorum for the said County by the late Lord Commissioners of the Great Seal . Truth brought to Light : Or , The History of the First 14 Years of King Iames the I. In Four Parts . I. The Happy State of England at His Majesty's Entrance ; The Corruption of it afterwards . With the Rise of particular Favourites , and the Divisions between This and other States abroad . II. The Divorce betwixt the Lady Francis Howard and Robert Earl of Essex , before the King's Delegates , authorized under the King 's Broad Seal . As also the Arraignment of Sir Iervis Yelvis , Lieutenant of the Tower , &c. about the Murther of Sir Thomas Overbury , with all Proceedings thereupon , and the King 's gracious Pardon and Favour to the Countess . III. A Declaration of His Majesty's Revenue since he came to the Crown of England ; with the Annual Issues , Gifts , Pensions , and Extraordinary Disbursements . IV. The Commissions and Warrants for the burning of two Hereticks , newly revived , with two Pardons , one for Theophilus Higgons , the other for Sir Eustace Hart. The Memoirs of Monsieur Deageant : Containing the most secret Transactions and Affairs of France , from the Death of Henry VI. till the beginning of the Ministry of the Cardinal de Richlieu . To which is added a particular Relation of the Arch-bishop of Embrun's Voyage into England , and of his Negotiation for the Advancement of the Roman Catholick Religion here ; together with the Duke of Bukingham's Letter to the said Archbishop about the Progress of that Affair ; which happened the last Years of K. Iames I. his Reign . Faithfully Translated out of the French Original . The Present State of Christendom consider'd . In Nine Dialogues between , I. The present Pope Alexander the VIIIth , and Lewis the XIV . II. The Great Duke of Tuscany , and the Duke of Savoy . III. King Iames the Second , and the Marescal de la Fuillade . IV. The Duke of Lorrain , and the Duke of Schomberg . V. The Duke of Lorrain , and the Elector Palatine . VI. Lewis the XIVth , and the Marquis de Louvois . VII . The Advoyer of Berne , and the Chief Syndic of Geneva . VIII . Cardinal Ottoboni , and the Duke de Chaulnes . IX . The Young Prince Abafti , and Count Teckely . A New , Plain , Short , and Compleat French and English Grammar ; whereby the Learner may attain in few Months to Speak and Write French Correctly , as they do now in the Court of France . And wherein all that is Dark , Superfluous , and Deficient in other Grammars , is Plain , Short , and Methodically supplied . Also very useful to Strangers , that are desirous to learn the English Tongue : For whose sake is added a Short , but very Exact English Grammar . The Second Edition . By Peter Berault . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64084-e780 * Dr. Ioh. Lock . Vide Chap. des Pensees Morales . Book 8. chap. 3. Notes for div A64084-e5930 Vid. his Essay concerning Humane Vnderstanding , Book I. Chap. 11. * Vide , The Preface to De Cive . Vid. Mezeray's Hist. in the Life of this Prince . Leviath . Part I. Chap. 12. * Vid. Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Law of Nature , pag. 24. Demonstration of the Law , &c. pag. 23. — Credendum est totum qd ; colitur Deus , homini prodesse , non Deo. De Civit. Dei Lib. X. Cap. 5. Matt. 12.7 , 8. Mark 2.27 . Luk. 10.30 . Notes for div A64084-e14290 V● Jo. Lerius Hist. Brasil ; as also the French History of the Caribbè Islands . * Vid. Dr. Parker's Ecclesiastical Policy , Chap. 4. p. 126 , 127. Vi. Diog. Laert. in vita Epicuri . Stat 7. Jacobi . Cap. 7. 
A61291	----	The history of the Chaldaick philosophy by Thomas Stanley. Stanley, Thomas, 1625-1678. 1662 Approx. 494 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61291 Wing S5240 ESTC R12160 11825035 ocm 11825035 49660 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61291) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49660) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 195:1b or 826:2) The history of the Chaldaick philosophy by Thomas Stanley. Stanley, Thomas, 1625-1678. Stanley, Thomas, 1625-1678. Chaldaick oracles of Zoroaster. [6], 91, 68, [35] p. Printed for Thomas Dring ..., London : 1662. Includes: The Chaldaick oracles of Zoroaster and his followers, with the expositions of Pletho and Psellus. London : Printed for Thomas Dring, 1661 (poems in Greek, with Latin and English translations collected and translated by F. Patrizi). Table of contents: p. [1]-[8] Indices: p. [9]-[35] Item at reel 195:1b bound with The history of philosophy / by Thomas Stanley. Reproductions of originals in the Folger Shakespeare Library and Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Zoroastrianism -- Early works to 1800. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THOMAS STANLEY ARM : THE HISTORY OF THE CHALDAICK PHILOSOPHY By THOMAS STANLEY . LONDON , Printed for Thomas Dring , and are to be sold at his Shop at the George in Fleet-street neer Cliffords-Inn . Anno 1662. TO Sir JOHN MARSHAM , K t. SIR , I Send this Book to you , because you first directed me to this design . The learned Gassendus was my precedent ; whom neverthelesse I have not followed in his Partiality : For he , though limited to a Single person , yet giveth himself liberty of enlargement , and taketh occasion from his Subject to make the World acquainted with many excellent disquisitions of his own . Our scope being of a greater Latitude , affords lesse opportunity to favour any Particular ; whilst there is due to every one the commendation of their own deserts . This benefit I hope to have received from the Variety of the Subject ; but far more are those I ow to your encouragement , which if I could wish lesse , I should upon this occasion , that there might seem to have been expressed something of choice and inclination in this action , which is now but an inconsiderable effect of the gratitude of , Dear Uncle , Your most affectionate Nephew , and humble Servant , THOMAS STANLEY . PREFACE . WE are entring upon a Subject which I confesse , is in it self harsh , and exotick , very unproper for our Tongue ; yet I doubt not but they will pardon this , who shall consider , that other Philosophies and Sciences have been lately well received by several Nations translated into their own Languages ; and that this , as being the first , contributes not a little to the understanding of the rest . Another disadvantage this Subject incurres far more considerable : There is not any thing more difficult to be retriv'd out of the Ruins of Antiquity than the Learning of the Eastern Nations , and particularly that of the Chaldaeans . What remains of it is chiefly transmitted to us by the Greeks , of whom , some converted it to their own use , intermixing it with their Philosophy , as Pythagoras and Plato ; others treated expressely of it , but their Writings are lost . Of its first Authors nothing remains ; what others took from it , is not distinguishable from their proper Philosophy . The Greeks were first made acquainted with it by Osthanes , and , long after , by Berosus , the former living in the time of Xerxes , the other , under Ptolomaeus Philadelphus . Whence it may be inferr'd , that the Discourse , which Democritus writ of Chaldaea , and his Commentary , of the Sacred Letters at Babylon , either came short of these Sciences , or were so obscure , that they conduced little to their discovery . Neither seems the Treatise , entituled Magicum , ascribed , by some , to Aristotle , by others , to Rhodon , but indeed written by Antisthenes , to have considered the Learning and Sciences , so much as the History of the Professors . Of which kind were also the Writers concerning the Magi , cited , under that general Title , by Diogenes Laertius . But there wanted not those , who further explain'd to the Greeks what Osthanes and Berosus had first communicated . Hermippus ( to use Pliny's words ) wrote most diligently of Magick , and Commented upon the Verses of Zoroaster . About the time of Antonius Pius flourished the two Julians , father & son , Chaldaick Philosophers : the first wrote concerning the Chaldaick Rites , the later , Theurgick Oracles in Verse , and other secrets of that Science . Afterwards , wrote Symbulus and Pallas , concerning the Magi ; and the later Platonick Philosophers more frequently : Amelius , 40 Books , of confutation ; Porphyrius , 4. on the History of Julian the Chaldaean ; Jamblichus , 28. intituled , Of the most perfect Chaldaick Theology ; and Syrianus , 10. upon the Oracles . Of all these , there is nothing extant , unlesse ( which we shall have occasion hereafter to prove ) the few Oracles , dispers'd among the Platonick Writers , be part of those , which were , by the Greeks , ( Hermippus , Julian the son , and others ) translated out of the Chaldaick , Some of these Pletho and Psellus have explain'd with a Comment , adding two brief obscure Summaries of the Chaldaick Doctrine , which we have endeavoured to supply and clear , by adding and digesting the few remains of those Sciences which ly dispers'd amongst other Authors ; taking care to reject such as are supposititious , or of no credit , as , in the Historical part , Annius Viterbiensis , Clemens Romanus , and the like : in the Philosophical , the Rabbinical Inventions , which ( though incuriously admitted by Kircher , Gaulmin , and others ) manifestly appear to have been of later invention . THE HISTORY OF THE CHALDAICK PHILOSOPHY . THE FIRST BOOK . Of the Chaldaeans . PHILOSOPHY is generally acknowledg'd even by the most Learned of the Grecians themselves , to have had its original in the Ea●t . None of the Eastern Nations , for antiquity of Learning , stood in competition with the Chaldaeans and Aegyptians . The Aegyptians pretended that the Chaldaeans were a Colony of them , and had all their Learning and Institutions from them : but they who are less interessed , and unprejudiced Judges of this Controversy , assert that a The Magi ( who derived their knowledge from the Chaldaeans ) were more ancient than the Aegyptians , that b Astrological Learning passed from the Chaldaeans to the Aegyptians , and from them to the Grecians ; and , in a word , that the Chaldaeans were c antiquissimum Doctorum genus , the most antient of Teachers . Chaldaea is a part of Babylonia in Asia , the Inhabitants termed Chasdim , ( as if Chusdim ) from Chus the son of Cham. But the Philosophy of the Chaldaeans exceeded the bounds of their Country , and diffused it self into Persia and Arabia that border upon it ; for which reason the Learning of the Chaldaeans , Persians and Arabians is comprehended under the general Title of CHALDAICK . Of these therefore we shall begin with That , from which the other two were derived , and is more properly termed CHALDAEAN in respect of the Country . In treating of which ( as likewise of the other two ) the first Part of our Discourse shall consider the Authors or Professors and their Sects ; the Second , their Doctrine . THE FIRST PART . The Chaldaean Philosophers , Institution , and Sects . SECT . I. Of the Chaldaean Philosophers . CHAP. I. The Antiquity of the Chaldaick Learning . THe Antiquity of the Chaldaick Learning , though such as other Nations cannot equal , comes far short of that to which they d●d pretend . When Alexander , by his Victories against Darius , was possess'd of Babylon , ( in the 4383d. year of the Iulian Period ) Aristotle , a curious promotor of Arts , requested his Nephew Calisthenes , who accompani'd Alexander in the expedition , to inform him of what Antiquity the Learning of the Chaldaeans might with reason be esteemed . The Chaldaeans themselves pretended , that , from the time they had first begun to observe the Stars until this Expedition of Alexander into Asia , were 4●0000 years . But far beneath this number were the Observations which ( as Porphyrius cited by a Simplicius relates ) Calisthenes sent to Aristotle , being but of 1903 years , preserved to that time , which from the 4●83d. year of the Iulian Period upward , falls upon the 2480th . And even this may with good reason be questioned , for there is not any thing extant in the Chaldaick Astrology more antient than the Aera of Nabo●assar , which began but on the 3967th of the Iulian Period . By this Aera they compute their Astronomical Observations , of which if there had been any more ancient , Ptolemy would not have omitted them . b The first of these is in the first year of Merodach ( c that King of Babylon who sent the message to Ahaz concerning the miracle of the Dial , ) which was about the 27th of Nabonassar . The next was in the 28th of Nabonassar . d The third Observation is in the 127th of Nabonassar , which is the 5th year of Nabopolassur . This indeed is beyond all exception ; for we have them confirm'd by the Authority of Ptolemy , who shewes the Reasons and Rules for the Observations . What is more then this , seems to have been onely hypothetical . And if we shall imagine a canicular Cycle which consists of 1461 years ( and are 1460 natural years ) to have been supposed by Porp●yrius to make up his Hypothesis , then there will want but 18 years of this number . CHAP. II. That there were several Zoroasters . THe invention of Arts among the Chaldaeans is generally ascribed to Zoroaster . The name Zoroaster ( to omit those who give it a Greek Etymology from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Dinon cited by a Laertius interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rendred by his Translators , a Worshipper of the Stars . b Kircher finds fault with this Etymology , as being compounded out of two several Languages from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Chaldee Zor , and therefore endeavours to duduce it from c tsura , a figure , or d ●sajar , to fashion , and e as and f ster , hidden fire , as if it were g Zairaster , fashioning images of hidden fire , or h ●suraster , the image of secret things ; with which the Persian Zarast agreeth . But it hath been observed , that Ester in the Persian Language signifieth a Star. The former particle Zor k Bochartus derives from the Hebrew Schur , to contemplate , and thereupon , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in Laertius ) reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a contemplator of the Stars . But we find Zor used amongst other words ( by composition ) in the name Zorobabel , which we interpret , born at Babylon : Zoroaster therefore properly signifies the Son of the Stars . The same name it is which some call Zabratas , others Nazaratas , others Zares , others Zaran , others Zaratus , others Zaradas ; all which are but several corruptions from the Chaldee or Persian word which the Greeks most generally render Zoroaster . That there were several Zoroasters ( except Goropius , who paradoxically maintains there was not any one ) none deny : but in reckoning them up , there is no small disagreement amongst Writers , grounded chiefly upon l Arnobius , whom they differently interpret ; his words these , Age nunc veniat quis super igneam zonam Magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres , Hermippo ut assentiamur Authori : Bactrianus et ille conveniat , cujus ●tesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo ; Armenius , Hostanis nepos , & familiaris Pamphilius Cyr● . m Patricius , n Naudaeus , o Kirch●r , and others , conceive that Arnobius here mentions four Zoroasters ; the first a Chaldean , the second a Bactrian , the third a Pamphylian ( named also Erus , ) the fourth an Armenian , son ( as Kircher would have it ) of Hostanes . p Salmasius alters the Text thus , Age nunc veniat quaeso per igneam Zonam Magus interiore ab orbe Zoroasters , Hermippo ut assentiamur Auctori , Bactrianus . Et ille conveniat , cujus Ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo , Armenius , Hostanis nepos , & familiaris Pamphilus Cyri. Which words thus altered by himself , imply , as he pretends , but three Zoroasters ; the first , according to some , an Aethiopian ( a Country neer the torrid Zone ) but , according to Hermippus , a Bactrian ; the second , Armenius , Nephew of Hostanes , of whose actions Ctesias gives account in the first Book of his Histories ; the third named Pamphilus , friend to Cyrus , q Ursinus , from the same reading of the words , infers that Arnobius mentions only two , that he manifestly explodes the Bractrian Zoroaster of Hermippus , and that Ctesias confuting the fabulous relation of Eudoxus , proved Zoroaster to have lived in the times of Cyrus . But the words of Arnobius seem not to require such alteration ; which will appear more , if we mention particularly all those on whom the name of Zoroaster was conferr'd . The first a Chaldaean , the same whom r Suidas calls the Assyrian , adding that he died by fire from Heaven ; to which story perhaps Arnobius alludes , or to that other relation mention'd by s Dion Chrysostome , that Zoroaster the Persian ( for their stories are confounded ) came to the people out of a fiery mountain ; or else , by fiery zone , he means the seat of the zoned Deities just above the Empyreal or corporeal Heaven , according to the doctrine of the Chaldaeans ; for I find not any where that Zoroaster was esteem'd an Aethiopian , or of interiour Lybia , as Salmasius expounds , Concerning this Zoroaster , Arnobius cites Hermippus : who , as t Pliny saith , wrote in explication of his Verses , and added Tables to his Volumes . The second , a Bractrian ; u Iustine mentions Zoroastres King of Bractria contemporary with Ninus the Assyrian , by whom he was subdu'd and slain ; adding , He was said to be the first that invented Magical Arts , and observed the beginnings of the World , and the motions of the Stars . Arnobius saith , x he contested with Ninus , not only by steel and strength , but likewise by the Magical and abstruse disciplines of the Chaldeans . The actions of this Zoroaster , Ctesias recorded in the first Book of his Persica ; for so Arnobius , y Bactrianus & ille conveniat , cujus Ctesias res gestas historiarum exponit in primo . The first six Books of that Work , treated ( as z Photius shews ) only of the Assyrian History , and passages that preceded the Persian affairs . Whereupon , I cannot assent to the conjecture of Salmasius , who applies the citation of Ctesias to the Nephew of Hostanes , since Hostanes ( as a Pliny affirms ) lived under Darius . But b Diodorus names the King of Bactria whom Ninus conquered , Oxyartes ; and some old Mss. of Iustine ( attested by Ligerius ) Oxyatres , others Zeorastes : perhaps the neerness of the names and times ( the Chaldaean living also under Ninus , as c Suidas relates ) gave occasion to some to confound them , and to ascribe to the Bactrian what was proper to the Chaldaean ; since it cannot be imagined , that the Bactrian was Inventor of those Arts , in which the Chaldaean , who lived contemporary with him , was so well skil'd . Elichmannus , a Persian Writer , affirms the Arabians and Persians to hold , that Zoroaster was not King of the Bactrians , but a Magus or Prophet ; who by perswasions having wrought upon their King , first introduced a new form of superstition amongst them , whereof t●ere are some remainders at this day . The third a Persian , so termed by d Laertius and others ; the same whom Clemens Alexandrinus styles a Mede ; Suidas , a Perso-Mede ; Institutor of the Magi , and Introductor of the Chaldaick Sciences amongst the Persians . Some confound this Zoroaster with the Chaldaean , and both of them ( as e Kircher doth ) with Cham the Son of Noah , not without a very great anachronism : for we find the Word Persian no where mentioned before the Prophet Ezekiel , neither did it come to be of note till the time of Cyrus . The occasion of which mistake seems to have been for that Zoroaster the Persian , is by Pliny , Laer●ius , and others , styled Institutor of Mag●ck , and of the Magi , which is to be understood no otherwise then that he first introduced them into Persia. For f Plutarch acknowledgeth , Zoroaster instituted Magi amongst the Chaldaeans , in imitation of whom the Persians had theirs also : And the g Arabick History , that Zaradussit not first instituted , but reformed , the religion of the Persians and Magi , being divided into many Sects . The fourth a Pamphylian , commonly called Er , or Erus Armeniu● . That he also had the Name of Zoroaster , h Clemens witnesseth : The same Author , ( saith he , meaning Plato ) in the 10. of his Politicks , mentioneth Erus Armenius , by descent a Pamphylian , who is Zoroaster ; now this Zoroaster writes thus , i This wrote I , Zoroaster Armenius , by descent a Pamphylian , dying in Warre ; and being in Hades , I Learned of the Gods. This Zoroaster , k Plato affirmeth to have been raised again to Life , after he had been Dead ten dayes , and laid on the Funeral pyre , repeated by l Valerius Maximus , and m Macrobius . To this Zoroaster , doubtlesse the latter part of Arnobius's Words , with which Interpreters are so much perplexed , ought to be referred , Armenius Hostanis nepos , & familiaris Pamphylius Cyri. Some conjecture he mentions two Zoroasters ; I rather conceive , the Words relate only to this one , and perhaps are corrupt , thus to be restored and distinguished , Armenius Hostanis nepos & familiaris , Phamphylius Erus : Armenius , Nephew and Disciple ( in which sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usually taken ) of Hostanes , Erus Pamphylius . The fifth a Proconnesian , mentioned by n Pliny ; Such as are more diligent ( saith he ) place another Zoroaster , a Proconnesian , a little b●fore Hostanes . This Zoroaster might probably be Aristeas the Proconnesian , who , according to o Suidas , lived in the time of Cyrus and Croesus . He adds , that his soul could go out of his Body , and return as often as he pleased . p Herodotus relates an instance hereof , not unlike that of Erus Armenius , that he died suddenly in a Fuller's shop at Proconnesus , and was seen at the same time at Cyzicus : his Friends coming to fetch away his Body , could not find it . Seven years after he returned home , and published the Verses which were afterwards called Arimaspean ; a Poem describing a Happy Life , or rather an Imaginary civill Government after such a manner as he conceived most perfect . This we may gather from q ( lemens Alexandrinus , who saith , that the Hyperborean and Arimaspian Cities , and the Elyzian fields are forms of civill Governments of just Persons ; of which kind is Plato's Common-wealth . To these may be added a sixth Zoroaster , ( for so r Apuleius calls him ) who lived at Babylon , at what time Pythagoras was carried Prisoner thither by Cambyses . The same Author terms him , omnis divini arcanum Antistitem , adding , that he was the chief Person whom Pythagoras had for Master ; probably , therefore ; the same with Zabratas , by whom s Diogenes affirms , he was clea●sed from the pollutions of his Life past , and instructed from what things vertuous Persons ought to be free ; and learnt the Discourse concerning Nature ( Physick ) , and what are the Principles of the Universe ; The same with Nazaratas the Assyrian , whom Alexander in his Book of Pythagorick Symbols , affirms to have been Master to Pythagoras ; the same whom Suidas calls Zares ; Cyril , Zaran ; Plutarch , Zaratas . That there should be so many Zoroasters , and so much confusion amongst Authors that write of them , by mistaking one for another , is nothing strange ; for , from extraordinary Persons , Authors of some publick benefit , they who afterwards were Eminent in the same Kind , were usually called by the same Name . Hence is it , that there were so many Belusses , Saturns , Iupiters ; and , consequently , so much confusion in their Stories . The like may be said of Zoroaster the Chaldaean , who being the Inventer of Magical and Astronomical Sciences , they who introduced the same into other Countries , as Zoroaster the Persian did , in imitation ( as Plutarch saith ) of the Chaldaeans , and such likewise as were eminently skilfull in those Sciences , as the Bactrian , the Pamphylian , and the Proconnesian , are described to have been , were called by the same Name . CHAP. III. Of the Chaldaean Zoroaster , Institutor of the Chaldaick Philosophy . THe first of th●se Zoroasters termed the Chaldaean or Assyrian , is generally acknowledg'd the Inventer of Arts and Sciences amongst the Chaldaeans , but concerning the time in which he lived , there is a vast disagreement amongst Authors . Some of these erre so largely , as not to need any Confutation ; such are a Eudoxus , and the Author of the Treatise entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly ascribed to Aristot●e , ( and so b Pliny cites it , ) who asserts he lived 5000. years before Plato . Such likew●se are Hermippus , Hemodorus the Platonick , Plutarch , and Ge●istus Pletho ( following Plutarch , ) who place him 5000. years before the Destruction of Troy. Others conceive Zoroaster to be the same with Cham , the son of Noah ; of which Opinion ( not to mention the Pseudo-B●rosus of Annius Viterbiensis ) were Didymus of A●exand●i● , Agathias , Scholasticus , and Abenephi : Cham ( saith the la● ) was the Son of Noah ; he first taught the worshipping of Idols , and first introduced Magical Arts into the World , his Name is Zuraster , he the second Adris , a perpetual fire . Hither also some referre the Rabbinical stones concerning Cham , that c by Magick he emasculated his Father , &c. d That Noah being by this means disabled from getting a fourth Son , cu●sed the fourth Son of Cham ; That e this curse ( which was that he should be a Servant of Servants ) implied strange service , viz. Idolatry ; That f hereupon the posterity of Chus became Idolaters , Cham himse●f being the first that made Idols and introduced strange service into the World , and taught his Family the worshipping of Fire . The greater part of Writers place him later . Epiphanius in the time of Nimrod , with whom agree the Observations g said to be sent by Callisthenes to Aristotle of 1903. years before Alexanders taking Babylon : for from the year of the Julian Period in which Babylon was taken , the 1903. upward falls on the 2480. of the same Aera ; about which time Nimrod laid the foundations of that City , and there setled his Empire . Suidas relates him contemporary with Ninus King of Assyria ; Eusebius , with Semiramis Wife of Ninus ; Ninus is placed by Chronologers above the 3447. of the Julian Period . Suidas ( elsewhere ) reckons him to have lived 500. years before the taking of Troy ; Xanthus , 600. years before Xerxes's expedition into Greece . Troy , according to the Marmor Arundelianum was taken 434. years before the first Olympiad . Xerxes's expedition was on the first of the 75. Olympiad , viz. the of the Julian Period . The accompt of Suidas therefore falls on the 3030. that of Xanthus on the 3634. of the Julian Period . The latest of these seemeth to me most Historical , and agreeable to Truth . Of his Birth , Life , and Death , there is little to be found ; and even that , uncertain , whether appliable to him or to the Persian . Plato styles Zoroaster the Son of Oromases ; but Oromases ( as Plutarch and others shew ) was a Name given to God by Zoroaster the Persian and his Followers : whence I conceive that Plato is to be understood of the Persian Zoroaster , who perhaps in regard of his extraordinary knowledge , was either Allegorically styled , or fabulously reported to be the ●on of God , or of some good Genius , as Pythagoras , Plato , and many other Excellent Persons were . h Pliny reports , that Zoroaster , ( not particularizing , which of them ) laughed the same day he was Born ; and that his brain did beat so hard that it heaved up the hand laid upon it , a presage of his future science ; and that he lived in the Deserts twenty years upon Cheese so tempered as that it became not old . ●he Assyrian Zoroaster , ( saith Suidas ) pray'd he might dye by fire from Heaven , and advised the Assyrians to preserve his ashes , assuring that as long as they kept them , their Kingdome should never fail : but Cedrenus attributes the same to the Per●●an . Of Writings attributed to him , are mentioned i Verses , two millions , upon which Hermippus wrote a Comment , and added ●ables to them . Oracles , perhaps part of the foresaid Verses ; upon these Syrianus wrote a Comment in twelve Books . Of Agriculture , or Mechanicks ; Pliny alledgeth a rule for sowing ; and the Author of the Geoponicks , many Experiments under his Name : but this was either spurious , or written by some other Zoroaster . Revelations ; supposititious also , forged ( as Porphyrius professeth ) by some Gnosticks . To these adde , cited by the Arabians , a Treatise of Magick ; and another , of Dreams and their Interpretation , cited by Gelaldin frequently ; Inventions doubtlesse of latter times . Some ascribe the Treatises of the Persian Zoroaster to the Chaldaean ; but of those hereafter . CHAP. IV. Of Belus , another reputed Inventor of Sciences amongst the Chaldaeans . SOme there are who ascribe the Invention of Astronomy to Belus , of which Name there were two Persons , one a Tyrian , the other an Assyrian , who reigned in Babylonia next after the Arabians , about the 2682. year of the World , according to the accompt of Africanus ; for whose Inventions the Babylonians honoured him as a God. There is yet standing , ( sa●th a Pliny ) the Temple of Iupiter Belus ; he was the Inventor of the science of the Stars , and b Diodorus , speaking of the Aegyptians , They affirm that afterwards many Colonies went out of Aegypt , and were dispersed over the Earth , and that Belus reputed to be Son of Neptune and Lybia , carried one to Babylon ; and , making choice of the River Euphrates , to settle it instituted Priests after the manner of those in Aegypt exempt from all publique Charges and Duties , which the Babylonians call Chaldaeans ; these observed the Sta●s imitating the Aegyptian Priests , Naturalists and Astrologers . Thus Diodorus . But that Belus was son of Neptune and Lybia , is nothing but Greek Mythologie ; that he brought a Colony out of Aegypt into Babylon , is fabulous . For the Aegyptians had not any Correspondence with forreigners for a long time after . But to confirm that he was skilful in those Sciences , c Aelian gives this Relat●on . Xerxes son of Darius , breaking up the Monument of antient Belus , found an Urn of Glass in which his dead Body lay in Oyle ; but the Urn was not full , it wanted a hand-●readth of the Topp : next the Urn there was a little Pillar , on which it was written , ●hat whosoever should open the Sepulcher and did not fill up the Urn , should have ill fortune . Which Xerxes reading grew afraid , and commanded that they should powre Oyl into it with all speed ; notwithstanding , it was not filled : Then he commanded to powre into it the second time ; but neither did it increase at all thereby . So that at last failing of success he gave over ; and shutting up the Monument , departed very sad . Nor did the Event foretold by the Pillar deceive him : for he led an Army of 50 Myriads against Greece , where he received a great defeat , and returning home , died miserably , being murthered by his own Son , in the Night-time , a-bed . To this Belus , Semiramis his Daughter d erected a Temple in the middle of Babylon which was exceeding high , and by the help thereof the Chaldaeans who addicted themselves there to Contemplation of the Stars , did exactly observe their risings and settings . CHAP. V. Other Chaldaean Philosophers . FRom Zoroaster were derived the Chaldaean Magi and Philosophers his Disciples ; amongst whom , a Pliny mentions one Azonaces Master of Zoroaster ; which doubtless must have been meant of some later Zoroaster , there being many of that name , as we shewed formerly . By the same b Author are mentioned of the antient Magi Marmaridius a Babylonian , and Zarmocenidas an Assyrian ; of whom nothing is left but their names , no monuments extant of them . To these add c Zoromasdres a Chaldaean Philosopher , who wrote Mathematicks and Physicks ; and Teucer a Babylonian an ancient Author who wrote concerning the Decanates . The Mathematicians also , saith d Strabo , mention some of these , as Cidenas , and Naburianus , and Sudinus , and Seleucus of Seleucia a Chaldaean , and many other eminent persons . CHAP. VI. Of Berosus , who first introduced the Chaldaick Learning into Greece . AFter these flourished Berosus , or , as the Greeks call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which name a some interpret the Son of Oseas : for , as is manifest from Elias , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Chaldees is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Syraic● ; whence Bar-ptolemaeus , as if the Son of Ptolemy , Bar-timaeus , and the like : Gorionides and other Rabbins call him b Bar-Hosea ; The Arabians Barasa ; so Abenephi , and others . c Barthius saith that there are some who assert him contemporary with Moses , which opinion justly he condemns as ridiculous ; d Claudius Verderius in his Censure upon the Annian Berosus affirms , he lived a litle before the reign of Alexander the Great ; upon what authority , I know not ; That he lived in the time of Alexander , we find in the Oration of Tatian against the Gentiles ; but the same Tatian adds , he dedicated his History to that Antiochus who was the third from Alexander . But neither is this reading unquestionable ; for e Eusebius cites the same place of Tatian thus , Berosus the Babylonian , Priest of Belus at Babylon who lived in the time of Alexander , and dedicated to Antiochus , the third after Seuleucus , a History of the Chaldaeans in three Books , and relates the actions of their Kings , mentions one of them named Nabuchodonosor &c. Here we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the Text of Tatian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after Alexander . And indeed this reading seems most consonant to the story . The next to Alexander was Seleucus Nicator : the next to him , Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; The third , Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who began his reign sixty one years after the death of Alexander : Now , it is possible that Berosus at the time of Alexander's taking Babylon might be thirty years old or lesse ; and at his 90th year or somewhat younger might dedicate his History to Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Or we may say , that by Antiochus the third from Alexander is meant Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reckoning Alexander himself inclusively for one , Seleucus the second , Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the third ; to whom from the death of Alexander are but 44 years : And in approving this Accompt we may retain the reading of Eusebius , supposing the first to be Seleucus , the second Antiochus Soter , the third Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : neither is this inconsistent with Gesner's Translation of the words of Tatian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in Stephens edition , of Eusebius ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in Tatian himself , qui Alexandri aetate vixit : which interpretation f O●●phrius Panuinus also follows . But considering these words more intently it came into my mind ( saith Vossius ) that it might better be rendred qui Alexandri aetate natus est , whereby all scruple may be taken away , supposing Berosus to have been born but two years before Alexanders death ; By which accompt he must have been but 64 years old when Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom he dedicated his Book began to reign : which way soever it is , Berosus published his History in the time of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus ; for he reigned 38 years , and in the sixth year of his reign Antiochus Soter began to reign in Syria in the 22d of Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to one of whom Antiochus dedicated his Book . But by no means can we assent to the Learned g ●onradus Ges●erus , who by Alexander conceives to be meant not he who was sirnamed the Great son , of Philip , but that Alexander who succeded Demetrius Soter , in the Kingdome of Syria , and was succeeded by Demetrius Nicanor ; by Antiochus understanding Antiochus Sedetes , who Reigned next after Demetrius Nicanor : for if it were so Berosus must have been a whole age later than Ma●etho ; but Ma●etho flourished under Philadelphus ( as Vossius elsewhere proves ) Philadelphus died in the third year of the 133d Olympiad ; but Antiochus Sedetes invaded Syria in the first of the 16●th Olympiad : How then could Berosus live so late , who was a little precedent to Manetho , as Syncellus expressely affirms ? Again , we may assert the time of Berosus another way . h Pliny sa●th he gave accompt of 480 years , which doubtless were years of Nabonassar : now the aera of Nabonassar begun in the second year of the 8th Olymp●ad ; from which if we reckon 480 , it will fall upon the later end of Soter's reign ; wherefore Beros●s dedicated his Book either to him or to Antiochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his son . These Arguments will not suffer us to doubt of the time of Berosus . This Berosus is mention'd by many of the Antients . i Vitruvius saith , he first setled in the Island Coos and there opened Learning . k Iosephus that he introduced the Writings of the Chaldaeans concerning Astronomy and Philosophy among the Grecians . l Pliny that the Athenians , for his divine Praedictions , dedicated to him publiquely in their Gymnasium a Statue with a golden Tongue . He is mention'd likewise by m Tertullian , and the Author of the n Chronicon Alexandrinum . He wrote Babylonicks or Chaldaicks , in three Books : for they are cited promiscuously under both these Titles : The Babylonicks of Berosus , o Athenaeus cites ; but Tatian saith , he wrote the Chaldaick History in three Books . And p Clemens Alexandrinus cites Berosus , his third of Chaldaicks ; and elsewhere , simply his Chaldaick Histories : And Agathias affirms , he wrote the antiquities of the Assyrians and Medes ; for those Books contained not only the Assyrian or Chaldaean affairs but also the Median ; q Agathias , as somewhere Berosus the Babylonian , and Athenocles , and Simacus , relate , who have Recorded the antiquities of Assyrians and Medes . Out of this work r Iosephus hath preserved some excellent fragments ; But the supposititious Berosus of Annius is most trivial and foolish , of the same kind as his Megasthenes and Archilochus : many Kings are there reckon'd which are no where to be found ; and scarce is there any of those fragments which Iosephus cites out of the true Berosus : on the contrary , some things are plainly repugnant , as when he saith Semiramis built Babylon ; whereas Iosephus saith Berosus wrote , that it was not built by Semiramis . A daughter of this Berosus is mention'd by s Iustin Martyr a Babylonian Sibyl , who prophesied at Cumae ; This cannot be understood of that Cumaean Sibyl , who lived in the ●ime of Tarquinius Priscus ; for betwixt Tarquinius Priscus and the first Pontick war ( in which time Berosus lived ) are 245 years ; but of some other Cumaean Sibyl of much later time . That there were several Sibyls , who prophesied at Cumae , t Onuphrius hath already proved out of the Treatise of wonderful things ascribed to Aristotle ; and out of Martianus Capella , and other Writers . Berosus being the person who introduced the Chaldaick Learning into Greece , we shall with him close the History of the Learned Persons or Philosophers amongst the Chaldaeans . SECT . II. The Chaldaick Institution , and Sects . CHAP. I. That all Professors of Learning were more peculiarly termed Chaldaeans . PHilosophy or Learning was not taught and propagated by the Chaldaeans after the Grecian manner , communicated by publick Professors indifferently to all sorts of Auditors ; but restrained to certain Families . These were by a more peculiar compellat on termed Chaldeans ; addicted themselves wholly to study ; ●ad a proper habitation allotted for them ; and lived exempt from all publick charges and duties . Of these is a Diodorus to be understood ; who relates , that Belus instituted Priests exempt from all publick charges and duties , whom the Babylonians call Chaldaeans . Strabo adds , that there was a peculiar habitation in Babylonia allotted for the Philosophers of that Country who were termed Chaldaeans ; and that they inhabited a certain Tribe of the Chaldaeans , and a portion of Babylonia , adjoyning to the Arabians and the Persian-Gulf . There were those Chaldaeans who , as b Cicero saith , were named not from the Art , but Nation . And of whom he is elsewhere to be understood , when he affirms thatc in Syria the Chaldaeans excel for knowledge of the Stars , and acuteness of Wit ; and d Q. Curtius , who describing the solemnity of those who went out of Babylon to meet Alexander , saith , Then went the Magi after their manner ; next whom , the Chaldaeans , Non vates modo sed artifices Babyloniorum : Where though some interpret artifices , those Astrologers who made Instruments for the practise of their Art ; yet Curtius seems to intend no more then the Chaldaeans of both sorts , the Plebeian Tradesmen , and the Learned . Of these Chaldaeans peculiarly so termed , is e Laertius likewise to be understood , when he cites as Authors of Philosophy amongst the Persians the Magi , amongst the Babylonians or Assyrians the Chaldaeans . And Hesychius , who interprets the word Chaldaeans , a kind of Magi that know all things . CHAP. II. Their Institution . THese Chaldeans preserved their Learning within themselves , by a continued Tradition from Father to Son. They learn not , ( saith a Diodorus ) after the same fashion as the Greeks ; For amongst the Chaldeans , Philosophy is deliver'd by Tradition in the family , the Son receiving it from the Father , being exempted from all other employment ; and thus having their Parents for their Teachers , they learn all things fully and abundantly , believing more firmly what is communicated to them : and being brought up in these Disciplines from Children , they acquire a great habit in Astrology , as well because that age is apt to Learn , as for that they imploy so much time in Study . But among the Greeks , for the most part they come unprepared , and attain Philosophy very late ; and having bestow'd some time therein , quit it to seek out means for their Lively-hood : and though some few give themselves up wholly to Philosophy , yet they per●ist in Learning only for gain , continually innovating some things in the most considerable Doctrines , and never follow those that went before them ; whereas the Barbarians persevering alwayes in the same , receive each of them firmly : But the Greeks aiming at gain , by this Profession erect new Sects , and contradicting one another in the most considerable Theorems , make their Disciples dubious ; and their minds , as long as they live , are in suspense and doubt , neither can they firmly believe any thing : for if a man examine the chiefest Sects of the Philosophers , he will find them most different from one another , and directly opposite in the principal Assertions . CHAP. III. Sects of the Chaldaeans distinguished according to their several Habitations . AS all Professors of Learning amongst the Chaldaeans , were distinguished from the rest of the People by the common Denomination of the Country , Chaldaeans ; so were they distinguish'd amongst themselves into Sects , denominated from the several parts of the Country , wherin they were seated : whereof a Pliny and b Strabo mention Hipparenes from Hipparenum , a City in Mesopotamia ; Babylonians , from Babylon ; Orchenes , ( c a third Chaldaick Doctrine ) from Orchoë a City of Chaldaea ; and Borsippenes , from Borsippe , another City of Babylonia dedicated to Apollo and Diana . And though d Diodorus prefer the Chaldaeans before the Graecians , for their perseverance in the same Doctrines without Innovations ; yet we must not infer thence , that there was an universal consent of Doctrine amongst them ; but only , that each of them was constant in belief , and maintenance of his own Sect , without introducing any new Opinion . For , that amongst these Sects there was no absolute agreement , is manifest from Strabo , who adds that e they did , ( as in different Sects ) assert contrary Doctrines ; f some of them calculated Nativities , others disapproved it ; Whence g Lucretius , The Babylonick Doctrine doth oppose The Chaldee , and Astrology ore'throws . CHAP. IV. Sects of the Chaldaeans distinguished according to their several Sciences . ANother ( more proper ) distinction of Sects amongst the Learned Chaldaeans , there was , according to the several Sciences which they profest ▪ The Prophet a Daniel relating how Nebuchadonosar sent for all the Learned Men , to tell him his Dream , takes occasion to name the principal of them , which were four ; Hhartumim , Ashaphim , Mecashephim , Chasdim . Hhartumim , are by Abrabaniel , expounded Magi skilfull in Natutural things ; and by Iachiades , those Magi who addicted themselves to contemplative Science , which interpretation suits well with the Derivation of the word ; not as some would have from Charmini , Burnt bones , ( for that the Magi performed their Rites with Dead mens bones ) nor from Charat , a Pen or Scribe , ( in regard , the Aegyptians used to call their wise Persons , Scribes : ) for the Word in Chaldee is not taken in that sense ; but from 〈◊〉 a Persian word , ( by Transmutation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifying to know , whence Elmacinus instead of this Perse-Chaldee , useth two Arabick Words , Alhochamaon , Walarraphaon ; Wise and Knowing Persons . The Hhartumim , therefore , were not ( as commonly render'd ) Magicians , but rather such as studied the Nature of all things , under which contemplation is comprehended Theology , and Physick , the knowledge of Beings , Divine and Natural . Ashaphim b Iachiades expounds those Magi qui scientiam activam excolebant : so Constantinus renders him , but adds , that Iachiades is mistaken , and that the Ashaphim were rather the same as Souphoun in Arabick , Wise , Religious Persons This indeed , is the more probable ; Souphoun is an attribute , proper to those who deliver'd all Theology , Mystically , and Allegorically , derived from Souph , Wool ; either for that the Garments of these professors of Theology , were made only of Wool , never of Silk ; or , from attiring and vailing the things which concern the Love of God , under the figures of visible things : whence is deriv'd , the Word Hatseviph , Mystick Theology ; and perhaps , from the Hebrew root , Ashaph , comes the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first attribute given by the Greeks to Learned Persons , afterwards changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These Ashaphim , the ordinary Interpretation of the Text in Daniel styles Astrologers : and Aben Ezra derives the Word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twy-●ight , because they observe the Heavens , at that time ; But the Astrologers are meant afterwards by the Word Chasdim , ( last of the four . ) The Ashaphim of the Chaldaeans , seem rather to be the same with the Magi of the Persians , Priests , the professours of Religious Worship , which they termed Magick . Mecashphim properly signifieth Revealers , ( that is , ) of abstruse things : the Word is derived from Chashaph , which the Arabians still use in the same sense of Revealing : Mecashphim are generally taken , ( as by R. Moses , Nachmarides , Abrabaniel , and others ) for such as practised Diabolical Arts : not improperly render'd , Sorcerers . Chasdim , ( or Chaldaeans ) was an attribute ( as we shewed formerly ) conferred in a particular sense upon the Learned Persons of the Chaldaeans : Amongst whom , by a restriction yet more particular , it signify'd the professours of Astrology , this being a study to which they were more especially addicted , and for which most eminent ; c these are those Chasdim , whom Strabo styles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , astronomical Chaldaeans . Besides these four kinds ( which seem to have been the principal , ) there are several others mention'd , and prohibited by the Levitical Law , Deut. 18. 10. Choser , Casmim , Megnonenim , Menacheshim , Hhober , Hhaber , Shel , Ob , Iideoni , Doresh el Hammetim . R. Maimonides reciting them all , adds , that , they were several sorts of Diviners sprung up of old amongst the Chaldaeans . Iachiades mentions them , as particular kinds of the Mecashphim . THE SECOND PART . The Chaldaick Doctrine . FRom the four general kinds of the professors of Learning amongst the Chaldeans , mention'd by the Prophet Daniel , ( of which we a last treated ) may be inferred , Of what Parts or Sciences the Chaldaick Doctrine did consist . The Hhartumim were employed in Divine and Natural speculation ; The Ashaphim , in Religious Worship , and Rites ; The Mecashphim , and Chasdim in Divination ; these by Astrology , those by other Arts : which two last , Diodorus , speaking of the Learned Chaldeans , comprehends under the common name of Astrologers ; the other two , under that of Natural Philosophers , and Priests : for he saith , they imitated the Aegyptian Priests , Naturalists , and Astrologers . In treating therefore of the Chaldaick Doctrine , we shall first lay down their Theology , and Physick , the proper study of the Hhartumim ; Next , their Astrology , and other Arts of Di●i●ation , practis'd by the Chasdim , and Mecashphim : thirdly , their ●heurgy , and Lastly , their Gods. Which contemplation and rites were peculiar to the Ashaphim . SECT . I. Theology , and Physick . THe Chaldaick Doctrine , in the first place considers all Beings , as well Divine , as Natural : the contemplation of the first , is Theology ; of the latter , Physick . a Zoroaster divided all things into three kinds ; the first Eternal ; the second had a beginning in time , but shall have no end ; the third Mortal : the two first belong to Theology . The Subject of Theology , ( saith b Eusebius , speaking doubtlesse of the followers of Zoroaster ) They divided into four kinds ; The first is God , the Father and King : next him , there followeth a multitude of other Gods ; in the third place they rank Daemons ; in the fourth Heroes , or , according to others , Angels , Daemons , and Souls . The third , or mortal kind is the Subject of Physick ; It comprehends all things material ; which they divide into seven Worlds , one Empyreal , three Aetherial , three Corporeal . CHAP. I. Of the Eternal Being , God. THe first kind of things ( according to Zoroaster ) is Eternal , the Supreme God. In the first place ( saith Eusebius ) they conceive that God the Father and King ought to be ranked . This the Delphian Oracle ( cited by Porphyrius ) confirms Chaldes and Iews wise only , worshipping Purely a self-bego●●en God and King. This is that principle of which the Author of the Chaldaick Summary saith , They conceive there is one principle of all things , and declares that it is one and good . a God ( as Pythagoras learnt of the Magi , who term him Oromasdes ) in his Body resembles Light , in his Soul Truth ; That God ( according to the Chaldaick opinion ) is Light , besides the testimony of Eusebius , may be inferred from the Oracles of Zoroaster , wherein are frequently mentioned the b light , beams , and splendor of the Father . In the same sense they likewise termed God a Fire ; for Ur in Chaldee signifying both Light and Fire , they took Light and Fire promiscuously ( as amongst many others Plato doth when he saith that God began to compound the whole body of the World out of fire and earth : by which fire he afterwards professeth to mean the Sun whom he stiles the brightest and whitest of things , as if light and fire , brightness and whiteness were all one ; ) this is Manifest from the Zoroastraean Oracles also , wherein he is sometimes called simply fire , sometimes the paternal fire , the one fire , the first fire above . Upon this ground ( doubtlesse ) was the worship of Fire instituted by the Antient Chaldaeans , and c from them derived to the Persians ; of which hereafter , when we shall come to speak of their Gods and Rel●gious Rites . CHAP. II. The emanation of Light or Fire from God. GOd being ( as we have shewn ) an Intellectual Light or Fire did not ( as the Oracle saith ) shut up his own fire within his intellectual power , but communicated it to all Creatures ; first and immediately to the first Mind ( as the same Oracles assert ) and to all other aeviternal and incorporeal Beings , ( under which notion are comprehended a multitude of God's Angels good Daemons and the Souls of Men ) : The next emanation is the supramundane light an incorporeal infinite luminous space in which the Intellectual Beings reside ; The supramundane light kindles the first corporeal World , the Empyreum or fiery Heaven , which being immed●ately beneath the incorporeal light , is the high●st bright●st and rarest of bod●es . The Empyreum diffuseth it self through the Ae●●●r which is the next body below it , a fire lesse refin'd than the Empyreum : But that it is fire , the more condens'd parts thereof , the Sun an● Star● , su●●●ently evince ; from the Aether this fire is transmitted to the material or sublunary world ; for though the matter whereof it consist● be not light but darknesse , ( as are also the material or bad Daemons ) yet this a vivificative fire actuates and gives life to all it's parts , insinuating , diffusing it self , and penetrating even to the very Center : passing from above ( saith the Oracle ) to the opposite part , through the Center of the Earth . We shall describe this more fully , when we treat of the particulars . CHAP. III. Of things aeviternal and incorporeal . THe Second or middle kind of Things ( according to Zoroaster is that which ) is begun in time but is without end ( commonly termed aeviternal . ) To this belong that multitude of Gods which Eusebius saith they asserted next after God the Father and King ; and the Souls of Men ; Psellus and the other Summarist of the Chaldaick Doctrine name them in this order , Intellig●bles ; Intelligibles and Intellectuals ; Intellectuals ; Fountains ; Hyperarchii or Principles ; Unzoned Gods ; Zoned Gods ; Angels ; Daemons ; Souls . a All these they conceive to be light , ( except the ill Daemons which are dark . ) b Over this middle kind Zoroaster held Mithra to preside , whom the Oracles ( saith Psellus ) call the Mind . c This is emploied about secondary things . CHAP. IV. The First Order . IN the first place are three Orders , one Intelligible , another Intelligible and Intellectual , the third Intellectual . The first order which is of Intelligibles , seems to be ( as the Learned Pa●ricius conjectures ; for Psellus gives only a bare account , not an exposition of these things ) that which is only understood : This is the highest Order : The second or middle Order is of Intelligibles and Intellectuals , that is , those which are understood , and understand also , as Zoroaster . There are Intelligibles and Intellectuals , which understanding are understood . The third is of Intellectuals ; which only understand : as being Intellect , either essentially or by participation . By which distinction , we may conceive that the highest Order is above Intellect , being understood by the middle sort of Minds . The middle Order participates of the Superiour , but consists of Minds which understand both the superiour and themselves also . The last Order seems to be of Minds , whose office is to understand not only themselves but superiours and inferiours also . Of the first of which Orders , the Anonymus Author of the Summary of the Chaldaick Doctrine , thus : Then ( viz. next the one & good ) they worship a certain paternal Depth consisting of three Triads ; each Triad hath a Father , a Power , and a Mind : Psellus ▪ somewhat more fully ; Next the One they assert the paternal Depth compleated by three Triads : each of the Triads having a Father first , then a Power middle , and a Mind the third amongst them : which ( Mind ) shutteth up the Triad within itself , these they call also Intelligibles . This Triple Triad seems to be the same with the Triad mention'd in the Oracles of Zoroaster . What Psellus terms Father , he calls Father also . The Father perfected all things , and Paternal Monad Where the Paternal Monad is . — The second which Psellus calls Power , he terms also the power of the Father . Neither did he shut up his own fire in his Intellectual power . and — The strength of the Father And the Duad generated by the Monad and resident with him : The Monad is enlarged which generates two . And again , The Duad resides with him . This is also the first paternal Mind ; for the third of this Triad , which Psellus terms the Mind , he saith is the second Mind . The Father perfected all things , and delivered them over To the second Mind , which all Man-kind calls the first . And as Psellus saith , that this Mind shuts up the Triad and paternal Depth within it self ; so Zoroaster It is the Bound of the paternal Depth and Fountain of Intellectuals . And again , It proceded not further but remain'd in the paternal Depth . CHAP. V. The Second Order . NExt these ( saith Psellus ) there is another Order , of Intelligibles and Intellectuals ; This also is divided three-fold , into Iynges , Synoches , and Teletarchs . With him agrees the Anonymous Summarist , Then is the Intelligible Iynx ; next which are the Synoches , the Empyreal , the Aetherial and the Material ; after the Synoches , are the Teletarchs . The first are Jynges , of vvhich the Oracle Intelligent Iynges do themselves also understand from the Father By unspeakable counsels being moved so as to understand ; Psellus saith , they are certain powers next to the paternal Depth consisting of three Triads ( I vvould rather read , the paternal Dept● which consis●s of three Triads , for so it is described in theforegoing Chapter by the same Author ) which , according to the Oracle , understand by the paternal Mind , which contains the cause of them singly within it self : Plet●o , They are Intellectual species conceived by the Father , they themselves being conceptive also and exciting conceptions or notions by unspeakable cou●sels ; These seem to be the Ideas described by the Zoroastraean Oracle ; The Mind of the Father made a jarring noise , understanding by vigorous counsels Omni-form Idea's , and flying out of one fountain They sprung forth , for from the Father was the counsel and end ; But they were divided , being by Intellectual fire distributed Into other Intellectuals , for the King did set before the multi-form World An Intellectual incorruptible pattern , the print of whose form He promoted through the World , and accordingly the World was framed Beautified with all kind of Idea's of which there is one fountain , Out of which came rushing forth others undistributed . Being broken about the Bodies of the World which through the vast Recesses Like swarms are carried round about every Way Intellectual Notions from the paternal fountain cropping the flower of fire . In the point of sleeplesse Time ; of this Primigenious Idaea the first self-budding fountain of the Father budded . Upon which words Proclus , having cited them as an Oracle of the Gods , adds , Hereby the Gods declared as well where the subsistence of Idaea's is , as who that God is who contains the one fountain of them , as also , after what manner the multitude of them proceded out of this Fountain , and how the World was made according to them . And that they are movers of all the Systemes of the World , and that they are all Intellectual essentially : Others may find out many other profound things , by searching into these Divine Notions ; but for the present let it suffice us , to know that the Gods themselves ratify the Contemplations of Plato , for as much as they term those Intellectual Causes Idaea's ; and affirm that they gave pattern to the World , and that they are Conceptions of the Father : for they remain in the Intellections of the Father : and that they go forth to the making of the World , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies their going forth : and that they are of all forms , as containing the Causes of all things divisible : and that from the fountaineous Idaea's there proceded others , which by several Parts framed the World , and are said to be like swarms ( of Bees ) because they beget the secundary Idaea's : thus Procl●● . The second are the Synoches which are three , the Empyreal , the Aetherial , the Material : answerable to the several Worlds , which they govern : for they seem to be Minds , which receiving from Hecate the influence of that fire which dispenseth life , infuse it into the Empyreal , Aetherial , and Material Worlds , and support and govern those Worlds and give them vital Motion . The Oracle termeth them Anoches . Each World hath intellectual Anoches inflexible , where Psellus interprets them the most excellent of Intelligible Species , and of those that are brought down by the Immortals in this Heaven , in the head of whom is conceived to be a God , the second from the Father . The last of this Order are the Teletarchs , joyned with the Synoches by the Oracle . The Teletarchs are comprehended with the Synoches . This second Order or Triad , Proclus and Damascius often mention , styling it by the double name of Intelligent and Intellectual . CHAP. VI. The third Order . THe last Order is of Intellectuals ; a Psellus , After the middle Order is the Intellectual having one paternal Triad , which consists of the once above , and of Hecate and of the twice above ; And another ( Triad ) which consists of the Amilicti , which are three ; And one , the Hypezocos . These are seven fountains . Anonymus summarist , After these are the fountainous Fathers called also Cosmagogues ; the first of whom is called the once above , next whom is Hecate ; then the twice above , next whom three Amilicti ; and last , the Hypezocos . Of the Cosmagogues Psellus interprets the Zoroastraean Oracle . Oh how the world hath intellectual Guides , inflexible ! The Chaldaeans , saith he , assert Powers in the World , which they term Cosmagogi , ( guides of the World ) for that they guide the World by provident Motions . These Powers the Oracle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sustainers ; as sustaining the whole World. The Oracle saith , they are immoveable , implying their setled Power ; sustentive , denoting their Guardianship . These Powers they designe only by the Causes and immobility of the Worlds . Pletho interprets them the most excellent of Intelligible Species , and of those that are brought down by immortals in this Heaven . The Coryphaeus of whom , he conceives to be a God , the second from the Father . The Amilicti also , and the Hypezocos are mentioned by the Oracle . — for from him Spring forth all the implacable ( Amilicti ) Thunders . And the Recesses ( suscipient of Presters ) of the omni-lucent Strength . Of Father-begotten Hecate , and Hypezocos the flower of fire . The Amilicti [ implacable ] are Powers so termed , for that they are firm and not to be converted towards these inferiour things ; and also cause that Souls be not allured by affections . CHAP. VII . Fountains , and Principles . BEsides this last Order of Intellectuals , which Psellus styles seven fountains , and the Anonymus summarist fountainous fathers , the latter gives Acount of many other fountains , They reverence also ( saith he ) a fountainous Triad of Faith , Truth , and Love ; they likewise assert a Principiative Son from the solar fountain , and Archangelical , and the fountain of Sense , and fountainous Iudgment , and the fountain of Perspectives , and the fountain of Characters which walketh on unknown Marks , and the fountainous Tops of Apollo , Osyris , Hermes , they assert material fountains of Centers and Elements , and a Zone of Dreams , and a fountainous Soul. Next the fountains , saith Psellus , are the Hyperarchii ; The Anonymus more fully , Next the fountains , they say , are the Principalities , for the fountains are more principle then the principles ; Both these names of Fountains and Principles are used by Dionysius Areopagita , frequently ; even in the third Triad , he puts the name of Principles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or Principalities ) after whom the Arch-angels . Of the Animal-productive Principles , ( continues the Anonymus ) the top is called Hecate , the middle principiative Soul , the bottom princiative Virtue . This seems to be that Hecate , whom Psellus saith , they held to be the fountain of Angels , and of Daemons , and of Souls , and of Natures ; The same which the Oracle means , saying , On the left side of Hecate , is the fountain of virtue : for the Chaldaeans , ( as Psellus saith ) esteem Hecate a Goddesse , seated in the middle rank , and possessing as it were the Center of all the Powers ; in her right parts they place the fountain of Souls , in her left the fountain of goods or of Virtues ; Moreover they say , the fountain of Souls is prompt to propagations , but the fountain of Virtues continueth within the bounds of its own Essence , and is as a Virgin incorrupted ; which setlednesse and immobility , it receives from the power of the Amilicti , and is guirt with a Virgin Zone . What Psellus here calls the fountain of Souls , and the fountain of Virtues , is the same which the Anonymus styles , principiative Soul , and principiative Virtue . CHAP. VIII . Unzoned Gods , and Zoned Gods. NExt ( the Hyperarchii , according to Psellus ) are the Azoni , ( Unzoned Gods ) there are amongst them , ( saith the Anonymus summarist ) a unzoned Hecates , as the Chaldaick , the Triecdotis , Comas , and Ecclustick : The unzoned Gods are Sarapis and Bacchus , and the b Chain of Osyris and of Apollo , ( continued series of Geniusses , connected in the manner of a chain ) they are called unzoned , for that they use their power freely ( without restriction ) in the Zones , and are enthroned above the conspicuous Deities : These conspicuous Deities are the Heavens and the Planets , ( perhaps of the same kind as the Intelligences , which the Peripateticks asserted Movers of the Sphears ) and whereas he saith , they live in Power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is the same Attribute which Dionysius gives the third of the second Hierarchy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c The Zoned Gods are next : d These are they which have ( confinement to ) particular Zones , and are rouled freely about the Zones of Heaven , and have the Office of governing the World ; for they hold , there is a Zoned kind of Deity , which inhabits the parts of the sensible World , and guirdeth ( or circleth ) the Regions about the material Place , acccording to several distributions . The same Office Dionysius seems to assigne to the second and third Hierarchies . These Azoni , and Zonaei , are mentioned also by Damascius ; Thi● ( saith he ) sendeth out of her self the fountain of all things , and the fountainous e chain ; but That , sendeth out of her self the fountainous chain ) of particulars ; and passeth on to Principles and Arch-angels , and Azoni , and Zonaei , as the Law is of the procession of the renownd particular Fountains . And by Proclus , The sacred names of the Gods delivered according to their mystical interpretation , as those which are celebrated by the Assyrians , * Zonaei , and Azoni , and Fountains , and Amilicti , and Synoches , by which they interpret the Orders of the Gods. CHAP. IX . Angels and Immaterial Daemons . NExt ( the Zonaei ) are the Angels . Arnobius saith of Hosthanes , ( one of the Persian Magi , who received their Learning from the Chaldaeans ) that he knew the Angels Ministers and Messengers of God ( the true God ) did wait on his Majesty , and tremble as afraid , at the Beck and Countenance of the Lord ; the Zoroastrian Oracles mention reductive Angels , which reduce Souls to them , drawing them from several things . The next are Daemons ; Of these the a Chaldaeans hold some to be good , others bad . b The good , they conceive to b● Light ; the bad Darknesse . That there are good Daemons , natural reason tells us ; Oracle : Nature perswades that there are pure Daemons . The bourgeons even of ill matter are beneficial and good . Nature , or natural reason , saith Pletho , perswades , that the Daemons are holy , and that all things proceeding from God , who is good in himself , are beneficial : if the bloomings of ill matter ( viz. of last substances ) are good , much more are the Daemons such , who are in a more excellent rank , as partaking of Rational nature , and being mixed with Mortal nature . CHAP. X. Souls . NExt to Daemons , Psellus ( in his Epitome of the Chaldaick Doctrine ) placeth Souls , the last of eviternal beings . a Of Forms , the Magi , ( and from them the Pythagoreans and Platonists ) assert three kinds ; One wholly separate from matter , the supercel●stial Intelligences ; An other inseparable from matter , having a substance not subsisting by it self , but dependent on matter , together with which matter , which is sometimes dissolved by reason of it's nature subject to mutation , this kind of Soul is dissolved also , and perisheth . This they hold to be wholly Irrational . b Betwixt these , they place a middle kind , a Rational Soul , differing from the Supercelestial Intelligences , for that it alwayes coexists with matter ; and from the Irrational kind , for that it is not dependent on matter , but on the contrary matter is dependent on it ; and it hath a proper substance potentially subsistent by it self . It is also indivisible , as well as the Supercelestial Intelligences , & performing some works in some manner ally'd to theirs , being it self also busied in the knowledge and contemplation of Beings , even unto the supreme God , and for this reason is Incorruptible . c This Soul is an Immaterial and Incorporeal Fire , exempt from all compounds , and from the material body ; it is consequently Immortal : for nothing material or dark is commixed with her , neither is she compounded so as that she may be resolved into those things of which she consists . d This Soul hath a self-generate and self-animate essence ; for it is not moved by another : for if according to the Oracle , it is a portion of the Divine fire , and a Lucid fire , and Paternal notion , is is an immaterial and self-subsistent form , for such is every Divine Nature , and the Soul is part thereof . e Of humane Souls they allege two fountainous causes , the Paternal Mind , and the Fountainous Soul : the particular Soul , according to them , proceeds from the Fountainous , by the will of the Father . f Now whereas there are several mansions , one wholly bright , another wholly dark , others betwixt both , partly br●ght , partly dark , the place beneath the Moon is circumnebulous , da●k on every side ; the Lunary , partly lucid , and partly dark , one half bright , the other dark ; the place above the Moon circumlucid , or bright throughout ; the Soul is seated in the circumlucid region . g From thence this kind of Soul is often sent down to Earth , upon several occasions , either by reason of the flagging of its wings , ( so they term the d●viation from its original perfection ) or in obedience to the will of the Father . h This Soul is alwayes coexistent with an Aetherial body as its Vehiculum , which she by continual approximation maketh also immortal . Neither is this her Vehiculum inanimate in it self , but is it self animated with the other species of the Soul , the Irrational ( which the Wise call ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Image of the Rational Soul ) adorn'd with Phantasy and Sense , which seeth and heareth it self whole through whole , and is furnish'd with all the Senses , and with all the rest of the Irrational facult●es of the Soul. i Thus by the principal faculty of this body Phantasy , the Rational Soul is continually joyned to such a body , and by such a body sometimes the Humane Soul is joyned with a Mortal body , by a certain affinity of nature , the whole being infolded in the whole enlivening Spirit of the Embryon , this Vehiculum it self being of the nature of a Spirit . k The Image of the Soul , viz. that part which being it self voyd of Irrational is joyned to the Rational part , and depends upon the vehicle thereof , hath a part in the circumlucid region ; for the Soul never layeth down the vehicle adherent to her . l The Soul being sent down from the mansion wholly-bright , to serve the mortal body , that is , to operate therein for a certain time , and to animate and adorn it to her power , and being inabled according to her several Virtues do dwell in several Zones of the world , if she perform her office well , goes back to the same place , but if not well , she retires to the worst mansions , according to the things she hath done in this life . m Thus ( the Chaldeans ) restore Souls to their first condition , according to the measure of their several purifications , in all the Regions of the World ; some also they conceive to be caried beyond the World. CHAP. XI . The Supramundane Light. ALl these aeviternal and incorporeal Beings are seated in the Supramundane Light , which it self also is incorporeal , placed immediately above the highest Corporeal World , and from thence extending upwards to infinite ; Proclus ( cited by Simplicius on this Oracle of Zoroaster Abundantly animating Light , Fire , Aether , Worlds . ) saith , This Light is above all the seven Worlds , as a Monad before or above the Triad of the Empyraeal , Aetherial , and Material Worlds : adding , that this primary Light is the Image of the Paternal Depth , and is therefore supramundane , because the Paternal Depth is supramundane . And again , this Light , saith he , being the supramundane Sun , sends forth Fountains of Light ; and the Mystick Discourses tell us , that it's generality is among supramundane Things , for there is the Solar World , and the Universal Light , as the Chaldaick Oracles assert . And again , the Centers of the whole World , as one , seem to be fix'd in this : for , if the Oracles fixed the Centers of the material World above it self , in the Aether , proportionably ascending , We shall affirm that the Centers of the highest of the Worlds are seated in this Light. Is not this first Light the Image of the Paternal Depth , and for that reason supramundane also , because that is so ? CHAP. XII . Of things Temporal ( or Corruptible ) and Corporeal . THe third and last kind of things , according to Zoroaster , is Corruptible or Temporal ; which as it began in time , so shall it likewise in time be dissolved : The President over these is Arimanes . Under this third kind are comprehended the Corporeal Worlds , the Empyreal immediately below the Supramundane light , the Aetherial next the Empyreal , and the Material the lowest of all , as the Oracle ranks them . Abundantly animating , Light , Fire , Aether , Worlds . These corporeal Worlds are seven ; Orac. For the Father formed seven firmaments of Worlds , Including Heaven in a round figure , He fixed a great company of inerratick stars , He constituted a Heptad of Erratick animals , Placing the Earth in the middle , but the Water in the bosome of the Earth The Air above these : Psellus explaining how they are seven , saith , They affirm that there are seven corporeal Worlds ; one Empyreal and first ; then three Aethereal ; and lastly three Material , the fixed Circle , the Erratick , and the Sublunary Region : But this enumeration seems to fall short ; for he mentions but two Aethereal Worlds ( the Orb of fixed Stars and the Planetary Orb ) and one Material , ( the Sublunary Region : ) as the Learned Patricius observes , who therefore reckons the seaven thus ; One Empyreal , three Aetherial , ( the Fixed Orb , the Planetary Orb , the Orb of the Moon ) and three Elementary , ( the Aërial , the Watry , and the Terrestrial ; ) But perhaps it will better suit with the Oracle ( which includes the Moon within the Planetary Orb , and placeth the Water under the Earth , ) as also with Psellus ( who calls the last three Worlds , Material ) , to dispose them thus , Corporeal Worlds seven , One Empyreal World Three Aetherial Worlds The Supreme Aether next the Empyreum The Sphear of fixed Stars The Planetary Orb Three Material Sublunary Worlds The Air The Earth The Water . Neither can it seem strange that the three last only should be called Material : for the Chaldaeans conceiving matter to be a dark substance or rather Darkness it self , the Empyreal and Aetherial Worlds , which ( as we shall shew ) consist only of Light or Fire , cannot in their sense be said to be Material , though Corporeal . The Empyreal or First of these , saith Psellus , they attributed to the Mind , the Aetherial to the Soul , the Material to Nature . CHAP. XIII . The Empyreal World. THe * First of the Corporeal Worlds , is the Empyreal ; ( by Empyreum the Chaldaeans understand not , as the Christian Theologists , the Seat of God and the Blessed Spirits , which is rather analogous to the Supreme Light of the Chaldaeans , but the outmost Sphear of the Corporeal World ) . It is round in figure , according to the Oracle , Inclosing Heaven in a round figure . It is also a solid Orb , or Firmament : for the same Oracles call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It consists of fire , whence named the Empyreal , or , as the Oracles , the fiery World ; which fire being immediately next the Incorporeal supramundane Light is the rarest and subtilest of Bodies , and by reason of this Subtilty penetrates into the Aether , which is the next World below it , and , by Mediation of the Aether , through all the Material World : This may be evinced more particularly , saith Proclus , from the Divine Tradition ( meaning the Zoroastrian Oracles ) : for the Empyreum penetrates through the Aether , and the Aether thro●gh the Material World ; and though all the Intellectual ●etrads and Hebdomads have a Fountainous Order , and consequently an Empyreal President , nevertheless they are contained in the Worlds , since the Empyreal passeth through all the Worlds . Neverthelesse , the Empyreum it self is fix'd and immoveable ; as Simplicius , further explicating the Chaldaick Doctrine , acknowledgeth , by this similitude , Let us imagine to our selves ( saith he ) two Sphears , one consisting of many Bodies , these two to be of equal bigness , but place one together with the Center , and put the other into it ; you will see the whole World existing in place , moved in immoveable Light , which World according to it's whole self is immoveable , that it may imitate Place , but is moved as to it's parts that herein it may have less than Place . CHAP. XIV . The Aethereal Worlds . AFter the Empyraeum , the Oracle names the Aether , Fire , Aether , Worlds ; confirm'd by Psellus and the Anonymous Summarist , who assert , that next the Empyraeum are the three Aetherial Worlds , but of these three they mention only two , ( and those misapplied to the Material Worlds ) The Sphear of fixed Stars , and the Planetary Sphear : The third ( perhaps implied though not exprest ) might be the Aether which is betwixt the Empyreum and the Sphear of fixed Stars . The Aether is a fire ( as it 's name implies ) less subtile than the Empyreum , for the Empyraeum penetrates through the Aether : yet is the Aether it self so subtile that it penetrates through the material World : The second Aetherial World is the Sphear of fixed Stars , which are the more compacted or condensed parts of the Aetherial fire , as Patricius ingeniously interprets this Oracle , He compacted a great number of inerratick Stars Forcing ( or pressing ) fire to fire . The third Aetherial World is that of the Planetary Orb , which contains the Sun , Moon , and five Planets ; styled by the Oracles , Erratick animals and Fire He constituted a heptad of Erratick animals ; and again , He constituted them six ; the seventh was that of the Sun ; Mingling fire in them . CHAP. XV. The Material Worlds . THe last and lowest are the Material Worlds , which Psellus and the other Summarist assert to be three ; meaning doubtless the Air , Earth , and Water ; for so the Oracle ranks them , Placing the Earth in the middle , but the Water in the bosom of the Earth , The Air above them . This is that last order of Worlds , of which the Chaldaick summary saith , It is called terrestrial , and the hater of light : it is the region beneath the Moon , and comprehends within it self matter , which they call the bottome . By which words it appears upon what ground the Chaldaeans asserted only these Sublunary Worlds to consist of Matter , but the Empyreal and Aetherial to be Immaterial though Corporeal : for Matter they understand to be the hater of Light , Darknesse , and the Bottom of a nature quite different from the Empyreum and Aether whose very substance is Light it self , yet it is actuated by their vivificative fire which penetrates quite through it even to the Center as we shewed formerly . Concerning the Earth , Diodorus Siculus saith , they held Opinions peculiar to themselves , asserting that it is in Figure like a Boat , and hollow , for which , as likewise for other things concerning the World , they abound with probable Arguments . Psellus adds , that they sometimes call this sublunary Region Hades . CHAP. XVI . Of Material Daemons . OF Daemons , as we said , they asserted two kinds , some good , others ill ; the good , light , the ill , dark . The former are those whom * Hostanes calls the Ministers and Messengers of God , dwelling in his presence ; But these , he describes as Terrestial , wandring up and down , and enemies of Mankind . Of the First we have treated already ; of the Latter Psellus , in his discourse upon this subject , gives a large accompt from one Marcus of Mesopotamia , who having been of this Religion , and well acquainted with their Institutions , was afterwards converted to Christianity : what he relates , as well from the Doctrine it self , as from the place , sufficiently appears to be of the Chaldaick Tradition . It is to this effect . These Daemons are of many kinds , and various sorts , both as to their Figures and Bodies , insomuch that the Air is full of them , as well that which is above us , as that which is round about us . The Earth likewise is full , and the Sea , and the most retired cavities and depths . There are six general kinds of these Daemons . The first named Leliurius , which signifies Fiery . This kind dwelleth in the Air that is above us : for from the places next about the Moon , as being Sacred , all kinds of Daemons , as being prophane , are expelled . The second kind is that which wandreth in the Air contiguous to us , and is by many peculiarly called Aërial . The third , Terrestial . The fourth , Watery and Marine . The fifth , Subteraneous . The sixt Lucifugous , and hardly sensible . All these kind of Daemors are haters of God , and enemies of Man. Moreover , of these ill Daemons , some are worse than others . Aquatile , and Subterran●ous , and Lucifugous , are extremely malicious and pernicions : for these do not hurt Souls by phantasms and delusions , but by assault , like the most savage beasts , accelerate the destruction of men . The Watery drown those who are sailing upon the water . The Subterraneous and Lucifugous , insinuating into the entrails cause Epilepsies and Frenzy . The Aërial and Terrestial circumvent Men by art and subtilty , and deceive the minds of Men , and draw them to absurd and illegal passions . They effect these things not as having dominion over us , and carrying us as their slaves whithersoever they please , but by suggestion : for applying themselves to the Fantastick spirit which is within us , they themselves being spirits also , they instill discourses of affections and pl●asures , not by voyce verberating the Air , but by whisper insinuating their discourse . Nor is it imp●ssible that they should speak without voice , if we consider that he who speaks , being a far off , is forced to use a greater sound , being neer , he speakes softly into the ear of the Hearer , and if he could get into the spirit of the Soul , he would not need any sound , but what discourse soever he pleaseth , would , by a way without sound , arrive there where it is to be received , which they say is likewise in Souls , when they are out of the body , for they discourse with one another without noise . After this manner the Daemons converse with us , privately , so as we are not sensible which way the war comes upon us . Neither can this be doubted , if we observe what happens to the Air. For , when the Sun shineth it assumeth several colours and forms , transmitting them to other things , as we may see in Looking-glasses . In like manner the Daemons , assuming figures and colours , and whatsoever forms they please , transmit them into our animal Spirit , and by that meanes afford us much businesse , suggesting counsels , representing figures , resuscitating the remembrance of pleasures , exciting the images of passions , as well when we sleep as when we wake , and sometimes , titillating the genital parts , inflame us with frantick and unlawful desires , especially if they take , co-operating with them the hot humidities which are in us . The rest of the Daemons know nothing that is subtile , nor how to breed disturbance , yet are they hurtfull and abominable , hurting in the same manner as the spirit or vapour in Charon's Cave : For as that is reported to kill whatsoever approacheth it , whether Beast , Man , or Bird ; in like manner these Daemons destroy those upon whom they chance to fall , overthrowing their Souls and Bodies , and their natural habits , and sometimes by fire , or water , or precipice , they destroy not men only , but some irrational creatures . The Daemon● assault Irrational creatures , not out of hate , or as wishing them ill , but out of the love they have of their Animal heat : For dwelling in the most remote cavities , which are extremely cold and dry , they contract much coldnesse , wherewith being afflicted , they affect the humid and animal heat , and , to enjoy it , they insinuate themselves into Irrational creatures , and go into Baths and Pits ; for they hate the heat of Fire and of the Sun , because it burns and dryeth up . But they most delight in the heat of Animals , as being temperate , and mixt with moisture , especially that of men , being best tempered , into which insinuating themselves , they cause infinite disturbance , stopping up the pores in which the Animal spirit is inherent , and streightning and compressing the spirit , by reason of the grossnesse of the bodies with which they are indued . Whence it happeneth , that the bodies are disordered , and their principal faculties distemper'd , and their motions become dull and heavy . Now if the insinuating Daemon be one of the Subterraneous kind , he distorteth the possessed Person , and speaketh by him , making use of the Spirit of the patient , as if it were his own Organ . But if any of t●ose who are called Lucifugous , get privately into a Man , he causeth relaxation of the limbs , and stoppeth the voice , and maketh the possessed Person in all respects like one that is dead . For this being the last kind of Daemons is more Earthly and extremely cold and dry , and into whomsoever it insinuates , it hebetates and makes dull all the faculties of his Soul. And because it is Irrational , voyd of all Intel●ectual contemplation , and is guided by Irrational phantasie , like the more savage kind of beasts , hence it comes to passe , that it stand● not in awe of menaces , and for that reason most persons aptly call it Dumb and Deaf , nor can they who are possessed withit by any other meanes be freed from it , but by the Divine favour obtained by Fasting and Prayer . That Physicians endeavour to perswade us , that these Passions proceed not from Daemons , but from Humours , and Spirits ill affected , and therefore go about to cure them , not by Incantations and Expiations , but by Medicines and Diet , is nothing strange , since they know nothing beyond Sense , and are wholly addicted to study the Body . And perhaps not without reason are some things ascribed to ill-affected Humours , as Lethargies , Melancholies , Frenzies , which they take away and cure , either by evacuating the Humours , or by replenishing the Body if it be Empty , or by outward applications . But as for Enthusiasms , ragings , and unclean Spirits , with which whosoever is possessed is not able to act any thing , neither by Intellect , Speech , Phantasie nor Sense ; or else there is some other thing that moves them unknown to the Person possessed , which sometimes foretelleth Future events ; How can we call th●se the Motions of depraved Matter ? Not kind of Daemon is in it's own Nature Male or Female , for such affections are only proper to Compounds : but the Bodies of Daemons are simple , and being very ductile and flexible are ready to take any Figure . As we see the Clouds represent sometimes Men , somtimes Bears , sometimes Dragons , or any other F●gures : so is it with the Daemoniack Bodies . Now the Clouds appear in various Figures according as they are driven by exteriour blasts or winds : but in Daemons , who can passe as they please into any Bodyes , and sometimes contract , sometimes extend themselves like wormes on the Earth , being of a soft and tractable Nature , not only the Bulk is changed , but the Figure and Colour , and that several wayes ; for the Daemoniack body being by Nature capable of all these , as it is apt to recede , it is changed into several forms ; as it is Aërial , it is susceptible of all sorts of Colours , like Air , but the Air is coloured by something extrinsecal . The Daemoniack Body , from it's intrinsecal Phantastick Power and energy , produceth the forms of colours in it self , as we sometimes look Pale , sometimes Red , according as the Soul is affected either with Fear or Anger . The like we must imagine of Daemons : for from within they send forth several kinds of colours into their Bodies . Thus the●r Bodies being changed into what Figure , and assuming what Colour they please , they sometimes appear in the shape of a Man , sometimes of a Woman , of a Lion , of a Leopard , of a wild Boar , sometimes in the figure of a Bottle , and sometimes , like a little Dog fawning upon us . Into all these forms they change themselves , but keep none of them constantly : for the figure is not solid , but immediately is dissipated ; as when we pour somthing coloured into Water , or draw a figure in the Air. In like manner is it with Daemons , their Colour , Figure , and Form presently vanish . But all Daemons have not the same power and will , there is much inequality amongst them as to these . Some there are Irrational , as amongst Compound Animals ; for as , of them , Man , participating of Intellect and Reason , hath also a larger Phantasie , extending also to all ●ensibles , as wel in the Heavens , as on Earth and under the Earth ; but Horses , Oxen , and the like , have a narrower and more particular Phantasie , yet such as extends to the knowledg of the Creatures that feed with them , their Mangers , and their Masters ; lastly , Flies , Gnats , and Worms have it extremely contracted , and incoherent ; for they know neither the hole out of which they came , nor whither they go , nor whither they ought to go , they have only one Phantasie which is that of aliment . In like manner there are different k●nds of Daemons . Of these some are Fiery , others Aërial ; these have a various Phantasie , which is capable of extending to any thing maginable . The Subterraneous and Lucifugous are not of this Nature ; whence it comes to passe , that they make not use of many Figures , as neither having variety of Phantasms , nor a Body apt for action and transformation . But the watery and Terrestial , being of middle kind between these , are capable of taking many forms , but keep themselves constantly to that in which they delight . They which live in humid places , transform themselves into the shapes of Birds and Women ; whence termed by the Greeks Naiades and Nereides and Dryades in the Feminine gender . But such as are conversant in dry places have also dry Bodies , such as the Onosceles are said to be . These transform themselves into Men , sometimes into Dogs , Lions , and the like Animals , which are of a Masculine d●sposition . The Bodies of Daemons are capable of being struck , and are pained thereby , though they are not compounds , for Sense is not only proper to compounds . That thing in Man which feeleth , is neither the Bone nor the Nerve , but the Spirit which is in them . Whence if the Nerve be pressed , or seized with cold , or the like , there arriseth pain from the em●ssion of one Spirit into another Spirit : for it is impossible that a Compound . Body should in itself be sensible of pain , but in as much as it partaketh of Spirit , and therefore being broken into pieces , or dead , it is absolutely insensible , because it hath no Spirit . In like manner a Daemon being all Spirit ; is of his own nature sensible in every part ; he immediately seeth , and heareth , he is obnoxious to suffering by touch ; being cut assunder , he is pained like Solid bodies , only hereindiffering from them , that other things being cut assunder , can by no means or very hardly be made whole again , w●ereas the Daemon immediately commeth together again , as Air or Water parted by some more Solid Body . But though this Spirit joyns again in a moment , neverthelesse at the very time in which the dissection is made , it is pained . Hitherto the Theologie and Physick of the Chaldaeans . The Second SECTION . ASTROLOGY and other Arts of DIVINATION . THe Second part of the Chaldaick Learning consists in Arts of Divination : The chief whereof was Astrology . This , as it is generally acknowledged to have been their proper invention , so were they most particularly addicted to it : for which Ptolomy gives a reason , out of the Art it self ; because they are under Virgo and Mercury ; But Cicero one , much better ; that the plainnesse and evennesse of the Country did invite them to contemplation of the Stars . It consists of two parts ; one Meteorologick , which considers the Motions of the Stars ; the other Apotelesmatick , which regards Divination : The first was known to the antient Graecians by the common names of Astronomy and Astrology ; untill the other being brought into Greece also , they for dictinction called the former more particularly Astronomy , the latter Astrology . The excellent a Ioseph Scaliger to advance the cred●t of the Greek learning constantly averres that the Chaldaeans had only a grosse and general , not exact Knowledge of Astronomy ; ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantum , non etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) and that the Greeks learned nothing therein of the Chaldaeans : when as Aristotle ingenuously acknowledgeth the contrary , the Aegytians and Babylonians saith he , from whom we have many informations concerning each of the Stars . Though doubtlesse they were far short of that height in this Art , to which the Greeks who brought it out of the East , improoved it : for Diodorus Siculus affirms that b they alleged very weak reasons for the Eclipses of the Sun , which Eclipses they neither durst foretel nor reduce to certain Periods . But of the Apotelesmatick part they boasted themselves not only the Inventors , but Masters ; insomuch that all the professors of it , of what Country soever , were ( as we formerly shewed ) called after them , Chaldaeans . CHAP. I. Of the Stars Fixed and Erratick , and of their praesignification . THey First lay down for a ground , That Terrestials Sympathise with the Caelestials , and that every one of those is renewed by the influence of these . For every Man 's endued with such a mind , As by the Sire of Gods and Men's assign'd . Above all things they hold that our Act and Life is subjected to the Stars , as well to the Erratick as the Fixed , and that Mankind is governed by their various and multiplicious course ; * That the Planets are of the kind of efficient causes in everything that happens in life , and that the Signes of the Zodiack co-operate with them ; * That they conferr all good and ill to the Nativities of Men , and that by contemplation of their Natures may be known the chief things that happen to Men. They held the principal Gods to be twelve , to each of which they attributed a Moneth , and one of the Signes of the Zodiack . Next the Zodiack they assert twenty fower Starrs , whereof half they say are ranked in the Northern parts , the other half in the Southern : Of these they which are apparent they conceive to be deputed to the Living , the inapparent congregated to the Dead : These they call Iudges of all things . But the greatest Observation and Theory they hold to be that concerning the Five Starrs termed Planets , which they call the Interpreters , * because the rest of the Starrs being Fixed and having a settled Course , these only having a peculiar course foretel things that shall come to passe , interpreting and declaring to Men the Benevolence of the Gods : for somethings ( say they ) they praesignify by their rising , some things by their setting , some things by their colour if observed ; sometimes they foretell great Winds , sometimes extraordinary Raines or Drought . Likewise the rising of Comets , and Eclipses of the Sun , and of the Mind , and Earthquakes , and in a Word all Alterations in the Air signify things advantagious or hurtful not only to Nations or Countries , but even to Kings and private Persons . Beneath the Course of these , they hold that there are placed thirty Starrs , which they call Consiliary Gods ; that half of these oversee the Places under the Earth , the other half oversee the Earth and the Businesse of Men , and what is done in the Heaven ; and that every ten daies one of these is sent to those below as a Messenger , and in like manner one of the Stars under the Earth is sent to those above , and that they have this certain Motion settled in an Aeternal revolution . CHAP. II. Of Planets . TThe greatest Theory they hold ( as we said ) to be that which concerns the Planets : ●hese they call the Interpreters , because whereas the rest of the Stars are Fixed and have one settled course , these having their proper courses foretell what things shall come to passe , Interpreting and declaring to Men the benevolence of the Gods. Of the Seaven they hold the Sun and Moon to be the chief , and that the other five have lesse power than they , as to the causing events . Of the five they affirm that there are three which agree with and are assistant to the Sun , viz. Saturn , Jupiter , and Mercury ; these they call Diurnal , because the Sun to whom they are assistant praedominates over the things that are done in the day . As concerning the Powers of the Five , some they say are Benevolent , others Malevolent , others Common ; the Benevolent are Jupiter and Venus ; the Malevolent Mars and Saturn ; the Common , Mercury , who is Benevolent with the Benevolent , and Malevolent with the Malevolent . CHAP. III. The Divisions of the Zodiack . THe Chaldaeans having at first no certain rule of observation of the other Stars , in as much as they contemplated not the Signes as within their proper circumscriptions , but only together with their observation of the seven Planets , it came at length into their minds to divide the whole Circle into twelve parts : The manner they relate thus ; they say that the Antients having observed some one bright Star of those in Zodiack , filled a vessel ( in which they bored a hole ) with water , and let the water run into another vessel placed underneath , so long untill the same Star rose again ; collecting that from the same Signe to the same , was the whole revolution of the Circle ; Then they took the twelfth part of the water which had run out , and considered how long it was in running ; affirming that the twelfth part of the Circle past over in the same space of time ; and that it had that proportion to the whole Circle which the part of water had to the whole water : By this Analogy ( I mean of the Dodecatemorion or twlelfth part ) they marked out the extreme term from some Signal Star which then appeared , or from some that arose within that time , Northern or Southern ; the same course they took in the rest of the Dodecatemoria . That to each of these Dodecatemoria , the antient Chaldaeans applyed a particular Figure and a Character , ( as for instance to the first the Figure of a Ram and this Character . ♈ . ) though denyed by the Learned * Iohn Picus Mirandula , seems manifest enough from what we find ascribed peculiarly to them , by Ptolomy , Sextus Empyricus and others , which we shall cite in their due places . To each of these Signes they appropriated One of the principal Gods which they held to be twelve , and One of the Moneths ; the Zodiack it self they termed the Circle Mazoloth , which the Septuagint render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , interpreted by Su●das the Constellations which are commonly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Signes , for Mazal signifieth a Star. That they ascribed several Gods to them agre●th with what is said of the ●ollowers of Baal ( whom Rabbi Maimonides conceives the same with these Chaldaeans ) they burnt Incense unto Baal , to the Sun , and to the Moon , and to the Mazaloth , and to all the Host of Heaven . Hence some are of Opinion that Homer received this Doctrine from the Aegyptians , as the Aegyptians from the Chaldaeans , alluding to it in the first of his Iliads , where he mentions the Entertainment of Iupiter and the rest of the Gods in Aethiopia twelve dayes , with the several Houses built for them by Vulcan ; and much better deserve they to be credited than those Antients w●o ( according to Eustathius ) write that Homer first gave the Hint of this Opinion to the Mathematicians . Neither is what he adds in Explication of this Mythology dissonant from the Chaldaick Doctrine , that the making those Mansions for the Gods or Stars is ascribed to Vulcan in respect of the Aetherial Heat of the Caelestial Orb. Of the Signes some they call Masculine , others Feminine , some Double , others Single , some Tropical , others Solid . The Masculine or Feminine are those which have a Nature that co-operates towards the Generation of Males or Femals , Aries is a Masculine Signe , Taurus a Feminine , Gemini a Masculine , in like manner the rest alternately are Masculine and Feminine ; In Imitation of whom as I conceive the Pythagoreans call the Monad Masculine , the Duad Feminine , the Triad Masculine , and so on through all numbers odd and Even . Some there are who divide every Signe into twelve Parts , observing almost the same order ; As in Aries they call the first twelfth part Aries and Masculine , the second Taurus and Feminine , the third Gemini and Masculine , and so of the rest . Double Signes are Gemini , and it 's diametrically opposite Sagittarius ; Virgo and Pisces : the rest are single . Tropical are those to which when the Sun cometh he turneth back , and maketh a Conversion : Such is the Signe Aries , and it 's opposite Libra , Capricorn and Cancer ; In Aries is the Spring Tropick , in Capricorn the Winter , in Cancer the Summer , in Libra the Au●umnal . The Solid are Taurus and it 's opposite Scorpio , Leo and Aquarius . Some Chaldaeans there are who attribute the several parts of Mans Body to particular Signes , as sympathising with them ; To Aries the Head , to Taurus the Neck , to Gemini the Shoulders , Cancer the Breast , Leo the Sides , Virgo the Bowels and Belly , Libra the Reins and Loy●s , Scorpio the Secret parts and Womb , Sagittarius the Thighs , Capricorn the Knees , Aquarius the Leggs , Pisces the Feet . This did they not without consideration , for if any Star shall be in any Ascension of these Malignant Signes , it will cause a Maim in that part which bears the same N●me with it . Thus much in brief of the Nature of the Signes in the Zodiack . Besides this Divis●on of the Zodiack into Sigres * they Subdivided every Signe into 30 Degrees , every Degre into 60 Minutes , so they call the leas● indivisible Par●s , ( as Empyrius affirms ; whence it may be argued that the Chaldaeans made not any lower divisions into Seconds or the l●ke . ) The Degrees being in every Signe 30 are in the whole Zodiack 360 : in Some One of these the Sun must necessarily be at the time of the Nativity ; which Degree the Chaldaeans properly call the place of the Birth . Hence the Greeks call these Degree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Allusion to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Goddesses of Destiny , these being our Fates ; for it is of greatest Importance which of these Degrees is Ascendant at the time of Birth . Three other Wayes there are of dividing of the Zodiack ascribed to the Chaldaans , which are Triplicities , Terms , Decanates . The Trigons or Triplicities are these fower . The first is Aries , Leo , Sagittarius , the second ●aurus , Virgo , Capricorn , the third ( Gemini , Libra , Aquarius , ) the l●st ( Cancer , Scorpio , Pisces ; ) That the Chaldaeans divided the Zodiack according to these Triplicities is manifest from their Way of collecting the Terms of the Planets described by Ptolomy . Ev●ry Sign● hath five Terms . * The Chaldaick Way of finding out the Quantity of the Terms in every Signe is one , and that very plain , for their quantities differ by an equal Diminution ; every Term is lesse than the precedent by one Degree , for they made the first Term of every signe to be eight degrees , the second seven , the third six , the fourth five , the fifth fower , which make up 30 Degrees . Lastly the Signes are divided into Faces , for so the Antients call'd them , in Hebrew Phanim , in Arabick Mageah , in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but the latter Astrologers Decanates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decanos a word ( as Scaliger observes ) derived from the Roman Militia , of these in every Signe there are three , each of which comprehends ten degrees ; that the Chaldaeans were not ignorant of these is manifest , in as much as ●emer the Babylonian an Author of great Antiquity wrote concerning them . CHAP. IV. Of the Planets considered in respect to the Zodiack . THe Chaldaeans held that the Planets have not alwayes Power alike , as to the procuring of Good and Ill ; but that in some Places [ or Signs of the Zodaick ] they are more ●fficacious , in others less ; and that the same Stars have greater Power being in their proper Houses , or in their Exaltations [ or Triplicities , ] or Terms , or Decanates . All which the later Astrologers call their Essential Dignities . The most Efficacious is that of Houses . They hold the Suns House to be Leo , the Moons Cancer , Saturn's Capricorn and Aquarius , Jupiter's Sagittarius and Pisces , that of Mars Aries and Scorpio , that of Venus Taurus and Libra , that of Mercury Gemini and Virgo . They call the Exaltations and Depressions of the Planets , when they are in Signs wherewith they are delighted , or when they are in those in which they have little ( or no ) Power : for they are delighted in their Exaltations ; but have little ( or no ) Power in their Depressions . As the Suns Exaltation is in Aries when he is exactly in the 19th degree thereof , his Depression in the Sign and Degree diametrically opposite to it . The Moons Exaltation is in Taurus , her Depression ( or Detriment ) in the Sign diametrically opposite . That of Saturn is in Libra , of Jupiter in Cancer , of Mars in Capricorn , of Venus in Pisces , and their Depressions are in the Signs diametrically opposite to their Exaltations . The Trigones or Triplicities of Planets are order'd by the Chaldaeans after this manner . * The Lord of the first Triplicity ( of the Zodiack ) is Jupiter , of the 2● Venus ; the same Order they observe in the other two Triplicities , except that the third is said to have two Lords , Saturn and Mercury : the first part of the Day is assigned to Saturn , the Night to Mercury . The Lord of the last Triplicity is Mars . How much this diff●rs from the vulgar way ( which takes in the Sun and Moon ) will easily appear to those who will take the pains to compare them . The later way see in Firmicus . They call the Terms of the Planets in every Sign , those in which any Planet from such a Degree to such a Degree is most powerful or prevalent . * The Chaldaick way of Terms is gathered from the Lords of the Triplicities , ( which is plainer and more effectual than that of the Aegyptians from the Lords of the Houses ) yet neither in their Orders or Quantities do they alwayes follow those Planets which govern the Triplicities . In the first Triplicity , their Division of Terms in every Sign thereof is one and the same . The first term they give to the Lord of the Triplicity Jupiter , the second , to the Lord of the following Triplicity Venus , the third and fourth , to the two Lords of the Triplicity of the Gemini , which are Saturn and Mercury ; the fifth , to the Lord of the last Triplicity Mars . In the second Triplicity they divide every Sign alike , and alot the first term to Venus , by reason of her Dominion in that Triplicity , the second and third to the two Lords of the Triplicity of the Gemini , which are Saturn and Mercury ; the fourth to Mars , the last to Jupiter . To Saturn are attributed in the Day 66 Degrees , in the Night 78 , to Jupiter 72 , to Mars 60 , to Venus 75 , to Mercury in the Day 66 , in the Night 78. The Terms of the Chaldaeans or Babylonians . Aries Iupiter 8 Venus 7 Saturn 6 Mercu. 5 Mars 4 Taurus Venus 8 Sa●urn 7 Mercu. 6 Mars 5 Iupiter 4 Gemini Saturn 8 Merur . 7 Mars 6 Iupiter 5 Venus 4 Cancer Mars 8 Iupiter 7 Venus 6 Saturn 5 Mercu. 4 Leo Iupiter 8 Venus 7 Saturn 6 Mercu. 5 Mars 4 Virgo Venus 8 Saturn 7 Mercu. 6 Mars 5 Iupiter 4 Libra Saturn 8 Mercu. 7 Mars 6 Iupiter 5 Venus 4 Scorpio Mars 8 Iupiter 7 Venus 6 Saturn 5 Mercu. 4 Sagittar . Iupiter 8 Venus 7 Saturn 6 Mercu. 5 Mars 4 Capricor Venus 8 Saturn 7 Mercu. 6 Mars 5 Iupiter 4 A●uar . Saturn 8 Mercu. 7 Mars 6 I●piter 5 Venus 4 Pisces Mars 8 Iupiter 7 Venus 6 Saturn 5 Mercu. 4 The Decanates or faces of the Planets , have reference to those of the Zodiack ; the first face is that Planet whose sign it is : the second , the next Planet ; and so on . That these were of antient Chaldaick invention is manifest , not onely in regard that Teucer the Babylonian wrote concerning them , but likewise they were observed by the Aegyptians , who ( as Iosephus saith ) derived this Learning from the Chaldaeans . Nicip●o King of Aegypt , a most just Governor , and excellent Astrologer , did ( if we credit Iulius Firmicus ) collect all sicknesses from the Decanates ; shewing what diseases every Decanate caused ; because one nature was overcome by another , and one God by another . The same Author adds , that Petosiris touched this part of Astrology but lightly ; not as being ignorant of it , but not willing to communicate his immortal Learning to posterity . CHAP. V. Aspects of the Signs and Planets . EVery Sign of the Zodiack hath a mutual Aspect to the rest ; In like manner the Planets have several Aspects ; * They are said to be in mutual Aspect or configuration , when they appear either in Trine or Square . They are said to behold one another in Trine , when there is an interposition of three signs between them : in Square or Quartile , when of two . The Sun passing into the Sign next to that , wherein he was at the time of birth , regards the place of conception eit●er with a very weak Aspect , or not at all ; for most of the Chaldaeans have absolutely denied , that the Signs which are next to one another behold one another ; But when he is in the third Sign , that is , when there is a Sign betwixt them , then he is said to behold the first place whence he came , but with a very oblique & weak light , which Aspect is termed Sextile ; for it subtends the sixth part of a Circle : for if we draw lines from the first Sign to the third , from the third to the fifth , and from thence to the seventh , & so on , we shall describe an aequilateral Hexagone ; This Aspect they did not wholly of , for that it seemed to conduce the least to the Nativity of the Child , but when he comes to the fourth Sign , so that there are two betwixt , he looks on it with a Quarterly Aspect : for that line which his Aspect makes , cuts off a fourth part of the Circle . When he is in the fifth there being three betwixt , it is a Trine Aspect , for it subtends a third part of the Zodaick : which two Aspects the Quartile and Trine being very efficacious afford much increase to the Birth . But the Aspect from the sixth place is wholly inefficacious , for the line there makes not a side of any Polygone , but from the 7th Sign which is the opposite the Aspect is most full and powerful , and bringeth forth some i●fants already mature , termed Septimestres , from being born in the 7th Moneth : But if within that space it be not mature , in the 8th Moneth it is not born , for from the 8th Sign as from the 6th , the Aspect is inefficacious , but either in 9th Moneth , or in the 10th : for the Sun from the 9th Sign beholds again the particle of the Conception in a trine Aspect , and from the 10th in a Quartile ; Which Aspects , as we said , are very efficacious : But in the 11th Moneth they hold , it cannot be born , because then , the Light being weak , sends first his languishing Ray in a Sextile Aspect , much less in the 12th , which Aspect is not all valid . CHAP. VI. Schemes . THe way by which the Chaldaeans from the very beginning observ'd the Horoscope of any Nativity , corresponds with that of their Division of the Zodiack ( mention'd formerly ; ) For a Chaldaean sate in the Night-time on some high Promontory contemplating the Stars ; another sate by the Woman in travail until such time as she were delivered . As soon as she was delivered , he signifyed it to him on the Promontory , which as soon as he had heard , he observed the Sign then rising for the Horoscope , but in the Day he attended the Ascendants and Suns Motion . Of the twelve Parts or Houses into which the Zodiack is divided , those which are predominant in every Nativity , and chiefly to be considered in Prognosticks , are four , which by one common Name they term Centers ( or Angles , ) but more particularly , they call one the Horoscope , or Ascendant , another the Medium Caeli , ( the tenth House , ) another the Descendant , ( the seventh House , ) another the Subterrestrial and opposite to the Medium Caeli , ( the fourth House . ) The Horoscope is that which happens to be Ascendant at the time of the Birth , the Medium Coeli is the fourth Sign inclusively from it . The Descendant is that which is opposite to the Horoscope . The Subterrestrial and Imum Coeli , that which is opposite to the Medium Coeli : as ( to explain it by an Example ) if Cancer be the Horoscope , Aries is the Medium Coeli , Capricorn Descendant , and Libra Subterrestrial . That House which goes before either of these Houses they call cadent , that which followeth , succedent ; now that which goes before the Horoscope being apparent to us , they affirm to be of the ill Genius , that next which followeth the Medium Coeli of the good Genius , that which is before the Medium Coeli , the inferior Portion and single Lot , and God : That which is before the Descendant , a slothful Sign , and the beginning of Death ; that which is after the Ascendant , and is not apparent to us , the Fury and ill Fortune ; that which cometh under the Earth good Fortune , opposite to the good Genius : that which is beyond the Imum Coeli towards the East , Goddesse ; that which followeth the Horoscope slothful , which also is opposite to the slothful . Or more briefly thus : The Cadent of the Horoscope is called the ill Genius , the Succedent slothful , the Cadent of the Medium Coeli , God , the Succedent good Genius , the Cadent of the Imum Coeli , Goddesse , the Succedent good Fortune , the Cadent of the Descendant ill Fortune , the succedent slothful . These , as they conceive , ought to be examined not superficially . Upon these Grounds the Chaldaeans made their Apotolesmatick Praedictions , of which there is a difference ; for some of them are more simple , others more accurate : the more simple , those which are made from any one Sign , or the simple force of a single Star , as that a Star being in such a Sign shall cause such kind of Men : the more accurate , those which are made by the Concourse , and as they say , the Contemporation of many . As if one Sar be in the Horoscope , another in the Mid-Heaven , another in the opposite Point to the Mid-Heaven , others thus or thus posited , then these or these things will come to pass . These are all the remains of this Art , which can be attributed to the Antient Chaldaeans . CHAP. VII . Other Arts of Divination . THe Chaldaeans , besides Astrology , invented and used many other wayes of Divination , of which a Diodorus Siculus instanceth , Divination by Birds , interpretation of Dreams , Explication of Prodigi●s , and Hieroscopie . b R. Maimonides likewise affirms , that amongst the Chaldaeans antiently there arose several sorts of Diviners , in particular these , Megnonemin , Menacheshim , Mecashephim , Chober chaber , Shel ob , Iid●●o●i , Doresh el hammetim ; all which are mentioned Deut. 18. 10 , 11. The first ascribed by Diodorus to the Chaldaeans , is Divination of Birds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Augury : neither is it probable , that they who were so great Inquisitors into the several kinds of Divination , should be ignorant of this , which after-ages esteemed one of the most considerable . But they who understand the word c Menacheshim in this sense , seem to have been drawn to it by a mistake of the Latine word augurari , by which it is rendred . The next , interpretation of Dreams , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , d Philo Iudae●s affirms to have been invented by Abraham . Indeed that it was profest by the antient Chaldaeans appears from their answer to Nebuchadnezzar , e Tell thy servants the dream , and we will shew the interpretation . There are extant many onirocritical Verses , under the name of Astrampsychus , collected out of Suidas , and digested by Ioseph Scaliger : Astrampsychus is mention'd amongst the Magi by Laertius : and f there are who conceive the name to be only an Interpretation of the Chaldaean or P●rsian Zoroaster , which some render , a living star . The third , Explication of Prodigies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this kind the Greek Interpreters conceive included in the word Iide●oni , for they render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The last that Diodorus mentions , is Hieroscopie , by which I conceive to be meant extispicium , Divination by inspection into the entrails ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of sacrific'd Beasts . That the Chaldaeans used this kind , may be argued from the Prophet Ezekiel , who saith of the King of Babylon ( using Divination , ) g he looked into the liver . Th●se seem to be the gazrin , reckon'd by h Daniel amongst the Chaldaean Diviners ; from gazar , to cut ; for they cut open the Beast and divined by his entrails . O● , is rendred Pytho , or ( rather ) Pythonicus spiritus ; the word originally signifieth a Bottle ; and ther●upon is taken for that spirit which speaketh ex utero Pythonissae : The Sacred Text calls the Woman Esheth Baalath Ob , which the Septuagint render , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and where Saul saith , i I pray thee divine unto me in Ob , they translate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . R. Maimonides saith , she that was initiated held in her hand a myrtle wand , & received suffumigatio●s : R. Abraham ben David , that these Rites were usually performed at some dead mans Tomb. Doresh el hammetim , is properly ( as rendred ) a Necromancer : k some affirm this kind of Divination had it's original in Chaldaea . These and the rest of this kind are all comprehended under the general name Mecashphim , of which formerly . The Third SECTION . MAGICK , Natural and Theurgick . THe third part of the Chaldaick Doctrine was Magick : for though the Name is conceived to be Persian ( by some derived from Mog , a a Sirname of the Persian Zoroaster , b by others from the Ma●ussaea●s ) yet this Science it self was originally Chaldaean , and properly the study of the Ashaphim ; of whom Laertius is to be understood , when he saith that the Chaldaeans were the same with the Babylonians , as the Magi with the Persians : Hence is it also that the term Magi is some times extended to the Chaldaea● Philoso●hers . Pliny indeed saith , that c Magick had it's ●eginning in Persia from Zoroaster , but adds , that whether this Zoroaster was one , or afterwards a second also , is not certain : and that he rather meant the Chaldaean , that the Persian , may be inferred from his citing those Authors who placed this Zoroaster 6000 years before Plato , or 5000 years before the Trojan war ; which accounts ( though extravagant ) were doubtlesse intended of the most antient Zoroaster , the Chaldaean . He likewise instanceth d as skilful in this Art Marmaridius a Babylonian , and Zormocenidas an Assyrian , both so antient as that there are not any Monuments of them extant . The few remains we find of the Chaldaean Magick may be reduced to two kinds , Natural and Theurgick . CHAP. I. Natural Magick . THe First Part of the Chaldaick Magick is that which we commonly term Natural , because it contemplates the Virtues of all Natural beings Caelestial and Sublunary , a makes scrutiny into their Sympathy , and by a mutual application of them , produceth extraordinary effects . By this kind of Magick the Chaldaeans professed b to perform many admirable things , not only upon particular Persons , but upon whole Countries . R. Maimonides instanceth the c expelling of Noxious Animals , as Lions , Serpents , and the like , out of Cities ; the driving away all kind of harms from Plants , prevention of Hail , the destroying of Worms that they hurt not the Vines ; concerning these ( saith he ) they have written much in their Books ; and some there are who boast they can cause that no Leaves or Fruit shall fall form the Trees . CHAP. II. Magical Operations , their kinds . THeir operations a R. Maimonides reduceth to three kinds . The First is of those which deal in Plants , Animals , and Metals . The Second consists in Circumscription and Determination of some time , in which the Operations are to be performed . The Third consists in Human Gestures and Actions ; as in Clapping the Hands , Leaping , Crying aloud , Laughing , Lying Prostrate on the Earth , Burning of any thing , Kindling of Smoak , and Lastly in Pronouncing certain words Intelligible or Unintelligible ; these are the kinds of their Magical Operations . b Some there are which are not performed but by all these Kinds : As when they say , take such a Leaf of such an Herb when the Moon is in such a Degree and Place : Or , take of the Horn of such a Beast , or of his Hair , Sweat or Blood , such a quantity , when the Sun is in the middle of Heaven , or in some other certain Place . Or , take of such a Metall , or of many Metalls , melt them under such a Constellation , and in such a Position of the Moon ; then pronounce such and such words ; make a suffumigation of such and such leaves , in such and such a figure , and this or that thing shall come to passe . c Other Magical operations there are which they conceive may be performed by one of the fore-mentioned kinds , only these ( say they ) are performed for the most part by Women , as we find amongst them : for the bringing forth of Waters , if ten Virgins shall adorn themselves and put on red Garments , and leap in such manner that one shall thrust on the other , and this to be done going backwards and forwards , and afterwards shall stretch out their fingers towards the Sun , makeing certain Signes , this action being finished , they say that waters will issue forth . In like manner they write , that if fower Women &c. using certain words and certain gestures , by this action they shall divert hail from falling down . Many other such like vanities they mention all along their writings , which are to be performed by Women . d But none of these ( as they imagine ) can be performed without having respect and consideration of the Stars ; for thy conceive that every Plant hath it's proper Star : they ascribe also certain Stars to all living Creatures and Metalls ; Moreover these operations are peculiar worships of the Stars , and that they are delighted with such an action , or speech , or Suffumigation , and for it's sake afford them what they wish . Hitherto R. Maimonides , who only hath preserved these remains of the antient Chaldaick superstition . CHAP. III. Of the Tsilmenaia ( or Telesmes ) used for Averruncation . MOreover the Chaldaeans are by the Rabbies reported to have been the first that found out the secret power of Figures ; neither was there any thing more celebrious than the Images of this kind made by them . They are called in Chaldee and Persian Tsilmenaia , from the Hebrew Tselem , an Image : in Arabick , Talitsmam or Tsalimam , perhaps from the same Root ; rather than as some conjecture from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These Images were prepared under certain Constellations , for several purposes ; some for Averruncation , others for Praediction . Those that serve for Averrancation , some conceive to have been of later Invention , and ascribe them to Apollonius Tyanaeus ; he indeed was the first amongst the Graecians that was famous for them : but it is most probable that he brought this Art out of the East , there being yet to be seen many of these Figures or Telesmes throughout the whole Eastern part of the World ; and some of them very antient , which a Gaffarel allegeth to confirm , that the Persians , or if you will , the Babylonians or Chaldaeans , were the first that found them out . These the Greeks term also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the makers of them Stoicheiomaticks . b Ptolemy , The generable and corruptible Forms are affected by the Celestial Forms : for which reason the Stoickeiomaticks make use of them , considering the entrance of the Stars into them : On which words Hali Aben Rodoan ( or as the Hebrew translation Aben Giafar ) writes thus . In this Chapter Ptolemy means to discover many secrets of Images , and that the Figures which are here below are correspondent to the like figurations above , which predominate over them : as for instance , the Celestial Scorpion predominates over the terrestrial Scorpions , and the Celestial Serpent over the Terrestrial Serpents , and the skilfull in Images ( Stoicheiomaticks ) observed , when a Planet was out of his Combustion , and entred into any of these Figures , then placing the Planet in the Horoscope , they engraved the Figure upon a stone , and having added what else was necessary , they fitted it for preservation , or destruction , as they pleas'd ; and this power continued in the stone a long time after . CHAP. IV. Of the Tsilmenaia , used for Prediction . ANother kind there was of Tsilmenaia or Telesmes , used for Prediction : These Images ( according to the description of a R. Maimonides ) they did erect to the Stars : of Gold to the Sun , of Silver to the Moon , and so distributed the Metalls and Climates of the Earth among the Stars , for they said , that such a Star is the God of such a Climate . There they built Temples , and placed the Images in them , conceiving that the Power of the Stars did flow into those Images , and that those Images had the faculty of understanding , and did give to Men the gift of Prophecy , and in a word did declare to them what things were good for them . So also they say of Trees which belong to those Stars , every Tree being dedicated to some Star , and planted to it's Name , and worshipped , for this or that reason , because the Spiritual Vertues of the Stars , are infused into that Tree , so that after the manner of Prophecy they discourse to Men , and speak to them also in Dreams . The word Teraphim in the Sacred Scripture , amongst other significations , is sometimes taken for these Images , whence b Onkelos the Chaldee paraphrast renders it Tsilmenaia , with which the Syriack version agrees ; The Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implying by all these Interpretations , that they were endewed with the gift of praediction : which is no more than the Text it self confirms ; for c Ezekiel saith of the King of Babylon using Divination , that he consulted the Teraphim . Of this kind are those Teraphim conceived to be , which Rachel stole from her father Laban ; for he calls them his , d Gods ; the Copti●k version renders it , the greatest of his Gods : R. D. Kimchi conceives they were made by Astrologers to foretell things to come , and that they were Images whose figures we know not , by which the Antients were informed of future events , they being in some manner like the Oracles which often spake by the mouth of the Devil . R. Eliezer , that they were statues made in the figure of men under certain constellations , whose influences ( which they were capable of receiving ) caused them to speak at some set hours , and give an answer to whatsoever was demanded of them . Aben Ezra , that they were made after the shapes of Men , to the end they might be capable of Celestial influence ( and in the same manner interprets he the Teraphim placed by Michol in David's bed . ) Adding , that the reason why Rachel took them away , was not to take her father off from Idolatry ; for if it were so , why then did she take them along with her , and not rather hide them in the way neer his house : But by reason that her father was skilful in Astrology , she feared lest by consulting those Images and the Stars , he should know which way Jacob was gone . And S. Augustine , that Laban saith , why hast thou stoln my Gods ? it is perhaps in as much as he had said be divined , * I divined the Lord blessed me because of thee , ] for so the more antient Expositors interpret the word nichashti , and the Jews understand that place , of prescience , divination , or conjecture , as Mr. Selden observes . Philo Iudaeus speaking of the * Teraphim of Micah , fancies that Micah made of fine Gold and Silver three Images of young Ladds , and three Calves , and one Lion , one Dragon , and one Dove , so that if any had a Mind to know any secret concerning his Wife , he was to have recourse to the Image of the Dove which answered his Demands ; if concerning his Children , he went to the Boys ; if concerning Riches , to the Eagle ; if concerning Power and Strength , to the Lion ; if it anything concerned Sons and Daughters , he went then to the Calves ; and if about the length of Years and Dayes , he was to consult the Image of the Dragon . This , how light soever , shews that he also understood the Teraphim to be prophetical . CHAP. V. Theurgick Magick . THe other part of the Chaldaick Magick is Theurgick : to which perhaps Plato more particularly alluded , when he defind a the Magick of Zoroaster , the service of the Gods. This they called also b the Method of Rites ; the Works of Piety , and ( as renderd by the Greeks ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Telestick Science and Telesiurgick . In what it did consist may be gathered from what Suidas saith of the two Iulians ; Iulian ( saith he ) the Chaldaean , a Philosopher , father of Julian sirnamed the Theurgick ; He wrote of Daemons four Books ; they treat of Preservatives of every part of Mans Body ; of which kind are the Chaldaick Telesiurgicks . And again , Iulian son of the afore-mention'd , lived under Marcus Antonius the Emperour , he also wrote Theurgick Initiatory Oracles in Verse ; and all other secrets of the Science . Thus the Telestick Science was conceived to procure a conversation with Daemons by certain Rites and Ceremonies , and c to initiate or perfect the Soul by the power of materials here on Earth ; for the supreme faculty of the Soul cannot by it's own guidance aspire to the sublimest institution , and to the comprehension of Divinity ; but the Work of Piety leads it by the hand to God by illumination from thence ; Plato indeed holds , that we may comprehend the ungenerate Essence by Reason and Intellect ; but the Chaldaean asserts , that there is no other means for us to arrive at God , but by strentghning the Vehicle of the soul by material Rites : for he supposeth that the soul is purified by stones , and herbs , and charms , and is rendred expedito for ascent . It is likewise beneficial to the Body as well as to the Soul , for * if a man shall give his mind to these , he shall not only render his soul unvanquishable by passions , but shall also preserve his body the better in health : for the usual effect of Divine illuminations is to consume the matter of the Body , and to establish Nature by health , that we be not seised either by Passions or Diseases . CHAP. VI. Theurgick Rites . BY Theurgick or Telestick Rites they conceived that they could procure a communication with the good Daemons , and expulsion or averruncation of the bad . The chief of these Rites was Sacrifice ; concerning which , there is a remarkable passage in a Iamblichus , who delivers the Chaldaick opinion thus : The Gods give those things that are truly good , to such as are purified by sacrifices ; with whom also they converse , and by their communication drive away wickedness and passion far from them ; and by their brightness chace from thence the dark Spirit ; for the evill Spirits , when the light of the Gods cometh in , fly away as shadows at the light of the Sun : neither are they able any longer to disturb the pious sacrificer , who is free from all wickedness , perversness , and passion : but such as are pernicious , and behave themselves insolently in opposition to sacred Rites and Orders , these by reason of the imbecillity of their action , and want of power , are not able to attain to the Gods , but because of certain pollutions are driven away from the Gods , and associated with ill Daemons , by whose bad breath they are inspired , and depart thence most wicked , profane and dissolute ; unlike the Gods in desire , but in all things resembling the bad Daemons with whom they converse daily . There men therefore being full of passion and wickedness , by the affinity that is betwixt them , draw the evil Spirits to them , by whom being quickly possest , they are again excited to all iniquity , one assisting and strengthning the other , like a Circle whose beginning and end meet . Several other Rites they used also , which they conceived to be prevalent in evocation of these Daemons . They are allured ( saith b Gregorius Nicephoras ) out of the Air and Earth by certain stones or pulse , or certain Voices or Figures , which they call Characters , invented by the Chaldaeans and Egyptians who first found out the proper dignoscitive sign of every Daemon . Some few of these are mention'd in the Chaldaick Oracles ; as , When thou seest the Terestial Daemon approach , Sacrifize the Stone Mnizuris , using invocation . The Daemons ( saith Psellus ) that are neer the Earth are by Nature lying , as being far off from the Divine Knowledge , and filled with dark matter . Now if you would have any true discourse from these prepare an Altar and Sacrifize the Stone Mnizuris . This Stone hath the power of evocations , the other greater Daemon who invisibly approacheth to the material Daemon will pronounce the true relation of demands , which transmits to the demandant the Oracle the vocatine name with the Sacrificing of the Stone . Another of these Rites mentioned by the same Oracles , is that of the Hecatine Strophalus . Labour about the Hecatine Strophalus . The Hecatine Strophalus ( saith Psellus ) is a golden ball , in the midst whereof is a Saphire , they fold about it a Leather thong , it is beset all over with Characters ; Thus whipping it about they made their Invocations . These they use to call Iynges whether it be round or triangle or any other Figure , and whilst they are doing thus they make insignificant or brutish cries , and lash the Air with their whips . The Oracle adviseth to the performance of these Rites , or such a Motion of the Strophalus , as having an expressible power . It is called Hecatine as being dedicated to Hecate . Hecate is a Goddesse amongst the Chaldaeans , having at her right side the Fountain of Vertues . No little Efficacy was attributed to certain words used in these Rites , which the Chaldaick Oracles expresly forbid to be changed . Never change Barbarous names . There are certain names ( saith Psellus ) among all Nations delivered to them by God ; which have an unspeakable Power in Divine Rites , change not these into the Greek Dialect ; As Seraphim and Cherubin , and Michael and Gabriel : These in the Hebrew Dialect have an unspeakable Efficacy in Divine Rites ; but changed into Greek names are ineffectual . CHAP. VII . Apparitions . THe Apparitions procured by these rites are of two kinds . a The First is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Super-inspection ( in respect to the initiated person : ) When he who orders the Divine Rites seeth a meer Apparition , ( as for instance ) of light in some figure or form , concerning which the Chaldaick b Oracle adviseth , that if anyone sees such a light , he apply not his mind to it , nor esteem the voyce proceeding from thence to be true . c Sometimes likewise to many initiated persons there appeares whilst they are sacrificing some Apparitions in the shape of Dogs and several other Figures . These are apparitions of the passions of the Soul in performing Divine Rites , meer appearances , having no substance , and therefore not signifying any thing true . The Second is called d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self inspection , this is when the initiated person seeth the Divine Light it self without any figure or form : This the Oracle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Sacro-sanct , for that it is seen with a beauty by Sacred Persons , and glides up and down pleasantly and graciously through the Depths of the World. f This will not deceive the initiated person , but whatsoever question you shall propose , the answer will be most true . When thou seest ( saith the Oracle ) a Sacred fire , without Form , shining flashingly through the depths of the whole World , Hear the voice of Fire . g When thou beholdest the divine Fire void of Figure brightly gliding up and down the World , and graciously smiling , listen to this voice , as bringing a most perfect Praescience . But h these things which appear to initiated persons as Thunder , Lightning , and all else whatsoever , are only Symbols or Signes , not the Nature of God. CHAP. VIII . Material Daemons how to be repuls'd . AS it is one property of Theurgy to evocate and procure a conversation with good Daemons , so is it another , to repulse and chase away the Material Daemons , which as they conceive may be effected several wayes ; either by words , or actions . By Words : For ( as a Marcus delivers the Chaldaick opinion ) these Material Daemons fearing to be sent to Abysses and Subterraneal places , and standing in awe of the Angels who send them thither , If a Man threaten to send them thither , and pronounce the names of those Angels whose office that is , it is hardly to be expressed how much they will be affrighted and troubled ; so great will their astonishment be , as that they are not able to discern the person that menaces them , and though it be some old Woman , or a little old Man that threatens them , yet so great is their fear , that commonly they depart as if he that menaces were able to kill them . By actions : For the Bodies of Daemons ( saith the same b Author ) are capable of being struck , and are pained thereby ; Sense is not the property of Compounds , but of Spirits ; That thing in a Man which feeleth , is neither the Bone , nor the Nerve , but the Spirit which is in them : whence if the Nerve be press'd or seized with cold or the like , there ariseth pain from the Emission of one Spirit into another Spirit ; for it is impossible that a compound Body should in it self be sensible of pain , but in as much as it partaketh of Spirit , and therfore being cut into pieces , or dead , it is absolutely insensible ; because it hath no Spirit . In like manner a Daemon being all Spirit is of his own Nature sensible in every part ; hee immediately seeth and he heareth ; he is obnoxious to suffering by touch ; being cut assunder he is pained like Solid Bodies ; only herein differing from them , that other things being cut assunder can by no meanes or very hardly be made whole again , whereas the Daemon immediately commeth together again , as Air or Water parted by some more solid Body . But though this Spirit joyns again in a moment , neverthelesse at the very time in which the dissection is made it is pained ; for this reason they are much affraid of swords , which they who chase them away knowing , stick up pointed Irons or swords in those places where they would not have them come , chasing them away by things Antipathetical to them , as they allure them by things Sympathetical . From these Material Daemons , * upon those that worship them , descend certain Fiery irradiations , like those we call falling Stars , gliding up and down ; which those mad persons term apparitions of God ; but there is nothing true , firm or certain in them , but cheats , like those of Iuglers , which the common people term wonders , because they deceive the eye ; * for being removed far from the beatitude of Divine life , and destitute of Intellectual contemplation , they cannot praesignify futures , but all that they say or shew is false and not solid , for they know beings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by their outsides , but that which knoweth futures particularly , useth Notions indivisible and not figured . THE FOURTH SECTION . Of the Gods , and Religious worship of the Chaldaeans . IN the last place , ( as to the Explication of the Chaldaick Doctrine , especially of that part which concerned their Ashaphim ) it is necessary we give accompt of the Gods of the Chaldaeans , and of their Religious worship . And though Mr. Selden hath reduced all the Asiatick Gods under the common name of Syrian , in his Excellent Treatise upon that Subject ; yet we shall take notice of such onely as were proper to Assyria , ( whether as being worshipt no where else , or from thence brought into Syria and other Countries : ) conceiving the rest nothing pertinent to the Chaldaeans or Babylonians . The Religious Worship of the Chaldaeans may be reduced to three kinds ; The first , a worship of the true God , but after an Idolatrous manner : The second , of Daemons , or Spirits : The third , of the Celestial Bodies , and Elements . CHAP. I. Of their Idolatrous Worship of the True God. THe first kind of the Chaldaick Worship , was of the True God , though after an Idolatrous manner : The Author of the Chaldaick Summary affirms , that they held one principle of all things , and declare that it is one and good . That by this one and good they meant the true God , ( to whom alone those attributes belong ) may be gathered from a Eusebius , who saith , ( speaking doubtless of the Followers of Zoroaster ) that in the first place they conceive God the Father and King ought to be ranked ; for this reason the Delphian Oracle attested by Porphyrius , joyns them with the Hebrews ; Chaldees and Iews wise onely , worshipping Purely a self-begotten God and King. but ( notwithstanding the Oracle ) that this Worship , though of the True God , was Idolatrous , is beyond doubt : so as to them might be applied what St. Paul saith of the Romans , a when they knew God they glorified him not as God , but b changed the glory of the uncorruptible God into an Image made like to corruptible man. The Name and Image whereby they represented the Supreme God was that of Bel , as appears by the prohibition given by God himself not to call him so any more : c Thou shalt call me no longer Baali ; Bel with the Chaldaeans is the same as Baal with the Phoenicians , both derived from the Hebrew Baal , Lord ; this Bel of the Babylonians is mention'd by the Prophets Esay and Ieremy : They who first translated the Eastern Learning into Greek , for the most part interpret this Bel by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iupiter . So Herodotus , Diodorus , Hesychius , and others : Berosus ( saith Eusebius ) was Priest of Belus , whom they interpret ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Iupiter ; the reason of which seems to be , for that Bel was the chief God with the Chaldaeans , as Iupiter with the Graecians , who by that name meant the true God , as the Chaldaeans by the other ; for to him St. Paul applies that hemistick of Aratus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for we are also his off-spring , ) which hath reference to the first Verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And upon these words of St. Peter , worship ye God , but not as the Graecians , Clemens Alexandrinus observes , that he saith not , worship not the God whom the Graecians , but as the Graecians : he changed the manner of the worship , but preached not another God. The Temple of this Iupiter Belus at Babylon , is exactly described by Herodotus an eye-witness , in whose time it was yet extant , thus ; The gates were of Brass ; the Temple it self square ; every side two furlongs broad . In the midst of the Temple there was a solid Tower ( not hollow ) of the thickness and height of a Stadium ; upon which there was set another , and another upon that , and so on to eight : on the outside of these were st●●rs , by which to go up to every one of them ; in the midst of the stairs were seats for such as went up , to rest themselves : in the highest Tower there was another Temple ( or Chapel , ) and in it a Bed sumptuously furnisht , and a Table of Gold ; but neither in this was there any Statue , nor doth any personly here a-nights except one wo●an , a foreiner , of whom the God makes choice above all other , as the Chaldaeans who are Priests of this God averr : for they say ( though I hardly credit it ) that the God hi●self comes into this Temple , and rests in this Bed : There is moreover in this Temple another lower Chapel , in which there is a great Statue of Jupiter all of Gold , sitting ; and beside it a Table and Bench all of Gold also ; in so much that the Chaldaeans value it at 800 Talents : Likewise without the Chapel there is an Altar of Gold , and another Altar very great , upon which are sacrifized Sheep of full growth , for upon that of Gold it is not lawful to sacrifize any but Sucklings ; On this greater Altar the Chaldaeans burn yearly Frankinsence to the value of a hundred thousand talents , in sacrifice to their Gods. There was also at the same time in this Temple a Statue 12 Cubits high , of massy Gold , which I saw not , but take upon the report of the Chaldaeans : this Statue Darius son of Hystaspes had a great mind to take , but durst not ; but his son Xerxes afterwards took it , and slew the Priest who forbad him to stir it : Thus was this Temple built and beautified , besides infinite gifts and presents . Hitherto Herodotus : he terms the Priests of Belus Chaldaeans ; and R. Maimonides ass●rts the Chaldaean Idolaters to be the same with the Prophets of Baal . The Festival of Bel is mention'd 2 Kings 10. 20. his Oracle by Arrian ; the same which Step●anus means saying , The Chaldaeans had an Oracle which was no less in esteem with them , than that at Delphi was with the Graecians . CHAP. II. Worship of other Gods , Angels and Daemons . THe second kind of their Religious Worship , was that of other Gods , Angels and Daemons ; Next the Supreme God ( saith Eusebius , delivering their opinion ) there followeth a multitude of other Gods ; Angels and Daemons . These Gods they distinguish'd into several Orders , Intelligibles ; Intelligibles and Intellectuals ; Intellectuals ; Fountains ; Principles ; Unzoned Gods ; Zoned Gods ; Angels and Daemons . To the Worship of these belongs what we have already delivered concerning their Theurgy . CHAP. III. The Chaldaean Worship of the Caelestial Bodies . THe third kind of Idolatrous Worship used by the Chaldaeans and Babylonians was of the Celestial Bodies ; into which , Maimonides saith , they fell soon after the Floud : perhaps occasion'd by their continual addiction to Contemplation of them ; and grounded upon Observation of the great Benefits communicated to Man-kind by their Influence . The Levitical Law , in prohibiting this Idolatry , sets down the particulars of of it , Lest thou lift up thine eyes unto Heaven , and when thou seest the Sun , and the Moon , and the Stars , even all the Host of Heaven , shouldst be driven to Worship them and serve them . And of the Jewish Idolaters put down by Iosiah ( besides those that burnt Incense to Baal , of whom already ) are reckon'd those that burnt Incense to the Sun and to the Moon , and to the Planets ( or Signs , Mazaloth ) and to all the Host of Heaven . This doubtless they learned of their Nighbours the Assyrians , of whom the Prophet Ezekiel complains that they doted . CHAP. IV. Of the Sun. THe Sun and Moon are first named and distinguished from the rest ; with them perhaps this kind of Idolatry began , before it came to be applied to any of the other Stars ; for in the most antient mention of it , ( which is by Iob a Neighbour to the Chaldaeans ) we find these two only named : That the Chaldaeans esteemed these the principal is confirm'd by R. Maimonides , who saith , They held the rest of the seven Planets to be Gods , but the two Luminaries the greatest . But of these ( adds Maimonides ) they held the Sun to be the greatest God. What he further relates in confirmation hereof , out of the Books of the Sabaeans concerning Abraham and the like , was delivered formerly . Of the Assyrian Idols dedicated to the Sun , Macrobius mentions three , Adad , Adonis and Iupiter Heliopolites . Adad ( saith he ) signifieth one ; this God they adore as the most powerful , but they joyn with him a Goddess named Atargatis , ascribing to these two an absolute power over all things ; by these they mean the Sun and the Earth ; that hereby they understand the Sun , is manifest , for the Image of Adad is very fair , and hath beams bending downwards , to shew that the power of Heaven consists in the beams of the Sun , sent down upon the Earth . The Image of Atargates hath beams erected ; to shew that the Earth produceth all things by the power of the beames sent from above : Thus Macrobius ; but whereas he saith that Adad signifieth one , either he himself is mistaken , or his Text depraved , for ( as Mr. Selden observes ) with the Syrians , and Chaldaeans or Assyrians , Chad , from the Hebrew Achad , signifieth one ; but Adad or Adod which in the Scripture is Hhadad is of a different spelling ; Drusius reads ( in Macrobius ) Hhada , which signifieth One in Syriack . Of this Idol perhaps is the Prophet Isaiah to be understood , They that sanctify and purify themselves after One in the midst of the gardens , dedicated to that Idol behind the Temple ; Subintelligendum enim Templum , pone Templum saith Ioseph Scaliger . Adonis is derived from Adon , Lord. That Adonis is the Sun ( saith Macrobius ) is not doubted , upon view of the Religion of the Assyrians , with whom Venus Architis ( now worshipt by the Phoenicians ) and Adonis were held in great veneration : For the Naturalists worshipped the Superio●r Hemisphear of the Earth , in part whereof we dwell , by the name of Venus ; the inferiour they called Pro●erpina . Hereupon amongst the Assyrians or Phoenicians the Godd●ss is introduced mourning , because the Sun in performing his Annual Course passeth through the twelve Signs of the Inferiour Hemisphear ; for of the Signs of the Zodiack six are esteemed superiour , six inferiour ; And when he is in the inferiour , and consequently makes the dayes shorter , the Goddess is believ'd to mourn , as if the Sun were snatch'd away by Death for a time , and detained by Proserpina the Goddess of the inferiour part , and of the Antipodes ; Again they conceive that Adonis is restor'd to Venus when the Sun surmounting the six stars of the inferiour Order begins to illuminate our Hemisphear , and lengthen the light and dayes . The last is Iupiter Heliopolites ; The Assyrians ( saith the same Author ) under the name of Jupiter worship the Sun ( whom they style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with extraordinary ceremonies : The Image of this God was taken from a Town in Aegypt , named Heliopolis also , at what time Senemus , perhaps the same as Senepos , reigned over the Aegyptians ; it was brought thither by Oppias Ambassador of Delebois King of the Assyrians , and by the Aegyptian Priests , the chief of whom was Parmetis ; and having been a long time kept by the Assyrians , was afterwards removed to Heliopolis ( in Aegypt ) the reason of which , and why being caried out of Aegypt it was brought back into the place where now it is , and where it is worshipt with Rites that are more Assyrian than Aegyptian , I forbear to relate , as being nothing pertinent to our purpose . That this Jupiter is the same with the Sun , appears as well by their Religious Rites , as by the fashion of the Image , for it 's being of Gold ( of which Metall Maimonides describes those Telesmes to have been which the Chaldaeans made to the Sun ) and without a Beard , is sufficient argument hereof . The right hand is lifted up , holding a Whip like a Charioteer , the left holds a Thunderbold and some ears of Corn , all which denote the consociate powers of Jupiter and the Sun. Moreover the Religion of this Temple is excellent for Divination , which is ascribed to the power of Apollo , who is the same with the Sun : Likewise the Image of the Heliopolitane God is caried on a Beer , as the Images of the Gods are caried at the Solemnity of the Games of the Circensian Gods ; Many Nobles of that Countrey follow , their heads shaved , they themselves pure by a long Chastity ; they are driven by Divine Inspiration , not as they will themselves , but whither the God caries them . This God they consult even absent , by sending Table●books sealed up , and he writes back in Order to the questions inserted in them : Thus the Emperour Trajan being to go out of that Countrey into Parthia with his Army , at the request of his Friends zealous in this Religion , and who having had great experiments in this kind , perswaded him to inquire concerning the successe of his expedition , proceeded with Romane prudence , lest there might be some deceit of man it , and first sent the Table-books sealed up , requiring an answer in writing : The God commanded paper to be brought , and ordered that it should be sent to him , blank : to the astonishment of the Priests . Trajan received it with admiration , for that he also had sent a blanck Table-book to the God. Then he took another Table-book , and wrote in it this question , whether having finished this War , he should return to Rome ; ●his he sealed up : The God commanded a Centurial Vine , one of those gifts that were in the Temple , to be brought , and to be cut into two pieces , and wrapt up in a Napkin and sent . The event appeared manifest in the death of Trajan , his bones being brought back to Rome : for by the fragments , the kind of Reliques ( his bones , ) ●y the token of the Vine , the future chance was declared . Hitherto Macrobius . To these adde Bel or Belus , a name though more peculiar to the Supreme Deity , yet common to many of the Chaldaean Gods , and amongst others to the Sun , as Servius witnesseth . In Punick language ( saith he ) God is named Bal ; but amongst the Assyrians he is called Bel , and by a certain mystical reason , Saturn and the Sun. CHAP. V. The Chaldaean Worship of the Moon . THe Moon was worshiped by the Chaldaeans under many names , all which are Feminine ; and the greater part answerable to those of the Sun ( last mentioned ) which seems to confirm what R. Maimonides delivers of them , that they held the seven Planets to be Gods and Goddesses , Male and Femal , maried to one another . Now as the Chaldaeans ( or rather They who first translated the Chaldaick Learning into Greek ) amongst other names applyed to the Sun those of Iupiter and Adonis , in like manner did they give to the Moon the correspondent attributes of Iuno and Venus . To Iuno belong Ada and Belta , for so interpreted by Hesychius ; a Ada , Iuno , with the Babylonians ; b Belthes , Iuno or Venus . Both which are doubtlesse no other than the Feminine names answerable to Adad and Bel , two names of the Sun. That by Iuno Mythologists sometimes understand the Moon , the Learned c Mr. Selden confirms by the old form of incalation which the Roman Priests used at the Nones of every Moneth , dies te quinque calo Iuno novella ( or covella , Caelestis . ) To this Iuno perhaps may more properly be referred what Iulius Firmicus applies to the Air ; The Assyrians ( saith he ) ascribed the principality of the Elements , to the Air , the Image whereof they worshipped , styling it by the name of Juno or Venus the Virgin ; Whom the Quires of their Priests worshipped with effeminate Voices and Gestures , their skin smoothed , and their habit after the fashion of Women ; thus he ; But that the Assyrians worshipped the Element of Air is not else where easily found ; what de adds concerning their immodest Rites , seems rather of affinity with those of Venus , as described by other Authors . To Venus ( taken for the Moon ) belong the names Mylitta and Alilat . They learnt ( saith Herodotus speaking of the Persians ) of the Assyrians and Arabians to Sacrifize to Urania : the Assyrians call Venus Mylitta , the Arabians ( our Sabaeans ) Alilat . Thus Herodotus ; who indeed seems to make this Mylitta distinct from the Moon ; ( of whom he had spoken a little before ) but that by Alilat was meant no other , is evident from it's Etymology from Lail Night . The Antients ( saith Sihal Assemon ) amongst many other false Gods , served one whom they called Alilath , and affirmed that she is the Moon , as being the Mistriss and Queen of the Night . CHAP. VI. The Chaldaean worship of the Planets . THe rest of the Seven Planets ( as a Maimonides saith ) they held to be Gods also . To Saturn , whom Diodorus ( if the Text be not depraved , which I suspect ) affirms they held to be the chiefest of the five , they gave the common name of Bel. Eusebius , in the 28th year of Thara ; Belus the first King of the Assyrians died ; whom the Assyrians styled a God ; others call him Saturn ; and Servius , cited elsewhere , b In the Punick language God is named Bal ; but amongst the Assyrians he is called Bel , and by a certain Mystical reason , Saturn and the Sun. c Whence Theophilus Patriarch of Antioch , Some worship Saturn as a God ; and call him Bel , and Bal ; this is done chiefly by those who dwell in the Eastern Climates , not knowing who Saturn is , and who Belus . Some conceive that the more particular name of this Planet was Chiun or Remphan : of which the Prophet Amos , But ye have born the Tabernacle of your Moloch and Chiun your Images , the Stars of your God which ye made to yourselves : Which text St. Stephan renders thus , d Yea , ye took up the Tabernacle of your God Remphan , Figures which ye made , to worship them ; What is in the Hebrew Chiun , the Greek renders Remphan . By Chiun Aben Ezra understands the Planet Saturn , whom Plautus also , as Petitus observes , calls Chiun : Rephan ( as Kircher attests ) is used in the Coptick language for the same Planet . Of Iupiter ( having spoken already in treating of Bel and the Sun , to both which this name was applied , ) there is little more to be said . Mars ( as the Author of Chronicon Alexandrinum relates ) was first owned as a Deity by the Assyrians : the Assyrians saith he were the first who did erect a Column to Mars , and adored him as a God ; They gave him the common name of Belus , whence the Babylonian Belus is by Hestiaeus interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iupiter Martius . But a more particular name of Mars was that of Azizus , under which he was worshipped together with Mercury in the Temple of the Sun at Edessa a City of Mesopo●omia . They who inhabit Edessa ( saith Iulian ) a region of a long time Sacred to the Sun , place together with him in the Temple Monimus and Azizus . That by Monimus they understood Mercury , by Azizus Mars , and that both these were assessours to the Sun , Iulian acknowledgeth to have learned of his Master Iamblicus . Some there are who refer the Idol Negal ( brought by the Samaritans out of Assyria ) to this Planet , for the Rabbies fancy this Idol to have been in the form of a Cock : Now the Cock being * Sacred to Mars , and styled his Bird , in regard of it's couroge , hence * they infer that Mars was represented under that form , as Venus under that of the Hen by the Idol Succoth Benoth . Venus was worshiped by the Assyrians and Chaldaeans under many names : Three of which we find in Hesychius : The first Belthes ( or rather Belta ) which he Interprets Iuno and Venus . This was a name common to the Moon also , and spoken of formerly . The next , Delephat , a name more appropriate to Venus than the former , as appears by it's Etymology , from the Syriack word Delpha coition . The last Myleta , as Hesychius reads , who adds , the Assyrians ( so called ) Urania . Herodotus writes it Mylitta : They Learned ( saith he , speaking of the Persians ) from the Assyrians and Arabians , to sacrifize to Urania : The Assyrians call Venus Mylitta , the Arabians Alilat . Of which two names , though Alilat ( as was observ'd heretofore ) was given to the Moon also ; yet that of Mylitta seems peculiar to Venus , it being no other ( as Scaliger observes ) than the plain Syriack word Mylidtha , generative or prolifick : Venus genetrix . With this Etymology well suit the Rites belonging to the Idol ; of which thus Herodotus : The Babylonians have one abhominable Law ; every Woman of that Countrey , must once in her life sit in the Temple of Venus , and there accompany with a stranger . Some of the Richer sort not deigning to associate themselves with the rest of ordinary quality , are caried thither in covered Chariots : and stand before the Temple , a long train of attendants coming after them ; the greater part do in this manner ; there are many Women sitting in the Temple of Venus Crowned with Garlands of Flowers , some coming , others going : There are also several passages distinguished by cords , which guide the strangers to the Women ; of whom they make choice as they best like ; No Woman being once set there , returns home , untill some stranger hath cast money in her lap , and taking her aside , lain with her . The stranger who offers this money must say , I invoke the Goddess Mylitta for thee ; the Assyrians call Venus Mylitta ; the money she must not refuse whatever it be ; for it is Sacred : Neither may the Woman deny any man , but must follow him that first offers her money , without any choice on her part . As soon as she hath lain with him , and performed the Rites of the Goddess , she returns home , nor from thence forward can be allured by any price whatsoever . Such as are handsome are the soonest dismist ; but the deformed are forced to stay longer before they can satisfy the Law ; sometimes it happens that they attend a whole year , or two , or three in expectation . Hitherto Herodotus , of which Custome some interpret the words of the Prophet Baruch concerning the Chaldaean Women , The Women sit in the wayes guirded ( or rather surroundred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with rushes ; and burn straw ; and if one of them be drawn away and ly with such as come by , she casteth her Neigbour in the teeth , because she was not so worthily reputed , nor her cord broken . To these add Succoth benoth , an Idol made by the Men of Babylon : the signification of the word being the tents of the daughters . Some conceive that hereby were meant those Tents or Partitions by Chords described by Herodotus , in which the Women sate to perform the Rites of Ve●us Mylitta ; Venus being , as Mr. Selden is of opinion , derived from Benoth : but from the words of the Sacred Text , it is manifest , that by Succoth Benosh was meant rather an Idol , than Temple or Tents . The Rabbies fancy it to have been in form of a Hen and Chicken , For as they called a Hen Succus , that is covering , so they called Hens Succoth , as brooding and covering , and Benosh they interpreted her Chickens , which she useth to cover with her wings . Whence Kircher expounds it of Venus Mylitta . CHAP. VII . Of the Other Stars . NOr were the Planets only but the Signs and all the rest of the Stars esteemed Gods by the Chaldaeans : for they burnt Incense to the Mazaloth and to all the rest of the Host of Heaven . Mazal is a Star : they called the Signs the twelve Mazaloth : the Zodiack the Circle Mazaloth ; and sometimes changing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mazaroth ; the Septuagint renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Suidas interprets , the Constellations called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Signs . This agrees with what Diodorus reports of the Chaldaeans , that they held the principal Gods to be twelve , to each of which they attributed a Moneth , and one of the Signs of the Zodiack . That they worshipped the rest of the fixed Stars as Gods also , is implied by the Sacred Text last cited , which adds , and to all the Host of Heaven ; and is more expr●sly asserted ( amongst others ) by Diodorus , who in his account of their Doctrine affirms , that as they called the Planets Interpre●ers , so of the other Stars , they called some the Iudges of all things , others consiliary Gods ; as we shall shew more particularly , when we come to speak of their Astrology : Neither is it to be doubted , but that as they owned some of the fix'd Stars by these common titles of dignity Iudges and Consellers , so to the principal of them they att●ibuted particular names and Idols , as well as to the Planets ; And since the Chaldaick polytheism was not ( like that of the Greeks ) founded upon an Imaginary Mythology , ( though later Writers treat of it after the same manner ) but had reference to the Celestial Bodies , which they Worshipped under several Names and Idols ; It is no less probable than consonant to the Chaldaick Doctrine , that those other Assyrian Idols , ( Ashim , Nibhaz , Tartak , Adrammelek , Anammelek , Nisroch , ) mention'd in the Scripture , were of the same kind with the rest , and belonged to several others of the Stars ; But this conjecture is not easily evinc'd , in regard that there is little extant of those Idols more than the bare mention of their Names . CHAP. VIII . Of Fire . THere are who reckon the Elements amongst the Gods which the Chaldaeans Worshipt : That they had a particular devotion to the Fire , is certain ; by it as some conceive they represented the supreme God ; as others , the Sun ; the ground of which Analogy we delivered formerly . Concerning this Pyrolatry of the Chaldaeans there is a memorable passage related by a Ruffinus ; The Chaldaeans in the time of Constantine the Great travelled all over the Earth to shew all men that their God excell'd all other Gods , for they destroyed all the Statues of other Gods by their Fire ; At length coming into Aegypt , and making this challenge , the Aegyptian Priests brought forth a large Statute of Nilus , filling it ( for it was hollow ) with store of water , and stopping up the holes it had ( which were many ) with wax so artificially , that it kept in the water , but could not hold out against the fire . [ b Suidas relates this something differently , as performed by a Priest of Canopus , who taking off the Head of an old Statue , put it upon a water-pot , which ( stopping the holes with wax ) he painted over , and set up in the room of Canopus . ] The Chaldaean began the contest with much rejoycing , and put fire round about the Statue ; the wax melted , the holes opened , the water gushing forth put out the fire , and the Chaldaeans were laugh'd at for their God. CHAP. IX . Of the Air , and Earth . OF the Air thus a Iulius Firmicus , The Assyrians ascribed the principality of the Elements to the Air , the Image whereof they worshipped , stiling it by the name Venus the Virgin ; whom the Quires of their Priests worshipped with effeminate voices and gestures ; their Skin smoothed , and their Habit after the fashion of Women . As for the Earth , b Macrobius saith , They worshipped the superiour Hemispear of it , in part whereof we dwell , by the name of Venus ; the inferiour Hemisphear of the Earth they called Proserpina ; More of this Mythology , rather Phoenician than Assyrian , and perhaps more Graecian than either , see in Macrobius . Thus much concerning the Doctrine of the Chal●aeans . THE SECOND BOOK . Of the Persians . BEyond Chaldaea , to the South , on one hand lies Persia , on the other , Arabia . Philosophy ( or Learning ) was communicated to both these Countries by their neighbours , the Chaldaeans . Zoroaster , saith a Plutarch , instituted Magi amongst the Chaldaeans , in imitation of whom , the Persians had theirs also . Persia is the most considerable Kingdom of Asia ; bounded , on the North , by Media ; on the East , by Cilicia ; on the West , by Susiana ; on the South , by part of the Persian Gulf. THE FIRST PART . The Persian Philosophers , their Sects and Institution . SECT . I. Of the Persian Philosophers . CHAP. I. Of the Persian Zoroaster , Institutor of Philosophy amongst the Persians . THe Persian Learning is generally acknowledg'd to have been instituted by Zarades , Zaradussit , or Zoroaster : but this name , ( as we observ'd formerly , ) seems to have been commonly attributed to such persons as were eminently Learned . Who therefore this Zoroaster was , or a about what time he lived , is uncertain . b Laertius stiles him a Persian ; c Clemens Alexandrinus , a Mede ; d Suidas , a Perso-Mede : whence it may be argued , that he was not of so great Antiquity , as most Authors conceive . For we find the word Persian no where used before the Prophet Ezekiel ; neither did it come to be of any note , until the time of Cyrus . The later Persians , saith e Agathias , affirm , he lived under Hystaspes , but simply , without any addition , so as it is much to be doubted , nor can it be certainly known , whether this Hystaspes were the father of Darius , or some other . Hystaspes the father of Darius was contemporary with Cyrus , neither doth it appear , that the Persian Zoroaster liv'd much earlier . But at what time soever he liv'd , saith f Agathias , he was the Author , and Introducer , of Magical Religion , amongst the Persians , and changing their old form of Sacred Rites , he introduced several opinions . So likewise g the Arabick Historiographer , Zaradussit not first instituted , but reform'd the Religion of the Persians and Magi , it being divided into many Sects . A fabulous tradition of the occasion and manner thereof related by the Persians themselves , receive from h Dion Chrysostome , They say , that through love of Wisdom , and Iustice , he withdrew him from men , and lived alone in a certain mountain ; That afterwards leaving the mountain , a great fire coming from above , did continually burn about him ; That hereupon the King , together with the Noblest of the Persians , came nigh him intending to pray to God ; That he came out of the fire unharmed , appeared propitiously , bidding them to be of good cheer , and offered certain sacrifices , as if God had come along with him into that place ; That from thenceforward he conversed not with all men , but with such only as were naturally most addicted to truth , and capable of the knowledge of the Gods , whom the Persians called Magi. To this Persian Zoroaster i Suidas ascribes , Of Nature , four Books ; Of precious Stones , one ; Astroscopick Apotelesmes , five ; k Eusebius , a Sacred collection of Persicks , which , by the fragments he cites , seems to have treated of the Persian Religion . These some attribute to the Chaldaean Zoroaster ; others , to some other , not any with greater certainty than the rest . CHAP. II. Of Hystaspes , a great Improver of the Persian Learning . THe Doctrine of the Persian Magi was much augmented by Hystaspes . He was ( according to a Herodotus ) of Achaemenia , a Region of Persia , son of Arsames , or , ( as other Editions ) Arsaces ; he lived in the time of Cyrus , whose dream concerning Darius , the eldest son of Hystaspes , prognosticating his being King of Persia , together with the discourse betwixt Cyrus and Hystaspes concerning it , is related by b Herodotus . Darius the son of this Hystaspes was born in the 4165. year of the Iulian period , and was almost 20. years old a little before Cyrus died . About the same time also , c Hystaspes and Adusius joyning together conquer'd all Phrygia bordering upon the Hellespont , and taking the King thereof , brought him prisoner to Cyrus . Hystaspes was , ( as d Ammianus Marcellinus affirms ) a most wise person , who adds , that boldly penetrating into the inner parts of upper India , he came to a woody Desert , whose calm silence was possess'd by those high Wits the Brachmanes . Of these he learnt the discordant concord of the motions of the Stars , and of Heaven , and of pure Rites of Sacrifice , which , returning into Persia , he contributed as an addition and complement to Magick . CHAP. III. Of Osthanes , who first introduced the Persian Learning into Greece . THe Persian Learning , ( as a Pliny affirms , ) was first communicated to the Grecians by Osthanes . The first , saith he , that I find to have commented upon this Art ( Magick ) is Osthanes , who accompany'd Xerxes King of the Persians in the War which he made upon Greece . Zerxes set out from Susa upon this expedition in the beginning of the fourth year of the 74. Olympiad , though Diodorus Siculus , confounding the transactions of two years in one , relates this done in the first year of the Olympiad following . b Herodotus affirms , that this provision was in making the three whole years before this year ; but with a note premised in the precedent Chapter , which cannot consist with the exact course of the times . For , saith he ; From the subduing of Aegypt , he was full four years in gathering an Army , and in making his preparations , and in the beginning of the fifth year , he began to march with a huge Army ; for indeed he set out from Susa , in the beginning of the fifth year , not from his subduing of Aegypt , but from his coming to the Crown . So that both c Iustine out Trogus , and Orosius following him do unadvisedly attribute five years : but most absurdly , doth Iulianus , in his first Oration of the praises of Constantine , say , that he was ten years in making this preparation . But more Ingenuous than all those , ( yet not over exquisite in his accompt ) is d Libanius , where he saith , that , between Darius and Xerxes there was ten years time spent in making this preparation against Greece , since we have formerly shew'd out of Plato , that from the fight at Marathon , to the fight ▪ of Salamis , which was fought in the first year of the 75. Olympiad ( almost a full year after Xerxes his setting out from Susa ) there were only ten years run out . Hence it appears that Pythagoras and Plato , who where precedent in time to Osthan●s , and in their Travels conversed with the Persian Magi , were not fully acquainted with the depth of their Sciences , or else being more res●rv'd forbore to communicate them , otherwise than as intermingled with those which they appropriated to themselves . e Pliny adds , that Osthanes , whilst be accompany'd Xerxes into Greece , scatter'd the seeds as it were of this portentuous Art ( Magick ) wherewith he infected the World , all the World whither soever he went ; and it is cer●ain , that this Osthanes chiefly made the Grecians not desirous , but mad after his Art. Thus Pliny , alluding to Goetick Magick , of which the Author of the f Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asserts the Magi to have been wholly ignorant . And g Arnobius affords him a bett●r character , that he was chief of the Magi , both for eloquence and action ; that he made address to the true God with due veneration ; that he knew the Angels did wait upon the true God , and the like . By Osthanes ( as we said ) the Persian Learning was brought into Greece , and therefore we shall not proceed further in our inquiry after the Professors of it amongst the Persians . SECT . II. The Institution , and Sects of the Persians . CHAP. I. The Persian Magi their Institution . ALl Professors of Learning amongst the Persians were termed Magi. a Laertius , It is said , that Philosophy and its original from the Barbarians , since among the Persians were Magi ; amongst the Babylonians , or Assyrians , the Chaldaeans ; and Gym●osophists amongst the Indians ; amongst the Celtae and Gallatae , were those who were called the Druides , or Seninothei , as Aristotle , in his Trea●ise Magicum , and Sotion , in the 23. chap. of his Succession , affirms . Hence b Suidas , Magi amongst the Persians were Philosophi and Philothei . But , their principal study and employment consisting in Theology and Religious Rite , Magus is more frequently interpreted a Priest. Amongst the Persians , saithc Porphyrius , those wise persons who were employ'd about the Divinity , and served him , were called Magi ; this is the signification of Magus in their Dialect . And d Apuleius , Magus in the Persian Language , signifieth the same as Priest in ours . Hesychius , A worshipper of God and a Theologist , and a Priest , is by the Persians stiled Magus . Some conceive they were so termed by Zoroaster , at their first Institution . e Suidas , Zoroaster the Perso-Mede , who first began the name of Magi celebrious amongst them . f Others derive the word from Mog a sirname of Zoroaster , or from g Mije Gush , one that hath short ears , affirming that Zoroaster was such . The Author of the Arabick History relates , that theh Religion of the Persians being before Zoroaster's time divided into many Sects , he reformed it ; i Agathias , that he changed their old form of Sacred Rites , and introduced many new Opinions , and was the Author and introducer of Magical Religion among the Persians . k The Magi delivered their Learning successively in their Families from one age to another , whence after the succession of many ages , at this present , saith Ammianus Marcellinus , a multitude sprung from one and the same race , is dedicated to the Rites and worship of the Gods. For , increasing by degrees , they grew at last to the largeness and name of a compleat Nation dwelling in Towns not fortify'd with any walls , and , being permitted to use their own Laws , they were honoured in respect of their Religion . The Country of the Magi in Persia , is mentioned by l Clemens Alexandrinus , who takes notice of three wonderful Mountains in it . And m Solinus mentions , as belonging to them , the City Pasagarda . n Suidas and o Cedrenus call them Magussaeans , and affirm , that they were called Magog by those of their own Country . So great was the esteem which the Magi had among the Persians , thatp Cicero saith , the Kings of Persia , before they undertook the government , were alwayes initiated in the sacred Mysteries of the Magi , which q Plato describes thus : At fourteen years old they whom they call the Royal Paedagogues take charge of the youth . These are four men chosen out of the most excellent of the Persians , in the prime of their age . The most wise , the most just , the most temperate , and the most valiant . The first of these teacheth him the Magick of Zoroaster the son of Horomases ( this is the service of the Gods ) and teacheth him also the Royal Institutions . Dion Chrysostome saith , that the Magi were admitted to the Kings Counsels , and were assessors with him in Iudicature , as being well acquainted with the natures of things , and knowing after what manner the Gods are to be served . All publick affairs ( saithr Agathias ) were managed by their direction and advice . They adjudged rewards or punishments . Dion elsewhere relates , that Cambyses , upon his expedition into Aegypt , resigned the Government of the Persians into the hands of the Magi. s Constantius Manasses styles them the Guardians of the Royal Palaces , and t Pliny , speaking of Magick , saith , it grew up at last to so great height , that even at this day it is exceeding prevalent with many Nations , and in the East it beareth sway over the King of Kings : King of Kings was the proper Title of the Persian Monarch . CHAP. II. The Sects , Discipline and Manners of the Magi. EUbulus , a who wrote the History of Mythra in many Volumes , affirms , that amongst the Persians t●ere were three kind of Magi : the first , who were the most Learned and Eloquent of them , did eat no other food but Meal and Oil. Thus Eubulus cited by S. Hierome . More of the distinction of the Magi into three Sects w● m●●t not elsewhere ; but , probably , it had reference ( as amongst the Chaldaeans ) to their several studies , of which hereafter . b Dinon and Aristotle , or rather the Author of the Treatise of Magick cited by Laertius , relate of the Mag● , that they renounce rich attire , and to wear Gold. Their rayment is white upon occasion , their beds , the ground , their food , nothing but herbs , cheese , and bread ; instead of a staff they carry a ca●e , in the top whereof they put their cheese , which as occasion served they did eat . They had one in their Society chief amongst them , called by c Sozomene , the Prince of the Ma●i . d Their chief employment was Religious worship , they being conceived to be the only persons w●ose prayers the Gods would hear . e They made discourses concerning Iustice , and esteemed it impious to burn the bodies of the dead , and lawful to ●y with a mother or a daughter , as Solion in his 23. Book . f Herodotus saith , they differ , as from ot●ers , so from the Aegyptian Priests , in this , that these pollu●e themselves with the death of nothing but their sacrifices , whereas the Magi , with their o●n hands , kill any thing , except a man and a dog ; yea they esteem it a great exploi● , if they have kill'd very many Ants , or Serpen●s , or other creeping or flying things . THE SECOND PART . The Doctrine of the Persians . THat which is delivered to us of the Persian Doctrine and Opinions is so little and so imperfect as it will not easily admit of being knit together by any Method ; yet , in regard of the near affinity their Learning is conceived to have had with the Chaldaeans , we shall observe the same course in collecting and digesting the few remains of it : First to allege what concerns their Theology and Physick ; Next , Their Arts of Divination ; Thirdly , Their Religious worship and Rites , particularly termed Magick ; and lastly , to give a Catalogue of all their Gods. CHAP. I. Theologie and Physick . THat the Persian Magi were not unacquainted with Theology and Physick is confirmed by a Suidas . Magi , saith he , among the Persians are Philosophers and lovers of God. b Laertius affirms , they discoursed concerning the substance and generation of the Gods ; andc Dion Chrysostome , that they were skilful in Natures . d Zoroaster the Magus , in his sacred collection of Physicks , saith expressely thus . God hath the head of a Hawk : he is the first incorruptible , aeternal , unbegotten , indivisible , most like himself , the Charioteer of every good , one that cannot be bribed : the best of things good ; the wisest of things wise : Moreover he is the Father of Equity and Iustice : self-taught , natural and perfect and wise , and the sole Inventor of sacred Nature . e Plutarch relates of Zoroaster , that he divided all things into three kinds . Over the first kind he conceived Horomazes to be president , the same whom the Oracles call the Father . Over the last , Arimanes ; Over the middle kind , Mithra , whom the Oracles call the second Mind . And that Horomazes made himself three times as big as the Sun ( who in the Persian language is called Cyrus . ) Mithra made himself twice as big ( as the Sun ) who was next to Horomazes . To which these Platonick assertions are correspondent , That all things are about the King of all , and that all things are for him , That he is the cause of all good things , The second is employed about the secondary things , The third is employed about the third kind of things . The three parts into which Zoroaster and Plato divided all things , are these , The first is aeternal ; The second had a beginning in time , but is aeternal ; The third is corruptible . Thus Plitho citing Plutarch whos 's own words are these . f Some are of opinion that there are two Gods , one opposite in operation to the other ; one , working good , the other , ill . Others call him who is the good , God , the bad , Daemon : of this opinion was Zoroaster the Magus , whom they report to have preceded the Trojan War 5000. years . This Zoroaster declared the names of the good , to be Oromazes , of the bad , Arimanius , adding , that , of sensible things , the one did most resemble light , and knowledge , the other , darkness , and ignorance . Wherefore the Persians call Mithra the mediator . He further taught , that , to one , we ought to offer votives and gratulatory sacrifices , to the other , averruncative and dismal oblations . For , pounding a certain herb called Omomi in a morter they invoke hades and darkness , then , mixing it with the blood of a slain Wolf , they carry it forth and throw it into a place , where the beams of the Sun come not , for , of plants , they hold , that some belong to the good God , others , to the ill Daemon , and that , of animals , some , as Dogs , Birds , and Porcupines belong to the good , the aquatile , to the bad , for which reason they esteem him blessed who hath kill'd most of that kind . g They likewise relate many fabulous things concerning the Gods , of which kind is this I will allege , That Oromazes was produced of purest light , Arimanes of darkness , and that these two war against one another ; That Oromazes made six Gods , The first , of benevolence ; The second , of truth ; The third , of aequity ; the rest of wisedom , riches , and pleasure , which good things are attendant upon the Maker ; That then Horomazes tripled himself , and removed himself so far from the Sun , as the Sun is distant from the Earth , and that they adorned the Heaven with Stars , appointed one the Dog-star as Guardian and watch for the rest ; That he made 24. other Gods , and put them in an Egge , and that Arimanius having made as many more , they broke the Egge : Whence it comes , that good is intermingled with ill . That the fatal time approacheth , in which these shall be destroyed by famine and pestilence , and Arimanius utterly destroyed , and the Earth made even and smooth ; There shall be one life and one City ( or common society ) of all men living , and one language . CHAP II. Arts of Divination . AMongst the other parts of the Persian Learning , are to be reckoned their Arts of Divination and Prediction , which a Laertius affirms were practised by the Magi. b Cicero adds , that they assembled ( in fana ) in Temples or consecrated places , to consult about Divination . Hence c Strabo saith , that , by the antients , Diviners were much esteemed , such as , amongst the Persians , were the Magi , and Necromancers , and Lecanomancers , and Hydromancers : d Aelian , that the wisdom of the Persian Magi , besides all other things which it was lawful for them to know , did consist also in Divination ; And e Lucian stiles the Magi a kind of persons skilful in Divination , and dedicated to the Gods. Of their Divination f Cicero giveth an instance concerning Cyrus ; g Aelian , another concerning Ochus . Amongst other kinds of Divination , h Velleius Paterculus affirms , that they foretold by the marks of the Body . They seem to have been skilful likewise in Astrology , for i Suidas ascribeth to the Persian Zoroaster five Books of Astroscopick Apotelesmes . That they were also consulted concerning the presignification of Prodigies , is manifest from the relation of k Valerius Maximus , concerning that which happened to Xerxes . CHAP. III. Of the Religious Rites , or Magick of the Persians . THe chief Science and employment of the Persian Magi , was termed Magick , from the Professors , Magi , and is defined by Plato , a the service of the Gods , called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Magi , saith b Laertius , are employed in the service of the Gods , and about sacrificing and praying , as being the only persons , whom the Gods will hear . So c Dion Chrysostome , The Persians call them Magi , who are skilful in the worship of the Gods , not like the Greeks , who , ignorant of the meaning of the word , call them so who were skilful in Goetick Magick ; of which that the Persian Magi were ignorant , d Laertius allegeth the testimonies of Aristotle , in his Treatise entituled Magick , and Dinon , in the first Book of his Histories . As concerning their Religious Rites , e Herodotus and f Strabo affirm , that they had no Temples , Altars , or Images , but did impute it to madness in such as had ; the reason whereof g Herodotus conceives to have been , for that they did not believe as the Grecians , that the Gods were h of humane form ; or as i Cicero , for that they conceived the Gods , to whom the whole World was but a Temple or house , could not be shut up within walls ; upon which ground the Magi perswaded Xerxes to burn the Grecian Temples . But k Strabo frequently elsewhere mentions their Temples , Altars and Images ; whence it may be argued , either that in the time of Herodotus they had not any , and that Strabo , in affirming the same , with Herodotus , is to be understood onely of their primitive Institution , which when the Macedonians afterwards conquer'd them , became corrupted with Graecian Rites ; Or that there were different Sects among them from the beginning : whereof some allow'd Altars , Images , and Temples , others disallow'd them . l Herodotus and Strabo further add , that they sacrifised in high places ; their Rites and Sacrifices Herodotus describes thus ▪ When they go about to sacrifise , they neither erect an Altar , nor kindle fire , nor use libation , nor flutes , nor garlands , nor cakes , but when any man intends to sacrifise to some one of these Gods , he drives the victime to a clean place , and invoc●tes that God ; his tyara being crown'd with myrtle ; It is not lawful for him who sacrifiseth to pray for good things for himself alone , but he must pray for all the Persians in general , and in particular for the King : for in praying for all the Persians he includes himself . Having cut the victime into little pieces he boiles the flesh ▪ and strewing soft herbs , especially Trifoly , he laies the flesh upon them ; The Magus standing by sings a theogonial hymn ; for this they conceive to be a powerful incantation . Without a Magus it is not lawful for them to sacrifise ; Soon after , he who sacrifiseth takes away the flesh and disposeth of it as he pleaseth . m Strabo adds , that when the Magus who declares the sacrifice hath distributed the pieces of the flesh , every one taking his piece they all depart home : leaving no part for the Gods ; for they say the Gods require nothing but the Soul of the victime : Yet some ( it is said ) lay part of the sat upon the fire . CHAP. IV. The Gods of the Persians . HErodotus a and b Strabo reckon the Gods of the Persians thus , Iupiter ; the Sun ; the Moon ; Venus ; the Fire ; the Earth ; the Winds ; the Water . c Laertius not so fully , the Fire , the Earth , and the Water . By Iupiter , as d Herodotus and Strabo affirm , they understood the whole Circuit of Heaven : Agathius adds , that they worshipped Iupiter under the name of Bel , which sufficiently argues they derived this God from the Chaldaens . To the Sun ( as both e Herodotus and Strabo witness ) they sacrifised : Strabo adds , that they called him Mithra . This was the greatest of their Gods , as Cyrus ( introduced by f Xenophon ) acknowledgeth ; swearing by him : H●sychius likewise affirms it was the greatest of their Gods , and that the greatest Oath which the King himself took was by Mithra . They represented him with the face of a Lion , in a Persian habit , with a Tiara , holding with both hands a Bull by the horns , which seemed to strive to get from him ; signifying , that the Moon begins to receive her light from him when she leaves him . g Zoroaster first amongst the Persians ( as Eubulus affirms , who wrote many Volumes of the History of Mithra ) did consecrate a natural Cave in the Mountains next Persia , in honour of Mithra , the King and Father of all : signifying by this Cave the World framed by Mithra ; by the other things disposed within it , in fit distances , the Elements and Quarters of the World. The Cave of Mythra is mentioned by many others . In the Mythraean Rites ( for so Lampridius terms them ) Celsus ( cited by h Origen ) saith , the twofold motion of the Stars , fixt and erratick , was represented ; and the passage of the Soul through them : in sign whereof there was set up a high pair of stairs , having seven gates , the first of Lead , the second of Tin , the third of Brass , the fourth of Iron , the fift of Leather , the sixt of Silver , the seventh of Gold : The first belongs to Saturn , the Lead signifying the slowness of that Planet ; the second to Venus , to whom they compare Tin , for its brightness and softness ; the third to Jupiter , as being most solid with brasen steps ; the fourth to Mercury , for they hold him to be the stoutest undertaker of all businesse , cunning and eloquent . The fift to Mars , in regard of its unequal and various commixture ; the sixth to the Moon , of Silver ; the seventh to the Sun , whose colour as also that of the Stars resembles Gold. He who was initiated into these Rites proceeded , as Suidas relates , through several degrees of contumely , ( i Nonnus upon Gregory Nazianzen saith twelve ) k and of pain , as burning , blows , and the like , by which trial he was to give testimony of his sanctity and of his being void of passion . Of the Rites of the Moon there is nothing said in particular . Concerning those of Venus , l Herodotus saith , They sacrifise also to Urania which they learnt of the Assyrians and Arabians ; the Assyrians call Venus , Militta , the Arabians Alilat , the Persians Metra . And as Milidtha in Syriack signifieth generative , prolifick , ( Venus genetrix ) so mader , or mater , with the Persians signifies ( as Raphelengius observes ) a mother . This perhaps was that Mother of the Gods , whichm Cicero affirms to have been worshipt by the Persians , Syrians , and all the Kings of Europe and Asia , with great devotion . The Fire , n Iulius Firmicus saith , they preferred before all the other Elements ; o Agathias affirms , they learnt to worship it of the Chaldaeans : p Strabo relates , that in Cappadocia there was a great number of Magi , called Pyrethi , and many Temples of the Persian Gods ; they kill not the victime with a kni●e , but strike it down with a club : Here also there are Pyretheia Chapels , in the midst of which is an Altar , covered with great store of ashes ; where the Magi preserve a fire that never goes out ; and coming in every day sing almost the space of an hour , holding a bundle of rods before the fire , [ with which , as q Mr Selden observes , they stirred it up whilst they sung , ] Their heads are covered with woollen Tiaras , which being tied on both sides hide their lips and cheeks : Thus Strabo , an eye-witness . These Pyratheia ( or as Suidas terms them Pyreia , ) were those sempiternal fires of the Magi mentioned by r Ammianus Marcellinus : Neither in Temples only did they use th●se Rites , but in private Caves , where s Iulius Firmicus reports they worshipped the Fire with many extraordinary Ceremonies , as amongst other things using to pronounce these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nor did this worship extend to fire only , but t to all things that resembled it , as Dionysius reports , whereof u Strabo instanceth the Pyropus . w Iulius Firmicus addes , that they called the fire Mithra , by which , as also by their worshipping it in Caves , it is manifest that ( sometimes at least ) they took it for the Sun , their greatest Deity . Concerning the worship of the Earth and Winds nothing particular is delivered ; That of the Water was performed in this manner , x They go to a Lake , River , or Spring , where they make a trench and kill a victime ; taking care that none of the blood come at the water ; then laying Myrtle and Lawrel upon it they burn it with rods , and making some prayers , sprinkle oil mixed with milk and honey , not in the fire or water , but on the earth . Other Gods the Persians had , though not reckoned amongst these , whether as lesse principal , or of later date ; of th●se are mentioned by the same Author ( Strabo , ) and by others , Anaitis ( Venus ) Amandatus , Sacaea , Sandes and Na●naea ( Diana ) . Hitherto of the Doctrine of the Persians . THE THIRD BOOK . Of the Sabaeans . ARabia the noblest Peninsula ( if we may so term it ) of Asia , is terminated by the Persian , the Indian , and the Red Sea , except that on one side it is conterminous to Syria , by which vicinity was occasioned so neer a correspondence betwixt those Nations , that as the Chaldaean Learning overspreading all Mesopotamia , Syria , and Assyria , did on one side extend to their Neighbours the Persians , so on the other it ●eached to the Arabians . From which neernesse perhaps it was ( not only of Situation but Religion and opinions , ) that Pliny useth their names promiscuously , calling a great part of Mesopotamia , Arabia , and the Arabians themselves Syrians . And the later Eastern Writers ( especially the Arabians ) under the appellation of Chasdim or Chaldanin ( Chaldaeans , ) comprehended not only the Babylonians but the Nabathaeans , Charaneans , and Sabaeans , as ( amongst others ) Muhamed Isacides takes Chasdanin and Nabathaea to be synonimous , and Ahmedus , to his Book concerning the Religion of the Sabaeans , gives this Title , Of the Rites of the Charanean Chaldaeans commonly known by the name of Sabaeans , he adds , commonly known by the name of Sabaeans , because the Sabaeans being the most considerable of these , they likewise under the appellation of Sabaeans included all the rest ; even the Chaldaeans of Mesopotamia : using the terms of Chaldaea and Sabaea no less promiscuously than Pliny those of Arabia , Mesopotamia , and Syria : for which R. Maimonides ( who doth so throughout all his Writings ) gives this reason , because the Doctrine of the Chaldaeans extended thither , and that the Religion of all these Nations was the same . Now whereas Arabia is commonly distinguish'd into the Stony , the Desert , and the Happy , we here mean not that part which is stiled the Desert , lying on the North of Sabaea , and first planted by Ismael , whose Posterity afterwards , having learned the Language of the Sabaeans ( Arabick ) were called Arabians also , or more properly , Hagarens , as descended from Hagar , and Aarab Mastiaarabah , the made Arabians , ( that is , made such by cohabitation and conversation with the true Arabs , ) but those other true Arabs the Inhabitants of the Desert and the Happy , whereof the former came from Nebaiothus , son of Ismael , and are by Pliny , Strabo , and Ptolomy called Nabataeans , as the Country it self Nabataea , the later from Saba , son of Chus , the son of Cham , after whom stiled Sabaeans ( as the Countrey Sabaea ) and ( in distinction from the made Arabians of Arabia the Desert ) the native Arabians . The Charanaeans mentioned together with these , were the Inhabitants of Cara , a City of Arabia , mentioned by Pomponius Mela , whose Inhabitants the Carraeans , Pliny placeth next the Sabaeans , distinct from Hara or Caran in Mesopotamia . THE FIRST PART . The Sabaean Philosophers . CHAP. I. Of the Institutors of the Sabaean Sect. COncerning the first Institutor of Learning and Religion amongst the Sabaeans , there is not any certain agreement of Authors . Patricides , an Arabian Writer , attributes this Invention to a certain Persian , named Zerodast , contemporary with Terah father to Abraham ; Zerodast and Zoroaster are the same ; whereby it appears , that Patricides means one of those two Zoroasters , whereof one was the first Author of Sciences amongst the Chaldaeans , the other introduced the same Sciences amongst the Persians ; and though he calls this Zerodast a Persian , yet by the antiquity of the time in which he conceives him to have liv'd , it is probable he rather intended the Chaldaean . Others ( adds Patricides , ) are of opinion that Tachmurat King of Persia gave beginning to this Religion . The same perhaps whom Elmacinus ( another Arabian Historian , ) calls Tachurith : Others ( saith he ) conceive that the Religion of the Sabaeans was manifested by a certain King of the Persians , whose name was Tachurith . Elmacinus mentions another Persian , to whom the same Invention was attributed , In those dayes , saith he , came forth Nazarib a Persian , who , as is reported , was Author of the Religion of the Sabaeans . Others ( continues Patricides ) derive the infancy of the Sabaeans from a certain Grecian named Juvan or Javan , son of Berkley , and him they will have to be of the City Zaittuna , which was built in Attica . Thus he : where Hottinger for Berkley reads Mercolim , Mercury , confirmed by Elmacinus upon the same subject . Others saith he , affirm , that the Religion of the Sabaeans was brought forth by a Man whose name was Juvan , son of Markoli , a Grecian , who first found out the Science of the Stars . To these Patricides adds the Opinions of some others , who held that the Authors of this Sect were some of those who were at the building of the Tower of Babel . Thus the Arabians . Some attribute the Institution of the Sabaeans to Cham , son of Noah , who being banish'd from his Fathers sight , fled thither , and ( to use the words of Lactantius ) settled in that part of the Earth which is now called Arabia . This was the first Nation that knew not God , because the principal Founder thereof had not received the Worship of God by Tradition from his Father : Thus Lactantius , with whom Many agree in attributing the Original of Idolatry to Cham , and to his son Chus the first Planter of Chaldaea , from whose son Saba the Sabaeans were so named , and , upon this ground , some have laboured to prove Cham and Chus , to be same with the first and second Zoroasters , of which formerly . Others ( as Damascen ) ascribe the Original of Idolatry to Serug . Epiphanius , and the Author of the Chronicon Alexandrinum , affirm that Hellenism began in the time of Serug , This Hellenism some conceive the same with the Sabaean superstition ; what the Greek Fathers call Hellenism , the Rabbins term Goth , the Arabians , Algiaheleiton , the time of Ignorance and Paganism . And though to determine any thing of those early and obscure times be very difficult , yet we cannot doubt , but that the Idolatrous Worship of Fire and of the Sun ( ascribed to the Sabaeans ) was of great Antiquity among them , since mentioned by the most antient of Authors , Iob , who lived neer them , as appears by the inroad which the a Sabaeans made upon him . b If I beheld ( saith he ) the c Sun when it shined , and the Moon walking in brightness , and my heart hath been secretly enticed , or my mouth hath kissed my hand , this also were an Iniquity to be punish'd by the Iudge , for I should have denyed the God that is above ; where by kissing of the hand is imply'd the antient manner of Veneration . CHAP. II. Others of the Sabaean Sect. THat Terah Father of Abraham was bred up in this Doctrine might be conjectur'd from Iosuah 24. 2. where he is reckoned among those that served strange Gods. a Philo terms him an Astronomer , one of those that are v●rst in Mathematicks . Of Abraham son of Terah , b R. Maimonides expressely saith , It is well known that our Father Abraham was educated in the faith of the Zabians , who held there is no God but the stars ; indeed c Berosus acknowledgeth he was skilful in the Celestials , and Eupolemus , cited by Eusebius , ascribes to him the Invention of Astrology and Chaldaick . The Zabians themselves in their Annals give this accompt of his departure out of Chaldaea . d Abraham , say they , being educated in Ur , but dissenting from the Vulgar , and asserting that there was another Creator besides the Sun , they began thus and objected against him , and amongst other objections , they alleged the evident and manifest operations of the Sun in the World ; but A●raham answered them , You are right , which Sun is like the Ax which is in the hand of him that striketh therewith : then they recite some of the Objections which he brought against them , and at last they say , that the King cast him in prison , but neverthelesse he persisted in prison to oppugn them , whereupon the King fearing lest he might do some hurt to his Kingdom , and seduce men from their Religion , confiscated all his Estate , and banish'd him to the utmost Borders of the East . ●hus the Zabians : from which relation Iosephus differs not much , who saith , that e Abraham first undertook to convince the received Erronious Opinion of men , concerning the Deity , and that he first taught and proved that there is but one God , but seeing the Chaldaeans and Mesopotamians began to mutiny against him for it , he thought it expedient to forsake the Country . The Rabbinical Traditions are more particular herein : R. Solomon Hiarki reports from an antient Commentary , that Terah fell out with his son Abraham , in the presence of Nimrod , for breaking his Idols , and that Abraham was thereupon cast into a fiery Furnace . Moses Gerundensis confirms the same story , but R. Chain relates it otherwise : Abraham , saith he , met with a Woman holding a Dish in her hand , and the Woman asking him whether he would offer any thing to the Gods , he took a staff , and broke the Images which the Woman had , and threw away the staff ; his Father coming thither at the same time , demanded what was the matter , Abraham answer'd , that she had asked him , whether he would make an offering , and that upon his answering that he would first eat something , there arose a dispute betwixt them : but his Father urged that the businesse was otherwise , and that he was heard to say many reproachful things of Nimrod . The Controversy was brought before Nimrod the King of Babel : he commanded Abraham to worship the Fire that was set before him ; Abraham answered , If so , then adore you the Water , Water which quencheth Fire . Nimrod said to him , VVorship the Water ; Abraham answered , If so , worship the Clouds which distil the Water . Nimrod said , Then worship the Clouds ; whereupon Abraham , If it be so , then the Wind is to be worshipped which agitates and scatters the Clouds . Again Nimrod , VVorship the Wind ; but Abraham , if so , then is Man much more to be worshipped who understands the Wind. At length Nimrod growing angry , You talk , saith he , idlely , I worship none but the Fire , into the midst of which I will cast thee . Let the God whom thou worshipest come and free thee by his right hand . Aran stood by and talked ; they asked of which opinion he was ; he answer'd , If Abraham get the better , I will be for him , if Nimrod , for Nimrod . After Abraham had gone into the fiery Furnace and was freed , they said to Aran , of which side art thou ? he said of Abraham's ; then they took him , and cast him into the fire , and all his Bowels were burned , and he was taken out dead in the presence of his Father . Thus R. Chain ; but Cedrenus affirms , that Abraham throwing his Fathers Idols into the fire , his Brother Aran endeavouring to rescue them , was burned . The Arabians who imitate the Jews in Relations of this kind , and fancy superstructures of their own upon fables of the Rabbies , give a further accompt of what happened unto Abraham after his departure from Nimrod , as appears by a fragment of a Mahometan Writer , of which I shall cite only so much as most particularly concerns the Sabaeans . Edris , on whom be peace , was the first who after Enoch , the son of Seth , the son of Adam , on whom peace , wrote with a pen. This thing afterwards Edris taught his sons , and said to them , O sons , know that you are Sabaeans , learn therefore to read Books in your youth . Now Sabaeans are Writers , of whom the High ( he means Mahomed ) said ( Alk. Sur. 2. ) The Sabaeans and the Nazarenes . The Author adds , that they ceased not to possess the Books of S●th and Edris by hereditary right among themselves , until the times of Noah , and of Abraham , after that the High God aided him against Nimrod , on whom be malediction . But in that day wherein Abraham went out of the land of Irack , and would go into Syria , into t●e la●d of his Fore-fathers , he went to the land of Charan and Ghesira , and there he found a people of the Zabaeans who read old Books , and believed such things as were contained in them . But Abraham said , O my God , I did not think that besides my self and those that are with me , there had been any of the Faithful who believed thee to be one ; and God breathed to Abraham this Answer . O Abraham , the Earth is never destitute , but that there are some in it that dispute for God : But God commanded him to call them to his Religion , and he called them , but they would not , saying , How shall we believe thee , when thou readest not a Book ? and God sent among them a forgetfulness of these things whicb they knew of Sciences and Books , for they conceived the Books which they used to be from God , and some of them believed , others not . Afterwards the Zabaeans were divided , and some of them believed , viz. the Barhameans , who did not separate themselves from Abraham of blessed memory , but the rest followed their own Religion very eagerly , viz. those who are in the land of Charan , who went not with Abraham into Syria , and said , we follow the Religion of Seth , Edris , and Noah ; Thus according to Kissaeus , the Religion of the Sabaeans was the same with that of the Haranaeans , or Mesopotamians . What he relates of Abraham ' s being sent to the Sabaeans , is all borrow'd from the Rabbinical Traditions . But that there were antiently Learned Persons in Arabia , skilful in Natural Philosophy , Astronomy , and other Sciences , is manifest from testimonies far more authentick ; as ( particularly ) from the discourses betwixt Iob and his Friends : of the Arabian Philosophers is it understood , that Salomon's Wisdom is said to have excelled the wisdom of all the sons of the East . Tacitus , describing Iudaea , the land and bounds to the East are terminated by Arabia . And that the Jews called Arabia the East Country is evident from several places in Scripture , as Gen. 10. 30. and 25. 6. 18. Iob 1. 3. Iudg. 6. 3. 1. &c. Pliny also mentions the Magi of Arabia , ( of whom he instanceth Hippocus . ) Ptolomy , the Gulf of the Magi , in Arabia , and Porphyrius ( citing Diogenes ) relates that Pythagoras ( amongst other Countries to which he travelled for Learning ) went also to Arabia , and liv'd with the King there . CHAP. III. Their Writings . THe Sabaeans pretended ( as was lately shew'd out of Kisseus , ) to have had the Books of Seth , and Edris , and not only those , but some also written by Adam ; for the same Author continuing the story of Abraham ' s coming amongst the Sabaeans , adds , that afterwards Abraham opened the Chest of Adam , and behold , in it were the Books of Adam ; likewise the Books of Seth , and of Edris ; as also the names of all the Prophets that were to be sent after Abraham ; But Abraham said , Happy indeed are the loins out of which all tbese Prophets shall come : and God breathed to him ( this answer ) Thou , O Abraham , art the Father of them all , and they thy Children ; and for this reason Abraham deserv'd to be called the Father of the Prophets , upon whom be peace . Of the same allay a Maimonides conceives the Book of Healings to have been , which was hid by Ezekiel . The same b Maimonides cites many other Books of the Sabaeans , translated into Arabick , of which the chiefest is entituled , of the Agriculture of the c Nabateans , translated by Aben Vachaschijah : full of Idololatrical extravagancies ; it treats of the making of Tsilmenaias , of the descent of familiar spirits , of conjurations of Daemons , of Devils , of such as dwell in Deserts ( as Satyrs were thought to do ) many other things it contained very ridiculous , by which nevertheless they conceived that they could confute the manifest miracles ( of Moses , and the Prophets . ) Another entituled , the Worship , or of the worship of the Nabateans , out of which d Maimonides cites a story concerning Abraham related formerly . e The Book Haistamchus , ascribed to Aristotle , but falsly . f The Book Hattelesmaoth , of Tsilmenaias ; Buxtor●ius renders it , of speaking Images ; the reason we have given formerly . The Book ●amtam . The Book of Hassearabh . The Book of the Degrees of the Celestial Orbs and the Figures that are ascendent in every Degree . Another Book concerning Tsilmenaias , which also is attributed to Aristotle . Another Book ascribed to Hermes . The Book of Isaak the Zabian , wherein he argues in defence of the Law of the Zabians . A great Book of the Customes and particularities of the Law of the Zabians , as of their Feasts , Sacrifices , Prayers , and other things concerning their belief : All these ( saith Maimonides ) are Books which treat of Idolatrical things , and are translated into the Arabick tongue . Besides these , ( as Maimonides acknowledgeth , ) there are many others , g Hottinger cites ( in his own possession ) A Treatise of Mahomet the elder , son of Isaak , who is otherwise called Abulfark , the son of Abi Iakub . THE SECOND PART . The Doctrine of the Sabaeans . WHat is left to us of the Doctrine of the Sabaeans is delivered upon later Authorities than those from which we have the Chaldaick : and therefore perhaps is but an accompt of what it was in later times , degenerated from their primitive Doctrine , which was immediately derived from the Chaldaick . Nor is it improbable , but that this corruption might be somewhat aggravated by the eager opposition of the Talmudists , and some Arabick Writers that follow them , from whose hands only we receive it . However , we conceive it necessary to be annexed to the former , of which , though depraved , it pretends at least to be the continued succession . CHAP I. Of the Gods and Rites of the Sabaeans . TThe a Sabaeans held ( as the Chaldaeans ) that the Stars are Gods , but the Sun the greatest God ; for they plainly assert , that the Sun governs the superiou● and inferiour Worlds ; b and call him , the great Lord , the Lord of good . What they relate concerning Abraham , refusing to worship the Sun , is delivered elsewhere ; what they further fable of the Patriarchs , That Adam , ( not being the first Man , but begotten by a Man and Woman ) was a Prophet of the Moon , and , by preaching , perswaded men to worship the Moon , and composed Books of Husbandry ; That Noah was a Husbandman likewise , but believed not in Idols , for which they discommended him in all their Writings ; That Seth also dissented from Adam as to worshipping the Moon ; See delivered more fully by c Maimonides . Their forms of worshipping these Gods was twofold , dayly , and monethly ; the dayly , is by Said Vahed described thus : They make the first day sacred to the Sun , the second , to the Moon ; the third , to Mars ; the fourth , to Mercury ; the fift , to Iupiter ; the sixt , to Beltha Venus ; the seventh , to Saturn . The description of their monethly worship receive from a Ms. of Mahumed ben Isaac , cited by Hottinger ; They begin the year from the moneth Nisan , of which they keep holy the first , second , and third dayes ; adoring and praying to their Goddess Beltha : they go to her Temples , sacrifising Sacrifices , and burning living Creatures : On the sixt day of the same moneth they kill a Bull to their Goddesse the Moon ; and towards the evening of the same day eat it : On the eighth day they a keep Fast , and likewise celebrate ( at night ) a Feast in honour of the seven Gods and of the Daemons ; offering a Lamb to the God of the Blind ( Mars ) : On the fifteenth day is the Festival of Sammael , ( by this name the Talmudists understand the Devil ) celebrated with many Sacrifices , Holocausts , and Offerings : On the twentieth they visit a Coenobium of the Harranaeans , called Cadi , where they kill three Oxen , one to Saturn ; another to Mars , the blind God ; the third to the Moon : they kill likewise nine Lambs , seven to their seven Gods ( the Planets ) one to the God of the Geniusses , and one to the God of the Houres . They likewise burn many Lambs and Cocks . On the 28. day , they go into the Temple which they have in the City Saba , at a certain gate of Charran , called the gate Assarah ; and kill to Hermes their God a great Bull ; as also seven Lambs to their seven Gods ; one to the God of the Daemons , and to the God of the Houres , eating and drinking ; but they burnt nothing of any Beast that day . The second moneth which is Iiar , they begin also with Sacrifices , celebrating the consecration of Sammael , and Feasting : The second day they keep in honour of Aben Salem ; drinking , and filling their hands with Tamarisk and other Fruits . The 23. day of the third moneth they keep in honour of Sammael , whom they affirm to be the God that maketh the Arrows fly ; the Cumar , or Priest , makes an Arrow take fire twelve times , by rubbing another stick against it : the last time he creeps upon the ground , and puts flax to it ; if their flax kindle , they conceive their Rites well accepted of the Gods , otherwise not . The fourth Moneth Thammus , had a peculiar solemnity about the middle of it , called the Festival Albukal , of the weeping VVomen : The original of which is thus related by R. Maimonides : In the same Book , saith he , they tell a story of a certain Idolatrous Pseudo-Prophet , named Thammuz : who calling upon the King to worship the seven Planets , and the twelve signs of the Zodiack , and being by the King put to an ignominious death , the same night in which he was slain , all the Images from all parts of the Earth met in the Palace which was erected at Babylon to the great Golden Image of the Sun , suspended betwixt Heaven and Earth : There this Image of the Sun fell down prostrate in the midst , and ( all the rest of the Images standing round about it ) bewailed Thammuz , and began to relate what had happened to him ; whereupon the rest of the Images fell a-weeping , and lamented all that night : But assoon as the morning appeared they all flew away and returned home to their several Temples . Hence came the Custome , that on the first day of the moneth Thammuz ( Iune ) they weep , lament , and bewail Thammuz . This Custome of VVomen weeping for Tammuz is mentioned also by the Prophet e Ezekiel , as imitated by the Jews . T●e 27. day of this moneth they consecrate to Sammael , and to other Gods and Daemons ; sacrificing nine Lambs to Hanan . In the fift moneth , which , as the Syrians , they call Ab , they presse new Win● to their Gods , and give it several names , this they do the eight first dayes . They likewise kill a new born Infant to their Gods , which they beat all to pieces ; then they take the flesh and mix it with Ry-meal , Saffron , Ears of Corn , Mace and little Cakes like Figs ; they bake this in a new Oven , and give it to the People of the Congregation of Sammael all the year long ; no Woman eats of this , nor servant , nor son of a Bond-woman , nor Man that is possessed , or mad . The Rites of the sixt moneth , named Eil●ul , are thus described by the same Author ; three dayes They boil Water to wash themselves , that they may perform the Rites of Sammael , who is the Prince of the Daemons and the greatest God ; into this Water they cast some Tamarisk , Wax , Olives , Spice , &c. and when it is hot , take it before Sun-rise , and powre it upon their Bodies , as an Amulet : The same day also they kill eight Lambs , seven to their Gods , and one to the God Sammael ; they eat also in their Congregations , and drink every Man seven Cups of Wine ; The Prince exacts of every one of them two Drachmes to be paid into his Exchecquer . On the 26. day on the same moneth , they go forth to a Mountain , celebrating the Rites of the Sun , Saturn and Venus ; burning eight Hen-chickens , eight Cocks , and as many Hens ; He who made a prayer and request to Fortune takes an old Cock , or a Cock-chicken , to the wings of which he ties two strings ; and sets their ends on fire , and gives up the Chickens to the Goddesse Fortune ; If the Chickens are quite consumed by the fire , his prayer is heard ; but if the fire of those strings goes out before the Chickens be quite burnt , the Lord of Fortune accepts not his Prayer , nor Offerings , nor Sacrifices . On the 27. and 28. they have their Mysteries , Sacrifices , Offerings , and Holocausts to Sammael , ( who is the greatest Lord : ) to the Daemons and Genuisses , which compasse them about , defend them , and bestow good fortune on them . The seventh moneth , which the Syrians and Sabaeans call the first Tischri , hath peculiar Rites , thus described by the same Author : About the middle of this Moneth , they burn Meat to the dead , in this manner : Every one buys of every sort of meat that is in the Market ; of all kind of Flesh , Fruits , green and dry ; they likewise dresse it several wayes ; all which they burn in the night-time to the dead , and wish it the thigh-bone of a Camel ; they also pour mixed Wine upon the fire , for the dead to drink . In the eighth moneth , which is called the later Tischri , they fast on the 21. day , and so on , for nine dayes , the last of which is the 29. this day they do in honour of the Lord of Fortunes , &c. The ninth moneth , called the first Canun , is chiefly sacred to Venus ; On the fourth day they set up a Tabernacle , which they call the Bed of Beltha ; adorning it with several Leaves , Fruits , Roses , &c. Before they offer their Sacrifices of Beasts and Birds , they say , Let these Sacrifices be destined to our Goddesse Beltha ; this they do for seven dayes : all wich time they burn many Beasts to their Gods and Goddesses . On the 30. day of the same moneth , the Priest sits in a High Chair , to which he gets up by nine steps ; and , taking in his hand a stick of Tamarisk , stretcheth it out to them all , and striketh every one of them with it three or five or seven times . Afterwards he makes a Discourse to them , wherein he declareth to the Congregation their continuance , multitude , places , and excellency above all other Nations ; he likewise tells them the largenesse of their Empire , and the dayes of their Reign : After which he comes down from the Chair , and they eat of the things offered to the Idols , and drink : and the Prince exacts of every one of them this day two Drachmes to the Exchecquer . The tenth moneth , called the other Canun , seems particularly devoted to the Moon ; for on the 24. day thereof is the Nativity of the Lord , that is , the Moon , at what time they celebrate the Rites of Sammael , sacrificing , and burning fourscore living Creatures four-footed Beasts and Fowl ; They also eat and drink , and burn Badi , sticks or canes of Palm slender at the bottom , to their Gods and Goddesses . In the eleventh moneth , Sijubat , they fast seven dayes together , beginning from the ninth day , upon which they proclame a Fast to the Sun , who is the great Lord , the Lord of good : They eat not in all this time any thing of Milk ; nor drink Wine ; nor pray during this moaeth to any but Sammael , the Gen●i , and Daemons . In the mon●th Adar , which is the tw●lfth and last , they fast also to t●e Moon , especially on the 28. day ; The President di●●ributes a Barley Loaf to the Congregation , in honour of Mars ; the Prince exacts of every one of them towards his Exchecquer two Drachmes . CHAP. II. Other Rites of the Sabaeans contrary to the Levitical Law. a RMaimonides mentioneth several other Rites of the Sabaeans , which were expressely repugnant to the Levitical Law , adding , that he was acquainted with the Reasons and Causes of many of the L●ws of Moses , by means of knowing the Faith , Rites and Worship of the Sabaeans . The Examples alleged by him and others are these . Th●y 〈◊〉 leavened Bread only , and , for their offerings , made choice of sweet things only , and anointed their Sacrifices with Honey ; prohibited , Levit. 2. 11. They used on a certain day to feed on Swines flesh ; prohibited , Levit . 11. 7. They held it unlawful to kill and feed on some Beasts permitted to the Jews ; as the Ox , which Maimonides saith , they much honoured for the great profit he brings by Agriculture , and therefore held it unlawful to kill him , as also the Sheep ; neither of which they kill'd . Some of the Sabaeans worshipped Devils , believing they had the shapes of Goats , and therefore called them Seirim ; On the contrary , the Levitical Law prohibits to offer Sacrifices le Seirim , unto Goats , that is to say , Devils appearing in the forms of Goats . Levit. 17. 7. Though they did abhominate Blo●d , as a thing exceeding detestable , yet they did eat it , believing it to be the Food of the Daemons , and that he that did eat of it should become a Brother or intimate acquaintance of the Daemons , insomuch that they would come to him and tell him future events ; prohibited , Levit. 17. 10. 23. They worshipped the Sun at his rising , for which reason , as our Rabbins expressely teach in Gemara , saith Maimonides , Abraham our Father designed the VVest for the place of the Sanctum Sanctorum , when he worshipped in the Mountain Moria . Of this Idolatry they interpret what the Prophet b Ezekiel saith , of the men with their backs towards the Temple of the Lord , and their faces towards the East , worshipping the Sun towards the East . Mahummed Be●-Isaac relates , that they shaved themselves with Razors , and br●●d●d themselves with fire ; there were also married Women amongst them who shaved themselves in the same manner ; forbidden , Levit. 21. 5. c They had a Custome of passing their Children , as soon as they were born , through the fire , which they worshipped , affirming that such Children as were not so passed would dy . This was also expresly forbidden by the Levitical Law. Another most obscene Custome they had of Engrafting , described by d Maimonides , to which he conceives the Levitical prohibition to allude . Others there are of the same kind cited by the same Author , e who concludes , that as concerning those particular Laws , the reasons whereof are conceal'd , and the benefit unknown to me , it proceeds from hence , that the things which we hear are not such as those which we see and perceive with our eyes . For this cause , those things concerning the Rites of the Sabaeans , which I have learnt by hearing , and from their Writings , are not so solid and certain , as with those who have seen them practised , especially seeing that their Opinions and Sects perished 1000. years since , and their Names were abolished . With the Sabaeans , we conclude the Chaldaick Philosophy . THE CHALDAICK ORACLES OF ZOROASTER And his Followers . WITH THE EXPOSITIONS OF PLETHO and PSELLUS . LONDON , Printed for Thomas Dring , 1661. THE CHALDAICK ORACLES OF ZOROASTER and his Followers . THE most considerable remains of the Chaldaick Philosophy are those Oracles which goe under the name of Zoroaster ; Some indeed condemn them as supposititious , a forged by some Pseudo-Christian Greek ; ( perhaps the rather , because b The followers of Prodicus the Heretick , boasted that they had the secret Books of Zoroaster . ) But this seems lesse probable , in regard they lye dispersed amongst several Authors ; nor are they to be neglected , in that they have been held in great veneration by the Platonick Philosophers . Which sufficiently also argues that they are none of the Writings charged by c Porphyrius upon the Gnosticks , as forged by them under the name of Zoroaster , since those ( as he acknowledgeth ) were by the Platonick Philosophers , ( of whom he instanceth Plotinus and Amelius ) rejected and demonstrated to be spurious and suppositions . Some argue that they are not Chaldaick , because many times accommodated to the Greek Style ; But there are in them many so Harsh and Exotick Expressions , as discover them to be Originally forein ; and where they agree in Terms with that which is proper to the Greek Philosophy , we may say of them as d Iamblichus upon another Occasion , ( on the Writings that go under the Name of Hermes Trismegistus ) as they are published under the Name of Zoroaster , so also they contain the Doctrine of Zoroaster , though they frequently speak in the style of the Greeks ; for they were Translated out of Chaldee into Greek by persons skilfull in the Greek Philosophy . To perswade us that they are genuine , and not of Greekish Invention , e Mirandula Professeth to Ficinus , that he had the Chaldee Original in his possession , I was ( saith he ) forcibly taken off from other things , and instigated to the Arabick and Chaldaick Learning by certain Books in both those Languages , which came to my Hands , not accidentally , but doubtlesse by the Disposall of God in favour of my Studies . Hear the inscriptions , and you will believe it . The Chaldaick Books , ( if they are Books and not rather Treasures ) are , The Oracles of Aben Esra , Zoroaster and Melchior , Magi : in which those things which are faulty and defective in the Greek , are Read perfect and entire . There is also , ( adds he ) an Exposition by the Chaldaean Wise-men upon these Oracles , short and knotty , but full of Mysteries ; There is also a Book of the Doctrines of the Chaldaick Theology , and upon it a Divine and copious Discourse of the Persians , Graecians , and Chaldaeans ; Thus Mirandula , after whose Death these Books were found by Ficinus , but so worn and illegible that nothing could be made out of them ; Further , To confirm that these Oracles were ( as we said ) Translated into Greek by persons skilfull in the Greek Philosophy , let us call to mind that Berosus f introduced the Writings of the Chaldeans concerning Astronomy and Philosophy amongst the Graecians ; and that Iulian the Son , a Chaldean Philosopher , g Wrote Iheurgick Oracles in Verse , and other secrets of that Science : and probably , if these were no part of that Chaldaick Learning which Berosus first render'd in Greek , they yet might be some of the Thëurgick Oracles ( for such the Title speaks them ) of Iulian ; for some of them are cited by Proclus as such . From the accompt which Mirandula gives of those in his possession , to which were added a Comment , and a Discourse of the Doctrines of the Chaldaick Theology , it might be conj●ctur'd , that what is deliver'd to us by Pletho and Psellus , who besides the Oracles , give us a comment on them , together with a Chaldaick summary , was extracted out of that Author which Mirandula describes to have been of the same Kind and Method , but much more Perfect and Copious . This Title of Oracles was perhaps not given to them only Metaphorically to expresse the Divine Excellence of their Doctrine , but as conceived indeed to have been deliver'd by the Oracle it self ; for h Stephanus testifies that the Chaldaeans had an Oracle which they held in no lesse Veneration than the Greeks did theirs at Delphi : This Opinion may be confirmed by the high Testimonies which the Platonick Philosophers give of them , calling them i the Assyrian Theology revealed by God , and the Theology deliver'd by God. And Proclus elsewhere having cited as from the Gods , one of these Oracles which speaks of the Ideas , ( a Platonick Doctrine ) adds , that hereby the Gods declared the subsistence of Ideas , and acquiesceth as satisfied in that the Gods themselves ratifie the contemplations of Plato . Some of these Oracles which escaped the injuries of time , were first publish'd by Ludovicus Tileanus , anno 1563. at Paris ; together with the commentaries of Gemistus Pletho , under the Title of the Magical Oracles of the Magi descended , from Zoroaster , the same were afterwards Translated and put forth by Iacobus Marthanus , and lastly together with the comment of Psellus also , by Iohannes Opsopaeus at Paris . 1607. These by Franciscus Patricius were enlarged with a plentifull Addition out of Proclus , Hermias , Simplicius , Damascius , Synesius , Olympiodorus , Nicephorus , and Arnobius : encreasing them k by his own accompt , to 324. and reducing them for the better perspicuity to certain general Heads , put them forth and Translated them into Latine anno 1593. They were afterwards put forth in Latin by l Ottho Heurnius , anno 1619. under the Title of The sincere Magical Oracles of Zoroaster King of Bactria , and Prince of the Magi ; but Heurnius under the pretence of m putting them into good Latin , ( as he calls it ) and polishing them with a rougher File , hath patch'd up and corrupted what Patricius deliver'd faithfully and sincerely , endeavouring to put these Fragments into a Continued Discourse , which in themselves are nothing Coherent but Dispersed amongst several Authors . Patricius indeed hath taken much Learned pains in the Collection of them ; but with lesse Regard to their Measures and Numbers , and ( as from thence may be shown ) sometimes of the Words themselves : nor is there any certain means to redresse this Omission , by comparing them with the Authors out of which he took them , since few of those are extant , neither doth he ( as he professeth to have done ) affix the Names of the Authors to the several Fragments , except to some few at the beginning ; However , we shall give them here according to his Edition , that being the most perfect ; together with such Additions as we meet withall else where , and some Conjectures to supply the Defect we mention'd . And whereas many of these Oracles are so Broken and Obscure , that they may at first sight seem rather Ridiculous than Weighty , yet he who shall consider , that as many of them as are explain'd by Pletho , Psellus , and others , would without those Explications seem no lesse absurd than the rest , but being explain'd disclose the Learning of the Chaldaeans in a profound and extraordinary manner , will easily believe all the rest ( even those which appear least intelligible ) to be of the same kind , and consequently ought no more to have been omitted than any of the rest . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . FRANCISCI PATRICII ZOROASTRI ORACULA . MONAS , DYAS , ET TRIAS . UBI paterna monâs est . Ampliata est Monâs , quae duo generat . Duitas enim apud hunc sedet , & intellectualibus fulget sectionibus . Et gubernare cuncta , & ordinare quodcumque non ordinatum . Toto enim in mundo lucet Triâs , cujus monâs est princeps . Principium omnis sectionis hic est ordo . In tria namque Mens dixit Patris secari omnia , Cujus voluntas annuit , & jam omnia secta fuere . In tria namque dixit Mens patris aeterni , Mente omnia gubernans . Et apparuerunt in ipsâ Virtus & Sapientia , Et multiscia Veritas . Hinc fluit Triadis vultus ante essentiam , Non primam , sed eam quae mensuratur . Principiis tribus hisce capias servire cuncta . ***** Et fons fontium , & fontium cunctorum . Matrix continens cuncta . Indè affatim exilit generatio multivariae materiae . Indè tractus praester exilis ignis flos , Mundorum indens cavitatibus . Omnia namque indé . Incipit deorsum tendere radios admirandos . PATER ET MENS . Seipsum rapuit pater , neque suae Potentiae mentali claudens proprium ignem . Non enim à paterno Principio imperfectum quid rotatur . Cuncta namque perfecit pater , Et menti tradidit secundae , Quam primam vocat omne genus hominum . Patrogenia lux : multum namque sola E patris robore decerpens mentis florem . Opera enim intelligens paterna mens è se genita , Cunctis inseminavit vinculum igni gravis amoris ; Quo omnia maneant , tempus in interminatum amantia . Neque omnibus quae patri mentaliter contexta monstret . Ut in amore maneant mundi elementa manentia . Habet ipsa intelligentia paternam mentem indere Omnibus fontibus & principatibus . Est enim finis paterni profundi , & fons mentalium . Neque progressus est , sed man●it in paterno profundo , Et in adyto , per deo-nutriens silentium . Non enim in materiam , ignis trans primus Suam potentiam claudit operibus , sed mente . Symbola enim paterna mens seminavit per mundum . Quae intelligibilia intelligit , & ineffabilia exornat . Tota partitio , & impartibilis . Mente quidem continet intelligibilia , sensum verò inducit mundis . MENS , INTELLIGIBILIA , & Mentalia . Et unius mentis intelligibilis . Non enim sine intelligibili mens est : non seorsum existit . Quaedam sanè sunt mentalia & intelligibilia , quaecunque dum intelligunt intelliguntur . Cibus verò intelligenti est intelligibile . Disce intelligibile , quandoquidem extra mentem existit . Et Mentis , quae empyreum mundum ducit . Mentis enim mens est quae mundi est artifex ignei . Qui supermundanum paternum profundum estis intelligentes . Intelligibilis omnis sectionis princeps est . Est enim quoddam intelligibile , quod oportet te intelligere mentis flore . Vel enim inclines , ut mentem , & illud intellexeris . Ut aliquid intelligens , non illud intelliges . Est enim roboris circumquaque lucidi potentia , Mentalibus fulgens sectionibus . non sanè oportet Vehementiâ intelligere intelligibile illud , Sed mentis amplae amplâ flammâ Omnia metiente , praeterquam intelligibile illud . Opus ergò est hoc intelligere ; nam si inclinaveris Mentem tuam , etiam illud intelliges non parúm . Sed purum converte oculum , Ferentem tuae animae tendere vacuam mentem In intelligibile ; ut discas intelligibile , Quandoquidem extra mentem existit . Deum hunc intelligit omnis mens , non enim sine Mente est intelligibili , & intelligibile non sine mente existit . Ignis mentalis mentalibus praesteribus cuncta Cedunt servientia , Patris persuasorio consilio . Et intelligere , sempérque manere impigrâ vertigine . Fonte & principii . vertere sempérque manere impigrâ vertigine . Sed nomen venerandum insomni vertigini Mundis indens , terribiles ob patris minas . Sub duabus mentibus vitigenius fons continetur animarum . Et facta , qui per se operans fabrefecit mundum . Qui ex mente exiliit primus . Indutus igne ignem , Vinculorum ut temperet Fontanos crateras , sui ignis florem sustinens . Mentalibus fulget sectionibus , amoréque implevit omnia . Infigurata figurans . Examinibus similes feruntur , perrumpentes Per mundi corpora . Quae mens dicit , intelligendo sanè dicit . Potentia quidem cum illis , Mens vero ab illâ . IYNGES , IDEAE , PRINCIPIA . Multae quidem hae scandunt lucidos mundos . Insilientes , & in quibus summitates sunt tres . Subjectum ipsis est principale pratum . Principia ; quae patris opera intelligentes intelligibilia Sensibilibus operibus , & corporibus revelârunt . Transvectrices stantes dicere patri & materiae . Et manifesta imitamina latentium operantes . Et latentia in manifestam Cosmopoeiam inscribentes . Mens patris striduit , intelligens vigente consilio Omniformes Ideas , Fonte verò ab uno evolantes Exilierunt . A patre enim erat consilium & finis . Per quae conjunguntur patri , per aliam atque aliam Vitam , à compartitis canalibus . Sed partitae sunt , men●ali igne dispositae , In alias mentales : mundo namque rex multiformi Proposuit mentalem typum incorruptibilem , non per mundum Vestigium promovens formae per quae mundus apparuit . Omnifariam ideis gratiosus , quarum unus fons . Ex quo strident dispertitae aliae , Immensae , perrumpentes mundi circa corpora : Quae per sinus immensos , examinibus similes , Feruntur conversae : circúmque alibi alia . Conceptiones mentales fonte à paterno Multum decerpentes ignis florem Insomnis temporis . Vigor principigeniae ideae Prima . è patris missa est ; cujus per se florens fons ▪ Intellectae Iynges à patre intelligunt & ipsae ; Consiliis ineffabilibus moventur ut intelligant ▪ HECATE , SYNOCHES , ET Teletarchae . Ex ipso enim omnes exiliunt Amilictíque fulmines , & presterocapaces sinus Omnilucidae vigoris patrogenii Hecates . Et Hypezocus ignis flos , & fortis Spiritus polorum , igneos trans . Custodire presteribus suis summitates dedit . Immiscens vigoris proprium robur in Synochis . Quo mundus habeat mentales sustentatores inflexiles ▪ Quia operatrix , quia largitrix est ignis vitiferi . Quia & vitigenium implet Hecates sinum . Et influit Synochis vigorem , vitidonum ignis Magni potentis . Sed & custodes operum sunt patris . Assimilat enim se ipsum ; ille urgens Typum induere idolorum . Teletarchae comprehensi sunt cum Synochis . His verò ignis mentalis mentalibus presteribus Omnia parent servientia . Sed & quaecumque materialibus serviunt Synochis . Induti armorum vigorem luminis resonantis . Vigore Triglicho , mentem animámque armantem . Pervarium Synthema jacere ratiocinio . Neque super incedere empyreis sparsim canalibus , Sed collectim . Hi verò individua , & sensibilia efficiunt , Et corporiformia , & destinata in materiam . ANIMA , NATURA . Quoniam anima ignis potentiâ patris existens lucidus , Immortalísque manet , & vitae domina est : Et tenet mundi multas plenitudines sinuum . Mentis enim imitamen est , partum verò habet quid corporis . Mistis verò canalibus , ignis incorruptibilis opera efficiens . Post verò paternas conceptiones anima , ego , habito ; Calida , animans omnia . reposuit enim Mentem sanè in animâ , animam verò in corpore inerti . Nostri imposuit pater hominúmque Deûmque . Affatim animans lucem , ignem , aethera , mundos . Coexistunt namque naturalia opera mentali splendori Patris . Anima enim est quae ornavit magnum Coelum , & quae ornat simul cum patre . Cornua & ipsius firmata sunt sursum . Humeros verò circa Deae natura immensa attollitur . Imperat rursus natura infatigabilis mundísque operibúsque ; Coelum ut currat sursum aeternum trahens ; Et celer sol circa centrum , ut assuetus veniat . Non naturae inspicias fatale nomen ejus . MUNDUS . Factor qui per se operans fabrefacit mundum . Etenim quaedam ignis moles erat altera : haec omnia Per se efficiens , ut corpus mundanum . ... Mundus ut manifestus , & non videatur membraneus . Totum mundum ex igne , & aquâ , & terrâ , Et omni-alente aëre . Ineffabilia , & fabilia synthemata mundi . Aliam per aliam vitam , à partitis canalibus . Desuper permeantis in oppositum Per centrum terrae . & quintum medium , alium Igneum , ubi descendit usque ad materiales canales . Vi●ifer ignis . Centro incitans Seipsum lumine resonante . Fontanum alium . qui Empyreum mundum ducit . Centrum à quo omnes usquequo fortè aequales fuerint . Symbola enim paterna mens seminavit per mundum . Medium inter patres singulae centrum fertur . Mentis enim imitamen est ; quod verò partum est habet quid corporis . COELUM . Septem enim in moles formavit Pater firmamenta mundorum : Coelum rotundâ figurâ circumcludens . Fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium , Animaliúmque errantium constituit septenarium . Terram in medio posuit , aquámque in terrae sinibus , Aërémque supra haec . Fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium , Tensione , non laboriosâ malâ . Sed fixione errorem non habente in motu . Fixítque multum coetum astrorum inerrantium . Ignem ad ignem cogens . Fixione errorem non habente in motu . Sex eos constituit , septimum Solis , In medium jaciens ignem . Inordinationem eorum bene-ordinatis suspendens zonis . Parturit enim Dea Solémque magnum , & splendidam Lunam . Aether , Sol , spiritus Lunae , aëris ductores , Solariúmque circulorum , & lunarium est repituum , Sinuúmque aëreorum . Aetheris cantus , Solísque , & Lunae canalium , & aëris . Et latus aër , lunarísque cursus , & polus Solis . Colligit ipsum , accipiens aetheris harmoniam , Solísque , Lunaeque , & quaecumque aëre continentur . Ignis ignis derivatio , & ignis penu . Crines enim in acutum nato lumini conspiciuntur , Ubi Saturnus . Sol assessor intuens polum purum . Aetheriúsque cursus , & Lunae ingens impetus , Aëriíque fluxus . Solémque magnum , & splendidam Lunam . TEMPUS . Deum mundanum , aeternum , infinitum . Juvenem , & senem ... Et fontanum aliud , quod empyreum mundum ducit . ANIMA , CORPUS , HOMO . Oportet te festinare ad lucem & patris lumina , Unde missa est tibi anima , multam induta mentem . Hae pater mente concepit , mortalísque ei est animatus . Symbola enim paterna mens seminavit in animis . Amore profundo replens animam . Reposuit enim mentem in anima , in corpore verò Vos reposuit pater hominúmque deûmque . Incorporea quidem sunt divina omnia . Corpora verò in ipsis vestrî causâ sunt alligata Non potentes continere incorporeos corpora , Ob corpoream , in quam concentrati estis , naturam . Inque deo jacent faces trahentes validas . A patre descendentes , à quibus anima descendentibus Empyreos carpit fructus , animam-alentem florem . Ideóque mente concipientes opera patris Parcae fatalis alam fugiunt inverecundam . Et si hanc animam videris redeuntem , At aliam immittit pater , ut in numero sit . Certè valde illae sunt beatissimae supra omnes Animas , ad terram à coelo profusae . Illaeque divites , & ineffabilia stamina habentes . Quaecunque à lucente , ô rex , à te , vel ipso Jove sunt progenitae . Miti validâ à necessitate Ducatur animae profunditas immortalis , oculósque affatim Omnes sursum extende . Nec deorsum pronus sis in nigricantem mundum . Cui profunditas semper infida substrata est , & Ades Circumquaque caligans , squalidus , idolis gaudens , amens , Praecipitosus , tortuosus , caecum profundum semper involvens , Semper desponsus obscuram faciem , inertem , spiritu-carentem . Et osor luminis mundus , & tortuosi fluxus A quibus vulgus attrahitur . Quaere paradisum . Quaere tu animae canalem , unde , aut quo ordine Corpori inservieris , in ordinem , à quo effluxisti Rursus restituas , sacro sermoni operam uniens . Neque deorsum sis pronus , praecipitium in terrâ subest , Septemvios trahens per gradus : quo sub Horribile necessitatis Thronus est . Nè tu augeas fatum . Anima hominū Deum coget quodammodo in seipsam : Nihil mortale habens , tota à Deo est ebria facta : Harmoniam resonat namque , sub quâ est corpus mortale . Extendens igneam mentem ad opus pietatis , Et fluxile corpus servabis . Est & idolo portio in loco circumlucente . Undique infictâ animâ ignis habenas tende . Igne calens cogitatio primissimum habet ordinem . Igni namque mortalis propinquans à Deo lumen habebit . Immoranti enim mortali praestò Dii aderunt . Poenae hominum sunt angores . Et malae materiae germina utilia sunt , & bona . Spes nutriat te ignea Angelicâ in regione . Sed non recipit illius velle Paterna mens , Donec non exeat ex oblivione , & verbum loquatur Memoriam indens Paterni Synthematis puri . His quidem discibile lucis dedit notitiam suscipere . Hos verò & somnolentos sui fructum dedit roboris . Nè spiritum macules , neque profundum fac superficiem . Neque materiae quisquilias praecipitio relinquas . Nè educas , nè exiens habeat quidpiam . Vi corpus relinquentium animae sunt purissimae . Animae expulsores , respiratores & faciles solutu sunt . Sinistris in lumbis Hecates virtutis est fons , Intùs tota manens , virgineum non abjiciens . O audacissimae naturae , homo , artificium ! Neque ingentes mensuras terrae in tuam mentem pone , Non enim veritatis planta est in terrâ . Neque in mensuris mensuras Solis regulas congregans , Aeterno consilio fertur , non gratiâ tui . Lunarem quidem cursum , & astreum progress●m Lunae strepitum dimitte . semper currit operâ necessitatis Astreus progressus , tui gratiâ non est partus . Aethereus avium pes latus nunquam verus est . Non sacrificia visceráque cupio : haec sunt omnia ludi , Mercatoriae deceptionis firmamenta ; fuge tu haec Si vis pietatis sacrum paradisum aperire . Ubi virtus , sapientiáque , & bona lex congregantur . Tuum enim vas bestiae terrae habitabunt . Ipsas autem terra sepeliit ad filios usque . DAEMONES , SACRIFICIA . Natura suadet esse daemonas puros . Et mala materiae germina , utilia , & bona . Sed haec in abditis septis mentis evolvo . Ignis simulacrum saltatim in aëre in tumorem extendens , Vel etiam ignem infiguratum , unde vocem currentem , Vel lumen abundans radians , streperum , convolutum : Sed & equum videre , luce magìs fulgurantem , Vel etiam puerum suis humeris inequitantem equo , Ignitum , vel auro distinctum , vel spoliatum , Vel etiam sagittantem , & stantem super humeris . Multoties si dixeris mihi , cernes omnia leonem , Neque enim coelestis curvitas tunc apparet moles . Astra non lucent , Lunae lux opertum est , Terra non stat , cernuntur verò cuncta fulminibus . Neque naturae voces per se visile simulacrum , Non enim oportet illos te spectare antequam corpus sacris purgetur . Quando animas mulcentes semper à sacris abducunt . Ergo ex sinibus terrae exiliunt terrestres canes , Nunquam verum corpus mortali homini monstrantes . Operare circa Hecaticum turbinem . Nomina barbara nunquam mutaveris , Sunt enim nomina apud singulos à Deo data Potentiam in sacris ineffabilem habentia . Quando videris formâ sine sacrum ignem , Collucentem saltatim totius per profundum mundi , Audi ignis vocem . THE ORACLES OF ZOROASTER ; Collected by FRANCISCUS PATRICIUS . MONAD . DUAD . TRIAD . WHere the Paternal Monad is . The Monad is enlarged , which generates two . For the Duad sits by him , and glitters with Intellectual Sections . And to govern all Things , and to Order every thing not Ordered . For in the whole World shineth the Triad , over which the Monad Rules . This Order is the beginning of all Section . For the Mind of the Father said , that All things be cut into three , Whose Will assented , and then All things were divided . For the Mind of the Eternal Father said into three , Governing all things by Mind . And there appeared in it [ the Triad ] Virtue and Wisdome , And Multiscient Verity . This Way floweth the shape of the Triad , being prae-existent . Not the first ▪ [ Essence ] but where they are measured . For thou must conceive that all things serve these three Principles . The first Course is sacred , but in the middle , Another the third , aërial ; which cherisheth the Earth in fire . And fountain of fountains , and of all fountains . The Matrix containing all things . Thence abundantly springs forth the Generation of multivarious Matter . Thence extracted a prester the flower of glowing fire , Flashing into the Cavities of the Worlds : for all things from thence Begin to extend downwards their admirable Beams . FATHER . MIND . THe Father hath snatched away himself : neither Hath he shut up his own fire in his Intellectual Power . For the Father perfected All things , and deliver'd them over to the second Mind , Which the whole Race of Men calls the First . Light begotten of the Father ; for he alone Having cropt the flower of the Mind from the Fathers Vigour . For the paternal self-begotten Mind understanding [ his ] Work , Sowed in all , the fiery Bond of Love , That all things might continue loving for ever . Neither those things which are intellectually context in the light of the Father in All things . That being the Elements of the World they might persist in Love. For it is the Bound of the paternal Depth , and the Fountain of the Intellectualls . Neither went he forth , but abided in the paternal Depth , And in the Adytum according to Divinely-nourished silence . For the fire once above , shutteth not his Power Into Matter by Actions , but by the Mind . For the paternal Mind hath sowed Symbols through the World Which understandeth intelligibles , and beautifieth ineffables . Wholly Division and Indivisible . By Mind he contains the Intelligibles , but introduceth Sense into the Worlds . By Mind he contains the Intelligibles , but introduceth Soul into the Worlds . MIND . INTELLIGIBLES . INTELLECTUALS . ANd of the one Mind , the Intelligible [ Mind ] For the Mind is not without the Intelligible ; it exists not without it . These are Intellectuals , and Intelligibles , which being understood , understand . For the Intelligible is the Aliment of the Intelligent , Learn the Intelligible , since it exists beyond the Mind . And of the Mind which moves the Empyraeal Heaven . For the Framer of the fiery World is the Mind of the Mind . You who know certainly the supermundane paternal Depth . The Intelligible is predominant over all Section . There is something Intelligible , which it behooves thee to understand with the flower of the Mind . For if thou enclinest thy Mind , thou shalt understand this also ; Yet understanding something [ of it ] thou shalt not understand this wholly ; for it is a Power Of Circumlucid Strength , glittering with Intellectual Sections . [ Raies . ] But it behooves not to consider this Intelligible with Vehemence of Intellection , But with the ample flame of the ample Mind , which measureth all things Except this Intelligible : but it behooves to understand this . For if thou enclinest thy Mind , thou shalt understand this also , Not fixedly , but having a pure turning Eye [ thou must ] Extend the empty Mind of thy Soul towards the Intelligible , That thou mayst learn the Intelligible , for it exists beyond the Mind . But every Mind understands this God ; for the Mind is not Without the Intelligible , neither is the Intelligible without the Mind . To the Intellectual Presters of the Intellectual fire , all things By yielding are subservient to the perswasive Counsel of the Father . And to understand , and alwayes to remain in a restlesse Whirling Fountains and Principles ; to turn and alwayes to remain in a restlesse Whirling . But insinuating into Worlds the Venerable Name in a sleeplesse Whirling , By reason of the terrible menace of the Father . Under two Minds the Life-generating fountain of Souls is contained ; And the Maker , who self-operating framed the World. Who sprung first out of the Mind . Cloathing fire with fire , binding them together to mingle The fountainous Craters preserves the flower of his own fire . He glittereth with Intellectual Sections , and filled all things with Love , Like swarms they are carried , being broken , About the Bodies of the World. That things unfashioned may be fashioned , What the Mind speaks , it speaks by understanding . Power is with them , Mind is from Her. JYNGES . IDAEA'S . PRINCIPLES . THese being many ascend into the lucid Worlds . Springing into them , and in which there are three Tops . Beneath them lies the chief of Immaterialls , Principles which have understood the intelligible Works of the Father . Disclosed them in sensible Works as in Bodies ; Being ( as it were ) the Ferry-men betwixt the Father and Matter . And producing manifest Images of unmanifest things , And inscribing unmanifest things in the manifest frame of the World. The Mind of the Father made a jarring Noise , understanding by Vigorous Counsel , Omniform Idaea's ; and flying out of one fountain They sprung forth ; for from the Father was the Counsel and End , By which they are connected to the Father , by alternate Life from several Vehicles . But they were divided , being by intellectual fire distributed Into other Intellectuals : for the King did set before the multiform World An Intellectual incorruptible Pattern ; this Print through the World he promoting , of whose form According to which the World appeared Beautified with all kind of Idaea's ; of which there is one fountain , Out of which come rushing forth others undistributed , Being broken about the Bodies of the World , which through the vast Recesses , Like swarms are carried round about every Way . Intellectual Notions from the paternal fountain cropping the flower of fire . In the Point of sleeplesse time , of this primigenious Idea . The first self-budding fountain of the Father budded . Intelligent Jynges do ( themselves ) also understand from the father : By unspeakable Councels being moved so as to understand . HECATE . SYNOCHES . TELETARCHS . FOr out of Him spring all Implacable Thunders , and the Prester-receiving cavities Of the Intirely-lucid strength of Father-begotten Hecate . And He who beguirds ( viz. ) the flower of fire , and the strong Spirit of the Poles fiery above . He gave to his Presters that they should guard the Tops . Mingling the power of his own strength in the Synoches , Oh how the World hath Intellectual guides inflexible ! Because she is the Operatrix , because she is the Dispensatrix of Life-giving fire . Because also it fills the Life producing bosome of Hecate . And instills in the Synoches the enliving strength Of potent fire . But they are Gardians of the Works of the Father . For he disguises himself , possessing To be cloathed with the Print of the Images . The Teletarchs are comprehended with the Synoches . To these Intellectual Presters of Intellectual fire , All things are subservient . But as many as serve the Material Synoches Having put on the compleatly-armed Vigour of resounding Light. With triple strength fortifying the Soul and the Mind . To put into the Mind the Symbol of Variety . And not to walk dispersedly on the Empyraeal Channels ; But stiffely These frame indivisibles , and sensibles , And Corporiformes , and things destin'd to matter . SOUL . NATURE . FOr the Soule being a bright fire , by the power of the Father Remaines Immortall , and is Mistris of Life ; And possesseth many Complections of the Cavities of the World : For it is in Imitation of the Mind ; but that which is born hath something of the Body . The Channels being intermix'd , she performs the Works of incorruptible Fire Next the paternal Conceptions I ( the Soul ) dwell ; Warm , heating , all things ; for he did put The Mind in the Soul , the Soul in the dull Body . Of us the Father of Gods and Men imposed , Abundantly animating Light , Fire , Aether , Worlds . For natural Works co-exist with the Intellectual Light of the Father , for the Soul which adorn'd the great Heaven , and adorning with the Father . But her Horns are fixed above , But about the shoulders of the Goddesse , immense Nature is exalted . Again indefatigable Nature commands the Worlds and Works . That Heaven drawing an Eternal Course may run . And the swift Sun might come about the Center as he useth . Look not into the fatal Name of this Nature . THE WORLD . THe Maker who Operating by himself framed the World. And there was another Bulk of fire , By it self operating all things that the Body of the World might be perfected That the World might be manifest , and not seem Membranous . The whole World of Fire , and Water , and Earth , And all-nourishing Aether The unexpressible and expressible Watch-words of the World. One Life by another from the distributed Channels . Passing from above to the opposite Part , Through the Center of the Earth ; and another fifth Middle : Fiery Channel , where it descends to the material Channels . Life-bringing fire . Stirring himself up with the goad of resounding Light. Another fountainous , which guides the Empyraeal World. The Center from which all ( Lines ) which way soever are equal . For the paternal Mind sowed Symbols through the World. For the Center of every one is carried betwixt the Fathers . For it is in Imitation of the Mind , but that which is born hath something of the Body . HEAVEN . FOr the Father congregated seven Firmaments of the World ; Circumscribing Heaven in a round figure . He fixed a great Company of inerratick Stars . And he constituted a Septenary of erratick Animals . Placing Earth in the middle , and the Water in the middle of the Earth , The Air above these . He fixed a great Company of inerratick Stars , To be carried not by laborious and troublesome Tension , But by a settlement which hath not Error , He fixed a great Company of inerratick Stars , Forcing fire to fire . To be carried by a Settlement which hath not Error . He constituted them six ; casting into the midd'st , The fire of the Sun. Suspending their Disorder in well-ordered Lones . For the Goddesse brings forth the great Sun , and the bright Moon . O Aether , Son , Spirit , Guides of the Moon and of the Air ; And of the solar Circles , and of the Monethly clashings , And of the Aerial Recesses . The Melody of the Aether , and of the Passages of the Sun , and Moon , and of the Air And the wide Air , and the Lunar Course , and the Pole of the Sun. Collecting it , and receiving the Melody of the Aether , And of the Sun , and of the Moon , and of all that are contained in the Air. Fire , the Derivation of fire , and the Dispenser of fire ; His Hair pointed is seen by his native Light ; Hence comes Saturn . The Sun Assessor beholding the pure Pole ; And the Aetherial Course , and the vast Motion of the Moon And the Aerial fluxions . And the great Sun , and the bright Moon . TIME . THe Mundane God , Aeternal , Infinite . Young , and Old , of a Spiral form . And another fountainous , who guides the Empyraeal Heaven . SOUL . BODY . MAN. IT behooves thee to hasten to the light , and to the beams of the Father ; From whence was sent to Thee a Soul cloathed with much Mind . These things the Father conceived , and so the mortal was animated . For the paternal mind sowed Symbols in souls ; Replenishing the Soul with profound Love. For the Father of Gods and Men placed the Mind in the Soul ; And in the Body he established You. For all Divine things are Incorporeal . But bodies are bound in them for your sakes . Incorporeals not being able to contain the bodies . By reason of the Corporeal Nature in which you are concentrated . And they are in God , attracting strong flames . Descending from the Father , from which descending , the Soul Crops of Empyreal fruits the soul-nourishing flower . And therefore conceiving the Words of the Father They avoid the audacious wing of fatal Destiny ; And though you see this Soul manumitted , Yet the Father sends another to make up the Number . Certainly , these are superlatively blessed above all Souls ; they are sent forth from Heaven to Earth , And those rich Souls which have unexpressible fates ; As many of them ( O King ) as proceed from shining Thee , or from Jove Himself , under the strong power of ( his ) thread . Let the Immortal Depth of thy Soul be predominant ; but all thy eyes Extend upward . Stoop not down to the dark World , Beneath which continually lies a faithlesse Depth , and Hades Dark all over , squallid , delighting in Images , unintelligible , Praecipitious , Craggy , a Depth ; alwayes Rolling , Alwayes espousing an Opacous idle breathlesse Body . And the Light-hating World , and the winding currents , By which many things are swallowed up . Seek Paradise ; Seek thou the way of the Soul , whence or by what Order Having served the Body , to the same place from which thou didst flow . Thou mayst rise up again , joy●ing Action to sacred speech , Stoop not down , for a precipice lies below on the Earth ; Drawing through the Ladder which hath seven steps , beneath which Is the Throne of Necessity , Enlarge not thou thy Destiny . The soul of Men will in a manner clasp God to her self ; Having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from God : For she boasts Harmony , in which the mortal Body exists . If thou extend the fiery Mind To the work of piety , thou shalt preserve the fluxible body . There is a room for the Image also in the Circumlucid place . Every way to the unfashioned Soul stretch the rains of fire . The fire-glowing Cogitation hath the first rank . For the Mortal approaching to the fire , shall have Light from God. For to the slow Mortal the Gods are swift . The Furies are stranglers of Men. The bourgeons , even of ill matter , are profitable and good . Let hope nourish thee in the fiery Angelical Region . But the paternal Mind accepts not her will , Untill she go out of Oblivion , and pronounce a Word , Inserting the remembrance of the pure paternal Symbol . To these he gave the docible Character of Life to be comprehended . Those that were asleep he made fruitful by his own strength . Defile not the Spirit , nor deepen a Superficies . Leave not the Drosse of matter on a Praecipice . Bring her not forth , lest going forth she have something . The souls of those who quit the Body violently , are most pure . The unguirders of the Soul , which give her breathing , are easie to be loosed . In the side of sinister Hecate , there is a fountain of Virtue ; Which remains entire within , not omitting her Virginity . O Man the machine of boldest Nature ! Subject not to thy Mind the vast measures of the Earth ; For the plant of Truth is not upon Earth . Nor measure the Measures of the Sun gathering together Canons ; He is moved by the Eternal Will of the Father , not for thy sake . Let alone the swift course of the Moon ; she runs ever by the impulse of Necessity . The Progression of the Stars was not brought forth for thy sake . The aetherial wide flight of Birds is not veracious . And the Dissections of Entrails and Victims , all these are toyes , The supports of gainfull cheats ; fly thou these , If thou intend to open the sacred Paradise of Piety Where Virtue , Wisdome , and Aequity are assembled . For thy Vessel the Beasts of the Earth shall inhabit . These the Earth bewails , even to their Children . DAEMONS . RITES . NAture perswades that there are pure Daemons ; The bourgeons , even of ill matter , are profitable and good . But these things I revolve in the recluse Temples of my mind , Extending the like fire sparklingly into the spacious Air Or fire unfigured , a voice issuing forth . Or fire abundant , whizzing and winding about the Earth , But also to see a Horse more glittering than Light Or a Boy on [ thy ] shoulders riding on a Horse , Fiery or adorned with Gold , or devested , Or shooting and standing on [ thy ] shoulders , If thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken : For then neither appears the Coelestial concave Bulk , Nor do the Stars shine ; the Light of the Moon is cover'd , The Earth stands not still , but all things appear Thunder . Invoke not the self-conspicuous Image of Nature ; For thou must not behold these before thy Body be initiated . When soothing souls they alwayes seduce them from these Mysteries . Certainly out of the cavities of the Earth spring Terrestrial Dogs , Which show no true signe to mortal Man. Labour about the Hecatick Strophalus Never change barbarous Names ; For there are Names in every Nation given from God , Which have an unspeakable power in Rites . When thou seest a sacred fire without form , Shining flashingly through the Depths of the World , Hear the voice of Fire . PLETHO HIS EXPOSITION Of the more obscure passages in these Oracles . Seek thou the way of the Soul , whence or by what Order . Having served the body , to the same order from which thou didst flow . Thou mayst rise up againe ; joyning action to sacred speech . ] THe Magi that are followers of Zoroaster , as also many others , hold that the Human Soul is immortal ; and descended from above to serve the mortal Body , that is , to operate therein for a certain time ; and to Animate , and Adorn it to her power ; and then returns to the place from which she came . And whereas there are many Mansions there for the Soul , one wholly-bright , another wholly-dark ; others betwixt both , partly-bright , partly-dark : The Soul , being descended from that which is wholly-bright , into the Body , if she perform her Office well , runs back into the same place ; but if not well , she retires into worse Mansions , according to the things which she hath done in Life . The Oracle therefore sayeth , Seek thou the Souls path , or the way by which the Soul flowed into thee ; or by what course ( viz of Life ) having performed thy charge toward the Body , thou mayst Mount up to the same place from which thou didst flow down , viz. the same Track of the Soul , joyning action to sacred speech . By sacred speech , he understands that which concerns Divine Worship ; by action , Divine Rites . The Oracle therefore sayeth , that to this Exaltation of the Soul , both speech concerning Divine Worship ( Prayers , ) and Religious Rites ( Sacrifices ) are requisite . Stoop not down , for a praecipice lies below on the Earth , Drawing through the Ladder which hath seven steps ; beneath which Is the ●hrone of Necessity . ] He calls the Descention into wickednesse , and misery , a Precipice ; the Terrestrial and Mortal Body , the Earth : for by the Earth he understands mortal Nature , as by the fire frequently the Divine ; by the place with seven Wayes , he means Fate dependant on the Planets , beneath which there is seated a certain dire and unalterable Necessity : The Oracle therefore adviseth , that thou stoop not down towards the mortal Body , which being Subject only to the Fat● , which proceeds from the Planets , may be reckon'd amongst those things which are at our Arbitrement : for thou wilt be unhappy if thou stoop down wholly to the Body , and unfortunate and continually failing of thy Desires , in regard of the Necessity which is annex'd to the Body . For thy Vessel the Beasts of the Earth shall inhabit . ] The Vessel of thy Soul , that is this mortal Body , shall be inhabited by Worms and other vile Creatures . Enlarge not Thou thy Destiny . ] Endeavour not to encrease thy Fate , or to do more then is given thee in charge , for thou wilt not be able . For nothing proceeds from the paternal principality imperfect . ] For from the paternal Power , which is , that of the supream God , nothing proceedeth imperfect , so as thou thy self mightest compleat it ; for all things proceeding from thence are perfect ; as appears , in that they tend to the perfection of the Universe . But the Paternal Mind accepts not her will , Untill she go out of Oblivion , and pronounce a Word , Inserting the remembrance of the pure paternal Symbol . ] The Paternal Mind , ( viz. the Second God and ready Maker of the Soul ) admits not her Will or Desire untill she come out of the Oblivion , which she contracted by Connexion with the Body ; and untill she speak a certain Word , or conceive in her thoughts a certain Speech , calling to remembrance the paternal Divine Symbol or Watch-word , this is the pursuit of the good which the Soul calling to remembrance , hereby becomes most acceptable to Her Maker . It behooves thee to hasten to the Light , and to the beams of the Father : From whence there was sent to thee a Soul endued with much mind . ] The Light and splendour of the Father is that Mansion of the Soul which is circumlucid , from whence the Soul array'd with much of mind was sent hither , wherefore We must hasten to return to the same Light. These the Earth bewails , even to their Children . ] Those who hasten not to the Light , from which their Soul was sent to them , the Earth or mortal Nature bewails , for that they being sent hither to Adorn her , not only not adorn her , but also blemish themselves by Living wickedly ; moreover the Wickednesse of the Parents is transm●tted to the Children , corrupted by them through ill Education . The unguirders of the Soul , which give her breathing , are easie to be loosed . ] The Reasons which expell the Soul from Wickednesse , and give her breathing , are easie to be untied ; and the Oblivion which keeps them in , is easily put off . In the side of the sinister bed there is a fountain of Virtue : Which remains entire within ; not emitting her Virginity ] In the left side of thy Bed , there is the Power or Fountain of Virtue , residing wholly within , and never casting off her Virginity , or Nature void of Passion : for there is alwayes in us the power of Virtue without passion which cannot be put off ; although her Energy or Activity may be interrupted : he saith the power of Virtue is placed on the left side , because her Activity is seated on the right : by the Bed is meant the seat of the Soul , subject to her several Habits . The soul of Man will , in a manner , clasp God to her self . Having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from God ; For she boasts Harmony , in which the mortal Body consists . ] The human Soul will in a manner clasp God , and joyn him strictly to her self , ( who is her continual Defence ) by resembling him as much as she can possibly ; having nothing mortal within her , she is wholly drench'd in Divinity , or replenished with Divine goods , for though she is fetter'd to this mortal Body , yet she glories in the Harmony or Union in which the mortal Body exists ; that is , she is not ashamed of it , but thinks well of her self for it ; as being a Cause , and affording to the Universe , that , As Mortals are united with immortals in Man , so the Universe is adorned with one Harmony . Because the Soul being a bright fire by the power of the Father ; Remains immortal , and is Mistresse of Life , And possesseth many Completions of the cavities of the World. ] The second God , who first before all other things proceeded from the Father and supream God , these Oracles call all along , The power of the Father , and his intellectual Power , and the paternal Mind . He sayeth therefore , that the Soul procreated by this power of the Father , is a bright fire , that is , a Divine and Intellectual Essence , and persisteth immortal through the Divinity of its Essence , and is Mistresse of Life , viz. of her self , possessing Life which cannot be taken away from her ; for , how can we be said to be Masters of such things , as may be taken from us , seeing the use of them is only allowed us ? but of those things which cannot be taken from us , We are absolute Masters : The Soul according to her own Eternity , possesseth many Rooms in the Receptacles of the World , or divers places in the World , which according as she hath led her Life past is allotted to every One. Seek Paradise . ] The circumlucid Mansion of the Soul. Defile not the Spirit nor deepen a Superficies . ] The Followers of Pythagoras and Plato conceive the Soul to be a Substance not wholly separate from all Body , nor wholly inseparate ; but partly separate , partly inseparate ; separable potentially , but ever inseparate actually . For they assert three kinds of Forms , One wholly separate from matter , the Supercelestial Intelligences ; another wholly inseparable from matter , having a Substance not subsistent by it self but dependant on matter ; together with which Matter , which is somtime dissolved by reason of its nature subject to Mutation , this kind of Soul is dissolved also and perisheth : this kind they hold to be wholly irrational . Betwixt these they place a middle kind , the rational Soul , differing from the Supercelestiall Intelligences , for that it alwayes co-exists which Matter ; and from the irrational kind , for that it is not dependant on matter ; but , on the contrary , matter it is dependant on it , and it hath a proper substance potentially subsistent by it self ; it is also indivisible , as well as the supercelestial Intelligences , and performing some works in some manner allyed to theirs , being it self also busied in the knowledge and contemplation of beings even unto the Supreme God , and for this reason is incorruptible . This kind of Soul is alwayes co-existent with an Aetherial Body as it 's Vehiculum , which she by continual approximation maketh also immortal : neither is this her Vehiculum inanimate in it selfe , but is it self animated with the other species of the Soul the irrational , ( which the Wise call the Image of the rational Soul ) adorned with Fantasie and Sense which seeth and hears it self whole through whole , and is furnished with all the Senses and with all the rest of the irrational faculties of the Soul. Thus by the principal faculty of this Body , Phantasie , the rational Soul , is continually joyned to such a Body and by such a Body sometimes the humane Soul is joyned with a Mortal Body by a certain affinity of Nature , the whole being infolded in the whole enlivening Spirit of the Embryon . This Vehiculum it selfe being of the nature of a Spirit . The Daemons Souls differ not much from the humane , onely they are more noble and use more noble Vehicles : Moreover , they cannot be mingled with corruptible Nature : Likewise the Souls of the Starres are much better than the Daemons , and use better Vehicules ; are Bodies splendid by reason of the greatnesse of the operative faculty : These Doctrines concerning the Soul the Magi , followers of Zoroastres , seem to have used long before . Defile not this kind of Spirit of the Soul , sayeth the Oracle , no● deepen it being a superficies ; He calls it Superficies , not as if it had not a triple Dimension for it is a Body ; but to signifie its extraordinary rarity : nor make it become grosse by accession of more matter to its Bulk : for this Spirit of the Soul becomes grosse , if it declines too much towards the mortal Body . There is a room for the Image also in the circumlucid place . ] He calls the Image of the Soul that part which being it self voyd of irrational , is joyned to the rational part , and depends upon the Vehicle thereof : now he saith that this kind of Image hath a part in the circumlucid Region ; for the Soul never layeth down the Vehicle adherent to her . Leave not the drosse of matter on a Precipice . ] He calls the mortal Body the Drosse of matter , and exhorteth that We neglect it not being ill affected , but take care of it whilst it is in this life , to preserve it in Health as much as possible , and that it may be pure , and in all things else correspond with the Soul. Carry not forth , lest going forth she have something . ] Carry not forth , meaning the Soul , out of the mortal Body lest by going forth thou incurre some danger , implying as much as to carry her forth beyond the lawes of Nature . If thou extend the fiery mind to the work of Piety , thou shalt preserve the fluxible Body . ] Extending up thy divine Mind to the Exercise of Piety or to religious Rites , and thou shalt preserve the mortal Body more sound by performing these Rites . Certainly out of the cavities of the Earth spring terrestrial Dogs ; Which show no true signe to mortal Man. ] Sometimes to many initiated Persons there appear , whilst they are sacrificing , some Apparitions in the shape of Doggs and several other figures . Now the Oracle saith , that these issue out of the Receptacles of the Earth , that is , out of the terrestial and mortal Body , and the irrational Passions planted in it which are not yet sufficiently adorned with Reason , these are Apparitions of the passions of the Soul in performing divine Rites ; meer appearances having no substance , and therefore not signifying any thing true . Nature perswadeth that Daemons are pure ; The bourgeons even of ill matter , are profitable and good . ] Nature or natural Reason perswadeth that Daemons are Sacred , and that all things proceeding from God who is in himself good are beneficial ; and the very bloomings of ill Matter , or the forms dependant upon Matter are such : also he calls Matter ill , not as to it's substance , for how can the substance be bad the bloomings whereof are beneficial and good ? but for that it is ranked last among the substances and is the least participant of good , which littlenesse of good is here exprest by the Word ill : now the Oracle meanes that if the bloomings of ill matter viz. of the last of substances are good , much more are the Daemons such , who are in an excellent Rank as partakeing of rational Nature and being not mixed with mortal Nature . The furies are Stranglers of Men. ] The furies or the Vindictive Daemons clasp Men close , or restrain and drive them from Vice and excite them to Vertue . Let the immortal depth of the Soul be praedominant ; but all thy Eyes Extend quite upward ▪ ] Let the divine depth of thy Soul governe , and lift thou all thy Eyes or all thy knowing faculties Upward . O Man , the machine of boldest Nature . ] He calls Man the Machine of boldest Nature , because he attempts great things . If thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken ; For there neither appears the caelestial concave bulk ; Nor do the Stars shine : the light of the Moon is covered , The Earth stands not still , but all things appear Thunder . ] The Oracle speakes as from God to an initiated Person , If thou often speak to me or call me , thou sha●t see that which thou speakest , viz. Me whom thou callest every where : for then thou shalt perceive nothing but Thunder all about fire gliding up and down all over the World. Call not on the self-conspicuous image of Nature . ] Seek not to behold the self-seeing Image of Nature , viz. of the Nature of God , which is not visible to our Eyes : but those things which appear to initiated Persons , as Thunder , Lightning , and all else whatsoever , are only Symbols or Signes , not the Nature of God. Every way to the unfashioned Soul stretch out the reins of fire . ] Draw unto thy selfe every way the reines of fire which appear to thee when thou art sacr●ficing with a sincere Soul ; viz. a simple and not of various habits . When thou seest a sacred fire , without form , Shining flashingly through the depths of the World. Hear the voice of Fire . ] When thou be holdest the divine fire voyd of figure brightly gliding up and down the World and graciously smiling , listen to this Voice as bringing a most perfect Praescence . The Paternal mind hath implanted Symbols in Souls . ] The Paternal Mind viz. the sedulous Maker of the Substance of the Soul , hath ingrafted Symbols or the Images of Intelligibles in Souls , by which every Soul possesseth in her self the reasons of beings . Learn the Intelligible , for as much as it exists beyond thy Mind . ] Learn the Intelligible , because it exists beyond thy Mind , viz. actually ; for , though the Images of intellectual things are planted in thee by the Maker of All , yet they are but potentially in thy Soul ; but it behooves thee to have actually the knowledge of the Intelligible . There is a certain Intelligible which it behooves thee to comprehend with the flower of thy Mind . ] The Supream God , who is perfectly One , is not conceived after the same manner as other things , but by the flower of the Mind , that is , the Supream and singular Part of our understanding . For the Father perfected all things and delivered them over to the Second Mind , which the Nations of Men call the First . ] The Father perfected All things , viz. the Intelligible Spe●ies , ( for they are absolute and perfect ) and delivered them over to the second God next him to rule and guide them : whence if anything be brought forth by this God , and formed after the likenesse of Him , and the other intelligible Substance , it proceeds from the Supream Father ; This other God Men esteem the First , that is they who think him the Maker of the World , to whom there is none Superiour . Intelligent Iynges do themselves also understand from the Father ; By unspeakable counsels being mooved so as to understand . ] He calls Iynges the Intellectual Species which are conceived by the Father ; they themselves also being conceptive , and exciting conceptions or Notions , by unspeakable or unutterable Counsells : by Motion here is understood Intellection not transition , but simply the habitude to Notions so as unspeakable Counsels is as much as 〈◊〉 for speaking consists in Motion : the meaning is this , that these Species are immoveable and have a habitude to Notions not transiently as the Soul. Oh how the World hath intellectual Guides inflexible ? ] The most excellent of the Intelligible Species , and of those which are brought down by the Immortals in this Heaven , he calls the Intellectual Guides of the World ; the Coryphaeus of whom he conceives to be a God , which is the second from the Father . The Oracle saying that the World hath inflexible Guides , meanes that it is incorruptible . The Father hath snatched away himself ; Neither hath he shut up his own fire in his Intellectual power . ] The Father hath made himself exempt from all others ; not including himself neither in his own Intellectuall Power , not in the second God who is next him ; or limiting his own Fire his own Divinity ; for it is absolutely ungenerate , and it self existing by it self ; so that his Divinity is exempt from all others ; neither is it communicable to any other , although it be loved of all : That he communicates not himself , is not out of envy , but only by reason of the inpossibility of the thing . The Father infuseth not fear but perswasion . ] The Father makes no impression of fear , but infuseth perswasion or love ; for He being extreamly good , is not the cause of ill to any , so as to be dreadful ; but is the cause of all good to all ; whence he is loved of all . These Oracles of Zoroaster many Eminent Persons have confirmed by following the like opinions ; especially the Pythagoreans and Platonists . PSELLUS HIS EXPOSITION of the Oracles . There is a room for the Image also in the Circumlucid place . ] IMages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the Philosophers , are those things which are connatural to things more Excellent then themselves , and are worse then they ; as the Mind is connatural to God , and the rational Soul to the Mind , and Nature to the rational Soul , and the Body to Nature , and Matter to the Body : The Image of God is the Mind ; of the Mind , the rat●onal Soul ; of the rational Soul , the Irrational ; of the Irrational , Nature ; of Nature , the Body ; of the Body , Matter . Here the Chaldaick Oracle calleth the irrational Soul the Image of the rational , for it is connatural to it in Man , and yet worse then it . It sayeth , moreover , that there is a part assigned to the Image in the circumlucid Region , that is to say , the irrational Soul , which is the Image of the rational Soul , being purified by Vertues in this Life , after the Dissolution of the human Life , ascends to the place above the Moon , and receives its Lot in the Circumlucid place , that is , which shineth on every side , and is splendid throughout ; for the Place beneath the Moon is circumnebulous , that is , dark on every side : but the Lunary , partly Lucid , and partly Dark , that is , one half bright , the other half dark ; but the place above the Moon is circumlucid or bright throughout . Now the Oracle saith , that the circumlucid Place , is not design'd only for the rational Soul , but for its Image also , or the irrational Soul is destin'd to the circumlucid place , when as it cometh out of the Body bright and pure , for the Graecian Doctrine asserting the irrational Soul to be immortal , also exalts it up to the Elements under the Moon : but the Chaldaick Oracle , it being pure and unanimous with the rational Soul , seats it in this circumlucid Region above the Moon . These are the Doctrines of the Chald●ans . Le●ve not the Dregs of matter on a precipice . ] By the Dregs of Matter , the Oracle understands the Body of Man consisting of the four Elements , it speaks to the Disciple by way of Instruction and Exhortation , thus ▪ Not only raise up thy Soul to God , and procure that it may rise above the Confusion of Life , but , if it be possible , leave not the Body wherewith thou art cloathed , ( and which is dregs of Ma●ter , that is , a thing neglected and rejected , the sport of Matter ) in the inferiour World : for this Place , the Oracle calls a Praecipice . Our Soul being dart●d down hither from Heaven , as from a sublime place . It exhorteth therefore , that we refine the Body ( which he understands by the Dregs of Matter ) by Divine fire , or that , being stripped , we raise it up to the Aether ; or that we be Exalted by God to a place Immaterial and Incorporeal , or Corporeal but Aetherial or Caelestial , which Elias the This bite attained ; and , before him , Enoch , being Translated from this Life into a more Divine Condition , not leaving the dregs of Matter , or their Body , in a precipice ; the Precipice is , as we said , the Terrestrial Region . Bring not forth , lest going forth she have something . ] This Oracle is recited by Plotinus in his Book of the Eduction of the irrational Soul ; it is an Excellent and Transcendent Exhortation . It adviseth , that a Man busie not himself about the going forth of the Soul , nor take care how it shall go out of the Body ; but remit the Businesse of its dissolution to the Course of Nature ; for , Anxiety and Solicitude about the Solution of the Body , and the Eduction of the Soul out of it , draws away the Soul from better Cogitations , and busieth it in such cares that the Soul cannot be perfectly purifyed ; for if Death come upon us at such time as we are busied about this Dissolution , the Soul goeth forth not quite free , but retaining something of a passionate Life . Passion the Chaldaean defines , A Mans sollicitous thinking of Death ; for we ought not to think of any thing , but of the more Excellent Illuminations ; neither concerning these ought we to be sollicitous , but resigning our selves to the Angelical and Diviner powers , which raise us up , and shutting up all the Organs of Sense in the Body and in the Soul also without Distractive cares and sollicitudes , We must follow God , who calls us . Some interpret this Oracle more simply ; Bring it not out lest it go forth , having something : that is , Anticipate not thy natural Death , although thou be wholly given up to Philosophy ; for as yet thou hast not a compleat Expiation ; So that if the Soul passe out of the Body by that way of Educting , it will go forth retaining something of mortal Life : for if we Men are ●n the Body , as in a Prison , ( as Plato saith , ) certainly no Man can kill himself , but must expect till God shall send a Necessity . Subject not to thy Mind the vast measures of the Earth : For the plant of Truth is not upon the Earth . Nor measure the measures of the Sun , gathering together Canons : He is moved by the Eternal will of the Father , not for thy sake . Let alone the swift course of the Moon : she runs ever by the impulse of Necessity . The progression of the Stars was not brought forth for thy sake . The aetherial broad-footed Flight of Birds is not veracious : And the Dissections of Entrails and Victims , all these are toyes , The supports of gainful Cheats . Fly thou those , If thou intend to open the sacred Paradise of piety , Where Virtue , Wisdome , and Equity are assembled . The Chaldaean withdraws the Disciple from all Graecian Wisdome , and teacheth him to adhere only to God , Subject not ( saith he ) to thy Mind the vast Measures of the Earth ; for the plant of Truth is not upon Earth ; that is , Enquire not sollicitously the vast measures of the Earth , a Geographers use to do , measuring the Earth ; for the seed of Truth is not in the Earth . Nor measure the Measures of the Sun , gathering together Canons ; He is moved by the aeternal will of the Father , not for thy sake , That is , Busie not thy self about the Motion and Doctrine of the Stars , for they move not for thy sake , but are perp●tually moved according to the Will of God ; Let alo●e the swift course of the Moon , she runs ever by the impulse of Necessity , That is , enquire not anxiously the rolling motion of the Moon , for she runs not for thy sake , but is impelled by a greater Nec●ssity . The Progression of the Stars was not brought forth for t●y sake ; that is , the Leaders of the fixed Stars and the Planets received not 〈◊〉 Essence for thy sake . The aetherial broad-footed flight of Birds is not veracious ; that is , the Art concerning Birds flying in the Air , called Augury , observing their Flight , No●es , and P●a●ching , is not true . By , broad-feet , he means the walking or pace of the Foot , in respect of the Extension of the Toes in the skin . And the Dissections o● Entrails and Victims , all these are toyes : that is , the Art of Sacrificing , which enquireth after future Events , as well by Victims , as by inspection into the Entrails of sacrificed Beasts , are meerly toyes . The supports of gainfull cheats : fly thou those , that is , fraudulent Acquisitions of gain . If thou intend to open the sacred Paradise of Piety , where Virtue , Wisdome , and Equity are assembled . Thou ( saith he ) who art under my Discipline , enquire not curiously after these things , if thou would'st that the sacred Paradise of piety be open to thee . The sacred Paradise of piety , according to the Chaldaeans , is not that which the Book of Moses describes , but the Meadow of sublimest Contemplations , in which there are several Trees of Virtues ; and the Wood , ( or Trunk ) of Knowledge , of Good and Evil , that is , Dijudicative prudence which distinguisheth Good from Evil ; likewise the Tree of Life , that is , the Plant of Divine Illumination , which bringeth forth to the Soul , the Fruit of a more holy and better Life ; In this Paradise , therefore , grow Vertue , Wisdome , and Aequity ; Vertue is one in General , but hath many Species ; Wisdome comprehendeth within it self all the Vertues , which the Divine Mind pronounceth , as only unspeakable . Seek thou the way of the Soul , whence or by what Order Having served the Body , to the same order from which thou didst flow , Thou mayst rise up again : joyning Action to sacred speech . ] That is , seek the Origine of the Soul , from whence it was produced and served the Body , and how Men cherishing and raising it up by the Exercise of Divine Rites , may reduce it to the place whence it came . Uniting Action to sacred Reason , is to be understood thus . Sacred Reason ( or Discourse ) in us is the Intellectual Life , or rather the supreme faculty of the Soul , which the Oracle elsewhere styles the flower of the Mind ; but this sacred Reason cannot by its own guidance aspire to the more sublime Institution , and to the comprehension of Divinity ; the work of Piety leads it by the hand to God , by assistance of Illuminations from thence : but the Chaldaean , by the Telestick Science , perfects ( or initiates ) the Soul by the power of Materials here on Earth . To this sacred Reason , saith he , when thou hast united Action , that is , joyn'd the Work of Initiation to the sacred Reason , or better faculty of the Soul. Our Theologist Gregory raiseth the Soul to the more Divine things by reason and Contemplation : by Reason which is in us the best and most intellectual faculty ; by Contemplation , which is an illumination comming from above : But Plato affirms , that we may comprehend the ●ngenerate Essence by reason and Intellect . But the Chaldaean saith , that there is no other Means for us to arrive at God , but by strengthning the Vehiculum of the Soul by material Rites ; for it supposeth that the Soul is purifyed by Stones and Herbs and Charmes and is rendred expedit for Assent . Stoop not down ; for a precipice lies below on the Earth . Drawing through the Ladder which hath seaven steps , beneath which Is the throne of Necessity . ] The Oracle adviseth the Soul which is next to God , that she adhere onely to him with her whole mind , and bend not downwards ; for there is a great Pr●cipice betwixt God and the Earth which draweth Souls down the Ladder which hath seven Steps : The Ladder of seven steps signifies the Orbs of the seven Planets ; if therefore the Soul decline , she is carried to the Earth through the seven Orbs : but that passage through the seven Circles leads her as by so many steps to the Throne of Necessity , whither when the Soul arriveth , she is necessitated to suffer the terrestial World. Never change barbarous names . ] That is , There are certain Names amongst all Nations delivered to them by God , which have an unspeakable Power in Divine ●ites : change not these into the Greek Dial●ct ; as Seraphim and Cherubin , and Michael and Gabriel : These in the Hebrew Dialect have an unspeakable Efficacy in divine Rites ; but changed into Greek Names , are in effectual . The world hath intellectual guides inflexible , ] The Chaldaeans assert Powers in the World , and call them ( Cosmogogi ) guides of the World , for that they guide the World by provident Motions : These Powers the Oracles call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sustainers , as sustaining the whole World. Unmoveable implies their settled Power ; sustentive , their Gaurdianship ; these Powers they design only by the Cause and Immobility of the Worlds : There are also other Powers ( amilicte ) unplacable as being firm and not to be converted towards these inferiour things , and cause that Souls be never allured with Affections . Labour about the Hecatine Strophalus . ] The Hecatine Strophalus is a golden Ball , in the midst whereof is a Saphire , they fold about it a leather Thong : it is beset all over with Characters : thus whipping it about , they made their Invocations : these they use to call Iynges , whether it be round or Triangular or any other Figure ; and whilst they are doing thus they make insignificant or brutish Cries , and lash the Air with their whips . The Oracle adviseth to the performance of these Rites or such a Motion of the Strophalus , as having an expressible Power . It is called Hecatine , as being dedicated to Hecate : Hecate is a Goddesse amongst the Chaldaeans , having at her right side the Fountain of Vertues . If thou speak often to me , thou shalt see absolutely that which is spoken . For then neither appears the Coelestial concave bulk , Nor do the Stars shine ; the light of the Moon is covered , The Earth stands not still , but all things appear Thunder . The Lion is one of the twelf Signes of the Zodiack , and is called the House of the Sun , whose Fountain or the cause of his Lion-formed Constellation the Chaldaeans calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now He saith , That amidst the Sacred Rites thou call this Fountain by its Name , thou shalt see nothing else in Heaven but the apparition of a Lion , neither will the Concave Bulk , or the Circumference of Heaven , appear to thee , neither shall the Stars shine , even the Moon herself shall be covered , and all things shall be shaken ; but this Lion having Fountain takes not away the Essence of those , but their own praedominating Existence hides their view . Every way to the unfashioned Soul , extend the reins of fire . ] The Oracle calls the Soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , without form and figure , or most simple , and most pure . Rains of fire of such a Soul are the expeditious activity of the Theurgick life , which raiseth up the fiery Mind to the Divine Light : therefore by stretching the rains of fire to the inform Soul , he means , endeavour that all the faculties consisting both in the Intellect , Cogitat●on , & Opinion , may receive Divine illuminations sutable to themselves . This is the meaning of stretch the rains of fire ; but Nature useth to fail , and busie it self in the second or worse life . Oh Man , the Machine of boldest nature . Man is called a Machine as being framed by God with unspeakable Art : the Oracle likewise calleth him audacious Nature , as being busied about excellent things , sometimes measuring the Course of the Starrs , sometimes enquiring into the Orders of the supernatural Powers ; contemplating also the things which are far above the Celestial Orb , and extending to discourse something of God. For these endeavours of the Mind in Disquisition proceed from an audacious Nature : he calls it boldness , not by Way of Reproach , but to express the forwardness of Nature . In the side of the sinister Hecate is a fountain of much Vertue ; which remains intire within , not emitting her Virginity . ] The Chaldaeans esteem Hecate a Goddess , seated in the middle rank , and possessing as it were the Center of all the Powers ; in her right parts they place the Fountain of Souls , in her left , the Fountain of goods or of Vertues ; and they say , that the Fountain of Souls is prompt to Propagations , but the Fountain of Vertues continues within the Bounds of it's own Essence , and is as a Virgin uncorrupted : this Settledness and Immobility it receives from the power of the Amilicti , the Implacables , is girt with a Virgin-Zone . When thou seest a sacred fire without form Shining flashingly through the depths of the whole World , Hear the voice of fire . ] The Oracle speaks of a Divine Light , seen by many Men , and adviseth , That if any one see such a Light in some figure and form , he apply not his Mind to it , nor esteem the Voice proceeding from thence to be true ; but if he see this without any figure or form he shall not be deceived : and whatsoever Question he shall propose , the Answer will be most true , he call this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacrosanct , for that it is seen with a beauty by Sacred Persons ; and glides up and down pleasantly and graciously through the Depths of the World. Invoke not the self-conspicuous Image of Nature . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Self-i●spection , is , when the initiated person ( or he who performs Divine Rites ) seeth the Divine Lights : but if he who orders the Rites seeth an Apparition , this in respect of the initiated person is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ superinspection . The Image which is evocated at Sacred Rites , must be intelligible and wholly separate from bodies : but the form or Image of Nature is not every way intelligible : for Nature is for the most part an Administrative faculty . Call not , saith he , in the Rites the self-conspicuous Image of Nature ; for it will bring thee nothing along with it but onely a crowd of the four Natural Elements . Nature perswades that Daemons are pure . The bourgeons even of ill matter are profitable and good . Not that Nature her self perswades this , but that being called before her presence there floweth in a great Company of Daemons , and many Daemonious forms of several shapes appear raised up out of all the Elements , compounded and shaped from all the parts of the Lunar Course , and many times appearing pleasant & gracious they make shew of an apparition of some good to the initiated person . The Soul of Man will in a manner clasp God to her self ▪ Having nothing mortal , she is wholly inebriated from God. For she boast● harmony , in which the mortal body exists . ] He saith that the Soul forceth , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine fire into herself through immortality and purity , for then she is w●olly inebriated , that is , she is replenished with the more excellent Life and Illumination , and exists as it were out of herself : then the Oracle saith to her boast of Harmony ; that is , Glory in the obscure and intelligible Harmony by which thou art tied together in Arithmetical and Musical Proportions : for under this intelligible Harmony even the mortal and compounded Body is composed , having it's compositions derived from thence . Let the immortal depth of the Soul be predominant , but all thy Eyes Extend upward . ] The depth of the Soul is her threefold powers ; the intellectual , the intelligent , the opiniative . Her Eyes are the threefold cognoscitive operations of these ; for the Eye is the Symbol of Knowledg , as Life is of Appetite . Open therefore , saith he , the immortal Depth of the Soul , and extend thy cognoscitive Powers upwards , and even thy own self ( to use our own Expression ) transfer to the Lord. Defile not the Spirit , nor deep not a Superficies . The Chaldaeans cloath the Soul with two Garments : one they call Spiritual , woven for it by the sensible World ; the other Luciform , tenuious and intangible , which is here termed Superficies : Defile not , saith he , the spiritual Garment of thy Soul with impurity ; neither cause it 's Superficies to grow deep by certain material Additions : but preserve both in their own Natures , one pure , the other undipt . Seek Paradise . ] The Chaldaick Paradise is the whole Chorus of Divine powers about the Father , and the fiery Beauties of the creative fountains : The opening thereof by piety is the Participation of the Goods : The flaming Sword is the implacable power which withs●ands those that approach it unworthily ; to such persons it is shut , for they are not capable of it's felicity . To the Pious it is open : to this place tend all the Theurgick Vertues . This Vessel the Beasts of the Earth shall inhabit . ] The Vessel is the compounded mixture of the Soul , the Beasts of the Earth are the Daemons which rove about the Earth : our life therefore being ful of passions shall be inhabited by such Bea●s ; for such kinds are essentiated in passions , and have a material Seat and Order . Wherefore such as are addicted to passions are glued to them by assimulation , for they attract what is like them , having a motive-faculty from the passions . If thou extend the fiery mind to the work of Piety , Thou shalt preserve the fluxible Body . ] That is , If thou extend thy illuminated Mind upwards , and the Work of fire to the Works of Piety , ( the Works of Piety , with the Chaldaeans , are the Methods of rites ) , thou shalt not only render the Soul unvanquishable by Passions , but shalt also preserve thy Body ●he more healthfull ; for this Ordinarily is the effect of Divine illuminations , viz. to consume the matter of the Body , and to es●ablish health , that it be not seized either by passion or diseases . Certainly , out of the cavities of the Earth spring terrestrial Dogs , Which shew no true signe to mortal Man ▪ ] The speech is of material Daemons : These he calls Dogs , for that they are Executioners of souls ; Terrestrial , for that they fall from Heaven , and are rolled about the Earth . These , saith he , being removed far from the Beatitude of Divine Life , and destitute of Intellectual Contemplation , cannot praesignifie Futures ; whence all that they say or show is false , and not solid : for they know Beings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by their Out-sides ; but , that which knoweth figures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , particularly , useth Notions indivisible and not figured . For the Father perfected all things , and delivered them over to the second Mind , which all Nations of men call the first . ] The first Father of the Triad , having made the Universal Frame , deliver'd it over to the Mind ; which Mind the whole Race of Mankind ( being Ignorant of the Paternal Excellency ) call the first God : but our Doctrine holds the contrary , viz. that the first Mind , the Son of the Great Father , made and perfected every Creature ; for the Father , in the Book of Moses , declareth to the Son the Idaea of the Production of Creatures , but the Son himself is the Maker of the Work. The furies are Stranglers of Men. ] ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The reductive Angels reduce Souls to them , drawing them from general things ; but the Furies ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) being the Tormentors of the Natures which are dispersed , and envious of human Souls , entangle them in material Passions ; and as it were strangle them ; and not only Torture such as are full of passions , but even those that are converted towards the immaterial Essence , for these also coming into matter and into generation , stand in need of such purification : for we see many Persons even of those who live holily and purely , fall into unexpected Miseries . The Paternal mind hath implanted Symbols in Souls . ] As the Mosaick Book saith , that Man was formed after the Image of God ; so the Chaldaean saith , that the Maker and Father of the World sowed Symbols of his Essence in the Souls thereof . For out of the paternal Seed , not only Souls , but all superiour Orders sprung . But in Incorporeal substances , there is one kind of signs , viz. Incorporeal , and Individual ; In the World , there are other signs and Symbols , the unspeakable properties of God , which are far more Excellent then the Vertues themselves . The Souls of those who quit the Body violently are most pure . Whosoever shall take this saying rightly , will find that it contradicts not our Doctrine ; for the Crowned Martyrs who in time of persecution leave their Bodies by a violent End , purifie and perfect their Souls : but this is not that which the Chaldaean means . He praiseth all violent Death , because the Soul , which leaveth the Body with trouble , abhorrs this Life , and hateth conversation with the Body , and , rejoycing , flyeth up to the things above : but those Souls which forsake this Life , their Bodies being naturally dissolved by sicknesse , do regret it's propension and inclination to the Body . Because the Soul being a bright fire by the power of the Father Remains immortal , and is Mistresse of Life , And possesseth many Completions of the cavities of the World. ] The Soul being an immaterial and incorporeal fire , exempt from all compounds , and from the material Body , is immortal : for nothing material or dark is commixed with her , neither is she compounded , ●o as that she may be resolved into those things of which she consists ; but she is the Mistresse of Life , enlightning the Dead with Life , she hath the Complements of many Recesses , that is , susceptive of the Government of Matter , for she is enab●ed according to her different Vertues to dwell in different Zones of the World. The Father infuseth not fear , but instead of perswasion ] That is , the Divine Nature is not stern and full of indignation , but sweet and calm ; whence it doth not cause fear in the Natures subjected to it , but attracts all things by perswasion and graciousnesse ; for if it were formidable and minacious , every Order of Beings would have been dissolved ; None of them being able to endure his Power . And this Doctrine , is in part esteemed true amongst us ; for God is a Light , and a fire consuming the Wicked : The Menaces and affrightings of God are the Intermission of the Divine Goodnesse towards us , by reason of our ill management of our Affairs . The Father hath snatched away himself : Neither hath he shut up his own fire in his Intellectual fire . ] The meaning of which Oracle , is this , The God of all things , who is also termed Father , hath made himself incomprehensible , not only to the first and second Natures , and to our Souls , but even to his own Power ; for the Father , saith he , hath snatch'd himself away from every Nature : But this Doctrine is not Orthodox ; for with us the Father is known in the Son , as the Son in the Father , and the Son is the Definition of the Father , and the Divine supernatural World. For the Intelligible is something , which it behooves thee to comprehend with the flower of the Mind . ] The Soul hath a power correspondent to every thing that is conceivable by the Mind ; As to sensibles , Sense ; to cogitables , Cogitation ; to intelligibles , Mind . Now the Chaldaean saith , that , although God is an Intelligible , yet he is not Comprehensible by the Mind , but only by the flower of the Mind . The flower of the Mind is the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) singular power of the Soul ; Since , therefore , God is properly One , endeavour not to comprehend him by the Mind , but by the singular power : for that which is first One , can only be apprehended by that which is one in us , and not either by cogitation or Mind . The unguirders of the Soul which give her breathing are easie to be loosed . ] Lest any One should say , I would free my Soul from my Body , but I cannot ; the Oracle tells us , that the powers , which thrust the Soul out of the natural Body , and give her breathing , as it were , from the toyle and trouble of the Body , are easily loosed ; that is , these faculties are free , and not restrained by any Nature , and able to set the Body at Liberty , generously from corporeal Bonds . It behooves thee to hasten to the Light , and to the beams of the Father , From whence was sent to thee a Soul cloathed with much Mind . ] Seeing that the Soul hath not it's Being from Seed , neither consists of corporeal mixtures , but had its Essence from God above ; therefore she ought to turn towards Him , and to make her return to the Divine Light : for she came down cloathed with much Mind ; that is , she was furnished by the Maker and Father with many Remembrances of the Divine sayings , when she came hither , whence she should endeavour to return by the same Remembrances . All things are produced out of one Fire ▪ ] This is a true Doctrine , conformable to our Religion ; for all Beings , as well intelligible , as sensible , received their Essence from God above , and are converted to God alone ; those which have being only , Essentially ; those which have being and Life , Essentially and Vitally ; those which have being and Life and Mind , Essentially and Vitally and Intellectually . From One therefore all things came , and to One is their return : This Oracle is not to be condemned , but is full of our Doctrine . What the Mind speaks , it speaks by Intellection . ] When ( saith he ) thou shalt hear an articulate Voice , Thundering from above out of Heaven , think not that the Angel or God who sends forth that Voice , did articulate it after our manner enunciatively ; but that He , according to his own Nature , conceived it only inarticulately : but thou , according to thy own Impotence , hearest the Not on syllabically and enuntiatively . For as God heareth our Voice not vocally , so Man receiveth the Notions of God vocally , every one according to the operation of his Nature . These the Earth bewails even to their Children . ] It is meant of Atheists , that God extends his Vengeance even to their Posterity : for the Oracle , to express the torments which they shall receive under the Earth , saith , It howles beneath for them : that is , the Place under the Earth bellows to them , and roareth like a Lion. Whence Proclus also saith , The Composition of Souls that are of Affinity with one another , is of like Nature ; and those which are not yet loosed from the Bands of Nature , are entangled and detained by like passions . These therefore must fulfil all punishments , and since by natural Affinity they are infected with Pollutions , must again be cleansed from them . Enlarge not thy Destiny . ] The wisest of the Greeks call Nature or rather the Completion of the Illuminat●ons which the Nature of Beings receiveth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Fate . Providence is an Immediate Beneficence from God. But Fate is that which governs all our Affairs , by the concatenation of Beings . We are subjects to Providence , when we act Intellectually ; to Fate , when corporeally . Encrease not therefore , saith he , thy Fate , no● endeavour to surmount it , but commit thy self wholly to the Government of God. For nothing proceeds from the paternal principality imperfect . ] The Father ( saith he ) produceth all things perfect and self-sufficient according to their Order , but the Imbecillity and Remission of the things produced sometimes causeth a Defect and Imperfection , but the Father calleth back again that Defect to Perfection ; and converts it to it Self-sufficience . Like this , is that which Iames the Brother of our Lord pronounceth in the beginning of his Epistle , Every perfect guift cometh down from above from the Father of Lights . For nothing proceeds Imperfect from the Perfect , and especially when we chance to be ready to receive that which is primarily distilled from him . But the Paternal Mind accepts her not untill she come forth . The Paternal Mind doth not admit the Impulsions of the desires of the Soul , before she hath excluded the forgetfulness of the riches which she received from the most bountiful Father , and called back to her Memory the sacred Watch-words which she received from him , and pronounce the good speech imprinting in her remembrance the Symbols of the Father who begot her . For the Soul consists of sacred Words and divine Symbols , of which those proceed from the sacred Species , these from the divine Monads ; and We are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Images of the sacred Essences , but ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Statues of the unknown Symbols . Moreover we must know that every Soul differs from another Soul specifically , and that there are as several species of Souls as there are Souls . When thou seest the terrestrial Daemon approach , sacrifice the stone Mnizuris , using invocation . ] The Daemons that are near the Earth are by nature lying , as being farre off from the Divine knowledge , and filled with dark matter . Now if you would have any true discourse from these , prepare an Altar , and sacrifice the stone Mnisuris : this stone hath the power of evocating the other greater Daemon , who , invisibly approaching to the material Daemon , will pronounce the true solution of demands , which he transmits to the demandant . The Oracle joyneth the evocative Name with the sacrificing of the stone . The Chaldaean asserts some Daemons good , others ill ; but our Religion defines them to be all ill , as having by a premedi●ated defection exchanged good for ill . Learn the Intelligible , forasmuch as it exists beyond the Mind . ] For though all things are comprehended by the Mind , yet God the first intelligible exists without or beyond the Mind . This without you must not understand distantially , nor according to intellectual alterity , but according to the intelligible Excess alone , and the propriety of the existence , it being without or beyond all Mind , whereby the superessential is manifested . For the first intelligible Mind is Essence , beyond which is the self-intelligible . Besides these is God , who is beyond the intelligible , and self-intelligible : for We assert the Divinity to be neither intelligible nor self-intelligible , it being more excellent then all Speech and Notion , so as that it is wholly unintelligible , and unexpressible , and more to be honoured by Silence , then reverenc'd by wonderful Expressions . For it is more sublime then to be reverenced , spoken , and conceived . Intelligent Iynges doe themselves also understand from the Father , By unspeakable Counsels being moved so as to understand . ] Iynges are certain ( Vertues or ) Powers , next the paternal Depth , consisting of three Triads . These understand according to the paternal Mind , which containeth their Cause solely in himself . Now the Counsels of the Father , in regard of their intelligible sublimity , are not vocal ; but the intellectual Marks of abstract things , though understood by secondaries ( or inferiours ) are understood as without speaking , and as it were abstracted from intelligible Prolations . For as the conceptions of Souls , they understand intellectual orders , yet understand them as immutable : So the Acts of the Intellectuals understanding the intellectual signs , understand them as not a vocal subsisting in unknown Existences . CONJECTURES upon the Greek Text of the Oracles . WHO it was that rendred these Oracles in Greek is ( as we said ) uncertain ; much more certain is it that they were all composed in Hexameter verse : though they are sometimes cited indistinctly and abruptly by Patricius , seeming wholly irreconcileable with poetick numbers ; yet that the greater part of them are Hexameters , none can deny ; and whosoever shall look more cautiously upon the rest , will find prints enough by which they may be traced and demonstrated to have been of the same kind , though confounded in the manner of citations , sometimes by the Authors out of which Patricius took them , sometimes by Patricius himself , who was farre more diligent to collect and digest , then curious to distinguish them , or to regard their numbers : which defect we shall endeavour , in some measure , to supply . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] The latter part of the Hexameter , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as is that also which immediately follows , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the next , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That which follows is cited again by it self afterward . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] This seems to be a loose citation of two several Hemistichs , with reference to the phrase ( infinitively ) not to the verse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Read , perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] The verse requires — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Before , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perhaps [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rest being a gloss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] It should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Proclus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Theolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Pletho reads , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Pletho , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Perhaps , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Afterwards cited thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Afterwards , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Read and distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And presently after , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] cited elswhere by Patricius clearly , without [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which belong to some other place . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Pletho , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Distinguish , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Proclus in Theolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What follows under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is very confused , the same Fragments being often repeated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Most of these are perfect , being put forth by Pletho and Psellus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so Pletho ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The rest may be corrected by the Edition of Pletho and Psellus . THE TABLE . THE FIRST BOOK , Of the CHALDAEANS . Pag. 1. THE FIRST PART . The Chaldaean Philosophers , Institution and Sects . 2 SECT . I. Of the Chaldaean Philosophers . ibid. Chap. I. The Antiquity of the Chaldaick Learning . ibid. II. That there were several Zoroasters . 3 III. Of the Chaldaean Zoroaster , Institutor of the Chaldaick Philosophy . 6 IV. Of Belus , another reputed Inventor of Sciences amongst the Chaldaeans . 8 V. Other Chaldaean Philosophers . 9 VI. Of Berosus , who first introduced the Chaldaick Learning into Greece . 10 SECT . II. The Chaldaick Institution and Sects . 13 Chap. I. That all Professors of Learning were more peculiarly termed Chaldaeans . ibid. II. Their Institution . 14 III. Sects of the Chaldaeans distinguished according to their several Habitations . ibid. IV. Sects of the Chaldaeans distinguished according to their several Sciences . 15 THE SECOND PART . The Chaldaick Doctrine . 17 SECT . I. Theology and Physick . ibid. Chap. I. Of the Eternal Being , God. 18 II. The Ema●ation of Light or Fire from God. ibid. III. Of things eviternal or incorporeal . 19 IV. The first Order . ibid. V. The second Order . 21 VI. The third Order . 22 VII . Fountains and Principles . 23 VIII . Unzoned Gods and Zoned Gods. 24 IX . Angels and Immaterial Daemons . 25 X. Souls . ibid. XI . The Supramundane Light. 27 XII . Of things Temporal or Corporeal . 28 XIII . The Empyreal VVorld . 29 XIV . The Aethereal VVorlds . 30 XV. The Material VVorlds . ibid. XVI . Of Material Daemons . 31 SECT . II. Astrology and other Arts of Divination . 36 Chap. I. Of the Stars , fixed and erratick ▪ and of their presignification . 37 II. Of the Planets . 38 III. The Divisions of the Zodiack . ibid. IV. Of the Planets considered in respect of the Zodiack . 41 V. Aspects of the Signs and Planets . 43 VI. Schemes . 44 VII . Other Arts of Divination . 45 SECT . III. Magick Natural and Theurgick . 47 Chap. I. Natural Magick . ibid. II. Magical Operations , their kinds . 48 III. Of the Tsilmenaia ( or Telesmes ) used for averruncation . 49 IV. Of the Tsilmenaia used for prediction . 50 V. Theurgick Magick . 51 VI. Theurgick Rites . 52 VII . Apparitions . 53 VIII . Material Daemons how to be repuls'd . 54 SECT . IV. Of the Gods , and Religious worship of the Chaldaeans . 56 Chap. I. Of their Idolatrous worship of the true God. ibid. II. Worship of other Gods , Angels , and Daemons . 58 III. Worship of the Celestial Bodies . ibid. IV. Of the Sun. 59 V. Of the Moon . 61 VI. Of the Planets . 62 VII . Of the other Stars . 64 VIII . Of fire . 65 IX . Of the Air and Earth . 66 THE SECOND BOOK . OF THE PERSIANS . THE FIRST PART . The Persian Philosophers , their Sects , and Institution . 67 SECT . I. Of the Persian Philosophers . ibid. Chap. I. Of the Persian Zoroaster , Institutor of Philosophy amongst the Persians . ibid. II. Of Hystaspes a great Improver of the Persian Learning . 68 III. Of Osthanes , who first introduced the Persian Learning into Greece . 69 SECT . II. The Institution and Sects of the Persians . Chap. I. The Persian Magi their Institution . 70 II. The Sects , Discipline , and Manners of the Magi. 72 THE SECOND PART . The Doctrine of the Persians . Chap. I. Theology and Physick . 73 II. Arts of Divination . 74 III. Of the Religious Rites or Magick of the Persians . 75 IV. The Gods of the Persians . 76 THE THIRD BOOK . OF THE SABAEANS . THE FIRST PART . The Sabaean Philosophers . Chap. I. Of the Institutors of the Sabaean Sect. 80 II. Others of the Sabaean Sect. 82 III. Their Writings . 84 THE SECOND PART . The Doctrine of the Sabaeans . 86 Chap. I. Of the Gods and Rites of the Sabaeans . ibid. II. Other Rites of the Sabaeans contrary to the Levitical Law. 90 A TABLE Of the principal Matters of the Chaldaick Philosophy . A AArab Mastiaarabah . 79 Ada. 61 Adad . 59 Adonis . 59 Aether , what . 30 Air , worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 66 Algia●eleiton . 81 Amandatus . 78 Amilicti . 23 Anaitis . 87 Angels . 25 Apotelesmes . 75 Arabians , skilful in Natural Philosophy , Astronomy , and other Sciences . 84 Arimaspêan Verses , their Subject . 6 Arts of Divination practised by the Chaldaeans . 45 Aristeas the Proconnesian Zoroaster . 5 Ashaphim , a Chaldaick Sect. 15 Aspects of Signs and Planets . 43 Astrology , how far the Chaldaeans skilful in it . 36 Azizus . 63 Azonaces , Master of Zoroaster . 9 B. BAbylonians , a Chaldaick Sect. 14 oppose Astrology , contrary to the Chaldaeans . 15 Bel. 57 , 58 , 61 , 62 Belus . 8 Beltha . 61 , 63 , 87 Berosus . 10 , 11 Borsippenes , a Chaldaick Sect. 14 C. CHaldaean Zoroaster . 4 Chaldaeans , their Institution . 14 Chaldaeans , a peculiar Sect of Astronomers . 16 Chaldaick Learning , how antient . 2 Chaldaean Zoroaster , his time . 7 Cham. 81 Characters of the Signs antient . 39 Chiun . 62 Cidenas , a Chaldaean Mathematician . 9 Circumlucid place . 26 , 27 Conciliary Stars . 37 Cosmagogues . 23 ●tesias his History , of what Subject and time . 4 D. DAemons material . 31 Daemons immaterial . 25 Daemons material how to be repuls'd . 54 The apparitions of Daemons . 25 Decanates , of Planets . 41 Decanates . 41 Delephat . 63 Duad . 20 E. EArth worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 66 Its figure . 31 Edris . 83 Empyreum , what according to the ●hald●ans . 29 Er●s Armemus , called Zoroaster . 5 Exaltations and depressions of Planets . 41 F. FAther . 20 Fire worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 65 Fire , why worshipped . 18 Fire worshipped by the Sabaeans . 81 Fountains . 23 Forms , their kinds . 25 G. GOd , how described by Zoroaster the Magus . 73 God , a fire . 18 God , one . 18 God , how worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 56 Gods , how many , according to the Persians . 74 H. HAdes . 31 Haistamchus . 85 Hartumim , a Chaldaick Sect. 15 Hecate . 22 , 23 , 24 Hecatine Strophalus . 53 Hellenism . 81 Hipparenes , a Chaldaick Sect. 14 Houses of Planets . 41 Hypezocos . 23 Hystaspes . 68 I. IDaeas . 21 Idolatry , how antient with the Chaldaeans . 58 Intelligibles . 19 Intellectuals . 22 Intelligibles , and Intellectuals . 21 Interpreters , Stars . 37 Iulian's two Chaldaick Philosophers . 51 Iupiter Heliopolites . 60 Iuvan . 81 Iynges . 21 L. LIght , how it emanates from God. 18 Light Supramundane . 27 M. MAgi , Chaldaeans so called . 47 Magi , who , and whence so called . 70 , 71 Magick Natural . 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 Magi wherein differ from the Aegyptian Priests . 72 Markoli . 81 Marmaridius , a Chaldaean Philosopher . 9 Material World. 30 Mazaloth . 64 Mecashephim , a Chaldaick Sect. 15 Mind , first , paternal . 20 Moon worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 61 Monad . 20 Monimus . 63 Myleta . 63 N. NA●●rianus , a Chaldaean Mathematician . 9 Nan●●a . 78 Nararib . 80 N●rgal . 63 Nizur●● . 53 O ORchenes , a Chaldaick Sect. 14 Osthanes . 68 P. PAmphilian Zoroaster . 5 Persian Zoroaster , his time . 68 Persian Zoroaster . 5 Persian Magi. 70 , 71 , 72 Persians sacrifize to the Sun , and the other Planets . 76 , 77 Planets worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 62 Planets . 38 Polytheism Chaldaick , its ground . 65 Power of the Father . 20 Principles . 23 Prince of the Magi. 72 Proconnesian Zoroaster . 5 Professors of Learning . 13 R. REmphan . 62 S. SAbaeans what they sacrifiz'd . 87 Their Gods. 86 Their Books 85 Sacaea . 78 Sacrifice , its use according to the Chaldaeans . 52 Sandes . 78 Schemes , who first erected . 44 Self-inspection , what . 54 Seleucus , a Chaldaean Mathematician . 9 Serug . 81 Seth and Edris , their Books possess'd by the Sabaeans . 83 Signes , dignoscitive of Daemons by whom invented . 52 Soul , what . 25 Stars 24. next the Zodiack . 37 Succoth-benoth . 64 Sudinus , a Chaldaean Mathematician . 9 Sun worshipped by the Chaldaeans . 59 By the Sabaeans . 82 Super-inspection , what . 53 Synoches . 21 T. TAchurith , King of the Persians , first Author of the Sabaean Religion . 80 Tamtam . 85 Telesmes for Prediction . 50 Telesmes , of two sorts . 49 Telesmes for Aver●uncation not invented by Apollonius Tyanaeus . 49 Teletarchs . 21 Telestick Science . 51 Teucer , a Chaldaean Philosoper . 9 Teraphim , what . 50 Terms of Planets . 41 Termes . 40 Theurgy , what . 15 Triad triple . 20 Triplicities of Planets . 41 Triplicities . 40 V. VEhicle of the Soul. 26 Unzoned Gods. 24 W WInds worshipped . 78 Z. ZArmocenidas , a Chaldaean Philosopher . 9 Zerodast , first Institutor of Learnning amongst the Sabaeans . 80 Zodiack , how first divided . 38 Zodiack , Gods ascribed to the Signs . 39 Zoned Gods. 24 Zoromasdres , a Chaldaean Philosopher . 9 Zoroasters how many . 3 Zoroaster the name whence derived . 3 Zoroaster , Master to Pythagoras 6 Zoroaster , why several persons so called . 6 A TABLE OF PHILOSOPHERS Mentioned in the History of the Chaldaick and Greek Philosophy . ABavis , Pyth. ch . 23. 24. Abroteles , ch . 24. Acmonides , ibid. Arousiladas , ibid. Acusilaus , Preface . Adicus , Pyth. ch . 24. Adras●us , Arist. ch . 14. 17. Aegeas , Pyth. ch . 24. Aegon , ibid. Aemon , ibid. Aeneas , ibid. Aenesidemus , ibid. Aeschines . Aeschrion , Arist. ch . 14. Aethiops , Aristip. ch . 9. Aëtius , Pyth. ch . 24. Agelas , ibid. Agesarchus , ibid. Agesidemus , ibid. Agylas , ibid. Alcias , ibid. Alcimachus , ibid. Alcimus , Stilp . ch . 3. Alcuneion , Pyth. ch . 24. Alexander Aprodisaeus , Arist. ch . 17. Alexinus . Aliochus , Pyth. ch . 24. Al●meon . Alopecus , Pyth. ch . 24. Ammonius , Arist. ch . 17. Amoëtus , Pyth. ch . 24. Amyclus , Pla. ch . 13. Anacharsis . Anaxagoras . Anaxarchus . Anaximander . Anaximenes . Anchypillus , Mened . ch . 1. Andronicus , Arist. ch . 17. Animenes , Pyth. ch . 24. Anniceris . Anthocharides , Pyth. ch . 24. Antimedon , ibid. Antiochus , Tim. ch . 3. Antipater , Aristip. ch . 9. Antipater , the Sidonian . Antisthenes . Apellico , Arist. ch . 16. Apollonius Cronus . Apollodorus Cepotyrannus , Epic. ch . 16. Arcesila●s . Arc●elaus . Archippus , of Samus , Pyth. ch . 24. Archippus , of Tarentum , ibid. Arestades , ibid. Arete , Aristip. ch . 8. Arignote , Pyth. ch . 21. Arimnestus , Pyth. ch . 21. Aristaeus , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristagoras , Socr. ch . 3. Aristangelus , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristeas , Chal. lib. 1. p. sect . ch . 2. Aristides , Stilp . ch . 3. Aristides , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristides , a Locrian , Plat. ch . 13. ▪ Aristippus . Aristippus , the younger , Aristip. ch . 9. Aristippus , of Tarentum , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristo , Arist. ch . 17. Aristoclides , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristocrates , ibid. Aristodemus , Preface , Thal. ch . 5. Aristomenes , Pyth. ch . 24. Aristonymus , Pla. ch . 13. Aristotle . Aristotle , the Cyrenaean . Aristoxemus , Arist. ch . 14. Arytus , Pyth. ch . 24. Asclepiades , Pyth. Mened . Aspasia , Socr. ch . 3. Aspasius , Arist. ch . 17. Asteas , Pyth. ch . 24. Astraeus , Pyth. ch . 21. Astylus , Pyth. ch . 24. Athamas , Pyth. Athenodorus , of Soli , Zen. ch . 9. Athenodorus , of Tharsis , Arist. ch . 17. Athosion , Pyth. ch . 24. Attlcus , Arist. ch . 17. Averroes , ibid. Avicenna , ibid. Axiothea , Pla. ch . 13. Spe●s . ch . 2. Azonaces , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. c. 5. B. BAlielyma , Pyth. ch . 24. Basilides , Epic. ch . 16. Bathilaus , Pyth. ch . 24. Belus , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 4. Berosus , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . ch . 6. Bias. Bio , Pyth. ch . 24. Bion. Boethus , Arist. ch . 17. Brias , Pyth. ch . 24. Bruthius , ibid. Bryas , ibid. Brontinus , ibid. Bryso , Socr. ch . 3. Bulagoras , Pyth. ch . 24. Butherus , ibid. C. CAenias , Pyth. ch . 24. Calibrotus , ibid. Caliphon , Pyth. ch . 23. Callippus , an Athenian , Pla. ch . 13. Arist. ch . 14. Callippus , a Corinthian , Zen. ch . 9. Callisthenes , Arist. ch . 14. Carneades . Carophantidas , Pyth. ch . 24. Cebes . Cerambus , Pyth. ch . 24. Chaerephon , Socr. ch . 17. Chaeron , Pla. ch . 13. Charondas , Pyth. ch . 24. Chilas , ibid. Chilon . Chilonis , Pyth. ch . 24. Chrysippus . Chrysippus , a Tyrrhene , Pyth. c. 24. Cleaechma , ibid. Cleanor , ibid. Cleanthes . Clearatus , Pyth. ch . 24. Clearchus , of Soli , Arist. ch . 14. Cleobulina , Cleob. ch . 1. Cleobulus . Cleon , Pyth. ch . 24. Cleophron , ibid. Cleosthenes , ibid. Clinagoras , ibid. Clinias , ibid. Clinomachus . Clitarchus , Stilp . ch . 3. Clitomachus . Clitus , Arist. ch . 14. Colaes , Pyth. ch . 24. Colotes , Epic. Coriscus , Pla. ch . 13. Cranius , Pyth. ch . 24. Crantor . Crates . Crito . Crito , the Aegean , Pyth. ch . 24. Critolaus . D. DAcydes , Pyth. ch . 24. Damarmenus , ibid. Damascenus Jo. Arist. c. 17. Damascenus , Nicho. ibid. Damascius , ibib . Damocles , Pyth. ch . 24. Damon , ibid. Damotages , ibid. Dardanius , ibid. Demetrius of Amphipolis , Pla. c. 13. Demetrius Lacon , Epic. ch . 16. Demetrius Phalereus . Democritus . Demon , Pyth. ch . 24. Demosthenes , ibid. Deonax , ibid. Dexippus , Arist. ch . 17. Dexitheus , Pyth. ch . 24. Dicaearchus , Arist. ch . 14. Dicaearchus , Pyth. ch . 24. Dicon , ibid. Dinarchus , ibid. Dinocrates , ibid. Diocles , a Phliasian , ibid. Diocles , a Sybarite , ibid. Dioclides , Stilp . ch . 1. Diogenes . Diogenes , of Seleucia , Epic. ch . 16. Diogenes , of Tharsus , ibid. Diodorus , the Aspendian , Pyth. c. 24. Diodorus Cronus . Diodorus , the Peripatetick . Dion , Pla. ch . 13. Dionysius , Epic. ch . 16. Dionysius , a Colophonian , Menip . Dioscorides , Timon ch . 3. Dioteles , Arist. ch . 14. Diotyma , Socr. ch . 3. Diphylus , Stilp . ch . 3. Drymon , Pyth. ch . 24. Dymas , ibid. E. ECcelo , Pyth. ch . 24 Echecrates , a Phlyasian , ibid. Echecrates , a Tarentine , ibid. Echecrates , a Woman , ib●d . Echecratides , Arist. c. 14. Egesinus . Eiriscus , Pyth. ch . 24. Elicaon , ibid. Empedocles . Empedus , Pyth. ch . 24. Epicurus . Epimenides . Epiphron , Pyth. ch . 24. Episylus , ibid. Epitimides , Aristip. ch . 9. Erastus , Pla. ch . 13. Eratus , Pyth. ch . 24. Erus Armenius , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Estiaeus , Pyth. ch . 24. Euaemon , Pla. ch . 13. Euaeus , Pyth. ch . 24. Euagon , Pla. ch . 13. Euander . Euander , of Crotona , Pyth. ch . 24. Euander , of Metapontum , ibid. Euander , of Tarentum , ibid. Euanor , ibid. Eubulides . Eubulus , Timon ▪ ch . 3. Euclid . Eucratides , Epic. ch . 16. Eudemus , of Cyprus , Arist. ch . 14. Eudemus , of Rhodes , ibid. Eudoxus . Euelthon , Pyth. c. 24. Euetes , ibid. Eumeridias ibid. Euphantus . Eu●hemus , ibid. Euphranor , Timon ch . 3. Euphratus , Pla. ch . 13. Eurymedon , Pyth. ch . 24. Euriphamus , ibid. Eurycrates , ibid. Eurytus , ibid. Eustathius , Arist. ch . 17. Euthenus , Pyth. ch . 24. Euthycles , ibid. Euthymus , ibid. Euxithi●s , Arist. ch . 14. G. GLauco . Glorippus , Pyth. ch . 24. Glycinus , ibid. Gyptius , ibid. H. HEgesias . Hegesilaus , see Egesin●s . Heloris , Pyth. ch . 24. Heracleodorus , Pla. ch . 13. Hera●lides , an Aenian , Pla. ch . 13. Heraclides , the Peripatetick . Heraclides , of Pontus , Pla. ch . 13. Arist. ch . 14. Heraclides , the Sceptick , Timon ch . 3. Heraclitus . Hermachus , Epic. ch . 12. Herminus , Arist. ch . 17. Hermodamas , Pyth. c. 2. Hermodorus , Pla. ch . 13. Herodotus , Timon ch . 3. Hestiaeus , Pla. ch . 13. Hieronymus , of Rhodes , Arist. ch . 14. Hipparchia . Hipparchides , Pyth. ch . 24. Hipparchus , Arist. ch . 14. Hippasus . Hippochus , Chald. l. 4. p. ch . 2. Hippomedon , Pyth. ch . 24. Hippocrates , Democr . ch . Hippon , Pyth. ch . 24. Hippostatus , ibid. Hipposthenes , of Crotona , ibid. Hipposthenes , of Cyzicus , ibid. Hippothales , Pla. ch . 13. Hystaspes , Chald. l. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. I. JAmblicus , Arist. ch . 17. Iccus , Pyth. ch . 24. Ichthyas . Itanaeas , Pyth. ch . 24. L. LAcon , Pyth. ch . 24. Lacrates , ibid. Lacydes . Laphaon , Pyth. ch . 24. Lasthenia , Pla. ch . 13. Speus . ch . 2. Lasthenia , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Lasus , Preface . Leocritus , Pyth. ch . 24. Leocydes , ibid. Leon , Arist. ch . 14. Leon , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Leophantus , Preface . Leophron , Pyth. ch . 24. Leptines , ibid. Leucippus . Lyco . Lyco , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Lysides , ibid. Lysias , Epic. ch . 16. Lysibius , Pyth. ch . 24. Lysiphanes , Epic. ch . 1. Lysis , Pyth. ch . 24. Lytamnus , ibid. M. MAgentinus , Arist. ch . 17. Malias , Pyth. ch . 24. Marinus , Arist. ch . 17. Marmaridius , Chal. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 5. Maximus , Aristot. ch . 17. Mededimus , Pla. ch . 13. Megistias , Pyth. ch . 24. Melanippus , ibid. Melisies , ibid. Melissus . Menedemus , the Cynick . Menedemus , the Eretrian . Menestius , Pyth. ch . 24. Menippus . Menodorus , Epic. ch . 10. Menodotus , Timon ch . 3. Menon , Pyth. ch . 24. Meton , ibid. Metopus , ibid. Metrocles . Metrodorus , sirnamed the Theoretick , Stilp . ch . 3. Metrodorus , the Chian , Epic. ch . 4. Milias , Pyth. ch . 24. Milo , ibid. Miltiades , ibid. Mimnomachus , ibid. Mnason , Arist. ch . 14. Mnesarchus , Pyth. ch . 21. 24. Mnesibulus , Pyth. ch . 24. Mnesistratus , Pla. ch . 13. Moschus , Mened . ch . 1. Muya , Pyth. ch . 21. Muyes , Pyth. ch . 24. Myrmex , Stilpo ch . 3. N. NAstas , Pyth. ch . 24. Nausiphanes , a Pythagorean , Epic. ch . 4. Nausitheus , Pyth. ch . 24. Neocritus , ibid. Nicanor , Arist. ch . 14. Nicephorus Blemmydes , Arist. c. 17. Niolochus , Tim. ch . 3. O. OCcelo , Pyth. ch . 24. Occlo , ibid. Ocylus , ibid. Odius , ibid. Olympiodorus , Arist. ch . 17. Onatus , Pyth. ch . 24. Opsimus , ibid. Oresandrus , ibid. Osthanes , Chald. lib. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. chap. 3. P. PAchymerius Georg. Arist. ch . 17. Paction , Pyth. Paeonius , Stil . ch . 3. Palaephatus , Arist. ch . 14. Pamphilius , Epic. ch . 4. Panaetius . Parmenides . Parmiscus , Pyth. Pasciles , Stilp . ch . 1. Pasicrates , Arist. ch . 14. Periander . Phaedo . Phaedo , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Phaesidemus , Stilp . ch . 3. Phancelus , Pyth. ch . 24. Phanias , Arist. ch . 14. Phanton , Pyth. ch . 24. Pherecydes . Philippus , an Opuntian , Pla. ch . 13. Philo , a Theban , Zen. ch . 9. Philo , the Peripatetick , Arist. ch . 14. Philodemus , Pyth. ch . 24. Philolaus . Philolaus , of Tarentum , Pyth. ch . 24. Philonides , ibid. Philoponus , Arist. ch . 17. Philtes , Pyth. ch . 24. Phiatias , ibid. Phormio , Pla. ch . 13. Phrasidemus , Arist. ch . 14. Phrinychus , Pyth. ch . 24. Phrontides , ibid. Phyacyades , ibid. Phytius , ibid. Piserrydus , ibid. Pisicrates , ibid. Pithon , Pla. ch . 13. Pittacus . Plato . Plato the yourger , Arist. ch . 14. Plisthenes . Plutarch the younger , Arist. ch . 17. Polemaeus , Pythag. ch . 24. Polemarchus , ibid. Polemo . Poliades , Pyth. ch . 24. Polymnestus , ibid. Polystratus , Epic. ch . 17. Posidonius . Praxiphanes , Epic. ch . 4. Praytus , Tim. ch . 3. Proclus , Arist. ch . 17. Proclus , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Prorus , ibid. Protagoras . Protarchus , Epic. ch . 16. Proxenus , a Posidonian , Pyth. ch . 24. Proxenus , a Sybarite , ibid. Psellus , Arist. ch . 17. Ptolemaeus , a Cyrenaean , Tim. ch . 3. Ptolemaeus the Black , Epic. ch . 16. Ptolemaeus the White , ibid , Ptolemaeus , of Cyrene , Tim. ch . 3. Pylyctor , Pyth. ch . 24. Pyrrho . Pyrrho the younger , Tim. ch . 3. Pyrrho , a Pythagorean , Pyth. ch . 24. Pysirronde , ibid. Pythagoras . Pythodotus . R. RHexibius , Pyth. ch . 24. Rhodippus , ibid. S. SAlaccra , Pyth. ch . Sara , Pyth. ch . 21. Sarpedon , Tim. ch . 3. Saturninus , ibid. Satyrus , Arist. ch . 14. Sextus , Tim. ch . 3. Sycas , Pyth. ch . 24. Silius , ibid. Simichus , Pyth. ch . 23. Simmias . Simmias , the Megarick , Stilp . ch . 3. Simon . Simplicius , Aristot. ch . 17. Simus , Pyth. ch . 24. Smichaeas , ibid. Socrates . Socrates , a Bythinian , Arist. ch . 14. Solon . Sosistratus , Pyth. ch . 24. Sosthenes , ibid. Sostratius , ibid. Sotion , Arist. ch . 17. Speusippus . Sphaerus , Zeno ch . 9. Sthenonides , Pyth. ch . 24. Stilpo . Strato . Syrianus , Aristot. ch . 17. T. TAurus , Arist. ch . 17. Telauges , Pyth. ch . 21. Terpsion , Socr. ch . 17. Teucer , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 5. Thales . Theano , wife of Brontino , Pyth. ch . 24. Theano , wife of Pythagoras , c. 21. 24. Themistius , Arist. ch . 17. Theodas , Tim. ch . 3. Theodectus , Arist. ch . 14. Theodorus the Atheist . Theodorus Metochita , Arist. ch . Theodorus , of Cyrene , Pyth. ch . 24. Theodorus , of Tarentum , ibid. Theophrastus . Theoridas , Pyth. ch . 24. Thrascus , ibid. Thrasydemus , ibid. Thrasymachus , Stilp . ch . 1. Thrasymedes , Pyth. ch . 24. Timaeus , the Crotonian , ibid. Timaeus , the Cyzicene , Pla. ch . 13. Timaeus , the Locrian , Pyth. ch . 24. Timaeus , the Parian , ibid. Timagoras , Stilp . ch . 3. Timaras , Pyth. ch . 24. Timarchus , Arist. ch . 14. Timesianax , Pyth. ch . 24. Timolaus , Pla. ch . 13. Timosthenes , Pyth. ch . 24. Tydas , ibid. Tymasius , ibid. Tymicha , ibid. Tyrsenes , ibid. Tyrsenus , ibid. X. XAnthus , Tim. ch . 3. Xenocides , Pyth. ch . 24. Xenon , ibid. Xenocrates . Xenophanes . Xenophantes , Pyth. ch . 24. Xenophilus , ibid. Xentas , ibid. Z. ZAbratus , Pyth. ch . 5. Zaleucus , Pyth. c. 24. Zamoxis , Pyth. ch . 21. Zarmocenidas , Chal. l. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. c. 5. Zeno. Zeno Eleates . Zeno , the Epicurean , Stilp . ch . 3. Zen. ch . 9. Epic. ch . 16. Zeno , of Tarsis . Zeuxes , Tim. ch . 3. Zeuxippus , ibid. Zopyrus , a Colophronian , Menipp . Zopyrus , a Tarentine , Pyth. ch . 24. Zoroaster , the Chaldaean , Chald. l. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. 3. Zoroaster , the Babylonian , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Zoroaster , the Bactrian , ibid. Zoroaster , the Pamphilian , ibid. Zoroaster , the Persian , ibid. lib. 2. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 1. Zoroaster , the Proconnesian , Chald. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Zoromasdres , Chal. lib. 1. p. 1. sect . c. 5. A TABLE Of the principal Matters in the Doctrines of the Chaldaick and Greek Philosophers . A. ABduction , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. Abstinence , Pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 1. Accident , Arist. doct . p. 1. c. 6. p. 4. c. 3. doubted . Sext. lib. 2. ch . 21. Achilles , an argument , Parmenid . ch . 2. Zeno Eleat . ch . 2. Acme , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 25. Acousmata , Pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 8. Act , Arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . 4. Action , Plat. doctr . ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. p. 2. ch . 10. Active life , Plat. doct . ch . 2. Addition , see Augmentation ; doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 10. Adjurative axioms , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Adnexe axioms , Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 21. Adverse axioms , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 22. Aequinox , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. Anaximand . ch . 1. Aestimation , Sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. Aether , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 14. Anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Aetna , Epic. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. Affections or passions , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Epic. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. Affirmative propositions , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Age , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 25. Agent , Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. Agent Intellect , Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 23. Air , Anaxim . ch . 2. sect . 1. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. 4. Timaeus , Emped . chap. 7. worshipped , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 9. Alteration , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 13. Alterity . Amber , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. Amphiboly , Sto. doct . p. 1. chap. 9. slighted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 23. Analogy , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. 9. Analysis , Plat. doct . ch . 5. Analytical method , Plat. ch . 7. Angels , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. c. 9. Anger , Plat. doct . ch . 32. Animals , Anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 14. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 5. Timaeus . Anomaly of words , Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 9. Antidivision , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. Appellations , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Appetite , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. 3. 4. Argument , Plat. doctr . ch . 6. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Aristocracy , Plat. doct . ch . 33. Arithmetick , Socr. ch . 5. Plat. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. Arithmomancy , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. Articles , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Art , Plat. ch . 8. Art about life , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 24. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 25. 26. 27. 31. Aspects , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 5. Assimilation , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. Assumption , Eucl. ch . 2. Sto. doct . Astrology judiciary , Chal. lib. 1. p. 2. ch . 2. Thal. ch . 8. sect . 5. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 4. deny'd , Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 7. Astronomy , Thal. ch . 8. Plat. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. Atomes , Leucippus ; Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 4. &c. Avernal places , Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 16. Augmentation , what . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 9. Augury , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 15. Autumn , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. Axioms , or Propositions , Clinom . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. B. BAld , an argument . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 34. Barbarism , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Bear lesser , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 2. Beatitude , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Pla. doct . ch . 27. Beauty , Pla. doct . ch . 8. Beneficence , Pla. ch . 8. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 29. Bodies , Arcesil . ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. Timaeus . are passible ; Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. divisible into infinite ; Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. continuous ; Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. incomprehensible ; Sext. lib. 3. c. 5. Body of man , Pla. doct . ch . 17. 23. Breath , Plat. Anaximen , ch . 2. sect . 3. Broad Iron , why it swims , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 8. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. C. CAnonick Musick , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. Dialectick , so called ; Epic. doct . p. 1. Cases , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Categoremes , Clinom . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. deny'd , Stilpo ch . 2. Categorical syllogism , Pla. doct . c. 6. Categories ten , Pl. doct . ch . 6. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . Cause , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 3. doubted ; Sext. lib. 3. ch . 3. Cause first ; Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Chance , what . Arist. doct . p. 11. ch . 3. Charms , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. ch . 2. Chasmes ( meteors ) Ari. doct . p. 2. c. 12. Circumcurrent phantasy , Carnea . c. 2. Clemency , Heges . c. 2. Pla. doct . c. 23. Clouds , Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. Xenophan . c. 2. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. c. 9. Coaequals , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Cold , Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. Pla. doct . ch . 19. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. Cogitation , Pla. doct . ch . 4. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 19. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. Epic. doct . p. Colour , Sto. doct . p. 3. c. 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. c. 7. Epic. doct . p. 〈◊〉 sect . 1. c. 15. Comets , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 5. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Commonwealth , Pla. doctr . ch . 33. Compellative proposition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Composition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. p. 3. chap. 13. Compositum , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . Comprehension , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. 6. denied , Arcesil . ch . 2. Lacydes . Carnead . ch . 2. Philo. Comprehensive phantasy , Arcesil . ch . 2. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. denied ; Philo. Concoction , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. Concupiscible part of the Soul ; Pla. doctr . ch . 17. 23. Confusion , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. Congruities and less than Congruities ; Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Conjunct axioms , Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 21. Conjunct syllogismes , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 28. Conjunctions , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Connex , what ; Diod. ch . 2. Philo. which true ; which false ; ibid. Cons●ctation , or aequipollence of propositions , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Consultation , Pla. ch . 8. Contact , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 10. Contemplation , Pla. doct . ch . 2. Continence , Pyth. doctr . p. 3. ch . 3. Socr. c. 5. sect . 2. Epic. doct . p. 3. c. 14. Contingent proposition , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Contingents , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 13. Contradictories , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Contraries , Pla. ch . 8. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. Contrary axioms , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 22. Conversation , Soc● . ch . 5. sect . 2. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 1. Conversion of propositions , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Conversion of terms , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 14. Corruption , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. Country , the world is our Country ; Theod. ch . 2. Criteries , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. Pla. doct . ch . 4. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Parmenid . ch . 2. Epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. doubted ; Sext. l. 2. c. 3. &c. denied , Carn . c. 12. Crocodilite , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. D. DAemons , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 9. 16. sect . 3. ch . 6. 7. 8. Thal. ch . 6. sect . 3. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. Plato , ch . 15. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. Darkness , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Death , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Socr. ch . 12. Heges . c. 1. 2. Euclid . c. 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. Pyth. doct . p. ● ch . 5. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 23. Decad , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 14. Decanate , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. Declarative axiom of the more and of the lesse , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 21. Defective reason , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Definition , Pla. doct . ch . 5. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 11. doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 16. Democracy , Plat. doct . ch . 33. Demonstration , Arist. d●ct . p. 1. ch . 5. S. 0. doct . doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 13. Detraction or substraction ; see Diminution . Dew , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. Diaetetick , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 5. ch . 1. Dialectick , Euclid . ch . 2. Pla. ch . 6. Pla. doct . ch . 3. 4. 5. Clitom . Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. 6. Sto doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Zeno Eleat . ch . 2. taken away ; Antisth . ch . 2. Epic. doct . Dialogue , Pla. ch . 15. Diapason , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. c. 4. 5. Diapente , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 4. Diatetessaron , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 4. Dicibles , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 18. p. 3. ch . 20. Diminution , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 6. doubted ; Sext. l. 3. c. 10. Diseases of the Body , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Pla. doct . ch . 22. Timaeus ; Of the Mind ; Sto. doct . Dispositions . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. Disputation , Arcesil . ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 16. Epic. doct . p. Distinctions , Pla. ch . 8. Diverse , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 6. see Alterity . Divination , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . c. 7. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 2. Division , Pla. doct . ch . 5. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 18. 19. 20. Dogmatize , Pla. ch . 15. deny'd ; Arcesil . ch . 2. Sext. lib. 1. ch . 6. Dominative reason , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Dreams , Pla. doct . ch . 15. 18. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 22. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2● . Duad , Xenocr . ch . 2. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 6. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. Dubitative axiom , Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 18. E. EArth , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. ch . 6. sect . 1. Pla. doct . ch . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. Pyth. doct . Timaeus ; Empedocles ch . 7. Hippasus , Xenophanes , ch . 2. Parmenides ch . 2. Democrit . ch . 9. sect . 6. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. worshipped , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 9. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. Earthquakes , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Archelaus . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 6. Epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. Echo , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Epic. doct . Eclipse , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 3. Anaximander ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes ch . 2. sect . 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. p. 3. ch . 9. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. E●nephias , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 11. Efficient cause , Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 3. Electrum , Eubulides . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Element , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Pla. c. 7. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. 8. 12. Elements , Pla. doct . ch . 12. 13. 15. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 8. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. Timaeus . Empedocles ch . 7. Xenophanes ch . 2. Parmedides ch . 2. Empyreal World , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 13. End , or chief good ; Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Stilpo c. 2. Pl. doct . ch . 27. Carneades , ch . 2. Arist. doct . Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 10. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 9. Epic. doctrine p. Elench , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Ennead , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 13. Envy , what . Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Enthymeme , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Eristick , Euclid , ch . 2. Stilpo , ch . 2. Essence , Pla. ch . 2. Ethick , Socr. ch . Pla. ch . 6. Pla. doct . ch . Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 1. p. 2. ch . 1. Epic. doct . p. 3. doubted , Sext. Etymology , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Even and odd , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. Evidence of sense , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. Evident incursion , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. Eupathies , Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 6. Examination of our selves , Pyth. doct . p. 1. ch . 10. Example , Aristot , doctrine , p. 1. ch . 4. Eyes , Pla. doct . ch . 18. F. FAculties , or powers of the Soul , Pla. doct . ch . 23. Faith , Pla. doct . ch . 7. Falling stars , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 8. False , Arist. doct . p. 4. c. False phantasy , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Fate , Pla. doct . ch . 26. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 19. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 3. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. Felicity , Heges . ch . 2. Pla. ch . 8. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Figure , how it causeth motion , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. Democr . chap. 9. sect . 1. Figures Geometrical suit with the Elements , Pla. doct . ch . 13. Figures of Syllogismes , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. of hypothetical Syllogismes , Pla. doctr . chap. 6. Sto. doct . Final cause , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 3. Fire , Arcesil . ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . Pyth. doct . p. Timaeus . Empedocles , ch . 7. Hippasus . Heraclitus , ch . 8. sect . 1. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. 7. worshipped , Chald. lib. 1. p ▪ 2. sect . 4. ch . 8. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 2. Firebrands , meteors , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. Flesh , Pla. doct . ch . 17. Form , Arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 15. Form of Syllogismes , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Formal cause , Aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 3. Fortitude , Socr. chap. 5. sect . 2. Pla. doct . ch . 28. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 2. Epic. doct . p. 3. c. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Fortune , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 3. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 3. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. Fountains , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. Arist. doct . p. 2. ● Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. how caused , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Freewill , Pla. doct . ch . 26. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 6. Friendship , Socr. ch . 3. sect . 2. Hegesias , ch . 2. Annice●is , ch . 2. Theodorus , ch . 2. Pla. doct . ch . 21. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 2. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 30. Its kinds , Plato , ch . 8. Frost , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. G. GAlaxie , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Parmenides , ch . 2. Generation and corruption , Archelaus . Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 9. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 14. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 17. doubted ; Sext. lib. 3. ch . 14. deny'd ; Empedocles , ch . 7. Parmenides , ch . 2. Melissus , ch . 2. Generation of living Creatures , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 6. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 9. Genus , what ; Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. Geometry , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 7. Socr. chap. 5. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. Geometrical Propositions , Thales , ch . 5. sect . 1. 2. Euclid . ch . 3. Pla. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. c. 2. 3. God , Chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. sect . 4. ch . 1. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 1. Thal. ch . 6. sect . 2. Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. Socrat. c. 5. sect . 1. Stilpo ch . 1. Theodorus , c. 1. Plat. doct . ch . 10. Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 8. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. chap. 1. Timaeus , Xenophanes , ch . 2. Melissus , ch . 2. Zeno Eleat . ch . 3. Democr . chap. 9. sect . 8. Protagoras . Sext. lib. 3. c. 1. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. Gods , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 2. Euclid , ch . 3. Xenocrat . ch . 2. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. chap. 2. Gods younger , makers of Men , Pla. doct . ch . 16. Good , Euclid . ch . 2. Menedemus , ch . l2 . Plat. ch . 8. Plat. doct . chap. 27. Clitomachus . Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 5. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. Government , Plat. ch . 8. Gratitude , Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 29. Gravity , Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Grief , Aristip. chap. 5. sect . 2. Pla. ch . 32. Gulfs , ( Meteors ) Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. H. HAbit , a Category ; Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Hail , Anaximenes , chap. 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. Halos , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. Hand , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Harmony , Pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. Hate , Hegesias . Health , Al●maeon . Hearing , Plat. doct . ch . 19. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 2. chap. 17. Emped . ch . 7. Alcmaeon , Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 13. Heat , Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15 : Hegemonick , Plat. doct . ch . 23. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Alcmaeon . Democrit . ch . 9. sect . 8. Heaven , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , c. 2. sect . 2. Anaxag . chap. 2. sect . 2. Plat. doct . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. Emped . ch . 7. Heavy and light , Plat. doct . ch . 20. Heptad , Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 11. Heros , Thal. ch . ● . sect . 3. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. Sto. doct . Hesper , Pyth. doct . ● Timaeus . Hexad , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. Hieroscopy , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. Homoiomeras , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Honest and profitable the same , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Sto. doct . Horned reason , Diodorus , ch . 2. Eubulides , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Hot , Pl. doct . ch . 19. Humanity , Plato , ch . 8. Hydromancy , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 4. Hypate , Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. c. 2. 4. Hypothetical Proposition , Pla. doct . ch . 5. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. Hypothetical Syllogism , Pl. doct . ch . 6. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 28. I. ICe , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 4. Idea , Plat● , ch . 4. Pl. doct . ch . 9. Timaeus ; Parmenides ch . 3. Identity , Timaeus . Idolatry , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 3. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 1. 2. Ignorance , Arcesilaus , ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 5. Theod. ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Ill , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Theodor. ch . 2. Sto. doctr . doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. denyed , Euclid ch . 2. Image of the Soul , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. Imagination , Pla. doctr . ch . 7. Immortal , aeternal substances , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 7. Imperative proposition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Imperfect syllogysm , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Impossible proposition , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. Sto. doct . Imprecative proposition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Incomprehensible , all things , Xenophan . ch . 2. Inconcoction , Aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 13. Indefinite proposition , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Indemonstrables , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 29. Indifference , Theod. ch . 2. Indifferents , Sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 11. doubted ; Sext. lib. 3. ch . 23. denyed ; Antisthenes , ch . 2. Indignation , Arist. doct . p. 3. chap. 1. Indolence , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Epic. doct . Induction , Socr. ch . 4. Theodor. ch . 2. Plat. chap. 7. 15. Pl. doct . chap. 5. Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. doubted ; Sext. lib. 2. ch . 15. Inexplicable reason , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. Infant , Alcmaeon , Democr . chap. 9. sect . 7. Inference , Euclid . ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. Infinite , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 4. Infinity , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. Insects , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. Instance , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 4. Intellect , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 17. Intellection , Democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. Intellection of Primaries and Secondaries , Pla. doct . ch . 4. Intellectual number , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. Intellectuals , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 6. Intelligences , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 9. Intelligibles , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 2. Intelligibles and Intellectuals , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . ● . ch . 5. Interrogation , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Interrogation , or argument , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. Irascible part of the Soul , Pla. doct . 17. 23. Irony , Socr. ch . 4. Irrational Creatures have reason , Sext. lib. 1. ch . 13. Irrational Soul , Plat. doct . ch . 25. Judgment , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 1. Plat. doct . ch . 4. C●rneades , ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Jus , right ; Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 25. &c. Just , Archelaus , Aristip. ch . 2. sect . 3. Theodor. ch . 2. Justice , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Plato , ch . 8. Pl. doct . ch . 28. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 9. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 24. K. KNowledge , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. denied , Arcesil . ch . 2. L. LAw , Solon , ch . 5. 6. 7. Plat. ch . 8. Law-making , Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 6. Least things , Heraclitus , chap. 7. sect . 1. Letters , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Liberal Sciences taken away , Antisth . ch . 2. Liberality , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. Lichanus , Pyth. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. Life , Hegesias . Pla. doct . ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. Light , Pla. doct . ch . 18. Light emanating from God , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. Light supramundane , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 11. Lightning , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 12. Like to , or transcending , an axiom , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Line , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. Liquidity and concretion , Democrit . ch . 9. sect . 3. Liver , Plat. doct . ch . 23. Living creatures , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. ch . 4. sect . 5. ch . 3. sect . 5. Archelaus , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 5. Timaeus , Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 4. Load-stone , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 6. Logick , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Looking-glass , Plat. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 7. Empeaocles , ch . 7. Lying reason , Eubulides , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. M. MAgick , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. Magick natural , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. 2. Magnanimity , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 18. Magnificence , Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 3. Man , Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 4. Mankind without beginning , Pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 6. Marrow , Pla. doct . ch . 17. Mathematick , Plat. doct . ch . 7. Speusippus , chap. 2. Pyth. doctrin . p. 2. ch . 2. Matter , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Plat. doct . ch . 8. Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . Sto. doctr . p. 3. chap. 4. Timaeus . Matter fluid , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Protagoras . Matter of syllogismes , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Mean affection , Plat. doct . ch . 29. Mean state , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Medicine , Plat. ch . 8. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. Mediocrity , Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Medium of a syllogism , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Meeknesse , Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Epic . doct . p. 3. ch . 15. Memory , what ; Plat. doct . c. 4. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. Men , how first generated , Parmenides ch . 2. Mese , Pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. chap. 2. 4. Metaphysick , Aristot. doctr . part 4. ch . 1. Meteors , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 4. Method , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 33. Metalls , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. Mind , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. Speusippus , chap. 2. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 8. Democritus , ch . 9. sect . 8. Timaeus . Archelaus . Minerals , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. Misling , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Mist , ibid. Mistion , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 11. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. Mixt syllogism , Pla. doct . ch . 6. Modal proposition , Aristot. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Modesty , Pla. doct . ch . 32. Arist. p. 3. ch . 1. Epic. doctr . p. 3. chap. 16. Monad , Xenocrat . chap. 2. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 5. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. Monochord , its canon , Pyth. doct ▪ p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. Monsters , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. Moods of Hypothetick syllogismes , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 29. Moon , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. Pla. doct . ch . 14. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 10. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Timaeus . Empedocles , ch . 7. Alcmaeon . Hipp●sus . Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. Xenophanes , ch . 2. Leucippus . Democrit . ch . 9. sect . 5. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. Worshipped ; Chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 5. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. Moral Philosophy , Socr. ch . 5. Motion , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. 5. p. 2. ch . 4. 5. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 15. Pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 8. d●ny'd , Diodorus , ch . 2. Melissus , ch . 2. Zeno Eleat . ch . 2. Motive faculty , Arist. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 24. Motive qualities , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. Mover first , proved , Arist. doct . p. 11. ch . 6. Mower , a Reas●n , Sto. doctrine p. 1. Musick , Plato , ch . 7. Pla. doct . ch . 8. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. Musick of the Planets , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. Musick of the Sphears , Pyth. doct . p. 4. sect . 4. ch . 3. taken away , Antisth . ch . 2. Institution by Musick , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. Medicine by Musick , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 8. N. NAmes , Pla. doct . ch . 6. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 10. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. Nature , Arist. d●ctr . p. 2. ch . 2. 3. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 18. Empedocles , ch . 7. Necessary axi●m , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. Nec●ssary proposition , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Necessity , Arist. doct . p. ● . ch . 3. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 19. Timaeus . Necessity , or Providence , Thal. c. 6. sect . 2. The Negative , a Reason , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Negative Proposition , Plat. doctr . ch . 5. Arist. doct . p. 1. 〈◊〉 . 3. deny'd , Menedem . ch . 2. Neither preferred nor rejected , Arcesilaus ch . 2. Sto. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 12. Neuter Categoremes , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Nete , Pythag. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. 4. Night , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Nilus , ibid. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. Democr . ch . 9. 〈◊〉 6. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. Nobility , Pla. ch . 8. The Nobody ( a Reason ) Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Not-bodies , Sto. doctrine , part 3. ch . 20. Not-conclusive Reasons , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 30. Not-syllogistick conclusive Reasons , Sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 31. Notion , what , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Number , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 1. 2. 3. 4. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 18. Nutrition , Plat. doctr . ch . 17. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Nutrition of the World , Philolaus . Nutritive faculty , Aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 16. O. OBedience , Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 5. Oblique Cases , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 19. Observance , Epicur . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 29. The Occult , ( a Reason ) Eubulides . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Odd and even , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 3. Odor , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 17. Oeconomick , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 3. Arist . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 1. Offences why to be pardoned , Hegesias . O●sices , Arcesil . ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. Ogdoad , Pyth. doctr . p. 4. ch . 6. Xenophanes , ch . 2. Parmenides , ch . 2. Melissus , ch . 2. Oneiromancy , Chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. Onomancy , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 15. Opinion , Pla. doct . ch . 4. Parmenid . ch . 2. Epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Opposites , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Opposition of propositions , Arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. Optative proposition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. P. PAedeutick , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. Pain , Aristip. c. 4. sect . 2. Theod. ch . 2. Paradox , Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. Paradoxal axiom , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. Paramese , Pyth. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. Parelies , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Paronymous terms , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Particular proposition , Plat. doctr . ch . 5. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Partition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. Parypate , Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. Passion , Plato , doctr . ch . 32. A Category , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 2. ch . 10. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 19. Passion of the Mind , Socr. c. 5. sect . 2. Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Epic. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Patience , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Patient Intellect , Arist. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 9. Percontation , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 18. Perfect syllogism , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. Pestilence , Epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 17. Phantasm , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Phantaston , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. Phantasy , Pla. doct . ch . 4. Arcesil . c. 2. Carneades , ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 19. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 4. Phasmes ( meteors ) Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. Philosopher , Pla. doct . ch . 1. 2. Philosophy , Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 1. Pla. doct . ch . 1. Philo. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Pythag. ch . Pyth. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Parmeneids , ch . 2. Epic. doct . ch . 1. Plegm , Pla. doct . ch . 22. Physick , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 1. Socrat. ch . 5. Aristip. ch . 4. Pla. c. 6. ●Pla . doct . ch . 7. Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. Epic. doct . p. 2. rejected , Antisthenes , chap. 2. Sext. lib. Physiognomy , Pythag. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Piety , Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. Epicur . doctrine p. 3. ch . 29. Piety to the dead , Pythag. doctr . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 4. Place , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 4. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 21. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 16. deny'd , Zeno Eleat . ch . 3. Planets , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. c. 1. Pla. doct . ch . 14. Pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 2. Timaeus . Alcmaeon . Their Musick ; Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. 4. Worshipped ; Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 6. lib. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. lib. 3. p. 2. ch . 1. Plants , Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 14. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. Pleasant , whether any thing or not ; Hegesias . Pleasure , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Heges . Antisthen . Plat. doctr . ch . 32. Annicer . ch . 2. Theod. ch . 2. Epic. doctr . p. 3. ch . 2. 3. 4. Point , Pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. Politick , Thal. ch . 10. Solon , ch . 4. 5. 7. Socr. ch . 5. sect . 4. Pla. doct . ch . 33. Arist. doctr . p. 3. chap. 3. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. Pores , Pla. doct . ch . 21. Position , a Category , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. Possession , Arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 2. Possible , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . Possible axioms , S●o . doct . p. 1. c. 23. Possible propositions , Arist doct . p. 1. ch . 23. Power , Pla. ch . 8. Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. Practick Intellect , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. Practick knowledge preferred , Socr. ch . 5. Practick Philosophy , Pla. doct . ch . 3. Arist. doctr . p. 1. c. 1. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. Praecedents , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Praedicates , see Categoremes ; deny'd , Stilpo , ch . 2. Praenotions , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 8. Epic. doct . 1. ch . 3. Praeter-offices , Arcesil . ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 14. Prayers , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Prayer , not delightful to the Gods , Stilpo , ch . 1. Preferred , Arcesilaus , ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Prester , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. Primum mobile , Aristot. doctr . p. 2. ch . 7. Principle , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Principles , That . ch . 6. sect . 1. Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 1. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 1. Archelaus . Socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. Diodorus , ch . 2. Pla. doctr . Arist. doct . p. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 3. Pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. ●imaeus . Hippasus . Heraclitus , ch . 8. sect . 1. Parmenides , c. 2. Melissus , ch . 2. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. Principle complex , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 2. Principles ( an Order of Spirits ) Chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. Private prudence , Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 9. Privatives , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Probable axiom , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. 23. Probable phantasy , Carneades , ch . 2. Clitomachus . Sto. doctrine p. 1. chap. 4. Probleme , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Dialectick Probleme , Arist. doct . ibid. Proposition , Arist. doct . ibid. Proprium , Arist. doct . ibid. Providence , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 2. Socr. chap. 5. sect . 1. Plat. ch . Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 17. Pyth. doct . doubted ; Sext. deny'd ; Epic. doct . p. Prudence , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 3. Prudence , Plat. doctr . ch . 28. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 2. c. 9. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 8. Pure proposition , Arist. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. Putrefaction , Arist. doctr . p. 2. chap. 13. Q. QUalitatives , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 15. Quality , Plat. doctr . chap. 11. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 15. Epicur . doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 12. &c. Quantity , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Qu●escent reason , Sto. doctrine p. 1. ch . 32. Quintessence , Arist. doct . disallow'd , Arcesil . ch . 2. Quodammodotatives , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 16. Quodammodotatives , as to others , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 17. R. RAin , Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. chap. 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 13. Rain-bow , Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Pythag. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Epic . doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 15. Rational Phantasy , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. chap. 18. Rational Soul , Plat. doct . ch . 25. Reason , Heges . ch . 2. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Plat. doctr . ch . 4. Alcmaeon . Sext. Emp. lib. 1. ch . 13. Reason , or argument , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 26. Reasonable axioms , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 23. Reciprocal axioms , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 23. Reciprocal reasons , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 32. Reciprocally active and passive categoremes , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Rectitudes , Arcesilaus , ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 13. Rejected , Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Relatives , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Relative opposites , Aristot. doct . p. 1. chap. 2. Reminiscence , Socr. chap. 5. sect . 1. Pla. doctr . ch . 4. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. Reputation , Sto. doctrine , part 2. ch . 12. Resisting Bodies , Pla. doct . ch . 19. Respiration , Pla. doctr . chap. 21. Timaeus . Rest , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 5. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 15. Reverence of Parents , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 1. Rhetorical method , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 23. Rhetorical syllogism , Plat. doctrine , ch . 3. Rhetorick , Plat. doctr . ch . 8. ●litomach . Arist. doct . p. ● c. 1. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Riches , Aristip. ch . 4. sect . 2. Hegesias , ch . 2. Sto. doct . Right case , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Right categorems , Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 19. Right reason , Epicur . doctr . p. 3. ch . 6. Right-speaking , Plat. chap. 8. Rigour , Pla. doct . ch . 19. Rivers , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. Rough , Plat. doct . ch . 19. S. SAme , Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 6. Sapours , Pla. doctr . ch . 19. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. Scepticism , Sext. Emp. Sceptick phrases , Sext. lib. 1. ch . 26. Schemes , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 6. Science , Pla. ch . 8. Pla. doct . ch . 4. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. denyed , Arcesil . ch . 2. Sciential number , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 2. Sea , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. Archelaus . Empedocles , ch . 7. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 6. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. c. 3. Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 3. Secrecy , Pyth. doct . p. ch . 11. Seeing , Pla. doct . ch . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Selas , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Sensation , Democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. Aristip . ch . 4. sect . 1. Sext. Sense , ●la . doctr . ch . 4. Arcesil . ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Timaeus . Parmenid . ch . 2. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 8. Epic. doct . p. l. c. 2. p. 2. sect . 3. c. 10. Sense conduceth nothing to Reason ; Hegesias . Sensitive faculty , Aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Sensible phantasy Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. Separate State of the Soul , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 1. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 9. Timaeus , deny'd , Anaxagoras chap. 2. sect . 5. Sexes , Democrit . c. 9. sect . 7. Anaxag . ch . 3. sect . 5. Sickness , Pyth. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Pla. doct . ch . 22. Timaeus . Alcmaeon . Sickness and infirmity of Mind , Sto. doctr . p. 2. ch . 8. Sight , Pla. ch . 18. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. chap. 11. 12. Signs , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. c. 3. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 25. doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 11. Signs of Summer and Winter , Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 2. Significants and Significates , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. Silence , Pyth. doctr . p. 1. ch . 4. p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 1. Similitude , Euclid . ch . 2. Simple axioms , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 3. Simple propositions , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Singular propositions , Aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. Skin , Pla. doct . ch . 17. Sleep , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Euclid . ch . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 20. Epic . doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 21. Sluggish reason , Sto. doct . p. 1. c. 32. p. 3. ch . 19. Smelling , Plat. doct . ch . 19. Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 17. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 14. Snow , Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 14. That it is black , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Sobriety , Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. Solaecism , Sto. 〈◊〉 , part 1. ch . 9. Sophismes , Pla. doctr . ch . 6. Aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 6. Sto. doctr . p. 1. chap. 32. rejected , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 22. Sophist , Pla. doct . ch . 34. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Sorites , Eubulides , Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 32. Soul , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. Thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 1. Pla. ch . 8. Pla. doct . ch . 24. 25. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. p. 3. ch . 1. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Timaeus . Empedocl . ch . 7. Alcmaeon . Heraclitus ch . 7. sect . 4. Xenophan . ch . 2. Democrit . ch . 9. sect . 8. Protagoras . Epicur . doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 9. Soul of the World , Thal. Pla. doct . ch . 14. Timaeus . Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 1. Sound , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 15. Species , Arist. doct . Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. doubted , Sext. deny'd , Stilpo , ch . 2. Speaking , Epicur . doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. chap. 20. Speculative Science , rejected , Socrat. ch . 5. Speech , Pla. doct . ch . 4. Arist. doctr . p. 1. chap. 3. Sto. doctrine , p. 1. ch . 10. Sphears , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 4. ch . 9. Pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 3. Spleen , Pla. doct . ch . 23. Spring , Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 2. Pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. Springs , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. see Fountains . Square , Pythag. doctrine p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. Stars , Chald , lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. c. 1. Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Anaximand . ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximen . ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 2. Archelaus , Pla. doct . ch . 14. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 8. Arist. doctr . p. 2. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Empedocles , ch . 7. Alcmaeon . Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. Xenophanes , ch . 2. Leucippus . Democritus , ch . 9. sect . 5. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Worshipped , Chald. l. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 7. falling Stars , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Stereometry , Pla. doct . ch . 7. Stones , Epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. Streaks , ( Meteors ) Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 12. Subdivision , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 11. Subjects , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 14. Substance , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. p. 4. ch . Summer , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 2. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 4. Empedocl . ch . 7. Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. Sumption , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 26. Sun , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. ch . 8. sect . 2. Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaxag . c. 2. sect . 2. Archelaus . Pla. doct . ch . 14. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 9. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 3. Timaeus . Hippasus . Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 2. Xenophanes , ch . 2. Leucippus . Democritus , ch . 9. sect . 5. Epic. doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. Worshipped , Chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. lib. 2. p. 2. c. 4. lib. 3. p. 1. ch . 1. Superficies , Pla. ch . 7. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. Supine categoremes , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 19. Suspension , Sext. lib. 1. Syllogism , Arist. doct . p. 1. c. 4. 5. 6. doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 14. Symbols , Pyth. doct . p. 4. Symbolical number , Pyth. doct . p ▪ 2 ▪ sect . 1. ch . 4. Synonymous terms , Arist. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. Syntax , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. T. TAsting , Plat. doct . ch . 19. Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 17. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 17. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Alcmaeon . Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 16. Teaching , and Learning , Sext. doubted , sect . lib. 3. ch . 28. 29. 30. Telesmes , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 3. 4. Temperament , Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 2. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 13. Pyth. doct . p. 1. chap. 5. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 6. Temperance , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Pla. doct . ch . 28. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 3. Archytas . Epicur . doctrine , p. 3. ch . 12. Terms , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 2. Terms of Planets , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. Tetractys , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. c. 8. p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. Tetrad , Pyth. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. Theology , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. Lib. 2. p. 2. chap. 1. Plat. doctr . ch . 7. Theoretick Intellect , Arist. doct . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 23. Theoretick knowledge limited , Socr. ch . 5. Theoretick Philosophy , Plat. doct . ch . 3. 7. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. Therapeutick , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 5. ch . 2. Thesis , Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Theurgy , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 5. 6. Things , Plat. ch . 8. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 13. Thinking , Epicur . doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 18. Thunder , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 2. Anaximenes , ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. c. 2. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. Thunderbolt , Arist. doct . p. 2. c. 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . Time , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 2. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 22. Protagoras . Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 17. Timocracy , Plat. doct . ch . 33. Tone in Musick , Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. Touching , Plat. doctr . ch . 19. Arist. p. 2. ch . 17. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 7. Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 16. Transition , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 6. Transference , Sto. doct . ibid. Transmigration of the Soul , Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 9. Empedocles , ch . 7. Transposition , doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 11. Triad , Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 7. Triangle , Pythag. doctr . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 1. Triplicities , Chal. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. 4. Tropicks , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. Empedocl . ch . 7. True and Truth , Arist. doctr . p. 4. ch . 5. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 5. Parmenides , ch . 2. Epic. doct . p. 1. c. 1. doubted , Sext. lib. 2. ch . 8. 9. Truth , or sincerity , Arist. doctr . p. 3. ch . 1. Typho , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. chap. 11. Tyranny , Pla. doct . ch . 33. V. VAcuum , Arist. doctr . p. 2. c. 4. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 21. Leucippus . Democr . ch . 9. sect . 1. deny'd , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Zeno Eleat . ch . 3. Vailed reason , Diodorus , ch . 2. Eubulides , Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 32. Vehicle of the Soul , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 10. Veracity , Socr. ch . 5. sect . 2. Venus , Pythag. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. Verb , Aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 3. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 9. Vesper , Parmenides , ch . 2. Virtue , Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. Annicer . ch . 2. Menedemus , ch . 2. Pla. ch . 8. Plat. doctr . ch . 27. 28. 29. Arcesil . ch . 2. Arist. doct . p. 3. c. 1. Antisthenes , ch . 2. Sto. doctr . p. 1. ch . 1. p. 2. ch . 9. Epic. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. 7. Undistracted Phantasy , Carneades , ch . 2. Universe , Archelaus . Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 5. Melissus , ch . 2. Leucippus . Epic. doctrine , p. 2. sect . 1. chap. 1. 2. Universals , deny'd , Stilpo , ch . 2. Universal proposition , Pla. doct . c. 5. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. Unzoned Gods , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. Voice , Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 5. Archelaus . Plat. ch . 8. Arist. doct . p. 1. ch . 3. p. 2. ch . 16. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 9. p. 3. ch . 16. Pyth. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 1. Voluntary motion , Epic. doct . p. 2. sect . 3. ch . 20. Urbanity , Socrat. ch . 5. sect . 2. Arist. doct . p. 3. ch . 1. Vtility , Pla. doctr . ch . 27. W. WAking , Arist. doctrine , p. 2. ch . 21. Water , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Archelaus . Aristot. doctr . p. 2. chap. 12. Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 12. Timaeus . Emped . ch . 7. Worshipped , Chald. l. 2. p. 2. ch . 4. Wealth , confers nothing to pleasure , Hegesias . When , a Category , Aristot. doctr . p. 1. ch . 2. Where , a Category , Aristot. doctr . ibid. Whole and part , Arist. doctr . doubted , Sext. lib. 3. ch . 12. Will , Aristot. doct . p. 2. ch . 24. Wind , Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 3. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 3. Aristot ▪ doct . p. 2. ch . 12. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 11. Democric . ch . 9. sect . 6. Epicur . doctrine , part 2. sect . 4. ch . 10. Winter , Sto. doct . p. 3. ch . 11. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 1. 4. Empedocl . chap. 7. Heraclitus , chap. 7. sect . 2. Wisdom , Aristot. doctrine , p. 3. chap. 1. Sto. doct . p. 1. ch . 1. Pyth. doct . p. 3. ch . 4. Wise man , Aristip. chap. 4. sect . 3. Hegesias , ch . 2. Anniceris , ch . 2. Theodorus , ch . 2. Antisthenes , c. 2. Sto. doct . p. 2. ch . 15. Words , their use , Epic. p. 1. ch . 5. World , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 5. Anaximander , ch . 2. sect . 1. 2. Anaxag . ch . 2. sect . 4. Pla. doct . ch . 12. 13. 14. 15. Polemo . Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 7. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 5. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 4. ch . 2. Timaeus . Empedocl . ch . 7. Heraclitus , ch . 7. sect . 1. Xenophanes , ch . 2. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 4. Zeno Eleat . ch . 3. Epicur . doctrine , part 2. sect . 2. Worship of the Gods , Stilpo , ch . 1. Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 2. ch . 3. Y. YEar , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 4. Plato , doct . ch . 14. Yielding bodies , Plat. doctrine , ch . 19. Youth , Arist. doct . p. 2. ch . 25. Z. ZOdiack , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3. Thal. chap. 8. sect . 1. Anaximander , ch . 1. Zoned Gods , Chald. lib. 1. p. 2. sect . 1. ch . 8. Zones , Thal. ch . 8. sect . 1. Sto. doctr . p. 3. ch . 12. A TABLE Of Authors restor'd , explain'd , and noted ( or Censur'd ) in the History of the Chaldaick and Greek Philosophy . ANonymous Summarist of the Chaldaick Doctrine , frequently in the Chaldaick Philosophy . Aristotle , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 1. Democr . ch . 9. sect . 6 , 7 , 8. Arnobius , Chald. p. 1. ch . 1. sect . 2. Basil , Plat. ch . 1. Pyth. doctr . p. 3. sect . 1. ch . 3. Cicero , Speusip . ch . 2. Zeno Eleat . ch . 2. Clemens Alexand●inus , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Pyth. ch . 24. Heracl . ch . 1. Democr . ch . 4. Curtius , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 1. Diodorus Siculus , Chal. p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 7. Socr. ch . 1. Pyth. doctr . p 1. ch . 10. Diogenes Laertius , frequently in the Greek Philosophy . Dionysius Halycarnassaeus , Socr. ch . 16. Epicharmus , Pla. ch . 4. Etymologicum magnum , Solon , ch . 11. Eustathius , Pyth. doct . p. 3. sect . 3. ch . 4. Gregor . Nazianzenus , Pyth. ch . 22. Herodotus , Thales , ch . 10. Anachars . ch . 1. Hierocles , Euclid . ch . 3. Higi●●● , Thal. ch . 1. Iambli●hus , frequently in the life and Doctrine of Pythagoras . Marmora Arundeliana , Chilon , ch . 1. Xenoph. ch . 2. Nicomachus , frequently , Pyth. doctr . p. 2. Pliny , Pyth. ch . 20. Plutarch , Pyth. ch . 19. Porphyrius , Pyth. ch . 2. 7. doctr . p. 4. ch . 1. Preclu● , Chald. doctr . p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 7. Thal. ch . 7. ibid. sect . 1. Euclid . ch . 3. Pyth. doctr . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 2. sect . 3. ch . 2. Sextus Empiricus , his Pyrrhonian Hypotyposes , in the Scepticism . Socratick Epistles , Socr. epist. 1 , 5 , 6 , 7. Simon . Aristip. ch . 6. Stobaeus , Sto. doctr . Strabo , Chald. p. 1. sect . 2. ch . 4. Pyth. ch . 10. Themistius , Pyth. ch . 19. Timaeus , after the life of Pythagoras . Zoroastraean Oracles , after the Chaldaick Philosophy . NOTED . ALdobrandinus , Thal. ch . 6. sect . 4. and frequently elsewhere . Anonymous Author of Aristotle's life , Aristot. ch . 3 , 6 , 8. Apuleius , Pyth. ch . 2. Casaubon , Thal. ch . 1. Chilo , ch . 1. An●ximander , sect . 2. ch . 2. Xenoph. ch . 1. Eugubinus , Pla. ch . 4. Gassendu● , Democr . ch . 9. s●ct . 3. Epic. ch . 2. Kircher , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. and frequently in the Chaldaick Doctrine . Leo Allatius , Socrat. ch . 1. 12. Epist. 1. 6. Xenoph. Epist. 5. 8. Simon . Aristip. ch . 8. Lipsius , Zeno Eleat . ch . 2. Lucas Holstenius , Pyth. ch . 19. Lucian , Tha● . ch . 13. Magneaus , Democr . ch . 2. 7 , 8 , 9. sect . 1. 2 , 4. ch . 1● . Meibomius , Pythag. doct . p. 2. sect . 2. ch . 3 , 4. Meursius , Thal. ch . 2. Socr. ch . 1. 12. Naudaeus , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Nunnesius , Arist. ch . 8. Olympiodorus , Aristot. ch . 3. Patricius , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Petavius , Thal. ch . 2. 13. Carnead . ch . 5. Pliny , Pyth. ch . 10. doct . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 4. Ramus , Thal. ch . 7. sect . 1. Salmasius , Thal. ch . 5. Pla. ch . 1. Pyth. ch . 2. Scaliger , Chald. p. 1. sect . 2. Thal. ch . 2. Socr. ch . 1. 12. Selden , 〈◊〉 , ch . 1. Xenoph. ch . 2. Sigo●ius , Thal. ch . Simplicius , ●yth . doctr . p. 2. sect . 4. ch . 1. Stephanus , Thal. ch . 10. Suidas , Thal. ch . 2. Zeno , ch . 6. Valertus Maximus , Plat. ch . 7. Valla , Thales chap. 10. Vossius , Thal. ch . 2. Ursinus , Chald. p. 1. sect . 1. ch . 2. Zoroastraean Oracles , after the Chaldaick Phylosophy . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61291-e830 a The Author of the Treatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cited by Laertius in Pooem . b Joseph . 1. 8. c Cic. a in lib. 2. de coelo , p. 123. lin . 18. b Prol. lib. 4. cap. 6 , 7. c Ezek. d lib. 5. p. 125 a in Prooem . b Obelisc , Pamphil. l. 1. c. 2. §. 1. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k Geogr. Sacr. l. 1. c. 1. l cont . gent. m Mag. Phil. n Apol. Mag. 8. o Obelisc . Pamphil. p Plin. exercit . q in Zor . r in Zor . s Orat. Boristh . t lib. 36. c. 1. u lib. 1. x cont . gent. y loc . cit . z Biblioth . a lib. 36. c. 1. b lib. c in Zor . d in Prooem . e Obel . Pamphil. lib. 1. cap. 2. sect . 1. f de Isid. & Osirid . g Set forth by Erpenius . h Strom. lib. i reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k loc . cit . l lib. 1. c. 8. m in somn . Scip. n lib. 36. c. 1. o in Aristeas . p lib. q Strom. lib. r Flor. s Porphyr . ●it . Pythag. a Laert. in P●o●em . b lib 36. c. 1. c R. Levi in Ge● . R. ●●muel . in fo●tali●●● fidei . d Rassi . e Aben Es●a in Gen. f R. Hanasse in S●uto fo●tium . g Simpli● . h lib. 36. c. 1. i Plin. lib. 36. c. 1. a lib. b lib. 1. c Var. Hist. d Diod. l. 2. a lib. 36. b loc . cit . c Suid. d lib. a Jos. Scal. in Euseb. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Voss. de hist. Graec. lib. 1. c. 31. d Adversar . 51. 7. e Praepat . Evang. l. 10. f lib. de Sibyl . g in Tatian . h lib. 6. c. 55. i lib. 9. c. 7. k contra Apion . lib. 1. l lib. 7. c. 37. m in Apologet . c. 19. n p. 48. o deipn. l. 14. p Strom. 1. q lib. 2. r Antiquit. Jud. 1. 5. contra Apion . lib. 1. s Paraen . t lib. de Sibyl . a lib. 1. d lib. e in prooem . a lib. 1. a lib. 6. c. 26. b lib. 16. p. 739. c lib. d supra citat . e loc . cit . f loc . cit . g lib. a cap. 2. v. ● . b in Dan. p. 34. c lib. 16. p. 739. a part . 1. Sect. 2. chap. 4. a Psell. in Orac. p. 51. b praep . Evang. lib. 4. cap. 3. a Porph. vit . Pythag. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Agath . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orac. a Euseb. b Plut. c Plut. a Epist. Psell. in Orac. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in Orac. a Reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Psell. d Anon. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Prooem . Parmenid . * Read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Psel . in Orac. a Psel . in Orac. b Euseb. a Pletho in Orac. b Ibid. c Psel . in Orat. d in Ora● . e Epit. f Psel . in Orac. g Psel . epi● . h Pletho in Orac. i loc . cit . k in Orac. l Pletho in Orac. m Psel . in Epit. Epitom . 1. * Psel . Lib. 1. * Arnob. a Proleg : in Manil : b lib. 1. Sext. Emp : Censor . * Sext. Emp. loco cir . * Diod. lib. 1. Diod. lib. 1. Diod. loc . cit . Diod. loc . cit . * ibid. Diod. loc . cit . Diod. lib. 1. Sext. Emp. Sext. Emp. loc . cit . Sext. Emp. loc . cit . Sext. Emp. * contra Astrol. lib. Diod. lib. 1. 2. Kings 23. 5. in Iliad . 1. in Iliad : 1. Sext. Emp. Sext. loc . cit . * Sext. Emp. Censorin . de dienatali . Ptol. * Ptol. in Manil. Sext. Emp. Sext. Emp. loc . cit . Sext. Emp. ibid. Sext. loc . cit . * Ptol. Sext. Emp. * Ptol. Censor . * Sext. Emp. Censor . Sext. Emp. Sext. Emp. loc . cit . Sex. loc . cit . Sext. loc . cit . a lib. 1. b Mor. Nov. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Suid. e Dan. 2. f U●sin . Zo● . g chap. 21. v. 21. h chap. 2. i 1 Sam. 28. v. 8. k Fran. Mirand . de ●er . praenot . lib. 4. p. 328. a Salmas . b Suid. c lib. 30. cap. 1. d loc . cit . a Psel . b Maimon . Mor. Ne. c Mor. Ne. a Mor. Ne. b loc . cit . c loc . cit . d Maim . Mor. Ne. a Curios . inoyez . b Centiloq . a Mor. Ne. b Gen. 3. c ch . 21. 21. d Gen. 31. in Gen. quaest . 94. * Gen. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Diis Syris . * Judg. 17. a Alcibiad . 1. b Psell. in Orac. c Psell. in Orac. * Psell. in Orac. a de Myster . Aegypt . b in Synes . a Psel . in orac . 15. b Psel . in orac . 14. c Psel . in orac . 19. d Psel . in orac . 15. e loc . cit . f loc . cit . g Psel . in orac . 21. h Psel in orac . 25. a Psel . de . daemon . b de . daemon . * Psel . de . daemon . * Psel . in orac . 23. a Praepar . Evang . a Rom. 1. 21. b ver . 23. c Hos. 2. 16. Act. 17. 28. Strom. 6. lib. 1. Mor. Ne. Deut. 4. 19. 2 King. 23. 5 cap. 31. v. 26. Mor. Ne. Mor. Ne. Saturn . 1. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 66. v. 17. Saturn . 1. 21 ▪ Sat. 1. 17. in Aeneid . 1 ▪ p. 18. a in Ada. b in Belthes ▪ c de diis Syr. lib. 1. a Mor. Ne. b in Aeneid . lib. c ●d Antolic . lib. 3. ch . 5. d Ac. 6. 43. 2 Kings 17. 30. * Aristoph . Scol . Aristoph . * Kircher . Lib. 1. 2 Kings 17. 30. Radak . 2 Kings . lib. 1. lib. 1. a Hist. Ecclesiast . l. 2. b in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a de error . p●ofan . Relig . b Saturn . lib. 1. c. 21. a de Isid ▪ a Agath . b in Prooem . c Strom. lib. d Zor . e lib. 2. f loc . citat . g Elm. h Boristhen . i in Zor . k Praepar . Evang. l. 1. c. 7. a lib. 1. b loc . ci● . c Xenoph. Instit. Cyr. lib. 7. d lib. 23. a lib ▪ 30. 1 ▪ b lib. 7. c. 21. c lib. 2. c. 20. d in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e loc . cit . f Laertius prooem . g cont . gent. a Prooem . b in voce Magus . d Apolog. 1. e in Zor . f Salmas . k Ammian . Marcellin . l Strom. 6. q Alcib . t 30. 1. a D. Hieron . advers . Jovin . lib. 2. b Laert. in prooem . d Laert. e Laert. prooem . f lib. a Voc. Mag. b in Prooem ▪ d Euseb. Praep. Evang . e Plith ▪ in Orac. ad . fin . f Isid. & Osirid . g loc . cit . a in Prooem . b de Divi. nat . c lib. d Var. Hist. e Macrob. f de Divinat . lib. 1. g Var. Hist. 2. 17. h lib. 2. i in Zo● . k lib. 1. c. 6. a Alcibiad . b Prooem . c Bo●isthen . d Prooem . e lib. f lib. g loc . cit . h de leg . 2. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m lib. 15. a lib. 1. b lib. 15. c Prooem . d loc . cit . e loc . cit . f Oeconom . g Porphyr . in antr . Nymph . h lib. 6. contra Cels. i in Stelicut . k Gregor . Naz. l lib. 1. n deerror . prof . Relig. p lib. 15. q de Diis Syr. synt . 2. c. 7. r lib. s lib. t Perieg . u lib. x lib. a chap. 1. v. 15. b chap. c The word is Ur , which signifieth as well Fire . a de Nobilit . b M●r. Nev. c Joseph . Antiquit. 1. 8. d Mor. Nev. e lib. 1. c. 3. 30. 1. a Mor. Nev. lib. b Mor. Nev. lib. d lib. e Maim . Mor. Nev. lib. f Ibid. g Histor. Oriental . lib. 1. cap. 8. a Maimon . b idem . c Mor. Nev. e ch . 8. v. 14. a Mor. Nev. b ch . 8. 16. c Maimon . Mor. Nev. 3. d Mo. Nev. 3. 37. e Mor. Nev. 3. 44. Notes for div A61291-e39450 a Beza . b Clam . Strom. c vit . plotin . d de Myst. Aegypt . e Epist. f Joseph contra Apion . ● . g Suid. in voce sulianus . h De u●b . i Procl . ●n Tint . k Zo● . pag. 4 b. l Philos. barbar . m pag. Notes for div A61291-e40350 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A61291-e47840 Psel . Dam. Pro. Da. Dam. Proc. Dam. Proc. Psel . Psel . Proc. Dam. Dam. Proc. Dam. 
A36037	----	The lives, opinions, and remarkable sayings of the most famous ancient philosophers. The first volume written in Greek, by Diogenes Laertius ; made English by several hands ... De vitis philosophorum. English Diogenes Laertius. 1688 Approx. 788 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 302 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A36037 Wing D1516 ESTC R35548 15363364 ocm 15363364 103504 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A36037) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103504) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1187:3) The lives, opinions, and remarkable sayings of the most famous ancient philosophers. The first volume written in Greek, by Diogenes Laertius ; made English by several hands ... De vitis philosophorum. English Diogenes Laertius. [4], 589 p., [1] leaf of plates : port. Printed for Edward Brewster ..., London : 1688. "The names of the translators": p. [14] Contains engraved frontispiece portrait of Diogenes Laertius. Marginal notes. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophers. Philosophy, Ancient. 2006-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-11 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIOGENES LAERTIUS . THE LIVES , OPINIONS , AND REMARKABLE SAYINGS Of the Most Famous Ancient Philosophers . Written in GREEK , by DIOGENES LAERTIUS . Made English by Several Hands . The First Volume . LONDON , Printed for Edward Brewster , at the Crane in St. Paul's Church-Yard , 1688. The LIFE of DIOGENES LAERTIUS . SInce our Author , Diogenes Laertius , has so highly oblig'd Posterity , by the Pains which he has taken in collecting the Lives of the most Famous Phylosophers ; without which Assistance , we could never have attain'd the Knowledg of so many remarkable Discourses , and Means to understand their Learning , my Opinion is , that it is but reasonable to do him the same Justice , to publish whatever we have found , as well in Ancient , as in Modern Authors , in reference to his own Life . Nevertheless , because there are but very few , who have made mention of him , we must be forc'd to do as they do , who not daring to stare impudently in the Face of any Lady , for that they never had the opportunity of Access to speak to her , are constrain'd to fix their Eyes upon her Hands ; in like manner shall I ground my Discourse , for the greater Confirmation of the Reasons which I bring upon his Book of Lives ; from which we shall endeavour to collect his own , as we do the Cause from the Effect ; not being able to compass more ample Testimonies of his Qualities , by reason of the great Distance between the Age he liv'd in , and our Times , and the Negligence of those who have writ the Lives of Remarkable Persons , without making mention of His. In the first place then , to remove all Disputes concerning the Time wherein he flourish'd , most certain it is , that it could not be but very few Years , that he preceded the more Modern Philosophers , of whom he makes mention in certain Places of his Lives ; that is to say , Simon Apollonides , who liv'd in the Reign of the Emperor Tiberius ; Plutarch , and Sextus Empiricus , who liv'd in the Time of Marcus Antoninus . Nevertheless 't is very probable , that he might survive a long time after them ; seeing that Eunapius the Sardian , who liv'd under the Reign of Julian the Emperor , makes no mention of him in the Catalogue of Authors , who have collected the History of the Ancient Philosophers : which makes me question , Whether the same Accident did not befal Eunapius & Diogenes , as befel Sotion & Porphyrius ; the Elder whereof wrote the Lives of the Philosophers who liv'd nearest to his Time ; and the Younger , the Lives of such as were most remote from the Age wherein he liv'd . So that there is no Faith to be giv'n to Suidas , who asserts , that our Historian liv'd both before and after the Death of Augustus . As for the Place of his Birth , I am not of their Opinion , who will have it to be a Village of Cilicia , call'd Laertes ; grounding their Opinion upon his Additional Sirname ; for their Conjecture is fallacious : in regard there is no reason to think , but that it ought to be either his Proper Name , or given him by reason of some Accident , without deriving it from the Place of his Nativity ; nay , though they might have some reason to derive his Name from the Place of his Birth ; yet there will another doubt arise , whether there might not be some other Village in Greece , that bore the same Name , to prevent his being a Cilician : for had they but read with Consideration the Life of Timon the Phliasian , they might there observe by his own Testimony , that he was of Nice in Macedonia ; of the same Country with Timon Apolloniates ; as is manifestly apparent by that Expression of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our Countryman ; which Words cannot be understood in any other Sence , as the Learned Reader may judge by the Greek Text in the same Place ; for there is no Credit to be giv'n to the Latin Version . If it be a thing possible to judge of the Manners of a Person by his Physiognomy , and of the Cause by the Effect , what should hinder us to make a shrewd Conjecture of the Manners of Diogenes , in regard that Books much more manifestly discover the Inclinations of those that wrote them , then Words ; and Words more clearly then the Countenance ? It is impossible to understand the Discourse of a Man by his Face , unless he speaks ; nor whether he can play on the Lute or no , unless you hear him touch the Strings : But we may apparently discover his Manners in his Works , as we may his Face in a Mirror ; in regard that by his faithful setting down in Writing what Men have done and said , we find , that he never approves their Vicious Acts ; but on the other side , censures them by some Explication or other : As when he tells us that Bion entertain'd his Friends with lewd Discourse , which he had learn'd in the School of Prophane Theodorus : Or by some Epigram of his own making ; as , when in the same place , he laughs at the Folly of Bion , who had all along liv'd an impious Life ; yet dy'd at length in the height of Superstition . In the next place , we may observe his Humanity , or rather true Morality in other places ; while he overthrows the Impostures of Backbiters and Slanderers , and makes it his Business to defend the Virtue of others ; as we maysee in the Life of Epicurus . His Justice is also remarkable in this ; that he never dissembles what is truly good , nor the Errors of any Person ; which is observable in the Life of Zeno the Cittean , and Chrysippus ; and in this ; That in all his Writings , he is never observ'd to be a rigid Affecter or Favourer of any Sect. Moreover , he shews himself so much an Abhorrer of all manner of Venereal Excess , that he never lets any Person escape unbranded who was guilty of that Vice ; yet in Terms so modest , as not to offend the Reader ; as we may observe in the Life of Crates , and several others . As to the Sects then in Being , it is more easie for us to tell , of which he was not , then to make him a Follower of any one ; for that he shews himself a Neuter in all his Writings . Nevertheless , if we may speak by Conjecture our own Sentiments , we have some Reason to believe him a Follower of Potamon of Alexandria , who after all the rest , and a little before his Time , set up a Sect of those that were call'd Choosers , or Eclectics ; and bore the Title also of Lovers of Truth ; because they made Choice out of every Sect , of that which they thought was best to stick to . Which was the Reason that Clement , Potamon's Countryman , says in one Place , We ought neither to be Zenonians , nor Platonics , nor Epicureans , nor Aristotelics , but rather Eclectics ; chusing out of every Sect that is most Noble , and nearest approaching to the Truth . His Learning appears by his Writings : For if we observe his Style , we shall find it concise , and full of Efficacy ; his Words well chosen , and his Discourse eloquent . Yet is he not altogether exempt from blame , as to the Disposal , Superfluity or Defect of Matter ; which some excuse by laying the Fault upon his Memory ; others , upon his Multiplicity of Business , which would not permit him to take a Review of what he had written . Nevertheless he keeps his Station among those that may be thought most accomplish'd in all manner of Learning ; so that if I may speak my own Thoughts , neither the Life of Plato , nor the Epitome of the Zenonian Dogma's , nor the three Epistles of Epicurus , seem to be of his weaving . Certain it is he wrote his Pammeter before his Lives ; which is nothing else but a Volume of Poems and Epigrams , in all sorts of Meter , in the Praise of several Persons ; which was divided , as he testifies himself , in the Life of Thales , into several Books . Some time after he had publisht it , he collected out of several Authors , the Lives of the most Illustrious Philosophers , and dedicated them to a certain Lady ; as appears in the Life of Plato ; where he has this Expression ; Since you are so great an Admirer of Plato , and a Lover of his Doctrine , above any other ▪ &c. Besides these Works of his ▪ we have no Authentic Testimony ▪ to confirm that he ever wrote any Thing more . I also find several Remarkable Persons , who bear the Name of Diogenes . The First , was a Sporadic Philosopher , a Native of Apollonia , and a Disciple of Anaximenes , in the Seventieth Olympiad , whose Life is recorded in the Ninth Book of this History ; and of whom Cicero makes mention in his First Book of the Nature of the Gods ; where , he says , But what kind of Thing can that Ayr be , which Diogenes Apolloniates will have to be a God ? What Sence can it have , or what Form ? The Second , was the Cynic ; who was in his Declension about the 113th . Olympiad ; whose Life is related at large in the Sixth Book of this History . The Third was an Epicuredn , born at Tarsus , and a Disciple of Epicuriis ; who wrote a Treatise of the Most Famous Schools . The Fourth , a Stoic ; Sirnam'd , the Babylonian ; though he were of Seleucia ; he flourish'd some Years before Cicero ; who testifies in the Fourth Book of his Tusculane Questions , that he was sent with Carneades , by the Athenians , Ambassador to Rome . You may see his Opinions in the Third Book , De Finibus ; and the First , De Natura Deorum ; the Second , Of Divination ; the Third , De Officiis ; and the Fourth , De Oratore . The last was our Laertius ; whose Life we here conclude . The Names of the Translators . THe First Book Translated from the Greek by T. Fetherstone , D. D. The Second Book Translated from the Greek by Sam. White , M. D. The Third Book , Translated from the Greek , by E. Smith , M. A. The Fourth Book , Translated from the Greek , by J. Philips , Gent. The Fifth Book , Translated from the Greek , by R. Kippax , M. A. The Sixth Book , Translated from the Greek , by William Baxter , Gent. The Seventh Book , Translated from the Greek , by R. M. Gent. Diogenes Laertius OF THE LIVES and SENTENCES of such Persons as were Famous in PHILOSOPHY . The First Book . Translated from the Greek by T. Fetherstone , D. D. The Prooeme . SOme there are who affirm , That the study of Philosophy deriv'd its first Original from among the Barbariàns . For that among the Persians there were the Magi ; among the Babylonians or Assyrians the Chaldaeans ; and the Gymnosophists among the Indians . Among the Gauls were another sort , that went by the name of Druids , or Semnotheans , as Aristotle reports in his Magic , and Sotion in his Thirteenth Book of Succession . Among the Phoenicians flourish'd Ochus ; Zamolxes grew famous among the Thracians , and Atlas among the Lybians . Add to this , That the Egyptians asserted Vulcan to be the Son of Nilus ; from whom , among them , Philosophy first commenc'd ; and over which they who presided as Presidents and Guardians , were both Priests and Prophets . From whence to the Time of Alexander the Macedonian , were to be numbred Forty Eight Thousand , Eight Hundred Sixty three Years : In all which space of Time , there appeared Eclipses of the Sun , no less than Three hundred seventy three ; of the Moon , Eight hundred thirty two , From the Magi , of whom the chiefwas Zoroastres , the Persian , by the computation of Hermodorus the Platonic , in his Book of the Sciences , to the Taking and Destruction of Troy , were five thousand years : though Xanthus the Lydian reck'ns from Zoroastres to the Descent of Xerxes not above six hundred years . To which Zoroastres afterwards succeeded several other Magi , under the various names of Ostanes , Astrapsychi , Gobryae , and Pazatae , till the total subversion of the Persian Monarchy by Alexander . But they are grosly mistak'n , while they attribute to the Barbarians the famous Acts and Inventions of the Grecians , from whom not only Philosophy , but even the Race of Mankind had its first Beginning . For among the Athenians we behold the Ancient Musaeus ; among the Thebans , Linus ; Ofwhich two , the former , reported to be the Son of Eumolpus , is said to have first made out the Pedigree of the Gods ; to have invented the Sphere ; and first to have taught the World that All things were created of one Matter , and should again be dissolv'd into the same . This great Person ended his days at Phalerae , where the following Elegy was ingrav'd upon his Tomb , Here in Phalerian Dust , beneath this stone , Sleeps lov'd Musaeus , once Eumolpus Son. Also from the Father of Musaeus the Eumolpidae among the Athenians deriv'd their Name . As for Linus , he was the Son of Mercury , and the Muse Urania : He wrote of the Creation of the World ; discovered the course of the Sun and Moon , and from whence all Plants and Animals had their first Being . Which lofty Poem of his began after this manner , Once was the time when Nature's God display'd All things in Order , and together made . Whence Anaxagoras borrowing , affirms that All things appear'd at first without shape , together and at the same instant ; at what time the high Intelligence coming , embellish'd and adorn'd the several Compositions . This Linus ended his Life in Euboea , being shot with an Arrow by Apollo . After which accident , this Epitaph was inscrib'd upon his Monument : Here Theban Linus rests in Sacred Ground , Vrania's Son , with honour'd Garlands Crown'd . And thus Philosophy had its Beginning among the Greeks : which is also the more apparent from hence , That in the very name it self there is not the least of barbarous Sound or Etymology . True it is , they who ascribe the Invention of it to the Barbarians , produce the Thracian Orpheus , to make good their Assertion ; whom they averr to have been a Philosopher , and of great Antiquity . But for my part , I cannot understand how we can think him to be a Philosopher who utters such things as he does , concerning the Gods ; while he asperses the Deities as guilty of all humane Passions , and loads 'em with those Vices which are seldom discours'd of , less frequently committed by the worst of Men. And therefore though the Fable reports him to have perish'd by the fury of enrag'd Women , yet the Epigram at Dios in Macedon , speaks him to have been struck with Thunder , in these words , With footy Thunder all besinear'd , Here by the Muses lies interr'd , Together with his Gold'n Lyre , The Thracian Orpheus , he whom Jove High Heav'n commanding , from above Struck dead with his Celestial Fire . Now they who affirm Philosophy to have deriv'd its Original from the Barbarians , pretend to shew us the form and manner of Instruction that every one made use of , together with their Customs and Institutions ; declaring that the Gymnosophists and Druids uttered their Philosaphy in Riddles and obscure Problems , exhorting Men to worship the Gods , to do nothing that was Evil , and to practise Fortitude . Clitarchus also in his twelfth Book asserts the first to have been great Contemners of Death : That the Chaldaeans wholly employ'd themselves in Astronomy and Predictions : That the Magi were attentive altogether upon the Ceremonies of Divine Worship , Sacrifices and Prayers to the Gods , as list'ning to none but only to themselves : They also discours'd of the Substance and Generation of the Gods ; which they affirm'd to be Fire , Earth , and Water ; condemning all manner of Images and Similitudes ; more especially those that asserted the Gods to be Male and Female . They taught also several things in reference to Justice ; accounting it impious to burn the Dead , but held it a vertue to ly ▪ with a Mother , or a Daughter , as Sotion relates in his Thirteenth Book . More than this , they ▪ practised Divination and Fortune-telling , affirming not only that the Gods appeared to 'em , but that the Air was also full of Specters , through the red●ndancy of mix'd and various Exhalations , forming themselves , and piercing the Opticks of those that were sharp sighted . However they forbid external Worship , and the use of Gold. Their Vestment's were white ; they lay upon the Ground ; their Food was only Herbs , Bread and Cheese . Instead of Wands , they made use of Reeds , with the sharp ends of which they took up their Cheese , and so put it to their mouths . But as for Incantation , or Conjuration , they understood it not , as Aristotle testifies in his Magic , and Dinon in his Fifth Book of History ; where the same Author observes that the name of Zoroastres , being interpreted , signifies a Worshipper of the Stars ; which Hermodorus also confirms . Moreover Aristotle , in his First Book of Philosophy , declares the Magi to have been more Ancient than the Egyptians ; and farther , that they believ'd there were two Principles of all Things , a Good , and an Evil Daemon ; of which they call'd the first by the name of Jupiter , and Oromasdes ; the other Hades and Arimanius ; which Hermippus also witnesses in his First Book of the Magi ; Eudoxus in his Periodus , and Theopompus likewise in his Eighth Book of Philippics . Which last Author farther declares it to have been the Opinion of the Magi , that Men should rise again and be Immortal , and that all Things subsisted by their Intercessions . Which Eudemus the Rhodian also relates . Hecataeus asserts , That they believ'd the Gods to be begotten . Clearchus surnamed Solensis in his Book of Education affirms the Gymnosophists to have sprung from the Magi ; and some there are , who derive the Jews from the same Original . Moreover , they who write concerning the Magi condemn Herodotus , denying that ever Xerxes darted his Javelins against the Sun , or that he ever offer'd to fetter the Sea , which by the Magi were both held for Deities ; but that their forbidding of Statues and Images might probably be true . However they grant the Philosophy of the Egyptians to be the same , as well in reference to the Gods , as to Justice ; and that they held Matter to be the Beginning of All things ; out of which they distinguish'd the four Elements , and allowed the Production of several Creatures : That they worship'd the Sun and Moon for Gods , the first by the name of Osiris , the other by the name of Isis , whose mysterious worship they conceal'd under the similitudes of Beetles , Dragons , Hawks , and other Creatures , according to Manethus in his Epitome of Natural Things ; and Hecataeus in his First Book of the Egyptian Philosophy : And farther , that they erected Temples and Images , because they understood not the Form of the Deity . That they believ'd the World to have had a Beginning , to be Corruptible and Sphaerical ; that the Stars were of a fiery substance , and that their temperate mixture produc'd all things upon Earth : That the Moon was Eclips'd by the shadow of the Terrestrial Globe : That the Soul was immortal , and frequently ▪ Transmigrated : That Rain was produc'd by the alteration of the Air ; with several other Philosophical Opinions and ▪ Conjectures of the same nature , as may be gather'd from Hecataeus and Aristagoras . They also constituted several Laws in reference to Justice ; the honour of all which they gave to Mercury : Also to several Creatures , that were generally useful to Mankind , they attributed Divine Worship : If we may credit their own Relations , they boast themselves to have been the first inventors of Geometry , Astrology , and Arithmetick . And thus much concerning the first invention of these things . But as to the Name of Philosophy ▪ Pythagoras was the first that call'd it so ; and assum'd to himself the Title of Philosopher , when he disputed at Sicyon with the Tyrant of the Sicyonians , or rather of the Phliasians , according to Heraclides of Pontus ; for he would not allow any mortal Man to be truly wise but only God. Before that time , Philosophy was call'd Sophia , or Wisdom ; and he who profess'd it was dignify'd with the Title of Sophos or Wise , as one that had reach'd the sublimest vertues of the Soul. Now more modestly he is called Philosophos , an Embracer of Wisdom . Nevertheless Wise Men still retain the name of Sophists ; and not only they , but the Poets also . For so Cratinus in Archelochus calls both Homer and Hesiod , as the highest Encomium he could give those famous Authors . Now they who particularly obtain'd the more eminent Title of Wise Men were these that follow ; Thales , Solon , Periander , Cleobulus , Chilo , Bias , and Pittacus ; in which number there are some that reckn Anacharsis the Scythian , Myso the Chenean , Pherecydes the Syrian , and Epimenides the Cretan ; and some others needs will also add Pisistratus the Tyrant . And these ●ere they whom Antiquity reverenc'd under the Title of Wise Men. As for Philosophy , it is said to have had its first Foundations laid by two Persons of equal Fame , Anaximander and Pythagoras ; the one the Scholar of Thales , the other the Disciple of Pherecydes . By which means Philosophy being thus divided , that which was founded by Anaximander was call'd the Ionian Philosophy ; in regard that Thales , who was Anaximander's . Master , was a Mylesian of Ionia . The other the Italian Philosophy , because that Pythagoras who was the Author , spent most of his time , and publish'd his Philosophical Tenents in Italy . The Ionian Philosophy terminates in Clitomachus , Chrysippus and Theophrastus : the Italian with Epicurus . For to Thales succeeded Anaximander ; to Anaximander , Anaximenes ; Anaxagoras followed Anaximenes ; and Archelaus follow'd Anaxagoras ; after whom came Socrates , who was the first that invented Ethics ; to whom among the rest of the Socratics , in the first place succeeded Plato , who founded the Ancient Academy . To him succeeded Speusippus and Xenocrates ; to them Polemon ; to Polemon Crantor and Crates . Then followed Archelaus , the Author of the Middlemost Academy ; and his Successor was Lacydes , who instituted the New Academy . After Lacydes flourish'd Carneades , succeded by Clitomachus . Thus the Ionian Philosophy terminated with Clitomachus ; but with Chrysippus in this manner : To Socrates succeeded Antisthenes ; to Antisthenes , Diogenes the Cynic ; to him Crates the Theban ; to Crates , Zeno the Cittian ; after Zeno came Cleanthes , and after him in the rear of all Chrysippus . In Theophrastus it thus concluded . To Plato succeeded Aristotle , to Aristotle Theophrastus . And thus ended the Ionic Philosophy . The Series of the Italian Philosophy was this : Pythagoras succeeded Pherecydes ; to him his Son Telauges , to whom Xenophanes ; to him Parmenides , to whom Zeno of Eleate ; to Zeno , Leucippus ; to Leucippus Democritus . After Democritus followed several , and among the rest Nausiphanes and Naucydes became most Celebrated ; and were next in order succeeded by Epicurus . Now to distinguish these Philosophers generally into two sorts ; some were Dogmatical , who determin'd of Things , as fully comprehended and understood . Others Ephectic , who doubted of every thing , and pretended to understand nothing . Of the one , the most part have left behind 'em several Monuments of their Ingenuity : others have writ nothing at all . In which number , as some will have it , are Socrates , Stilpo , Philip , Menedemus , Pyrrho , Theodorus , Carneades , and Bryso ; and some there are who will allow neither Pythagoras , nor Aristo the Chyan , to have publish'd any more than some few Epistles . Others there are famous only for some particular Treatises ; as Melissus , Parmenides , and Anaxagoras . Zeno wrote much ; more than he Zenophanes : Democritus more than they . Aristotle exceeded him ; more than he wrote Epicurus , but most of all Chrysippus . Others of these Philosophers were distinguish'd by their additional Names ; of which some were given 'em from the place of their Birth : as of Elia , Megara , Eretricum , Cyrenae . Others from the places where they kept their Exercises , as the Academics and Stoicks . Some from Custom and Habit , as the Peripateticks . Others in Derision , as the Cynics . Others from the Effect , as Eudaemonics . Others from their Pride and Vain-glory , such were they that call'd themselves Lovers of Truth , and Eclectici , as pretending only , like Bees , to suck the flowers of Philosophy . Others had their Additions from their Instructors and Teachers , as the Socratics and Epicureans . Some , for that they ▪ wrote of the nature of Things , were call'd Naturalists : Others , because they taught nothing but what concern'd Manners and Breeding , were call'd Ethici : And Dialectici , they who busied themselves only about the Subtleties and Niceties of Words and Arguments . The Parts of Philosophy are three ; Natural Philosophy , or Physics , Ethics , and Logic . Physics properly treat of the World , and the things therein contain'd . Ethics discourse of the management of our Lives both in Civil and Political Affairs : And Logic furnishes both with Arguments and Reasons . Till the time of Archelaus , Physics flourish'd alone . From Socrates Ethics had their beginning . And Zeno of Elea , was the first that reduc'd Logic into Form. Of Ethic Philosophers there were no less than ten Sects , the Academic , Cyrenaic , Elean , Megaric , Cynic , Eretric , Dialectical , Peripatetic , Stoic , and Epicurean . Of the Ancient Academy Plato was the chief : of the Middlemost , Arcesilaus : and of the New Academy , Lacides . Of the Cyrenean Sect Aristippus of Cyrene was the Head : of the Elean , Phaedon of Elea : of the Megaric , Euclid of Elea : of the Cynic , Antisthenes of Athens : of the Eretric , Menedemus of Eretria : of the Dialectic , Clitomachus the Chalcedonian : of the Peripatetic , Aristotle the Stagerite : of the Stoic , Zeno the Cittian : and the Epicurean from Epicurus , who was the first Founder . However Hippobotus in his Treatise of the Philosophical Sects , denies there were any more than nine Sects , or Institutions ; and places the Megaric first , the Eretric next : the third place he assigns to the Cyrenaic ; the fourth to the Epicurean ; the fifth to the Annicerean ; the sixth to the Theodorean : in the seventh place he ranks the Zenonian ; in the eighth the Old Academy ; and in the ninth the Peripatetic : Nor does he make any mention of the Cynic , the Elean , or the Dialectic . As for the Pyrrhonian , it is rejected by most , by reason of its Obscurity . Yet some allow it to be partly a Sect , and partly not ; as seeming to be a kind of a Sect. For , say they , we call that a Sect which either follows or pretends to follow some sort of Reason , according to outward appearance . In which sense it may not improperly ▪ be call'd a Sceptic Sect. But if we may call a Sect , a propensity to adhere to Opinions that have some congruency one with another , it cannot be call'd a Sect , in regard it has no Opinions or Determinations belonging to it . And thus much in few words concerning the Beginning , the Increase , the Parts and Sects of Philosophy . Although it is not long since , that another Sect , which is calld the Eclectic , has been started among the learned by Potamo of Alexandria , which pretends to cull the flowers of all the other Sects ; and whatever seems most pleasing to their fancies . For , as he says himself in his Rudiments , there ought to be a twofold Examination of Truth ; one , from whence we should make our judgment , which is the Principal ; and the other by which we should make the same judgment ; which consists in the force and exactness of Ratiocination and Fancy . And upon the strength of these scrutinies he asserts Matter , Quality , Action and Place to be the Beginnings of All things ; that is , of what , and from what ; where and wherein . The End also to which all things are refer'd he affirms to be a life perfect in all Vertue , not without some natural and external Felicities of the Body . But we are now to give an Account of the Men themselves ; and of Thales in the first Place . THE LIFE of THALES . THALES therefore ( as Herodotus , Doris , and Democritus concurringly report ) was of a noble Extraction ; having for his Father Examius , for his Mother Cleobulina , both of the Family of the Thelidae , the most illustrious among the Phoenicians ; being descended from Cadmus and Agenor , as Plato testifies ; and he first obtain'd the Title of Wise , at what time Damasius rul'd as Prince in Athens : During whose Government , the rest of the Wise Men were dignified with the same Appellation , as Demetrius Phalareus relates in his Epitome of the Athenian Archontes . He was made free of the City of Miletum , whither he accompany'd Neleus , who was expell'd his native Country Phoenicia . But as several others affirm , he was a Milesian born , yet still of a noble Descent . Where after he had manag'd the Public Affairs for some time , he betook himself to the Contemplation of Nature ; though most agree , that he never left any Monument of his Industry behind him . For that same Treatise of Naval Astrology , reputed to be his , is more probably aver'd to be the work of Phocus the Samian . Yet Callimachus makes him so skilful in the Heavens , as to have found out the Lesser Bear , by which means the Phoenicians became such exquisite Saylors . His Iambics are these : He first descry'd the Northern Team of Stars , That draw the Artic Wain about the Pole , By which Phoenician Pilot fearless dares , To steer through pathless Seas , without controule . But , as others say , he only wrote two Treatises concerning the Tropic and the Equinoctial , believing it no difficult thing to apprehend the rest . However most allow , that he was the first that div'd into the Mysteries of Astrology , and foretold the Eclipses of the Sun , as Eudemus declares in his History of Astrology ; which was the reason that Zenophanes and Herodotus so much admir'd him ; besides that Heraclitus and Democritus testifie the same thing . Some there are who affirm him to be the first who held the Immortality of the Soul ; of which number is Choerilus the Poet. As others report , he was the first that found out the course of the Sun , from Tropic to Tropic ; and comparing the Orb of the Moon with that of the Sun , discover'd the one to be no more than the seven hundred and twentieth Part of the other . He was also the first that limited the Month to thirty days . He was likewise the first that discours'd of nature , as some affirm . Moreover Aristotle and Hippias testify , that he was the first who taught , that inanimate Things were endu'd with Souls , which he prov'd from the Vertues of the Magnet and Amber . Having learnt the Art of Geometry among the Egyptians , he was the first that invented the Rightangl'd Triangle of a Circle , for which he offer'd an Ox in Sacrifice ; according to the relation of Pamphilus ; though others attribute that invention to Pythagoras , and among the rest Apollodorus the Accomptant . And if it were true what Callimachus vouches in his Iambics , that Euphorbus the Phrygian invented the Scalenum , and Trigonum , with many other things relating to the Speculation of Lines , as certain it is that Thales gave much more light to that sort of Theory by many Additions of his own . As to what concern'd Affairs of State , apparent it is , that he was a most prudent Counsellor ; for when Croesus sent to make a League with the Milesians , he oppos'd it with all his might ; which afterwards , when Cyrus obtain'd the Victory , prov'd the preservation of the City . Heraclides reports him greatly addicted to a solitary and private Life . Some there are who say he was marry'd , and that he had a Son , whom he call'd Cibissus : But others affirm that he persevered a Batchelor , and made his Sisters Son his Heir by Adoption . Insomuch that being demanded why he took no care to leave Off-spring behind him ? His reply was , because he lov'd his Children too well . At another time his Mother pressing him to marry , he answer'd , It was too soon : Afterwards , when he grew in years , his Mother still urg'd him to Matrimony with greater importunity , he told her , 't was then too late . Hieronymus the Rhodian in his second Book of Memorandums , relates , how that being desirous to shew how easie it was to grow rich , foreseeing the great plenty of Oyl that would happen the next year , he farm'd all the Plantations of Olives round about , and by that means gain'd a vast summ of money . He affirm'd that Water was the Beginning of all things , and that the World was a Living Creature full of Spirits and Daemons . He also distinguish'd the Seasons of the Year , which he divided into three hundred sixty five Days . Nor had he any person to instruct him ; only while he continu'd in Egypt , he held a strict familiarity with the Priests of that Country . The same Hieronymus relates , That he measur'd the Pyramids , by observing the shadows at what time they seem'd not to exceed human Proportion . As Minyes relates , he liv'd with Thrasybulus , Tyrant of the Milesians . As for what is recorded concerning the Tripos found out by the Fishermen , and sent to the Wise Men by the Milesians , it still remains an undoubted Truth . For they say , that certain Ionian young Gentlemen having bought of the Milesian Fishermen a single Cast of a Net , so soon as the Net was drawn up , and the Tripos appear'd , a quarrel arose , which could by no means be pacify'd , till the Milesians sending to Delphos , had this Answer return ▪ d by the Goddess : Is 't your Desire , Milesian youth , to know How you the Golden Tripos must bestow ? Return , and say what Phoebus here reveals ; Give it to Him in wisdom that excells . They give it therefore to Thales ; he to another ; the other to a third , until it came to Solon : Who saying that only God excell'd in Wisdom , advis ▪ d that it should be forthwith sent to the Temple of Delphos . This story Callimachus relates another way , as he had it from Leander the Milesian ; how that a certain Arcadian , whose name was Bathycles bequeath'd a Bottle of Gold to be given to the chiefest of the Wise Men : Which was accordingly given to Thales , and so from one to another , till it came to Thales ▪ again ; who thereupon sent it to Didymean Apollo , with this Inscription , according to the words of Callimachus . Me Thales sends to Sacred Nilean King , Twice to him fell the Grecian Offering . But the Prose ran thus . Thales the Milesian , Son of Examius , to Delphinian Apollo , twice receiving the Guerdon of the Greeks . And Eleusis in his Book of Achilles farther tells us , That the person entrusted to carry the Present from one Wise Man to the other , being the Son of Bathycles , was call'd by the name of Thyrio , with whom Alexo the Myndian also agrees . However Eudemus the Gnidian , and Evanthes the Milesian , affirm , That it was a certain friend of Croesus , who receiv'd a Golden Cup from the King , with a command to present it to the Wisest of the Greeks ; who gave it to Thales , and so he went from one to another , till he came to Chilo ; to whom , when he sent to enquire of the Oracle , who was wiser than himself , it was answered , Miso ; of whom more in due place . Which person Eudemus mistakes for Cleobulus , and Plato will have to be Periander ; and concerning whom Apollo made this return to Anacharsis , who was sent to consult the Oracle . OEtaean Myso , born in Chenes , I , Beyond thy Fame for wisdom magnifie . On the other side Daedachus the Platonic , and Clearchus affirm , that the Golden Present was sent by Croesus to Pittacus , and so from one to another , till it came to Pittacus again . Moreover , Andron in his Tripos relates , That the Argives made a Tripos to be presented to the Wisest of the Greeks , as the Guerdon of his Vertue ; and that Aristodemus the Spartan was adjudg'd the wisest Person , who nevertheless submitted to Chilo . Alceus also makes mention of Aristodemus , ascribing to him that famous saying among the Spartans , Wealth makes the Man , no Poor Man can be good . Some there are who relate a Story of a Ship , full fraighted , that was sent to Thrasybulus , Tyrant of the Milesians ; which Vessel afterwards was Shipwrackt in the Coan Sea , where the Tripos was afterwards found by certain Fisher-men , as being part of the Lading . Though Phanodicus averrs the Tripos to have been found in the Attick Sea , and brought to Athens , where after long debate in a full Assembly , it was decreed to be sent to Bias. Others say , That it was the Workmanship of Vulcan himself , by whom it was presented to Pelops on his wedding day : Afterwards it descended to Menelaus , from whom it was violently taken away by Paris , when he made the famous Rape upon Helena , and by him thrown into the Coan Sea , by the advice of a Lacedemonian Sibyl , who foretold him it would prove the occasion of much Mischief and Contention . Some time after this certain of the Lebedians having bought the Cast of a Net , the Tripos was drawn up ; upon which a Quarrel arising between the Purchasers and the Fisher-men , both Parties came to a Hearing at Cos ; which proving ineffectual , they appeal'd to Miletum , the Metropolis of the Country . Thereupon Commissioners were sent by the Milesians to compose the Difference , who nevertheless return'd without being able to do any good . Upon which , the Milesians resenting the contempt of their Ambassadors , resolv'd to revenge the Affront upon the Coans by force of Arms : in which contest , after many had lost their lives on both sides , it was decreed by the Oracle , that the Tripos should be presented to the Person most famous at that time for his Wisdom . Immediately both parties agreed upon Thales , who in a short time after consecrated the Present to Didymaean Apollo . The answer given to the Coans was this , Between th' Ionians and the Meropes , The baneful wast of War shall never cease , Till they the Tripos , all of Massy Gold , Into the Sea by Vulcan thrown of old ; Send from their City to the distant Home Of him that knows things past , and things to come . The answer to the Milesians has been already recited , and therefore we shall not repeat it again . And this is all that we can find remarkable concerning this same story of the Tripos . As to other things , Hermippus in his Lives , ascribes to Thales , what is by others reported to have been the saying of Socrates ; That he gave thanks to Fortune chiefly for three things ; first , That he was a Man , and not a Beast ; secondly , That he was a Man , and not a Woman ; and thirdly , That he was a Grecian , not a Barbarian . It is farther reported , how that going forth of his House one night to contemplate the Stars , he fell into a Ditch , not minding his way : Which an old Woman perceiving , Thou art like , indeed , Thales , quoth she , to discover what is above at such a distance in the Sky , that can'st not see a Ditch just before thy nose . However it were , most certain it is that he was highly industrious in the study of Astronomy , as Timon well knew , who gives him this Encomium in his Silli . Such Thales was , of all the wiser Seav'n Best skill'd in Wisdom , and the Stars of Heaven . As for his Writings , Lobon of Argos admits of two hundred Verses , and no more ; and he adds farther , that this Anagram was ingraved upon his Statue : This Thales is , of whom Miletum proud , Gave him a Birth above the common Croud ; Astrologer most Ancient He , and then In Wisdom far surpassing other Men. There are also several celebrated Sentences that are generally said to be his , and pass under his name , without the least controul ; of which , among the rest , these are a small part : Few words are the sign of a Prudent Judgment . Search after Wisdom , and choose what is most worthy ; so shalt thou stop the mouths of Slanderers and Tale-Bearers . His Apothegms are reported to be these . That God is the most ancient of Beings , for that he never had beginning . That there is nothing more beautiful than the World ; as being made by God. That the widest thing is Place , because it contains all things . That the mind is the swiftest Thing , for it surveys all things in a Moment . The strongest thing Necessity , for it overcomes all things . The wisest thing Time , for it invents and discovers all things . He affirm'd , That Death differ'd nothing from Life . Why then , said one to him , do not you endeavour to dye ? Because , reply'd he , there is no difference between either . Being ask'd , Which was first , the Night or the Day ? Night , said he , preceded Day : One day before being ask'd , Whether the Crimes of bad Men were conceal'd from the Gods ? He reply'd , No , nor their thoughts neither . To an Adulterer who ask'd him , Whether he would swear that he never committed Adultery ; he made answer , Is not Perjury worse than Adultery ? Being ask'd , What was the most difficult thing in the World ? He reply'd , To know a Man's self . To , What was most casie ? he made answer , To admonish another . To , What was most Delectable ? He reply'd , To Enjoy . To , What was God ? He answer'd , That which has neither beginning nor ending . To , What was most rarely to be seen ? He reply'd , To see a Tyrant strick'n in years . Being ask'd , How a Man might most easily brook misfortune ? He answer'd , If he saw his Enemies in a worse condition . To the Question , How to live most justly and honestly ? He answer'd , If we do not act our selves what we reprehend in others . To the Question , Who was Happy ? He reply'd , He that was healthy in Body , wealthy as to his Fortune , and well furnished with Parts and Learning . He advis'd all Men to be equally mindful of their absent , as present friends : Not to study the varnishing and beautifying of the Face , but to embellish the mind with Learning and Vertue : not to seek Riches by unlawful Gains ; nor to defend an accusation against many Witnesses of equal Credit . It was but reason , he said , for Parents to expect the same Duties from their Children , which they had paid to their Parents . The overflowing of Nile he attributed to the Etesian Winds , which always at that time blow hard against the mouth of the River . Apollodorns affirms in his Chronicles , that Thales was born in the first year of the Thirty fifth Olympiad , and that he dy'd in the Seventieth , or rather in the Ninetieth year of his Age , if we may believe Sosicrates , who says that he deceased in the Eight and fiftieth Olympiad . Certain it is however , that he liv'd in the time of Croesus , to whom he promis'd , that he should pass the River Halys without a Bridge , by altering the course of the River . Demetrius the Magnesian acknowledges in his Homonyma , that there were five more besides of the same name . The first , a Kalantinian Rhetorician : The second , a Sicyonian Painter : The third , a Person of great Antiquity , contemporary with Homer , Hesiod , and Lycurgus : A fourth mentioned by Doris in his Treatise of Painting : The fifth much more modern , and of less note , of whom Dionysius in his Criticks makes mention . But to return to Thales the Wise , we find , as to the manner and cause of his Death , that he dy'd , as he was beholding a Publick Wrastling Match , not able through old age to support the inconveniencies of Heat and Thirst . Which occasion'd the following Epigram to be engrav'd upon his Tomb. Viewing th' Olympic Wrestlers , stout and strong , E●lian Jove withdrew him from the Throng . Kind Heav'n , to bring him nearer , whose dim Eyes Had lost from Earth the prospect of the Skies . This same Thales also was the Author of that Golden Sentence , Know thy self , which Antisthenes in his Successions ascribes to Phemonoes , and which Chile also assum'd to himself . And here it will not be amiss to repeat what were the various and different Opinions of the Ancients concerning the seven Wise Men. For Damon the Cyrenean in the first place , discoursing of the Philosophers , arraigns 'em All , especially the Seven . Anaximenes avers that they addicted themselves to the study of Poetry . Dicaearchus denys 'em to be either Wise Men , or Philosophers , but only certain Persons of good Natural Parts , and Lawgivers . Archetimus of Syracuse has set down in writing their manner of meeting and discourse with Cypselus , where , he says , he was present himself . And Euphorus relates , how they all attended upon Croesus except only Thales . Some report that they met all together at Panionium , at Corinth , and Delphos , and are so confident as to recite their Sentences , and to distinguish the sayings of the one , from those of the other . As for Example , The Spartan Chilo , say they , was the Wise Man who uttered the Proverb of , Nothing to Excess ; and that other , The observance of Season , and Opportunity produces all things Great and Glorious . In the next place , they cannot agree about their Number . For Leandrius instead of Myso and Cleobulus inserts Leophantus the Ephesian , and Epimenides of Creet . Plato in his Protagoras , puts Myso for Periander . Euphorus advances Anacharsis instead of Myso : Others add Pythagoras . Moreover Dicaearchus will acknowledge no more than four Wise Men , Thales , Bias , Pittacus and Solon : Then he names six others , out of which he chuses three , Aristodemus , Pamphilus and Chilo the Lacedaemonian , Cleobulus , Anacharsis , and Periander : And some there are who also bring into the number Acusilaus , and Cabas , or Scabras of Argos . But then Hermippus in his History of the Wise Men , musters up no less than Seventeen : out of which number others make choice of what seven they please . Now the whole Seventeen were Solon , Thales , Pittacus , Bias , Chilo , Cleobulus , Periander , Anacharsis , Acusilaus , Epimenides , Leophantus , Pherecycles , Aristodemon , Pythagoras , Lasus the Son of Charmantida , or Sisymbrinus , or Chabrinus , according to Aristoxenus , Hermioneus , and Anaxagoras . Nor must we omit that Hippobatus observes another order in setting down their Names : For he places Orpheus first , then Linus , then Solon , Periander , Anacharsis , Cleobulus , Myso , Thales , Byas , Pittacus , Epicharmus , and last of all Pythagoras . There are also the following Epistles , which are publish'd abroad under the name of Thales . Thales to Pherecydes . I Understand thy Design to be the first among the Ionians , that ever publish'd to the Greeks the Mysteries of Divinity . Though perhaps it may be more proper upon second thoughts to Communicate thy Writings only to thy Friends , than to expose to the vulgar , what to them will be of no use or advantage . Which advice , if it prove acceptable to thee , I should be willing to confer with thee üpon the subjects of thy discourse . To which purpose , upon the least encouragement I will hasten with all imaginable speed to give thee a visit . For neither Solon , nor my self , would be thought to be so indiscreet or unfriendly , that we who can so easily make Voyages into Creet , and Egypt , to converse with the Priests and Astronomers in those parts , should think it much to visit thee . For Solon also will be my Companion upon the least intimation from thee ; well knowing that thou , delighted with the pleasures of thy own abode , little car'st to change it for Ionian Air , nor desir'st much the converse of Strangers ; only as I am apt to believe , thou mak'st it thy business to study close , and write hard . But as for us that trouble not our selves with writing , our leasure will more readily permit us to travel abroad and visit both Greece and Asia . Farewell . Thales to Solon . IF thou leavest Athens , I know not where thou canst more conveniently settle thy self than at Miletum , once a Colony of thy own Nation , and where thou may'st be certain to live secure . If it offend thee that we are under a Tyrannical Government ( for I know thou art an Enemy to all Tyrannies ) yet let not that de●●r thee from believing , that no man shall live more to his satisfaction with us and our friends than thy self : Bias has written to thee to make choice of Prinna ; which if thou shalt think more convenient to do , thither also will we hasten to attend thee . THE LIFE of SOLON . SOLON a Salaminian , the Son of Execestides , was the first that introduc'd the Seisachthia into Athens . Which Seisachthia was the Redemption of Body and Possessions . For many people constrain'd by extremity of want , pawn'd their very Bodies to the Bankers , for which they paid interest . Seeing therefore that his Father had left him in money Seven Thousand Talents , which were owing from several Men , he presently remitted all those Debts , and excited others to do the same by his Example ; and this Law was call'd Seisachthia . Whence it is manifest how it came to pass , that after such a prosperous Beginning , he so easily past his other Laws , which it would be too tedious to recite , besides that they are to be seen , inscrib'd in the publick Tables of Wood. But the greatest act of his was this , that when the Athenians and Megareans had fought even to the utter extirpation of each other , about the claim which both laid to his native Country of Salamine , and that after several overthrows of the Athenians , it was generally decreed , that it should be death for any Man to propose another Salaminian War , Solon counterfeiting himself Mad , with a Crown upon his head threw himself into the Market-place ; where the people being assembled together , he caus'd the Cryer to read with a loud Voice certain Heroic Verses , which he had compos'd in reference to the Grand Affair of Salamine ; which so enliven'd and animated the courage of the Athenians , that they renewed the War with the Megareans , and became Victorious by Solon's means . Now the Verses which most concern'd the Athenians were these , Oh that some Pholegandrian I had been , Or Sicenite , and never had been seen In Athens bred ; then Fame had done me right , And th' Attick shewn , put Megara to flight . And soon after , Then haste away to Salamine amain , With courage warm'd , lost honour to regain . He also perswaded the Athenians to lay claim to the Thracian Chersonese . And that they might not seem to possess the Island of Salamine by force , but of right , he caus'd several Graves to be open'd , and shew'd the Athenians the Bodies of the dead lying with their Faces toward the East , according to their custom of Burial ; and not only so , but the Graves themselves made looking toward the Rising Sun , and several Characters of names familiar to their Language engrav'd upon the Tombs , which was another custom no less peculiar to the Athenians ; and which plainly evidenc'd their right by long Possession : And some there are who report , that he added to Homer's Catalogue , after this Verse , Twelve Ships from Salamine fam'd Ajax brought , This other Verse . Long time before , the brave Cecropian's Lott . Which so won the Affection of the People , that they willingly would have submitted to his single Government . But he was so far from accepting it , that when he perceiv'd the design of his Kinsman Pisistratus , he oppos'd it to the utmost of his Power . To which purpose entring one of their Assemblies compleatly armed , with his Buckler in his hand , he discover'd the Treachery of Pisistratus ; and not only so , but offer'd the People his Assistance . Men of Athens , said he , I am wiser than some , and more couragious than others : Wiser than they who understand not the falshood of Pisistratus ; more couragious than they who know it , yet never op'n their Lips. Whereupon the Senate , who were all of Pisistratus's Party , cry'd out he was mad . Which put him into such a Passion , that , as it were , in a Poetic Rapture , he utter'd these Lines , In a short time my madness will appear , When Truth discovers what ye will not hear . Soon after upon the Tyranny of Pisistratus he compos'd the following Elegiacs . The dusky Clouds pour down the Hail and Snow , Through brightest flames the ratling Thunder breaks , But Potent Men great Common-wealths o'rethrow , While Fools to Tyrants Feet submit their Necks . And now Pisistratus , having obtain'd the Sovereign Power , disdaining to yield him Obedience , he went and hung up his useless Armour in the Palace of the chief Commander ; and after he had vented his indignation in this short Expression , O Country , I did my utmost to assist thee both in word and deed , he sail'd into Egypt , then to Cyprus , and lastly went to visit the Court of Croesus ; who putting the Question to him , Whom he deem'd to be happy ? He reply'd , Tellus the Athenian , Biton and Cleobis , and several others that were among the number of the dead . Some report , That when Croesus sitting upon his Throne in all his Royal Robes , demanded of him , Whether he ever saw a more splendid sight , he should make Answer , Yes , Cocks , Phesants , and Peacocks ; as being adorn'd with the Beauty and Gallantry of Nature it self . Taking his leave of Croesus , he travel'd into Cilicia , where he built a City , which he call'd by his own name Soli , and peopl'd with several Athenians , who in process of time corrupting their Native Language , were from thence said to soloecise ; and their corruptions of pronunciation were call'd Soloecisms . Afterwards understanding that Pisistratus persisted in his Tyrannical Government , he wrote to the Athenians the following Lines . If for your folly y' have severely paid ; Ne're with your sufferings the just Gods upbraid ; Your selves abetted and assistance gave To those that now a sordid Race enslave . Foxes you 'd be , and Foxes counterfeit , And yet among ye not one Man of Wit. The Man 's fair Tongue , and flattering speech you mind , But ne're discern what 's by the Man design'd . On the other side Pisistratus understanding he was fled , sent him this Epistle . Pisistratus to Solon . NEither am I the only Person that have taken upon me Sovereignty among the Greeks ; nor have I invaded the Government , as not belonging to me , since I am descended from the Codrian Line . Therefore I only re-assum'd what the Athenians swearing to confirm to Codrus and his Race , unjustly afterwards despoil'd 'em of : Otherwise than thus I have not offended either the Gods or Men. But as thou thy self didst establish Laws among the Athenians , I suffer 'em still to be in force . And I question not but that they will be better observed than in a Democracy . For I suffer no injury to be done to any Man. Nor do I , the Sovereign , differ from the common sort , but only in Dignity and Honour : Content with those Revenues only that were paid to my Predecessors . Every one divides the Tenth of his Lot , not for my share , but for the publick Sacrifices and Expences . Nor am I angry with thee , for detecting my design , which I know thou didst , rather out of kindness to the City , than hatred of me ; and besides , not understanding after what manner I intended to govern . Which hadst thou understood , I question whether thou wouldst have oppos'd me , or have fled from hence . Return therefore to thy home , out of an assurance from me , though injur'd , that Solon can have no cause to fear Pisistratus . Since thou can'st not but know , that none of all my other Enemies have suffer'd . So that if thou deem'st my friendship worth thy acceptance , I promise thee the chiefest place in my affection , ( for I observe nothing in thee false or perfidious ) or if otherwise thou desirest to live a private life in Athens , thou shalt have free leave : for 't is not my desire thou should'st live an Exile for my sake . Thus Pisistratus . This was that great Solon , who limited the bounds of Humane Life to Eighty years ; and who appears to have been a most famous and prudent Lawgiver . For he most nobly enacted , That whoever refus'd to provide for his Parents , should be accounted ignoble and worthless . The same was the punishment of those that wasted their Patrimony . Idle persons were liable to the prosecution of any one that would Indict ' em . Which Law was written by Draco , as Lysias declares in his Oration against Nicias , but enacted by Solon . Persons notoriously debauch'd and wicked , he would not suffer to come near the Tribunal , and expell'd out of all Assemblies . He moderated the rewards of the Wrestlers , allowing no more than five hundred Drachmas to him that won at the Olympic , and a hundred for the Victor at the Isthmian Games . For though he thought it not amiss to abate their rewards , yet he did not think that only they who were slain in Battel were to be recompenced ; whose Children however he ordered to be provided for , and brought up at the public Charge . Which encouraged others to behave themselves bravely and couragiously in the Wars . As did Polyzelus , Cynaegyrus , and all that fought at the Battle of Marathon . As also Harmodius , Aristogiton , Miltiades , and others innumerable . But these Wrestlers in their Exercises were extreamly expensive , and being Victors no less noxious to the Public , and were Crown'd rather as vanquishers of their Country , than the Public Enemy : and when they grew old , according to Euripides , They crept about the Streets in Thredbare Cloaths . Which Solon foreseeing , paid 'em more sparingly . Most prudently also he ordain'd , that the Guardians of Orphans should not cohabit with their Mothers ; and that no person should be a Guardian , to whom the Estate descended , upon the Orphans decease . That no Seal-Graver should keep the Seal of a Ring that was sold : That if any Man put out the Eye of him that had but one , he should lose both his : That where a Man never planted , he should never take away ; if he did , the Crime to be punish'd with death . That it should be death for a Magistrate to be taken in drink . Homer's Poems he ordain'd to be transcrib'd in such a Contexture , that where the first verse ended , the next should begin . So that Solon illustrated Homer beyond Pisistratus , as Diochidas testifies in his fifth Book of Megaries . He was the first that call'd the Thirtieth day of the Month 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Old and the New : And first ordain'd the number of nine principal Magistrates to pronounce Sentence ; as Apollodorus relates in his Second Book of Legislators . In a certain Sedition that happen'd , he would neither side with the Citizens , nor the Country People , nor the Seamen . Among the rest of his Apothegms he was wont to say , That Speech was the Image of Deeds : That he was a true King , who was strongest in Power ; and that the Laws were like to Spiders Webs , which held whatever was light and weak , but were easily snapt asunder by what was big and ponderous . That Speech was seal'd up by Silence , and Silence by Opportunity . He compar'd the Favourites of Tyrants to Counters ; for that as they sometimes made the number greater , sometimes lesser , so were Favourites advanc'd or disgrac'd by the Tyrant at his pleasure . Being ask'd , Why he made no Law against Parricides ? He reply'd , Because he despair'd of meeting any such Criminals . To the Question , Which was the best way for a Man to preserve himself from doing injury ? He answer'd , If they who were unprovok'd , had the same sence of the injustice , as they who were injur'd . He was also wont to say , That Plenty sprang from Wealth , and that Plenty begat Contempt . He advis'd the Athenians to regulate the days according to the course of the Moon : And forbid Thespis to Act or Teach the making of Tragedies , as an unprofitable and fabulous sort of Learning . So that when Pisistratus wounded himself , he cry'd out , I know his Instructors . Among the public Admonitions which he scatter'd among Men , according to Apollodorus in his Treatise of the Sects of Philosophers , these were the Principal ; To look upon Virtue and Probity to be more faithful than an Oath : Not to tell a Lye : To follow noble and generous Studies : Not hastily to enter into friendship , but the choice made , not rashly to break it : Then to govern , when a Man has learnt to be governed : To give Counsel , not the most acceptable , but most wholesom : To be guided by Reason and Judgment : Not to converse with bad Society : To honour the Gods : And reverence our Parents . They report also , that upon Mimnormus's writing the following lines , Vnhappy Man ; who , free from cares and pain , And Maladies that seek for cure in vain , To sixty years of age can seldom reach , Er'e death the swift Career of Age impeach . gave him this smart Reprimand , I hear thy sad complaint , but leave it out , Nor take it ill , that we advis'd thee to 't . Or else enlarge , and write , That cannot reach To eighty years , e're Death his course impeach . Other Admonitions also he gave in Verse , of which these are recorded to be part . Beware ( for wicked Man must still be watch'd ) Lest secret mischief in his heart be hatch'd , When smooth he speaks , and with a smile as fair As new blown flowers , exhaling fragrant Air. Man's double Tongue can flatter , or can howle . When prompted by a black corrupted Soul. Moreover most certain it is , that he wrote partly Laws , partly Speeches , partly Admonitions to himself , as also concerning the Common-wealths of Salamine and Athens , above five thousand Heroic Verses , besides Iambics , and Epodes : And at length upon his Statue this Epigram was engrav'd . She that the pride of unjust Medians tam'd , Fair Salamis for Naval Combat fam'd . More famous she for Solon's Birth hecame , Whose Sacred Laws immortaliz'd his Name . He was in the flower of his Age much about the forty sixth Olympiad , in the third year of which , he was Prince of the Athenians , as Sosicrates affirms ; at what time also he made his Laws . He dy'd in Cyprus , aged fourscore years , with this Command , that his Bones should be translated to Salamine , and being burnt to Ashes , should be sow'd over the Island . For which reason Cratinus in Chiron , introduces him , speaking after this manner , This Island I possess ( so fame resounds ) Sown o're the fertile Telamonian Bounds . There is also extant an Epigram of our own in our Book of Epigrams , which we formerly Consecrated to the Memories of all the Wise and Learned Men deceas'd . Fam'd Solon's Body Cyprian fire did burn , His Bones at Salamis are turn'd to Corn. His Soul , into a nimble Chariot made , The Tables of his Law to Heav'n conveigh'd . Not to be wonder'd at , for well they might , The weight of all his Laws was then so light . He is also reported to have been the first who utter'd that Apothegm , Nothing to Excess . And Dioscorides in his Commentaries relates , that as he was weeping and wailing for the death of his Son , ( whose name we could never yet understand ) to a friend of his that reprov'd him , saying , What does this avail thee ? He reply'd , Therefore I weep , because it avails me nothing . More than this we find nothing in his Life remarkable , but only that the following Epistles are said to be his . Solon to Periander . THou writest me word , of several that lye in wait for thy Life , I must tell thee , that shouldst thou resolve to put 'em all to death , 't would nothing avail thee . For it may be one of those persons that conspires against thee , is one of whom thou hast the least suspicion ; either jealous of his own Life , or condemning thee , and resolving thy destruction , not only for thy pusillanimous fear , which renders thy suspicions dangerous to all Men ; but to gratifie his fellow Citizens ▪ Therefore 't is thy best way to forbear , to avoid the cause of thy fears . But if thou art resolv'd upon violence ; consider which is strongest , whether thy own foreign Guards , or the Trained Force of thy own Subjects . For then having no Body to fear , there will be no need of Rigour , or Exilement . Solon to Epimenides . NEither had my Laws been of much advantage to the Athenians , neither hadst thou by repealing 'em , done the City any good . For neither God , nor the Lawgiver alone can be profitable to a Common-weal , but they who govern the Multitude as they please themselves . Who , if they sway the People as they ought , then God and the Laws may do good ; but if wrong , they will be but of little use . 'T is true perhaps my Laws were not better than others , yet they that refus'd to observe 'em , did a great injury to the Common-wealth : And such were they who would not oppose Pisistratus in his design to invade the Government . They would not believe me , when I foretold the Truth : but more credit was given to them that flattered the Athenians , than to me that dealt sincerely . And therefore after I had hung up my Arms in the Portico before the Senate House , I told 'em plainly , that I was wiser than they that were not sensible of Pisistratus's design , and stouter than they who durst not resist him . Who presently cry'd out that Solon was mad . Thereupon , upbraiding my Country , O Country , said I , this Solon that once was ready to have lent thee the utmost assistance of his Arms , and Eloquence , is now taken for a Madman : Therefore leaving thee to thy own ruin , I le go seek another habitation , the only Enemy of Pisistratus . Thou knewest the Man , dear friend , how shrewdly and craftily he carried on his design . He began with his complements to the People ; then , after he had stab'd himself , he ran wounded into the Eliaean Piazza , crying , That he had been set upon by his Enemies , and therefore desired a Guard of four hundred Men only for the security of his Person . Presently the People , notwithstanding all the opposition I could make , granted him his request : And then he set up for himself , after he had dissolv'd the Government . And thus they who in vain endeavour'd to free their Poor from serving for Hire , are now all the Slaves of Pisistratus . Solon to Pisistratus . I Do not believe thou wilt do me any injury : For before thou wer 't a Tyrant , I was thy Friend ; and now no more thy Enemy than any other of the Athenians , who always hated a Tyrannical Government . But whether Monarchy or Democracy be best , let every one think as he pleases ; certainly I must acknowledge thee to be one of the best of Tyrants . But I do not think it convenient for me to return to Athens ; since it would ill become the Person who set up Popular Government himself , and refus'd the Tyrannic when offer'd , to approve thy actions by a penitent submission to thy Rule . Solon to Croesus . I Must gratefully acknowledge thy Benevolence and Bounty towards Us : And by Minerva , were it not but that I am so great an admirer of Democracy , I would rather chuse to make my abode in thy Kingdom than at Athens , under the Tyranny of Pisistratus . However , since we cannot but think it a pleasure to live where Equity and Justice Reigns , I shall hasten to attend thy Commands , not a little covetous to be thy Guest . THE Life of CHILO . CHILO the Lacaedemonian was the Son of Demagetus . He wrote several Elegies to the number of about two Hundred Verses ; and taught , that Foreknowledg was attain'd by Ratiocination , according to the Vertue of the Person . To his Brother , who took it ill , he was not made an Ephorus , or one of the Grand Council of Lacedaemon as well as He , I know , said He , how to put up Injuries , which thou dost not do . He was made one of the Ephori , in the fifty Sixth Olympiad ; and the first Ephorus in the Reign of Euthydemus , according to Sosicrates : and the first who caused it to be decreed , that the Ephori should be joined in Authority with the Kings of Lacedaemon ; tho' Satyrus ascribes that Honour to Lycurgus . This was he , as Herodotus relates , who advised Hippocrates offering Sacrifice at Olympia , when the Caldrons boiled without Fire , either not to Marry , or if he had a Wife already , to renounce his Children . It is farther reported , that when Aesopus asked him what Jupiter was doing ? He made answer , Humbling the lofty , and exalting the lowly . He was won tto say , that the Learned differed from the unlearned , in good hopes . To the Question what was difficult ? he replied , To keep a Secret , to spend a Man's leisure-time well , and being wrong'd to brook the Injury . His Precepts were these . For a Man to govern his Tongue , especially at Festivals , not to speak evil of our Neighbours , not to use threatning Language , for it was Effeminate : sooner to visit our Friends in their Misfortunes , than in their Prosperity ; to chuse a Wife with a moderate Dowry : Not to speak Evil of the Dead , to reverence old Age , to put a Guard upon himself : to prefer loss , before sordid Gain ; for by the one , a Man suffers but once , by the other , always : never to deride the Unfortunate , being strong and valiant , to be meek and humble ; it being much better to be beloved than feared : to govern his family soberly and discreetly : not to let his Tongue run before his Wit : to master his Passion : not to despise Divination : not to desire Impossibilities : in the Street not to make so much haste , as if a Man were always going upon Life and Death : in familiar discourse , not to use so much motion of the Hands ; for it denotes a kind of Frenzy , to be obedient to the Law , and to study Peace and Quiet . Among the rest of his Apothegms , one of the most approved was this ; That Gold was tryed by the Touchstone , but the Tryal of Men , whether good or bad , was by Gold. It is reported of him , that when he was very old he should say , that he was no way conscious to himself of having done an ill or unjust act . One thing only troubled him , as doubting whether he had done well or no. For that being to determine a difference between two Friends , he advised 'em to appeal from him to the Law , to the end he might act legally , and not lose his Friend . His Prophecy concerning the Island of Cythera , gained him a high Renown among the Grecians . For when he understood the Nature and Situation of it ; I wish , said he , it never had been ; or else that when it first appeared , it had been swallowed up in the Abyss : and he was right in his Judgment . For Demaratus , a Lacedaemonian Renegade , advised Xerxes to keep a Navy always in that Island , which had been the ruin of Greece , had Xerxes followed his Counsel . Afterwards during the Poloponnesian War , Nicias , having laid the Island desolate , placed a Garrison of Athenians therein , which proved a continual Plague to the Lacedaemonians . He was a Person of few words ; for which reason Aristagoras the Milesian , gives to Brevity of Speech , the Epithete of Chilonean . He was an old Man in the fifty Second Olympiad , at what time Aesopus the Orator was in his Prime . He died as Hermippus reports at Pissa , embracing his Son , returning victorious from the Olympic Games , himself o'recome with Joy , and the infirmity of his Years . And he was no sooner dead , but all Men strove to celebrate his Obsequies with all the Honours and Encomiums they could devise befitting his Renown . Among the rest , the following Offering was our own . Thy Praises mighty Pollux we resound , For Chilo's Son , by thee so fairly Crownd . What , tho' his Father then for joy expir'd ? A Fate like his , should be by me desir'd . Upon his Statue was Engraved this Anagram . Chilo the Great did armed Sparta breed ; Of all the Greeks , the wisest Man decreed . There is also extant a short Epistle of his to Periander . Chilo to Periander . THOU commandest us to leave the Wars , and betake our selves to Exilement , as if that would be more safe for thee . However 't is my opinion that a Monarch is not always safe at home ; and therefore I account him to be the most happy Tyrant that escapes the stab of Conspiracy , and dies at last in his own Bed. THE LIFE of PITTACUS . PIttacus , born at Mitylene , was the Son of Hyrrhadius ; yet Doris asserts his Father to have been a Thracian . This was he , who together with the Brothers of Alcanus , utterly ruined Melancher the Tyrant of Lesbos . And in the Contest between the Athenians and Mityleneans about the Territory of Achillitis , he being General of the Mityleneans , challenged Phryno the Athenian Chieftain , to fight with him Hand to Hand ; at what time carrying a Net under his Buckler , he threw it over Phryno's Shoulders , when he least dreamed of any such thing ; and by that means having slain his Antagonist , he recovered the Land to the Mityleneans . Afterwards according to the relation of Apollodorus in his Chronicle , another dispute happening between the Mityleneans and Athenians about the same Land , Periander , who was made Judg of the Controversy , gave it for the Athenians . But then it was that the Mityleneans held Pittacus in high Esteem , and surrender'd the Supream Government into his Hands , which after he had managed for ten Years , and established those Orders and Regulations that he thought convenient , he again resigned into the Hands of the People , and lived ten Years after that . For these great Benefits done to his Country , the Mityleneans conferred on him a quantity of Land , which he towards his latter End consecrated to Pious Uses . Sosicrates writes , that he restored back the one half of the Land , saying at the same time , That the half was more than the whole . Sometime after , when Croesus sent him a Summ of Money , he refused to accept it , saying that he had twice as much more as he desired . For his Brother dying without Issue , the Estate fell to him . Pamphilus in his first Book of Memorandums relates that he had a Son , whose name was Pyrrhaeus , who was kill'd as he was sitting in a Barbers Chair at Cumae , by a Smith that threw a Hatchet into the Shop , for which the Murtherer was sent in Fetters by the Cumans to Pittaeus , that he might punish him as he pleased himself . But Pittacus after he had fully examined the Matter , released and pardoned the Prisoner , with this Saying , that Indulgence was to be preferred before Repentance . Heraclitus also relates that when he had taken Alcaeus Prisoner , he let him go , saying , that Pardon was to be preferred before Punishment . He ordained that Drunkards offending in their Drink , should be doubly Punished , to make Men the more wary how they got tipsy ; for the Island abounds in Wine . Among his Apothegms , these were some of the choicest . That it was a difficult thing to be Vertuous . Of which Simonides and Plato in Protagoras make mention . That the Gods could not withstand Necessity . That Command and Rule declare the Genius of the Man. Being demanded what was best ? he answered , To do well what a Man is about . To Croesus's Question , which was the largest Dominion ? he answered That of the Varie-coloured Wood ; meaning the Laws written upon wooden Tables . He applauded those Victories that were obtained without Bloodshed . To Phocaicus , who told him they wanted a diligent frugal Man ; We may seek said he , long enough before we find one . To them that asked him what was most desirable ? He answered , Time. To what was most obscure ? Futurity . To what was most Faithful ? The Earth . To what was most Faithless ? The Sea. He was wont to say , that it was the Duty of Prudent Men , before Misfortunes happened , to foresee , and prevent ' em . Of Stout and Couragious Men , to bear their adversity Patiently . Never , said he , talk of thy designs beforehand ; lest thy miscarriage be derided : never to upbraid the misfortunes of any Man , for fear of just Reprehension : always to restore a Trust committed to thy Care : never to backbite an Enemy , much less a Friend : to practise Piety , and honour Temperance , to love Truth , Fidelity , Experience , Urbanity , Friendship and Diligence . His Axioms were chiefly these : to encounter a wicked Man with a Bow and Quiver full of Arrows ; for that there was no truth to be expected from a loquacious Tongue , where the Breast conceal'd a double Heart . He composed about six hundred Elegiac Verses , and several Laws in Prose for the Benefit of his Fellow-Citizens . He flourished in the forty second Olympiad ; and died in the third Year of the fifty second Olympiad , during the Reign of Aristomenes , after he had lived above seventy Years , worn out and broken with old Age , and being buried in Lesbos , this Epitaph was engrav'd upon his Monument . Here lies the far fam'd Pittacus for whom The mournful Lesbians made this sacred Tomb. This was he whose general Admonition it was , To observe the Season . There was also another Pittacus , a Legislator likewise ( according to Favorinus in his first Book of Commentaries , and Demetrius in his Homonyma ) who was surnamed the Little. But as for the Great Pittacus , who was also the Wise Pittacus , he is reported , when a young Gentleman came to take his Advice about Marriage , to have returned the same answer , which we find recorded by Callimachus , in the following Epigram . Hyrrhadius Son , the far fam'd Pittacus , An Atarnaean once demanded thus : My Friends , said he , a double match propose ; The one a noble and Wealthy Spouse ; In both my equal t'other ; now advise My Youth what Choice to make ; for thou art Wise . The Weapons of old Age , the Ancient Seer His Staff then raising , go said he and hear , What yonder Children say ; for as he spoke The Children in the Street with nimble stroke Their Tops were scourging round : to them he goes : Go see your Match cries one for equal Blows . Which when he heard , the Stranger went his way , Left Birth and Wealth , resolving to obey The Sportive Documents of Childrens Play. But this Councel he seems to have given from woful Experience . For he himself had married a noble Dame , the Sister of Draco , the Son of Penthelus , who was a Woman of an insufferable Pride . This Pittacus was variously nicknamed by Alcaeus , who sometimes called him Splay-Foot , and Flatfooted , sometimes Cloven-footed , because of the Clefts in his Feet , sometimes Gauric , as being perhaps too much affected in his Gate . Sometimes Physcon and Gastron , by reason of his prominent Belly . Sometimes Bat-Eyed , because he was dim-sighted ; and sometimes Agasyrtus , as one that was nasty and careless in his Habit. His usual Exercise was grinding of Wheat with a Hand-Mill . There is also extant a short Epistle of his to Croesus . Pittacus to Croesus . THOU send'st for me into Lydia to behold thy vast Wealth , but altho'I never yet beheld it , I am contented to believe the Son of Alyattis to be the richest of Monarchs , without desiring to be ever the better for coming to Sardis . For we want no Gold ; as having sufficient both for our selves and Friends . Nevertheless I intend to visit thee , were it only to be acquainted with a generous and Hospitable Person . THE LIFE of BIAS . BIAS of Priene was the Son of Teutamus , and by Satyrus , preferred before all the rest of the seven Wiseman . Doris will not allow him to be born at Priene , but says he was a Stranger . But several affirm him to have been very Rich ; and Phanodicus tells us , That he redeem'd the Messenian Virgins , being taken Captive , bred 'em at home as his own Daughters , and then sent 'em back to their Parents , with every one a Portion in mony . Soon after the Golden Tripos being found , as we have already declar'd , with this Inscription , To the Wisest . Satyrus relates how that the Messenian Virgins , but others , and among the rest Phanodicus , that their Parents came into the Assembly , and declaring what he had done , pronounced him the Wisest Man. Whereupon the Tripos was sent to Bias , who beholding it , declar'd Apollo to be wiser than himself , and so refus'd it . Others report that he Consecrated it to Theban Hercules , for that either he was there born , or else because Priene was a Colony of the Thebans ; which Phanodicus also testifies . It is reported , when Priene his native Country was besieged by Alyattes , that Bias fatted two Mules for the nonce , and drave 'em into the Enemies Camp. Which Alyattes seeing , began to be amaz'd to see the pamper'd Beasts so plump and smooth : However before he rais'd his Siege , he resolv'd to send some person under the pretence of certain Propositions to spy the condition of the City . But Bias well aware of the King's design , having caus'd several heaps of Sand to be cover'd with Wheat , led the Messenger about to satisfie his Curiosity . Which being reported to the King , he presently made a Peace with the Prieneans . Soon after when the King sent for Bias to come to him , Bid him , said he , go eat Onions , and that would make him weep . He is reported to have been a most notable pleader of Causes ; but that still he us'd the force of his Eloquence on the right side . Which Demodocus intimated when he said , that an Orator was to imitate the Prienaean manner of Pleading : And Hipponax , when he gave this applause to any one , That he pleaded better than Bias of Priene . His death happen'd after this manner . He had in his old Age pleaded a Cause for a friend of his . After he had done , being tired with declaming , he rested his Head in the Bosom of his Sister's Son. In the mean time his Adversary having pleaded against him , the Judges gave Sentence for his Client . But then so soon as the Court rose , he was found dead in the Bosom of his Nephew . The City however made a sumptuous Funeral for him , and caus'd this Anagram to be inscrib'd upon his Monument . This Marble by the fam'd Priene rear'd , Iona's Glory covers here interr'd . To which we may add another of our own . For Bias this , whom in a gentle Dream Hermes convey'd to the Elysian stream . Yet not till Age upon his Hair had snow'd ; When spent with pleading in the sultry Crowd His friend's just Cause , he went aside to rest His drooping Head against his Nephew's Breast : Whence , in a Trance expiring his last Breath , He fell asleep into the Arms of Death . He wrote concerning the Affairs of Iona , more especially by what means it might preserve it self in a happy and flourishing condition , to the number of two Thousand Verses in Heroic Measure . The choicest of his Sentences were these . To be complaisant and familiar among the People where we live ; as being that which begat both love and respect : Whereas a haughty demeanour prov'd many times the occasion of much mischief . That to be stout , was the gift of Nature ; to advise what was profitable to a Man's Country was the gift of a Prudent Mind ; but that Wealth was to many the benignity of Fortune . He accounted him unfortunate that could not brook misfortune ; and said it was a disease of the Soul to love and desire impossibilities , and to be unmindful of other Mens miseries . Being ask'd what was difficult ? He answer'd , Generously to brook an alteration for the worse . Going a Voyage once with certain irreligious Persons , who in the height of a raging Tempest loudly invok'd the Gods , Peace , said he , lest they come to understand that you are here . Being ask'd by an irreligious person , what irreligion was ? To a second question , why he made no answer ? He reply'd , Because thou askest me that which nothing concerns thee . To the question what was pleasing to Men ? He answer'd Hope . He said , it was more easie to determine differences between Enemies than Friends . For that of two Friends , the one would prove an Enemy : but of two Enemies , the other would become a Friend . To the question , What was most delightful for a Man to do ? He answer'd , To be always gaining . He advis'd Men so to measure their lives , as they that were to live either a long or a short time ; and so to love as if we were to hate . His Admonitions were , Slowly to undertake an intended design , but to persist in what a Man has once resolv'd upon . Not to let the Tongue run before the Wit ; as being a sign of madness : To love Prudence : To discourse of the Gods , as they are : Not to praise an unworthy person for the sake of his wealth : To receive perswading , not constraining : Whatever good we do , to ascribe it to the Gods : To take wisdom for our provision in our Journey from Youth to Old Age , as being the , most certain and durable of all other Possessions . Hipponax also makes mention of Bias ; and the morose Heraclitus gives him the highest Applause in these words : Bias the Son of Teutamus was born at Priene , much more esteem'd than all the rest . And the Prienaeans consecrated a Temple to him , by the name of Tentameion . THE LIFE of CLEOBULUS . CLeobulus the Lindian , was the Son of Evagoras ; but as Doris relates , a Carian . And some there are who derive his descent from Hercules ; but that he excell'd the Hero in strength and beauty : That he learn'd his Philosophy in Egypt ; and that he had a Daughter , Cleobuline , who compos'd several Enigmaes in Hexameter Verse : Of whom also Cratinus makes mention ; in a Poem of the same name , writing in the Plural Number . Farther it is reported , That he repair'd the Temple of Minerva at Athens , built by Danaus . He also compos'd several Songs , and obscure Problems , to the number of three thousand Verses . And some affirm that he made the following Epigram upon Midas . I am that Brazen Virgin , fixed here To Midas Tomb , that never hence must stir ; Who till the liquid waters cease to flow , And the tall Trees in Woods forbear to grow ; Till Phoebus once forget his course to run , And the pale Moon for sake her Mate , the Sun ; Till springs of Rivers stopt , their Streams no more Into the dry'd up Sea shall headlong pour , Must here remain by a perpetual Doom , To tell that Midas lies beneath this Tomb. This they confirm by the Testimony of Simonides , where he cries out , What Man in his wits can be so impertinent as to applaud Cleobulus the Lindian , for equalling a Statue , in diuturnity , to the course of Rivers , Vernal Flowers , the Beams of the Sun , the Light of the Moon , and Waves of the Sea ? For all these things , says he , are inferiour to the Gods ; but for a Stone , how easily is it broken by mortal hands ? So that at last he calls Cleobulus in plain Terms a meer mad Man. Whence it is apparent that it was none of Homer's , who , as they say , was many years before Midas . There is likewise extant in Pamphila's Commentaries , an Enigma of his , in these words . One Father has twelve Sons , and each of these Has thirty various colour'd Sons apiece . For some are white , and some in black disguise , Immortal too , and yet not one but dies . By which is meant the year . His chiefest and most celebrated Sentences were these . That ignorance and multitude of words predominates in the greatest part of Mankind ; whereas Opportunity and Season would suffice . That vertue and honour ought to be our chiefest study ; and that we ought to avoid Vanity and Ingratitude . That we ought to give our Daughters that Education , that when they come to be married , they should be Virgins in Age , but Women in Prudence . That we ought to be kind to our Friends , to make 'em more our Friends ; and to our Enemies , to gain their Friendship . That we ought to beware being upbraided by our Friends , and ensnared by our Enemies . That when a Man goes abroad he should consider what he has to do , and when he returns home , what he has done . That it was the duty of all Men to be more desirous to hear than speak ; and to be lovers of Instruction rather than Illiterate . To restrain the Tongue from Slander and Back-biting ; fly injustice , and advise the Public to the best advantage . To refrain voluptuous Pleasure ; act nothing violently ; give Children good Education , and reconcile Enmity . Neither to flatter nor contend with a Woman in the presence of Strangers ; the one being a sign of Folly , the other of Madness . To marry among Equals ; for he that marries a Wife superiour to himself , must be a slave to her Relations . Not to be puft up with prosperity , nor to despair in want ; and generously to brook the Changes of Fortune . He dy'd an old Man in the Seventieth year of his Age , and had this Epitaph engrav'd upon his Monument . Wise Cleobulus was no sooner gone , But Sea-girt Lindus did his loss bemoan . There is also extant the following short Epistle of his to Solon . Cleobulus to Solon . MAny are thy Friends , and all Mens doors are open to receive thee . However I believe that Lindus being under a Democratical Government , can never be inconvenient for Solon , where he may live out of fear of Pisistratus ; beside that being a Sea Town , he may be certain of the visits of his Friends from all part . THE LIFE of PERIANDER . PEriander the Corinthian was the Son of Cypselus , of the Race of the Heraclidae . He marry'd Lysida , whom he himself call'd by the name of Melissa , the Daughter of Procleus , Tyrant of Epidaurum , and Eristhenea , the Daughter of Aristocrates , and Sister of Aristodemus : Which Procleus , as Heraclides Ponticus witnesses in his Book of Government , extended his Dominion almost over all Arcadia . By her he had two Sons Cypselus and Lycophron ; of which the younger became a Wise Man , the elder grew a meer Natural . After some time , in the height of his Passion he threw his Wise under the Stairs , being then big with Child , and spurn'd her to death , incensed thereto by his Harlots ; which afterwards , nevertheles , he flung into the fire and burnt : And then renounc'd his Son Lycophron , and sent him into Corcyra , for weeping at his Mother's Funeral . However , when he grew in years he sent for him again to invest him in the Tyranny while he liv'd . Which the Corcyreans understanding , resolved to prevent his design , and so slew the young Prince . At which Periander enrag'd , sent their Children to Alyattes to be Eunuchiz'd . But when the Ship arriv'd at Samos , the Children , upon their supplications to Juno , were sav'd by the Samians . Which when the Tyrant understood , he dy'd for very anguish of mind , being at that time fourscore years of Age. Sosicrates affirms , That he dy'd before Croesus , one and forty years before the forty ninth Olympiad . Heredetus also reports , That he was entertain'd by Thrasybulus , Tyrant of the Milesians . In like manner Aristippus in his first Book of Antiquities relates thus much farther concerning him , How that his Mother Cratea , being desperately in love with him , privately enjoy'd him , nothing scrupulous of the Crime : But that when the Incest came to be discover'd , he grew uneasie to all his Subjects , out of meer madness that his insane Amours were brought to light . Ephorus , moreover , tells us another Story , That he made a Vow , if he won his Chariot Race at the Olympic Games , to offer up a Golden Statue to the Deity . But when he had won the Victory , he wanted money ; and therefore understanding that the Women would be all in their Pomp , upon such a solemn approaching Festival , he sent and despoil'd 'em of all their Rings , and Jewels , and by that means supply'd himself for the performance of his Vow . Some there are who report , That designing to conceal the Place of his Burial , he made use of this Invention . He commanded two young Men ( shewing 'em a certain Road ) to set forth in the night , and to kill and bury him they met first ; after them he sent four more , with command to kill and bury them ; and after those he sent a greater number , with the same Orders ; by which means meeting the first he was slain himself . However the Corinthians would not suffer his supposed Tomb , to go without an Anagram , in memory of so great a Person , in these words . For Wealth and Wisdom Periander fam'd Now Corinth holds , the place where once he reign'd . Close to the Shore he lies , and that same Earth Conceals him now , that gave him once his Birth . To which we may add another of our own . Ne'er grieve because thou art not Rich or Wise : But what the Gods bestow , let that suffice . For here we see great Periander gone , With all his Wealth , and all his high Renown ; Extinct , and in the Grave laid low ; for all His Art and Wit could not prevent his Fall. It was one of his Admonitions to do nothing for Money 's sake , and to Princes that designed to reign securely , to guard themselves with the good Will of their Subjects , not with Arms. Being asked why he persisted to govern singly ? He answered , Because 't was equally dangerous to resign , whether willingly or by Compulsion . Some of his Apothegms were these . That Peace was a good thing , Precipitancy dangerous : That Democracy was better than Tyranny : That Pleasure was Corruptible and Transitory ; but Honour Immortal . In Prosperity , said he , be moderate , in Adversity Prudent . Be the same to thy Friends , as well in their Misfortunes as in all their Splendour . Be punctual to thy Promises . Beware of betraying a Secret. Punish not only Offenders , but those that design to Offend . He was the first that made use of a Life-guard , and that changed Democratical Government into Tyranny , nor would he permit every one that desired it , to live in the City , as Euphorus and Aristotle testify . He flourished in his Prime , about the thirty third Olympiad , and reigned full Forty Years . Nevertheless Sotion Heraclides , and Pamphila affirm , That there were two Perianders , one a Tyrant , the other a Wise Man , and that the Tyrant was an Ambraciote ; however Neanthes of Cyzicum will have 'em to be Cousin Germans . Aristotle also asserts the Corinthian to be the Wise Man ; and Plato denies it . Whoever it were he designed it seems to have digged down the Neck of the Isthmus : and his Motto was this , Premeditation does all things . There are also extant several Epistles of his , and among the rest these that follow . Periander to the Wise Men. IMmortal Thanks to Pythian Apollo , that my Letters found ye all together : And therefore I expect your Coming , assuring you of a welcome befitting the quality of your Persons . For seeing that you were so ready the last Year to visit Sardis in Lydia , I make no question but that you will vouchsafe your Company to the Tyrant of Corinth , nor will the Corinthian be unmindful to congratulate your coming to Periander's Habitation . Periander to Procleus . I Do not hear the Crime which thy Wise committed was done voluntarily , and therefore thou wilt do ill , if thou shalt act premeditately any thing against thy ungrateful Son. Forbear therefore thy Cruelty toward the Youth , or I will assist and defend him , in regard he has suffered enough already . We also find another Letter , written from Thrasybulus to Periander , in these Words . Thrasybulus to Periander . WE dissembled nothing to thy Heraulds , for I led him to the standing Corn , and with my wand in his Presence , struck off the Ears that grew up above the rest : ask him therefore , and he will tell thee what he heard me say , and what he saw me do . Then follow my advice , if it be thy design to establish thy regal Power , cut off the Principal Men of the City , whether Friends or Enemies : For Friends and Foes are to be alike suspected by a Tyrant . THE LIFE of ANACHARSIS . ANACHARSIS , a Scythian , was the Son of Gnurus , and Brother of Cadovidas King of the Scythians ; his Mother being a Grecian ; by which means he spoke both the Languages . He wrote concerning the Laws of the Scythians , the Rites and Solemnities among the Grecians , concerning a Frugal Life , and military affairs , to the Number of nine Hundred Verses . Being bold and resolute in Speaking , he gave occasion to the Proverb , That whoever imitated his resolution , was said to speak like a Scythian . Sosicrates affirms that he arrived at Athens about the Forty seventh Olympiad , at what time Eucrates was chief Magistrate of the City . Hermippus relates , That at the same time he went to Solon's House , and bid one of the Servants tell his Master , that Anacharsis was at the Door , desirous of his Acquaintance , and , if it were convenient , to be his Guest ; which Message the Servant repeating to Solon , was sent back with this Answer , That Guests were made by those that were in their own Country . Upon which , Anacharsis entred into the House with this Complement ; Now then , said he , I am in my own Country , and it belongs to me to make the Guests . Thereupon Solon admiring the dexterity of the Person , not only gave him admittance , but made him one of his most intimate Friends . Sometime after returning into Scythia , while he endeavoured to alter the Laws of his Country , and to introduce the Grecian Constitutions , he was shot through the Body by his Brother , as he rode a Hunting , breathing forth these last words as he expired : For my Learning's sake I was preserved in Greece , but perished , through Envy at Home , and in my Country . Others say that he was slain , as he was offering to the Gods after the Greek manner . However it were , the first report produced this Anagram of ours . Through many Regions view'd , and dangers past , Great Anacharsis home returns at last ; And straight by soft Perswasion seeks to draw The ruder Scythians to the Grecian Law. But ere th' imperfect words he could impart , A feather'd Arrow pierc'd his bleeding heart . He was wont to say , that the Vine bare three sorts of Clusters : the first of Pleasure ; the second of Debauchery ; and the third of Discontent and Repentance . He admired how it came to pass , that in the Contentions among the Grecian Artificers , the worst Artists were still made the Judges of the Dispute . Being asked how a Man might best preserve himself Sober ? He answered , By setting before the Eyes the evil Behaviour of those that drank to Excess . He wondred why the Grecian Legislators enacting Laws against the Injurious , honoured the Wrestlers , that daily mischiefed one another . When he understood the Plancks of a Ship to be but four Fingers thick , he said that was the distance between Death , and those that went by Sea. He called Oil the Provocative of Madness , observing that the Wrestlers being anointed with it , were the more enraged one against another . How comes it to pass , said he , that they who forbid Lying , Lye so frequently in the common Victualling-Houses ? He was wont to wonder why the Greeks at the beginning of their Banquets , drank in little Cups ; but when their Stomachs were full , still quaff'd on in large Bowls ? Upon his Statues this admonition is generally engraved , to govern the Tongue , the Belly , and the Privy-Members . Being asked whether there were any Fifes in Scythia , he made answer , No , nor any Vines neither . To the question what sort of Ships were safest ? He answered , Those that were come into Harbour . Another thing he also admired among the Grecians , that they left the Smoke behind in the Mountains , and brought the Wood into the City . To the question which were most , the Living or the Dead ? he replied with another Question , in the number of which they ranked those that ventured by Sea ? To an Athenian that upbraided him for being a Scythian , he retorted , My Country indeed is a reproach to me , but thou to thy Country . To the question , What was good or bad in Men ? He answer'd , The Tongue . He us'd to say , 't was better to have one good friend , than many that were Men of no worth . He accounted the Market a place appointed for Men to deceive one another , and display their Avarice . Being affronted by a young Man at a Compotation , Young Ma● , said he , if thou caust not bear Wine in thy Youth , thou wilt carry Water when thou art Old. He is said to have invented for the benefit of Mankind , the Anchor , and the Potters Wheel . There is also extant the following Epistle of his to Croesus . Anacharsis to Croesus . I Came into Greece , O King of the Lydians , to learn their Customs , and their Constitutions . I want no Gold , as having sufficient for a better Scythian than my self , to carry me back into my Country . Nevertheless I will attend thee at Sardis , esteeming , as a high honour , thy friendship and familiarity . THE LIFE of MYSO . MYSO the Son of Strymon ( according to Sosicrates , who follows Hermippus ) was a Chenean by Birth , so call'd from a certain OEtaean or Laconian Village , and is reckon'd in the number of the Seven Wise Men. Others say that his Father was a Tyrant of some City not mention'd . It is reported , That when Anacharsis enquir'd of the Oracle , whether any one were wiser than himself , the Prophetes● return'd that Answer already recited in the Life of Thales . OEtaean Myso , born in Chenes , I For Wisdom far before thee magnifie . Thereupon Anacharsis , to satisfie his curiosity , came to the Village , where he found Myso in the Summer-time fitting the handle to his Plough , To whom , O Myso , said he , 't is not now the Season for Ploughing : No , reply'd Myso , but 't is time to prepare . Others report , that the Oracle did not answer OEtaean , but Eteian ; and they are very diligent in their enquiries who that Eteian should be ? Parmenides asserts it to be the Village of Laconia , where Myso was born . Sosicrates affirms him to have been an Eteian by the Father's side , but a Chenean by the Mother's side . Euthyphron the Son of Heraclides Ponticus , asserts him to have been a Cretan , for that Eteia was a City of Creet . Anaxilaus will have him an Arcadian . Hipponax also makes mention of him , in these words , And Myso , whom Apollo prefer'd for the wisest of Men. Lastly , Aristoxenus in his Medleys relates , That he differ'd little in his Disposition and Manners from Apemas and Timon ; as being a Man-hater , and once found laughing by himself in a Solitary Place . And when he was ask'd by him that had so discover'd him , why he laugh'd by himself ? He answer'd , At that very Accident . Aristoxenus therefore calls him ignoble , as not being born in a City , but in a Village , and that an obscure one too . Which obscurity of his Birth was the reason that many of his sayings are attributed to the Tyrant Pisistratus , by most Authors , except Plato ; for he makes mention of him in his Protagoras in the stead of Periander . He was wont to say that things were not to be examin'd by words , but words by things ; for that actions were not perform'd for the sake of words , but tha● words were fram'd to set forth action● He dy'd in the ninety seventh year of hi● Age. THE LIFE of EPIMENIDES . EPimenides ( according to Theopompus and several others ) was the Son of Phaestius : Of Dosiades , as some say ; as others , of Agesarchus : However it were , he was by Birth a Cretan , born in Gnossus , where according to the nature of the Village , he is said to have chang'd his shape . It is reported of him , that when he was young , his Father sent him a field to fetch home a Wether ; but that he in the heat of the day , turning aside out of the way enter'd into a Cave , and there falling a sleep , slept on for fifty seven years together . When he awak'd , he went to seek the Wether , as one that believ'd he had slept not above an hour or two ; but not finding it , he return'd to the Village . Where when he saw an unexpected change of unknown Faces , and found the Land in the possession of a stranger , he hasten'd to the City . At what time when he enter'd his own House , he was ask'd who he was , and what he would have ? He began to be in a deep amaze , till being with much ado known by his younger Brother , who was now grown into years , from him he understood the whole Truth . Upon which his fame flying over all Greece , he was look't upon as one belov'd of the Gods. Whence it came to pass , that the Athenians being afterwards infected with a sore Pestilence , upon the answer which they receiv'd from the Oracle , that their City was to be purify'd , they sent Nicias , the Son of Niceratus , into Creet to bring away Epimenides . Who coming in the forty seventh Olympiad , purify'd the City , and so the Plague ceas'd . To which purpose he took certain black and white Sheep , and driving 'em to the next Village , let 'em go which way they pleased of their own accord , ordering those that follow'd 'em , to kill 'em in the place where they rested , and then to Sacrifice 'em to the peculiar Deity . Insomuch that to this day there are to be seen several Altars in several of the Athenian Villages , erected to an unknown Deity , in memory of this Expiation . But by others , the cause of that Pestilence is attributed to the Cylonian Fact , for which two young Men Cratinus and Ctesibius dy'd , and so the City was freed from the present Calamity . Thereupon the Athenians order'd a Talent to Epimenides , and provided him a Ship to carry him back to Creet . But he refusing the money , desired only to make a League of Friendship between the Athenians and the Gnossians ; and so returning home , within a short time after he dy'd , in the hundred fifty seventh year of his Age , according to Phasgo , in his History of long Livers : As the Cretans relate , in his two hundred ninety ninth year : But , as Xenophanes the Colophonian testifies that he heard by report , in his hundred fifty fourth . He wrote the History of the Curetes , and Corybants , and the Pedigree of the Gods , to the number of six thousand Verses . Also concerning the building and furniture of the Ship Argos , and Jason's Voyage to Colchos to the number of six thousand five hundred Verses . In Prose he wrote of the Sacrifices and Common-wealth of the Cretans ; and of Minos and Rhadamanthus , to the number of four thousand Verses . He also erected among the Athenians a Temple to the Venerable Gods , as Lobon testifies in his Treatise of the Poets . He is also said to be the first that erected Temples , and purify'd Houses and Fields by Processions and Sacrifices . Some there are , who assert that he never slept , but only retir'd himself out of the way , busily employ'd about the cutting of Roots . There is also an Epistle of his to Solon , concerning the Republic which Minos erected among the Cretans . But Demetrius the Magnesian , in his Treatise of the Poets , denies the Epistle to be Legitimate , as not being writt'n in the Cretan , but Attic Language , and that not very ancient neither . However I found another Epistle of his in these words . Epimenides to Solon . BE of good courage , my dear Friend . For had the Athenians been accustomed to servitude , and wanted good Laws , when Pisistratus erected his Tyranny , he had establish'd himself for ever . But now he has not enslav'd a sordid People ; but such as remembring Solon's Laws , bemoan themselves out of meer shame , and will no longer brook his severity . But though Pisistratus have invaded the Liberty of the City , yet I hope the Tyranny will not descend to his Successors . And therefore I would not have thee wander about too far , but come into Creet , where there is no single Monarch to trouble thee . And beware that none of his friends do light upon thee by the way , lest mischief befall thee . Some there are , by the report of Demetrius , who affirm , that he receiv'd his Food from the Nymphs , which he preserv'd in the Hoof of an Ox ; of which he took a little at Times , never needing Evacuation ; but that he was never seen to Eat . Timaeus also makes mention of him in his Second Book . Others there are who say , that the Cretans offer'd Sacrifices to him , as a God ; for they aver him to have been most skillful in Divination . And therefore observing the Munictrian Port among the Athenians , he told 'em , that if they knew what Calamities that place would bring upon their City , they would tear it up with their Teeth . He is said to be the first who call'd himself Aeacus , and foretold the Lacedaemonians the Bondage which they should endure under the Arcadians , often pretending that he rose from death to life . Theopompus also relates , That when he was laying the Foundations of a Temple to the Nymphs , a voice was heard from Heaven , Not to the Nymphs , but to Jove himself . He likewise foretold the Cretans the issue of the War between the Lacedaemonians and Arcadians ; in which War being deserted by the Orchomenians , they fell into the power of their Enemies . There are not wanting some who affirm ▪ That he waxed old in so many days as he slept years , which Theopompus also testifies : And Murianus asserts , That he was by the Cretans call'd Curetes . The Lacedaemonians preserv'd his Body within their City , being advis'd so to do by a certain Oracle , as Sosibius the Lacedaemonian reports . There were two more of the same name besides , the one a writer of Genealogies ; and the second , one that writ the History of Rhodes in the Doric Dialect . THE LIFE of PHERECYDES . THE Syrian Pherecydes was the Son of Badys , as Alexander in his Successions reports , and a Hearer of Pittacus . He was the first , as Theopompus testifies , that wrote among the Greeks , concerning Nature and the Gods ; more than that , he is famous for many wonderful things ; for as he was walking near the Sea-shoar upon the Sand , seeing a Ship under Sail right afore the Wind , he foretold , that the Vessel would sink in a short time ; which soon after happen'd in his sight . Another time , after he had drank a draught of Water drawn out of a Well , he foretold an Earthquake within three days , which fell out , as he said . Travelling thro' Messana to Olympia , he advis'd his Friend and Host Perilaus to depart from thence with all his Family ; which he neglecting to do , Messana was soon after taken by the Enemy . He was wont to tell the Lacedemonians , that neither Gold or Silver were to be valu'd or admir'd . And the same night that Hercules commanded the Kings to obey Pherecydes , the Deity gave him notice of it in a Dream . However , some there are do ascribe these things to Pythagoras . But Hermippus hath this further of Pherecydes ; that in the War between the Magnesians and Ephesians , he being desirous that the Ephesians should have the better , demanded of one that travel'd upon the Road , of what place he was ? who answering of Ephesus , Then draw me , said he , by the Legs , and lay me in the Territory of the Magnesians , and bid thy fellow Citizens , after they have obtain'd the Victory , take care to bury me in that place ; adding withal that he was Pherecydes : which when the Passenger had related to his Neighbours , they were in great hopes of victory . The next day they overthrew the Magnesians , and being Victors found Pherecydes dead , whom they not only honourably interr'd , but held in great veneration afterwards . Some say that going to Delphos from Corycium , he threw himself from the top of a Mountain . But Aristoxenus writing of Pythagoras , and his familiar Acquaintance , affirms , that he dy'd of a sickness , and was buried by Pythagoras . Some say that he ended his days of the Lowsie Disease , and that when Pythagoras coming to visit him , ask'd him how he felt himself ; he answer'd , thrusting his finger through the door , my skin will tell thee . Whence the Expression was ever afterwards taken by the Philosophers in a bad sence . Andro the Ephesian asserts that there were two of the same name , both Syrians . One , an Astrologer ; the other a Theologist , whom Pythagoras admir'd . On the other side Eratosthenes denies that there was any more than one Syrian ; but that the other was an Athenian , and a writer of Genealogies . Moreover there is yet extant a little Treatise written by Pherecydes the Syrian , concerning the first Principle of all things , which begins thus . Jupiter and Time are the same , and the Earth was always . Upon his Tomb , as Doris testifies , this Epigram was inscrib'd . In me all Wisdom ends , if there be more , And that Pythagoras enjoys this store ; Tell him the Truth that Pherecydes speaks , It springs again in him among the Greeks . Ion the Chiote writes also thus concerning him . How sweetly lives his incorrupted Soul ? Who all the Vertues did himself controul ? Credit the wise Pythagoras who had seen The Customs and the Manners of most Men. To which we may add that which follows , being one of our own , in Pherecratian Measure . The Learned Pherecyde , Whom Syria boasts her own , So Fame reports it , dy'd By Vermin over-run . To the Ephesians kind , His Body to Magnesian Land He willingly resign'd , The Pledge of Glory gain'd , By Victory next day : 'T was th' Oracles Command , Which he that only knew , Resolved to obey . And thus to friendship true He dy'd to save his friends . So sure it is that where The Wise Men have their Ends , They no less useful dye , Than when they living were . This happen'd about the fifty ninth Olympiad ; leaving behind this Letter to Thales . Pherecydes to Thales . MAyest thou dy well when thy fatal day approaches . I was taken desperately ill , when I receiv'd thy Letters ; I was cover'd over with Vermin , and a Quotidian Ague shook my Bones besides . However I left it in charge with some of my Servants , that so soon as they had interr'd me , they should convey the enclosed to thee . Which if thou do'st approve , shew it to the rest of the Wise Men ; if not , conceal it : for my part I cannot say it pleased me very much . I cannot commend it for infallibility , for I neither promis'd it , neither do I profess to know the Truth of all things . Something perhaps of the Theology thou may'st make use of , the rest must be consider'd . For I rather chose to propose obscurely , than to determine . But my Distemper every day increasing , I am unwilling to lose either any of my Physicians , or any of my Friends : And to those that ask me how I do , I shew my finger through the Door , to let 'em see my condition , and bid 'em all be sure to come next day to Pherecydes's Funeral . And these are they who were call'd the Wise Men , to the number of which there are some who add Pisistratus the Tyrant . Now we come to the Philosophers , and therefore first let us begin with the Ionick Philosophy , of which we have already declar'd Thales , the Instructor of Anaximander , to be the first Founder . The End of the First Book . Diogenes Laertius , Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Apophthegms Of the most Famous PHILOSOPHERS . The Second Book , Translated from the Greek by Sam. White , M. D. The LIFE of ANAXIMANDER . ANaximander , a Milesian , was the Son of Praxiades . He held that the Beginning and Principle of all things was the Vast Immensity ; however no way bounding the Air , the Water , or any other Thing . That the parts were subject to Alteration ; but that the whole was immutable ; that the Earth lay in the middle , as it were claiming the place of a Center , being of a Spherical Figure . That the Light of the Moon was a false Light , as being borrowed from the Sun ; which was at least equal to the Earth , and the most pure sort of Fire . He was the first inventer of the Gnomen , which he fixed in the Dials of Lacedaemon , which were then no other than places proper for the observation of the Shadows which the Sun cast ; whereby , as Phavorinus records in his Universal History , he mark'd out the Tropics and Equinoxes , and erected Horoscopes . He was also the first who undertook to delineate the Perimeter or Circuit of the Earth and Sea , and to frame a Sphere that ' embody'd both those Elements . Which done , he set down in writing a short Exposition of such things as occur'd most plainly to his Apprehension . In the second year of the fifty eighth Olympiad he had attained to the sixty fourth year of his Age , as Apollodorus the Athenian declares in his Chronicle , and dy'd not long after ; but he flourish'd in his prime , during the Reign of Polycrates , Tyrant of Samos . It is reported , That one time among the rest , as he was singing , certain Boys laugh'd at him , which when he understood , Therefore , said he , it behoves us to sing so much the better , because of the Boys . There was also another Anaximander , a Milesian likewise , who was an Historian , and wrote in the Ionic Dialect . The LIFE of ANAXIMENES . ANaximenes , a Milesian also , was the Son of Eurystratus , and a Hearer of Anaximander , and as some say , of Parmenides likewise . He affirm'd the Air and the Infinite Immensity to be the beginning of All things , and that the Stars did not move above the Earth , but round about it . He wrote in the Ionic Dialect , affecting a plain and concise Style . He was born in the sixty third Olympiad , as Apollodorus testifies , and dy'd about the time that Sardis was taken . There were also two others of the same name , born in Lampsacus ; the one an Orator ; the other , an Historian , and Nephew to the Rhetorician , who wrote the History of Alexander's fam'd Atchievements . There are likewise extant two Epistles of Anaximenes the Philosopher to Pythagoras , of which the first ●uns thus . Anaximenes to Pythagoras . THales himself in the progress of his Studies from the flower of his Youth to his Old Age , was not altogether free from misfortune . For , as it was his custom , going forth one night with his Maid Servant to behold the Stars , in the midst of his serious Contemplation , forgetting the situation of the place , while he went forward gazing up to the Skies , he fell down a steep Precipice . This was the end , say the Milesians , of that famous Astrologer . But we , among the rest of his Scholars , forget not the Man , nor our Children , who are his Disciples likewise : But we embrace his Doctrine , and ascribe the beginning of all our Learning to Thales . His second Epistle was this that follows . Anaximenes to Pythagoras . CErtainly thou did'st consult our Advantage more than our selves , in returning from Samos to Crotona , where thou livest in Peace . For the Sons of Aeacus are offensive to others , and for the Milesians , they are in subjection to their Tyrants . And the King of the Medes threatens us severely too , unless we will submit our Necks to the Yoke of Servitude : But as yet the Ionians seem readily resolv'd to fight with the Medes both for their own , and the Liberty of their Neighbours . But the Enemy so surrounds , and over-powers us at present , that we have little hopes to preserve it . How then is it possible for Anaximenes to mind his Contemplation of the Skies , living as he does , in continual dread of Perdition or Slavery . But thou enjoyest a perfect Tranquillity ; honour'd by the Crotonaeans , and other Italians and crowded with Disciples out of Sicily . The LIFE of ANAXAGORAS . ANaxagoras , a Clozomenian , the Son of Hegesibulus , or Eubulus , was a diligent Disciple of Anaximenes . He was the first who attributed to Matter Sense and Reason ; thus beginning his great Work , which is both delightful , and loftily compos'd , All things at the beginning sprung together ; then came the World's Intelligence , and shap'd and embellish'd every individual Species ; whereas it was call'd the Great Intelligence . Of which thus Timon in his Silli . For thus fam'd Anaxagoras profoundly taught , That the vast Mind like some great Hero fought Rebellious Chaos , that disdain'd controul ; And then it was , that the Worlds mighty Soul Millions of ranging formless Bodies fix'd ; Rammass'd , Compacted , here conjoyn'd , there mix'd ; Vntil at length the vanquish'd Mass gave o're , And all agreed , that was confus'd before . This Person was not only eminent for his Birth and Riches , but for the Grandeur of his aspiring Mind . For he surrender'd his Patrimony to his Relations ; at what time being by them tax'd for neglecting his Estate ; What then , said he , are not you sufficiently able to take care of it ? Soon after he left 'em all , and retir'd himself to the Contemplation of Nature , not minding publick or private Affairs . Insomuch that to one who thus accosted him ; What! then takest thou no care of thy Country ? Yes , said he , no Man more , pointing to the Heav'ns . He is said to have been twenty years of Age when Xerxes invaded Greece , and to have liv'd seventy two . But Apollodorus in his Chronicle , affirms him to have flourish'd in his prime in the Seventieth Olympiad , and that in the first year of the Se-Seventy eighth Olympiad he ended his days . He began to divulge his Philosophical Exercises at Athens , under Callias , in the twentieth year of his Age , as Demetrius Phalereus reports , in his Compendium of the Athenian Rulers : Where , they say , he continu'd thirty years . He affirm'd the Sun to be a massy Plate of Red-hot Iron , bigger than the Peloponnesus . Which some assert to have been the Opinion of Tantalus before him . He held that the Moon was full of Habitations , Mountains and Vallies ; and that the Principles of all things were endu'd with similitude of Parts . For that as the dust and filings of Gold might be embody'd into a Mass ; so was the Universe compos'd of little Bodies consisting of similar Particles . That heavy Bodies possess'd the lowermost place , as the Earth ; Light things the uppermost , as Fire ; and the Middlemost he assign'd to Air and Water . That the Sea lay below the Earth , which was broad ; the moisture being exhaled by the Sun. That the motions of the Stars were at first disorderly and confus'd , as it were over the Top of the Earth , or the Pole which always appears : but that afterwards , the change of Inclination happen'd : That the Milky-way was only the Reflexion of the Sun , where none of the Stars could cast their Light. That Comets were only the Meeting together , or Conjunctions of all the Planets sending forth flames of Fire , which danc'd to and fro according to the Motion of the Air. That the Rarifying the Air by the Sun was the occasion of Winds . That Thunder was a compression of the Clouds ; Light'ning a brushing of the Clouds one against another . That an Earthquake was the return of the Air from the Subterraneal Parts . That all Living Creatures sprung at first from a mixture of Moist , Hot and Earthy ; and then begat each other . That Males were generated in the right , Females in the left side of the Womb. It is reported that he foretold the fall of the Stone , near the River of Aegos , call'd Aegos-Potamos , which he said would fall from the Sun. Whence Euripides , who was his Disciple , in his fable of Phaeton , calls the Sun a Golden Mass , or Clod of Gold. Coming to Olympia , he sate himself down , covered with a Leathern Hide , as if it had been going to rain ; and being asked , whether he thought the Sea would ever overflow the Mountains of Lampsacus ? Yes ; said he , unless it want time . To the question , to what purpose he was Born ? He replied ▪ To contemplate the Sun , the Moon , and the Heavens . To one that told him , he had lost the Athenians . Not so , said he ; but they me . Beholding Mausolus's Tomb , Asumptuous Monument , said he , is a great Estate Metamorphosed into Stone . To one who griev'd that he should dye in a foreign Country , The Descent , said he , to the Infernal Shades is every where alike . He was the first , as Phavorinus relates in his Universal History , who affirmed that Homer's Poem was composed of Vertue and Justice . To which Opinion of his Metrodorus of Lampsacus , his intimate Friend , is said to have contributed very much , who was the first that essayed to write of Natural things in Poetry . However Anaxagoras was the first who ever published any Treatise written upon that Subject . Silenus also farther reports , in his first Book of History , that a Stone fell from Heaven in the time that Dimylus Ruled ; at what time Anaxagoras aver'd , that the whole Heaven was Composed of Stones ; only that the Swiftness of the Circumrotation fixed 'em in their Places , which otherwise would suddenly loosen and fall down . But as to his being called in Question , there are various Reports . For Sotion in his Succession of the Philosophers , asserts that he was accused of Irreligion by Cleo , because he held the Sun to be a Red-hot Mass of Iron : for which , when Pericles his Scholar defended him , he was fin'd fifty Talents , and exiled his Country . Satyrus also in his Lives , reports that he was accused by Thucydides , who always opposed Pericles , not only of Impiety , but Treason ; and in his absence was Condemned to Death . At what time when he received the News , both of the Sentence pronounced against him , and the Death of his Sons ; as to his Condemnation , he answered , That it was no more than what Nature had long before decreed , that both he and they should Dye . As to the Death of his Sons , he replied , That he well knew ▪ he had not begotten 'em to be Immortal . Yet some there are , who attribute these Sayings to Salon , others to Zenophon . However Demetrius Pha●areus records in his Treatise of old Age , that he buried his Sons with his own Hands . On the other side Hermippus relates , that he was imprisoned , in order to his Execution . But then Pericles coming into the Assembly , asked the Rulers , whether they could accuse him of anything that reached his Life ? who returning no answer ; Why then said he , I am his Disciple , and therefore beware how ye destroy a Man impeached only by Malice and Calumny , but rather take my Advice , and let him go . Which was accordingly done . However he took the affront so hainously , that he would not stay in the City . In opposition to this , Jerome in his second Book of Commentaries , asserts , That Pericles caused him to be brought into Court , tottering every Step he went , as being spent with Age and long Sickness ; and that he was acquitted rather through the Compassion of the Judges , than that he was found innocent of what was laid to his Charge . So strangely do Authors vary in their Reports concerning his Condemnation . He was also thought to have born Democritus a grudge , for refusing him a Conference which he desired . At length retiring to Lampsacus , he there ended his days . And being asked by the Magistrates of the City whether he had any particular Command to lay upon 'em , he desired that the Boys might have Liberty to Play , every Year during the Month wherein he died , which Custom is observed to this Day . He was honourably interred by the Lampsacenses , who caused this Epigram to be engraved upon his Monument . Here he , who th' utmost bounds of Earth and Skies , For Truth and Knowledg rang'd , entombed lies . To which we shall add this other of our own . For saying that the Sun was but a Mass Of Iron Red-hot , doom'd Anaxagoras To Death great Pericles sav'd ; which danger past , Another Error was his End at last . There are also three more of the same Name . The first an Orator and Scholar of Isocrates . The Second a Statuary , of whom Antigonus makes mention ; and the third a Grammarian , the Disciple of Zenodorus . The LIFE of ARCHELAVS . ARchelaus , an Athenian , or Milesian , was the Son of Apollodorus , or of Mido as others affirm , the Disciple of Anaxagoras , and Socrates's Master . He was the first that introduced natural Philosophy out of Ionia into Athens , and was therefore called the Naturalist . However he was the last Professor of natural Philosophy , Socrates soon after advancing the Study of Ethics , of which nevertheless , he himself , in his Life-time , did not seem to have been utterly Ignorant ; for he made several of his publick Readings , upon the Subjects of Law , of Morality and Justice . Which being borrowed from him , and propagated by Socrates , he was therefore look'd upon as the first Inventor of Ethics . He asserted two Principles of Generation , Heat and Cold ; and that Living Animals were first created out of Mud ; and that Good and Evil did not proceed from Nature , but from the Law. For all which he gave these particular Reasons ; First , that the Water being melted and dissolved by the Heat , when it came to be thickned by the fiery Mixture , made the Earth ; but being fluid , produced the Air : whence it came to pass , that the one was curbed by the circular Motion of the Air , the other by that of the Fire . Then , that living Animals were begotten out of the hot Earth , which dissolved the Mud into a Substance , almost like Milk , for their Nourishment : and that after the same manner Men were produced . He was the first who defined the Voice of Man to be the Repercussion of the Air ; and affirmed that the Sea was a vast Body of Water , strained through the Earth , into the Cavities of the terrestrial Globe , that the Sun was the bigger of the Stars , and the whole was infinite . Besides this Archelaus there were three others of the same Name . The one Chorographer , who made a distinct Mapp of that part of the World , over which Alexander had marched . Another , who wrote of natural Productions : the third an Orator , who also wrote of the Art of Rhetoric . The LIFE of SOCRATES . SOcrates was the Son of Sophroniscus a Stone-cutter , and Phaenareta , a Midwife , as Plato witnesses in his Theaetetus ; however he challeng'd Athens for his Country , as being born in Halopex , a little Village in the Athenian Territory . He is said to have assisted Euripides in composing his Tragedies . Which occasion'd the following Verses of Mnesilochus . New from the Mint , the Phrygians here behold , Made by Euripides , as we are told ; But whispers run that Socrates was he Who gave perfection to the Tragedy . In another place he calls him Socrates's Wedge : And Callias in his Pedaetae , thus retorts upon Euripides . And why not I look great ? O Sir , you may ; For Socrates assists your Verse , they say . Nor is Aristophanes less severe in his Clouds . This is the great Euripides , whose Plays Are full of Wisdom , but who bears the praise ? He was a Hearer of Anaxagoras as some report , but of Damon , as Alexander asserts in his Successions , who being condemned to death , he follow'd Archelaus the Naturalist , by whom he was belov'd in the worst Sence , as Aristoxenus relates . But Doris affirms , That he serv'd as an Apprentice , and then working at his Trade of a Stone-Cutter , made the Statues of the Graces in their Habits , which are to be seen in the Acropolis , or Castle of Athens . Which occasion'd the following lines of Timon in his Silli . From These a shabby Stone-Cutter , for sooth , A babler about Law , to tell ye truth , His Learning boasts ; the Grecian's Prophet he , If you 'l believe him , quaint in Sophistry , A scoffing Droll , a Sub-Athenian ; more , The cursed'st Flatterer , e're known before . For as Idomeneus relates , he was a very smart , and ready Orator ; only the thirty Tyrants forbid all teaching or practising the Art of Rhetoric , as Zenophon testifies : And he is severely censur'd by Aristophanes , as one that could make a good Cause of a bad one . Moreover , as Phavorinus writes in his General History , he was the first who , together with Aeschines , his Scholar , taught Rhetorick in his Publick School . Which Idomeneus also testifies in his Life of Socrates . He was also the first who discours'd of the Government to be observ'd in Humane Life and Conversation , and the first of the Philosophers who was publickly Executed after Condemnation . And Aristoxenus also the Son of Spintharus reports him to have been the first that demanded money for teaching . But Demetrius of Byzantium relates , that Crito brought him off from that Mercenary Trade of begging , and growing in love with his great Parts , and the perfections of his Mind , became his bountiful Scholar . After he had cry'd down Natural Philosophy , as neither beneficial nor profitable to Mankind , he introduc'd Ethicks , which he publickly taught in the Work-Houses , and Market-places ; exhorting the People only to study that , which according to the Verse in Homer , In civil Converse and each Family Might civil most , or most destructive be . And such was his vehemency in discourse , that he would frequently bend his fists , knock his knuckles one against another , and twitch the hairs of his Beard from his Chin , after such a strange manner , that the People contemning his antic Gestures , would laugh at him , and offer him twenty affronts ; which nevertheless he bore with an extraordinary Patience . Insomuch that once being spurn'd and kick'd by a certain Person , to another that admir'd at his forbearance , he made answer , What if an Ass had kick'd me , should I have presently su'd him for it ? Thus much Demetrius . He never thought it necessary to travel , unless , when any occasion call'd him to the Wars . All the rest of his time he staid at home , and spent it wholly in conversing and disputing with his familiar Friends ; not so much to convince them of their own Opinions , as to find out the Truth himself . To Euripides , who ask'd him what he thought of a Treatise of Heraclitus's , which he had given him to read , he reply'd , Those things that I understand are Genuine and Masc●li●e ; and so perhaps may they be likewise which I do not understand ; yet they want a Delian Diver . He was very careful to exercise his Body , and therefore he enjoy'd a most healthy and strong Constitution : Insomuch that in the Expedition against Amphipolis , at the Battle of Deli●s , he sav'd Xenophon that was fallen from his Horse , and mounted him again . And when all the rest of the Athenians fled , he retreated fair and softly , and frequently look'd back without the least disturbance , resolv'd to have defended himself , had any one adventur'd to assail him . He also serv'd in the War against Potidaea by Sea ; in which Expedition he is reported to have stood a whole night in one Posture . More than that , after a single Victory obtain'd by his own Valour , he yielded the honour of the action to Alcibiades , by whom he was highly esteem'd , as Aristippus relates , in his fourth Book of Ancient Delights . I● the Ch●●●e reports him to have travel'd with Archelaus into Samos . Aristotle also affirms , that he visited Pytho ; and Phavorinus in his first Book of Remembrances , that he survey'd the Isthmus . He was a person resolv'd and obstinate in his Opinions , and a great Champion of Democracy , which is apparent from hence , that he withstood both Critias , and his Faction , who commanded Leontes the Salaminian , a rich Man , to be sent for , that he might be put to death ; and was the sole Person that adventur'd to pronounce judgment , contrary to the ten most powerful Captains ; and when the Prison doors were set open to him , to go where he pleas'd , refus'd ; severely chid those that wept for him ; and when fetter'd , mollify'd the fury of his Enemies with his soft and smooth Language . He was a person contented with his present condition , and Majestic . So that , as Pamphila relates , when Alcibiades had giv'n him a large piece of ground whereon to build him a House ; said he to his Benefactor , Hadst thou given me a pair of Shoes , and a Hide to make 'em my self , would it not appear very ridiculous in me to accept it ? And when he saw the vast variety of Commodities that were put to sale among the Multitude , he was wont to say to himself , How many things are there in the World of which I have no need ! And it was his custom frequently to repeat the following Tambicks . Silver and Purple , breeding so much strife , Fit for Tragoedians , not for Humane Life . He despis'd Archelaus the Macedonian , Scopas the Crannonian , and Eurylochus the Larissaean , refusing the money which they sent him , nor vouchsafing so much as to give 'em a visit . So orderly and temperate in his Dyet , that in all the Contagions which happen'd at Athens in his time , he never was sick . Aristotle tells us , that he married two Wives ; the first Xantippe , by whom he had a Son call'd Lamprocles . The second Myrto , Daughter of Aristides the Just ; whom he marry'd without any Portion ; and by whom he had Sophroniscus , and Menexenus . Some there are who affirm , That Myrto was his first Wife ; though others report that he was marry'd to both at the same time ; and among the rest Satyrus , and Hieronymus the Rhodian . For it is said , that the Athenians finding a decay of Men , and that there was a necessity of propagation , made a Decree , that any Man might marry one Town-born Wife , and get Children of another ; which Socrates did . He had a loftiness of mind that scorn'd all those who ridicul'd him . He glory'd in his frugality , and was frequently wont to say , That he who eat with an Appetite , had the least need of variety of Food . And he that drank with a Gusto , least desired change of Liquor : And that he who wanted least , came nearest to the Gods. And this we may learn from the Comoedians , not aware of the Encomiums which they give him , while they labour to vilisie him . As for Example in Aristophanes ▪ In Wisdom justly aspiring to excell , How sweetly 'mong th' Athenians dost thou dwell ! And then again , Serious and Musing though we know thee well , For Toil attends on Quest of knowledge still , Yet thou Eternal Drudge , or sit , or walk , Art never tyr'd with pondering , nor with talk ▪ Cold ne'er molests thee , nor the fond desire Of sumptuous Food , or Wine , which Fools admire . Moreover , Amipsias introducing him in a long Thread-bare Cloak , thus bespeaks him : O Socrates , of a few Men the best , of many the vainest , and art thou at last come amongst us with thy wonted patience ? How camest thou by this Winter Cloak ? Certainly this misfortune befell thee through the Villany of the Leather-Dresser . But we must say this of him , that he would never flatter any Man for a Meals Meat . And Aristophanes does but acknowledge the Grandeur and Loftiness of his mind , where he says , With pompous Gate he struts along the streets , And frowns and scowles on every one he meets . And though no Shoes upon his Feet he wears , Yet still his haughty Count'nance nothing fears . However sometimes , to humour the occasion , you should see him appear in splendid and modest Habit : as when he went to visit Agatho , in Plato's Symposium . And such was his Eloquence , that it was equally prevalent whether to perswade or disswade the same thing . Insomuch that when he disputed with Theaetetus , concerning Knowledge , he sent him away like one that thought himself inspir'd . And with Euthyphron who prosecuted his Father , and had summoned him for Tryal at such a day , discoursing concerning Justice and Piety , he diverted him from his purpose , and made him let fall his Suit. Convincing Lysis also , he made him a most Moral Man. For he had a peculiar faculty to adapt his words to his matter . And Lamprocles , so undutiful and cruel to his Mother , as Xenophon relates , by soft perswasion he overcame , and brought to respect and reverence her . The same Xenophon also testifies , that he diverted Glauco , the Brother of Plato , from medling with State Affairs , by convincing him of his Ignorance , and want of Experience . On the other side , he admonish'd and over-perswaded Charmides to apply himself to public business , as being fit for it . He also encourag'd the great Captain Iphicrates , by shewing him the Cocks of Midas the Barber , and Callias , fighting together . Wherefore Glauconides thought him fit to walk about the City , but no otherwise than a Pheasant or a Peacock . He was wont to say , 't was to him a wonder , that every Man should be able to utter those things which he has in his mind ; but could not be able to tell how many Friends he had : So negligent we were in the observance of our Benefactors . To Euclides that apply'd himself with a more than ordinary diligence to cavilling Disputes , O Euclides , said he , thou knowest how to make use of Sophisters , but not of Men. For he look'd upon it as an idle study for a Man to mind those things , as Plato records in his Euthydemus . He refus'd the Servants that Charmides offer'd him , to attend him when he went abroad ; and some there are who report , that he despis'd the beauty of Alcibiades . Only he extoll'd Leisure , as the best thing which a Man could enjoy , as Xenophon witnesses , in his Symposium . He farther held , that there was but one Chief Good , which was Knowledge : And one thing Evil above all the rest , and that was Ignorance . Riches and Nobility of Birth , he said , were so far from deserving to be valu'd or esteem'd , that they were rather the Fountain of all mischief . Therefore to one who told him that the Mother of Antisthenes was a Thracian , Why , couldst thou believe , said he , that such a Noble Person could have been born of two Athenians ? He order'd Crito to redeem Phaedo , whom Captivity had reduc'd to ply at the Brothel-Houses for a Livelihood , and made him a great Philosopher . At his leisure hours he learn'd to sing to the Harp ; affirming it was no shame for a Man to learn what he knew not before . He accustom'd himself very much to dancing , esteeming that sort of Exercise , as very much conducing to Health . He affirm'd , That the Deity had endu'd him with the gift of Fore-knowledge : And it was one of his Maxims , That to begin well was not only no small thing , but the chiefest thing of all ; and that he only knew this , that he knew Nothing . Being ask'd , What was the Vertue of a young Man ? He answer'd , Nothing to Excess . Then for Geometry , he said , it behov'd Men to study it so long , till they were able to give and take Land. When Euripides in his Auga repeated this Expression concerning Vertue , ' T was best to let her go at Random ; He rose up and left the Stage , saying as he went off , That it was a ridiculous thing to deem a lost Slave worthy to be sought after and found out again , but to suffer vertue to perish . To the Question , whether best to marry or not , he answer'd , Let a Man do which he pleases , he will repent . It was a saying that he wonder'd at Stone-Cutters , who endeavour'd to make the Stones as like to Men as they could , but never took care to prevent their being like Stones themselves . He would be always exhorting young Men to view themselves in their Looking-Glasses ; that if they saw themselves fair and comely , they might render themselves worthy of their Beauty : But if deformed , that they might hide the defects of the Body , by improvements of the Mind . Having invited certain wealthy Persons to Supper , and perceiving Xantippe ashamed of his short Commons , Come , come , said he , never let it trouble thee ; If they be moderate and thrifty Men , they will bear with me : If they be proud and luxurious , we shall have no occasion to mind ' em . He was wont to say , That other Men liv'd , that they might eat ; but that he eat only that he might live . Concerning the vulgar Multitude , he said , they were like a vast sum of Money , where a Man refuses to take the pieces one by one , but never scruples to carry away the whole Heap . When Aeschines told him he was poor , and had nothing else to give him but himself ; How ! said he , and art thou not sensible that thou givest me the greatest gift thou can'st e'er expect to be Master of in this World ? To one that murmur'd to find himself despis'd , when the thirty Tyrants came into Power , Oh , said he , d' ye repent at length ? To another , who brought him the news that the Athenians had condemned him to dye ; Very good , said he , and Nature has condemned them . Which saying is ascribed by others to Anaxagoras . To his Wife , that cry'd to him , Thou dy'st unjustly : Do'st wish , said he , it had been justly ? Dreaming that he heard a Person recite this Verse to him in his sleep , On the third day come thou to Phthia's Plains . He told Aeschines that he should dye within three days . Upon the day that he was to drink the Hemlock draught , when Apollodorus offer'd him a sumptuous upper Garment to cover him expiring , What! said he , my own Cloak suffic'd me while I liv'd , and will it not serve me to dye in ? To one who brought him word , that a certain Person curs'd and rail'd at him , It may be so , said he , for he never learn'd to speak any better . When Antisthenes held up his upper Garment , and shew'd it full of holes to the light , I see , said Socrates , thy vanity through the Rents of my Cloak . To one that cry'd to him , Does not such a one abuse thee ? No , said he , for his words concern me not . He said , 't was expedient for him to expose himself on purpose to the Comoedians . For if they tell us our faults , we ought to correct 'em in our selves ; if not , their Scoffs are nothing to Us. To Xantippe , that first read him a Curtain Lecture , and then threw a Bowl of Water in his Face . Did I not tell ye , said he , that when Xantippe thunder'd , she would rain soon after . To Alcibiades telling him , That Xantippe's Billingsgate Language was not to be endur'd ; Oh! said he , I have accustom'd my self to it , and it troubles me no more than the noise of the Mill offends the Miller : And then adding , Dost not thou bear with the cackling of thy Geese ? To which Alcibiades replying , that they brought him Eggs and Goslins : And Xantippe , said he , has brought me Children . Another time , when she pull'd his Cloak from his back , and his familiar Friends advis'd him to chastise her with his fists , Well advis'd , by Jove , said he , for you , while we are together by the Ears , to laugh at us , and cry , well done Socrates , bravely done Xantippe . Therefore , he said , that a Man must use himself to a morose ill humour'd Wife , as Jockies order their high mettl'd Horses . For by breaking Them of their Jades tricks , they learn to ride others with pleasure . So I , said he , being accustom'd to Xantippe's bawling , can the more easily brook the indignities of Men when I come abroad . These , and such like Sentences and Admonitions , when he had both utter'd and practis'd every day , he was applauded by the Pythian Priests , who return'd that Answer to Chaerephon , which is in every Bodies Mouth . Of all Men living , Socrates the Wisest . This drew upon him the envy of several , especially those , who having a proud and impertinent conceit of themselves , he always despis'd for Fools and Nonsensical fellows ; of which number was Anytus , as Plato relates in his Memnon . This Anytus therefore not brooking the Jokes and Sarcasms that Socrates daily put upon him , first embitter'd Aristophanes ; after that he incensed Melitus to draw up an Indictment against him , laying Impiety , and corrupting of Youth to his Charge . Thereupon Melitus drew up the Bill , and Polyeuretus took upon him the Prosecution , as Phavorinus relates in his Universal History . Polycrates the Sophister compil'd the Declamation against him , as Hermippus reports ; though others will have Anytus himself to be the Person ; and Lyco the Orator manag'd the Tryal . But Antisthenes in his Successions of the Philosophers , and Plato in his Apologies , relate him to have had three Accusers , Anytus , Lyco , and Melitus . Anytus took the Citizens , and Tradesmens part ; Lyco appear'd for the Orators , and Melitus stood for the Poets , who had every one felt the lash of Socrates's Reprimands . But Phavorinus in his first Book of Remembrances , tells us , that the Oration fix'd upon Polycrates could not be his , for that there is mention made therein of the Walls that were repair'd by Conan ; which was not done till six years after the death of Socrates . Now the form of the Process ran thus : For it still remains to be seen , says Phavorinus in the Metroum ; Melitus of Pithea , the Son of Melitus , accuses Socrates the Alopecian , the Son of Sophroniscus , of the following Crimes . Socrates does impiously , not believing those to be Gods , which the City believes to be so , but introducing other strange Deities . He does impiously in Corrupting and Seducing the Youth of the City . Wherefore his punishment ought to be Death . Soon after , when Lysias had read the Apology which he had made for him , 'T is an exceeding Eloquent , and Polite Oration . Lysias , said the Philosopher , yet it nothing concerns me ; for it was more like a judicial piece of Pleading than was proper for a Philosopher to own . But then Lysias demanding , if the Oration were good , and lik'd him , wherefore it were not convenient for him ? May not , said he , my Garments and Shoes be very splendid and fashionable , yet not fit me ? At the time of the Tryal , Justus of Tiberias in his Stemma relates , that Plato ascended into the Pulpit , and thus beginning his Harangue , Though the youngest in years , O Men of Athens , of any that ever yet ascended into this Place : He was presently interrupted by the Judges , who cry'd out , Come down then . Thereupon he was cast by two hundred eighty and one Voices . After which the Judges debating whether to punish his Body or his Purse , he told 'em , he was ready to pay twenty five Drachma's , though Eubulides affirms , that he promis'd a hundred . Upon which the Judges being divided in their Opinions , I should have thought , said he , for what I have done I might rather have been rewarded , and allowed the Public Maintenance of the Prytaneum . But that put 'em into such a Heat , that they presently condemned him to death , with a new access of fourscore Voices more . Thereupon he was thrown into Irons . Nor was it many days after that , before he drank the poysonous Juice ; uttering at his death those Raptures of Morality & Philosophy , which Plato has recorded in his Phaedo . There are some who affirm that he wrote that Hymn to Apollo and Diana , which begins , Diana , Hail , and Thou bright Delian Youth , Apollo , Hail ; renowned Off-spring Both. Though Dionysodorus will not allow it to be his . He also wrote an Aesopian Fable , highly significant , and to the purpose , which thus began , The wise Aesopus his Corinthians taught , Not to trust Vertue with the common Rout. This was the Exit which Socrates made out of the World. But soon after the Athenians so sorely repented of what they had done , that they shut up for a time all their Places of Public Sports and Exercises : And for his Judges , some they Exil'd , and condemn'd Melitus to Death : But the Memory of Socrates they honour'd with a Brazen Statue , the Workmanship of Lysippus , which they erected in the chiefest Street of the City . Anytus also , being then beyond the Seas , the Heracleots exterminated the same day . Nor were the Athenians thus unkind to Socrates alone , but to several other Illustrious Persons also . For , as Heraclides reports , they Fin'd Homer fifty Drachma's , as being a mad Man ; and condemn'd Tyrtaeus for a Fool ; though they honour'd Astydamas the first of Aeschylus's Scholars with a Brazen Statue . Which Euripides throws upon 'em as a reproach , in his Palamedes . Y'have slain , y'have slain the Wise sweet-singing Muse . That liv'd among ye free from all abuse . However Philochorus affirms that Enripides dy'd before Socrates . He was born , as Apollodorus relates in his Chronicle , under the Government of Aphsephion , in the fourth year of the 77th . Olympiad , upon the sixth day of the Month Thargelion , or April , when the Athenians purifie their City with a Solemn Procession , the very same day that the Delians affirm Diana to have been born . He dy'd in the first year of the ninety fifth Olympiad ; in the seventieth year of his Age : Which Demetrius Phalereus also testifies , in opposition to others , who will not allow him to have liv'd above sixty . However they were Disciples of Anaxagoras , both he , and Euripides , who was born in the first year of the seventy fifth Olympiad under the Government of Callias . Now it seems to me that Socrates apply'd himself also to Natural Philosophy ; which appears by his Discourses of Providence , mention'd by Xenophon , though he never made any set Orations , but such as concern'd Morality , and the well ordering of Humane Life . And Plato in his Apology , making mention of Anaxagoras and other Philosophers , discourses of those things which Socrates is said not to have deny'd , as attributing all to Socrates . Aristotle also reports , that a certain Magician , coming out of Syria to Athens , reprehended Socrates for many things , and foretold his violent Death . As for any Epigrams that were made upon him , we find no other , but this of our own . Now Nectar sip among the Gods , for thee Great Socrates , the Delphian Deity , Pronounc'd the Man ( and sure the God was wise ) Whom he for wisdom above all did prize . Ingrateful Athens in a poyson'd Bowl ; To Starry Mansions sent thy swimming Soul ; The more ingrateful they , and vile much more , That drank such Wisdom from thy Lips before : Aristotle tells us in his Poetics that Antiochus of Lemnos , and Antiopho , an expounder of Prodigies , labour'd highly to be his Emulaters ; as Onatas and Kydo vy'd with Pythagoras , Sagaris with Homer living , and Xenophanes after his death : Cecrops with Hesiod ; Pindar with Amphimenes the Coan ; Thales with Pherecydes ; Bias with Salarus of Priene ; Pittacus with Antimenides , and Alceus ; Sosibius with Anaxagoras ; Simonides with Timocreon . Now of those that succeeded Socrates , and were called Socratics , the most eminent were Plato ; Xenophon and Antisthenes . Of those that were call'd the Ten , the most famous were Aesthines , Phaedo , Euclid , and Aristippus . There was also another Socrates , who was an Historian , and wrote the History of Argos ; another a Bithynian , and a Peripatetic ; a third , a writer of Epigrams , and a fourth , a Coan , who set down several Forms of Supplications to the Gods. The LIFE of XENOPHON . XEnophon , an Athenian , was the Son of Gryllus , Born in the Village of Argeus : modest to Excess , and the most lovely Person living . It is reported , that meeting Socrates in a narrow Passage , he held up his Stick , and having stopped him from going forward , asked him where he might purchase such and such things , that were necessary for humane Use : to which , when Socrates had returned him an Answer ; Socrates asked him again , where good and vertuous Men were to be found ; which sudden question putting Xenophon to a non-plus , Follow me then , said Socrates , and Learn : and so from thenceforth , Xenophon became a Hearer of Socrates : and was the first , who taking Notes of what he heard , afterwards made his Observations public in writing to all the World ; being also the first that wrote the History of the Philosophers . He was in Love with Clini●s , as Aristippus relates in his fourth Book of the delights of the Ancients , to whom he is said to have used these Expressions . And now Clinias , I behold thee with more delight , than all things else whatever , that are accounted Beautiful among Men. Nor would I value my being Blind as to all other Objects , so I might enjoy the Sight of Clinias only . But I am perplexed all Night , and disquieted in my Dreams , because I see not Him. But I return the choicest of my Thanks to Day and to the Su● , because they shew me Clinias again . As for his Friendship with Cyrus , he gained it in this manner . There was then in the Persian Court , a familiar Friend of his , Proxenus by Name , by Birth a Boeotian , the Disciple of Gorgius Leontinus , well known to Cyrus , and by him highly beloved . He remaining at Sardis with Cyrus sent an Epistle to Xenophon and then at Athens , inviting him to an Acquaintance with the Prince , Xenophon , shewed the Letter to Socrates , and asked his Advice ; who sent him to Delphos to consult the Oracle . Thither Xenophon went , in obedience to Socrates , and enquires of the Deity , not whether he should go to Cyrus , but after what manner . For which , tho' Socrates modestly blamed him , yet he advised him to go . Thereupon he went , and ingratiated himself in such a manner with the young Prince , that he became no less his Friend than Proxenus . As for what happened in the ascent of Cyrus , and the return of the Greeks , he himself has given us a perfect account with his own Pen. But he hated Meno , the Pharsalian , at the time of the Ascent , Commander of the Foreign Troops , who among other Reproaches , upbraided him with his Excess of Male-Venery . Moreover he was wont to scoff at Apollonides , and tell him , that his Ears were bored . After the Ascent , his misfortunes in Pontus , and the violation of the Leagues he had made with Seuthus , King of the Odrysians , he marched into Asia , and join'd with Agesilaus , King of the Lacedemonians , and listing under his Command the Souldiers that he brought along with him , he became his familiar Acquaintance ; at what time because he seemed to take part with the Lacedemonians , he was Condemn'd and Exil'd by the Athenians . Marching then to Ephesus , and being full of Money , he delivered the one half of his Gold to Megabyztes , the Priest of Diana , to keep till his Return ; but if he never came back , for the consecration of a Statue to the Goddess . Of the other half he sent a good part in Presents and Offerings to Delphos . From thence he accompany'd Agesilaus into Greece , being call'd home to command in the Theban War ; at what time the Lacedemonians kindly entertain'd him , and afforded him all necessary Accommodations . After that , taking his leave of Agesilaus , who retir'd to Scilluntes , in the Territory of Elea , not far distant from the City ; whither a certain ordinary Woman , called Philesia , as Dentetrius the Magnesian relates , together with two Children , Gryllus and Diodorus , which were also said to be Twins , as Dinarchus reports in his Book of Divorce against Xenophon . Soon after Megabyzus , coming to attend the public Solemnities of the Place , he receiv'd his Money , with which he purchased a piece of Land , and consecrated the same to the Goddess , lying upon the River Selenus , which bare the same name , with that which ran by the Walls of Eph●sus . There he spent his time in Hunting , feasting his Friends , and writing Histories : Though Dinarchus affirms , that his House and Lands were the free gift of the Lacedemonians . Philopidas also the Spartan , sent him several Dardanian Captives , of which he dispos'd as he thought fit himself : At what time the Eleans marching against Scilluntes , while the Lacedaemonians delay'd their assistance , took the Country . But then the Sons of Xenophon privately withdrew themselves with a small retinue , and came to Lepreum . Xenophon himself also first retir'd to Elis , then to Lepreum , to his Sons , and thence all together getting safe to Corinth , there settl'd themselves . At the same time the Athenians having resolv'd to assist the Lacedaemonians , he sent his Sons to Athens to serve in the Wars . For they had been both bred up at Sparta , as Diocles relates in his Lives of the Philosophers . As for Diodorus , he escap'd out of the Battel , without performing any remarkable Atchievment . But Gryllus , serving among the Cavalry ( for it was at the Battle of Mantinea ) after he had behav'd himself with a more than ordinary courage , dy'd valiantly in the Throng of his Enemies , as Euphorus relates in the five and twentieth Book of his History , Ctephisodotus then leading the Horse , and Agesilaus commanding the Foot : And the same Fate befalling the Theban General ; for Epaminondas was slain in the same fight . It is reported , That when the news of the defeat was brought to Xenophon , he was then offering Sacrifices with a Crown upon his Head ; at what time , when he heard that his Son Gryllus was slain , he laid aside his Crown ; but afterwards , finding by the continuance of the Relation that he had bravely fought , and dy'd honourably , he put on his Crown again . Some report ; that he did not so much as shed a Tear , only sigh'd out these words , I know that my Son was not Immortal . Aristotle also tells us , That an infinite number of Persons wrote the Praises of Gryllus , and bestow'd Epitaphs upon him , partly to celebrate his Name , and partly to gratifie his Father . Hermippus moreover asserts , That Socrates wrote an Encomium of Gryllus , which Timon thus derides ; A sorry Duad , or a Leash , perhaps , Of Doggrel Distichs he together scrapes , To claw kind Xenophon , or else to please His Friend and Scholar , bawling Aeschines . Xenophon flourish'd in the fourth year of the ninety fourth Olympiad ; and he accompany'd Cyrus in his Expedition at what time Xenaretus govern'd Athens , a year before the death of Socrates . He dy'd ( according to Stesiclides in his Epitome of the Archontes and Olympiaes ) in the first year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad , during the Government of Callidemides , at what time Philip the Son of Amyntas reign'd in Macedon . And Demetrius the Magnesian affirms , That he was far strick'n in years at the time of his decease : A person of great Vertue , and among his other Excellencies , a great Lover of Horsemanship , Hunting , and Warlike Discipline , as is manifest by his Writings . He was very Religious , a constant Offerer of Sacrifices ; one who was able to judge of Religion , and an exact Emulator of Socrates in every thing . He wrote about forty several Treatises ; the Ascent of Cyrus ; annexing a Prologue to every particular Book , but not any to the Whole ; the Education of Cyrus ; the Transactions of the Greeks , and several Commentaries ; his Symposium , and Oeconomics . He wrote also of Horsemanship , and of Hunting ; an Apology for Socrates ; of Seeds ; Hiero , or the Tyrant ; Agesilaus ; the Common-wealth of Athens , and Lacedaemon : Which latter Demetrius the Magnesian denies to be Xenophon's . It is reported also , that when it was in his power to have stifl'd the Works of Thucydides , he was the first who made 'em public to the World , for the honour of the Author . He was call'd the Athenian Muse , for the sweetness of his Style . For which he was envy'd by Plato , as we shall declare in his Life . Nor could we our selves refrain his commendations in the following Epigrams . By Cyrus call'd to assist his bold Ascent , The valiant Xenophon not only went ; But back returning he so bravely fought , As one that for Immortal honour sought : Then writing his bold acts , he plainly shew'd How much to Socrates his Valour ow'd . Then this upon his Death . Tho' Thee , Great Xenophon , thy Native Soil For Cyrus sake condemn'd to long Exile , More kindly far by Corinth entertain'd , A happy life thou lead'st , where mildness reign'd . In some other Authors I have read , that he flourish'd about the Eighty ninth Olympiad , together with the rest of the Socraetics . On the other side , Ister asserts , that he was banish'd by the Decree of Eubulus , but that afterwards the same person gave his Voice for his return home . Of his name there were seven in all : Himself the first : The second an Athenian , the Brother of Pythostratus , who wrote a Poem , entitl'd Theseis ; as also the Life of Epaminondas , and Pelopidas . The third was a Physician of Coos ; A fourth , who compil'd the History of Hannibal : The fifth , a Collector of Fabulous Prodigies : The sixth a Parian , and a famous Statuary : The seventh , a writer of Comedies , after the Ancient strain . The LIFE of AESCHINES . Aeschines an Athenian , as some say , was the Son of Charinus , whose Trade it was to make Sawcidges ; as others assert of Lysanias ; industrious from his Infancy : And therefore he never forsook Socrates : Which occasion'd that saying of his Master , The Sawcidge-makers Son is the only person that ever knew how to give us respect . This was he , as Idomeneus relates , and not Crito , who advis'd Socrates to make his escape out of Prison ; though Plato , more a friend to Aristippus , will have Crito to be the Author of that good Counsel . However Aeschines was question'd for it , and eagerly prosecuted by Menedemus the Eretrian , because he had divulg'd several Dialogues under Socrates's name , and which he pretended to have receiv'd from Xantippe . Of which , those that bear the Title of Acephali , are very loose and extravagant , not savouring in the least of Socratic reserv'dness . And therefore Pisistratus the Ephesian denies 'em to have been compos'd by Aeschines . To which Perseus adds , That seven of those Dialogues , being the greatest part , were written by Pasipho of Eretrium , and by him foisted into the Works of Aeschines . On the other side , that Antisthenes , the lesser Cyrus , the lesser Hercules , Alcibiades and the Lives of several others were all written by Him. Now the Dialogues of Aeschines , describing the Life and Conversation of Socrates were seven ; under the names of Miltiades , Callias , Axiochus , Aspasia , Alcibiades , Telauges , and Rhino . Some there are who report , that being reduc'd to great want , he took a Voyage into Sicily , hoping to tast of Dionysius's bounty ; and that being there despis'd by Plato , but recommended to the Tyrant by Aristippus , he produc'd his Dialogues , and was liberally rewarded by the generous Sicilian . From thence he return'd back with his Presents to Athens , but durst not spread his Philosophy , by reason of the high esteem which the Athenians had of Plato and Aristippus . Thereupon he gave money to certain persons to come to him and be his Hearers ; and undertook to Plead at the Bar , for such as would fee him in their Causes . Which occasion'd that Sarcasm of Timon upon him . — And more officious to indite , Than ever needy Aeschines to write . And it is reported , that in the extremity of his Poverty , Socrates merrily advis'd him to demand interest of himself for the Victuals he ow'd his Belly . Neither had Aristippus a good opinion of his Dialogues ; for as he was reading 'em at Megara , he cry'd out in a kind of a Passion , Cursed Rogue , what put thee into this humour ? Polycritus the Mendesian , in his first Book of the Acts of Dionysius , affirms , that he liv'd with the Tyrant , till he was expell'd his Country , and till the return of Dion to Syracuse ; adding also that Carcinus the Comoedian was his associate all the time ; and there is also extant an Epistle of his to Dionysius . However it were , most certain it is , that he was an exact and exquisite Orator , as appears by the Oration which he made in defence of the Father of Phaeax , who was General of the Horse ; and for that he strove to imitate Gorgias Leontinus , not without good Success . Nevertheless Lysias wrote an Oration against him , which he entitl'd the Sycophant . Whence it is manifest , that he was a great Orator : Though it seems it was his hap to have but one familiar Friend , that we hear of , whose name was Aristotle , Surnam'd Mythus . Yet Panaetius could not be his Enemy , for he is the only person of all the Socratics , who will allow so much as those Dialogues to be Legitimate , where the discourse is fram'd under the names of Plato , Xenophon , Antisthenes , and Aeschines ; but very much questions those that go under the names of Phaedo , and Euclid ; and for all the rest , he utterly rejects ' em . Of this name there were eight in all : The first himself : Another , who wrote the Art of Rhetoric : The third an Orator , that oppos'd Demosthenes : The fourth an Arcadian , and Disciple of Isocrates : The fifth , a Mitylenaean , who was call'd the Scourge of Orators : The sixth , a Neapolitan , an Academic Philosopher ; and both the Scholar , and Male-Delight of Melanthus the Rhodian . The seventh , a Milesian , and writer of Politicks : The eighth , a Statuary . The LIFE of ARISTIPPVS . ARistippus was by Birth a Cyrenaean , but came to Athens , drawn thither by the far-spread Fame of Socrates , as Aeschines relates . He was the first of all the Socratics , who setting up a Rhetoric-School , demanded money from his Scholars , of which he sent a part to his Master . But the first Present he made him , his Master refus'd it , with this Expression , That Socratés's Daemon would not permit him to take it . This mercenary humour of his displeas'd Socrates . Nor could Xenophon brook it , who for that reason wrote 〈…〉 Treatise against Pleasure , in opposition to Aristippus , and maintains the Dispute in the person of Socrates . And not only so , but Theodorus in his Treatise of Sects , calls him a hundred Knaves and Fools , nor i● Plato more kind to him in his Book of the Soul. However he was a person of a soft temper , and could comply with all Places , Times , and Persons , as one that understood the whole Art of Complacency . And therefore he liv'd in greater reputation with Dionysius than all the rest , as being one that knew how to demean himself , whatever happen'd . For as he gladly reap'd the pleasures of present enjoyments , so never was he greedily sollicitous after absent delights . For which reason Diogenes call'd him a Curr for a King. And Timon censures him for his Effeminacy in these lines . Then Aristippus far more Coy and Nice , Who Vertue by the touch could feel from Vice. It is reported , That he order'd fifty Drachma's to be given for a Partridge ; at what time a certain Person reproving his Prodigality , Why , said he , would'st not thou have bought the Fowl , could'st thou have had it for a Farthing ? To which the other assenting : Well then , added he , fifty Drachma's are no more to me than thy Farthing . Another time Dionysius giving him his choice of three handsom Curtezans , he led away with him all the three , saying as he went off , That the Ruin of Paris was his preferring one before another ; and then handing 'em to the Door , dismiss'd 'em all together . To shew that he could either enjoy , or scorn , with the same indifferency ; which was the reason , that Strato , or as others say , Plato told him , that he was the only person that car'd not whether he went in Purple or in Tatters . Another time the Tyrant spitting in his Face , he took it patiently . For which , when another reprov'd him , The Fisher-men , said he , will endure to be wash'd by the Sea , in hopes to take a Sturgeon , and shall not I endure to be sprinkl'd with a little Wine , to catch a Fool ? Another time , Diogenes , as he was washing of a few Pot-herbs , joqu'd upon him , and told him , That if he had but learn'd to dress such a Dish as That , he never needed to have held a Trencher to a Tyrant : To whom , Nor thou , said he , hadst thou known how to converse with Men , had'st ever been necessitated to wash Pot-herbs . To one that ask'd him , what he had gain'd by Philosophy ? He reply'd , A confidence to discourse with any Man. Being upbraided with his expensive way of living : Certainly , said he , if this were such a hainous thing , the Gods would never be so lavish at their Banquets . To one that ask'd him , wherein the Philosophers excell'd others ? He reply'd , In this , that they could live uprightly and justly , were there no Laws in the World. To Dionysius who ask'd him , why Philosophers haunted the Tables of rich Men , Because , said he , they know their own necessities better than the others do . To one that ask'd him , what was the difference between the Learned and the Ignorant , he made answer , The same that there is between a wild Horse , and one that is brok'n . Entring one time into a Curtizan's Lodging , and perceiving one of the young Men that were with him to be asham'd , Ne'er blush , said he , the shame does not lye in going in , but in not being able to get out again . To one that proposed a hard question to him , and cry'd ; Unfold me this Riddle , Fool , said he , wherefore dost thou desire us to unfold that , which the words themselves present us so mysteriously wrapt up ? He was wont to say , 't was better to be a Beggar than Illiterate . For the one wanted nothing but Money , the other Humanity . Another time being scurrilously rail'd at , he left the Room ; at what time , the other pursuing him , and asking why he made such hast to be gone ? Because , said he , thou hast got a Patent for railing , but I have no Patent to hear thee . To one that was offended at the Philosophers , for frequenting the Houses of the Wealthy ; Why , said he , the Physicians frequent the Chambers of the Sick ; yet that is no reason , that a Man should rather chuse to lye sick , than be cured . As he was going to Corinth by Sea , a sudden Tempest put him into some disorder ; at what time , to one that insulted over his fears , and cry'd , We illiterate People fear nothing , what are you Philosophers afraid of ? O friends , said he , we are not both alike concern'd for the loss of the same Soul. To one that boasted of his great reading , As they , said he , who feed and Exercise most , are not always more healthy , than they who only eat and exercise to supply Nature ; so neither they who read much , but they who read no more than is useful and beneficial , are the most Learned . To his Lawyer , who having pleaded his cause , and got the day , ask'd him , What good Socrates had done him ? Very much , said he , For he made all thy words good , that thou hast spok'n in my behalf . His Daughter Arete , among all the wholsome instructions that he gave her , he chiefly admonish'd to contemn superfluity . To one who ask'd him , what his Son would be the better , by being a Scholar ? If for nothing else , said he , yet for this alone , that when he comes into the Theatre , one Stone will not sit upon another . When a certain Person recommended his Son to him , he demanded five hundred Drachmas : To which when the Father reply'd , that he could buy a Slave for so much money — Do so , said he , and then thou wilt be Master of a Couple — He was wont to say , That he took money of his friends , not so much for his own use , as that they might know what money was good for , and how to bestow it . Being upbraided another time , for that having a Suit of Law depending , he fee'd a Lawyer to plead for him ; Just so , said he , when I have a great Supper to make , I always hire a Cook. Another time being commanded by Dionysius to discourse upon a Point of Philosophy , 'T is irrational , said he , that thou as a learner , shouldst desire me to speak , and yet teach me when I should speak : At which when Dionysius was offended , and commanded him to the lower end of the Table , I perceive thy design , said he , to make it a Plate of Honour . To one that extoll'd himself to the Skies for his excellent skill and activity in swimming , Art not asham'd , said he , to boast of that , which every Dolphin can better do ? To one that put the question , wherein a Wise Man differ'd from a Fool ? Send both together naked , said he , to those that are acquainted with neither , and then thou shalt know . To one that boasted his ability to drink , and yet never be drunk , T is no more , said he , than a Mule can do . To one that reproved him for living with a Curtizan , Why , said he , is it not better to live in a House where many have dwelt , than in one that was never before inhabited ? Which the other affirming ; And is it not safer to venture in a Ship where thousands have sail'd , than in one that never was at Sea before ? To which when the other reply'd , Yes : Very good then , said he , why should it not be more convenient to live with a Woman that many Men have made use of , than with one that never was try'd i'th is World ? To one that reprov'd him , for that being a Scholar of Socrates , he took money : So much the rather , said he , for Socrates , when they sent him Provision and Wine , took what he wanted , and return'd the rest ; and good reason why , for the chiefest of the Athenians were his Stewards ; but I have none but Eutichides , a Servant bought with my money . He frequented the company of Lais , the famous Curtizan , as Sotio relates , in his Second Book of the Successions of the Philosophers . For which being reproved by several : 'T is very true , said he , I enjoy Lais , but she does not enjoy me . For Pleasure , added he , is no Crime ; but the Crime is , for a Man to be a Slave to his Pleasures . To one that tax'd him for his costly and voluptuous feeding , I warrant , said he , thou wouldst not have bestowed three farthings upon such a Dinner : Which the other confessing ; Why then , said he , I find my self less indulgent to my Palate , than thou art to thy covetous humour . Or thus , Why then , said he , I find that I love my Belly , and thou lov'st thy money . When Simus , Treasurer to Dionysius , shewed him his House sumptuously furnished , and paved with costly Marble ( for he was a Phrygian , and consequently profuse ) after he had hawk'd up a sufficient Morsel , he spit full in the Treasurer's Face , at which , when the other began to be in Wrath , Why truly , said he , I could not find a fitter place . To Charonidas , or as others say , to Phado , who asked him who it was that was so bedawb'd with pretious Ointments ? Ee'n unhappy am I , said he , and the Persian King , more miserable than my self . But prethee take Care , proceeded he , since ●● other Creature loses by this , lest any Man be the worse for it . Shame take take those Cursed Ganymeds , that grudge us a little sweet Ointment . To Plato that reproved him for his Prodigal manner of Living . Why , said he , Does it not shew Dionysius to be a very good Man ? Which the other acknowledging , And yet , replied Aristippus , he lives far more profusely than I do . Being asked how Socrates died ? I wish said he , that I may but dye as he did . It happened one time , that Polyxenus came to give him a Visit , but seeing a Company of Ladies richly drest , and great preparations for a Banquet , he began a long Sermon against Luxury ; which when Aristippus had patiently listned to for some time , D' ye hear me , said he , will you stay and Dine with me today ? To which , when the other agreed , Why then so angry , said he . For now I perceive you do not find fault with the delicacy of the Viands , but with the Cost . Another time , his Servant carrying after him a great weight of Money , and ready to sink upon the Road , under his Burthen , he bid him pour out the overplus i' th high-way , and carry as much as he could . Having taken Shipping in a Vessell , which when he was out at Sea , he understood to be Man'd with Pirates , he pull'd out his money , and after he had told it before their Faces , let it drop into the Water , and then , as if he had done it against his will , fell into a strange Agony of grief for his loss . Some report , that he should use these expressions at the same time : Better it is , that this should be thrown away by Aristippus , than that Aristippus should perish for the sake of his money . To Dionysius demanding of him , wherefore he came thither ? To give , said he , what I have , and to receive what I have not . Though others report his answer to be thus . When I wanted wisdom I went to Socrates , but now wanting money I come to thee . He condemn'd Mankind for prying and searching , and viewing the Vessels and Pots which they bought in the Market , but never making any Inspection into their Lives and Conversations : Which others attribute to Diogenes . It is reported that at another time , when Dionysius after a great Feast commanded all his Guests to dance in the Womens Purple Habits , and Plato refus'd the command , reciting these Lines , I cannot in Effeminate array , Disgrace my Manhood , nor my Sex betray . Aristippus putting on the Garment allotted for him , and going to dance , on a sudden made this Repartee . At Bacchanalian Feasts , where mirth is free , A sober mind could ne'er corrupted be . At another time , interceding to Dionysius in the behalf of a Friend , but not prevailing , he fell at his feet : For which being reprov'd , ' T was not I , said he , was the cause of that submission , but Dionysius . Sojourning in Asia , he was taken Prisoner by Artaphernes ; at what time a certain person coming to him , and asking him , How , d' yee find your confidence now ? Fool , said he , when had I more occasion to be confident than now that I am to discourse with Artaphernes ? Those that had had a generous Education , and neglected the study of Philosophy , he compar'd to Penelope'● Suitors . For they , though they might have free liberty to court Melantho , Polydora , and the rest of her Wairing-Gentlewomen , yet they could never hope to marry the Mistress . Something like to this , Aristo is reported to have spok'n . For Vlysses descending into Hell , is said to have seen almost all the Dead , and to have discoursed with several , but the Queen her self he could never see ? Moreover , the question being put to Aristippus , what those things were which Children generously Educated ought chiefly to learn ? He made answer , All those things , which might be useful to 'em , when they came to be Men. To one that upbraided him for going from Socrates to Dionysius , No , said he , I went to Socrates , wanting serious Education ; to Dionysius for Pastime and Recreation . When Socrates ask'd him , being then flush of money , How cam'st thou to be so rich ? He reply'd , How cam'st thou to be so poor ? To a Curtizan that told him , she was with Child by him , Thou can'st no more tell that , said he , than if thou shoul'dst say , such a Thorn pricks me , walking through a field of Brambles . To a certain Person that reprov'd him for not owning his Son , as if none of his begetting : We know , said he , that Flegm and Lice are generated in our Bodies , but being useless , we dispose of both as far from ut as we can . Having receiv'd money of Dionysius , at the same time that Plato accepted a Book only , and being tax'd for it , The reason 's plain , said he , I want money , and Plato wants Books . Being ask'd , wherefore Dionysius was angry with him ? For the same reason , said he , that other Men are angry . Having made his application to Dionysius for money , and the Tyrant seeming to wonder , in regard he had so often told him , a Wise Man could never want , Oh Sir , said he , grant me my suit , and let us dispute of those things afterwards : But then the King satisfying his desires : Now , said he , thou see'st a Wise Man does not want . Another time , Dionysius reciting these Verses to him , He that with Tyrants seeks for bare support , Enslaves himself , though free he came to Court. He presently reply'd , He is no Slave , if he be free to come . This Diocles relates in his Lives of the Philosophers , though others ascribe the saying to Plato . Being offended with Aeschines , in a short time , Shall we not be Friends ? said he , shall we never cease Fooling ? But stay , till we become the talk of Scullions in their Cups . To which when the other answered , Most willingly : Remember then , said Aristippus , that I being the Elder Person , made the first Motion . Then Aeschines , Very right by Juno ; I must acknowledge thee to be much better natur'd than I am ; for I am the Prince of Enmity , thou of Friendship . And this is that which is reported of him most remarkable . Besides himself there were three more of the same name ; one that wrote the History of Arcadia ; another that was Grand-child to the first , as being his Daughters Son , and Sur-nam'd Metrodidactus , because he had no other Learning but what his Mother taught him . And the last a Member of the New Academy . But as for the Cyrenaean Philosopher , he is said to have compil'd several Treatises upon that subject : Three Books of the Lybian History , which he dedicated to Dionysius . Twenty five Dialogues , some in the Doric , some in the Attic Dialect , under these several Titles : Artabazus ; To the Shipwrackt ; To the Fugitives ; To the Beggar ; To Lais ; To Porus ; To Lais cona●e●ing her Looking-Glass ; Hermias ; The Dream ; To the Yeoman of the Bottles ; Philomelus ; To his Servants ; To him that chid him for enjoying Old Wine and Harlots ; To them that found fault with his costly Fare : An Epistle to Arete his Daughter : To him that exercis'd himself at the Olympic Games ; A Question put ; Another Question put ; An Epistle entitl'd , Chreia to Dionysius ; Another upon a Statue ; Another to Dionysius's Daughter ; To one who thought himself disgrac'd ; To one that endeavour'd to advise him . Some there are who assert that he wrote six Books of Disputations ; Others , that he never wrote any thing at all , of which number was Sosicrates the Rhodian . But Sotio , and Panaetius allow him to have been the Author of the following Dialogues , under the following Titles : Concerning Education ; Of Vertue ; Exhortations ; Artabazus ; The Shipwrackt ; The Fugitives ; Six Books of Disputations ; Three Books of Proverbs ; To Lais ; To Porus ; To Socrates ; Of Fortune . And among other things he defin'd the End to be a soft Motion closing in Perceptibility . And now having thus given an account of his own Life ; let us briefly run over in their order the Cyrenaies that succeeded him ; of which some called themselves Hegesiacs , others Anecerians , and others Theodorians . And not only them , but such as followed Phaedo , of which the chiefest were called Eretrici . Now then let us number 'em all in their order . The Hearers of Aristippus were Arete his Daughter , Ptolomy the Aethiopian , Antipater the Cyrenean . Arete's Disciple was her Son Apristippus , Sur-named Metrodidactus ; whose Scholar was Theodorus , first Surnamed the Atheist , then the Deist . Antipater's Disciple was Epitimedes the Cyrenean ; whose Hearer was Paraebates ; and his Disciple Hegesias , Surnam'd Pisithanatus , and Aniceris , by whom Plato was redeem'd . Now they who embrace the Doctrine of Aristippus , and are from him call'd Cyrenaics , hold these following Opinions . In the first place they assert two perturbations of the Mind , Pain and Pleasure ; the one a smooth , the other a rough Motion . That there is no difference between Pleasure and Pleasure ; and that no Pleasure has any thing more peculiar to it than another , as being that which all living Creatures desire : The other , which is Pain , they all endeavour to avoid . As for the pleasure of the Body , which they assert to be a sort of End , as Panaetius relates in his Treatise of the Sects , they do not allow it to be that sedate Pleasure occasion'd by the privation of Pain , and cessation of Trouble , which Epicurus defends , and maintains to be the End. For they hold that there is a difference between the End and Felicity : For the End is only pleasure in part ; but Felicity is a compos'd Body consisting of all the parts of Pleasure , into which number are to be reckon'd both past and present , Moreover that Pleasure in part is to be desir'd for it self ; happiness , not for it self , but for the sake of all the pleasures divided . Now for proof that the End is Pleasure , we find our selves all accustomed to it from Children , not of our own choice , but by the Impulse of Nature , and that when we enjoy it , we seek nothing farther . On the other side , that there is nothing which we seek more to avoid than its contrary , Pain . Moreover that Pleasure is a Good , though proceeding from the vilest Actions , as Hipp●ba●us relates in his Treatise of Sects . For though the act be Evil , yet the Pleasure that proceeds from it , is desirable and good . But the removal of Pain , is not by them , as by Epicurus , taken for Pleasure ; nor is the cessation of Pleasure by them accounted Pain ; for that both consist in Motion ; but neither cessation of Pain , nor privation of Pleasure are Motions ; seeing that cessation of Pain , is no more than as it were the condition of him that sleeps . Moreover they affirm that perverseness of Mind can make no choice of Pleasure , nor do they believe that all the Pleasures and Pains of the Mind proceed from the Pains and Pleasures of the Body . For that in the Soul , there is a joy for the Prosperity of our Country , besides the pleasure we take in our own private happiness . Nor do they believe the remembrance of past , or the expectance of future enjoyments to be Pleasure , which was the Opinion of Epicurus : for time puts a stop to the motion of the Soul. Nor will they allow Pleasure to consist in seeing or hearing only : For we hear with delight those that feign a Lamentation , but a real Mourning is displeasing to our Ears . Moreover they call the privation of Pain or Pleasure the Middle Condition between Both. However they hold the Pleasures of the Body far to excell those of the Mind , and that therefore the pains of the Body are more grievous ; and whence it happens that offenders are more tormented with corporeal Punishment . For pain is more grievous to endure , pleasure more familiar and grateful ; which was the reason that some took greater care of their Bodies than of their Souls . And therefore , seeing pleasure is to be desir'd for the sake of this Pleasure , the efficient causes of some pleasures many times are troublesome ; and a croud of pleasures becomes most irksome , as not creating any true Felicity . They would not have a Wise Man to live always in pleasure , nor a Fool alway● in pain ; but for the most part : And they think it sufficient for a Man to enjoy the satisfaction of one Pleasure at a time . As for Wisdom , they hold it to be a Blessing , but not to be desir'd of it self , but for the sake of those things that proceed from it . That a Friend is to be loved for the use we make of him , for that he is a part of the Body , so long as he continues a Friend . That some Vertues are common to Fools , as well as Wise Men. That Bodily exercise conduces to the attaining of Vertue . That a Wise Man will never give way to Envy , Incontinency , nor Superstition for they proceed from want of Judgment . But they allow him to grieve and fear , as being natural to Mankind . That Wealth is an efficient cause of Pleasure , but not to be desir'd for it self . That the affections were also to be included , but they did not pretend to tell us from whence they proceeded . They made little inquiry into Natural Philosophy , by reason of its difficulty and obscurity : But for Logick they had a kindness , as being so singularly useful . Yet Meleager in his Second Book of Opinions , and Clitomachus in his First Book of Sects , both deny that they minded , at all , either Natural Philosophy or Logic. For they thought that he who rightly understood the nature of Good and Evil , might be able both to argue and speak well ; that he was out of the danger of superstition , and had no reason to be afraid of Death . That there was nothing just , honest , or dishonest by Nature ; but only by Law and Custom . However a good Man forbears to act any thing absur'd or wicked by reason of the Censures of the World and Punishments to which Offenders are liable . That to be wise , was to make a progress in Philosophy and other things , wherein a Man was deficient before . They held that one Man was more affected with grief than another , and that the Senses did not always give true Information . They also , that call'd themselves Hegesiacs , had the same prospects of Pleasure and Pain . Besides they held , that there was nothing of Kindness , nothing of Friendship or Beneficence ; because they do not desire these things for their own , but for the sake of benefit and necessity ; and for the sake of those occasions which give them Life and Being . That for a Man to enjoy a Life of perfect Felicity , was absolutely impossible ; for that the Body was subject to a thousand Distempers ; and the Soul sympathiz'd with the Body ; besides that fortune frustrated our expectations in many things . That Life and Death were both to be desired , and that nothing was either pleasant or unpleasant by Nature ; but that through Scarcity , Novelty and Satiety , some things were delightful , others distastful . That Wealth and Poverty had no relation to Pleasure ; for that the Peasures of the Rich , and the Pleasures of the Poor were still the same . That there was no difference between Servitude and Freedom , Nobility and meanness of Extraction , Honour and Dishonour , according to the Standard of Pleasure . That it was expedient for a Fool to live , but indifferent to a Wise Man. That a Wise Man in all his actions had a regard to himself , not believing any other sort of Men to be his equals . They also deny'd the Senses , because they are so uncertain in their Information , and seem to act without any care or circumspection . They were of opinion , That the Transgressions of Men were to be pardoned , for that no Man committed a voluntary sin , but by the Impulse of some natural passion or other . That it became Men to instruct , and not to bear Enmity one to another . That a wise Man ought to be more sedulous in avoiding Evils , than in the choice of delightful Enjoyments ; proposing to himself , as his chiefest End , to live a Life the freest that may be from Trouble and Pain : which happens to them who are not over eager in the Chace of Pleasure . The Annicerians in other things differ nothing from the former . Only they uphold Friendship , Benevolence and Affection towards Parents , and acting bravely for the honour of our Country . In the performance of which Duties if any misfortune should befal a Wise Man , they account him never a jot the less happy , though he miss a few Pleasures that he covets . That the felicity of a Friend is not desirable in it self ; for though near it , we do not rightly apprehend it ; nor have we reason sufficient to be confident , and advance our selves above the opinion of others . That it behoves us to habituate our selves to Vertue , by reason of that evil disposition with which we are born into the World. And therefore we ought to embrace a Friend , not only for profits sake , which if it fail , our affection vanishes , but out of that inbred kindness , which carries us to undergo all manner of hardships , still proposing pleasure for our End. For while we propose pleasure for the End , and are sorry to be deprived of it , yet we willingly undergo the trouble out of our affection for our Friend , because our service is a Pleasure . As for Theodorus , he deny'd all Opinions concerning the Gods ; and we met with a Book of his Entitl'd , Concerning the Gods , no way to be contemn'd , out of which , they say , Epicurus borrow'd the greatest part of what he wrote upon that subject . This Theodorus was a Hearer of Annicerides and Dionysius the Logician , as Antisthenes testifies in his Successions of the Philosophers . He held the End to be Joy and Grief ; the one consisting in Prudence , the other in Folly. That Prudence and Justice were good things ; the contrary Habits , evil : And for Pleasure and Pain , he plac'd 'em in the middle . He deny'd Friendship , as really appearing neither in Fools nor Wise Men. For in the first , as soon as the benefit ceas'd , their friendship dy'd . And for Wise Men , they trusting to their own abilities , stood in need of none . He did not think it rational , That a Vertuous Man should hazard himself for his Country , for it was not fit that he should throw away his prudence for the folly and miscarriages of others ; besides that , the whole World was his Country ; and that it was lawful for a Wise Man to Steal , commit Adultery and Sacriledge when opportunity offer'd . For that none of those actions were naturally evil , setting but aside the vulgar Opinion which was introduc'd into the World by silly and illiterate People . That a Wise Man might publickly , without shame or scandal , keep company with common Harlots , if his inclinations led him to it . For , said he , shall a learned Woman be of no use , because she is learned ? Or a Boy , or a Youth be laid aside , because he has been well Educated ? Surely , No — Then again , may not a , beautiful Woman be made use of , because she is fair ? Or a Boy , or a Youth , because he is lovely ? Most certainly they may — Now then you will allow that a lovely Boy or Youth is useful for that end for which he was born lovely . If so , then to be enjoy'd . Whence he inferr'd , That if any one made use of that enjoyment , when it was requisite for him , it was no Transgression . Neither is he also guilty of any Crime , if he makes use of beauty , when it is for his Advantage . And these were the Sophisms which he impos'd upon his Hearers . Now the reason why he was Nick-nam'd Theos , or God , was this : For that when Stilpo put the Question to him , Whether he thought himself to be the same that he was call'd ? And he was so vain as not to deny it : Why then , said Stilpo , Thou art God. At which when he seem'd to be highly pleas'd , the other with a smile reply'd , Alas poor miserable wretch as thou art , by the same reason thou might'st as well assert thy self to be a Jack-Daw . Another time , as he was sitting by Euclid , whose business it was to instruct the young Probationers in the holy Mysteries of their Order , Tell me , said he , who of all those that belong to the Sacred Ceremonies are the most wicked ? To which when the other answer'd , They who divulge 'em to those that are not initiated : Why then , said he , thou art an Impious person who teachest 'em to those that are not initiated , thy self . For which he had like to have been dragg'd to the Areopagus , had not Demetrius Phalereus rescu'd him . Sojourning with Ptolomy , the Son of Lagus , he was by him sent , as his Ambassador , to Lysimachus . At what time Lysimachus boldly asking him , Whether he were not banish'd Athens ? 'T is very true , said he , for the City no longer able to bear me , cast me forth , as Semele did Bacchus . To which Lysimachus replying , Beware how thou com'st any more hither . Never fear it , said he , unless Ptolomy send me . At the same time Mythrus , the King 's High Steward was present ; who offended at his haughty carriage , Thou seem●…t , said he , to be as ignorant of the Majesty of Kings , as of the Gods : How oan that be , reply'd the other , when I know thee to be an Enemy of the Gods ? It is reported , that when he came to Corinth , he was presently surrounded with a great Crowd of his Disciples . Which Metrocles the Cynic observing as he was washing of wild Pot-herbs , Hark ye , said he ▪ as he pass'd by , would'st not thou , as great a Sophister as thou art , want Scholars ▪ should they see thee washing Pot-herbs ▪ To whom the other , I know not that , friend ▪ but this I know , Thou need'st not now have been washing wild Roots , had'st thou bee learnt how to converse with Men. But this Repartee is father'd as well upon Diogenes and Aristippus , as upon him . And th●● much for the Life and Tenents of Theodorus . At length retiring to Cyrene , he was there a long time , highly honour'd by M●rias . From whence being at length also expell'd , at his departure , Ye do very ill , said he , O Cyreneans , to banish me out of Africa into Greece . Of this name there were nineteen more . The first a Samian , the Son of Rhoecus , who advis'd the laying of Charcoals under the Foundation of the Temple of Ephesus , for he affirm'd , That the place being very moist , the Charcoal would dissolve , and then consolidate again into a most firm and durable substance , The second was a Geometrician of Cyrene , and Plato's Master . The third , the Author of a Treatise Concerning the Exercise of the Voice . The fourth , he that wrote the Lives of the Legislators , beginning from Terpander . The fifth a Stoic . The sixth , he that wrote the Roman History . The seventh a Syracusian , that wrote of Military Discipline . The eighth of Byzantium , a famous writer of Politicks . The ninth mention'd by Aristotle in his Epitome of the Rhetoricians . The tenth , a Theban Statuary . The eleventh a Painter , of which one Polemo makes mention . The twelfth an Athenian Painter , mention'd by Menodotus . The thirteenth an Ephosian Painter , of whom Theophrastus speaks , in his Treatise of Painting . The fourteenth , an Epigrammatist . The fifteenth wrote the Lives of the Poets . The sixteenth a Physician , and Disciple of Athenaeus . The seventeenth a Chiote , and a Stoic Philosopher . The eighteenth a Milesian and a Stoic likewise . The nineteenth a Tragedian : and our own Philosopher makes the twentieth . The LIFE of PHAEDO . PHaedo , an Elean , born of a noble Family , being taken in the general Sack of his Country , was constrain'd for a livelihood to keep a small Victualing-House , to which , after he had got him a little Door , he enjoy'd Socrates for his Bed-fellow and Master , till Alcibiades or Crito , by the persuasion of Socrates , redeem'd him from that Penury ; and from that time forward he apply'd himself with great diligence to the study of Philosophy . He wrote several Dialogues , which are undoubtedly acknowledg'd to be his . But his Zopyrus , Simo , and Nicias are called in question . His Medus is said to have been written by Aeschines , or as some will have it , by Polyaenus : His Antimachus is controverted : And his Scythian Proverbs are attributed to Aeschines . His Successor was Plistinus of Eleia , and after him the Disciples of Menedemus of Eretricum , and Asclepiades the Phthiasian , Successor to Stilpo , till their time call'd Eliaci , but then again from Menedemus , Eretrici . But of him more hereafter , in regard he was the head and founder of that Sect. The LIFE of EVCLIDES . EVclides , born at Megara , adjoyning to the Isthmus , as some assert , or in Gelo , as Alexander affirms in his Successions , is reported to have been a great admirer of Parmenides , whose writings he continually studied . From him the Megarici took their denomination , afterwards called Eretrici , and after that Dialectici : So nam'd by Dionysius the Carthaginian , because they always wrote by way of Question and Answer . To this great Man , says Hermodotus , repair'd Plato and all the rest of the Philosophers , after the death of Socrates , fearing the cruelty of the thirty Tyrants . He allow'd but one Supream Good , tho' he gave it several Names . For sometimes he call'd it Prudence ; sometimes God , and at other times , the Great Intelligence . He deny'd whatever was contrary to the Supream Good , affirming there was no such thing . For which he brought his Proofs , not by way of Assumption , but by way of Inference and Conclusion . He also condemn'd the use of Allegories in Disputations . For , said he , they consist either of Similitudes or Dissimilitudes . If of Similitudes , then it behoves the Disputant to insist upon the Similitude , rather than upon those things for which the Illustration is intended . If of Dissimilitudes , then the Comparison is to no purpose . Timon therefore derides him , together with the rest of the Socratics in the following Lines . Phaedo be hang'd , with all his Rakeshame Crew , I neither mind 'em , nor their Trifles view . Nor their fam'd Euclid neither ; fam'd ! for what ? For plaguing Megara with brawling Chat. He wrote six Dialogues , entitl'd Lamprias , Aeschines , Phoenix , Crito , Alcibiades , and Eroticum . To Euclid succeeded Eubulides the Milesian , who form'd in writing several Moods and Figures in Logic , by way of Interrogation , under the names of the Fallacious , the Latent , the Electra , the Involv'd , the Sorite , the Horned , and the Bald ; of which Timon , Contentious Euclid with his Horned Queries , And ranting Bumbast his admirers wearies ; Yet after all his babling thus by rote Demosthenes's R sticks in his Throat . For Demosthenes seems to have been once his hearer , but because he pronounc'd the Letter R worse than his Master , he forsook his Master that could not remedy his impediment . As for Eubulides , it is manifest that he was a great Enemy to Aristotle , in whose writings he finds a thousand faults . Now among the rest that succeeded Eubulides , Alexinus was one ; famous for a Brangler , and a Man of strong parts ; for which reason he was call'd Alexinus ; but against no Man so much embitter'd as against Zeno. This Alexinus , as Hermippus relates , travelling from Elis to Olympia , there divulged his Philosophy ; at what time , being ask'd by his Scholars , why he tarry'd there ? He reply'd , That he intended to set up a new Sect , and give it the Title of Olympiac . Thereupon his Scholars finding their Provision spent , and the place very unhealthy , left Alexinus to shift for himself , with one Servant only . Afterwards , as he was swimming in the River Alpheus , the sharp end of a Reed ran into his Body , of which wound he dy'd . Which occasion'd this Epigram of our own . 'T was then no story , that a Nail should lame The Foot of one that in a River swam ; For Alexinus in Alpheus found The cursed Reed that gave him his death's wound . He not only wrote against Zeno and Ephorus the Historian , but several other Treatises . Euphantus also the Olynthian , was another admirer and follower of Eubulides , who wrote the Story of his own Times , and several Tragedies , which won him great Reputation at the Public Exercises . He was also Tutor to King Antigonus , to whom he wrote a Treatise of Regality , and Kingly Government , very much applauded among the Learned , and dy'd meerly of old Age. Eubulides had also several other Scholars , and among the rest Apollonius , Sur-nam'd Cronus . The LIFE of DIODORVS . DIodorus was the Son of Amenias , an Iassian , Sur-nam'd also Cronos , of whom Callimachus seems to have been a bitter Enemy , and writes in derision : Yet Momus is so kind upon the Wall To write his Name in Letters Capital , Cronos the Wise ; Oh! never then despise The Man whom Momus has Sur-nam'd the Wise . He was a Logician , and the first who is reported to have found out the Involv'd and Horned Enthymemes . While he Sojourn'd with Ptolomy Soter , Stilpo put several Logical Questions to him , which when he was not able readily to resolve , the King laught at him , and call'd him Cronos in derision . Thereupon he retir'd from the Banquet , and after he had written a whole Treatise upon the Question propounded to him , he dy'd for meer Grief : Which occasion'd this Epigram of ours . Poor Diodorus Cronus ! which of All The Daemons was it , ow'd thee so much Gall , So to besot thy Brains , thou cou'dst not speak , And then with silly Grief thy heart to break ? Alas ! thou couldst not Stilpo's knot unty , 'T was knit too fast , and that 's the reason why ? 'T was that took P and K from thy Name , So Kronos , Onos , or an Ass became . In Euclid's School were also bred the famous Ichthyas , the Son of Metallus , Clinomachus the Thurian , who wrote a Treatise of Logical Axioms and Predicaments . And Stilpo , a most renown'd Philosopher , whose Life we are next to write . The LIFE of STILPO . STilpo , born in Megara of Greece , was the Disciple of some of Euclid's Scholars ; as also of Thrasymachus the Corinthian , a familiar acquaintance of Ichthyas's . But he so far surpassed his Teachers , and all others for Invention and Eloquence , that he wanted but little of drawing all Greece after him to Megara . Philip the Megaric gives this account of him : He forsook Theophrastus to follow Metrodorus , who was altogether addicted to Contemplation , and Timagoras of Gelos : And at the same time Clitarchus and Simmi●s left Aristotle the Cyrenaean for the same reason . Among the Dialectics , Paeonins forsaking Aristides , Diphilus of Bosphorus the Son of Euphantus , and Myrmex the Son of Exenaetus , studious of Disputation , became his Admirers . He also won Phrasidemus the Peripatetic , a great Naturalist , and Alcinous , the most eminent Orator of all who then flourish'd in Greece , to be his Hearers ; together with Crates , Phoenix , Zeno , and several others , who all flock'd to him . He was a Man deeply Politic ; and besides his Wife Nicarete , kept a Mistress in his House , as Onetor testifies . His Daughter , who prov'd none of the chastest , he marry'd to Simmias of Syracuse , his Kinsman : Of whose Incontinency when Stilpo was inform'd , and told moreover , that she was a disgrace to her Parents , She is not , said he , so great a shame to me , but that I am a greater Ornament to her . Ptolomy Soter kindly entertain'd him , when the victorious Enemy had subdu'd his Native Country ; and giving him a round Sum of Money , requested his Company into Aegypt : Thereupon he return'd the best part of the Money , refusing the Voyage , and retir'd to Aegina , till Ptolomy's return . Nor was Demetrius less kind ; for after he had taken Megara , he took particular care to save the Philosopher's House , and that the Plunder taken out of it should be restor'd him . But when the Victor demanded an Inventory of his Goods , to see whether he miss'd nothing , he made answer , that every thing was safe , for no Man could deprive him of his Eloquence , and his Learning : And after this discoursing to the Conqueror concerning Humane Beneficence , he did it with that force of Eloquence , that the vanquish'd Victor became not only his Admirer but his Hearer . It is reported of him , That he put this Question to a certain person concerning the Statue of Minerva made by Phydias , Is Minerva the Daughter of Jove a God ? To which the other answering Yes . But this Minerva , said he , is the Daughter of Phydias , not of Jupiter : Which the other acknowledging ; Then this , said he , can be no God. For which , when he was cited to the Areopagus , he disdain'd to eat his words , but rather affirm'd that he had spok'n nothing but what was true ; for that she was no God , but a Goddess , in regard the Gods were all Masculine : However the Areopagites , never a jot the more pacify'd for that , commanded him to depart the City . At which time Theodorus , nick-nam'd the God , is reported to have droll'd upon him , asking him , How he came to be so knowing ; or whether he took up her Coats and look'd ? For he was a person of a daring confidence ; but Stilpo a Man very reserv'd , yet extreamly facetious . And therefore when Crates ask'd him whether the Gods were pleas'd with the Prayers of Mortals , and the Divine Honours continually paid ' em ? Fool , said he , never ask Questions concerning these things in the Street , but when thou art private in thy Study . Which very answer is reported to have been given by Bion to one that ask'd him , whether there were any Gods ? Wretched Old Man , canst thou the Crowd remove , That I may loudly speak of things above . Moreover Stilpo was a plain dealing person , without fraud or guile , and one that would not despise the most ignorant person alive . And therefore when Crates the Cynic would not answer to a question propounded to him , only let a fart ; I knew , said he , thou wouldst speak any thing rather than what it behov'd thee to do . Another time , a certain person presenting him a dry Figg , and then propounding a question to him ; he presently eat the Figg ; upon which the other crying out , that he had lost his Figg : Yes , and the question too , reply'd Stilpo , which thou gav'st me in Earnest for question . Another time beholding Crates scorch'd and burnt in the Winter time , Truly Crates , said he , in my opinion thou want'st a new Cloak ; meaning , as well to hide his knavery , as to keep him warm : To whom the old Man , being at present somewhat dash'd out of count'nance presently retorted , Time was when I at Megara have seen Stilpo in rags , that scarce would hide his skin , Shivering and shaking , tho' so near the rocks Where Typhon's Cavern still with Sulphur smoaks , At length for a new Coat to warm his Breech , I'th'open streets he needs would Vertue teach , Till all his friends so thick about him got , That tatter'd Vertue had like t' ha ' gone to pot . He is reported , so to have bewitch'd the Ears of the People at Athens , that the very Slaves flock'd out of the Public Bridewells to see him ; at what time , to a certain Person saying to him , Look — how they wonder at thee , as if thou wer 't some strange wild Beast , — He reply'd , No , no , 't is because they never saw a true Man before . Being a most sharp and quick Disputant , he deny'd all manner of Species ; and affirm'd , That he who said he was a Man , was no Man. For he must be either this , or that Man. But why rather this Man , than that Woman ? Therefore , no Man. And again : This Pot-herb which here we see is no Pot-herb : For Pot-herbs were a thousand years ago ; therefore , this is no Pot-herb . It is reported , that as he was talking with Crates , he broke off abruptly in the middle of his Speech , to go to the Fishmongers . At what time , when the other pull'd him back , and told him , he left his discourse behind him : No , said he , I keep my discourse to my self , but I leave thee . For my discourse can tarry , but the Fish will be gone . He is said to have been the Author of nine insipid Dialogues , entitl'd , Moschus , Aristippus or Callias , Ptolomy , Chaerecrates , Metrocles , Anaximenes , Epigenes , To his Daughter , and Aristotle . Heraclides asserts that Zeno , the Founder of the Stoic Philosophy , was one of his Followers . And Hermippus assures us , that he was very old when he dy'd , and that he drank a lusty draught of Wine , to the end he might the sooner expire . Thereupon we made him this Epigram . Stilpo of Megara perhaps thou know'st , Him up and down by various fortune tost , The sad Distempers of old Age o'retook . At last , quite weary of the ponderous yoak , A nimbler Charioteer he found to drive The lingring Chariot of his Irksome life ; Calls for two juggs of Wine , and those pour'd down , The Curtain draws , and Coachman , crys , drive on . Sophilus also the Comic Poet , was very severe upon him , in his Play call'd the Wedding . Stilpo , to hasten death , what so provok'd thee ? But 't was Charinus Plaguy Problem choak'd thee . The LIFE of CRITO . CRito was an Athenian , who above all others , had such a singular affection for Socrates , that he made it his business continually to supply his wants . His Sons Critobulus , Hermogenes , Ctesippus and Epigenes , were all the Disciples of Socrates . Crito himself likewise was the Author of seventeen Dialogues , all comprehended in one Volume , and thus entitl'd , That Learning does not make good Men. Of Plentiful Living . Of what is sufficient . Of Honesty and Vertue . Of God. What it is to do evil . Of Fertility . Of the Law. Of Arts. Concerning Conversation . Of Wisdom . Of Protagoras , or the Politician . Of the Letters . Of Poetry . Of Generosity . Concerning Education . Of Knowledge . What it is to know . The LIFE of SIMO . SIMO was an Athenian Stone-Cutter , who when Socrates came into his Work-House , and discours'd upon any subject , set down in writing whatever he could remember : For which reason his Dialogues are call'd Socratici ; of which there are three and thirty , upon various subjects , all bound together in one Volume , with these running Titles . Concerning the Gods. Of Honesty . What is Honourable and Honest. Of Justice , in two Parts . Concerning Vertue , that it is not to be taught . Of Fortitude , in three Dialogues . Of Love. Concerning Popularity . Of Honour . Of Poetry . Concerning Health . Of Love , Philosophy , Knowledge , and Music . What is Honourable . Of Education . Of Labour . Of Judgment . Of Entity . Of Number . Of Industry . Concerning the Love of Gain . Of Vain-glory. Of Vertue . Other Treatises he also wrote , Concerning giving Counsel . Of Reason and Dexterity . Of Evil doing . He is also reputed to be the first that made use of Socrates's Arguments . And this was he , who when Pericles promis'd him , that if he would live with him , he should want for nothing , made him answer , That he had no mind to part with his Liberty . There was also another Simo , who wrote a Treatise of Rhetoric . A third , who was a Physician , and Kinsman to Seleucus and Nicanor ; and a fourth , who was a Carver in Stone . The LIFE of GLAVCO . GLauco an Athenian , was the Author of nine Dialogues , all comprehended likewise in one Volume , under these Titles , Phydilus , Euripides , Amyntichus , Euthias , Lysichides , Aristophanes , Cephalus , Anaxiphemus , Menexeus . There are also thirty two more that go abroad under his name , but not allowed to be his . The LIFE of SIMMIAS . SImmias was a Theban , and said to have wrote twenty three Dialogues under these Heads . Of Wisdom , Truth , Musick . Of Epic Verses , Fortitude , Philosophy , Ratiocination , Truth , Letters , Education , Arts and Sciences : How to govern : Of Decency : What to choose ; what to avoid : Of Friendship , Knowledge , well living : Of Possibility : Of Money : Concerning Life : What is Honest : Of Diligence and Love. The LIFE of CEBES . CEbes , a Theban likewise , is reported to be the Author of three Dialogues entitl'd , His Table , Hebdome , and Phrynichus . The LIFE of MENEDEMVS . MEnedemus , the Son of Phaedo , the Son of Clisthenes , of the Family of the Theopropidae , was a person of a Noble Extraction , but a Carpenter , and poor . Others report him to have been a Tent-maker , and that he learn'd both Trades . Which was the reason , that when he had made a certain Decree , he was reproved by one Alexinus , who told him , that it did not become a Wise Man to make either a Tent or a Decree . Afterwards being sent by the Eretrici to Garrison Megara , he took a Journey to the Academy to visit Plato , by whose perswasions , not unwillingly entic'd , he left off his being a Soldier . But being invited by Asclepias the Phthiasian , he liv'd at Megara with Stilpo , whose followers they both became . From whence going by Sea to Elis , they fell into the company of Archipalus , and Moschus , and so till now , they were call'd Eretrici , from the Country where Menedemus was born . Certainly it is that Menedemus was a Person highly esteem'd for his Vertue and Gravity . For which reason Crates in his morose humour calls him , The Eretric Bull. Nor is Timon less Satyrical in deriding his compos'd Demeanour . Then rising up , he knits his beetle Brows , And gravely humms a lesson through his Nose . However he was a person so awful , that when Eurylochus the Cassandraan was sent for by Antigonus , together with Clippides , a young Gentleman of Cyzicum , he refus'd to go , for fear Menedemus should know it , for he was quick and severe in his Reprimands . Insomuch that when a young Man behav'd himself with an unbeseeming Insolence before him , he said nothing , but with a Reed upon the Pavement he describ'd the Posture of a Boy suffering under male Agitation , till the young Man perceiving himself to be abus'd in the presence of all the standers by , sneak'd out of the Room , asham'd of what he had done . Another time , when Hierocles fell most severely foul upon him in the Pyraeum about Amphiaraus , and told him several Stories concerning the taking of Eretria : Menedemus said no more , but only ask'd him , Wherefore it was that Antigonus so highly extoll'd him ? To one that boasted of his Adultery , Dost thou not know , said he , That Radishes contain as good a juice as Coleworts ? To a young Man , that bawl'd and yaul'd after him , Have a care , said he , lest thou forget for hast what thou hast left behind thee . To Antigonus in a quandary , whether he should go to a Feast , where he knew there would be hard drinking , He said no more than this , Remember thou art the Son of a King. To a stupid fellow that talk'd impertinently to him , Hast thou any Lands ? said he : Who answering , that he had several Farms : Go then , said he , and look after 'em , lest thou lose thy wealth , and com'st to be a poor Fool. To one that ask'd his advice , whether he should marry : Dost thou not , said he , take me for a Wise Man ? Who not denying but that he was so , Why then , said he , I am marry'd . To one that affirm'd , there were many Good Things , he put the Question , How many , and whether he thought there were above a hundred ? Being invited to a sumptuous Feast , which was a sort of Riot he could never abide , he said nothing , but by his silence reprehended the person , while he was observ'd to take only a few Olives for his own share . This liberty of speech which he us'd had like to have cost him and his Friend Asclepias their lives at Cyprus , where he offended Nicocreon : For the King having invited both them , and several other Philosophers to a monthly Festival , Menedemus could not forbear , but with his wonted freedom publickly at the Table , If there be any benefit , said he , in such Society , these Feasts ought to be kept every day : If not , this is now superfluous . To which the Tyrant answering , That he set apart such leisure Holidays to hear the Philosophers : Menedemus more sharply insisted , That it behov'd him to hear the Philosophers at all times : Insomuch that they had both dy'd for it , had not one of the Musicians given 'em private intelligence of the mischief design'd , and sent 'em privately away . Thereupon they presently took shipping , which gave occasion to Asclepias , in the midst of a violent Storm that rose as soon as they were out at Sea , to complain , That the Musicians skill had sav'd him , but Menedemus ' s over boldness had lost him . He was a person that little regarded any ▪ order in his School ; where there were no Benches fix'd round the Room as in a Theatre , but every one sate or stood as they could find a Place or Seat convenient . Otherwise timorous , and jealous of his Reputation , so that when Asclepias and he both wrought with a Bricklayer , and Asclepias never scrupl'd to be seen in his Shirt , carrying Mortar in a Hodd to the top of the Tiles , he would always hide himself when any Passenger came by . When he took upon him the management of Public Affairs , he was so timorous , that being to put the Incense into the Censor , he let it fall beside . Much about the same time when Crates reproach'd him for medling with the Government , he order'd him to be carry'd to Prison . Where Crates nevertheless would still watch him as he pass'd to and again , and taunt him with the Nick-names of Agamemnon , and Alderman Menedemus : For , to speak the Truth , he was somewhat addicted to Superstition . Another time , Asclepias and he having din'd in an Inn upon a Dish of flesh , as the Proverb is , of Goda'mighty's Killing , when Menedemus came to understand it , he began to grow pale , and fall a puking , till Asclepias , rebuking him severely , convinced him , that 't was not the flesh , but his own squeamish conceit that caus'd his illness . But setting these humours aside , he was both Magnanimous and Liberal . His habit and condition of Body was the same in his Old Age and in his Youth , strong and lusty as a Wrestler ; of a swarthy Complexion ; fat and smooth ; of a middle Stature , as appears by his Statue in the Street call'd the old Stadium in Eretria . For it is carv'd for the nonce , half naked , discovering the chiefest parts of his Body . He was a most courteous entertainer of his Friends ; and because Eretria was an unhealthy place , he was wont to feast often . He was a great admirer of Aratus Lycophron the Tragic Poet , and Antagoras the Rhodian . But Homer was his chiefest delight . The Lyrics he lov'd , as also Sophocles and Achaeus , among the Satyrists ; but he preferr'd Aeschylus above all the rest . Therefore to those that oppos'd him at the Council Table , he would always repeat these lines : The swiftest foot in time th' infirm and weak , And Tortoises may Eagles overtake . Which was a Sentence of Achaeus , taken out of his Satyr entitl'd Omphale . So that they were foully mistaken , who affirm'd that he never read any other Books but Euripides's Medea , which is said by some to have been written by Neophron the Sicyonian . But he slighted his Masters Plato , Xenocrates , and Parecbates the Cyrenaic . However he was an admirer of Stilpo ; concerning whom the question being once put to him , what his Conditions were , he only answer'd , He is liberal . Moreover he was a person not easily to be understood ; and in Disputations an Adversary troublesome to be encounter'd . He was ready upon all subjects , and furnished with a copious Elegancy of words . Much addicted to Syllogisms , and therefore he was wont to argue thus . Is one thing different from another ? Yes . Does Profitable differ from Good ? Yes . Therefore that which is good , is not that which is Profitable . He rejected all Negatives , making use of Affirmatives only ; and those simple , not compound , which he said were intricate and complex'd . Heraclides asserts that in his Doctrine and Opinions he was a Platonic , but that he sported with Logic. So that Alexinus asking him whether he had left off beating his Father : He answer'd , I have neither struck him , nor have I left off . Upon which the other desiring him to explain himself by saying I , or No. 'T is a ridiculous thing , said he , to obey your Laws , that will permit a Man to brawl and wrangle in the open Market-places . He complain'd that Bion murder'd the dead , when he exclaim'd so industriously against the Southsayers . Hearing another maintain , that there could be no greater good than for a Man to enjoy whatever he desired : Yes , said he , a much greater , for a Man to desire no more than is needful . Antigonus the Caristyan positively asserts , that he never wrote or compos'd any . Treatise in his life , nor that he ever set up any Opinion , as a fundamental Truth : But that he was so obstinate and quarrelsome in his Questions and Interrogatories , that he would never give over till the Blood started out of his Eyes . Yet though he were so passionate in words , his actions bespake him the meekest Man i' the World. And therefore though Alexinus laught at him , and abus'd him where-ever he met him , yet he was always kind to him , and accompany'd his Wife from Delphos to Chalcis , because she was afraid of being rob'd upon the Road. He was also a true and constant friend , as appears by his strict League with Asclepias , almost as signal as that between Pylades and Orestes . But Asclepias being the Elder , they liken'd him to the Poet , and Menedemus to the Actor . And it is reported , that when Archeopolis had once told 'em out three thousand pieces of Money , because there was a friendly dispute who should take first , neither would touch it . They were both marry'd , Asclepias to the Daughter , and Menedemus to the Mother : Moreover they tell us , that when Asclepias's Wife dy'd , he took his friend Menedemus's ; for that he being advanc'd to preferment , had marry'd another more Noble and Wealthy : However , because they kept House together , Menedemus gave his first Wife leave to manage the Family . Now as Asclepias was the Elder , so he dy'd long before him in Eretria , being far strick'n in years , after they had liv'd long and happily together , and with so much love ; that when , sometime after , a young Lad that had been Asclepias's Minion , coming to Menedemus's House to a Feast , was shut out of Doors by his Servants , he bid 'em let him in , for that Asclepias though dead , had still the power to open his Doors . There were also those that supported both , Hipponicus the Macedonian , and Agetor the Lamian . Of which the one presented 'em with thirty Minas apiece ; and Hipponicus gave two thousand Drachmas to Menedemus's Daughters upon their Marriage , of which he had three by his Wife Oropia , as Heraclides witnesses . His Feasts he order'd after this manner , first he sate down himself with two or three Friends , till it grew to be Evening . Then the rest of the Guests were call'd in , though they had already supp'd : And therefore if any one came too soon , they would ask the Servants what was upon the Table , and how long it had stood there ? If only Roots and Sallets , away they went again ; but if either Roast or Boil'd , they went in . The Guests in the Summer lay upon Mats ; in the Winter upon Sheep-skins , with the woolly part upwards ; and every one had his Pillow brought him . The Cup that went about , contain'd something more than half a Pint. The junkets were Beans and Lupins . Sometimes Pears or Pomgranates , or dry Figgs . Of all which Lycophron makes mention in his Satyr call'd Menedemus , where he writes in praise of the Philosopher thus much in part . The Banquet short , the Cup that went about , Of moderate size , was fill'd again , when out . But the chief junkets that adorn these Feasts , Were learning's sweet Preserves and harmless Jests . He was at first very much contemn'd and slighted , and by the Eretrians frequently abus'd , who call'd him Curr and mad Man : But afterwards he was so highly admir'd , that he was solely intrusted with the Government of the City . He perform'd three Embassies to Ptolomy , to Lysimachus , and Demetrius , highly honour'd where-ever he came . And when the City allow'd him two hundred Talents a year , he remitted fifty . Being accus'd to Demetrius for designing to betray the City to Ptolomy , he justify'd himself in an Epistle , of which this was the beginning . Menedemus to Demetrius , Happiness . I Hear that several stories have been told thee concerning Vs , &c. By this Letter he admonishes Demetrius to have a watchful Eye upon Aeschylus , who was one of the contrary Faction . He seems to have been sent to Demetrius in the behalf of Oropus , which Embassy was by him manag'd with singular Gravity , as Euphantus in his History records . Antigonus also had a particular esteem for him , and own'd himself to be his Disciple , and when he had vanquish'd the Barbarians about Lysimachia , Menedemus sent him a Decree written in a plain Style , and free from any flattery , which thus began . The Captains and chief Counsellors to Antigonus . Seeing that King Antigonus , victorious over the Barbarians , is now advanc'd to Elia , prosperous in all things else according to his wishes , therefore the Senate and People have thought fit , &c. This Decree , and his intimate familarity with the King were the Reasons that he was suspected for having a design to betray the City . And being accus'd by Aristodemus , he retir'd privately to the Temple of Amphiaraus , in Oropus , from whence after the loss of the Golden Cups , as Hermippus relates , he was by the general Decree of the Boeotians , commanded to depart . Removing therefore from thence with a heavy heart , he privately return'd into his Country , sent for his Wife and Children , and retiring to Antigonus , under his Protection ended his Days , for grief and anguish of mind . On the other side Heraclides tells us a story quite contrary ; how that being made President of the Senate , he freed the Eretrians several times from the attempts of those that affected the Tyranny , by calling in Demetrius to his assistance . And that therefore it was not likely he should have any design to betray the City to Antigonus , which was a meer Calumny thrown upon him : But that he went to Antigonus with another design , was true ; for when he could not prevail with him to set his Country at liberty , he abstained from all manner of Food for seven days together , and so ended his life . And this is also testified by Antigonus the Carystian . Only against Persaeus he profess'd an inexorable hatred ; for when Antigonus would have restor'd to the Eretrians , their former Republican Government , for the sake of Menedemus , he was the only Person that disswaded him . For which reason Menedemus bitterly incens'd against him , in the hearing of a full Assembly , at a great Feast . 'T is true , said he , he is a Philosopher , but of all Men that are , or ever were , or ever will be , assuredly the most vile and wicked . He dy'd ( according to Heraclides ) in the seventy third year of his Age. Nor could we chuse but dedicate this Epigram to his memory . When first ( Great Menedemus ) loudest Fame Did to our Ears thy sudden End proclaim ; How thou morose , and sternly obstinate , By Abstinence did'st hasten on thy Fate , It was no more , 't is true , than what thy Sect Allow'd ; however 't was a weak Defect Of Noble Courage in a Man so rare , Not to be able to withstand Despair . And thus much for the Socratics , and those that descended from them . We come now to Plato , who founded the Academy , and to those of his Followers , who were most transcendent in Learning and Eloquence . The End of the Second Book . Diogenes Laertius , Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Sayings Of the most Famous PHILOSOPHERS . The Third Book , Translated from the Greek by E. Smith , M. A. The LIFE of PLATO . PLATO , the Son of Aristo , and Perictione , or Potona , was Born at Athens , his Mother being descended from the Race of Solon . For the Brother of Solon was Dropides , from whom Critias , the Father of Calaeschrus , whose Son was Critias also , one of the thirty Tyrants , the Father of Glauco , from whom Charmides and Perictione , of whom and Aristo , Plato was the Son , being the sixth from Solon , who deriv'd his Pedigree from Neleus and Neptune . His Father also is said to have deduc'd his Original from Codrus the Son of Melanthus , who in like manner boasted his Descent from Neptune , as Thrasylus testifies . Speusippus also , in Plato's Book entitl'd Th● Supper ; Clearchus in praise of Plato ; and Anaxilides in his Lives of the Philosophers tell us how the story went , that Aristo inflam'd with Perictione's Beauty ▪ would have ravish'd her . But finding too great a Resistance , and warn'd by Apollo in his sleep , he then courted her to the chast embraces of Wedlock . So that Plato was born , according to Apollodorus in his Chronicle , in the eighty eighth Olympiad , in the Month of April , the same day that Apollo came into the World , by the supputation of the Delians : And dy'd , as Hermippus reports , in the first year of the hundred and eighth Olympiad , being at that time fourscore and one years of Age , and designing to marry another Wife . Though Neauthes affirms him to have been fourscore and four years old at the time of his decease . So that he was six years younger than Isocrates . For that he was born under Lysimachus , but Plato under the Government of Aminias , about which time Pericles also dy'd . Then for his most familiar and intimate Acquaintance , Collyteus is number'd among the chiefest by Antileo , in his second Book , De Temporibus . Others there are , who report him to have been born in Aegina , in the House of Phidiaedes , who was the Son of Thales ( as Phavorinus records in his Various History ) his Father being sent , with others , about the Division of certain Lands , and returning to Athens , when they were expell'd by the Lacedaemonians , who assisted the Aeginenses . He is also said to have gratify'd the People of Athens with several pompous Shews and Interludes , at the expences of Dio , as Athenodorus relates . He had two Brothers Adimantus and Glaucus , and a Sister named Pot●ma , the Mother of Speusippus , and was taught his first Rudiments of Learning by Dionysius , of whom he makes mention in his Anterastae ; and he perform'd his Wrestling Exercises under Aristo of Argos , by whom for his lovely Shape and Proportion , he was called Plato , whereas before he had been nam'd Aristocles , from the name of his Grandfather , as Alexander relates in his Successions . Though ●thers will have him to be so call'd from his broad manner of Pronunciation ; or else from the breadth of his fore-head ▪ according to Neanthes . Others report him to have been a great Wrestler at the Isthmian Games ; among whom was Dicaearchus in his Book of Lives ; also that he was addicted to Painting and Poetry ; and that first he wrote Dithyrambies , afterwards Odes and Tragedies . His voice was but shrill , and somewhat effeminate , as Timotheus the Athenian relates of him in his Book of Lives . It is reported that Socrates should dream , that a Cygnet newly hatch'd came and sate down upon his knees ; and that the wings of the Bird growing out of a sudden , she flew away , sweetly singing in her flight : The next day , Plato being brought to him by his Father , he cry'd out , This is the Bird which I dreamt of . He began to divulge his Philosophy first in the Academy ▪ then in the Garden adjoyning to Colonus , as Alexander relates from the Testimony of Heraclitus . Then resolving a contest in Tragedy , before the Dionysian Theatre , after he had heard Socrates , he threw his Poems in the fire , crying out , Hast , Vulcan , hith●● , Plato wants thy aid . And from that time forward , being then twenty years of age , he became a Hearer of Socrates . After whose decease he stuck to Cratylus , the Disciple of Heraclitus , and Hermogenes , who maintain'd the Philosophy of Parmenides . When he arriv'd at eight and twenty years of age , according to Hermodorus , together with some other Socratics , he betook himself to Megara , where he admir'd and follow'd Euclid ; from whence he departed for Cyrene , to hear Theodorus the Mathematician , and from thence he travell'd into Italy , to the Pythagoreans , Philolaus and Eurytus : Thence into Aegypt , where he associated with the Priests and Prophets , whither it is also reported , that Enripides accompany'd him , and falling sick , was by the Priests cured with a Salt-water Medicine , which occasion'd that verse of his , — The briny Ocean scoures away All the Distempers that on Mortals prey . Moreover , with Homer ▪ he affirm'd , that all the Egyptians were Physicians . Plato had also design'd to have visited the Magi , but the Wars , breaking forth in Asia , forc'd him to desist from his purpose . Returning therefore to Athens , he continu'd in the Academy . This was a pleasant place in the Suburbs shaded with Trees , and so call'd from a certain Hero , whose name was Academus , of whom Eupolis makes mention in his Astrateuti . In those delightful shades , the sweet abode Of Academus , now a Semi-God . And Timon also , speaking of Plato , thus writes . But above all , was Plato , still allow'd To be the Captain of the Charming Croud ; Upon his Lips the Charms of Eloquence In Clusters hung , sweet words , and sublime Sence . More tunef●l notes ne'er chirp'd the Grass-hoppers In Hecademian Groves , to list'ning Ears . For in those Groves was Plato wont to sing , Out-charming all the Music of the Spring . For formerly the same place was call'd Hecademia , with an Epsilon . That our Philosopher was a friend to Isocrates , appears also from hence , for that Polyxenus has committed to writing a certain discourse concerning the Poets , that happen'd while Isocrates continu'd with Plato at his Country-House . And Aristoxenus farther asserts that he was three times a Souldier , once in the Expedition to Tanagra , a second time in the War with Corinth , and lastly at the Delian Conflict , when he won the Victory . He made a mixture of the Opinions of the Heraclitans , the Pythagoreans , and the Socratics , and as to those things which appertain'd to the sense , he held with Heraclitus ; where the understanding was concern'd , he adher'd to Pythagoras ; but in Ethics and Politics he follow'd Socrates . Some there are , and among the rest Satyrus , who affirm , that he sent into Sicily , to Dio , a hundred Minas to purchase of Philolaus three Pythagorical Books for his own use . For he was then full of money , having receiv'd from Dionysius above fourscore Talents , as Onetor testifies in his Treatise entitl'd , Whether a Wise Man should be Rich. For many other things he was also beholding to Epicharmus the Comedian , most of whose Writings he transcrib'd , as Alcimus assures us in his Books that he wrote to Amyntas , which are four in number : In the first of which he runs on in these words , It is apparent , says he , that Plato took many things out of Epicharmus . As for Example , Sensible , says Plato , is that which never continues permanent either in Quality or Quantity , but is also perpetually flowing , and lyable to the inconstancy of Change. As if we should substract Number out of those things which are neither equal nor such , nor subjected to Quantity or Quality . And these are such things , of which there is a continual Generation ; but never any Substance . Intelligible is that which neither encreases or diminishes . And this is the nature of things Sempiternal , as being always alike , and ever the same . That the Soul did apprehend some things by the Help of the Body , as it happen'd in Seeing and Hearing ; but that for the understanding of other things , she needed no assistance of Corporeal Organs , as being endu'd with a sufficient Penetration of her self . Which is the reason that Plato , from Epicharmus affirms , That they who have a desire to collect the Beginnings and Principles of the Whole , must first make a distribution of the several Ideas by themselves ; as Likeness , Vnity , Multitude , Magnitude , Rest and Motion . In the next place he ought to consider Honest , Good and Just , every one by themselves . Thirdly , It behoves him to compare the Ideas one with another , and observe which have the truest Agreement and Correspondence one with another ; as Knowledge , Magnitude , and Dominion ● As likewise , whether those things which are existing in our selves , in regard that we partake of their Qualities , are Homonymous to those other things ? For example , just things are those that partake of Justice : honest , that partake of Honesty . Now every Species is Eternal , and the understanding in reference to these things , is void of all Perturbation : And therefore the Ideas subsist in Nature , like so many Exemplars . But as for those other things which are like to these , they subsist according to their nearest resemblance to the other . And therefore Epicharmus discourses of Good and of Ideas , in this manner . Can playing on the Flute be said to be any thing ? Most surely . Why then , playing upon the Flute is a Man. Not so neither . Go too then : Dost not thou think a player upon a Flute to be a Man ? Most certainly . And does not the same Argument hold concerning Good ? This is Good ; that is the Thing ; which he who studies by it self shall become Good. For as he that pipes is call'd a Piper , he that dances , a Dancer ; so whoever he be that learns any other Art or Mystery , is not call'd the Art it self , but the Artificer that professes it . Plato in his Treatise of Ideas thus reasons : If there be such a thing as Memory , the Ideas have their Being in the several Entities ; in regard the memory relates to something that is sedate and permanent . For how , adds he , could living Creatures be preserv'd , had they not annex'd to themselves their several Ideas , or if they were not endu'd with the Natural Intelligence . Now they carry in their memories their Similitude , and the nourishment , whatever it be , which is proper to every one . Which shews that the Contemplation of Similitude is inherent to all Creatures by Natural Instinct : By which means they understand themselves to be of the same kind . Moreover Epicharmus asserts , That wisdom does not predominate altogether in one kind , but that all living Creatures have a certain Sence and Notion of themselves . And thus , if we first observe the Hen , she does not bring forth live Chick'ns , but first she lays the Eggs , then sits and enlivens her young ones with her natural Heat . Now this is a sort of Wisdom which only nature infuses and teaches . Therefore it is no wonder that all Creatures associate with their Like , and think their Productions fairest . For a Dogg is to a Dog most beautiful , the Cow to the Cow , the Ass to the Ass , and Swineherd together , as admiring their own kind above all others . These , and several other Passages of this nature are recited by Alcimus in his four Books , to shew how much Plato was indebted to Epicharmus . Now that Epicharmus was not ignorant of Plato's ingenuity , may be conjectur'd from hence , that he does as it were prophesie , that he would be his Emulator , in these words : I am of opinion , says he , nay more , I am well confirm'd , such will be the remembrance of my Words and Sentences , that some one person or other will entertain 'em in this rude dress , and attiring 'em in more pompous Colours , will himself , insuperable , become a Victor over many others . Moreover there is good reason to believe , that Plato was the first who brought the writings of Sophron the Mimic into Athens , and fram'd his own Gestures and Postures from thence ; for that the Books were found under his Pillow . He made three Voyages into Sicily ; the first only to see the Island , and the Rarities that made it famous ; when Dionisius the Tyrant , and Son of Hermocrates , compell'd him to a Conference . At what time , when he discours'd concerning Tyranny , and alledg'd , That what was profitable to him alone , made little or nothing for his advantage , unless he excell'd in vertue ; the Tyrant growing angry , Thou talk'st , said he , like an old doating Fool : To whom Plato , And thou like a Tyrant . Which so enrag'd the Potentate , that he was about to have put him to Death ; but altering his resolution , at the Intercession of Dio , and Aristomenes , he gave him to Polis , then Ambassador from the Lacedaemonians , to sell him for a Slave ; who carry'd him to Aegina , and there sold him . At what time Charmander , the Son of Charmandrides , prosecuted him for his Life , having indicted him upon a Statute in force among the Islanders , That the first Athenian that landed in the Island should dye without mercy . But upon the saying of some body , though by way of a jeer , that he was a Philosopher , he was dismiss'd . Others affirm , that he was brought into Court ; where being observ'd not to speak a word in his own defence , but stand as one couragiously resolv'd to suffer whatever happen'd , they determin'd not to kill him , but to sell him as a Captive taken in War. When by good fortune Aniceris the Cyrenean , being then in the City , redeem'd him for twenty , as others say , thirty Minas , and sent him back to Athens among his Friends , who immedintely remitted the Money back to Aniceris . But he refus'd to take it , saying withal , That they were not the only persons that were worthy to take care of Plato . Others say , that Dio sent the money to Aniceris , which he refus'd to make any other use of , than for the purchace of a little Garden for himself in the Academy . As for Polis he was overthrown by Chabrias , and afterwards drown'd in the River Helice , at what time a certain Daemon appear'd to him , and told him , he suffer'd those misfortunes for the Philosopher's sake ; as Phavorinus reports in his Commentaries . Nor could Dionysius be at rest , but understanding what had befallen him , he wrote to Plato , desiring him not to reproach him with what he had done : To whom Plato return'd for answer , That he had not so much leisure , as to think of Dionysius . His second Voyage was to the younger Dionysius ; of whom he requested a parcel of Land , and a certain number of People to live under such a Common-wealth as he should Erect . Which though Dionysius promis'd him , he never was so good as his word . More than that , as some say , he had like to have run the hazard of his life for tampering with Dio and Theotas to recover the former liberty of the Island ; at what time , Archytas the Pythagorean , in an Epistle to Dionysius , clearing him of that suspicion , sav'd him from the danger ; so that he was sent back to Athens . The purport of which Epistle was this . Archytas to Dionysius . ALl of us here , who are Plato's friends , have sent to thee Lamiscus and Photidas , desiring thee to restore his Person to us , for the sake of that Ancient friendship that is between us . Suffer him therefore to return , for thou wilt do well to call to mind , how earnestly thou didst invite him to thy Court ; which was the reason that we importun'd him to take the Voyage , upon thy promise that he should have free liberty to come and go . Remember therefore , how much thou didst desire his coming , and the high esteem thou then hadst of him . If there have been any Errour or Mistake committed , shew thy humanity and restore him to us untouch'd . So shalt thou do justly , and gratifie thy Friends . The third Voyage he made was to reconcile Dionysius to Dio. But not prevailing , he return'd home again ; where he refus'd to meddle with publick business , though a great States-man , as his writings declare . Of which the main reason was , because he found the People had been long accustom'd to Laws and Constitutions that did not correspond with his frame of Government . Pamphile also relates , that the Arcadians and Thebans built a large City ; which when they had finish'd , they sent for Plato to be their Lawgiver , and to prescribe 'em a Form of a Common-wealth ; but then understanding that they hated Equality , he refus'd to go . It is reported that he follow'd Chabrias the General , when he fled from Condemnation , at what time all the rest of his fellow Citizens declin'd his adversity : And when Cobryas the Sycophant upbraided him as he accompany'd the General up into the Castle , telling him , That he should not be so forward to help others , but do well to mind the t'other of Socrates's Draughts , that was preparing for him ; He made answer , When I fought for my Country , I ventur'd my Life ; and now again for my Friend's sake , I care as little what befalls me . He was the first , as Phavorinus reports , who introduc'd the manner of writing by way of Question and Answer : The first that by way of Analysis expounded the Question to Leodamus the Thasian : And the first that in Philosophy nam'd the Antipodes ; illustrated Logic and Poetry ; Progression in Number , and the Plane Superficies of the Extreams ; and discours'd of the Providence of God. The first also of the Philosophers who contradicted the Oration of Lysias the Son of Cephalus , expounding it word for word in his Phaedrus ; and the first that contemplated the force of Grammar . And being the first also that oppos'd almost all that went before him , it was by many wonder'd why he made no mention of Democritus . Neanthes of Cyzicum reports , that as he was travelling to the Olympics , he drew the Eyes of all the Greeks upon him , at what time he had a long Conference with Dio , then designing a War with Dionysius . Moreover Phavorinus in his first Book of Commentaries relates , that Mithridates the Persian , erected the Statue of Plato in the Academy , with this Inscription , ` Mithridates the Son of Rhadobatus , the Persian , consecrated to the Muses this Statue of Plato , made by Silanio . Heraclides reports him to have been so modest and reserv'd in his Youth , that he was never seen to laugh but with great moderation . Yet notwithstanding all his vertues , he could not escape the Lashes and Scoffs of the Comedians ; and among the rest of Theopompus , in his Autochares . One is not one , so strangely w' are deceiv'd , Nay two are hardly One , let Plato be believ'd . And Anaxandrides in his Theseus , When th' Olives he more greedily devour'd Than Plato for his Learning so ador'd . But Timon is more severe , for cries he , How finely does th' Impostor Plato gull us , Feigning a thousand Miracles to fool us . Then Alexis in his Merops . Thou com'st in time , but still my anxious mind No ease nor quiet high or low can find ; Like Plato's Pate , my turmoil'd Brains will give My limbs tyr'd out with labour no Reprieve . And again , in his Ancilio . Thou talk'st of things unto thy self unknown ▪ Like busie Plato , trotting up and down . Amphis in his Amphicrates thus derides him ; But I must tell ye , for the good you aim , Or benefit to get by this proud Dame , Troth , Sir , by me 't is no more understood , Than that Chimera ye call Plato's Good. Another time in his Dexidemides he cries out , No , no , fond Plato , th' art a doating fool To prize thy self for a sowre look or skowle ; Yet can'st thou not that cursed trick for bear , The formal Fop of all the Town t' appear ; Withforehead all plough'd up in surly wrinkles , And furrow'd like the shells of Periwinkles . And Cratinus in his Counterfeit . Thou art a Man I think , and hast a Soul : But stay , for Plato must our thoughts controul , I 'le go and ask him , if thou hast or no ? For I profess , till then , I do not know . And Alexis in Olympiodorus . My mortal part lies dry , I know not where ; But the immortal vanish'd into Air : Whimseys like these , and all not worth a Groat , In Plato's School most learnedly are taught . And in his Parasite . Or else , like Plato , by thy self an Hour Go rave and twattle , till thy Lungs are sore . Anaxilas also drolls upon him in his Botrylio , his Cercus , and his Plusiae . Aristippus also affirms him to have been wantonly in love with a young Lad ▪ whose name was Asterus , that went to study Astrology with him : as also with Dio already mention'd ; and some there are who believe Phaedrus to have been one of his Minions . Besides that the Epigrams , which he made , were no small convictions of his roving Appetite toward the Male Sex. First upon Aster●s . My brightest Star ! that for thy sake I were The Heav'n it self , in one embody'd Sphere ! So might I view thy Beauties with more Eyes Than Stars of Heav'n adorn the gloomy skies . And then again , He that so lately like the Morning Star , When living , did such Orient brightness wear , The lovely Hesperus is now become That shines more bright in blest Elysium . Then upon Dio thus . That Tears for Trojan Damsels should be shed , Tho' newly born , fair Hecuba decreed . But in the full Career of all thy hopes , Thy sullen Fate thy valour's progress stops . Nobly howe'er interr'd thou ly'st , and all , Th' Atchievements of thy Prowess will extoll : Only my raging love no cure can find , To ease the Torments of a restless ▪ mind . As for his love of Alexis and Phaedrus , he discovers it in the following Lines . With Cheeks bedew'd the young Alexis cry'd , Where in the World so fair a one beside As Phaedrus was ? And must we Phaedrus lose ? What can my losses equal but my woes ? More than all this , he kept company also with a Colophonian Curtizan , whose name was Archeanassa , upon whom he made the following Lines . Archeanassa , fam'd in Colophon , My Mistress was , that yielded once to none : For tho' before my courtship 't were so late , In fading beauty Love , commanding , sate . Then thrice unhappy they , whose Amorous flames , In burning hearts were kindl'd by those beams Her youthful Glances shot , where e'er they whirl'd , When in her Prime she vanquish'd all the World. These also upon Agatho , When I on my beloved Agatho My soft and tender kisses did bestow , My Soul sate on my Lips , loth to depart , When one kiss more return'd it to my heart . The other , this . Toss'd to thy hand , catch me this mellow Pear , And if thou lov'st me uncompell'd , my Dear , Accept it too ; but grant my other suit , In kind exchange to crop thy Virgin fruit . If not ; yet on the Pear still cast an Eye , And then consider how the Seasons fly . The Pear I threw , but whoe'er kisses thee , More to my damage throws the Pear at me . For now the mellow Pear is in its prime , But if I stay , we both shall wast in time . He is also said to have made the following Epigram upon the Eretrians , who were surpriz'd by an Ambuscado . Bred in Eretrum , of Eretrian Race , Fertile Euboea once our Country was ; But now , the more severe our Destiny , Near Persian Susae , here interr'd we lye : Vnhappy they that after so much Toyl , Lye so far distant from their native Soyl. The two following Epigrams were also father'd upon him . Thus to the Muses Venus ▪ Fear , said she , Disdainful Nymphs , my anger'd Deity . Who to your mischief else most surely arms The God of Love with all his subtle charms . To whom as quick the Muses streight reply'd , Fair Cyprian Queen we still are so employ'd , And that the Boy in his discretion knows , That he ne'er minds to trouble our repose . The other thus . The Man that found the Gold , laid by the Rope , Two troubles having past Despair and Hope : But when he could not find his Gold ; what then ? Why he was forc'd to take the Rope again . Such things as these were heap'd up against him to display his Incontinence and Hypocrisie . And Molon , among the rest of his ill-willers , said of him , That it was not so much to be wonder'd that Dionysius should be permitted to live at Corinth , as that Plato should be suffer'd to live in Sicily . Nor did Xenophon seem to have any great kindness for him : and therefore as two persons , between whom there was a perfect Emulation , they still wrote upon the same Subjects , and under the same Titles , as the Symposium , and the Defence . Then Plato wrote of his Common-wealth , and Xenophon his Cyropaedia , which Plato affirms to be a feign'd Story , for that Cyrus was no such Man. And though both have Socrates continually in their mouths , yet they never speak a word one of another , only that Xenophon makes mention of Plato once in his third Book of Commentaries . It is also reported , that Antisthenes having a desire to repeat something that he had written , requested Plato to be present at the rehearsal , who asking Antisthenes , what was the subject of the Manuscript , and he replying , That it was to prove , There was something which was not to be contradicted : Plato demanded how he could write upon that subject ; and then going about to shew him his Errour , he so offended Antisthenes , that he wrote a Dialogue against Plato , under the Title of Satho , a nick-name in derision , denoting him to be well Arm'd against the Combats of Venus . From what time they had a continual Grudge one against the other . 'T is said , that Socrates , when he heard Plato's Lysis repeated by the Author himself , should cry out , Heavens bless me , what a company of Fables has the young Man invented ▪ about me ! For he had written several things that Socrates never spoke . The like Animosity there was between Plato and Aristippus . And therefore in his Dialogue concerning the Soul , he objects against him , that he was not present with Socrates when he dy'd ; though he were then at Aegina , which was not far distant . Aeschines also bare him a particular spleen ; for that when he came to Dionysius , who had a peculiar respect for him , and ▪ that expected relief in his poor and low condition , Plato despised him , and he had lost his labour but for the recommendation of Aristippus . As for the Speeches which he introduces Crito speaking , when Socrates was advis'd to make his escape , Idomeneus affirms 'em to have been made by Aeschines ; only by Plato attributed to Crito , out of the unkindness between ' em . Nor is Plato found to have made any mention of him in any of his Books , unless it be in his Immortality of the Soul , and his defence of Socrates , and that very slightly too . Moreover Aristotle asserts , that all the Writings which may be said to be properly his , run in a Style between Verse and Prose ; who was the only person , as Phavorinus relates , that staid with him , when he repeated his Immortality of the Soul , when all the rest rose up and departed . Many are of opinion , that Philip the Opuntine transcrib'd all his Laws that were written in the Tables of Wax , which were comprehended in his Epinomis . Euphorion also , and Panaetius affirm , that the beginning of his Common-wealth was frequently found with several Blurrings , Alterations and Emendations . More than this , Aristoxenus asserts , that the whole , or the chiefest part of the whole Treatise was to be read word for word in the Contradictories of Protagoras . His Phaedrus is said to have been the first piece that ever he compos'd , and indeed the whole Problem suvours of Juvenility ; besides that Dicearchus has bequeath'd an ill name to all that manner of writing , as being both troublesome and insipid . It happen'd once that Plato seeing a certain person playing at Dice , reprov'd him for it , who answering , that it was a slight matter ; Dost thou take custom , said he , to be a slight matter ? Being ask'd whether he intended for himself a Monument like that of his Ancestors ; he reply'd , First let me get my self a Name , then perhaps I may want many Monuments . Another time Xenocrates coming to give him a visit : Pray , said he , chastize this Boy for me , for I am angry , and therefore cannot . And to another of his Servants , Sirrah , said he , I had certainly bang'd thy bones , had I not been in a passion . Being on Horse-back , he presently alighted ; fearing , as he said , lest the pride of the Horse should infect him . He was wont to advise those that were given to drink , diligently to survey themselves in their Looking-Glasses , for that certainly they would then beware of the shame which they brought upon themselves . Nor would he allow any Man to drink to a pitch , unless it were upon the solemn Festivals of the God that was the giver of Wine . He was also an Enemy to immoderate sheep ; and therefore in his Laws he pronounces all those that are given to sleep to be persons of no worth . He held , that there was nothing so delightful to the hearing , as Truth ; or , as others say , to speak Truth . For thus he writes of Truth , in his Laws : Truth , noble Guest , is a most sublime and durable thing ; but it is a hard matter to perswade Men to it . He wish'd he might leave a Monument behind him either in Friends or Books . He dy'd in the same manner as we have already declar'd , in the thirteenth year of King Philip's Reign , as Phavorinus relates in his third Book of Commentaries ; and Theopompus tells us , that the same Prince gave him once a very tart and severe Reprimand . On the other side Myronianus in his Likenesses testifies , that Philo makes mention of a Proverb concerning Plato's Lice ; as if he should dye of that Disease . He was buried in the Academy , where he had spent the greatest part of his time in the study and profession of Philosophy ; from whence the Sect which he founded was call'd the Academic . He was accompany'd to his Grave by an honourable Train of the whole City , that flock't to his Funeral . And for his Estate , he dispos'd of it by his Will , which he made after this manner . These things Plato left behind , and has thus dispos'd of . A Farm in the Lordship of the Ephestiadae ; bounded to the North , by the High-way that leads from the Temple of the Cephisiades ; to the South , by the Heracleum , in the same Lordship ; butting to the East , upon the Lands of Archestratus Phlearius ; and Westward , upon the Lands of Philip the Cholidian . Let not this Farm be sold or alienated to any Person , but let it come to Adimantus my Son. Another Farm also I leave behind , which I purchased of Callimachus , adjoyning Northward to the Lands of Eurymedon the Myrinnusian ; Southward to the Lands of Demostratus Eupetero ; Eastward to the Lands of the foresaid Eurymedon , and Westward to the Lands of the foresaid Cephisus . Item , In money three Minas . Item , A Silver Bottle weighing one hundred sixty five Drachmas . Item , A Silver Boat , weighing forty five Drachmas . Item , A Gold Ring , and an Ear-ring both together , weighing four Drachmas and six half-penies . Item , Euclid the Stone-Cutter owes me three Minas . Item , I give Diana her Freedom . Item , I leave behind me Servants Tycho , Bicta , Apollonius and Dionysius . Item , Houshold-stuff , and Vessels , of which Demetrius has an Inventory . I owe not a farthing to any Body . His Executors were Sosthenes , Speusippus , Demetrius , Higias , Eurymedon , Callimachus , and Thrasippus . This was the Copy of his Will. His Monument was adorn'd with several Epigrams and Encomiums , of which this was the first . If Modesty and Justice ever shin'd Conspicuously bright in mortal mind , Here lies the Man , Divine Aristocles ; Of all Men , He , if wisdom e'er could raise To Fame Immortal , most deserves that Fame Which Malice ne'er could reach , nor Envy blame . Another thus . Entomb'd in Earth , here Plato's Body lyes , Whose happy Soul Immortal Bliss enjoys . Him , honour'd all good Men , no less desir'd In distant Regions , than at home admir'd ; And well might he deserve most high applause , That liv'd so truly up to Nature's Laws . And this other of somewhat a later date . Say Queen of Birds , when soaring starry height , Whose Tomb it was o're which thou took'st thy flight ? Or didst thou soar so high , to take a view What blest Immortals in their Mansions do ? I was the Soul of Plato , once below ; But now , to answer your Inquiry , know , The Soul of Plato to Olympus flies , Whose Body here in native Athens lies . To which we shall add another of our own . Had not Apollo , to the Grecians kind , To Plato's Wit his God-like Art resign'd , Where had we found a cure for Human Souls ? For as Asclepius by his skill controuls The various pains invading humane kind , 'T is only Plato who can heal the Mind . Together with this upon his Death : Phoebus , on Mortal's happiness intent , To Mortals Plato and Asclepius sent . The one in health our Bodies to assure , The other , our diseased minds to cure . At last , upon the confines of his life , Designing the brisk pleasures of a Wife , To Jove's own consecrated ground he came , And City rear'd of old to Phoebus Name , Where to his Master he his Art resign'd , But left his Physic of the Soul behind . His Disciples and Followers were Speusippus the Athenian , Xenocrates the Chalcedonian , Aristotle the Stagarite , Philip of Opus , Hestiaeus the Printhian , Dio of Syracuse , Amyclus the Heracleote , Erastus , and Coriscus both Skepsians ; Timolaus of Cyzicum , Enaeon of Lampsacus , Pytho and Heraclides , both of Aenea , Callippus the Athenian , Demetrius of Amphipolis , Heraclides of Pontus , and several others . Together with these he had also two Female Disciples , Lesthenia of Mantinea , and Axiothea a Phthiasian , which latter , as Dicearchus relates , always went in Man's Apparel . Theophrastus also is said to have been one of his Hearers , together with Hyperides the Rhetorician . Chamaeleon adds Lycurgus ; and Polemo , Lycurgus . Sabinus also in his fourth Book of the subject of Meditation , affirms Menesistratus the Thasian , to have been another of his Admirers , which is very probable . Now then being well assur'd of thy great affection for Plato , not undeservedly bestow'd ; and with what a zealous enquiry thou seek'st to make a compleat Collection of all the Opinions of this famous Philosopher , I thought it expedient to set 'em down , according to the nature of the Discoutses , the order of the Dialogues , and the method of Exposition , as it were reduc'd under several Heads and Chapters , to the end there may be nothing omitted materially conducing to the story of his Life . Otherwise , knowing to whom I write , to be more curious and particular than is requisite , would be only according to the Proverb , To carry an Owl to Athens . Now therefore Zeno of Elea is reported to have been the first Composer of Dialogues . Though Aristotle in his first Book of the Poets , asserts Alexamenus the Styrean , or according to Phavorinus the Teian , to have been the first that wrote in that manner . However in my judgment● Plato was the first who polish'd that way of writing , and brought it to perfection : So that not only the adorning part , but the invention it self may be justly attributed to him . A Dialogue then is a discourse by way of Question and Answer , upon the subjects either of Politics , or Philosophy , consisting of decent and apt expressions of the Persons introduc'd , and a Methodical Composition of the whole . Logic is the Art of Ratiocination , by which we refute or confirm by Questions and Answers between the persons that dispute . Now then there are two sorts of Platonic Ratiocination , the one for Instruction , the other for Enquiry . The first of which is again divided into Speculative and Practical ; and the Speculative into Physical , or Natural , and Logical ; and the Practical into Ethical and Political . Of inquisitive Ratiocination , there are also two sorts , the one Gymnastic , which consists in Exercise ; the other Agonistic , which consists in Contest and Dispute . Gymnastic is also twofold , Maieutic , which nurses and fosters the first Rudiments of Science ; the other , when it begins to feel its own strength , and is call'd Peirastic , as attempting upon the score of its own ability . Agonistic also is distinguish'd into Demonstrative and Perswasive . True it is , there are others who make a quite different division of Plato's Dialogues ; for some they call Dramatic ; others Diegematic , and others Mixt. But that distinction is more proper for a Stage than a Philosophers School . More particularly therefore there are some of Plato's Dialogues that treat of Physics , as Timaeus ; others of Logic , as Politicus , Cratylus , Parmenides , and the Sophist . Others of Morality , as the Apology , Crito , Phaedo , Phaedias , the Symposium ; Menexenus , Clitophon , his Epistles , Philelebus , Hipparchus , and Anterastae ; others of Politics , as his Commonwealth , his Laws , Minos , Epinomis , and his Atlanticus . Of the Rudiments of Learning . The two Alcibiades's , Theages , Lysis , Laches . Of the first Attempts to Practise , Euthyphron , Menon , Ion , Charmides , Thetaetus . Of Demonstration , Protagoras ; of Perswasion , Ethydemus , the two Hippiae and Gorgias . Now because there is a very hot Contention among Writers , while some affirm Plato to be the Author of new Opinions , others deny it , let us a little consider how it stands . A Dogmatist is properly said to be such a Person who starts a new Opinion , as he is said to be a Legislator that introduces new Laws . Now the Dogma is said to indifferently , either the thing about which the Opinion is raised , or the Opinion it self . The thing about which the Opinion is raised , is called the Proposition , But the opinion , is called the Supposition . Plato therefore , whatever he apprehends to be true ; those things he expounds , and refutes what he believes to be false . Concerning his own Sentiments , he discourses under the Persons of Socrates , Timaeus , His Athenian Guest , and the Stranger of Elea. Which Strangers were not as some Conjecture , Plato and Parmenides ; but fictitious and anonymous Persons . When he quotes the words of Socrates and Timaus , then he Dogmatizes , or asserts some new Opinion of his own . When he refutes those things which he believes to be false , he introduces Thrasymachus , Callicles , Polus , Gorgias , Protagoras , Hippias , Euthydemus and some others . When he demonstrates , he makes use of Induction for the most part , and that not only single , but twosold . For Induction is an Argument inferring from certain undeniable Truths , that whatever is like to one of those Truths , must be True. Of which there are two sorts . The one proceeding from Contrariety , the other from Consequence . Induction from Contrariety , when through the whole Question the contrary follows to what is asked . As for Example , My Father is either the same Man with mine , or another . If then thy Father be a different Person from my Father , seeing he is another Man than your Father , he is no Father . But if he be the same with my Father , being the same with my Father , he must be my Father . Again , if Man were not a living Creature , he would be either a piece of Wood , or a Stone . But he is neither Stone nor a Piece of Wood , for he has Life and moves of himself ; therefore he is a Creature . If then he be a Creature , and that a Creature be a Dog , or a Bull , Man being a Creature is either a Dog or a Bull. And this is that sort of contention by Contrariety , where there is an Opportunity to Cavil , which Plato makes use of , not to assert any Opinions , but to refute those of other Men. Induction by Consequence is twofold , the one demonstrating in part the question that is propounded in part . The other proving generally by the particular ; the first is Rhetorical , the second Logical . For example , the Question is , whether such a Person slew such a Man. The demonstration is , that he was apprehended with his Cloaths all Bloody about such a time . But the Rhetorical manner of Induction is this . For that Rhetoric is employed in Particulars , not in Universals . For it does not enquire into Justice it self , but into the parts of Justice , or what things are particularly just . The other is Logical , and proves the General by the Particulars . As when the Question is whether the Soul be immortal , and whether there be any of the Deceased that are living ? Which in his Book of the Soul is proved by a certain General , that Contraries are produced by Contraries , and the Universal is composed of certain Particulars , as when Sleep is composed out of Waking , or quite the contrary . Or the greater out of the less ; or the less out of the greater ; which sort of Argument he made use of to assert his own Sentiments . For as formerly in Tragedies the Chorus acted alone ; afterwards Thespis brought in one more Actor , to give the Chorus some respite ; after whom Eschylus added a Second , Sophocles a third , and so Tragedy was brought to Perfection . So Physical Arguments and discourses were employed at first about one single sort of Natural Philosophy ; when Socrates came and made an Addition of Ethics , to which Plato added a third , which was Logic , and by that means brought Philosophy to its full perfection . However ▪ Thrasylus asserts , that he made use of the Quadriloquie of the Tragedians in most of his Dialogues . For there were four manners of Representation among the Tragedians , the Dionysian , Lenaean , Pan-Athenaean and Chytrian , of which the fourth was Satyrical , and these four sorts of Representation were called the Quadriloquie , or the four sorts of Interlocution . As for the number of Dialogues , which are acknowledged to be his , they are in all fifty six . His Commonwealth , is divided into ten Books , which is to be found almost entire in the Contradictions of Protagoras , as Phavorinus relates in his second Book of Universal History . His Laws are divided into twelve Books , and his Quadriloquies are nine in number , his Commonwealth , making one Volume , and his Laws another . Now then his first Quadroloquy is that which comprehends the common Hypothesis , shewing what manner of Life , the Life of a Philosopher ought to be . Moreover he puts two Titles to every one of his Books , the one from the Name , the other from the Subject . And thus the first in this Quadriloquie is called Euthyphron , or of Sanctity ; being a Dialogue written to try what he could do . The next is the defence of Socrates ; the third Crito , concerning what is to be practised , a moral Dialogue , the fourth ▪ Phaedo , or concerning the Soul , a moral Dialogue also . In the second Quadriloquie , the first is Cratylus , or concerning the truth of Words , a Logical Dialogue . The Politician . Of Kingly Government , Logical . In the third Quadiloquie , preceeds Parmenides , of Ideas , Logical ; in the next place , Philebus , of Pleasure , Moral . Then the Symposium , Of Love , Moral . Lastly , Phaedrus , of Good , Moral . In the fourth Quadriloquy , Alcibiades is the first , Of the nature of Man , Maieutic . The second Alcibiades , of Prayer , Maieutic . Hippar●hus , of the Love of Gain , Moral . Anterastie , or Philosophy , Moral . The fifth Division begins with Theages , or of Wisdom Maieutic , or for young Beginners ; Charmides , of Frugality , for tryal of Parts . Laches of Fortitude , for young Beginners . Lysis of Friendship , the same . The sixth Division begins with Euthydemus , or the Contentious , Perswasive ; Protagoras , or the Sophister , Demonstrative . Gorgias , of Rhetoric , Perswasive . Meto , of Vertue . Peirastic , for tryal of Skill . In the seventh the two Hippiae first appear , the first of Honesty , the second of Lying , both exhortative . Ion of the Iliad Peirastic . Menexenus or the Epitaph-writer , Moral . In the eighth Division Clitophon shews it self first or the Exhorter , Moral . The The Commonwealth , or of Justice , Civil . Timaeus , or of Nature , Philosophical . Critias or Atlanticus , Moral . In the ninth , Minos preceeds , or of Law , Civil . The Laws , or of making Laws , Civil . Epinomis , or the Philosopher , Civil . Thirteen Epistles , all Moral : The one to Aristodemus ; to Archytas two ; to Dionysius four , to Hermius , Erastus , and Coriscus one : to Dio one , to Perdiccas one , to Leodamus one , to the Relations of Dio , one . This is the division of Plato's Writings , according to Thrasylus , which is agreed to by most . But others there are , among the rest , Aristophanes the Grammarian , who divides his Dialogues into Triloquies , after this manner ; placing in the first his Commonwealth , Timaeus and Critias . In the second his Politician Sophister , and Cratylus . In the third , his Laws , Minos and Epinomis . In the fourth , Theaetetus , Euthymon , and his Defence . In the fifth , Phaedo , Crito , and his Epistles . The rest they put by themselves , and without any order , some beginning with his Commonwealth , as we have said . Others from his Elder Alcibiades , some from his Theages , some from his Euthyphron , others from his Clitophon ; some from his Timaeus ; many from his Phaedrus , some from his Theaetetus , and some from his Defence . As for the Dialogues which are attributed to Plato , but are beyond all Controversie none of his , they go about under the Inscriptions of Mido or Hippostrophus , Erycias , or Erasistratus , Alcyon , Acephalus , or Sisyphus , Axiochus , Phaeaces , Demodocus , Chelidon , Hebdome , and Epimenides . Of these , that which bears the title of Alcyon is said to have been written by a certain Person whose name was Leon , as Phavorinus testifies in his fifth Book of Commentaries . He made use of various Names to preserve his Writings from being thumbed by rude and illiterate Readers . For he said that Wisdom was properly the knowledg of those things which were apprehended by the Understanding , and were truly existent , which was separated from the Body in the Contemplation of God and the Soul. Moreover he defin'd Wisdom and Philosphy to be an inbred desire of Divine or Heavenly Wisdom . But generally he took it for all sort of Skill and Knowledg ; as when we call an Artificer a Knowing Man. He also makes use of the same words to signifie several things . Thus he makes use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signify Plain or Simple , as in Euripides , thus speaking of Hercules in his Lysimnius . Careless and * Plain , but for the most part honest , Who measured Wisdom still by Deeds , not words , What e're he said he meant — The same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato frequently uses sometimes for Honest , sometimes for Small : tho' at other times he makes use of different words to signify one and the same thing . Thus he calls Idea sometimes Genus , sometimes Species ▪ as also the Beginning , the Exemplar , and the Cause . Sometimes he expresses the same thing by contrary words . Thus he give● the Names of Entity and Non Entity to Sensible . Entity , because it is generated : Non Entity , because of its being subject to continual Change. Moreover he calls Idea that which never is moved , nor is permanent ; the same , one , and many . And this he uses to do in several other things . As for his works , they require a threefold Exposition . First , what every one of the Subjects are that are discoursed of , . Then the end of the Discourse ; whether according to the first Intention , or in lieu of an Example , whether to assert or 〈◊〉 fute : and thirdly , whether rightly and truly said . In the next place , in regard there are several marks and Characters affixed tohis Books , let us take some account of Them also . The Letter X. is affixed to Sentences and Figures , altogether according to the Platonic Custom . Double XX. to his peculiar Opinions , and Tenents . X′ accented to his more polite and elegant Flourishes . Double accented X″ to the Emendations of others . A little Dagger † accented , for the rejecting ridiculous Confutations . An Antisigma to shew the double use and transpositions of Writing . A small Half-Moon to shew the Context of the Philosophy . An Astcrisk * to shew the Concurrently of Opinions . A Dagger , to denote a Confutation . And thus much for the Notes and particular Marks , which he that desired to understand gave s much Money to his instructor , as Antigonus the Carystian relates in his Treatise concerning Zeno , late put forth . As for his Opinions which he most fancied they were these . That the Soul was Immortal , and transmigrated into several Bodies , having its beginning from Number ; but that the Beginning of the Body was Geometrical . He defined it to be the Idea of a Spirit altogether separate , moveing it self , and consisting of three parts . That the Rational part was seated in the Head. That part which was subject to Passion and Anger in the Heart ; and the Part which brought forth Desire and Concupiscence , in the Navel and Liver . That it encompassed the one half of the Body all over in a circular Form , consisting of the Elements ; and that being divided according to Harmonical Intervals , made two Semi-circles joined together● the innermost of which being divided into six Parts , made all the other seven Circles ; and lay Diametrically to the Left side within : the other close to the side , upon the Right : and therefore it was most predominant , as being but one . For the other was divided within ; of which the one was of the same ; and the rest of the Other : alledging this to be motion of the Soul ; that of the Universe , and of the Planets ; and that by means of the middle Segments holding Proportion with the Extreams , she comprehends all Beings , and adapt● 'em together , as having the Principles of all things in her ▪ self according to Harmony . That Opinion arises from the Elevation of the Circle of the Other : Knowledg from the Elevation of the Circle of the same . That there were two Beginnings of all Things , God and Matter ; which he calls Intelligence , and nominates to be the Cause . That Matter is without form and immense ; from the coalition and conjunction of Forms . That this Matter at first being hurried up and down without order , was at length rammassed together into one Place , by the wise God , who deem'd Ordel more seemly than Disorder . That this existent Matter is divided into four Elements , Fire , Water , Air and Earth . Out of which , the World , and all things therein were Created ; only that the Earth is immutable ; believing it to be the cause of that Diversity of Forms , whereof it consists : for that the Forms of all other things are of the same kind , being all composed of one Oblong Triangle , tho' the Figure of the Earth be peculiar to it self : seeing the Figure of Fire is Pyramidical : the Air resembles an Octaedron , the Water an Icosaedron , but the Form of the Earth is Cubical . Which is the reason that the Earth never changes into Them , nor they into the Earth . However he denies every Element to be confin'd to its proper place : for that the Circular Motion by constraining and depressing to the Center , congregates the smaller , but separates the more bulky things ; which is the reason that when they change their forms , they also change their Places . That the World was Created single and one , and was made a sensible Being by the Creator ; as being for its greater Excellency endued with Life ; and as the most glorious of Fabricks proceeding from the best of Causes , and therefore but one , though not Infinite , because the Exemplar , by which it was Created , is but one . That it is of a Sphaerical Figure , as being the Form of the Creator . For he encompasses the whole Creation , and the World contains all other Forms of all things . Moreover that it is smooth , without any other Circular Organ , as having no need of any such thing ; farther , that the World is Immortal , because it cannot be dissolv'd again into God. But that Cod was the cause of the whole Creation , since only that which was good , could do good . That the best of causes was also the cause of the Creation of Heaven . For that there could be no other cause of the most lovely part of the Creation than the best and most excellent of intelligible Beings ; which it being certain that God himself is , and that the Heaven is also likest to him , as being the next that transcends in Beauty , there can be no Creature that it can resemble but only God. That the World consists of Fire , Water , Air and Earth . Of Fire , to the end it might be visible . Of Earth , that it might be solid ; of Air and Water , that it might not want Proportion . For solid things derive their Solidity from two Mediums , to the end the whole may be made One. But then it takes its proportion from all things , that so it may become perfect and incorruptible . That time is the Image of Sempiternity , which always endures ; but that time is the Circumrotation of the Heavens . For that Nights , and Days , and Months , &c. are but parts of Time : and therefore there could be no time without the nature of the World. That after the Creation of Time , were also Created the Sun , the Moon , and Planets ; and that God kindl'd the Light of the Sun , that the number of the Hours might be manifest and certain , and that the Creatures might be capable to understand Number . That the Moon moves above the Circle of the Earth , next to her the Sun , and over them the Planets . That they are all endued with Life , as being all consolidated by a Lively Motion . That for the greater Perfection of the World being made like to the Intelligible Life ▪ the nature of all Creatures was made , which the Earth enjoying , the Heavens also must of Necessity enjoy . That the Gods were for the most part of a fiery Substance . That the various sorts of Living Creatures were divided into three distinct Kinds ; such as lived in the Air , such as the Water nourished , and such as bred upon the Earth . But that the Earth was the Eldest of all the Deities in Heaven . The Structure of which was reared for the variation of Day and Night , and that the Earth being in the Center , is moved about the Center . Now in regard he asserted two Causes , therefore he said some things were Diuturnal , others proceeded from the necessary Cause , those were Fire , Water , Earth and Air , not Elements exactly neither , but capable of Impression ; which consisted of Triangles joined together , and would be resolved again into the same ; and that the Elements from which they sprang , were the oblong Triangle , and the Isosoeles . And these were the Beginnings and twofold Causes of all things , whose Exemplar and Pattern were God and Matter ; which of Necessity must be void of Form , as all other Substances , capable of Impression . That the cause of these things was a necessary cause , which receiving the Ideas , begat the Substances , and was moved by the dissimilitude of its Power , and by its own Motion compelled those things that were moved by it , to move contrary to it . That these Causes at first moved without any Order , but when the World began to be embellished , and adorn'd , they received their Symmetry and Order from God. For there were also two Causes before the Creation of Heaven , though very obscure and irregular , till the World was brought to Perfection : and then the Heaven was made of a Mixture , and Materials chosen out of all Existences then Created . He held that God and the Soul were Immaterial ; for that as being such and no otherwise , it could be free from Corruption and Perturbation . And for Ideas he supposes 'em to be certain Principles and Causes that such and such things are by Nature what they are . Concerning Good and Evil , his Tenents were these , that the End was to be like God. That vertue was sufficient to render Life happy ; though it wanted these Utensils of the Body , as Health , Strength , quickness of the Senses , and the like ; or the exteriour advantages of Wealth , Nobility , Honour , &c. For that without these , a wise and vertuous Man might be happy ; moreover he may be admitted to the Government , he may Marry , and he will be sure to observe the Laws ; besides he will make as wholesome Laws for the Benefit of his Country , according to the utmost of his Ability , unless the perverseness of the People frustrate his good Intentions . He held that the Gods took Care of human Affairs , and that there were also Daem●ns or Spirits . He first design'd the Notion of Honest to be that which is contiguous to laudable , rational , profitable and seemly , as they are imprinted by Nature , and taken so to be . He also discoursed of the truth of Words ; and may be said to have been the first that had the true Art of putting and answering Questions , as being his continual Practice . Moreover in his Dialogues , he allowed the Justice of God to be a Law ; to the end he might render his Perswasions to Justice the more prevalent , and prevent the Punishment of Evil-Doers after Death . Which was the Reason that he was look'd upon as fabulous and trivial by some Persons , while he intermixed in his Works such Stories as those , as if the uncertainty of what should happen after Death , would be a means to deter Men from injustice and injury . His distribution of things , as Aristotle affirms , was after this manner . Of Blessings , said he , or enjoyments , some are of the Mind , others of the Body , others Extrinsecal . Justice , Prudence , Frugality , &c. he plac'd in the Mind : Beauty , Health , and Strength , in the Body . Riches , Friends , and Prosperity of our Country , he numbred among external Happinesses ; and thus he asserted three sorts of Blessings . He also divided Friendship into three sorts , Natural , Sociable , and Hospitable . Natural , the Friendship of Parents to their Children , and Kindred one to another , of which also other Living Creatures participate . So●iable , is that which Custom and Converse begets , where there is no tye of Consanguinity , such as that between Pylades and Orestes . Hospitable , is that which we shew to Strangers , being induc'd thereto either by Letters of Recommendation , or some secret Sympathy of Disposition ; to which some add a fourth , which is Amorous Friendship . As for the Forms of Civil Government , he allowed five sorts , Democratical , Aristocratical , Oligarchical , Regal , and Tyrannical . Democratical is where the Multitude have the Power in their hands , and chuse Magistrate● , and make their own Laws . Aristocracy , where neither the Rich , nor the Poor , nor the Noble , but they who are the most Just and Vertuous , and consequently the Best . Oligarchy is where the Magistrates are Elected by their Estates ; for the Rich are fewer by much than the Poor . Regal Government is either according to the Law , or by Succession . The Kingdom of the Carthaginian● is a Kingdom according to Law , ( for it is Political ) but that of the Lacedemonians by Succession . Tyranny is that when the People a●● govern'd by force and constraint of one single Person against their wills . He asserted also three sorts of Justice . The one that related to the Gods , the other to Men , the third to the Deceased . For they that Sacrifice according to the Law ▪ and are careful in observance of Religious Ceremonies are Just and Pious toward the Gods. They who pay their Debts , and deliver up their Trusts , are just toward Men : And they that take care of the Monuments of their Predecessors , and pay their Funeral Duties to their Friends , are just to the Deceas'd . He also asserted three sorts of Knowledge . The one relating to Trade and Manufacture , the other Speculative , the other Practical . In the first are included Carpenter● , Shipwrights , and the like , professing a Craft or Trade . To Practical he referr'd the Art of well governing , neat piping or playing upon the Har● ▪ which all consist in practice , their labour producing nothing to the Eye , of any piece of workmanship wrought to perfection and shape : Only the one Pipes , the other plays on the Harp , and the other manages the Government . But Geometry , Music , Astrology , &c. are contemplative Sciences : For they neither act nor practise , but the Geometrician contemplates the Proportion of Lines one to another . The Musician contemplates Sounds : And the Astronomer contemplates the Stars and the Heavens . Physic he divided into five sorts . Pharmaceutic , Chirurgioal , Di●tetio , Nosognemonic , and Boethetic . The Pharmaceutic employs it self in the study of Druggs , and composition of Medic●ments . The Chirurgioal cures by manual Operation , as cutting , cupping and burning . The Diaetetic , prescribes the Laws of Diet. The Nosogn●monic enquires into the nature of Diseases . And the B●●thetic , because it gives present ease , is that which by powerful Remedies speedily expels the Distemper . He makes the Law to be twofold , the one written , the other not written : That Laws by which we govern in Common-wealths , are committed to writing . The other is imprinted in our hearts by Custom and Nature , as that we ought not to walk naked in the Market-place , not wear Womens Apparel . For no writte● Law prohibits these things ; only they are Undecencies which the Law of nature forbids . Orations he divided into five sorts : Of which the one was nam'd Political , and made use of in public Assemblies by those that manag'd the public Affairs . The next were those that were study'd by Rhetoricians , in Demonstrations , Encomiums , Accusations , to Commend or Vilifie ; which was call'd Oratory . The third which private Persons us'd in their discourses one among another . A fourth which was known by the name of Logical , us'd in short Disputes by way of Questions and Answers . And the fifth was that , whereby Tradesmen and Artists express'd themselves one to another . Music he divided into three kinds , Vocal , Vocal and Instrumental together , and Instrumental alone . Nobility , he divided into four kinds . In the first place he call'd those Noble who were descended from Parents Illustrious , Just and Vertuous . In the next , those that were the Off-spring of Princes and Potentates . In the third place such as sprung from Parents ennobled by their Atchievements in War , or other famous Acts. The fourth sort , and those the most Illustrious and Noble above all the rest , that render'd themselves famous by their Courage , their Vertue , Magnanimity , and their perfect Probity and Integrity . Beauty , he said , was threefold : The one laudable in it self , as the Symmetry of L●neaments and Loveliness of Aspect : A second for use , which appear'd in the Ornamental part of Building and Furniture of a House , not only graceful to the Eye , but proper for Accommodation . The third had reference to the Laws , and the Studies to which we apply'd our selves : For in either there was both Majesty , and Benefit . The Soul he also asserted to consist of three parts , Reason , Appetite , and Passion . The one was the Seat of Counsel , Thought , Consultation , &c. The second was the came of Concupiscence , Hunger , Thirst , and desire of Generation . The third was the fountain of Confidence , Pleasure , Grief , Anger , &c. Of perfect Vertue he describ'd four sorts . The first Prudence , the second , Justice , the next Fortitude , the Fourth Temperance . Prudence taught us the true Management of all our actions . Justice instructed us to be upright and sincerce in our dealings and converse . Fortitude inspir'd into us the scorn and contempt of danger . Temperance preferv'd us from being overcome by our desires , and enslav'd to our pleasures , teaching us to lead our lives according to the Dictates of Modesty and Sobriety . Magistracy he divides into five sorts , Lawful , Natural , Customary , Successive and Violent . Magistrates that bear sway in Commonweals , if they be chosen by the People , rule according to Law. According to Nature , where only the Male Sex is admitted to Govern ; and that is to be seen not only among Men , but among Beasts , that are guided only by Nature's Instinct ▪ Customary Rule is the Government of School-Masters and Tutors over Children and Pupils . Successive is like that of the Lacedaemonian Kings , who claim their Right to the Crown as being descended from such a Line . And such is the Supream Magistracy among the Macedoni●… who are govern'd by King's that derive their Pedigree from such an Original . But a Violent Magistracy is that which forces the People to subjection against their Wills. He divided Rhetorick into six parts . For when an Orator urges the undertaking a War , or the assisting of a Confederate , this is call'd Exhortation . When they admonish us not to go to War , but to live at peace and quiet , that is call'd a Dehortation . When he complains that such a person has receiv'd an injury from another , and shews the Aggressors to have been the occasion of many mischiefs , this is call'd Accusation . When he apologizes for a Man , and sets forth that he never did any act of injustice , or any other ill thing , this is call'd making , a Defence . When he declares a Man to be a Person of Integrity , and commends him for his Vertue , This is call'd an Encomium . Lastly , when he demonstrates and displays the Vices and Lewdness of another ▪ Person , this is Discommendation or Dispraise . In speaking Truth , he said four things were to be consider'd : What it behoves us to speak ; how much ; to whom , and when . What it behoves us to speak , is only that which we think may be profitable , and useful , as well to the Speaker as the Hearer . As to how much ; not more than was requisite , nor less than was sufficient . As to whom we were to speak ; if it were to our Seniours that had been tardy , such words became us as were proper to be spoken to persons of their Age : If to our Juniors , we might be bold to take a greater liberty . As to the Season when ? neither too soon , nor too late ; in regard there was nothing more ridiculous than to speak out of Season . Beneficence he said , was fourfold : for that kindnesses were to be done either with our money , with our Bodies , with our Skill , or with our Words . With our Money , when we relieve the pinching necessities of those that are in want . With our Bodies , when we protect and defend the less able from violence and mischiefs offer'd to their Persons . With our Skill , when we instruct the Ignorant , cure the Sick , or put a Man in a way to get a Livelihood . With our Words , when a Man is question'd for his life , and another procures his pardon by speaking in his behalf ; or gets him ▪ acquitted by the force of his Eloquence . He affirm'd , That business was brought to an end four ways ; either Legally , as when a Decree is confirm'd and establish'd by Law : Or according to Nature , and thus the days , the hours , and years come to an end : Or Artificially , as when an Architect has finish'd a House ; or a Ship-wright has done building a Ship : Or Accidentally ; as when a thing comes to pass , otherwise than we expected . Power he divided also into four kinds ; of which one had relation to the Mind , as ability to Think , to Meditate , to Invent , &c. The second in reference to the strength of Body ; as a power to walk , to strike , to give and receive , &c. The third , when we are Potent in Military Forces , and wealthy in Money , which enables us for great undertakings . And therefore he that abounds with Men and Riches , is call'd a Potent Prince . The fourth sort of Power , is to be able to do or suffer well or ill : And thus we have a power to live in health , to be taught , to sing or play , and the like . He made Humanity to be threefold : The first consisting in Salutation and Complements , as when a Man meeting another salutes him kindly , and freely give● him his right hand . The second sort is , when we compassionately relieve the distressed in their Afflictions . The third sort consists in Feasting and Invitations , and cordial Entertainments . He numbred five sorts of Felicity . The first happiness and success in Counsel . The second , vigour of Mind and Body , found judgment and strength of Body . The third , Success and Prosperity in our Undertakings . The fourth , Precedency in Glory , Honour and Authority among Men. The fifth , Affluence of Wealth , and all other accommodations of Life . That sound and wholsome counsel sprang from Learning and Experience : Vigour of Mind and Body from a sound constitution of health , and perfection in the members , as sharpness of Sight , quickness of Hearing , &c. Prosperity proceeds from hence , That a wise Man considers what he has to do , before he puts his designs in Execution . That Fame and Glory flow'd from the Opinion of Men. That Plenty consisted in the abundance of all things useful and requisite for Human Life , so as to be able to entertain his Friends , and to be magnificent and liberal in all his Actions : And these Felicities whoever enjoy'd , might be said to be perfectly happy . The Arts he divided into three sorts ; of which some were employ'd in the working of Metals , and squaring of Timber , and generally in the preparation of Materials . The second sort of Arts are such as frame and shape these Materials ; as the Smith forges Arms out of Iron ; and the Musical Artist , Pipes and Harps out of Wood. The third sort of Arts , are proper to those that have learn'd the use of what the others make ; Thus the Art of Horsemanship , makes use of Bridles ; the Art of War , of Arms ; and Music of Pipes and Harps . He reckon'd that the signification of Good might be apply'd four ways . First , We call him a good Man , who is endu'd with Vertue . In the next place we deem Vertue it self , and Justice to be good things . Thirdly , We account Food , Exercise , and Physick , to be good things . In the fourth place , as when we say a good Actor , a good Lutinist , a good Singer . Many things he affirm'd to be good , others to be evil ; and other things to be sometimes good , sometimes bad . Evil things were such as were absolutely hurtful , as Intemperance , Madness , Iniquity , and the like . Things to be desired were such as were contrary to these . Things good or bad were Walking , Sitting , Feeding , which sometimes did good , sometimes harm . Equity and moderation in the Law he alledged to be threefold . For first if the Laws were just , they were to be deem'd equal . Secondly , when the People were careful to observe the Laws as they were establish'd . Thirdly , if the Common-wealth were rightly govern'd , without written Laws , according to the Customs and Manners of the People . Irregularity also he distinguish'd in the same manner , first , if such Laws were established as were prejudicial both to the Natives and Foreigners . Secondly , if the People refus'd to obey the settl'd Constitutions . And thirdly , where there was no Law at all . Contraries he made to be threefold : First , good things are said to be contrary to evil , as Justice to Injustice , Prudence to Folly. In the second place ; when bad is contrary to evil . Thus Prodigality is contrary to Penuriousness ; and unjust Punishment , to unjust Impunity . Thirdly , when there is a contrariety between things neither good nor bad . As Poverty and Riches ; for neither are good in themselves , yet contrary one to another . In like manner , Ponderosity and Levity , swift and slow , black and white , which are all neither good nor bad , yet contrary to each other . Of good things he averr'd three sorts ; of which some were to be acquired ; some of which we might partake ; and others existent . The good things which might be acquired were Justice , Health , &c. The second sort were such things as could not be acquired , yet of which we might be made partakers . Thus it was impossible to attain the real Good it self , yet was it not impossible to enjoy the Communication of Good. The third sort were such things as were exislent ; which we could neither possess ▪ nor participate , and yet the thing ought to be . Thus a Man ought to be Just , to be Honest , &c. Which are things that a Man can neither enjoy nor communicate ; only it is sufficient for a Man to be Honest , and Just . Counsel also he alledged to be threefold , as being taken from the time past , the time present , and the time to come . The time Past affords us Examples , when we consider what the Lacedaemonians suffer'd through their over Confidence : what they bravely acted , for our Imitation . The Present Time admonishes us to consider the Decay of the City Walls ; the faint-heartedness and present dismay of the People , and the scarcity of Provisions . The Future puts us in mind to beware of violating the Priviledges of Ambassadors to the dishonour of Greece . The Voice he said was either Animate , or Inanimate . Animate , were the several Cries , Bellowings , and Howlings of living Creatures . Inanimate were the various sounds of things Inanimate , thumping and knocking one against the other . Animate he divided into Articulate , such as was the Speech of Men ; and Inarticulate , such as were the several noises of Mute Creatures . Of all Beings , some he said were subject to division , others were not to be divided . And of those things that might be divided some consisted of similar , some of dissimilar parts . As for those things that do not admit of division , they are simple , unmixt , without any composition at all ; as an Unite , a Point , a Sound . But those things which are subject to be divided , are compounded , as Syllables , Consonants , Animals , Water and Gold. Similar things are such as are composed of like Parts , and of which the Whole differs not from the Part , but in Bulk or Quantity : As Water and Gold. Dissimilars are such as consist of Parts that are unlike , as a House , &c. Some things also he defin'd to be such things as needed no farther interpretation , than only the bare naming , to make us understand what they were , as a Man , a Horse , and so of all other Creatures . Other things there were that could not be understood without an Additional Interpretation ; as Better than , Bigger than , Fairer than ; For Better is Better than that which is Worse . Bigger , is Bigger than that which is Less , and so of the rest . And thus he divided the first Genus's of things according to Aristotle . There were also besides our famous Plato , several others of the same name . One that was a Philosopher likewise , and born at Rhodes , the Disciple of Panatius , as Seleucus the Grammarian records in his Treatise of Philosophy ; another that was a Peripatetic , and the Disciple of Aristotle : And one more , the Son of Praxiphanes , a Comic Poet , that wrote after the Ancient manner of freedom without respect of Persons , in imitation of Aristophanes . The End of the Third Book . Diogenes Laertius , Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Apothegms Of the most Famous PHILOSOPHERS . The Fourth Book , Translated from the Greek by J. Philips , Gent. The LIFE of SPEVSIPPVS . THUS have we , to the utmost of our power , made a true and faithful Collection of whatever has occur'd to our Enquiry concerning the Life of Plato . To him succeeded Speusippus an Athenian , the Son of Eurymedon , and Potone the Sister of Plato , born in the Village of Myrchinusium . He govern'd Plato's School for eight years together , beginning from the hundred and eighth Olympiad . He plac'd the Statues of the Graces also in the School , which was erected by Plato in the Academy . He likewise persever'd in the same Opinions with Plato , but differed in his Manners . For he was hasty , and addicted to pleasure : Therefore it is reported of him , that in his Passion he threw a little whelp into a Well , and that to indulge his pleasure , he made a Journey into Macedonia , to be present at the Nuptials of Cassander . He is also said to have been a hearer of Plato's she Disciples Lasthenia the Prophetess , and Axiothea the Phliasian . Whence it happen'd that Dionysius thus derides him ; And we may learn Philosophy from thy Female Arcadian Disciple . And in another place , Plato taught for nothing all that came to his house , but thou exactest pay , and scrap'st as well from the unwilling as the willing . He was the first , according to Diodorus in his first Book of Commentaries , who first sought out for what was common in all Arts and Sciences , and as far as could be done , joyn'd 'em together , and made 'em agree one with another . He likewise first divulg'd those things called Mysteries by Isocrates , as Caenous affirms : And was the first that invented the way of making Wicker Baskets , and such like hollow Utensils compos'd of Twigs . At length finding his Body consum'd by a Palsey , he sent for Xenocrates , desiring him to come and succeed him in his School . While he was in this condition , it is reported that being carry'd in a little Chariot to the Academy , he met Diogenes , whom after he had saluted with the usual complement , of , I am glad to see you well . The other reply'd , But I won't wish you well , that can endure a life so miserable . At last wasted with old age , such was his despair and discontent , that of his own accord he put an end to his irk●om Life . However Plutarch , in his Life of Lysander and Sylla , reports that he was all over-run with Lice : for he was of an infirm and loose Constitution , according to the Report of Timotheus in his Book of Lives . To a rich Man that lov'd a deform'd Woman , he is said to have given this rebuke : What need hast thou of such a Dowdy as this ? For I 'le procure thee a far handsomer for ten Talents . He left behind him a great number of Commentaries , and several Dialogues ; among which is that of Aristippus the Cyrenaean . Of Riches , one ; Of Pleasure , one ; Of Justice , one ; Of Philosophy , one : Of Friendship , one : Of the Gods , one : The Philosopher , one : To Cephalus , one : Cleinomachus , or Lysias , one : The Citizen , one : Of the Soul , one : To Gryllus , one : Aristippus , one : The Probation of Arts , one : Dialogues by way of Commentary , one : Ten Dialogues relating to things alike in business . Divisions and Propositions relating to things alike . Concerning the Kinds and Forms of Examples : To Amartyrus : The Eucomium of Plato : Epistles to Die , Dionysius , and Philip : Concerning the making of Laws , Mathematicus , Mandryboulus , Lysias : Definitions : The Order of Commentaries : Of Verses an infinite number . To all which Simonides adds some Histories , wherein he has set down the Lives of Bion , and Dio. And Phavorinus reports in his Second Book of Commentaries , how that Aristotle bought all his Books for three Talents . There was also another Speusippus , a Physician , Herophilius of Alexandria . The LIFE of XENOCRATES . XEnocrates , the Son of Agathenor , a Chalcedonian , from his very youth was a great admirer and hearer of Plato ; nor would he leave him when he travelled into Sicily . He was naturally dull , and blockish ; insomuch that Plato was wont to say , when he compar'd him with Aristotle , That the one wanted a Spur , and the other a Bridle : And at other times , To what a Horse what an Ass do I joyn ! As to other things , Xenocrates was very grave in his gate , and sowre-look'd ; insomuch that Plato would several times cry out to him , Xenocrates , go and sacrifice to the Graces . He liv'd in the Academy for the most part : But if at any time he went into the City , the Rabble of loose and Harlotry People would still gather about him , to molest and affront him as he passed along . Phryne also , the famous Curtezan , having a mind to try her temptations upon him , to that purpose pretended to be pursu'd , and flying to his little house for shelter , was by him let in , meerly in compassion : After that , perceiving there was but one little Bed , she desir'd him to let her have part of it , which he readily granted : But after she made use of all her allurement● , she was forc'd to return as she came , telling those that asked her how she had sped , that she h●d lain with a Statue , not with a Man. Some there are who report ▪ that certain of his Scholars put Lais to Bed to him ; but that he was so chast that he would suffer himself to be cut and burnt about the Privities , to prevent venereal Insurrections . He was faithful of his word , even to admiration ; so that the Athenians gave him alone that liberty of delivering hi● testimony unsworn , which was not allow'd to any other of what degree o● quality soever . He was also a person of great Frugality ; so that when Alexander gave him a large sum of Money , he only accepted of three thousand Atticks , and return'd the rest , with these words , That he had need of more , who had more to maintain . And as for another Sum , sent him by Antipater , he would not so much as touch it , as Myronianus witnesses in his Similes . Another time , being presented with a Crown of Gold by some of Dionysius's Favourites , for bearing up briskly at a Drinking Match ; when he was gone out of doors , he laid it before the Statue of Mercury , where he was wont only to deposit Garlands of Flowers before . It is also reported of him , that being sent with others on an Embassy to Philip , when all the rest , suffering themselves to be mollify'd by the King's Presents , both accepted of his Invitation , and held private Conferences with him , he would neither do one , nor t'other : Neither indeed was it for Philip's interest to admit him . Wherefore when the Ambassadors return'd to Athens , they complain'd Xenocrates had done 'em no Service , upon which the Senate was ready to have Fin'd him . But being inform'd by himself , when he came to plead in his own justification , how much it behov'd 'em at that time , more than ever , to take care of the City , in regard that Philip had corrupted his Accusers already , but could never bring him over to his Designs ; then they gave him double honour . And Philip himself afterwards confess'd , that of all the Ambassadors that were sent to his Court , only Xenocrates was the Person whom no Gold could dazle . Another time being sent Ambassador to Antipater for the Redemption of the Athenian Captives , taken in the Lamiac War , and invited by the Prince to a Banquet , he return'd him these Verses in answer , O Circe , thy allurements tempt in vain The Man whose Vertue prudent thoughts sustain ; For who can come with pleasure to a Feast , Before he see his Captive Friends releas'd . Which was so well taken by the Prince ; that he presently order'd all the Captives their liberty . Another time a Sparrow being pursu'd by a Hawk , flew into his Bosom , where he secur'd the Bird , saying withal , That it was not generous to betray a Suppliant . Being sharply reprimanded by Bion , he would make him no return , saying , That Tragedy when injur'd by Comedy , never vouchsafed her any answer . To one , who neither understanding Music , Geometry , nor Astronomy , would yet frequent his School , Be gone , ( said he ) for thou want's● the supports of Philosophy . Others report that he thus reprov'd him , For this is no place to hatchel Wooll in . Dionysius threatning Plato in these words , Some body will take off thy head ; Xenocrates being present , and shewing his own , No body ( said he ) before he take off this . Farther they report of him , that Antipater coming to Athens , and saluting him , he return'd no answer to the Prince , until he had finish'd the discourse which he had begun . Lastly , being a great contemner of Pomp , and Vain-glory , many times he spent the day time in Contemplation , and dedicated one hour particularly to Silence . The most of the Commentaries , proverbial Verses , and Exhortations which he left behind him were these . Of Nature , six Books : Of Philosophy , six : Of Riches , one : Arcas , one : Of Infinity , one : Of a Boy , one : Of Continency , one : Of Profitable , one : Of a Freeman , One : Of Death , one : Of Voluntary Acts , one : Of Friendship , two : Of Writing one : Of Memory , one : Of Modesty , one : Of Contrary , two : Of Felicity , two : Of a Lye , one : One inscrib'd , Callicles : Of Prudence , two : One Oeconomic : Of Frugality , one : Of the Power of the Law , one : Of a Common-wealth , one : Of Sanctity , one : That Vertue is subject to Treachery , one : Of that which is , one : Of Fate , one : Of Perturbations , one : Of Lives , one : Of Concord , one : Of Disciples , one : Of Justice , one : Of Vertue , two : Of Specios , one : Of Pleasure , two : Of Life , one : Of Knowledge , one : One Political : Of Fortitude , one : Of the Number , one : Of Idea's , one : Of Art , one : Of the Gods , two : Of the Soul , two : Of Skill , one : One call'd Parmenides : Archedemus , or of Justice , one : Of Good , one : Of those things that belong to the mind , eight . A solution of those things that happen to discourse , one : Of Natural Hearing , six : One entitl'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Head : Of Kinds and Species , one : Pythagories , one : Solution , two : Divisions , eight : Books of Positions , thirty three : Of the study and practice of Discourse , fourteen . After this , fifteen Books , and sixteen more . Of Logical Instructions concerning reading , six : Of things relating to the Mind , other two Books : Of Geometricians , five Books : Of Commentaries , one : Of Contraries , one : Of Numbers , one : Of the Theory of Numbers , one : Of Intervals , one : Of those things that belong to Astrology , six : Elements to Alexander concerning Rule , four : To Arybas : To Ephestion : Of Geometry , 345 Verses . Nevertheless , as great a person as he was , the Athenians sold him once , thinking to break his heart by Exilement . He was bought by Demetrius Phalereus , who salv'd up the matter between both , to their satisfaction , by restoring Xenocrates to his liberty , and ordering the Athenians to receive their Exile . This is recorded by Myronianus the Amastrian , in the first of his Historical similar Chapters . He succeeded Speusippus , and govern'd his School five and twenty years ; beginning , under Lysimachus , in the second year of the 110th . Olympiad . He dy'd in the night-time , stumbling at a Platter , in the fourscore and second year of his age : Whose death produc'd these following Lines of ours . Xenocrates , so learned and so grave , Mark what a strange Fate brought him to his Grave , 'T was late and dark , and in his way a Platter : Now whether toapt or sober , 't is no matter , But , stumbling , down he fell , and broke his forehead ; And what was yet far more to be deplored , Depriv'd of time to speak , he only groan'd , His Soul abhorring such a Scullion wound . There were five others of the same name ; the first very ancient , and both a Kinsman to the forementioned Philosopher , and his Fellow-Citizen . There goes about in public a Poem of his Entitl'd Arsinoetica , upon Arsinoe deceas'd . Another a Philosopher , and a writer of Elegies , but little taken notice of . For so it happens that Poets endeavouring to write in Prose , fortunately succeed ; but writers of Prose when they give themselves to Poetry , unhappily falter . And the reason is , because the one is the Gift of Nature , the other the Toyl of Art. The other was a Statuary ; and the last , by the testimony of Aristoxenes , a Writer of Odes . The LIFE of POLEMO . POlemo , an Athenian , the Son of Philostratus , and born in the Village called Oeta , when he was a young Man , was so dissolute and profuse , that it was his custom to carry summs of Money along with him where-ever he went , that he might be provided still with sufficient supplies for the satisfaction of his pleasures . Nay , he would hide his money up and down in holes and corners of the streets ; in so much that some of his Cash was found in the Academy , near a certain Pillar , laid there to be ready when he had occasion to fetch it for his private uses . Now it happen'd that one time among the rest , as had been agreed between him and his companions , in the height of their Carousing , that in a drunken frolick , with his Garland upon his head , he brake into Xenocrates's School : Who nothing disturb'd at the rudeness of such Roysters , pursu'd his discourse , which then fell out to be concerning Temperance , the more vigorously . And this Oration it was , which so prevail'd at first upon the list'ning Debauchee , that stopping the Career of his Extravagance ; at length he became quite reclaim'd . And such were the effects of his laborious and industrious studies , that he surpassed all others , and himself succeeded in the School , beginning from the hundred and sixteenth Olympiad . Antigonus Carysthius , in his Lives , reports , That his Father was one of the chief Men of the City , and one that bred up Horses for the Chariot : And that Polemo fled from the severe Sentence of Justice , being prosecuted by his Wife for his addiction to Male-Venery . In the first years that he fell to his studies , he acquir'd such a constancy of Habit and Aspect , that it became unalterable ; neither did he ever change his voice . Which were the reasons that Crantor so highly admir'd him . Hence it was that being bit in the Heel by a mad Dog , he never so much as chang'd colour : And that at another time , a great uproar happening in the City , and understanding what was the matter , he stood undaunted like one that had been unconcern'd ; nor could the Theatre at any time move him to Joy , Anger , or Compassion . So that when Nicostratus , surnam'd Clytemnestra , told a lamentable story to him and Crates ; that which mov'd the latter , nothing affected him , who all the while persever'd in an equal temper , as though he had not heard him . And indeed he was altogether just such another , as Melanthius the Painter describes in his Treatise of Painting . For he says that there is a certain Pride and Moroseness that ought to accompany a Man's Actions as well as his Manner . And it was the saying of Polemo , that i● behov'd Men to exercise themselves i● Things , and not in Logical Speculations ; which is but labouring , and as it were drinking up some little pleasing Science whereby they become admir'd for the subtilty of some particular questions , but shew themselves most opposite in their affections . And therefore as he was civi● and affable , so was he no less resolutely constant ; and he avoided that which Aristophanes writes concerning Euripides , when he gives him the Nick-names of Oxotes , and Stilpho , who no doubt were two cross-grain'd , stingy , vinegar-condition'd fellows , well known at that time . For he never sate when he return'd his Answers to the Questions that were propounded to him , but always walking . Polemo therefore for his extraordinary generosity was highly honour'd in his City . Nor did he wander out of the way neither , but remain'd in the Garden , where his Pupils making up little sheds , lodg'd near the Musaeum , and the Cloister . Indeed Polemo seems in every thing to emulate Xenocrates , and to have had a great love for him , as Aristippus witnesses in his fourth Book of the Ancient Delights . For which reason he always took an occasion to talk of his Innocency and Sincerity , and had appropriated to himself his resolution and gravity , affecting , as it were , a kind of Dorick Government of himself . He was a great admirer of Sophocles , especially in those places where some surly Mastiff ( according to the Taunts of the Comedian ) seem'd to have assisted him in the composition of his Verses , and where ( according to the relation of Phrynicus ) he did not towre in lofty swelling Language , but flow'd in a smooth and placid Style . And therefore he was wont to call Homer , Epic Sophocles , and Sophocles , Tragic Homer . He dy'd , well stricken in years , of ● Consumption , leaving not a few Writing● and Commentaries behind him . Upon whom we made the following Lines . Know'st thou not , Passenger , already ? — no. Then sickness here has hid fam'd Polemo — For my part I believe ye , Sir , — for why ? Diseases never spare Philosophy — 'T is true — but this I 'le tell ye for your comfort , Though his dry Bones ly here , his Soul is run for 't ; And whither think'st thou ? To the starry Spheres : Let Death and Sickness now go shake their Ears . The LIFE of CRATES . CRATES , the Son of Antigenes , of the Thriasian Tribe , was both a Hearer , and Lover of Polemo , and succeeded him in his School , and profited in such a manner mutually together , so that living , they not only followed the same studies , but to their very last gasps they liv'd alike one to another , and being dead were buried in the same Tomb. Whence Antagoras made the following lines upon both . Stranger , who e're thou art , that passest by , Within this Tomb a noble pair doth lye ; The Holy Crates , and Great Polemo ; From whose sweet Lips such Sacred Love did flow : Whose Lives in Wisdom so serenely bright , Shon forth to give succeeding Ages light . Both equal in their praise , both equal friends , Both liv'd alike , and both had equal ends . Hence it was , that Arcesilaus when he left Theophrastus to associate with them , is reported to have said , that they were either certain Deities , or the remainders of the Golden Age. For they were neither of 'em lovers of Popularity , nor did they covet vulgar Applause ; but rather it might be said of them , as Dionysiodoru● the Musitian was wont to boast of himself ▪ That never any of his Composition were to be heard at your public Meeting● like those of Ismenius . Antigonus reports that he was wont often to Sup at Crantor's House ; Aroesilaus and they two being all three inseparable Cronies . Farther he adds , that Arcesilaus and Crantor liv'd together ; and that Polemo liv'd with Crates and Lysiclides , another of their Country-men ; Crates being particularly belov'd by Polemo , and Arcesilaus having a peculiar friendship for Crantor . As for Crates , when he dy'd ( as Apollodorus relates in his third Book of Chronicles ) he left several Books behind him ▪ some Philosophical , some concerning Comedy ; also several popular Orations , and some in relation to Embassies . He had also several Disciples of great note : Of which number was Arcesilaus ; of whom more hereafter ; together with Bio , and Borysthenites ; and lastly Theodorus , the Author of the Theodoric Sect. Of whom next after Arcesilaus . There were in all ten that carry'd the name of Crates . The first a writer of Ancient Comedy : The second , a Trallian Rhetorician , of the family of Isocrates . The third , an Engineer that serv'd under Alexander in his Wars . The fourth , a Cynic . The fifth , a Peripatetic . The sixth an Academic , of whom already . The seventh a Grammarian . The eighth , a Geomet●●cian . The ninth an Epigrammatist . The tenth , of Tarsus , an Academic Philosopher also . The LIFE of CRANTOR . CRANTOR , of the City of Soli , being in great honour among his own Citizens , went to Athens , and there became a hearer of Xenocrates , and a follow Student with Polemo . He left behind him Verses amounting to thirty thousand ; of which there are some who ascribe a good number to Arcesilaus . It is reported , that being asked wherefore he was so strangely addicted to Polemo , he should answer , because he never heard any Man speak more acutely , nor more gravely . Finding himself not well , he retir'd to the Asclepianum , and there resided for his health . At what time there flock'd to him Disciples from all parts , believing that sickness was not the cause of his retirement , but that he did it out of a resolution to set up a School there . Among the rest came Arcesilaus , desirous to be by him recommended to Polemo , though no man more his friend than Crantor himself . Which request he was so far from taking ill , that when he recovered , he became Polemo's Hearer himself ; which won him great honour and applause . It is reported that he left all his Estate to Arcesilaus , to the value of twelve Talents : And being by him requested to tell him where he intended to be inter'd ; he answered , Within the kind recesses of the Earth , There let me lye , whence all things have their Birth . He is said to have written Poems , and to have laid 'em , seal'd up , in the Temple of Minerva : Of whom the Poet Theaetetes thus writes . Grateful to Men , but yet much more , The Muses sweet delight ; Such Crantor was , whom we deplore , Snatch'd from the World before his hairs grw whte . Gently , O Earth , the Bard embrace Within thy tender Arms ; And from the common harms , By Worms and Pick-axes increas● , Defend his quiet rest . This Crantor , among all the Poets most admir'd Homer and Euripides , saying , that it was a work of great labour , to observe propriety , and at the same time to write Tragically , and with a true sense of commiseration , and fellow-feeling of the sufferings he describes ; and he vould often repeat that Verse in Belleropho● , Ay me ! But why Ay me ? Fo ▪ we no more Endure , than mortals have endur'd before . It is also reported that Antagoras , the Poet , would have the following Verses upon Love to have been made by Crantor . Assist me , Thoughts and Mind , those heighths to soar , Meet for the heav'nly Race all Men adore . Then , mighty Love , will I in praise of thee ●●gin , of all the Immortal Progeny The first , whom ancient Erebus begot , O Night brought forth , in Regions far remo●e : Beneath the Sea's Foundations , dark and vast , Tree , Son of Venus , without blemish , chast . Or whether of the Earth , or of the Winds The wondrous Off-spring , since so many kinds Ofinterw●v'n Good and ill , each hour , Oblige weak Mortals to confess thy power . This double power of thine would I display , And teach the World thy Scepter to obey . He had a shrewd faculty at giving shrewd and proper Epithetes and Characters , both to Men and things . Thus he was wont to say , that it behoved a Tragedian to have a strong Voice , which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ not to be smoothed with a Plainer , but full of Bark , that is to say rugged and uneven : and of a certain Poet , that his Verses were full of Prickles ; and of Thee-phrastus , that his Tenents were written upon Oysters . Among all his Works , his Treatise of Mourning is most admir'd : And though the time of his death be uncertain , yet this is sure that he dy'd of a Dropsie before Crates and Polemo ; which gave occasion to these Lines of ours . Ah Crantor , there 's no mortal sickness-proof , But thee the worst distemper carry'd off : For tho' no water touch'd thy outward skin , Alas ! Thy Bowels lay all drown'd within . In thy own Styx thy Soul to Pluto floats , As th' hadst design'd to cozen Charon's Boats. But that we can't believe , conjecturing rather Thou thought'st to lay thy Low-lands under water , Meaning thereby to hinder Death's approaches , But death no colours fears , so Buenas Noches . The LIFE of ARCESILAVS . ARcesilaus was the Son of Seuthus , or Scythus , ( as Apollodorus relates in his third Book of Chronicles ) a Pytanean of Eolia . This was he who first set up the Middle Academy , restraining negations through contrariety of words . He was the first that disputed pro and con : The first also that renewed Plato's manner of discourse , which Plato introduc'd , and render'd it more Argumentative by way of Question and Answer . He came acquainted with Crantor after this manner . He was the fourth and youngest of all his Brothers ; of which two were by the Father's , and two by the Mother's side . Of these , the eldest by the Father's side was called Pylades , and the eldest by the Mother's side Moereas , who was also his Guardian . First of all he heard Autolycus the Mathematician , and his fellow Citizen , before he went to Athens , with whom he also travell'd to Sardis . After that he was a Scholar under Xanthus , an Athenian Musician ; and there he became Theophrastus's Scholar : And lastly , he betook himself to the Academy under Crantor . For Moereas his Brother advis'd him to learn Rhetoric ; but he had a greater kindness for Philosophy . Crantor therefore having an amorous Affection for him , courted him with the following Verse out of Euripides's Andromeda , O Virgin , if I save thee , thou wilt thank me . To which he presently repartee'd , Take me for which thou likest best , Thy Handmaid or thy Wife . And so from that time forward they both liv'd together . Thereupon Theophrastus being disgusted , is reported to have gi●ded him with this expression , How ingenious and tractable a Lad he went ▪ from School ! Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or easie to be manag'd , seems to be tak'n in an ill sence . For he was at that time not only a grave and discreet Speaker , and a great lover of Learning , but much addicted to Poetry . In so much that it is said he wrote the following Epigrams , the first to Attalus . Not only potent once in Arms Did Pergamus advance her Head ; She boasted too with equal Pride , Her warlike Steeds on flowry Pissa bred . But yet if Mortals may pronounce The high Decrees of ruling Fate ; Succeeding Ages shall behold Her ancient Fame renew'd , and far more great . The second was upon Menodorus , a lover of Eudamus , one of his fellow Students . Though Phrygia distant lyes in space , And Thyatim as remote a place ; Nor Menodorus , if survay'd , Less far thy native Cadenade : Yet to the dark Infernal Court The way is plain , the journey short ; Where by experience thou canst tell The best conveniencies of Hell : Where soon or late all Motals go , And center in the shades below ; Yet Eudamus with curious Art , From a large Purse , but larger Heart , A Marble Monument does give , And spite of Fate still makes thee live ; Poor tho' thou wert , as all Men know , ( And most adore the gaudy show ) His friendship from such dross refin'd , Valu'd the Treasures of thy mind . Above all the Poets he chiefly admir'd Homer , of whose works , when going to his rest , he always read some few pages . And when he rose in the morning , being asked when he would go to his beloved youth , his answer was , when the Lad was ready to read . Of Pindar he was wont to say , That he fill'd the mouth with a noble sound , and afforded a plentiful varity of names and words . When he was a young man he affected the Ionic Dialect . He was also a Hearer of Hipponicus the Geometrician , whom he was wont to joque upon , as being in other things dull and heavy , but skilful in his Art , saying , That Geometry flew into his mouth , when he gap'd . He also kept him for some time at home , being mad , and took a continual care of him , till he recover'd his senses . When Crates dy'd , he succeeded him in his School , by the consent of one Socratides , who would by no means contest the superiority with him . He is not known ever to have wrote any Treatise , or Discourse himself ▪ as being a severe censurer of other Mens Works : Though others say it was , because he was surpriz'd while he was mending what others had written ; which emendations , as some say , he published ; but as others report he committed to the fire . He held Plato in high esteem , and diligently study'd his Writings . Some there are also who affirm , that he was a great imitator of Pyrrho ; and moreover , that he was well skill'd in Logic , and greatly vers'd in the Sentences and Arguments of the Eret●ics . Whence it was said of him by Aristo . Plato before , while Pyrrho put behind , For Diodore the middle leaves assign'd . And Timon says thus of him . Let Menedemus have the grace With Breast of Lead , the next to place The Lubber Pyrrho , or if not , Dull Diodore , no less a Sot. After which he brings him in th●● speaking . I 'le swim to Pyrrho from the Stygian shoar , Or else to find the Booby Diodore . He was very full of Sentences , and concise ; besides that , he was very curio●● in the explanation of words ; nevertheless he could not refrain his Gibes , and Jests , and was very free in his Expressions ; for which reason Timon says th●● of him . And while thou dost with Joques and Gibes On others loosely play , Forget'st thy youthful years , that then As much obnoxious lay . And therefore it was , that once to a young man who spoke more insolently than became him : Is there no body here , ( quoth he ) to play at Trap with this Boy ? To one who concluded erroneously , that he could not perceive This to be bigger than That . — It may be so , ( said he ) because you do not believe ten fingers length to exceed six . To one Emon a Chiote , who was very deformed , yet thought himself to be very fair , and always went richly apparel'd , that put him this question , Whether he seem'd wise enough to him to be belov'd : Yes ( said he ) if thou canst meet with any one so lovely as thy self , and so richly habited . To one addicted to Male-pleasure , yet offended at Arcesilaus's gravity , who therefore put this Verse to him , Is 't lawful to love chastly , or be mute ? He thus return'd , Woman speak out , and put me no hard Questions . Being importun'd by a prating fellow of mean Birth : The Sons of Slaves can never rule their Tongues . To another that talk'd him almost to death , and made a din of words about his Ears : In good truth , ( said he ) tho● hadst a very bad Nurse : But to several he would never answer at all . However to a talkative Usurer , who told him , there was something which he did not understand : He made this reply , The Female Bird forgets a stormy blast , Vntil it shake her young ones in the Nest . Which words were taken out of Sophocles's Oenomaus . To a certain Rhetorician , whose name was Alexinus , who was not able to expound certain Sentences of Alexinus , he gave this admonition , to remember how Philoxenus serv'd the Brick-maker ; for he over-hearing some of the Brick-makers spoiling his Songs , while they sung without skill , and out of Tune , fell a breaking their Bricks , saying withal , You spoil my Songs , and I 'le break your ▪ Bricks . He was offended with all those that had not learn'd the liberal Sciences in due time . Naturally in discourse he was wont to make use of this expression , I say , and Such a one will not agree to this . Which many of his Scholars imitated , as they did also his Rhetorical Manner , and the Form of his Elocution . He was also very happy in the invention of proper words , and to fit the periods of his Orations to the subject ; and to accommodate his Sentences to all Times and Seasons . He was also endu'd with a most admirable gift of perswasion upon any Argument whatever . For which reason great numbers of Scholars flock'd to his School , that condemn'd his Acuteness ; and yet for all that they willingly bore with him : For he was very honest , and fill'd his Hearers with good hopes . In his life also he was very communicative , and ready to do kindnesses , scorning to boast of his courtesies which he endeavour'd to conceal as much as in him lay . So that going to visit Ktesibus in a fit of sickness , and finding him distressed with Poverty , he privately convey'd a Purse of Money under his Pillow ; which the other finding , cry'd out , this is one of Arcesilaus's childish tricks . And by his recommendation of Archias the Arcadian to Eumenes , he got him into great preferment . Being also very liberal , and one that contemned Mony , he lov'd to shew his Grandeur in Silver Plate , wherein , while he laboured to out-vy Archecrates and Callicrates , he would not be at quiet till he was serv'd in Gold ; and lent his Plate to many with whom he frequently Supp'd and Feasted . Among the rest there was one who had borrowed his Plate , to entertain his Friends , never sent it again ; nor did he ever ask for it , or lay claim to it more . Others say , he purposely lent him the Plate , and perceiving him to be poor , freely afterwards gave it him . For he had an Estate in Pitana , a Town of Laconia , from whence his Brother Pylades furnished him with Money . Besides that Eumenes the Son of Philetaerus allowed him plentifully . And therefore of all the other Kings he devoted himself to th●● Prince alone . So that when many flocked to Antigonus , courting his favour , he only forbore , as unwilling to thrust himself into his acquaintance . However he was a great friend of Hierocles's who possessed Mynichia , and the Piraeum . And therefore upon Holy-days he was always wont to go and visit him : And being by him perswaded to wait upon Antigonu● , he would not absolutely refuse him , but when he came to the Door , he turn'd back and would not go in . Moreover , after the Naval fight fought by Antigonus , when several wrote to him conslatory Epistles , he only kept himself silent . And therefore being sent by his Country upon an Embassy to Antigonus , as far as Demetriades , he return'd without being able to effect what he went for . And therefore he always spent his time in the Academy , avoiding the trouble of State Affairs ; and sometimes exercised his Wit in the Piraeum , discoursing upon Arguments Extempore . For he was very familiar , as we have said , with Hierocles ; for which he was tax'd by several . And being very magnificent in his Expences , ( for what was he other than a second Aristippus ? ) he not only made great entertainments for those of his own humour , but also accepted of their entertainments : besides that he openly frequented the two Elean Curtezans Theodota and Philaet● ; and to those that reproved him , he still quoted the Apothegms of Aristippus : He was also very much addicted to Male-Incontinency , and therefore Aristo the Chiote , and his Scholars , called him corrupter of youth ; and Eloquent and Audacious Buggerer . And therefore he is said to have been greatly in love with Demetrius , in his Voyage for Cyreone , and with Leocharus the Myrleanian , of whom he was wont to say among his Compotators , That he himself would fain have open'd , but the other would not let him . On the other side he was beloved by Demochares , the Son of Laches , and Pythocles the Son of Bugelus ; whom , when he admitted , he was wont to say , he only gave way for patience sake . More than this , his Back-biters before mention'd , severely tax'd him for his vain affectation of Glory , and vulgar Admiration . But he was chiefly set upon by Hieronymus the Peripatetic , when he invited his friends to celebrate the Birth-day of Alcyoneus the Son of Antigonus , upon which day Antigonus sent him a considerable ●●●m of Money to bear his Expences . At what time refusing to enter into any formal discourse , yet being by Aridelus importun'd to speak to a Theoreme which he propos'd : ' T is the chief Quality of Philosophy , said he , to teach the Scholars the Time and Season for every thing . Now that he affected popular Applause , Timo● among other things declares after his Satyrical manner . This said , obstreperously loud He rush'd i' th' thickest of the Croud : Where had you seen him act the part Of Fool by chance , but Knave by Art : You 'd thought the Rabble , silly Fowl , Struck mute at sight of Monstrous Owl ; But never boast to gain the Prize From those that see with others Eyes . For though like Oyl thou swim'st a top , ` Th' art ne'r the less conceited Fop. Yet for all this he was so far from Pride and Vain-glory , that he would often exhort his Scholars to hear other Men. So that when a certain young man , more addicted to the forementioned Hieronymus than to him , he took the Scholar by the hand , and carrying him along recommended him to the Philosopher , to whom he exhorted him withal to be observant and obedient . Pleasant also is that which is reported of him , when being asked by a certain Person , Why the Scholars of other Sects frequently betook themselves to the Epicurean , but never the Epicureans forsook their own Masters ; made answer , Because that many times Men were made Capons , but Capons could never be made Men. At length when he drew near his end , he left his whole Estate to Pylades his Brother . For which purpose he brought him to Chios , without the knowledge of Moirea , and thence to Athens . For in his life time he never marry'd a Wife , nor had any Children . However he made three Wills , of which he deposited one with Amphicritus in Eretria ; another , with some of his friends in Athens , and the third he sent home to Thaumasias , a certain kinsman of his , desiring him to keep it , and to whom he also sent the following Epistle . Arcesilaus to Thaumasias , Greeting . I Have given Diogenes my Will to convey to thee ; for by reason I am frequently ill , and very weak in Body , so that if any sudden change should happen , I may not be said to have dealt dishonestly by thee , to whom among all my friends I have been most beholding in my life time : And therefore seeing thou hast always hitherto been so faithful to me , I desire thee to keep it for me , as well for the sake of thy Age , as of our familiarity together . Be therefore just to us , remembring why it is that I entrust thy so nearly alli'd fidelity , to the end that what I leave behind may be decently and truly disposed of . Other two Wills there are , the one at Athens with some of my acquaintance , and the other in Eretria with Amphicritus . He dy'd , as Hermippus reports , after he had drank a great quantity of pure , unmixt Wine , and getting a fall upon it , being in the seventy fifth year of his Age ; being honour'd by the Athenians above all before him : Upon whom we also made this joquing Epigram . Arcesilaus ! What didst thou think , Had'st nothing else to do but drink ? While night and day thou spard'st no pains To bring a Deluge o're thy Brains : The generous Wine why didst abuse , Which might have serv'd for better use , Then thus to murder such a Sot , Whose shameful death I pity not ? But th' injur'd Muses I deplore , By thee disgrac'd still more and more ; That notwithstanding pregnant parts , And other helps of liberal Arts , Thy Wit and Wisdom dost confound , In Brimmers , Brushers , Facers drown'd . There were three other Arcesilaus's : The one a writer of ancient Comedy : the other a Composer of Elegies : The third a Statuary : Upon whom Simonides made this Epigram . Arcesilaus , Aristodicus Son , This noble Statue finish'd and begun ; Diana's Portraicture , made to the life , The only Goddess , that would n'er be Wife ; Three hundred Parian Drachma's was the price Of famous Artist for this Master-piece ; In money paid , to which Aratus face Gave both the value and the outward grace . But the abovesaid Philosopher flourished ( according to Apollodorus , in his Chronicles ) about the hundred and twentieth Olympiad . The LIFE of BION . BION , as to his Country and Nation , was a Borysthenite ; but who were his Parents , and by what means he attain'd to Philosophy , we know no more than what he himself made known to Antigonus ; for thus it was that he was by him interrogated ; Say in what Country , or what City born , Hither thou cam'st , thy betters thus to scorn ? To which he answer'd ( finding himself touched to the quick by the King's Interrogation , upon the report of some of his ill-willers ) my Father was a Borysthenite , who wore in his dis-figur'd forehead the engraven marks of his cruel Master ; afterwards being free from Bondage , he learnt to wipe his mouth with his Sleeve , ( intimating that he sold Bacon and Suet ) and he took my Mother out of a Brothel House , such a one as was suitable to his condition , and he could ask to have him . Afterwards being behind hand in his payments to the Toll-gatherers , he was sold with all his family . In that place there liv'd an Orator , who seeing me to be young , and a very handsome youth , bought me for a Sum of Money , and at his death left me his whole Estate . Whereupon I , taking all his Pictures and Writings , tore the one half , and set fire to the other , with a resolution to come to Athens , where I study'd Philosophy ever since . And thus you have , in short , the story , Which I account my chiefest glory . This is all that I can say , in few words , concerning my self : And therefore there was no need for Perseus and Philonides to break their Brains about inserting my Genealogy into their History : If thou hast any more to say to me , look upon me , and let my Ancestors alone . Bion was a very subtle Man , full of wiles and tricks , and one that for niceties and evasions had not his Equal among the Sophisters : For he began , when he was but very young , to challenge the field of dispute with any that would exercise their gifts in Philosophy . Nevertheless in several other things he knew well how to confine his humour , and was extreamly civil and pleasing in his behaviour . He has left to Posterity several remarkable Tracts , and an infinite number of Sentences very grave and profitable , as for example : He was upbraided by a certain person , That he had not detained a certain young man at his House : To whom returning this answer , 'T is not an easie thing , said he , to hang a green Chees● upon a Hook. Another time he was ask'd who were the least troubled with care ? They , said he , that give themselves the least trouble to spend the day in quiet . He was also ask'd whether it were good to marry a Wife ? ( for this Repartee is also ascribed to him ) If thou marriest a deformed Woman , said he , thou wilt always be in discontent ; and if thou marriest a beautiful Woman , she will be common . He call'd old Age the Haven of all Diseases ( for that all our miseries and sufferings seem to be unladen , and put there ashore . ) That Honour was the Mother of Years , Beauty a good Passenger , and Riches the Sinew● of Business . To one that had spent his Estate in Lands , The Earth , said he , formerly swallowed Amphiaraus , but thou hast devoured the Earth . He was wont to say , 't was a great evil not to be able to suffer Evil. He reprehended those that buried the Bodies of the dead , as if there remained no feeling after death . He was us'd to say , that 't was better to pleasure others with his Beauty , than to seek the satisfaction of his own Lust , for that he who did otherwise , wasted both his Body and his Understanding . He argued against Socrates in this manner ; Either he might make use of Alcibiades , or he might not : If he could and would not , he was a Fool : If he had a mind and could not , 't was no Vertue in him . He said , that certainly the way to Hell was easie to find , because all men went thither blindfold . He blam'd Alcibiades , saying , that in his Youth he had debauch'd Men from their Wives , but that when he came to be a Man , he debauch'd Women from their Husbands . Thus , as some of the Athenians with whom he met at Rhodes , profess'd the Art of Oratory , he taught Philosophy ; and being ask'd why he did so , Because , said he , I brought Wheat hither , but I sell Barley . He was wont to say , that 't was a greater pain to the damn'd to carry water in sound Vessels , than in such as were bor'd thorough . To a certain talkative person that desir'd him to lend him his assistance in some business he had to do : Yes , said he , I will , provided thou wilt stay at home , and send me i' thy stead . Another time as he was going to Sea , very meanly habited , he fell into Pyrats hands ; at what time , the rest whispering among themselves , We are lost , if we should be known : And I , reply'd he , am lost on the other side , if we are not known . He was wont to say that Arrogance was a great hinderance to a Man in the attaining of Knowledge . And talking of a Covetous Man , he is not Master of his Wealth , but his Wealth is Master of him : That covetous Men were careful of their Riches , as belonging to 'em ; but made use of their Wealth as if it were none of their own . That prudence is as far different from the other vertues , as the sight from the rest of the Senses : That we make use of our Strength in our Youth , of our Prudence in our old Age ; and that we ought not to upbraid old Age , as being that to which we all aspire . To a certain envious person that look'd with a sowre and pensive Aspect ; The question is , said he , whether thy misfortune be greater than the others good luck . He was also wont to say , that Impiety was an ill companion for Fidelity . For , 'T will gain the Man , how stout so e're he be . And that a Man ought to preserve his friends , in whatsoever condition they are , that we may not give people an occasion that we shun the good , because they will not humour our bad Manners ; or if they be bad , that wicked familiarity cannot last long . At first he contemned the Statutes of the Academy , at the same time that he was a Hearer of Crates ; afterwards he made choice of the Stoics manner of living , walking with a stick in his Hand , and a Wallet about his Neck . But who could have perswaded him to that Constancy of Courage , but Crates ? Then he would needs understand the Doctrine of the Theodorians , upon which consideration he frequented the disputing Place of prophane Theodorus , being allured thither by the floridness of his Language : for he enriched , and embellished it with all manner of Figures . And lastly , he went to hear Theophrastus the Peripatetic . But now he was ambitious of Spectators himself , whom he entertain'd with lively and pleasant Proposals , so as to move the Auditory to Laughter ; for he discoursed of every thing in extravagant Terms . But in regard he interlarded his Discourses partly with Philosophical Simplicity , partly with Rhetorical Gayety ; 't is reported that Eratosthenes said of him , that Bion was the first that had accouter'd Philosophy in a Garment , embroidered with several Flowers pluck'd from the Garden of Oratory . His natural Genius inclined him to make Verses , as you may see by this short sketch of his Wit. My pretty Archytas Spruce Fidle-faddle , Wealth-boasting Fop , and Songster from thy Cradle : Who dares dispute , or sing with thee for Praise ? Not I , beshrew my Heart , I love my Ease . As for Music and Geometry , his Exercises were but Pastimes to him . He was also greatly delighted to be in good Company , especially where there was Mirth and good Chear ; which was the Reason that he frequently travelled from City to City . Sometimes he would strive to delude his Spectators with some genteel Illusion ; as when at Rhodes , he perswaded the Seamen to put on long Garments , and go along with him to the Colledge , that he might seem to appear in State among a train of Philosophers . His custom also was to adopt youngmen , that he might make use of their Bodies for his Kindness , and be Protected by their favour . As to what remains , he was a person that did all for the love of himself , and who had this Expression frequently in his Mouth , That all things ought to be common among Friends . And this was the Reason , that among so great a number of Scholars , there was not one that would acknowledge himself to be his Disciple , because he was noted for debauching several , and tempting 'em to Impudence . For it is reported , that Bution one of his familiar Acquaintance could not forbear saying one day to Menedemus , every Night I am linked to Bion , and yet I cannot think I act any thing that unbeseems me . Moreover he entertained those that went to visit him , with lewd Discourses , full of Impiety ; which he had learned at Prophane Theodorus's School . At length falling sick at Chal●is , for there he dyed , he was perswaded , as they say that were about him , to implore the Mercy of the Gods , and to repent of his Transgressions against the Celestial Powers , and at length to make use of certain Charms and Invocations . And at last he fell into great want of all things necessary for the Comfort of the Sick , until Antigonus sent two of his own Servants to attend him . But as Phavorinus reports in his various History , he died in a Litter upon the Road , where Antigonus himself was coming to meet him , and bear him Company . However after his Death we displayed him to the World in these nipping Verses of our own . Bion , the Man whom Soythian Earth On Borysthenian Banks gave Birth , When he all herds of Sects had tryed , The Gods themselves at last denied ; In which , if fix'd , I would presage Him Virtuoso of his Age. But long he could not thus persist , An Accident dispers'd the Mist , And made him surcease to pursue Thoughts surely false , tho' seeming true . A lingring Sickness on him seiz'd , And neither Drink , nor Diet pleas'd ; His Sight grown dim , and short his Breath , ( sure Symptoms of approaching Death . ) He that the Gods call'd Sons of Whores , with Prayers and Tears their aid implores . He , that at sight of Temples smil'd , And scornfully their Rites revil'd ; With Superstition now oregrown , No Zeal can please him like his own . Their Altars oft by him despis'd , With adoration now are priz'd ; With far-fetch'd Gums , and rich Perfumes , To expiate his Guilt presumes . Such strange Effects works Big ot Fear , Now , God● can Smell as well as Hear . His Neck stoops down to bear whole loads Of Old Wives Charms , and parched Toads , His wrists the Philter'd Bracelet binds , And strong Perswasion Reason Blinds . White-Thorn and Laurel deck his Gates , Vncertain Spells for certain Fates . A thousand Tricks he 'd gladly try , Rather than once submit to dye . Confounded Sot to take such Pain , To fashion Gods for thine own Gain . As if that Gods must then be made , Only when Bion wants their Aid . All this too late , when parch'd to Cole , And nothing left but only Soul : Nothing remains for thee to do , But the Infernal God to woe ; And he no doubt will make thee room , When thou shalt cry , Great Bion's come . We find that there were ten Bions in all ; the first was a Proconnesian , in the time of Pherecydes the Syrian , of whose Writing we have ten Treatises . The second was a Syracusian , who wrote a tract of Rhetoric . The third was he whose Life we have exposed . The fourth was an Abderite , a follower of Democritus , who wrote of the Mathematics in the Attic and Ionic Dialect , and the first who affirm'd that there were Regions , where there was six Months of Day , and six Months Night together . The fifth was a Native of Soli , who wrote the Ethiopic History . The sixth was a Rhetorician , of whose Writings we have nine Books , every one under the name of a particular Muse . The seventh was a Lyric Poet. The eighth , a Statuary of Miletum ; of whom Polemo makes mention , the ninth a Tragic Poet , of the number of those whom we call Tarsicks . And the tenth a Statuary of Clazomenia , or Chio , of whom Hipponax makes mention . THE LIFE OF LACYDES . LACYDES , a Native of Cyrene , was the Son of Alexander ; Head of the new Academy , succeeding Arcesilaus ; a Person certainly of an exquisite severity , and one that had a number of Scholars that followed his Precepts . From his Youth he was much addicted to study , but very Poor , which made him the more complaisant , and delightful in Conversation . 'T is reported that he had a custom to fix his Seal upon the Keyhole of his Buttery , and then threw the Ring into the Buttery again , through a small slit in the Door , that no Body might get to his Victuals but himself . Which his Servants observing , did the same as he did ; for they took off the Seal , stole his Meat , then fixing the Impression of his Seal upon the Lock , threw the Key into the Buttery again ; which little Theft , though they frequently practised , yet could they never be caught . But now Lacydes , being Head of the new Academy , retired to the Garden , which King Attalus caused to be made , where he set up his School , and call'd it Lacydion , from his own Name . He was the only Person , who in his Life surrendered the Charge of his School to another : for they report that he turned it over to two Phoceans , Teleclus , and Evander , to whom succeeded Hegesinus a Pergamenian , and from Hegesinus , Carneades . The chiefest of his Repartees were these . Attalus sent for him one day to come to him ; to whom he returned for answer , That Images were to be view'd afar off . To one that check'd another for studying Geometry in his old Age , and crying to him , Is this a time to be learning ? Lacydes replied , When wouldst thou have him learn then ? after he is Dead ? As to his death , he ended his days presently after he was made chief of the School , which was in the fourth Year of the Hundred thirty fourth Olympiad ; after he had spent six and twenty Years in the Schools . He died of a Palsy , which he got with excessive Drinking . Which was the reason we gave him the following Epigram . All the report about the Country goes , Friend Lacydes , how Bacchus bound thy toes , And haul'd thee bound to Hells infernal Gate , Where then he left thee overcharg'd in Pate . What Riddle 's this ? for Riddle it must be , When chearful Wine sets all the Members free . That 's the Mistake ; for Bacchus did not bind him ; He only found him bound , and so resign'd him . The LIFE of CARNEADES . CARNEADES the Son of Epicomus , or according to Alexander , in his Book of Successions , the Son of Philocomus , was a native of Cyrene . He diligently employed his time in reading the Books of Speusippus and other Stoics ; which having done , he was not readily drawn to consent to their opinions , though if he were constrained to oppose 'em ; he did it with all the Modesty imaginable , as he that was wont to say , unless Chrysippus were , I could not be . He was wonderfully studious , more especially in moral Philosophy ; for of natural Philosophy he made no great reckoning . Nay he was so intent at his Study , that he would not allow himself leisure to Comb his hair , and pair his Nails . So that at length his Discourses were so Sinewy in matters of Philosophy , that the Orators flocked from all parts to his School , on purpose to hear him . Besides he had a very strong and sonorous Voice , insomuch that the head of the Colledge sent to him , not to speak so loud : to whom he sent word , that he should send him a Measure for his Voice ; upon which the Principal replied , that Carneades had answered wisely , and to the purpose . For that the Auditory was the measure that set Bounds to the Voice . However he was a violent Man , and almost insupportable in his Disputes , and therefore never cared to appear at great Meetings and Festivals . It happened that Mentor a Bithynian fell in Love with his Concubine ( as Phavorinus in his Miscellanies reports ) which made him so angry , that he could not refrain to give him a sharp Reprimand in the following Verses . Within these Walls , I see a Letchero●● Knave , An old decripit , fornicating Slave ; So like to Mentor , both in Speech and Chins , That they who saw 'em both , would swear 'em Twins . Him , good for nothing but to play the Fool , Do I intend to banish from my School . To which Mentor rising up immediately , made this suddain Repartee . This having heard , the other briskly rose , Disdains the Speaker , and away he goes . He seems to have born impatiently the approach of his last End : as one that had this Expression frequently in his Mouth : Nature that forms , dissolves the frame as soon , And thus we dye , e're Life is well begun . Now hearing that Antipater had killed himself , by taking a draught of Poyson , his Example encouraged him to do the like , to the end he might anticipate the hour of his Death ; and to that purpose turning toward those that had told him the Story : Give me a Potion too , said he . What Potion ? answered they . A draught of Honied Wine , cry'd he . 'T is reported that there happened a great Eclipse of the Moon after his Death ; as if the most beautiful of all the Celestial Luminaries next the Sun , had seemed to sympathize with Men for his Loss . Apollodorus relates in his Chronicles , that he departed this Life in the fourth Year of the Hundred seventy second Olympiad . We find some Epistles of his to Ariarathes , King of Cappadocia . Whatever else was attributed to him , was written by some of his Scholars ; for there is nothing of his own Writing extant . Moreover we made him the following Epigram in Logadic , and Archebulian Measure . Tell me my Muse , why dost thou teaz Me thus to chide Carneades ? Such an illiterate Fop as yet , He understood not Nature's Debt : Nor could find out the Reason why Men Rational should fear to dye . An Vlcer in his Lungs begun , Made him a walking Skeleton , Whose putrid Fumes affect the Brain , And down descend in slimy Rain . A constant Feaver , and a siow , Retards deaths smart , and suddain Blow ; Yet at these Symptoms he ne're starts , But damns Physicians and their Arts. Mean time Antipater had quaff't In great distress a poisoned Draught , Which having heard , t' himself he laugh'd . Then jocund , to his Friends , said he , Give me a Dose too , such another , With equal swiftness Life to smother . Dull Nature , why so flegmatick , That I must for Assistance seek ; When thou beginnest , thou should'st be quick . Poor silly Nature , thus in vain , Building and pulling down again . While we have so short time to strive , 'T is hardly worth our time to live . Thus Bantring Nature , e're he went , To Staygian Shades himself he bent . It is reported , that being intent upon his Meditations , he took so little notice of a dimness in his Sight , to which he was very subject , that one day not being able to see , and having commanded the Boy to bring him a Candle ; so soon as he had brought it , and told him it was upon the Table , he bid him read on then , as if it had been Night . We find that he had several Disciples , among whom was Clitomachus , the most excellent of all the rest ; of whom we shall speak the very next in order . There was also one more , Carneades an Elegiac Poet ; who nevertheless was a Person little valued , by reason of the meanness of his Stile . The LIFE of CLITOMACHVS . CLITOMACHVS , a Carthaginan , was called in the Language of his Country , Asdrubal , and was wont to argue Philosophically in his own Language among his Countrymen . He travelled to Athens at forty years of Age , and became a Hearer of Carneades , who observing his Industry and Sedulity , caused him to be instructed in Learning , and took particular Care of him . Wherein he attain'd to such a degree of Knowledge , that he wrote above four Hundred Volumes , and succeded Carneades , upon whose Sayings he greatly enlarged in his Writings . He principally embraced the Doctrine of the three chief Sects , viz. The Academics , the Peripateties , and the Stoics . But Timon was an inveterate Enemy to the Academics , and therefore takes all occasions sharply to inveigh against 'em , so that Clitomachus could not escape him ; as for Example , Nor must I here omit that prating Fool , Chief of the stupid Academic School . And thus we have hitherto spoken of the Philosophers descended from Plate ; let us now come to the Peripatetics descended from Plato , of whom Aristotle was the Chief . The End of the fourth Book . Diogenes Laertius : Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Apophthegms Of those that were most Famous in PHILOSOPHY . The Fifth Book . Translated from the Greek by R. Kippax , M. A. The LIFE of ARISTOTLE . ARISTOTLE , the Son of Nicomachus , and Phaestras ; was a Native of the City of Stagyra , now called Liba Nova . As for Nicomachus , he derived himself from one of the same Name , Nicomachus the Son of Machaon , the Son of Esculapius , as Hermippus reports in his Treatise of Aristotle . He spent a good part of his Years with Amyntas King of Macedon , with whom he liv'd , partly as a Physician , partly , upon the Score of that Friendship and Kindness which the Prince had for him . This is he , who , among all the vast number of Plato's Disciples , arrived to the most eminent degree of Honour . He was of a moderate Stature , a shrill squeaking Voice , slender Legs , and Pink-Ey'd , as Timotheus recounts in his Book of Lives . He always went very decently clad , wearing Rings upon his Fingers , his Garments of fine Materials , and his Hair trimmed . He had a Son called Nicomachus by Herpilis his Concubine , as the same Timotheus relates . He withdrew himself in Plato's Life-time from the Academy . Which was the Reason that Plato said of him , Aristotle has done by us , like young Colts that lift up their heels and kick against their Damms . Hermippus relates , That Xenocrates was head of the Academic School , when Aristotle was deputed by the Athenians , Embassador to Philip ; but returning home and finding that the School was still in other hands than his own , he made choice of a Place to walk in , in the Lycaeum , where he accustom'd himself so much to walk to and fro , while he instructed his Disciples , that he was from thence called the Peripatetic , or the Walker . Others report the original of this Name to have proceeded from hence , For that Aristotle attending upon Alexander , who had been a long time Sick , and upon his Recovery was wont to walk up and down , that he might have an opportunity to exercise himself , made it his business to observe the motion of the young Prince , to whom he discoursed all the while . But as soon as the number of his Hearers encreased , then he sate down when he taught , saying of Xenocrates . 'T would be a shame that I should silent walk , And suffer still Xenocrates to talk . After that he propounded some Proposition in Philosophy , upon which he exercised their Wits , not forgetting at the same time to instruct 'em in the Art of Oratory . Not long after he took a Journey to visit the Eunuch Hermias , Tyrant of the Atamensians , with whom , as some say , he went to sport himself in his Male Amours : others , That he was nearly related to him by the Marriage of his Daughter , or at least of his Niece , as Demetrius the Magnesian reports in his Book of the Poets and equivocal Writers . The same Author writes ▪ that Hermias was a Bithynian , who killed his Master , and then ●surped his Authority . However Aristippus relates this otherwise in his Treatise of the Delights of the Ancients ; saying , That Aristotle was in Love with Pythais , Hermias's Concubine , whom , when Hermias had surrender'd to his Embraces , he married to her , and for Joy , offered Sacrifice to the Woman , as the Athenians did to Ceres of Elensina ; and , That he wrote a Paean or Hymn in her Praise , intituled the Inside . From thence he retired into Macedon to King Philip , where he made his abode after he had received his Son Alexander into his Tuition . Which gave him an opportunity to request 'em , that they would be pleased to restore his Native Country to its former Liberty and Splendour , as having been ruined by the Wars of Philip , the Father of Alexander . Which when he had obtained , he fram'd Laws for his City , under the form of a Common-wealth . He also ordain'd certain Rules and Constitutions for the Government of his School , in Imitation of Xenocrates , of which , one among the rest was to elect a Head-Master , once every ten Years . At length finding that Alexander had acquired no small Benefit by his Precepts , and that he had made him greatly beholding to him , he resolved to return to Athens , after he had recommended his Nephew Callisthenes the Olynthian to Alexander's Favour . Of whom they report , that upon his presuming to speak more peremptorily to the Prince than became him , and little regarding his Obedience to his Commands , he was reproved by him in the words of a little Distick , admonishing him to take Care how he behaved himself ; for that if he did not change his manners , it might chance to cost him his Life . The Distick was this : The words thou speak'st , no Mortal can endure ; I fear thy Life 's not in this World secure . Which happened to be a true Prophecy ; for being discovered to have been in the Conspiracy of Hermolaus , against Alexander's Life , he was carried about in an Iron Cage , wherein being at length over-run with Nastiness and Lice . he was thrown to a hungry Lyon , and so ended his miserable days . Now after Aristotle was come to Athens and had taught in that City thirteen Years , he went , without disclosing his intentions , to Chalcis , for that he was accus'd of Impiety by Eurymedon , the Inquisitor , or rather Over-seer of the sacred Mysteries ; tho' Phavorinus in his Historical Oglio , reports him to have been summoned by Demophilus , because he had made a Hymn in Praise of Hermias , and caused this following Epigram to be engraved upon one of the Statues in the Temple of Delphos . This Man the Impious Persian Tyrant slew , Impious indeed , since to the Gods untrue , Not with his Launce in lawful Combat slain , But by the treacherous Hand of Friendship fain'd . So that being almost out of hopes to save himself , as Eumolus says in his fifth Book of Histories , he poysoned himself at Chalcis , and dyed in the seventieth Year of his Age. The same Author avers , That he was not Plato's Hearer till he was thirty Years of Age , whereas it is certain that he was his Disciple at seventeen . Now the Hymn for which he was questioned was this . Tho' difficult are Virtues ways , And few find Clews to trace the Maze ; Yet once o'ercome this tedious strife A Relish gives to human Life . This made the Grecians for thy sake , The greatest hardships undertake . Their Courage led them to outface A thousand Deaths , for thine Embrace . Not glittering Gold that stands the Test , Or Love of Parents , or of Rest , Can equal that Immortal Fruit , By thee produc'd from Heavenly Root . For thee that mighty Son of Jove In Blooming Youth express'd his Love : Made Monsters feel his Conquering Hand , And wearied Juno to Command . Nor did fair Leda's Twins give place , Whose valiant acts confirmed their Race . Achilles , Ajax forc'd their Fates , And storm'd Hell's Adamantine Gates . Atarnians for thy Radiant Light , Brave Hermias depriv'd of Sight , To set his Contemplation free , And raise his Soul to Ecstasie . Things Poets fain'd , or Fools believ'd , Were not so great as he atchiev'd . But could my Muse describe his Mind , My verse with Jove might favour find : For constant Friendship , he alone A model to the World was known . With Love like his I 'll sing his Praise , And Altars to his Friendship raise , Time Marble Monuments may wast , But Verse and Friendship ever last . This was Aristotle's Hymn in Praise of Hermias ; for which his Accusation , Flight , and Poysoning himself , produced the following Epigram of our own . Eurymedon the Priest , deeming his Grief , assail'd By Traytor Aristotle ; for that reason , Against the Gods accus'd him of High ▪ Treason ; Th' Offender knew the Crime could not be Bail'd , And therefore saves himself by speedy Flight , To what Intent ? For he could but have dy'd . Not so ; for Hangmen he could not abide ; So Drowned Life in deadly Aconite . So strange a way he found , and thought it best , To vanquish so th' unjust officious Priest . Nevertheless Phavorinus in his Historical Oglio replied , That finding himself accused of Impiety , he wrote a Rhetorical Defence for himself , and that he utter'd this Distick in Athens . From Pear-trees Pears , and Figs from Fig-trees shoot , Athens the Tree , th' Athenians are the Fruit. Apollodorus relates in his Chronicle , that he was born in the first year of the Ninty ninth Olympiad ; that he came to Plato in the Seventeenth year of his Age , and lived with him twenty Years , without ever budging out of the School . Then he travelled to Mytelene , at what time Eubulus was Archon , or chief Magistrate of Athens : which was in the fourth Year of the Hundred and eighth Olympiad . But Plato dying in the first Year of the same Olympiad , under the Government of Theophilus , he went to Hermias , with whom he remained three Years ; when Pythagoras was Archon , he went to Philip , at what time Alexander was not above fifteen Years of Age , in the second Year of the Hundred and ninth Olympiad . After which he returned to Athens in the second year of the hundred and Eleventh Olympiad : where , for thirteen years together , he taught in the Lycaeum . Lastly he withdrew himself from thence into Chalcis , in the third year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad ; where he fell sick , and dyed at the Age of sixty three Years , or very near it : at the same time that Demosthenes died in Calabria , and that Philocles was Governour in Athens . It is reported that he fell under Alexander's displeasure , by reason of the Conspiracy of Callisthenes against him , and that to vex him he preferred Anaximenos , and sent Presents to Xenocrates . Not was it possible for him , as well as it was for other Men , to avoid the Quipps and Girds of envious Men , and among the rest , of Theocritus the Shiot , who speaks of him after the following manner . To Hermias a noble Tomb he rais'd , And with another dead Eubulus grac'd . But what was in ' em ? Why , to tell ye Troth , As empty as his empty Noddle both . Nor is Timon less severe in the following Lines . Nor can I pass the prating Stagyrite , Whose Tongue so often runs before his Wit. Thus much concerning the Life of this Philosopher , only we shall here insert his Will , which we met with much after the ensuing form . My Will shall be well and duly performed , if , when I come to die , it shall be so Executed , as I Aristotle ordain by this my last Testament . First I appoint and make Antipater my Executor , and Over-seer of all my Legacies , and hereby order , That Aristomanes , Timarchus , Hipparchus , and Diocles be joined , together with Theophrastus , if he please to take upon him the Tutelage of my Children , and of Herpilis , and of my Estate , till my adopted Son Nicanor become of Age to ease him of the Trouble . I also order , That so soon as my Daughter Pythais be of Years to Marry , that she be married to Nicanor . But if my said Daughter happen to die , which God forbid , either before her said Marriage , or before she have any Children , my Will is , That Nicanor shall inherit her Dowry ; and , That he take Care of Nicomachus my natural Son , and of all that belongs to me , to the end it may be disposed of as becomes both his and my Quality : giving him in Charge withal , so to provide for my Son and Daughter that they may want nothing , he doing the duty both of a Father and a Brother . Or if it happen that he die , which God defend , before he marry my Daughter , or if without Issue by her , my Will is , That all disposals by him made , shall stand good in Law. But if he will not accept the offer which I have made him , I desire Theophrastus to take charge of my Daughter ; which if he refuses to do , I desire Antipater , with the rest of my Executors to take charge of my Son and Daughter . My Will is also , That Nicanor , and the rest of the Guardians and Executors be mindful of me and my affairs , especially of Herpilis , who has been careful of me , and to take such Care of her , that if she has a desire to Marry , she may not be matched beneath her Quality . I desire that they would give her , besides what she has already receiv'd , a talent of Silver , and Servant Maids besides her own , if she desires them , together with a Lacquey , by name Pyrrheus . As for her Dwelling , she has Liberty to make her Choice , either to live at Chalcis in our House next the Garden , or else at Stagyra in our Paternal Mansion ; to the end that Herpilis may have no reason to complain ; the whole being sufficient to maintain her decently and handsomly . Let Nicanor send Myrmex home to his Parents , with the Legacy that I have given him . My Will is , That Ambracis be enfranchised , and that fifty Drachma's be given her , together with a Servant Maid , so soon as she shall marry . I Will and Bequeath also to Thales , a thousand Drachma's and a Servant Maid , besides the Maid we have already bought her , and Simos for her Lacquey without Money , or any other to be bought , or the value of another in Money . Let Tychon also be Enfranchised , when the Boy shall Marry , and Philo likewise , together with Olympia and her little Son. My Will is also , That nine of my Boys be sold , but that they remain to my Heirs , till they come of Age to redeem themselves by their good Service . Let Care be taken also to finish the Statues , which are sent to Grylleo to cut , that being finished , they may be set up every one in their Places . Let the same Care be taken of the Statues of Nicanor and Proxenus his Father , and of his Mother , which I intend the same Person shall cut . As for that of Arimnestus , which is finished , let it be set up in its proper place in memory of him , because he died without Children . Let my Mothers Statue be set up in the Temple of Ceres , at Nemea , or where they shall think more convenient ; and let the Bones of my Mother Pythais be gathered together and laid in my Sepulcher , as she ordered before her Decease . Also I desire that my Vow may be performed , which I vow'd for the welfare of Nicanor , that is , Four Beasts in Stone , four Cubits in length , to Jupiter Servator , and Minerva Servatrix , at Stagyra . This was the purport of his last Will and Testament . It is reported that after his decease , several earthen Pitchers were found in his House , and that Lyco should affirm that he was wont to bathe himself in a large Vessel of Luke-warm Oyl ; which afterwards he sold . Others say , that he laid a Bladder of warm Oyl ▪ upon his Stomach , and that when he composed himself to Rest , he lay with his Hand out of Bed , holding a Bullet of Brass over a Bason of the same Metal , that the noise of the Bullet falling into the Bason , might awake him out of his Sleep . The most remarkable of his Sayings were these . Being asked , what Lyers got by their Babbling ; Never to be believ'd ▪ said he , when they speak Truth . In like manner , when he was reproved for taking Pity upon a vicious Person , and giving him Alms ; I did not pity his evil manners , said he , but I pitied him as a Man. He was wont to say , where-ever he was , either among his Friends , or among his Scholars , That the Eye received the Light by means of the Medium Air that environed it , and that the Soul received Wisdom by means of the Liberal Arts. Being often offended against the Athenians , he was wont to say , That the Athenians were the inventers of Laws and Wheat ; and that they made good use of their Wheat , but not of their Laws . Farther he was wont to say , That the root of Learning was bitter , but the fruit was sweet . Being asked what soonest grew old ; The kindness , said he , which is done to others . Being asked what hope was ▪ The dream , said he , of one that awakes . When Diogenes presented him a Fig , as the Reward if he unfolded some hard question ▪ believing he would not receive it without uttering some notable Sentence ; Aristotle taking the Fig , told Diogenes he had lost his Fig , and his Expectation . Another time , when Diogenes presented him another Fig upon the same Condition , he took the Fig , hugged it in his Arms , as they do little Children , and then crying out , O brave Diogenes , gave it him again . He was wont to say , That three things were necessary for Children , Wit , Exercise and Learning . Being told that an idel Person was always abusing him ; let him beat me too , said he , when I 'm out of the way . He held , That Beauty had more Power to recommend any Person , than all the Epistles in the World. Others attribute this Sentence to Diogenes : But that he preferr'd the gift of Form ; Socrates , a Tyranny of short Continuance ; Plato , the privilege of Nature ; Theophrastus , a conceal'd piece of Knavery ▪ Theo●ritus , a well contrived piece of Mischief ; Carneades , a solitary Kingdom . Being asked what was the difference between learned and ignorant Men ; The same , said he , as between living Beasts and dead Beasts . He was wont to say . That Learning was an Ornament to Prosperity , and a Refuge in Adversity . That Parents who bred up their Children in Learning , deserv'd more honour than those who had only begot ' em . For the one gives them only a Being , the other not only a Being , but a means to live well . To one that vaunted himself to be a Citizen of a great City : Let that alone , said he , and rather boast of something that renders thee worthy of a noble and illustrious Country . To one that asked him what a Friend was ; One Soul , said he , abiding in two Bodies . He was wont to say , there were some Men so Covetous as if they were to live always ▪ and others so Prodigal , as if they were to die the next Hour . To one that asked him why he tarried l●●●●r in the Company of fair Women than others . That 's a question said he for ●●lindman . Being asked what Benefit he got by the study of Philosophy , he readily made answer . The same that others get by the fear of the Law. Being asked which was the best way for the studious to acquire Learning ; Let the riper witted , said he , still go on , and the less apprehensive never stand at a stay . To a prating Fellow , that pursu'd him with railing and abusive Language , and at length asked him ▪ Whether he would have any more . By Jove , said he , I never ●●●ded what thou said'st before . Being asked how we should behave our selves to our Friends ; As we would said he , that our Friends should behave themselves towards us . He was wont to say , that Justice was a vertue of the Soul , that rendered to every one according to his Merit . Moreover that Learning was a good Pastport to bring a Man to old Age. Phavorinus also in his second Book of Commentaries , recites a Saying of his , which he had always in his Mouth . Oh Friends , there is no Friend . And thus much for his Sentences and Repartees . He wrote a vast number of Books , of which I think it requisite to set down a Catalogue , to the end the vigour of his Judgment , and his indefatigable Industry in all manner of Learning , may appear . In the first place , three Books of the Philosophy of Anchytas ; one of the Philosophy of Spensippus , and Antipas ; one of that which is drawn from the Doctrine of Archytas and Timaus ; one against the decrees of Melissus ; one against the Constitutions of Alcmaeon ; one against the Pythagoreans ; one against Gorgias ; one against Zenocrates ; one against the Opinions of Zeno ; one against the Constitutions of the Pythagoreans ; one entituled Pythicus ; one Merinthus , and another Menexenus . Then three Books of Philosophy : one of Science ; two more of the Sciences ; one of Doctrine ; two of the Introduction to Arts ; one of Art ; then two more of Art , and two more of the liberal Arts ; one Entituled Methodic . Phisics . One of Unity ; one of a Prince : one of the Idea ; one of Physic ; three of Nature ; one of Motion ; three of the Elements ; Thirty eight of things Natural ▪ according to the Elements . Of Plato's Laws three ; his Banquet one ; of Good three ; Alexander , or of Colonies one ; two of Plato's Commonwealth ; Oeconomy one ; one of Friendship ; of Stones one ; of the Soul one ▪ questions concerning the Soul one ; two of Plants ; one of Animal Compounded ; one of Animals Fabulous ; nine of Animals ; eight of their Dissection ; one of the Election of things Anatomic ; one of things that belong to the Memory ; one of Physiognomy ; one of the Signs of Tempests ; one of Physic ; two concerning Problems to things that belong to the Sight ; six of Problems drawn from Democritus . Mathematics . One of Mathematics ; one of Magnitude ; one of the speculation of Astronomical things ; one of Music , and one more of Pythionic Music . Poetry . One of Poesy ; two of the Art of Poetry ; three of Poets ; of Words one ; of Similitudes one ; one of Tragedies ; one of the Victory of Dionysius ; six of Homeric ambiguities . Some Verses to Democritus that begin , O venerable Angel of the Gods. His Elogies that begin , Daughter of fairest Mother . In a word all his Poems containing forty five Thousand , three Hundred and thirty Verses . Rhetoric . A Book of Rhetoric , entituled Gryllus . One of Art for the Introduction of Theodectes ; one of a Sophister ; one of the division of Enthymemes ; one of Proverbs ; one of Exhortations ; Rhetorical Enthymemes . Logic. One of Species and Genus ; one of Proper ; one of Contraries ; one of Predicaments ; one of a Proposition ▪ two of Syllogisms ; one more of Syllogisms and Definitions ; two of Collections ; two of Epicheremes ; Twenty five Epicheremic Questions ; three Books of Comments upon Epicheremes ; nine of the first Analytics ; two of the latter large Analytics ; one of divisible things ; Seventeen of Divisions ; two of Topics for Definitions ; one of things that are before the Places ; seven of the terms of Topic ; two of Questions to be demanded ; one of Solutions of the same Questions ; one of things that are spoken several ways , or according to the same Proposition ; two of Question and Answer ; one of Questions appertaining to Learning ; four of Sophistioal Divisions ; four of contentious Divisions ; one of Pythionic Arguments . Ethics . One of honest ; one of good ; one of better ; one of what is to be chosen , and of its Accidents ; one of voluntary ; one of the Passions ; one of Pleasure ; four of moral Vertues ; three concerning oppositions of Vertue ; one of Love ; one of Friendship ; two containing questions of Friendship ; four of Justice ; two of just things ; two of just Actions ; one of Anger ; one of Patience . O●conomics . One of Oeconomy ; one of Prayer ; one called the Banquet ; one of Riches ; one of Nobility . Politics . One of Calumnies to Alexander ; one of a Kingdom ; two of a Commonwealth ; eight of Political Hearing , as well as Theophrastus ; of a Hundred and eight sorts of Common-wealths ; of Democracy , Oligarchy , Aristocracy , and Tyranny ; two concerning Plato's Commonwealth ; four of Laws ; one of the Laws of Recommendation ; one of Right ; one of Counsel ; one of Olimpionics ; one of Mechanic Arts. His Epistles are very numerous ; some of which are written to Philip ; four to Alexander ; nine to Antipater ; one to Mentor ; one to Ariston ; one to Olympias : one to Ep●estion ; and one to Themistagoras ; lastly one to Philoxenus . In short , we also find twelve Books of things without order , and fourteen of those things that have been briefly summed up . And this is the number of his Writings , amounting in all to Forty five Thousand , three Hundred and thirty Verses ; of which we are now briefly to sum up the Matter and Doctrine therein contain'd ; which may be called an Epitome of Aristotle's Philosophy . He held , That Philosophy was to be divided into two Principal Members ; of which the one was Practical , and the other Theoretical . That Practical Philosophy was to be divided into Oeconomical and Political , to which all the business of this World , both private and public may be referr'd ; and that the other Division into Physical and Logical , belonged to Speculation . As for Logic , he proposes it as an exact Instrument for the handling of all the other Sciences ; and will have it to have a double End , that is to say , Truth and Probability : Each of which is of some principal use to the two faculties : For the use of Rhetoric and Logic tends to Probability , Philosophy and Analytics , to Truth . Moreover he has omitted nothing of that which appertains either to Invention or Judgment , or to the use of either ; for he sets before Invention a great number of Propositions , from whence , by way of Method and common Places an infinite number of probable Arguments may he drawn for every Question . In reference to Judgment he has wrote his first and ▪ second Analytics . The first to shew how to make a right Judgment of the Agreement of one Proposition with another ; and the latter to examine the Consequences of them , by collecting what went before , and what followed after . As to the use of things which are in Controversy , and under dispute , either among the Logicians , or the Sophisters , he has shewn how to satisfy the Arguments , as well of the one as the other . He holds that Sence is the Rule upon which the Judgment of Truth relies , as to actions that are in the Imagination . But that the Judgment is the rule of Truth , in reference to the Moral Vertues , whether in relation to public or domestic affairs , or in the Composition and making of Laws . He proposes the use of Vertue in a perfect Life , to be the end of all Mens Living . He holds Felicity to be an Assemblage of three things really beneficial ; of that which depends upon the Soul , which is the best and most powerful ; of that which proceeds from the Body , as Health , Strength , Beauty , and the like ; and lastly upon that which is grounded upon outward Conveniences ; as Riches , Nobility , Reputatation , and the like , which depend upon Fortune . But that Vice is sufficient of it self to render Life miserable , though accompanied with all outward and Corporeal Conveniences . That a wi●● Man might be miserable , being afflicted sometimes with Pain , sometimes with Poverty , and sometimes with other Inconveniences . That the Vertues do not depend one upon another . For it may happen , says he , that a Man may be Prudent and Just , and yet addicted to Intemperance and Incontinency . That a wise Man can never be wholly exempt from Passions , but only he may be able to govern 'em with more Moderation than another . That Friendship is the Reciprocal Justice of good-will , of which he makes three sorts ; of Parents , of Lovers , of Hospitality . That Love does not only concern the Conversation of other Men , but of Philosophers ; for says he , a Wise Man may love as well as another , mind the public affairs , marry a Wife , and live with a King. And lastly having established three several manners of Living , the first in Contemplation , the second in Action , and the third in Pleasure , he always preferred Contemplation before the rest . He held that the Knowledge of the liberal Arts was of little Importance toward the attaining of Vertue . There never was any Philosopher , who 〈…〉 diligently enquired into the causes of Natural things than he ; so that he was able to give a Reason for the smallest thing that could be asked him : and hence it was that he wrote so many Commentaries concerning natural Things . He asserted , with Plat● , that God was incorporeal and immoveable ; whose providence did not pass beyond the limits of the Colestial Bodies , with which all terre●… things agreed , and were disposed by Sy●●p●●hy . That there was a fifth Element , which gives being to the Heavenly Bodies , whose Motion i● different from that of the other four Elements , of which the inferiour World was composed . For that the Motion of this Element was circular , ●●d theirs in a right ●ine . Also , that the Soul is incorporeal , and the first Entelechy of an Organick Natural Body having Life in P●… . Now you are to understand that he calls Entelechy , an incorporeal Nature ; which imparts to the Corporeal power to move it self ; of which he makes two sorts , the one Potential , the other in Effect . That which is in Potenti● , is manifest in a thing that is not , but may be ; a● a piece of Wax , or a great ●ingot of Copper , of which there may be made an Image or Statue of Marble , by shaping the Wax , or giving Lineaments to the Brass . But that which is in the Effect , is manifest in the thing it self ; which is already finished and perfected : as Wax or Copper when wrought or cast into a Statue . He adds Natural Bodies , because there are some Bodies that are either wrought by the Hand , as are all the Manifactures of Artisans , as a Tower or a Ship : or else others that are produced from the Earth ▪ as Plants and Animals . Farther he adds Organic , that is designed and prepared for some design , as the Eye to see , the Ear to hear . Lastly he adds , having Life ▪ in Potentia . For Potentiality being less than the Effect , always preceeds Action in every thing ; but the Effect cannot be without Action . As for Example , a Man that sleeps is enlivened with a Soul in Po●tentia ; but he that wakes is animated with a Soul in Act ; for he sees and understands such and such things , which he that is a sleep does not do , though he has a power so to do . Such were his Philosophical Reasonings concerning these and many other things , which would be here too long to recite . For he was so Laborious and Industrious in all things , and so acute in finding out Arguments for his Discourses , that it was a thing almost incredible : as may be seen by the great number of Volumes , which we have already number'd up ; exceeding in all four hundred Volumes : together with several others , and an infinite Number of Sentences ; though I question whether all that are ascribed to him be his own . In the last place we find that there were eight Aristotles ; The first the Great Philosopher himself . A second formerly chief Magistrate of Athens . Several of whose Orations or Judicial Pleadings very neat and elegant , are extant to this day . A third who Transcrib'd Homer's Iliads . A fourth a Sicilian Orator , who wrote an Answer to the Panegyric of Isocrates . The fifth Sirnamed Mythus , a Companion of Eschines the Socratic . The sixth of Cyrene , who wrote a Book of Poetry . The seventh a Paedagogue , of whom Aristoxenus makes mention in Plato's Life . The last a Grammarian of little Esteem : Of whose writing there is extant a small Treatise of Pleon●sm . But as for the Stagyrian Philosopher , he had several Disciples , among whom Theophrastus was the chiefest ; and whose Life we are therefore next to write . The LIFE of THEOPHRASTVS . THEOPHRASTVS an Etesian , was the Son of Metant●s , a Fuller , as Artemidorus reports in his Eighteenth Book of Deambulations . He was first a Hearer of Le●cipp●s his Countryman , and in the same City ; afterwards he went to Athens , and heard Plato : and at length rang'd himself in the number of Aristotle's Scholars , to whom he succeeded in the Government of his School ▪ after he had withdrawn himself to Chalc●● , which was about the 180. Olympiad . They report likewise , that his Servant Pompylus was a very great Philosopher as Myronius Amastrius relates in the first of his a like Historical Chapters . Theophrastus was a Man of great Judgment , and who , as Pamphilus writes in the thirteenth Book of his Commentaries , delighted very much in Comedies , and was the Person that instructed and Moulded Menander . Moreover he was a Person that would do Kindnesses voluntarily ; and was very affable to all Men. Cas-sander held him in High Esteem , and Ptolomy also sent him several Presents . He was so extreamly Popular , and so greatly ●everenced by the Athenians , that one Agnonides who accused him of Irreligion , had much ado to escape th Punishment of the same Crime , for which he had accused Theophrastus . His Auditors ●looked to him from all parts , to the number of above two thousand . In a Letter written to Phanias the Peripatetic , among other things touching the Decree made against Philosophers , he thus discourses : I am so far , says he , from calling together great Assemblies of the People , that I seldom appear in any Company . For by such a Retirement I have the advantage to review and correct my Writings . This was part of his Epistle to Phanias , wherein he calls him Scholar : Nevertheless , notwithstanding all his endowments , he made no Opposition to the Decree , but withdrew for some time , as did all the rest of the Philosophers . For Sophocles , the Son of Amphiclides , had made a Law , by which it was enacted and commanded , that none of the Philosophers should intrude themselves to preside in Schools , without the consent of the People and Senate ; and that whoever it were that disobey'd this Decree , should be punished with Death . But it pleased God that Philo prefixed a day to answer to certain Treacheries by him committed ; but then the Philosophers returned , the Athenians having ● brogated that Law , the Philosophers were restored to their Employments , and The●phrastus presided as he did before in his School . He was called before Tyrtamus , but Aristotle taking notice of the sub●imity of his Language and Discourses , changed his Name , and called him Theophrastus . He also had a great Esteem for Nicomachus the Son of Aristotle , and shewed him a more particular friendship , then it was usual for a Master to do : as Aristippus reports in his fourth Book of the Delights of the Ancients . It is reported , how that Aristotle should say the same thing of Callisthenes , and Theophrastus , as Plato had uttered concerning him and Xenocrates ; as we have mention'd in another place ; for of one he said that apprehended , he made all things plain , through the nimbleness and quickness of his gentile Wit ; but that the other was slow and heavy , and so thick-scull'd and dull , that the one required a Bridle , and the other Spurrs . T is said , that he took possession of Aristotle's Garden , so soon as he was retired to Chalcis , by the Assistance of Demetrius Phalereus , who furnished him with Money . He was wont to say , that 't was better to trust a Horse without a Bridle , than to one irregular and improperly disposed . To a certain person that at a great feast listened to others , but spoke not a word himself : If thou art ignorant , said he , thou dost well ; but if thou art learned , 't is thy Folly makes thee silent . He was always w●nt to have this saying in his Mouth , That there was nothing cost so dear as the waste of Time. He was very old when hee dy'd ; as having lived four score and five years , after he had retired a while from his former Exercises . Which produced this Epigram of ours upon him . Th●● vainly talk , that cry , unbend your Bow , L●●st by continual stress it slacker grow ; For Theophrastus here his Bow unbent , His Labour quitted , and to Orcus went. His Scholars beholding him ready to ●●pire upon his Death-bed , asked him , as t●● reported , what commands he had to lay upon 'em before he departed this Life . To whom he returned this answer . I have nothing , said he , more to say , but only that this Life deceives us ; for that it flatters us with many pleasing Dreams , under the p●●t●●ce of Glory , but when 〈◊〉 th●●● to live , Death comes and snatches us away : So that there is nothing more vain th●n the lo● of Honour . My Dear friends live happi●● and ●ear my words in mind : and either forget the saying ( for the labour i● gre●● ) 〈◊〉 st●●fastly apply 〈◊〉 minds to it ; for g●●●● is the Glory that ●tt●●ds it . H●●ev●● will not have undertake to advise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the two ●o Elect , but consider among 〈◊〉 solves , what ●e have to do . And with these words in his mouth he expir●d , 〈◊〉 was honourably attended at his Fu●●ral by all the Athenians , who followed him 〈◊〉 his Grave . ●●av●●in●● reports , That wh●● he was very old , he was wont to 〈◊〉 ●●ry'd about in a Litter : and after hi● Hermippus testifies the same thing , acknowledging that he had taken his Inf●●mation out of the History of Arces●●●● the ●ytan●●● . He left behind to Posterity several ●●numents of his sublime Wit , of which I think it but requisite to give the Readers Catalogue , to the end that there by it 〈◊〉 be known how great a Philosopher 〈◊〉 was First several Treatis●● under the na●● of the Persons to whom they are dedicated . A Book to Anaxagoras ; an●●her to the same ; one to Anaximenes ; one to Archel●us ; one to those that belonged to the A●ademy , entituled ▪ Acicar●us ; one to E●pedocles ; one en●it●led Eviades ; one of Democritus ; one entituled Megacles ; another entituled Megarica . An Epitome of Aristotles Works ; one Book of Commentaries ; one of Natural , Moral , and Civil Problems , and of Love ; Seven of Aristotles Commentaries or Theophrastics . Of Nature . Three Books of the Gods ; one of Enthusiasm ; an Epitome of Natural Things ; A tract against Naturallists ; one Book of Nature ; three more of Nature ; two Abridgments of natural things ; eighteen more of Natural things ; seventeen of various Opinions concerning Natural things ; one of Natural Problems ; three of Motion ; two more of Motion ; three of Water ; one of a River in Sicily ; two of Meteors ; two of Fire ; one of Heaven ; one of Nitre and Alum ; two of things that putrifie ; one of Stones ; one of Metals ; one of things that melt and coagulate ; one of the Sea ; one of Winds ; two of things in dry places ; two of Sublime things ; one of Hot and Gold ; one of Generation ; ten of the History of Plants ; eight of the causes of them ; five of Humours ; one of Melancholy ; one of Honey ; eighteen first Propositions concerning Wine ; one of Drunkenness ; one of Spirits ; one of Hair ; another of Juices , Flesh and Leather ; one of things the sight of which is unexpected ; one of things which are subject to wounds and bitings ; seven of Animals ; and other six of Animals ; one of Men ; one of Animals that are thought to participate of Reason ; One of the Prudence and Manners , or Inclinations of Animals ; one of Animals that dig themselves Holes and Dens ; one of fortuito●● Animals ; 1182 Verses comprehending all sorts of Fruits and Animals ; A question concerning the Soul ; one of Sleeping and Waking ; one of Labours ; one of old Age ; one of Thoughts ; four of the Sight one of things that change their Colour one of Tears entituled Callisthenes ; two of hearing ; one of the Diversity of the volces of Animals of the same sort ; one of Odours ; two of Torment ; one of Folly ; one of the Palsi● ; one of the Epilepsie ; one of the Vertigo , and dazling of the Sight ; one of the fainting of the Heart ; one of Suffocation ; one of Sweat ; one of the Pestilence . Mathematics . A Book of Numbers ; one of Indivisible Lines ; one of Measures ; one of Harmony ; three of Music ; another of Music ; one of Great and Small ; one of Images ; one of Twi-lights and Meridionals ; one of Seasons ; one of ●●thmetical Histories , according to Augmentation ; four of Geometrical Histories ; ●●● Astrological Histories ; one of Democritus's Astrology . Discourse . A Book of the Art of Rhetoric ; one of Precepts for the Art of Rhetoric ; seven sorts of the Art of Rhetoric ; one of the Art of Poetry ; one of Solo●cisins ; one of a Word ; one of proper Orations ; of judicial Orations ; one of Proposition and Narration ; one of the Exemplar ; one of the Collection of Words ; one of Proverbs ; one of Sentences ; one of Favour ; one of Provocation to Laughter ; one of Beauty ; of Praise ; of Injuries ; of Flattery ; of Tumult ; of Comedy ; one of History ; six Books of the History of things spoken of God ; of the Praises of the Gods ; three of Lives ; one of Solemnities ; one of Confabulations ; a Collection of Diogenes's Propositions ; one of Calumny ; two of things invented . Of Reason . One how many ways a a Man may understand ; one of true and false ; three of false ; two of terms ; one of differences ; one of Signs ; five containing a Collection of Problems ; one of the Judgment upon Syllogisms ; one of the solution of Syllogisms ; one of Enthymemes ; two of Epicheremes ; Eighteen Epicheremes ; one of Affirmation and Negation ; one of Occasions or Contradictions ; an Epitome of Definitions ; two of Divisions ; one of Causes ; an Epitome of Analytics ; three of the first Analytics ; seven of the latter ; a Preamble of Topics ; two of the deducation of Places ; one of the Speculation of things that belong to contentious Discourse ; two of Sophisms ; one of Solutions ; one of simple doubts ; three of Controversies ; three Questions ; Twenty four other Questions ; one of the Collections of Metrodorus ; one of Zenocratic Questions . Of Manners . Of divine Felicity ; another of human Felicity ; of Voluntary ; of the Passions ; of Vertue ; of the differences of the Vertues ; one of Pleasure , as well as Aristotle ; of Choice ; of Counsel ; of Wise Men ; of Faith reposed without cunning ; three of Friendship ; one entituled Amatorious ; another of Love ; two of Liberallity ; one of Pleasure Men take in Lying ; of Dissimulation ; of Moral Figures ; of Moral Schools . Of Otconomics . Of Piety ; of the means to instruct Children ; of Vertue ; of Discipline : of Frugality : of what it is to give : of Experience : three Books of Epistles : more Epistles to Astycreon , Ph●●ias and Nicanor . Of Commonwealths . Two Abstracts of Pla●●'s Common-wealth : of the Condition of a good Republic : three Books of Civil things : four of Civil Customs : two of Government : four of Politics for the time : three of Legislators : An Epitome of the Laws in ten Books : one of Laws : twenty four . of Laws disposed according to Order and Alphabet : one of unjust Laws : one of an Oath : one to shew how Cities may be peopl'd . Of Kingdoms . One of a Kingdom : two more of a Kingdom : one of the Education of a King : one of Tyranny : one of Kingdom to Cassander : one of Riches . All these Books and Treatises were composed by Theophrastus . I also met with his Will in these words . My will shall be well and duly performed , ●● I hope , if when I come to dye , it be no otherwise executed , than I have enjoyned it by this my Testament . First , I give to Melanthus and Pancreon , the Sons of Leo , all my Moveables that belong to ●ly House . For what Hipparchus obliged me withal , I would have it expended upon the Reparations of the School , and for adorning the Theatre much be●… it be possible than it was before : and ●et the Statue of Aristotle be set up in the Oratory of the said School , with all the sacred Jewels that were there before . I would have also rebuilt the Portico adjoyning to the same School , in the same condition it was before , or better if possible ; and that the Map of the World be set up a● the lower End : and that an Altar be ● rected not far from it , the same in form●… the other , whether for Decency or Perfection . Moreover my Will is , That the Statue of Nicomachus be finished , a●… gave order to Praxiteles : but as for the Expences of setting it up , let him defray that charge himself , and let it be set up where my Executors shall think mo●… Convenient , whom I have for that purpose named in my Will. Thus much in reference to the Oratory , and its sacred Jewels . Moreover I bequeath to my friends who are specially nominated in this my Will , and to those that will spend their time with them in Learning and Philosophy , my Garden , Walk , and H●●ses adjoyning : upon condition however that none of them shall claim any particular property therein , nor go about to alienate 'em from their proper use : but that they shall be enjoyed in Common by 'em all , as a sacred place where they may similiarily visit one another ; and discourse together like good friends . And these are they to whom I bequeath this Common Possession ; viz. Hipparchus , Nel●●● , Callio , Demoticus , Demaratus , Calli●th●ues , Melantus , Pan●reo● , and ▪ Ni●●ppus ; to whom I add Aristotle the Son of Midias and Pythias ; who if he please to addict himself to Philosophy , may enjoy equal Privileges with the rest . I recommend him to his most ancient Friends , to take care that he be instructed in Philosophy . For my part I desire to be buried in any part of the Garden , where they shall think most convenient , charging them not to be at any superfluous Expence , either upon my Funeral , or upon my Tomb. Which being done , my Will is , That Pompylus , who lives in the House , take care of every thing , as he did before . To which purpose I recommend him to all that shall enjoy the forementioned Privileges , and that it be as much to his profit as may be . Moreover it is my Will , as I have formerly testified to Melantus and Pancreon , That there be an Assignation of two thousand Drachma's to Pompylus and Threptes my free'd Bondmen , who have served me faithfully ; and , That this Assignation be made upon Hipparchus ; besides those other Emoluments which they have received at my hands ; and that the said Assignation be made over to them firmly in their own Names . Moreover I give them Sotomales , and a Servant Maid . As for my Boys , it is my Will that Molo , Cymo , and Parmeno be forthwith set at Liberty . As for Manes and Callias , I will not have them enfranchized till they have laboured four years longer in the Garden , so that there be no fault found with their Labour and Diligence : but then let them have their Freedom . Let my houshold Goods be appraised , and sold for the Benefit of those to whom I have bequeathed them , with this proviso , That Pompylus may have enough for his own use , as the Executors shall think reasonable . I give Cano to Demotimus , and Donax to Neleus . As for E●bius ▪ I would have him sold , and that Hipparchus give three thousand Drachma's to Callio . Had I not a respect for Hipparchus , as to a Man to whom I have been greatly beholding , and who is now perplexed in business of his own , I had joyned him with Melantus and Pancreon in the Execution of this my Will. But I thought it better to assign a sum of Money upon Hipparchus , than to put him to that trouble . Therefore let Hipparchus pay Melantus and Pancreon two Talents each ; being also bound by that means to furnish the ●●d Executors , as occasion shall require , with Money to defray the Expences in Execution of this my last Will and Testament . Which being done , I discharge him from all farther trouble , according to the Covenants and Articles between us . Moreover my will is ▪ That all the Profit which Hipparchus receives from Chalcis in my Name , shall be entirely his own . Now for the Executors whom I desire to be Executors of this my last Will , let them be Hipparchus first , then Neleus , Strato , Callio , Demotimus , Callisthenes and Cresarchus . This was Theophrastus's Will , of which a Copy being sealed with his Seal , was put into the hands of Hegesias , the Son of Hipparchus , Witnesses to it were Calippus the Pelanean , Philomelus Euonymus , Lysander ▪ Hybeus , and Philo of Alopeca . Olympiodorus also received another Duplicate of the same Will , in the presence of the same Witnesse●… Adimanthes another from Andrusthenes his Son , to which were other Witnesses , Acimuestes the Son of Cleobulus , Lysistratus the Son of Phido the Thrasian , Strato the Son of Arcesilaus of Lampsacum , Thesippus the Son of Thesippus one of the Potters ; and Dioscorides the Son of Dionysius the E●icop●… . Some there are who affirm . That Er●…stratus the Physician was one of his Hearers ; which I will not contradict . However Strato succeeded him in his School . The LIFE of STRATO . STRATO , of whom Theophrastus makes mention in his Will , was a Native of Lampsacum , the Son of one Arcesilaus ; a Man certainly of great Eloquence , and who formerly assum'd the Title of a Physician ; as being by reason of his great Industry superiour to other in those kinds of Speculations . But among other Employments that he had , he was tutour to Ptolomy Philadelphus ; from whom they say he received a present of four and twenty Talents . He began to precide in the forementioned School , as Ap●ll●derus testifies in his Chronicles , in the hundred thirty third Olympiad , and held it eighteen years . He wrote several Volumes , of which these were the chiefest : An Extract of Royal Philosophy ; three Books of Enthusiasm ; of Causes ; of Vacuum ; of Time ; of Light and Heavy ; of the Heaven ; of the Generation of Animals ; of Coition ; of the Faculties ; of the Wit ; of Growth and Nourishment ; of Dreams ; of the Sight ; of Colds ; of the Nature of Man ; of Sickness ; of Crises's ; of Hunger ; of dimness of Sight ; of Animals whose Original was uncertain . Of Discourse . Of Accident ; of more and less ; of Antecedent and Consequent ; of a Definition ; of the Principles of Places ; some Solutions of Doubts . As to Manners . Of Felicity ; three Books of Good ; of Pleasure ; of Strength ; three of Justice ; and a single Tract of Injustice . As to Civils . Three Books of a Kingdom ; two or three of a Magistrate ; A Tract of Judgments ; another of Metallic Engines . He also wrote some Lives , and some Commentaries : but it is questioned whether they were his or no. There are also extant about 450 of his Epistles that begin , Strato to Arsinoe , Health . He is reported to have been of so thin and exhausted a Constitution , that he was not sensible of his Death , as we have described him in the following Epigram . At length reduced to Skin and Bone , Strato was quite transparent grown . A Candle set in Mouth upright Would through his Cheeks have giv'n ye light . His Soul perceived it , and afraid Of catching cold , so thinly clad , Away she stole , as Nurses creep From Beds of sick Men , when asleep ; Or as they steal from drinking Trade That leave the Reckoning to be paid ; So parted Strato and his Soul , For whom all Athens did condole . We meet with eight Strato's in all among the Writings of other Authors . The first , a hearer of Isocrates . The second our Philosopher himself . The third a Physician , the Disciple , or as others say , the Foster-Child of Erasistratus . The fourth was a Historian , who wrote the Wars of Philip and Perseus , who headed two Armies against the Romans . The sixth a writer of Epigrams . The seventh an Ancient Physician as Aristotle testifies . The eighth a Peripapetic , who lived in Alexandra . His Will is also Extant in this Form. Seeing that according to the Frail Condition of other Men , I must be laid in my Grave , I dispose before my Death of my Affairs . First my Will is , that Lampyrion and Arcesilaus , be possessors of all that I have in my House . Moreover I assign the Expence of my Funeral upon the Money , which I have lying at Athens , charging my Executors that it be performed with all solemn Decency imaginable , but not superfluous . My Executors shall be Olympicus , Aristides , Mnesigenes , Hippocrates , Epicrates , Gorgylus , Diocles , Lyco , and Athanes . I leave Lyco Head of the School , as being not so full of business as the rest ; besides that he has a Body able enough to undergo the Trouble . I also leave him all my Books , except those that I have written my self , with all the Vessels , Pots , and Carpets which I made use of when I entertained my Friends . My Will also is , That my Executors shall give to Epicrates , five hundred Drachma's and a Boy ; such a one as Arcesilaus shall judge most convenient . Moreover my Will is , That Lampyrion and Arcesilaus shall cancel the Bonds which Daippus made for Hireus , that he may be discharged from them and their Heirs , of all dues and demands whatever . And in regard of the Kindnesses and Benefits which we have received from him , We order our Executors to pay him five hundred Drachma's and a Boy , such a one as Arcesilans shall think fit , that he may live handsomly . I set free Diophantes , Dioctes , Ab●● and Dromo : but as for Simmias , I leave him to Arcesilans . It is also my Will , that till . Arcesilaus shall return , that Hir●● shall give up his Accompts to Olympicus , in the presence of Epicrates and the Re●● of the Executors , deducting my Funeral Expences , and other necessary Ceremonies . As for the rest of the Money remaining after the stating of the Accompts in the hands of Olympicus , let Arcesilaus take it to his own use , exacting nothing from him for Time or interest . Lastly , I desire Arcesilaus to cancel the Writings between me and Amimas , and the said Olympicus , which lye in the hands of Philocrates , the Son of Tisame●es . And the let them make me such a Monument ●● Arcesilaus , Olympicus and Lyco shall thi●●● fitting . Thus you may see by what we have already said , he was a person of Note and for the Beauty , Variety and Grace of his discourse , worthy the Admiration of Posterity . Nevertheless he was more addicted to the Study of the Natural Sciences than any other , as being the most Ancient , and that wherein the Greatest Wits had exercised their Ingenuities . The LIFE of LYCO . LYCO the Son of Astyanax of Troas , was a person of great Eloquence , and one that was every way fit to form and fashion the manners of young Men ; for he was wont to say , That Shame and Praise were as requisite for Youth , as the Bridle and Spur for Horses . You may understand by some Touches , what a great Person he was , whether it were for Discourse , or for the Interpretation of his own Conceptions . For happening to speak of a Poor Virgin , he said thus , That a Poor Virgin who being arriv'd to ripe . Years , and in the Flower of her Age , ●●d lies at home in her Fathers House , for ●●●● of a Portion to marry her , is an intolerable Burthen . And therefore t is reported that Antigonus speaking of him , compared the Nature of Men to the Nature of Pears , saying that it was impossible to transport the Beauty and sweet Scent of one Pear into another , or to exchange the Graces of this , for the Endowments of that Man. And therefore in my Opinion we must seek for the true faculty of well expressing every thing , in several Men , as we do for the sweetness and goodness of Pears , not all from one Tree ▪ Which was the Reason that some Men considering the sweetness of his Discourse , put a G before the L , and called him Glyco , which signifies : as much ▪ ● sweet . Besides he was a Man that alwa●● wrote different from himself ; such a Plenty of words he had at his command . He often laught at those that repented themselves , for having idl'd away the●e Youth , without ever learning or improving their knowledge , with a Resolution by their diligence for the future , to repair the losses of their miss-spent time . For said he , They go about a thing which is almost impossible : for that the one had too late repented their folly , to think by wishes to repair the defects of their Negligence : and they that betook themselves to Study in their old Age , though they were not quite out of their wits , yet they were next door by ; and resembled those that sought to see their faces i● troubl'd Waters , or to find the Nature of a Right in a Crooked Line . He was wont to say , There were many that strove to out-doe one another at pleading and wrangling , but few that ventur'd for the Olympic Crown . And as for his Counsels , the Athenians found Benefit of 'em , more than once or twice . There was never any Man more neat and curious in his Apparel than himself . For as Hermippus reports , he was wont to wear the most fashionable and the richest Stuffs he could buy ; so that his Effeminacy in that particular was almost Incredible . However he was very much given to Exercise , and preferred Wrestling before all others : by which means he was very strong , vigorous , and lusty . Antigonus the Carystian reports , that in his younger days he was very feeble and tender of Body . But having Convenience in his Country of Wrestling , and hurling the Ball , he omitted no means that might render a Man active and lusty . He was always welcome to Attalus and Eumenes , who with some few others held him in high Esteem , and many times gave him signal Testimonies of their Royal Munificence . Antigonus laboured by all ways imaginable to have had him in his House ; but all his Hopes and Contrivances fail'd him . But he had such an Antipathy against Jerome the Peripatetic , that he of all the Philosophers was the only Person who absented himself from the annual Solemnity to which they were invited , because he would not come into his Enemies Company . He governed the School forty two years from the day that Lyco surrendered up the Employment to him , by his Will , which was in the Hundred twenty seventh Olympiad ▪ Nor must I here forget to tell you , that he was a hearer of Panthoedes the Logician . He died in the Seventy fourth year of his Age , being strangely tormented with the Gout ; as we have describ'd him in the following Epigram . Fettered in Oily Rag and Clo●t , Lyco long lay ▪ tormented with the Gout ; Till Death his Pain to ease , Cur'd him at once of Life and his Disease But here 's the Wonder ; He that alive could hardly Crawl , But still in danger of a Fall ; When dead and stiff , ne'e stood to blunder ▪ But in the twinkling of an Eye , To Pluto's Mansions in a Night could fly ▪ There were also several other Lyco's . The first a Pythagorean : the second himself : the third a Writer of Verses ; and the fourth a Maker of Epigrams . We have also recovered his last Will , after much toil and diligent Search ▪ which was to this Effect . My Will is , if I cannot overcome the force of my present Distemper , that my Estate shall be disposed as I hereby ordain . First , I give to Astyanax and Lyco , my two Nephews , all the Goods in my House ; unless what I have borrowed or taken upon Mortgage in Athens , and what shall be expended upon the Solemnities of my Funeral . As for what I have in the City , and at Aegina , I give it particularly to Lyco , because he bears my Name , and because we have liv'd long in great Friendship together , as it was his duty to do , because I have always looked upon him as my Son. I ● leave my walking place to my Friends and Familiars , Bulo , Callio , Aristo , Amphio , Lyco , Pytho , Aristomachus , Heroclius , Lycomedes , and to Lyco before-mentioned , my Brothers Son. Moreover I desire Bulo and Callio , and my other Friends to take Care that there be no want , nor superfluity at my Funeral . As for my part in Aegina , let Lyco see it distributed after my Decease to the Youngmen to buy 'em Oil for their Exercises , and that they may have an occasion to remember their Benefactor . I would have him advise with Diophantes , and Heraclides the Son of Demetrius , where to set up my Statue . As for my Estate in the City , I desire Lyco to pay every Man his due , and what Bulo and Callio shall have laid out upon my Funeral ; but for that Money let him charge it upon my Houshold Goods . Let him satisfy my Physicians , Pasithemis and Midas , Persons highly deserving by reason of their great Skill , and for the pains they took about me in my Sickness . I give to Callinus's Son , two fair Cups , and to his Wife two pretious Stones , and two Carpets , the one Shagged , the other smooth ; a Jacket and two Pillows , that they may see we have not forgot 'em , as far as it stood with our Honour . I forgive Demetrins , made free long since , the Price of his Redemption , and order him a Legacy of four Mina's beside . I give Micros his Freedom , and recommend him to Lyco to instruct him for six Years . I also give Chares his Freedom , and order him his Being with Lyco , two Mina's in Silver , and all the rest of my Books , except those which I never yet made publick , which I recommend to Callinus to publish . Moreover , let Syrus my free'd Man have four Mina's , and Menodora for his Servant-Maid , and if he owe me any more I freely discharge him . I give also five Mina's to Hilaras , a s●●ag Carpet , two Pillows , a figur'd Coverlet , and a Bed , such a one as she shall make choice of . I also enfranchise the Mother of Micros , Noemo , Dio , The● , Euphrano and Hermyas . As for Agatho , I do not think it fit that he have his Freedom these two Years . And as for my Litter-Carriers , Ophelio , and Possidonius , let them stay four Years longer before they be set at Liberty . Moreover my Will is , That Demetrius , Crito , and Syrus have each of them a Bed , and one of my old Suits , such as Lyco shall think most Convenient . As for the place of my Burial , let Lyco consider whether he will bury me here , or in my House ; for I am assur'd that he knows what is decent and comely as well as my self . And thus let him execute the Contents of my Will , and all the rest is his own . The witnesses to this Will , were Callinus the Hermionean , Aristo of Chios , and Euphronius the Peanian . He shewed himself in all his Actions that appertained either to Learning or the Study of Human Things , so wise , that his Prudence did not only extend it self to what was before his Eyes , but also to provide so well by his Will for all his Affairs , that he deserves to be a Pattern for every one to imitate . The LIFE of DEMETRIVS DEMETRIVS the Son of Ph●nostratus was a Native of Phalera , and Hearer of Theophrastus . But being a great pleader of Causes at Atheni ▪ he got into that Credit by means of his Parts , that he was called to the Government of the City ; where he continued in the first rank of Dignity for ten whole Years , during which time , there were erected three Hundred and sixty Statues in his Honour , the most part of which were on Horseback , or drawn by Chariots , with two Horses a-breast , and all finished in ten Months . He began to be engag'd in publick Business , as Demetrius the Magnesian testifies in his Equivocals , at what time Harpalus came to Athens , flying the sight of Alexander . He discharged the Trust reposed in him to a wonder , and held it a long time , to the great advantage of his Fellow-Citizens . For tho' at the beginning of his Government , he was not overmuch advanced in Honour and Wealth , however he left his City much w●●lthier in Revenue , and adorned ▪ with sumptuous Buildings . He was descended , as Phavorinus reports , from one of the most noble Families in the City , that is to say , from that of the Canons , and as the same Author asserts in the second of his Commentaries , he had a she Friend , whose name was Lamia , that was at his Service ; but that he had suffered under Cleo , that which was neither for his ▪ Honour nor Modesty . Moreover Didymus recounts , that a certain Curtezan called him Charito-Ble●●arus , that is to say , Charmer of Ladies , and that another called him ▪ Lampetes ▪ as a great boaster of his Abilities to please Women . 'T is reported that he fell blind at Alexandria ; but that Serapis restor'd him his Sight , in praise of whom he wrote several Hymns , such as they sing now at this time . However being in so much Credit among the Athenians , he could not avoid the assaults of Envy , to which all Men in high Degree are obnoxious . So that after he had escaped the Snares of some of his Maligners , he was at length in his absence condemned to Death . Nevertheless as Providence had ordered it , they could not seize his Person , and therefore like Madmen exercised their Rage upon his Statues , some of which they threw in the Dirt , sold others , and buried several in the Sea , besides a great number that were broken and spoil'd , except one that was overlooked in the Castle . This the Athenians did by the Command of King Demetrius , as Phavorinus testifies in his various History . Nor was this all ▪ for us the same Phavorinus relates , they accused him of Irreligion in the Administration of the Government . Moreover Hermippus relates , that he withdrew himself , after Cassander was put to Death , and sheltered himself with Ptolemy Soter for fear of Antigonus ; and that after he had continued there a long time , he advised the King among other things to declare his Children , by his Wife ●●rydice , his Successors ; but the King rejecting his Counsel , bequeath'd his Diadem to a Son that he had by Berenice ; which was the Reason , that after his Fathers Death , he kept Demetrius close in the Province , where he spent the remainder of his days in a miserable Condition . He dyed as it were in his Sleep , being bit in the hand by an Asp as he lay slumbring , and was buried in the Province of Busiritis , near Diospolis , and we made him the following Epigram . As wise Demetrius slumbring lay , An Aspi● to his Hand made way : The Venom flew : and thus by ●apping One little Vein , Death caught him napping . As for the Counsel , which he gave the King in his Epitome of the successions of Sotion , it diverted Ptolemy from his design of leaving the Kingdom to Philadelphus ; upon this account ; for , said he , If thou giv'st it the other , thou wilt never enjoy it thy self . However it were , this is certain , that M●nand●r the Comic Poet was accused at Atheus upon this particular Point , so that he narrowly escaped his being Condemned to Death , for no other Reason , but because he had been Demetrius's Friend . But Telesphorus , Son in Law to Demetrius , made it his Business to clear him of that Imputation . He exceeded in number of Books and Verses , all the Peripatetics of his Age. Which Works of his were part Poetry , part History , partly of Government , and partly concerning Rhetoric . To which we may add his Speeches and Orations , as well at the Council-Table , as when employed in foreign Embassies . To give ye then a Catalogue of his Writings , They were these ; Five Books of Laws ; two of the Citizens of Athens ; one of Laws ; two of Rhetoric ; two of military Discipline ; two of the Iliads ; four of the Odysses ; one of a Republic ; one of an Employment for ten Years ; one of the Ionians ; one of Embassies ; one of Fidelity ; one of Favour ; one of Fortune ; one of Magnificence ; one of Laws ; one of Marriage ; one of Obstacles ; one of Peace ; one of Studies ; one of time ; one of Antiphanes ; one of Time ; Topics one ; one of Sentences . Several others entituled Medon , Cleon , Socrates , Erotics . Phaedonides , Ptolemy , Artaxerxes , Aristomachus . Homerics . Aristides ; Exhortatorius ; Dionysius the Chalcidian ; the incursion of the Athenians ; the Proem of History ; the sworn Harangue ; Right . His Epistles making one Book : his Stile is Philosophical , sometimes intermixed with Rhetorical vigour , and force of Eloquence . Understanding that the Athenians had pulled down his Images : However , said he , they have not overturned that Vertue for which they were set up . He was wont to say , that the Eye-brows were Members , which were not to be despised because of their smallness ; for that by them we might understand the whole course of our Lives ; that Riches were not only blind , but Fortune their Mistress . That Eloquence had as much power in Republicks , as the Sword in War. One day beholding a young Debauch , that liv'd a desolute Life ; Look there said he , a perfect Mercury , with a Belly , Beard , and Privy-Parts . When he saw Men puffed up with Honour , he was wont to say , That the growing height should be taken down , and only the understanding left behind . He held it for a Maxim , That young Men were to pay Reverence to their Parents at Home , and in the Streets , and when they were alone , to respect themselves . Moreover that it was not proper for a Man to visit his Friends in Prosperity , without being called . We meet with twenty more of the same Name : all Persons of note , and worthy to be remmembred . The first Orator of Chalcedon ; the second our Philosopher ; the third a Peripatetic of Constantinople ; the fourth sirnamed Graphicus , a Person ready in Discourse , and a Painter withal ; the fifth an Aspadian , and Disciple of of Apollodorus the Solensian ; the sixth a Calatinian , who wrote twenty Books of Asia and Europe , and eight more of the acts of Antiochus and Ptolemy , and of the Government of Africa , under their Reigns ; the eighth a Sophister , who wrote of the Art of Rhetoric , while he lived at Alexandria ; the ninth a Grammarian of Adramytum , Sirnam'd Ixion , because he was thought to have put some affront upon Juno ; the tenth a Grammarian of Cyrene , sirnamed Stannus , a Person of great Reputation ; the eleventh a Sceptian , rich , noble , and a Lover of all learned Men , who left his Estate to Metrodorus ; the twelfth a Grammarian of Erythraea , registred among the Citizens of Temna ; the thirteenth a Bithynian , the Son of Diphylus a Stoic , and Disciple of Panaetius the Rhodian ; the fourteenth an Orator of Smyrna . All these wrote in Prose . The Poets of this name : the first was a Comedian , the second an Epic Poet , of whose Writings we find nothing extant but these Verses against Envious Persons . The Man whom lately Envious Fend So hotly to the Grave pursu'd , How do they now his Aid implore , That wrought his Bane but just before ; They who contemn'd the vigorous Life , Are for the Tombstone now at strife . The Man was scorn'd , who Shadows claim'd , And Potent Cities are inflam'd ; To War they go , and slaughter make , As if the Idol were awake . And saw , well pleased , how bloody War Reveng'd his causless Massacre . The third of Trasus , and a writer of Satyrs . The fourth , a troublesome Scribler of Iambics . The fifth a Statuary , of whom Polemo makes mention . The sixth and last an Erythraean , both a Historian and a Rhetorician . The LIFE of HERACLIDES . HERACLIDES , an Heracleote , the Son of Euthyphron , was a Person of a great Estate . He came from Pontus to Athens , where he made it his Business to hear the Philosophers , and among the rest Spensippus , to whom he first became a Scholar ; after that he went among the Pythagoreans , in imitation of Plato ; and lastly was a Hearer of Aristotle , as Sotio testifies in his Book of Successions . He was very gorgeous in his Apparel . He was shaped squat , and with his Belly strutting out ; so that they gave him the nickname of Pompic , as one that made a great Show in the Streets , instead of Pontic ; otherwise he was a Man grave , and of a graceful Deportment . His Works also demonstrate the Excellency and soundness of his Judgment . And first his Dialogues about the institution of evil Manners and Behaviour : One of Justice ; one of Temperance ; one of Piety ; one of Strength ; one of Vertue ; one of Vertue so generally taken ; of Felicity ; of a Prince ; of Laws and things that are agreeable with them ; of Words ; of Bargains ; of forc'd Love , otherwise entituled Clinias ; of the Understanding ; of the Soul ; of the Soul and Nature ; of Images ; against Democritus ; of Heaven ; of things in Hell ; two Books of Lives ; of the Causes of Sickness ; of Good ; against Leno ; against Metto ; of the age of Homer , and Hesiod , and Archilochus in two Books ; a tract of Music ; of things written by Sophocles and Euripides ; of Music in two Books ; one entituled Theorematic ; of the three Tragic Poets ; Characters ; four enarrations of Heraclitus ; an Enarration to Democritus ; two Books of Solutions ; advertisements to Dionysius ; of Rhetoric in two Books ; the Duty of an Orator , Entituled Protagoras ; the History of the Pythagoreans ; of Inventions . Here we are to understand that he handles some of these Subjects under Comical Fictions , as Pleasure and Chastity ; others under Tragical Fictions , as Piety , Power , and those things that are in Hell. He also keeps close to the Character of the Persons whom he introduces in his Dialogues , so that still a Philosopher speaks like a Philosopher , a Captain like a Captain , a Citizen like a Citizen . And besides those Dialogues already mentioned , we meet with others that are of his Composition , concerning Geometry and Logic . In short he was a Man to whom nothing came amiss ; as being furnished both with Matter , Phrases , and Words for all manner of Subjects and Discourses . Some report , that he set his Country free from the yoak of Tyranny , after he had put to death the Tyrant that held it in Subjection ; and among the rest , Demetrius the Magnesian in his Homonymia's not only asserts this for Truth , but recites another Story of him ; how that he charged one of his Familiar Friend ▪ to hide his Body after his Decease , where it might not be found , and that he should lay in his Bed a certain Snake , which he had privately foster'd in his House from a young one , on purpose that they might think he was taken by the Gods up into Heaven : That his Friend did as he was ordered , but that the Imposture wa● discover'd . For his Fellow-Citizens flocking from all Parts to deisy him with their Encomiums , the silly Snake terrified with the noise , came hissing from under the Bed-cloths , and frighted all the Company out of the Room . By which means the Cheat being discovered , Heraclides wa● adjudged quite another sort of a Man than he design'd to have been , which was the Reason we made him this Epigram . Great Heraclides thought to cheat the World , To leave between his Sheets a Serpent furl'd ; As if the Gods had ravish'd their Delight , To tast Ambrosial Food with them that Night . T is true the Dragon might be call'd a Beast , But yet more Beast was he with Heaven to jest ▪ For which , with a swift Palsey struck , his End Shew'd us how vainly Men with Gods contend . Hippobotus avers the same . But Hermippus tells the Story of his Death quite another way . For he says , that the Hera●…es seeing their Country laid waste by Famine , deputed certain Persons to consult the Oracle of Apollo , about the redress of their Calamity . Whereupon Heraclides brib'd the Pythian Priestess and the Deputies , to the end , that at their return they might say , that their Country would not be reliev'd , till they had honoured Heraclides , the Son of Euthypron , yet living , with a Crown of Gold , and plac'd him after his Death among the Hero's and Semi-Gods . Which was done accordingly : Nevertheless , they who were Actors in this Tragedy , got little by it ; for just as Heraclides was crowned in the Theatre , he was struck with an Apoplexy , and the Commissioners with an Epilepsy , with such a giddiness in their Heads , which never left 'em 'till they breath'd out their Souls . And as for the Pythian Priestess , she dyed at the same instant ; being bit by a venemous Snake in the Vestry . Aristoxenus the Musician reports , That he wrote several Tragedies under the Title of Thespis . Cameleo also relates , That he stole the choicest of his Writings from Homer and Hesiod . Moreover Autodorus an Epicurean Philosopher reprooves him for m●● things which he writ in his Treatises of Justice . But Dyonisius the Mathematics an , or as others will have it , Spintha●… attributes those Writings to Sophocles , in his Parthenopea ; which Autodorus believing to be false , when he comes to ●●● the same Verses in certain Commentaries of his , he quotes 'em as made by Heraclides . Dyonisius thereupon signified to Autodorus his mistake ; but the other still mistrusting the Truth , he sent him the Verses transeribed out of the Original Copy , conformable to Pancalus's Copy which Pancalus was Dyonisius's Friend But Autodorus still persisting in his Obstinacy , and affirming he could prove the contrary , Dionysius sent him the following Verses . Thou must not think the wary Ape to nooze , And therefore seek out Cullies to abuse ; For Senseless Heraclide's a Man well known , T' have eaten Shame , and drank to wash it down . Besides this Heraclides , there were thirteen others . The first a native of the same Country , and a writer of Pyrrich Fancies . The second a Cumaean , who wrote five Books of the Persian Story . The third a Cumaean , who wrote concerning the Art of Rhetoric . The fourth a Calatinian , or Alexandrian , who set forth his Successions in six Books , and a Lembeatic Oration , entituled Lembas . The fifth of Alexandria , a Writer of the Persian Proprieties . The sixth a Bargyleitan Logician , who wrote against Epicurus . The seventh a Nicesian Physician . The eighth a Tarentine Empiric . The ninth a writer of Precepts in Verse . The tenth a Phocian Statuary . The eleventh a smart Epigrammatist . The twelfth a Magnesian , who wrote a Poem , entituled Mithridatics . The thirteenth an Astrologer , and our Philosopher makes the fourteenth . The End of the fifth Book . Diogenes Laertius : Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Apophthegms Of those that were most Famous in PHILOSOPHY . The Sixth Book . Translated from the Greek by William Baxter , Gent. The LIFE of ANTISTHENES . ANTISTHENES was the Son of Antisthenes , and an Athenian by birth : but he was thought not to be rightly descended . Whence it is that once he said to one that twitted him with it , Even the Mother of the Gods is a Phrygian . For his Mother was look't upon as a * Thracian . Whence it was , that having ▪ ●ignalized himself in the Battel of Tanagra , he gave occasion to Socrates to say of him , So brave a man as he could not be an Athenian by both sides : And himself once reflecting upon the Athenians , for valuing themselves upon their being Earth-sprung , said , That could make them no better Gentlemen than Snails and Caterpillars . He was first a hearer of Gorgias the Orator : whence it is that he expresses an haranguing kind of style in his Dialogues ; and especially in his Truth and Persuasives . And Hermippus saith , That at the Isthmian Games he lookt upon him to praise and discommend the Athenians , Thebans and Lacedaemonians : but seeing a very great Concourse coming in from those Cities , he left it off . Afterwards he struck in with Socrates , and improved so much by him , that he persuade his Scholars to go with him to School to Socrates . And though he dwelt at the Pireaeum , yet went he up every day fourty Stadia to hear Socrates . Of whom when he had got the Art of Patience , and had affected a sedateness of Mind , he became the first Founder of the Cynick Philosophy . He would make out that Labour was good , by the great Hercules and Cyrus , borrowing the one Example from the Greeks , and the other from the barbarous People . He was also the first man that ever defined a Definition , saying . A Definition is that which declares what any thing is whereby it is . He used often to say , I had much rather be mad than s●●sually delighted : and , That a man should accompany with no woman that would not acknowledge the kindness . And to a young Youth of Pontus that purposed to be his Scholar , and therefore asked him what things he should have occasion to use ; he replyed , A new Writing-Book , a new Writing-Pen , and a new Writing Table ; intending in it his Mind . To one that asked him what kind of woman he should marry , he said , If thou hast a handsome woman thou wil● have a * Common woman ; but if an ugly one , thou wilt have a † Tormentor . Hearing upon a time that Plato spoke ill of him , he said , It is like a Prince to do well , and be ill spoken of . Being admitted to the Mysteries of Orpheus , and the Priest telling him that such as were initiated into those Rites should participate of many good things in the World beneath , he said ▪ And why then dost not thou dye ? Being on a time upbraided , as not being descended of Parents that were both free , he said , I am not descended of Parents that were both Wrestlers , and yet I can wrestle . Being asked why he had so few Scholars , he said , Because * I don't keep them out with a silver Staff. Being a●k● why he did chide his Scholars so severely ▪ he said , Doctors were wont to do the like to their Patients . Seeing upon a time an Adulterer making his Escape , he said , Vnhappy Fellow ! what a danger mightest tho● have escaped for one Obolus ? He used to say ( as Hecato in his Sayings informs us ) It was far better to light among † Ravens than among * Flatterers : for those would e●● but dead men , but these these the living . Being askt what he thought the happiest thing among men , he said , To dye in a prosperous Condition . As one of his Followers was bewailing the loss of his Memoirs , he said , You ought to have written them on your Mind , and not upon Parchments . As Iron is fretted by rust , so ( he said ) were envious persons by their own ill nature . He said , They that would be immortal should live piously and justly . He said , Commonwealth● were then destroyed , when they lost the distinction betwixt good men and bad . Being once commended by wicked Fellows , he said , I am mightily afraid I have done some mischief . The Cohabitation of Brothers living in Amity , he said , was stronger than any Wall. He said , A Traveller should make such Provisions for his Journey , ●● would swim out with him in time of Shipwrack . Being once upbraided with keeping Company with wicked Fellows , he said , Physicians keep company with sick people , and yet have no Fever . He would say , It was an absurd thing to pick Darnell out of Wheat , and useless persons out of a Compagne , and yet to let envious persons live in a Civil Society . Being askt what advantage he reaped by Philosophy , he said , To be able to keep my self Company . When one said to him at a Banquet , Pray Sir fing ; he replyed , Pray , good Sir , pipe to me . When Diogenes asked him for a Gown , he bid him fold in his Mantle . Being asked which of the Sciences was the most necessary , he said , To unlearn bad things . He advised such as heard themselves ill spoken of , to bear it a little better than a man that had Stones flung at him . He would rally Plato as too inflate : As therefore he beheld once at a publick Shew a snorting Horse , he said to Plato , I phansy thou wouldst have made a gallant Prancer thy self . This he said , because Plato would never leave off commending the Horse . And as he once made him a Visit when he was sick , and saw the Bason where Plato had vomited , he said , Here is Choler , but I see no pride . He gave Counsel to the Athenians to elect their Asses to be Horses : But they looking upon that as very ridiculous ; Why ( said he ) you make men Leaders of your Armies th●● have nothing to recommend them but you Votes . To one that said to him , There are a great many that speak very honourably of you ; he said , What her no have I done ? As he was turning the ragged part of his Mantle outward , Socrates espyed him , and said , I see thy Vanity through thy M●…le . Being asked by one ( as we are told by Phanias in his Socratics ) What he should do to become a worthy good man ; he said , If thou wilt learn of such as know it , that the evils that are in thee should be avoided by thee . To one that spoke well of Sensuality , he said , I pray God my Enemies Children may have their fill of it . To a young man that presented himself in a finical posture to a Carver , he said , Prethes tell me , if that Copper had but speech , what thou wouldst have to beast of ? And when he had made answer , My Beauty ; he said , art thou not then ashamed to be so pleased with being like a dumb thing ? A young man of Pontus promising to take great care of him as soon as his Ship with Salt-fish should arrive , he took him along with him with an empty bag , and went to a Meal-woman , and loaded himself with Meal , and went his way : But the Woman demanding of him her Money , he reply'd , This young man will pay thee when his Ship with Salt-fish shall come home . He seems to have occasioned the Exile of Anytus , and the Death of Melitus : For as certain young men from Pontus , moved with the Fame of Socrates , came to converse with him ; he falling by chance into their Company , brought them to Anytus , affirming him to be a greater Moralist than Socrates . At which such as stood about him being much enraged , drave him into Banishment . If he chanced to see a married Woman in fine Clothes , he would go to her house , and bid her husband bring forth his Horse and Arms : With which if he were provided , he would say , he might let her wear her Finery , ( for those would be his Defence ; ) but if not , he would advise him to strip her of them . These also were his Tenets . He taught that Vertue might be acquired : That it was the same thing to be a Gentleman , and to be a Man of Vertue : For that Vertue alone was sufficient for happiness ; and that nothing more was requisite , except it were the bodily strength of Socrates . And that Vertue consisted in Actions , and needed not many Discourses nor Sciences : And that a wise man did not live by the Laws of the State , but by those of Vertue . That if he designed to have Children , he would accompany with the best humour'd Women , that so he might be lov'd : for that the Philosopher only understood how to love . These things also are ascribed to him by Diocles. To a wise man there is nothing strange or foreign . A good man merits Love. Honest men are all Friends . To take those for ones Confederates who are brave and just . Vertue is a Weapon that one cannot be disarmed of . It is better to engage with a few brave men against all Cowards , than with many Cowards against a few brave men . We should give great heed to our Enemies , for they are the first that observe our Faults . That we should much more esteem a worthy man than a Kinsman . Vertue is the same in a Woman that it is in a Man. Good things are amiable , and bad things deformed . Account all ill things strange to you . Prudence is the securest wall ; for it will neither dilapidate , nor be betrayed . We should erect us walls in our own impregnable Thoughts . He held his Discourses in the place of Exercises , called Kynosarges , a little way without the City Gates : whence some suppose the Cynick Philosophy to have had its Name . Himself was called Haplokyon , ( which is , Simple Dog ) : And he was the first ( as Diocles tells us ) * that folded in the Mantle , and used it as his only Garment ; and that carried about a Staff and a Scrip. Neanthes also writes that he was the first that † folded in the Mantle . But Sosicrates in the third Book of his Successions , saith , That Diodorus the Aspendian was the first that let down his Beard , and used a Staff and Scrip. This was the only man of all the Socraticks that Theopompus speaks honourably of ; and he saith , he was a very sharp Man , and that he could by the charms of his Conversation draw in whom he pleased ; which indeed is very evident as well by his own Writings , as by Xenophon's Barquet . And he seems to me , to have been the first Author of the most Masculine Sect of the Stoics . Whence it is that Athenans the Epigram-writer speaks thus of them . O you who have in Stoic Learning Skill , Whose sacred Pages worthiest Maxims fill ; That Vertue 's the sole Blessing of the Mind , For she alone can save and bless Mankind . The tickling joys of Flesh that others Chuse , Are but the Raveries of * one freakish Muse . It was he that lead Diogenes the way to Sedateness , Crates to Abstinence , and Zeno to Patience ; and it was he that laid the Foundations of the Government of his Native City . Xenophon saith he was indeed exceeding gay in Conversation , but in other respects most temperate and grave . There go about ten Tomes of his Writings . The first in which he crean of Phrase or Forms of Stile : Ajax , ●● Ajax's Speech : Vlysses , or Vlysses's : Orestes's Defence , or of Drawers of Indictments . † Isographe , or Desias , or Isocrates ; it being against Isocrates's Speec● called Amartyros , ( or without Testimonies . ) The second Tome in which he discourses of the nature of Animals ; of Propagation , or of Marriage ; a Love Discourse ; of the Sophists ; a Phystognomical Discourse ; of Justice and V●lour , being his first , second , and third Perswasives ; of Theognis , being his fourth and fifth . The third Tome , in which he treats of Goodness ; of Valour , of Law or of Government ; of Law , or of ●●● and just ; of Liberty and Slavery ; of Trust ; of a Steward , of Con●iding and of Victory ; an Oeconomical discourse . The fourth Tome , wherein is ●●● Cyrus ; his Hercules the Elder , or of Strength . Tome the Fifth , wherein is his Cyrus , or of Monarchy ; and his Aspasi● . Tome the sixth , in which is his Truth ; of Disputing , a Contradictory Discourse : S●thon , Of Contradiction , First , Second and Third : Of Discourse . Tome the seventh , in which is his Treatise of the Institution of Youth , or of Terms , First , Second , Third , Fourth and Fifth : Of Dying : Of Life and Death : Of things in the nether World : Of the use of Terms , or of Wrangling : Of Questioning and Answering : Of Opinion and Science , First , Second , Third , Fourth : Of Nature , First , Second : A Question about Nature , in two Tracts : Opinions , or of Wrangling : Of learning Problemes . Tome the eighth , wherein is his Discourse of Musick : Of Commentators : Of Homer : Of Injustice and Impiety : Of Calchas : Of a Spy : Of Pleasure . Tome the ninth , in which is his Discourse of the Odyssea : Of Minerva's Rod : Of Telemachus : Of Helena and Penelope : Of Proteus : His Cyclops , or of Vlysses : Of the use of Wine , or of Drunkenness , or of the Cyelops : Of Circe : Of Amphiaraus : Of Vlysses and Penelope : And of Vlysses's Dog. The tenth Tome , wherein is Hercules , or Midas : Hercules , or of Prudence , or of Strength : The Master , or the Lover : The Masters , or the Spies : Menexenus , or of Government : Alcibiades : Archelaus , or of Monarchy . And these are the things he wrote of . Timon therefore rallying him for the great number of his Books , calls him the Universal Tatler . He died of a wasting Consumption : At which time Diogenes coming in to visit him , said to him , Hast thou any need of a Friend ? And once he came to see him with a little Dagger about him , and when he said , Who will deliver me from these pains ? Diogenes pointed to the Dagger , and said , This will. But he replyed , I said from my pains , not from my life . For he was thought to be over effeminate under his Distemper , through excessive love of Life . And I made my self the following Epigram upon him . Thou wast a Cur , in life , Antisthenes ; Words were thy teeth ; black choler thy disease : Now dead , thou 'lt scare the Ghosts , thou'●t look so fell : There should be one to lead thee down to Hell. There were besides him three other Antistheneses : One a Heraclitist : The other a● Ephesian : And a third an Historian of Rhodes . And now we have dispatched the Successors of Aristippus and Phaedo● , we will bring in next the Cynicks and Stoicks , the Followers of Antisthenes ; and that in the ensuing Order . The LIFE of DIOGENES . DIOGENES was the Son of Ikesias , a Banker , and by Birth a Sinopese . Diocles saith , that his Father keeping a publick Goldsmiths Shop , and stamping false Money , was condemned to Banishment : But Eubulides in his Treatise of Diogenes , saith , Diogenes himself was guilty of it , and therefore wandred abroad with his Father . Yea himself speaks in his * Leopard , as if he had coined Money . Some will have it , that being made Overseer of the Goldsmiths Work , and being over-perswaded by the Workmen , he went to Delphi , or else to the Temple at Delos , and asked Apollo whether he might do what he was perswaded to in his own Country ; and he saying he might , and understanding the Oracle to mean the * publick Money , he Counterfeited the Change-Money , and was catch'd at it ; and ( as some say ) condemned to Banishment ; but ( as others ) he went of himself to Banishment out of fear . There are others that say , that his Father found the Money , and himself adulterated it ; and that his Father was committed to Prison for it , and there dyed , but himself fled and came to Delphi , and there enquiring not whether he should turn Coiner , but what he should do to make himself most famous , and that thereupon he received * this Answer . And being at Athens he sought Acquaintance with Antisthenes ; but he shoving him from him , because he would entertain no Body , he forced himself upon him at last with long assiduity . And as one time he held his Staff at him , he stooped hi Head to him , and said , strike , for you will never find a Stick hard enough to keep me from you , as long as I find you discoursing of any thing . From that time forward he became his Hearer ; and being an Exile from his Country , he betook himself to a mean way of Living . Seeing a Mouse running over a Room ( as Theophrastus tells us in his Megarick ) and considering with himself , that it neither sought for a Bed , nor was affraid to be alone in the dark , nor desired any of our esteemed Dainties , he contrived a way to relieve his own Exigencies ; being the first , as some think , that folded in the Mantle , because his Necessity obliged him to sleep in it : He also carried with him a Scrip , which held his Victuals , and he made use of all places indifferently to eat , sleep , and discourse in . Once he pointed with his Fingers at Jupiter's Portico , and said , The Athenians have built me here a brave Palace to dine in . He used a Staff at first to lean on in the time of his Sickness ; but afterwards he always carried it with him ; yet not in the City , but as he walked in the Country , together with his Scrip , as Olympiodorus , Prince of Athens , tells us , and Polyeuctus the Orator , and Lysanias Son of Aeschrion . Having written to one to provide him a a Cottage , and he delaying , he made use of a Tub he found in the Metroon , instead of a House , as even himself reletes to us in his Letters . In Summer ●ime he would roul himself in hot Sand , and in the Winter he would embrace Statues clad with Snow ; thus every way exercising himself to hardship . He was very good at ridiculing other Men. He would call Euclid's School , his * Chole , ( that is , his Choler ; ) and Plato's Diatribe ( or Exercise ) his Catatribe ( or Time-wasting . ) The Bacchanalian Spectacles he would call the Fools Wonders ; and the popular Orators , the Waiting Men of the Rabble . As often as he saw Commanders of Ships , Physicians , and Philosophers , he would say , Man was the most intelligent of all Animals ; but when again he saw Expounders of Dreams , Diviners , and those that gave Ear to them , or such as were puffed up by reason of Honour or Wealth , he would say , he thought no Creature on Earth more fond . He was used often to say , He thought a Man ought to provide himself either with Sense or with a Halter . And once observing Plato at a great Feast lightly touching an Olive , he said to him ; Learned Man , what made you sail to Sicily for the sake of these Messes , and will not now enjoy them when they are before you ? to which he replied ; By the Gods ; Diogenes , I have cloy'd my self with Olives , and such kind of things , when I was there . What need had you then ( said he ) to sail to Sicily ? Did not Attica then bear Olives ? But Favorinus in his Various History saith , this was spoken by Aristippus . Another time as he was eating of dryed Figs he met with Plato , and said to him ; You may take part with me if you please : but he taking some and eating them , he said , I said thou mightest take part with me , not , that thou mightest Eat . As on a time he trod upon his Carpets , when he had invited his Friends that were come from King Dionys to see him , he said , I tread upon Plato's Vanity : He replied , How great a Pride dost thou discover Diogenes , while thou strivest to appear humble ! Others say , Diogenes said , I tread upon Plato's Pride ; and that he answered again ; But with another Pride , Diogenes . But Sotion in his fourth Book saith , the Cur said this to Plato . Diogenes once begged a little Wine of him , and also a few dryed Figs , and he sent him a whole Cask . Upon which he said to him , if one ask thee how much two and two is , thou wilt say twenty ; and thus thou wilt neither give what one begs of thee , nor answer what one asks thee . This he spoke Drolling upon him for his endless way of talking . Being asked in what part of Greece he had seen brave Men , he answered , I saw at Lacedaemon brave Boys ; but brave Men no where . He being one time discoursing upon a weighty Subject , and no body coming near him , he fell a tooting an idle tune . And as there were gathered a great Croud about him , he upbraided them with their haste in coming to hear Impertinencies , and their unconcerned Slackness in matters of Importance . He was wont to say , Men will strive for the Mastery in hunching and kicking ; but not a Man in true Worth and Goodness ▪ He wonder'd at the Criticks , that could so anxiously enquire into the Disasters of Vlysses , and were ignorant of their own ▪ He would say also , that Musicians could tune the strings of a Lyre , but left the Habits of their own Minds untuned ▪ And that the Mathematicians pored upon the Sun and Moon , but overlook'd the common things that were at their Feet ▪ Likewise that the Lawyers kept a great deal of Pother about talking of Justice , but never did it . Nay he said , the Lover ▪ of Money would speak much against it , and yet lov'd it still entirely . He would often blame those that would commend honest Men for being above Money , but would , notwithstanding , themselves emulate the moneyed Men. He would be very much mov'd to see Men offer Sacrifice to the Gods for their Health , and yet would in time of Sacrifice eat contrary to their Health . He would say he much admired those Servants that looked on their Masters while they Gormandiz'd , and yet snatch'd none of their Victuals from them . He would commend those that would talk of Marrying , and never Marryed ; those that would talk of going to Sea , and never went to Sea ; those that would talk of serving publick Offices , and never served them ; those that would talk of keeping handsome Boys , and never kept any ; and those that made Preparations to go to live with great Men , and never came near them . He would also say , A Man should reach out his Hand to his Friend with his Fingers unclaspt . Hermippus in his Sale of Diogenes saith , How that being taken Captive and Sold , and being ask'd what he could do ; he said , I can govern Men. And he said to the Cryer , make an O yes , and ask if any one will buy him a Master . Being forbidden to sit down , he said , Now I think on it , it is no great matter , for they buy Fish in what posture soever they lie . He said he much wondered that when we buy a Pot and a Lid , we try them with our Fingers ; but when we buy a Man , we are content with only seeing him . He told Xeniades , that bought him , he ought to be obedient to him , though he was his Servant ; for that a Pilot or Physician , though many times but Servants were yet obeyed . And * Eubulides saith in his Book entituled the Sale of Diogenes , that accordingly he instructed the Sons of Xeniades after the other Sciences in Horsemanship , Archery , Slinging , and Casting of Darts . And being at the place of the Games , he would not suffer the Master of the Exercises to exercise them for the Games as was usual , but he himself would do it , only to get them a Colour , and to preserve their Health . These Children also got by Heart many things out of the Poets and Historians , and some things out of Diogenes's own Writings . And he was used to reduce every thing to an Abridgment for the ease of their Memories . He taught them within doors to be served with a slender Diet , and to drink Water . He caused them also to be polled to the Skin , and to go very plain in Habit , without either Gown or Sandals , and to be silent , and to look only upon themselves as they went along . He also took them out a Hunting . And they took great Care of Diogenes , and would often beg of their Parents for him . The same Author tells us , that he lived with Xeniades until he was an old Man , And that when he dyed , he was buried by his Sons ; where Xeniades asking him how he would be buried ; he answered , With my Face downward : And when he asked him why so ? Because shortly ( said he ) the lower side will be uppermost . This he said , because the Macedonian Interest was already grown great , or because mean People were then advanc'd to great Places . When one brought him to a brave House , and bid him not Spit after he had perceiv'd him to hawk , he spit full in his face , saying in his own Excuse , he could find ne'er a worse place to spit in . But some ascribe this to Aristippus . On a certain time he called out aloud , Ho! you Men ; and when they were come together , he struck at them with his Staff ; saying , it was Men I call'd for , not Rogues . This we are told by Hecato in his first Book of Sayings . They say , that Alexander said ; If he had not been Alexander , he would have been Diogenes . He was us'd to say ; Those were not * Anaperoi ( that is maimed People ) that were deaf and blind , but that had no Pera ( that is a Scrip. ) He came once half trimmed into the young mens Club ( as Metrocles in his Sayings informs us ) and was there beaten by them . But afterwards he wrote down the Names of them that beat him , upon a white Table , and went about the Streets exposing it to publick View ; and thus he exposed them to Contempt , making them to be Condemn'd , and much blamed of all . He would say , he was the commended man's dog , but that none of the Commenders durst take him with them a Hunting . To one that said to him , I have got the day of the men in the Pythian Games , he answered , It is I have the day of the men , but thou of the Slaves . To some that said to him , thou ▪ art an Old man , slacken a little now ; he answered , What if I were running of a Race , should I slacken towards the End or mend my Pace ? Being invited to Dinner , he said he would not come ; for he had no Thanks Yesterday for coming . He would walk upon the Snow with his bare Feet , and do such other things as were above spoken of . He did also essay to eat raw meat , but could not digest it . He once catch'd Demosthenes dining at a publick house , and as he went to steal away , he said to him ; Thou wilt be so much the more in a publick house . Certain Strangers being once desirous to see Demosthenes , he reached out his * middle Finger and said , This is the Athenians * Rabble Guide . As one threw out a piece of Bread and was asham'd to take it up again , he willing to reprove his Folly , tyed a string to the Neck of an Earthen Pot , and drew it after him across the * Potters Yard . He was used to say , he did imitate Musick-masters ; for they were wont to go higher than the Note , that others might hit the true Note . He us'd to say , That most men were within a Finger of Madness : For that if a Man as he goes along put out his middle-Finger , he will be thought to be mad ; but if he put out his Fore-Finger , he will be in his right Wits . He used to say ; That things of most value were sold for nothing , and on the contrary ; for that a Statue would ●●●● three Thousand Silver Drachmaes , and ●● Bushel of Meal , but two small pieces of Copper . He said to Xeniades , that brought him ; Come let me see how you will do what you are bidden , and he replied , Rivers swift Streams unto their Springs return . He said , If in your Sickness you had bought you a Doctor , would not you be obedient to him , and not say , Rivers swift Streams unto their Springs return ? One would fain have come to him to learn Philosophy of him , and he gave him a Hough of Bacon to carry , and made him follow him : But as he flung it down for very shame , and went his way : So sometime after he meeting him , laugh'd at him , and said , the Bacon Hough hath dissolved the Friendship betwixt me and thee . But Diocles tells us the Story thus . One saying to him , give me your Command , Diogenes ; he took him along with him , and gave him half an Obolus worth of Cheese to carry ; but he refusing it , he said , Half an Obolus worth of Cheese hath dissolved the Friendship betwixt me and thee . Seeing once a little Boy drinking Water out of the Hollow of his Hand , he took his little Dish out of his Scrip , and threw it away , saying ; This little Boy hath out-done me in Frugality . He threw away his Bowl also , when he likewise saw another little Boy , after he had broken his Dish , receiving his Lentile Pottage into a hollow piece of Bread. He would also argue that all things are the Gods. And wise Men are the Gods Friends , and Friends have all things common ; therefore all things are wise Mens . Seeing on a time a Woman Prostrating her self to the Gods after an unseemly manner , and willing to free her from her * slavish fear ( as Zoilus of Perga relates ) he came to her and said , Art thou not afraid , Woman , least God should stand behind thee ; ( for he fills all places with his Presence ) and see thy unseemly Posture ? He devoted the Picture of a Club-man to Aesculapius , which as People threw themselves down upon their Faces , ran to them and broke their Heads . He was wont to say , That the Curses in the Tragedies were all light upon him ; for he was without City , without House , without Country , Poor , a wanderer , and had but one days Provision . He often said , he opposed Magnanimity to Fortune , Nature to Law , and Reason to Passion . As he was Sunning himself one day in the Craneon , Alexander standing by him , said , Ask of me what thou wilt , and thou shalt have it ; he answered , Stand out of my Light. As one was reading a tedious Discourse , and at last disclosed the Blank at the end of the Book , he said , Courage my Masters I see Land. When one would prove by a Syllogism , that he had Horns , he clapped his Hand to his Forehead and said I feel none . In like manner , when one offered to prove there was no motion , he rose up and walked about . To one that discoursed of the Heavenly Bodies , he said , How long is it since thou camest from Heaven ? A wicked Eunuch having written upon his House , LET NO ILL THING COME IN HERE , He said , Which way will the Master of the House come in ? As he anointed his Feet with Perfumed Ointments , he said , The Perfume goes up from the Head into the Air , but from the Feet into the Nose . When the Athenians advised him to be initiated , affirming that such as were admitted to those Secrets , shall obtain Preheminence in the Nether World ; he said , It would be an absurd thing , if Agesilaus and Epaminondas must live in Mire , and certain mean Fellows , if but ini●ated , be in the Islands of the Happy ▪ As he saw Mice creeping upon his Table , he said , Look you here , Diogo●es also feeds Parasites . When Plato called him Dog , he said , Very right , for * I am returned to those that sold me . When o●● asked him as he was coming out of ●●e Bagnio , Whether there were many M●● a Bathing , he answered , No : But to another that asked , whether there was a great Croud , he said , Yes . Plato having desired a Man to be an Animal with two Legs , without Feathers , and having gaine great applause thereby , he stript a C●… , and brought him into his School , and 〈…〉 , here is Plato's Man for you : which occasioned him to add to his Definition , With broad Nails . To one that asked him what time of Day was best for a Man to 〈…〉 his Dinner in , he answered , If he be a rich Man , when he will ; but if a p●●● Man , when he can get Meat . Seeing among the Megaricks their * Sheep clad with Skins , and their Children nak●● he said , It is better to be a M●g●… Ram , than his Son. To one that hi● 〈…〉 with a piece of Timber , and afterward said have a Care ; he said , Dost thou ●●tend to strike me again ? He called ●● Oratours the Waiting-men of the Rabb●● and Garlands , the * Buddings out of Glory . Once he highted a Candle at Noon day , and said I look for a Man. He stood once under a great Spout of Water , and when they that stood about him much pittied him , Plato being there also , said , If you design him any Kindness , go from him , intimating his Vain-glory. As one gave him a ●low on the head with his Knuckle , Hercules ( said he ) What a thing have I been all this while ignorant of , that one should walk about with a Helmet on ? But when Midias struck him on the head with his Knuckle , and said , There is three Thousand Drachmaes upon the Table for thee . The next day he took the * Gamesters Strapping Leathers , and thresh'd him soundly , and then said , there is three Thousand Drachmaes upon the Table for thee . Lysi●● the Apothecary asking him , whether he thought there were any Gods or no ; he answered , How can I do otherwise , when I believe thee to be their Enemy ? but there are some that say , Theodorus said this . When he saw one besprinkling himself with Water , he said unto him , Miserable Wretch ! Dost thou not know , that as thou canst not by sprinkling free my self from the Errours of Grammar , no more canst thou from the Errours of Life . He was used to blame Men about their* Prayers , saying , they asked for the good things , that seemed shed to them , and not for those that were such indeed . To such as were frighted with dreams , he would say , They took no notice of what they did when awake ; but busied themselves mightily about what they fancied in their Sleep . As the Herald proclaimed at the Olympic Games , Dioxipp●● wins the day of the men , he said he w●● the day of the Slaves , and I of the men . He was very much belov'd of the Athenians . Therefore when a young Fellow had broken his Tub , they ordered him to be beaten , and gave him another Tub. Dionysius the Stoic , saith , He was taken after the Battle at Chaeronea , and carried away to King Philip ; and being asked what he was , he said , I am a Spyer out of thy unsatiable Covetousness ; upon which he was admired , and set free . Alexander once sending a Letter by one Athlias to Antipater at Athens , he being in the Company , said , Athlias , ( that is miserable ) from Athlias , by Athlias , to Athlias . When Perdicca threatned him , that if he would not come to him , he would kill him ; he said , A great piece of Business , a Fly , or a Spider can do that . He would have had him rather to have threatned him with this ; Though I must live without thee , I will yet live happily . He would often cry out and say , that the Gods had made the way to live very easy , but that it was hidden from such as ●ought for Comfits and Perfumes , and other such like things ; which made him say to one who had his Shoos put on by his Man , Thou art not quite happy yet , if he doth not blow thy Nose for thee too , and that thou mayest have done for thee , if thou wilt but cut off thy Hands . Seeing once the * sacred Remembrancers leading along a Man that had stolen a certain Sacrificing Bowl out of the Repository ; he said , Do not the greater Thieves lead along the lesser . Seeing once a young Fellow casting Stones at a Cross , he said , VVell aim'd Boy , thou wilt hit the mark at last . When certain young Fellows stood about him and said , We are afraid thou wilt bite us ; he said , Never fear it Boys ; a Dog won't eat Beets . To one that prided himself in a Lyons Skin ; he said , Leave off to disgrace the Coverings of Valour . To one that called Callisthenes happy Man , and mentioned how nobly he was treated by Alexander ; He is therefore an unhappy Man ( said he ) that can neither dine nor Sup , but when Alexander pleases . When he wanted money , he would say he would go get his Friends to pay him some , not to give him some As once he filthily abused himself in the Publick Morket-place ; he said , O thee rubbing ones Stomach would keep away Hunger ! As be saw a young Man going to Supper with certain great Men , he pluck'd him from them , and brought him away to his Friends , and charged them to shut him up . To a ●…cal Young man that asked him a Question , he said , He would not tell him , till he took up his Cloths , and satisfied him whether he was a Man or a Woman . To a Youth that play'd at * Cottabus in a Bagnio , he said , The better thou dost it , the worse . Once at supper time some thr●● him Scraps of Bones as to a Dog , and became and pist upon them like a Dog , and went his ways . The Orators , and all such as sought after Fame , he would 〈…〉 Thrice-Men , instead of Thrice-wretched A rich Man without Earning , he would call a Sheep with a golden Fleece . Seeing written upon a Prodigal's House , TO BE SOLD , He said , I knew thou wouldest easily spew out thy Master , thou wast so full of Surfeits . To a young Man that very much complain'd of the multitude of such as came to trouble him , he said , Leave off to make signs of an affected uneasiness Of a dirty Bath he said , Where must they wash that wash here ? A rude minstrel being discommended by all the Company , he alone commended him , and being demanded his reason , he answered , Because being no better than he is , he yet chuses rather to fiddle than to steal . A Minstrel that was always forsaken by his Company , he saluted thus , Hail Mr. Cock ; and when he asked of him the reason of his Salutation , he said , Because when thou tunest , thou raisest every Body up . As many stood gazing upon a young Youth , he stood just before them , and filled his Bosom full of Lupins , and * fell a eating them . And as the Company stared upon him , he said , He wondered how they came to leave looking on the Youth to stare upon him . When a Man that was excessive superstitious , said unto him , I will cleave thy Head in two at a Blow ; he said , But I will * sneeze on the left and make thee tremble . As Hegesius entreated him to lend him some of his Writings , he said , Thou art a Fool , that when thou wilt not chuse painted Figs , but real ones , wilt yet neglect a real Exercise , and desire a * painted one . To one that upbraided him with his Exile , he said , My Exile , wretched man , was the occasion of my being a Philosopher . Again to another that said , The Sinopeses have condemned thee to Banishment ; he replied , And I have condemn'd them to stay at home ▪ Seing once an Olympic Victor feeding Sheep ; he said , Good sir , you are suddenly past from the Olympian to the * Nemean ( that is feeding ) Games . Being asked why the Gamesters were men of no Sense , he said , Because they were built up of Beef and Bacon . He was once very importunate to have a Statue set up for him , and being asked his Reason , he said , I study to be disappointed . As he begged something of one ( for he used to beg at first by reason of his great Poverty ) he said , If thou ever gavest to any other man , give also to me ; but if thou never gavest to any , begin with me . Being once asked by a Tyrant , what sort of Copper was the best to make a Statue of , he said , That sort that Harmodius and Aristogeition's were made of . Being asked how King Dionys used his Favourites , he replied , Like bags , for he hang'd up the full ones , and threw the empty ones aside . A new married Man having written upon his House . THE SON OF JVPITER , HER CVLES , THE GALLANT CONQVEROR LIVES HERE , LET NO BAD THING ENTER ; He wrote under it . THE RECRVITS CAME AFTER THE ENGAGEMENT . He would say , The Love of Money was the Metropolis of all Evils . Seeing a Prodigal eating of Olives in a Victualling-House , he said , If thou hadst din'd thus , thou wouldest not have supped thus . He would say , Good men were the Images of the Gods : and that Love was idle mens Business . Being asked , what was the most unhappy thing in humane Life , he said , an indigent Old man. Being asked what sort of Beast hit worst , he said of Wild Beasts , a Detracter , and of tame Beasts , a Flatterer . Seeing once a Centaur very ill drawn , he said , Which of these is * Chiron ( that is the worst ? ) Smooth Language he would say , was a Sugared Halter . He would say , the Belly was the Charybdis of ones Livelihood . Hearing once that Didymon the Adulterer was apprehended , he said , he deserv'd to be hanged up * by his Name . Being asked why Gold looked Pale , he replied , Because it hath many lying in wait to catch it . Seeing a Woman riding in a Sedan , he said , The trap is not big enough for the Beast . Seeing a Fugitive Servant sitting upon a * Well , he said , Have a Care young man you do not fall in . When he saw a Cloaths-stealer in a Bagnio , he said , Art thou come for * Aleintation ( that is a little Ointment , ) or All'heimation ( that is some other so●● of Garment ? ) Seeing on a time a Woman hanging upon an Olive-tree , ●e said , O that all trees bare such Fruit ! Seeing one of those that used to strip dead People of their Cloths , he said ; — What dost thou here Friend ? One of the Dead to strip dost thou intend ? Being asked by one , whether he had either a Girl or a Boy to his Servant ? he said , No. And he saying to him ; if he chanced to dye , who should bury him ? he said , He that should have occasion for the House . When he saw a handsome Boy carelessly Sleeping , he punched him with his finger , and said , arise , Lest as thou sleep'st one run thee in the Back To one that bought up very costly Provisions , he said , Thou 'lt quickly dye Boy , why dost buy such things ? As Plato was discoursing * of abstracted Forms ( or Notions ) and chanced to name Table-hood and Cup-hood , he said , Good Mr. Plato , I see here a Table and a Cup , but can see no Table-hood nor Cup-hood ▪ to which he replied , Thou sayest well , for thou hast indeed Eyes which serve to see a Cup or a Table , but hast not that Intellectualness that must discern Table-hood and Cup-hood . Being asked , which he thought the best time to marry in , he said , Young men should never marry , nor old men ever . Being asked by one what he would take to let him give him a blow on the head with his Knuckle , he said , A Helmet . Seeing a young man finically drest , he said , If thou dressest thy self for the Men , thou loosest thy labour ; but if for the Women , thou hast a naughty meaning . Seeing on a time a young man to blush , he said , Take heart my ●●d ; for that is the colour 〈…〉 Vertue . Hearing once one Lawyer impreaching the other of Theft , he condemned them both , saying , The one had committed Theft , and the other had lost nothing . Being asked what sort of Wine he loved best , he said , That which I drink at other Mens Cost . To one that told him , a great many laugh'd at him , he said , but I am not laugh'd at . To one that said Life was an evil thing , he said , It was not Life that was Evil , but an evil Life . To such as counselled him to go look for his Servant that was run away , he said , It would be an absurd thing if Manes could live without Diogenes , and Diogenes could not live without Manes . As he was dining upon Olives , and one presented him with a Cake , hethrew it away , and said , Stranger be gone out of the way of King● . And another time upon the like occasion , he said , He lash'd , and * drave along . — Being asked what sort of Dog he was he said , When I am a hungry , I am a Maltese ( or Lap-Dog ; ) but when my Belly is full , I am a Molossian ( or Mastiff ) Most men do not Care to go a hunting with the Dogs they most Commend , by reason of the great labour in following them , no more are you able to live with me , because you are afraid of my hardships . Being asked whether Philosophers could eat Cakes , Ay ( said he ) they can eat any thing like other Men. Being asked why Men gave Alms to Beggars , but nothing to Philosophers , he answered ▪ Because they expect to be lame and blind themselves ; but have no hopes of becoming Philosophers . He once begged an Alms of a very Covetous Man , and seeing him backward to give him any thing , he said to him , Friend I beg of thee for my Nourishment , and not for my Funeral . Being once twitted with having , coined false Money , he said , Time was when I was such a one as thou art ; but thou wilt never be such a one as I now am . And to another that upbraided him with the same thing , he said , I once pist a Bed too , but I don 't now . Coming once to Myndos , and seeing their Gates very large , and their City but small , he said , You Men of Myndos , I advise you to shut up your Gates for fear your Town should run out . Seeing once a Stealer of Purple apprehended in the very Act , he said ; Strong Fate , and Purple Death hath on thee seiz'd . When Craterus once invited him to come to live with him ; he said , I had rather lick Salt at Athens , than live on the most delicious Fare with Craterus . As once he accosted Anaximenes the Oratour , who was a very fat Man , he said to him , Give us poor folks some of you Belly ; for thereby you will both ease your self , and benefit us . As he was once in the midst of his Harangue , he held out a piece of hang'd Meat , and diverted the Audience . At which when Anaximenes was much enrag'd ; he said , An Obolus worth of hang'd meat hath spoiled Anaximenes's Speech . Being once upbraided with having eaten his vi●●als in the Market-place , he answer'd , Why , it was in the Market-place that I was Hungry . Some ascribe this also to him , That Plato seeing him washing of Herbs , came to him , and said softly in his Ear ; Had●t thou made thy Court to Dionysius , thou hadst not needed to have washed Herbs and that he answered him again as softly ▪ If thou wouldst have washed Herbs , thou wouldst not have made thy Court to Di●nysiu● . To one that told him , that most People laughed at him , he said , Perhaps the Asses laugh at them : But ne●ther do they ●eed the Asses , nor I them when he saw a young Youth addict himself to Philosophy , he said , It is bravely done of thee , to divert the Lovers of thy Body to the Beauty of thy Mind . As on● was admiring the great number of Votive Tables hung up in the Samoth●ac●● Temple , by such as had escaped Shipwrack ; he said , There would have been a great many more , if every one that was cast away had hung up one . But there are some that say , this was spoken by Diag●ras the Melian . To a very handsome young Youth that was going to a Banque● , he said , Thou wilt come worse back ▪ But when he came back , he said to him the next ●day ; I am come back , and am never the worse●●he said , Thou art not become Chiran ( that is worse ) but B●●y●●e● ( that is wider ) He once beg'd of one a thing very difficult to be granted him ▪ and the Party said to him ; Ay , if you can perswade me to it ; he answered , If I could have perswaded thee , I would have bidden thee hang thy self . When he was coming back from L●●●d●●●● to Athens , a certain Man asked him whither he was going and whence he was coming ? he answered , I am co●ing from Manland , and going to Womanland● ▪ As he was returning from the Olympick Spectacle● , and one asked him , Whether there was a great Croud there ; he said , there was a very great Croud , but a few Men. He compared Prodigals to Fig t●e●s that gr●w upon a steep Precipice , of whose Fruit a Man never tastes , but the Crows and the Vultures eat them . When Phryne the great Curtezan had see up a Golden Ve●●● at D●lph● , he wrote these words upon her . BY THE INTEMPERANCE OF THE GREEKS . As Alexander once stood by him and said , I am Alexander the great King ; he replied , And I am Diogen●s the Dog. Being asked what he did to be called Dog ; he said , I wa● my tail to those that give me any thing ; I bark at those that give me nothing , and I bite those that do me harm . As he was picking of Figgs off a certain Fig-tree , the Keeper said to him , there was a Man hang'd on that Tree two days ago ; he replied , Then I will Purify it . Seeing an Olympick Victor often fixing his Eye upon a Curtezan ; he said , Do you see how this Ram of Arimanes hath his Neck twisted about by a poor paltry Wench ? He would say , Beautiful Curtezans were like poysoned Mede . As he was eating his Dinner in the Market-place , those that stood about him often called him Dog ; but he said unto them , You are the Dogs that stand about me while I am Eating . When two effeminate Persons went to hide themselves from him ; he said , You need not fear me , a Dog won't eat Beets . Being asked about a Boy that had been Debauched , whence he was ; he said , From Tegea . When he saw an unskillful Gamester practising Physick ; he said to him , What dost thou mean ? Dost thou design to cast them down now , that formerly won the Field of thee ? Seeing a Son of a Common Womon throwing a Stone among a Crowd ; he said , Have a Care Boy least thou hit thy Father . When a Beautiful Boy shewed him a Sword that had been presented him by his Minion ; he said , It is a very ●ine Sword , but it hath a dirty Handle . As some were commending those that had given him something ; he said , But you don't commend me , who was worthy to receive it . When one demanded back his Mantle of him : he said , If thou gavedst it to me , I will keep it ; but if thou didst but lend it ; I will use it . One that had been a supposititious Child telling him he had Gold in his Mantle , he said , Very right , and that is the reason I supposite it ( or lay it under me , ) when I sleep . Being asked what advantage he had by Philosophy ; he answered , If nothing more , yet to be prepared for every Fortune . Being asked whence he was , he said , I am a Cosmopolite . When some offered Sacrifice that they might have a Son , he said to them ; but you offer no Sacrifice for his Qualifications . As on a certain time he was desired to contribute to an Eranos ( or charitable Collection , ) he said to the Eranarches ( or overseer of the Collection . ) Spoil whom thou wilt , from Hector keep thy Hands . He would say Curtezans were Queens to Princes ; for they could beg what they pleased of them . When the Athenians had voted Alexander to be the God Bacchus , he said to them , I pray make me Sarapis . To one that upbraided him for going into unclean places , he said , The Sun goes into lakes , and yet is not defiled . As he supp'd in the Temple , and had pieces of * foul Bread set before him , he took them up and threw them away , saying , No foul thing should come into the Temple . To one that told him , Thou knowest nothing at all , and yet pretendest to be a Philosopher ; he said , If I do but pretend to Wisdom , even that is to Philosophize ( or affect Wisdom . ) To one that commended his Child to his Tuition ; telling him , he had most excellent Parts , and a most towardly Disposition ; he said , What need hath he then of me ? He said , That those that discours'd well , and acted not accordingly , were nothing better than a Harp. For that had neither Hearing nor Sence . He crouded once into the Theatre as others were coming out , and being asked his Reason for it ; he said , Opposition is the Study of my whole Life . Seeing on a time a young Man making himself look like a Woman , he said , Art thou not ashamed to contrive worse for thy self than Nature hath done for thee ? For she hath made thee a Man ; but thou wouldest force thy self to be a Woman . As he saw a simple Fellow tuning of an Instrument , he said to him , Art thou not ashamed to tune Sounds upon a piece of VVood , and leave thy mind untuned for Life ? To one that said to him , I am not fit for the Study of Philosophy ; he said , VVhy dost thou live then , if thou dost not care to live well ? To one that despised his own Father , he said , Art thou not ashamed to despise him upon whom thou valuest thy self . Seeing a handsome young man with mean Discourse ; he said , Art thou not ashamed to draw a leaden Sword out of an Ivory Scabbard ? Being upbraided with having drunk in a Tavern , he said , I am trimmed in the Barbers Shop too . Being twitted with having received a mantle of Antipater ; he said , The Gods fam'd gifts must not be cast away . To one that shoved a piece of Timber upon him , and then said have a Care Sir , he striking him with his Staff , said , Have thou a Care. To one that very earnestly importun'd a Curtezan ; he said , miserable Fellow ! Why wouldst thou obtain that of her , which thou hadst better be without ? To one that perfumed himself , he said , Have a Care least the sweet Scent of thy Head make thy Life to stink . He would say , Servants were slaves to their masters , and bad men to their Lusts . Being asked why Slaves were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is as much a● to say , Footmen , ) he said , Because they have Feet like Men , but Souls like thine , that askest me that Question . Once he begged of a bad Husband a whole Mina , and he asking him why he begged but an Obolus of other Men , but of him a Mina ; he said , Because I hope to receive of others again : But whether I shall receive any more of thee or no , — Lies wholly in the Knees o' th Gods. Being told that he begged , but Plato did not ; he said , Plato begs too , but , Holding his Head near , Lest others overhear . Seeing once an unskilful Archer Shooting , he sat down just by the Mark , and said , Lest he hit me . He would say , Lovers mist of their Pleasure . Being asked whether Death was an evil thing , he said , How can that be an evil thing , that we cannot feel when it comes ? To Alexander standing by him and saying ; Dost thou not fear me ? What art thou ( said he ) a good thing or a bad ? He replied a good : Who then ( said he ) would fear a good thing ? He was wont to say , That Learning was Sobriety to the young , Consolation to the Old , Riches to the Poor , and an Ornament to the Rich. To Didymon the Whoremaster , as he was medicating of a young Womans Eye , he said , Have a Care , least while thou art medicating the Maids Eye , thou vitiate the * Pupil . As one told him that his Friends were Plotting against him , he said , What shall a Man do , if he must use his Friends and his Enemies alike ? Being asked what was the most becoming thing among Men ? he answered , Assurance in Conversation . Coming once into a School-masters House , and seeing a great many painted Muses , and but a few Scholars ; he said : * With the Gods , Mr Schoolmaster , you have a great many Scholars . He was used to do every thing in publick view , that related either to Ceres or to Venus . And was wont to form such conclusions as these . If there be no absurdity in eating ones Dinner , neither is there in eating ones Dinner in the Market-place . But there is no absurdity in eating ones Dinner : There is therefore no absurdity in eating ones Dinner in the Market place . And as he very often * polluted himself in the publick View , he would say , O that I could asswage my Hunger by rubbing my Stomach ! There are several more sayings of the like Tendency , attributed to him , which would be long here to relate , they being so many . He said there was a twofold Exercise the one of the Mind , and the other of the Body . That the later of these created in the Mind such quick and agile Pha●●tasies in the time of its Performance , 〈…〉 very much ▪ facilitated the acts of Vertue But that the one could not be comple●… without the other , ( no more than Health could be without Strength , ) whether 〈…〉 regard the Body or the Mind . And he gave Reasons to prove how easy it was to pass from Corporal Exercise to Vertue ▪ For that we see what a strange agility of Hand ordinary Artizans attain to by the●… Assiduity , as well in the Mechanick as other common Trades . And what 〈…〉 Pitch both Harpers and Gamesters arrive to by their continual Labour and Application . And he doubted not to say , That if they would have diverted that Exercise to their Mind , their Labour would have proved both profitable and successful . For he said , That as nothing in Human Life could be well done without much Exercise , so that alone was able to master any thing . Those therefore whom want of Knowledge rendred unfortunate ( he said ) should lay aside useless Labours , and take upon them those that agreed with Nature , that so they might live a happy Life . For that the very Contempt of Pleasure when attained to by long meditation was most delectable . And as those that have been accustomed to live Voluptuously , had great regret in passing over to a contrary Course ; so those that had been exercised to the contrary , did with great Pleasure despise Pleasure . Thus he used to Discourse , and thus appeared to have been his Practise : So that he might well be lookt upon as a Coyner of false Money , while he assigned nothing to Law in comparison of what he did to Nature : Affirming himself to follow the same Form of Life with Hercules , as preferring nothing before Liberty : And saying , All things were wise Mens own : Forming such Conclusions as were before mentioned , viz. All things are the Gods own : The Gods are wise Mens Friends : Friends have all things common : Therefore all things are wise Mens own . As to Law , he said ; it was not possible to * support Gentility and Greatness without it : For ( said he ) out of a City there is no use of * Gentileness : A City is a thing of Gentileness : Without Law there is no use of a City : Therefore Law is a thing of Gentileness . He would Droll upon Families , Great Names and such kind of things , calling them the Varnishes of Vice ; and would say there was no rightful Republick , but that of the whole World. He said also that Women ought to be common , affirming that true ▪ Marriage was nothing else , but for a Man to get a Woman in the mind to let him lye with her : And that therefore the Children ought to be common also : And that there was nothing amiss in taking a thing out of a Temple , or in tasting the Flesh of certain forbidden Animals : And that there was no impiety in eating even the Flesh of Men , as was evident from the Practise of some forreign Parts . And he affirmed that according to sound Reason , All things were in all things , and for all things : For there was * Flesh in Bread , and Bread in Salad : And that the smallest parts are in all things drawn in and exhaled forth by certain insensibly Inlets and Outlets ; as he * fully proves in his Thyestes , ( if those Tragedies be his , and not his Disciples , Philiscus of Aegina , or Pasiphon's Son of Lucian , who as Favorinus in his various History relates ▪ wrote after his Decease . ) Musick , Geometry , Astronomy and other such thing he wholly slighted , as but useless and unnecessary Studies . His greatest Talent lay in sudden Repartees , as is manifest from what hath been already spoken . He also bore hi● own Sale with great Generosity : For 〈…〉 〈…〉 sailed to Aegina and was taken by cer●…n Pirates commanded by one * Scirpae●…s , he was carried away to Crete and there exposed to Sale. And as the Cryer demanded of him what he could do , he replyed ; I can govern Men : And pointing to a certain Corinthian whom he saw ●o be in good Habit , ( he being the above mentioned Xeniades , ) he said ; Sell me to this man : For he hath need of a Ma●…r . Xeniades then bought him and carried him away to Corinth , and gave him the Charge of his Children , and entrusted him with the care of his whole House . And he demeaned himself so well , ●…at his Master ran about the Town and ●…d : A good Daemon is come to my House ! Cleomenes in a Treatise called his ●edagogicon saith , his Followers would ●…in have ransomed him ; but he called ●…hem simple Men ▪ and said ; Lious were ●…ot Servants to those that fed them , but ●…hose that fed them were Servants to them : For that fear was the Property of 〈…〉 Servant , but wild Beasts kept men in ●…ear . He had in him a very strange ●a●ulty of persuasion , insomuch that he would take whom he would with his Conversation . It is related , how one O●esicritus an Aeginese having two Sons , sent the younger of them by name Androsthenes unto Athens , who when he had heard Diogenes Discourse tarried there with him : And that thereupon he sent his elder Son also ( being the before named Philiscus ) and that Philiscus also was detained there ; And yet in the third place , the Father himself went , and was also joyned in Philosophy with his Children : So great ● Charm there was in the Discourses of Diogenes . There heard him also Pho●… Sirnamed the Good and Stilpon of Meg●… and many other * Persons of great Quality . He is said to have died at abo●● ninety years of Age : But there are different accounts of his Death . For s●… say , that upon eating a raw * Pour●●●trel he was taken with the Griping of the Guts and so died : But others say , he 〈…〉 in his Breath until he died , of which number is Kerkidas the Megapolitan ( or Cr●… as others call him ) saying in his Meli●… bicks thus : That Sinopese is no more what he was , Feeding abroad , with Staff and folded P●… He clapt his Lips to 's Teeth and bit his Bre●… And flew to Jove : So now * Diogenes Thou art Joves Son indeed and Heavens D●… Others say , that as he went to share a Pourcontrel among the Dogs , they bit him by the Ligament of his Leg , whereof he dyed . But his familiar followers ( as Antisthenes relates in his Successions ) were of the opinion that he dyed by holding in his Breath . For he then passed his time in the Craneon ( which is a place for publick Exercises before Corinth ) where his Disciples according to their Custom , coming unto him found him closely wrapt up in his Mantle , and not believing him to be asleep ( for he was not of a sleepy nor drowsie Temper ) they opened his Mantle and found him expired . And they believed he had done this from a great desire he had now to steal privately out of the World. Whereupon ( they say ) there arose a strong Contest among his Followers , who should have the burying of him : Yea , that it went so high as to come to blows : But that at last their Parents and Governours coming in , he was by them interred by the Gate that leads to the Isthmus . They also set a * Pillar upon his Grave , and upon that a Dog of Parian Marble . And afterwards his Citizens honoured him with Statues of Copper , and wrote upon them thus : Copper decays with time , but thy Renown , Diogenes , no age shall e're take down : For thou alone hast taught us not to need , By thinking that we do'nt : And hast us freed From eares ; and shew'd the casy way to Life . There is also this of my own upon him in the Prokeleusmatick Measure : Diogenes , what made thee take thy flight To th' Netherlands : It was a mad Dogs bite . But some others say , that as he was dying he gave a great Charge to those about him , to cast him out unburyed , that every Beast might have part of him : Or else to throw him into a Ditch and cover him with a little dust : But others that he desired to be flung into the River Ilissus , that he might benefit his Brethren there . Demetrius in his Treatise of Name-sakes saith ; that Alexander dyed at Babylon , and Diogenes at Corinth upon the very same day . He was an Old man in the Hundred and * Fourteenth Olympiad . And there go about these Books of his : His Dialogues : His Kephalion : His Fishes : His Jay : His Leopard : His Commons of Athens : His Republick : His Art of Morality : His Treatise of Riches : His Love Discourse : His Theodore : His Hypsias : His Aristarchus : His Treatise of Death : His Letters : His seven Tragedies , viz. His * Semele ; His Thyestes ; His Hercules ; His Achilles : His Medea ; His Chrysippus ; His Oedipus . But Sosicrates in the First Book of his Successions and Satyrus in the Fourth of his Lives say , there is nothing of Diogenes's extant . And Satyrus adds further that those trifling Tragedies were written by Philiscus of Aegina , Diogenes's Follower . But Sotion in his seventh Book , saith that these following were the only things Diogenes ever wrote : Of Vertue : Of Good : A Discourse of Love : The Beggar : Tolmaeus : The Leopard : Casander : Kephalion : Philiscus : Aristarchus : Sisyphus : Ganymedes : His sayings : His Letters . There have been in all five Diogeneses : The First was Diogenes of Apollonia , the Naturalist : His Book began thus ; Now I am to begin my whole Discourse , I think it my Duty to render the beginning of it indisputable . The Second was he of Sicyon , who wrote of the Affairs of Peloponnesus . The Third was this Diogenes . The Fourth was a Stoick , born at Selencia , but named the Babylonian by reason of the Vicinity . The Fifth of Tarsus , who wrote about Questions in Poetry which he attempts to resolve . But the Philosopher Diogenes , Athenodorus saith in the eighth Book of his Walks , to have always appeared with a Shining Countenance , by reason he used to anoint himself often . The LIFE of MONIMVS . MONIMVS was born at Syracuse , he was a Disciple of Diogenes , and a Servant of a certain Banker of Corinth , as * Sosicrates relates . Xeniades , who had bought Diogenes , coming very often to see him , and telling him of his rare Perfections , as well in Conversation as Behaviour , brought Monimus at last to be passionately in Love with the Man. For he presently began to feign himself Mad , and flung about the Change Money , and all the Silver that was on the Board . Insomuch that his Master was glad to part with him . Upon which he presently betook himself to Diogenes . He also often followed Crates the Cynick , and kept much Company with such kind of Men ; which help'd to confirm his Master in his Opinion , that he was Mad. And he afterwards became a Man of good account , insomuch that Menander the famous Comoedian made mention of his Name ; for in one of his Drama's called Hippocomus , he spoke thus : O Philo , Monimus was very wise , Although of small esteem , few such can prize : Not Master of one Scrip ; for he had three , ( A rich Philosopher indeed ! ) yet he Vtter'd no Sentence grave like a deep fellow , Like KNOW THY SELF , which Vulgar sages bellow ; But was above such toys : For he said that Concoited thoughts begot conceited Chat. This Man was of a Genius so ponderous that he slighted Praise , and wholly made after Truth . He composed certain Ludiorous Tracts , in which he privately couched very serious things . He wrote also two Treatises of the Inclinations , and one Perswasive . The LIFE of ONESCRITVS . SOme say that he was of Aegina : But Demetrius of Magnesia saith , he was an Astypelaecan . He also was one of Diogenes's Prime Disciples . And he seemed to have something in him that made him very much to resemble Xenophon . For Xenophon followed Cyrus into the Wars , and he Alexander . Xenophon wrote the Institution of Cyrus , and he the Education of Alexander . Xenophon wrote the Encomium of Cyrus , and he the Encomium of Alexander . He is very like him also in his Style , and differs not from him , but as the Copy from the Original . Menander also surnamed Drymos the famous Admirer of Homer , was a Disciple of Diogenes , and Hegesaeus surnamed Cloius and Philiscus of Aegina , as we told you before . The LIFE of CRATES . CRATES was the Son of Ascandes , and a Theban Born : He also was one of the prime Disciples of the Dog. But Hipobotus saith he was not the Disciple of Diogenes , but of Bryson the Achaean . There go about these Verses of his , made after a Travesty fashion . I' th' midst o' th' Land of Vana Gloria , There is a Citty called Scrippia : A Town it is both fair and fat Sir , Well fenced round ; but nothing hath Sir. Into this doughty Town dare enter , Neither sir Fop , nor sir Lick-Trencher . Nor yet your Liquorish Fool that barters His Coin and Health for Whores hind Quarters . It 's stor'd with Onions , Figs , and Garlick , With Scraps of Bread , it knows no fare like . For these the Neighbours do not swagger , Nor huff and ding , and draw the Dagger : They have no Cut-throat Sparks to guard 'em , Nor Fame , nor Pence for to reward ' em . There is also his much talk'd of Diary , which is as followeth . Write pay'd my Cook ten Mina , very right , Item * five Talents to my Parasite . A Drachm to th' prating Doctor , and no more . Sirra ! set down a Talent to my Whore. Just nothing to my scurvy Counseller : Three Half-pence to my wise Philosopher . He was wont to be termed the Door-opener , because he would go into every Bodies House , and give them free advise . There are also these Verses of his . Those sacred Truths I learnt by help Divine ▪ Or my own Toil ; those only I call mine . Th ' Estate I once both fair and large believ'd , I am of that by Vanity bereav'd . He said also he had got by Philosophy ; A Peck of Lupins , and to ●are for nought . There also goes about this Distick of his . Fasting or length of time Loves Fires will chill ; If that won't do the work , a Halter will. He flourished about the three and thirtieth Olympiad . Antisthenes saith in his Successions , that upon seeing of Telephus in the Tragedy carrying a little Basket about the Stage , and looking very mean and poor , he had a violent Impulse upon his mind , to turn Cynick Philosopher . And that having converted his whole Patrimony into Silver ( for he was a Man of the first rank ) and amassed together the Sum of about a Hundred , or two Hundred Talents , he distributed them among his fellow Citizens ; and himself became so austere a Philosopher , that Philemon the Comedian had taken notice of him in one of his Plays . For he saith , Crates , that he might hardy be , put on A Cloak in Summer time , in Winter none . But Diocles saith , that Diogenes perswaded him to turn his Lands into Commons , and if he had any Money , to fling it into the Sea , ( As to Crates's House , it had been long before demolished * by Alexander , and his Wife Hipparchia's by Philip. ) And as any of his Kindred adressed themselves to him in order to disswade him from it , he would many times run after them with his Staff ; for he was very high mettled . But Demetrius of Magnesia saith , He setled his Money upon a certain Banker in Trust , agreeing with him , That if his Children should provo to be * common Men , he should pay it to them ; but if they chanced to be Philosophers , he should distribute it among the Commonalty of the Town : reckoning they would have occasion for nothing if they proved Philosophers . Eratosthenes saith , that he having a Son by Hipparchia ( of whom we shall speak more anon ) whose Name was Pasicles , assoon as he was arrived to years of Maturity , he brought him to his Servant-maids Apartment and told him : That was his * Fathers way of wedlock : And that the Adulterers in the Tragedies had Exiles and Stabbings for their pains , and the Whore-masters in the Comedies did by their Debauchery and Drunkenness make themselves mad . Crates had also a Brother named Pasicles and a Disciple of Euclid . Favorinus in the second Book of his Memoires relates a pleasant story of him : For he saith , that as he was interceding with the Master of the Games for a certain Person that had committed ● fault , instead of his Knees he touched his Lips : At which he being much enraged ▪ What 's the matter with thee ( said he ) are not thy Lips thine as well as thy Knees ? He was used to say , it was impossible to find a man without some Fault ; But that it was with the best of Men , much as it was with a Pomegranate , in which there would be some Grain or other rotten . Having once quarrelled with Nicodromus the Harper , and he having given him ● Black and Blew Eye , he hung a Scrowl of Parchment before his Forehead , having written upon it , * NICODROMUS FECIT . He would set himself industriously to rail at the common Whores , that he might exercise himself to bad Language . As Demetrius Phalereus had sent him some Bread and Wine , he spoke disdainfully of him , and said ; O that the Springs would afford me Bread too ! From whence it is plain , that he was used to drink Water . Being reproved by the Athenian Astynomi ( or Censors ) for wearing linnen Garments , he said , I will shew you Theophrastus himself clad in Linnen . But they not believing him , he brought them into a Barbers-Shop , and shewed him to them as he was Trimming . Being once scourged by the Master of the Games at Thebes ( some say it was done at Corinth by Euthycrates ) and being dragged along by the Heels , he shewed his Unconcernedness by repeating over the following Verse . He hawl'd him by the Leg a're Heavens Sell. But Diocles saith ▪ he was dragg'd along by Menedemus of Eretria . For he being a handsome Fellow , and believed by many to be very obliging to Asclepiades of Phli●●s● Crates clapped his hand upon his Buttock , and said , Is Asclepiades within ? At which Asclepiades being extreamly nettled , dragg'd him along by the heels , as was above related ; upon which he rehearsed the verse above-spoken . Moreover Zeno the Cittiean in his Book of Sayings , tells us , he one while sewed an old Sheeps Skin to his Mantle to render himself the more disfigured . He was also of a very disagreable Aspect , and therefore was much laugh'd at when he exercised : But he would often lift up his hands and say , Take Comfort Crates in thy Eyes , and the other Parts of thy Body , and thou shalt one day see these People that now deride thee , shrivel'd up with Age and Sickness , and Praising thee , but condemning themselves for their Slothfullness . He was used to say , A Man should study Philosophy so long , until Leaders of Armies appeared to him to be but Leaders of As●es . He would say , Those Men that conversed with Flatterers ●ere in as forlorn a condition as Calves in ●e Company of Wolves : For that neither ●f them had their Friends about them , but ●n the contrary such as lay in wait for ●heir Destruction . When he perceived ●imself to be dying , he chanted this ●ver to himself . Dear Hump-back now thou go'st Unto the Nether Coast : Thou 'st lived of the most . For he was now grown crooked ●hrough Age. To Alexander , asking him ●hether he was desirous he should rebuild ●is Native City or no , he said no , what ●o do ? It may be another Alexander will ●ome and destroy it again : He added ●oreover , that he for his Part had Pover●y and Obscurity for his native City , which ●e was sure could never be taken by For●●●e , and that he was a Citizen of Dioge●es ▪ that could never be supplanted by ●●vy . Menander makes mention of him 〈…〉 a certain Comedy of his , named the ●wins , in these words , ●hou shalt go rambling with me all thy Life , Mantled about like Cynick Crates Wife . And again the same Author saith this of him . He set his Daughter out to hire , And gave them thirty days to try her . The LIFE of METROCLES METROCLES was his Disciple and Brother to Hipparchia ; who being formerly a Hearer of Theophrastus the Peripatetick , was of so abasht a Temper , that he happening once in the midst of an Exercise to break Wind backwards , he went home and lock'd himself up , resolving never to come abroad any more Which when Crates had understood by 〈…〉 Friend , he went at his request to give him a visit , having first filled his Belly with Lentile Pottage for the nonce . He then began to perswade him by many Arguments that he had committed no absurdity at all : For it would have been like a Prodigy , if he had not discharged th● Wind according to its natural Course . And in the close of all he let fly himself , and thereby put him in heart again , co●forting him by the Similitude of the two Facts . From that time forward he became his Auditour , and was a very abl● Man in Philosophy . As he was once bu●ting his own Writings ( as Hecato tells 〈…〉 in the first Book of his Sayings ) he rehearsed over the following Verse . These are the Phantomes of my younger Dreams . As who should say , they are but meer Whimsies . Some say , that as he was commiting to the Flames the Lectures of Theophrastus , he said over this Verse . Vulcan come quick * Thetis hath work for thee . He was wont to say , there were some things that might be purchased with Mo●y , as a House : and others that must be bought with long time and hard Labour , as Learning ? Also that a great Estate was a mischievous thing to one that could not wisely manage it , He died of old Age stifling himself . His Disciples were Theombrotus and Cleomenes : Theombrotus's was Demetrius of Alexandria , and Cleomenes's Timarchus of Alexandria , and Echecles of Ephesus : Of which Echecles was also a Hearer of Theombrotus , and of him Menedemus , of whom we shall treat hereafter . Menippus of Sinope was also a Man of note among them . The LIFE of HIPPARCHIA . HIPPARCHIA also the Sister of Metrocles was caught by his Discourses : And they were both of them of Maronea . And she fell passionately in Love with Crates , and with his Conversation , and way of Living , not regarding any one of her Suitors , nor either Wealth , Parentage , or Beauty : But Crates was all these to her . Nay she threatned her Parents , she would make away with her self if she might not have him . Crates therefore being earnestly entreated by her Parents to perswade the Girl against it , did all he possibly could . And at last finding he could not perswade her ; he stood up , and set down all his Implements before her , and said to her here is your Bridegroom , and here is his Estate . Consider now how you will like these things ; for you are no Compation for me , if you cannot follow my course of Life . The Girl chose so to do , and immediately took up the same habit with his , and went about with him , and would both lye with him , and * go to Suppers with him in open view . She went once to the House of Lysimachus to a Banquet , where she ran down Theodor , surnamed the Atheist , by propounding this Sophism to him . That by doing whereof , Theodor cannot be said to commit Injury ; neither can Hipparchia by doing it be said to do Injury ; But Theodor by beating of himself , cannot be said to commit Injury . Hipparchia therefore by beating Theodor cannot be said to Commit Injury . But he answered nothing to what she had said , but began to pull up her Coats . But Hipparchia was neither put out of Countenance , nor any way discomposed by it , as in such cases Women are used to be . But on the contrary , when he said to her , — Who 's this that 's hither come , * Leaving her Shuttle in the Loom ? She presently replied ; It is I , Theodor. Dost thou really think I have provided ill for my self , if I have employed the time I should have spent at my Looms in the getting of Knowledge ? These and a Thousand more such things are said of this Woman Philosopher . * There goes about a little Book of Crates's , it being his Epistles , in which he shews himself to be a very excellent Philosopher : His Stile is sometimes very like unto that of Plato . He wrote also certain Tragedies , in which he maintains the sublimest Character of a Philosopher . Of which this that follows is an Example . One House my Home shan't be ; Nor one Town my Country ; But every House my Home , My Country where I come . He died a very old Man and was buried in Boeotia . The LIFE of MENIPPVS . MENIPPVS also was a Cynick Philosopher , being by descent a Phoenician , and as Achaicus tells us in his Ethics , a Servant . But Diocles saith , his Master was of Pontus , and that his name was Baton . And his unsatiable Covetousness rendring him a most indefatigable Beggar , he got so much Money at last as to make himself a Freeman of Thebes . There is nothing in him that deserves much remark . But his Books are very well fraught with matter of Laughter , and are in some respects equal to those of Meleager , who was his Contemporary . Hermippus saith , he was called , and really was , a * Day-usurer . For that he was used to lend upon Interest to poor Seamen , and to take their Pledges . Insomuch that he amassed together a very considerable sum of Money . But at last a Plot was laid against him , and he was robbed of it all ; upon which he grew so discontented , that he hang'd himself . And I have diverted my self with him as followeth . Menippus you may know the Cretan Curr , But Syrian Born , and the Day-usurer , ( So was his name , ) How Theban Thieves had broke His House by Night , and all his Money took ; Because he knew not what to Dogs belong'd . He had not Patience to stay to be hang'd . But there are some that say his Books are not his own , but Dionysius's and Zopyrus's and the Colophonians , who having written by way of Pastime and Droll , gave their Compositions to him , as one that had skill to put them into Order . There were in all six Menippi : The first was he that wrote of the Lydian Affairs , and made an Abridgment of Xanthus . The Second was this Cynick . The third was a Stratonicean Sophist , and a Carian by Nation . The fourth a Statuary . The Fifth and the Sixth were Painters . Apollodorus makes mention of both these . And the Books of the Cynick are in all Thirteen , viz. His Evocation of Ghosts ; his Wills ; his Letters , which he embellished with the Names and Persons of the Gods ; against the Naturallists ; against the Mathematicians ; against the * Literators . Against the Birth-days of Epicurus and the Twentieth Days celebrated by his Followers ; and so the rest in order . The LIFE of MENEDEMVS . MENEDEMUS was the Scholar of * Colotes of Lampsacos . This Man ( as we are told by Hippobotus ) arrived to that degree of Extravagancy , as to take upon him the habit of a Fury , and to go up and down saying , He was come from the nether World to spy out Peoples Sins , that so at his return down , he might acquaint the Daemons there with them . And this was the kind of Garb he wore . A dark-coloured Gown down to his Feet , and girt about him with a Purple Girdle ; an Arcadian Bonnet on his Head , having the twelve signs of the Zodiack interwoven in it ; Tragick Buskins on his Feet ; a huge long Beard , and an ashen Stick in his Hand . And these are the Lives of each of the Cynick Philosophers ; to which we will subjoin what they hold in common among them : For we esteem this as a Sect in Philosophy , and not ( as some think it ) as only an affected way of Living . Their Opinion therefore is , that Logicks and Physicks should be laid aside , ( in which they agree with Aristo of Chios ) and that we ought to addict our selves wholly to Morals . And what some ascribe to Socrates , that Diocles attributes to Diogenes , saying he was wont to say , we should make it our Enquiry : VVhat 's good or bad within our proper Doors . They decline also the * ordinary Course of Arts. Therefore Antisthenes was used to say , sober Persons should never learn Letters , for fear they should be perverted by other Mens Reasonings . They also take away Geometry , Musick , and all such kind of things . Diogenes therefore said once to one that shewed him a new Sun-dial , Ay , it is a fine thing , and very useful to prevent one from loosing ones Dinner . To one that made Ostentation to him of his Skill in Musick , he said , Counsells of Men rule Towns and Houses too , Which playing on the Fiddle will not do . They likewise hold ; That a Life agreeable to Vertue is a Man's last Good , as Antisthenes tells us in his Hercules ; in which they exactly agree with the Stoicks : For there is a kind of Affinity betwixt these two Sects ; which hath made some to define Cynicism to be a short Cut unto Vertue . And Zeno the Cittiean lived like them . They are moreover for a very mean way of Living , and for using only a necessary Diet , and wearing nothing but old thredbare Mantles , and contemn Wealth , Honour , and Parentage . And therefore some live altogether upon Herbs and cold Water , and use such places for Shelter as they next meet with , and live in Tubs , as did Diogenes , who would often say ; It was the Property of the Gods to need nothing , and of such as were like the Gods , to make use of but few things . They believe also that Vertue may be acquired , as Antisthenes writes in his Hercules . And that a wise Man should never be rejected . And that he merits Love. And that he will never do amiss . And that he is a Friend to his Like . And that he commits nothing to Fortune . But the things in the midst betwixt Vertue and Vice , they term Indifferents , in the same manner with Aristo of Chios . And these are the Cynicks ; we will next pass to the Stoicks , who began in Zeno , who was Disciple to Crates . Diogenes Laertius , Containing the Lives , Opinions , and Sayings Of the most Eminent PHILOSOPHERS . The Seventh Book . Translated from the Greek by R. M. The LIFE of ZENO . ZENO , the Son of Mnaseas , or Demeas , a Cittiean , was born in a City of the Greeks , in the Island of Cyprus , inhabited by the Phoenicians . He was wry-neck'd , with his Head leaning more to one Shoulder than the other ; as Timotheus the Athenian relates ; in his Lives of the Philosophers . And Apollonius , the Tyrian , reports him to have been very lean and slender of Body , very tall , and of a swarthy Complexion . For which Reason , there were some that Nick-nam'd him The Aegyptian Sprigg , or Vine-Branch ; as Chrysippus testifies in his first Book of Proverbs . Moreover , his Thighs were always swollen to excess ; his Joints ill compacted , and weak . Therefore , as Perseus writes in his Symposiacs , he declin'd all Invitations to plentiful Feasts ; feeding most heartily upon Figs , either green , or dry'd in the Sun. He was a ●●earer of Crates , as already has been said . Afterwards he adher'd to Stilpo and Xenocrates , for Ten Years together ; as Timocrates asserts in his Dio. At what time , he also very much frequented Polemo's School . Hecaton likewise , and Apollonius the Tyrian , report , that upon his consulting the Oracle , What Course was fittest for a Man to take , that intended to regulate and govern his Life after the best manner ? The Deity return'd for Answer , That he should keep Consortship with the Dead . Upon which , he fell to reading the Writings of the Ancients . As for Crates , he met with him by this Accident : Being bound for Greece , in a Vessel from Phoenicia , which he had laden with Purple , he was cast away not far from the Piraeum . Thereupon , in a deep Melancholy for his Loss , he came to Athens , at that time Thirty years of Age ; he sate himself down in a Book-Seller's Shop . When , after he had read a while in the Second Book of Xenophon's Commentaries , pleas'd with the Subject , he enquir'd where any such Men dwelt ? The Words were no sooner out of his Mouth , but Crates accidentally passing by , the Book-seller pointing to him , bid him follow that man. And so from that time forward he became a Hearer of Crates ; whose Philosophy , as being that for which he had a great Reverence , he readily and quickly learnt ; but his Modesty would never permit him to affect the impudent Behaviour of Cynic Moroseness Crates therefore , having a mind to cure him of that same Bashfulness , gave him a Pot of Lentil-Potage to carry through the Street call'd * Keramicum ; but perceiving him to be asham'd , & that he hid his Pot under his Garment , with a Slap of his Cane he brake the Pipkin , so that the Liquid Potage ran down Zeno's Heels of a Colour somewhat ignominious . Upon which Zeno nimbly mending his Pace , Crates cry'd out , Hey — You Merchant of E●lskins , whither away so fast ? The Mischance will never spoil thy Marriage . Thus for some time he was a Hearer of Crates ; at what time having written his Common-wealth , several jok'd upon him , and said , * They were only the F — t s of the Dog's Tail. Several other Treatises he wrote upon various Subjects , under the following Titles : Of Life according to Nature . Of Instinct , or the Nature of Man. Of the Affections . Of Decency . Of the Sight . Of the Law. Of Grecian Education . Of the Whole . Of Signs . Pythagoricals . Vniversals . Of Words . Five Homerical Problemes . Of Poetry . Of the Hearing . He was also the Author of certain Solutions of Questions , relating to several Sciences : Two Books of Confutations , Commentaries , Crates's Morals ; which were all his Works . At length he left Crates , and for twenty years together heard the Persons before-nam'd ; at what time he is reported to have us'd this Expression : 'T was then that I only sail'd with a prosperous Gale , when I suffer'd Shipwrack . Some assert , that he spoke thus when he sojourn'd with Crates . But others ascertain us , that he liv'd at Athens when his Ship was cast away ; and that when he heard the News , he cry'd out , * Thou dost well O Fortune , thus to compel me to a Thread bare Cloak , and the Stoa , or the Philosopher Portico . Betaking himself therefore to the Poecile , or the Vary-colour'd Portico , so call'd , from the great variety of Painting with which it was ado●●d by the hand of Polygnotus , designing it a Place of Peace and Quiet , that had been a Place of Sedition ; he there began to teach his Philosophy , and read upon several Subjects . For in that Place , during the Government of the Thirty Tyrants no less than fourteen hundred of the Athenians had been put to Death . Thither a great Number of Disciples flock'd to him ; and for that reason they were call'd Stoics , who before from his own Name were call'd Zenonians ▪ as Epicurus testifies in his Epistles . Formerly also the Poets that frequented that Place , were call'd in like manner by the Name of Stoics , according to Eratosthenes , in his Eighth Book of the Ancient Comedy ; by whose means the Name became very numerous . By this time the Athenians had a high Esteem for Zeno ; insomuch that they entrusted him with the Keys of the City-Gates , and honour'd him with a Crown of Gold , and a Brazen Statue . And the same Honours his own Countrymen conferr'd upon him ; believing his Statue to be an Ornament to their City . The Cittians of Sidon paid him the same Respect . Antigonus also was his great Admirer ; and when he came to Athen's , always went to hear him , and made him frequent Invitations to his own Court. To which , though he gave modest Denials himself , yet he sent Persaeus , one of his familiar Acquaintance , the Son of Demetrius , a Cittian by Birth , who flourish'd in the hundred and thirtieth Olympiad ; at what time Zeno was far stricken in years . The Epistle sent him by Antigonus , ran in these Words , as it is recited by Apollonius the Tyrian , in his Life of Zeno. King Antigonus to Zeno the Philosopher , Greeting . I Am apt to believe , that Fortune and Honour have render'd my Life much more remarkable than Thine : But on the other side , for Learning , Knowledge , and perfect Happiness , I cannot but think thee far above my self : Therefore have We sent thee this Invitation to Our Court ; deeming thou will not be so unkind , as to deny Our Request . By all means therefore be sure to let Me enjoy thy Society , upon the Recent of This ; assuring thee , that thou shalt not be only Mine , but the Instructer of all the Macedonians . For he that is able to teach and conduct to Virtue the Prince of the Macedonians , must of necessity be no less sufficient to instruct his Subjects in the Noble Lessons of Fortitude and Probity . For such as is the Guide and Leader , 't is most probable , that such will be the Disciples . To which Zeno return'd the following Answer . Zeno , to King Antigonus , Health I Applaud thy Desire of Learning , as being really true , and tending altogether to Benefit ; not Vulgar , which only drives ●● the Corruption of Manners ; for he that applies himself to the Love of Wisdom , decining those common Pleasures of the Cro●● of Mortals , which only effeminate the So●● of Youth , not only shews himself by Nature but by Choice , inclin'd to Virtue and Galla●try . And such a Person , endu'd with ● Noble and Generous Mind , with less Practice , so his Teacher not being wanting ●● his Instructions , will readily and easily ●●tain to that Perfection which he aims 〈…〉 Now then , as for my self , I lie fetter'd with the Distempers of Old Age , in the Eightieth Year of my Age ; and therefore the Happiness of attending thy Person , is deny'd me : But I have sent thee one of my Disciples , for Learning , Instruction , and what concerns the Mind , a Person equal to my self ; but far surpassing me in Strength of Body ; with whom conversing , Thou wilt not want whatever may conduce to compleat thy Felicity . With this Epistle he sent away Persaeus and Philonides the Theban ; of whose Familiarity with Antigonus , Epicurus makes mention in his Epistle to his Brother Aristobulus . To which I thought fit to add the Decree which the Athenians made in his behalf : Of which , this is the Copy . The DECREE . ARrhenides , then Governor , in the Ward of Acamantis , during the Sitting of the Fifth * Prutany , the Thirteenth Day of August , and the Three and Twentieth of the Sitting of the said Prutany , the Assembly of the Chief Magistrates , Hippo , Gratistoteles , Xynipeteo , Thraso , the Son of Thraso the Anacaean , with the rest of the Court , thus Decreed : Whereas Zeno , the Son of Mnaseus the Cittian , has for many years liv'd a Philosophical Life in this City , and in all things has behav'd himself like a Person of Virtue and Sincerity , exhorting all Men that sought his Instruction , to Honesty and Frugality ; as also in his own Person setting a fair Example before their Eyes , by leading a Life altogether conformable to his Precepts ; wishing him therefore all good Fortune , the People have thought meet to give a public Mark of their Commendations of Zeno , and to crown him with a Crown of Gold , according to the Laws , as the Reward of his Virtue and Temperance ; and further , to erect for him a public Monument in the * Ceramicum : Moreover , for making the Crown , and building the Tomb , the People have made choice of five Athenians , who shall also take care that this Decree be ingrav'd by the Public Scribe upon two Pillars ; of which one shall be set up in the Academy , the other in the Lycaeum ; and the public Treasurer to pay the Charges of the Engraving : to the end all men may know that the People of Athens understand how ●o value good Men , both living , and after their Decease . For Surveyors also , they make Choice of Thraso the Anacaean , Philocles the Pyraean ; Phoedrus , the Anaphlystian ; Melo , the Acarnean ; Mycethus , the Sympelletean ; and Dio , the Poeanean . Antigonus the Carystian , affirms , That Zeno never deny'd himself to be a Cittian . For he himself being one who contributed to the Structure of the Bath , and being present when Zeno beheld the Inscription of Zeno the Philosopher , upon the Pillars ; he heard him also desire , that the Addition of Cittian might be put in . When he follow'd Crates , he made a Cup with a Cover to it , wherein he carry'd his Money to supply Crates with Necessaries where-ever he went. His Estate also was valu'd at a Thousand Talents when he first came into Greece ; and it is said farther , that he us'd to lend his Money to the Sea-men upon Bottomree . In his Diet he was very sparing ; a short pittance of Bread and ●oney , and a small Draught of sweet Wine satisfying his Hunger . He rarely made Use of Boys ; and once he took to his Bed an ordinary Maid-Servant , that he might not be thought to hate the Sex. He liv'd in the House of Persaeus ; who , thinking to please him , one time among the rest , brought him home a young Minstrel ; but so little did he regard his Friend's Kindness , that after he had stripp'd her , he deliver'd her back to the Embraces of Persaeus . He was of so easie a Nature , that he could comply with all Humors ; insomuch that he would drink to a Pitch with Antigonus , who would take him along with him , when he went to be merry with Aristocles the Harper ; but then he would hide himself up for a time . He avoided all Popularity , refusing to sit in the uppermost Seats , though the Crowd were far more troublesom to him . Nor would he be seen to walk with more then two or three at a time . And to others he gave Money to forbear thrusting upon him , and to keep off the Throng ; as Cleanthes reports in his Treatise of Bra●● Coyns . At another time , the People being gather'd about him , pointing to the Wooden Rails of the Altar , at the upp●● end of the Stoa ; This Altar , said he , formerly stood in the middle of the Portico , ●● because it was cumbersom , it was remov● where it now stands by it self ; in like manner , if you would but stand a little further off , you would be less troublesom to Vs . A● another time , Demochares , the Son of Laches , embracing him , and offering , if he desir'd it , to speak and write to Antigenus , as one that would be sure to supply him with whatever he wanted , he took it so hainously , that he would never come into his Company more . It is reported , That after Zeno's Decease , Antigonus should use this Expression ; What a Sight have I lost ! And therefore he made it his Request , by Thraso , his Ambassador to the Athenians , That he might be buried in the Ceramicum . And being ask'd , Why he so much admir'd him ? Because , said the King , that after many and great Presents that I made him , he was never the more vainly proud ; but still the humblest Person in the World. Moreover , he was full of Doubts and Queries ; and whatever he heard or read , he weigh'd it exactly : For which Reason , Timon , in his Silli , gives him this Character ; Like Red-nos'd Bawd the Mortal there I saw , That in the shady Stoa laid the Law ; Bedlam Phoenissa , Gammer Prate-apace ; For you might think him Woman by his Face ; Her Wicker-Basket all the while ran o're 〈◊〉 But empty-headed as an old Bandore . He was a diligent Observer of Philo the Logician , with whom he spent much of his Time ; for which Reason he was admir'd by Zeno the younger , no less then his Master Diodorus . Timon also derides the Shabbiness of his Attendants ; who were all a sort of Needy , Rascally , Nasty Tatter-de-mallions . Close at his Heels a Crowd of Varlets creep , Old Hats , Buy any Brooms , and Chimney-Sweep , In Tatters , Rags and Jags , see where the Clown They follow ; the meer Scum of all the Town . He had a Morose , Dogged , Surly Look ; and his Forehead was all furrow'd into Wrinkles . His Habit also was very mean , approaching next to Barbarous Penury , under pretence of Frugality . When he reprov'd any Person , he was very quick and concise , not using many Words ; nor would he do it too closely , but expressing himself at a distance ; as when he twitted a spruce young Gallant , that pass'd slowly by him in his Chariot : He does well , said he , to keep his Eyes off the Dirt ; for he cannot see himself there , as he does in his Glass . Another time , a certain Cynic , telling him , he had no Oil in his Cruse , desir'd him to bestow some upon him ; to whom Zeno made Answer , He would give him none : As he was going away , he bid him take notice which of the two was the more impudent . Being wantonly affected toward Chremonides , when the Lad and Cleanthes sate down , he rose up ; at which Cleanthes admiring , I have heard , said he , the most skilful Physicians say , that the best Cure for a Swelling is Rest . Two Persons at a Banquet , lying upon the same Couch , and Zeno observing , that he who lay uppermost , and next to himself , bobb'd the lowermost in the Tail with his Foot , he fell a butting the Bum of the next to him with his Knee . Upon which , the uppermost turning about ; What 's the Matter , said he , Dost think thy Neighbour felt any Pleasure ? To a great Lover of Boys , I fear me , said he , those Masters will never have much Wit , that are always conversing with Children . He was wont to liken a neat Oration , that was nothing to the purpose , to the Coyn of Alexandria , which was pleasing to the Eye , and flourish'd about with curious Letters , but never a whit the more in value for that ; but those that were otherwise , to the Tetradrachma's of Athens , that were rudely and slovenly cut ; many times surpassing those Harangues that were more politely writ . When his Disciple Aristo recited some things without any Grace of Delivery , other things with a rash and over-confident Vehemence , he said to him , That 't was impossible that any man should commit such Absurdities , whose Father had not begotten him when he was drunk . Therefore he call'd him Prater and Babler . himself being a Person of few Words . Observing a large Fish set before a notorious Glutton , that us'd to leave nothing for his Companions , he took away the Fish , as if he intended to have eaten it . To whom , not knowing well how to take it , How dost thou think , said he , thy Companions should bear with thy greedy Appetite every day , if thou canst not brook my hearty Feeding for once ? Another time , when a young Stripling began to ask certain Questions , with a Peremptoriness not becoming his Age , he led the young Gentleman to the Looking-Glass , and bidding him take good Notice of his own Face ; ask'd him , Whether be thought such Questions became his years ? To one who told him , That several of Antisthenes's Works did not please him , for which , he also appeal'd to the Judgment of Sophoeles ; he put the Question , Whether he thought well of any of the same Author's Writings ? Who answering , That he had not seen all ; Art not thou then asham'd , said he , to cull and remember what Antisthenes has said amiss , and yet to take ●…o Notice of what he has done well . To one that found fault with the Brevity of the Philosophers Sentences , he reply'd , That their very Syllables ought to be shorter then others , if it were possible . To one that found fault with Polemo , for that he propounded one thing , and spoke another ; knitting his Brows , Did it not shew , said he , how highly he preferr'd those things that were granted ? He was wont to say , That a loud Voice and a vehement Gesture became an Orator , as they did an Actor ; only that he was to beware how he splay'd with his Mouth , or skew-skaw'd his Lips to and again , as many did , through difficulty of Utterance . Moreover , That they who spake well , were not to permit their Auditors Leisure to stare , like Work-men who put their Pieces to shew . On the other side , That it became the Hearer to be so intent upon what was deliver'd , as not to permit himself time to take Notes . To a young prating Fool that spake more then became him ; Thy Ears , said he , are run into thy Tongue . To a handsom young Man , that said , He did not believe a Philosopher could be in Love ; There is nothing , said he , more irksom to us than Beauty . He was wont to say ; That most Philosophers in many things were meer Fools ; in slight and fortuitous things Illiterate . To which he added that of Caphesius the Piper , who , observing one of his Scholars to fill his Instrument with more Wind then was necessary , gave him a Rap , and told him withal , That good Play did not consist in Sound , but Sound in good Play. Another time , a certain Rhodian , wealthy and handsom , came to him to be his Schollar ; unwiling therefore to receive him , he bid him go fit upon the Stone-steps that lead to the Public Guild , to dirty his fine Cloak ; and when he had done so , to go and live a while among the Beggars , that he might be accustom'd to their Tatters ; upon which the young man departed . He was wont to say , That there was nothing so misbecoming as Pride and Loftiness , especially in young Men. He advis'd all young Students , not to trouble their Brains about Words and Sounds , but to exercise their Minds about what was truly beneficial ; for fear of attaining no farther then to a meer Smackering in Learning . He admonish'd Youth to be careful in the Observance of all imaginable Decency and Modesty , both in their Gate , their Gestures and Habit ; frequently repeating those Verses of Euripides concerning Capaneus . A plentiful Estate supply'd his Wants ; Yet all his Wealth ne'er made him vainly Proud ; But humble still , as th' humblest of the Poor . He was wont to say , That there was no greater Obstacle to the gaining of Knowledge , then Poetry ; and that there was nothing which we stood more in need of then Time. Being ask'ed , Who was a true Friend ? he answer'd , The t'other My self . Having discover'd one of his Servants in a piece of Thievery , he chastiz'd him severely ; at what time the Servant crying our , What ill Luck had I to steal ! And to be bang'd for thy pains ; reply'd his Master . To a Minion of one of his familiar Friends , beholding him with a black and blue Eye ; I see , said he , the Footsteps of Anger , not of Love. To one that was anoited all over with precious Ointment ; Who 's this , said he , that smells so much of Woman ? To one Dionysius , a frequent Retractor of his own Opinions , who ask'd Why he did not correct himself ? Because , said he , I do not believe thee . To an impertinent young Man , that put the Question , Why we have two Ears , and but one Mouth ? Because , said he , we should hear more , and speak less . Another time , as he was sitting at a Banquet , and saying never a Word , to one that ask'd him the Reason why ? Go tell the King , said he , that here is one knows how to hold his Peace . For it seems the Question was ask'd by one of Ptolomy's Ambassadors , who were before not a little solicitous to know , what Character they should give of him to the King. Being ask'd what he thought of Detraction and opprobrious Words ? He reply'd , As if an Ambassador should be sent away without an Answer . Apollonius Tyrius relates , That when Crates pull'd him away by the Cloak from Stilpo , he made him this Answer ; Crates , ( said he ) the best way to take a Philosopher , is , by the Ears ; for if thou const prevail , thou hast me sure ; but if thou forcest me , my Body perhaps may follow thee , but my Heart will continue with Stilpo . He also liv'd with Diodorus , as Hippobatus relates ; with whom he study'd Logic ; wherein , when he came to be a Proficient , he repair'd to Polemo , with an intention to abate his Pride : Who , as it is reported , so soon as he saw him coming , O Zeno , ( cry'd he ) I am not ignorant of thy creeping in at the Garden-Doors , to steal away my Precepts , and wear them after the Phoenician manner . It is also farther said of him , That when his Master told him , there were seven sorts of Logic in Human Dialect ; he ask'd his Master , what he would have to teach 'em all ? Who , demanding a hundred , he gave him two hundred Pieces ; such was his Affection to Learning . He is said to be the first also that defin'd the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Becoming Duty , and wrote a Treatise concerning it . He was wont to transpose the two Verses of Hesiod thus ; The best of Men obedient lives To him that true Instruction gives : And Good is he , by restless Pains , Who all things of himself attains . Whereas in Hesiod they run thus ; The best of Men by restless pains , To all Things of himself attains ; Nor Evil he , that yielding lives To him that true Instruction gives . But Zeno thought him the better Man that gave Ear to true Instruction , and made a right Use of it , then he that of himself understood all things : For the one was Master of Vnderstanding only ; but the other by Obedience put in execution what he understood . Being ask'd , why he was so austere ? He reply'd , That Humor empties when I take off my Cups . Lupins are bitter , but being steep'd in Water , become sweet . And Hecato testifies , That he would abate of his Severity at such kind of Compotations : being wont to say , That it was better for a man to falter with his Feet , then with his Tongue . He affirm'd , That men became good by little and little ; but that it was not a small thing to do good . Which Saying is by others attributed to Socrates . He was a Person of extraordinary Patience , a moderate Feeder , affecting generally a rare Diet ; and never wore any other then a very thin Cloak : So that it was said of him , Nor could the VVinter's Cold , nor pouring Rain , Nor scorching Heat , or Sickness tame this Man ; But like the meanest of the Vulgar Crowd , All Seasons his Transparent Cloak withstood : For Day and Night , by restless Study charm'd , The Labour of his Mind his Body warm'd . Nor were the Comic Poets aware of the Encomiums which they gave him , while they bestow'd their Jokes and Sarcasms so freely upon him ; among whom Philemon was one in his Comedy , call'd The Philosopher ; where he cries , A Parsnip serves for Bread , for Meat a Sprat ; A Draught of VVater , and a Mess of Chat : And thus our new Philosopher has found A way to keep his VVits and Body sound . Yet though he teach his Scholars to be poor And starve , they say , he has Disciples store . Others father these Verses upon Posidippus . And now it is almost grown into a Proverb , to say , More abstemious then the Philosopher : Which perhaps might be borrow'd from that of Posidippus , in his Metapherumeni . And so may he become in some ten days , More abstinent then ever Zeno was . And indeed he surpass'd all others for Goodliness of Form , and awful Gravity ; nay , by the Heav'ns , in Felicity too : For he liv'd to Fourscore Years of Age , free from all Distempers , in perfect Health . As for Persaeus , Famous in the Schools of Morality , he dy'd in the Threescore and Twelfth Year of his Age , being two and Twenty years old when he came first to Athens . As for Zeno , he had been Master of his School for Eight and Fifty Years together , as Apollonius testifies . At length , being arriv'd at that of Age , as he was going out of the School , he stumbl'd , and brake his Finger . At what time , when his Hand hit upon the Ground , he recited that Verse out of Niobe . I come ; then to what End this Call ? — And so saying , he strangl'd himself , and so expir'd . Being dead , the Athenians buried him in the Ceramicum , and honour'd him according to the Decree before-mention'd , in Testimony of his singular Virtue . Upon whom Antipater the Sidonian , made the●g ram . Here Cittium's Glory , Zeno the sublime , Now lies ; who that he might . Olympus climb , Ne're Pelion upon Ossa strove to raise ; No fam'd Herculean Deeds advano'd his Praise : For by his Virtue he found a Pathless way To Starry Mansions , and the Seats of Day . To which , Zenodorus the Stoic , and Scholar of Diogenes , added another . A frugal Life he liv'd , till Time did snow Majestic Rev'rence on his Aged Brow ; By Dint of VVit he made the Foe give Ground , VVhile for his VVeapons Masculine VVords he found , A Sect with matchless Vigor to defend , That Man 's beloved Liberty maintain'd . VVhat though Phoenician born ; from thence what Shame ? VVas 't not from thence the Mighty Cadmus came ? VVho first taught Greece those Letters that have since Fill'd all the VVorld with Grecian Eloquence . Then in Commendation of all the Stoics in general , Athenaeus the Epigrammatist , thus expresses himself ; Oh happy Mortals , skill'd in Stoic Lor● , How does the World your Documents adore ! Virtue , they cry , 't is Virtue , only She , That crowns the Soul with true Felicity . She guides Erroneous Man , and leads him right , Guards Pop'lous Cities from invading Might ; While others , by the Charms of Pleasure sway'd , Are by their Pleasures to Destruction led . These were the Monuments of Zeno's Name , That Stoic Doctrin rear'd to Stoic Fame ; And fair Mnemosyne preserves 'em still , That Men may still be happy , They that will. To which , we shall in the last Place , add this of our own . Many Reports of Zeno's Death has Fame Spred through th'enquiring World : Some say , the Flame Of Nature dampt , his wasted ▪ Fire went out ; But the Report of being starv'd I doubt . Yet old he was ; nor could his feeble Feet Sustain his feebler Body through the Street : Thus stepping forth his School , upon his Hand He fell ; which soon the quick Disaster sprain'd . And then , as if admonish'd by the Fall , I come , he cry'd , what needs my Fate to call ? Demetrius the Mignesian , in his Equivocals , reports , That Mnaseus , his Father , as a Merchant , came frequently to Athens ; where he bought several Socratic Books , which he carry'd to his Son Zeno ; so that he began to have a Kindness for Philosophy in his own Country : For which Reason he went to Athens , where he met with Crates : He seems also , saith he , to have limited the Mistakes of those that cavill'd about Negations ; and then he adds , That his usual Oath was by the Fruit Capers ; as Socrates swore by his Dog. Others there are , and among the rest , Cassius the Sceptic , who blame Zeno for many things . First , For pronouncing the Liberal Sciences unprofitable , in the beginning of his Commonwealth . Secondly , For saying , That he look'd upon all good Men , Parents of Children , Brothers of Brothers , and Kindred to be equally Enemies and Foes , Servants and Strangers one to another . But then , in his Commonwealth , he cries up only Honest Men , to be true Citizens , Friends , Kindred , and Free-men . So that Parents and Children among the Stoicks , are accounted as Enemies ; meaning such as are not wise and virtuous . In the next place , he holds Community of Women in his Commonwealth ; forbids the erecting of any Temples , Courts of Justice , or Public Places of Exercise in any of his Cities ; and will not allow the Use of Money , either for Trade , or Expences of Travel . Then he ordains , That Men and Women should go all clad alike , and that no Part of the Body should be seen naked . All which were the chief Ordinances of his Republick ; as Chrysippus testifies . Of Love-Matters , he writes at the Beginning of his Book , Entituled , The Art of Love. Upon which Subject , he has also wrote in his Diatribae . And some things of this Nature are to be found in Cassius and ●sidore the Rhetorician of Pergamum ; who says , That there were several Opinions and Sayings of the Stoics look'd upon as Erroneous , expung'd and raz'd out by Athenodorus the Stoic , who was Keeper of the Library at Pergamum , which were afterwards re-inserted ; Athenodorus ▪ being discover'd , and narrowly escaping severe Punishment . Besides our Philosopher , there were Four more of the same Name . The first , of Elea ; the second , a Rhodian , and a Geographer ; the next , an Historian , who wrote the Acts of Pyrrhus , in Italy and Sicily , with an Epitome of the Roman and Carthaginian History . The next , a Scholar of Chrysippus , who wrote little ; but left several Scholars behind him . The fifth , a Physitian of Herophilis , a Person of a solid Judgment , but no great Writer ; the sixth , a Grammarian ; whose Epigrams are commonly sold ; the seventh , a Sydonian , and an Epicurean Philosopher , Famous both for Sence and Elocution . As for Zeno's Disciples , they were many in Number . Among the more Noble Sort , was Persaeus , the Son of Demetrius , a Cittian . This Person , some affirm to have been one of his familiar and intimate Friends ; others , That he was his Servant , and sent by Antigonus , to copy out his Writings ; and to whose Son Alcyoneus , he was also Tutor . Of whom , when Antigonus had once a mind to make Trial , he sent a Messenger to him , with false , but sad Tidings ; That his Farms were all sack'd and plunder'd by the Enemy : At which , when Persaeus seem'd to be somewhat disturb'd , and continu'd in a Melancholy Humor ; Thou seest , said he , now , that Wealth is no indifferent Thing . He wrote several Treatises , of Regal Government ; The Commonwealth of Lacedaemon ; Of Impiety ; Thyestes ; Of Marriage ; Of wanton Love ; Exhortations ; Disputations , and Oracles , four Books ; Commentaries upon Plato's Works , in seven Volumes . Aristo , the Son of Miltiades , a Chiote ; who wrote of Indifferency . Herillus , the Chalcedonian , who asserted Knowledge to be the End. Dionysius of Heraclea , who asserted Pleasure to be the End ; for being extreamly troubl'd with sore Eyes , he could not be brought to think Pain indifferent . Sphaerus , of Bosphorus ; Cleanthes , the Son of Phanius , an Asiatic , who succeeded Zeno in his School . Which Person Zeno was wont to compare to hardn'd Steel , that was difficult to be engrav'd ; but wherein the Impression once being made , lasted a long time before it was worn out . Moreover , after the Death of Zeno , Sphaerus became his Disciple likewise . Next to these , the most Noted Disciples of Zeno , were Athenodorus , of Soli ; Philonides , of Thebes ; Calippus , of Corinth ; Posidonius , of Alexandria ; and Zeno , the Sidonian . As for his Opinions , they were these ; and not only his , but of all the Stoics in general ; which we shall set down under several Heads , as it has been our Custom hitherto . They divided Philosophy into Three Parts ; Natural , Ethical , and Logical . Which Division was first made Use of by Zeno the Cittian , in his Book of Reason ; and Chrysippus , in his First Book of Physics ; and by Diodorus Ephillus , in his First Book of Introductions to Opinions ; Eudromus in his Moral Institutes ; Diogenes the Babylonian , and Posidonius . Now these divided Parts , Apollodorus calls Places ; Chrysippus and Eudemus , Species's ; others , Genus's : For they affirm Philosophy to be a Creature ; comparing Logic to the Bones and Nerves , Ethics , to the Flesh ; and Physics , to the Soul : And then again , to be like an Egg ; of which they resemble Logic to the Shell ; Ethics , to the White ; and Physics , to the innermost Yolk . Others there are , who will have Philosophy to be like a fruitful Field ; Logic representing the Hedge ; Ethics , the Fruit ; and Physic , the Soyl and Trees . Lastly , others among . 'em , compare it to a Beautiful City , surrounded with stately Walls , and under an excellent Form of Government ; not admitting any Part to be preferr'd before the other ; but affirming all Parts to be equally mixt . Some there are who place Logic in the first place ; next Physics ; and Ethics , last of all . Thus did Zeno , Chrysippus , Archidemus , and Eudemus . For P●olomean Diogenes begins with Ethics . Apollodorus ranks 'em in the second Place : But Panaetius , and Posidonius , begin with Physics ; as did also Phanius , the Kinsman of Posidonius , in his Treatise of Schools . Cleanthes divides Philosophy into Six Parts ; Logical , Rhetorical , Ethical , Political , Physical , and Theological . Others divide Logical into Two Parts ; Rhetorical and Logical . Others add the Defining Part , relating to Canons and Judgments . Which they make Use of , either to find out the Truth , and there they correct the Varieties of Fancy ; or else , for the Knowledge of the Truth : for that things were understood by the most common Notions . Rhetoric they affirm to be the Art of well Speaking and Discoursing of those things which are proper for Explanation . Logic , the Art of well Disputing of those things that are discours'd of by way of Question and Answer : and therefore they define it to be the Art of True and False , and of that which is Neither . Now then for Rhetoric , they asserted it to be Threefold ; Deliberative , Judicial , and Demonstrative . And then , that it consisted of Three Parts ; Invention , Elocution , and Disposition . Next , they divided Rhetorical Oration into Exordium , Relation , Confutation , and Epilogue . Logic , they divided into the Places of Things signify'd , and of the Voice : The Place of Things signify'd , they subdivide into the Places of Things conceiv'd in the Fancy , and of Axioms , perfect Determinations , Predicaments , Things alike , whether streight or supine , Genus's and Species's , consisting of Things fancy'd ; as also of Arguments , Tropes , and Sillogisms , unnatural Sophisms , which are sometimes False , or True , or Negative , Sorites , and the like to them , Defective , Ambiguous , Conclusive , Obscure , Horn'd Sillogisms , Captious Argumentations , and those other , call'd Therizontes , or the Reapers . But that the proper Place of Logic , already mention'd , related to the Voice , which shew'd the Sound of the Letter ; what the Parts of Speech ; and discover'd Soloecisms and Barbarisms , discours'd of Poems , Ambiguities , of Harmonious Sounds , of Music , of Terms , Periods , Divisions , and Sentences . Of all which , they accounted the Theory of Sillogisms the most useful ; for that it explains the Demonstrative Part , and conduces much to the Reformation of Opinions , as the Assumption shews both Method and Memory : Besides that , it is the readiest way to collect and infer : For a Sillogism is an Argument collective from all things . Demonstration explains what is the least apprehended , by what is best understood . Fancy is the forming of Things in the Mind . Of which , the one is that which easily apprehends ; the other with more difficulty , or not at all . That which easily apprehends , is that which they call the Discernment of Things , proceeding from that which is , according as it is , and deeply Character'd and imprinted in the Mind . Where the Fancy cannot apprehend , it happens , that either the Thing is not , or not as it is ; according to that which is call'd Measure and Form ; or not as it is conceiv'd in the Soul and Fancy . Therefore of necessity Logic must be a Virtue comprehending many other Virtues : As , Aproptosian ; by which we understand what to consent to , and what to decline : Aneicaioteta , a strong Perswasion of the Impertinency of the Thing , so as not to submit our Reason to it : Anelexian , which is said to be such a Force of Perswasion of the Truth of a Thing , as not to be diswaded from it : and Amataioteta ; which is a Resolution not to be perswaded from one Thing to the contrary : For they hold Knowledge to be a certain and sure Apprehension , or Habit in the Reception of Idea's immutable by Argument . And indeed , a wise man may be apt to stumble in his Reason without the help of Logic ; for that he is not able to distinguish Truth from Falshood , but by her Assistance ; nor to discern between Probable and Ambiguous ; nor is there any putting or answering a Question without it . It extends it self also to Inconsiderateness in Negation ; as likewise to things that are existent ; so that it causes those whose Fancies are not well exercis'd , to deviate into Folly and Irregularity . Nor is it otherwise that a wise Man shews his Acuteness , his Perspicacity , and his Shrewdness in Reasoning : For it is the same thing rightly to discourse and argue , or to answer properly to a Question ; which are every one requisite for a Person skill'd in Logic. These were their Opinions in general ; and now that we may not omit Particulars , and their Sentiments touching the Art of Institution , which Diocles the Magnesian has set down word for word in his Excursions of the Philosophers , we shall recite his Words . The Stoics ( says he ) are pleas'd to give the first place to their Discourse concerning Fancy and Sence , as being that by which we discern and judge how Truth may be known . Fancy therefore , as it is thus read generally , the Consideration of Consent , of Apprehension and Vnderstanding , cannot subsist without Fancy , in regard it precedes all other things ; and the Mind , whose Duty it is to pronounce , utters forth in Words what it suffers from the Fancy . However , Fancy and Fantasm differ ; for Fantasm is the Opinion of the Mind ; as it happens when we dream . But Fancy is the Impression of a certain Form in the Mind , that is , a Mutation , as Chrysippus calls it in his Treatise of the Soul. Nevertheless the Form is not imprinted like the Impression of a Seal : For it is impossible that several Figures should be stamp'd upon one and the same Superficies : For the Fancy receives its Notion from that which exists according as it is , as being imprinted and stamp'd upon it ; not from that which has no Existence , which cannot be done . Now of Fancies , as they say , some are sensible , others not sensible , if they be apprehended by the Sence or Sences . Insensible ; such Things as are comprehended in the Mind , as incorporeal Things , and such as are apprehended by Reason . Moreover , Sensible Fancies operate upon Things existent , by Approbation and Consent : Moreover , there are the Evidences of Fancies , if they work upon Things existent . Again , Fancies are some Rational , others Irrational . Rational , those of Rational Creatures . Irrational , those of Creatures destitute of Reason . If Rational , they are said to be Thoughts and Cogitations . But for Irrational , no Name has yet been found . Some Fancies are Artificial , others not . For an Artist fancies a Statue one way , an Ignorant Person another way . Sense , according ●● the Stoics , is a Spirit proceeding from the * Principality of the Mind , and insin●ating it self into the Sences ; and it is call'd The Apprehension , by their means , and the Architecture of the Sences , which is the reason that some are bad ; and the Operation or Energy of the Sences . But Apprehension , say they , proceeds from the Sence of Black or White , Rough or Smooth : But those things which are collected by Demonstration , proceed from Reason ; as that there are Gods , and that they take care of Humane Affairs : For , of things that are understood , some things are understood by Accident , some by Similitude , others by Proportion ; some by Transmutation , others by Composition ; and others by Contrariety . By Accident , sensible things are apprehended ; by Similitude , as Socrates by his Picture ; by Proportion , as Tityus and the Cyclops , by their Bulk ; or a Pigmy , by his Smalness . And the Center of the Earth is distinguish'd by Proportion , from the Center of the lesser Orbs. By change of Situation ; as , Eyes in the Breast . By Composition , we understand a Hippo-Centaur ; and by Contrariety , Life from Death . Naturally , we understand Justice and Goodness ; and by Privation , Lameness . These are the Sentiments of the Stoics , concerning Fancy , Sence and Intelligence . They hold the Apprehensive Faney to be the Judge of Truth ; that is to say , of Truth that proceeds from that which is existent , according to the Opinions of Chrysippus , in his Twelfth Book of Physics , Antipater and Apollodorus . For Boethus numbers up several other Judges of it ; as , the Mind , the Sence , the Appetite , and Knowledge : But Chrysippus dissenting from him , in his First Book of Reason , makes Sence and Anticipation to be the Judges of it ; affirming Anticipation to be a Knowledge by Nature of Vniversals : Though some others of the more ancient Stoics allot that Excellency to right Reason . As for Spaculative Logic ▪ most do hold , That it ought to be referr'd to the Place of the Voice . Now the Voice is the Percussion of the Air , and is properly subjected to the Sense of Hearing , according to Diogenes the Babylonian , in his Treatise of the Voice . The Voice of a Beast is a violent Verberation of the Air ; but the Voice of Man is articulate , and proceeds from the Mind , as Diogenes asserts ; and comes to perfection at Thirteen Years of Age ; as Archedemus , in his Ninth Book of the Voice , Diogenes , Antipater , and Chrysippus , in his Third Book of Natural Things , affirm . Now whatever acts , is a Body : But the Voice acts , when the Voice of the Speaker strikes the Ear of the Hearer . A Word is a Voice consisting of Letters ; as for Example , Day . Speech is a significant Voice , proceeding from the Understanding ; as , It is Day . A Dialect is the various Pronunciation of a different Province in the Greek Language ; as , in the Attic Dialect , Thalatta ; in the Ionic , Hemere . The Elements of Words are the Four and Twenty Letters . In the Letter is to be included , the Element , the Character , and the Name ; as in α , Alpha. Of the Elements , there are seven Vocal , or Vowels ; as , α , ε , η , ι , ο , υ , ω. Alpha , Epsilon , Eta , Iota , O-micron , Vpsilon , O-mega ; and six Mutes ; β , γ , δ , κ , π , τ. Beta , Gamma , Delta , Kappa , Pi , Tau . Now there is a Difference between Voice , and Word : For Voice is no more then a Sound ; but a Word is articulate . Then a Word differs from a Sentence ; for a Sentence is always significant ; a Word frequently without any Signification ; as , * Blitri . A Speech also and Pronunciation differ ; for Sounds are pronounc'd , but things are pronounc'd ; which also may be read . Of Speech there are five Parts , as Diogenes and Chrysippus assert ; Name , Appellation , Word , Conjunction , and Article ; to which Antipater adds the Medium . Appellation , according to Diogenes , is that Part of Speech , which shews the common Quality ; as , a Man , a Horse . The Name , is that Part of Speech , which denotes the proper Quality ; as , Diogenes , Socrates . A Word demonstrates the separate Predicate ; as , Diogenes . Or , as others say , a Principle of Speech without a Case , signifying the Act of any Person ; as , I write , I speak . A Conjunction is a Part of Speech without a Case , binding together the Parts of Sentences . An Article is a Part of Speech declin'd ; distinguishing the Genus's of Names ; as , He , of This , of That , They , These , Those . The Excellencies of Speech are Five ; * Graeoism , Perspicuity , Conciseness , Decorum , and Composure . Graecism , is a true Pronunciation according to Art , and not according to vulgar Custom . Perspicuity , is a manner of Utterance , familiarly expressing the Meaning of the Person . Conciseness , is a Speech comprehending only what is necessary for the Explanation of the Matter . Decorum , is the Choice of Words proper for the Subject . Composure , is the avoiding of Improprieties . Barbarism , is the Use of Words , contrary to the Custom of the flourishing Greek . Soloecism , is a Speech incongruously utter'd . A Poem , is a Speech consisting of Number and Measure , more lofty then Prose ; as , the vast Earth , and Air sublime . Poetry , is a significant Poem , comprehending the Imitation of Things , both Humane and Divine . A Definition , is a Speech aptly expressed by way of Explication , according to Antipater , in his Book of Definitions ; by Chrysippus call'd Apodosis . Description , is a Speech introducing Matter by way of I igurative Demonstration : or , a Definition , more barely expressing the force of the Definition . A Genus , is the Conception of several inseparable Thoughts ; as , when we say , a Living Creature ; for that this comprehends all Creatures in particular . A Thought , is the Fantasm of the Mind , neither any Entity , or Quality ; but as it were an Entity , and as it were a Quality ; as when a Man thinks of a Horse that is not present . Species is comprehended in the Genus , as Man is comprehended under Creature . And the most general Genus is that which being a Genus of it self , has no other Genus . And the most Specifical Species is that , which having no Species of it self , has no other Species ; as , Socrates . Division , is a dividing of the Genus into all the Species's which it contains ; as , when we say , Of Creatures , some are Rational , some Irrational . Contrary Division , is a Division of the Genus into the Species , as it were by way of Negation ; as , when we say , Of Beings , some are good , some are not good ; and of those Things which are not good , some are evil , some are indifferent . Partition , is a ranking the Genus in several Places ; as , when we say , Of good Things , some relate to the Soul , some to the Body . Amphibolie , is a Sentence that may be constru'd two ways ; so that several Meanings may be collected from it . Logic , is the Knowledge of Truth ▪ Falshood , and that which is neither ; and it relates as well to Things that signifie , as to things that are signify'd . In the Place of Things signify'd , they treat of Things Dicible , of perfect Conclusions , Axioms , and Syllogisms ; of Defectives , Predicaments , Actives , Passives . Things Dicible , are such things as may be spoken according to Logical Phansie . Of which , some are by the Stoics said to be perfect , others deficient . Deficient , are those things that are imperfectly utter'd ; as , when we say , He writes ; the Question is , Who writes ? Perfect , where the Sentence is perfect ; as when we say , Socrates writes . The Predicaments therefore are number'd among Things imperfectly said ; but in the Number of Perfect Things , Axioms , Syllogisms , Questions and Answers are to be reckon'd . A Predicate , is that of which something is pronounc'd ; or according to Apollodorus , a Thing coupl'd to one or more Things ; or an imperfect Word coupl'd with a right Case , to produce a Maxim. Of Predicates , some consist of Noun , and Verb ; as when we say , To sail by Rocks : Others are Active , others Passive , and others Neutral . Active , which are constru'd with an oblique Case , to produce a Predicate ; as , when we say , He hears , he sees , he speaks . Passives , which are constru'd with a Passive Particle ; as , I am heard , I am seen . Neuters , which are neither Active nor Passive ; as , to be wise , to walk . Contra-Passives , are such , as in Passive Voices cease to be Passive , as being Actions ; as for Example ; when we say , He is shav'd ; for the Word comprehends the Person that is shav'd . Oblique Cases are the Genitive , the Dative , and the Accusative . An * Axiom is that which is affirm'd to be either True or False ; or as Chrysippus defines it , a Perfect Thing to be deny'd or affirm'd , as to what is in it self . A Maxim affirms or denies what is in it self ; as , It is Day ; Dio walks : For he that says , It is Day , seems to affirm that it is Day ; for if it be Day , 't is true what is pronounc'd ; if not , the Maxim is false . Now there is a Difference between a Maxim , a Question , and Interrogation ; for there is the Imperative , Adjurative , Optative , the Subjunctive , the Vocative , and a Thing like a Maxim. An Axiom , is , when in speaking , we pronounce a Thing either to be True or False . A Question , is perfectly like an Axiom ; but which requires an Answer , Whether it be so or no ? as , when we ask , Is it Day ? Which is neither true nor false ; but when we answer , It is Day ; then it becomes an Axiom . An Interrogation , is when we cannot answer punctually to the Thing , Yes , or No ; but , He dwells in such a Place . An Imperative , is when we command in speaking . But Thou , repair to Inachus ' s Ford. A Vocative , When they that speak , call upon some Person or other . Renowned King of Men , O Agamemnon ▪ An Enunciate , is when we utter so mething like an Axiom ; which being redundant in some Part , or defective , cannot be call'd an Axiom . And is not this a pleasant Abode for Virgins ? Is this same Shepherd like a Son of Priam ? Where the Questions are ambiguous , and a Man knows not well what to answer : For Questions and Interrogations are neither true nor false ; whereas Enunciates are either true or false . Of Enunciates , some are Plain and Simple , or not ; as Chrysippus , Archedemus , Antipater , and Crinis affirm . Simple , Wherein there is nothing of Ambiguity ; as for Example , It is Day . Not Simple , Where the Proposition is ambiguous ; as , If it be Day ; or else consists of more then one Proposition : If it be Day , 't is Light. Among Simple Enunciates , there is the Enunciative , the Negative , the Privative , the Categorical , the Predicamental , and the Indefinite . Among the Compound Enunciates , there is the Complex , the Connex'd , the Causal , that which proves the most , and that which proves the least , and the Negative ; as , when we say , It is not Day ; but he affirms , It is Day . Of which , the Superenunciative is a Species ; which Superenunciative is the Negative of a Negative ; Not that it is not Day ; for he asserts , It is Day . The Negative consists of the Negative Particle , and the Predioate ; as , No Man walks . The Privative , is that which consists of the Privative Particle , and the Axiom , or Congruity , according to its Efficacy ; Such a one is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Inhumane . A Praedicative , consists of a right Case , and a Praedicate ; as , Dio walks . An Indefinite consists of an Indefinite Particle , or Indefinite Parts ; as , a certain Man walks ; He is mov'd . The connex'd Enunciate , according to Chrysippus , and Diogenes , which consists of the Conjunction Copulative , If ; for the Connexion is plain by the Consequence of the Second to the First ; beginning in the Enunciate , and ending in the Enunciate ; If it is Day , 't is Light : For if the First be , the Second must be true . A Complex Enunciate , is that which is joyn'd together by certain Complex'd Copulatives ; It is both Day and Light. Disjunctive , is that which is joyn'd together by a Disjunctive Copulative ; as , Either it is Day , or it is Night . Which Disjunctive shews , that one of the Maxims must be false . The Causal , is that which is knit together by the Particle Because ; as , Because it is Day , it is Light ; as if the First were the Cause of the Second . That which demonstrates the Greater , is joyn'd together by the Word Rather , plac'd in the midst of the Enunciate . It is Day , rather then Night . That which demonstrates the Less , is quite contrary to the former ; as , when we say , It is less Day then Night . Other Maxims there are which mutually contradict one another , according to Truth and Falshood : of which one is the denial of the other : For Example , It is Day , and it is not Day . Therefore a true connex'd Maxim is , where the Opposition in the End is repugnant to the chief Intention of the Beginning : For example ; If it be Day , 't is Light. Which is true , in regard he that opposes , and says , 't is not Light , contradicts the Affirmative , It is Day . A Connex'd Enunciate is either false , where the Opposite in the End , is not repugnant to the Beginning ; as , If it be Day , Dio walks : for that Part , Dio walks , is no way repugnant to If it be Day . But a true connex'd Enunciate , is that which beginning with a Truth , ends with the Consequence , as thus ; Because it is Day , the Sun shines upon the Earth . But a false Connex'd Enunciate either begins with a Falshood , or does not end in a Consequence : For it does not follow , because it is Day , that Dio walks . A true Causal Enunciate , is , where the first Part ends in a Consequence , yet the End is not the Consequence , of the Beginning : For example ; Because it is Day , it is Light. For it follows , That because it is Day , it is Light ; but it does not follow , that , it is Light because it is Day . A false Causal Enunciate , is , where it either begins with a Falshood , or does not end with a Consequence : For example ; Because it is Night , Dio walks . A Probable Enunciate , is that which induces to a Consent : As thus ; Whatever she be , that brings forth , is the Mother of that Birth . This is false ; for no Bird is the Mother of an Egg. Moreover , there are some things Possible , others Impossible ; some things necessarily must be ; others , for which there is no necessity they should be . Possible , is that which demonstrates a Thing to be true , so that there is nothing external which opposes that Truth ; as thus ; Diocles lives . Impossible , is that which cannot be proved to be true ; as , that the Earth flies . Necessary , is that which being true , cannot be prov'd to be false : Or , may be so prov'd , but that certain external things convince us to the contrary : as , Virtue is profitable . Not Necessary , is that which is true , yet may be false , if external things do not oppose it ; as , Dio walks . A Likely Enunciate , is that , for which there are several Reasons that it may be true ; as , That we shall live till the next Day . There are other Distinctions , Transitions and Conversions of Enunciates out of one into another ; of which we shall speak more at large . But now , an Argument , as Crinis asserts , is that which consists of a Proposition , an Assumption , and an Inference : as thus ; If it be Day , 't is Light : But it is Day ; there 's the Assumption ; therefore it is Light ; and that 's the Inference . A Mood , is , as it were , the Figure of an Argument : as for example ; If it be the first , then the second ; but it is the first , therefore the second . A Hypothetic Argument is compos'd out of both , as thus ; If Plato lives , be breaths ; but the first is true ; therefore the latter . Which sort of Argument was introduc'd to avoid Prolixity of Words in the Composition of Arguments , that might otherwise require a long Assumption , and a long Inference ; and therefore it is more concise to say , If B. therefore A. Again , there are some Syllogisms admit of a Conclusion ; others , not . They admit no Conclusion , where the Opposite in the Conclusion is repugnant to the Connexion of the Proposition : as thus ; If it be Day , 't is Light ; but it is Day ; therefore Dio walks . Of Conclusive Syllogisms , some are said to be Conclusive equivocally to the Genus ; others , collectively . Collective Arguments , are such as either need no Demonstration , or leading to Demonstration , by the means of one or more Positions ; as , If Dio walks , therefore Dio moves . Conclusive Arguments in Specie , are such as do not collect Syllogistically : For example ; This is false : 'T is either Day , or 't is Night : But it is Day ; therefore 't is not Night . Arguments not Syllogistical , are such as resemble Syllogisms , but conclude nothing : For example ; If Dio be a Horse ▪ Dio is a Creature ; therefore Dio is no Creature . Arguments are either true or false . Those that are True , are collected from true Things : as thus ; If Virtue be profitable , Vice is hurtful . False , are they that contain something of Falshood in the Propositions ; or else , such as conclude nothing : For example ; If it be Day , 't is Light ; but it is Day ; therefore Dio walks . Arguments , also are either Possible , or Impossible ; Necessary , or Unnecessary . There are others call'd Anopodeicti ; because they require no Demonstration . Other Sorts are enumerated by others ; but Chrysippus reduces them to five Sorts ; from which all manner of Arguments may be taken . The first is Demonstrative ; where the whole Argument is compos'd of Conjoyn'd and Antecedent ; and where something conjoyn'd begins , and the Conclusion infers . If the First , the Second ; but the First ; therefore the Second . The Second Mood is , where there being two Opposites in the Proportion , the Conclusion is opposite to the Assumption ; as , If it be Day , 't is Light ; but it is Night ; therefore it is not Day . Where the Assumption rises from the opposite Consequent , and the Conclusion from the Antecedent consequent . The Third Mood , is that which infers from a Negative Complication in the Proposition , and from one of those Suppositions in the Complication , infers something opposite to all the rest . Plato is not dead , and yet living ; but Plato is dead ; therefore he is not alive . The Fourth is , which from a disjunctive Proposition , and something contain'd in the Disjunctives , concludes in opposition to the rest . Either it is first or second ; but it is the first ; therefore it is not the second . The Fifth is , where the whole Argument being disjunctive , the Conclusion infers from the Disjunctive , and one of those things which are opposite in the Disjunctive : as thus ; Either it is Day , or it is Night ; but it is not Night ; therefore it is Day . For from Truth , Truth follows , according to the Opinion of the Stoics . It is Day , therefore 't is Light. And Falshood follows Falshood : as thus ; 'T is false that it is Night , therefore 't is false that it is dark . Nor do they infer a Truth from what is false . The Earth flies , therefore the Earth is . For when we affirm the Earth to be , it is not necessary that it should fly . There are other Arguments , which are call'd Involv'd , and Latens ; other O●●des , or of little Importance . The Obscure , or * Involv'd : as thus ; Two are not a few , nor Three ; if not these , then not Four ; and so to Ten : But Two are a few ; therefore Ten. The Otis , is a Conjunctive Argument , consisting of Finite , and Infinite ; having both Assumption , and Conclusion : as , If he be not here , he is not at Rhodes . This is the Logic of the Stoics ; to which they are so bigotted ▪ that they believe the Logician to be the only Wise Man ; for that all things are to be discern'd by the Speculation of Words ; and for that all Natural and Moral Studies stand in need of Logical Assistance . Thus much of the Rational Part of their Philosophy : Now their Moral Philosophy they divide under several Heads , or Places ; under the Titles of Natural Inclination , of Good and Evil Things ; of the Affections , of Virtue , of the End , of Primary Dignity , of Actions , and Duties , of Exhortations , and Dehortations : which are the more nice Distinctions of Chrysippus , Archedemus , Zeno of Tarsus , Apollodorus , Diogenes , Antipater , and Possidonius . For Zeno the Cittian , and Cleanthes , as being more ancient , handled these Matters more plainly , and with less Subtilty . However , they divided this Part of Philosophy into Natural and Physical ; and held , that Self preservation was the first of all Desires infus'd into all Creatures , by the Dictates and Instinct of Nature : as Chrysippus asserts in his First Book De Finibus ; alledging , That the first thing which was familiar and inherent to every Creature , was the Notion of that Sympathy and Concord which is between every Creature : which it was not probable , that the Creature could either alienate or create in himself ; it remains , that all Creatures accord by Nature . And thus it comes to pass , that they withstand and repel what is hurtful , and embrace what is delightful and beneficial . But whereas there are some who affirm ▪ That the Desire of Pleasure was the first Appetency infus'd into the Creatures , the Stoics deny it : For , say they , If there be any such Thing as Pleasure , it is only an additional Thing , which Nature seeking of her self , receives , as pleasing to the Constitution of the Body . And hence it is , that the Creatures become chearful and vigorous , and that Plants and Trees spread and flourish . Neither has Nature , they say , made any Distinction between Plants and Animals , so as to distribute those Desires into either , without Sence and Appetite ; so that we our selves covet many things after the nature of Plants : But this Desire being augmented in Animals , the Use of which leads 'em to covet things most familiar to their Notions ; in them Nature , and a sort of Reason governs this Appetite : for Animals are a sort of Rational Creatures , to whom Reason is bequeath'd in a more perfect manner then to Plants ; therefore Nature prompts 'em by a kind of Reason , to live the most commodiously they can . And therefore Zeno , in his Treatise of the Nature of Man , affirms the End , to be no more then to live correspondent to the Laws of Nature ; which i , to live virtuously : Which was also the Opinion of Cleanthes , Possidonius , and Hecato . Again , That it was the same Thing to live virtuously , as to live according to the Experience of those things that fall out according to Nature . And therefore the End , is to live close up to Nature , that is , according to his own , and the Nature of all Things , acting nothing which the common Law of Nature forbids ; which is the true Law diffus'd through all the Creatures , and the same in Jove , the principal Governor and Upholder of all things . And hence the Virtue of a happy Man , and the Prosperity of Life , when he acts all things according to the Symphony and Agreement of that Daemon in every one , with the Will of the Supream Governor . Diogenes therefore asserts the End to be no other , then to acquiesce in the Reason of those things which are according to Nature . Archedemus , That it is to live in the Observance of all things that are decent . Chrysippus also asserts , That we ought to live according to Nature , as well that which is Common , as that which is properly humane . But Cleanthes admits only Common , and not any Particular Nature , to be our Guide ; That Virtue is an acknowledg'd Habit or Disposition , and that it is desirable for its own sake , and not out of Fear , or Hope , or for the sake of any external Thing ; and that Happiness consists in it , the Soul being made for the convenience of the whole Life : but that the Rational Creature , is sometimes perverted by the allurements of Outward Things , sometimes by the Perswasions of Education and Friendship ; for that Nature infuses innocent Desires . There is another sort of Vertue , commonly and every where a Perfection , as that of a Statue : another invisible , as Health : another sort speculative , as Prudence . Hecato also asserts , That there are certain Scientifical and Speculative Virtues , that derive their Being from Contemplation ; as Prudence and Justice : others , that come not within the Verge of Speculation ; as Health : for that Health may attend upon a Mad Man , who has a kind of defective Speculation ; and there may be Strength in the Arches and Buttresses of Buildings : And they are therefore said not to appertain to Contemplation ; because they are not admitted by Choice and Consent , but only as they happen ; and for that they are common as well to the Bad , as to the Good ; as Health and Fortitude . Now that Virtue is substantial , Possidonius draws his Argument from hence ; That Socrates , Callisthenes , Diogenes , and the rest , made a Progress in Learning , and increas'd their Knowledg ; and that Evil is Substantial , because it is the Contrary to Virtue . Then again , That Virtue is to be taught , appears from hence , That Bad Men are brought to become Good ; as Chrysippus , Cleanthes , Possidonius and Hecato affirm . Panaetius asserts two sorts of Virtue ; Speculative and Active . Others will have three sorts ; Rational , Natural and Moral . Possidonius reckons four sorts ; Cleanthes , Chrysippus , and Antipater , more . Apollophanes allows no more then one , which is Prudence . Then again , of the Virtues , they affirm some to be Primary , others inferior to them : That the Primary Virtues are Prudence , Fortitude , Justice and Temperance ; of which , Magnanimity , Continence , Patience , Sagacity , and Dexterity in Advice , are Species's . That Prudence is the Knowledge of Good and Evil , and of Things Indifferent . That Justice was the Knowledge of what was to be desir'd of Choice , and what to be shnnn'd , and of what was in the midst between both . That Magnanimity was a Knowledge that rais'd the Habit above all Contingencies , common as well to the Bad , as to the Good. That Continency was an invincible Habit , not to be overcome by Pleasure . That Patience was the Knowledge where and when to persevere . That Sagacity was an Inventive Habit , and quick Apprehension of our Duty . That Dexterity in Advice , was a Knowledge which instructed us , when and what to act for the best advantage . In like manner , they held Vices , some to be Cardinal , others of a lower Form : as , Folly , Cowardice , Injustice , Intemperance , Incontinence , Blockishness , and Imprudence in Advice : and that Evil is the Ignorance of those things , of which Virtue is the Knowledge . That the General Good was what was Useful and Beneficial : the Particular Good , either the same , or not deviating from it . And therefore they make a threefold Distinction of Virtue , and that Good which partakes of it : Good , from whence ; as , in a Virtuous Action : Good , from whom ; as , from a sincere Person , delighting in Virtue . Another way they define Good , according to the Nature of Rational , or as it were Rational . Such is that Virtue , of which while we partake , we act according to Virtue , and become good . The Accessions to which , were Joy and Gladness . And so it is in Evil Things ; Imprudence , Fear , Injustice , &c. Of which they that partake , commit Evil Actions . Moreover , of Good Things , some there are that appertain to the Mind ; others Extrinsecal ; others , neither appertaining to the Mind , nor Extrinsecal . Of the first sort , are the Virtues , or Virtuous Actions . Of the Second , Nobility of Birth , Honest and many Friends , and Prosperity , concomitant with these . Of the Third sort , when a Man is virtuous and happy within himself . The same is to be said of Vices ; for Vices and vicious Actions proceed from the Mind : Extrinsecal , are Treason to a Man's Country , & Falseness to his Friend ; but Evil , that neither concerns the Mind , nor is Extrinsecal , is that Infelicity , to be a Devil to himself . Another Distinction of Good Things , is , into such as relate to the End , Goods of Action , and others relating to both . Goods of Action , are Friends , and the Benefits we receive from their Assistance . But Valour , Grandeur of Mind , Liberty , Freeness from Pain , and all Virtuous Actions are Goods that relate to the End : and the same Virtues are both together as well Goods of Action , as relating to the End : For as they compleat Happiness , they are Effective Goods ; but as they are but Parts of Happiness , they are only Final Goods . And the same Distinction is to be made of Evils : For an Enemy , and the Mischiefs that proceed from him , are Effective Evils . But Stupidity , Pusilanimity , Servitude , Vexation , Grief and Sadness , and every evil Action , are Final Evils : For compleating Infelicity , they are Effective ; but as they are only Parts of Infelicity , they are no more then Final Evils . Then again , the Goods of the Mind , are distingnish'd into Habits and Inclinations , or Affections ; and some are said to be neither the one , nor the other . The Inclinations are the Virtues themselves : the Habits are our Studies : Common Energies or Actions , are those Things which are neither Habits , nor Inclinations . Those good Things which are said to be Mixt , are Numerous Off-spring , and Healthy Old Age. But the single and only Good is Knowledge . Present Goods , are the Virtues themselves ; but not always ; as , Joy and Walking : Now every Good Thing is Beneficial , Expedient , Profitable , Useful , Commodious , Honourable , Comfortable , Desirable , and Just . Beneficial , because we receive Advantage by it . Expedient , because it contains what is requisite , and ought to be . Profitable , because we gain by it ; and for that it dissolves our repining at Expence , by raising the Compensations in Traffic above our Necessities , and readily pay to be rid of it . Vseful , because it affords us Assistance in our Wants . Honourable , because Praise-worthy . Comfortable , because it affords us Content and Satisfaction . Desirable , because it is to be preferr'd before other Things : And , Just , because according to Law , and for that it begets Society . Honesty , they call'd a Perfect Good ; as consisting of all the Numbers sought for by Nature , and Exactness of Symmetry . And of Honesty , they asserted Four Kinds . Just , Stout , Modest , and Scientifical ; for that in these all Honest Actions are contain'd . And by the same Reason , they divided Dishonest into Four Parts ; Unjust , Cowardly , Immodest , and Senceless . But singly , they define Honesty to be that which raises Men to Esteem , as possessing a Good that deserves the general Applause : or otherwise , as truly born to do their own Work ; or after another manner , by way of Ornament ; as when they pronounce a Wise Man only to be honourably Good. For Hecato and Chrysippus affirm Honesty alone to be the greatest Good ; alledging it also to be Virtue , and participant of Virtue : So that it is the same thing for Goodness to be esteemed honest , as for Honesty to be priz'd for good : For by reason it is good , 't is honest ; and because 't is honest , it is good . Thus they hold all good things to be equal ; and that all Good is chiefly to be desir'd , and that it neither admits of less or more . All Beings , they affirm some to be good , some to be bad , and others indifferent . Among Beings that are good , they number Wisdom , Justice , Fortitude , Temperance , &c. Among Beings that are evil , Imprudence , Injustice , &c. In the Number of indifferent Things , they reckon those Things which neither do Hurt , nor Good : as , Life , Health , Pleasure , Strength , Beauty , Wealth , Honour , and Nobility . And the contary to these : as , Death , Sickness , Labour , Shame , Infirmity , Poverty , Dishonour , and the like to these . Which was the Opinion of Hecato , Chrysippus , and Apollodorus , in their Moral Writings : for that these things are neither good nor evil ; but things indifferent specifically produc'd . For as it is the Property of Heat to warm , not to cool ; so it is the Property of Good , to do good , and not harm . But Riches and Health do as much hurt as good ; and those things of which we make a good or bad Use , are not good ; but we may make either a good or bad Use of Riches or Wealth , therefore neither are perfectly good ; tho Possidonius be of another Opinion . But neither will Hecato nor Chrysippus allow Pleasure to be good ; for that there are some filthy and unlawful Pleasures ; and nothing that is filthy and unlawful can be good . For the Use of Motion and Strength is only profitable , when virtuously made Use of ; but evil , when made instrumental to Mischief . Indifferent Things are Two-fold ; either such as contribute neither to Felicity , or Infelicity : Such are Riches , Honour , Strength , Health , &c. For that a Man may be happy without all these Things , which may bring a Man as well to Infelicity as Happiness . In the next Place , they define Indifferent Things , as are endu'd neither with Desire , or Aversion : as , Whether a Man have an even or odd Number of Hairs , whether much or little Hair , or , whether his Fingers be straight or crooked . For the first , Indifferent Things incite both to Desire and Detestation ; and therefore out of those they ●ull out others that are altogether indifferent , whether to be desir'd , or avoided : Of which sort , they call the one Produc'd , the other , Rejected . Produc'd , those Things which deserve Esteem : Rejected , those Things that are of no Value . Worth or Esteem , they define to be a Combination of Virtues to a consentaneous Life , wholly intent upon all that is Good. Then there is another sort of Esteem , which is a midling Efficacy , conducing to a Life according to Nature , which arises from Health and Riches ; if they conduce any thing to a Natural Life . Then there is an Esteem in Exchange , which Men that are skill'd in Commerce vary as they see occasion ; as , in the Exchange of Wheat for Barly . Produc'd Things have therefore their intrinsic Value : as amongst Things that proceed from the Soul ; as , Ingenuity , Art , Advancement in Learning , &c. Among Corporeal Things , Life , Health , Strength , a good Habit of Body , * Proportionate Limbs , Beauty , &c. Among Things External Riches , Honour , Nobility . Rejected : Among Things that relate to the Mind , are Ignorance , &c. Among Corporeal Things ; Death , Sickness , Infirmity , Shame , and the like . Among External Things ; Poverty , Baseness of Birth , and the like . Produc'd Things , are also produc'd for their own , or for the sake of others ; and some both for their own , and the sake of others too . Of the first sor● ▪ are Ingenuity , and Advancement in Learning , &c. For the sake of other Things , Riches , Nobility , and the like . For their own , and the sake of other Things , Vigor of Mind , Quickness of Sence , and Security from Danger . And the same is to be said of their Contraries . Duty , they define to be that , which being adher'd to , a commendable Reason may be given for its being requir'd by Life it self : Which extends also to Plants and Animals ; for there are certain Duties to be discern'd in them . Which Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zeno first deriv'd from the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to come ; because the Duty comes into all Creatures ; and therefore he calls it an Operation proper to all the Structures of Nature : For among those things that are actuated by Desire , some are Duties , others are contrary to Duty . Duty therefore , is that which Reason chuses to do ; as , to honour our Parents , our Elders our Country , and to assist our Friends . Vndutiful Acts , which Reason refuses ; as , to slight our Parents , neglect our Brethren , to be unkind to our Friends , and to scorn our Country . But what Reason neither commands , nor forbids , those things are neither Duties , nor Vndutiful Acts ▪ as , for a man to take up a Fescue fallen to the Ground , to hold a Pen , 〈…〉 * Strigil for another . Other Duties there are , which being neglected , do no great harm ; as , to be careless of a Man's Health , &c. Others , the Neglect of which proves mischievous ; as , when a Man , regardless of himself , maims or wounds his own Body , or wastes his Estate . Again , Some Duties are alwa●s to be perform'd ; others , not at all times . Of the first sort , are , putting and answering of Questions , Walking , &c. And then there is a Midling Duty ; for Children to obey their Teachers . They say , the Soul is divided into eight Parts ; of which , the Five Senses are five Parts , the Instrument of Voice and Cogitation , which is the Mind , and the Generative Faculty . That the Distraction of the Mind was occasion'd by Falshood , that brought forth a thousand Perturbations , which occasion'd that inconstant Agitation . Now Passion , according to Zen● , is an irrational and preternatural Motion , or inordinate Violence of the Soul. They distinguish'd Perturbations into Four Sorts ; Pain , Fear , Conenpiscence , and Pleasure . And it is the Assertion of Chrysippus , That these Perturbations proceed from Opinion . Thus Covetousness arises from a Conceit that Money is a Thing to be desir'd . In like manner , Drunkenness and Intemperance proceed from an Opinion that those Things are delightful . They hold also , That Grief is an irrational Contraction of the Mind . The several Species's of which , they affirm to be , Pity , Envy , Emulation , Jealousie , Trouble , Vexation , Sadness , and Confusion . Pity , is a certain Grief for an Injury done to another . Envy , a repining at another's Prosperity . Emulation , a Grief , that another enjoys what he desires . Jealousie , That another enjoys what he possesses . Trouble , the Weight of Sorrow . Vexation , is a contracting Grief , that proceeds from Distress , and opposing Difficulties . Sadness , a painful Sorrow . And Confusion , an irrational Sorrow , that preys upon the Spirits , and hinders a man from seeing the Remedies that are before him . Fear , they hold to be an Expectancy of Misfortune ; to which they refer Terror , Sloth , Shame , Consternation , Tumultuary Perplexity , and Agony . Terror , is a Fear that causes Quivering , and Trepidation . Shame , is the Fear of Ignominy . Sloth , The Fear of being put to hard Labour . Consternation , is a Fear proceeding from some unwonted and dismal Accident . Tumultuary Perplexity , When a Man's Thoughts are at a Non-plus , accompany'd with a failing and haesitation of the Speech . Agony , The Dread of something that does not appear . Concupiscence , they assert , to be an irrational Desire : To which they refer Indigence , Hatred , Contention , Love , Wrath , and Choler . Indigency , is a Desire of that we do not enjoy ; and which being at a distance from our Possession , we eagerly pant after . Hatred , is , when we wish Mischief to another , as it were with Heart and good Will. Contention , A Desire to defend and maintain our own Opinions . Anger , a Desire to punish those that we believe have undeservedly and unworthily injur'd us . Love , is a Desire not incident to Good Men ; for it is only an Industrious Treachery , for Beauty's sake Wrath is an inveterate Anger , full of Hatred , and watching Opportunity to satisfie its Rage . His Raging Anger for a while Within his Breast may seem to boil ; But yet his Mind will never change , Till he has had his full Revenge . Choler , is a Passion soon hot , soon cold . Pleasure , They define to be an irrational longing after that which seems to be desirable . Of which , they number up these several sorts : Tickling Delight , Insulting Joy , and Excess of Joy. Tickling Delight is the Pleasure that comes by the Ear. Insulting , is the Rejoycing at another Man's Misfortunes . Joy , is the Relaxation of the Mind , alluring to Pleasure . Excess of Joy , is the Dissolution of Virtue abandoning it self to forbidden Liberty : For as the Body labours under several Distempers ; so are immoderate Desires of Pleasure and Glory , the Diseases of the Mind . Sickness , is a Distemper accompany'd with infirmities . A Disease , is a vehement Longing after that which seems delectable . And as some Diseases happen accidentally in the Body , as Catarr●s and Diarrhaea's ; in like manner , there are certain irregular Pronenesses and Inclinations of the Mind ; as , the Habit of Envy , Vncompassionateness , Contentions , and the like . They assert Three good Qualities ; Gladness , Circumspection , and Will. Gladness , they say , is contrary to Pleasure , being a laudable Exultation of the Mind . Circumspection , is contrary to Fear ; being a commendable shunning and prevention of Evil ; for a wise Man cannot fear , but may be circumspect . The Will , they hold to be contrary to Appetite , as being a lawful and regular Desire . To the Will they refer Benevolence , Pleasantness of Humor , Friendly Salutation , and Loving Kindness . To Gladness , Jocondry , Chearfulness , and Tranquility of Mind ▪ For they say , That a wise man always keeps himself in a sedate and quiet Temper , free from Passion . In another Sence also a wicked Man may be free from Passion ; which is no more then to say that he is obdurate and immoveable in his Resolutions : Nor can a wise Man be vainly pufft up with Pride ; for his Esteem of Honour is equal to his Scorn of Ignominy ; and it may so happen , that a wicked Man may be as little addicted to arrogant Vanity ; as being one to whom Honour and Ignominy are the same Thing . Wise Men also , they say , are all morose and rigid , because they never talk of Pleasure themselves , nor admit others to discourse of it to Them. And there is another sort of Austerity , that may be compar'd to sowr Wine , which is us'd in Physic . They also say , That Wise Men ought to be sincere ; and to be cautious how they appear to outward shew better then they are ; for that only Iniquity masks and paints it self ; but Honesty always delights to shew it self Bare-fac'd . That they should be no great Lovers of Business , which many times draws 'em from their Duty : And that they should beware of Drunkenness , which causes Madness , and the Loss of the Sences for a time . Yet it may happen that they may have extravagant Thoughts , through the Redundancy of Black Melancholy ; not that their Reason fails 'em ; but because Nature is weak . Nor ought a Wise Man to submit himself to Grief ; in regard that Passion is a Rational Contraction of the Soul , according to Apollodorus , in his Morals . Also , That they ought to be Religious , and well skill'd in the Sacred Constitutions ; as enjoying a kind of Divinity within themselves . Whereas the Irreligious are without any Divinity as being contrary to the truly Pio●s . Piety , they define to be the Knowledge of Divine Worship : therefore when Wise Men Sacrifice to the Gods , it behoves 'em to be chast and pure ; as detesting all Transgressions against the Gods , by whom they are belov'd so long as they remain sincere and holy . More especially , that the Priests should be Wise Men , to whom the Care of the Sacrifices , the Temples , Processions , Purifications , and other Ceremonies due to the Gods , is committed . That the next Reverence to that which is due to the Gods , is to be paid to Parents and Brothers . That Wise Men are naturally indulgent and affectionate to their Children , which Wicked Men are not . They believe all Transgressions to be alike ; as Chrysippus , Persaeus , and Zeno acknowledge . For as Truth is not more true then Truth , nor Falshood then Falshood ; so Fraud cannot be greater then Fraud , nor Sin then Sin : For he that is a hundred Furlongs distant from Canopus , is no more in Canopus , then he that is but one Furlong distant from it ; so they that offend more or less , are equally Transgressors . But , Heraclides of Tarsus , an intimate Acquaintance of Antipater , of the same City , together with Athenodorus , are both of a contrary Opinion ; That some Offences are more heinous then others . Chrysippus also asserts , That a Wise Man is not so reserv'd , but that he will undertake the Management of Public Affairs , unless he meet with any Impediment ; knowing that he may be a means to prevent the Growth of Vice , and to excite his Fellow-Citizens to Virtuous Actions . Also , That it may be lawful for him to marry for the Procreation of Off-spring ; which Zeno allows in his Common-wealth . That a Wise Man will not obstinately uphold a Falshood , nor assent to a Lye ; and that he will embrace the Cynic Sect , as being a near way to Virtue ; as Apollodorus confesses in his Morals : That he will taste of Human Flesh , if necessary Chance constrain him : That the wise Man is the only Free-Man , all Evil Men being no more then Slaves : For ▪ that Liberty is the Power of acting according to a Man 's own Will , which Evil Men cannot do : Servitude the Privation of acting freely : Of which there is one sort that consists in Subjection ; and another sort , in Possession and Subjection . To which , Lordship and Mastership are Opposites , and evil in themselves . That Wise Men are not only Free-Men , but Princes ; as Governing a Kingdom subject to none ; which can be asserted only of Wise Men ; according to the Opinion of Chrysippus . For he must be acknowledg'd to be a Prince of Good and Evil Things , which Power no Wicked Man can assume to himself . In like manner , They are the only Persons fit for Magistracy , for Judicature , and to plead at the Bar , and no others . For that they cannot well commit an Error , as not being easily corrupted . For that they are circumspect , and no less wary of wronging others , as of injuring themselves . For that they are not to be guided by false Pity , and so not apt to pardon Offenders , or remit the Punishments ordain'd by the Law. For neither Severity nor Pity , nor Equity it self begets any Mercy in the Soul in matter of Punishment ; nor are they counted the more cruel for the Punishments which they inflict . Neither does a Wise Man admire at any of those Things , which to others seem Wonders and Paradoxes , such as are Abysses , the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , Hot Springs , or Mountains vomiting Fire . Neither would a Wise Man be confin'd to a Desert : For Nature loves Familiarity , and delights in Action and Exercise , to keep the Body in Health . A Good and Wise Man also will pray to the Gods , and crave Blessings at their Hands . So say Possidonius and Hecato : the first , in his Book of Offices ; and the latter , in his Treatise of Paradoxes . They affirm , That ▪ there is no true Friendship , but only among Good Men ; which is occasion'd by the Sympathy of Dispositions ; and therefore Society is a kind of imparting in common the Necessaries of Life , because we make Use of our Friends as of our selves ; for which Reason , they desire Friends , and esteem it a Blessing to have many : But that there can be no Friendship among Evil Men. That it is a vain Thing to contend with Evil Men : For that all Fools are mad , or act with a Phrenzy equal to Folly. That every Wise man does Good ; as we say that Ismenius play'd well upon all manner of Wind-Music . Besides that , all Things are in the Power of a Wise man ; for the Law has given him an absolute Authority . They assert , That the Virtues are lin●● one to another ; so that he who enjoys one , possesses all the rest ; for that the Speculation of Virtue is in common ; as both Chrysippus , Apollodorus , and Hecato severally testifie . Concomitants to Wisdom , are Prosperity in Counsel , and Perspicacity . Upon Temperance , Order and Modesty attend . To Justice , Equity and Probity are Handmaids . And Fortitude is attended by Resolution and Valour . They allow no Medium between Virtue and Vice : For as a Stick may be either streight or crooked , so it may be with Justice or Injustice ; yet neither can Just be more Just ; nor Unjust , more Unjust . Chrysippus also affirms , That Virtue may be lost ; which , on the other side , Cleanthes absolutely denies . The former avers , it may be lost through Drunkenness or Melancholy ; which the latter will not allow , by reason of the firm footing it has got in the Soul ; which is the true Virtue which is to be desir'd . And therefore we are asham'd when we do ill , because we know there is nothing good , but what is honourably virtuous ▪ and this is that which suffices to render us happy , according to the Opinion of Zeno and Chrysippus , in his Treatise of the Virtues ; and of Hecato , in his Second Book , De Bonis . For say they , If Magnanimity be sufficient to raise a mans Soul to such a lofty pitch , certainly Virtue must be sufficient to render a man happy , that is able to contemn all Things which can give her any Trouble . However , Panaetius and Possidonius will not allow this prevailing Sufficiency in Virtue ; but affirm the Necessity of Health , Riches and Strength , to be assistant . However they assert , That Virtue cannot be lost ; contrary to Cleanthes . They also affirm , That Justice is Justice by Nature , and not by Constitution of Law ; as Love it self , and right Reason are ; according to the Opinion of Chrysippus in his Treatise De Honesto . They also hold , that Discord it self is not contrary to Phylosophy . For if this were not true , there would be a Deficiency in Life it self ; as Possidonius affirms . Chrysippus also asserts the Liberal Sciences to be of great Use , in his Treatise of Justice : And Possidonius maintains the same Opinion , in his Book De Officiis . The same Authors aver , That we are not just to other Creatures , because of the Dissimilitude that is between us and them . They allow a Wise man to be in Love with young Lads , that carry in their more beautiful Aspects the Marks of Ingenuity , and a Propensity to Virtue ; as Zeno , in his Common-Wealth , and Chrysippus , in his Lives , and Apollodorus , in his Ethics , declare . For Love , say they , is an * Endeavour to gain Friendship for the sake of appearing Beauty ; nor is it for the sake of Coition , but of Friendship . Therefore † Thraso , having his Mistress wholly at his Command , abstain'd from her , for fear of being hated . So then Love is a Tie of Friendship not to be blam'd ; as Chrysippus acknowledges , in his Treatise of Love. Beauty , they define to be the Flower of Love. Now there being Three Sorts of Lives , the Speculative , the Practical , and the Rational Life ; they say , The Third is to be preferr'd : For that a Rational Creature was created by Nature , sufficient for Contemplation and Practice . Farther , they say , That a Wise man will readily surrender his Life for his Country and his Friend , though he suffer Torment , Mutilation of Members , or the most incurable Diseases . 'T is their Opinion also , That Wives should be in common ; so that a man might make Use of the first he met by accident ; for thus Zeno and Chrysippus both ordain'd in their Common-Wealths ; for that they will all have the same Charity and Affection for their Offspring ; and by that means Adultery and Jealousie will be remov'd out of the World. They affirm that Common wealth to be the best , which is a mixture of Regal and Popular Power . And this is a Brief Accompt of their Morality ; though they have asserted many other Opinions , not without probable Grounds . As for their Natural Philosophy , it is comprehended under the Places of Bodies , Principles , Elements , Deities , the End , Place , and Vacuum : Thus specifically . But generally they divide it into Three Places : Of the World ; of the Elements ; and of Causes . The Place of the World , they divide into two Parts . For by the means of one Consideration , they associate to themselves the Mathematics ; which teach 'em to enquire into the Nature of the wandring and fix'd Stars , and the like . As , Whether the Sun be as big as he seems to be ? And the same concerning the Moon ; the Rising and Setting of the Stars , and the like . By means of the other Speculation , which is only proper for Naturalists , they enquire , What is the Substance of Natural Philosophy ? what the Sun is ? and what the Stars are as to Matter and Form ? whether Created or not ? whether Living Bodies or no ? whether corruptible or not ? whether govern'd by Providence ? and so of the rest . The Place of Causes , also they distinguish into two Parts . Under one Consideration falls the Question common to Physicians , concerning the ▪ Dominion of the Soul ; what things are existent in the Soul ; of the Seed , & c. What remains , is common also to the Mathematics ; as , How we see what 's the Cause of the Optic Fancy ; what the Cause of Clouds , Thunder , Rainbows , Halo's , Comets , and the like . They assert two Principles of all Things , the Active and Passive . The Passive , that same lazy and feneant Substance , call'd Matter . The Active , God ; which is the Reason contain'd in it : Who being Sempiternal , was the Architect of the whole Structure , and of all things contain'd in it . This is the Opinion of Zeno the Cittian , in his Treatise of Substance . With whom agree Cleanthes , in his Book of Atoms ; and Chrysiyppus , in his First Book of Physics , toward the End ; Archedemus , in his Treatise of the Elements ; and Possidonius , in his Second Book of Natural Philosophy . However , they make a Distinction between Principles and Elements ; for the one they hold to be without beginning , the other , Corruption ; that the Elements shall perish by Fire ; for that the Elements are corporeal ; but the Principles incorporeal and incorruptible . A Body , as Apollodorus defines it , is that which consists of Longitude , Latitude and Depth : and this he calls a Solid Body . The Supersicies is the Termination of a Body ; or that which has only Length and Latitude ; but no Depth : And this falls as well under Thoughts , as Substance . A Line is the End of a Supersicies , or Length without Breadth , or having only Length . A Point is the Termination of a Line , and is the smallest Mark that can be . They hold but one God ; to whom they give the Names of Intelligence , Fate , Jove , and sundry other Appellations . This God , at the Beginning , when he was alone by himself , turn'd all Substance into Water ; having rarify'd it first into Ayr. And as the Sperm is contain'd in the Birth , thus this Spermatic Reason of the World remain'd in the Water , preparing the Matter for the Generation of external Beings ; and then the four Principles were created ; Fire , Water , Ayr , and Earth . This is the Discourse of Zeno , in his Book of the World ; of Chrysippus , in his first Book of Physics ; and of Archedemus , in a certain Book of Elements . An Element is that , out of which all things were at first produc'd ; and into which they are to be dissolv'd again . That all the Elements together at first compos'd that motionless Substance , Matter : That Fire is hot ; Ayr cold ; Water liquid , and Earth dry ; and that the same Part still remains in the Ayr : That the Fire is uppermost , which they call the Sky ; where the Sphere of the Planets was first created ; next to that , the Ayr ; below that , the Water ; and the Earth the Foundation of all , as being in the middle . They affirm the World to be God three manner of ways . First ▪ The peculiar Quality of the whole Substance , incorruptible and without Beginning , the Architect of the whole adorn'd Structure , after some Periods of Time , consuming and swallowing up the whole Substance into Himself , and then restoring it out of Himself again . In the next Place , they affirm the Ornamental Order of the Stars to be the World. And Thirdly , A Being consisting of both . Possidonius defines the World to be the peculiar Quality of the whole Substance , compos'd of Heaven and Earth , and the Nature of the things therein contain'd . Or a Systeme of Gods and Men , and of those things created for their sakes . That the Heaven is the outermost Periphery or Superficies upon which all that which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Divine Nature was fix'd . Moreover , That the World was govern'd by Providence , and the Grand Intelligence ; according to Possidonius , in his Treatise of the Gods ; and that this Grand Intelligence diffuses it self through the whole , as also into our Souls ; but more abundantly into some ; into others , less . Into some , as a Habit , through the Bones and Nerves ; into others , as the Understanding , through the Principality of the Mind . That the whole World was a Living Creature , and endu'd with Reason , having the Ayr for its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Principality of the Mind . Which was the Opinion of Antipater the Tyrian . But Chrysippus and Possidonius affirm the Heaven to be the Principality of the World's Mind , or Intelligence ; and Cleanthes , to be the Sun. Soon after , Chrysippus contradicting himself , affirms Part of the Air to be that Hegemonicum or Receptacle of the World's Intelligence ; which they affirm'd to be the first Divine Nature ; so apprehensible to Sence , that it was perceiv'd to be diffus'd , as it were , through the Conduits of the Air , into all Creatures and Plants , and through the World it self , as a Habit . That there was but one World , Finite , and of a Spheerical Form ; as being a Figure more proper for Motion ; as Posidonius and Antipater assert . That beyond the World there was an immense and surrounding Vacuum ▪ But that it was incorporeal ; because it could contain , but not be contain'd by Bodies . Moreover , That there was no Vacuum in the World ; but that all was clos'd up together in a miraculous Unity . Which happen'd through the Concord and Congruency of the Celestial with the Earthly Beings . Of this Vacuity Chrysippus discourses in his Book , De Inani , and his First Book of Natural Sciences ; Apollonius also , and Posidonius in the Second Book of Natural Reason . That all Things like to these , were also incorporeal . Moreover , they held Time to be incorporeal , being the interval of the World's Motion . That the Time past , and to come , were infinite ; only the present finite . They also maintain'd the World to be corruptible ; as being created by the Reason of those Things which are perceptible by Sence . Of which , the Parts being corruptible , so likewise the Whole . But the Parts of the World were corruptible ; for they change reciprocally one into another ; therefore the World was corruptible . More especially , that which may be prov'd to change for the worse , is corruptible ; but the World is subject to that sort of Change ; therefore corruptible : for it is plain , that the Parts are subject to be dry'd up , then soak'd with Moisture again . Now the World was created by the Change of the Substance into Moisture , being first rarify'd into Air ; afterwards the Water thicken'd into Earth , while the thinner Part turn'd to Air again ; which being yet more rarify'd , produc'd Fire : And lastly , out of a mixture of all these , Plants , Animals , and other Beings were created . Of this Generation and Corruption of the World , Zeno discourses in his Treatise of the Vniverse ; Chrysippus , in his Physics ; Posidonius , in his Book of the World ; Cleanthes and Antipater , in their Works , under the same Title : And besides these , Panaetius affirms the World to be corruptible . Now that the World is a Creature endu'd with Life , Rational and Intelligible , Chrysippus affirms in his First Book of Providence ; together with Apollonius , in his Physics ; and Posidonius , who asserts , that the World being a Living Creature , is likewise endu'd . with Sence ; for that a Living Creature is much more noble then an inanimate Creature : Moreover , that it is a Living Creature , is manifest from hence , that the Soul of man is as it were , more violently torn out of it . But on the other side , B●●thus affirms ▪ That the World as not a Living Creature : But that it is but one , Zeno ▪ O●ry●ippus , Apollodorus , and Posidonius all agree . And Apollodorus adds , that the World is one way call'd the Vniverse ; and after another manner , the Vast Systeme , consisting of the World , and the Vacuity beyond it . So that the World is finite ; but the surrounding Vacuity infinite . As for the Stars , they aff●rm , That the Fix'd Stars are whirl'd about by the Circular Motion of the Heaven ; but that the Planets observe their own peculiar Motions . That the Sun makes an oblique Revolution through the Circle of the Zodiac ; and so the Moon likewise . That the Sun is a most pure sort of Fire ; according to Posi●onius , in hi● Seventeenth Book of Meteors ; and bigger then the Earth , but Sphaerical in proportion to the World. That it is made of Fire , because Fire produces all things ; and bigger then the Earth , because it enlightens all the Earth ; and not only the Earth , but the Heaven : Of which , a farther Proof is this ; That the Earth casts a Conical Shadow , and for that the Sun is every where seen , by reason of its Magnitude . That the Moon partak●s more of the Earth , because it is nearer to it . That these Fiery Bodi●● receive continual Nourishment . The Sun , being a sensible Fl●●beau , from the vast Ocean ; the Moon from the Potable Rivers , bei●g mi●● ▪ d with Air ; and near to the Earth , as Pos●doni●● a●●●r ●● in his 6. Book of the R●●son of Nature . The r●st receive their nouri●●ment from the Earth . They believe the S●●●● also to be Spherical , & ● the Earth ●o be immoveable . That the Moon doe● not ●hine with her own borrow'd Light , but borrow● it from the Sun. That the Sun happens to be ●●lipsed , when th● Moon interpos●s h●r self , between the Sun and that part of the Earth which is next us ; as Z●no writes in his Book of the Vniverse . That the Moon is eclips'd when she falls into the Shadow of the Earth ; so that she is never eclips'd but when she is at the Full , and diametrically opposite to the Sun ; which happens on●● in every Month : For moving obliquely contrary to the Sun , she alters her Latitude sometimes more to the North , some●imes more to the South ▪ But when her Latitude comes to the Latitude of the Sun , and that which lies between , and so becomes diametrical to the Sun , then she suff●r● an Eclipse . Now she moves in her middl● Latitude the Claws of the Crab , the Scorpion , the Ram , and the Bull ; as Posidoni●● asserts . They affirm God to be an immortal Creature , rational , perfect ▪ blessed , void of all Evil , governing by his Providence ▪ both the World , and all things contain'd in it . That he is not only the Architect of the whole , but the Father of all things ; but generally that Part of him which penetrates all things , is call'd by sever●l Names ▪ according to the Effects . In the first Place , Jupiter , by whom all things were made ; then Zous , from 〈◊〉 ; because he gives Life to all things ; next Athenai ; because his Dominion extends into the Sky ; which is ●ither in the Greek , Hera ; as b●ing Lord of the Air ; V●lcan , from the Use of Fire in forging of Iron ; N●ptune , from hi● Power over the Sea ; Ceres , from his Power over the Earth ; with several others ; for Reasons altog●ther as probable . As ●or the Divine Substance , Z●no conclude it to be the Wo●ld , an● the Heaven . But Chrysippus , Po●sidonius ▪ and Antipa●er affirm it to be the Air. Boethus ass●rts the Globe of the Fix'd S●ars to be the Divine Nature . Nature , they sometimes define to b● that which comprehends and embraces the World ; sometimes that which caus●s the Products of the Earth to gro● and flourish . Nature therefore is a Habit deriving motion from it self , according to the S●ermatic Rationalities ; terminating and putting an end to those things that flow from her , at certain prefix'd times , and performing what she was ordain'd for ; and it is apparent that she aims at profitable Pleasure , by the Structure of Man. On the other side , Zeno , Chrysippus , Posidonius , and Boethus , in their Treatises of Fate , assert all things to have been created by Fate . Now Fate is a Series of things link'd together ; or else th●t Reason by which the World is administer'd . They also allow all manner of Divination to be substantial ▪ or else Providence . Which was the Opinion of Zeno , Chrysippus , Athenodorus and Posidonius . But Panaetius will not yield it to be a Substance ▪ for that the Prima M●t●ria , or first Matter , was the Substance of all things ; as Cleanthes and Zeno both acknowledge . Now Matter is that of which any thing consists ; and it is call'd sometimes Matter , sometimes Substance , or the Ca●se of all things both general and particular ; but the Substance of the Whole neither increases nor diminishes . A Body , they say , is a terminated Substance ; as Apollodorus and Antipater define it . It is also Passive ; for if it were immutable , those things which are , could not be form'd out of it . Hence the Division of it extends to Infinity . Which Chrysippus denies ; for that there is nothing Infinite which can be divided . The Mixtures also are made quite through the whole , and not with Limitation , or by Apposition of Parts ; for a small Quantity of Wine being thrown into the Sea , will resist for a time ; but soon mingle , and lose its Nature . They also affirm ; That there are Daemons or Spirits , which have the Guardianship of Humane Affairs ; and that the Souls of Wise men being departed from the Bodies , become Hero's . As to those things that derive their Original from the Air , they say . That Winter is the congealing of the Air , by reason of the Sun's remoteness ; the Spring , a more moderate Temper of the Air , upon the Return of the Sun to our Hemispere ; Summer , when the Air is heated by the approach of the Sun to the North , and that the Fall of the Leaf is occasion'd by the Sun's Departure from us . That the Winds are the Flowings and Inundations of the Air ; various in their Names , according to the Climates from whence they come ; and of which the Sun is the Cause , by exhaling the Clouds . That the Rain-bow is the Reflexion of the Sun-Beams upon Watery Clouds . Or as Possidonius defines it , the Manifestation of some part or portion of the Sun or Moon in a dewle Cloud , concave , and shewing it self firm and contiguous to the apprehension of Sight , as the Periphery of a Circle fancy'd in a Looking-Glass . That Comets , Bearded Comets , and other Celestial Meteors , are substantial Fires , caus'd by the thicker Part of the Air drawn up into the Ethereal Region . A Sun-Beam , the kindling of a sudden Flame swistly darted through the Air , and representing to the Sight the Figure of a long Line . The Rain is the Alteration of a Cloud turn'd into Water , when the Moisture exhal'd by the Sun , either from the Earth or the Sea , loses its first Operation , and thickens into Ponderosity ; which being congeal'd , is call'd Frost or Ice . Hail is a more solid Cloud , crumbl'd by the force of the Wind. Snow is the Moisture of a compacted Cloud ; according to Possidonius . Lightning is the kindling of Clouds shatter'd and brok'n by the Wind , as Zeno defines it . Thunder is a Noise which proceeds from the rushing of the Clouds one against another . A Thunder-Bolt , is a vehement kindling and baking of a substantial Cloud ; which then comes poudring down upon the Earth , the Clouds being once brok'n and shiver'd in pieces . A Typho is the s●oaky Wind of a broken Cloud carry'd vehemently to the Earth . A Prester , or Fiery Whirlwind , is a Cloud surrounded with Fire , carry'd by the Wind into the Concavities of the Earth ; or else a Wind enclos'd in the Bowels of the Earth , according to Posidonius . Of which there are several sorts ; as , Earth-quak's ▪ Y●●nings of the Earth , Burnings , and Ebullitions . Now having plac'd the Earth in the middle , they make it the Center of the whole ; next to which is the Water ; which has a Center likewise with the Earth ; so that the Earth seems to be in the Water ; and above the Water is the Air , in a Body resembling a Sphear . That there are five Circles in the Heavens ; the Arctic , which always appears ; the Summer Tropic ; the Equinoctial ; the Winter-Tropic ; and the Antarctic . They are also call'd Parallels ; because they never meet one another . The Zodiac is an oblique Circle ; because it touches the Parallels . They also reckon five Zones : the Frigid Zone ; beyond the Arctic Pole , uninhabited , through extremity of Cold ; the Temperate Zone , the Torrid Zone ; the Southern Temperate Zone ; and the Southern Frigid Zone . They further conceive Nature to be an artificial Fire , tending her own way to Generation ; which is also a fiery and artificial Spirit . That the Soul is sensible , and is a Spirit bred within us : therefore it is a Body , and remains after Death ; but is liable however to Corruption . But the Soul of the whole is incorruptible , the Parts of which are Souls of Beasts . Zeno and Antipater affirm the Soul to be a Hot Spirit ; as being that with which we breath , and by which we are mov'd . Cleanthes also asserts , That all souls are so long durable , till they lose their Heat . But Chrysippus allows that Pre-eminency to none but the Souls of Wise men . As to the Senses , they affirm Sight to be the Interval between the Sight , and the subjected Light conically extended ; according to Chrysippus . But as Apollodorus defines it , that Part of the Air , which resembles a Conical Figure next the Sight , of which the Basis is the Object next the Sight ; which is apparent to be seen when the Air is smitten with a Wand . Hearing is the interval of Air between the Speaker and the Heurer , smitten into Circles ; which upon that Agitation flows into the Ears ; like the Circles made by a Stone in a Cistern of Water . That Sleep proceeds from the Relaxation of the sensible Faculty being put upon the stress in the Principality of the Soul. That the Passions are occasion'd by the Alterations of the Spirit . The Seed is that which was appointed by Nature to generate the like to that by which it was begotten ; and that the Seed of Man mixes its Moisture with some Parts of the Soul , thereby to communicate the Reason of the Parent to the Thing generated ; which Chrysippus affirms to be a Spiritual Substance ; as appears by the Seeds that are sown in the Earth ; which being too old , never grow ; because their Virtue is exhal'd : Moreover , Sphaerus affirms , that this Seed flows from all Parts of the Body ; by which means it comes to generate all the Parts of the Body . That the Seed of a Woman conduces nothing to Generation , being but small in Quantity , and watery ; as Sphaerus asserts . That the Hegemonicum is the most principal Part of the Soul ; where the Imagination and Desires reside , and from whence the Reason proceeds ; which is the Heart . And thus much for their Opinions in Natural Philosophy ; which is sufficient , considering the Brevity design'd in this present Undertaking . We are next to observe wherein they have differ'd and contradicted one another . The LIFE of ARISTO . ARISTO the Chiote , and Phalanthian , Sirnam'd the Syren , affirm'd , that the End and Scope of Mankind , was to live in differently between Virtue and Vice ; observing no distinction between 'em , but an equality in every one . That a Wise Man was like a Famous Actor ; who , whether he acted Thyrsites , or Aganiemnon , did both Parts well . So that he rejected the Places of Natural and Rational ; saying , That what was above us , nothing concern'd us : That therefore only Morals concern'd us . He compar'd the Subtleties of Logic to Spiders Web , which though Artificial to Sight , were yet of no Use . He neither introduc'd many Virtues , like Zeno ; neither did he advance any one particularly above the rest , giving to it particular Titles or Names , like the Megarics : And thus professing this kind of Philosophy , and disputing in the * Cynosarges , he gain'd the Honour to be the Founder of a peculiar Sect. So that Miltiades and Dychilus were call'd Aristonians ; for he had an extraordinary perswasive Eloquence , and very taking among the vulgar sort . However , as Diocles reports , he was worsted by Polemo , in a Dispute , at what time Zeno fell into a tedious Fit of Sickness . Yet he was a great Admirer of that Opinion of the Stoics , That a wise man could never doubt . Thereupon , Persaeus brought him two Twins , and order'd the one to deliver him a Trust , with Instructions to the other , to demand it again soon after from him ; at what time seeing him in a Doubt which to restore it to , he convinc'd him of his Error . He was an utter Enemy to Artesilaus . So that it being his Chance to see a monstrous Bull that carry'd a Matrix ; Wo is me , said he , to Artesilaus , as an Argument against Evidence . To an Academic , that deny'd , he apprehended any thing , Why , said he , Dost thou not see that Rich Man sitting by thee ? Who answering , No , he retorted upon him this Verse : Who struck thee blind , or from thy sight Remov'd the glittering Lamps of Light ? He is said to have been the Author of all the following Volumes . Of Exhortations , in two Books . Dialogues concerning Zeno's Opinions . Six Dialogues concerning Schools . Seven Discourses upon Wisdom . Amorous Exercises ; Commentaries concerning Vain-Glory ; Commentaries upon Fifteen Commentaries , in three Volumes . Eleven Books of Proverbs and Sentences . Against the Orators ; against ▪ Alexinus ; against Logicians , in three Volumes ; Four Books of Epistles to Cleanthes . But Panatius and Sosicrates will allow no more then the Epistles to be his own . The Report is , that being Bald , the Heat of the Sun pierc'd his Skull ; which brought him to his End. Old as thou wer't and Bald , it was ill done T' expose thy Noddle to the Roasting Sun ; For when thou sought'st for more then needful Heat , Thou found'st cold Death and Styx to cool thy Pate . There was also another Aristo of Iliete , a Peripatetic ; a second , an Athenian , and a Musitian : Another , a Tragic Poet ; a fourth , who wrote the Art of Rhetoric ; and a fifth , a Peripatetic of Alexandria . The LIFE of ERILLVS . ERillus the Carthaginian , asserts Knowledge to be the End and Scope of Mankind ; which is to live for ever : referring all things to a Life of Knowledge ; by which means we avoid the Death of Ignorance . He defin'd Knowledge , to be a Habit proceeding from a Crowd of Imaginations , not to be express'd in Words . Sometimes he held there was no End , as being alter'd and chang'd , as various Accidents and Businesses alter'd the Resolutions of Men. As if the same Metal may serve to make a Statue ▪ for Alexander or Socrates . But he distinguish'd between the End , and the thing subjected to the End : For the one , Fools , as well as Wise Men apprehend ; the other , only the Wise can conceive . He also maintain'd , that there were things Indifferent between Virtue and Vice. His Treatises are but short ; however full of Pith and Sence , and full of Contradictions of Zeno. It is reported , that when he was a Boy , he was belov'd by several Men ; whom Socrates not being willing to admit , caus'd Erillus to be shav'd , and then they ceas'd to make any farther Addresses . He wrote several Dialogues under the following Titles : Of Exercise ; of the Affections ; of Apprehension , the Legislator ; the Midwife ; Antiphero ; the Schoolmaster ; Preparatives ; Direction , Mercury , Medea ; and Moral Questions . But Dionysius , Sirnam'd Metathemenus , asserted Pleasure to be the End and Aim of all men : For having a Pain in his Eyes , he was so tormented with it , that he cry'd out , that Pain could not be a thing indifferent . His Father's Name was Theophantus , of the City of Heraclea ; and when he came of Age , he was first of all , a Hearer of Heraclides , his Fellow-Citizen ; after that , of Alexinis , and Menedemus ; and lastly , of Zeno ▪ 〈…〉 Yet he lov'd none so clearly as Aratus , whom he labour'd to imitate . At length , when he left Zeno , he betook himself to the Cyrenaics , frequented the Common Prostitutes , and indulg'd himself to all manner of Voluptuous Pleasures . Several Writings are Father'd upon him , under these Titles , Of Calming the Passions ; in two Volumes : Of Exercise , two Volumes : Of Pleasure , four : Of Riches , Favour , and Punishment : Of the Vse of Men : Of Happiness : Of the Ancient Kings : Of Things deserving Applause : Of Barbarous Customs . These were they that differ'd from the Stoicks : But to Zeno himself succeeded both his Scholar and Admirer , Cleanthes . The LIFE of CLEANTHES . CLEANTHES , the Son of Phanius , and Asian , as Antisthenes reports in his Successions , was at first a Fisty-Cuffer ; but coming to Athens , with no more then four Drachma's in his Pocket , and meeting with Zeno , he betook himself most sedulously to the Study of Philosophy , and adher'd altogether to his Precepts and Opinions . It is reported also , that being miserably poor , he hir'd himself out to draw Water in Gardens in the Night , and follow'd his Studies by Day ; so that they gave him the Nickname of Well-Emptier . For which , they say , he was call'd in question by the Judges ; who demanded of him , Wherefore being such a stout and well made Fellow , he follow'd such an effeminate Employment ? And being cast by the Testimony of the Gardiner that set him at Work , and of a Woman whose Ovens he heated , he was acquitted by the Judges ; who admiring his Parts , order'● him ten Mina's : which Zeno forbid him to accept : though afterwards , it is reported , that Antigonus sent him three Thousand . Another time , as he was carrying certain Children to a Show , the Wind blew off his single Garment , and discover'd him quite naked ; upon which , the People giving a loud Shout , he was order'd to be new clad ; as Demetrius the Magnesian relates , For which , Antigonus admiring him , and becoming his Hearer ; ask'd him , Wherefore he drew Water ? To whom , I do not only draw Water , said he ; Do I not dig ? Do I not endure the bitter hardship of cold Weather , and all for the Love of Philosophy ? For Zeno put him to it , and made him bring him a Half-peny a time out of his Labour ; and one time among the rest , fetching out one of his small Pieces , and shewing it among his intimate Friends , Well , said he , this Cleanthes is able to maintain another Cleanthes if he would ; and yet they who have enough of their own , cannot be content , but they must be begging of others , though not half such diligent Philosophers . For which Reason Cleanthes was call'd another Hercules ; for he was a most indefatigable Student , but very slow and dull ; but he surmounted his want of Parts by Labour and Industry ; which occasion'd Timon to give him a very ill Character . What Bell-weather is that , that struts along , And fain would seem to head the gazing Throng ? Fondly conceited of his Eloquence ; Yet a meer Blockhead , without Wit or Sence ? And therefore when he was jeer'd and laugh'd at by his Fellow-Disciples , who call'd him Ass and Dolt , he took all patiently ; saying no more , but that he was able to bear all Zeno ' s Burthens . Another time being upbraided for being timorous ; Therefore it is , said he , that I so seldom mistake . And preferring his own miserable Life before the Plenty of the wealthy , he said no more then this ; They toil at Tennis , and I dig hard for my Living . Sometimes as he was digging , he would be chiding himself ; which Aristo over-hearing , Who 's that , said he , thou art scolding withal ? An old Fellow , reply'd the other smiling , that has grey Hairs , but no Wit. When it was told him , that Arcesilans neglected to do as became him ; Forbear , said he , and do not blame the Man ; for though he talk against Duty , yet he upholds it in Deeds . To one that ask'd him what Instructions he should most frequently give his Son ? He repeated that Verse in Euripides ; Softly , there , softly , gently tread — To a certain Lacedaemonian , that asserted Labour to be a Felicity , falling into a loud Laughter , he cry'd out , Sure some great Man from high Extraction sprung . Discoursing to a Young Man , he ask'd him , Whether he understood him or no ? Who answering Yes : Why then , said he , do not I understand that thou dost understand ? When Sositheus put the following Sarcasm upon him in the Public Theatre , Whom dull Cleanthes Follies drive like Oxen. He never alter'd his Countenance nor his Gesture ; which when the whole Pit took notice of , they applauded Cleanthes , and laugh'd at Sositheus , as one that had spent his Jest in vain . Whereupon , the other begging his Pardon for the Injury he had done him , he made Answer , That 't would be ill done in him to take notice of a slight Injury , when Hercules and Bacchus were so frequently injur'd by the Poets . He compar'd the Peripatetics to Harps , which though they yielded ne'er so pleasing a Sound , yet never heard themselves . It is reported , That as he was openly maintaining the Opinion of Zeno , that the Disposition and Inclinations might be discover'd by the Shape and Form of the Party , certain abusive Young Men brought him an old Catamite , that had been long worn out , and ask'd him what he thought of his Inclinations ? Which he perceiving , after a short Pause , bid the Fellow be gone ; but as he was going , he fell a sneezing ; whereupon , he cry'd out , Hold , I smell him now ; he 's a Rascal . To one that upbraided him with his Old Age , Truly , said he , I am willing to depart ; but then again , when I consider my self to be perfectly in Health , and that I am still able to write and read , methinks I am as willing to stay yet a little longer . It is reported that he wrote down upon Potsherds and Blade-bones of Oxen , the Sayings of Zeno , for want of Money to buy Paper ; and by this means he grew so famous , that though Zeno had several other Scholars , Men of great Parts and Learning , yet he was only thought worthy to succeed him in his School . He left several most excellent Pieces behind him ; as , his Treatises of Time ; of Zeno's Physiology , in two Volumes ; Expositions of Heraclitus ; Four Books of the Senses ; of Art ; against Democritus ; against Aristarchus ; against Erillus ; of Natural Inclination , two Volumes ; Antiquities ; of the Gods ; of the Gyants ; of Marriage ; of a Poet ; of Offices , three Books ; of Council ; of Favour ; of Exhortation ; of the Virtues ; of the Art of Love ; of Honour , of Glory ; of Ingenuity ; of Gorgippus ; of Malevolence ; of the Mind ; of Liberty ; of Politicks ; of Counsel ; of Law ; of Judicature ; of Education ; of the End ; of Things Noble ; of Actions and Business ; of Regal Dominion ; Symposiacs ; of Friendship ; That the Virtue of Men and Women is the same ; of Sophistry in Wise Men : of Proverbs , two Books ; of Pleasure ; of Property ; of Ambiguity ; of Logic ; of the Moods and Predicaments . The manner of his Death was thus : It happen'd that his Gums swell'd , and began to putrifie ; whereupon , the Physicians order'd him to abstain from Meat for two Days ; which recover'd him so well again , that the Physicians allow'd him to eat what he pleas'd : But he was so far from making Use of that Liberty , that on the other side , he was resolv'd to eat nothing at all ; saying , He was at the End of his Journey , 't was to no purpose ; and so starv'd himself to Death , after he had liv'd to Zeno's Years ; of which he had been Nineteen his Scholar . The manner of whose Exit occasions the following Epigram of our own . Cleanthes I applaud ; but Death much more . That would not force him to the Stygian Shoar ; For he was old and weak ; nay more then so , Death knew th' Old Man knew his own time to go . Death therefore let him stay , till he believing H' had liv'd too long , himself gave over living . The LIFE of SPHAERVS . SPHAERVS the Bosphorian , was a Hearer of Cleanthes after Zeno's Decease ; who , after he had made a considerable Progress in his Studies , went to Alexandria ; where he made his Addresses to Ptolomy Philopater . At what time a Dispute arising upon the Question ; Whether a wise man ever made any doubt of any Thing ? and Sphaerus maintaining , That no wise man could be deceiv'd ; the King desirous to convince him , caus'd certain Pomegranates made of Wax , to be set before him ; with which when Sphaerus was deluded , taking one upon his Trencher to eat it , the King cry'd out , That he had been led by the Nose with an idle and false Imagination . To whom Sphaerus made this ready Repartee ; That he knew they were no Pomegranates ; however 't was probable they might be Pomegranates . Being accus'd by Mnesistratus , for that he deny'd Ptolomy to be a King : he acknowledg'd the VVords , with this Proviso , if he were not wise ; For , said he , if Ptolomy be such a manner of Person , I shall say he is a King much more , He wrote several Pieces under several Titles : Of the World ; of the Elements of Seed ; of Fortune ; of Atoms ; against Atoms and Idols ; of the Sences ; Upon the Discourses of Heraclitus ; of Moral Institutions ; of Duty ; of Natural Inclination ; of Perturbations ; of Regal Government ; of the Lacedaemon ; of Lycurgus and Socrates ; of Law ; of Divination ; of Amorous Dialogues ; of the Eretriac Philosophers ; of Things alike ; of Definitions ; of Habit : of Contradictions ; of Riches , Honour , Death ; of the Art of Logic ; of Predicaments , Amphibologies , and Epistles . The LIFE of CHRYSIPPVS . CHRYSIPPVS , the Son of Apollonius , of Soli , or rather Tarsus , ( according to Alexander , in his Successions ) was the Disciple of Cleanthes . At first he taught Gentlemen to handle their Weapons ; but after that , became the Disciple of Zeno ; or as Diocles reports of Cleanthes rather , whom he also forsook in his Life-time . Nor was he a mean Person in Philosophy , as being endu'd with profound Parts , and a most sharp Wit ; so that he differ'd from Zeno and Cleanthes himself in many things ; to whom he would often say , that he only wanted the Doctrinal Part ; for the Demonstrative Part , he would find it out himself : Yet when he wrote against Cleanthes , would often check himself , and repeat the following Lines ; Were it another , I would boast my Art ; But to oppose Cleanthes , breaks my Heart . He was so Famous a Logician , that many said of him , If the Gods wanted Logic , they would make Vse of none but his . Nevertheless , though he abounded so much in Matter , yet was he not soready at Expression ; but that he was very laborious , his Writings testifie , to the Number of Seventy five Treatises . So voluminous in his Invention , that he wrote several times upon the same Subject ; setting down whatever came into his Mind , and then making Alterations again ; and beside all this , so full of Quotations , that having inserted the whole Tragedy of Medea by Euripides , into one of his Pieces , and another who had the Book in his Hand , was ask'd what he was reading ? He reply'd , Chrysippus's Medea . Apollodorus the Athenian also going about to prove , that Epicurus , by the strength of his own Parts , had written much more then ever Chrysippus wrote , has this Expression ; For , says he , if any one should take out of Chrysippus ' s Works that which is none of his own , there would be a world of Blank Paper . However , as Diocles reports , a certain Old Woman , who was either his Governess or his Nurse , assur'd several of his Friends , that he was wont to write five hundred Verses every Day . To all which Hecato adds , That he then fell to the Study of Philosophy , when he had spent all his Estate in the King's Service . He was a little spare-Body'd Man , as appears by his Statue in the Ceramicum , where he is hardly to be seen for the Statue of the Horseman that stands next him . Which was the Reason that Carneades call'd him * Krypsippus , instead of † Chrysippus . And when it was thrown in his Dish , that he did not Exercise with the rest , that were a great many , at Aristo's House ; Marry , said he , if I should keep many Company , I should ne re be a Philosopher . To Cleanthes his Logic lying before him , and full of little Sophisms , he us'd this Expression by way of Prosopopoea , Forbear , said he , to entice a Young Man from more weighty Thoughts . Moreover , if any Person came to ask him a Question , he always endeavour'd to satisfie in private the best he could ; but when he saw a Crowd coming to him , then he would presently fall a repeating those Verses of Euripides in his Orestes . Cousin , I know th' art troubl'd at the sight ; Yet lay thy Passion by , while thou art sober . When he drank hard , he lay very quiet , but that he would be always moving his Thighs ; which the Servant-Maid observing , was wont to say , That never any Part of Chrysippus was fuddl'd but his Hips . On the other side , he had such an invincible high Conceit of himself , that being ask'd by a certain Person , Whom he should make Use of as a Tutor for his Son ? My self , said he ; for if I thought that any other Man excell'd me in Philosophy , I would my self become his Scholar . And therefore it was said of him , He 's the wise Man , but shadows all the rest Of that same Thing , for which they so contest . And again , Wer 't not but that Chrysippus's Renown Vpholds it , soon the Stoa would fal ▪ down . At length , when Arcesilaus and Lacydes came into the Academy , he associated with Them. For which Reason , contrary to Custom , he labour'd in Defence of it ; and in his Disputes of Magnitude and Multitude , made Use of the Arguments of the Academics . At length as he was busily employ'd in the Odeion , a Public Place in Athens ( as Hermippus reports ) he was invited by his Scholars , to a Sacrifice ; at what time , upon his drinking of new sweet Wine , he was taken with a Dizziness in his Head , and the Fifth day after , expir'd , in the Twenty third Olympiad , after he had liv'd Seventy three Years . Fuddl'd Chrysippus a Vertigo took : What car'd he then for Stoa or his Book ? For Country or for Soul ? All went to rack ; So , to th' Abyss he pac'd the common Track . Some say , he expir'd in an excessive Fit of Laughter , for that seeing an ●ss eat Figs , he bid his old Woman give him some new Wine to his Meat : Which when the Ass tippl'd with that Freedom as he did , it put him into such an extream Laughter , that he expir'd in the midst of his Mirth . He seem'd to have been a great Contemner of other Men ; for that of all his numerous Volumes , he never made the least Dedication to any Prince ; contenting himself only with the Society of a little Old Woman ; as Demetrius records of him in his Homonynia . Also when Demetrius sent to Cleanthes an Invitation , either to come to him himself , or send another , Sphaerus was sent ; for that Chrysipus refus'd to go . But associating with himself his Sisters Sons , Aristocreon and Philocrates , with a handsom Train of other Disciples , he was the first that presum'd to teach in the Lycaeum in the open Ayr ; as the foremention'd Demetrius testifies . There was also another Chrysippus , a Gnidian , and a Physician , by whom Erasistratus acknowledges , that he profited very much : And another , who was Son to the former , and Physician to Ptolomy ; who upon an Accusation brought against him , was first ignominiously whipp'd , and then put to Death . Another , that was the Disciple of Erasistratus ; and one more that was a Writer of Georgies . But now to return to our Philosopher , he was wont to put such Arguments as these upon several Persons . He that divulges the Sacred Mysteries to Prophane Persons , is himself impious ; but Hierophantus discloses the Sacred Mysteries to those that are not initiated ; therefore Hierophantus is an impious Person . Again , What is not in the City , is neither at home in the House ; but there is ne'r a Well in the City ; therefore not in the House . Again , There is a certain Thing call'd a Head ; but thou hast not that Thing ; therefore thou hast ne'r a Head. In like manner , He that is at Megara , is not at Athens ; but there is a Man at Megara ; therefore there is no Man at Athens . In like manner ; What a man speaks , passes through his Mouth ; but he speaks Cart ; therefore a Cart passes through his Mouth . Lastly , What thou didst never lose , that thou hast ; thou never didst lose Horns ; therefore thou hast Horns . Moreover , there are not wanting some that foully bespatter Chrysippus , and tax him for having written many things obscenely : For that in his History of the Ancient Naturalists , he feigns many scurrilous things of Juno and Jupiter ; reciting in six hundred Verses those things which no other then a foul-mouth'd Person would have utter'd ; fitter for a Brothel-House , then to be spoken of the Gods ; though he applauds it for a Natural Allegory : For which Reason it was left out by those that collected the Catalogues of Books in those Times ; for that neither Polemo , nor Hypsicrates , nor Antigonus make any mention of it . That in his Common-wealth he allows a Community between Mothers , Daughters and Sons . And that he vents the same Paradoxes in his Treatise of those Things which are to be preferr'd for their own sakes . That in his Book of the Law , he allows and exhorts People to eat their Dead . In his Second Book of Livelihood and Trade , endeavouring to find out a way , how a Wise Man might deal in the World , and to what end he might be admitted to seek after Gain . If for the sake of a Livelihood , says he , Life is an indifferent thing . If for Pleasure's sake , that is also an indifferent thing : If for Virtue 's sake , that alone is sufficient to render Life happy . Besides , the ways of gaining are very ridiculous ; for if a Man be supply'd by his Prince , he must creep and cringe for it ; if he accept from his Friend , his own Friendship is bought ; if he gain by his Wisdom , that also becomes Mercenary : And these are the Extravagancies which they lay to his Charge . Now then to give a Catalogue of his Works , which are highly esteem'd ; among others , we find 'em number'd up in this Order ; Logical Topics ; Logical Questions ; Philosophical Questions ; Philosophical Considerations ; Logical Terminations ; Six Books to Metrodorus ; of Logical Names ; his Art of Logic against Zeno. To Aristagorus ; of conjoyn'd Probabilities , to Dioscorides . The first Syntaxis ; Of Logical Moods , relating to Things : of Enunciates : of Compound Enunciates : of Connex'd Propositions to Athenades : of Negations ▪ to Aristagoras : of Predicables , to Athenodorus : of Things according to Privation , to Thearus : of the Best Enunciates , to Dio : of the Difference of Indefinites : of Things spoken according to Time ; in Two Books : of Perfect Enunciates , in Two Books : of Truth disjoyn'd , to Gorgippides : of Truth conjoyn'd , to the same Person ; in Four Books : of Consequences : of the Number Three : of Possibles ▪ to Clitus ; in Four Books : of Significations ▪ to Philo ; one Book : What Things are false ; in one Book . The Second Syntax : of Precepts ; Two Books : of Interrogations ; in Two Books : of Answers ; in Four Books An Epitome of Answers ; in one Book : of Questions again ; Two Books : of Answers , in One Book : The Third Syntax . Of the Predicaments ; to Metrodorus , in Ten Books : of Right and Crooked Lines , to Philanthus : of Conjunctions , to Apollodorus : of the Predicaments , to Pasylus , in Four Books . The Fourth Syntax . Of the Five Cases , in one Book : of Enunciates defin'd according to the Subject ; in one Book : of Appellatives : of Explanation , to Stesagoras , in Two Books : A Logical Argument concerning Words ; and Speech , which consists of Words . The First Syntaxis . Of single and compound Enunciates , in Six Books : of Expressions to Sosigenes and Alexander , in Five Books : of the Inequality of Words , to Dio , in Four Books : of some Questions : of Soloecisms , one Book : Soloecizing Orations , to Dionysius : of Orations contrary to Custom : Readings , to Dionysius . The Second Syntax . Of the Elements of Speech ; five Books : Of the Order of Words in those things which are spoken : Of the Order and Elements of those things that are spoken ; to Philip , in Three Books , Of the Elements , to Nicias ; one Book : of what may be said in reference to other things . The Third Syntax . Against those that never divide : of Ambiguities , one Book : of the Connexion of Tropic Amphibology : An Answer to Panthoedus concerning Ambiguities : of Introduction to Ambiguities , in Five Books : An Epitome of Ambiguities , to Epicrates : Additions to the Introduction of Ambiguities : Logical Places for Orations and Tropes . The First Syntax . The Art of weaving Orations and Tropes , to Dioscorides : of Orations , three Books : Of the Stability of the Moods , in two Books , to Stesagoras : A Comparison between Tropical Enunciates , in one Book : Of reciprocal and conjoyn'd Orations , in one Book , to Agatho : of consequent Problems , in one Book : of Conclusions , to Aristagoras , in one Book : That the same Oration may consist of several Moods . An Answer to them that aver the same Oration may be Syllogistical , and not Syllogistical : An Answer to the Objections against Sillogistical Solutions : An Answer to Philo : Of Tropes , to Timostratus : Logic conjoyn'd , to Timocrates and Philomathes : Of Orationsand Tropicks , one Book . The Second Syntax . Of concluding Orations , to Zeno , in one Book : of primary Sillogisins wanting Demonstration , to Zeno ; one Book : of the Solution of Sillogisms , one Book : of Fallacious Orations , to Pasylus : Of the Speculations of Syllogisms , Of Introductory Sillogisms , in Answer to Zeno , in three Books : Of the false Figures of Sillogisms : Sillogistical Orations by way of Analysis , in such as wanted Demonstration , that is , Tropical Questions , to Zeno & Philomathes . The Third Syntax . Of incident Orations , to Athenades : In Answer to the Conjunctives of Amenius . The Fourth Syntax . Of Hypotheses , to Meleager : Hypothetical Orations , relating to Introduction ; Hypothetical Speculations , falsly superscrib'd to Alexander : Of Expositions , to Leodamus . The Fifth Syntax . Of Introduction to Palshood : of Fallacy , to Aristocreon : In answer to those , who believe True and False to be the same thing , In answer to those that analize a false Oration by way of Division , to Aristocreon : Two Demonstrations that Infinities cannot be divided : An Answer to the Objections to the Divisions of Infinite : of the Solution of false Oration , to Aristocreon : A Solution of Hedyllus Hypotheses's , to Aristocreon and Apellas . The Seventh Syntax . In answer to those that affirm a false Oration has false Assertions : of Negation , to Aristocreon : Negative Orations , to Gymnasius : of pitiful Oratory , to Stesagoras : of Orations against Suppositions , and of Quiescents : of Involv'd , to Aristobulus : of Latent , to Athenades . The Eighth Syntax . Of Profitable , to Menacrates : of Orations consisting of Infinite and Finite , to Pasylus : of the Argument call'd Outis , to Epicrates . The Ninth Syntax . Of Sophisms , to Heraclides and Pollis : of ambiguous Logical Orations , in five Books , to Dioscorides : In answer to the Art of Arcesilaus , to Sphaerus . The Tenth Syntax ▪ Against Custom , to Metrodorus : of Custom , to Gorgippides : Logical Places , which contain the four Differences , and Logical Questions here ▪ & there dispers'd , not reduc'd into one Body : Thirty nine Questions concerning Enunciates : In all , Three Hundred and Ten Logical Treatises . His Moral Treatises were reduc'd under several Syntaxes : Of which , the First contain'd , A De-scription of Reason ; Moral Questions ; Probable Questions ; Definitions of Facetious ; Definition of Rusticity and Homliness of Style ; Middle Definitions ; Generical Definitions ; and Definitions in several Arts. The Second Syntax contain'd a Treatise of Similar Things , and of Definitions , to Metrodorus , in seven Books . The Third Syntax comprehended an Enumeration of bad Obiections against Definitions ; Probabilities for Definitions ; of Species and Genus ; of Divisions of Contraries ; of Probables , relating to to Definitions , Genus's and Species's . The Fourth Syntax . Of Etymology . The Fifth Syntax . Of Proverbs , of Poems ; What Use to be made of Poems ; Against Critics ; Moral Places : For all manner of Oration , Arts and Vertues ; of Utterance and Thinking ▪ of Thoughts ; of Doubting ; An Answer to the Assertion , That a Wise Man never doubts ; of Apprehension , Knowledge and Ignorance ; of Speech ; of the Use of Speech ; of Logic ; of the Objections against Logic ; of Rhetoric ; of Habitude ; of Diligence and Sloth ; Of the Difference of Virtues ; That the Virtues are equal ; of the Virtues , to Polis ; Moral Places ; of Good and 〈…〉 ; of Honesty , Honour , and Pl●… ▪ That Virtue is not the ●nd ; 〈…〉 Virtue is not the chiefly sought for Good ; Of what Things are fit to be spoken . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A36037-e180 The Time wherein he flourish'd . The Place of his Birth . His Manners . What Sect he was of . His Learning . His Writings . Notes for div A36037-e1570 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Strange Women were as infamous at Athens as the● were in Judaea , and it was as unlawful to marry with them ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Here was the beginning of Doublets and Jerkins . † I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with Salmasius in his Treatise de Pallio . * Epicurus . He played upon the name of Isocrates . * I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . See in the Names of his Books . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for Law , or publick Opinion as well as for Money . * That is , Stamp fall : Coin , or maintain Paradoxical Opinions . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Pun. * So I read for Eubulus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Pun. * The Digitus infamis . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Or Keramicon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * He noted Plato's return to Dionsiyus . * The Ancients Cloathed their Sheep to save theirWool . See Varro de re Rustica . * Exanthomata , signify also Pimples or Breakin gs out . a Pun. * Called Co●stus . I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . with M. Casaubon . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Their Office was to consult the Oracles , and to record their Answers , and to look after the Sacred Treasury , &c. * A certain way of making Musick by dashing of Wine against the Floor in their Livations . * I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Here I read with Menagius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Greek , is to Feed . It is a Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Testicles . Another Pun. * There was . a Judicature at Athens , called Phrear , or the Well . This also is a Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is another Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Signifies both driving and Olives . It is a Pun. They were the Pictures of Men in Shipwrack . Chiron is in Greek , Worse , and the name of a Centaure , and Eurytion , the Name of a Man. That is of Mars , who was so called by the Assyrians . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Is a House of Vice , and Tegea an Arcadian City ; and so it is a Pun. Or a Citizen of the World. I suppose he turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make a Joke of it . * That is , Course Bread. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Pupilla signify a Virgin as well as the Eye-sight . This is therefore a Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Gods may signify by the help of the Gods , and so it is a Pun. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Not● bene . * Laercius mas an Epicurean . * Tully calls him Harpalus . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Here read with Menagius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a Neates foot . * His name signifies sprung of Jupiter . * Alterwise : Tomb Stones were Origina Altars . * So Jo. Meursius amends i● : it was Thirteenth in the Copy . * So I read for Helena out of Athenaeus . * So I read for Socrates . * So Casaubon and Menagius : It is ten in the Copy . * I insert here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Menagius . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Clement of Alexandria saith , he called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Dog-Wedlock . See Menagius's Notes . * As if he had been a Carver or Painter . It is spoken of Valcan in Homer , who was thrown down from Heaven by Jupiter , and fell in the Island Lemnos . * Meric Casaubon thinks Thetis here alludes to the first Syllable of Theophrastus : But I believe he m●●nt Water by Thetis , and that he insiuaated the Weakness and insipidness of those Writings he committed to Vulcans Discipline . * Note , the Grecian Women were not allowed to go to Feasts , or to cat with Men. * Women in ancient times were the only Weavers . * This passage sh●ws that the Lives of Metrocles and Hipparchia are to be included in that of Crates , and therefore Menagius's Corrections may be here spared . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This is the Epicurean Atheist that Plutarch wrote two Tracts against . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * A Street in Athens , where all the common Curtesans liv'd . Cicero also acknowledges his Commonwealth to have been but a kind of Slovenly Piece . Pliny recites it thus ; Thou dost but command me , O Fortune , to become a Philosopher so much the sooner . * The Prutany was a Councel of 50 Men , of whom 10 made a Court ; and govern'd by Turns in their Months ; so that the Fifth Prutany happen'd to be in August . * The Place appointed for the Burial of those that were slain in the Wars . * Cicero renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principatus Animi . * A made Word , to signifie a Bleating Foool ; 〈…〉 whence the French Word Belitre , a Ram. * Or Purity of Idiom in any Language whatever : * Priscian translates the Word Axiomata , Dignities , or Congruities . * Here Leertius is censusur'd by Cucius and Casaubon , to have mistaken ; for that which he calls Involv'd , is the Sorites . So Cicero renders the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * For it is impossible that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this Place should signifie Integrity ; and therefore I render'd it Proportion of Limbs , as agreeing with the next Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Beautiful . * Strigile was an Instrument which the Ancients as'd to cleanse their Bodies in their Baths : Of which , see the Form and Vse in Martial and Petronius Arbiter . * For so Cicero , renders the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Conatum , and not Insidium . † There is a confess'd Mistake in this Place , not be corrected . * A Public Place of Exercise in Athens , so caled from a White Dog. * Or hidden by the Horse . † Golden Horse 
A41639	----	The court of the gentiles. Part IV, Of reformed philosophie. Book III, Of divine predetermination, wherein the nature of divine predetermination is fully explicated and demonstrated, both in the general, as also more particularly, as to the substrate mater [sic] or entitative act of sin. Court of the gentiles. Part IV. Book III Gale, Theophilus, 1628-1678. 1678 Approx. 674 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 115 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41639 Wing G143 ESTC R16919 12256128 ocm 12256128 57509 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41639) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57509) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 843:11, 868:3, 915:15) The court of the gentiles. Part IV, Of reformed philosophie. Book III, Of divine predetermination, wherein the nature of divine predetermination is fully explicated and demonstrated, both in the general, as also more particularly, as to the substrate mater [sic] or entitative act of sin. Court of the gentiles. Part IV. Book III Gale, Theophilus, 1628-1678. [8], 217, [1] p. Printed for John Hill ... and Samuel Tidmarsh..., London : 1678. Part 1 is on reel 597:5, part 2 is on reels 454:41 and 531:6, and part 3 is on reel 455:1. This work is found on reels 843, 868 and 915; copy on reel 915 incorrectly identified in the reel guide as part 1. Errata: p. [1] at end. Reproduction of originals in the Union Theological Seminary Library (New York) and the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COURT OF THE GENTILES . PART IV. Of Reformed Philosophie . BOOK III. Of Divine Predetermination . WHEREIN The Nature of Divine Predetermination is fully Explicated and Demonstrated , both in the General , as also more Particularly , as to the Substrate Mater , or Entitative Act of Sin : WITH A Vindication of Calvinists and others from that Blasphemous Imputation of Making God the Author of Sin. By Theophilus Gale. Si Pelagio tantillum dederis , danda sunt omnia . Cornel. Jansen . Praefat. in Pelag. LONDON , Printed for John Hill at the Black Lyon in Fleet-street , and Samuel Tidmarsh at the Kings-Head in Cornhill . 1678. PREFACE . THE strong and almost invincible Inclination I have to Solitude and Retirement , with a natural aversion from the Controversies of this Age , wherein there is so little of Christian Candor , Fidelitie , Ingenuitie , and Moderation to be found , hath given me no small satisfaction in my being exemted hitherto from those vexatious Conflicts which I see many learned and pious men involved in : and it seems to me a thing no lesse than prodigious , to consider , with what warm zele and self-complacence some learned men contend in the mists and clouds of ambiguous termes , as if they had no other designe but that of some Mercenary Soldiers , who do what they can to protract the War. These and such like considerations have kept me , for some Moneths , from the publication of this Discourse , with hopes there might be found out some Expedients for the putting a period to those unhappy Controversies it refers to , which I now have little hopes of . But enough of that . The Discourse it self both as to its first conception and present publication , has not been without various agitations in mine own thoughts ; and how little my natural Inclinations have induced me hereto , is wel known to some . But I must confesse , the crime charged on us being no lesse than Blasphemie against the God of Heaven , it may be deservedly judged too great a violation to the Laws of Christianitie not to purge our selves from so black an Imputation ; and yet in as much as some reverend Divines , of repute among us both for their Learning and Pietie , have entertained Sentiments opposite to our Hypothesis , we have been very studious , yea emulous to deliver our own thoughts in such a mode or forme , as may be least obnoxious to passionate emotions , personal reflexions , or whatever may unbeseem one that lies under essential obligation to love and honor the Persons of some that differ in Judgement about these points . Wherefore , to render our Discourse the lesse offensive , we have cast it into a thetic and dogmatic Method , rather than agonistic and polemic . And because it is altogether impossible distinctly and demonstratively to discusse such an Hypothesis , without some opposition against such as defend the Antithesis , we have pitcht on Strangius as our principal Antagonist , who indeed , to give him his merited character , has ventilated this Controversie with candor , perspicuitie , and force of Argument beyond his Sectators . Yet we must also do the Cause we undertake this justice , as to declare , that we have not omitted to examine the Reasons and Arguments of other Reverend Divines , who oppose our Hypothesis , albeit we have , as in dutie we conceived our selves obliged , conceled their Names . For indeed , of what use are such personal Nominations and Reflexions , but to render us a grief to Friends , and reproche to Enemies ? As for my Stile , if any judge my pen too much drenched in Scholastic Theologie , I shal not denie , but that I have spent some time in those Studies , neither do I as yet see any reason to repent thereof ; for I have found those Controversies about Divine Concurse and Efficacious Grace , no where more accurately examined and demonstratively determined , than among the Scholemen , specially , Bradwardine and Alvarez , neither can I conceive how any one can distinctly and perfectly discusse these Controversies , specially as now miserably perplexed with ambiguous obscure termes , without some inspection into and knowledge of Scholastic Theologie . For doth not a principal part of the Controversie depend on that scholastic Notion of Free-will ? Yea , is there any thing New started by the Arminians or New Methodists , but what has been fully examined and answered by some among the more sober Scholemen , specially Aquinas , Ariminensis , Bradwardine and Alvarez . Whatever others may judge of them , yet Reverend Mr. Baxter , Cathol . Theol. Part 1. p. 124. prefers the Scholemen before Arminians . And albeit I have a particular kindnesse for some of the more sober Scholemen , as to such points wherein they serve not the Papal Interest , and their own vain Imaginations ; yet what a low and cheap estime I have of the Scholemen in the general , is sufficiently apparent , by the Character I have given them , Court of the Gentiles , Part III. B. 2. c. 2. S. 1. § ▪ 2. And indeed I would read them , with the same indifference and suspension of mind , as I read Plato and Aristotle . But to conclude , if any private Christian desires , not to charge his thoughts with the Scholastic part of this Controversie , but only to satisfie his Douts and confirme his Faith in the Scriptural part , he may confine himself to Chap. III. of this Discourse , ( which contains almost a third Part of the Book ) where we have under seven general Heads largely given the Scriptural Demonstrations of our Hypothesis , Touching Gods Concurse to the entitative Act of Sin , with Solutions to such false Glosses and Comments as our Adversaries give thereto ; which are suited to Vulgar Capacities . BREVIARIE of CONTENTS . The COURT of the GENTILES . PART IV. Of Reformed Philosophie . BOOK III. Of Divine Predetermination . CHAP. I. The Explication of the Termes . THE Controversie about Predetermination to the entitative act of Sin. p. 2 Seven heads to be discussed by us . 3 The Explication of the Termes . 4 1. Of Sin. ( 1 ) Its origine . ibid. ( 2 ) It s substrate mater . 5 ( 3 ) It s formal Constitution . 6 [ 1 ] Al acts in their generic nature indifferent . ib. [ 2 ] Al moral Constitution from the Divine Law. ibid. [ 3 ] Sin formally considered privative . 7 ( 4 ) The Kinds of sinful actions . 8 [ 1 ] Actions modally sinful . 9 [ 2 ] Actions intrinsecally sinful . ib. 2. The natural libertie of the Wil , what . 10 The New Methodists distinction of Libertie largely and strictly taken , examined and refelled . 11 The true Idea of Libertie . 12 3. Moral Libertie , or Free-wil to good . 13 Of Necessitie , Impossibilitie , Possibilitie . 15 4. The Wil of God , its Distribution into significative and decretive . 17 5. Divine Concurse . ( 1 ) Its Immediation , consisting not in a mere Habilitie to act , but in exciting to act . 19 ( 2 ) Its Efficacitie and Predetermination . 21 [ 1 ] Efficacious Concurse , what . 22 [ 2 ] Determinative Concurse , what . 23 [ 3 ] Predeterminative Concurse , what . 24 Predeterminative Concurse active and passive : also Physic and Moral . 25 Gods Predetermination to wicked acts . 27 CHAP. II. The state of the Controversie . THE agreament of the Predeterminants and Antipredeterminants in ten Propositions . 28 , &c. The Antipredeterminants differences among themselves in 5 particulars . 34 , &c. The difference between the Predeterminants and Antipredeterminants in 7 particulars . 40 , &c. CHAP. III. Scriptural Demonstrations of our Hypothesis . 1. FRom Gods prime Causalitie . 45 , &c. 2. From Gods predetermining natural actions to which sin is annexed . 52 , &c. [ 1 ] The Vendition of Joseph . ibid. Evasions as to Josephs Vendition solved . 56 [ 2 ] The Crucifixion of Christ . 58 Evasions about Christs Crucifixion taken off . 65 3 From Gods making use of wicked Instruments for the punishment of his people . 69 4. From Gods immediate hand in the Acts of Sin. 72 Shimei's cursing David from God. 73 God moved David to number the People . 75 Other Acts of sin from God. 76 , &c. 5. From Gods efficacious permission of sin . 85 6. From Gods judicial Induration . 90 The false Comments of Adversaries reselled . 94 Gods concurse to the individual act which is sinful . 96 How God judicially hardens men , without being the Author of sin . 97 7. From Gods efficacious ordering mens sins for his own glorie . 101 CHAP. IV. An Historic Idea of Predeterminants and Antipredeterminants . THe Assertors of Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin. 108 Augustins Sentiments touching it . 109 Prosper and Fulgentius . 110 Anselme , Hugo de Sancto Victore accord hereto . 111 Aquinas expresse herein . 112 Scotus also positive herein . 114 Greg. Ariminensis demonstrates the same . 116 So Holcot and Altissiodorensis . 117 Thomas Bradwardine his Character and zele for efficacious Grace . 118 Also for efficacious Concurse to the substrate mater of sin . ibid. His Sentiments touching Gods willing sin . 119 Also how the entitative act is from Gods predeterminative Concurse . 121 Moreover how God spontaneously impels men to the entitative act of sin . 122 The Sentiments of Dominicans , Alvarez , &c. 123 The doctrin of Jansenius , concordant with ours . 125 The Jansenists sentiments agree also . 126 The Roman Catechisme consonant . 127 Reformed Divines , Wiclef , Calvin , Zuinglius , fully agree . 128 Chamiers defense of our Hypothesis . 130 The Testimonie of Lud. Crocius for us . 131 The Synod of Dort and Church of England , Davenant , Ward , Abbot , &c. for us . 132 Such as denie Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin . 136 Marcion , Manes , Pelagius , Nic. Bonetus . 137 Durandus against Gods immediate concurse . ib. Who they are that symbolise with Durandus . 138 The Consentiments of Jesuites and Molinisis . 139 Lud. à Dola a sectator of Durandus . 140 Arminius's Consentiments . 141 The Remonstrants and Anabaptists consent . 142 The New Methodists how far consentient . 143 Camero and Amyraldus their consent . 144 Placeus in suspense . 145 Le Blanc and Baronius how far they agree . 146 Strangius our principal Adversary . 147 How these New Methodists fel into this their New Method in imitation of Semipelagians . 149 Who of the New Methodists may be estimed orthodoxe . 150 CHAP. V. Rational Demonstrations of our Hypothesis . ARguments for Predetermination to the substrate mater of al sin ; 1. From the Futurition of althings . 151 Objections against this Argument solved . 152 2. From the Certitude of divine Prescience . 155 Our Adversaries Evasions from the force of this Argument . 157 3. From the divine Wil and Decrees , specially that of Reprobation . 159 Davenant's Hypotheses about absolute Reprobation . 161 4. From Divine Concurse : ( 1 ) It s Principe . 163 ( 2 ) Its Nature . [ 1 ] Totalitie . ibid. [ 2 ] Vniversalitie as to Effects . 164 [ 3 ] Particularitie as to manner of working . ib. [ 4 ] Immediation . 166 [ 5 ] Prioritie and Antecedence . 167 [ 6 ] Absolute Independence . 169 ( 3 ) From the Efficace of Gods Concurse : 170 [ 1 ] As to al natural acts . 170 [ 2 ] As to supernatural Acts and Effects . 172 The Objections urged by the New Methodists against Predetermination to the substrate mater of Sin , urged with as much force by Arminians against predetermination to good . 174 5. From the Nature of Sin : ( 1 ) It s Mater . 176 ( 2 ) Its formal Reason . 178 6. From Gods Permission of sin . 179 Divine Permission explicated . 180 7. From Gods Providence about Sin. 182 8. From Creatural Dependence . 185 CHAP. VI. The Objections against Predetermination to the substrate mater of Sin solved . 1. OBject . That this Hypothesis makes God the Author of Sin. 189 1. This Objection as urged by Baronius . ib. 2. The Objection as urged by Strangius . 191 General Solutions for the freeing God from being the Author of Sin. 195 ( 1 ) Gods Wil the effective cause of the substrate mater , not a defective cause of Sin. ibid. ( 2 ) None the Author of sin , but the particular moral cause thereof . 196 ( 3 ) God concurs only to what is naturally good in sin . ibid. 2. Object . From Gods Essence and Attributes . 197 ( 1 ) Gods Sinceritie and Fidelitie vindicated . ib. ( 2 ) His Justice also cleared . 198 ( 3 ) The Vindication of his Mercie . 199 ( 4 ) His Sanctitie also vindicated . 200 3. Object . From Gods Word . ( 1 ) Preceptive . 202 ( 2 ) Promissive and Inviting . ibid. [ 1 ] Al Promises primarily for the Elect. 204 [ 2 ] Their use as to Reprobates . ib. [ 3 ] The Antithesis of Antipredeterminants destroyeth the use of Promisses , &c. as much as our Hypothesis . 206 [ 4 ] What Power we allow Reprobates . 207 4. Object . From the Overthrow of Religion . 208 5. Object . From the Libertie of the Wil. ib. The injustice of the New Methodists in urging this Objection , and its inconsistence with their own Sentiments . 209 CHAP. VII . The genuine Hypotheses of the Predeterminants and Antipredeterminants with their Consequents . THe genuine Hypotheses of the Predeterminants , with the false Hypotheses and Consequents imposed on them . 211 The Antitheses of the New Methodists and Antipredeterminants , with their dangerous Consequents . 215 Table of SCRIPTURES Explicated . Genesis . Ch. Vers . Pag. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. 53 Exodus . Ch. Vers . Pag. 9. 14 , 15 , 16. 102 1 Samuel . Ch. Vers . Pag. 2. 25. 86 26. 19. 76 2 Samuel . Ch. Vers . Pag. 12. 11. 72 16. 10 , 11. 73 16. 22. 72 24. 1. 75 1 Kings . Ch. Vers . Pag. 11. 31 , 37. 77 12. 15 , 24. 77 22. 23. 79 2 Kings . Ch. Vers . Pag. 9. 3 , 10. 78 10. 30. ibid. Job . Ch. Vers . Pag. 1. 21. 71 12. 16 , 17. 88 Psalmes . Ps . Vers . Pag. 33. 15. 47 69. 22. & 81. 12. 90 105. 25. 71 Proverbs . Ch. Vers . Pag. 16. 4. 103 21. 1. 49 Esaias . Ch. Vers . Pag. 6. 10. 91 10. 5 , 6 , 7. 69 19. 14. 92 26. 12. 45 29. 10. 91 44. 18 , 19. 92 60. 2. ib. 63. 17. 89 Jeremie . Ch. Vers . Pag. 16. 16. 70 Habakkuk . Ch. Vers . Pag. 3. 4. 49 Matthew . Ch. Vers . Pag. 26. 24. 58 Luke . Ch. Vers . Pag. 22. 22. 24 , 60 John. Ch. Vers . Pag. 19. 10 , 11. 61 Acts. Ch. Vers . Pag. 2. 23. 24 , 62 4. 28. 63 7. 9. 55 11. 21. 49 17. 26. 23 17. 28. 51 18. 21. 52 Romans . Ch. Vers . Pag. 1. 28. 93 8. 29 , 30. 24 9. 17 , 18. 102 , 103 9. 21 , 22. 104 11. 8 , 10. 92 , 91 11. 36. 45 1 Corinthians . Ch. Vers . Pag. 2. 7. 24 4. 19. 52 4. 28. 24. 12. 6 , 11. 22. 2 Corinthians . Ch. Vers . Pag. 4. 12. 22. Ephesians . Ch. Vers . Pag. 1. 11. 22 , 24 , 46 1. 19. & 3. 7. 22. Philippians . Ch. Vers . Pag. 3. 21. 22. 2 Thessalonians . Ch. Vers . Pag. 2. 11. 93. Hebrews . Ch. Vers . Pag. 4. 7. 23 James . Ch. Vers . Pag. 4. 15. 53 1 Peter . Ch. Vers . Pag. 2. 8. 105 Jude . Ch. Vers . Pag. 4.   107 Revelations . Ch. Vers . Pag. 17. 17. 81 Table of Hebraic Words Explicated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verily . p. 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to termine , and determine . 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to decree . 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make to stand . 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , daub , or dim . 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to contrive . 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he hath daubed . 92 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Judgement . 88 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he infatuateth . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to found . 104 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he excited . 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mine omnipotent severitie . 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ordain . 104 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because . 86 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be determined . 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cover over by daubing ; thence to expiate and purge . 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Stumbling-stone or block . 100 , 105 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to mingle , or pour forth . 92 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stumbling , or smiting . 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predetermine . 80 , 81 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were designed . 105 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to work efficaciously . 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to declare .   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to worke . 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thick darknesse . 93 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , efficaciously to worke . 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to explicate more clearly . 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to erect . 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to stupifie . 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to seal , or constitute . 24 , 65 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a deceiver . 88 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , spoiled . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to constitute , or destine . 106 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predetermine . 90 , 102 Table of Grecanic Words Explicated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reprobate , drossie . 93 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fixed decree . 62 , 63 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he peremtorily willed . 86 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a determined decree . 81 , 82 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath predetermined . 80 , 81 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Efficacitie what . 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to worke efficaciously . 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have constituted . 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , legal Autoritie . 61 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to Predetermine . 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what . 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aptly to fit or frame . 104 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to determine . 23 , 24 , 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a stupifying Portion . 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , designed . 107 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predetermine . 24 , 60 , 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preordain . 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Stone of offence . 100 , 105 , 107 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bow down . 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cooperate . 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to constitute . 106 , 107 THE COURT OF THE GENTILES . PART IV. Of Reformed Philosophie . BOOK III. Of Divine Predetermination : Wherein the Nature of Divine Predetermination is fully explicated and demonstrated , both in the general , as also more particularly , as to the substrate matter or entitative act of Sin. CHAP. I. The Explication of the Terms . ( 1 ) The Origine of the controversie about Predetermination to the entitative act of Sin ; with the method we procede in . ( 2 ) The Nature of Sin , its Origine and material constitution ; al acts in their generic nature indifferent : Al Morality determined by the Moral Law : Sin as to its formal reason a privation : Of actions modally and intrinsecally evil . ( 3 ) The Libertie of the Wil : The new-coined distinction of Libertie , largely and strictly taken , with its abuse : A true Idea of Libertie . ( 4 ) Moral Libertie or Free-wil to good : Necessitie , Impossibilitie , Possibilitie what . ( 5 ) The Wil of God , its Distribution into Significative and Decretive . ( 6 ) Divine Concurse , its Immediation , Efficacitie , and Predetermination : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the Nature of Predetermination explicated . § . 1. THE Doctrine of Divine Concurse , and Creatural Dependence has in al Ages of the Church , but more specially since the rise of Pelagianisme , received vigorous assaults from many learned and potent Adversaries : and indeed no wonder , sithat corrupt Nature propagated from Adam has , in imitation of its first parent , been ever aspiring after an equality to the Deitie ; and that not only in being the last End of its Acting , but also the first Principe of its Dependence . This vain attemt has appeared more visibly in some daring and proud spirits , such as Nebuchadnezar , Dan. 4. 30. Is not this great Babylon that I have built , & c ? But in others the Design and opposition against the Concurse of God has been more refined , under a pretext of vindicating the Divine Majesty from the blasphemous imputation of being the Author of sin . And because al pious Souls have so great a veneration for the Blessed Deitie , as to abhor the very shadow of such Blasphemie , therefore the Adversaries of Divine Concurse have in al Ages pitcht on this as the most puissant argument to oppose the same , that it brings the most holy and blessed God under the black imputation of encouraging , yea impelling men to Sin. And albeit those that assert Gods efficacious Concurse to the substrate mater or entitative act of sin , do most vehemently detest in their own souls , and solemnly protest against the least thought or opinion that makes God the Author of sin , yet nevertheless this direful piece of blasphemie is stil charged on them . Moreover , there being in this Doctrine of Efficacious Concurse ( as in al other great Mysteries of Faith ) some intricate difficulties , which the wise God has left us under , to trie our faith and submission to divine Revelation ; hence also many learned , and some pious men have been at a great loss in their Inquiries , how to reconcile the Libertie of the human Wil with the Efficace of Divine Concurse , so as to free the blessed God from the imputation of impelling men to Sin. These and such like considerations made me the more prolixe in the philosophic metaphysic contemplation of the Divine Concurse , its Nature , Origine , and manner of working , particularly as to the entitative act of what is sinful ; together with the creatures Dependence thereon : which I have more fully discussed , Court of the Gentiles , Chap. 7 , 9 , 11. with design and endeavours , if it might be , to give the blessed God and his sinful Creature both their dues , and remove those extremes which men are apt to fal into . But these my sincere desires and endeavours have not had that success which was desired ; which brings me under a fresh obligation to vindicate mine own Hypothesis , touching the efficacious concurse of God to the substrate mater or entitative act of what is sinful . I must confess , the province before us is difficult on many accounts , but principally , because whiles we endeavour to defend the Concurse and Providence of God about the entitative act of sin , it is suggested by some , and believed by others , that we make the holy God the Author of sin , which is the dregs of blasphemie , and that which every serious spirit abhors more than Hel. Yet we need no way to dout , but that , with divine assistance , we may firmly assert and demonstrate the efficacitie of Divine concurse to the material entitative act of that which is sinful , and yet fully vindicate the Divine Majestie from that blasphemous Imputation of being the Author of sin . And for our more distinct and demonstrative procedure herein , we propose this method or form as most apt for the subject mater before us . ( 1 ) To examine and explicate the Terms formally implied in , or virtually relating to , the subject in controversie . ( 2 ) To shew wherein the opposite parties agree , and wherein they differ both among themselves and each from other ; together with the original and principal motives , grounds , and causes of such Differences . ( 3 ) To give a Scriptural Explication and Demonstration of our own Hypothesis , touching Gods efficacious concurse to the substrate mater of that which is sinful ; with an answer to those false glosses and comments , which our Adversaries the Jesuites , Arminians , and some new Methodists give to those Scriptures for the evading the force of them . ( 4 ) To draw up a brief Historie or Narrative of this controversie , and its state in al periods of the Christian Churches to this day . ( 5 ) To give the Demonstration of our Hypothesis from Reasons grounded on Scripture , with the Vindication of those Reasons from the ungrounded invalid answers given to them by our opponents , Strangius , and others . ( 6 ) To solve and answer the Objections urged by those that oppose our Hypothesis , particularly Strangius , Baranius , Le Blanc , with others . ( 7 ) And finally , to lay down the proper Sentiments and Hypotheses of the Orthodoxe about this subject , in opposition to those false Opinions which their Adversaries charge upon them : as also to produce the proper opinions of the adverse party , and the dangerous consequences that naturally and necessarily flow from them . § . 2. Our first and indeed principal task , in order to a clear and demonstrative procedure in this controversie , wil be , to explicate the termes , and disabuse them from those ambiguities , confusions , and false impositions , in which at present they are involved . And here indeed I cannot but break forth into a doleful Lamentation over the bleeding state of the Churches of Christ , by reason of those vexatious controversies which rend and tear out their very bowels , and al from the sophistic abuse or Ambiguitie of termes . And I no way dout but to make it most manifest , when opportunitie is offered , that most of the controversies of this Age are somented and maintained from the obscuritie and abuse of termes misapplyed by subtile wits , for the establishment of their own Hypotheses . This is most evident in our present case , which makes it a duty absolutely necessary , before we enter on our province , to clear up the way by a distinct and particular explication of those termes that relate thereunto . The first Terme we are to consider is Sin : wherein we are to examine its Origne , Causes , Constitution , both material and formal , and Kinds ; particularly the nature of Acts substantially or intrinsecally sinful : al which we shal discusse with that Brevitie and Perspicuitie the mater wil admit . 1. As for the Origine of Sin , it came first into the world from the Defectibilitie of our first Parents their Free-wil , and has been ever since maintained and fomented by the Vitiositie of human nature depraved by Adams sin , as we have copiosely demonstrated , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 1. c. 4. § . 2. and Philos . Gen. P. 1. l. 3. c. 3. sect . 4. § . 3. 2. Sin , as to its material constitution , has for its substrate mater or subject some natural good : For al sin being , as to its formal nature , but a moral privation or relation , it necessarily requires some natural good as its substrate mater or subject . The wise Creator and Gubernator of althings has by his Law so constituted al moral Beings , both Virtues and Vices , as that they cannot subsist but in something natural : albeit sin be , according to its formal reason , a mere privation , yet it requires some positive , real natural Being for its subject , according to the nature of al other privations . Thus Augustin : That which is evil by reason of vice , is good by nature . Again he saith , That sin is not nature , but the vice of nature . And that trite Maxime communly received by al the Ancients , That al evil is founded in some good , i. e. natural , sufficiently demonstrates this our assertion . Thus Augustin , Enchirid. 97. Although therefore things sinful , as sinful are not good ; yet not only that good things , but also that sinful be , is good : i. e. things sinful are good , not morally , but naturally , as means utile and conducible to the promoting of Divine glorie : for albeit they oppose the bonitie of the creature , yet materially considered they oppose not the bonitie of the Creator ; who can extract the greatest good out of the greatest evils . Doth it not then belong to the infinite bonitie of God , to permit sins to be ? Yea , doth not the ingresse of sin into the world belong to the perfection thereof ? is not then the substrate mater thereof some natural good ? This is wel demonstrated by Suarez , Metaph. Disput . 11. sect . 3. p. 252. Sin as sin has a material cause , which is always some good . So Augustin saith , That there can be no evil but in good , because if there were pure evil it would destroy itself : and the reason is , because sin , as to its formal cause , is not purely positive , or a pure negation , but a privation of debite perfection , therefore it requires a subject unto which such a perfection is due ; which subject must be some good , &c. Yea , Strangius himself , our principal Adversary in this Controversie , grants in this particular as much as we demand , pag. 629. That it is absurd to say , any sin or defect can exist of itself , sithat there can be no separate evil ; but al evil is [ seated ] in good . Yea , he ingenuously confesseth , pag. 245. That hatred of God , [ which is an action intrinsecally evil ] as it is an Act and Being , so it is from God , namely as it is hatred . For , adds he , So hatred truly , as it is abstracted from this or that object is a physic action , to which the metaphysic bonitie of Ens or Being agrees , and it is morally indifferent ; but as it is determined to God , hence is its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Obliquitie . This concession of Strangius , if wel considered , would not only overthrow his own Antithesis against our Hypothesis , but also put a period to this Controversie , as in what follows we shal demonstrate , Chap. 6. § . 1. 3. But the principal thing to be examined in the explication of sin is its formal Constitution or Reason , which we shal endeavour to manifest in the following Propositions . ( 1 ) Al human acts considered in their generic physic Entitie or natural Being , abstracted from their moral constitution , are neither good nor evil , but morally indifferent . Al moral Beings or Acts are scated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in proper nature , as Cyril ; neither can they existe without that proper nature whereunto they are appendent . There is no virtue or vice which has not something of nature for its subject and seat : it 's true , there may be nature where there is no moralitie , yet there cannot be moralitie where there is not some nature to sustain the same . Now al human nature , as also al natural Acts considered in their generic natural Idea , albeit capable of virtue or vice , yet are in themselves morally indifferent . Al thoughts , words and actions considered physically and abstractly , without regard to their moral determination by the Wil and Law of God , are neither good nor evil . For Moralitie is a mode not physically or intrinsecally inherent in human acts , but appendent to them from the determination of the Divine Law : The very acts of loving and hating God , considered in their generic , physic and entitative nature , as abstracted from the moral relation they have to their object , are morally neither good nor evil ; because moral Bonitie and Vitiositie are differences of human acts merely accidental or modal , as Suarez and other Scholemen generally grant . Thus much Strangius frequently grants ; as pag. 158. he saith , That moral Bonitie and Vitiositie are accidents of natural Actions . So pag. 875. The action considered apart and physically is morally indifferent , neither may it be lesse subject to virtue than to vice . Hence , ( 2 ) Al Moralitie and moral Acts , whether good or evil , receive their Constitution and Determination from the moral Divine Law. This Hypothesis is defended by Scotus , and other Scholemen , and that on the highest reasons : For the Divine Wil is the supreme measure and rule of al Justice and Sanctitie : Things are therefore just and good because God wils them ; and whatever God wils is for that very reason , because God wils it , good and just . Therefore that Platonic notion defended by some learned men , That the reasons of good and evil are eternal , is of dangerous consequence , albeit it hath somewhat of Truth ( as other errors have ) mixed with it : we grant , that in things morally good , there is a natural condecence or congruitie to human nature , even antecedent to the Divine wil and constitution . As on supposition of mans being created , he immediately falls under a necessary and essential obligation of loving God , hating sin , &c. These are duties naturally congruous , yea morally necessary to human nature . Whence it is , that Divines usually determine , That Original Righteousness was natural to Adam , i. e. most condecent , congruous , and morally necessary to his Nature . Yet all this hinders not , but that the formal Determination of al Morals arise from the free constitution of the Divine wil and Law. The Law of God is the great Expansum or firmament , which God has spread over the rational world , whereby al Mankind are moderated and regulated in al their moral Acts , and by which they shall be at last day judged : whence it necessarily follows , that al moral constitution must procede hence , as we have more amply demonstrated , Court Gentiles , P. 4. B. 1. c. 2. § . 1 , 2. Thus also Voetius , Disput . Theolog. Par. 1. de jure & justit . Probl. 10. p. 351. proves , That the divine wil is the fountain and rule of al Goodness . So much also Strangius grants us , p. 89. namely , That , as whatever is true is therefore true , because conform to the first Truth ; so whatever is good , is therefore good , because conform to the first Goodness : and as the Truth of God belongs to his Intellect , so Goodness to his Wil. The like Mr. Baxter , Catholick Theolog. Part 1. p. 100. Al created Justice and Holiness is such , i. e. good ( for goodness is their essence ) because Gods efficient wil made them so . Hence , ( 3 ) The formal reason or nature of Sin consists in its being a Deordination , or Transgression of the Divine Law. This Proposition is fully stated and demonstrated in Sacred Philosophie , as we have copiosely proved , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 1. c. 4. § . 1. and Philos . General . P. 1. l. 3. c. 3. S. 4. § . 1. so that it requires not further Explication or Demonstration . Hence , ( 4 ) Sin as to its formal constitution and nature is not a positive real Being , but privative . This Hypothesis has found general assent to it among al the Ancients both Pagan Philosophers and Christians , excepting some few , Marcion and Manes , with others . It 's true , the Manichees held Sin to be a positive Being , and they took up principes suited thereto , namely , That there were two first Beings or Causes , one of good , the other of evil : But the sober Philosophers and Christians abhorred such sentiments . Simplicius on Epictetus , c. 34. p. 171. has an excellent Discourse to prove that sin is not in the nature of Beings , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a privation of Good , which we have largely explicated , Philos . Gen. P. 1. l. 3. c. 3 § . 4. § . 2. And this was generally asserted by the Greek and Latin Fathers . Thus the spurious Dionysius assures us , that Sin must necessarily be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without nature , without subsistence . So Greg. Nyssen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sin is an insubsistent Being , or privation . And it was a general conclusion in the Greek Scholes , that sin resulted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the absence of good , as darkness from the absence of light . Thus also among the Latins , Augustin asserted , that Sin was not Nature , but the evil of Nature . Again : the Amission of Good has taken up the name of Sin. And Strangius , who is our principal adversary in this controversie , yet l. 1. c. 13. p. 97 , &c. he strongly demonstrates this Hypothesis , That the formal reason of sin consists in Privation . This I conceive deserves a particular remarque , because some late Authors , and those not of inferior note , make great use of this Antithesis , namely , That Sin is as to its formal nature positive , as their chief engine to oppose our general Hypothesis , touching Gods efficacious concurse to the substrate mater of that which is sinful . They tel us , that Sin , as to its forme , is not a mere privation , but a moral Relation , which has so much Realitie as a relation . But to obviate al mistakes and verbal contests , we grant , [ 1 ] That Sin may be termed a moral privative relation , or rather , relative privation , as it is a transgression of , and so must have relation to , the Moral Law. [ 2 ] That Sin is not a mere nothing , but has some kind of logic positivitie or notional entitie , so far as to render it capable of being the terme of a Proposition , as we have more fully shewen , Philos . Gen. P. 1. l. 3. c. 3. S. 4. § . 2. But , [ 3 ] We may not yield , that Sin is a moral positive Relation , much less a positive act or real Being , such as is the term of a natural production : For such a perswasion wil necessarily force men to grant , that God is the Author of Sin , or to hold with the Manichees , that there are two first Causes , one of good and the other of evil . 4. Touching the kinds of sinful Actions , that which principally concerns our present controversie is the distinction of sinful Actions , into such as are modally only , or such as are intrinsecally evil . ( 1 ) By actions modally evil they generally understand such as are substantially good , yet have some modal accidental vitiositie or sinfulness appendent to them . Such are al the sincerely pious acts of good men in this imperfect state ; which have an evangelic perfection and goodness in them , yet mixed with much corruption and imperfection . For such is the profunde mysterious wisdom of God , that he permits a mixture of sin even with the best good works on this side Heaven , thereby to render the methods of his Grace the more illustrious : so that the same Act , which is in evangelic estimation sincerely good , is also modally sinful and imperfect . Thus Strangius , l. 2. c. 9. p. 205. Sithat al transgression of the Law is sin , men sin both by doing what is forbidden , as also by doing what is commanded , if not in that manner as commanded : Again , both by not doing what is commanded , as also by abstaining from what is forbidden , if they abstain not in a regular manner . Thus oft it comes to pass , that the action may be good according to the substance of the work , and yet evil as to the mode of acting . As for example ; to give Almes to the poor is a work substantially good , yet if it procede not from Faith and Charitie , and respect to the glorie of God , it is evil as to the mode of acting . Thus Strangius . But I adde , that the best works of Unbelievers are substantially evil , in that they have nothing of sincere good in them ; but ful of hatred of God ; and the best works of pious souls in this imperfect state are modally evil , because they have a tincture of vitiositie appendent to them . ( 2 ) By Actions intrinsecally evil , they generally understand such as being referred to and determined by such or such an object , carrie in them an intrinsec vitiositie and malignitie ; so that whiles under such a reference and determination they can never become good . And the commun instance is in hatred of God , and Blasphemie . Not that those acts are in their physic material entitie or substance sinful , but only in their moral constitution and formal determination or reference to their object . Thus much is also acknowledged by Strangius , l. 1. c. 13. p. 89. When , according to the commun sentence , it is said , that some also are in themselves or intrinsecally evil , the acts are not understood as abstracted from their Object , but as they refer to their object , in regard of which they have their vitiositie . — It seems to me , that the vitiositie , which is in the hatred of God , doth not belong to the material , but formal of Sin. Which is an ingenuous confession , and wil be of much use to us in what follows . At present we shall only remarque ; that this notion of Acts intrinsecally evil , if duely examined , wil be of no use to our Opponents , albeit they seem to lay the most stress on it . For [ 1 ] They grant , as Strangius here , that the vitiositie , which is in the hatred of God [ and so in all other acts intrinsecally evil ] doth not belong to the material but formal of sin : so that Gods concurse to the material or substrate mater of sin doth not suppose his concurse to the formal obliquitie of sin . [ 2 ] In acts sincerely but imperfectly good , and modally evil , the substrate mater or material act , which is both good and evil , is one and the same : now our Adversaries grant Predetermination to the material act as good : how then can they denie predetermination to the same material entitative act which is evil , though not as such ? But of this more hereafter , c. 5. § . 3. The next terme to be discussed by us is the Natural Freedom , or Libertie of the Wil ; which is indeed the hinge on which our whole controversie turns , as our more intelligent Opponents confess . A reverend Divine , Cathol . Theologie , Part 3. p. 80. saith , I do readily confess , that , as the sum of al the controversie is , Whether man hath truely any free-wil ; &c. I do readily concur with him in this , That the sum of al the controvesie must be resolved into this notion of free-wil ; and therefore if we cannot make good our ground here , we must necessarily fal under the efforts of our Antagonists . And I must confess this conception has been deeply engraven on my thoughts , for twenty five years or more , that the whole of the Pelagian and Arminian controversie centers in this point , touching the Libertie of the Wil : and he that endeavours to remove those maladies , but overlooks those Pelagian infusions that lie hid in the heart of Free-will , doth act but like the unskilful Physician , who , to remove an Hectick Feaver , endeavoured to cure the Itch. What made Durandus drive Gods immediate Concurse to human acts , but this perswasion , that it destroyeth the Libertie of the wil , and so makes God the Author of sin ? And what makes the Jesuites denie Predetermination , but the like groundless perswasion ? So also Baronius , in his Metaphysics , Sect. 8. Disp . 3. § . 79. p. 147. Here it was that the Pelagians of old took Sanctuarie , and under the shadow of this terme Free-wil conceled al their venimous Infusions : here , by their sophistic logic and ambiguous cloudy distinctions , they fortified themselves against the Defenders of Efficacious Grace . Thus Jansenius , August . de Natur. Laps . Tom. 2. l. 4. c. 24. proves largely out of Augustine , that the principal fraud and cheat of the Pelagians lay in their philosophic hallucination about natural free-wil , which they placed in Indifference , but Augustine in a rational spontaneitie . Herein they are followed by the Jesuites and Arminians , who indeed differ not scarcely one hairs breadth from the Pelagians and Semi-pelagians . Yea Baronius , ( whom Rutherford rangeth among the Arminians ) with confidence maintains Bellarmines definition of Libertie , as justifiable and orthodoxe , Metaphys . Sect. 12. p. 285. But other of our Antagonists , Strangius , Le Blanc , &c. perceiving that our Reformed Divines have generally placed Natural Libertie in a Rational Spontaneity , and so presumed , that voluntary necessitie is very wel consistent therewith , hence they have found out an artificial distinction for the reconciling the Calvinists with the Jesuites , Pelagians and Arminians : They distinguish Libertie , into that which is largely , or strictly taken : and they confess , ( 1 ) That Libertie taken largely , as it is a perfection of the Soul , so it has one and the same notion with Rational Spontaneitie ; and such is the Libertie of glorified Souls . This Libertie they make essential to the wil ; of which see Strangius , l. 3. c. 14. p. 686. also p. 691 , 702 , 703. But , adde they , ( 2 ) There is also a libertie strictly so termed , which consists in the Indifference of the wil to this or that object , also to act or not to act : and this Libertie is most proper to this our imperfect state , as Strangius , p. 188. 687. 689. 711. So likewise Le Blanc , p. 435. and others . There were some first lines of this distinction drawn by Camero , who makes libertie strictly so termed to be about the means , not the end ; yet his Notions about Libertie are tolerable , in that he makes Divine Predetermination consistent with human Libertie . But the first creator of this distinction touching a two-fold Libertie , among those who owned the Synod of Dort , was Strangius , who asserts a two-fold Libertie , one considered in its own Nature , which is essential to the wil , and the other as limited to lapsed man , which includes Indifference , &c. as in places above cited . What these new Methodists mean by this new-coined distinction of Libertie , unless it be a gratification to the Pelagians , I cannot conjecture : Certain I am , that I never could find it among the ancient Philosophers , Primitive Fathers , Scholastic Theologues , or any other but these new Methodists or their Sectators . Do any of the Greek Philosophers make mention of any libertie , but what is essential to the wil and al human acts ? Can we find among the Greek Theologues any notices of this two-fold Libertie ? Yea do not the very Jesuites herein concur with us , that Liberty is essential to al moral acts , both in the future , as wel as the present state of the Soul ? Is not Libertie constituted by them and the Arminians as the foundation of al Moralitie ? Doth not Amyraldus , de Libero Arbitrio , as wel as we , make Libertie properly taken essential to the wil and al its Acts ? Of what use then can this distinction of a two-fold Libertie be ? Wil it satisfie the Pelagians , Jesuites or Arminians ? No ; because they al make Libertie strictly taken essential to al Moral Acts. Or , wil it any way relieve the Calvinists in their conflicts both with Jesuites and Arminians , to say the wil is sometimes free and sometimes not ? If it be supposed , that Indifference be essential to libertie in this imperfect state , wil it not then be replied by Pelagians and Arminians , that the wil is not , according to these new Methodists , free in Conversion , because not indifferent ? It were not difficult to demonstrate , how invalid this new-coined distinction of Libertie is , and unapt to reach those ends for which it was designed by the authors thereof . As for the true Idea and notion of Natural Libertie , we have , with what studie and diligence we could , inquired into and discussed the same , Court of the Gentiles , P. 2. B. 3. c. 9. S. 3. § . 11 , 12. & B. 4. c. 1. § 29 — 32. also Philosoph . General . P. 1. L. 3. c. 3. S. 2. & P. 2. L. 1. c. 1. S. 4. § . 2. the sum whereof may be drawn forth in these following Propositions . ( 1 ) Natural Libertie , as it denotes a power , has one and the same Idea or Nature with the Wil. This is copiosely demonstrated , in the forementioned places . Hence , ( 2 ) Al acts of the Wil have libertie in the strictest notion essentially appendent to them . ( 3 ) The Dominion which a free Agent has over his own Act is not absolute , but limited and conditionate . ( 4 ) The necessitie which ariseth from the concurse of God the first cause , no way diminisheth , but establisheth the Natural Libertie of the Wil. For nothing offers violence to the Wil , or is injuriose to its Libertie , so long as the act it puts forth is voluntary : so long as the wil doth voluntarily elect and embrace what it is predetermined unto , the act is in its own power and free : for as Aristotle , Eth. l. 5. c. 12. wel observes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing happens to such an one , but what he wils . ( 5 ) Actual Indifference to varietie of Objects or Acts , is no way essential to natural Libertie , but only an Accident resulting from its imperfection . ( 6 ) The formal , native and genuine Idea or notion of natural Libertie , both as to state and exercice , includes no more than a rational spontaneitie . This last proposition , which is the principal , Strangius f owns ; and Le Blanc de Libr. Arbit . Thes . 19. p. 405. confesseth this to be the general opinion of our Reformed Divines , even of Amyraldus , Placeus , and other new Methodists . That this also is asserted by our Judicious Davenant , see his Determinations , Quaest . 22. That the Divine Decree takes not away Libertie . These Propositions about natural Libertie , we have in the forecited places more amply demonstrated , because the whole Pelagian and Arminian controversie , and particularly this about Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin depends thereon : and he that shal undertake this Province of resolving our present Question , without a clear Explication and Demonstration of the Wils natural Libertie , doth nothing to purpose . § . 4. Next to the natural Libertie of the Wil , we are to consider Moral Libertie or Free-wil , as also what is possible or impossible to corrupt Nature . By Moral Libertie or Free-wil is generally understood the moral potence or spiritual abilitie of the Soul to do good . This moral and spiritual Libertie , our Adversaries the Pelagians , Arminians and new Methodists confound with natural Libertie , and from our denying the later in corrupt Nature , they falsely charge us with denying the former : therefore to remove this confusion of the termes , and those false imputations which are charged on those that defend efficacious concurse , the following Propositions wil be of use unto us . 1. Natural Libertie is essential to the Wil and al its acts , but moral Libertie or free-wil to good only accidental and separable . The Wil is not a Wil if it be not naturally free in al its acts ; whatever act is voluntary , is for that very reason free ; Voluntary and free being in Scriptural estimation , as also by the determination of the best Philosophers , termes synonymous and equipollent , as we have demonstrated , Philos . General . P. 1. L. 3. c. 3. S. 2. § . 1. But now as for Moral Libertie and free-wil to good , that is only accidental to the human Soul ; it may come and go , be present and absent without the natural destruction of the Soul , or violation to natural Libertie . It 's true , that Moral Libertie , consisting in virtuose Habits , Inclinations and Exercices , is the Perfection of Man , yet so as the Essence of the Soul is not diminished or destroyed by the loss thereof . 2. Our first Parents in their innocent state were invested not only with natural but also with moral Libertie or free-wil to good . This is granted on both sides , and therefore needs not further demonstration . 3. Since the fal corrupt Nature in its unregenerate state lies under a total , universal and naturally moral Impotence as to al Moral and spiritual good . I cal this Impotence total and universal , as it overspreads the whole soul , and has stript it of al seeds of , or inclinations to , any spiritual or truely moral good . I terme it also natural , or naturally moral , in that , albeit the subject be moral , yet the Impotence being communicated together with corrupt Nature , connatural or congenite and proper thereto , as corrupt , and as to al natural power inseparable therefrom , it is become a moral Nature . I am not ignorant , that some new Methodists , together with the Arminians , stiffely contend , that this Impotence is not natural but only moral ; but either they intend under the ambiguitie of the termes to concele some Pelagian Infusions of natural seeds of virtue and Free-wil to Moral good , or else they must wrest the termes Moral and Natural from their native sense , and what is intended by those that defend a natural impotence . For al know , that by moral Impotence is generally understood an Impotence contracted by frequent Acts of and Custom in Sin ; and so on the contrary by natural Impotence is understood such as is traduced together with , and through the miserable contagion of sin inseparably appendent to corrupt nature . Of this see more Philosoph . General . P. 1. L. 3. c. 3. S. 5. § . 1. Hence , 4. Sin in corrupt Nature becomes necessary , and the observation of Divine Precepts impossible . This Proposition has ever been in al Ages of the Church , the great bal of contention between the Patrons of Free-wil , and the Defensors of Free-grace . The Pelagians of old as the Arminians of late have made this their main Refuge for the defense of their Diana of Free-wil . If Sin , say they , be necessary , and so inevitable , then it ceaseth to be sin : if it be voluntary , then it may be avoided . But these Pelagian Armes Augustin and his Sectators have stoutly refelled , by shewing , ( 1 ) That the Law was not originally impossible to mans Nature , but only is become so accidentally by reason of Sin , and the impotence of corrupt Nature . ( 2 ) That this Impotence is not less voluntary than necessary , yea the more necessary it is , the more voluntary : The necessitie of this Impotence is seated in and ariseth from the Wil , and therefore most voluntary . Thence Augustin termes it dura Necessitas , an hard Necessitie , because the more necessary this impotence is the more voluntary , and the more voluntary it is the more necessary . Plato , Phileb . p. 22. gives it the character , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a miserable necessitie ; which he opposeth to that blessed necessitie of adhering to the chiefest good , of which see Court Gent. P. 4. B. 1. c. 4. § . 7. ( 3 ) That albeit the avoiding of sin and the observation of Divine commands be legally impossible to corrupt nature , yet both are Evangelicly possible through the habitual and actual assistances of the Spirit of Grace . See more of the impossibilitie which is in corrupt nature for the observation of Divine precepts in Jansenius , Aug. Tom. 3. l. 3. c. 15 , &c. Philosoph . General . Part. 1. lib. 3. cap. 3. sect . 5. § . 1. Court Gent. P. 4. B. 1. c. 4. § . 8. 5. Notwithstanding the necessary impotence of corrupt nature as to what is morally and spiritually good , yet it stil retains a physic or natural facultie and remote passive power capable of receiving spiritual good . No one denies , but that the Soul , as a rational and voluntary subject , is remotely , passively , and naturally capacitated for the reception of gratiose infusions ; al the Controversie is about a proxime or next , active , and moral power , which we denie to remain in corrupt nature . 6. The Necessitie of consenting and Impossibilitie of resisting which attends the wil on the supposition of Divine concurse efficaciously moving and applying the same to act , is only consequential , hypothetic , or conditionate and voluntary , not simple , absolute , and coactive or violent . Here we are to inquire what a simple and absolute impossibilitie is , and how it is differenced from a conditionate and limited Impossibilitie . A thing is said to be simply and absolutely impossible , when it is in no regard possible : for if it be in any respect possible , it cannot be said to be simply and absolutely impossible . Now nothing can be said to be in no regard possible , or simply and absolutely impossible , but what in its own nature implies a repugnance of existing : and surely nothing in its own nature implies a repugnance of existing , but what involves a contradiction : that which involves a contradiction comes not within the compass of possible , because contradictions have no passive power of being verified ; for the affirming of the one is the denying of the other ; the truth of the one makes the other false : But whatever implies not a contradiction or repugnance of existing , that may be ; and therefore cannot be simply and absolutely impossible , of which see Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 5. § 4. Now that the Concurse of God predetermining the wil to the substrate mater of sinful acts cannot render the opposite act of obedience simply and absolutely impossible is evident ; because ( 1 ) the opposite act of obedience implies no contradiction or repugnance of existing : For God can and doth work it in some : albeit it be in a limited sense impossible to corrupt nature , yet it is possible to Grace , as before . ( 2 ) The wil predetermined to one act has an habitual indifference or radical flexibilitie to the opposite act ; and therefore the impossibilitie is only conditionate and limited . A reverend Divine supposeth , That Gods determinative concurse to the substrate mater of sin leaves it undeniable , that the mater of al his Laws , in reference to al such actions , are a simple and most strictly natural impossibilitie . Which I conceive to be a great mistake , and that according to the confession of our principal Adversary , Strangius , who lib. 3. cap. 8. pag. 625. speaks thus : Therefore the Divine determination either by efficacious grace , or any other way [ which includes concurse to the entitative act of sin ] being granted , there is truly inferred a necessitie of the consequence ; because that act of the wil unto which it is determined by God must necessarily follow , but it is not a necessitie of the consequent , which in its own nature remains contingent ; and therefore in a composite sense the wil , when it is determined by God to act , cannot but act . Whence some Scholemen say , That in free-wil there is a simultie of power to opposites , but not a power of simultie , i. e. a power of embracing opposites at one and the same time : whereof the reason is this , because a power to one act is not opposed to the power unto the negation of the same act , or to a contrary act , but two contraries or contradictories cannot be together in the same subject . Of which mater Alvarez discourseth learnedly , de Auxil . l. 9. Disp . 94. & l. 12. Disp . 115. Note wel here , that Strangius in this point fals in with the Dominicans , and fully assents and consents to their mode of conciliating Divine determination with human libertie , which if the fore-mentioned reverend Brother and others would do , I should judge our Controversie very near , if not fully at an end . The sum of al is this , That the determination or predetermination of Divine concurse to this or that act doth not make the negation of that act , or a contrary act a simple or most strictly natural impossibilitie , as some would persuade us , but only infers a necessitie of the consequence , the wil having stil , in sensu diviso , i. e. on supposition of the withdrawment of Divine concurse , an habitual indifference to act or not to act , though , in sensu composito , as predetermined by Divine concurse , it cannot but act . Or summarily thus : The wil has at that very time , when it is predetermined by God to this or that act , an habitual power or radical indifference to the negation of that act , or to the putting forth a contrary act : So that Divine predetermination excludes only a contrary act , not the radical power to that act . Thus also Davenant , Animadv . against Hoard , p. 240 , 333 , 341 , 360 , 402. proves strongly and accurately , That absolute Election and Reprobation may stand with a possibilitie to contrary events , though not with contrary events . Of which more hereafter . § . 5. The next terme that fals under consideration is the Wil of God , its different Ideas and various Acceptions in the Scriptures , under which our Opponents concele themselves , and their misrepresentations of our sentiments . The ancient distinction of the Divine wil , ( which they say Hugo de S. Victore first formed ) was , into voluntatem signi & voluntatem beneplaciti , Gods significative wil and his beneplacite wil. ( 1 ) Gods significative wil they make to consiste of Precepts , Promisses , Prohibitions , Permissions , Counsels , and Admonitions . By Permissions here we must understand such as are moral , not natural , which as to sin properly belong to Gods beneplacite wil , as anon . This significative Wil of God some Divines terme his Reveled wil , from Deut. 29. 29. others terme it his Legislative or Preceptive wil : others his Approbative wil , whereby he declares what he approves and what he disapproves , of which see Davenant Animadv . against Hoard , pag. 222 , 356 , 391 — 399. Lastly learned Chamier , and Daillé out of him , terme this significative wil of God , his wil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of complacence , or complacential wil , whereby he declares , what is most agreable to him , and what not . Our judicious Davenant makes use also of this terme , as having one and the same Idea with the former notion of Gods Approbative wil. These several notions of Gods significative wil , albeit they may differ in some formalitie , yet they agree in substance and import , denoting Gods reveled wil touching mans dutie , and that which is most agreable to his holy wil and nature . ( 2 ) As for Gods Beneplacite wil , commonly ●…iled his wil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of good pleasure , it is that whereby he decrees , effects , or permits al events and effects : whence it is distributed into effective and permissive . Gods effective beneplacite wil , is that whereby he decrees and produceth al natural and supernatural effects : Gods permissive beneplacite wil , is that whereby according to his eternal Decree he efficaciously permits the existence of sin . This distribution of the Divine wil is greatly opposed by the Pelagians , Arminians , and new Methodists . ( 1 ) The Jesuites , whom we may without breach of charitie terme Pelagians , do what they can to baffle this distinction : so Molina , the Head of that Faction , in Thom. Part. 1. Quaest . 19. Art. 12. tels us , That these signs of the Divine wil signifie properly and formally some nolition or volition in God ; and therefore Gods significative wil cannot be contradistinguisht to his beneplacite wil. The same is urged by the Arminians . But the Orthodox both among Papists and Protestants replie , that Gods reveled significative wil is only equivocally , analogically , figuratively and improperly termed his wil , as the Edicts of Princes , and Laws of States . So Sanderson de Obligatione Conscientiae , Praelect . 4 sect . 20. tels us , That Gods beneplacite wil is that whereby God has from al Eternitie constituted with himself what he wil do : his significative wil is that whereby he has appointed unto us a Law , by signifying what he wil have done by us . Whereof the former is properly and univocally the wil of God , but this later improperly and analogically so called . The like Davenant , Animadvers . pag. 392. It 's true , Divines grant , that this significative wil of God has some Decree or Act of the beneplacite wil answering thereto : for the wise God decreed , that this or that should be mans dutie ; but they denie that this reveled wil of God touching mans dutie is the same with his decretive wil touching events . ( 2 ) Our Adversaries pretend , that by this distinction of the significative and beneplacite wil we make two opposite wils in God , and such as clash each with other . This makes a reverend Brother to reject this distinction , as of no use in our present case . But Divines answer , that these wils are not opposite in God , but only disparate and diverse : the things decreed , and the things reveled and constituted by Gods significative wil may oppose each other , but the decretive and reveled wil never oppose each other . The most holy and wise God really intends whatever he commands , or approves , with an intention that it shal be mans dutie , and rewarded if performed , but not alwayes with an intention that it shal be effected . ( 3 ) Our Opponents , and particularly the new Methodists , confound Gods Beneplacite Decretive Wil , with his Wil of Complacence and Approbation : and under this confusion endeavor to secure their opposition against Gods willing the Permission of Sin. Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 548. None can be said to wil what he doth not approve . Thence others make Love of complacence essential to al acts of the Divine Wil : and thence conclude , if God wil the permission of Sin , he must necessarily take complacence therein . But the replie hereto is not difficult : we say , that God takes complacence in al his own Acts , but not in al the objects they refer unto : but now love of complacence is not so termed from the act , but object about which it is conversant ; which must be some good either natural or moral . Whence it is evident , that God may wil the permission of Sin , and its existence as a consequent thereto , and yet not take complacence in or approve of sin . See more of Gods Wil and its various Distributions , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 5. § . 3. § . 6. The last terme that needs our Explication is Divine Concurse , its Immediation , Efficacitie and Predetermination . Strangius , l. 1. c. 11. p. 59. distinguisheth Concurse from Influxe thus : ( 1 ) Influxe is more large than concurse : for the causality of every efficient is termed Influxe ; and therefore the Influxe of God is seen in many things , in which his concurse is not , as when he acts without the concurrence of a second cause . Thence , ( 2 ) the terme Influxe is absolute , not denoting the respect of any other cause , but that of concurse is relative . I have no mind to quarrel about termes without just ground , and therefore can easily admit this distinction , though it make neither for nor against either party . But that which more immediately concerns our present controversie is , 1. To give the true Idea and Notion of Immediate Concurse , as generally asserted and stated in the Scholes : which we shal endeavour to explicate both negatively and positively . ( 1 ) Negatively , Immediate concurse to an Act consistes not in the preservation of the principe , or rendring of it apt and habile for any congenerous action . I know a learned and pious Divine , who seems in termes to grant immediate Concurse as to the substrate mater of sinful actions , yet in the close placeth it only in this , That God as the first Mover , so far excite and actuate those powers , as that they are apt and habile for any congenerous action , to which they have a natural designation ; and whereunto they are not sinfully disinclined . But al this , as I conceive , no way reacheth the true notion of Immediate concurse , neither is it consistent with it self . For , [ 1 ] If God as the first mover excite and actuate those powers , then are they necessarily by him drawn or applied to act , which is more than being apt and habile for any congenerous action : certainly to excite and actuate a power is more than to render it apt and habile for an action . [ 2 ] If the Powers by Gods exciting of them are rendred only apt and habile for any congenerous action , then where is immediate concurse as to the Act ? Did or would any terme this immediate concurse , so far to excite and actuate those powers , as that they are apt and habile for any congenerous Action ? [ 3 ] What this Aptitude and Habilitie is , which the Powers receive by being thus excited and actuated by God , I cannot divine : Are not the powers of the soul as powers apt and habile for natural actions , such as the substrate mater of sin is ? What other Aptitude or Habilitie doth God give unto the natural faculties as to sinful acts , but merely the facultie of acting ? Need sinners any other facultie , power , Aptitude or Habilitie to sin , but the rational faculties depraved ? It 's true , God applies those faculties to the entitative act of that which is sinful , but yet doth not adde any aptitude or habilitie to sin . [ 4 ] Doth not Durandus and his Sectators grant al this , and yet denie immediate concurse as to the entitative act of sin ? The Hypothesis of Durandus doth no way exclude any kind of Aptitude or Habilitie , but rather include the same ; it only excludes the immediate application of the power to its act ; which also is excluded by this laxe notion of Immediate concurse . [ 5 ] Lastly , if they who oppose Gods concurse to the substrate mater of al sinful acts , do indeed and in truth assert and owne an immediate concurse to any one entitative act that is sinful , al those black and direful consequences , which they cast on the assertors of Predetermination , may with as much facilitie be retorted on them , as we shal demonstrate , chap. 5. § . 4. Hence , ( 2 ) Affirmatively , Immediate concurse as to its formal Idea not only gives an Aptitude or Habilitie to act , but also immediately produceth the very act it self . That this notion of immediate concurse is universally received in the Scholes , is most evident . I shal desire the Reader to consult our Countrey-man Compton Carleton , a learned and acute Jesuite , who had his first education in Cambridge , and is more moderate than most of that faction . He saith , Philosoph . Disput . 28. de Causa prima , Sect. 3. p. 319. God therefore concurs with al his Creatures immediately to al their actions , not only by the Immediation of Virtue , but also of Supposite , i. e. that action , whereby the creature operates , doth also flow immediately from God himself , and not from any other substituted in his place . A clear explication of Immediate concurse , so far as it regards its Immediation . Whence Disput . 29. Sect. 2. he determines thus , touching Gods Immediate concurse to the act of Sin : We must say therefore , that God doth physically and immediately concur to the act of sin , together with the create Wil. And he confirmes this Hypothesis by Arguments out of Aquinas , Suarez , Vasques , Anselme , Tanner , Zumel , Montesinus , Mulderus , Arriaga , and Oviedo . So that this notion of Immediate concurse seems to have been generally entertained by al parties , both Thomists , Scotists , and Jesuites , as that which is most rational and self-evidencing . 2. But the principal point in controversie is touching the Efficacitie and Predetermination of Divine Concurse ; wherein the Jesuites and Arminians oppose the Dominicans and Calvinists . I must confess , when I first undertook the explication of Divine Concurse , specially as to the substrate mater of Sin , I studiosely avoided the terme Predetermination , ( although it be frequently fathered on me ) as is intimated Court Gentiles , P. 4. B. 2. c. 11. § . 7. partly to avoid needless countests about words , and partly because I would not professedly espouse the interest of any one Sect , but adhere to Scriptural termes ; but since , upon a more accurate inquiry , finding the terme expressely laid down in Scripture , and that as to the very mater in controversie , touching Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin , I see no reason why we may not make use of it , notwithstanding the prejudices some endeavor to load it with . Therefore for the more ful explication of this terme I shal endeavor to shew , ( 1 ) What efficacious concurse notes ; and ( 2 ) How this efficacious concurse may be termed Predeterminative . 1. Divine Concurse is termed efficacious as it doth most potently and invincibly produce its effect . The Grecanic terme , whereby the efficacitie of Divine Concurse is expressed in the Scriptures , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , efficacitie , or energie , which notes the puissant force of any operation . So Ephes . 1. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acccording to the energie or efficacious working of the might of his power . Here is , ( 1 ) Power or force . ( 2 ) Might of power or most potent power ; and ( 3 ) The efficacious working of this most potent power : Which note the puissant efficacitie of divine concurse . Thence the Syriac renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the efficace . So Ephes . 3. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the energie or efficace of his power . The like , Phil. 3. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the efficacious working , whereby he is able even to subdue althings unto himself . So Col. 1. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his efficacious working , which worketh in me mightily . In al these Texts we have mighty power , yea omnipotence joined with the efficace of divine Concurse ; which demonstrates its invincible manner of working , in the production of al its effects . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Gods intime presence with al second Causes , and efficacious concurring with and actuating of them in al their operations . The like import may be applied to its conjugate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which notes , to effect any thing in the most efficacious manner , so as to overcome al resistence made against the force of the Agent . So 1 Cor. 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who efficaciously worketh althings . The like v. 11. of which hereafter . This efficacious concurse , as it cooperates with the second cause is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cooperation or concurse , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cooperate . So Mark 16. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lord cooperating , or efficaciously concurring . So elsewhere , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as applied to God notes his actuose , efficacious , and predeterminative concurse in and with althings , is evident from the use of the word both in sacred and profane Authors . So with Phavorinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to work readily . It 's rendred by the Syriac , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to work , as 1 Cor. 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where it notes not only an universal general concurse , but a particular , present , certain , efficacious force or efficacitie of Divine Concurse , exerting it self in al individual acts and effects . Again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by the Syriac , Rom. 7. 5. and 2 Cor. 4. 12. by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to work , to act with diligence , to be efficacious , as Boderianus . And 1 Cor. 12. 11. it is rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to act , to work , to perform , to effect , as Boderianus . Lastly , it is rendred by the Syriac , Ephes . 1. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who hath efficaciously wrought althings . Which sufficiently demonstrates the predetermination of Gods concurse , as to al second causes and acts . Hence , 2. This efficacious Concurse , as it determines and applies the second cause to act , is both in sacred Scripture and by scholastic Theologues termed Determinative and Predeterminative . We find both these termes in Scripture applied to Divine Concurse . Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a terme or limit ; ( 1 ) primarily and properly signifies to termine , set bounds or limits to any cause , effect , or thing . So Acts 17. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and hath determined the times before appointed , and the bounds of their habitation : i. e. God has determined or predetermined to every Man , Nation , and Kingdome their fixed termes of duration and life . So Arrian , Epictet . lib. 1. cap. 12. speaking of God , he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Virgils Song is remarquable : Stat sua cuique dies , Every ones day stands fixed or determined : which Servius understands , of the fixed determined period of human life . So that we see that not only sacred Philosophie , but the very Pagans by their dim light , asserted a fixed period of Divine life , as determined by God ; albeit some that professe themselves Christians denie the same . Then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the bounds , or the position of termes : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies the position of termes or limits to any cause , action , effect , or thing . God by his eternal Decree has predetermined or set termes and limits to al second causes , their actions , effects , and events : there is nothing so contingent in nature , but it is predetermined by the Divine wil. We find the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applied to times and places , as wel as to causes and acts : So Heb. 4. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he determines or limits a day . Thence in the Glossarie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a stated or determined day : and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I termine or limit as to place . Whence Hesychius makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he determines , to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he gives terme or limit . Thence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the LXX . answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to termine , determine , or constitute termes to any place or thing , Num. 34. 6. Josh . 13. 27. & 15. 11. also to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be bounded or determined . Whence lastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a definition , which is the terme or boundary of an essence , according to Cicero , who renders it , the circumscription of a thing . ( 2 ) From this primary notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 follows a secondary , namely , to decree , destine to a certain end , predestine , predetermine . In which sense it signifies the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predetermine : and so it is transferred to predestination , predetermination , or the decree and purpose of the Divine wil , even about the substrate mater or entitative act of sin ; as Luke 22. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it was determined , or predetermined , decreed . Our Lord speaks of his Crucifixion , which was the greatest of sins and intrinsecally evil , and yet lo ! as to the substrate mater or entitative act , predetermined and decreed by God. The same Acts. 2. 23. Him , being delivered by the determinate counsel , and foreknowledge of God : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by that defined , determined , or predetermined counsel : of which more Chap. 3. § . 2. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to decree , deliberate , determine is expounded by Theodotion , Job 22. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Hesychius makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he determines synonymous to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which when applied to the Divine wil note predefinition and predetermination . As the simple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so also the composite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predestine or predetermine is used six times in the N. T. ( 1 ) of things appertaining to salvation , 1 Cor. 2. 7. ( 2 ) of persons elect , Rom. 8. 29 , 30. Eph. 1. 5 , 11. ( 3 ) of the substrate mater or entitative act of sin , yea that which was intrinsecally evil . So Act. 4. 28. For to do whatsoever thine hand and thy counsel determined before , or predetermined to be done . For so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may more properly be rendred . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primarily signifies to predefine , predestine , predetermine , to set limits , bounds , termes to persons or things . Thence , as to this present text and point , when it is said here , that those who crucified Christ did what Gods hand and counsel predetermined to be done , it must be understood of the substrate mater or entitative act , which was predetermined by God , as in what follows , Chap. 3. § . 2. The Syriac version interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to seal , constitute , or make firm any thing , which is rendred by the LXX . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to order , dispose , constitute , institute . The Divine Wil and Decree gives order , constitution , limitation , determination , yea predetermination to althings : al persons and things , times and places , ends and means receive termes , limits , destination , and predetermination from the Divine Wil and Decree . Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the N. T. is made synonymous to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to foreknow , 1 Pet. 1. 20. to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preordain , Act. 17. 26. to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to propose , or purpose , Rom. 1. 13. Eph. 1. 9. to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to prepare , Rom. 9. 23. 1 Cor. 2. 9. By al which we evidently see , what footsteps predetermination , and as to the substrate mater or entitative act of sin , has in the sacred Scriptures . We now procede to examine this notion as used by scholastic Theologues , and how far their sentiments thereof are applicable to our present Controversie . ( 1 ) Some distinguish between Gods predefinition and his predetermination : his predefinition they restrain to his Decrees , and his predetermination to his Concurse . Others distinguish the predetermination of God into extrinsec and intrinsec : by extrinsec predetermination they understand the act of the Divine Wil or Decree , whereby the creature is predetermined to act : by intrinsec predetermination they mean the previous motion of God upon the creature , which continually moves and applies it to act . But I should rather distinguish predetermination , ( as Creation and al other Acts of God ad extrà ) into active and passive : [ 1 ] By active predetermination I mean nothing else but the Act or Decree of the Divine wil , whereby al second causes , persons , acts , effects and things receive their termes , order , and limitation as to power and activitie . This is the same with predefinition , predestination , and extrinsec predetermination . That this active predetermination procedes only from the efficacious previous act of the Divine wil , without any impression or actual influxe on the second cause has been defended by Scotus and others of great name in the Scholes , and that on invict reasons : for if God wil , that the second cause , ( suppose it be the human wil ) act , immediately on the volition of God the action of the second cause wil follow , not from any previous impression on the second cause , but from its natural subordination and as it were sympathie with the first cause : as at the beck of the human wil every inferior facultie of man moves . See Suarez , de Auxil . l. 1. c. 5. n. 3. and Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 7. § . 3. [ 2 ] By passive predetermination I understand the concurse of God as applying the second cause to its act , and not really , but mentally or modally only distinct therefrom : For as active predetermination is the same with the Divine wil , so passive predetermination is the same with the second cause , its act and effect , as we have demonstrated Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 8. § . 1. ( 2 ) Predetermination is usually distinguished into physic or natural , and ethic or moral . This distinction dependes on that of causes into physic , and moral : a physic or natural cause is that which is truly efficient , and so doth really influence the act and effect , in a way of proper efficience or causalitie : whence an Ethic or moral cause is that which doth not immediately , directly , or in a way of real proper efficience produce the act and effect , but only morally , by proposing objects , motives , precepts , promisses , or the like moral means and influences , with excitements and persuasions . Thus proportionably we may distinguish predetermination into physic and moral . [ 1 ] By physic predetermination we must understand not corporal , or natural in a strict notion , which is proper only to things inaminate or Brutes , but such a predetermination as really applies the Agent or second cause to its act , and really , yea immediately influenceth both act and effect . Thus Suarez , Metaphys . Disput . 17. sect . 2. num . 2. A physic cause [ and so predetermination ] in this place is not taken for a corporal or natural cause , acting by corporeous and material motion ; but it 's taken more universally , for a cause that truly and really influenceth the effect : for as nature sometimes signifies any essence ; so physic or natural influxe is that which by true and proper causalitie worketh the effect : to which when a moral cause is opposed , it is to be understood of such a cause which doth not of itself and truly act , yet it doth so carrie itself , as that the effect may be imputed to it : such a cause is he that comforts , beseecheth , or hinders not when he may and ought . Hence [ 2 ] by moral predetermination , as it regardes Gods influence on the moral rational world , we must understand his moral influence on man as his last end , his stating mans dutie by moral precepts , inviting thereto by Evangelic promisses , dehorting from sin by penal comminations , and al other moral influences . Here we are to note , that albeit physic and moral predetermination be comprehended under physic and moral causalitie , yet the later is more comprehensive than the former : for physic predetermination properly belongs to a superior cause as acting on an inferior , but physic causalitie to any efficient , as Strangius doth wel observe . But to sum up the whole , both the Dominicans and Calvinists agree with the Jesuites and Arminians in this , That the holy God doth not morally predetermine any to sin : for he neither counsels , encourageth , commandes , or invites any one to the least sin . The Question therefore must be understood of physic predetermination ; which I shal describe according to the explication of Strangius , l. 2. c. 4. p. 159. thus : By the physic predetermination of God in this place is understood the action of God , whereby he moves and applies the second cause to act , and so antecedently to al operation of the creature ; or in order of nature and reason before the creature workes , God really and efficaciously moves it to act in al its actions : i. e. he actes and causeth , that the creature actes and causeth whatever it actes and causeth : so that without this premotion of God the creature can do nothing : and this premotion being given it is impossible , in a composite sense , that the creature should not act and do that , unto which it is premoved by the first cause . And more particularly , though concisely , as for Gods predetermination of the human wil , Strangius , l. 2. c. 11. p. 244. gives it us thus : To predetermine the wil , as they teach , is to applie the wil to act , and to make it act . Which description of predetermination I do readily close with , and so the Question before us wil be summarily this , Whether God doth by an efficacious power and influence move and predetermine men unto al their natural actions , even those that have sin annexed or appendent to them ? Affirm . I am not ignorant , that a reverend and learned Divine who opposeth our Hypothesis , states the question otherwise , as if we held , That God doth by an efficacious influence universaelly move and determine men to al their actions ; even those that are most wicked . But this Hypothesis , as proposed and intended , I know no sober mind but abhors : whoever said , that God determines men to the most wicked actions as such ? were not this to make him the Author of sin , which every pious soul detestes ? For to determine to wicked actions as such , implies also a determination to the wickednesse of those actions : and this determination cannot be physic ; because sin as sin has no physic cause or determination : therefore it must be moral : and surely whoever determines morally to the most wicked actions cannot but be the moral cause , and Author of them : and is not this an high piece of blasphemie ? We are so far from asserting , that God determines men to the most wicked actions , as that we say , he determines men to no wicked action ; no not the least : Yea we adde further , that in actions sincerely but imperfectly good , and in part sinful , albeit God predetermines men both naturally and morally to the goodnesse of the action , and naturally to the substrate mater or natural act , yet he predetermines not to the vitiositie of the act , or the act as sinful . So the sum and whole of our Hypothesis is this , That God doth by an efficacious power and influence move and predetermine men unto al their natural actions , even such as have sin appendent to them . This Hypothesis we no way doubt but to make good both by scriptural and rational demonstration . CHAP. II. The state of the Controversie . ( 1 ) Ten general Propositions wherein the New Methodists and Predeterminants agree . ( 2 ) The New Methodists differences among themselves about Prescience , Futurition , Divine Concurse , and Gods permission of sin . ( 3 ) The differences of the Predeterminants from the New Methodists about absolute Decrees , the Futurition , Divine Permission , Prescience , Providence , Predefinition , and Predetermination of Sin. THE prolixitie we have used in explicating and stating our Question wil render our subsequent work more facile and concise . For here that old Proverbe holds true , A good beginning is half the work . But before we enter on the Demonstration of our Hypothesis it wil be necessary to manifest , ( 1 ) Wherein we and those who maintain the Antithesis do agree . ( 2 ) Wherein our Opponents , who maintain the Antithesis , differ among themselves . ( 3 ) Wherein we differ from them . The explication of these Particulars wil not a little conduce to the more perfect state and determination of our Question . § . 1. Wherein we and our Opponents , who maintain the Antithesis , do agree . Some there are who conceive our differences greater than they are ; others on the contrary make them lesse : our first work therefore wil be to shew , wherein we agree ; which I shal endeavor to lay down in the following Propositions . 1. Prop. That God hath decreed althings that come to passe . Herein our Adversaries generally concord with us ; albeit they differ from us , as also among themselves about the manner how God decrees the substrate mater of sin . Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 3. p. 558. But also we confesse and say , that God doth truly decree althings that happen , but not althings in one and the same manner ; but some things effectively , other things permissively : which is the commun opinion of Theologues , according to that famose Axiome of Augustin : There is nothing done , which the Omnipotent doth not wil , either by permitting that it be done , or by doing of it . Yet the said Strangius , in what precedes , gives us a very dangerous position touching the Divine Decrees : It is not needful , saith he , that we appoint so many particular Decrees of God , touching his Concurse to be afforded , as there are actions of the creature and particular objects of them . Sithat that one general Decree or Institute of God may suffice , whereby he hath determined to concur with al the actions of the creature , as he hath given them a power to act , &c. This general Decree , foisted in to salve his own Hypothesis , is most unworthy of the Divine Being , in that it overthrows the Prescience of God , imposeth imperfection on the Divine Wil , and opens an effectual dore to Pelagianisme . 2. Prop. That Election of some to Grace and Glorie is absolute , and no way dependent on the prevision of any act of man. This Proposition , although it be denied by the Pelagians , Socinians , and Arminians , yet it is generally granted by our Adversaries , the New Methodists , Amyraldus , Strangius , Le Blanc , and others . For these , albeit they make Reprobation conditional and dependent on mans sin , yet they grant a particular absolute Election of some to Grace and Glorie : which to me seems very strange and inconsistent with their Hypothesis about Reprobation : For if the Decrees of God be absolute as to Election , why should they not be also estimed such as to Reprobation ? Can the Divine wil be moved by any thing but itself ? Are not conditional Decrees inconsistent therewith ? Doth not God in the glass of his own Decrees foresee al acts and events of the human wil ? Must they not then be al decreed absolutely by God ? See hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 3. 3. Prop. That God hath a certain Science or Prescience of sin , as wel as of al other Events . This Proposition is universally granted by al the New Methodists , Amyraldus , Strangius , &c. as also by most Arminians , although it be utterly incompossible and inconsistent with the sentiments both of the one and t'other Partie . For al the wit of man , yea I wil with confidence adde of Devils , wil never be able to explicate and demonstrate a certain prescience in God of things future , but what is originated in and dependent on his own Decrees . I must solemnely professe , I can see no way left to evade the force of Socinus's argument against the certaintie of Gods prescience , if we resolve it not into the free determination of his own wil decreeing al future events : of which more in what follows , Chap. 5. § . 2. 4. Prop. That whatever God absolutely predefines or predestines from Eternitie , he predetermines in time . This Proposition the New-Methodists seem generally to grant . So Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 547. When we speak of absolute predefinition , we willingly grant , that the predefinition of God from eternitie , and the Predetermination of the create wil in time mutually follow each other ; so that whatever particular singular Act God hath absolutely predefined should be done by us , to the same he doth determine our wil : For whatever God hath by his Decree so predefined , it is necessary that he effect the same , or cause that it be done ; because the Decree of God , seeing it is absolute and efficacious , must necessarily have its effect ; which it cannot have but by efficaciously applying the create wil to the predefinite act : otherwise , if the wil should not act that which is predefined , the Predefinition and Decree of God would be frustrated , which is absurd . A good concession , which wil be of use to us in what follows , Chap. 5. § . 3. 5. Prop. That God doth predetermine the human Wil to al acts and effects morally good , as also to some other commun acts and effects . This Proposition is generally rejected by the Arminians , as also by Baronius , yet the New Methodists , who have chalked out a middle Way , generally entertain it . Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 5. p. 584. We have shewen , that God doth not in al things predetermine the human Wil , namely not in actions intrinsecally evil , and to which Vitiositie is necessarily annexed ; albeit in things lawful , not only in works of Grace , but also in others that are commun , according to his own pleasure , he determines it , with the preservation of its own native libertie , sithat he can never offer any violence to the wil , but only moves it sweetly according to its own nature . See more on this argument in what follows , c. 3. § . 1. on Prov. 21. 1. This great concession of Strangius indeed cuts the nerves and sinews of al his arguments against our Hypothesis : For if God can and doth predetermine the wil to some acts , without any violence offered to its Libertie , why may he not also predetermine it to al its acts , without prejudice to its Libertie ? The force of this consequence is so strong , that it forceth Baronius and the Arminians to denie al Predetermination . See Chap. 5. § . 4. 6. Prop. That God predetermins the Wil to the substrate mater of some sinful acts , even of such as are not intrinsecally evil . This Proposition is granted by Strangius , l. 4. c. 1. p. 766. But although in the actions of wicked men , when God doth use them as Instruments for the execution of some peculiar works , it may peradventure be said , that God doth determine their wils , yet it seems more incommode to say , that God moves and predetermines to al other acts , as to acts of hatred of God , blasphemie , &c. So that he yieldeth , that God may predetermine to the mater of some sinful acts : and indeed it cannot be rationally denied ; sithat Acts imperfectly good are also in part sinful ; and the substrate mater of the act as good and sinful is the same : wherefore if God predetermine the human wil to the substrate mater of the act as good , must he not also predetermine it to the substrate mater of the act as sinful ? When I say , that God doth predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of the act as sinful , As here must not , yea cannot be taken Reduplicatively , but only Specificatively , as it specifies one and the same Act , and distributes it into its opposite Adjuncts of Good and Evil : So that the meaning is no more than this , that God predetermines the wil to the substrate mater or entitative act which is both good and evil : and if he predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of the Act which is imperfectly good , ( as our Adversaries grant ) he must also necessarily predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of the act whereunto sin is annexed : because the substrate mater of the Act as good and evil is the same . When our Adversaries shal have given us a rational and distinct solution to this argument , I shal confess they have done much for the subversion of our Hypothesis . Of this Argument , see Chap. 5. § . 4 , 5. 7. Prop. That there is no real positive Act or Entitie in nature , whereof God is not the efficient cause . This is generally granted by al those that denie sin to be a positive Being . So Strangius , l. 3. c. 3. p. 557. There is no Entitie , and no action as it is an action or has any realitie , whereof God is not the cause , or which he hath not decreed either absolutely or respectively . So l. 4. c. 11. p. 859. The entitie of the Action is reduced unto God , as the first cause , on whose concurse and influxe it dependes . So a Reverend Divine , Cathol . Theol. Part 1. Sect. 17. p. 85. ` It is certain , that as motus vel actio is quid naturale , it is of God as the first cause of Nature : and so when a sinner acteth , it is not without the first Universal Cause . One would think that this concession , if well stated and prosecuted , would put an end to our controversie : For al that we demand is , that the real positive act , whereunto sin is annexed , be from God as the first cause of Nature : But yet what our Opponents grant , as limited by them wil not answer our expectations . For some hold with Durandus , that the action is from God , but not immediately ; others , that it is immediately from God , yet not by a predeterminative concurse . Hence , 8. Prop. That God concurs immediately to the substrate mater or entitative act whereunto sin is annexed . This Proposition is not granted by such as follow Durandus either in words or sense , yet by others it is . Thus Strangius , l. 1. c. 10. p. 54. But we must judge , that God doth immediately reach every action and effect of the creature , and that both by the Immediation of virtue and supposite or person . For as God himself , so his virtue is every where present and energetic . For the proof whereof he cites Isa . 26. 12. Rom. 11. ult . 1 Cor. 12. 6. Act. 17. 28. with other Scriptures . So Ch. 11. p. 61. he confesseth , that there is a common influxe of God unto al actions , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the energie and efficace of God , whereby he doth subordinate second Causes to himself ; so that whatever they are or do act , they essentially depend on him in both respects . Whereby he seems to evince , that Gods Influxe doth not only render the subject habile to act , but also immediately reach the very act , even that has sin annexed to it . The like he addes , l. 4. c. 1. p. 760. It may truely be said , and men are wont so to speak , That God is the cause of vitiose actions , albeit he be not the cause of the actions as they are vitiose . And more fully l. 4. c. 3. p. 783. From what has been said , it may in some manner be understood , how in a sane sense God may be said to impel or incline to some sin , when yet he is void of al sin : specially if these things be observed . ( 1 ) That it be not understood , that God moves or inclines men to sin in general . ( 2 ) Neither that it be said , that God moves to al sin , but only to such , in which he useth depraved wils as instruments to execute his good works . ( 3 ) Neither that it be understood , that God doth properly move to sin simply and formally taken , or sin as sin ; but only to the material of sin , i. e. not to the sin of the Action , but to the Action as substrate to the sin , so that he be not the Author of the vitiositie , which he only permits , but of the substrate Act , and of his own direction and ordination , which he exerciseth about the vitiose Action , &c. Yea in Actions intrinsecally sinful , he seems to grant , that the Act , as it is a physic or natural Being , is from God. So l. 4. c. 12. p. 876. That which is also true of Actions which are intrinsecally evil , such as the hatred of God , perjurie , &c. In which also we must distinguish the physic or natural Being from the Ethic or moral evil . — That God concurs to the physic action , but not to the moral vice of the action we have above shewen . There are two observables in these concessions of Strangius , which , if he were candid and uniforme in granting us , would put a period to the controversie . [ 1 ] That in Actions intrinsecally evil there is a physic or natural entitie separable from the ethic or moral vitiositie . [ 2 ] That the physic or natural entitie of al sinful Actions , even such as are intrinsecally sinful , is immediately from God , as the first cause of Nature . But I must confesse , I cannot find that Strangius is candid or uniforme in these his concessions , but elsewhere he seems to overthrow what he has here granted . For , [ 1 ] He sometimes asserts , that the natural act of hating God is so intrinsecally evil , as that the vitiositie cannot be separated from it . Again , [ 2 ] albeit he seem frequently to grant an immediate concurse to the substrate mater of sinful acts , yet when he comes to explain what he intends thereby , he doth too much verge unto , if not wholly espouse Durandus's mediate concurse , as to acts intrinsecally evil . Thus also Amyraldus , as it is wel noted by Le Blanc , Thes . Conciliat . Arbitrii , &c. Thes . 48. p. 436. 9. Prop. That Gods Providence is universally and efficaciously active in the directing and governing the Sins of men unto his own Glorie . This most of the new Methodists grant , albeit some seem to denie it , at least in part . Our Proposition is granted by Strangius , l. 3. c. 4. p. 469. Neither doth it follow from our opinion , that any free act is substracted from the Providence of God , if man doth that which God permits , sithat whether it be good or evil that man doth , God must foreknow , and direct and order it to the end appointed by himself . So l. 4. c. 1. p. 760. ` Furthermore it must be observed , which we have oft mentioned , that God albeit he doth not wil sin as sin , yet he doth advisedly permit , direct , and ordain it in the best manner , to execute his righteous judgements , and illustrate his glorie . The like p. 764. Albeit we denie that God doth ever determine the wil to sin formally taken , or to the actions unto which sin is necessarily annexed , yet we acknowledge , that God doth so rule and order the sinful wils of Men and Devils , that by permitting tentations , offering objects , subministrating occasions , denying Grace , which he owes to none , letting loose the reins to Satan , removing impediments , or by operating in any other secret manner , the event which he pre-appoints infallibly follows , and specially that that work be performed , for the effecting of which God useth their ministerie . How much would this concession conduce to put a period to this controversie , were our Adversaries but ingenuous in their assent and consent to it ? Doth he not say here as much as we , abating only the terme Predetermination ? and yet elsewhere how doth he start off from what is here granted ? 10. Prop. That God doth no way concur or predetermine the human wil to the substrate mater or entitative act of sin so as to be the cause or author of Sin. This Proposition we chearfully and with our whole Souls assent and consent unto ; although it be the grand designe and unwearied endeavors of our Adversaries , both Pelagians , Jesuites , Arminians and new Methodists , to fasten the Antithesis on us , namely , That we make God to be the Author of sin . Which Imputation has been in al Ages of the Christian Church fastened on those that defended Efficacious Grace and Divine Concurse , as we shal shew in what follows , Chap. 4. § . 2. Having laid down the general Propositions , wherein our Opponents generally , though not without some variation , concord with us , it follows , that we shew briefly wherein they differ among themselves . Indeed , so great is the difference of our Adversaries , specially the New Methodists , Amyraldus , Baronius , Strangius , Le Blanc , and others among themselves in this point touching Gods efficacious concurse to the substrate mater of sin , as that it is very difficult for us to forme commun principes or Hypotheses wherein they al agree . And albeit they generally agree in their opposing our Hypothesis , touching Gods immediate predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of actions intrinsecally evil , yet they lay down their own Antithesis with so much caution , suspension , and hesitation of mind , as if they were afraid the contrary might prove true . Placeus , Tractat. de Liber . Arbit . p. 174. cunningly waves the determination of the Question , with this modest concelement of his mind : Truely we , according to the reverence we have towards the infinite Majestie of God , dare not define what the Dependence of the second cause on the first is : It sufficeth us , that too much dependence cannot be asserted , provided that it doth not asperse God with any the least spot of our sins . Which we readily close with , renouncing al such dependence as brings the holy God under the imputation of sin . So Baronius , Metaph. Sect. 8. Disp . 3. § . 78. pag. 147. having given us the mention of the Thomists previous predeterminative concurse , namely , that the human wil is in al its motions excited by God , and efficaciously , i. e. irresistibly moved , first to act , and then to act this rather than that , before he undertakes the refutation hereof he thus premonishes us : In the mean while we professe these two things : ( 1 ) That we do much against our wil recede from this opinion , and that because we conceive so honourably of those great men , which are Patrones thereof . ( 2 ) That we are ready , if any thing may follow from this our Doctrine against any article of faith , to reject it . Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. Thes . 55. pag. 438. seems to wave the Controversie ; yet Thes . 56. he inclines to the opinion of Strangius , That God cannot physically promove and predetermine free causes to acts intrinsecally evil , without being the Author of sin . But Thes . 57. he confesseth , That provided God be not made the Author of sin , the dependence of the second causes on the first in acting cannot be too much asserted , &c. And Thes . 58. he concludes , That the force and efficace of the Divine providence even about sinful acts , is not to be restrained to a certain general indifferent concurse ; but that God doth many ways procure , promove , direct , and moderate sinful events . So great is the hesitation of our Adversaries . Yea , how frequently do the very same persons differ from themselves in their sentiments about this point ? Doth not the same person sometimes seem to grant an universal concurse immediately influencing al natural acts , and yet elsewhere denie the same to acts intrinsecally evil ? And so in other points controverted by us . But the differences of our Opponents among themselves are more palpable and visible as to the following Particulars . 1. They are greatly confused and at variance among themselves as to Gods Prescience of sinful acts . Al the New Methodists generally grant Gods certain prescience of al sinful acts , but yet they are at a great difference , yea contradiction among themselves in the stating of it . ( 1 ) Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 7. p. 594. tels us , That among al the modes which are wont to be explicated , that seems the most probable , which is taken from the presence of althings in Eternitie . Wherein he follows the Dominicans , and so must by consequence resolve the futurition of sin into the wil of God permitting it , which overthrows his Hypothesis . Yet cap. 8. pag. 622. he resolves the certaintie of Gods foreknowing future events into the more Essence of God. And pag. 626. he resolves it into the actions themselves and their determinate causes . Lastly , cap. 10. pag. 646. he in down right termes confesseth , That the science of future sins is referred to the science of Vision . Which is al that we contend for , and that which necessarily resolves Gods prescience of sin , into the act of his wil permitting it . Some of our Opponents resolve Gods certain prescience of sin into the infinitude of his science . Thus Le Blanc De Concord . Libert . p 444. Thes . 39. As for the fourth opinion , which secketh the certitude of Divine prescience in the infinitie of the Divine Intellect , and in the determinate veritie of those things which are contingently future , it layeth down nothing but what is certain and indubitate . Yet Thes . 40. he confesseth , That this opinion doth not satisfie the Question , nor take away the principal difficultie . For that which is here most difficult to be understood is , how future contingents do from Eternitie passe from mere possibles into the nature of futures , that so under that reason they may be perceived by God. Which knot he endeavors to untie , by telling us , that the same causes that give existence to things future give them also their futurition . But this is a very jejune and poor evasion , as we shal hereafter shew , Chap. 5. § . 1. ( 3 ) Others refer Gods certain prescience of sin to the Jesuites middle science , whereby God foresees , that if the wil of man come under such a connexion of causes , circumstances , and providential concurrences , the effect wil certainly follow , albeit in itself merely contingent . Thus Lud. Crocius , Dyodec . Dissert . Dissert . 7. where he largely but weakly defends this middle science : which Le Blanc , De Concord . Libert . pag. 449. Thes . 26 ; &c. makes to be the opinion of Baronius and others . Le Blanc himself , pag. 444. Thes . 42. confesseth , That it wants not great difficultie , how a thing which is supposed to depend on a cause in itself indeterminate should be certainly knowen by the Divine Intellect : for the Divine Intellect although infinite cannot see what is not , nor yet change the nature of its object . Whence he concludes , Thes . 43. That seing there is so much darknesse on al sides , our safest and most ingenuous course is to confesse our own ignorance herein . The like subterfuge Strangius makes use of , l. 3. c. 5. p. 576. &c. 6. p. 591. with this pretexte , That the mode of Divine prescience is not reveled in Scripture . A poor refuge indeed ! why then do they so daringly sift and prie into the Divine prescience , and draw it down to the model of our corrupt reason ? We easily grant , that the mode of Divine prescience is incomprehensible by poor mortals , and therefore can content our selves with scriptural descriptions thereof : but this we assert , that it is impossible the Divine prescience , which is in itself most certain , should depend on the most incertain ambulatory wil of man ; and so much Scripture and Reason grounded thereon doth fully demonstrate . 2. Our Adversaries differ greatly among themselves about the futurition of sin , and Gods predefinition thereof . Strangius , l. 3. c. 11. holds , That some free acts are absolutely future , and knowen of God as such , without any Decree predetermining the free causes to those acts : and yet he denies , that those free contingent futures can be knowen by God according to any Hypothesis , which doth not necessarily infer the determination of the create wil ; and thence which doth not include an absolute Decree of their futurition . Whence it wil follow , that God can foreknow no contingent sinful act as absolutely future , but what he first decreed to be absolutely future ; which yet Strangius admits not . Herein he is opposed by Le Blanc , De Concord . Libert . pag. 455. 3. Our Opponents are also at variance among themselves touching Gods concurse , its immediation , totalitie , prioritie , efficace , and predetermination as to sinful acts . ( 1 ) How many of them incline to the sentiments of Durandus , denying al immediate concurse to sinful acts ? And of those that grant immediate concurse in termes , how many yet denie it in realitie ? Among those that grant immediate concurse both name and thing , do not many espouse such consequences as are inconsistent therewith , yea repugnant thereto ? ( 2 ) Our Adversaries also differ much about Gods total particular concurse to the substrate mater or entitative act of sin . Some grant a total concurse to the physic entitative act in the general , but not in particular : others grant a total concurse to the entitative act in particular , abstracting the reference it has to its object : Thus Strangius , lib. 2. cap. 3. who grants , that God doth concur by a special concurse to the special effects as they are specifically distinguished not morally but physically ; which is al that we contend for : Others , on the contrary , make Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin only partial and general , asserting with Molina , Part. 1. q. 14. a. 3. Disp . 6. That God is only a partial cause of the entitative act of sin : So a Divine of name among us ; yea he asserts , that God never totally permits sin . ( 3 ) Our Opponents differ also among themselves touching the Prioritie of Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin . Some grant Gods concurse hereto previous , though not predeterminative ; so Strangius : but others make it to be only simultaneous ; asserting , that God concurs with the wil of man in the same moment of nature and reason , to the same act . So Baronius , wherein he also follows Lud. Molina and the Arminians . ( 4 ) Lastly , the principal difference among our Adversaries is about the Efficacitie and Predetermination of Divine concurse as to the substrate mater of sin . Some make the concurse of God to be only general and indifferent , and so determinable by the second cause , as the influence of the Sun is by the mater it workes upon . Thus Baronius , Metaphys . Sect. 8. Disput . 3. § . 73 , 74 , 75. pag. 142 , &c. where he makes Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sinful acts to be the same with that of the Sun concurring to the generation of a man or horse . Wherein he follows the Remonstrants and Jesuites , more particularly Molina , Concord . Liber . Arbitr . cum Grat. donis , &c. Quaest . 14. Disput . 26. Thus a reverend Divine of name among our selves openly asserts , that Gods concurse is determinable by the creature . But Strangius , albeit he too far fals in with the sentiments of Baronius against predetermination ; yet he rejects this Hypothesis of a general indifferent concurse as too grosse and Pelagian . So l. 2. c. 3. p. 154. We say not therefore , that God concurs only by a general concurse , as the Sun concurs in the same manner to the generation of a man , and of an horse , and of a mouse ; but we determine , that the influxe of God is special to special effects , as they are physically distinguished specie , and unto al kind of entitie , but not to the reason of moral iniquitie , which consistes in privation . Strangius here seems to oppose Baronius's Hypothesis touching a general indifferent concurse ; but yet , I must confesse , upon a more accurate research I cannot find that he differs materially from Baronius herein : for although l. 1. c. 11. p. 61. he cals this concurse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , efficace , yet he makes it be but commun , and no way determinative , and therefore only indifferent . The like l. 2. c. 19. p. 373. And I am very positive in this , that no man living can rationally exemt themselves from the imputation of the Jesuites indifferent concurse , and assert an efficacious special concurse , but what is determinative as to the subject it workes on . And thence Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . part . 3. thes . 36. p. 434. confesseth , That Strangius ' s opinion as to this point differs but little from that of Baronius . Lastly , Baronius denies al predetermination both as to good and evil actions ; as Metaph. Sect. 8. Disput . 3. § . 78 , &c. p. 146. Strangius allows predetermination to al acts moraly though but imperfectly good , and to many other acts of the wil , whensoever God pleaseth , or need requireth ; yet he denies it to al acts of the creatures , specially to such as are intrinsecally evil , as lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 162. and elsewhere . Herein he is followed by some Divines of note among our selves , who I am very confident wil never be able to maintain their singular Hypothesis , but wil at last be driven to the opinion of Baronius , the Remonstrants , and Jesuites , or else fal under the lode of al those black consequences they clog our Hypothesis with ; of which hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 4. 4. Our Adversaries differ much among themselves about Gods permission of sin , its nature and efficace . ( 1 ) A Divine of repute among our selves assertet● that no act of sin , no not the active selling of Joseph , or crucifying of Christ was willed by God ; but only the passive vendition and crucifixion or effect ; yea he saith , That God doth not wil sin as a punishment in a proper sense : but others allow , that God wils the acts of sin as penal , or conducible to his own glorie , though not as sinful acts . Thus Strangius , l. 4. c. 2. p. 773. where having refuted that distinction ( at first framed by Bellarmine , and of late reassumed by a Divine of great name among our selves ) of active and passive vendition and crucifixion , he concludes thus : Therefore here was not an otiose or idle permission , but an efficax operation in the selling of Joseph , which is more orthodoxe and consistent with itself , than the former Hypothesis which seems to be contradictory to itself , as hereafter , Chap. 3. § . 2. ( 2 ) Some of our Opponents assert , Gods permission of sin to be altogether inefficacious , yea idle and unactive : but others allow it an efficace , and energie for the limiting , directing , and ordering of sinful acts to their proper ends ; albeit not about the act itself ; which I conceive no better than a modest contradiction : for how can Gods permission limit , direct , and order sinful acts , but by influencing the very act itself materially considered ? See more of this , Chap. 5. § . 6. 5. Our Adversaries also differ greatly among themselves about the Nature of sin , its formal Reason , &c. Some , and those of no smal repute among our selves , hold sin , as to its formal reason , to be a positive real Being : which indeed is most agreable to their Hypothesis touching acts intrinsecally evil , which they denie to be as to their substrate mater or entitative act from God. I must confesse this opinion would carry somewhat of probabilitie with it , if we could with the Manichees hold two first Principes or Causes , one of good , the other of evil ; but for us that assert but one first Cause of al create positive Beings , I cannot imagine how any can maintain this Hypothesis of the positivitie of sin , without making God the Author of sin , or making mans corrupt wil independent , and so the first cause of a real positive act . Therefore Strangius , lib. 1. cap. 13. to avoid these black consequences strongly argues , with the Orthodoxe , that the formal reason of sin consistes in privation . But withal we are here to note , that this Hypothesis utterly overthrows his other Hypothesis touching acts intrinsecally evil , which he denies to be from God as to their substrate mater ; of which more hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 5. There are other points of moment wherein our Antagonists differ among themselves , as wel as from us ; namely , touching the natural or moral libertie of the wil , natural impossibilitie and possibilitie , Gods decretive and approbative wil , of which before Chap. 1. And indeed we need no way wonder , that our Adversaries thus differ among themselves , sithat their Hypothesis is liable to so many inconsistences and contradictions : for how is it possible , that they should agree among themselves , when as their principal Hypothesis is so disagreeing from itself ? But more of this when we come to the demonstrative part , Chap. 5. § . 3. We procede now to shew , Wherein we differ from those of the new method , Strangius , Baronius , Le Blanc , and others , about Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin . Immediately on the breaking up of the Synod of Dort , wherein the Antitheses and sentiments of the Arminians were so strongly and fully refuted , there sprang up some Divines , who gave their assent and consent to the Canons of the said Synod , but yet contrived a new method , specially as to universal Grace , Reprobation , and Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin , in order to a coalition with the Arminian partie , as we shal hereafter demonstrate . And the principal Agent , who undertook the new modelling this last head , was Strangius ; which he has copiosely treated of , according to the new method , in his Book , De Voluntate & Actionibus Dei circa peccatum : whose sentiments we are to examine in what follows ; but at present we shal only lay down in several Propositions wherein we differ from him , and those who follow his method in the stating Gods Concurse to the mater of sin . We assert , 1. Prop. God has an absolute efficacious Decree about the substrate mater or entitative act of al sin . This Proposition Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 2. pag. 547. grants to be true in althings but sin ; specially the first sin , and such acts as are intrinsecally evil : which sufficiently proves our Proposition ; for we say and are ready to demonstrate , that the substrate mater or entitative act whereto sin is annexed , is not in itself or its natural entitie sinful , but naturally good . What there is of sin annexed to it ariseth from its moral estimation and relation to the Law of God violated thereby : in which regard we peremptorily denie that it is from God. Yea Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 569. grants , That God is the cause of the act , though he doth not absolutely predestine or decree the same : and then to that objection of Alvarez , That the Divine preordination and eternal predefinition extendes itself to al those things unto which the causalitie and efficience of God extendes , he replies , That God decrees althings either absolutely or respectively . But this is a very poor Pelagian evasion : for respective or conditional Decrees are every way unbecoming the Divine perfections of God , as our Divines , particularly Davenant Animadvers : against Hoard , pag. 226. have proved against the Arminians . Lastly , Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 5. p. 576. denies , That God decrees al sins , specially the first sin : which we shal in its place endeavor to prove , with the solution of his objections against it . Hence , 2. Prop. The Decree of God gives futurition to the substrate mater or material entitative act whereunto sin is annexed . The Antithesis hereto is defended by Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 585. where he affirmes , That it is not repugnant to the nature of God , or of the thing itself , that something be future , which God has not predefined . So c. 9. p. 628. he denies , that God hath decreed al futures , namely the fal of Adam , or the sin against the Holy Ghost . This Proposition is also violently impugned by Le Blanc , de Concord . Libert . Hum. par . 1. thes . 55 , &c. But specially I can no way approve of what Twisse doth in many places assert , That the Decree of God and his wil is the sole and only cause of the futurition of every event . And he instanceth in the fal of Adam and the Angels . His Arguments against the futurition of the substrate mater of sin from the Decree of God , we shal examine in what follows , Chap. 5. § . 1. 3. Prop. The permissive Decree of God about sin is not idle but efficacious . This Proposition is opposed by Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 556. Neither do we grant , what some affirme , that the permissive Decree of God , whereby he permits al sin , is efficacious , albeit not effective . For so the fal of Adam and al other sins should procede from the efficace of the Divine Decree : which is an hard saying . Neither is that lesse hard , which some affirme , that God hath absolutely decreed , that men do not more good than what they do , and omit not more evil than what they omit . This Hypothesis is so far from being hard , as that I conceive Strangius's opposite persuasion is most dangerous and destructive of the Divine Decrees , as we shal shew in its place . Yea Strangius himself , in what follows , pag. 557. grants what Lombard , lib. 1. dist . 47. assertes , namely , that the wil of God is always efficacious , &c. 4. Prop. Gods Prescience of things future , and particularly of acts whereto sin is annexed is founded on his Decrees . Thus Hilarie , de Trin. lib. 9. What God decreed to do , those things he knows in his wil. This sentence of Hilarie Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 576. ownes as orthodox , but yet denies , that the absolute Decree of God is the reason of knowing althings . So Le Blanc , de Concord . Libert . par . 1. thes . ●3 . I see no reason , why we should denie unto God the knowledge of those things which are freely future under a certain condition , albeit in that condition there be not included a decree of predetermining the free cause to this or that . But Scotus and his followers fully espouse our Hypothesis , asserting , That God certainly knows al future contingents , because his Divine Essence , which is the reason of knowing , representes to the Divine Intellect the thing determinately future from the determination of his own wil. And then as to the prescience of sin , they hold , That albeit God doth not predefine sins as such , yet he predefines the permission of sins , in which he knows them to be future . Which is orthodox , and that which we shal demonstrate hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 2. 5. Prop. It belongs to the Perfection of Gods wil and providence to predefine and predetermine al the free acts of the wil. This predefinition and predetermination as to gratiose acts Strangius , lib. 2. c. 8. p. 188. and the rest of the new Methodists , excepting Baronius , grant ; but they denie it as to the Fal of Adam and other acts intrinsecally evil . So Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 568. But if it be said , that God predefined and predetermined that Adam should at that very time eat , abstracting from the object which he did eat of , that cannot be . Then he gives his reasons , why God could not predefine and predetermine Adam to the act of eating , abstracting it from the reference it has to its object . And then he addes : Moreover we denie , that it belongs to the Perfection of God or of Divine Providence , that he absolutely predefine al free acts , and predetermin the Wil unto them . The Arguments he urgeth for this his Antithesis we shal endeavor to solve , and demonstrate our own hypothesis in its due place , Chap. 6. § . 1. 6. Prop. Gods predefinition of and predetermination to the substrate mater of sinful Acts destroys not their Libertie . Strangius and his Sectators grant , That Predefinition and Predetermination destroyes not that Libertie which is essential to the Wil , but only that which consistes in Indifference . So Strangius , l. 3. c. 14. p. 681 , 682 , 683 , 685 , 686. and c. 16. p. 711. But how frivolous this opinion is , and how unapt to serve the designe for which it was coined , we have already intimated , c. 1. § . 3. and intend more fully to demonstrate , Chap. 6. § . 5. 7. Prop. Predefinition in the divine Decree and Predetermination in time of those entitative Acts whereunto sin is annexed , do not make God the Author of Sin. This is the principal point in controversie , the Antithesis whereof is strongly urged , though weakly defended by our Opponents . Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 548. But I judge it no way consentaneous to the natural sanctitie of God , that he wil and decree sin to be , the vitiositie to exist , and that he predefine such acts , whereunto the vitiositie is necessarily annexed ; specially the Fal of the evil Angels and our first Parents , from whence al sins sprang . So c. 5. p. 579. Whether it be said from the permission , or from the Decree of God permitting , or from the action of which God is the cause , that sin is necessarily inferred , truely the necessity of sinning is ascribed to God as the Author ; namely because he decreed and caused that from which sin necessarily follows . The like p. 587. Neither hath God predetermined the wil of Adam to the very act of eating the forbidden fruit , which yet as to its entitie is reduced to God as the first cause : neither was that act or its vitiositie necessarily inferred from the permission of God. That this Antithesis of Strangius and his Sectators is most false , and our Hypothesis most true , it remains on us to demonstrate , Chap. 5. Thus we have given the true and ful state of our Controversie ; which by reason of the subtile evasions and subterfuges of our Adversaries lies under so much obscuritie and confusion : and indeed it is to me a deplorable case , and that which argues mens diffidence of the merits of their cause , that they contend with so much passionate vehemence for their own Phaenomena , and yet never explicate the termes , or state the Question in controversie . I have thereby given the Reader as wel as my self the more trouble in this part of our Province , that so what follows may be the more facile both for him and me . CHAP. III. Scriptural Demonstrations of our Hypothesis . Scriptural Demonstration , ( 1 ) That God is the first Cause of al natural Actions and Things , Esa . 26. 12. Rom. 11. 36. Eph. 1. 11. Psal . 33. 15. Prov. 21. 1. Act. 17. 28. Jam. 4. 15. ( 2 ) That God doth predetermine natural actions to which sin is annexed . [ 1 ] Joseph's vendition , Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. Gen. 50. 20. Acts 7. 9. [ 2 ] The Crucifixion of Christ , Mat. 26. 24. Luke 22. 22. John 19. 10 , 11. Acts 2. 23. & 4. 28. Our Adversaries Evasions taken off . ( 3 ) That God makes use of wicked Instruments to punish his People , Esa . 10. 5 , 6. Jer. 16. 16. Psal . 105. 25. Job 1. 21. ( 4 ) God's immediate hand in the Act of Sin , 2 Sam. 12. 11. & 16. 22. 2 ▪ Sam. 16. 10 , 11. & 24. 1. 1 Kings 11. 31 , 37. & 12. 15 , 24. 2 Kings 9. 3. & 10. 30. 1 Kings 22 ▪ 23. Rev. 17. 17. ( 5 ) Gods efficacious permission of Sin , 1 Sam. 2. 25. Job 12. 16 , 17 , 20. ( 6 ) Gods judicial hardening Sinners , Psal . 81. 12. & 69. 22-27 . Rom. 11. 10. Esa . 6. 10. & 29. 10. & 19. 11 - 14. & 44. 18 , 19. & 60. 2. Rom. 1. 28. 2 Thess . 2. 11. The nature of Judicial Induration in six Propositions . ( 7 ) Gods ordering Sin for his glorie , Exod. 9. 14-16 . Rom. 9. 17 , 18. Prov. 16. 4. Rom. 9. 21 , 22. 1 Pet. 2. 8. HAving explicated the termes relating to and given the genuine state of our Hypothesis , namely , That God doth , by an efficacious power and influence , move and predetermine men to al their natural actions , even such as have sin appendent to them ; we now procede to the Demonstration hereof . And because al demonstration must be grounded on some first principes , which give evidence , firmitude and force thereto ; and there are no proper principes of Faith and Theologie , but what are originally in the Scriptures , we are therefore to begin our Demonstration with Scriptural Arguments , which we shal reduce to these seven heads . ( 1 ) Such Scriptures wherein it is universally affirmed , that God is the first Cause of al natural actions and things , and more particularly of al even the most contingent acts of mans Wil. ( 2 ) Such Scriptures as directly demonstrate , That God doth predefine , predetermine , and foreordain such natural actions whereunto sin is necessarily annexed . ( 3 ) Such Scriptures wherein God is said to make use of wicked Instruments for the punishment of his People , in such a way wherein they could not but contract guilt . ( 4 ) Such Scriptures as mention Gods own immediate hand in those acts whereunto sin is appendent . ( 5 ) Such Scriptures as mention Gods efficacious permission of some to sin . ( 6 ) Such Scriptures as demonstrate Gods giving up some to judicial Occecation and Obduration . ( 7 ) Such as clearly evince Gods ordering and disposing the Sins of men for his own Glorie . § . 1. We shal begin our Scriptural Demonstration with such Texts as universally affirme , That God is the first cause of al natural Actions and Things ; and more particularly , of al even the most contingent acts of mans Wil. 1. The Scriptures that speak God to be the first Cause of al natural Actions and Things , are many and great : we shal mention some ; as , Esa . 26. 12. Thou hast wrought al our works in us , or for us . This Text is urged by Strangius , p. 54. to prove Gods immediate concurse to al actions of the creature , though it doth in a more peculiar manner regard the deliverance of the Church ; wherein God predetermines and over-rules many actions of wicked men , which have much sin annexed to them . Again , this universal prime Causalitie of God efficaciously influencing al natural Acts and Effects is apparently expressed Rom. 11. 36. For of him , and through him , and to him are althings . Of him , as he frames althings ; By him , as he operates in and cooperates with althings ; and for him , as the final cause of althings . Thus Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , multiforme energie , as Cyril stiles it , reacheth al manner of Natural actions and effects : and if so , then surely such natural entitative Actions as have sin annexed to them . Is there any sin so intrinsecally evil , which has not some entitative act or subject as the substrate mater thereof ? And if althings are of God , and by him , and for him , must not also the entitative act of sins intrinsecally evil be so ? Strangius , p. 342. replies thus : Al that God workes must tend to his Glorie : But what Glorie redounds to God from those Actions of hatred of God , blasphemie ? &c. A strange replie indeed for a Divine to make . ( 1 ) Was there not much Hatred of God , and Blasphemie in the crucifying of Christ ? And yet was there any action more conducing to the glorie of God than this ? Yea , ( 2 ) Doth not Strangius himself , and those of his partie grant , that God directs , disposeth , and over-rules al sinful acts , even such as are intrinsecally evil , so as that they conduce to his glorie ? And how can God direct , dispose , and over-rule them , unless he concur , yea predetermine the Wil to the entitative act ? Again Strangius , p. 561. answers to this Text thus : None that is orthodoxe ever extended these words to sins ; as if sins were of God , by God , and for him , &c. [ 1 ] Neither do we extend these words to sins formally considered : [ 2 ] But must we thence necessarily conclude , that the entitative act , whereto sin is only accidentally appendent , is not from God , nor by him , nor for him ? Yea , [ 3 ] May we not say with Divines , that sin formally considered , although it be not of God and by him as an Efficient , yet it is for him , i. e. conducing to his Glorie , as wisely ordered and over-ruled contrary to the intent of the sinner ? Thus much Augustin once and again inculcates , as De Genes . ad liter . lib. Imperfecto , cap. 5. * For God is not the Author of our sins , yet he is the Ordinator of them , &c. And thus much indeed Strangius , p. 860. confesseth . Another Text that evidently and invincibly demonstrates Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse to al natural as wel as supernatural Actions and Effects is , Ephes . 1. 11. Who worketh althings after the counsel of his own wil. We find three particulars in this Texte which greatly conduce to explicate and demonstrate Gods efficacious Concurse to al Actions , and particularly to the substrate mater of sinful acts . ( 1 ) We may consider the object , althings , i. e. whatever is clothed with the Notion and Idea of real positive entitie : althings must be here taken distributively into al singulars : there is no Being , that partakes of real entitie but is wrought by God. ( 2 ) Here is to be considered , the Act , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who worketh energetically , or efficaciously : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to work with an invincible efficace ; and thence it is oft joined with words denoting infinite power and activitie , as before , c. 1. § . 6. It notes here Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse , working in and with althings , according to their natural propensions . Thence ( 3 ) follows the original principe of this predeterminative efficacious operation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the counsel of his own wil. Which notes , that Gods efficacious predeterminative wil is the supreme and first cause of althings : there is no executive power in God distinct from his Wil : his Concurse in regard of its active attingence is no more than his simple volition : so that divine Predetermination is the same with divine Predefinition , as we have largely demonstrated , Court Gent. P. 4. c. 7. § . 3. Whence also it follows , that Gods working althings according to the counsel of his wil , has one and the same Idea with his predetermining al actions and effects , even such as have sin appendent to them . Strangius , p. 560. replies to the Argument drawen from this Text thus : From this place nothing more can be collected , than that God has decreed those things that he worketh : as it is certain , that God hath decreed nothing which he doth not execute — not that God worketh sins , &c. [ 1 ] This Text speaks more than what Strangius allows it to speake , namely , that God has not only decreed those things that he worketh , but also that he works by his Decree , or omnipotent Volition : for we owne no other executive power in God but his divine Wil , as Scotus , Bradwardine , and some of the greatest Scholastic Theologues demonstrate . [ 2 ] Who saith , that God worketh Sins ? surely none but Marcion or Manes , or such as hold Sin to be a positive real Being . [ 3 ] But yet we do with the Orthodoxe affirme and prove from this Scripture , that God worketh that entitative natural Act , whereunto sin is appendent : for otherwise , how can he be said to worke althings ? Is this good sense or Logic , to say , God workes althings , not only according to their generic or specific distribution , but also according to their distribution into each singular , ( for so the Syncategoreme Al is here taken ) but yet he worketh not al singular entities , namely the substrate mater of Sin ? Doth this amount to less than a down-right contradiction ? He workes althings , but yet doth not worke althings ? What Logic or wit of man can reconcile these Notions ? 2. Unto our first Head we may also reduce such Scriptures , as in a more particular manner mention Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse to al human actions and effects , even such as are most contingent and dependent on the ambulatory wil of man. Thus Psal . 33. 15. He fashioneth their hearts alike : he considereth al their works , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who fashioneth , formeth , frameth , as the Potter doth his clay : it notes not only , yea not so much the first Creation of the human Soul , as its actual figments , frames , imaginations and thoughts : this is evident from the scope and contexture of the words : for what is the Psalmists intent and undertakement , but to demonstrate Gods infinite prescience , and its perfect comprehension of al the figments , frames , thoughts , intentions , and affections of the heart , as vers . 13 , 14 ? And how doth he prove this ? Why , because he fashioneth their hearts alike , i. e. puts al the first thoughts , inclinations , intentions and movements of the heart into what forme , frame , or fashion he pleaseth . There is also a great Emphase and significance in that terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render alike , but may be as properly rendred together , as it is by the Latine simul ; neither is it to be referred to the Verbe frameth , but to the object Hearts : and so it notes an universalitie distributive into al singulars , without the least exception of any . And then the sense wil be ; who fashioneth , formeth , or frameth the hearts of al mankind in al their very first motions , conceptions , imaginations , resolutions , end , interests , contrivements , ebullitions , affections , prosecutions , and fruitions , or other actions whatsoever . Whence he addes , He considereth al their works : what works doth he mean ? Surely not only the works and labors of mens hands , but also the workings , movements , and figments of their hearts : and how can God consider them , if he did not forme , frame and fashion them ? Yea , there yet lies a deeper notion in the coherence of these parts ; namely , that Gods forming , framing and fashioning the hearts of al men is the ground and cause of his considering their works : For how God can perfectly consider and know the works of mens hearts , unlesse he be the former , framer , and fashioner of them al , as to their real entitative acts , al the wit of man can never devise or make clear unto us . So that Gods Science of Vision , or Prescience as to the figments of mans heart ariseth from this , that God is the framer , former , and fashioner of mens hearts and al their natural movements ; which also implies his predefinition and predetermination of mans heart and al its first motions , inclinations , and affections . So then to forme and sum up our Argument from this Text : Doth God indeed fashion , forme and frame the hearts of al men in al their natural motions , imaginations , and affections ? And may we without apparent contradiction to the light of this Text exclude the entitative acts of any sins , though never so intrinsecally evil ? What is this but to exclude the far greatest part of human acts from being formed and framed by God ? Or how can the omniscient God consider al the works of mens hearts , if he be not the former and fashioner of them al , as to their natural entitie ? I must confesse the validitie of this argument from Gods prescience is to me so firme and great , as that should it be baffled , I see no way left , but to turne Socinian , and so to denie the certaintie of Gods prescience as to the contingent imaginations of mans heart , which implies much Atheisme . Another Text that proves Gods efficacious and predeterminative Concurse as to al human acts is Prov. 21. 1. The Kings heart is in the hand of the Lord , as the rivers of water ; he turneth it whithersoever he wil. ( 1 ) He mentions the Kings heart , as the measure of al other mens ; because Kings generally have a greater Soveraintie and Dominion over their own hearts , than other men : if any mens hearts may plead the privilege of exemtion from Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse , surely Kings may , specially such as Solomon was , who obtained from God such an amplitude of Soul , and self-Dominion : yet he grants , that the Kings heart was not exemted therefrom . ( 2 ) By the Heart we must understand , according to the Hebraic mode , the whole soul , and al its movements , imaginations , ratiocinations , contrivements , purposes , and undertakements . ( 3 ) In the hand of the Lord : i. e. under his efficacious predeterminative influxe or concurse . The Hand being the instrument of our most potent operations , it 's usually put in Scripture for the energetic , potent and predeterminative Concurse of God : So Hab. 3. 4. He [ i. e. Christ whose brightnesse was as the light ] had hornes , [ i. e. beams , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes ] coming out of his hands [ i. e. most potent wil , the spring of al his efficacious operations : whence it follows ] and there was the hiding of his power , i. e. his most potent efficacious predeterminative concurse lay hid in the beams irradiated from his omnipotent hand or wil. So Act. 11. 21. And the hand of the Lord was with them , i. e. the efficacious predeterminative power of Divine Grace ; the hand being the instrument whereby man exertes and puts forth his power . So Solomon saying , That the hearts of Kings are in the hand of God , it must be understood of Gods puissant predeterminative Concurse , whereby he applies the heart to its acts , conduceth and guideth it therein , and determineth it as he pleaseth . So it follows , ( 4 ) As the rivers of waters , he turneth it whithersoever he wil. How easie is it by Aquaducts to turne waters this or that way as men please ? And is it not infinitely more facile for the wise omnipontent God , to turne the hearts of men , and al their natural conceptions , products , and issues which way he listes ? Al this may be evinced from Strangius's glosse on this Text , lib. 1. cap. 9. pag. 50. where having given us the mention of Gods preserving and directing the wils of men even in evil actions , he addes a third and more special mode of Divine influence , whereby God doth bend , impel , and incline human wils which way he please , not by proper compulsion , but by sweet inspiration and motion : For albeit God doth never take away that libertie which is essential to the wil , yet he doth at times , and when he please , efficaciously move and impel the wils of men : and what Solomon predicates of the Kings heart , Prov. 21. 1. that very same may , on a greater account , be affirmed of the heart of every man. So Augustin , de Grat. & Liber . Arbitr . cap. 20. If the Scripture be diligently inspected , it shews , that not only the good wils of men , but even the bad are so in the power of God , that where he wil and when he wil , he causeth them to be inclined , either to performe benefits , or to inflict punishments , by a most secret , yet just judgement . So again August . de Corrept . & Grat. cap. 6. God hath in his power the wils of men , more than they themselves ; without dout having most omnipotent power to incline mens hearts where he pleaseth . What could be said more categorically and positively to evince Gods efficacious and predeterminative Concurse to al the natural products and issues of mans heart , even such as have intrinsecal evil , as they cal it , appendent to them ? Yea , Strangius , lib. 2. cap. 7. p. 182. grants , That God doth sometimes efficaciously move and predetermine the wils of men not only to supernatural workes , but also to natural and civil , as oft as it seems good to him , to performe certain ends which he has preordained . So Prov. 16. 7. He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him . And how so ? Surely by over-ruling their hearts even in the sinful movements . Thus he bent and determined the revengeful mind of Esau to embrace his brother , Gen. 33. So he gained the hearts of the Egyptians towards the Israelities , Exod. 11. 2 , 3. & 12. 35 , 36. Thus God determined the wil of Cyrus to bring back the Captivitie of the Jews , 2 Chron. 36. 22. Ezra 1. 1. Thus God bent the mind of Darius and Artaxerxes to grant the Jews libertie for the rebuilding the Temple , Ezra 6. 1 , &c. & 7. 2. Neh. 2. 4. So God dealt with Jeremy's enemies , Jer. 15. 11. Al these predeterminations even in civil and natural actions are allowed by Strangius : whence we argue , That it is impossible , but that God should predetermine to the substrate mater of sinful actions : for al these actions being exerted by wicked men , had nothing of moral or supernatural good in them , albeit God made use of them for the succour of his people , yea they were ful of hatred against God. To these Scriptures we may adde , Act. 17. 28. For in him we live , and move , and have our being . Not only Being in general , and Life , which implies more than simple being , but also al our movements or motions are from God as the prime Motor : which Paul demonstrates out of one of their own Poets : for we are also his off-spring . As if he had said : Do not your own Poets tel you , that we are the off-spring of God ? Is he not then the first Cause and Motor of al our motions ? Doth not Aristotle , Phys . 8. also strongly demonstrate , That al our natural motions must arise from one first immobile Motor ? And to whom doth this Prerogative belong but to God ? Must not then the substrate mater of al sinful motions , even such as are intrinsecally evil , be reduced unto God as the prime Motor ? I shal conclude this first Head of scriptural Arguments with Jam. 4. 15. For that ye ought to say , If the Lord wil , we shal live , and do this or that . There were a number of Free-willers , who proudly conceited , that they had an absolute and plenary dominion over their own wils and actions ; whom James rebukes , and tels them , they ought to say , If the Lord wil , &c. So that he plainly resolves al the acts of mans wil into the wil of God , as the original Cause and Principe . But let us see how poorly Strangius shifts off the force of this Argument , lib. 2. cap. 10. pag. 227. he saith , Who ever understood these words , if God wil , i. e. if God predetermine my wil to do this or that ? Then he addes his own glosse : But truly nothing more can be understood by that condition , IF GOD WIL , than this , if God shal permit , or wil permit , as it is elsewhere explicated , Act. 16. 7. & 1 Cor. 16. 7. I must confesse I cannot but wonder , that a person of so great reason , and under so many advantages and assistances from Divine Revelation , should satisfie himself with so slender an evasion , which not only Reason and Scripture , but even Pagan Philosophemes contradict . For ( 1 ) it is most evident , that James here , ( as Luke , Act. 16. 7. and Paul , 1 Cor. 16. 7. ) speakes not of a mere permissive wil , but of an efficacious influential concurse , arising from the wil of God , which is the alone principe and spring of Divine concurse : for al actions both natural , civil , and supernatural must be resolved into the wil of God , as their prime cause : so that If God wil here , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elsewhere , if God concur , if he assiste , if he by his efficacious predeterminative wil , without which we can do nothing , concur . And that this is the genuine mind of this Text is most evident by the use of this phrase among the Ancients both Jews and Pagans . Bensyra , that ancient Hebrew , Sent. moral . xi . thus speakes : Let man never say he wil do any thing , before he hath prefaced this , If the Lord wil , i. e. assiste or concur , not permit . So among Pagans , Hom. Iliad . B. vers . 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The like Demosth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If God wil. But none speakes more fully to this point than Plato , Alcibiad . pag. 135. where Alcibiades demanding , How he ought to speak touching Divine efficacious concurse , Socrates replies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If God wil : and in his Laches : But I wil do this and come to thee to morrow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If God wil. Whence it 's evident , that this formule of speech was ordinary even among the Heathens , as wel as Jews and Christians , noting not only a permissive or Directory , but Decretory and predeterminative wil. So the same Phrase must be understood , Act. 18. 21. If God wil , and 1 Cor. 4. 19. If the Lord wil. Is it possible that these Phrases should be understood of a mere permissive wil ? Do not al mankind need an efficacious concurse and predeterminative wil to conduct them in al their affaires ? Again , ( 2 ) Gods permissive wil is either natural or moral : it cannot be meant of Gods natural permissive wil , because that regardes only sin , which there is no mention of in these Textes , neither is it necessarily included . Neither can it be meant of Gods moral permissive wil , because that was already declared and manifest in the Laws of God : for al moral permission belongs to Gods Legislative wil declared in his word . It remains therefore that this phrase , If God wil , be understood of Gods efficacious wil , whereby al natural motions and so the entitative acts of sin are predetermined . § . 2. I now descend to the Second Head of Scriptural Demonstrations , namely , That God doth predefine , predetermine , and fore-ordain such natural actions whereunto sin is necessarily annexed . I shal mention only two Actions , The Selling of Joseph , and the Crucifixion of our Lord , whereof the former was but a Type of the later . 1. I shal begin with the Selling of Joseph , mentioned Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. Joseph saith v. 5. Now therefore be not grieved , nor angry with your selves , that ye sold me hither : for God did send me before you to preservelife . Joseph here has a double aspect on his Brothers sin ; the one regards their hand in the sin , which he , out of a noble generous principe of fraternal Love , passeth by ; the other regards the special hand of Divine Providence in this their Sin , which he admires and adores , in that it by an efficacious predeterminative Concurse brought so great a good out of so great an evil ; which no finite power could do : men may make good use of what is in it self good , but who can bring so great good out of so great evil , but a God omniscient and omnipotent ? ( 1 ) Let us remarque their Sin in selling Joseph , and of what a black Idea it was . [ 1 ] It sprang from Hatred , yea a deliberate rooted hatred , as Gen. 37. 4. They hated him , and could not speak peaceably unto him . Their hatred was grounded on his fathers love to him . Yea , [ 2 ] There was much Envy and Indignation joined with their hatred , as v. 8. Shalt thou indeed reign over us ? &c. whence v. 11. and his brethren envied him , &c. [ 3 ] There was in like manner bloudy Cruelty , yea intended Murther in this sin , as v. 20 , 21 , 22 , 24. [ 4 ] There was also notorious Lying evident in this sin , v. 32 , 33. [ 5 ] That this sin was of a very crimson bloudy guilt is evident by their own Convictions and Confessions , when God began to awaken their Consciences , as it is conjectured about fourteen years after , Gen. 42. 22. Behold his bloud is required ! [ 6 ] By al which it is most evident , that this vendition or selling of Joseph was a sin intrinsecally evil . For certainly if a sin of such bloudy Aggravations deserve not the name of intrinsecally evil , I know not what sin doth . Hence , ( 2 ) We are to demonstrate , that God did predefine and predetermine Josephs Brethren to the entitative act or substrate mater of this Sin. And this Province we no way dout but to make good out of the Texte , Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. compared with other Texts . [ 1 ] Joseph saith , v. 5. 7. God did send me before you to preserve life . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent me forth , by his efficacious predeterminative hand , which conducted me hither . The LXX . render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies , to send forth with a mighty hand , as Captives into Libertie , Luke 4. 18. also , to send forth with commands , autoritie and power , Mat. 10. 16. & 11. 10. as elsewhere : again , to send forth executioners , Mat. 2. 16. lastly , to direct the course of a Ship. In al these notions Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse in sending Joseph into Egypt , is necessarily included . This also appears [ 2 ] by what is added v. 5. God did send me before you to preserve life . Note here , that God certainly and absolutely foresaw the Famine and Josephs being sold into Egypt , which he intended to turne for good , even for the preservation of Jacobs Familie and the Elect seed in him . Now how could God foresee this absolutely and infallibly , but in the predefinition or fore ordainment of his own Wil ? And Strangius grants this , that where there is Predefinition , there also follows Predetermination : Must we not then conclude , that this Vendition of Joseph was both predefined and predetermined by God ? Yea , [ 3 ] Joseph addes v. 8. So now it was not you that sent me hither , but God , &c. You see here Joseph makes a three-fold mention of Gods over-ruling hand in this their sin , and that for their as wel as his good : And he tels them plainly , that it was not they that sent him , but God. As if he had said , You indeed sent me to be a poor Vassal in Egypt ; but did not God send me to be a Ruler over Egypt ? You sent me to destroy me , but why did God send me , but to preserve both you and me ? You sent me out of Hatred and Malice ; but did not God send me out of great Love and pitie both to me and you ? And what could be spoken more emphatically to illustrate and demonstrate Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin than this , It was not you that sent me hither , but God ? Why doth he use this manner of speech ? was it not they that sold him ? Yes ; but because they were but as mere passive Instruments or Midwifes to bring forth that great predeterminative Decree , and to subserve Divine Providence in the ushering into Egypt Joseph their temporal Savior , and the Type of our Eternal Savior , therefore the entitative action is wholly taken off from them , ( albeit the moral vitiositie of it is imputable to none but them ) and ascribed unto God , as the principal Agent . This manner of speech is Hebraic , and must be understood , ( 1 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was not you , i. e. not only you : you were but the Instruments of Divine Gubernation and Predetermination . ( 2 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emphatically , it was not you , i. e. if we consider the act of selling me in its natural entitative Idea , as the substrate mater of Divine Providence , ye had the least hand in it , it was not you , but God that sent me hither . We find the like Hebraisme , 1 Sam. 8. 7. Not thee but me , i. e. principally and comparatively . So that it 's most evident that Joseph ascribeth the whole Act considered entitatively and naturally unto Gods efficacious predeterminative and principal concurse and conduct , whereof they were but the Instruments ; albeit , if we consider the act morally , as to its obliquitie , so it was wholly theirs , not Gods : it is not his brethrens sin morally considered , but the entitative act that he refers to God. [ 4 ] That this is the genuine mind of Josephs words is evident from other Scriptures . So Gen. 50. 20. But as for you , ye thought evil against me , but God meant it for good , &c. Here we have their moral evil separated from Gods natural and moral good in and by the Vendition of Joseph . Their Act proceding from hatred , envy , and attended with Murder , was intrinsecally evil , and designed nothing but evil against Joseph : but the same Act considered physically and entitatively as proceding from the efficacious predeterminative conduct of God , was naturally good ; and as it tended to the designed exaltation of Joseph , and rendered him a temporal and typical Savior of Israel , so it was morally good . The aggravation of their Sin , and efficace of Gods predeterminative Concurse may be both greatly illustrated by an inspection into the native import of the Hebraic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used here to note their malitiose plotted evil , and Gods plotted predeterminative concurse in and about the same act . ( 1 ) He saith , Ye thought evil against me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ye plotted , contrived evil against me . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies to excogitate , deliberate , consult , compute , calculate , contrive , reason . It is oft used to signifie plotted , inachinated evil , as Psal . 10. 2. The same word is used to note Gods determinate counsel and wil about the entitative act of their Sin ; but God meant it unto Good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. from al Eternitie contrived and predetermined it for good . Their plotted contrived evil , was counter-plotted and contrived by God for good : Which notes that it was not a thing casual or accidental , but fore-ordained and predetermined by God , according to the determinate counsel of his wil. The like may be deduced from Stephens words , Act. 7. 9. And the Patriarchs moved with envy , sold Joseph into Egypt ; but God was with him . Here we have their Moral evil aggravated from its original Spring , and Gods natural and moral good in the same Act. How was God with him ? Not only in his passive Vendition , or passing into Egypt and continuance there , as some would perswade us ; but also in the very Active Vendition , or act of selling him to the Ishmaelites , considered naturally and entitatively : for God was with Joseph in causing the Ishmaelites to pass by at that very time , in determining his brethrens wils to take him out of the pit and sell him to the Ishmaelites , and inclining or determining these to accept the bargain . In sum , God was with Joseph by an efficacious predeterminative conduct , determining every circumstance of this Vendition naturally considered . I am not ignorant what Responses or Answers are framed by the Jesuites , Arminians , and New Methodists against our Argument deduced from this Vendition of Joseph : Molina , ( the Head of the Jesuites as to their Pelagian Dogmes ) de Concord . q. 19. Disp . 2. tels us , that this Vendition of Joseph is ascribed to God , as merely permitting it . The like Ruiz , de Volunt . disp . 18. Sect. 2. and Lessius , de Efficac . Grat. Sect. 2. and others . Arminius , de Efficac . Provid . Disput . 11 , 12. over and above this mere Permission of the Jesuites , addes Gods oblation , direction , and determination of Arguments and Occasions , yea some kind of concurse in this Vendition of Joseph , &c. But al these frivolous subterfuges to avoid the force of this Text are incomparably wel blowen off by Rutherford , de Divina Provident . c. 16. p. 192 , &c. I shal therefore only give the solution of such as have been coined since by the New Methodists , which indeed are much the same with those of the Jesuites and Arminians . A Divine of name among us , gives this replie to our Argument , That the Venditio activa , the active Vendition of Joseph was not willed by God , but only passiva , the passive , or effect and consequents ; which are only mentioned in the Text. I must confess this answer gives me some amazement , but no difficultie to answer it . For , ( 1 ) What this Reverend Author means by his passive Vendition I cannot divine : I know that in the Aristotelean Scholes Action and Passion have been really distinguished and so distributed into two distinct Predicaments ; but I think this imaginary distinction is now generally hiss'd out of the Scholes by al awakened Disputants ; yea , how many of those , who are zelose Sectators of Aristotle in other points , have subscribed the banishment of this distinction ? So that to distinguish active Vendition from passive , what is it but to distinguish one and the same Act from it self ? But ( 2 ) grant there be such a distinction in Nature , yet is it not most apparent , that it can have no place here ? Doth not Joseph ascribe the very active Vendition or action of Selling him , unto God ? Is it not said v. 8. So now , it was not you that sent me hither , but God ? Can this , with any tolerable sense be applied to the passive Vendition , or the effects and consequents of the selling Joseph ? Must it not necessarily be understood of the very same active Vendition , which , considered in its natural entitative act , they were the Instruments of , but God the principal Agent and Conductor ? ( 3 ) This Distinction of Active and Passive Vendition was not indeed forged by the Reverend Author before mentioned , but taken up from Bellarmine , who de Amiss . Grat. l. 12. c. 11. distinguisheth the Action of selling Joseph and crucifying Christ from the Passion , and grants , that God willed and decreed the Passion , but not the Action , which inferred the Passion ; and because the said Author has so great an estime for Strangius , whom he generally follows in this point , I shal give him the answer which Strangius , l. 4. c. 11. p. 772. gives to this distinction of Bellarmine , thus : However it be , in the Text there are two things to be observed , [ 1 ] That Joseph there cannot distinguish the Action from the Passion , as if the Passion were to be ascribed to God , not the Action : for it 's plainly said and repeted in the Text , according to the Hebraic veritie , Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. that God sent him . [ 2 ] Thence c. 50. 20. he doth plainly distinguish between the good work of God and their evil in the same mater , from the diversitie of the Intention : You designed evil against me , but God designed that for good — Then he addes : Here the various operation and provident administration of God is seen , that he might bring to pass what he had presignified before by the dreams of Joseph , &c. And p. 773. he subjoins : There is no incommoditie if it be said , that God elected and also procured the Vendition of Joseph as a means to the end fore-ordained by him , and that may be understood not only of passive Vendition , but also of active , which truely can never be separated . For if God willed that Joseph be sold , he willed , that some one should sel him , and that no other should sel him but his brethren . For neither was that Vendition a thing in it self evil , if it be considered apart from the vitiositie and defect of the second Causes . Then he concludes : The Permission of God here was not otiose , but an efficacious operation in the tradition of Joseph , subministration of occasions , out of the concurse which he made both by the direction of al circumstances , and moderation of the wil of his brethren , that their purpose of killing him being changed , they might do no other than what God intended . And the same efficace and force of Divine providence shines brightly in working , disposing , and directing al other things that relate to this Historie . This Answer of Strangius to Bellarmine I have been the more prolixe in reciting , ( 1 ) because the fore-mentioned Divine of so much repute among us makes great use of this distinction touching active and passive vendition or crucifixion , endeavoring thereby to solve al our Arguments from the vendition of Joseph and crucifixion of Christ ; whereas Strangius , one of his own partie , rejectes it as spurious and frivolous . ( 2 ) Because the concessions of Strangius in this his Answer to Bellarmine do indeed give a mortal wound to his own cause : For if the active vendition of Joseph was from Gods efficacious providence and wil decreeing the same , then actions intrinsecally evil are as to their entitative act or substrate mater naturally considered from God , albeit their moral vitiositie is to be ascribed to no one but the sinner . 2. I now passe on to demonstrate , That God doth predefine , or foreordain and predetermine such natural actions whereunto sin is necessarily annexed , from the Crucifixion of Christ . And the Textes that confirme this part of our demonstration are so great and illustrious , that I cannot but greatly wonder how any Christian , that assentes to the veracitie and authoritie of Scripture , can evade the evidence thereof , or dissent from our Hypothesis . ( 1 ) I shal take the Scriptures as they lie in order , and begin with Mat. 26. 24. The Son of man goeth , as it is written of him ; but wo unto that man by whom the Son of man is betrayed . [ 1 ] Note here that Christs death was infallibly predicted or foretold : so much , as it is written of him , necessarily infers . Now how could the death of Christ be infallibly predicted , if it were not predefined and preordained by God ? Yea , if the death of Christ were not necessarily predefined and preordained by God , how could God infallibly foreknow the salvation of any one elect soul , which necessarily dependes on the death of Christ ? So that it remains most certain , that the death of Christ was predefined and foreordained by God , and that in every the least circumstance thereof : the whole series of intentions and actions in Judas's betraying his Lord , and the Jews malitiose and bloudy crucifying of him was predefined and preordained by God. [ 2 ] Hence also it follows , that al the bloudy contrivements , barbarous and cruel executions , with al the particular circumstances in the betraying and crucifying of Christ were predetermined by God. Thus much reason strongly evinceth , and Strangius with others grant , that eternal predefinition or predestination , and predetermination in time are parallel and commensurate each to other : whatever is eternally predefined or preordained by God is predetermined by him in time . Indeed if we wil take the true Idea of Divine Predetermination , what is it but the eternal act of the Divine wil , whereby God predefined or preordained al persons , actions , and effects to existe in such or such a period of time ? So that , to speake truth , predefinition and predetermination differ not really and originally as to their active principe ; albeit we may , out of compliance with the Scholes , put this difference between them , by understanding Predefinition , Preordination , or Predestination of the eternal active Decree of God , and Predetermination of the execution of the Decree , or its passive Attingence in regard of the effect . But take predetermination in what sense you please , it must necessarily be applied to the Crucifixion of Christ and al the most minute circumstances thereof . And so much indeed is implied in those words , The Son of man goeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where ? or to what ? Surely to die , and how ? without al peradventure , as efficaciously conducted , moved , yea predetermined by the Divine wil. There was not the least step he took to the Crosse , the least intention , action , or circumstance in the whole complexe or systeme of Christs Crucifixion , as wel active as passive , but was predetermined by God. But [ 3 ] note also hence , that this Crucifixion of Christ , although it were predefined and predetermined by God , yet this Divine predefinition and predetermination did not at al diminish the guilt of those bloudy instruments , who had their hands embrued in that immaculate blood . This is particularly specified in those words : but wo unto that man by whom the Son of man is betrayed . Judas neither did nor could justly plead Divine preordination or predetermination , as an excuse for his treacherie . No , his own conscience told him , that he had voluntarily , yea malitiosely betrayed innocent bloud : neither could the Jews plead the same , in as much as their own malitiose and bloudy wils were as deeply engaged in this Crucifixion , as if there had been no predetermination , which doth no way diminish the libertie of the wil. Hence , [ 4 ] it is most evident , that this Crucifixion of our Lord was a sin intrinsecally evil . For was there not a world of enmitie and hatred of God in it ? Did there not much blasphemie attend their wicked deeds ? Is not the shedding innocent bloud , yea the bloud of God , as it is stiled , Act. 20. 28. a sin intrinsecally evil ? And doth not this sufficiently demonstrate , that the substrate mater of an act intrinsecally evil is predefined and predetermined by God ? ( 2 ) Another Texte that evidently demonstrates the Crucifixion of Christ to be predefined and predetermined by God , is Luke 22. 22. And truly the Son of man goeth , as it was determined ; but wo unto that man by whom he is betrayed . This Text is the same , and refers to the same passage with that before of Matthew , yet with this difference ; Matthew saith , As it is written of him ; but Luke , As it was determined ; which puts it out of al dout , that Christs crucifixion was determined or predetermined by God. And for the more ful explication and demonstration hereof , we are to remarque , that Luke being a Physician , was most intimely versed in the Greek Tongue : for a Physician in those days was of little repute , if not wel acquainted with the Grecanic Monuments relating to medicine . And thence we find , even by the confession of some Atheistic spirits , that Lukes Greek both in this his Evangel , as also in the Acts of the Apostles , is most pure , elegant , and significant . And among other this notion here used gives us a specimen of his accurate skil in the Greek . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is a philosophic notion , of much use among the Grecians to signifie that which is defined , determined , predetermined , predestinated , decreed , constituted , and ordained by an unalterable Decree , as we have more copiosely demonstrated from the genuine import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cap. 1. § . 6. Of determinative Concurse . And that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here may be properly rendred predetermined , is evident from the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 4. 28. To do whatsoever thine hand and thy counsel determined before to be done . Where it is in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , predetermined . And indeed Determination and Predetermination as to the Divine concurse admit not so much as any mental distinction , according to the confession of some Adversaries . The Syriac , Luk. 22. 22. renders it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is defined . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the O. T. signifies to expand , to make clear , to explicate more fully and clearly by the distribution of al parts , &c. Whence it is rendred by the LXX . Ezech. 37. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to separate : and Num. 15. 34 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to decree : which sense agrees with the mind of our Lord , Luk. 22. 22. So that it is most evident , that this notion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here considered in itself , and in al its synonymies , notes the Crucifixion of Christ in al its circumstances both active and passive , to be determined , predetermined , and foreordained by God. Yea , we have for this a great concession of Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 13. pag. 665. But that the workes of Christ , specially his Passion and voluntary death were absolutely predetermined by God is manifest from Scripture , Luk. 22. 22. Act. 2. 23. & 4. 28. Whence I argue , that if the death and crucifixion of Christ were absolutely predetermined by God , then the substrate mater of a sinful act , yea of an act intrinsecally evil was absolutely predetermined by God. How poor and evanid the evasions of Strangius and others are as to this Text we shal examine and lay open when we have explicated the following Texts , which demonstrate the same . ( 3 ) I passe on to the Conference between Pilate and our Lord , Joh. 19. 10. Then saith Pilate unto him , Knowest thou not , that I have power to crucifie thee , and have power to release thee ? Pilate having power of life and death committed to him by Tiberius Cesar , he threatens our Lord therewith : and what replie doth our Lord make ? vers . 11. Jesus answered : Thou couldest have no power at al against me , except it were given thee from above : therefore he that hath delivered me unto thee hath the greater sin . We find several particulars here very remarquable for the demonstration of our Hypothesis . [ 1 ] Whereas Pilate boasted of his power to crucifie , or release our Lord , he tels him plainly , that he could have no power against him , except it were given him from above . The power that Pilate pretendes unto was legal Autoritie backed with an executive power committed to him : so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes : our Lord doth not denie his claim of legal Autoritie , as commissionated by Cesar ; but yet confines and restrains the execution thereof to Gods predeterminative Concurse . As if our Lord had said : I grant thy power and autoritie of life and death as Cesars Commissioner and Minister ; yet know , thou couldest not execute this thy power on me , unlesse the providential concurrence of my Father did efficaciously move and predetermine thee thereto . [ 2 ] Observe here the double negative , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which among the Grecians implies a more vehement negation . As if he had said : Alas ! thou hast not the least umbrage or shadow of power to execute against me , but what is dispensed forth unto thee by the efficacious predeterminative hand or providential concurse of my Father ; whose wise and omnipotent hand has put in every bitter ingredient into the Cup I am to drink of . [ 3 ] Neither doth al this excuse Judas , the Jews , or Pilate as to their guilt in crucifying the Lord of Glorie : no , Gods predeterminative concurse is so far from excusing these Traitors , as that it aggravates their sin . So it follows : Therefore he that hath delivered me unto thee hath the greater sin . Therefore , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this very reason , because my Father hath left that traiterous wretch Judas to be hurried , by his own avaricious lust , into this horrid Treason of betraying me , and predetermined thine execution thereof , his guilt is the greater . [ 4 ] Lastly , hence also we may argue , that this sin of crucifying our Lord was intrinsecally evil . So much that last clause , hath the greater sin , implies . As if he had said : Oh! what a world of treason , murder , blasphemie , hatred of God and al manner of sin is involved in the wombe of this sin ? ( 4 ) We find the predefinition and predetermination of Christs crucifixion more expressely explicated and demonstrated , Act. 2. 23. Him , being delivered by the determinate counsel , and foreknowledge of God , ye have taken , and by wicked hands have crucified and slain . What could more plainly be said for the predefinition and predetermination of our Lords crucifixion , as to its substrate entitative act , and yet for the aggravation of their sin in acting their parts in this bloudy Tragedie ? Let us examine the particulars . [ 1 ] It 's said , he was delivered by the determinate counsel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primarily notes counsel with a decree , or a decreed fixed counsel , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the cast of an arrow , or the like . Whence the formal act of the wil is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is but a derivation from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But Luke , to expresse Peters mind more significantly , addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by that determinate , defined , firme , immutable , decretive , predeterminative counsel of God , as the word importes , according to our former explication of it , on Luk. 22. 22. whereto this Text seems to answer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Glossaries made synonymous to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ordain ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preordain ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to constitute ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to establish ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to predetermine . Among the LXX . it answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to termine , determine , predetermine , as Num. 34. 6. Josh . 13. 27. and elsewhere . By which it is most evident , that it is here by Luke used to denote Gods efficacious , absolute , predeterminative counsel and purpose touching the crucifixion of our Lord. [ 2 ] Then he addes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and foreknowlege of God. Note here , that Gods foreknowlege or Prescience of Christs crucifixion , and so by consequence of the sin annexed thereto , follows the predetermination or determined counsel of his own wil : God therefore foreknew , because in his determined counsel he foreordained or decreed the Passion of our Lord. And yet [ 3 ] this necessary predefinition and predetermination of Gods wil with his infallible prescience touching the crucifixion of Christ , did no way lessen their sin : for addes Peter , Him ye have taken , and by wicked hands have crucified and slain . Albeit he was predefined and predetermined by God to go ( as himself declares , Luk. 22. 22. ) to the Crosse , yet they , by their wicked bloudy hands , took him as voluntarily , yea with as much bloud-thirsty greedinesse , as if there had been no predefinition and predetermination of the act by God. Lo ! what a plain conciliation is here of efficacious predefinition and predeterminative concurse of the substrate mater of sin , with the voluntary and free election of the sinner as to his part in this bloudy Tragedie . [ 4 ] Note that phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by wicked hands , i. e. sacrilegious , bloudy , God-murdering hands . Which certainly denotes their sin to be of the first magnitude , and intrinsecally evil . And that this Text fully demonstrates the predefinition of Christs Passion , Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 3. pag. 563. freely acknowlegeth . So lib. 4. cap. 2. pag. 768. he saith , That it is not to be douted , but that the whole humiliation and passion of Christ flowed from the decree and wil of God ; and what God from Eternitie decreed , the same he executes and procures in time . But what his replie is to the force of our argument from this absolute Decree of God we shal examine anon . ( 5 ) I come now to that other parallel Text , which fully demonstrates the predefinition and predetermination of Christs crucifixion by God , Act. 4. 28. For to do whatsoever thine hand and thy counsel determined before to be done . He speaks of the gathering together both of Jews and Gentiles for the crucifying the Son of God , as vers . 26 , 27. he saith , They did nothing but what Gods hand and counsel predetermined to be done . [ 1 ] By the counsel of God we may here understand his Decretive counsel , or the counsel and purpose of his wil , whereby he predefined and predetermined the crucifixion of our Lord. Thus some terme Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse , quoad attingentiam activam , as to active attingence , which is nothing else but the very wil of God , according to his eternal counsel predetermining and foreordaining al future events , as Scotus and others assure us . Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be understood , Act. 2. 23. as before . Whence [ 2 ] by the Hand of God , we are to understand his most efficacious and potent execution of his decretive counsel , predetermining the whole substrate mater , or al entitative acts and circumstances in the crucifixion of our Lord , which they terme his predeterminative Concurse , quoad attingentiam passivam , as to passive attingence . For mans hand being the instrument of operation , whereby he puts forth his power and force , it is thence applied to God , to denote his most potent execution of his Decrees in predetermining and applying al second causes to their act , as before § . 1. of this Chapter . We find a very good glosse hereon in Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 2. pag. 769. In the other place , saith he , Act. 4. 28. there is mention made not only of the counsel of God , but also of the hand of God ; that counsel may be referred to the Decree , and hand to the execution . To decree is presupposed the wise counsel of God , and to execute the power of the Divine right hand . And here truly what God hath decreed in his counsel , he also by his hand hath executed : For in this whole work the hand of God hath appeared , howbeit many wicked hands did concur . So the Hand of God here is opposed to wicked hands , Act. 2. 23. The hand , I say , of God appeared in moderating , ordaining , governing , and directing al the machinations , endeavors , sayings and deeds of his enemies , that they should wil and perfect that very same thing which he willed , though with a far different counsel and purpose , whatever their malice were . Lo ! what a ful testimonie is here ? who would not think Strangius orthodox in this point , did he acquiesce here ? But there lies a Snake in the grasse : he elsewhere starts off from what he here grants , as hereafter . Only this note , that he here , as elsewhere , strongly impugnes and opposeth that passive crucifixion which Bellarmine and a reverend Divine of repute among us only ascribe to God : for he expressely saith , That the very act of crucifixion was executed by the hand of God ; yea al the machinations , endeavors , sayings , and deeds of Christs enemies , moderated , ordained , governed , directed by the same Divine hand . What could be said more for the predefinition and predetermination of the substrate mater of an act intrinsecally evil ? But I passe on to the act of Divine predetermination expressed in the Text before us by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What the genuine import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , we have shewen , Chap. 1. § . 6. In the general it signifies to predefine , predestine , predetermine : it 's applied in the N. T. both to persons and things , and these both good and evil . It is here limited and confined to Gods predefining , predestining , and predetermining the substrate mater or entitative act of Christs crucifixion , which was a sin of the first magnitude , containing in its pregnant wombe blasphemie , hatred of God , murther , yea God-killing bloud-guiltinesse . The Syriac turnes it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to seal , constitute , and make firme any thing . And surely if the blessed God ever sealed , constituted , made firme , or predetermined any thing in the world , it was the crucifixion of his Son , on which the salvation of al his Elect dependes . Augustin renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here praedestinavit , he has predestined . So the old Latin renders it , 1 Cor. 2. 7. And Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 582. is herein ( as in some other points ) very ingenuous and free in confessing , That Augustin doth use the words to predestine , predefine , determine , constitute , ordain , and dispose , indifferently , so as they may be extended to althings which God hath decreed . So that it 's clear by his own confession , that the crucifixion of Christ taken actively was predestined , predefined , constituted , foreordained , and predetermined by God. Whence by a paritie of reason we demonstrate our Hypothesis , that the substrate mater or entitative act of that , whereunto intrinsecal sin is necessarily annexed , is predefined and predetermined by God. The inference and conclusion to me is so natural and evident , that I cannot see how the wit of man can evade it . But let us examine what subterfuges and evasions our Opponents frame to evade the force and evidence this second Head touching Christs Crucifixion gives to our Hypothesis . 1. Bellarmine and from him a reverend Divine of name among our selves replie , That the passive crucifixion of Christ was from God , not the active : i. e. Christs Passion and the effects of it was from God , but not the actions of those that crucified him . ( 1 ) How poor and shiftlesse this shift is we have already demonstrated on the vendition of Joseph from Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. ( 2 ) But more particularly as to this Head , I cannot but wonder how any , who have not quite banished Reason and Religion from their minds , can satisfie themselves with such jejune notions and evasions : Did not the blessed God predefine and predetermine the very act of Christs crucifixion ? how else could he certainly foreknow that he would be crucified ? Or what certain prescience could he have of the salvation of any one elect soul , which wholly dependes on the death of Christ ? Again , what fine-spun nonsense is this , God predetermined the Passion of Christs crucifixion , but not the Action ? as if God predetermined that Christ should be kissed and so betrayed by Judas , but not that Judas should kisse and betray Christ : again , that Christ should be mocked , blasphemed , scourged , &c. by the Souldiers and Jews , but that these should not mock , blaspheme , scourge , &c. Christ . Lastly , that the Spear should be thrust into the side of Christ , but yet not that any thrust it in . What Logic , Reason , or sense is this ? Do not the very Aristoteleans grant us , That action and passion are not really , but only modally distinct ? As the way from Athens to Thebes , and so back again from Thebes to Athens , is but one and the same way , diversified only from its relation to different termes ; so the same fluxe as it procedes from the Agent is called Action , and as it termines on the patient , Passion . Is it possible then that God should predetermine or concur to the passion and not to the action of crucifixion ? But enough of this , which is so strongly refuted by Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 11. pag. 772. 2. Another reverend Divine of estime among us for parts and pietie evades thus : [ Christs crucifixion ] was a thing which Gods hand and counsel had determined before to be done , Act. 4. 28. i. e. foreseeing wicked hands would be promt and ready for this tragic enterprise , his sovereign power and wise counsel concurred with his foreknowledge , so only , and not with lesse latitude , to define or determine the bounds and limits of that malignitie , than to let it procede to this execution . And to deliver him up ( not by any formal resignation or surrender , as we wel know , but permitting him ) thereunto . Though the same phrase of delivering him , hath elsewhere another notion of assigning or appointing him to be a propitiation for the sins of men , by dying ; which was done by mutual agreement between both the parties , &c. This replie of this learned pious Divine ( so far as I can penetrate and understand it , which seems involved under much obscuritie ) may be resolved into the following parts . ( 1 ) He makes Gods prescience or foreseeing the crucifixion of Christ by wicked hands , to procede or go before the concurrence and determination of Gods wise counsel or predefinition thereof . Wherein he fals in with the Jesuites middle Science , making Gods prescience precedent to his predefinition or decree , and so dependent only on the mutable wil of men as to the act of sin ; which he elsewhere seems to intimate : whereas the Scripture , which he refers to , Act. 2. 23. makes the foreknowledge of Christs crucifixion subsequent to the predifinition of his determinate Counsel or Decree . And certainly al the wit of man summed up in one cannot conceive or demonstrate , how God should have a certain prescience of Christs crucifixion , which dependes wholly on the contingent uncertain wil of man , and not on the determinate counsel of his own wil. ( 2 ) He makes Gods determinate counsel or hand only to determine the bounds and limits of that malignitie , &c. As if the bounding and limiting of the malignitie , and not the substrate mater or act itself entitatively considered were from God. Whereas the Text saith categorically , That the hand and counsel of God predefined and predetermined whatever those wicked hands of theirs executed . ( 3 ) He gives us a new Glosse or Paraphrase on that phrase delivering him , Act. 2. 23. as if it implied only an assigning or appointing him to be a propitiation , &c. But how little this glosse wil accord with the sense of these Texts is evident . For that assigning and appointing him to be a propitiation was immanent and eternal in the Divine Decrees , but the delivering him here is meant of his being delivered into the hands of those that crucified him , and that according to the determinate counsel of God. 3. We come now to the more plausible subterfuges of Strangius , whereby he endeavors to evade the evidence of those Texts , which mention Gods predetermining the crucifixion of our Lord. He answers , lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 573. thus : The occision and crucifixion of Christ , also the kind of death were from God : and as they were from God , they were good and greatly gloriose , and properly the means to procure our salvation : and God is deservedly judged the Cause and Author of them , Who by his determinate counsel and precognition delivered his Son to them , whom with wicked hands they killed on the crosse , Act. 2. 23. Here truly in the same work the good action of God is distinguished from their evil action : therefore their wickednesse and malice was not from God ; neither was it willed or predefined by God , who cannot be said to be the Cause and Author of any sin . Therefore speaking absolutely , the occision of Christ was not sin ; ( otherwise God should be the Author of sin : ) as to kil a man is not sin . And truly if God had commanded men to kil Christ , and they out of conscience to that command had obeyed God , they had not sinned . But to prosecute Christ out of hatred and il-wil is intrinsecally evil , neither can that be any way wel done , or commanded by God. Observe here ( 1 ) he grants that the crucifixion of Christ , with al its natural circumstances entitatively considered were from God , as the God of nature , and so naturally good : yea , that they were morally good and greatly gloriose as means to procure our salvation ; and therefore God is deservedly judged the cause and author of them , as Act. 2. 23. And ( 2 ) we denie with him , that the wickednesse and malice of those acts was from God. ( 3 ) He also grants , That the occision or killing of Christ considered absolutely was not sin . Whereunto we retort , That neither the hatred of Christ considered absolutely without relation to its object is sin . But , ( 4 ) he concludes : But to prosecute Christ out of hatred and il-wil is intrinsecally evil , &c. Whence we argue , That the crucifying of Christ was a sin intrinsecally evil , and yet as to its substrate mater and entitative acts from God. For did not the Jews prosecute Christ out of hatred and malice , yea malice blowen up to the sin against the Holy Ghost in some of them ? And was not , in this good work of crucifixion , the good action of God , and the evil action of the Jews the same as to the substrate mater or natural entitative act ? This pincheth Strangius closely , and therefore he seems to make the natural entitative act of God distinct from the natural entitative act of the wicked Jews : For he saith , Here truly in the same work the good action of God is distinguished from their evil action ; and therefore their wickednesse and malice was not from God. Here we grant , [ 1 ] his consequence or conclusion , That their malice was not from God. [ 2 ] We thus far also grant his Antecedent , That the good action of God , considered both naturally and morally , was distinguished from their evil action considered formally and morally : for the malice and vitiositie which formalised the action as theirs , is no way imputable to Gods act considered either naturally or morally . [ 3 ] But yet we stil avouch , and no way dout but to demonstrate in its place , that in the crucifixion of Christ the act of the wicked Jews considered materially , naturally , and entitatively was one and the same with Gods act : So much al these Texts clearly evince ; so much also reason dictates : For if there were two acts , the one primarily , yea only from the wicked instruments , the other from God the prime Efficient , then how could they be said to be the instruments of Gods Efficience ? Must we not then also suppose two Crucifixions , one from God , and the other from the Jews ? What a world of absurdities would follow this Hypothesis , That the action of God in the Crucifixion of Christ considered entitatively , materially , and naturally , was really distinct from the action of the Instruments considered entitatively , materially , and naturally ? But to conclude , we find an excellent solution to al these evasions and subterfuges in Augustin , Epist . 48. ad Vincentium , thus : When the Father delivered his Son , and Christ his own Bodie , and Judas his Lord , why in this Tradition is God just and man guilty , but because in one and the same thing which they did , the cause was not one and the same . A solution sufficient to satisfie any sober mind : Wherein note , ( 1 ) That the act of Tradition and so of crucifying Christ , was one and the same entitatively and physically considered both in regard of God and the sinner . ( 2 ) That the difference sprang from the Causes : God delivered his Son to Death , thereby to bring about the greatest good that Sinners could wisn for , their Salvation ; but Judas and the malitiose Jews delivered the Lord of Glorie to death , with wicked hands , out of an avaricious humor , malice , &c. Hence , ( 3 ) The Action was most just and gloriose on Gods part , but most unjust and wicked on the Sinners part . This answer of Augustin is so great , that it might serve to answer al the objections against our Hypothesis , were not men bent to cavil against the truth . § . 3. I come now to a third Head of Scriptural Arguments , namely such , wherein God is said to make use of wicked Instruments for the punishing or afflicting his people in such a way , wherein the Instruments could not but contract guilt . I shal divide this Head into two members ; ( 1 ) Such Scriptures , wherein God is said to make use of wicked Instruments for the punishing his sinful people . ( 2 ) Such as mention Gods afflicting his righteous People by sinful Instruments . 1. We shal begin with such Scriptures wherein God is said to make use of wicked Instruments for the punishment of his sinful people . So Esa . 10. 5 , 6. O Assyrian , the rod of mine anger , I will send him against an hypocritical Nation . The Assyrian is sent by God as his rod to punish his sinful people ; and every stroke of this rod was from God ; his hand guiding , ordering , and actuating the rod in al its motions . And yet , how much sin was there committed on the Assyrians part in punishing Israel ? How little did he intend to serve God herein ? were not Pride and Ambition the main springs of his action ? Thence it 's added v. 7. Howbeit he meaneth not so , neither doth his heart think so , &c. whence v. 12. God threatens to punish him for his sin . So that it 's evident , this sending of the Assyrian by God , mentioned v. 6. cannot be meant of any legal permission or commission given him by God , but of the secret efficacious predeterminative concurse and Providence of God , ordering what should come to pass . So Jer. 16. 16. Behold , I wil send for many fishers , saith the Lord , and they shal fish them , and after wil I send for many hunters , and they shal hunt them from every mountain , &c. Note , ( 1 ) That these words contain not a promisse but threat , begun v. 9. This is evident from v. 17. ( 2 ) By Fishers and Hunters in the general we must understand enemies to the Jews . To fish and to hunt , is to take and destroy . War has a great ressemblance with fishing and hunting , which is a kind of war against bestes ; as war is a kind of fishing and hunting of men : whence Nimrod the first Warrier after the Floud , is stiled Gen. 10. 9. a mighty hunter , i. e. of men . Ay , but more particularly , ( 3 ) Who are these fishers ? Why , as it is supposed , the Egyptians , who are called Fishers , Esa . 19. 8. ( 4 ) And who are the Hunters ? The Babylonians , as it is generally said : But , ( 5 ) Who is it that sends for these Fishers and Hunters ? It is God , I wil send , &c. ( 6 ) Why doth God send for them ? To punish his sinful People , and that by those very Nations in whom they had so much confided , and to whom they had so much conformed , as is intimated v. 17. And what more just , than that Professors should be punished by such Instruments , as have been the ground of their confidence , and the exemplars of their sins ? ( 7 ) How doth God send for these Fishers and Hunters ? Surely , not by any legal Act or formal Commission given to them , but providentially , by exciting their minds , applying their wils , and drawing forth , yea determining the same to the substrate mater or material entitative act of afflicting the Jews , whereunto there was much malice , murder , and hatred of God and his People annexed . Yea , God did not only send Nebuchadnezar to afflict Israel , but also give him a reward for his service ; as Jerem. 27. 6. And now have I given al these lands into the hands of Nebuchadnezar the King of Babylon , my servant . God gives him the neighbor Nations as a reward for his service against Israel . The like Jer. 43. 10. Multitudes of Texts might be added to shew , how God makes use of wicked Instruments in the punishment of his sinful people , and in a providential way efficaciously concurs to and predetermines al their actions materially and naturally considered , and yet is no way the Cause or Author of their sin . 2. To mention one or two Scriptures , which speak of Gods using wicked Instruments in afflicting his innocent People . So Job 1. God makes use of the Sabeans , and Caldeans , yea of Satan himself , to afflict Job ; and yet he saith , v. 21. The Lord taketh away . He saw by faith Gods hand moving , yea predetermining the hearts and hands of his adversaries to every act of theirs materially considered , albeit not to the vitiositie . So Psal . 105. 25. He turned their heart to hate his people , to deal subtilely with his servants . Here it 's said expressely , that God turned , i. e. efficaciously moved and predetermined the hearts of the Egyptians to hate his People Israel . God's turning their hearts doth expressely and formally denote his efficacious predeterminative concurse to the entitative material natural act of hatred , albeit not to the vitiositie and malignitie thereof . So much also the next clause importes , and to deal subtilely with his servants , i. e. al their subtile strategems , machinations , and politic contrivements for the extirpation of Israel , by putting to death their Males , oppressing them with hard labors , &c. al these were , as to their substrate mater and physic entitative acts from God , who turned their hearts thereto : And what could be more nakedly and evidently said to demonstrate Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin ? Let us now see what our Opponents replie to these Scriptures and our Arguments drawen thence . Strangius , l. 4. c. 4. p. 791. evades the force of this last Text thus : What is said Psal . 105. 25. that God turned their hearts to hate his people , it must be understood , that God did it not by perverting the hearts of the Egyptians , but by doing good to his people , whence the Egyptians took occasion of hatred . ( 1 ) We say not that God perverted the hearts of the Egyptians ; that 's the commun odiose consequence which our Adversaries impose on us . But , ( 2 ) We avouch , that God did more than give occasion to the Egyptians of hating , by his doing good to his people . Is not this a strange Comment , God turned their heart to hate his people , i. e. gave occasion of hatred , by doing good unto his people ? Doth not Gods turning the heart in Scripture Phraseologie always import his effica●… predeterminative concurse in applying the wil to its act ? 〈◊〉 it 's said , Prov. 21. 1. God turneth the heart whithersoever he w●… , is it not meant of an efficacious concurse ? Do not also the following words , Psal . 105. 25. to deal subtilely with his servants , clearly implie an efficacious act of God upon their hearts , predetermining them to their act ? Certainly such Comments are very poor evasions to elude such clear Texts . As for the other Texts , Strangius's general answer p. 774 , 775. is , That God is the Cause of the act in those sins , but not of the pravitie of the Instruments , &c. And what do we say or desire more ? But yet there lies a sting in this very concession of his : for he addes , p. 774. That God hath decreed nothing by his Wil of good pleasure , but what he approves as Good. i. e. God hath not absolutely decreed to permit sin , because he doth not approve of it . Wherein note , [ 1 ] How he doth , with the Pelagians and Arminians , confound Gods Decretive Wil , with his Approbative complacential Wil. [ 2 ] We denie not but God approves of al his own Acts ; but the Question is touching objects , Whether God approves of al objects which by his Decretive Wil he decrees to permit ? This we peremptorily denie , and no way dout but to make good our denial in its place . § . 4. Another Head of Arguments , contains such Scriptures as mention Gods own immediate hand in those Acts whereunto sin is appendent . We begin with 2 Sam. 12. 11. where God tels David by Nathan , that for his folie committed with Vriah's wife , and murder , Behold , I wil raise up evil against thee out of thine own house , and I wil take thy wives before thine eyes , and give them unto thy neighbour , &c. This threat we find fulfilled , 2 Sam. 16. 22. And Absalom went in unto his Fathers Concubines in the sight of al Israel . What could be more plainly and distinctly expressed to demonstrate Gods immediate concurse to that entitative act of Absalom's Sin ? Here Strangius , l. 4. c. 4. p. 789. acknowledgeth , ( 1 ) That Absalom's Incest in violating his fathers bed is by God owned as his own Fact. But , ( 2 ) then he answers , that this was acknowledged for the reason above-mentioned , namely , by reason of Gods efficacious Gubernation , Moderation , and Direction , which he afforded , according to the modes already explicated , about the sinful Wils of Absalom and Achitophel , and their actions in this wickedness ; which fact is related 2 Sam. 16. 20 , &c. For this is usual , that the effect , which ariseth from two causes , whereof the one is effective , and the other directive , be ascribed to both , but in a different respect , &c. This is the commun answer , which he and his Sectators give to such Scriptures , which speake Gods immediate hand in the entitative acts of sin ; let us therefore a little examine the force of this answer . ( 1 ) Take notice , that he allows Gods Gubernation , Moderation and Direction of the Act whereto sin is annexed , but not the production of the act . This is evident by the Conclusion , wherein he makes the Sinner to be the effective cause , but God the directive only . But I replie , how can God efficaciously Govern , Moderate , and Direct the Act , unless he be also the effective Cause thereof ? Take his own instance , the sinful wils of Absalom and Achitophel , how is it possible , that God should efficaciously govern and direct those immanent acts of their sinful wils , but by influencing their wils , and efficaciously predetermining them to act ? If God did , as he grants , efficaciously govern , moderate , and direct their sinful wils in those immanent acts of Lust , certainly he must necessarily produce those acts . ( 2 ) Neither wil this answer at al solve the Difficultie : for suppose we grant , that God doth only efficaciously govern , moderate , and direct the sinful act , not produce the entitative mater thereof , yet this efficacious directive influence doth as much make God the Author of sin , as our effective predeterminative concurse . For Gods efficacious Moderation and Direction of the sinful act , denotes his efficacious Preservation of the act , which is as sinful as the effection or production of the Act. But more of this hereafter , Chap. 5 , 6. Another Scripture which speaks Gods immediate predeterminative concurse in the entitative act of Sin , is 2 Sam. 16. 10. where David saith of Shimei , That the Lord said unto him , Curse David . And v. 11. Let him curse ; for the Lord hath bidden him . Now the force of this argument dependes on the explication of this word or command of God to Shimei , which must be here taken either morally , for a divine precept and injunction , or physicly for an efficacious Concurse and influence . ( 1 ) That it cannot be here taken morally for a preceptive word , is most evident ; because had God commanded Shimei to curse David , he had been the moral cause and so the Author of his sin . ( 2 ) Therefore it remains , that it be here taken only physicly , for Gods efficacious Concurse secretly and powerfully inclining and applying Shimei's wil to the entitative act of this cursing . And in this sense the Word of God is frequently taken in Scripture , namely , for his efficacious predeterminative concurse , in the Creation , Conservation , and Gubernation of things . Now what doth Strangius replie to this ? Why , l. 4. c. 4. p. 786. he saith , That Shimei's Cursings being intrinsecally evil , we may not say , that God did move or impel him thereto in a proper manner of speech , neither that Shimei was the Instrument of God in these actions , as they were determined to such an object ; but only as directed by God to his just judgements : and that most certain direction of God , with the administration of Circumstances and Occasions was as a Precept . In which Response note , ( 1 ) That he grants , that Shimei his cursing was an action intrinsecally evil : which is a great concession , and wil clearly overthrow his own Hypothesis , and prove ours , That God doth predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of actions intrinsecally evil . For if Shimei's Cursing was an action intrinsecally evil , then surely such also was the Vendition of Joseph and the Crucifixion of our Lord , which were both as to their entitative acts predetermined by God. But ( 2 ) he denies , that Shimei was the Instrument of God in these actions , as determined to such an object . In the last clause of this Antithesis lies the spirit and force of al his objections against predetermination to the substrate mater of sin ; which we intend more fully to examine Chap. 6. § . 1. at present , we say , [ 1 ] That Shimei was not the instrument of any moral but physic influence from God : the precept or bidding here specified was not moral but physic and real : God did not morally command Shimei to curse David , but physicly and naturally incline him to the entitative act of Cursing him ; which was as a Precept : this Strangius grants in the close as to Gods direction . [ 2 ] Hence if we consider Shimei's cursing as physicly determined to such an object , it was not morally evil but good , and so from God : It 's true , as it was morally determined by Shimei the moral Agent to its object David , so it was intrinsecally evil , but as it was physicly or naturally determined by God , for the punishment of David , so it was both naturally and morally good and from God. ( 3 ) He placeth the whole of Gods Influence to this act , in directing his Actions to his just judgements , &c. To which I answer . [ 1 ] How could God direct these actions of Shimei ; specially , the immanent acts of his wil , ( which were the worst part of his malediction ) but by an efficacious predeterminative influence on his wil and its acts ? [ 2 ] He grants , that this Direction of God was most certain and efficacious : if so , then certainly predeterminative : and if the direction be predeterminative , is not Gods concurse to the sinful act considered materially and entitatively , predeterminative ? [ 3 ] If Gods directive concurse be predeterminative , as Strangius must by his concessions grant , wil not those ugly consequences which he lodes our Hypothesis with , be al retorted on him ? Did not Gods efficacious direction termine on Shimei's cursing as determined to such an object , namely David ? And was he not the Instrument of this efficacious direction ? Baronius , Metaph. S. 8. Disp . 3. p. 158. answers this Text thus : To that malediction of Shimei it is answered , That God commanded Shimei to curse David , not by bending his wil , but by opening to him the way to this evil , and by shutting it to al other evils , i. e. by permitting him to act this only , whenas he was ready for many other evils . A poor evasion indeed , and such as if admitted would make the whole Scripture but as a Nose of Waxe . ( 1 ) Doth not David say categoricly , that God bid , [ i. e. not morally but physicly ] Shimei to curse ? And what can this implie , but the bending his wil to the substrate mater , or entitative Act ? ( 2 ) Can it be imagined , that David could mean only a mere otiose and speculative permission , and not an active concurrence to the act it self entitatively considered ? ( 3 ) Doth not Baronius confess , that God opened to him the way to this evil ? And if so , must he not then open Shimei's heart to the mater of it ? Did not the main act of malediction arise from his wil ? And if that were not opened to the entitative act , would the way to this evil have been ever opened ? Again , Gods immediate predeterminative hand in those acts , whereunto sin is necessarily appendent , may be demonstrated from 2 Sam. 24. 1. And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel , and he moved David against them , to say , Go number Israel and Judah . Here it is expressely said , that God moved David to number the people . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he moved or excited , i. e. efficaciously determined and applied his wil to the substrate mater of this command to number the people . Hence Strangius , pag. 790. answers , ( 1 ) That the He here must be meant of Satan , who is said , 1 Chron. 21. 1. to stir up David to number the people . And he cites for this Comment Junius with others . But alas ! what poor subterfuges wil men flie unto to avoid the force and evidence of Divine light ? Doth not Grammatic construction , as wel as the mind of the words utterly reject such a glosse ? The Particle He here is not a distinct Pronoun , as our English Version reads it , but included in the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is by the Copulative ו joined to the former part , and the anger of the Lord was kindled : so that if the passive , was kindled , belongs to the Lords anger , then also must what follows , and he moved . Neither is this sense aliene from other Scriptures : for 1 Sam. 26. 19. David saith , That God had stirred up Saul against him , i. e. efficaciously moved him to the entitative act of persecuting David . Thence ( 2 ) Strangius fearing the ruinous downfal of this refuge flies to another , thus : But if we follow the commun interpretation , it appears , that the same fact is ascribed to God and Satan ; and therefore it must be on a different account : and here also the varietie in the end and mode makes the unspotted Justice of God to shine forth , and the malice of Satan and pravitie of man to discover itself . For [ 1 ] the action of numbering the people was not in itself evil . [ 2 ] Divines distinguish between tentation of probation and seduction . [ 3 ] Here the sane things concur , which were before explicated of the same sense , whereby God is said to incline to evil , namely the permission and laxation of the reins to Satan , the oblation of occasions and irritaments , impediments being removed , and the suspension of Divine Grace : which things concurring with the pravitie of nature , sin necessarily follows . ( 1 ) We grant , that the same fact is ascribed to God and Satan on different accounts : God put the thought entitatively considered into Davids heart , but Satan stirred up his heart to the act of numbering the people ; God in judgement gave over David to this sin , that it should be at this time when God was angry with Israel : There is a special providence of God even in the ebullitions of lusts in the hearts of his own people . Thus also in the wicked ; who put that thought of murder considered materially into the heart of Esau , When my father is dead I wil slay my brother Jacob ? Was it not from God ? Whence came that motion into the heart of Judas to betray Christ , with al the circumstances materially considered referring thereto ? were they not from God ? Thus here , God put the entitative thought of numbering the people into the heart of David , albeit Satan stirred it up ; and God was the Orderer , albeit Satan the Abettor and in some sense the Author of it : for God is only the prime physic cause of the natural entitie , but Satan the moral cause or Author of the vitiositie : again , the concurse of God to the natural entitative act is immediate , efficacious , and predeterminative , but Satans concurse only mediate , objective , and suasive , though with more or lesse degrees of moral efficacitie , as Eph. 2. 2. Again , ( 2 ) we grant , that the different ends and modes of operating make Gods unspotted Justice and mans pravitie to shine forth . ( 3 ) We are glad , that Strangius wil grant , the action of numbering the people not to be in itself evil . Whence , by a paritie of reason , we argue , That no action , though never so intrinsecally evil , is in itself , i. e. as considered in its physic entitative act , and according to its substrate mater , sinful : for certainly if Davids numbering the people , which was a sin attended with so much pride , vain-glorie , and confidence in an arme of flesh , with other aggravations , which so greatly provoked God , were not in itself evil , no other sin considered in its mere entitative and physic act is such . Yea , I as yet see no reason why this sin of David considered in its individual circumstances and moral relation to its object and principes , may not be estimed a sin intrinsecally evil , as wel as Shimei's cursing David . But ( 4 ) Strangius's summary conclusion , That Gods concurse to Davids sin was only an idle permission , laxation of the reins to Satan , and oblation of occasions , with suspension of Divine Grace , is very contradictory both to the letter and mind of the Text , which saith positively , that God moved , or excited , and stirred up the mind of David , not morally , but physicly , to the entitative act of numbering the people . Certainly , when the Scripture speakes so categoricly and positively of Gods moving the wil to its act , to restrain such moving influences and causalitie , only to mere idle permission , or objective oblation of occasions , or negative suspensions of Divine Grace , what is this but to make the Scripture contradictory to itself , or affirmation and negation applicable to the same words ? How easily might an Atheist hence take advantage to elude al Scripture ! But to passe on to other Texts , that clearly expresse Gods immediate predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sinful acts . 1 Kings 11. 31. the Lord saith , I wil rend the kingdome out of the hand of Solomon . So vers . 37. to Jeroboam , I wil take thee and thou shalt reigne , &c. Whence 1 Kings 12. 15. it 's said , that the cause why Rehoboam hearkened not unto the people , was from the Lord , that he might performe his saying , &c. So vers . 24. God saith expressely , The thing [ i. e. the revolt of Israel ] is from me . So of Jehu , God saith , 2 Kings 9. 3. I have anointed thee King : and chap. 10. 30. Jehu is said to do unto the house of Ahab al that was in Gods heart . From these Texts it's most evident , that the holy God assumes to himself the production of such entitative natural acts , which had sin necessarily appendent to them . Now let us examine what response Strangius gives hereto : l. 4. c. 4. p. 793. rejecting the answer of Bellarmine , ( which to me is as good as his , yea not really different ) he answers , It is not unlikely but that Jeroboam and Jehu , albeit in taking the Kingdome they sinned not as to the thing itself and substance of the act , because instructed by Gods-command , yet in manner of acting , as they were profane men , they variously sinned by mingling their own ambition and depraved affections with the worke of God. Thence he concludes , That whatever their sins were , yet the justice of God sufficiently shines forth in the whole of this Administration , because God used both the Kings and people in this worke only as instruments to execute his just judgements , &c. To give a brief replie hereto , it is very evident , that al that Strangius hath given us in answer to these Texts , doth but more confirme us in the true sense we give of them . For ( 1 ) it is manifest , that Jeroboam and Jehu , with the Revolters their Adherents , sinned not only in the mode or manner , but in the very substance of their acts : For is not High treason against a lawful King an act sinful as to its substance ? And were not Rehoboam and Ahab both lawful Kings ? Was not Rehoboam Solomons Son , whom God made King ? It 's true , Jeroboam and Jehu had private prophetic Instructions and Unctions , but yet those gave them no real title before the people , but only secret intimations what God would in his providence bring to passe . David had a promise of the Kingdom and also Divine Unction ; and yet he confesseth , that God gave him no actual title to the Kingdom in the eyes of men ; but he stil ownes Saul as his Soverain King , and the Lords Anointed : and so ought Jeroboam and Jehu their lawful Soverains , til God had given them a legal title before men . ( 2 ) But suppose Jeroboam and Jehu's sin were only in the manner , not in the substance of the act , yet certain it is , that the peoples sin , before God had declared his soverain wil to them , was high Treason , and so substantially evil . ( 3 ) Yea further , grant that they al sinned but in the mode , not in the substance of their acts , yet whether the act be substantially or modally only sinful , it comes al to one in this case of Divine concurse and predetermination : For if God concur to the substrate mater of acts modally sinful ; why may he not as wel concur to the substrate mater of acts substantially sinful ? Do not our Adversaries hereby , according to their Principes , make God the Author of modal sins ? Or , is not the entitative act of modal and substantial sins the same as to kind , namely a real physic or natural good ? and therefore if God concur to the one , why not also to the other ? Assuredly , the most refined Wits wil never find out a sufficient disparitie between acts modally and substantially sinful , so as to allow God an efficacious concurse to the substrate mater of the one , but not of the other . ( 4 ) Strangius grants in the close , That God used both these Kings and their mutinous Adherents as instruments in this worke , to execute his just judgements , &c. Did he so indeed ? Did he not then also make use of their politic contrivements , ambitiose wils , and rebellious affections as instruments in this worke ? And if so , did not God also move , excite , applie , yea predetermine their wils to the substrate mater of their traitorous rebellious designes and exploits ? Do not al these consequences hang together in an indissoluble chain of invict Reason ? To close up these arguments with that of Calvin , Institut . lib. 1. cap. 18. § . 4. pag. 78. But now how it may be from God , and governed by his secret providence , which men wickedly undertake , we have an illustrious document in the Election of King Jeroboam ; in which the madnesse and temeritie of the people is severely condemned , because they perverted the order established by God , and perfidiosely departed from the familie of David : and yet we know , that God would have him anointed ; whence in the words of Hosea , c. 8. 4. there appears a kind of repugnance ; because God there complains , That that Kingdome was erected contrary to his wil and knowlege ; and yet c. 13. 11. he declares , That he gave Jeroboam to be King in his wrath . How can these things agree ? Thence he concludes , We see therefore that God , who nilled the perfidie or treacherie , yet , for another end , justly willed the defection . And if God justly willed the defection , he also justly moved and predetermined them to the substrate mater thereof ; for predetermination answers adequately to God predefinition or absolute volition , as Strangius grants . We adde to the fore-cited Texts , 1 King. 22. 23. Now therefore behold , the Lord hath put a lying spirit in the mouth of al these thy Prophets , and the Lord hath spoken evil concerning thee . ( 1 ) The Lord hath put , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath given forth , delivered , or put . LXX . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath given . It notes here an efficacious enthusiastic infusion , which of al kinds of predetermination is most prevalent and irresistible . ( 2 ) Note also the sin , it is a lying spirit , which certainly denotes an act intrinsecally evil : For is it not a sin of the first magnitude to forge lying Prophecies , and impose them on men as the Oracles of God , thereby to delude their souls into Hel ? Such was the case here : and yet , lo ! it's said , that this very sin was , as to its substrate mater or entitative act , from God : can any thing be spoken more nakedly and clearly to evince and demonstrate the truth of our Hypothesis ? What doth Strangius replie to this ? His answer we find , lib. 4. cap. 4. pag. 788. We must note , that this oration from the Prophet Micaiah is parabolic , in which various things are spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to our capacitie ; and in a Parable althings are not to be cut open to the quick , but that only must be regarded , which belongs to the scope of the Parable — But in that God said , vers . 22. Go forth and do so , it must be understood of Divine permission : for we use the Imperative Mode not only in commanding , but also in permitting , or giving licence . And albeit there be mention made of a Divine precept , yet that is not otherwise to be taken , than for the efficacious direction of God , for the execution of his just judgement , that God delivered Ahab and his false Prophets left by God to be deceived by Satan : of which Tradition afterward . In answer hereto , ( 1 ) what Strangius means by his parabolic Oration is not easie to divine . For we know , that al Parables consiste of two parts , the Proposition and Reddition or moral : and what is there to be found of these in this Text or Contexture ? But this seems most like to Strangius's design , to bring this Text to a parabolic image , thereby to elude its argumentative force : for Divines grant , That parabolic or symbolic Theologie is not argumentative , further than the scope and mind of the Symbol reacheth . That here is something spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to human capacitie I easily grant , but this doth not at al invalidate the argument , but rather confirme it . The wise God speakes according to the manner of men , inquiring , examining , and expecting what the issue would be , thereby the more fully to demonstrate his efficacious predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of this sinful act . ( 2 ) As for the command of God , vers . 22. Go forth and do so , it can in no sober sense be understood of a mere permission . For al permission is either moral or Physic and natural : it cannot be meant of a moral permission , which Strangius seems to incline unto : for if God had given the lying spirit a licence , or legal permission to deceive , how could he be vindicated from being the Author of the sin ? Is not lying a sin intrinsecally evil ? Should not the holy God then , according to this sense , be the Author of a sin intrinsecally evil ? Neither can it be meant of a mere speculative physic permission , as to the substrate mater : for it 's expressed in a terme of the most active import , the Lord hath put , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Divine precept therefore must denote an efficacious real influence , such as predetermined those lying spirits to the substrate mater of their sin . Yea , ( 3 ) is there not so much included in the last clause of Strangius's replie , wherein he grants , This Divine precept to be taken for the efficacious direction of God , for the execution of his just judgement ? Now what is Gods efficacious direction , but a part of his efficacious predeterminative concurse ? And how could God efficaciously direct these lying spirits in Ahabs false Prophets , but by a predeterminative influence applying their minds and wils to the substrate mater of their false prophetic inspirations ? I shal conclude this Head with Rev. 17. 17. where speaking of the ten Hornes , which gave their power to the Beste , he saith , God hath put into their hearts to fulfil his wil , and to agree and give their kingdome unto the Beste . That phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is very emphatic , and notes not the infusion of any vitiositie , but the efficacious predetermining their wils to the substrate mater or entitative act , and permission of the vitiositie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here exactly answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Kings 22. 23. which the LXX . render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and here signifies , to cause the mater effectually to be brought about , as the same word signifies , Mat. 12. 39. & 16. 4. & 24. 24. Mar. 13. 22. Act. 2. 19. & 14. 3. Rom. 15. 5. Rev. 3. 4. and elsewhere . Whence it follows : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to fulfil his wil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifies , powerfully to effect , or to performe with singular efficace , in which sense it is used also Mat. 7. 22. & 13. 58. or to effect with labor and industrie , as it 's used , Act. 9. 39. & 19. 24. Heb. 8. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly a decree , sentence , or confirmed purpose ; so here . So that the mind of this Text seems this : The blessed God passed an absolute irreversible decree or purpose , that the Adherents of Antichrist should give up their Power and Kingdome to him ; and thence he , by an efficacious concurse , predetermined their wils to the substrate mater of those acts , whereunto sin was annexed , for the glorifying of his Justice , on Antichrist , and his power and mercie towards his afflicted Churches . Now let us examine the subterfuges men shelter themselves under , to avoid the force of this Text. A reverend Divine of name among us replies thus : ( 1 ) He that readeth Dr. Hammonds Exposition applying this to Alaricus sacking Rome , with the effects , wil see that the very subject is so dubious and dark , as not fit to found such a Doctrine on . ( 2 ) It was the effect of sin that God willed , and not the sin . ( 3 ) He is not said to put the sin into their hearts , — but only to do his pleasure , and agree to give up , &c. which he could most easily do by putting many good and lawful thoughts into their hearts , which with their own sins , would have that effect , which he willed : if a thief have a wil to rob , God may put it into his heart to go such or such a way , where a wicked man to be punished wil be in his way . Thus that reverend Divine . In answer hereto we say , That whatever mens Comments may be , yet certainly the subject is not so dark , but carries evidence enough with it , that it can be meant of no other than of the ten hornes , which give up their Kingdome to the Antichristian Beste . ( 2 ) Whereas he saith , It was the effect of their sin that God willed , and not the sin , this seems contradictory to the very letter as wel as to the mind of the words : for it 's said , [ 1 ] God hath put it into their hearts , i. e. not only the effect , but the very material entitative act . Then [ 2 ] to fulfil his wil , i. e. his decree , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here must note . Now God decreed the very act , and not only the effect ; and therefore his predetermining concurse must also reach the very act : according to that great theologic Axiome allowed by Strangius and others , That predetermination necessarily follows predefinition , or Gods absolute Decree . Yea [ 3 ] it's said , That God put into their hearts , not only to fulfil his wil , but also to agree and give their Kingdome to the Beste . To agree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unanimously to make one Edict or Decree , and that at a Council-table . Which clearly denotes a deliberate , firme , unanimous consent of giving up their power to the Beste . And doth not this clearly speak the act of their sin , as wel as the effect ? And is not this act as to its entitative mater , said to be put into their hearts by God ? So much also the next Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importes , namely their deliberate free donation of their power , wherein the formalitie of their sin lies : and yet this very act , as to its substrate mater , is said to be from God. Whence ( 3 ) whereas he saith , God is not said to put the sin into their hearts , — but only to do his pleasure and agree , &c. I easily grant , [ 1 ] That God did not put the sin formally considered into their heart ; for God temtes no one to sin ; but yet he put the material entitative act of the sin into their heart . For wherein lay the malignitie of their sin , but in this , that they unanimously and peremtorily agreed or decreed to give up their power to the Beste ? And is not this very act , entitatively considered , said to be put into them by God ? And was it not also Gods pleasure or stated Decree , that they should thus agree ? &c. And [ 2 ] whereas he saith , God could make them do his pleasure most easily , by putting many good and lawful thoughts into their hearts , &c. is not this a very slender evasion ? what the least mention is there of any such thing in the Text ? Yea , is it not expressely said , That God put into their hearts to agree , & c ? And did not the poison of their sin lie in this maligne bloudy agreement ? Albeit the holy God be sufficiently vindicated from the least imputation of any hand in this conspiracie , in that he decreed and produced only the entitative act , not the vitiositie . [ 3 ] His instance or similitude from the Thief that hath a wil to rob , &c. is extreme lame and nothing to the purpose ; for it 's evidently said in the Text , that God not only concurred to the externe acts and effects , but that he put it into their hearts to agree , &c. So that the very wil and consent , entitatively considered , was from God. Let us now examine what Strangius replies to this , who lib. 4. cap. 10. pag. 855. acknowlegeth this Text Rev. 17. 17. to be meant of the ten hornes giving their power to the Beste ; but yet so as that if we understand the words ( 1 ) of Gods putting it into their minds to agree , &c. then the sense must be no other than , 2 Thes . 2. 11. Rom. 1. 28. and like places , which speak of Gods delivering men up to a reprobate mind , and sending the efficace of error , that they might serve Antichrist . And here the distinction must always concur , when in the same action sin and punishment concur , that not mens sins , but Gods judgements and punishments must be ascribed to God. In this sense God is said to excite , impel , and incline to sin . Before we passe on to Strangius's second answer , let us a little examine this . [ 1 ] He grants , that God judicially may and doth concur to sin , yea excite , impel , and incline men to it . And doth not this fully overthrow his own Hypothesis and confirme ours ? For if God in judgement impel , excite , and incline men to one sin , as a punishment of another , is he not then as much the Author of sin in this way , as in ours ? [ 2 ] How doth God judicially punish one sin by another , but , to use his own words , by delivering such up to a reprobate mind and the efficace of error ? And if so , then must not the substrate acts of such judicial dereliction be from God ? Of this hereafter , § . 6. But ( 2 ) I passe on to his second answer , whereon he seems to lay the most weight , though indeed most feeble : But , saith he , because those words , Rev. 17. 17. are immediately subjoined to vers . 16. and are connected therewith by the rational Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which points out the reason of that which next follows , namely , that those ten Kings having changed their opinion , should destroy the Whore and Antichrist , it seems to me more commodious , if in that vers . 17. there be a reason given of this famose change , that they who were before the friends and vassals of Antichrist , should be afterwards enemies and adversaries to him , namely , because God hath put this into their heart . And the first words of vers . 17. sufficiently accord to this Exposition — But what is subjoined , That they might give their Kingdome to the Beste , until the word of God should be consummate , I should think ought to be expounded negatively , &c. Thus Strangius . A strange comment indeed ! let us a little inquire into it . ( 1 ) How infirm is his argument from the rational particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make what follows , the fulfilling of Gods wil , to refer only to the destroying of Antichrist ? whereas the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems rather to refer to the whole verse , and more particularly to the last clause , until the Word of God shal be fulfilled ; and so it notes , that God put it into their hearts to fulfil his Wil , [ 1 ] In agreeing to give their Kingdom to the Beste , and [ 2 ] When the words of God were fulfilled , i. e. Antichrists reign expired , then to hate the Whore , &c. And this makes the whole contexture of the words natural and evident . So that v. 17. is not only a reason of the change , mentioned v. 16. but also an account of the whole series of their actions both whiles friends to , and enemies against Antichrist . ( 2 ) As for what is subjoined v. 17. That they might give their Kingdome to the Beste , I cannot but admire with what shadow of reason Strangius can understand this negatively , as if they should not give their Kingdom to the Beste : certainly if such glosses should be admitted , we might easily find in Scripture subterfuges for the worst Heresies and Immoralities ? Why may not the most profane debauched wretch , when he is pressed with those Commands , Thou shalt not commit adulterie , Thou shalt not kill , &c. replie , that these Scriptures must not be taken negatively but affirmatively , Thou shalt commit adulterie , & c ? But Strangius saw ful wel , that the affirmative sense of those words , That they might give their Kingdome to the Beste , would quite subvert his forced sense of the foregoing words , and therefore he saw no way left , but to secure himself by reducing this later affirmative clause to a negative , though contrary to the expresse letter and mind of the words . But ( 3 ) being after al his glosses sensible of the infirmitie and invaliditie of this response , he p. 856. flies again to his old refuge , telling us , That if any shal think this exposition of the last member not sufficient , but that beyond it there must be also signified , that God did put it into their hearts to give their Kingdome to the Beste , I have no mind to contend about this mater , sithat the sense is sufficiently sane , which ever way the words be understood . In evil works God is not the cause of the moral evil , but of the substrate act and punishment , or Judgement which is annected to the sin ; but in good works , not only of the substrate act , but also of the moral Bonitie , &c. Who of us denies this ? would our Adversaries but stick here , how soon would our Controversie be ended ? But here lies the sting , even in this plausible concession , Strangius with the rest would fain perswade us , that there are some acts of sin so intrinsecally evil , as that you cannot separate the physic natural act from its moral Vitiositie . § . 5. We descend now to such Scriptures as mention Gods efficacious Permission of sin . The former Heads regard only the substrate mater or entitative act of sin , but this sin in its formal nature . Our Adversaries , the Pelagians , Jesuites , Arminians and Semi-Arminians or New Methodists , al grant Gods permission of Sin , but only such as is otiose , speculative , negative and naked , without any efficacious active Influence for the production of its entitative act , or direction of it to its proper ends : But the sacred Scriptures ascribe to God a positive , efficacious , directive , and ordinative permission of sin , arising from his positive absolute volition to permit it . So it 's said of Eli's Sons , 1 Sam. 2. 25. They hearkened not to the voice of their father , because the Lord would slay them . The conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is Causal , and resolves their sin into the efficacious permissive Wil of God : The Soverain Lord had , by an absolute peremtorie decree , predetermined to leave the Sons of Eli to this sin of Disobedience both against their Father and God , which should prove the cause of their temporal and eternal ruine ; and thence it 's said , they hearkened not , because the Lord would slay them : the wil of God was not properly the cause of their sin or slaughter , yet their sin was a consequent of Gods Wil efficaciously permitting it to be . I am not ignorant , that some of late have endeavored to give the causal particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more soft , as they phrase it , Version ; and among these some make it conclusive , and so render it ideo , idcirco , quapropter : others render it quamvis , as Turnovius ; others otherwise : But certainly our English Version , which renders it causally , because , seems much more agreeable to the mind of the Words and al the ancient Versions : So the LXX . who render the words thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the Lord in willing willed to destroy them . In willing willed , i. e. according to the Hebraic Idiome , peremtorily , efficaciously , immutablely and absolutely willed . Thus also the ancient Syriac and Arabic Versions , with some later , Munster , Pagnine , Arias Montanus , Junius and Tremelius , Osiander , Piscator , Malvenda , with the Tigurine and Belgic Versions ; yea Castalio not excepted , render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causally , because , according to our sense and interpretament . Let us examine now what Strangius returns in answer to this Text , lib. 4. cap. 6. pag. 809 , &c. He answers , ( 1 ) That the sons of Eli were , for their flagitiose impieties , destined and devoted by God to ruine . ( 2 ) That the punishment of death here mentioned , seems properly and directly to be understood of temporal , not eternal . ( 3 ) That however it be , as it is manifest , that sin precedes damnation and the inflicting of punishment , so it 's necessary that the prescience of every sin be presupposed in the eternal purpose of God , of damning and inflicting punishment , whether temporal or eternal . ( 4 ) That the particle Quia Because , here used , doth not alwayes denote a proper cause , but a reason of consequence , which may be taken from the effect , and other arguments besides the cause , &c. Strangius here raiseth a great deal of dust , to blind our eyes from beholding the Meridian light of this Text ; but to answer briefly : ( 1 ) We say , that his first answer smells too rankly of Pelagianisme , in that it makes the sins of men the cause of the Divine Wil : The Sons of Eli were not for their flagitiose Impieties destined by God to ruine , as if their flagitiose Impieties were causative of and influential on Divine destination ; but the Soverain God destined , by an absolute decree , to leave them to those flagitiose sins , and for them to destroy them . What are the dangerous consequents of such a conditional Reprobation , we intend more fully to shew hereafter , c. 5. § . 3. ( 2 ) That the Death here intended and inflicted was only temporal , is too crude a notion for a Divine instructed in the knowledge of divine wrath : Yea , Strangius confesseth , that they merited eternal wrath ; and how then could they be exemted from it , who had rejected the Merits of their Messias ? ( 3 ) What he addes , touching the prescience of every sin to be presupposed in Gods eternal purpose of damning men , has a tincture also of rank Pelagianisme : for if the prescience or prevision of actual sins , yea of final Impenitence , be that which moves the divine Wil to decree the Damnation of men , then it wil , by a paritie of reason , necessarily follow , that the prescience or prevision of mens Faith and final Perseverance is that which moves the divine Wil to elect men : for if Reprobation be conditional , Election must be so also , as our Divines on Scripture-reason strongly demonstrate . Davenant in his Animadvers . against Hoard , invictly proves , p. 226. and elsewhere , That Decrees purely conditional are very much unbecoming the Divine Wil. But of this more in what follows , c. 5. § . 3. ( 4 ) As for the Particle Quia , Because , [ 1 ] We grant , that it doth not alwayes denote a proper Cause , but a reason of Consequence , and that taken sometimes from the effect . But , [ 2 ] that it cannot denote a reason of Consequence taken from the Effect in this Text , is most evident ; because Gods Wil to slay them was not the effect of their disobedience , but their disobedience was the consequent of Gods wil to slay them . [ 3 ] Take notice , that we do not say , that Gods wil was the cause of their disobedience or ruine , but only that the later was the consequent of the former : God in his most soverain wise and efficacious purpose decreed to leave the sons of Eli to such flagitiose sins , as should prove the cause of their ruine , both temporal and eternal : and hereupon their sin and ruine followed , as Darknesse is the consequent of the Suns retirement into the inferior Hemisphere . Again , Gods efficacious permissive wil about sin may be demonstrated from Job 12. 16. The deceiver and deceived are his . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , His or unto him is the deceiver and the deceived , i. e. he doth in just judgement permit men to deceive and to be deceived , as Vatablus on this Text. Which Mercer thus more fully explicates : I understand this not only of false Worship , but also of al errors that are committed every where ; although more specially in Polities and Cities to be governed , where God stirs up some who draw others into error , that they might follow their fallacious counsel , and enter on a perniciose course for their own dammage . — God therefore impels and draws some into error : not that the Lord is the Author of Error or Sin , but that their sin and defection from God leads them thereto , God not only merely permitting , but also ordaining , &c. Whence it 's added , v. 17. He leadeth counsellers away spoiled , and maketh the Judges fools ; spoiled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. of their wisdom and counsel , as it follows . So it 's taken , Psal . 76. 6. The valiant are spoiled of their heart , i. e. deprived of their courage . And maketh the Judges fools , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infatuat , or ad insaniam adigit , as Mercer . He infatuates them . Again , v. 20. He removeth away the speech of the trusty , and taketh away the understanding of the aged . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Judgement , Discretion , Counsel , Prudence , Sense : Hebr. the savor or experimental tast . So v. 24. He taketh away the heart of the chief of the People of the earth , and causeth them to wander in a Wildernesse where there is no way . The like Deut. 28. 28. and Esa . 19. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Now let us see what answer Strangius , l. 4. c. 9. p. 836. gives hereto : It must be observed , saith he , that Job in this Chapter doth in an illustrious manner discourse of Gods Providence so ordering things , that nothing comes to pass casually or fortuitously , nothing without his destinated counsel , that nothing is done but what he wils , either by permitting that it be done , or by doing of it , as August . Enchirid. c. 95. so that God doth effect and procure whatever things are good , and also wisely foreknowing the future event , doth permit sins , which he directs to good ends ordained by him . — Deservedly therefore Job among other things observes , that it is from Divine Providence , that some erre , and draw others into error ; and that both as to maters of Religion , and in other maters of this life ; not that is he the Author of seduction and errors , but because God , for the contemt and abuse of his light , delivers them destitute thereof into a mind void of judgement , and presenting objects and occasions , opens a way , wherein they wander , &c. Though this Paraphrase be far short of the mind of the Text , yet there is enough in it to confirme our Hypothesis , and subvert his own Antithesis . For ( 1 ) he grants , That nothing happens casually , without Gods destinated counsel , according to that of Augustin , That nothing is done but what God wils , &c. Now certainly Gods destinated counsel or determined wil is most efficacious and irresistible : so that if the permission of sin be from Gods destinated counsel , it must be also determined by his efficacious wil. ( 2 ) He grants , that God wisely foreknows al future events , even the sins of men : and how this can be without the efficacious predetermination of his own wil to permit the same , neither Strangius himself , nor any of his sectators , could ever yet make out . ( 3 ) He grants also , That God directs those aberrations and sins to good ends appointed by him . And how can God direct the immanent aberrations of the mind , but by an efficacious predetermination of the substrate acts , and permission of the vitiositie ? ( 4 ) He yet further grants , That God delivers them unto a mind void of judgement : and what do we say more ? Doth not this evidently denote an active efficacious permission of sin ? But then ( 5 ) his last clause , presenting objects and occasions , &c. overthrows al his former concessions : for the wise God doth not only present objects and occasions , and thereby open a way to mens infatuation , but he also predetermines the mind to the entitative act , and efficaciously permits the vitiositie , without the least finger in the sin . There are other Scriptures which demonstratively prove Gods efficacious permission of sin ; as Esa . 63. 17. O Lord , why hast thou made us erre from thy ways , and hardened our hearts from thy fear ? Strangius , pag. 839. grants , that the Verbe in both Members being in Hiphil oft notes a double action , as when we say , That one makes another to do a thing ; though he pretends , that sometimes it only notes a permission of the action . But it is certain , that it cannot here denote a mere naked permission , but such as procedes from the efficacious wil of God. The like Jer. 20. 7. O Lord , thou hast deceived me and I was deceived . Whereto answers , Ezech. 14. 9. And if the Prophet be deceived when he hath spoken a thing , I the Lord have deceived that Prophet . Which Texts speak certainly more than a mere idle speculative permission , namely such as resultes from the active , efficacious , directive and ordinative wil of God , as Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 9. pag. 840 — 844. grants . What this permission of God is , and how far it extendes , see what follows , Chap. 5. § . 6. § . 6. Let us now passe on to such Scriptures as mention Gods tradition or giving up some to judicial excecation and induration or hardnesse of heart ; which wil give a more evident demonstration of Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater or entitative act of sin . Not to insiste on Gods hardening Pharaohs heart , Exod. 4. 21. which has been already solidly and demonstratively explicated by a judicious Divine , in his Letter to a Friend , &c. pag. 28 — 30. I shal begin with Psal . 81. 12. So I gave them up to their own hearts lusts , or to the hardnesse of their own hearts , as Kimhi . Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and I sent them away in the depraved cogitation of their heart . LXX . render it , Deut. 29. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Jer. 3. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whence it follows : and they walked in their own counsels . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in their own depraved imaginations . It 's just with God to give up men to that spirit of hardnesse which they affect : his way of hardening is mysterious and invisible : he delivers sinners up to the bent of their own lusts , and then lets them enjoy what they lust after : when men adde acquired hardnesse to natural , God justly inflicts on them judicial hardnesse . And oh ! how righteous is it with God judicially to harden such as sinfully , yea voluntarily harden themselves ! And then the heart which is an Adamant towards God and things spiritual , is as wax towards sin and Satans tentations . And what is the effect of this judicial hardnesse , but to seal up sinners from the darknesse of mind to the darknesse of Hel ? Thus God , albeit he be not the Author of sin , yet is the Orderer of it , and the cause of the substrate act unto which sin is annexed . The like Psal . 69. 22. Let their eyes be darkened that they see not , and make their loins continually to shake . Let their eyes [ i. e. their minds ] be darkened . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be made so obscure and dark , as that they may not see their way : let al true wisdome be taken from them , and make their loins continually to shake : i. e. take from them al force , vigor and abilitie of acting as they ought ; let them stagger and reel like to a drunken man. The shaking of the loins argues imbecillitie and want of force , which is chiefly seated in the loins . Thus he procedes , and then vers . 17. brings Divine wrath to a black conclusion : Adde iniquitie to their iniquitie , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which implies , that God addes the punishment of judicial hardnesse to the iniquitie of their voluntary acquired hardnesse . We find this piece of judicial hardnesse cited by Paul , Rom. 11. 10. Let their eyes be darkened that they may not see , and bow down their back alway . The Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here rendred by Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bow down ; the sense being the same ; for the bowing down of the back argues the defect of strength in the loins . To these Texts we may adde , Esa . 6. 10. Make the heart of this people fat : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 make the heart fat , or grosse , i. e. stupid and senselesse : for the fat of animals has little sense . It alludes to the heart in the animate bodie overgrowen and oppressed with fat . These words are six times repeted in the N. T. Whence it follows : and shut their eyes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is rendred by some , dim them , or make them dim ; by others , daub them , as with plaister , or other like mater : by others , close them : al which notes the efficacitie of error and blindnesse , that follows on judicial hardnesse . The like curse we find , Esa . 29. 10. For the Lord hath poured out upon you the spirit of deep sleep , and hath closed your eyes . LXX . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by Aquila 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by Theodotion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Act. 10. 11. notes a deep sleep or ecstasie : and the radix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to overwhelme with deep sleep ; and it 's rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dan. 10. 9. So that by the spirit of deep sleep , must be understood such a stupor of spirit as leaves men without al sense . The allusion is to some soporiferous stupifying wine , or potion , or medicine , which , being given to a man , or sprinkled on him , casts him into a deep sleep . Hence the Prophet ushers in these words with a direful exclamation , vers . 9. Stay your selves and wonder — they are drunken , but not with wine , &c. i. e. the Lord hath made them drunken with a soporiferous stupifying potion . As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is not derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to pricke , Act. 2. 27. but from the ancient word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The simple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which also remains among the Latins , as nuo , nutus , nutare . Thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to nod , or shake the head , as they are wont to do who have drunk any stupifying potion . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here is such a spirituose , stupifying potion as deprives men of their senses , makes them shake the head , stagger and reel as drunken men . Thence it follows : and hath closed your eyes . When God judicially pours out a spirit of deep sleep , how soon is the heart stupified and made senselesse ! This Text is cited and explicated by Paul , Rom. 11. 8. According as it is written , God hath given them the spirit of slumber , eyes that they should not see , &c. The first part , God hath given them the spirit of slumber , notes the stupor of their minds , unto which they were judicially delivered up by God. Thus also Esa . 19. 11 — 14. He begins vers . 11. Surely the Princes of Zoan are fools , &c. Thence he procedes to give the reason of it vers . 14. The Lord hath mingled a perverse spirit in the midst thereof , &c. The Lord hath mingled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , poured out , or given them to drinke . Gods judicial excecation and induration is here , as elsewhere , compared to a cup of intoxicating liquor , which being very strong and heady distempers men , and makes them to reel and stagger : so much the following phrase importeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a spirit of perversities . The Hebrew word , not elsewhere to be found in the O. T. is derived from a Verbe that signifies to pervert , turne away , or make crooked : it 's here plural of a duplicate forme , and notes al manner of perversities both extensive and intensive . They boasted of their wisdome , vers . 11. but God made them drunk with a spirit of error and perversities . The Chaldee and LXX . render it , with a spirit of error or seduction ; the Latin , with a spirit of giddinesse . The sense is the same . We may adde hereto , Esa . 44. 18. They have not knowen nor understood ; for he hath shut their eyes , that they cannot see , and their hearts , that they cannot understand . He hath shut , Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he has daubed ; Shindler renders it , crustavit , aut obduxit parietem . God did as it were plaister their eyes with a spirit of slumber : whence it follows , vers . 19. and none considereth in his heart , &c. Those profane Idolaters did shut their eyes , that they might not see , and the righteous God comes and as it were daubes or plaisters them over , that they shal not see . This judicial excecation is also lively expressed , Esa . 60. 2. For behold darknesse shal cover the earth , and grosse darknesse the people . The Prophet having exhorted the elect among the Jews , vers . 1. Arise and shine , for they light is come , &c. i. e. the Messias is come and shineth on thee with the gloriose beams of Evangelic light ; in this vers . 2. he gives us the dreadful curse of those that should wilfully shut their eyes against this light . For behold — thick darknesse . Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which seems compounded of a word that signifies to drop or destil , and another that signifies a mist or fog : so that the compound notion here properly notes a mist or fog so thick , that it even drops again ; such as the Egyptian mist was , that filled the earth with darknesse , Exod. 10. 22 , 23. When men wilfully shut their eyes against Evangelic light , God judicially leaves them to wander up and down in the thick mist of their own darknesse , so that they stumble at noon day . Thus God dealt with the Gentiles , even the wisest of them , for the abuse of natures light , as Rom. 1. 28. And even as they did not like to retain God in their knowlege , God gave them over to a reprobate mind , to do those things that are not convenient . They did not approve of or acknowlege God in their practic judgements or consciences , and therefore God did not approve of or owne their practic notions , but delivered them up to a reprobate , spurious , drossie , vain , adulterine , rejectaneous mind ; so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes . A Divine of note among us saith to this Text , Here is nothing at al but a penal desertion and permission , &c. So that by this Tradition he understands only a negation of Grace , and mere permission of men to sin ; but Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 7. pag. 813. is more ingenuous , and grants , that this Tradition importes something positive : though what that positive is he doth not , neither indeed can by his Hypothesis , explicate . The like Tradition or delivering up to a reprobate mind we find foretold touching the Sons of Antichrist , 2 Thes . 2. 11. And for this cause God shal send them strong delusion , that they should believe a lie . When secure Professors wil not receive the Truth in the love thereof , that they may be saved , it is just with God to send them strong delusions , that they should believe a lie ; that they might al be damned , &c. as vers . 12. The fore-mentioned reverend Divine answers to this Text thus : Here is nothing signified , but ( 1 ) That God wil permit Magicians and false Teachers to vent deceits . ( 2 ) And permit wicked men to believe them : which is mentioned as a permitted consequent , and not as an end intended by God. And the word sending is mentioned , because the permission was penal for their sin , &c. But this response is too slender and jejune for so great a Text : For ( 1 ) whereas that reverend Divine makes mention of Gods permitting Magicians , &c. this savors too much ▪ of a Grotian and Cassandrian spirit , which I presume , he has no kindnesse for , whereby al those prophetic predictions about Antichrist are fixed on Simon Magus , or some other false Teacher in the Primitive Churches : whereas it is most evident , that this sending them strong delusion is ascribed immediately to God , as a righteous Judge . ( 2 ) Neither is this only a mere permitted consequent , as he phraseth it ; but the terme sending importes active efficacious influence on Gods part that sends , not on the sin formally considered , but on the substrate mater , or act entitatively considered . But Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 10. pag. 853. is here also more candid , granting , Gods sending the efficace of error , to be the same with Gods pouring out a spirit of slumber , Esa . 19. 14. and Jerome thinkes , that Paul took his words from Esa . And pag. 855. Strangius addes , That this sending strong delusions may be ascribed to God , as a punishment of their former sin , in not receiving the truth in the love thereof : which sufficiently proves our Hypothesis , That the substrate mater of sin is from God , as hereafter . But let us a little more fully examine the general solutions which our Adversaries give to these Texts touching Gods active excecation and induration . 1. A Divine among our selves , whom I love and honor , thinkes , that those Texts in the O. T. which speak of Gods hardening men , &c. might , according to the Hebrew Idiome , have a softer sense ; so ( as I suppose he must mean ) as a mere permission is intended thereby . But to answer hereto in the words of Strangius , lib. 4. cap. 9. pag. 839. The Hebraic forme is oft in Hiphil , which denotes a double action , to make a man to do a thing ; yea sometimes this induration is expressed by Verbes in Piel , of an active import , as Exod. 4. 21. & 9. 12. & 10. 20 , 27. & 11. 10. & 14. 4 , 8. Deut. 2. 30. Josh . 11. 20. Whence Strangius concludes , That this phrase of Scripture oft occurring denotes much more than a mere naked permission . Though what this should be he is at a great losse . 2. Baronius , Metaphys . Sect. 8. Disp . 3. § . 99. pag. 159 , 160. answers , That there are four actions of God in induration ; ( 1 ) He punisheth former sins by permitting men to fal into greater . ( 2 ) He offers to them an occasion of repentance , &c. ( 3 ) He gives them not grace to improve the occasion ; whence they are said to be blinded and hardened . ( 4 ) He offers to them occasions of greater sins , by such things as objectively move them to sin . But al this , which Baronius allows God in judicial execation and Induration , comes far short of what the forecited Scriptures mention . For besides the mere permission of Sin , privation of Grace , and offering occasions and objects , the Scripture mentions a Tradition and delivering up to the very act of sin , yea , Gods immediate efficacious hand in the very act of sin , considered entitatively and materially . 3. But we come to Strangius , who , in his concessions goes beyond the former Divines , yet comes short of the genuine mind and spirit of those Texts , which speak of Gods judicial Excecation and Induration . ( 1 ) He grants , ( contrary to the sentiment of a reverend Divine among us ) that active excecation is ascribed unto God. So l. 4. c. 8. p. 819. Active excecation , saith he , is ascribed to God , Satan , and the Sinner himself . Satan and the Sinner in that action do greatly sin , but God actes most justly . God can as justly punish Sinners with excecation of mind , as he punished Elymas the sorcerer with corporal excecation , Act. 13. 11. ( 2 ) Thence p. 822. he addes : Herein the whole difficultie lies , that in this action we rightly distinguish that which is sin , and the cause of sin , whereof God is not the cause , from the punishment , which God in just judgement inflicts . So p. 829. In al vitiose action , the action substrate to the vice , or whatever there is of entitie and positive therein , must be reduced to God as the first cause , who doth concur therewith , as considered separate from the vice or defect annexed thereto ; and therefore whatever entitative or positive is found in any obduration , in like manner it must be referred to God , albeit he hath no commerce with the vice of the action . This ingenuous concession of Strangius , did he not overthrow it by other positions , were sufficient to period our controversie : for what do , or need we desire more than what he here grants ? If whatever be entitative or positive in obduration be from God , then surely the substrate mater or entitative act of that whereto sin is annexed , is from God. But here lies the point of our Controversie with Strangius , he holds that there be some acts so intrinsecally evil , as that you cannot separate the entitative act from the sinful reference it has to its object . But , ( 3 ) Strangius addes , p. 831. That in the same Indutation the sin and punishment are conjunct , &c. This indeed is a great concession , that which overthrows Strangius's Antithesis ; for , if in the same Act the sin and punishment be conjunct , then how can God concur to the act as a punishment , and not concur to the substrate mater or entitative act which has sin annexed to it ? This Knot the acutest of Strangius's Sectators wil never untie . Again , ( 4 ) He addes , p. 831. That the very Permission of God is the act and effect of the wil of God. — For to wil to permit , and advisedly to permit is also to act . What is done by God negatively in regard of his transient act , is done also positively , in regard of his interne immanent act . Herein also he lays before us a pregnant Truth , which is directly contradictory to his own Hypothesis : for , [ 1 ] If Gods permissive Wil as to sin be not only negative but also positive , then it must be efficacious . Again , [ 2 ] If Gods permission of sin be positive and efficacious , then also his Decree of Reprobation to permit sin must be positive and absolute , which directly impugneth Strangius's Opinion . ( 5 ) He addes , p. 832. That other actions also concur with Gods Permission , because he also rules , moderates and ordains what he permits , and concurs to the actions substrate to the sin it self . Is it so indeed ? What then do we contend so vehemently for ? what made Strangius write such a voluminous discourse , and oppose Rutherford , Twisse , and other Calvinists with so much violence , when as here he grants whatever they contend for ? But to speak the truth , there yet lies a Snake under the herbe ; albeit Strangius seems to grant so liberally Gods efficacious concurse to the substrate act of sin , yet indeed , when he comes else-where to state this concurse , he makes it be only a remote concurse to the act considered in genere , in its generic nature , not to the individual particular act as so or so circumstantiated . And herein he is followed by a Divine of Name among us : wherein lies the spirit of al their solutions and oppositions . But how inept and evanid this subterfuge is , wil be very evident , if we consider the nature of al physic or natural acts . Is not every natural or entitative act individual or singular ? Are not al natural Acts the effluxes of singular Supposites or persons ? and if the subject be singular , must not the Action be also singular ? To talk of a natural action in genere , or specie , what a wild conceit is this , that which al true Logic and Philosophie both new and old contradicts ? It 's true , human acts , as to their moral consideration , may be distinguished into generic , specific , or individual : but if we consider human acts in their natural entitative Being , so there neither is nor can be any such thing as actio in genere , action in general ; but al are singular and individual . So that if God concur to the act of sin , it must be to the act in its individual singular nature , not morally but physically and entitatively considered ; of which more hereafter , Chap. 6. § . 1. But to give a distinct and Theologic Idea of Gods Judicial Excecation and Induration , with the Vindication of his Sacred Majestie from being the Author of Sin , the following Distinctions and Determinations may be of use to us . ( 1 ) We are to distinguish Gods concurse in Judicial Induration or Hardnesse , from that of the Sinner . ( 2 ) Gods Concurse in Judicial Hardnesse may be considered either in regard of his Decree , or in regard of his Providence and actual execution . ( 3 ) Induration may be distinguished into Moral and Natural : or into sinful and penal . These things being premissed , the true nature of Gods judicial excecation and Induration wil appear in the following Propositions . 1. Prop. Gods Decree is not properly the cause of mans Hardnesse of heart or Damnation , but only of the Negation or withdrawment of preventing Grace , which God is no way bound to give . The Decree of Reprobation is not the proper efficient or formal cause of the Sinners Induration or Condemnation , but his own wilful obstinacie . This sufficiently clears the Sanctitie and Justice of God. 2. Prop. Yet supposing the Decree of Reprobation , the sinners Induration or Hardnesse follows infallibly , and in some sense necessarily ; i. e. by a modal hypothetic necessitie , not brutish or coactive , such as should destroy Libertie . The holy God doth not infuse hardnesse , or by any compulsion hurrie men into it , but leaves them to the swinge of their own lusts , which violently hurrie them into such courses as necessarily harden . This also cleareth Gods Justice from the imputation of sin . 3. Prop. Gods Providence in Judicial excecation and Induration is very efficacious and illustrious . ( 1 ) God leaves men to the Blandishments , Allurements , and Ensnarements of an heart-bewitching world , which insensibly harden . ( 2 ) He delivers up men to the power of Satan , the God of this world , whose subjects and vassals they willingly become , 2 Cor. 4. 3 , 4. and so are taken alive captive at his wil , 2 Tim. 2. 26. ( 3 ) God so disposeth and orders al his Providences , as that they do al accidentally , by reason of mens lusts , conspire to harden them : Mercies become Curses to them , Rom. 11. 9 , 10 , 11. Yea , ( 4 ) The very means of Grace , become the means of their hardening , their Food and Physic become Poyson to them , 2 Cor. 2. 16. Esa . 28. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. ( 5 ) Christ himself , the chief Corner-stone of salvation becomes to them a stone of stumbling and offence , Esa . 8. 14. a stone of stumbling , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of smiting , such as lying in the way the foot may smite against , and thence stumble and receive hurt . It answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scandal in the New Testament : Thence it follows , and for a rock of offence . Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a bare Stumbling-stone , or block , such as a man may make a shift to avoid or get over , or if he stumble , yet recover himself again ; but he is a rock of offence , which notes , [ 1 ] The Offence to be inevitable and unavoidable , as the removing of a rock : [ 2 ] The ruine to be certain , as that of a Ship falling on a rock . Whence he addes : for a gin and for a snare , such as men should neither by power , wit , or craft escape . Whence it follows , v. 15. And many among them shal stumble and fal , and be broken , and be snared , and be taken . The like Rom. 9. 33. ( 6 ) God puts a period to the day of Grace , and leaves men to the plague of their own heart , Esa . 22. 14. Surely this iniquitie shal not be purged from you til you die . Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If this iniquitie be purged . It is the concise forme of an Oath , frequently used in Scripture , as Chap. 5. 18. whereby God sweareth , that their iniquitie should not be purged . So Luke 19. 41 , 42. Heb. 3. 7. ( 7 ) God doth positively , yea efficaciously concur to al that is positive , material , entitative , and natural in judicial hardnesse , without the least hand in the obliquitie or vitiositie . 4. Prop. The suspension of restraining Grace in Judicial excecation is not properly a privation of any Grace due to the Creature , but a negation or withdrawment of undeserved and abused Grace . For the clearing whereof we are to consider , the difference between Man and God in this particular : No meer man may or ought to permit or deliver up another to sin or hardnesse , if it be in his power to hinder : ( 1 ) Because al men are under a Law and obligation of subjection to their Creator , whereby they are obliged to promove his Glorie , and prevent sin and rebellion against him the most they can . ( 2 ) Because al men are under a communion of Natures , and therefore bound to afford assistance each to other , so far as they may for their natural and moral good . But now the soverain Creator of man is under no such obligation , and therefore may as he please dispose of his own grace , or suspend it , specially when abused by sinners . 5. Prop. God doth not deliver up men to judicial hardnesse simply as hardnesse , under that reduplication , but penally , as it conduceth to the vindication of his Justice . For the explication and demonstration of this Proposition we are to remember , that there is nothing in the world of itself , purely , and simply evil : for if there were any pure and chiefest evil in the world , then God , who is the chiefest good , could not wil it : but the greatest evil has something of good mixed with it ; and this God wils . Thus in judicial hardnesse there is a penal vindictive good , which God wils for the illustration of his Justice . 6. Prop. In judicial hardnesse , that which is morally evil in regard of man and his transgression , is naturally good in regard of God and his Providence . For albeit God doth concur with the sinner , who is deficient as to his dutie , yet God is no way deficient . ( 1 ) Al moral evil of sin is only such to him whose it is , or to whom it doth belong , as the Author thereof , by virtue of some Law he offends against : But now this judicial hardnesse or sin doth not belong to God as the proper Owner or Author of it , but only to the sinner ; neither doth the holy God offend against any Law. ( 2 ) The specific qualitie of an effect is not to be ascribed to the universal first cause , but to the second particular cause , from which it receives specification . ( 3 ) The sinner is only the moral cause of his own hardnesse ; because he is the meritorious cause thereof , and also a voluntary , yea wilful Agent therein . Al his hardnesse is voluntarily contracted , albeit judicially inflicted by God : he suffers his heart voluntarily to be defloured by sinful objects : God threatens to suspend his Divine influence , and the obstinate sinner cries , Content : Satan comes and blinds his eyes , and he hugges him for it . So that the whole deficience or moral causalitie is on the sinners part , not on Gods. The sinner wants Divine influence and is willing , yea glad to want it : therefore his depraved wil is the sole formal , vital , subjective and moral efficient cause of his own hardnesse and sin . § . 7. We come in the last place to such Scriptures as mention Gods efficacious ordering , disposing , and directing the sins of men unto his own glorie , which evidently demonstrates his immediate concurse and predetermination to the substrate mater or entitative act thereof . Thus Exod. 9. 14 , 15 , 16. God threatens Pharaoh , vers . 14. to send al his plagues on his heart , i. e. in a way of judicial excecation and induration . And why ? That thou mayst know there is none like me in al the earth : i. e. that I may magnifie my vindictive Justice and Power on thee . Whence he addes , v. 15. For now I wil stretch out mine hand , that I may smite thee , and thy people with pestilence , and thou shalt be cut off from the earth . It runs in the Hebrew in the time past , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I sent out mine hand , i. e. by the pestilence or murrain among the bestes , as v. 3 , 6. and so it follows : and I had smitten thee , with the same pestilence ; and thou hadst been cut off , deservedly ; but for another cause ( which is mentioned vers . 16. ) I have spared thee . This seemeth the genuine meaning , namely , that God spared Pharaoh in this plague , thereby to magnifie his vindictive Justice and Power the more in his final ruine . God let him alone to run on in ful career in his way of sin , yea , concurred to the substrate mater of al his sins , and caused al his plagues to meet on his heart , in order to his final obduration , thereby to render his vindictive Justice more illustrious in his ruine . And so vers . 16. And in very deed for this cause have I raised thee up , for to shew in thee my power , and that my name may be declared thorowout al the earth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in very deed , or verily : it notes a great asseveration , such as with God amounts almost to an oath . For this . The Apostle Paul , Rom. 9. 17. addes a Pronoun of intention , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this very same , i. e. cause or purpose , as the Greeks expound it , for this cause have I raised thee up . The LXX . render it , thou hast been preserved or kept alive ; but Paul more emphaticly , Rom. 9. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have made thee stand up , or , have constituted , or set thee up , as on a Theatre before al the world , to be a vessel of wrath , and an exemple of Divine vengeance . The Syriac renders it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have made thee to stand up ; which emphaticly paints forth Gods absolute wil in his Reprobation . So in the Hebraic Verbe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I have made thee stand up , as a monument of vindictive Justice . This making to stand up , notes the constitution and being of a thing , as elsewhere in Scripture : the righteous God gave being and constitution to Pharaoh for this very end , to magnifie the glorie of his vindictive Justice on him . So it follows : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for to shew , or that I may shew in thee , or shew thee . But the LXX . adde the Particle In : so Paul , Rom. 9. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That I may give a specimen , or demonstration of my power in thee . Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my power , or my force , my omnipotent severitie . Thence it follows : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for to declare , or tel my name . The righteous God suffered Pharaoh to run on with a vehement impetuositie in his sinful rebellion , that so the world might ring of Gods vindictive Justice in his ruine . From al this the Apostle strongly demonstrates our conclusion , Rom. 9. 18. Therefore God hath mercie on whom he wil , and whom he wil he hardeneth . Observe here , ( 1 ) the Apostle ushers in this inference with the conclusive note , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , therefore . He layeth the premisses in Gods judicial procedings with Pharaoh for the manifestation of his vindictive punitive glorie in Pharaohs ruine : whence he infers this universal conclusion . Therefore God , &c. ( 2 ) He resolves Gods hardening men into his absolute wil or decree of Reprobation , which he in this regard , makes parallel to his absolute decree of Election : for as God hath mercie on whom he wil , i. e. according to his absolute purpose or decree ; so in like manner , he hardeneth whom he wil , i. e. according to his absolute decree of Reprobation . And it is most certain , according to the Scripture , no man can maintain absolute Election , but he must also maintain absolute Reprobation : and if Reprobation be absolute , then also Gods concurse to the entitative act of that which is sinful must be efficacious and predeterminative , as hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 3. There are other Texts that make expresse mention of Gods efficacious ordering and disposing of wicked men and their sins for his own glorie . So Prov. 16. 4. The Lord hath made althings for himself ; yea even the wicked for the day of evil . Note here ( 1 ) the end of Gods making althings , which is for himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. for the manifestation of his own glorie . ( 2 ) The manner of Gods making althings for himself , included in the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath made , which signifies [ 1 ] Gods active efficience , or his energetic , architectonic Decree , whereby althings are made . [ 2 ] God 's passive creation , or his efficience in time . [ 3 ] Gods conservation of althings in their beings and wel-beings . [ 4 ] God 's efficacious actuating and governing althings to their ends . Thus Psal . 46. 9. Eccles . 11. 5. Esa . 5. 12. The LXX . generally render it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Joh. 5. 17. our Lord useth to expresse Gods efficacious concurse and predeterminative influence . And Strangius , pag. 804. grants , that whether we understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here of Gods production in time , or of his eternal Decree to produce man , or of his ordination and constitution of man to punishment , the difference is not material . I would therefore take it in the largest notion as comprehensive of al its significates before specified . ( 3 ) Whence follows the particular object , even the wicked , i. e. considered not only in their substance as men , but also in al their Modes , Adjuncts , Accidents , and Operations . There is not the most minute accident or action of a wicked man but God makes it , i. e. decrees , influenceth , and orders it for himself . Whence ( 4 ) the wicked are said to be made by God , for the day of evil , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. for the day of vindictive wrath , or punishment inflicted for the illustration of Divine Justice : which includes also their being left to sin ; for the forest piece of Divine vengeance is mens being given up to their own hearts lusts . Adde hereto Rom. 9. 21 , 22. Hath not the potter power over the clay , & c ? Here Paul refutes the proud Pelagian blasphemies by an argument taken from Gods absolute Dominion and Soveraintie over his creature . As if he had said : Has not the Potter an absolute dominion over the clay , to forme it into what shape he please ? and shal we not allow the great Creator of althings the same absolute dominion ? Did he not make althings ? and therefore may he not assume the Prerogative of ordering althings to the ends for which they were made ? As he gives to every creature what shape he please , so cannot he appoint them to what end he please , and direct them infallibly to that end ? Is it not an end sufficient for the being of any creature , to be the glorie of any Attribute ? and therefore if God make a creature to be a vessel of wrath fitted to destruction , is there any injurie done to the creature ? The Pythagoreans have an effate , That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the worse is made for the service of the better , which holds most true here of the vessels of wrath or wicked men , who are made for the better , i. e. their Makers glorie , as Prov. 16. 4. Thus Paul concludes , vers . 22. Vessels of wrath fitted to destruction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies primarily aptly to fit , frame , or set together : thence , to ordain , decree , or constitute . Whence among the LXX . it answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to found , as Psal . 8. 2. Out of the mouths of babes he hath founded or ordained praise : also to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to ordain , decree , establish , as Psal . 67. 10. & 73. 17. Thus it signifies here , namely Gods eternal ordination or absolute Decree of Reprobation founded on his absolute Soveraintie . Observe here the difference between the vessels of mercie , and the vessels of wrath : of the former he speakes actively , vers . 23. That he might make known the riches of his glorie on the vessels of mercy , which he had prepared unto glorie ; but of the later he speakes only passively , vers . 22. fitted to destruction . The reason of this difference seems this : The vessels of mercie are wholly from God , both as vessels , and as vessels of mercie ; they receive from God both their natural good of being , and their moral good of grace , wel-being , and happinesse : but now the vessels of wrath are such partly from God , and partly from themselves : That they are vessels , and vessels of wrath ordained to destruction , they are from God ; but that they are vessels deserving wrath , this they are from themselves : their sins and punishment morally considered are from themselves ; but consider them entitatively and penally , and so they are from God. I am not ignorant of the many false and Pelagian glosses which are affixed to this Text , without shadow of reason . Another Text that evidently demonstrates Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse in ordering mens sins for his own glorie is , 1 Pet. 2. 8. And a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence , even to them that stumble at the word , being disobedient , whereunto also they were appointed . This Text is taken partly from Esa . 8. 14. Here Christ the chief Corner-stone of the Church , is said to be a stone of stumbling and rock of offence to wilful unbelievers . The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are synonymous , and of the same import here ; though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be in its general notion more extensive : It notes originally any thing that may offend the foot , or other part , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to halt , or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , distorted : more particularly , it signifies ( 1 ) that tigillum , or crosse piece of wood in your traps for Mice , Foxes , or the like : ( 2 ) a sharp stake , whereby the foot is hurt : and so it is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , interpreted by Hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by him made to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an impediment : it was called also by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , denoting a military instrument , like a sharp stake , whereby they annoyed their enemies : in which sense the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in that Apocryphous book , Judith 5. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 4 ) A stone that offends the foot : and so it answers with the LXX . to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lev. 19. 14. in which regard it is made synonymous to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both by Peter ; and Rom. 14. 13. by Paul : and this they both denote here , 1 Pet. 2. 8. the great offence which sinners took at Christ , to their own ruine . Whence it 's added : Whereunto also they were appointed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . What doth this note ? why take Grotius's Note on this Text , who was no friend to Calvinists : Unto this , saith he , Unbelievers were destined by God , that they might most grievously fal — For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oft signifies to ordain , destine , or decree , as Joh. 15. 16. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Thes . 5. 9. The Syriac in this place renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were designed ; the Arabic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were constituted , namely by the Divine Decree . Thus Grotius , who here speakes like a Calvinist , though generally no friend to the sentiments of Calvin . The like 2 Pet. 2. 11. As natural brute bestes , made to be taken and destroyed . Is not absolute Reprobation here , and that by the concession of Grotius , no friend thereto , clearly and fully asserted ? And if Reprobation be absolute , must not also Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin be efficacious and predeterminative ? The immutable connexion between absolute Reprobation and predetermination to the substrate mater of that which is sinful we intend to demonstrate hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 3. But a reverend Divine of name among us answers to this Text thus : Resp . 1. This [ 1 Pet. 2. 8. whereunto also they were appointed ] hath respect to Luke 2. 34 — And no more can be hence gathered , but that God hath decreed , that as a punishing Judge , ( 1 ) he wil leave the rejecters of Christ to go on in their own sinful way ; ( 2 ) and that their opposition to him shal be their ruine : So that [ 1 ] he doth not speak this of any but the rejecters of Christ , that deserved it . [ 2 ] He speaketh not at al as willing their sin , but only as one that penally denieth them further grace . [ 3 ] But the thing that he is said to ordain them to , is not sin , but ruine the consequent of their sin : The word [ stumbling and falling ] signifying their destruction . Thus that reverend Divine . And now let us a little examine this his Response to our Argument from this Text , which wil serve for a replie to most of his subterfuges . ( 1 ) In answer to his first particular , we assert , that more may be gathered from this Text , than what he allows , namely , That God hath decreed , that , as a punishing Judge , he wil leave the rejecters of Christ to go on in their own sinful way . For he himself grants , ( which cannot be denied ) That they were appointed to stumble on the rock of offence : And if so , then surely they were destined or appointed to the entitative act of sin : for stumbling doth not only implie their destruction , as he insinuates , but also their sin . Whence , ( 2 ) there is something more also implied , than that their opposition to him shal be their ruine . For it 's expressely said , That they were appointed , not only to their ruine , but also to their stumbling at the word , and being disobedient , which notes the Decree of Reprobation to be absolute and positive ; yea predeterminative of the substrate mater of sin . ( 3 ) Whereas he saith , That he speakes not at al as willing their sin , but only as one that penally denieth them further grace , this seems also against the expresse mind of the Text , which saith , They were appointed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. according to Grotius , they were ordained , destined , or decreed to stumble at the word , &c. This certainly denotes more than Gods penal denial of further grace . ( 4 ) Whereas he saith , That the thing that he is said to ordain them unto , is not sin , but ruine , the consequent of their sin , the word [ stumbling and falling ] signifying their destruction , it seems contradictory to the letter and mind of the words : for both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie , according to our precedent explication of them , primarily their sin , and then their ruine or destruction , as the consequent of their sin . This also is evident from that parallel Text , Jude 4. For there are certain men crept in unawares , who were of old ordained to this condemnation , ungodly men turning the grace of God into lasciviousnesse , and denying the only Lord God. These ungodly men are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , designed , and as it were before written in the book of Gods predetermination , to be given up to this condemnation , of turning the grace of God into lasciviousnesse , &c. So that it is evident , that God foreordained and decreed , not only their destruction , but to leave them to those sins , which should cause the same . But to sum up the whole of this Head , we grant , ( 1 ) That absolute Reprobation is not the cause either of mens sins , or damnation . It 's true , elective Grace is the cause of faith and salvation , but the Decree of Reprobation is not the cause of sin or damnation . ( 2 ) That Reprobation withdraws not any power from the person reprobated . Yet we denie , [ 1 ] That it is injust for God , by an absolute , efficacious Decree , to reprobate some , for the glorifying of his own Justice : For albeit the Decree of Reprobation be not an act of justice , yet it is not injust for God to reprobate any . [ 2 ] We denie also , that there is any motive , cause , or condition of Reprobation , as it regards the act of the Divine wil. Whence also [ 3 ] we denie , that the act of Reprobation is merely negative ; but affirme , that it is positive and absolute ; of which see Davenant Dissert . de Elect. & Reprobat . p. 113. Hence , [ 4 ] It necessarily follows , that when God predestines and preordains any unto Damnation , he predestines and preordains in like manner , by an efficacious act of his own soverain Wil , to leave men to their own sinful courses , and efficaciously to concur to the substrate mater of those sins . See more Chap. 5. § . 3. CHAP. IV. An Historic Idea of Predeterminants and Antipredeterminants . The Assertors of Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin ; ( 1 ) Fathers , Augustin , Prosper , Fulgentius . ( 2 ) Such as succeeded in the Roman Church , Hugo de Sancto Victore , Aquinas , Scotus , Ariminensis , Holcot , Altissiodorensis : Bradwardine , his Conversion , Parts , both natural and acquired , zele for Efficacious Predeterminative Concurse , particularly as to the substrate mater of Sin : How God wils Sin : How the entitative act is from Gods predeterminative Concurse : How God spontaneously impels or necessitates men to the entitative act of Sin. The Dominicans , and particularly Alvarez's sentiments conforme to our Hypothesis . The concurrent perswasions of Jansenius and his Sectators : also of the Tridentine Catechisme . ( 3 ) The Sentiments of Reformed Divines , Wiclef , Calvin , Zuinglius , Beza , Chamier , Lud. Crocius , the Synod of Dort , and Church of England , Davenant , Sam. Ward , &c. ( 4 ) Such as denie Gods Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin , more ancient : Durandus , his proper Hypothesis , and who may be accounted his Sectators ; Lud. à dola his proper Sentiments and designe : Arminius , and his Adherents , the Remonstrants and Anabaptistes . The New Methodistes , Camero , Amyraldus , Placeus , Le Blanc , Baronius , Strangius . How these New Methodistes fel into these Sentiments , and who may be estimed such . § . 1. HAving given a Scriptural Demonstration of our Hypothesis , touching the efficacious , predeterminative Concurse of God to the substrate mater or entitative act of that which is sinful ; we now procede to lay down the concurrent sentiments of Anti-pelagians in al Ages of the Church ; and withal to shew who have in al Ages defended the Antithesis of our Adversaries . First , among the Patrons of our Hypothesis none deserves a more illustrious name and mention than Augustin , that great Propugnator or Champion of efficacious Concurse . I am not ignorant that some of our Adversaries , as Strangius by name , are so confident as to cite Augustin's testimonie in defense of their Antithesis ; but this is too palpable an abuse to find place among the indifferent or impartial Sectators of Augustin ; whose sentiments touching this subject are sufficiently evident in his Works . Thus , de Grat. & Lib. Arbitr . cap. 20. If the Scripture , saith he , be diligently inspected , it wil appear , that not only the good wils of men , but also the bad , are so in Gods power , that he can incline them where and when he wil , to performe his benefices , or to inflict his punishments , by his most secret , yet most just judgement . Again , in the same book , he saith , That God workes in the hearts of men , to incline them which way he please , either to Good , out of his Mercie , or to evil according to their deserts , by his Judgement , sometimes open , sometimes secret , but always just . So De Praedestinat . Sanct. c. 16. It is ( saith he ) in the power of wicked men to sin ; but that by sinning malitiosely they do this or that , is not in their power , but of God dividing the darkness , and ordering it ; that so hence what they do against the wil of God , might not be fulfilled but by the wil of God. Again , De Gen. ad literam lib. imperfecto , c. 5. Some things , saith he , God makes and orders , other things he only orders ; righteous men he makes and orders , but sinners , as sinners , he makes not , but only orders , i. e. In good actions he is both the cause of the good , and of the action , but in sinful acts he is not the cause of the sin , but only of the act ordering it for his glorie . Again , De Civitate Dei , l. 13. c. 22. he saith , That Sin as it is justly permitted by God , fals under the Eternal Law , that is , the Divine Wil or Decree . Moreover , Augustin frequently asserts , that God punisheth one sin by giving men up to another : So Contra Julian . l. 5. c. 3. & de Civitate Dei , l. 15. c. 6. & libro de Natura & Gratia , from cap. 20. to the end . To these Testimonies we may adde several Hypotheses of Augustin , which demonstratively evince Gods Predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin . As , ( 1 ) He asserted , that Reprobation was the act of Gods absolute Wil , and so in it self positive and absolute ( 2 ) He held , That Excecation and Obduration is the consequent of Reprobation : of which see Jansenius , August . de G●…t . Christ . l. 10. c. 3 , 4. ( 3 ) He maintained , That al sins in lapsed Nature are necessary , because punishments , as Jansen . de Nat. Lap. c. 22. p. 264. Lastly , that Augustin held Gods Efficacious predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin , is evident from the false Imputations charged on him by the Pelagians , who imputed to him the same odiose and forged consequences , which have been ever since imputed to the Assertors of Predeterminative Concurse . As , [ 1 ] They falsely charged on him , that he asserted a fatal Necessitie , and said , that God compelled mon to sin . Whereas Augustin , l. 1. q. 2. ad Simpl. answers ( in the same manner as we now adays ) That God is said to harden some Sinners , in that he has not mercie on them , not that he impels them to sin , &c. [ 2 ] The Pelagians charged on Augustin , That he denied to sinners the Libertie of their Wil , &c. It 's true , when he discourseth of Moral Libertie , consisting in Adherence unto God , he denieth , that sinners have any such Libertie ; but yet he fully asserts a Natural Libertie , that which is essential to the wil , to belong to al sinners , of which see Jansenius , August . Tom. 3. l. 7. c. 12. p. 330. To conclude , there is scarce any imputation falsely charged on those that assert predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin now a-days , but it was also imputed to Augustin by the Pelagians of old , and wiped off by him , as by us , which sufficiently demonstrates , that his Sentiments were as to this Hypothesis the same with ours . He that wil see more of Augustins mind about this mater , may consult Rutherford , de Providentia , cap. 30. Chamier , Panstrat . Tom. 2. Lib. 3. c. 8. Next to Augustin follow his Sectators and Disciples , Prosper and Fulgentius , whom our Adversaries would fain make to be of their persuasion , but without shadow of Truth or Reason . As for the sentiments of Prosper touching our Hypothesis , they are to be seen , ad capitula Gallorum , where , following Augustin , he makes God to wil sin as the punishment of sin . So Fulgentius , l. 1. ad Monimum , c. 26. God , albeit he be not the Author of evil cogitations , yet he is the Ordinator of evil Wils : neither doth he cease to work good out of the evil work of every evil man : neither in the very injust works of the Wil , doth he relinquish the just order of his own works ; because this he hath in that very order , that he doth justly desert the evil Wil — and in the very injust wil of the sinner , he fulfills his own Justice , &c. What could be said more evidently to demonstrate our Hypothesis ? Is God the Ordinator of evil Wils ? doth he not then efficaciously , yea predeterminatively move and order them in their very evil acts ? And doth he not cease to worke good out of their evil workes ? Must he not then applie their wils to the entitative act of those evil workes ? And what is this but to predetermine their wils to the substrate mater of those evil workes ? Again , if God , in the very injust workes of the Wil doth not relinquish the just order of his workes , then surely he must of necessitie applie and predetermine the wil of the Sinner to the entitative act of the worke , thereby to maintain his own just order . § . 2. We now passe on to such as succeded the Fathers , and albeit they lived in the bosome of the Roman Church , yet they stil defended the Doctrine of Augustin and our Hypothesis , as to Gods efficacious predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin . I shall begin with Anselme , Bishop of Canterburie , who flourished about the year 1095 , an Italian by Nation , Monke by profession , of a most acute Ingenie , devotional Sanctitie , conjoined with great Prudence and Humilitie , according to the character given him by Baronius . This Anselme , de Concord . Praescientiae , Praedestinationis , Gratiae & Liberi Arbitrii , c. 1. thus speaketh : God worketh althings , which are wrought by a just or unjust Wil , i. e. both good and evil workes ; In good workes truely he causeth both that they are , and that they are good ; but in evil workes he causeth that they are , but not that they are evil . Herein he gives us the difference between Gods Concurse to good and evil acts , as also the demonstration of our Hypothesis ; for if God causeth evil acts that they are , then certainly he efficaciously moves and applies the wil to the act , which is al that we mean by Predetermination . Next follows Hugo de Sancto Victore , by Nation a Saxon , ( and so allied to us , ) by profession a Monk , contemporary with Bernard , who flourished about the year 1130. This Hugo , de Sacr. Fid. l. 1. c. 13. faith , * That God wils there should be evil , and yet he doth not wil evil : He wils there should be evil , because it 's good there should be evil ; but he wils not evil , because evil it self is not good . An excellent description of Gods predeterminative wil and concurse to the substrate mater of sin , so as to vindicate his Sacred Majestie from any hand in the moral vitiositie thereof : ( 1 ) God wils there should be evil , i. e. he doth , by an omnipotent efficacious decree , wil the existence of evil , in willing the substrate mater thereof : and yet ( 2 ) He doth not wil evil , i. e. he doth not with a wil of approbation or any way morally wil evil as to its moral vitiositie or formal reason . ( 3 ) It 's good there should be evil , i. e. as it conduceth to the illustration of Gods glorie ; and so God wils it . But ( 4 ) evil itself , [ morally considered as evil ] is not good , and therefore not willed by God as such . The same Hugo , de Sacramentis , par . 5. cap. 29. affirmes , That God by presiding over evil wils , doth , by an occult and invisible operation , temper and incline them to his own wil. What could more expressely be said for the asserting Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin ? Doth God indeed preside over the evil wils of men , and so , by an occult and invisible operation , temper and incline them to his own wil ? how is it possible then , but that he applie and determine them to the entitative act of their sinful workes ? And whereas Hugo foresaw many would be then , as now also , scandalised at this doctrine , touching Gods efficacious concurse to the substrate mater of sin , he addes this as the reason of the offense : Not because that which is spoken is not wel spoken , but because that which is wel spoken is not wel understood . I wish our Adversaries would wel consider this prophetic reflexion of Hugo ; of which more hereafter in Bradwardines sentiments . We passe on to Thomas Aquinas , whom some of our Adversaries would fain conjure into their Campe , and make a Patrone of their Antithesis : but this is so great an imposition on the intelligent world , that I cannot but admire at the confidence of those who make use of it . Yet this has been the attempt not only of some lesse conversant in Aquinas's Workes , but even of learned Strangius , who is oft more candid and ingenuous than others of his persuasion . Thus Strangius , lib. 2. cap. 14. from pag. 313. to 317. endeavors to demonstrate , That Thomas doth not admit that physic predetermination of God to al and singular actions of the wil : The like a reverend Divine of estime among our selves would fain persuade us , namely , That albeit the Dominicans are for such an universal predetermination , yet Aquinas is not , &c. But let us a little examine the reason of this subterfuge : ( 1 ) Was not Thomas Aquinas himself a Dominican , of the Order of Dominic ? And are not al the Dominicans sworne Thomists ? Albeit they are in regard of their Order Dominicans , yet are they not al in regard of their Doctrine Thomists ? How comes it to passe then that they should contend so hotly for physic predetermination of the wil by God in al its natural actions , even such as are sinful , and yet Thomas their Master against it ? ( 2 ) Take the character of impartial Writers , and who ever denied this to be Aquinas's sentiment ? See learned and acute Dr. Samuel Ward , Professor of Theologie at Cambridge , his Determinations , pag. 117 , 118. where he proves Gods predeterminative Concurse to al actions of the wil out of Thomas . But because Dr. Ward seems to be our friend , we shal appele unto our Adversaries for the decision of this Controversie , namely to Le Blanc and Baronius . Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. par . 3. thes . 10. pag. 430. assures us , That Thomas and his sectators the Dominicans , teach , for the explication of Divine Concurse — That God doth premove and applie the very second causes to their worke : for this the dependence of the second causes on God their first Mover doth require . For , according to their mind , God is therefore said to be the first Mover , because he doth antecedently move and applie al other causes to their operations , &c. What could be said more evidently to explicate Aquinas's mind herein ? Thus also Baronius , who , in his Metaphysics , Sect. 8. Disp . 3. § . 78. pag. 146. imputes this celebrious Opinion of Gods previous predeterminative concurse to al actions unto Thomas Aquinas , as the principal Founder thereof . So § . 79. pag. 147. And § . 82. pag. 149. he urgeth , That from the opinion of Thomas it follows , that God is the Author of sin . The like § . 85. pag. 151. But ( 3 ) to let passe the testimonies of others , if we may be allowed the privilege of believing our own senses , and the reflexions of our own reason thereon , it is to me most evident , that Aquinas has copiosely and nervosely defended our Hypothesis , and impugned the Antithesis of our Adversaries . Thus , 1. 2. Quaest . 79. Art. 2. The act of sin is both Ens and Act , and in both regards it is from God : for it 's necessary that every Ens or Being be derived from the first Being , &c. And whereas Strangius and a reverend Divine among our selves pretend , that this includes immediate concurse , but not predeterminative , it is most evident , that Aquinas owned no concurse but what was predeterminative : For what is predetermination of the wil , but the application of it to its act , as Strangius , pag. 244. grants ? And is not this the proper notion whereby Aquinas describeth the Concurse of God to al acts of the wil ? What more commun with him , than this grand Effate , That God applies al second causes to their act ? Thus in his sums , par . 1. Quaest . 105. Art. 5. he layes down this conclusion , That God actes in every Agent finally , effectively , and formally , yet so as they also act . And then in the explication hereof he saith , ( 3 ) That it is to be considered , that God doth not only move things to work , as by applying the formes and virtues of things to their operations , ( as also the Artificer applies the axe to cut , who yet sometimes gives not the forme to the axe ) but also gives formes to creatures acting , and preserves them in being — and because the forme is in the thing , — and God is properly the cause of the universal Being in althings , which among althings is more intime , it follows , that God workes intimely in althings ; and for this reason in sacred Scripture , the operations of nature are ascribed unto God , as working in nature , according to that , Job 10. 11. With skin and with flesh hast thou clothed me , &c. What could have been said more evidently to demonstrate our Hypothesis ? He saith , ( 1 ) That God actes in every Agent , not only finally and effectively , but also formally . ( 2 ) That God moves things to worke , by APPLYING ( i. e. predetermining ) the formes and virtues of things to their operations . Yea , ( 3 ) That God applies the second cause to act , as the Artificer applies the instrument to worke . Whereby he makes al second causes , the wil not excepted , but a kind of instrument of Gods principal efficience : For the wil , albeit it may be termed a principal cause of most of its acts , yet in regard of the Divine concurse , which it receives , and in virtue whereof it actes , it may safely be termed a vital Instrument . ( 4 ) That God acting most intimely in althings , the very operations of nature are ascribed unto him , which notes predetermination in the highest point . So also Aquinas , Quaest . Disp . q. 3. de Potentia , art . 7. speakes fully of this predeterminative application of al second causes by God. And indeed how frequently is this Hypothesis demonstrated by him ? So that I cannot but wonder , that any learned man should urge Aquinas's testimonie against us . We descend now to Scotus , ( the Head of a Sect opposite to the Thomists , yet ) who hath given evident and strong confirmation and demonstration to our Hypothesis . I am not ignorant , that a learned and pious Divine makes use also of Scotus's name to patronise his Antithesis : and I shal not denie , but that Scotus has in many points too much favored the Pelagian interest , which has inclined the Jesuites to follow him rather than Thomas ; yet this I no way dout but to make good , that as to our Hypothesis , touching Gods predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin , Scotus is fully of our persuasion . This wil appear evident , ( 1 ) if we consider his notion of Divine Prescience of things future , which he makes to arise from the Divine Decree giving futurition to them , as Le Blanc , de Praescient . thes . 33. pag. 443. confesseth . And certainly such as hold Gods prescience of sins future to be from his own Decree efficaciously determining their futurition , cannot with any shadow of reason denie Gods predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin . ( 2 ) Scotus and his sectators generally hold , That God efficaciously concurs to al second causes and their acts , not by any influence or impression on the second cause , ( which the Thomists assert ) but by his absolute and efficacious Decree applying and determining the second cause to act . Which we judge to be the very truth , as it hath been demonstrated by us , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 7. § . 3. So that the Thomists and Scotists differ not really as to the point of predetermination , but only as to its origine and principe ; the Thomists making it to consiste in a physic intrinsec influxe impressed on the creature , and the Scotists placing the whole of it in the volition of God , without any force impressed on the second cause , as our Country-man Compt. Carleton , in his Philosophie , Disp . 30. Sect. 1. pag. 327. has incomparably wel stated it . But ( 3 ) Scotus , in 4. Sentent . Distinct . 49. Quaest . 6. § . 14. pag. 522. ( edit . 1620. ) has these very words : Est contra naturam ejus , [ scil . voluntatis ] determinari à causa inferiori , quia tunc ipsa non esset superior : non est autem contra naturam ejus determinari à causa superiori , quia cum hoc stat , quòd sit causa in suo ordine , It 's against its nature , [ namely the wils ] to be determined by an inferior cause , because then it should not be superior ; but it is not against its nature to be determined by a superior cause , because it is consistent herewith , that it be a cause in its own order . Wherein Scotus doth most acutely , though briefly , state the Controversie about Predetermination both negatively and positively . ( 1 ) Negatively , That the wil cannot be determined , or predetermined , by any inferior cause ; because then it were not superior : for whatever cause predetermines another to act , is so far superior to it : it being impossible , yea a contradiction , that the inferior should predetermine the superior . ( 2 ) Positively , That it is not against the nature of the wil to be predetermined by a superior cause , i. e. by God the first cause , who gave it being , and therefore may without violence to its libertie determine or predetermine it in its operation : and Scotus's reason is invincible ; because to be predetermined by a superior cause , is very wel consistent with the wils being a cause in its own order : Yea , we may raise this reason to a greater height , therefore the wil is a cause in its own order , i. e. a particular , proper , principal , or lesse principal cause , according to the nature of its causalitie and effect , because it is predetermined to act by God the superior first Cause : so that Gods predeterminative concurse to the actions of the wil , even such as have sin appendent to them , is , according to Scotus's sentiments , so far from infringing or diminishing the wils natural order and libertie in acting , as that it corroborates and confirmes the same . ( 4 ) Lastly , Scotus in 2. Sent. Dist . 37. q. 2. saith expressely , That [ albeit God determine the wil to the material act which is sinful , yet ] the vitiositie of sin is not to be attributed to God , but to the create wil , because the create wil is under an essential obligation to give rectitude to the action ; but God is not bound by any such obligation , &c. Which is the same with the sentiments of Zuinglius and our reformed Divines , albeit opposed by the new Methodists , as wel as Arminians and Molinists . Having laid down the concurrent testimonies of the two principal Heads of the Scholes , Thomas and Scotus , we now passe on to their sectators , whereof we shal give the mention but of a few more illustrious . To begin with Gregorius Ariminensis , who was by profession a Dominican , and great defendent of Augustin's Doctrine ; whom Bishop Vsher valued as the soundest of the Schole-men , and Dr. Barlow , as the acutest : His invict demonstration of our Hypothesis we find , in Sent. 2. Distinct . 34. Art. 3. where he demonstrates Gods ▪ immediate efficience in producing the entitative act of sin thus : ( 1 ) Every evil act when produced is conserved by God. Ergo. The antecedent he proves thus : because otherwise every evil act should not in its existence immediately depend on God , but be independent ; and so by stronger reason , the wil itself , which is more perfect than its act , should be independent . Again , if it be not repugnant to the Divine Bonitie to conserve the evil act , neither is it repugnant to it to produce the same . ( 2 ) The wil is of itself indifferent to any act , therefore it must be determined to every act by God. ( 3 ) If God be not the immediate cause of the act , which is evil , he is not the Maker of al Beings . ( 4 ) Al good that is not God , is from God as the Efficient thereof ; but the act morally evil is yet naturally good . Ergo. Hence he procedes to answer the Objections of his and our Adversaries thus : ( 1 ) If God produce the same evil act , which man produceth , then he sins as man sins . Whereto he answers , by denying the consequence , and that on this reason ; because man doth not therefore precisely sin , because he doth an evil act , as it is Ens or act ; but therefore he sins , because he doth it evilly , i. e. against right reason ; [ or the Law of God ] but now God produceth the same act according to right reason , and therefore wel . So the same man borne in fornication , is produced by God wel , but by the fornicator evilly . But ( 2 ) it is farther objected by his Adversaries then , as by ours now , thus : Thou wilt say , that those things that are , per se , in themselves [ or intrinsecally ] evil , as the hatred of God , or the like , can never be wel done : therefore neither by God. I responde , saith he , ( as we ) that there is or can be no entitie which may not be wel done , albeit not by every Agent : e. g. man envieth ; but God , although he produce the same act of envie with man , yet he doth not envie . For al such acts , beyond the simple production or motion of such or such a thing , do connote something on the part of the Author , who is so denominated , which agrees not to God : So to steal , besides the simple translation of the thing from place to place , connotes the thing stolne not to belong to him that translated it : but God translating the same thing , doth not translate what is not his own ; and therefore is not said to be the thief , &c. But here we are to note , that whereas Gregorius Ariminensis makes God to be a partial cause of sin , it is not to be understood , as if God were the partial cause of the entitative act , for so he makes God to be a total cause ; but he cals God a partial cause of sin , as he produceth only the entitative act , not the vitiositie , whereof man only is the moral cause . Thus also Holcot , our Country-man , super Sentent . lib. 2. Dist . 1. q. 1. makes God to be a partial cause of sin , yet not the Author of it : whereby he plainly means , as he explicates himself , that God is the physical cause of the substrate mater , or entitative act only , but man the moral cause of the vitiositie also . This I mention , because a reverend Divine of name among us from these expressions of Ariminensis and Holcot , would persuade us , that they make God the partial cause of the entitative act . We might adde to these the testimonies of Altissiodorensis , in Sent. 2. where he proves by strong arguments , namely from the Passion of Christ , &c. That the evil action is from God operating and cooperating with the human wil ; of which more in what follows touching Bradwardine . I now come to Thomas Bradwardine , our pious , learned and profound Bradwardine , whom , might I be allowed my libertie , I should rather reckon among our first Reformers , than among the Sons of Antichrist ; for indeed he was a zelose Patron of , and stout Champion for the fundamental points of the Reformed Religion , specially efficacious free Grace , which he with so much courage , strength of argument , and flaming zele defended against the Pelagians of those days . This Thomas Bradwardine , borne at Hartfield in Sussex , flourished about the year 1350. He was a person of prodigiose natural ingenie , which he greatly polisht by al manner of acquired Sciences , specially the Mathematics and scholastic Theologie . He was a great Affecter and Admirer of metaphysic Contemplations , which in his first studies he greedily drank in , even to the neglect of the holy Scriptures , because they favored not of a metaphysic style , as he himself informes us , in his Book de Causa Dei. When , saith he , in the state of my unregeneracie , I came into the Scholes , and heard Lectures on Pauls Epistles of free Grace , &c. it did no way relish with me , quia non sapit stylum metaphysicum , because it savored not of a metaphysic style . It was with me , as it was with Augustin of old , nothing would please but scholastic discourses for free wil , &c. But after his Conversion he was , as another Augustin , the greatest Champion for free efficacious Grace . Balaeus , de Script . Brit. cent . 5. cap. 87. tels us , That John Baconthorp , that famose Divine and English-man , returning from Paris had a great contest with Bradwardine about the points of Gods Prescience and Predestination ; to whom at last Bradwardine assents in al those points ; as the same Baconthorp declares , in Sent. lib. 4. Dist . 1. q. 4. Afterwards he was called to be Confessor to King Edward III. and thence made Archbishop of Canterbury , without any desire of his own thereto . He was indeed a good Mathematician , a great Philosopher , and excellent Divine , being communly stiled Doctor profundus , the profound Doctor . Neither was he lesse renowned for his Pietie and Zele in the Cause of God , against the Pelagians , which he defended with great fervor , as wel as acumen of spirit ; which also is greatly illustrious in his defence of Gods efficacious Concurse and Providence about the substrate mater of sinful acts . This he frequently inculcates in his most excellent Book de Causa Dei , specially lib. 1. c. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. He demonstrates ( 1 ) That al voluntary actions are governed by the Laws of Divine Providence , cap. 30 , 31. p. 271 , &c. ( 2 ) That althings which have any natural Entitie or Being , procede from Gods Providence actually and efficaciously disposing them , and not merely permitting . Which he demonstrates many ways : as [ 1 ] Because there is no act simply evil and inordinate , by any inordination precedent to the divine wil. [ 2 ] Because otherwise the whole Vniverse would not be disposed in the best manner . [ 3 ] Because the Scriptures both of Old and New Testments , ascribe to God in his Providence about Sin active Names . Thus cap. 32. p. 288. ( 3 ) That about whatever Gods Permission is , his actual Volition is also employed about the same . And he gives this demonstrative reason hereof : For albeit those things that are evil as evil are not good , yet it is good that there should be not only good things , but also evil . For unless it were good that evils be , the Omnipotent good would not suffer them to be , as Cap. 33. Hence , ( 4 ) He comes l. 34. to the state of the controversie , How God wils sin , and how he wils it not . [ 1 ] He proves , p. 294 , 295. That God must necessarily wil the existence of Sin , because he permits it : also God doth voluntarily provide for , yea act al the voluntary acts of the wil both good and evil , with al their positive circumstances , which necessarily import sin . Again , This Proposition , Sin is , is true ; and therefore there must be some cause of its truth , which can be no other than the divine wil , from which al complexe beings as wel as incomplexe have their origination . Again , ` Whatever is good must procede from the first good : but that Sin existe , is good , according to Augustin . So Hugo saith , That God wils that sins existe , because this is good . Moreover , he brings in Hugo speaking thus ; ( which deserves a great remarque ) If it be said , God wils sin , this seems harsh and scandalous to the ear ; and therefore some pious mind doth refute this , not because that which is spoken , is il spoken , but because that which is wel spoken is il understood . [ 2 ] Thence Bradwardine procedes to refute Lombard , who asserts , That God wils sin as a punishment , not under this reason , as it is sin ; [ i. e. materially or entitatively considered ] which Hypothesis of Lombard he refutes , by shewing , That the punishment of sin is necessarily conjoined with the Sin : so that if God wils sin as a punishment , he must necessarily wil the existence of sin . Also whoever knows two things to be necessarily and inseparably conjoined , and wils that they should be so conjoined , and knowingly and rationally wils one ; the same person wils also the other ; specially if about both he employ an act of his wil : But now God knows and wils that those two , Sin and Punishment be conjoined together , and rationally wils the one , namely the punishment of sin , therefore also the sin . Again , he that wils an Antecedent , wils also the Consequent , at least in an universal , albeit not in a particular : for he that wils a whole , wils al the parts necessary thereto . [ 3 ] Thence he procedes , p. 300. to shew , how God wils sin : God , saith he , doth no way wil Sin simply , but only in some limited respect : For , to say that God wils something simply , is , according to the commun manner of speech , to say , that he loves it and approves of it as good . Yea , addes he , may it not be said , that in the whole Universe there is no such thing as Inordination , Deformitie , or Sin simply considered , but only Sin in some respect ? Because in regard of the prime and supreme Cause , al Beings both positive and privative are sweetly disposed with the highest wisdome , beautie , and justice . Whence [ 4 ] He gives us the difference between Gods Concurse to sinful acts , and to such as are good , p. 302. God , saith he , is not the Author of sin , as of that which is done wel : For of this he is the Author so , as that he alone doth supernaturally create , and give to the wel-doer , Faith , Hope and Love , &c. But it is not so as to sin . i. e. As to good , God produceth not only the natural act , but also the moral Bonitie , but as to Sin , he produceth only the natural entitative Act. [ 5 ] He thence p. 302. explicates , how the Apostle Paul and the Fathers denied , that God wils Sin : When , saith he , Augustin and the other holy men denie that God wils Sin , the cause of this negation seems this : Because the Apostle and Augustin , and other holy men placed Predestination , Prescience , and the like on Gods part , the Pelagians and other Heretics would excuse Sinners from their sins , and retort the cause and blame on God , who so predestinated or foreknew : therefore these holy men would say , that God by his Predestination , Prescience or such like , doth not compel them against their wil to sin , but that they sin freely and by their own wil ; and that God by predestinating , foreknowing , or willing sins , doth not sin , nor do unjustly , neither is he the first imputable , or culpable cause of sins ; but the first , imputable , and culpable cause is the proper wil of the Sinner . This indeed is the proper state of our controversie at this day . Then he addes , pag. 303. But if it yet be said , that it always hears il with many to say , That God doth any wise wil sin , it is certainly true , and that peradventure according to Hugo before cited , not because that which is said is not wel said , but because that which is wel said , is not wel understood . I would to God therefore that they would take the Salt of Divine wisdome , and savor and understand the truth which is savory to a sane tast ; and that they would know , that there is no evil in the world , which is not for some great good : why therefore should we substract from the World , and from God the Author of the World , this way of doing good , or of benefaction , which is so admirable and great ? Yea it seems more miraculose and great , to worke good out of evils than out of goods , or to worke good only . And without peradventure it seemeth so disgustful to many , if it be said , that God wils and produceth the act of Incest of the Father with the Daughter , of the Son with the Mother , of Parricide , Sedition , Blasphemie , and other like sins : and yet not only the Saints , but also the Philosophers speak thus : For who in such an incest prepares the seed , and moves , creates , and infuseth the soul into the foetus , but God ? and however it may sound , thus the Saints of God speak , yea the Spirit of God , who speaks in them . What could be said more acutely , demonstratively and divinely for the deciding our controversie , would men but receive it ? ( 5 ) Again , Bradwardine , l. 2. c. 20. p. 542 , &c. proves out of Altissiodorensis , super 2. sent . That the evil action is from God operating and cooperating with the human wil. Altissiodorensis's arguments are these , [ 1 ] From the Passion of Christ , which was good , and proceded from a good cause , namely the Wil of God. [ 2 ] From the act of Fornication , whereby an holy Prophet is begotten : which act is the cause of good , and therefore good ; and yet it is also evil : and therefore an evil action as it is an action is good and from God. Thence he addes the Testimonie of Thomas , in Quaest . de malo , q. 19. where he demands , Whether the act of sin be from God ? and he answers thus : It must be said , that among the Ancients there was a double opinion concerning this mater : some said more anciently , that the action of Sin was not from God ; attending to the very Deformity of Sin , which is not from God : but some said , that the action of Sin is from God ; attending to the very Essence of the Act , which must be granted to be from God , and that on a double reason ; [ 1 ] Commun , because God being Ens or Being by his own Essence , and his very Essence his Being , it must thence necessarily follow , that whatever doth participate of Being , must be derived from him who is Being by Essence . [ 2 ] Special : for it is necessary that al motions of second Causes be produced by the first Mover , who is God , as p. 554. ( 6 ) Bradwardine , l. 2. c. 22. p. 559. riseth higher , and proves strongly , That it implies a contradiction for any Nature to act or move without God , of himself , properly , actually , and specially applying it to act , and moving of it . Which he demonstrates many wayes : as [ 1 ] Because no natural virtue or forme can operate without Gods cooperating therewith . [ 2 ] Because al natural things or causes are but as Instruments in regard of God the first Cause . [ 3 ] Because the create wil cannot subsist of it self ; therefore neither can it act of it self , as c. 24. p. 563. [ 4 ] Because God , by reason of his infinite Actualitie , permits nothing but what he wils . ( 8 ) Bradwardine , l. 3. c. 29. p. 739. ascends yet higher , and demonstrates , That God , albeit he impel no man violently against his wil , yet he impels al mens wils spontaneously , and draws them to al their free acts , even such as have sin annexed to them . But further , addes he , it may be probably said , that God doth in some sense necessitate to the very act of sin , as to the substance of the act ; yet it doth not thence follow that he doth necessitate to sin , or to the deformitie of sin , as it is sin , or the deformitie of sin : for the omnipotent God may , as it appears , separate the very substance of the act and whatever is positive in it from the Deformitie of sin , and can produce and conserve such an effect really positive and good , without such a defect and privative malice : Specially , sithat Sin , Deformitie , Vitiositie , or defect is not essentially the very act , nor of the essence of the act , nor necessarily a consequent of the substance of the act . Therefore the good God acting rightly , pre-acting and in some sense necessitating to such an act , according to its substance and nature good , the vitiositie or sin doth not thence necessarily follow : whence therefore doth it follow , but from the free wil of the Creature freely deficient , and from the wil of the Sinner ? What could be said more acutely , more judiciously , more demonstratively , and more piously , to put a period to this controversie , had not men a strong impulse to oppose the Truth ? I have been the more prolixe in rehearsing these illustrious and demonstrative Sentiments of Bradwardine , because I find nothing newly started by our Adversaries , but what I find rationally , solidly , and convictively solved by him , above three hundred years since . As for his solutions to the particular Objections made by his Opponents then , and ours now , we shal produce them in what follows in answer to the Objections against our Hypothesis , Ch. 6. § . 1 , 2. Having produced the concurrent Sentiments of the ancient Fathers and Scholemen for the confirmation of our Hypothesis , we might now descend to the later Scholemen , specially the Thomists ; but these lie under the same criminal accusation and imputation with our Adversaries , as the orthodoxe Calvinist ; and it deserves a particular remarque , that look as the Pelagian Jesuites oppose the Dominicans in this point under the Bears skin of being Calvinists ; so the Arminians and New Methodists oppose the Calvinists in the same point , under the Bears skin of being Dominicans : and indeed no wonder , sithat the Dominicans and Calvinists in this point about Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin do greatly accord . And let our Adversaries say what they list against the Dominicans , it 's certain , that in this mater they have done great service to the cause and interest of Truth : and particularly Alvarez , who is principally struck at by the adverse partie , deserves great honor and diligent inspection by those who have any kindness for our Hypothesis , or any part of the Doctrine of Efficacious Grace . I am not ignorant what an heavy load of Imputations , Strangius , and a Reverend Divine of Name among our selves , have laid upon him in their Oppositions to what he has writ in the defense of our Hypothesis ; but the Jesuites themselves , who are his most puissant Impugnators , give him a more candid and favorable treatment : For in the treaty between them and the Jansenists begun Feb. 18. 1663. the Jesuites rejecting the Arbitrament of Gregorie Ariminensis and Estius , whom they judged more severe , they pitcht upon Alvarez as the more moderate , to whom they required the Jansenists to conforme in those points controverted , in order to an accommodement : and the reasons they allege are of moment : For , say they , Alvarez having assisted at the Congregations de Auxiliis , there is a grand apparence , that he and those others who writ at the same time and since , took up this mode of speech to salve Libertie , according to the movements and sentiments which the Popes , Clement 8 th , and Paul 5 th had ; albeit they made no Decree on this mater ; of which see Refutat . de Pere Ferrier , Chap. 6. and Idea of Jansenisme , p. 82. wherein remarque , ( 1 ) That the Jesuites , Alvarez's sworne enemies , give him a more favorable character , as one , who for his moderation was employed by the Popes to assist at the Congregations de Auxiliis , for the composing the differences in those points in controversie between the Dominicans and Jesuites about Predetermination . Yea , ( 2 ) That the Popes themselves , Clement 8 th , and Paul 5 th , had the same sentiments with Alvarez . Is it not strange then , that the Jesuites , who are professed enemies to Predetermination , and the Popes themselves , who have been generally favorers of Pelagianisme , should have a greater kindnesse for Alvarez's sentiments about Predetermination , than Protestant Divines , whose Doctrine against the Pelagians and Jesuites can never be defended but by those principes on which Alvarez bottomes his Predetermination ? For mine own part , I cannot but confesse , that in those Notions about Efficacious Grace and Predetermination , I read Alvarez with al possible diligence and exactitude of spirit , and found therein so penetrant an acumen , so profound soliditie , and such masculine Demonstrations , as that I never met with his equal , excepting Bradwardine and Ariminensis . This Justice I conceive my self under an essential obligation to do him , to wipe off those undeserved clamors and aspersions which Strangius and another Divine of note among us , have loaded him with . His own Sentiments in the defense of our Hypothesis are laid down in his excellent Disputations de Auxil . l. 3. Disput . 24. where he doth with a great deal of moderation and yet invincible force of argument demonstrate , That God doth by a previous motion , truely and efficiently , or according to the mode of a physical cause , premove free-wil to the act of sin , as it is an Act or Being . His Arguments for the demonstration of this Thesis are weighty and invincible , namely from the Participation , Limitation , and Dependence of every Second cause , &c. Of which hereafter , c. 5. Lastly , that the Scholemen generally , besides such as are Pelagian , assert divine Predetermination to the material entitie of Sin , see Twisse , Vind. Grat. l. 2. Digress . 2. I now passe on to Jansenius and his Sectators , who are brought upon the Theatre by our Adversaries as Patrons of their Antithesis : but this is so great a mistake in mater of fact , that I cannot but admire any learned man should take refuge under it . Yet thus Strangius l. 2. c. 14. p. 318. brings in Jansenius opposing Augustin both to the Dominicans and Jesuites as to the point of Predetermination . The like is urged by a Reverend Divine of repute among us . But this mistake is too obvious and great to take place among diligent and impartial Inquirers : For ( 1 ) It 's evident , that Jansenius rejected the terme Predetermination as maintained by the Dominicans , not the thing it self as asserted by Augustin : Thus in his August . Tom. 3. l. 2. c. 22. pag. 77 , &c. he proves , That there is no manner of speech among the Scholemen so efficacious and pregnant to expresse Predetermination by , but Augustin useth the same to illustrate Gods efficacious concurse . And Tom. 3. l. 8. c. 1. p. 343. he acknowledgeth , That those learned men the Dominicans have reached the Marrow of Divine Adjutorie , and thence the true opinion of Augustin . Again , cap. 3. p. 346. he saith expressely , that herein Medicinal Adjutorie agrees with physic Predetermination , that the office of physically predetermining the wil doth truely belong unto it , and it may be termed by that name taken not only in the abstract , but also in the concrete . Whence in the same Chapter he useth the very terme of physic Predetermination to expresse efficacious Concurse by , albeit not in the same manner as it is used by the Scholemen . So that it 's evident , he was not averse from the thing , albeit he but seldome used the terme to avoid the cavils of Scholastic Theologues , as also to confine himself to the termes used by Augustin . ( 2 ) That reverend Divine among us , who makes use of Jansenius's name against physic Predetermination , doth yet grant , that Jansenius held , the existence of sin to be necessary as a Punishment . Wherein he opposeth Jansenius , and also Augustin , who held , that sin as a punishment , was willed and caused by God , as before . ( 3 ) Jansenius August . de Statu Nat. Laps . l. 4. c. 21. p. 264. assures us , That men in their lapsed state , before Faith be introduced , are under the captivitie of lust , and can do nothing but sin ; which captivitie is the same with that foresaid necessitie and coaction , whereby sins committed by unbelievers are said to be necessary , and therefore they have no power to abstain from sin . And Tom. 3. de Grat. Christi , l. 10. he stoutly maintains these following assertions about Reprobation , which clearly evince Gods efficacious predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin . [ 1 ] He proves , cap. 2. pag. 420. That Gods negative Reprobation is ▪ also positive . [ 2 ] He demonstrates , cap. 4. pag. 423. That the cause of Reprobation , according to its comparative consideration , is the absolute wil of God. This is owned by reverend Mr. Baxter , Cathol . Theol. part . 3. Sect. 7. § . 22. pag. 93. in these words : [ Jansenius's Doctrine is that ] the Reprobation of men was by Gods positive absolute wil , of men in original sin , and the effect of it excecation and obduration . This being his proper opinion , it necessarily follows , that he asserted Gods predeterminative concurse to the entitative act of sin : for , as it is granted by Strangius , and others , efficacious predetermination always follows as a necessary consequent of absolute predefinition : if God absolutely decrees to leave men to sin , it necessarily follows , that he efficaciously determine men to the entitative act of sin . [ 3 ] He goes higher than most of our Divines dare do in this point , in asserting , cap. 5. pag. 424. That damnation , excecation , obduration are the effects of Reprobation . But yet cap. 7. pag. 427. he answers the objection of such , that argue hence , That God lies in wait to destroy such as are reprobated ; assuring us , that the sinner only is the culpable criminal cause of his own damnation . And cap. 10. pag. 433. he demonstrates , That Reprobates are not created unto damnation , i. e. damnation as such is not the end of their creation : which sufficiently vindicates the holy God from being the cause of their sin or damnation . As for the Jansenists , that they are of the same persuasion with the Dominicans as touching our Hypothesis , is evident from their concessions to the Jesuites in their Treatie begun Febr. 18. 1663. mentioned in the Refutation of Pere Ferrier , Chap. 6. also Idea of Jansenisme , pag. 82. The sum was this : The Bishop of Comenge , a friend of the Jansenists , proposed this as an expedient to reconcile the two Parties , That the Jansenists declare , that they had no other sentiment about this mater , but what was taught by the Thomists . And because some of the Thomists flie higher than others , the Jesuites demanded , That the Jansenists should reduce themselves to the forme of speech used by Alvarez . So that it seems the Jansenists in the point of efficacious Concurse are looked on by the Jesuites ( as indeed they are ) as those that went beyond the very Dominicans . The Jansenists replied , That the doctrine of Jansenius was not different from that of the Thomists , albeit it was not his designe to render himself conforme to them , but to Augustin . And the true reason why the Jansenists do not maintain greater correspondence with the Dominicans , is , not their difference in doctrine , but because many of the Dominicans have by a Spirit of Cabal , or of Faction joined with the Jesuites . Lastly , that our Hypothesis , touching Gods efficacious Concurse to al actions , even to such as have sin appendent to them , was generally owned , not only by single Sects or Parties , but by the generalitie of the Roman Church , before the rise of the Jesuites , is evident from the Doctrine of the Roman Catechisme , published by the command of the Council of Trent ; where in the explication of the Apostles Creed , about the end of the first Article , par . 1. cap. 2. § . 20. pag. 23. ( edit . 1619. ) we find this great testimonie to confirme our Hypothesis : God doth not only preserve and administrate althings that are by his providence , but also doth by an intime virtue , impel those things that are moved and do act any thing , to motion and action ; so that albeit he doth not impede the efficience of second causes , yet he prevents them , in as much as his most secret force reacheth unto althings ; and as the Wise-man testifies , Wisd . 8. 1. He reacheth from one end to another mightily , and sweetly doth order althings . Wherefore it is said by the Apostle , Act. 17. 21. For in him we live , and move , and have our being ▪ What could have been said more clearly and fully for the asserting a predeterminative Concurse to al actions and motions of the creature , even such as have sin annexed to them ? And by whom is this Doctrine taught ? By the Council of Trent , which is the standard and measure of the Roman Faith , and no great friend to the Doctrine of Christ . Is it not strange then , that Reformed Divines , yea such as would be accounted Calvinists , cannot allow the efficacious Concurse of God so much as Trent-Papists allow ? § . 3. We have seen how far the Latin Fathers and those who lived in Communion with the Roman Church have openly espoused our Hypothesis ; let us now descend to Reformed Theologues , and examine what their sentiments have been hereof . And here indeed we have an ample field to exspatiate in , albeit our Adversaries the new Methodists would confine us to a smal number of Adherents . We shal begin with John Wiclef , our first English Apostolic Reformer , who following Bradwardine his Collegue in this , as in many other points about Grace , asserted , That as God necessitates the futuritions of instants , so also he necessitates al the events which in those instants are futures , Art. Constant . damnat . 278. Again , he held , That God necessitates al active creatures to each of their acts ; as Walden , tom . 1. cap. 21. pag. 35. & cap. 23. pag. 37. also Wideford , pag. 240 , 248. Again he asserted , That to whatever Gods permission reached , to that also his actual volition reached ; as Walden , tom . 1. pag. 39. which clearly demonstrates our Hypothesis . But we passe on to John Calvin , whom some new Methodists , particularly Strangius , would force into their Campe. Thus Strang. pag. 384 , 554. where he endeavors to take off Calvin from our Partie : but he that looks into Calvins Institutions , l. 1. c. 18. wil find our assertion not only nakedly owned , but fully explicated and demonstrated , and that by a multitude of scriptural instances . Particularly he proves , ( 1 ) That God wils the existence of mens sins ; so that things repugnant to Gods wil of precept , are yet brought about by his efficacious wil of Decree and Providence . ( 2 ) That Gods permission of sin is not otiose , but active and energetic . ( 3 ) That Gods providence moderates and orders the sins of men . And he concludes the Chapter with this seasonable caution : As for those to whom this Doctrine of Gods judicial induration may seem rigid , let them but a little think , how tolerable their morositie may be , who reject a thing attested by such clear testimonies of Scripture , because it excedes their capacitie , and count it a crime to bring to light things , which if God did not know to be profitable for our knowlege , he would never have reveled them by his Prophets and Apostles . So in other parts of his Works , as Resp . contra Pighium , de Libr. Arbitr . pag. 225. also Tractat. de occulta Dei providentia , he clearly asserts and demonstrates our Hypothesis . This is wel taken notice of by judicious Davenant , in his Animadversions on Gods love , &c. p. 322. It is , saith he , Calvins opinion , de occult . Dei provident . resp . ad 2. Lapsum Adae non fortuitum esse , sed occulto Dei decreto ordinatum . God foresaw Adams fal ; he had power to have hindred it , but he would not , because himself had decreed otherwise . This is the effect of Calvins doctrine . But as for the involving of men in sin and damnation out of his only wil and pleasure , these are consequents falsely inferred upon Calvins Doctrine , by himself disclaimed , &c. How much Zuinglius favored this opinion of Gods efficacious Concurse to the entitative act of sin , is sufficiently evident from those great reproches which the Papists lode him with for it ; which he wiped off with this answer , That the same action , which is sinful in regard of man , is not so in regard of God , because he is not under the same Law with man. Thus Baronius , Metaphys . Sect. 8. Disput . 3. § . 87. pag. 152. The third mode , saith he , is peculiar to Zuinglius , who teacheth , that God exciting the wil to an evil object doth not sin , because God hath no Law set to him , but man hath . To which Baronius answers , That albeit God hath no Law set to him by any Superior , yet he hath a Law set to him by his own nature , not to deal injustly or cruelly with men . This replie , although borrowed from Bellarmine , is now become commun with our Adversaries , yet without the least shadow of reason : for they do but beg the question , in saying , That God hereby deals injustly or cruelly with his creature . As for Zuinglius's proper sentiments about Gods exciting and applying the wils of men to the entitative acts of sin , they are fully and clearly laid down in his Book de Providentia Dei , cap. 6. tom . 1. of his Workes , pag. 365. Seeing a Law is given to man , he always sins , when he actes against the Law , albeit he neither be , nor live , nor operate , but in God , and from God , and by God : But what God workes by man is turned to man for sin , but not in like manner to God : for man is under a law , but God is free — Therefore one and the same wickednesse , suppose adulterie or homicide , as from God the Author , Motor , and Impulsor , it is a work , not a crime ; but as it is from man , so it is a crime and wickednesse : for God is not bound up by law , but man is condemned by law . Thus he procedes to illustrate by many exemples , of David , &c. Thence , pag. 367. he instanceth in the induration of Pharaoh , &c. wherein note , ( 1 ) That he cals God the Author , Motor , and Impulsor of the act ; which must be understood , not morally , but physically , as he excites and applies the wil to its act . ( 2 ) That he frees God from being the Author or moral cause of the sin , because he actes not against any law : a distinction which was valid in his time , albeit scoffed at now-a-days even by Reformed Divines , yea Calvinists . Neither was this distinction coined by Zuinglius , as Bellarmine and others would fain persuade , but in use long before Zuinglius , by Scotus , Ariminensis , and other scholastic Theologues , who followed Augustin herein . Thus Scotus , in Sent. 2. Dist . 37. Quaest . 2. saith , The same action is sinful in regard of the create wil , but not as to Gods concurse , quia voluntas creata debet rectitudinem actioni tribuere , Deus autem non debet , because the create wil is under an essential obligation or law , to give rectitude to the action , but God is not , as before . How deeply Beza was engaged in the defence of our Hypothesis is sufficiently evident by his Controversies in this point : as Tractat. Theolog. vol. 1. pag. 313 , &c. in answer to the calumnies of Heshusius about the Providence of God , he saith , ( 1 ) That no event ever happens otherwise than God decrees : which he demonstrates from the Omnipotence of God. Thence he procedes , ( 2 ) to demonstrate , That albeit God wil , and know , and decree althings in the world , yet that he is not the Author of sin . So pag. 315. ( 3 ) He proves , That Gods permission of sin is not idle or merely negative . This he demonstrates , pag. 317. from the vendition of Joseph ; the robbing of Job ; the ravishing of Davids wives by Absolon ; Davids numbering the people and Gods inciting his heart thereto ; Shimei's cursing of David ; the defection of the ten Tribes from Rehoboam , &c. ( 4 ) He procedes , pag. 319. to the fal of Adam , which he assertes to be from the decree and ordination of God , &c. The same Controversie he manageth against Castellio , de aeterna Dei praedestinatione , p. 360. where he proves , That Adams fal was decreed and determined by God. The like , pag. 401. where he proves , That God doth not compel men to sin , or infuse sin into them , but justly and rightly incite their wils to the entitative act which is good . This he confirmes by the induration of Pharaoh , and Gods making use of wicked instruments for the punishment of men . That Calvin and Beza did fully espouse our Hypothesis is evident not only by the opposition of Bellarmine and his sectators , but also by that of Arminius , who objectes the very same things against them , as are objected against us , namely , That God ordained that man should fal and become vitiose : by which opinion , saith he , God is made the Author of Adams fal and sin : of which see Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 2. pag. 554. And indeed al the Helvetian Churches to this very day continue very orthodox and zelose against al the Arminian Dogmes , in this as in other points ; which sufficiently appears by their new Articles lately added to their Confession , and signed by their Ministers and Professors , for the condemning the new method of Amyraldus , and others in the French Churches . That not only the German and Helvetian , but also the French Churches in their first Reformation fully maintained our Hypothesis , is most evident by the most elaborate , acute , and demonstrative determinations of great Chamier , the greatest light that ever France Reformed had , Calvin only excepted , who in his Panstrat . Cathol . tom . 2. lib. 3. gives us a copiose , distinct , and convictive decision of this Controversie as then agitated by the Calvinists and Jesuites ; which answers exactly to our present Controversie with the new Methodists . He titles this Book , Of the Author of sin : and proves , cap. 1. That the Reformed Divines do not make God the Author of sin , albeit the Jesuites accuse Calvin , Martyr , and Beza therewith . Thence , cap. 2. he layes down the opinion of the Reformed Divines , namely , That al actions both sinful and good are to be referred to the actuose providence of God. Which he demonstrates by Shimei's cursing David , Absoloms incest , &c. Whence , cap. 3. he passeth on to the Papists opinion touching the Providence of God about sin , which they make to be only by speculative , idle permission , as some new Methodists . Cap. 4. he procedes to prove , That God wils the existence of sin . Wherein he answers Bellarmines Objections against Calvin and Beza as to this point . Cap. 5. he passeth on to the second Argument of the Calvinists , namely , that men are in their sinful acts the instruments of God. Thence , cap. 6. he descends to their third Argument , from Gods excecation and induration of mens hearts : wherein he distinctly opens the Scriptures about induration . Whence , cap. 7. he comes to their fourth Argument , from Gods energie in sinful acts ; which he demonstrates both rationally and scripturally . And thence , cap. 8. he gives us Augustins opinion consonant to Calvins herein . Whence in the following Chapters , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. he answers the Objections and Arguments of the Papists , whereby they endeavor to prove , That the Calvinists make God the Author of sin : which imputations are stil fastened on us by the Arminians and new Methodists . We may adde hereto the sentiments of Ludovicus Crocius , Professor at Breme , and a Member of the Synod of Dort , who in many points , specially that of middle Science and universal Grace , follows the new method , yet in this of Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin , seems orthodox and concurrent to Calvins Doctrine . So in his Duodecas Dissertat . Exegetic . De voluntate Dei , Dissert . 8. thes . 74. pag. 415. where he tels us , That the fundamen of clearing God from being the Author of sin is the distinction of the material and formal part of sin , namely of the action and the vitiositie , which is in the action : for that , not this , he wils and decrees ; and this , not that , he permits . And his reason is invincible : for otherwise there should be an action independent as to God , and the efficacious providence of God should be denied , which is Epicurean . And then , thes . 99. pag. 426. he tels us , That as to the act of the Divine wil about sin , the Scriptures seem to contradict themselves , in that some Scriptures assure us , that God doth not wil sin , but hate it , with those that commit it , as Psal . 5. 5 , 6 , 7. Zach. 8. 17. and yet other Scriptures say , that God wils , creates , and effects sins , as Esa . 45. 7. Lam. 3. 37 , 38. Amos 3. 6. Then he solves these seeming contradictions , by distinguishing between the act and the vitiositie of the act : also between the act as it procedes from God , and as from the Creature : lastly between the decreeing wil of God , and the preceptive wil of God. Whence he concludes , thes . 100. thus : ` For God both wils and produceth the act , as an act , of it self indifferent to moral bonitie and evil , &c. And he addes , thes . 101. ` That this act in itself essentially good , even as it is contaminated by the creature , God wils it as a punishment , and useth it as an ordained convenient means for the best ends . The like thes . 112. p. 430. where he shews , how God wils sin , not as sin , but as a punishment , &c. of which more fully hereafter , Chap. 5. § . 5. These sentiments of Lud. Crocius I rather chuse to cite , because he , in other points , follows the new method , and is cried up by some of that partie . As for the Judgement of the Synod of Dort touching our Hypothesis , it is sufficiently evident by their Determinations , as also by the oppositions the Arminians made against them in this point , both whiles they sate , and afterwards . I am not ignorant , that some of our Adversaries are so confident as to cite the Synods testimonie in favor of their Antithesis ; but this is so false an imputation , as that I judge no intelligent impartial Reader can give credit to it . There needs no more to evince the Synods concurrence with us in this point , than their stout defence of absolute Reprobation ; of which see Davenants Animadversions on Gods love , pag. 242. We might adde almost an infinitude of Testimonies from Reformed Divines , Churches , and Synods for the confirmation of our Hypothesis : but in what remains we shal confine our selves to the Doctrine and Testimonie of the Church of England , and those renowned Professors of Theologie who have maintained and vindicated our Hypothesis . The Church of England as to Doctrine imbibed , even in her first Reformation , the sentiments of Calvin and the Reformed Churches in France , Holland , Helvetia , and Germanie ; albeit as to Discipline she stuck unto Episcopal Jurisdiction . This is evident by that noble designe of Cranmer and our first Reformers , to reduce the Doctrine of al the Reformed Churches unto one Confession . I shal here only cul out a few Testimonies of some great Professors of Theologie both in Oxford and Cambridge , who were of an Episcopal Judgement as to Discipline , yet stout Champions for our Hypothesis . We shal begin with Davenant , a great Master of Reason , and one that went as far as he could , and I think , as far as any ought , in compliance with those of the New Method ; yet he stil asserted , and with great strength of reason defended absolute Reprobation and Gods predeterminative concurse to the substrate mater of sin . Thus in his Determinations , when Professor of Theologie at Cambridge , Quaest . 22. In evil acts , saith he , God hath decreed to permit the event , to concur with the Agent as an universal Motor , and lastly to order the event itself according to that of Hugo , de sacr . fid . lib. 1. cap. 13. God wils that sin be , and yet he wils not sin , i. e. with a wil of approbation . So Quaest . 25. pag. 118. he grants , That Gods decree to permit sin is efficacious , so as to extract good out of it . But he speakes more fully for the defense of our Hypothesis , in his Animadversions on Gods love to mankind , pag. 72. But those who derive the evil actions of men from their own free wil as the proper efficient cause , and the existing or coming of such actions in eventum à Decreto Dei permittente & ordinante , are in no error at al. But if any shal go about to set mans wil at libertie , and to tie up short the decreeing and determining wil of God , as if this had not the determining stroke amongst al possible evil actions or events , which shal infallibly be , and which shal infallibly not be , he may avoid the suspicion of Stoicisme and Manicheisme , but he wil hardly avoid the suspicion of Atheisme . For the greater number of mens actions being wicked and evil , if these come into act without Gods determinate counsel and decree , human affaires are more over-ruled by mans wil , than by Gods. What could be said more acutely and distinctly for the demonstration of our Hypothesis ? He here alsertes , ( 1 ) That the existence of evil actions is from Gods decree permitting and ordering of them . ( 2 ) That Gods decreeing wil doth determine [ or predetermine ] al possible evil actions or events , which shal infallibly be . And do or need we assert more than this ? And frequently in that Book Davenant assertes and demonstrates , That the decree of Reprobation is absolute , determining sinful acts and events , yet so as that it leaves no man under a compulsion to sin . So pag. 253. he saith , Gods decrees carrie with them a necessitie of infallibilitie as to the event , but not a necessitie of compulsion as to the manner of acting . And elsewhere he frequently inculcates , That let Reprobation be absolute or conditional , it leaves the same possibilitie and the same libertie to the Agent . So pag. 333 , 340 , 341 , 351 , 360. Yea , he proves , That the Arminians must , and do grant immutable absolute decrees , which admit the same objections and difficulties , as those of the Antiarminians . So pag. 354 , 400 , 418 , 419. Lastly he proves , That infallible prescience granted by the Arminians infers as much a necessitie on the wil , as absolute Reprobation , asserted by the Calvinists . So p 418 , 419 , 442 , 462. Davenant was succeeded by Samuel Ward , Doctor of Divinitie , and Margaret Professor of Cambridge ; a person of great natural acumen , and deep insight into the main points in Controversie between us and the Papists , as it appears by his acute and learned Determinations and Prelections published by Dr. Seth Ward . With what clear lights and heats he defended our Hypothesis is fully manifest by his 24. Determination , pag. 115. where he stoutly demonstrates this Thesis , That the concurse of God doth not take away from things their proper mode of operation ; according to that great saying ( though in an apocryphous Book ) Wisd . 8. 1. Wisdome [ i. e. the wise Providence of God ] reacheth from one end to the other mightily , and yet orders althings sweetly . He first states the Controversie , shewing how the Remonstrants fal in with the Jesuites , Bellarmine , Molina , Lessius , &c. in asserting only a simultaneous immediate concurse of God with the second cause upon its action and effect , yet so , that al the modification and determination of the act , specially in free actions , be from the second cause , as pag. 116. Contrary whereto he assertes , ( 1 ) That the concurse of God with second causes , even such as are free , is an antecedaneous influxe upon the very second causes themselves , moving and applying them to their work . This he demonstrates both by Scripture and Reason . The Scriptures he cites are Esa . 26. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 5 , 6. Eph. 1. 11. Rom. 11. 36. His Reasons are cogent , namely from Gods prime causalitie , the instrumental concurse of al second causes , the dependence of the human wil , &c. ( 2 ) He assertes , pag. 117. That this previous concurse of God the first cause doth , according to its mode , modifie and determine al the actions of the second causes . This , which is fully coincident with our Hypothesis , he invictly demonstrates , [ 1 ] because the Divine wil determines itself for the production of every the most special and singular effect ; therefore it is not determinable by any inferior cause , as the influence of the Sun is . [ 2 ] Because as mans free wil determines althings subject to it , so much more efficaciously doth the Divine wil determine al create things subject to it . [ 3 ] He demonstrates the same from the supreme Perfection of Divine Providence , whereunto it belongs determinatively to wil and predefine al and singular things which are done in time , and to destine the same to those ends intended by itself , as also to move and applie al second causes to their determinate effects . [ 4 ] Because otherwise the concurse and determination of free-wil should be exemted from the modification of Divine Providence ; and so God should not have a Providence over althings in particular , but only in commun : for , as Thomas , pag. 1. q. 22. teacheth , The Divine providence extendes only to those things , unto which the Divine causalitie extendes : wherefore if God doth not determine the concurse of free-wil , he wil not have a providence , but only a prescience thereof in particular , as pag. 118. Thence ( 3 ) he assertes and demonstrates , That this antecedaneous concurse of God on second causes modifying their actions , takes not away from them their proper mode of operating . This he addes to clear up the conciliation of efficacious predeterminative concurse with human libertie , and he doth it with a marvellous dexteritie and sagacitie , withal shewing , that the Molinists and Remonstrants , with Cicero , make man sacrilegious , whiles they endeavor to make him free . And Determinat . 26. pag. 132. touching absolute Reprobation he saith , that it is the antecedent , but not the cause of mens sin . Lastly , what his sentiments were touching efficacious predeterminative concurse , is to be seen in his most acute Clerum , de Gratia discriminante . From Cambridge we might passe on to Oxford , and without much difficultie demonstrate , that al the principal Professors of Theologie ever since the Reformation have chearfully espoused and strongly defended our Hypothesis against the Jesuites and Remonstrants . Our learned and famose George Abbot , in his Quaestiones sex , Praelect . &c. cap. 6. discusseth this very Question , An Deus sit Author peccati , Whether God be the Author of sin ? And pag. 207. he gives us this distinct decision of the whole : 4. In the very actions , which on mans part are vitiose , the divine finger plainly shines forth ; but so that God be the motor and impulsor [ marque that terme which notes the highest Predetermination ] of the action and worke ; but not of the obliquitie or curvitie in acting : For God excites [ i. e. predetermines ] the spirits of wicked men to attemt some things , &c. And he cites for it that great Effate of Augustin , de Praedest . Sanctor . Quòd mali peccant ipsorum est ; quòd verò peccando hoc vel illud agunt , ex virtute Dei tenebras , prout visum est , dividentis , &c. What the Sentiments of pious and learned Dr. Holland , Regius Professor of Divinitie , and Dr. Prideaux his Successor , were , is sufficiently evident by their warm zele against the Arminians . As for Dr. Barlow late Margaret Professor , he has sufficiently declared his assent and consent to our Hypothesis , in his Exercitatio 2 ● , de Malo , Conclus . 7. Rat. 3. where he proves , That it is impossible there should be any finite create Entitie which is not from God the Author of al Entitie . And to conclude this Head , it is very evident , that not only the Professors of Theologie , but also the Bishops and Convocation , together with King James , were greatly opposite to Arminianisme , and so friends to our Hypothesis : Yea in Bishop Laud's time , when Arminianisme began to flourish , there were but five Arminian Bishops , Laud , Neale , Buckeridge , Corbet , Howson , and Montague , who espoused that Interest , as Dr. Heylin , in the Life of Bishop Laud assures us . By al which it appears most evident , that not only Rutherford , Twisse , and Dominicans , but the main bodie of Antipelagian and Reformed Divines have given their ful assent and consent to our Hypothesis , for God's predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin. § . 4. Having examined the Testimonies of ancient and later Theologues that concur with us , let us now a little inquire into the origine of the Antithesis , and who they are by whom it has been defended . The Antithesis to our Thesis , namely , That God concurs not to the substrate mater of Sin , is generally ascribed to Durandus , as the principal founder thereof , who denied Gods immediate concurse to actions , under this pretext , that hereby we make God the Author of mens Sins . But to speak the truth , this Antithesis is much more ancient than Durandus . Capreolus in 4. d. 12. q. 1. ad 1. asserts , That this was the Opinion of the Manichees : and Aquinas in 2. d. 37. q. 2. a. 2. saith , That it it is next to the error of the Manichees , who held two Principes , one of Good , and the other of Evil. And the reason why this Antithesis is fathered on the Manichees is this , because whoever denies God to be the cause of the substrate mater or entitative act whereto sin is annexed , must hold , That there is some real positive entitie in sin whereof God is not the cause : whence by consequence such must assert , That there are two first Causes , one of Good , and the other of Evil ; which was the error of Marcion and Manes , who held , there were two first Principes , the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme good , who was the cause of al good ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme evil God , who was the cause of al evil . And certainly , they that maintain sin to be according to its formal reason something positive or real , or that God is not the cause of the substrate mater of sin , wil necessarily fal into the sentiments of Marcion and Manes . Again , Hieronymus , Epist . ad Ctesiphontem , makes this Antithesis of Durandus to be the Doctrine of Pelagius , who , saith he , held , That God having once conferred free-wil , it is not necessary that he further operate with us : and he speaks of natural operations , as of the motion of the hand , &c. which was Durandus's opinion . Though I cannot but confesse , Jansenius , August . Tom. 1. l. 5. c. 20. p. 119. tels us , the Pelagians granted , That God concurs to al the operations of the Wil. But the Conciliation of these two opposite Testimonies is not difficult , in that the Pelagians granted Gods concurse to al operations in termes , but denied it in effect and consequences , as our Adversaries now-a-days . Compton Carleton , in his Philosoph . Vnivers . Disput . 28. Sect. 1. § . 3. assures us , that the opinion of Durandus was asserted and defended before him , by Nicolaus Bonetus , lib. 7. Theol. c. 7. and it is not improbable but it was also by some others . But yet it cannot be denied , but that the principal Author of this Antithesis was Durandus ; whence among the Scholastic Theologues it receives the Denomination of Durandisme , which they cal a rash , erroneous , dangerous error , little better than Arianisme . Bellarm. l. 4. de Grat. & lib. Arb. saith , it is repugnant to the Scriptures , Testimonies of the Fathers , and manifest Reason . Suarez Metaph. Disput . 22. Sect. 1. n. 7. saith , It is erroneous in Faith : & de Concursu , l. 1. he assertes , That the opinion of Durandus is not only reprehended , but also rejected by al approved Theologues , as an error in Faith. Is it not strange then , that Reformed Divines , yea some of great vogue for Pietie and Learning should espouse an error so grosse , and so much decried by Papists themselves ? But to give a convictive demonstration , that those who denie Gods Efficacious Concurse to the substrate mater of sin really fal under the Imputation of Durandisme , we are first to examine what Durandus's opinion as to Gods Concurse is , and then who they are who may be reputed his Sectators . Durandus proposeth his opinion , in sentent . l. 2. Dist . 1. Q. 5. in these words , Vtrum Deus agat immediate in omni actione Creaturae , Whether God acts immediately in every action of the Creature ? which he denies ; and the principal reasons of his negation are these : ( 1 ) Because then God should be the author of Sin. ( 2 ) Because such an immediate Concurse destroyes human libertie , in that it determines the wil , and so puts an end to its Indifference : of which see Strangius , p. 142. So that indeed the very same arguments , which were used by Durandus against immediate Concurse , are used by our Adversaries the New Methodists against predeterminative Concurse as to the substrate mater of Sin. And albeit the most of them professe a great displeasure against the Hypothesis of Durandus , yet , I must freely declare my mind , I cannot conceive how they can , without apparent contradiction , defend their own , but by espousing that of Durandus , which a reverend Divine of great name among us professedly doth ; And that the most of our Adversaries , even among the New Methodists , who in profession disown it , fal under the imputation of Durandisme , we shal anon make evident , when we come to treat of their particular sentiments : at present take these Criteria or distinctive notes of Durandisme . ( 1 ) Al such as assert a Divine Concurse to the principe or subject only , and not immediate unto the Act , fal under the imputation of Durandisme . This is wel observed by Strangius , l. 1. c. 10. p. 57. where he tels us , That those who allow only a Concurse to the second Cause , moving it to act , without a continued concurse to the action , fal into the error of Durandus . Herein Durandus is followed by Aureolus , a professed abettor of Durandisme . Thus also Amyraldus , and a Divine of name among our selves . ( 2 ) Al those who hold only a general immediate concurse to the act , such as is determinable by the mater it workes on , as the Influence of the Sun is by its mater , are deservedly branded with the black note of Durandisme . Thus Baronius , together with the Remonstrants and Molinists . ( 3 ) Al such as denie every real Being or Entitie to be from God by an immediate efficience , justly fal under the marque of Durandisme . Thus Camero , and our Adversaries generally , who denie that God doth efficaciously concur to the substrate mater of Acts intrinsecally evil . ( 4 ) Al those who affirme , That it implies no contradiction for God to make a creature which shal act without immediate concurse , must necessarily symbolise with Durandus . This is acknowledged by Baronius , Metaph. Sect. 8. Disp . 3. S. 61. p. 131. where he brings in this as the Second argument for Durandus , That God can give to the creature a power to act without his concurse , sithat this involves no contradiction . To which he answers wel , in the Negative , that for God to make such creatures as should not depend on him in operation as wel as in essence , involves a flat contradiction , because dependence in Essence and Operation is essential to the creature . This piece of Durandisme Strangius and others seem chargeable with , as hereafter , in our account of Strangius . But we descend to the particular Sects , who oppose our Thesis , with endeavors to evince how far they fal in with the Hypothesis of Durandus . And we shal begin with the Jesuites , who now generally passe under the name of Molinists , from Ludov. Molina their chief Captain , who in his Concordia Lib. Arbitr . cum Gratiae donis , &c. Quaest . 14. Disp . 26. assertes , ( 1 ) That Gods immediate concurse terminates not on the human wil by applying it to act , but only on the act it self and effect . Whence , ( 2 ) That this Concurse is not antecedent or previous as to the act , but only simultaneous ; i. e. That God immediately concurs together with the wil to the same act , and conserves the same . Thence , ( 3 ) That this immediate concurse of God is not predeterminative , at least as to human acts , but only indifferent and determinable , like that of the Sun. Whence , ( 4 ) That as to the substrate mater of Sin , immediate Concurse doth no way determine the wil , or applie it to its act , but only influence the act in a general indifferent manner , so as the wil stil retains its innate indifference , and libertie of acting or not acting . Such are the Sentiments of the Molinists or Jesuites , wherein they are greatly opposed both by Dominicans and Jansenists : Thus Jansenius , August . Tom. 2. lib. 6. singul . c. 14. p. 58. where he proves , That this simultaneous Concurse confers no forces or aide to second Agents , but only accommodates it self to the forces of the create power , &c. which sufficiently demonstrates the identitie of this opinion with Durandisme , albeit the avouchers of it oppose Durandus with great vehemence . But of late there started up Ludovicus à Dola , a Capucine Friar , yet learned and acute , who espoused the Hypothesis of Durandus , as the only Medium for the reconciling those two opposite parties , the Dominicans and Jesuites . His book he termes , A Quadripartite Disputation , touching the mode how the Concurse of God and the Creature stand in conjunction for the production of free Acts , of a natural order , specially such as are wicked : He bends his Disputation both against the Predeterminants , as also against the Assertors of Middle Science . His first part is general , stating the controversie between the Jesuites , who assert a Middle Science , and the Dominicans , the Assertors of Predetermination ; and withal explicating the origine of the Controversie from the presupposed Immediation and real Identitie of the Divine and creatural Concurse . His Second Part is against the Jesuites , to demonstrate , That a next , immediate and identific concurse of God to al acts both good and bad cannot be defended by the artifice of their Middle Science . In his third part he disputes against the Dominicans , proving , That God doth not concur with us to acts of a natural order , specially such as are wicked , by a physic Predetermination , and moreover by an identific and simultaneous concurse . In his fourth and last part he stablisheth and demonstrateth , ( with al the force of Arguments such a ruinous foundation wil admit ) the Hypothesis of Durandus , That the general Concurse of God to acts of a natural order , specially such as are wicked , is not proxime , immediate and identific , but remote , mediate , and really distinct from the act of the creature . This Hypothesis he defends as the only expedient for the conciliation of Divine Concurse with human Libertie , the vindication of Gods Sacred Majestie from the imputation of being the Author of Sin , and the putting an end to those endless controversies about Divine Concurse . And I cannot but conceive my self under an essential obligation freely to deliver my mind in this point , that it is impossible for our Adversaries , the New Methodists , or any others , to defend their Antithesis against us from apparent contradictions and inconsistences with it self , or to free themselves from those blasphemous Imputations they charge upon us , unless they betake themselves to this stratageme and subterfuge of Durandus and Lud. à Dola : and therefore I do no way wonder , that a Divine of great name and Head of that partie among us , doth openly declare his assent and consent to this Hypothesis of Durandus , it being the only refuge to preserve him and his Adherents from self-contradiction and condemnation . Among the Reformed Churches , the first Impugnators of our Hypothesis were the Remonstrants , communly stiled Arminians , from Arminius , their first Founder , Professor of Theologie at Leyden , who began to diffuse his Pelagian Infusions about the year 1610. His Sentiments about Gods Concurse to the substrate mater of sinful acts he layeth down Disputat . publica , Thes . 7. § . 8 , 9 , 10. p. 193. but more fully , Thes . 9. de justitia & efficacia Providentiae Dei in malo , p. 198. where he distinguisheth Gods efficience about the act of sin from that about its vitiositie . This efficience of God about sin he makes to be both about the beginning , progresse and consummation of Sin. ( 1 ) As for Gods efficience about the beginning of sin he distinguisheth it into [ 1 ] Impedition , both sufficient and efficacious , whereby God puts an impediment to sin ; and [ 2 ] Permission , which is contrary to Impedition , the suspension of al impediments , which might hinder the execution of Sin. The fundamen of this Permission he makes to be mans Libertie , and Gods infinite Wisdome and Power to bring good out of evil . ( 2 ) Gods Efficience about the progresse of Sin he placeth in Direction and Determination . [ 1 ] Direction of Sin he makes to be an act of Divine Providence , whereby God doth most wisely and potently direct sin to what end he pleaseth , passing on from one extreme to the other mightily , and yet disposing althings sweetly , according to that great effate of apocryphous Wisdome , c. 8. v. 1. [ 2 ] Determination he takes to be an act of Divine Providence , whereby God puts measures to his Permission , and termes to sin , that it run not into infinite , according to the pleasure of the creature . ( 3 ) Gods Efficience about the consummation and terme of Sin he placeth in Punition , and Remission . As for Gods Concurse to the Act of Sin as naturally good , he doth craftily , according to his wonted mode in such cases , wave that difficult point : Yet in his Articles , De Peccati Causa Vniverse , p. 779. he Scepticly urgeth the Arguments of our Antagonists , to prove , That we make God the Author of Sin. But to sum up Arminius's Sentiments in this point , Albeit he placeth Gods Permission about Sin in a mere suspension of Impediments , which is no way influential on the Act , yet in that he allows also a providential Direction and Determination of the Act to its end and due measures , we may thence evidently demonstrate our Hypothesis , that God predetermines the Wil to the entitative act of Sin , of which hereafter , Chap. 5. Arminius's Sectators usually stiled Remonstrants , ( from their Remonstrances in the Synod of Dort ) Grevincovius , Vorstius , Episcopius , Corvinus , &c. who being animated by many of the Civil Magistrates of Holland , gave themselves the confidence , but those poor Churches the peste , of divulging their Pelagian Poison ; which , by the interposure of King James , ( who was a professed enemie to that faction ) occasioned the Synod of Dort , An. 1618. where Divines out of England , France , and Germanie resorted , to put a period to those Pelagian Dogmes . The Remonstrants in opposition to that Synod , writ their Acta & Scripta Synodalia Dordracena , wherein they greatly impugne the Synods Determinations for Absolute Reprobation , and Gods Providence in sinful Acts , falsely charging on our Divines , ( 1 ) That they held , the Reprobate were destined to Incredulitie , Impietie , and Sins , as the Means and Causes of Damnation . ( 2 ) That they made God the Author of Sin , and the like , of which see Acta Synodalia , Scripta Remonstrantium Dogmatica , p. 40 , 41. I shal here only adde , what is wel remarqued by Le Blanc , Conciliat Arbit . Humani , Thes . 32. p. 434. That these Arminians and Remonstrants directly follow the Jesuites and Molinists in asserting a general simultaneous indifferent Concurse , such as is determinable by the cooperation of the human wil. These Remonstrants , from a spirit of Cabal , to fortifie themselves against the Calvinists , who overpowered them in the Synod , fel into a league offensive and defensive with many German Anabaptists , who thereupon drank in many Pelagian and Arminian Dogmes , particularly that of Free-wil ; which Infusions have been since diffused throughout some , yea whole Churches of that Perswasion in England . I am not ignorant , that a great number not only of Professors but also Churches , who are for Rebaptizing , do yet keep themselves unspotted and untainted as to these Arminian Notions ; and with these I have no controversie , but particular love and kindness for many of them , albeit I differ from them in the point of Pedobaptisem . But as for those of that persuasion , who fight under Arminius's banner , they seemed most forward , after the breaking up of the Synod of Dort , to oppose the Calvinists in their sentiments about Gods Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin. And ( that which deserves a particular remarque ) the very arguments that are now urged against us by the New Methodists , were urged against the Synod of Dorts determinations in this point by them , and that in the same forme . Which is to be seen in a Dialogue of the Anabaptists , intituled , A Description of what God hath predestinated concerning man , &c. wherein pag. 16. they have this very expression , which they impute to the Calvinists , ( as our Adversaries impute the same to us ) namely , that they say , That God punisheth man with Hel-torments for doing those things , which he himself hath predestinated , ordained , decreed , determined , appointed , willed and compelled him to do ; and that which a man cannot chuse , but must needs do by the force and compulsion of his predestination . Are not the very same forged calumnies charged on us now-adays ? See an excellent replie hereto , as to the rest of their false imputations , by pious and learned Ainsworth in his Censure upon this Dialogue , pag. 2 , 4 , 5 , &c. But we descend now to our principal Antagonists , such as would passe under the name of Calvinists , and yet are professed , yea vehement oppugnators of our Hypothesis . Thus Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. Thes . 34. pag. 434. But of those Reformed Divines , which subscribe to the Synod of Dort , some in this part agree with the Molinists and Remonstrants , neither do they acknowlege any other general concurse of God with second causes , than what is simultaneous and indifferent , whereby God doth not influence the cause itself , but its act , &c. He instanceth in Baronius , Strangius , Amyraldus , &c. And what terme or title to give this new Sect of Adversaries more proper than New Methodists I know not , this being the softest title , and that which they seem to recreate themselves in : some terme them downright Arminians ; and albeit I conceive their Principes directly issue from and tend to Ariminianisme , yet I dare not lode them with this reprocheful style , because they generally assert efficacious Grace . I think we might terme them without injustice Semiarminians , ( as the Semipelagians of old , who refined Pelagianisme ) because they assert conditionate Reprobation and al the consequents thereof : But yet because nothing more becomes an opponent than candor and ingenuitie , therefore to let passe al Titles that may carrie any thing of reproche , I give them only this of New Methodists , because they affect and attemt to give us a new Method or Scheme of Predestination , efficacious Grace , Divine Concurse , &c. The first that opened the way to this New Method , was John Camero , a person of excellent naturals , and those wel improved by acquired literature , but too much addicted to innovation in the doctrine of the Gospel , which he could not dissemble , but too oft made profession thereof ; as in a Letter to Ludovicus Capellus , where he saith , That many things occurred to him , which neither his own mind nor the reason of the times would permit him to publish . He too much abounded in his own sense and words , with too great contemt of such as differed from him , though more deserving than himself , as Chamier . There were few Theologic Questions professedly handled by him , specially such as belong to the Doctrine of Grace and Free-wil , but he divulged something of Novitie therein : among which novel opinions this was one , That he denied every real positive Being to be from God immediately as the prime efficient cause , as Epist . ad Thom. Rhaedam , ( oper . edit . 1642. ) p. 526. and Epist . ad Jac. Gallovaeum , pag. 528. Which sentiment of Camero laid the foundation , which Baronius and Strangius his Country-men afterward built their Antithesis on . Camero had for his intime Camrade Milleterius , who after his death turned Roman Catholic , and publisht many Antichristian Errors , which he professed to have received from Camero . But Camero's principal Sectator was Moses Amyraldus , who succeded him in the profession of Theologie at Saumur , and indeed much out-went him in his propensions and closures with Durandisme and the Arminian Dogmes ; particularly with this about Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin . And that I may not be thought falsely to accuse so learned a man , one that passed under the name of a Calvinist , I shal faithfully relate the Character given him in this particular by one of his own friends and adherents , Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. par . 3. thes . 48. pag. 436. There are not wanting , saith he , among the Doctors of the Reformed Schole some who touching the general Concurse of God necessary to al the acts of creatures , seem to have the same sentiments with Durandus , and Ludovicus à Dola , Doctors of the Roman Schole . For that illustrious man Moses Amyraldus seems not to acknowlege any other general Concurse of God , by which he concurs with al second causes , besides that continued efficace , whereby he doth preserve and sustain the nature of every thing , and the forces given by nature . Whence he gathers , that such a concurse belongs not to libertie . So Amyrald . de Lib. Arbitr . sect . 4. pag. 246. Make , saith he , nature and its abilities able to consiste without the aide of such a concurse , and they wil truly act freely . Therefore let there be granted a concurse , which performes nothing else , but that these abilities , which would otherwise flag and vanish , consiste and be preserved in their natural state , Libertie wil thence receive no detriment . He had been speaking of Gods concurse to sinful acts , and as Le Blanc wel observes , by these words sufficiently indicates , that in this part he has the same sentiments with Durandus . Wherein note , ( 1 ) that Amyraldus grants , that sometimes it is sufficient for God to preserve the subject , and render its faculties habile or capable of acting , without immediate concurse to the act : which is also the opinion of some among us . ( 2 ) That this opinion , according to Le Blanc , fals in with that of Durandus , &c. So Thes . 50. pag. 437. Le Blanc addes , That Amyraldus held a double act of providence about evil acts , one externe , and the other interne : as for the externe act , he placeth it in two things , ( 1 ) in proposing objects , ( 2 ) in permitting Satan to set home those objects with efficace . The interne act of God consistes , according to him , in that God doth of many objects inducing to evil , obscure , or remove the one , or cause some other object to be offered , which is most taking . In al which there is no violence offered to human libertie , nor indeed any efficacious immediate concurse asserted . Yea in his Speciminis special . p. 468. he saith in down-right termes , That the wil of God dependes on us , not we on the wil of God : which is rank Durandisme and Molinisme . More of his wild sentiments in this as in other Arminian points , see Pet. Molinaei , de M. Amyraldi adversùs Spanhemium libro , Judicium , praesat . Placeus , another Salmurian Professor , albeit in other points he stiffely defendes the New Method , yea , in that of original sin is greatly Pelagian , yet in this point touching Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin , he seems pendulous and in suspense . Thus , De libero Hom. Arbitr . p. 174. ( edit . 1656. ) What the dependence of the second causes on the first in causing is , the Papists sharply dispute . It is truly confessed by al , that God doth concur with every cause , so as to operate conveniently with its faculties : but this concurse some make immediate , proxime , and altogether the same with the very action of second causes ; but others denie it — But we , according to that reverence we bear to the infinite Majestie of God , dare not determine how great the dependence of the second cause on the first is : it sufficeth us , that , provided the least spot of sin be not imputed to God , too much cannot be ascribed unto God , &c. Le Blanc also , Professor of Theologie at Sedan , though he seems to affect the like suspensive modestie , Concil . Arbitr . thes . 55. yet thes . 56. pag. 438. he inclines to the opinion of Strangius , and others , That God cannot physically premove and predetermine to acts intrinsecally evil , without being the Author of sin . But yet thes . 57. he recals himself , and saith , That provided God be not constituted the Author of sin , the dependence of the second causes on the first cannot be too much asserted . And thes . 58. he addes this as most certain , That the aide and efficace of Divine providence , even about sinful acts , may no way be restrained to a certain general indifferent concurse , &c. But from the French Professors we passe on to those of Scotland , Baronius and Strangius , who have been stiffe and tenacious Adherents to this New Method , about Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin . As for Baronius , he is accused of rank Arminianisme ; and that which has given just ground for such an imputation is his denying al kind of predetermination as wel to good as to evil acts . Thus in his Metaphys . Sect. 8. Disput . 3. § . 78. pag. 146 , &c. he endeavors to prove , That God doth not by a previous motion excite second causes to act . And his arguments to prove his Antithesis are no other than what time out of mind have been urged by Pelagians , Jesuites , and Arminians : namely that this previous motion and predetermination ( 1 ) destroyeth human libertie , pag. 147. ( 2 ) That it taketh away the power of the wil to opposite acts , pag. 148. ( 3 ) That it maketh God the Author of sin , pag. 149. which he endeavors to prove many ways : [ 1 ] Because the entitative act of sin as being determined by God cannot be separated from the obliquitie , pag. 150. [ 2 ] Because the action then as of such a species must be from God. [ 3 ] Because this opinion makes God to be injust and cruel , as pag. 151. [ 4 ] That hereby God is made the Author of sin more than the sinner . Al which are but trite and thread-bare arguments , urged by Pelagians and Arminians , to which we shal answer more fully hereafter , chap. 6. § . 1 , &c. Thence he procedes pag. 153. to answer our principal argument , That the second cause doth not act , but as moved by the first , and therein agrees with Suarez and other Jesuites in asserting a previous indifferent concurse . It 's true , § . 58. p. 129. he argues strongly against Durandus , yet in fine pag. 153. fals in very far with him , but more fully with the Molinists and Remonstrants ; which is wel observed by Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. thes . 35. pag. 434. This at least , without al dout , is the opinion of Robert Baronius , in his Metaphysic , where touching the Concurse of God , and so of its concord with human libertie , he professeth to have altogether the same sentiments with Fonseca and Suarez , namely that this concurse is of itself indifferent , and determined by the second cause to a certain species of action : neither is it needful , that God premove second causes , but it is sufficient , that together with them he influence their actions and effects . And indeed Baronius's own illustration , Metaph. Sect. 8. Disput . 3. pag. 143. sufficiently clears this to be his proper opinion ; where he compares the Concurse of God to that of the Sun , which is the same in the production of perfect animals and monsters , in itself indifferent , but modified and determined by the mater it workes upon : which is the very instance given both by Jesuites and Arminians . Lastly , pag. 159. he gives us four actions of God in the induration of sinners , which are no more than what Molinists and Remonstrants acknowlege . Whence it is to me apparent , that it would not be an act of injustice , should we reckon him among the Arminians , whose sentiments and cause he has espoused ; yet by reason of his nominal repute among the Calvinists , I rather incline to the more favorable censure of ranging him among the new Methodists . But yet our principal Antagonist is John Strangius , Professor at Glascow , who ( as they say ) having had his spirit chafed and exasperated by the opposition of Rutherford , writ a great Volume in four Books , Of Gods Wil and Actions about sin : wherein he bends his forces principally against the Dominicans , Twisse and Rutherford , ( who in his influences of the life of Grace , both Preface and Book , oft animadvertes thereon ) as if these al , by asserting predetermination to the mater of sinful acts , made God the Author of sin . I must confesse , he discovers a natural acumen and a nervose vene of Reason in his Book , yet mixed with so great incongruities and self-inconsistences , yea contradictions , that I cannot but marvel how such a Master of Reason could satisfie himself with such poor subterfuges and evasions : But this I impute not to any defect in naturals , but in his cause , which admits not any solid reason for its defense . And that which yet seems more strange to me is this , that he who opposeth with much vehemence Durandus , Molina , Bellarmine , and the Remonstrants in this point of Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin , yet at long-run fals in with each of these parties in some one , if not al their sentiments about this mater . ( 1 ) That he comes very near Durandisme is evident , in that he holds the Concurse of God not to be necessary to al acts of the creature , particularly to such as are intrinsecally evil : For to suppose any real positive Being , that fals not under Gods efficacious concurse , is to me no lesse than Durandisme . It 's true , Strangius in words appears against Durandus , in owning an immediate Concurse of God to al actions of the creatures , as lib. 2. cap. 5. pag. 163. But when he comes to explicate this immediate Concurse as to actions intrinsecally evil , he placeth it only ( as some now adays among us ) in Gods conserving the nature and innate disposition of natural Agents , and giving them a self-determining power , whereby they are rendred apt and habile for any congenerous action , as they now phrase it . Thus pag. 164. Ergo si una Dei determinatio sufficiat , quâ Deus Agentium naturalium naturam ac indolem à se insitam ac conservatam determinavit , quid opus est multiplicibus imò innumeris determinationibus ad eundem effectum , &c. So lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 584. he layes down this as his Hypothesis , That God doth not in althings determine the wil , but sometimes permit it a free election , to chuse this or that , to do this or that ; and therefore in such acts he has not decreed , that man should precisely chuse this or that , &c. And he proves it by this argument , That it is not impossible for God , who hath made man a free Agent , and conserves his nature and forces , to permit something to mans free-wil , it a ut per Deum non stet quin homo possit eligere alterutrum , agere aliquid , aut non agere , &c. Wherein he proves , that it is not impossible for God to leave some things to mans indifference , without determining him to either extreme : and he proves this is not impossible , because it implies not any contradiction ; which is Durandus's very argument against immediate Concurse . ( 2 ) That Strangius conspires with and espouseth the sentiments of the Molinists and Arminians about indifferent simultaneous Concurse is partly acknowleged by his friend Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . Hum. thes . 36. pag. 434. having shewen the agreament of Baronius with the Molinists and Remonstrants , he addes : Neither doth John Strangius seem to differ much from this opinion : for albeit he thinkes , lib. 1. cap. 11. That the action whereunto God and the creature concur , is in order of nature first from God , before from the creature ; — and moreover , l. 2. p. 3. denies , That God concurs only by a general concurse ; as the Sun concurs in the same manner to the generation of a man and horse ; but determines , that the influxe of God is special to special effects , as they are specifically distinguished , not morally but physically ; yet he doth by many arguments contend and prove , that the premotion and predetermination of God , which the Schole of Thomas defendes , to al and singular acts of the creature is not necessary . Note here , that albeit Strangius seems to differ from the Molinists , Remonstrants , and Baronius in asserting Gods Concurse to be previous , particular , and special ; yet in that he denies Divine predetermination to al creatural acts , Le Blanc makes him not to differ much from the Molinists and Remonstrants : which to me indeed is a great observation ; for I am under a very strong , and I am apt to persuade my self , rational presumtion , that predetermination to good acts can never be rationally defended by these New Methodists , who denie predetermination to the substrate mater of al evil acts ; as Strangius doth , pag. 167 , 584. of which more hereafter , chap. 5. § . 4 , 5. Here it were worthy of some labor to inquire How these New Methodists fel into those novel sentiments about Divine Concurse , and on what reasons or grounds ? As it was with the Semipelagians of old , so it has befel these New Methodists or Semiarminians : when the Pelagians were by Augustin driven from their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Diana of Free-wil and the potence of corrupt nature , the Semipelagians come with fresh forces and assault him in the point of Reprobation , and pretend , that he asserted , That God by a fatal necessitie compelled men to sin , and then damned them for what he had compelled them to : Just so the Arminians having been suppressed by the Synod of Dort , these New Methodists owning absolute particular Election and efficacious Grace with the Calvinists , thought they might more securely fal in with the Arminians in the points of universal Grace , conditional Reprobation , and that of denying Predetermination as to the entitative act of sin . Thus they divide the battel between the Calvinist and Arminian . But as Jansenius has wel observed out of Augustin , If there be the least point granted to Pelagius , al wil be at last granted ; so I am very apt to fear , that these New Methodists , by going so far in symbolising with the Arminians , wil at last be wholly drawen over into their Campe. Thus much I am very confident of , they can never rationally defend absolute Election and efficacious Grace against Jesuites and Arminians , so long as they denie absolute Reprobation and Predetermination to the entitative act of al sins . As for the principal grounds , which induce these New Methodists to take up those sentiments , we shal endeavor to lay them down , when we come to treat of their proper Opinions and the consequents that attend them , Chap. 7. But whiles we are thus characterising the Authors of this new Method , we must do such Calvinists , who incline to them in some points , that justice , as to free them from al imputation or suspicion of Arminianisme : It 's wel known , that some of great worth and truly orthodox in point of Grace , have yet somewhat inclined towards the new Method in point of universal objective Grace , as pious and learned Vsher , Davenant , and others both in our and the French Churches , who hold , Christs death to be an universal remedie applicable to al , but yet are far from asserting an universal subjective Grace , or any velleitie in God of saving al men , which Amyraldus and others assert . As for those who hold absolute and particular Election and Reprobation , Original sin in its ful extent , mens natural impotence and being dead in sin , efficacious Grace in the conversion of sinners , with Gods absolute , efficacious , immediate , total and predeterminative concurse to al natural as wel as supernatural actions , as Davenant , and some others , who incline to an objective universal Grace , do , I have no controversie with them , but can owne them as friends of Grace , albeit in some modes of explicating it , they differ from us . CHAP. V. Rational Demonstration of Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin. Arguments for Divine predetermination of the Wil to the entitative act of sin . ( 1 ) From the Futurition of althings in the Divine Decree : the objections against this argument solved . ( 2 ) From the certitude of Divine Prescience ; with the solution of objections . ( 3 ) From the Decree of Reprobation . Davenants Hypothesis touching absolute Reprobation and Decrees . ( 4 ) From Divine Concurse , [ 1 ] It s Principe and Origine . [ 2 ] Its Nature ; Totalitie , Vniversalitie , Particularitie , Immediation , Prioritie , and Independence . [ 3 ] Its Efficace , as to al natural and supernatural Acts and Effects . Al the Arguments urged against Predetermination to the entitative act of sin , strike as much against Predetermination to what is good . ( 5 ) From the nature of sin , its substrate mater and formal reason . ( 6 ) From Gods permission of sin ; which is natural , negative , and positive . ( 7 ) From Divine providence about sin , both conservative , restrictive , gubernative . ( 8 ) From the absolute , immediate , essential dependence of al creatures on God , as the first cause . § . 1. HAving given a scriptural Demonstration , as also the unanimous testimonie of such as undertook to defend efficacious Concurse in al Ages of the Church , for the confirmation of our Hypothesis , we now procede to demonstrate the same by rational Arguments grounded on scriptural principes and evidence ; which we shal reduce to the following Heads . 1. Arg. From the Futurition of althings in and by the Divine Decree ; which we thus forme : That which dependes on the Divine Decree for its futurition , necessarily fals under Divine predetermination as to its existence : But the substrate mater of al sin dependes on the Divine Decree as to its futurition : therefore it necessarily fals under Divine predetermination as to its existence . The major is granted by our Adversaries , particularly by Strangius , who oft assertes , That Divine Predetermination is exactly adequate and commensurate to Divine Predefinition ; so that whatever is predefined by God in his Decree , must necessarily be predetermined by him in the execution and event . And what more rational than this assertion ? Yea , what is predetermination of the event , but predefinition in the Decree ? The difference between Gods eternal predefinition in the Decree , and predetermination as to actual concurse and execution in time differ only as active and passive Creation : as active Creation gives futurition to things , and passive , actual existence ; so predefinition and predetermination ; and therefore among the Greeks one and the same Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both to predefine and predetermine . So that our major seems so clear as to carrie with it its own evidence . Wherefore we passe on to demonstrate the minor , which our Adversaries principally strike at , and therefore needs our strongest forces : This we shal endeavor to make good in and by the following Propositions . ( 1 ) Prop. Nothing is or can be future in its own nature , without some cause of its futurition . How is it possible that any thing should passe from a state of mere possibilitie , contingence , and indifference , but by some cause ? Do not possible , and future differ ? and must there not be some cause of this difference ? ( 2 ) Prop. Whatever is the cause of futurition to any thing must be eternal . This is most evident ; because whatever is future was so from Eternitie ; for God foreknew it to be so : otherwise , how could his knowlege be certain ? Hence , ( 3 ) Prop. Nothing can give futurition to things but God. For is there any thing but God eternal ? ( 4 ) Prop. Nothing in God gives futurition to things but his wil. His Essence simply considered cannot give futurition to things ; because possible and future are the same as to the Divine Essence : neither doth the Prescience of God give futurition to things ; for things are not future because God foreknows them , but he therefore foreknows them because future . Hence it follows , that nothing but the Divine wil can give futurition to things , as Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 11. § . 9. whence also it necessarily follows , ( 5 ) That the futurition of the substrate mater of al sin is from the Divine wil and decree . For what can make sinful acts future and so the object of Divine foreknowlege , but the wil of God , which gives futurition to althings ? And if Gods predefining decreeing wil give futurition to the substrate mater of sin , must not his predeterminative wil also give existence to it ? But let us examine what assaults our Adversaries make against this Argument by Responses and Objections . ( 1 ) They replie to our minor , That the futurition of the substrate mater or entitative act of sin is not from the wil of God , but from the wil of man , that gives existence to it . Thus Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 585. where he endeavors to prove , That it is not repugnant that something should be future , which God hath not absolutely predefined , but left to the wil of man to effect . So cap. 9. pag. 628. he peremtorily assertes , That God hath not decreed al futures , namely , the Fal of Adam , or the sin against the Holy Ghost , &c. So pag. 631. he saith , Nothing hinders , but that there may be some cause of the futurition of a thing besides the Decree of God , namely the create wil. The like Le Blanc , Concord . Libert . Hum. p. 1. thes . 55 — 57. where he endeavors to prove , That what is the cause why things existe in time , the same is the cause of their futurition from Eternitie : but mans wil only is the cause why sin existes in time , ergo , &c. A poor Response indeed , or rather begging of the Question ! For is it possible that the second cause loged in time should give futurition to a thing from Eternitie ? Is it not an approved Maxime in Philosophie , yea in Nature , that the cause is ever , at least in order of nature , before the effect ? and is the second cause confined by time , before the eternal futurition of its effect ? ( 2 ) But Le Blanc answers hereto , thes . 56. pag. 454. That Futurition is nothing else but a respect of reason , and an extrinsec denomination of the thing , which is said to be future , not something really distinct from the thing future , &c. But the vanitie of this subterfuge is most evident ; for hereby it follows , that the thing is not future before it is existent : can a modal extrinsec denomination of a thing existe before the thing that gives it existence ? How many absurdities would follow hereon ? But our Adversaries have one grand Objection , which they lay much weight on , against our minor , and that is this : If the wil of God gives futurition to sin , then sin as future hath one and the same Idea with the wil of God : and so the futurition of sin must be God. This objection is urged and adorned with many Trophies by Strangius , Le Blanc , and a Divine of name among us . So Strangius , lib. 3. cap. 9. pag. 631 , 632. having pag. 626 , &c. recited Twisses argument from the eternal futurition of sin , he replies thus : Herein , saith he , lies the whole force of the argument , that there can be no other cause of a futurition made from Eternitie , but what is eternal . To which he answers with a scoffe thus : A pretty argumentation indeed ! why may we not by the same reason prove , that the futurition of sin is God ? The same is urged by Le Blanc , de Concord . Libert . par . 1. thes . 55 , 56. pag. 454. where he endeavors to prove against Twisse , That if the futurition of sin be from the wil of God , it is God ; which makes God manifestly the Author of sin . The same is urged by a Divine of some note among us . But in answer hereto , I must confesse , I cannot but marvel at the confidence of persons so learned , and in other points judicious , on such infirme and rotten grounds : For when we speak of the futurition of sin , which is a complexe aggregate thing , we must distinguish its material from its formal part . ( 1 ) If we speak of the material entitative part of sin , which is in itself a natural good , so we may without the least violation of Gods sacred Majestie affirme , that its futurition is the same , or not really distinct from Gods wil the cause thereof : and why not ? is not the futurition of al natural Beings good ? And whence procedes al good but from the immense Ocean of good ? Yea , was not al good from Eternitie loged in the bosome of God , and sonot really distinct from him ? So that indeed this objection of Strangius and Le Blanc against the futurition of the material entitative act of sin from the wil of God strikes at the futurition of althings , even the most gratiose acts from the same wil : for if the futurition of any one natural act may be resolved into the wil of man as its first cause , why may not the futurition of al grace be as wel resolved into the same human wil , specially in Adams innocent state , who had then perfect free-wil ? But yet ( 2 ) if we speak of the futurition of sin in regard of its formal nature , consisting in its vitiositie and obliquitie , so we utterly denie , that its futurition is the same with God : for the futurition of sin as to its vitiositie is not from the effective wil of God , but permissive ; God decrees to effect the entitative act , but only to permit the vitiositie appendent thereto , which follows on the act , as other privations do on the absence of their habit . To make this evident by a parallel instance ; God decrees the diurnal motion of the Sun , and that at night it shal retire into the other Hemisphere , whence darknesse necessarily follows : may we thence argue , that the futurition of darknesse , or darknesse itself is the same with God ? Would not any Fresh-man in Logic hisse such a consequence out of the Scholes ? And yet who dares denie , but that the retirement of the Sun out of this Hemisphere into the other is from God , as also its futurition ? The like may be instanced in al other privations , which have no real being , and therefore no real efficient of their existence or futurition : for nothing can admit a real efficient cause of its futurition , but what has a real efficient cause of its existence : what is the first efficient of the existence of things ? Is it not the wil of God ? and is it not also the same Divine wil that gives futurition to things ? Yea doth not the very same act or decree of the Divine wil that gives real Beings their futurition , give them also , in their appointed periods of time , their existence ? So that in this regard the Rule of Strangius and Le Blanc is most true , That the same cause that gives things their existence , gives them also their futurition : this I say holds true of the first cause , but not of second causes , as they would needs persuade us . So that , to conclude this argument , in as much as the wil of God gives futurition to al sin , the effective wil of God to the entitative act or substrate mater of sin , and the permissive wil of God to the formal reason , or vitiositie of sin , hence it necessarily follows , that the predeterminative Concurse of God , ( whereby I understand nothing else but the Efficacious Divine Wil as operative ) gives existence to the substrate mater of Sin. § . 2. Our second Argument shal be taken from the certitude of Gods Prescience ; and we may forme it thus : God can certainly foreknow nothing , but what he certainly decrees , predefines , and predetermines to be : But God certainly foreknows al sin . Ergo. The Minor is granted by our Adversaries and denied by none , that I know , except Atheists and Socinians : Thus Job 34. 21. For his eyes are upon the wayes of man and he seeth al his goings . Our principal worke therefore wil be to make good our Major ; which we dout not but to performe in and by the following Propositions : ( 1 ) Prop. Nothing can be certainly foreknown by God , but what has some certain Reasons , Principes , and Causes of such a foreknowledge . Now there are three causes that give certitude to al Science and Prescience : [ 1 ] A certitude of the Object : for if the object be uncertain , the Science can never be certain : can the Structure or Edifice be firme , if the foundation be infirme ? [ 2 ] A certain Medium , which is the principal fundamen of al Science . [ 3 ] ▪ A certitude of the Subject : for be the Object and Medium never so certain , yet there can be no certain Science , unless the Subject apprehend the same . And doth not the Prescience of God include al these degrees of Certitude ? Must there not be a certitude of the Object , Medium , and Subject ? ( 2 ) Prop. The Divine Prescience as to future sins admits not any of these degrees of certitude , but as originated from the Divine Wil and Decree . [ 1 ] How can Sin as the Object of Divine Prescience be certainly future , but by the efficacious Wil of God making it so ? [ 2 ] What certain Medium can there be of Divine Prescience , but the divine Wil and Decree ? [ 3 ] And thence , how can God have a subjective Certitude of sin but in and by his own Wil ? Hence , ( 3 ) Prop. Gods certain Prescience of Sin infers also a certain predefinition and predetermination of the substrate mater of Sin. That God knows nothing future but by his decree making it future , has been the persuasion not only of Calvinists , but also of the most sober Scholemen in al Ages , Scotus , Ricardus , Hervaeus , Bradwardine , Johannes Major , and others not a few , as Le Blanc , de Concord . Libert . Par. 3. Thes . 33. p. 443. confesseth . Yea , Strangius himself grants the futurition of Sin in Gods Prescience , as l. 3. c. 9. p. 640. Yea , Le Blanc , De Concord . Libert . Hum. Par. 1. Thes . 59. &c. p. 455. proves strongly , That according to Strangius's opinion , there can no contingent [ i. e. sinful act ] be foreknown by God as absolutely future , but what God first decreed to be absolutely future . His words are these : But some also of those who hold some free acts of God to be absolutely future , and as such to be foreknown by God , without any Decree predetermining the free causes to those acts , as Learned Strangius , yet denie , that free future contingents may be known by God according to any Hypothesis , which doth not include an absolute Decree concerning their futurition : as Strang. de Volunt . l. 3. c. 11. His reason is , because nothing can be certainly known , but what is certainly true : but nothing is certainly true , but what is necessary either absolutely or conditionally . Whence he collects , that future conditionates cannot be the Object of divine Science , which is infallible and most certain , unlesse there be included the condition , whence that which is said to be future may be certainly inferred . But if this reason prevails , God can foreknow nothing contingent as absolutely future , but what he before decreed as absolutely future ; which yet Strangius admits not , who confesseth , that men act many things freely to which they are not predetermined by God. Thus Le Blanc of Strangius's self-contradicting Hypothesis . And indeed , to speak the truth nakedly , there seems so much force in Strangius's reason , whereby he proves , That al Gods Prescience of free future Contingents includes an absolute Decree of their futurition , namely from the certainty of divine Prescience , that I no way wonder that he urgeth the same , albeit to the subversion of his own Phaenomena . And I am very bold , yea confident in asserting , and demonstrating these following Propositions . ( 1 ) Prop. That God can have no certain Prescience of things future , but from his own decree , the only certain determinate cause of their futurition . And therefore the Socinians denying a certain determinate Cause of things contingent , denie also Gods Prescience to be certain , as Le Blanc , De Concord . P. 3. Thes . 1. p. 438. and I cannot see how any can rationally avoid the Socinian objection , who do not resolve the certitude of the divine Prescience into the divine Decree . Hence , ( 2 ) Prop. There is an hypothetic or consequential necessitie that ariseth from Gods certain Prescience . This is wel urged , though in the defense of an hell-bred Hypothesis , by the Socinians , and cited by Le Blanc ( as a knot not easily untied ) de Concord . Par. 3. Thes . 22. pag. 441. There is , saith he , much of difficultie here , which in times past has exercised the ingenies of Doctors . For seeing it is impossible , that the Prescience of God may be deceived , it cannot be but that those things must happen , which God foresees wil happen ; and therefore that althings happen necessarily : and it is impossible , but that the very wil of man must produce those acts , which God from eternity foreknew it would produce . This Objection I despair ever to see rationally answered by our Adversaries without contradicting their own Hypothesis . See more of this Chap. 6. § . 5. Hence ( 3 ) Prop. The same arguments that are urged by our Opponents against Gods predetermining the Wil to the substrate mater of sin , may be , as they are by the Socinians , urged with as great force against Gods certain Prescience of Sin. For our Adversaries , Strangius , Le Blanc , &c. granting the certain futurition of sin in the eternal Prescience of God , fal under al those Imputations and black Consequences which they charge on us , who assert the predefinition , futurition , and predetermination of the substrate mater of Sin in the divine Decree . This Proposition is incomparably wel demonstrated by judicious Davenant , in his Animadversions on Gods Love to Mankind , p. 418 , 419 , 442 , 462. where he proves , That Infallible Prescience granted by the Arminians , infers as much necessitie on the Wil , as absolute Predestination and Reprobation . Of which more in our next Argument ; also c. 6. § . 5. Let us now a little inquire into the Subterfuges which our Adversaries take Sanctuarie in to secure themselves from the force of this Argument taken from Divine Prescience . And here at what a miserable losse and confusion are they among themselves ? How few of them agree on any one Principe or Medium for the solving this argument ? Some flie for refuge to the Molinists Middle Science , telling us , That God foresaw that men being placed under such hypotheses , and circumstances , would sin against him , &c. Thus Baronius , Metaphys . Sect. 12. Disp . 2. n. 55 , 56. p. 326. where he professedly defendes Fonseca's conditionate Science , making God to have a conditionate Science of the first sin , if Eve seduced by the Serpent should temt Adam , &c. Thus also one and another Divine of good note among us . But this subterfuge is greatly disliked by the more fober of this new Method , particularly by Strangius ; who , l. 3. c. 11. p. 651. proves nervo●… . That there can be no such thing as a Middle or conditionate Science in God , because its Object is not certainly Cognoscible , or Knowable : and this he proves ; because an object cannot be certainly knowen , unlesse it be certainly true : which the object of this conditionate Middle Science is not . Thus also Le Blanc , De Concord . Libert . Par. 1. p. 452 , &c. Others therefore perceiving the infirmitude of this evasion , have recourse to the Dominicans real presence of things future in Eternitie ; whereby they make God , by his Science of Vision , to behold the sins of men . Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 10. p. 646. If it be demanded , saith he , to what Science Gods Knowledge of Sins must be referred , I easily grant that it is to be referred to his Science of Vision , &c. But more fully , l. 3. c. 7. p. 594. Among al the modes which are wont to be explicated , there is none more probable than that which is taken from the presence of althings in Eternitie ; because the Eternitie of God is Insuccessive and Indivisible . The same he inculcates , p. 595 , 596 , 597. But this mode also of solving the difficultie , is greatly opposed , by some of his own party , the New Methodists , who take some pains to shew the invaliditie thereof . So Le Blanc , De Concord . Libert . Par. 3. Thes . 37. p. 443. First , saith he , as for that real presence of futures in Eternitie , namely as they are supposed to coexiste from eternitie to eternitie it self , it appears to be a mere figment ; for that one thing coexiste to another , it is necessary that both existe , &c. Thus also a learned and pious Divine among our selves , who has espoused Strangius's Hypothesis , fals soul on the Thomists for asserting , Althings to be eternally present to the divine Intellect in esse reali , &c. Lastly , others therefore to evade the fore-mentioned inconveniences , take up their refuge under the Infinitie of Gods Prescience . Thus Le Blanc , De Concord . Par. 1. Thes . 40. p. 444. As for the fourth opinion , which seeks the certitude of the divine Prescience in the infinitie of the divine Intellect , and in the determinate truth of those things which are contingently future , it establisheth nothing but what is certain and indubitable , &c. Yet he grants , Thes . 41. That albeit this opinion contains in it nothing but truth , yet it doth not satisfie the Question , nor remove the main difficultie , namely , How things passe from a state of possibilitie to a state of futurition , &c. Whence he concludes , Thes . 43. Sithat there is so much darknesse on every side , there is nothing more safe than to professe our Ignorance in this particular . And this indeed is the best refuge these New Methodists have , when they see themselves involved in so many self-contradictions , and absurdities , to professe their Ignorance as to the Mode of Divine Prescience . Yea , some of them procede so far in this pretended modestie , as to professe , That the mode of Divine Prescience is not determined in Scripture . Thus Strangius , l. 3. c. 5. p. 576. That God is omniscient is put out of dout , but touching the mode and manner of Prescience nothing is expressely delivered in Scripture . The like others . But is it so indeed ? Doth not the Scripture declare expressely the mode of Prescience ? Why then ( 1 ) are our Adversaries so dogmatic and positive in their new modes and measures of Divine Prescience , contrary to the received Sentiments of the Church in al Ages ? How comes it to passe , that they contend with so much heat and passion , for that which they confesse is not expressely delivered in Scripture ? Were not a modest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suspension of assent more agreeable to such a Confession ? But ( 2 ) We easily grant them , that the mode of Divine Prescience is unsearchable and past finding out , as indeed al Divine Perfections are , but yet must we thence necessarily conclude , that nothing of the mode of Divine Prescience is expressely delivered in Scripture ? [ 1 ] Doth not the Scripture evidently declare , That the mode of Gods Prescience is far above yea opposite to that of Mans science , as much as Heaven is above the Earth , yea infinitely more ? [ 2 ] Doth not the Scripture also remove from the mode of Divine Prescience al manner of Imperfections , much more Contradictions ? And is not the mode of Gods Prescience in his own Essence and Decrees , much more perfect than that which makes his Infallible immutable Prescience dependent on the mutable fallible Wil of Man ? But see more hereof , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 5. § . 2. § . 3. We passe on to our third Argument , which shal be taken from the Divine Wil and Decrees ; and more particularly from the Decree of Reprobation . And here we shal lay down this Principe , which is granted by Strangius , and others of the New Method , That Divine Predetermination is adequate and commensurate to Divine Predefinition or Predestination . So Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 547. We easily grant , saith he , that the predefinition of God from eternitie , and the predetermination of the create wil in time , mutually follow each other , so that if God doth absolutely predefine any particular and singular act to be brought about by us , he must also determine our Wil to the same . This he inculcates , c. 5. p. 584. Now this ingenuous Concession is as much as we desire to build our Demonstration on : for we no way dout but to demonstrate , That God doth absolutely predefine the material entitative act of Sin : Which we shal endeavour to make good in the following Propositions . ( 1 ) Prop. Reprobation admits no formal motive , proper condition or cause . This Proposition is generally denyed by the New Methodists , who grant , That God decrees al good absolutely , but as for Sin , say they , God decrees that only respectively and conditionally . So Strangius , l. 3. c. 2. p. 546-548 . But we no way dout , but , before we have finisht this Demonstration , to make it evident , that Gods Decree of Reprobation , whereby he determines to leave men to sin , is absolute , as wel as the Decree of Election : Yea , it is to me a thing altogether impossible , to defend an absolute Decree of Election , and yet to make the Decree of Reprobation conditional and respective : for if the absolute good pleasure of God be the only cause why some are elected , must it not also be the only cause why others are rejected ? Doth not the Election of the one necessarily implie the Reprobation of the other ? It 's true , our Divines , that follow the Sublapsarian mode , as Davenant , &c. speak of Sin as a commun condition belonging to the whole masse of corrupt nature , yet they allow not of any distinctive condition or formal cause or motive , which should incline the divine wil to reprobate one rather than another : for nothing can move the divine Wil , but what is some way antecedent to it : Now the consideration of al sin is subsequent to some act of Gods Wil. ( 2 ) Prop. The act of Reprobation is not merely negative , but positive and efficacious . It 's granted , that some of our Divines make mention of a negative act of Reprobation , which they terme Non-election , or Preterition , yet hereby they intend not a suspense act of the Divine wil , but include also a positive efficacious act . Thus Jansenius , August . de Grat. Christi , l. 10. c. 2. pag. 420. proves out of Augustin , That Gods negative Reprobation is positive . So Davenant , Dissert . de Elect. & Reprob . p. 113. But we must take heed , saith he , lest with Scotus we think , that the Wil of God in regard of Reprobates , which he electes not but passeth by , is merely negative : for in this very act , which we expresse by a Negation , is contained an expresse and affirmate Wil of God. So in his Determinations , Quaest . 25. p. 117. he tels us , That it 's most certain , there can be no Decree permitting sin , to which there doth not adhere some efficacious Decree . And p. 118. he instructs us , That this Decree of permitting sin is efficacious , not in a way of efficience , but by directing and ordaining to extract good out of evil . ( 3 ) Prop. In the mater of Reprobation God is considered as a soverain Absolute Lord , not as a Righteous Judge . The Pelagians , Molinists , Arminians , and New Methodists consider God in the act of Reprobation as a just Judge , not as a supreme absolute Lord : whence they conclude , that it is unjust with God to reprobate any but on the prevision of their sins ; not considering , that Reprobation is not an act inflicting punishment , but of denying Benefits , wherein the Libertie and Dominion of God is only to be attended ; according to that of the Apostle , Rom. 9. 21. Has not the Potter power over the clay , & c ? What is soverain Dominion , but an absolute right to dispose of what is our own ? And shal we not allow the same Dominion to God , which is allowed to the Potter over his Clay ? Is the soverain Lord tied to his Creature by any Law , more than what is in his own nature and wil ? Hence it follows , ( 4 ) That the Decree of Reprobation is most absolute and Independent as to al distinctive conditions or causes in man. Thus Jansenius , August . de Grat. Christi , l. 10. c. 4. p. 423. proves out of Augustin , That the absolute Wil of God is the alone cause of Reprobation . And Augustin complains , That it is a great injurie to God , when men search for causes of things superior to his soverain Wil : for his Wil is such a supreme Rule of Justice , as that whatever he wils is for that very reason , because he wils it , to be accounted just . So Bradwardine , de Causa Dei , l. 1. c. 47. proves strongly , That albeit God punisheth no man eternally without sin committed in time ; yet he doth not eternally reprobate any for sin as a Cause antecedently moving his divine Wil. So Alvarez , de Auxil . Disput . 109. 3 a Conclus . The positive act , whereby God from eternitie would not admit some into his Kingdome , was not conditionate , but absolute , antecedent , in a moment of Reason , to the il use of Free-wil . And it is proved , [ 1 ] Because there can be no cause of Reprobation . [ 2 ] Because supernatural Beatitude is not due to any upon the account of natural improvements : Therefore God could from al eternitie without any Injurie , before the Prescience of the good or il use of free-wil , elect some to life eternal , and by a positive act wil not to admit others . And our Divines generally grant , That there can be no other cause assigned of Reprobation , than the absolute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or good pleasure of God. But none is more categoric and positive in this , than judicious Davenant , ( who yet in some points came nigh the new Methodists ) in his incomparable Animadversions on Gods love to mankind . Wherein he doth puissantly defend the following particulars greatly conducing to the establishment of our Hypothesis . [ 1 ] That Gods secret wil of good pleasure is very different from his reveled , preceptive , complacential wil , as pag. 221 , 349 , 376. [ 2 ] That Gods reveled , complacential , approbative wil is the measure of our dutie , but not of Gods decrees or operations , pag. 222 , 356 , 391 , 399. [ 3 ] That Gods beneplacite wil or good pleasure is only properly his wil , pag. 392. [ 4 ] That Gods beneplacite wil or good pleasure is moved by nothing but itself , pag. 375 , 376. [ 5 ] That the absolute Decrees of God contradict not general conditional promisses of life and threats of death , pag. 241 , 332 , 375 , 387 , 398. [ 6 ] That God may be said , according to his wil of complacence and approbation , to intend the salvation of sinners , yea Reprobates , by providing the means of grace conducing thereto , pag. 271 , 376 , 394. [ 7 ] That the externe means and offers of grace must be measured and interpreted according to the knowen nature of the means , not the unknowen wil of God , pag. 353. [ 8 ] That God , by his approbative complacential wil unfeignedly wils what he commands , pag. 329 , 393 , 394 , 401. [ 9 ] That al under the means of grace are under some remote conditional possibilitie of salvation , pag. 256 , 257. [ 10 ] That Gods evangelic , providential intention of saving sinners is oft frustrated as to its events by mans sin , although his decretive beneplacite intention is never frustrated , p. 377 , 381 , 387 , 388 , 395. [ 11 ] That absolute Election and Reprobation may stand with a possibilitie to contrary events , though not with contrary events , pag. 240 , 333 , 341 , 360 , 402 , 253. [ 12 ] That absolute Decrees oppose not the Justice of God ; with its difference from that of men , pag. 232 , 321 , 336 , 339 , 342. [ 13 ] That absolute Decrees oppose not Gods Holinesse , pag. 240-272 . [ 14 ] That absolute Decrees oppose not the Mercie of God , pag. 277-310 . [ 15 ] That mere conditional Decrees are inconsistent with Gods soverain Being and Independence , pag. 226. [ 16 ] That absolute Reprobation is not repugnant to Gods Truth , pag. 349-362 . [ 17 ] That absolute Reprobation takes not away the end and use of Gods gifts , pag. 374-404 . [ 18 ] That absolute Reprobation leaves no man under an absolute necessitie or compulsion to sin , pag. 253. [ 19 ] Let Reprobation be absolute or conditional it leaves the same possibilitie and libertie to the Agents , pag. 333 , 340 , 341 , 351 , 360. [ 20 ] That the Arminians grant an absolute , immutable , fixed Decree of Reprobation , which admits the same objections that they urge against the Calvinists , p. 302 , 332 , 333 , 340 , 351 , 354 , 400 , 418 , 419. [ 21 ] Infallible Prescience granted by the Arminians infers as much necessitie on the wil , and compulsion to sin as absolute Reprobation , pag. 418 , 419 , 442 , 462. [ 22 ] Lastly , he shews us , What is the right use and abuse of absolute Decrees , pag. 454-526 . These Propositions clearly and fully explicated by our judicious Davenant give great evidence and demonstration to our Hypothesis , as also distinct solution to the objections of our Opponents , of which hereafter , Chap. 6. § . 4. Our next Argument shal be taken from Divine Concurse , its Principe , Nature , and Efficace ; the explication whereof wil give us a ful demonstration of our Hypothesis ; which we shal endeavor to lay down in the following Particulars . 1. That God predetermines the wil to the substrate mater or entitative act of that which is sinful , may be demonstrated from the Principe of al Divine Concurse . What is the active principe of al Divine Concurse , but the Divine wil ? Doth not sacred Pagine expressely speak so much ? So Eph. 1. 11. Who worketh althings after the counsel of his own wil. And more particularly as to the substrate mater of sin it 's said , Act. 4. 28. that those who crucified our Lord , did acte but what Gods hand , or wil and counsel predetermined to be done , of which before . And Strangius himself grants us , lib. 1. cap. 11. pag. 63. That concurse , as to its prime act is in God , and the same with God. Now such is the Omnipotence of the Divine wil , that althings must necessarily be done , which he wils to be done , and in that manner as he wils them , as Aquinas wel determines . How then is it possible , but that if God wil that the substrate mater of sin existe , it must necessarily existe , and in that manner as he wils it ? Can any person or thing resiste the Divine efficacious wil ? And what is al active concurse but the determination of the same efficacious wil ? See more of Gods wil being the spring and principe of Divine concurse , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 7. § . 3. 2. That God predetermines the wil to the substrate mater of sin may be demonstrated from the nature of Divine concurse as to its Totalitie , Vniversalitie as to effects , Particularitie as to manner of working , Immediation , Antecedence , and soverain absolute Independence . ( 1 ) The Totalitie of Divine concurse sufficiently demonstrates its predetermination as to the substrate mater of sin . That Gods concurse to al second causes , acts , and effects is total we have sufficiently demonstrated , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 7. pag. 417. Thus much is also granted by Strangius , lib. 1. cap. 10. pag. 55. where he assertes , That the whole action dependes on God , as also on the creature ; otherwise God should not concur immediately : Though I am not ignorant that a Divine of name among us , as also of the same partie with Strangius , denies Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin to be total ; yet because he is singular therein , and different from his own partie , I shal take it for granted , that Gods concurse is total , and thence endeavor to prove its predetermining the wil to the substrate mater of sin . For if God totally concur to the substrate act of sin , must he not also concur to the wil that puts forth that act ? And if God concur to the wil in the production of the act , must he not also necessarily determine the wil to that act ? That Gods total concurse doth not only reach the act and effect , but also the wil itself is granted by Strangius , lib. 2. cap. 6. pag. 171. Neither , faith he , do we say , that the Concurse of God doth reach only the effect , but not the efficient cause , sithat the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Energie of the second cause must be from God ; and the action is not lesse an effect than the work , &c. ( 2 ) The Vniversalitie of Divine concurse as to al effects whatsoever gives us a further demonstration of its efficacious predetermination as to the entitative act of sin . That Divine concurse is universally extensive to al acts of the wil , as wel as to al other objects , by giving forces and assistances to faculties , exciting and appling them to their acts , and ordering them so as that they may in the best manner reach their ends , we have copiosely demonstrated , Court Gent. Part 4. Book 2. Chap. 7. § . 2. pag. 296 , 297. And doth not this sufficiently demonstrate Gods concurse to the substrate mater of sin to be predeterminative ? Yea , to speak properly , is there , or can there be any real efficience , influxe , or concurse sent forth by God as the prime universal cause of althings , which is not predeterminative ? To talke of an universal general concurse of God , which immediately influenceth the wil and al its natural acts , and yet doth not predetermine , i. e. excite and applie the wil to its act , what is it but pure non-sense and virtual contradiction ? ( 3 ) The Particularitie of Gods concurse as to its manner of working doth also invictly demonstrate its predetermination as to the entitative act of sin . Divine concurse , albeit it be universal as to the extent of its object , yet it 's most particular and proper as to its manner of working . Our Adversaries generally , both Pelagians , Molinists , Arminians , and New Methodists talke much of a general indifferent concurse , alike commun to al effects , and determinable by its substrate mater ; as the general influence of the Sun is determinable by the mater it workes on . But , alas ! how unbecoming and incongruous to the Divine perfections is such a general indifferent concurse ? Doth not this make the first cause to be second , because dependent ; and the second cause first , because independent ? And doth it not hence also necessarily follow , that the first cause may , by the indisposition of the mater or resistence of second Agents , be frustrated of its intended effect ? What more expressely overthrows the soverain Dominion and universal Concurse of God , than such a general indifferent Concurse ? And yet is not this one of the most plausible subterfuges our Adversaries have to shelter themselves under ? They object , If God should by a particular predeterminative concurse determine the wil to act in sins intrinsecally evil , as the hatred of God , or the like , then the specification of the act and moral determination of it to its particular object would be from God ; and so God inevitably should be the Author of sin . This is their principal and indeed their only objection worth a naming against our Hypothesis ; to which we intend a more ful answer in the next Chapter , § . 1. at present let this suffice , [ 1 ] We say not , that God is a particular cause , but universal , working in and by a particular concurse suitable to the indigence of the mater it workes on . [ 2 ] We say not , that this particular Concurse of God doth morally specifie , or determine the sinful act to its object , but only physically individuate or naturally modifie the substrate mater of the sinful act . This is incomparably wel explicated by Dr. Samuel Ward , that great Professor of Theologie , in his Determination of Gods Concurse , pag. 117. where he strongly demonstrates , That the previous Concurse of God , as the first cause , doth in its way modifie and determine al the actions of second causes : and if so , then surely the substrate entitative act of sin , as hereafter . [ 3 ] That general indifferent concurse , which our Adversaries so warmly contend for , sithat they grant it to be causative and influential on the sinful act , doth equally infer God to be the Author of sin , as our predeter minative concurse . For if it be causative and effective of the act , then surely of that individual act , as determined to such an object : for to talke of its concurrence to the act in genere , in the general , and not in individuo , in its individual determination to its object , is such an absurditie in Philosophie , that al awakened Philosophers wil decrie it : for what Tyro cannot informe us , that al physical acts are suppositorum , of individual singular substances , and so without al peradventure individual and singular : and if so , then must not their general concurse reach not only the action in general , but also individually considered , as relating to its object , not morally , but physically ? And wil it not hence follow , that their general concurse is causative of the entitative act , as determined to its object , and so makes God the Author of sin , as much , at least as wel as our predeterminative concurse , as more fully Chap. 6. § . 1. Of the particularitie of Divine Concurse see Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 7. § . 4. ( 4 ) The Immediation of Divine Concurse strongly demonstrates the predetermination of the wil as to the entitative act of sin thereby . Our Adversaries generally , both Jesuites , Arminians , and new Methodists , excepting some very few that adhere to Durandus , grant an immediate concurse to the entitative act of sin ; which if wel followed wil necessarily infer predeterminative concurse , specially according to the concessions of the new Methodists ; who say , That this immediate concurse reacheth not only the effect and act , ( which the Jesuites and Arminians grant ) but also the very wil itself , as the immediate efficient of the act . Touching this immediate Concurse see Strangius , lib. 1. cap. 10. pag. 54 , &c. & lib. 2. cap. 5. pag. 163. And among the Jesuites none has more acutely demonstrated this , than Suarez , Metaphys . Disp . 22. Sect. 1. and our Country-man Campton Carleton , in his Philos . Vnivers . Disp . 28. Sect. 2 , 3. pag. & Disput . 29. Sect. 1 , 2. pag. 323 , 324. where he demonstrates strongly , against Lud. à Dola , That God immediately together with the creature produceth the very act of sin . Now hence we thus argue : If God , together with the human wil , immediately produceth the very act of sin , then certainly he must of necessitie predetermine the wil to that entitative act : For suppose the sinful act be motus primò primus , as they phrase it , or a mere simple volition of the wil , how is it possible , that God should immediately produce this act of the wil , without applying the wil to the act ? Do not the very Jesuites , Suarez , Carleton , with others grant , That one and the same sinful act is produced by God and the human wil ? And doth not Strangius with others of the New Methodists also acknowlege further , That Gods Concurse to this sinful act of the wil is previous to that of the wil , not only simultaneous , as Strang. lib. 1. cap. 10. pag. 56 ? Yea Strangius and those of his persuasion grant yet more , That Gods immediate concurse reacheth not only the act and effect , but also the wil itself , as Strang. pag. 171. And is it not most evident , from these ingenuous concessions of our Adversaries , touching immediate concurse , that God doth predetermine the wil to the entitative act of sin ? Can we imagine , that one and the same sinful act should be produced immediately by God and the human wil , and yet God not applie the wil to its act , which is al that is meant by predetermination ? Yea , doth God not only concur with the wil to one and the same act , but also influence the wil in the production of that act , as Strangius and others grant , and yet not applie it to act ? How is it possible , that God should influence the wil in the production of any act , without actuating or drawing forth the wil to act ? And if God actuate or draw forth the wil to act , doth he not applie it to the act , and so predetermine the same ? Again , doth God by an immediate concurse not only influence the wil and its act , but also antecedently and in a moment of reason and causalitie before the wil concurs to its own act , as Strangius also grants ? and doth not this give us a more abundant demonstration , that God predetermines the wil to that act ? Can there be any previous concurse immediately actuating and influencing the wil in its act , but what is predeterminative ? Doth not the wil necessarily depend on the previous concurse of the first cause ? and if so , must it not be applied and predetermined to its act thereby ? But more of this previous concurse in our next Argument . Lastly , if we allow ( with the Jesuites ) unto God only an immediate concurse to the act of the wil , al those black consequences which our Adversaries cast on the Assertors of predetermination , may with the same facilitie be reflected on them : for if they make God , by an immediate concurse to concur to the act of sin , do they not make him the cause and so the Author of sin as wel as we ? More of immediate Concurse , see Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 7. § 4. ( 5 ) The Prioritie and Antecedence of Divine Concurse doth invictly demonstrate its predetermining the wil as to the substrate mater of sinful acts . We shal here reassume a Principe already established , and granted by Jesuites and New Methodists , namely , That the action of the first cause concurring with the second , is not , as to passive attingence , distinct from the action of the second cause . This is generally granted by the Molinists , as Le Blanc , Concil . Arbitr . par . 3. thes . 28. pag. 433. and by Jansenius , August . tom . 1. lib. 5. cap. 20. pag. 119. It 's true , the Concurse of God the first cause is really different from that of the second , as to active attingence or principe , because Gods concurse , actively considered , is the same with his wil ; yet as to passive attingence , the action and effect produced by God differ not from the action and effect produced by the second cause . This being premissed , we procede to demonstrate Divine predetermination to the substrate mater of sin from the prioritie and antecedence of Divine concurse , and that in and by the following Propositions . ( 1 ) Prop. The first cause doth in order of nature or causalitie concur before the second . This Proposition is potently demonstrated by the acute Dr. Sam. Ward , Determinat . de Concurs . Dei , pag. 116 , &c. And the arguments for it are invict : for [ 1 ] where there is subordination and dependence in causalitie , which is proper to every second cause , there posterioritie is essentially appendent . Again , [ 2 ] al second causes in regard of God are but instruments , as Aquinas proves : yea the wil of man as dependent on God is but a vital instrument , albeit in regard of the effect it may sometimes be termed a principal Agent : Now doth not every instrument subserve the principal Efficient ? And doth not that which is subservient in order of causalitie move after that which is the principal Agent ? But here we are to remember , that when we assert Gods Concurse to be previous in regard of its principe and independence , we denie not , but that it is also simultaneous in regard of the action and effect produced by the second cause , as Alvarez , lib. 3. de Auxil . Disput . 19. num . 4. & Twisse , Vind. Grat. lib. 2. de Criminat . part . 3. pag. 56. But that which we denie is , That Gods Concurse is solely concomitant and simultaneous ; and that [ 3 ] because this simultaneous concurse makes God only a partial cause , and dependent on the second cause in the production of its effect . Yea , some of the Jesuites grant , That if we consider the concurse of God absolutely , without respect to this or that second cause , so it is in order of nature before the influxe of the second cause . So Fonseca , Metaphys . lib. 6. cap. 2. quaest . 5. sect . 13. The like Strangius , lib. 1. cap. 11. pag. 60 , 61. Thus also Burgersdicius , Metaphys . lib. 2. cap. 11. grants , Gods concurse in supernaturals to be previous , albeit in naturals he would have it to be only simultaneous : which is most absurd : for the active concurse of God , being nothing else but the immanent act of his wil , must necessarily be the same in naturals as in supernaturals . More of the prioritie and Antecedence of the Divine Concurse , see Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 7. § . 4. p. 416. Hence , ( 2 ) Prop. This previous Concurse of God as the first Cause must necessarily move and applie every second cause to its act and effect . For how is it possible , that the second cause should act , unlesse the first move and applie it to its act ? Can a second cause move it self to an act , unlesse it be first moved thereto by the first cause ? Whence , ( 3 ) Prop. This previous Concurse of God in applying and moving the Wil of man to the substrate mater of sin predetermines the same . For if one and the same sinful action be produced by God and the human Wil , and God concurs in order of nature before the wil , yea premove and applie it to the act , must he not necessarily predetermine the same ? Al the wit and subtilitie of our Adversaries wil never extricate themselves or satisfie any awakened mind in this point , How God doth by a previous concurse move and actuate the Wil , and yet not predetermine it to the act . Indeed to speak the truth , the Sentiments not only of the Arminians , but also of the new Methodists , Baronius , Strangius and others about Concurse , fal in with those of the Jesuites for a simultaneous Concurse only , albeit some of them in termes disown it . ( 6 ) Lastly , the soverain and absolute Independence of Gods Concurse gives us further demonstration of his predetermining the wil as to the substrate mater of sin . That Gods Concurse is not Conditionate but absolute and independent , we have copiosely proved , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. c. 7. § . 4. p. 412 , &c. And indeed , what more absurd , yea impossible , than such a conditionate Concurse , whereby the Molinists and Arminians suppose Gods concurrence to depend on mans ? Is there not hereby an effectual dore opened to a progresse into infinite ? For if God concur on condition that man concur , doth God concur to that condition , or not ? If not , is there not then some act of the creature produced without Gods concurse ? If God concur to the working of that condition , then absolutely , or conditionally : if absolutely , then his former Concurse is not conditional : if conditionally , then what an infinitude of Conditions will follow hence ? We take it then for granted , that Gods Concurse is not conditional , but absolute and independent . And hence we thus argue : If God concur absolutely and independently to the substrate mater of sin , then he doth predetermine the wil thereto : the consequence is rational and clear : For where two Agents concur totally and immediately to one and the same action and effect , the one must necessarily depend on the other ; and that which depends on another must be determined by that other : for every cause that is dependent on another , is so far as it depends thereon determinable thereby . It 's true , natural corporeous effects have some dependence on the Sun , without being determined thereby , because the Sun is a limited cause , and has not efficace sufficient to determine the mater is workes on , but is rather determined thereby , and so in that respect dependent thereon : But as for God the first cause whose wil , the principe of his concurse , is omnipotent and most efficacious , it 's impossible , that he should have any dependence on , or be any way determinable in his concurse by the mater he workes on : he being the most universal cause , infinitely perfect , and void of al potentialitie or passive power must necessarily predetermine al second causes to their acts , but be determined by none . But more of this in what immediately follows of the efficace of Gods Concurse . 3. Having demonstrated Divine predetermination to the substrate mater of sin from the Principe and Nature of Divine concurse , we now procede to demonstrate the same from the Efficace thereof . Strangius , lib. 1. cap. 11. pag. 61. albeit he denies Gods general Concurse , whereby he concurs to the mater of sin , to be predeterminative , yet he grants it is efficacious , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the force and efficace of God , whereby he subordinates second causes to himself ; so that whatever they are or act , they essentially depend on him in both respects . And this ingenuous concession touching the efficace of Divine concurse , is al that we require to build our present Demonstration on , which we shal distribute into two branches , ( 1 ) Gods efficacious concurse unto al natural acts and effects . ( 2 ) Gods efficacious concurse to al supernatural acts and effects . 1. We shal demonstrate Divine predetermination to the substrate mater of sin from the efficacitie of Divine concurse as to al natural acts and effects ; which evidently appears in the following particulars . ( 1 ) Gods concurse to al physic or natural causes , motions , and effects is most efficacious . This Proposition the sacred Scriptures do abundantly confirme , as Esa . 26. 12. Rom. 11. 36. Eph. 1. 11. Act. 17. 28. of which before Chap. 3. § . 1. Thus much Strangius and those of his persuasion grant us , as before , c. 2. § . 1. ( 2 ) The efficace of Divine concurse dependes on the efficace and determination of the Divine wil. For what is efficacious concurse , considered actively , but the efficacitie of the Divine wil predetermining to act so or so ? To presume that active concurse is any thing else but an immanent efficacious act of the Divine wil is to crosse the mind of sacred Scriptures and the most awakened Divines , as we have copiosely demonstrated , Court Gent. P. 4. B. 2. C. 7. § . 3. ( 3 ) Gods wil being efficacious and determinate determines al second causes to al their natural actions and effects . Is it not impossible , but that the wil of God being omnipotent and determined for the production of such an action of mans wil , the said action or effect must necessarily follow ? Is not the wil of God sufficiently potent to determine the wil of man in al its natural acts ? Is not the efficacitie of the Divine wil so great , that not only those things are done , which God wils shal be done , but in that manner as he wils them ? Doth not Strangius confesse so much lib. 1. cap. 10. pag. 55. & lib. 2. cap. 11. pag. 266. ? Whence if God in his own wil purpose and determine , that the human wil should produce such or such an action , suppose that whereto sin is necessarily annexed , is not the human wil necessarily in regard of the Divine wil , and yet freely in regard of its own manner of working predetermined thereto ? This is most evident in the crucifixion of our Lord , expressed , Act. 2. 23. By the determinate counsel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by the decreed , fixed , determined wil of God. The like Act. 4. 28. of which places before , Chap. 3. § . 2. Hence ( 4 ) The efficacious concurse of God modifies , and according to its mode determines al actions of second causes , not only necessarily but freely . Doth the Divine wil determine itself to the production of every singular individual effect ? and may it not , yea must it not then determine the human wil to al its natural acts ? Has mans infirme ambulatorie wil power to determine al such faculties , acts and effects as are subject to its Empire ? and has not the Divine wil , which is infinitely more efficacious , power to determine al inferior powers , acts and effects subject to its universal Dominion ? And doth it not hence follow , that the soverain Divine wil doth by its efficacious concurse predetermine al the free acts of the human wil , which necessarily fal under its Empire and modification ? See this wel demonstrated by that judicious Professor Sam. Ward , Determinat . de Concursu Dei , pag. 118 , &c. Whence ( 5 ) The efficacious predeterminative concurse of God equally extendes itself to al natural good , even to the substrate mater of sinful acts . Strangius and others of our Opponents grant , That Gods efficacious predetermining Concurse extendes it self not only to al supernatural good , but also to al natural good , that has not sin intrinsecally annexed to it : whence we may , by a paritie of reason demonstrate divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of al actions , though never so intrinsecally evil : for the substrate mater of al actions though intrinsecally evil , is naturally good . Take the Hatred of God , which is reckoned to be an act most intrinsecally evil , and if we consider it in its substrate mater or entitative act , so it is naturally good , and if it were exerted against sin , its proper object , it would be also morally good : So that indeed the substrate mater of bad and good actions is the same , namely some natural good , and Gods Concurse to the one and other is the same . Yea this indeed is acknowledged by Strangius , l. 2. c. 3. p. 154. Al natural acts are good by the bonitie of Being , i. e. entitatively and naturally — whence he concludes , and so as to Concurse we say , that God concurs in the same manner to generation from lawful Matrimonie and that from adulterie ; because the action on both sides is physically of the same kind . A great concession indeed , which would our Adversaries fully come up unto , how soon and how easily might we put a period to this Controversie ? For if the same action may be , as to its substrate mater naturally good and sinful , and both physically of the same kind , and so Gods Concurse to both the same , why then may not God be allowed to predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of that which is sinful , as wel as to the substrate mater of that which is good ? Surely if the action be , as to its substrate mater , in one and t'other naturally good , and physically of one and the same kind , there can be no rational account given , why God should not predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of that which is evil , as wel as to that which is good . In short , as there is no moral act so perfect in this imperfect state , but has some vitiositie adherent to it , so there is no natural act so sinful , but it has for its substrate mater some natural good : and as God by predetermining the wil to the moral good is no way the Author of the vitiositie appendent to the act ; so by predetermining it to the natural substrate mater of the sinful act , he is as much exemted from being the Author of the sin . The substrate mater of the one and the other being the same , of which more § . 5. 2. We procede to demonstrate Divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of Sin from the Efficacitie of Divine Concurse as to supernatural Acts and Effects . Our Adversaries the New Methodists , Baronius only excepted , grant that efficacious Concurse as to supernatural good is predeterminative ; from which we no way dout , but to draw an invict Demonstration , that Divine Concurse is also predeterminative as to the substrate mater of sinful acts , even such as are intrinsecally evil . This Province we shal endeavor to make good by several Arguments , ( 1 ) From the Principe of al Predetermination : what is the principe of al Predetermination , but the omnipotent efficacious wil of God ? And how are al Acts and Effects predetermined by the Divine Wil , but by an immutable predeterminative Decree , termed his Determinate Counsel , Act. 2. 23 ? which is said , Act. 4. 28. to predetermine the Crucifixion of Christ ? Doth not therefore the same determinate Counsel or wil of God predetermine the substrate mater of sin , as wel as any act morally good ? Is not then predetermination as to its active Attingence or principe one and the same , both as to natural and supernatural good , albeit as to its passive Attingence and effect it be greatly different ? For albeit there be a double Concurse required to supernatural good , one to the substrate mater , which is a natural good , and the other to the moral good , which is supernatural , but only a single concurse to the substrate mater of sin ; yet in point of efficace the predetermination to the later is equal to the former , as to Divine efficience : For there is as much power and efficace required to predetermine or premove the wil to the substrate mater , or natural entitative act of sin , as there is to any supernatural good : both are alike facile to the divine omnipotent wil : and surely no reason can be given , why predetermination is necessary for the production of any gracious act , and not as necessary for the production of the entitative act of sin : for the Wil of Man is equally uncapable of acting at al , as of acting graciously without Predetermination , whatever some may imagine to the contrary . ( 2 ) From the substrate mater of al natural and supernatural good . Are not al gracious acts and habits loged in human nature ? What is supernatural good but a ray of the divine Nature irradiated into human Nature , and seated therein as its proper subject ? Is not al grace a supernatural mode implanted in human nature ? whence , if God by efficacious Grace predetermine the wil to receive any habitual infusion , or act of Grace , must he not also necessarily predetermine the wil to the natural act which is the substrate mater of that supernatural mode ? And if God predetermine the wil to the natural act of that which is good , must he not also predetermine it to the natural act of that which is evil ? What difference can there be assigned between the natural act of Crucifying our Lord , which was intrinsecally evil , and that of crucifying the Thieves , which was a piece of Justice ? Did not God then as much predetermine the former as the later ? Yea , to raise this Argument higher , hath not the same substrate mater , which is supernaturally good and gracious as to its substance , some modal vitiositie and obliquitie appendent thereto in this imperfect state ? If then God predetermine the Wil to the substrate mater of that which is supernaturally good , must he not also necessarily predetermine it to the substrate mater of that which is also evil ? I am not ignorant what is replied hereto , which we no way dout but wil prove invalid , and no better than smoke or vapor , when we come to enlarge more fully on this Argument , § . 5. ( 3 ) We demonstrate the necessitie of Divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of what is sinful , from the Invaliditie yea vanitie of those reasons which are urged by our Adversaries against it , which do with as much force strike at Predetermination to what is supernaturally good . [ 1 ] One principal Objection that our Adversaries urge against predetermination to the substrate mater of sin , specially such sins as are intrinsecally evil , is That it destroyes the libertie of the Wil , &c. We shal not now attemt any answer to the Objection , but reserve it for its proper place , Chap. 6. § . 5. only we are to shew , that the whole of this Objection , and the reasons urged to enforce it , do with as much force strike against al Predetermination , even that which is granted to supernatural good : For doth not Predetermination to gracious acts , lay as much compulsion on the wil , and thence as much destroy its libertie , as predetermination to the substrate mater of sin ? And is not the same objection with its reasons as much urged , and that with as great color of Reason , by the Molinists and Arminians , against al Predetermination to gracious acts ? I must confesse , I could never , neither do I think any else can maintain and defend our ground against the Jesuites and Arminians , if those reasons and grounds which our Adversaries urge against Predetermination to the substrate mater of sin , be admitted as valid . [ 2 ] The like may be said of that other objection or reason , why our Adversaries reject Predetermination to the substrate mater of sin , namely , That it makes al Gods Laws naturally and absolutely impossible , &c. Is not this very objection , and the reason urged to enforce it , as much urged by Molinists and Arminians , against al Predetermination even to gracious Acts ? And are not the reasons as valid on the later as on the former side ? What reason do the new Methodists give , that Predetermination to the entitative act of sin makes Gods Laws impossible , but that it takes away the Wils Indifference , and destroys the natural power that the wil is invested with to act or not to act ? And doth not Predetermination to good as much destroy the wils indifference , and its power to act or not to act ? [ 3 ] Our Adversaries urge , That this Predetermination takes away the use of Promises , Invitations , and al evangelic offers of Grace , and supposeth God not to deal sincerely with Sinners , in making offers of Grace , and yet irresistibly determining their Wils against the acceptance of these offers ? Is not this very objection , with its reason urged , and that with as much force of reason by Jesuites and Arminians against Predetermination to gracious Acts ? For if no man can entertain those offers of Grace by his own freewil , without a predeterminative Concurse , are not al gracious Promises , Invitations , and offers of Grace to Sinners , who fal not under this Predetermination , vain and uselesse ? Our Adversaries the new Methodists generally , ( some few excepted ) denie any sufficient Grace or Free-wil in corrupt Nature for the reception of evangelic offers and Grace : and is not then the vitious wil of corrupt Nature as wel determined by its own vitiositie against the offers of Grace , as by the predeterminative Concurse of God ? [ 4 ] Our Adversaries object , That this Predetermination to the entitative act of sin , supposeth God to compel and force men to sin , and so makes him to be the real Author of Sin , yea more than the Sinner that is under a violent compulsion , &c. and is not this very argument urged by Jesuites and Arminians against al Predetermination even to what is good , and that with as much color of reason ? For say they , If God predetermine the wil to what is good , then he compels and forceth the wil to be good ; so that the wil being under a compulsion cannot be said to be the Author of its own act , but is as a Stock or Stone in the exercice of that act , which destroyeth al moral good , &c. Which objection is as valid as that of our Adversaries , and can never be solidly answered if their objection be good ; though according to our Principes neither the one or the other objection has any force in it , as we shal demonstrate , c. 6. § . 5. To conclude this argument , I am very confident , our Opponents the new Methodists wil never be able to defend an efficacious determinative Concurse to what is morally or supernaturally good , so long as they denie the same to the substrate mater of sin , which is naturally good : for al , or at least the most of those arguments they urge against the later , may , and are urged by the Molinists and Arminians against the former , and that with equal force . And this Baronius did by his natural acumen foresee , and therefore he took a course more seemingly rational according to his Principes , though lesse friendly to divine Concurse , to denie al Predetermination as wel to supernatural as natural good ; of which see his Metaph. Sect. 8. Disput . 3. n. 66. &c. p. 136. § . 5. Our fifth Argument shal be taken from the Nature of Sin , its substrate mater and formal reason . 1. As to the general Idea and substrate mater of sin , we have demonstrated , Ch. 1. § . 2. ( 1 ) That al human acts considered in their natural entitie , abstracted from their moral constitution , are neither good nor evil . ( 2 ) That al moral acts whether good or evil receive their formal Constitution and Determination from the Moral Law. ( 3 ) That no human Act considered physically , or according to its natural entitative substance , is intrinsecally evil , but only morally , in regard of its moral specification or determination to such or such an object . Hence , ( 4 ) That sin has for its substrate mater some natural good . Now these Propositions being laid as so many Principes , we hence argue , That God must necessarily concur to , yea predetermine the substrate mater of actions intrinsecally evil : For , if al sinful acts , even such as are intrinsecally evil morally , are , according to their substrate mater physically good , doth it not necessarily follow , that God the first cause must concur thereto , yea predetermine the same ? Must not every second Cause as such be actuated and so determined by its first Cause and his efficacious Concurse ? Doth not the subordination of the second Cause to the first , necessarily demonstrate , not only its dependence on , but also Predetermination by the same in al its natural operations and effects ? Is not every Being by participation necessarily limited , defined , and predetermined in al its natural entitative motions by the first Being , which is such by Essence ? May not this also be demonstrated from the very concessions of our Adversaries , who grant , that vitiositie follows not any Act as a natural Act ? So Strangius , l. 2. c. 11. p. 243. We confesse , saith he , that Vitiositie doth not follow the act of sin as an act ; for then every act would be sin ; also that it doth not follow , as the act procedes from God , for then every act that procedes from God , would have sin . Now if sin follows not the act of sin as an act , what reason can there be why God should not efficaciously concur to , yea predetermine the entitative act of Sin ? This is wel explicated by Lud. Crocius , ( that Breme Professor , who was a member of the Synod of Dort , and there began the New Method ) Duodecas , Dissert . de Volunt . Dei , Dissert ▪ 8. Thes . 99. p. 426. As to the Act , saith he , of the Divine Wil about sin , the effates of Scripture seem to contradict themselves , whiles that some expressely affirm , That God nils and hates sins , and those that commit them , Psal . 5. 5 , 6 , 7. Zach. 8. 17. but others seem to say , That God wils , creates , effectes them , Esa . 45. 7. Lam. 3. 37 , 38. Amos 3. 6. But these things do wel agree , if the distinction be rightly observed , ( 1 ) Between the Act , and the Vitiositie of the Act. ( 2 ) Between the Act as it is from God , and as it is from the Creature . ( 3 ) Between the wil of God decreeing , and the wil of God commanding . Whence he concludes , Thes . 100. p. 427. For God wils and produceth , by the Creature as the first Cause by the second , the Act , as an Act , of it self indifferent to moral Bonitie , and Vitiositie ; and wils and effectes the same , albeit depraved by the Creature , as invested with his moral rectitude , because he produceth it by his own power , from his immaculate Sanctitie and Justice , which can never be made crooked or corrupted by any second Cause . Whence he addes , Thes . 101. And this act essentially good , even as defiled by the Creature , God justly and holily useth either as an Instrument of punishment , or of exploration or exercice , and as an ordinate convenient Medium , according to his Justice for the best ends . Thes . 102. In this sense God is said , To create evil , to produce it out of his mouth , to send Joseph into Egypt by the Vendition of his Brethren , to rob Job of his goods , to command Shimei to curse David , to use Absolon for the defiling his Fathers Concubines , to deliver Christ into the hands of Jews and Gentiles . Thes . 103. For God decreed to produce those acts , as acts , and to permit the depravation of them by the Sinners , and to use them albeit depraved , wisely and justly to ends holily ordained by him . 2. Divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of sin may be also demonstrated from the formal nature of Sin , which consistes in the privation of that moral rectitude due to actions , as Ch. 1. § . 2. we have more fully explicated . Whence we thus argue : If every deflexion from the Law of God be sin , then certainly God necessarily predetermines to the substrate mater of some sins : and if of some , why not of al , even such as are intrinsecally evil ? That God predetermines to the substrate mater of some sins is evident , and that from the concessions of our Adversaries , who grant , That God doth predetermine the Wil to actions imperfectly good , which also , according to their own confessions are modally sinful : Whence we thus argue ; The substrate mater of the same action as good and as sinful is the same : wherefore , if God predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of the action as good , must he not also predetermine it to the substrate mater of the same action as sinful ? When we say , That God predetermines to the substrate mater of the same action as sinfil , As here , may not be taken reduplicatively , but only specificatively , i. e. as it specifies and distributes the same action into good , and sinful ; which are different modes of one and the same substrate mater or entitative act : so that our Opponents granting , that God doth predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of the action as imperfectly good , how can they possibly denie , that God predetermines it also to the same substrate mater which is modally sinful ? When I can see a rational solution given to this argument , ( which I despair of ) I shal think our Adversaries have done much service to their Cause . But they replie , If God concur by determinative influence to imperfectly good actions , it doth not thence follow , that he concurs to actions intrinsecally , and in the substance of them evil . But I conceive this evasion wil soon vanish into smoke and vapor , if we consider wel , ( 1 ) That the least sin may not be imputed unto God as the Author of it , any more than the greatest : the difference between sins modally and intrinsecally evil finds no place here : dare our Adversaries say , that God is the Author of that modal sin which adheres to actions imperfectly good , but not of that intrinsecal evil which is in the hatred of God , or the like ? Whence , ( 2 ) The force of our Argument ariseth from this paritie of reason , If God doth concur , yea predetermine the wil to an act only modally sinful , without falling under the imputation of being the Author of sin , why may he not also predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of that which is intrinsecally evil , without the like imputation ? Albeit there be a disparitie in the sins , yet is not the paritie of reason for the one and the other the same ? Ought we not to be as cautelous in exemting the Sacred Majestie of God from having any hand in the least sin , as in the greatest ? And if we allow our selves the libertie of making him the author of the least sin , wil not that open a wide gate for atheistic blasphemous wits to impute to him the greatest sins ? Whence , if we can prove , what our Adversaries wil never be able to disprove , yea what they approve of , namely , that God doth predetermine the wil to the substrate mater or entitative act , which is imperfectly good , but modally sinful , it thence follows by necessary consequence and inevitable paritie of reason , that he can and doth predetermine the wil to the substrate mater of that which is intrinsecally evil , without the least imputation of being the Author of sin annexed thereto . I would fain have our Opponents weigh impartially the force of this Argument . § . 6. Our next Argument for Gods Predetermination to the substrate mater of sin shal be drawen from his Permission of Sin. And to make way to this demonstration we must distinguish of Permission ; which is either legal or natural : Natural Permission is either divine or human ; and both either negative or positive . ( 1 ) God gives no legal Permission or Indulgence to sin , but on the contrary severely prohibites it , and that on pain of death . ( 2 ) Gods natural Permission as Rector of the World is not of sin simply as sin , but as conducible to the principal ends of his divine Gubernation . It 's true , Divine Permission regardes not only the substrate mater of sin , but also sin formally considered , and so sin under that reduplication , as sin , yet not simply considered , but as it has a tendence or conducibilitie to the advance of Divine Glorie : and so much is confessed by Strangius , l. 2. c. 22. p. 399. If the Reduplication be joined to the terme sin , it 's true , that sin as sin is permitted by God , physically not morally . Yet I adde , not simply , but respectively , as conducible to Gods supreme ends of Government . And Lud. Crocius , Duodec . Dissert . 8. Thes . 74. pag. 415. assertes , That God , albeit he wils and decrees only the material of sin , yet unbelieving and disobedient , both Iews and Cananites , &c. 2. Whereas he tels us , that the Mythologists say , Mars was the first that invented militarie weapons and affairs , &c. This may as well refer to Joshua , as to Nimrod . For albeit Nimrod began wars in Asia the greater , or Babylon ; yet we find no considerable wars amongst the Cananites , or Phenicians , till Ioshua's time ; who by reason of his great militarie Exploits and victories , might well be reputed the God of War , Mars , or Hercules . 3. That which may adde to this parallelizing of Mars with Ioshua is , that the Mythologists ( whom Diodorus here brings in as the Authors of this description ) found abundant more matter and reason to reduce the stories they had received by Tradition touching Ioshua , unto Mars , than those of Nimrod . For the stories of Ioshua were then , when Mythologie began to creep into the world , very fresh and pregnant , &c. 4. We have proved before , out of the concessions of Vossius himself , that Mars was the same with Hercules , and therefore with Ioshua . 3. Yet we need not reject , but may also allow , without any contradiction , a parallel betwixt Mars and Nimrod : as 1. Nimrod was called by his subjects , Belus . So Servius on Virg. Aen. 1. saies , that Belus was the first that reigned in the Assyrian Monarchie . Mars also had the same title given to him ; whence some derive bellum war , from Belus , Mars's name . 2. Nimrod is said to be a mighty hunter , i. e. Warrier , Gen 10. 8. so Mars . See more of this parallel betwixt Nimrod and Mars , in Vossius , de Idololatr . lib. 1. cap. 16. CHAP. VI. The Theogonie of Vulcan , Silenus , Pan , Prometheus , Neptune , Janus , Aeolus , Rhea , Minerva , Ceres , Niobe , and the Sirenes . Vulcan the same with Tubal cain , Gen. 4. 22. Silenus's parallel with , Silo , Gen. 40. 10. &c. Silenus the same with Silas and Silo . Silenus is said to be without Father and Mother ; as Silo and Melchisedek his Type Heb. 7. 3. Silenus is said to be the greatest Doctor of his Age , from Silo's Character Gen. 49. 10. Silenus's riding on an Asse , from Silo's Gen. 49. 11. Silenus's being filled with Wine , from Silo's Gen. 49. 12. Silenus's meat Cows milk , from Silo's Character Gen. 49. 12. Silenus's Parallel with Balaam . The Theogonie of Pan and his Parallel with the Hebrew Messias . Pan the same with Silenus , Faunus , and Satyrus . Pan's parallel with Abel , Israel , and Cham. Prometheus's Theogonie and Parallel with Noah : as also with Magog . Neptunes Theogonie and Parallel with Japhet . Janus's Parallel with Noah , and Javan . The Theogonie of Aeolus , Rhea , Minerva , Ceres , Niobe , and the Sirenes , Hebraick . § . 1. FRom Mars we passe to Vulcan , who was exactly parallel unto , and derived from Tubalcain , as both their Names and Attributes prove . First , as to the name Vulcan , Vossius de Idolatr . lib. 1. cap. 16. shews us that Vulcanus is the same with Tubalcanus Gen. 4. 22. only by a wonted and easy mutation of B into V. and casting away a syllable : as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lacte and from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rura : 2. As for the main Art or Office attributed to Vulcan , we have it mention'd by Diodorus lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. By Vulcan , as they say , was invented the fabrication of Iron , Brasse , Gold , Silver , and all other metals , which receive the operation of fire ; as also the universal use of fire , as imployed by Artificers and others . Whence the Masters of these Arts offer up their prayers and sacreds to this God chiefly : and by these , as by all others , Vulcan is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fire , and having by this means given a great benefit to the common life of men , he is consecrated to immortal memorie and honor . Thus Diodorus : wherein he gives us an exact account why the Mythologists consecrated Vulcan , and made him the God of Fire , and all Arts perfected by fire . Which exactly answers to the character given to Tubalcain Gen. 4. 22. Tubalcain an instructor of every Artificer in iron and brasse , &c. Thence Bochart in his Preface to Phaleg speaks thus : The Grecians , when they write of the first Inventors of things , to Tubalcain , who first invented the conflature of Metals , they substitute the Curetes , or the Cyclopes , or Vulcanus Lemnius , &c. This also exactly answers to Sanchoniathons character of Vulcan , whom ( according to Philo Byblius's Version ) he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Phenician Tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chores ur , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one , who by the operation of fire , fabricates metals into any forme : whence Lucian cals Vulcan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Poets feign him to be the chief fabricator of all Jupiters thunderbolts , &c. So Bochart Can. lib : 2. cap. 2. § . 2. We now come to Silenus , so famous amongst the Poets , whom they place in the order of their Gods ; whose Names , Genealogie , and Attributes , apparently prove him to have been , by a monstrous Satanick imitation , of sacred origination . 1. As for his Greek name , which is variously written either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 18. fol. 482. ) makes it to be an evident derivative from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silo , the Messias's name Gen. 49. 10. for from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silo comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silan , whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silenus . 2. Neither does Silenus agree with Silo , the Jewish Messias , in Name only , but also in Genealogie , according to that of Diodorus lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first that ruled at Nysa was Silenus ; whose Genealogie is unknown by all , by reason of his antiquitie . 1. As for Nysa , where Silenus reigned , it seems either the same with Mount Sina ( by the transposition of S. and N. ) the place where God delivered the law to Moses , who therefore was said to reign there , as Vossius ; or else Nysa is the same with the place where Moses , Exod. 17. 15. built an Altar , and called the name of it Jehovah Nissi . as C. 5. § 3. Whence Nysa according to Bochart , as before . And that which makes this more evident is , that this Nysa , where Silenus reigned , is the same with that of Bacchus , who is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the God of Nysa from that of Moses , Exod. 17. 15. Jehovah Nissi . For Bacchus and Silenus are made by the Poets to be inseparable companions as C. 3. § . 3. 2. As for Silenus's Genealogie , Diodorus also tels us , that it was unknown to all by reason of its Antiquitie or Eternitie : which answers to the Hebrews account of their Messias , Hebr. 7. 3. without father , without mother , having neither beginning of daies , &c. the character of Melchisedek , the type of Christ . 3. There is yet a more exact Parallel betwixt Silenus and the Hebrew Silo or Shiloh , as to Attributes , and Offices : for 1. Of Silo 't is said Gen. 49. 10. and to him shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Doctrine of the people , or the Congregation of the people , to be endoctrinated . Thus Silenus is also made by the Poets to be the greatest Doctor of his Age : for he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bacchus's Praeceptor , i. e. according to Vossius's account , Bacchus was Moses , and Silenus was Silo or Christ , who instructed Moses on Mount Sina or Nysa , the place where Bacchus and Silenus were said to be . Again Tertullian , de Anima cap. 2. makes Silenus to be a Phrygian , who being brought by the Pastors to Midas the King , he lent him his great Asses ears . Vossius ( de Idololat . lib. 1. cap. 21. ) thus deciphers this fable . It is no wonder that Midas is said to lend Silenus his Asses ears ; because he was the most intelligent of his Age both in nature and Antiquitie . The import is ; that Midas listened greatly to him as his Instructor . I suppose Silenus is said to be a Phrygian , because the Phrygians were some of the first great Mythologists , who traduced fables into Greece , particularly this of Silenus , from the Phenicians and Hebrews . 2. Another Attribute given to Silenus is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carried for the most part on an Asse : and hence Silenus had a particular remarque for riding on an Asse : which Bochart refers to that prophecie of Silo Gen. 49. 11. binding his Asses colt to the choice Vine . 3. The Mythologists fable Silenus , camrade of Bacchus , to be imployed in treading out the Grapes . This Bochart refers to Gen. 49. 11. he washed his garments in wine , and his cloths in the blood of Grapes , which is explicated Esa . 5. of such as tread out the grapes . 4. They characterize Silenus , as one that was alwaies drunk ; as 't is supposed from what followes Gen. 49. 12. His eyes shall be red with wine : which Solomon makes the character of one overcome with wine , Prov. 23. 29 , 30. to whom rednes of eyes , &c. 5. They ascribe to Silenus for his meat , Cows Milk : which Bochart makes to be traduced from Gen. 49. 12. and his teeth white with Milk. Whence he concludes thus : The Devil could have imagined nothing more abominable whereby to profane the most holy misteries of our Religion , and to expose it to the cavils of most wicked men , &c. 6. That Silenus had his original traduction from Silo the Jewish Messias will farther appear from that of Pausanius Eliacon . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The monument of Silenus remains in the Countrey of the Hebrews , i. e. all the Traditions of Silenus came from the Hebrews , whose Messias he was . I know , that Sandfordus de Descensu Christi l. 1. § . 21. supposeth Balaam to be Silenus . Nothing , saith he , hinders , but that Balaam should be Silenus ; namely , he who was so famous for his Asse , and Prophecie . The Ancients fable , that Bacchus gave a reward to a certain Asse that he should speak with human voice , with which the Giants , which were Bacchus's enemies , were terrified . Whence came these things but from the sacred Scriptures ? Numb . 22. 28. the Lord opened the mouth of the Asse , &c. which being divulged far and near , we need not doubt but that the Moabites were terrified thereat . So Stilling fleet , Origin . S. Book . 3. cap. 5. sect . 11. makes this whole fable of Silenus to be taken from the storie of Balaam , to whom he seems parallel ; in that both were noted for their skill in Divination ; both taken by the water , Numb . 22. 5. both noted for riding on an Asle , &c. Though t is possible , that many Branches of Silenus's storie may be referred to that of Balaam , yet I should rather refer the main of it to Silo , Gen. 49. 10. according to that of Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 18. fol. 482. ) The first of Bacchus's companions is Silenus , whose fable took its original from the prophecie of Silo , Gen. 49. 10. in a monstrous manner detorted &c. This may be farther evinced by what follows , of Pan , which some make the same with Silenus . § . 3. That Pan , whom the Poets feign to be the God of Shepherds , was parallel to , and , as t is presumed , originally traduced from the Jewish Messias , stiled the Shepherd of Israel , may be evinced from their parallel Names , Attributes , and Offices . 1. As for the origination of Pan , Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 18. fol. 483. ) groundedly draws it from the Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pan , which signifies such an one as is struck , or strikes with astonishing fears , and stupifying terrors , as Psal . 88. 16. and the reason of this notation is considerable : for Pan being supposed to be one of Bacchus's Commanders , is said to have sent astonishing fears on all their enemies ; whence that proverbial speech , of Pannick fears . This seems to allude to the storie of Israel's being conducted in the wildernesse by Christ , the Shepherd of Israel , who cast Pannick fears on all their Enemies : according to that confession of Rahab , Joshua 2. 9. Your terror is fallen upon us , &c. so v. 24. The inhabitants of the countrey do faint because of us . The like Joshua 5. 1. Their heart melted , neither was their spirit in them any more , because of the children of Israel . 2. Pan is called also by the Latines , Sylvanus : which some derive from Sylvis ; but other , on more probable conjecture , make it the same with the Greek Silenus , or Silas : and so in Scripture the same person , who is called Sylvanus , 1 Thes . 1. 1. is stiled Silas , Act. 17. 4. as Grotius , and Deodati . Now Silas is the same with Silenus , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silo , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Silan . 3. That which makes this farther evident , is the identitie betwixt Pan and Faunus ; which Bochart Can. lib. 1. cap. 18. asserts in these words . Faunus , amongst the Latines , is the same God , and of the same original with Pan : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with some sounds Fun. Thence Ovid , in Phaedra ; — Faunique Bicornes Numine contactas attonuere — And Bochart ( can . lib. 1. cap. 33. ) affirmes , that many make Faunus to be the same God with Sylvanus , and both the same with Pan : and then he addes , And truely , Evander Arcas was the first that brought the worship of Faunus into Latium , out of Arcadia , where Pan was worshipped . 4. Yea Vossius de Idololatr . lib. 1. cap. 8. seems to make Satyrus the same with Pan , Faunus , and Silenus : and the main difference he makes between them is onely this ; That whereas Pan , Faunus , Silenus , and Satyrus , are all wood Deities , the name Satyrus is more general , and usually attributed to the younger ; whereas that of Silenus was given to the more ancient . That which makes for this affirmation is , that Pan , Faunus , Satyrus , and Silenus are all reckoned as companions of Bacchus in his expedition . Bochart ( Can. lib : 1. cap. 18. fol. 483. ) derives Satyr from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sair , which amongst the Hebrews signifies both a Goat and Devil ; ( as Maimonides ) because the Devil oft presents himself in the forme of a Goat &c. But 2. To passe from names to the thing it self . Pan is said to be an Egyptian God , who came up with Bacchus to fight against the Giants . So Diodorus Sic. Bibl. 1. Unto this God Pan the natives not onely erect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Images in every Temple ; but also they have a citie in Thebais , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ i. e. Cham's citie , ] but interpret it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the citie of Pan. By which it is evident , that Pan was an Egyptian God , and , as we may presume , the same with the Hebrew Messias , who conducted Moses ( the Egyptian Bacchus ) and the Israelites out of Egypt , unto Canaan , striking terrors into the Cananites , as before . That Pan , the God of Shepherds , and those many fabulous Attributes and Offices given unto him , were originally borrowed from the Jewish Messias , held forth in the old Testament under the Embleme of a Shepherd , is proved at large by Jackson , in his discourse of the Divine Autoritie of sacred Scripture , fol. 31. where he cites a relation out of Plutarch , touching the mourning of the Demoniack Spirits , for the death of their great God Pan , and the ceasing of all their Oracles thereupon : which was truely and onely verified in Christ , whose death put a period to all Heathen Oracles , as both sacred and pagan stories relate . But to finish this Genealogie of Pan , Bochart ( in the Preface to his Phaleg fol. 2. ) reduceth his original to Abel . The Greeks ( saies he ) when they write of the first Inventors of things , substitute Pan the Arcadian unto Abel , the Prince of Pastors , &c. Sandford , de descensu Christi l. 1. § . 19. supposeth Pan to be the same with the Patriarch Israel , or Jacob. His words are these : for Joseph is that old Osyris , nourished by Pan , whom I conceive to be Israel . Dickinson , Delph , Phoenciz . cap. 4. makes Pan the same with Cham : which he indeavors to prove from that of Diodor. Sicul. l. 1. where the same citie in Egypt , which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the citie of Cham , is interpreted by the Natives , the citie of Pan. We need not exclude either of these Parallels with Pan ; because we find that the Mythologists were , according to their different humors , very difforme and different in the application of their Fables . Only , I suppose , the great Pan , so much idolized by the Poets as the God of Shepherds , refers chiefly to the Jewish Messias , the great Shepherd of Israel , as before . § . 4. We now proceed to Prometheus , and his Genealogie , Names , and Attributes , with their parallel in sacred storie and persons . There is some difference among Philologists about the Traduction of Prometheus ; some reducing him to Noah , others to Magog , Japhet's son : which controversie may be , with much ease , reconciled , by taking in both reductions . For its certain that the old Mythologists were no way uniforme or conforme in the application of those fables , they gleaned up in the Oriental parts . Therefore to begin with those who make Prometheus the same with Noah : as Vossius de Idololatr : lib. 1. cap. 18. pag. 141. The Patriarch Noah ( saies he ) is adumbrated to us , not onely in Saturne , but also in Prometheus , whose Feast is called at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which there is a contest of Lamps ; also an Altar in the Academie , on which the Lamps are wont to be kindled in this Contest ; as t is attested by Harpocration , &c. Thus Vossius . This Rite , consecrated to Prometheus , I presume , had its original Idea from the Lamps which burned in the Temple at Ierusalem , and from the fire on the Altar : whence also that fable of Prometheus's stealing fire from Heaven : ( which may allude to Elijah's praying for fire , which descended from Heaven , &c. ) But as to the parallel betwixt Prometheus and Noah , take these particulars . 1. As under Noah , so also under Prometheus , the great Floud was supposed to happen . So Diodorus , lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. They say that Nilus having broken down its bounds , overwhelmed a great part of Egypt , especially that part where Prometheus reigned , which destroyed the greatest part of men in his Territorie . Whereas some may object , that this is meant onely of a particular Deluge in Egypt , under Prometheus &c. T is replied , that as the Grecians attributed the general Floud to Deucalion , so the Egyptians attributed the same to Prometheus , or , as Eusebius , to Ogyges ; whereas all these fabulous Deluges , were but broken Traditions of the real universal Deluge under Noah . And particularly , that this under Prometheus was the same with that of Noah , Vossius endeavors to prove from the notation of the name : for ( saies he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies one who is so wise , as to foresee evil ; whereas on the contrary , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is one , who is too late , or after-wise : which agrees to Noah , who being divinely taught , foresaw the floud , and so preserved himself and his . 2. Prometheus is said to rebuild and restore human kind after the floud : which exactly answers to Noah , the father of Man-kind , &c. 3. Herodot : lib. 4. tels us , that Prometheus's wife was called Asia . And indeed , Noah's wife was no other than Asia , or Asiatica , an Asiatick . But whereas it may be objected , that Prometheus is made to be the son of Iapetus , and therefore cannot be Noah , but must be his Grandchild ; Vossius replies , that t is no wonder , if in Ages so remote , posteritie miscalled the Father and the son , and so confounded one with t'other . 2. Bochart , to avoid this contradiction , makes Prometheus to be Magog the son of Iapetus , or Japhet . So Bochart Phaleg lib. 1. cap. 2. fol. 11. also lib. 3. cap. 13. where he proves , that Prometheus is the same with Magog . 1. In that he is stiled the son of Iapetus ; as Magog was the son of Japhet . 2. From the eating of Prometheus's heart ; which fable sprang from the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magog ; which , being applied to the heart , implies its consumtion , or wasting away . 3. Prometheus is said to have his seat , and to lie in Caucasus ; because Magog , and his posteritie seated themselves there . 4. They fable , that fire and metals were invented by Prometheus , ( as formerly by Vulcan : ) because there are many subterraneous fires and metals in these places . Stillingfleet ; Orig. S. book 3. cap. 5. § 9. &c. follows Bochart herein . § . 5. From Prometheus we passe to Neptune ; which is indeed a name rather appellative and common , than proper . For as in ancient times , especially before the Trojan wars , they stiled all illustrious Kings , Jupiter , and all renowned Captains , Mars , or Hercules ; so also they called every Insular Prince by the name of Neptune : whence multitudes partook of one and the same name ; which made their characters and stories the more fabulous and ambiguous : yet are we not without evident ideas and notices of their Traduction , originally , from some sacred person or storie , as has been already demonstrated by a large enumeration of particulars ; which will farther appear by the genealogie and storie of Neptune , who according to the general consent of the Learned , was originally Japhet the son of Noah . For look , as the memorie of Noah was preserved in Saturne ; and of Shem ( whose posteritie possessed the septentrional and oriental Asia ) in Pluto ; and also of Cham ( whose progenie seated in the Meridional , Asia , & Africa ) in Jupiter Hammon : so also the memorie and storie of Japhet was continued in Neptune , as Philologists generally accord , and that one these rational conjectures : 1. From the very name Neptune ; which Bochart derives from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Niphtha , which belongs to Niphal , or the Passive Conjugation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patha to enlarge ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Japhet , according to the allusion of Noah Gen. 9. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Japht Elohim lejaphet , i. e. God shall enlarge Japhet . Proportionable whereto Neptune was called by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which Grammarians in vain attempt to deduce from the Greek tongue ; seeing , as Herodotus in Euterpe assures us ; the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was at first used by none , but the Libyans or Africans , who alwaies honored this God. Namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with the Punick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pesitan ; which signifies Expanse or broad ; from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pesat to dilate , or expand . Whence it appears , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Japhet are Synonymous ; and both derived from Radix's , signifying latitude : which well suits with Neptune's Character ; who is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 latè imperans and latifonans ; as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that has a large breast , &c. See more of this Bochart , Phaleg . lib. 3. cap. 1. 2. From the Genealogie of Neptune ; whom the Mythologists make to be Saturnes son ; as Japhet was son to Noah , who passed for Saturne . 3. Neptune was fabled to be the God of the Sea , and Instructor of Navigation ; So Diodorus lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. The Cretenses say , that amongst other Gods borne of Saturne and Rhea , Neptune first began to mannage the Affairs of the Sea , and to instruct for Navigation ; he having obtained this prefecture from Saturne , whence it came to passe , that in after time the common Vogue so far obtained , that whatever was done at Sea , was said to have been in the power of Neptune , and therefore the Mariners sacrificed unto him . Thus Diodorus . All which seems to have been taken up from the real storie of Japhet , & his Posteritie , their possessing the Ilands in the midland Sea , Greece , &c. So Bochart Phaleg lib. 1. cap. 2. Japhet ( saies he ) passed for Neptune the God of the Sea ; because his portion was in the Ilands and Peninsules . In the Ilands are Britannie , Ireland , Thule , Crete , Sicilie , Sardinia , Corsica , Baleares , &c. In the peninsules are Spain , Italie , Greece , Asia minor , &c. So Lactantius de falsa Relig. l. 1. c. 11. All the maritime places , with the Ilands , belonged unto Neptune , &c. This suits with Plato's origination of Neptunes Greek name ; who ( in his Cratylus ) deriveth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his giving drink , i. e. the Sea and Water unto all : which argues thus much , that they looked on Neptune as the God of the Sea , and that in allusion to Japhets possessing the maritime parts of Europe , &c. 4. Neptune was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Equestris : which is thus explicated by Diodorus lib. 5. where having spoken of Neptune as God of the Sea , he addes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They adde also this of Neptune , that he was the first that tamed horses ; and that the Science of Horsemanship was first delivered by him ; whence he was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good horseman . This also Vossius applies to Japhet : ( Vossius de Idolol lib. 1. cap. 15. pag. 118. ) his words are these : Japhet had for his portion the Mediterranean Ilands , and the European continent : wherefore his posteritie had need of a twofold Science , 1. Of Nautick , to direct them in their Navigation , 2. Of Horsemanship to conduct themselves in those rude and wild countries , thorow which they were to passe into the Northerne and Westerne parts of Europe . This I conjecture was the cause why Neptune , whom I interpret Japhet , was made to be the God of Nautick Science and sea Affairs , as also of Horsemanship , &c. But touching the Parallel 'twixt Japhet and Neptune , see more Bochart Phaleg . lib. 3. cap. 1. § 6. As for the Theogonie of Janus and his parallel ; if we consider him historically , and according to the Mythologie of the Poets , so he refers to the storie of Noah , or Javan . That which inclines some to make him Parallel with Noah , is 1. The cognation of his Name , with the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jain wine ; whereof Noah was the first Inventor , according to Vossius . Again , 2. Janus was pictured with a double forhead ; because he saw a double world , that before and after the Floud : as Noah . 3. As the beginning and propagation of mankind , after the Floud , was from Noah ; so also they ascribe the beginnings of all things unto Janus : whence the entrance to an house is called by the Romans , Janua ; and the entrance to the year Januarie . Whence some make the name Xisythrus , given by the Assyrians to Noah , ( as in the storie of the Floud Book . 3. chap. 6. § . 4. ) to signifie an entrance or door , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ziz a post or threshold of a door ; as Vossius . 4. Latium , where Janus's seat was , ( whence part of old Rome was called Janicule ) was called Oenotria . Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wine . Thus much for Janus's parallel with Noah . Others refer the origination ( both name and person ) of Janus to Javan the son of Japhet , the parent of the Europeans . For 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Javan is much the same with Janus . 2. Thence that of Horat. l. 1. 3. Japeti Genus . So Voss . Idol . l. 2. c. 16. Janus's name taken historically is the contract of Javan . § . 7. To Janus we might subjoin Aeolus , the God of the winds and King of the Aeoliar Ilands , with notices of his Traduction from the Phenicians and Hebrews . But we shall touch only on his name , which seems to be a good key or Index to decipher his fabulous Office. This fable of Aeolus , the God of the winds , is supposed to have been first brought into Greece by Homer ; who had it from the Phenicians ; with whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aol ( as the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifies a storme or tempest : which the Chaldee Paraphrase more fully expresseth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alol : and the King Aeolus is thought , by the Phenicians , to be the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aolin of Tempests : as Bochart Can lib. 1. cap. 33. fol. 658. § . 8. Having discoursed , at large , touching the chief of the Grecian Gods , and their Traduction from the sacred Oracles ; we shall briefly touch on sundry of their Goddesses , and their derivation from the same sacred fountain , 1. Noah is called Gen. 29. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a husband of the earth , i. e. a husband man. Whence the Mythologists made Saturne , i. e. Noah , the husband of Rhea , i. e. the Earth . Some derive Rea , by an easy anagrammatisme , from Era. So Sandford Descens . l. 1. § . 26. The Greeks refer Era. ( Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ere 's . ) i. e. the Earth , unto the number of their Gods : by what ceremonie ? Namely according to the old Grammarian rule , changing Era into Rea. After the same manner Aer began to be Hera : for this origination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have from Plato . I should rather derive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hera , Libera , which was Juno her name ; whence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cora , or Hora , and Ceres as before , C. 2. § . 1. & C. 5. § . 1. &c. 2. As for Minerva ; Vossius ( de Idololatr . lib. 1. cap. 17. ) makes her to be the same with Naamah , Tubalcains sister , Gen. 4. 22. Her name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stephanus makes to be Phenician ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which Bochart derives from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to move war ; whence the Oncean Gates at Thebes . The fable of Minerva her being borne out of Jupiters head , they generally refer to the generation of Christ , the Divine wisdome . 3. Ceres is by Bochart substituted , and made parallel to Adam , or Cain , the first tillers of ground . 4. Niobe is by some made the same with Lots wife , who was turned into a pillar of Salt , i. e. of Sulphureous , bitumenous , and salty matter ; wherein she was partaker of Sodoms judgement , which overtook her : whence the fable of Niobe , her being turned into a pillar of stone , &c. 5. As for the Sirenes , ( which according to the fable were in number three , partly Virgins , partly Birds , whereof one sung with voice , the other by pipe ; and tother by Harpe ) Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 28. ) makes the name to be purely Phenician , or Hebrew ; in which tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sir , signifies a song , ( whence Solomon's Song of songs , ) thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Siren , a singing monster , &c. 6. As for Juno , & Jana , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thence also Diana , Astarte , Venus , &c. we have fully handled them before , chap. 2. § . 9. Thus much for the Theogonie of the Grecian and Roman Gods , and Goddesses , which will receive farther evidence from what follows touching the Genealogie of the Phenician and Egyptian Gods. For that the former were but the product of the later , is evident . Thus Sandford de descensu l. 1. § . 6. We may not fetch the names of the Gods from the Grecians , but from the Phenicians or Egyptians . It remains therefore that we treat of the Apotheosis of the Barbarian names , which among those Ancients had not one and the same origination . For either some thing was coined out of forrein letters , the name being relinquisht : or the name , together with the thing , was traduced unto some mysteries of Religion . This again was accomplisht two manner of waies ; either when a forrein Name , ( so far as the nature of the Tongue would admit it ) the right order of the Letters being relinquisht , was referred unto the Gods ; or else the Letters being transposed or changed , a new name was composed out of the old ; which thence , according to the same laws of Tongues , was invested with the Rite of some Deitie . Thus all those appellations of the Gods , which Greece borrowed from the Barbarians , may be digested into 3 ranks . 1. Either they flow from the sole explication of Nature ; as from Abaddon sprang Apollon ; or if you will rather , according to the sacred Phraseologie , Apolluon : or 2. from the pronunciation of the name ; thus from Japhet was made Iapetos : or lastly from an Enallaxis of the Letters ; according to which for me it is as clear as the light , that from Adamah first sprang Hadam , and hence Hadan . Thus Sandford of the origination of the Grecian Gods from the Egyptian , Phenician , or Hebrew names . See more of this Chap. 7. § . 12. CHAP. VII . The Theogonie of the Phenician and Egyptian Gods , with their Hebrew origination . Baal from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Bel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El. Beelsamen from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beelzebub , 2 King. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Baal Peor , Pf. 106. 28. Numb . 25. 1 , 2 , 3. Moloch the same with Baal . Adramelech and Anamelech . 2 King. 17. 31. Esa . 30. 33. Tophet and Gehinnom , whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Samothracian Cabiri , Phenician Gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God's name , Ps . 119. 137. Cabiri from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Axieros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Axiokersos from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cadmilus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the minister of God. Eliun from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God's name . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Jud. 8. 33. Plautus's Paenulus : Alonim &c. from Gen. 14. 19. Ilus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Heliogabalus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elohim . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gen. 28. 18. The Egyptian Gods , their original Hebrew . Apis , a symbol of Joseph ; so Serapis , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gen. 45. 8. Osiris the same with Moses or Adam , as Isis with Eve , from Ischa . Mnevis the same with Joseph . Of Orus , Remphan , &c. The Metamorphoses of the Gods in Egypt . The causes of Mythologick Theologie ▪ § . 1. HAving gone through Hellenisme , or the Grecian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we now passe on to the Oriental Gods , with endeavors to demonstrate how their Genealogie , Names , and Attributes , received their derivation from the sacred Language and Oracles : We shall begin with the Phenician Gods , which were the first , if not as to time , yet as to dignitie ; whence the Grecians traduced the chiefest of their Gods. And amongst the Phenician Gods , the chief was Baal , Bel , or Belus ; concerning which there is some difference amongst Philologists ; yet all unanimously concur in this , that its origination was from some Hebrew and sacred name ; which will evidently appear from the notation thereof . Damascius , in the life of Isidore , mentioned by Photius , tels us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Phenicians and Syrians call Saturne El , Bel , and Bolathen . Vossius makes Bel the contract of Beel , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal , the Lord , which name belonged originally to God , as it appears from Hosea 2. 16 , 17. But Servius , on Virgil , supposeth Bel to come of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El , Gods name ; whence the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El , and the Digamma being added , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bel , and so Belus . Bochart , in a personal conference he favored me with , gave me a good conciliation of these two opinions , by affirming , that there was originally a twofold Belus , the one Assyrian , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , originally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Assyrian God ; whence Nimrod , the first of the Assyrian Monarchie , was called Belus : the other Belus was a Phenician , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal , the Phenician God ; whence Ithobaal , King of Tyre , and Jezabel his daughter ; as also many of the Phenician Kings , who were called Belus . T is true ; Bochart makes the Phenician 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal , to have had its original from the first Phenician King of that name ; but yet I conceive it not improbable , but that the first Phenician King , might be so called from their Gods name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal ; which was the title they gave the Sun , from his office , Gen. 1. 16. as he was reputed the Lord of Heaven : or else , which seems most probable , we may suppose the Phenicians to have had various 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baalim ; some supreme , which they stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , natural and immortal Gods ; such were the Sun and Moon : others , which they stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mortal Gods , viz. the souls of their great Heroes and Kings . As for the former supreme natural Gods , ▪ they called the Sun Baal , and the Moon Baaltis or Beltis , that is , in the Scripture language , the Queen of Heaven . As for the mortal or made Baalim , they were no other than the Souls of their chief Heroes , or Princes , which after their death received an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Deification ; and so became a kind of midling Gods , or Mediators betwixt the supreme Gods and men , ( which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demons ) whereof we find frequent mention in Scripture as Jud. 10. 6. 13. The Phenicians stiled their supreme Baal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal Samen . So Sanchoniathon , according to the Version of Philo Byblius , in Eusebius praepar . lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A drought happening , they lift up their hands to heaven , to the Sun. For this ( saies Sanchoniathon ) they account the only God ; calling him Belsamen , the Lord of Heaven . Beelsamen here , according to Philo Byblius's explication , is in the Phenician Tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beelsamen i. e. the Lord of Heaven : whence Philo Byblius immediately subjoins . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is in the Phenician Tongue , Lord of heaven . To which he addes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the Greek tongue , he is zeus Jupiter . So that Belsamen is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jupiter Olympius . So Vossius , de Idolol . lib. 2. cap. 4. This ( saies he ) we may confirme from the Hebrew Tongue , which differs in dialect only from the Phenician . For what the Phenicians pronounce Beelsamen , the Hebrews write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baal Schamaim , i. e. Lord of heaven &c. Thus also Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 42. ) And indeed all this touching Belsamen , Sanchoniathon seems to have evidently traduced from that function or Office , which God had laid on the Sun , mentioned Gen. 1. 16. the greater light to rule the day as Psal . 136. 8. § . 2. This Phenician God Beelsamen , the Jews called Beelzebub , as 2 King. 1. 2. Baalzebub the God of Ekron . Concerning the Etymon of Baalzebub , various are the conjectures of the Learned . The additament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zebub signifies a flie : whence some think it was added by the Jews in a way of opprobium , or scorne ; as if one should say , the Lord of a flie . It is most probable , that this name Beelzebub was given this Idol God , not by the Accaronites or Phenicians , but by the Jews ; and that from a great contempt and just hatred of the Accaronitick Idolatrie . Yea Vossius ( de Idolol . lib. 2. cap. 4. ) following the conjecture of learned Jos . Scaliger herein , thinks that this name Beelzebub was curtaild by the Jews ; who , by an easy mutation , turned the Accaronitick name ( according to Scaliger ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baal zebahim , the Lord of Sacrifices , into the contemptuous Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal zebub , the Lord of flies , i. e. a God that regarded only flies ; or that could not drive away the flies , by reason of their multitude , from the Sacrifices . This name Beelzebub is , in the New Testament , changedinto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beelzebul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zebul , for greater contempt sake : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies dung or abominable , by which name the Gentile Gods are characterized , 2 King. 23. 24. whence this name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the New Testament applied to the Prince of the Devils : as indeed this Accaronitick Beelzebub was the chief of their Idols . Hence also Hell was by the Greeks called Accaron , according to that of the poet , Acheronta movebo ; because Beelzebub the Prince of those Demon Idols , was God of Accaron , as M●de and Bochart . The like Glassius ( lib. 4. Grammat . S. Tract . 3. observ . 4. ) The name Baalzebub 2. Kin. 1. 2. which in the New Testament is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , B being changed into L. Mat. 12. 24. Luk. 11. 15. refers to the Idol of Ekron , and signifies the Lord of a flie or flies : peradventure because it was thought to drive away those pernicious flies which infested the Ekronitish countrey , as Hercules was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from his driving away Locusts , and Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from dispersing the Phrygian mice . — The Jews traduced the name of this Idol to expresse the Devil by , and moreover changed Beelzebub into Beelzebul , which signifies the Lord of dung . See more of this in Selden de Diis . Syrum Syntag. 2. p. 211. That Beelzebub was the same with Beelsamen &c. See Owen de Idolol . lib. 5. c. 5. § . 3. This Phenician Baal passed amongst the Moabites and Midianites under the Name of Baal Peor . So Numb . 25. 2 , 3 , 6. Psal . 106. 28. Hos . 9. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal peor , which the LXX render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He was called Baalpeor from the mountain Peor , where he was worshipped as Num. 23. 28. So Apollinaris ( Catena patrum Graecorum ) on Psa . 106. 28. And they were joined to Baal peor ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The Idol of Baal is in the place of Peor ; but the Greeks call Baal Belus , whom they affirme also to be Saturne . Joseph Scaliger makes Baal Peor to signifie the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thundering Jupiter . Jerom on Hos . 9. lib. 2. tels us , that Baal peor the Idol of the Moabites , is the same with Priapus . So Isidorus Orig. lib. 8. cap. 11. Baal peor ( saies he ) is interpreted an image of ignominie ; for it was an Idol of Moab , sirnamed Baal , on the mount of Peor , which the Latins call Priapus , the God of Gardens , &c. That this Baal peor was the same with the Grecian Priapus , seems evident by their parallel sacrifices and worship . For , as fornication was a main piece of worship , they performed to their lascivious God Priapus , so we find the same performed to Baal peor , even by the Israelites . So Numb . 25. 1. Israel is said to commit whoredom with the daughters of Moab : which is explicated v. 2. by bowing down to their Gods ] . i. e. in a way of fornication : whence 't is said vers . 3. Israel joined himself to Baal peor ] i. e. worshipped him by fornication . We have it expressed in the same manner , Psal . 106. 28. By , joining themselves to Baal peor , is ment their worshipping him by fornication : and by eating the sacrifices of the dead we must understand ( with Austin on this place ) their sacrificing to dead men , as to Gods or Baalim . They worshipt Baal peor , their chief God , ( which Vossius makes to be the Sun ) by fornication and sacrifices : or else we may refer these sacrifices of the dead to those they performed to their inferior Baalim , which were but some noble Heroes or Princes ; who after their death were deifyed , and so became midling Gods or Mediators ; as elsewhere . But thus much for Baal peor , concerning whom , see more Vossius de Idololatr . lib. 2. c. 7. § . 4. The Phenician Baal passed amongst the Ammonites under the name of Moloch , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Melek , the King. So 1 King. 11. 7. Moloch is stiled the Abomination of Ammon , which v. 5. is stiled Milcom , &c. So Lev. 18. 21. Lev. 20. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 2 Kings 23. 10. Thus Amos 5. 26. with the parallel , Act. 7. 43. we find mention of the Tabernacle of Moloch ; where Iunius and Tremelius subjoin this exegetick Note : You have ministred in shew in the Tabernacle of the Living God ; but you have worshipped really Moloch , the God of the Ammonites , ( which by your impietie you have made yours ) and other Gods of the Heathens , Synecdochically . This God of the Ammonites the Prophet , in this place onely , mentions , because the Ammonites being their neighbors , he would more sharply strike at their Idolatrie . Tarnovius saies , that the Affixe in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes , that the Israelites framed an Idol proper to themselves , according to the forme of the Ammonitick Idol . See more Glassius Gram. S. lib. 4. Tract . 3. observ . 17. ( pag. 867. edit . 2 2. ) That Moloch is the same with Baal or Belus , appears 1. from the parallel import of the names : for as Baal signifies Lord , so Moloch King. 2. We find them also both joined in one word , Malech Belus , i. e. Lord King. 3. Their identitie is farther evident from the image of Moloch ; which consisted of 7 conclaves , relating to the Sun , Moon , and 5. Planets ; answerable to that of Baal . 4. Baal and Moloch had also the same reference : for as Baal passed for the Sun and Saturne , so Moloch . 5. Their Identitie is farther apparent from the samenes of their worship . So Owen ( de Idololatr . lib. cap. 7. ) That Moloch ( saies he ) is the same with Baal , seems to be evident from the samenes of their worship : for they sacrificed also their sons to Baal and that in the valley of Hinnom , as Jer. 7. 31. &c. As for the worship performed to Moloch , we have a general account thereof in the Scriptures above named ; namely , that the Parents in honor of this Idol God , were wont to traduce their children through the fire . This Traduction , as Vossius ( de Idolo . lib. 2. cap. 5. ) will have it , was not a burning of them , but februation , i. e. purgation of them ; or a certain kind of expiation , wherein the children were led or drawn by the Priests , or parents , through a space between two great fires , &c. This he conceives is the meaning of all these Scriptures which mention their passing through the fire , not their combustion . Though he denies not , but that , besides this kind of Februation , there were also expiations made by burning of persons in times of calamitie , &c. This explication of that Learned man seems not to answer fully the mind and import of those Scriptures , which mention the sacrificing their children to Moloch : for Psal . 106. 37 , 38. t is said , they sacrificed their sons and daughters to Devils , and shed innocent bloud , the bloud of their sons &c. Unto Moloch we may refer the Gods of Sepharvajim , Adramelech , and Anamelech ; to whom also they burned their sons , as 2 King. 17. 31. Adramelech , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies the great and valiant Moloch , or King. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Addir is an attribute given unto God , which signifies properly potent , valiant , great , excellent , as Psal . 93 4. Anamelech imports the oracle , or answer of Moloch : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies an answer . Or else it may be derived from the Arabick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies rich , as Voss . lib. 2. c. 5. Bochart ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 28. fol. 584. ) tels us , that Adranus is the name of a Syrian or Phenician God , as the Compound Adra-melech , 2 King. 17. 31. which Idol , some of the Hebrews make to have the effigies of a Mule , others of a Peacock . This Adramelech signifies a magnifick King , &c. I shall conclude this of Moloch , with that account I find of him in Bochart , ( Can. lib. 1. cap. 28. fol. 528. ) Tophet , amongst the Hebrews , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fire of Gehinnom , i. e. the valley of Hinnom , or Hell , as they take it Job . 17. 6. and Esa . 30. 33. the translation being taken from the valley of Tophet , which is also Gehinnom ; in which they were wont to cast their children alive into the fire , in honor of their Idol Moloch , as 2 King. 23. 10. and Jer. 7. 31. 32. which custome the Phenicians usurped before Moses's time ; as it appears Levit. 18. 21. Deut. 18. 10. and the Carthaginians reteined this impious superstition even unto Hannibal's time . Thus Bochart . § . 5. Amongst the Phenician Gods we may reckon the fourseth the Sinceritie and Fidelitie of God , in giving Laws with severe Prohibitions against sin , Promises and Invitations unto Sinners to repent , &c. To this first branch of their Objection we shal answer more distinctly and in its parts in what follows , § . 3 , 4 , 5. at present let this general Response suffice , that the Sinceritie and Faithfulnesse of God is sufficiently vindicated , in that Gods Commands , Promises , and Invitations unto Sinners , flow from his complacential , legislative Wil , which is the Measure , Rule , and Reason of our dutie and actings towards God ; but his Predeterminative Concurse flows from his Beneplacite Decretive Wil , the Rule and Measure of his own actings towards his Creature : Now these two wils , albeit they are not repugnant each to other , because they are not ad idem , yet they are disparate and diverse : the things commanded by God may be repugnant to the things predetermined by him , yet his wil commanding is not repugnant to his wil predetermining . Indeed Gods preceptive wil is only in an analogic , figurative improper sense termed the wil of God , as significative of his soverain pleasure for the Government of his Creature ; and therefore Gods predetermining men to the material act of what is sinful , implies not the least shadow of repugnance to his Sinceritie and Fidelitie in giving Laws and Prohibitions against Sin , or Promises to penitent Sinners . Yea , there is nothing that our Adversaries can urge against us for asserting a predeterminative Concurse , but may be retorted against them for asserting an immediate previous Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin : Yea , let them but grant , as they do , Gods certain prescience of sin , and the same black Imputations which they lode us with , wil al fal with as much weight on themselves , as before Chap. 5. § . 2. 2. As for what they urge from the Justice of God , that our Hypothesis is contradictory thereto , in that he cannot in Justice punish that Sin , which he predetermines men unto , we answer , ( 1 ) That Gods Predetermination lays no violent force or compulsion on the wil to sin : he doth only as the first cause and God of Nature sweetly though potently applie the wil to its act . ( 2 ) The wil doth in the very same moment , wherein it is predetermined by God , voluntarily and freely , as a deficient depraved facultie , elect the very act it is predetermined unto ; so that it doth as freely , deliberately , and fully espouse the act , as if there were no Predetermination on Gods part : and what more just than that the Sinner should be severely punished for that sinful act which he doth deliberately and voluntarily exert ? ( 3 ) Here is in this objection a poor Sophisme , which they cal No-cause for a cause : For Gods predeterminative Concurse is not the cause of mens sins , albeit mens sins be a necessary consequent thereof . ( 4 ) The same difficulties , which our Adversaries urge us with in point of Divine Justice , return on them , who assert an immediate previous Concurse to the Mater of Sin ; neither can they without apparent violence to their own Reason impute this objection to us , which their own Hypothesis is as much obnoxious unto . 3. They urge us with an Imputation on the Clemence and Mercie of God , in that predeterminative Concurse to the entitative Act of Sin , makes the blessed God to be cruel towards his poor Creature ; and this two ways : As ( 1 ) In that it makes God absolutely to predestine or reprobate men to eternal Punishment , without regard to their Sins . ( 2 ) In that it supposeth the blessed God to threaten and punish Sin with eternal Torments , and yet irresistibly to predetermine yea impel men thereto , as Baron . Metaph. p. 151. This Objection our Adversaries adorne and exaggerate with many specious and plausible pretextes for the Vindication of Divine Clemence and Mercy , as they pretend , and for our confusion ; Yet we no way dout but to make it appear , that al is but as emty vapor before the Meridian Sun. Therefore to answer , ( 1 ) to the first branch of the Objection , That our Hypothesis makes God absolutely to predestine or reprobate men to eternal Punishment , without regard to their sins , [ 1 ] We grant , that the Decree of Reprobation is , and must be according to our Hypothesis , absolute , because there is an adequate commensuration between absolute Predefinition and Predetermination , as our Adversaries also maintain ; of which before Chap. 5. § . 3. [ 2 ] Yet we peremtorily denie , that God reprobates or predestines men to eternal punishment without any regard to their sins . Divines say , that albeit sin be not the motive or ground moving God to reprobate men , yet it is considered in the Decree of Reprobation as that for which God wil at last condemn men . It 's true , the Supralapsarian Divines , who make man as labile the object of Reprobation , differ somewhat from those of the sublapsarian perswasion , who make the corrupt masse , or lapsed man the object of Election and Reprobation ; yet they both take in the consideration of sin in the Decree of Reprobation ; and they both make the Decree of Reprobation in it self absolute : for the Sublapsarians make sin only a commun condition of the corrupt Masse , not distinctive or discriminative of Reprobates from the Elect ; as Davenant , Animadvers . on Gods Love , p. 84. proves , That the Supralapsarians charge not Gods Reprobation with mans destruction ; Though he himself goes the Sublapsarian way . But , [ 3 ] Here lies the bitter root of this forged Imputation affixed on us by our Adversaries , that they consider the Decree of Reprobation as an act of Divine Justice , which regards the object as already constituted , and not the constitution thereof . This is incomparably wel observed by judicious Davenant in his answer to Hoard , Animadvers . p. 229. For those Inferences therefore , That if absolute Reprobation be granted , God may be properly called a Father of Crueltie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I marvel how he trembled to thinke of them , and how he never trembled to utter them . That wherein he perpetually is mistaken , is , the making of Non-election or Negative Reprobation a Vindicative act , the confounding it with the judicial Sentence of Damnation , the conceiving it to worke in the Non-elect an invincible necessitie of committing Sin , with such like monstrous fansies , which he takes for Principles needing no proof , whereas they are such grosse errors as need no confutation . ( 2 ) The second part of the Objection , which supposeth the blessed God to threaten and punish Sin with eternal torments , and yet irresistibly to predetermine and impel men thereunto , has been sufficiently refuted in what precedes , § . 1. and indeed throughout this whole Discourse , and wil also come under consideration in what follows . 4. Our Adversaries charge also our Hypothesis with a Repugnance to the Sanctitie and Puritie of the Divine Nature , in that , by asserting Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin , we make the act of sin to be wel-pleasing to God. This objection is greatly aggravated by a Reverend Divine among our selves , who in the confutation of Twisse , argues thus : If God willeth that sin existe by his Permission , ( 1 ) He willeth Sin. Yea , ( 2 ) God wils sin as much as man. Yea , ( 3 ) This makes God equally to wil Sin and Holiness . Yea , ( 4 ) Then God takes complacence in Sin. Answer . These are high charges indeed , and if they could be made good against us , we should not deserve protection from any wel-governed Kingdome or State : for what more inconsistent with civil Government , than to make the Supreme Rector and Governor of Mankind equally to wil Sin and Holinesse ? But these Calumnies and Reproches are not of yesterday , but have been time out of mind imputed to the assertors of Efficacious Concurse , and therefore we have been more large in the refuting of them , § . 1. of this Chapter . Thus Bradwardine , De Caus . l. 2. c. 28. p. 572. When it is argued , saith he , that the sinful act doth please God Wel , ( 1 ) The Adverbe Wel may determine the Verbe to please God , in regard of the Divine complacence , and so there is no dout , but that as the evil Act [ entitatively considered ] doth please him , so it is highly wel-pleasing to him : or ( 2 ) in regard of the Act that is wel-pleasing ; and that either in regard of the substance of the act , or in regard of its vitiositie : [ 1 ] If we regard the act naturally , so it 's true , that it is wel-pleasing to God , but if we regard it morally , so it 's false . [ 2 ] If we regard the vitiositie of the act , so it is not properly effected by man , nor yet by God , it being not properly an effect , but pure Privation only . An acute and excellent Decision of this Controversie , were not the minds of men eaten out with Prejudices ; the sum whereof is this , The Act of sin entitatively and substantially considered is naturally good , and so wel-pleasing unto God , the Author of Nature ; yet if we consider it morally in regard of its Vitiositie , so it is infinitely displeasing to God. This is as a Key to open the dore to a more ful solution to al objections against us : so that at present we need say no more than this , that our Hypothesis is no more obnoxious to these aspersions , than that of our Adversaries . Is not the Divine Sanctitie as illustrious in Gods predetermining to the substrate mater of Sin , as if we held only with our Adversaries an immediate previous concurse thereto ? Are not those very Acts , which are morally evil as to the Sinner , both naturally and morally good as to God ? Suppose he predetermine to the entitative act of sin , yet must we thence necessarily conclude , that he predetermines men to sin formally considered ? Must not the sinful qualities of al moral effects be imputed to the second particular cause , and not to the first universal cause ? It 's true , the Sinner comes short of the Divine Law , and therefore sins , but doth God come short of any Law ? Has not his Wil the same Rectitude which his Nature is invested with , and therefore whatever he wils must be right and holy , even because he wils it ? The sin which he governs , is it not only sin in regard of the Creatures wil , not in regard of his wil ? It is confest , that God and the Sinner concur to the same sinful act materially considered ; but yet is their Concurse the same ? Yea is there not morally an infinite distance between the one and the other ? Doth Sin as to Gods Concurse , include any more than a natural act , which is in regard of God and the conducibilitie it has to his glorie morally good ? but doth it not , as to mans Concurse , speake moral vitiositie ? Again , what doth Gods permission of sin implie , but a natural or judiciary Negation of that Grace he is no way obliged to give ? But doth not sin as to the sinner denote a moral privation or deficience of that rectitude which ought to be in his act ? Is there any thing in the world purely , simply , and of it self sinful , without some substrate mater naturally good ? What reason therefore can our Adversaries allege , why God may not predetermine the wil to the said substrate mater , without prejudice to his Sanctitie ? § . 3. We descend now to a third objection taken from the Word of God , both Preceptive and Promissive , which divine Predetermination of the wil to the substrate mater of sin , doth , according to the Antithesis of our Adversaries , render uselesse , impossible , yea collusive and unsincere . For say they , Gods Precepts , Promises and Comminations , whereof mans Nature is capable , should be al made Impertinences , through his constant overpowering those that should neglect them . 1. As to Gods Laws and Prohibitions they urge , That our Hypothesis renders them altogether uselesse , yea naturally and simply impossible . This they exaggerate with many fine words and rhetoric flourishes , which are the best armes they have to defend their declining cause with . But having God and Truth , though naked and simple , on our side , we no way dout but to stand our ground against al their fiery , or venimous darts . And in answer to the first part of their Objection from the Impossibilitie of divine Precepts and Prohibitions , we answer , ( 1 ) That our Adversaries greatly please themselves in their false sophistic Ideas and Notions of what is possible , or impossible ; which we have endeavoured to clear from that ambiguitie and confusion , Chap. 1. § . 4. with endeavors to explicate what is possible and what impossible to corrupt Nature , as to divine Commands . ( 2 ) We are to know , that the Laws of God in their Second Edition were primarily intended to subserve the ends of the Gospel as to the heirs of Salvation , to whom they are by Grace in an Evangelic way made possible . The Law is said to be given in and by the hands of the Mediator , i. e. to subserve his ends , which principally regard the Elect. ( 3 ) Yet we grant , that the Law is also of great use even unto Reprobates , [ 1 ] In that it lays a great restraint on them , not only as to wicked actions , but also as to lusts in some measure , as Exod. 34. 24. The Autoritie and Majestie of Divine Precepts , backed with many severe Curses , leaves a great awe and restraint sometimes on the most debaucht spirits , and so keeps their lusts from open violences . [ 2 ] The Precepts are so far useful to Reprobates , albeit they have no power to observe them , in that they are thereby instructed , how much obedience is wel-pleasing to God , and how ungrateful they are in not performing of it : whereby they are left without al Apologie or Excuse . The Precept shews us what we ought to do , not what we can do : it is always imperative , albeit not always operative : and may not the Soverain Lord require of man the payment of his debts , although by reason of his profligate bankrupt humor he hath disabled himself from the payment of them ? What excuse is it for the Sinner to say , it is impossible for him to obey the Precept , whenas the impossibilitie lies in his own wil , not in any force or defect on Gods part ? Doth he not in that very moment , wherein he is predetermined by God to the entitative act of Sin , voluntarily espouse and wil that act ? And doth not this leave him without al shadow of Excuse ? Where can he loge the blame of his Sin but on his own crooked depraved wil , which electively and freely determines it self to the Sin , in the same moment of time , though not of nature , that it is predetermined by God to the entitative act ? ( 4 ) We affirme , that Gods certain Prescience of Mens sins , with the conditional Decree of Reprobation , Gods immediate previous Concurse to the entitative act of sin , and mans universal impotence to perform what is spiritually good , which are al granted by our Adversaries , bring sinners under as great impossibilitie of obeying Gods Commands , as absolute Reprobation and predeterminative Concurse to the mater of Sin asserted by us . This is wel demonstrated by a judicious and awakened Author in his late Letter touching Gods Providence about sinful Acts , &c. from p. 67. to 74. But because he is a party , I shal mention only the Response of Davenant , Animadv . p. 341. As for Gods Law , which cannot be kept without supernatural Grace , we say , that men are as capable of any supernatural Grace , considered under the absolute Decrees maintained by S. Augustine , and by the Church of England , as considered under the conditional Decrees of late framed by Arminius . And p. 418. he strongly proves , That Divine eternal Prescience of future Actions or Events infers as absolute a necessitie of such events and impossibilitie of the contrary , as the Decrees of absolute Predestination and Reprobation do ▪ of which hereafter , § . 8. 2. As for the later part of our Opponents Objection , From the Promisses and Invitations of God , which are made uselesse and collusive by our supposed divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of Sin , we answer , ( 1 ) That al Gods Promisses and evangelic Invitations , which are but branches of the Covenant of Grace , are primarily intended for the elect Heirs of Salvation , to whom they are many ways useful , notwithstanding Divine Predetermination : For the blessed God promiseth life and happinesse on the condition of Repentance and Believing , not as if there were any potence or abilitie in corrupt nature , by its own free-wil , to accept of these offers , or performe the Condition on which the offers depend , but thereby convincing the Soul of its extreme impotence , he doth together with the offer and invitation made conveigh Grace into the elect Soul , for the inabling of it to performe the Condition : So that these general and conditional Promisses are in reference to the Elect , for whom they are primarily designed , operative of Grace , albeit as to others they are only exactive of dutie : whence the impossibilitie which attends corrupt Nature is taken off as to the Elect by Divine Grace . ( 2 ) Neither are those general evangelic Promisses and Invitations uselesse as to Reprobates : for , [ 1 ] They declare the infallible and essential connexion which there is between the condition and the thing promised therein , namely , Life and Salvation . And to make this more clear , we are to remember , that both Logic and rectified Reason assures us , that a conditional enunciation doth not always note a possibilitie of the Antecedent , and Consequent , but only their necessary connexion : that in al conditional Propositions , on which evangelic Exhortations and Invitations are founded , there cannot be supposed an indifferent and indeterminate possibilitie of the Antecedent and Consequent , but only the connexion of the Antecedent with the Consequent , is evident from that of our Lord , John 15 6. If a man abide not in me he is cast forth , &c. Whence it is apparent , that a solid and serious Invitation unto Sinners may be built on a Condition in some mode impossible : The God of al grace has , by his evangelic Constitution and Covenant , established an inviolable connexion between Faith and Salvation , so that this Proposition is infallibly true , If thou believest , thou shalt be saved : and the holy God has given his Ministers Commission to preach it to al Mankind , neither is there the least collusion or fraudulent intention on Gods part , albeit he doth predetermine the Most of men to the substrate mater of Unbelief : for the sinceritie of Gods intention appears in the realitie of the offer , which consistes in the infallible connexion of the Consequent with the Antecedent , grounded on the evangelic Pactum or Ordination , as Davenant wel observes , Animadvers . on Gods Love , p. 377. where he shews , That the Decree of God , permitting Pharaoh to abuse the gifts of God to his own destruction , was not contrary unto the end or use whereunto those gifts and actions of God had a fitting ordination in their own nature . So p. 387 , 388. he demonstrates , That Divine eternal Decrees , whereupon may infallibly be inferred the abuse of Grace temporally offered , do not crosse the end for which such Grace is administred to persons not elected . And he gives this reason for it , p. 352. God meaning must be always interpreted according to the known nature of the Means , and not according to the unknown Wil of God concerning the infallible event or successe of the Means . Gods meaning , when he offers any Grace unto men , is that they should performe such actions whereunto such grace conduceth : and his meaning when he promiseth glory unto any man , if he believe and persevere , is truely to performe it if he so do . But it is not always Gods absolute wil to cause men to use his Grace to their own good . — If the Remonstrants wil have nothing termed Gods meaning but his absolute Wil , in their opinion as wel as in ours it wil follow , that God had no meaning to give Cain or Judas saving Grace or Glorie . Lastly , p. 392 , 393 , 394. he proves , That God doth by his wil of Approbation and Complacence unfeignedly wil what he commands and exhorts men to , albeit he decree the contrary event . Hence , [ 2 ] These general Promisses and Invitations have this use also as to Reprobates , that it leaves them without the least shadow of pretence or Excuse for their unbelief : for if God doth by such Promisses and Invitations declare his real intention to save men if they believe , and withal an expectation that they accept his offers , yea , his complacence in such an acceptation in order to life , with a provision of al means necessary thereto , what excuse can men have for unbelief ? Wil they say , that Gods predetermining men to the entitative act of unbelief contradicts such a real intention ? Take the Replie of Davenant , Animadv . p. 271. We answer , that God is no otherwise said to intend outward events , than by providing orderly means for the producing such events . Non-election provideth no means of making men sin , and therefore it includeth no intention of God to make men sin , though it include a prevision of sinful Events , and a Decree to permit them , &c. ( 3 ) The Hypothesis of our Adversaries in granting Predetermination to what is good , and Divine Prescience of sinful acts , doth as much dispirit and destroy the use of Divine Promisses and Invitations as ours . For , [ 1 ] In that they assert none can performe the condition required , and so embrace the evangelic offer made , without efficacious predeterminative grace , do they not leave al Reprobates under as great an impossibilitie of Believing as we do ? Are not al offers , for want of this predeterminative Grace , altogether uselesse to them , for whom it never was intended ? [ 2 ] So also as to Gods certain Prescience of their Sins , did not God , according to their Concessions , certainly foreknow , that they would never , yea never could accept of the offers made to them , without predeterminative Grace , which he decreed never to give them ? Hence doth not this certain Prescience infer as natural and absolute impossibilitie , as our predeterminative Concurse to the entitative act of Sin ? This is wel argued by Davenant , Animadv . p. 242. His [ Hoard's ] nibbling at the Synod of Dort , and charging them with mantaining a fatal Decree , is to little purpose . If he cal that fatal , which is certain and immutable , we are not afraid to affirm , that al Gods eternal Decrees are certain and immutable ; and that very eternal Decree of Reprobation , which he imagines to follow upon the foresight of mens final impenitence , is as absolute and immutable , and in this sense as fatal as that which we defend . Thus also p. 332. The Remonstrants ( we adde also the New Methodists ) dare not promise Salvation to any persons reprobated , according to their decree founded upon the prevision of their final Infidelitie and Impenitence , but under these Conditions , Si crediderint & poenituerint , if they shal believe and repent : we assure them of Salvation under the same conditions , notwithstanding the absolute Decree of their Non-election , we adde , and Gods Predetermination to the entitative act of Sin. ( 4 ) To put a period to the vain Cavils of our Adversaries , we grant , that even Reprobates , notwithstanding Gods absolute Reprobation , and Predetermination unto the entitative act of sin , stil retain a remote radical power and Indifference of wil to embrace the good things offered in the Gospel . For neither doth the natural corruption of the wil , nor yet Divine Predetermination to the substrate mater of sin take away the radical Indifference or Flexibilitie of the Wil , or the passive , natural remote power it is naturally invested with , as a rational elective facultie , to embrace whatever good , whether natural or spiritual , that is absolutely or conditionally tendered to it : and this sufficeth to ground divine Exhortations and Invitations on ; for the Propositions and Offers being made to rational Creatures , they might , were they but willing , embrace the things that belong to their peace tendered to them ; but here lies the Plague of their hearts , Joh. 5. 40. They wil not , &c. So that the blessed God making such gracious offers , so suitable to the needs of a rational creature , and having given him a remote , passive , natural power of understanding and wil suited thereto , doth not this suffice to leave him without al excuse for his wilful Impenitence and Infidelitie , notwithstanding the predeterminative Concurse of God to the entitative act of his Sin ? And that this is the Doctrine of the Calvinists and Church of England , we are assured by Davenant , Animadv . p. 257 : They confesse , that under the Evangelical Covenant , Si credideris , salvus eris , If thou believe , thou shalt be saved , every man hath a true claim to Eternal Life : They confesse , that wheresoever is Christs Church , there is such a sufficient administration of Grace as would have saved the Non-elect , had they not opposed a malignant voluntary act of their own wil against the motions and operations of Divine Grace ; according to those words of our Saviour , Joh. 3. 17. & 12. 47 , 48. & Act. 13. 46. Calvin saith as much , in Joh. 3. Mundi nomen iterum iterumque repetit , ne quis omnino arceri se putet , modò fidei viam teneat . He therefore , as wel as the Remonstrants , grants a conditional possibilitie of Grace and Salvation to al men ; but we say , the non-elect are always permitted to fail in the performance of the condition . And doth not this sufficiently vindicate the sinceritie of God in al his Evangelic promisses , invitations , and tenders of grace and happinesse , yea every way as much as the new Method of our Adversaries , who grant certain prescience and predetermination to what is good ? § . 4. Another Objection urged by our Opponents against predetermination to the substrate mater of sin , is , that is overthrows al Religion , and makes mens faculties , whereby they are capable of moral government , remisse , sluggish , uselesse and vain ; yea they stick not to avouch , that this our Hypothesis opens the dore to Familisme , Enthusiasme , and the most prodigiose impieties and enormities : This they aggravate with many rhetoric aggravations . Answer , This Objection is grounded on the same false Hypothesis with the precedent , namely , that the wil predetermined by God is moved only by an inward violent impulse , which makes al Gods precepts , promisses , and comminations mere impertinencies , and mens faculties uselesse and vain . What a grosse Sophisme this is , and how much the Hypothesis of our Adversaries fals under the force of it , as wel as ours , we have already , in what precedes , sufficiently demonstrated , and shal do again in what follows . We shal only adde at present an excellent demonstration and solution given by judicious Davenant , Animadv . pag. 418. For the second branch of this reason , whereby he goeth about to prove that absolute predestination and reprobation destroy both Hope and Fear ; it is grounded upon an error confuted and rejected by the commun consent of al Divines , namely that the eternal Decrees of God concerning future events make the contrary events impossible , do make the temporal and immediate Agents to do al they do out of an absolute necessitie , having no libertie in modo agendi to abstain from so doing , or to do the contrary . Were this true , the Remonstrants , who acknowlege eternal and absolute Decrees , upon a presupposal of an eternal absolute prescience , should by their Doctrine destroy hope and fear ( the nerves of Religion ) as wel as we . But more of this in answer to the next Objection . § . 5. The last Objection we shal mention , ( which is indeed first in order of nature ) is , that our Hypothesis overthrows the libertie of the wil , introduceth a fatal necessitie , and is the darling of Hobbes , with the like unjust and scandalous reproches . This is much urged by Strangius , Baronius , and some of name among our selves . Answer , ( 1 ) In this I confesse the spirits and principal forces of al their Objections centre , and that which the Defendents of efficacious concurse have been in al Ages urged with by the Pelagians and Patrones of free wil. Thus Augustin was ever and anon upbraided by the Pelagians with a designe to introduce a fatal necessitie : the like the Synod of Dort has been reproched with by the Arminians : and now , because the name of Hobbes sounds very harsh in Christians ears , therefore that is fastened on us . But this is no new method , but long since invented by the Accuser of the Brethren , for the oppressing of this suffering truth . ( 2 ) What the true Idea and notion of Libertie includes , and thence how little our Hypothesis doth infringe the same , we have sufficiently demonstrated in the explication of the libertie of the wil , Chap. 1. § . 3. ( 3 ) We answer with Bradwardine , lib. 3. cap. 29. pag. 739. that God violently impels no man to sin , albeit he spontaneously impels or draws the wil voluntarily to the substance of that act which has sin annexed to it ; of which see what precedes Chap. 4. § . 2. ( 4 ) Our Adversaries seem herein very unjust , in that they fasten their false Ideas of predeterminative concurse and libertie on us , and so make us to hold what follows upon their sentiments . For they placing the wils libertie in an actual indifference and indetermination ; as also making al predeterminative concurse to acte by violent impulses on the wil , which being so impelled remains no longer free , but is acted as a machine , &c. it 's no wonder , if from such false principes their forged consequence and conclusion follows naturally . Thus Strangius , lib. 2. cap. 11. p. 243. makes Gods predetermination to the entitative act of sin , to be an impulsion to sin . The like is urged by one and another Divine of name among us , who wil allow no predetermination to the entitative act of sin , but what is violent impulsion . It 's true Bradwardine , lib. 9. cap. 29. pag. 739. useth the word impel for Gods predetermining concurse , and the like Twisse ; but then they limit it to such a spontaneous voluntary impulsion , as is no way prejudicial to the wils libertie : But our Adversaries make al predeterminative concurse , even in the supernatural acts of Grace , to be by violent impulses , such as leave the wil no more power to acte in a contrary way , than a mere Machine , which is impelled by a vis impressa , a force impressed from some extrinsec efficient : for thus they expresse themselves , that to be predetermined even in the supernatural acts of Grace , is to be constantly managed as mere Machines that know not their own use . I must confess had we such Ideas of predeterminative concurse , it would necessarily follow , that the human wil is thereby divested of al its libertie ; neither can I see how our Adversaries wil be ever able to defend themselves against the Pelagians and Arminians on their principes , which suppose al predetermination to be a violent impulsion like that of Machines . I ever disliked the Cartesian Hypothesis , which makes the souls of Brutes to be but Machines ; but to make the human soul and wil of man to be but a Machine in the reception of predeterminative grace or concurse introduceth that fatal necessitie the darling of Hobbes , which is injustly fathered on us . We say , that predeterminative concurse is as to its principe and mode of working the same as to natural and supernatural acts ; neither doth it in the one or t'other at al infringe the libertie of the wil , but fortifie and confirme the same , in that it workes sweetly according to the indigence of the wil. And this I shal with much confidence assert , that we can with as much reason defend the conciliation of human libertie with Divine predetermination of the wil to the substrate mater of sin , as our Adversaries the New Methodists can defend the conciliation of human libertie with Divine predetermination to the supernatural acts of Grace : for albeit the termes produced be different , the one a supernatural , the other only natural good ; yet predetermination as to its principe the Divine wil , as also as to its manner of working , which is agreable to the condition and libertie of the wil , admits no difference . And this Baronius was sufficiently apprehensive of , and therefore denied al predetermination ; and I no way dout but that in the issue our Adversaries wil be forced to denie al predetermination , or to grant us what we contend for as to the substrate mater of sin . Yea , ( 5 ) we shal yet ascend a degree higher and affirme , That Gods certain prescience of sin , which our Adversaries generally allow , infers as much a necessitie on the wil , as predeterminative concurse to the entitative act of sin . This we have sufficiently demonstrated , Chap. 5. § . 2. and therefore shal here only superadde an excellent demonstration of judicious Davenant , Animadv . pag. 418 , 419. For the Divine eternal prescience of future actions or events inferreth as absolute a certaintie , immutabilitie , necessitie of such events , as the Decrees of absolute Predestination and Reprobation do ; ( we may adde , by a paritie of reason , predetermination which is adequate to absolute Decrees ) And therefore the Schole-men are as much troubled in answering the Question , Whether the Divine prescience , or providence brings a necessitie to the things foreknowen ? as in the other , Whether Divine predestination imposeth a necessitie on things ? And the Philosophers , who never dreamed of Predestination or Reprobation , were yet much troubled to shew , how any thing could be fortuitous or contingent , admitting an eternal and infallible prescience of al future events in God — So that if this Author , or any other Remonstrant , wil but take the pains to consider , how the Schole-Divines clear the eternal and infallible prescience , wil , and providence of God from imposing fatal necessitie upon events foreseen , willed , provided , he may with the same facilitie know how to clear the eternal absolute Decrees of Predestination and Reprobation from imposing on mens actions any fatal irresistible necessitie . As Gods absolute prescience doth not take away the possibilitie of the contrary action or event , no more doth his absolute Decree . Thus our judicious Davenant , in vindication of the absolute Decree of Reprobation , which holds most true also of Divine predetermination as to the substrate mater of sin : for according to the confession of our Adversaries , Strangius and others , absolute Reprobation necessarily infers Divine predetermination as to the entitative act of sin . CHAP. VII . The genuine Hypotheses of the Predeterminants , with the Antitheses of their Adversaries , particularly the New Methodists . ( 1 ) The genuine Hypotheses of the Predeterminants , with the false Hypotheses and consequents imposed on them by the Molinists , Arminians , and New Methodists . ( 2 ) The Antitheses of the New Methodists , with their dangerous consequents . § . 1. IT has been the practice of our Adversaries in al Ages to clothe our Hypothesis of efficacious predeterminative Concurse with the Bears skin of many false Ideas and black ugly consequences , but their own Antithesis with the sheeps clothing of many fair and colorable pretextes ; wherefore to vindicate our selves and unmasque them , we shal adde , as a Coronis to this Discourse , the genuine sentiments of such as defend Divine predetermination , &c. as also the proper Antitheses of their Adversaries . The genuine Hypotheses of of the Predeterminants . 1. THere is nothing future but dependently on some absolute Decree of God , either effective or permissive . 2. The Futurition of the entitative act of that which is sinful , is from the effective wil of God. 3. The Futurition of sin is from the permissive wil of God , efficaciously decreeing to leave men unto sin . 4. The actual existence of sin is the consequent , but not the effect of Reprobation . 5. God absolutely decreed to permit Adams Fal , Strang. 858. Davenant , Animadv . p. 322 , 323. 6. Gods Decree to permit sin is not otiose , but efficacious . 7. God efficaciously decrees to permit sin for the manifestation of his own Glorie . 8. Gods absolute Decree of Reprobation impels no man to sin , Ward , pag. 132. 9. There is no act so substantially and intrinsecally evil , but the vitiositie thereof may be separated from the entitative act . 10. God doth not predetermine , much lesse impel any man to the least sin . 11. God doth not predetermine the wil to any sinful act , as it morally refers to its object , but only physically , Alvarez , refer . Strang. 240 — 242. 12. Gods predetermining the wil to the material entitative act , whereunto sin is annexed , doth not bespeak him the Author of Sin. 13. God , by his efficacious wil and actuose providence permits the wil to sin , but is no moral efficient thereof . 14. God , by predetermining the wil to the entitative act of sin , doth not temt men to sin , Jam. 1. 13. 15. In sinful acts God predetermines the wil only to the entitative act , not to its sinfulnesse ; but in good acts , God predetermines the wil not only to the act , but also to the goodnesse thereof . 16. Sin is committed against Gods wil of complacence and approbation , but not against his wil of natural permission . 17. Predetermination to the natural entitative act of sin is very wel consistent with the natural libertie of the wil , and its natural , passive , remote power of receiving Laws , and obeying the same . 18. Gods predetermination to the natural entitative act of sin may very wel be reconciled with his wisdome , veracitie , and sinceritie in the prohibition and punishment of sin . 19. God punisheth one sin by leaving men to another , yet without being guilty of the least sin . 20. Sin by Divine wisdome is made a means accidentally utile and subservient to Divine glorie , albeit it hath no moral bonitie in it . 21. Al Gods invitations , comminations , exhortations , and promisses argue in God a real wil of approbation , and Evangelic intention that Sinners repent and live , albeit they never repent . 22. Gods physic complacence is towards the entitative natural act of sin , and yet his moral displicence is against its obliquitie and vitiositie . The false Hypotheses and Consequents imposed on the Predeterminants , by Molinists , Arminians , and New Methodists . 1. GOds absolute Decrees , which give futurition to things , take away al power from the creature of acting contrarily , yea make the contrary naturally , and simply impossible . 2. The futurition of sin is from the effective wil of God , yea very God , Str. 631 , 632 , 635. Le Bl. Concord . Libert . par . 1. Thes . 55 , &c. p. 454. as before , c. 5. § . 1. 3. The Decree of God giving futurition to sin necessitates men to sin . 4. The existence of sin is from Reprobation as the proper cause thereof . 5. God impelled and necessiated Adam to fal , Baron . Metaphys . 150 , 151. 6. Gods efficacious Decree to permit sin makes him the Author of sin . 7. God wils and decrees sin as sin , yea simply wils and intendes the damnation of Sinners . 8. Gods absolute Decree of Reprobation impels men to sin . 9. In acts intrinsecally evil the vitiositie cannot be separated from the entitative act considered in its individual nature . 10. Predeterminative concurse brings men under a fatal and Hobbian necessitie of sinning . 11. In acts intrinsecally evil God predetermines the wil to the act as sinfully relating to its object , Strangius , pag. 206 , 234 , 240 , &c. 12. Gods predetermining the wil to the material entitative act of sin makes him the cause of sin , Strang. pag. 341 , 342. Baron . Metaph. 150 , 151. 13. The Sinner doth not determine himself to any sinful act any other way than God , Strang. pag. 242 , 243. 14. God doth more than temt men to sin , in that he predetermines the wil thereto , Strang. pag. 269. 15. Predeterminative concurse to the entitative act of sin maketh God to afford as much influence and concurrence to the worst of actions as to the best , Strang. pag. 277. 16. God doth not only permit sin , but approve of it , yea take complacence in it . 17. Predetermination to the natural entitative act of sin , destroys the libertie of the wil , introduceth a fatal necessitie , and makes the mater of al Gods Laws to Adam and his posteritie , a natural , simple , and absolute impossibilitie , Strang. 567. Bar. Metaph. 150. 18. Gods predetermination to the entivative act of sin is irreconcileable with his wisdome and sinceritie in prohibiting and punishing sin , Baron . Metaphys . pag. 151. 19. God , in punishing sin by efficacious dereliction or leaving men to sin , becomes guilty of sin . 20. God wils sin and approves of it as a means naturally and morally conducing to his glorie . 21. That Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of sin makes him not really to intend what he pretends to by al his invitations , promisses , comminations , and exbortations to repent : 22. God takes not only physic complacence in the entitative act , but moral complacence in sin , by predetermining the wil to the entitative act thereof . § . 2. Having given the proper Hypotheses of the Predeterminants , with the false Hypotheses and consequences imposed on them by their Adversaries , we now procede to lay down the proper Antitheses of the Antipredeterminants , and more particularly of the New Methodists , and the dangerous consequences which naturally result therefrom . The Antitheses of the New Methodists and Antipredeterminants . 1. THE Futurition of althings is not from the Divine wil and decree , Strang. 628 , 631. 2. The futurition of althings is not simple , but complexe , Strang. 640. 3. The futurition of althings is not eternal . 4. The same particular cause that gives existence to any thing gives futurition to it . 5. The futurition of the entitative act of sin is not from the wil of God , but the wil of man , Strang. 585 , 628 , 631 , 632. Le Blanc , 454. 6. Whatever God wils he approves : or complacence is essential to al acts of Gods wil , Strang. 546 , 548. 7. God decrees not the entitative act unto which sin is intrinsecally appendent , Strang. 562 , 587. 8. There is a twofold Decree in God , one absolute , the other respective , conditionate , and consequent , Strang. 546. 9. Al Gods Decrees are not particular , but some general only , Strang. 558. 10. Reprobation is not absolute , but conditional , dependent on the prevision of mens actual sins . 11. Gods prescience of mens sins is conditional , and dependent on mens free-wil , not on the Decree of God , Strang. 642 , 647. 12. Gods permission of sin is only privative and inefficacious , Baron . Metaphys . 157 , 158. 13. God wils only his own permission of sin , not the existence of sin by his permission , Arminius . 14. There is a twofold Concurse of God , the one predeterminative , the other only general . 15. It doth not belong to the perfection of Gods Providence absolutely to predefine and predetermine al free acts of the human wil , Baron . Metaphys . 147. Strang. 568 , 584. 16. Al positive real Beings and acts are not from God as the first cause of Nature , Strang. 584 , 630. 17. God predetermines to what is good , but not to the material entitative act of that which is intrinsecally evil . 18. What is predetermined is naturally and simply impossible . 19. Man in his lapsed state has a moral power to close with Divine exhortations and offers . 20. Unregenerate men may prepare themselves for the entertainment of Grace . 21. To predetermine the wil to the entitative act of sin is to impel men to sin . 22. Divine predetermination to the entitative act of sin puts an end to human libertie . 23. Some human acts are indifferent in individu● , and so neither good nor evil . 24. Some human acts are so intrinsecally evil , that the vitiositie cannot be separated from the entitative act . The dangerous Consequents of those Antitheses . 1. NOthing is certainly and infiallibly future . 2. Complexe Propositions are in order of Nature before their simple termes . 3. God did not from al Eternitie foresee althings future . 4. Nothing is future before it is existent , at least in its particular causes . 5. The futurition of sinful acts is a mere contingence to God. 6. There is in God a velleitie , or imperfect conditional volition which never takes effect . 7. There is something in Nature which was never decreed by the God of Nature . 8. God hath a general antecedent conditional love and desire of the Salvation of al men . 9. Some Decrees of God may be frustrated and never come to passe . 10. The reason why God hated Esau and loved Jacob must not be resolved into the 〈◊〉 or good pleasure of God , but into his prescience of Esau's actual and final disobedience and Jacobs obedience . 11. There is Scientia media , or middle Science in God , dependent on mans ambulatory wil , and so only conjectural and uncertain . 12. God as an idle Spectator looks on the wicked world , but doth not , neither can omnipotently rule , dispose and order their sinful acts for his glorie . 13. When it 's said , that God wils the permission of sin , it must be understood only of the effect . 14. Al Divine Concurse is not particular , total , immediate and efficacious . 15. The creature is in some natural acts independent and the first cause of its own acts : or , the second cause can act without being applied and actuated by the first cause . 16. God can make a creature , which by having its capacitie preserved and made habile , can of itself act without immediate efficacious concurse , Baron . 131. 17. Supernatural good is from God , but not al natural good . 18. Efficacious grace in Conversion destroyeth human libertie . 19. Gods efficacious Concurse is in the power of mens natural free wil , either to use or refuse the same . 20. God vouchsafeth to al men sufficient grace , which if wel improved , he wil reward with efficacious grace , Strang. 229. 21. Al Predetermination impels the wil , and acts it as a mere Machine . 22. There is a twofold libertie , one essential to the wil , but lesse proper , the other accidental , consisting in indifference , which is most proper . 23. Alhuman acts ought not to be performed for Gods glorie . 24. The vitiositie of sin is essential to some human natural acts , as natural . We do not produce the consequents here drawen from the Antitheses of Antipredeterminants , as their proper sentiments , at least not of al that espouse those Antitheses , but only as such as may be naturally and logically deduced from their Antitheses , albeit they do not formally assent to al of them . FINIS . ERRATES . BOOK II. PAge 489. l. 31. for God read us . BOOK III. Page 10. l. 33. for drive r. denie . p. 22. l. 26. after elswhere put a period . Item l. 36. dele by . p. 23. l. 32. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 24. l. 39. dele and. p. 28. l. 1. dele and stating . p. 42. l. 36. r. that God only . p. 76. l. 19. r. same . p. 79. l. 38. r. to Gods. p. 80. l. 31. for like , r. agreable . p. 86. l. 7. r. Tarnovius . p. 89. l. 3. for is he , r. he is . p. 111. l. 18. for Baronius r. Bellarmine . p. 119. l. 16. r. c. 34. p. 129. l. 23. r. This he . p. 142. l. 5. dele who . p. 145. l. 2. r. so not . p. 166. l. 26. r. Compton . p. 170. l. 9. r. it workes . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A41639-e9950 The Origine of the Controversie . The method of our procedure . The explication of the Termes . Of Sin ▪ 1. It s Origine . 2. It s substrate mater . Quod malum est per vitium , bonum est per naturam , Aug. contra Advers . Leg. & Prophet . cap. 5. Absurdum esset , si diceretur , ullum defectum aut peccatum , aut ullum peccatum aut defectum , posse per se existere , cùm nullum detur separatum malum , sed omne malum sit in bono , Strang. de Volunt . l. 3. c. 19. p. 629. Al Acts in their generic nature indifferent . Actio seorsim per se & physicè considerata indifferens est moraliter , nec minùs virtuti quàm vitio substerni potest . Al moral constitution from the Divine Law. Sin as to its formal nature a privation . Actions modally sinful . Actions intrinsecally evil . The Libertie of the Wil. The new coined distinction of Libertie largely and strictly taken . The True Idea of Libertie . f Libertas voluntatis in genere nihil aliud esse videtur , quàm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spontaneum intellectuale . Strang. l. 3. c. 14. p. 686. Moral Libertie or free-wil to good . Necessitie , impossibilitie and possibilite what . In libero arbitrio est simultas potentiae ad opposita , sed non potentia simultatis , Alvarez . The wil of God , its distributions , &c. Of Divine Concurse . Immediate Concurse what . Efficacious and predeterminant concurse . Efficacions concurse what . Eph. 1. 19. Ephes . 3. 7. Phil. 3. 21. 1 Cor. 12. 6 , 11. Rom. 7. 5. 2 Cor. 4. 12. 1 Cor. 12. 11. Eph. 1. 11. Determinative Concurse what . Act. 17. 26. Heb. 4. ● . Luke 22. 22. Acts 2. 23. Predeterminative concurse what in Scripture . 1 Cor. 2. 7. Rom. 8. 29 , 30. Eph. 1. 5 , 11. Acts 4. 28. Predeterminative Concurse active and passive . Predetermination physic and moral . Praedeterminare voluntatem est applicare voluntatem ad agendum , & facere ut faciat , Strang. Wherein we and our Opponents agree . Volitiones pure conditionales sunt alienae à sapientia & prudentia Dei , Ruiz . de Volunt ▪ Dei , Disp . 20. §. 1. Wherein our Opponents differ among themselves . Their differences 1. about Gods Prescience . 2. The futurition of sin . 3. Divine Concurse . 4. Gods permission of sin . 5. The nature of sin . difnew 1. As to Gods Decrees . 2. The Futurition of sin . 3. Gods permissive Decree . 4. Gods prescience of sin . 5. Divine Predetermination . 6. Human Libertie . 7. God not the Author of Sin. Scriptural Demonstrations . 1. God the first Cause of al natural Actions and Things . Esa . 26. 12. Rom. 11. 36. * Nam & vitiorum nostrorum non est auctor Deus , sed tamen ordinator est . Eph. 1. 11. Psal . 33. 15. Prov. 21. 1. Hab. 3. 4. Act. 11. 21. Act. 17. 28. Jam. 4. 15. Si Dii volunt , volentibus Diis , Cic. in Offic. Act. 18. 21. 1 Cor. 4. 19. God doth predetermine natural actions to which sin is annexed . 1 Arg. from Josephs Vendition , Gen. 45. 5 , 7 , 8. Non refert in Deum peccatum fratrum , sed transitum suum in Aegyptum . Erasm . Act. 7 ▪ 9 ▪ The Objections against Josephs Vendition answered . 2. Arg. from the Crucifixion of Christ . Mat. 26. 24. Luk. 22. 22. Act. 4. 28. Joh. 19. 10 , 11 ▪ Act. 2. 23. Act. 4. 28. Our Adversarie ▪ evasions examined . 1. Evasion touching active and passive Crucifixion . 2. Evasion . Strangius ' s Evasions . Answer . Quum Pater tradiderit Filium , & Christus Corpus suum , & Judas Dominum , cur in hac traditione Deus est justus & homo reus , nisi quia in re una quam fecerunt , causa non est una ob quam fecerunt . August . Epist , 48. ad Vinc. 1. Gods punishing his sinful People by wicked Instruments . Esa . 10. 5 , 6 , 7. Jerem. 16. 16. 2. Gods afflicting his righteous Servants by wicked Instruments . Job 1. 21. Psal . 105. 25. 4. Gods immediate hand in the Acts of sin . 2 Sam. 12. 11. 2 Sam. 16. 22. Shimei ' s cursing David , how from God. 2 Sam. 16. 10 , 11. 2 Sam. 24. 1. 1 Sam. 26. 19. 1 King. 11. 31 , 37. & 12. 15 , 24. 2 Kings 9. 3. & 10. 30. Answer . 1 Kings 22. 23. Rev. 17. 17. Gods efficacious Permission of Sin. 1 Sam. 2. 25. Job 12. 16 , 17. h. e. Justo judicio permittit errare & seduci , Vatablus . Esa . 63. 17. Gods judicial hardening Sinners . Psal . 81. 12. Psal . 69. 22. Rom. 11. 10. Esa . 6. 10. Esa . 29. 10. Rom. 11. 8. Esa . 19. 14. Esa . 44. 18 , 19. Esa . 60. 2. Rom. 1. 28. 2 Thes . 2. 11. The false comments of Adversaries refuted . Gods Concurse to the individual act which is sinful . How God judicially hardens men without being the cause of sin . Gods efficacious ordering mens sins for his own glorie . Exod. 9. 14 , 15 , 16. Vitiorum nostrorum non est auctor Deus , sed tamen ordinator , August . Rom. 9. 17. Rom. 9. 18. Prov. 16. 4. Rom. 9. 21 , 22. 1 Pet. 2. 8. Jude 4. The Assertors of Gods predeterminative Concurse to the substrate mater of Sin. Augustin . Si ergo servi sunt peccati , quid se jactant de libero arbitrio ? August . libr. de Spirit . & lit . c. 30. Prosper and Fulgentius . Such as succeeded the Fathers . Anselme . Hugo de Sancto Victore . * Malum esse vult Deus , & tamen malum non vult : vult esse malum , quia bonum est malum esse ; non vult ipsum malum , quia bonum non est ipsum malum . Deum malas voluntates praesidendo , occultâ & invisibili operatione ad suum arbitrium temperare & inclinare . Aquinas . Praedeterminare voluntatem est applicare voluntatem ad agendum , & facere ut faciat , Strang. l. 2. c. 11. p. 244. Scotus . Scotistae nihil hujusmodi physicum & intrinsecum creaturae inditum esse volunt , sed eam dicunt per decretum Dei extrinsecum , absolutum , & efficax ad agendum applicari , ac determinari , Carleton . Philos . Disp. 30. sect . 1. pag. 327. Gregorius Ariminensis . Object 1. Object . 2. Holcot . Altissiodorensis Thomas Bradwardine his character and zele for efficacious Grace . His zele for efficacious Concurse to the substrate mater of sin . How God wils Sin. Non quia quod dicitur non bene dicitur , sed quia quod bene dicitur , non bene intelligītur . Hugo . How the entitative act is from Gods Predeterminative Concurse . How God spontaneously impels men to the entitative act of Sin. The Dominicans sentiments . Alvarez . The Doctrine of Jansenius concordant with our Hypothesis . C. T. p. 3. p. 93. The Jansenists sentiments . The Roman Catechisme . Non solùm Deus universa quae sunt providentiâ suâ tuetur atque administrat , verùm etiam quae moventur & agunt aliquid , intimâ virtute ad motum atque actionem ita impellit , ut quamvis secundarum causarum efficientiam non impediat , praeveniat tamen , cùm ejus occultissima vis ad singula pertinear , Sapient . 8. 1. Act. 17. The sentiments of Reformed Divines . Wiclef . Calvin . Interdum bonâ voluntate hominem velle aliquid , quod Deus non vult . Rursus fieri posse , ut idem velit homo voluntate malâ , quod Deus vult bonâ , Calv. ix August . Zuinglius . Umim igitur atque idem facinus , quantum Dei est Authoris , Motoris , ac Impulsoris , opus est , crimen non est ; quantum autem hominis est , crimen ac scelus est . Ille enim ▪ lege non tenetur , hic autem lege etiam damnatur , Zuing. prov . cap. 2. pag. 365. Beza . Chamiers Difence of our Hypothesis . The Testimonie of Lud. Crocius . Illam [ scil . actionem ] non verò hanc , [ scil . malitiam ] Deus vult ac decernit : hanc , non illam , permittit . The Synod of Dort. The Church of ▪ England . Davenant . Ward . George Abbot . Dr. Holland , Prideaux , Barlow . Such as denie Gods Concurse to the substrate mater of sin . Dicebat [ Pelagius ] Deum , collato semel libero arbitrio , ulteriùs nobis ad operandum : non esse necessarium . Hieronym . ad Ctesiph . Durandus against Gods immediate Concurse . The Jesuites and Molinists . Lud. à Dola his following Durandus . Arminius's Sentiments . The Remonstrants and their Sectators . The Anabaptists of Germanie that fel in with the Remonstrants . The New Methodists . John Camero . Quod negem , omne ens est à Deo tanquam à causa efficiente immediata , Ep. ad Jac. Gallovaeum . Moses Amyraldus . Placeus . Le Blanc . Baronius . Strangius . How these New Methodists fel into their new Model . Who of the new Methodists may be estimed orthodox . Arguments for Predetermination to the substrate mater of al sin . 1. Arg. from the futurition of althings . Objections against this Argument solved . 2 Arg. from the Certitude of Divine Prescience . 3 Arg. from the Decree of Reprobation ▪ Davenant's Hypotheses about absolute Reprobation . 4. Arg. from Divine Concurse . 1. It s Principe . Cùm voluntas Divina sit efficacissima , non solùm sequitur , quòd fiant ea quae Deus fieri vult , sed quòd eo modo fiant , quo Deus ea fieri velit , Aquin . part . 1. 2. It s Nature . 1. Totalitie . Adeò ut tota actio pendeat à Deo , & tota à Creatura . 2. Vniversalitie . 3. Particularitie . 4. Immediation . 5. Prioritie . 6. Absolute Independence . 3. The efficace of Divine Concurse proves predetermination . Nos autem eo nomine , [ sc . influxus communis ] non determinationem seu praedeterminationem intelligimus , sed vim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & efficaciam Dei , quâ causas secundas sibi subordinat , &c. Strang. l. 1. c. 11. 1. Efficacious Concurse as to natural acts . Non solùm sunt ea quae Deus vult fieri , sed etiam eo modo fiunt quo Deus vult fieri , Strang. l. 2. c. 11. p. 266. Act. 2. 23. Et sic quantum ad concursum attinet dicimus , Deum concurrere eodem modo ad generationem ex legitimo matrimonio & adulterio , quia physicè eadem est specie utrobique actio . Strang. l. 2. c. ● . p. 254. 2. Efficacious Concurse as to supernatural Acts and Effects , 5. Arg. from the Nature of Sin. 1. It s mater . Fatemur quidem , malitiam non sequi actum peccati ut est actus , alioqui omnis actus esset peccatum , &c. Strang. 2. From the formal reason of sin . 6. Arg. from Gods Permission of Sin. Mars's his parallel with Nimrod . Vulcan the same with Tubalcain Gen. 4. 22. Vade nisi à Tubalcain Vulcanus . Sandf ▪ de Desc . l. 1. §. 21. Gen. 4. 22. Silenus the same with Silo. Gen. 49. 10. Nysa where Silenus reigned the same with Sina , or Nissi . Silenus's Genealogie , as Silo's unknown . Heb. 7. 3. Silenus and Silo agrees in offices . Gen. 49. 10. Silenus the great Doctor ; as Silo is stiled . Silenus's riding on an Asse , from Silo's Gen. 49. 11. Silenus's being filled with wine , from Gen. 49. 12. Silenus's meat Cows milk , from Gen. 49. 12. Silenus's parallel with Balaam . Num. 22. 28. Num. 22. 5. The Theogonie of Pan , and his parallel with the Jewish Messias . Josh . 2. 9 , 24. Josh . 5. 1. Pan the same with Silenus . Pan the same with Faunus . Satyrus the same with Pan and Silenus . Pan a falle of the Messias . Pan Abel . Pan Israel . Israel Patriartha verus sortē Pan Gentilium . Park . ex Sandf . Pan Cham. Prometheus his Theogonie and parallel with Noah . 2. Prometheus's parallel with Magog . Neptune the same with Japhet . Unde etiam Japetus nisi à Japhet . Sandf . Desc . l. 1. §. 22. The parallel 'twixt Japhet and Neptune . Gen. 9. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same origination with Japh . ● . Neptune the God of the Sea , from Japhets possessing the Islands . Janus's Theogonie and Parallel 1. With Noah . 2. With Javan . Of Aeolus his Origination . Grecian Goddesses of Phenician and Hebrew extract . 1. Rhea from Gen. 29. 20. 2. Minerva . 3. Ceres . 4. Niobe . 5. Sirenes . The Theogonie of the Phenician Gods Hebraick . Of Baal from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Bel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hos . 2. 16 , 17. The Supreme Baal stiled Beelsamen . The Theogonie of Baalzebub . 2 King. 1. 2. 2 Kings 23. 24. 2 Kings 1. 2. Mat. 12. 24. The Theogonie of Baal Peor Hebraick . Num. 25. 2 , 3 , 6. Hos . 9. 10. Psal . 106. 28. Num. 25. 1 , 2 , 3. Psal . 106. 28. Moloch amongst the Ammonites the same with Baal . 1 King. 11. 7. Lev. 18. 21. Lev. 20. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 2 Kings 23. 10. Amos 5. 26. Act. 7. 43. Ps . 106. 37. 38. Adramelech and Anamelech . 2 King. 17. 31. Job . 17. 6. Esa . 30. 33. 2 King. 23. 10. Jer. 7. 31 , 32. The Samothracian Cabiri , Phenician Gods. 2. From Divine Justice . 3. From Gods Clemence and Mercie . 4. From Divine Sanctitis . Object . 3. From Gods word . ● . Preceptive . 2. From Gods Promisses and Invitations . ( 1 ) Al Promisses primarily intended for the Elect. ( 2 ) The use of evangelic Promisses as to Reprobates . ( 3 ) The Antithesis of Antipredeterminants destroyeth the use of Promisses , &c. as much as our Hypothesis . 4. What Power we allow to Reprobates . Object . 4. From the overthrow of Religion . Object . 5. From the libertie of the Wil. The injustice of the New Methodists in urging this objection , and its inconsistence with their own sentiments . The Antitheses of the New Methodists and Antipredeterminants , with their consiquents . 
A43987	----	Elements of philosophy the first section, concerning body / written in Latine by Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury ; and now translated into English ; to which are added Six lessons to the professors of mathematicks of the Institution of Sr. Henry Savile, in the University of Oxford. De corpore. English Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. 1656 Approx. 919 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 226 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43987 Wing H2232 ESTC R22309 12300228 ocm 12300228 59147 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43987) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59147) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 634:8) Elements of philosophy the first section, concerning body / written in Latine by Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury ; and now translated into English ; to which are added Six lessons to the professors of mathematicks of the Institution of Sr. Henry Savile, in the University of Oxford. De corpore. English Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. [14], 394 p., 13 leaves of plates (l folded) Printed by R. & W. Leybourn for Andrew Crooke ..., London : 1656. A translation, and to some extent adaptation, of "Elementorum philosophiae. Sectio prima. De corpore ..." (see "The translator to the reader", prelim. p. [3]). "Six lessons ..." is a reply to John Wallis's and Seth Ward's attacks on De corpore ... "Six lessons ..." has been filmed separately and may be found as Wing H2260 at reel 1360:1. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ELEMENTS OF PHILOSOPHY , THE FIRST SECTION , CONCERNING BODY . Written in Latine by THOMAS HOBBES OF MALMESBURY . And now translated into ENGLISH . To which are added Six Lessons to the Professors of Mathematicks of the Institution of S r. HENRY SAVILE , in the University of OXFORD . LONDON , Printed by R. & W. Leybourn , for Andrew Crocke , at the Green Dragon in Pauls Church-yard , 1656. THE TRANSLATOR To the Reader . IF when I had finished my Translation of this first Section of the Elements of Philosophy , I had presently committed the same to the Press , it might have come to your hands sooner then now it doth . But as I undertook it with much diffidence of my own ability to perform it well ; so I thought fit before I published it , to pray Mr. Hobbes to view , correct and order it according to his own minde and pleasure . Wherefore , though you find some places enlarged , others altered , and two Chapters ( the 18th and 20th ) almost wholly changed , you may nevertheless remain assured , that as now I present it to you , it doth not at all vary from the Authours own sense and meaning . As for the six Lessons to the Savilian Professors at Oxford , they are not of my translation , but were written , as here you have them in English , by Mr. Hobbes himself ; and are joyned to this Book , because they are chiefly in defence of the same . The Authors Epistle Dedicatory , TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE , My most Honored LORD , WILLIAM Earl of Devonshire . THis first Section of the Elements of Philosophy , the Monument of my Service , & your Lordships bounty , though ( after the third Section published ) long deferred , yet at last finished , I now present ( my most Excellent Lord ) and dedicate to your Lordship . A little Book ▪ but full ; and great enough , if men count well for great ; and to an attentive Reader versed in the Demonstrations of Mathematicians that is , to your Lordship 〈◊〉 & easy to understand ; and almost new througho●● ▪ without any offensive Novelty . I know that that part of Philosophy wherein are considered Lines and Figures , has been delivered to us notably improved by the Ancients ; and withall a most perfect pattern of the Logique by which they were enabled to finde out and demonstrate such excellent Theoremes as they have done . I know also that the Hypothesis of the Earths Diurnal Motion was the invention of the Ancients ; but that both it , and Astronomy ( that is , Coelestial Physiques ) springing up together with it , were by succeeding Philosophers strangled with the snares of Words . And therefore the beginning of Astronomy ( except Observations ) I think is not to be derived from farther time then from Nicolaus Copernicus ; who in the Age next preceding the present , revived the opinion of Pythagoras , Aristarchus & Philolaus . After him , the Doctrine of the Motion of the Earth being now received , & a difficult Question thereupon arising concerning the Descent of Heavy Bodies , Galilaeus in our time striving with that difficulty , was the first that opened to us the 〈◊〉 Natural Philosophy Universal , which is the knowledge of the Nature of Motion . So that neither can the Age of Natural Philosophy be reckoned higher then to him . Lastly , the Science of Mans Body , the most profitable part of Natural Science , was first discovered with admirable sagacity by our Countryman Doctor Harvey , principal Physician to King James and King Charles , in his Books of the Motion of the Blood and of the Generation of Living Creatures ; who is the onely man I know , that conquering envy , hath established a new Doctrine in his life time . Before these , there was nothing certain in Natural Philosophy but every mans Experiments to himself , and the Natural Histories , if they may be called certain , that are no certainer then Civil Histories ▪ But since these , Astronomy & Natural Philosophy in general have for so little time been extraordinarily advanced by Joannes Keplerus , Petrus Gassendus , & Marinus Mersennus ; & the Science of Humane Bodies in special by the wit & industry of Physicians ( the onely true Natural Philosophers ) especially of our most Learned Men of the Colledge of Physicians in London . Natural Philosophy is therefore but young ; but Civil Philosophy yet much younger , as being no older ( I say it provoked , & that my Detractors may know how little they have wrought upon me ) then my own Book de Cive . But what ? Were there no Philosophers Natural nor Civil among the ancient Greeks ? There were men so called ; Witness Lucian , by whom they are derided ; Witness divers Cities , from which they have been often by publique Edicts banished . But it follows not that there was Philosophy . There walked in old Greece a certain Phantasme , for superficial gravity ( though full within of fraud & filth ) a little like Philosophy ; which unwary men thinking to be it , adhered to the Professors of it , some to one , some to another ( though they disagreed among themselves ) and with great Salary put their children to them to be taught , in stead of Wisdome , nothing but to dispute ; & neglecting the Laws , to determine every Question ▪ according to their own fancies . The first Doctors of the Church next the Apostles , born in those times , whilest they endeavored to defend the Christian Faith against the Gentiles by Natural Reason , began also to make use of Philosophy , & with the Decrees of Holy Scripture to mingle the Sentences of Heathen Philosophers ; & first some harmless ones of Plato ; but afterwards also many foolish & false ones out of the Physicks & Metaphysicks of Aristotle ; & bringing in the Enemies betrayed unto them the Cittadel of Christianity From that time , in stead of the Worship of God , there entred a thing called School-Divinity , walking on one foot firmly , which is the Holy Scripture , but halted on the other rotten foot , which the Apostle Paul called Vain , & might have called Pernicious Philosophy ; for it hath raised an infinite number of Controversies in the Christian World concerning Religion , & from those Controversies Wars . It is like that Empusa in the Athenian Comick Poet , which was taken in Athens for a Ghost that changed shapes , having one brazenleg , but the other was the leg of an Ass , & was sent ( as was believed ) by Hecate , as a signe of some approaching evil fortune . Against this Empusa I think there cannot be invented a better Exorcisme , then to distinguish between the Rules of Religion , that is , the Rules of Honoring God , which we have from the Laws , and the Rules of Philosophy , that is , the Opinions of private men ; & to yeild what is due to Religion to the Holy Scripture , and what is due to Philosophy to Natural Reason . And this I shall do , if I but handle the Elements of Philosophy truly & clearly ▪ as I endevour to do . Therefore having in the ●d Section w ch I have published & dedicated to your Lordship long since ▪ reduced all Power Ecclesiastical and Civil by strong Argu●en●● of Reason , without repugnance to Gods Word , to one and the same Soveraign Authority ; I intend now , by putting into a clear Method the true Foundations of Natural Philosophy , to fright and drive away this Metaphysical Empusa ; not by skirmish , but by letting in the light upon her . For I am confident ( if any confidence of a Writing can proceed from the Writers fear , circumspection & diffidence ) that in the three former parts of this Book , all that I have said is sufficiently demonstrated from Definitions ; & all in the fourth part , from Suppositions not absurd . But if there appear to your Lordship any thing less fully demonstrated then to satisfie every Reader , the cause was this , that I professed to write not all to all , but some things to Geometricians onely . But that your Lordship will be satisfied J cannot doubt . There remains the second Section , which is concerning Man. That part thereof where J handle the Optiques , contayning six Chapters , together with the Tables of the Figures belonging to them , I have already written & engravenlying by me above these six years . The rest shall , as soon as J can , be added to it ; though by the contumelies & petty injuries of some unskilful men , I know already by experience how much greater thanks will be due , then payed me , for telling Men the truth of what Men are . But the burthen I have taken on me I mean to carry through ; not striving to appease , but rather to revenge my self of Envy , by encreasing it . For it contents me that I have your Lordships favour ; which , ( being all you require ) J acknowledge ; and for which , with my prayers to Almighty God for your Lordships safety , J shall ( to my power ) be always thankefull . London , April 23 , 1655. YOUR LORDSHIPS most humble Servant Thomas Hobbes . The Authors Epistle To the Reader . THink not ( courteous Reader ) that the Philosophy the Elements whereof I am going to set in order , is that which makes Philosophers Stones , nor that which is found in the Metaphsique Codes . But that it is the Natural Reason of Man busily flying up and down among the Creatures , & bringing back a true report of their Order , Causes & Effects . Philosophy therefore , the Childe of the World and your own Mind , is within your self ; perhaps not fashioned yet , but like the World its Father , as it was in the beginning , a thing confused . Do therefore as the Statuaries do , who by hewing off that which is superfluous , do not make but find the Image . Or imitate the Creation . If you will be a Philosopher in good earnest , let your Reason move upon the Deep of your own Cogitations and Experience . Those things that lie in Confusion must be set asunder , distinguished , and every one stampt with its own name set in order ; that is to say , your Method must resemble that of the Creation . The order of the Creation was , Light , Distinction of Day and Night , the Firmament , the Luminaries , Sensible Creatures , Man ; and after the Creation , the Commandement . Therefore the order of Contemplation will be , Reason , Definition , Space , the Starres , Sensible Quality , Man ; and after Man is grown up , Subjection to Command . In the first part of this Section which is entitled Logique , I set up the light of Reason . In the Second ( which hath for title the Grounds of Philosophy ) I distinguish the most common Notions by accurate definition , for the avoiding of confusion and obscurity . The third part concerns the Expansion of Space , that is , Geometry . The fourth contains the Motion of the Starres , together with the doctrine of Sensible Qualities . In the second Section ( if it please God ) shall be handled Man. In the third Section the doctrine of Subjection is handled already . This is the Method I followed ; and if it like you you may use the same ; for I do but propound , not commend to you any thing of mine . But whatsoever shall be the Method you will like , I would very fain commend Philosophy to you , that is to say , the study of Wisdome , for want of which we have all suffered much dammage lately . For even they that study Wealth , do it out of love to Wisdome ; for their Treasures serve them but for a Looking-glass , wherin to behold and contemplate their owne Wisdome . Nor do they that love to be employed in publike business , aime at any thing but place wherein to shew their Wisdome . Neither do Voluptuous men neglect Philosophy , but onely because they know not how great a pleasure it is to the Mind of Man to be ravished in the vigorous and perpetual embraces of the most beauteous World. Lastly , though for nothing else , yet ( because the Mind of Man is no less impatient of Empty Time , then Nature is of Empty Place ) to the end you be not ▪ forced for want of what to do , to be troublesome to men that have business , or take hurt by falling into idle Company , but have somewhat of your own wherewith to fill up your time , I recommend unto you the Study of Philosophy . Farewell . T. H. The Titles of the CHAPTERS . The first Part , or Logique . CHAP. 1 Of Philosophy . CHAP. 2 Of Names . CHAP. 3 Of Proportion . CHAP. 4 Of Syllogisme . CHAP. 5 Of Erring , Falsity and Captions . CHAP. 6 Of Method . The Second Part , or The first Grounds of Philosophy . CHAP. 7 Of Place and Time. CHAP. 8 Of Body and Accident . CHAP. 9 Of Cause and Effect . CHAP. 10 Of Power and Act. CHAP. 11 Of Identity and Difference . CHAP. 12 Of Quantity . CHAP. 13 Of Analogisme , or the Same Proportion . CHAP. 14 Of Straight and Crocked , Angle and Figure . The third Part , Of the Proportions of Motions and Magnitudes . CHAP. 15 Of the Nature , Properties , and divers considerations , of Motion and Endeavour . CHAP. 16 Of Motion Accelerated and Uniform , and of Motion by Concourse . CHAP. 17 Of Figures Deficient . CHAP. 18 Of the Equation of Straight Lines , which the Crooked Lines of Parabolas , and other Figures made in imitation of Parabolas . CHAP. 19 Of Angles of Incidence and Reflexion , equal by supposition . CHAP. 20 Of the Dimension of a Circle , and the Division of Arches or Angles . CHAP. 21 Of Circular Motion . CHAP. 22 Of other Variety of Motions . CHAP. 23 Of the Center of Equiponderation of Bodies pressing downwards in straight parallel lines . CHAP. 24 Of Refraction and Reflexion . The fourth Part , of Physiques , or the Phaenomena of Nature . CHAP. 25 Of Sense and Animall Motion . CHAP. 26 Of the World and of the Starres . CHAP. 27 Of Light , Heat , and of Colours . CHAP. 28 Of Cold , Wind , Hard , Ice , Restitution of Bodies bent , Diaphanous , Lightning and Thunder , and of the Heads of Rivers . CHAP. 29 Of Sound , Odour , Savour , and Touch. CHAP. 30 Of Gravity . COMPUTATION OR LOGIQUE . CHAP. I. Of Philosophy . 1 ▪ The Introduction . 2 The Definition of Philosophy explained . 3 Ratiocination of the Mind . 4 Properties what they are . 5 How Properties are known by Generation , & contrarily . 6 The Scope of Philosophy . 7 The Utility of it . 8 The Subject . 9 The Parts of it . 10 The Epilogue . PHILOSOPHY seems to me to be amongst men now , in the same manner as Corn and Wine are said to have been in the world in ancient time . For from the beginning there were Vines and Ears of Corn growing here and there in the fields ; but no care was taken for the planting and sowing of them . Men lived therefore upon Akorns ; or if any were so bold as to venture upon the eating of those unknown and doubtfull fruits , they did it with danger of their health . In like manner , every man brought Philosophy , that is , Naturall Reason , into the world with him ; for all men can reason to some degree , and concerning some things : but where there is need of a long series of Reasons , there most men wander out of the way , and fall into Error for want of Method , as it were for want of sowing and planting , that is , of improving their Reason . And from hence it comes to passe , that they who content themselves with daily experience , which may be likened to feeding upon Akorns , and either reject , or not much regard Philosophy , are commonly esteemed , and are indeed , men of sounder judgement , then those , who from opinions , though not vulgar , yet full of uncertainty , and carelesly received , do nothing but dispute and wrangle , like men that are not well in their wits . I confesse indeed , that that part of Philophy by which Magnitudes and Figures are computed , is highly improved . But because I have not observed the like advancement in the other parts of it , my purpose is , as far forth as I am able , to lay open the few and first Elements of Philosophy in generall , as so many Seeds , from which pure and true Philosophy may hereafter spring up by little and little . I am not ignorant how hard a thing it is to weed out of mens mindes such inveterate opinions as have taken root there , and been cōfirmed in them by the authority of most eloquent Writers ; especially , seeing true ( that is accurate ) Philosophy , professedly rejects not only the paint and false colours of Language , but even the very ornaments and graces of the same ; and the first Grounds of all Science , are not only not beautifull , but poore , aride , and in appearance deformed . Neverthelesse , there being certainly some men , though but few , who are delighted with Truth and strength of Reason in all things , I thought I might do well to take this pains for the sake even of those few . I proceed therefore to the matter , and take my beginning from the very Definition of Philosophy , which is this . 2 PHILOSOPHY is such knowledge of Effects or Appearances , as we acquire by true Ratiocination from the knowledge we have first of their Causes or Generation : And again , of such Causes or Generations as may be from knowing first their Effects . For the better understanding of which Definition , we must consider ; first , that although Sense and Memory of things , which are common to Man and all living Creatures , be Knowledge , yet because they are given us immediately by Nature , and not gotten by Ratiocination , they are not Philosophy . Secondly , Seeing Experience is nothing but Memory ; and Prudence , or Prospect into the future time , nothing but Expectation of such things as we have already had experience of , Prudence also is not to be esteemed Philosophy . By RATIOCINATION , I mean Computation . Now to compute , is either to collect the sum of many things that are added together , or to know what remains when one thing is taken out of another . Ratiocination therefore is the same with Addition and Substraction ; and if any man adde Multiplication and Division , I will not be against it , seeing Multiplication is nothing but Addition of equals one to another , and Division nothing but a Substraction of equals one from another , as often as is possible . So that all Ratiocination is comprehended in these two operations of the minde , Addition and Substraction . 3 But how by the Ratiocination of our Minde , we Adde and Substract in our silent thoughts , without the use of words , it will be necessary for me to make intelligible by an example or two . If therefore a man see something a far off and obscurely , although no appellation had yet been given to any thing , he will notwithstanding have the same Idea of that thing , for which now by imposing a name on it , we call it Body . Again , when by comming neerer , he sees the same thing thus and thus , now in one place and now in another , he will have a new Idea thereof , namely that , for which we now call such a thing Animated . Thirdly , when standing neerer he perceives the figure , hears the voice , and sees other things , which are signes of a Rationall minde , he has a third Idea , though it have yet no appellation , namely , that for which we now call any thing Rationall . Lastly , when by looking fully and distinctly upon it he conceaves all that he has seen as one thing , the Idea he has now , is compounded of his former Ideas , which are put together in the Minde , in the same order , in which these three single names Body , Animated , Rationall , are in speech compounded into this one name Body-Animated-Rationall , or Man. In like manner , of the severall conceptions of four sides , equality of sides , and right angles , is compounded the conception of a Square . For the mind may conceive a figure of foure sides without any conception of their equality ; & of that equality without conceiving a right angle ; and may joyne together all these single conceptions into one conception or one Idea of a Square . And thus we see how the Conceptions of the mind are compounded . Again , whosoever sees a man standing neer him , conceives the whole Idea of that man ; and if as he goes away he follow him with his eyes onely , he will lose the Idea of those things which were signes of his being Rationall , whilest neverthelesse the Idea of a Body-Animated remaines still before his eies ; so that the Idea of Rationall is substracted from the whole Idea of Man , that is to say of Body-Animated-Rationall , and there remaines that of Body-Animated ; & a while after at a greater distance the Idea of Animated will be lost , & that of Body only will remain ; so that at last , when nothing at all can be seen , the whole Idea will vanish out of sight . By which examples , I thinke it is manifest enough , what is the internall Ratiocination of the Mind , without words . We must not therefore thinke that Computation , that is , Ratiocination , has place onely in numbers ; as if man were distinguished from other living Creatures ( which is said to have been the opinion of Pythagoras ) by nothing but the faculty of numbring ; for Magnitude , Body , Motion , Time , Degrees of Quality , Action , Conception , Proportion , Speech and Names ( in which all the kinds of Philosophy consist ) are capable of Addition and Substraction . Now such things as we adde or substract , that is , which we put into an account , we are said to consider , in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which language also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to Compute , Reason or Reckon . 4 But Effects and the Appearances of things to sense , are faculties or Powers of Bodies , which make us distinguish them from one another ; that is to say , conceive one Body to be equall or unequall , like or unlike to another Body ; as in the example above , when by coming neer enough to any Body , we perceive the Motion and Going of the same , we distinguish it thereby from a Tree , a Column and other fixed Bodies ; and so that motion , or going is the Property thereof , as being proper to living creatures , and a faculty by which they make us distinguish them from other Bodies . 5 How the knowledge of any Effect may be gotten from the knowledge of the Generation thereof , may easily be understood by the example of a Circle : For if there be set before us a plain figure having as neer as may be the figure of a Circle , we cannot possibly perceive by sense whether it be a true Circle or no ; then which neverthelesse nothing is more easie to be known , to him that knowes first the Generation of the propounded figure . For let it be known that the figure was made by the circumduction of a Body whereof one end remained unmoved , and we may reason thus ; a Body carried about , retaining alwayes the same length , applies it selfe first to one Radius , then to another , to a third , a fourth , and successively to all ; and therefore the same length , from the same point , toucheth the circumference in every part thereof ; which is as much to say as all the Radii are equal . We know therefore that from such generation proceeds a figure , from whose one middle point all the extreame points are reached unto by equal Radii . And in like manner , by knowing first what figure is set before us , we may come by Ratiocination to some Generation of the same , though perhaps not that by which it was made , yet that by w ch it might have been made ; for he that knows that a Circle has the property above declared , will easily know whether a Body carried about , as is said , will generate a Circle or no. 6 The End or Scope of Philosophy , is , that we may make use to our benefit of effects formerly seen ; or that by applicatiō of Bodies to one another ; we may produce the like effects of those we conceive in our minde , as far forth as matter , strength & industry will permit , for the commodity of humane life . For he inward glory and triumph of mind that a man may have , for the mastering of some difficult and doutfull matter , or for the discovery of some hidden truth , is not worth so much paines as the study of Philosophy requires ; nor need any man care much to teach another what he knowes himselfe , if he think that will be the onely benefit of his labour . The end of Knowledge is Power ; and the use of Theoremes ( which among Geometricians serve for the finding out of Properties ) is for the construction of Problemes ; and lastly , the scope of all speculation is the performing of some action , or thing to be done . 7 But what the Utility of Philosophy is , especially of Natural Philosophy and Geometry , will be best understood by reckoning up the chief commodities of which mankind is capable ; and by comparing the manner of life of such as enjoy them , with that of others which want the same . Now the greatest commodities of mankind are the Arts , namely of measuring Matter and Motion ; of moving ponderous Bodies ; of Architecture ; of Navigation ; of making instruments for all uses ; of calculating the Coelestiall Motions , the Aspects of the Stars , and the parts of Time ; of Geography , &c. By which Sciences , how great benefits men receive , is more easily understood then expressed . These benefits are enjoyed by almost all the people of Europe , by most of those of Asia , and by some of Africa ; but the Americans , and they that live neer the Poles do totally want them . But why ? Have they sharper wits then these ? Have not all men one kinde of soule , and the same faculties of mind ? What then makes this difference , except Philosophy ? Philosophy therefore is the cause of all these benefits . But the Utility of Morall and Civil Philosophy is to be estimated not so much by the commodities we have by knowing these Sciences , as by the calamities we receive from not knowing them . Now all such calamities as may be avoided by humane industry arise from warre , but chiefly from Civil warre ; for from this proceed Slaughter , Solitude , and the want of all things . But the cause of warre is not that men are willing to have it ; for the Will has nothing for Object but Good , at least that which seemeth good . Nor is it from this , that men know not that the effects of war are evil ; for who is there that thinks not poverty and losse of life to be great evils ? The cause therefore of Civill warre , is that men know not the causes neither of Warre nor Peace , there being but few in the world that have learned those duties which unite and keep men in peace , that is to say , that have learned the rules of civill life sufficiently . Now the knowledge of these rules is Morall Philosophy . But why have they not learned them , unlesse for this reason that none hitherto have taught them in a clear and exact method ? For what shall we say ? Could the ancient Masters of Greece , Egypt , Rome , and others perswade the unskillfull multitude to their innumerable opinions concerning the nature of their Gods , which they themselves knew not whether they were true or false , and which were indeed manifestly false & absurd ; & could they not perswade the same multitude to civill duty , if they themselves had understood it ? Or shall those few writings of Geometricians which are extant , be thought sufficient for the taking away of all controversy in the matters they treat of , and shall those innumerable and huge Volumes of Ethicks be thought unsufficient , if what they teach had been certain and well demonstrated ? What then can be imagined to be the cause that the writings of those men have increased science , and the writings of these have increased nothing but words , saving that the former were written by men that knew , and the later by such as knew not the doctrine they taught onely for ostentation of their wit and eloquence ? Neverthelesse , I deny not but the reading of some such books is very delightfull ; for they are most eloquently written , and containe many cleer , wholsome and choice sentences ; which yet are not universally true , though by them universally pronounced . From whence it comes to passe , that the circumstances of times , places and persons being changed , they are no lesse frequently made use of to confirme wicked men in their purposes , then to make them understand the precepts of Civill duties . Now that which is chiefly wanting in them , is a true and certaine rule of our actions , by which we might know whether that we undertake be just or unjust . For it is to no purpose to be bidden in every thing to do Right , before there be a certain Rule and measure of Right established ; which no man hitherto hath established . Seeing therefore from the not knowing of Civill duties , that is , from the want of Morall science proceed Civill warres , and the greatest calamities of mankind , we may very well attribute to such science the production of the contrary commodities . And thus much is sufficient , to say nothing of the prayses and other contentment proceeding from Philosophy , to let you see the Utility of the same in every kinde thereof . 8 The Subject of Philosophy , or the matter it treats of , is every Body of which we can conceive any generation , and which we may by any consideration thereof compare with other Bodies ; or which is capable of composition and resolution ; that is to say , every Body , of whose Generation or Properties we can have any knowledge .. And this may be deduced from the Definition of Philosophy , whose profession it is to search out the Properties of Bodies from their Generation , or their Generation from their Properties ; and therefore where there is no Generation nor Property , there is no Philosophy . Therefore it excludes Theology , I meane the doctrine of God , Eternal , Ingenerable , Incomprehensible , and in whom there is nothing neither to divide nor compound , nor any Generation to be conceived . It excludes the doctrine of Angels ; and all such things as are thought to be neither Bodies , nor properties of Bodies ; there being in them no place neither for composition , nor division , nor any capacity of more and lesse ; that is to say , no place for Ratiocination . It excludes History , as well Naturall as Politicall , though most usefull ( nay necessary ) to Philosophy ; because such Knowledge is but Experience , or Authority , and not Ratiocination . It excludes all such Knowledge as is acquired by Divine Inspiration , or Revelation , as not derived to us by Reason , but by Divine grace in an instant , and as it were by some sense supernaturall . It excludes , not onely all Doctrines which are false , but such also as are not well grounded ; for whatsoever we know by right Ratiocination , can neither be false nor doubtfull ; and therefore Astrology , as it is now held forth , and all such Divinations rather then sciences , are excluded . Lastly , the doctrine of Gods Worship is excluded from Philosophy , as being not to be known by naturall reason , but by the authority of the Church ; and as being the object of Faith , and not of Knowledge . 9 The principall parts of Philosophy are two . For two chief kinds of Bodies , and very different from one another , offer themselves to such as search after their Generation & Properties ; One whereof being the worke of Nature , is called a Naturall Body ; the other is called a Commonwealth , and is made by the wills and agreement of men . And from these spring the two parts of Philosophy called Naturall and Civill . But seeing that for the knowledge of the Properties of a Common-wealth , it is necessary first to know the Dispositions , Affections and Manners of men , Civill Philosophy is againe commonly divided into two parts ; whereof one which treats of mens Dispositions and Manners is called Ethicks , and the other which takes cognisance of their Civil Duties is caled Politicks or simply Civill Philosophy . In the first place therefore ( after I have set downe such Premisses as appertaine to the nature of Philosophy in general ) I will discourse of Bodies Naturall ; in the second , of the Dispositions and Manners of men ; and in the third , of the Civill Duties of Subjects . 10 To conclude , seeing there may be many who will not like this my Definition of Philosophy , and will say that from the liberty which a man may take of so defining as seemes best to himselfe , he may conclude any thing from any thing ( though I thinke it no hard matter to demonstrate , that this Definition of mine agrees with the sense of all men ; ) yet lest in this point there should be any cause of dispute betwixt me and them , I here undertake no more then to deliver the Elements of that Science , by which the Effects of any thing may be found out from the known Generation of the same , or contrarily the Generation from the Effects ; to the end that they who search after other Philosophy , may be admonished to seeke it from other Principles . CHAP. II. Of Names . 1 The necessity of sensible Moniments or Marks for the help of Memory , A Marke defined . 2 The necessity of Marks for the signification of the conceptions of the Mind . 3 Names supply both those necessities . 4 The Definition of a Name . 5 Names are Signes not of Things , but of our Cogitations . 6 What it is we give Names to . 7 Names Positive and Negative . 8 Contradictory Names . 9 A Common Name . 10 Names of the first and second Intention . 11 Universall , Particular , Individuall , and Indefinite Names . 12 Names Univocall and Equivocal . 13 Absolute and Relative Names . 14 Simple and Compounded Names . 15 A Praedicament described . 16 Some things to be noted concerning Praedicaments . 1 HOw unconstant and fading mens thoughts are , and how much the recovery of them depends upon chance , there is none but knows by infallible experience in himself . For no man is able to remember Quantities without sensible and present Measures , nor Colours without sensible and present Patterns , nor Number without the Names of Numbers disposed in order and learned by heart . So that whatsoever a man has put together in his mind by ratiocination without such helps , will presently slip from him , and not be revocable but by beginning his ratiocination anew . From which it followes , that for the acquiring of Philosophy some sensible Moniments are necessary , by which our past thoughts may be not onely reduced , but also registred every one in its own order . These Moniments I call MARKS , namely , sensible things taken at pleasure , that by the sense of them such thoughts may be recalled to our mind , as are like those thoughts for which we [ took them . ] 2 Again , though some one man , of how excellent a wit soever , should spend all his time , partly in reasoning and partly in inventing Marks for the help of his memory , and advancing himself in learning ; who sees not , that the benefit he reapes to himselfe will not be much , and to others none at all ? For unlesse he communicate his notes with others , his science will perish with him . But if the same notes be made common to many , and so one mans inventions be taught to others , sciences will thereby be encreased to the generall good of mankind . It is therefore necessary for the acquiring of Philosophy that there be certain Signes , by which what one man finds out may be manifested and made known to others . Now those things we call SIGNES , are the Antecedents of their Consequents , and the Consequents of their Antecedents , as often as we observe them to go before or follow after in the same manner . For example , a thick Cloud is a Signe of Rain to follow ; and Rain a Signe , that a Cloud has gone before , for this reason onely , that we seldom see Clouds without the Consequence of Rain , nor Rain at any time but when a Cloud has gone before . And of Signs some are Naturall , whereof I have already given an example ; others are Arbitrary , namely , those we make choice of at our own pleasure ; as a bush hung up , signifies that Wine is to be sold there ; a stone set in the ground , signifies the bound of a field ; and words so and so connected , signifie the Cogitations and Motions of our Minde . The difference therefore betwixt Markes and Signes is this , that we make those for our own use , but these for the use of others . 3 Words so connected , as that they become signes of our Thoughts , are called SPEECH , of which every part is a Name . But seeing ( as is said ) both Markes and Signes are necessary for the acquiring of Philosophy , ( Marks by which we may remember our own thoughts , and Signes by which we may make our thoughts known to others , ) Names do both these offices ; but they serve for Marks before they be used as Signes . For though a man were alone in the world , they would be usefull to him in helping him to remember ; but to teach others , ( unlesse there were some others to be taught , ) of no use at all . Again , Names ▪ though standing singly by themselves , are Marks , because they serve to recall our own thoughts to mind ; but they cannot be Signes , otherwise then by being disposed and ordered in Speech , as parts of the same . For example , a man may begin with a word , whereby the hearer may frame an Idea of something in his mind , which neverthelesse he cannot conceive to be the Idea which was in the mind of him that spake , but that he would say something which began with that word , though perhaps not as by it selfe , but as part of another word . So that the nature of a name consists principally in this , that it is a Mark ta ken for Memories sake ; but it serves also by accident , to signifie and make known to others what we remember our selves ; and therefore I will define it thus : 4 A NAME is a Word taken at pleasure to serve for a Mark , which may raise in our Mind a thought like to some thought we had before , and which being pronounced to others , may be to them a Sign of what thought the speaker had or had not before in his mind . And it is for brevities sake that I suppose the Originall of Names to be Arbitrary , judging it a thing that maybe assumed as unquestionable . For cōsidering that new Names are daily made , and old ones laid aside ; that diverse Nations use different Names , and how impossible it is either to observe similitude , or make any comparison betwixt a Name and a Thing , how can any man imagine that the Names of Things were imposed from their natures ? For though some Names of living creatures and other things , which our first Parents used , were taught by God himselfe ; yet they were by him arbitrarily imposed , and afterwards both at the Tower of Babel , and since in processe of time , growing every where out of use , are quite forgotten , and in their roomes have succeeded others , invented and received by men at pleasure . Moreover , whatsoever the common use of words be , yet Philosophers , who were to teach their knowledge to others , had alwayes the liberty , and sometimes they both had and will have a necessity , of taking to themselves such Names as they please for the signifying of their meaning , if they would have it understood . Nor had Mathematicians need to aske leave of any but themselves to name the figures they invented Parabolas , Hyperboles , Cissoeides , Quadratrices , &c. or to call one Magnitude A , another B. 5 But seeing Names ordered in speech ( as is defined ) are signes of our Conceptions , it is manifest they are not signes of the Things themselves ; for that the sound of this word Stone should be the signe of a Stone , cannot be understood in any sense but this , that he that heares it , collects that he that pronouunces it thinkes of a Stone . And therefore that disputation , whether Names signifie the Matter or Form , or something compounded of both , and other like subtleties of the Metaphysicks , is kept up by erring men , and such as understand not the words they dispute about . 6 Nor indeed is it at all necessary that every Name should be the Name of some Thing . For as these , a Man , a Tree , a Stone , are the Names of the Things themselves ; so the Images of a Man , of a Tree and of a stone , which are represented to men sleeping , have their Names also , though they be not Things , but onely fictions and Phantasmes of things . For we can remember these ; and therefore it is no lesse necessary that they have Names to mark and signifie them , then the Things themselves . Also this word Future is a Name , but no future thing has yet any being , nor do we know whether that which we call Future , shall ever have a being or no. Neverthelesse , seeing we use in our mind to knit together things Past with those that are Present , the Name Future serves to signifie such knitting together . Moreover , that which neither is , nor has been , nor ever shall or ever can be , has a name , namely , That which neither is , nor has been , &c. Or more briefly this , Impossible . To conclude , this word Nothing , is a name , which yet cannot be the name of any thing . For when ( for example ) we substract 2 and 3 from 5 , and so nothing remaining we would call that substraction to mind , this speech Nothing remains , and in it the word Nothing is not unusefull . And for the same reason we say truly Lesse then Nothing remaines , when we substract More from Lesse ; for the minde feigns such remaines as these for Doctrines sake , and desires as often as is necessary , to call the same to memory . But seeing every name has some relation to that which is named , though that which we name be not alwaies a thing that has a being in Nature , yet it is lawfull for Doctrines sake to apply the word Thing , to whasoever we name ; as if it were all one whether that thing be truly existent or be onely feigned . 7 The first distinction of Names , is that some are Positive , or Affirmative ; others Negative , which are also called Privative and Indefinite ▪ Positive are such as we impose for the likenesse , Equality or Identity of the things we consider ; Negative for the diversity , Unliknesse , or Inequality of the same . Examples of the former are a Man , a Philosopher ; for a Man denotes any one of a multitude of men , and a Philosopher any one of many Philosophers by reason of their similitude ; Also Socrates is a Positive name , because it signifies alwayes one and the same man. Examples of Negatives are such Positives as have the Negative particle Not added to them , as Not-Man , Not-Philosopher . But Positives were before Negatives ; for otherwise there could have been no use at all of these . For when the name of White was imposed upon certain things , and afterwards upon other things the names of Black , Blew , Transparent , &c. the infinite dissimilitudes of these with White could not be comprehended in any one Name , save that which had in it the Negation of White , that is to say , the Name Not-White , or some other equivalent to it , in which the word White is repeated , such as Unlike to white , &c. And by these Negative ▪ names , we take notice our selves , and signifie to others what we have not thought of . 8 Positive and Negative names are Contradictory to one another , so that they cannot both be the name of the same thing . Besides , of Contradictory names , one is the name of any thing whatsoever ; for whatsoever is , is either Man or Not-man , White or Not-white , and so of the rest . And this is so manifest , that it needs no further proofe or explication ; for they that say the same thing cannot both be , and not be , speak obscurely ; but they that say , Whatsoever is , either is , or is not , speake also absurdly and ridiculously . The certainty of this Axiome , viz. Of two Contradictory Names , one is the Name of any thing whatsoever , the other not , is the originall and foundation of all Ratiocination , that is , of all Philosophy ; and therefore it ought to be so exactly propounded , that it may be of it selfe cleare and perspicuous to all men ; as indeed it is , saving to such , as reading the long discourses made upon this subject by the Writers of Metaphysicks ( which they beleeve to be some egregious learning ) thinke they understand not , when they do . 9 Secondly , of Names , some are Common to many things , as a Man , a Tree ; others Proper to one thing , as he that writ the Iliad , Homer , this man , that man. And a Common name , being the name of many things severally taken , but not collectively of all together ( as Man is not the name of all mankind , but of every one , as of Peter , Iohn , and the rest severally ) is therefore called an Universall name ; and therefore this word Universall is never the name of any thing existent in nature , nor of any Idea or Phantasme formed in the mind , but alwayes the name of some word or name ; so that when a Living creature , a Stone , a Spirit , or any other thing is said to be Universal , it is not to be understood , that any Man , Stone , &c. ever was or can be Universall , but onely that these words , Living creature , Stone , &c. are Universall names , that is , Names common to many things ; and the Conceptions answering them in our minde , are the Images and Phantasmes of severall Living Creatures , or other things . And therfore for the understanding of the extent of an Universal name , we need no other faculty but that of our imagination , by which we remember that such names bring sometimes one thing , sometimes another into our minde . Also of Common Names some are more , some lesse Common . More Common , is that which is the name of more things ; Lesse Common , the name of fewer things . As Living-Creature is more Common then Man , or Horse or Lion , because it comprehends them all ; and therefore a more Common name , in respect of a lesse Common , is called the Genus or a Generall name ; and this in respect of that , the Species , or a Speciall Name . 10 And from hence proceeds the third distinction of Names , which is , that some are called names of the First , others of the Second Intention . Of the first Intention are the names of Things , a Man , Stone , &c. of the second are the names of names and speeches , as Universall , Particular , Genus , Species , Syllogisme , and the like . But it is hard to say why those are called names of the First , and these of the Second Intention , unlesse perhaps it was first intended by us to give names to those things which are of daily use in this life , and afterwards to such things as appertaine to science , that is , that our Second Intention was to give names to Names . But whatsoever the cause hereof may be , yet this is manifest , that Genus , Species , Definition , &c. are names of Words and Names onely ; and therefore to put Genus and Species for Things , and Definition for the nature of any thing , as the Writers of Metaphysicks have done , is not right , seeing they be only significations of what we thinke of the nature of Things . 11 Fourthly , some Names are of certaine ▪ and determined , others of uncertaine and undetermined signification . Of determined and certain signification is , first , that name which is giuen to any one thing by it self , and is called an Individuall Name ; as Homer , this tree , that living Creature , &c. Secondly that which has any of these words All , Every , Both , Either , or the like added to it ; and it is therefore called an Universall Name , because it signifies every one of those things to which it is Common ; and of certaine signification for this reason , that he which heares , conceives in his minde the same thing that he which speakes would have him conceive . Of Indefinite signification is , first , that Name which has the word some , or the like added to it , and is called a Particular name ; Secondly a Common Name set by it selfe without any note either of Universality or Particularity , as Man , Stone , and is called an Indefinite Name ; but both Particular and Indefinite names are of uncertaine signification , because the Hearer knowes not what thing it is the Speaker would have him conceive ; and therefore in Speech , Particular and Indefinite names are to be esteemed equivalent to one another . But these words , All , Every , Some , &c. which denote Universality and Particularity , are not Names , but parts onely of Names ; So that Every Man , and That Man which the Hearer conceives in his mind , are all one ; and Some Man , and That Man which the Speaker thought of signifie the same . From whence it is evident , that the use of signes of this kind , is not for a mans own sake , or for his getting of knowledge by his own private meditation ( for every man has his own , Thoughts sufficiently determined without such helpes as these ) but for the sake of others ; that is , for the teaching and signifying of our Conceptions to others ; nor were they invented onely to make us remember , but to make us able to discourse with others . 12 Fifthly , Names are usually distinguished into Univocall , and Equivocall . Univocall are those which in the same train of Discourse signifie alwayes the same thing ; but Equivocall those which meane sometimes one thing , and sometimes another . Thus , the Name Triangle is said to be Univocall , because it is alwayes taken in the same sense ; and Parabola to be Equivocall , for the signification it has sometimes of Allegory or Similitude , and sometimes of a certaine Geometricall figure . Also every Metaphor is by profession Equivocall . But this distinction belongs not so much to Names , as to those that use Names ; for some use them properly and accurately for the finding out of truth ; others draw them from their proper sense , for Ornament , or Deceipt . 13 Sixtly , of Names , some are Absolute , others Relative . Relative are such as are imposed for some Comparison , as Father , Sonne , Cause , Effect , Like , Unlike , Equal , Unequal , Master , Servant , &c. And those that signifie no Comparison at all are Absolute Names . But as it was noted above , that Universality is to be attributed to Words & Names onely , and not to Things ; so the same is to be said of other distinctions of Names ; for no Things are either Univocall or Equivocall , or Relative or Absolute . There is also another distinction of Names into Concrete and Abstract ; but because Abstract Names proceed from Proposition , and can have no place where there is no Affirmation , I shall speake of them hereafter . 14 Lastly there are Simple and Compounded Names . But here it is to be noted , that a name is not taken in Philosophy , as in Grammar , for one single word , but for any number of words put together to signifie one Thing ; for among Philosophers Sentient Animated Body , passes but for one Name , being the Name of every living Creature ; which yet , among Grāmarians is accounted three Names . Also a Simple Name is not here distinguished from a Compounded Name by a Preposition , as in Grammar . But I call a Simple Name , that which in every kind is the most Common or most Universall ; and that a Compounded Name , which by the joyning of another Name to it is made lesse Universall , and signifies that more conceptions then one were in the mind , for which that later Name was added . For example , in the conception of Man ( as is shewn in the former Chap. ) First , he is conceived to be something that has Extension , which is marked by the word Body . Body therefore is a Simple Name , being put for that first single Conception ; Afterwards , upon the sight of such and such motion , another Conception arises for which he is called an Animated Body ; and this I here call a Compounded Name , as I doe also the name Animal , which is equivalent to an Animated Body . And in the same manner an Animated Rational Body , as also a Man , which is equivalent to it , is a more Compounded Name . And by this we see how the Composition of Conceptions in the mind is answerable to the Composition of Names ; for as in the minde one Idea or Phantasme succeeds to another , and to this a third ; so to one Name is added another and another successively , and of them all is made one Compounded Name . Neverthelesse we must not thinke Bodies , which are without the Minde , are compounded in the same manner , namely that there is in Nature a Body , or any other imaginable Thing existent , which at the first has no Magnitude , and then by the addition of Magnitude , comes to have Quantity , and by more or lesse Quantity to have Density or Rarity , and again by the addition of Figure to be Figurate , and after this by the injection of Light or Colour , to become Lucid or Coloured ; though such has been the Philosophy of many . 15 The Writers of Logique have endeavoured to digest the Names of all the kinds of Things into certaine Scales or Degrees , by the continual subordination of Names lesse Common , to Names more Common . In the Scale of Bodies they put in the first and highest place Body simply , and in the next place under it lesse Common Names , by which it may be more limited and determined , namely Animated and Inanimated , and so on till they come to Individualls . In like manner in the Scale of Quantities they assign the first place to Quantity , and the next to Line , Superficies , and Solid , which are Names of lesse latitude ; and these Orders or Scales of Names they usually call Praedicaments and Categories ; And of this Ordination not onely Positive but Negative Names also are capable ; which may be exemplified by such Formes of the Praedicaments as follow . The Form of the Praedicament of Body . Not-Body ; or Accident Body Not animated Animated Not Living-Creature Living-Creature Not Man Man Not Peter Peter Both Accident and Body are considered Absolutely as , Quantity , or so much Quality , or such or Comparatively , which is called their Relation The Forme of the Praedicament of Quantity . Quātity Not Continual , as Number , Continuall Of it selfe , as Line Superficies Solid By Accident , as — Time , by Line Motion , by Line and Time Force , by Motion and Solid Where it is to be noted , that Line , Superficies and Solid may be said to be of such and such Quantity , that is , to be originally and of their own nature capable of Equality and Inequality ; But we cannot say there is either Majority or Minority , or Equality , or indeed any Quantity at all , in Time , without the help of Line and Motion ; nor in Motion , without Line and Time ; nor in Force , otherwise then by Motion and Solid . The Forme of the Praedicament of Quality . Quality Perceptiō by Sense Primary Seeing Hearing Smelling Tasting Touching Secondary Imagination Affection — Pleasant Unpleasant Sensible Quality By Seeing , as Light and Colour By Hearing , as Sound By Smelling , as Odors By Tasting , as Savours By Touching , as Hardnesse , Heat , Cold , &c. The forme of the Praedicament of Relation . Relation of Magnitudes , as Equality and Inequality Qualities , as Likenesse and Unlikenesse Order Together In Place In Time Not together In Place Former Later In Time Former Later 16 Concerning which Praedicaments it is to be noted in the first place , That as the division is made in the first Praedicament into Contradictory Names , so it might have been done in the rest . For as there , Body is divided into Animated and Not-Animated , so in the second Praedicament Continuall Quantity may be divided into Line and Not-line , and again , Not-line into Superficies and Not-Superficies , and so in the rest ; but it was not necessary . Secondly , it is to be observed , that of Positive Names the former comprehends the later ; but of Negatives the former is comprehended by the later . For example Living-Creature is the Name of every Man , and therefore it comprehends the Name Man ; but on the contrary Not-Man is the Name of every Thing which is Not-Living-Creature , and therefore the Name Not-Living-Creature which is put first , is comprehended by the later Name Not-Man . Thirdly , we must take heed we do not thinke , that as Names , so the diversities of Things themselves may be searched out and determined by such Distinctions as these ; or that arguments may be taken from hence ( as some have done ridiculously ) to prove that the kinds of Things are not infinite . Fourthly , I would not have any man thinke I deliver the Forms above for a true and exact Ordination of Names ; for this cannot be performed as long as Philosophy remains imperfect ; Nor that by placing ( for example ) Light in the Praedicament of Qualities , while another places the same in the Praedicament of Bodies , I pretend that either of us ought for this to be drawn from his opinion ; for this is to be done onely by Arguments and Ratiocination , and not by disposing of words into Classes . Lastly , I confesse I have not yet seen any great use of the Praedicaments in Philosophy . I beleeve Aristotle when he saw he could not digest the Things themselves into such Orders , might neverthelesse desire out of his owne Authority to reduce Words to such Formes , as I have done ; but I doe it onely for this end , that it may be understood what this Ordination of Words is , and not to have it received or true , till it be demonstrated by good reason to be so . CHAP. III. Of Proposition . 1 Divers Kinds of Speech . 2 Proposition defined . 3 Subject , Praedicate and Copula what they are , and Abstract and Concrete what . The Use and Abuse of Names Abstract . 5 Proposition Universal and Particular . 6 Affirmative and Negative . 7 True and False . 8 True and False belongs to Speech , and not to Things . 9 Proposition Primary , not Primary , Definion , Axiome , Petition . 10 Proposition Necessary and Contingent . 11 Categoricall and Hypotheticall . 12 The same Proposition diversly pronounced . 13 Propositions that may be reduced to the same Categoricall Proposition , are Equipollent . 14 Universal Propositions converted by Contradictory Names , are Equipollent . 15 Negative Propositions are the same , whether the Negation be before or after the Copula . 16 Particular Propositions simply converted , are Equipollent . 17 What are Subaltern , Contrary , Subcontrary and Contradictory Propositions . 18 Consequence what it is . 19 Falsity cannot follow from Truth . 20 How one Proposition is the Cause of another . 1_FRom the Connection or Contexture of Names arise diverse kinds of Speech , whereof some signifie the Desires and Affections of Men ; such are first Interrogations , which denote the desire of Knowing ; as Who is a good Man ? In which speech there is one Name expressed , & another desired and expected from him of whom we aske the same . Then Prayers , which signifie the desire of having something ; Promises , Threats , Wishes , Commands , Complaints , and other significations of other Affections . Speech may also be Absurd and Insignificant ; as when there is a succession of Words , to which there can be no succession of Thoughts in the mind to answer them ; and this happens often to such , as understanding nothing in some subtil matter , doe neverthelesse , to make others beleeve they understand , speake of the same incoherently ; For the connection of incoherent Words , though it want the end of Speech ( which is Signification ) yet it is Speech ; and is used by the Writers of Metaphysicks almost as frequently as Speech significative . In Philosophy there is but one kinde of Speech usefull , which some call in Latine Dictum , others Enuntiatum & Pronunciatum ; but most men call it Proposition , and is the speech of those that Affirm or Deny , and expresseth Truth or Falsity . 2 A PROPOSITION is a Speech consisting of two Names copulated by which he that speaketh signifies he conceives the later Name to be the Name of the same thing whereof the former is the Name ; or ( which is all one ) that the former Name is comprehended by the later . For example , this speech Man is a Living Creature , in which two Names are copulated by the verb Is , is a Proposition , for this reason , that he that speakes it conceives both Living Creature and Man to be Names of the same thing , or that the former Name Man is comprehended by the later Name Living Creature . Now the former Name is commonly called the Subject , or Antecedent , or the Contained Name , and the later the Praedicat , Consequent or Containing Name . The signe of Connection amongst most Nations is either some word , as the word is in the Proposition Man is a living Creature , or some Case or Termination of a word , as in this Proposition , Man walketh ( which is equivalent to this , Man is walking ) the Termination by which it is said he walketh , rather then he is walking , signifieth that those two are understood to be copulated , or to be Names of the same Thing . But there are , or certainly may be some Nations that have no word which answers to our Verbe Is , who neverthelesse forme Propositions by the position onely of one Name after another , as if instead of Man is a Living Creature , it should be said Man a Living Creature ; for the very order of the Names may sufficiently shew their connection ; and they are as apt and usefull in Philosophy , as if they were copulated by the Verbe Is. 3 Wherefore in every Proposition three things are to be considered , viz. the two Names , which are the Subject and the Praedicate , and their Copulation ; both which Names raise in our Minde the Thought of one and the same Thing ; but the Copulation makes us thinke of the Cause for which those Names were imposed on that Thing . As for example , when we say a Body is moveable , though we conceive the same thing to be designed by both those Names , yet our Minde rests not there , but searches further what it is to be a Body , or to be Moveable , that is , wherein consists the difference betwixt these and other Things , for which these are so called , others are not so called . They therefore that seeke what it is to be any thing , as to be Moveable , to be Hot , &c. seek in Things the causes of their Names . And from hence arises that distinction of Names ( touched in the last Chap. ) into Concrete and Abstract . For Concrete is the Name of any thing which we suppose to have a being , and is therefore called the Subject , in Latine Suppositum , and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as Body , Moveable , Moved , Figurate , a Cubit high , Hot , Cold , Like , Equal , Appius , Lentulus and the like ; and Abstract is that which in any Subject denotes the Cause of the Concrete Name , as to be a Body , to be Moveable , to be Moved , to be Figurate , to be of such Quantity , to be Hot , to be Cold , to be Like , to be Equall , to be Appius , to be Lentulus , &c. Or Names equivalent to these , which are most commonly called Abstract Names , as Corporeity , Mobility , Motion , Figure , Quantity , Heat , Cold , Likenesse , Equality , and ( as Cicero has it ) Appiety and Lentulity . Of the same kind also are Infinitives ; for to Live and to Move are the same with Life and Motion , or to be Living , and to be Moved . But Abstract Names denote onely the Causes of Concrete Names , and not the Things themselves . For example when we see any thing , or conceive in our Minde any Visible thing , that Thing appears to us , or is conceived by us , not in one Point , but as having Parts distant from one another , that is , as being extended and filling some space . Seeing therefore we call the Thing so conceived Body , the cause of that name is , that that Thing is extended , or the Extension or Corporeity of it . So when we see a Thing appeare sometimes here , sometimes there , and call it Moved or Removed , the Cause of that Name is that it is Moved or the Motion of the same . And these Causes of Names ; are the same with the Causes of our Conceptions , namely some Power or Action , or Affection of the Thing conceived , which some call the Manner by which any thing workes upon our senses , but by most men they are called Accidents ; I say Accidents , not in that sense in which Accident is opposed to Necessary ; but so , as being neither the Things themselves , nor parts thereof , do neverthelesse accompany the Things in such manner , that ( saving Extension ) they may all perish and 〈◊〉 destroyed , but can never be abstracted . 4 There is also this difference betwixt Concrete and Abstract Names , that those were invented before Propositions , but these after ; for these could have no being till there were Propositions , from whose Copula they proceed . Now in all matters that concerne this life , but chiefly in Philosophy , there is both great Use and great Abuse of Abstract Names ; and the use consists in this , that without them we cannot for the most part either Reason , or compute the Properties of Bodies ; for when we would multiply , divide , adde or substract Heat , Light , or Motion , if we should double or adde them together by Concrete Names , saying ( for example ) Hot is double to Hot , Light double to Light , or Moved double to Moved , we should not double the Properties , but the Bodies themselves that are Hot , Light , Moved , &c. which we would not doe . But the Abuse proceeds from this , that some men seeing they can consider , that is ( as I said before ) bring into account the Increasings and Decreasings of Quantity , Heat and other Accidents , without considering their Bodies or Subjects ( which they call Abstracting , or making to exist apart by themselves , ) they speake of Accidents , as if they might be separated from all Bodies . And from hence proceed the grosse errors of writers of Metaphysicks ; for , because they can consider Thought without the consideration of Body , they inferre there is no need of a ●●inking-Body ; and because Quantity may be considered without considering Body , they thinke also that Quantity may be without Body , and Body without Quantity ; and that a Body ●as Quantity by the addition of Quantity to it . From the same fountaine spring those insignificant words , Abstract Substance , Separated Essence and the like ; as also that confusion of words derived from the Latine Verb Est , as Essence , Essentiality , Entity , Entitative ; besides Reality , Aliquiddity , Quiddity , &c. which could never have been heard of among such Nations as do not Copulate their Names by the Verbe Is , but by Adjective Verbs , as Runneth , Readeth , &c. or by the mere placing of one Name after another ; and yet seeing such Nations Compute and Reason , it is evident that Philosophy has no need of those words Essence , Entity and other the like barbarous Termes . There are many Distinctions of Propositions , whereof the first is , that some are Universall , others Particular , others Indefinite , and others Singular ; and this is commonly called the distinction of Quantity . An Universall Proposition is that whose subject is affected with the sign of an Universall Name , as Every man is a Living Creature . Particular , that whose subject is affected with the sign of a Particular Name , as Some Man is learned . An Indefinite Proposition has for its Subject a Common Name , and put without any sing ; as Man is a Living Creature , Man is Learned . And a Singular Proposition is that whose Subject is a singular Name , as Socrates is a Philosopher , This man is black . 6 The Second Distinction is into Affirmative and Negative , and is called the Distinction of Quality . An Affirmative Proposition is that whose Praedicate is a Positive Name , as Man is a Living Creature . Negative , that whose Praedicate is a Negative Name , as Man is Not-a-stone . 7 The third Distinction is , that one is True , another False . A True Proposition is that , whose Praedicate containes , or comprehends its Subject , or whose Praedicate is the Name of every thing , of which the Subject is the Name ; as Man is a Living Creature is therefore a True Proposition , because whatsoever is called Man , the same is also called Living Creature ; and Some Man is sick , is True , because sick is the Name of Some Man. That which is not True , or that whose Praedicate does not containe its Subject , is called a False Proposition , as Man is a Stone . Now these words True , Truth , and True Proposition are equivalent to one another ; For Truth consists in Speech , and not in the Things spoken of ; and though True be sometimes opposed to to Apparent or Feigned , yet it is alwayes to be referred to the Truth of Proposition ; for the Image of a Man in a Glasse , or a Ghost , is therefore denyed to be a very Man , because this Proposition , A Ghost is a man , is not True ; for it cannot be denied but that a Ghost is a very Ghost . And therefore Truth or Verity is not any Affection of the Thing , but of the Proposition concerning it . As for that which the Writers of Metaphysicks say , that A thing , One thing , and a Very thing , are equivalent to one another , it is but trifling and childish ; for who does not know , that A Man , One Man , and a Very Man , signifie the same . 8 And from hence it is evident , that Truth and Falsity have no place but amongst such Living Creatures as use Speech . For though some brute Creatures , looking upon the Image of a Man in a Glasse , may be affected with it as if it were the Man himselfe , and for this reason feare it or fawne upon it in vain ; Yet they doe not apprehend it as True or False , but onely as Like ; and in this they are not deceived . Wherefore , as men owe all their True Ratiocination to the right understanding of Speech ; So also they owe their Errors to the misunderstanding of the same ; and as all the Ornaments of Philosophy proceed onely from Man , so from Man also is derived the ugly absurdity of False opinions . For Speech has something in it like to a Spiders Web ( as it was said of old of Solons laws ; ) for by contexture of words tender and delicate Wits are insnared and stopt ; but strong Wits breake easily through them . From hence also this may be deduced , that the first Truths were arbitrarily made by those that first of all imposed Names upon Things , or received them from the imposition of others . For it is true ( for example ) that Man is a Living Creature ; but it is for this reason , that it pleased men to impose both those Names on the same thing . 9 Fourthly , Propositions are distinguished into Primary and not Primary . Primary is that wherein the Subject is explicated by a Praedicate of many Names , as Man , is a Body Animated Rationall ; for that which is comprehended in the Name Man is more largely expressed in the Names Body , Animated , and Rationall joyned together ; and it is called Primary , because it is first in Ratiocination ; for nothing can be proved , without understanding first the name of the Thing in question . Now Primary Propositions are nothing but Definitions , or parts of Definitions , and these onely are the principles of Demonstration , being Truths constituted arbitrarily by the Inventors of Speech , and therefore not to be demonstrated . To these Propositions , some have added others , which they call Primary and Principles ; namely Axiomes and Common Notions ; which ( though they be so evident that they need no proofe , yet ) because they may be proved , are not truly Principles ; & the lesse to be received for such , in regard Propositions not intelligible , and sometimes manifestly false , are thrust on us under the Name of Principles by the clamour of Men , who obtrude for evident to others all that they themselves thinke True. Also certaine Petitions are commonly received into the number of Principles ; as for example , That a streight line may be drawne between two points , and other Petitions of the Writers of Geometry ; and these are indeed the Principles of Art or Construction , but not of Science and Demonstration . 10 Fiftly , Propositions are distinguished into Necessary , that is , necessarily True ; and True , but not necessarily , which they call Contingent . A Necessary Proposition is when nothing can at any time be conceived or feigned , whereof the Subject is the Name , but the Praedicate also is the Name of the same thing ; as Man is a Living-Creature is a necessary Proposition , because at what time soever we suppose the name Man agrees with any thing , at that time the name Living-Creature also agrees with the same . But a Contingent Proposition is that which at one time may be true , at another time false ; as Every Crow is Black ; which may perhaps be true now , but false hereafter . Again , in every Necessary Proposition , the Praedicate is either equivalent to the Subject , as in this , Man is a Rational Living-Creature ; or part of an equivalent Name , as in this , Man is a Living-Creature , for the Name Rational Living-Creature , or Man , is compounded of these two , Rational and Living-Creature . But in a Contingent Proposition this cannot be ; for though this were true , Every Man is a Lyar , yet because the word Lyar is no part of a Compounded name equivalent to the Name Man , that Proposition is not to be called Necessary , but Contingent , though it should happen to be true alwayes . And therefore those Propositions only are Necessary , which are of Sempiternal Truth , that is , true at all times . From hence also it is manifest , that Truth adheres not to Things , but to Speech onely ; for some Truths are eternal ; for it will be eternally true , if Man , then Living-Creature ; but that any Man , or Living-Creature should exist eternally , is not necessary . 11 A sixth Distinction of Propositions is into Categorical and Hypotheticall . A Categoricall Proposition is that which is simply or absolutely pronounced , as Every Man is a Living Creature , No Man is a Tree ; and Hypotheticall is that which is pronounced conditionally , as , If any thing be a Man the same is also a Living Creature , If any thing be a Man the same is also Not-a-stone . A Categoricall Proposition , and an Hypothetical answering it , doe both signifie the same , if the Propositions be Necessary ; but not if they be Contingent . For example , if this , Every Man is a Living-Creature , be true , this also will be true , If any thing be a Man , the same is also a Living-Creature ; but in Contingent Propositions , though this be true , Every Crow is Black ; yet this , If any thing be a Crow the same is Black , is false . But an Hypotheticall Proposition is then rightly said to be true , when the Consequence is true ; as Every Man is a Living-Creature is rightly said to be a true Proposition , because of whatsoever it is truly said That is a Man , it cannot but be truly said also The same is a Living-Creature . And therefore whensoever an Hypotheticall Proposition is true , the Categoricall answering it is not only true , but also necessary ; which I thought worth the noting , as an argument , that Philosophers may in most things reason more solidly by Hypotheticall then Categoricall Propositions . 12 But seeing every Proposition may be & uses to be pronounced and written in many formes , and we are obliged to speake in the same manner as most men speake ; yet they that learne Philosophy from Masters , had need to take heed they be not deceived by the Variety of expressions . And therefore whensoever they meet with any obscure Proposition , they ought to reduce it to its most Simple and Categoricall forme ; in which the Copulative word Is must be expressed by it selfe , and not mingled in any manner either with the Subject or Praedicate , both which must be separated and cleerly distinguished one from another . For example , if this Proposition Man can not sinne , be compared with this , Man cannot sinne , their difference will easily appeare if they be reduced to these , Man is able not to sinne , and Man is not able to sinne , where the Praedicates are manifestly different . But they ought to doe this silently by themselves , or betwixt them and their Masters onely ; for it will be thought both ridiculous and absurd , for a man to use such language publiquely . Being therefore to speake of Equipollent Propositions , I put in the first place all those for Equipollent , that may be reduced p●rely to one and the same Categoricall Proposition . 13 Secondly , that which is Categoricall and Necessary , is Equipollent to its Hypotheticall Proposition ; as this Categorical , A Right-lined Triangle has its three Angles equal to two Right angles , to this Hypotheticall , If any Figure be a Right-lined Triangle , the three Angles of it are equal to two Right Angles . 14 Also , any two Universall Propositions , of which the Termes of the one ( that is , the Subject and Praedicate ) are Contradictory to the Termes of the other , and their Order inverted , as these , Every man is a Living Creature , and Every thing that is not a Living Creature , is not a Man , are Equipollent . For seeing Every Man is a Living Creature is a true Proposition , the Name Living Creature containes the Name Man ; but they are both Positive Names ; and therefore ( by the last Article of the praecedent Chapter ) the Negative Name Not Living Creature containes the Negative Name Not Man ; Wherefore Everything that is not a Living Creature is not a Man is a true Proposition . Likewise these , No Man is a Tree , No Tree is a Man , are Equipollent . For if it be true that Tree is not the Name of any Man , then no one thing can be signified by the two Names Man and Tree , wherefore No Tree is a Man is a true Proposition . Also to this , Whatsoever is not a Living Creature is not a Man , where both the Termes are Negative , this other Proposition is Equipollent , Onely a Living Creature is a Man. 15 Fourthly , Negative Propositions , whether the particle of Negation be set after the Copula as some Nations doe , or before it , as it is in Latine and Greeke , if the Termes be the same , are equipollent ; as for example , Man is not-a-Tree and Man is not-a-Tree , are equipollent , though Aristotle deny it . Also these , Every Man is not a Tree , and No Man is a Tree are equipollent , and that so manifestly , as it needs not be demonstrated . 16 Lastly , all Particular Propositions that have their Termes inverted , as these , Some Man is Blind , Some Blind thing is a Man , are equipollent ; for either of the two Names , is the Name of some one and the same Man ; and therefore in which soever of the two Orders they be connected , they signifie the same Truth . 17 Of Propositions that have the same Termes , and are placed in the same Order , but varied either by Quantity or Quality , some are called Subaltern , others Contrary , others Subcontrary , and others Contradictory . Subaltern , are Universal and Particular Propositions of the same Quality ; as , Every Man is a Living Creature , Some Man is a Living Creature ; or , No Man is Wise , Some Man is not Wise. Of these i● the Universal be true , the Particular will be true also . Contrary , are Universal Propositions of different Quality ; as Every Man is happy , No Man is happy . And of these if one be true the other is false ; also they may both be false , as in the example given . Subcontrary , are Particular Propositions of different Quality ; as Some Man is learned , Some Man is not learned ; which cannot be both false , but they may be both true . Contradictory are those that differ both in Quantity and Quality ; as Every Man is a Living Creature , Some Man is not a Living Creature ; which can neither be both true , nor both false . 18 A Proposition is said to follow from two other Propositions , when these being granted to be true , it cannot be denyed but the other is true also . For example , let these two Propositions , Every Man is a Living Creature , and Every Living Creature is a Body , be supposed true , that is , that Body is the Name of Every Living Creature , and Living Creature , the Name of Every Man. Seeing therefore , if these be understood to be true , it cannot be understood that Body is not the name of Every man , that is , that Every Man is a Body , is false , this Proposition will be said to follow from those two , or to be necessarily inferred from them . 19 That a true Proposition may follow from false Propositions , may happen sometimes ; but false from true , never . For if these , Every Man is a Stone , and Every Stone is a Living Creature , ( which are both false ) be granted to be true , it is granted also that Living Creature is the name of Every Stone , and Stone of Every Man , that is , that Living Creature is the Name of Every Man ; that is to say , this Proposition Every Man is a Living Creature , is true , as it is indeed true . Wherefore a true Proposition may sometimes follow from false . But if any two Propositions be true , a false one can never follow from them . For if true follow from false , for this reason onely , that the false are granted to be true , then truth from two truths granted will follow in the same manner . 20 Now seeing none but a true Proposition will follow from true , and that the understanding of two Propositions to be true , is the cause of understanding that also to be true which is deduced from them ; the two Antecedent Propositions are commonly called the Causes of the inferred Proposition , or Conclusion . And from hence it is that Logicians say , the Premisses are Causes of the Conclusion ; which may passe , though it be not properly spoken ; for though Understanding be the cause of Understanding , yet Speech is not the cause of Speech . But when they say , the Cause of the Properties of any thing , is the Thing it self , they speake absurdly . Eor example , if a Figure be propounded which is Triangular ; Seeing every Triangle has all its angles together equal to two right angles , from whence it follows that all the angles of that Figure are equal to two right angles , they say for this reason , that that Figure is the Cause of that Equality . But seeing the Figure does not it self make its angles , and therefore cannot be said to be the Efficient-Cause , they call it the Formall-Cause ; whereas in deed it is no Cause at all ; nor does the Property of any Figure follow the Figure , but has its Being at the same time with it ; only the Knowledge of the Figure goes before the Knowledge of the Properties ; and one Knowledge is truly the Cause of another Knowledge , namely the Efficient-Cause . And thus much concerning Proposition ; which in the Progress of Philosophy is the first Step , like the moving towards of one Foot. By the due addition of another Step I shall proceed to Syllogisme , and make a compleat Pace . Of which in the next Chapter . CHAP. IV. Of Syllogisme . 1 The Definition of Syllogisme . 2 In a Syllogisme there are but three Termes . 3 Major , Minor and Middle Term ; also Major and Minor Proposition , what they are . 4 The Middle Terme in every Syllogisme ought to be determined in both the Propositions to one and the same thing . 5 From two Particular Propositions nothing can be concluded . 6 A Syllogisme is the Collection of two Propositions into one Summe . 7 The Figure of a Syllogisme what it is . 8 What is in the mind answering to a Syllogisme . 9 The first Indirect Figure how it is made . 10 The second Indirect Figure how made . 11 How the third Indirect Figure is made 12 There are many Moods in every Figure , but most of them Uselesse in Philosophy . 13 An Hypotheticall Syllogisme when equipollent to a Categoricall . 1. A Speech consisting of three Propositions , from two of which the third followes , is called a SYLLOGISME ; and that which followes is called the Conclusion ; the other two Premisses . For example this Speech , Every man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is a Body , therefore , Every Man is a Body , is a Syllogisme , because the third Proposition follows from the two first ; that is , if those be granted to be true , this must also be granted to be true . 2 From two Propositions which have not one Terme common , no Conclusion can follow ; and therefore no Syllogisme can be made of them . For let any two Premisses , A man is a Living Creature , A Tree is a Plant , be both of them true , yet because it cannot be collected from them that Plant is the Name of a Man , or Man the Name of a Plant , it is not necessary that this Conclusion , A Man is a Plant should be true . Corollary , Therefore in the Premisses of a Syllogisme there can be but three Termes . Besides there can be no Terme in the Conclusion , which was not in the Premisses . For let any two Premisses be , A Man is a Living Creature , A Living Creature is a Body , yet if any other Terme be put in the Conclusion , as Man is two footed ; though it be true , it cannot follow from the Premisses , because from them it cannot be collected , that the Name Two footed belongs to a Man ; and therefore againe , In every Syllogisme there can be but three Termes . 3 Of these Termes , that which is the Predicate in the Conclusion , is commonly called the Major ; that which is the Subject in the Conclusion , the Minor , and the other is the Middle Term ; as in this Syllogisme , A Man is a Living Creature , A Living Creature is a Body , therefore , A Man is a Body , Body is the Major , Man the Minor and Living Creature the Middle Term. Also of the Premisses , that in which the Major Terme is found , is called the Major Proposition , and that which has the Minor Term the Minor Proposition . 4 If the Middle Terme be not in both the Premisses determined to one and the same singular thing , no Conclusion will follow , nor Syllogisme be made . For let the Minor Terme be Man , the Middle Terme Living Creature , and the Major Term Lyon ; and let the Premisses be Man is a Living Creature , Some Living Creature is a Lyon , yet it will not follow that , Every or Any Man is a Lyon. By which it is manifest , that in every Syllogisme , that Proposition which has the Middle Terme for its Subject , ought to be either Universal or Singular , but not Particular nor Indefinite . For example , this Syllogism , Every man is a Living Creature , some Living Creature is four-footed , therefore some Man is four-footed , is therefore faulty , because the Middle Term , Living Creature , is in the first of the Premisses determined onely to Man , for there the Name of Living Creature is given to Man onely , but in the later Premisse it may be understood of some other Living Creature besides Man. But if the later Premisse had been Universall , as here , Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is a Body , therefore Every Man is a Body , the Syllogisme had been true ; for it would have followed that Body had been the Name of Every Living Creature , that is of Man , that is to say , the Conclusion Every Man is a Body had been true . Likewise when the Middle Term is a Singular Name , a Syllogisme may be made , I say a true Syllogisme , though uselesse in Philosophy , as this , Some Man is Socrates , Socrates is a Philosopher , therefore Some Man is a Philosopher ; for the Premisses being granted , the Conclusion cannot be denyed . 5 And therefore of two Premisses , in both which the Middle Terme is Particular , a Syllogisme cannot be made ; for whether the Middle Terme be the Subject in both the Premisses , or the Predicate in both , or the Subject in one and the Predicate in the other , it will not be necessarily determined to the same thing . For let the Premisses be , Some Man is blind Some Man is learned In both which the Middle Term is the Subject , It will not follow , that Blind is the Name of any learned Man , or Learned the Name of any Blind Man , seeing the Name Learned does not containe the Name Blind , nor this that ; and therefore it is not necessary that both should be Names of the same Man. So from these Premisses . Every Man is a Living Creature Every Horse is a Living Creature In both which the Middle Terme is the Predicate , Nothing will follow . For seeing Living Creature is in both of them Indefinite , which is equivalent to Particular , and that Man may be one kind of Living Creature , and Horse another kind , it is not necessary that Man should the be Name of Horse , or Horse of Man. Or if the Premisses be , Every Man is a Living Creature Some Living Creature is four-footed In one of which the Middle Terme is the Subject , and in the other the Predicate , The Conclusion will follow , because the Name Living Creature being not determined , it may in one of them be understood of Man in the other of Not-Man . 6 Now it is manifest from what has been said , that a Syllogisme is nothing but a Collection of the summe of two Propositions , joyned together by a common Term , which is called the Middle Terme . And as Proposition is the Addition of two Names , so Syllogisme is the adding together of three . 7 Syllogismes are usually distinguished according to their diversity of Figures , that is , by the diverse position of the Middle Term. And againe in Figure there is a distinction of certain Moods , which consist of the differences of Propositions in Quantity & Quality . The first Figure is that , in which the Terms are placed one after another according to their latitude of Signification ; in which order the Minor Term is first , the Middle Term next , and the Major last ; as if the Minor Term be Man , the Middle Term Living Creature and the Major Term Body , then , Man is a Living Creature , is a Body , will be a Syllogisme in the first Figure ; in which , Man is a Living Creature , is the Minor Proposition ; the Major , Living Creature is a Body , and the Conclusion or sum of both Man is a Body . Now this Figure is called Direct , because the Termes stand in direct Order ; and it is varied by Quantity and Quality into four Moods ; of which the first is that wherein all the Terms are Positive , and the Minor Term Universal , as Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is a Body ; in which all the Propositions are Affirmative and Universall . But if the Major Term be a Negative Name , and the Minor an Universall Name , the Figure will be in the second Mood , as , Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is not a Tree , in which the Major Proposition and Conclusion are both Universall and Negative . To these two are commonly addded two more , by making the Minor Term Particular . Also it may happen that both the Major and Middle Termes are Negative Terms , and then there arises another Mood , in which all the Propositions are Negative , and yet the Syllogisme will be good ; as , if the Minor Term be Man , the Middle Term Not a Stone , and the Major Terme , Not a Flint , this Syllogisme , No Man is a Stone , Whatsoever is not a Stone is not a Flint , therefore No Man is a Flint , is true , though it consist of three Negatives . But in Philosophy , the Profession whereof is to establish Universall Rules concerning the Properties of Things , seeing the difference betwixt Negatives and Affirmatives is onely this , that in the former the Subject is affirmed by a Negative Name , and by a Positive in the later , it is superfluous to consider any other Mood in direct Figure , besides that , in which all the Propositions are both Universal and Affirmative . 8. The Thoughts in the mind answering to a Direct Syllogism , proceed in this manner ; First , there is conceived a Phantasme of the thing named , with that Accident or Quality thereof for which it is in the Minor Proposition called by that name which is the Subject ; next , the Mind has a Phantasme of the same thing with that Accident or Quality for which it hath the name that in the same Proposition is the Predicate ; Thirdly , the Thought returns of the same thing as having that Accident in it , for which it is called by the Name that is in the Predicate of the Major Proposition ; and lastly , remembring that all those are the Accidents of one and the same thing , it concludes that those three Names are also Names of one and the same thing ; that is to say , the Conclusion is true . For example , when this Syllogisme is made , Man is a Living Creature , A Living Creature is a Body , therefore Man is a Body , the Mind conceives first an image of a Man speaking or discoursing , and remembers that that which so appears , is called Man ; then it has the image of the same Man moving , and remembers that that which appeares so is called Living Creature ; thirdly , it conceives an image of the same Man as filling some place or space , and remembers that what appeares so is called Body ; and lastly , when it remembers , that that thing which was extended , and moved and spake , was one and the same thing , it concludes that the three Names Man , Living Creature , and Body , are Names of the same thing , and that therefore Man is a Living Creature is a true Proposition . From whence it is manifest , that Living Creatures that have not the use of Speech , have no Conception or Thought in the Mind , answering to a Syllogisme made of Universall Propositions ; seeing it is necessary to Thinke not only of the Thing , but also by turnes to remember the diverse Names , which for diverse considerations thereof are applied to the same . 9 The rest of the Figures arise either from the Inflexion , or Inversion of the first or direct Figure ; which is done by changing the Major , or Minor , or both the Propositions into converted Propositions aequipollent to them . From whence follow three other Figures ; of which , two are Inflected , and the third Inverted . The first of these three is made by the Conversion of the Major Proposition . For let the Minor , Middle and Major Terms stand in direct order , thus , Man is a Living Creature , Is not a Stone , which is the first or direct Figure ; the Inflexion will be by converting the Major Proposition in this manner , Man is a Living Creature , A stone is not a Living Creature ; And this is the second Figure , or the first of the Indirect Figures ; in which the Conclusion will be , Man is not a stone . For ( having shewn in the last Chap. 14 Article , that Universall Propositions converted by contradiction of the Termes are aequipollent , ) both those Syllogismes conclude alike ; so that if the Major be read ( like Hebrew ) backwards , thus , A Living Creature is not a Stone , it will be direct again , as it was before . In like manner this Direct Syllogisme , Man is not a Tree , is not a Pear-tree , will be made Indirect by converting the Major Proposition ( by contradiction of the Termes ) into another aequipollent to it , thus , Man is not a Tree , A Pear-tree is a Tree ; for the same Conclusion will follow , Man is not a Pear-tree . But for the Conversion of the Direct Figure into the first Indirect Figure , the Major Terme in the Direct Figure ought to be Negative . For though this Direct , Man is a Living Creature , is a Body be made Indirect , by converting the Major Proposition , thus , Man is a Living Creature . Not a Body is not a Living Creature , Therefore Every Man is a Body ; yet this Conversion appeares so obscure , that this Mood is of no use at all . By the Conversion of the Major Proposition , it is manifest , that in this Figure , the Mi dle Terme is alwayes the Predicate in both the Premisses . 10 The second Indirect Figure is made by converting the Minor Proposition , so as that the Middle Term is the Subject in both . But this never concludes Uniuersally , and therefore is of no use in Philosophy . Neverthelesse I will set down an example of it ; by which this Direct . Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is a Body , by Conversion of the Minor Proposition will stand thus , Some Living Creature is a Man , Every Living Creature is a Body , Therefore Some Man is a Body . For Every Man is a Living Creature , cannot be converted into this , Every Living Creature is a Man ; and therefore if this Syllogisme be restored to its Direct forme , the Minor Proposition will be Some Man is a Living Creature , and consequently the Conclusion will be Some Man is a Body , seeing the Minor Terme Man , which is the Subject in the Conclusion , is a Particular Name . 11 The third Indirect or Inverted Figure , is made by the Conversion of both rhe Premisses . For Example , this Direct Syllogisme , Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is not a Stone , Therefore Every Man is not a Stone ; being Inverted will stand thus , Every Stone is not a Living Creature Whatsoever is not a Living Creature , is not a Man , Therefore Every Stone is not a Man. Which Conclusion is the Converse of the Direct Conclusion , and aequipollent to the same . The Figures therefore of Syllogisms , if they be numbred by the diverse scituation of the Middle Terme onely , are but three ; in the first whereof the Middle Term has the Middle place ; in the second , the last ; and in the third , the first place . But if they be numbred according to the scituation of the Termes simply , they are four ; for the first may be distinguished againe into two , namely into Direct and Inverted . From whence it is evident , that the controversie among Logicians concerning the fourth Figure , is a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or contention about the Name thereof ; for as for the thing it selfe , it is plain , that the scituation of the Termes ( not considering the Quantity or Quality by which the Moods are distinguished ) makes four differences of Syllogismes , which may be called Figures , or have any other Name at pleasure . 12 In every one of these Figures there are many Moods , which are made by varying the Premisses according to all the differences they are capable of , by Quantity and Quality ; as namely , in the Direct Figure there are six Moods ; in the first Indirect Figure , four ; in the second , fourteen ; and in the third , eighteen . But because from the Direct Figure I rejected as superfluous all Moods besides that which consists of Universal Propositions , and whose Minor Proposition is Affirmative , I doe together with it reject the Moods of the rest of the Figures which are made by Conversion of the Premisses in the Direct Figure . 13 As it was shewed before , that in Necessary Propositions a Categoricall and Hypotheticall Proposition are aequipollent ; so likewise it is manifest that a Categoricall and Hypotheticall Syllogisme are aequivalent . For every Categoricall Syllogisme , as this , Every Man is a Living Creature , Every Living Creature is a Body , Therefore Every Man is a Body , is of equall force with this Hypotheticall Syllogisme . If any thing be a Man , the same is also a Living Creature , If any thing be a Living Creature , the same is a Body , Therefore If any thing be a Man , the same is a Body . In like manner , this Categorical Syllogisme in an Indirect Figure No Stone is a Living Creature , Every Man is a Living Creature , Therefore No Man is a Stone , or No Stone is a Man , is aequivalent to this Hypotheticall Syllogisme . If any thing be a Man , the same is a Living Creature , If any thing be a a Stone , the same is not a Living Creature , Therefore If any thing be a Stone , the same is not a Man , or If any thing be a Man , the same is not a Stone . And thus much seemes sufficient for the nature of Syllogismes ; ( for the doctrine of Moods and Figures is cleerely delivered by others that have written largely and profitably of the same . ) Nor are Precepts so necessary as Practice for the attaining of true Ratiocination ; and they that study the Demonstrations of Mathematicians , will sooner learn true Logick , then they that spend time in reading the Rules of Syllogi●ing which Logicians have made ; no otherwise then little Children learn to goe , not by Precepts , but by exercising their feet . This therefore may serve for the first Pace in the way to Philosophy . In the next place I shall speak of the Faults and Errors , into which men that reason unwarily , are apt to fall ; and of their Kinds and Causes . CHAP. V. Of Erring , Falsity and Captions . 1. Erring and Falsity how they differ . Error of the Mind by it selfe without the use of Words , how it happens . 2 A sevenfold Incoherency of Names , every one of which makes allwayes a false Proposition . 3. Examples of the first manner of Incoherency . 4 Of the second . 5 Of the third . 6 Of the fourth . 7 Of the fifth . 8 Of the sixth . 9 Of the seventh . 10 Falsity of Propositions detected by resolving the Terms with Definitions continued till they ●ome to Simple Names , or Names that are the most Generall of their kind . 11 Of the fault of a Syllogisme consisting in the Implication of the Termes which the Copula 12 Of the fault which consists in Equivocation . 13 Sophisticall Captions are oftner faulty in the matter then in the forme of Syllogismes . 1 MEn are subject to Erre not onely in Affiming and Denying ; but also in Perception , and in silent Cogitation . In Affirming and Denying , when they call any thing by a Name , which is not the Name thereof ; as if from seeing the Sun first by reflection in Water , and afterwards again directly in the Firmament , we should to both those appearances give the Name of Sunne , and say there are two Sunnes ; which none but men can d●e ; for no other Living Creatures have the use of Names . This kind of Error onely deserves the name of Falsity , as arising , not from sense , nor from the Things themselves but from pronouncing rashly ; for Names have their constitution , not from the Species of Things , but from the Will and Consent of Men. And hence it comes to passe , that men pronounce Falsely by their own negligence , in departing from such appellations of things as are agreed upon , and are not deceived neither by the Things , nor by the Sense ; for they do not perceive that the thing they see is called Sunne , but they give it that Name from their owne will and agreement . Tacite Errors , or the Errors of Sense and Cogitation , are made , by passing from one Imaginatition to the Imagination of another different thing ; or by feigning that to be Past , or Future , which never was , nor ever shall be ; as when by seeing the Image of the Sunne in Water , we imagine the Sunne it selfe to be there ; or by seeing swords , that there has been or shall be fighting , because it uses to be so for the most part ; or when from Promises we feigne the mind of the Promiser to be such and such ; or lastly , when from any Signe we vainly imagine something to be signified , which is not . And Errors of this sort are common to all things that have sense ; and yet the Deception proceeds neither from our senses , nor from the Things we perceive ; but from our selves , while we feigne such things as are but meer Images , to be something more then Images . But neither Things , nor Imaginations of Things can be said to be False , seeing they are truly what they are ; nor doe they as Signes promise any thing which they do not performe ; for they indeed do not promise at all , but we from them ; nor doe the Clouds , but we from seeing the Clouds , say it shall rain . The best way therefore to free our selves from such Errors as arise from naturall Signes , is first of all , before we begin to reason concerning such conjecturall things , to suppose our selves ignorant , and then to make use of our Ratiocination ; for these Errors proceed from the want of Ratiocination ; whereas Errors which consist in Affirmation and Negation , ( that is , the Falsity of Propositions ) proceed only from Reasoning amisse . Of these therefore , as repugnant to Philosophy , I will speake principally . 2 Errors which happen in Reasoning , that is , in Syllogizing , consist either in the Falsity of the Premisses , or of the Inference . In the first of these cases , a Syllogisme is said to be faulty in the Matter of it ; and in the second case , in the Forme . I will first consider the Matter , namely how many wayes a Proposition may be false ; and next the Forme , and how it comes to pass , that when the Premises are True , the Inference is notwithstanding False . Seeing therefore that Proposition onely is True , ( Chap. 3. Art. 7. ) in which are copulated two Names of one and the same thing ; and that alwayes False , in which Names of different things are copulated ; look how many wayes Names of different things may be copulated , and so many wayes a False Proposition may be made . Now all things to which we give Names , may be reduced to these four kinds , namely , Bodies , Accidents , Phantasmes , and Names themselves ; and therefore in every true Proposition it is necessary that the Names copulated , be both of them Names of Bodies , or both Names of Accidents , or both Names of Phantasmes , or both Names of Names . For Names otherwise copulated are incoherent , and constitute a False Proposition . It may happen also that the Name of a Body , of an Accident , or of a Phantasme may be copulated with the Name of a Speech . So that copulated Names may be Incoherent seven manner of wayes . 1 If the Name of a Body be copulated with the Name of an Accident . 2 If the Name of a Body be copulated with the Name of a Phantasme . 3 If the Name of a Body be copulated with the Name of a Name . 4 If the Name of an Accident be copulated with the Name of a Phantasme . 5 If the Name of an Accident be copulated with the Name of a Name . 6 If the Name of a Phantasme be copulated with the Name of a Name . 7 If the Name of a Body , of an Accident or of a Phantasme be copulated with the Name of a Speech . Of all which I will give some examples . 3 After the first of these wayes Propositions are false , when Abstract Names are copulated with Concrete Names ; as ( in Latine and Greek ) Esse est Ens , Essenti● est Ens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. ) Quidditas est Ens , and many the like which are found in Aristotles Metaphysicks . Also , the Understanding worketh , the Understanding understandeth , the Sight seeth , A Body is Magnitude , A Body is Quantity , A Body is Extension , To Be a Man is a Man , Whitenesse is a White thing , &c. which is as if one should say The Runner is the Running , or the Walke Walketh . Moreover , Essence is separated , Substance is Abstracted ; and others like these , or derived from these ( with which common Philosophy abounds ) . For seeing no Subject of an Accident , ( that is , No Body ) is an Accident ; no Name of an Accident ought to be given to a Body , nor of a Body to an Accident . 4 False in the second Manner are such Propositions as these , A Ghost is a Body , or a Spirit , that is , a thinne Body ; Sensible Species fly up and down in the Air , or are moved hither and thither , which is proper to Bodies ; also , A Shadow is Moved , or is a Body ; Light is Moved , or is a Body ; Colour is the Ob●ect of Sight , Sound of Hearing ; Space or Place is Extended ; and innumerable others of this kind . For seeing Ghosts , sensible Species , a Shadow , Light , Colour , Sound , Space , &c. appeare to us no lesse sleeping then waking , they cannot be things without us , but onely Phantasmes of the mind that imagins them ; and therefore the Names of these , copulated with the Names of Bodies , cannot constitute a true Proposition . 5 False Propositions of the third kind , are such as these ; Genus est Ens , Universale est Ens , Ens de Ente Praedicatur . For Genus , and Universale , and Praedicare are Names of Names , and not of Things . Also Number is Infinite , is a false Proposition ; for no number can be Infinite , but onely the word Number is then called an Indefinite Name when there is no determined Number answering to it in the Mind . 6 To the fourth kind belong such false Propositions as these , ▪ An Object is of such Magnitude or Figure as appeares to the Beholders ; Colour , Light , Sound , are in the Object ; and the like . For the same Object appeares sometimes greater , sometimes lesser , sometimes square , sometimes round according to the diversity of the Distance and Medium ; but the true Magnitude and Figure of the thing seen is allwayes one and the same ; so that the magnitude and figure which appeares , is not the true magnitude and figure of the Object , nor any thing but Phantasme ; and therefore in such Propositions as these , the Names of Accidents are copulated with the Names of Phantasmes . 7 Propositions are false in the fifth manner , when it is said that The Definition is the Essence of a thing ; Whitenesse , or some other Accident is the Genus , or Universal . For Definition is not the Essence of any thing , but a speech signifying what we conceive of the Essence thereof ; and so also not Whitenesse it selfe , but the word Whitenesse , is a Genus , or an Universall Name . 8 In the sixth manner they Erre , that say the Idea of any thing is Universal ; as if there could be in the Mind an Image of a Man which were not the Image of some one Man , but of Man simply , which is impossible ; for every Idea is one , and of onething ; but they are deceived in this , that they put the Name of the thing for the Idea thereof . 9 They erre in the seventh manner , that make this distinction between things that have being , that some of them exist by themselves , others by Accident ; Namely , because Socrates is a Man is a Necessary Proposition , and Socrates is a Musician a Contingent Proposition , therefore they say some things exist necessarily or by themselves , others contingently or by Accident ; whereby , seeing Necessary , Contingent , By it selfe , By Accident , are not Names of Things , but of Propositions , they that say any thing that has being , exists by Accident , copulate the Name of a Proposition with the Name of a Thing . In the same manner also they Erre , which place some Ideas in the Understanding , others in the Fancy ; as if from the Understanding of this Proposition Man is a Living Creature , we had one Idea or Image of a Man derived from sense to the Memory , and another to the Understanding ; wherein that which deceives them is this , that they think one Idea should be answerable to a Name , another to a Proposition ; which is false ; for Pr●position signifies onely the order of those things one after another , which we observe in the same Idea of Man ; so that this Proposition Man is a Living Creature , raises but one Idea in us , though in that Idea we consider that first , for which he is called Man , and next that for which he is called Living Creature . The Falsities of Propositions in all these several manners , is to be discovered by the Definitions of the Copulated Names . 10 But when Names of Bodies are copulated with Names of Bodies , Names of Accidents with Names of Accidents , Names of Names with Names of Names , and Names of Phantasmes with Names of Phantasmes , if we neverthelesse remaine still doubtfull whether such Propositions are true ; we ought then in the first place to find out the Definition of both those Names , and againe the Definitions of such Names as are in the former Definition , and so proceed by a continuall Resolution till we come to a simple Name , that is , to the most Generall or most Universall Name of that kind ; and if after all this the Truth or Falsity thereof be not evident , we must search it out by Philosophy , and Ratiocination , beginning from Definitions . For every Proposition Universally true , is either a Definition , or part of a Definition , or the evidence of it depends upon Definitions . 11 That fault of a Syllogisme which lyes bid in the Forme thereof , will allwayes be found either in the implication of the Copula with one of the Termes , or in the Aequivocation of some word ; and in either of these wayes there will be four Terms , which ( as I have shewne ) cannot stand in a true Syllogisme . Now the implication of the Copula with either Terme , is easily detected by reducing the Propositions to plain and cleere Praedication ; as ( for example ) if any man should argue thus , The Hand toucheth the Pen , The Pen toucheth the Paper , Therefore The Hand toucheth the Paper ; the Fallacy will easily appear by reducing it , thus , The Hand , is , touching the Pen , The Pen , is , touching the Paper , Therefore The Hand , is , touching the Paper ; where there are manifestly these four Termes , The Hand , Touching the Pen , The Pen , and Touching the Paper . But the danger of being deceived by Sophismes of this kind , does not seem to be so great , as that I need insist longer upon them . 12 And though there may be Fallacy in Aequivocal Terms , yet in those that be manifestly such there is none at all ; nor in Metaphors ; for they professe the transferring of Names from one thing to another . Neverthelesse sometimes Aequivocalls ( and those not very obscure ) may deceive ; as in this argumentation , It belongs to Metaphysicks , to treat of Principles ; But the first Principles of all , is , that the same thing cannot both exist and not exist at the same time ; and therefore it belongs to Metaphysicks to treat whether the same thing may both exist and not exist at the same time ; where the Fallacy lies in the Aequivocation of the word Principle ; for whereas Aristotle in the beginning of his Metaphysicks sayes , that the treating of Principles belongs to primary science , he understands by Principles , Causes of things , and certaine Existences which he calls Primary ; but where he sayes a Primary Proposition is a Principle , by Principle there he means the beginning and cause of Knowledge , that is the understanding of words , which if any man want , he is incapable of learning . 13 But the Captions of Sophists and Scepticks , by which they were wont of old to deride and oppose Truth , were faulty for the most part , not in the Forme , but in the Matter of Syllogisme ; and they deceived not others oftner then they were themselves deceived . For the force of that famous argument of Zeno against Motion , consisted in this Proposition , Whatsoever may be divided into parts infinite in number , the same is infinite ; which he without doubt thought to be true , yet neverthelesse is false . For to be divided into infinite parts , is nothing else but to be divided ●●●o as many parts as any man will. But it is not necessary that a Line should have parts infinite in number , or be infinite , because I can divide and subdivide it as often as I please ; for how many parts soever I make , yet their number is finite ; but because he that sayes Parts , simply , without adding how many , does not limit any number , but leaves it to the determination of the Hearer , therefore we say commonly a line may be divided infinitely ; which cannot be true in any other sense . And thus much may suffice concerning Syllogisme , which is as it were the first Pace towards Philosophy ; in which I have said as much as is necessary , to teach any man from whence all true argumentation has its force . And to enlarge this Treatise with all that may be heaped together , would be as superfluous , as if one should ( as I said before ) give a young child Precepts for the teaching of him to goe ; for the Art of Reasoning is not so well learned by Precepts as by Practice , and by the reading of those books in which the Conclusions are all made by severe Demonstration . And so I pass on to the way of Philosophy , that is , to the Method of Study . CHAP. VI. Of Method ▪ 1 Method and Science defined . 2 It is more easily known concerning Singular then Universall things , That they are ; and contrarily , it i● more easily knowne concerning Universall then Singular things , Why they are , or what are their Causes . 3 What it is Philosophers seek to know . 4 The first Part , by which Principles are found out is purely Analyticall . 5 The highest Causes , and most Universall in every kind , are knowne by themselves . 6 Method from Principles fonnd out , tending to Science simply , what it is . 7 That Method of Civill and Naturall Science which proceeds from Sense to Principles , is Analytical ; and againe that which begins at Principles , is Syntheticall . 8 The Method of searching out , whether any thing propounded , be Matter or Accident . 9 The Method of seeking whether any Accident be in this , or in that Subject . 10 The Method of searching after the Cause of any Effect propounded . 11 Words serve to Invention , as Markes ; to Demonstration , as Signes . 12 The Method of Demonstration is Syntheticall . 13 Definitions onely are Primary and Universal Propositions . 14 The Nature and Definition of a Definition . 15 The Properties of a Definition . 16 The Nature of a Demonstration . 17 The Properties of a Demonstration , and Order of things to be demonstrated . 18 The Faults of a Demonstration . 19 Why the Analyticall Method of Ge●metricians cannot be treated of in this place . 1 FOr the understanding of Method , it will be necessary for me to repeat the definition of Philosophy , delivered above ( Chap. 1. Art. 2. ) in this manner , Philosophy is the knowledge we acquire by true Ratiocination , of Appearances , or apparent Effects , from the knowledge we have of some possible Production or Generation of the same ; and of such Production as has been or may be , from the knowledge we have of the Effects . METHOD therefore in the Study of Philosophy , is the shortest way of finding out Effects by their known Causes , or of Causes by their known Effects . But we are then said to know any Effect , when we know , that there be Causes of the same , and in what Subiect those Causes are , and in what Subiect they produce that Effect , and in what Manner they work the same . And this is the Science of Causes , or as they call it of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All other Science , which is called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is either Perception by Sense , or the Imagination , or Memory remaining after such Perception . The first Beginnings therefore of Knowledge , are the Phantasmes of Sense and Imagination ; and that there be such Phantasmes we know well enough by Nature ; but to know why they be , or from what Causes they proceed , is the work of Ratiocination ; which consists ( as is said above , in the 1. Chap. 2. Art. ) in Composition , and Division or Resolution . There is therefore no Method , by which we find out the Causes of things , but is either Compositive , or Resolutive , or partly Compositive , and partly Resolutive . And the Resolutive is commonly called Analyticall Method , as the Compositive is called Syntheticall . 2 It is common to all sorts of Method , to proceed from known things to unknown ; and this is manifest from the cited Definition of Philosophy . But in Knowledge by Sense , the whole object is more known , then any part thereof ; as when we see a Man , the Conception or whole Idea of that Man is first or more known , then the particular Ideas of his being figurate , animate , and rationall ; that is , we first see the whole Man , and take notice of his Being , before we observe in him those other Particulars . And therefore in any knowledge of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or that any thing is , the beginning of our search is from the whole Idea ; and contrarily , in our knowledge of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or of the Causes of any thing , that is , in the Sciences , we have more knowledge of the Causes of the Parts , then of the Whole . For the Cause of the Whole is compounded of the Causes of the Parts ; but it is necessary that we know the things that are to be compounded , before we can know the whole Compound . Now by Parts , I do not here mean Parts of the thing it self , but Parts of its Nature ; as , by the Parts of Man I do not understand his Head , his Shoulders , his Arms , &c. but his Figure , Quantity , Motion , Sense , Reason , and the like ; which Accidents being compounded or put together , constitute the whole Nature of Man , but not the man himselfe . And this is the meaning of that common saying , namely , that some things are more knowne to us , others more known to Nature ; for I do not thinke that they which so distinguish , mean , that something is known to Nature , which is known to no man ; and therefore , by those things that are more known to Us , we are to understand , things we take notice of by our Senses , and by more known to Nature , those we acquire the knowledge of by Reason ; for in this sense it is , that the Whole , that is , those things that have Universal Names , ( which for brevities sake I call Universall ) are more knowne to us then the Parts , that is , such things as have Names lesse Universal , ( which I therefore call Singular ; ) and the Causes of the Parts , are more known to Nature then the Cause of the Whole ; that is , Universalls then Singulars . 3 In the Study of Philosophy men search after Science either Simply , or Indefinitely ; that is , to know as much as they can , without propounding to themselves any limited question ; or they enquire into the Cause of some determined Appearance , or endeavour to find out the certainty of something in question ; as what is the cause of Light , of Heat , of Gravity , of a Figure propounded , and the like ; or in what Subiect any propounded Accident is inhaerent ; or what may conduce most to the generation of some propounded Effect from many Accidents ; or in what manner particular Causes ought to be compounded for the production of some certaine Effect . Now according to this variety of things in question , sometimes the Analyticall Method is to be used , and sometimes the Syntheticall . 4 But to those that search after Science indefinitely , which consists in the knowledge of the Causes of all things , as far forth as it may be attained , and the Causes of Singular things are compounded of the Causes of Universall or Simple things , it is necessary that they know the Causes of Universall things , or of such Accidents as are common to all Bodies , that is , to all Matter , before they can know the Causes of Singular things , that is , of those Accidents by which one thing is distinguished from another . And againe they must know what those Universall things are , before they can know their Causes . Moreover , seeing Universall things are contained in the Nature of Singular things , the knowledge of them is to be acquired by Reason , that is , by Resolution . ▪ For example , if there be propounded a Conception or Idea of some Singular thing , as of a Square , this Square is to be resolved into a Plain , terminated with a certaine number of equall and straight lines and right angles . For by this Resolution we have these things Universall or agreeable to all Matter , namely , Line , Plain , ( which containes Superficies , ) Terminated , Angle , Straightness , Rectitude and Equality ; and if we can find out the Causes of these , we may compound them all together into the Cause of a Square . Againe , if any man propound to himselfe the Conception of Gold , he may by Resolving come to the Ideas of Solid , Visible , Heavy , ( that is , tending to the Center of the Earth , or downwards , ) and many other more Universall then Gold it selfe ; and these he may Resolve againe , till he come to such things as are most Universall . And in this manner by Resolving continually , we may come to know what those things are , whose Causes being first known severally , and afterwards compounded , bring us to the Knowledge of Singular things . I conclude therefore , that the Method of attaining to the Universall Knowledge of Things , is purely Analyticall . 5 But the Causes of Universall things ( of those at least that have any Cause ) are manifest of themselues , or ( as they say commonly ) known to Nature ; so that they need no Method at all ; for they have all but one Universall Cause , which is Motion . For the variety of all Figures arises out of the variety of those Motions by which they are made ; and Motion cannot be understood to have any other Cause besides Motion ; nor has the Variety of those things we perceive by Sense , as of Colours , Sounds , Savours , &c. any other Cause then Motion , residing partly in the Objects that work upon our Senses , and partly in our selves , in such manner , as that it is manifestly some kind of Motion , though we cannot without Ratiocination come to know what kind . For though many cannot understand till it be in some sort demonstrated to them , that all Mutation consists in Motion ; yet this happens not from any obscurity in the thing it selfe , ( for it is not intelligible that any thing can depart either from Rest , or from the Motion it has , except by Motion ; ) but either by having their Naturall Discourse corrupted with former Opinions received from their Masters , or else for this , that they do not at all bend their mind to the enquiring out of Truth , 6 By the Knowledge therefore of Universalls , and of their Causes ( which are the first Principles by which we know the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of things , ) we have in the first place their Definitions , ( which are nothing but the explication of our Simple Conceptions . ) For example , he that has a true Conception of Place , cannot be ignorant of this Definition , Place is that space which is possessed or filled adaequately by some Body ; and so , he that conceives Motion aright , cannot but know , that Motion is the privation of one Place , and the acquisition of another . In the next place , we have their Generations or Descriptions ; as , ( for example , ) that a Line is made by the Motion of a Point , Superficies by the Motion of a Line , and one Motion by another Motion , &c. It remains , that we enquire , what Motion begets such and such Effects ; as , what Motion makes a Straight line , and what a Circular ; what Motion thrusts , what drawes , and by what way ; what makes a thing which is seen or heard , to be seen or heard sometimes in one manner , sometimes in another . Now the Method of this kind of Enquiry , is Compositive . For first we are to observe what Effect a Body moved produceth , when we consider nothing in it besides its Motion ; and we see presently that this makes a Line , or length ; next , what the Motion of a long Body produces , which we find to be Superficies ; and so forwards , till we see what the Effects of Simple Motion are ; and then in like manner , we are to observe what proceeds from the Addition , Multiplication , Substraction and Division of these Motions , and what Effects , what Figures , and what Properties they produce ; from which kind of Contemplation sprung that part of Philosophy which is called Geometry . From this consideration of what is produced by Simple Motion , we are to passe to the consideration of what Effects one Body moved worketh upon another ; and because there may be Motion in all the severall parts of a Body , yet so as that the whole Body remain still in the same place , we must enquire , first , what Motion causeth such and such Motion in the whole , that is , when one Body invades another Body which is either at Rest , or in Motion , what way , and with what swiftnesse the invaded Body shall move ; and again , what Motion this second Body will generate in a third , and so forwards . From which Contemplation shall be drawn that part of Philosophy which treats of Motion . In the Third place we must proceed to the Enquiry of such Effects , as are made by the Motion of the Parts of any Body , as , how it comes to passe , that things when they are the same , yet seeme not to be the same , but changed . And here the things we search after are sensible Qualities , such as Light , Colour , Transparency , Opacity , Sound , Odour , Savour , Heat , Cold and the like ; which because they cannot be known till we know the Causes of Sense it selfe , therefore the consideration of the Causes of Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting and Touching belongs to this third place ; and all those qualities and Changes above mentioned are to be referred to the fourth place ; which two considerations comprehend that part of Philosophy which is called Physiques . And in these four parts is contained whatsoever in Naturall Philosophy may be explicated by Demonstration properly so called . For if a Cause were to be rendred of Natural Appearances in special , as , what are the Motions and Influences of the heavenly Bodies , and of their parts , the reason hereof must either be drawn from the parts of the Sciences above mentioned , or no reason at all will be given , but all left to uncertaine conjecture . After Physiques we must come to Morall Philosophy ; in which we are to consider the Motions of the Mind , namely Appetite , Aversion , Love , Benevolence , Hope , Fear , Anger , Emulation , Envy , &c. what Causes they have , and of what they be Causes . And the reason why these are to be considered after Physiques , is , that they have their Causes in Sense and Imagination , which are the Subject of Physicall Contemplation . Also the reason why all these Things are to be searched after in the order abovesaid , is , that Physiques cannot be understood , except we know first what Motions are in the smallest parts of Bodies ; nor such Motion of Parts , till we know what it is that makes another Body move ; nor this , till we know what Simple Motion will effect . And because all Appearance of things to sense is determined , and made to be of such and such Quality and Quantity by Compounded Motions , every one of which has a certaine degree of Velocity , and a certaine and determined way ; therefore in the first place we are to search out the wayes of Motion simply , ( in which Geometry consists ; ) next the wayes of such generated Motions as are manifest ; and lastly the wayes of internal and invisible Motions , ( which is the Enquiry of Naturall Philosophers . ) And therefore they that study Naturall Philosophy , study in vaine , except they begin at Geometry ; and such Writers or Disputers thereof , as are ignorant of Geometry , do but make their Readers and Hearers lose their time . 7 Civill and Morall Philosophy doe not so adhere to one another , but that they may be severed . For the Causes of the Motions of the Mind are known not onely by Ratiocination , but also by the Experience of every man that takes the paines to observe those Motions within himselfe . And therefore not only they that have attained the knowledge of the Passions and Perturbations of the Mind , by the Syntheticall Method and from the very first Principles of Philosophy , may by proceeding in the same way come to the Causes and Necessity of constituting Common-wealths , and to get the Knowledge of what is Naturall Right , and what are Civill Duties ; and in every kind of Government , what are the Rights of the Commonwealth , and all other Knowledge appertaining to Civill Philosophy , for this reason , that the Principles of the Politiques consist in the Knowledge of the Motions of the Mind , and the Knowledge of these Motions from the knowledge of Sense and Imagination ; but even they also that have not learned the first part of Philosophy , namely Geometry and Physiques , may notwithstanding attain the Principles of Civill Philosophy , by the Analyticall Method . For if a Question be propounded , as Whether such an Action be Just or Uniust ; if that Uniust be resolved into Fact against Law , and that notion of Law into the Command of him or them that have Coercive Power ; and that Power be derived from the Wills of Men that constitute such Power to the end they may live in Peace , they may at last come to this , that the Appetites of Men and the Passions of their Minds are such , that unlesse they be restrained by some Power , they will alwayes be making warre upon one another ; which may be known to be so by any mans experience , that will but examine his owne Mind . And therefore from hence he may proceed by Compounding , to the determination of the Justice or Injustice of any propounded Action . So that it is manifest by what has been said , that the Method of Philosophy to such as seek Science simply , without propounding to themselves the Solution of any Particular question , is partly Analyticall , and partly Syntheticall ; namely , that which proceeds from Sense to the invention of Principles , Analyticall ; and the rest Syntheticall . 8 To those that seek the Cause of some certaine and pro pounded Appearance or Effect , it happens sometimes , that they know not whether the thing whose Cause is sought after , be Matter or Body , or some Accident of a Body . For though in Geometry , when the Cause is sought of Magnitude , or Proportion , or Figure , it be certainly known that these things , namely Magnitude , Proportion and Figure are Accidents ; yet in Naturall Philosophy , where all questions are concerning the Causes of the Phantasmes of sensible things , it is not so easie to discern between the things themselves from which those Phantasmes proceed , and the Appearances of those things to the sense ; which have deceived many , especially when the Phantasmes have been made by Light. For Example , a Man that looks upon the Sunne , has a certaine shining Idea of ●●e Magnitude of about a fo●t over ; and this he calls the Sunne , thoug●…e know the Sunne to be truly a great deale bigger and in like 〈…〉 , the Phantasme of the same thing appears sometimes ●●und ▪ by being 〈…〉 a ●arre off , and sometimes square , by being neerer . Whereupon ●t may well be doubted whether that Phantasme be Ma●… ▪ or some Body Naturall , or onely some Accident of a Body ; in the examination of which doubt we may use this Method . The Properties of Matter and Accidents already found out by Us by the Syntheticall Method from their Definitions , are to be compared with the Idea we have before us ; and if it agree with the Properties of Matter or Body , then it is a Body ; otherwise it is an Accident . Seeing therefore Matter cannot by any endeavour of ours be either Made or Destroyed , or Encreased , or Diminished , or Moved out of its place , whereas that Idea Appeares , Vanishes , is Encreased , and Diminished , and Moved hither and thither at pleasure ; we may certainly conclude that it is not a Body , but an Accident onely . And this Method is Syntheticall . 9 But if there be a doubt made concerning the Subject of any known Accident , ( for this may be doubted sometimes , as in the praecedent example doubt may be made in what Subject that Splendor and apparent Magnitude of the Sunne is ) then our enquiry must proceed in this manner . First , Matter in Generall must be divided into parts , as into Object , Medium , and the Sentient it selfe , or such other parts as seem most conformable to the thing propounded . Next , these parts are severally to be examined how they agree with the Definition of the Subject ; and such of them as are not capable of that Accident are to be rejected . For example , If by any true Ratiocination the Sunne be found to be greater then its apparent Magnitude , then that Magnitude is not in the Sunne ; If the Sunne be in one determined straight line , and one determined distance , and the Magnitude and Splendor be seen in more lines and distances then one , as it is in Reflection or Refraction , then neither that Splendor nor apparent Magnitude are in the Sun it self , and therefore the Body of the Sun cannot be the Subject of that Splendor and Magnitude . And for the same reasons the Aire and other parts will be rejected , till at last nothing remain which can be the Subject of that Splendor and Magnitude but the Sentient it selfe . And this Method , in regard the Subject is divided into parts is Analitycall ; and in regard the Properties both of the Subject and Accident are compared with the Accident concerning whose Subject the enquiry is made , it is Syntheticall . 10 But when we seek after the Cause of any propounded Effect ; we must in the first place get into our Mind an exact Notion or Idea of that which we call Cause , namely , that A Cause is the Summe or Aggregate of all such Accidents both in the Agents and the Patient , as concurre to the producing of the Effect propounded ; all which existing together , it cannot be understood but that the Effect existeth with them ; or that it cannot possibly exist if any one of them be absent . This being known , in the next place we must examine singly every Accident that accompanies or praecedes the Effect , as farre forth as it seemes to conduce in any manner to the production of the same , and see whether the propounded Effect may be conceived to exist , without the existence of any of those Accidents ; and by this meanes separate such Accidents as do not concurre , from such as concurre to produce the said Effect ; which being done , we are to put together the concurring Accidents , and consider whether we can possibly conceive that when these are all present , the Effect propounded will not follow ; and if it be evident that the Effect will follow , then that Aggregate of Accidents is the entire Cause , otherwise not ; but we must still search out and put together other Accidents . For example , if the Cause of Light be propounded to be sought out ; first , we examine things without us , and find that whensoever Light appeares , there is some principall Object , as it were the fountaine of Light , without which we cannot have any perception of Light ; and therefore the concurrence of that Object is necessary to the generation of Light. Next we consider the Medium , and find that unlesse it be disposed in a certaine manner , namely , that it be transparent , though the Object remain the same , yet the Effect will not follow ; and therefore the concurrence of Transparency is also necessary to the generation of Light. Thirdly , we observe our own Body , and find that by the indisposition of the Eyes , the Brain , the Nerves , and the Heart , that is , by Obstructions , Stupidity and Debility we are deprived of Light , so that a fitting disposition of the Organs to receive impressions from without is likewise a necessary part of the Cause of Light. Again , of all the Accidents inhaerent in the Object , there is none that can conduce to the effecting of Light , but onely Action , ( or a certain Motion , ) which cannot be conceived to be wanting , whensoever the Effect is present ; for , that any thing may shine , it is not requisite that it be of such or such ●agnitude or Figure , or that the whole Body of it be moved out of the place it is in , ( unlesse it may perhaps be said , that in the Sun or other Body , that which causeth Light is the light it hath in it selfe ; which yet is but a trifling exception , seeing nothing is meant thereby but the Cause of Light ; as if any man should say that the Cause of Light is that in the Sunne which produceth it ; ) it remaines therefore that the Action by which Light is generated , is Motion only in the parts of the Object . Which being understood , we may easily conceive what it is the Medium contributes , namely , the continuation of that Motion to the Eye ; and lastly what the Eye and the rest of the Organs of the Sentient contribute , namely , the continuation of the same Motion to the last Organ of Sense , the Heart . And in this manner the Cause of Light may be made up of Motion continued from the Original of the same Motion , to the Original of Vitall Motion , Light being nothing but the alteration of Vitall Motion , made by the impression upon it of Motion continued from the Object . But I give this onely for an example , for I shall speak more at large of Light , and the generation of it in its proper place . In the mean time it is manifest , that in the searching out of Causes , there is need partly of the Analyticall , and partly of the Syntheticall Method ; of the Analyticall , to conceive how circumstances conduce severally to the production of Effects ; and of the Syntheticall , for the adding together and compounding of what they can effect singly by themselves . And thus much may serve for the Method of Invention . It remaines that I speake of the Method of Teaching , that is , of Demonstration , and of the Meanes by which we demonstrate . 11 In the Method of Invention the use of words consists in this , that they may serve for Marks , by which , whatsoever we have found out may be recalled to memory ; for without this all our Inventions perish , nor will it be possible for us to go on from Principles beyond a Syllogisme or two , by reason of the weaknesse of Memory . For example , if any man by considering a Triangle set before him , should find that all its angles together taken are equall to two right angles , and that by thinking of the same tacitely , without any use of words either understood or expressed ; and it should happen afterwards that another Triangle unlike the former , or the same in different scituation should be offered to his consideration , he would not know readily whether the same property were in this last or no ; but would be forced as often as a different Triangle were brought before him ( and the difference of Triangles is infinite ) to begin his contemplation anew ; which he would have no need to do if he had the use of Names ; for every Universal Name denotes the conceptions we have of infinite Singular things .. Neverthelesse as I said above , they serve as Markes for the helpe of our Memory , whereby we register to our selves our own Inventions ; but not as Signes by which we declare the same to others ; so that a man may be a Philosopher alone by himselfe without any Master ; Adam had this capacity ; But to Teach , that is to Demonstrate , supposes two at the least , and Syllogisticall Speech . 12 And seeing Teaching is nothing but leading the Mind of him we teach , to the knowledge of our Inventions , in that Track by which we attained the same with our own Mind ; therefore the same Method that served for our Invention , will serve also for Demonstration to others , saving that we omit the first part of Method which proceeded from the Sense of Things to Universal Principles ; which because they are Principles , cannot be demonstrated ; and seeing they are known by Nature ( as was said above in the 5th . Article ) they need no Demonstration , though they need Explication . The whole Method therefore of Demonstration is Syntheticall , consisting of that order of Speech , which begins from Primary or most Universall Propositions , which are manifest of themselves , and proceeds by a perpetuall composition of Propositions into Syllogismes , till at last the Learner understand the truth of the Conclusion sought after . 13 Now such Principles are nothing but Definitions ; whereof there are two sorts ; one , of Names that signifie such things as have some conceiveable Cause , and another of such Names as signifie things of which we can conceive no Cause at all . Names of the former kind are , Body or Matter , Quantity or Extension , Motion , and whatsoever is common to all Matter . Of the second kind are , such a Body , such and so great Motion , so great Magnitude , such Figure , and whatsoever we can distinguish one Body from another by . And Names of the former kind are well enough defined , when by Speech as short as may be , we raise in the Mind of the Hearer perfect and cleer Ideas or Conceptions of the Things named , as when we Define Motion to be the leaving of one place , and the acquiring of another continually ; for though no Thing Moved , nor any Cause of Motion be in that Definition , yet at the hearing of that Speech , there will come into the Mind of the Hearer an Idea of Motion cl●er enough . But Definitions of things which may be understood to have some Cause , must consist of such Names as expresse the Cause or Manner of their Generation , as when we Define a Circle to be a Figure made by the circumduction of a straight line in a plaine , &c. Besides Definitions , there is no other Proposition that ought to be called Primary , or ( according to severe truth ) be received into the number of Principles . For those Axiomes of Euclide , seeing they may be demonstrated are no Principles of Demonstration , though they have by the consent of all Men gotten the authority of Principles , because they need not be Demonstrated . Also those Petitious or Postulata ( as they call them ) though they be Principles yet they are not Principles of Demonstration , but of Construction onely ; that is , not of Science , but of Power ; or ( which is all one ) not of Theoremes , which are Speculations , but of Problemes , which belong to Practice , or the doing of something . But as for those common received Opinions , Nature abhorres Vanity , Nature doth nothing in Vaine , and the like , which are neither evident in themselves , nor at all to be demonstrated , and which are oftner false then true , they are much lesse to be ackowledged for Principles . To returne therefore to Definitions , The reason why I say that the Cause and Generation of such things as have any Cause or Generation , ought to enter into their Definitions , is this . The End of Science , is the Demonstration of the Causes and Generations of Things ; which if they be not in the Definitions , they cannot be found in the Conclusion of the first Syllogisme that is made from those Definitions ; and if they be not in the first Conclusion , they will not be found in any further Conclusion deduced from that ; and therefore by proceeding in this manner we shall never come to Science ; which is against the scope and intention of Demonstration . 14 Now seeing Definitions ( as I have said ) are Principles or Primary Propositions , they are therefore Speeches ; and seeing they are used for the raising of an Idea of some Thing in the mind of the Learner , whensoever that Thing has a Name , the Definition of it can be nothing but the Explication of that Name by Speech ; and if that Name be given it for some compounded Conception , the Definition is nothing but a Resolution of that Name into its most Universall parts . As when we define Man , saying , Man is a Body Animated , Sentient , Rationall , those Names Body Animated , &c. are parts of that whole Name Man ; so that Definitions of this kind alwayes consist of Genus and Difference ; the former Names being all till the last , Generall ; and the last of all , Difference . But if any Name be the most Universall in its kind , then the Definition of it cannot consist of Genus and Difference , but is to be made by such circumlocution as best explicateth the force of that Name . Again , it is possible , and happens often that the Genus and Difference are put together , and yet make no Definition ; as these Words a Straight Line containe both the Genus and Difference ; but are not a Definition , unlesse we should thinke a Straight Line may be thus defined , A Straight Line is a Straight Line ; and yet if there were added another Name consisting of different Words , but signifying the same thing which these signifie , then these might be the Definition of that Name . From what has been said it may be understood how a Definition ought to be defined , namely , That it is a Proposition , whose Praedicate Resolves the Subiect , when it may , and when it may not , it exemplifies the same . 15 The Properties of a Definition are , First , that it takes away Aequivocation , as also all that multitude of Distinctions , which are used by such as think they may learn Philosophy by Disputation . For the Nature of a Definition is to define , that is , to determine the signification of the defined Name , and to pare from it all other Signification besides what is contained in the Definition it selfe ; and therefore one Definition does as much , as all the Distinctions ( how many soever ) that can be used about the Name defined . Secondly , That it gives an Universall Notion of the thing defined , representing a certaine Universall Picture thereof , not to the Eye , but to the Mind . For as when one paints a Man , he paints the image of some Man ; so he that defines the Name Man , makes a Representation of some Man to the mind . Thirdly , That it is not necessary to dispute whether Definitions are to be admitted or no. For when a Master is instructing his Scholar , if the Scholar understand all the parts of the thing defined , which are Resolved in the Definition , and yet will not admit of the Definition , there needs no further Controversie betwixt them , it being all one as if he refused to be taught . But if he understand nothing , then certainely the Definition is faulty ; for the nature of a Definition consists in this , that it exhibit a cleare Idea of the thing defined ; and Principles are either known by themselves , or else they are not Principles . Fourthly , That in Philosophy , Definitions are before defined Names . For in teaching Philosophy , the first beginning is from Definitions , and all progression in the same till we come to the Knowledge of the thing compounded , is Compositive . Seeing therefore Definition is the explication of a Compounded Name by Resolution , and the progression is from the parts to the compound , Definitions must be understood before Compounded Names ; nay when the Names of the parts of any Speech be explicated , is it not necessary that the Definition should be a Name Compounded of them . For example , when these Names , Aequilaterall , Quadrilaterall , Right-angled , are sufficiently understood , it is not necessary in Geometry that there should be at all such a Name as Square ; for defined Names are received in Philosophy for brevities sake onely . Fiftly , That Compounded Names which are defined one way in some one part of Philosophy , may in another part of the same be otherwise defined ; as a Parabola and an Hyperbole have one Definition in Geometry , and another in Rhetorique ; for Definitions are instituted and serve for the understanding of the Doctrine which is treated of . And therefore as in one part of Philosophy , a Definition may have in it some one fit Name for the more briefe explanation of some proposition in Geometry ; so it may have the same liberty in other parts of Philosophy ; for the use of Names is particular ( even where many agree to the setling of them ) and arbitrary . Sixtly , That no Name can be defined by any one Word ; because no one Word is sufficient for the Resolving of one or more words . Seventhly , That a defined Name ought not to be repeated in the Definition . For a defined Name , is the whole Compound , and a Definition is the Resolution of that Compound into parts ; but no Totall can be part of it selfe . 16 Any two Definitions that may be compounded into a Syllogisme , produce a Conclusion ; which because it is derived from Principles , that is , from Definitions , is said to be Demonstrated ; and the Derivation or Composition it selfe is called a Demonstration . In like manner , if a Syllogisme be made of two Propositions , whereof one is a Definition , the other a Demonstrated Conclusion , or neither of them is a Definition , but both formerly demonstrated , that Syllogisme is also called a Demonstration , and so successively . The Definition therefore of a Demonstration is this , A DEMONSTRATION is a Syllogism or Series of Syllogisms derived and continued from the Definitions of Names , to the last Conclusion . And from hence it may be understood , that all true Ratiocination , which taketh its beginning from true Principles , produceth Science , and is true Demonstration . For as for the Originall of the Name , although that which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latines Demonstratio was understood by them for that sort onely of Ratiocination , in which by the describing of certaine Lines and Figures , they placed the thing they were to prove , as it were before mens Eyes , which is properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to shew by the Figure ; yet they seem to have done it for this reason , that unlesse it were in Geometry ( in which only there is place for such Figures ) there was no Ratiocination certaine , and ending in Science , their Doctrines concerning all other things being nothing but Controversie and Clamour ; which neverthelesse hapned not because the Truth to which they pretended could not be made evident without Figures , but because they wanted true Principles , from which they might derive their Ratiocination ; and therefore there is no reason but that if true Definitions were praemised in all sorts of Doctrines , the Demonstrations also would be true . 17 It is proper to Methodical Demonstration , First , That there be a true Succession of one Reason to another , according to the Rules of Syllogizing delivered above . Secondly , That the Praemisses of all Syllogismes be demonstrated from the first Definitions . Thirdly , That after Definitions , he that Teaches or Demonstrates any thing , proceed in the same Method by which he found it out ; namely , that in the first place those things be demonstrated which immediately succeed to Universal Definitions ( in which is contained that part of Philosophy which is called Philosophia Prima . ) Next , those things which may be demonstrated by Simple Motion ( in which Geometry consists . ) After Geome try , such things as may be taught or shewed by manifest Action , that is , by Thrusting from , or Pulling towards . And after these , the Motion or Mutation of the invisible parts of Things , and the Doctrine of Sense & Imagination & of the internal Passions , especially those of Men , in which are comprehended the Grounds of Civil Duties , or Civil Philosophy ; which takes up the last place . And that this Method ought to be kept in all sorts of Philosophy , is evident from hence , that such things as I have said are to be taught last cannot be demonstrated , till such as are propounded to be first treated of , be fully understood . Of which Method no other Example can be given , but that Treatise of the Elements of Philosophy , which I shall begin in the next Chapter , and continue to the end of the worke . 18 Besides those Paralogismes , whose fault lies either in the Falsity of the Praemisses , or the want of true Composition , of which I have spoken in the praecedent Chapter , there are two more which are frequent in Demonstration ; one whereof is commonly called Petitio Principii ; the other is the supposing of a False Cause ; and these do not onely deceive Unskilfull Learners but sometimes Masters themselves , by making them take that for well demonstrated which is not demonstrated at all . Petitio Principii , is when the Conclusion to be proved , is disguised in other Words , and put for the Definition or Principle from whence it is to be demonstrated ; and thus by putting for the Cause of the Thing sought , either the Thing it selfe or some Effect of it , they make a Circle in their Demonstration . As for example , He that would Demonstrate that the Earth stands still in the Center of the World , and should suppose the Earths Gravity to be the Cause thereof , and define Gravity to be a quality by which every heavy Body tends towards the Center of the World , would lose his labour ; for the question is , What is the Cause of that quality in the Earth ; and therefore he that supposes Gravity to be the Cause , puts the Thing it selfe for its own Cause . Of a False Cause I find this example in a certaine Treatise where the thing to be demonstrated is the Motion of the Earth . He begins therefore with this , that seeing the Earth and the Sun are not alwayes in the same scituation , it must needs be that one of them be locally moved ; which is true ; next he affirms that the Vapours which the Sun raises from the Earth and Sea are by reason of this Motion necessarily moved ; which also is true ; from whence he infers the Winds are made , and this may passe for granted ; and by these Winds he sayes the Waters of the Sea are moved , and by their Motion the bottome of the Sea , as if it were beaten forwards , moves round ; and let this also be granted ; wherefore he concludes , the Earth is moved ; which is neverthelesse is a Paralogisme . For if that wind were the Cause why the Earth was from the beginning moved round , and the Motion either of the Sunne or the Earth were the Cause of that Wind , then the Motion of the Sunne or the Earth was before the Wind it self ; and if the Earth were Moved before the Wind was made , then the Wind could not be the cause of the Earths revolution ; but if the Sunne were Moved , and the Earth stand still , then it is manifest the Earth might remain Unmoved notwithstanding that Wind ; and therefore that motion was not made by the Cause which he alledgeth . But Parallogismes of this kind are very frequent among the Writers of Physiques , though none can be more elaborate then this in the Example given . 19 It may to some men seem pertinent to treat in this place of that Art of the Geometricians , which they call Logistica , that is , the Art , by which , from supposing the thing in question to be true , they proceed by Ratiocination , till either they come to something knowne , by which they may demonstrate the truth of the thing sought for ; or to something which is impossible , from whence they collect that to be false which they supposed true . But this Art cannot be explicated here , for this reason , that the Method of it can neither be practised , nor understood unlesse by such as are well versed in Geometry ; and among Geometricians themselves , they that have most Theoremes in readiness , are the most ready in the use of this Logistica ; so that indeed it is not a distinct thing from Geometry it selfe ; for there are in the Method of it three parts ; the first whereof consists in the finding out of Equality betwixt known and unknown things , which they call Equation ; and this Equation cannot be found out but by such as know perfectly the Nature , Properties and Transpositions of Proportion , as also the Addition , Substraction , Multiplication , and Division of Lines and Superficies , and the Extraction of Roots ; which are the parts of no meane Geometrician . The Second is , when an Equation is found , to be able to judge whether the Truth or Falsity of the Question may be deduced from it or no ; which yet requires greater Knowledge . And the third is , when such an Equation is found , as is fit for the solution of the Question , to know how to Resolve the same in such manner , that the Truth or Falsity may thereby manifestly appeare , which in hard questions cannot be done without the Knowledge of the Nature of Crooked-lined Figures ; but he that understands readily the Nature and Properties of these , is a Compleat Geometrician . It happens besides , that for the finding out of Equations there is no certaine Method , but he is best able to do it , that has the best Naturall Wit. THE FIRST GROVNDS OF PHILOSOPHY . CHAP. VII . Of Place and Time. 1 Things that have no existence , may neverthelesse be under stood and computed . 2 What is space . 3 Time. 4 Part. 5 Division . 6 One 7 Number . 8 Composition . 9 The Whole . 10 Spaces and Times Contiguous , and Continuall . 11 Beginning , End , Way , Finite , Infinite . 12 What is Infinite in Power . Nothing Infinite can be truly said to be either Whole , or One ; Nor Infinite Spaces or Times , Many . 13 Division proceeds not to the Least . 1 IN the Teaching of Naturall Philosophy , I cannot begin better ( as I have already shewn ) then from Privation ; that is , from feigning the World to be annihilated . But if such annihilation of all things be supposed , it may perhaps be asked , what would remain for any Man ( whom onely I except from this Universal annihilation of things ) to consider as the Subject of Philosophy , or at all to reason upon ; or what to give Names unto for Ratiocinations sake . I say therefore there would remain to that Man Ideas of the World , and of all such Bodies as he had , before their annihilation , seen with his eies , or perceived by any other Sense ; that is to say , the Memory and Imagination of Magnitudes , Motions , Sounds , Colours , &c. as also of their order & parts . All w ch things though they be nothing but Ideas & Phantasms ▪ hapning internally to him that imagineth ; yet they will appear as if they were externall , and not at all depending upon any power of the Mind . And these are the things to which he would give Names , and substract them from , and compound them with one another . For seeing that after the destruction of all other things , I suppose Man still remaining , and namely that he thinkes , imagines , and remembers , there can be nothing for him to thinke of but what is Past ; Nay , if we do but observe diligently what it is we doe when we consider and reason , we shall find , that though all things be still remaining in the world , yet we compute nothing but our own Phantasmes . For when we calculate the magnitude and motions of Heaven or Earth , we doe not ascend into Heaven that we may divide it into parts , or measure the motions thereof , but we doe it sitting still in our Closets or in the Darke . Now things may be considered , that is , be brought into Account , either as internal Accidents of our Mind , in which manner we consider them when the question is about some Faculty of the Mind ; or as Species of external things , not as really existing , but appearing onely to exist , or to have a Being without Us. And in this manner we are now to consider them . 2 If therefore we remember , or have a Phantasme of any thing that was in the world before the supposed annihilation of the same ; and consider , not that the thing was such or such , but onely that it had a Being without the Mind , we have presently a Conception of that we call Space : an Imaginary Space indeed , because a meere Phantasme , yet that very thing which all men call so . For no man calls it Space for being already filled , but because it may be filled ; nor does any man think Bodies carry their Places away with them , but that the same Space contains sometimes one , sometimes another Body ; which could not be if Space should alwayes accompany the Body which is once in it . And this is of it selfe so manifest , that I should not thinke it needed any explaining at all , but that I finde Space to be falsely defined by certaine Philosophers , who inferre from thence , One , that the world is Infinite ; for taking Space to be the Extension of Bodies , and thinking Extension may encrease continually , he inferres that Bodies may be infinitely Extended ; and Another from the same Definition concludes rashly , that it is impossible even to God himselfe to create more Worlds then one ; for if another World were to be created , he sayes , that seeing there is nothing without this world , and therefore ( according to his Definition ) no Space , that new world must be placed in nothing ; but in nothing nothing can be placed ; which he affirms onely , without shewing any reason for the same ; whereas the contrary is the truth : for more cannot be put into a Place allready filled , so much is Empty Space fitter then that which is Full for the receiving of new Bodies . Having therefore spoken thus much for these mens sakes , and for theirs that assent to them , I return to my purpose , and define Space thus , SPACE is the Phantasme of a Thing existing without the Mind simply ; that is to say , that Phantasme , in which we consider no other Accident , but onely that it appears without us . 3 As a Body leaves a Phantasme of its Magnitude in the mind , so also a Moved Body leaves a Phantasme of its Motion , namely an Idea of that Body passing out of one Space into another by continuall succession . And this Idea or Phantasme , is that which ( without receding much from the common opinion , or from Aristotles Definition ) I call Time. For seeing all men confesse a Yeare to be Time , and yet do not think a Year to be the Accident or Affection of any Body , they must needs confesse it to be , not in the things without Us , but only in the Thought of the Mind . So when they speake of the Times of their Predecessors , they do not think after their Predecessors are gone , that their Times can be any where else then in the Memory of those that remember them . And as for those that say , Dayes , Years and Moneths are the Motions of the Sunne and Moon , seeing it is all one to say , Motion Past and Motion Destroyed , and that Future Motion is the same with Motion which Is not yet begun , they say , that which they do not meane , that there neither is , nor has been , nor shall be any Time : for of whatsoever it may be said , It has been or It shall be , of the same also it might have been said heretofore , or may be said hereafter , It is . What then can Dayes , Moneths and Yeares be , but the Names of such Computations made in our Mind ? Time therefore is a Phantasme , but a Phantasme of Motion , for if we would know by what Moments Time passes away , we make use of some Motion or other , as of the Sun , of a Clock , of the sand in an Hour-glasse , or we mark some Line upon which we imagine something to be Moved , there being no other means by which we can take notice of any Time at all . And yet when I say Time is a Phantasme of Motion , I doe not say this is sufficient to define it by ; for this word Time comprehends the notion of Former and Later , or of Succession in the motion of a Body , in as much as it is first Here then There . Wherefore a compleat Definition of Time is such as this , TIME is the Phantasme of Before and After in Motion ; which agrees with this Definition of Aristotle , Time is the Number of Motion according to Former and Later ; for that Numbring is an act of the Mind ; and therefore it is all one to say , Time is the Number of Motion according to Former and Later ; and Time is a Phantasme of Motion Numbred . But that other Definition , Time is the Measure of Motion , is not so exact ; for we measure Time by Motion and not Motion by Time. 4 One Space is called Part of another Space , and one Time Part of another Time , when this containes that and something besides . From whence it may be collected , that nothing can rightly be called a PART , but that which is compared with something that contains it . 5 And therefore to make parts , or to Part or DIVIDE Space or Time , is nothing else but to consider One and Another within the same ; so that if any Man Divide Space or Time , the diverse Conceptions he has are more by one , then the Parts he makes ; for his first Conception is of that which is to be divided , then of some Part of it , and again of some other Part of it , and so forwards as long as he goes on in Dividing . But it is to be noted , that here by Division , I doe not mean the severing or pulling asunder of one Space or Time from another ( for does any man think that one Hemisphere may be separated from the other Hemisphere , or the first Hour from the second ? ) but Diversity of Consideration ; so that Division is not made by the operation of the Hands but of the Mind . 6 When Space or Time is considered among other Spaces or Times , it is said to be ONE , namely One of them ; for except One Space might be added to another , and substracted from another Space , and so of Time , it would be sufficient to say Space or Time simply , and superfluous to say One Space or One Time , if it could not be conceived that there were another . The common Definition of One , namely , that One is that which is Undivided , is obnoxious to an absurd Consequence ; for it may thence be inferred , that whatsoever is Divided , is many things , that is , that every Divided thing , is Divided Things , which is Insignificant . 7 NUMBER is . One and One , or One One and One , and so forwards ; namely One and One make the Number Two , and One One and One , the Number Three ; and so are all other Numbers made ; which is all one as if we should say , Number is Unities . 8 To COMPOUND Space of Spaces , or Time of Times , is first to Consider them one after another , and then altogether as One ; as if one should reckon first the Head , the Feet , the Armes and the Body severally , and then for the account of them all together put Man. And that which is so put for all the severalls of which it consists , is called the WHOLE ; and those severalls , when by the Division of the Whole , they come again to be considered singly , are parts thereof ; and therefore the Whole , and all the Parts taken together , are the same thing . And as I noted above , that in Division it is not necessary to pull the Parts asunder ; so in Composition it is to be understood , that for the making up of a whole there is no need of putting the Parts together , so as to make them touch one another , but onely of collecting them into one summe in the Mind . For thus all Men being considered together , make up the Whole of Mankind , though never so much dispersed by Time and Place ; and twelve Hours , though the hours of severall dayes , may be Compounded into one Number of Twelve . 9 This being well understood , it is manifest , that nothing can rightly be called a Whole , that is not conceived to be compounded of Parts , and that it may be divided into parts ; so that if we deny that a thing has parts , we deny the same to be a Whole . For example , if we say the soul can have no Parts , we affirme that no soul can be a Whole soul. Also it is manifest , that Nothing has Parts till it be Divided ; and when a Thing is Divided , the Parts are onely so many as the Division makes them . Againe , that a Part of a Part is a Part of the Whole ; & thus any Part of the Number Four , as Two , is a Part of the Number Eight ; for Four is made of Two and Two ; but Eight is compounded of Two , Two and Four ; and therefore Two which is a Part of the Part Four , is also a Part of the whole Eight . 10 Two Spaces are said to be CONTIGUOUS , when there is no other Space betwixt them . But two Times , betwixt which there is no other Time , are called IMMEDIATE , A — B — C as AB , BC. And any two Spaces as well as Times are said to be CONTINUALL , when they have one common part , A — B — C — D as AC , BD , where the part BC is common ; and more Spaces and Times are Continual , when every two which are next one another are Continual . 11 That Part which is between two other Parts , is called a MEAN ; & that which is not between two other parts , an EXTREME . And of Extremes , that which is first reckoned is the BEGINNING , and that which last , the END ; and all the Means together taken , are the WAY . Also Extreme Parts and Limits are the same thing . And from hence it is manifest , that Beginning and End depend upon the order in which we number them ; and that to Terminate or Limit Space and Time , is the same thing with imagining their Beginning and End ; as also that every thing is FINITE or INFINITE , acording as we imagine or not imagine it Limited or Terminated every way ; and that the Limits of any Number are Unities , and of these , that which is the first in our Numbering is the Beginning , and that which we number last , is the End. When we say Number is Infinite , we mean only that no Number is expressed ; for when we speak of the Numbers Two , Three , a Thousand , &c. they are always Finite . But when no more is said but this , Number is Infinite , it is to be understood as if it were said , this Name Number is an Indefinite Name . 12 Space or Time is said to be Finite in Power , or Terminable , when there may be assigned a Number of finite Spaces or Times , as of Paces or Hours , than which there can be no greater Number of the same measure , in that Space or Time ; and Infinite in Power is that Space or Time , in which a greater Number of the said Paces or Hours may be assigned , than any Number that can be given . But we must note , that although in that Space or Time which is Infinite in Power , there may be numbered more Paces or Hours then any number that can be assigned , yet their number will alwayes be Finite ; for every Number is Finite . And therefore his Ratiocination was not good , that undertaking to prove the World to be Finite , reasoned thus ; If the world be Infinite , then there may be taken in it some Part which is distant from us an Infinite number of Paces : But no such Part can be taken ; wherefore the world is not infinite ; because that Consequence of the Major Proposition is false ; for in an Infinite space , whatsoever we take , or design in our Mind , the distance of the same from us is a Finite space ; for in the very designing of the place thereof , we put an End to that space , of whch we our selves are the Beginning , and whatsoever any man with his Mind cuts off both wayes from Infinite , he determines the same , that is , he makes it Finite . Of Infinite Space or Time , it cannot be said that it is a Whole , or One ; not a Whole , because not compounded of Parts ; for seeing Parts , how many soever they be , are severally Finite , they will also when they are all put together make a whole Finite ; Nor One , because nothing can be said to be One , except there be Another to compare it with ; but it cannot be conceived that there are two Spaces , or two Times Infinite . Lastly , when we make question whether the World be Finite or Infinite , we have nothing in our Minde answering to the Name World ; for whatsoever we Imagine , is therefore Finite , though our Computation reach the fixed Stars , or the ninth or tenth , nay , the thousanth Sphere . The meaning of the Question is this onely , whether God has actually made so great an Addition of Body to Body , as we are able to make of Space to Space . 13 And therefore that which is commonly said , that Space and Time may be divided Infinitely , is not to be so understood , as if there might be any Infinite or Eternal Division ; but rather to be taken in this sense , Whatsover is Divided , is divided into such Parts as may again be Divided ; or thus , The Least Divisible thing is not to be given ; or as Geometricians have it , No Quantity is so small , but a Less may be taken ; which may easily be demonstrated in this manner . Let any Space or Time ( that which was thought to be the Least Divisible ) be divided into two equal Parts A and B. I say either of them , as A , may be divided again . For suppose the Part A to be contiguous to the Part B of one side , and of the other side to some other Space equal to B. This whole Space therefore ( being greater then the Space given ) is divisible . Wherefore if it be divided into two equal Parts , the Part in the middle , which is A , will be also divided into two equal Parts ; and therefore A was Divisible . CHAP. VIII . Of Body and Accident . 1 Body defined . 2 Accident defined . 3 How an Accident may be understood to be in its subject . 4 Magnitude , what it is . 5 Place what it is , and that it is Immoveable . 6 What is Full and Empty . 7 Here , There , Somewhere , what they signifie . 8 Many Bodies cannot be in One place , nor One Body in Many places . 9 Contiguous and Continual what they are . 10 The definition of Motion . No Motion intelligible but with Time. 11 What it is to be at Rest , to have been Moved , and to be Moved . No Motion to be conceived , without the conception of Past and Future . 12 A Point , a Line , Superficies and Solid , what they are . 13 Equal , Greater and Lesse in Bodies and Magnitudes , what they are . 14 One and the same Body has alwayes one and the the same Magnitude . 15 Velocity what it is . 16 Equal , Greater and Lesse in Times what they are . 17 Equal , Greater and Lesse in Velocity , what . 18 Equal , Greater and Lesse in Motion , what . 19 That which is at Rest will alwayes be at Rest except it be Moved by some external thing ; and that which is Moved will alwayes be Moved , unless it be hindered by some external thing . 20 Accidents are Generated and Destroyed , but Bodies not so . 21 An Accident cannot depart from its Subject . 22 Nor be Moved . 23 Essence , Form , and Matter , what they are . 24 First Matter , what . 25 That the whole is greater then any Part thereof , why demonstrated . 1 HAving understood what Imaginary Space is , in which we supposed nothing remaining without us , but all those things to be destroyed that by existing heretofore left Images of themselves in our Minds ; let us now suppose some one of those things to be placed again in the World , or created anew . It is necessary therefore that this new created or replaced thing do not onely fill some part of the Space above-mentioned , or be coincident and coextended with it , but also , that it have no dependance upon our thought . And this is that which for the Extension of it we commonly call Body ; and because it depends not upon our Thought , we say is a thing subsisting of itself ; as also existing , because without Us ; and lastly , it is called the Subject , because it is so placed in and subjected to Imaginary Space , that it may be understood by Reason , as well as perceived by Sense . The Definition therefore of Body may be this , A BODY is that which having no dependance upon our Thought is coincident or coextended with some part of Space . 2 But what an Accident is , cannot so easily be explained by any Definition , as by Examples . Let us imagine therefore that a Body fills any Space , or is coextended with it , that Coextention is not the coextended Body ; And in like manner , let us imagine that the same Body is removed out of its place , that Removing is not the removed Body ; Or let us think the same not removed , that notremoving or Rest , is not the resting Body . What then are these things ? They are Accidents of that Body . But the thing in question is What is an Accident ; which is an Enquiry after that which we know already , and not that which we should enquire after . For who does not alwayes and in the same manner understand him that sayes any thing is Extended , or Moved , or not Moved ? But most men will have it be said that an Accident is something , namely some part of a natural thing , when indeed it is no part of the same . To satisfie these men , as well as may be , they answer best that define an Accident to be the Manner by which any Body is conceived ; which is all one as if they should say , An Accident is that faculty of any Body by which it works in us a Conception of itself . Which Definition though it be not an Answer to the Question propounded , yet it is an Answer to that Question which should have been propounded , namely , whence does it happen that one part of any Body appears here , another part there ? For this is well answered thus , It happens from the Extension of that Body . Or , How comes it to pass that the whole Body by succession is seen now here now there ? and the answer will be , By reason of its Motion . Or lastly , Whence is it that any Body possesseth the same space for sometime ? And the answer will be , because it is not moved . For if concerning the Name of a Body , that is , concerning a Concrete Name , it be asked , what is it ? the answer must be made by Definition ; for the Question is concerning the signification of the Name . But if it be asked concerning an Abstract Name , what is it ? the Cause is demanded why a thing appears so or so . As if it be asked , what is Hard ? The Answer will be , Hard is that , whereof no Part gives place , but when the Whole gives place . But if it be demanded , what is Hardness ? A Cause must be shewn why a Part does not give place except the Whole give place . Wherefore I define an ACCIDENT to be the Ma●ner of our conception of Body . 3 When an Accident is said to be in a Body , it is not so to be understood , as if any thing were conteined in that Body ; as if , for example , Redness were in Blood , in the same manner , as Blood is in a bloody cloth , that is , as a Part in the Whole ; for so an Accident would be a Body also . But as Magnitude , or Rest , or Motion , is in that which is Great , or which Resteth , or which is Moved ( which how it is to be understood , every man understands ) so also it is to be understood that every other Accident is in its Subject . And this also is explicated by Aristotle no otherwise then negatively , namely , that An Accident is in its Subject , not as any part thereof , but so as that it may be away , the Subject still remaining ; which is right , saving that there are certain Accidents which can never perish except the Body perish also ; for no Body can be conceived to be without Extension , or without Figure . All other Accidents , which are not common to all Bodies , but peculiar to some onely , as To be at Rest , to be Moved , Colour , Hardness , and the like , do perish continually , and are succeeded by others ; yet so , as that the Body never perisheth . And as for the opinion that some may have , that all other Accidents are not in their Bodies in the same manner that Extension , Motion , Rest , or Figure are in the same ; for example , that Colour , Heat , Odour , Vertue , Vice and the like , are otherwise in them , and ( as they say ) inherent ; I desire they would suspend their judgement for the present , and expect a little , till it be found out by Ratiocination , whether these very Accidents are not also certain Motions , either of the Mind of the perceiver ; or of the Bodies themselves which are perceived ; for in the search of this , a great part of Naturall Philosophy consists . 4 The Extension of a Body , is the same thing with the MAGNITUDE of it , or that which some call Real Space . But this Magnitude does not depend upon our Cogitation , as Imaginary Space doth ; for this is an Effect of our Imagination , but Magnitude is the Cause of it ; this is an Accident of the Mind , that of a Body existing out of the Mind . 5 That Space ( by which word I here understand Imaginary Space ) which is coincident with the Magnitude of any Body , is called the PLACE of that Body ; and the Body it self is that which we call the Thing Placed . Now Place , and the Magnitude of the Thing Placed differ : First in this , that a Body keeps alwayes the same Magnitude both when it is at Rest , and when it is Moved ; but when it is Moved , it does not keep the same Place . Secondly , in this , that Place is a Phantasme of any Body of such and such Quantity and Figure ; but Magnitude is the peculiar Accident of every Body ; for one Body may at several times have several Places , but has always one and the same Magnitude . Thirdly , in this , that Place is nothing out of the Mind , nor Magnitude any thing within it . And lastly , Place is feigned Extension but Magnitude true Extension , and a Placed Body is not Extension , but a Thing Extended . Besides , Place is Immoveable ; for seeing that which is Moved , is understood to be carried from Place to Place , if Place were Moved , it would also be carried from Place to Place , so that one Place must have another Place , and that Place another Place , and so on infinitely , which is ridiculous . And as for those , that by making Place to be of the same Nature with Real Space , would from thence maintain it to be Immoveable , they also make Place ( though they do not perceive they make it so ) to be a meer Phantasme . For whilest One affirms that Place is therefore said to be Immoveable , because Space in general is considered there ; if he had remembred that nothing is General or Universal besides Names or Signes , he would easily have seen that that Space which he sayes is considered in general , is nothing but a Phantasme in the Mind or the Memory , of a Body of such Magnitude and such Figure . And whilest another sayes , Real Space is made Immoveable by the Understanding ; as when under the Superficies of running water , we imagine other and other water to come by continual succession , that Superficies fixed there by the Understanding is the Immoveable Place of the River , what else does he make it to be but a Phantasm , though he doe it obscurely , and in perplexed words ? Lastly , the nature of Place does not consist in the Superficies of the Ambient , but in Solid Space ; for the whole Placed Body is coextended with its whole Place , and every part of it with every answering part of the same Place ; but seeing every Placed Body is a Solid thing , it cannot be understood to be coextended with Superficies . Besides , how can any whole Body be Moved , unless all its parts be moved together with it ? Or how can the internall Parts of it be Moved , but by leaving their Place ? But the internal Parts of a body cannot leave the Superficies of an external part contiguous to it ; and therefore it followes , that if Place be the Superficies of the Ambient , then the parts of a Body Moved , that is Bodies moved , are not Moved . 6 Space ( or Place ) that is possessed by a Body , is called FULL , and that which is not so possessed is called EMPTY . 7 Here , There , In the Country , In the City , and other the like Names by which answer is made to the question Where is it , are not properly Names of Place , nor doe they of themselves bring into the mind the Place that is sought ; for Here and There signifie nothing , unlesse the thing be shewn at the same time with the finger or something else , but when the Eye of him that seeks , is by pointing , or some other signe directed to the thing sought , the Place of it is not hereby defined by him that answers , but found out by him that askes the question . Now such Shewings as are made by words onely , as when we say , In the Countrey , or In the City , are some of greater latitude then others , as when we say In the Countrey , In the City , In such a Street , In a House , In the Chamber , In Bed , &c. For these do by little and little direct the Seeker neerer to the proper Place ; & yet they do not determine the same , but onely restrain it to a lesser Space , & signifie no more then that the Place of the Thing is within a certain Space designed by those Words , as a Part is in the Whole . And all such Names ( by which answer is made to the question Where ) have for their highest Genus the Name Somewhere . From whence it may be understood , that whatsoever is Somewhere , is in some Place properly so called , which Place is part of that greater Space that is signified by some of these Names , In the Countrey , In the City , or the like . 8 A Body , and the Magnitude , and the Place thereof , are divided by one and the same act of the Mind ; for , to divide an Extended Body , and the Extension thereof , and the Idea of that Extension , which is Place , is the same with dividing any one of them ; because they are coincident , and it cannot be done but by the Mind , that is by the Division of Space . From whence it is manifest , that neither Two Bodies can be together in the same Place , nor One Body be in Two Places at the same Time. Not Two Bodies in the same Place ; because when a Body that fills its whole Place is divided into Two , the Place it self is divided into Two also , so that there will be Two Places , Nor One Body in Two Places ; for , the Place that a Body fills being divided into Two , the Placed Body will be also divided into Two , ( for , as I said , a Place and the Body that fills that Place are divided both together ) and so there will be two Bodies . 9 Two Bodies are said to be Contiguous to one another , and Continual , in the same manner as Spaces are ; namely , those are Contiguous , between which there is no Space . Now by Space I understand here as formerly an Idea or Phantasme of a Body . Wherefore , though between two Bodies there be put no other Body , and consequently no Magnitude , or ( as they call it ) Real Space , yet if another Body may be put between them , that is , if there intercede any imagined Space which may receive another Body , then those Bodies are not Contiguous . And this is so easie to be understood , that I should wonder at some men , who being otherwise skilful enough in Philosophy , are of a different opinion , but that I finde that most of those that affect Metaphysical subtilties , wander from Truth , as if they were led out of their way by an Ignis Fatuus . For can any man that has his natural Senses , think that two Bodies must therefore necessarily Touch one another , because no other Body is between them ? Or that there can be no Vacuum , because Vacuum is nothing , or as they call it , Non Ens ? Which is as childish , as if one should reason thus ; No Man can Fast , because to Fast is to eat Nothing ; but Nothing cannot be eaten . Continual , are any two Bodies that have a common part ; and more then two are Continual , when every two that are next to one another , are continual . 11 That is said to be at Rest , which during anytime is in one place ; and that . to be Moved , or to have been Moved , which whether it be now at Rest , or Moved , was formerly in another Place then that which it is now in . From which Definitions it may be inferred , First , that Whatsoever is Moved , has been Moved ; for if it be still in the same Place in which it was formerly , it is at Rest , that is , it is not Moved , by the Definition of Rest ; but if it be in another Place , it has been Moved , by the Definition of Moved . Secondly , that what is Moved , will yet be Moved ; for that which is Moved , leaveth the Place where it is , and therefore will be in another Place , and consequently will be moved still . Thirdly , that whatsoever is Moved , is not in One place during any time , how little soever that time be ; for by the Definition of Rest , that which is in one Place during any time , is at Rest. There is a certain Sophisme against Motion , which seems to spring from the not understanding of this last Proposition . For they say , that , If any Body be Moved , it is Moved either in the Place where it is , or in the Place where it is not ; both which are false ; and therefore nothing is Moved . But the falsity lies in the Major Proposition ; for that which is Moved , is neither Moved in the Place where it is , nor in the Place where it is not ; but from the Place where it is , to the Place where it is not . Indeed it cannot be denied but that whatsoever is Moved , is Moved somewhere , that is , within some Space ; but then the Place of that Body is not that whole Space , but a part of it , as is said above in the seventh Article . From what is above demonstrated , namely , that whatsoever is Moved , has also been Moved , and will be Moved , this also may be collected , that there can be no conception of Motion , without conceiving Past and Future time . 12 Though there be no Body which has not some Magnitude , yet if when any Body is moved , the Magnitude of it be not at all considered , the way it makes it called a LINE , or one single Dimension ; & the Space through which it passeth , is called LENGTH ; and the Body it self , a POINT ; in which sense the Earth is called a Point , and the Way of its yearly Revolution , the Ecliptick Line . But if a Body which is Moved , be considered as long , and be supposed to be so Moved , as that all the several parts of it be understood to make several Lines , then the Way of every part of that Body is called BREADTH , and the Space which is made is called SUPERFICIES , consisting of two Dimensions , one whereof to every several part of the other is applyed whole . Again , if a Body be considered as having Superficies , and be understood to be so Moved , that all the several parts of it describe several Lines , then the Way of every part of that Body is called THICKNESS , or DEPTH , and the Space which is Made is called SOLID , consisting of three Dimensions , any two whereof are applyed whole to every several part of the third . But if a Body be considered as Solid , then it is not possible that all the several parts of it should describe several lines ; for what way soever it be Moved , the way of the following part will fall into the way of the part before it , so that the same Solid will still be made which the formost Superficies would have made by it self . And therefore there can be no other Dimension in any Body , as it is a Body , then the three which I have now described ; though as it shall be shewed hereafter , Velocity , which is Motion according to Length , may be being applyed to all the parts of a Solid , make a Magnitude of Motion consisting of four Dimensions ; as the goodness of Gold computed in all the parts of it makes the Price and Value thereof . 13 Bodies ( how many soever they be ) that can fill every one the place of every one , are said to be EQUAL every one to every other . Now one Body may fill the same Place which another Body filleth , though it be not of the same Figure with that other Body , if so be that it may be understood to be reducible to the same Figure , either by Flexion or Transposition of the parts . And One Body is GREATER then another Body , when a part of that is equal to all this ; and LESSE , when all that is equal to a part of this . Also Magnitudes are Equal , or Greater , or Lesser then one another for the same consideration , namely , when the Bodies of which they are the Magnitudes , are either Equal or Greater or Lesse , &c. 14 One and the same Body , is alwayes of one and the same Magnitude . For seeing a Body and the Magnitude and Place thereof cannot be comprehended in the Minde , otherwise then as they are Coincident , if any Body be understood to be at Rest , that is , to remain in the same Place during some time , and the Magnitude thereof be in one part of that time Greater , and in another part Lesse , that Bodies Place , which is one and the same , will be coincident sometimes with Greater , sometimes with Lesse Magnitude , that is , the same Place will be greater and lesse then it self , which is impossible . But there would be no need at all of Demonstrating a thing that is in it self so manifest , if there were not some , whose opinion concerning Bodies and their Magnitudes is , that a Body may exist separated from its Magnitude , and have greater or lesse Magnitude bestowed upon it , making use of this Principle for the explication of the nature of Rarum and Densum . 15 Motion , in as much as a certain Length may in a certain Time be transmitted by it , is called VELOCITY or Swiftness : &c. For though Swift be very often understood with relation to Slower or less Swift , as Great is in respect of Less , yet nevertheless , as Magnitude is by Philosophers taken absolutely for Extension , so also Velocity or Swiftness may be put absolutely for Motion accord ing to Length . 16 Many Motions are said to be made in Equal Times , when every one of them begins and ends together with some other Motion , or if it had begun together , would also have ended together with the same . For Time which is a Phantasme of Mo tion , cannot be reckoned but by some exposed Motion ; as in Dials by the Motion of the Sun or of the Hand ; and if two or more Motions begin and end with this Motion , they are said to be made in equal times ; from whence also it is easie to understand what it is to be moved in Greater or Longer time , & in lesse time or not so long ; namely , that that is longer Moved , which beginning with another , ends later ; or ending together , began sooner . 17 Motions are said to be Equally Swift , when Equal lengths are transmitted in Equal times ; and Greater Swiftness is that , wherein Greater length is passed in Equal time , or Equal length in less time . Also that Swiftness by which Equal lengths are passed in Equal parts of time , is called Uniform Swiftness or Motion ; and of Motions not Uniform , such as become Swifter or Slower by equal Increasings or Decreasings in equal parts of time , are said to be Accelerated or Retarded Uniformly . 18 But Motion is said to be Greater , Lesse , and Equal , not onely in regard of the Length which is transmitted in a certain time , that is , in regard of Swiftness onely , but of Swiftness applyed to every smallest particle of Magnitude ; For when any Body is Moved , every part of it is also Moved ; and supposing the parts to be halves , the Motions of those halves have their Swiftness equal to one another , and severally equal to that of the Whole ; but the Motion of the Whole is equal to those two Motions , either of which is of equal Swiftness with it ; and therefore it is one thing for two Motions to be Equal to one another , & another thing for them to be Equally Swift . And this is manifest in two Horses that draw abreast , where the Motion of both the Horses together is of Equal Swiftness with the Motion of either of them singly ; but the Motion of both is Greater then the Motion of one of them , namely Double . Wherefore Motions are said to be simply Equal to one another when the Swiftness of one computed in every part of its Magnitude , is Equal to the Swiftness of the other cōputed also in every part of its Magnitude : & Greater then one another , when the Swiftness of one computed as above , is Greater then the Swiftness of the other so computed ; and Lesse , when Lesse . Besides , the Magnitude of Motion computed in this manner is that which is commonly called FORCE . 19 Whatsoever is at Rest , will alwayes be at Rest , unless there be some other Body besides it , which by endeavouring to get into its Place by motion , suffers it no longer to remain at Rest. For suppose that some Finite Body exist , and be at Rest , and that all Space besides be Empty ; if now this Body begin to be Moved , it will certainly be Moved some way ; Seeing therefore there was nothing in that Body which did not dispose it to Rest , the reason why it is Moved this way is in something out of it ; and in like manner , if it had been Moved any other way , the reason of Motion that way had also been in something out of it ; but seeing it was supposed that Nothing is out of it , the reason of its Motion one way would be the same with the reason of its Motion every other way ; wherefore it would be Moved alike all wa●es at once ; which is impossible . In like manner , Whatsoever is Moved , will alwayes be Moved , except there be some other Body besides it , which causeth it to Rest. For if we suppose Nothing to be without it , there will be no reason why it should Rest now , rather then at another time ; wherefore its Motion would cease in every particle of time alike ; which is not intelligible . When we say a Living Creature , a Tree , or any other specified Body is Generated , or Destroyed , it is not to be so understood as if there were made a Body of that which is not-Body , or not a Body of a Body , but of a Living Creature not a Living Creature , of a Tree not a Tree , &c. that is , that those Accidents for which we call one thing a Living Creature , another thing a Tree , and another by some other Name , are Generated and Destroyed ; and that therefore the same Names are not to be given to them now , which were given them before . But that Magnitude for which we give to any thing the Name of Body is neither Generated nor Destroyed . For though we may feign in our Mind that a Point may swell to a huge bulk , and that this may again contract it selfe to a Point ; that is , though we may imagine something to arise where before was Nothing , and Nothing to be there where before was something , yet we cannot comprehend in our Minde how this may possibly be done in Nature . And therefore Philosophers , who tye themselves to Naturall Reason , Suppose that a Body can neither be Generated nor Destroyed , but onely that it may appear otherwise then it did to Us , that is under different Species , and consequently be called by other and other Names ; so that that which is now called Man , may at another time have the Name of Not-Man ; but that which is once called Body , can never be called Not-Body . But it is manifest , that all other Accidents besides Magnitude or Extension may be Generated and Destroyed ; as when a White thing is made Black , the Whiteness that was in it Perisheth , and the Blackness that was not in it is now Generated ; and therefore Bodies , and the Accidents under which they appear diversly , have this difference , that Bodies are Things , and not Generated ; Accidents are Generated , and not Things . 21 And therefore when any thing appears otherwise then it did , by reason of other and other Accidents , it is not to be thought that an Accident goes out of one Subject into another ( for they are not , as I said above , in their Subjects as a Part in the Whole , or as a Conteined thing in that which Conteins it , or as a Master of a Family in his House , ) but that one Accident Perisheth , and another is Generated . For example , when the Hand being Moved , Moves the Pen , Motion does not go out of the Hand into the Pen , for so the Writing might be continued though the Hand stood still , but a new Motion is Generated in the Pen , and is the Pens Motion . 22 And therefore also it is improper to say an Accident is Moved ; as when in stead of saying , Figure is an Accident of a Body carried away , we say , A Body carries away its Figure . 23 Now that Accident for which we give a certain Name to any Body , or the Accident which denominates its Subject , is commonly called the ESSENCE thereof ; as Rationality is the Essence of a Man , Whiteness ; of any White Thing and Extension the Essence of a Body . And the same Essence in as much as it is Generated , is called the FORM. Again , a Body , in respect of any accident is called the SUBJECT , and in respect of the Form it is called the MATTER . Also , the Production or Perishing of any Accident , makes its Subject be said to be Changed ; onely the Production or Perishing of Form , make it be said it is Generated or Destroyed ; but in all Generation and Mutation , the name of Matter still remains . For a Table made of Wood , is not onely Wooden , but Wood ; and a Statue of Brass is Brass as well as Brazen ; though Aristotle in his Metaphysiques say , that whatsoever is made of any thing ought not to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that which is made of Wood not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , not Wood , but Wooden . 24 And as for that Matter which is common to all things , and which Philosophers following Aristotle , usually call Materia Prima , that is , First Matter , it is not any Body distinct from all other Bodies , nor is it one of them . What then is it ? A mere Name ; yet a Name which is not of vain Use ; for it signifies a conception of Body without the consideration of any Form or other Accident except onely Magnitude or Extension , & aptness to receive Form & other Accidents ; so that whensoever we have use of the Name Body in general , if we use that of Materia Prima , we do well . For as , when a Man not knowing which was first , Water or Ice , would finde out which of the two were the Matter of both , he would be fain to suppose some third Matter which were neither of these two ; so he that would finde out what is the Matter of all things , ought to suppose such as is not the Matter of any thing that exists . Wherefore Materia Prima is no Thing ; and therefore they do not attribute to it either Form or any other Accident besides Quantity ; whereas all singular things have their Forms and Accidents certain . Materia Prima therefore is Body in general , that is Body considered Universally , not as having neither Form nor any Accident , but in which no Form nor any other Accident but Quantity are at all considered , that is , they are not drawn into Argumentation . 25 From what has been said , those Axiomes may be demonstrated which are assumed by Euclide in the beginning of his first Element about the Equality and Inequality of Magnitudes ; of ( which omitting the rest ) I will here demonstrate onely this one , The Whole is greater then any Part thereof ; to the end that the Reader may know that those Axioms are not indemonstrable , & therefore not Principles of Demonstration ; and from hence learn to be wary how he admits any thing for a Principle , which is not at least as evident as these are . Greater is defined to be that , whose Part is Equal to the Whole of another . Now if we suppose any Whole to be A , and a Part of it to be B ; seeing the Whole B is Equal to it self , and the same B is a Part of A ; therefore a Part of A will be Equal to the Whole B. Wherefore by the Definition above , A is Greater then B , which was to be proved . CHAP. IX . Of Cause and Effect . 1 Action and Passion what they are . 2 Action and Passion Mediate and Immediate . 3 Cause simply taken . Cause without which no Effect follows , or Cause Necessary by Supposition . 4 Cause Efficient and Material . 5 An Entire Cause is alwayes sufficient to produce its Effect . At the same instant that the Cause is Entire , the Effect is produced . Every Effect has a Necessary Cause . 6 The Generation of Effects is Continual . What is the Beginning in Causation . 7 No Cause of Motion but in a Body Contiguous and Moved . 8 The same Agents and Patients if alike disposed , produce like Effects , though at different times . 9 All Mutation is Motion . 10 Contingent Accidents what they are . 1 A Body is said to Work upon or Act , that is to say , Do some thing to another Body , when it either generates or destroys some Accident in it ; and the Body in which an Accident is generated or destroyed is said to Suffer , that is , to have something Done to it by another Body , As when one Body by putting forwards another Body generates Motion in it , it is called the AGENT ; and the Body in which Motion is so generated , is called the PATIENT ; so Fire that warms the Hand is the Agent , and the Hand which is warmed is the Patient . That Accident which is generated in the Patient is called the EFFECT . 2 When an Agent and Patient are Contiguous to one another , their Action and Reason are then said to be Immediate , otherwise Mediate ; and when another Body lying betwixt the Agent and Patient is Contiguous to them both , it is then it self both an Agent and a Patient , an Agent in respect of the Body next after it , upon which it Works , and a Patient in respect of the Body next before it , from which it suffers . Also if many Bodies be so ordered that every two which are next to one another be contiguous , then all those that are betwixt the first and the last are both Agents and Patients , and the first is an Agent onely , and the last a Patient onely . 3 An Agent is understood to produce its determined or certain Effect in the Patient , according to some certain Accident , or Accidents , with which both it and the Patient are affected ; that is to say , the Agent hath its Effect precisely such , not because it is a Body , but because such a Body , or so Moved ; For otherwise all Agents , seeing they are all Bodies alike , would produce like Effects in all Patients ; and therefore the Fire ( for example ) does not warm , because it is a Body , but because it is Hot ; nor does one Body put forward another Body because it is a Body , but because it is moved into the place of that other Body . The Cause therefore of all Effects consists in certain Accidents both in the Agents and in the Patient ; which when they are all present , the Effect is produced ; but if any one of them be wanting it is not produced ; and that Accident either of the Agent or Patient , without which the Effect cannot be produced , is called Causa sine qua non , or Cause Necessary by Supposition , as also the Cause Requisite for the Production of the Effect . But a CAUSE . simply , or An Entire Cause , is the Aggregate of all the Accidents both of the Agents how many soever they be , and of the Patient , put together ; which when they are all supposed to be present , it cannot be understood but that the Effect is produced at the same instant ; and if any one of them be wanting , it cannot be understood but that the Effect is not produced . 4 The Aggregate of Accidents in the Agent or Agents , requisite for the production of the Effect , the Effect being produced , is called the Efficient Cause thereof ; and the Aggregate of Accidents in the Patient , the Effect being produced , is usually called the Material Cause ; I say the Effect being produced ; for where there is no Effect , there can be no Cause ; for nothing can be called a Cause where there is nothing that can be called an Effect . But the Efficient and Material Causes , are both but Partial Causes , or Parts of that Cause which in the next precedent article I called an Entire Cause . And from hence it is manifest , that the Effect we expect , though the Agents be not defective on their part , may nevertheless be frustrated by a defect in the Patient ; and when the Patient is sufficient , by a defect in the Agents . 5 An Entire Cause is alwayes sufficient for the production of its Effect , if the Effect be at all possible . For let any Effect whatsoever be propounded to be produced ; if the same be produced , it is manifest that the Cause which produced it was a sufficient Cause ; but if it be not produced , and yet be possible , it is evident that something was wanting either in some Agent , or in the Patient , without which it could not be produced ; that is , that some Accident was wanting which was requisite for its Production ; and therefore that Cause was not Entire , which is contrary to what was supposed . It follows also from hence , that in whatsoever instant the Cause is Entire , in the same instant the Effect is produced . For if it be not produced , something is still wanting , which is requisite for the production of it ; and therefore the Cause was not Entire , as was supposed . And seeing a Necessary Cause is defined to be that , which being supposed , the Effect cannot but follow ; this also may be collected , that whatsoever Effect is produced at any time , the same is produced by a Necessary Cause . For whatsoever is produced , in as much as it is produced , had an Entire Cause , that is , had all those things , which being supposed , it cannot be understood but that the Effect follows ; that is , it had a Necessary Cause . And in the same manner it may be shewn , that whatsoever Effects are hereafter to be produced , shall have a Necessary Cause ; so that all the Effects , that have been or shall be produced , have their Ne cessity in things antecedent . 6 And from this , that whensoever the Cause is Entire , the Effect is produced in the same instant , it is manifest , that Causation and the Production of Effects consist in a certain continual Progress ; so that as there is a continual Mutation in the Agent or Agents by the working of other Agents upon them , so also the Patient upon which they work is continually altered and changed . For example , as the Heat of the Fire encreases more and more , so also the Effects thereof , namely the Heat of such Bodies as are next to it , & again of such other Bodies as are next to them , encreases more & more accordingly ; which is already no litle argument that all Mutation consists in Motion onely ; the truth whereof shall be further demonstrated in the ninth Article . But in this Progress of Causation , that is , of Action and Passion , if any man comprehend in his imagination a part thereof , and divide the same into parts , the first part or Beginning of it cannot be considered otherwise then as Action or Cause ; for if it should be considered as Effect or Passion , then it would be necessary to consider something before it for its Cause or Action ; which cannot be ; for nothing can be before the Beginning . And in like manner , the last part is considered onely as Effect ; for it cannot be called Cause if nothing follow it ; but after the last nothing follows . And from hence it is , that in all Action the Beginning and Cause are taken for the same thing . But every one of the intermediate parts are both Action and Passion , and Cause and Effect , according as they are compared with the antecedent or subsequent part . 7 There can be no Cause of Motion , except in a Body Contiguous , and Moved . For let there be any two Bodies which are not contiguous , and betwixt which the intermediate Space is empty , or if filled , filled with another Body which is at Rest ; and let one of the propounded Bodies be supposed to be at Rest , I say it shall always be at Rest. For if it shall be Moved , the Cause of that Motion ( by the 8th . Chapter 19th . Article ) will be in some external Body ; and therefore if between it and that external Body there be nothing but empty Space , then whatsoever the disposition be of that external Body , or of the Patient it self , yet if it be supposed to be now at Rest , we may conceive it wil continue so til it be touched by some other Body ; but seeing Cause ( by the Definition ) is the Aggregate of all such Accidents , which being supposed to be present it cannot be conceived but that the Effect will follow , those Accidents which are either in external Bodies , or in the Patient it self , cannot be the Cause of future Motion ; and in like manner , seeing we may conceive , that whatsoever is at Rest , will still be at Rest , though it be touched by some other Body , except that other Body be moved , therefore in a contiguous Body which is at Rest , there can be no Cause of Motion . Wherefore there is no Cause of Motion in any Body , except it be Contiguous and Moved . The same reason may serve to prove , that whatsoever is Moved , will alwayes be Moved on in the same way and with the same Velocity , except it be hindered by some other Contiguous and Moved Body ; and consequently that no Bodies either when they are at Rest , or when there is an interposition of Vacuum , can generate or ●●tinguish or lesson Motion in other Bodies . There is one that has written , that things Moved are more resisted by things at Rest , then by things contrarily Moved , for this reason , that he conceived Motion not to be so contrary to Motion as Rest. That which deceived him was , that the words Rest and Motion are but contradictory Names ; whereas Motion indeed is not resisted by Rest , but by contrary Motion . 8 But if a Body work upon another Body at one time , and afterwards the same Body work upon the same Body at another time so , that both the Agent and Patient , and all their parts , be in all things as they were ; and there be no difference except onely in time , that is , that one Action be former the other later in time ; it is manifest of it self , that the Effects will be Equal and Like ; as not differing in any thing besides time . And as Effects themselves proceed from their Causes ; so the diversity of them depends upon the diversity of their Causes also . 9 This being true , it is necessary that Mutation can be nothing else , but Motion of the Parts of that Body which is Changed . For First , we do not say any thing is Changed , but that which appears to our Senses otherwise then it appeared formerly . Secondly , both those Appearances are Effects produced in the Sentient ; & therefore if they be differēt , it is necessary ( by the preceding article ) that either some part of the Agent which was formerly at Rest , is now Moved , and so the Mutation consists in this Motion ; or some part which was formerly Moved , is now otherwise Moved , and so also the Mutation consists in this new Motion ; or which being formerly Moved , is now at Rest , which ( as I have shewn above ) cannot come to pass without Motion , and so again Mutation is Motion ; or , lastly , it happens in some of these manners to the Patient or some of its parts ; so that Mutation , howsoever it be made , will consist in the Motion of the parts either of the Body which is perceived , or of the Sentient Body , or of both . Mutation therefore is Motion , ( namely of the parts either of the Agent or of the Patient ; ) which was to be demonstrated . And to this it is consequent , that Rest cannot be the Cause of any thing ; nor can any Action proceed from it , seeing neither Motion nor Mutation can be caused by it . 10 Accidents , in respect of other Accidents which precede them , or are before them in time , & upon which they do not depend as upon their Causes , are called Contingent Accidents ; I say in respect of those Accidents by which they are not generated ; for in respect of their Causes all things come to pass with equal necessity , for otherwise , they would have no Causes at all ; which of things generated is not intelligible . CHAP. X. Of Power and Act. 1 Power and Cause are the same thing . 2 An Act is produced at the same instant in which the Power is Plenary . 3 Active and Passive Power are parts onely of Plenary Power . 4 An Act when said to be Possible . 5 An Act Necessary and Contingent , what . 6 Active Power consists in Motion . 7 Cause Formal and Final , what they are . 1_COrrespondent to Cause and Effect are POWER and ACT ; Nay , those and these are the same things , though for divers considerations they have divers names . Forwhensoever any Agent has all those Accidents which are necessarily requisite for the production of some Effect in the Patient , then we say that Agent has Power to produce that Effect , if it be applyed to a Patient . But ( as I have shewn in the precedent Chapter , ) those Accidents constitute the Efficient Cause ; and therefore the same Accidents which constitute the Efficient Cause , constitute also the Power of the Agent . Wherefore the Power of the Agent , and the Efficient Cause are the same thing . But they are considered with this difference , that Cause is so called in respect of the Effect already produced , and Power in respect of the same Effect to be produced hereafter , so that Cause respects the Past , Power the Future time . Also the Power of the Agent , is that which is commonly called Active Power . In like manner , whensoever any Patient has all those Accidents which it is requisite it should have for the production of some Effect in it , we say it is in the Power of that Patient to produce that Effect , if it be applyed to a fitting Agent . But those Accidents ( as is defined in the precedent Chapter ) constitute the Material Cause ; and therefore the Power of the Patient , ( commonly called Passive Power ) and Material Cause are the same thing ; but with this different consideration , that in Cause the Past time , and in Power the Future is respected . Wherefore the Power of the Agent and Patient together , which may be called Entire or Plenary Power , is the same thing with Entire Cause ; for they both consist in the Sum or Aggregate of all the Accidents as well in the Agent as in the Patient , which are requisite for the production of the Effect . Lastly , as the Accident produced is in respect of the Cause called an Effect ; so in respect of the Power it is called an Act. 2 As therefore the Effect is produced in the same instant in which the Cause is Entire ; so also every Act that may be produced , is produced in the same instant , in which the Power is Plenary . And as there can be no Effect , but from a Sufficient and Necessary Cause ; so also no Act can be produced , but by Sufficient Power , or that Power by which it could not but be produced . 3 And as it is manifest , ( as I have shewn ) that the Efficient and Material Causes are severally and by themselves parts onely of an Entire Cause , and cannot produce any Effect but by being joyned together ; so also Power Active and Passive , are parts onely of Plenary and Entire Power ; nor , except they be joyned , can any Act proceed from them ; and therefore these Powers ( as I said in the first Article ) are but conditionall , namely , the Agent has Power , if it be applyed to a Patient ; and the Patient has Power , if it be applyed to an Agent ; otherwise neither of them have Power , nor can the Accidents which are in them severally be properly called Powers ; nor any Action be said to be Possible , for the Power of the Agent alone , or of the Patient alone . 4 For that is an Impossible Act , for the production of which there is no Power Plenary . For seeing Plenary Power is that in which all things concurre which are requisite for the production of an Act , if the Power shall never be Plenary , there will always be wanting some of those things , without which the Act cannot be produced ; wherefore that Act shall never be produced , that is , that Act is IMPOSSIBLE : And every Act which is not Impossible , is POSSIBLE . Every Act therefore which is Possible shall at some time be produced ; for if it shall never be produced , then those things shall never concurre which are requisite for the production of it ; wherefore that Act is Impossible by the Definition ; which is contrary to what was supposed . 5 A Necessary Act is that , the production whereof it is Impossible to hinder ; and therefore every Act that shall be produced ; shall necessarily be produced ; for that it shall not be produced is Impossible , because ( as is already demonstrated ) every Possible Act shall at some time be produced ; Nay , this Proposition , What shall be , shall be , is as necessary a Proposition , as this , A Man is a Man. But here perhaps some man may ask , whether those Future things , which are commonly called Contingents , are Necessary . I say therefore that generally all Contingents , have their Necessary Causes , ( as is shewn in the preceding Chapter , ) but are called Contingents in respect of other Events upon which they do not depend ; as the Rain which shall be to morrow , shall be Necessarily , ( that is from necessary Causes ; ) but we think and say it happens by chance , because we doe not yet perceive the Causes thereof , though they exist now ; for men commonly call that Casuall or Contingent , whereof they do not perceive the necessary Cause ; and in the same manner they use to speake of things past , when not knowing whether a thing be done or no , they say it is possible it never was done . Wherefore all Propositions concerning Future things contingent or not contingent , as this , It will rayne to morrow , or this , To morrow the Sun will rise , are either necessarily true , or necessarily false ; but we call them Contingent because we doe not yet know whether they be true or false ; whereas their Verity depends not upon our Knowledge , but upon the foregoing of their Causes . But there are some who though they confess this whole Proposition , To morrow it will either rain or not rain , to be true , yet they will not acknowledge the parts of it , as To morrow it will rain , or To morrow it will not rain , to be either of them true by it self , because they say neither this nor that is true determinately . But what is this determinately true , but true upon our knowledge , or evidently true ? and therefore they say no more but that it is not yet known whether it be true or no ; but they say it more obscurely , and darken the Evidence of the truth with the same words with which they endevour to hide their own ignorance . 6 In the 9th . Article of the precedent Chapter I have shewn , that the Efficient Cause of all Motion and Mutation consists in the Motion of the Agent or Agents ; And in the first Article of this Chapter , that the Power of the Agent is the same thing with the Efficient Cause . From whence it may be understood , that all Active Power consists in Motion also ; and that Power is not a certain Accident which differs from all Acts , but is indeed an Act , namely Motion , which is therefore called Power , because another Act shall be produced by it afterwards . For example , if of three Bodies the first put forwards the second , and this the third , the Motion of the second in respect of the first which produceth it , is the Act of the second Body , but in respect of the third it is the Active Power of the same second Body . 7 The Writers of Metaphysiques reckon up two other Causes besides the Efficient and Material , namely the ESSENCE , which some call the Formal Cause ; and the End , or Final Cause ; both which are nevertheless Efficient Causes . For when it is said , the Essence of a thing is the Cause thereof , as to be Rational , is the Cause of Man , it is not intelligible ; for it is all one as if it were said , To be a Man is the Cause of Man , which is not well said . And yet the knowledge of the Essence of any thing , is the Cause of the knowledge of the thing it selfe ; for if I first know that a thing is Rational , I know from thence that the same is Man ; but this is no other then an Efficient Cause . A Final Cause has no place but in such things as have Sense and Will ; and this also I shall prove hereafter to be an Efficient Cause . CHAP. XI . Of Identity and Difference . 1 What it is for one thing to Differ from another . 2 To Differ in Number , Magnitude , Species and Genus , what . 3 What is Relation , Proportion , and Relatives . 4 Proportionals what . 5 The Proportion of Magnitudes to one another , wherein it consists . 6 Relation is no new Accident , but one of those that were in the Relative before the Relation or Comparison was made . Also the Causes of Accidents in the Correlatives are the Cause of Relation . 7 Of the Beginning of Individuation . 1_HItherto I have spoken of Body simply , and of Accidents common to all Bodies as Magnitude , Motion , Rest , Action , Passion , Power , Possible , &c. And I should now descend to those Accidents by which one Body is distinguished from ano●●er , but that it is first to be declared what it is to be Distinct , and not Distinct , namely what are the SAME and DIFFERENT ; for this also is common to all Bodies , that they may be distinguished and differenced from one another . Now two Bodies are said to Differ from one another , when something may be said of one of them , which cannot be said of the other at the same time . 2 And first of all , it is manifest that no Two Bodies are the Same ; for seeing they are Two , they are in two places at the same time ; as that which is the Same , is at the same time in one and the same place . All Bodies therefore differ from one another in Number , namely , as One and Another ; so that the Same and different in Number are Names opposed to one another by Contradiction . In Magnitude Bodies differ when One is greater then Another , as a Cubit long , and two Cubits long , of two pound weight , and of three pound weight . And to these , Equals are opposed . Bodies which differ more then in Magnitude are called Unlike , and those which differ onely in Magnitude , Like . Also of Unlike Bodies some are said to differ in the Species , other in the Genus ; in the Species when their difference is perceived by one and the same Sense , as White and Black ; and in the Genus , when their difference is not perceived but by divers Senses , as White and Hot. 3 And the Likeness , or Unlikeness , Equality or Inequality of one Body to another , is called their RELATION ; and the Bodies themselves Relatives or Correlatives ; Aristotle calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the first whereof is usually named the Antecedent , and the second the Consequent ; and the Relation of the Antecedent to the Consequent according to Magnitude , namely , the Equality , the Excess or Defect thereof , is called the PROPORTION of the Antecedent to the Consequent , so that Proportion is nothing but the Equality or Inequality of the Magnitude of the Antecedent compared to the Magnitude of the Consequent by their difference only , or compared also with their difference . For Example , the Proportion of Three to Two consists only in this , that Three exceeds Two by Unity ; and the Proportion of Two to Five in this , that Two compared with Five is deficient of it by Three , either simply , or compared with the numbers different ; and therefore in the Proportion of Unequals , the Proportion of the Lesse to the Greater is called DEFECT , and that of the Greater to the Lesse EXCESS . 4 Besides , of Unequals , some are more , some lesse , and some equally unequall ; so that there is Proportion of Proportions , as well as of Magnitudes , namely , where two Unequals have relation to two other Unequals ; as when the Inequality which is between 2 and 3 is compared with the Inequality which is between 4 and 5. In which Comparison there are alwayes four Magnitudes , or ( which is all one ) if there be but three , the midlemost is twice numbred ; and if the Proportion of the first to the second be equal to the Proportion of the third to the fourth , then the four are said to be Proportionals ; otherwise they are not Proportionals . 5 The Proportion of the Antecedent to the Consequent , consists in their Difference , not onely simply taken , but also as compared with one of the Relatives ; that is , either in that part of the greater by which it exceeds the lesse , or in the Remainder after the lesse is taken out of the greater ; as the Proportion of Two to Five , consists in the Three by which Five exceeds Two , not in Three , simply onely , but also as compared with Five or Two. For though there be the same difference between Two & Five , which is between Nine and Twelve , namely Three , yet there is not the same Inequality ; and therefore the Proportion of Two to Five , is not in all Relation the same with that of Nine to Twelve , but onely in that which is called Arithmetical . 6 But we must not so think of Relation , as if it were an Accident differing from all the other Accidents of the Relative ; but one of them ; namely that , by which the Comparison is made . For example , the likeness of one White to another White , or its Unlikeness to Black , is the same Accident with its Whiteness ; and Equality and Inequality , the same Accident with the Magnitude of the thing compared , though under another Name ; for that which is called White or Great , when it is not compared with something else , the same when it is compared is called Like or Unlike , Equal or Unequal . And from this it follows , that the Causes of the Accidents which are in Relatives , are the Causes also of Likeness , Unlikeness , Equality and Inequality ; namely , that he that makes two Unequal Bodies , makes also their Inequality ; and he that makes a Rule and an Action , makes also , if the Action be congruous to the Rule , their Congruity ; if Incongruous , their Incongruity . And thus much concerning Comparison of one Body with another . 7 But the same Body may at different times be Compared with it self . And from hence springs a great controversie among Philosophers about the Beginning of Individuation ; namely , in what sense it may be conceived that a Body is at one time the same , at another time not the same it was formerly . For example , whether a Man grown old be the same Man he was whilest he was young , or another Man ; or whether a City be in different Ages the same , or another City . Some place Individuity in the Unity of Matter ; others in the Unity of Form ; and one sayes it consists in the Unity of the Aggregate of all the Accidents together . For Matter , it is pleaded , that a lump of Wax , whether it be Spherical or Cubical , is the same Wax , because the same Matter . For Form , that when a Man is grown from an Infant to be an Old Man , though his Matter be changed , yet he is still the same Numerical Man ; for that Identity which cannot be attributed to the Matter , ought probably to be ascribed to the Form. For the Aggregate of Accidents no Instance can be made ; but because when any new Accident is generated , a new Name is commonly imposed on the Thing , therefore he that assigned this cause of Individuity , thought the thing it self also was become another thing . According to the first Opinion , He that sins , and he that is punished should not be the same Man , by reason of the perpetual flux and change of Mans Body ; nor should the City which makes Lawes in one Age , and abrogates them in another , be the same City ; which were to confound all Civil Rights . According to the second Opinion , two Bodies existing both at once , would be one and the same Numerical Body ; for if ( for example ) that Ship of Theseus ( concerning the Difference whereof , made by continual reparation , in taking out the old Planks , and putting in new , the Sophisters of Athens were wont to dispute ) were , after all the Planks were changed , the same Numerical Ship it was at the beginning ; and if some Man had kept the Old Planks as they were taken out , and by putting them afterwards together in the same order , had again made a Ship of them , this without doubt had also been the same Numerical Ship with that which was at the beginning ; and so there would have been two Ships Numerically the same , which is absurd . But according to the third Opinion , Nothing would be the same it was ; so that a Man standing , would not be the same he was sitting ; nor the Water which is in the Vessel , the same with that which is poured out of it . Wherefore the beginning of Individuation is not alwayes to be taken either from Matter alone , or from Form alone . But we must consider by what name any thing is called , when we enquire concerning the Identity of it ; for it is one thing to ask concerning Socrates whether he be the same Man , and another to ask whether he be the same Body ; for his Body when he is Old , cannot be the same it was when he was an Infant , by reason of the difference of Magnitude ; for One Body has alwayes One and the same Magnitude ; yet nevertheless he may be the same Man. And therefore whensoever the Name by which it is asked whether a thing be the same it was , is given it for the Matter onely , then if the Matter be the same , the thing also is Individually the same ; as the Wat●r which was in the Sea , is the same which is afterwards in the Cloud ; and any Body is the same , whether the parts of it be put together , or dispersed , or whether it be congealed or dissolved . Also if the Name be given for such Form as is the beginning of Motion , then as long as that Motion remains it will be the same Individual thing ; as that Man will be alwayes the same , whose Actions and Thoughts proceed all from the same beginning of Motion , namely , that which was in his generation ; and that will be the same River , which flows from one and the same Fountain , whether the same Water , or other Water , or something else then Water flow from thence ; and that the same City , whose Acts proceed continually from the same Institution , whether the Men be the same or no. Lastly , if the Name be given for some Accident , then the Identity of the thing will depend upon the Matter ; for by the taking away and supplying of Matter , the Accidents that were are destroyed , and other new ones are generated , which cannot be the same Numerically ; so that a Ship , which signifies Matter so figured , will be the same , as long as the Matter remains the same ; but if no part of the Matter be the same , then it is Numerically another Ship ; and if part of the Matter remain , and part be changed , then the Ship will be partly the same , and partly not the same . CHAP. XII . Of Quantity . 1 The Definition of Quantity . 2 The Exposition of Quantity what it is . 3 How Line , Superficies and Solid are exposed . 4 How Time is exposed . 5 How Number is exposed . 6 How Velocity is exposed . 7 How Weight is exposed . 8 How the Proportion of Magnitudes is exposed . 9 How the Proportion of Times and Velocities is exposed . 1 WHat , and how manifold Dimension is , has been said in the 8th . Chapter , namely , that there are three Dimensions , Line ( or Length ) Superficies and Solid ; Every one of which , if it be determined , that is , if the limits of it be made known is commonly called Quantity ; For by Quantity all men understand that which is signified by that word , by which answer is made to the question How much is it . Whensoever therefore it is asked ( for example ) How long is the Journey , it is not answered indefinitely Length ; nor when it is asked , How big is the Field is it answered indefinitely Superficies ; nor if a man ask How great is the bulk , indefinitely Solid ; but it is answered determinately , The Journey is a hundred Miles ; the Field is a hundred Acres ; the Bulk is a hundred Cubical Feet ; or at least in some such manner , that the Magnitude of the thing enquired after may by certain Limits be comprehended in the Mind . QUANTITY therefore cannot otherwise be defined , then to be a Dimension determined or a Dimension , whose Limits are set out , either by their Place , or by some Comparison . 2 And Quantity is determined two wayes ; One , by the Sense , when some sensible Object is set before it ; as when a Line , a Superficies or Solid , of a Foot or Cubit , marked out in some Matter , is objected to the Eyes ; which way of Determining is called Exposition , and the Quantity so known is called Exposed Quantity ; The Other , by Memory , that is , by Comparison with some Exposed Quantity . In the first manner , when it is asked of what Quantity a thing is , it is answered , of such Quantity as you see Exposed . In the second manner , answer cannot be made but by Comparison with some ●xposed Quantity ; for if it be asked , How long is the Way , the answer is , so many thousand Paces ; that is , by Comparing the Way with a Pace , or some other Measure determined and known by Exposition ; or the Quantity of it is to some other Quantity known by Exposition , as the Diameter of a Square is to the Side of the same , or by some other the like means . But it is to be understood that the Quantity Exposed must be some standing or permanent thing , such as is marked out in consistent or durable matter ; or at least something which is revocable to sense ; for otherwise no Comparison can be made by it . Seeing therefore ( by what has been said in the next preceding Chapter ) Comparison of one Magnitude with another , is the same thing with Proportion ; it is manifest , that Quantity determined in the second manner , is nothing else but the Proportion of a Dimension not Exposed to another which is Exposed ; that is , the Comparison of the Equality or Inequality thereof with an Exposed Quantity . 3 Lines , Superficies and Solids are Exposed , First , by Motion , in such manner , as ( in the 8th Chapter ) I have said they are generated ; but so , as that the Marks of such Motion be permanent ; as when they are designed upon some Matter , as a Line upon Paper ; or graven in some durable Matter . Secondly , by Apposition ; as when one Line or Length is applyed to another Line or Length , one Breadth to another Breadth , and one Thickness to another Thickness ; which is as much as to describe a Line by Points , a Superficies by Lines , and a Solid by Superficies , saving that by Points in this place are to be understood very short Lines , and by Superficies very Thin Solids . Thirdly , Lines and Superficies may be Exposed by Section ; namely a Line may be made by Cutting an Exposed Superficies , and a Superficies by the Cutting of an Exposed Solid . 4 Time is Exposed not onely by the Exposition of a Line , but also of some Moveable thing , which is moved Uniformly upon that Line , or at least is supposed so to be Moved . For seeing Time is an Idea of Motion in which we consider Former and Later , that is , Succession , it is not sufficient for the Exposition of Time that a Line be described , but we must also have in our Minde an Imagination ▪ of some Moveable thing passing over that Line , and the Motion of it must be Uniform , that Time may be divided and compounded as often as there shall be need . And therefore when Philosophers in their Demonstrations draw a Line , and say , Let that Line be Time , it is to be understood as if they said , Let the Conception of Uniform Motion upon that Line , be Time. For though the Circles in Dials be Lines , yet they are not of themselves sufficient to note Time by , except also there be , or be supposed to be a Motion of the Shadow or the Hand . 5 Number is Exposed either by the Exposition of Points , or of the Names of Number One , Two , Three , &c. and those Points must not be contiguous , so as that they cannot be distinguished by Notes , but they must be so placed that they may be discerned one from another ; for from this it is that Number is called Discrete Quantity , whereas all Quantity which is designed by Motion , is called Continual Quantity . But that Number may be Exposed by the Names of Number , it is necessary that they be recited by heart and in order , as One , Two , Three , &c. for by saying One , One , One and so forward , we know not what Number we are at beyond Two or Three , which also appear to Us in this manner not as Number , but as Figure . 7 Weight is Exposed by any Heavy Body , of what Matter soever , so it be alwayes alike Heavy . CHAP. XIII . Of Analogisme or the Same Proportion . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. The Nature and Definition of Proportion Arithmetical and Geometrical . 5 The Definition and some properties of the Same Arithmetical Proportion . 6 , 7. The Definition and Transmutations of Analogisme , or The Same Geometrical Proportion . 8 , 9. The Definitions of Hyperlogisme and Hypologisme , that is , of Greater and Lesse Proportion , and their Transmutations . 10 , 11 , 12. Comparison of Analogical quantities according to Magnitude . 13 , 14 , 15. Composition of Proportions . 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25. The Definition and Properties of Continual Proportion . 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. Comparison of Arithmetical and Geometrical Proportions . Note that in this Chapter , the signe + , signifies that the quantities betwixt which it is put , are added together ; and this signe - , the Remainder , after the later quantity is taken out of the former . So that A+B is equal to both A and B together ; and where you see A − B , there A is the Whole , B the part taken out of it , and A − B the Remainder . Also two letters set together without any sign , signifies ( unlesse they belong to a Figure ) that one of the quantities is multiplyed by the other ; as A B signifies the Product of A multiplyed by B. 1 GReat & Little are not intelligible but by Comparison . Now that to which they are compared is something Exposed , that is , some Magnitude either perceived by Sense , or so defined by Words , that it may be comprehended by the Mind . Also that to which any Magnitude is compared , is either Greater , or Less , or Equal to it . And therefore Proportion ( which as I have shewn , is the Estimation , or Comprehension of Magnitudes by Comparison ) is threefold ; namely Proportion of Equality , that is , of Equal to Equal ; or of Excesse , which is of the Greater to the Lesse ; or of Defect , which is the Proportion of the Lesse to the Greater . Again , every one of these Proportions is twofold ; For if it be asked concerning any Magnitude given , how Great it is , the answer may be made by Comparing it two wayes ; First , by saying it is greater or lesse then another Magnitude by so much ; as Seven is lesse then Ten by three Unities ; and this is called Arithmetical Proportion . Secondly , by saying it is greater or lesse then another Magnitude by such a part or parts thereof ; as Seven is less then Ten by three tenth parts of the same Ten. And though this Proportion be not alwayes explicable by Number , yet it is a determinate Proportion , and of a different kind from the former , and called Geometrical Proportion , and most commonly Proportion simply . 2 Proportion , whether it be Arithmetical or Geometrical , cannot be Exposed but in two Magnitudes ( of which the former is cōmonly called the Antecedent , & the later the Consequent of the Proportion ) as I have shewn in the 8th . Article of the precedent Chapter . And therefore if two Proportions be to be compared , there must be four Magnitudes Exposed , namely two Antecedents and two Consequents ; for though it happen sometimes , that the Consequent of the former Proportion be the same with the Antecedent of the later , yet in that double Comparison it must of necessity be twice numbred ; so that there will be alwayes four Terms . 3 Of two Proportions , whether they be Arithmetical or Geometrical , when the Magnitudes compared in both ( which Euclide in the fifth Definition of his sixth Book calls the Quantities of Proportions ) are equal , then one of the Proportions cannot be either greater or lesse then the other ; For one Equality is neither greater nor lesse then another Equality . But of two Proportions of Inequality , whether they be Proportions of Excesse or of Defect , one of them may be either greater or lesse then the other , or they may both be equal ; for though there be propounded two Magnitudes that are unequal to one another , yet there may be other two more unequal , and other two equally unequall , and other two less unequal then the two which were propounded . And from hence it may be understood that the Proportions of Excess and Defect are Quantity , being capable of More & Less ; but the Proportion of Equality is not Quantity , because not capable , neither of More nor of Less . And therefore Proportions of Inequality may be added together or substracted from one another , or be multiplyed or divided by one another , or by Number ; but Proportions of Equality not so . 4 Two Equal Proportions are commonly called The Same Proportion ; and it is said , that the Proportion of the first Antecedent to the first Consequent is the same with that of the second Antecedent to the second Consequent . And when four Magnitudes are thus to one another in Geometrical Proportion , they are called Proportionals , and by some more briefly Analogisme . And Greater Proportion , is the Proportion of a Greater Antecedent to the same Consequent , or of the same Antec●dent to a Less Consequent ; and when the Proportion of the first Antecedent to the first Consequent , is greater then that of the second Antecedent to the second Consequent , the four Magnitudes which are so to one another may be called Hyperlogisme . Less Proportion is the Proportion of a Less Antecedent to the same Consequent , or of the same Antecedent to a Greater Consequent ; and when the Proportion of the first Antecedent to the first Consequent , is less then that of the second to the second , the four Magnitudes may be called Hypologisme . 5 One Arithmetical Proportion is the Same with another Arithmetical Proportion , when one of the Antecedents exceeds its Consequent , or is exceeded by it , as much as the other Antecedent exceeds its Consequent , or is exceeded by it . And therefore in four Magnitudes Arithmetically Proportional , the sum of the Extremes is equal to the sum of the Means . For if A. B : : C. D be Arithmetically Proportional , and the Difference on both sides be the same Excess or the same Defect E ; then B+C ( if A be greater then B ) will be equal to A − E+C ; and A+D will be equal to A+C − E ; But A − E+C and A+C − E are equal . Or if A be less then B , then B+C will be equal to A+E+C ; and A+D will be equal to A+C+E ; But A+E+C , and A+C+E are equal . Also if there be never so many Magnitudes Arithmetically Proportional , the Sum of them all will be equal to the Product of half the number of the Terms multiplyed by the Sum of the Extremes . For if A. B : : C. D : : E. F be Arithmetically Proportional , the Couples A+F , B+E , C+D will be equal to one another ; and their Sum will be equal to A+F multiplyed by the number of their Combinations , that is , by half the number of the Terms . If of four Unequal Magnitudes , any two together taken be equal to the other two together taken , then the greatest and the least of them will be in the same Combination . Let the Unequal Magnitudes be A , B , C , D ; and let A+B be equal to C+D ; & let A be the greatest of them all ; I say B will be the least . For if it may be , let any of the rest , as D , be the least . Seeing therefore A is greater then C , and B then D , A+B will be greater then C+D ; which is contrary to what was supposed . If there be any four Magnitudes , the Sum of the greatest and least , the Sum of the Means , the difference of the two greatest , and the difference of the two least will be Arithmetically Proportional . For let there be four Magnitudes , whereof A is the greatest , D the least , and B and C the Means ; I say A+D . B+C : : A − B. C − D are Arithmetically Proportional . For the difference between the first Antecedent and its Consequent is this , A+D − B − C ; and the difference between the second Antecedent and its Consequent this , A − B − C+D ; but these two Differences are equal , and therefore ( by this 5th . Article ) A+D . B+C : : A − B. C − D are Arithmetically Proportional . If of four Magnitudes , two be equal to the other two , they will be in reciprocal Arithmetical Proportion . For let A+B be equal to C+D ; I say A. C : : D. B are Arithmetically Proportional . For if they be not , let A. C : : D. E ( supposing E to be greater or less then B ) be Arithmetically Proportional , and then A+E will be equal to C+D ; wherefore A+B and C+D are not equal ; which is contrary to what was supposed . 6 One Geometrical Proportion is the same with another Geometrical Proportion , when the same Cause producing equal Effects in equal Times , determines both the Proportions . If a Point Uniformly moved , describe two Lines either with the same , or different Velocity , all the parts of them which are contemporary , that is , which are described in the same time , will be Two to Two in Geometrical Proportion , whether the Antecedents be taken in the same Line , or not . For , from the point A ( in the 10 Figure at the end of the 14 Chapter ) let the two Lines A D , A G , be described with Uniform Motion ; and let there be taken in them two parts AB , AE , and again two other parts AC , AF ; in such manner , that AB , AE , be contemporary , and likewise AC , AF contemporary . I say first ( taking the Antecedents AB , AC in the Line AD , and the Consequents AE , AF in the Line AG ) that AB . AC : : AE ▪ AF are Proportionals . For seeing ( by the 8th . Chapter and the 15 Article ) Velocity is Motion considered as determined by a certain Length or Line , in a certain Time transmitted by it , the quantity of the Line AB will be determined by the Velocity and Time by which the same AB is described ; and for the same reason , the quantity of the Line AC will be determined by the Velocity and Time , by which the same AC is described ; and therefore the proportion of AB to AC , whether it be Proportion of Equality , or of Excess or Defect , is determined by the Velocities and Times by which AB , AC are described ; But seeing the Motion of the Point A upon AB and AC is Uniform ▪ they are both desribed with equal Velocity ; and therefore whether one of them have to the other the Proportion of Majority or of Minority , the sole cause of that Proportion is the difference of their Times ; and by the same reason it is evident , that the proportion of AE to AF is determined by the difference of their Times onely . Seeing therefore AB , AE , as also AC , AF are contemporary , the difference of the Times in which AB and AC are described , is the same with that in which AE and AF are described . Wherfore the proportion of AB to AC , and the proportion of AE to AF are both determined by the same Cause . But the Cause which so determines the proportion of both , works equally in equal Times , for it is Uniform Motion ; and therefore ( by the last precedent Definition ) the proportion of AB to AC is the same with that of AE to AF ; and consequently AB . AC : : AF. AF are Proportionals ; which is the first . Secondly ( taking the Antecedents in different Lines , ) I say , AB . AE : : AC . AF are Proportionals ; For seeing AB , AE are described in the same Time , the difference of the Velocities in which they are described are the sole Cause of the proportion they have to one another . And the same may be said of the proportion of AC to AF. But seeing both the Lines AD and AG are passed over by Uniform Motion , the difference of the Velocities in which AB , AE are described , will be the same with the difference of the Velocities , in which AC , AF are described . Wherefore the Cause which determines the proportion of AB to AE , is the same with that which determines the proportion of AC to AF ; and therefore AB . AE : : AC . AF , are Proportionals ; which remained to be proved . 1 Corollary . If four Magnitudes be in Geometrical Proportion , they will also be Proportionals by Permutation , ( that is , by transposing the Middle Terms . ) For I have shewn , that not onely AB . AC : : AE . AF , but also that ( by Permutation ) AB . AE : : AC . AF are Proportionals . 2 Coroll . If there be four Proportionals , they will also be Proportionals by Inversion or Conversion , that is , by turning the Antecedents into Consequents . For if in the last Analogisme , I had for AB , AC , put by Inversion AC , AB , and in like manner converted AE , AF into AF , AE , yet the same Demonstration had served . For as well AC , AB , as AB , AC are of equal Velocity ; and AC , AF , as well as AF , AC are Contemporary . 3 Coroll . If Proportionals be added to Proportionals , or taken from them , the Aggregates , or Remainders will be Proportionals . For Contemporaries whether they be added to Contemporaries , or taken from them ; make the Aggregates or Remainders Contemporary , though the Addition or Substraction be of all the Terms , or of the Antecedents alone , or of the Consequents alone . 4 Coroll . If both the Antecedents of four Proportionals , or both the Consequents , or all the Terms , be multiplyed or divided by the same Number or Quantity , the Products or Quotients will be Proportionals . For the Multiplication and Division of Proportionals , is the same with the Addition and Substraction of them . 5 Coroll . If there be four Proportionals , they will also be Proportionals by Composition ( that is , by compounding an Antecedent of the Antecedent and Consequent put together , and by taking for Consequent either the Consequent singly , or the Antecedent singly ) . For this Composition is nothing but Addition of Proportionals , namely , of Consequents to their own Antecedents , which by Supposition are Proportionals . 6 Coroll . In like manner , if the Antecedent singly , or Consequent singly be put for Antecedent , and the Consequent be made of both put together , these also will be Proportionals . For it is the Inversion of Porportion by Composition . 7 Coroll . If there be four Proportionals , they will also be Proportionals by Division ( that is , by taking the Remainder after the Consequent is substracted from the Antecedent , or the Difference between the Antecedent and Consequent for Antecedent , and either the Whole or the Remainder for Consequent ; ) As if A. B : : C. D be Proportionals , they will by Division be A − B. B : : C − D. D , and A − B. A : : C − D. C ; and when the Consequent is greater then the Antecedent , B − A. A : : D − C. C , and B − AB : : D − C. D. For in all these Divisions , Proportionals are ( by the very supposition of the Analogisme A. B : : C. D ) taken from A and B , and from C and D. 8 Coroll . If there be four Proportionals , they will also be Proportionals by the Conversion of Proportion , ( that is , by In●erting the Divided Proportion , or by taking the Whole for Antecedent , & the Difference or Remainder for Consequent . ) As , if A. B : : C. D be Proportionals , then A. A − B : : C. C − D , as also B. A − B : : D. C − D will be Proportionals . For seeing these Inverted be Proportionals , they are also themselves Proportionals . 9 Coroll . If there be two Analogismes which have their quantities equal , the second to the second , and the fourth to the fourth , then either the Sum or Difference of the first quantities will be to the second , as the Sum or Difference of the third quantities is to the fourth . Let A. B : : C. D and E. B : : F. D be Analogismes ; I say C+E. B : : F. D are Proportionals . For the said Analogismes will by Permutation be A. C : : B. D , and E. F : : B. D ; and therefore A. C : : E. F will be Proportionals ( for they have both the proportion of B to D common . ) Wherefore if in the Permutation of the first Analogisme , there be added E and F to A and C , which E and F are proportional to A and C , then ( by the 3d Coroll . ) A+E . B : : C+F . D will be Proportionals ; which was to be proved . Also in the same manner it may be shewn , that A − E. B : : C+F . D are Proportionals . 7 If there be two Analogismes , where foure Antecedents make an Analogisme , their Consequents also shall make an Analogisme ; as also the Sums of their Antecedents will be proportionall to the Sums of their Consequents . For if A. B : : C. D and E. F : : G. H be two Analogismes ; and A. E : : C. G be Proportionals , then by Permutation A. C : : E. G , and E. G : : F. H , and A. C : : B. D will be Proportionals ; Wherefore B. D : : E. G , that is , B. D : : F. H , and by Permutation B. F : : D. H are Proportionals ; which is the first . Secondly , I say A+E . B+F : : C+G . D+H will be Proportionalls . For seeing A. E : : C. G are Proportionals , A+E . E : : C+G . G will also by Composition be Proportionals , and by Permutation A+E . C+G : : E. G will be Proportionals ; Wherefore also A+E . C+G : : F. H will be Proportionals . Again , seeing ( as is shewn above ) P. F : : D. H are Proportionals , B+F. F : : D+H . H will also by Composition be Proportionals ; and by Permutation B+F. D+H : : F. H will also be Proportionals ; Wherefore A+E . C+G : : B+F. D+H are Proportionals ; which remained to be proved . Coroll . By the same reason , if there be never so many Analogismes , and the Antecedents be proportional to the Antecedents , it may be demonstrated also that the Consequents will be proportional to the Consequents , as also the Sum of the Antecedents to the Sum of the Consequents . 8 In an Hyperlogisme , that is , where the Proportion of the first Antecedent to its Consequent , is greater then the proportion of the second Antecedent to its Consequent , the Permutation of the Proportionals , and the Addition of Proportionals to Proportionals , & Substraction of them from one another ; as also their Composition & Division , & their Multiplication & Division by the same Number , produce always an Hyperlogisme . For suppose A. B : : C. D & A. C : : E. F be Analogismes , A+E . B : : C+F . D will be also an Analogisme ; But A+E . B : : C. D will be an Hyperlogisme ; Wherefore by Permutation , A+E . C : : B. D is an Hyperlogisme , because A. B : : C. D is an Analogisme . Secondly , if to the Hyperlogisme A+E . B : : C. D the Proportionals G and H be added , A+E+G . B : : , C+H. D will be an Hyperlogisme , by reason A+E+G . B : : C+F+H . D is an Analogisme . Also if G and H be taken away , A+E ▪ G. B : : C − H. D will he an Hyperlogisme ; for A+E − G. B : : C+F − H. D are an Analogisme . Thirdly , by Composition A+E+B . B : : C+D . D will be an Hyperlogisme , because A+E+B . B : : C+F+D . D is an Analogisme , & so it will be in all the varieties of Composition . Fourthly , by Division A+E − B. B : : C − D. D will be an Hyperlogisme , by reason A+E − B. B : : C+F − D. D is an Analogisme . Also A+E − B. A+E : : C − D. C is an Hyperlogisme ; for A+E − B. A+E : : C+F − D. C is an Analogisme . Fifthly , by Multiplication 4 A+E . B : : 4 C. D is an Hyperlogisme , because 4 A. B : : 4 C. D is an Analogisme ; and by Division ¼A+¼E . B : : ¼C . D is an Hyperlogisme , because ¼A . B : : ¼C . D is an Analogisme . 9 But if A+E . B : : C. D be an Hyperlogisme , then by Inversion B. A+E : : D. C will be an Hypologisme , because B. A : : D. C being an Analogisme , the first Consequent will be too great . Also by Conversion of Proportion A+E . A+E − B : : C. C − D is an Hypologisme , because the Inversion of it , namely A+E − B. A+E : : C − D. C is an Hyperlogisme ( as I have shewn but now ) . So also B. A+E − B : : D. C − D is an Hypologisme , because ( as I have newly shewn ) the Inversion of it , namely A+E − B. B : : C − D. D is an Hyperlogisme . Note that this Hypologisme A+E . A+E − B : : C. C − D is commonly thus expressed ; If the proportion of the Whole ( A+E ) to that which is taken out of it ( B ) , be greater then the proportion of the Whole ( C ) to that which is taken out of it ( D , ) then the proportion of the whole ( A+E ) to the Remainder ( A+E − B ) wil be less then the proportion of the whole ( C ) to the Remainder ( C − D. ) 10 If there be four Proportionals , the Difference of the two first , to the Difference of the two last will be as the first Antecedent is to the second Antecedent , or as the first Consequent to the second Consequent . For if A. B : : C. D be Proportionals , then by Division A − B. B : : C − D. D will be Proportionals ; and by Permutation A − B. C − D : : B. D ; that is , the Differences are proportional to the Consequents , and therefore they are so also to the Antecedents . 11 Of four Proportionals , if the first be greater then the second , the third also shall be greater then the fourth . For seeing the first is greater then the second , the proportion of the first to the second is the proportion of Excess ; But the proportion of the third to the fourth is the same with that of the first to the second ; and therefore also the proportion of the third to the fourth is the Proportion of Excess ; Wherefore the third is greater then the fourth . In the same manner it may be proved , that whensoever the first is less then the second , the third also is less then the fourth ; and when those are equal , that these also are equal . 12 If there be four Proportionals whatsoever A. B : : C. D , and the first and third be multiplyed by any one number , as by 2 ; and again the second and fourth be multiplyed by any one number , as by 3 ; and the product of the first 2 A , be greater then the product of the second 3 B ; the product also of the third 2 C , will be greater then the product of the fourth 3 D. But if the product of the first be less then the product of the second , then the product of the third will be less then that of the fourth . And lastly , if the products of the first and second be equal , the products of the third and fourth shall also be equal . Now this Theoreme is all one with Euclides Definition of The Same Proportion ; and it may be demonstrated thus . Seeing A. B : : C. D are Proportionals , by Permutation also ( Art. 6. Corol. 1. ) A. C : : B. D will be Proportionals ; Wherefore ( by the 4 Corol. of the same 6 Article ) 2 A. 2 C : : 3 B. 3 D will be Proportionals ; and again by Permutation 2 A. 3 B : : 2 C. 3 D will be Proportionals ; and therefore ( by the last Article ) If 2 A be greater then 3 B , then 2 C will be greater then 3 D ; if less , less ; and if equal , equal ; which was to be demonstrated . In the second place , let AD be the first , AC the second , & AB the third , and let their proportion be the Porportion of Excess , or of Greater to Less ; then , as before , the proportions of AD to AC , and of AC to AB , and of AD to AB will be determined by the difference of their Times ; which in the description of AD and AC , and of AC and AB ▪ together taken , is the same with the difference of the Times in the description of AD and AB . Wherefore the proportion of AD to AB is equal to the two proportions of AD to AC and of AC to AB . In the last place . If one of the proportions , namely of AD to AB be the Proportion of Excess ; and another of them , as of AB to AC be the Proportion of Defect , thus also the proportion of AD to AC will be equal to the two proportions together taken of AD to AB , and of AB to AC . For the difference of the Times in which AD and AB are described is Excess of Time ; for there goes more time to the description of AD then of AB ; and the difference of the Times in which AB and AC are described is Defect of Time , for less Time goes to the description of AB then of AC ; but this Excess , and Defect being ad●ed together make DB − BC , which is equal to DC , by which the first AD exceeds the third AC ; and therefore the proportions of the first AD to the second AB , and of the second AB to the third AC , are determined by the same Cause which determines the Proportion of the first AD to the third AC . Wherefore , If any three Magnitudes , &c. 1 Coroll . If there be never so many Magnitudes having proportion to one another , the proportion of the first to the last is compounded of the proportions of the first to the second , of the second to the third , & so on till you come to the last ; or , the proportion of the first to the last , is the same with the Sum of all the intermediate proportions . For any Number of Magnitudes having proportion to one another , as A , B , C , D , E being propounded , the proportion of A to E ( as is newly shewn ) is compounded of the Proportions of A to D and of D to E ; and again the proportion of A to D , of the proportions of A to C , and of C to D ; and lastly , the proportion of A to C , of the proportions of A to B , and of B to C. 2 Coroll . From hence it may be understood how any two proportions may be compounded . For if the proportions of A to B , and of C to D be propounded to be added together , let B have to something else , as to E , the same proportion which C has to D , and let them be set in this order A , B , E ; for so the proportion of A to E will evidently be the Sum of the two Proportions of A to B , and of B to E , that is , of C to D. Or let it be as D to C , so A to something else , as to E , and let them be ordered thus E , A , B ; for the proportion of E to B will be compounded of the proportions of E to A ( that is , of C to D ) , and of A to B. Also it may be understood how one Proportion may be taken out of another . For if the proportion of C to D be to be substracted out of the proportion of A to B , let it be as C to D , so A to something else , as E , and setting them in this order , A , E , B , and taking away the proportion of A to E , that is , of C to D , there will remain the proportion of E to B. 3 Coroll . If there be two Orders of Magnitudes which have proportion to one another beginning and ending with the same Magnitudes , and the several proportions of the first Order be the same and equal in number with the proportions of the second Order ; then , whether the proportions in both Orders be successively answerable to one another , which is called Ordinate Proportion , or not successively answerable , which is called Perturbed Proportion , the first and the last in both will be Proportionals . For the Proportion of the first to the last is equal to all the intermediate proporons ; which being in both Orders the same , and equal in number , the Aggregates of those proportions will also be equal to one another ; but to their Aggregates the proportions of the first to the last are Equal ; and therefore the proportion of the first to the last in one Order , is the same with the proportion of the first to the last in the other Order . Wherefore the first and the last in both are Proportionals . 14 If any two quantities be made of the mutual Multiplication of many quantities which have proportion to one another , and the Efficient quantities on both sides be equal in number , the proportion of the Products will be compounded of the several proportions which the Efficient quantities have to one another . From hence ariseth another way of Compounding many Proportions into One , namely , that which is supposed in the 5 Definition of the 6 Book of Euclide ; which is , by multiplying all the Antecedents of the Proportions into one another , and in like manner all the Consequents into one another . And from hence also it is evident , in the first place , That the Cause why Parallelograms , which are made by the Duction of two straight Lines into one anther , and all Solids which are equal to Figures so made , have their proportions compounded of the proportions of the Efficients ; And in the second place , why the Multiplication of two or more Fractions into one another , is the same thing with the Composition of the proportions of their several Numerators to their several Denominators . For examp●● , if these Fractions ½ , ⅔ , ¾ be to be multiplyed into one another , the Numerators 1 , 2 , 3 are first to be multiplyed into one another , which make 6 ; and next the Denominators 2 , 3 , 4 , which make 24 ; and these two Products make the Fraction 6 / 24. In like manner , if the proportions of 1 to 2 , of 2 to 3 , and of 3 to 4 be to be compounded , by working as I have shewn above , the same proportion , of 6 to 24 will be produced . 15 If any Proportion be compounded with it self inverted , the Compound will be the Proportion of Equality . For let any Proportion be given , as of A to B , and let the Inverse of it be that of C to D ; and as C to D , so let B be to another quantity ; for thus they will be compounded ( by the 2 Coroll . of the 12 Art. ) Now seeing the proportion of C to D is the Inverse of the proportion of A to B , it will be as C to D , so B to A ; and therefore if they be placed in Order A , B , A , the proportion compounded of the proportions of A to B , and of C to D will be the proportion of A to A , that is , the proportion of Equality . And from hence the cause is evident , why two equal products have their Efficients reciprocally proportional . For , for the making of two products equal , the proportions of their Efficients must be such , as being compounded may make the proportion of Equality , which cannot be , except one be the Inverse of the other ; for if betwixt A and A any other quantity as C be interposed , their order will be A , C , A , and the later proportion of C to A will be the Inverse of the former proportion of A to C. 16 A Proportion is said to be multiplied by a Number when it is so often taken as there be Unities in that Number ; and if the Proportion be of the Greater to the Less , then shall also the quantity of the Proportion be increased by the Multiplication ; but when the Proportion is of the Less to the Greater , then as the Number increaseth , the quantity of the Proportion diminisheth ; as in these three Numbers 4 , 2 , 1 , the Proportion of 4 to 1 , is not onely the Duplicate of 4 to 2 , but also twice as great ; but inverting the order of those Numbers thus 1 , 2 , 4 , the Proportion of 1 to 2 is greater then that of 1 to 4 ; and therefore though the proportion of 1 to 4 be the Duplicate of 1 to 2 , yet it is not twice so great as that of 1 to 2 , but contrarily the half of it . In like manner , a Proportion is said to be Divided , when between two quantities are interposed one or more Means in continual Proportion , and then the Proportion of the first to the second is said to be Subduplicate of that of the first to the third , and Subtriplicate of that of the first to the fourth , &c. This mixture of Proportions , where some are Proportions of Excess , others of Defect ( as in a Merchants accompt of Debitor and Creditor ) is not so easily reckoned as some think ; but maketh the Composition of Proportions sometimes to be Addition , sometimes Substraction ; which soundeth absurdly to such as have alwayes by Composition understood Addition , and by Diminution Substraction . Therefore to make this account a little clearer , we are to consider ( that which is commonly assumed , and truly ) that if there be never so many Quantities , the Proportion of the first to the last is compounded of the Proportions of the first to the second , and of the second to the third , and so on to the last , without regarding their Equality , Excess or Defect ; So that if two Proportions , one of Inequality , the other of Equality be added together , the Proportion is not thereby made Greater nor Less ; as for example , if the Proportions of A to B and of B to B be compounded , the Proportion of the first to the second is as much as the Sum of both , because Proportion of Equality ( being not quantity ) neither augmenteth quantity nor lesseneth it . But if there be three quantities A , B , C , unequal , and the first be greatest , the last least , then the Proportion of B to C is an addition to that of A to B , and makes it greater ; and on the contrary , if A be the least , and C the greatest quantity , then doth the addition of the Proportion of B to C make the cōpounded Proportion of A to C less then the Proportion of A to B , that is , the Whole less then the Part. The Compositiont herefore of Proportions is not in this case the Augmentation of them , but the Diminution ; for the same quantity ( Euclide the 5 , 8. ) compared with two other quantities hath a greater Proportion to the lesser of them then to the greater . Likewise , when the Proportions compounded are one of Excess , the other of Defect , if the first be of Excess , as in these numbers 8 , 6 , 9 , the Proportion compounded , namely , of 8 to 9 , is less then the Proportion of one of the parts of it , namely of 8 to 6 ; but if the Proportion of the first to the second be of Defect , and that of the second to the third be of Excess , as in these Numbers 6 , 8 , ● , then shall the Proportion of the first to the third be greater then that of the first to the second , as 6 hath a greater Proportion to 4 then to 8 ; the reason whereof is manifestly this , that the less any quantity is deficient of another , or the more one exceedeth another , the proportion of it to that other is the greater . Suppose now three quantities in continual Proportion A B 4 , A C 6 , A D 9. Because therefore A D is greater then A C , but not greater then A D , the proportion of A D to A C will be ( by Euclide 5 , 8. ) greater then that of A D to A D ; and likewise , because the Proportions of A D to A C , and of A C to A B are the same , the proportions of A D to A C and of A C to A B ( being both Proportions of Excess ) make the whole Proportion of A D to A B ( or of 9 to 4 ) not onely the Duplicate of A D to A C ( that is , of 9 to 6 ) but also the Double , or twice so great . On the other side , because the proportion of A D to A D ( or 9 to 9 ) being Proportion of Equality , is no quantity , & yet greater then that of A C to A D ( or 6 to 9 ) it will be as 0-9 to 0-6 , so A C to A D , and again , as 0-9 to 0-6 , so 0-6 to 0-4 ; but 0-4 , 0-6 , 0-9 are in continual proportion ; and because 0-4 is greater then 0-6 , the protion of 0-4 to 0-6 will be Double to the proportion of 0-4 to 0-9 , Double I say , and yet not Duplicate , but Subduplicate . By the same method , if there be more quantities then three , as A , B , C , D in continual Proportion , and A be the least , it may be made appear , that the Proportion of A to B is Triple Magnitude ( though Subtriple in Multitude ) to the Proportion of A to D. 17 If there be never so many quantities , the number whereof is odd , and their Order such , that from the middlemost quantity both wayes they proceed in continual Proportion , the proportion of the two which are next on either side to the middlemost , is Subduplicate to the proportion of the two which are next to these on both sides , and Subtriplicate of the proportion of the two which are yet one place more remote , &c. For let the Magnitudes be C , B , A , D , E , and let A , B , C , as also A , D , E be in Continual Proportion ; I say the proportion of D to B is Subduplicate of the proportion of E to C. For the proportion of D to B is compounded of the proportions of D to A , and of A to B once taken ; But the proportion of E to C is compounded of the same twice taken ; and therefore the proportion of D to B is Subduplicate of the proportion of E to C - And in the same manner , if there were three Terms on either side , it might be demonstrated that the proportion of D to B would be Subtriplicate of that of the Extremes , &c. 18 If there be never so many continual Proportionals , as the first , second , third , &c. their Differences will be Proportional to them . For the second , third , &c. are severally Consequents of the preceding , and Antecedents of the following Proportion . But ( by the 10 Art. ) the Difference of the first Antecedent and Consequent , to Difference of the second Antecedent and Consequent , is as the first Antecedent to the second Antecedent , that is , as the first Term to the second , or as the second to the third , &c. in continuall Proportionals . 19 If there be three Continual Proportionals , The Sum of the Extremes , together with the Mean twice taken ; The Sum of the Mean and either of the Extremes ; and the same Extreme , are Continual Proportionals . For let A. B. C ∝ be Continual Proportionals . Seeing therefore A. B : : B. C are Proportionals ; by Composition also A+B . B : : B+C . C will be Proportionals ; and by Permutation A+B . B+C : : B. C will also be Proportionals ; and again by Composition A+2 B+C . B+C : : B+C . C ; which was to be proved . 20 In four Continual Proportionals , the greatest and the least put together , is a greater quantity then the other two put together . Let A. B : : C. D be Continual Proportionals ; whereof let the greatest be A , and the least be D ; I say A+D is greater then B+C . For ( by the 10 Art. ) A − B. C − D : : A. C are Proportionals ; and therefore A − B is ( by the 11 Art. ) greater then C − D. Add B on both sides , and A will be greater then C+B − D. And again , add D on both sides , and A+D will be greater then B+C ; which was to be proved . 21 If there be four Proportionals , the Extremes multiplyed into one another , & the Means multiplied into one another wil make equal Products . Let A. B : : C. D be Proportionals ; I say A D is equal to B C. For the Proportion of A D to B C is compounded ( by the 13 Art. ) of the Proportions of A to B , and D to C , that is , its Inverse B to A ; and therefore ( by the 14 Art ) this Compounded Proportion is the Proportion of Equality ; and therefore also the Proportion of A D to B C is the Proportion of Equality . Wherefore they are equal . 22 If there be four quantities , and the Proportion of the first to the second be Duplicate of the Proportion of the third to the fourth , the Product of the Extremes to the Product of the Means will be as the third to the fourth . Let the four Quantities be A , B C and D ; and let the Proportion of A to B be Duplicate of the Proportion of C to D , I say A D , that is , the Product of A into D , is to BC , that is , to the Product of the Means , as C to D. For seeing the Proportion of A to B is Duplicate of the proportion of C to D , if it be as C to D , so D to another E , then A. B : : C. E will be Proportionals ; for the proportion of A to B is by supposition duplicate of the Proportion of C to D ; and C to E duplicate also of that of C to D by the Definition ( 15 Art. ) Wherefore ( by the last Article ) A E or A into E , is equal to B C or B into C ; But ( by the 4 Coroll . of the 6 Art. ) A D is to A E as D to E , that is , as C to D ; and therefore A D is to B C ( which as I have shewn , is equal to A E ) as C to D ; which was to be proved . Moreover , If the proportion of the first A , to the second B be triplicate of the proportion of the third C to the fourth D , the Product of the Extremes to the product of the Means will be duplicate of the Proportion of the third to the fourth . For if it be as C to D so D to E , and again , as D to E so E to another F , then the proportion of C to F will be triplicate of the proportion of C to D ; and consequently A. B : : C. F will be proportionals , and A F equal to B C. But as A D to A F , so is D to F ; and therefore also as A D to B C , so D to F , that is , so C to E ; But the proportion of C to E is duplicate of the proportion of C to D ; Wherefore also the proportion of A D to B C is duplicate of that of C to D , as was propounded . 23 If there be four Proportionals , and a Mean be interposed betwixt the first and second , and another betwixt the third and fourth , the first of these Means will be to the second , as the first of the Proportionals is to the third , or as the second of them is to the fourth . For let A. B : : C. D be Proportionals , and let E be a Mean betwixt A and B , & F a Mean betwixt C and D ; I say A. C : : E. F are Proportionals . For the proportion of A to E is Subduplicate of the proportion of A to B , or of C to D. Also the proportion of C to F is Subduplicate of that of C to D ; and therefore A. E : : C. F are Proportionals ; and by Permutation A. C : : E. F are also Proportionals ; which was to be proved . 25 If there be three continual Proportionals , and again , three other continual Proportionals which have the same Middle Term , their Extremes will be in reciprocal Proportion . For let A. B. C : : and D. B. E : : be continual Proportionals , I say A. D : : E. C shall be Proportionals . For the Proportion of A to D is compounded of the Proportions of A to B , and of B to D ; and the Proportion of E to C is compounded of those of E to B , that is , of B to A , and of B to C , that is , of A to B. Wherefore ( by Equality ) A. D : : E. C. are Proportionals . From the consideration hereof it is manifest , that B , that is , A together with something else which is less then a fourth part of the difference of the Extremes A and E , is less then F , that is , then the same A with something else which is equal to the said fourth part . Also , that C , that is A with something else which is less then two fourth parts of the said difference , is less then G , that is , then A together with the said two fourths . And lastly , that D which exceeds A by less then three fourths of the said difference , is less then H , which exceeds the same A by three entire fourths of the said difference . And in the same manner it would be if there were four Means , saving that in stead of fourths of the difference of the Extremes , we are to take fifth parts ; and so on . 27 Lemma . If a quantity being given , first one quantity be both added to it and substracted from it , and then another greater or lesse , the proportion of the Remainder to the Aggregate , is greater where the less quantity is added and substracted , then where the greater quantity is added and substracted . Let B be added to , and substracted from the quantity A ; so that A − B be the Remainder , and A+B the Aggregate ; And again let C , a greater quantitity then B be added to , and substracted from the same A , so that A − C be the Remainder and A+C the Aggregate ; I say A − B. A+B : : A − C. A+C will be an Hyperlogisme . For A − B. A : : A − C. A is an Hyperlogisme of a less Antecedent to the same Consequent ; and therefore A − B. A+B : : A − C. A+C is a much greater Hyperlogisme , being made of a less Antecedent to a greater Consequent . Then by Composition we have this AB+AG . AB : : BG+GE ( that is BE ) . BG . And by taking the halves of the Antecedents this third ½AB+½AG . AB : : ½BG+½GE ( that is BH ) . BG . And by Conversion a fourth AB . ½AB+½AG : : BG . BH And by Division this fifth ½AB − ½AG . ½AB+½AG : : HG . BH . And by doubling the first Antecedent and the first Consequent AB − AG. AB+AG : : HG . BH . Also by the same method may be found out this Analogisme AB − AI. AB+AI : : KI . BK . Now seeing the proportion of AB to AE is greater then that of AB to AF , the proportion of AB to AG , which is half the greater proportion , is greater then the proportion of AB to AI the half of the less Proportion ; and therefore AI is greater then AG. Wherefore the proportion of AB − AG to AB+AG ( by the precedent Lemma ) will be greater then the proportion of AB − AI to AB+AI ; & therefore also the proportion of HG to BH will be greater then that of KI to BK , and much greater then the proportion of KI to BH , which is greater then BK , ( for BH is the half of BE , as BK is the half of BF , which ( by supposition ) is less less then BE ) . Wherefore HG is greater then KI ; which was to be proved . Coroll . It is manifest from hence , that if any quantity be supposed to be divided into equal parts infinite in number , the difference between the Arithmetical and Geometrical Means will be infinitely little , that is , none at all . And upon this foundation chiefly , the Art of making those Numbers which are called Logarithmes seems to have been built . 29 If any number of quantities be propounded , whether they be unequall , or equall to one another ; and there be another quantity which multiplied by the number of the propounded quantities is equall to them all ; that other Quantity is a mean in Arithmeticall Proportion to all those propounded quantities . CHAP. XIV . Of Straight and Crooked , Angle and Figure . 1 The Definition and Properties of a Straight Line 2 The Definition and Properties of a Plain Superficies . 3 Several sorts of Crooked Lines . 4 The Definition and Properties of a Circular Line . 5 The Properties of a Straight Line taken in a Plain . 6 The Definition of Tangent Lines . 7 The Definition of an Angle , and the kindes thereof . 8 In Concentrick Circles , Arches of the same Angle are to one another as the whole Circumferences are . 9 The Quantity of an Angle in what it consists . 10 The Distinction of Angles simply so called . 11 Of Straight Lines from the Center of a Circle to a Tangent of the same . 12 The general Definition of Parallels ; and the Properties of Straight Parallels . 13 The Circumferences of Circles are to one another as their Diameters are . 14 In Triangles , Straight Lines parallel to the Bases , are to one another , as the parts of the Sides which they cut off from the Vertex . 15 By what Fraction of a Straight Line the Circumference of a Circle is made . 16 That an Angle of Contingence is Quantity , but of a Different kinde from that of an Angle simply so called ; and that it can neither add nor take away any thing from the same . 17 That the Inclination of Plains is Angle simply so called . 18 A Solid Angle what it is . 19 What is the Nature of Asymptotes . 20 Situation , by what it is determined . 21 What is like Situation ; What is Figure ; and what are like Figures . 1 BEtween two points given , the shortest Line is that , whose extreme points cannot be drawn further asunder , withour altering the quantity , that is , without altering the proportion of that line to any other line given . For the Magnitude of a Line is computed by the greatest distance which may be between its extreme points ; So that any one Line , whether it be extended , or bowed , has alwayes one and the same Length , because it can have but one greatest distance between its extreme points . And seeing the action by which a Straight Line is made Crooked , or contrarily a Crooked Line is made Straight , is nothing but the bringing of its extreme points neerer to one another , or the setting of them further asunder , a CROOKED Line may rightly be defined to be That , whose extreme points may be understood to be drawn further asunder ; and a STRAIGHT Line to be That , whose extreme points cannot be drawn further asunder ; and comparatively , A more Crooked , to be That line whose extreme points are neerer to one another then those of the other , ( supposing both the Lines to be of equal Length . ) Now howsoever a Line be bowed , it makes alwayes a Sinus or Cavity , sometimes on one side , sometimes on another ; So that the same Crooked Line may either have its whole Cavity on one Side onely , or it may have it part on one side and part on other sides . Which being well understood , it will be easie to understand the following Comparisons of Straight and Crooked Lines . First , If a Straight & a Crooked Line have their Extreme points common , the Crooked Line is longer then the Straight Line . For if the extreme points of the Crooked Line be drawn out to their greatest distance , it wil be made a straight line , of which that which was a Straight Line from the beginning will be but a part ; and therefore the Straight Line was shorter then the Crooked Line which had the same extreme points . And for the same reason , if two Crooked Lines have their extreme points common , and both of them have all their cavity on one and the same side , the outermost of the two will be the longest Line . Secondly , A Straight Line and a perpetually Crooked Line cānot be coincident , no not in the least part . For if they should , then not onely some Straight Line would have its extreme points common with some Crooked Line , but also they would by reason of their coincidence , be equal to one another ; which , as I have newly shewn , cannot be . Thirdly , Between two points given there can be understood but one straight Line ; because there cannot be more then one least Interval or Length between the same points . For if there may be two , they will either be coincident , and so both of them will be one Straight Line ; or if they be not coincident , then the application of one to the other by extension , will make the extended Line have its extreme points at greater distance then the other ; and consequently it was Crooked from the beginning . Fourthly , From this last it follows , that two Straight Lines cannot include a Superficies . For if they have both their extreme points common , they are coincident ; and if they have but one , or neither of them common , then at one , or both ends , the extreme points will be disjoyned , and include no Superficies , but leave all open and undetermined . Fifthly , Every part of a Straight Line is a Straight Line . For seeing every part of a Straight Line is the least that can be drawn between its own extreme points , if all the parts should not constitute a Straight Line , they would all together be longer then the whole Line . 2 APLAIN , or a Plain Superficies , is that which is described by a Straight Line so moved that all the several points thereof describe several Straight Lines . A straight line therefore is necessarily all of it in the same Plain which it describes . Also the Straight Lines which are made by the points that describe a Plain , are all of them in the Same Plain . Moreover , if any Line whatsoever be moved in a Plain , the Lines which are described by it are all of them in the same Plain . All other Superficies which are not Plain , are Crooked , that is , are either Concave or Convex . And the same Comparisons which were made of Straight and Crooked Lines : may also be made of Plain and Crooked Superficies . For First , If a Plain and a Crooked Superficies be terminated with the same Lines , the Crooked Superficies is greater then the Plain Superficies . For if the Lines of which the Crooked Superficies consists be extended , they will be found to be longer then those of which the Plain Superficies consists , which cannot be extended because they are Straight . Secondly , Two Superficies , wherof the one is Plain , and the other continually Crooked , cannot be coincident , no not in the least part . For if they were coincident they would be equal ; nay , the same Superficies would be both Plain and Crooked , which is impossible . Thirdly , Within the same terminating Lines , there can be no more then one Plain Superficies ; because there can be but one least Superficies within the same . Fourthly , No number of Plain Superficies can include a Solid , unless more then two of them end in a Common Vertex . For if two Plains have both the same terminating Lines , they are coincident , that is , they are but one Superficies ; and if their terminating Lines be not the same , they leave one or more sides open . Fifthly , Every part of a Plain Superficies is a Plain Superficies . For seeing the whole Plain Superficies is the least of all those that have the same terminating Lines ; and also every part of the same Superficies is the least of all those that are terminated with the same Lines ; if every part should not constitute a Plain Superficies , all the parts put together would not be equal to the whole . 3 Of Straightness , whether it be in Lines , or in Superficies there is but one kinde ; but of Crookedness there are many kindes ; for of Crooked Magnitudes , some are Congruous , that is , are coincident when they are applyed to one another ; others are Incongruous . Again , some are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Uniform , that is , have their parts howsoever taken , congruous to one another ; others are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of several Forms . Moreover , of such as are Crooked , some are Continually Crooked , others have parts which are not Crooked . 4 If a Straight Line be moved in a Plain , in such manner , that while one end of it stands still , the whole Line be carried round about , til it come again into the same place from whence it was first moved , it will describe a plain Superficies , which will be terminated every way by that Crooked Line which is made by that end of the Straight Line which was carried round . Now this Superficies is called a CIRCLE ; and of this Circle , the Unmoved Point , is the the Center ; the Crooked Line which terminates it , the Perimeter ; and every part of that Crooked Line , a Circumference or Arch ; the straight Line which generated the Circle , is the Semidiameter or Radius ; and any straight Line which passeth through the Center , and is terminated on both sides in the Circumference is called the Diameter . Moreover , every point of the Radius which describes the Circle , describes in the same time it s own Perimeter , terminating its own Circle , which is said to be Concentrick to all the other Circles , because this and all those have one common Center . Wherefore in every Circle , all Straight Lines from the Center to the Circumference are equal . For they are all coincident with the Radius which generates the Circle . Also the Diameter divides both the Perimeter and the Circle it self into two equal parts . For if those two parts be applyed to one another , and the Semiperimeters be coincident , then seeing they have one common Diameter , they will be equal ; and the Semicircles will be equal also ; for these also will be coincident . But if the Semiperimeters be not coincident , then some one straight Line which passes through the Center ( which Center is in the Diameter ) will be cut by them in two points . Wherefore , seeing all the straight Lines from the Center to the Circumference are equal , a part of the same straight Line will be equal to the whole ; which is impossible . For the same reason the Perimeter of a Circle will be Uniform , that is , any one part of it will be coincident with any other equal part of the same . 5 From hence may be collected this property of a Straight Line , namely , that it is all conteined in that Plain which conteins both its extreme points . For seeing both its extreme points are in the Plain , that Straight Line which describes the Plain will pass through them both ; and if one of them be made a Center , and at the distance between both , a Circumference be described , whose Radius is the Straight Line which describes the Plain , that Circumference will pass through the other point . Wherefore between the two propounded points , there is one straight line ( by the Definition of a Circle ) conteined wholly in the propounded Plain ; and therefore if another straight Line might be drawn between the same points , and yet not be conteined in the same Plain , it would follow , that between two points two straight lines may be drawn ; which has been demonstrated to be impossible . It may also be collected , That if two Plains cut one another , their common section will be a straight Line . For the two extreme points of the intersection are in both the intersecting Plains ; and between those points a straight Line may be drawn ; but a straight Line between any two points is in the same Plain in which the Points are ; and seeing these are in both the Plains , the straight line which connects them will also be in both the same Plains , and therefore it is the cōmon section of both . And every other Line that can be drawn between those points will be either coincident with that Line , that is , it will be the Same Line ; or it will not be coincident ; and then it wil be in neither , or but in one of those Plains . As a straight Line may be understood to be moved round about whilest one end thereof remains fixed , as the Center ; so in like manner it is easie to understand , that a Plain may be circumduced about a straight line , whilest the straight line remaines still in one and the same place , as the Axis of that motion . Now from hence it is manifest , that any three Points are in some one Plain . For as any two Points , if they be connected by a straight Line , are understood to be in the same Plaine in which the straight Line is ; so , if that Plaine be circumduced about the same straight Line , it will in its revolution take in any third Point , howsoever it be situate ; and then the three Points will be all in that Plaine ; and consequently the three straight Lines which connect those Points , will also be in the same Plain . 6 Two Lines are said to Touch one another , which being both drawne to one and the same point , will not cut one another , though they be produced , produced I say in the same manner in which they were generated . And therefore if two straight Lines touch one another in any one point , they wil be contiguous through their whole length . Also two Lines continually crooked wil do the same , if they be congruous , and be applyed to one another according to their congruity ; otherwise , if they be incongruously applyed , they will , as all other crooked Lines , touch one another ( where they touch ) but in one point onely . Which is manifest from this , that there can be no congruity between a straight line and a line that is continually crooked ; for otherwise the same line might be both straight and crooked . Besides when a straight line touches a crooked line , if the straight line be never so little moved about upon the point of contact , it will cut the crooked line ; for seeing it touches it but in one point , if it incline any way , it will do more then touch it ; that is , it will either be congruous to it , or it will cut it ; but it cannot be congruous to it ; and therefore it will cut it . 7 An Angle , according to the most general acception of the word , may be thus defined ; When two Lines , or many Superficies concurre in one sole point , and diverge every where else , the quantity of that divergence is an ANGLE . And an Angle is of two ●orts ; for first it may be made by the concurrence of Lines , and then it is a Superficiall Angle ; or by the concurrence of Superficies , and then it is called a Solid Angle . Again , from the two wayes by which two lines may diverge from one another , Superficial Angles are divided into two kindes . For two straight lines which are applyed to one another , and are contiguous in their whole length , may be separated or pulied open in such manner , that their concurrence in one point will still remain ; And this Separation or Opening may be either by Circular Motion , the Center whereof is their point of concurrence , and the Lines will still ret●in their straightness , the quantity of which Separation , or Divergence is an Angle simply so called ; Or they may be separated by continual Flexion or Curvation in every imaginable point ; and the quantity of this Separation is that which is called an Angle of Contingence . Besides of Superficial Angles simply so called , those which are in a plain Superficies are Plain ; and those which are not plain , are denominated from the Superficies in which they are ▪ Lastly , those are Straight-lined Angles which are made by straight lines ; as those which are made by crooked lines are Crooked-lined ; and those which are made both of straight and crooked lines , are Mixed Angles . 8 Two Arches inter cepted between two Radii of Concentrick Circles , have the same proportion to one another , which their whole Perimeters have to one another . For let the point A ( in the first Figure ) be the Center of the two Circles B C D and E F G ; in which the Radii A E B and A F C intercept the Arches B C and E F ; I say the proportion of the Arch B C to the Arch E F , is the same with that of the Perimet B C D to the Perimerer er E F G. For if the Radius A F C be understood to be moved about the Center A with Circular & Uniform Motion , that is , with equal Swiftness every where , the point C will in a certain time describe the Perimeter B C D , and in a part of that time the Arch B C ; and because the Velocities are equal by which both the Arch and the whole Perimeter are described , the proportion of the magnitude of the Perimeter B C D to the magnitude of the Arch B C , is determined by nothing but the difference of the times in which the Perimeter and the Arch are described . But both the Perimeters are described in one and the same time , and both the Arches in one and the same time ; and therefore the proportions of the Perimeter B C D to the Arch B C , and of the Perimeter E F G to the Arch E F , are both determined by the same cause . Wherefore B C D , B C : : E F G. E F are Proportionals ( by the 6 Art. of the last Chapter ) , and by Permutation B C D. E F G : : B C. E F will also be Proportionals , which was to be demonstrated . 9 Nothing is contributed towards the Quantity of an Angle , neither by the Length , nor by the Equality , nor by the Inequality of the lines which comprehend it . For the lines A B and A C comprehend the same Angle which is comprehended by the lines A E and A F , or A B and A F. Nor is an Angle either increased or diminished by the absolute quantity of the Arch which subtends the same ; for both the greater Arch B C , and the lesser Arch E F are subtended to the same Angle . But the quantity of an Angle is estimated by the quantity of the subtending Arch compared with the quantity of the whole Perimeter . And therefore the Quantity of an Angle simply so called may be thus defined . The Quantity of an Angle , is an Arch or Circumference of a Circle , determined by its proportion to the whole Perimeter . So that when an Arch is intercepted between two straight lines drawn from the Center , look how great a portion that Arch is of the whole Perimeter , so great is the Angle . From whence it may be understood , that when the lines which contein an Angle are straight lines , the quantity of that Angle may be taken at any distance from the Center . But if one , or both of the conteining lines be crooked , then the quantity of the Angle is to be taken in the least distance from the Center , or from their concurrence ; for the least distance is to be considered as a straight line , seeing no crooked line can be imagined so little , but that there may he a less straight line . And although the least straight line cannot be given , because the least given line may still be divided , yet we may come to a part so small , as is not at all considerable ; which we call a Point . And this point may be understood to be in a straight line which touches a crooked line ; for an Angle is generated by separating by circular motion one straight line from another which touches it , ( as has been said above in the 7th Article ) . Wherefore an Angle which two crooked lines make is the same with that which is made by two straight lines which touch them . 10 From hence it follows , that Vertical Angles , such as are ABC , D B F ( in the second Figure ) are equal to one another . For if from the two Semiperimeters D A C , F D A which are equal to one another , the common Arch D A be taken away , the remayning Arches A C , D F will be equal to one another . Another distinction of Angles is , into Right and Oblique . A Right Angle is that , whose quantity is the fourth part of the Perimeter . And the lines which make a Right Angle are said to be Perpendicular to one another . Also of Oblique Angles , that which is greater then a Right , is called an Obtuse Angle ; and that which is less , an Acute Angle . From whence it follows , that all the Angles that can possibly be made at one and the same Point , together taken , are equal to four Right Angles ; because the quantities of them all put together make the whole Perimeter . Also , that all the Angles which are made on one side of a straight line from any one point taken in the same , are equal to two Right Angles ; for if that point be made the Center , that straight line will be the Diameter of a Circle , by whose Circumference the quantity of an Angle is determined ; and that Diameter will divide the Perimeter into two equal parts . 11 If a Tangent be made the Diameter of a Circle whose Center is the point of Contact , a straight line drawn from the Center of the former Circle to the Center of the later Circle , will make two Angles with the Tangent ( that is , with the Diameter of the later Circle ) equal to two Right Angles ( by the last Article ) . And because ( by the 6th Article ) the Tangent has on both sides equal inclination to the Circle , each of them will be a Right Angle ; as also the Semidiameter will be perpendicular to the same Tangent . Moreover , the Semidiameter , in as much as it is the Semidiameter , is the least straight line which can be drawn frō the Center to the Tangent ; and every other straight line that reaches the Tangent will pass out of the Circle , and will therefore be greater then the Semidiameter . In like manner , of all the straight lines which may be drawn from the Center to the Tangent , that is the greatest which makes the greatest Angle with the Perpenpicular ; which will be manifest , if about the same Center another Circle be described , whose Semidiameter is a straight line taken neerer to the Perpendicular , and there be drawn a Perpendicular ( that is , a Tangent ) to the same . From whence it is also manifest , that if two straight lines which make equal Angles on either side of the Perpendicular , be produced to the Tangent , they will be equal . 12 There is in Euclide a Definition of Straight-lined Parallels ; but I do not find that Parallels in general , are any where defined ; and therefore for an Universal definition of them , I say , that Any two lines whatsoever ( Straight or Crooked ) as also any two Superficies , are PARALLEL , when two equal straight lines wheresoever they fall upon them , make always equal Angles with each of them . From which Definition it follows . First , that any two straight lines not enclined opposite wayes , falling upon two other straight lines which are Parallel , and intercepting equal parts in both of them , are themselves also equal and Parallel . As if AB and CD ( in the third Figure ) enclined both the same way ( fall upon the Parallels AC and BD , and AC and BD be equal , AB and CD will also be equal and Parallel . For the Perpendiculars BE and DF being drawn , the Right Angles EBD and FDH will be equal . Wherefore seeing EF and BD are parallel , the angles EBA and FDC will be equal . Now if DC be not equal to BA , let any other straight line equal to BA be drawn from the point D ; which seeing it cannot fall upon the point C , let it fall upon G. Whereore AG will be either greater or less then BD ; and therefore the angles EBA and FDG are not equal , as was supposed . Wherefore AB and CD are equal ; which is the first . Again , because they make equal Angles with the Perpendiculars BE and DF ; therefore the Angle CDH will be equal to the Angle ABD , and ( by the Definition of Parallels ) AB and CD will be parallel ; which is the second . That Plain which is included both wayes within parallel lines is called a PARALLELOGRAM . 1 Corollary . From this last it follows , That the Angles ABD and CDH are equal ; that is , that a straight line ( as BH ) falling upon two Parallels ( as AB and CD ) makes the internal Angle ABD equal to the external and opposite Angle CDH . 2 Coroll . And from hence again it follows , that a straight line falling upon two Parallels , makes the alternate Angles equal ; that is , the Angle AGF ( in the fourth figure ) equal to the Angle GFD . For seeing GFD is equal to the external opposite Angle EGB , it will be also equal to its vertical Angle AGF , which is alternate to GFD . 3 Coroll . That the internal Angles on the same side of the line FG are equal to two Right Angles . For the Angles at F , namely GFC and GFD are equal to two Right Angles . But GFD is equal to its alternate Angle AGF . Wherefore both the Angles GFC and AGF which are internal on the same side of the line FG , are equal to two Right Angles . 4 Coroll . That the three Angles of a straight-lined plain Triangle are equal to two Right Angles ; and any side being produced , the external Angle will be equal to the two opposite internal Angles . For if there be drawn by the Vertex of the plain Triangle ABC ( figure 5. ) a Parallel to any of the sides , as to AB , the Angles A and B will be equal to their alternate Angles E & F , & the Angle C is common . But ( by the 10th Article ) the three Angles E , C and F are equal to two Right Angles ; and therefore the three Angles of the Triangle are equal to the same ; which is the first . Again , the two Angles B and D are equal to two Right Angles ( by the 10th Article ) . Wherefore taking away B , there will remain the Angles A and C equal to the Angle D ; which is the second . 5 Coroll . If the Angles A and B be equal , the sides AC and CB will also be equal , because AB and EF are parallel ; And on the contrary , if the sides AC and CB be equal , the Angles A and B will also be equal . For if they be not equal , let the Angles B and G be equal . Wherefore seeing GB and EF are parallels , and the Angles G and B equal , the sides GC and CB will also be equal ; and because CB and AC are equal by supposition , CG and CA will also be equal ; which cannot be ( by the 11th Article . ) 6 Coroll . From hence it is manifest , that if two Radii of a Circle be connected by a straight Line , the Angles they make with that connecting Line will be equal to one another ; and if there be added that segment of the Circle which is subtended by the same line which connects the Radii , then the Angles which those Radii make with the circumference wil also be equal to one another . For a straight line which subtends any Arch , makes equal Angles with the same , because if the Arch and the Subtense be divided in the middle , the two halves of the segment wil be congruous to one another , by reason of the Uniformity both of the Circumference of the Circle and of the straight Line . 13 Perimeters of Circles are to one another as their Semidiameters are . For let there be any two Circles , as ( in the first figure ) BCD the greater , and EFG the lesser , having their common Center at A ; and let their Semidiameters be AC and AE . I say AC has the same proportion to AE which the Perimeter BCD has to the Perimeter EFG . For the magnitude of the Semidiameters AC and AE is determined by the distances of the points C and E from the Center A ; and the same distances are acquired by the uniform motion of a point from A to C in such manner that in equal times the distances acquired be equal . But the Perimeters BCD and EFG are also determined by the same distances of the points C and E from the Center A ; and therefore the Perimeters BCD and EFG , as well as the Semidiameters AC and AE have their magnitudes determined by the same cause , which cause makes in equal times equal spaces . Wherefore ( by the 13 Chapter and 6th Article ) the Perimeters of Circles and their Semidiameters are Proportionals ; which was to be proved . 14 If two straight Lines w ch cōstitute an Angle , be cut by straight-lined Parallels , the intercepted Parallels will be to one another , as the parts w ch they cut off frō the Vertex . Let the straight lines AB and AC ( in the 6 figure ) make an Angle at A , & be cut by the two straight-lined Parallels BC and DE , so that the parts cut off from the Vertex in either of those Lines ( as in AB ) may be AB and AD. I say the Parallels BC and DE are to one another as the parts AB and AD. For let AB be divided into any number of equal parts , as into AF , FD , DB ; and by the points F and D , let FG and DE be drawn Parallel to the base BC , and cut AC in G and E ; and again by the points G and E let other straight lines be drawn Parallel to AB , and cut BC in H and I. If now the point A be understood to be moved uniformly over AB , and in the same time B be moved to C , and all the points F , D and B be moved uniformly and with equal Swiftness over FG , DE , and BC ; then shall B pass over BH ( equal to FG ) in the same time that A passes over AF ; and AF and FG will be to one another as their Velocities are ; and when A is in F , D will be in K ; when A is in D , D will be in E ; and in what manner the point A passes by the points F , D and B , in the same manner the point B will pass by the points H , I and C ; & the straight lines FG , DK , KE , BH , HI & IC are equal by reason of their Parallelisme ; and therefore , as the velocitie in AB is to the velocity 〈◊〉 BC , so is AD to DE ; but as the velocity in AB is to the velocity in BC , so is AB to BC ; that is to say , all the Parallels will be severally to all the parts cut off from the Vertex , as AF is to FG. Wherefore , AF. GF : : AD. DE : : AB . BC are Proportionals . The Subtenses of equal Angles in different Circles ( as the straight lines BC and FE ( in the 1 figure ) are to one another as the Arches which they subtend . For ( by the 8th Article ) the Arches of equal Angles are to one another as their Perimeters are ; and ( by the 13th Art. ) the Perimeters as their Semidiameters ; But the the Subtenses BC and FE are parallel to one another by reason of the equality of the Angles which they make with the Semidiameters ; and therefore the same Subtenses ( by the last precedent Article ) will be proportional to the Semidiameters , that is , to the Perimeters , that is , to the Arches which they subtend . 15 If in a Circle any number of equal Subtenses be placed immediatly after one another , and straight lines be drawn from the extreme point of the first Subtense to the extreme points of all the rest , The first Subtense being produced will make with the second Subtense an external Angle double to that which is made by the same first Subtense and a Tangent to the Circle touching it in the extreme point thereof ; and if a straight line which subtends two of those Arches be produced , it will make an external Angle with the third Subtense , triple to the Angle which is made by the Tangent with the first Subtense ; and so continually . For with the Radius AB ( in the 7th figure ) let a circle be described , & in it let any number of equal Subtenses BC , CD & DE be placed ; also let BD & BE be drawn ; & by producing BC , BD & BE to any distance in G , H and I , let them make Angles with the Subtenses which succeed one another , namely the external Angles GCD , and HDE . Lastly , let the Tangent KB be drawn , making with the first Subtense the Angle KBC . I say the Angle GCD is double to the Angle KBC , and the Angle HDE triple to the same Angle KBC . For if AC be drawn cutting BD in M , and from the point C there be drawn LC perpendicular to the same AC , then CL and MD will be parallel by reason of the right Angles at C and M ; and therefore the alterne Angles LCD and BDC wil be equal ; as also the Angles BDC and CBD will be equal because of the equality of the straight lines BC and CD . Wherefore the Angle GCD is double to either of the A●gles CBD or CDB ; and therefore also the Angle GCD is double to the Angle LCD , that is , to the Angle KBC . Again , CD is parallel to BE by reason of the equality of the Angles CBE and DEB , and of the straight lines CB and DE ; and therefore the Angles GCD and GBE are equal ; and consequently GBE , as also DEB is double to the Angle KBC . But the external Angle HDE is equal to the two internal DEB and DBE ; and therefore the Angle HDE is triple to the Angle KBC , &c. which was to be proved . 1 Corollary . From hence it is manifest , that the Angles KBC and CBD , as also , that all the Angles that are comprehended by two straight lines meeting in the circumference of a Circle and insisting upon equal Arches , are equal to one another . 2 Coroll . If the Tangent BK be moved in the Circumference with Uniform motion about the Center B , it will in equal times cut off equal Arches ; and will pass over the whole Perimeter in the same time in which it self describes a semiperimeter about the Center B. 3 Coroll . From hence also we may understand what it is that determines the bending or Curvation of a straight line into the circumference of a Circle ; namely , that it is Fraction continually encreasing in the same manner as Nūbers from One upwards encrease by the continual addition of Unity . For the indefinite straight Line KB being broken in B according to any Angle , as that of KBC , & again in C according to a double Angle , and in D according to an Angle which is triple , and in E according to an Angle which is quadruple ●o the first Angle , and so continually , there will be described a figure which will indeed be rectilineal if the broken parts be considered as ha●ing magnitude ; but if they be understood to be the least t●a● can 〈◊〉 , ●●at is , as so many Points ; then the figure described will ●ot be rectilineal , but a Circle , whose Circumference w●… broken line . 4 〈…〉 been said in this present Article it may 〈…〉 Angle in the center is double to an Angle in the Circumference of the same Circle , if the intercepted Arches be equal . For seeing that straight Line by whose motion an Angle is determined , passes over equal Arches in equal times , as well from the Center as from the Circumference ; and while that which is from the Circumference is passing over half its own Perimeter , it passes in the same time over the whole Perimeter of that which is from the Center , the Arches w ch it cuts off in the Perimeter whose Center is A , wil be double to those which it makes in its own Semiperimeter whose Center is B. But in equal Circles , as Arches are to one another , so also are Angles . It may also be demonstrated that the external Angle made by a Subtense produced and the next equal Subtense , is equal to an Angle from the Center insisting upon the same Arch ; As in the last Diagram , the Angle GCD is equal to the Angle CAD ; For the external Angle GCD is double to the Angle CBD ; and the Angle CAD insisting upon the same Arch CD , is also double to the same Angle CBD or KBC . 16 An Angle of Contingence , if it be compared with an Angle simply so called how little soever , has such proportion to it as a Point has to a Line ; that is , no proportion at all , nor any quantity . For first , an Angle of cōtingence is made by cōtinual flexion , so that in the generation of it there is no circular motion at all , in which consists the nature of an Angle simply so called ; and therefore it cannot be compared with it according to Quantity . Secondly , seeing the external Angle made by a Subtense produced and the next Subtense , is equal to an Angle from the Center insisting upon the same Arch ( as in the last figure the Angle GCD is equal to the Angle CAD ) the Angle of Contingence wil be equal to that Angle from the Center which is made by AB and the same AB ; for no part of a Tangent can subtend any Arch ; but as the point of Contact is to be taken for the Subtense , so the Angle of Contingence is to be accounted for the external Angle , and equal to that Angle whose Arch is the same point B. Now seeing an Angle in general is defined to be the Opening o● Divergence of two lines which concurre in one sole point ; & seeing one Opening is greater then another , it cānot be denied but that by the very generation of it an Angle of Contingence is Quantity ; for wheresoever there is Greater and Less , there is also Quantity ; but this quantity consists in greater and less Flexion ; for how much the greater a Circle is , so much the neerer comes the Circumference of it to the nature of a straight Line ; for the Circumference of a Circle being made by the curvation of a straight line , the less that straight line is , the greater is the curvation ; & therfore when one straight line is a Tangent to many Circles , the Angle of Contingence which it makes with a less Circle is greater then that which it makes with a greater Circle . Nothing therefore is added to , or taken from an Angle simply so called , by the addition to it or taking from it of never so many Angles of Contingence . And as an Angle of one sort can never be equal to an Angle of the other sort , so they cannot be either greater or less then one another . From whence it follows , that an Angle of a Segment , that is , the Angle which any straight line makes with any Arch , is equal to the Angle which is made by the same straight line , & another which touches the Circle in the point of their Concurrence ; as in the last figure , the Angle which is made between GB and BK is equal to that which is made between GB and the Arch BC. 17 An Angle which is made by two Plains , is commonly called the Inclination of those Plains ; And because Plains have equal Inclination in all their parts , instead of their Inclination an Angle is taken which is made by two straight lines , one of which is in one , the other in the other of those Plains , but both perpendicular to the common Section . 18 A Solid Angle may be conceived two wayes . First , for the aggregate of all the Angles which are made by the motion of a straight line , while one extreme point thereof remayning fixed , it is carried about any plain figure in which the fixed point of the straight line is not conteined . And in this sense it seems to be understood by Euclide . Now it is manifest that the quantity of a Solid Angle so conceived is no other then the aggregate of all the Angles in a Superficies so described , that is , in the Superficies of a Pyramidal Solid . Secondly , when a Py●amis or Cone has its Vertex in the Center of a Sphere , a Solid Angle may be understood to be the proportion of a Spherical Superficies subtending that Vertex , to the whole Superficies of the Sphere . In which sense solid Angles are to one another as the Spherical Bases of Solids which have their Vertex in the Center of the same Sphere . 19 All the waye● by which two lines respect one another , or all the variety of their position may be comprehended under four kindes ; For any two lines whatsoever are either Parallels or being produced ( if need be ) or moved one of them to the other parallelly to it self , they make an Angle ; or else ( by the like production and motion ) they Touch one another ; or lastly , they are Asymptotes . The nature of Parallels , Angles and Tangents has been already declared . It remains that I speak briefly of the nature of Asymptotes . Asymptosy depends upon this , that Quantity is infinitly divisible . And from hence it follows , that any line being given , and a Body supposed to be moved from one extreme thereof towards the other , it is possible ( by taking degrees of Velocity alwayes lesse and lesse in such proportion as the parts of the Line are made lesse by continual division ) that the same Body may be alwayes moved forwards in that Line , and yet never reach the end of it . For it is manifest that if any straight Line , as AF ( in the 8th figure ) be cut any where in B , and again BF be cut in C , and CF in D , and DF in E , and so eternally , and there be drawn from the point F the straight Line FF at any Angle AFF ; and lastly , if the straight Lines AF , BF , CF , DF , EF , &c. having the same proportion to one another with the Segments of the Line AF , be set in order and parallel to the same AF , the crooked Line ABCDE and the straight Line FF will be Asymptotes , that is , they will alwayes come neerer and neerer together , but never touch one another . Now because any Line may be cut eternally according to the proportions which the Segments have to one another , therefore the divers kindes of Asymptotes are infinite in number , and not necessary to be further spoken of in this place . In the nature of Asymptotes in general there is no more , then that they come still neerer and neerer but never touch . But in special in the Asymptosie of Hyperbolique Lines , it is understood they should approach to a distance lesse then any given quantity . 20 SITUATION is the relation of one place to another ; & where there are many places , their Situation is determined by four things ; By their Distances from one another ; By several Distances from a place assigned ; By the order of straight lines drawn from a place assigned to the places of them all ; and by the Angles which are made by the lines so drawn . For if their Distances , Order , and Angles be given , that is , be certainly known , their several places will also be so certainly known , as that they can be no other . 21 Points , how many soever they be , have Like Situation with an equal number of other Points , when all the straight lines that are drawn from some one point to all these , have severally the same proportion to those that are drawn in the same order and at equal Angles from some one point to all those . For let there be any number of Points as A , B and C , ( in the 9 figure ) , to which from some one point D let the straight Lines DA , DB and DC be drawn ; and let there be an equal number of other Points as E , F and G , and from some point H let the straight Lines HE , HF and HG be drawn , so that the Angles ADB and BDC be severally and in the same order equal to the Angles EHF and FHG , and the straight Lines DA , DB and DC proportional to the straight Lines HE , HF and HG ; I say the three points A , B and C , have Like Situation with the three points E , F & G , or are placed Alike . For if HE be understood to be layed upon DA , so that the point H be in D , the point F will be in the straight Line DB by reason of the equality of the Angles ADB and EHF ; and the point G will be in the straight Line DC by reason of the equality of the Angles BDC and FHG ; and the strright Lines AB and EF , as also BC and FG will be parallel , because AD. ED : : BH . FH : : CD . GH are Proportionals by construction ; and therefore the distances between the points A and B , and the points B and C , will be proportional to the distances between the points E and F , and the points F and G. Wherefore in the situation of the points A , B and C , and the situation of the points E , F and G the Angles in the same order are equal , so that their situations differ in nothing but the inequality of their distances from one another , and of their distances from the points D and H. Now in both the orders of Points those inequalities are equal ; for AB . BC : : EF. FG , which are their distances from one another , as also DA. DB. DC : : HE. HF. HG which are their distances from the assumed points D and H , are Proportionals . Their difference therefore consists solely in the magnitude of their distances . But by the definition of Like ( Chap. 11. Art , 2 ) those things which differ onely in Magnitude are Like . Wherefore the points A , B and C have to one another Like Situation with the points E , F and G , or are placed Alike ; which was to be proved . FIGURE , is quantity determined by the Situation , or placing of all its extreme Points . Now I call those points Extreme which are contiguous to the place which is without the figure . In Lines therefore and Superficies all Points may be called Extreme , but in Solids onely those which are in the Superficies that includes them . Like Figures , are those , whose extreme points in one of them , are all placed like all the extreme points in the other ; for such Figures differ in nothing but Magnitude . And like Figures are alike placed , when in both of them the homologal straight lines , that is , the straight lines which connect the points which answer one another are parallel , and have their proportional sides enclined the same way . And seeing every Straight Line is like every other Straight Line , and every Plain like every other Plain when nothing but Plainness is considered ; if the Lines which include Plains , or the Superficies which include Solids have their proportions known , it will not be hard to know whether any Figure be like or unlike to another propounded Figure . And thus much concerning the First Grounds of Philosophy . The next place belongs to Geometry ; in which the Quantities of Figures are sought out from the Proportions of Lines and Angles . Wherefore it is necessary for him that would study Geometry to know first what is the nature of Quantity , Proportion , Angle and Figure . Having therefore explained these in the three last Chapters , I thought ●it to add them to this Part ; and so passe to the next . OF THE PROPORTIONS OF MOTIONS AND MAGNITVDES . CHAP. XV. Of the Nature , Properties , and diverse Considerations of Motion and Endeavour . 1 Repetition of some Principles of the doctrine of Motion formerly set down . 2 Other Principles added to them . 3 Certain Theoremes concerning the nature of Motion . 4 Diverse Considerations of Motion ▪ 5 The way by which the first Endeavour of Bodies Moved ●endoth . 6 In Motion which is made by Concourse , one of the Movents ceasing , the Endeavour is made by the way by which the rest tend . 7 The Endeavour of any Moved Body , which having its Motion in the Circumference of a Circle , parts from the same , proceeds afterwards in a straight line which toucheth the Circle . 8 How much greater , the Velocity or Magnitude is of a Movent , so much greater is the Efficacy thereof upon any other Body in its way . 1 THe next things in order to be treated of are MOTION and MAGNITUDE , which are the most common Accidents of all Bodies . This place therefore most properly belongs to the Elements of Geometry . But because this part of Philosophy having been improved by the best Wits of all Ages has afforded greater plenty of matter then can well be thrust together within the narrow limits of this discourse ; I thought fit to admonish the Reader , that before he proceed further , he take into his hands the Works of Euclide , Archimedes , Apollonius and other as well Ancient as Modern Writers . For to what end is it to do over again that which is already done ? The little therefore that I shall say concerning Geometry in some of the following Chapters , shall be such onely as is new , and conducing to Natural Philosophy . I have already delivered some of the Principles of this doctrine in the 8 & 9 Chapters , which I shall briefly put together here , that the Reader in going on may have their light neerer at hand . First therefore in the 8th Chap. and 10 Article , Motion is defined to be the continual privation of one place , and acquisition of another . Secondly , it is there shewn , that Whatsoever is Moved is Moved in Time. Thirdly , in the same Chap. 11. Article , I have defined Rest to be when a Body remains for some time in one place . Fourthly , it is there shewn , that Whatsoever is Moved is not in any determined place ; as also that the same has been Moved , is still Moved , and will yet be Moved ; So that in every part of that Space in which Motion is made , we may consider three Times , namely the Past , the Present , and the Future Time. Fiftly , in the 15 Article of the same Chapter , I have defined Velocity or Swiftness to be Motion considered as Power , namely , that Power by which a Body Moved may in a certain Time transmit a certain Length ; which also may more briefly be enunciated thus , Velocity is the quantity of Motion determined by Time and Line . Sixthly , in the same Chap. 16. Article , I have shewn that Motion is the Measure of Time. Seventhly , in the same Chap. 17th Art. I have defined Motions to be Equally Swift , when in Equal Times Equal Lengths are transmitted by them . Eighthly , in the 18 Article of the same Chapter , Motions are defined to be Equal , when the Swiftness of one Moved Body computed in every part of its magnitude , is equal to the Swiftness of another computed also in every part of its magnitude . From whence it is to be noted , that Motions Equal to one another , and Motions Equally Swift , do not signifie the same thing ; for when two horses draw abrest , the Motion of both is greater then the Motion of either of them singly ; but the Swiftness of both together is but Equal to that of either . Ninthly , in the 19 Article of the same Chapter , I have shewn , that Whatsoever is at Rest will alwayes be at Rest , unless there be some other Body besides it , which by getting into its place , suffers it no longer to remain at Rest. And that Whatsoever is Moved , will alwayes be Moved , unless there be some other Body besides it , which hinders its Motion . Tenthly , In the 9 Chapter and 7 Article , I have demonstrated , that When any Body is moved which was formerly at Rest , the immediate efficient cause of that Motion is in some other Moved and Contiguou● Body . Eleventhly , I have shewn in the same place , that Whatsoever is Moved , will always be Moved in the same way , and with the same Swiftness , if it be not hindered by some other Moved and Contiguou● Body . 2 To which Principles I shall here add these that follow . First , I define ENDEAVOUR to be Motion made in less Space and Time then can be given ; that is , less then can be determined or assigned by Exposition or Number ; that is , Motion made through the length of a Point , and in an Instant or Point of Time. For the explayning of which Definition it must be remembred , that by a Point is not to be understood that which has no quantity , or which cannot by any means be divided ( for there is no such thing in Nature ) ; but that whose quantity is not at all considered , that is , whereof neither quantity nor any part is computed in demonstration ; so that a Point is not to be taken for an Indivisible , but for an Undivided thing ; as also an Instant is to be taken for an Undivided , and not for an Indivisible Time. In like manner Endeavour is to be conceived as Motion ; but so , as that neither the quantity of the Time in which , nor of the Line in which it is made may in demonstration be at all brought into comparison with the quantity of that Time , or of that Line of which it is a part . And yet , as a Point may be compared with a Point , so one Endeavour may be compared with another Endeavour , and one may be found to be greater or lesse then another . For if the Vertical points of two Angles be compared , they will be equal or unequal in the same proportion which the Angles themselves have to one another . Or if a straight Line cut many Circumferences of Concentrick Circles , the inequality of the points of intersection will be in the same proportion which the Perimeters have to one another . And in the same manner , if two Motions begin and end both together , their Endeavours will be Equal or Unequal according to the proportion of their Velocities ; as we see a bullet of Lead descend with greater Endeavour then a ball of Wooll , Secondly , I define IMPETUS or Quickness of Motion , to be the Swiftness or Velocity of the Body moved , but considered in the several points of that time in which it is moved ; In which sense Impetus is nothing else but the quantity or velocity of Endeavour . But considered with the whole time , it is the whole velocity of the Body moved , taken together throughout all the time , and equal to the Product of a Line representing the time multiplyed into a Line representing the arithmetically mean Impetus or Quickness . Which Arithmetical Mean what it is , is defined in the 29th Article of the 13th Chapter . And because in equal times the wayes that are passed are as the Velocities , and the Impetus is the Velocity they go withal reckoned in all the several points of the times , it followeth that during any time whatsoever , howsoever the Impetus be encreased or decreased , the length of the way passed over shall be encreased or decreased in the same proportion ; and the same Line shall represent both the way of the Body moved , and the several Impetus or degrees of Swiftness wherewith the way is passed over . And if the Body moved be not a point , but a straight line moved so as that every point thereof make a several straight line , the Plain described by its motion , whether Uniform , Accelerated or Retarded , shall be greater or less ( the time being the same ) in the same proportion with that of the Impetus reckoned in one motion to the Impetus reckoned in the other . For the reason is the same in Parallelograms and their Sides , For the same cause also if the Body moved be a Plain , the Solid described shall be still greater or less in the proportions of the several Impetus or Quicknesses reckoned through one Line , to the several Impetus reckoned through another . This understood , let ABCD ( in the first figure of the 17th Chapter ) be a Parallelogram ; in which suppose the side AB to be moved parallelly to the opposite side CD , decreasing al the way till it vanish in the point C , and so describing the figure ABEFC ; the point B as AB decreaseth , will therefore describe the Line BEFC ; and suppose the time of this motion designed by the line CD ; and in the same time CD suppose the side AC to be moved parallelly and uniformly to BD. From the point O taken at adventure in the Line CD , draw OR parallel to BD , cutting the Line BEFC in E , and the side AB in R. And again from the point Q taken also at adventure in the Line CD , draw QS parallel to BD , cutting the Line BEFC in F , and the side AB in S ; and draw EG and FH parallel to CD , cutting AC in G and H. Lastly , suppose the same construction done in all the points possible of the Line BEFC . I sa● , that as the proportions of the Swiftnesses wherewith QF , OE , DB , and all the rest supopsed to be drawn parallel to DB , and terminated in the Line BEFC , are to the proportions of their several Times designed by the several parallels HF , GE , AB and all the rest supposed to be drawn parallel to the Line of time CD , and terminated in the Line BEFC ( the aggregate to the aggregate ) so is the Area or Plain DBEFC to the Area or Plain ACFEB . For as AB decreasing continually by the line BEFC vanisheth in the time CD into the point C , so in the same time the line DC continually decreasing vanisheth by the same line CFEB into the point B ; and the point D describeth in that decreasing motion the line DB equall to the line AC described by the point A in the decreasing motion of A & B ; & their swiftnesses are therefore equal . Again , because in the time GE the point O describeth the line OE , and in the same time the point R describeth the line RE , the line OE shall be to the line RE , as the swiftness wherewith OE is described to the swiftness wherwith RE is described . In like māner , because in the same time HF the point Q describeth the Line QF , and the point S the Line SF , it shall be as the swiftness by which QF is described to the swiftness by which SF is described , so the Line it self QF to the Line it self SF ; and so in all the Lines that can possibly be drawn parallel to BD in the points where they cut the Line BEFC . But all the parallels to BD , as RE , SF , AC and the rest that can possibly be drawn from the Line AB to the Line BEFC make the Area of the Plain ABEFC ; and all the parallels to the same BD , as QF , OE , DB & the rest drawn to the points where they cut the same Line BEFC make the Area of the Plain BEFCD . As therefore the aggregate of the Swiftnesses wherwith the Plain BEFCD is described is to the aggregate of the Swiftnesses wherewith the Plain ACFEB is described , so is the Plain it self BEFCD to the Plain it self ACFEB . But the aggregate of the Times represented by the parallels AB , GE , HF and the rest , maketh also the Area ACFEB . And therefore as the aggregate of all the Lines QF , OE , DB and all the rest of the Lines parallel to BD and terminated in the Line BEFC is to the aggregate of all the Lines HF , GE , AB and all the rest of the Lines parallel to CD & terminated in the same Line BEFC ; that is , as the aggregate of the Lines of Swiftness to the aggregate of the lines of Time , or as the whole Swiftness in the parallels to DB to the whole Time in the parallels to CD , so is the Plain BEFCD to the Plain ACFEB . And the proportions of QF to FH , and of OE to EG , and of DB to BA , and so of all the rest taken together , are the proportion of the Plain DBEFC to the Plain ABEFC . But the Lines QF , OE , DB and the rest are the Lines that designe the Swifness ; and the Lines HF , GE , AB & the rest are the Lines that designe the Times of the motions ; and therefore the proportion of the Plain DBEFC to the Plain ABEFC is the proportions of all the Velocities taken together , to all the Times taken together . Wherefore as the proportions of the Swiftnesses , &c. which was to be demonstrated . The same holds also in the diminution of the Circles whereof the lines of Time are the Semidiameters , as may easily be conceived by imagining the whole Plain ABCD turned round upon the Axis BD ; for the Line BEFC will be every where in the Superficies so made , and the Lines HG , GE , AB which here are Parallelograms will be there Cylinders , the Diameters of whose bases are the lines HF , GE , AB , &c. and the Altitude a point , that is to say , a quantity less then any quantity that can possibly be named ; and the Lines QF , OE , DB , &c. small solids whose lengths and breadths are less then any quantity that can be named . But this is to be noted , that unless the proportion of the summe of the Swiftnesses to the proportion of the summe of the Times be determined , the proportion of the Figure DBEFC to the Figure ABEFC cannot be determined . Thirdly , I define RESISTANCE to be the endeavour of one moved Body , either wholly or in part contrary to the endeavour of another moved Body , which toucheth the same . I say wholly contrary , when the endeavour of two Bodies proceeds in the same straight Line from the opposite extremes , and contrary in part , when two Bodies have their endeavour in two Lines , which proceeding from the extreme points of a straight Line , meet without the same . Fourthly , that I may define what it is to PRESSE , I say that Of two moved Bodies one Presses the other , when with its Endeavour it makes either all or part of the other Body to go out of its place . Fifthly , A Body which is pressed and not wholly removed is said to RESTORE it self , when ( the pressing Body being taken away ) the parts which were moved , do by reason of the internal constitution of the pressed Body , return every one into its own place . And this we may observe in Springs , in blown Bladders , and in many other Bodies , whose parts yeild more or less to the Endeavour which the pressing Body makes at the first arrival ; but afterwards ( when the pressing Body is removed ) they do by some force within them Restore themselves , and give their whole Body the same figure it had before . Sixthly , I define FORCE to be the Impetus or Quickness of Motion multiplyed either into it self , or into the Magnitude of the Movent , by means wherof the said Movent works more or less upon the Body that resists it . 3 Having premised thus much , I shal now demonstrate , First , That if a point moved come to touch another point which is at rest , how little soever the Impetus or quickness of its motion be , it shall move that other point . For if by that Impetus it do not at all move it out of its place , neither shall it move it , with double the same Impetus ; for nothing doubled is still nothing ; and for the same reason it shall never move it with that Impetus how many times soever it be multiplyed , because nothing how soever it be multiplyed will for ever be nothing . Wherefore when a point is at rest , if it do not yeild to the least Impetus , it will yeild to none , and consequently it will be impossible that that which is at rest should ever be moved . Secondly , that when a point moved , how little soever the Impetus thereof be , falls upon a point of any Body at rest , how hard soever that Body be , it will at the first touch make it yeild a little . For if it do not yeild to the Impetus which is in that point , neither will it yeild to the Impetus of never so many points , which have all their Impetus severally equal to the Impetus of that point . For seeing all those points together work equally , if any one of them have no effect , the aggregate of them all together shall have no effect as many times told as there are points in the whole Body , that is , still no effect at all ; and by consequent there would be some Bodies so hard that it would be impossible to break them ; that is , a finite hardnesse , or a finite force would not yeild to that which is infinite ; which is absurd . Corollary . It is therefore manifest , that Rest does nothing at all , nor is of any efficacy ; and that nothing but Motion gives Motion to such things as be at Rest , and takes it from things moved , Thirdly , that Cessation in the Movent does not cause Cessation in that which was moved by it . For ( by the 11th Number of the 1 Article of this Chapter ) whatsoever is moved , persevers in the same way , & with the same Swiftness , as long as it is not hindered by some thing that is moved against it . Now it is manifest , that Cessation is not contrary Motion ; and therefore it follows , that the standing still of the Movent , does not make it necessary that the thing moved should also stand still . Corollary . They are therefore deceived , that reckon the taking away of the impediment or resistance , for one of the causes of Motion . 4 Motion is brought into account for divers respects ; First , as in a Body Undivided , ( that is , considered as a point ) ; or , as in a Divided Body . In an Undivided Body , when we suppose the way by which the Motion is made , to be a Line ; and in a Divided Body , when we compute the Motion of the several parts of that Body , as of Parts . Secondly , From the diversity of the regulation of Motion , it is in a Body considered as Undivided , sometimes Uniform , and sometimes Multiform . Uniform is that by which equal Lines are alwayes transmitted in equal times ; & Multiform , when in one time more , in another time less space is transmitted . Again , of Multiform Motions , there are some in which the degrees of Acceleration and Retardation proceed in the same proportions which the Spaces transmitted have , whether duplicate , or triplicate , or by whatsoever number multiplyed ; and others in which it is otherwise . Thirdly , from the number of the Movents ; that is , one Motion is made by one Movent onely , and another by the concourse of many Movents . Fourthly , from the position of that Line in which a Body is moved , in respect of some other Line ; and from hence one Motion is called Perpendicular , another Oblique , another Parallel . Fifthly , from the position of the Movent in respect of the Moved Body ; from whence one Motion is Pulsion or Driving ; another Traction or Drawing . PULSION , when the Movent makes the Moved Body goe before it ; and TRACTION , when it makes it follow . Again , there are two sorts of Pulsion ; one , when the motions of the Movent and Moved Body begin both together , which may be called TRUSION or Thrusting and VECTION ; the other , when the Movent is first moved , and afterwards the Moved Body , which Motion is called PERCUSSION or Stroke . Sixthly , Motion is considered sometimes from the Effect onely which the Movent works in the Moved Body , which is usually called Moment . Now MOMENT is the Excess of Motion which the Movent has , above the Motion or Endeavour of the Resisting Body . Seventhly , it may be considered from the diversity of the Medium ; as one Motion may be made in Vacuity or empty Place ; another in a fluid ; another in a consistent Medium , that is , a Medium whose parts are by some power so consistent and cohering , that no part of the same will yeild to the Movent , unless the whole yeild also . Eighthly , when a Moved Body is considered as having parts , there arises another distinction of Motion into Simple and Compounded . Simple , when all the several parts describe several equal lines ; Compounded , when the lines described are Unequal . 5 All Endeavour tends towards that part , that is to say , in that way which is determined by the Motion of the Movent , if the Movent be but one ; or , if there be many Movents , in that way which their concourse determines . For example , if a Moved Body have direct Motion , its first Endeavour will be in a Straight line ; if it have Circular Motion , its first Endeavour will be in the Circumference of a Circle ; & whatsoever the line be in which a Body has its Motion from the concourse of two Movents , as soon as in any point thereof the force of one of the Movents ceases , there immediately the former Endeavour of that Body will be changed into an Endeavour in the line of the other Movent . 6 Wherefore , when any Body is carried on by the concourse of two Winds , one of those Winds ceasing , the Endeavour and Motion of that Body will be in that line , in which it would have been carried by that Wind alone which blows still . And in the describing of a Circle , where that which is moved has its Motion determined by a Movent in a Tangent , and by the Radius which keeps it in a certain distance from the Center , if the retention of the Radius cease , that Endeavour which was in the Circumference of the Circle , will now be in the Tangent , that is , in a Straight line . For seeing Endeavour is computed in a lesse part of the Circumference then can be given , that is , in a point , the way by which a Body is moved in the Circumference is compounded of innumerable Straight lines ; of which every one is less then can be given , which are therefore called Points . Wherefore when any Body which is moved in the Circumference of a Circle , is freed from the retention of the Radius , it will proceed in one of those Straight lines , that is , in a Tangent . 7 All Endeavour , whether strong or weak , is propagated to infinite distance ; for it is Motion . If therefore the first Endeavour of a Body be made in Space which is empty , it will alwayes proceed with the same Velocity ; for it cannot be supposed that it can receive any resistance at all from empty Space ; and therefore ( by the 7 Article of the 9 Chapter ) it will alwayes proceed in the same way and with the same Swiftness . And if its Endeavour be in Space which is filled , yet seeing Endeavour is Motion , that which stands next in its way shall be removed , and endeavour further , and again remove that which stands next , & so infinitely . Wherefore the propagation of Endeavour from one part of full Space to another , proceeds infinitely . Besides , it reaches in any instant to any distance , how great soever ; For in the same instant in which the first part of the full Medium removes that which is next it , the second also removes that part which is next to it ; and therefore all Endeavour , whether it be in empty or in full Space , proceeds not onely to any distance how great soever , but also in any time how little soever , that is , in an instant . Nor makes it any matter , that Endeavour by proceeding growes weaker and weaker , till at last it can no longer be perceived by Sense ; for Motion may be insensible ; and I do not here examine things by Sense and Experience , but by Reason . 8 When two Movents are of equal Magnitude , the swifter of them works with greater force then the slower upon a Body that resists their Motion . Also if two Movents have equal Velocity , the greater of them works with more force then the less . For where the Magnitude is equal , the Movent of greater Velocity makes the greater impression upon that Body upon which it falls ; and where the Velocity is equal , the Movent of greater Magnitude falling upon the same point , or an equal part of another Body , loses less of its Velocity , because the resisting Body works onely upon that part of the Movent which it touches , and therefore abates the Impetus of that part onely , whereas in the mean time the parts which are not touched proceed , and retein their whole force till they also come to be touched , and their force has some effect . Wherfore ( for example ) in Batteries , a longer then a shorter piece of Timber of the same thickness and velocity , and a thicker then a slenderer piece of the same length and velocity , works a greater effect upon the Wall. CHAP. XVI . Of Motion Accelerated and Vniform , and of Motion by Concourse . 1 The Velocity of any Body , in what Time soever it be computed , is that which is made of the multiplication of the Impetus , or Quickness of its Motion into the Time. 2 , &c. In all Motion , the Lengths which are passed through , are to one another , as the Products made by the Impetus multipyed into the Time. 6 If two Bodies be moved with Uniform Motion through two Lengths , the proportion of those Lengths to one another will be compounded of the proportions of Time to Time , and Impetus to Impetus , directly taken . 7 If two Bodies pass through two Lengths with Uniform Motion , the proportion of their Times to one another will be compounded of the proportions of Length to Length and Impetus to Impetus , reciprocally taken ; also the proportion of their Impetus to one another will be compounded of the proportions of Length to Length and Time to Time , reciprocally taken . 8 If a Body be carried on with Uniform Motion by two Movents together , which meet in an Angle , the line by which it passes will be a straight line subtending the complement of that Angle to two right Angles . 9 , &c. If a Body be carried by two Movents together , one of them being moved with Uniform , the other with Accelerated Motion , and the proportion of their Lengths to their Times being explicable in numbers , How to find out what line that Body describes . 1 THe Velocity of any Body , in whatsoever Time it be moved , has its quantity determined by the sum of all the several Quicknesses or Impetus which it hath in the several points of the Time of the Bodies Motion . For seeing Velocity ( by the Definition of it Chap. 8. Art. 15. ) is that Power by which a Body can in a certain time pass through a certain length ; and Quickness of Motion , or Impetus ( by the 15 Chap. Artic. 2. Numb . 2. ) is Velocity taken in one point of time onely , all the Impetus together taken in all the points of time , will be the same thing with the Mean Impetus multiplyed into the whole Time , or which is all one , will be the Velocity of the whole Motion . Corollary . If the Impetus be the same in every point , any straight line representing it may be taken for the measure of Time ; and the Quicknesses or Impetus applyed ordinately to any straight line making an Angle with it , and representing the way of the Bodies motion , will designe a parallelogram which shall represent the Velocity of the whole Motion . But if the Impetus or Quickness of Motion begin from Rest , and increase Uniformly , that is , in the same proportion continually with the times which are passed , the whole . Velocity of the Motion shall be represented by a Triangle , one side whereof is the whole time , and the other the greatest Impetus acquired in that time ; or else by a parallelogram , one of whose sides is the whole time of Motion , and the other , half the greatest Impetus ; or lastly by a parallelogram having for one side a mean proportional between the whole time & the half of that time , & for the other side the half of the greatest Impetus . For both these parallelograms are equal to one another , & severally equal to the triangle which is made of the whole line of time , and the greatest acquired Impetus ; as is demonstrated in the Elements of Geometry . 2 In all Uniform Motions the Lengths which are transmitted are to one another , as the product of the mean Impetus multiplyed into its time , to the product of the mean Impetus multiplyed also into its time . For let AB ( in the first Figure ) be the Time , and AC the Impetus by which any Body passes with Uniform Motion through the Length DE ; & in any part of the time AB , as in the time AF , let another Body be moved with Uniform Motion , first , with the same Impetus AC . This Body therefore in the time AB with the Impetus AC will pass through the length AF. Seeing therefore , when Bodies are moved in the same Time , & with the same Velocity & Impetus in every part of their motion , the proportion of one Length transmitted to another Length trāsmitted , is the same w th that of Time to Time , it followeth , that the Length transmitted in the time AB with the Impetus AC will be to the Length transmitted in the time AF with the same Impetus AC , as AB it self is to AF , that is , as the parallelogram AI is to the parallelogram AH , that is , as the product of the time AB into the mean Impetus AC is to the product of the time AF into the same Impetus AC . Again , let it be supposed that a Body be moved in the time AF , not with the same but with some other Uniform Impetus , as A L. Seeing therfore one of the Bodies has in all the parts of its motion the Impetus A C , and the other in like manner the Impetus A L , the Length trāsmitted by the Body moved with the Impetus A C will be to the Length transmitted by the Body moved with the Impetus A L , as A C it self is to A L , that is , as the parallelogram A H is to the parallelogram F L. Wherefore , by ordinate proportion it will be , as the parallelogram A I to the parallelogram F L , that is , as the product of the mean Impetus into the Time is to the product of the mean Impetus into the Time , so the Length transmitted in the time A B with the Impetus A C , to the length transmitted in the time A F with the Impetus , A L ; which was to be demonstrated . Corollary . Seeing therefore in Uniform Motion ( as has been shewn ) the Lengths transmitted are to one another as the parallelograms which are made by the multiplication of the mean Impetus into the Times , that is , ( by reason of the equality of the Impetus all the way ) as the Times themselves , it will also be by permutation , as to Time to Length , so Time to Length ; and in general , to this place are applicable all the properties and transmutations of Analogismes which I have set down and demonstrated in the 13 Chapter . 3 In Motion begun from Rest , and Uniformly Accelerated ( that is , where the Impetus encreaseth continually according to the proportion of the Times ) it will also be , as one product made by the Mean Impetus multiplyed into the Time , to another product made likewise by the Mean Impetus multiplyed into the Time , so the Length transmitted in the one Time , to the Length transmitted in the other Time. For let A B ( in the same 1 figure ) represent a Time ; in the beginning of which Time A , let the Impetus be as the point A ; but as the Time goes on , so let the Impetus encrease Uniformly till in the last point of that Time A B , namely in B , the Impetus acquired be B I. Again , let A F represent another Time , in whose beginning A , let the Impetus be as the point it self A ; but as the Time proceeds , so let the Impetus encrease Uniformly till in the last point F of the Time A F the Impetus acquired be F K ; and let D E be the Length passed through in the Time A B with Impetus Uniformly encreased . I say the Length D E , is to the Length transmitted in the Time A F , as the Time A B multiplyed into the Mean of the Impetus encreasing through the time A B , is to the Time A F multiplyed into the Mean of the Impetus encreasing through the time A F. For seeing the Triangle A B I is the whole Velocity of the Body moved in the Time A B till the Impetus acquired be B I ; and the Triangle A F K the whole Velocity of the Body moved in the Time A F with Impetus encreasing till there be acquired the Impetus F K ; the Length D E to the Length acquired in the Time A F with Impetus encreasing from Rest in A till there be acquired the Impetus F K , will be as the Triangle A B I to the Triangle A F K , that is , if the Triangles A B I and A F K be like , in duplicate proportion of the Time A B to the Time A F ; but if unlike , in the proportion compounded of the proportions of A B to B I , & of A K to A F. Wherefore , as A B I is to A F K , so let D E be to D P ; for so , the Length transmitted in the Time A B with Impetus encreasing to B I , will be to the Length transmitted in the Time A F with Impetus encreasing to F K , as the triangle A B I is to the triangle A F K ; But the triangle A B I is made by the multiplication of the Time A B into the Mean of the Impetus encreasing to B I , and the triangle A F K is made by the multiplication of the Time A F into the Mean of the Impetus encreasing to F K ; and therefore the Length D E which is transmitted in the Time A B with Impetus encreasing to B I , to the Length D P which is transmitted in the Time A F with Impetus encreasing to F K , is as the product which is made of the Time A B multiplyed into its mean Impetus , to the product of the Time A F multiplyed also into its mean Impetus ; which was to be proved . Corol. 1 In Motion Uniformly accelerated , the proportion of the Lengths transmitted , to that of their Times , is compounded of the proportions of their Times to their Times and Impetus to Impetus . Corol. 2 In Motion Uniformly accelerated , the Lengths transmitted in equal times taken in continual succession from the beginning of Motion , are as the differences of square numbers beginning from Unity , namely , as 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. For if in the first time the Length transmitted be as 1 , in the first and second times the Length transmitted will be as 4 , which is the Square of 2 , and in the three first times , it will be as 9 , which is the Square of 3 , and in the four first times as 16 , and so on . Now the differences of these Squares are 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. Corol. 3 In Motion Uniformly accelerated from Rest , the Length transmitted , is to another Length transmitted vniformly in the same Time , but with such Impetus as was acquired by the accelerated Motion in the last point of that Time , as a triangle to a parallelogram which have their altitude and base common . For seeing the Length D E ( in the same 1 figure ) is passed through with Velocity as the triangle A B I , it is necessary that for the passing through of a Length which is double to D E , the Velocity be as the parallelogram A I ; for the parallelogram A I is double to the triangle A B I. 4 In Motion which beginning from Rest , is so accelerated , that the Impetus thereof encrease continually in proportion duplicate to the proportion of the times in which it is made , a Length transmitted in one time will be to a Length transmitted in another time , as the product made by the Mean Impetus multiplyed into the time of one of those Motions , to the product of the Mean Impetus multiplyed into the time of the other Motion . For let A B ( in the 2d . figure ) represent a Time , in whose first instant A let the Impetus be as the point A ; but as the time proceeds , so let the Impetus encrease continually in duplicate proportion to that of the times , till in the last point of time B the Impetus acquired be B I ; then taking the point F any where in the time A B , let the Impetus F K acquired in the time A F be ordinately applyed to that point F. Seeing therefore the proportion of F K to B I is supposed to be duplicate to that of A F to A B , the proportion of A F to A B will be subduplicate to that of F K to B I ; and that of A B to A F will be ( by Chap. 13. Article 16 ) duplicate to that of B I to F K , and consequently the point K will be in a parabolical line whose diameter is A B and base B I ; and for the same reason , to what point soever of the time A B the Impetus acquired in that time be ordinately applyed , the straight line designing that Impetus will be in the same parabolical line A K I. Wherefore the mean Impetus multiplyed into the whole time A B will be the Parabola A K I B , equal to the parallelogram A M , which parallelogram has for one side the line of time A B and for the other the line of the Impetus A L , which is two thirds of the Impetus B I ; for every Parabola is equal to two thirds of that parallelogram with which it has its altitude and base common . Wherefore the whole Velocity in A B will be the parallelogram A M , as being made by the multiplication of the Impetus A L into the time A B. And in like manner , if F N be taken , which is two thirds of the Impetus F K , and the parallelogram F O be completed , F O will be the whole Velocity in the time A F , as being made by the Uniform Impetus A O or F N multiplyed into the time A F. Let now the length transmitted in the time A B and with the Velocity A M be the straight line D E ; and lastly , let the Length transmitted in the time A F with the Velocity A N , be D P ; I say that as A M is to A N , or as the Parabola A K I B to the Parabola A F K , so is D E to D P. For as A M is to F L ( that is , as A B is to A F ) so let D E be to D G. Now the proportion of A M to A N is compounded of the proportions of A M to F L , and of F L to A N. But as A M to F L , so ( by construction ) is D E to D G ; and as F L is to A N ( seeing the time in both is the same , namely , A F ) , so is the Length D G to the Length D P ; for Lengths transmitted in the same time are to one another as their Velocities are . Wherefore by ordinate proportion , as A M is to A N , that is , as the mean Impetus A L multiplyed into its time A B , is to the mean Impetus A O multiplyed into A F , so is D E to D P ; which was to be proved . Corol. 1 Lengths transmitted with Motion so accelerated that the Impetus encrease continually in duplicate proportion to that of their times , if the base represent the Impetus , are in triplicate proportion of their Impetus acquired in the last point of their times . For as the Length D E is to the Length D P , so is the parallelogram A M to the parallelogram A N , and so the Parabola A B I K to the Parabola A F K ; But the proportion of the Parabola A B I K to the Parabola A F K is triplicate to the proportion which the base B I has to the base F K. Wherefore also the proportion of D E to D P , is triplicate to that of B I to F K. Corol. 2 Lengths transmitted in equal Times succeeding one another from the beginning , by Motion so accelerated , that the proportiō of the Impetus be duplicate to the proportiō of the times , are to one another as the differences of Cubique Numbers beginning at Unity , that is , as 7 , 19 , 37 , &c. For if in the first time the Length transmitted be as 1 , the Length at the end of the second time will be as 8 , at the end of the third time as 27 , and at the end of the fourth time as 64 , &c. which are Cubique Numbers , whose differences are 7 , 19 , 37 , &c. Corol. 3 In Motion so accelerated , as that the Length transmitted be alwayes to the Length transmitted in duplicate proportion to their Times , the Length Uniformly transmitted in the whole time and with Impetus all the way equal to that which is last acquired , is as a Parabola to a parallelogram of the same altitude & base , that is , as 2 to 3. For the Parabola A B I K is the Impetus encreasing in the time A B ; and the parallelogram A I is the greatest Uniform Impetus multiplyed into the same time A B. Wherefore the Lengths transmitted will be as a Parabola to a parallelogram &c. that is , as 2 to 3. 5 If I should proceed to the explication of such Motions as are made by Impetus encreasing in proportion triplicate , quadruplicate , quintuplicate , &c. to that of their times , it would be a labour infinite and unnecessary . For by the same method by which I have computed such Lengths as are transmitted with Impetus encreasing in single and duplicate proportion , any man may compute such as are transmitted with Impetus encreasing in triplicate , quadruplicate or what other proportion he pleases . In making which computation he shall finde , that where the Impetus encrease in proportion triplicate to that of the times , there the whole Velocity will be designed by the first Parabolaster ( of which see the next Chapter ) ; and the Lengths transmitted will be in proportion quadruplicate to that of the times . And in like manner , where the Impetus encrease in quadruplicate proportion to that of the times , that there the whole Velocity will be designed by the second Parabolaster , and the Lengths transmitted will be in quintuplicate proportion to that of the times ; and so on continually . 6 If two Bodies with Uniform Motion transmit two Lengths , each with its own Impetus and Time , the proportion of the Lengths transmitted will be compounded of the proportions of Time to Time , and Impetus to Impetus , directly taken . Let two Bodies be moved Uniformly ( as in the 3d figure ) One in the time A B with the Impetus A C , the other in the time A D with the Impetus A E. I say the Lengths transmitted have their proportion to one another compounded of the proportions of A B to A D , and of A C to A E. For let any Length whatsoever , as Z , be transmitted by one of the Bodies in the time A B with the Impetus A C ; and any other Length , as X , be transmitted by the other Body in the time A D with the Impetus A E ; and let the parallelograms A F and A G be completed . Seeing now Z is to X ( by the 2d Article ) as the Impetus A C multiplyed into the time A B is to the Impetus A E multiplyed into the time A D , that is , as A F to A G ; the proportion of Z to X will be compounded of the same proportions , of which the proportion of A F to A G is compounded ; But the proportion of A F to A G is compounded of the proportions of the side A B to the side A D , and of the side A C to the side A E ( as is evident by the Elements of Euclide ) , that is , of the proportions of the time A B to the time A D , and of the Impetus A C to the Impetus A E. Wherefore also the proportion of Z to X is compounded of the same proportions of the time A B to the time A D , and of the Impetus A C to the Impetus A E ; which was to be demonstrated . Corol. 1 When two Bodies are moved with Uniform Motion , if the Times and Impetus be in reciprocal proportion , the Lengths transmitted shall be equal . For if it were as A B to A D ( in the same 3d figure ) so reciprocally A E to A C , the proportion of A F to A G would be compounded of the proportions of A B to A D and of A C to A E , that is , of the proportions of A B to A D and of A D to A B. Wherefore , A F would be to A G as A B to A B , that is equal ; and so the two products made by the multiplication of Impetus into Time would be equal ; and by consequent , Z would be equal to X. Corol. 2 If two Bodies be moved in the same Time , but with different Impetus , the Lengths transmitted will be as Impetus to Impetus . For if the Time of both of them be A D , and their different Impetus be A E and A C , the proportion of A G to D C will be compounded of the proportions of A E to A C and of A D to A D , that is , of the proportions of A E to A C and of A C to A C ; and so the proportion of A G to D C , that is , the proportion of Length to Length will be as A E to A C , that is , as that of Impetus to Impetus . In like manner , if two Bodies be moved Uniformly , and both of them with the same Impetus , but in different times , the proportion of the Lengths transmitted by them will be as that of their times . For if they have both the same Impetus A C , and their different times be A B & A D , the proportion ●f A F to D C will be compounded of the proportions of A B to A D and of A C to A C ; that is , of the proportions of A B to A D and of A D , to A D ; and therefore the proportion of A F to D C , that is , of Length to Length , will be the same with that of A B to A D , which is the proportion of Time to Time. 7 If two Bodies pass through two Lengths with Uniform Motion , the proportion of the Times in which they are moved will be compounded of the proportions of Length to Length and Impetus to Impetus reciprocally taken . For let any two Lengths be given , as ( in the same 3d figure ) Z and X , and let one of them be transmitted with the Impetus A C , the other with the Impetus A E. I say the proportion of the Times in which they are transmitted , will be compounded of the proportions of Z to X , and of A E ( which is the Impetus with which X is transmitted ) to A C ( the Impetus with which Z is transmitted . ) For seeing A F is the product of the Impetus A C multiplyed into the Time A B , the time of Motion through Z will be a line w ch is made by the applicatiō of the parallelogram A F to the straight line A C , which line is A B ; and therefore A B is the time of motion through Z. In like manner , seeing A G is the product of the Impetus A E multiplied into the Time A D , the time of motion through X wil be a line which is made by the application of A G to the straight line A D ; but A D is the time of motiō through X. Now the proportion of A B to A D is cōpounded of the proportions of the parallelogram A F to the parallelogram A G , and of the Impetus A E to the Impetus A C ; which may be demonstrated thus . Put the parallelograms in order A F , A G , D C ; and it will be manifest that the proportion of A F to D C is compounded of the proportions of A F to A G and of A G to D C ; but A F is to D C as A B to A D ; wherefore also the proportion of A B to A D is compounded of the propotrions of A F to A G & of A G to D C. And because the Length Z is to the Length X as A F is to A G , & the Impetus A E to the Impetus A C as A G to D C , therefore the proportion of A B to A D will be compounded of the proportions of the Length Z to the Length X , and of the Impetus A E to the Impetus A C ; which was to be demonstrated . In the same manner it may be proved , that in two Uniform Motions the proportion of the Impetus is compounded of the proportions , of Length to Length , and of Time to Time reciprocally taken . For if we suppose A C ( in the same 3d figure ) to be the Time , and A B the Impetus with which the Length Z is passed through ; and A E to be the Time , and A D the Impetus with which the Length X is passed through , the demonstration will proceed as in the last Article . 8 If a Body be carried by two Movents together which move with straight and Uniform Motion , and concurre in any given angle , the line by which that Body passes will be a straight line . Let the Movent A B ( in the 4th figure ) have straight and Uniform Motion , and be moved till it come into the place C D ; and let another Movent A C , having likewise straight and Uniform Motion , and making with the Movent A B any given angle C A B , be understood to be moved in the same time to D B ; and let the Body be placed in the point of their concourse A. I say the line which that Body describes with its Motion is a straight line . For let the parallelogram A B D C be completed , and its diagonal A D be drawn ; and in the straight line A B let any point E be taken ; and from it let E F be drawn parallel to the straight lines A C and B D , cutting A D in G ; and through the point G let H I be drawn parallel to the straight lines A B and C D ; and lastly , let the measure of the time be A C. Seeing therefore both the Motions are made in the same time , when A B is in C D , the Body also will be in C D ; and in like manner , when A C is in B D , the Body will be in B D. But A B is in C D at the same time when A C is in B D ; and therefore the Body will be in C D and B D at the same time ; Wherefore it will be in the common point D. Again , seeing the Motion from A C to B D is Uniform , that is , the Spaces transmitted by it are in proportion to one another as the Times in which they are transmitted , when A C is in E F , the proportion of A B to A E will be same with that of E F to E G , that is , of the Time A C to the Time A H. Wherefore A B will be in H I in the same time in which A C is in E F , so that the Body will at the same time be in E F and in H I , and therefore in their common point G. And in the same manner it will , be wheresoever the point E be taken between A and B. Wherefore the Body will alwayes be in the Diagonal A D ; which was to be demonstrated . Corollary . From hence it is manifest , that the Body will be carried through the same straight line A D , though the Motion be not Uniform , provided it have like acceleration ; for the proportion of A B to A E will alwayes be the same with that of A C to A H. 9 If a Body be carried by two Movents together , which meet in any given angle , and are moved , the one Uniformly , the other with Motion Uniformly accelerated from Rest ( that is , that the proportion of their Impetus be as that of their Times ) that is , that the proportion of their Lēgths be duplicate to that of the lines of their Times , till the line of greatest Impetus acquired by acceleration be equal to that of the line of Time of the Uniform Motion ; the line in which the Body is carried will be the crooked line of a Semiparabola , whose base is the Impetus last acquired , and Vertex the point of Rest. Let the straight line A B ( in the 5th Figure ) be understood to be moved with Uniform Motion to C D ; and let another Movent in the straight line A C be supposed to be moved in the same time to B D , but with motion Uniformly accelerted , that is , with such motion , that the proportion of the spaces which are transmitted be alwayes duplicate to that of the Times , till the Impetus acquired be B D equal to the straight line A C ; and let the Semiparabola A G D B be described . I say that by the concourse of those two Movents , the Body will be carried through the Semipabolical crooked line A G D. For let the parallelelogram A B D C be completed ; & from the point E taken any where in the straight line A B let E F be drawn parallel to A C , and cutting the crooked line in G , and lastly , through the point G let A I be drawn parallel to the straight lines A B and C D. Seeing therefore the proportion of A B to A E is by supposition duplicate to the proportion of E F to E G , that is , of the time A C to the time A H , at the same time when A C is in E F , A B will be in H I ; and therefore the moved Body will be in the common point G. And so it will alwayes be in what part soever of A B the point E be taken . Wherefore the moved Body will always be found in the parabolical line A G D ; which was to be demonstr●ted . 10 If a Body be carried by two Movents together , which meet in any given angle , and are moved , the one Uniformly , the other with Impetus encreasing from Rest till it be equal to that of the Uniform Motion , and with such acceleration , that the proportion of the Lengths transmitted be every where triplicate to that of the Times in which they are transmitted , The line in which that Body is moved , will be the crooked line of the first Semiparabolaster of two Means , whose ba●e is the Impetus last acquired . Let the straight line A B ( in the 6th . Figure ) be moved Uniformly to C D ; and let another Movent A C be moved at the same time to B D with motion so accelerated , that the proportion of the Lengths transmitted by every where triplicate to the proportion of their Times ; and let the Impetus acquired in the end of that motion be B D , equal to the straight line A C ; & lastly , let A D be the crooked line of the first Semiparabolaster of two Means . I say that by the concourse of the two Movents together , the Body will be alwayes in that crooked line A D. For let the parallelogram A B D C be completed ; and from the point E taken any where in the straight line A B let E F be drawn parallel to A C and cutting the crooked line in G ; and through the point G let H I be drawn parallel to the straight lines A B and C D. Seeing therefore the proportion of A B to A E is ( by supposition ) triplicate to the proportion of E F to E G , that is , of the time A C to the time A H , at the same time when A C is in E F , A B will be in H I ; and therefore the moved Body will be in the common point G. And so it will alwayes be in what part soever of A B the point E be taken ; and by consequent the Body will always be in the crooked line A G D ; which was to be demonstrated . 11 By the same method it may be shewn what line it is that it made by the motion of a Body carried by the concourse of any two Movents , which are moved , one of them Uniformly , the other with acceleration , but in such proportions of Spaces and Times as are explicable by Numbers , as duplicate , triplicate &c. or such as may be designed by any broken number whatsoever . For which this is the Rule . Let the two numbers of the Length & Time be added together ; & let their Sum be the Denominator of a Fraction , whose Numerator must be the number of the Length . Seek this Fraction in the Table of the third Article of the 17th Chapter , and the line sought will be that which denominates the three-sided Figure noted on the left hand , and the kind of it will be that which is numbred above over the Fraction . For example , Let there be a concourse of two Movements , whereof one is moved Uniformly , the other with motion so accelerated that the Spaces are to the Times as 5 to 3. Let a Fraction be made whose Denominator is the Sum of 5 and 3 , and the Numerator 5 , namely the Fraction ⅝ . Seek in the Table , and you will find ⅝ to be the third in that row which belongs to the three-sided Figure of four Means . Wherfore the line of Motion made by the concourse of two such Movents as are last of all described , will be the crooked line of the third Parabolaster of four Means . 12 If Motion be made by the concourse of two Movents whereof one is moved Uniformly , the other beginning from Rest in the Angle of concourse with any acceleration whatsoever ; the Movent which is Moved Uniformly shall put forward the moved Body in the several parallel Spaces , lesse , then if both the Movents had Uniform motion ; and still lesse and lesse , as the Motion of the other Movent is more and more accelerated . Let the Body be placed in A ( in the 7th figure ) and be moved by two Movents , by one with Uniform Motion from the straight line A B to the straight line C D parallel to it ; and by the other with any acceleration from the straight line A C to the straight line B D parallel to it ; and in the parallelogram A B D C let a Space be taken between any two parallels E F and G H. I say , that whilest the Movent A C passes through the latitude which is between E F and G H , the Body is lesse moved forwards from A B towards C D , then it would have been , if the Motion from A C to B D had been Uniform . For suppose that whilest the Body is made to descend to the parallel E F by the power of the Movent from A C towards B D , the same Body in the same time is moved forwards to any point F in the line E F by the power of the Movent from A B towards C D ; and let the straight line A F be drawn and produced indeterminately , cutting G H in H. Seeing therefore it is as A E to A G , so E F to G H ; if A C should descend towards B D with uniform Motion , the Body in the time G H ( for I make A C and its parallels the measure of time ) would be found in the point H. But because A C is supposed to be moued towards B D which motion continually accelerated , that is , in greater proportion of Space to Space then of Time to Time , in the time G H the Body will be in some parallel beyond it , as between G H and B D. Suppose now that in the end of the time G H it be in the parallel I K , & in I K let I L be taken equal to G H. When therefore the Body is in the parallel I K , it will be in the point L. Wherefore when it was in the parallel G H , it was in some point between G and H , as in the point M ; but if both the Motions had been Uniform it had been in the point H ; and therefore whilest the Movent A C passes over the latitude which is between E F and G A , the Body is less moved forwards from A B towards C D , then it would have been if both the Motions had been Uniform ; which was to be demonstrated . 13 Any Length being given whch is passed through in a given time with uniform motion , To find out what Length shall be passed through in the same time with Motion uniformly accelerated , that is , with such Motion , that the proportion of the Lengths passed through be continually duplicate to that of their Times , and that the line of the Impetus last acquired , be equal to the line of the whole time of the Motion . Let A B ( in the 8th . figure ) be a Length transmitted with Uniform Motion in the time A C ; and let it be required to find another Length which shall be transmitted in the same time with Motion Uniformly accelerated , so , that the line of the Impetus last acquired be equal to the straight line A C. Let the parallelogram A B D C be completed ; and let B D be divided in the middle at E ; and between B E and B D let B F be a mean proportional ; and let A F be drawn and produced till it meet with C D produced in G ; and lastly , let the parallelogram A C G H be completed . I say A H is the Length required . For as duplicate proportion is to single proportion , so let A H be to A I , that is , let A I be the half of A H ; and let I K be drawn parallel to the straight line A C , and cutting the Diagonal A D in K , and the straight line A G in L. Seeing therefore A I is the half of A H , I L will also be the half of B D , that is , equal to B E , and I K equal to B F ; for B D , ( that is , G H ) , B F , and B E ( that is , I L ) being continual proportionals , A H , A B , and A I will also be continual proportionals . But as A B is to A I , that is , as A H is to A B , so is B D to I K , and so also is G H , that is , B D to B F ; and therefore B F and I K are equal . Now the proportion of A H to A I is duplicate to the proportion of A B to A I , that is , to that of BD to IK , or of GH to IK . Wherefore the point K will be in a Parabola , whose diameter is AH & ba●e GH , which GH is equal to AC . The Body therefore proceeding from Rest in A with motion Uniformly accelerated in the time AC , when it has passed through the Length AH , will acquire the Impetus GH equal to the time AC ; that is , such Impetus , as that with it the Body will pass through the Length AC in the time AC . Wherefore any Length being given , &c. which was propounded to be done . 14 Any Length being given which in a given Time is transmitted with Uniform Motion , To find out what Length shall be transmitted in the same Time with Motion so accelerated , that the Lengths transmitted be continually in triplicate proportion to that of their Times , and the line of the Impetus last of all acquired be equal to the Line of Time given . Let the given Length AB ( in the 9th figure ) be transmitted with Uniform motion in the Time AC ; and let it be required to find what Length shall be transmitted in the same time with motion so accelerated , that the Lengths transmitted be continually in triplicate proportion to that of their Times , and the Impetus last acquired be equal to the Time given . Let the parallelogram ABDC be completed ; and let BD be so divided in E , that BE be a third part of the whole BD ; and let BF be a mean proportional between BD and BE ; and let AF be drawn and produced till it meet the straight line CD in G ; and lastly , let the parallelogram ACGH be completed . I say AH is the Length required . For as triplicate proportion is to single proportion , so let AH be to another line AI , that is , make AI a third part of the whole AH ; and let IK be drawn parallel to the straight line AC , cutting the Diagonal AD in K , and the straight line AG in L ; then , as AB is to AI , so let AI be to another AN ; and from the point N let NQ be drawn parallel to AC , cutting AG , AD , and FK produced , in P , M and O ; and last of all let FO and LM be drawn , which will be equal and parallel to the straight lines BN and IN. By this construction , the Lengths transmitted AH , AB , AI and AN will be continual proportionals ; and in like manner , the Times GH , BF , IL and NP , that is , NQ , NO , NM and NP will be continual proportionals , and in the same proportion with AH , AB , AI , and AN. Wherefore the proportion of AH to AN is the same with that of BD , that is , of NQ to NP ; and the proportion of NQ to NP triplicate to that of NQ to NO , that is , triplicate to that of BD to IK ; Wherefore also the Length AH is to the Length AN in triplicate proportion to that of the Time BD to the Time IK ; and therefore the crooked line of the first three sided figure of two means , whose Diameter is AH , and base GH equal to AC , shall pass through the point O ; and consequently AH shall be transmitted in the time AC , and shall have its last acquired Impetus GH equal to AC , and the proportions of the Lengths acquired in any of the times triplicate to the proportions of the times themselves . Wherefore AH is the Length required to be found out , By the same method , if a Length be given which is transmitted with Uniform Motion in any given Time , another Length may be found out , which shall be transmitted in the same Time with motion so accelerated , that the Lengths transmitted shall be to the Times in which they are transmitted , in proportion quadruplicate , quintuplicate , and so on infinitely . For if BD be divided in E , so , that BD be to BE as 4 to 1 ; and there be taken between BD and BE a mean proportional FB ; and as AH is to AB , so AB be made to a third , and again so that third to a fourth , and that fourth to a fifth AN , so that the proportion of AH to AN be quadruplicate to that of AH to AB , and the parallelogram NBFO be completed ; the crooked line of the first three-sided Figure of three Means will pass through the point O ▪ and consequently the Body moved will acquire the Impetus GH equal to AC in the time AC . And so of the rest . 15 Also , if the proportion of the Lengths transmitted , be to that of their Times , as any number to any number , the same method serves for the finding out of the Length transmitted with such Impetus , and in such Time. For let AC ( in the 10 figure ) be the time , in which a Body is transmitted with Uniform Motion from A to B ; and the parallelogram ABDC being completed , let it be required to find out a Length in which that Body may be moved in the same time AC , frō A w th motion so accelerated , that the proportion of the Lengths transmitted , to that of the Times be continually as 3 to 2. Let BD be so divided in E , that BD be to BE as 3 to 2 ; and between BD and BE let BF be a mean proportionall ; and let AF be drawn and produced till it meet with CD produced in G ; and making AM a mean proportional between AH and AB , let it be as AM to AB , so AB to AI ; and so the proportion of AH to AI will be to that of AH to AB , as 3 to 2. ( for of the proportions of which that of AH to AM is one , that of AH to AB is two , and that of AH to AI is three ; ) & consequently as 3 to 2 to that of GH to BF , & ( FK being drawn parallel to BI , and cutting AD in K ) so likewise to that of GH or BD to IK ; Wherefore the proportion of the Length AH to AI is to the proportion of the Time BD to IK , as 3 to 2 ; and therefore , if in the time AC , the Body be moved with accelerated motion , as was propounded , till it acquire the Impetus HG equal to AC , the Length transmitted in the same Time will be AH . 16 But if the proportion of the Lengths to that of the Times had been as 4 to 3 , there should then have been taken two mean proportionals between AH and AB , and their proportion should have been continued one term further , so that AH to AB might have three of the same proportions , of which AH to AI has four ; and all things else should have been done as is already shewn . Now the way how to interpose any number of Means between two Lines given , is not yet found out . Nevertheless , this may stand for a general Rule ; If there be a Time given , and a Length be transmitted in that Time with Uniform Motion ; as for example , if the Time be AC , and the Length AB ; the straight line AG , which determines the Length CG or AH transmitted in the same Time AC with any accelerated motion , shall so cut BD in F , that BF shall be a mean proportional between BD and BE , BE being so taken in BD , that the proportion of Length to Length be every where to the proportion of Time to Time , as the whole BD is to its part BE. 17 If in a given Time , two Lengths be transmitted , One with uniform motion , the other with motion accelerated in any proportion of the Lengths to the Times ; and again in part of the same Time , parts of the same Lengths be transmitted with the same motions , the whole Length will exceed the other Length in the same proportion in which one part exceeds the other part . For example , let AB ( in the 8th . figure ) be a Length transmitted in the time AC with uniform Motion ; and let AH be another Length transmitted in the same time with Motion uniformly accelerated , so that the Impetus last acquired be GH equal to AC ; and in AH let any part AI be taken , and transmitted in part of the time AC with uniform Motion ; and let another part AB be taken , and transmitted in the same part of the time AC with Motion uniformly accelerated . I say , that as AH is to AB , so will AB be to AI. Let BD be drawn parallel and equal to HG , and divided in the midst at E , and between BD and BE , let a mean proportional be taken as BF ; & the straight line AG ( by the demonstration of the 13th Art. ) shal pass through F. And dividing AH in the midst at I , AB shall be a mean proportional between AH and AI. Again ( because AI and AB are described by the same Motions ) if IK be drawn parallel and equal to BF or AM , and divided in the midst at N , and between IK and IN be taken the mean proportional IL , the straight line AF will ( by the demonstration of the same 13th Ar● . ) pass through L. And dividing AB in the midst at O , the line AI will be a mean proportional between AB and AO . Where ▪ AB is divided in I and O in like manner as AH is divided in B and I ; and as AH to AB so is AB to AI. Which was to be proved . Coroll . Also as AH to AB , so is HB to BI ; and so also BI to IO. And as this ( where one of the Motions is uniformly accelerated ) is proved out of the demonstration of the 13th Article ; so ( when the accelerations are in double proportion to the times ) the same may be proved by the demonstration of the 14th Art. and by the same method in all other accelerations , whose proportions to the times are explicable in numbers . 18 If two sides which contain an Angle in any Parallelogram , be moved in the same time to the sides opposite to them , one of them with Uniform Motion , the other with Motion Uniformly accelerated ; that side which is moved Uniformly will effect as much with its concourse through the whole Length transmitted , as it would do if the other Motion were also Uniform , and the Length transmitted by it in the same time were a mean proportional between the whole and the half . Let the side AB of the Parallelogram ABDC ( in the 11th Figure ) be understood to be moved with Uniform Motion till it be coincident with CD ; and let the time of that Motion be AC or BD. Also in the same time let the side AC be understood to be moved with Motion uniformly accelerated , till it be coincident with BD ; then dividing AB in the middle in E , let AF be made a mean proportional between AB and AE ; and drawing FG parallel to AC , let the side AC be understood to be moved in the same time AC with uniform Motion till it be coincident with FG. I say the whole AB confers as much to the velocity of the Body placed in A when the Motion of AC is uniformly accelerated till it come to BD , as the part AF confers to the same when the side AC is moved Uniformly and in the same time to FG. For seeing AF is a mean proportional between the whole AB & it is half AE , BD wil ( by the 13th Art. ) be the last Impetus acquired by AC with motion uniformly accelerated till it come to the same BD ; and consequently the straight line FB will be the excess by w ch the Length transmitted by AC with motion uniformly accelerated , will exceed the Length transmitted by the same AC in the same time with Uniform Motion , and with Impetus every where equal to BD. Wherefore if the whole AB be moved Uniformly to CD in the same time in which AC is moved Uniformly to FG , the part FB ( seeing it concurs not at all with the Motion of the side AC which is supposed to be moved onely to FG ) will cōfer nothing to its motion . Again , supposing the side AC to be moved to BD with Motion Uniformly accelerated , the side AB with its uniform Motion to CD will less put forwards the Body when it ▪ is accelerated in all the parallels , then when it is not at all accelerated ; & by how much the greater the acceleration is , by so much the less it will put it forwards ( as is shewn in the 12th Artic. ) When therefore AC is in FG with accelerated Motion , the Body will not be in the side CD at the point G , but at the point D ; so that GD wil be the excess by which the Length transmitted with accelerated Motion to BD , exceeds the Length transmitted with Uniform Motion to FG ; so that the Body by its acceleration avoids the action of the part AF , & comes to the side CD in the time AC , and makes the Length CD , which is equal to the Length AB . Wherefore Uniform Motion from AB to CD in the time AC works no more in the whole Length AB upon the Body uniformly accelerated from AC to BD , then if AC were moved in the same time with uniform Motion to FG ; the difference consisting onely in this , that when AB works upon the Body uniformly moved from AC to FG , that by which the accelerated Motion exceeds the Uniform Motion , is altogether in FB , or GD ; but when the same AB works upon the Body acclerated , that by which the accelerated Motion exceeds the Uniform Motion , is dispersed through the whole Length AB or CD , yet so that if it were collected and put together , it would be equal to the same FB or GD . Wherefore , If two sides which contain an angle which was to be demonstrated . 19 If two transmitted Lengths have to their Times any other proportion explicable by number , & the side AB be so divided in E , that AB be to AE in the same proportion which the Lengths transmitted have to the Times in which they are transmitted , and between AB and AE there be taken a mean proportional AF , it may be shewn by the same method , that the side which is moved with Uniform Motion , works as much with its concourse through the whole Length AB , as it would do if the other Motion were also Uniform , and the Length transmitted in the same Time AC were that mean proportional AF. And thus much concerning Motion by concourse . CHAP. XVII . Of Figures Deficient . 1 Definitions of a Deficient Figure ; of a Complete Figure ; of the Complement of a Deficient Figure ; and of Pro●o●tions which are Proportional and Commensurable to one another . 2 The proportion of a Deficient Figure to its Complement . 3 The proportions of Deficient Figures to the Parallelograms in which they are described , set forth in a Table . 4 The Description and Production of the same Figures . 5 The drawing of Tangents to them . 6 In what proportion the same Figures exceed a straight lined Triangle of the same Altitude and Base . 7 A Table of Solid Deficient Figures described in a Cylinder . 8 In what proportion the same Figures exceed a Cone of the same Altitude and Base . 9 How a plain Deficient Figure may be described in a Parallelogram , so , that it be to a Triangle of the same Base and Altitude , as another Deficient Figure ( plain or solid ) twice taken , is to the same Deficient Figure together with the Complete Figure in which it is described . 10 The transferring of certain properties of Deficient Figures described in a Parallelogram to the proportions of the Spaces transmitted with several degrees of Velocity . 11 Of Deficient Figures described in a Circle . 12 The proposition demonstrated in the 2d . Article , confirmed from the Elements of Philosophy . 13 An unusual way of reasoning concerning the Equality between the superficies of a portion of a Sphere , and a Circle . 14 How from the description of Deficient Figures in a Parallelogram , any number of mean Proportionals may be found out between two given straight lines . 1 I Call those Deficient Figures , which may be understood to be generated by the Uniform Motion of some quantity , which decreases continually , till at last it have no magnitude at all . And I call that a Complete Figure , answering to a Deficient Figure , which is generated with the same motion , and in the same time , by a Quantity which retaines alwayes its whole magnitude . The Complement of a Deficient Figure is that , which being added to the Deficient Figure , makes it Complete . Four Proportions are said to be Proportionall , when the first of them is to the second , as the third is to the fourth . For example , if the first proportion be duplicate to the second ; and again the third be duplicate to the fourth , those Proportions are said to be Proportionall . And Commensurable Proportions are those , which are to one another as number to number . As when to a proportion given , one proportion is duplicate , another triplicate , the duplicate proportion will be to the triplicate proportion as 2 to 3 ; but to the given proportion it will be as 2 to ● ; and therefore I call those three proportions Commensurable . 2 A Deficient Figure , which is made by a Quantity continually decreasing to nothing by proportions every where proportionall and commensurable , is to its Complement , as the proportion of the whole altitude , to an altitude diminished in any time , is to the proportion of the whole Quantity which describes the Figure , to the same Quantity diminished in the same time . Let the quantity AB ( in the 1 figure ) by its motion through the altitude AC , describe the Complete Figure AD ; and againe , let the same quantity , by decreasing continually to nothing in C , describe the Deficient Figure ABEFC , whose Complement will be the Figure BDCFE . Now let AB be supposed to be moved till it lie in GK , so that the altitude diminished be GC , and AB diminished be GE ; and let the proportion of the whole altitude AC to the diminished altitude GC , be ( for example ) triplicate to the proportion of the whole quantity AB or GK , to the diminished quantity GE. And in like manner , let HI be taken equal to GE , & let it be diminished to HF ; and let the proportion of GC to HC be triplicate to that of HI to HF ; & let the same be done in as many parts of the straight line AC as is possible ; and a line be drawn through the points B , E , F and C. I say the Deficient Figure ABEFC , is to its Complement BDCEF as 3 to ● , or as the proportion of AC to GC is to the proportion of AB , that is , of GK to GE. For ( by the second Article of the 15. Chap. ) the proportion of the complement BEFCD to the deficient figure ABEFC , is all the proportions of DB to OE , and of DB to QF , and of all the lines parallel to DB terminated in the line BEFC , to all the parallels to AB terminated in the same points of the line BEFC . And seeing the proportions of DB to OE , and of DB to QF &c are every where triplicate of the proportions of AB to GE , and of AB to HF &c. the proportions of HF to AB , and of GE to AB &c. ( by the 16 Article of the 13 Chap. ) are triplicate of the proportions of QF to DB , and of OE to DB &c. and therefore the deficient figure ABEFC which is the aggregate of all the lines HF , GE , AB , &c. is triple to the complement BEFCD made of all the lines QF , OE , DB , &c. which was to be proved . It follows from hence , That the same complement BEFCD is ¼ of the whole Parallelogram . And by the same method may be calculated in all other Deficient Figures generated as above declared , the proportion of the Parallelogram to either of its parts ; as that when the parallels encrease fom a point in the same proportion , the Parallelogram will be divided into two equal Triangles ; when one encrease is double to the other , it will be divided into a Semiparabola and its Complement , or into 2 and 1. The same construction standing , the same conclusion may otherwise be demonstrated , thus . Let the straight line CB be drawn cutting GK in L , & through L let MN be drawn parallel to the straight line AC ; wherefore the Parallelograms GM and LD will be equal . Then let LK be divided into three equal parts , so that it may be to one of those parts in the same proportion which the proportion of AC to GC or of GK to GL hath to the proportion of GK to GE. Therefore LK will be to one of those three parts as the Arithmetical proportion between GK and GL is to the Arithmetical proportion between GK and the same GK want the third part of LK ; and KE will be somwhat greater then a third of LK . Seeing now the altitude AG or ML is by reason of the continual decrease , to be supposed less then any quantity that can be given ; LK ( which is intercepted between the Diagonal BC and the side BD ) will be also less then any quantity that can be given ; and consequently , if G be put so neer to A in g , as that the difference between Cg and CA be less then any quantity that can be assigned , the difference also between Cl ( removing L to l ) and CB , will be less then any quantity that can be assigned ; and the line gl being drawn & produced to the line BD in k cutting the crooked line in e , the proportion of Gk to Gl will still be triplicate to the proportion of Gk to Ge , and the difference between k and e the third part of kl will be less then any quantity that can be given ; and therefore the Parallelogram eD will differ from a third part of the Parallelogram Ae by a less difference then any quantity that can be assigned . Again , let HI be drawn parallel and equal to ge , cutting CB in P , the crooked line in F , and BD in I , and the proportion of Cg , to CH will be triplicate to the proportion of HF to HP , and IF will be greater then the third part of PI. But again , setting H in h so neer to g , as that the difference between Ch and Cg may be but as a point , the point P will also in p be so neer to l , as that the difference between Cp and Cl will be but as a point ; and drawing hp till it meet with gk in i , cutting the crooked line in f , and having drawn eo parallel to BD , cutting DC in o , the Parallelogram fo will differ less from the third part of the Parallelogram gf , then by any quantity that can be given . And so it will be in all other Spaces generated in the same manner . Wherefore the differences of the Arithmetical and Geometrical Means , which are but as so many points B , e , f , &c. ( seeing the whole Figure is made up of so many indivisible Spaces ) will constitute a certain line , such as is the line BEFC , which will divide the complete Figure AD into two parts ; whereof one , namely ABEFC , which I call a Deficient Figure , is triple to the other , namely BDCEF , which I call the Complement thereof . And whereas the proportion of the altitudes to one another , is in this case everywhere triplicate to that of the decreasing quantities to one another ; in the same manner if the proportion of the altitudes had been every where quadruplicate to that of the decreasing quantities it might have been demonstrated , that the Deficient Figure had been quadruple to its Complement ; and so in any other proportion , Wherefore , a Deficient Figure , which is made , &c. Which was to be demonstrated . The same rule ●oldeth also in the diminution of the Bases of Cylinders , as is demonstrated Chap. 15. Art. 2. ● By this Proposition , the magnitudes of all Deficient Figures ( when the proportions by which their bases decrease continually , are proportionall to those by which their altitudes decrease ) may be compared with the magnitudes of their Complements ; and consequently , with the magnitudes of their Complete Figures . And they will be found to be as I have set them down in the following Tables ; in which I compare a Parallelogram with three-sided Figures ; and first with a straight lined triangle , made by the base of the Parallelogram continually decreasing in such manner ; that the altitudes be alwayes in proportion to one another as the bases are , and so the triangle will be equal to its Complement ; or the proportions of the altitudes and bases wil be as 1 to 1 , and then the triangle will be half the Parallelogram . Secondly , with that three-sided Figure which is made by the continual decreasing of the bases in subduplicate proportion to that of the altitudes ; and so the Deficient Figure will be double to its Complement , and to the Parallelogram as 2 to 3. Then , with that , where the proportion of the altitudes is triplicate to that of the bases ; and then the Deficient Figure will be triple to its Complement , and to the Parallelogram as 3 to 4. Also the proportion of the altitudes to that of the bases may be as 3 to 2 ; and then the Deficient Figure will be to its Complement as 3 to 2 , & to the Parallelogram as 3 to 5 ; and so forwards according as more mean proportionals are taken , or as the proportions are more multiplyed , as may be seen in the following Table . For example , if the bases decrease so , that the proportion of the altitudes to that of the bases be alwayes as 5 to 2 , and it be demanded what proportion the Figure made has to the Parallelogram , which is supposed to be Unity ; then , seeing that where the proportion is taken five times , there must be four Means ; look in the Table amongst the three-sided figures of four Means , and seeing the proportion was as 5 to 2 , look in the uppermost row for the number 2 , and descending in the 2d Columne till you meet with that three-sided Figure , you will finde 5 / 7 ; which shews that the Deficient Figure is to the Parallelogram as 5 / ● to 1 , or as 5 to 7.   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Parallelogram : .......... 1             Straight-sided Triangle ..... ½             Three-sided figure of 1 Mean ⅔             Three-sided figure of 2 Means ¾ ⅗           Three-sided figure of 3 Means ⅘ 4 / 6 4 / 7         Three-sided figure of 4 Means ⅚ 5 / 7 ⅝ 5 9       Three-sided figure of 5 Means 6 / 7 6 / 8 6 / 9 6 / 10 6 / 11     Three-sided figure of 6 Means ⅞ 7 / 9 7 / 10 7 / 11 7 / 12 7 / 13   Three-sided figure of 7 Means 8 / 9 8 / 10 8 / 11 8 / 12 8 / 13 8 / 14 8 / 15 4 Now for the better understanding of the nature of these three-sided figures , I will shew how they may be described by points ; and first , those which are in the first column of the Table . Any Parallelogram being described , as ABCD ( in the 2d . figure , ) let the Diagonal BD be drawn ; and the straight-lined triangle BCD will be half the Parallelogram ; Then let any number of lines , as EF , be drawn parallel to the Side BC , and cutting the Diagonal BD in G ; & let it be every where , as EF to EG , so EG to another EH ; and through all the points H let the line BHHD be drawn ; and the Figure BHHDC will be that which I call a Three-sided Figure of one Mean , because in three proportionals , as EF , EG and EH , there is but one Mean , namely , EG ; and this three-sided figure will be ⅔ of the Parallelogram , and is called a Parabola . Again , let it be as EG to EH , so EH to another EI , and let the line BIID be drawn , making the three-sided figure BIIDC ; & this will be ¾ of the Parallelogram , and is by many called a Cubique Parabola . In like manner , if the proportions be further continued in EF , there will be made the rest of the three-sided figures of the first Column ; which I thus demonstrate . Let there be drawn straight lines , as HK and GL parallel to the base DC . Seeing therefore the proportion of EF to EH is duplicate of that of EF to EG , or of BC to BL , that is , of CD to LG , or of KM ( producing KH to AD in M ) to KH , the proportion of BC to BK will be duplicate to that of KM to KH ; but as BC is to BK , so is DC , or KM to KN ; and therefore the proportion of KM to KN is duplicate to that of KM to KH ; and so it will be wheresoever the parallel KM be placed . Wherefore the Figure BHHDC is double to its Complement BHHDA , and consequently ⅔ of the whole Parallelogram . In the same manner if through I , be drawn OPIQ parallel and equal to CD , it may be demonstrated that the proportion of OQ to OP , that is , of BC to BO , is triplicate to that of OQ to OI , and therefore that the Figure BIIDC is triple to its Complement BIIDA , and consequently ¾ of the whole Parallelogram , &c. Secondly , such three-sided figures as are in any of the transverse rowes , may be thus described . Let ABCD ( in the 3d. Figure ) be a Parallelogram , whose Diagonal is BD. I would describe in it such figures , as in the preceding Table I call Three-sided Figures of three Means . Parallel to DC , I draw EF as often as is necessary , cutting BD in G ; and between EF and EG I take three proportionals EH , EI and EK . If now there be drawn lines through all the points H , I & K ; that through all the points H will make the figure BHDC , which is the first of those three-sided figures ; and that through all the points I , will make the figure BIDC , which is the second ; and that which is drawn through all the points K , will make the figure BKDC the third of those three-sided figures . The first of these ( seeing the proportion of EF to EC is quadruplicate of that of EF to EH ) will be to its Complement as 4 to 1 , and to the Parallelogram as 4 to 5. The second ( seeing the proportion of EF to EG is to that of EF to EI as 4 to 2 ) will be double to its Complement , and 4 / 6 or ⅔ of the Parallelogram . The third ( seeing the proportion of EF to EG is to that of EF to EK as 4 to 3 ) will be to its Complement as 4 to 3 , and to the Parallelogram as 4 to 7. Any of these , figures being described , may be produced at pleasure , thus ; Let ABCD ( in the 4th figure ) be a Parallelogram , and in it let the figure BKDC be described , namely , the third three-sided figure of three Means . Let BD be produced indefinitely to E , and let EF be made parallel to the base DC , cutting AD produced in G , and BC produced in F ; and in GE let the point H be so taken , that the proportion of FE to FG may be quadruplicate to that of FE to FH ( which may be done by making FH the greatest of three proportionals between FE and FG ) ; the crooked line BKD produced , will pass through the point H. For if the straight line BH be drawn , cutting CD in I , and HL be drawn parallel to GD , and meeting CD produced in L ; it will be as FE to FG , so CL to CI ; that is , in quadruplicate proportion to that of FE to FH , or of CD to CI. Wherefore if the line BKD be produced according to its generation , it will fall upon the point H. 5 A straight line may be drawn so , as to touch the crooked line of the said figure in any point , in this manner . Let it be required to draw a Tangent to the line BKDH ( in the 4th figure ) in the point D. Let the points B and D be connected , and drawing DA equal and parallel to BC , let B and A be connected ; and because this figure is by construction the third of three Means , let there be taken in AB three points , so , that by them the same AB be divided into four equal parts ; of which take three , namely , AM , so that AB may be to AM , as the figure BKDC is to its Complement . I say the straight line MD , will touch the figure in the point given D. For let there be drawn any where between AB and DC a parallel , as RQ , cutting the straight line BD , the crooked line BD , the straight line MD , and the straight line AD in the points P , K , O and Q. RK will therefore ( by construction ) be the least of three Means in Geometrical proportion between RQ and RP . Wherefore ( by the Coroll . of the 28th Article of the 13th Chapter ) RK will be less then RO ; and therefore MD will fall without the figure . Now if MD be produced to N , FN will be the least of three Means in Arithmetical proportion between FE and FG ; and FH will be the greatest of three Means in Geometrical proportion between the same FE and FG. Wherefore ( by the same Coroll . of the 28 Artic. of the 13th Chap. ) FH will be less then FN ; and therefore DN will fall without the figure , and the straight line MN will touch the same figure onely in the point D. 6 The proportion of a Deficient Figure to its Complement being known , it may also be known what proportion a straight-lined triangle has to the excess of the Deficient Figure above the same triangle ; and these proportions I have set down in the following Table ; where if you seek ( for example ) how much the fourth three-sided figure of five Means exceeds a triangle of the same altitude and base , you will find in the concourse of the fourth column with the three-sided figures of five Means , 2 / 10 ; by which is signified , that that three-sided figure exceeds the triangle by two tenths , or by one fifth part of the same triangle .   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 The Triangle ............ 1             The Excess of a Three-sided figure of one Mean ⅓             The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 2 Means 2 / 4 ⅕           The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 3 Means ⅗ 2 / 6 1 / 7         The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 4 Means 4 / 6 3 / 7 2 / 8 1 / 9       The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 5 Means 5 / 7 4 / 8 3 / 9 2 / 10 1 / 11     The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 6 Means 6 / 8 5 / 9 4 / 10 3 / 11 2 / 12 1 / 13   The Excess of a Three-sided figure of 7 Means 7 / 9 6 / 10 5 / 11 4 / 12 3 / 13 2 / 14 1 / 15 7 In the next Table are set down the proportion of a Cone , and the Solids of the said three-sided figures , namely , the proportions between them and a Cylinder . As for example , in the concourse of the second Column with the three-sided figures of four Means , you have ● / 9 ; which gives you to understand , that the Solid of the second three-sided figure of four Means is to the Cylinder as ● / 9 to 1 , or as 5 to 9 ,   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 The Cylinder 1             A Cone ⅓             The Solids of a Three-sided figure of one Mean 2 / 4             The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 2 Means ⅗ 3 / 7           The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 3 Means 4 / 6 4 / 8 4 / 10         The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 4 Means 5 / 7 5 / 9 5 / 11 5 / 13       The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 5 Means 6 / 8 6 / 10 6 / 12 6 / 14 6 / 16     The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 6 Means 7 / 9 7 / 11 7 / 13 7 / 15 7 / 17 7 / 19   The Solids of a Three-sided figure of 7 Means 8 / 10 8 / 12 8 / 14 8 / 16 8 / 18 8 / 20 8 / 22 8 Lastly , the Excess of the Solids of the said three-sided figures , above a Cone of the same altitude and base , are set down in the Table which follows   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 The Cone 1             The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of one Mean 6 / 12             The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of 2 Means 12 / 15 6 / 21           The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of 3 Means 18 / 18 12 / 24 6 / 30         The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of 4 Means 24 / 21 18 / 27 12 / 33 6 / 39       The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of 5 Means 30 / 24 24 / 30 18 / 36 12 / 42 6 / 48     The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of 6 Means 36 / 27 30 / 33 24 / 39 18 / 45 12 / 51 6 / 57   The Excesses of the Solids of these three-sided figures above a C n● Of the Solid of a three-sided figure of ● Means 42 / 30 36 / 36 20 / 42 24 / 48 18 / 54 12 / 60 6 / 66 9 If any of these Deficient Figures , of which I have now spoken , as A B C D ( in the 5th figure ) be inscribed within the Complete figure B E , having A D C E for its Complement ; and there be made upon C B produced , the triangle A B I ; and the Parallelogram A B I K be completed ; and there be drawn parallel to the straight line C I , any number of lines as M F , cutting every one of them the crooked line of the Deficient Figure in D , and the straight lines A C , A B and A I in H , G and L ; and as G F is to G D , so G L be made to another G N ; and through all the points N there be drawn the line A N I , there will be a Deficient Figure A N I B , whose Complement will be A N I K. I say the figure A N I B is to the triangle A B I , as the Deficient Figure A B C D twice taken , is to the same Deficient Figure together with the Complete figure B E. For as the proportion of A B to A G , that is , of G M to G L , is to the proportion of G M to G N ; so is the magnitude of the figure A N I B , to that of its Complement A N I K ( by the 2d . Art. of this Chapter . ) But ( by the same Article ) , As the proportion of A B to A G , that is , of G M to G L , is to the proportion of G F to G D , that is , ( by construction ) of G L to G N ; so is the figure A B C D to its Complement A D C E. And by Composition , As the proportion of G M to G L , together with that of G L to G N , is to the proportion of G M to G L ; so is the complete figure B E , to the Deficient Figure A B C D. And by Conversion , As the proportion of G M to G L , is to both the proportions of G M to G L and of G L to G N , that is , to the proportion of G M to G N ( which is the proportion compounded of both ) ; so is the Deficient Figure A B C D , to the complete Figure B E. But it was , As the proportion of G M to G L , to that of G M to G N ; so the figure A N I B to its Complement A N I K. And therefore , A B C D. B E : : A N I B. A N I K are proportionals . And by Composition , A B C D+B E. A B C D : : B K. A N I B are proportionals . And by doubling the Consequents A B C D+B E. 2 A B C D : : B K. 2 A N I B are proportionals . And by taking the halfes of the third & the fourth A B C D+B E. 2 A B C D : : A B I. A N I B are also proportionals ; which was to be proved . 10 From what has been said of Deficient Figures described in a Parallelogram , may be found out what proportions Spaces transmitted with accelerated Motion in determined times , have to the times themselves , according as the moved Body is accelerated in the several times with one or more degrees of Velocity . For , let the Parallelogram A B C D ( in the 6th figure ) and in it the three-sided figure D E B C be described ; and let F G be drawn any where parallel to the base , cutting the Diagonal B D in H , and the crooked line B E D in E ; & let the proportion of B C to B F be ( for example ) triplicate to that of F G to F E ; whereupon the figure D E B C will be triple to its Complement B E D A ; and in like manner , I F being drawn parallel to B C , the three-sided figure E K B F will be triple to its Complement B K E I. Wherefore , the parts of the Deficient Figure cut off from the Vertex by straight lines parallel to the base , namely D E B C and E K B F , will be to one another as the Parallelograms A C and I F ; that is , in proportion compounded of the proportions of the altitudes and bases . Seeing therefore the proportion of the altitude B C to the altitude B F is triplicate to the proportion of the base D C to the base F E , the figure D E B C to the figure E K B F will be quadruplicate to the proportion of the same D C to F E. And by the same method , may be found out , what proportion any of the said three-sided figures , has to any part of the same cut off from the Vertex by a straight line parallel to the base . Now as the said figures are understood to be described by the continual decreasing of the base , as of C D ( for example ) till it end in a point , as in B ; so also they may be understood to be described by the continual encreasing of a point , as of B , till it acquire any magnitude , as that of C D. Suppose now the figure B E D C to be described by the encreasing of the point B to the magnitude C D. Seeing therefore the propor ion of B C to B F is triplicate to that of C D to F E , the proportion of F E to C D will by Conversion ( as I shall presently demonstrate ) be triplicate to that B F to B C. Wherefore , if the straight line B C be taken for the measure of the time in which the point B is moved , the Figure E K B F will represent the Sum of all the encreasing Velocities in the time B F ; and the figure D E B C will in like manner represent the Summe of all the encreasing Velocities in the time B C. Seeing therefore the proportion of the figure E K B F to the figure D E B C , is compounded of the proportions of altitude to altitude , and base to base ; and seeing the proportion of F E to C D is triplicate to that of B F to B C ; the proportion of the figure E K B F to the figure D E B C , will be quadruplicate to that of B F to B C ; that is , the proportion of the Sum of the Velocities in the time B F , to the Sum of the Velocities in the time B C wil be quadruplicate to the proportion of B F to B C. Wherfore if a Body be moved from B with Velocity so encreasing , that the Velocity acquired in the time B F , be to the Velocity acquired in the time B C in triplicate proportion to that of the times themselves B F to B C , and the Body be carried to F in the time B F ; the same Body in the time B C will be carried through a line equal to the fifth proportional from B F in the continual proportion of B F to B C. And by the same manner of working , we may determine , what Spaces are transmitted by Velocities encreasing according to any other proportions . It remains , that I demonstrate the proportion of F E to C D , to be triplicate to that of B F to B C. Seeing therefore the proportion of C D , that is of F G to F E is subtriplicate to that of B C to B F ; the proportion of F G to F E will also be subtriplicate to that of F G to F H. Wherefore the proportion of F G to F H is triplicate to that of F G , that is , of C D to F E. But in four continual proportionals , of which the least is the first , the proportion of the first to the fourth ( by the 16 Art. of the 13 Chap. ) is subtriplicate to the proportion of the third to the same fourh . Wherefore the proportion of F H to G F is subtriplicate to that of F E to C D ; and therefore the proportion of F E to C D is triplicate to that of F H to F G , that is , of B F to B C , which was to be proved . It may from hence be collected , that when the Velocity of a Body , is encreased in the same proportion with that of the times , the degrees of Velocity above one another proceed as numbers do in immediate succession from Unity , namely , as 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. And when the Velocity is encreased in proportion duplicate to that of the times , the degrees proceed as numbers from Unity skipping One , as 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , &c. Lastly , when the proportions of the Velocities are triplicate to those of the times , the progression of the degrees is as that of numbers from Unity skipping Two in every place , as 1 , 4 , 7 , 10 , &c. and so of other proportions . For Geometrical proportionals , when they are taken in every point , are the same with Arithmetical proportionals . 11 Moreover , it is to be noted , that as in quantities which are made by any magnitudes decreasing , the proportions of the figures to one another , are as the proportions of the altitudes to those of the bases ; so also it is in those which are made with motion decreasing , which motion is nothing else but that power by which the described figures are greater or less . And therefore in the description of Archimedes his Spiral , which is done by the continual diminution of the Semidiameter of a Circle in the same proportion in which the Circumference is diminished , the Space which is contained within the Semidiameter and the Spiral Line , is a third part of the whole Circle . For the Semidiameters of Circles , in as much as Circles are understood to be made up of the aggregate of them , are so many Sectors ; and therefore in the description of a Spiral , the Sector which describes it , is diminished in duplicate proportions to the diminutions of the Circumference of the Circle in which it is inscribed ; so that the Complement of the Spiral ( that is , that space in the Circle which is without the Spiral Line , ) is double to the space within the Spiral Line . In the same manner , if there be taken a mean proportional every where between the Semidiameter of the Circle which contains the Spiral , and that part of the Semidiameter which is within the same , there will be made another figure , which will be half the Circle . And to conclude , this Rule serves for all such Spaces as may be described by a Line or Superficies decreasing either in magnitude or power ; so that if the proportions in which they decrease , be commensurable to the proportions of the times in which they decrease , the magnitudes of the figures they describe will be known . 12 The truth of that proposition which I demonstrated in the second Article ( which is the foundation of all that has been said concerning Deficient Figures ) may be derived from the Elements of Philosophy , as having i●● original in this ; That all equality and inequality between two effects , ( that is , all Proportion ) proceeds from , and is determined by the equal and unequal causes of those effects , or from the proportion which the causes concurring to one effect , have to the causes which concurre to the producing of the other effect ; and that therefore the proportions of Quantities are the same with the proportions of their causes . Seeing therefore two Deficient Figures ( of which one is the Complement of the other ) are made , one by motion decreasing in a certain time and proportion , the other by the loss of Motion in the same time , the causes which make and determine the quantities of both the figures , so , that they can be no other then they are , differ onely in this , that the proportions by which the quantity which generates the figure proceeds in describing of the same , ( that is , the proportions of the remainders of all the times and altitudes ) may be other proportions then those by which the same generating quantity decreases in making the Complement of that Figure , ( that is , the proportions of the quantity which generates the Figure continually diminished . ) Wherefore , as the proportions of the quantity in which Motion is lost , is to that of the decreasing quantities by which the Deficient Figure is generated , so will the Defect or Complement be to the Figure it self which is generated . 13 There are also other quantities which are determinable from the knowledge of their causes , namely , from the comparison of the Motions by which they are made , and that more easily then from the common Elements of Geometry . For example , That the Superficies of any portion of a Sphere , is equal to that Circle , whose Radius is a straight Line drawn from the Pole of the portion to the Circumference of its base , I may demonstrate in this manner . Let B A C ( in the 7 Figure ) be a portion of a Sphere , whose Axis is A E , & whose base is B C ; & let A B be the straight line drawn from the Pole A to the base in B ; and let A D , equal to A B , touch the great Circle B A C in the Pole A. It is to be proved that the Circle made by the Radius A D , is equal to the Superficies of the portion B A C. Let the plain A E B D be understood to make a revolution about the Axis A E ; & it is manifest that by the straight line A D a Circle will be described ; and by the arch A B the Superficies of a portion of a Sphere , and lastly , by the Subtense A B the Superficies of a right Cone . Now seeing both the straight line A B , and the arch A B make one and the same revolution , and both of them have the same extreme points A and B , the cause why the the Spherical Superficies which is made by the arch , is greater then the Conical Superficies which is made by the Subtense , is , that A B the arch , is greater then A B the Subtense ; and the cause why it is greater consists in this , that although they be both drawn from A to B , yet the Subtense is drawn straight , but the arch angularly , namely according to that angle which the arch makes with the Subtense , which angle is equal to the angle D A B ( for an angle of contingence adds nothing to an angle of a Segment , as has been shewn in the 14 Chapter at the 16th Article . ) Wherefore the magnitude of the angle D A B is the cause why the Superficies of the portion described by the arch A B , is greater then the Superficies of the right Cone described by the Subtense A B. Again , the cause why the Circle described by the Tangent A D is greater then the Superficies of the right Cone described by the Subtense A B ( notwitstanding that the Tangent and the Subtense are equal , and both moved round in the same time ) is this , that A D stands at right angles to the Axis , but A B obliquely ; which obliquity consists in the same angle D A B. Seeing therefore the quantity of the angle D A B is that which makes the excess both of the Superficies of the Portion , and of the Circle made by the Radius A D , above the superficies of the Right Cone described by the subtense A B ; it follows , that both the Superficies of the Portion , and that of the Circle , do equally exceed the Superficies of the Cone . Wherefore , the Circle made by A D , or A B , and the Spherical Superficies made by the arch A B , are equal to one another ; which was to be proved . ●4 If these Deficient Figures which I have described in a 〈◊〉 , were capable of exact description , then any number of mean proportionals might be found out between two straight lines given . For example , in the Parallelogram A B C D , ( in the 8th . Figure ) let the three-sided figure of two Means be described , ( which many call a Cubical Parabola ) ; and let R and S be two given straight lines ; between which , if it be required to find two mean proportionals , it may be done thus . Let it be as R to S , so B C to B F ; and let F E be drawn parallel to B A , and cut the crooked line in E ; then through E let G H be drawn parallel and equal to the straight line A D , and cut the Diagonal B D in I ; for thus we have G I the greatest of two Means between G H and G E , as appears by the description of the figure in the 4th Article . Wherefore if it be as G H to G I , so R to another line T , that T will be the greatest of two Means between R and S. And therefore if it be again as R to T , so T to another line X , that will be done which was required . In the same manner , four mean proportionals may be found out , by the description of a three-sided figure of four Means ; and so , any other number of Means , &c. CHAP. XVIII . Of the Equation of Straight Lines with the Crooked Lines of Parabolas and other Figures made in imitation of Parabolas . 1 To find a straight Line equal to the crooked Line of a Semiparabola . 2 To find a straight Line equal to the Crooked Line of the first Semiparabolaster , or to the Crooked Line of any other of the Deficient Figures of the Table of the 3d. Article of the pr●●edent Chapter . 1 AParabola being given , to find a Straight Line equal to the Crooked Line of the Semiparabola . Let the Parabolical Line given be ABC ( in the first Figure ) , and the Diameter found be AD , and the base drawn DC , and the Parallelogram ADCE being completed , draw the straight Line AC . Then dividing AD into two equal parts in F , draw FH equal and parallel to DC , cutting AC in K , and the parabolical line in O ; and between FH and FO take a mean proportional FP , and draw AO , AP and PC . I say that the two Lines AP and PC taken together as one Line , is equal to the parabolical line ABOC . For the line ABOC being a parabolical line , is generated by the concourse of two Motions , one Uniform from A to E , the other in the same time uniformly accelerated from rest in A to D. And because the motion from A to E is uniform , AE may represent the times of both those motions from the beginning to the end . Let therefore AE be the time ; and consequently the lines ordinately applyed in the Semiparabola , will designe the parts of time wherein the Body that describeth the line ABOC is in every point of the same ; so that as at the end of the time AE or DC it is in C , so at the end of the time FO it will be in O. And because the Velocity in AD is encreased uniformly , that is , in the same proportion with the time , the same lines ordinately applyed in the Semiparabola will designe also the continual augmentations of the Impetus , till it be at the greatest , designed by the base DC . Therefore supposing Uniform motion in the line AF , in the time FK the Body in A by the concourse of the two uniform motions in AF and FK will be moved uniformly in the line AK ; and KO wil be the encrease of the Impetus or Swiftness gained in the time FK ; and the line AO will be uniformly described by the concourse of the two uniform motions in AF and FO in the time FO . From O draw OL parallel to EC , cutting AC in L ; & draw LN parallel to DC , cutting EC in N , and the parabolical line in M ; and produce it on the other side to AD in I ; and IN , IM and IL will be ( by the construction of a Parabola ) in continual proportion , & equal to the three lines FH , FP and FO ; and a straight line parallel to EC passing through M will fall on P ; and therefore OP will be the encrease of Impetus gained in the time FO or IL. Lastly , produce PM to CD in Q ; and QC , or MN , or PH will be the encrease of Impetus proportional to the time FP , or IM , or DQ . Suppose now uniform motion from H to C in the time PH. Seeing therefore in the time FP with uniform motion and the Impetus encreased in proportion to the times , is described the straight line AP ; and in the rest of the time and Impetus , namely PH , is described the line CP uniformly ; it followeth that the whole line APC is described with the whole Impetus , and in the same time wherewith is described the parabolicall line ABC ; and therefore the line APC , made of the two straight lines AP and PC , is equal to the parabolical line ABC ; which was to be proved . 2 To find a Straight line equal to the Crooked line of the first Semiparabolaster . Let ABC be the Crooked line of the first Semiparabolaster ; AD the Diameter ; DC the Base ; and let the Parallelogram completed be ADCE , whose Diagonal is AC . Divide the Diameter into two equal parts in F , and draw FH equal and parallel to DC , ●utting AC in K , the Crooked line in O , and EC in H. Then draw OL parallel to EC , cutting AC in L ; and draw LN parallel to the base DC , cutting the Crooked line in M , and the straight line EC in N ; and produce it on the other side to AD in I. Lastly , through the point M draw PMQ parallel and equal to HC , cutting FH in P ; and joyn CP , AP and AO . I say the two Straight lines AP and PC are equal to the Crooked line ABOC . For the line ABOC being the Crooked line of the first Semiparabolaster , is generated by the concourse of two Motions , one uniform from A to E , the other in the same time accelerated from rest in A to D , so as that the Impetus encreaseth in proportion perpetually triplicate to that of the encrease of the time , or ( which is all one ) the lengths transmitted are in proportion triplicate to that of the times of their transmission ; for as the Impetus or Quicknesses encrease , so the Lengths transmitted encrease also . And because the motion from A to E is uniform , the line AE may serve to represent the time , and consequently the lines ordinately drawn in the Semiparabolaster , will designe the parts of time wherein the Body beginning from rest in A , describeth by its motion the Crooked line ABOC . And because DC which represents the greatest acquired Impetus is equal to AE , the same ordinate lines will represent the several augmentations of the Impetus encreasing from rest in A. Therefore supposing uniform Motion from A to F in the time FK , there will be described by the concourse of the two uniform Motions AF and FK the line AK uniformly , and KO will be the encrease of Impetus in the time FK ; And by the concourse of the two uniform Motions in AF and FO , will be described the line AO uniformly . Through the point L draw the straight line LMN parallel to DC , cutting the straight line AD in I , the crooked line ABC in M , and the straight line EC in N ; and through the point M the straight line PMQ parallel and equal to HC , cutting DC in Q , and FH in P. By the concourse therefore of the two uniform Motions in AF and FP in the time FP will be uniformly described the straight line AP ; and LM or OP will be the encrease of Impetus to be added for the time FO . And because the proportion if IN to I L is triplicate to the proportion of I N to I M , the proportion of F H to F O will also be triplicate to the proportion of F H to F P ; and the proportional Impetus gained in the time F P is P H. So that F H being equal to P C which designed the whole Impetus acquired by the acceleration , there is no more encrease of Impetus to be computed . Now in the time P H suppose an uniform motion from H to C ; and by the two uniform motions in C H and H P will be described uniformly the Straight line P C. Seeing therefore the two Straight lines A P and P C are described in the time A E with the same encrease of Impetus wherewith the Crooked line A B C is described in the same time A E , that is , seeing the Line A P C and the Line A B C are transmitted by the same Body in the same Time , & with equal Velocities , the Lines themselves are equal ; which was to be demonstrated . By the same method , if any of the Semiparabolasters in the Table of the 3d Article of the precedent Chapter be exhibited , may be found a Straight line equal to the Crooked line thereof , namely , by dividing the Diameter into two equal parts , and proceeding as before . Yet no man hitherto hath compared any Crooked with any Straight Line , though many Geometricians of every Age have endeavoured it . But the cause why they have not done it may be this , that there being in Euclide no Definition of Equality , nor any mark by which to judge of it besides Congruity ( which is the 8th . Axiome of the first Book of his Elements ) a thing of no use at all in the comparing of Straight and Crooked ; and others after Euclide ( except Archimedes and Apollonius , and in our time Bo●a●entura ) thinking the industry of the Ancients had reached to all that was to be done in Geometry , thought also , that all that could be propounded , was either to be deduced from what they had written , or else that it was not at all to be done . It was therefore disputed by some of those Ancients themselves , whether there might be any Equality at all between Crooked and Straight Lines ; Which question Archimedes ( who assumed that some Straight line● was equal to the Circumference of a Circle ) seems to have despised , as he had reason . And there is a late Writer that granteth that between a Straight and a Crooked Line there is Equality ; but now , now sayes he , since the fall of Adam , without the special assistance of Divine Grace , it is not to be found ▪ CHAP. XIX . Of Angles of Incidence and Reflection , equal by supposition . 1 If two straight lines falling upon another straight line be parallel , the lines reflected from them shall also be parallel . 2 If two straight lines drawn from one point , fall upon another straight line , the lines reflected from them , if they be drawn out the other way , will me●t in an angle equal to the angle made by the lines of Incidence . 3 If two straight parallel lines drawn ( not oppositely but ) from the same parts , fall upon the Circumference of a Circle , the lines reflected from them , if produced they meet within the Circle , will make an angle double , to that which is made by two straight lines drawn from the Center to the points of Incidence . 4 If two straight lines drawn from the same point without a Circle fall upon the Circumference , and the lines reflected from them , being produced meet within the Circle , they will make an angle equal to twice that angle which is made by two straight lines drawn from the Center to the points of Incidence , together with the angle which the incident lines themselves make . 5 If two straight lines drawn from one point fall upon the concave Circumference of a Circle , and the angle they make be less then twice the angle at the Center , the lines reflected from them , and meeting within the Circle , will make an angle which being added to the angle of the incident lines , will be equal to twice the angle at the Center . 6 If through any one point two unequal Chords be drawn cutting one another , and the Center of the Circle be not placed between them , and the lines reflected from them concurre wheresoever , there cannot through the point through which the two former lines were drawn , be drawn any other straight line , whose reflected line shall pass through the common point of the two former lines reflected . 7 In equal Chords the same is not true . 8 Two points being given in the Circumference of a Circle , to draw two straight lines to them , so as that their reflected lines may contain any angle given . 9 If a straight line falling upon the Circumference of a Circle be produced till it reach the Semidiameter , and that part of it which is intercepted between the Circumference and the Semidiameter , be equal to that part of the Semidiameter which is between the point of concourse & the center , the reflected line will be parallel to the Semidiameter . 10 If from a point within a Circle , two straight lines be drawn to the Circumference , and their reflected lines meet in the Circumference of the same Circle , the angle made by the reflected lines , will be a third part of the angle made by the incident lines . WHether a Body , falling upon the superficies of another Body and being reflected from it , do make equal angles at that superficies , it belongs not to this place to dispute , being a knowledge which depends upon the natural causes of Reflection ; of which hitherto nothing has been said , but shall be spoken of hereafter . In this place therefore let it be supposed , that the angle of Incidence is equal to the angle of Reflection , that our present search may be applyed not to the finding out of the causes , but some consequences of the same . I call an Angle of Incidence , that which is made between a straight line and another line ( straight or crooked ) upon which it falls , and which I call the Line Reflecting ; and an Angle of Reflection equal to it , that which is made at the same point between the straight line which is reflected , and the line reflecting . 1 If two straight lines which fall upon another straight line be be parallel , their reflected lines shall be also parallel . Let the two straight lines AB and CD ( in the 1 figure ) which fall upon the straight line EF , at the points B and D , be parallel ; and let the lines reflected from them be BG and DH . I say BG and DH are also parallel . For the angles ABE and CDE are equal by reason of the parallellelisme of AB and CD ; and the angles GBF and HDF are equal to them by supposition ; for the lines BG and DH are reflected from the lines AB and CD . Wherefore BG and DH are parallel . 2 If two straight lines drawn from the same point , fall upon another straight line , the lines reflected from them , if they be drawn out the other way , will meet in an angle equal to the angle of the Incident lines . From the point AC ( in the 2d . figure ) let the two straight lines AB and AD be drawn ; and let them fall upon the straight line EK at the points B and D ; and let the lines BI and DG be reflected from them . I say , IB and GD do converge , and that if they be produced on the other side of the line EK they shall meet , as in F ; and that the angle BFD shal be equal to the angle BAD . For the angle of Reflection IBK is equal to the angle of Incidence ABE ; and to the angle IBK , its vertical angle EBF is equal ; and therefore the angle ABE is equal to the angle EBF . Again the angle ADE is equal to the angle of Reflection GDK , that is , to its vertical angle EDF ; and therefore the two angles ABD and ADB of the triangle ABD , are one by one equal to the two angles FBD and FDB of the triangle FBD ; Wherfore also the third angle BAD is equal to the third angle BFD , which was to be proved . Corollary 1. If the straight line AF be drawn , it will be perpendicular to the straight line EK . For both the angles at E will be equal , by reason of the equality of the two angles ABE and FBE , and of the two sides AB and FB . Corollary 2. If upon any point between B and D there fall a straight line , as AC , whose reflected line is CH , this also produced beyond C , will fall upon F ; which is evident by the demonstration above . 3 If from two points taken without a Circle , two straight parallel lines drawn ( not oppositely but ) from the same parts , fall upon the Circumference ; the lines reflected from them , if produced they meet within the Circle , will make an angle double to that which is made by two straight lines drawn from the Center to the points of Incidence . Let the two straight parallels AB and DC ( in the 3d figure ) fall upon the Circumference BC at the points B and C ; and let the Center of the Circle be E ; and let AB reflected be BF , and DC reflected be CG ; and let the lines FB and GC produced meet within the Circle in H ; and let EB and EC be connected . I say the angle FHG is double to the angle BEC . For seeing AB and DC are parallels , and EB cuts AB in B , the same EB produced will cut DC somewhere ; let it cut it in D , & let DC be produced howsoever to I , and let the intersection of DC & BF be at K. The angle therefore ICH ( being external to the triangle CKH , ) will be equal to the two opposite angles CKH and CHK . Again , ICE ( being external to the triangle CDE ) is equal to the two angles at D and E. Wherefore the angle ICH , being double to the angle ICE , is equal to the angles at D and E twice taken ; and therefore the two angles CKH and CHK are equal to the two angles at D and E twice taken . But the angle CKH is equal to the angles D and ABD , that is , D twice taken , ( for AB and DC being parallels , the altern angles D , and ABD are equal ) . Wherefore CHK , that is the angle , FHG is also equal to the angle at E twice taken ; which was to be proved . Corollary . If from two points taken within a circle , two straight parallels fall upon the circumference , the lines reflected from them shall meet in an angle , double to that which is made by two straight lines drawn from the center to the points of Incidence . For the parallels LB and IC falling upon the points B and C , are reflected in the lines BH and CH , and make the angle at H double to the angle at E , as was but now demonstrated - 4 If two straight lines drawn from the same point without a circle , fall upon the circumference , and the lines reflected from them being produced meet within the circle , they will make an angle equal to twice that angle which is made by two straight lines drawn from the center to the points of Incidence together with the angle which the incident lines themselves make . Let the two straight lines AB and AC ( in the 4th figure ) be drawn from the point A to the circumference of the circle , whose center is D ; and let the lines reflected from them be BE and CG , and being produced make within the circle the angle H ; also let the two straight lines DB and DC be drawn from the center D to the points of Incidence B and C. I say the angle H is equal to twice the angle at D together with the angle at A. For let AC be produced howsoever to I. Therefore the angle CH ( which is external to the triangle CKH ) will be equal to the two angles GKH and CHK . Again , the angle ICD ( which is external to the triangle CLD ) wil be equal to the two angles CLD and CDL . But the angle ICH is double to the angle ICD , and is therefore equal to the angles CLD and CDL twice taken . Wherefore the angles CKH and CHK are equal to the angles CLD and CDL twice taken . But the angle CLD ( being external to the triangle ALB ) is equal to the two angles LAB & LBA ; & consequently CLD twice taken is equal to LAB & LAB twice taken . Wherefore CKH & CHK are equal to the angle CDL together with LAB and LBA twice taken . Also the angle CKH is equal to the angle LAB once , and ABK , that is , LBA twice taken . Wherefore the Angle CHK is equal to the remaining angle CDL ( that is , to the angle at D ) twice taken , and the angle LAB ( that is , the angle at A ) once taken ; which was to be proved . Corollary . If two straight converging lines , as IC and MB fall upon the concave circumference of a circle , their reflected lines , as CH and BH , will meet in the angle H , equal to twice the angle D , together with the angle at A made by the ●ncident lines produced . Or , if the Incident lines be HB and IC , whose reflected lines CH and BM meet in the point N , the angle CNB will be equal to twice the angle D , together with the angle CKH made by the lines of Incidence . For the angle CNB is equal to the angle H ( that is , to twice the angle D ) together with the two angles A and NBH ( that is KBA ) . But the angles KBA and A are equal to the angle CKH . Wherefore the angle CNB is equal to twice the angle D , together with the angle CKH made by the lines of Incidence IC and HB produced to K. 5 If two straight lines drawn from one point , fall upon the concave circumference of a circle , and the angle they make be lesse then twice the angle at the center ; the lines reflected from them , and meeting within the circle , will make an angle , which being added to the angle of the incident lines , will be equal to twice the angle at the center . Let the two Lines AB and AC ( in the 5th figure ) drawn from the point A , fall upon the concave circumference of the circle whose center is D ; & let their reflected Lines BE and CE meet in the point E ; also let the angle A be less then twice the angle D. I say the angles A and E together taken are equal to twice the angle D. For let the straight Lines AB and EC cut the straight Lines DC and DB in the points G and H ; and the angle BHC will be equal to the two angles EBH and E ; also the same angle BHC will be equal to the two angles D and DCH ; and in like manner the angle BGC will be equal to the two angles ACD & A , & the same angle BGC will be also equal to the two angles DBG and D. Wherefore the four angles EBH , E , ACD and A are equal to the four angles D , DCH , DBG and D. If therefore equals be taken away on both sides , namely , on one side ACD and EBH , and on the other side DCH and DBG ( for the angle EBH is equal to the angle DBG , and the angle ACD equal to the angle DCH ) the remainders on both sides will be equal , namely , on one side the angles A and E , and on the other the angle D twice taken . Wherefore the angles A and E are equal to twice the angle D. Corollary . If the angle A be greater then twice the angle D , their reflected ●●ines will diverge . For , by the Corollary of the third Proposition , if the angle A be equal to twice the angle D , the reflected Lines BE and CE will be parallel ; and if it be lesse , they will concurre , as has now been demonstrated ; and therefore if it be greater , the reflected Lines BE and CE will diverge , and consequently , if they be produced the other way , they will concurre , and make an angle equal to the excesse of the angle A above twice the angle D ; as is evident by the fourth Article . 6 If through any one point , two unequal chords be drawn , cutting one another , either within the circle , or ( if they be produced ) without it , and the center of the circle be not placed between them , and the Lines reflected from them concurre wheresoever ; there cannot through the point through which the former Lines were drawn , be drawn another straight Line , whose reflected Line shall passe through the point where the two former reflected Lines concurre . Let any two unequal chords , as BK and CH ( in the 6th Figure ) be drawn through the point A in the circle BC ; and let their reflected Lines BD and CE meet in F ; and let the center not be between AB and AC ; and from the point A let any other straight Line as AG be drawn to the circumference between B and C. I say GN , which passes through the point F , where the reflected Lines BD and CE meet , will not be the reflected Line of AG. For let the arch BL be taken equal to the arch BG , and the straight Line BM equal to the straight Line BA ; and LM being drawn , let it be produced to the circūmference in O. Seeing therefore BA and BM are equal , and the arch BL equal to the arch BG , and the angle MBL equal to the angle ABG , AG and ML will also be equal , and ( producing GA to the circumference in I ) the whole lines LO and GI will in like manner be equal . But LO is greater then GFN ( as shall presently be demonstrated ) and therefore also GI is greater then GN . Wherefore the angles NGC and IGB are not equal . Wherefore the Line GFN is not reflected from the Line of Incidence AG , and consequently no other straight Line ( besides AB and AC ) which is drawn through the point A , and fa●ls upon the circumference BC , can be reflected to the point F , which was to be demonstrated . It remains that I prove LO to be greater then GN ; which I shall do in this manner . LO and GN cut one another in P ; and PL is greater then PG. Seeing now LP . PG : : PN . PO are proportionals , therefore the two Extremes LP and PO together taken , ( that is LO ) , are greater then PG and PN together taken , ( that is , GN , ) which remained to be proved . 7 But if two equal chords be drawn through one point within a circle , and the Lines reflected from them meet in another point , then another straight Line may be drawn between them through the former point , whose reflected Line shall pass through the later point . Let the two equal chords BC and ED ( in the 7th figure ) cut one another in the point A within the circle BCD ; and let their reflected Lines CH and DI meet in the point F. Then dividing the arch CD equally in G , let the two chords GK and GL be drawn through the points A and F. I say GL will be the Line reflected from the chord KG . For the four chords BC , CH , ED and DI , are by supposition all equal to one another ; and therefore the arch BCH is equal to the arch EDI ; as also the angle BCH to the angle EDI ; & the angle AMC to its vertical angle FMD ; and the straight Line DM to the straight Line CM ; and in like manner , the straight Line AC to the straight Line FD ; and the chords CG and GD being drawn , will also be equal ; as also the angles FDG and ACG , in the equal Segments GDI and GCB . Wherefore the straight Lines FG and AG are equal ; and therefore the angle FGD is equal to the angle AGC , that is , the angle of Incidence equal to the angle of Reflection . Wherefore the line GL is reflected from the incident Line KG ; which was to be proved . Corollary . By the very sight of the figure , it is manifest , that if G be not the middle point between C and D , the reflected Line GL will not pass through the point F. 8 Two points in the circumference of a circle being given , to draw two straight Lines to them , so as that their reflected Lines may be parallel , or contain any angle given . In the circumference of the circle whose center is A ( in the 8th . figure ) let the two points B and C be given ; and let it be required to draw to them from two points taken without the circle , two incident Lines , so , that their reflected Lines may ( first ) be parallel . Let AB and AC be drawn ; as also any incident Line DC , with its reflected Line CF ; and let the angle ECD be made double to the angle A ; and let HB be drawn parallel to EC , and produced till it meet with DC produced in I. Lastly , producing AB indefinitely to K , let GB be drawn , so , that the angle GBK may be equal to the angle HBK , and then GB will be the reflected Line of the incident Line HB . I say DC and HB are two incident Lines , whose reflected Lines CF and BG are parallel . For seeing the angle ECD is double to the angle BAC , the angle HIC is also ( by reason of the parallels EC and HI ) double to the same BAC ; Therefore also FC and GB ( namely the lines reflected from the incident lines DC and HB are parallel . Wherefore the first thing required , is done . Secondly , let it be required to draw to the points B & C two straight lines of Incidence , so , that the lines reflected from them may contain the given angle Z. To the angle ECD made at the point C , let there be added on one side the angle DCL equal to half Z , and on the other side the angle ECM equal to the angle DCL ; and let the straight Line BN be drawn parallel to the straight line CM ; and let the angle KBO be made equal to the angle NBK ; which being done , BO will be the Line of Reflection from the Line of Incidence NB. Lastly , from the incident Line LC , let the reflected Line CO be drawn , cutting BO at O , and making the angle COB . I say the angle COB is equal to the angle Z. Let NB be produced till it meet with the straight line LC produced in P. Seeing therefore the angle LCM is by construction equal to twice the angle BAC together with the angle Z ; the angle NPL ( which is equal to LCM by reason of the parallels NP and MC ) will also be equal to twice the same angle BAC together with the angle Z. And seeing the two straight lines OC and OB fall from the point O upon the points C and B ; and their reflected lines LC and NB meet in the point P ; the angle NPL will be equal to twice the angle BAC together with the angle COP . But I have already proved the angle NPL to be equal to twice the angle BAC together with the angle Z. Therefore the angle COP is equal to the angle Z ; Wherefore , Two points in the circumference of a Circle being given , I have drawn , &c. which was to be done . But if it be required to draw the incident Lines from a point within the circle , so , that the Lines reflected from them may contain an angle equal to the angle Z , the same method is to be used , saving that in this case the angle Z is not to be added to twice the angle BAC , but to be taken from it . 9 If a straight line falling upon the circumference of a circle , be produced till it reach the Semidiameter , and that part of it which is intercepted between the circumference and the Semidiameter , be equal to that part of the Semidiameter which is between the point of concourse and the center , the reflected Line will be parallel to the Semidiameter . Let any Line AB ( in the 9th figure ) be the Semidiameter of the circle whose center is A ; and upon the circumference BD let the straight Line CD fall , and be produced till it cut AB in E , so , that ED and EA may be equal ; & from the incident Line CD let the Line DF be reflected . I say AB and DF will be parallel . Let AG be drawn through the point D. Seeing therefore ED and EA are equal , the angles EDA and EAD will also be equal . But the angles FDG and EDA are equal ( for each of them is half the angle EDH or FDC . ) Wherefore the angles FDG and EAD are equal ; and consequently DF and AB are parallel ; which was to be proved . Corollahy . If EA be greater then ED , then DF and AB being produced will concurre ; but if EA be less then ED , then BA and DH being produced will concurre . 10 If from a point within a circle , two straight Lines be drawn to the Circumference , and their reflected Lines meet in the Circumference of the same circle , the angle made by the Lines of Reflection , will be a third part of the angle made by the Lines of Incidence . From the point B ( in the 10th figure ) taken within the circle whose center is A , let the two straight lines BC and BD be drawn to the circumference ; and let their reflected Lines CE and DE meet in the circumference of the same circle at the point E. I say the angle CED will be a third part of the angle CBD . Let AC and AD be drawn . Seeing therefore the angles CED and CBD together taken , are equal to twice the angle CAD ( as has been demonstrated in the 5th article ) ; and the angle CAD twice taken is quadruple to the angle CED ; the angles CED and CBD together taken , will also be equal to the angle CED four times taken ; and therefore if the angle CED be taken away on both sides , there will remain the angle CBD on one side , equal to the angle CED thrice taken on the other side ; which was to be demonstrated . Coroll . Therefore a point being given within a Circle , there may be drawn two Lines from it to the Circumference , so as their reflected Lines may meet in the Circumference . For it is but trisecting the Angle CBD ; which how it may be done , shall be shewn in the following Chapter . CHAP. XX. Of the Dimension of a Circle , and the Division of Angles or Arches . 1 The Dimension of a Circle neer determined in Numbers by Archimedes and others . 2 The first attempt for the finding out of the Dimension of a Circle by Lines . 3 The second attempt for the finding out of the Dimension of a Circle from the consideration of the nature of Crookedness . 4 The third attempt ; and some things propounded to be further searched into . 5 The Equation of the Spiral of Archimedes with a straight Line . 6 Of the Analysis of Geometricians by the Powers of Lines . 1 IN the comparing of an Arch of a Circle with a Straight Line , many and great Geometricians , even from the most ancient times , have exercised their wits ; and more had done the same , if they had not seen their pains , though undertaken for the common good , if not brought to perfection , vilified by those that envy the prayses of other men . Amongst those Ancient Writers whose Works are come to our hands , Archimedes was the first that brought the Length of the Perimeter of a Circle within the limits of Numbers very litle differing from the truth ; demonstrating the same to be less then three Diameters and a seventh part , but greater then three Diameters and ten seventy one parts of the Diameter . So that supposing the Radius to consist of 10000000 equal parts , the Arch of a Quadrant will be between 15714285 and 15 04225 of the same parts . In our times Ludovicus Van Cullen & Willebrordus Snellius with joint endeavour have come yet neerer to the truth ; and pronounced from true Principles , that the Arch of a Quadrant ( putting , as before 10000000 for Radius ) differs not one whole Unity from the number 15707963 ; which , if they had exhibited their arithmetical operations ( and no man had discovered any errour in that long work of theirs ) had been demonstrated by them . This is the furthest progress that has been made by the way of Numbers ; and they that have proceeded thus far deserve the praise of Industry . Nevertheless , if we consider the benefit ( which is the scope at which all Speculation should aime ) the improvement they have made has been little , or none . For any ordinary man may much sooner , & more accurately find a Straight Line equal to the Perimeter of a Circle , and consequently square the Circle , by winding a small thred about a given Cylinder , then any Geometrician shall do the same by dividing the Radius into 10000000 equal parts . But though the length of the Circumference were exactly set out , either by Numbers , or mechanically , or onely by chance , yet this would contribute no help at all towards the Section of Angles , unless happily these two Problemes , To divide a given Angle according to any proportion assigned , and To finde a Straight Line equal to the Arch of a Circle , were reciprocal , and followed one another . Seeing therefore the benefit proceeding from the knowledge of the Length of the Arch of a Quadrant , consists in this , that we may there by divide an Angle according to any proportion , either accurately , or at least accurately enough for common use ; and seeing this cannot be done by Arithmetick , I thought fit to attempt the same by Geometry ; and in this Chapter to make trial whether it might not be performed by the drawing of Straight and Circular Lines . 2 Let the Square A B C D ( in the first figure ) be described ; and with the Radii A B , B C and D C the three Arches B D , C A and A C ; of which let the two B D and C A cut one another in E , and the two B D and A C in F. The Diagonals therefore B D and A C being drawn will cut one another in the center of the Square G , and the two Arches B D and C A into two equal parts in H and Y ; and the Arch B H D will be trisected in F and E. Through the Center G let the two Straight Lines K G L and M G N be drawn parallel and equal to the sides of the Square A B and A D , cutting the four sides of the same Square in the points K , L , M and N ; which being done , K L will pass through F , and M N through E. Then let O P be drawn parallel and equal to the side B C , cutting the Arch B F D in F , and the sides A B and D C in O and P. Therefore O F will be the Sine of the arch B F , which is an arch of 30 degrees ; and the same O F will be equal to half the Radius . Lastly , dividing the arch B F in the middle in Q , let R Q the Sine of the arch B Q be drawn and produced to S ▪ so that Q S be equal to R Q , and consequently R S be equal to the chord of the arch B F ; and let F S be drawn and produced to T in the side B C. I say , the Straight Line B T is equal to the Arch B F ; and consequently that B V the triple of B T is equal to the Arch of the Quadrant B F E D. Let T F be produced till it meet the side B A produced in X ; and dividing O F in the middle in Z , let . Q Z be drawn and produced till it meet with the side B A produced . Seeing therefore the Straight Lines R S and O F are parallel , and divided in the midst in Q and Z , Q Z produced will fall upon X , and X Z Q produced to the side B C will cut B T in the midst in α. Upon the Straight line F Z the fourth part of the Radius A B let the equilateral triangle a Z F be constituted ; & upon the center a , with the Radius a Z let the arch Z F be drawn ; which arch Z F will therefore be equal to the arch Q F the half of the arch B F. Again , let the straight line Z O be cut in the midst in b , and the straight line b O in the midst in c ; and let the bisection be continued in this manner till the last part O c be the least that can possibly be taken ; and upon it , and all the rest of the parts equal to it into which the straight line O F may be cut , let so many equilateral triangles be understood to be constituted ; of which let the last be d O c. If therefore upon the center d , with the Radius d O be drawn the arch O c , and upon the rest of the equal parts of the straight line O F be drawn in like manner so many equal arches , all those arches together taken will be equal to the whole arch B F ; & the half of them , namely , those that are comprehended between O & Z , or between Z & F will be equal to the arch B Q or Q F and in summe , what part soever the straight line O c be of the straight line O F , the same part will the arch O c be of the arch O F , though both the arch and the chord be infinitely bisected . Now seeing the arch O c is more crooked then that part of the arch B F which is equal to it ; and seeing also that the more the straight line X c is produced the more it diverges from the straight line X O , if the points O and c be understood to be moved forwards with straight motion in X O and X c , the arch O ● will thereby be extended by little and little , till at the last it come some-where ●o have the same crookedness with that part of the arch B F which is equal to it . In like manner , if the straight line X b be drawn , and the point b be understood to be moved forwards at the same time , the arch c b will also by little and little be extended , till its crookedness come to be equal to the crookedness of that part of the arch B F which is equal to it . And the same will happen in all those smal equal arches which are described upon so many equal parts of the straight line O F. It is also manifest , that by straight motion in X O and X Z all those small arches will lie in the arch B F in the points B , Q and F. And though the same small equall arches should not be coincident with the equall parts of the arch B F in all the other points thereof , yet certainly they will constitute two crooked lines , not onely equall to the two arches B Q and Q F and equally crooked , but also having their cavity towards the same parts ; which how it should be , unlesse all those small arches should be coincident with the arch B F in all its points , is not imaginable . They are therefore coincident , and all the straight lines drawne from X & passing through the points of division of the straight line O F , will also divide the arch B F into the same proportions into which O F is divided . Now seeing X b cuts off from the point B the fourth part of the arch B F , let that fourth part be B e ; and let the Sine thereof f e be produced to F T in g , for so f e will be the fourth part of the straight line f g , because as O b is to O F , so is f e to f g. But B T is greater then f g ; and therefore the same B T is greater then four Sines of the fourth part of the arch B F. And in like m●nner , if the arch B F be subdivided into any number of equal par●● whatsoever , it may be proved that the straight line B T is greater then the Sine of one of those small arches so many times 〈◊〉 as ●here be parts made of the whole arch B F. Wherefore the ●traight line B T is not lesse then the Arch B F. But neither can it be greater , because if any straight line whatsoever , lesse then B T , be draw● below B T parallel to it and terminated in the straight line● X B and X T , it would cut the arch B F ; and so the Sine of some one of the parts of the arch B F taken so often as that small arch is found in the whole arch B F , would be greater then so many of the same arches ; which is absurd . Wherefore the Straight line B T is equal to the Arch B F ; & the Straight line B V equal to the Arch of the Quadrant B F D ; and B V four times taken , equal to the Perimeter of the Circle described with the Radius A B. Also the Arch B F and the Straight line B T are every where divided into the same proportions ; and consequently any given Angle , whether greater or less then B A F may be divided into any proportion given . But the straight line B V ( though its magnitude fall within the terms assigned by Archimedes ) is found , if computed by the Canon of Sines , to be somwhat greater then that w ch is exhibited by the Ludolphine numbers . Nevertheless , if in the place of B T , another straight line , though never so little less , be substituted , the division of Angles is immediatly lost , as may by any man be demonstrated by this very Scheme . Howsoever , if any man think this my Straight line B V to be too great , yet , seeing the Arch and all the Parallels are every where so exactly divided , and B V comes so neer to the truth , I desire he would seach out the reason , Why ( granting B V to be precisely true ) the Arches cut off should not be equal . But some man may yet ask the reason why the straight lines drawn from X through the equal parts of the arch B F should cut off in the Tangent B V so many straight lines equal to them , seeing the connected straight line X V passes not through the point D , but cuts the straight line A D produced in l ; and consequently require some determination of this Probleme . Concerning which , I will say what I think to be the reason , namely , that whilest the magnitude of the Arch doth not exceed the magnitude of the Radius , that is , the magnitude of the Tangent B C , both the Arch and the Tangent are cut alike by the straight lines drawn from X ; otherwise not . For A V being connected , cutting the arch B H D in I , if X C being drawn should cut the same arch in the same point I , it would be as true that the Arch B I is equal to the Radius B C , as it is true that the Arch B F is equal to the straight line B T , and drawing X K it would cut the arch B I in the midst in i ; Also drawing A i and producing it to the Tangent B C in k , the straight line B k will be the Tangent of the arch B i , ( which arch is equal to half the Radius ) and the same straight line B k will be equal to the straight line k I. I say all this is true , if the preceding demonstration be true ; and consequently the proportional section of the Arch and its Tangent proceeds hitherto . But it is manifest by the Golden Rule , that taking B h double to B T , the line X h shall not cut off the arch B E which is double to the arch B F , but a much greater . For the magnitude of the straight lines X M , X B and M E being known ( in numbers ) the magnitude of the straight line cut off in the Tangent by the straight line X E produced to the Tangent may also be known ; and it will be found to be less then B h ; Wherfore the straight line Xh being drawn will cut off a part of the arch of the Quadrant greater then the arch B E. But I shall speak more fully in the next Article concerning the magnitude of the arch B I. And let this be the first attempt for the finding out of the dimension of a Circle by the Section of the arch B F. 3 I shall now attempt the same by arguments drawn from the nature of the Crookedness of the Circle it self ; but I shall first set down some Premisses necessary for this speculation ; and First , If a Straight line be bowed into an Arch of a Circle equal to it , as when a stretched thred which toucheth a Right Cylinder , is so bowed in every point , that it be every where coincident with the Perimeter of the base of the Cylinder , the Flexion of that line will be equal , in all its points ; and consequently the Crookedness of the Arch of a Circle is every where Uniform ; which needs no other demonstration then this , That the Perimeter of a Circle is an Uniform line . Secondly , and consequently , If two unequal Arches of the same Circle be made by the bowing of two straight lines equal to them , the Flexion of the longer line ( whilest it is bowed into the greater Arch ) is greater then the Flexion of the shorter line ( whilest it is bowed into the lesser Arch ) according to the proportion of the Arches themselves ; and consequently , the Crookedness of the greater Arch is to the Crookedness of the lesser Arch ; as the greater Arch is to the lesser Arch. Thirdly , If two unequal Circles and a straight line touch one another in the same point , the Crookedness of any Arch taken in the lesser Circle , will be greater then the Crookedness of an Arch equal to it taken in the greater Circle , in reciprocal proportion to that of the Radii with which the Circles are described ; or , which is all one , any straight line being drawn from the point of Contact till it cut both the circumferences , as the part of that straight line cut off by the circumference of the greater Circle to that part which is cut off by the circumference of the lesser Circle . For let A B and A C ( in the second figure ) be two Circles , touching one another and the straight line A D in the point A ; and let their Centers be E and F ; and let it be supposed , that as A E is to A F , so is the Arch A B to the Arch A H. I say the Crookedness of the Arch A C is to the Crookedness of the Arch A H , as A E is to A F. For let the straight line A D be supposed to be equal to the Arch A B , and the straight line A G to the Arch A C ; and let A D ( for example ) be double to A G. Therefore by reason of the likeness of the Arches A B and A C , the straight line A B will be double to the straight line A C , and the Radius A E double to the Radius A F , and the Arch A B double to the Arch A H. And because the straight line A D is so bowed to be coincident with the Arch A B equal to it , as the straight line A G is bowed to be coincident with the Arch A C equal also to it , the Flexion of the straight line A G into the Crooked line A C will be equal to the Flexion of the straight Line A D into the Crooked line A B. But the Flexion of the straight line A D into the Crooked line A B is double to the the Flexion of the straight line A G into the Crooked line A H ; and therefore the Flexion of the straight line A G into the Crooked line A C is double to the Flexion of the same straight line A G into the Crooked line A H. Wherefore , as the Arch A B is to the Arch A C or A H ; or as the Radius A E is to the Radius A F ; or as the Chord A B is to the Chord A C ; so reciprocally is the Flexion or Uniform Crookedness of the Arch A C , to the Flexion or Uniform Crookedness of the Arch A H , namely , here double . And this may by the same method be demonstrated in Circles whose Perimeters are to one another triple , quadruple , or in whatsoever given proportion . The Crookedness therefore of two equal Arches taken in several Circles are in proportion reciprocall to that of their Radii , or like Arches , or like Chords ; which was to be demonstrated . Let the Square A B C D be again described ( in the third Figure , ) and in it the Quadrants A B D , B C A and D A C ; and dividing each side of the Square A B C D in the midst in E , F , G and H , let E G and F H be connected , which will cut one another in the center of the Square at I , and divide the arch of the Quadrant A B D into three equal parts in K and L. Also the Diagonals A C and B D being drawn will cut one another in I , and divide the arches B K D and C L A into two equal parts in M and N. Then with the Radius B F let the arch F E be drawn , cutting the Diagonal B D in O ; and dividing the arch B M in the midst in P , let the straight line E a equal to the chord B P be set off from the point E in the arch E F , and let the arch a b be taken equal to the arch O a , and let B a and B b be drawn and produced to the arch A N in c and d ; and lastly , let the straight line A d be drawn . I say the Straight line A d is equal to the Arch A N or B M. I have proved in the preceding article , that the arch E O is twice as crooked as the arch B P , that is to say , that the arch E O is so much more crooked then the arch B P , as the arch B P is more crooked then the straight line E a. The crookedness therefore of the chord E a , of the arch B P , and of the arch E O are as 0 , 1 , 2. Also the difference between the arches E O and E O , the difference between the arches E O and E a , and the difference between the arches E O and E b are as 0 , 1 , 2. So also the difference between the arches A N and A N , the difference between the arches A N and A c , and the difference between the arches A N and A d are as 0 , 1 , 2 ; and the straight line A c is double to the chord B P or E a , and the straight line A d double to the chord E b. Again , let the straight line B F be divided in the midst in Q , and the arch B P in the midst in R ; and describing the Quadrant B Q S ( whose arch Q S is a fourth part of the arch of the Quadrant B M D , as the arch B R is a fourth part of the arch B M which is the arch of the Semiquadrant A B M ) let the chord S e equal to the chord B R be set off from the point S in the arch S Q ; and let B e be drawn and produced to the arch A N in f ; which being done , the straight line A f will be quadruple to the chord B R or S e. And seeing the crookedness of the arch S e or of the arch A c is double to the crookedness of the arch B R , the excess of the crookedness of the arch A f above the crookedness of the arch A c will be subduple to the excess of the crookedness of the arch A c above the crookedness of the arch A N ; and therefore the arch N c will be double to the arch c f. Wherefore the arch c d is divided in the midst in f , and the arch N f is ¾ of the arch N d. And in like manner if the arch B R be bisected in V , and the straight Line B Q in X , and the quadrant B X Y be described , and the straight Line Y g equal to the chord B V be set off from the point Y in the arch Y X , it may be demonstrated that the straight Line B g being drawn and produced to the arch A N will cut the arch f d into two equal parts , and that a straight Line drawn from A to the point of that Section , will be equal to eight chords of the arch B V , and so on perpetually ; and consequently , that the straight Line A d is equal to so many equal chords of equal parts of the arch B M , as may be made by infinite bisections . Wherefore the Straight Line A d is equal to the Arch B M or A N , that is , to half the Arch of the Quadrant A B D or B C A. Corollary . An Arch being given not greater then the arch of a Quadrant ( for being made greater it comes again towards the Radius B A produced , from which it receded before ) if a straight Line double to the chord of half the given arch be adapted from the beginning of the arch , and by how much the arch that is subtended by it is greater then the given arch , by so much a greater arch be subtended by another straight Line , this Straight Line shall be equal to the first given Arch. Supposing the Straight Line B V ( in the first Figure ) be equal to the arch of the Quadrant B H D , and A V be connected cutting the arch B H D in I , it may be asked what proportion the arch B I has to the arch I D. Let therefore the arch A Y be divided in the midst in o , and in the straight line A D let A p be taken equal , and A q double to the drawn chord A o. Then upon the center A , with the Radius A q let an arch of a circle be drawne cutting the arch A Y in r , and let the arch Y r be doubled at t ; which being done , the drawne straight line A t ( by what has been last demonstrated ) will be equall to the arch A Y. Again , upon the Center A with the Radius A t let the arch tu be drawne cutting AD in u ; and the straight line A u will be equall to the arch AY . From the point u let the straight line us be drawn equal and parallell to the straight line AB , cutting MN in x , and bisected by MN in the same point x. Therefore the straight line A x being drawn and produced till it meet with BC produced in V , it will cut off BV double to B s , that is , equal to the arch BHD . Now let the point where the straight line AV cuts the arch BHD , be I ; and let the arch DI be divided in the midst in y ; and in the straight line DC , let D z be taken equal , and D δ double to the drawn chord D y ; and upon the center D with the Radius D δ let an arch of a circle be drawn cutting the arch BHD in the point n ; and let the arch nm be taken equal to the arch I n ; which being done , the straight line D m will ( by the last foregoing Corollary ) be equal to the arch DI. If now the straight lines D m and CV be equal , the arch BI will be equal to the Radius AB or BC ; and consequently XC being drawn will pass through the point I. Moreover , if the semicircle BHD β being completed , the straight lines β I and BI be drawn making a right angle ( in the Semicircle ) at I , and the arch BI be divided in the midst at i , it will follow that A i being connected will be parallel to the straight line β I , and being produced to BC in k , will cut off the straight line B k equal to the straight line k I , and equal also to the straight line Aγ cut off in AD by the straight line β I. All which is manifest , supposing the arch BI and the Radius BC to be equal . But that the arch BI and the Radius BC are precisely equal , cannot ( how true soever it he ) be demonstrated , unless that be first proved w ch is contained in the first article , namely , that the straight lines drawn from X through the equal parts of OF ( produced to a certain length ) cut off so many parts also in the Tangent BC severally equal to the several arches cut off ; which they do most exactly as far as BC in the Tangent , and BI in the arch BE ; in so much that no inequality between the arch BI and the Radius BC can be discovered either by the hand or by ratiocination . It is therefore to be further enquired , whether the straight line AV cut the arch of the Quadrant in I in the same proportion as the point C divides the straight line BV which is equal to the arch of the Quadrant . But however this be , it has been demonstrated that the straight line BV is equal to the arch BHD . 4 I shall now attempt the same dimension of a Circle another way , assuming the two following Lemma's . Lemma 1. If to the Arch of a Quadrant , and the Radius , there be taken in continual proportion a third Line Z ; then the Arch of the Semiquadrant , Half the chord of the Quadrant , and Z will also be in continual proportion . For seeing the Radius is a mean proportional between the Chord of a Quadrant and its Semichord , and the same Radius a mean proportional between the Arch of the Quadrant and Z , the Square of the Radius will be equal as well to the Rectangle made of the Chord and Semichord of the Quadrant , as to the Rectangle made of the Arch of the Quadrant and Z ; and these two Rectangles will be equal to one another . Wherfore , as the Arch of a Quadrant is to its Chord , so reciprocally is half the Chord of the Quadrant to Z. But as the Arch of the Quadrant is to its Chord , so is half the Arch of the Quadrant to half the Chord of the Quadrant . Wherefore , as half the arch of the Quadrant is to half the Chord of the Quadrant ( or to the Sine of 45 degrees ) so is half the Chord of the Quadrant to Z ; which was to be proved . Lemma 2. The Radius , the Arch of the Semiquadrant , the Sine of 45 degrees , and the Semiradius are proportional . For seeing the Sine of 45 degrees is a mean proportional between the Radius and the Semiradius ; and the same Sine of 45 degrees is also a mean proportional ( by the precedent Lemma ) between the Arch of 45 degrees and Z ; the Square of the Sine of 45 degrees will be equal as well to the Rectangle made of the Radius and Semiradius , as to the Rectangle made of the Arch of 45 degrees and Z. Wherefore , as the Radius is to the Arch of 45 degrees , so reciprocally is Z to the Semiradius ; which was to be demonstrated . Let now ABCD ( in the fourth Figure ) be a Square ; and with the Radii AB , BC and DA let the three Quadrants ABD , BCA and DAC be described ; and let the straight lines EF and GH drawn parallel to the Sides BC & AB , divide the Square ABCD into foure equal Squares . They will therefore cut the arch of the Quadrant ABD into three equal parts in I and K , and the arch of the Quadrant BCA into three equal parts in K and L. Also let the Diagonals AC and BD be drawn , cutting the arches BID and ALC in M and N. Then upon the center H with the Radius HF equal to half the Chord of the arch BMD , or to the Sine of 45 degrees , let the arch FO be drawn cutting the arc● CK in O ; and let AO be drawn and produced till it meet with BC produced in P ; also let it cut the arch BMD in Q , and the straight line DC in R. If now the straight line H Q be equal to the straight line DR , and being produced to DC in S cut off DS equal to half the straight line BP ; I say then the Straight Line BP will be equal to the Arch BMD . For seeing PBA and ADR are like triangles , it will be as PB to the Radius BA or AD , so AD to DR ; and therefore as well PB , AD and DR , as PB , AD ( or A Q ) and Q H are in continuall proportion ; and producing HO to DC in T , DT will be equal to the Sine of 45 degrees , as shall by and by be demonstrated . Now DS , DT and DR are in continual porportion by the first Lemma ; and by the second Lemma DC . DS : : DR . DF are proportionals . And thus it will be , whether BP be equal or not equal to the arch of the Quadrant BMD . But if they be equal , it will then be , as that part of the arch BMD which is equal to the Radius , is to the remainder of the same arch BMD ; so A Q to H Q , or so BC to CP . And then will BP and the arch BMD be equal . But it is not demonstrated that the Straight Lines H Q and DR are equal ; though if from the point B there be drawn ( by the construction of the first figure ) a Straight Line equal to the arch BMD , then DR to H Q , and also the half of the Straight Line BP to DS , will always be so equal , that no inequality can be discovered between them . I will therefore leave this to be further searched into . For though it be almost out of doubt , that the Straight Line BP and the arch BMD are equal , yet that may not be received without demonstration ; and means of Demonstration the Circular Line admitteth none that is not grounded upon the nature of Flexion , or of Angles . But by that way I have already exhibited a Straight Line equal to the Arch of a Quadrant in the First and Second aggression . It remains that I prove DT to be equal to the Sine of 45 degrees . In BA produced let AV he taken equal to the Sine of 45 degrees ; and drawing and producing VH , it will cut the arch of the Quadrant CNA in the midst in N , and the same arch again in O , and the Straight line DC in T , so , that DT will be equal to the Sine of 45 degrees , or to the straight line AV ; also the Straight line VH will be equal to the straight line HI or the Sine of 60 degrees . For the square of AV is equal to two squares of the Semiradius ; and consequently the square of VH is equal to three Squares of the Semiradius . But HI is a mean proportional between the Semiradius and three Semiradii ; and therefore the square of HI is equal to three Squares of the Semiradius . Wherefore HI is eqval to HV . But because AD is cut in the midst in H , therefore VH and HT are equal ; and therefore also DT is equal to the Sine of 45 degrees . In the Radius BA let BX be taken equal to the Sine of 45 degrees ; for so VX will be equal to the Radius ; and it will be as VA to AH the Semiradius , so VX the Radius to XN the Sine of 45 degrees . Wherefore VH produced passes through N. Lastly , upon the center V with the Radius VA let the arch of a circle be drawn cutting VH in Y ; which being done , VY will be equal to HO ( for HO is by construction equal to the Sine of 45 degrees ) and YH will be equal to OT ; & therefore VT passes through O. All which was to be demonstrated . I will here add certain Problemes , of which if any Analyst can make the construction , he will thereby be able to judge clearly of what I have now said concerning the dimension of a Circle . Now these Problems are nothing else ( at least to sense ) but certain symptomes accompanying the construction of the first and third figure of this Chapter . Describing therefore again the Square ABCD ( in the fifth figure ) and the three Quadrants ABD , BCA and DAC , let the Diagonals AC & BD be drawn , cutting the arches BHD & CIA in the middle in H and I ; & the straight lines EF and GL , dividing the square ABCD into four equal squares , and trisecting the arches BHD and CIA , namely , BHD in K and M , and CIA in M and O. Then dividing the arch BK in the midst in P , let QP the Sine of the arch BP be drawn and produced to R , so that QR be double to QP ; and connecting KR , let it be produced one way to BC in S , and the other way to BA produced in T. Also let BV be made triple to BS , and consequently ( by the second article of this Chapter ) equall to the arch BD. This construction is the same with that of the first figure , which I thought fit to renew discharged of all lines but such as are necessary for my present purpose . In the first place therefore , if AV be drawn , cutting the arch BHD in X , and the side DC in Z , I desire some Analyst would ( if he can ) give a reason , Why the straight lines TE and TC should cut the arch BD the one in Y , the other in X , so as to make the arch BY equal to the arch YX ; or if they be not equal , that he would determine their difference . Secondly , if in the side DA , the straight line Da be taken equal to DZ , and Va be drawn ; Why Va and VB should be equal ; or if they be not equal , What is the difference . Thirdly , drawing Zb parallel and equal to the side CB , cutting the arch BHD in c , and drawing the straight line Ac , and producing it to BV in d ; Why Ad should be equal and parallel to the straight line aV , and consequently equal also to the arch BD. Fourthly , drawing eK the Sine of the arch BK , & taking ( in eA produced ) ef equal to the Diagonal AC , and connecting fC ; Why fC should pass through a ( which point being given , the length of the arch BHD is also given ) and c ; and why fe and fc should be equal ; or if not , why unequal . Fifthly , drawing fZ , I desire he would shew , Why it is equal to BV , or to the arch BD ; or if they be not equal , What is their difference . Sixtly , granting fZ to be equal to the arch BD , I desire he would determine whether it fall all without the arch BCA , or cut the same ; or touch it , and in what point . Seventhly , the Semicircle BDg being completed ; Why gI being drawn and produced , should pass through X ( by which point X the length of the arch BD is determined ) . And the same gI being yet further produced to DC in h ; Why Ad ( which is equal to the arch BD ) should pass through that point h. Eighthly , upon the Center of the square ABCD , which let be k , the arch of the quadrant EiL being drawn , cutting eK produced in i ; Why the drawn straight line iX should be parallel to the side CD . Ninthly , in the sides BA and BC taking Bl and Bm severally equal to half BV , or to the arch BH , and drawing mn parallel and equal to the side BA , cutting the arch BD in o ; Why the straight line wich connects Vl should pass through the point o , Tenthly , I would know of him , Why the straight line which connects aH should be equal to Bm ; or if not , how much it differs from it . The Analyst that can solve these Problemes without knowing first the length of the arch BD , or using any other known Method then that which proceeds by perpetual bisection of an angle , or is drawn from the consideration of the nature of Flexion , shall do more then ordinary Geometry is able to perform . But if the Dimension of a Circle cannot be found by any other Method ; then I have either found it , or it is not at all to be found . From the known Length of the Arch of a Quadrant , and from the proportional Division of the Arch and of the Tangent BC , may be deduced the Section of an Angle into any given proportion ; as also the Squaring of the Circle , the Squaring of a given Sector , and many the like propositions , which it is not necessary here to demonstrate . I will therefore onely exhibit a Straight line equal to the Spiral of Archimedes , and so dismiss this speculation . 5 The length of the Perimeter of a Circle being found , that Straight line is also found , which touches a Spiral at the end of its first conversion . For upon the center A ( in the sixth figure ) let the circle BCDE be described ; and in it let Archimedes his Spiral AFGHB be drawn , beginning at A and ending at B. Through the center A let the straight line CE be drawn , cutting the Diameter BD at right angles ; and let it be produced to I , so , that AI be equal to the Perimeter BCDEB . Therefore IB being drawn will touch the Spiral AFGHB in B ; which is demonstrated by Archimedes in his book de Spiralibus . And for a Straight Line equal to the given Spiral AFGHB , it may be found thus . Let the straight line AI ( which is equal to the Perimeter BCDE ) be bisected in K ; and taking KL equal to the Radius AB , let the rectangle IL be completed . Let ML be understood to be the axis , and KL the base of a Parabola , and let MK be the crooked line thereof . Now if the point M be conceived to be so moved by the concourse of two movents , the one frō IM to KL with velocity encreasing continually in the same proportion with the Times , the other from ML to IK uniformly , that both those motions begin together in M and end in K ; Galilaeus has demonstrated that by such motion of the point M , the crooked line of a Parabola will be described . Again , if the point A be conceived to be moved uniformly in the straight line AB , and in the same time to be carried round upon the center A by the circular motion of all the points between A and B ; Archimedes has demonstrated that by such motion will be described a Spiral line . And seeing the circles of all these motions are concentrick in A ; and the interiour circle is alwayes lesse then the exteriour in the proportion of the times in which AB is passed over with uniform motion ; the velocity also of the circular motion of the point A , will continually encrease proportionally to the times . And thus far the generations of the Parabolical line MK , and of the Spiral line AFGHB , are like . But the Uniform motion in AB concurring with circular motion in the Perimeters of all the concentrick circles , describes that circle , whose center is A , and Perimeter BCDE ; and therefore that circle is ( by the Coroll . of the first article of the 16 Chapter ) the aggregate of all the Velocities together taken of the point A whilst it describes the Spiral AFGHB . Also the rectangle IKLM is the aggregate of all the Velocities together taken of the point M , whilest it describes the crooked line MK . And therefore the whole velocity , by which the Parabolicall line MK is described ▪ is to the whole velocity with which the Spiral line AFGHB is described in the same time , as the rectangle IKLM , is to the Circle BCDE , that is to the triangle AIB . But because AI is bisected in K & the straight lines IM & AB are equal , therefore the rectangle IKLM and the triangle AIB are also equal . Wherefore the Spiral line AFGHB , and the Parabolical line MK , being described with equal velocity and in equal times , are equal to one another . Now in the first article of the 18 Chapter a straight line is found out equal to any Parabolical line . Wherefore also a Straight line is found out , equal to a given Spiral line of the first revolution described by Archimedes ; which was to be done . 6 In the sixth Chapter , which is of Method , that which I should there have spoken of the Analyticks of Geometricians , I thought fit to deferre , because I could not there have been understood , as not having then so much as named Lines , Superficies , Solids , Equal and Unequal &c. Wherefore I will in this place set down my thoughts concerning it . Analysis , is continual Reasoning from the Definitions of the terms of a proposition we suppose true , and again from the Definitions of the terms of those Definitions , and so on , till we come to some things known , the Composition whereof is the demonstration of the truth or falsity of the first supposition ; and this Composition or Demonstration is that we call Synthesis . Analytica therefore is that art , by which our reason proceeds from something supposed , to Principles , that is , to prime Propositions , or to such as are known by these , till we have so many known Propositions as are sufficient for the demonstration of the truth or falsity of the thing supposed . Synthetica is the art it self of Demonstration . Synthesis therefore and Analysis differ in nothing , but in proceeding forwards or backwards ; and Logistica comprehends both . So that in the Analysis or Synthesis of any question , that is to say , of any Probleme , the Terms of all the Propositions ought to be convertible ; or if they be enunciated Hypothetically , the truth of the Consequent ought not onely to follow out of the truth of its Antecedent , but contrarily also the truth of the Antecedent must necessarily be inferred from the truth of the Consequent . For otherwise , when by Resolution we are arrived at Principles , we cannot by Composition return directly back to the thing sought for . For those Terms which are the first in Analysis , will be the last in Synthesis ; as for example , when in Resol●ing , we say , these two Rectangles are equal and therefore their sides are reciprocally proportional , we must necessarily in Compounding say , the sides of these Rectangles are reciprocally proportional and therefore the Rectangles themselves are equal ; Which we could not say , ●…ss Rectangles have their sides reciprocally proportional , and Rectangles are equal , were Terms convertible . Now in every Analysis , that which is sought , is the Proportion of two quantities ; by which proportion ( a figure being described ) the quantity sought for may be exposed to Sense . And this Exposition is the end and Solution of the question , or the construction of the Probleme . And seeing Analysis is reasoning from something supposed , till we come to Principles , that is , to Definitions , or to Theoremes formerly known ; and seeing the same reasoning tends in the last place to some Equation ; we can therefore make no end of Resolving , till we come at last to the causes themselves of Equality and Inequality , or to Theoremes formerly demonstrated from those causes ; and so have a sufficient number of those Theoremes for the demonstration of the thing sought for . And seeing also , that the end of the Analyticks , is either the construction of such a Probleme as is possible , or the detection of the impossibility thereof ; whensoever the Probleme may be solved , the Analyst must not stay , till he come to those things which contain the efficient cause of that whereof he is to make construction . But he must of necessity stay when he comes to prime Propositions ; and these are Definitions . These Definitions therefore must contain the efficient cause of his Construction ; I say of his Construction , not of the Conclusion which he demonstrates ; for the cause of the Conclusion is contained in the premised propositions ; that is to say , the truth of the proposition he proves , is drawn from the propositions which prove the same . But the cause of his construction is in the things themselves , and consists in motion , or in the concourse of motions . Wherefore those propositions in which Analysis ends , are Definitions , but such , as signifie in what manner the construction , or generation of the thing proceeds . For otherwise , when he goes back by Synthesis to the proofe of his Probleme , he will come to no Demonstration at all ; there being no true Demonstration but such as is scientificall ; and no Demonstration is scientifical but that which proceeds from the knowledge of the causes from which the construction of the Probleme is drawne . To collect therefore what has been said into few words ; ANALYSIS is Ratiocination from the supposed construction or generation of a thing to the efficient cause , or coefficient causes of that which is constructed or generated . And SYNTHESIS is Ratiocination from the first causes of the Construction , continued through all the middle causes till we come to the thing it selfe which is constructed or generated . But because there are many means by which the same thing may be generated , or the same Probleme be constructed , therefore neither do all Geometricians , nor doth the same Geometrician alwayes use one and the same Method . For if to a certain quantity given , it be required to construct another quantity equal , there may be some that will enquire whether this may not be done by means of some motion . For there are quantities , whose equality and inequality may be argued from Motion and Time , as well as from Congruence ; and there is motion , by which two quantities , whether Lines or Superficies , though one of them be crooked , the other straight , may be made congruous or coincident . And this method Archimedes made use of in his Book de Spiralibus . Also the equality or inequality of two quantities may be found out and demonstrated from the consideration of Waight , as the same Archimedes did in his Quadrature of the Parabola . Besides , equality and equality are found out often by the division of the two quantityes into parts which are considered as undivisible ; as Cavallerius Bonaventura has done in our time , and Archimedes often . Lastly , the same is performed by the consideration of the Powers of lines , or the roots of those Powers , and by the multiplication , division , addition and substraction , as also by the extraction of the roots of those Powers , or by finding where straight lines of the same proportion terminate . For example , when any number of straight lines , how many soever , are drawne from a straight line , and passe all through the same point , looke what proportion they have , and if their parts continued from the point retaine every where the same proportion , they shall all terminate in a straight line . And the same happens if the point be taken between two Circles . So that the places of all their points of termination make either straight lines , or circumferences of Circles , and are called Plain Places . So also when straight parallel lines are applyed to one straight line , if the parts of the straight line to which they are applyed be to one another in proportion duplicate to that of the contiguous applyed lines , they will all terminate in a Conical Section ; which Section being the place of their termination , is called a Solid Place , because it serves for the finding out of the quantity of any Equation which consists of three dimensions . There are therfore three ways of finding out the cause of Equality or Inequality between two given quantities ; namely , First by the Computation of Motions ( for by equal Motion , & equal Time equal Spaces are described , ) and Ponderation is motion . Secondly By Indivisibles ; because all the parts together taken are equal to the whole . And thirdly by the Powers ; for when they are equall , their roots also are equall ; and contrarily , the Powers are equall , when their roots are equal . But if the question be much complicated , there cannot by any of these wayes be constituted a certaine Rule , from the supposition of which of the unknown quantities the Analysis may best begin ; nor out of the variety of Equations that at first appeare , which we were best to choose ; but the successe will depend upon dexterity , upon formerly acquired Science , and many times upon fortune . For no man can ever be a good Analyst without being first a good Geometrician ; nor do the rules of Analysis make a Geometrician , as Synthesis doth ; which begins at the very Elements , and proceeds by a Logical Use of the same . For the true teaching of Geometry is by Synthesis , according to Euclides method ; and he that hath Euclide for his Master , may be a Geometrician without Vieta ( though Vieta was a most admirable Geometrician ) ; but he that has Vieta for his master , not so , without Euclide . And as for that part of Analysis which works by the Powers , though it be esteemed by some Geometricians ( not the chiefest ) to be the best way of solving all Problemes , yet it is a thing of no great extent ; it being all contained in the doctrine of rectangles , and rectangled Solids . So that although they come to an Equation which determines the quantity sought , yet they cannot sometimes by art exhibit that quantity in a Plain , but in some Conique Section ; that is , as Geometricians say , not Geometrically , but mechanically . Now such Problemes as these , they call Solid ; and when they cannot exhibit the quantity sought for with the helpe of a conique Section , they call it a Lineary Probleme . And therefore in the quantities of angles , and of the arches of Circles , there is no use at all of the Analyticks which proceed by the Powers ; so that the Antients pronounced it impossible , to exhibit in a plaine the Division of Angles , except bisection , and the bisection of the bisected parts , otherwise then mechanically . For Pappus , ( before the 31 proposition of his fourth Book ) distinguishing and defining the several kinds of Problemes , says that some are Plain , others Solid , and others Lineary . Those therefore which may be solved by straight lines and the circumferences of Circles ( that is , which may be described with the Rule and Compass , without any other Instrument ) are fitly called Plain ; for the lines by which such Problemes are found out , have their generation in a Plain . But those which are solved by the using of some one or more Conique Sections in their construction , are called Solid , because their construction cannot be made without using the superficies of solid figures , namely of Cones . There remains the third kinde , which is called Lineary , because other lines besides those already mentioned are made use of in their construction , &c. And a little after he sayes , Of this kinde are the Spiral lines , the Quadratrices , the Conchoeides , and the Cissoeides . And Geometricians think it no small fault , when for the finding out of a Plain Probleme any man makes use of Coniques , or new Lines . Now he ranks the Trisection of an angle among Solid Problemes , and the Quinquesection among Lineary . But what ! are the ancient Geometricians to be blamed , who made use of the Quadratrix for the finding out of a straight line equal to the arch of a Circle ? and Pappus himself , was he faulty when he found out the trisection of an Angle by the help of an Hyperbole ? Or am I in the wrong , who think I have found out the construction of both these Problemes by the Rule and Compass onely ? Neither they , nor I. For the Ancients made use of this Analysis which proceeds by the Powers ; and with them it was a fault to do that by a more remote Power , which might be done by a neerer ; as being an argument that they did not sufficiently understand the nature of the thing . The virtue of this kind of Analysis consists in the changing and turning and tossing of Rectangles and Analogismes ; and the skill of Analysts is meer Logick , by which they are able methodically to find out whatsoever lies hid either in the Subject or Predicate of the Conclusiō sought for . But this doth not properly belong to Algebra , or the Analyticks Specious , Symbolical or Cossick ; which are , as I may say , the Brachygraphy of the Analyticks , and an art , neither of teaching nor learning Geometry , but of registring with brevity and celerity , the inventions of Geometricians . For though it be easie to discourse by Symbols of very remote propositions ; yet whether such discourse deserve to be thought very profitable , when it is made without any Ideas of the things themselves , I know not . CHAP. XXI . Of Circular Motion . 1 In Simple Motion , every Straight Line taken in the Body moved , is so carried , that it is always parallel to the places in which it formerly was . 2 If Circular Motion be made about a resting Center , and in that Circle there be an Epicyle , whose revolution is made the contrary way , in such manner , that in equal times it make equal angles , every Straight Line taken in that Epicycle will be so carried , that it will alwayes be parallel to the places in which it formerly was . 3 The properties of Simple Motion . 4 If a fluid Body be moved with simple Circular Motion , all the points taken in it will describe their Circles in times proportional to the distances from the Center . 5 Simple Motion dissipates Heterogeneous and congregates Homogeneous Bodies . 6 If a Circle made by a Movent moved with Simple Motion , be commensurable to another Circle made by a point which is carried about by the same Movent , all the points of both the Circles will at some time return to the same situation . 7 If a Sphere have Simple Motion , its Motion will more dissipate Heterogeneous Bodies by how much it is more remote from the Poles . 8 If the Simple Circular Motion of a fluid Body , be hindered by a Body which is not fluid , the fluid Body will spread it self upon the Superficies of that Body . 9 Circular Motion about a fixed Center , casteth off by the Tangent such things as lie upon the Circumference and stick not to it . 10 Such things as are moved with Simple Circular Motition , beget Simple Circular Motion . 11 If that which is so moved have one side hard , and the other side fluid , its Motion will not be perfectly Circular . 1 I Have already defined Simple Motion to be that , in which the several points taken in a moved Body , do in several equal times describe several equal arches . And therefore in Simple Circular Motion it is necessary that every Straight Line taken in the Moved Body be alwayes carried parallel to itself ; which I thus demonstrate . First , let A B ( in the first figure ) be any Straight Line taken in any Solid Body ; and let AD be any arch drawn upon any Center C and Radius CA. Let the point B be understood to describe towards the same parts the arch BE , like and equall to the arch AD. Now in the same time in which the point A transmits the arch AD , the point B ( which by reason of its simple motion is supposed to be carried with velocity equall to that of A ) will transmit the arch BE ; and at the end of the same time the whole AB will be in DE ; and therefore AB and DE are equall . And seeing the arches AD and BE are like and equall , their subtending straight lines AD and BE will also be equall ; and therefore the four sided figure ABDE will be a parallelogram . Wherefore AB is carried parallel to it selfe . And the same may be proved by the same method , if any other straight line be taken in the same moved Body in which the straight line AB was taken . So that all straight lines taken in a Body moved with Simple Ci●cular Motion will be carried parallel to themselves . Coroll . 1 It is manifest that the same will also happen in any Body which hath Simple Motion , though not Circular . For all the points of any straight line whatsoever , will describe lines though not Circular , yet equall ; so that though the crooked lines AD and BE were not arches of Circles , but of Parabolas , Ellipses , or of any other figures ; yet both they , and their Subtenses , and the straight lines which joyne them , would be equal and parallel . Coroll . 2 It is also manifest , that the Radii of the equall circles AD and BE , or the Axis of a Sphere , will be so carried , as to be allwayes parallel to the places in which they formerly were . For the straight line BF drawn to the center of the arch BE being equall to the Radius AC , will also be equall to the straight line FE or CD ; and the angle BFE will be equall to the angle ACD . Now the intersection of the straight lines CA and BE , being at G , the angle CGE ( seeing BE and AD are parallel ) will be equal to the angle DAC . But the angle EBF is equal to the same angle DAC ; and therefore the angles CGE and EBF are also equal . Wherefore AC and BF are parallel ; which was to be demonstrated . 2 Let there be a Circle given ( in the second figure ) , whose center is A , and Radius AB ; and upon the center B and any Radius BC let the Epicycle CDE be described . Let the center B be understood to be carried about the center A , and the whole Epicycle with it till it be coincident with the Circle FGH , whose center is I ; and let BAI be any angle given . But in the time that the center B is moved to I , let the Epicycle CDE have a contrary revolution upon its own center , namely from E by D to C according to the same proportions ; that is , in such manner , that in both the Circles , equal angles be made in equal times . I say EC the Axis of the Epicycle will be alwayes carried parallel to it self . Let the angle FIG be made equal to the angle BAI ; IF and AB will therefore be parallel ; and how much the Axis AG has departed from its former place AC ( the measure of which progression is the angle CAG , or CBD which I suppose equal to it ) , so much in the same time has the Axis IG ( the same with BC ) departed from its own former situation . Wherefore , in what time BC comes to IG by the motion from B to I upon the center A , in the same time G will come to F by the contrary motion of the Epicycle ; that is , it will be turned backwards to F , & IG will lie in IF . But the angles FIG and GAC are equal ; and therefore AC , that is , BC ) , and IG , ( that is the Axis , though in different places ) will be parallel . Wherefore , the Axis of the Epicycle EDC will be carried alwayes parallel to it self ; which was to be proved . Coroll . From hence it is manifest , that those two annual Motions which Copernicus ascribes to the Earth , are reducible to this one Circular Simple Motion , by which all the points of the moved Body are carried always with equal velocity , that is , in equal times they make equal revolutions uniformly . This , as it is the most simple , so it is the most frequent of all Circular Motions ; being the same which is used by all men when they turn any thing round with their arms , as they do in grinding or sifting . For all the points of the thing moved , describe lines which are like and equal to one another . So that if a man had a Ruler , in which many Pens points of equal length were fastned , he might with this one Motion write many lines at once . 3 Having shewed what Simple Motion is , I will here also set down some properties of the same . First , when a Body is moved with Simple Motion in a fluid Medium which hath no vacuity , it changes the situation of all the parts of the fluid ambient which resist its motion ; I say there are no parts so small of the fluid ambient , how farre soever it be continued , but do change their situation , in such manner , as that they leave their places continually to other small parts that come into the same . For ( in the same second figure ) let any Body , as KLMN , be understood to be moved with Simple Circular Motion ; and let the Circle which every point thereof describes have any determined quantity , suppose that of the same KLMN . Wherefore the Center A , and every other point , and consequently the moved Body it self , will be carried sometimes towards the side where is K , and sometimes towards the other side where is M. When therefore it is carried to K , the parts of the fluid Medium on that side will go back ; and ( supposing all space to be full ) others on the other side will succeed . And so it will be when the Body is carried to the side M , and to N , and every way . Now when the neerest parts of the fluid Medium go back , it is necessary that the parts next to those neerest parts go back also ; and ( supposing still all space to be full ) other parts will come into their places with succession perpetual and infinite . Wherefore all , even the least parts of the fluid Medium change their places , &c. which was to be proved . It is evident from hence , that Simple Motion , whether Circular , or not Circular , of Bodies which make perpetual returns to their former places , hath greater or less force to dissipate the parts of resisting Bodies , as it is more or less swift , and as the lines described have greater or less magnitude . Now the greatest Velocity that can be , may be understood to be in the least circuit , and the least in the greatest ; and may be so supposed when there is need . 4 Secondly , supposing the same Simple Motion in the Aire , Water , or other fluid Medium ; the parts of the Medium which adhere to the Moved Body will be carried about with the same Motion and Velocity , so that in what time soever any point of the Movent finishes its Circle , in the same time every part of the Medium which adheres to the Movent , shall also describe such a part of its Circle , as is equal to the whole Circle of the Movent ; I say it shall describe a part , and not the whole Circle , because all its parts receive their motion from an interiour concentrique Movent , and of Concentrique Circles the exteriour are alwayes greater then the interiour ; nor can the motion imprinted by any Movent be of greater Velocity then that of the Movent it self . From whence it follows , that the more remote parts of the fluid ambient , shall finish their Circles in times which have to one another the same proportion with their distances from the Movent . For every point of the fluid ambient , as long as it toucheth the Body which carries it about , is carried about with it , and would make the same Circle , but that it is left behind so much as the exteriour Circle exceeds the interiour . So that if we suppose some thing which is not fluid to float in that part of the fluid ambient which is neerest to the Movent , it will together with the Movent be carried about . Now that part of the fluid ambient which is not the neerest but almost the neerest , receiving its degree of velocity from the neerest , ( which degree cannot be greater then it was in the giver ) doth therefore in the same time make a Circular Line , not a whole Circle , yet equal to the whole Circle of the neerest . Therefore in the same time that the Movent describes its Circle , that which doth not touch it shall not describe its Circle ; yet it shall describe such a part of it , as is equal to the whole Circle of the Movent . And after the same manner , the more remote parts of the ambient will describe in the same time such parts of their Circles as shall be severally equal to the whole Circle of the Movent ; and by consequent they shall finish their whole Circles in times proportional to their distances from the Movent ; which was to be proved . 5 Thirdly , The same Simple Motion of a Body placed in a fluid Medium , congregates , or gathers into one place such things as naturally float in that Medium , if they be Homogeneous ; and if they be Heterogeneous , it separates and dissipates them . But if such things as be Heterogeneous do not float , but settle , then the same Motion stirs and mingles them disorderly together . For seeing Bodies which are unlike to one another , that is , Heterogeneous Bodies , are not unlike in that they are Bodies ( for Bodies , as Bodies , have no difference ) but onely from some special Cause , that is , from some internal Motion , or Motions of their smallest parts ( for I have shewn in the 9th Chapter and 9th Article , that all Mutation is such Motion ) , it remains that Heterogeneous Bodies have their unlikeness or difference from one another from their internal or specifical Motions . Now Bodies w ch have such difference , receive unlike & different Motions from the same external common Movent ; and therefore they will not be moved together , that is to say , they will be dissipated . And being dissipated they will necessarily at some time or other meet with Bodies like themselves , and be moved alike and together with them ; and afterwards meeting with more Bodies like themselves , they will unite and become greater Bodies . Wherefore Homogeneous Bodies are congregated , and Heterogenous dissipated by Simple Motion in a Medium where they naturally float . Again , such as being in a fluid Medium , do not float , but sink , if the Motion of the fluid Medium be strong enough , will be stirred up and carried away by that Motion , and consequently they will be hindred from returning to that place to which they sink naturally , and in which onely they would unite , and out of which they are promiscuously carried ; that is , they are disorderly mingled . Now this Motion by which Homogeneous Bodies are congregated , and Heterogeneous are scattered , is that which is commonly called Fermentation , from the Latine Fervere ; as the Greeks have their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifies the same ) from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ferveo . For Seething makes all the parts of the Water change their places ; and the parts of any thing that is thrown into it , will go several wayes according to their several natures . And yet all Fervor or Seething is not caused by Fire ; for New Wine and many other things have also their Fermentation and Fervor , to which Fire contributes little , and some times nothing . But when in Fermentation we find Heat , it is made by the Fermentation . 6 Fourthly , in what time soever the Movent whose Center is A ( in the 2d figure ) moved in KLN shall by any number of revolutions ( that is , when the Perimeters BI and KLN be commensurable ) have described a Line equal to the Circle which passes through the points B and I ; in the same time all the points of the floating Body whose Center is B , shall return to have the same situation in respect of the Movent , from which they departed . For seeing it is as the distance BA , that is , as the Radius of the Circle which passes through BI , is to the Perimeter it self BI , so the Radius of the Circle KLN is to the Perimeter KLN ; and seeing the velocities of the points B and K are equal , the time also of the revolution in IB to the time of one revolution in KLN , will be as the Perimeter BI to the Perimeter KLN ; and therefore so many revolutions in KLN as together taken are equal to the Perimeter BI , will be finished in the same time in which the whole Perimeter BI is finished ; & therefore also the points L , N , F & H , or any of the rest , will in the same time return to the same situation from which they departed ; and this may be demonstrated whatsoever be the points considered . Wherefore all the points shall in that time return to the same situation ; which was to be proved . From hence it follows , that if the Perimeters BI and LKN be not commensurable , then all the points wil never return to have the same situation or configuration in respect of one another . 7 In Simple Motion , if the Body moved be of a Spherical figure , it hath less force towards its Poles then towards its middle , to dissipate Heterogeneous , or to congregate Homogeneous Bodies . Let there be a Sphere ( as in the third figure ) whose Center is A and Diameter BC ; & let it be conceived to be moved with Simple Circular Motion ; of which Motion let the Axis be the Straight Line DE , cutting the Diameter BC at right angles in A. Let now the Circle which is described by any point B of the Sphere , have BF for its Diameter ; and taking FG equal to BC , and dividing it in the middle in H , the Center of the Sphere A , will when half a revolution is finished , lie in H. And seeing HF and AB are equal , a Circle described upon the Center H with the Radius HF or HG , will be equal to the Circle whose Center is A and Radius AB . And if the same Motion be continued , the point B will at the end of another half revolution return to the place from whence it began to be moved ; and therefore at the end of half a revolution , the point B will be carried to F , and the whole Hemisphere DBE into that Hemisphere in which are the points L , K and F. Wherfore that part of the fluid Medium which is cōtiguous to the point F , will in the same time go back the length of the Straight Line BF ; and in the return of the point F to B , that is , of G to C , the fluid Medium wil go back as much in a Straight Line from the point C. And this is the effect of Simple Motion in the middle of the Sphere , where the distance from the Poles is greatest . Let now the point I be taken in the same Sphere neerer to the Pole E , and through it let the Straight Line IK be drawn parallel to the Straight Line BF , cutting the arch FL in K , & the Axis HL in M ; then connecting HK , upon HF let the perpendicular KN be drawn . In the same time therefore that B comes to F , the point I will come to K , BF and IK being equal , and described with the same velocity . Now the Motion in IK to the fluid Medium upon which it works , namely to that part of the Medium which is contiguous to the point K , is oblique , whereas if it proceeded in the Straight Line HK , it would be perpendicular ; and therefore the Motion which proceeds in IK has less power , then that which proceeds in HK with the same velocity . But the Motions in HK and HF do equally thrust back the Medium ; and therefore the part of the Sphere at K , moves the Medium less , then the part at F ; namely so much less , as KN is less then HF. Wherefore also the same Motion hath less power to disperse Heterogeneous , and to congregate Homogeneous Bodies , when it is neerer , then when it is more remote from the Poles ; which was to be proved . Corollary . It is also necessary , that in Plains which are perpendicular to the Axis , and more remote then the Pole it self from the middle of the Sphere , this Simple Motion have no effect . For the Axis DE with Simple Motion describes the Superficies of a Cylinder ; and towards the Bases of the Cylinder there is in this Motion no endeavour at all . 8 If in a fluid Medium , moved about ( as hath been said ) with Simple Motion , there be conceived to float some other Spherical Body which is not fluid , the parts of the Medium which are stopped by that Body , will endeavour to spread themselves every way upon the Superficies of it . And this is manifest enough by experience , namely by the spreading of water poured out upon a pavement . But the reason of it may be this . Seeing the Sphere A ( in the 3d figure ) is moved towards B , the Medium also in which it is moved , will have the same Motion . But because in this Motion it falls upon a Body not liquid , as G , so that it cannot go on ; and seeing the small parts of the Medium can not go forwards , nor can they go directly backwards ; against the force of the Movent ; it remayns therefore that they diffuse themselves upon the Superficies of that Body , as towards O and P , Which was to be proved . 9 Compounded Circular Motion ( in which all the parts of the moved Body do at once describe Circumferences , some greater , others less , according to the proportion of their several distances from the common Center ) carries about with it such Bodies , as being not fluid , adhere to the Body so moved ; and such as do not adhere , it casteth forwards in a Straight Line which is a Tangent to the point from which they are cast off . For let there be a Circle whose Radius is AB ( in the fourth figure ) ; and let a Body be placed in the Circumference in B , which if it be fixed there , will necessarily be carried about with it , as is manifest of it self . But whilest the motion proceeds , let us suppose that Body to be unfixed in B. I say the Body wil cōtinue its motion in the Tangent BC. For let both the Radius AB , and the Sphere B , be conceived to consist of hard matter ; and let us suppose the Radius AB to be stricken in the point B by some other Body which falls upon it in the Tangent DB. Now therefore there will be a motion made by the concourse of two things , the one , Endeavour towards C in the Straight Line DB produced , ( in which the Body B would proceed , if it were not retained by the Radius AB ) ; the other , the Retention it self . But the Retention alone causeth no endeavour towards the Center ; and therefore the Retention being taken away , ( which is done by the unfixing of B ) there will remain but one Endeavour in B , namely , that in the Tangent BC. Wherefore the Motion of the Body B unfixed , will proceed in the Tangent BC ; which was to be proved . By this demonstration it is manifest , that Circular Motion about an unmoved Axis , shakes off , and puts further from the Center of its motion such things as touch , but do not stick fast to its Superficies ; and the more , by how much the distance is greater from the Poles of the Circular Motion ; and so much the more also , by how much the things that are shaken off , are less driven towards the Center by the fluid ambient , for other Causes . 10 If in a fluid Medium a Spherical Body be moved with simple Circular Motion ; and in the same Medium there float another Sphere whose matter is not fluid ; this Sphere also shall be moved with simple Circular Motion . Let BCD ( in the 5th figure ) be a Circle , whose Center is A , and in whose Circumference there is a Sphere so moved that it describes with Simple Motion the Perimeter BCD . Let also EFG be another Sphere of Consistent matter , whose Semidiameter is EH , and Center H ; and with the Radius AH let the Circle HI be described . I say the Sphere EFG will ( by the Motion of the Body in BCD ) be moved in the Circumference HI with Simple Motion . For seeing the Motion in BCD ( by the 4th Article of this Chapter ) makes all the points of the fluid Medium describe in the same time Circular Lines equal to one another , the points E , H and G of the Straight Line EHG will in the same time describe with equal Radii equal Circles . Let EB be drawn equal and parallel to the Straight Line AH ; and let AB be connected , which will therefore be equal and parallel to EH ; and therefore also , if upon the Center B and Radius BE the arch EK be drawn equal to the arch HI , and the straight Lines AI , BK and IK be drawn , BK and AI will be equal ; and they will also be parallel , because the two arches EK and HI , that is , the two angles KBE and IAH are equal ; and consequently the Straight Lines AB and KI which connect them will also be equal and parallel . Wherefore KI and EH are parallel . Seeing therefore E and H are carried in the same time to K and I , the whole Straight Line IK will be parallel to EH , from whence it departed . And therefore , ( seeing the Sphere EFG is supposed to be of consistent matter , so as all its points keep alwayes the same situation ) it is necessary that every other Straight Line taken in the same Sphere , be carried alwayes parallel to the places in which it formerly was . Wherefore the Sphere EFG is moved with simple Circular Motion ; which was to be demonstrated . 11 If in a fluid Medium , whose parts are stirred by a Body moved with Simple Motion , there float annother Body , which hath its Superficies either wholly hard , or wholly fluid ; the parts of this Body shall approach the Center equally on all sides , that is to say , the motion of the Body shall be Circular , and Concentrique with the motion of the Movent . But if it have one side hard , and the other side fluid , then both those Motions shall not have the same center , nor shall the floating Body be moved in the Circumference of a perfect Circle . Let a Body be moved in the Circumference of the Circle KL MN ( in the 2d figure ) whose center is A. And let there be another Body at I , whose Superficies is either all hard , or all fluid . Also let the Medium in which both the Bodies are placed , be fluid . I say the Body at I will be moved in the Circle IB about the Center A. For this has been demonstrated in the last Article . Wherefore let the Superficies of the Body at I , be fluid on one side , and hard on the other . And first , let the fluid side be towards the Center . Seeing therefore the Motion of the Medium is such , as that its parts do continually change their places , ( as hath been shewn in the 5th Article ) ; if this change of place be considered in those parts of the Medium which are contiguous to the fluid Superficies , it must needs be , that the small parts of that Superficies enter into the places of the small parts of the Medium which are contiguous to them ; And the like change of place will be made with the next contiguous parts towards A. And if the fluid parts of the Body at I , have any degree at all of tenacity ( for there are degrees of tenacity , as in the Aire and Water ) the whole fluid side will be lifted up a little ; but so much the less , as its parts have less tenacity ; whereas the hard part of the Superficies which is contiguous to the fluid part , has no cause at all of elevation , that is to say , no endeavour towards A. Secondly , let the hard Superficies of the Body at I , be towards A. By reason therefore of the said change of place of the parts which are contiguous to it , the hard Superficies must of necessity ( seeing by Supposition there is no empty Space ) either come neerer to A , or else its smallest parts must supply the contiguous places of the Medium , which otherwise would be empty . But this cannot be by reason of the supposed hardness ; and therefore the other must needs be , namely , that the Body come neerer to A. Wherefore the Body at I , has greater endeavour towards the center A , when its hard side is next it , then when it is averted from it . But the Body in I , while it is moving in the circumference of the Circle IB , has sometimes one side , sometimes another turned towards the center ; and therefore it is sometimes neerer , sometimes further off from the center A. Wherefore the Body at I , is not carried in the circumference of a perfect Circle ; which was to be demonstrated . CHAP. XXII . Of other Variety of Motion . 1 Endeavour and Pressure how they differ . 2 Two kinds of Mediums in which Bodies are moved . 3 Propagation of Motion what it is 4 What motion Bodies have when they press one another . 5 Fluid Bodies , when they are pressed together , penetrate one another . 6 When one Body presseth another , and doth not penetrate it , the action of the pressing Body is perpendicular to the Superficies of the Body pressed . 7 When a hard Body , pressing another Body , penetrates the same , it doth not penetrate it perpendicularly , unless it fall perpendicularly upon it . 8 Motion sometimes opposite to that of the Movent . 9 In a full Medium , Motion is propagated to any distance . 10 Dilatation and Contraction what they are . 11 Dilatation and Contraction suppose Mutation of the smallest parts in respect of their situation . 12 All Traction is Pulsion . 13 Such things as being pressed , or bent , restore themselves , have motion in their internal parts . 14 Though that which carrieth another be stopped , the Body carried will proceed . 15 , 16 The effects of Percussion not to be compared with those of Waight . 17 , 18 Motion cannot begin first in the internal parts of a Body . 19 Action and Reaction proceed in the same Line . 20 Habit what it is . 1 I Have already ( in the 15th Chap. at the 2d Article ) defined Endeavour to be Motion through some Length , though not considered as Length , but as a Point . Whether therefore there be resistance or no resistance , the Endeavour will still be the same . For simply to Endeavour , is to Go. But when two Bodies having opposite Endeavours press one another , then the Endeavour of either of them is that which we call Pressure , and is mutual when their pressures are opposite . 2. Bodies moved , and also the Mediums in which they are moved , are of two kinds . For either they have their parts coherent in such manner , as no part of the Moved Body will easily yeild to the Mouent , except the whole Body yeild also , and such are the things we call Hard ; Or else their parts , while the whole remains unmoved , will easily yeild to the Movent ; and these we call Fluid or Soft Bodies . For the words Fluid , Soft , Tough and Hard ( in the same manner as Great and Little ) are used onely comparatively ; and are not different kinds , but different degrees of Quality . 3 To Do , and to Suffer is to Move and to be moved ; and nothing is moved , but by that which toucheth it , and is also moved , ( as has been formerly shewn ) . And how great sover the distance be , we say the first Movent moveth the last moved Body ; but mediately ; namely so , as that the first moveth the second , the second the third , and so on , till the last of all be touched . When therefore one Body having opposite Endeavour to another Body , moveth the same , and that moveth a third , and so on , I call that action Propagation of Motion . 4 When two fluid Bodies which are in a free and open Space , press one another , their parts will endeavour , or be moved towards the sides , not onely those parts which are there where the mutual contact is , but all the other parts . For in the first contact , the parts which are pressed by both the endeavouring Bodies , have no place either forwards or backwards in which they can be moved ; and therefore they are pressed out towards the sides . And this expressure , when the forces are equal , is in a line perpendicular to the Bodies pressing . But whensoever the formost parts of both the Bodies are pressed , the hindermost also must be pressed at the same time ; for the motion of the hindermost parts cannot in an instant be stopped by the resistance of the formost parts , but proceeds for some time ; and therefore seeing they must have some place in which they may be moved , and that there is no place at all for them forwards , it is necessary that they be moved into the places which are towards the sides every way . And this effect followes of necessity , not onely in Fluid , but in Consistent and Hard Bodies , though it be not alwayes manifest to sense . For though from the compression of two stones we cannot with our eyes discerne any swelling outwards towards the sides , ( as we perceive in two Bodies of wax ; ) yet we know well enough by reason , that some tumor must needs be there , though it be but little . 5 But when the Space is enclosed , and both the Bodies be fluid , they will ( if they be pressed together ) penetrate one anoteer , though differently according to their different endeavours . For suppose a hollow Cylinder of hard matter , well stopped at both ends , but filled first , below with some heavy fluid Body , as Quicksilver ; and above with Water or Aire . If now the bottome of the Cylinder be turned upwards , the heaviest fluid Body which is now at the top , having the greatest endeavour downwards , and being by the hard sides of the vessel hindered from extending it selfe sidewayes , must of necessity either be received by the lighter Body , that it may sink through it , or else it must open a passage through it selfe , by which the lighter Body may ascend . For of the two Bodies , that whose parts are most easily separated , will the first be divided ; which being done , it is not necessary that the parts of the other , suffer any separation at all . And therefore when two Liquours which are enclosed in the same vessel , change their places , there is no need that their smallest parts should be mingled with one another ; for a way being opened through one of them , the parts of the other need not be separated . Now if a fluid Body which is not enclosed press a hard Body , its endeavour will indeed be towards the internal parts of that hard Body ; but ( being excluded by the resistance of it ) the parts of the fluid Body will be moved every way according to the Superficies of the hard Body , and that equally , if the pressure be perpendicular ; for when all the parts of the Cause are equal , the Effects will be equal also . But if the pressure be not perpendicular , then the angles of Incidence being unequal , the expansion also will be unequal , namely , greater on that side where the angle is greater , because that motion is most direct which proceeds by the directest Line . 6 If a Body , pressing another Body do not penetrate it , it will nevertheless give to the part it presseth , an endeavour to yeild and recede in a straight line perpendicular to its Superficies in that point in which it is pressed . Let ABCD ( in the first figure ) be a hard Body ; and let another Body , falling upon it in the straight line EA , with any inclination , or without inclination , press it in the point A. I say the Body so pressing , & not penetrating it , will give to the part A an endeavour to yeild or recede in a straight Line perpendicular to the line AD. For let AB be perpendicular to AD ; and let BA be produced to F. If therefore AF be coincident with AE , it is of it self manifest that the motion in EA will make A to endeavour in the line AB . Let now EA be oblique to AD ; and from the point E let the straight line EC be drawn , cutting AD at right angles in D ; and let the rectangles ABCD and ADEF be completed . I have shewn ( in the 8th Article of the 16th Chapter ) that the Body will be carried from E to A by the concourse of two Uniform Motions , the one in EF and its parallels , the other in ED and its parallels . But the motion in EF and its parallels ( whereof DA is one ) contributes nothing to the Body in A , to make it endeavour or press towards B ; and therefore the whole endeavour which the Body hath in the inclined line EA , to pass , or press the Straight line AD , it hath it all from the perpendicular motion or endeavour in FA. Wherefore the Body E after it is in A , will have onely that perpendicular endeavour which proceeds from the motion in FA , that is , in AB ; which was to be proved . 7 If a hard Body falling upon , or pressing another Body , penetrate the same , its endeavour after its first penetration will be neither in the inclined line produced , nor in the perpendicular , but sometimes betwixt both , sometimes without them . Let EAG ( in the same ● figure ) be the inclined line produced ; and First , let the passage through the Medium in which EA is , be easier then the passage through the Medium in which AG is . As soon therefore as the Body is within the Medium in which is AG , it will finde greater resistance to its motion in DA and its parallels , then it did whilest it was above AD ; and therefore below AD it will proceed with slower motion in the parallels of DA , then above it . Wherefore the motion which is compounded of the two motions in EF and ED will be slower below AD , then above it ; and therefore also , the Body will not proceed from A in EA produced , but below it . Seeing therefore the endeavour in AB is generated by the endeavour in FA ; if to the endeavour in FA there be added the endeavour in DA , ( which is not all taken away by the immersion of the point A into the lower Medium ) the Body will not proceed from A in the perpendicular AB , but beyond it , namely , in some straight line between AB and AG , as in the line AH . Secondly , let the passage through the Medium EA , be less easie then that through AG. The motion therefore which is made by the concourse of the motions in EF and FB , is slower above AD then below it ; and consequently , the endeavour will not proceed from A in EA produced , but beyond it , as in AI. Wherefore , If a hard Body falling , which was to be proved . This Divergency of the Straight line AH from the straight line AG , is that which the Writers of Opticks commonly call Refraction ; which , when the passage is ea●ier in the first then in the second Medium , is made by diverging from the line of Inclination towards the perpendicular ; and contrarily , when the passage is not so easie in the first Medium , by departing farther from the perpendicular . 8 By the 6th Theoreme it is manifest , that the force of the Movent may be so placed , as that the Body moved by it , may proceed in a way almost directly contrary to that of the Movent ; as we see in the motion of Ships . For let AB ( in the 2d figure ) represent a Ship , whose length from the prow to the poop is AB ; and let the winde lie upon it in the straight parallel lines CB , DE and FG ; and let DE and FG be cut in E and G by a straight Line drawn from B perpendicular to AB ; also let BE and EG be equal , and the angle ABC any angle how small soever . Then between BC and BA let the straight line BI be drawn ; and let the Sail be conceived to be spred in the same line BI , and the winde to fall upon it in the points L , M and B ; from which points , perpendicular to BI , let BK , MQ and LP be drawn . Lastly , let EN and GO be drawn perpendicular to BG , and cutting BK in H and K ; and let HN and KO be made equal to one another , and severally equal to BA . I say the Ship BA by the winde falling upon it in CB , DE , FG , and other lines parallel to them , will be carried forwards almost opposite to the winde , that is to say , in a way almost contrary to the way of the Movent . For the Winde that blowes in the Line CB , will ( as hath been shewn in the 6th Article ) give to the point B an endeavour to proceed in a straight line perpendicular to the straight line BI , that is , in the straight line BK ; and to the points M and L an endeavour to proceed in the straight lines MQ and LP , which are parallel to BK . Let now the measure of the time be BG , which is divided in the middle in E ; & let the point B be carried to H in the time BE. In the same time therefore by the wind blowing in DM & FL ( and as many other lines as may be drawn parallel to them ) the whole Ship will be applyed to the straight line HN. Also at the end of the second time EG , it will be applyed to the straight line KO . Wherefore the Ship will always go forwards ; and the angle it makes with the winde will be equal to the angle ABC , how small soever that angle be ; and the way it makes will in every time be equal to the straight line EH . I say thus it would be , if the Ship might be moved with as great celerity sidewayes from BA towards KO , as it may be moved forwards in the line BA . But this is impossible , by reason of the resistance made by the great quantity of water which presseth the side , much exceeding the resistance made by the much smaller quantity which presseth the prow of the Ship ; so that the way the Ship makes sidewayes is scarce sensible ; and therefore the point B will proceed almost in the very line BA , making with the winde the angle ABC , how acute soever , that is to say , it will proceed almost in the straight line BC , that is , in a way almost contrary to the way of the Movent ; which was to be demonstrated . But the Sayl in BI must be so stretched , as that there be left in it no bo●ome at all ; for otherwise the straight lines LP , MQ & BK will not be perpendicular to the plain of the Sayl , but falling below P , Q and K will drive the Ship backwards . But by making use of a small Board for a Sayl , a little Waggon with wheels for the Ship , and of a smooth Pavement for the Sea , I have by experience found this to be so true , that I could scarce oppose the board to the winde in any obliquity though never so small , but the Waggon was carried forwards by it . By the same 6th . Theoreme , it may be found , how much a stroke which falls obliquely , is weaker then a stroke falling perpendicularly , they being like and equal in all other respects . Let a stroke fall upon the Wall AB obliquely , as ( for example ) in the straight line CA ( in the 3d figure ) . Let CE be drawn parallel to AB , & DA perpendicular to the same AB & equal to CA ; & let both the velocity & time of the motion in CA be equal to the velocity & time of the motion in DA. I say the stroke in CA will be weaker then that in DA in the proportion of EA to DA. For producing DA howsoever to F , the endeavour of both the strokes will ( by the 6th Art. ) proceed from A in the perpendicular AF. But the stroke in CA is made by the concourse of two motions in CE and EA ; of which that in CE contributes nothing to the stroke in A , because CE and BA are parallels ; and therefore the stroke in CA is made by the motion which is in EA onely . But the velocity or force of the perpendicular stroke in EA , to the velocity or force of the stroke in DA , is as EA to DA. Wherefore the oblique stroke in CA is weaker then the perpendicular stroke in DA , in the proportion of EA to DA or CA ; Which was to be proved . 9 In a full Medium , all Endeavour proceeds as far as the Medium it self reacheth ; that is to say , if the Medium be infinite , the Endeavour will proceed infinitely . For whatsoever Endeavoureth , is Moved , and therefore whatsoever standeth in its way , it maketh it yeild , at least a little , namely so far as the Movent it self is moved forwards . But that which yeildeth is also moved , and consequently maketh that to yeild which is in its way , and so on successively as long as the Medium is full ; that is to say , infinitely , if the full Medium be infinite , which was to be proved . Now although Endeavour thus perpetually propagated , do not alwayes appear to the Senses as Motion ; yet it appears as Action , or as the efficient cause of some Mutation . For if there be placed before our Eyes some very little object , as ( for example ) a small grain of sand , which at a certain distance is visible ; it is manifest that it may be removed to such a distance as not to be any longer seen , though by its action it still work upon the organs of sight , as is manifest from that ( which was last proved ) that all Endeavour proceeds infinitely . Let it be conceived therefore to be removed from our Eyes to any distance how great soever , and a sufficient number of other grains of sand of the same bigness added to it ; it is evident that the aggregate of all those sands will be visible ; and though none of them can be seen when it is single and severed from the rest , yet the whole heap or hill which they make wil manifestly appear to the sight ; which would be impossible if some action did not proceed from each several part of the whole heap . 10 Between the degrees of Hard and Soft , are those things which we call Tough , Tough being that , which may be bended without being altered from what it was ; and the Bending of a Line , is either the adduction or diduction of the extreme parts , that is , a morion from Straightness to Crookedness , or contrarily , whilest the line remains still the same it was ; for by drawing out the extreme points of a line to their greatest distance , the line is made straight , which otherwise is Crooked . So also the Bending of a Superficies , is the diduction or adduction of its extreme lines , that is , their Dilatation and Contraction . 11 Dilatation and Contraction , as also all Flexion supposes necessarily that the internal parts of the Body bowed do either come neerer to the external parts , or go further from them . For though Flexion be considered onely in the length of a Body , yet when that Body is bowed , the line which is made on one side will be convex , and the line on the other side will be concave ; of which the concave being the interiour line , will ( unless something be taken from it and added to the convex line ) be the more crooked , that is , the greater of the two . But they are equal ; and therefore in Flexion there is an accession made from the interiour to the exteriour parts ; and on the contrary , in Tension , from the exteriour to the interiour parts . And as for those things which do not easily suffer such transposition of their parts , they are called Brittle ; and the great force they require to make them yield , makes them also with sudden motion to leap asunder , and break in pieces . 12 Also Motion is distinguished into Pulsion and Traction . And Pulsion , as I have already defined it , is when that which is moved , goes before that which moveth it . But contrarily , in Traction the Movent goes before that which is moved . Nevertheless , considering it with greater attention , it seemeth to be the same with Pulsion . For of two parts of a hard Body , when that which is foremost drives before it the Medium in which the motion is made , at the same time that which is thrust forwards , thrusteth the next , and this again the next , and so on successively . In which action , if we suppose that there is no place void , it must needs be , that by continual Pulsion , namely , when that action has gone round , the Movent will be behind that part which at the first seemed not to be thrust forwards , but to be drawn ; so that now the Body which was drawn , goes before the Body which gives it motion ; and its motion is no longer Traction , but Pulsion . 13 Such things as are removed from their places by forcible Compression or Extension , and as soon as the force is taken away , doe presently return and restore themselves to their former situation , have the beginning of their restitution within themselves , namely , a certain motion in their internal parts , which was there , when , before the taking away of the force , they were compressed , or extended . For that Restitution is motion , and that which is at rest cannot be moved , but by a moved and a Contiguous Movent . Nor doth the cause of their Restitution proceed from the taking away of the force by which they were compressed or extended ; for the removing of impediments hath not the efficacy of a cause ( as has been shewn at the end of the 3d Article of the 15th Chapter ) . The Cause therefore of their Restitution , is some motion either of the parts of the Ambient ; or of the parts of the Body compressed or extended . But the parts of the Ambient have no endeavour which contributes to their Compression or Extension , nor to the setting of them at liberty , or Restitution . It remayns therefore that from the time of their Compression or Extension there be left some endeavour ( or motion ) by which , the impediment being removed , every part resumes its former place ; that is to say , the whole Restores it self . 14 In the Carriage of Bodies if that Body which carries another , hit upon any obstacle , or be by any means suddenly stopped , and that which is carried be not stopped , it will go on , till its motion be by some external impediment taken away . For I have demonstrated in the 8th Chapter at the 19th Article , that Motion , unless it be hindred by some external resistance , will be continued eternally with the same celerity ; and in the 7th Article of the 9th Chap. that the action of an external Agent is of no effect without contact . When therefore that which carrieth another thing , is stopped , that stop doth not presently take away the motion of that which is carried . It will therefore proceed , till its motion be by little and little extinguished by some external resistance ; Which was to be proved ; Though experience alone had been sufficient to prove this . In like manner , if that Body which carrieth another be put from rest into sudden motion ; that which is carried will not be moved forwards together with it , but will be left behind . For the contiguous part of the Body carried , hath almost the same motion with the Body which carries it ; and the remote parts will receive different Velocities according to their different distances from the Body that carries them ; namely , the more remote the parts are , the less will be their degrees of Velocity . It is necessary therefore that the Body which is carried , be left accordingly more or less behind . And this also is manifest by experience , when at the starting forward of the Horse , the Rider falleth backwards . 15 In Percussion therefore , when one hard Body is in some small ●art of it stricken by another with great force , it is not necessary that the whole Body should yeild to the stroke with the same celerity with which the stricken part yeilds . For the rest of the parts receive their motion from the motion of the part stricken and yeilding , which motion is less propagated every way towards the sides then it is directly forwards . And hence it is , that sometimes very hard Bodies , which being erected can hardly be made to stand , are more easily broken , then thrown down by a violent stroke ; when nevertheless , if all their parts together were by any weak motion thrust forwards they would easily be cast down . 16 Though the difference between Trusion and Percussion consist onely in this , that in Trusion the motion both of the Movent and Moved Body begin both together in their very contact ; and in Percussion the striking Body is first moved , and afterwards the Body stricken ; Yet their Effects are so different , that it seems scarce possible to compare their forces with one another . I say , any effect of Percussion being propounded , as for example the stroke of a Beetle of any weight assigned , by which a Pile of any given length , is to be driven into earth of any tenacity given , it seems to me very hard if not impossible to define , with what weight , or with what stroke , and in what time , the same pile may be driven 〈◊〉 a depth assigned into the same earth . The cause of which difficulty is this , that the velocity of the Percutient is to be compared with the magnitude of the Ponderant . Now Velocity , seeing it is computed by the length of space transmitted , is to be accounted but as one Dimension ; but Waight , is as a solid thing , being measured by the dimension of the whole Body . And there is no comparison to be made of a Solid Body with a Length , that is , with a Line . 17 If the internal parts of a Body be at rest , or retain the same situation with one another for any time how little soever , there cannot in those parts be generated any new motion , or endeavour , whereof the efficient cause is not without the Body of which they are parts . For if any small part which is comprehended within the Superficies of the whole Body , be supposed to be now at rest , and by and by to be moved , that part must of necessity receive its motion from some moved and contiguous Body . But ( by supposition ) there is no such moved and contiguous part within the Body . Wherefore , if there be any Endeavour or Motion , or change of situation , in the internal parts of that Body , it must needs arise from some efficient cause that is without the Body which contains them ; Which was to be proved . 18 In hard Bodies therefore which are compressed or extended , if that which compresseth or extendeth them being taken away , they restore themselves to their former place or situation , it must needs be , that that Endeavour ( or Motion ) of their internal parts , by which they were able to recover their former places or situations , was not extinguished when the force by which they were compressed or extended was taken away . Therefore when the Lath of a Cross-bow bent , doth , as soon as it is at liberty , restore it self , though to him that judges by Sense , both it and all its parts seem to be at rest ; yet he that judging by Reason , doth not account the taking away of impediment for an efficient cause , nor conceives that without an efficient cause any thing can pass from Rest to Motion , will conclude , that the parts were already in motion before they began to restore themselves . 19 Action and Reaction proceed in the same Line , but from opposite Terms . For seeing Reaction is nothing but Endeavour in the Patient to restore it self to that situation from which it was forced by the Agent ; the endeavour or motion both of the Agent and Patient ( or Reagent ) will be propagated between the same terms , ( yet so , as that in Action the Term from which , is in Reaction the Term to which ) . And seeing all Action proceeds in this manner , not onely between the opposite Terms of the whole line in which it is propagated , but also in all the parts of that line , the Terms from which and to which , both of the Action and Reaction , will be in the same line . Wherefore Action and Reaction proceed in the same line , &c. 20 To what has been said of Motion , I will add what I have to say concerning Habit. Habit therefore is a generation of Motion , not of Motion simply , but an easie conducting of the moved Body in a certain and designed way . And seeing it is attained by the weakning of such endeavours as divert its motion , therefore such endeavours are to be weakned by little and little . But this cannot be done but by the long continuance of action , or by actions often repeated ; and therefore Custome begets that Facicility , which is commonly and rightly called Habit ; and it may be defined thus ; HABIT is Motion made more easie and ready by Custome ; that is to say , by perpetual endeavour , or by iterated endevours in a way differing from that in which the Motion proceeded from the beginning , and opposing such endeavours as resist . And to make this more perspicuous by example , We may observe , that when one that has no skill in Musique , first , puts his hand to an Instrument , he cannot after the first stroke carry to his hand to the place where he would make the second stroke , without taking it back by a new endeavour , and as it were beginning again , pass from the first to the second . Nor will he be able to go on to the third place without another new endeavour , but he will be forced to draw back his hand again , and so successively , by renewing his endeavour at every stroke , till at the last by doing this often , and by compounding many interrupted motions or endeavours into one equal endeavour , he be able to make his hand go readily on from stroke to stroke in that order and way which was at the first designed . Nor are Habits to be observed in living creatures only , but also in Bodies inanimate . For we find , that when the Lath of a Crossbow is strongly bent , and would if the impediment were removed return again with great force , if it remain a long time bent , it will get such a Habit , that when it is loosed and left to its own freedome , it will not onely not restore it self , but will require as much force for the bringing of it back to its first posture , as it did for the bending of it at the first . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Center of Equiponderation of Bodies pressing do●●ards in straight Parallel Lines . 1 Definitions and Suppositions . 2 Two Plains of Equiponderation are n●● parallel . 3 The Center of Equiponderation is in every Plain of Equiponderation . 4 The Moments of equal Ponderants are to one another as their distances from the center of the Scale . 5,6 . The Moments of unequal Ponderants have their proportion to one another compounded of the proportions of their Waights and distances from the center of the Scale reciprocally taken . 7. If two Ponderants have their Moments and Distances from the Center of the Scale in reciprocal proportion ; they are equally poised ; and contrarily . 8 If the parts of any Ponderant press the Beam of the Scale every where equally , all the parts cut out off reckoned from the Center of the Scale ▪ will have their Moments in the same proportion with that of the parts of a Triangle cut off from the Vertex by straight Lines parallel to the base . 9 The Diameter of Equiponderation of Figures which are deficient ▪ according to commensurable proportions of their altitudes and bases , divides the Axis , so , that the part taken next the vertex is to the other part as the complete figure to the deficient figure . 10 The diameter of Equiponderation of the Complement of the half of any of the said deficient figures , divides that line which is drawn ▪ through the vertex parallel to the base , so , that the part next the vertex is to the other part as the complete figure to the Complement . 11 The Center of Equiponderation of the half of any of the desicient figures in the first row of the Table of the 3d. Article of the 17th Chapter , may be found out by the numbers of the second row . 12 The center of Equiponderation of the half of any of the figures in the second row of the same Table , may be found out by the numbers of the fourth row . 13 The Center of Equiponderation of the half of any of the figures in the same Table , being known , the Center of the Excess of the same figure above a Triangle of the same altitude and base is also known . 14 The Center of Equiponderation of a solid Sector , is in the Axis , so divided , that the part next the Vertex be to the whole Axis want half the Axis of the portion of the Sphere , as 3 to 4. 1 Definitions . 1 A Scale , is a straight line , whose middle point is immoveable , all the rest of its points being at liberty ; and that part of the Scale which reaches from the center to either of the waights , is called the Beam. 2 Equiponderation is , when the endeavour of one Body which presses one of the Beams , resists the endeavour of another Body pressing the other Beam , so , that neither of them is moved ; and the Bodies when neither of them is moved , are said to be Equally poised . 3 Waight , is the aggregate of all the Endeavours , by which all the points of that Body which presses the Beam , tend downwards in lines parallel to one another ; and the Body which presses , is called the Ponderant . 4 Moment , is the Power which the Ponderant has to move the Beam , by reason of a determined situation . 5 The plain of Equiponderation , is that , by which the Ponderant is so divided , that the Moments on both sides remain equal . 6 The Diameter of Equiponderation , is the common Section of the two Plains of Equiponderation ; and is in the straight line by which the waight is hanged . 7 The Center of Equiponderation , is the common point of the two Diameters of Equiponderation . Suppositions 1 When two Bodies are equally pois'd , if waight be added to one of them , and not to the other , their Equiponderation ceases . 2 When two Ponderants of equal magnitude , and of the same Species or matter , press the Beam on both sides at equal distances from the center of the Scale , their Moments are equal . Also when two Bodies endeavour at equal distances from the center of the Scale , if they be of equal magnitude and of the same Species , their Moments are equal . 2 No two Plains of Equiponderation are parallel . Let A B C D ( in the first figure ) be any Ponderant whatsoever ; and in it let E F be a Plain of Equiponderation ; parallel to which , let any other Plain be drawn , as G H. I say G H is not a Plain of Equiponderation . For seeing the parts A E F D and E B C F of the Ponderant A B C D , are equally pois'd ; and the weight E G H F is added to the part A E F D , and nothing is added to the part E B C F , but the weight E G H F is taken from it ; therefore ( by the first Supposition ) the parts A G H D and G B C H will not be equally pois'd ; and consequently G H is not a Plain of Equiponderation . Wherefore , No two Plains of Equiponderation , &c. Which was to be proved . 3 The Center of Equiponderation is in every Plain of Equiponderation . For if another Plain of Equiponderation be taken , it will not ( by the last Article ) be parallel to the former Plain ; and therefore both those Plains will cut one another . Now that Section ( by the 6th Definition ) is the Diameter of Equiponderation . Again , if another Diameter of Equiponderation be taken , it will cut that former Diameter ; and in that Section ( by the 7th Definition ) is the Center of Equiponderation . Wherefore the Center of Equiponderation is in that Diameter which lies in the said Plain of Equiponderation . 4 The Moment of any Ponderant applyed to one point of the Beam , to the Moment of the same , or an equal Ponderant applyed to any other point of the Beam , is as the distance of the former point from the Center of the Scale , to the distance of the later point from the same Center . Or thus , Those Moments are to one another , as the Arches of Circles which are made upon the Center of the Scale through those points , in the same time . Or lastly thus ; They are , as the parallel bases of two Triangles , which have a common angle at the Center of the Scale . Let A ( in the 2d figure ) be the Center of the Scale ; and let the equal Poderants D and E press the Beam A B in the points B and C ; also let the straight lines B D and C E be Diameters of Equiponderation ; and the points D and E in the Ponderants D and E be their Centers of Equiponderation . Let A G F be drawn howsoever , cutting D B produced in F , and E C in G ; and lastly , upon the common Center A , let the two arches B H and C I be described , cutting A G F in H and I. I say the Moment of the Ponderant D to the Moment of the Ponderant E , is as A B to A C , or as B H to C I , or as B F to C G. For the effect of the Ponderant D in the point B , is circular motion in the arch B H ; and the effect of the Ponderant E in the point C , circular motion in the arch C I ; and by reason of the equality of the Ponderants D and E , these motions are to one another as the Quicknesses or Velocities with which the points B and C describe the arches B H and C I , that is , as the arches themselves B H and C I , or as the straight parallels B F and C G , or as the parts of the Beam A B and A C ; for A B. A C : : B F. C G : : B H. C I. are proportionals ; and therefore the effects , that is , ( by the 4th Definition ) the Moments of the equal Ponderants applyed to several points of the Beam , are to one another , as A B and A C ; or as the distances of those points from the center of the Scale ; or as the parallel bases of the Triangles which have a common angle at A ; or as the concentrick arches B H and C I ; which was to be demonstrated . 5 Unequal Ponderants , when they are applyed to several points of the Beam , and hang at liberty ( that is , so as the line by which they hang be the Diameter of Equiponderation , whatsoever be the figure of the Ponderant ) , have their Moments to one another in proportion compounded of the proportions of their distances from the center of the Scale , and of their Waights . Let A ( in the 3d figure ) be the center of the Scale , and A B the Beam ; to which let the two Ponderants C & D be applied at the points B and E. I say the proportion of the Moment of the Ponderant C , to the Moment of the Ponderant D , is compounded of the proportions of A B to A E and of the Waight C to the Waight D ; or ( if C and D be of the same species ) of the magnitude C to the magnitude D. Let either of them , as C , be supposed to be bigger then the other D. If therefore by the addition of F , F and D together be as one Body equal to C , the Moment of C to the Moment of F + D will be ( by the last article ) as B G is to E H. Now as F + D is to D , so let E H be to another E I ; and the moment of F + D , that is of C , to the moment of D , will be as B G to E I. But the proportion of B G to E I is compounded of the proportions ( of B G to E H that is ) of A B to A E , and ( of E H to E I , that is ) of the waight C to the waight D. Wherefore unequal Ponderants , when they are applied , &c. which was to be proved . 6 The same figure remaining , if I K be drawn parallel to the Beame A B , and cutting A G in K ; and K L be drawn parallel to to B G , cutting A B in L , the distances A B and A L from the center , will be proportional to the moments of C and D. For the moment of C is B G , and the moment of D is E I , to which K L is equal . But as the distance A B from the center , is to the distance A L from the center , so is B G the moment of the Ponderant C , to L K , or E I the moment of the Ponderant D. 7 If two Ponderants have their waights and distances from the center in reciprocal proportion , and the center of the Scale be between the points to which the Ponderants are applied , they will be equally poised . And contrarily , if they be equally poised , their waights and distances from the center of the Scale will be in reciprocall proportion . Let the center of the Scale ( in the same 3d figure ) be A , the Beam A B ; and let any Ponderant C , having B G for its moment , be applied to the point B ; also let any other Ponderant D , whose moment is E I , be applied to the point E. Through the point I , let I K be drawn parallel to the Beam A B , cutting A G in K ; also let K L be drawn parallel to B G. K L will then be the Moment of the Ponderant D ; and ( by the last Article ) it will be as B G the Moment of the Ponderant C in the point B , to L K the Moment of the Ponderant D in the point E ▪ so A B to A L. On the other side of the center of the Scale , let A N be taken equal to A L ; and to the point N let there be applyed the Ponderant O , having to the Ponderant C the proportion of A B to A N. I say the Ponderants in B and N will be equally poised . For the proportion of the Moment of the Ponderant O in the point N , to the Moment of the Ponderant C in the point B , is ( by the 5th Article ) cōpounded of the proportions of the waight O to the waight B , & of the distance ( from the center of the Scale ) A N or A L to the distāce ( frō the center of the Scale ) A B. But seeing we have supposed , that the distance A B to the distance A N , is in reciprocal proportion of the Waight O to the waight C , the proportion of the Moment of the Ponderant O in the point N , to the Moment of the Ponderant C in the point B , will be compounded of the proportions of A B to A N , and of A N to A B. Wherefore , setting in order A B , A N , A B , the Moment of O to the Moment of C will be as the first to the last , that is , as A B to A B. Their Moments therefore are equal ; and consequently the Plain which passes through A , will ( by the fifth Definition ) be a Plain of Equiponderation . Wherefore they will be equally poised ; as was to be proved . Now the converse of this is manifest . For if there be Equiponderation , and the proportion of the Waights and Distances be not reciprocal , then both the Waights will alwayes have the same Moments , although one of them have more waight added to it , or its distance changed . Corollary . When Ponderants are of the same Species , and their Moments be equal ; their Magnitudes and Distances from the center of the Scale will be reciprocally proportional . For in Homogeneous Bodies , it is as Waight to Waight , so Magnitude to Magaltude . 8 If to the whole length of the Beam there be applyed a Parallelogram , or a Parallelopipedum , or a Prisma , or a Cylinder , or the Superficies of a Cylinder , ot of a Sphere , or of any portion of a Sphere or Prisma ; the parts of any of them cut off with plains parallel to the base , will have their Moments in the same proportion with the parts of a Triangle which has its Vertex in the center of the Scale , and for one of its sides the Beam it self , which parts are cut off by Plains parallel to the base . First , let the rectangled Parallelogram A B C D ( in the 4th figure ) be applyed to the whole length of the Beam A B ; and producing C B howsoever to E , let the Triangle A B E be described . Let now any part of the Parallelogram , as A F , be cut off by the plain F G , parallel to the base C B ; and let F G be produced to A E in the point H. I say the Moment of the whole A B C D to the Moment of its part A F , is as the Triangle A B E to the Triangle A G H , that is , in proportion duplicate to that of the distances from the center of the Scale . For , the Parallelogram A B C D being divided into equal parts infinite in number , by straight lines drawn parallel to the base ; and supposing the Moment of the straight line C B to be B E ; the Moment of the straight line F G , will ( by the 7th Article ) be G H ; and the Moments of all the straight lines of that Parallelogram , will be so many straight lines in the Triangle A B E drawn parallel to the base B E ; all which parallels together taken are the Moment of the whole Parallelogram A B C D ; and the same parallels do also constitute the superficies of the Triangle A B E. Wherefore the Moment of the Parallelogram A B C D , is the Triangle A B E ; and for the same reason , the Moment of the Parallelogram A F , is the Triangle A G H ; and therefore the Moment of the whole Parallelogram , to the Moment of a Parallelogram which is part of the same , is as the Triangle A B E , to the Triangle A G H , or in proportion duplicate to that of the Beams to which they are applyed . And what is here demonstrated in the case of a Parallelogram , may be understood to serve for that of a Cylinder , and of a Prisma , and their Superficies ; as also for the Superficies of a Sphere , of an Hemisphere , or any portion of a Sphere , ( for the parts of the Superficies of a Sphere , have the same proportion with that of the parts of the Axis cut off by the same parallels by which the parts of the Superficies are cut off , as Archimedes has demonstrated ) ; and therefore when the parts of any of these figures are equal and at equal distances from the Center of the Scale , their Moments also are equal , in the same manner as they are in Parallelograms . Secondly , let the Parallelogram A K I B not be rectangled ; the straight line I B wil nevertheless press the point B perpendicularly in the straight line B E ; & the straight line L G wil press the point G perpendicularly in the straight line G H ; and all the rest of the straight lines which are parallel to I B will do the like . Whatsoever therefore the Moment be which is assigned to the straight line I B , as here ( for example ) it is supposed to be B E , if A E be drawn , the Moment of the whole Parallelogram A I will be the Triangle A B E ; and the Moment of the part A L will be the Triangle A G H. Wherefore the Moment of any Ponderant , which has its sides equally applyed to the Beam , ( whether they be applyed perpendicularly or obliquely ) will be always to the Moment of a part of the same , in such proportion , as the whole Triangle has to a part of the same cut off by a plain which is parallel to the base . 9 The Center of Equiponderation of any figure which is deficient according to commensurable proportions of the altitude and base diminished , and whose complete figure is either a Parallelogram , or a Cylinder , or a Parallelopipedum , divides the Axis , so , that the part next the Vertex , to the other part , is as the complete figure to the deficient figure . For let C I A P E ( in the 5th figure ) be a deficient figure , whose Axis is A B , and whose complete figure is C D F E ; and let the Axis A B be so divided in Z , that A Z be to Z B as C D F E is to C I A P E. I say the center of Equiponderation of the figure C I A P E will be in the point Z. First , that the Center of Equiponderation of the figure C I AP E is somewhere in the Axis A B , is manifest of it self ; and therefore A B is a Diameter of Equiponderation . Let A E be drawn , and let B E be put for the Moment of the straight line C E ; the Triangle A B E will therefore ( by the 3d Article ) be the Moment of the complete figure C D F E. Let the Axis A B be equally divided in L , and let G L H be drawn parallel and equal to the straight line C E , cutting the crooked line C I A P E in I and P , and the straight lines A C and A E in K and M. Moreover , let Z O be drawn parallel to the same C E ; and let it be , as L G to L I , so L M to another L N ; and let the same be done in all the rest of the straight lines possible , parallel to the base ; and through all the points N , let the line A N E be drawn ; the three-sided figure A N E B will therefore be the Moment of the figure C I A P E. Now the Triangle A B E is ( by the 9th Article of the 17th Chapter ) to the three-sided figure A N E B , as A B C D + A I C B is to A I C B twice taken , that is , as C D F E + C I A P E is to C I A P E twice taken . But as C I A P E is to C D F E , that is , as the waight of the deficient figure , is to the waight of the complete figure , so is C I A P E twice taken , to C D F E twice taken . Wherefore , setting in order C D F E + C I A P E. 2 C I A P E. 2 C D F E ; the proportion of C D F E + C I A P E to C D F E twice taken , will be compounded of the proportion of C D F E + C I A P E to C I A P E twice taken , that is , of the proportion of the Triangle A B E to the threesided figure A N E B , that is , of the Moment of the complete figure to the Moment of the deficient figure , and of the proportion of C I A P E twice taken , to C D F E twice taken , that is , to the proportion reciprocally taken of the waight of the deficient figure to the waight of the complete figure . Again , seeing by supposition A Z. Z B : : C D F E. C I A P E are proportionals ; A B. A Z : : C D F E + C I A P E. C D F E will also ( by cōpounding ) be proportionals . And seeing A L is the half of A B , A L. A Z : : C D F E + C I A P E. 2 C D F E will also be proportionals . But the proportion of C D F E + C I A P E to 2 C D F E is compounded ( as was but now shewn ) of the proportions of Moment to Moment &c. and therefore the proportion of A L to A Z is compounded of the proportion of the Moment of the complete figure C D F E to the Moment of the deficient figure C I A P E , and of the proportion of the waight of the deficient figure C I AP E , to the waight of the complete figure C D F E ; But the proportion of A L to A Z is compounded of the proportions of A L to B Z and of B Z to A Z. Now the proportion of B Z to A Z is the proportion of the Waights reciprocally taken , that is to say , of the waight C I A P F to the waight C D F E. Therefore the remayning proportion of A L to B Z , that is , of L B to B Z is the proportion of the Moment of the waight C D F E to the Moment of the waight C I A P E. But the proportion of A L to B Z is compounded of the proportions of A L to A Z and of A Z to Z B ; of which proportions that of A Z to Z B is the proportion of the waight C D F E to the waight C I A P E. Wherefore ( by the 5th Article of this Chapter ) the remayning proportion of A L to A Z is the proportion of the distances of the points Z and L from the center of the Scale , which is A. And therefore ( by the 6th Article ) the waight C I A P E shall hang from O in the straight line O Z. So that O Z is one Diameter of Equiponderation of the waight C I A P E. But the straight line A B is the other Diameter of Equiponderation of the same waight C I A P E. Wherefore ( by the 7th Definition ) the point Z is the center of the same Equiponderation ; which point ( by construction ) divides the axis so , that the part A Z which is the part next the vertex , is to the other part Z B , as the complete figure C D F E is to the deficient figure C I A P E ; which is that which was to be demonstrated . Corollary . The Center of Equiponderation of any of those plain three-sided figures , which are compared with their complete figures in the Table of the third Article of the 17th Chapter , is to be found in the same Table , by taking the Denominator of the fraction for the part of the axis cut off next the vertex , and the Numerator for the other part next the base . For example , if it be required to find the Center of Equiponderation of the second three-sided figure of foure Meanes , there is in the concourse of the second columne with the row of three-sided figures of four Meanes this fraction ● / 7 , which signifies that that figure is to its parallelogrā or compleat figure as 5 / 7 to Unity , that is , as 5 / 7 to 7 / 7 , or as 5 to 7 ; and therefore the Center of Equiponderation of that figure , divides the axis , so , that the part next the vertex is to the other part as 7 to 5. 2 Corallary . The Center of Equiponderation of any of the Solids of those figures which are contained in the Table of the 8th Article of the same 17th Chapter , is exhibited in the same Table . For example , if the Center of Equiponderation of a Cone be sought for ; the Cone will be found to be ⅓ of its Cylinder ; and therefore the Center of its Equiponderation will so divide the axis , that the part next the vertex , to the other part , will be as 3 to 1. Also the Solid of a three-sided figure of one Meane , that is , a parabolical Solid , seeing it is 2 / 4 , that is ½ of its Cylinder , will have its Center of Equiponderation in that point , which divides the axis , so , that the part towards the vertex be double to the part towards the base . 10 The Diameter of Equiponderation of the Complement of the half of any of those figu●es which are contained in the Table of the 3d article of the 17th Chapter , divides that line which is drawne through the Vertex parallel and equall to the base , so , that the part next the Vertex , will be to the other part , as the Complete figure to the Complement . For let A I C B ( in the same 5 fig. ) be the halfe of a Parabola , or of any other of those three-sided figures which are in the Table of the 3d article of the 17th Chap whose Axis is A B , and base B C ; having A D drawn from the Vertex , equall and parallel to the base B C ; and whose complete figure is the parallelogramme A B C D. Let I Q be drawne , at any distance from the side C D , but parallel to it ; and let A D be the altitude of the Complement A I C D , and Q I a line ordinately applyed in it . Wherefore the altitude A L in the deficient figure A I C B , is equal to Q I the line ordinately applyed in its Complement ; and contrarily , L I the line ordinately applyed in the figure A I C B , is equall to the altitude A Q in its Complement ; and so in all the rest of the ordinate lines and altitudes , the mutation is such , that that line which is ordinately applyed in the figure , is the altitude of its Complement . And therefore the proportion of the altitudes decreasing , to that of the ordinate lines decreasing , being multiplicate according to any number in the deficient figure , is submultiplicate according to the same number in its Complement . For example , if A I C B be a Parabola , seeing the proportion of A B to A L is duplicate to that of B C to L I , the proportion of A D to A Q in the Complement A I C D ( which is the same with that of B C to L I ) will be subduplicate to that of C D to Q I ( which is the same with that of A B to A L ) ; and consequently , in a Parabola , the Complement will be to the Parallelogramme as 1 to 3 ; in a three-sided figure of two Meanes , as 1 to 4 ; in a three-sided figure of three Meanes , as 1 to 5 , &c. But all the ordinate lines together in A I C D are its moment ; and all the ordinate lines in A I C B are its moment . Wherefore the moments of the Complements of the halves of Deficient figures in the Table of the 3d article of the 17th Chap. being compared , are as the Deficient figures themselves ; and therefore the Diameter of Equiponderation will divide the straight line A D in such proportion , that the part next the Vertex be to the other part , as the complete figure A B C D is to the Complement A I C D. Coroll . The diameter of Equiponderation of these halves , may be found by the Table of the ●d article of the 17th Chapter in this manner . Let there be propounded any deficient figure , namely the second three-sided figure of two Meanes . This figure is to the complete figure as ⅗ to 1 , that is as 3 to 5. Wherefore the Complement to the same complete figure is as 2 to 5 ; and therefore the diameter of Equiponderation of this Complement will cut the straight line drawne from the Vertex parallel to the base , so , that the part next the Vertex will be to the other part as 5 to 2. And in like manner , any other of the said three-sided figures being propounded , if the numerator of its fraction ( found out in the Table ) be taken from the denominator , the straight line drawn from the Vertex is to be divided , so , that the part next the Vertex be to the other part , as the denominator is to the remainder which that substraction leaves . 11 The center of Equiponderation of the halfe of any of those crooked-lined figures which are in the first row of the Table of the 3d article of the 17th chapter , is in that straight line , which being parallel to the Axis , divides the base according to the numbers of the fraction next below it in the second row , so , that the Numerator be answerable to that part which is towards the Axis . For example , let the first figure of three Means be taken , whose half is A B C D ( in the 6th figure ) , and let the rectangle A B E D be completed . The Complement therefore will be B C D E. And seeing A B E D is to the figure A B C D ( by the Table ) as 5 to 4 , the same A B E D will be to the Complement B C D E as 5 to 1. Wherefore if F G be drawn parallel to the base D A , cutting the axis , so , that A G be to G B as 4 to 5 , the center of Equiponderation of the figure A B C D , will ( by the precedent article ) be somewhere in the same F G. Again , seeing ( by the same article ) the complete figure A B E D , is to the Complement B C D E as 5 to 1 , therefore if B E and A D be divided in H and I as 5 to 1 , the center of Equiponderation of the Complement B C D E will be somewhere in the straight line which connects H and I. Let now the straight line L K be drawn through M the center of the complete figure , parallel to the base ; and the straight line N O , through the same center M , perpendicular to it ; and let the straight lines L K and F G cut the straight line H I in P and Q. Let P R be taken quadruple to P Q ; and let R M be drawn and produced to F G in S. R M therefore will be to M S as 4 to 1 , that is , as the figure A B C D to its Complement B C D E. Wherefore seeing M is the center of the Complete figure A B E D , and the distances of R and S from the center M be in proportion reciprocall to that of the waight of the Complement B C D E to the waight of the figure A B C D , R and S will either be the centers of Equiponderation of their own figures , or those centers will be in some other points of the diameters of Equiponderation H I and F G. But this last is impossible . For no other straight line can be drawn through the point M terminating in the straight lines H I and F G , and retaining the proportion of M R to M S , that is , of the figure A B C D to its complement B C D E. The center therefore of Equiponderation of the figure A B C D is in the point S. Now seeing P M hath the same proportion to Q S which R P hath to R Q , Q S will be 5 of those parts of which P M is 4 , that is , of which I N is 4. But I N or P M is 2 of those parts of which E B or F G is 6 ; and therefore if it be , as 4 to 5 , so 2 to a fourth , that fourth will be 2½ . Wherefore Q S is 2½ of those parts of which F G is 6. But F Q is 1 ; and therefore F S is 3½ . Wherefore the remayning part G S is 2½ . So that F G is so divided in S , that the part towards the Axis , is in proportion to the other part as 2½ to 3½ , that is , as 5 to 7 ; which answereth to the fraction 5 / 7 in the second row , next under the fraction ⅘ in the first row . Wherefore drawing S T parallel to the Axis , the base wil be divided in like manner . By this Method it is manifest , that the base of a Semiparabola will be divided into 3 and 5 ; and the base of the first three-sided figure of two Means , into 4 and 6 ; and of the first three-sided figure of four Means , into 6 and 8. The fractions therefore of the second row denote the proportions into which the bases of the figures of the first row are divided by the diameters of Equiponderation . But the first row begins one place higher then the second row . 12 The center of Equiponderation of the half of any of the figures in the second row of the same Table of the 3d article of the 17th Chapter , is in a straight line parallel to the Axis , and dividing the base according to the nūbers of the fraction in the fourth row , two places lower , so , as that the Numerator be answerable to that part which is next the Axis . Let the half of the second three-sided figure of two Means be taken ; and let it be A B C D ( in the 7th Figure ) ; whose complement is B C D E , and the rectangle completed A B E D. Let this rectangle be divided by the two straight lines L K & N O , cutting one another in the center M at right angles ; and because A B E D is to A B C D as 5 to 3 , let A B be divided in G , so , that A G to B G be as 3 to 5 ; and let F G be drawn parallel to the base . Also because A B E D is ( by the 9th article ) to B C D E as 5 to 2 , let B E be divided in the point I , so , that B I be to I E as 5 to 2 ; and let I H be drawn parallel to the Axis , cutting L K and F G in P and Q. Let now P R be so taken , that it be to P Q as 3 to 2 , and let R M be drawn and produced to F G in S. Seeing therefore R P is to R Q , that is , R M to M S , as A B C D is to its complement B C D E , and the centers of Equiponderation of A B C D and B C D E are in the straight lines F G and H I , and the center of Equiponderation of them both together in the point M ; R will be the center of the Complement B C D E , and S the center of the Figure A B C D. And seeing P M , that is I N , is to Q S , as R P is to R Q ; and I N , or P M is 3 of those parts , of which B E , that is , F G is 14 ; therefore Q S is 5 of the same parts ; and E I , that is F Q , 4 ; and F S , 9 ; and G S , 5. Wherefore the straight line S T being drawn parallel to the Axis , will divide the base A D into 5 and 9. But the fraction 5 / 9 is found in the fourth row of the Table , two places below the fraction 9 / 5 in the second row . By the same method , if in the same second row , there be taken the second three-sided Figure of three Meanes , the center of Equiponderation of the half of it , will be found to be in a straight line parallel to the Axis , dividing the base according to the numbers of the fraction 6 / 10 , two places below in the fourth row . And the same way serves for all the rest of the Figures in the second row . In like manner , the center of Equiponderation of the third three-sided Figure of three Means , will be found to be in a straight line parallel to the Axis , dividing the base , so , that the part next the Axis , be to the other part , as 7 to 13 , &c. Coroll . The Centers of Equiponderation of the halves of the said Figures are known , seeing they are in the intersection of the straight lines S T and F G , which are both known . 13 The center of Equiponderation of the half of any of the Figures , which ( in the Table of the 3d Article of the 17th Chap. ) are compared with their Parallelograms , being known ; the center of Equiponderation of the excess of the same Figure above its triangle , is also known . For example , let the Semiparabola A B C D ( in the 8th Fig. ) be taken ; whose Axis is A B ; whose complete Figure is A B E D ; and whose excess above its triangle is B C D B. It s center of Equiponderation may be found out in this manner . Let F G be drawn parallel to the base , so , that A F be a third part of the Axis ; and let H I be drawn parallel to the Axis , so , that A H be a third part of the base . This being done , the center of Equiponderation of the triangle A B D , will be I. Again , let K L be drawn parallel to the base , so , that A K be to A B as 2 to 5 ; and M N parallel to the Axis , so , that A M be to A D as 3 to 8 ; and let M N terminate in the straight line K L. The center therefore of Equiponderation of the Parabola A B C D is N ; and therefore we have the centers of Equiponderation of the Semiparabola A B C D , and of its part the triangle A B D. That we may now finde the Center of Equiponderation of the remayning part B C D B , let I N be drawn and produced to O , so , that N O be triple to I N ; and O will be the center sought for . For seeing the waight of A B D , to the waight of B C D B is in proportion reciprocall to that of the straight line N O to the straight line I N ; and N is the center of the whole , and I the center of the triangle A B D ; O will be the center of the remaining part , namely , of the figure B D C B ; which was to be found . Coroll . The Center of Equiponderation of the figure B D C B , is in the concourse of two straight lines , whereof one is parallel to the base , and divides the Axis , so , that the part next the base be ⅖ or 6 / 15 of the whole Axis ; the other is parallel to the Axis , and so divides the base , that the part towards the Axis be ½ or 12 / 24 of the whole base . For drawing O P parallel to the base , it will be as I N to N O , so F K to K P , that is , so 1 to 3 , or 5 to 15. But A F is 5 / 15 or ⅓ of the whole A B ; and A K is 6 / 15 or ⅖ ; and F K ● / 15 ; and K P 3 / 15 ; and therefore A P is 9 / 15 of the Axis A B. Also A H is ⅓ or 8 / 24 ; and A M ⅜ or 9 / 24 of the whole base ; and therefore O Q being drawn parallel to the Axis , M Q ( which is triple to H M ) will be 3 / 24. Wherefore A Q is 12 / 24 or ½ of the base A D. The excesses of the rest of the three-sided figures in the first row of the Table of the 3d article of the 17th Chapter , have their centers of Equiponderation in two straight lines which divide the Axis and base according to those fractions , which adde 4 to the numerators of the fractions of a Parabola 9 / 15 and 12 / 24 ; and 6 to the denominators , in this manner , In a Parabola , The Axis 9 / 15 , The Base 12 / 24 In the first three-sided figure , The Axis 13 / 21 , The Base 16 / 30 In the second three-sided figure , The Axis 17 / 27 , The Base 20 / 36 &c. And by the same method , any man ( if it be worth the paines ) may find out the centers of Equiponderation of the excesses above their triangles of the rest of the figures in the second & third row , &c. 14 The center of Equiponderation of the Sector of a Sphere ( that is , of a figure compounded of a right Cone whose Vertex is the center of the Sphere , and the portion of the Sphere whose base is the same with that of the Cone ) , divides the straight line which is made of the Axis of the Cone and halfe the Axis of the portion together taken , so , that the part next the Vertex be triple to the other part , or to the whole straight line , as 3 to 4. For let A B C ( in the 9th fig. ) be the Sector of a Sphere , whose Vertex is the ce●ter of the Sphere A ; whose Axis is A D ; and the circle upon B C is the common base of the portion of the Sphere and of the Cone whose Vertex is A ; the Axis of which portion is E D , and the halfe thereof F D ; and the Axis of the Cone , A E. Lastly let A G be ¾ of the straight line A F. I say G is the center of Equiponderation of the Sector A B C. Let the straight line F H be drawne of any length , making right angles with A F at F ; and drawing the straight line A H , let the triangle A F H be made . Then upon the same center A let any arch I K be drawne , cutting A D in L ; and its chord , cutting A D in M ; and dividing M L equally in N , let N O be drawne parallel to the straight line F H , and meeting with the straight line A H in O. Seeing now B D C is the Spherical Superficies of the portion cut off with a plain passing through B C , and cutting the Axis at right angles ; and seeing F H divides E D the Axis of the portion into two equal parts in F ; the center of Equiponderation of the Superficies B D C will be in F ( by the 8th article ) ; and for the same reason the center of Equiponderation of the Superficies I L K ( K being in the straight line A C ) will be in N. And in like manner , if there were drawne between the center of the Sphere A and the outermost Spherical Superficies of the Sector , arches infinite in number , the centers of Equiponderation of the Sphericall Superficies in which those arches are , , would be found to be in that part of the Axis , which is intercepted between the Superficies it selfe and a plaine passing along by the chord of the arch , and cutting the Axis in the middle at right angles . Let it now be supposed that the moment of the outermost sphericall Superficies B D C is F H. Seeing therefore the Superficies B D C is to the Superficies I L K in proportion duplicate to that of the arch B D C to the arch I L K , that is , of B E to I M , that is , of F H to N O ; let it be as F H to N O , so N O to another N P ; and again , as N O to N P , so N P to another N Q ; and let this be done in all the straight lines parallel to the base F H that can possibly be drawn between the base and the vertex of the triangle A F H. If then through all the points Q there be drawn the crooked line A Q H , the figure A F H Q A will be the complement of the first three-si●ed figure of two Meanes ; and the same will also be the moment of all the Sphericall Superficies of which the Solid Sector A B C D is compounded ; and by consequent , the moment of the Sector it selfe . Let now F H be understood to be the semidiameter of the base of a right Cone , whose side is A H , and Axis A F. Wherfore seeing the bases of the Cones which passe through F and N and the rest of the points of the Axis , are in proportion duplicate to that of the straight lines F H and N O , &c. the moment of all the bases together , that is , of the whole Cone , will be the figure it self A F H Q A ; and therefore the center of Equiponderation of the Cone A F H is the same with that of the solid Sector . Wherefore seeing A G is ¾ of the Axis A F , the center of Equiponderation of the Cone A F H is in G ; and therefore the center of the solid Sector is in G also , and divides the part A F of the Axis , so , that A G is triple to G F ; that is , A G is to A F as 3 to 4 ; which was to be demonstrated . Note , that when the Sector is a Hemisphere , the Axis of the Cone vanisheth into that point which is the center of the Sphere ; and therefore it addeth nothing to half the Axis of the portion . Wherefore , if in the Axis of the Hemisphere , there be taken from the center , ¾ of halfe the Axis , that is , 3 / ● of the Semidiameter of the Sphere , there will be the center of Equiponderation of the Hemisphere . CHAP. XXIV . Of Refraction and Reflection . 1 Definitions . 2 In perpendicular Motion there is no Refraction . 3 Things thrown out of a thinner into a thicker Medium , are so refracted , that the Angle Refracted is greater then the Angle of Inclination . 4 Endeavour which from one point tendeth every way , will be so Refracted , at that the sine of the Angle Refracted , will be to the sine of the Angle of Inclination , as the Density of the first Medium is to the Density of the second Medium , reciprocally taken . 5 The sine of the Refracted Angle in one Inclination is to the sine of the Refracted Angle in another Inclination , as the sine of the Angle of that Inclination is to the sine of the Angle of this Inclination . 6 If two lines of Incidence , having equal Inclination , be the one in a thinner , the other in a thicker Medium , the sine of the angle of Inclination will be a Mean proportional between the two sines of the Refracted angles . 7 If the angle of Inclination be semirect , and the line of Inclination be in the thicker Medium , and the proportion of their Densities be the same with that of the Diagonal to the side of a Square , and the separating Superficies be plain , the Refracted line will be in the separating Superficies . 8 If a Body be carried in a straight line upon another Body , and do not penetrate the same , but be reflected from it , the angle of Reflexion will be equal to the Angle of Incidence . 9 The same happens in the generation of Motion in the line of Incidence . 1 Definitions . 1 REFRACTION , is the breaking of that straight Line , in which a Body is moved , or its Action would proceed in one and the same Medium , into two straight lines , by reason of the different natures of the two Mediums . 2 The former of these is called the Line of Incidence ; the later the Refracted Line . 3 The Point of Refraction , is the common point of the Line of Incidence and of the Refracted Line . 4 The Refracting Superficies , which also is the Separating Superficies of the two Mediums , is that in which is the point of Refraction . 5 The Angle Refracted , is that which the Refracted Line makes in the point of Refraction , with that Line which from the same point is drawn perpendicular to the separating Superficies in a different Medium . 6 The Angle of Refraction , is that which the Refracted line makes with the Line of Incidence produced . 7 The Angle of Inclination , is that which the Line of Incidence makes with that Line which from the point of Refraction is drawn perpendicular to the separating Superficies . 8 The Angle of Incidence , is the Complement to a right Angle of the Angle of Inclination . And so , ( in the first Figure ) the Refraction is made in A B F. The Refracted Line is B F. The Line of Incidence is A B. The Point of Incidence , and of Refraction is B. The Refracting or Separating Superficies is D B E. The Line of Incidence produced directly is A B C The Perpendicular to the separating Superficies is B H. The Angle of Refraction is C B F. The Angle Refracted is H B F. The Angle of Inclination is A B G or H B C. The Angle of Incidence is A B D. 9 Moreover the Thinner Medium , is understood to be that in which there is less resistance to Motion or to the generation of Motion ; & the Thicker , that wherin there is greater resistance . 10 And that Medium in which there is equal resistance every where , is a Homogeneous Medium . All other Mediums are Heterogeneous . 2 If a Body pass , or there be generation of Motion , from one Medium to another of different Density , in a line perpendicular to the Separating Superficies ; there will be no Refraction . For seeing on every side of the perdendicular all things in the Mediums are supposed to be like and equal ; if the Motion it self be supposed to be perpendicular , the Inclinations also will be equal , or rather none at all ; and therefore there can be no cause , from which Refraction may be inferred to be on one side of the perpendicular , which wil not cōclude the same Refraction to be on the other side . Which being so , Refraction on one side will destroy Refraction on the other side ; and consequently , either the Refracted line will be every where , ( which is absurd ) , or there will be no Refracted line at all ; which was to be demonstrated . Corol. It is manifest from hence , that the cause of Refraction consisteth onely in the obliquity of the line of Incidence , whether the Incident Body penetrate both the Mediums , or without penetrating , propagate motion by Pressure onely . 3 If a Body , without any change of situation of its internal parts , as a stone , be moved obliquely out of the thinner Medium , and proceed penetrating the thicker Medium ; and the thicker Medium be such , as that its internal parts being moved , restore themselves to their former situation ; the angle Refracted will be greater then the angle of Inclination . For let D B E ( in the same first figure ) be the separating Superficies of two Mediums ; and let a Body , as a stone thrown , be understood to be moved as is supposed in the straight line A B C ; and let A B be in the thinner Medium , as in the Aire ; and B C in the thicker , as in the Water . I say the stone , w ch being thrown , is moved in the line A B , will not proceed in the line B C , but in some other line , namely that , with which the perpendicular B H makes the Refracted angle H B F greater then the angle of Inclination H B C. For seeing the stone coming from A , and falling upon B , makes that which is at B proceed towards H , and that the like is done in all the straight lines which are parallel to B H ; and seeing the parts moved restore themselves by contrary motion in the same line ; there will be contrary motion generated in H B , and in all the straight lines which are parallel to it . Wherefore the motion of the stone will be made by the concourse of the motions in A G , that is , in D B , and in G B , that is , in B H , and lastly , in H B , that is , by the concourse of three motions . But by the concourse of the motions in A G and B H , the stone will be carried to C ; and therefore by adding the motion in H B , it will be carried higher in some other line , as in B F , and make the angle H B F greater then the angle H B C. And from hence may be derived the cause , why Bodies which are thrown in a very oblique line , if either they be any thing flat , or be thrown with great force , will when they fall upon the water , be cast up again from the water into the aire . For let A B ( in the 2d figure ) be the superficies of the water ; into which from the point C , let a stone be thrown in the straight line C A , making with the line B A produced a very little angle C A D ; and producing B A indefinitely to D , let C D be drawn perpendicular to it , and A E parallel to C D. The stone therefore will be moved in C A by the concourse of two motions in C D and D A , whose velocities are as the lines themselves C D and D A. And from the motion in C D and all its parallels downwards , as soon as the stone falls upon A , there will be Reaction upwards , because the water restores it self to its former situation . If now the stone be thrown with sufficient obliquity , that is , if the straight line C D be short enough , that is , if the endeavour of the stone downwards be less then the Reaction of the water upwards , that is , less then the endeavour it hath from its own gravity , ( for that may be ) , the stone will ( by reason of the excess of the endeavour which the water hath to restore it self , above that which the stone hath downwards ) be raised again above the Superficies A B , and be carried higher , being reflected in a line which goes higher , as the line A G. 4 If from a point , whatsoever the Medium be , Endeavour be propagated every way into all the parts of that Medium ; and to the same Endeavour there be obliquely opposed another Medium of a different nature , that is , either thinner or thicker ; that Endeavour will be so refracted , that the sine of the angle Refracted , to the sine of the angle of Inclination , will be as the density of the first Medium to the density of the second Medium , reciprocally taken . First , let a Body be in the thinner Medium in A ( Figure 3d. ) ; and let it be understood to have endeavour every way , and consequently that its endeavour proceed in the lines A B and A b ; to which let B b the superficies of the thicker Medium be obliquely opposed in B and b , so that A B and A b be equal ; and let the straight line B b be produced both wayes . From the points B and b let the perpendiculars B C and b c be drawn ; and upon the centers B and b , and at the equal distances B A and b A , let the Circles A C and A c be described , cutting B C and b c in C and c , and the same C B and c b produced in D and d , as also A B and A b produced in E and e. Then from the point A to the straight lines B C and b c let the perpendiculars A F and A f be drawn . A F therefore will be the sine of the angle of Inclination of the straight line A B , and A f the sine of the angle of Inclination of the straight line A h , which two Inclinations are by construction made equal . I say , as the density of the Medium in which are B C and b c , is to the density of the Medium in which are B D and b d , so is the sine of the angle Refracted , to the sine of the angle of Inclination . Let the straight line F G be drawn parallel to the straight line A B , meeting with the straight line b B produced in G. Seeing therefore A F and B G are also parallels , they will be equal ; and consequently , the endeavour in A F is propagated in the same time , in which the endeavour in B G would be propagated if the Medium were of the same density . But because B G is in a thicker Medium , that is , in a Medium which resists the endeavour more then the Medium in which A F is , the endeavour will be propagated less in B G then in A F , according to the proportion which the density of the Medium in which A F is , hath to the density of the Medium in which B G is . Let therefore the density of the Medium in which B G is , be to the density of the Medium in which A F is , as B G is to B H ; and let the measure of the time be the Radius of the Circle . Let H I be drawn parallel to B D , meeting with the circumference in I ; and from the point I let I K be drawn perpendicular to B D ; which being done , B H and I K will be equal ; and I K will be to A F , as the density of the Medium in which is A F , is to the density of the Medium in which is I K. Seeing therefore in the time A B ( which is the Radius of the Circle ) the endeavour is propagated in A F in the thinner Medium , it will be propagated in the same time , that is , in the time B I in the thicker Medium from K to I. Therefore B I is the Refracted line of the line of Incidence A B ; and I K is the sine of the angle Refracted ; and A F , the sine of the angle of Inclination . Wherefore seeing I K is to A F , as the density of the Medium in which is A F to the density of the Medium in which is I K ; it will be as the density of the Medium in which is A F , ( or B C ) to the density of the Medium in which is I K ( or B D ) , so the sine of the angle Refracted to the sine of the angle of Inclination . And by the same reason it may be shewn , that as the density of the thinner Medium is to the density of the thicker Medium , so will K I the sine of the angle Refracted be to A F the sine of the Angle of Inclination . Secondly , let the Body which endeavoureth every way , be in the thicker Medium at I. If therefore both the Mediums were of the same density , the endeavour of the Body in I B would tend directly to L ; and the sine of the angle of Inclination L M would be equal to I K or B H. But because the density of the Medium in which is IK , to the density of the Medium in which is L M , is as BH to B G , that is , to A F , the endeavour will be propagated further in the Medium in which L M is , then in the Medium in which I K is , in the proportion of density to density , that is , of M L to A F. Wherefore B A being drawn , the angle Refracted will be C B A , and its sine A F. But L M is the sine of the angle of Inclination ; and therefore again , as the density of one Medium is to the density of the different Medium , so reciprocally is the sine of the angle Refracted to the sine of the angle of Inclination , which was to be demonstrated . In this Demonstration , I have made the separating Superficies B b plain by construction . But though it were concave or convex , the Theoreme would nevertheless be true . For the Refraction being made in the point B of the plain separating Superficies , if a crooked line , as P Q be drawn , touching the separating line in the point B ; neither the Refracted line B I , nor the perpendicular B D will be altered ; and the Refracted angle K B I , as also its sine K I will be still the same they were . 5 The sine of the angle Refracted in one Inclination , is to the sine of the angle Refracted in another Inclination , as the sine of the angle of that Inclination to the sine of the angle of this Inclination . For seeing the sine of the Refracted angle is to the sine of the angle of Inclination , ( whatsoever that Inclination be ) as the density of one Medium , to the density of the other Medium ; the proportion of the sine of the Refracted angle , to the sine of the angle of Inclination , will be compounded of the proportions of density to density , and of the sine of the angle of one Inclination to the sine of the angle of the other Inclination . But the proportions of the densities in the same Homogeneous Body , are supposed to be the same . Wherefore Refracted angles in different Inclinations , are as the sines of the angles of those Inclinations ; which was to be demonstrated . 6 If two lines of Incidence having equal inclination , be the one in a thinner , the other in a thicker Medium ; the sine of the angle of their Inclination , will be a mean proportional between the two sines of their angles Refracted . For let the straight line AB ( in the same 3d figure ) have its Inclination in the thinner Medium , and be refracted in the thicker Medium in B I ; and let E B have as much Inclination in the thicker Medium , and be refracted in the thinner Medium in B S ; and let R S the sine of the angle Refracted be drawn . I say the straight lines R S , A F and I K are in continual proportion . For it is , as the density of the thicker Medium to the density of the thinner Medium , so R S to A F. But it is also , as the density of the same thicker Medium , to that of the same thinner Medium , so AF to IK . Wherefore R S. A F : : A F. I K are propoortionals ; that is , R S , A F and I K are in continual proportion , and A F is the Mean proportional ; which was to be proved . 7 If the angle of Inclination be semirect , and the line of Inclination be in the thicker Medium , and the proportion of the Densities be as that of a Diagonal to the side of its Square , and the separating Superficies be plain , the Refracted line will be in that separating Superficies . For in the Circle A C ( in the 4th figure ) let the angle of Inclination A B C be an angle of 45 degrees . Let C B be produced to the Circumference in D ; & let C E ( the sine of the angle ● B C ) be drawn ▪ to which , let B F be taken equal in the separating line B G. B C E F will therefore be a Parallelogram , & F E & B C , that is , F E and B G equal . Let AG be drawn , namely , the Diagonal of the Square whose side is B G ; and it will be , as A G to E F , so B G to B F ; & so ( by supposition ) the density of the Medium in which C is , to the density of the Medium in which D is ; and so also the sine of the angle Refracted to the sine of the angle of Inclination . Drawing therefore F D , & from D the line D H perpendicular to A B produced , DH will be the sine of the angle of Inclination . And seeing the sine of the angle Refracted is to the sine of the angle of Inclination , as the density of the Medium in which is C , is to the density of the Medium in which is D , that is , ( by supposition ) as A G is to F E , that is , as D H is to B G ; and seeing D H is the sine of the angle of Inclination , B G will therefore be the sine of the angle Refracted . Wherefore B G will be the Refracted line , and lye in the plain separating Superficies ; which was to be demonstrated . Coroll . It is therefore manifest , that when the Inclination is greater then 45 degrees , as also when it is less , provided the density be greater , it may happen that the Refraction will not enter the thinner Medium at all . 8 If a Body fall in a straight line upon another Body , and do not penetrate it , but be reflected from it , the angle of Reflexion will be equal to the angle of Incidence . Let there be a Body at A ( in the 5th figure ) , which falling with straight motion in the line A C upon another Body at C , passeth no further , but is reflected ; and let the angle of Incidence be any angle , as A C D. Let the straight line C E be drawn , making with D C produced the angle E C F equall to the angle A C D ; and let A D be drawn perpendicular to the straight line D F. Also in the same straight line D F let C G be taken equall to C D ; and let the perpendicular G E be raised , cutting C E in E. This being done , the triangles A C D and E C G will be equall and like . Let C H be drawn equal and parallel to the straight line A D ; and let H C be produced indefinitely to I. Lastly let E A be drawn , which will passe through H , and be parallel and equall to G D. I say the motion from A to C in the straight line of Incidence AC , will be reflected in the straight line C E. For the motion from A to C is made by two coefficient or concurrent motions , the one in A H parallel to D G , the other in A D perpendicular to the same D G ; of which two motions , that in A H workes nothing upon the Body A after it has been moved as farre as C , because ( by supposition ) it doth not passe the straight line D G ; whereas the endeavour in A D , that is in H C , worketh further towards I. But seeing it doth onely presse and not penetrate , there will be reaction in H , which causeth motion from C towards H ; and in the mean time the motion in H E remaines the same it was in A H ; and therefore the Body will now be moved by the concourse of two motions in C H and H E , which are equall to the two motions it had formerly in A H and H C. Wherefore it will be carried on in C E. The angle therefore of Reflection will be E C G , equall ( by construction ) to the angle A C D ; which was to be demonstrated . Now when the Body is considered but as a point , it is all one , whether the Superficies or line in which the Reflection is made , be straight or crooked ; for the point of Incidence and Reflexion C , is as well in the crooked line which toucheth D G in C , as in D G it selfe . 9 But if we suppose that not a Body be moved , but some Endeavour onely be propagated from A to C , the Demonstration will neverthelesse be the same . For all Endeavour is motion ; and when it hath reached the Solid Body in C , it presseth it , and endeavoureth further in C I. Wherefore the reaction will proceed in C H ; and the endeavour in C H concurring with the endeavour in H E , will generate the endeavour in C E , in the same manner as in the repercussion of Bodies moved . If therefore Endeavour be propagated from any point to the concave Superficies of a Spherical Body , the Reflected line with the circumference of a great circle in the same Sphere , will make an angle equall to the angle of Incidence . For if Endeavour be propagated from A ( in the 6 fig. ) to the circumference in B , and the center of the Sphere be C , and the line C B be drawne , as also the Tangent D B E ; and lastly if the angle F B D be made equall to the angle A B E , the Reflexion will be made in the line B F , as hath been newly shewn . Wherefore the angles which the straight lines A B and F B make with the circumference , will also be equall . But it is here to be noted that if C B be produced howsoever to G , the endeavour in the line G B C will proceed onely from the perpendicular reaction in G B ; and that therefore there will be no other endeavour in the point B towards the parts which are within the Sphere , besides that which tends towards the center . And here I put an end to the third part of this Discourse ; in which I have considered Motion and Magnitude by themselves in the abstract . The fourth and last part , concerning the Phaenomena of Nature , that is to say , concerning the Motions and Magnitudes of the Bodies which are parts of the World , reall and existent , is that which followes . PHYSIQVES ▪ or the PHAENOMENA of NATVRE . CHAP. XXV . Of Sense and Animal Motion . 1 The connexion of what hath been said with that which followeth . 2 The investigation of the nature of Sense , and the Definition of Sense . 3 The Subject and Object of Sense . 4 The Organ of Sense . 5 All Bodies are not indued with Sense . 6 But one Phantasme at one and the same time . 7 Imagination , the Remayns of past Sense , ( which also is Memory ) . Of Sleep . 8 How Phantasmes succeed one another . 9 Dreames , whence they proceed . 10 Of the Senses , their kindes , their Organs , and Phantasmes proper and common . 11 The Magnitude of Images , how and by what it is determined . 12 Pleasure , Pain , Appetite , and Aversion , what they are . 13 Deliberation and Will , what . 1 I Have ( in the first Chapter ) defined Philosophy to be Knowledge of Effects acquired by true Ratiocination , from knowledge first had of their Causes and Generation ; and of such Causes or Generations as may be , from former knowledge of their Effects or Appearances . There are therefore two Methods of Philosophy , One from the Generation of things to their possible Effects , and the other from their Effects or Appearances to some possible Generation of the same . In the former of these , the Truth of the first Principles of our ratiocination ( namely Definitions ) is made and constituted by our selves , whilest we consent and agree about the Appellations of things . And this part I have finished in the foregoing Chapters ; in which ( if I am not deceived ) I have affirmed nothing ( saving the Definitions themselves ) which hath not good coherence with the Definitions I have given ; that is to say , which is not sufficiently demonstrated to all those that agree with me in the use of Words and Appellations ; for whose sake onely I have written the same . I now enter upon the other part ; which is the finding out by the Appearances or Effects of Nature which we know by Sense , some wayes and means by which they may be ( I do not say , they are ) generated . The Principles therefore , upon which the following discourse depends , are not such as we our selves make and pronounce in general terms , as Definitions ; but such , as being placed in the things themselves by the Authour of Nature , are by us observed in them ; and we make use of them in single and particular , not universal propositions . Nor do they impose upon us any necessity of constituting Theoremes ; their use being onely ( though not without such general Propositions as have been already demonstrated ) to shew us the possibility of some production or generation . Seeing therefore the Science which is here taught , hath its Principles in the Appearances of Nature , and endeth in the attayning of some knowledge of Natural causes , I have given to this Part , the title of PHYSIQUES , or the PHAENOMENA of NATURE . Now such things as appear , or are shewn to us by Nature , we call Phaenomena or Appearances . Of all the Phaenomena , or Appearances which are neer us , the most admirable is Apparition it self , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; namely , that some Natural Bodies have in themselves the patterns almost of all things , and others of none at all . So that if the Appearances be the Principles by which we know all other things , we must needs acknowledge Sense to be the Principle by which we know those Principles ; & that all the knowledge we have is derived from it . And as for the causes of Sense , we cannot begin our search of them from any other Phaenomenon then that of Sense it self . But you will say , by what Sense shall we take notice of Sense ? I answer , by Sense it self , namely , by the Memory which for some time remains in us of things sensible , though they themselves pass away . For he that perceiues that he hath perceived , remembers . In the first place therefore the causes of our Perception , that is , the causes of those Ideas and Phantasmes which are perpetually generated within us whilest we make use of our Senses , are to be enquired into ; and in what manner their generation proceeds . To help which Inquisition , we may observe first of all , that our Phantasmes or Ideas are not alwayes the same ; but that new ones appear to us , and old ones vanish , according as we apply our Organs of Sense , now to one Object , now to another . Wherefore they are generated , and perish . And from hence it is manifest , that they are some change or mutation in the Sentient . 2 Now that all Mutation or Alteration is Motion , or Endeavour ( and Endeavour also is Motion ) in the internal parts of the thing that is altered , hath been proved ( in the 9th Article of the 8th Chapter ) from this , that whilest even the least parts of any Body remain in the same situation in respect of one another , it cannot be said that any alteration ( unless perhaps that the whole Body together hath been moved ) hath hapned to it ; but that it both appeareth and is the same it appeared & was before . Sense therefore in the Sentient , can be nothing else but motion in some of the internal parts of the Sentient ; and the parts so moved , are parts of the Organs of Sense . For the parts of our Body by which we perceive any thing , are those we commonly call the Organs of Sense . And so we find what is the Subject of our Sense , namely , that in which are the Phantasmes ; and partly also we have discovered the nature of Sense , namely , that it is some internal Motion in the Sentient . I have shewn besides ( in the 8th Chap. at the 7th Article ) that no Motion is generated but by a Body contiguous and Moved . From whence it is manifest , that the immediate cause of Sense or Perception consists in this , that the first Organ of Sense is touched and pressed . For when the uttermost part of the Organ is pressed , it no sooner yeilds , but the part next within it , is pressed also ; and in this manner , the pressure or Motion is propagated through all the parts of the Organ to the innermost . And thus also the pressure of the uttermost part proceeds from the pressure of some more remote Body , and so continually , till we come to that from which , as from its fountain we derive the Phantasme or Idea that is made in us by our Sense . And this , whatsoever it be , is that we commonly call the Object . Sense therefore is some internal Motion in the Sentient , generated by some internal Motion of the parts of the Object , and propagated through all the Media to the innermost part of the Organ . By which words I have almost defined what Sense is . Moreover , I have shewn ( in the 2d Article of the 15 Chapter ) that all Resistance is Endeavour opposite to another Endeavour , that is to say , Reaction . Seeing therefore there is in the whole Organ by reason of its own internal natural Motion ; some Resistance or Reaction against the Motion which is propagated from the Object to the innermost part of the Organ , there is also in the same Organ an Endeavour opposite to the Endeavour which proceeds from the Object ; so that when that Endeavour inwards is the last action in the act of Sense , then from the Reaction , how little soever the duration of it be , a Phantasme or Idea hath its being ; which by reason the Endeavour is now outwards , doth alwayes appear as something situate without the Organ . So that now I shall give you the whole Definition of Sense , as it is drawn from the explication of the causes thereof , and the order of its generation , thus ; SENSE is a Phantasme , made by the Reaction and endeavour outwards in the Organ of Sense , caused by an Endeavour inwards from the Object , remayning for some time more or less . 3 The Subject of Sense , is the Sentient it self , namely , some living Creature ; and we speak more correctly , when we say a Living Creature seeth , then when we say the Eye seeth . The Object , is the thing Perceived ; and it is more accurately said , that we see the Sun , then that we see the Light. For Light & Colour & Heat & Sound , and other qualities which are commonly called Sensible , are not Objects , but Phantasms in the Sentients . For a Phantasm is the act of Sense , and differs no otherwise from Sense then fieri ( that is , Being a doing ) differs from Factum esse , ( that is , Being done ; ) which difference , in things that are done in an Instant , is none at all ; and a Phantasme is made in an Instant . For in all Motion which proceeds by perpetual propagation , the first part being moved moves the second , the second the third , and so on to the last , and that to any distance how great soever . And in what point of time the first or formost part proceeded to the place of the second , which is thrust on ; in the same point of time the last save one proceeded into the place of the last yeilding part ; which by reaction , in the same instant , if the reaction be strong enough , makes a Phantasme ; and a Phantasme being made , Perception is made together with it , 4 The Organs of Sense , which are in the Sentient , are such parts thereof , that if they be hurt , the very generation of Phantasmes is thereby destroyed , though all the rest of the parts remain intire . Now these parts in the most of Living Creatures are found to be certain Spirits and Membranes , which proceeding from the Pia Mater , involve the Brain and all the Nerves ; also the Brain it self , and the Arteries which are in the Brain ; and such other parts , as being stirred , the Hart also , which is the fountain of all Sense is stirred together with them . For whensoever the action of the Object reacheth the Body of the Sentient , that action is by some Nerve propagated to the Brain ; and if the Nerve leading thither be so hurt or obstructed , that the Motion can be propagated no further , no Sense follows . Also ▪ if the motion be intercepted between the Brain and the Heart by the defect of the Organ by which the action is propagated , there will be no perception of the Object . 5 But though all Sense , as I have said , be made by Reaction , nevertheless it is not necessary that every thing that Reacteth should have Sense . I know there have been Philosophers , & those learned men , who have maintained that all Bodies are endued with Sense . Nor do I see how they can be refuted , if the nature of Sense be placed in Reaction onely . And , though by the Reaction of Bodies inanimate a Phantasme might be made , it would nevertheless cease , as soon as ever the Object were removed . For unless those Bodies had Organs , ( as living Creatures have ) fit for the retaining of such Motion as is made in them , their Sense would be such , as that they should never remēber the same . And therefore this hath nothing to do with that Sense which is the subject of my discourse . For by Sense we commonly understand the judgement we make of Objects by their Phantasmes ; namely , by comparing and distinguishing those Phantasmes ; which we could never do , if that motion in the Organ , by which the Phantasme is made , did not remain there for some time , and make the same Phantasme return . Wherefore Sense , as I here understand it , and which is commonly so called , hath necessarily some memory adhering to it , by which former and later Phantasmes may be compared together , and distinguished from one another . Sense therefore properly so called , must necessarily have in it a perpetual variety of Phantasmes , that they may be discerned one from another . For if we should suppose a man to be made with cleer Eyes , and all the rest of his Organs of Sight well disposed , but endued with no other Sense ; and that he should look onely upon one thing , which is alwayes of the same colour and figure without the least appearance of variety , he would seem to me , whatsoever others may say , to see , no more then I seem to my self to feel the Bones of my own Limbs by my Organs of Feeling ; and yet those Bones are alwayes , and on all sides touched by a most sensible Membrane . I might perhaps say he were astonished , and looked upon it ; but I should not say he saw it ; it being almost all one for a man to be alwayes sensible of one and the same thing , and not to be sensible at all of any thing . 6 And yet such is the nature of Sense , that it does not permit a man to discern many things at once . For seeing the nature of Sense consists in Motion ; as long as the Organs are employed about one Object , they cannot be so Moved by another at the same time , as to make by both their Motions one sincere Phantasme of each of them at once . And therefore two several Phantasmes will not be made by two Objects working together , but onely one Phantasme compounded from the action of both . Besides , as when we divide a Body , we divide its place ; and when we reckon many Bodies , we must necessarily reckon as many places ; and contrarily , as I have shewn in the first Article of the 7th Chapter ; so what number soever we say there be of Times , we must understand the same number of Motions also ; and as oft as we count many Motions , so oft we reckon many times . For though the object we looke upon be of diverse colours , yet with those diverse colours it is but one varied Object , and not variety of Objects . Moreover , whilest those Organs which are common to all the Senses ( such as are those parts of every Organ which proceed ( in Men ) from the root of the Nerves , to the Hart ) are vehemently stirred by a strong action from some one Object , they are ( by reaof the contumacy which the motion they have already gives them against the reception of all other motion ) made the lesse fit to receive any other impression from whatsoever other Objects , to what sense soever those Objects belong . And hence it is , that an earnest studying of one Object , takes away the Sense of all other Objects for the present . For Study is nothing else but a possession of the mind , that is to say , a vehement motion made by some one Object in the Organs of Sense , which are stupid to all other motions as long as this lasteth ; according to what was said by Terence , Populus studio stupidus in funambulo animum occuparat . For what is Stupor but that which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a cessation from the Sense of other things ? Wherefore at one and the same time , we cannot by Sense perceive more then one single Object ; as in reading , we see the letters successively one by one , and not all together , though the whole Page be presented to our eye ; and though every severall letter be distinctly written there , yet when we looke upon the whole page at once , we read nothing . From hence it is manifest , that every endeavour of the Organ ●utwards , is not to be called Sense , but that onely which at severall times is by Vehemence made stronger and more praedominant than the rest ; which deprives us of the Sense of other Phantasmes , no otherwise then the Sun deprives the rest of the starres of light , not by hindering their action , but by obscuring and hiding them with his excesse of brightnesse . 7. But the motion of the Organ , by which a Phantasme is made , is not commonly called Sense , except the Object be present . And the Phantasme remaining after the Object is removed or past by , is called Fancy , and in latine Imaginatio ; which word ( because all Phantasmes are not Images ) doth not fully answer the signification of the word Fancy in its generall acceptation . Neverthelesse I may use it safely enough , by understanding it for the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . IMAGINATION therefore is nothing else but Sense decaying , or weakned , by the absence of the Object . But what may be the cause of this decay or weakning ? Is the Motion the weaker because the Object is taken away ? If it were , then Phantasmes would alwayes and necessarily be less cleare in the Imagination , then they are in Sense ; which is not true . For in Dreams ( which are the Imaginations of those that sleep ) they are no less clear then in Sense it self . But the reason why in men Waking the Phantasms of things past are more obscure then those of things present , is this , that their Organs being at the same time moved by other present Objects , those Phantasmes are the lesse praedominant . Whereas in Sleep , the passages being shut up , externall action doth not at all disturbe or hinder internall motion . If this be true , the next thing to be considered , will be , whether any cause may be found out , from the supposition whereof it will follow , that the passage is shut up from the externall Objects of Sense to the internall Organ . I suppose therefore , that by the continuall action of Objects , ( to which a Reaction of the Organ , and more esqecially of the Spirits , is necessarily consequent ) the Organ is wearied , that is , its parts are no longer moved by the Spirits without some pain ; and consequently the Nerves being abandoned and grown slack , they retire to their fountain which is the cavity either of the Brain or of the Heart ; by which means the action which proceeded by the Nerves is necessarily intercepted ▪ For Action , upon a Patient that retires from it , makes but little Impression at the first ; and at last , when the Nerves are by little and little slack●ed , none at all . And therefore there is no more Reaction , that is , no more Sense , till the Organ being refreshed by Rest , and by a supply of new Spirits recovering strength and motion , the Sentient awaketh . And thus it seems to be alwayes , unless some other praeternatural cause intervene ; as Heat in the internal parts from lassitude , or from some disease stirring the Spirits and other parts of the Organ in some extraordinary manner . 8 Now it is not without cause , nor so casual a thing as many perhaps think it , that Phantasmes in this their great variety , proceed from one another ; and that the same Phantasmes sometimes bring into the mind other Phantasmes like themselves , and at other times extreamly unlike . For in the motion of any continued Body , one part followes another by cohaesion ; and therefore , whilst we turne our Eies and other Organs successively to many Objects , the motion which was made by every one of them remayning , the Phantasmes are renewed as often as any of those motions comes to be praedominant above the rest ; and they become praedominant in the same order , in which at any time formerly they were generated by Sense . So that when by length of time very many Phantasmes have been generated within us by Sense , then allmost any thought may arise from any other thought ; in so much that it may seeme to be a thing indifferent and casuall , which thought shall follow which . But for the most part this is not so uncertain a thing to waking as to sleeping men . For the thought or Phantasme of the desired End , brings in all the Phantasmes that are meanes conducing to that end , and that in order backewards from the last to the first , and againe forwards from the beginning to the End : But this supposes both Appetite , and Judgement to discerne what meanes conduce to the end ; which is gotten by Experience ; and Experience is store of Phantasmes , arising from the sense of very many things . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and Meminisse , Fancy and Memory differ onely in this , that Memory supposeth the time past , which Fancy doth not . In Memory , the Phantasmes we consider are as if they were worne out with time ; but in our Fancy we consider them as they are ; which distinction is not of the things themselves , but of the considerations of the Sentient . For there is in Memory , something like that which happens in looking upon things at a great distance ; in which , as the small parts of the Object are not discerned by reason of their remotenesse ; so in Memory , many accidents and places and parts of things , which were formerly perceived by Sense , are by length of time decayed and lost . The perpetuall arising of Phantasmes , both in Sense and Imagination , is that which we commonly call Discourse of the Mind , and is common to men with other living Creatures . For he thta thinketh , compareth the Phantasmes that passe , that is , taketh notice of their likenesse or unlikenesse to one another . And as he that observes readily the likenesses of things of different natures , or that are very remote from one another , is said to have a good Fancy ; so he is said to have a good Judgement , that finds out the unlikenesses or differences of things that are like one another . Now this observation of differences , is not perception made by a common Organ of Sense , distinct from Sense or Perception properly so called ; but is Memory of the differences of particular Phantasmes remaining for some time ; as the distinction between Hot and Lucid , is nothing else but the Memory both of a Heating , and of an Enlightning Object . 9 The Phantasmes of men that sleep , are DREAMS . Concerning which we are taught by experience these five things . First , that for the most part there is neither order nor coherence in them . Secondly , that we dream of nothing but what is compounded and made up of the Phantasmes of Sense past . Thirdly , that somtimes they proceed ( as in those that are drowsy ) from the interruption of their Phantasmes by little and little broken and altered through sleepiness ; and sometimes also they begin in the midst of sleep . Fourthly , that they are clearer then the Imaginations of waking men , except such as are made by Sense itself , to which they are equal in clearness . Fifthly , that when we dream , we admire neither the places nor the looks of the things that appear to us . Now from what hath been said , it is not hard to shew what may be the causes of these Phaenomena . For as for the first , seeing all Order and Coherence proceeds from frequent looking back to the End , that is , from Consultation ; it must needs be , that seeing in sleep we lose all thought of the End , our Phantasmes succeed one another , not in that order which tends to any End , but as it hapneth , and in such manner , as Objects present themselves to our Eyes when we look indifferently upon all things before us , and see them , not because we would see them , but because we do not shut our Eyes ; for then they appear to us without any order at all . The second proceeds from this , that in the silence of Sense , there is no new motion from the Objects , and therefore no new Phantasme , unless we call that new , which is compounded of old ones , as a Chimaera , a golden Mountain , and the like . As for the third , why a Dream is sometimes as it were the continuation of Sense , made up of broken Phantasmes , as in men distempered with sickness , the reason is manifestly this , that in some of the Organs Sense remains , and in others it faileth . But how some Phantasmes may be revived , when all the exteriour Organs are benummed with sleep , is not so easily shewn . Nevertheless , that which hath already been said , contains the reason of this also . For whatsoever strikes the Pia Mater , reviveth some of those Phantasmes that are still in motion in the Brain ; and when any internal motion of the Heart reacheth that Membrane , then the praedominant motion in the Brain makes the Phantasme . Now the Motions of the Heart are Appetites and Aversions , of which I shall presently speak further . And as Appetites and Aversions are generated by Phantasmes , so reciprocally Phantasmes are generated by Appetites and Aversions . For example , Heat in the Heart proceeds from Anger and Fighting ; and again from Heat in the Heart , ( whatsoever be the cause of it ) is generated Anger , and the Image of an Enemy in Sleep . And as Love and Beauty stirre up heat in certain Organs ; so Heat in the same Organs , from whatsoever it proceeds , often causeth Desire , and the Image of an unresisting Beauty . Lastly , Cold doth in the same manner generate Feare in those that sleep , and causeth them to dream of Ghosts , and to have Phantasmes of horrour and danger ; as Fear also causeth Cold in those that wake ; so reciprocal are the motions of the Heart and Brain . The fourth , namely , that the things we seem to see and feel in sleep , are as clear as in sense it self , proceeds from two causes ; one , that having then no sense of things without us , that internal motion which makes the Phantasme , in the absence of all other impressions , is praedominant ; and the other , that the parts of our Phantasms which are decayed and worn out by time , are made up with other fictitious parts . To conclude , when we dream , we do not wonder at strange places , and the appearances of things unknown to us , because Admiration requires that the things appearing be new and unusual , which can happen to none but those that remember former appearances ; whereas in sleep , all things appear as present . But it is here to be observed , that certain Dreams , especially such as some men have when they are between sleeping and waking , and such as happen to those that have no knowledge of the nature of Dreams , and are with all superstitious , were not heretofore , nor are now accounted Dreams . For the Apparitions men thought they saw , and the Voices they thought they heard in sleep , were not believed to be Phantasmes , but things subsisting of themselves , and Objects without those that dreamed . For to some men , as well sleeping as waking , but especially to guilty men , and in the night , and in hallowed places , Feare alone , helped a little with the stories of such Apparitions , hath raised in their minds terrible Phantasmes , which have been , and are still deceiptfully received for things really true , under the names of Ghosts and Incorporeal Substances . 10 In most living Creatures there are observed five kinds of Senses , which are distinguished by their Organs , and by their different kinds of Phantasmes ; namely , Sight , Hearing , Smell , Tast and Touch ; and these have their Organs partly peculiar to each of them severally , and partly common to them all . The Organ of Sight is partly animate , and partly inanimate . The inanimate parts , are the three Humours ; namely , the Watry Humour , which by the interposition of the Membrane called U●ea , ( the perforation whereof is called the Apple of the Eye ) is contained on one side by the first concave superficies of the Eye , and on the other side by the Ciliary processes and the Coat of the Cristalline humour ; the Cristalline , which ( hanging in the midst between the Ciliary processes , and being almost of Spherical figure , and of a thick consistence ) is inclosed on all sides with its own transparent Coat ; and the Vitreous or Glassie Humour , which filleth all the rest of the Cavity of the Eye , and is somewhat thicker then the Watry Humour , but thinner then the Cristalline . The animate part of the Organ is , first , the Membrane Choroeides , which is a part of the Pia Mater , saving that it is covered with a Coat derived from the marrow of the Optique Nerve , which is called the Retina ; and this Choroeides , seeing it is part of the Pia Mater , is continued to the beginning of the Medulla Spinalis within the Scull , in which all the Nerves which are within the Head have their roots . Wherefore all the Animal Spirits that the Nerves receive , enter into them there , for it is not imaginable that they can enter into them any where else . Seeing therefore Sense is nothing else but the action of Objects propagated to the furthest part of the Organ ; and seeing also that Animal Spirits are nothing but Vital Spirits purified by the Hart and carried from it by the Arteries ; it follows necessarily , that the action is derived from the Heart by some of the Arteries to the roots of the Nerves which are in the Head , whether those Arteries be the Plexus Retiformis , or whether they be other Arteries which are inserted into the substance of the Brain . And therefore those Arteries are the Complement , or the remaying part of the whole Organ of Sight . And this last part is a common Organ to all the Senses ; wheras that which reacheth from the Eie to the roots of the Nerves is proper onely to Sight . The proper Organ of Hearing is the Tympanum of the Eare , and its own Nerve ; from which to the Heart the Organ is Common . So the proper Organs of Smel & Tast are Nervous Membranes , in the Palate and Tongue for the Taste , and in the Nostrils for the Smell ; and from the roots of those Nerves to the Heart all is common . Lastly , ●he proper Organ of Touch are Nerves and Membranes dispersed through the whole Body ; which Membranes are derived from the root of the Nerves . And all things else belonging alike to all the Senses seem to be administred by the Arteries , and not by the Nerves . The proper Phantasme of Sight is Light ; and under this name of Light , Colour also ( which is nothing but perturbed Light ) is comprehended . Wherefore the Phantasme of a Lucid Body , is Light ; and of a coloured Body , Colour . But the Object of Sight , properly so called is neither Light nor Colour , but the Body itself which is lucid , or enlightned , or coloured . For Light and Colour being Phantasmes of the Sentient , cannot be Accidents of the Object . Which is manifest enough from this , that Visible things appear oftentimes in places , in which we know assuredly they are not , and that in different places they are of different colours , and may at one and the same time appear in divers places . Motion , Rest , Magnitude and Figure are common both to the Sight and Touch ; and the whole appearance together of Figure , and Light or Colour , is by the Greeks commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by the Latines , Species and Imago ; all which names signifie no more but Appearance . The phantasme which is made by Hearing , is Sound ; by Smell , Odour ; by Tast , Savour ; and by Touch , Hardness and Softness , Heat and Cold , Wetness , Oiliness , and many more , which are easier to be distinguished by sense then words . Smoothness , Roughness , Rarity and Density refer to Figure , and are therefore common both to Touch and Sight . And as for the Objects of Hearing , Smel , Tast , and Touch , they are not Sound , Odour , Savour , Hardness , &c. but the Bodies themselves from which Sound , Odour , Savour , Hardness , &c. proceed ; Of the causes of which , and of the manner how they are produced , I shall speak hereafter . But these Phantasmes , though they be effects in the Sentient , ( as Subject ) produced by Objects working upon the Organs ; yet there are also other effects besides these , produced by the same Objects , in the same Organs ; namely , certain Motions proceeding from Sense , which are called Animal Motions . For seeing in all Sense of external things , there is mutual Action and Reaction , that is , two Endeavours opposing one another , it is manifest , that the motion of both of them together will be continued every way , especially to the confines of both the Bodies . And when this happens in the internal Organ , the Endeavour outwards will proceed in a solid Angle , which will be greater , and consequently the Idea greater , then it would have been if the impression had been weaker . 11 From hence the Natural cause is manifest , First , why those things seem to be greater , which ( caeteris paribus ) are seen in a greater Angle . Secondly , why in a serene cold night when the Moon doth not shine , more of the fixed Stars appear , then at another time . For their action is less hindred by the serenity of the Aire , and not obscured by the greater Light of the Moon , which is then absent ; and the Cold making the Air more pressing , helpeth or strengtheneth the action of the Stars upon our Eies , in so much as Stars may then be seen which are seen at no other time . And this may suffice to be said in general concerning Sense made by the Reaction of the Organ . For , as for the place of the Image , the deceptions of Sight , and other things of which we have experience in our selves by Sense , being they depend for the most part upon the Fabrick it self of the Eie of Man , I shall speak of them then when I come to speak of Man. 12 But , there is another kind of Sense , of which I will say somthing in this place , namely , the Sense of Pleasure and Pain , proceeding , not from the Reaction of the Heart outwards , but from continual action from the outermost part of the Organ towards the Heart . For the original of Life being in the Heart , that motion in the Sentient which is propagated to the Heart , must necessarily make some alteration or diversion of Vital Motion , namely , by quickning or slackening , helping or hindering the same . Now when it helpeth , it is Pleasure , and when it hindereth , it is Pain , Trouble , Grief , &c. And as Phantasmes seem to be without , by reason of the Endeavour outwards ; so Pleasure and Pain by reason of the Endeavour of the Organ inwards seem to be within , namely , there where the first Cause of the Pleasure or Pain is ; as when the Pain proceeds from a Wound , we think the Pain and the Wound are both in the same place . Now Vital Motion , is the Motion of the Bloud , perpetually circulating ( as hath been shewn from many infallible signes and marks by Doctor Harvey , the first Observer of it ) in the Veins and Arteries . Which Motion , when it is hindered by some other Motion made by the action of sensible Objects , may be restored again either by bending or setting straight the parts of the Body ; which is done when the Spirits are carried now into these , now into other Nerves , till the Pain ( as farre as is possible ) be quite taken away . But if Vital Motion be helped by Motion made by Sense , then the parts of the Organ will be disposed to guide the Spirits in such manner , as conduceth most to the preservation and augmentation of that motion by the help of the Nerves . And in animal motion this is the very first Endeavour , and found even in the Embrio ; which while it is in the wombe , moveth its limbes with voluntary motion , for the avoiding of whatsoever troubleth it , or for the pursuing of what pleaseth it . And this first Endeavour , when it tends towards such things as are known by experience to be pleasant , is called APPETITE , ( that is , an Approaching ; ) and when it shuns what is troublesome , AVERSION , or Flying from it . And little Infants , at the beginning , and as soon as they are born , have appetite to very few things , as also they avoid very few , by reason of their want of Experience and Memory ; & therefore they have not so great a variety of animal Motion as we see in those that are more grown . For it is not possible , without such knowledge as is derived from Sense , that is , without Experience and Memory , to know what will prove pleasant , or hurtful ; onely there is some place for conjecture from the looks or aspects of things . And hence it is , that though they do not know what may do them good or harm , yet sometimes they approach , and sometimes retire from the same thing as their doubt prompts them . But afterwards by accustoming themselves by little and little , they come to know readily what is to be pursued , and what to be avoided ; and also to have a ready use of their Nerves and other Organs in the pursuing and avoiding of good and bad . Wherefore Appetite and Aversion are the first Endeavours of Animal Motion . Consequent to this first Endeavour , is the Impulsion into the Nerves , and Retraction again of Animal Spirits , of which it is necessary there be some Receptacle on place neer the original of the Nerves ; and this Motion or Endeavour is followed by a swelling and Relaxation of the Muscles ; and lastly , these are followed by Contraction and Extension of the limbes , which is Animal Motion . 13 The Considerations of Appetites and Aversions are divers . For seeing Living Creatures have sometimes Appetite , and sometimes Aversion to the same thing , as they think it will either be for their good or their hurt , while that vicissitude of Appetites and Aversions remains in them ▪ they have that series of Thoughts which is called DELIBERATION ; which lasteth as long as they have it in their power to obtain that which pleaseth , or to avoid that which displeaseth them . Appetite therefore and Aversion are simply so called as long as they follow not Deliberation . But if Deliberation have gone before , then the last act of it , if it be Appetite , is called WILL ; if Aversion , UNWILLINGNESSE ; so that the same thing is called both Will and Appetite ; but the consideration of them ( namely , before and after Deliberation ) is divers . Nor is that which is done within a Man whilest he Willeth any thing , different from that which is done in other living Creatures , whilest ( Deliberation having preceded ) they have Appetite . Neither is the freedome of Willing , or not willing , greater in Man , then in other living Creatures . For where there is Appetite , the entire cause of Appetite hath preceded ; and consequently the act of Appetite could not choose but follow , that is , hath of necessity followed , ( as is shewn Chapt. 9th Article 5. ) And therefore such a Liberty as is free from Necessity , is not to be found in the Will either of Men or Beasts . But if by Liberty we understand the faculty or power , not of Willing , but of Doing what they Will , then certainly that Liberty is to be allowed to both ; and both may equally have it , whensover it is to be had . Again , when Appetite and Aversion do with celerity succeed one another , the whole series made by them , hath its name sometimes from one , sometimes from the other . For the same Deliberation ( whilest it inclines sometimes to one , sometimes to the other ) is from Appetite called HOPE , and from Aversion FEAR . For where there is no Hope , it is not to be called Fear , but HATE ; and where no Fear , not Hope , but DESIRE . To conclude , all the Passions , called Passions of the Minde , consist of Appetite and Aversion ( except pure Pleasure and Pain , which are a certain Fruition of good or Evil ; ) as Anger , is Aversion from some imminent evil , but such as is joyned with Appetite of avoiding that evil by force . But because the Passions and Perturbations of the Minde are innumerable ; and many of them not to be discerned in any Creatures besides Men ; I will speak of them more at large in that Section which is concerning Man. As for those Objects ( if there be any such ) which do not at all stir the Mind , we are said to Contemn them . And thus much of Sense in general . In the next place I shall speak of Sensible Objects . CHAP. XXVI . Of the World , and of the Starres . 1 The Magnitude and Duration of the World , inscrutable . 2 No place in the World Empty . 3 The arguments of Lucretius for Vacuum , invalid . 4 Other arguments for the establishing of Vacuum , invalid . 5 Six suppositions for the salving of the Phaenomena of Nature . 6 Possible causes of the Motions Annual and Diurnal ; and of the apparent Direction , Station and Retrogradation of the Planets . 7 The supposition of Simple Motion , why likely . 8 The cause of the Excentricity of the annual motion of the Earth . 9 The cause why the Moon hath alwayes one and the same face turned towards the Earth . 10 The cause of the Tides of the Ocean . 11 The cause of the Praecession of the Equinoxes . 1 COnsequent to the Contemplation of Sense is the contemplation of Bodies , which are the efficient causes or Objects of Sense . Now every Object is either a part of the whole World , or an Aggregate of parts . The greatest of all Bodies , or sensible Objects , is the World it self , which we behold when we look round about us from this point of the same which we call the Earth . Concerning the World , as it is one Aggregate of many parts , the things that fall under inquiry are but few ; and those we can determine , none . Of the whole World we may inquire what is its Magnitude , what its Duration , and how many there be ; but nothing else . For as for Place and Time , that is to say , Magnitude and Duration , they are only our own fancies of a Body simply so called , that is to say of a Body indefinitely taken , as I have shewne before in the 7 chapter . All other Phantasmes , are of Bodies or Objects as they are distinguished from one another ; as Colour , the Phantasme of coloured Bodies ; Sound , of Bodies that move the Sense of Hearing , &c. The questions concerning the Magnitude of the World , are , whether it be Finite or Infinite , Full or not Full ; Concerning its Duration , whether it had a Beginning , or be Eternall ; and concerning the number , whether there be One or Many ( though as concerning the Number , if it were of infinite Magnitude , there could be no controversy at all . ) Also if it had a beginning , then by what Cause and of what Matter it was made ; and againe , from whence that Cause and that Matter had their being , will be new questions ; till at last we come to one or many eternall Cause or Causes . And the determination of all these things belongeth to him that professeth the universal doctrine of Philosophy , in case as much could be known as can be sought . But the knowledge of what is Infinite can never be attained by a finite Inquirer . Whatsoever we know that are Men , we learn it from our Phantasmes ; and of Infinite ( whether Magnitude or Time ) there is no Phantasme at all ; so that it is impossible either for a man , or any other creature to have any conception of Infinite . And though a man may from some Effect proceed to the immediate Cause thereof , & frō that to a more remote Cause , and so ascend continually by right ratiocination from Cause to Cause ; yet he will not be able to proceed eternally ; but wearied , will at last give over , without knowing whether it were possible for him to proceed to an end , or not . But whether we suppose the World to be Finite , or Infinite , no absurdity will follow . For the same things which now appear , might appear , whether the Creator had pleased it should be Finite or Infinite . Besides , though from this , that nothing can move it self , it may rightly be inferred that there was some first eternal Movent ; yet it can never be inferred ( though some use to make such inference ) that that Movent was eternally Immoveable , but rather eternally Moved . For as it is true , that nothing is moved by it self ; so it is true also that nothing is moved but by that which is already moved . The questions therefore about the Magnitude and Beginning of the World , are not to be determined by Philosophers , but by those that are lawfully authorised to order the Worship of God. For as Almighty God , when he had brought his People into Judaea , allowed the Priests the first fruits reserved to himself ; so when he had delivered up the World to the disputations of Men , it was his pleasure , that all Opinions concerning the nature of Infinite and Eternal , known onely to himself , should ( as the first-fruits of Wisdom ) be judged by those whose Ministery he meant to use in the ordering of Religion . I cannot therefore commend those that boast they have demonstrated by reasons drawn from natural things , that the World had a Beginning . They are contemned by Idiots , because they understand them not ; and by the Learned , because they understand them ; by both deservedly . For who can commend him that demonstrates thus ? If the World be Eternal , then an infinite number of dayes ( or other measures of Time ) preceded the birth of Abraham . But the birth of Abraham preceded the birth of Isaac ; and therefore one Infinite is greater then another Infinite , or one Eternal then another Eternal ; which ( he sayes ) is absurd . This Demonstration is like his , who from this , that the number of even Numbers is infinite , would conclude , that there are as many even Numbers , as there are Numbers simply , that is to say , the even Numbers are as many , as all the even and od together . They which in this manner take away Eternity from the World , do they not by the same means take away Eternity from the Creator of the Wo●ld ? From this absurdity therefore they run into another , being forced to call Eternity Nunc stans , a standing still of the present Time , or an abiding Now ; and ( which is much more absurd ) to give to the infinite number of Numbers , the name of Unity . But why should Eternity be called an Abiding Now , rather then an Abiding Then ? Wherefore there must either be many Eternities , or Now and Then must signifie the same . With such Demonstrators as these , that speak in another language , it is impossible to enter into disputation . And the men that reason thus absurdly , are not Idiots , but ( which makes the absurdity unpardonable ) Geometricians , and such as take upon them to be Judges ( impertinent , but severe Judges ) of other mens Demonstrations . The reason is this , that as soon as they are entangled in the Words Infinite and Eternal , ( of which we have in our mind no Idea , but that of our own insufficiency to comprehend them ) they are forced either to speak something absurd , or ( which they love worse ) to hold their peace . For Geometry hath in it somewhat like Wine ; which when new , is windy ; but afterwards though less pleasant , yet more wholsome . Whatsoever therefore is true , young Geometricians think Demonstrable ; but elder not . Wherefore I purposely pass over the Questions of Infinite and Eternal ; contenting my self with that Doctrine concerning the Beginning and Magnitude of the World , which I have been perswaded to by the holy Scriptures , and fame of the Miracles which confirm them ; and by the Custome of my Country , and reverence due to the Laws . And so I pass on to such things as it is not unlawful to dispute of . 2 Concerning the World it is further questioned , whether the parts thereof be contiguous to one another , in such manner , as not to admit of the least empty space between ; and the disputation both for & against it , is carried on with probability enough . For the taking away of Vacuum , I will instance in onely one experiment , a common one , but ( I think ) unanswerable . Let AB ( in the first fig. ) represent a vessel ( such as Gardiners use to water their Gardens withal ; ) whose bottom B is ful of litle holes ; & whose mouth A may be stopt with ones finger when there shall be need . If now this vessel be filled with water , the hole at the top A being stopt , the water will not flow out at any of the holes in the bottom B. But if the finger be removed to let in the air above , it will run out at them all ; and as soon as the finger is applyed to it again , the water wil suddenly & totally be stayed again from running out . The cause whereof seems to be no other but this , that the Water cannot by its natural endeavour to descend , drive down the aire below it , because there is no place for it to go into , unless either by thrusting away the next contiguous aire it proceed by continual endeavour to the hole A , where it may enter and succeed into the place of the water that floweth out ; or else by resisting the endeavour of the water Downwards , penetrate the same , and pass up through it . By the first of these wayes ( while the hole at A remains stopped ) there is no possible passage ; nor by the second , unless the holes be so great , that the water flowing out at them , can by its own waight force the Air at the same time to ascend into the vessel by the same holes ; as we see it does in a vessel whose mouth is wide enough , when we turn suddenly the bottom upwards to poure out the water ; for then the Aire being forced by the waight of the water , enters ( as is evident by the sobbing and resistance of the water ) at the sides or circumference of the orifice . And this I take for a sign that all Space is full ; for without this the naturall motion of the water ( which is a heavy Body ) downwards , would not be hindered . 3 On the contrary , for the establishing of Vacuum , many & specious arguments and experiments have been brought . Neverthelesse there seemes to be something wanting in all of them to conclude it firmely . These arguments for Vacuum are partly made by the followers of the doctrine of Epicurus ; who taught that the World consists of very small Spaces not filled by any Bodie , and of very small Bodies that have within them no empty Space , ( which by reason of their hardnesse he calls Atomes ) ; and that these small Bodies and Spaces are every where intermingled . Their arguments are thus delivered by Lucretius . And first he sayes that unlesse it were so , there could be no motion ; For the office and property of Bodies is to withstand and hinder motion . If therfore the Universe were filled with Body , motion would every where be hindered , so , as to have no beginning any where ; & consequently there would be no motion at all . It is true that in whatsoever is full , and at rest in all its parts , it is not possible motion should have beginning . But nothing is drawn from hence for the proving of Vacuum . For though it should be granted that there is Vacuum ; yet if the Bodies which are intermingled with it , should all at once and together be at rest , they would never be moved again . For it has been demonstrated above ( in the 9th Chapter 7th Article ) that nothing can be moved but by that which is contiguous and already moved . But supposing that all things are at rest together , there can be nothing contiguous and moved ; and therefore no beginning of motion . Now the denying of the beginning of motion , doth not take away present motion , unless beginning be taken away from Body also . For motion may be either coeternal , or concreated with Body . Nor doth it seem more necessary that Bodies were first at rest , and afterwards moved , then that they were first moved , and rested ( if ever they rested at all ) afterwards . Neither doth there appear any cause , why the matter of the World should for the admission of motion , be intermingled with empty spaces , rather then full ; I say full , but withall fluid . Nor lastly , is there any reason why those hard Atomes may not also by the motion of intermingled fluid matter be congregated & brought together into compounded Bodies of such bigness as we see . Wherefore nothing can by this argument be concluded , but that motion was either coeternal , or of the same duration with that which is moved ; neither of which conclusions consisteth with the doctrine of Epicurus , who allows neither to the World nor to Motion any Beginning at all . The necessity therefore of Vacuum is not hitherto demonstrated . And the cause ( as far as I understand from them that have discoursed with me of Vacuum ) is this , that whilest they contemplate the nature of Fluid , they conceive it to consist as it were of small grains of hard matter , in such manner as meal is fluid , made so by grinding of the Corn ; when nevertheless it is possible to conceive Fluid to be of its own nature as homogeneous , as either an Atome , or as Vacuum , it self . The second of their arguments is taken from waight , and is contained in these Verses of Lucretius , Corporis officium est quoniam premere omnia deorsum ; Contrà autem natura manet sine Pondere Inanis ; Ergo quod magnum est aeque , Leviusque videtur , Nimirum plus esse sibi declarat Inanis . That is to say , Seeing the office and property of Body is to press all things downwards ; and on the contrary , seeing the nature of Vacuum is to have no waight at all ; Therefore when of two Bodies of equal magnitude , one is lighter then the other , it is manifest that the lighter Body hath in it more Vacuum then the other . To say nothing of the Assumption concerning the endeavour of Bodies downwards , which is not rightly assumed , because the World hath nothing to do with Downwards , which is a mere fiction of ours ; Nor of this , that if al things tended to the same lowest part of the World , either there would be no coalescence at all of Bodies , or they would all be gathered together into the same place . This onely is sufficient to take away the force of the argument , that Aire intermingled with those his Atomes , had served as well for his purpose , as his intermingled Vacuum . The third argument is drawn from this , That Lightning , Sound , Heat and Cold do penetrate all Bodies ( except Atomes ) how solid soever they be . But this reason , except it be first demonstrated that the same things cannot happen ( without Vacuum ) by perpetual generation of Motion , is altogether invalid . But that all the same things may so happen , shall in due place be demonstrated . Lastly , the fourth argument is set down by the same Lucretius in these Verses . Duo de concursu corpora lata Si citò dissiliant , nempe aer omne necesse est Inter corpora quod fuerat , possidat Inane . Is porro quamvis circum celerantibus auris Confluat , haud poterit tamen uno tempore totum Compleri spatium ; nam primum quemque necesse est Occupet ille locum , deinde omnia possideantur . That is , If two flat Bodies be suddenly pulled asunder , of necessity the Air must come between them to fill all the space they left empty . But with what celerity soever the Air flow in , yet it cannot in one instant of time fill the whole space , but first one part of it , then successively all . Which nevertheless is more repugnant to the opinion of Epicurus , then of those that deny Vacuum . For though it be true , that if two Bodies were of infinite hardness , and were joyned together by their Superficies which were most exactly plain , it would be impossible to pull them asunder , in regard it could not be done but by Motion in an instant ; yet , if as the greatest of all Magnitudes cannot be given , nor the swiftest of all Motions , so neither the hardest of all hard Bodies ; it might be , that by the application of very great force , there might be place made for a successive flowing in of the Aire , namely by separating the parts of the joyned Bodies by succession , beginning at the outermost and ending at the innermost part . He ought therefore first to have proved , that there are some Bodies extreamly hard , not relatively , as compared with softer Bodies , but absolutely , that is to say , infinitely hard ; which is not true . But if we suppose ( as Epicurus doth ) that Atomes are indivisible , and yet have small superficies of their own ; then if two Bodies should be joyned together by many , or but one onely small superficies of either of them , then I say this argument of Lucretius would be a firme demonstration , that no two Bodies made up of Atomes ( as he supposes ) could ever possibly be pulled asunder by any force whatsoever . But this is repugnant to daily experience . And thus much of the arguments of Lucretius . Let us now consider the arguments which are drawn from the experiments of later Writers . 4 The first experiment is this , That if a hollow vessel be thrust into water with the bottom upwards , the water will ascend into it ; which they say it could not do , unless the Aire within were thrust together into a narrower place ; and that this were also impossible except there were little empty places in the Aire . Also that when the Aire is compressed to a certain degree , it can receive no further compression , its small particles not suffering themselves to be pent into less room . This reason , if the Aire could not pass through the Water as it ascends within the vessel , might seem valid . But it is sufficiently known , that Aire will penetrate Water by the application of a force equal to the gravity of the Water . If therefore the force by which the Vessel is thrust down , be greater , or equal to the endeavour by which the water naturally tendeth downwards , the Aire will go out that way where the resistance is made , namely , towards the edges of the Vessel . For , by how much the deeper is the water which is to be penetrated , so much greater must be the depressing force . But after the Vessel is quite under water , the force by which it is depressed , that is to say , the force by which the water riseth up , is no longer encreased . There is therefore such an equilibration between them , as that the natural endeavour of the water downwards , is equal to the endeavour by which the same water is to be penetrated to the encreased depth . The second experiment is , That if a concave Cylinder of sufficient length ( made of Glass , that the experiment may be the better seen ) having one end open , and the other close shut , be filled with Quicksilver , and the open end being stopped with ones finger , be together with the finger dipped into a dish or other vessel in which also there is Quicksilver , and the Cylinder be set upright , we shall , the finger being taken away ( to make way for the descent of the Quicksilver ) see it descend into the Vessel under it , till there be onely so much remayning within the Cylinder as may fill about 26 Inches of the same ; and thus it will alwayes happen whatsoever be the Cylinder , provided that the length be not less then 26 Inches . From whence they conclude that the cavity of the Cylinder above the Quicksilver remayns empty of all Body . But in this experiment I finde no necessity at all of Vacuum . For when the Quicksilver which is in the Cylinder descends , the Vessel under it must needs be filled to a greater height , and consequently so much of the contiguous Air must be thrust away as may make place for the Quicksilver which is descended . Now if it be asked whether that Aire goes , what can be answered but this , that it thrusteth away the next Aire , & that the next , & so successively , till there be a return to the place where the propulsion first began ? and there , the last Aire thus thrust on will press the Quicksilver in the Vessel with the same force with which the first Aire was thrust away ; and if the force with which the Quicksilver descends be great enough ( which is greater or less , as it descends from a place of greater or less height ) it will make the Aire penetrate the Quicksilver in the vessel , and go up into the Cylinder to fill the place which they thought was left empty . But because the Quicksilver hath not in every degree of height force enough to cause such penetration , therefore in descending it must of necessity stay somewhere , namely there , where its endeavour downwards , and the resistance of the same to the penetration of the Aire come to an aequilibrium . And by this experiment it is manifest , that this aequilibrium will be at the height of 26 Inches , or thereabouts . The third experiment is , That when a Vessel hath as much Air in it as it can naturally contain , there may nevertheless be forced into it as much water as will fill three quarters of the same Vessel . And the experiment is made in this manner . Into the glass bottle , represented ( in the 2d figure ) by the Sphere F G , whose center is A , let the pipe B A C be so fitted , that it may precisely fill the mouth of the bottle ; and let the end B , be so neer the bottom , that there may be onely space enough left for the free passage of the water which is thrust in above . Let the upper end of this pipe have a Cover at D , with a spout at E , by which the water ( when it ascends in the pipe ) may run out . Also let H C be a Cock , for the opening or shutting of the passage of the water between B and D , as there shall be occasion . Let the Cover D E be taken off ; and the Cock H C being opened , let a Syringe fall of water be forced in ; and before the Syringe be taken away , let the Cock be turned to hinder the going out of the Aire . And in this manner let the injection of water be repeated as often as it shall be requisite , till the water rise within the bottle , for example , to G F. Lastly , the Cover being fastened on again , and the Cock H C opened , the water will run swiftly out at E , and sink by little and little from G F to the bottom of the pipe B. From this Phaenomenon they argue for the necessity of Vacuum in this manner . The Bottle from the beginning was full of Aire ; which Aire could neither go out by penetrating so great a length of water as was injected by the pipe , nor by any other way . Of necessity therefore all the water as high as F G , as also all the Aire that was in the bottle before the water was forced in , must now be in the same place , which at first was filled by the Aire alone ; which were impossible , if all the space within the bottle were formerly filled with Aire precisely , that is , without any Vacuum . Besides , though some man perhaps may think the Air , being a thinne Body , may pass through the Body of the water contained in the pipe , yet from that other Phaenomenon , ( namely , that all the water which is in the space B F G , is cast out again by the spout at E , for which it seems impossible that any other reason can be given besides the force by which the Aire frees it self from compression ) it follows , that either there was in the bottle some space empty , or that many Bodies may be together in the same place . But this last is absurd ; and therefore the former is true , namely , that there was Vacuum . This argument is infirm in two places . For first that is assumed which is not to be granted ; and in the second place an experiment is brought , which I think is repugnant to Vacuum . That which is assumed is , that the Aire can have no passage out through the pipe . Nevertheless we see daily that Aire easily ascends from the bottom to the Superficies of a River ( as is manifest by the bubbles that rise ) ; nor doth it need any other cause to give it this motion , then the natural endeavour downwards of the Water . Why therefore may not the endeavour upwards of the same Water acquired by the injection ( which endeavour upwards is greater then the natural endeavour of the water downwards ) cause the aire in the bottle to penetrate in like manner the water that presseth it downwards ; especially seeing the water as it riseth in the bottle , doth so press the Aire that is above it , as that it generateth in every part thereof an endeavour towards the external superficies of the pipe , and consequently maketh all the parts of the enclosed aire to tend directly towards the passage at B ? I say this is no less manifest , then that he aire which riseth up from the bottom of a River should penetrate the water , how deep soever it be . Werefore I do not yet see any cause why the force by which the water is injected , should not at the same time eject the aire . And as for their arguing the necessity of Vacuum from the rejection of the water ; In the first place , supposing there is Vacuum , I demand by what principle of motion that ejection is made . Certainly , seeing this motion is from within outwards , it must needs be caused by some Agent within the bottle ; that is to say , by the aire it self . Now the motion of that aire , being caused by the rising of the water , begins at the bottom , and tends upwards ; whereas the motion by which it ejecteth the water ought to begin above , and tend downwards . From whence therefore hath the enclosed aire this endeavour towards the bottom . To this question I know not what answer can be given , unless it be said , that the aire descends of its own accord to expel the water . Which because it is absurd , and that the aire after the water is forced in , hath as much room as its magnitude requires , there will remain no cause at all why the water should be forced out . Wherefore the assertion of Vacuum is repugnant to the very experiment which is here brought to establish it , Many other Phaenomena are usually brought for Vacuum , as those of Weather-glasses , Aeolipiles , Wind-guns , &c. Which would all be very hard to be salved , unless water be penetrable by aire , without the intermixture of empty space . But now , seeing aire may with no great endeavour pass through , not onely water , but any other fluid Body , though never so stubborn , as Quicksilver , these Phaenomena prove nothing . Nevertheless , it might in reason be expected , that he that would take away Vacuum , should without Vacuum shew us such causes of these Phaenomena , as should be at least of equal , if not greater probability . This therefore shall be done in the following discourse , when I come to speak of these Phaenomena in their proper places . But first the most general Hypotheses of natural Philosophy are to be premised . And seeing that Suppositions are put for the true Causes of apparent Effects , every Supposition , except such as be absurd , must of necessity consist of some supposed possible Motion ( for Rest can never be the Essicient Cause of any thing ) , & Motion supposeth Bodies Moveable ; of which there are three kinds , Fluid , Consistent , and mixt of both . Fluid are those , whose parts may by very weak endeavonr be separated from one another ; and Consistent those , for the separation of whose parts greater force is to be applyed . There are therefore degrees of Consistency ; which degrees , by comparison with more or less Consistent , have the names of Hardness , or Softness . Wherefore a Fluid Body is alwayes divisible into Bodies equally Fluid , as Quantity into Quantities ; and Soft Bodies , of whatsoever degree of Softness , into Soft Bodies of the same degree . And though many men seem to conceive no other difference of Fluidity , but such as ariseth from the different magnitudes of the parts ( in which Sense , Dust , though of Diamonds , may be called Fluid ) ; Yet I understand by Fluidity , that which is made such by Nature equally in every part of the Fluid Body ; not as Dust is Fluid , for so a House which is falling in pieces may be called Fluid ; but in such manner as Water seems Fluid , and to divide it self into parts perpetually Fluid . And this being well understood , I come to my Suppositions . 5 First , therefore I suppose , That the Immense Space which we call the World , is the Aggregate of all Bodies ; which are either Consistent & Visible , as the Earth and the Starres ; or Invisible , as the small Atomes which are disseminated through the whole space between the Earth and the Stars ; and lastly , that most Fluid Aether , which so fils all the rest of the Universe , as that it leaves in it no empty place at all . Secondly , I suppose with Copernicus , That the greater Bodies of the World , which are both consistent and permanent , have such order amongst themselves , as that the Sunne hath the first place , Mercury the second , Venus the third , The Earth ( with the Moon going about it ) the fourth , Mars the fifth , Jupiter ( with his Attendants ) the sixth , Saturne the seventh , and after these the Fixed Starres have their several distances from the Sunne . Thirdly , I suppose , That in the Sunne & the rest of the Planets , there is and alwayes has been a Simple Circular Motion . Fourthly , I suppose , That in the Body of the Aire there are certain other Bodies intermingled , which are not Fluid ; but withal that they are so small , that they are not preceptible by Sense , and that these also have their proper Simple Motion ; and are some of them more , some less hard or consistent . Fifthly , I suppose with Kepler , That as the distance between the Sunne and the Earth , is to the distance between the Moon and the Earth ; so the distance between the Moon and the Earth , is to the Semidiameter of the Earth . As for the Magnitude of the Circles , and the Times in which they are described by the Bodies which are in them , I will suppose them to be such as shall seem most agreeable to the Phaenomena in question , 6 The causes of the different Seasons of the Year , and of the several variations of Dayes and Nights in all the parts of the superficies of the Earth , have been demonstrated first by Copernicus , and since by Kepler , Galilaeus and others , from the supposition of the Earths diurnal revolution about its own Axis , together with its Annual motion about the Sunne , in the Ecliptick according to the order of the Signes ; and thirdly , by the annual revolution of the same Earth about its own center contrary to the order of the Signs . I suppose with Copernicus , That the diurnal revolution is from the motion of the Earth , by which the Aequinoctial Circle is described about it . And as for the other two annual motions , they are the efficient cause of the Earths being carried about in the Ecliptick in such manner , as that its Axis is alwayes kept parallel to it self . Which parallelisme was for this reason introduced , lest by the Earths annual revolution , its Poles should seem to be necessarily carried about the Sunne , contrary to experience . I have ( in the 10th Artic. of the ●●th Chap. ) demonstrated from the supposition of Simple Circular Motion in the Sun , that the Earth is so carried about the Sunne , as that its Axis is thereby kept always parallel to it self . Wherefore , from these two supposed motions in the Sunne , the one Simple Circular Motion ; the other Circular Motion about its owns Center , it may be demonstrated , that the Year hath both the same variations of Dayes and Nights , as have been demonstrated by Copernicus . For if the Circle abcd ( in the 3d Figure ) be the Ecliptick , whose Center is e , and Diameter aec ; and the Earth be placed in a , & the Sunne be moved in the little Circle fghi , namely , according to the order f , g , h & i , it hath been demonstrated , that a Body placed in a , will be moved in the same order through the points of the Ecliptick a , b , c & d , and will alwayes keep its Axis parallel to its self . But if ( as I have supposed ) the Earth also be moved with Simple Circular Motion in a plain that passeth through a , cutting the plain of the Ecliptick so , as that the common section of both the plains be in ac , thus also the Axis of the Earth will be kept alwayes parallel to it self . For let the Center of the Earth be moved about in the Circumference of the Epicycle whose Diameter is lak , which is a part of the straight line lac . Therefore lak the Diameter of the Epicycle , passing through the Center of the Earth , will be in the plain of the Ecliptick . Wherefore seeing that by reason of the Earths Simple Motion both in the Ecliptick and in its Epicycle , the straight line lak is kept alwayes parallel to it self , every other straight line also taken in the Body of the Earth , and consequently its Axis , will in like manner be kept alwayes parallel to it self ; so that in what part soever of the Ecliptick the Center of the Epicycle be found , and in what part soever of the Epicycle the Center of the Earth be found at the same time , the Axis of the Earth will be parallel to the place where the same Axis would have been , if the Center of the Earth had never gone out of the Ecliptick . Now as I have demonstrated the simple annual motion of the Earth from the supposition of Simple Motion in the Sunne ; so from the supposition of Simple Motion in the Earth may be demonstrated the monethly Simple Motion of the Moon . For if the names be but changed the Demonstration will be the same , and therefore need not be repeated . 7 That which makes this supposition of the Sunnes Simple Motion in the Epicycle fghi probable , is First , that the Periods of all the Planets are not onely described about the Sunne , but so described , as that they are al contained within the Zodiack , that is to say , within the latitude of about 16 degrees ; for the cause of this seems to depend upon some power in the Sunne , especially in that part of the Sunne which respects the Zodiack . Secondly , that in the whole co●passe of the heavens there appears no other Body , from which the cause of this Phaenomenon can in probability be derived . Besides , I could not imagine , that so many and such various motions of the Planets should have no dependance at all upon one another . But by supposing motive power in the Sunne , we suppose motion also ; for power to move , without motion , is no power at all . I have therefore supposed that there is in the Sunne for the governing of the primary Planets , and in the Earth for the governing of the Moon , such motion , as being received by the primary Planets and by the Moon , makes them necessarily appear to us in such manner as we see them ; Whereas , that circular motion ( which is commonly attributed to them ) about a fixed Axis , ( which is called Conversion ) being a motion of their parts onely , and not of their whole Bodies , is insufficient to salve their Appearances . For seeing whatsoever is so moved , hath no endeavour at all towards those parts which are without the circle , they have no power to propagate any endeavour to such Bodies as are placed without it . And as for them that suppose this may be done by Magnetical Virtue , or by incorporeall and immateriall Species , they suppose no naturall cause ; nay no cause at all . For there is no such thing as an Incorporeal Movent ; and Magnetical Virtue is a thing altogether unknown ; and whensoever it shall be known , it will be found to be a motion of Body . It remaines therefore , that if the primary Planets be carried about by the Sunne , and the Moon by the Earth , they have the simple circular motions of the Sunne and the Earth for the causes of their circulations . Otherwise , if they be not carried about by the Sunne and the Earth , but that every Planet hath been moved as it is now moved ever since it was made , there will be of their motions no cause naturall . For either these motions were concreated with their Bodies , and their cause is supernatural ; or they are coeternal with them , and so they have no cause at all . For whatsoever is Eternall was never generated . I may add besides , to confirme the probability of this simple motion , that allmost all learned men are now of the same opinion with Copernicus concerning the parallelisme of the Axis of the Earth , it seemed to me to be more agreeable to truth , or at least more handsome , that it should be caused by simple Circular Motion alone , than by two motions , one in the Ecliptick , and the other about the Earths own Axis the contrary way , neither of them Simple , nor either of them such as might be produced by any motion of the Sunne . I thought best therefore to retain this Hypothesis of Simple Motion ; and from it to derive the causes of as many of the Phaenomena as I could , and to let such alone as I could not deduce frm thence . It will perhaps be objected , that although by this supposition the reason may be given of the Parallelisme of the Axis of the Earth , and of many other Appearances ; nevertheless , seeing it is done by placing the Body of the Sunne in the Center of that Orbe which the Earth describes with its annual motion , the supposition it self is false , because this annual Orbe is excentrique to the Sunne . In the first place therefore let us examine what that Excentricity is , and whence it proceeds . 8 Let the annual Circle of the Earth abcd ( in the same 3d figure ) be divided into four equal parts by the straight lines ac & bd , cutting one another in the Center e ; and let a be the beginning of Libra , b of Capricorn , c of Aries , and d of Cancer ; and let the whole Orbe abcd be understood ( according to Copernicus ) to have every way so great distance from the Zodiack of the fixed Starres , that it be in comparison with it but as a point . Let the Earth be now supposed to be in the beginning of Libra at a. The Sunne therefore will appear in the beginning of Aries at c. Wherefore if the Earth be moved from a to b , the apparent motion of the Sunne will be from c to the beginning of Cancer in d ; and the Earth being moved forwards from b to c , the Sunne also will appear to be moved forwards to the beginning of Libra in a ; Wherefore cda will be the Summer Arch , and the Winter Arch will be abc . Now in the time of the Suns apparent motion in the Summer Arch , there are numbred 186¾ dayes ; and consequently the Earth makes in the same time the same number of diurnal conversions in the Arch abc ; and therefore the Earth in its motion through the Arch cda will make onely 178½ diurnal conversions , Wherefore the Arch a b c ought to be greater then the Arch c d a by 8¼ dayes , that is to say , by almost so many degrees . Let the Arch a r , as also c s , be each of them an Arch of two degrees and 1 / 16. Wherefore the Arch r b s will be greater then the Semicircle a b c by 4 degrees and ⅛ , and greater then the Arch s d r by 8 degrees and ¼ . The Equinoxes therefore will be in the points r & s ; and therefore also when the Earth is in r , the Sunne will appear in s. Wherefore the true place of the Sunne will be in t , that is to say , without the Center of the Earths annual motion by the quantity of the Sine of the Arch a r , or the Sine of two degrees and 16 minutes . Now this Sine , putting 100000 for the Radius , will be neer 3580 parts thereof . And so munh is the Excentricity of the Earths annual motion , provided that that motion be in a perfect circle ; and s & r are the Equinoctial points ; and the straight lines s r & c a produced both wayes till they reach the Zodiack of the fixed Starres , wil fall stil upon the same fixed Starres , because the whole Orbe a b c d is supposed to have no magnitude at all in respect of the great distance of the fixed Starres . Supposing now the Sun to be in c , it remains that I shew the cause why the Earth is neerer to the Sunne , when in its annual motion it is found to be in d , then when it is in b. And I take the cause to be this . When the Earth is in the beginning of Capricorn at b , the Sunne appears in the beginning of Cancer at d ; & then is the midst of Summer . But in the midst of Summer , the Northern parts of the Earth are towards the Sunne , which is almost all dry land , containing all Europe , and much the greatest part of Asia and America . But when the Earth is in the beginning of Cancer at d , it is the midst of Winter , and that part of the Earth is towards the Sunne , which contains those great Seas called the South Sea and the Indian Sea , which are of farre greater extent then all the dry Land in that Hemisphere . Wherefore ( by the last Article of the 21 Chapter ) when the Earth is in d , it will come neerer to its first Movent , that is , to the Sunne which is in t ; that is to say , the Earth is neerer to the Sunne in the midst of Winter when it is in d , then in the midst of Summer when it is b ; and therefore during the Winter the Sunne is in its Perigaeum , and in its Apogaeum during the Summer . And thus I have shewn a possible cause of the Excentricity of the Earth ; which was to be done . I am therefore of Keplers opinion , in this , that he attributes the Excentricity of the Earth to the difference of the parts thereof , and supposes one part to be affected , and another disaffected to the Sunne . And I dissent from him in this , that he thinks it to be by Magnetick virtue , and that this Magnetick virtue , or attraction and thrusting back of the Earth is wrought by immateriate Species ; which cannot be ; because nothing can give motion , but a Body moved and contiguous . For if those Bodies be not moved which are contiguous to a Body unmoved , how this Body should begin to be moved is not imaginable ; as has been demonstrated in the 7th Article of the 9th Chapter , and often inculcated in other places , to the end that Philosophers might at last abstain from the use of such unconceiveable connexions of words . I dissent also from him in this , that he says the similitude of Bodies is the cause of their mutual attraction , For if it were so , I see no reason why one Egg should not be attracted by another . If therefore one part of the Earth be more affected by the Sunne , then another part , it proceeds from this , that one part hath more water , the other more dry land . And from hence it is , ( as I shewed above ) that the Earth comes neerer to the Sunne when it shines upon that part where there is more water , then when it shines upon that where there is more dry Land. 9 This Excentricity of the Earth is the cause why the way of its annual motion is not a perfect Circle , but either an Elliptical , or almost an Elliptical line ; as also why the Axis of the Earth is not kept exactly parallel to it self in all places , but onely in the Equinoctial points . Now seeing I have said that the Moon is carried about by the Earth , in the same manner that the Earth is by the Sunne ; and that the Earth goeth about the Sunne in such manner as that it shews sometimes one Hemisphere , sometimes the other to the Sunne ; it remains to be enquired , why the Moon has alwayes one and the same face turned towards the Earth . Suppose therefore the Sunne to be moved with Simple Motion in the little Circle f g h i , ( in the fourth figure ) whose Center is t ; and let ♈ ♋ ♎ ♑ be the annuall Circle of the Earth ; and a the beginning , of Libra . About the point a let the little Circle l k be described ; and in it let the Center of the Earth be understood to be moved with Simple motion ; and both the Sunne & the Earth to be moved according to the order of the Signes . Upon the Center a let the way of the Moon m n o p be described ; and let q r be the Diameter of a Circle cutting the Globe of the Moon into two Hemispheres , whereof one is seen by us when the Moon is at the full , and the other is turned from us . The Diameter therefore of the Moon q o r will be perpendicular to the Straight Line t a. Wherefore the Moon is carried by reason of the Motion of the Earth from o towards p. But by reason of the motion of the Sunne , if it were in p it would at the same time be carried from p towards o ; and by these two contrary Movents the straight line q r will be turned about ; and in a Quadrant of the Circle m n o p it will be turned so much as makes the fourth part of its whole conversion . Wherefore when the Moon is in p , q r will be parallel to the straight line m o. Secondly , when the Moon is in m , the straight line q r will by reason of the motion of the Earth be in m o. But by the working of the Suns motion upon it in the quadrant p m , to● same q r will be turned so much as makes another quarter of its whole conversion . When therefore the Moon is in m , q r will be perpendicular to the straight line o m. By the same reason , when the Moon is in n , q r will be parallel to the straight line m o ; and the Moon returning to o , the same q r will return to its first place ; and the Body of the Moon will in one entire period make also one entire conversion upon her own Axis . In the making of which , it is manifest , that one and the same face of the Moon is always turned towards the Earth . And if any Diameter were taken in that little Circle , in which the Moon were supposed to be carried about with simple motion , the same effect would follow ; for if there were no action from the Sun , every Diameter of the Moon would be carried about always parallel to it self . Wherefore I have given a possible cause , why one and the same face of the Moon is alwayes turned towards the Earth . But it is to be noted , that when the Moon is without the Ecliptick , we do not alwayes see the same face precisely . For we see onely that part which is illuminated . But when the Moon is without the Ecliptick , that part which is towards us , is not exactly the same with that which is illuminated . 10 To these three simple motions , one of the Sunne , another of the Moon , and the third of the Earth , in their own little Circles f g h i , l k , & q r , together with the Diurnal conversion of the Earth ( by which conversion all things that adhere to its superficies are necessarily carried about with it ) may be referred the three Phaenomena concerning the Tides of the Ocean . Whereof the first , is the alternate elevation and depression of the Water at the Shores , twice in the space of 24 houres and neer upon 52 minutes ; for so it has constantly continued in all ages . The second , that at the New and Full Moons the elevations of the Water are greater , then at other times between . And the third , that when the Sunne is in the Equinoctial , they are yet greater then at any other time . For the salving of which Phaenomena , we have already the foure above-mentioned Motions ; to which I assume also this , that the part of the Earth which is called America , being higher then the Water , and extended almost the space of a whole Semicircle from North to South , gives a stop to the motion of the Water . This being granted , In the same 4th figure , where l b k c is supposed to be in the plain of the Moons monethly motion , let the little Circle l d k e be described about the same Center a in the plain of the Equinoctial . This Circle therefore will decline from the Circle l b k c in an angle of almost 28 degrees and ½ ( for the greatest declination of the Ecliptick is 23½ , to which adding 5 for the greatest declination of the Moon from the Ecliptick , the summe wil be 28 degrees and ½ ) . Seeing now the Waters which are under the Circle of the Moons course , are ( by reason of the Earths Simple Motion in the plain of the same Circle ) moved together with the Earth , ( that is to say , together with their own bottoms ) neither out-going nor out-gone ; if we add the Diurnal motion , by which the other Waters which are under the Equinoctial are moved in the same order ; and consider withall that the Circles of the Moon and of the Equinoctial intersect one another ; it will be manifest , that both those Waters , which are under the Circle of the Moon , and under the Equinoctiall , will runne together under the Equinoctial ; and consequently , that their Motion will not onely be swifter then the ground that carries them ; but also that the waters themselves will have greater elevation whensoever the Earth is in the Equinoctial . Wherefore , whatsoever the cause of the Tides may be , this may be the cause of their augmentation at that time . Againe , seeing I have supposed the Moon to be carried about by the simple motion of the Earth in the little circle lbkc ; and demonstrated ( at the 4 article of the 21 chapter ) that whatsoever is moved by a Movent that hath simple motion , will be moved allwayes with the same velocity ; it follows , that the center of the Earth will be carried in the circumference lbkc with the same velocity , with which the Moon is carried in the circumference mnop . Wherefore the time in which the Moon is carried about in mnop , is to the time in which the Earth is carried about in lbkc , as one circumference to the other , that is , as ao to ak . But ao is observed to be to the Semidiameter of the Earth as 59 to 1 ; and therefore the Earth ( if ak be put for its Semidiameter ) will make 59 revolutions in lbkc , in the time that the Moon makes one monthly circuit in mnop . But the Moon makes her monthly circuit in little more then 29 dayes . Wherefore the Earth shal make its circuit in the circumference lbkc in 12 hours and a little more , namely about 26 minutes more ; that is to say , it shall make two circuits in 24 hours and allmost 52 minutes ; which is observed to be the time between the high water of one day and the high water of the day following . Now the course of the waters being hindered by the southern part of America , their motion will be interrupted there ; and consequently , they will be elevated in those places , and sink down again by their own waight , twice in the space of 24 hours and 52 minutes . And thus I have given a possible cause of the diurnall reciprocation of the Ocean . Now from this swelling of the Ocean in those parts of the Earth , proceed the Flowings and Ebbings in the Atlantick , Spanish , Brittish and German Seas ; which though they have their set times , yet upon severall Shores they happen at severall hours of the day ; and they receive some augmentation from the North , by reason that the shores of China and Tartaria , hindering the generall course of the waters , makes them swell there ▪ and discharge themselves in part through the straight of Anian into the Northern Ocean , and so into the German Sea. As for the Spring Tides which happen at the time of the New & Full Moons , they are caused by that simple motion which at the beginning I supposed to be allwayes in the Moone . For as , when I shewed the cause of the Excentricity of the Earth , I derived the elevation of the waters from the simple motion of the Sunne ; so the same may here be derived from the simple motion of the Moon . For though from the generation of Clouds , there appeare in the Sunne a more manifest power of elevating the waters , then in the Moon ; yet the power of encreasing moisture in Vegetables and living creatures appears more manifestly in the Moon then in the Sunne ; which may perhaps proceed from this , that the Sunne raiseth up greater , and the Moon lesser drops of water . Neverthelesse , it is more likely , and more agreeable to common observation , that Raine is raised not only by the Sunne but also by the Moon ; for allmost all men expect change of weather at the time of the Conjunctions of the Sunne and Moon with one another , and with the Earth , more then in the time of their Quarters . In the last place , the cause why the Spring Tides are greater at the time of the Aequinoxes , hath been already sufficiently declared in this Article , where I have demonstrated , that the two Motions of the Earth , namely , its Simple Motion in the little Circle lbkc , and its Diurnal motion in ldke , cause necessarily a greater elevation of Waters when the Sunne is about the Aequinoxes , then when he is in other places . I have therefore given possible causes of the Phaenomenon of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Ocean . 11 As for the explication of the yearly Praecession of the Aequinoctial points , we must remember , that ( as I have already shewn ) the annual motion of the Earth is not in the Circumference of a Circle , but of an Ellipsis , or a line not considerably different from that of an Ellipsis . In the first place therefore this Elliptical line is to be described . Let the Ecliptick ♎ ♑ ♈ ♋ ( in the 5th figure ) be divided into four equal parts by the two straight lines ab and ♑ ♋ , cutting one another at right angles in the Center c ; and taking the Arch bd of 2 degrees and 16 minutes , let the straight line de be drawn parallel to ab and cutting ♑ ♋ in f ; which being done , the Excentricity of the Earth will be cf. Seeing therefore the annual motion of the Earth is in the Circumference of an Ellipsis , of which ♑ ♋ is the greater Axis , ab cannot be the lesser Axis ; for ab and ♑ ♋ are equal . Wherefore the Earth passing through a & b , will either pass above ♑ , as through g , or passing through ♑ , will fall between c and a ; it is no matter which . Let it pass therefore through g ; and let gl be taken equal to the straight line ♑ ♋ ; and dividing gl equally in i , gi will be equal to ♑ ♋ , & il equal to f ♋ ; and consequently the point i will cut the Excentricity cf into two equal parts ; and taking ih equal to if , hi will be the whole Excentricity . If now a straight line ( namely , the line ♎ i ♈ ) be drawn through i parallel to the straight lines ab and ed , the way of the Sunne in Summer ( namely , the Arch ♎ g ♈ ) will be greater then his way in Winter by 8 degrees and ¼ . Wherefore the true Aequinoxes wil be in the straight line ♎ i ♈ ; and therefore the Ellipsis of the Earths annual motion will not pass through a , g , b & l ; but through ♎ , g , ♈ & l. Wherfore the annual motion of the Earth is in the Ellipsis ♎ g ♈ l , and cannot be ( the Excentricity being salved ) in any other line . And this perhaps is the reason , why Kepler , against the opinion of all the Astronomers of former time , thought fit to bisect the Excentricity of the Earth , or ( according to the Ancients ) of the Sunne , not by diminishing the quantity of the same Excentricity , because the true measure of that quantity , is the difference by which the Summer Arch exceeds the Winter Arch , but by taking for the Center of the Ecliptick of the great Orbe the point c neerer to f , & so placing the whole great Orbe as much neerer to the Ecliptick of the fixed Stars towards ♋ , as is the distance between c & i. For seeing the whole great Orbe is but as a point in respect of the immense distance of the fixed Starres , the two straight lines ♎ ♈ and ab being produced both wayes to the beginnings of Aries and Libra , will fall upon the same points of the Sphere of the fixed Stars . Let therefore the Diameter of the Earth mn be in the plain of the Earths annual motion . If now the Earth be moved by the Sunnes simple motion in the Circumference of the Ecliptick about the Center i , this Diameter will bee kept alwayes parallel to itself and to the straight line gl . But seeing the Earth is moved in the Circumference of an Ellipsis without the Ecliptick , the point n , whilst it passeth through ♎ ♑ ♈ will go in a lesser Circumference then the point m ; and consequently as soon as ever it begins to be moved , it will lose its parallelisme with the straight line ♑ ♋ ▪ so that mn produced will at last cut the straight line gl produced . And contrarily , as soon as mn is past ♈ , ( the Earth making its way in the internal Ellipticall line ♈ l ♎ ) the same mn produced towards m , will cut lg produced . And when the Earth hath allmost finished its whole circumference , the same ▪ mn shall againe make a right angle with a line drawn from the center i , a little short of the point from which the Earth began its motion . And there the next yeare shall be one of the Aequinoctial points , namely , neer the end of ♍ ; the other shall be opposite to it neer the end of ♓ . And thus the points in which the Days and Nights are made equall , doe every year fall back ; but with so slow a motion , that in a whole year , it makes but 51 first minutes . And this relapse being contrary to the order of the Signes , is commonly called the Praecession of the Aequinoxes . Of which I have from my former Suppositions deduced a possible cause ; which was to be done . According to what I have said concerning the cause of the Excentricity of the Earth ; and according to Kepler , who for the cause thereof supposeth one part of the Earth to be affected to the Sunne the other part to be disaffected , the Apogaeum & Perigaeum of the Sunne should be moved every year in the same order , and with the same velocity , with which the Aequinoctiall points are moved ; and their distance from them should allwayes be the quadrant of a circle ; which seems to be otherwise . For Astronomers say , that the Aequinoxes are now , the one about 28 degrees gone back from the first Star of Aries , the other as much from the beginning of Libra . So that the Apogaeum of the Sunne , or the Aphelium of the Earth ought to be about the 28th degree of Cancer ; but it is reckoned to be in the 7th degree . Seeing therefore we have not sufficient evidence of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that so it is ) , it is in vaine to seek for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( why it is so ) . Wherefore , as long as the motion of the Apogaeum is not observable by reason of the slownesse thereof ; and as long as it remaiues doubtful whether their distance from the Aequinoctiall points be more or lesse then a quadrant precisely ; so long it may be lawfull for me to thinke they proceed both of them with equall velocity . Also , I doe not at all meddle with the causes of the Excentricities of Saturne , Jupiter , Mars , and Mercury . Neverthelesse , seeing the Excentricity of the Earth may ( as I have shewne ) be caused by the unlike constitution of the several parts of the Earth which are alternately turned towards the Sunne , it is credible also that like effects may be produced in these other Planets from their having their Superficies of unlike parts . And this is all I shall say concerning Sidereal Philosophy . And though the causes I have here supposed be not the true causes of these Phaenomena , yet I have demonstrated that they are sufficient to produce them , according to what I at first propounded . CHAP. XXVII . Of Light , Heat , and of Colours . 1 Of the immense Magnitude of some Bodies , and the unspeakable Littleness of others . 2 Of the cause of the Light of the Sun. 3 How Light heateth . 4 The generation of Fire from the Sunne . 5 The generation of Fire from Collision . 6 The cause of Light in Glow-wormes , Rotten Wood , and the Bolonian Stone . 7 The cause of Light in the concussion of Sea-water . 8 The cause of Flame , Sparks , and Colliquation . 9 The cause why wet Hay sometimes burns of its own accord . Also the cause of Lightning . 10 The cause of the force of Gunpowder ; and what is to be ascribed to the Coals , what to the Brimstone , and what to the Nitre . 11 How Heat is caused by Attrition . 12 The distinction of Light into First , Second , &c. 13 The causes of the Colours we see in looking through a Prisma of Glass , namely , of Red , Yellow , Blue and Violet Colour . 14 Why the Moon and the Starres appear redder in the Horizon then in the midst of the Heaven . 15 The cause of Whiteness . 16 The cause of Blackness . 1 BEsides the Starres ( of which I have spoken in the last Chapt. ) , whatsoever other Bodies there be in the World , they may be all comprehended under the name of Intersidereal Bodies . And these I have already supposed to be either the most fluid Aether , or such Bodies whose parts have some degree of cohaesion . Now these differ from one another in their several Consistencies , Magnitudes , Motions and Figures . In Consistency ▪ I suppose some Bodies to be Harder , others Softer through all the several degrees of Tenacity . In Magnitude , some to be Greater , others Less , and many unspeakably Little. For we must remember that by the Understanding , Quantity is divisible into divisibles perpetually . And therefore if a man could do as much with his hands as he can with his Understanding , he would be able to take from any given magnitude , a part which should be less then any other magnitude given . But the Omnipotent Creator of the World can actually from a part of any thing take another par● , as farre as we by our Understanding can conceive the same to be divisible . Wherefore there is no impossible Smalness of Bodies . And what hinders but that we may think this likely ? For we know there are some living Creatures so small ▪ that we can scarce see their whole Bodies . Yet even these have their young ones , their little Veins , and other Vessels , and their Eyes so smal , as that no Microscope can make them visible . So that we cannot suppose any magnitude so little , but that our very supposition is actually exceeded by Nature . Besides , there are now such Microscopes commonly made , that the things we see with them appear a hundred thousand times bigger , then they would do if we looked upon them with our bare Eyes . Nor is there any doubt but that by augmenting the power of these Microscopes ( for it may be augmented as long as neither Matter nor the hands of Workmen are wanting ) every one of those hundred thousandth parts might yet appear a hundred thousand times geater then they did before . Neither is the Smalness of some Bodies to be more admired , then the vast Greatness of others . For it belongs to the same infinite Power , as well to augment infinitely , as infinitely to diminish ; To make the great Orbe , ( namely , that whose Radius reacheth from the Earth to the Sunne ) but as a point in respect of the distance between the Sunne and the fixed Starres ; and on the contrary , to make a Body so little , as to be in the same proportion less then any other visible Body , proceeds equally from one and the same Authour of Nature . But this of the immense distance of the fixed Starres ( which for a long time was accounted an incredible thing ) is now believed by almost all the Learned . Why then should not that other of the smalness of some Bodies , become credible at some time or other ? For the Majesty of God appears no less in small things then in great ; and as it exceedeth humane sense in the immense greatness of the Universe ; so also it doth in the smalness of the parts thereof . Nor are the first Elements of Compositions , nor the first Beginnings of Actions , nor the first Moments of Times more credible , then that which is now believed of the vast distance of the fixed Starres . Some things are acknowledged by mortal men to be very Great , though Finite , as seeing them to be such . They acknowledge also , that some things which they do not see , may be of infinite magnitude . But they are not presently , nor without great study perswaded that there is any Mean between Infinite & the Greatest of those things which either they see or imagine . Nevertheless , when after meditation & contemplation , many things which we wondred at before are now grown more familiar to us , we then believe them , and transferre our admiration from the Creatures to the Creator . But how little soever some Bodies may be ; yet I will not suppose their quantity to be less , then is requisite for the salving of the Phaenomena . And in like manner I shall suppose their motion , namely , their Velocity and Slowness , and the Variety of their Figures , to be onely such as the explication of their natural causes requires . And lastly , I suppose , that the parts of the pure Aether ( as if it were the First Matter ) have no motion at all , but what they receive from Bodies which float in them , and are not themselves fluid . 2 Having laid these Grounds , let us come to speake of Causes , and in the first place let us inquire what may be the cause of the Light of the Sunne . Seeing therefore the Body of the Sunne doth by its simple circular motion thrust away the ambient aethereall substance sometimes one way sometimes another , so that those parts which are next the Sunne being moved by it , doe propagate that motion to the next remote parts , and these to the next , and so on continually ; it must needs be , that notwithstanding any distance , the foremost part of the Eie will at last be pressed ; and by the pressure of that part , the motion will be propagated to the innermost part of the Organ of Sight , namely to the Heart ; and from the reaction of the Heart , there will proceed an endeavour back by the same way , ending in the endeavour outwards of the Coat of the Eie called the Retina . But this endeavour outwards ( as has been defined in the 25 chapter ) is the thing which is called Light , or the Phantasme of a Lucid Body . For it is by reason of this Phantasme that an Object is called Lucid. Wherefore we have a possible cause of the Light of the Sunne ; which I undertook to find . 3 The generation of the Light of the Sunne is accompanied with the generation of Heat . Now every man knowes what Heat is in himselfe , by feeling it when he growes Hot ; but what it is in other things he knowes onely by ratiocination . For it is one thing to grow Hot , and another thing to Heat , or make Hot. And therefore though we perceive that the Fire or the Sunne Heateth , yet we doe not perceive that it is it selfe Hot. That other living creatures whilest they make other things Hot , are Hot themselves , we inferre by reasoning from the like sense in our selves . But this is not a necessary inference . For though it may truly be said of living Creatures , that They Heat , therefore they are themselves Hot ; yet it cannot from hence be truly inferred , that Fire Heateth , therefore it is it selfe Hot ; no more then this , Fire causeth Pain , therefore it is it self in Pain . Wherefore that is onely and properly called Hot , which when we feel , we are necessarily Hot. Now when we grow Hot , we find that our Spirits and Blood , and whatsoever is fluid within us , is called out from the internall to the externall parts of our Bodies , more or lesse , according to the degree of the Heat ; and that our Skin swelleth . He therefore that can give a possible cause of this Evocation and Swelling , and such as agreeth with the rest of the Phaenomena of Heat ; may be thought to have given the cause of the Heat of the Sunne . It hath been shewn ( in the 5 article of the 21 chapter ) that the fluid Medium which we call the Aire , is so moved by the simple circular motion of the Sunne , as that all its parts , even the least , do perpetually change places with one another ; which change of places is that which there I called Fermentation . From this Fermentation of the Aire , I have ( in the 8 article of the last chapter ) demonstrated , that the water may be drawn up into the clouds . And I shall now shew , that the fluid parts may in like manner by the same Fermentation be drawn out from the internall to the externall parts of our Bodies . For seeing that wheresoever the fluid Medium is contiguous to the Body of any living creature , there the parts of that Medium are by perpetuall change of place separated from one another ; the contiguous parts of the living creature must of necessity endeavour to enter into the spaces of the separated parts . For otherwise those parts ( supposing there is no Vacuum ) would have no place to go into . And therefore that which is most fluid and separable in the parts of the living creature which are contiguous to the Medium , will go first out ; and into the place thereof will succeed such other parts as can most easily transpire through the po●es of the skin . And from hence it is necessary , that the rest of the parts which are not separated , must all together be moved outwards , for the keeping of all places full . But this motion outwards of all parts together must of necessity press those parts of the ambient Aire which are ready to leave their places ; and therefore all the parts of the Body endeavouring at once that way , makes the Body swell . Wherefore a possible cause is given of Heat from the Sunne ; which was to be done . 4 We have now seen how Light and Heat are generated ; Heat by the simple motion of the Medium , making the parts perpetually change places with one another ; and Light by this , that by the same simple motion Action is propagated in a straight line . But when a Body hath its parts so moved , that it sensibly both Heats and Shines at the same time , then it is , that we say Fire is generated . Now by Fire I do not understand a Body distinct from matter combustible or glowing , as Wood or Iron , but the matter it self , not simply and always , but then onely when it shineth and heateth . He therefore that renders a cause possible , and agreeable to the rest of the Phaenomena , namely , whence and from what action both the Shining and Heating proceed , may be thought to have given a possible cause of the generation of Fire . Let therefore ABC ( in the first Figure ) be a Sphere , or the portion of a Sphere , whose Center is D ; and let it be transparent and homogeneous , as Cristal , Glass , or Water , and objected to the Sunne . Wherefore the foremost part ABC , will by the simple motion of the Sunne , by which it thrusts forwards the Medium ▪ be wrought upon by the Sun-beams in the straight lines EA , FB and GC ; which straight lines may in respect of the great distance of the Sunne be taken for parallels . And seeing the Medium within the Sphere is thicker then the Medium without it , those Beams will be refracted towards their perpendiculars . Let the straight lines EA and GC be produced till they cut the Sphere in H and I ; and drawing the perpendiculars AD and CD , the refracted Beams EA and GC will of necessity fall , the one between AH and AD , the other between CI and CD . Let those refracted Beams be AK and CL. And again , let the lines DKM & DLN be drawn per●endicular to the Sphere ; and let AK and CL be produced till they meet with the straight line BD produced in O. Seeing therefore the Medium within the Sphere is thicker then that without it , the refracted line AK will recede further from the perpendicular KM , then KO will recede from the same . Wherefore KO will fall between the refracted line and the perpendicular . Let therefore the refracted line be KP , cutting FO in P , and for the same reason the straight line LP will be the refracted line of the straight line CL. Wherfore , seeing the Beams are nothing else but the Wayes in which the motion is propagated , the motion about P will be so much more vehement then the motion about ABC , by how much the base of the portion ABC is greater then the base of a like portion in the Sphere whose Center is P , and whose magnitude is equal to that of the little Circle about P , which comprehendeth all the Beams that are propagated from ABC ; and this Sphere being much less then the Sphere ABC , the parts of the Medium , that is , of the Aire about P , will change places with one another with much greater celerity , then those about ABC . If therefore any matter Combustible , that is to say , such as may be easily dissipated , be placed in P , the parts of that matter ( if the proportion be great enough between AC and a like portion of the little circle about P ) wil be freed from their mutual cohaesion , and being separated will acquire simple motion . But vehement simple motion generates in the beholder a Phantasm of Lucid and Hot , as I have before de●onstrated of the simple motion of the Sunne ; and therefore the combustible matter which is placed in P will be made Lucid and Hot , that is to say , will be Fire . Wherefore I have rendered a possible cause of Fire ; which was to be done . 5 From the manner by which the Sunne generateth Fire , it is easy to explaine the manner by which Fire may be generated by the collision of two Flints . For by that Collision , some of those particles of which the stone is compacted , are violently separated and thrown off ; and being withall swiftly turned round , the Eie is moved by them , as it is in the generation of Light by the Sunne . Wherefore they shine ; and falling upon matter which is already halfe dissipated , such as is Tinder , they throughly dissipate the parts thereof , and make them turn round . From whence ( as I have newly shewn ) Light and Heat , that is to say , Fire is generated . 6 The shining of Glow-worms , some kinds of Rotten Wood , and of a kinde of stone made at Bolognia , may have one common cause , namely the exposing of them to the hot Sunne . We finde by experience that the Bolonian stone shines not unless it be so exposed ; and after it has been exposed it shines but for a little time , namely , as long as it retains a certain degree of heat . And the cause may be , that the parts of which it is made , may together with heat have Simple Motion imprinted in them by the Sunne . Which if it be so , it is necessary , that it shine in the dark , as long as there is sufficient heat in it ; but this ceasing , it will shine no longer . Also we find by experience , that in the Glow-worm there is a certain thick humour , like the Cristalline humour of the Eie ; which if it be taken out , and held long enough in ones fingers , and then be carried into the dark , it will shine by reason of the warmth it received from the fingers ; but as soon as it is cold , it will cease shining . From whence therefore can these creatures have their Light , but from lying all day in the Sun-shine , in the hottest time of Summer ? In the same manner , Rotten Wood , except it grow rotten in the Sun-shine , or be afterwards long enough exposed to the Sunne , will not shine . That this doth not happen in every Worm , nor in all kinds of Rotten Wood , nor in all Calcined Stones , the cause may be , that the parts of which those Bodies are made , are different both in motion and figure from the parts of Bodies of other kinds . 7 Also the Sea-water shineth when it is either dashed with the strokes of Oares , or when a Ship in its course breaks strongly through it ; but more or less according as the Winde blows from different points . The cause whereof may be this , that the particles of salt ( though they never shine in the Salt-pits , where they are but slowly drawn up by the Sunne ) being here beaten up into the aire in greater quantities , and with more force , are withall made to turn round , and consequently to shine , though weakly . I have therefore given a possible cause of this Phaenomenon . 8 If such matter as is compounded of hard little Bodies , be set on fire , it must needs be , that as they flye out in greater or lesse quantities , the Flame which is made by them , will be greater or less . And if the aethereal or fluid part of that matter fly out together with them , their motion will be the Swifter , as it is in Wood , and other things which flame with a manifest mixture of Winde . When therefore these hard particles by their flying out , move the Eye strongly , they shine bright ; and a great quantity of them flying out together , they make a great shining Body . For Flame being nothing but an aggregate of shining particles , the greater the aggregate is , the greater and more manifest will be the Flame . I have therefore shewn a possible cause of Flame . And from hence the cause appears evidently , why Glass is so easily and quickly melted by the small Flame of a candle blown , which will not be melted without blowing , but by a very strong Fire . Now if from the same matter , there be a part broken off ( namely such a part as consisteth of many of the small particles ) , of this is made a Spark . For from the breaking off , it hath a violent turning round ; and from hence it shines . But though from this matter , there fly neither Flame nor Sparks ; yet some of the smallest parts of it may be carried out as farre as to the Superficies , and remain there , as Ashes ; the parts whereof are so extremely small , that it cannot any longer be doubted how farre Nature may proceed in Dividing . Lastly , though by the application of fire to this matter , there fly little or nothing from it , yet there will be in the parts an endeavour to Simple motion ; by which the whole Body will either be Melted , or ( which is a degree of Melting ) Softned . For all Motion has some effect upon all Matter whatsoever ( as has been shewn at the 3d Article of the 16th Chapter ) . Now if it be softned to such a degree , as that the stubborness of the parts be exceeded by their gravity , then we say it is Melted ; otherwise , Softned , and made Pliant and Ductile . Again , the matter having in it some particles hard , others aethereal or watery , if by the application of fire these later be called out , the former will thereby come to a more full contact with one another ; and consequently will not be so easily separated ; that is to say , the whole Body will be made Harder . And this may be the cause why the same Fire makes some things Soft , others Hard. 9 It is known by experience , that if Hay be laid wet together in a heap , it will after a time begin to smoke , and then burn as it were of it self . The cause whereof seems to be this , that in the Aire which is enclosed within the Hay , there are those little Bodies , which ( as I have supposed ) are moved freely with simple Motion . But this Motion being by degrees hindred more and more by the descending moisture , which at the last fils and stops all the passages , the thinner parts of the Aire ascend by penetrating the water ; and those hard little Bod●● being so thrust together that they touch and press one another , acquire stronger motion , till at last by the increased strength of this motion the watery parts are first driven outwards , from whence appears Vapour ; and by the continued increase of this motion , the smallest particles of the dryed Hay are forced out , and recovering their natural simple Motion , they grow Hot and Shine , that is to say , they are set on Fire . The same also may be the cause of Lightning ; which happens in the hottest time of the yeare , when the water is raised up in greatest quantity , and carried highest . For after the first Clouds are raised , others after others follow them ; and being congeled above , they happen ( whilest some of them ascend and others descend ) to fall upon another in such manner , as that in some places all their parts are joyned together , in others they leave hollow Spaces between them ; aud into these spaces ( the aethereall parts being forced out by the compressure of the Clouds ) many of the harder little Bodies are so pent together , as that they have not the liberty of such motion as is naturall to the Aire . Wherefore their endeavour growes more vehement , till at last they force their way through the Clouds , sometimes in one place , sometimes in another ; and breaking through with great noise , they move the aire violently , & striking our Eies generate Light , that is to say , they Shine . And this Shining is that we call Lightning . 10 The most common Phaenomenon proceeding from Fire , and yet the most admirable of all others , is the force of Gunpowder fired ; which being compounded of Niter , Brimstone and Coles beaten small , hath from the Coles its first taking fire ; from the Brimstone its nourishment and flame , that is to say , Light and motion ; and from the Niter the vehemence of both . Now if a piece of Niter , ( before it is beaten ) be laid upon a burning Cole , first it melts , and like water quencheth that part of the Cole it toucheth . Then Vapor or Aire flying out where the Cole and Niter joyne , bloweth the Cole with great swiftnesse and vehemence on all sides . And from hence it comes to passe , that by two contrary motions ( the one , of the particles which go out of the burning Cole , the other , of those of the aethereall and watery substance of the Niter ) is generated that vehement Motion and Inflammation . And lastly , when there is no more action from the Niter ( that is to say , when the volatile parts of the Niter are flown out ) there is found about the sides a certain white substance , which being thrown again into the fire , will grow red hot again , but will not be dissipated , at least , unlesse the fire be augmented . If now a possible cause of this be found out , the same will also be a possible cause why a grain of Gunpowder set on fire doth expand it selfe with such vehement motion , and Shine . And it may be caused in this manner . Let the particles of which Niter consisteth , be supposed to be some of them hard , others watery , and the rest aethereall . Also let the hard particles be supposed to be spherically hollow , like small bubbles , so that many of them growing together may constitute a Body whose little cavernes are filled with a substance which is either watery , or aethereal , or both . As soon therefore as the hard particles are dissipated , the watery and aethereal particles will necessarily fly out ; and as they fly , of necessity blow strongly the burning Coles and Brimstone which are mingled together ; whereupon there will follow a great expansion of Light , with vehement flame , and a violent dissipation of the particles of the Niter , the Brimstone and the Coles . Wherefore I have given a possible cause of the force of fired Gunpowder . It is manifest from hence , that for the rendering of the cause why a bullet of lead or iron shot from a peece of Ordnance flies with so great velocity , there is no necessity to introduce such Rarefaction , as ( by the common definition of it ) makes the same Matter to have sometimes more , sometimes lesse Quantity ; which is unconceiveable . For every thing is said to be greater or lesse , as it hath more or lesse Quantity . The violence with which a bullet is thrust out of a Gun , proceeds from the swiftnesse of the small particles of the fired Powder ; at least it may proceed from that cause ▪ without the supposition of any Empty Space . 11 Besides , by the attrition or rubbing of one Body against another , as of Wood against Wood , we find that not only a certaine degree of Heat , but Fire it selfe is sometimes generated . For such motion , is the reciprocation of pressure , sometimes one way sometimes the other ; and by this reciprocation , whatsoever is fluid in both the peeces of Wood , is forced hither and thither ; and consequently , to an endeavour of getting out ; and at last by breaking out makes Fire . 12 Now Light is distinguished into , First , Second , Third , and so on infinitely . And we call that First Light , which is in the first Lucid Bodie ; as the Sunne , Fire , &c. Second , that which is in such Bodies as being not transparent are illuminated by the Sunne ; as the Moon , a Wall , &c. and Third , that which is in Bodies not transparent but illuminated by Second Light , &c. 13 Colour is Light , but troubled Light ; namely , such as is generated by perturbed motion ; as shall be made manifest by the Red , Yellow , Blew and Purple which are generated by the interposition of a Diaphanous Prisma ( whose opposite bases are triangular ) between the Light and that which is enlightened . For let there be a Prisma of Glasse , or of any other transparent matter which is of greater density then Aire ; and let the triangle ABC be the base of this Prisma . Also let the straight line DE be the diameter of the Sunnes Body , having oblique position to the straight line AB ; and let the Sunne-beames passe in the lines DA and EBC . And lastly let the straight lines DA and EC be produced indefinitely to F and G. Seeing therefore the straight line DA , by reason of the density of the Glasse is refracted towards the perpendicular ; let the line refracted at the point A be the straight line AH . And againe , seeing the Medium below AC is thinner then that above it , the other refraction which will be made there , will diverge from the perpendicular . Let therefore this second refracted line be AI. Also let the same be done at the point C , by making the first refracted line to be CK , and the second CL. Seeing therefore the cause of the refraction in the point A of the straight line of AB , is the excess of the resistance of the Medium in AB above the resistance of the Aire , there must of necessity be reaction from the point A towards the point B ; and consequently the Medium at A within the triangle ABC , will have its motion troubled ; that is to say , the straight motion in AF and AH , will be mixed with the transverse motion between the same AF and AH , represented by the short transverse lines in the triangle AFH . Againe , seeing at the point A of the straight line AC , there is a second refraction from AH in AI , the motion of the Medium will againe be perturbed by reason of the transverse reaction from A towards C , represented likewise by the short transverse lines in the triangle AHI . And in the same manner there is a double perturbation represented by the transverse lines in the triangles CGK and CKL . But as for the light between AI and CG , it will not be perturbed ; because if there were in all the points of the straight lines AB and AC , the same action which is in the points A and C , then the plaine of the triangle CGK would be every where coincident with the plaine of the triangle AFH ; by which meanes all would appear alike between A and C. Besides , it is to be observed , that all the reaction at A , tends towards the illuminated parts which are between A and C , and consequently perturbeth the First Light. And on the contrary , that all the reaction at C tends towards the parts without the triangle , or without the Prisma ABC , where there is none but Second Light ; and that the triangle AFH shewes that perturbation of Light which is made in the Glasse it selfe ; as the triangle AHI shewes that perturbation of Light which is made below the Glasse . In like manner , that CGK shewes the perturbation of Light within the Glasse ; and CKL that which is below the Glasse . From whence there are four divers motions , or four different illuminations or Colours ; whose differences appear most manifestly to the Sense in a Prisma ( whose base is an equilaterall triangle ) when the Sunne-beames that passe through it are received upon a white paper . For the triangle AFH appears Red to the Sense ; the triangle AHI Yellow ; the triangle CGK Green , and approaching to Blew ; and lastly the triangle CKL appears Purple . It is therefore evident , that when weak but First Light passeth through a more resisting diaphanous Body , as Glasse , the beames which fall upon it tranversly , make Rednesse ; and when the same First Light is stronger , as it is in the thinner Medium below the straight line AC , the transverse beames make Yellownesse . Also when Second Light is strong , as it is in the triangle CGK ( which is neerest to the First Light ) the transverse beames make Greenesse ; and when the same Second Light is weaker , as in the triangle CKL , they make a Purple colour . 14 From hence may be deduced a cause why the Moon and Starres appear bigger and redder neer the Horizon then in the Mid-heaven . For between the Eie and the apparent Horizon , there is more impure aire , such as is mingled with Watery and Earthy little Bodies , then is between the same Eie and the more elevated part of Heaven . But Vision is made by Beames which constitute a Cone , whose base , if we look upon the Moon , is the Moons Face , and whose vertex is in the Eie ; and therefore many beams from the Moon must needs fall upon little Bodies that are without the Visual Cone , and be by them reflected to the Eie . But these reflected beams tend all in lines which are transverse to the Visual Cone , and make at the Eie an angle which is greater then the angle of the Cone . Wherefore the Moon appeares greater in the Horizon , then when she is more elevated . And because those reflected beames go transversely , there will be generated ( by the last article ) Rednesse . A possible cause therefore is shewne , why the Moon , as also the Starres appear Greater and Redder in the Horizon , then in the midst of heaven . The same also may be the cause why the Sunne appears in the Horizon , Greater , and of a colour more degenerating to Yellow , then when he is higher elevated . For the reflection from the little Bodies between , and the transverse motion of the Medium are still the same . But the Light of the Sunne is much stronger then that of the Moon ; and therefore ( by the last article ) his Splendor must needs by this perturbation degenerate into Yellownesse . But for the generation of these four colours , it is not necessary that the figure of the Glass be a Prisma ; for if it were Spherical it would doe the same . For in a Sphere the Sunne-beames are twice refracted and twice reflected . And this being observed by Des Cartes ; and with all that a Rainebow never appeares but when it rains ; as also , that the drops of raine have their figures almost Spherical ; he hath shewne from thence the cause of the colours in the Rainbow ; which therefore need not be repeated . 15 Whiteness is Light ; but Light perturbed by the reflexions of many beams of Light comming to the Eye together within a little space . For if Glass , or any other Diaphanous Body be reduced to very small parts by contusion or concussion ; every one of those parts ( if the Beams of a lucid Body be from any one point of the same reflected to the Eye ) will represent to the beholder an Idea or Image of the whole lucid Body , that is to say , a Phantasme of White . For the strongest Light is the most White ; and therefore many such parts will make many such Images . Wherefore if those parts lie thick and close together , those many Images will appear confusedly , and will by reason of the confused Light represent a White Colour . So that from hence may be deduced a possible cause , why Glass beaten , that is , reduced to powder , looks White . Also why Water and Snow are White ; they being nothing but a heap of very small Diaphanous Bodies , namely , of little Bubbles , from whose several convex Superficies , there are by reflexion made several confused Phantasmes of the whole lucid Body ; that is to say , Whiteness . For the same reason , Salt and Nitre are White ; as consisting of small Bubbles which contain within them Water and Aire ; as is manifest in Nitre , from this , that being thrown into the fire , it violently blowes the same ; which Salt also doth , but with less violence . But if a White Body be exposed , not to the Light of the Day , but to that of the Fire , or of a Candle , it will not at the first sight be easily judged whether it be White or Yellow ; the cause whereof may be this , that the light of those things which burn and flame , is almost of a middle Colour between Whiteness and Yellowness . 16 As Whiteness is Light , so Blackness is the privation of Light , or Darkness . And from hence it is ; First , that all Holes , from which no light can be reflected to the Eie , appear Black. Secondly , that when a Body hath little eminent particles erected straight up from the Superficies ( so that the Beams of Light which fall upon them are reflected , not to the Eie , but to the Body it self ) that Superficies appears Black , in the same manner as the Sea appears Black , when ruffled by the Wind. Thirdly , that any combustible matter is by the fire made to look Black before it shines . For the endeavour of the fire being to dissipate the smallest parts of such Bodies as are thrown into it , it must first raise and erect those parts , before it can work their dissipation . If therefore the fire be put out before the parts be totally dissipated , the Cole will appear Black ; for the parts being onely erected , the Beams of Light falling upon them will not be reflected to the Eie , but to the Cole it self . Fourthly , that Burning Glasses do more easily burn Black things then White . For in a White Superficies , the eminent parts are convex , like little bubbles ; and therefore the Beams of Light which fall upon them are reflected every way from the reflecting Body . But in a Black Superficies , where the eminent particles are more erected , the Beams of Light falling upon them , are all necessarily reflected towards the Body it self ; and therefore Bodies that are Black are more easily set on fire by the Sun-beams , then those that are White . Fifthly , that all Colours that are made of the mixture of White and Black , proceed from the different position of the particles that rise above the Superficies , and their different forms of asperity . For according to these differences , more or fewer Beams of Light are reflected from several Bodies to the Eie . But in regard those differences are innumerable , and the Bodies themselves so small , that we cannot perceive them , the explication and precise determination of the Causes of all Colours is a thing of so great difficulty , that I dare not undertake it . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Cold , Wind , Hard , Ice , Restitution of Bodies bent , Diaphanous , Lightning and Thunder ; and of the Heads of Rivers . 1 Why Breath from the same mouth sometimes heats , and sometimes cools . 2 Wind , and the Inconstancy of Winds , whence . 3 Why there is a constant , though not a great Wind from East to West neer the Equator . 4 What is the effect of Aire pent in between the Clouds . 5 No change from Soft to Hard , but by motion . 6 What is the cause of Cold neer the Poles . 7 The cause of Ice ; and why the Cold is more remiss in rainy then in clear weather . Why water doth not freeze in deep Wells , as it doth neer the Superficies of the Earth . Why Ice is not so heavy as Water ; and why Wine is not so easily frozen as Water . 8 Another cause of Hardness from the fuller contact of Atomes . Also how Hard things are broken . 9 A third cause of Hardness from Heat . 10 A fourth cause of Hardness from the motion of Atomes enclosed in a narrow space . 11 How Hard things are Softned . 12 Whence proceeds the spontaneous Restitution of things Bent. 13 Diaphanous , and Opacous , what they are , and whence . 14 The cause of Lightning and Thunder . 15 Whence it proceeds that Clouds can fall again , after they are once elevated and frozen . 16 How it could be that the Moon was eclipsed , when she was not diametrally opposite to the Sunne . 17 By what means many Sunnes may appear at once . 18 Of the Heads of Rivers . 1 AS , when the motion of the ambient aethereal substance makes the Spirits and fluid parts of our Bodies tend outwards , we acknowledge Heat ; so , by the endeavour inwards of the same spirits and humours , we feel Cold. So that to Cool , is to make the exterior parts of the Body endeavour inwards , by a motion contrary to that of Calefaction , by which the internal parts are called outwards . He therefore that would know the cause of Cold must find by what motion or motions , the exterior parts of any Body endeavour to retire inwards . To begin with those Phaenomena which are the most familiar ; There is almost no man but knows , that breath blown strongly , and which comes from the mouth with violence , that is to say , the passage being straight , will Cool the hand ; and that the same breath blown gently , that is to say , through a greater aperture , wil warm the same The cause of which Phaenomenon may be this . The breath going out , hath two motiōs ; the one , of the whole and direct , by which the formost parts of the hand are driven inwards , the other , simple motion of the small particles of the same breath , which ( as I have shewn in the 3d Article of the last Chapter ) causeth Heat . According therefore as either of these Motions is predominant , so there is the sense sometimes of Cold , sometimes of Heat . Wherefore , when the breath is softly breathed out at a large passage , that simple Motion which causeth Heat prevaileth , and consequently Heat is felt ; and when by compressing the lips the breath is more strongly blown out , then is the direct motion prevalent , which makes us feel Cold. For the direct motion of the breath or aire , is Wind ; and all Wind Cools , or diminisheth former heat . 2 And seeing not onely great Wind , but almost any Ventilation and stirring of the Aire , doth refrigerate ; the reason of many experiments concerning Cold cannot well be given , without finding first what are the causes of Wind. Now Wind is nothing else but the direct motion of the Aire thrust forwards ; which nevertheless , when many Winds concurre may be circular , or otherwise indirect , as it is in Whirle-winds . Wherefore in the first place we are to enquire into the Causes of Winds . Wind is Aire moved in a considerable quantity , and that either in the manner of Waves , which is both forwards & also up & down ; or else forwards onely . Supposing therefore the Aire both cleer and calm , for any time how little soever ; yet the greater Bodies of the World , being so disposed and ordered as has been said , it will be necessary that a Wind presently arise some where . For seeing that motion of the parts of the Aire which is made by the Simple Motion of the Sunne in his own Epicycle , causeth an exhalation of the particles of water from the Seas and all other moist Bodies , and those particles make Clouds ; it must needs follow , that whilest the particles of water pass upwards , the particles of Aire ( for the keeping of all Spaces full ) be justled out on every side , and urge the next particles , and these the next , till having made their circuit , there comes continually so much Aire to the hinder parts of the Earth , as there went water from before it . Wherefore the ascending Vapours move the Aire towards the sides every way ; and all direct motion of the Aire being Wind , they make a Wind. And if this Wind meet often with other Vapours which arise in other places , it is manifest that the force thereof will be augmented , & the way or course of it changed . Besides , according as the Earth by its diurnal motion turns sometimes the drier , sometimes the moister part towards the Sunne , so sometimes a greater , sometimes a less quantity of Vapours will be raised , that is to say , sometimes there will be a less , sometimes a greater Wind. Wherefore I have rendred a possible cause of such Winds , as are generated by Vapours ; and also of their Inconstancy . From hence it follows , that these Winds cannot be made in any place which is higher then that to which Vapours may ascend . Nor is that incredible which is reported of the highest Mountains , as the Pique of Tenariffe and the Andes of Peru , namely , that they are not at all troubled with these inconstant Winds . And if it were certain , that neither Rain nor Snow were ever seen in the highest tops of those Mountains , it could not be doubted but that they are higher then any place to which Vapours use to ascend . 3 Nevertheless , there may be Wind there , though not that which is made by the ascent of Vapours , yet a less & more constant Wind ( like the continued blast of a pair of bellows ) blowing from the East . And this may have a double cause ; the one , the diurnal mo tion of the Earth ; the other , its simple motion in its own Epicycle . For these Mountains being ( by reason of their height ) more eminent then all the rest of the parts of the Earth , do by both these Motions drive the Aire from the West Eastwards . To which though the diurnal Motion contribute but little ; yet seeing I have supposed that the simple Motion of the Earth in its own Epicycle , makes two revolutions in the same time in which the diurnal Motion makes but one ; and that the Semidiameter of the Epicycle is double to the Semidiameter of the diurnal Conversion , the Motion of every point of the Earth in its own Epicycle will have its velocity quadruple to that of the diurnal Motion ; so that by both these Motions together , the tops of those Hils will sensibly be moved against the Aire ; and consequently a Wind will be felt . For whether the Air strike the Sentient , or the Sentient the Air , the perception of Motion will be the same . But this Wind , seeing it is not caused by the ascent of Vapours , must necessarily be very Constant. 4 When one Cloud is already ascended into the Aire , if another Cloud ascend towards it , that part of the Aire which is intercepted between them both , must of necessity be pressed out every way . Also when both of them , whilest the one ascends , and the other either stayes , or descends , come to be joyned in such manner as that the aethereal substance be shut within them on every side , it will by this compression also go out by penetrating the Water . But in the mean time , the hard particles which are mingled with the Aire , and are agitated ( as I have supposed ) with Simple Motion , wil not pass through the water of the clouds , but be more straightly compressed within their cavities . And this I have demonstrated at the 4th and 5th Articles of the 22th Chapter . Besides , seeing the Globe of the Earth floateth in the Aire which is agitated by the Sunnes Motion , the parts of the Aire resisted by the Earth , will spread themselves every way upon the Earths Superficies ; as I have shewn at the 8th Article of the 21th Chapter . 5 We perceive a Body to be Hard , from this , that when touching it we would thrust forwards that part of the same which we touch , we cannot do it otherwise then by thrusting forwards the whole Body . We may indeed easily and sensibly thrust forwards any particle of the Aire or Water which we touch , whilst yet the rest of its parts remain ( to sense ) unmoved . But we cannot do so to any part of a stone . Wherfore I define a Hard Body to be that , whereof no part can be sensibly moved , unless the whole be moved . Whatsoever therefore is Soft or Fluid , the same can never be made Hard but by such motion , as makes many of the parts together stop the motion of some one part , by resisting the same . 6 These things premised , I shall shew a possible cause why there is greater Cold neer the Poles of the Earth , then further from them . The motion of the Sunne between the Tropicks , driving the Aire towards that part of the Earths Superficies which is perpendicularly under it , makes it spread it self every way ; and the velocity of this expansion of the Aire grows greater and greater , as the Superficies of the Earth comes to be more and more straightned , that is to say , as the Circles which are parallel to the Aequator come to be less and less . Wherefore this expansive motion of the Aire , drives before it the parts of the Aire which are in its way continually towards the Poles more and more strongly , as its force comes to be more and more united , that is to say , as the Circles which are parallel to the Aequator are less and less ; that is , so much the more , by how much they are neerer to the Poles of the Earth . In those places therefore which are neerer to the Poles , there is greater Cold , then in those which are more remote from them . Now this expansion of the Aire upon the Superficies of the Earth from East to West , doth by reason of the Sunnes perpetual accession to the places which are successively under it , make it Cold at the time of the Sunnes Rising and Setting ; but as the Sunne comes to be continually more and more perpendicular to those cooled places , so by the Heat which is generated by the supervening Simple Motion of the Sunn , that Cold is again remitted ; and can never be great , because the action by the which it was generated , is not permanent . Wherefore I have rendred a possible cause of Cold in those places that are neer the Poles , or where the obliquity of the Sunne is great . 7 How Water may be congeled by Cold , may be explained in this manner . Let A ( in the first figure ) represent the Sunne , and B the Earth . A will therefore be much greater then B. Let EF be in the plain of the Equinoctial ; to which let GH , IK and LC be parallel . Lastly , let C and D be the Poles of the Earth . The Aire therefore by its action in those parallels will rake the Superficies of the Earth ; and that with motion so much the stronger , by how much the parallel Circles towards the Poles grow less and less . From whence must arise a Wind , which will force together the uppermost parts of the water , and withal raise them a little , weakning their endeavour towards the Center of the Earth . And from their endeavour towards the center of the Earth , joyned with the endeavour of the said Wind , the uppermost parts of the water will be pressed together , and coagulated , that is to say , the top of the water will be skinned over and hardned . And so againe the Water next the top will be hardned in the same manner , till at length the Ice be thick . And this Ice being now compacted of little hard Bodies , must also containe many particles of ayre received into it . As Rivers and Seas , so also in the same manner may the Clouds be frozen . For when by the ascending and descending of severall Clouds at the same time , the Air intercepted between them is by compression forced out , it rakes , & by little & little hardens them . And though those smal drops ( which usually make Clouds ) be not yet united into greater Bodies , yet the same Wind will be made ; & by it , as water is congeled into Ice , so will Vapours in the same manner be congeled into Snow . From the same cause it is that Ice may be made by art , and that not farre from the fire . For it is done by the mingling of Snow and Salt together , and by burying in it a small vessell full of Water . Now while the Snow and Salt ( which have in them a great deale of aire ) are melting , the aire which is pressed out every way in Wind , rakes the sides of the Vessel ; and as the Wind by its motion rakes the Vessell , so the Vessell by the same motion and action congeles the Water within it . We find by experience , that Cold is allwayes more Remisse in places where it raynes , or where the weather is cloudy ( things being alike in all other respects ) then where the aire is cleare . And this agreeth very well with what I have sayd before . For in cleare weather , the course of the Wind which ( as I sayd even now ) rakes the Superficies of the Earth , as it is free from all interruption , so also it is very strong . But when small drops of water are either rising or falling , that Wind is repelled , broken and dissipated by them ; and the lesse the Wind is , the lesse is the Cold. We find also by experience , that in deep Wells the Water freezeth not so much , as it doth upon the Superficies of the Earth . For the Wind by which Ice is made , entring into the Earth ( by reason of the laxity of its parts ) more or lesse , loseth some of its force , though not much . So that if the Well be not deep , it will freeze ; whereas if it be so deep , as that the Wind which causeth cold cannot reach it , it will not freeze . We find moreover by experience , that Ice is lighter then Water . The cause whereof is manifest from that which I have already shewn , namely , that Aire is received in and mingled with the particles of the Water whilest it is in congeling . 8 We have seen one way of making things Hard , namely , by Congelation . Another way is thus . Having already supposed , that innumerable Atomes , some harder then others , and that have several simple motions of their own , are intermingled with the aethereal substance ; it follows necessarily from hence , that by reason of the fermentation of the whole Aire ( of which I have spoken in the 21 Chap. ) some of those Atomes meeting with others , will cleave together , by applying themselvs to one another in such manner as is agreeable to their motions and mutual contacts ; and ( seeing there is no Vacuum ) cannot be pulled asunder , but by so much force as is sufficient to overcome their Hardness . Now there are innumerable degrees of Hardness . As ( for example ) there is a degree of it in Water , as is manifest from this , that upon a plain it may be drawn any way at pleasure by ones finger . There is a greater degree of it in clammy liquors ; which when they are poured out , doe in falling downwards dispose themselves into one continued thred ; which thred before it be broken will by little and little diminish its thickness , till at last it be so small , as that it seems to break onely in a point ; and in their separation the external parts break first from one another , and then the more internal parts successively one after another . In Wax there is yet a greater degree of Hardness . For when we would pull one part of it from another , we first make the whole mass slenderer , before we can pull it asunder . And how much the harder anything is which we would break , so much the more force we must apply to it . Wherefore , if we go on to harder things , as Ropes , Wood , Metals , Stones , &c. reason prompteth us to believe that the same ( though not alwayes sensibly ) will necessarily happen ; and that even the hardest things are broken asunder in the same manner , namely , by Solution of their continuity , begun in the outermost Superficies , and proceeding successively to the innermost parts . In like manner , when the parts of Bodies are to be separated , not by pulling them asunder , but by breaking them , the first separation will necessarily be in the convex Superficies of the bowed part of the Body , and afterwards in the concave Superficies . For in all bowing , there is in the convex Superficies an endeavour in the parts to go one from another , and in the concave Superficies to penetrate one another . This being well understood , a reason may be given , how two Bodies which are contiguous in one common Superficies , may by force be separated without the introduction of Vacuum ; though Lucretius thought otherwise , believing that such separation was a strong establishment of Vacuum . For a Marble Pillar being made to hang by one of its bases , if it be long enough it will by its own weight be broken asunder , and yet it will not necessarily follow that there should be Vacuum , seeing the solution of its continuity may begin in the Circumference , and proceed successively to the midst thereof . Lastly , Wine is not so easily congeled as Water , because in Wine there are particles which being not fluid , are moved very swiftly , and by their motion congelation is retarded ; but if the Cold prevail against this motion , then the outermost parts of the Wine will be first frozen , and afterwards the inner parts ; whereof this is a signe , that the Wine which remains unfrozen in the midst will be very strong . 9 Another cause of Hardness in some things may be in this manner . If a soft Body consist of many hard particles , which by the intermixture of many other fluid particles cohaere but loosely together , those fluid parts ( as hath been shewn in the last Article of the 21 Chapter ) will be exhaled ; by which means each hard particle will apply it self to the next to it according to a greater Superficies ; and consequently they will cohaere more closely to one another ; that is to say , the whole mass will be made Harder . 10 Again , in some things Hardness may be made to a certain degree , in this manner . When any fluid substance hath in it certain very small Bodies intermingled , which being moved with simple motion of their own , contribute like motion to the parts of the fluid substance , and this be done in a small enclosed space ( as in the hollow of a little Sphere , or a very slender Pipe ) if the motion be vehement , and there be a great number of these small enclosed Bodies , two things will happen ; the one , that the fluid substance will have an endeavour of dilating it self at once every way ; the other , that if those smal Bodies can no where get out , then from their reflexion it will follow , that the motion of the parts of the enclosed fluid substance , which was vehement before , will now be much more vehement . Wherefore if any one particle of that fluid substance should be touched & pressed by some external Movent , it could not yeild but by the application of very sensible force . Wherefore the fluid substance which is enclosed , and so moved , hath some degree of Hardness . Now greater and less degree of Hardness depends upon the quantity and velocity of those small Bodies and upon the narrowness of the place both together . 11 Such things as are made Hard by sudden heat , namely , such as are hardned by fire , are commonly reduced to their former soft form by Maceration . For fire hardens by Evaporation , and therefore if the evaporated moisture be restored again , the former nature and form is restored together with it . And such things as are frozen with Cold , if the Wind by which they were frozen change into the opposite quarter , they will be unfrozen again ( unless they have gotten a habit of new motion or endeavour by long continuance in that hardness ) . Nor is it enough to cause thawing , that there be a cessation of the freezing Wind ( for the taking away of the Cause doth not destroy a produced effect ) ; but the thawing also must have its proper cause , namely , a contrary Wind , or at least a Wind opposite in some degree . And this we finde to be true by experience . For if Ice be laid in a place so well enclosed that the motion of the Aire cannot get to it , that Ice will remain unchanged , though the place be not sensibly cold . 12 Of Hard Bodies , some may manifestly be bowed ; others not , but are broken in the very first moment of their bending . And of such Bodies as may manifestly be bended , some being bent , do as soon as ever they are set at liberty , Restore themselves to their former posture , others remain still bent . Now if the cause of this Restitution be asked , I say it may be in this manner ; namely , that the particles of the bended Body , whilest it is held bent , do nevertheless retain their motion ; and by this motion they restore it as soon as the force is removed by which it was bent . For when any thing is bent ( as a plate of steel ) , and as soon as the force is removed restores it self again , it is evident that the cause of its restitution cannot be referred to the ambient aire ; nor can it be referred to the removal of the force by which it was bent ; for in things that are at rest , the taking away of impediments , is not a sufficient cause of their future Motion ; there being no other cause of Motion , but Motion . The cause therefore of such Restitution is in the parts of the Steel it self . Wherefore whilest it remains bent , there is in the parts of which it consisteth , some motion , though invisible , that is to say , some endeavour at least that way by which the restitution is to be made ; and therefore this endeavour of all the parts together is the first beginning of Restitution ; so that the impediment being removed , that is to say , the force by which it was held bent , it will be restored again . Now the motion of the parts by which this is done , is that which I called Simple Motion , or Motion returning into it self . When therefore in the bending of a plate , the ends are drawn together , there is on one side a mutual compression of the parts ; which compression is one endeavour opposite to another endeavour ; and on the other side a divulsion of the parts . The endeavour therefore of the parts on one side tends to the restitution of the plate from the middle towards the ends ; and on the other side , from the ends towards the middle . Wherefore the impediment being taken away , this endeavour ( which is the beginning of restitution ) will restore the plate to its former posture . And thus I have given a possible cause why some Bodies when they are bent Restore themselves again ; which was to be done . As for Stones , seeing they are made by the accretion of many very hard particles within the Earth ; which particles have no great coherence , that is to say , touch one another in small latitude , and consequently admit many particles of aire , it must needs be that in bending of them , their internal parts will not easily be compressed by reason of their hardness . And because their coherence is not firm , as soon as the external hard particles are disjoyned , the aethereal parts will necessarily break out , and so the Body will suddenly be broken . 13 Those Bodies are called Diaphanous , upon which whilest the Beams of a lucid Body do work , the action of every one of those Beams is propagated in them in such manner as that they still retain the same order amongst themselves , or the inversion of that order ; and therefore Bodies which are perfectly Diaphanous , are also perfectly homogeneous . On the contrary , an Opacous Body is that , which by reason of its heterogeneous nature , doth by innumerable reflexions and refractions in particles of different figures and unequal hardness , weaken the Beams that fall upon it before they reach the Eie . And of Diaphanous Bodies , some are made such by Nature from the beginning ; as the substance of the Aire , and of the Water , and perhaps also some parts of Stones , unless these also be Water that has been long congeled . Others are made so by the power of Heat , which congregates homogeneons Bodies . But such as are made Diaphanous in this manner , consist of parts which were formerly Diaphanous . 14 In what manner Clouds are made by the motion of the Sunne , elevating the particles of Water from the Sea and other moist places , hath been explained in the 26th Chapter . Also how Clouds come to be frozen , hath been shewn above at the 7th Article . Now from this , that Aire may be enclosed , as it were in Caverns , and pent together more and more by the meeting of ascending and descending Clouds , may be deduced a possible Cause of Thunder and Lightening . For seeing the Aire consists of two parts , the one Aethereal , which has no proper motion of its own , as being a thing divisible into the least parts ; the other Hard , namely , consisting of many hard Atomes which have every one of them a very swift simple motion of its own ; whilest the Clouds by their meeting do more and more straighten such Cavities as they intercept , the Aethereal parts will penetrate and pass through their watry substance ; but the hard parts will in the mean time be the more thrust together , and press one another ; and consequently ( by reason of their vehement motions ) they will have an endeavour to rebound from each other . Whensoever therefore the compression is great enough , and the concave parts of the Clouds are ( for the cause I have already given ) congeled into Ice , the Cloud wil necessarily be broken ; & this breaking of the Cloud produceth the first clap of Thunder . Afterwards , the Aire which was pent in , having now broken through , makes a concussion of the Aire without ; and from hence proceeds the roaring and murmur which follows ; and both the first Clap and the Murmur that follows it , make that noise which is called Thunder . Also from the same Aire breaking through the Clouds , and with concussion falling upon the Eie , proceeds that action upon our Eie , which causeth in us a perception of that Light which we call Lightening . Wherefore I have given a possible cause of Thunder and Lightening . 15 But if the Vapours which are raised into Clouds , do run together again into Water , or be congeled into Ice , from whence is it ( seeing both Ice and Water are heavy ) that they are sustained in the Aire ? Or rather , what may the cause be , that being once elevated , they fall down again ? For there is no doubt but the same force which could carry up that Water , could also sustain it there . Why therefore being once carried up , doth it fall again ? I say it proceeds from the same Simple Motion of the Sunne , both that Vapours are forced to ascend , and that Water gathered into Clouds is forced to descend . For in the 21th Chapter and 11th Article I have shewn how Vapours are elevated ; and in the same Chapter and 5th Article I have also shewn how by the same motion Homogeneous Bodies are congregated , & Heterogeneous dissipated ; that is to say , how such things as have a like nature to that of the Earth , are driven towards the Earth ; that is to say , what is the cause of the descent of Heavy Bodies . Now if the action of the Sun be hindered in the raising of vapours , and be not at all hindered in the casting of them down , the Water will descend . But a Cloud cannot hinder the action of the Sunne in making things of an earthly nature descend to the Earth , though it may hinder it in making Vapours ascend For the lower part of a thick Cloud is so covered by its upper part , as that it cannot receive that action of the Sunne by which Vapours are carried up , because Vapours are raised by the perpetual fermentation of the Aire , or by the separating of its smallest parts from one another , which is much weaker when a thick Cloud is interposed , then when the Skie is cleere . And therefore whensoever a Cloud is made thick enough , the water which would not descend before , will then descend , unless it be kept up by the agitation of the Winde . Wherefore I have rendred a possible cause , both why the Clouds may be sustained in the Aire , and also why they may fall down again to the Earth ; which was propounded to be done . 16 Granting that the Clouds may be frozen , it is no wonder if the Moon have been seen eclipsed at such time as she hath been almost two degrees above the Horizon , the Sunne at the same time appearing in the Horizon ; for such an Eclipse was observed by Mestline at Tubing in the year 1590. For it might happen that a frozen Cloud was then interposed between the Sunne and the Eie of the Observer . And if it were so , the Sunne which was then almost two Degrees below the Horizon , might appear to be in it , by reason of the passing of his Beams through the Ice . And it is to be noted , that those that attribute such refractions to the Atmosphere , cannot attribute to it so great a refraction as this . Wherefore not the Atmosphere , but either Water in a continued Body , or else Ice must be the cause of that refraction . 17 Again , granting that there may be Ice in the Clouds , it will be no longer a wonder that many Sunnes have sometimes appeared at once . For Looking-glasses may be so placed , as by reflections to shew the same object in many places . And may not so many frozen Clouds serve for so many Looking-glasses ? and may they not be fitly disposed for that purpose ? Besides , the number of Appearances may be encreased by refractions also ; and therefore it would be a greater wonder to me , if such Phaenomena as these should never happen . And were it not for that one Phaenomenon of the new Starre which was seen in Cassiopaea , I should think Comets were made in the same manner , namely , by Vapours drawn not onely from the Earth , but from the rest of the Planets also , and congeled into one continued Body . For I could very well from hence give a reason both of their Haire , and of their motions . But seeing that Starre remained sixteen whole moneths in the same place amongst the fixed Starres , I cannot believe the matter of it was Ice . Wherefore I leave to others , the disquisition of the cause of Comets ; concerning which , nothing that hath hitherto been published , ( 〈…〉 the bare Histories of them ) is worth considering . 18 The Heads of Rivers may be deduced from Rain-water , or from melted Snowes , very easily ; but from other causes , very hardly , or not at all . For both Rain-water , and melted Snowes run down the descents of Mountains ; and if they descend onely by the outward Superficies , the Showres or Snowes themselves may be accounted the Springs or Fountains ; but if they enter the Earth & descend within it , then wheresoever they break out , there are their Springs . And as these Spings make small streams , so , many small streams running together make Rivers . Now there was never any Spring foūd , but where the Water w ch flowed to it , was either further , or at least as farre from the center of the Earth , as the Spring it self . And whereas it has bin objected by a great Philosopher , that in the top of Mount-Cenis ( which parts Savoy from Piemont ) there Springs a River which runs down by Susa ; it is not true . For there are above that River , for two miles length , very high hils on both sides , which are almost perpetually covered with Snow ; from which , innumerable little streams running down do manifestly supply that River with water sufficient for its magnitude . CHAP. XXIX . Of Sound , Odour , Savour , and Touch 1 The definition of Sound , and the distinctions of Sounds . 2 The cause of the degrees of Sounds . 3 The difference between Sounds Acute and Grave . 4 The difference between Clear and Hoarse Sounds , whence . 5 The Sound of Thunder and of a Gunne , whence it proceeds . 6 Whence it is , that Pipes by blowing into them have a clear Sound . 7 Of Reflected Sound . 8 From whence it is that Sound is Uniform and Lasting . 9 How Sound may be helped aud hindered by the Wind. 10 Not onely Aire , but other Bodies how hard soever they be , conveigh Sound . 11 The causes of Grave and Acute Sounds , and of Concent . 12 Phaenomena for Smelling . 13 The first Organ and the generation of Smelling . 14 How it is helped by Heat and by Wind. 15 Why such Bodies are least smelt , which have least intermixture of Aire in them . 16 Why Odorous things become more Odorous by being bruised . 17 The first Organ of Tasting ; and why some Savours cause Nauseousness . 18 The first Organ of Feeling ; and how we come to the knowledge of such Objects as are common to the Touch and other Senses . SOUND is Sense generated by the action of the Medium , when its motion reacheth the Eare and the rest of the Organs of Sense . Now the motion of the Medium is not the Sound it self , but the cause of it . For the Phantasme which is made in us , that is to say , the Reaction of the Organ is properly that which we call Sound . The principal distinctions of Sounds are these ; First , that one Sound is stronger , another Weaker . Secondly , that one is more Grave , another more Acute . Thirdly , that one is Clear , another Hoarse . Fourthly , that one is Primary , another Derivative . Fifthly , that one is Uniform , another not . Sixthly , that one is more Durable , another less Durable . Of all which distinctions the members may be subdistinguished into parts distinguishable almost infinitely . For the variety of Sounds seems to be not much less then that of Colours . As Vision , so Hearing is generated by the motion of the Medium , but not in the same manner . For Sight is from Pressure , that is , from an Endeavour ; in which there is no perceptible progression of any of the parts of the Medium ; but one part urging or thrusting on an other , propagateth that action successively to any distance whatsoever ; whereas the motion of the Medium by which Sound is made , is a Stroke . For when we Hear , the Drumme of the Eare ( which is the first Organ of Hearing ) is stricken ; and the Drumme being stricken , the Pia Mater is also shaken , and with it the Arteries which are inserted into it ; by which the action being propagated to the Heart it self , by the reaction of the Heart a Phantasm is made which we call Sound ; and ( because the reaction tendeth outwards ) we think it is without . 2 And seeing the effects produced by Motion , are greater or lesse , not onely when the Velocity is greater or less , but also when the Body hath greater or less Magnitude though the Velocity be the same ; a Sound may be greater or lesse both these wayes . And because neither the greatest nor the least Magnitude or Velocity can be given , it may happen , that either the motion may be of so small velocity , or the Body it self of so small magnitude , as to produce no Sound at all ; or either of them may be so great , as to take away the Faculty of Sense by hurting the Organ . From hence may be deduced possible causes of the strength and weakness of Sounds in the following Phaenomena . The first whereof is this , That if a man speak through a Trunk which hath on end applyed to the mouth of the Speaker , and the other to the eare of the Hearer , the Sound will come stronger then it would do through the open Aire . And the cause ( not onley the possible , but the certain and manifest cause ) is this , that the Aire which is moved by the first breath , and carried forwards in the Trunk , is not diffused , as it would be in the open Aire , and is consequently brought to the eare almost with the same velocity with which it was first breathed out ; Whereas in the open Aire , the first motion diffuseth it self every way into Circles , such as are made by the throwing of a Stone into a standing water , where the velocity grows less and less as the Undulation proceeds further and further from the beginning of its motion . The second is this , That if the Trunk be short , and the end which is applyed to the mouth be wider then that which is applyed to the eare , thus also the Sound will be stronger then if it were made in the open aire . And the cause is the same , namely , that by how much the wider end of the Trunk is less distant from the beginning of the Sound , by so much the less is the diffusion . The third , That it is easier for one that is within a Chamber , to heare what is spoken without , then for him that stands without , to hear what is spoken within . For the Windows and other inlets of the moved Aire , are as the wide end of the Trunk . And for this reason some creatures seem to hear the better , because Nature has bestowed upon them wide and capacious Ears . The fourth is this , That though he which standeth upon the Sea shore , cannot heare the Collision of the two neerest waves , yet neverthess he hears the roaring of the whole Sea. And the cause seems to be this , that though the several collisions move the Organ , yet they are not severally great enough to cause Sense ; whereas nothing hinders but that all of them together may make Sound . 3 That Bodies when they are stricken do yeild some a more Grave , others a more Acute Sound , the cause may consist in the difference of the times in which the parts stricken and forced out of their places , return to the same places again . For in some Bodies , the restitution of the moved parts is quick , in others slow . And this also may be the cause why the parts of the Organ which are moved by the Medium , return to their rest again , sometimes sooner , sometimes later . Now by how much the Vibrations , or the reciprocal motions of the parts are more frequent , by so much doth the whole Sound made ( at the same time ) by one stroke , consist of more , and consequently of smaller parts . For what is Acute in Sound , the same is Subtle in Matter ; and both of them , namely , Acute Sound , and Subtle Matter consist of very small parts , that of Time , and this of the Matter it self . The third distinction of Sounds cannot be conceived clearly enough by the names I have used of Clear and Hoarse , nor by any other that I know ; and therefore it is needful to explain them by examples . When I say Hoarse , I understand Whispering and Hissing , and whatsoever is like to these , by what appellation soever it be expressed . And Sounds of this kind seem to be made by the force of some strong Wind , raking rather then striking such hard Bodies , as it falls upon . On the contrary , when I use the word Clear , I do not understand such a Sound as may be easily and distinctly heard , for so Whispers would be Clear , but such as is made by somewhat that is Broken ; and such as is Clamor , Tinkling , the Sound of a Trumpet , &c. and ( to express it significantly in one word ) , Noise . And seeing no Sound is made but by the concourse of two Bodies at the least , by which concourse it is necessary that there be as well Reaction as Action , that is to say , one motion opposite to another ; it follows , that according as the proportion between those two opposite motions is diversified , so the Sounds which are made will be different from one another . And whensoever the proportion between them is so great , as that the motion of one of the Bodies be insensible if compared with the motion of the other , then the Sound will not be of the same kind ; as when the Wind falls very obliquely upon a hard Body , or when a hard Body is carried swiftly through the Aire ; for then there is made that Sound which I call a Hoarse Sound , in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Therefore the breath blown with violence from the mouth makes a Hissing , because in going out it rakes the Superficies of the Lips , whose reaction against the force of the breath is not Sensible . And this is the cause why the Winds have that Hoarse Sound . Also if two Bodies how hard soever , be rubbed together with no great pressure , they make a Hoarse Sound . And this Hoarse Sound when it is made ( as I have said ) by the Aire raking the Superficies of a hard Body , seemeth to be nothing but the dividing of the Aire into innumerable and very small Files . For the asperity of the Superficies doth by the eminencies of its innumerable parts divide or cut in pieces the Aire that slides upon it . 4 Noise , or that which I call Clear Sound , is made two wayes ; one , by two Hoarse Sounds , made by opposite motions ; the other , by Collision , or by the suddain pulling asunder of two Bodies , whereby their small particles are put into commotion , or being already in commotion , suddenly restore themselves again ; which motion making impression upon the Medium , is propagated to the Organ of Hearing . And seeing there is in this Collision , or divulsion , an endeavour in the particles of one Body , opposite to the endeavour of the particles of the other Body , there will also be made in the Organ of Hearing a like opposition of endeavours , that is to say , of motions ; and consequently the Sound arising from thence , will be made by two opposite motions , that is to say , by two opposite Hoarse Sounds in one and the same part of the Organ . For ( as I have already said ) a Hoarse Sound supposeth the sensible motion of but one of the Bodies . And this opposition of motions in the Organ is the cause why two Bodies make a Noyse , when they are either suddenly stricken against one another , or suddenly broken asunder . 5 This being granted ; and seeing withall , that Thunder is made by the vehement eruption of the Aire out of the cavities of congeled Clouds ; the cause of the great Noyse or Clap , may be the suddain breaking asunder of the Ice . For in this action it is necessary , that there be not onely a great concussion of the small particles of the broken parts , but also that this Concussion ( by being communicated to the Aire ) be carried to the Organ of Hearing , & make impression upon it . And then , from the first reaction of the Organ proceeds that first and greatest Sound , which is made by the collision of the parts whilst they restore themselves . And seeing there is in all Concussion a reciprocation of Motion forwards and backwards in the parts stricken , ( for opposite motions cannot extinguish one another in an instant , as I have shewn in the 11th Art. of the 8th Chap. ) it follows necessarily , that the Sound will both continue , and grow weaker and weaker , till at last the action of the reciprocating aire grow so weak , as to be unperceptible . Wherefore a possible cause is given both of the first fierce Noyse of the Thunder ; and also of the Murmur that follows it . The cause of the great Sound from a discharged piece of Ordnance , is like that of a Clap of Thunder . For the Gunpowder being fired , doth in its endeavour to go out , attempt every way the sides of the metal in such manner , as that it enlargeth the Circumference all along , and withall shortneth the axis ; so that whilest the peece of Ordnance is in discharging , it is made both wider and shorter then it was before ; and therefore also presently after it is discharged its wideness will be diminished , and its length encreased again by the restitution of all the particles of the matter of which it consisteth to their former position . And this is done with such motion of the parts , as are not onely very vehement , but also opposite to one another ; which motions being communicated to the Aire , make impression upon the Organ , and by the reaction of the Organ create a Sound ; which lasteth for some time , as I have already shewn in this Article . I note by the way ( as not belonging to this place ) that the possible cause why a Gun recoyles when it is shot off , may be this ; That being first swoln by the force of the fire , and afterwards restoring it self ; from this restitution there proceeds an endeavour from all the sides towards the cavity ; and consequently this endeavour is in those parts which are next the breech ; which being not hollow , but solid , the effect of the restitution is by it hindered and diverted into the length ; and by this means both the breech and the whole Gun is thrust backwards ; and the more forcibly by how much the force is greater by which the part next the breech is restored to its former posture ; that is to say , by how much the thiner is that part . The cause therefore why Gunnes recoyle , some more , some less , is the difference of their thickness towards the breech ; & the greater that thickness is , the less they recoyl ; and contrarily . 6 Also the cause why the Sound of a Pipe , which is made by blowing into it , is nevertheless Clear , is the same with that of the Sound which is made by collision . For if the breath when it is blown into a Pipe doe onely rake its concave Superficies , or fall upon it with a very sharp angle of incidence , the Sound will not be Clear , but Hoarse . But if the angle be great enough , the percussion which is made against one of the hollow sides , will be reverberated to the opposite side ; and so successive repercussions will be made from side to side , till at last the whole concave Superficies of the Pipe be put into motion ; which motion will be reciprocated , as it is in Collision ; and this reciprocation being propagated to the Organ , from the reaction of the Organ will arise a Cleare Sound , such as is made by Collision , or by breaking asunder of hard Bodies . In the same manner it is with the Sound of a Mans voice . For when the breath passeth out , without interruption , and doth but lightly touch the cavities through which it is sent , the Sound it maketh is a Hoarse Sound . But if in going out it strike strongly upon the Larinx , then a Clear Sound is made , as in a Pipe. And the same breath , as it comes in divers manners to the Palate , the Tongue , the Lips , the Teeth , and other Organs of Speech , so the Sounds into which it is articulated become different from one another . 7 I call that Primary Sound , which is generated by motion from the sounding Body to the Organ in a straight line without reflexion ; and I call that Reflected Sound , which is generated by one or more reflexions ; being the same with that we call Echo ; and is iterated as often as there are reflexions made from the Object to the Eare. And these reflexions are made by Hils , Wals , and other resisting Bodies , so placed , as that they make more or fewer reflexions of the motion , according as they are themselves more or fewer in number ; and they make them more or less frequently , according as they are more or less distant from one another . Now the cause of both these things is to be sought for in the situation of the reflecting Bodies , as is usually done in Sight . For the Lawes of Reflexion are the same in both , namely , that the Angles of Incidence and Reflexion be equal to one another . If therefore in a hollow Elliptique Body whose inside is well polished , or in two right Parabolical Solids which are joyned together by one common base , there be placed a Sounding Body in one of the Burning Points , & the Ear in the other , there will be heard a Sound by many degrees greater then in the open Aire ; and both this , and the burning of such combustible things , as being put in the same places are set on fire by the Sun-beams , are effects of one and the same cause . But as when the visible Object is placed in one of the Burning Points , it is not distinctly seen in the other , because every part of the Object being seen in every line which is reflected from the Concave Superficies to the Eie , makes a confusion in the Sight ; so neither is Sound heard articulately and distinctly when it comes to the Eare in all those reflected lines . And this may be the reason , why in Churches which have arched rooffs , though they be neither Elliptical nor Parabolical ; yet because their figure is not much different from these , the voice from the Pulpit will not be heard so articulately as it would be if there were no vaulting at all . 8 Concerning the Uniformity and Duration of Sounds , both which have one common cause , we may observe , that such Bodies as being stricken yeild an unequal or harsh Sound , are very heterogeous , that is to say , they consist of parts which are very unlike both in figure and hardness , such as are Wood , Stones , and others not a few . When these are stricken , there follows a concussion of their internal particles , and a restitution of them again . But they are neither moved alike , nor have they the same action upon one another ; some of them recoyling from the stroke whilest others which have already finished their recoylings are now returning ; by which means they hinder and stop on another . And from hence it is that their motions are not only unequal and harsh , but also that their reciprocations come to be quickly extinguished . Whensoever therfore this motion is propagated to the Eare , the Sound it makes is Unequal and of small Duration . On the contrary , if a Body that is stricken , be not onely sufficiently hard , but have also the particles of which it consisteth like to one another both in hardness and figure , ( such as are the particles of Glass and Metals , which being first melted do afterwards settle and harden ) the Sound it yeildeth , will ( because the motions of its parts and their reciprocations are like and Uniform ) be Uniform and pleasant , and be more or less Lasting according as the Body stricken hath gteater or less magnitude . The possible cause therefore of Sounds Uniform , and Harsh , and of their longer or shorter Duration , may be one and the same likeness and unlikeness of the internal parts of the Sounding Body , in respect both of their figure and hardness . Besides , if two plain Bodies of the same matter , and of equal thickness , do both yeild an Uniform Sound , the Sound of that Body which hath the greatest extent of length will be the longest heard . For the motion which in both of them hath its beginning from the point of percussion , is to be propagated in the greater Body through a greater Space , and consequently that propagation will require more time ; and therefore also the parts which are moved will require more time for their return . Wherefore all the reciprocations cannot be finished but in longer time ; and being carried to the Eare , will make the Sound last the longer . And from hence it is manifest , that of hard Bodies which yeild an Uniform Sound , the Sound lasteth longer which comes from those that are round and hollow , then from those that are plain , if they be like in all other respects . For in circular lines the action which begins at any point , hath not frō the figure any end of its propagation , because the line in which it is propagated returns again to its beginning ; so that the figure hinders not but that the motion may have infinite progression ; whereas in a plain , every line hath its magnitude finite , beyond which the action cannot proceed . If therefore the matter be the same , the motion of the parts of that Body whose figure is round and hollow , wil last longer , then of that which is plain . Also , if a string which is stretched , be fastned at both ends to a hollow Body , and be stricken , the Sound will last longer then if it were not so fastned ; because the trembling or reciprocation which it receives from the stroke , is by reason of the connexion communicated to the hollow Body ; and this trembling , if the hollow Body be great , will last the longer by reason of that greatness . Wherefore also ( for the reason above mentioned ) the Sound will last the longer . 9 In Hearing , it happens ( otherwise then in Seeing ) that the action of the Medium is made stronger by the Wind when it blows the same way , and weaker when it blows the contrary way . The cause whereof cannot proceed from any thing but the different generation of Sound and Light. For in the generation of Light , none of the parts of the Medium between the object and the Eie are moved from their own places to other places sensibly distant ; but the action is propagated in spaces imperceptible ; so that no contrary Wind can diminish , nor favourable Winde encrease the Light , unless it be so strong as to remove the Object further off , or bring it nearer to the Eie . For the Wind , that is to say , the aire moved , doth not by its interposition between the object and the eie , worke otherwise then it would doe if it were stil and calme . For where the pressure is perpetuall , one part of the aire is no sooner carried away , but another by succeeding it receives the same impression which the part carried away had received before . But in the generation of Sound , the first collision or breaking asunder , beateth away & driveth out of its place the nearest part of the aire , and that to a considerable distance , and with considerable velocity ; and as the circles grow ( by their remotenesse ) wider and wider , so the aire being more & more dissipated , hath also its motion more & more weakned . Whensoever therfore the air is so stricken as to cause Sound , if the Wind fall upon it , it will move it all , neerer to the Eare if it blow that way , and further from it if it blow the contrary way ; so that according as it blowes from or towards the Object , so the Sound which is heard will seeme to come from a neerer or remoter place ; and the action by reason of the unequall distances be strengthened or debilitated . From hence may be understood the reason , why the voice of such as are said to speake in their bellies , though it be uttered neer hand , is neverthelesse heard by those that suspect nothing , as if it were a great way off . For having no former thought of any determined place from which the voice should proceed , and judging according to the greatesse , if it be weake they thinke it a great way off , if strong neer . These Ventriloqui therefore by forming their voice , not ( as others ) by the emission of their breath , but by drawing it inwards , doe make the same appear small and weake ; which weaknesse of the voice deceives those that neither suspect the artifice , nor observe the endeavour which they use in speaking ; and so instead of thinking it weake they thinke it farre off . 10 As for the Medium which conveighs Sound , it is not Aire onely . For Water , or any other Body how hard soever may be that Medium . For the Motion may be propagated perpetually in any hard continuous Body ; but by reason of the difficulty with which the parts of hard Bodies are moved , the motion in going out of hard matter makes but a weak impression upon the Aire . Nevertheless if one end of a very long and hard beam be stricken , & the eare be applyed at the same time to the other end , so that when the action goeth out of the beam , the aire which it striketh may immediately be received by the eare , and be carried to the Tympanum , the Sound will be considerably strong . In like manner , if in the night ( when all other noyse , which may hinder Sound , ceaseth ) a man lay his eare to the ground , he will hear the Sound of the steps of Passengers , though at a great distance ; because the motion which by their treading they communicate to the earth , is propagated to the eare by the uppermost parts of the earth which receiveth it from their feet . 11 I have shewn above , that the difference between Grave and Acute Sounds consisteth in this , that by how much the shorter the time is , in which the reciprocations of the parts of a Body stricken are made , by so much the more Acute will be the Sound . Now by how much a Body of the same bigness , is either more heavy , or less stretched , by so much the longer will the reciprocations last ; and therefore heavier , and less stretched Bodies ( if they be like in all other respects ) will yeild a Graver Sound then such as be lighter and more stretched . 12 For the finding out of the cause of Smels , I shall make use of the evidence of these following Phaenomena . First , that Smelling is hindred by Cold , and helped by Heat . Secondly , that when the Wind bloweth from the Object , the Smel is the stronger ; and contrarily when it bloweth from the Sentient towards the Object , the weaker ; both which Phaenomena are by experience manifestly found to be true in Doggs which follow the track of Beasts by the Sent. Thirdly , that such Bodies as are less pervious to the fluid Medium , yeild less Smell then such as are more pervious ; as may be seen in Stones and Metals , which compared with Plants and Living Creatures , and their Parts , Fruits and Excretions , have very little or no Smell at all . Fourthly , that such Bodies as are of their own nature Odorous , become yet more Odorous when they are bruised . Fifthly , that when the breath is stopped ( at least in Men ) nothing can be Smelt . Sixthly , that the sense of Smelling is also taken away by the stopping of the Nostrils , though the mouth be left open . 13 By the fourth and fifth Phaenomenon it is manifest , that the first and immediate Organ of Smelling is the innermost cuticle of the Nostrils , and that part of it which is below the passage common to the Nostrils and the Palate . For when we draw breath by the Nostrils , we draw it into the Lungs . That breath therefore which conveighs Smels , is in the way which passeth to the Lungs , that is to say , in that part of the Nostrils which is below the passage through which the breath goeth . For nothing is Smelt , neither beyond the passage of the breath within , nor at all without the Nostrils . And seeing that from different Smels there must necessarily proceed some mutation in the Organ , and all mutation is motion ; it is therefore also necessary that in Smelling , the parts of the Organ , that is to say , of that internal cuticle , and the nerves that are inserted into it , must be diversly moved by different Smels . And seeing also that it hath been demonstrated , that nothing can be moved but by a Body that is already moved and contiguous ; and that there is no other Body contiguous to the internal membrane of the nostrils , but breath , that is to say , attracted aire , and such little solid invisible Bodies ( if there be any such ) as are intermingled with the aire ; it follows necessarily , that the cause of Smelling is either the motion of that pure aire or aethereal Substance , or the motion of those small Bodies . But this motion is an effect proceding from the Object of Smell , and therefore either the whole Object it self , or its several parts must necessarily be moved . Now we know , that Odorous Bodies make Odour though their whole bulk be not moved . Wherefore the cause of Odour is the motion of the invisible parts of the Odorous Body . And these invisible parts do either go out of the Object , or else retaining their former situation with the rest of the parts , are moved together with them , that is to say , they have simple and invisible motion . They that say there goes something out of the Odorous Body , call it an Effluvium ; which Effluvium is either of the aethereal substance , or of the small Bodies , that are intermingled with it . But that all variety of Odours should proceed from the Effluviums of those small Bodies that are intermingled with the aethereal substance , is altogether incredible , for these considerations ; First , that certain Unguents , though very little in quantity , do nevertheless send forth very strong Odours , not onely to a great distance of place , but also to a great continuance of time , and are to be Smelt in every point both of that place and time ; so that the parts issued out are sufficient to fil ten thousand times more space , then the whole Odorous Body is able to fill ; which is impossible . Secondly , that whether that issuing out be with straight or with crooked motion , if the same quantity should flow from any other Odorous Body with the same motion , it would follow , that all Odorous Bodies would yeild the same Smell . Thirdly , that seeing those Effluviums have great Velocity of motion ( as is manifest from this , that noysome Odours proceeding from caverns are presently Smelt at a great distance ) it would follow , that by reason there is nothing to hinder the passage of those Effluviums to the Organ , such motion alone were sufficient to cause Smelling . Which is not so ; for we cannot Smell at all unless we draw in our breath through our Nostrils . Smelling therefore is not caused by the Effluvium of Atomes ; nor , for the same reason is it caused by the Effluvium of aethereal substance ; for so also we should Smell without the drawing in of our breath . Besides the aethereal substance being the same in all Odorous Bodies , they would always affect the Organ in the same manner , and consequently the Odours of all things would be like . It remains therefore , that the cause of Smelling must consist in the Simple motion of the parts of Odorous Bodies , without any efflux or diminution of their whole substance . And by this motion , there is propagated to the Organ by the intermediate aire , the like motion , but not strong enough to excite Sense of it self without the attraction of aire by respiration . And this is a possible cause of Smelling . 14 The cause why Smelling is hindred by Cold , and helped by Heat , may be this , that Heat ( as hath been shewn in the 21 Chapter ) generateth Simple motion ; and therefore also wheresoever it is already , there it will encrease it ; and the cause of Smelling being encreased the Smell it self will also be encreased . As for the cause why the Wind blowing from the Object makes the Smell the stronger , it is all one with that for which the attraction of aire in respiration doth the same . For he that draws in the aire next to him , draws with it by succession that aire in which is the Object . Now this motion of the aire is Wind , and when another Wind bloweth from the Object , will be encreased by it . 15 That Bodies which cōtain the least quantity of air , as Stones and Metals , yeild less Smell then Plants and Living Creatures , the cause may be , that the motion which causeth Smelling , is a motion of the fluid parts onely ; which parts , if they have any motion from the hard parts in which they are contained , they communicate the same to the open aire , by which it is propagated to the Organ . Where therefore there are no fluid parts , as in Metals ; or where the fluid parts receive no motion from the hard parts , as in Stones , which are made hard by accretion , there can be no Smell . And therefore also the Water , whose parts have little or no motion , yeildeth no Smell . But if the same Water , by Seeds , and the heat of the Sunne , be together with particles of Earth raised into a Plant , and be afterwards pressed out again , it will be Odorous , as Wine from the Vine . And as Water passing through plants is by the motion of the parts of those plants made an Odorous liquour ; so also of aire passing through the same plants whilest they are growing , are made Odorous aires . And thus also it is with the Juices and Spirits which are bred in Living Creatures . 16 That Odorous Bodies may be made more Odorous by Contrition , proceeds from this , that being broken into many parts which are all Odorous , the aire which by respiration is drawn from the Object towards the Organ , doth in its passage touch upon all those parts , and receives their motion . Now the aire toucheth the superficies onely ; and a Body having less superficies whilest it is whole , then all its parts together have after it is reduced to powder , it follows that the same Odorous Body yeildeth less Smell whilest it is whole , then it will do after it is broken into smaller parts . And thus much of Smels . 17 The Tast follows ; whose generation hath this difference from that of the Sight , Hearing and Smelling , that by these we have Sense of remote Objects ; whereas we Tast nothing but what is contiguous , and doth immediately touch either the Tongue or Palate , or both . From whence it is evident , that the cuticles of the Tongue and Palate , and the Nerves inserted into them are the first Organ of Tast ; and ( because from the concussion of the parts of these , there followeth necessarily a concussion of the Pia Mater ) that the action communicated to these , is propagated to the Brain , and from thence to the farthest Organ , namely , the Heart ; in whose reaction consisteth the nature of Sense . Now that Savours ( as well as Odours ) doe not onely move the Brain , but the Stomack also , as is manifest by the loathings that are caused by them both , they that consider the Organ of both these Senses will not wonder at all ; seeing the Tongue , the Palate & the Nostrils have one and the same continued cuticle , derived from the Dura Mater . And that Effluviums have nothing to doe in the Sense of Tasting , is manifest from this , that there is no Tast where the Organ and the Object are not contiguous . By what variety of motions the different kinds of Tasts ( which are innumerable ) may be distinguished , I know not . I might ( with others ) derive them from the divers figures of those Atomes , of which whatsoever may be Tasted consisteth ; or from the diverse motions which I might ( by way of Supposition ) attribute to those Atomes ; conjecturing ( not without some likelyhood of truth ) that such things as tast Sweet , have their particles moved with slow circular motion , and their figures Spherical , which makes them smooth and pleasing to the Organ ; that Bitter things have circular motion , but vehement , and their figures full of Angles , by which they trouble the Organ ; and that Sowre things have straight and reciprocal motion , and their figures long and small , so that they cut and wound the Organ . And in like manner I might assigne for the causes of other Tasts such several motions and figures of Atomes as might in probability seem to be the true causes . But this would be to revolt from Philosophy to Divination . 18 By the Touch , we feel what Bodies are Cold or Hot , though they be distant from us . Others , as Hard , Soft , Rough and Smooth , we cannot feel , unless they be contiguous . The Organ of Touch , is every one of those membranes , which being continued from the Pia Mater , are so diffused throughout the whole Body , as that no part of it can be pressed , but the Pia Mater is pressed together with it . Whatsoever therefore presseth it , is felt as Hard or Soft , that is to say , as more or less Hard. And as for the Sense of Rough , it is nothing else but innumerable perceptions of Hard and Hard succeeding one another by short intervals both of time and place . For we take notice of Rough and Smooth , as also of Magnitude and Figure , not onely by the Touch , but also by Memory . For though some things are touched in one Point ; yet Rough and Smooth , like Quantity and Figure , are not perceived but by the Flux of a Point , that is to say , we have no Sense of them without Time ; and we can have no Sense of Time , without Memory . CHAP. XXX . Of Gravity . 1 A Thick Body doth not contain more Matter ( unless also more Place ) then a Thinne . 2 That the Descent of Heavy Bodies proceeds not from their own Appetite ; but from some Power of the Earth . 3 The difference of Gravities proceedeth from the difference of the Impetus with which the Elements whereof Heavy Bodies are made do fall vpon the Earth . 4 The cause of the Descent of Heavy Bodies . 5 In what proportion the Descent of Heavy Bodies is accelerated . 6 Why those that Dive do not when they are under Water , feel the waight of the Water above them . 7 The Waight of a Body that floateth , is equal to the Waight of so much Water as would fill the space which the immersed part of the Body takes up within the Water . 8 If a Body be Lighter then Water , then how big soever that Body be , it will float upon any quantity of Water , how little soever . 9 How Water may be lifted up and forced out of a Vessel by Air. 10 Why a Bladder is Heavier when blown full of aire , then when it is empty . 11 The cause of the ejection upwards of Heavy Bodies from a Wind-Gun . 12 The cause of the ascent of Water in a Weather-glass . 13 The cause of motion upwards in Living Creatures . 14 That there is in Nature a kind of Body Heavier then Aire , which nevertheless is not by Sense distinguishable from it . 15 Of the cause of Magnetical vertue . 1 IN the 21 Chapter I have defined Thick and Thinne ( as that place required ) so , as that by Thick was signified a more Resisting Body , and by Thinne a Body less Resisting ; following the custome of those that have before me discoursed of Refraction . Now if we consider the true and vulgar signification of those words , we shall find them to be Names Collective , that is to say , Names of Multitude ; as Thick to be that which takes up more parts of a space given , & Thinne that which contains fewer parts of the same magnitude , in the same space , or in a space equal to it . Thick therefore is the same with Frequent , as a Thick Troop ; And Thinne the same with Unfrequent , as a Thinne Rank , Thinne of Houses ; not that there is more matter in one place then in another equal place , but a greater quantity of some named Body . For there is not less matter or Body indefinitely taken , in a Desert , then there is in a City ; but fewer Houses , or fewer Men. Nor is there in a Thick Rank a greater quantity of Body , but a greater number of Souldiers , then in a Thinne . Wherefore the multitude & paucity of the parts contained within the same space , do constitute Density and Rarity , whether those parts be separated by Vacuum , or by Aire . But the consideration of this is not of any great moment in Philosophy ; and therefore I let it alone , and pass on to the search of the causes of Gravity . 2 Now we call those Bodies Heavy , which ( unless they be hindred by some force ) are carried towards the center of the Earth , and that by their own accord , for ought we can by Sense perceive to the contrary . Some Philosophers therefore have been of opinion , that the Descent of Heavy Bodies proceeded from some internal Appetite , by which when they were cast upwards , they descended again , as moved by themselves , to such place as was agreeable to their nature . Others thought they were attracted by the Earth . To the former I cannot assent , because I think I have already clearly enough demonstrated , that there can be no beginning of motion , but from an external & moved Body ; and consequently , that whatsoever hath motion or endeavour towards any place , will alwayes move or endeavour towards that same place , unless it be hindered by the reaction of some external Body . Heavy Bodies therefore being once cast upwards , cannot be cast down again but by external motion . Besides , seeing inanimate Bodies have no Appetite at all , it is ridiculous to think that by their own innate Appetite they should to preserve themselves ( not understanding what preserves them ) forsake the place they are in , and transferre themselves to another place ; whereas Man ( who hath both Appetite and understanding ) cannot for the preservation of his own life , raise himselfe by leaping above three or four feet from the ground . Lastly , to attribute to created Bodies the power to move themselves , what is it else then to say that there be creatures which have no dependance upon the Creator ? To the later , who attribute the Descent of Heavy Bodies to the attraction of the Earth , I assent . But by what motion this is done , hath not as yet been explained by any man. I shall therefore in this place say somewhat of the manner , and of the way by which the Earth by its action attracteth Heavy Bodies . 3 That by the supposition of simple motion in the Sunne , homogeneous Bodies are congregated , and heterogeneous dissipated , has already been demonstrated in the 5th Article of the 21 Chapter . I have also supposed , that there are intermingled with the pure Air , certain little Bodies , or ( as others call them ) Atomes , which by reason of their extreme smalness are invisible , and differing from one another in Consistence , Figure , Motion & Magnitude ; from whence it comes to pass , that some of them are congregated to the Earth , others to other Planets , and others are carried up and down in the spaces between . And seeing those which are carried to the Earth , differ from one another in Figure , Motion and Magnitude , they will fall upon the Earth , some with greater , others with less Impetus . And seeing also that we compute the several degrees of Gravity no otherwise then by this their falling upon the Earth with greater or less Impetus ; it follows , that we conclude those to be the more Heavy that have the greater Impetus , and those to be less Heavy that have the less Impetus . Our enquiry therefore must be , by what means it may come to pass , that of Bodies which descend from above to the Earth , some are carried with greater , others with less Impetus ; that is to say , some are more Heavy then others . We must also enquire , by what means such Bodies as settle upon the Earth , may by the Earth it self be forced to ascend . 4 Let the Circle made upon the center C ( in the 2d figure ) be a great Circle in the Superficies of the Earth , passing through the points A and B. Also let any Heavy Body , as the stone A D be placed any where in the plain of the Aequator ; and let it be conceived to be cast up from A D perpendicularly , or to be carried in any other line to E , and supposed to rest there . Therefore how much space soever the stone took up in A D , so much space it takes up now in E. And because all place is supposed to be full , the space A D will be filled by the aire which flows into it first from the neerest places of the Earth , and afterwards successively from more remote places . Upon the center C let a Circle be understood to be drawn through E ; and let the plain space which is between the Superficies of the Earth and that Circle , be divided into plain Orbs equal and concentrique ; of which , let that be the first which is contained by the two perimeters that pass through A & D. Whilst therefore the aire which is in the first Orbe , filleth the place A D , the Orbe it self is made so much less , and consequently its latitude is less then the straight line A D. Wherefore there will necessarily descend so much aire from the Orbe next abvoe . In like manner , for the same cause , there will also be a descent of aire from the Orbe next above that ; and so by Succession from the Orbe in which the Stone is at rest in E. Either therefore the Stone it self , or so much aire will descend . And seeing aire is by the diurnal revolution of the Earth more easily thrust away , then the Stone , the aire which is in the Orbe that contains the Stone will be forced further upwards then the Stone . But this , without the admission of Vacuum , cannot be , unless so much aire descend to E from the place next above ; which being done , the Stone will be thrust downwards . By this means therefore the Stone now receives the beginning of its Descent , that is to say , of its Gravity . Furthermore , whatsoever is once moved , will be moved continually ( as hath been shewn in the 19th Article of the 8th Chapter ) in the same way , and with the same celerity , except it be retarded or accelerated by some external Movent . Now the aire ( which is the onely Body that is interposed between the Earth A and the stone above it E ) will have the same action in every point of the straight line E A , which it hath in E. But it depressed the stone in E ; and therefore also it will depress it equally in every point of the straight line E A. Wherefore the stone will descend from E to A with accelerated motion . The possible cause therefore of the Descent of Heavy Bodies under the Aequator , is the Diurnal motion of the Earth . And the same demonstration will serve , if the stone be placed in the plain of any other Circle parallel to the Aequator . But because this motion hath by reason of its greater slowness , less force to thrust off the aire in the parallel Circles then in the Aequator , and no force at all at the Poles , it may well be thought ( for it is a certain consequent ) that Heavy Bodies descend with less and less velocity , as they are more & more remote from the Aequator ; & that at the Poles themselves they wil either not descend at all , or not descend by the Axis ; which whether it be true or false , Experience ▪ must determine . But it is hard to make the experiment , both because the times of their descents cannot be easily measured with sufficient exactness , and also because the places neer the Poles are inaccessible . Nevertheless , this we know , that by how much the neerer we come to the Poles , by so much the greater are the Flakes of the Snow that falls ; and by how much the more swiftly such Bodies descend as are fluid and dissipable , by so much the smaller are the particles into which they are dissipated . 5 Supposing therefore this to be the cause of the Descent of Heavy Bodies ; it will follow , that their motion will be accelerated in such manner , as that the spaces which are transmitted by them in the several times , will have to one another the same proportion which the odd numbers have in succession from Unity . For if the straight line EA be divided into any number of equal parts , the Heavy Body descending , will ( by reason of the perpetual action of the Diurnal motion ) receive from the aire in every one of those times , in every several point of the streight line EA , a several new and equal impulsion ; and therefore also in every one of those times it will acquire a several and equal degree of celerity . And from hence it follows , by that which Galilaeus hath in his Dialogues of Motion demonstrated , that Heavy Bodies descend in the several times with such differences of transmitted spaces as are equal to the differences of the square numbers that succeed one another from Unity ; which square numbers being 1 , 4 , 9 , 16 , &c. their differences are 3 , 5 , 7 , that is to say , the odd numbers which succeed another from Unity . Against this cause of Gravity which I have given , it will perhaps be objected , that if a Heavy Body be placed in the bottom of some hollow Cylinder of Iron or Adamant , and the bottom be turned upwards , the Body will descend , though the aire above cannot depress it , much less accelerate its motion . But it is to be considered , that there can be no Cylinder or Cavern , but such as is supported by the Earth , and being so supported , is together with the Earth carried about by its diurnal Motion . For by this means the bottom of the Cylinder will be as the Superficies of the Earth ; and by thrusting off the next and lowest aire , will make the uppermost aire depress the Heavy Body which is at the top of the Cylinder , in such manner as is above explicated . 6 The Gravity of Water being so great as by experience wee find it is , the reason is demanded by many , why those that Dive , how deep soever they go under water , do not at all feel the weight of the water which lyes upon them . And the cause seems to be this , that all Bodies by how much the Heavier they are , by so much the greater is the endeavour by which they tend downwards . But the Body of a Man is Heavier then so much water as is equal to it in magnitude , and therefore the endeavour downwards of a Mans Body is greater then that of water . And seeing all endeavour is motion , the Body also of a Man will be carried towards the bottom with greater Velocity then so much water . Wherefore there is greater Reaction from the bottom ; and the Endeavour upwards is equal to the endeavour downwards , whether the water be pressed by water , or by another Body which is Heavier then water . And therefore by these two opposite equal endeavours , the endeavour both ways in the water is taken away ; and consequently , those that Dive are not at all pressed by it . Coroll . From hence also it is manifest , that water in water hath no Waight at all , because all the parts of water ( both the parts above , and the parts that are directly under ) tend towards the bottom with equal endeavour and in the same straight lines . 7 If a Body float upon the water , the waight of that Body is equal to the waight of so much water as would fill the place which the immersed part of the Body takes up within the water . Let EF ( in the 3d figure ) be a Body floating in the water ABCD ; and let the part E be above , and the other part F under the water . I say the waight of the whole Body EF is equal to the waight of so much water as the Space F will receive . For seeing the waight of the Body EF forceth the water out of the space F , and placeth it upon the Superficies AB , where it presseth downwards ; it follows , that from the resistance of the bottom there will also be an endeavour upwards . And seeing again that by this endeavour of the water upwards , the Body EF is lifted up ; it follows , that if the endeavour of the Body downwards be not equal to the endeavour of the water upwards , either the whole Body EF will ( by reason of that inequality of their endeavours or moments ) be raised out of the water , or else it will descend to the bottom . But it is supposed to stand so , as neither to ascend nor descend . Wherefore there is an Aequilibrium between the two endeavours ; that is to say , the waight of the Body EF is equal to the waight of so much water as the Space F will receive ; Which was to be proved . 8 From hence it follows , that any Body of how great magnitude soever , provided it consist of matter less Heavy then water , may nevertheless float upon any quantity of water how little soever . Let ABCD ( in the 4th figure ) be a vessel ; and in it let EFGH be a Body consisting of matter which is less Heavy then water ; and let the space AGCF be filled with water . I say the Body EFGH will not sink to the bottom DC . For seeing the matter of the Body EFGH is less Heavy then Water , if the whole space without ABCD were full of Water , yet some part of the Body EFGH , as EFIK would be above the Water ; and the waight of so much water as would fill the space IGHK would be equal to the waight of the whole Body EFGH ; and consequently GH would not touch the bottom DC . As for the sides of the vessel , it is no matter whether they be hard , or fluid ; for they serve onely to terminate the Water ; which may be done as well by water as by any other matter how hard soever ; and the water without the Vessel is terminated somewhere , so as that it can spread no further . The part therefore EFIG will be extant above the water AGCF which is contained in the vessel . Wherefore the Body EFGH will also float upon the water AGCF , how little soever that water be ; which was to be demonstrated . 9 In the 4th Article of the 26th Chapter , there is brought for the proving of Vacuum , the experiment of water enclosed in a vessel ; which water , the Orifice above being opened , is ejected upwards by the impulsion of the aire . It is therefore demanded ( seeing water is Heavier then aire ) how that can be done . Let the 2d . figure of the same 26th Chap. be considered , where the water is with great force injected by a Syringe into the space FGB . In that injection , the aire ( but pure aire ) goeth with the same force out of the vessel through the injected water . But as for those small Bodies which formerly I supposed to be intermingled with aire , & to be moved with simple motion , they can not together with the oure air penetrate the water ; but remayning behind are necessarily thrust together into a narrower place , namely into the space which is above the water FG. The motions therefore of those small Bodies will be less and less free , by how much the quantity of the injected water is greater and greater ; so that by their motions falling upon one another the same small Bodies will mutually compress each other , and have a perpetual endeavour of regayning their liberty , and of depressing the water that hinders them . Wherefore , as soone as the orifice above is opened , the water which is next it will have an endeavour to ascend ; and will therefore necessarily go out . But it cannot go out , unless at the same time there enter in as much aire ; and therefore both the water will go out , and the aire enter in , till those small Bodies which were left within the vessel have recovered their former liberty of motion ; that is to say , till the vessel be again filled with aire , and no water be left of sufficient height to stop the passage at B. Wherefore I have shewn a possible cause of this Phaenomenon ; namely , the same with that of Thunder . For as in the generation of Thunder , the small Bodies enclosed within the Clouds by being too closely pent together , do by their motion break the Clouds , and restore themselves to their natural liberty ; so here also the small Bodies enclosed within the space which is above the straight line FG , do by their own motion expel the water as soon as the passage is opened above . And if the passage be kept stopped , and these small Bodies be more vehemently compressed by the perpetual forcing in of more water , they will at last break the vessel it self with great noise . 10 If Aire be blown into a hollow Cylinder , or into a Bladder , it will encrease the waight of either of them a little , as many have found by experience , who with great accurateness have tried the same . And it is no wonder , seeing ( as I have supposed ) there are intermingled with the common aire a great number of small hard Bodies which are Heavier then the pure aire . For the aethereal substance , being on all sides equally agitated by the motion of the Sunne , hath an equal endeavour towards all the parts of the Universe ; and therefore it hath no Gravity at all . 11 We find also by experience , that by the force of air enclosed in a hollow Canon , a bullet of lead may with considerable violence be shot out of a Gunne of late invention , called the Wind-Gun . In the end of this Canon there are two holes with their Valves on the inside , to shut them close ; one of them serving for the admission of aire , and the other for the letting of it out . Also to that end which serves for the receiving in of aire , there is joyned another Canon of the same metal and bigness , in which there is fitted a Rammer , which is perforated , and hath also a Valve opening towards the former Canon . By the help of this Valve the Rammer is easily drawn back , and letteth in aire from without ; and being often drawn back and returned again with violent strokes , it forceth some part of that aire into the former Canon , so long , till at last the resistance of the enclosed aire is greater then the force of the stroke . And by this means men think there is now a greater quantity of aire in the Canon then there was formerly , though it were full before . Also the aire thus forced in , how much soever it be , is hindered from getting out again by the foresaid Valves , which the very endeavour of the aire to get out doth necessarily shut . Lastly , that Valve being opened which was made for the letting out of the aire , it presently breaketh out with violence , & driveth the bullet before it with great force and velocity . As for the cause of this , I could easily attribute it ( as most men do ) to Condensation , and think that the aire , which had at the first but its ordinary degree of Rarity , was afterwards by the forcing in of more aire condensed , and last of all rarified again by being let out and restored to its natural liberty . But I cannot imagine how the same place can be alwayes full , and nevertheless contain sometimes a greater , sometimes a less quantity of matter ; that is to say , that it can be fuller then full . Nor can I conceive , how Fulness can of it self be an efficient cause of motion . For both ●hese are impossible . Wherefore we must seek out some other possible cause of this Phaenomenon . Whilst therefore the Valve w ch serves for the letting in of aire is opened by the first stroke of the Rammer , the aire within doth with equal force resist the entering of the aire from without ; so that the endeavours between the internal and external aire are opposite , that is , there are two opposite motions , whilest the one goeth in and the other cometh out ; but no augmentation at all of aire within the Canon . For there is driven out by the stroke as much pure aire which passeth between the Rammer and the sides of the Canon , as there is forced in of aire impure by the same stroke . And thus by many forcible strokes the quantity of small hard Bodies will be encreased within the Canon , and their motions also will grow stronger and stronger as long as the matter of the Canon is able to endure their force ; by which if it be not broken , it will at least be urged every way by their endeavour to free themselves ; and as soon as the Valve which serves to let them out is opened , they will fly out with violent motion , and carry with them the bullet which is in their way . Wherefore I have given a possible cause of this Phaenomenon . 12 Water , contrary to the custome of Heavy Bodies , ascendeth in the Weather-glasse ; but it doth it when the aire is cold ; for when it is warme it descendeth againe . And this Organ is called a Thermometer , or Thermoscope , because the degrees of Heat and Cold are measured and marked by it . It is made in this manner . Let A B C D ( in the 5th figure ) be a vessel full of water , and E F G a hollow Cylinder of glasse , closed at E , and open at G. Let it be heated , and set upright within the water to F ; and let the open end reach to G. This being done ▪ as the aire by little and little grows colder , the water will ascend slowly within the Cylinder from F towards E ; till at last the externall and internall aire coming to be both of the same temper , it will neither ascend higher , nor descend lower , till the temper of the aire be changed . Suppose it therefore to be setled any where , as at H. If now the heat of the aire be augmented , the water will descend below H ; and if the heat be diminished , it will ascend above it . Which though it be certainely known to be true by experience , the cause neverthelesse hath not as yet been discovered . In the 6 and 7 articles of the 27th chapter ( where I consider the cause of Cold ) I have shewne , that fluid Bodies are made colder by the pressure of the aire , that is to say , by a constant Wind that presseth them . For the same cause it is , that the Superficies of the water is pressed at F ; and having no place to which it may retire from this pressure besides the cavity of the Cylinder between H and E , it is therefore necessarily forced thither by the Cold , and consequently it ascendeth more or lesse , according as the Cold is more or lesse encreased . And againe , as the Heat is more intense , or the Cold more remisse , the same water will be depressed more or lesse by its own Gravity , that is to say , by the cause of Gravity above explicated . 13 Also Living creatures , though they be Heavy , can by Leaping , Swimming & Flying raise themselvs to a certain degree of height . But they cannot do this except they be supported by some resisting Body , as the Earth , the Water and the Aire . For these motions have their beginning from the contraction ( by the helpe of the Muscles ) of the Body animate . For to this contraction there succeedeth a distension of their whole Bodies ; by which distension , the Earth , the Water or the Aire which supporteth them , is pressed ; and from hence , by the reaction of those pressed Bodies , Living Creatures acquire an endeavour upwards , but such , as by reason of the Gravity of their Bodies is presently lost againe . By this endeavour therefore it is , that Living creatures rayse themselues up a little way by Leaping , but to no great purpose ; but by Swimming & Flying they raise themselves to a greater height ; because before the effect of their endeavour is quite extinguished by the Gravity of their bodies , they can renew the same endeavour againe . That by the power of the Soule , without any antecedent contraction of the Muscles , or the helpe of something to support him , any man can be able to raise his Body upwards , is a childish conceipt . For if it were true , a man might raise himselfe to what height he pleased . 14 The diaphanous Medium which surrounds the Eie on all fides , is invisible ; Nor is Aire to be seen in Aire , nor Water in Water , nor any thing but that which is more opacous . But in the confines of two diaphanous Bodies , one of them may be distinguished from the other . It is not therefore a thing so very ridiculous for ordinary people to think all that Space empty , in which we say is Aire ; it being the worke of Reason to make us conceive that the Aire is any thing . For by which of our Senses is it , that we take notice of the Aire , seeing we neither See , nor Hear , nor Tast , nor Smell , nor Feel it to be any thing ? When we feel Heat , we do not impute it to the Air , but to the Fire ; nor do we say the aire is Cold , but we our selves are Cold ; and when we feel the Wind , we rather think something is comming , then that any thing is already come . Also we do not at al feel the waight of water in water , much less of air in air . That we come to know that to be a Body which we call Aire , it is by Reasoning ; but it is from one Reason onely , namely , because it is impossible for remote Bodies to work upon our Organs of Sense but by the help of Bodies intermediate , without which we could have no sense of them , till they came to be contiguous . Wherefore , from the Senses alone , without reasoning from effects , we cannot have sufficient evidence of the nature of Bodies . For there is under-ground in some Mines of Coles , a certain matter of a middle nature between Water and Aire , which nevertheless cannot by Sense be distinguished from aire ; for it is as Diaphanous as the purest aire ; and as farre as Sense can judge , equally penetrable . But if we look upon the effect , it is like that of water . For when that matter breaks out of the Earth into one of those Pits , it fils the same either totally , or to some degree ; and if a Man , or Fire be then let down into it , it extinguishes them in almost as little time as water would do . But for the better understanding of this Phaenomenon , I shall describe the 6th figure . In which , let A B represent the pit of the Mine ; and let part thereof , namely , C B ▪ be supposed to be filled with that matter . If now a lighted Cādle be let down into it below C , it wil as suddenly be extinguished , as if it were thrust into water . Also if a grate filled with coles throughly kindled and burning never so brightly , be let down ; as soon as ever it is below C , the fire will begin to grow pale , and shortly after ( losing its light ) be extinguished , no otherwise then if it were quenched in water . But if the grate be drawn up again presently , whilest the coles are still very hot , the fire will by little and little be kindled again , and shine as before . There is indeed between this matter & water this considerable difference , that it neither wetteth , nor sticketh to such things as are put down into it , as water doth ; which by the moisture it leaveth , hindereth the kindling again of the matter once extinguished . In like manner , if a Man be let down below C , he will presently fall into a great difficulty of breathing , and immediately after into a swoun , and die , unless he be suddenly drawn up again . They therefore that go down into these pits , have this custome , that as soon as ever they feel themselves sick , they shake the rope by which they were let down , to signifie they are not well , and to the end that they may speedily be pulled up again . For if a man be drawn out too late , void of sense and motion , they digg up a Turff , and put his face and mouth into the fresh earth ; by which means ( unless he be quite dead ) he comes to himself again by little and little , and recovers life by the breathing out ( as it were ) of that suffocating matter which he had sucked in whilest he was in the pit ; almost in the same manner as they that are drowned come to themselves again by vomiting up the water . But this doth not happen in all Mines , but in some onely ; and in those not alwayes , but often . In such Pits as are subject to it , they use this remedy . They dig another pit , as DE , close by it , of equal depth ; and joyning them both together with one common channel EF , they make a Fire in the bottom E , which carries out at D the aire contained in the pit DE ; and this draws with it the aire contained in the channel EF ; which in like manner is followed by the noxious matter contained in CB ; & by this means the pit is for that time made healthful . Out of this History ( which I write onely to such as have had experience of the truth of it , without any designe to support my Philosophy with Stories of doubtful credit ) may be collected the following possible cause of this Phaenomenon ; namely , that there is a certain matter , fluid , & most transparent , and not much lighter then water ; which breaking out of the Earth fills the Pit to C ; and that in this matter , as in water , both Fire and Living creatures are extinguished . 15 About the nature of Heavy Bodies , the greatest difficulty ariseth from the contemplation of those things which make other Heavy Bodies ascend to them ; such are Jet , Amber , and the Loadstone . But that which troubles men most is the Loadstone , which is also called Lapis Herculeus ; a stone , though otherwise despicable , yet of so great power , that it taketh up Iron from the Earth , and holds it suspended in the aire , as Hercules did Antaeus . Nevertheless , we wonder at it somewhat the less , because we see Jet draw up Straws , which are Heavy Bodies , though not so Heavy as Iron . But as for Jet , it must first be excited by rubbing , that is to say , by motion to and fro ; whereas the Loadstone hath sufficient excitation from its own nature , that is to say , from some internal principle of motion peculiar to it self . Now whatsoever is moved , is moved by some contiguous and moved Body , as hath been formerly demonstrated . And from hence it follows evidently , that the first endeavour which Iron hath towards the Loadstone , is caused by the motion of that aire which is contiguous to the Iron . Also that this motion is generated by the motion of the next aire , and so on successively , till by this succession we find that the motion of all the intermediate air taketh its beginning from some motion which is in the Loadstone it self ; which motion ( because the Loadstone seems to be at rest ) is invisible . It is therefore certain , that the attractive power of the Loadstone is nothing else but some motiō of the smallest particles thereof . Supposing therefore that those small Bodies of which the Loadstone is ( in the bowels of the Earth ) composed , have by nature such motion or endeavour as was above attributed to Jet , namely a reciprocal motiō in a line too short to be seen , both those stones wil have one & the same cause of attraction . Now in what manner , and in what order of working this cause produceth the effect of attraction , is the thing to be enquired . And first we know , that when the string of a Lute or Viol is stricken , the Vibration , that is , the reciprocal motion of that string in the same straight Line , causeth like Vibration in another string which has like tension . We know also , that the dregs or small sands which sink to the bottom of a Vessel , will be raised up from the bottom by any strong and reciprocal agitation of the water stirred with the hand or with a staff . Why therefore should not reciprocal motion of the parts of the Loadstone contribute as much towards the moving of Iron ? For if in the Loadstone there be supposed such reciprocal motion , or motion of the parts forwards and backwards , it will follow , that the like motion will be propagated by the aire to the Iron , and consequently that there will be in all the parts of the Iron the same reciprocations or motions forwards and backwards . And from hence also it will follow , that the intermediate aire between the Stone and the Iron will by little and little be thrust away ; and the aire being thrust away , the Bodies of the Loadstone and the Iron will necessarily come together . The possible cause therefore why the Loadstone and Jet draw to them , the one Iron , the other Strawes , may be this , that those attracting Bodies have reciprocal motion either in a straight line , or in an Elliptical line , when there is nothing in the nature of the attracted Bodies which is repugnant to such a motion . But why the Loadstone ( if with the help of Cork it float at liberty upon the top of the water ) should from any position whatsoever so place it self in the plain of the Meridian , as that the same points which at one time of its being at rest respect the Poles of the Earth , should at all other times respect the same Poles , the cause may be this , That the reciprocal motion which I supposed to be in the parts of the Stone , is made in a line parallel to the Axis of the Earth , and has been in those parts ever since the Stone was generated . Seeing therefore the Stone whilest it remains in the Mine , and is carried about together with the Earth by its diurnal motion , doth by length of time get a habit of being moved in a line which is perpendicular to the line of its reciprocal motion , it will afterwards , though its axis be removed from the parallel situation it had with the axis of the Earth , retain its endeavour of returning to that situation again ; and all endeavour being the beginning of motion , and nothing intervening that may hinder the same , the Loadstone will therefore return to its former situation . For any piece of Iron that has for a long time rested in the plain of the Meridian , whensoever it is forced from that situation , and afterwards left to its own liberty again , will of it self return to lie in the Meridian again ; which return is caused by the endeavour it acquired from the diurnal motion of the Earth in the parallel circles which are perpendicular to the Meridians . If Iron be rubbed by the Loadstone drawn from one Pole to the other , two things will happen ; one , that the Iron will acquire the same direction with the Loadstone , that is to say , that it will lie in the Meridian , and have its Axis and Poles in the same position with those of the Stone ; the other , that the like Poles of the Stone and of the Iron will avoid one another , and the unlike Poles approach one another . And the cause of the former may be this , that Iron being touched by motion which is not reciprocal , but drawn the same way from Pole to Pole , there will be imprinted in the Iron also an endeavour from the same Pole to the same Pole. For seeing the Loadstone differs from Iron no otherwise then as Ore from Metal , there will be no repugnance at all in the Iron to receive the same motion which is in the Stone . From whence it follows , that seeing they are both affected alike by the diurnal motion of the Earth , they will both equally return to their situation in the Meridian whensoever they are put frō the same ▪ Also of the later this may be the cause , that as the Loadstone in touching the Irō doth by its action imprint in the Iron an endeavour towards one of the Poles , suppose towards the North Pole ; so reciprocally , the Iron by its action upon the Loadstone doth imprint in it an endeavour towards the other Pole , namely towards the South Pole. It happens therefore in these reciprocations or motions forwards and backwards of the particles of the Stone and of the Iron betwixt the North & the South , that whilest in one of them the motion is from North to South , and the return from South to North , in the other the motion wil be from South to North , & the return frō North to South ; which motions being opposite to one another , and communicated to the Air , the North Pole of the Iron ( whilest the attraction is working ) will be depressed towards the South Pole of the Loadstone ; or contrarily the North Pole of the Loadstone will be depressed towards the South Pole of the Iron ; and the Axes both of the Loadstone and of the Iron will be situate in the same straight line . The truth whereof is taught us by experience . As for the propagation of this Magnetical vertue , not onely through the Aire , but through any other Bodies how hard so ever , it is not to be wondred at , seeing no motion can be so weak , but that it may be propagated infinitely through a space filled with Body of any hardness whatsoever . For in a full Medium , there can be no motion which doth not make the next part yeild , and that the next , and so successively without end ; so that there is no effect whatsoever but to the production thereof something is necessarily contributed by the several motions of all the several things that are in the World. And thus much concerning the nature of Body in general ; with which I conclude this my first Section of the Elements of Philosophy . In the first , second and third Parts , where the Principles of Ratiocination consist in our own Understanding , that is to say , in the legitimate use of such Words as we our selves constitute , all the Theoremes ( if I be not deceived ) are rightly demonstrated . The fourth Part depends upon Hypotheses ; which unless we know them to be true , it is impossible for us to demonstrate that those Causes which I have there explicated , are the true Causes of the things whose productions I have derived from them . Nevertheless , seeing I have assumed no Hypothesis , which is not both possible and easie to be comprehended ; and seeing also that I have reasoned aright from those Assumptions , I have withall sufficiently demonstrated that they may be the true Causes ; w ch is the end of Physical Contemplation . If any other man from other Hypotheses shall demonstrate the same , or greater things , there wil be greater praise and thanks due to him then I demand for my self , provided his Hypotheses be such as are conceivable . For as for those that say any thing may be moved or produced by it Self , by Species , by its own Power , by Substantial Forms , by Incorporeal Substances , by Instinct , by Anteperistasis , by Antipathy , Sympathy , Occult Quality , and other empty words of Schoolmen , their saying so is to no purpose . And now I proceed to the Phaenomena of Mans Body ; Where I shall speak of the Opticks , and of the Dispositions , Affections , and Manners of Men ( if it shall please God to give me life ) , and shew their Causes . AD CAP. XIV fig. 1. fig. 2. fig. 3. fig. 4. fig. 5. fig : 6. fig : 7. fig : 8. fig : 9. fig : 10. AD CAP. XVI fig : 1 fig : 2 fig : 3 fig : 4 fig : 5 fig : 6 fig : 7 fig : 8 fig : 9 fig : 10 fig : 11 AD CAP. XVII fig. 1. fig. 2. fig. 3. fig. 4. fig. 5. fig. 6. fig. 7. fig. 8. Cap : XVIII fig. 1. fig. 2. AD CAP. XIX fig : 1 fig : 2 fig : 3 fig : 4 fig ▪ 5 fig : 6 fig : 7 fig : 8 fig : 9 fig : 10 Cap : XX. Fig ▪ 1 fig ▪ 2 fig ▪ 3 fig ▪ 4 fig ▪ 5 AD CAP XXI Fig ▪ 1 fig : 2 fig : 3 fig ▪ 4 fig : 5 AD CAP ▪ XXII fig ▪ 1 fig : 2 fig : 3 AD CAP ▪ XXIII fig : 1 fig ▪ 2 fig : 3 fig : 4 fig : 5 fig : 6 fig : 7 fig : 8 fig : 9 AD CAP. XXIIII fig : 1 fig : 2 fig : 3 fig : 4 fig : 5 fig : 6 AD Cap XXVI fig ▪ 1 Fig ▪ 2 fig ▪ 3 fig : 4. fig : 5. AD Cap XXVII fig : 1. fig ▪ 2 ▪ AD Cap XXVIII et XXX fig ▪ 1. fig : 2. fig ▪ 3 ▪ fig ▪ 4 ▪ fig ▪ 5. fig : 6. 
A59247	----	Solid philosophy asserted, against the fancies of the ideists, or, The method to science farther illustrated with reflexions on Mr. Locke's Essay concerning human understanding / by J.S. Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. 1697 Approx. 949 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 264 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59247 Wing S2594 ESTC R10237 12927142 ocm 12927142 95549 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59247) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95549) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 990:15) Solid philosophy asserted, against the fancies of the ideists, or, The method to science farther illustrated with reflexions on Mr. Locke's Essay concerning human understanding / by J.S. Sergeant, John, 1622-1707. [52], 460 [i.e. 444], [24] p. Printed for Roger Clavil ... Abel Roper ... and Thomas Metcalf ..., London : 1697. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Errata: p. [24] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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WITH Reflexions on Mr. LOCKE's ESSAY concerning Human Understanding . By J. S. LONDON , Printed for Roger Clavil at the Peacock , Abel Roper at the Black Boy , both in Fleetstreet , and Thomas Metcalf , over against Earl's - Court in Drury-Lane , 1697. To the Right Honourable ROBERT , Lord Viscount Dunbar . My LORD , HAD I thought that this Piece I here Dedicate to Your Lordship , was not above Your , or any Man's , Patronage , I had shewn less Respects to You in making You so Mean a Present . Were You Monarch of the Universe , TRUTH ( which it Defends ) could receive no Protection from Your Grandeur . Her Genius is so Sublime , and Her self so Nobly-born , that , like Him from whom she descends , she is Beneficial to all , and Incapable of receiving Advantage from any . All Extrinsecal Supports , in stead of Honouring her , Debase her . Her Well-compacted and Indissoluble Fabrick is altogether Divine : Contrary to our Material Structures , it is Built from the Top ; and , its Foundation laid as high as Heaven it self . The GOD of Truth has imprinted all Natural Truths in Created Beings , as in the Footsteps of his Infinite Wisdom ; from whence , by the Vehicles of our Senses , they are Copy'd and Transcrib'd into our Mind ; where , without our Labour , they beget all our Natural Notions ; and , as Speculation , and even Experience , assures us , they do also , at the same time , give us some Knowledge of the Things themselves ; which steadily and distinctly Reflected on , breed in us that best Natural Perfection of our Understanding , SCIENCE ; of which those Notions are , as it were , the Seeds . Thus was Mankind put into a plain Road-way of gaining Clear Intellectual Light , by the Common Providence of our Good Creatour . To improve in which , and to keep our Thoughts from wandring into Errour , the same Goodness of our Maker endowed us with a Faculty of Reflecting on the Operations of our own Minds ; and , on all the Guilded Train of our Spiritual Conceptions , and of the several Natures and Manners of them ; by which means those who were addicted to Attentive Reflexion , or Speculation , invented a Way , and setled Artificial Rules , how to manage their Notions , Judgments and Discourses . Which Rules laid orderly together , and found by Reason to be Agreeable to the Natures of Things according to the Being they had in the Mind , and , therefore , Solid ; did , in time , compose that excellent and most useful Science call'd LOGICK . But , my Lord , the Crooked Byass of Men's Wills perverted their Reason , and made them disregard this Well-grounded and Regular Method , given them so freely by the Author of Nature . The Heathen Philosophers of old , whose God was Vanity , affected to set up several Sects , to pride themselves with the Empty Honour of being esteemed their Heads . The Christian Schools succeeded ; who , at first , discours'd gravely on those Subjects which were of a higher Nature ; but , whether the Circumstances did not bend their Thoughts that way , or from what other Reason , they settled no Scientifical Method to attain Philosophical Knowledges . Yet , those who follow'd Aristotle's Principles , ( as the great Aquinas constantly endeavoured ) did generally discourse even in such Subjects , when they had occasion , very solidly . But , afterwards , when School-disputes grew to be the only fashionable Learning , the Multitudes of Combatants increas'd , and the Contests were maintain'd by several Great Bodies ; each of which thought it Creditable to their Party to set up and follow some Eminent Man of their own . Hence this Nature-taught Method came to be much neglected ; and he was thought to win the Prize who was the subtilest and acutest Disputant , and not he who could most solidly Demonstrate Truth . Hence , no Exact and Rational Logick being settled and agreed on , they were apt to take up oftentimes Wrong Principles ; and the several Conceptions of our Mind were mistaken to be so many several Things . Demonstration was rather talk'd of for Form's sake , than pursu'd and practis'd ; and , the the Use of General Maxims , which should establish our Discourses , was scarce once thought on ; without which , Demonstration was Impossible . New Questions in Philosophy , of little or no use , were started ; and bandy'd to and fro by Terms and Words not well understood ; nor their Sense agreed on , by the Contending Parties . The Heat of Opposition fix'd Men in their own Opinions . Innumerable Quaint and Nice , and sometimes Impertinent , Distinctions were invented , to escape their being Entangled by the Arguments of their Adversary . Every man affected to be a Proteus , and took more Care to elude Opposition , than to settle and establish Truth on Immovable Grounds . The true Sense of Aristotle's Doctrine , not being taken from himself or his First Interpreters , but from some Modern Mis-understanders , was lost ; and his Text drawn into several Meanings , to abet Contradictory Tenets . In a Word , nothing was decisively concl●●ed , nor likely to be so , by this way of School-Term-Learning , as things were manag'd by Unmethodiz'd Disputation . Thus stood the Affair of Philosophy at the beginning of this present Century ; which having been fertile of many Excellent Wits , two of the Chiefest of them , Cartesius in France , and our Ingenious Countryman Mr. Locke , having taken Scandal at these Miscarriages , and an Aversion against that Miracle of Nature , Aristotle , whose Doctrine Schoolmen had ill represented ; and being withal Men of Strong Brains , enabling them to carry their Conceptions through , and to make them Coherent ; they did , out of their Zeal for Truth , undertake to set up New Systems of Philosophy ; tho' Cartesius in some sort , furbish'd up , improv'd , and refin'd upon the old Corpuscularian Way of Democritus and Epicurus ; which I have fully confuted in the Appendix to my Method ; and , I hope , beyond all possibility of Reply . But , these two Gentlemen , being better vers'd in the Mathematicks than in Metaphysicks ; and , thence , not apprehending how Corporeal Natures could get into the Mind , or be there ; nor , reflecting that a Spiritual Nature , being incomparably Superiour in the Rank of Beings to that of Corporeal Things , must , consequently , have naturally and ncessarily a Power to comprehend , after its manner , ( or by way of Knowledge ) that Inferiour one ; they were forc'd , thro' their want of Higher Principles , to build all Knowledge , not upon the Things themselves in their Knowing Power , but upon Ideas or Similitudes of them ; tho' neither of them set themselves to make out or demonstrate how we could possibly have our Notions , or First Notices of the Things by them . Now , these Spiritual Ideas being , most evidently , neither the Things known , nor any Mode or Accident of those Objects ; and , consequently , nothing at all of the Thing in any sort , were manifestly convinced not to be the Productions of Creative Wisdom , in which he had imprinted all Natural Truths , but meer Fancies , coin'd by their Imagination . These Ideas or Fancies then , and only these , they contemplated , and Grounded all Natural Truths , ( which could have no Foundation but only in the Things which the First Truth had made ) upon these Fantastick Resemblances : and , thence , they put all Formal Truths to consist in the Agreement of those Empty Similitudes ; till at length ( as Fancy let loose to fly at its full Random , and driven forward with a quick Wit , does naturally and genuinly lead ) they had introduced a kind of Fanaticism into Philosophy ; built , in the main , or in great part , on a pretended Inward Light by means of those Imaginary and Visionary Ideas . From this Introversion upon these unsolid Aiery Bubbles , and thence their neglecting the Things themselves , and our Solid Natural Notions , Mr. Locke was brought to Confound Corporeal and Spiritual Natures ; and consequently , ( these two being the Adequate Object of all Philosophy ) all Philosophical Knowledge was rendred impossible . And Cartesius left us no means to know whether Man is One Thing made up of Soul and Body , or Two Things , tack'd together by virtue of some Accident ; which well consisted with their Substantial Distinction . Hence also it came , that GOD was brought in at every Hard Pinch , to act contrary to what the Natures of Things requir'd ; without which , they could not lay their Principles , or make their Scheme cohere ; that is , they would needs make GOD , as he is the Author and Orderer of Nature , to work either Preternaturally or else Supernaturally ; which is a plain Contradiction . Nay , Mr. Locke finding no Fancy in his Imaginative Power that suits with our Notion of [ Thing , ] would perswade the World that no Man living knows what a Thing or Substance is ; that is , that none knows what the Word Thing means ; which is so Evident to our Natural Thoughts , that it is impossible for the rudest Person in the World to be Ignorant of it . In a Word , their Fancy so inveigled their Reason , that they came to deny Self-evident Truths ; and held many other Propositions , which were absolutely Impossible and Contradictory . Wherefore , seeing Philosophy reduced to this lamentable Condition ; and , that Solid Rationality , and all Truth in Natural Objects , were thus in imminent Danger to be over-run and born down by Imaginary Conceits ; and apprehending that GOD's Providence had fitted and enabled me to redress such great Mischiefs ; I thought it became me to re-instate Reason in her Soveraignty over Fancy ; and , to assert to her the Rightful Dominion Nature had given her over all our Judgments and Discourses . I resolved therefore to disintricate Truth , ( which lay too deep for Superficial Fancy to fathom ) from all those Labyrinths of Errour . I observ'd that Philosophy labour'd and languish'd under many Complicated Distempers , ( all springing from this way of Ideas ) and that they were grown Epidemical ; nor could they be cur'd by the Application of Remedies to this or that Particular Part , or by confuting this or that Particular Errour . Hereupon , having found out the true Cause of all these Maladies of Human Understanding , I saw it was necessary to Stub up by the Roots that Way it self ; and , by Clos● and Solid Reasons , ( the most Decisive Weapons in Tru●●● Armory , ) to break in Pieces the brittle Glassy Essences of those Fantastick Apparitions ; which , if a Right Way of Reasoning be settled , and understood , will disappear , and vanish out of the World , as their Elder Sisters , the Fairies , have done in this last Half Century . I know , my Lord , Reformation made by a Single Man , tho' but in Philosophy , seldom gains Credit to him who attempts it . And , it must be confess'd , that , to pretend to reform where there is no Necessity , has an Ill Name ; and is justly held to spring from Policy , Interest , Pride , or some such other Sinister Motive . But I am very confident , that whoever peruses this Treatise , nay , but even the Preface , will see , that the Occasion of this Undertaking was not only Expedient , but Cogent . Nor can any Man justly tax him of Arrogance , or of Usurping a Dictature over other Men's Judgments , tho' he opposes Great Multitudes of Speculaters , who offers his Reasons to convince theirs . To this Necessity , now laid open , of Reforming Philosophy , I shall add another , of a much more weighty Concern ; and which may also rectifie some zealons well-meaning Friends ; who , judging of Things by their own Short Reach , think that the Advancing Truth in Philosophy is little better than Time and Labour lost ; whereas , I , on the Contrary , do really think , that the Supplying what the World most wants , is the Greatest , and most Universal Good I can possibly do . This other Necessity then , of my rectifying our Modern Philosophy , ( which will make others see , how great a Good it is , ) is this : Those Truths which are of a higher , and more Sacred Nature , can never be rightly Explicated , nor consequently ( such Men not valuing Authority ) be duly recommended to those who Dissent from them , unless True Principles of Philosophy be Settled , and Unsound ones Confuted . For , since no Explication of Faith can be made by Faith it self ; all of them must necessarily be made by our Reason , shewing the Conformity they have to our Natural Notions , or to such Knowledges as we had from the Things in Nature ; especially , since Dissenters draw their Chief Objections from the Repugnancy of those Points to our Natural Principles . 'T is a known Truth , that as every Definition must be the Self-same Notion with what is defin'd , so must every right Explication too ; it being , in reality , nothing but the Unfolding what was before wrapt up Closer . Whence follows , that , when he who has the ill Luck to have taken up False Principles , comes to explicate the Trinity , the Incarnation , the Resurrection , or any High Point of Reveal'd Faith ; his Explication must always be Contrary to True Principles of Nature , and perhaps may have twenty real Contradictions in it ; and , so , Common Reason ( as was said ) telling all Sensible Men , that the Explication must be the same Sense with the Point which it Explicates ; the Tenet of Faith will suffer in the Opinion of Witty Men , by such an Untoward and Senseless Explication ; be Ridiculous to Adversaries ; and be held perfect Nonsense and Contradiction . Whereas , if the Philosophy , by which those Tenets are Explicated , be True and Solid ; then , since both Natural and Reveal'd Truths are Children of the same Father , ( the GOD and Author of All Truth , ) who cannot contradict Himself , and therefore those two Sorts of Truths cannot but agree ; it will follow , that the Explication of all Reveal'd Points , made according to True Philosophy , must needs appear to Intelligent Men to be most Rational ; and most Consonant , and not Contradictory , to True Natural Principles : Which will Comfort Faith in those who believe already ; Recommend it to all Ingenuous and Indifferent Seekers ; help to Convert to Christianity those , whose Reason was formerly Dissatisfy'd upon such Sinister Misconceits ; and , Lastly , Confound Adversaries , by putting them past Opposing it by any Principles of True Philosophy , and leave nothing for them to object against it , but Idle and Ill-grounded Fancies , whose weak Attempts are easily defeated . Whence , I could heartily wish , that , were True Philosophy in Fashion , all Sects ( so the State thought fit ) might have Free Liberty to Print the best Reasons they can muster up against Christianity ; Resting confident , that ( in that Happy State of Science , or True Learning ) nothing in the World could gain to Truth a greater Advantage . Till that Desirable Time comes , all I can do , is , to declare here publickly , that I shall take it for a great Favour , if any Learned Socinian , Deist , or Atheist , would please to send me those Reasons they , or their Leaders , judge of most Weight , why they cannot embrace the Doctrine of the Trinity , or Christianity ; which they may do privately , and Unnam'd , to the Stationer who publishes this Treatise ; and I do hereby promise them , I will give their Objections their Full Force , and publish an Answer to them : Onely , I will expect , that their Arguments shall be Intrinsecal ones , or drawn from the Opposition such Reveal'd Articles , as they mislike , are conceiv'd by them to have to some Principles of Logick , Physicks , or Metaphysicks , which are either Self-evident , or which they will undertake to reduce to Evidence : These onely being such Objections as becomes a Christian Philosopher to speak to . For , if they be Extrinsecal ones , and built on Histories , or on Groundless Fancies ; or , if they consist in Glossing Words , in whose Sense we are not Agreed ; it belongs to a Critick , or a Historian , and is not the Proper Employment of a Philosopher . I would not be thought , by what is said lately , to cast any Reflexions on Cartesius or Mr. Locke , ( whom I join here equally , and indifferently , ) as intending any Diskindness to Christianity by their New Methods of Philosophy : It appears both by their Writings , and by their particular manner of handling their Subjects , that they meant ingenuously and sincerely to follow what they conceiv'd to be True. Onely I must say of both of them , that , if their Way of Philosophizing , and , therefore , their Philosophy it self , be shewn to be far from True and Solid ; then , in case any Chief Christian Tenet should come to be Explicated by their Ways , those Sacred Points themselves must necessarily , for the Reason now given , receive some Taint and Blemish by such Ill-grounded Explications : And the same , for the same Reason , I must say of School-Philosophy too , if it proceeds upon Principles that are not Well-grounded , or Solid . It remains , my Lord , to give my Reasons why this Common Duty I here perform to the Learned Part of Mankind who are Candidates of Science , comes to be particularly address'd to Your Self : Which , in short , are these . I was much in Debt ; and it was an Honest Man's Part to endeavour to discharge it . I ow'd much to Your Lordship's Father , of Honourable and Pious Memory , who both encourag'd my first Endeavours , and favour'd me with a particular Friendship and Correspondence to His Dying-Day : And , I make account , such kind Obligements , writ in a Grateful Heart , ought to be as Lasting , and as Binding , as those Obligations drawn on Paper ; and , withal , ought to devolve , by a Hereditary Right , to His Immediate Descendent , Your Self . I ow'd very much to Your Lordship 's own Person , for the Kind Respect with which You have been pleas'd to honour me . I ow'd much to all Your Lordship 's Nearest and Noblest Relations , both in the Direct , and in all the Collateral Lines . And , lastly , since every Man who writes for Truth , naturally loves to be Understood , I ow'd it to my Self , to present this Treatise particularly to Your Lordship ; than whom , I know none of our English Nobility more Acutely Intelligent . It is of such a Nature , by its laying the Foundation of Philosophy from the deepest Bottom-Principles , that , to comprehend and penetrate it thorowly , there was requir'd a Judgment both Solid , and Pointed ; both which Perfections meet in Your Lordship's Great Genius , in a High Perfection . The Diligent Printer has overtaken my Lazy Pen , and stays for this hasty Scribble ; which forces me , with an Unmannerly Abruptness , to write my self , My LORD , Your Lordship 's Most Sincere Honourer , and most humbly devoted Servant , J. S. THE PREFACE , DIRECTED To those Learned Men of both our Universities who have a Due Regard for TRUTH , and a Sincere Desire of KNOWLEDGE . Gentlemen , 1. AFter I had Publish'd my METHOD to SCIENCE , which I Dedicated to your selves , I came to receive certain Information that very many Students in both the Universities , and not a few of those also who were to instruct others , did apply themselves to the Way of Ideas , in hopes to arrive by that means at Philosophical Knowledge . My best Judgment , grounded on very Evident Reasons , assur'd me , that that Method was far from Solid , and utterly Unable to give you the True Knowledge of any thing in Nature ; being it self altogether Groundless , and meerly Superficial . I saw clearly , that to addict your Thoughts to study Similitudes and Resemblances , ( which , as will be most evidently demonstrated , could not possibly give you any True or Certain Light to know the Things themselves , ) was no better than ( as it is in the Fable ) Vitreum vas lambere , pultem non attingere . It struck me with a very sensible Trouble , that the precious Time and Pains of such great Numbers of Men , who were the Flower of our Nation , who were hereafter to be Guides to others , and whose very Profession , and State of Life , had addicted them wholly to the Pursuit of Knowledge , should be imbued with such Principles as render'd the Attainment of it absosolutely Impossible . I look'd upon my self as one who , having spent near half a Century in Speculative Studies , was capable to avert and redress so great a Harm ; and , thence , I esteem'd my self bound in Duty to make you aware of the Way you have either chosen , or light into for want of a better ; that you might consider seriously whether you ought not to retrieve your Steps ere you had wander'd too far in a Path which could never bring you to the End you aim'd at . This Consideration oblig'd me to strike at the Root , and to overthrow the whole Way of proceeding upon Ideas , by whomsoever advanced ; and to demonstrate by many Clear , and , I hope , Unanswerable Arguments , and Multitudes of Instances , that it was Superficial , Fruitless , Insignificant , and meerly Phantastical . 2. When I had near finish'd my METHOD , I gave a Cursory Look over Mr. Locke's Essay concerning Humane Understanding ; and I hap'd to light on some places , which gave me a high Esteem for it ; insomuch that I began to conceive some Hopes that his Ingenious Thoughts might , with some few Alterations , be reconcil'd to True Philosophy : For , I was at that time far from intending to make any Reflexions upon it , but highly extoll'd it where-ever I came : judging of the Whole , by the Scantlings I had seen of it ( as it were ) accidentally . But , the last September , setting my self to take a nearer and fuller View of the whole Book , I quite lost the Hopes , I had gladly entertain'd formerly , of According it with Philosophical Principles ; and became much concern'd , that so Excellent a Wit should be half lost to the Commonwealth of Learning , by lighting unfortunately into such an Unaccountable Method . For , I saw evidently , that ( besides the Oddness of the Way he took ) his Fancy , the Vivacity of which was very Extraordinary , had , in very many Particulars , got such an Ascendent over his Reason , that , as he was Sceptical in divers Things which were Clearest Truths ; so he seem'd in very many others to be Positive , the Contrary to which was plainly Demonstrable , and in a manner Self-evident . I was heartily sorry , I say , to see so considerable a Writer , whose Comprehensive Genius , and Clear Expression , would have made Truth Irresistible , had he taken her part , mis-led so strangely as to take Fancies for Realities ; and to think that Philosophy , which is the Knowledge of Things , consisted in a perpetual Contemplation of Empty Ideas , or Resemblances . 3. This wrought up my Thoughts higher , and made me conceive a greater Indignation against this New Way of Philosophizing ; and that , very particularly , for his sake ; tho' I saw the Cartesians as much wanted Rectifying in their Grounds , as he , or rather more . Wherefore , to gain such a powerful Assistant over to Truth 's side , ( of which , his Sincere Professions of Ingenuity would not let me despair , ) I resolv'd to lay open those Blemishes of Errours I had observ'd in his Essay , retaining still a due Esteem for the many Beauties it contain'd : For , I do assure him , my Nature leads me , as willingly to acknowledge and give their just Elogiums to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to discover the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he may have fallen into at unawares , as I doubt not but my Readers will see ; and , that ( tho' I declare Open War against the Way it self ) I rather incline to Excuse , than to Aggravate his Faults or Mistakes . Indeed , the Duty I ow'd to Truth oblig'd me to note those Latter with such a Distinction , as I conceiv'd they did more or less injure that Sacred Concern . And , I was the more willing to enter the Lists against such a Champion ; because , if I hop'd to gain any Advantage over him , ( I had rather say , if I had the good Fortune to win him , ) 't is impossible Truth should ever obtain a more clear Victory ; For , no Man , who takes the just Dimensions of Mr. Locke 's Great Wit , can think , that any thing but the Invincible Force of Truth can soil him . 4. I have good Reason to fear , that this Declaring against whole Bodies of Ideists , at once , will be interpreted by some to savour of Singularity : It will be deem'd by others , a high Imprudence to make such a Bold Breach with a World of Acute Speculaters ; with whole Sects of Modern Philosophers , both in two Neighbouring Nations , and in our own Universities ; and , in many Things , with most of the School-men too . Others will think , that I do very unwisely provoke Opposition ; and , by such a brisk Attack , in a manner Challenge all those Great Men who are of a contrary Sentiment . But , what is all this to his purpose , who has devoted himself wholly to promote and defend TRUTH ; and , is sure he does , upon Solid Reasons , judge that to be True which he maintains ? This Objection seems grounded on this False Maxim , which some Men have set up very politickly , to establish their own Reputation with the Vulgar , as Sacred and Inviolable ; viz. that [ The Opinion of a Multitude has the Force of a kind of Authority , to bridle the Understandings of Private Men from Setting up a Contrary Doctrine . ] Now , whatever some Men may think of this Position , I must declare my Sentiment of it , that it is the most pernicious Maxim that could be invented , to hinder the Progress of Rational Nature in that which should most perfect it ; that it puts a stop to the farther Use of their Reason in all future Mankind ; that it makes all Improvement in Knowledge Impossible , and utterly obstructs the Advancement of SCIENCE . No Reasoners , how many , or of how Great Name soever they be , have any Authority at all but by Virtue of the Reasons they produce ; whence , that Single Man , whoever he be , that brings better Reasons , for the Tenet he advances , than all the former World has done for theirs , ought to have more of this ( miscall'd ) Authority , than that whole World of Opposers . 5. But , this postponing the Consideration of the Multitude of Dissenting Speculaters to Evident Reason , is ten times more Justifiable , in case that Opposing Party does not so much as pretend to , much less produce Self-evident Principles , nor Demonstration , to Ground , or Conclude their Tenets ; but builds on Voluntary Suppositions , and makes use of Wit , good Language , and other meerly plausible Ways , to recommend their Conclusions to the Approbation of their Readers . Those who do not so much as pretend to Demonstration and Clear Principles , being unable to offer any Thing that is Certain , ought not ( in my Opinion ) meddle at all with Philosophy ; nor appear before Learned Men with an Expectation their Doctrine should be Embraced ; nor can they , in reason , Assert any thing , but only Propose . 6. But the main Consideration which takes off all Invidiousness from my Carriage in this Particular , is , that in this whole Contest between the Ideists and me , there is Nothing at all that is Personal . 'T is not the Parts or Abilities of the Contenders , but their METHOD which is in Dispute . The Slowest and Lamest Traveller , who can but creep forward in a right Path , shall sooner arrive at his Journey 's End , than Another whose Legs are nimble , and his Pace swift , if he takes a wrong Way at his first setting out . Rather his greater Strength and Agility do , in such a ease , enable him only to run more widely astray ; as the strongest Bow shoots farthest from the Mark , if the Shast be wrong levell'd . Let the Talent of Wit in the Ideists be Incomparable , ( as doubtless that of Cartesius was , to whom I may , with Justice , join Mr. Locke ) if the Methods they take be not proper to attain true Science , their Errours , when they mistake , ( as I am sure they do in their Principles , and , consequently , in most of their Conclusions ) must be to the same Degree more Enormous , as their Fancies are more Ingenious . 'T is their METHOD then , or their Way of Proceeding and Building upon Ideas , which I most blame and oppose . Or rather I deplore the Detriment accruing hence to the Learned Part of the World , that Men , endowed with such an Excellent Genius , did unluckily light into such an Indirect and Perplex'd Path ; seeing what vast Advances Science might have made , had such Men taken up Right Principles , hit upon the Right Way at first , and apply'd their Strong Brains to pursue it . 'T is not then their Endowments which come into Competition , to which I deferr as much as is possible : For , I much more admire the Skill of such Architects as can build a Castle in the Air , and make it hang there by Geometry ( as it were ) than all those common sort of Artists , who can raise such a Structure upon Firm Ground . 7. What our several Methods are , the Title of my Book tells my Reader in short , viz. that , ( as I have hinted in my Dedicatory ) Theirs is to ground all their Discourses on Ideas ; that is , ( as themselves express it , and as the Word [ Idea ] declares , ) on Similitudes or Resemblances ; which Similitudes , ( as is abundantly demonstrated in my three first Preliminaries , ) are meer Fancies : Mine is to build them solely and entirely on the Things themselves , in which , as the Footsteps or Effects of his Essential Verity , the Creative Wisdom of the God of Truth , has planted and imprinted all Created Truths whatever . This Method I observe so exactly throughout my whole METHOD , and this present Treatise , that I disown and renounce any Discourse in either of these Books , which is not built either upon the Things as they are in Nature , or according to the Being they Naturally have in the Understanding : And , I shall owe much to that Man , who will show me that I do any where decline from this solid and well-grounded Method . As for Formal Truths , found in our Judgments or Discourses , I build them on most Evident Principles , or strive to reduce them thither ; and on the Connexion of the Terms found in Propositions , by which only Truth can be express'd ; keeping still an Attentive Regard to the Things themselves . And I desire that the Differences between the Ideists and me may be decided by the Impartial Umpirage of Rigorous Logick . A Test , which , as I am sure their Cause cannot bear , so I am confident they will never accept of or stand to . For , it may easily be discern'd by any serious Reflecter , that their Procedure and manner of Discoursing is not by way of laying Principles , and drawing a Close and well-knit Train of Consequences , as I do in all the main Points of my Method , and in this present Treatise on occasion ; but , by Unproved Suppositions , and Loose Discourses made up of well-express'd Wit , Ingenious Remarks , Quaint Novelties , Plausible Explications , and such other Superficial ways ; which , tho' they take with Vulgar Readers , are ( to speak plainly ) more fit for Flashy Rhetorical Declamation , than for Manly and Solid PHILOSOPHY . Nor do I think it did ever so much as once enter into the Thoughts of the Ideists , much less their Hope , that their Discourse could be reduced to Self-evidence , or to that Artificial Form of Close Discourse call'd a Demonstrative Syllogism ; which is the Touchstone to distinguish what Ratiocinations are truly Conclusive , what Inconclusive or Fallacious . Without which , what do we know ? 8. I am very well aware what Prejudice I bring upon my self , by Addressing you in this Confident manner at the very first Dash of my Pen ; and some well-meaning Friends have advertis'd me , that this Carriage of mine has been reflected on , especially by some meer School-men ; who , tho' they in reality know nothing , are more proud of their Probabilities , than the most Scientifical Man living is of his Demonstrations ; tho' their utmost Performances amount to no more than that of the ridiculous Fortune-tellers of old , — Aut erit , aut non ; Divinare etenim magnus mihi donat Apollo . Whence I do fully expect , that the Humour of our Modern Speculaters will judge this Assuredness of mine to be a high Presumption of my own Performances ; nay , some will think it a proud Disregard of others even to talk of Demonstration . Indeed , I must own I have a high Opinion of my Principles and my Method , which Nature and GOD's good Providence have laid and establish'd . But , as for my Conclusions and Deductions , as I will not justifie them all with the same Firmness as I did the others ; so , I must declare , that did I not really judge them Demonstrative when I call them so , I should not think I ought to propose them as such ; nor at all to the Learned . The World has been sufficiently pester'd already with Books of Philosophy , nay , Volumes , blown up to a vast Bulk with Windy and Frathy Probabilities , and petty Inconclusive Topicks ; which , like Rank Weeds , have over-run that Rich Soil where Science ought to have been Sown ; and I esteem it too poor and mean a Vanity to plant Briar-fields to enlarge a Wilderness . If I overween in calling my Proofs , Demonstrations , I am willing to take the Shame to my self , if it deserves Shame ; tho' perhaps I had been more blame-worthy , if , really judging them Demonstrative , I had minced the Truth , and out of an Affected Modesty , or a Diffidence for which I saw no Ground , I had diminish'd their Force in the esteem of my Readers ; and so hinder'd the Profit , which , startled at the Uncouth Sound of Demonstration , they might otherwise have reap'd by looking into them . For , DEMONSTRATIONS are Strange Rarities in this Sceptical Age ; and when those who are to show them do proclame to the World where they are to be seen , Curious People will run in Flocks to view the Monster . 9. He that knows what Demonstration is , and verily judges his Argument is such , and yet , out of Niaiserie and Shamefastness says at every turn , [ I think , or , perhaps this is true , or may be True ] should , if I might advise him , wear a Mask ; for he does as good as tell his Readers , [ Gentlemen , I offer you an Argument , but I fear 't is not worth your Acceptance . ] A strange Complement from one Philosopher to another ! It was not out of my Natural Humour and Inclination , but perfectly out of Deliberate Design to win my Readers to Attentive Examination , and invite those who were dissatisfy'd to Opposition , ( which is the best means to clear Truth ) that I deliver'd my self with that Bold Assurance . And I did really intend that Sceptical Men should ask , — Quid profert dignum tanto promissor hiatu ? That , setting themselves thence to Sift the Nature of my Method , and the Force of my Arguments more narrowly , they might better sink into their Understandings ; as I am Confident they will , if ever they have perused my Method to Science ; and , by that or any other means , do solidly know what is requisite to a true Demonstration . 10. Another Reason why I put on this Vizard of Confidence , so little suting with my Natural Complexion , was this . The want of true Science , and the Despair of finding any , had brought such a Luke-warm and Indifferent Humour into the World , ( and I wish it were not too common ) that , tho' all Men affect to talk of Truth , and seem in Ordinary Discourse to value and magnifie her ; yet , when it comes to the Point , scarce one Man dares heartily profess himself her Champion , and declare he will defend her Cause with Evident Reason , against all Opposers . For , alas ! how few Men are there , who will profess to Demonstrate in Philosophy , or to reduce their Discourses to Evidence ? Without doing which , and abiding by the Tryal , perhaps there is not one Word of Truth in all Philosophy , nor any thing but Learned Romance in all the Universities of Europe . Many Men , indeed , do make a Profession of Knowledge , because 't is Honourable ; and every Scholar is engag'd to do so , or he will quite lose his Credit . But , when it should come to Performance , not one Man in ten thousand shews that Zeal for the Advancement of Truth as answers to the Profession he made to love and esteem it ; but , tho' he sees Errour and Ignorance , and Probable Talking overspread the Face of Philosophy , and stifle Truth and Knowledge both , he sits still Unconcern'd . Now and then indeed there is a Writer who attempts to confute this or that particular Errour ; some Casual Circumstance addicting him to that Employment : But , what Man sets himself to lay the Ax at the Root , or writes against Uncertain Methods and Groundless Babbling ? What Man goes about to make Mankind aware of the Mischief that comes to Rational Nature by the Sophisticate Ways of talking prettily , neatly , and wittily ; tho' , perhaps , not a Word Groundedly and Solidly ? Nay , what Man is not well-Appay'd and Pleased with a well-penn'd Piece ; tho' , were the Reason in it sifted to the Bottom , perhaps there is not one Evident Ttuth in it to build that Discourse on ; that is , not one Word of Sense in it ; but only such a way of Plausible Discourse or Language-Learning , as may serve equally and indifferently to maintain either side of the Contradiction ? 11. Lastly , ( which is the Chief Point , ) Who is there that applies himself to find out a CERTAIN METHOD to arrive at Truth , and attain Knowledge , without which all our Studies are to no purpose ? Logick is the Proper Art to give us this Method ; and I see Students do generally make use of any Logician , so he but talks d●yly of the Operations of the Understanding ; of Propositions , Syllogisms , and Demonstration ; tho' , perhaps , he gives not one Word of Reason for his Unprov'd Sayings , to enlighten the Understanding of the Learner , or inform him , ( ex Natura rei , ) whence and why this and the other Rudiment , or Rule , must be so : Such an Author may indeed enable a Learner to say as he says , and talk after him in imitation , as it were ; but he can never instruct him to understand what 's True , and why it is True , or to demonstrate himself ; which was the main Design of my METHOD . 12. But my greatest Complaint against others , and my best Excuse for putting my self forwards with such a Confident Ayr , is , that I see not that any Learned Men do endeavour to make Head against Scepticism ; which , thro' this Universal Connivence , or rather Civil and Kind Toleration , and ( in some sort ) Encouragement , creeps by insensible Degrees into even the most Learned Societies , infects the best Wits of our Nation , threatens to bear down all true Philosophy , to extinguish the Natural Light of Men's Understandings , and drown their best Faculty [ Reason ] in a Deluge of Profound Ignorance . For , if this Vogue should obtain still in the World to look upon any loose Discourse for brave Sense , so it be but sprucely dress'd up in neat Language , and Sauc'd with a little Piquancy of brisk Wit ; and let it pass current for True Learning and Knowledge ; Scepticism will not only insinuate it self slily into all sorts of Men , but be recommended to the World by such an Universal Approbation of well-clad gentile Ignorance . Nor does this mischievous Inundation stop its Career in bereaving us of Natural Truths ; but , having once darken'd in us the Knowledge of Nature , it disposes Men to doubt of , and too often to deny the Existence of the Author of Nature himself ; who is best made known to Mankind by Science , or the Exact Knowledge of his Creatures ; from which we glean all the Notions , and , consequently , all the Knowledge , we , by Ordinary Means , have , or ought to have . All these Mischiefs , ( I may add , and all Immorality too , ) are owing to the Insensible Growth of this Lethargy of our Understanding , SCEPTICISM ; which benums and chills our Intellectual Faculties with a Cold Despair of ever attaining Evident Knowledge of any thing ; for which , as its Natural Perfection , our Soul was fitted and ordain'd . I saw this Gloomy Evening overcasting the Clear Sky of Science , and drawing on the Cimmerian Night of Dark Ignorance , and Black Infidelity ; and thence it was , that , to awaken Men's Souls out of this drowzy Sleep and Torpor of their Mind , I did so often , boldly and fearlessly ( tho' as I judg'd , truly , ) declare and proclaim aloud , that Demonstration in Philosophy might be had , and that I had actually Demonstrated in such and such Particulars . 13. Lastly , 'T is for this Reason , and to rescue all Sincere Lovers of Truth from this spreading Contagion of Scepticism , that with an unusual Boldness , I did ( as was said before ) attempt to write a Demonstrative Logick ; to comprehend which , whoever shall bestow half that Pains as Men usually do who study the Mathematicks , ( for such Connected Discourses are not to be perused , with hopes of profiting by them , with a Cursory Application , ) will , I am sure , be able to set all his Natural Notions in a Right and Distinct Order ; know how to connect two of them with one another in a Solid Judgment ; and both of them with a Third to frame a Conclusive Discourse ; and not only have the True Nature of Demonstration knowingly fix'd in his Mind , by comprehending the Reason of it ; but , by having it there , he himself will be enabled to work according to that Nature , or to Demonstrate himself ; without Ability to know or do which , none ought to pretend to be a Philosopher . Lastly , To carry this Good Work forward as far as was possible , I have here , as a Supplement to my METHOD , and an Introduction to my Reflexions , added Five Preliminary Discourses ; shewing the true and solid Bottom-Ground on which all Exact Knowledge , or Philosophy , is built ; and , that the Things themselves , and not Ideas , Resemblances , or Fancies , ( which can never make us know the Things , ) are and must be the only Firm Foundation of Truth , and of our Knowledge of all Truths whatsoever . 14. I must not pass over another Complaint made of me by some of the Cartesian School ; viz. That in the Preface to my METHOD , I so deeply Censure Malbranche as a Phanatick in Philosophy ; nay , the whole Way it self as disposing to Enthusiasm . To the First Part of my Charge , I reply , That I cited that Author 's own Words ; which are such strong Proofs of a Fanatick Genius , that I cannot believe any Arguments of mine can add Weight to the Full Evidence and Force they carry'd with them , to manifest that his Philosophy is built upon Inspiration ; or , as himself expresses it , comes to him by Revelation . And , for my pretending that the whole Cartesian Way of Philosophizing is of the same Leven , I can need no other Compurgatour than that French Author , who with much Exactness wrote the Life of Cartesius , and was his good Friend and Follower . The Book is now made English ; where in the 34th Page he tells us , that To get rid of all his Prejudices , ( that is , to Unlearn , amongst other Things , all that the Clear Light of Nature had taught him ) Cartesius did undergo no less than to UNMAN himself . A pretty Self-denying Beginning ! And Pag. 35 , 36. that he wearied out his Mind to that Degree in his Enquiry after this Happy Means , ( viz. that his Imagination should represent to him his Understanding quite naked ) that his Brain took Fire , and he fell into a Spice of Enthusiasm ; which dispos'd his Mind , already quite spent , in such a manner , that it was fit to receive Impressions of Dreams and Visions . Where we see it confess'd , that his Method of Unknowing all that Nature had taught him , brought him to Enthusiasm , and Enthusiasm to Visions and Revelations ; so that Malbranche did but follow his Masters Example , and copy'd his Method . The Author proceeds . He ( Cartesius ) acquaints us , that on the 10th of November , 1619. laying himself down brimful of Enthusiasm , ( which is little better than stark mad ) and wholly possess'd with the Thoughts of having found that day the Foundation of that Wonderful Science , he had three Dreams presently one after another ; yet , so extraordinary , as to make him fancy they were sent him from Above . He supposed he discern'd thro' their Shadows , the Tracks of the Paths GOD had chalk'd out to him , in his Enquiry after Truth . And is it not a powerful Motive to make all Wits , ( especially , if they be of a Melancholy Temper ) who are enclin'd to embrace his Doctrine , which was first sent from Heaven , to gape after Revelations too , as well as Malbranche did ? He goes on . But the Divine Spiritual Air which he took a Pride to give to those Dreams , was so near a-kin to that Enthusiasm wherewith he believ'd himself to be warmed , that a Man would have believ'd he had been a little Crack'd-brain'd . And , lest any should wrong the Original of his Doctrine , or degrade it from the Honour of being given him by Divine Inspiration , this Author takes off any unfavourable Conjecture of ours , that might make it spring from any Sublunary Cause , in these Words : One would have believ'd he had drunk a Cup too much that Evening before he went to Bed ; but he assur'd us he had been very sober all that Day , and that Evening too , and had not drunk a drop of Wine three Weeks together . This looks as if Cartesius himself , who so cautiously inform'd him of this afterwards , was fond to have it thought that his Doctrine , and especially his Method , ( which was the Minerva of which his Brain was then in Labour , ) had been given him from Above , by Supernatural means . 15. Now , Gentlemen , I beseech you , tell me , in good Sober Sadness ; Can you think GOD ever intended that the onely Method for Men to get Knowledge , should be to lose their Wits first in looking after it ? That , to Unman our selves , so as to seem Crack'd-Brain'd , or Drunk , is the Way to become Soberly Rational ? That , to reduce our selves to perfect Ignorance of all that the Goodness of Nature has taught us , ( which is , in plain Terms , to make an Ass of one's self , ) is the onely Certain Way to become a Philosopher ? Certainly , unless we be all infatuated with Enthusiastick Dreams and Visions , made up of Ideas , we should rather think that it is a far more Solid , and more Natural Way , to begin our Quest of Truth from those Knowledges which are Evident , and such Grounds as are Magis Nota , and thence proceed by our Reason to Minùs Nota , than it is to take our Rise from Affected Ignorance , and Unknowing again all those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Common Notions , which Right Nature had given us to ground all other Knowledges on . No wonder then , this Freakish Method , taken up by Whimsical Fancy , had for its Genuin Effect , Fantastick Dreams , Visionary Madness , and Enthusiastick Folly ; which this Writer of his Life ( who , doubtless , was himself a Zealous Cartesian ) calls here A Happy Means , the Foundation of that Wonderful Science , the Path Chalk'd out by God ; and the Descanting on them , to be done by A Divine Spiritual Air ; tho' he confesses , at the same time , they were Dreams , Visions , and Fits of Enthusiasm : and that they made him that had them seem Crack'd-Brain'd , or Drunk . All these wild Caprichio's of Cartesius , sprung naturally from a Lively and Heighten'd Fancy , screw'd up by frequent Sollicitous and Melancholy Thoughtfulness ; and were the Effects of his Introversion upon his Ideas ; which is quite Opposite to his Regarding the Things in Nature , that are without us . Nor do I doubt , but that all his Followers , did they ( as they ought ) imitate their Master , and follow his Example , in laying aside first all their former Natural Knowledges , would also ( as any Man must who takes that Unnatural Method ) fall into Fits of Enthusiasm , Dreams , and Visions , and Run Mad for Company . For , IDEAS , which , being Similitudes , are no more but Fancies , Appearances , and Representations , are , consequently , far more Proper Materials for Dreams and Visions , and such Roving Flights , than they are for Science , or Solid Philosophy . 16. Tho' I forestall what comes hereafter , I am tempted to annex here , to this Character of the Cartesian Manner of Spirit in Philosophy , a short Passage mention'd by Mr. Locke , Book 4. Chap. 7. § . 17. viz. That he has discours'd with very Rational Men , who have actually Deny'd they were Men. Now , certainly , this is something beyond Enthusiasm , and Extravagant even to Madness , that any Man should deny himself to be what he is : But , 't is Prodigious , that Mr. Locke should give such Men the Elogium of being very Rational . Whence , since he cannot but sincerely judge , that the Way he proposes and maintains in his Essay , is the most Rational of any other ; we are to conclude , that those very Rational Men did follow this Way of his , and were great Ideists ; or else , that Mr. Locke judges that those Men who actually deny'd themselves to be Men , might , for all that , according to his Way of Ideas , be very Rational notwithstanding . 'T is worth our while to observe the Consonant Effect of the Ideal Way , in the Followers of Cartesius and Mr. Locke , and ( in some sort ) in both the Authors of those Philosophical Sects themselves : The One UNMANS himself ; and the Others Deny themselves to be Men , and yet are Character'd by Mr. L. to be , notwithstanding , very Rational : Which are so perfectly Parallel , that I am at a great Loss which to prefer . And , now , do you think , Gentlemen , that , ( besides the Regard we owe to Truth , ) out of the Common Love we ought to bear to Mankind , and to Rational Nature , that it is not high time to look to our Wits , and to make head against this Way of Ideas ; when we find two such Great Men as Cartesius , and Mr. Locke , thro' this Fantastick Method they had chosen , fall into such Incredible Extravagancies , as either ( in a manner ) to Abdicate , by Unmanning one's self ; or , to commend the Abdication of their own Natures ; at least , to think them very Rational that do so ? 17. Far be it from me to judge , that all , or most of the Performances of those two admirably-Ingenious Men , are of this Extravagant Nature . 'T is my sincere Judgment , that Few Men write Like them ; and , None , Better , where their Ill-grounded Methods do not intermingle , and pervert their Reason . And , I freely acknowledge , that Mr. Locke 's ESSAY , on which I make so many Reflexions , contains many Excellent and Uncommon Truths in it : Tho' I do not think he owes any of them to his Way of Ideas ; but , that he proceeded in such Occasions , upon his Natural Notions , in the same manner the Aristotelians do ; and , thence , made Right Judgments and Reflexions upon them by his own Acute Wit. This Unfortunate Choice of their Method did , as I conceive , proceed hence , that such Active and Quick Fancies do not patiently brook the Rains of Logick and Metaphysicks ; the former of which ( much against the Grain ) restrains them from taking their Wild Carreer , by the Discipline of its Artificial Rules ; the other keeps them from Roving , by the Self-evident Maxims it sorces their Understanding to accept of . Whence , if these two do not bridle and keep them in , it is not to be expected in Nature that such High-mettl'd Fancies should be held within strict Bounds , or kept to the Slow and Sober Pace of Solid Reason ; but , that they will take their Vagaries , and run over Hedge and Ditch , whithersoever the Swift Career of that Nimble Faculty hurries them . This Discourse I make the more willingly , that those Students who read this , may clearly discern , that all their Application to gain Knowledge will be purely Lost Labour , and Time thrown away , if their First and Chief Care be not to take a Wise and Solid Method at the Beginning . Having thus finish'd my long Address , for which I beg your Pardon , I shall now apply my self to make some few Discourses , relating to my following Book . 18. MAN being One Thing , compounded of a Corporeal and a Spiritual Nature , and every Thing acting as it is , it follows , that both those Natures must concurr to every Operation that flows from him , as he is Man ; and , consequently , be produced by some Faculty belonging properly to each of those respective Natures : Nor can it be doubted , but that , as those Faculties , or Powers , which are peculiar to both those Natures , are as different as are the Natures themselves ; so the Immediate Objects peculiar to those Different Faculties , must likewise be as widely Different from one another , as are those Powers to which they belong ; and , consequently , be as vastly Opposite , as the Natures of Body and Spirit can distance them . It being then agreed to by all Parties , that the Faculties or Powers which join in our Production of Knowledge , are those we call the Imagination and the Mind , or the Fancy and the Understanding , I cannot doubt but it may be demonstratively concluded , from the known Nature and Constitution of this Thing called MAN , that , to every Thought or Act of Knowledge we have , ( those being such Operations as properly and formally belong to us as we are Men , ) there must two sorts of Interiour Objects concurr ; whereof , the One is of a Corporeal , the Other of a Spiritual Nature ; and that , otherwise , those Acts could not be said to be Humane Acts , or the Acts of that Suppositum , or Compound Thing , called Man ; but of one of those Natures onely , a-parted from the other as to its Operation , and consequently , as to its Being . Which Supposition is directly contradictory to the Natural Constitution of Man ; as he is distinguish'd , on one side , from a Brute , who has nothing but Material Phantasms , or Ideas ; on the other , from an Angel , or Intelligence ; in whom there is nothing of Matter or Fancy , but all in it is purely Spiritual . 19. The Distinction of these two Objects of the Fancy and of the Understanding being granted , in some manner , by all Sides , I cannot but wonder how it hapt to escape the Thoughts of all the Philosophers both Ancient and Modern , to explicate fully and clearly the Exact Difference between those two Objects of the Fancy and of the Understanding ; there being scarcely any one Point in Philosophy of half that Importance for the attaining of Truth , and avoiding of Errour : For both these being truly in us , whenever we have an Act of Knowledge ; and withall , being as far Removed from one another in their Natures as Body and Spirit are ; if Speculative Men , either thro' mistake , or thro' Inadvertence of this vast difference between them , or out of Loathness to take Pains to look deep into the Intrinsecal Natures of Things , imprinted in their Minds when they have Notions of them , shall happen to mistake what they find Uppermost or most Superficial , and therefore is easiest to their Fancy , ( as Phantasms or Material Representations are ) for Notions ; which , being of a Spiritual Nature , do not make so obvious and familiar an Appearance as those Gay Florid Pictures did , but are to be gather'd by Reason , or made Understood by Reflexion and Study ; such Speculaters , I say , will be at the same loss , and not much wiser than those Birds were that peck'd at Xeuxis 's Grapes to seed themselves ; mistaking the Outward Pourtraiture or Idea for the Inward Nature of the Thing : For , no Knowledge of the Things could ever be expected from Ideas , taken ( as themselves take them ) for Similitudes ; since those Terms or Words , which we use , and must use , when we speak or discourse of any thing whatever , were intended , by the Agreement of Mankind , to signifie the Things themselves about which we are Discoursing , and not to signifie meer Likenesses or Similitudes of them . However this has been neglected by others , I see 't is my Duty to say something of this Distinction of Phantasms from Notions . I have in my 19th Reflexion , § § 9 , and 12. endeavour'd to show it . To which I have here thought fit to annex some few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Distinguishing Marks to know one from the other . 20. My first Criterion shall be the Sensibleness of the former , and Insensibleness of the other . When we shut our Eyes , or walk in the Dark , we experience we have Ideas or Images of our Way , or of other things we have seen , in our Fancy ; and this , without the least Labour of ours , or any Reflexion : And there is also beyond that , something else in the Mind , which tells us of what Nature , or what Things those are , which appear'd superficially to our Fancy ; which costs us Labour and Reflexion to bring it into the view of the Understanding , so that we cannot get perfect Acquaintance with it , unless we define it . Nor is this Sensible , as the other was , but only Intelligible : Not superficial or uppermost ; but hidden , retruse , and ( as we may say ) stands behind the Curtain of the Fancy : Nor easie to comprehend at the first Direct Sight of our Inward Eye , but costs us some Reflexion , or some Pains , to know it expressly and distinctly . Which latter sort , in each of these regards , are those we call Simple Apprehensions , Conceptions , or Notions . 21. The next Criterion shall be this : We find we have in us Meanings ; now the Meanings of Words , or ( which is the same , taking that word objectively , what 's meant by those Words , ) are most evidently the same Spiritual Objects as are our Notions , and 't is Impossible those Meanings should be the same with Ideas or Similitudes , but of a quite different Nature . Let it be as Like the thing as 't is possible , 't is not the Likeness of it which we aim at in our Language : For we do not intend or mean when we speak of any thing , to talk or discourse of what 's Like that Thing , but of what 's the same with it , or rather what that thing it self is ; which the meer Similitude of a thing cannot possibly be . For a Similitude being Related to the Thing , is so far from being that Thing , or the Same as It is , that it is relatively Opposite to it ; that is , quite Distinct from it . Now , that what 's essentially and formally Distinct from a Thing , nay Opposite to it , should of it self , and by it self alone , give us the First Knowledge of It , ( as they put their Ideas to do ; ) or that the Meaning of the one should be the Meaning of the other , is utterly Unintelligible , and against Common Sense . Wherefore the Meaning , which is the Immediate and Proper Object of the Mind , and which gives us , or rather is the First Notice of the Thing , must be of a quite different Nature from an Idea or Likeness of it ; and since there can be no Middle between Like and the Same ; nor any nearer Approach or Step , proceeding from Likeness , towards Unity with the Thing , but it falls into Identity , it must necessarily be more than Like it ; that is , the Same with it ; which an Idea or Likeness cannot possibly be , as was proved lately . 22. The Third Criterion which confirms the other , shall be this : None denies but Brutes have Ideas or Similitudes in their Fancy ; but they can have no Meanings , because they have no Spiritual Part or Mind , only which can mean. Hence , all the Sounds or Noises they make , express only Passion , or some Corporeal Easiness or Uneasiness which they feel , and not their Thoughts or Meaning : As appears by this ; that they can never come to know what the Words we use do mean or signifie ; nor can those of them that can speak , adapt the Words they pronunce to our meaning , nor answer us pertinently ; which Reflexion serves to shew us farther the vast Difference between Ideas and Meanings , or between Phantasms and Notions . 23. My Third Criterion is taken from the Evident Difference between an Idea or Similitude of a Thing , and its Definition ; of which see Method to Science , Book 1. Less . 2. § 24. towards the End. 24. My Fourth Criterion is , That we are as certain we have General Notions , as that we have Particular ones ; nay , we can conceive them as General ; that is , we can conceive their Generality . If then we have an Idea or Likeness of Universality , or Generality , What is it like ? It must either be Like the Thing , or must be like Nothing , and so is no Idea or Likeness at all . But it cannot be like the Thing in any respect , because in the Thing there is nothing that is General or Universal ; but all that is there is Particular and Determin'd ; which is quite Unlike , nay , Opposite to Universality or Generality . 'T is Evident then , that we have no Idea or Likeness of an Universal in our Meaning or Notion , when we use or hear the Words that signifie it . On the other side , we have a Notion of Homo , Animal , and Ens ; and still a Clearer one according as they are more General . Wherefore , 't is likewise evident , that our Notions are of a quite different Nature from Ideas or Similitudes . 25. I shall leave the pursuing this Point any farther , and give the Reader some Taste before-hand of what ( perhaps ) he will be cloy'd with in the following Book ; especially it will be proper to season his Understanding with some few Notions concerning the main Question between the Ideists and me , viz. Whether our Knowledge is made by the Things being in our Mind when we know it , or an Idea or Similitude of it only . In order to which I ask the Ideists , Whether the Modes or Accidents are Distinct Entities from the Substance or Thing ? To which I am sure Mr. Locke will say , They are not . Hence I argue , Therefore , if the Modes or Accidents be not Distinct really from the Substance , the Substance or Thing is not really , ( or in re , ) distinguish'd from the Modes or Accidents : Therefore they are ( as they are in Nature , or in re ) the same Thing , or Identify'd . Therefore they are only distinguish'd by the Understanding conceiving the same Thing diversly ; therefore 't is onely the Conceptions of our Understandings which are Distinct. Therefore taking the word [ Conception ] objectively ; that is , for the Thing Conceiv'd ; all we conceive is still the Thing . Therefore all our Notions , both of the Substance and of its Accidents or Modes , that is , all the Notions we can have , ( they being the same with our Conceptions , ) are nothing but the Thing conceiv'd diversly . Therefore , if that Thing be a Body , all our Notions of it are meerly that Thing call'd Body diversly conceiv'd . Therefore the putting Space , Succession , &c. where there neither is nor can be any Body , is to put Body where there is no Body ; and , is a meer Fancy , and Contradictory . Therefore those Philosophers who proceed upon our Grounds , do still Conceive , Judge and Discourse of the Thing . Therefore the Knowledge they gain by such Notions is the Knowledge of the Thing ; the Judgments they make by connecting those Notions , are Connexions of the thusdistinguish'd Parts ( as it were ) of the Thing ; and the Discourses they make , Discourses concerning the very Thing . Therefore the Philosophy of such Men is truly and entirely the Knowledge of the Things , or True Philosophy . Wherefore those who have only in their Minds SIMILITUDES or IDEAS , and do only Connect or Discourse of them , which Ideas are not the Thing , nor conceiv'd to be It either in whole , or in part , are convinced to build their Discourses ( thus grounded ) upon Nothing . Therefore they have no Solid Knowledge of any Thing . Therefore , in proper Speech , they know Nothing . Therefore all their Philosophy ( thus built ) is purely Fantastick . I infer farther , that , since this Distinction of the Thing into Substance ( precisely consider'd ) and its Modes or Accidents , is perform'd only by the Understanding ; therefore it is made within the Understanding . Therefore since this Act , that thus Distinguishes them , is not Transitive to the Thing which is out of it , the Thing must be in the Understanding to be there Distinguish'd ; otherwise we should Distinguish we Know not what ; which ( it being done by a Knowing Power ) is impossible , and a perfect Contradiction . Therefore the Thing it self must forcibly be intellectually in the Mind : Therefore , there can need no Ideas or Similitudes to make us know it ; for to be in a Knowing Power is to be known , without more ado . 'T is incredibly Strange , and even Monstrous , that Mr. Locke 's Thoughts and mine , like Antipodes , should move Diametrically Opposit to one another in this Point . He tells us , B. 4. Ch. 23. in his Margin , that there is no Abstract Idea of Substance ; nor can we ( as he there says ) by the Sensible Qualities have any Idea of the Substance of Body , more than if we knew nothing at all . And , the Essences or Entities of Particular Substances ( as clearest Reason demonstrates , ) are incomparably harder to be known , than Substance in the Abstract ; whence we must , consequently , know less than nothing of Them , if we know nothing at all of the other : It being impossible to know what This Thing or This Man is , if we be Ignorant what Thing or Man is . Nor have we any Innate Ideas ( as he confesses ) to make [ Substance ] known . If , then neither Innate nor Acquir'd Ideas can make us know any thing at all of it , and we can know nothing but by Ideas ; 't is plain , we cannot know Thing or Substance at all , and so we must rest contented with knowing Nothing . For , Substance being unknown , 't is impossible to know any Mode or Accident ; they being essentially certain Manners how a Thing is ; and , so , including Substance and Thing in their Definition . Again , Mr. L. holds we can frame no Idea of Substance , or at most but a most blindly Obscure one ; and I hold that the Notion of it is most Clear , nay , the Clearest of any but that of Existence , exprest by the word [ is . ] He thinks that the nature of Accidents is known by themselves , tho' the Substance ly in the dark from us : And I judge it Demonstrable that , as they have no Entity of their own , but by means of the Thing , Ens or Substance , so they can have no Intelligibility ( which is a Property of Ens ) of their own , but meerly by virtue of the Substance or Thing with which they are Identify'd . In a word , He thinks Substance is most Unknown , and I say , 't is self-evidently Known . He says it cannot be known Clearly ; and I say it not only can , but must be known clearly ; nay , that nothing else can be known but It , or by being It. By this Discourse it appears , that this Point being ( of its own Nature ) of Universal Concern ; and , therefore , drawing Great and most Important Consequences after it , which , acting here as a Philosopher , I do not mention ; either He or I must be in a most Dangerous Errour . Wherefore , being perfectly assured that the Method I take will not permit me to erre Enormously ; and , very certain that I follow very faithfully that Method ; I humbly beg of Mr. Locke , by that Candour and Ingenuity , of which ( I doubt not , sincerely too ) he has made so frequent Professions , that he would please to apply his Thoughts anew ( for if Second Thoughts be Better , the Last may be Best of all ) to review his Way of Ideas ; and , comparing it with what I have propos'd and prov'd in my Method to Science , my Preliminaries , and my several Reflexions on his Essay , he would unbyassedly consider , whether ( since he cannot suspect his own Excellent Parts ) this New Way of Philosophizing be not the Sole Cause of all his Mistakes , and misleads him into all these Great Errours ; to entertain which this Phantastick Method has inveigled his good Reason . I have no more to Preface , but to beg Pardon for oftentimes repeating the same thing over and over in the ensuing Book , Mr. Locke civilly Apologizes for doing the same ; and my chief Excuse is , that , being to trace and follow his Discourses , I could not well avoid it ; hoping withall , at the same time , to clear the Point better ; either by some New Thought , which then occurr'd , or by giving a better Turn to my former Arguments . Besides , I must confess , that I did now and then affect these Repetitions , to make some Particulars which were of most Weight sink better into the Judgment of my Readers , by re-minding them often of such Important Truths . I am forced to use the Word [ Idea ] often , because Mr. Locke ( with whom I am discoursing ) does so always ; tho' generally I join Notions to it . But , this one Note will keep my true Sentiment from being misunderstood ; that I allow Ideas or Resemblances in the Fancy or Imagination ; but , I absolutely deny there are any Spiritual Ideas or Similitudes in the Mind on which we ground any Truth , or which are the Materials of Knowledge ; but NOTIONS only , or the Things abstractedly or inadequately conceiv'd by the Understanding . Your Well-wishing Friend and Faithful Servant , J. S. Solid Philosophy ASSERTED . Preliminary Discourses . Preliminary First . Of the Impropriety and Equivocalness of of the word [ IDEA . ] 1. THE Author of the Essay concerning Human Understanding , having sincerely levelled the aim of his Endeavours at the attainment of Truth in Philosophy , which can only be had by clearing the way to Science ; hence , this being the sole End we have , both of us , prefixt to our selves , the best Method ( in common ) which I can take in my Reflexions on that Learned Treatise is , to keep my Eye still directed to that end , and to take my measures from the Order and Rapport which our respective Positions , or Discourses , may be conceived to bear to that best Design . 2. This premis'd , my first Preliminary Reflexion shall be upon his making use , throughout his whole Work , of the word ( IDEAS ) as the Chief , or rather only Materials , of which , according to him , we are to frame immediately all our Knowledges . Which being so , it follows that , if the sense of that word be not it self Clear , but Equivocal ; and if , as taken in one Sense , it be manifestly nothing at all to Science , nor can be any Material of it ; and , as taken in the other , it may and must conduce to it , nay , be the Sole imediate Ground and Origin of all Science ; I cannot but think , that the promiscuous usage of that Word in such Disparate Senses , ( it being of so general Concern , and running through that whole Book ) must necessarily encumber and perplex in a high Measure the way to Scientifical knowledge . 3. One of his Secondary Designes was ( as he expresses himself in his Epistle to the Reader ) to remove the Rubbish in order to the building up Science , and to beat down the Vanity and Ignorance of those who have reduced Philosophy , which is nothing but the Knowledge of Things , to insignificant School-Terms . This is certainly a very necessary and a very laudable Design ; it being evident to all ingenuous Lovers of Truth , that never was there more need of a Reformation , than there has been of Philosophy in these last Centuries ; to second him in which I have not failed on my part to contribute my endeavours . Yet , notwithstanding I do not think we ought , without great and necessary occasion , alter those words which have been accepted and used by the Learned World ( such as it was ) hitherto : Especially such words as are proper and Univocal , such I take the word [ Notion ] to be ; much less to substitute another , which I must think is less proper , and withall highly Equivocal , or Ambiguous , I mean the word ( IDEA . ) I know this ingenuous Author apologizes for his frequent using it ; and I am apt to think he did this out of Civility towards our Modern Philosophers , who have brought it into fashion : For , he gives no reason why he did not rather constantly use the word ( Notion ; ) which , importing a part of Cognition , does most certainly better suit with a Treatise about Human Understanding . 4. As for the Sense in which he takes the word ( IDEA ) he professes that he uses it to express whatever is meant by Phantasm , Notion , Species , or whatever it is that the mind can be employ'd about in thinking . Which manifests that he uses that word very Equivocally : For a Phantasm , and a Notion , differ as widely , as Body and Spirit ; the one being a Corporeal , the other a Spiritual Resemblance ; or rather , the one being a Resemblance , or a kind of Image , or Picture ; the other the thing Resembled , as will be seen hereafter . Again , 't is agreed to by all the World , that Brutes have Phantasms , but they can have no Notions ; for these are the Elements , or Materialls , whose agreeable Connexion furnishes our Mind with Science ; of which Beasts , which have no Mind , are incapable ; and therefore it were both unnatural , and to no purpose , to put Notions ( which are the Primary Affections of the Mind ) in those meer Animals . I am more at a loss to find , that , in the last page but one in his Epistle to the Reader , he seems to contradistinguish Notions to Ideas ; which how it consists with the indifferency he grants the word ( Idea ) here to signify Notions , I cannot at all comprehend . 5. I must confess , it is generally a fruitless contest to dispute about a Word , which is nothing but a Sound , or a Character , were but the determinate Meaning of it told us by the user of it : Let it be A , or B , or what he pleases , provided the distinct Sense of it be clearly manifested by the Writer , or Speaker , it were , in that case , Logomachy , and impertinent Cavil , to except against it . But , when the Author 's own Explication of it does , ( contrary to the Nature of Explications ) declare it is used ambiguously , it laies a force on me to remark it ; lest it may lead the Reader , ( as it infallibly must ) into great Errors , unless it 's double Sense be warily distinguisht in the ensuing discourse ; which I have not observed to be done any where by this otherwise accurate Author . 6. From this undistinguish'd Ambiguity of the word ( Idea ) it follows naturally , that even his own excellent Judgment , and consequently , his Reader 's , must necessarily sometimes deviate ; and , tho' his general intention was only to pursue the Knowledge of Things , yet he must needs be sometimes mis●ed at unawares to entertain Fancies for Real Knowledges ; as will occasionally be shown hereafter . For the present I cannot omit one particular , it being of such main importance . 7. The Author believes all sorts of Animals to have , in some degree , Perception . Now Perception ( as I conceive ) signifies Knowledge ; for , under what sort of material Action to rank it , I confess my self at a loss : But , let it be only the first step and degree towards Knowledge , and the in-let of all the Materials of it , still he says , the dulness of the faculties of some Brutes , makes them remote from that Knowledge which is to be found in some Men : So that it seems in other Men there may possibly be no more Knowledge ( at least in some things ) than in Brutes ; nor does he any more than probably conjecture , that Beasts have not the power of comparing , which may be observed in M●n , belonging to general Ideas , and useful to abstract Reasonings . Now , this so jumbles together Spiritual Natures with those which are meerly Corporeal , that , if this be so , we shall be at some loss to know our own Kind , to define what Man is , or to distinguish our selves from our younger Brothers in knowledge , Brutes , or our Souls from theirs : For , if by Ideas there be meant Notions , ( as his Expressions leave it indifferent ) and that a Man's knowledge consists in having these Ideas in him , and Brutes have also such Ideas ; and , that , moreover , they may possibly have also , in some sort , a power to compare those Notions , and both * judging and discoursing most evidently consist in comparing our Notions , I see no Operations peculiar to a Man , but what Brutes may perform in a lower degree ; and since Degrees do not vary the Species ( for otherwise dull Men would be of another Species from those who have more wit ) we could , consequently , never know what Mankind meant ; or who is a Man , who not , unless in outward appearance ; nor , lastly , how our Souls , or Minds , do differ from their Fancies , or Imaginations . Again , M. L. affirms , B. 2. Ch. 11. § . 11. that it seems as evident to him that Beasts do reason , as that they have Sense ; than which , certainly , nothing in the world can be more evident , or undeniable . Now , if this be so , all those who hold that ( a Rational Animal ) is a proper and adequate Definition of ( Man ) ought to hold Brutes to be Men. Mr. L. will say , that Brutes can only reason in Particulars , having no General Ideas , because they cannot Abstract ; nor do we see they make use of any General Signes to express Universal Ideas : Indeed , they have no such Signes as Words , to notify they have any such Ideas ; but , if we may conclude from their Outward Actions ( on which only Mr. L. seems to ground his good Opinion of them that they have Reason , ) we may as well gather from the same ground that they have General Ideas too . For example , when a Horse sees a Man a far off , he can only have an Idea that it is something ; for the Object cannot , at that distance , imprint a more particular Idea of it self , but that most General one , and therefore 't is evident the Horse must either have a General Idea of it , or none at all ; whereas yet he must have some Idea of it , because he sees it , though confusedly . Coming nearer , the Object imprints a more distinct Idea of a Man ; yet not so distinct , as to represent this Man in particular . At length coming very near , the same Object is apt to imprint an Idea of this particular Man ; which shews plainly , that all those Ideas the Object gave him before were General ones : To proceed , we may observe , that while it appear'd only to be something , which was a very abstract Idea , the Horse carry'd it abstractedly too , and remain'd unconcern'd . When it appear'd to be a Man , it began to be a little concern'd , having to do with such kind of things as us'd to do it either Good or Harm ; and therefore it stares at it ( a common carriage in sheep especially ) as if it study'd , or consider'd , what to make of it , in order to its own Interest , or Self-preservation . But , when the Object imprints an Idea of this particular Man , who either us'd to bring him Provender , or come to catch him to make him work , he either comes towards him , or runs away ; which different behaviour of theirs ( if outward Actions were , in this case , worth building on ) is as good a sign that Brutes have General Ideas , as we can expect from dumb Animals . Besides , when a Cat , or Dog is hungry , and hunts about for Meat , how can Mr. L. imagin they long only for one particular sort of Meat , and not any sort of Meat in common that is agreeable to their nature ? I am sure their indifferency to any such Food ( in case they know at all ) gives us as good ground to think they have a General Idea of such a sort , kind , or species of Food , as it does for any Knowledge they have of particulars . Hence is shown , that Mr. L's Criterion , or distinctive Mark to know them from Men , ( viz. the having General Idea's ) quite failing , we ought to esteem Horses , and other Cattle , to be Four-footed Men , or else Men must be two-legg'd Beasts . Moreover , since he grants here § . 5. they can compare those Ideas they have , tho' imperfectly , and but in some circumstances ; and all Judging , and Discoursing must , by his Doctrine , consist in the comparing Ideas ; he must think there are some of them who are very judicious Gentlemen , and use natural Logick , and , tho' not very artificially , make Syllogisms too . In a word , if we have no pecular Faculties Intrinsecal to our Nature , nor any Primary Operation belonging to it , and it only , to distinguish us from Brutes but Extrinsecal shape only , all Beasts might be Men , and Men Beasts : And then we ought in duty to consider how to correct our Carriage towards our dear Brethren in Nature , Brutes ; which will bring in the Turkish Charity to Dogs , and twenty other Fooleries : And , 't is an excellent Argument to prove the Identity of our Natures , that Mr. L. brings of some Gentlemen he was acquainted with , who deny'd themselves to be Men ; and I wonder he would civilly give them the Lye , by passing upon them the Complement that they were notwithstanding very Rational Men ; for , were it possible any Man could be a Beast , 't is most certain these Men were such . But I wonder not all at such extravagant Conceits ; for as Reason , grounded on our Natural Notions of the Thing , is reduced , if pursued home , to First and Self-evident Principles ; so Fancy , if follow'd close , advances at length to pure Folly , and ends finally in perfect Madness . 8. As for us Men , we can certainly affirm , that we do truly perceive , or know , because we know certainly , by experience , or rather by Reflexion , that we do know ; but we do not thus know that Brutes know ; and whoever thinks he can gather it by Reason , ought , I conceive , er'e he goes about it , to study exactly two previous points . First , he ought to consider very attentively , how , or upon what Grounds he can imagin Particles of Matter , tho' never so subtil and artificially laid together , can be capable of Perception , or Knowledge , or how this Suits with the Nature of meer Body . We can only gather this from Local Motions proceeding from Brutes , with some kind of Regularity : Now an exact Watch ( in proportion to its few parts ) does , by vertue of a Spring within , which is part of its self , afford the same argument to one that is not aware of its contrivance . For , it shews us , and regularly too , the Minutes , Quarters , Half-hours , Hours , Days of the Month , and tells us the time aloud by Striking the Bell : Nay , a Repeating-Clock does , without Missing , or Mistake , answer the Question ( as it were ) which by pulling the String you ask it ; and , tho' you are never so importune in repeating your question often , yet it still answers truth , with more steady exactness than Banks his Horse could , by seeing the Motion of his Masters Eye . Yet , if any Man had drawn thence a Conclusion that those Engins had perciev'd , or known , we are satisfied that he had been perfectly mistaken . An Italian here had an Engine which would both a wake one at the hour he designed to rise , and also strike fire , and light his Candle for him ; which I believe is more than the most docil Brute could ever be taught to perform . The Case had been still more difficult , had this Watch , or Engine , which seemed self moving , been put into all these Motions by Subtil and Indiscernable Agents ; as Iron is by the Effluuiums of a Loadstone , or as Memnons Musical Statue was by the Rayes of the Sun ; for in that Case the Vulgar , discerning no Material Cause that set it on work , would presently have had recourse to some Knowing power in the Engine ; in the same manner as when they hear noises in a House , and cannot find out what caused them , they imediately conclude 't is a Spright . Whence results this plain Rule , that er'e we can with reason conclude , or think any thing , except our selves , has Perception , or Knowledge , by our seeing it perform any Outward Action , we ought first to be certain that we can comprehend all the Operations of Bodies , and all the several Combinations and Contrivances of them ; and that we see that those Actions are impossible to be performed by Bodily parts , laid together by an infinitely wise Artificer ; before we fall to imagin that any meerly Animal Body is more than a Natural Engin ; or that it does any more perceive , think , or know , than does a Watch or Clock . 9. The Second thing necessary to be done er'e we ought to think Brutes have any knowledge , is , to consider exactly the incredible variety of the several Organical parts , found in the bodies of Animals ; which , with the peculiar Uses of each , and the Contexture of them with the other parts , do swell so many Books of Anatomy already , without any hopes or prospect of reaching them all : And , besides , it is necessary also to weigh attentively the Chymical parts ( if I may be allowed to call them so ) of an Animal , consisting of Blood , the Humours in it , and especially the Spirits ; which last are apt to be moved , upon every occasion , by the least touch of all the Bodies about it , nay , by the most minute particles of them , lodged in the brain and excited there a fresh ; and are withall apt to be carried thence in convenient Vehicles throughout the whole , to set on motion those parts which are more solid : When he has done this , let him Consider all these diverse-natured parts laid together by the All-wise Contriver of Nature , in order to the Animal's pursuing what 's Agreeable to its nature , and avoiding what 's Disagreeable to it : When , I say , all these particulars are well weigh'd , and duely reflected on , I believe we shall be at a loss to pitch upon any outward Notion with such wise Contextures , and the Complexion of such innumerable Material Causes may not naturally produce . 10. To give some ease to our fancy , startled at the Strangeness of many Actions we see done by Brutes , let us reflect on what happens to Men , walking in their Sleep , when the passages to our Knowing Power are intercepted ; and our wonderment will to a great degree , cease . How regularly do the Phantasms at that time , move our Brutal part , the Body : Many Authentick Examples of which I could recount worthy our highest admiration ; they being such as , were we awake , and had our rational fears about us , we neither durst attempt , nor could possibly perform , without extream hazard . But , not to insist on these , let us reflect on our selves , even when perfectly awake , and we shall discover that , however we are set on work by Motives , or Reasons , yet we know not at all how the outward parts of our Body ( only which we experience in Brutes , and ground the conceit of their having Knowledge upon them ) do perform any of their Operations . What Man living , though supposed the wisest ( much less the Generality ) knows how , or by what passages he is to send Animal Spirits into the Muscles ( whence all our Motion proceeds ) or into what Muscles , or what quantity of them is requisit to do such an Outward Action ? What Feats of Activity does a Rope-dancer show us ? How many ways does he distort , wind , turn , poize , stretch , and ply the parts of his Body ? To do which , the Animal Spirits are to be sent now into this , now into that Muscle , to move this or this or that Limb , or Joint ; sometimes great quantity of them to make a vehement , or quick Motion ; sometimes fewer , to move them more moderately ; sometimes none at all into any of them , when he has a mind to surcease all Motion , and sit still . Yet he knows , no more than a Brute , or a Stone does , how he is to do any of this , nor can give the least account how it is done . All this is transacted by the wise Contrivance of the Body ; which is so framed as to be subservient to the Design the Man , as he is Knowing and Rational , had projected . And the same is done in Brutes , when either actual Impressions are made upon them from the Objects ; or those former Impressions are again excited in the Brain ; which done , all the frisking motions of Pursuance and Avoidance which they perform , do follow by a Course of Natural or Material Causes ; and , withal , according to those measures and degrees as are proportioned to the Efficacy of the first impellent Cause , the Object in their Imagination ; the Agreeableness or Disagreeableness of which , to the Nature of the Animal is that which sets all the Engine on work at first . 11. Nor can the Objection bear any force that some Actions of Brutes resemble Reason , even though it seems more then is found in Men ; since we experience that a Watch , which is the work of an Artificer , performs the Operations proper to it , and tells us the time of the day with more exactness , than the best Reason we have can do without such helps . So that the Watches acting according to reason , demonstrates indeed there was Reason in the Framer of it , but argues none at all in the Engine it self : Wherefore , however the Actions of some Brutes may bear a show of Reason , this can only argue that they are the workmanship of a Rational , or Wise Maker ; but , not that themselves acted knowingly , or rationally , while they did these Actions : For my self , I must declare , that I have as much admired the wisdom shewn in the Action of a young Vine , exerting and twisting its little Fingers about other things near it , to support it self as it grew up , as ( all the forementioned Circumstances weighed and abated ) at any Operation of a Brute ; and I doubt not but a Campanella ( who maintained that every thing in Nature had perception ) or some such other man of fancy , would discourse , and descant on it thus : " The poor week limber Vine knew , and was well aware , that , not being able to support it self , it would , when it increast in length , fall down flat on the ground , and so be exposed to be trampled under foot , and hurt ; and , therefore , did very prudently cling about other Vegetables , or Poles near it , to sustain it self , and avoid that inconvenience . " And , I dare affirm that we lose the best part of our Natural Contemplation , by putting Brutes to have Knowledge ; for , what wonder is there that such things as have a knowing Power in them should know , or , who admires it in a Man ? Whereas , it justly raises our mind to high Admiration and Adoration of the Divine Artificer , to see things which are made of meer Matter , act with as much Wisdom and Prudence for their own preservation , as the wisest Knower can by his best Wit , of which he is so proud , and sometimes with much more . No doubt but the growth and operations of dull Vegetables , do administer to devout Reflecters occasions of very high Contemplation ; and shall the Operations of sensitive Beings , which are incomparably more excellent , and more admirable , as being the Top and Master-piece of this Material World , afford little , or none at all ? Now , if their Nature be to have Knowledge in them , and it be a thing common to all Creatures , and expected that GOD should give to every thing what is its Nature , there is little or no particular ground for our wonderment . GOD has given Brutes a Knowing Power , and that Power makes them know , and there 's an end of our Admiration , and consequently of our Contemplation , and of that devout Admiration , to which our Astonishment at the several Actions of those Natural Automata would otherwise raise us . 12. I beg pardon for this long digression ; I thought fit to dilate thus largely on this point ; both because it is a very concerning and useful Preliminary ; as also to manifest how the using the word ( Idea ) hand over head ( as we may say ) and taking it Equivocally and indifferently for Phantasms and Notions , leads this Great Man ( as it must needs have done every Man ) into great mistakes . For Phantasms Beasts may indeed have , they being no more but Effluuiums emitted from other Bodies , and received by the portalls of the Senses into the Brain ; where the Animal Spirits stand readily waiting to move the Brute , according as those Tinctures are agreeable , or disagreeable , to the Compound : but Notions , or ( which is the same ) Meanings , or Apprehensions , they cannot have ; for these being made by Direct Impressions upon our Spiritual part , the Mind , ( only which can mean , or apprehend ) to judge they have any such , would conclude they had a Spiritual , and consequently an Immortal part in them , which I am sure we shall both of us deny . Besides , had they Meanings , or were capable of any , they would be capable of the Meanings of our Words ; at least those amongst them which are most Docil , and could Speak , would not fail , if well taught , and educated , to know much of our Language , and Answer , in some few occasions , Pertinently ; which none of them ever did designedly , and , if they hap to do so by accident , none thinks they meant as they spoke , but all mankind laughs at the odd Chance , as at a pleasant Jest. Those that teach them might point at the things when they pronounce their Names , as Nurses do to little Infants ; and why might not Beasts learn them , as well as Children ; at least learn as much in many years , as they do in two , or three ? Indeed , some Words and Sounds , which are very often used to come into their Brain , accompanied with some pleasing or harmful Phantasm , do , by vertue of that concomitant Phantasm , affect them , and make them act ; not from their knowing what these words , or interjections mean , but by vertue of the Phantasms , or Effluviums , that came along with them , and moves them ; or , because they being lodged together in the Brain , that Word or Sound , or some other Vehement Motion of ours , excites again the same Phantasm which puts them upon acting . Nor can we draw any parallel from some wild and Savage Men , seeming as rude as Brutes ; the Question is of their Nature , not of their Circumstances . Could it be well proved that those Brutish Savages , tho' instructed afterwards , could never be brought to perfom any actions more rationally than Brutes do , nor could ever be taught any Language to a tolerable degree , so as to answer at all Pertinently or Intelligently , the difficulty would be greater ? But this I never heard , or read , asserted by any . Or , conld it be well attested , that Brutes could fancy , or make choise of a Female for being more beautiful , or were taken with the Harmony of Musick , or did comport themselves accordingly , I must confess I should much wonder . I remember that about the year 1663. visiting my Noble Friend Sir Kenelm Digby , he told me he was much surprized , and uneasy at a Relation made him by a Gentleman , whom he could not suspect guilty of that Vanity , as to tell an untruth to make his Story admired ; which was , that he saw Apes dance the Ropes at Southwark Fair ( which was then held ) and that they framed their Gestures and Motions exactly according to the Musick . For ( says he ) this , if true , shows they know Proportion , which argues Reason , and will oblige us to seek for new Principles . At his earnest intreaty I went to examine the business , and found it thus . A fellow stood below on the ground with a String ( which was put about the Ape 's Neck ) in one hand , and a Switch in the other ; who , understanding the Musick , made a little twitch with the String , or a menace with the Switch , when he would have the Ape retire , or advance , to keep time with the Fiddles : Nay , far were those Mock-men , the poor Apes , from being guilty of any thing that Resembled Reason , that , when they made them dance with a lighted Wax-candle in their hand , neither their Tutor's Instructions , nor their own Docility could teach them to hold the lighted end of the Candle upwards , though they often felt the inconvenience : for , the melted Wax scalded their Legs , and made them , in the middle of their dance , steal now and then a little Scratch where it burnt them ▪ which they did with such a Serious and Innocent grace , that it gave much divertisement to the Spectators . This Story I relate the more willingly , to warn others not to give easy credit to particular Men's Narrations , whether Travellers , or others ; much less to suspect their own Principles upon such Sleight Advertisements . I returned to my Friend , and eased him of his Quandary ; for which he was very thankful ; and blamed himself much for giving credit to a Tale , to the prejudice of Evident Reason . 13. To proceed , and pursue my Theme more closely , I would be glad to know , at least in Common , what kind of things , in this Author's opinion , those [ Ideas ] are . Are they Corporeal , or are they Spiritual , or under what Head shall we rank them ? If Corporeal , they cannot be in the Mind ; as Accidents , or Modes of it ; the Mind being of a Spiritual nature . If they be Spiritual , Brutes , which have not a Spiritual Nature , can have no Ideas . Perhaps it will be answer'd they are not things , but certain Modes of things : But this satisfies not ; for Modes are Affections of the Thing , or certain Manners how it is ; wherefore they must be sutable to the Nature of the Thing of which they are Modes ; for a Thing cannot be such as it cannot bee : And so the question returns , what that Thing is of which those Ideas are the Modes : Is it Corporeal , or is it Spiritual ? If it be Spiritual , then again Brutes can have no Ideas , because they have no Spiritual Natures in them , and so they can have no Spiritual Modes : If Corporeal , then our Mind , which is Spiritual , can have no Ideas in it ; Corporeal Ideas being improper Modes for a Spiritual Nature . I do chiefly insist upon this Objection , to shew more manifestly that the Word Idea , should have been Distinguish'd at first , and Counterposed to Phantasm , and not confounded with it : Besides , my Genius leads me when I discourse about any thing , even tho' I oppose it , to know distinctly what that thing is , least I oppose I know not what ; and I must declare that I can make no conception of the word Idea by what our Moderns , and particularly this Learned Author , has given me concerning it . For , he abstracts from affording his Reader a distinct and clear view of it ; without which his Book , which runs wholly upon that Word , cannot be perfectly intelligible ; nor , oftentimes , his main Discourses inferr any determinate Conclusions . 14. It may perhaps be replied , That every Man experiences he has those Ideas ; as also that he comes to know , by having them in his Mind ; and therefore it is a folly to enquire so scrupulously about such things as are , in some sort , Self-known ; and that it is enough to say they are Resemblances of things , made in us by the Object without us . To which I reply , that we indeed experience the An est of something in our Mind ( and , by the way , of something of another nature in our Fancy too ) by which we know things ; but , whether it ought to be called an [ Idea ] or suits with the proper meaning of this word ; or , after it is called so , the Quid est of that [ Idea ] or what it is ( at least as to the Common Notion or Genus of it ) or what to make of it by the light yet given me by this Author , or any other I have had the good fortune to see , I must profess I am not able to discern . All the knowledge I have of it from him , besides that given above which confounds me , is this , That he calls it frequently a Resemblance , Portraiture , Image , Appearanc , and such like ; which still leave me more dissatisfied than ever : For , who can have the first knowledge of a thing by a Picture , or Resemblance of it ? Let any Man see the picture of a Tree , or an Apple , who had never seen those things themselves , nor ever should see them any other ways ; and what knowledge could it give him , but only of things of a far different nature from a Tree , or Apple , viz. a Cloth , Board , or Paper , thus figured and colour'd ? Or , how can any Man know that such things are , or have any being in nature , by a bare similitude of them . I may see the picture of such a shap'd Man , but whether that Man is , or ever was , the picture cannot inform me ; so that it might be some Fancy of the Painter , for ought I know by the Picture . Indeed , had I known such things formerly , then a Resemblance of them might , in that case , revive , and call into my mind the knowledge of them ; but , how it should beget the first knowledge of them , as our late Philosophers put those Resemblances to do , is altogether impossible and inexplicable . 15. Again , since Mr. L. affirms that we know nothing , either by Direct or Reflex Knowledges , but by having Ideas of it ; it must follow , that when by a Reflex Act I know my first Idea got by a direct Impression , I must have an Idea of that Direct Idea , and another Idea when I know that Reflex one , of it ; and still another of that ; and so still on , all the time while I go on reflecting upon my former Knowledges . Now , what sense can we make of an Idea of an Idea , or what means a Similitude of a Similitude , or an Image of an Image ? Each succeeding Knowledge must be different from the former , because it has still a different Object to represent , and that Object cannot be known without its proper Idea ; and , it is not only the immediately preceeding Act which must be thus different , but the immediately-preceding Idea too , which is the Object of each succeeding Act ; And , in what shall we conceive the difference of those successive Ideas to consist ? It may perhaps be said , that plain reason tells us it must be so , though we know not the particular manner how it is done . I answer , The same Reason tells us far more plainly , that it looks very untowardly , and aukwardly , it should be so ; or that there should be a Resemblance of a Resemblance : And my advancing this Objection does oblige me to show , in due place , how both our Direct and Reflex Knowledges may be performed after a Connatural manner , without straining either good Sense , or the Nature of Things . Were it a Material Resemblance , it might , by rebounding from one place to another , cause a Resemblance of its self ; but here 't is quite otherwise ; for the first ( Idea ) it coming by a Direct Impression from the Corporeal Object without me , must resemble It ; and the Idea of that Idea ( or else of my First Direct Act ) which is the Object of my First Reflex Act , must be a Similitude of an Idea that came from the Object in Nature , and is like it ; and the second Reflex Idea must resemble an Idea , which was like an Idea that represented a thing of a quite different , or of a Corporeal Nature ; and so endwayes ; which would put all our Reflex Ideas into Confusion , as involving still others in them . 16. 'T is yet as great a difficulty , if not greater , how the Soul should have a power in its self ( as Mr. L. conceives ) to reflect upon its own Actions , that is , to form Ideas of its former Ideas ; it being ( as I verily judge ) metaphysically demonstrable , that an indivisible Nature cannot work upon it self , or produce in its self a new Act , or a new Idea by its own single power ; or , by it self , move the Body at pleasure , as we seem to experience in those motions we call Voluntary ; or so much as have any succession of Acts , but by means of the Body ; only which ( and not the Soul ) is Quantitative , and , consequently , of it self , capable of succession . The farther explicating and elucidating which Points , are reserved to their proper places . 17. Many other Arguments against these Ideas , will , I believe , occurr hereafter , which I at present omit , because I would not fore-stall . But , e're I leave this point , I must do the right to this ingenuous Author to d●clare , that it was besides his intention in his Treatise to discourse particularly about the nature of his Ideas , and therefore I cannot be said properly to confute , or over-throw , what he never went about to advance , or establish : Though I cannot but judge , that it had been far more satisfactory to his acute Readers , and most highly important to Science , to have done so ; and most necessary for his Book , since without distinguishing his Ideas from Phantasms , and letting us know distinctly what his Ideas are , his whole Essay is unintelligible , and all his Discourses built on the ambiguous word [ Idea ] are inconclusive . And , had his penetrating Wit set it self to that study , I doubt not but it would have exceedingly conduced both to clear his own thoughts , and to have enlightned others . I desire then it may be understood , that it is not in order to him only I have enlarged on this point , but to meet with the mistakes of others also , who do customarily use the word [ Idea , ] and yet , as I have good reason to fear , do not perfectly understand their own meanings . Lastly , I thought it fit to dilate first on this point , that I might prepare the way to my next Discourse , to which it naturally leads . COROLLARY . FRom this whole Discourse collected into a Summary , I deduce this Corollary , that , since the word IDEA , according to this Author , signifies a Resemblance , Similitude , or Image , and , consequently is indifferent to Corporeal and Spiritual Resemblances , that is , to what 's in the Mind , and what 's only in the Fancy ; and that , only that which is in the Mind can be the proper Material of all our Knowledges ; hence that word is most improper to be used in Philosophy , which is the Study of Knowledge . Also , that as taken thus undistinguisht , it does in another regard highly prejudice all true Knowledge of Things , or Science ; in regard it confounds Corporeal and Spiritual Natures , which contain the two General Objects of all our Knowledges ; and are , besides , most vastly disparate . PRELIMINARY Second . That the Elements , or Materials , of all our Knowledges are properly to be called . NOTINOS ; and what those Notions are . 1. BUT , if the word [ IDEA ] be Equivocal and Improper to be used in Philosophy , as being unfit to signify the first Conceptions of our Mind , ( which are , as Mr. L. says well , the Materials of Science ) and consequently , are apt to make us entertain Erroneous Fancies for Real Knowledges ; it will be be ask'd what other word we can invent which is Univocal , Proper , and not liable to signify a Superficial Resemblance , nor dangerous to seduce us by taking Fantastical Appearances for the true Knowledge of the Things ; but is , of its own Nature , fit to express distinctly those Solid Materials , by the Composition of which the Structure of Science is to be raised ? I reply , the word [ Notions ] is such , and answers all these Intentions ; and therefore this is the only word to be made use of by Philosophers , who seriously and sincerely pursue the Knowledge of Things , and not their own witty Conceits , or Imaginations . 'T is Univocal and Unambiguous , because Men of Art , or Philosophers , who are the best Reflecters on the Operations of our Mind , and have the truest Right to express those Thoughts their Art has given them , have constantly used it hitherto to signify our simple Apprehensions , or the first Operation of our Understanding ; and never to signify Material Resemblances , or Phantasms : Whence also it claims to be Proper . And , indeed , it has title to be such even from its very Origin and Derivation : For , none can doubt , or ever question'd , but that the Compound word [ Cognition ] does properly signify True [ Knowledge , ] and therefore the Simple word [ Notion ] must most properly signify those simple Parts , Elements , or Materials ; the orderly putting together of which in a Knowing Power does compound , or make ( Cognition , ) Whereas the particular Sense or Meaning of the word [ Idea ] which denotes a Resemblance , or Similitude , does not , in its immediate and proper Sense , in the least intimate any Order to Knowledge at all ; nor any Material , Part , or peculiar Object of it . Nor , lastly , does the word [ Notion ] signify a bare Similitude , or Resemblance , which can be , and usually is , in the Fancy ; but ( as will be seen shortly ) the very thing it self existing in our Mind ; which is most undoubtedly a Solid Material , or Firm Ground to build the Knowledge of Things , or Science upon it . 2. I hope I shall have candid Readers , and therefore I am not apprehensive that any will be so captious as to object , that I do here use an Equivocal word , as well as others , by taking [ Cognition ] which signifies an Act of Knowledge , for the Object of that Act. 'T is a Fate , to which all words are obnoxious , to have some Ambiguity , or double sense one way or other . Thus we call in our common Speech a Parchment by which we hold our Estates [ A Writing , ] and a Sentence of Seneca , his , [ Saying ] ; and so take those words for the thing Written , or Said ; tho' they may also signifiy the Acts of writing , or saying . But , this is not such an Equivocalness as breaks squares between me and the Ideists , or that on which my Exception proceeds . The Univocalness which I assert to the word [ Cognition ] and [ Notion ] is such a one as is taken from their Radix , [ Nosco ] which , notwithstanding little Gramatical variations , does still import some Knowledge , or an Order to it ; and the genuin signification of those words , thus varied or declined , is still kept within that same Line . Quite otherwise than is found in the word [ IDEA ] which is Indeterminate to those vastly different Lines of Corporeal and Spiritual , ( which makes it highly Equivocal ; ) besides that it has no Rapport at all to the Line of Knowledge from its Radix , or Original Sense . To clear then the meaning of the word [ Notion , ] as 't is used here from this Sleight , and ( in our case ) Unconcerning Ambiguity , I declare , that , there being two Considerations in Knowledge , viz. the Act of my Knowing Power , and the Object of that Act , which , as a kind of Form , actuates and determins the Indifferency of my Power , and thence specifies my Act ; I do not here take the word [ Notion ] for my Act of Simply Apprehending ; but for that Object in my mind which informs my Understanding Power , and about which that Power is Employed ; in which Objective meaning I perceive Mr. Locke does also generally take the word [ IDEA . ] 3. Since I have formerly blamed the Ambiguous explication of the word [ IDEA , ] 't is but just it should be required of me to give a more Determinate and Distinct one of the word [ Notion , ] which I shall do in blunt Terms thus ; [ A Notion is the very thing it self existing in my understanding . ] I expect at the first hearing such a monstrous Position , which seems to the Antiperipateticks something above Paradox , and as Mysterious as a Supernatural Point of Revealed Faith , it will be entertained by some of them with a kind of Amazement , by others with a Smile . On the other side , I am so little concerned how any receive it , that I must resolutely declare that , unless this Thesis be as True as it is Strange , it is impossible any Man living should know any thing at all . By which the Reader will see that the Credits of the Aristotelians , and their Adversaries , as to their being held Solid Philosophers , does entirely lie at Stake upon the decision of this main point . Which therefore must crave the Attention , and Soberest Consideration of those persons , who take themselves to be concerned in the affair of Science , or in the Search after Truth . 4. Er'e I address my self to prove my Position , I must bespeak my Reader 's Consideration , that , in a Question of this Nature , which depends upon our Reflexion on what is , or is not in our Spiritual part , the the Soul , he must lay aside his pleasing Phantasms , and all the Imagery , which with such a fine Raree-show uses to entertain and delight his Fancy . The point is of a higher Nature than to managed by such Familiar Appearances . The Ideas of Figure , Colour , nay , of Quantity it self must sit out as Bunglers , when such a Game is to be played , in which they have no Skill . This Contest must be carried on by Means as Spiritual , as is the Subject of it ; that is , by exact Reason , or severe Connexion of Terms . And , to think to draw Intrinsecal Arguments ; or to frame pertinent Answers to them , from what we find in Material Imaginations , when the Question belongs to that part of Metaphysicks which treats of Spiritual Natures , and their Operations , is as absurd , as 't is to contend that the Knowledge of a Man is Great , or Little , because his Body is Bigg , or Dwarfish ; or to fancy that Science is to be measured by Yards , or Inches . And , tho' I cannot fear any such Rational kind of attacque as Close Connexion of Terms , for the Negative , yet I grant my self obliged to produce no less than Clearest Evidence for the Affirmative ; provided we rate Evidence , not from what seems easiest to Fancy , but from the said Connexion of Terms ; only which can establish our Judgments . 5. I am to note first , that , as the Moderns grant we know nothing without having [ Ideas ] of them within our minds ; so I willingly acknowledge , that we cannot know any thing that is without us , but by having in our understanding Notions of those things . Now , say I , those Notions must be the very things themselves ( as far as they are known ) in our Soul ; which they deny , as incredible and Monstrous . I note , secondly , that in my Thesis , I take the word [ Thing ] in the largest Signification , as it comprehends not only Substances , which only are properly Things ; but also all the Modes , or Accidents of Substance , which are improperly such . These Notes premised , I come to my Proof : 6. First Argument . When I simply apprehend the Thing , or any Mode or Accident of it , this Operation of my Understanding is within my Mind , and compleated there ; therefore the Thing Apprehended , which is the Object of that Operation , must be there likewife : For , otherwise , this Operation of my Mind , it being Immanent , and not Transient , or passing out of my Mind to the Thing without me , cannot be employed about that Thing , contrary to the Supposition . Nor could the Thing be truly said to be Apprehended , unless this Operation , called my Apprehension , had the Thing for its Object ; and this within my Understanding , it being an Internal Operation . But , that which is within me when I know it , is the Notion of it : Therefore the Notion of it ( taken , as is declar'd above , objectively ) is the Thing it self in my Understanding . 7. Second Argument . I know the very Thing ; therefore the very Thing is in my Act of Knowledge : But my Act of Knowledge is in my Understanding ; therefore the Thing which is in my Knowledge , is also in my Understanding . 8. Tho' I will not allow it to be any way an an Answer to these Arguments , to alledge , that 't is sufficient that the [ Idea ] or Resemblance of the Thing be in my Mind , because it does not in the least shock the Connexion of its Terms , or shew them Incoherent ; but is a mere shuffling Pretence , thrown in to avoid their Force : Yet I shall condescend to shew it impertinent , and I argue against it thus . 9. Third Argument . That only is Known , which I have in my Knowledge , or in my Understanding ; for , to know what I have not in my Knowledge , is a Contradiction : Therefore , if I have only the Idea , and not the Thing , in my Knowledge or Understanding , I can only know the Idea , and not the Thing ; and , by Consequence , I know nothing without me , or nothing in Nature . Again , 10. Fourth Argument . Philosophy is the Knowledge of Things : But if I have nothing but the Ideas of Things in my Mind , I can have Knowledge of nothing but of those Ideas . Wherefore , either those Ideas are the Things themselves , as I put Notions to be , and then I have gain'd my Point ; or else they are not the Things , and then we do not know the Things at all ; and so adieu to the Knowledge of Things , or to Philosophy . 11. I expect not any direct Answer to these Reasons , yet I doubt not but Wit and Fancy will furnish a prejudiced Person with Evasions ; and the next will , possibly , be this , that we know the Things that are without us , by means of the Ideas or Resemblances of them which are within us . To overthrow which Pretence , I argue thus : 12. Fifth Argument . We cannot have the First Knowledge of any thing by a Picture , or Resemblance , as was shewn , Preliminary 1. § . 14. Wherefore , Notions , or Simple Apprehensions being the First Notifications of the Things to our Mind , we cannot know the Thing by their means , as is pretended , were they not more than Resemblances ; that is , were they not the very Thing . To overthrow this Pretence utterly , and withall , to uphold and fortifie this last Argument , I advance this : 13. Sixth Argument . We cannot possibly know at all the Things themselves by the Ideas , unless we know certainly those Ideas are Right Resemblances of them . But we can never know ( by the Principles of the Ideists ) that their Ideas are Right Resemblances of the Things ; therefore we cannot possibly know at all the Things by their Ideas . The Minor is proved thus ; We cannot know any Idea to be a Right Resemblance of a Thing , ( nor , indeed , that any thing whatever resembles another rightly , ) unless they be both of them in our Comparing Power ; that is , in our Understanding or Reason , and there view'd and compar'd together , that we may see whether the one does rightly resemble the other , or no. But , this necessitates that the Thing it self , as well as the Idea , must be in the Understanding , which is directly contrary to their Principles ; therefore by the Principles of the Ideists , we cannot possibly know that their Ideas are Right Resemblances of the Thing . Now , if the Thing it self be in the Understanding , there needs no Idea of it ; for to be there , or to be in a knowing Power , is to be known . Again , 14. Seventh Argument . No Relation can be known without Knowing both the Correlates : Therefore no Idea , which being a Resemblance of the Thing must necessarily be related to it , can be known without knowing also the Thing to which 't is related as that which is resembled by it . Therefore the Thing resembled must be known , not only besides the Idea , but by other means than by it ; which can be no way but by the thing it self existing , in the understanding . Which Argument is enforced by this Consideration , that when the One of the two things that are Related , or Alike , is the Prototype , the other taken from it , or ( as it were ) drawn by it ; the Prototype must be first known ere we can judge that the other is like it . But the Prototype in our Case is the Thing without us , therefore the Thing without us must first be in our mind er'e we can judge of the other 's resembling it . 15. Ninth Argument . Notions are the Meanings , or ( to speak more properly ) what is meant by the words we use : But what 's meant by the words is the Thing it self ; therefore the Thing it self is in the Meaning ; and consequently in the Mind ; only which can mean. 16. It may be perhaps replied , that the Ideas are only meant by the Words ; because when we speak , we intend to signify our Thoughts . I answer , that , however it may be pretended that what is meant immediately by the words , is our Thoughts , when our own Thoughts or Judgments about any matter , are the things desir'd to be known ; yet , when the Things are the Objects enquired after , as , when a Master teaches a Scholler Natural Philosophy , or any other Truth , the Intention of the Speakers does primarily aym and mean to signify the Things or Truths themselves ; and not our Thoughts concerning them ; and , therefore , the Things themselves are in the Intention and Mind , or are the Meanings of the Speakers , or Discoursers . And this passes generally in all other occasions , except only when the Knowledge of our Interiour Thoughts is ultimately aymed at . Thus , when a Gentleman bids his Servant fetch him a Pint of Wine ; he does not mean to bid him fetch the Idea of Wine in his own head , but the Wine it self which is in the Cellar ; and the same holds in all our Commerce and Conversation about things without us . 17. Eleventh Argument . Our Words are ad placitum , and have no Natural Connexion with the Things they signifie , but are order'd to express them by the Agreement of Mankind : Therefore what 's signified by them , must be fore-known to that Agreement . But the Ideas , or Resemblances we have , cannot be foreknown to this Agreement , since they could not be at all known , ( being in the Mind , ) but by the Words ; which , not being yet agreed on , can make known , or signifie nothing . Therefore the Things which we had naturally Fore-knowledge of , and not the Ideas , are that which is signified by Words . On the other side , since 't is no less certain that the Words do signifie what 's in the Mind of the Speaker , or his Notions , they must signifie the Thing in the Mind ; and , consequently , also the very Things which are without us , and which were known to us before the Agreement about the Words , were in our Mind , when we went about to name them : And , were not this so , Words could signifie nothing , which is a Contradiction . Corollary I. Hence that great Contest in the Schools , whether our Words do immediately signifie our Conceptions , or the Things in re , ( as they phrase it , ) is put past all Dispute . For , if the Objective Part of our Conceptions , which are our Notions of the Thing , be the self-same with the Thing in re , neither the one , nor the other , is immediately signified ; because there is no one , and other , but the same . And if the Question be put of the Thing as in re , and as in the Understanding ; 't is answer'd , This Question takes in those several Manners of Existing , which enters not into the Objective Notion , nor prejudices the Identity of the Thing under either State ; and so the Question is again frivolous . 18. Twelfth Argument . The same is evinced from the Verification of our Words ; as , when I say [ The Glass is in the Window , ] the Word [ the Glass ] must mean the very Substance of that Glass existent without us , and not the Idea of that Glass ; for it would be False to say , the Idea of the Glass is in the Window . Therefore the very Glass it self which is in the Window , must be also in my Mind . 19. Thirteenth Argument . But , because Resemblances and Likenesses please them so well , we will try what Proofs may be drawn from those very Words which themselves do most affect . They hold , the Idea , or Likeness of the Thing is in the Mind . Let us consider then the Likeness of a Man in the Understanding ; or rather , because we both agree that we have no Compleat Ideas or Notions of any Suppositum , let us take one of Mr. Locke's Simple Ideas , v. g. Extension . I ask , Is the Idea of Extension , as to its Representation , in all Respects like that Mode as it is in the Thing ; or is it not ? If not , then we can never know that Mode ( at least , not clearly and fully ) by that Idea ; which yet we must do , ere we can discourse of it as a Simple Idea . And , if it is perfectly , or in all respects , like it ; then 't is in no Respect unlike it ; and , by Consequence , in no Respect Different from it , ( for that Difference would be an Unlikeness ; ) and , if it be in no respect Different , it follows , out of the very Terms , that it is the very same , in the Mind , and out of the Mind , which is so much boggled at in our Notions : So that , at unawares , the Explicaters of Ideas by Resemblances , must be forced to come over to our Position , even while they would avoid it . 20. Fourteenth Argument . To make this yet Clearer , and to set it above all possible Confute , let us take the Word , [ Existence , ] or Actual Being . They know what that Word means , and consequently , they they have an Idea of it in their Understanding ; for 't is this which they say Words signifie . This Idea then must either be in all respects like to Existence , or in some respects ; that is , in part only : Not in part ; for Existence has no imaginable Parts in it , nor any divers Respects or Considerations ; no , not even those Parts made by the nicest Metaphysical Abstraction of our Mind , called Act and Power ; but 't is One , most Simple , Indivisible , and most Absolute Act ; and thence 't is called by the Schools an Actuality , as if it were the very Nature of Act it self , without the least Alloy of the more imperfect Notion of Potentiality , or Power . Wherefore the Idea of Existence must either be in all respects Like Existence , or not at all Like it ; if not at all Like it , then , having no Idea or Resemblance of it , we can never know what the Word Existence means : If it be in all respects Like it , then , by our former Discourse , 't is in no respect Unlike it ; and therefore , in no respect Different from it ; and therefore 't is the very same with it . 21. Fifteenth Argument . It may , perhaps , look like an Amusement , or Surprize , to pretend the Thing is the same , when 't is perfectly like ; for I do not expect that every Reader will speculate so deep , as to see that all Likeness is Unity of Form as far as the Likeness reaches . Wherefore , to put them out of this Mis-conceit , we will endeavour to convince them that this Position is not a Trick of Art , but plain honest Nature : It has been still my usual Method to shew , that the highest Speculations I advance , are abetted by the natural Notions , Sentiments , and Sayings of Mankind ; nor will I decline to bring my present Position to be tried by the same Test. Let us take then two Quantities , ( Yards for Example ; ) in case we find them perfectly Alike under the Notion or Respect of Quantity , we make account we can in true Speech say they are the same Quantity . Or , take two Pieces of Cloth , of such a Colour ; and , if they be exactly alike in that respect , unprejudiced Nature obliges us to say they are of the same Colour ; and the same holds in all Substances and Modes whatever . Since then the Ideists must grant that their Ideas are perfectly like that which they know by them , ( as they must be , as far as the Thing is known by them , because the Thing is known only by their Resembling , or being like it , ) it follows from the Consent of Mankind , that those Ideas must , consequently , be the same with the Things out of the Mind which are known by them ; which is what we put our Notions to be . Wherefore , the Notion we have of the Thing , must be the self-same with the Thing known . 22. It may be replied , that the Notion of a Thing ( a Stone , for Example ) has a Spiritual Manner of Being in the Mind ; whereas the Thing , or Stone , out of the Mind has a Corporeal Manner of Being , and therefore 't is in some respect Different from the Thing ; and , consequently , not perfectly the same with it ; and so can only be barely like it , or resemble it . I answer , 'T is granted that it is Unlike it , and so Different from it , and therefore not the same with it , as to the Manner of Existing ; but I deny that either its Existing , or Manner of Existing do enter into the Notion , ( except in the Notion of God , to whom Existence is Essential , ) or do at all belong to it , or the Thing either ; but that the Notion is the Thing , precisely according to what is Common to it both in the Understanding , and out of it , abstractedly from both those Manners of Existing . To explicate which , we may consider , 1. That no created Thing , nor consequently , Mode or Accident of it , has , of its own Nature , any Title to be at all , ( much less to be after such or such a Manner ; ) for then Being would be Essential to them , and not the Gift of their Creator ; whose Prerogative of Self-being , or Essential Being , is Incommunicable to his Creatures . 2. Hence the Things , and consequently their Modes , do perfectly abstract from being , and not being , much more from all Manners of being . 3. This appears evidently by those Words which signifie them , the Meaning of which Words is the same with our Notions . For Example , Take Gabriel , Peter , Bucephalus , an Oak , a Stone , a Yard , Whiteness , or what other Thing , or Mode of Thing we please ; 't is evident that the Sense of them ( which is the same with our Notion of them ) does not at all include , hint , or intimate Existence , or Non-Existence . Wherefore , 't is set above all farther Dispute , and ( as far as I can fore-see ) beyond all imaginable Objection , that our Notion of the Thing is the self-same with the Thing in Nature which is conceived by us . Q. E. D. 23. Now , if our Soul , when it knows any Thing has the very nature of that Thing in it , and therefore is intellectually that thing ( for to be such a thing is nothing but to have the Nature of such a thing in it ) it follows that , considering her precisely as knowing a Stone , a Tree , Fire , &c. she is that Stone , Tree and Fire intellectually , Whence we may discover how Rational , and how Necessary and Important a Truth that saying of Aristotle is , that Anima intelligendo fit omnia . In a word , 't is due to the Nature of our Soul , as it is Spiritual , and to the Eminency of her Essence , to comprehend after her manner the whole Inferiour Nature of Bodies , ( and much more ) or to be an Intellectual World , as soon as she is her self , and depur'd from her dull Material Compart , as is shown in my * Method . Nor can this making the Soul to know so much ( nay , much more ) be deemed an Extravagant Conceit , or too high a Privilege for her , by any well instructed Christian , who reflects , ( as is also clearly Demonstrable in Metaphysicks ) that she is made for , or is capable of a Knowledge infinitely higher , viz. the beatifying Sight of GOD ; in comparison of which the Knowing the whole Universality of Creatures is but a meer Trifle . 24. I much fear that such Readers , who are not raised above Fancy , and have not well reflected how all Truths , and all our Judgments and Discourses that are rightly made , do consist in the Connexion of Terms , will look upon all Efforts of Close Reason , as Chimerical , and think them to be only a kind of Chiquaning , and little Tricks of Logick . Wherefore , to comfort the uneasy Fancies of such weak Speculaters , I desire them to consider how all things were in the Divine Understanding before they were Created , and are still there ; and how their Ideas , that is , their Essences , had there another , ( and that a more incomparable manner of being ) then they had in themselves afterwards . From which Divine Archetypes they were copied into Nature , and thence transcribed , by Impressions on our Senses , into Human Understandings . This Reflexion will ( I hope ) let them see how it is not impossible , but Consonant to Reason , that the self-same thing may have both a Natural , and an Intellectual manner of Existing . I note by the way , that , whereas I have insisted so much on the Impropriety and Novelty of the word [ Idea , ] our Modern Ideists will alledge that Plato did make use of that word before them , and that they do but eccho him , while they use it after him . But , I believe they will find upon Examination , that Plato meant by that word the Essences , or Natures of Things ; and , in likelihood , those very Essences in the Divine Understanding ; however some thought he misapplied it to Universal Ideas , or Essences , subsisting alone , and not in the Individuals . Now , did our Moderns take it in the same Sense he did , that is , for Essences , and not for Resemblances only , I should not except against them as to that particular ; but , to use his word , and affix another Sense to it , is , as I conceive , to abuse it . 25. Corollary II. From this whole discourse , and the many several Arguments in it , it appears evidently , that unless the word [ Idea ] be taken as we take the word [ Notion , ] that is , unless Ideas , or Notions , or whatever else we please to call them , be the very things in our understanding , and not meer Resemblances of them , they can never reach or engage the Thing it self , or give us Knowledge of it ; that is , they can never make us know any thing ; any more than a Picture can make us know a Man we never saw , nor ever shall or can see but by means of that Picture ; that is , not at all . And therefore , as I cannot but judge what I here advance to be True , and withall most necessary to be told , so I am obliged , without asking leave of any , to do that Right to Truth as to declare that those many Schems of Doctrine , woven upon such Ideas as their Groundwork , tho' they be never so Ingenious and coherent within themselves , and may be of some use in Logick to distinguish our Notions , are both meerly Superficial , and perfectly useless in Philosophy , which is the Knowledge of Things ; and can only serve to please the Daedalean Fancies of the ingenious Contrivers and witty Descanters upon them ; but can never bring us to the Solid Knowledge of any one Thing in Nature , nor verify any one Predication , or Judgment we make ; nor enable us in our Speculative , or even Common , Discourses about any Thing , to speak one word of good Sense . Not that I think that Mr. Locke does still take the word [ Idea ] in that unaccountable meaning ; but , that the acuteness of his Natural Genius does generally carry him ( perhaps unreflectingly ) to mean by that word the same I mean by Notion ; tho' , to say the truth , he totally abstracts from meddling designedly with this abstruse point . 26. Corollary III. Hence also we may gain some light what Knowledge is . For , it has been demonstrated that our Notions , on which all our Knowledges are grounded , and of which they are Compounded , are the very Natures of the thing known ; and , consequently , that our Soul , considered precisely as knowing those Natures , or having them in her , as in their Subject , is , as such , those very Things which are constituted by those Natures . Wherefore , our knowing that those things are , or are such or such ( which is Compleat Knowledge ) is the having those things and their Predicates of Existent , or of their being affected with such or such Accidents , so in the Judging Power as they are in the things without ; that is , the things within her must be as the things in Nature are . Wherefore , when the Soul knows any thing in Nature she must be that thing as it is Another thing distinct from her ; So that in a word , To know is Esse aliud ut aliud ; To be another thing , as it is another . For Example ; To know the Bell is in the Steeple , she must not only have the Bell existent in the Steeple within her , but also that the Bell in the Steeple is without her ; or is in her as another thing , which is neither her , nor any Thing or Mode belonging to her . To explicate which hard point we may reflect , that all the Essential Notions of a Thing ( were it possible to comprehend them all ) of a Body for example , are Intrinsecal to it ; as also all those Modes or Accidents of it , the Complexion of which does constitute the Essence of that Body ; and even taking them singly , as meer Accidents , they depend for their being on that Body as on their Substance ; But it is not so with the Natures of those Bodies , or their Modes or Accidents , as they are in the Soul. For , they are no Determinations or Modes suitable or belonging to her Nature as 't is Spiritual , nor depend Solely on her as on their Subject for their Existence , as all Modes in their Natural Subjects do . Whence follows , that when she knows them , they are purely in her as Extrinsecall to her , or as other Things ; and as having their genuin Existence elsewhere , or out of the Mind . And , in this consists the Excellency of a Spiritual Nature , ( from which we may demonstrate her Immateriality , and , by Consequence , her Immortality ) that by reason of the Superlative Nobleness of her Essence she can comprehend the whole Nature of Bodies ( tho' she may know other higher Natures also ) all its Accidents , its Existence without us , and whatever can belong to it ; and yet so as to stand a-loof from it , and preserve her Distance and Height above it ; and is withall through the Amplitude of her Nature , able to engraft on her infinitely capacious Stock of Being all other things ; and give them , besides their own , ( if they be inferiour Natures or Bodies ) a far Nobler Existence in her self . This Definition of Knowing will , I doubt not , look like Gibberish to short-sighted Speculaters , who have not reflected steadily on the Souls Spiritual Operations , and on what Manner things are in the Mind : But , if each step to it be ( as I cannot doubt but it is ) demonstrable , the Evidence of the Premisses , and the Necessity of the Consequence ought to obtain of every Learned Man not be startled at the Strangeness of the Conclusion , because Fancy is dissatisfyed . That Inferiour Faculty is to be curb'd and kept within its own narrow Sphere ; and forbid to meddle with Spiritual Subjects which are beyond its reach and Skill ; and are only manageable by Reason grounding it self on such Notions as are above Matter . And , if it appears by this Rigorous Test that our Notions are the very things as distinct from us , all the rest of it will follow of Course by a Natural and Necessary Consequence . PRELIMINARY Third . That all our Science is grounded on the Things themselves ; and How this is performed . 1. BUT how can the Things be in our Understanding ? since the [ Thing , ] in its first and proper signification , being an Individual Substance , is the subject of Innumerable Modes , or Accidents , which we can never reach , or comprehend ; and therefore it can never be known by us compleatly , as Mr. Locke has very elaborately demonstrated at large ; and , as my self have also proved in my * Method . This being so clear and confess'd a Truth , it seems to follow hence against us both , that neither the Ideists have any Idea of it Resembling it fully , nor we any Notion of it , which is truly and entirely the same with it intellectually ; and so neither of us can , properly speaking , pretend to know any Thing as we ought . 2. To clear this important Difficulty , on which the whole Affair of Science , and the Confutation of Scepticism , seems mainly to depend , it is to be noted . 3. First , That the Notion of the Individuum , Thing or Suppositum , can never , for the Reason now given , be Distinct and Compleat , but Confused and Imperfect . For , let us take any Individual thing , v. g. a Stone , we shall find that it has in it what answers to the Notion of a Thing , ( or what has Being ) as also of Extended , Dense , Hard , Opacous , Dinted , &c. it is Divisible into innumerable Particles ; its peculiar Mixture consists of many diverse-natured Parts , with such an Order or Position amongst them , &c. of all which our Senses , with their best Assistances , can not afford us clear Knowledge ; nor , consequently , imprint any Clear Notion of that whole Thing in our Mind . 4. Secondly , That , since to know a Thing , is to have the Notion of it in our Mind , our Knowledge must be such as the Notion is : If the Notion be Clear , Intire and Distinct , our Knowledge too is such ; and , if the Notion be Obscure , Partial and Confused , our Knowledge must be Obscure , Partial , and Confused likewise . 5. Thirdly , We can have such a Notion of every Individual thing , if it be not ( as the smallest Atoms are ) too little to be perceptible by our Sense , as ( tho' it be Confused as to it self ) may serve to distinguish it from all other Things , and to make us know it Exists separately from all others , and independently on them ; Moreover , that it is the Suppositum , or Subject , which has its own Nature or Essence in it , and also all the Modes or Accidents belonging to it . Thus , when we see a Bag of Sand , or Wheat , poured out , our Senses acquaint our Mind , pre-imbued by some common Notions , that each Grain can exist separate ; and has , sustains , or gives Being to its own Accidents , without the Assistance of any of its Fellow-Grains . 6. Fourthly , This Confused Knowledge of the Thing , in gross , is sufficient for such a Degree of Science of it , as we can have in this State. For tho' we cannot have a distinct Knowledge of it all , taken in the Lump , and therefore do not pretend to have Science of it thus considered , nor of each Considerability in it taken by Detail ; yet , we know that Confusedly it contains in it self what answers to all the many distinct Conceptions we make of it , which are the Ground of all the Science we have ; they being all stored up and amassed in the Thing , and apt to be drawn or parcell'd out thence by our Abstractive Considerations of it . 7. Lastly , That our Distinct Knowledge ( or Science ) is built on our Distinct Notions of the Thing fram'd in our Minds by Impressions on the Senses , which are many , and the Manners of their affecting us also manifold . Hence our Soul , in this State , can have no Distinct or Clear Knowledge of the Thing , but by piece-meal , or by Distinct , Different , Partial , Inadequate , or ( as they are generally and properly called ) Abstract Notions ; as Mr. Locke has frequently and judiciously exemplify'd in the several Conceptions or Notions we have of Gold ; which we may consider , as yellow , heavy , solid , malleable , dissolvable in aqua Regia , &c. Whence , tho' it be , perhaps , impossible for us to reach all the Considerabilities that may be found in it , which ground our Different Notions ; yet each Notion we have of it , being Distinct from all the rest , and being truly the Thing , as far as 't is thus Consider'd ; hence we can have Science of the Thing , tho' confusedly of the whole , yet Distinctly of it in part , by such a Notion , as far as it is conceived by that Notion ; notwithstanding our Ignorance of other Considerations of it ; those Abstract Notions being in our Mind , ( unless they hap to be Subordinate , as General and Particular ones are , ) perfectly Distinct from , and Exclusive of one another . Thus we can have Abstract Notions of Length , Breadth and Thickness in Bodies ; or ( which is the same ) we can conceive Bodies precisely as they are Long , Broad and Thick ; and Mathematicians can frame many Sciences of Bodies , as thus conceived ; and discourse Orderly and Clearly of each of those distinct Notions , that is , of the Thing , as precisely such ; without meddling with Rarity , Density , Solidity , Fluidity , Heat , Cold , Moisture , Dryness , or any other Physical Consideration found in the same Body : Tho' each of these last also may , for the same Reason , ( viz. their Clear Distinction from all the rest , ) be discours'd of with equally Clear Evidence ; and ground as many several Subordinate Sciences in Physick , as the other did in Mathematicks . 8. By what 's said , it appears , that all Science , or all Philosophy , being grounded on these Abstract or Distinct Notions of the Thing , it can be truly said to be the Knowledge of Things ; and that unless this be so , there can be no Philosophy . This Position Mr. Locke has ingenuously asserted : Whether he holds to it exactly , or no , will be seen shortly . Tho' , in case he should be found to deviate from it , 't is not peculiar to him , but a far more Common Errour in our Modern School-Philosophers ; and , I fear , in all the Ideists : For these Gentlemen , as soon as they have got such Ideas into their Heads , and express'd them by Abstract Words , as Rationality , Extension , Roundness , Length , &c. they , finding this Abstract Conception in their Minds , and experiencing that they can discourse about it Scientifically , do presently begin to imagine that those Ideas have got rid of the Thing , and hover in the Air ( as it were ) a-loof from it , as a little sort of shining Entities ; and thence have of themselves a Title to be a Competent Ground-work to build Science on . They Character them to be Resemblances , which is a Conceit easie to Fancy ; and so they set themselves to contemplate them , and employ their Wits to descant on them . They discourse of them , and them only ; for they do not endeavour to shew clearly how those Ideas do engage the solid Nature of the Thing . Whence it must needs happen , that in case those Ideas chance to be meer Material Resemblances , or Phantasms , the Knowledge built on them is purely Superficial and Imaginary ; nor can have any more TRUTH in it , than a Looking-glass , which represents to us a well-proportioned Edifice ; or a Dream , which ( as it sometimes lights ) is composed of Fancies pretty well Coherent with one another . Lastly , which is worst of all , they make Truth , which can have no Foundation , but in the Things which Creative Wisdom or Essential Truth has made and establish'd , to consist in the meer Agreement of those Ideas . Whereas they ought to make it consist in this , that those Abstracted Conceptions , or Notions of ours , are the Thing it self thus partially consider'd ; and also , that our Judgments or Discourses of them , and all Truths whatever , do wholly consist in this , that those Partial Conceptions of ours are found to be Identify'd in the Thing we Judge or Discourse of . 'T is the Thing we divide , ( as it were , ) or take in pieces by those Abstract or Partial Notions of it ; and , therefore , 't is the Parts ( as it were ) of the same Thing we put together again , and Identify when we compound Propositions or Judgments . 9. In a word , They make the Abstractedness of those Ideas to be Exclusive of the Subject or Thing ; whereas I make it only Exclusive of other Notions , but to Include and signifie the Thing or Subject , according to some Consideration , or ( as it were ) Part of it ; in the same manner ( to use a grosser Example ) as the Hand or Foot signifie the Man or Thing to which they belong , according to his Power of Handling , or Walking . Hence I hold , that Whiteness , Breadth or Hardness in the Wall , do signifie and import the Wall it self , precisely quatenus , or as it is White , Broad and Hard. Whence I affirm , that all Science , which consists of those Abstract and Mutually-distinct Notions , as of its Materials , is truly a Solid ( tho' inadequate ) Knowledge of those very Things ; and not of Notions , or Ideas , aparted from them really , or as Distinct kinds of Beings Existing separately from it : Which if they were , we should be never a Jot the wiser for knowing all the Ideas in the World , nor ever arrive at true Philosophy , it being the Knowledge of Things , and not of Resemblances : Especially , since ( as was demonstrated in my former Section ) those Resemblances can never give us Knowledge of the Things themselves . We may draw farther Arguments to prove our Position , that all our most Abstract Notions do include or connotate the Thing or Subject , from all our Abstract Notions or Ideas , whether they be Essential , or Accidental . To begin with the former . 10. Arg. 1. 'T is impossible to conceive Humanity , for Example , without connotating Homo its Suppositum ; therefore that Abstract Idea , [ Humanity , ] must signifie the Thing , or [ Homo , ] according to what 's his Essential Constitutive . The Antecedent is prov'd . The Notion or Idea of the Definition is the very Notion or Idea of the Thing defined ; but the Definition of Humanity , viz. the Compleat Essence of a Man , includes Man in its Notion ; therefore [ Humanity , ] which is the Thing defined , does also include the Thing , or [ Man , ] in its Notion . Wherefore [ Humanity , ] tho' express'd abstractedly , because 't is but one Part , as it were , of the Entire Suppositum , ( though it be the principal part of it , ) does signifie the Thing , or Man , according to his Compleat Essential Form or Constitutive . The same Argument may be made of any other Essential Idea . Let us examine next the Ideas or Notions of the Modes or Accidents of Things , and try whether they exclude the Thing , or include it . 11. Arg. 2. The Idea or Notion of [ Modes , ] is , that they are the Manners how a Thing is ; and of [ Accidents , ] that they are those which do advene to the Thing , or ( if I may be permitted to strain a Word , to express properly and fully my meaning ) Accidents are Unessential Conceptions of the Thing . Wherefore , the Idea of both of them do include the Thing in their Explications , and consequently in their Notions , and not exclude it . Or thus , There can be no Modes of a Nothing ; therefore the Notion or Idea of a Mode involves essentially the Thing of which it is a Mode , and to which , as such , it relates . Wherefore , the Material Part of it is the Thing , the Formal Part [ as thus modify'd ] or [ as existing thus ] or ( which is the same ) as thus conceiv'd . 12. Arg. 3. This is confirm'd , because Modes are justly conceiv'd to have no Being of their own , but to Exist by the Existence of their Subject : But , when we have a Notion of any Mode in Nature , we conceive it as some way or other Existing ; therefore their Notion must connotate the Subject or Thing by whose Existence only they do Exist . 13. It would not be hard to multiply Arguments to prove this nice Point , fetch'd both from Metaphysicks , and also from Logick , and the Verification of all Propositions , did I conceive it to be needful . But , I see plainly , that all the Arguments in my former Preliminary do conspire with their united Force , to make good this Fundamental Position . For , if this Truth be once firmly establish'd , that our Notions are the Things themselves , as far as they are conceiv'd by us , it must follow , that all our Science being built on those Notions , has for its Solid Basis the very Thing it self , and not any other Things or Nothings , distinct from the Thing known ; such as are their pretty Spiritual Looking-Glasses , those Unaccountable , Inexplicable , Unnecessary , and Useless Things , called Ideas . And , I hope I may rest confident that those Proofs of mine will abide the Shock of the most Strenous Opposition ; since , unless that Grand Leading Truth be Certain , 't is demonstrable that no Man living can know any thing at all . For , 't is confess'd , that nothing can be known , but by the Means of those Ideas or Representations of it : And those Arguments evince , that unless the Thing it self be in our Mind first , those Ideas , or Resemblances cannot possibly give us any Notice , or Knowledge of it . 14. Note First . On this Occasion we may reflect on the Sagacity of that great Speculater and Observer of Nature , Aristotle ; and may gather , at the same time , his true Sentiments in this Particular ; that , when he came to range all our Natural Notions into his Ten Common Heads , he did not express the Modes or Accidents by Abstract Words , but Concrete ones ; lest his Scholars should hap to think they were certain Kinds of Entities Distinct from the Subject : whereas they were Nothing but the Subject or Substance it self , considered as thus affected , or thus modify'd : For , he does not call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quantitas , Qualitas , as we do ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quantum , Quale ; nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Relatic , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Relata ; or more simply , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ad aliquid : Which last is abetted by our Common Language ; as , when we ask , [ What is he to me ? ] the Answer is , [ Your Friend , ] your Father , &c. Where the Words [ to me , ] express formally what we call Relation ; and the Words [ is he , ] both signifie that the Relation is a Mode or Accident intrinsecal to the Subject , however it be Consider'd in order to another ; and withall , that it has no Being , but that of the Thing or Subject signify'd by the Pronoun [ He : ] Which amounts to this , that what we call in an Abstract Word [ Relation , ] is nothing in reality , but the Thing Considered thus , or in order to another Individuum , which we call to be thus Modified , or conceived to be according to such a manner Related . The same is observable in the rest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Agere , Pati , Habere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quando , ubi , which have the Force of Concretes ; for 't is only the Subject that can be conceived or said to Act , Suffer , be in such a Place or Time , or have such a kind of Habiliment : Whereas , were it not for that reason , he could have express'd them in Abstract Terms , ( perhaps more handsomly ; ) as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Tempus , Lecus , Actio , Habitus , had it not been his Intention to avoid Abstract Terms , lest the manner of Expression should represent it as a kind of Thing , Distinct really from the Subject , and so lead Men to take a Fancy for a Reality , as it happens in the Mis-acception of the Word [ Space , ] which breeds the Conceit of Vacuum . And , he was less sollicitous to do this in the first Predicament , call'd by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because there was no Danger Men should take the Essence of the Thing to be a distinct Thing from the Thing it self , as there might be in the others ▪ So that this ought to be embrac'd and establish'd , as a most certain and most Fundamental Maxim by all who pretend to true Philosophy , that Whatever Conception of ours has not the Thing , or Res , ( either consider'd in part , or in whole , ) in its Notion , has no Reality in it , and is a meer Fancy . Note Second , Hence we may gather the proper manner of Signifying , found in Abstract and Concrete Words , as such , viz. that the Concrete Word ( Album for Example ) signifies directly the Subject , and indirectly the Form or Mode conceived to be in it : And the Abstract Word Albedo signifies directly the Form or Mode , and indirectly the Subject ; which indirect manner of signifying is properly called Connotating . 15. This uncommon Doctrine might , perhaps , sink better into the Reader 's Consideration , if it were illustrated by an Instance . We will take then Mr. Locke's Position of an Infinite Imaginary Space , or Vacuum . To make good which Tenent , he imagins that Vacuum signifies a Space without Body : Which , to my Judgment , is as much as to say , it signifies a Contradiction , or Chimera . For , I positively deny we can have any Notion of Space , without including Body , however we may have a Fancy of it : And I as positively affirm , that Space can signifie nothing but Body , according to such a Mode called Space , or Quantity . For ( to wave my former Proofs ) I ask him whence he had first the Notion or Idea of Space ? He is too acute to hold Innate Ideas : It was Acquir'd then , or wrought in him ; And by what , but by the Thing , that is , by the Body ? It was the Body then which he saw ; it was the Body thus modify'd , that imprinted it self thus on his Senses , and caused such a manner of Idea in his Mind . Wherefore , to conceit that we can have an Idea of Space without Body , whereas he never had an Impression or Idea of Space , but what was in Body , and a Mode of it ; and so Identify'd with it , is to relinquish our Solid Natural Conceptions , and run to Fancies ; to abandon the Firm Ground of all our Knowledge , the Thing , and to pursue instead of it an Aiery Nothing ; ( for Modes or Manners , without the Thing of which they are Modes , signifie a meer Nothing , and can be Nothing else ; ) or , ( which is the same ) 't is to discard our well-grounded Notions , and to entertain in their Room meer Phantastick Resemblances . The Notion of Space then being an Impression of and from the Thing , is the Thing or the Body conceived according to that abstracted Respect or Mode , called Space ? Wherefore , to put Space beyond all Bodies , or where there is no Body , is a plain Trucking our Natural Notions , for Appearances that are Groundless , and coined by our Imagination . Perhaps he will say , we can clearly Abstract the Idea of Space from that of Body ; which is so far true , that our Precise and Formal Notion of the Body , as it is precisely a Thing , or Capable of Existing , is not the Notion of Space , which is a Mode of the Thing . But , why must it therefore be Nothing of Body , when 't is evidently one kind of Conception or Consideration of it ; that is , when 't is nothing but Body , as grounding the Notion of Space ? In a word , Since Space is not of it self A Thing , or Res , it must and can only be Modus Rei ; and therefore , to Fancy an Idea of it , which excludes Body , is to make it a Mode of Nothing , and consequently no Mode ; which is to destroy the Notion of Space , while he goes about to refine it . This for the present , till we come to reflect farther upon that Tenet in its proper Place . PRELIMINARY Fourth . Of the Particular Manner how all sorts of Notions are bred in us ; and by what way those Elements of Knowledge do first come into the Soul. 1. THE former Grounds being laid , shewing what Knowledge is , and in what it consists ; the next thing that comes to be consider'd is , to shew , in particular , the Manner how we come to know at first ; or , by what Connatural Steps , the Things , or ( which is the same ) our Notions of them , which are the Materials of Knowledge , are introduced into our Minds . And , let it be noted , that it is not my Intention here to shew , what compleat Knowledges , or Judgments , are in our Soul before others in Priority of Nature ; which I have already done in my Method , Book 2. Lesson 4. What I aim at here is , to acquaint the Reader very particularly with my Thoughts how our Mind comes first to be imbu'd with both Direct and Reflex Notions , which are the Elements or Materials , of which our Compleat Knowledges or Judgments are compounded . 2. The Difficulty of conceiving how Corporeal Things that are without us , could get into our Soul which is Spiritual , and affect it , was so puzzling to the Greatest Philosophers hitherto , that it has made them rack their best Wits to invent some congruous Way how this could be performed . Aristotle , who ought to have done this , since he advanced that Position above-mentioned which required it should be done , gives us no particular Account of it ; but being resolved , it seems , to follow the sullen Principle he had taken up , viz. Acroases ita esse edendas ut non sint editae , left it to Posterity to find it out . Which affected Humour of his , whether it proceeded from Envy of Knowledge to the World ( an unpardonable Fault in a Professor of Knowledge ) or from Vanity , or out of Policy to bring more Scholars to his walking School , has certainly brought much Disparagement to his Doctrine , hindred its Currency , and help'd forward by the Schools , ( who undertook to explicate him , and did it untowardly ) has pester'd the World with diverse Schemes of Philosophy , either newly invented or furbish'd up afresh . Whether he did explain after what manner we come to know , to his Scholars , I know not ; only it may seem wonderful , if he had done it , that none of them should have deliver'd it down to us . But , letting Aristotle alone with his Faults , which blemish'd his other great Vertues , and come to the other Philosophers since his time . 3. These Learned Men saw clearly , that all Corporeal Agents work by Local Motion , and that no Operation of theirs could be transacted without such Motion , at least accompanying all their Actions , they being all of them Successive or Quantitative ; and they could not conceive how Local Motion should be received or wrought in a Soul , whose Nature , ( it being Spiritual ) is incapable of it . For , it must ( as the very Notion of it imports ) be made first in one part of the Subject , afterwards in another ; which can with no Sense be apply'd to the Soul , which ( it being Indivisible ) has no Parts at all . They were not so well skill'd in Metaphysicks , as to reflect , that it was very congruous to Reason to affirm , That the Notion or Nature of Things ( speaking of Created Beings ) did abstract from all Existence ; and therefore , that the same thing might have different manners of Existing , and be in our Soul Spiritually , tho' out of it Corporeally : And , those few who did apprehend the thing might thus exist in the Soul when in it , were still at a Nonplus how it could get into it . Perhaps the Difficulty of explaining this , might be one Reason , why Cartesius , not knowing how to give an Account of this , thought fit rather to study , how he might avoid giving any Account at all of it , and thence recurr'd to the Position of Innate Ideas . At least , this is the best Excuse I can make in his behalf , for embracing a Tenet so totally praeternatural ; in case ( as his Words give us just occasion to think ) it were really his Doctrine . 4. The Schoolmen , whose way it is , when they are at a Plunge how to find out a Reason for any difficult Point , to create some Entity which God and Nature never made , and then to alledge 't was that Entity which did the business ; invented their Species Intentionales ; which , if they were not the same with our Notions , or the Things in our Knowledge , were meer Resemblances coined by Fancy , as our Modern Ideas generally are . But this raised a new Difficulty , instead of laying the old one : For , besides that those Species were such unaccountable things , that none knew what to make of them , or under what Head to rank them , they could do the Question no Service at all : For , if they were Corporeal , they could only affect the Soul by way of Local Motion ; of which , being Spiritual , she is not capable . And , if they were Spiritual , it will be ask'd , How they came to be such , being caused by a Corporeal Agent ; as also , how , being sent from a Body , they could get into the Soul , or by what Vehicle ? Being thus at a Loss , they invented another Entity , called Intellectus Agens ; whose Office it was to depure the Phantasms from their Dross of Materiality , that they might become fit , thus refined , to be receiv'd in the Soul. But this still multiply'd more Difficulties , and solv'd none . For , First , What other Reason had they from Nature to put such a Power in the Soul ? Or what other thing was it good for , but to purifie the Species ? If it had no other Office , nor served for any thing but to do this Job , 't is manifest 't was invented gratis , to get rid of the Difficulty that stunn'd them , and taken up for an Asylum Ignorantiae , when they were hard put to it , and wanted something else to say . Secondly , Were those Phantasms , before they were Spiritualiz'd , in the Soul , or Intellectus , or out of it ? If in it , the old Question returns , How got they thither ? If out of it , How could the Soul's Acts of Understanding , which are Immanent Acts , become Transitive , and affect a Thing which is without her ? Thirdly , Since the Understanding , or this Intellectus Agens , can only work by Knowledge , how could it have this Power to alter the Natures of things , or turn them from Corporeal into Spiritual , when as yet it had no Knowledge at all in it , as before those Species were refined and fitted to be received in it , it had none ? Lastly , Are those Species they put , when purify'd , perfectly like the Thing , or imperfectly ? If perfectly like , then they are the same with it , as our Notions are ; and so , the Thing it self is in the Soul , and then those Species of theirs are to no purpose ; for the Thing being there in Person ( as it were , ) there can need no Proxy of Species to stand for it ; nor can it bear any Sense to call the Thing a Species of it self . If they be imperfectly like the Thing , they are no more but Resemblances of it ; and then , 't is already abundantly demonstrated , that the Thing can never be known by them : So that they could make nothing cohere how our first Rudiments or Materials of Knowledge could get into the Soul , or how the Thing could come to be known by them . 5. The Ideists , on this Occasion ; have taken two ways , and both of them very short ones ; which is to skip over all those Difficulties at one Leap. The Cartesians tell us in one Word , That God gave the Soul her Ideas ( or , as some of them say , some of them ) at the same time he gave her her Being ; and that , by having those Ideas in her , she comes to know ; and , so , by making this quick work , the Question is at an End. This is soon said , but not so easily proved . Some Rubs I have put in the way of this Pretence , to hinder its Currency , in the Preface to my Method , and in the Book it self , as Occasion presented ; and shall add many more , in case their Opposition shall invite me to it . But ; what needs any more , since Mr. Locke has already Confuted that Position beyond possibility of any Rational Reply ? Other Ideists there are , who think it their best Play to abstract totally from that hard Question ; and , finding , by Experience , that they have Ideas and Resemblances in their Head when they know , they content themselves with That , without proceeding to examin distinctly what they are , or how they bring us to the Knowledge of the Things in Nature . These Men do certainly act more prudently than the former ; for , 't is much more wise and safe , in order to the Common Good of Learning , to wave an obscure Point totally ; than , by advancing false Positions , in a matter of universal Concern in Philosophy , to affirm what cannot be maintain'd . Tho' I must declare , that I cannot see but that such a Fundamental Point , which influences the whole Body of Science , ought not to be pretermitted . For which reason I have thought fit to lay the Grounds for it in the two first Lessons of my Method , reserving a more particular Account of it till further Occasion should be presented ; which seems to offer it self at present . 6. Yet I do not judge this Opportunity so pressing or proper , as to oblige me to treat such a large Point fully , or to set my self to demonstrate and smooth every Step I take in this untrodden and rugged way . This of right belongs to that part of Metaphysicks that treats of the Nature of the Soul ; and , particularly , as it is the Form of such an Animal Body ; which may not improperly be called Physicks ; or Animasticks . Besides , it were too great a Boldness to pretend to pursue such an abstruse Point quite thorough with Evident Demonstration . Yet I think I may promise my Readers , that the Positions I shall lay down orderly to clear it , will have that Coherence amongst themselves , and be so Agreeable to the Natures of Things , and to the Maxims of divers other Sciences ; that it will be hard , in just Reason , to find any considerable Flaw in it . I take my Rise from the remotest Principles that can concern that Point , and these are my Thoughts . 7. It belongs to the Divine Wisdom to carry on the Ordinary Course of his World by Causes and Effects ; and , on the Matter 's side , by Dispositions to further Productions . Thus Wood is heated by Degrees , e're it becomes Fire , and breaks out into a Flame ; and , in the Generation of every thing in Nature , there are are many Previous Alterations of the Matter , ere it acquires Another Form , or becomes Another Thing . 8. Wherefore it belongs also to the same Wisdom and Goodness of God , as he is the First Cause , that if , in the Ordinary Course of the World , the Subject be dispos'd for something that cannot be compassed by the Power of Second Causes , to step in to Nature's Assistance , and help her immediately by his own Hand . Thus , when the Individuality is compleated , that is , when the Potentiality of the Matter is Ultimately Determin'd and Particulariz'd by Second Causes , so that it is become distinct from all other Entities , or apt to be This , and so fitted for Existence ; which Existence , Second Causes cannot give : God , whose Generous Bounty stands ever ready to bestow unenviously on his Creatures all the Good they are capable of , does give them Existence immediately by himself . 9. Therefore , if there can be such a Disposition in the Brain of an Embryo , that ( grown riper ) it is apt , as far as is on the Matters side , to act Comparatively , which is the Disposition for Rationality : And that this cannot be done , but by having a Form in it of a Superior or Spiritual Nature , which Second Causes cannot produce ; it is certain , God will , by himself , assist it , by infusing such a Form. 10. There can be such a Disposition in the Brain of an Embryo to work Comparatively , that is , to Judge and Discourse ; since we experience that we do this actually now , in part , by the means of the Brain , or something that 's near it , or belongs to it . 11. Wherefore , since this cannot be done without having those Materials in us , of which , Compounded or Compared , we are to Judge and Discourse , which we call Simple Apprehensions , or Notions ; it follows that there must be such a Disposition in some Bodily Part , as to convey into the Soul such Notions . 12. Wherefore , since Bodies , in their whole Quantity , or Bulk , cannot be convey'd by the Senses into the Brain , the Author of Nature has order'd that all Bodies , upon the least Motion of Natural Causes , Internal or External , ( which is never wanting ) should send out Effluviums , or most minute and imperceptible Particles ; which may pass through the Pores of those Peruious Organs , called the Senses ; and so , be carried to the Brain . 13. This Natural Compound , called [ Man , ] is truly One Thing , and not aggregated of more Things Actually Distinct ; since the Form , called the Soul , did ( tho' not so Naturally , yet ) as necessarily follow out of the Disposition of the Matter , ( taking it as Seconded , and its Exigency and Deficiency supply'd by the First Cause , ) as the Form of Fire , or of any other Body in Nature , does out of the Dispositions properly Previous to that Form : And , therefore , does as truly ( by Informing that Matter ) Make or constitute the Man One Thing , as any other Corporeal Form does any Body in Nature . 14. Therefore there must be some Chief Corporeal Part in Man , which is immediately united with the Soul , as the Matter with its Form , and , therefore , is Primarily Corporeo-Spiritual , and includes both Natures . Whence , when that Part is affected , after its peculiar Nature , Corporeally ; the Soul is affected after its Nature , that is , Spiritually , or Knowingly ; which Part Cartesius thinks is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Glandula Pinealis . 15. Therefore the Manner how , and the Reason why those Corporeal Effluviums do come to affect the Soul , and cause in her Spiritual Notions of the Thing , is because of the immediate Identification of the Matter and Form , in that part ; whence follows , that the one cannot be affected , but the other must be affected too after its Different manner , proper to its Distinct Nature . In the same manner ( abating the Diversity peculiar to each of those Natures ) as , when the Matter of Wood is wrought upon , the Form of it , or the Complexion of Accidents , ( making up one Thing with it , ) does also suffer Change. Whence , by the way , is seen the Reason of that received Maxim , that Actiones & Passiones sunt suppositorum : So that 't is the whole Thing which acts or suffers , tho' according to this or that Part of it ; and hence it is that the Whole Thing is conceiv'd , tho' by an Inadequate Notion we conceive but but one Part of it ( as it were ) distinctly . 16. This Part immediately inform'd by the Soul as 't is Spiritual , ( which we will call the Seat of Knowledge , ) must , whatever it is , be of a Temper the most Indifferent to all Bodies , and to their several Modes as can be conceived ; and ( as far as Matter can bear ) Abstract from them all ; both that it may be connaturally more sensible of the Different Effluviums by which their several Natures are to be understood ; as also more fit to beget in the Soul Universal Notions , such as are those of Ens , or Being ; by which all the Negotiation of our Interiour Acts of Judging and Discoursing is managed . Tho' I am apt to judge that those General Notions are also caus'd when the Impression is Confused or Indistinct , as those of Ens or Being are ; and the same is to be said of the Rest in proportion . Thus , when we see a Thing a-far off , and have but a Confused View of it , it only appears to us to be something , we know not , particularly what , or A Thing ; without making us know in the least , what Kind of Thing or Body it is . Afterwards , coming nearer , we discern it moves it self ; whence we gain the Notion of a Living Thing : Then , approaching still nearer , we , by a more distinct Impression , know 't is a Horse . And , lastly , when it is within convenient Distance to give us a perfectly Distinct View of it , we know 't is such a Particular Horse of our own . 17. That Part , called the Seat of Knowledge , must , moreover , be the most Sensible , and the most Tender that can be imagin'd , that ( as was said ) the least Effluviums may affect it : And yet it must not be of a Glutinous Nature , so as to entangle them , and make them stick there ; but that , reverberated thence , they may light in some near adjacent place , to serve , by their renewed Impulses afterwards , for the Use of Memory , and to excite again former Knowledges ; as also , ( as will be shewn , ) to cause Reflex Acts. That it must not be in the least Glutinous , appears hence evidently , that , did the Effluviums stick there , we should , whether we would or no , perpetually contemplate or think of those Objects ; which would also hinder our Perception of others , by mingling the former Effluviums with those which supervene . 18. The orderly disposure of the world , by Gradual steps arising from less perfect Natures to those which are more Noble , and more Perfect , does evince that this Part call'd the Seat of Knowledge , is the most Supremely Noble production of Material things , and nearest ally'd ( as it were ) to Spiritual Nature that can be imagin'd ; so that all the best Perfections that are to be found in Corporeal things , are center'd in it . Whence , tho' it is too rude to affirm with a certain learned Physician , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a baser part of Man's Body than the Intestinum Rectum ; yet I cannot approve of Cartesius his Conceit , that it is a Glandule ; which is one of the Ignoblest parts we have ; but judge it has a peculiar Temperature of its own ; not only specifically distinct from other parts , but that they are scarce in any degree to be parallell'd to it . 19. Whether amongst its other Special Qualities it partakes of the Nature of those Bodies which in the dark do reflect Light ; and that the Glossy and Lively Appearances and Resemblances , which we call Fancies , or Phantasms , do spring thence , I leave to others to determin . I think it is the Interest of those who make the Septum Lucidum to be the Seat of Knowledge , to embrace that Opinion . 20. Those Effluviums sent out from Bodies , have the very Natures of those Bodies in them , or rather are themselves Lesser Bodies of the Self-same Nature , ( as the smallest imperceptible parts of Bread and Flesh , are truly Bread and Flesh ) which are cut off by Natural Agents from the great Lump ; and , therefore , by Application of themselves , they imprint the very Body it self , or a Body of that Nature , on that material part which is the Seat of Knowledge . Whence the Soul being , at the same time , affected after her manner ( or Knowingly ) as that part was affected , she has also the very Nature of that Body ( as far as the Sense exhibits it ) put in her by that conformable Impression , when she has a Notion of it . 21. Therefore those Effluviums striking the Seat of Knowledge , and immediately ( as has been said ) falling off from it , do affect it as a Thing distinct from the M●n . For they are not there as belonging at all to the Intrinsecal Constitution of the Body , but as meer strangers to it : Whence the Soul has the Nature of that Body in her ( and consequently is that Body ) as 't is another Thing from her , which illustrates the Explication of knowing given formerly ; and that 't is to be another thing as it is another . 22. The Reason why those Effluviums , containing the Essence or Nature of the Bodies whence they flow , do not breed a Notion in the Soul of their whole Essences is , because they are convey'd to that part by many different Conduits the Senses ; which being diverse , and each of them ( according to their circumstances ) apt to be affected diversely , do therefore receive and imprint them after a different Manner . For example , those which , by the smart motion of the Ayr , do come in thro' the Drum of the Ear ; and consequently by the Auditory Nerve which is joined to it , and immediately conveys them to the Seat of Knowledge ; do affect it with a kind of Vibration , or ( as we may say ) Soundingly . Those which come in by the Eye , affect it Luminously , or as accompany'd with Light , and so of all the rest ; whence are caused in our Soul all our Distinct , or Abstracted Notions of the Thing , or ( which is the same ) of the Nature of the Thing , in part , or according to such a Consideration of it ; on which , because of the Distinctness , and consequently Clearness of those impressions , all the Science we have of the Thing is grounded . 23. There is , moreover on the Soul's side , which is the Subject that receives those Impressions , another thing highly conducing to make our Notions yet more Clear and perfectly Distinct , which deserves our best Reflexion . 'T is this , that , the Nature of our Soul being Indivisible , it gives an Indivisibility to all those Notions , or Natures in her ; which , as they existed without her , and were convey'd into her by Effluviums , being Corporeal , were Divisible , and therefore something Indistinct and Confus'd : This appears clearly in most of the Objects about which the Soul is conversant , perhaps , in all ; viz. in Figures , Points , Lines , Superficies , Instants , Measures , Comparisons , Predications , Respects , Negations , Denominations , Relations , &c. For example , There is not , perhaps , in all Nature any Body Perfectly , or Mathematically , Flat , Sphaerical or Triangular ; or just a yard , nor any Duration mark't out to be just an Hour ; but , by reason that Bodies are affected with quantity , which is perpetually variable by a world of Agents of diverse Figures assaulting it ; as also because of the Divisibility of Quantity in infinitum , it is warpt from those Exact Figures , or deviates from those Just Measures : Whereas , on the contrary , those things , as they exist in the Soul , are adjusted and Stinted even to an Indivisible ; so that the very least imaginable Consideration , added or detracted , quite alters the Notion to another Species , Now , nothing can be so concisely Distinct from another , or more impossible to be Confounded with it , than what is so comprized within its own Bounds , as to be This and no other , or so much and no more , even to an Indivisible . Whence 't is demonstrable that the Thing , as in our Soul , or as standing under our Notion , or Conception , is a most Proper Ground for that Distinct and Clear Knowledge called Science . This is evidently seen throughout the whole Body of the Mathematicks ; and the same will be found by Reflexion in all other Sciences whatever . I note here on the by , that this Power or Faculty of the Soul , which is so proper and so natural to her , of Reducing all things in her from the Indistinctness found in them , as they stand in Nature , or from Divisibility to Indivisibility , does ground most evident Demonstrations of her Immateriality , and consequently , of her Immortality , were it pursu'd home .. But this is not my business at present . 24. That Part , called the Seat of Knowledge , can be affected with many coherent Impressions at once , which cause in the Soul Complex , or Compounded Notions . This is too evident to need any Dilating on it , I call those Impressions coherent , which are caused by Effluviums making singly different Impressions either from the same Thing , or the same sort of Thing . But , it is on this occasion to be well noted , that , lest our Knowledges or Discourses be lost in a Croud , or run astray in a pathless Wood of Notions disorderly aggregated , the Art of Logick is absolutely necessary , to range and distinguish our Notions into Common Heads , and to descend from those General Heads all along by Intrinsecal Differences * ; that is , to divide them by more and less of the Common Notion , so to keep them still within that Line or Head ; without which they must needs interfere and breed Confusion . This Method of Distinguishing and keeping distinct our Notions , is as necessary for Scientifical Discourses , as 't is for an Army to be Marshalled in Rank or File ; without which 't is but a Medly or Confused Multitude . Whence , those who slight this Methodizing their Notions , must necessarily , in rigorous Reason , talk Ramblingly ; tho' perhaps ingeniously , according to such a sort of Wit as Men use when they would maintain Paradoxes ; or , as Erasmus us'd to praise Folly. 25. It being demonstrable in Metaphysicks , that whatever is only in Power to have a new Act , cannot of it self produce that Act in it self , unless it be wrought upon first by some other Agent which is in Act ; and much less can such a Power do this , as is of an Indivisible or Spiritual Nature , in regard it has no Parts , one whereof being in Act it self , may produce an Act in the rest ; as it happens in the Wheels of a Watch , or in our Bodies , when one part of them moves another : It follows hence , that our Soul can produce no new Act , either of Memory , or of Reflexion upon her own former Acts , nor of Thinking or Willing , &c. without being first affected by some Object without her , or anew by some Part or Particle within the Man ; which , being in Act it self , may cause those new Acts of Knowledge in her . 26. The Effluviums , which , by affecting the Seat of Knowledge , gave her to know at first , are the properest Agents to produce connaturally these new Acts of Reflexion or Memory ; in case it can be found that they are duely qualify'd for such an Efficiency . 27. Those Effluviums ( as was prov'd above ) not sticking on that part which is the Seat of Knowledge , do consequently fall off from it , and are lodged near it ; whence 't is consonant , that That Part also having its Effluviums when thus sollicited by the Impulse of those Atomes sent from without ; and therefore ( all Natural Action causing Reaction ; ) when they rebound thence , they carry away some minute Particles of the said Part. Wherefore these Outward Effluviums , thus imbu'd , and qualify'd with some tang of the Seat of Knowledge , when they come to be Excited again by some Exteriour or Interiour Causes , must affect it afterwards accordingly ; and thence they become duely qualify'd to cause a Notion of it as Fore-known , which we call , to reflect upon it , or remember it . By which we see how Reflexion and Reminiscence are caused by the new Impulse of those former Atoms to the Seat of Knowledge , tinctur'd with some Particles of that Part it self . For which Reason , the oftner this is done , the Memory of it is more Easie and Lively . Whence is seen , that there is no need of multiplying succeeding Ideas , to know the preceding ones , when we have Acts of Reflexion ; a new Impression of the Effluviums or Phantasms , thus qualify'd , repeating still the same former Notion with the Connotate of Foreknown . 28. Memory and Remembrance are inexplicable , without putting those first-imprinted Atoms to reside still in the Brain , and to be excited there anew . For , were this put to be perform'd by a meer Motion upon the Nerve ( as most of our Modern Philosophers think , ) the Object being gone , that Motion would quickly cease . Nor could the same Motion be connaturally reviv'd but by the same Object , which is seldom at hand to make it again as oft as we have occasion to remember , as Experience shows us . Much less could the Remembrance of Sounds or Tunes , in Man or Birds , be possibly explicated , unless those repell'd Atoms , lying in Order , and striking afresh the Auditory Organ , did repeat the same Impression they had formerly . For , to put Millions of Motions to continue perpetually playing in the Fancy , and ( as they needs must ) interfering with one another , would destroy all Harmony , and breed a strange jarring Confusion . Note , that Reminiscence is oft-times made in us by using our Reason , gathering or recollecting former Notions by others that orderly succeeded them ; in the same manner as we investigate Causes from their Effects : Whereas in Brutes it is performed meerly by a new Appulse of the former Atoms to that part in which the Imagination consists ; which being the most supreme in the Animal , has a Power to Agitate the Animal Spirits , and move the Body agreeably to those Impressions ; as is found also in Man. 29. The same Excitation of those particles thus imbu'd , causes also Reflex Knowledge of our former Operations . And indeed Reflexion on our past thoughts is the same as Remembrance of them ; for we can neither Reflect on a Thing without Remembring it , nor Remember it without Reflecting on it . But this Reflexion , for the reason lately given , must proceed from some Object or Cause Extraneous to the Soul ; that is from Effluviums in the Memory thus reexcited . For it is to be noted that as Divines ( or rather Christian Faith ) tell us , that Christ having two distinct Natures in the same Suppositum , all his Operations proper to him as such , were therefore Theanthropicae , or such as were agreeable and belonging to both the Divine and Humane Natures : So Man , consisting of both a Corporeal and Spiritual Nature , and thence being a Corporeo-Spiritual Thing , all his Operations , for the same Reason , must be Corporeo-Spiritual . Whence he has no Act purely Spiritual , or uncompounded with the Co-operation of that Corporeal Part , which receives those Effluviums ( call'd by us Fancy ) or without it's Concurrence . Which gives us farther Light , to see how our Soul cannot reflect on her own Operations , but the Fancy must go along ; and , by what 's said , it will be easie to conclude from which of those parts the Operation must begin anew , viz. from that part from which it did begin at first . Hence came that Saying of the Schools , That the Soul has Notions , or knows , Speculando Phantasmata : which are pretty Fanciful Words ; and , tho' they may perhaps have a good Meaning , yet 't is very unphilosophically express'd : For it makes the Soul to speculate , which ( if it have any Sense at all ) signifies to know the Phantasms or Ideas in the Imagination , when as yet she has no Knowledge in her at all . All her Notions , which are the first Elements of Knowledge , being caus'd in her by those Effluviums , previously to her Knowing either them , or any thing else . 13. From what 's said above , 't is seen that those Direct Notions , which are thus naturally imprinted , are Common to all Mankind in the main , ( however they may in each Man differ in some Degree ) and consequently , the Words we agree on to express those Natural Notions are , for the same reason , Proper Words ; whereas those Notions made by meer Reflexion , as are those of Spiritual Natures , are therefore Improper , as having no proper Phantasms to imprint them connaturally on the Mind : whence also the Words that express them , are such as are taken or Translated from Natural Objects ; and therefore they are Improper or Metaphorical . 31. From this exact Distinctness of our Notions , even to an Indivisible , or from this , that one of them is not another , our Mind has an Appendage of a Negation tack'd to every Notion , so that it becomes very familiar to her : whence she can have a Negative Notion of every thing she conceives , while the considers it as limited , or reaching thus far , and no farther ; or being This , and no other . Of which Nature are all the Modes of Ens , they being limited Conceptions of it ; no Notion being perfectly Positive but that of Ens or Being . 32. Hence the Soul can have also the Notions of Indivisibility , Immortality , Immensity , and innumerable such like . But , it is very specially to be remark'd , that we can have no Notions of those Negatives as taken abstractedly from the Thing or Subject ; for , otherwise , Non Entities ( formally as such ) might be the Object of the Understanding ; which is impossible ; for [ Nothing ] formally as such ( I add , nor Vacuum ) can have no Effluviums sent from it to the Brain , nor consequently any Intelligibility ; nor can any possible Notion be fram'd of it . Wherefore Baldness signifies the Head , quatenus having no Hair on it ; Blindness , the Eye , quatenus having no Sight ; Immensity , the Thing , quatenus not capable to be measured , &c. Hence 33. The Notion we have of [ Nothing ] or Non Ens , is only that of Ens in it's whole Latitude , with a Negation annexed to it ; in the same manner as in particular Entities , [ Incorporeal ] signifies [ non Corpus ] or as [ Indivisible ] signifies [ Non-Quantum ] &c. 24. Hence it is that we come to conceive , and sometimes express Non Ens as an Ens ; as Grammarians do when they define a Noun to be the Name of a Thing , and yet make Nihil ( which signifies Nothing ) a Noun Subjective , and put Adjectives to it . Whence Philosophers must take very great Care , lest , seduced by our manner of Conceiving Non-Ens as a Thing , they come to fancy , or judge it to be formally something ; as do the Asserters of Vacuum , and too many others in like Occasions . For then ( I beg their Pardon for my Plainness ) their Discourses upon it can be no wiser than are those Ingenious Verses , made to shew how rare a Thing Nothing is ; nor , indeed , so wise : For those Poets did this Ludicrously , to shew their Wit ; but these do it Seriously , and make account , that , in doing so , they shew their Skill and Wisdom ; which I must think is meer Folly. 35. The Notions of Genus , Species , Subject , Predicate , and generally of all Terms of Art which are not Fantastick , but wisely conducing to clear and range our Notions in Order , to gain Science , are Nothing but several Abstract Notions of the Thing , precisely considered according to some Manner of Being it has in our Understanding . For Animal and Homo are evidently Abstract or Inadequate Notions of Peter , taking him as he exists in Nature : But , when we call Animal a Genus , or , Homo a Species ; or , when , in this Proposition , [ Petrus est Homo , ] we say Petrus is the Subject , and Homo the Predicate , we speak of them precisely , as they exist in the Understanding ; For , in Nature , or out of the Understanding , there can be no Universals , but only Individuals , none else being determin'd to be This or That Ens , or capable of Existing : Nor can Propositions be any where , but in the Mind . Whereas , in the Understanding , the Notion of [ Animal ] is really larger , and that of [ Homo ] narrower ; which Artists call Genus and Species . And , in the foresaid Proposition , Petrus and Homo , which are its Parts , are as truly in our Mind the Subject and Predicate , as that Proposition it self is there ; or as the Thing , as existing in Nature , is White or Black. 36. This then is the Test to try all the Speculations made by Logicians , and other Reflecters or Artists , viz. to examin whether they suit with , and are built on the Natures of the Things themselves , as they exist in our Mind ; that they conduce to order our Notions so , as may clear the Way to Science ; and that they be not meerly Impertinent and shallow grounded Fancies , as they too frequently are ; particularly , the * Entia Rationis , which make such a Noise in the Schools . Corollary II. Whence , upon the main , is clearly discovered , how all true Philosophy is nothing but the Knowledge of Things ; either as they have their Being in Nature , which is done by Direct Acts ; or else in the Understanding only , which are known by Reflex ones . 37. Besides those Impressions which cause our Direct and Reflex Acts , there are others which breed meer Whimsies coin'd by the Fancy , and are purely Chimerical . For our Fancy having Innumerable Effluviums , or Atomes in it , of many Sorts , which are oft-times agitated disorderly ; hence it comes , that it conjoins and imprints Incoherent Phantasms on the Seat of Knowledge , and so makes Apprehensions of them in our Minds ; such as are those of a Golden Earth , a Hircoceruus , an Elephant supporting the World , a Chimera , and such like . This most commonly happens in Dreams , conceited Prophesies , and Enthusiastick Revelations ; especially those caused by the Spleen . Nor is groundless Speculation , exempt from this Enormity . Generally this happens when our Thoughts are Unattentive to the Things in Nature , whose Direct Impressions keep our Fancy Orderly , and Firm. Now , there is little Harm in our apprehending those extravagant Connexions ; the Danger is , lest Speculaters , seduced by Imagination , do come to Judge that the Things are so in Nature as they fancy them ; which must necessarily fill their Minds with Caprichio's , and Frantick Conceits . The Ways to avoid these Inconveniences , are , First , To attend heedfully to the Direct Impressions from the Things without us ; and to examine whether the Connexion of those Fancies be agreeable to their Natures , or no. Secondly , To make Right and Strong Judgments concerning those common Notions we had from Nature , which keep our Thoughts and Discourses Steady and Solid ; especially , to keep an Attentive Consideration , that , as all these Notions came from the Thing , so they are still the Thing , conceiv'd according to somewhat that is in it ; and to take care we do not make them forget their Original , nor disown the Thing , from whence only , as being Modes meerly depending on it , they had any kind of Being at all ; nor , consequently , Intelligibility . Thirdly , To observe the Methodical Rules and Maxims of True Logick , which teach us how to distinguish our Notions exactly , and to keep them distinct , lest we blunder in our Discourses ; and which do withall shew us what are the Ways how to frame true Connexions , or right Judgments and Discourses . But , the last and best Means to keep us from being mis-led by Fancy , or following its Vagaries , is , the Study of Metaphysicks ; which , being built on the Highest , Steadiest and Clearest Principles , abstract from all Fancy , and will scarce ever permit those who who are well vers'd in it , to fall into Errour . And , let it be observ'd , that nothing in the World more perverts all true Science , than does the admitting those disorder'd Fancies because , being cleanly express'd , they have sometimes a Lively Appearance , for Solid Truths ; nay , laying them often for Grounds , and Self-evident Principles . This , this , I say , is the main Source of all Hypothetical Philosophy , and of all Erroneous Schemes of Doctrine , not grounded on the Natures of the Things ; which , therefore , must needs be , at best , Shallow , and Superficial ; and , if pursu'd home to their Principles , plain Nonsence , the usual and proper Effect of Ungovern'd Fancy . 38. Of those Things that do not come in by our Senses , as Bodies do , but are of a different or opposite Nature ; of which therefore we can have no Notion but by joining a Negation to the Notion of Body , ( such as are Indivisible , Incorporeal , Immaterial , Immortal , and , in general , all Spiritual Things , and their proper Modes , ) we can have no proper Effluviums , or Phantasms , as is evident . Wherefore also , the Notions we have of them , and , consequently , the Words by which we express them , are all Improper , or Metaphorical ; which , if not reflected on , will breed Innumerable Errours . The best Notion we can frame of them , is that of Thing , with a Negation of Body , and of all the Modes of Body joined to it ; which does not so much tell us what it is , as what it is not ; or rather , it gives us a Blind , but Certain Knowledge of what kind of Nature it must be , because it tells us of what kind of Nature it cannot be ; the Differences which constitute that Nature , and its Opposite , being contradictory , which forces it to be either of the One or of the other . Yet this hinders not , but we may discourse consequently , or Scientifically , of those Things that connotate the Negation of Body , full as well as of the Bodies themselves : For , as we can conclude evidently from the Notion of Body , that it is Divisible , Changeable , Placeable , Moveable , thus or thus Qualify'd , &c. so we may conclude , with Equal Evidence , from the Notion of a Thing which is not a Body , that it is not Divisible , not Extended , not Moveable , not Placeable , not affected with any Physical Qualities , &c. 39. Lastly , As for the Notion we have of God , however the An Est of such a Supreme Being be many ways Evident and Demonstrable ; yet the Notion of the Quid est of such a Being is the most Obscure that can be imagin'd . For , First , Since he must have Innumerable Perfections in his Nature , and the Notion we have of every ordinary Suppositum in Nature is therefore Confused , and Obscure , because it grounds many Notions which we cannot clearly conceive at once , or have a Distinct Apprehension of them ; it follows , that much less can the Divine Nature be clearly conceived by us in this State , which comprehends all the best Perfections found in the whole Universality of Creatures , and infinitely more . Secondly , 'T is yet harder to frame a Notion of a Being , in which those Innumerable Perfections are not found Single , but are all of them center'd in one most Simple , and most Uncompounded Formality ; which contains in it self eminently all the Excellencies that can possibly be conceived in Creatures , and Millions of times greater , and more . Thirdly , As we can have no Notion of a Created Spiritual Nature , but by a Negation of what 's Proper to Body ; so we can have no Notion of the Divine Nature , but by Denying of him all that belongs properly to the Natures of such a Body and Spirit both ; and by acknowledging them infinitely short of resembling , or even shadowing him . Lastly , We have no Notion , or Expression , that can sute with him ; no , not even the most Metaphysical ones . Ens includes Potentiality to Existence ; and , all Potentiality signifying Imperfection , must be utterly denied of him . Existence seems to come nearer ; yet , because it signifies a Formality supervening to Ens , as 't is Existent ; and so is , as it were , a kind of Compart , it cannot be Proper for his infinitely - Simple Being . And even Self-existence signifies a kind of Form or Mode of the Subject that Self-exists . So that we have no kind of Notion or Expression , that can perfectly agree to God's Infinite Essence ; but we are forc'd to content our selves to make use of sometimes one Attribute , sometimes another , that signifies some Perfection , with [ Infinite ] annex'd to it , which is not found in Creatures , or which is denied of them , or is Incommunicable to them . Whence comes that Maxim of the Mysticks , that God is better known by Negations , or by affirming he is none of those Positive Perfections we find in Creatures , than by applying any of our Positive Notions to him . And this is all we can do in this State , till Grace raising us up to Glory , we come to know his Divine Essence , as it is in its Self ; ( or , as we phrase it , See him Face to Face ; ) in contemplating which , consists our Eternal Happiness . 40. Thus much of our Notions , which we call the First Operations of our Understanding , and how they are caused in our Soul. How our Judging and Discoursing ( which are the other two ) are made in it , is shewn at large in the Second and Third Books of my Method to Science . 41. If any Learned Man is dis-satisfied with this Discourse , or has a mind to oppose it , I think I have Right to require of him two Things : First , That he would not object his own Fancies or Dis-like of it , or think that this is sufficient to invalidate it ; but , that he would go to work like a Man of Reason , and shew that This or That part of it does contradict Such and Such a Principle in Logick , Physicks , or Metaphysicks . This is the only Solid Way of Objecting , all other being but Empty Talk , and Idle Cavil . Next , I think I have Right to demand , ( since it is fundamentally necessary to Philosophy that this Point be clear'd , ) that he would set himself to frame some Orderly and Coherent Discourse of his own , built upon Evident Principles , how , or by what particular Means , the first Knowledge of the Things without us , comes into our Soul. In doing which , he will oblige the World very highly , and my self very particularly : And , unless he does this , he will be convinced to find fault with what himself cannot mend : Which will manifest that he either wants true Knowledge , or ( which is a far greater Defect ) Ingenuity . PRELIMINARY Fifth . Of the Proper and Genuine Signification of those Words which are of most use in Philosophy . 1. THE main Hindrance of Science , viz. The Mistake of Fancies for Realities , or of meer Similitudes for Notions , being provided against ; the other Grand Impediment to true Knowledge , which is the taking Words , us'd in Philosophy , in an Ambiguous or wrong Sense , is to be our next Care. The Inconveniences which arise hence , and the ways how to detect and avoid Equivocation , are in my * Method discours'd of in common ; and I have here in my Second Preliminary clear'd also in common the Signification of all Abstract Words , and shewn , that they mean the thing it self , quatenus such or such ; or , according to such or such a Consideration of it as is express'd by that Word . My present Business , to which my Circumstances oblige me , is to clear , in particular , the Notion or Meaning of those most Important Words , which being made use of by Learned Men , and taken by them often-times in different Senses , do so distract them in their Sentiments ; and , by drawing their Intellectual Eye , now to one side , now to the other , make them so frequently miss the Mark while they aim at true Science . Not that my Intention in this Preliminary is , to pursue the Mistakes of others , but only to settle the True and Genuine Sense of such Words , to be applied afterwards to the Mis-accepters of them , as occasion requires ; tho' I may hint now and then some Abuses of them , that so I may the better clear their proper Signification . 2. I begin with [ Existence ] express'd by the Word [ is ] which is the Notion of the Thing , precisely consider'd as it is Actually Being . This is the most simple of all our Notions , or rather indeed the * only Simple Notion we have , all the rest being but Respects to it . For , it has no kind of Composition in it , not even that Metaphysical one , of grounding divers Conceptions or Considerations of it , as all others have . Whence all Notions being , by their Abstraction , Distinct and Clear ; this most Abstracted Notion is so perfectly clear and self-evident , that , as it cannot need , so it cannot admit any Explication . They who go about to explain it , show themselves Bunglers , while they strive to approve themselves Artists . For , by telling us , that 't is Esse contra Causas , they put [ Esse , ] which is the Notion defin'd , in the Definition ; which is most absurd , and against all Art and Common Sense : Nay , they make it more obscure than it was before , by adding [ Extra Causas ] to it , which are less clear than it self was . By the Word [ Causes , ] I suppose , they mean Natural ones ; and so , tho' it gives no Clearness to the Signification of the Word [ Esse , ] yet it may at least consist with good Sense ; and may mean , that the Thing was , before , or while it was not yet produced , within the Power of those Causes , or in the State of Potentiality ; and that Existence is that Formality , or most formal Conception , by which the Thing is put out of that imperfect State , of having only A Power to be , and is reduced to the perfecter State of Actuality , or Actual Being . 3. As it is impossible to misconceive this self-evident Notion , so 't is equally impossible to mistake the meaning of the word [ Existence ] which properly expresses that Notion ; for , if they take the word [ is ] to have any meaning , relating any way to the Line of [ Ens , ] or any Signification at all that is , of its Nature , purely Potential , they quite destroy it's Notion : And , if they take it , in any Sense , for an Actuality not belonging to the Line of Ens , they must necessarily take it to mean [ is not , ] there being no Third or other such Notion to take it for ; in the same manner , as if one takes not Ens to mean A Thing , he must take it to mean Nothing . Now , tho' the Goodness of Humane Nature , which abhors Contradiction , reclaims vehemently against such an unnatural Depravation of Common Sense , as to take [ is , ] while thus express'd , for [ is not ; ] yet , taking the meaning of the Word [ Existence ] as it is disguised by another Word , which is , by consequence , Equivalent to it ; those Deserters of Humane Nature , the Scepticks , do take occasion from the altering the Expression , to misapprehend even what is Self-evident . For 't is the same Sense , ( when we speak affirmatively ) to say a thing is True or Certain , as to say it is ; since nothing can be True or Certain that is not ; and , therefore , when these Men talk of Moral and Probable Truth , and Probable or Moral Certainty , which mincing Expressions mean [ possible not to be so ] they in effect say , that [ what is , may , whilst it is , possibly not be ; ] Which manners of Expression , tho' they may seem to some but a meer Unconcerning School-Speculation ; and Unreflecting Men may think it deserves no other Note , but that of being Ridiculous ; yet , I judge my self obliged to declare , that it is moreover most enormously Mischievous ; and that it quite perverts and destroys ( by a very immediate Consequence ) the Nature and Notion of all Certainty and Truth whatsoever , and of Being too ; and quite overthrows all possibility of Knowing any thing at all . Had they said [ I think it true or certain ] none would blame them ; rather 't is a Credit for such Men even to think heartily there is any Truth or Certainty at all in Philosophy ; but to joyn ( as they do ) Moral or Probable , to Truth and Certainty , as a kind of Mode affecting them , is to clap these most unconsociable Things , Light and Darkness , into one Dusky Compound , to abet Nonsense , and palliate Ignorance . 4. The Notion immediately next in order to Existence , as that which has the very least Potentiality that can be in the Line of Being , is that of Ens , or Thing . Wherefore the meaning of that word can be no other but that of [ Capable to be ] for , no Created Thing has Actual Being , or Existence , in its Essential-Notion , but of its own Nature may be or not be ; as , besides what 's proved in my * Method , is seen in the very Notion of Creature ; which signifies That which has its Being from Another ; which , therefore , can , of its self , be only Capable of Being . That the Notion of Ens is distinct from that of Existence is demonstrated * elsewhere , and is farther evident hence , that the Notion of what has Existence must be different from what 's had by it , or from Existence it self . All Mankind has this Notion of Thing in them ; for they experience that every Thing can exist , by seeing it does so ; and they know also they are not of themselves , whether they hold a first Being , or no ; because they do generally see that Causes produced them . Wherefore all that can be said , or thought of the word [ Ens ] is , that it signifies the Thing precisely , as 't is Capable of Being . 5. Whence follows , that the Abstract Terms , [ Entity ] or [ Essence ] do properly signify [ A Capacity of Being , ] which is the Abstract Term of [ Capable of Being . ] Tho' Entity is often us'd as a Concrete for the Thing it self . Moreover , Essence is the Total Form of Ens its Suppositum , or Subject , which adequately and intirely constitutes it such ; as Humanitas is the Total Form of Homo . I call it the Total Form , to distinguish it from the Partial Form of Body ; which , with the Matter , its compart , do compound the entire Notion , or Total Form of Corporeity . 6. To understand which more clearly we are to Note that the Notion and Signification of the word [ Matter ] signifies the Thing , or Body precisely , as it is a Power to be a Thing ; and Form signifies the same Thing , according to that in it which determins it to be a Thing Actually . We are to reflect too , that Power and Act , considered in the Line of Being , are the same as Matter and Form ; only the Former words are purely Metaphysical , because they express the parts of Ens as Ens ; in regard no other conceptions in the Line of Being can possibly be framed of a Body , but as it is Determinable , or Determinative , which are the very Notions of Power and Act ; whereas Matter and Form , tho' in Bodies they signify the same as the former , seem rather to incline to the parts of such an Ens , or Body , Physically consider'd . 7. To show literally what 's meant by this saying , that Matter and Form constitute the compleat Ens , or make the Subject capable of Existing , I discourse thus . Nothing as 't is Indeterminate or Common to more can be ultimately Capable to be : v. g , neither a Man in Common , nor a Horse in Common , can possibly exist , but This Man , or This Horse : Whatever therefore does determin the Potentiality , or Indifferency of the Subject as it is Matter , or , which is the same , a Power to be of such or such a Nature , ( which is what we call to have such a Form in it ) does make it This or That , and , consequently , disposes it for Existence . Wherefore since the particular Complexion of the several Modes and Accidents do determin the Power or Matter , so as to make it Distinct from all others , it does by Consequence determin it to be This , and , so , makes it Capable of Existing ; that is , an Ens or Thing . I enlarge not upon this Point , because I have treated it so amply in the Appendix to my Method to Science . 8. Hence is seen what is , or can , with good Sense , be meant by that Metaphysical , or Entitative part called by the Schools , the Substantial or Essential Form ; which they say , does , with the Matter , make up that compound Ens , call'd Body ; and that , in Literal Truth , it can be nothing else but that Complexion of the Modes , or Accidents , which conspire to make that peculiar or primigenial Constitution of every Body , at the first Instant of its being thus ultimately Determin'd to be This. For , this Original Temperature of the Mixt or Animal , being once settled by the Steady Concurrence of its Causes ; whatever Particles or Effluviums , or how many soever , which are Agreeable to it , do afterwards accrue to it , are so digested into , or assimilated , to its Nature , that they conserve , nourish and dilate , and not destroy it . Whereas , if they be of an opposit Nature , they alter it from its own temperature , and in time quite destroy and corrupt it . To explicate which more fully , let us consider how the Causes in Nature , which are many times of a Different , sometimes of a Contrary Temper to the Compound , do work upon a Body ; and how they make ( as they needs must ) preternatural Dispositions in it ; till , when those Disagreeable Alterations arrive to such a pitch , as quite to pervert the former Complexion of Accidents , which we call its Form ; a new Form , or new Complexion succeeds , determining the Matter to be Another Thing ; till it self also , wrought upon in the same Manner , comes to be Corrupted , and so makes way for a New Off-spring . To which , in the very Instant it is ultimately Determined to be This , the First Being , whose overflowing Goodness stands ever ready to give his Creatures all that they are Disposed or Capable to have , does , with a steady Emanation of Being , give his Peculiar Effect , Existence . Corollary . The Reason why our Moderns do so oppose Substantial or Essential Forms , are reduced to two Heads : First , Because they conceited the Form was a kind of Distinct Thing , or at least a part of a Thing Supervening to the Marter , its Compart , and Compounding the Ens , after that gross manner as Two Things in Nature do Compound a Third : Whereas , in reality , they are nothing but divers Notions or Considerations of the Thing , formally , as it is a Thing . Wherefore , to say , a Body is Compounded of Matter and Form , is no more , in Literal Truth , than to say that there can be no more Considerations of a Body , taken formally , as it is a Thing ; or taking it in the Line of Ens precisely , but of a Power to become such a Thing ; and of the Act or Form , Determining that Power : However the Thing may have in it what grounds the Notions of many Modes or Accidents ; which are also the Thing materially , tho' not Formally according to the Notion of Ens. Nor let any object , that this is to maintain that Things are compounded of Notions , as some may mis-understand us ; for , let it be remember'd ( as is demonstrated above , ) that the Notion is the very Thing , as it is in our Understanding , according , or as far as it is conceiv'd by us ; that is , 't is the very Thing , partially Consider'd . The other Reason which the Moderns had for this Mis-conceit , was , because the Schools generally explain'd themselves very ill , by making a new Entity of every different Conception ; not comprehending well the Difference between Metaphysical Composition and Divisibility , and Physical , or rather Artificial ones ; such as Apothecaries use when they put many Ingredients into a Pill ; or Carpenters , when of Many divers Materials they compound a House ; which is the applying , outwardly or inwardly , more Things ( properly so called ) together : Whereas Metaphysical Divisibility is never reduced to Act , but by our Understanding framing Distinct or Abstract Notions of one and the same Thing . And Metaphysical Composition is no more , but that there is found in the Thing ( though Physically and Entitatively one , and uncompounded ) what grounds those distinct Notions ; which being but divers Respects or Considerations , it follows , that the Thing in Nature may , without any Contradiction , ( or Possibly , ) be Chang'd according to One of them , and not according to Another . 9. Hence , Lastly , is clearly seen what is the Principle of Individuation , about which there have been such warm Disputes , viz. That 't is nothing but that Comploxion of Modes or Accidents , which make up the peculiar Constitution of a Body at the first Instant of its being such an Ens or This , as is explicated at large , § 8. by which 't is , consequently , fitted for such a particular Operation in Nature . 10. Ens or Thing has many other Names , tho' all of them less proper . As , First , [ Substance , ] which , coming from the Verb [ Substare , ] respects only its Modes and Accidents , and not what concerns its self , or its own Order or Capacity to Existence . Wherefore , 't is very Improper ; and , unless the common Usage of it make some Amends for the Impropriety of the Expression , certainly it is most highly Unfit . Aristotle calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which coming from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , keeps it within the Line of Being . As I remember Boetius was the first who render'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Substantia . The Schools either us'd it in Imitation of him , or else they took it up when they were to treat of the Ten Predicaments ; and , Nature instructing them that the last Nine had no Order to Being in their Signification ; and so , as taken in their peculiar Notions , could not exist alone , without needing a kind of Support ( as it were : ) hence they call'd this Support , by a Name suitable enough to their Thoughts , Substance ; and the others , that had not Being in their Notion , and so had no Title to Being by their own Merits , or to uphold themselves in being , Accidents ; of the Impropriety of which Word more hereafter . I wish there were no worse in it ; and that , they did not fancy all those abstract Notions , which are only the Thing in part , to have in them the Notion of Things too , or to be so many Intire Things ; tho' they were Feebler and the other Stronger . However it were , they went to work Illogically : For , they should have considered , that all of them ( taking them as they were Distinct from the Notion of Thing ) could be nothing but several Conceptions of ours , or ( which is the same ) the Thing as diversly considered ; and then they might have easily reflected , that we could not ( in general ) have more Conceptions than those of Res and Modus Rei ; that is , of the Thing , and of the several Manners how a Thing is ; which would have clear'd this Truth to them , that the Manner or the How a Thing is , is nothing without the Thing , as is deduced formerly . However , the Word [ Substantia ] with a sound Explication , may pass , since Use will have it so ; and will do little Harm , so it be but rightly understood to mean what we properly call Ens , Res , or Thing . 11. On this Occasion , 't is my Opinion , that both Mr. Locke and my self should not be too severe against the Modern School-men , for using the Words [ Substantia ] and [ Inhaerentia ; ] or , as he ingeniously ridicules it , [ Sticking-on and underpropping . ] The manner how the Thing and its Modes do relate to one Another ; being only found in our Mind , and according to the Being they have there ( for out of it there is no Distinction at all of the Thing from its Modes ) is Spiritual ; and so , can no other way be express'd , but metaphorically ; and our selves do and must , in such a case , frequently use such Metaphors to express our Conceptions ; which a Critick might banter sufficiently , by taking them Literally . Indeed , if those School-men did understand them in that crude Literal Sense , ( as I fear many of them did ) from which Apprehension , I believe , his Zeal against them proceeded , they deserve to be the Sport and Laughter of all Men of Sense ; for I know nothing else they are good for . Now the Truth is , there is a kind of Natural Order in our Notions , tho' taken from the same Thing ; so that we have the Notion of Res or Thing antecedently ( in Priority of Nature ) to Modus Rei , or the Accidents ; and we conceive the Mode or Manner to presuppose the Notion of the Thing , and to have no Being but as it is in it and affects it . Whence , being conceiv'd to be in it , and to have no Being by any other means , we may , by a Metaphor not much strain'd , say it does , as it were , Inhere in it ; and that the Thing supports its Modes in their Being . Nor will it do us any Harm loqui cum vulgo , to speak as vulgar Philosophers use ; provided we do Sentire cum doctis , or make wiser Judgments of the Literal Sense of those Words , than they perhaps ever meant . 12. The word [ Suppositum ] is another Name of Ens or Thing , in a manner , ( tho' not altogether ) the same with Substance . For [ Substance ] is , I conceive , meant for the Essential Notion of the Thing , as it is contradistinguisht from Accidental , or Unessential ones ; and Suppositum does , over and above , relate also to the very Nature of the Thing , ( or to the Complexion of Accidents which constitutes its Essence ) and not only to the Modes , as each of them singly is a meer Accident , and had Being by it or in it . Whence the Notion of Suppositum is the most Confused of any other ; and signifies that which has all the Forms in it Whatever , whether they be Essential ones or Accidental ; and not only those Modes ( or Accidents ) which naturally belong'd to it at first as Properties , ( or inseparable Accidents ) but those also which accru'd to it since , and are meerly Accidental to it . 13. Hence there can be no difficulty in the meaning of the word [ Suppositality ] which is the Abstract of the Suppositum : For , it signifies manifestly the Thing according to the precise Notion of the Suppositum , or of what has all the aforesaid Forms in it : How agreeable this discourse is to Christian Language and Principles , will easily appear to Solid Divines . 14. The word [ Individuum ] which is another name of Ens , us'd by the Learned , and , as is seen in those usual words [ the same Individual thing , ] is got into our vulgar Language , is a Logical Expression ; distinguishing the Notion of a Particular , ( only which is properly a Thing ) from the Generical and Specifical Notions ; in regard both these latter do bear a Division of their Notions into more Inferiour ones ; and so , that each of the Inferior ones contains the whole Superiour Natures in it which the others do signify ; as the whole Definiton , Notion or Nature of an [ Animal ] or of [ a Sensitive Living Thing ] is found in Man , and also in Brutes ; and the whole Definition or Notion of Man , is found in Socrates and Plato . But , the particular Natures of Socrates and Plato ( which are signify'd by those words ) and their Definitions , could they bear any , cannot be divided into more which have the particular Natures of Socrates and Plato in them : And , therefore they are called Individuums ; that is , such as cannot be divided into more , which have the Natures signified by those words in them , as could the Generical and Specifical Notions of Animal and Homo ; whence Individuums are the Lowest and Narrowest Notion that can possibly be in the Line of Ens. 15. The Individuum , is call'd by the Latin Schools [ Substantia prima ] and the Superiour Notions in the Line of Ens. [ Substantiae Secundae ] which signifies that only Individuums are in propriety of Speech Entia or Capable of Existing ; For , since , ( as was shown above ) nothing that is Common or Undetermined can exist , none of the others can have any Actual being at all but in the Individuum , as a kind of Metaphysical Part of its Intire Notion ; and a Part ( in what Sense soever that word be taken ) can not possibly be but in the whole . If this then be their meaning , as I believe it is , nothing can be more true and Solid . Only I must note that it is less properly and less Logically exprest ; and that Aristotle speaks more exactly when he calls the Former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or primò Substantia , and the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Secundò Substantia ; which words denote , that the former is Ens in its Primary and Proper signification of that word , and the latter only Analogically , that is in a Secondary and improper Sense ; which prima and Secunda Substantia do not express : For , both these may be properly Entia still , for any thing those words tell us , tho' one of them may have an Order of Priority to the other as Prima and Secunda ; in some such Sense as we call God the Primum Ens , considering him in order to Creatures . 16. From Words used by Philosophers which belong to the Line of Ens , we come to those which are made use of to express the Modes or Manners how a Thing is ; which , in a generall Appellation , the Schools have call'd Accidents . This Word is , certainly , very improper : For , who can think that Quantity or ( as they will needs call it ) Extension , is Accidental to Body , or ( as some may take that Equivocal Word ) that 't is but by Chance , or by Accident , that Bodies have any Bigness in them at all ? The best Sense I can give it , in pursuance to my own Grounds , is this , that [ Accidental , ] which is the Denominative from [ Accident , ] may mean such Notions as are Not Essential ; or ( which is the same ) they may mean the Thing consider'd as to that in it which has no ways any Order to Being , nor expresses any such Order by the Word which signifies its Notion . And , were this Sense universally accepted , and attributed to the Word [ Accidents , ] it would be a True and Solid one : For , 't is evident , that none of the Words that signifie any of those Accidents , does in the least import in its Signification either Being , or any Respect or Order to it , as does Ens , and all those Words which do formally and properly express it , or belong to it . Whence the Notions signify'd by such Words , are not Essential ones , or relating properly and precisely to the Essence ; but Modish , ( as we may term it , ) or expressing some Manner [ How ] the Thing is ; which is a quite different Notion from that of Ens , or Thing , or of what formally is found in that Line . I do believe that divers of the Wisest , and most Learned School-men did take the Word [ Accidents ] in this Sense , tho' the Propriety of that Word , fetch'd from its Radix , did not invite , much less oblige them to do so . I doubt also , that the Usage of that Word in that warrantable Sense I have now assign'd , was not so Common , and universally Current , even among the School-men , as to force it to bear that Sense ; as appears by their thinking that Accidents were certain kinds of little Adventitious Entities ; much less among the Modern Ideists ; who ( through their Shortness in Logick and Metaphysicks ) do make Quantity , or Extension , the Essential Form of Body ; which is , to put Bigness in the Line of Being ; or , to make Bigness and Being , or the Mode and the Thing , to be in the same Line of Notions , and Intrinsecal to one another : Whereas , a Thing must first be conceiv'd to be , e'er it can be after such a Mode , or Manner . 17. For the Reason lately given , I cannot but judge , that the Word [ Mode , ] or ( as some call it ) [ Modification , ] is far more proper than the Word [ Accidents , ] to signifie those last Nine Common Heads of our Natural Notions , Which Impartiality of mine , on this , and other Occasions , giving some Advantage to the Cartesians , and other Moderns , over other Philosophers , who call themselves Aristotelians , will , I hope , obtain their good Opinion of me , that I do sincerely follow my best Reason , and not Pique or Prejudice , while I oppose them in other Things : And I am sure , 't is my own Reason I ought to follow , till clearer Reasons of theirs shew mine to be none ; which I have no Reason to fear ; for , I hope , it will appear to every Acute and Ingenuous Examiner , that no Writer ever distinguish'd his Notions more Exactly and Clearly , or Connected them more Closely and Immediately . 18. The Primary Mode of all those Things we converse with , or Bodies , is call'd Quantity . This Word is very Proper , and fully Significant ; for , all the Bodies in Nature have some Quantity or Bigness in them , more or less : Nay , even the least Atome , or Effluvium , that can be conceiv'd , has Bigness in it , as well as the greatest Body , nay , as the whole World ; tho' not so much , or so great a Degree of it . Wherefore , this Word [ Quantity ] is Comprehensive ; and so , fit to signifie the Commonest Affection of Body : But , this is not enough ; 't is withal , very Simple , or Uncompounded : Moreover , the Word it self has , on its side , no kind of Equivocalness , taking it as it is applied to Body in Common ; which Requisites are not found in any other Word used by us , to express that Mode . Only we are to note , that Bigness , or Bulk , is only proper to Body , as it has in it all the three Dimensions ; whereas , Quantity reaches to how Long , or how Broad , as well as how Thick : And therefore Quantity is absolutely the properest Word to express this Primary Mode : However , it is much neglected by our Moderns , who are grown strangely fond of Extension . 19. The Word [ Extension ] is very improper to signifie it : For , Extension properly denotes the Action of Extending ; to which is directly opposit , in our usual Speech , that Action , call'd Contraction . Or , if it be taken for the being Extended , still its proper Signification must be a Passion caus'd by the Action of Extending ; which cannot sute with that Simple and Primary Mode we call Quantity ; which is Naturally Antecedent to , and Independent of those Subsequent Modes called Action , and Passion . Again , All Intrinsecal Modes are conceiv'd to be certain kinds of Forms affecting Body , as their Subject ; and Forms are very ill express'd by a Substantive deriv'd from a Verb ; and by such an one especially , as must necessarily ( at least ) Connotate Action or Passion , if it does not rather directly , or most properly signifie them . Moreover , let them take Extension , Stretching out , or Exporrection how they will , still Common Sense teaches us , that we may take Contraction or Straitning in the same manner as they do it : Whence follows , that if Extension means or implies Impenetrability of Parts , Contraction must mean Penetrability of Parts ▪ Which Notion none of us will admit to have any Ground in Nature , tho' the Maxim tells us , that [ Contraries are employ'd about the same Subject . ] Now , the Word [ Quantity ] is not entangled with any of these Inconveniences , but freed from them all , as will appear to any Sober Reflecter . And , on this Occasion , I beg Leve of our Ideists , to tell them , that it is not safe , nor prudent , to leave off an Old and us'd Word , till they are sure they have found Another which is better , or more proper . Cartesius made choice of [ Extension ] wittily , that he might thus more cleaverly bring all Physicks to Mathematicks ; and others ( perhaps , ut est Natura hominis , fond of a Novelty ) follow'd him unadvisedly ; tho' they were not guilty of any such Design of their own , or aware of his . And I am sorry Mr. L. affects only the Improper Word [ Extension , ] and quite neglects that more Proper Word [ Quantity . ] 20. Many other Names , at least Attributes , are given to Quantity ; such as are Divisibility , Impenetrability , Space , and Measurability ; the former of which signifies it in Order to Natural Action and Passion , and respects properly the Parts into which it may be divided ; or , which is the same , its Potential Parts ; in which , perhaps , the Nature of Quantity would be found to Consist , were I here to treat of the Nature of those Modes , and not only of the Names us'd in Philosophy . Impenetrability properly signifies such an Order or ( as it were ) Situation of those Parts , as that one of them is without , and not within another ; which grounds that Secondary Notion , which some do improperly call Extension ; and Extension or Quantity , if of any considerable largeness in respect of the Body it contains , is call'd Space ; which differs from the Notion of Place in this , that Place ( if properly such ) is just as much Quantity as contains the Thing placed , and has a respect to some determinate and known Points : Whereas Space has not in its Notion to be adjusted to the Body that is in it , not restrain'd to any set Distance . So that Space is Place at large , and Place is Space restrain'd . Measurability grounds the Reckoning or Computing how many of such a Standard of Quantity as we had design'd in our Thoughts , would , if repeated , equal the whole of which we intend to take a Survey . 21. Now , Quantity being the most Common of all Corporeal Modes , and which Antecedes and grounds all the others , it cannot , for that very Reason , be properly defin'd ; so that ( as Mr. Locke acutely observ'd ) we know such things before we are ask'd , better than we do after ; for the Asking puzzles our Natural Thoughts , which were Clear enough before of themselves ; and Reflexion , which , when there is occasion , is wise , and enlightens us , does but serve to blunder us when there is no need or occasion for it . Notwithstanding , I have , in my Method , endeavour'd to give it some kind of Explication , by differencing it from all other Intrinsecal Modes , ( which are its Genus , as it were , or rather , a Transcendent Notion to all such Accidents , ) in this , that it tells How the Thing is , according to some Common Consideration , in which All Things we converse with do agree . By which 't is distinguish'd from Quality , which acquaints us How a Thing is as to what respects its own peculiar Nature ; and from Relation , which expresses how one Individuum respects another Individuum . But this ( as was said ) is out of my present Business in this Preliminary , which is only to shew what Names are Proper , or Improper ; and not to treat of the particular Nature of each Mode , of which I have , in their due places , sufficiently discours'd in my Method . 22. These , as far as occurrs to my Memory , are the Chiefest Words used by Philosophers , whose Proper or Improper Acception has most Influence upon the Advancement or Hindrance of Science . Notwithstanding , there are others far more Equivocal than any of the rest , called Transcendents , or Words Applicable to all , or many of the Common Heads of our Natural Notions ; which are hardest of all to explicate , as wanting any Common Genus , or any thing like it , to explicate them by . I intended once to dilate upon them in this Preliminary , as being a Subject very worthy of our Reflexion , and yet scarce treated on by any as they deserve : But , seeing , upon Review , how Prolix I have been already in my Preliminaries , I am forced to content my self with Noting them in short ; leaving it to others to enlarge upon them . They are these , distributed into their several Ranks . 23. First , Ens , taken , in its whole Latitude , for the Thing , and its Modes . Secondly , The Properties of Ens , taken in that large Signification ; such as are Unum , Verum , Bonum , and their Opposites , Non-Unum , or Divisum , Falsum , and Malum . For , the Notions of all the Modes being improperly Entia , have , by Consequence , only improper Essences , or Entities of their own ; and , consequently , Properties of those Improper Essences . Thirdly , Idem , Diversum , and , in general , Relatum ; taking this last Word in the largest Sense , for all kinds of Respects whatsoever . In which Signification , all Things , or properly called Entia , do relate to Existence ; and all their Modes or Accidents do respect them diversly , as certain Manners how they are . Of which Nature also are the aforesaid Common Words , [ Mode , ] and [ Accident , ] which are Transcendents in respect of the Nine last Predicaments . Fourthly , Completum , Incompletum , Partial and Total , Generical and Specifical , Superior and Inferior , Simple and Compound , and such like . Most of which kind of Transcendents seem rather to respect the Manner of Being which Things have in our Understanding , than the Manner of Being they have out of it . Of the last Sort are , Which , What , That which , Something , Somewhat , &c. which are the most Confused Words imaginable , and signifie any Notion , but that of meer Nothing . By these we make a Bastard or Illegitimate Definition of Ens ; and say , that a Thing is [ That which is capable of Existing , &c. ] I call it an Illegitimate or Improper Definition , because the Notion of the Genus ( which is one part of a proper one ) has a Determinate Sense : Whereas [ That which , ] which , for want of a better , supplies the place of the Genus , has none . For , 'T is to be noted , that in all Transcendents , ( unless ▪ perhaps , some of those of the Fifth Sort , which have a kind of blind , Confused Sense , ) the Name only is Common or Applicable to more , and not the Notion ; for , having no one Notion that is Common to all those Common Heads , they have none till it be Determin'd ; since no Notion can exist in the Mind , unless it be This , or That , or one , any more than a Thing can exist in Nature , unless it be determin'd to be such a Particular or Individual Thing . Much less has any of them proper Differences , dividing them by more and less of the Common Notion , as every Notion that is truly Common to more , may , and must have . 23. Whence extreme Care must be taken , how Students in Philosophy do use these Transcendent Words ; and that they do distinguish their Sense most exactly , when they have Occasion to make use of them . For , they having an Indifferency to many Senses , and those as vastly disparate as the Common Heads themselves are ; that is , ( as the Schools properly phrase it ) Senses differing toto Genere , ( I may add , Generalissimo ) it must follow , that every time they do use them confusedly , or with a Conceit that they are Univocal , their Discourse must needs straggle widely , now one way , now another , and thence confound all our Commonest Notions , which , of all others , ought to be kept Distinct ; the want of doing which , hinders all Coherence or Connexion of Terms , in which only Science consists , and breeds innumerable , and most Enormous Errours . It would be tedious , I doubt , to my Readers , tho' perhaps not hard for me , to show what Prodigious Inconveniences do arise from the Mis-acceptions of one of those many Different Senses such Words may bear , for Another , I will only bring one Instance ; hoping that by this , as by a Sea-mark , my Readers may avoid the Shoals and Rocks of Errors in other like Occasions . 25. The Word [ Compounded ] may either mean the Composition of Matter with its Essential Form ; or , that of the Essence with its Suppositum , which is conceived to have the Essence in it : or , of the Superiour Notions of Ens with the Individuum ; All which are Compositions belonging to the Line of Ens. Coming next to the Modes or Accidents , the whole Ens or Suppositum may be considered as Compounded with its Primary Mode called Quantity ; or with some Quality , or Relation . Or , with some Action or Passion , Time , Place , Situation , or Habit. Whence accrues to the Subject the Denominations of Agent , Patient , Living , or being at such a time , or in such a Place , Sitting , Armed , &c. All which Nine last Compositions are Modifying or Accidental ones , and not Essential , or such as concern directly and precisely the Notion of Thing or Being , as did those of the first sort . Now come Cartesius and his Followers , who , loath to say the Body and Soul are two Suppositums ; and , wanting Skill in Metaphysicks to comprehend what the Union of Entitative Parts is , or how made , ( which are Points too hard for Mathematicians , and of which de la Forge , tho' he talks prettily , can make nothing at all ) they would have the Soul and Body compound One Thing , because they Act together , or assist one another mutually to produce some sorts of Actions . Whereas Action being only a Mode , and so presupposing the Res , or Thing , which it modifies , can only determin and denominate its Subject to be Acting ; and therefore Joint-acting can only constitute and denominate the Soul and Body Co-Acters ; which is a vastly disparate Notion from the Constituting and Denominating them One Thing , as common Sense informs us . We will put an Instance : My Hand and my Pen do both of them concur to the Action of Writing , and so compound one Joint-Acter ; nay , they depend mutually on one another as to the producing this Action : For the Hand cannot write without the Pen , nor the Pen without the Hand : Besides , they are in some sort fitted to one another , in order to perform this Action ; for , the Fingers are so fram'd , as to hold and guide the Pen very commodiously ; and the Pen ( taking in its Handle and the Nib-end too ) is fitted very commodiously to be held and guided by my Hand , so as to draw the Letters such as they ought to be . Lastly , which is much more , and a Parallel very agreeable to the Co-action of Soul and Body , they both of them do modifie each other's Action . For , the best Scrivener writes but scurvily with a Bad Pen , and the Best Pen writes but scurvily in an unskilful Hand . And yet the Hand and the Pen are not one Jot the nearer being one Thing , notwithstanding their Concurrence to this Joint-Action ; tho' it be qualify'd with Mutuality , Fitness of the Co-Agents , and the Modification which the Action receives from both of them jointly , and each of them severally . Besides , they put the Cart before the Horse , while they pretend that the Acting as one Thing is to make them one-Thing . For since the Res is , in Priority of Nature and Reason , before Modus rei ; and Being before Acting ; and that nothing can Act otherwise than it is ; 't is Evident from plainest Principles , and even from the very Terms , that they must first Be one Thing , e'er they can Act as one Thing , or Be such a Compound , before they can Act as such a Compound . And so , the Point sticks where it was , viz. How the Soul and Body come to be thus Compounded into one Ens ; of which I have given some Account , Preliminary 4. § 8 , 9 , 10 , 13. 26. On this Occasion I cannot but Reflect , that the Cartesians were very Unadvised to meddle with such a Point , as puts them quite past their Mathematicks ; as likewise , that tho' they have fram'd a Logick or Method suitable to explicate their Mathematical Philosophy , yet they are but very bad Distinguishers of our Natural Notions into Common Heads , which is one Principal Part of true Logick ; as appears by their rambling so irregularly from one to the other , as has been shewn elsewhere , in their making Extension or Quantity , which is a Mode , the Form which is Essential to their First Matter ; and here , in putting Composition according to the Notion of Action , to be Composition according to the Notion of Ens. And whoever impartially Examins the Distribution of their Notions into Heads , will find it not to be such as Reason naturally forced , ( as ours is , ) but such as Design voluntarily and ingeniously invented . REFLEXIONS ON Mr. LOCKE's ESSAY CONCERNING Humane Understanding . REFLEXION First , ON The FIRST BOOK . 1. THIS Book gives me little Occasion to make any Reflexions , but such as I must be forced to make through his whole Essay ; which is , on the Penetrative and clear Wit , and happy Expression of its Author , in his pursuing the Design which he had prefix'd to himself . I could wish , indeed , that he had thought fit to take his Rise higher , or ( to speak more properly ) had laid his Grounds deeper . But , it is to be expected , that every Author should write according to those Thoughts or Principles with which the Casual Circumstances of his fore-past Life had imbu'd him , or as his Natural Genius leads him . His steering such an Impartial Mean between Scepticism and Dogmatizing , does certainly argue a very even Temper of Judgment , and a Sincere Love of Truth . And , I shall hope , that , whoever peruses attentively my Method , ( B. 1. Less . 2. from § . 5. to § . 11. ) will discern that I have so exactly measur'd out the Pitch of Knowledge attainable by us in this State , that I am as little a Friend to Over-Weening , as I profess my self a Declar'd Enemy to Scepticism . 2. I am a little apprehensive , from some Words in his Introduction , expressing his Dis-like that Men let loose their Thoughts into the vast Ocean of Being ; and his Conceit that this brings Men to Doubts and Scepticism , that he has taken a Prejudice against Metaphysicks ; whose proper Object is , those Notions of the Thing which abstract from Matter and Motion , and concern Being only . Were I assur'd that I did not mistake him , I would , for his sake , enlarge on that Point , and display fully the Excellency of that most Solid , most Clear , and most Incomparable Science ; which I shall only touch upon at present , by giving my Reader a Summary of its Principal Objects . 3. It treats of the Formal or Essential Parts of Physical Entities , or Bodies , in Common , and in Specie ; Of the Essential Unity and Distinction of them , and whence 't is taken ; particularly , of the Essential Constituents of Elements , Mixts , Vegetables and Animals ; and when , and how , they come to be Essentially , or Individually Chang'd : Thence , advancing to the Chief Animal , Man , he treats of his Form , the Soul , and of its Proper Action : Of the Superior Part of it , the Mind ; and , of its Progress towards its last End , or its Declension from it . Thus far demonstrated , it proceeds to treat of the Separation of the Soul from the Body ; and , to shew evidently its Immateriality , and , consequently , its Immortality . Of the Science of a Soul separated , and the Eminency of her Acts in that State , above what she had in the Body ; and , lastly , of the Felicity and Infelicity connaturally following out of her Actions here , and the Good or Bad Dispositions found in her at her Separation ; as also , of the Immutability of her Condition afterwards . It treats of the Notion or Nature of Existence , and how 't is Accidental or Unessential to the Natures of every Created Being ; and thence demonstrates a First Being , or a God , to whom 't is Essential to be ; that is , whose Nature is Self-Existence . Whence follows , by necessary Consequence , that his Nature is Infinitely Pure or Simple , Eternal , Infinitely Perfect and Immutable , All-knowing , Willing ever what 's most Wise , and therefore most Free in all his Actions ; and that the Divine Essence is Unconceivable by any Notion we can frame or have of it ; and Unexpressible by any Name we can give it which is Proper , and not most highly Metaphorical . Lastly , It demonstrates , there are Pure Spiritual Beings , which have no Matter or Potentiality in them , call'd Intelligences , or Angels ; and likewise , ( in Common , ) of their Number , Distinction , and Subordination ; as also , of their Proper Operations , both Internal and External . 4. These , and such as these , are the Objects proper to that Supream Science , Metaphysicks ; which any Man of Sense would think ought to make it deserve the Esteem of the Best , and most Elevated Portion of Mankind ; and not to be ridicul'd by Drollish Fops , who turn all they understand not into Buffoonery . All these high Subjects it treats of , I say , if possible , ( as I believe it is , ) with more Close , more Necessary , and more Immediate Connexion , than the Mathematicks can pretend to ; since the Evidence and Certainty of the Principles of this Science ( as also of Logick ) do depend on , are subordinate to , and are borrow'd from the Principles of the other ; which is the Sovereign and Mistress of all other Sciences whatever . 5. It will , I doubt not , be apprehended , that such High Knowledges are above our reach , and Impossible to be attain'd by us , in this State. They are , indeed , above Fancy ; and , I believe , this Objection is made by Fancy , or by Men attending to the Resemblances of Fancy , which fall short of representing to us such Sublime Objects . But , why they should be above our Reason , I cannot imagin ; or , why they should be deem'd so Mysterious , as not to be Knowable without a Divine Revelation . It is manifest , that we can have Abstract Notions of Existence , Thing , Immaterial , Incorporeal , Knowledge , Will , Operation , &c. that is , we can Consider the Common Subject [ Thing ] as Existent , Capable of Being , and ( if it be a Spirit ) as Immaterial , Incorporeal , Knowing , Willing , and Operating , &c. as well as Mathematicians can a Body , as Extended , Round , or Triangular , &c. And , then , I would know why we cannot , by attentive Consideration , and due Reflexion on those Things , as thus conceiv'd by us , frame a Science grounded on the Things thus apprehended , as well as Mathematicians can upon a Body consider'd as grounding their proper Objects ; or , as grounding their Notions of such and such Modes of Quantity ; such as are the Degrees , Proportions , or Figures of it . Let us not Blaspheme in our Thoughts the Bounty of Infinite Goodness . It was the Devil's first Calumny against God , that he envy'd Manking Knowledge : Let not us carry it on , by entertaining such an unworthy Conceit of Essential Goodness ; but , dispose our selves by seeking a Right Method to Knowledge , and pursuing it with Industrious Study , and we may be Certain of Success . While I was writing my Method to Science , the Attempt to shew the Reason all along , for such Notions as were taken from the Thing , according to the manner of Being it had in my Understanding , and , therefore , was to be carried through with perpetual Reflexion on the Things there , did appear so discouraging , that I was sometimes half sorry I had undertaken it : But I saw the World needed it , and knew all Truths were Connected , and therefore was confident of God's Assistance in such a necessary and useful Occasion . Indeed , Providence has left us no Means to know what is done in the Moon , or other Stars , ( tho' , perhaps , they are as busie there , as we are in this Sublunary Planet , the Earth , ) because it is not to our purpose to know such Things . But , whoever considers those Metaphysical Objects , will , at first sight , discover how Useful the Knowledge of them is , both in regard of their Influence upon all Inferior Sciences , and to raise us to Contemplation ; as also , to Explicate , Establish , Defend and Comfort Christian Faith. For , there is a Gradation of Truths , as well as a Connexion of one Truth with another . The Natural are Foundation-Stones , To bear the Supernatural ones ; Which , tho' they to Heaven's Top aspire , 'T is the same Ground , rais'd Stories higher . Bless'd Soul ! which , to the Throne Divine , Winds it self up by its own Line ! All these high Encomiums of Metaphysicks , if it shall please God to protract my Span of Life some few Inches longer , I doubt not but to shew , are no more but its just Due ; and , amongst the rest , its Clearest Demonstrative Evidence and Certainty : Particularly , that the Study of that Science is so far from increasing Doubts , or leading to Scepticism , ( as , perhaps , Mr. L. may apprehend , ) that , on the Contrary , the Knowledge of it is the most effectual Means imaginable to settle all Doubtfulness , and to Convert or Confound the greatest Scepticks . 6. Mr. Locke's Tenet of no Innate Notions , nor , consequently , Innate Principles , does perfectly agree with my Sentiments ; both as to the Thesis it self , and the Reason for it ; which is , that God has laid Connatural Causes , to give us our Notions ; and , therefore , it did not become his Sovereign Wisdom to do such a needless Action , as to ingraft them by his own Hand immediately . Besides which , that Judicious Author Accumulates so many other Pregnant and Solid Reasons , to fix that Position of ours in an Immoveable Certainty , that I see not but it may , for the future , deserve the Repute of An Establish'd and Leading Maxim in Philosophy . REFLEXIONS ON THE SECOND BOOK . REFLEXION Second , ON The First CHAPTER . 1. I Agree perfectly with this Learned Author , That our Observation employ'd either about External Sensible Objects , or about the Internal Operations of our Minds , perceived and reflected on by our selves , is that which supplies our Understandings with all the Materials of Thinking . As also , that a Man first thinks when he begins to have any Sensations . That the Impressions made on the Senses are the Originals of all Knowledge . That the Mind is of its own Nature fitted to receive those Impressions . That in receiving Ideas or Notions at first the Mind is Passive . That 't is all one to say , the Soul and the Man thinks . And , Lastly , That Men do not always think ; which last Thesis he confutes here very elaborately : But , I cannot at all agree to some Positions he makes use of to oppose this last Tenet , and , indeed , needlesly ; for he produces good store of solid Arguments sufficient to confute it . 2. For First , He makes the having Ideas and Perception to be the same thing . I apprehend he means , that when we have Ideas , we must perceive we have them ; because he says afterwards , that the Soul must necessarily be conscious of its own Perception . Indeed had he said the Having Ideas , when he is Awake , and Attentively reflects on those Ideas , it had been a Certain and Evident Truth : Otherwise , 't is manifest that we retain or have our Ideas or Notions in our Mind when we are soundly asleep , ( it being a strange and extravagant Paradox to say , that we get them all again as soon as ever our Eyes are open ; ) and yet we do not then know them ; and , to say we do , is to come over to his Adversary , and grant the Thesis he is Impugning : For , if a Man does think when he is sound asleep , 't is without Question that he may think always . 3. Next , I must utterly deny his Position , that We cannot think without being sensible or conscious of it . To disprove which I alledge , that when a Man is quite absorpt in a serious Thought , or ( as we say ) in a Brown Study , his Mind is so totally taken up with the Object of his present Contemplation ( which perhaps is something without him ) that he can have no Thought , at that very Instant , of his own Internal Operation , or that he is Thinking , or any thing like it . I have been call'd sometimes from my Study to Dinner , and answered , I am coming . Upon my Delay , they call'd me again , and ask'd , Why I came not , having promis'd it ? I deny'd I heard , or saw , or answered them ; yet , upon Recollection , I remember'd afterwards that I did . I knew then that they call'd me , since I understood their Words , and answered pertinently ; yet , it is most manifest , that I did not at the Time of the first Call understand that I understood it , or know that I knew it , since it came only into my Mind afterwards by Reminiscence or Reflexion ; which argues I had the Knowledge of it before by a Direct Impression , otherwise I could not have remember'd it . 4. Tho' this Thesis of Mr. Locke's is mention'd hereafter , it were not amiss to speak my Sense of it where I first meet it . He judges , that we know our own Thoughts , ( which are Spiritual ) by Experience ; And I deny we have any Experience but by Direct Impressions from sensible Objects , either coming from them at first , or re-excited . He thinks it impossible to know , but we must at the same time be Conscious , or ( which is the same ) know we know : And , I judge it impossible we should know we know at the same time we have that Act only , till afterwards we come to reflect upon it by a new Act ; which is to know it , not by Experience , but by Reflexion . My Reason why I am so positive in my Assertion , is this : Nothing can be known by any Act of Knowledge but the Object of that Act : For the Object of Knowing , and the Thing known , are the same almost in the very Terms , and perfectly the same in Sense . Put case then I know by a Direct Impression what we call Extension ; in this case Extension is the sole Object of that Act of Knowledge , and not my Act of Knowledge it self ; therefore I am not conscious I know ; that is , I do not know I know when I have the Act of knowing Extension : For , were it so , Extension would not be the Sole Object of that Act , but the Complex made up of Extension , and the Act it self by which I know Extension : which Objects being of Disparate Natures , ought to be the Objects of Different Acts. Besides , this would hinder any External Object , or Corporeal Mode to be known Distinctly ; for the Idea of it would be Confounded and Mingled with a kind of Spiritual Compart , viz. my very Act it self ; for this Act being known ( according to him ) at the same time with Extension , must needs make up part of the Object of this Act. Lastly , If we know our own Act Experientially , we should confound Direct Knowledges with Keflex ones . For ( if I understand Mr. Locke rightly ) he with good Reason makes the Internal Operations of the Mind to be the proper Objects of the Reflex Acts ; and , that the genuin Difference of those two sorts of Acts does consist in this ; that by Direct ones , we know the Objects which are in Nature , or without us ; and by Reflex ones , what 's in the Soul , or her Operations ; and not the Things in Nature , otherwise than as they are in that Act : But if I be Conscious , or know that I know when I know the Object without me , I must by the same Act know what 's within me and what 's without me both at once ; and so my Act of Direct Knowledge would be Reflex ; or rather , that one Act would be both Direct and Reflex , which makes it Chimerical . 5. The same Argument demonstrates , that we cannot be Conscious of our Reflex Acts at the very time we produce them . For , my First Reflex Act has for its sole Object that Operation of the Mind , which I had immediately before by a Direct one ; and my Second Reflex Act has for its Object the First ; and in the same manner , each succeeding Reflexion has for its Object that Act which immediately preceded . Wherefore , if the First Reflex Act had for its Object , at the same time , both the Direct and it self too ; that is , did we , when we first Reflected , know by that very Act it self that we did thus reflect , then the Second Reflex Act would be forestall'd , and have no Proper Object left for it . To clear this better , let us assign one Reflexion to be the Last : It were not the Last Reflexion , unless the Object of it were that Reflexion which was the last but one . Wherefore , unless that Reflexion that went last before was known by that Act , and the last of all remain'd unknown , the Last would have two Objects , viz. The Preceding Reflexion and its self too . This seems to me as plain Reason as plain can be ; and , I believe , Mr. Locke's Different Thoughts proceeded , from not adverting with what Incredible Celerity our Reflex Thoughts do generally succeed the Direct ones , and one another . Whence it comes , that , not aware of the imperceptible Time between them , we are apt to conceit , that the Reflex Act is experientially known by the very Act it self . Since then , nothing can be known by any Act but the Object of that Act , and , ( as might easily be shown ) it would Confound our Natural Notions strangely , to say , the Act is its own Object ; it follows , that it cannot be known by its self , but must be known ( if at all ) by the next Reflexion . Whence results this Certain and Evident Corollary , that , It is impossible we should ever come to know our last Reflexion . 6. These are my Reasons why I recede from Mr. Locke in his Opinion , that A Man cannot think without being Conscious of it . But , the Consequence he seems to draw thence , that therefore Consciousness is that which causes Individuation , I must absolutely deny ; and cannot but judge , that it draws after it a Train of farther Consequences , which are altogether Extravagant . Of which more , when we come to examin his Principle of Individuation . As for the Position , [ That Men do always think ] which he impugns , and , in my Judgment , quite overthrows , I cannot but wonder what the Asserters of it mean. They grant the Soul has Modes and Affections peculiar to her own Nature ; and , consequently , of which she is properly the Subject : Why she may not therefore retain them in her habitually ( as it were ) without exerting or exercising them , as well as the Body may those proper to its Nature , is altogether Unconceivable . Indeed , were the Soul , in this condition she has here , a Pure Act , as Angels are , it would consist with good Reason ; but being here in a Potential State , ( as appears by her being Capable still of New Knowledges , and her being but a Part of that one Actual Thing call'd Man , and depending on the Material Compart in her Operations ) I cannot see on what Principle , either Physical or Metaphysical , they can pretend to ground such a Paradox . This makes me fear , that this Tenet savours strongly of that odd Opinion , That the Soul here is a Pure Act as the Angels are , or a Distinct Thing from the Body ; that is , a Forma Assistens , and not Informans ; tho' they are loath to own it barefacedly , but shift it off with witty Explications of their own Doctrine ; which , when brought to the Test of Close Reason , vanish into Air ; at which ingenious ways of Evasion it must be confess'd they are very great Artists . REFLEXION Third . ON The Second , Third , and Fourth , CHAPTERS . 1. I Must except against his making , or naming the Objects of our Senses , simple Ideas , having already prov'd that the only absolutely simple Idea or Notion , is that of Existence : To which are Respective ( which argues some Complexion or Composition ) one way or other , all our other Notions of the Thing which we have , or can have ; as is shown in my Method , B. 1. Less . 2d . from § 14. to § 20. I could wish he had taken the Distinction and Order of his Notions from Nature ; which Teaches us that the Notion of [ Res ] is before [ Modus Rei ; ] and that the Consideration or Notion of [ Thing ] is more Knowable than that of any Mode ; and the Mode of quantity is that which naturally antecedes , and grounds , all the other Modes that can be conceiv'd belonging to Body . Nor will it excuse this Deviation from Nature , that we have no exact Notions of Individuals ; since we can abstract the Notion of Entity or Capacity of Being from the Thing , as well as we can its Solidity , or any of the rest . And certainly , that Notion which Expresses Reality , or an Order to Being , should claim a Right to be consider'd in the first place : I cannot but judge that the Methodizing of his Ideas on this manner , would certainly have made his ensuing Discourses more Orderly , and consequently more Clear. But , every Man is Master of his own Thoughts , and of his own Method . Nor did Mr. Locke intend to write an Exact Logick , which is what I aym'd at ; and therefore took that way that best suted with his own ingenious Conception ; which was , that , as all our Notions ( as we both of us hold ) come into our Mind by our Senses , so he apprehended it the properest way to treat of them as they are the Objects of This or That , or many different Sensations . 2. His 4th . Chapter of Solidity gives me Occasion of making some few Reflexions ; which I shall touch on slightly , or omit , because they recurr hereafter . First , His using the word [ Solidity ] in his New Sense seems very Improper . For , all our Words do either Signify our Natural Notions , which are Common to all Mankind , whose Meaning therefore is to be taken from the Usage of the Vulgar ; or else Artificial ones , invented by Artists to express the Notions they are Conversant about : Whereas the Word [ Solidity ] taken as it is here , seems to agree to neither . I do not remember it is ever us'd in an Artificial Sense but by Mathematicians , who signify by it the Triple Dimension of Quantity ; which is quite different from his Sense of it : And the Vulgar Understand and Use the Word [ Solid ] as opposit to [ Fluid ; ] and say that the Earth is Solid , or Firm , and the Water Fluid , or apt to be Diffus'd ; both which Senses are vastly different from Impenetrability of the Potential parts of Quantity ; which is the meaning he gives it : So that , as far as I have read , no Man ever used the Word [ Solidity ] in his Sense but himself ; and it is not at all allowable to Him , Me , or any Man , to give a new Sense to any Word not given it before . For , this discourse of mine shows it can have no Proper Sense at all ; and on the other side he does not take it in a Metaphorical Sense , as we use to do when we transferr it to Spiritual Things , and call a Notion or a Discourse Solid . All Words are indeed Ad placitum ; but 't is Mankind that must please to agree in their Signification ; nor must they be at the Beneplacitum of Particular Men , or Private Authors . 3. He declines , with some reason , the Word [ Impenetrability ] because it is Negative : But why might not then Extension have serv'd , which bears the same Sense ? For that , whose Notion or Nature it is to have its parts without one another , cannot bear the having them within one another , or their being Penetrated within themselves ; which is his Notion of the Word [ Solidity . ] He conceives his Solidity to be most intimately connected with , and Essential to Body , and no where to be found or imagin'd but only in Matter , But why his Solidity should be deem'd Essential to Body at all , he gives no reason , and I am well assur'd no Man living can give any ; For it confounds the Line of Substance or Ens , with that of Quality ; which jumbles all our Commonest Notions together , by making the Thing and its Mode to be the same Essential Notion . Nor is it Solidity only that is necessarily found in Matter ; for neither can Extension , Divisibility , Measurability , Space , Impenetrability , &c. be found any where but in things made of Matter , But , what I most wonder at , is , why [ Quantity ] should be totally wav'd and neglected , That Word having been used by all the Learned World , till of late , is ( as has been shown , Preliminary 5th . § . 18. ) most Proper ; and , either directly , or by Immediate consequence , involves all the rest in its Signification . For , if a Body have Bigness or Quantity in it , it must be Extended , and cannot be Contracted into a Point , Line or Surface . It must be Divisible , or One in the Notion of Quantity . And , if it must be Extended and cannot be crampt into an Indivisible , its parts cannot be penetrated within one another ; however it may be pierced or Divided by another Body , by shoving its potential parts towards either side . Lastly , it must be Measurable , or Proportionable to a Body of the same Quantity . So that I see not what imaginable Priviledge can accrue to Solidity above the rest : And , it seems to me a New and Groundless assertion , that Impenetrability ( tho' we abate the Negative manner of Expression ) is Essential at all to Body , more than any of the rest ; that is , not at all . 4. This acute Writer , in pursuance of his Doctrine about Solidity , proceeds to prove there may be Pure Space , or Vacuum ; because we can have an Idea of Space left by a Body without the Idea of another Solid Thing , or a Body , coming in its Room . I Answer , we may Indeed have a Fancy of such a Thing , as we may of many other Contradictions , so they be not exprest in directly opposit Terms , v. g. of a Golden Animal , or a Chimera , &c. But , I utterly deny that we can have a True and Solid Notion of it , taken from the Thing it self ; as all Ideas must be , that are not Phantastick . He thinks there is no Necessity , one Body should follow another that is moved from such a Space ; and that the Maintainers of it do build their Assertion on the Supposition that the World is full . What other Men hold of the World 's being Full , I know not , nor what they mean by it ; but I will candidly deliver my Sentiment , and the Demonstration for it a priori , which is this : I take my Notion of Quantity from the Thing , or Body ; and , I have shewn above , that that Notion is the Nature of the Thing , as 't is Quantitative , or Affected with such a Mode . Here is my firm Ground , and here I fix my Foot. 5. Proceeding hence , and reflecting on this Nature of Quantity in my Mind ; I discourse it thus : I am to find out in what its ( Analogical ) Essence or Entity consists ; and I discover , it must be in that which expresses its proper Unity : Seeing then Divisibility best expresses its Unity , ( for , what is Divisible , or Capable to be more , is , eo ipso , One , ) I have found out the Essential Notion or Nature of Quantity ; and , since what is Divisible , or not yet Divided , is Continued ; and what is Continued as to its Quantity , is not Discontinued or Divided according to its Quantity ; therefore Continuity is its proper Unity ; which consists in being Indivisum in se , or within its own Notion , and Formally constitutes its Subject such . Wherefore , since the Essence of Quantity is the Commonest Affection of Body , taken in its whole Latitude , as including all Bodies , it follows , that Continuity , which is its Unity , must be found in them all likewise ; that is , all Bodies , or the whole Nature of Body , that is , the Entire Bulk of Body , must be Continued . And therefore , 't is as great a Contradiction , that some Bodies , or some Parts of Body , should not be Continued , ( or , which is the same , that there should be a Vacuum , ) as that Triangularity should be in some one Body , and yet it should not be Triangular ; that Whiteness should be in a Wall , and yet it should not be White ; or Unity in a Thing , and yet it self should not be Unum . This is my Way of Demonstrating against Vacuum within the World , to prove , and not suppose , the World Full , or Continued ; which I draw out of the Abstract Notion of Quantity , or of Body consider'd as Quantitative ; and out of those Notions , most Intimately and Essentially Connected with it . Which , why it should not be as Evident as any Demonstration in Mathematicks ; or why we cannot draw as clear a Demonstration from the Nature of Quantity in Common , as we can from the Nature of such a Quantity , I desire any Man , who is so wise as to know that all Science and Demonstration do consist in the Connexion of Terms , to inform me . I say , any such Man ; for , if he knows not This , it is Impossible he should know any Thing at all in Philosophy , or even in Logick ; and so he is not worth discoursing with . 6. Hence is seen , that it is impossible that a Sucker in a Pump may draw up Water , and yet the next Body not follow . We may Fancy it if we please ; but our Fancy cannot change the Natures of Things : It cannot make Continuity not to be Continuity ; Quantitative Unity , not to be such an Unity ; nor Quantity , not to be Quantity ; any more than his Solidity can be Non-Solidity , or the Parts of Body penetrate one another . Had Mr. Locke had a Notion of Space , taken indifferently from Body , and something that 's not Body , as we have of Sensitiveness from Man and Brute ; he might , in that Case , have fram'd an Abstract Notion of it , Common and Indifferent to Body and Vacuum ; for , then , it had been grounded on the Thing , and had been a solid and true Notion ; but , since he had the Idea , or Notion of Space from Body only , and therefore ( as was largely prov'd above ) it could be of nothing else , but of Body thus Modified , it must be confin'd to Body , with which ( as all Modes are ) it is Identified ; and therefore , the Idea , or Notion of it , can never be applicable to what is not a Body . REFLEXION Fourth , ON The Seventh and Eighth CHAPTERS . 1. HAving * already shewn , that our only Simple Notion is that of Existence , I have no Occasion to make any Remarks on his 7th Chapter , but that 't is highly Commendable in the Author , to reduce his Speculations to Piety and Contemplation : This being not only our Duty , but that Best End , to which all Solid Speculation naturally leads us . 2. As for his 8th Chapter , I grant , that all the Ideas , or Notions , we have , are Positive in the Understanding , ( at least , in part ; ) but the Reason of it is , because they do , all of them , include the Thing , as 't is thus consider'd ; without which , we could have no Ideas of Privations or Negations at all : For , Non-Ens , formally as such , or as totally Excluding Ens , can have no Intelligibility , nor , consequently , any Notion , by which we can understand it : And Privations differ from Negations only in this , that they include in their Notion a Capacity of the Subjects having such or such a Mode , annex'd to its not having it ; which Capacity clearly Connotates the Thing , since there cannot be a Capacity , without some Thing that is Capable , or has that Capacity . Add , that I see not how , Ideas being Resemblances , an Idea , consider'd by us as a Positive real Being , can ever resemble or represent Privations , they being of ( at least ) Subcontrary Natures . What I hold , is , that , when we conceive a Thing , as having some Privation in it , the Idea of it is partly Positive , partly Privative ; and the Material Part of it is the Thing ; the Formal , as Privative , or , as thus Modify'd . For , Ideas , I mean , Notions of Privations , without including the Thing , are Unconceivable , and Impossible ; as whoever looks into their * Definition , will discern clearly . Of this Nature ( in Common ) are all the Notions we have of the Modes , or Accidents ; no Notion being truly or perfectly Positive , but that of Ens , or Thing . I cannot grant that our Ideas , or Notions , ( or even Phantasms , ) are caus'd in us by meer Motions , continued from our Senses , to the Brain , or the Seat of Sensation ; but must judge , for the Reasons alledg'd * above , that this is perform'd by those Imperceptible Bodies there spoken of , or by the Effluviums themselves convey'd thither , and afterwards lodged there . In embracing which Opinion , of our Knowledge being wrought by meer Motions made by the Objects , his Excellent Wit suffers it self to be led astray by our Moderns . His Reason ( which I conceive is also theirs ) is , because it is not more impossible to conceive , that God should annex such Ideas to such Motions , than Pain to a piece of Steel dividing the Body , with which that Idea has no Resemblance . How unlike a Reason this is , appears at first fight ; and , I am sure this Parallel has no Resemblance at all with the Thing it is brought for . I know of no Annexing the Idea of Pain to a piece of Steel ; but , must think 't is a most highly extravagant Conceit . The Business passes thus in Nature . A piece of Steel being Denser , and withall sharp , is a proper Cause of Dividing the Body ; the Dividing of it , is a proper Cause of its being disorder'd , and render'd unable to assist the Soul , or the Man , in his necessary Operations : This breeds naturally a Conception in the Soul , or the Man , that he is hurt ; which Naturally produces in the Knower , who is highly concern'd in it , Grief or Pain : So that all is here carry'd on by a Train of proper Causes , to proper Effects ; and needs no Annexing by God , more than to conserve the Order of Second Causes which himself has establish'd . On the other side , there is no Natural Resemblance of such a Motion to such an Idea , as is confess'd ; nor is the former a Proper Cause of the other ; which puts them to have recourse to this Voluntary Annexion to them by God. Add , that it is an odd kind of Argument , to alledge , that it is not impossible to conceive that God may do this , or that , without proving he has done it : Nor is it at all allowable in Philosophy , to bring in a Deus è Machinâ at every turn , when our selves are at a loss to give a Reason for our Thesis . Nor is it to be expected , that God will alter the Nature of Things , for the Interest of any Man's Tenet ; but , since his Wisdom , in his Ordinary Government of the World , carries on the Course of it according to the Nature of Second Causes , it must first be prov'd , that what we maintain , is Agreeable to the Course of Natural Causes , e'er we ought to think or imagin that God will have any hand in it : And , if we can prove this , we need no Immediate or particular Recourse to God's favouring us , by doing This , or That , to make good our Argument . 4. I must deny too , consequently to my former Doctrine , that Sensible Qualities are nothing in the Objects , but Powers to produce various Sensations in us ; unless it be meant , that they have Powers to send out such Effluviums into the Brain , by the Senses , as imprint their very Natures in our Mind ; and not barely to produce Motions in our Nerves . Nor can I conceive why the Ideas of the Secondary Qualities should have nothing like them , existing in the Bodies themselves ; nor be Resemblances of them . If this be true , why are they call'd [ Ideas , ] which either signifies Resemblances , or Nothing ? Again , since the Bodies are put to cause them , how can we think they are nothing like them ? Can any Man think the Effect is nothing like the Cause , when every Effect can be nothing but a Participation of the Cause , or something coming into the Subject from the Efficient , which was in it some way or other before ? Lastly , If these Secondary Qualities be compounded of the Primary ones , ( viz. of Solidity , Extension , Figure and Mobility ) in our Understanding , why should not those Primary Qualities in re , as well compound those Secondary ones in the Thing , or out of our Understanding ? And , if they do , ( as 't is evident they must , since they are all there , ) then , why are not those Secondary Ideas full as like those Secondary or Compounded Qualities found in the Thing , as the Primary Ideas were like the Primary Qualities in the same Thing ; and , consequently , resemble them , as well as the others did their proper Originals ? I much doubt , that the Author rather consulted his Fancy in this particular , than his good Reason : And , because those Effluviums , or the Figures of Parts , which cause our Sensations , are too Subtile and Indiscernable to cause Distinct Phantasms of themselves , as the Primary ones did , but are of a Confus'd Uniformness in Appearance , he judges hence , they are Nothing like the others : Whereas , Reason will inform Reflecters , that , since Colour is nothing but the Surface of a Body , as 't is apt to reflect Light ; the manner of Reflexion found in the Surface of a White Thing , which is apt to reflect much Light , is , to our Reason , and in our Notion , such as it was in the Thing imprinting it ; and , consequently , ( every thing Acting as it is , ) such as came from it . Whence , those who , by Reflex Thoughts , and using their Reason , do go about to explain or define the Nature or Notion of Whiteness , do make it consist in such a Reflexion of Light , bringing Effluviums with it from a Surface so advantagiously Figur'd : And so , the Notion of Whiteness is the same in the Thing , and in the Understanding ; viz. those Effluviums thus Figur'd , or Modified , however , the Appearance of it in the Fancy reaches not the true Nature of the Thing , as 't is White ; which , indeed , Fancy never does . 5. The Reason why the Pain , which we feel , is not in the Thing that Caus'd it , and Sensible Qualities are so , is , because these last are Proper , Univocal , and Immediate Effects of Bodies sending out Effluviums of their own Natures ; but Pain , being an Affection of the Soul , springing from a Perception that its dear Compart is hurt , and disorder'd , is an Improper , Remoter , and Equivocal Production . The Altering , Disordering , or Spoiling the Temperature or Continuity of the Bodily Parts due to their Nature , is , ( as was shewn , ) the Immediate and Proper Effect of those Offensive Agents ; but 't is Accidental to their manner of Operating , that they cause Pain , or Pleasure , even remotely ; and , it lights only , that sometimes they do this , because the Subject , or the Body , in which they produce these their proper Effects , haps to be Identified with a Knowing Nature , only which is properly capable to Grieve , or be Delighted when a Harmful or Pleasing Impression is made on the Body , which is Part of the Man , and , in some sort , himself . The like is to be said of Manna , and other such Instances . The Alterations or Disorder made in the Guts and Stomach , are Natural , Proper , and Immediate Effects of it ; but the Pain ensuing thence , which is a Spiritual Disposition of the Mind , is a Remote , Accidental , and Improper Effect of it . 6. By this Time Mr. Locke sees that I agree with him , that the Bodies in Nature have a Power in them to cause our several Sensations ; and , that this Power is that which we call such a Quality of it . But I disagree with him , that they are only Powers to cause such a Motion ; and affirm , it is a Power , when duly Circumstanced with other Requisites , ( as , with Light , to convey Visible Qualities ; Moisture , Gustable ones , &c. ) to send out Effluviums , of their own Nature , to the Brain ; ( which , therefore , are Inherent in , and Proper Parts of those Objects , ) whether they cause Actual Sensation , or no. The Sun sends out his Beams , which , scatter'd thinly , at this remote distance from the Fountain , are therefore one of Mr. Locke's Secondary Qualities , which we call Light ; yet , contracted by a Burning-Glass , they perform the Proper Effect of Fire , Burning ; whence we ought to conclude , they are of the Nature of Fire . Can we then deny , or doubt , but that the Body of the Sun , which communicates , or sends them out , is it self Fire ; or , that , being such , those Rays , and the Sun , have no Similitude with one another ? Or , that , when they strike the Eye , they stop there , and are not carry'd into the Brain ? Hippocrates tells us , that Omnes partes corporis sunt permeabiles ; meaning , that they are pervious to the Humours ; which are gross Things , in comparison of the Sun-Beams . How can it then be doubted , but that they reach the Fancy ; and thence , the Soul ; and imprint their Notions or Natures there : And , tho' some may deny they are the same in the Mind , as they are in Nature ; yet can it , with any Shew of Reason , be deny'd they are at all like the Cause that produced them ? The like Discourse holds in all other Sensible Qualities , to what Sense soever they belong . 7. To close this Discourse , I am apt to think , that Mr. Locke intended to oppose those who hold , that the Sensible Qualities are a little kind of Distinct Entities . Next , I declare , that , tho' the Thing has accidentally a Power in it , to make it self perceiv'd ; yet , taking the Thing as an Object , ( as he does , ) it is but Improperly called a Power ; and not Properly , as are our Powers , or Faculties , of Seeing , Hearing , Knowing , &c. are : For , the Act being the End for which the Power was given , the Faculties , or Powers , are better'd , and perfected , by being reduced to Act ; and so there is a real Ground for their being Related to the Object : Whereas , neither the Object , or Thing , nor any Sensible Quality in it , is a Jot the better , or any way Alter'd , by being perceiv'd , or known ; any more than a Cart rolling through the Street , is the better , or otherwise than it had been , because the Effluviums it sends out do make a Representation of it in a Shop full of Looking-Glasses , as it passes by . Whence Logicians say , that there is no Real Relation of the Object to the Sense , or Intellect ; because there is no Real Ground for such a Relation , nor any Dependence of the Object on those Powers , in any kind ; * as is shewn in my Method . REFLEXION Fifth , ON The Tenth CHAPTER . PAssing over this Ninth Chapter about Perception , I confess my self at a great Loss how to understand divers Passages in his Tenth , which treats of Retention , or how to make him coherent with himself . For , First , he tells us our Ideas are nothing but Actual Perceptions of the Mind . By which Words he seems to make no kind of Distinction between the Act of Perception and the Object of it ; whereas the Act is the Exercise of our Power of Perceiving , actuated by the Object about which it is then employ'd ; which Object determins the Indifferency of the Power to this or that Act in particular ; which the Schools call Specifying the Act : But the Object is the Thing known by the Act ; and 't is a strange Paradox to say , that the Act of Knowledge and the Object or Thing known are the same ; especially , if the Thing known be something without us : Next , I cannot reconcile his making our Ideas to be nothing but Actual Perceptions , with his making our Ideas , quite through his Book , to be the Object of our Thoughts , and expresly stating them to be such in the beginning of it , Chap. 1. § 8. Secondly , he says , That those Ideas cease to be any thing , when there is no Perception of them . If so , why does he put us to have Memory or Retention , if , after the Act is past , there be nothing to keep in Memory or Retain . Thirdly , in Consequence of this his Ground , he affirms , that this laying up Ideas in the Repository of his Memory , signifies no more , but that the Mind has in many Cases a Power to Revive Perceptions , with a Connotate annext , of having had them before . Certainly , this Signification of the word [ Memory ] is peculiar to himself , and contrary to the Sentiments of all Mankind ; who , were they examined by the Poll , would , I believe , unanimously declare , that by laying up a Thing in Memory , they meant , ( as the Words naturally import ) the Retaining something which has its being yet within us , and may be brought into play again upon occasion . Can the Memory be said to Retain what is not ? Or can there be a Repository of Nothing ? Is Reviving the Notion of Retaining , they being rather of a Contrary Sense to one another ? Or can Remembring be conceived to be the same Notion with Reproduction ? These seem to me such monstrous Abuses of Words , that I would willingly think my self mistaken , rather than to father them on so Learned an Author , did not my Eyes assure me I do not dream or oversee . Nor can the same Individual Act ever be reviv'd ; it depending on many Circumstances , determinable to such a Time or Place ; the former of which can never recur , or be reproduced . Lastly , What means this Power in the Mind to revive Perceptions ? The Man , indeed , has a Power , when re-excited by outward Objects like the former , or by Passion , Disease , or by some other Casual Circumstances , to rummage the Ideas lodged in the Brain ; and , so , by their new Impression on the Seat of Knowledge , to cause such an Act , as by it to know the same Thing again ; as also to know it was foreknown , as was explicated * above : But to put the Soul to revive Ideas , or even to act , so that the Action shall begin from her peculiar Nature , is Praeternatural to her Condition , to her Manner of Existing , and consequently , to her manner of Operating here ; which , as it must be ever with the Bodily part or the Fancy , so it must begin still from it , as it did at first ; with this only Difference , that in the first Impressions made on the Sense , and thence on the Seat of Knowledge , the Man ( and particularly as to his Soul ) is perfectly Passive ; whereas afterwards by vertue of those Phantasms , and their former Impression , which have already affected the said Seat of Knowledge , ( which is part of himself ) and have been re-affected by it , the Man is partly Passive , partly Active in remembring ; as Mr. Locke does , I think , also acknowledge ; tho' he explicates it otherwise than I do , viz. By the Mind's setting it self on work , which I judge , and have shewn to be Impossible , Prelimin . 4. § 25 , 26 , 27. 2. I must not omit here to remark , that when Mr. Locke says , that Ideas fade in the Memory ; or , ( as he ingeniously expresses it ) that [ the Pictures drawn in our Minds are laid in fading Colours ] he most evidently discovers , that by Ideas here he means material Representations or Phantasms , and not those Spiritual Objects of our Understandings , Notions . For , there is no doubt but that Phantasms , they being only Imperceptible Particles , of the same Nature with the Corporeal Agents whence they are sent , do follow , ( and that very easily ) the Fate of their Originals ; and are liable to be defaced , alter'd or corrupted , as these are : Whereas it is impossible , that Ideas or Notions , which have a Spiritual Being in our Mind , should be liable to any such Decay , Corruption or Mutation . If any thing could prejudice , destroy or efface them , it must in all Reason be thought that their Contraries would do it : Whereas clear Reflexion tells us , that Contraries in the Mind are so far from Expelling , Blurring , or Altering one another there , that they not only very Friendly dwell together , but moreover that , by their Co-habitation there , they make one another magis elucescere , and Establish one anothers Natures . Hot and Cold , Moist and Dry , which are perpetually fighting , and make such Bustles and Turmoils in the Material World , are very consistent , and agree amicably in the Soul. The Corporeal Instruments which brought our Notions thither may perish ; but when they are once in her , they are as Immutable and Immortal as her self . So that the Pictures in our Minds are so far from being drawn in fading Colours , that they should rather be said ( if we would use a Metaphor to express their Durableness ) to be engraved in Brass , Marble , or Adamant ; being as lasting as Eternity . Which Tenet , were I writing Metaphysicks , I should not doubt but to demonstrate ; and withal to show how useful it is to explicate Christian Faith : Particularly those Points of laying open the Book of Conscience at the last day ; when , as the Sybil sings , [ Cunctaque cunctorum cunctis arcana patebunt . ] And how Infants are connaturally saved by virtue of Baptism . REFLEXION Sixth . ON The Eleventh and Twelfth CHAPTERS . 1. THE 11th . Chapter gives me no occasion to make any Reflexions , but only on his attributing Knowledge to Brutes ; about which I have been too large already . He denies indeed that they have the power of Abstracting , or of having General Ideas . But , if they have true Knowledge , or any more than King David meant , when he says , The Sun knows his going down , I see no reason why they may not have General Notions , and Abstract , and Compare too . For , if they have any Degree of Reason , as he grants they have , they may do all this ; and I am sure , and have already shown , their Outward Actions do as much countenance their having Reason , as any signs they give us do shew that they cannot Abstract , or have General Ideas ; since General Ideas ( as every good Reflecter may observe ) are nothing but Imperfect Ideas of the Thing ; and in a Thousand occasions , the Object or Thing affords them no more , but Imperfect or General Ideas , and therefore they must have them . I am much pleased with his Distinction between Wit and Judgment ; and I could wish that our Men of Fancy , who affect to bring Religion , and all they understand not , to Drollery , would apply it to themselves . 2. The Author discourses very acutely , how our Reason and Judgment are misguided by our not distinguishing our Notions exactly ; whence we may inferr , that that part of Logick which teaches us how to distinguish them accurately , and to keep them distinct , is of exceeding great use ; and that the Study of it is to be earnestly pursu'd by all Pretenders to Science ; especially by new Beginners : Of which , I hope , I have elaborately treated in the First Book of my Method . 3. In order to the 12th . Chapter ; there is no doubt but that we can unite several simpler Ideas or Notions into one , and signify them by one Name ; but I deny that , if we conjoin them otherwise than as they are , or may be , united in External Objects , or in the Thing , we can have any Complex Notions , tho' we may have a Fancy , of them , or a kind of Imitation of some thing which once affected our Senses . For , since I cannot but think I have demonstrated that our Notion is the Thing as conceiv'd by us , or the Thing existing in the understanding ; If I have any Complexion of more Simple Notions in my Mind , not found to be united in the Thing ; the Idea in my Mind is not conformable to the Thing it self , nor is it , as I have prov'd it to be , that Thing ; and then to what end should I have such an Idea , as if I come to predicate it of the Thing , the Proposition would be False , which consequently would fill our mind with Falshoods . Next , as has been often prov'd formerly , I deny the Soul can Unite or Act of her self , or by her peculiar power ( tho' the Man may ) but is oblig'd to take what 's given her by Impressions on the Seat of Knowledge . In which case , what the Thing or Object , by a Genuin Impression , gives her , is Orderly , Solid , and a Seed of true knowledge or Science ; but that which the Fancy gives her , otherwise than as the Thing did directly imprint it , is Disorderly , Superficial , and a Ground of Errour . Indeed , she is forc'd to apprehend , whenever the Phantasms strike the Seat of Knowledge , tho' their Motions and Complexions be never so Disorderly , or even Monstrous . Now , whenever this is done , Judicious Men direct their Eye to the Thing , and examine whether the Conjunction of such or such Ideas , is truly found in re ; or is agreeable to those Direct Impressions it had received thence ; which if it be , the Soul entertains it , after Examination , and lets it sink into her ; it being the true nature of the Thing , and so a Ground to Truth , to see which her Essence was made ; If it be not , she rejects it ; for it grounds a Contradiction to the Nature of the Thing , which is the only Ground of Truth ; and makes or counterfeits it to be what it is not ; and it is directly against her Nature to admit Contradictory Judgments . Now , what Judicious Men , by their recourse to the Thing , thus reject , those Unskilful Thinkers , who are led by Fancy , do admit ; and by this means their Souls become full of Phantastick Conceits which never can be brought to any Coherence or Connexion of Terms . For no Terms can Cohere , unless the Notions meant by each of them be really in the Thing it self ; and those Coherences made in the Mind by any other way , or of any other Materials , are far from Solid or True , as we experience in People that are Splenetick or Enthusiaistck . 4. Wherefore , whenever the Ideas are connected otherwise than they are or may be in re , the Object of that Act can have no Metaphysical Verity , Unity , nor consequently Entity in it ; the two former of which , being Properties of Ens , cannot be where Ens or Thing is not . Whence the Objects of those Fantastick Acts is some non-Ens taken for an Ens ; which , if pursu'd home by a good Logician , must end in a Contradiction . For example , I can have Notions of Hircus and Ceruus aparted from one another ; but , if I will unite them in my Mind otherwise than Nature exhibited them , and take them conjoyntly , ( as Fancy may ) and frame a a Complex Idea of a Hirco-Ceruus , or Goat-Stag , it must needs be perfectly Fantastical and Chimerical . This will farther appear , if we take one of Mr. L's Complex Ideas , viz. Beauty , consisting of a certain Composition of Figure and Colour . Now , if such Figure and Colour had not been found , or might not be found united by Nature in the same Thing , the Idea of it could not have been conformable to what 's in Nature , or the Idea of any Reality , but purely Fantastical and Counterfeit . The same may be said of his Idea of Lead , with its proper Qualities ; or of the Ordinary Idea of a Man , describ'd here to be a Substance or Thing with Motion , Thought and Reasoning join'd to it : Which Qualities , were they not join'd in the Thing they belong to , or identify'd with it , the Complex Ideas of them would be nothing but meer Groundless Fancies . This Point is so Important , that it will deserve to be clear'd as perfectly as possible : I shall therefore allow it a more elaborate Explanation , tho' I spend less Pains and Time in my other Reflexions . When I consider an Individual Thing in Nature , ( v. g. A Man ) according to the Notion of Being , I have two Notions of him , viz. That he is capable of Existing , and that he actually Exists ; the former of which he has by means of Second Causes , which , by Determining the Matter , gives him his Determinate Nature or Essence . The other he has immediately from the First Being ; and I have a Complex Notion of him accordingly . Next , considering the same thing precisely as a Body , or such an Ens as we call by that Name ; I find in it somewhat by which it is Corruptible , or Changeable into another , and somewhat by which it is Determin'd to be This sort of Thing , or Body , or to be what it is : And , I conceive and call Body according to the former of these Considerations Power or Matter ; and , according to the later , Act or Form ; and I frame a Complex Idea of it , as 't is a Body accordingly . Hitherto I treat of the Thing as a Metaphysician , and regard it only according to some Order it has to Being . Proceeding further on , and dividing still the common Line of Ens , or ( what I am now arriv'd at ) [ Body ] by Intrinsecal Differences , or by more and less of the Generical Notion , of which Quantity or Divisibility is the Primary Affection , or that of which all the other Modes are made ; I find that some Bodies must be more Divisible or Rare , other less Divisible or Dense ; and by this means we approach something nearer to Natural or Physical Considerations of that thing as 't is call'd Body ; and the Science that treats of it , as being immediately under Metaphysicks , and immediately above Physicks , may not unfitly be called Archi-Physical ; as giving the immediate Principles to Physicks ! This way of Considering Body grounds the Notions of Simple Bodies , called Elements ; which differ in Nothing but Rarity and Density ; and also , the Notions of Compound Bodies made up of those Simple ones . So that now my former Complex Notions of Capable to be and Actual Being ; and , of having Determinate and Indeterminate Respects to that Ens as it is Body , call'd Form and Matter , has annext to it in the Thing many Secondary Qualities , made up of those Primary ones ; such as are , Heat and Cold , Moisture and Driness , &c. and so we are come to that Science call'd Physicks or Natural Philosophy ; and my former Complex Notion of such an Individuum , takes in these Second Qualities , over and above what it contain'd before . Advancing farther , we come to consider this Thing or Body with its Parts so diversify'd by those First and Second Qualities , or so Organiz'd , that one part ( the common Causes of the World suppos'd ) is able to work on another ; which kind of Thing we call Self-moving or Living . And , still proceeding on by a f●rther Complexion of such Parts , we come to a Thing that is Sensitive , or Moving it self by the least Effluviums affecting those tender Organs call'd the Senses . All which give so many New Additions to my former Notion of that Individuum , and make it more Complex . Moreover , we can find in this Sensitive Thing , or this Animal now spoken of , both as to its peculiar Matter and Form , a Disposition to work comparatively ; that is to judge , and reason or discourse ; and , consequently , to have in it a Knowing Power , which is to be a Man : And , Lastly , Such a peculiar Degree of this Power of Comparing , which restrains the Specifick Notion of Man to be this Individual Man. So that , by this time , such a Vast Assembly of Modes or Accidents ( the Croud of which make that most Complex Notion , call'd the Suppositum , so blindly confused ) do meet in my Complex Idea of this Individual Man , that , tho' I see he is a Thing ; and a Distinct Thing , because I see he exists and operates Independently of all other Things ; yet , I can have no Distinct and Clear Notion of his Essence , but by taking it in pieces , ( as it were , ) both as to those several Considerations belonging to him , according to the Line of Being , as was now explain'd ; and also , as to those Conceptions I make of him , according to all the Physical Modes or Accidents which are in him : Which Modes , so to gain an exacter Knowledge of him , as Affected with those Modes , ( and the same may be said of all other Things , ) we divide , and sub-divide , as we see agreeable to their Distinct Natures or Notions . This Discourse may , if well weigh'd , be , perhaps useful for many Ends. But , to apply it to our present purpose : All this Multitude of less Complex , or more simple Ideas , belonging to the Line of Substance , are found Connected in this Individuum ; and , did we add the least of them by our Mind , which was not found Conjoin'd in the Thing , my Notion or Idea of him would , so far , be Fantastick , and False ; because there was nothing found in the Thing that answers to such a Complexion , ( only which can make it Real , ) but only in my Fancy , counterfeiting such a Complexion , and mis-informing my Understanding ; as it happens in the Illusive Representations , made in those who are troubled with the Spleen , Melancholy , or Phrenzy ; as likewise , in timerous People , when they think they see Sprights ; or in Horses , when they boggle . Add , that the Mind cannot , of its self , begin to act , ( as was proved formerly : ) but all New Acts , or Excitation of Former Notions in her , are the Acts of the whole Man , and must naturally arise first from the Bodily Part , or the Fancy ; either Imprinting Phantasms , which it receives from the Objects , orderly and genuinly , on the Seat of Knowledge ; or Disorderly , as its Irregular and Extravagant Motions happen to conjoyn them . Whence we say that a Man who does not correct such incoherent Connexions by Judgment , is led by Fancy , or Caprichious . 6. While we are discoursing about the manner how we come by all our Ideas whether Simple or Complex , it would not perhaps be improper to set before the Reader 's view , what is my Tenet , the Cartesians and Mr. Lockes , and how we differ . The Cartesians do not own themselves at all beholding to outward Objects for their Ideas ( as least , as some of them say , for the chiefest ones ) but they say they are Innate , or imprinted on the Soul by Gods immediate hand ; tho' some of them ( which makes the matter much worse ) chose rather to say they are Elicited or produced by the Soul it self , upon such a Motion from without ; as also , that they are re-excited by such Motions ; in which last Tenet Mr. Locke seems to agree with them . But this Learned Author denies all Innate Ideas ; and holds that the Simple ones ( at least ) are caused by the Objects , whether they be Internal or External ; but , that the Complex Ideas are framed by the Mind , which he conceives to have a virtue of Compounding them as she pleases . Whereas , my Principles force me to oppose them both , and to hold That all Ideas , whether Simple , or Complex ( provided that by Ideas be meant Notions , and not Imaginations ) are to be taken intirely from the Objects or Things in Nature ; as also that , when we excite them a new , something that is in Act it self must cause that Action ; because a meer Power to do any Thing , ( whether in the Soul or out of it ) cannot determin it self to any Action in particular . And , if I may freely and impartially pass my Verdict between them , I should frankly declare , that Mr. Locke's way has far more of Nature in it , and consequently is more Solid than the Cartesian ; in regard he holds all our Ideas are originally taken from the Outward Objects , either emmediately , as to his Simple Ideas ; or mediately , as to those which are compounded of them by the Soul : Whereas the Cartesians cannot pretend to know any thing in Nature , unless they can solidly prove these three Previous Points : First , That their Ideas are Innate , or else produced by the Soul ; neither of which I am certain they can ever prove . Secondly , What those Ideas are , or that they are not meer Fancies . Thirdly , If they put them to be meer Representations , and not the Thing , or Object it self , how we can be certain that we must by them know the Things without vs , notwithstanding all that I have alledg'd to demonstrate the contrary in my Second and Third Preliminaries . If these Points , which are the main Hinges that open us the way into Philosophy , or the Knowledge of Things , be not first firmly establish'd , all their Discourses , tho' they be never so ingenious , must be hollow and superficial for want of Solid Ground . These three Points , I say , they must either show to be self-evident , or they must make them Evident by Demonstrating them ; or else , I am sure , 't is most Evident , that all their Superstructures are Ruinous for want of a Firm Foundation . I would not misunderstand them , when they explain to us what their Ideas are ; and yet they have such a peculiar Talent of speaking Ambiguous Sense in seemingly plain Words , that I cannot for my Heart comprehend their Meaning . They tell us sometimes they hold the Idea , consider'd Objectively , to be the Res or Thing itself ; but when they add , that it is the Res or Thing [ quatenus representata ] they seem to deny it again ; for the Words [ quatenus representata ] signifie , in true Logick , the bare Representation of the Thing ; as [ Paries quatenus Albus , ] means [ Albedo ; ] the restrictive Word [ Quatenus ] cutting off the precise Notion to which it is annex'd , from all others . And how odd a piece of Chiquanery it is to say , that the Picture or Resemblance of Caesar , is Caesar himself , quatenus representatus , I leave it to others to judge . Besides , if the thing it self be really there , or in the Knowing Power , it may be known without more ado , or without needing those little Spiritual Epicycles , ( if I may so call them ) those useless Ideas . Mr. Locke , I must confess , began at first to build Solidly on the Things ; but , he is so very acutely and speculatively attentive to the Ideas in his own Thoughts , and so wholly taken up with Contemplation of them , that he seems sometimes to over-run his own Principles , ( which only at first he intended to pursue ) and quite to lose Sight of the Things . Whereas I bend my whole Endeavour to keep my Eye steadily upon them through the whole Course of my Doctrine , without intermingling any gratuitous Suppositions , or suffering my self to be led astray from the Natures of the Things by any ill-grounded Fancies of my own , which would court and debauch my Reason , tho' they seem never so Ingenious . REFLEXION Seventh . ON The Thirteenth CHAPTER . 1. IF , as Mr. Locke says , we get the Simple Idea of Space by our Sight and Touch , then Nature gives us no Idea of a Space , which is not Visible and Tangible ; whence follows , that the Idea of such a Space as Vacuum , which is neither the Object of one of those Senses , nor of the other , is Unnatural and Fantastical . The Notion of Distance is well explain'd ; but I cannot discern why Length , Breadth and Thickness should be called Capacity : For , these three Modes ( as all Modes do ) express the manner how they Intrinsecally affect their Subject , Body ; whereas , Capacity signifies the Respect to something Extrinsecal to the Body thus affected , or a Power to contain Another Thing . Much less can Extension be character'd A Capacity of Space , with something between the Extremities , which is Solid , Moveable and Tangible ; for , tho' Matter were suppos'd to have no Extremities at all , but to be Infinite , it would not be less Extended , but more : And were the Air supposed to be neither Solid , Moveable or Tangible , yet still it might be conceiv'd to be Extended . Again , What means it , that Extension is a Capacity of Space , whereas Space is rather a Capacity of what is Extended . I wish I knew from what Rule or Ground Mr. Locke takes the Proper Meaning of the Words he uses ; for it seems evident to me , that this Explication of Extension is meerly Voluntary and Preternatural ; and seems ( tho' perfectly Groundless it self ) to be laid as a Ground for Vacuum ; and , therefore , his Consequences drawn thence , want Premisses . Nor need we take such Pains by Repeating our Ideas , to gain the Notion of Immensity ; it is but putting a Negative to the plain Notion of [ Measurable , ] and the Deed is done . Rather , 't is perfectly Demonstrable , that the Adding or Repeating our Ideas , cannot possibly give us the Notion of Immensity ; for , we have no Ideas , but of Finite Quantities ; and the Number of the Times we can repeat them , can be but Finite ; which the very Terms tell us , can never give us a Notion of an Infinite Quantity , or of Immensity . When he says , the Mind can repeat , double , or join Ideas , I must deny it , as impossible , unless , by the Word [ Mind , ] he means the Man. The Mind has no distinct Shop of her own , to work in a-part ; nor can she work without her Tools , or her Conjoin'd Instrument , the Body , as is prov'd above . 2. Nothing can be more solid , ingenious , or better express'd , than are his Discourses here about Place : In which , he , in great part , observes the Sayings , and Common Language of the Vulgar ; which is the most Natural Way to explain those Notions which are Vulgar ones , and Common to all Mankind . Whence , when we will needs affix Significations , to the Words which are generally used to express those Notions , by our own Conceits , it will most certainly lead us into very great Errours . He only seems not to reflect upon the Common Saying of the Vulgar , that [ Things are in such or such a Place ; ] which shews , that their Notion of Place is to be a Container , and consequently , Extended ; the Body Contain'd , to which it is adjusted , being such . 3. He argues well ad hominem , against those who make Body and Extension the same Thing : I suppose , he and they both mean , the same Idea ; for , the latter is not a Thing distinct from the Substance in which it is ; and the Ideas do most evidently differ , toto genere . Those Men's Way of Arguing from Ideas including one another , is purely Fantastical , unless those Ideas be Notions , or the Thing , as thus or thus conceiv'd ; which , like a kind of Parts , are in the whole Ens , and so may be said to be in it , or Predicated of it . 4. I have already prov'd , that Space is ( materially ) nothing else but Body , consider'd according to its Quantity ; and those Preliminary Discourses , which pretend to demonstrate it , must either be confuted , or else it must follow , that ( whatever we may fancy ) the Parts of Space are both Separable , Moveable , and do resist Motion . Farther , to imagine Space , that is not Extended , is a perfect Contradiction , tho' not in the very Terms , yet by an Easie and Immediate Consequence . For , putting a Body to be in such a Space , it must be commensurate to such a Part of it ; otherwise , that Body might take up all Space ; and must do so , were it not Commensurate to some part of it only : And to fancy a Thing Commensurate to the Parts of what is extended , and it self not to be Extended likewise , is a most extravagant Conceit , and a plain Contradiction . Again , If a Body take up but one part of Space , and not another part of it , ( v. g. that part which is next it , or in which it is , ) Space must not only have Parts , but also one Part without Another ; which is the very Notion of Extension . Lastly , Since Imaginary Space is put to be Vast , and even Infinite , it cannot consist in an Indivisible ; wherefore , it must necessarily be Divisible and Diffused , that is , Extended : Whence follows , that , to fancy Body to be put in such a Space , or Place , ( for he grants here , § . 11. that these two Ideas differ but in a certain Respect , ) and yet not shove aside or remove those Extended Parts out of that Space , is to make the Extended Parts of that Space , and of the Body in it , to be within one another , or penetrated ; which implies a Contradiction . Now , if they be not Penetrated , one of them must necessarily drive the other out of the Space it occupates ; and therefore , the Parts of that Space must be Separable , Moveable , and Resistent , as those of Body are ; they being , in very deed , the self-same . 5. Hence is seen , that in all this Discourse about Pure Space , or Vacuum , Mr. Locke consulted his Fancy , and not his good Reason attending to the Things as they are in Nature . That which mis-led him seems to be this , because he finds not in his Idea of Space , formally consider'd , the Notion of Divisibility , Separability , nor Resistance ; but that it abstracts from them all , as to the Formal Part of its Conception , by which 't is distinguish'd from those others . But , this is not peculiar to Space ; nor bears it any Shew of being a solid Ground for the Existence of Space separately from Body . For , Figure has not , in its Formal Notion , Quantity ; and yet 't is nothing but Quantity thus terminated . How many Notions have we of Quantity , and several other Modes , formally Distinct , which yet are nothing else , really and materially , but Quantity it self . Take Divisibility , Extension , Measurability , Proportionability , Impenetrability , Space , Place , &c. They have , all of them , some nice Formality , or different Respect , which distinguishes them ; and makes the Ideas or Notions of them , as such , to be Formally Exclusive of one another . Divisibility speaks the Unity of the Potential Parts of Quantity : Measurability , the Respect they have to some determinate Quantity stated by our Mind : Proportionability , such a Degree of Equality or Inequality to another Thing , or to their own Parts : Impenetrability and Extension , the Order or Situation of the same Potential Parts : Space , the same Quantity , precisely and formally , as it is a Capacity or Power to contain a Multitude of Things , without any Determination or Adjustment of the Space , to the Things contain'd in it ; so that the Notion of Space is the self-same as that of Room : And Place signifies the same Quantity , as having a Power to contain them Limitedly , and Determinately : Yet , notwithstanding , none ever conceited , that , because they were apprehended as formally distinct , they could therefore exist separately , without Quantity , or without one another , ( as he puts Space to exist without Body and Extension , ) tho' all their Ideas are thus formally Distinct : Nor , consequently , can Space , for the same Reason , exist without Extension and Body ; which seems to be his Ground , built on the distinct Formal Idea he has of Space , why he thinks there may be a Vacuum : Or else , his Ground is only a roving Imagination of a Vast Nothing beyond the Universality of Things , fancy'd by him to be a Thing he knows not what , nor of what Sort or Kind . But , enough of this formerly . 6. The Notion of Extension stands in his way , and therefore he endeavours to make it Unintelligible , and Inexplicable . He objects , that , to say that to be Extended is to have partes extra partes , is the same as to say Extension is Extension . First , If it were the same in Sense , where 's the Harm ? so it be only meant , that it is the same in re ; or in the Formal Notion , as long as the Expression is Different , and not formally Identical . At this rate we may ridicule all Definitions : For , to say , [ Homo est Animal Rationale , ] is the same in reality , as to say , Homo est Homo . Next , I deny they are formally the same : Divisibility , which is the Notion of Quantity , expresses only , that the Body it affects , has Potential Parts ; and Extension expresses the Manner how it has those Parts ; viz. not Penetrated , or one within another , but without one another ; which adds a new Formality to the bare Notion of Quantity : And this is a fair Explication for such a most Common and General Notion ; which having no Proper Genus , but a Transcendent , can bear no exact Definition . 7. To our Objection , that if Pure Space or Vacuum be not really a Body , it not being pretended to be a Spirit , it must be a meer Nothing , and so cannot exist ; he replies , ( if I understand him , ) that there may be a Thing that is neither Spirit , nor Body ; and he asks who told us there may not be such a Third Thing ? I answer , Our evident Reason told it us , by dividing Ens into Divisible and Indivisible ; which dividing Members , being Contradictory , allow no Third Thing which is neither the one , nor the other . Since then he must not say , that such a vast Expansion as Vacuum beyond all Bodies is Indivisible , either Mathematically , as a Point is , or Physically , as those Things are which are insuparably Hard ; it must be Divisible , and consequently Extended , Separable , &c. as a Body is . But this also he denies it to be ; and therefore 't is evidently concluded , that 't is a meer Nothing . 8. Nor will he acquaint us with his Thoughts , whether Vacuum be a Substance , or Accident , till we shew him a distinct Idea of Substance : Which seems to me a witty avoiding the Question , rather than a Pertinent Answer . Indeed , we have no Distinct and Compleat Notion of a Suppositum , or Individual Substance , because it involves many distinct Notions or Considerabilities in it , as their Ground . But , of Substance it self , or , which is the same , of what is meant by the Word [ Thing , ] 't is scarce possible to be Ignorant , or to want a Distinct Idea of it : For , there is nothing from which we need or can distinguish the Notion of Substance , or Ens , and so to gain a Distinct Conception of it , but either Non-Ens , or Modus Entis ; from both which , honest Nature , if we attend to It , and not to Preter-natural Fancies , teaches us to distinguish it . I should put the Argument thus : Vacuum , if any Thing , must be either Res , or Modus Rei ; for we have no other Notions : But Vacuum is neither ; therefore it is pure Nothing . I believe Mr. Locke had the worst of the late School-men in his Eye , when he gave this Answer ; who , talking Metaphorically of Standing under , and Inhering , left their Readers in the dark , as to what they meant Literally . How God is Metaphorically called a Substance ; and how all our Notions and Words fall infinitely short of conceiving him as he is in himself , or of expressing him Literally , I have discoursed * above . 9. 'T is almost insuperably hard for those who are more vers'd in Mathematicks than in Metaphysicks , to get above Fancy , especially in this Particular of Vacuum , or Imaginary Space ; because , tho' plain Reason tells them that all Created Things are limited , both in their own Natures , and consequently in their Modes or Accidents ; yet , because they can fancy something beyond Bodies , they will needs conceit there is some Ultra-mundane kind of Thing existent out of the World , tho' it costs them that highest Absurdity of putting Non-Ens to be Ens , or Nothing to be Something . And the same Fancy furnishes them with plausible Apprehensions , which serve them for Arguments . So , Mr. Locke asks , If God should place a Man at the Extremity of Corporeal Beings , whether he could not stretch out his Hand beyond his Body ? I answer , that , in all Probability , he could neither stretch out his Hand , nor so much as live in a Region so remote from the Habitation of Mortals : Nor , did he live , how knows he but the Outmost Surface of the World is insuperably Solid and Hard ; as 't is likely it is , so to keep the World Compacted , Close and Tight ? Next , to put God ; at every turn , ( with all Reverence to his Divine Majesty be it spoken , ) to shew Tricks , meerly for the Interest of Their Tenet , ( as our Moderns use , ) is very Unphilosophical . He will say , it is only a Supposition ; which , even , tho' impossible , is sometimes allowable to put , that we may clear a farther Point . Nor do I look upon it to be any other but a Supposition ; only , I judge it to be a very Extravagant one , and Contrary to the Natures of Things . God's Infinite Wisdom has so contriv'd the World , ( * Omnia in sapientia fecisti Domine , ) that Created Things should be the Ground of Truth ; therefore , whatever Supposition or Position draws after it a Contradiction , is as Impossible , as that Two and Three should not make Five ; or that a Thing can be and not be at once . And , as it has been demonstrated , that when the Sucker in a Pump is drawn up , the Water must needs follow ; because , otherwise , it would violate the Natures or Essences of Things : And therefore , Vacuum , within the World , is impossible ; so no Force in Nature can make any Protuberancy in the World's Surface , because it would induce a formal Effect , viz. Distance , and yet Nothing to make that Distance formally . A Position as contradictory , as 't is to say a Thing is round , and yet no Mode or Accident of Roundness is in it , which is the Formal Cause of it as 't is Round . 'T is his Opinion , that they who deny Vacuum , must hold Body to be Infinite : Whereas , I hold it demonstrable that there is no Vacuum , nor Infinity of the World neither ; nor can I see any Dependence one of those Tenets has upon the other . 16. He conceives , that no Man can , in his Thoughts , set any Bounds to Space , more than to Duration . I ask , whether , by his Thought , he means his Judgment ? For , 't is evident , that he that can demonstrate , that the Mode or Accident cannot exist , where the Body or Thing , of which it is a Mode , is not ; or , that both the Extent of the World has , and its Duration will have an end ; can , and must , in his Judgment , set Bounds to both of them ; however his Fancy rambles and roves beyond his Judgment . Or , if he means , he cannot have a Notion of any thing so great , but a greater may be still conceiv'd ; then I answer , First , That our Conception cannot make or prove that to be , which is not . Secondly , That none can , indeed , possibly have such a Notion ( by his way ) of either of them ; but by our way very easily ; for , by adding a Negation to Finite , as 't is manifest we may , we may have a Notion of Infinite , which sets Bounds to all Imaginable Quantities , since none can pretend to imagine any thing beyond Infinity . The same way gives us the plain Notion of Immensity , by joining a Negation to Measurableness . Indeed , the Notion of Eternity can be explicated neither way ; neither by repeating or adding Ideas , nor by a Negation of Finite Time , compounding an Infinite Time , to which it may be conceiv'd Commensurable : For , to Endure , is to be ; and , tho' our Duration , which is accompany'd with perpetual Alterations and Changes , is therefore subject to Time , and Commensurable to such and such Portions of it ; yet God's Duration is of a far more Sovereign Nature . Let us reflect , when we say , God was from all Eternity , what those Words can mean. Infinite Time neither was , nor can be ; and therefore , to explicate Eternity by what neither was , nor can be , is to explicate it by an Impossibility , which is to make it Inexplicable . Time was not before the World , in re ; nor in our Understanding , for we were not yet ; nor in God's , for he , being Truth it self , cannot know any thing to be actually , when as yet it was not . Wherefore , since Eternity cannot be explicated by any Regard to possible Time , it is left that it must be explicated by what the Word [ Duration ] imports , viz. by Being ; and so it must consist in the highest Impossibility of Not Being , which naturally follows from the Notion of Self-Existence . Tho' I doubt not but those who are not got above Fancy , are as hard put to it , not to imagine a long Flux of Time before the World ; as they are , not to imagine a vast Expansion of Empty Space beyond the World. And so it must happen , till Connexion of Terms ( in which only , and not in the Fancy , Truth is to be found ) comes to govern Men's Thoughts , and establish their Judgments . 11. But , to leave these little Sallies and Inroads into Metaphysicks , and return to to our Business : The next Argument is drawn from God's Power to Annihilate a Part of Matter , and keep the next Bodies from closing ; in which Case , a Vacuum between them is unavoidable . In Answer ; First , I ask how he knows God would keep the next Bodies , in that Case , from Closing ? If it be against the Nature of Things , he will not do it : And if it be a plain Contradiction , as we contend it is , Mr. L. himself will not say he can do it . Secondly , I fear it would look like a wild Paradox , and little less than Blasphemy , if I should deny that God can annihilate ; and yet , out of the profound and dutiful Reverence I bear to his Wisdom , Goodness and Power , I must declare , it is my Tenet , that he cannot ; any more than he can witness a Falshood , or be liable to any other Imperfection . It will be thought this limits , and consequently takes away his Omnipotency : And I , on the contrary , think I have far more Reason to judge , that the other Opinion argues Impotency , and ours settles his Omnipotency . Common Sense seems to tell us , that Omnipotency is a Power of doing all things , and not of doing Nothing . To Act , is to do something ; and therefore , to do Nothing , or make a Nothing , ( which the Sense of Annihilation , ) is , not to do : And , 't is a strange Notion of Omnipotency , which puts it to consist ( in such an Occasion ) in not doing . I wonder what Conceit such Discoursers make of the Divinity . What I am forc'd to conceive of him , as Essential to him , is , that he is a Pure Actuality of Being , ( as far as is on his part , ) actually , and ever exercised ; that he has no Power in him Undetermin'd to act , as we have ; which argues some Potentiality , or Imperfection in us . That , Actual Existence being Essential to him , his Peculiar Effect is , to give Existence , or to Create Things ; and to Conserve them in Being , which is a perpetual Creation , or Creation continued ; and , therefore , that 't is more Diametrically opposite to his Nature , to cause Not being , than it is for Light to cause Darkness . Whence follows , that whatever his Creatures are naturally disposed for , he is actually bestowing it upon them . Since then the Essences of all Creatures are Capacities of Being , the same Goodness that makes the Sun shine on the Just and Unjust , must give them continually to be actually . The Place is not proper to prove this Point at large ; but , were I writing Metaphysicks , and were oblig'd to handle it throughly , I should not doubt , but to demonstrate from the Natures of Action , Effect , Causality , the Specification of Action , from the Natures of Creatures , and almost each of God's Infinite Attributes , that Annihilation is both Impossible , and also most unworthy the Divine Nature . Some Witty Men think that Annihilation does best sute with God's Justice ; and thence conceit , that Eternal Damnation is nothing else but to be Annihilated . Whereas , indeed , this Tenet violates that Attribute in the highest Degree : For , to punish a Sinner without inflicting something upon him that is penal , is Nonsense : And , what Pain can a Sinner feel when he is Nothing , or is not ? 12. Indeed , Mr. Locke , § . 22. argues strongly , and ( as far as I can judge ) unanswerably , against the Cartesians ; who make the innumerable Particles of their Aether , tho' jumbled together confusedly , still light so exactly , as to fill every little Interstice . Did they put them to be Fluid , and of a very Rare Nature , and so , easily Pliable , they might make some Sense of it : But they make them Solid , Dry , and of a Firm Consistency ; for , otherwise , the Particles of their Elements could not be made by Attrition of other Parts of their Matter ; of which , one of them is ( as it were ) the Dust. Nor can it avail them to say , those Particles are less and less indeterminately ; for , every Thing ( and Mode too ) in Nature ( especially if Consistent ) is determin'd to be particularly what it is , and as it is . Nor can there be any Thing of an Indeterminate Quantity , any more than there can be a Man in Common , who is Indeterminate and Indifferent to be This or That Man. 13. As for his alledging that Men have an Idea , of Vacuum , distinct from the Idea of Plenum , 't is true , indeed ; and it means the same as Non Corpus , and consequently Non Quantum , Non Quale , &c. and is of the same Nature as is Chimaera , which means Non Ens. But , how does it follow hence , that it does or can exist , or that ( as he phrases it ) there is an Incomprehensible Inane ; unless , with the Vulgar Schools , we will make every Distinct nice Conception of ours to be a particular Entity , and capable of Existing a-part ; which I do not think Mr. Locke's good Judgment will allow of . REFLEXION Eighth , ON The Fourteenth CHAPTER . THis Chapter affords much Matter for Reflexion , which to do as briefly as I can , I will put my respective Negatives to Mr. Locke's Affirmatives , giving my Reasons for them , and invalidating his . I deny , that the Notion of Time is so abstruse as he conceives it . The Word is used commonly by the Vulgar to express what they mean by it , and their usual Meaning is the Notion or Nature of it . No Clown can be ignorant of it , if he ever read an Almanack , or saw a Sun-dial ; unless some witty Man comes to puzzle him with Doubts and Questions ; which he may even in things the Vulgar , and all Men living , know very perfectly . He knows , tho' not to a Mathematical Exactness , ( which is not requisite to our Time , or our Use of it ) that the Year begins on New-years Day , and that the Sun 's Diurnal Motion , till he returns to the same Line or Point , makes what we call a Day , and that a Day is divided into 24 Hours . He knows how many Days make a Month , how many Months a Year , &c. He esteems all these , however he divides them into lesser , or by Addition augments them into greater , to be Parts of Time ; and , consequently , Parts of the Sun's Motion , as well as he knew that a Day was such . If then they know that all particular Parts of the Sun's Motion are particular Parts of Time , let us abstract from all these Particulars , and the Motion of the Sun , in Common , is the Common Notion of Time it self in reality ; however the Formal Notion of Time consists in this , that it be Known and Regular , ( as the Sun's Motion is , as far as they can discern , ) so that they can measure and adjust all their Actions by it , which 't is evident they may . And this Formality of Time they do know too ; as appears by using or applying Hours , Days , Months , &c. to measure and adjust all their Motions or Actions by them . So that this whole Discourse of mine , Answering the Niceties objected , which escap'd the Observation of the Vulgar , seems to be built on that Solid Maxim , that The true Signification or Sense of the Words is to be taken from the Common Usage of them . If Mr. Locke pleases ( as I think he will not ) to coin Another Idea of it , and call it Time , he may if he pleases ; but it will not be the Notion of Time which Men have had hitherto ; nor will his new Notion sute with the Sense of Mankind ; nor is it possible the Signification he imposes upon that Word can ever obtain Acceptation in the World , unless some Supreme Authority , which commands all the World , should enjoin , under great Penalties , that such a Word be taken in that new Sense , and no other ; and even that will never be ; for all Mankind will never be under any such Authority . 2. I deny that Duration ought to be call'd Succession , unless restrain'd to Corporeal Duration , which is the least worthy that Name . For to endure is to be , which has Steadiness and Permanency in its Notion ; whereas Succession is essentially Change , and so rather opposit to Duration or Being . Nor is any thing said to Endure because it succeeds , but because it is all the while other things succeed ; or rather , while it self undergoes some Accidental Change. Whence our Being is not Commensurate to Succession as it is Being , but as it is Changeable one way or other ; which Changes being accompany'd with Motion , must consequently be Successive as it is . Angels and Pure Spirits have Duration , tho' they are Unchangeable , and therefore Unsuccessive ; having no Parts or Vicissitudes in their Natures or Operations , as Material and Quantitative Things , or Bodies , have . Moreover , the Notion of meer Being is Indivisible , whereas the Notion of Suceession is essentially Divisible ; whence they can have no Commensuration to one another . For which Reason , before ( as we apprehend it ) Motion or Succession begun , or after it is ended , the things afford us no Ground to conceive any thing like before or after , but only one Ever-standing or Unchangeable and Indivisible Instant ; which better expresses our Eternity , or constantly being ever , than any Correspondence to Succession or Motion can ; whose Natures are Finite in Duration , and so can never reach Infinite Duration , or that ever-constant Being call'd Eternity . 3. I deny absolutely , That the Notion of Succession ought to be taken from the Train of Ideas running in our Heads , but from the Things in Nature ; and Mr. Locke , ( Chap. 5. ) makes Motion , which is the same with Succession , one of his Simple Ideas which comes into the Mind by divers Senses from Outward Objects . Which how to reconcile with his Doctrine here , I am at a Loss : Nor can I see why the Rowling of a Cart-wheel in the Street , or the Flying of a Bird in the Air , should not more naturally and more solidly give us the Idea of Succession , than our observing the Gliding of Ideas in our Fancy , or Mind . 4. I deny that his Argument , drawn from our not perceiving Duration when we sleep , does conclude that this Successive Train of Ideas gives us , or is the Notion of our Duration . For , none can think he endures not , whether he perceives it or no ; or that our Duration ceases , or is interrupted , tho' he thinks not of it ; or that its being longer or shorter depends on our having Attention to those Ideas , but on its Correspondence to more or less of the Sun's Motion : Nor , had we endur'd more or less , or been a Jot more or less Old , whether we had wak'd or slept all our Life-time . Nor , is this peculiar to the Idea of Duration , that we have no Perception of it in our Sleep ; but common to Extension , and all other Modes whatever ; which , nevertheless , are , or continue in being , after their manner , whether we perceive them or not . Wherefore his Notion of Duration taken from our Co-existence to such a Train of Ideas , is ill-grounded , as not having any the least Foundation in Solid Nature , but in Witty Fancy . 5. I deny also , that the Idea or Notion of Succession comes by Reflexion on our Train of Ideas : Because Experience tells us it comes naturally by a Direct Impression from Outward Objects , which we see move or succeed . 6. I deny absolutely , that , tho' all that 's said be wav'd , a Train of our Ideas can either be a proper Cause of the Notion of Succession , or represent it : For Succession or Motion has , of it self , no distinguishable , much less Actually distinct Parts , any more than Permanent Quantity , or Extension has any Nicks or Notches to butt , bound , determin or distinguish it here and there ; but they both proceed in one Even , Confus'd and Undistinguishable Tenour ; whereas in the Train of Ideas , each Idea is actually Distinct from the other . Whence the Notion of such a Succession ought to be One continued Idea , or the Idea of a Continuance , or else it resembles not the Thing as it is in Nature ; nor consequently , is it a Similitude or Idea of the Thing , or outward Object ; that is , 't is no Idea at all , nor so much as a good Phantasm ; much less is it a Notion , or the Thing so in the Understanding , as it is out of it . Whence I must utterly deny what he says here , § . 6. that Motion produces in the Mind an Idea of Succession , any otherwise , than as it produces there a continued train of Distinguishable Ideas . For , Distinction can never represent that which is essentially Indistinct , as Succession is : Or , if he means the Interval's between the Appearances of one Idea , and another are Indistinct and Confused , it will be ask't by what Idea this Indistinct Interval is made known to us ; and why the same Idea may not as connaturally be imprinted by the Motion of Bodies in Nature ; the Succession of which our Eyes , Ears , and Touch , do testify ? 7. I must deny too that Duration ( as he takes it ) and Succession cannot one of them be a Measure to the other . For , all that can be conceiv'd of the Notion of Duration ( besides Being ) fitting it to be a Measure , is some Designed Part of Motion or Succession : And , when two things move , that which moves more regularly ( provided it be evidently knowable , and its Quantity some way or other Determin'd ) is in all points fitted to be the Measure of the others Motion . Nor is it more difficult to measure the less Regular Motion by the More Regular one , if the other requisites be not wanting , than 't is to measure the Extended Quantity of a Permanent Body , v. g. a Yard of Cloth ( which as found in the Piece is Undetermin'd ) by a yard-wand , whose Quantity is Stated and determin'd . For Example , when I write or walk an hour , the Motion of Sand in an Hour-glass , which is more known and Determinate , measures the Motions of my Pen or Legs , whose Successive Quantity or Motion is less certainly known or Determinate than the other is . And , as that Determinate Motion measures the other , so the Motion of the Sun , which is knowable to all mankind ( which the Glass was not ) and , to their apprehension , Regular , brought to Proportionate and Determinate parts by help of our Understanding , is apt to measure all our Motions whatever ; which Measure we call Time , as I think , Mr. L. grants . Whence I deny that Time is measur'd by the Motion of the Sun ( as Mr. L. objects , and justly wonders at ) for it is that very Motion , fitted , as is now said , to be a Common Measure to all others . He mentions many other Signes or Marks of Periods supposed Equidistant , as the Returning of Birds at such Seasons , the Ripening of Fruit , or Fire lighted up at the same distance of Time , increast in Heat , &c. but what must measure the distance between those Periods ? Or , what 's this to our Time as it is now . St. Austin was puzzled to know , whether , if Rota figuli moveretur , and all things else stood still , there would in that Case be Time or no. But all these Extravagant Suppositions are frivolous . Mankind takes their Notions from things as they are , and as they work upon their Senses ; which , in our case , is the Regular and Known Motion of the Sun ; and they take the Notions of its parts , from the Designation , Division and Multiplication , made by our Understanding ; and not from wild Suppositions , which neither come home to the Point , nor are , ever were , or shall be ; nor are , or could be so Regular and Knowable to all Mankind , as this Motion of the Sun is . 8. I must absolutely deny , and moreover think it a most Extraordinary position , to affirm that we must not judge that the Periods of Duration are equal , by the Motion of the Sun , but by the Train of Ideas that passed in Men's minds in the intervals ; which , I conceive , is the Sense of his § . 21. and § . 12. and of the Tenour of his Discourse in divers places . For , first , how does it appear that the Motion of the Train of those Ideas is it self Equal , or near Equal , in any one or the same Man at all times ; without which we cannot know by their Equal succession that the Periods which they are to measure are Equal , When a Man is in a stupid Humour , his Thoughts play very little and slowly ; when he is sound a-sleep , not at all ; when Awake and Brisk , or agitated by some great Passion , they move very swiftly ; when sedate and compos'd , more moderately ; so that 't is impossible to fix the succession of those Ideas in any Regularity . Next , how can we know that those Ideas move regularly , and not rather very differently , in diverse Men ? Contemplative , Melancholly and Dull Men use to fix their Mind long upon one Thought ; and , consequently , upon one Object of their Thought , or one Idea : Whereas those who are endow'd with Gayity of Wit , ( which is defin'd C●ler motus Intellectûs ) and those who are possest with Phrenzy or Madness have their Ideas succeeding one another very Swiftly : When we Judge , we fix our thought ; when we Invent , we muster up whole Armies of them on a Sudden . 3ly , Let any Man consult his own Interiour , and examin with the most exact Reflexion , whether his Ideas have mov'd Swiftly , or Slowly , the last hour , he will find himself at a loss to give any good account of them ; much more to assure himself , or ascertain others that they moved regularly : Wherefore the Train of Ideas ( and the same may be said of his other Imaginary Measures , § . 19. ) are quite destitute of that Chief Property of a Measure , viz. that it self be Regular ; and , if it concerns all Mankind , most Notorious to all who need it . For want of which , and for the Reasons lately given , perhaps no two Men in the World could agree , or come to a right Understanding with one another , about the Time of their Actions , which would put all the World in Confusion about their Common affairs . Lastly , Mr. L. assignes no Reason to evince the Regular succession of his Ideas in his § . 9. which seems the proper place to assert that Principal Point upon which all his Discourse depends ; and he only says , that he guesses that the Appearance of the Ideas vary not very much in a waking Man ; and that they seem to have certain Bounds in their Quickness and Slowness . And the Reason he gives afterwards , § . 10. for this ( as he calls it ) odd conjecture , is easy to be solv'd by our Principles : For , there is no doubt but that some short time must be allow'd for the coming of Impressions from without , for the ferrying them over the Medium , and the Re-exciting them in the Fancy , by which Notions are bred in our Mind ; which a very quick Motion of the Outward Object may prevent , as in a Brand whirl'd round , &c. and there must be also some Marks to make us observe too slow Motions ; Yet , between those two Extremes , there are so many Degrees , and such Variety intervene , that the Succession of those Ideas may nevertheless be very Uneven and Irregular . Rather , I may with better Reason , affirm that it is impossible it should be any way Regular at all ; since their Succession depends on the Fancy ( the most Irregular and Unconstant Faculty we have ) applying the Material Ideas or Phantasms a-new to the Seat of Knowledge ; which Application thousands of Causes may retard , or accelerate . His Objections against the Regularity of the Sun's Motion not being Mathematically such , is of no force . 'T is sufficient that it be so Regular as serves our use to measure , and adjust our Actions by it ; and the same may be Objected against one measuring Cloth by a Yard-wand , whose length is never Mathematically Exact . 9. Wherefore , Notwithstanding the respect I have for Mr. L. I cannot but think that such quivering Grounds as these can never support his most unaccountable Opinion , § . 12. that The Constant and Regular Succession of Ideas in a Waking Man , are , as it were , the Measure and Standard of all other Successions . His own good Judgment saw well the weakness of his grounds ; wherefore his clear Sincerity , and usual Modesty would not suffer him to deliver assertively , and assuredly , what he saw was Uncertain ; and therefore he propos'd it rather as a Paradox , or ( he calls it ) an odd Conjecture , than maintain'd it as a Position ; however , the Conception being so New , he was tempted not to pretermit it wholly : In doing which too , I believe , he not so much gratify'd himself , as the Humor of most late Philosophers ; who are far more addicted to value what 's Quaint than what 's Solid . REFLEXION Ninth , ON The Fifteenth CHAPTER , Of Duration and Expansion consider'd together . 1. I Have already said enough of Imaginary Space , Imaginary Time , and of the true Notion of Eternity . Philosophers must speak of Things as they are , if they mean to speak Truth ; and , therefore , the applying our Idea of Duration , which is a Mode of Ens , to Imaginary Time before the Creation , when as yet there was no such Ens as was Capable of such a Mode , is evidently against the First Principles of our Understanding ; and the same Illusion of Fancy that induced Mr. L. to put Space ( which is a Mode of that Ens called Body , and neither has , or ever had any Being but its , nor Power to beget any Idea at all in the Mind , but by being It ) beyond the World , that is , beyond the Universality of Things ; where there can only be pure Nothing . When we relinquish the Things on which only Truths are grounded , all the Ideas we pursue and substitute in their Rooms must necessarily be meer Fancies , and inevitably plunge us into Contradictions and Absurdities . Wherefore , I have no Occasion to make any further Reflexions upon the Grounds of this present Discourse , the Foundation of it being , I hope , overthrown in my Preliminaries , and divers other places ; yet , upon his Manner of his carrying it on , I must a little Reflect . As , 2. First , That they who endeavour to introduce Opinions Inconsistent with our Natural Notions , must be forced to change the Common Signification of Words , lest they cross them in their Discourses , and in the Explication of their Tenet . Hence ( as I have noted above ) Mr. L. alter'd the Signification of the Word [ Solidity , ] to make way for an Unsolid Being , or an Empty Space , as also , the meaning of the Word [ Extension , ] which he would confine to Material Beings ; and chose to make use of the Word [ Space , ] because it seem'd less to connotate the Notion of Body , than Extension did . And , here , he rather chuses to make use of the Word [ Expansion , ] as if it were better , that is , Different from Extension . The Word is proper enough , for which I do not much blame him : Only , I must affirm , that no Wit , nor even Fancy of Man , can conceive or imagine any thing , existing any where but in the Imagination , ( or , even scarcely there , ) to be Expanded , but it must also be really Extended ; nor to be Extended , but it must be Divisible ; and , therefore , its Parts Separable by the intervening Body , ( which he denies of his Inane , ) unless we put them to be insuperably Hard , Solid , or Infractil , as Epicurus did his Atoms ; or that , if they be thus Extended , and yet the Parts of the Inane do not separate , and give way to a new-come Body , there must not inevitably follow a Penetration of Extended Parts ; that is , those Parts that must be without one another , must be at the same time within one another ; which is a direct Contradiction . 3. Secondly , I cannot but specially remark , to what incredible Extravagancies Fancy , if not check'd by Reason , transports Men , tho' otherwise of the greatest Parts ; even so far as to conceit that God's Immensity consists in a kind of Quantitative Diffusion of his Essence , or in the Commensuration of it to an Infinite Expansion . For , what else can his Argument here , § . 2. for his Infinitely Expanded Inane mean , couch'd in these Words , [ Unless he ( viz. the Denier of such a Vacuity ) will confine God within the Limits of Matter . ] What , I say , can this mean , but that he apprehends God's Unconfin'd or Infinite Being , would be Confin'd , Finite , and consequently Lost , unless there were an Infinite Quantity of Imaginary Space answerable to it in Extent or Expansion . A Conceit certainly most unworthy the Divinity , whose Essence was equally Immense ere any Creatures were made : Nor can any of his Essential Attributes be taken in order to them ; for , this would give his Essence some kind of Dependence on his Creatures . This is something like ( but much worse than ) the Opinion of those Ancients , who thought God to be the Soul of the World. — Penitúsque infusa per Artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . Which Whimsy making God a kind of Compart with Matter , is long since exploded out of the Schools by the solid Principles of Christian Faith. God is not in his Creatures by any Co-extension to them , or any other way than by giving them Being ; and his Immensity , which is Essential to him , consists in this , that , did an Infinity of Creatures exist , he would be Intrinsecally , and of himself , able to give , or rather , actually giving Being to them all . Or else , [ Existence ] being the least Improper Notion we can attribute to God , he is said to be Immense , because his Existence is Illimited , or Infinite . 4. Thirdly , I much wonder what those Words should mean , [ And he , I think , very much magnifies to himself the Capacity of his own Understanding , who persuades himself that he can extend his Thoughts farther than God exists , or imagine any Expansion where he is not . ] For , First , I deny any Understanding can conceive or have any Notion of a Vacuum , tho' he may have a Fancy of it ; the Notion being the Thing it self in our Understanding , imprinted by Outward Objects , by means of the Senses ; whereas , his Inane never made , nor can make any Impression upon the Senses at all . Next , For the same reason , I deny our Thoughts are extended to Imaginary Space , if by Thoughts he means Notions , or Judgments built on them . Lastly , I see not why our Fancy may not extend it self farther than God Exists ; that is , ( as is lately explicated , ) gives Being to Creatures ; as well as Fancy can extend it self farther than God's Omnipotency can act . Splenetick or Maniacal Men can fancy they are made of Glass ; that , if they make Water , they shall drown all the World ; that , tho' standing on the Ground , they touch the Moon ; that their Nose , tho' but an Inch and an half long , touches and feels the opposite Wall , tho' perhaps a Furlong distant : The Quaker fancy'd he was a Grain of Wheat ; and , when any Pidgeons flew over his Head ; fell down in a marvellous Fright , lest they should peck him up , and fly away with him , &c. Now , none of these are a possible Object of the Divine Omnipotence , which is employ'd in making Things , which are the Ground of Truth ; and not in making Nothings , or undoing the Natures of Things , ( as Fancy does , ) and so laying a Ground for Falshood and Contradiction . 5. Fourthly , I remark , that the Texts of Holy Writ , which speak humano more , or in Accommodation to our low Fancies and Conceptions , are the worst sort of Arguments imaginable , and most unfit to be alledg'd for such by a Philosopher ; being apt to lead us into a Thousand Enormous Errours . For , if they be taken in a Literal Rigour , ( as Philosophical Arguments ought , ) they would make God no better than his poor Changeable Creatures . They would make him , at every turn , Angry , Sorry , Repentant , Subject to all , or most Passions ; Moving from this place to that ; and liable to Innumerable Imperfections . All which are opposite to the Unchangeable Nature of the Divinity ; and therefore ought to be remov'd from him , as far as our Thoughts can distance them . 6. The Divine nature is Essentially Actual Being ; and he goes below his Soveraign Excellency who conceives any thing of it by any other Notion , or Speaks of it by any word that is in the least Potential , or comes not up to Actual and Essential Existence . All his Attributes , as Metaphysicks demonstrate , do flow or follow from that infinit Source of all Perfection , Self-Existence ; or rather , are nothing but It diversly conceived by us ; and , therefore , cannot , according to Literal Truth , be any other way rightly explicated but by Being . Much more then are all the Modes of Ens , founded in Creatures , especially those belonging to the basest of all other Entities , Corporeal Things , ( such as are Diffusion , or Commensuration to Space or Quantity ) most highly Derogatory to that most Simple and All-comprehending Mind , which eminently and actually contains them all , and concenters in its self all Possible Being . Creatures are no more but [ Rags of Being , torn into thin Formalities ; ] Whereas the Divinity is the Inexhausted Source of Existence or Being it self in the most Full , Compleat , and Intire Latitude its vast Notion can bear . 7. I should think my self very happy , if I could correct this Influence of Fancy over Men's Thoughts , when they speak of Spiritual Natures , without making long Excursions into Metaphysicks ; and , perhaps , this plain Discourse may help much towards it ; it being fetch'd from our most Natural Notions , and known to us ( as it were ) by a kind of Experience . Let us take then any Spiritual Mode or Accident , a Virtue for Example , and let it be that of Temperance ; which done , let us ask our Natural Thoughts , how Long , Broad , or Thick that Virtue is ? Is it as little as a Barly-corn , or as big as a House ? Is it a Yard in Length , or but an Inch ? Is it as Thick as a Wall , or as Thin as a Wafer ? &c. And , Honest Nature would answer for us , that 't is Nonsense to ask such a Question ; its nature being perfectly of another kind , and utterly disagreeable to any of these Accidents . Again , Let us ask what Colour or Figure it is of ? Is it Blew , Green , or Yellow ? Is it Round , Four-square , or Triangular ? Is it Rare or Dense , Hot , Cold , Moist , or Dry ? And we shall discover that the Asker , if serious , would be look'd upon by all Mankind as a Fool or a Mad-man ; such Qualities as these being as much Disparate from the Subject we are Enquiring about , as Knowledge is to a Beetle , or Science to a Mushrom . And yet , it would not be wonder'd at , that such Questions as these should be ask'd of any Body whatever . And what does this amount to , but that Nature assures us , by her free and sober Acknowledgment of it , that this Spiritual Mode , call'd Virtue or Temperance , is quite different from the whole Nature of Body , and from any Corporeal Thing that by our Senses ever enter'd into our Fancy . Since then this Spiritual Mode or Accident has nothing at all to do with Body or its Modes , it is clearly evinced by the Ingenuous Confession of Unprejudiced Nature , that the Subject of it , which we call a Spirit , is so vastly removed from all we can say of Body ( Being only excepted ) that 't is perfect Nonsense to attribute any thing to it which we find in Corporeal Natures . Since then we can truly say of Corporeal Natures , that they are Long , Short , Diffus'd , Extended , Commensurate to one another in their Bulk , Motion , Duration , &c. we must be forced to deny all those of Spirits ; and to Judge that they have nothing to do with any of these , nor can bear the having such Modes apply'd to them , or said of them , under Penalty of forfeiting our plainest Reason , and contradicting Common Sense . And , if it be such an Absurdity to apply them to Created Spirits , how much more absurd must it be to explicate God's Eternity , Infinity , or Immensity by such gross Resemblances , or an Imaginary Order to the Short and Fleeting Natures of Corporeal Creatures ? 8. Lastly , to sum up all , I deny that the Notion of Motion is taken from the continu'd Train of Distinguishable Ideas ; and I affirm that it is Imprinted by the Object without me , and is one continually successive and undistinguish'd Mode there as it is in the Thing . I deny too , that Duration is Motion or Succession , but only Being ; tho' our Being ( it being Unconstant and Fleeting ) is accompany'd with Succession , and subject to Motion and Time ; and commensurate to them , only ( not as 't is Being , but ) as 't is Fleeting , or perpetually Changing some way or other . I deny it also , as the most prodigious Enormity a Rational Soul could be liable to , thro' its giving up the Reins of Reason to wild Fancy , to say , that our Measure of Time is applicable to Duration before Time. For Mr. Locke makes Duration inconceivable without Succession , and there could be no Succession before the World , when there was only one Unchangeable God , in whom is no Shadow of Vicissitude or Succession . Does not the plainest Sense tell us , that we cannot apply one thing to another , but there must be One and Another ; and where 's that Other Duration or Succession before Time , or before the World , whenas 't is confess'd there was none . Can any Man apply a Mode of Thing to Nothing , which yet must be avowed by this Author ; for before the World there was nothing but God ; to whom it could not be apply'd , and therefore there was nothing for Mr. L. to apply it to . But this is parallel to that seducing Fancy that inveigled his Reason to hold a Vacuum ; he took the Notion of Space from Body , and then apply'd it to what was neither Spirit nor Body , but meer Nothing ; and , here , he took his Notion of Duration , or Succession from Bodies moving ; and when he has done , he would apply it to what 's not Body ( nor Spirit neither ) nor Motion , nor like it , but contrary to it ; that is , he would apply it to meer Nothing . I desire he would please to consider , that the Thing to which Another is Apply'd must exist as well as that which is Apply'd to it ; and this antecedently to his Application of one to the other . Wherefore both Space and Duration being both Modes or Accidents , he must first prove , there is something beyond the World to which he can apply the Mode of Space ; or something before the World , to which he can apply the Mode of Successive Duration , or it is perfect Nonsense even to talk of Applying one to the other . But this he has not done , and his way of attempting to do it seems to be this ; first , he fancies he can apply those Modes to something there , and then ; and thence concludes , there must be Things there to which they may be apply'd ; as if his Fancy could create Entities at Pleasure , or to please her Humour . Nor matters it that we can apply stated Measures of Duration , and thence imagin Duration where nothing does really endure or exist , or by this means imagin to morrow , next Year , or seven Years hence ; for we cannot apply them by our Reason , but only upon Supposition that they will exist , and then there will be also some Thing or Subject supposed fit for them to be apply'd to ; whereas an imaginary Space beyond the World , or imaginary Time or Succession before or after the World , neither is now , nor can there ever be any possible Subject to which they can be Apply'd ; and so the Application of them can bear no manner of Sense . I must confess the word [ imagin ] which Mr. L. uses , cap. 14. § 32. is very fit for his purpose , and gives the greatest Semblance of Truth to his Discourse . But , by his Leave , our Imagination cannot create Entities , nor make Things , to which he is to apply his Ideas , to exist when they do not , nor ever will exist ; and , unless it can do this , his Application is no Application ; for to apply a Thing , or Mode of Thing , to Nothing , is no Application at all . Both Space and Successive Duration are Modes Proper to Body , whence only we had them ; and , a Mode without the Thing of which 't is a Mode ( Modes having no Entity of their own ) is a meer Nothing . Let him prove then first , that there are beyond or before the World any Thing to which they can be apply'd ; otherwise he will be convinced to ground all his Discourse on this Principle , [ Whatever we can imagin , is . ] Which Maxim being utterly deny'd , he must make it Evident by Proof . Which if he does , it will do his Book more Service , than any Principles taken from all the Sciences in the World ; for all these are as much opposite to Him , as he is to Them. REFLEXION Tenth , ON The 16th and 17th CHAPTERS . 1. I have little to except against his 16th Chapter , of Number . Nothing , certainly , could have been deliver'd more solidly , or more ingeniously . I only reflect on the last Words in it ; viz. That the Endless Addition of Numbers , so apparent to the Mind , is that , I think , which gives us the clearest and most Distinct Idea of Infinity . For , since it is granted that all we do actually conceive , how much soever it be , is Finite ; and all our Ideas are of what we do actually conceive ; I cannot comprehend how that which is Finite can give us the Idea of Infinite . It may be said , that our Reflecting that we can still add more Endlesly , is that which gives us the Notion of Infinity . I reply , that , were this Addition of Numbers taken from the Objects side , so that we saw that by such an Addition , Number might at length arrive to be truly or actually Infinite ; then , indeed , that Object ( viz. Number ) thus consider'd , or reflected on , might beget in us the Idea or Notion of Infinite : But , 't is taken only from our side , who are the Adders , or Multipliers ; and so , means only that we can never come to take so much of it , but more may by us be still taken ; whence , since all we can possibly take of it ( our Term of Life , and consequently , our Additions being stinted and Limited ) must still be Finite ; this may , indeed , furnish us with an Idea or Notion of a very great Number , and by us Incomputable ; which notwithstanding , for any thing we can thence gather , may be of it self Finite , tho' our Additions can never de facto reach its by-us-Innumerable Total . Now , how a Finite Number , a finite Number of Times repeated , tho' we called in Algebraical Multiplication to our Assistance , can give us the Notion of Infinite , which is contradictory to it , surpasses all Imagination . And , instead of shewing how it does so , Mr. Locke tells us here , that we must Suppose an Inexaustible Remainder beyond the Finite Idea , and that Infinity consists in a Supposed Endless Progression ; which is , in a manner , to suppose or beg the whole Question : For , if this Inexhaustible Remainder be still actually Finite , ( especially , if held by us to be such , ) it can never give us the Idea of Infinite Actually , which only is the true Idea of Infinite ; a Potential Infinity , or a meer Power to be Infinite , rather signifying not to be Infinite ; for , nothing is , what it is only a Power to be , especially such a Power as is never Reducible to Act : Wherefore , this Inexhaustible Remainder must be supposed more than Potentially , that is , Actually Infinite ; which is the Thing in Question . Or , if he says , this Remainder is only a Power to be still greater , but is Impossible ever to be actually Infinite , then how can it ever , possibly , beget in us an Idea of True or Actual Infinity ? 2. I have explicated above , by how plain and easie a Method we come to have our Notion of Infinity ; which is , * by joining the Sense of the Adverb [ Non ] to that of [ Finis : ] And Mr. Locke , Ch. 17. § . 8. seems to come over to my Thoughts ; where he says , that the Idea of Infinity seems to be pretty Clear , when we consider nothing in it but the Negation of an End. Whereas , on the other side , he grants , that the Idea of an Infinite Space or Duration is very Obscure and Confused . Now , if the Clearness of an Idea be the greatest Perfection it can have , it follows , even from his own Concession , that the Idea of Infinity ought rather to be taken from the Negation of Finiteness , than from this Confus'd Way of Adding and Repeating more and more of Space or Duration . Add , that ( as was said ) this way can only give us the Idea of a Potential Infinity ; nor that neither well , unless that Power to be Infinite could ever be reduc'd to Act , which is impossible it should : Now , the Negation of Finiteness fully reaches an Actual and Absolute Infinity ; and is applicable , and truly to be Predicated of God himself , and all his Intrinsecal Attributes , as Being , Duration , Power , Wisdom , &c. without needing any Recourse to the transitory and limited Natures or Modes of Creatures to explicate it . Whereas , Mr. Locke's Idea of Infinite cannot be predicated of God , or his Attributes , at all : Nor can we say that God is Infinite , in his Sense of that Word ; in regard he says , that our Idea of Infinity is ( as he thinks ) an Endless Growing Idea ; For , the Infinity of God , and of all that can be conceiv'd to belong to him , is incapable of Growth , Degrees , or Additions ; but is one Indivisible Being , without any possibility of our conceiving more or less in it , if we conceive it as we ought . 3. On the other side ; How facil and natural is my Way of our gaining an Idea or Notion of Infinite ? We see most Things we converse with to be Limited , or Finite ; wherefore , the Notion of the Thing as 't is limited , or ( which is the same ) the Notion of Limitation or End , is very familiar and obvious to our Thoughts . Since then Experience teaches us that we can very easily join a Negation to Finiteness or End when-ever we please , as well as we can to any other Notion ; and , thence , have a kind of Complex Notion of Infinite , as well as we can of Immortal , Immense , Immaterial , Incorporeal , Indivisible , &c. We have the Notion of Infinity given to our hands , without more ado ; or without perplexing our selves with making use of those ●ame Helps of Adding or Repeating those stinted Measures of Corporeal Modes or Accidents , whose very Natures ( besides the Finite Number of Times we can only repeat them ) do make them utterly Incapable ever to reach Actual , that is , True Infinity . 4. As for the Question he introduces here , viz. Whether the Idea of Infinite be Positive , or Negative , or includes something of both ; my firm Opinion is , That , however the Gramatical way of expressing that Conception seems to be Negative , yet the Notion it self meant by that Word , is altogether Positive . My Reason is , because the Idea or Notion of Finis or Limit ( in what kind soever it be ) does formally signifie [ no farther in that kind , ] which is perfectly Negative : Wherefore , the Negation added to Finite , in the Word [ Infinite , ] quite taking off that Negative Sense which did before belong to the Word [ Finite , ] gives the Word [ Infinite ] a Sense purely Positive . Again , we can have no Direct Impression from the Thing ; nor , consequently , Direct Notion of [ Infinite , ] nor , consequently , any Reflex Notion of it ; for , all Reflex Notions have for their proper Object , the Direct ones which are already in our Minds : Wherefore , if the Notion of [ Infinity ] can be had any other way than by adding [ Non ] to [ Finite , ] it must come from our Reason finding out by Discourse , that there is a First and Self-existent Being , whose Essence and Attributes are beyond all Limits , or actually Infinite . Whence follows , that , since clear Reason demonstrates , that all Created Entities , and consequently , all the Modes belonging to them , are Finite , and only God is Infinite in his Essence , and in all his Intrinsecal Attributes : And Reason also tells us , that all which is in God , ( to whom only the Notion of Infinite can belong , ) is most highly Positive ; the same Reason teaches us to correct in our Thoughts the Grammatical Negativeness of the Word [ Infinite , ] which can only be apply'd to Him ; and to look upon it , and esteem it , as most perfectly Positive . 5. I cannot pass by , unreflected on , a Passage , § . 16. in which Mr. Locke's Fancy imposes strangely upon his Reason : He says , that Nothing is more unconceivable to him , than Duration , without Succession . What thinks he of the Duration of God , in * whom is no Vicissitude , or Shadow of Change ; ( which Text , I believe , no Man , at least , no Christian , but holds to be Plain , and Literally True ; ) whereas , Succession is essentially perpetual Change ? Let him please to reflect , that [ To Endure so long , ] is nothing else but [ to be so long ; ] which done , by cutting off [ so long ] in both those Sayings , he will sind , that [ To Endure , ] is neither more , nor less , but simply [ To be . ] Whence his Conceit is so far from being True , that Nothing more wrongs Duration , or Being , than does Succession , or Motion . And , therefore , our Duration here , which is Unsteady , Unconstant , and Transitory , is justly reputed to be the worst sort of Duration , or Being ; and the next to Not-Being , or Not-Enduring at all . Again , Common Sense tells us , that nothing moves meerly for Motion's sake ; and , therefore , that all Motion is , to attain something which is Not-Motion , but the End of it , that is , Rest. Wherefore , Eternal Rest , or that Duration called Eternity , is the End of all the Motion of the whole World ; conformably to what the Holy Scripture , speaking of the State of Eternity , tells us , that , * Tempus non erit amplius ; Time ( nor , consequently , Succession ) shall be no more . Wherefore , since , taking away Motion and Succession , 't is impossible to imagin any thing in Duration , but only Being ; and Eternity is an infinitely better Duration , or State of Being , than this Transitory one , which is Successive ; it follows , that Eternal Rest , in which we have all we can have , or could acquire by Motion , at once , is the only true Duration , and our Duration here only the way to it . So far is Duration from being Unconceivable without Succession , if we guide our Thoughts by Principles , and not by meer Fancy . REFLEXION Eleventh . ON The Eighteenth , Nineteenth , and Twentieth CHAPTERS . 1. THE three next Chapters of Simple Modes , are very suitable to Mr. Locke's Doctrine delivered formerly , and almost all of them agreeable to Nature ; particularly the 20th , which gives us more genuin Definitions of the several Passions ; and more aptly , in my Judgment , expresses them than Mr. Hobbes has done ; tho' he is justly held to have a great Talent in delivering his Conceptions . But , I must deny that the Perception or Thought , made by Impressions on the Body , by Outward Objects , is to be called Sensation . For if Thoughts be Sensations , then the Sense can Think ; which being the proper Act of the Mind , I believe none will say if he reflects that our Soul is of a Spiritual Nature . Nor are the Modes of Thinking at all proper to the Senses . The Truth is , that Man having two Natures in one Suppositum , all the Impressions upon him as he is an Animal , do also at the same time ( I may say the same Instant ) affect him also as he is Spiritual ; whence they are to be called Sensations , as they are receiv'd in that material Part called the Seat of Knowledge ; and the same Direct Impressions , as they proceed farther , and affect his Soul , are call'd Notions , or Simple Apprehensions . Wherefore , as the two Natures in Man are Distinct , and have their Distinct Properties and Modes ; so the Words , that are to express what 's peculiar to each of those Natures , are to be Distinguish'd too , and kept to their proper Signification ; which cannot be , if Thought , which is peculiar to the Mind , be confounded with Sensation , which properly belongs to the Corporeal part . But I suspect the Printer may be here in the Fault , and not the Author ; the Sense in this place being something imperfect . 2. To the Question proposed , ( Cap. 19. § 9. ) Whether it be not probable , that Thinking is the Action , and not the Essence of the Soul ? I answer , That 't is more than probable ; for 't is Demonstrable , that 't is only the Action , and not the Essence of it . For , in such Natures as are potential , or apt to receive Impressions from other things , ( as the Soul is in this State ; ) and therefore their Essence does not consist in being Pure Acts ( as Angels are , ) Being must necessarily be presuppos'd to Operating ; especially , when their first Operation ( as Thinking is to the Soul ) is a meer Passion , caus'd by Impressions from another thing ; which are therefore purely Accidental to the Subject that receives them . And I wonder Mr. Locke would even propose this as a Question to be yet decided , or think it but Probable ; since he has formerly maintain'd assertively , That Men do not always think : For if it be not certain that Thinking is not the Essence of the Soul , it follows necessarily , that Men must always think ; since the Soul can never be without her Essence , or what 's Essential to her . 3. His Position , that Things are Good or Evil only in reference to Pleasure or Pain , however it may hap to be misunderstood by some well-meaning Bigots , is a most solid Truth ; and is exceedingly useful to explicate Christian Principles , and to shew God's Wisdom and Goodness in governing Mankind Connaturally . He proposes to him Fulness of Joy , and Pleasures for evermore ; and such as , being Spiritual and most Agreeable to the Nature of the Soul , are Pure , Durable , and filling the whole Capacity of its boundless Desire ; not Transitory , Mean , and Base ; which , tho' they cloy , never satisfie . Heaven would not be Heaven , if it were not infinitely Pleasant and Delightful ; nor would Hell be Hell , if it were not Penal . And in case that Explication of Epicurus his Tenet , which is given it by some of his Followers , be truly his , which makes Man's Summum Bonum consist in Pleasure at large , and chiefly in the best Pleasures of the Mind , it would not misbecome a Christian Philosopher . Whence results this Corollary , that The whole Body of Christian Morality depends , as on its Practical Principle , upon our making a wise Choice of the Pleasures we pursue here . For , the Object of our Will , and consequently , of its Acts of Love , is an Appearing Good , and the Lively Appearance of that Good is that which makes the Will prompt to act effectually ; whence , since that which breeds Pleasure in us , must needs appear Lively to be a Good to us , there needs no more but to chuse wisely what is most Pleasant , or most Agreeable to our True Nature , Reason ; ( such as the best Spiritual Goods are ; ) and we may be sure by such a well-made Choice to arrive at that Best , Greatest , and Purest Pleasure , Eternal Glory . REFLEXION Twelfth . ON The 21th . CHAPTER . 1. IN this Chapter of Power , I find more to admire than confute . The Author always Ingenious , even when he errs , has here much out done his former self . Particularly , his Explication of Freewill , is ( generally speaking ) both Solid and Acute ; and his Doctrine that Liberty is consistent with a perfect Determination to Goodness , and Virtue is both Learned and Pious . Yet I am forced to disagree with him in some particulars : In giving my Thoughts of which I will imitate Mr. Locke's laudable Method ; in making my Discourses Subservient , and in shewing them to be Agreeable , to Christian Principles . 2. 'T is an excellent Thought , that The Clearest Idea of Active Power is had from Spirit . For Bodies can act no otherwise , than as they are acted on themselves ; nor can the first mov'd Body that moves the rest , push others forwards farther than it self is moved by something that is not Body , or by some Spiritual Agent ; which therefore has the truest Notion of Agency in it , without any Mixture of Patiency ; because the Body mov'd cannot react upon it . Tho' therefore we may have by our Senses the Idea of Action and Passion , from the Effects we see daily wrought by Natural Causes on fit Subjects ; yet the Clearest Idea of Action , is given us by our Reason , finding out that the Beginner of Corporeal Action is a Separated Spirit , or pure Act ; and therefore not at all Passive from any other Creature , nor from the Body it operates on , by Reaction , as is found in Corporeal Agents . And , our Reason gives us this Idea , ( as it does many other Reflex ones ) by seeing clearly that neither can there possibly be Processus in infinitum amongst Corporeal Agents ; nor can they , of themselves alone , begin to move themselves , nor move one another Circularly ; and therefore the First Corporeal Motion must necessarily be Originiz'd from some Pure Spirit or Angel. Now , Mr. Locke conceives that the Soul , according to her Faculty call'd [ Will ] moving the Body , gives him this clearest Idea of Active Power ; which Tenet I have in diverse places disprov'd * formerly ; and shown that the Soul , by reason of her Potential State here , cannot principiate any Bodily Action ; nor the Man neither , unless wrought upon by some External or Internal Agent , which is in act it self . 3. He Judges with good reason , that the Vulgar mistake of Philosophers , in making every Faculty or Power a Distinct Entity , has caus'd much Obscurity and Uncertainty in Philosophy ; which humour of Multiplying Entities , I am so far from abetting that perhaps he will think me to err on the other hand , in making the Understanding and Will to be one and the same Power , and affirming that they only differ , formally , in Degree . He shows clearly how , in proper Speech , the Will is not Free but the Man ; unless it be signified with a Reduplication , that by the Word [ Will ] is meant Man , according to that Power in him call'd the Will. For Powers ( as he discourses well ) belong only to Agents , and are Attributes only of Substances , and not of the Powers themselves . Perhaps this reason of his will abet my position , that the Understanding and Will are the same Power . Those who make them two , do this because they find in the Notion of [ Will ] only a Power of Acting , and not of knowing ; and in the Notion of [ Understanding ] only a Power of knowing , and not of Acting : But the same Men make the Understanding direct the Will , which they call a Blind Power ; by which they make one of those Powers , formally as such , to work upon the other , as if the former were an Agent , and the latter a Patient . I add , moreover , that they do this with the worst Grace that is possible ; for what avails it the Will , to be directed by the Understanding , if it does not know how the Understanding directs it ? And to make the Will to know , is to make it a knowing Power , which is to make the Will ( tho' they never meant it ) to be the Understanding . Not reflecting in the mean time when our Understanding is full of any Apparent Good , the Man pursues it , and so becomes , or has in him a Principle or Power of Acting ; which is what we call Will. 4. Perhaps a Philosophical Discourse , beginning from the Principles in this affair , if exprest Literally , and pursu'd home by Immediate Consequences , may set this whole business in a Clearer Light ; and show us very evidently how Man determins himself to Action ; and therefore is Free ; as also how he is Predetermin'd to determin himself , than any particular Reflexions on our own Interiour : Which , tho' they may oftentimes have some Truth in them , yet , not beginning from the bottom-Truths that concern the point in hand , they can never be steady , but are now and then liable to some Errours . 5. Beginning then with the Animal part in Man , and considering him barely as an Animal , and wrought upon as other Animals are , I discourse thus . Particles , agreeable to the Nature of the Animal , being by the Senses convey'd into the Brain , do , if they be but Few , lightly affect it ; and work no other effect but a kind of small Liking of it ; If more , they make it ( as we say ) begin to Fancy it : But , if they be very many , and sent from an Object very Agreeable or Good to such a Nature ; they will in proportion to their Multitude and Strength , cause naturally a Tendency towards it , and powerfully excite the Spirits , so as to make the Animal pursue it ; that is , they will become such a Principle of Action ; which in meer Animals we call Appetite . To which Action that meer Animal is not carry'd thro' Choice , or Freely , but is naturally and necessarily Determin'd to Act for the Attainment of that Good , in the same manner as Iron follows the Load-stone . But , if we consider this Animal , as having now a Rational and Knowing Compart join'd to it , things will be order'd after another manner : For , those Impressions are carry'd farther than the Region of the Brain , even into the Soul it self , which is endow'd with a Faculty of Reflecting upon those her Notions , whence she gains exacter Knowledge of those Bodies that imprinted them . Nor only so , but she can reflect upon her own Operations too , and know that she knows them ; by which means she comes acquainted with her own Nature , and comes to see that Knowledge and Reason is that Nature of hers ; which she finds is a Nobler part of the Man , than is the Body ; because by it she excels and governs Beasts ; and , in great part , under God , manages Corporeal Nature . Moreover , she can discourse her Thoughts , compare the Objects , or the Goods they propose , and gather the Preference some ought to have above others . 6. Things standing thus with the Man , it is evident that he has now not only that Nature called the Body , to provide for ; but another , and that a Spiritual , and much better Nature , to look to , and to procure for it all the Good he can , and such Goods as are Agreeable to it . He finds evidently , that no Corporeal Things can be its Proper Good , taking it as 't is Distinct from the Body . He may easily discern , that its Distinct Nature being Knowing , or Rational , nothing can perfect it but what is according to Reason , or improves Knowledge ; and that the Acquisition of Science does perfect it in the latter Regard , and Virtue in the Former ; Virtue being nothing but a Disposition to act according to Right Reason in such and such Matters , or in such and such Occasions . Reason therefore is the Ground of all true Morality ; and , to act according to Reason , is to act Virtuously : Wherefore , to act Virtuously would be most Natural to Man , if his True Nature be not depraved ; which it cannot , without Impiety , be thought to be , if we consider it as it came immediately from God's Hand . Wherefore , if it be not so now , but be blinded and mis-led from Reason and Virtue , by Passion and Vice , ( as we experience it is , ) it is demonstrable hence , a posteriori , that it has been some way or other perverted since its Creation ; which Christianity tells us , has happen'd thro' Original Sin , transfus'd from Adam . Moreover , as the Sense of Corporeal or Sensible Pleasure or Pain invites the Man to pursue what is for the Good of the Body , and makes him tend towards what 's Agreeable , and eschew what 's Harmful to it ; so , in Man , as he is Rational , there is , or ought to be , answerable to those , a Spiritual Pleasure and Pain , viz. the Satisfaction and Dis-satisfaction of Mind , which we call Conscience , or the Law of Nature , annex'd to all our Actions ; our Thoughts ( as St. Paul says ) accusing or excusing one another ; so to keep us from Unreasonableness , or Vice , and make us more pliable to follow Reason or Virtue . For , as Grief or Pain is caus'd in us by our Knowing that our Bodies , for which we have a great Concern , is Disorder'd ; so the Stings of Conscience ( as far as they proceed from Nature ) come from our Knowing that our better part , our Soul , for which we ought to have an incomparably higher Concern , is wounded or disorder'd in her Rationality , which is her Essence . 7. Hence is seen , that Man is apt to be wrought upon by two several sorts of Motives , viz. those which are sutable to the Good of the Body , and those which are agreeable to the Good of the Soul. Now , were not Humane Nature ( as was said ) perverted , these two could not clash ; nor would there be any Inclination in the Man to do any thing which could prejudice his Superior Part , Reason ; to which the Inferior , the Body , is naturally Subservient . But , Man's Nature being poison'd in the Spring-head , the Motives of the First Kind did hazard quite to over-bear the Motives of the Second Sort ; and so Mankind became liable to act , in a manner , perpetually against Reason , or , ( to express it in Christian Language , ) all his Actions might have been Sinful , and himself a Slave to Sin. Wherefore , to obviate the violent Impulses of Passion , and to strengthen our Reason against its Assaults , God's Wisdom , Goodness and Mercy took care to give us a Doctrine full of Supernatural Motives , and those the most powerful ones that could be conceiv'd ; taught us by a Divine Master , and ascertain'd after the best Manner ; so to make the Appearance of the Eternal Goods it proposed ( if reflected on ) Lively ; which might keep us upright , and move us effectually to follow our true Nature , Reason ; and so pursue our true Last End , by the Practice of Virtue . 8. Now , there can be no Question but that , both in the State of Pure and Uncorrupted Nature , as also in the Corrupted State of it , thus powerfully assisted , the Innate Propension of the Will tending strongly to Good or Happiness ; and [ Good ] and [ Motive ] being in our Case the same , Eternal Goods would most strongly carry the Will , and prevail over Temporal ones ; as certainly as Heat ut octo would prevail over Heat ut duo , were there the same Application of one as of the other to the same Object equally well Dispos'd ; in case the Proposal or Appearance of both these Goods were but Equal . 9. Both these Motives , Natural and Supernatural , have their several Species or Phantasms beating upon the Seat of Knowledge ; with this difference , that the Natural Phantasms , being directly imprinted , are Proper ones ; but those Reflex ones , being of Spiritual Natures ( as the Words and Language they are express'd in do testifie ) are Metaphorical and Improper . As then , when in a meer Animal a Sensation is made by a small Number of Agreeable Effluviums they make only a slight Fancy , Imagination or Representation of it ; but when an Impression is made by a great Multitude of them , the Animal is Naturally ripe for Action , and is Enabled , or has a Power to act , which Power , thus prompt to act , we call Appetite : So ( as was said above ) in a Rational or Knowing Animal , a small Quantity of Reflex Notions may serve to give it a speculative Knowledge of the Object proposed : But , when those Reflex Impressions are many , and of such Objects as , being very Agreeable or Good to our true Nature , are therefore highly concerning us to have them ; the Appearance of them is so Lively , and the Strength of their Motive Force is so great , that the Man becomes fit to act for them ; which Principle of Action we call Will. So that Knowledge and Will differ but in Degree , as did Fancy and Appetite in a meer Animal . By which Explication are avoided all the Incoherent Positions about this Subject ; such as are , that the Understanding directs the Will ; that the Will knows ; that one Power works upon another , &c. Whence is seen , 10. First , That the way to conquer in our Spiritual Warfare , is , to strive to Multiply and Strengthen those Reflex Thoughts , especially those given us by Supernatural Motives ; and to make their Appearance Lively in the Soul ; that so it may be able to beat down and overcome the opposite Band of Impressions from Corporeal Objects which assault it : Which I conceive to be what is Literally meant by a Lively Faith working in us that best Virtue , Charity . Next , in order to the same End , we must endeavour , by a cautious and prudent Avoidance , to lessen and weaken the Impressions from Corporeal Objects ; which is done by that Virtue which we call Temperance , or ( when 't is to some high degree ) Mortification ; and , by that means to dim the Appearance those Objects would otherwise make ; lest , if it be too Lively , they should overcome the Motive Force of those Objects which are Spiritual . But , it is to be noted , that the multiplying , or frequently repeating those Reflex Impressions , are not so necessary to every Person , nor always the best . For , a Wise , Judicious Christian , who , out of a Clear Sight of Spiritual Motives , has ( by a thorow-Penetration of their Excellency and Preferribleness ) his Speculative Thoughts so Lively , that they fix his Interior Practical Judgment to work steadily for the Attainment of Eternal Happiness , is a far more Manly and Strong Christian , than those who arrive at a high Pitch by the frequent Dints of Praying , or other good Exercises , almost hourly continued : For , those Well-knit Thoughts , and Rational Judgments , are ( as it were ) an Impenetrable Phalanx ; and being Connatural to our Reason , no Assault can shock or break their Ranks . Yet , even in those firmest Souls , Christian Discipline and Vigilance must be observ'd ; lest , not having those strong Thoughts or Judgments still in readiness , they be surprized by their Ghostly Enemy ; which I take to have been King David's Case , when he first sinn'd . 11. Secondly , It is seen hence , that Man determines himself to Action , or is Free. For , 't is evident , both to Reason and Experience , that all those Thoughts , Discourses , Judgments and Affections , he had in him before , naturally , or supernaturally , are the Causes of the Determination of his Will. Wherefore , all these being Modes or Accidents belonging to him , and Modes not being Distinct Entities from the Thing to which they belong , but the Thing it self , ( or , the Man thus modify'd ; ) it follows , that Man determines himself to Action ; or , is a Free Agent . 12. Thirdly , Since Man has neither his Being , his Powers , his Actions , nor consequently , the Circumstances by which he came to be imbu'd with his good Thoughts ( from whence he has the Proposals of his true Good , and of those incomparable Motives to pursue it ) from Himself ; but had all these from the Maker and Orderer of the World : And , since this Series of Internal and External Causes ( called , in Christian Language , God's Grace ) did produce this Determination of himself , 't is manifest , that he was Predetermin'd by God , the First Cause , thus to Determine himself , as far as there was Entity or Goodness in his Action . 13. Fourthly , Since all our Powers are , by the Intent of Nature , ordain'd to perfect us , and that Power , called Freedom , does not perfect any Man while he determines himself to that which will bring him to Eternal Misery ; it follows , that the more he is Determin'd to Virtue and true Goodness , the more Free he is . Again , Since a Man is Free when he acts according to the true Inclination of his Nature ; and the true natural Inclination of a Man is to act according to Right Reason , that is , Virtuously ; it follows , that Freedom is then most truly such , and the Man most truly Free , when he is Determin'd to Virtuous Actions . Whence Irrationality , or Sin , is by the Holy Ghost called Slavery , which is opposite to Freedom . From which Slavery , the Mercy of God , meerly and solely through the Merits of his Son , our Redeemer , has freed us . 14. Fifthly , We Experience , that the Lively Proposal of Temporal and Eternal Goods , when it arrives to that pitch , that there is hic & nunc , such a Plenitude ( ex parte Subjecti ) of such Objects or Motives , that it hinders the Co-appearance , Co-existence , and much more the Competition of the Contrary Motives , does always carry the Will , or the Man , along with it . For , the Object of the Will being an Appearing Good , and no other Good , in that Juncture , ( at least , Considerably , ) appearing , because the Mind is full of the other ; it follows , that the Inclination of the Will to Good in Common , which Man is naturally determin'd to , must needs carry the Soul ; no other ( as was said ) then Appearing . Whence , Mr. Locke's Position , that Uneasiness alone is present ; and his Deduction thence , that therefore nothing but Uneasiness determines the Will to act , is shewn to be Groundless : For , an Appearing Good cannot but be always Present to the Soul ; otherwise , it could not appear , or be an Appearing Good. 15. Sixthly , Hence wrong Judgments arise , either thro' Want of Information , as , when Men are not imbu'd with sufficient Knowledge of Eternal Goods ; or else , thro' Want of Consideration ; whence , by not perfectly weighing and comparing both , they come to prefer Temporal Goods before Eternal ones . 16. Lastly , 't is to be noted , that Sin does not always spring from False Speculative Judgments , but from their being Disproportionate . For , 't is a Truth that Temporal Goods are in some sort Agreeable to us ; nor would they hurt us for loving them as far as they merit to be lov'd , provided we did but love Eternal Goods as much as they deserve to be loved too . Sin therefore is hence occasion'd , that thro' too close and frequent a Converse with them , we too much conceit , and make vast Judgments of these Temporal Goods in proportion of what we make of Eternal ones . And , were not this so , no Sin would remain in a bad Soul when separate , or in a Devil ; nor , consequently , the proper Punishment of Sin , Damnation , because they know all Truths Speculatively . Wherefore , their Inordinate Practical Judgments ( in which Sin consists ) springs hence , that they do not conceit , or ( as we say ) lay to heart the Goodness of True Felicity , because they over-conceit or make too-great Judgments of the Goodness found in some False Last End , which they had chosen . Yet these Disproportionate Judgments , tho' Speculatively True , are apt to beget wrong Practical Judgments , and wrong Discourses or Paralogisms in the Soul of a Sinner , to the prejudice of his Reason ; as has been shown in my METHOD , Book 3 , Less . 10. § . 18. 17. Mr. Locke's Discourse about Uneasiness , lies so cross to some part of this Doctrine , that it obliges me to examin it . He endeavours to shew that Uneasiness alone and not Good or the Greater Good , determines the Will to Act. His Position , tho' new , and Paradoxical , is very plausible ; and , taking it in one Sense , ( viz. that there is always some Uneasiness when the Will is Alter'd in order to Action , ) has much Truth in it ; and it seems to have much Weight also , by his pursuing it so ingeniously : Yet there is something wanting to render his Discourse Conclusive . For , 18. First , If we look into Grounds and Principles , they will tell us , that 't is the Object of any Power , which actuates , or determines it ; and the Object of the Will cannot be Uneasiness : All Uneasiness being evidently a Consequence , following either from the not yet attaining the Good we desire , and hope for ; or from the Fear of Losing it . And , if we should ask whether Uneasiness does affect the Will , otherwise than sub ratione mali , or , because it is a Harm to the Man ; and Ease otherwise affect it , than sub ratione Boni , ( that is , because it is Good to him ; ) I believe it is impossible , with any Shew of Reason , to deny it . Now , if this be so , it will follow , that 't is Good only which is the Formal Motive of the Will ; and Ease , no otherwise than as it is Good. 19. Secondly , All that we naturally affect being only to be Happy , or to be well ; it follows , that Good only is that which our Rational Appetite , the Will , strives to attain ; or pursues , and acts for . 20. Thirdly , Appearing Good being held by all , to be the Object of the Will , ( for none hold , that Good will move it , unless it appears such ; ) and the Greater Appearance of it having a greater , and sometimes the Greatest Power to move it , I observe , that tho' Mr. Locke does now and then touch slightly at the Appearance of the Good proposed to the Understanding ; yet , he no where gives the full Weight to the Influence the several Degrees of this Appearance have over the Understanding , to make the Man will it ; but only denies that Good , or the Greater Good , in it self , determines the Will. Whereas , even the Greatest Good , ●dimly appearing such , may not , perhaps , out-weigh the least Good , if it be very Lively represented , or Apply'd close to our view , by a Full Appearance of it . Hence , his Argument , that [ Everlasting Unspeakable Goods do not hold the Will ; whereas , very great Uneasiness does , ] has not the least Force ; because he still leaves out the Degree of their Appearing such to us . For , since ( especially in our Case ) eadem est ratio non entium , & non apparentium ; and no Cause works its Effect , but as it is Apply'd ; he should either have put an Equal Appearance of the two Contesting Motives , or nothing will follow . 21. Fourthly , This Equal Appearance put , his Argument is not Conclusive , but opposes himself . For , the prodigious Torments inflicted by the Heathen Persecuters , upon the Primitive Martyrs , were , doubtlesly , the Greatest present Uneasiness Flesh and Blood could undergo ; yet the Lively Appearance of their Eternal Happiness , ( tho' Distant , and Absent , ) which their Well-grounded Faith , and Erected Hope assur'd them of , after those Short , tho' most Penal Sufferings ; overcame all that Inconceivable Uneasiness they suffer'd at present . 22. Lastly , How can it be thought , that the getting rid of Uneasiness , or ( which is the same ) the Obtaining of Ease , can be the Formal and Proper Object of the Will. Powers are ordain'd to perfect the Subject to which they belong ; and , the better the Object is which they are employ'd about , so much , in proportion , the Man is the Perfecter , who applies that Power to attain it . It cannot then be doubted , but True Happiness being the Ultimate Perfection Man can aim or arrive at , which is only attainable by Acts of his Will ; that Power was naturally ordain'd to bring Man to his highest State of Perfection by such an Acquisition ; or , by loving above all Things , and pursuing that Object ; and , consequently , since this consists in obtaining his Summum Bonum , 't is the Goodness of the Object , apprehended and conceited such , which determines the Will ; and , therefore , the Straining after Greater , and even the Greatest Goods , and being Determin'd to them , is what , by the Design of Nature , his Will was given him for . Now , who can think , that meerly to be at Ease , is this Greatest Good ; or the Motive , Object , End , or Determiner of the Will ? Ease , without any farther Prospect , seems rather to be the Object of an Idle Drone , who cares not for perfecting himself at all ; but sits still , satisfy'd with his Dull and Stupid Indolency . It seems to destroy the Acquisition of all Virtue ; which is Arduous , and not perform'd but by Contrasting with Ease , and present Satisfactions . It quite takes away the very Notion of the Heroick Virtue of Fortitude ; whose very Object is the Overcoming Ease , and attempting such Things as are Difficult , and Inconsistent with it . I expect , Mr. Locke will say , that all these Candidates of Virtue had not acted , had they not , according to their present Thoughts , found it Uneasie not to act as they did . But I reply , that Uneasiness was not their Sole Motive of Acting , nor the only , or Formal Determiner of their Will : For , in that case , if meerly to be rid of Uneasiness had mov'd them to act , meer Ease had satisfy'd them . Whereas , 't is Evident , they aim'd at a Greater Good than meerly to be at Ease . In a Word ; Ease bears in its Notion , a Sluggish , Unactive , and most Imperfect Disposition : It seems to sute only with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Insensibility of a Stoick . Pleasure and Joy have some Briskness in their Signification : Desire is Active , and implies a Tendency to some Good we affect : But the meer being at Ease denotes no more but a Stupid Indisturbance ; which Noble Souls hate , as mean , and are weary of it : And , if Ease be the proper Motive and Determiner of the Will ; and the Greatest Good the Will can have , or wish , is Eternal Glory ; it would follow , that the Glory of the Saints and Angels in Heaven is nothing but being in the best manner at Ease ; which is far from Elevating the Soul to the highest Degree of Perfection , as Glory , or the Beatifying Sight of God does ; and only signifies , she is , when in Heaven , securely out of Harm's way , or free from being disturb'd ever after : By which , no great Good accrues to her , but only a kind of Neutral State , in which she shall receive no Hurt . 23. The true Point then seems to me to stand thus ; The Object of the Will , an Appearing Good , works many Effects immediately consequent to one another . First , When the Appearance is but slight , it begets a Liking of it ; when Lively , a Love of it , which determines the Will to it ; to which , if Great , follows an Effectual Tendency towards it , called Desire of it . Desire not satisfy'd , troubles us , or makes us Uneasie : Uneasiness makes us strive to change our Condition , to get Ease . This makes us to cast about , and Consider how to find Means to do it : Means found , we make use of them , and actually go about to rid our selves of what was Uneasie to us . Now , tho' some of these are nearer to our Outward Action than others , yet the Appearing Good in the Object is the Common Cause which produces all those Orderly Dispositions ; in virtue of which , as the First Motive , they do all Act , Assist and Concurr to determine our Will to go about the Outward Action with Vigour . 24. Ere I part with this Chapter of Power , I am to observe , that Mr. Locke has not any where so much as touch'd at the Power to be a Thing ; tho' Nature gives us as Clear a Notion of it , as of any other Power whatever . For , as oft as we see one Thing made of Another , which we know is not Created anew , so often our Natural Reason forces us to acknowledge that somewhat of the former Thing could be made another Thing ; and this , as evidently as when we see a Thing Act , which did not Act before , we must acknowledge it had antecedently a Power to Act ; and thence we frame an Idea or Notion of such a Power accordingly . But of this Power , called Matter , and of its Metaphysical Compart , the Form or Act , I have treated largely already in my Appendix to my Method , to which I refer my Reader ; as also here , Preliminary 5. § . 6 , 7. I note , by this Omission of the Notion of Metaphysical Power , or Matter , that Mr. L. holds so rigorously to his First Ground , that all our Notions are got by Sensation and Reflexion , that he seems to make account , that , by working upon these , we do not gain other Notions by using our Reason ; in which Sense , I must deny that Ground of his . Or else , he omits this , and other Notions , ( especially Metaphysical ones , ) because he finds no Proper or Formal Similitudes for them in his Fancy ; which makes it still more Evident that he too much consults his Imaginative Faculty , to the Prejudice of his Reason ; and , too frequently , means by his Ideas , meer Fancies . Which also is the reason why he blunders so about the Notion of Substance . REFLEXION Thirteenth , ON The Twenty Second and Twenty Third CHAPTERS . 1. I Find nothing in Chap. 22th , [ Of Mixed Modes ] to reflect on , but what has been spoke to already . The Author pursues with much Accuracy his own Method of shewing how his Ideas of Mixt Modes are made up of Simple ones . Which , in a manner , falls into the same , as does our way of ranging all our Notions into the Common Head of Substance and its . Modes , and then compounding them as Use and Occasion invites us , or rather as Nature forces us . Nor do I see how the Name ties ( as Mr. Locke fancies ) the several Ideas together , more than barely by signifying the Combination of them made before-hand in our Minds . The different Method in this Point , taken by Mr. Locke and us , seems to be this . That We , by distributing our Ideas or Notions into Ten Common Heads , do know at first view in which Box to look for them ; and , this discover'd , we find also all our Particular Notions , that are within the Precincts of each Head , by Dividing the Head it self by Intrinsecal Differences , or more and less of it ; which done , the Mixture of that Compounded Notion is Close and Compacted ; each Part of it , if in the same Branch of that Division , being Essential to the other . And , if some Part of the Compound Notion be taken from other Heads , we , by looking into their Notions , and Comparing them by our Reason , know how much , and what Share of that Notion is borrow'd from others , and belongs or not belongs to it ; and in what manner it belongs to it : Which teaches us how to predicate diversly ; and instructs us how the Terms of our Propositions are connected , and whether they be connected at all . Which exceedingly conduces to Science , and ( as we conceive ) is hardly performable by his way , but rather is Inconsistent with it . Again , while we Divide those Common Heads , in case our Division be rightly made , we , with the same labour , frame Genuin and Proper Definitions of each Notion under each respective Head. Whereas , we conceive , his way of Mixing his Ideas wants the Beauty of placing their Parts orderly , which the Process from Superiour to Inferiour Notions has ; and his Mixt Ideas , if he goes about to explain and compound them , have so Ragged , Shatter'd , and Dishevell'd an Appearance , that 't is hard to determin which of his Simple Ideas that makes this Mixture , ( much more which of his Compounded ones ) is to be the First , Second , Third , &c. So that the Definitions of his Ideas do more resemble a Confused Heap than a Regular Building ; as will be observ'd by any Man who reflects on those Definitions and Explications of his Ideas he now and then gives us . In which , however it may be pretended , that his Materials are oft-times proper , and the same with ours , yet it will be impossible to shew , that his way of laying those Materials together is Regular , Artificial , or Handsome . He speaks of the Combinations , Compositions , and Mixtures of his Ideas ; but I do not remember he ever tells us , much less maintains , their Regularity , or the Order in which his several Ideas , or the Words which express them , are to be placed ; which must necessarily leave his Reader 's Thoughts in much Confusion . Indeed , it seems not to have been his Intention in this Treatise to observe the Rules of Art , but only to give us our Materials ; wherefore , as I do not object , or much impute this Deficiency , so I thought it not amiss to note it . 2. While I perused Mr. Locke's 23th Chapter , of the Idea of Substance , I was heartily grieved to see the greatest Wits , for want of True Logick , and thro' their not lighting on the right way of Philosophizing , lay Grounds for Scepticism , to the utter Subversion of all Science ; and this , not designedly , but with a good Intention , and out of their Sincerity and Care not to affirm more than they know . He fancies that the Knowledge of Substance and Extension are absolutely Unattainable . Now , if we be altogether Ignorant what Substance or Thing means , we must bid Adieu to all Philosophy , which is the Knowledge of Things , and confess that we talk all the while of we know not what : And , if we be invincibly Ignorant of what Extension is , farewell to all the Mathematical Sciences ; which , ( those that treat of Number , or Arithmetick , excepted ) do all of them presuppose our Knowledge of Extension , and are wholly grounded on that Knowledge . Wherefore , that I may perform the Duty I owe to Science and Truth , I judge my self obliged first to establish the Literal Truth in this Point ; and , next , to satisfie his Scruples and Difficulties . In order to which I discourse thus . 3. We can have no Knowledge of a Nothing , formally as such ; therefore all our Knowledge must be of Things one way or other ; that is , all our Knowledge must either be of the Res or the Modus rei ; or , ( as the Schools express it ) of Substance or Accidents ; for , other Notions we cannot have . Again , Since Mr. Locke grants the Accidents or Modes are not distinct Entities from the Thing ; they can only differ from it Notionally ; or , as divers Notions , Considerations , Respects , or Abstracted Conceptions , which our limited Understanding ( not able to comprehend at once the whole Thing , and all that belongs to it , in the Bulk ) has of the Thing , which grounds them all . Hence all our Knowledge of Quantity , ( under what Name , or in whatever Formality we take it ) is of the Thing as 't is Big , Divisible , or Extended : Our Knowledge of Quality , is of the Thing consider'd according to what renders its particular Nature Perfect or Imperfect . Relation is still the Thing , according to that in it which grounds our comparing it to others . Now , as we can consider the Thing according to its Modes or Accidents , so we can have another Notion or Consideration of the Thing as to its own self ▪ abstracting from all these former Considerations ; or a Notion of the Thing , ( not according to any Mode it has , but ) precisely according to its Thingship ( as we may say ) or Reality ; that is , in order to Being ; or ( which is the same ) we can consider it precisely and formally as an Ens , Res , Substance or Thing ; and all we can say of it , thus consider'd , is , that 't is capable to be actually . For , since we see Created Things have Actual Being , yet so that they can cease to be ; all that we can say of them , ( thus consider'd ) is , that they are Capable to be . Besides , since we see they have Being , were this Actual Being or Existence Essential to them , they would be of themselves , and so could not but be ; and , consequently , must always be ; which our common Reason and Experience contradicts ; in regard we know them to have been made ; and we see many of them daily Produced , and others Corrupted . This Discourse is built on this Principle , that all our Ideas or Notions ( and amongst them the Notion of Substance or Thing ) are but so many Conceptions of the Thing ; or which ( taking the Word [ Conception ] objectively ) is the same , the Thing thus or thus conceiv'd ; which , besides what 's said here , is prov'd at large in my Second and Third Preliminaries . 4. Now , according to this Explication , which when we are distinguishing the Notion of Thing or Substance from its Modes ( as both of us are here ) is evidently true ; it is so far from being Impossible to know , even distinctly , what the Word [ Substance ] or , which is the same [ Thing ] means , or what Substance is , that it is impossible to be ignorant of it . For , every one must needs know what it is to be ; since without knowing this , we could not understand any thing another says , nor what our selves think ; for all this is perform'd by Affirming or Denying , express'd by [ is ] or [ is not , ] which speak Actual Being , or not Being . And 't is in a manner Equally Impossible not to know what [ Capacity ] or [ Power ] means ; which are the only Ingredients of [ Capable to be , ] which is the very formal Conception of Ens , as 't is precisely Ens ; or , of the Thing according to the meer Notion of Substance , taking that Word in a Logical Sense , as 't is distinguish'd from Accidents ; and not in a Grammatical one ( as it were ) for a Supporter of the Accidents ; for , this is a Secondary Sense of [ Thing , ] and does not signifie what it is in it self , or according to its Primary and precise Notion , as is noted above ; but , according to what Respect or Consideration it bears to others , or other Notions . 5. Thus far concerning the Idea or Notion of Substance in Common , or taken as abstracted from its Modes or Accidents . Descending thence to such and such sorts of Substances , and keeping still in that Line , 't is plain that there goes more to their Composition , than there did to constitute the bare Notion of Substance it self ; and therefore the Modes or Accidents must be taken in ( for there is nothing else in Nature imaginable ) to constitute them such and such : Wherefore , the Complexion of those Accidents which constitutes them of such or such a Nature , and nothing else , is ( as the Schools phrase it ) their Substantial or Essential Form. And , if we go yet lower , there will need still a greater Complexion , or a Decomposition of Accidents for the same Reason ; and so still more , till we come to an Individual Thing ; or , as they call it , the Substanstantia Prima ; which , only , is in proper Speech , A Thing , because It only is Capable of Existing . But , when we are got to this lowest Step in the Climax of Substance , I mean to the Individuum or Suppositum , which includes in it all the Modes that constituted the Superiour and Inferiour Natures above it , and those innumerable Accidents over and above , which distinguish it from all other Individuums of its own kind , and by which it is perfectly determin'd to be This in particular , and no other ; then , 't is no wonder our bewilder'd Thoughts are lost in a Wood ; it being impossible for us to conceive , find out , much less to know distinctly the confused Medley of those Numberless Accidents or Modifications found in the Suppositum , which do compleatly constitute its Individual Essence . 6. And hence arises Mr. Locke's first Difficulty , and his Apprehension that we can make nothing of the Idea of Substance . But , he may please to reflect , that we ought to distinguish between the Notion of a Thing or Substance taken as Involving all the Modes aforesaid ; and the Notion of Thing , as Excluding , Abstracting from , and Contradistinguish'd to to them all ; in which later Sense I take it here , and himself too , as appears by his Considering it as a Supporter to the Accidents . Which done , I am confident his Difficulty will be at an End : For this is as easie to be done , as 't is to see the Difference between the meer Notion of Thing , ( or what 's Capable to be ) and such a Thing , or Capable to be of such or such a Nature . Next , he thinks that all we can make of the Idea of Substance is , that it is a Substratum , or Supporter of the Accidents . To whch I Answer , that if we consider Substance in reference to its Modes , we do indeed make such a Metaphorical Conception of it ; but not , if we do ( as we ought when we consider it singly ) conceive it as 't is in its self , or as to its own precise Notion , or Idea . 'T is partly the Impropriety and Unfitness of the Word [ Substance ] ( as I have noted Preliminary 5. § 10 , 11. ) and partly the Blundering Explication of the Common School-men , which breeds all this perplexity . And , indeed , 't is no wonder , if , when we take Metaphorical Words Literally , we find our selves at a loss , and that our Thoughts ramble into Extravagancies . The Literal Truth of the whole business is this in short , which who ever does not well reflect on , and carry along with him , ( the Distinction of our Notions depending on it , ) I dare confidently affirm must necessarily discourse Confusedly , and Incoherently . 7. The Thing , or Individuum , as it stands in Nature , does ( as was said ) contain in its self what grounds , corresponds to , and verifies thousands of Different Notions or Conceptions which we may make of it . We cannot , as Experience teaches us , weild or manage all or more of those Notions at once ; and , therefore , our Knowledge of it ( taken as it is in Nature , or in the Bulk ) is so Confused , that we know not distinctly what it is , more than to see and experience that it is , and is Distinguish'd from all others . The only way then to gain a Clear and Distinct Knowledge of it , is to take it in pices ( as it were ) by our various Considerations of it , and frame many Partial , Inadequate or Abstracted Notions of it . All these Notions , how many soever they be , are either of Res , or of Modus rei ; that is , either they must be the Notions or Natures of Thing , or of such a Thing ; and both the first of them , and also all the rest , are nothing but the Thing diversly Consider'd . The Conceptions , or Notions of the Modes or Accidents are innumerable ; but there is only One which is the Conception of Thing it self , which we find to be this , that 't is Capable to be or exist ; and , this Notion , or ( which is the same ) the Object thus consider'd , we call Ens , Res , Substance or Thing . The other Notions we have of it , such as are Big , Qualify'd , Related , &c. have neither Being , nor any Order to Being in their signification , or peculiar Notion , as had the other . Wherefore , since Nature tells us that we must first conceive the Thing to be , ere we can conceive it to be after such and such a manner ; nor can the Mode or Manner be apprehended to be of its single self capable to be , otherwise than as it is annext to what 's Capable to be by its self , or by its own peculiar Nature , that is , as it is identify'd with it ; therefore no Mode or Accident can exist by Virtue of its own Idea or Notion , but in Virtue of the Notion of Thing or Substance ; with which , therefore , tho' formally Different , they are all materially Identify'd . Or thus , more briefly : Had not the Thing somewhat in it which grounds this true Conception of it , that 't is Capable to be ; none of the Accidents ( they all wanting in their Notion any Order to Being ) could be conceiv'd to be at all . And this , in Literal Truth , is the great Mystery of those Positions , about which Disputants in the Schools , blinded with their own ill-understood Metaphors , have so long , like Andabatae , fought in the dark about such Questions as these , viz. Whether the Essence of the Accidents is their Inexistence , or Inherence in the Substance ; Whether the Substance supports them in Being : Is their Substratum , or the Subject , in which , those Accidental Forms , do Inhere ? Then , in pursuance of their Fanciful Metaphor , some of them begin to cast about how those Forms are United to the Subject or Substance , or come to be received in it ; in order to which , and that nothing may be wanting to do the work thorowly , they coyn a new connecting little Entity , call'd an Union , to soder them together , and so , instead of making it One Entity , they very wisely make Three . All which Conceits , if we look narrowly into them , have at the bottom this mistake , that all our several Conceptions have so many distinct Entities in the Thing corresponding to them . Which vast Errour both perverts all true Philosophy , and is against a First Principle in Metaphysicks , by making Unum to be Divisum in se , or One Entity to be Many . Now , if these Modes be Things , or ( to speak more properly ) if the Notion of every manner of a Thing be the formal Notion of the Thing it self , or of what 's Capable of Existing ; first , the Nature of Modes is destroy'd ; for they will be no longer the [ How , ] but the [ What ; ] and the Nature or Notion of Substance , or Ens , is lost too ; for , if all the Modes are Distinct Entities , or Capable of Existing , they must all be Substances ; which blends all the Notions Mankind has , or can have , ( on the perfect Distinction of which , all Science is grounded , ) in a perfect Confusion ; and , consequently , reduces all our Knowledge to a Chaos of Ignorance . 8 But I wonder most , how this Learned Man can think none knows what Extension is . We cannot open our Eyes , but they inform us , that the Air , and other Bodies which which we see , are not cramp'd into an Indivisible , but are vastly Expanded , or ( which is the same ) Extended . May we not as well say we may see Light , and yet have no Notion of it ? And , does not himself make Extension to be one of his Simple Ideas , the Knowledge of which goes along with all the Knowledges we have of Bodies ; and , withall , resembles the Thing ; For what , thinks he , serves an Idea , but to make Men Know by it what it represents ; or , consequently , an Idea of Extension , but to make us know Extension ? Perhaps he may think we cannot know it , because we cannot define or explicate it , but in Words Equivalent to it . But , first , this Objection has no Ground ; because all Definitions and Explications in the World are the same Sense with the Notion they Define and Explicate ; and , were it not so , they would be no Definitions nor Explications of that Notion ; for they do no more but give us all the Parts of the Entire Notion , and all the Parts are the same as the Whole . Next , how does it follow , that , because we cannot explicate it , we do not know it ? Whereas , the direct contrary follows in our present Case : For , the commonest Notions can the worst be defin'd . because they least need it , being Self-known , or Self-evident . Not all the Wit of Man can Define and Explicate what it is to be ; and , yet , all Mankind knows it perfectly , or else it is impossible they , not knowing what the Copula means , should know the Truth or Falshood of any Proposition whatever . Thirdly , He seems to think that ( as some of the School-men do imagin ) Contradictory Positions may follow out of the Notion of Extension ; else , why should he imagin the Difficulties concerning it are Inextricable : Which I must declare against , as the the worst piece of Scepticism , next to the denying all First Principles . For , if Contradictory Positions may follow out of any Notion taken from the Thing , then that Notion , and consequently the Thing it self , would not have any Metaphysical Verity in it , but be purely Chimerical . Add , that the learned Thomas Albius , in his Excellent Preface before the Latin Edition of Sir Kenelm Digby's Treatise of Bodies , has clearly solv'd those Imaginary Contradictions . 9. To shew the Difficulty of Knowing Extension , he objects , that no Reason can be given for the Cohesion of the Parts of Extended Matter . If he means , that we can give no. Physical Reason for it , or such an one as fetch'd from the Qualities or Operations of Bodies , I grant it ; for all those Qualities and Operations are Subsequent to the Notion of Extension , and Grounded on it : But , if he thinks there cannot be a far Better and Clearer Reason given from the Supream Science , Metaphysicks , I deny it . I explain my self ; All Positions that concern the Essences of Things , or Modes either , do belong to the Object of Metaphysicks ; so that , whoever makes the Natures or Essences of any of these [ not to be what they are , ] is most clearly convinced , by his violating that Metaphysical First Principle , [ A Thing is what it is , ] to maintain a clear Contradiction . If then Divisibility be the Essence of Quantity , and Divisibility signifies Unity of the Potential Parts of Quantity ; and Continuity ( as making those Parts formally Indivisas in se ) be evidently the Unity proper to those Parts ; it follows , that Quantity being the Common Affection of Body , does formally , and as necessarily , make its whole Subject , that is , all its parts , Continued , or Coherent ; as Duality does make a Stone and a Tree formally Two ; or Rotundity in a Body makes it Round ; or any other Formal Cause is engag'd by its very Essence to put its Formal Effect , which would induce a Clear Contradiction if it should not . 10. 'T is not in this Occasion only , but in many others too , that Great Scholars puzzle their Wits to find out Natural Causes for divers Effects , the true Reason for which is only owing to Trans-natural ones , or from these Altissimae Causae , which only Metaphysicks give us ; and it happens also , not seldom , that Men beat their Brains to find out Efficients for that which depends only on Formal Causes ; whose most certain Causality depends on no Second Causes , but only on the First Cause , God's Creative Wisdom , which establish'd their Essences to be what they are . Let any one ask a Naturalist , why Rotundity does formally make a Thing Round , and you will see what a Plunge he will be put to , not finding in all Nature a Proper Reason for it . The same , in other Terms , is the Ground of Mr. Locke's Perplexity how Extended Parts do cohere ; to which , the properest and most Satisfactory Answer is , because there is Quantity in them , which is Essentially Continued ; and , so does Formally give Coherence of Parts to Body , its Subject . By the same means we have a Clear Reason afforded us , why Bodies impell one another ; which Mr. Locke thinks is Inexplicable . For , putting one Body to be thrust against another , the Body that is Passive must either be shov'd forwards , or there must necessarily be Penetration of Parts ; unless , perhaps , at first , the Impulsive Force be so slight and leisurely , that it is able to cause only some Degree of Condensation . Every thing therefore acting as it is , if the Body , or the Quantity of it , be Extended , or have one Part without the other , and , therefore it be impossible its Parts should be penetrated , or be one within the other , the Motion of the Passive Body must necessarily ensue . 11. To proceed : Mr. Locke makes account we have as clear a Knowledge of Spirits , as we have of Bodies ; and then argues , that we ought no more to deny the Existence of Those , than of These . Which I should like well , did he maintain and prove first , that the Nature of Bodily Substances is clearly Intelligible : But , to make those Notions which are most Essential and Proper to Bodies , and most Obvious of all others , viz. their Entity or Substance , and their Extension , to be Unintelligible , and then to tell us , that The Idea of Spiritual Natures are as Clear as that of Bodily Substance , which he takes such pains to shew is not Clear at all , is , as I conceive , no great Argument for their Clearness , nor their Existence neither ; but rather , a strong Argument against both : The Parallel amounting to this , that we know not what to make either of the one , or of the other . 12. As for the Knowledge we have of Spiritual Natures , my Principles oblige me to discourse it thus : We can have no Proper or Direct Notions of Spiritual Natures , because they can make no Impressions on our Senses ; yet , ( as was shewn * above , ) our Reflexion on the Operations , and Modes which are in our Soul , make us acknowledge those Modes are not Corporeal ; and therefore , that the Immediate Subject of those Modes ( our Soul ) is not a Body , but of another nature , vastly different , which we call Spiritual . Our Reason assures us also , * by demonstrating that the first Motion of Bodies could neither proceed immediately from God , nor from our Soul , ( which presupposes both that , and many other Motions , to her Being , ) that there must be another sort of Spiritual Nature , distinct from our Soul , from which that Motion proceeds ; which therefore being Active , and so in Act it self , is not a Compart , but a Whole , and Subsistent alone ; which we call Angels : Their Operations prove they have Actual Being , and therefore a fortiori they are capable to be , or Things . Whence we must correct our Negative Expressions of them by our Reason ; and hold , they are Positive Things ; all Notions of Thing being Positive . Farther , we can as evidently discourse of those Beings , or Things , tho' Negatively express'd , as we can of any Body : v. g. if an Angel be Non-quantus , we can demonstrate it is Non-extensus , Non-locabilis , &c. and , from its having no Matter , or Power , which is the Ground of all Potentiality and Change , 't is hence collected , that 't is a Pure Act ; and , therefore , that once Determin'd , it is Immutable , at least Naturally . Lastly , I affirm , that , this presupposed , we can discourse far more clearly of Spirit , than of Bodies : For , there are thousands of Accidents belonging , intrinsecally or extrinsecally , to every Individual Body , whence all our Confusion , and Ignorance of it comes ; whereas , in a Pure Spirit , there are only three or four Notions , viz. Being , Knowledge , Will and Operation , for us to Reflect on , and Manage ; and , therefore , the Knowledge of them is ( as far as this Consideration carries ) more Clearly attainable , than is the Knowledge of Bodies . REFLEXION Fourteenth , ON The 24th , 25th , 26th , and 27th CHAPTERS . 1. THE 24th Chapter [ Of the Collective Ideas of Substance ] gives me no Occasion to reflect . Only when he lays ( as it were ) for his Ground , that the Mind has a Power to compare , or collect many Ideas into one , I am to suppose he means , that the Mind does not this of her self alone , without the Joint-acting of the Body , as has been often prov'd above ; for , otherwise , the whole , or the Man , cannot be said to be the Author of that Action . 2. The 25th Chapter gives us the true Notion of Relation , and very clearly express'd ; which he seconds with divers other Solid Truths , viz. That some Terms which seem Absolute are Relatives ; that Relation can be only betwixt two Things ; and that All things are capable of Relation . What I reflect on is , that he gives us not the true Difference between Real and meerly Verbal Relations ; nor the true Reason why some Relative Terms have , and others have not Correlates He thinks the Reasons why we call some of them ExtrinsecalDenominations ( which is the same with Verbal Relations ) proceed from Defect in our Language , or because we want a Word to signifie them : Whereas , this matters not a Jot ; since we can have the Idea or Notion of Relation in our Minds , if we have good Ground for it , whether we have a Word to signifie it or no ; or rather , if we have a Real Ground for it , we shall quickly invent either some one Word , or else some Circumlocution to express it . Let us see then what our Principles in this Affair say to us . 3. Relation is not here taken for our Act of Relating , ( for then it would belong to another common Head of Notions , call'd Action ) but for the Thing as it is referred by our Comparative Power to another ; Wherefore , there must be some Ground in the Thing for our thus referring in ; and , consequently , if the Relation be new , or such a one as before was not , there must be some Novelty in the Thing it self to ground it . Whence follows that , if there be such a Real Ground on the one side only , and no Real Ground on the other , there will be a Real Relation on the one side , and no Real Relation on the other , but only a Verbal one , or an Extrinsecal Denominatien ; Answering , or ( as it were ) Chiming Grammatically to the Term which is really Relative , v. g. Our Powers of Seeing or Understanding any thing , have a Real Relation to their proper Objects ; both because such Objects Specifie the Power , or make it such a Power , that is , give it its peculiar or distinct Essence ; as also , because the Power is by the Object actuated and determin'd to act ; that is , the Power is intrinsecally Chang'd , or otherwise than it was , by means of the Object ; but the Object suffers no kind of Change , nor is it at all Alter'd , or otherwise than it was by being known or seen . Whence the Intellective or Visive Powers are really Related to the Object ; but the Objects , for want of a Real Ground , are not really Related back to the Powers ; however the Words [ Understood ] or [ seen , ] do Verbally answer to the Acts of Understanding and Seeing ; which is , therefore , call'd by the Schools in their barbarous Language [ Relatio dedici ] or an Extrinsecal Denomination . For farther Light in this very necessary Particular , I refer my Reader to my Method , Book 1. Less . 7. where , if I flatter not my self , he will find the Notion of Relation treated of very fully and clearly . Especially I recommend to his Perusal the 9th , 10th , 11th , and 12th Section , where I discourse of that Unmutual Relation of the Measure to the Thing measured ; the exact Knowledge of which is far more useful than any other piece of this Subject ; however it lay out of Mr. Locke's Road to take notice of such Speculations as regard , or not regard , the Thing as their Ground . 3. Reviewing his 26th Chapter , ( of Cause and Effect , &c. ) I found that he acquaints us very exactly , how we gain the Ideas of them by our Senses ; but he proceeds not to show us , ( which yet he often does in other occasions ) in what the nature of Causality consists , which is of the Chiefest use in Philosophy . For , what is the Learned part of the World the better , for having those rudest Draughts , or ( as Mr. L. well calls them ) materials of Knowledge , Ideas or Notions , or for knowing how we come by them , ( in which he very frequently terminates his Enquiries , ) if we do not by Reflexion and Reason , polish and refine them , and thence attain to true Knowledge of the Things , from which we glean'd them ; or by what virtue they come to be Causes of such Effects ? What I conceive of Causality is , that 't is the Power of Participating or Communicating some Thing , or some mode of Thing , to the Patient , which was before some way or other , in the Thing that caus'd it : On which point I have no occasion to to dilate here particularly . Only , which concerns our present purpose , I am to note , that that which is thus communicated is the Real Ground on which the Real Relation of the Effect to its Cause is founded . Whence follows , that the Cause also , when it has some Real Change , by being reduced from the Imperfecter State of meer Power , to the Perfecter one of Act , or ( as we say ) gets something by producing such an Effect , will have a Real Ground , and Consequently a Real Relation to the Effect , and not otherwise . And hence it is that God , our Creatour , has no Real Relation to his Creatures , tho' they have many to him ; because he is no otherwise , nor better , in the least , by Creating them , than he had been in Case he had not Created any thing at all ; and therefore there is no Ground in Him of a Real Correlation to them . 4. The 27th Chapter ( of Identity and Diversity ) requires a deeper Consideration . In order to which , I know no more Compendious way to clear the Point in dispute between us , than to fetch my Discourse from those Principles that concern it . The Subject does , indeed , properly belong to Metaphysicks ; but I will endeavour to do what I can , to avoid those Abstracted Mediums , which are made use of in that Supreme Science . And , first , as the Ground work of my Discourse , I am to settle the Principle of Individuation , or how a particular Thing or Substance , comes to be what it is ; for , this done , it will be easily seen whence we are to take our Measures , to judge when it continues the same , and when it is to be another , or a Different Thing from its former self . I discourse thus ; nor will it be Tedious I hope to repeat often , what is so Useful to be remember'd , as being the sure Ground of all our Knowledge . 5. All our Conceptions , by which only we can discourse of Things , are either of Res or Modus rei ; that is , they are either the Notions of Substance or Thing precisely ; or else , the Notions of Accidents . Of these the Word [ Thing ] has a very Abstracted Notion , and is perfectly Indifferent and Indeterminate to all Particulars : Wherefore the Notion of such a Species or sort of Thing , being ( as was said above ) more Determinate , must have something superadded to it to determin it , and compound or constitute it of such a Species ; which can be nothing but such a Complexion of Accidents or Modes ; there being ( as was said ) nothing else imaginable that can be added to the Notion of Thing . Now , Philosophers agreeing to call that which determins the common Notion of thing ; and so , constitutes such and such Species or Kinds of Things [ A Substantial or Essential Form ; ] hence , the Substantial Form of all the Sorts , Kinds , or Species of Natural Bodies can be nothing else but such a Complexion of Accidents , as fit the Thing for such a kind of Operation in Nature . And , hitherto , if I mistake not , Mr. Locke and I may agree in the main , however we may differ in the manner of Explicating our selves . 6. Descending then to the Individuals , it is evident , that a Greater Complexion of Accidents is necessary to determine and constitute the several Individuums , than would serve to constitute the Species ; for , the Species or Kinds of Things are but few , but the Individuums under those Kinds are Innumerable ; and , therefore , more goes to distinguish these from one another , than was needful to distinguish or determine the other : Whence it comes , that we can never comprehend or reach all that belongs to the Suppositum , or Individuum . Wherefore , it being a certain Maxim , that [ what distinguishes , does constitute , ] this Medly of Innumerable Accidents , which differences or distinguishes each Individuum from all the rest , does also intrinsecally constitute those Individuums ; or , is the Intrinsecal or Formal Principle of Individuation . Moreover , since nothing in Common , or not ultimately determin'd to be This or That , is capable of Existing ; nor , consequently , in proper Speech , a Thing ; it follows again , that that Complexion of Acccidents , which gave the Thing its Primigenial Constitution in the very first Instant it was thus ultimately Determin'd to be This , ( or Different from all others of the same Kind , ) did truly and properly Individuate it . Note , that this Discourse holds equally in Elementary , Mix'd , Living , Vegetable and Animal Individuums ; allowing only for the smaller or greater Number of Accidents , which goes to the constituting each of them respectively . Why Mr. Locke , who allows the Complexion of Accidents to constitute the Specifick Nature , should not follow the same Principle , in making a greater Complexion of the Modes Intrinsecally distinguish the Individuum from all others , and so constitute It , I cannot imagin ; it being so perfectly Consonant , and necessarily Consequent to his own Doctrine , and agreeable to Evident Principles . 7. Applying then this Discourse to Man : Since it is the constant Method of God's Wisdom , as he is the Author of Nature , to carry on the Course of it by Dispositions on the Matter 's side ; and , therefore , to adjust and fit that which Supervenes to what Pre-exists ; and , especially , to sute the Form to the Matter ; and , since 't is evident that the Embrio pre-exists to the Infusion of the Soul , as the peculiar Matter to its Form ; it follows , that the Soul is adjusted to the Bodily or Animal Part ; and , according to the Degree , that part of it , call'd the Fancy , is better or worse fitted ( as far as is on its side ) to perform such Actions , when it is ripe ; or , more or less fit to work comparatively , ( in which all Judging and Discoursing * consists , ) there will be infused a Soul apt to judge and discourse more perfectly , or less perfectly , according as the Matter requires . And , were it otherwise , so that the Soul were apt to work more perfectly than the Body were able to go along with it ; first , that greater Degree of Rationality in the Soul would be lost , and in vain ; and next , the Man , God's Workmanship , would be disproportion'd , and , in a manner , Monstrous in his most Essential Parts . Putting then those Parts orderly fitted to one another , which can only be done ( as was shewn ) by suting the Supervening Part to that which pre-existed , it follows necessarily , that as the Bodily or ( meerly ) Animal Matter of Man , the Embryo , was , in the Instant before the Soul was infused , ( and the Man made , ) individually different from all of the same Kind , or from all other Embryo's ; and so , was , consequently , just to such a Degree , fit , by the peculiar Disposition of its Brain , ( as it s conjoin'd Instrument , ) to act with the Soul comparatively ; so , it is impossible ( the Soul being proportion'd to that Matter , as its Form ) that any two Souls should be perfectly Alike , or Equal in Rationality ; or rather , that any Two Men should have a Capacity of Knowing , or Reasoning , to the self-same Degree : For , were they equally Rational , those two Men would be but one and the same Man Essentially , or under the Notion of such a Species ; in regard that , tho' they might have many Accidental Differences , yet they would have nothing in the Line of such a Rational Ens , or Man , to distinguish them Essentially , or make and constitute them formally Two such Entities , or Things , as we call Men , or Rational Animals . 8. This premis'd , I come to examin Mr. L's Discourses upon this Subject . He imagins Existence is the Principle of Individuation ; which can consist with no show of Reason . For , since Thing in Common cannot exist , and therefore what 's Ultimately determin'd to be this Thing , or an Individuum , can only be capable of Actual Being ; 't is evident that the Individual Thing must , ( in priority of Nature or Reason ) be first constituted such , ere it can be capable of Existence . Wherefore 't is impossible that Existence , consider it how we will , can be in any manner the Principle of Individuation , the constitution of the Individuum being presupposed to it . Again , since , as has been shown above , the Notion of a Thing , or an Individuum , ( speaking of Creatures ) is [ Capable to be ] 't is impossible that Actual Being , or Existence , should constitute the Potentiality or Capacity of Being , any more then the meer Power of walking can constitute or denominate a Man Actually walking . Besides , both Logick and Metaphysicks demonstrate that , Existence , it being the immediate Effect of the first Cause , who is Essentially an Infinitly-Pure Actuality of Being , is therefore the most Actual of any Notion we have , or can have . Wherefore , since whatever does difference or distinguish Another , must necessarily be more Actual than the Notion Distinguish'd ; it follows , that Existence is of its own Nature a most perfectly uniform and Undistinguishable Effect , that is one and the same in all Creatures whatsoever , as far as concerns its own precise Nature or Notion : For Reflexion will inform us clearly , that whatever Notion is Distinguishable is Potential ; and that the Distinguishing Notion is more Actual than it . Since then no Notion can be more Actual than is that of Existence ; it follows , it cannot possibly be Distinguish'd at all . Whence follows this Unexpected , tho' Clear , Consequence , that , if Existence does constitute the Individuality , all the Individuums in the world , as having one and the Self-same Constituter , would be but one Individuum . 9. Next , Mr. L. fancies , that the Existing of a Thing in the same Time and Place , constitutes the Identity of a Thing ; and the being in several Times and Places constitutes its Diversity . By which 't is easy to discern , that he distinguishes not between the Extrinsecal Marks and Signes by which we may know the Distinction of Individuals , and what Intrinsecally and Essentially constitutes or makes them differeut Things . Who sees not that Time and Place are meerly Extrinsecal to the Notion of Substance , or rather toto genere different from it , as belonging to other Common Heads ? And therefore they are too Superficial Considerations for their Identity and Diversity ( which are Relations grounded on their Essence ) to consist in them . Besides Time and Place are evidently no more , but Circumstances of the Thing ; wherefore , that very word ( Circumstance ) shows plainly that they cannot be Intrinsecal , much less Essential to it ; and it evidences moreover that they suppose the Thing already constituted , to which they are annext . Tho' then Practical men may have light thence to distinguish Individuums ; yet , it is very Improper for Philosophers , or Speculative Reflecters , to make the Entity of Things , which grounds the Relations of Identity and Diversity , to consist in these Outward Signes and Circumstantial Tokens . 10. This Learned Gentleman conceives there must be a Different Reason for the Individual Identity of Man. To make way to which he premises , and would perswade us gratis , that it is one thing to be the same Substance , another the same Man , and a third to be the same Person . But , I must forestall all his Subsequent Discourses by denying this Preliminary to them . For , speaking of one and the same Individual Man , as he does , I must affirm that 't is all one , nay , the same Formal Conception of him , to be the same Substance , Man and Person , For Example , 't is evident that Socrates is one Thing under the Common Head of Substance , or Ens , descending by the Genus of Animal , and Species of Homo ; whence this One Thing or Substance is not only Necessarily , but Formally one Man , because he is formally a a Thing , or Substance , under the Kind or Species of Man ; and 't is impossible he can be under any other . Again [ Man ] bearing in its Essential Notion that he is an Intelligent Being , he is Essentially and Formally one Person too . Nor can we separate , even by our thought , one of those Considerations from another , unless we take the word [ Substance ] or [ Man ] in a Generical , or Specifical Meaning for Substance , and Man in common ; which we are forbid to do by our very Subject in hand , which is about the Principle of Individuation ; or else , unless he takes Substance for Parts of Matter , with their Quantity and Figure acceding and deceding to the Individuum ; which Things are not Essential to Man , nor fit him for his Primary Operation ; which Position follow'd home , would , perhaps , make the Individuality of Man , and of all Things else , alter every Moment . So that Mr. Locke , led by the different Sound of Words , makes Three Notions of One ; and then racks his Wits to shew how this One Notion , made into Three , is distinguish'd ; which we may easily foretell must render his Discourse very Extravagant , as will be seen shortly . 11. Perusing his 8th Section , I much fear that his Tenet , that Brutes are knowing and rational , does influence his Thoughts strangely on this Occasion , and makes him dislike the Definition of Man , [ viz. a Rational Animal ; ] and he seems here not only to take the Idea of Individuation , but of his very Nature and Kind too from his Make and Shape ; and then he discants on what People would think of a Thing in the Shape of a Man , which never used Reason any more than a Cat or Parrot ; or , of a Cat or Parrot that could Discourse or Philosophize ? I answer , I will tell him my Mind when it shall please God to do Miracles to help out our want of Principles ; and , in the mean time , that I think such Extravagant Suppositions , perverting the Course of Nature , should not be heard amongst Philosophers ; much less be brought instead of , or to Abett , Arguments . It would be more to purpose , if he could convince Men of Sense by Conclusive Reasons , that it is possible that Knowledge should be made by Artificial laying together Particles of Matter ; or else , if it cannot , to prove that Srutes have Spiritual Natures in them : For , one of these two must necessarily be first made good , ere we can with Reason affirm , that ●●●●●s have , or can have Knowledge . 'T is Principles and not Fancies which must guide our Thoughts in such concerning Points . What I conceive Sober Men , and even the Generality , would think of such Irrational Men and Rational Brutes is this : They would think the former , if they could never be made to understand , or answer pertinently in their whole Lives , ( notwithstanding their Make , ) to be no Men ; and the Later , I mean those Philosophizing Brutes to be either Devils , or Engins acted and animated by them : So far are such wild Suppositions from giving us the Notions of Things . But the main Point ( in which Mr. Locke frequently mistakes ) is , that it matters not at all what People think or judge . We are indeed to take the Meanings of Words which express our Natural Notions , or Simple Apprehensions , from the Users of them , the Populace ; but , the Applying , or Joining those Words or Notions to one another , in order to the framing Thoughts or Judgments of such Connexions , we are to take only from the Learned , or from the Principles belonging to the Sciences that treat of such Subjects , and not at all from the Vulgar ; which if we did , we must judge , as many of them doubtlesly do , that the Moon is no bigger than a great Cheshire Cheese ; nor one of the Fixed Stars so big as a Brands-end , or a Beacon on Fire . 12. The former Distinction forelaid , he proceeds to make Personal Identity in Man to consist in the Consciousness that we are the same thinking Thing in different Times and Places . He proves it , because Consciousness is Inseparable from Thinking , and as it seems to him , Essential to it . Perhaps he may have had Second Thoughts since he writ his 19th Chapter , where , § 4. he thought it probable that Thinking is but the Action and not the Essence of the Soul. His Reason here is , Because 't is impossible for any to perceive , without perceiving that he does perceive . Which I have shewn * above to be so far from Impossible , that the Contrary is such . But , to speak to the Point : Consciousness of any Action or other Accident we have now , or have had , is nothing but our Knowldge that it belong'd to us ; and , since we both agree that we have no Innate Knowledges , it follows , that all both Actual and Habitual Knowledges which we have , are Acquir'd or Accidental to the Subject or Knower . Wherefore the Man , or that Thing which is to be the Knower , must have had Individuality or Personality from other Principles , antecedently to this Knowledge call'd Consciousness ; and consequently , he will retain his Identity , or continue the same Man , or ( which is equivalent ) the same Person , as long as he has those Individuating Principles . What those Principles are which constituted this Man , or This Knowing Individuum , I have shewn above , § § 6 , 7. It being then most evident , that a Man must be the same , ere he can know or be Conscious that he is the same ; all his Laborious Descants , and Extravagant Consequences , which are built upon this Suppositions , that Consciousness individuates the Person , can need no farther Reflexion . 13. Yet it is a great Truth , that Consciousness of its own Actions is Inseparable from a Knowing Individual Substance , or Person , and remains with it eternally ; and ( which will justifie the Forensick Consideration he mentions ) will Acquit or Condemn him when he appears before God's Dread Tribunal ; not because it constitutes its Personality , but because nothing we once knew , or knowing , did , is possible to be ever blotted out of the Soul. Whence it comes , that a Soul not only knows her self as soon as separated , ( or rather , is then her own First , and most Immediate , and Ever-most-present Object , ) but also , because , she then knowing all the Course of the World , and , consequently , all the Actions of her past Life , both Good and Bad , is disposed , by the Knowledge of the former , and by the Consequences of them , laid by God's Mercy or Justice , to erect her self by Hope to an Ardent and Over-powering Love of her true Last End , which will save her ; or , by her Knowledge , or the Consciousness of the Latter , to sink into Despair , which will plunge her into a Hell of Endless Misery . It is also true , that we are Conscious here of any perceptible Good or Harm that happens to our Person ; because we cannot but Reflect on what concerns any part of our Individuum , which is our Self ; which , yet , is so far from proving that our Personality consists in this Consciousness , that it proves the direct contrary : For , it shews that our Person , or Individual Self , affected thus agreeably , or disagreeably , is the Object of that Consciousness ; and Objects must be antecedent and pre-supposed to the Acts which are employ'd about them , because the Objects are the Cause of those Acts. Nor is there any farther Mystery in the Word [ Self ; ] for it means no more but our own same Intelligent Individuum , with which we are well acquainted , partly by Direct , partly by Reflex Knowledges . 14. It looks so very odly to say , that one of our own Acts should constitute our own particular Essence , ( which it must do , if our Personal Identity consists in our Consciousness , ) that I am apt to think that Mr. Locke's great Wit aim'd at some other Truth , tho' he hap'd to mis-apply it . I can but guess at it ; and perhaps 't is this : 'T is , without doubt , true , that the Essence of Subsistent Spiritual Natures , which ( as having no manner of Potentiality in them ) are Pure Acts , ( I mean Angels , ) consists in Actual Knowledge ; which Act is first of themselves . And , if so , why may not this Act of the Soul , call'd Consciousness , employ'd about her self , or her own Actions constitute the Soul , or the Man's Personality . But , the difference lies here , that those Pure Spirits having no Matter or Potentiality in them , Annex'd to , much less Identify'd with their Natures , their Essence is formally constituted by their being in Act according to their Natures ; that is , by being Actually Knowing : Whereas , the Soul , in this State , being immers'd in Matter , and Identify'd , or making One Thing with her Bodily Compart , and needing to use it as her Conjoin'd Instrument ( as it were ) to attain Knowledge , is therefore in a State of Potentiality ; whence she has no Innate Notions , ( much less Principles , ) but is meerly Passive in acquiring those First Rudiments of Knowledge : However , after she is thus pre-inform'd , she ( or rather , the Man , according to his Spiritual Part ) is , in part , Active , when he improves those Knowledges , or ripens them to Perfection , by his Reflexion and Reason , as both of us hold . 15. I see no Necessity of making any farther Remarks upon this Chapter , after I have noted some other ill-laid , and wrongly supposed Grounds , which occasion'd his Mistakes . As , First , That the Soul of a Man is indifferently alike to all Matter . Whereas , each Soul not being an Assistant , but an Informing Form ; and , withall , being but the Form of one Particular , and therefore fitted ( as was lately proved ) to the Disposition of the particular Pre-existent Embryo ; it can be receiv'd in no Matter , but that which is individually determin'd in it self , as to its Animality ; and therefore it requires a Form distinct from all others , or as the Individual Constitution of the Embryo was . Secondly , § . 28. he makes account , the Specifick Idea , if held to , will make clear the Distinction of any Thing into the same , and Diverse : Whereas , our Subject ( as I suppose ) being about Individual Identity , and Diversity ; how the holding to the Specifical Idea , in which all the Individuums under it do agree , and which makes them one in Nature , should clear the Distinction of Individuals , is altogether inexplicable . It must then be only the Individual Idea , or Notion , as far as we can reach it , ( to which there go more Modes , than to the Specifical , ) and its Intrinsecal Composition , which can diversifie Things Really , or make them to be Really the same , or Divers : However , some Outward Circumstances can do it , quoad nos . I am not much surpriz'd , that Mr. Locke , led by the Common Doctrine , does think there are no Essential Notions under that which Logicians call the Species : Whereas , all Individuals being most properly Distinct Things , must have also ( Essence being the Formal Constitutive of Ens ) Distinct Essences , and so be Essentially Distinct. But of this , enough in my Method , Book 1. Less . 3. § . 11. &c. His Proof of it is very plausible : But the Reader may observe , that while , § . 29. he uses the Word [ that Rational Spirit , that Vital Union , ] he supposes it That ; that is , Individually the same ; instead of telling us what makes it That . Besides , that he throughout supposes Existence to individuate ; which is already confuted . Lastly , I observe , that , to make good his Distinction of [ Person , ] from the Individual Substance , and Individual Man , he alledges , that a Hand cut off , the Substance is vanish'd . By which 't is manifest , that he takes [ Substance , ] not for the Thing , called Man , constituted by a Soul , as its Form ; but , for the Quantity of the Matter , or the Figuration of some Organiz'd Part : Whereas , taking the Word [ Substance , ] as he ought , for Ens , or Thing , no Alteration or Defalcation of Matter , Quantity , or Figure , &c. makes it Another Substance , or Another Thing ; but such a Complexion of Accidents , or such a New Form , as makes it unfit for its Primary Operation , to which it is ordain'd , as it is a Distinct Part in Nature . Nor can this argue in the least , that Consciousness constitutes Personality ; because this happens not only in Men , or Persons , but also in Trees and Dogs ; which , if they lose a Branch , or a Leg , are still the same Substance , or Thing ; that is , the same Tree , and the same Dog , as all the World acknowledges . REFLEXION Fifteenth , ON The 28th , 29th , 30th , 31th , and 32th CHAPTERS . 1. THE 28th Chapter [ Of other Relations ] is very Ingenious , and consonant to his his own Principles . It might ; indeed , shock a less attentive Reader to see Virtue and Vice rated , or even so much as named so , from the Respect they have to the Lesbian Rule of Reputation or Fashion , call'd in Scripture Consuetudo Saeculi , which the more Libertine Part of the World would set up and establish as a kind of Law. And this , I suppose , was the Occasion that made that very Learned and Worthy Person , Mr. Lowde , except against it . But the Author has clear'd that Point so perfectly in his Preface , that none can now remain dissatisfy'd : For who can hinder Men from fancying and naming things as they list . 2. I take leave to discourse it thus : The word [ Virtue ] both from its Etymology and true Use , signifies Manly , or becoming a Man , taking him according to his Genuin and Undeprav'd Nature given him by God ; that is , Right Reason . This Reason , if we use it and attend to it , will give us the Knowledge of a Deity : In Speculative Men , by way of Demonstration ; in others , by a kind of Practical Evidence , from their observing the Regular and Constant Order of the World , especially of the Celestial Bodies ; as likewise by their Scanning , according to their different Pitch , the Solid Grounds of the Christian Religion Reveal'd to us by God , viz. The certain Testimony of the Miracles , and other Supernatural ways by which it was introduced and recommended . This Right Reason convinces us we are to Adore this Supreme Being and Great Governour of the World , and to Obey him in those things he has manifested to us to be his Will. This assures us that he governs his Creatures according to the Natures he has given him ; and , therefore , that he governs Mankind according to his True Nature , Right Reason ; and consequently , that the Rule of Living , or the Law he has given us , is absolutely the Best for the Universal Good of the World , which Right Reason teaches us is be observ'd ahd preferr'd before the Satisfaction of our own private Humour or Appetite ; and therefore this Rule , call'd the Decalogue , or Ten Commandments , is most Rational . Whence , from its being most Agreeable to Man's true Nature , Reason , 't is hence styled Jus Divinum Naturale , or the Law writ in Men's Hearts . This shews how compleat a Summary of our Comportment with all others of our own kind , that Incomparable Precept is , [ Do the same to others as you would they should do to you ] and that a Rule so short and plain in Words , and so comprehensive and universally Beneficial in Sense , could only be dictated by a Divine Master . This assures us that , if this Infinitely Great and Good Governour does , to elevate and perfect Souls , oblige them to believe any other and higher Points , especially such as are Uncouth to the Course of the World , or to Natural Reason , he will , out of his Wisdom and Goodness , give us such Convincing Grounds for our Belief of them , as shall overpower the Repugnance of our Fancies , and oblige us according to Principles of Right Reason to assent to them as Truths . This tells us also , thro' our Reflexion on the Goodness , Piety and Peaceableness of Christian Doctrine , that the Principles of it ( that is , the Doctrine it self ) are True and Sacred ; and lets us see how infinitely we are bound to his Favour , and Merciful Kindness , for enlightning us with so Sacred a Law , and so every way conformable to Right Reason . And , if any Company or Sort of Men have , out of the Depravedness of their Nature , fram'd to themselves , and introduced any other Rules of Manners , grounded upon Vain-Glory , False Reputation , or any other new-fangl'd Conceits of their own Invention ; v. g. if they would strive to Legitimate , and make pass for Current and Unblameable Morality , Duelling , Excessive Drinking , Swearing , Whoring , Cheating , &c. This tells us how Unmanly , and far from Right Reason , those Actions are ; and how the World could not long subsist , did Men take their private Revenge , besot their Brains continually with Excess ; Blaspheme , or needlesly and carelesly ( that is , irrevently ) slubber over God's Holy Name , which alone gives Majesty and Authority to all those Sacred Laws ; or , did they live promiscuously with Women , or take away all they could get from other Men. This Right Reason , abetted by Costly Experience , shews us what pernicious Consequences , and Inconveniencies of many kinds , do attend the Breach of those Laws , instituted for the Universal Good of the World ; and , how all the Course of our Life is dis-jointed , and out of Frame , when we once yield the Conduct of it to Passion and Vice. Lastly , 'T is this Light of True Reason , which makes those who are conscious to themselves that they have deviated enormously from this Rule , look upon themselves as Debauchers and Deserters of their Reason , which is their Nature ; as Breakers and Contemners of the Law ( not of the Land , but ) of the World , and Disregarders of the Law-giver himself ; as Base , Mean , Corrupted , and Rotten at the Heart , Degenerate from their own true Nature ; and , therefore , ( unless they reform themselves , ) utterly uncapable of being promoted to that Perfection and Happiness , to which the ever ready Generosity of their Infinitely-Bountiful God and Maker , would otherwise advance them ; and , moreover , as Liable to all those most Dreadful Punishments , which the Anger of so great a Majesty , justly provok'd , will certainly inflict on them . Whence ensues Interior Heart-gnawing Sorrow , and Stings of Conscience ; and , if they persist , Despair and Damnation . These Things consider'd , and Virtue being Nothing but Right Reason ( Man's true Nature ) employ'd about Fitting Objects , in Fitting Occasions , I do not think we are to attend to what Irrational Men , Libertines , or Humourists call Virtue or Vice , and esteem Laudable or Blameable ; but to what Right Reason , the only Establish'd and Impartial Standard in this Case , teaches us to be truly such : And , I think it had been better , and more unexceptionable , to have called such good and bad Dispositions [ Reputed Virtues and Vices , ] than to join those Qualities in an Univocal Appellation with those Rational or Irrational Habits , which only , in proper Speech , are truly such . 12. As to the 29th Chapter , [ of Distinct and Confused Ideas , ] I cannot think that the Confusion of Ideas , is in reference to their Names ; but springs mostly from the Reasons assign'd by himself , § . 3. For , what are Names , but the Words which signifie those Ideas ? The Idea , then , is in my Mind , what it is , and such as it is , independently of those Names ; as being there before I named it . And the same Reason holds , for keeping up the Distinction of those Ideas ; for the Notions will be still what they were , whether one Name or Another be imposed on them : And , I think Mr. Locke agrees with me , that they are like Figures , which , the least detracted , or added , makes the Idea be quite another . If one talks to me of a Mufti , and I take that Word to signifie a Rat-catcher , my Idea of a Rat-catcher is the same as if the Word [ Rat-catcher ] had been used , tho' the Reference of the Idea to that Name be as wrong as may be . Or , if I speak of an Individuum , called Longinus , and another takes that Word to signifie a Yard ; my Idea is confused , being of an Individuum ; and his Distinct , tho' the Word be the same . So if the same Person , rectify'd as to the Meaning of any Word , takes it now in a different Sense than he did formerly , then he has another Idea by it than he had ; but yet , both his former , and his New-got Idea are still unalterably and perfectly distinct . But , I observe , that Mr. Locke attributes many Things to Words and Names ; which , whether it be his Over-acuteness , or my Dulness , I can make nothing of . What I conceive of Confus'd Ideas , is this : In two Cases chiefly they are Confus'd , viz. when there is a Confusion in the Things themselves from which they are taken , and to which they Correspond ; as , when too many Considerabilities are blended together ( as it were ) in the same Suppositum , or Individuum ; or , that the Object it self consists of Many Things ; as , a Heap , an Army , a Sack of Wheat , &c. Or else , when the Object is not well represented , either by Defect of the Organ , the Distance of the Object , or the ill Disposition of the Medium . To this latter sort belongs the Imperfection of our Understanding ; which , not able to comprehend the whole Thing , is forced to make many Inadequate Ideas or Notions of it ; which , not reaching to particularize the Thing , must therefore be Common , or General , as containing more under them Indeterminately , that is , Confusedly . In two Cases also , Names seem to cause in us Confused Ideas : One , when the Word is perfectly Equivocal , and signifies neither Sense determinately . The other , when a Multitude of Words are huddled together inartificially , or stammer'd out unintelligibly ; to which we may add , our not understanding the Language thorowly . In which Cases , we have either no Notion at all , or , if any , a very Confused one . And these seem to me the only solid Ways to breed Confused Ideas , as being taken from the Nature of the Things , and of their Circumstances ; and from the Nature of the Words , as Words ; that is , from their Significativeness . As for the Secret and Unobserved References , the Author speaks of , which the Mind makes of its Ideas to such Names , I must confess , I know not what it means , more than that the Understanding knows perfectly , or imperfectly , what the Word stands for , or ( which is the same ) what is its true and proper Meaning . Concerning Infinity , of all sorts whatever , I have said enough formerly , on divers Occasions . 3. The 30th Chapter needs no New Reflexion . The 31th , [ Of Adequate and Inadequate Ideas , ] has in it much of true Philosophy ; especially , where he makes the Essences of Things consist in the Complexion of the Modes or Accidents . I grant , that whole Complexion is not knowable by us in this State : But , why have not we as much Knowledge of them as is necessary for us ? Or , why must we think we know Nothing of them , unless we have ( over and above our Use ) all those superfiuous Degrees of the Knowledge of Things , as may satisfie also our Curiosity , or Humour ? By those Accidents of Gold , which we know , we can discern Gold , Ordinarily , from other Metals : Or , if any Cunning Fellow would impose upon Nature and us , and undermine that slighter Knowledge of the Generality , to cheat them ; God has furnish'd us ( especially those whose peculiar Concern it is ) with Means to countermine their Sophisticating Arts. I grant too , that our Idea of Individual Substances is not Adequate ; but , if an Imperfect Notion of them be sufficient for our purpose , and withall , most sutable to our Imperfect Understanding , why should we desire more . 4. Moreover , there is another Reason , of a higher Nature , and most Supreamly Wise , grounded on what the Metaphysicians term Altissimae Causae , which we call First Principles , why this Complexion of Accidents should be so Numerous , and Millions of Ways variable . It becomes the God of Truth , so to order his World , that Things should be a Ground for Truth . Now , had there not been almost as Infinite Variety of those Modes which constitute , and , consequently , distinguish , every Individuum ; it might happen , there being such an innumerable Multitude of those Individual Things , that some Two of them , which , by being Two , must be Different , would yet differ in nothing , or in no respect , or Mode ; and so , they would be One , and not One ; which is a Contradiction . Nay , not only divers Things , but each Discernable and Divisible Part of the same Thing , however seemingly Uniform , must have a various Complexion of those Modes , to distinguish them . For Example ; Let a 20s . Piece of Gold be divided into Forty Parts ; each Part , after Division , being now a Whole , and a Distinct Thing from all the rest , must either have some Distinct Modes in it , to distinguish it from all the others , or it would be Distinct , and yet Not distinct , ( having nothing to distinguish it ; ) that is , it would be One Thing , and yet Not one Thing ; or rather , the same Part , and yet Not the same Part ; and this in the same respect , ( viz. under the Notion of Substance , Thing , or Part ; ) which is a perfect Contradiction . Wherefore , the God of Nature , who is always Essential Truth , has so order'd it , that Things , and each part of Things , how minute soever , should have a Ground in them of differing from one another , as whoever is used to Microscopes , will easily discover . As for what concerns us , this Inconceivable Variety tasks our Industry , employs our Speculation , and raises our Contemplation , by making us see that God's Wisdom is infinitely exalted in the least of his Creatures ; and by obliging us to break out into Transports of Admiration , * Ecce , Deus magnus vincens Scientiam nostram . 5. Since then we see and experience that Things do exist , and therefore ( nothing being Able to do what 't is not Capable to do ) are Capable of Being Actually , or Existing ; since we know they existed not of themselves , or by virtue of their Own Essence ; and therefore , that to be meerly or purely Capable of Existing , is the very Nature or Notion of Created Things , considering them precisely according to the Notion of Thing or Substance . Since we know the Last Distinction , or Individuation , of Things thus consider'd , consists intrinsecally in the Complexions of Modes or Accidents , which ultimately determins them to be this ; and since , withall , we have such Outward Marks and Signs of their Individuality , from their Existing in the same Time and Place , and other such like Circumstances , ( in which Sense , and not in making them intrinsecally constitute the Individuum , Mr. Locke's Doctrin in this Point is admitted . ) Lastly , Since there are the highest Reasons imaginable , that this Individual Complexion of Accidents should be impossible to be comprehended by us in this State ; let us content our selves with this sufficient Knowledge which we have of them , without grasping foolishly at more than we are able to fathom . 6. In my Judgment this Acute Author might have excused this 32th Chapter , [ Of True and False Ideas . ] He grants they cannot properly be True or False in themselves ; and Ideas or Notions , being nothing but the Nature of the Thing ( as thus or thus conceiv'd ) in our Minds , can have no Consideration belonging to them , but what they are in themselves , or that they are what they are , which is called their Metaphysical Verity ; and therefore ( as he says well ) they can no more be True or False , than a single Name can be said to be such . The Improper Truth or Falshood which he seems willing to attribute to them , belongs ( as he also intimates ) to Judgments ; that is , to the Connexions of his Ideas , and not to the Ideas or Notions themselves , which are the Parts that are capable to be connected . But , if This Truth or Falshood ( which Mr. Locke would force his Reason to shew , ) can any way belong to them , it will not be Improperly but Properly such ; for Truth and Falshood are most properly found in Judgments , and only in them . Wherefore , either no Formal Truth or Falshood at all can belong to Ideas , or it must be Proper Truth or Falshood ; which is what the Author denies , as contrary to his Intention . REFLEXIONS ON THE THIRD BOOK . REFLEXION Sixteenth , ON The Subject of this whole Book . 1. IN the 5th Section of the First Chapter , the Grounds are well laid to shew how Metaphorical and Improper Conceptions and Names come ; and how they are Translated from those Notions which arise from Impression on the Senses . For , to have Senses being common to all Mankind ; and , withall , they being , ( with a very small difference ) apt to be affected by Objects after the same manner , the Notions thus imprinted are Natural and Common ; and , therefore , the Words that Men agree on , or by Use establish , to signifie such Notions , are Proper ; the Universal Use of them , and the General Consent that they should signifie those Natural Notions , making them current , and giving them this Propriety . Whereas , the Notions we have of Spiritual Natures , and of the Operations of our Mind produced by it , not being imprinted Naturally , but got by Reflexion , have no Words or Names which Mankind agrees to call them by . Whence we are forced to make use of our Natural Notions and Expressions , ( with some Additions annex'd , to shew their Difference ) to signifie our Reflex Ideas ; and , therefore , the Conceptions we have of such Natures , and consequently the Names by which we signifie them , being Transferr'd from the Natural ones to them , are called Metaphorical . 2. As for Rules to know the right Sense of Words , as far as relates to Philosophy , there can be but Two in General , viz. that the Sense of Those Words or Names which express our Natural Notions , which are common to all Mankind , is to be taken from the Vulgar ; and , the Sense of Artificial Words from the Masters in those respective Arts ; these Two sorts of Men being the Framers and Authors , as it were , of those two sorts of Language ; and who , by their Imposing , Accepting , or Using of them in such a Sense , have stamp'd upon them their Proper Signification , and given it to be Sterling and Current ; in which , and not in Etymologies or Criticisms only , consists the Propriety of Words . Nor can I see ( Care being taken to avoid Equivocalness ) what further Inspection into the Nature of Words can be needful for a Philosopher . I say , in this Designation , Agreement , and Usage of the Word , and only in this , consists all the Connexion or Tying the Ideas to the Words , and those Secret References of the former to the other , of which Mr. Locke speaks so often in his Second Chapter , and other places ; nor can it consist in any thing else . 3. Indeed those Words which express Artificial Notions are most liable to be mistaken ; because Artists have the Prerogative of Coining their own Words , and of Affixing to them what Signification they please . Whence , if their Thoughts differ , the Words that express them must needs be Equivocal or Double-sensed . For all Art being nothing but Reflexion on Nature , polishing and perfecting those rude Draughts given us by our Mother-wit to an Exactness , and Reflexions being Various in divers Men , according to their Degree of Skill , and their Talent of Penetrating the Nature of the Object they are employ'd about ; the same Univocalness of Signification is not to be expected in those Words that express our Reflex Thoughts , as in those by which we notifie our Direct ones , in which all Mankind ( as was shewn ) do agree . This chiefly happens in many Logical Words ; for the Notions that Art makes use of , being wholly built on the manner of Existing the Thing has in our Understanding , which none but Steady , Solid and Acute Reflectcters can perfectly discern ; hence , those Reflex Notions , and consequently the Names which are to signifie them , become liable to Ambiguity ; which has , doubtless , been the Occasion of many fruitless Contests ; which end ( if they ever end at all ) in Word-Skirmishes . 4. Yet , it will not be hard to prevent , or avoid , all Mistake even in these , if we do but attend heedfully to the Manners by which those things exist in our Minds , and take the Sense of those Words from the ablest Artists , or best Reflecters . For Nature ( if we do not relinquish it ) and familiar Explications , will make them easy to be understood . For example , let it be told us by a Logician , that the Species is the lowest and Narrowest sort of Common Notions , that have none under them but Individuals ; and it will be presently seen that the Conception we call [ Man ] ( thus apprehended and exprest ) is a Specifical Notion . Let it be told us again , that a Genus is a Larger Notion which has divers Species or Sorts under it ; and , it will quickly appear that [ Animal ] is a Generical Notion ; Or , if a Logician acquaints us , that a Proposition is a Speech which affirms or denies ; and that that part of it which is affirm'd ( or Deny'd ) is call'd by Men of Art the Predicate , and that part of which 't is affirm'd or deny'd , is the Subject ; and that which expresses the Affirmation or Negation is the Copula ; and there can be no difficulty to know that this Speech ( A Stone is hard ) is a Proposition ; that [ Stone ] is the Subject , [ Hard ] the Predicate , and [ is ] the Copula ; and so in all the rest , if a Right Reflecter have the management of them . But , care is to be taken that we do not pin our belief upon Authors , who frame Artificial Notions out of their Imagination , without regard to the Thing as 't is conceived by our Understanding , or according to the Manner it is there ; for , then , we shall quite lose the solid Grounds of Nature , and let our Wits loose to follow their Butterfly Fancies ; For , that Thing call'd [ Man , ] as thus conceived , is as truly a Species , and [ Animal ] a Genus , considering it as it is in our Understanding with such a degree of Abstraction , as an Individual Man , as existing in re , or out of the Understanding , is Two-legg'd , or a Horse four-footed . And , for the same Reason , 't is as evident to true Logicians , or right Reflecters , that in the Proposition now mentioned , there are as truly , really , necessarily and essentially those Three parts lately spoken of , as 't is to a Mathematician , that there are three Corners in a Triangle : The same Reason , I say , holds for both ; for the Soul is as really a Thing , as the Bodies in Nature ; and her Modes , or Accidents , and their Manners of Existing , are as Real , as those of any Bodies are , or can be , perhaps more . Whence 't is Evident also that , in the Proposition now mentioned , the Thing diversly conceiv'd , or its Modes , are truly and really Subject , Predicate and Copula in the Mind ; and that , tho' they be exprest in Logical Terms , they do not put off their Natures , or Notions , which were directly and Naturally imprinted on the Understanding ; but are only super-vested with an Artificial Dress , thrown over them by our Reflexion : For , otherwise , we could not say the Thing call'd [ A Stone ] is hard , but we must withal mean and say [ the Subject is the Predicate ] in case not the Natural Notion of the Thing , but only the Logical Notion were predicated ; Nor could the former of these two Propositions be True , the Later , False , if the Thing it self , or its Modes were not the Materials that Compounded it . 5. Wherefore , this is to be establisht as a certain Maxim , and a necessary Preliminary to all Philosophy whatever , that 't is the Thing in our mind that gives Solidity and Steadiness to all our Judgments and Discourses ; for all these are made up of Notions , that is , of the very Thing it self in our Mind , Inadequately and Diversly conceiv'd : Wherefore That is still the Ground-work , however it be wrought upon , order'd and postur'd by Reflexion and Art. From default of this Consideration springs all the Wordishness , and empty Disputes among trivial Philosophers ; of which Mr. L. does , with good Reason , so often Complain . I wish he could as well give us an account , that the Ideas he and others speak of are the Thing it self , inadequately conceiv'd by us , and not meer Representations of it ; for , this done , we might hope for true Philosophy from the Principles of the Ideists . Which they cannot pretend to show , or to give us this Hope , till a solid Answer be given to what 's alledg'd against them in my Second and Third Preliminaries ; where I undertake to demonstrate that 't is impossible . 6. I am not of Mr. L's mind , that Metaphysical Words ( however Logical ones may be ambiguous ) are so unintelligible , or in fault . For those words that signify Being , or what nearly relates to it ( which are the Chief Objects of that Queen of Sciences ) are absolutely the Clearest that Mankind ever uses , or can use ; so that , whoever abuses or misaccepts them , must needs be a Deserter of Common Sense . Notwithstanding , in regard some pretended Schollers have on divers occasions us'd Philosophical , and even Common Words variously , I have thought fit to add a Fifth Preliminary , to show what Sense the Chief Words us'd in Philosophy must have ; and that they can signify no other . Lastly , I have shown at large in my Method , B. 1. Less . 10th . how Equivocalness springs , and how it may be detected and avoided . 7. This Learned Authour having most elaborately , largely and acutely prosecuted in his former Book the Distinction of his Ideas , and the whole Duty of Words being to signify our Thoughts to others , I cannot discern what need there could be to take such pains about those Outward Signes . Many curious Remarks do indeed embellish his Discourses , which show that his Exuberant Wit , can make good work of the dryest Subject , and raise elegant Structures out of the Sleightest Materials : Yet , notwithstanding , I see not how they conduce to promote the Solid Knowledge of Things . The very Essence , I say , and the Nature of Words being to Signify our Notions , or to impart the Knowledge of the Things in our Mind to others ; their Sense must either be suppos'd to be Agreed on , and Foreknown to the Speakers and Hearers , or they will scarce be allow'd worthy to be call'd Words but rather Empty and Insignificant articulate Sounds . Wherefore , if the Idea or Notion of the Speakers be Clear , or Obscure ; Distinct , or Confus'd ; Adequate or Inadequate , &c. The Word must either express it accordingly , or it is not the Name of such an Idea or Notion , nor a Word ▪ sit for it , and much less for any thing else ; and therefore 't is good for nothing at all . This makes me wish Mr. L. had rather thought fit to take particular Notice of those Words , which have been Abus'd or Misaccepted by Trivial Philosophers ; and had clear'd their Ambiguity , rectify'd their Impropriety , and Substituted ( if need were ) others more Proper in their stead ; which must certainly have had great Influence upon the Advancement of Science . Nor need he much wonder that Dull or Hasty Men , who either are not capable of much Sense , or will not take pains to reflect on their Natural Notions , or ( which is the same ) on the meanings of their Words , do make use of them , and yet talk by rote all the while ; following the Track of others whom they have heard speak them , or the Jargon of their Masters ; who breed their Schollers to stick to their Words , as unalterably as if they were Principles ; tho' perhaps neither of them were so Wise as to know , or so Prudent as to regard much their determinate Meaning . 8. Things standing thus , and my Intention , in this whole Treatise , being only to carry on my Method to Science , and to reduce to Solidity , those Discourses which I conceive have too much of Fancy in them , I have no more to do , as to this Third Book , but to note by the way some particulars that occurr , and which , as I judge , do by ass from true Philosophy . 9. The Author seems to dislike our way of Defining by a Genus and its Difference , and to think it may be better perform'd by enumerating some certain Ideas , which , put together , do make up the Sense of the Notion defin'd . To abett which Doctrine , he gives us this Definition of a Man , viz. A Solid Extended Substance , having Life , Sense , Spontaneous Motion , and the Faculties of Reasoning . I discourse thus : What best sutes with the Vulgar is one thing , what becomes Men of Art , another . It will serve the Common People well enough to declare their Thoughts by huddling together many particular Considerations ; nay , they will define even Individuums ( if such as these may be call'd Definitions ) by this Method , as Homer did Thersites . But the Point is , how Art , which is to perfect and polish the Rudeness of raw Undisciplin'd Nature , ought to behave it self . Reflexion , the Parent of all Arts , teaches even Housewives and Lawyers , that 't is very convenient for the one to put such and such Linnen into distinct Drawers ; and , for the other to distribute all those Writings that concern different Businesses into distinct Boxes : And the same Faculty teaches Logicians also to range all their Notions ( the Materials they are employ'd about ) into distinct Common Heads , so to gain a Distinct Knowledge of each ; which , they being innumerable , would otherwise lie mingled confusedly . This perform'd , what are they to do next ? Must they hover still in these few common Heads of Notions ? No , certainly ; for , then , they would not have enow of such more-particular Notions as are needful for Discourse . They must descend therefore from those Common Notions to more-particular ones under each of them ; and this , as Plain Reason tells us , gradually : that is , they must divide those Common Heads by Immediate Distinctive Notions , call'd Differences : for , were they not Different , the Product of that Division could not be more Notions ; whereas Division must ( at least ) make Two of One. And , whence must we take those Differences ? From other Common Heads ? No surely ; for this would confound all our Notions again , which we had taken such Care to distinguish into those Heads , in case the more particular ones , or the respective Species , were made up of one Notion found in one Line , and of another found in another . Those Differences then that divide each Common Head , must be found within the same Head , or ( as we use to call them ) must be Intrinsecal ; which ( * as is demonstrated in my Method ) can be no other but more and less of the immediate Superiour Notions . The First two Differences ( of Ens , for Example ) join'd with the Common Head it self , gives us the Definitions of the two first Subaltern Genera ; and each of those two ( and of the inferiour ) Genus's being for the same Reason divided after the same manner , do still give us naturally ( as it were ) the Definitions of the next two Members immediately under them ; and so still endways , till we come at the Individuums ; each of which being constituted by an innumerable Multitude of Accidents , we are , when we come there , lost in a pathless Wood ; and can no longer Define or give a clear and entire Account of the Intrinsecal Dictinction of those Particulars , but are forced to content our selves with some few Notions belonging to them , which distinguish them from others ; or to describe them by Outward Signs and Circumstances for our Use and Practice ; our Speculation being here Nonplust . 10. When Mr. Locke shall have leisurely consider'd each Step of this short Discourse , he will find that Nature forces us upon this Method of Defining by a Genus and a Difference ; that Art , ( which is nothing but Nature well reflected on ) shews us it must be so ; and that his own Definition of Man will oblige him , even while he opposes this Method , to have recourse to it for Refuge . For , when he puts Man to be a Solid Extended Substance , should it be deny'd , because there is but one part of Man ( his Body ) that is Solid and Extended , and not his Spiritual part , the Soul ; his only Defence can be this , that those Words were meant only for the General Notion , or what was Common to Man and all other Bodies , ( for which Reason , Substance there is the Highest Genus ; ) and that which follows is meant to difference or distinguish him from them . Next , it will be unanswerably objected , that Man being a Thing , or ( which is the same ) a Substance , which signifies meerly what 's capable to be , and a Definition telling us the Essence of the Notion defin'd , he deviates manifestly from the Fundamental Laws of Art , by taking in such Differences to distinguish Substance , viz. Solidity and Extension , which are Foreign to this Common Head of Being or Thing , and belong to other Common Heads , which are only Modes of Thing , viz. those of Quantity and Quality . Add , That this seems also to contradict his own Doctrin , ( B. 2. Chap. 13. § 11 , 12. and B. 3. Chap 6. § 21. ) where he makes Extension and Body not to be the same . I suppose he means in part ; which , were Extension a Proper and Intrinsecal Difference of Substance , constituting the Essence of Body , could not be said . Now , as was lately shewn , all these Rubs are avoided if we separate our Notions into Common Heads ; and , by dividing those Heads by Intrinsecal Differences , at the same time make our Definitions of each Inferior Notion . Nor can it be objected , that we also use Extrinsecal Differences , while we divide Substance by Divisible and Indivisible , and yet make Divisibility the Notion of Quantity ; for , all such Exceptions are fore-stall'd in my Method , B. 1. Less . 3. and particularly , §§ . 5. and 6. 11. The like Errour , and no less Fundamental , is his Assertion , Chap. 3. L. 11. that Generals and Universals belong not to the Real Existence of Things , but are the Inventions and Creatures of the Understanding , made by it , for its own Use , and concern only Signs , whether Words , or Ideas . Had he said , that Universals belong not to the Existence of Things , as they are in Nature ; or , that Universals , as such , are not capable of Existing there , I could understand him : But , if he means , they do not belong to the Existence of Things in the Understanding , or , that they are designedly invented , or fram'd , or made use of by it , for its own Convenience , I must utterly deny it . For , it is as evident that Nature makes them in our Mind , as it is that because we cannot here comprehend Individuals , therefore Nature , by imprinting Objects diversly in us , and by different Senses , forces the Mind to have Partial or Inadequate Notions of it . Now , every Inadequate Notion , in what Line soever , is an Universal Notion ; as will appear to any Man who reflects upon the Ideas or Notions of Ens , Corpus , Vivens , Animal , Homo ; all which are Inadequate ( and withall , Universal ) Notions , in respect of the Individuum . When I see a Thing a-far off , so that I can yet make nothing of it , but that 't is something , or some Body , 't is evident that I have only an Universal Notion of it , since I know not yet what it is in particular ; and , that this General Notion is not Invented or Created by my Mind , but given me by Nature . The like happens when I hear one knock at the Door , without knowing who it is in particular ; and in a Hundred such like Occasions . So that the Mind , and it only , is indeed Capable of Universal Notions ; but , 't is only Nature , and not her self , which begets in her those Notions . Her only Work is , to Compare , or Discern the Identity or Diversity of those Notions ; but Nature gives her those Objects , or Materials , on which she thus works . Thus , when we see two or many Things agree , 't is those Natural Objects , that have in them something Agreeing to both , which causes in me a Common Notion , called Animal , or Homo ; and the mind lends nothing but her Comparing Nature , to make those Common Notions ; which Artificial Reflecters , designedly re-viewing , call them Genus and Species . Let us hold to the Things in Nature . Our Mind ( as was often said ) is not here in an Actual State , but in a Potential one ; and , therefore , when we ascribe to her singly any Activity , we make her do what she cannot do ; and , so , missing the true Causes of such Effects , we fall into great Errours . 12. As for that Catachresis of Nominal Essences , which answer to those few Abstract Notions we have Actually of the Things , when we name them , making a Complex Idea , I deny we have any such Intention as he speaks of , in naming any Thing : For , tho' at that time we do actually know but Few of those Accidents , whose Complexion does , indeed , go to the whole Essence ; yet , being pre-assur'd the Thing has more Modes in it than we know or think of , we do not nominate them precisely according to what we do then actually know , exclusively of all others , but including them confusedly . Rather , otherwise , we cannot know the Thing at all , because it involves confusedly all the Modes that are in it , Known or Unknown , as their Subject : For , tho' we should afterwards discover more particular Accidents in Gold than we did formerly , yet , we should not alter the Name which signifies its Substance , or Essence ; nor would call it any thing but Gold still ; however the newly discover'd Mode gave us a new Idea of it self , Annex'd to that of Substance . The Essences are no otherwise Ingenerable , but as they are from Eternity in the Divine Ideas ; nor Incorruptible , but as they are either there , or else in some Humane or Angelical Understanding , out of which they can never be effaced . Lastly , What have Names or Words , which are nothing but Articulate Air , or Figur'd Ink , ( excepting what is Annexed to them by our Minds , ) to do with the Intrinsecal Natures of Things , that they should be one Sort or Kind of Essences . 13. This Learned Author justly complains that we have so few Definitions ; and my self have both resented it in my Preface to my Method , and have also excited and encourag'd Learned Men to make good that Defect . But , till the Best , and only Proper Way ( which I mention'd lately ) to make Definitions be allow'd and taken , I am sure there will be no new ones made that will deserve that Name ; and those Few that are already made , will still be exposed to the baffling Attacks of Fancy . Aristotle was , certainly , the best Definer of any Philosopher yet extant ; yet , his Definitions are excepted against by Witty Men ; and ( which is worse ) for no other Reason , but because they are too Learned , that is , too Good. Mr. Locke expresses here great Dis-satisfaction at two of them ; which , to my best Judgment , not all the Wit of Man can mend . The First is . of Motion ; which Aristotle defines to be Actus Entis in potentia , quatenus in potentia . Now , I wonder not that Mr. Locke , who , in his large Chapter of Power , never so much as mention'd the Idea of Power to be a Thing , nor the Power to have such an Accident , or Mode ; nor , consequently , the Idea of an Act answering to such a Power , should conceit this Definition to be Gibberish . However he came to pretermit them , it is most manifest that we have Natural Ideas or Notions of both these . We cannot see a Thing made actually of Another , or Alter'd to be any way otherwise than it was ; but Nature obliges us to see , and say , that that Thing , of which the new one was made , could , or had a Power to be , It , or have Another made of it . Or , when we see 't is anew made Hot , Cold , Round , White , Moved , Placed , &c. but that it could , or had a Power to become such , ere it was Actually such . These Ideas then of Act and Power are so Natural , that Common Sense forces us to acknowledge them , and Common Language must use them : And 't is a strange Fastidiousness , not to allow those Transcendent ( that is , most Common , and most Clear ) Words in Definitions , whose Notions or Meanings Nature gives us ; and which Words , or Equivalent Expressions , Common Discourse forces us to use . Yet , in the Uncouthness of these Words to some Men's Fancies , consists all the Difficulty which they so boggle at in this Definition . The Ens , or Body , was only Capable , or had a Power to be moved ere Motion came ; and , now , by Motion it is Actually moved . It is evident then that Motion is the Act , or ( which is the same ) the Formal Cause , which reduced that Power into Act , or formally denominated it moved Actually . Act then , was a Proper Genus , as far as those most Common Notions can have one . Now comes the Difference [ in potentia , ] which is , to determine what kind of Act Motion is . To understand which , we may reflect , that a Body has many other Acts or ( as we conceive and call them ) Forms in it , such as are Quantity , Figure , and all Qualities whatever ; as , Roundness , Length , Breadth , Health , &c. But they are not Acts of that Body , as 't is in power to be otherwise than it is , but as 't is actually such or such : For , they truly denominate it to be actually Round , Long , Healthful , &c. Whereas , Motion , being formally a meer Tendency to an Effect not yet produced , constitutes and denominates a Body to be only in power to be what by that Motion it is to be afterwards . For , reflecting on all Motions whatever , v. g. Generation , Alteration , Augmentation , Sanation , &c. none of them affect the Subject , or Body , in order to what it has already fixedly ; but in order to a newly generated , or rather , producible Thing , Quality , Quantity , Disposition , Health , &c. which the Matter or Subject has only a Power to have or acquire by means of those respective Motions . The last Words , [ quatenus in potentia , ] signifie , that the Thing , as affected with Motion , is formally and precisely consider'd to be in power to be such or such , and not at all as actually so . Matter has the Notion of Power to be another Thing ; but in regard it is a kind of Compart , constituting actually the stable and entire Ens , the Thing , or Body , which has Matter in it , cannot be said to be meerly in power to have Matter which it has Already . Whereas , by having Motion in it , which is only the Way or Means to attain what Nature aims to produce , it must be thus meerly and formally in Power to that to which it is Tending . Wherefore , this Definition most appositely fits the Notion of Motion , by distinguishing it most perfectly from all other Sorts of Acts whatever ; without a Tittle conceivable in it that is Defective , Superfluous , or Disparate . Yet , this is here character'd to be Exquisite Jargon , and a Famous Absurdity . I should be glad to see how one of our new Philosophers would define Motion : I doubt he would find it a puzzling Task to explicate its Formal and Proper Nature ; in regard that , besides its being very General , it is the Blindest and * most Imperfect Notion we have , and most approaching to Non-Entity ; being neither the Thing as it is in it self , nor as it is yet another , but hovering ( as it were ) between both . And I am certain , it is impossible to perform it , without varying the Words used by Aristotle , to others of the same Sense ; or , even to give some tolerable Explication of it , which can sute with its Formal Notion . 14. The other Definition which Mr. Locke mislikes , is , that of Light ; which he says Aristotle defines , The Act of a Perspicuous Thing , as it is Perspicuous . Now , tho' Light be Fire , were the Particles of it contracted into one closer Body , as it is by a Burning-Glass ; yet , the Rays of it , thinly scatter'd , have , like all other Effluviums , the Notion of a Quality or Mode of the Body they are receiv'd in ; and Modes or Accidents have their Analogical Essences from the manner they affect their Subjects . The Question then is , What is the Proper Subject of Light ? Mr. Locke's Principles deny the Sun is the Subject ; and put it to be onely the Cause of it : Nor can an Opacous Body be the Subject of it ; for it affects not that Body it self , but the Surface which reflects it ; and then it has the Notion of Colour . 'T is left then , that the Proper Subject of Light must be a Medium , which is Perspicuous , or which has a Power in it to let it pass through it , to our Eyes ; and , therefore , onely Light is , properly and formally , the Act which informs or actuates that Power ; which cannot possibly be express'd better than by these Words , The Act of a Perspicuous Body , as it is Perspicuous . For , putting the Air , or the Water , to be that Medium , those Bodies may have many other Acts or Accidental Forms in them ; as , Rarity , Fluidity , Humidity , Coldness , &c. yet , according to none of these , is Light the proper Act of either of them ; but as they are Pellucid , or Perspicuous ; because , whatever other Qualities or Powers they may have , if they had not that called Perspicuousness , it could not affect those Bodies at all . I observe by Mr. Locke's Discourse here , that he makes account Definitions are made for the Vulgar : Whereas , they are only fram'd by Art , for Men of Art , or Philosophers . But , surely he is pleasant , and cannot mean seriously , when he finds fault with this Definition , as Useless , and Insignificant , because it will not make a Blind Man understand what the Word [ Light ] means . The Meaning of the Word , is the Notion of it in our Mind ; and our Notions , or Ideas , ( as both of us hold , ) come in by Impressions from the Object upon our Senses . If , then , Blind Men could have no sensible Impression of Light , 't is impossible they should have any Idea or Notion of it , let the Definition be never so good . Definitions are the Work of Reflexion , and are to suppose our Natural Notions , which are the Rough Draughts of Knowledge , Common to us , and to the Vulgar : Art is to polish our Notions , and bring them to Exactness and Concinnity , by Defining them ; and not to imbue us with them , when Nature never gave them : And 't is a hard Case , if Aristotle's Definitions must be Useless and Insignificant , unless they work Miracles . 15. I agree with him that the Definition of Motion , which he says is that of the Cartesians , [ viz. That 't is the Successive Application of the Parts of the Superficies of one Body to those of another ] is Faulty . Whether it be theirs or no I know not , I think they give another : Yet , I doubt not but Mr. Locke has his Reasons why he dislikes it . Mine is this ; because Successive Quantity and Motion are the self-same Formal Notion ; and , so , the Definitum is as plain as the Definition which should explain it . Besides that , [ Application ] is one sort of Motion , and therefore is harder to be understood than Motion it self , which is the Genus to it . All which Absurdities , and others such , Aristotle wisely avoids , by using the Transcendent , or more Common Notions of Act and Power . 16. I pardon Mr. Locke's Opinion , That nothing is Essential to Individuums ; because this Error is Common , or rather Epidemical , amongst the Modern Schools ; and springs hence , that those Authors do not distinguish between what serves for Logical Speculations , and what is the Real Constitution of Things in Nature : For , what can the word [ Essentia ] of which Essential is the Denominative , possibly mean , but that formal Notion quâ Ens est Ens. Since then the Notion of Ens or Thing is only Proper to the Individual Substance , as being its First Analogate ; it follows that , if they be divers Entia or Things , they must have divers Formal Constituents , or divers Essences . Nay more , it follows that [ Ens ] being only properly spoken of Substantia Prima or the Individuums , and Improperly of Substantiae Secundae , and much more of the Modes or Accidents ; therefore , Essence ( the Formal Constituent of Ens ) can only be properly said of the Essences of Individuals , and improperly of any other Essences : So that only divers Individuals , in proper Speech , do differ Essentially , or have Essential Differences belonging to them . But , of this enough in my * Method . I only remark how odd it is to say , that Two Men are Two Things , and yet do not differ under the Notion of Thing , but only Accidentally ; or , according to the Notion of some Mode or Accident ; which is perhaps as much as my self now do differ from my self a Year ago , and yet I am the same Thing now I was then . But , I have said enough above of what Intrinsecally Constitutes divers Entities or Individuums ; and how we sufficiently know them , tho' we comprehend not the whole Complexion of Accidents that constitutes their Individual Essences , on which a good part of this 6th Chapter proceeds . 17. The two last Chapters contain many various Observations in them ; and such as may both delight , and in some sort profit inquisitive Wits : Yet they touch upon some difficult Points , which are contrary to my Sentiments , and cannot well be solv'd without first laying my Grounds ; especially that about the Unknowableness of Real Essences . To clear which farther , and withall to meet with other Difficulties that may occur , it will be necessary to lay , or repeat , for the Foundation of my future Discourses , some few Principles . I have , I hope , demonstrated in my Preliminaries , that all our Ideas , or Notions , which are Solid , and not Fantastick , are nothing but several Conceptions of the Thing ; or , which is the same ( taking the Word [ Conception ] for the Object , and not for the Act of Conceiving ) the Thing diversly conceiv'd . Hence all our Conceptions , or Notions , are Inadequate , especially if they be Distinct , and not Confused . Hence the most abstracted Notion we have , or can have , let it be Figure , Colour , Existence , or what other we please , even tho' signify'd by the most Abstract Term , is still the Thing consider'd precisely as having those Modes in it ; in regard that , as those Modes , or Accidents , have no Entity of their own , but meerly that of the Thing which they affect , so they can have no Intelligibility , or Knowableness , ( which is the Property of Entity ) but as they are conceiv'd to belong to the Thing , or to be It : So that , ( Hardness being that by which a Thing is formally Hard ) neither would Hardness be Hardness , nor would Existence be Existence , if they were the Hardness or Existence , of Nothing ; for Nothing can neither be hard , nor exist , nor have any other Affections belonging to it . Again , 't is evident we can have no distinct Notion of the whole Ens , or Individuum ; nor consequently of the Essence , ( properly such ) which is the Form that Constitutes the whole Ens : For this contains in it what grounds or Corresponds to great multitudes of Inadequate , or Partial Notions , and contains them blended ( as it were ) in the Thing as in their Root ; and this so Confusedly and inseparably , that only that most acute Divider , call'd Acies Intellectus , can take them a sunder , or separate them . Moreover , there are not only Confus'd and Distinct Ideas , as Mr. L. acknowledges , but also ( which I remember not he takes notice of , ) Notions or Ideas which are more and less Confused or Distinct ; or partly one , partly the other , and this with very great variety ; as is seen in his Example of Gold , of which ( and the same may be said of all other Bodies , ) some Men gain by Degrees more distinct Knowledges than others do . To proceed , 't is evident that , of all other Notions , that of Existence has the least Composition in it that can be . Whence all Clearness of our Notions coming from their Distinctness , and their Distinctness Springing from their Simplicity , the formal Notion of Existence is the most Clear ; that is , self-evident , and therefore Inexplicable ; all Explications being of those Notions that can need it . The Notion of Ens , which signifies Capable to Exist , has but a very little Composition , and Consequently , Confusion in it , as consisting of Actual Being , and the Power to it , For the same Reason Corpus has more of Composition or Confusion in it , than Ens ; Vivens than Corpus ; Animal than Vivens ; Homo than Animal ; and Socrates , or the Individuum , most of all ; There going still ( as was shown above ) more Notions to constitute and Compound each inferiour Notion than there does to constitute those above it ; whence , still as they are more Compounded , they are proportionably more Confus'd , that is , less Distinct , or less Clear. The Ideas , or Notions , of Individuals therefore , or of particular Things , are for the reason now given the most Unintelligible ; meaning by that Word , the most impossible to be comprehended all at once . This reflected on , and it being shown above , that both Nature and Art instruct us to divide our Notions into Common Heads , and to proceed thus gradually to Inferiour ones ; 't is most evident that the only Proper and Natural way of distinguishing our Notions into Simple and Compounded , is to be taken ( not from our Fancy , what Ideas seem most Clear to us ) but from this Gradual Progression from Superiour to Inferiour Notions ; in regard there goes still more to compound the Inferiour Notions , than there does to compound the Superiour . Whence follows out of the very Terms that those must be more Compounded , or less Clear , these more Simple , and more Clear. 18. The same Rule holds , and for the same Reason , in all the Common Heads of the Modes or Accidents . The Notion or Idea of the Supreme Genus has no Composition but that noted above , which is common to them all , of Connotating the Subject . Whence , it is the Simplest or least Compounded , as involving both that of the Common Head and that of the Difference , superadded to it . Hence neither the Ideas of Motion nor Extension , if by this Latter be meant ( as by distinguishing it from Motion it should seem ) Permanent Quantity , are Simple Ideas ; but the Idea of Quantity is the Simple one ; and they , being evidently such Kinds of Quantity , viz. Permanent , and Successive , are clearly Compounded of Quantity and of the two Different Ideas which make them those two several sorts of it . Much less is the Idea or Notion of Number or Figure Simple ones ; for the former is compounded of the Idea of Meer Quantity and of [ Discrete ; ] and the later of the Idea of Quantity , and of such or such a manner of Terminating it . And , the same may be easily shown of all the rest of his Simple Ideas whatever , excepting only that of Existence . From these Principles I make the following Reflexions . 19. First , That the Ideas can never be in fault when we name things wrong , but our own heedlesness or Disagreement about the Meanings , for which such Words stand . For , our Common Notions are wrought by Natural Causes upon the same-natur'd Patients , the Senses , and thence upon the Soul. Whence Notions are what they are invariably , without their meddling or being concern'd with our Signifying them , or applying them to these or these Words . We have them from Nature ; the Signifying them by such and such Words , comes from our Voluntary Designation ; and that is all can be said of them ; as Mr. L. has shown B. 2. Ch. 32. § 2. 20. Secondly , Confused Ideas , they being all Compounded , may have fewer or more Distinct Ideas annext to their Subject , according as we gain a farther Distinct Knowledge of the Object , as is exemplified in Mr. L's frequent Instance of Gold. In which case , it is not a new Specifical Notion , nor so much as a new Nominal Essence , as Mr. L. calls it : ( for , let us discover never so many New Qualities in Gold , every Man will call that Thing Gold still ) but the Additions or Appendages of New Distinct Notions , tack't as it were to the Confused one ; or new Inadequate Notions , approaching so many little steps nearer to the making it an Adequate one . 21. Thirdly , Since we know before-hand , that every Thing has a Distinct Nature or Real Essence peculiar to its self , we take those most Remarkable Accidents intrinsecally belonging to it , to be that Essence ; especially if they do sufficiently distinguish it from all other Natures ; and , when we find they do not , we acknowledge our Judgment may be false , we strive to correct it , and suspend till we gain better Light ; yet still our Notions are inerrably what they are , and faultless , however it fares with our Judgment . Nor does our Judgment exclude the yet-undiscover'd Modes from the Notion of the Thing ; but , we include them all in the Lump or Confusedly . Whence 't is the Real Essence of the Thing which is known , tho' Imperfectly and Inadequately . Thus we know a Man and a Horse to be two Things of different Species by divers manifest Qualities which never agree to both of them , and therefore distinguish them ; and , tho' 't is the whole , or rather a Greater Complexion of Accidents which does constitute the Specifick Difference ; yet even that is known truly , ( tho' imperfectly ) when we know it but in part , especially ( as was said ) when it is sufficient to distinguish one from the other : In the same manner as when I see but a Man's Hand or Face , I am truly said to see the Man , tho' [ Man ] signifies the whole , which I see but in part . The solid Reason of which is this Great Truth , that [ There are no Actual Parts in any Compound whatever . ] Whence follows , that every Part is the Whole in Part , or according to such a Part ; which is one of the Chiefest Principles that gives Grounds to the Science of Physicks , and therefore is Demonstrable by the Superiour Science , Metaphysicks . 22. Fourthly , Our former Discourse being well reflected on , which shews that the most solid and certain way of Knowing which Notions are Simple , which Compounded or Complex , is not to be taken from the Easie Appearances to our Fancy , or from seeming Experience , but from their being more General or more Particular ; we may farther learn what Notions are Clear and which Obscure , and how or why they are so . For , 't is manifest that all Confusion and Obscurity springs from Composition , or the Involving many Notions , as is evidently seen in Particular or Individual Bodies ; and all Distinctness or Clearness in our Notions from their involving few or none , as is found in the most General Notions . Add , that , if this Rule be observ'd , the Order in our Complex Notions will be more Regular . Whereas the other unmethodical way of making so many Simple Ideas , places those Ideas at random , or hap-hazard . Lastly , If our Method be observ'd , Complex Ideas cannot be taken for Simple ones , as has been shewn Mr. Locke does in most of his . 23. Fifthly , That the Distinction of Simple and Complex , Clear and Obscure Notions , is not to be taken from Appearances to our Fancy , but from the solid Grounds now spoken of , is seen farther by this Instance , that many Men are much distasted at the Notions belonging to Metaphysicks , such as are Being , Ens , Essence , Act , Power , and such like . The Reason of which is , that we do customarily reflect upon our Notions , and endeavour to define or explain them . Whence , in Metaphysical ones , finding this to be very Difficult , and in many of them Impossible , hence Men fancy them to be Inconceivable and Incomprehensible ; and thence they take a Toy at Metaphysicks , and pretend it insuperably hard and mysterious . Now it passes with these Reflecters , as it does with those that would look stedfastly on the Sun at Noon-day ; they find a kind of Cloud hovering before their Eyes , and seem bedarken'd with too much Light. The Test to stick to in such Cases is , to set themselves to define or explicate their Notions ; which done , if they find they can invent no Notions more Clear than those Notions themselves are , they may be sure they are self-evident , and may safely look upon them as such ; and , if they find they can be defin'd or explain'd , they may be sure there will be found in their Definition or Explication more Notions equivalent to that one ; and thence they may be assur'd also that the Notion Defin'd or Explicated , has more Parts , or Composition in it ; and , therefore , is not Simple nor perfectly Clear , since it needs to be made Clear by others , which therefore must be more Simple and Clearer than It. 24. Sixthly , It appears from what is said , that 't is not to avoid different Significations of Words , that Men suppose a Real Essence belonging to each Species ; but because 't is impossible there should be any Individual Thing , but it must have Superior Notions , or ( which is the same ) it must be of some sort or other in Nature ; and , the Notion of this Sort , or Species , must be an Essential and main Part of the Individual Essence . For , 't is evident , that Nature forces us to have both the one , and the other Notion , without any form'd Design of ours ; and Words have nothing to do but to signifie them . 25. Lastly , Hence it appears , that Words do not therefore become Ambiguous , because they have no Settled Standards in Nature ; as Mr. Locke apprehends in Mix'd Modes , especially in Moral ones . For , all Virtues and Vices being nothing but Dispositions to act according to Right Reason , or contrary to it , have as fixed Standards in Nature , as Reason it self has ; taking [ Nature ] for the Reflexions we naturally have upon the Operations of our Soul , and for what is Agreeable or Disagreeable to its true Nature ; as also , on the Subjects and Circumstances , about which , and in which it is employ'd . Hence , the Words which he instances in , viz. Sham , Wheedle , Banter , are evidently Deviations from Right Reason in our Just and Civil Comportments with other Men ; and all the Notions that go to their Definitions , are as much Connected as any other Genus and Difference are in any other Definition whatever . So likewise , his Mixed Modes , Murther and Sacrilege , are defin'd ; The Killing a Man lawlesly , and the Taking to our selves lawlesly , or Abusing Holy Things ; and have the same Solid Connexion , as any other Notions ; which consists in this , that the one of them is Common or Determinable properly by the other , and the other is Particular or Determinative of it , which makes them Cohere together in good Sense . As for our Soul 's Connecting them at pleasure , it is quite otherwise : She has Notions of each Common Head naturally ; and Nature and Art do both of them conspire to oblige us to divide those Heads by Intrinsecal Notions , called Differences ; and , it is not at her Pleasure and Choice , what Differences shall be Proper , what Disparate . Nature has settled the Agreeableness of one of these Notions to the other ; so that , should we put a Difference to a Generical Notion , which is Inconsistent with it , the Notion thus defin'd would be Nonsence , and Chimerical ; and no Wiser than Green Scarlet , or a Four-square Triangle . 26. Let the Obscurity and Ambiguity of Words spring from what Causes Mr. L. pleases , concerning which he is very Acute in his 10th Chapter , it is to me very evident , that the Thing signify'd is not to be blam'd for the Abuse of Words , and , that this Abuse of them must spring from one of these three Heads , viz. Ambiguity of Single Words , the ill Contexture of them , and their Mis-application . Artificial Words are , indeed , ( as was said , ) more liable to Obscurity ; and , perhaps , Logical ones most of all . But , since the Users of those Words do pretend to Learning , let them define their Terms of Art , and it will quickly appear whether they agree in the Notion of those Terms , or no ; and , by declaring what the Notion meant by that Term is useful for , it will appear which of the Definitions agrees truly to that Notion , and which does not . 27. Tho' then some Men have the Knowledge of more Accidents in the same Thing , or in the same Essence , than another Man has , yet it does not follow they agree in nothing but the Name , or that they substitute the Name for the Thing ; for they do both of them acknowledge and agree that they speak of the same Thing , or of the same Essence , notwithstanding this more particular Knowledge which one of them has of it above the other . In the same manner as divers Persons may know , or discourse of the same Individual Man , Socrates , ( tho' the Complexion of Accidents which constitute the Individuum be far greater than that which constitutes the Specifick Notion ; ) notwithstanding that , one of them better knows his Humour , Temper , Constitution , Science , Virtue , and his Degree of Rationality , ( which is most Essential to him , as he is This Man , ) than the other does . Whence this Position does not only make all Philosophy , or Knowledge of Things ( which are not such , but by their Real Essence which formally makes them such ) to be impossible ; but , it makes even our Ordinary Communication amongst Men unintelligible , because we should still speak of Divers Things , and not of the same : For , Divers they must be , if they have Divers Essences , which formally constitutes them such . Yet , I must declare , that I verily judge this Learned Author delivers this Doctrine out of his Sincerity , without intending to do any Favour to the Scepticks ; and that he is not aware how much this leans to that Maxim of the Pyrrhonians , viz. that [ Nothing can be known , unless it be known perfectly ; ] which is sufficiently confuted by this Evident Reflexion , that our Soul works by Inadequate Notions , and builds her Knowledge on those Partial Notions ; that is , we can truly know that Thing , though we know it but imperfectly , or in part . 28. And , where 's the Harm to this Acquir'd Knowledge , called Science , tho' we know the Thing , or its Essence , only imperfectly , by those Partial Notions ; since Science has not for its Object the whole Thing in the Bulk , nor its whole Essence neither , but only Abstracted Conceptions of it ? Cannot a Mathematician discourse Scientifically of Wood , as 't is Long , Broad , or Solid ; or a Carpenter or Carver know it to be Wood really , or to have the real Essence of Wood , and such a Sort of Wood , by its Colour , its Degree of Hardness , its Aptness to be Cut , or its being more easie to do so if one goes according to the Grain , and such like ; unless he knows all those Innumerable Accidents found in its Entire and Exact Composition ? Or , cannot ( I may say , do not ) we all agree to call its Real Essence [ Lignea , or Woodish , ] without abusing the Word ; because one of us penetrates the Nature , or Real Essence of it , more than the other does ? I suppose , Mr. Locke's laudable Zeal against some pretended Philosophers , did , on this occasion , something byass his good Reason , that he might better oppose them . And , certainly , it must be acknowledg'd , that , never were Words more abusively used , to the prejudice of good Sense , than those by which they express their Essences , and their Specifick and Essential Forms ; so that , for want of some Determinate and Literal Intelligible Meaning , which could give a Philosopher any Light what to make of them , they seem'd nothing but meer Words , obtruded upon us for the only Truths ; and so tended to reduce Science to Mysterious Nonsence , and Unintelligible Cant. But , I could wish , notwithstanding , that Mr. Locke had not over-strain'd some Points , to baffle their Insignificant Talk. I hope his discerning Judgment will distinguish me , and all true Aristotelians , from the Abetters of their Folly ; and let them answer , if they can , for themselves . 20. His last Chapter is , about Remedying the Abuses of Words . Wherefore , since divers of those Abuses are conceiv'd by him to spring from our Names given to Real Essences , and 't is impossible , he says , to know fully what those Real Essences are ; I should be glad he would put us into a Way to do an Impossibility , and Comprehend them fully ; otherwise , since name them we must , we shall , according to his Discourse , be necessarily inforc'd to the Abuses of Words , without any possible Remedy ; which is something too hard a Case . 31. I am a little apprehensive , that I do not perfectly hit Mr. Locke's true Meaning in some Passages here , and elsewhere ; finding his Discourse in other Places Sub-contrary to what I took to be his Thoughts . For example ; Speaking here , § . 19. of Shewing and Defining Substances ; all which being Entities , must have Real Essences in them ; he has these Words : [ For , there being ordinarily in each Sort some Leading Qualities , to which we suppose the other , which make up the Complex Idea of that Species , annex'd ; we give the Name to that Quality or Idea which is the most observable , and we take to be the most Distinguishing Idea of that Species . ] Where , if , instead of the Words [ to that Quality , ] be put [ the Subject of that Quality , ] to which subject we suppose the rest of its proper Complexion of Accidents annex'd ; it will be perfectly Co-incident with my Thoughts as to this Point . Only , I wonder why he pitches upon some one Quality ; as also , why he says not a Word of the Matter , which , ( in all Bodily Substances , ) determin'd by this Complexion of Accidents , makes up the Thing . This manner of Expression makes him seem to discourse all along as if this Complexion of Accidents , abstractedly consider'd , without any Regard to the Matter , did make the Essence ; whereas , they cannot do this at all , unless by their Determining the Potentiality of the Matter to be This , and as including that Determination of it ; that is , as including the Matter thus Determin'd . Of the Equivocalness in Words , the several Sorts of it , how it comes , and of the Way how to detect it ; as also , of the Means how we may arrive at their True and Proper Signification in several Subjects , I have treated in my Method to Science , Book 1. Less . 11. REFLEXIONS ON THE FOURTH BOOK . REFLEXION Seventeenth , ON The First Three Chapters . 1. THis Learned Author having , with much Exactness , treated of all that can belong to his Ideas , the being affected with which is called the First Operation of our Understanding , or Simple Apprehension ; he advances to the Second [ Judgment , ] which is express'd by a Proposition . 'T is by this that we have Compleat Knowledge or Cognition ; which ( as the Word it self imports ) is the putting together of Notions in the Understanding after its manner ; that is , in order to the seeing them connected , or knowing they are so . The First Chapter is both comprehensive of his Subject , and has much Truth in it . Whether it goes to the bottom , and does not require some Deeper Truths to explicate the Point fully , is now to be examined . 2. He defines Knowledge to be The Perception of the Connexion and Agreement , or of the Disagreement and Repugnancy of any of our Ideas . My Exceptions against this Definition are : 1. That [ Perception ] being the Act of a Knowing Power , can mean nothing but Knowledge ; and , therefore , to define Knowledge by Knowledge seems Inartificial and Preternatural : For , it will still be ask'd , what this Knowledge he calls Perception is ? 2. Mr. Locke granting Perception to Brutes , he must necessarily allow them Ideas , and that they can connect them too . Wherefore his Book being Entituled , An Essay concerning Humane Understanding , it is needful we know what kind of Ideas We have , what Brutes have ; and , ( not to speak of our or their Perception ) whether they do connect them as we Men do . For , this Concession makes Perception to be the Genus in this Definition ; and , therefore , to appropriate it to Humane Knowledge , the large Signification of it ought to be restrain'd to such a Perception as is peculiar to Man. But , what I most dislike is the word [ Ideas , ] in our perceiving the Agreement or Disagreement of which he puts Knowledge to consist . Philosophy is the Knowledge of Things ; wherefore , unless those Ideas be the Thing it self in our Understanding ; or , if they be not , but Similitudes only ( as the Word imports ) unless it be well made out that those Similitudes do give us the Knowledge of the Thing it self , ( which I have demonstrated in my Preliminaries they cannot ) 't is impossible we should ever arrive at true Philosophy , tho' we did perceive the Connexion of all the Ideas in the World. Nay , unless they be the Thing it self ( in part , ) no Predication we make can be True. 3. To shew this more fully , I intreat Mr. Locke to consider , that this Connexion of Ideas he speaks as necessary to Knowledge , is that which is signify'd by the Word [ Est ; ] which being so , in this Proposition , [ Sugar is sweet , ] the Word [ Est ] must according to him , if only Ideas must be connected , naturally and genuinly affirm , that one of those Ideas is the other Idea , or that the Idea of Sugar is the Idea of Sweet ; which is evidently False . For those Ideas differ toto genere ; the former belonging to the Common Head of Substance , the other of Quality ; and besides , 't is perfectly contradictory to Mr. Locke's avowed Doctrine , that each Idea has its peculiar Metaphysical Verity , or is what it self is , and is distinct from any other Idea , and therefore is to be Deny'd of it . Whence follows , that it is not in seeing the Connexion or Disagreement of the Ideas themselves that Knowledge can consist ; for they are , as to themselves , always Distinct , and therefore Unconnected ; so that we can never say one of them is the other , which yet we do in all our Affirmative Propositions ; whence follows , that all our Affirmative Propositions would be false . It follows then , that it is the Subject or Thing inadequately conceiv'd by our Understanding , which is said by the Copula [ Est ] to be Identity'd really and Materially with it self as conceiv'd by another Inadequate Notion ; and , that [ Est ] speaks their being united in the same Ens , or ingrafted on the same Stock of Being . And , certainly , it appears , at first Sight , to be an odd Explication of Knowledge and Philosophy , to maintain , that they consist in seeing the Connexion or Disagreement of Similitudes . 4. Wherefore , I should rather think , that , as Notions are defin'd , The Thing in the Understanding inadequately conceiving it , ( which has been abundantly prov'd , ) so Knowledge ought to be Defin'd , The Inadequate Notions of the Thing , existing in the Understanding , so connected there , as they are in the Thing in Nature . To make good my Definition , I discourse thus : First , It has been prov'd by many Arguments , that all our Notions are Partial Conceptions of the Thing ; or , which is the same , ( if we take the Word [ Conception ] for the Object , and not for the Act of Conceiving , ) they are the Thing inadequately conceived . And , I dare be confident , those Arguments are unanswerable ; and that no true Reason , or Connexion of Terms , can ever shock them : However , I may expect much Repugnance of Fancy , ere that Point be admitted . Secondly , All our Distinct Notions being Inadequate , and consequently , ( as it were , ) Parts of the Thing , as 't is Knowable by us ; it follows , that ( according to our Doctrine ) the Immediate Object of all our Knowledge , being somewhat of the Thing , is wholly built on the Thing it self , and therefore Solid . Thirdly , Those several Notions , however Inadequate taking them Abstractedly , yet they do connotate the whole Thing ; since no Part can be conceiv'd , but in reference to the whole , or as in it , it being impossible the former can be apprehended to be a Distinct Thing from the latter ; because , if it were of it self a Distinct Thing , it would be of it self a Whole , and not a Part. Fourthly , The Copula [ Est ] speaks the Identity of those Parts with the Whole ; for , they can onely be Identify'd , as they are One with the whole Thing materially ; since formally , as Parts , they are contradistinguish'd from one another . And , were it not so , few Propositions ( as was lately prov'd ) could be True. Whence , let us take any Proposition , v. g. [ Socrates is wise ; ] the true Sense of it is , that the Individual Substance , called Socrates , is the same Thing , Materially , or Really , with that which is Wise ; or , that , what answers to Socrates , and to Wise , are found in the same Thing . Fifthly , In regard Parts , as such , are distinguish'd formally from one another ; therefore , we cannot say that any Partial Notion , express'd formally as a Part , is Another . Whence we cannot say [ Petreitas est sapientia , ] tho' we can say [ Petrus est sapiens ; ] in regard those Abstract Words do formally signifie such a Partial Notion of the whole Thing , or a kind of Part of it . And , tho' each of them does connotate the whole Thing , yet , with a Quatenus , ( to which that Abstract manner of Expression is Equivalent , ) they cut off such a precise Considerability , or Notion of it , from all others ; and therefore , such Words can onely signifie that precise Notion , or ( as it were ) Part , and no other . Lastly , Hence it is , that we cannot predicate a Concrete of an Abstract , nor an Abstract of a Concrete ; because the Abstract signifies , distinctly and formally , only a Part , and the Concrete the whole , ( tho' confusedly , ) and not any distinct Part of it . But I expatiate too much into the Subject of Predication , and shall pursue it no farther at present . 5. To come closer to the Business in hand ; It appears by what is here said , that it is not enough for Knowledge , nor answers the true Notion of Philosophy , that Ideas be predicated of other Ideas , or Similitudes of Similitudes ; nor ( which is the same ) that we see they agree or disagree with one another ; but it is necessary , that the Ground of our Knowledge , and of our Predications , be taken from the Thing it self , as is express'd in our Definition . I produce not here the Definition of Knowing which I gave in my Preliminaries , because it is not yet granted by those with whom I am discoursing , that our Notions are the Things in our Understanding ; tho' ( one Consideration , which is brought there , being added ) these two Definitions are Co-incident : But I accommodate my self to Mr. Locke's Words , as far as they will bear , that the Difference between us may be made more apparent . 6. Hence , whereas Mr. Locke makes Four Sorts of Connexions of our Ideas , in which Knowledge is found , viz. 1. Of Identity , or Diversity : 2. Of Relation : 3. Co-existence : 4. Real Existence ; I must , in pursuance to the Grounds now laid , affirm , and maintain , that there is but one Sort of Intellectual Connexion of our Notions , viz. that of the Co-existence of what is meant by the two Terms in the same Thing ; and , that ( there being but one Copula [ Est , ] all the other Sorts of Connexion are co-incident with this one . For , the First consisting in this , that each Idea , or Notion , is its Self , and not Another , signifies no more but what we express by this Identical Proposition , [ The Thing as thus conceiv'd , is the Thing as thus conceiv'd ; or , not as otherwise conceiv'd . ] Whence it is Self-evident , because the Terms being every way the self-same Notion , are as closely connected as perfect Identity can express them ; whence they can admit no Middle Term to come between them , and make the Proposition Evident , or prove it : But their Evidence is entirely grounded on this first Metaphysical Principle , [ Every Thing ( whether Substance or Accident ) is what it is ; or , is Indivisum in se , and Divisum a quolibet alio ; ] that is , in plain terms , One. The Second , [ Relation ; ] taking it not for the Act of our Mind , comparing or connecting it to another ; but for the Ground of it in the Thing , which obliges our Comparing Power , when it is in it , to refer it actually ; is still the Thing it self , inadequately conceiv'd to be Connected with , or agreeing to the same Thing in part , as is explicated above . V. g. Master and Scholar are grounded on the Actions and Passions of Teaching , and being Taught , which are Inadequate Conceptions , Co-existing in those two Persons , and Identify'd materially with those Subjects : And the same is found in all others , which are thus Connected . And the Last , Of Real Existence ; As , when we say , [ Peter is , ] clearly imports , that what is meant by Peter , the Subject ; and by Existent , which is the Predicate , ( imply'd there in the Word [ is , ] ) are Co-existent ; or , are found in the same Thing . But , more of this when we come to consider his 4th Chapter , Of the Reality of our Knowledge . 7. His Second Chapter , Of the Degrees of our Knowledge , distinguishing it into Intuitive , Demonstrative , and Sensitive , is admirably Solid , Clear , and Rational throughout . The First of these is proper to Principles , the Second to Proofs , the Last to the Knowledge of Particular Things or Modes by the way of Experiments . Indeed , Intuitive Knowledge is proper to Pure Spirits , call'd Intelligences or Angels ; which , because they do not glean their Knowledge from various Impressions on the Senses , consequently they do not divide the thing into Parts , by Inadequate Notions , when they come to know it ; nor compound those Notions again into Propositions , as we do ; but , at one direct and full View , call'd Intuition , they comprehend the whole Thing , and all that belongs to it , at once . Whence it seems not so proper to attribute Intuition to us Mortals , who are but poor Retailers of our Imperfect and short Notions ; which we spell ( as it were ) and put together as Children do Letters , when they are , otherwise , not able to read whole Words currently . But this is very pardonable in Mr. Locke ; for , to say true , 't is very hard to find another Word which fits our Knowledge of First Principles much better ; tho' I think [ Self-evidence ] might serve . My self have long ago had such a Thought , tho' I express'd it warily in these words : " There is nothing in all our Knowledges , that , in the manner of it , comes so near the Angelical Intuition as does our Knowledge of Self-evident Principles , express'd by Identical Propositions . It divides as little as is possible for us in this State ; for it predicates the same of the same ; nay , the whole of the whole ; and , for the same Reason , it as little compounds again . Whence , it resembles it not a little in its Absolute Evidence and Immovable Firmness ; and is the nearest Approach possible to Simple Intuition . That so , as the Order of the World requires , the Supremum infimi may immediately confine upon the Infimum Supremi . " 8. I was much pleased to see Mr. Locke declare , that upon this Intuition depends all the Certainty and Evidence we have of our Knowledge , and particularly , that , in every Step Reason makes in Demonstrative Knowledge , ( that is , in every Consequence we deduce ) there is an Intuitive Knowledge of the Agreement or Disagreement of the next intermediate Idea . I add , Upon which Agreement all the Force of Consequenee , that is , all our Reasonings are grounded . The Evident Proof he gives for it here , is worthy the attentive Consideration of his Learned Readers . 'T is not in this occasion only , but in divers others , tho' I have not always noted them , that Mr. Locke and my self have , without design'd Confederacy , agreed in Positions of great Moment ; which , I know not how , have escap'd the Thoughts of all other Authors I have seen . The Reader may please to review my Method to Science , B. 3. Less . 1. § . 3. where I discourse thus : " Wherefore , since , if the Consequence , in which consists the Essence , and all the Force and Nerves of Discourse , be not Clear and Evident , there could be no Certainty or Evidence of any thing that needs to be made known or Concluded ; and so our Faculty of Exact Reasoning would have been given us to no purpose ; hence , 't is manifest , that however one Proposition may be made known by other Propositions that are connected and consequential to one another ; yet the Consequence it self cannot be proved by Another Consequence . For , the Question would still return how , and in virtue of what , that Consequence which made the other Evident , is Evident it self , and so in infinitum . Whence it follows , that the Evidence of all Consequences whatever , must be built on something in a higher manner Evident than any Consequence or Proof can otherwise make it ; that is , on a Self-evident Proposition . ] " The certain Knowledge of which kind of Propositions , as Mr. Locke holds , is to be had by Intuition . 9. I have been larger upon this Point , and do most especially recommend it to the best Reflexion of our Readers ; because it is not only the Deepest and Firmest Ground , but also the very best Test of all Argumentation ; and therefore the main Hinge on which all Science turns . I must confess , for all that , I cannot see why , since all Self-evident Truths can only be express'd by Identical Propositions , this Learned Gentleman is so shy to use those Words , since the Sense he brings on this Occasion , is clearly Equivalent to those Identical Forms of Speech ; nor , if put into Propositions , can be express'd by any other . I think we should not be asham'd of them , or think them Trifling , because some Men of Fancy , who never set their Thoughts to trace Evidence and Truth to their Originals , are pleased to make themselves Sport with them ; nor because their Terms are too closely connected ; For , they must be so ; and , were they not so , they would be unworthy the Name of First Principles , nor do us any Good when we come to reduce other Truths into them ; which is the best Way of Demonstrating . 10. The Extent of Humane Knowledge , of which he treats in his 3d Chapter , is a very Excellent Subject . Science has two Capital Enemies , Scepticism , and Dogmatism : The one will allow very little , or Nothing at all , to be known ; the other pretends to know too much . The former , by breeding a perfect Despair of Knowledge , discourages the Industry of the best Wits ; and makes them , since Truth cannot be found , to addict themselves only to Wordish Talk and Declamation : To which contributes not a little , that many who have incomparable Fancies , have oftentimes the worst Judgments ; especially , if they have let their Wits loose to Raillery , and Drollery : For , such Persons , proud of their Joking Talent , do think they answer a Demonstration , if they can but break a Jest upon it . And , besides , they have the Faculty of cutting Capers beyond the Moon , and raising Objections at random . The Latter does , perhaps , as much Harm , by Presuming to demonstrate every Thing : And the Over-weening of these Men is the more pernicious , because they make a Shew of a great Friendship and Zeal for Science ; and yet , by falling short of their Extravagant Pretensions , they throw a Scandal upon her ; and make weak Distinguishers apprehend there is no Science at all . The One deviates from Zeal for Truth , in Excess ; the Other , in Defect : And the Judicious Decision of this Point , [ Of the Extent of our Knowledge , ] settles the Golden Mean between both . I have endeavour'd , in my Method , B. 1. Less . 2. to § . 12. to establish from Clear Grounds , the Just Pitch of our Knowledge in this State : Mr. Locke does , with his usual Candour , attempt to do the same in his Way ; Concerning which , I am to give him my Thoughts ; which are these . 11. There is no doubt but we have less Knowledge than we might have had , through our Want of some Notions ; as also , for want of discerning the Agreement or Disagreement of them in the same Thing . No doubt too , but Intuitive Knowledge , which is only of Self-evident Truths , cannot reach to all that belongs to our Notions , or Ideas ; and , that we too often want proper Mediums to connect those Notions , in order to Demonstration : As also , that our Sensitive Knowledge ( I suppose he means that which is had by Experiments ) does not reach very far ; otherwise , our Senses giving us ( as we do both of us hold ) all the First Natural Notions we have , I believe it cannot be deny'd , but that they give us withall the Ground of all our Knowledge . Whence I cannot see , why he limits Sensitive Knowledge to the Notion of Existence onely ; or , that our Senses do make us know onely that a Thing is : For , certainly , our Senses do as well tell us the Wall is white , as that the Wall is ; tho' , in proper Speech , it does neither , but by means of our Mind , comparing the Notions of the two Terms , given us by the Object , in order to the seeing their Co-existence in the Thing . All they do , is , to give us our Notions ; which the Soul ( that is , the Man , according to his Spiritual Part ) compounds into a Proposition ; and so frames a Judgment of the said Co-existence ( or Inconsistency ) of those Terms , or ( which is the same ) of what is signify'd by them , in the same Thing . Nor do I think Mr. Locke will much deny any of this , however we may express our selves diversly . 12. 'T is very true that our Experience gives us some Light to know what Qualities do belong to such Substances ; yet , I cannot think it impossible to know this very often a priori , by Demonstrative Reason , tho' we do not know the Constitution of the Minute Parts , on which those Qualities do depend ; much less do I judge , that , tho' we did not know them , yet we could not discover any necessary Connexion between them and any of the Secondary Qualities ; he means , those Qualities which are the Objects of our Senses . Nor do I wonder Mr. Locke thinks thus , because he does , all along , pitch his Thoughts on the Corpuscularian Hypothesis , as on that which , in some Men's Opinion , goes farthest in an Intelligible Explication of the Qualities of Body . Now , my Judgment is , that 't is demonstrable , that the Principles of the Corpuscularians cannot possibly give Account of the Constitution either of the Minute Parts , or of the least Atom , nor , consequently , of any Body in Nature ; or ( which is the Proper Work of a Philosopher ) refund any Quality into its Proper Causes ; I mean , such Causes as they can prove to be such , or must be such ; however , they may fancy them to be such , by allowing to themselves Voluntary Suppositions for Principles . I have shewn in my Appendix to my Method , that the most Celebrated of the Corpuscularian Philosophers , the Cartesians , cannot know the Constitution of the most minute Part of any of their Elements , since they can never tell us by their Grounds , the Primary Qualities of their First Matter , of which their three Elements , and , consequently , all Natural Bodies are made . To shew we can , I will give a short Summary of the Aristotelian Doctrine in this particular , truly represented , and cleared from the Mis-conceits of some late School-men . 13. 'T is confess'd , and Evident , that Quantity is the Primary Affection of Body ; of which , re-modify'd , ( as I may say , ) all Qualities are made . We can shew , that by it Body is Divisible ; and , therefore , Quantity ( for that , and and many other Reasons ) is Divisibility , especially , taking it as consider'd Physically : however , taking it as capable to be Measur'd , Proportion'd , and Figur'd , ( as Mathematicians do , ) it may not very unfitly be called Extension . But , take it , ( as I said , ) as affecting Bodies , in order to Natural Action and Passion , in which the Course of Nature consists , ( as a Natural Philosopher ought to consider it , ) and 't is Divisibility , or a Capacity to be divided by those Causes . Nor can the Greatest Cartesian deny this , since he grants , that the First Operation in Nature , is , the making their three Elements , by Grinding ( as it were ) or dividing their First Matter . Proceeding by immediate Steps , we are to seek out the first Sorts of this Divisibility ; and this must be done by finding the most Simple Intrinsecal Differences of that , or any other Notion , which can only be more and less of the Common Notion . Now , more and less of Divisibility Consider'd , in order to Natural Agents , is the same as to be * more easily , and less easily Divisible by by those Agents , which we call to be Rare , and Dense . Rarity therefore , and Density do constitute the Simplest Sorts or Kinds of Bodies . And , since it is inconceivable that Matter should be divided at all by Second Causes , but the Divider must be more Dense , or more able to divide , than the Matter that is to be divided by it ; it follows , that Rare and Dense Bodies were originally such ; or , that there were Created at first some sorts of Bodies that are more , and others that were less divisible ; as is clearly express'd in the two first Verses of Genesis . And Reason abets it ; for , otherwise , the Course of Nature , consisting in Motion , could never have been Connaturally made ; because , had all the Parts of Matter been equally Divisible , there could be no Reason why one part of the Matter should be the Divider , rather than the other ; and so there could have been no Motion , nor , consequently , any Course of Nature at all . 14. By the Division of Rare Bodies by Dense ones , and the Division of their first Compounds , the Number of Parts increasing , there naturally follow'd the various Size , and the Grossness and Minuteness of those Parts ; as also , their various Figures , Situations , &c. All which contribute to compound the Species and Individuums . Of these , variously mingled and remingled , all the rest are made . From Simple Division , two Things are made of one ; whence follows the Individual Diversity of Bodies , according to the Notion of Substance , or Ens. More Accidents are ( as was said before ) still taken in , to make the Subaltern Genera and Species , even to the lowest Sort , or Kind ; and innumerably more of them , to distinguish and constitute Individual Bodies . 15. To come a little nearer our main Point : unless those Qualities , Rarity and Density , which are the Primary ones , be admitted , the World could never have been form'd connaturally ; nor the Course of Nature carried on ; because , ( as was now shewn , ) in that Supposition , there would have been no Motion . For , Motion of Material Entities is perform'd by the Intervening of the Parts of the one between the Parts of the other , and , so , Dividing it ; which is impossible , unless the one had been Rarer , or more yielding ; the other Denser , or less yielding . But , this once settled , 't is evident from the very Terms , that there are Proper Causes , both on the Agent 's and Patient's Side , for the one's Dividing , and the other's being Divided . For , the Rare being more Divisible than the Dense , 't is demonstrable , that the Dense being impell'd against the Rare by Motion , ( which comes from a Superior Agent , ) the Rare being more Divisible , will give way , and be divided by the Dense ; which is clearly impossible in the Corpuscularian Hypothesis ; which puts all Parts of their Matter to be equally Rare , or Dense ; or rather , ( as the Cartesians do , ) neither Rare , nor Dense ; all Qualities , according to them , being made by mingling their three Elements ; which Elements are themselves made by , and presuppose , the Motion of their First Matter . Whereas , yet , it is impossible to conceive , but those Parts of that Matter must be either Rare , or else Dense , at least to some Degree . And , as denying the Rarity and Density in the First Bodies does , by making Motion impossible , put the Course of Nature out of Frame , both in its Beginning and Progress ; so it utterly destroys all Demonstration in Physicks , which is grounded on Mediums from Proper Causes , and Proper Effects . 16. Passing over many Immediate Steps , which shew how those Four Principal Qualities , Heat , Cold , Moisture , and Driness , are made of Rarity and Density , acted upon by the common Causes in Nature ; we come to shew how these two Primary Qualities do constitute many Secondary ones ; and how these last are refunded into the other , as their Proper Causes ; and , therefore , are Demonstrable by them , as by their Proper Mediums . A few Instances may serve , as Hints , to explicate others . That great Pellucidity in the Air is necessarily , and properly refunded into its extream Divisibility , or Rarity ; by which it becomes easily penetrable in all its Parts , by those Spicula Ignea , the Rays of the Sun ; and Opacity , for the same Reason , is the Proper Effect of Density ; which hinders its Subject from being penetrated , or Divided by them ; whence also it is a Proper Cause of Repelling , or Reflecting them . Again ; Who sees not that Liquidity , which makes its Subject easily yielding to be flatted evenly , as we see in Ponds ; or driven to run into Cavities , by the common Motion of Gravitation , is a proper Effect of Rarity , as Consistency is of Density ? Spissitude is a Constipation of Dense Parts , or the Want of Pores to admit the Ingress of other Bodies . Grossitude is clearly nothing but Density , in a bigger Quantity of its Parts . Friability is refunded into great Dense Parts , and very large Rare ones : Whence , those Rare Parts , which , were they less , would better cement those Parts together , being now very large , and , withal , very Divisible , are easily divided ; and , consequently , the Body is soon shatter'd : As we find in Dry Clods , out of which , ( while they were yet Wet Dirt , ) those Parts which were Watry , being drawn by Heat , large Cavities are left , which the Air now possesses . On the other side , Ductility and Malleability are the Effects of the very smallest Rare Parts , finely compacted with the minutest Dense ones . Those Small Dense Parts , so closely woven , and , in a manner , Contiguous , keep the Rare from evaporating ; and the Rare , by being such , and interwoven with the Dense all over , make the Compound yield to Expansion , without Breaking ; being very small , are not easily separable ; and yet , tho' rarify'd farther by the subtilest Agent , Fire , they render it Fusible . 17. Were these Principles which I rawly and briefly touch on here , pursu'd by Learned Men with Immediate Consequences , which , true Logick assisting , is far from impossible ; the Nature of those first-mixt Qualities , and by their means of many others , would not be very hard to explicate . But , if Men are resolv'd to neglect all Natural Principles , and the Intrinsecal Constitution of the First Bodies in Nature , and will needs run upon nothing but Mathematical Notions , which pre-suppose those Principles ; nor could be found in Nature , unless the other be first admitted , or Division made Possible ; ( for neither Parts , nor consequently Figures of Parts , could be made without Division , nor Division unless some Bodies were naturally apt to divide , others to be divided , that is , unless some were Rare , others Dense ) or , if , instead of demonstrating their Natural Principles by the Superiour Science , they will needs have recourse to Voluntary Suppositions ; and violate the Nature of Causality , and of the Deity it self , by making him whose Proper Effect ( he being Essentially Self-existence ) is to give Existence , or create , to be the Proper and Immediate Cause of Motion ; and go about to prove Ignotum per Ignotissimum , by supposing ( as they sometimes do ) that God wills this or that , which is for the Interest of their Tenet , and too hard to prove : If , I say , Men are resolv'd to follow such Untoward Methods , 't is no Wonder Science does not advance , but the World is detain'd in Ignorance of many things , which otherwise it might know . Did Learned Men set themselves to carry forwards the Grounds of Nature in Euclides Physicus ( where they will find Demonstrations enow ) to farther Conclusions , with the same Zeal as they do the Mathematicks ; I doubt not but the Evident Truths , which would by Degrees disclose themselves , would both encourage , and enable them , to make a farther Progress in Knowledge ; nor would the Science of Second Qualities , ( about which Physical Demonstrations ought in great part be employ'd ) be held so Desperate . But to leave these Discourses , and apply my self to Mr. L. I cannot but wonder , that amongst all his Ideas of Qualities , he not so much as once mentions ( as far as I remember ) those two Chiefest ones of Rarity and Density ; tho' nothing is more obvious in the whole Course of Nature than these are . Which , with many other Reasons , makes me think he had not seen , or at least well weigh'd the true Aristotelian System , ( which he might have seen in Sir Kenelm Digby's Treatise of Bodies , and its Latin Preface ; as also in Institutiones Peripateticae ; ) but took it as represented by the Modern Schools . For my self , I must declare I verily judge , that the Grounds I here insist on , are the only true ones that a Natural Philosopher can have ; that they are Demonstrable ; and I do offer my self to maintain them to be such , if it shall please any Learned Objector to attempt to show these Principles Faulty ; or that we build on any Supposition at all , and not on what 's either Self-evident , or easily and immediately Reducible to Self-evidence . Which , I believe , no other Sect of Philosophers did ever so much as pretend to . 18. To come to those Qualities , which are the Formal Object of our Senses , called by Mr. Locke Secondary Qualities , I have shewn already that divers of them are Intelligible and Explicable by Rarity and Density ; only certain little Respects are added to them , which too lie in our Ken : Nor do I doubt but most of the others may be clearly and distinctly known by the same Grounds . Indeed , divers of them depend on the Figure and Texture of Parts ; which , tho' we can never know with a Mathematical Exactness , yet I see not why we may not demonstrate the Natures or Kinds of each Quality , so far as to distinguish them from others , and refund them into their Proper Causes ; which is enough for our purpose , and most proportionable to our State. For Example , Light brings from the Wall into the Eye , and so into our Knowing Power , the Notion of Whiteness , and of other Colours from other Objects . It cannot be doubted then , ( since Light of its self is Uniform ) but that there is some Disposition in the Surface of the Object , or the Figure of its outmost Parts , which reflects Light after a different manner , and affects the Seer accordingly . Nor is it hard to conceive , but very Evident , that a very smooth Surface , as having fewest Pores in it , will reflect more Light , and so make it more Visible ; especially if those Outmost Parts be Roundish , which reflect Light every way , or towards all sides . It is manifest then that , that Quality which is most Visible of all others being that which we call Whiteness , the Proper Causes of that Quality may be found out . Which will further appear hence , that if , on the contrary , the Surface have Small-pointed Parts and Large Pores , much of the Light will be lost in those shady Grotts , and scarce any Beam of it reflected ; which therefore is the Proper Cause of that Lightless Appearance call'd Blackness ; which is the Reason why , when there is no Light at all to be reflected , all things seem Black. If we hold a Thousand Needles Points towards our Eye , they appear Black , because of the vastness of the Interstices or Cavities in proportion to the extant Parts which should have reflected the Light : Whereas , were the Object a polish'd Plate of Steel , the Interstices or Pores being less , it appears more luminous and whitish ; which may give us some faint , but sure , Light , how this Colour is made . The Intermediate Colours are made by the Mixture and Demixture of those Extreams ; whence , out of the Degrees of their partaking those , Contrary or Subcontrary Qualities are framed , as Blue , Green , Yellow , and all other Colours . Nor is this Degree , constituting each of those Species , Unknowable . A Picture-drawer can tell us what Proportion of his Paint of such a Colour he adds to that of another Colour , to make what Third Colour he pleases . We see then , that the Secondary Quality of Colour , may come within the Compass of our Knowledge . Nor do I see why the rest of them may not become equally Intelligible , did we seriously set our Reflex Thoughts on work to study them ; especially Experimental Knowledge assisting , by hinting to us such Matters of Fact as give Light to our Reason , ( when furnish'd with , and attentive to , true Natural Principles ) how it may reduce those Qualities unto their Proper Causes , which is the only Work of Science . REFLEXION Eighteenth , ON The 4th and 5th CHAPTERS . 1. I Come now to a nearer view of the 4th Chapter , Of the Reality of Knowledge , the main point in which the whole Doctrine of the Ideists is concern'd . To State it rightly , I do not doubt ( as I have exprest my self formerly ) but that the Ideists have many true Notions of the Things ; that is , the Things themselves in their Minds , after a Natural Manner , as well as their Opposers have , notwithstanding their ill Speculation ; and thence oftentimes discourse right ; for the same Reason that , tho' some Philosophers held that the Eye sees per Emissionem , others per Receptionem Radiorum , yet they naturally saw both a like , however their Speculative thoughts , disfer'd about the manner how Seeing was made . Wherefore the true State of the Question is , whether they can have any Real Knowledge of the things in Nature , according to the Principles of the Ideists ; or , by their puting our Notions , which are the Ground and Materials of our Knowledge , to be onely Likenesses , Appearances , Similitudes , Resemblances , Pourtraitures , or Pictures of the Things , ( which are the names they give them ) and not the Things themselves in our minds : For , if they can have no Real Knowledge , or Knowledge of the Thing , by such meerly representing Ideas , then it must be said that those Ideas , being confessedly the First and onely Materials of their Knowledge , the Ideists will become oftentimes liable to deviate from Nature , and fall into Errour by adhering to such Groundless Principles , as is the Substituting very often Empty Resemblances , or Fancies , for the Things themselves ; nor can they ever be able to give a Solid Account by their Principles , that they know any thing . 2. Now , it seems to me ( tho' I should wave those many pregnant Arguments brought against them , in my three first Preliminaries ) that the very Position of the Ideists , does decide the Question , and confute themselves . For , if we may trust their words , they agree that we know the Things as well as the Ideas , and onely differ in the manner how : Of which Mr. L. tell us here § 3. 'T is Evident the mind knows not Things immediately , but onely by the Intervention of the Ideas it has of them . Whence I much fear that by Ideas he means Phantasms , or Material Pictures in the Imagination ; by whose Intervention 't is indeed confest we know . For , otherwise , it is far from Evident , that we know them by means of those Spiritual Conceptions , we call Notions ; since we bring many close Arguments , fetcht from the Nature of the Thing , to prove that there is perfect Evidence of the Contrary : For , those Ideas or Notions being held and shown by us , to be the Things in our Mind , their very being there , or in a Knowing Power , is to be known : Nor can they be held by us to be the means to know themselves ; for , so the same would be the Means and End both , which is a Contradiction . But , let us consider his words . The mind , he says , knows the Things by the Intervention of Ideas . The Question then is what the Idea does , and what the word [ Intervention ] means . Does the Mind see the Thing without , by sending out her Rayes of Knowledge to it ? This cannot be said , in regard all the Acts of Knowledge which the Mind has , are Immanent ones , and are receiv'd in that which produced them , as in their onely Subject . Does then the Thing that is without , send its beams by the Ideas , as by a kind of Spiritual Optick-glass , to which the mind lays her Intellectual Eye ? Neither can this be said , for the Mind could see or know the Thing it self were it in it , else how could it know the Ideas ? Rather , were the Thing in the Understanding , it could not but be known , whether there were any Similitude , besides , in it , or no. It may be said that the Mind knows the Thing by the Idea because it is a Picture or Similitude that represents it . But I way walk in a Gallery , and see a Hundred Pictures in it of Men , and many other Things in Nature ; and yet not know one jot the better , any one of the Things represented , unless I had know them formerly , tho' Apelles himself had drawn them . I may remember them again , indeed , if I had known them before ; which cannot be said in our case , because those Ideas of theirs are to give them the First Knowledge of the Thing . 3. Being thus at a loss to explicate [ Intervention ] or to know what It , or the Idea or Representation serves for , we will reflect next upon the Word [ know ] which Mr. Locke applies ( tho' not so immediately , yet ) indifferently , to the Thing and to the Idea . Now , if this be so , and that to to be known agrees to them both ; then , as the Idea is in the Mind when it is known , so the Thing , when known , should be in the Mind too , which is our very Position , thought by the Ideists so Paradoxical , and yet here forcibly admitted by themselves . And , if neither the Idea brings the Thing into the Knowing Power , or ( which is the same ) into the Mind ; nor the Mind , or Knowing Power goes out of the Soul to it , I know not how they can pretend to show how the Knowing Power , and the Thing known , can ever come to meet , as they must when ever an Act of Knowledge is made . 'T is to no purpose then , to alledge that the Thing comes into the mind , or is brought thither by means of the Idea ; for , if it comes or is brought thither , let it be by what means it will , 't is most incontestably Evident that , after it is come or brought thither , it is there . Nor can all the Wit of Man avoid this Consequence , unless plain words must lose their Signification . Wherefore Mr. L. in pursuance of his own Principles should not have said that the Mind does not know Things immediately , but by means of the Ideas ; but , that it does not know them at all , neither mediately nor immediately ; for if the Thing be in the Knowledge at all , they must be in the Mind , where onely the Knowledge is ; which comes over ( thus far ) to our Position . 4. It must be confess'd , that Mr. Locke has here , § . 3. put the Objection against the Ideists as strongly , and home , as it is possible : But I must still persist , and avow , that neither his own excellent Wit , ( which , had he light on right Principles , could reach to any thing that is within the Compass of Possibility , ) nor all the World joining in his Assistance , can clear that Objection , so as to satisfie any Intelligent Man , who is true to his Reason guiding it self ( as it ought ) by Connexion of Terms , and not by Fancy ; nor shew , that by his Ideas any Knowledge at all of the Thing can be possibly had . First , He alledges the Agreement or Conformity of the Things with his Simple Ideas . And I reply , that he cannot , by the Principles of the Ideists , sh●w that the Things do agree or disagree with his Simple Ideas at all . To demonstrate which , I argue thus : Ere he can know that the Representation and the Thing represented do agree , Common Sense tells us , he must have both the Idea and the Thing in his Comparing Power , that is , in his Mind ; that so he may take a View of both of them , and consider them in order to one another ; and , by doing this , see whether the one does truly resemble the other , or no. But , this is directly against the Principles of the Ideists , who do not allow that the Thing can be in the Mind , but the Idea only . Next , he alledges , that his Complex Ideas are Archetypes ; and not Conformable to the Things , as the others were , but to themselves only ; and , therefore , he says , they cannot lead us into Errour , because they cannot but represent themselves . I pass by the Oddness of the Position , that the Idea , which is a Picture , should be a Picture of it self , or represent it self : I only note , that this Allegation which should clear the Point , quite loses it , and gives it up . For , the Question is , whether his Ideas do give us the Knowledge of the Things in Nature ; and 't is evident , and confess'd they cannot give us this Knowledge of them , but by representing them : Now , he tells us , that his Complex Ideas are not Copies of the Things , nor represent them , but themselves only . Whence is evidently concluded , that we are never the nearer to the Knowing of Things by them ; no , not obliquely , and at Second hand , or by the Intervention of those Ideas , or Similitudes representing them , as was pretended formerly . Whence , for any thing he has produced , we may justly doubt whether such Ideas are not Whimsical Fancies , without any Reality at all ; since he will not allow them even that slightest Relation to the Things , of so much as representing them . But , which is much worse , he affirms , § . 5. that those Ideas themselves are consider'd as the Archetypes ; and the Things no otherwise regarded , but as they are conformable to them . Now , this seems to me a strange way of proving the Reality of our Knowledge , by Ideas , to affirm , that we are not to regard the Things , but as conformable to our Ideas . Is not this to make Philosophy not the Knowledge of Things , but of Ideas only ; and to pretend , that the Thing must only be held True , if it be Conformable to our Ideas ? He might as well have said Fancies ; for , he expresly says , these Complex Ideas are made by the Mind , and not taken from the Thing , nor like it : And , whatever is neither the Res , nor so much as like it , can neither have Reality , nor Shew of Reality ; and therefore , must be a meer Fancy . Now , these Complex Ideas reach much farther than all the others do ; viz. to Modes , Substances and Relations ; as is seen , Book 1. Chap. 12. So that this Discourse of his destroys the Reality of our Knowledge in almost all the Things we are to know . He will , perhaps , say , those Complex Ideas are the Effects of certain Powers to Cause them , found in the Thing ; and , by this Means they bring the Things , as being their Causes , into their Mind . But the Argument returns still with the same Force ; for , if they bring the Thing into the Mind , then the Thing is in the Mind when it is brought thither . Add , that this makes them Resemblances of the Thing , which he denies ; for , the Effect , being a Participation of the Cause , must necessarily resemble it ; especially , if it be a Natural Effect . Nor can he say they make us know the Thing , because they are made up of Simple ones : For , as the Simple Ideas only made us know the Thing by representing it , so these other not representing It , have lost the Power of making us know it at all . So that , let them turn which way they will , either the Thing is never brought into the Knowledge , or the Mind ; and then it can never be known : Or , it is brought thither , and then it must be there ; which is our Position , and deny'd by the Ideists . 5. I have shewn above , that all Mathematical Knowledges , tho' they are never so abstractedly express'd , are grounded on the Thing , or on Body ; and Moral ones , ( which two he here mentions , ) on the Nature of Man , or Reason ; which , I suppose , none will say are Nothings ; and , therefore , they are , both of them , true Knowledge of the Thing , consider'd in part , or inadequately . 6. In his 8th Section , he defends himself for having so little regard ( as it may seem ) to the Real Existence of Things . I discourse thus : We have more Real Notions of the Thing , than barely Existence ; for , every Notion that belongs to the Line of Thing or Substance , whether Inferior or Superior ; nay , every Mode or Accident that does belong , or ever did belong to the Thing , either Intrinsecally or Extrinsecally , are all of them Real ; so that he needs not be sollicitous any should object , that his Ideas have no Reality in them , because he regards not their Existence onely . And , were such an Objection made , or had it any force , he might also reply , that in every part of his Discourse , he does regard Existence , and cannot do otherwise ; unless any Objecter should be so weak as to alledge , that what exists in the Mind , does not exist at all . For , if he had once his Notions from the Thing , they would be still the Thing in the Mind , and Real , tho' the Individual Objects , whence they were taken , be perish'd . Nay , more ; those Things would have a Better , a more Durable , and more Noble Existence in the Mind , than they had in Nature . I say , [ those Things ; ] not fearing that any should object , that Thing signifies the whole ; which may seem contrary to my former Doctrine , that the Thing is only in the Mind by Inadequate Notions , or in part . For , tho' the Formal Conception be onely of some Quality of it , expresly and distinctly , yet it implies or connotates the Knowledge of the whole Thing confusedly ; it being most clearly demonstrable in Metaphysicks , that there are no Actual Parts in any Compound whatever : So that 't is still the whole Thing that is known , tho' onely a Part ( as it were ) of it be known distinctly . Upon this Evident Principle , that there are no Actual Parts , is grounded that Solid and most approved Maxim , that Actions and Passions are of the Suppositum , or Individual Thing . Thus , when the Hand strikes or wounds a Man , 't is truly said , that the Man ( which signifies the whole Thing ) did it , and is answerable for it ; and , if he kills the Person he struck , the whole Man will be hang'd for it , tho' the Hand onely , and not the Legs , Head , Neck , &c. gave the Blow . Now , this could neither be said with Truth , nor that Punishment be inflicted by Justice , if the Word [ Hand ] did not signifie , and truly were the whole Man , according to his Faculty of Handling or Striking , or according to that Part which immediately did that Action . The self-same is to be said , and for the self-same Reason , of our Inadequate Notions ; and , that each of them implies , or connotates ( that is , materially and entitatively is ) the whole Thing , tho' formally or precisely but a Part of it , as it were ; or the Thing according to such a particular Considerability , found in it , or Identify'd with it . Whoever shall weigh attentively the Force and Coherence of this Discourse , will clearly discern how entirely all our Philosophy is built on the Things , and is the Knowledge of them ; and how far the Ideists fall short of having that Solid Ground for the Basis of their Discourses : But , especially , this Tenet , which puts their Complex Ideas not onely not to be the Thing , ( which it must be some Way , or to some degree or other , if it be not a meer Fancy , ) but , not to be so much as a Copy or Resemblance of it , which ( as was said ) is the slightest and least Relation it can possibly have to it . 7. I would have none think , that , by this Discourse I deny Complex Notions , or Ideas . The Ten Common Heads are the Simpler ones ; which when we divide by Differences , each Inferior Genus and Species , ( they being made up of the Superior Notions , and those Differences , ) are Complex Notions , as their very Definitions tell us . Whence Mr. Locke's Complex Idea of Murther , Sacrilege , or whatever else they be , are given us by the same Method . And , the difference between him and me in this Point , is this ; that we complicate our Ideas regularly , and according to the exact Rules of Art ; and he seems to make his voluntarily , or else by Reflexion on his own Interiour , and what he experiences in himself ; which I take to be a very fallacious way , because very few can distinguish well between a Phantasm in the Imagination , which is a Material Faculty in us ; and a Notion , which is Spiritual , tho' they be both of them Interiour , or within us . To shew the Difference between which , I have given a short Hint in my Method , Book 1. Less . 2. § . 24. and much more here , in my Preface . 8. It is very hard , when two Writers go upon different Principles , not to mistake now and then one the others Meaning ; and I would be loath to wrong so Ingenuous an Author . Sometimes he seems to mean no more by his Complex Ideas , but either those Compound Notions which are made up of the Simpler Notions of the Genus and Difference , as we descend downwards in the same Line ; or else , of those in divers Lines ; and , I am sure , let him discourse them as he will , they can be compounded of nothing else ; those Common Heads comprizing all the Natural Notions we can have . It is no less certain too , that we can put together ( as he says ) Simple Notions as we please , which we have not observ'd thus put together in things that actually exist . But then we must be wary , while we do this , that our Reason joins them by seeing them Consistent and Compossible : For , our Fancy will put together Ideas which are utterly Repugnant to one another , and are altogether Chimerical . Now , if the Notions , thus join'd by us , be Consistent , the Nature or Thing suppos'd to be the Ground of those Notions is possible to be ; which being the Notion of Ens , hence they are conceiv'd as a kind of Intellectual Entity , created ( as it were ) by the Mind , and thence have an Intelligibility , which is a Property of Ens ( Non-Entities and Chimaeras being Unintelligible ) and we can have a kind of Counterfeit , or Artificial , Notion of them as Entities , tho' such a thing never existed in the World that we know of ; tho' , I believe , ' tit hard to conceive , that we can frame a Complex Notion of a Nature that is Capable to be , but it exists somewhere in the Universality of Creatures , here , or elsewhere . How the Mind , using the Fancy , can do this , cannot , I think , be better elucidated , than by reflecting on what those , who write of the Excellency of Poesie and Poets , use to say in Commendation of those Daedalean Artists . They tell us that a Poet has that Name from the Greek Noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies A Maker . The Reason they give for this Appellation is , that whereas other Artists have their Materials given to their Hands to work upon , by shaping it into an Artificial Form ; the Poet alone is the Maker as well of his Matter , as the Contriver of its Form. So that the Ideas he has in his Head of his Heroes , his Lovers , his Ladies , and of Virtuous Persons , are indeed ( as Mr. Locke calls his ) Archetypes , and regard not whether such Incomparable Patterns he has invented did ever exist in Nature , or no ; nor is it to his purpose . Yet still ( as Mr. Locke says well ) that his Complex Ideas are made of Simple ones , so ( by the leave of those Self-magnifiers ) the Poet could never have had those Excellent Ideas of his Heroes , or their great Actions , had he not been pre-imbu'd with Natural Notions ; which he joins together ingeniously , and exalts them to a high Pitch , so to make them Exemplars for others to imitate . Rather , he only adds Superlative or Extraordinary Degrees to what he finds in Nature . Whence 't is manifest , he regards not what is , but what should be ; quite contrary to the Duty of a Philosopher , who is to take his Complex Notions from Things , just as he finds them complicated in Nature , and then discourse upon them by his Reason ; and not to stand coining new Complex Ideas which Nature never gave him . What therefore I most dislike here in Mr. Locke is , that he seems not to reflect on what it is which makes some Ideas or Notions more Simple than others , viz. Their being more Abstracted or Universal ; for this frees them from the Partnership of more-compounded Differences , and the Complexion of Multitudes of Accidents ; ( which , still , as they descend lower , are requisit to distinguish the Kinds of Things ; ) by which means they become more Simple or less compounded ; whence , the Supreme Heads of the Ten Predicaments are the Simplest Notions of all others , except that of Existence . Did Mr. Locke rate the Simplicity and Complexion of his Ideas from this certain and well-grounded Rule , there might an easie Accomodation be made between his Doctrin and mine as to this Particular . But his Zeal against the Cobweb Schemes some Modern School-men had woven , transported him to ravel that Excellent Frame of Notions , which both Nature and Art had given us ; and , ( as Cartesius and others have done ) to model all Philosophy upon a new , tho' less Solid , or rather far from Solid , Foundation . 9. That I may say as much as I can in behalf of the Ideists , it may be alledg'd , that they find by Experience Things are as their Ideas do represent them , and that they Succeed as we by means of our Ideas do Forecast them : Therefore Real Knowledge may be had by means of Ideas . I answer , First , That this Agreement they have between what 's in the Mind and out of it , would equally , nay better , be explicated , were the Things themselves in the Mind , and not the Ideas ; and , therefore , it can be no Argument for the Reality of their Knowledge by Ideas only . Besides , I deny that when their Ideas are not true Natural Notions but Fancies , they experience them , or any Effect of them ; as in Vacuum , or Duration before or after the World. Secondly , I answer , That Experience only helps them by giving them Knowledge ; and Knowledge , according to them , can only be had by means of Ideas ; wherefore they must either prove , by other Grounds , that Similitudes can give us Knowledge of the Things , or they do petere Principium , beg the Question , and prove idem per idem . For , if meer Representations can give us no true Knowledge , Experience , which only assists us by giving us Ideas , is quite thrown out of doors , and may all be Fantastical . All is wrong and falls short , if the First Ground of our Knowledge be Incompetent and Insignificant . Besides , Experience gives us both Phantasms , which are Material Representations ; and our Notions too , which are Spiritual ; but Experience is not duely qualify'd to tell us which is the one , and which is the other ; tho' this be of the highest Concern in our Case : All it can do is to inform us , that we are affected by some Agent working on our Senses . Nay , of the two , it more inclines us to embrace Phantasms for Notions ; for those do make upon us the more Sensible Impression , and cause a more lively Representation . To distinguish perfectly between this False and True Ground of Knowledge , is of the most weighty Importance of all other Points of Philosophy whatsoever ; and yet I must complain , that not the least Care ( as far as I have observ'd ) is taken any where in this Treatise to distinguish them ; and particularly , not in this Chapter , which had been the proper Place to treat of that Subject : But , on the contrary , ( as I have shewn above ) they are carelesly Confounded . And I must declare , that without settling this Point well , we can never have any Certainty what Knowledge is Real , what Fantastick : Or , when we do truly know , when onely seem to know : But , there is not a Word here to that purpose . 10. As for the Monsters and Changelings here spoken of , I think Philosophers should have nothing to do with Lusus Naturae , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are besides the ordinary Course of Nature ; but with the Common Course of Causes , or Nature it self . My Judgment is , too , that People should be very wary in Killing any Monsters that approach to Humane shape ; and , that it were fitter there should be Hospitalls to breed them , till perfect Observations were made concerning them . The Novelty of the sight , would invite Spectators , and bear their Charges : Unless perhaps there may be danger , lest the Imaginations of the Apprehensive Sex , who see such Uncouth Shapes , or hear frequent Talk of them , should , by that occasion , breed more of them . What concerns us is to look to our Principles , and not to be misled from them , by reflecting on such odd preternatural Productions ; as I must think Mr. Locke is , when he thinks Changelings to be something between a Man and a Beast . The Division of Animal into Rational and Irrational is made by such Differences as are perfectly Contradictory to one another ; between which there can no more be any Third or Middle , than there can be a Medium between is and is not . If then that odd Birth be Rational , let the shape be as Distorted as it will , it is truly a Man ; if it be not , let it look never so like a Man , 't is a Brute . When 't is the one , when the other , may hap in some odd cases to be Doubtful ; and then it belongs to the Prudence of Intelligent Men to decide it ; or , if they cannot , it becomes us in Christian Prudence to act warily . Indeed , if the Definition of Man , viz. Rational Animal , be questionable , we shall ( as I said above ) be at a great Loss to know our own Kind ; which would be but a melancholy Business . And , if we forego our Principles , distinguishing between Corporeal and Spiritual Natures , we may perhaps grow in time no wiser than the Common People amongst the Portugueses in Brazil , who conceit the Apes and Monkies there have as much Wit as themselves have , and could speak well enough too if they would ; but that , out of a deep Reach of Policy , they counterfeit themselves dumb , and not to understand the Language , lest they should be forced to work . Corollary I. From this Discourse , and the Evident Grounds of it , all possibility of Vacuum is clearly confuted . For , if the Idea or Notion of Space be only an Inadequate Conception of Body , whence 't is evidently taken , or Body conceived according to such a Mode of it ; then to put Space without Body , or where there is no Body , is a perfect Contradiction . Corallery II. Hence also , tho' the Cartesians could demonstrate there are Innate Ideas , ( which I judge impossible ) yet , unless they declare and prove , by their Principles , that those Ideas are the things themselves in our Understanding , and not Resemblances onely , the same Arguments I have used against others will have equal , or rather a far greater Force against them ; and conclude , that they cannot , by their Principles , have Knowledge of any Thing , but that they know Nothing . And , how they should pretend they are the Things themselves , if they do not so much as allow them to be taken from the Things , is altogether Inconceivable . 11. Concerning Truth in General , of which Mr. Locke treats in his 5th Chapter , no more can be said ( speaking of Natural Truths ) but that it is , the Things Existing such in our Minds as they exist in themselves . For , this put , our Minds will be conformable to the Things , whose Metaphysical Verity fixes them to be what they are , or ( if we speak of them as affected with any Mode ) as they are : Whence our Judgments concerning them , being thus grounded , cannot but be True. What Mr. L.'s Joining or Separating of Signs , &c. has to do with Truth , is beyond my Skill to comprehend ; for Signs are no more Truth , than the Bush at the Door is the Wine in the Cellar . I have demonstrated over and over , that Ideas , which he makes here one sort of Signs , and are meer Similitudes , can never give us Knowledge of Things ; much less can Truth , which is the Object of Knowledge , consist in conjoining or separating them ; and , least of all , can Truth consist in the Joining or Separating the other sorts of Signs , viz. of Words without the Ideas or Notions ; for , thus consider'd , they are no more but Sounds or Characters . To discourse this Point from its Fundamental Ground , and declare it Literally : The Metaphysical Verity of the Thing , which , put into a Proposition , predicates the whole Thing ( or Mode ) of it self , and affirms that the Thing is what it is , gives us our First Truths , or First Principles . And all other Truths consists in this , that Inadequate , or Partial Notions or Conceptions of the Thing , either as to what is Intrinsecal or Extrinsecal to it , are predicated either of the Thing as in it self , that is , according to the Line of Substance , which are call'd Essential Predicates ; as , when we say , Petrus est Animal ; or , as it is affected with some Mode consistent in the same Subject ; as when we say , Petrus est Albus , Pater , Locatus , Galeatus , Album est Dulce , &c. and it is impossible there can be any more sorts of Formal Truths but these two : For all Predication is made by some kind of Identification , as is plainly signify'd by the Copula [ is , ] and there cannot possibly be any other sorts of Identification , but either in the whole , or not in the whole ; that is , in part , or according to Partial Conceptions of the same Thing ; nor can there be any Identification at all of Ideas ; Mr. Locke confessing , that each of them is what it self is , and no other . 12. I take it to be a strange kind of Catechresis to make two sorts of Truth , Montal and Verbal , and we may with as good Sense say , that a Tavern has two sorts of Wine ; one in the Cellar , the other in the Bush at the Door ; for Words are good for nothing in the World but meerly and purely to Signifie : So that when we say a Man speaks True , the Sense of those Words can be only This , that the Proposition he speaks does signifie such a Thought or Judgment in his Mind as is really Conformable to the Thing he thought or spoke of : And I wonder this Great Man can imagin that , in our more Complex Ideas , we put the Name for the Idea it self ; for then that Name would signifie Nothing at all , if neither the Thing nor the Idea be signified by it , as he seems to hold . Again , Words differ from meer Sounds in this , that they have some Sense or Meaning in them , and Meanings are the very Notions we have in our Minds : Wherefore the Parts of this Distinction of his would be coincident , because all Verbal Truths ( were the Expression proper ) would necessarily be Mental ones ; and Mr. Locke seems to say the same , § 8. where he makes those Truths which are barely Nominal to be Chimerical . I grant too , that Truths may be distinguish'd , according to their several Subjects , into Moral , Physical , Metaphysical , &c. But I must severely reflect on his describing Moral Truths , § 11. to be the Speaking Things according to the Perswasion of our own Minds , tho' the Proposition we speak does not agree to the Reality of Things : For , since it is most Evidently known , that the Perswasions of Men's Minds not onely may , but do frequently contradict one another ; by this Definition of Moral Truth both Sides of the Contradiction may be True ; which destroys Truth by confounding it with Falshood ; and makes the Art of Distinguishing ridiculous , by making Truth a Genus to some sort of Falshood , or not-Truth to be one kind of Truth . 'T is a very dangerous thing in Philosophy to bring Distinctions , unless each Member of the Notion divided includes the Notion of the Genus . They were invented for clearing Truth ; but , if ill made , or ill-manag'd , nothing in the World breeds greater Error and Confusion . Corruptio optimi pessima . REFLEXION Nineteenth , ON The 6th , 7th , and 8th CHAPTERS . 1. BY what has been deliver'd in my foregoing Reflexion , my Notes upon his 6th Chapter [ Of Universal Propositions , their Truth and Certainty ] will be easily understood . But , I am to premise , First , That the Question is not here , what proves the Truth of such Propositions , which is the work of Logick ; but , whether there can be any Truth in them , or Certainty of them at all , or no. Secondly , That the Formal Truth of Propositions can onely be in the Mind ; or , that Mental Propositions onely are capable of Truth or Falslhood ; tho' Words be needful to signify them : And , therefore , I must deny that The Consideration of Words is a necessary part of the Treatise of Knowledge ; meaning by that word , Philosophical Knowledge , as our Circumstance determin us . Let Logicians but take care that the Words be Univocal , and not Equivocal , or double sensed , and all else that can be consider'd to belong to Truth , is to be look'd for in the Mind , and can be no where else . Hence , I cannot admit his Distinction of Certainty of Truth , and Certainty of Knowledge in any other sense than that Knowledge is the Act , and Truth the onely Object of that Act ; since nothing can be known to be what is not ; nor known to be True , which is not True. The Generical Notion [ Certainty , ] should first have been explicated , ere those two sorts of it had been defin'd ; otherwise both those Definitions must necessarily remain Unintelligible . I shall presume that I have in my METHOD shown from its Grounds what Certainty is , viz. The Determination of our Understanding , or Judging Power by the Object 's actuating it , or being actually in it as it is in its self . With which , what his putting together of Words in Verbal Propositions has to do , surpasses my understanding . And , 't is as hard to conceive , that General Truths can never be well made known , and are very Seldom apprehended , but as conceiv'd and express'd in Words . That General Truths cannot be made known to others without Words , is in a manner , as Evident as 't is that we cannot see one anothers Thoughts ; nor is this peculiar to General Truths , for scarcely can Particular ones be made known any other way : But , that they cannot be known or apprehended by our selves ( which seems here to be his meaning ) but as conceiv'd and express'd in Words , is so far from Evident , that the Contrary is such ; for , it is impossible to express them in Words , unless we do first apprehend and conceive them in our Thoughts ; and were not this so , all the while we use Words in speaking of General Truths , we should do nothing but talk of we know not what : For , our Thoughts and Apprehensions are ex Natura rei , presupposed to the Words by which we express them ; and , to do otherwise is to let our Tongue run before our Wit. Whence we account them silly and Senseless people , and Perverters of Nature , who make use of Words before they know their Meaning . 2. I have shown above , that it is not necessary to our being Certain of any Proposition that we know the precise bounds and Extent of the Species it stands for ; but that 't is sufficient to know it in part Distinctly ; and the rest of it , or the whole , Confusedly ; provided that part of it , which we know is sufficient to distinguish it from all other Species : And , were not this so , it would follow that we never could know the Truth of any Universal Proposition whatever ; especially when we discourse of the Species Infima , which requires a Complexion of very many Accidents , whose precise Number and Bounds are utterly unknowable by us . A Position which makes Logick useless ; scarce any Conclusion being deducible from Premisses , unless one of them be an Universal ; and quite destroyes all Science which is employ'd about Universal or General Truths . He instances in Man and Gold , and judges that , for want of knowing the Extent of their Species , it is impossible with any Certainty to affirm that all Men are Rational , or all Gold yellow . We cannot indeed know this by considering every Individual Man by the poll : But , if by the word [ Man ] we mean no more but a Rational Animal , it is so far from Impossible to know , and affirm that All Men are Rational , that 't is Impossible not to know it . And , were it a proper place to make good that Definition here , I could demonstrate that it does agree to Man , and can agree to nothing else ; and therefore that Definition is True and Adequate : Nor can the contrary be sustaind any other way , but by unacquainting us with our selves and our own Kind ; and by jumbling together these Species , which are distinguisht by Contradictory Differences , and Confounding the vastly-Distinct Natures and Properties , of Corporeal and Spiritual Beings . As for the Species of Gold , Yellowness ( which he instances in ) is not Essential to it , as Rationality is to Man ; as being but one of those Accidents , by which we distinguish it from other Species of Minerals ; and I have hinted some other formerly , which are more Intrinsecal and Essential to it than its Colour . Again , we are moreover Certain by manifest and daily experience , and by the constant and Common Practise of the World , that Mankind is acquainted with enow of those Accidents to distinguish it . One bespeaks a Golden Cup , and the Goldsmith makes it for him : Nor was it ever heard that any of this Trade , did hope to Cozen a Sensible Man , by obtruding upon the Buyer Brass , or any other Mettal , for Gold ; or , if he did , that Goldsmith's-Hall could not distinguish it : Nay , if it be but a little alloyd , there are ways to find it out ; which shows that Mankind is furnisht with means enow , to distinguish Gold from other Mettals , and for the same reason other things also ; tho' the Extent of all the Species , and their precise bounds , be not exactly known to those Speculaters , who will needs forgo their Natural Knowledge of Things to pursue Scrupulous Fancies : which , let loose to fly at rovers , are too hard for their Reason Unestablish'd by Principles . 3. Hence an Answer is given to Mr. Locke's Acute Difficulty , viz. That 't is impossible for us to know that this or that Quality , or Idea , has a necessary Connexion with a Real Essence , of which we have no Idea at all ; that is , ( according to his Principles , ) no Knowledge . For , since a Real Essence is that which constitutes such a kind of Ens , or Species ; and what distinguishes an Entity or Species from all others , does also make it this , or that Species ; that is , does constitute it ; it follows , that , since , by my Discourse here , we have such a Degree of Knowledge of that kind of Ens called Gold , as to distinguish it from all others , we have a Sufficient and True ( tho' not an Adequate and Distinct ) Knowledge of its Essence too , that constitutes it such a kind of Ens. Indeed , if nothing will content us but Superfluous Knowledge , for Curiosity sake , of each particular Mode that belongs to that Essence , 't is no wonder if we labour in vain ; and , by over-straining to go beyond our selves in this State , fall short of our Aim . I must confess , that it would concern us much , as we are , to know whether there be any Quality , which we do not yet know in the Thing , inconsistent with those we do know ; for , this would blunder our Notion of it , and make it Chimerical . But , as it is impossible Creative Wisdom should lay Grounds for Contradiction ; so , in case those Qualities be all Consistent , where is the harm not to know them ? And , since Consistency implies some kind of Agreement or Connectedness of the one with the others , who knows how far their Connexion and Dependence may be known in time , if right Principles were taken , and pursu'd ? 'T is a strange dis-satisfy'd Humour in us , to complain we know not all , when we know enough : I know no Man is more free from this Fault than Mr. Locke , or declares more against it formerly . What I dislike in him in this Point is , that , by his too much Introversion , he forsakes Nature ; and , by his too nice Speculation of his Ideas , hazards to breed a Conceit in his Readers , that they know less than they really do ; and , that we are not able to attain half that Knowledge we , in reality , may arrive to ; which , tho' contrary to his Intention , must needs incline Men to be Scepticks as to Essences and Substances . 4. The 7th Chapter , [ of Maxims , ] is admirably Clear , and , in the greatest part of it , very Solid ; abating his Proceeding upon Ideas , and applying his Discourses to his former Hypothesis ; to which Mr. Locke was oblig'd , that all the Parts of his Work might be woven of the same Piece , and Consonant to one another . He explicates very well , how they are Self-evident : Yet , tho' they be such , he has three Exceptions against them ; 1. As not being First known ; 2. As , in a manner , Useless ; and 3. Dangerous . He proves the First , because Particulars are known before Universals . I understand him not . Knowledge may be either consider'd , as instill'd by insensible Degrees , into Infants , or the Ruder Sort ; or , as Reducible to the clearest Grounds , by Men of Art. Now , I cannot think that Mr. Locke imagins , that we , or any Man , hold that Maxims were meant for Infants , or the Vulgar ; or , that either of them ought to be taught General Principles at first , and by them attain to Particular Knowledges ; or , that the Users of Maxims ever intended them for that end . Wherefore , all his Discourses to prove them not to be First-known , may be allow'd to have their full Force , and yet hurt no body , being wronglevell'd . The Point then is , how they may avail Artists , or Speculators : And this leads to his Second Exception , their pretended Uselesness ; which he endeavours to shew , by alledging , that 't is as Evident as any Maxim whatever , that the same Idea , is the same Idea , and no other ; v. g. that the Idea of Yellow is the Idea of Yellow , and not of Blue ; and , therefore , that Maxims serve to little purpose , and are also Innumerable . Now , I grant , indeed , that all such particular Propositions may be Self-evident , and Truths ; as also , that Truths of this kind , which express the Metaphysical Verity and Unity of every Thing , and of every Mode of Thing , are Innumerable . But , I do not think that any Man living thought those to have the Usefulness of Maxims or Principles , which are always General , or Universal : For , the Notion of [ Principles ] super-adds to their being Truths , and Self-evident , that they influence many other Truths that are ( as it were ) under them ; which cannot be said , or thought , of those particular Propositions . For example ; Should any one go about to refund the Verity of this Truth , Yellow is Yellow , and not Blue , into this , because White is White , and not Black , it would look more like a Similitude , than a Reason ; and be ridiculous to alledge the one to be the Cause of the other ; because Yellow is not White ; nor has the Notion of the one any Influence upon , nor any thing to do with the Notion of the other ; in regard both of them stand upon the same Bottom , or on the same Level . But , should any Sceptick ask why the Idea of Yellow is the Idea of Yellow ? tho' 't is foolish to ask it , yet , it would not look so extravagant to answer , because Every thing is what it is : And , I believe , Nature would force Mr. Locke , or any other to give this for his Reason . In like manner , should he ask why a Man is a Man ? It would look preter-natural to answer , because a Tree is a Tree , Whereas , it would look very natural to answer , because Every Thing is it Self , or , is what it is . Which shews to an Acute Reflecter , that this Universal has some kind of Influence upon the Others , which their Fellow-Particulars had not . And , the Reason is , because Universals do engage for all the Particulars under them ; whereas , one Particular owes not this Duty to another Particular , to which it has no such Real Relation as the Notion of an Universal has in the Mind to its Particulars . And , Who sees not , that , from this Proposition , Every Man is Rational , it follows , that Peter , John , and each particular Man , is Rational ? But , from this , that Peter , and a few other Particulars , are Rational , it does not follow , that Every Man is Rational : Wnich shews , that ( as was now said ) the Truth of the Universal engages for the Truth of all Particulars , and not vice-versâ ; nor one of them for another . 5. Another Reason for the Usefulness of Universal Maxims , and , why Artists use to reduce the Truth of Particulars to them , is , because they are more Self-Evident than the Particular Identicals are . This Position looks something odd ; for , since Self-Evidence is the highest Evidence that can be , to put Degrees of Self-evidence , is to say , there can be something Higher than the Highest ; which looks like a Bull. To clear this Point , I discourse thus : In all Self-evident Propositions whatever , the Terms are so closely Connected , ( being , indeed , the same , ) that no Middle Term can come between them , so to prove them Connected , or make them Evident ; wherefore , they must either not be Evident at all , ( which were shameless to say , ) or they must be Evident of themselves ; that is , Self-evident . And , in this regard , or in the Closest Connexion or Identity of their Terms , all Self-evident Propositions are Equally such . But , there is another kind of Evidence arising out of the Greater Clearness of the Terms themselves . Now , it has been shewn formerly , that all Clearness of our Notions springs out of their Simplicity , and Uncompoundedness ; and all Obscurity out of their Composition , which breeds Confusion : As also , that all General Notions are more Simple , and consequently , more clear than the Particulars are . Whence follows , that the Proposition , which has more-general Terms in it , ( such as all General Maxims are , ) do gain hence a greater Degree of Evidence , and are more Undeniable . For example ; Let Mr. Locke tell a Sceptick , that Yellow is Yellow , and not Blue ; he may answer , that he will yield to neither Proposition ; because , Yellow and Blue are Species of Colour , and ( according to Mr. Locke's Grounds ) he knows not the distinct Bounds , or precise Extent of neither of them ; and therefore , should he grant it , he must assent to he knows not what . Tell him , Mr. Locke speaks of the Ideas of those Colours ; he will ask what an Idea is , and , doubtless , pick new Quarrels at the Definition ; especially , these being the Ideas of Secondary Qualities , which himself says , have nothing Like them in the Thing . But , tell him , it cannot be deny'd , but that they are Something , and not meerly Nothing , in regard we experience we have them ; and , that Every Thing must necessarily be what it is , ( which is one of the Maxims excepted against ; ) he will be put to a Stand , and Nonpluss'd : For , what can he say ? The Identity of the Thing with it self , whether it be a Substance , or an Accident , cannot be deny'd ; nor can he deny , that the same is the same with it self , ( which is another Maxim ; ) for , the Word Thing , signifies , a Supream Generical Notion ; and , the Word Same , is a Transcendent ; which are both of them Clear , because the Latter has no kind of Composition in it , the Other as little as is possible . So that he cannot begin to shuffle here , or press to know the meaning of the Terms , as he did when they were Particulars ; the Universal Terms being far Clearer than those Particulars are . 6. Hence another Usefulness of Self-evident Maxims is discover'd ; which is , not to deduce Conclusions from them , as from Premisses , as Mr. L. seems to apprehend ; but , to reduce Inferior Truths , which are less Clear to them . That this can be done , and how it is done , I have shewn in my * Method . And , Mr. Locke's Concession here , § 11. that They are of great Use in Disputes , to stop the Mouths of Wranglers , abets and confirms my late ▪ Discourses : For , Whence could they have this strange Virtue to stop the Mouths of such Unreasonable Men , but because their Evidence is Greater than any others , or than Particular Self-evident Propositions are ? Otherwise , why could not these do it as well as General Maxims ? Now , if this be so , why cannot they satisfie and instruct Rational Men , and conduce to quiet and fix their Judgment , as well as to Nonplus Wranglers ? 'T is the Nature of Evidence , to enlighten and instruct Men of Sense ; and more Proper to it , than to amuse and surprize Sophisters . Let any Learned Man reflect on all the Maxims in Euclid's Elements , in Euclides Physicus and Metaphysicus , or any other Author who pretends to Reasoning with Exact Closeness ; and he will easily see for what they are Useful , and How. Nay , even Mr. L.'s Identicals , [ Yellow is Yellow , and not Blue , ] are useful in their Kind . tho' Mr. Locke does omit to shew they are so : And this Identical Yellow is Yellow , tho' it do not influence other Particulars , as General Maxims do ; ( for which Reason , it does not absolutely deserve the Name of a Principle ; ) yet , both It , ( and such other Particular Identicals , ) is a kind of Principle to all that is , or can be , discoursed about that Particular Colour : For , if any part of that Discourse makes Yellow not to be Yellow , or ( which is all one ) violates that Proposition , [ Yellow is Yellow , ] 't is concluded to be most evidently False ; or , if it agrees with it , to be True. He seems to mislike the Procedure by Praecognita and Praeconcessa ; whereas , his Acute Wit will find , upon Reflexion , that it is impossible we can make an Ordinary , much less any Speculative , Discourse , but the Discoursers must agree in something that is either Foreknown , or ( at least ) Foregranted ; for , if the two Disputants disagree in all their Principles and Grounds , and one of them still denies All the other affirms , 't is impossible they should Discourse together at all . 7. But , passing by all that is said , I alledge farther , that ( not to speak of others ) these two Maxims so much excepted against , [ What it is ] and [ 'T is impossible the same Thing should be and not be at once , are of such most Necessary and Universal Usefulness , that , without them , we could neither judge , discourse , nor act . Indeed , these Maxims lie retruse in the most Inmost Recesses of our Judging or Intellective Power , and make not their Appearance in Formal Propositions , but only when we have occasion to produce them ; tho' they are still there all the while , and guide all our Thoughts steadily , nay , all our Actions too . In the same manner as when a Musician plays a careless Voluntary upon a Harpsichord , he guides himself all along by the Rules of Musick lodg'd in his Mind ; tho' , they being now familiar to him , he is not so Sensible of those Rules as he was when he first learn'd them . To apprehend more clearly the Usefulness of these two Principles , let us suppose a Man quite Devested of them , and to have neither of them in his Judgment , and then reflect what he is good for . All our Judgments being made by the Copula [ is , ] in case he have not this First Principle in his Understanding , he might take [ is ] for [ is not ; ] or else indifferently for one , and the other too : which , besides the perverting his Judgment quite , would make him utterly unfit for the Conversation of Mankind Again , 't is impossible such a Man should have any Truth at all in his Mind , which is the Natural Perfection of Human Understanding ; but , wanting a steady Ground to fix his Judgment , he might think all things to be Chimerical , embrace every Fancy , and adhere to any Contradiction . 8. To come to the Usefulness of other General Maxims , we may reflect how Mankind do naturally guide their Actions by them . A Country Butcher loses his Knife , and looks all about for it ; in which case 't is usual for such Fellows to say , as the Motive of his continuing to seek it , [ I am sure it must be somewhere or other . ] By which rude Saying 'tis evident , that he guides himself all the while by this foreknown General Maxim , [ Every particular Body in the World must be in some place . ] For , had he not had the Knowledge of this Maxim before-hand , that is , did he think it were possible it should be no where , or in no place , he would never have taken such Pains to look for it . We may observe Hundreds of such Natural Maxims as this in the Vulgar , guiding their Actions and Sayings ; and perhaps , it would not be unworthy Speculaters to observe their Behaviour and Words which proceed from Uncorrupted Nature , and retrieve the Genuin Principles and Maxims that naturally produced them . To apply this : The same we may gather from our Speculative Thoughts ; and that the same passes in us naturally as does in the Vulgar . Our First Principles lie habitually laid up in the Closet of our Minds , and govern all our Thoughts as occasion presents ; and , tho' we do not put them into Formal Propositions , till the Circumstance invites ; yet they influence all we do , or say , or think ; as was instanced lately in the unshaken and unalterable Sense of the Copula [ is , ] which verifies all our Propositions . 9. In a Word , it were easie to shew , that this unadvised Degrading of General Maxims , making them in a manner Useless for Knowledge , does destroy all Grounds ; which either are such Maxims , or , at least , have no force but by virtue of those Maxims , express'd or imply'd ; unless we will pretend those are Grounds in any Science that want Proof there ; which makes them Conclusions , and no Grounds . Whence , it does also destroy all Science it self , which consists in Universal Knowledges , as Experience does in particular ones ; for such Universal Truths cannot be had , if General Maxims be disallow'd , as Logick demonstrates . This Ingenious Author thinks the need of such Maxims might be supply'd by having Clear and Distinct Ideas . Which , rightly understood , comes over to us ; for Art and Nature both inform us , that the Clearness of our Notions consists in their being more General ; and as they approach nearer to the Highest Genus , they are still Clearer . Now , the Metaphysical Verity of a General Idea or Notion , if put into a Proposition , is perfectly Identical , and a General Maxim. Hence appears , that it is a most Fundamental Errour in the Ideists , that they rate the Clearness of their Ideas from the fresh , fair and lively Appearances they make to the Fancy . Whereas only the Definition , by explicating the true Essence of a Thing , shews us Distinctly the true Spiritual Notion of it . The former of these is obvious and sensible . and ( as I may say ) lies and appears uppermost ; and , therefore , is Superficial , and a Material Representation made in the Fancy . The Later is more Retruse , it requires more Reflexion and Labour to attain it , it is Intelligible not Sensible ; but , once gain'd , it is Solid , Durable , and ( being indeed the very Nature of the Thing , ) it is the Ground of all our Discourses about it , and of those several Knowledges concerning it . Hence the Followers of Fancy become liable to take Similitudes for Notions , and Representations for Things ; which makes their Productions very Plausible to other Men's Fancies , ( for as they were the Productions of Fancy , so they sute best with Men of Fancy ) but they fall short of instructing their Judgments . To give an Instance of this Distinction of Notions from Phantasms : They think that the Idea of a Quadrate ( for Example ) or Circle , is very Clear and Distinct ; and that the Idea of Quantity is very Obscure and Confused : Whereas , to the Notion of the two former , there goes the Notion both of Quantity , of the Termination of Quantity , ( or Figure ; ) and , moreover , of such a Figure ; all which being Essentially involv'd in the Notion of a Quadrate or Circle , must needs make their Notions less Intelligible and less Clear than is that of Quantity only : However , the fair Pictures of the former , on Paper , or in the Fancy , enveigles them to think otherwise . Let us but reflect how many Truths are deduced by Geometricians out of the Notions of a Quadrate or a Circle , and what large Treatises of Trigonometry are drawn out of the Notion or Nature of a Triangle ; and we shall discover how Compounded and Confused those Notions are in reality , however we seem , while we mind only the Pictures of them , to have very clear Conceptions of them , and to comprehend them distinctly and fully . Now , all these Truths are involv'd confusedly in the Notion or Nature of these Figures : For all Discourses concerning any Notion whatever , are nothing but running Division ( as we may say ) upon the Nature of that Object as their Ground ; and all Descants upon it are meerly that very Notion Unfolded and Explicated at large , and consider'd on all sides , and throughly : Which , comprising them all in its Bowels , is therefore not so Clear and Distinct as Fancy makes us imagin . Whence is seen evidently , that Fancy , and the first and obvious Appearance , is not to be the Judge or Test of the Clearness or Confusedness of our Notions ; but Reason , reflecting well on the Simplicity or Compoundedness of those Notions themselves , and on the Reasons why they are so . 10. Lastly , 't is objected , That such Maxims are Dangerous ; because , if our Notions be wrong , loose , or unsteady , General Maxims will serve to confirm us in our Mistakes , and to prove Contradictions . Now , tho' our Judgments may be such , yet I cannot conceive how our Notions can be Wrong , Loose , or Unsteady . They are what they are ; and being the Things in our Understanding , their Existence is fix'd there , and as unalterable as our Soul it self , their Subject , is , Notions are the same as our Meanings of the Words ; and , tho' we may mistake what the Word signifies to others , or to the Generality ; yet , if I , mistaking , or not mistaking , have such a Meaning of it in my Mind , ( which only can mean or apprehend , ) that Meaning is truly in me : Nor , tho' I be rectify'd as to the Common Use of that Word , and put another Name to it ; yet my Meaning , whether properly or improperly signify'd , is still indivisibly and unalterably the same . But , suppose this so ; why must General Maxims be held Dangerous and Faulty , when the Fault Confessedly lies in other Things ? Mr. Locke grants General Maxims to be True , and Self-evident ; and 't is extravagantly odd , to think , that Propositions so qualify'd , can be Guilty of leading Men into Errour . If , then , he only means , that the Mis-application or Abuse of them does great Harm , he magnifies General Maxims , while he intended to disparage them : For , it is generally noted , that those are the Best Things , that , Mis-us'd , do the Greatest Harm . By this Argument , we must lay aside all Religion , as well as General Maxims ; since , not all the Things in the World , put together , have done so great Mischief , as Mis-us'd Religion : Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum . 11. To show General Maxims , or self-evident Propositions , may demonstrate Contradictory Positions , he instances in Cartestus's making Body to be nothing but Extension ; and in his own Tenet making Body to be Extension and Solidity together : Whence , by this Maxim [ what is , is ] the former may demonstrate there can be no Vacuum , the latter that there may . And , I must , in behalf of Truth , take leave to tell them both , that neither Extension alone , nor Extension and Solidity together , are any more the Notion of Body , than a Horse-shoe is a Pancake . For , Body signifies a Thing , and their Extension and Solidity are onely Modes or Accidents of that Thing ; and , therefore , the Notions of them do differ toto genere ; which is a greater and wider mistake , than to say a Man is a Horse , or an Apple is an Oyster ; these being all comprehended under the same Common Genus . If , out of Aversion to Metaphysicks , and Disregard to true Logick , which teaches us to distinguish our Notions exactly , Learned Men will not be brought to Consider what the Word [ Thing , ] and [ Body ] which is such a Thing , mean , they must necessarily fall into Fundamental Errours ; and , so , stumble every step they take . The Notion of [ Thing ] evidently relates to Being , one way or other : But , it does not formally signify Actual Being , as Existence does ; therefore it can onely consist in this , that is , a Power to be , or is Capable of Being actually . And this Thing call'd Body , since we experience it is alterable and Changeable Substantially , or into another Thing , must necessarily have a Power in it to be Alter'd , or become another Thing ; which Power we call [ Matter ; ] our Common Speech and Common Sense telling us , that when a New Thing is made , 't is not Created or made of Nothing , but of the Matter that pre-existed in the former Compound . But , this Matter alone , since it is a meer Power to be another Thing , being , of its own Notion , utterly Indeterminate , ( which is the true Sense of Aristotle's Description of it , ) is not capable of Existing , or a Thing ; for , nothing in Common can exist , but what is determinately This : Therefore , this Matter , or Power , needs another Compart , conceiv'd to determin it , ( which the Schools call the Form ; ) by which it is made capable to be , or a Thing ; and without which , it cannot be such . It being evident then , that every single Mode or Accident does something distinguish Bodies , therefore such a Complexion of them as so distinguishes Matter , that it makes it differ from all other Bodies , it does consequently determin it to be This , and no other ; and therefore constitutes it such a Thing , or constitutes it Capable to Exist ; which is , to make it this Thing , or an Individuum . Now , if we leave all Consideration of Matter out of the Notion of Body , and make it consist of Modes , or Accidents only , as he seems to tell us that himself and Cartesius do , we must put those Modes to have no possible Subject , but to hover in the Air , none knows how ; and , therefore , we must needs discourse incoherently , and be too hard for our selves , by raising , at every turn , puzzling Difficulties we cannot solve . All our Grounds must fail us , when we do not distinguish between the Mode or Manner how a Thing is , and the Thing it self . Nor do I think Cartesius holds Body to be Extension , but Extended Matter . How Mr. Locke comes not to treat of Matter in his whole Book , I know not ; but I fear it is , because his Fancy cannot frame an Idea or Similitude of it : By which it seems to me Evident , that very many of his Ideas are meer Fancies , coin'd by his Imagination : For , 't is evident he must have a Notion of it , since he very well knows the meaning of those Words , [ A Power to be a Thing , or Matter ; ] which Meaning is the same with our Notion of it . As for Vacuum , which he again mentions here , my Demonstration against it , is , in short , this ; waving many others mention'd above : All our Natural Notions are taken from Body ; and , amongst them , that of Space ; therefore they are nothing but Body inadequately consider'd ; and either Body , or some Mode of Body : Therefore , whatever our Fancy may suggest , it is impossible there should be Space , where there is no Body ; since the Mode , having no distinct Entity of its own , cannot be where the Thing , which gives it Being , is not : Therefore , to put Space where there is no Body , or a Vacuum , is a direct Contradiction . Each Part of which Discourse has been made good in its proper place . 12. In his Second Instance of Man , he seems again , not to distinguish between the Fancy and the Notion of a Man ; which I have shewn in my Method , Book 1. Less . 2. § . 24. Next , he seems not to reflect , that an Imperfect Conception of the Thing , is of the whole Thing confusedly . Thirdly , 't is evident , that Men do only err , or discourse wrong , by imperfectly conceiving , thro' this Reason ; because they are not so wise as to consider that there may be more Modes wrap'd up in the Thing , than we yet distinctly discover : In which case , they may err by mis-applying their General Maxims ; for which they must blame themselves , and not the Maxim it self . But , I absolutely deny that any Man can possibly have the true and distinct Notion of Man , unless he conceives him to be Rational . As for what he tells us , he has discours'd with very Rational Men , who have actually deny'd they are Men ; I can only say , I wonder how they escap'd Bedlam ; where , I dare say , there are many Men , who are more Rational than they : And , my Opinion is , that those very Rational Men were very high-flown Ideists : For , such Men , by deserting their Natural Notions taken from the Things , and the Conduct of true Logick , and poring perpetually on their own Interiour ; and being withall unable to see the Difference between those Ideas they find there , or to distinguish betwixt Fancies and Spiritual Conceptions ; are ( unless they be otherwise Masters of an Excellent Genius ) connaturally disposed by their Principles to be Fanaticks in Philosophy ; and to entertain as wild Fancies , as the Deepest Enthusiasts . Witness Cartesius his mad Fit of Enthusiasm , which lasted some Days , when he was laying his Principles , ( as is writ in his Life ; ) and those Self-strangers , now spoken of , who actually deny'd they were Men : Whom , ( to requite Mr. Locke with a parallel Story ) I cannot liken so well to any thing , as to a famous Humourist , one John Band , who serv'd my Lady Wootton , in Kent : This Fellow , in the Heat of Summer , going out in a Cart , drawn by two Horses , fell asleep in the Cart : The Horses not hearing any cry Gee , ho , to urge them forwards , took their Opportunity to rest themselves , and stood still : A Companion of his coming by , and seeing how matters stood , under-propp'd the Cart , took out the Horses ; and ; having set them up , return'd , and lay behind the Hedge , to observe how John would behave himself when he miss'd his Horses : Who awaking , got up , rub'd his Eyes , and , in the Dawning of his Reason , broke out , ( to himself , ) in these Words , Either now I am John Band , or I am not John Band : If I am John Band , I have e'en lost two Horses ; But , if I am not John Band , I have found a Cart. So that all John's Hopes were , that he was not himself ; for then he had been on the better hand . I much doubt , that both he , and Mr. Locke's Rational Men , wanted the help of an Identical Proposition ; which ( tho' Mr. Locke holds , they are not in the least Instructive ) would have made them all so wise , as to know that Every Thing is what it is . 13. But , to be serious ; I cannot but admire that this Ingenious Author should , in his 8th Chapter , so ridicule Identical Propositions , or esteem them Trifling . He told us in his 2d Chapter , that that Knowledge he calls Intuitive , is of Self-evident Propositions ; and Identical ones are such . He assures us , that in every Step Reason makes in Demonstrative Knowledge , there is an Intuitive Knowledge of the Agreement or Disagreement of our Ideas ; Consonantly to which , I have demonstrated in my Method , Book 3. Liss . 1. § . 3. that all the Force of Consequence , which gives the Nerves to all our Discourse , must be an Identical Proposition . Moreover , he says , Chap. 4. that we know each Idea to be it self , and not another ; and , that no Abstract Idea can be the same with any other , but with it self ; which are perfectly Identical Speeches , and equivalent to these , The same is the same with it self ; or , Every Thing is what it is ; nay , and General Maxims too , against which he shew'd himself much offended in that Chapter . Nor , do I doubt , but that he judges , his Knowledge by Ideas is refunded into those Identicals , as its Ground ; as will be shewn shortly . Now , after all this , to rally Identical Propositions after such a rate , is to me Unintelligible . But , I shall be briefer here upon this Subject , having demonstrated in my Method , Book 2. Less . 2 , and 3. by many Arguments , which , I am very confident , are Unanswerable , that all First Principles must be Identical Propositions : Whence , either those Arguments must be shewn Invalid , or it must be forcibly deny'd by him that there are any First Principles at all ; which all Mankind , unless they be perfect Scepticks , do grant , and Common Sense forces us to acknowledge . For , if there be no Supream or First Principles , 't is impossible there should be any Inferior or Subordinate ones ; and so , Mankind must talk ramblingly , and at random , all their Lives , without any Principles or Grounds at all . But , waving all the other aforesaid Proofs , I would beg of him to consider this one Argument : We may speak of , or ( which is the same ) put into Propositions , all other Considerations or Notions of the Thing , whether they be in the same Line , or be the divers Modes of it ; we can say , without danger of being reproach'd , that Socrates is a Man , an Animal , a Yard high , White , a Father , writing , &c. and 't is a hard Case if we may not be allow'd to say something of the Metaphysical Verity of the Thing , this being that on which all Truth is built ; and without which , all we could say would be False ; and all the World , a Chaos of Chimoera's . And , if we may say any thing of it , I defie all Mankind to shew me , that that Saying can be any other but an Identical Proposition . This being so , I alledge farther , that as all Truths are fundamentally built on the Metaphysical Verity of Things ; so all Formal Truths , or True Propositions , must be grounded on such Propositions as express or signifie that Metaphysical Verity , or , say that a Thing is what it is ; and , consequently , such Propositions , and onely such , can be First Principles . Now , if First Principles , and that which grounds all the Force of Consequence , may be called Trifling , I desire to be inform'd what can be called Solid , Serious and Useful . 14. I perceive , by Mr. Locke's managing his Discourse here , that his Dislike of Identical Propositions springs from his Mistake of our Manner of Using them . He seems to imagin that we would place them in Capite Libri , ( as it were , ) and thence deduce Conclusions from them ; or else , that we consider them in their bare selves , without Relation to any thing else : Whence he , with good Reason , affirms , they do not instruct us , or teach us any thing , that there is no Real Knowledge got by them , &c. But the Business is quite otherwise : They are the First , and most evident Truths , fix'd and rivetted by Rational Nature , in our Understanding ; at the Bottom of which they lie , perhaps Unseen , and and Unreflected on ; yet so , that they give the perfect Light to guide all our Thoughts and Discourses . Whence it comes , that Speculaters do by Art , what the * Vulgar do by Nature ; and make them the Ultimate Ressort of all their Persuasions , and endeavour to Reduce and Resolve all their other Knowledges into them : This will appear evident to any Man who reflects , that , if those be False , or we be not pre-imbu'd with them , we could have no Truth , nor any Knowledge at all . They are such deep-laid Foundations , that all Science is rais'd upon them , tho' they make no Formal Appearance in the Symmetry or Beauty of that Structure : Nay , even those who rally them as Dry , and Useless , must be forc'd , for their own Interest , to have recourse to them : For , unless Mr. Locke does first know , that each Idea he has , is it self , and not another , which is an Identical Proposition , he must confess he could have no Distinct Ideas ; at least , no Knowledge that they are Distinct ; whence , the Fabrick of his whole Book would fall to the Ground . After which Kindness and Support from them , in requital , to call them Trifling , is not so gentile a Return . Hence is seen , that we make no other Use of them , than himself does , and must do , or neither of us can possibly speak one Word of Sense ; for , neither could he , without them , ( suppos'd and held , at least , in his Mind , if not express'd , ) be certain of any Idea ; nor we , of any Notion we have ; nor , consequently , could either of us build any Discourse upon them . Mr. Locke acknowledges , Book 2. Chap. 32. that the Metaphysical Truth of his Ideas do contain a Tacit Proposition : Which being so , what Blame can we deserve for Speaking out , or Writing what is tacitly in our Minds ? The chief Reason why we put those Tacit Propositions into Formal ones , is for the Scepticks sakes ; who , having an utter Aversion against Metaphysicks , would not heed the Metaphysical Verity of Things , unless it were produced , and forced upon them , by putting it into such an undeniable Form of Speech as all Mankind uses , and must grant . Whence , as Mr. Locke confesses that they are very useful to stop the Mouths of Wranglers ; so , Experience teaches us , they are of no less Use to convert or confute Scepticks : Nay , absolutely Necessary for that End ; because Scepticks will not admit any thing to be True , but Identical Propositions onely . For which reason , I have attempted , in my Method , to give some Hints how to reduce all others to them . I once thought to have written a particular Treatise on that Subject ; but , I hope those short Hints I gave there , may excite some other Speculaters to perfect what , having a large Field of Matter to pass thorow , I did there but briefly touch upon . All this while , I am well aware that Mr. Locke , Book 4. Chap. 8. mentions other Self-evident Propositions , which are not Identical ; but then , he acknowledges withall , that unless those Ideas , which make the two Terms of those Propositions , be fix'd in their own Natures to be such , or to be themselves onely , and therefore not to be Another , none of those Propositions could be evident at all . So that Nothing can be known to be True , or be Evident , but by having recourse , finally , to Identical Propositions . 15. Another sort of Trifling Propositions , he says , is when a part of the Complex Idea is Predicated of the Name of the whole ; that is , the Genus or Difference of the Species . I answer ; What have we to do with Ideas when we Predicate ? For Predicating is the Saying something of Another which we call the Subject : If then the Thing it self be not Predicated , then ( to Predicate being to Say ) we do not talk or speak of It , but perhaps of our own Fancies ; especially since Mr. Locke has declared , B. 1. Chap. 2. § 8. that he takes Idea indifferently for what is meant by Phantasm or by Notion . Secondly , What means [ Predicated of the Name of the whole . ] For , if the Name of the Subject have not some Idea , or Notion , or some Thing for its Signification , 't is insignificant , and a meer useless Sound : and , if it have , then the Notion of the Species or Genus is that which is Predicated , and not the Name onely . If Things , ( of which onely , as Philosophers , we ought to speak ) are turn'd into Ideas , Realities into Spiritual Resemblances , and those Empty Resemblances into Emptier Names , Philosophy will be brought to a strange pass . Thirdly , None ever intended to instruct Men by this Proposition [ Homo est Animal ; ] because every Man knows it already , who knows what the Word [ Man ] means ; without knowing which , 't is impossible to know any thing by any Word whatever ; nor are such Propositions as that , which frequently occur in Logicians , meant for any thing but meerly for Examples of such and such Predications : But yet , Nature tells us how Instructive it is on all occasions , to know what sort or kind ( whether General or Specifical ) every thing is , and how it differs from others of the same kind . Now , Mr. Locke , contrary to his Equity in other occasions , will neither allow us to predicate the whole Definition of the Thing defin'd ( as was seen above in the Definition of Extension ) because 't is the same Notion with that which is Defin'd ; nor Part of the Definition , because 't is Part of the same ; and yet Common Reason assures us no Predication is True , unless the Subject and Predicate be , in part or wholly the same ; as the Sense of the Copula [ est ] tells us . I wish Mr. Locke would put Mankind into a wiser Method ; for they have , it seems , done nothing , but perpetually trifled hitherto . 16. Upon the main , he would have nothing that is Essential predicated of Man , or any other Species , ( because the Word signifies that already ) but only what 's Accidental to him ; and he thinks that then a Proposition is Instructive , when it tells us something not contain'd in the Idea of Man. He instances in this ; [ In whatever Thing , Sense , Motion , Reason , and Laughter are united , that Thing has actually a Notion of God. ] Now this he conceives , does tell us more than barely what the Word [ Man ] means ; and therefore has somewhat of Instruction in it . I much approve his Design of bringing Disparate Notions to close and connect : But yet I must say , that all he can say of Man , or any other thing , must either be taken from the Intrinsecal Nature of the Thing it self , or it can never be Instructive , Solid , or capable of Demonstration . V. g. It is Essential to Man to have Natural Notions , and to connect those Notions orderly by his Reason , and by doing this he may attain to the Knowledge there is a God. Now , all this is contain'd in the Notion of Man ; only it requires a deeper Inspection into that Nature , and a more particular Reflexion upon what the Word [ Man ] signifies . For ( quite contrary to his Sentiment ) 't is the Nature of the Thing , signified by its Name , which only can Instruct us Solidly ; and it instructs us by our Attention to it , and our frequent and penetrative Reflexion on it . Whence I cannot commend his Instance , nor see how the Predicate [ has the Notion of God ] can ever be connected with the Subject he puts , by virtue of any thing found in the Subject it self as he exhibits it . Sense belongs to Man as he is an Animal , Motion as he is a Living thing ; from neither of which Considerations such a Connexion of the Terms are likely to follow . Reason is the most likely ; but since Mr. Locke holds , that Brutes too have some Reason , and yet can have no Notion of God , it cannot be deduced out of the Common Word [ Reason , ] that Man has any such Notion . Laughter there should seem , according to him , to be the most peculiar to Mankind ; for Brutes do not laugh at all ; but this is less likely than the others to be that precise Consideration , by virtue of which Man comes to have the Notion of God. Again , in his Discourse against Innate Principles , he declar'd his Opinion , that there were some Men who had actually no Notion of a God at all ; tho' , no doubt , they had Sense , Motion , Reason , and Laughter too . So that if this Proposition be Instructive , it can ( even according to himself ) instruct us in nothing but an Errour . Lastly , What needs this Circumlocution ? If Sense , Motion , &c. huddled together , be signified by the Word [ Man , ] why could it not as well be said , [ Every Man has a Notion of God ] without more ado ? Since by his Discourse to predicate what the Word [ Man ] signifies , is not Instructive . Or , if they be not signify'd by the Word [ Man , ] how is the Proposition True ? Or what means it to say , he intends [ Man ] by those many Words , and yet would not have it thought so ? Or that no Intrinsecal Predicate instructs , but only what is Extrinsecal to any Nature ? Or , if this be meant for an Instructive Definition , as it must , ( for the Subject in that Proposition agrees to nothing but to Man ) why are the Parts of it so disparate , and so many ? Or rather if so many , why no more ? If we may gain the Knowledge of more Accidents in every Species by degrees , as 't is granted we may ; and that we ought to define those Species , not by the old beaten way of Genus and Difference , but by this new one , of cluttering together confusedly the Multitudes of Accidents we find in them , we may come in time , by finding still more and more , to have Definitions so large , that the whole side of a Leaf cannot hold them , nor Man's Memory retain them ; and then what do they serve for ? 17. Indeed , when Words are taken in divers Significations , if Men contentiously adhere to the different Senses themselves give them , it is , as Mr. Locke says well , meer Trifling . But I cannot grant that all Predications of Abstract Words are only Verbal and Trifling . He says , they amount to nothing but Significations of Terms . And is not this enough ? I wish he would consider his own Words . By [ Signification of Terms ] he means , I suppose , the Sense or Meaning of them : Now the Meanings of Words being the same with our Notions , which as has been demonstrated , are the Things themselves , how can those Abstract Terms be meerly Verbal ? Since they as much signifie the Thing as any other Terms whatever ; only they signifie it with a Restriction to such a precise Respect or Considerability found in that whole Ens or Substance . REFLEXION Twentieth , ON The 9th , 10th , 11th , and 12th CHAPTERS . 1. THis Excellent Author discourses very Solidly , when he says , that Universal Propositions , of which we can have certain Knowledge , do not concern Existence . I add , nor our Notions neither , of which those Propositions do consist , ( and much less Propositions that are Uncertain . ) For , taking the Notion alone , or according to the direct Signification of the Terms , objectively consider'd , they abstract from ( that is , are indifferent to ) all kinds of Existence , whether in the Mind or in Nature . But , when he says that such Propositions do not concern Existence , he means ( I suppose ) Existence in Nature , or out of the Mind ; ( or else not at all ; ) and the Copula [ est ] must necessarily signifie some kind of Existence , as well as Identifie the two Terms in every Proposition ; or otherwise it would be a Sound or no Word . But this Discourse is perhaps needless , being , as I think , in great part granted here . All I intend by it , is to clear the Notion of Existence in the Title , and that it means Existence out of the Mind , by which Things or Individuums are in themselves , whether we think of them or no. I grant too , that we have so certain a Knowledge of our own Existence , that it can need no Proof ; but I deny we have it by Intuition ; and I affirm we got it , and have it , by plain Sensation or Experience , in the same manner as we know the Existence of other Bodies ; as will be shewn , when we come to reflect on the 11th Chapter . 2. His Demonstration of a Deity , Chap. 10th , is very acute , nor does he here affect Recourse to his Ideas , or build on them expressly , or ( as he too often does in other places ) take Phantasms for Notions ; which takes off the force of his Reasons . Particularly , he argues so strongly that a Cogitative Being can never be made of meer-Matter , that I do judge it Unanswerable : And , withall , that it necessarily concludes that Brutes can have no Knowledge , without having something in them that is Spiritual ; which I am sure he will not say . I could wish Mr. L. had been steady to this Distinction of those two Natures , of Spiritual and Corporeal , which adequately divide Ens : Which , I think he was not , when he said B. 4. Ch. 3. § 6. that he sees no contradiction in it that God should , if he pleas'd , give to certain Systems of Created Senseless Matter , put together as he thinks fit , some degrees of Sense , Perception and Thought . For , if the Nature of meer Matter , by being Commodiously put together , can bear the having Thoughtfulness ; it is but compounding it more artificially , and it may be as Cogitative as the Wisest Man living ; and so farewell to all Spirituality of our Soul , nay , to all Spiritual Nature whatever : For , to what end should God create the Distinct Nature of Spirits , if Matter wisely orderd could perform all their Operations ? If once we yield that Matter , conveniently contrived , can be capable of any degree of Knowledge , it is but contriving it better and better , ( and who can stint Gods Omnipotency in this , more than in other things ? ) and it may be capable of the highest Degree of Science ; and , consequently , to create Spiritual Nature at all , would be needless , and to no purpose . Besides , if Men and Brutes differ onely in the Degrees of Knowledge , they ought to be of the same Species ; since Magis et minus non variant specïem : For , otherwise , every single Man would make a Distinct Species , which is a plain Contradiction . Against this Position of the possibility of Matters being Cogitative , he argues here very Vigorously § 10. and shows clearly that Incogitative Matter , and Motion , whatever changes it might produce of Figure and Bulk , could never produce Thought . He will say that , tho' it could not do this of it self , yet God could make it do it . But if God cannot contradict himself , or do Unwisely , then , since his Creative Wisdom has Establisht each kind of Nature to be it self and no other ; then , to put in God a Power to confound those Natures again , ( which he does if he should confound the Primary and proper Operation of Spirits , which is Thought , Knowledge or Reason by giving it to Bodies , ) is to put a Power in God to do Contradictions , that is , to do Impossibilities ; for whatever is against the Essence or Nature of any thing , makes that thing not to be it self ; which is against an Identical and self evident Proposition , and a Direct Contradiction . 3. The Clear Distinction of Corporeal and Spiritual Natures , is of that vast importance ; that ( tho' it may seem a little unseasonable ) I cannot but take this occasion to reflect , once more upon Mr. L's doctrine in this point , apprehending I may not meet with a fitter opportunity hereafter . I have reason to think , that he does not exclude Materiality out of the Idea of Spirit , or at least of the Soul , which all Christian Philosophers and most Heathens too , hold to be of a Spiritual Nature . On the other side he attributes Reason and Knowledge ( in some degree at least ) to Brutes . Now , out of these two positions it follows demonstratively . 1. That the Corporeal and Spiritual Natures are not clearly distinguisht , which utterly destroys all possibility of Truth in Philosophy , and seems to do no small prejudice to Truths of a Higher Concern ; which are left Inexplicable to Men of Sense , if those inferiour Truths , which relate to the Clear Distinction of those two Natures , be violated and render'd Uncertain . For , Corporeal and Spiritual Natures , comprizing , or dividing between themselves , the Objects of all the Sciences a Philosopher can treat of , whether they be Physicks , Ethicks or Metaphysicks , all which must necessarily build their Discourses , and draw their Conclusions from such Notions as are taken from , and do of right belong to those two Distinct Natures ; it follows that , if these two Natures be confounded and jumbled together , and be not clearly Distinguisht , it is impossible any Clear Conclusion can be drawn from either of them , or any Rational Discourse made concerning them . 2. That Mr. L's way of Philosophizing by Ideas , which leads him into such strange Errours , or at least affords him no certain Light to Distingush those Natures , is good for nothing at all . For , if it cannot furnish him with means , to put a Clear Distinction between Natures so widely Distant , and Different from one another ; much less can it assist him to show clearly what Modes , Accidents or Properties belong to one Nature , what to the other ; or to Distinguish those Natures , which are Infericur to those two General ones ; and therefore differ far less from one another than They did . It remains then to show that Mr. L's Doctrine by way of Ideas , does not put a Clear Distinction between the aforesaid Natures , but confounds them together . He holds it not to be Certain that Immateriality , is not included in the Notion of our Spiritual part the Soul ; it may , therefore , be Material , or have Matter in it , for any thing his Way of Ideas tells him ; and therefore since Matter cannot be crampt into an Indivisible , it may be Divisihle or Extended ; and , so , may be Divided or Shatter'd , that is ( its Unity being thus lost , and , consequently , its Entity , ) it may cease to bee , or be Corrupted . Again , if it be Divisible , it must be to some degree , or either more or less , Divisible ; that is , Rare , or else Dense . If Rare , then ( since Passivenes is Essential to the Notion of Matter ) it may by the operation of other Material Causes , which never wants , be Condens'd ; and consequently , become Opacous or Visible ; or , it may by the same Causes become Rarer , and be turn'd into Fire . Also being Divisible , it may have parts of which one must be without the other , that is , it must be Impenetrable as to its own parts , and thence be able to protrude another Material being , and be Solid too ( in his Sense of that Word ) which is the same with Impenetrable . Moreover , since it must be Divisible , it must be Quantitative or Extended , and this not Infinitely but Finitely ; that is , it must be Terminated ; wherefore , Termination of Quantity , being the Notion of Figure , it may have Figure too . In a Word , if it may possibly be Material , there is no Property of Body , but may agree to the Soul ; and therefore , the Soul , tho' Spiritual , may be Corporeal ; and so the Nature of Body and Spirit may be one and the same . But what needs more than meerly his ascribing Materiality to it , at least , permitting it to belong to it ? Our Notion of [ Matter ] is taken from Body , and from nothing else , and therefore can be nothing but Body , consider'd as ( not what it actually is , but ) as 't is Alterable , Changeable , or apt to be another Thing , that is , as 't is Corruptible ; which , I am sure , Mr. L. will not say or think of our Soul. Perhaps he may say , that he only means that it may have Matter annex'd to its Spirituality . But then he must grant , that since this Materiality did not , as an Accident , accrue to the Soul afterwards , she had it from her Nature ; and therefore it must be Intrinsecal to her , and help to constitute her peculiar Nature ; and , if this be so , then , when this Material kind of Compart is dissolv'd or corrupted ( for if Material , it may be Alter'd , wrought upon , and Corrupted as other Material Compounds may ) the Complex or Compound it self is dissolv'd , and so no longer the same , but perish'd . Besides , what should the Soul do with two Material Comparts ; one , Organical ; the other , Inorganical ? Especially , since there are as subtil Parts in this Visible Body of ours , with which , as the Form of the Body , she is united , ( viz. the Spirits ) as any , perhaps , Mr. Locke can conceive to be annex'd to her . 4. To proceed , He does but think it possible , for any thing he knows , that the Soul may have some Materiality ; but he positively judges , that Brutes have Reason ; nay , that 't is as Evident to him as that they have Sense . Now , if they have Reason , they must know how to draw Consequences , this being Essential to the Notion of Reason , or rather the same Thing in other Words . Again , If they can Reason , they can compare what 's meant by our Terms , and have the Sense of those Sayings we call Propositions in their Knowing Power . And , since that Reason is not given them for nothing , but for their Preservation , they can compare Agreeable and Disagreeable Objects , and pursue , out of that Reason , that which is most Agreeable ; that is , they can Will , Chuse , and Act freely , which are naturally consequent to their gathering by their Reason what is better or worse for them , and thence Determining themselves to it accordingly : I say , themselves ; for , if they have Reason , then Reason is part of Themselves , and not a Distinct Thing from them . Out of which Two Things follow : One , That the Nature of Man and Brute are Confounded ; since all those Chief Operations Proper to Man , are Communicable to Brutes . Secondly , That Mr. Locke will be at a loss to get an Idea of the Spirituality of his Soul , or of other Spiritual Beings , by reflecting on the Operations of his Mind ; since the same may possibly be found in such Beings as are meerly Corporeal . Wherefore , to conclude this Discourse , all our Natural Notions of Body and Spirit , and of all their Operations , must be jumbled together in a kind of Indifferency to either ; and therefore those two Natures must be Confounded , if either the Soul , which is Spiritual , may have Materiality Annex'd to her ; or Brutes , which are material Entities , may have Thought , Knowledge , and Reason Annex'd to them . And since Mr. Locke affirms very rationally , that one of his Ideas is not Another , I cannot but think he becomes the more oblig'd to shew out of the Natures of those two Things , liquidly and precisely , how those two Natures are distinguish'd ; or else his way of Ideas will be conceiv'd to be meerly Phantastick and Unphilosophical ; being most unlike the Ideas in the Divine Understanding , the Original Ground of all Truth , which do not confound Natures , but establish them in a most perfect Distinction to be what they are , and no other . I press not here how no Discourse at all in Philosophy can be Conclusive , unless the Nature of Body and Spirit be perfectly and clearly contradistinguish'd ; nor repeat what I have shewn , Reflex . 9. § . 7. that our Natural Notions teach us to distinguish perfectly between Body and Spirit , which his Ideas do not , but confound them , and thence deprave our Natural Knowledge of Things . I know he says , but proves not , that the having General Ideas , puts a perfect Difference between Brutes and us ; to which I have spoken formerly . I add , that 't is a thousand times easier to have General Ideas , they being but Imperfect Perceptions of the Thing , than to have Reason ; as is easie to be demonstrated , and has been manifested above . 5. As for making something out of Nothing , or Creating ; after we have prov'd that Existence is Essential to God , and not Accidental to him , which Mr. L. clearly demonstrates ; it follows thence , and out of the Commonest Notion of Causality , that it is not a matter of Wonderment , or hard to believe that he should Create , but that if he pleases to operate ad extra , this is his Peculiar Action ; since nothing is more Evident than that Every Thing acts as it is . Whence , if God's Essence , and his very Nature be Existence or Actual Being , 't is demonstrable that it is not onely as peculiar to him to cause Actual Being or Create , as it is for Fire to heat , or Light to enlighten ; but , moreover , that this is the onely Effect that can immediately or without the intervention of Second Causes , proceed from him . 6. I much fear that it may seem something to weaken the true Argument for the Possibility of Creation , to bring the Instance of our Thought moving our Body ; whence he concludes that Gods Power to do a Thing is not to be deny'd because we cannot comprehend its Operation . For , 1. Mr. Locke thinks he experiences this , viz. that the Soul moves the Body ; whereas we do not experience that God Created any thing . 2. As Mr. Locke has shown very ingeniously , that onely the Man is Free : So I affirm 't is the Man that , wrought upon himself , moves his Body , and not his Thought onely . And , that , as when we gaind our First Notions , the Man was acted upon , both according to his Corporeal and Spiritual Part ; so , every New Act he had afterwards , that proceeded from him as he was Man , is perform'd by the Concurrence of both those Parts . Whence , in every Act of his Soul , he must be re-excited by some Object that is out of the Soul , either striking on his Senses ; or else , by the repeated Strokes of the Material Phantasms , lodg'd within , upon the Seat of Knowledge . These propose a-fresh the Motives , and continue those Impressions all the while he deliberates , compares , discourses , and determins ; and , when the Man , according to that part call'd the Fancy , is full ( as it were ) of those Agreeable Phantasms ; and , consequently , the Soul ( hic est nunc ) is full too of those Notions or Apprehensions of their Agreeableness , the Whole Man acts for them , and moves to attain them . In which Case , what is purely Material in those Actions , or belonging meerly to Corporeal Motion , is refunded into the Stupendious Contrivance of the Body , whose Motions follow connaturally from the Phantasms , in the same way as it does in Brutes ; which is equally wonderful , we knowing no more than they , ( that is , not at all ) how it is done : But , the Manner of the Action , as to its Design , Direction , wise Ordering of it , and its Proceeding from Knowledge , Freedom and Reason , ( all which we know it does , ) springs peculiarly from the Soul , or from Man , according to his Spiritual Part. Now , the Fundamental Ground of my Position is this , Man is not Two Things ; nor ( which is the same ) made up of Soul and Body , as two Actual Parts ; but One Thing , of which , consequently , those two are Potential Parts onely . Wherefore , neither of those Parts is Actually , but the Whole ; and therefore , neither of them alone can Act , because neither of them exists alone ; * the Existence of the Thing being that in which its Virtue of Operating consists . But , in truth , his Argument proceeds as well from this Topick , as it does from that of meer Thought moving the Body ; for , we can comprehend as little , how Man , tho' acting with his Phantasms and Thoughts too , does move the Body , and all its Distinct Parts , so variously , as how the Thought alone can do it . Nor , were there some Flaw in this Particular , does it prejudice his main Demonstration of a Deity , they being Distinct Questions . Add , that if we may conjecture from some Expressions of his in other places , he may perhaps be of my Opinion in this Point , and , by the Word [ Mind , ] mean the Man ; tho' in many places he speaks very Ambiguously ; or rather , seems too plainly to maintain the contrary Position . 7. I take leave on this Occasion , to recommend it to Speculative Men , to endeavour to draw all their Demonstrations from the Nature of the Thing , ( this being the onely solid way , ) and not from Foreign Topicks . After we have prov'd a Deity , let us next demonstrate that God is Self-existent ; or , that his Essence , or Nature , is Existence ; and then , all that concerns the Deity , or his Immediate Operations , nay , even the Rational Explication of the Trinity it self , will ( if Right Logick and Reflexion be not wanting ) follow more solidly , and more clearly , than the clearest Mathematical Conclusions ; if we rate Clearness and Evidence , ( as we ought , ) not from the Figures on Paper , which make it easie to our Fancy ; but from the greater Simplicity and Clearness of the Notions , and their Terms , and of their equally-evident Connexion ; which , coming nearest to First , and Self-evident Principles , do most firmly establish the Judgment . 8. The 11th Chapter treats Of our Knowledge of the Existence of other Things ; by which words he means , other Things than our selves . He seems to ground his Discourse on this Position , that no particular Man can know the Existence of any other Being , but only when , by Actually operating upon him , it makes it self perceiv'd by him ; which he calls the Way of Sensation , or Experience . Now , if , by the Words , [ any other Being , ] he means Bodies , nothing can be more Solid , or worthy a Philosopher . But , why we may not gather by our Reason , the Existence of Spiritual Beings , or Angels , ( tho' they do not operate upon us actually , ) from some Operation on other Things in Nature that can onely proceed from them , I cannot discern : Rather , I hope I have demonstrated we can , in my Method , Book 3. Less . 6. Thesis 4. Indeed , the Notions of Angelical Natures are not proper ones , as our Natural Notions , which are imprinted by Sensation , are ; which makes our Conceptions , and consequently , the Words which we use when we discourse of them Metaphorical . Nor matters it , that our Expressions concerning them are oft-times Negative , or signifie that they are not such Beings as Bodies are , but Immaterial , Unextended , Indivisible , and , consequently , their Operations Unsuccessive ; in regard we intend all the while to signifie by those Words , a Positive Being , tho' our low Natural Conceptions cannot reach its particular Nature , as in it self : And , if we intend this , then this is the meaning of those Words , or our Notion of them ; Meaning and Intention being all one . Yet , these Predicates , tho' Negative , or Metaphorical , are , notwithstanding , truly said of them ; and , therefore , we can Argue and Discourse as consequently from them , as we can from the most Positive or Proper Notions we have . Indeed , as Mr. Locke says well , § . 12. we cannot know they exist , by the Ideas we have of them in our Minds ; and the Reason is , because those Ideas , or Notions , taking them as ●●stinct , are but Inadequate Conceptions of the Thing ; and , consider'd distinctly , are formally but a part of that Complexion of Accidents that constitute the Individuum , which only is capable of Existing , or the Whole ; because Parts cannot exist out of the Whole : But he is much mistaken if he thinks we can no more know they are Capable of Existing by the Notions we have of them , than we can that Centaurs are : For , the Idea or Fancy of Centaurs involves Inconsistent Notions in its very Nature , ( or rather , No-Nature ; ) which the Notion of a Subsistent Spirit , called an Angel , does not . Add , that Knowing , Willing , and Operating , which we attribute to such Beings , are all Positive Notions ; and Consistent , or capable to meet in a Spiritual Thing . 9. Whereas Mr. Locke says we can onely know the Existence of any Other Thing when it operates upon us , and therefore we know it is actually by Sensation , I cannot see the least reason why we should not know our own Being by Sensation too , as well as that of other Bodies , without having recourse to Intuition ; which , apply'd to that Case , 't is hard to understand ; or , to know how it differs from the direct Knowledge had by Sensation or Experience . We can hear , see , feel and smell some parts of our own Body , as well as we can those of Others . Indeed , now , when we are ripe for more express Knowledges , those Impressions made by one of our own Parts upon others , do not cause in us the Notion of Existence , ( tho' , perhaps , they may tacitly repeat it , ) because we know already , and before-hand , that we do exist : But , put case we did not , would not these Impressions make us know by Sensation our own Existence , as well as that of any other Body whatever ? I doubt not but Mr. Locke will grant they would . Since then the Embryo in the Womb lies in a Roundish Posture , why may not one part of it , by touching another , or operating upon it , cause in us , as soon as the Soul ( which has a Capacity of Receiving Notions ) is in it , a Notion of our own Existence , by way of Sensation ? Especially , since Operation is nothing but the Existence of the Agent Body , press'd or imprinted ( as it were ) upon another , by Motion . Certainly , it becomes us who deny Innate Ideas , to shew how all our First Notions do come into us by Impressions on the Senses ; and , not to say rawly , that some of them come by Intuition ; which is the Way of Knowing Proper to Angels , whose Knowledges are all Innate , and none of them Acquir'd , either by Sense , or Discourse , for they have neither . This , I say , is certainly best for the Interest of our Tenet ; of which , Intuition gives but a slender Account . I believe Mr. Locke proceeds upon this , that he finds he not only does , but must as firmly assent to the Proposition Ego sum , as he does to the most Evident Proposition whatever ; nor can he at all doubt of it , nor can it need Proof . But , my Judgment is , that this Introversion , and Studying our own Interiour , is a very Fallacious Guide , and will often lead us astray , if we keep not a steady Eye , attentively bent to our Principles ; which he seems here to neglect . For , many Positions need no Proof , and force our Assent , and yet their Certainty may depend on Different Causes . 10. The 12th Chapter treats of the Improvement of our Knowledge , which Mr. Locke says , does not depend on Maxims . But , First , he mistakes the Use of General Maxims : They are not made for the Vulgar , or Beginners , to gather Knowledge by them ; tho' it may be observ'd , that Men of all sorts do naturally use them when they sute their purpose ; nay , sometimes make Proverbs of them . Nor was this Maxim , [ a Whole is bigger than a Part , ] ever intended for Boys , or to teach them that their Hand is bigger than their Little Finger , or such like ; but , being premised to the ensuing Proofs , they are occasionally made use of by Learned Men , in the Process of their Discourse , to clinch the Truth of the Point , when it needs it , by their Self-Evidence . In the same manner as my self have very frequently had recourse to Metaphysical Principles , and made use of them , in my Preliminaries and Reflexions , as Occasion presented , to make my Discourses Evident ; and , to rivet the Truths I advance , in the Minds of my Readers ; as any Attentive Peruser of them may easily observe . He speaks against our Receiving Principles without Examination , and of Principles that are not Certain ; that is , against such Sayings , as are no Principles ; for , if they can either need , or admit of Examination , or , if they be not Certain , none but meer Fops will let them pass for Prinples . Yet , tho' Mr. Locke does thus oppose Maxims and Principles , 't is , notwithstanding , very evident , that himself must make use of some Maxims and Principles all the while he disputes aganst their Usefulness ; otherwise , he cannot discourse at all ; or , his Discourse can have no Force : In the same manner as he that wrastles with another , must either fix his Foot on some Firm Ground , or he will fall himself , instead of overthrowing his Adversary . Let us then examin his Principles . He alledges , that the Knowledge of the Certainty of Principles depends only upon the Perception of the Agreement or Disagreement of our Ideas . This , then , is one of his Principles ; both because it runs through good part of his 3d and 4th Books , as also because 't is Equivalent to this Universal , [ All Certainty of Principles depends , &c. ] Now , this is so far from Self-evident , that it needs Examination enough ; and is one of those I judge not Certain ; and , therefore , can be no Ground or Principle at all : Nor is it possible it should , unless the Word [ Idea ] be cleared to mean Spiritual Notions in our Mind , and not meer Resemblances , or Material Representations in our Fancy ; to clear which , ( tho' the whole Treatise needs it , ) no Provision is made ; but , on the contrary , those two vastly different things are rather carelesly confounded ; as is shewn in my First Preliminary . Another Principle seems to be this , [ None ought , with a Blind and Implicit Faith , to Receive and Swallow Principles . ] This is of Universal Influence , and Self-Evident ; and , therefore , in all Points well qualify'd for a Principle . For , Principles were not Principles , if they needed either Faith , or Deductions of Reason , to make them go down , since they ought to be Evident by their own Light. But , what Good can this do to any , but to such as have renounc'd Common Sense , even to Ridiculousness ? And , perhaps Mr. Locke had some such weak Writers in his Eye , when he advanc'd this cautious Position , as a Warning to Learners . 11. Now , the General Maxims and Principles , on which the Learned Part of the World has hitherto proceeded , can onely be overthrown ( if they must needs be so ) by other Principles , more Evident than themselves are ; or else it will be but a drawn Match ; and so they may hope still to stand ( as the Lawyers phrase it ) in their full Force , Effect , and Vertue . We are to consider then , what Principle Mr. Locke has substituted in their room , when they are discarded ; for , 't is a very ill Case to be left without any Principles at all . 'T is this , [ All Knowledge of the Certainty of Principles , and consequently , the Way to improve our Knowledge , is , to get , and fix in our Minds , Clear , Distinct and Compleat Ideas , as far as they are to be had , and annex to them Proper and Constant Names . ] Now , if the Ideas must be Clear , the Terms must be very Simple , and consequently ( as was shewn above ) General ones ; and this will force us back upon General Maxims , which it was intended we should avoid , as good for little . To be Distinct , if we go to work like Artists , we must distinguish those General and Common Notions ; which will bring us back into the old Road of those Ten Common Heads , called Predicaments ; and , consequently , of Genus , Species and Differences , which was lately dislik'd ; I suppose , because it was too much travell'd in , and beaten ; tho' , I think , such a Common Path should not be left , because some may have here and there laid a Block or Briar in the way . Lastly , Compleat Ideas ( as he grants ) are not to be had of the Species , much less of the Individuums . And , as for Names ; 't is not we that are to annex them , but the Common Usage of the Vulgar , or of the Generality of Learned Men , ( in case they be Artificial ones ; ) for , these are they who gave them their Constant and Proper Signification . Whence is seen , that so many Difficulties are involv'd in this one Thesis , or Principle , ( besides what is said above , of the Word [ Ideas , ] ) that we can build no Degree of Certainty , nor Improvement of Knowledge upon it ; especially , since Mr. Locke himself ( according to his usual Candour and Modesty ) declares here , he does but think it true . But , which is the hardest Case of all , to embrace this Principle , we must be oblig'd to quit all our Self-evident Maxims , as of little Use , upon which our selves , and all the Learned part of the World , have proceeded hitherto . 12. 'T is a great Truth , that it is a right Method of advancing Knowledge , to Consider our Abstract Notions : But , if these be not the Things , nor ( as Mr. Locke's Complex Ideas are ) so much as like them , I see not but that , let us Consider them as much as we will , we shall be never the nearer attaining any Real Knowledge by such a Consideration . I add , that it is also as necessary to find out Middle Terms , that are Proper ; without which , no Science can be had of any New Conclusion ; nor , consequently , can we , without this , advance one Step in Exact Knowledge . 'T is a certain Truth also , that Morality is capable of Demonstration ; tho' I do not remember that any Author , but Mr. Locke , and my self , have been so bold , as openly to profess it . The Current of Slight Speculaters having long endeavour'd to make it pass for a kind of Maxim , that [ there is no perfect Certainty to be had , but only in Lines and Numbers : ] Whereas , the Principles of Morality are as Evident , and the Notions belonging to such Subjects as Clear , as those in Natural Philosophy , perhaps Clearer ; as this worthy Author has shewn most manifestly . 'T is also True , that Knowledge may be better'd by Experience . But , if he means Scientifical Knowledge , which is the Effect of Demonstration , I must deny it , unless Common Principles of Nature do guide Experience , and give it Light of the True and Proper Causes of what Experience inform'd our Senses ; for , without their Assistance , ( as I have shewn in the Preface to my my Method , ) Experimental Knowledge can never produce any one Scientifical Conclusion . I add , that True Science would be a Thousand times more advanc'd , did Learned Men bend their Endeavours to begin with the Primary Affections of Body , and thence proceed gradually to Secondary , or more Compounded ones : For , this Method would furnish Studious Men with good Store of Proper Middle Terms , to deduce their Demonstrations . Lastly , 'T is true , that we must beware of Hypotheses , and Wrong Principles : But , where shall we find any Sect. of Philosophers , who , for want of Exact Skill in Logick and Metaphysicks , are not forc'd to build upon Hypotheses , ( and those generally False ones too ; ) but our Anti-Ideists , whom I take to be true Followers of Aristotle , in his main Principles , and the only true Understanders of his Doctrine . It being , indeed , scarce possible , that those who are not well qualify'd with those two Sciences , should be capable to Comprehend his True Sense . 13. Mr. Locke judges , that a Man may pore long enough on those Maxims us'd by Euclid , without seeing one jot the more of Mathematical Truths . Self-evident Truths need not be por'd upon at all ; nor were they ever meant for the attaining New Knowledges by poring on those Propositions , singly consider'd : Yet , these Maxims must be pre-supposed to be True , and admitted , or the Arguments would very often want their best Cement , that gives them an evident and necessary Coherence . They are prefix'd by Euclid at first , both because they may often come in play afterwards ; as also , because it would throw off the Tenour of the Discourse , to mention them still expresly every time there needs Recourse to them : Whence it was judg'd fit by him , and others like him , to premise them at first , and then refer to them . Let Men but observe how , and in what Occasions , Euclid makes use of them , and it will then be best seen what they are good for : But , if they are good for nothing at all , I am sure it must be concluded , that both Euclid himself , and such Writers and Users of Maxims , were , all of them , a Company of vain , idle Fops , to amuse their Readers by proposing so solemnly such Ridiculous Trifles ; and dubbing those Insignificant Baubles with the Honourable Titles of Maxims and Principles . To fix which Dis-repute upon him , and his Imitaters , will , I doubt , much Scandalize every True Member of the Commonwealth of Learning . REFLEXION 21th . ON The Fourteenth , Fifteenth , and Sixteenth CHAPTERS . 1. I Am sorry I must declare , that in Mr. Locke's 14th Chapter , which treats [ Of Judgment ] there is scarce one Line that I can yield to . I discourse thus : Judgment does most evidently import the Fixure of our Understanding in its Assent to the Truth or Falshood of any Proposition . For to say , I judge a thing to be so ; is the same as to say , [ I am fully and firmly persuaded it is so . ] Now , this Fixure of the Mind may arise from two Causes ; Reason and Passion . Under the Word [ Reason , ] taken at large , I comprehend all kind of Evident Knowledge whatever , that can belong to a Rational Creature . To Passion belongs all Precipitancy of Assent , from what Motive or Cause soever it springs . The Former makes us adhere to what we judge , upon such Motives , as by their Evidence do determine the Understanding to Assent , and fix it in that Assent ; which Motives , therefore , can be only such as are purely Intellectual ; or such as , by our Proceeding upon them , we see clearly the Thing must be so , or not so , as we apprehend . The Later springs from the Will , corrupted and byassed by some Interest or Pleasure , which inveigles our Understanding to adhere to it as a Truth , because the Will would have it so . Again , there are two sorts of Objects Man , as having two Natures in him , may be employ'd about , viz. Outward Action and Inward Assent . The former does ( generally ) concern the External Conveniences or Necessities of our Temporal Life here ; the Later , the Interiour and Natural Perfection of our Soul ; which is the Adhering to Truth , and rejecting of Errour . In the Former of these we can have no Clear Evidence , or very seldom ; both because Outward Actions are employ'd about Particulars , of which we can have no Science ; as also , because those Particulars about which we are to Act , are surrounded with almost Innumerable Circumstances which we cannot Comprehend , and way-laid by the Undiscoverable Ambushes of Fortune ; so that we can seldom or never , with absolute Certainty , know whether they may , or may not prove Successful . Notwithstanding which Dangers , when there is Necessity or great Conveniency to Act Outwardly , we may , without disparaging our Reason , fall to acting upon a Probability ; the Necessity obliging us to do so , and the Impossibility of perfect Assurance acquitting us of Imprudence . But , of Assenting , or of Judging Inwardly , that a Proposition is True or False , there can be no Necessity , unless Evidence forces us to it ; in regard God's Goodness has furnish'd us with a Faculty of Suspending our Judgment in such Cases , lest we run into Errour ; which is always prejudicial to our Nature ; and , if the Errour does concern matters of high Moment , pernicious to our Souls Eternal Welfare . This I take to be plain Reason , nor do I doubt but that each Branch of this Discourse may be reduced to perfect Evidence . We come to examin now what Mr. Locke delivers in this most important Point . 2. First , He Confounds Outward Action , of which there is Necessity , and can be no Evidence of Success ; with Interiour Judging and Assenting , of which there can be no Necessity , if there can be no Evidence ; and of which Evident Knowledge may oftentimes be had ; as also concerning whose Truth or Falshood , till Evidence appear , we may safely and honourably suspend our Judgment ; nay , if , in such a case , we do not , we hazard to do our selves an Injury when we need not . That he thus confounds those two vastly Different , or rather Contrary Considerations , appears hence ; that , § 1. he shews the Unreasonableness of not eating , and of not going about our Business , till we have a Demonstration that the Meat will nourish us , and the Business will succeed ; which Instances evidently relate to Outward Action ; but in § 3. he speaks in the same Tenour of taking the Proposition to be True or False ; which clearly relates to Inward Assent . Secondly , God 's Wisdom has indeed given us , generally , no more but Probability for our Outward Actions doing us good , or succeeding ; but to think our all-wise Maker has given us no better Grounds to make us Assent ; or rather , that he intended we should Assent upon Probabilities , which are still liable to be False ; and , if they be but Probabilities , may all be False , is to think that God meant to expose our Souls to innumerable Errours ; nay , allows and designs we should embrace Errours . For , if ( as Mr. L. says ) God has given as a Faculty to judge that to be True , which , the Reasons for their Truth being but Probable , may not be True ; then , since God has most certainly intended we should make use of the Faculty he has given us , it must follow that God has exposed us to Errour , or design'd we should err ; and that , ( this Faculty , as he says , not being Knowledge ) very frequently . Which is hardly consistent with the Reverence we do both of us owe to our Creatour , who governs his Creatures according to the Nature he has given them ; which , is to avoid Errour , and never ( as will shortly be seen this does ) to admit a Contradiction . 3. What therefore I extremely admire , is , that Mr. Locke should say in express Terms , that Judgment is that Faculty , whereby the Mind takes any Proposition to be True or False , without perceiving a Demonstrative Evidence in the Proofs ; and that this Faculty is given Man by God to enlighten him . For , First , Judgment does not enlighten us at all ; as appears evidently , because False Judgments are Errours ; which are so far from enlightning the Mind , that they manifestly darken it . All that Judgment does , is to Fix the Mind in the Perswasion it has , whether that Persuasion springs from Clear Reason or Dark Passion ; and Mr. Locke seems to make good my Words , while he contradistinguishes Judgment to Knowledge ; which later , and onely which , is our Intellectual Light. Secondly , The Words [ Taking Propositions to be True or False ] must mean Assenting to them as such ; for every Judgment is not only an Assent , but a full and firm Assent . Now , that no Probability can , with Reason , cause Assent , ( and certainly God , who gave us our Reason , has not given us a Faculty to use it against our Reason ) will be seen hereafter . Thirdly , Which is yet worse , by contradistinguishing Judgment and Clear Knowledge , he makes those Assents which spring out of Clear Knowledge to be no Judgments at all ; whereas These are the onely Judgments that we can be sure will do us good , and are according to our True Nature , Reason . He tells us indeed , in the Close , that when we judge as things really are , they are Right Judgments . But , how does this agree with his Contradistinguishing formerly [ Judgment , ] according to its whole Latitude , or in its General Notion , from Knowledge ; unless we should say , that we only do right when we judge at Hap-hazard , or judge Right by Chance . Qui quod aequum est statuit parte inauditâ alterâ , Aequum licet statuerit , haud aequus est tamen : By which Rule , we are ill Men , even tho' we Judge right ; because we precipitate and hazard to embrace Errour when we need not . Besides , Things are so really to us as we know them to be : And , if we do not know them to be such , we cannot with Reason say or judge them to be such ; and , if we do , we act against our true Nature ; to do which God has given us no Faculty . Fourthly , Amongst the Causes mention'd here that make us judge , Necessity is reckon'd as one , when Certain Knowledge is not to be had : But , this can be no Cause at all to make us Judge . For , there can be no possible Necessity , forcing us to judge , but Clear Evidence . This , indeed , obliges us to Interiour Assent , and compels us to judge that the Thing is so as we see it to be . But , if no Evidence can be had , what Necessity is there at all of Judging one way or other ? Cannot we suspend our Judgment till Evidence appears ; or whether it does ever appear , or not ? Why are we in such hast to hazard falling into Error ? Or who bids us Judge at all till we see a good ( or Conclusive ) Reason why ? I am sure , whatever many Men may do out of Weakness , neither God nor Nature ever impos'd upon any such an absurd Duty . Lastly , What means his making it then to be Judgment , when we have no Demonstrative Evidence ? May we not judge a Conclusion that is Demonstrated to be True , because it is Demonstrated ? Or that an Identical Proposition is True , because 't is Self-evident ? Or , rather , ought we not to judge all such Propositions to be True for this very Reason , because we know evidently they are so . So far then is Certain Knowledge from being contradistinguish'd from Judgment , that they are in some manner the same , as I have shewn in my METHOD , B. 2. Less . 1. § 3. where , I hope , I have set the Nature of Judgment in a Clear Light ; as I have that of Assent , Suspense , and Certainty , B. 3. § 9. 4. I should be glad to think my self mistaken in Mr. Locke's Meaning , if his Express Words , the Tenour of his Discourse , and his next Chapter [ Of Probability , ] which runs in the same Strain , would give me leave . Perhaps , he thinks that , since none can embrace Christianity without judging it to be True , and few know it to be so , we should exclude the Generality from the way to Salvation , if we do not allow such a Faculty given us by God , as Judging without Knowing . I Answer , 1. Those Gifts that come from Above , from the Father of Lights , are all Perfect , as being the Endowments of his Infinitely-bountiful Hand ; and , that Men act imperfectly and foolishly , springs from the Limitedness of Creatures . Scarce a Faculty they have but has its Weakness when we come to act , as well as our Reason . When then any one is reduc'd to Christianity upon weak Motives , what 's Good or Sincere in that Action is refunded into God the Author of all Good ; what 's Defective ( as all Inconclusive Reasonings are ) is to be refunded into the Imperfection of Creatures . Indeed , it belongs to God to lay and establish such Motives to embrace High and Concerning Truths , as are of their own Nature apt to convince , not only People of all sorts , but even the most Speculative Wit living ; but it does not belong to him to provide , that every weak Man shall , untaught , penetrate them throughly ; nor every Careless Man make use of them . Rude and Imperfect Motives are sufficient to move Rude and Imperfect Understandings . 2. This notwithstanding , God has furnish'd even the Rudest , who cannot Speculate at all , with a Power to understand such Motives , after some Fashion , called Practical Evidence ; which teaches them , by a common Converse with Natural Things , and with Mankind , to know ( dully at least ) the Force of Witnessing Authority attesting the Miracles that abetted Christianity , and the Books that deliver'd it . But , what I chiefly insist upon is , that it teaches all Men , that the Nature of its Precepts , and of its Morality , is most Agreeable to our Reason ; that it curbs Passion , which breeds such Turmoils in the World ; and that , ( if settled in Men's Lives , ) it would establish all the World in Peace and Concord ; especially , since they cannot but see what Inconveniencies and ill Consequences do ensue the Breach of the Commandments . And this gives an Entire Satisfaction to every Man who is capable of Knowing Common Morality , ( as , who is not ? ) and assures them , that the Doctrine it self is True ; since they experience that Errour puts all into Confusion and Disorder . But , this on the By. In a Word , He must be a mean Speculater , who does not observe that God has laid Motives , and Solid Knowable ones too , for every Man to embrace Christian Faith , of what degree soever he be , if he be but so wise as to doubt , and require a Reason : If those Motives be not apply'd to all , 't is either the Fault of those that do not care to be instructed ; or of those who should inculcate and explicate to them those Motives , and shew how Solid and Clear they are . Let them then bear the Blame ; God's Providence is justify'd , and his Wisdom and Goodness magnify'd , by his making ample Provision for such Negligent and Unworthy Persons . See Method to Science , Book 3. Less . 8. §§ . 18 , 19. 5. Hence , I have little to say to his 15th Chapter , which treats of Probability ; * having shewn from the Ground of all Consequence , ( the Connexion of the Middle Term with the two Extreams , ) that , when the Medium is Proper or Immediate , it causes Demonstration , and begets Science ; when Common or Remote , it makes the Thing onely Probable , and begets Opinion ; when Unconcerning , it causes Improbability ; when clearly Repugnant , it breeds Dissent . I am therefore onely to reflect on those Expressions of Mr. Locke that seem to say we may assent , or judge the Thing is so upon Probable Reasons ; or , as Mr. Locke expresses it , assent as firmly as tho' the Thing were infallibly demonstrated , tho' it do but border near upon Certainty . I have shewn in my Method , Book 3. Less . 9. § . 12. that no truly Wise Man does Assent or Judge upon Motives , tho' very highly Probable ; nor can do so , tho' they be never so Probable and Likely , if he sees it but Likely , or Probable : For , all Reasons or Motives that are but Probable , permit that the Thing may not be so , or may not be ; and to assent , or judge the Thing True , is to say in our Mind , that the Thing is : Whence , to Assent the Thing is , upon a Probability , is , equivalently , to hold , that , it is possible the Thing may be , and may not be , at once : It may be , because it is ; and , it may not be at the same time , because the onely Grounds for its Being so , are but Probable . Which , therefore , being against a First , and Self-evident Principle , is the greatest Depravation that a Humane Understanding can be liable to , and ( if put in clear Terms ) absolutely Impossible ; both because Contradictions being repugnant to the Nature of Ens , or Thing , are Unintelligible ; as also , because it would make our Mind , which is Essentially Intellectual , to be not Intellectual , that is , Chimerical . For , 't is impossible it should be Intellectual , if it denies First Principles . 6. This Ground laid , 't is obvious to discern what is to be said to his 16th Chapter , [ Of the Degrees of Assent . ] For , 1. I must deny that any Assent at all that the Thing is so , can be built upon the Sandy Foundation of Probability , without a most prodigious Perversion of Humane Understanding . 2. Hence I reflect upon the very Subject or Title of this Chapter ; and I object against it , that it is an Absolute Impossibility there should be , in proper Speech , any Degrees of Assent . To Assent to any Truth , ( as was lately shewn , ) is to say interiourly , the Thing [ is ; ] and to Dissent , is to say the Thing [ is not . ] These two Notions then are evidently the Objects of those two Acts , which give those Acts to be what they are , or ( as the Schools express it ) do specifie them . Wherefore , each of those two Acts consists in an Indivisible , as their Objects do ; and , consequently , there can be no more any Degrees of Assent , than there can be any Middle between is , and is not ; which is neither the one nor the other ; or , in part the one , in part the other ; whereas , being both of them Indivisible , neither of them can have any Parts at all . The Degrees then which can possibly be put in this case , and which I would be willing to think Mr. Locke meant , are the Degrees of Bending or Inclining , more or less , towards Assent or Dissent ; that is , Greater or Lesser Opinions of the Things Being , or not Being . Assent then , and Dissent , or is and is not , in the Judging Power , are the two fixed Butts and Bounds of that large Field , in which Innumerable Swarms of Opinions , Probabilities , Likelihoods , Doubts , Deemings , and Uncertainties reside ; driven perpetually up and down , in a Wild-Goose Chase , by those Unsteady Guides , Probabilities ; now nearer , now farther off from those Immoveable Barriers . But , it is to be noted , that the Degrees of Probability and Likelihood may sometimes be so very great , that they may seem , even to the wisest Men , while they regard them heedlesly , to counterfeit Assent , till they come to take a narrower and stricter Re-view of the Grounds on which they are built ; as I have shewn in my Method , Book 3. Less . 9. § . 2. Mr. Locke enumerates here many Probable Topicks , grounding Opinion ; and I have done the same , in the place now quoted , § . 10. All which do agree in this , that they are Common or Remote Mediums : Whence they are , in true Reason , Inconclusive ; and therefore , utterly unable to cause Assent in a Being that is Rational ; there wanting in them that Visible and Certain Connexion , in which all the Force of Consequence consists , and which Mr. Locke puts to be onely known by Intuition . There may , indeed , be Degrees of Assent taken from the Subject's side , by which the Understanding Assents more or less firmly ; according as the Medium is more or less Evident . Whence , Metaphysical Mediums , which approach nearest to Self-Evidence , cause a firmer Assent , than those which are taken from Inferiour Notions , which depend on the other for their Certainty : And , that Medium taken from the Divine Authority , does rationally beget the Firmest Assent of all : Yet , still , the Object of the Assent or Dissent is [ is , ] or [ is not . ] But this cannot be Mr. Locke's meaning here ; because the least of these Assents is built upon Clear Evidence ; which is impossible to be found , where the Medium is but Probable . 7. I am very apprehensive that this Discourse , and others such like will seem very Uncouth , and be very Displeasing to those short-sighted Speculaters , who , either out of Disadvantagious Education , or out of Diffidence that there can be any Certain Method to Science , are Sceptically inclin'd : Especially to those of our Modern Schoolmen ; who , not being accustom'd to demonstrate themselves , think it a Disgrace to them , and Incredible to boot , that any else should do it . One of whom , a Worthy Friend of mine , of an acute Understanding , and very Ingenious , but not yet wean'd from insignificant School-Terms , nor aware of their Trifling way of Distinguishing ; uponmy discoursing with him about this point , did imagin it might all be answered , and over thrown by an easy Distinction of Assent , into Absolute and Probable . Alledging that Absolute Assent had indeed [ is ] for its Object , and so consisted in an Indivisible ; but that Probable Assent did not so ; by which means the imputation of holding a Contradiction is avoyded . Thus he reply'd : Wherefore , it were not amiss for his sake , and others of the same pitch , to lay open the frivolousness of this insignificant Distinction ; that , by reflecting on this , they may correct their carriage in all other like occasions . First then , he seems to join the Epithet of [ Probable ] to the Act of Assenting ; which is perfect Nonsense . For , since every Accident or Mode has its Metaphysical Verity , by which it is what it is , as well as any Substance ; it is equally against the First Principle [ Every Thing is what it is ] to apply that Distinction to any Accident ( of which Assent is one , ) as it would be to apply it to any Substance . Put case then we were discoursing concerning the Nature of a Stone , or of any other Substance or Body ; and were disputing whether its nature were such or such ; and he should go about to elude the whole force of this Discourse , by Distinguishing [ Stone ] into a Probable Stone , and an Absolute Stone , would it not be highly ridiculous : For the same Reason it would be equally Ridiculous to apply [ Probable ] to the Act of Assenting ; since that Act is as absolutely it self , as a Stone is a Stone , or any other Body is what it is . But , that I may not be too severe , let us imagin he meant to apply [ Probable , ] to the Object of the Act or some Proposition , as standing under Motives onely Probable ; whence , 't is equivalent to this Proposition , [ This Tenet is Probable : ] Then , in case the Proof of that Tenet were onely a Probable Medium , that Proposition is a plain Truth , for what is inferr'd by a Probable Medium , is beyond all question , Probable ; and therefore the Assent to that Proposition , ought to be call'd Absolute , and not Probable , which quite spoiles the Distinction by making the two branches of it to be one and the same . 3. Hence , this Contradistinguishing Probable and Absolute , is faulty in another regard , because the two parts of it are not ( some way ) Opposit ; as they ought to be ; because the Defendent in the Schools uses to say , that according to one of them , he grants the Proposition , and according to the other denies it . Now , Absolute and Probable , are not at all proper Opposites : [ Absolute ] signifies Consummate or Perfect in its kind , and relates to the Minds perfectly yeilding or assenting that the Thing is True ; whereas , [ Probable ] must relate to the Motives , or the common Medium under which the Proposition stands , or else ( as was lately shewn ) it is meer Nonsense , and Ridiculous . The Proper Opposite to Probable , is Improbable ; and , what has Improbable to do with Absolute ? Lastly , granting he speaks of the Object or Thesis proposed to our Assent , it will appear evidently that my Assertion will stand good , and that the Formal Object of Assent is what is express'd by the Copula [ is , ] or the Connexion of the two Terms , in which Truth ( which onely is to be assented to ) consists . For example ; When we say that [ A Thesis prov'd onely by a Common Medium , is Probable ; ] the Truth , even of this Proposition , is onely express'd by the Copula [ is , ] and consists in an Indivisible ; so that you no sooner step out of [ is Probable , ] but you must run into its Contradictory , [ is not Probable . ] 8. This Instance will give us occasion to note the Vanity and Folly of Innumerable Distinctions , which pass current amongst Disputants ; in which , if examin'd strictly , sometimes the two parts of them are not Opposit , but onely oddly Disparate ; sometimes Coincident ; sometimes they are applied to such Terms as are incapable to admit them , without palpable Nonsense ; very often when all is done , they are Impertinent : And , frequently , whereas the Distinction should divide the Notion of the Genus , and include it , one of the Members will perfectly contradict the whole Generical Notion , and pretend to pass for one sort of it , when it is point blank Opposit to it , and to every part of it : For example , I remember an Eminent School Divine , when ( honest Nature putting a scruple into me , when I was young ) I askt him how a Man could say he had done such a thing when he had not done it ; he answerd very Soberly , that he had done it intentionaliter , tho' not realiter : Now , to do it ( as he call'd it ) Intentionaliter , is onely to have an Intention to do it , which signifies not to have done it . So that [ Doing ] is , by virtue of a Distinction , divided into Doing and not Doing ; and not Doing is made one sort of Doing . And I do assure my Friend his Probable Assent is not a jot wiser ; but has more faults in it than had the other , 'T is not enough then , nor at all Satisfactory , to give an Answer fork'd with a Distinction ; but care must be had that the Distinction be Pertinent , and well qualify'd , as is hinted above . See other Distinctions of the same leaven with the former , laid open , Method to Science . B. 3. Less . 9. § § 19. 20. 9. I heartily joyn with Mr. Locke in his Discourse about preserving Mutual Charity , and Forbearance . Tho' the Demonstrations of Learned Men do much Good , yet I am sure the want of Charity does more Harm . 'T is in the highest manner Preternatural that Rational Souls should be forced , or dealt with any other way than by Reason ; unless they come to wrong Common Morality , or the Peace of the Common wealth in which they live ; both which are so evidently against the Law of Nature , that their Reason must needs see and acknowledge it , unless most wickedly blinded with Passion and Vice. Alas ! what Silly Reasons do good Weak People take for Certain , and are convinced by them as perfectly as we are by the Clearest Demonstration ! And , ( which more obliges us to pity them ) if we propose to them strong Reasons , they are too weighty for their weak Strength to wield ; and their own ridiculous ones do sute better with their Size and Pitch of Wit. 10. I am clearly of Mr. L's Judgment , concerning the Degrees of Probability in several matters ; as also that in Traditional Truths , each Remove weakens the force of the Proof , if it descends meerly ( as he expresses it ) by the way of the Hearsay of a Hearsay . The bare Narative must either be supported by a Consonant , Frequent , Open and Obligatory Practise , and be strengthen'd by the Acknowledged High Concern of Perpetuating the Matter of Fact attested , or it may in time dwindle away into a feeble Tittle-tattle . And , I very much esteem his Remark , as both very Acute , and very Solid , that no Probability in Historical Relation can arise higher than its First Original ; unless that First Original were afterwards abetted and corroborated by other Motives . His Allowance of the Validity of the Testimony for Miracles , is Wise , and Pious ; and his making Divine Revelation to be the highest Certainty , is well becoming a Christian Philosopher : For , all our Knowledge whatever is taken from Things , made and establish'd by God , as the First Cause ; and , therefore , if it be Certain that God's Revelation or Testimony stands engag'd for any Point , the Truth of that Point is prov'd by a Nobler , Stronger and Higher Medium than can be drawn from Physicks , or even Metaphysicks ; that is , from the Soveraign Cause of all those Objects , whence those respective Mediums are taken ; and , by whom onely they they have any Truth at all in them ; no , not so much as their Metaphysical Verity it self . 11. It would not be impertinent on this Occasion , to present Mr. Locke with a short Story . A very Judicious Cantabrigian desir'd to know of me , whether we ought not to assent to a Point of Christian Faith , supposing it was evidently Reveal'd , more firmly than to any Scientifical Conclusion ? I answer'd , that we ought . He ask'd , Why ? Alledging , that , since there could not be any greater Certainty that it was reveal'd than Demonstration , the Assent to the Conclusion could not , in true Reason , be more Firm than that which a Demonstration produces , or than the Conclusion of any Science : For , let the Syllogism be this , [ Whatever God said , is True : But , God said there will be a Resurrection of our Bodies ; Therefore , there will be such a Resurrection : ] None can pretend ( said he ) any greater Certainty than that of Science , for the Certainty of the Authority that gave us the Minor ; therefore , since Conclusio sequitur deteriorem partem , the Assent to the Conclusion can be , in true Reason , no greater than that of Science . I reply'd , that that Saying of the Logicians was meant of the Particularity or Negativeness found in the Premisses , and not of the Force of the Medium . I alledg'd , that the Major had the greater Influence upon the Conclusion , ( whence that Proposition so called , had its Appellation , ) than the Minor ; which was onely an Applier of the Force of the Major to some Particular , or some other Notion , in order to conclude concerning it ; and therefore , the Certainty of the Conclusion was chiefly to be rated from the Force of the Major : Whence , those Enthymems , which have the Major for their Antecedent , are more Natural than those which have the Minor. I insisted , that the Divine Authority being alledg'd for the onely Medium or Motive for all Revealed Points whatever , our Assent to the Verity of all such Points , was onely to be refunded into It ; and , that it lost not its Force by its being apply'd by a weaker Medium to some Particular , provided that Supream Authority's standing engag'd for that Particular , were closely Apply'd to our Mind ; which is done by absolute Certainty and Evidence . To illustrate which , I brought this Instance . Let there be two Agents , whereof the one is Calidum ut octo , the other Calidum ut duo , and both of them apply'd to the same Patient equally ; it will not follow from this Equal Application , that they will have an Equal Effect ; but the Heat produced by the one , will be more Intense than that which was caused by the other . So , supposing two Syllogisms , the Minors of which are both known by Science ; but of the Majors , one is known onely by Science , the other by an infinitely higher Evidence , viz. by the Essential Veracity of the Divine Authority ; it will not follow , from the Equal Application of it , by the respective Minors , to this or that Particular , Subsum'd under them , that the Assent to the two Conclusions , which is the Effect they are to produce in our Minds , will be Equal ; but they will operate according to their Several Forces , provided the Force of both be but Closely apply'd to our Minds , so to make it work its Full Effect ; which is done by seeing both the Minors to be Absolutely Certain and Evident . I have not Time to dilate on this high Point as it deserves , but leave it to the Sober Reflexion of all Judicious Lovers of Truth , who seriously desire that Christian Principles may approve themselves to be , in all respects , perfectly Rational . And 't is a Duty we all owe to our selves , and to the World , to shew that Christian Faith does not pervert or impair , but perfect and exalt our Reason . REFLEXION 22th . ON The 17th , 18th , 19th , and Last CHAPTERS . 1. THis Learned Author states Reason very right in all its Parts ; but , I believe , he mistakes the right End , Intention and Use of Syllogisms ; and that , while he opposes them , he takes his Measures from the Modern School-way of Syllogistick Arguing , and the little Fruit it has yielded . Such Forms of Reasoning were , certainly , never intended for the Vulgar , as by his Discourse he seems to apprehend ; nor for Men of good Mother-Wits , to attain Ordinary Knowledge , by casting their Thoughts in those Exact Molds . For , Mankind could use their Reason , and improve in it too ; nay , could draw their Consequences ( generally ) very well , before Syllogistick Reasoning came in fashion ; tho' they could not so well make it out to themselves or others , why the Consequence must follow , nor refund it into its Causes , and so set it above Contest , by reducing it to Evidence . Their own Natural Genius taught them to discourse right , very often unreflectingly ; as it does also the Vulgar in Things within their Ken. In process of Time , Reflecters upon Nature , finding ( as it were ) by Experience , that some Discourses were evidently Consequent , some not , they began to cast about and find out by what Virtue some Discourses came to be so evidently Conclusive above others . And , to this end ( Art , if truly such , being nothing but a deep Inspection into Nature ) they set themselves to anatomize and dissect a Rational Discourse , that so they might discover the hidden Nerves and Ligaments that gave Force and Connexion to the whole . They found that such a Discourse did consist of three main Parts , call'd Propositions ; and each of these again , of three lesser parts , called by them Subject , Copula , and Predicate ; all which had Distinct Natures and Offices in the Discourse . They discover'd that the Connexion of the two Terms in the Conclusion , in which consists the Truth of it , depended on their Connexion with a Third or Middle Term in the Premisses ; and that , if they be not connected with it or Immediate , but Remote from it , as all Common Mediums are , which beget Probabilities ; nothing is concluded , and so the Conclusion may , ( for any thing we know ) be False . They observ'd hence , that there could be but Three Terms in such a Discourse ; and that , were they more , it caused a Blunder and Inconsequence . Hence they took Care those three Terms should be so placed , as would render the Connexion of the other Two with the Medium most Clear at First Sight . This done , they treated of each of those Greater and Lesser Parts , that is , of Propositions and Notions singly and apart ; adding such Rules as they saw convenient for each . From these Observations , laid orderly together , sprung the Art of Logick , and all the Rudiments belonging to it . All which have their Force from Nature ; nor ought any thing be esteemed Art , but what has honest downright Nature for its Ground : And , I hope , that in every Tittle of my whole Method , I have not one Argument in those many Trains of Consequences I have drawn there throughout it , that is not taken from the Nature of the Thing in hand . Now , things standing thus , who can think Logick , or Syllogism ( the main End of it , ) are to be slighted as of little or no use ? Can any Man think that Art and Reflexion do add no Advantage to Untaught Nature ? Or that our Rude , Natural , and Common Reason may not be Cultivated and Improv'd , as well as our Natural Voice , Walking and Handling , may be better'd , by being taught to Sing , Dance , or Play on the Lute Artificially . 2. I am very apt to think , that at first the Inventers of Logick and Syllogisms did never intend to use them perpetually themselves , nor to instruct others in any Science by using constantly that Method . Since neither Aristotle , nor any other Author I ever read , Ancient or Modern , ever went about to deliver a Scheme of Doctrine in a Syllogistick way : But that , after they had by Study and Reflexion , found out in what their Evidence lay , they made use of them as Exemplars or Tests , by which they might try whether their Loose and Dishevell'd Discourses had an Evident and Necessary Connexion of Terms at the bottom ; or else , in some Signal Occasions , to confute and convince an Acute or Obstinate Adversary ; especially , if the Auditory and Judges of the Dispute were Men of Learning . For which Reason that way is still continued in Learned Assemblies : Such as the Schools often are , and always should be . But , when at length that way grew too common , and that Sophisters and Bunglers would needs constantly use It , and It only , in their extempore Disputes ; which could be manag'd right , and as they ought , by none but those who were exact Masters of Logick ; it came at length to degenerate into insipid Artless Wrangle and Talking at random . For , the Multitude of ill-understood and barbarous School-terms encreased , frivolous Distinctions ( as I lately instanced ) grew rife ; Principles were either neglected , or else supplied by their Masters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Natures of Things , and the Ways dictated by Nature , were left off ; and hence it came , that no Progress was made in Science ; nor any Point decisively concluded . 3. In divers parts of this Discourse I doubt not but Mr. Locke agrees with me : What I disagree with him in is : 1. I deny that in Learned and Philosophical Discourses , ( for which Syllogisms were intended ) the Mind can perceive the Connexion of the Proofs where it really is , as easily , nay perhaps better , without them . Certainly , the seeing the middle Term placed in the middle , as it ought , will make a Reflecting Man see better the Connexion of the Terms ; whence , besides its own aptness to connect , it comes , even by vertue of its place , to be seen to be Immediate to each of the Extremes ; and , so , more apt to connect them . Again , In a Syllogism there is no Necessary Word left out , nor one Unnecessary Word put in ; whereas in Loose Discourses this last is always wanting : And , can we think it adds no degree of Clearness to the Discourse to keep it from being pester'd with many Unnecessary Words , in many of which there will not want Ambiguity ? Nor is this all , for in Loose Discourses , the fine Language and Plausible Tricks of Rhetorick do too often dazle the Eye of the Mind ; and make that seem excellent Reason , which , brought the Test of a Syllogism , will be seen to be plain Foolery and Ridiculous Nonsense . Lastly , Good Logicians , who are skill'd in the Solid Reasons why the Conclusion follows , do , while they discourse Syllogistically , guide their Thoughts all along by steady and ( generally ) Self-evident Rules ; and see a priori , and this , by the Highest Causes , why , and by what means the Conclusion must follow ; which conduces in a high measure to Demonstration and Science : Whereas , those that have only the Assistance of their Uncultivated Natural Reason , do both want this knowing Satisfaction to themselves , and are utterly Unable to give it to others . I grant then , that the Untaught Vulgar in Common Conversation and obvious Affairs can need no Syllogisms ; and that the Gentlewoman he speaks of , may have Wit enough to avoid catching Cold , tho' neither her self , nor any for her , do put the Reason of it into a Syllogism ; and so does a Milk-maid , without the help of Mathematicks , know certainly that the Diameter of her Pail is Shorter than the Circumference of it ; nay , both of them would be blunder'd , and know those Truths worse , were the true Reasons for them put into the uncouth Garb of a Syllogism ; for Art is not their Talent : But to think that Learned Men and Disputants gain little or no Advantage by them above the Vulgar , is to maintain , that Art , tho' never so Solidly Grounded , is good for nothing . 4. Secondly , To say that Syllogism helps little in Demonstration , is , I am sure , against Reason and Experience both . He might as well have said in one Word , they are good for nothing at all . For it cannot be thought they are good to know Principles , they being Self-evident ; and , it is manifest they cannot help us in Probabilities ; for a Syllogism that does not conclude is not worth a Straw ; and no Medium that is meerly Probable ( it being a Remote one ) can be connected with the Extremes , nor consequently can it conclude . 'T is left then , that if they help little in Demonstration , they do not help us much in any thing . We need then very strong Arguments to make us yield to such a Paradox . Mr. Locke confesses Syllogism is sometimes good to discover Fallacies : I take leave to say they are always good for that End : And does this help us little in Demonstration ? All Argumentations are either Conclusive or Inconclusive ; Conclusive ones have a middle Term immediately connected with the Extremes ; Inconclusive ones either are aim'd to deceive us , by bringing a Bad Medium , or by using a Bad Form ; and those are the worst sort of Fallacies , or of such Syllogisms as lead us into Errour ; most of those Fallacies noted in common Logick-books , being but Trifles . If then the Syllogistick way discovers Fallacies , it cannot be deny'd but it exceedingly helps Conclusive Argumentation , or Demonstration . He grants too , that it sets the absent Proposition ( and , so , the whole Argument ) before the View in a Clear Light. I infer ; therefore without it , we should not have had so Clear a Knowledge of the Proof , nor consequently of the Conclusion ; and is this nothing ? But he thinks this good is over ballanced by this , that it engages the Mind in the perplexity of Obscure , Equivocal and Fallacious Terms . Let us blame then those Logicians , who multiply Terms and needless Crotchets , ( which I have endeavour'd in my Method , to lop off as Superfluous ) and those Authors who do not define those Terms they use ; and not Syllogism nor Artificial Logick , which tells them they ought to do it . I know no more , properly and peculiarly belonging to Syllogism , but a Middle Term rightly placed ; as is usually done in the First Figure , and according to the First Four Moods . Nor do I see any thing in these that in my Method is not reduced to Clear Evidence . 'T is confest too that it is adapted to the attaining Victory in Disputes . Now , if this be so , then the Champion of Truth , by means of Syllogism , will make Truth Victorious ; and then , how it can be deny'd ( as Mr. Locke does ) that it confirms Truth in fair Enquiries , is to me Unintelligible ; unless by Fair Enquiries he means Loose Discourses , which are not Syllogistical , nor reducible to that Form ; which I think is an Improper and Lukewarm expression ; For , a Philosopher ought to esteem no Discourse Fair , which is not Clear and Conclusive . 5. Indeed Mr. Locke says very well , that Syllogism is of no use at all in Probabilities . And there is very good Reason why . For Syllogism shows an Infallibly-Certain way of Concluding ; whence nothing can bear that Test but what does Conclude ; Whereas Probabilities being grounded on Common Mediums , do not conclude at all ; and therefore it would do Probability a Great Disservice to bring it to the Touchstone of all True or Conclusive Reasoning , a Syllogistick Form. This would quickly lay open the Incoherence of the Terms , and consequently , show those Men to be less Rational who do Assent , or say interiourly , The Terms do cohere , or the Thing is True , upon a Probable Argument , in which they do not Cohere . 'T is then by Sagacious Prudence , and not by Syllogisms , that the Degrees of Probability are to be weighed and try'd . He grants also that Syllogism serves to fence : And so it does , tho' not in Mr. Lock 's sense of that word . For , as an expert Fencer easily Wounds , and overthrows an Enemy , who is not Skilful in that Art : So a Man who is Skilful in Syllogism , which is the Art of Concluding evidently , will quickly confound and overthrow an Adversary of Truth . But why he should think it does not serve to increase Knowledge , is a strange Riddle ; the whole Design of Artificial , or Syllogistick , Reasoning being to Deduce Conclusions not yet known , from Premisses which are either perfectly Foreknown , or at least better known . 6. Mr. Locke has then good reason to say , that Other Helps should be sought : But , if Syllogism be discarded , where any other Help can be found to make the force and Clearness of the Consequence better appear , or upon more evident and more Certain Grounds , not the Wit of Mankind can Imagin : And I defy any Man to bring me any Reason , that is a good one , or Conclusive , but I will show him that it is equivalently a Syllogism ; and I will undertake to reduce it to that Form ; and manifest that it has all its Strength and Evidence from the same Principles which give a Syllogism to be clearly Conclusive . I know not what Authors Mr. Locke may have met with , who say we cannot Reason about particulars , or , that No Syllogistick Reasoning can be right and conclusive , but what has at least one General Proposition in it : I am sure I have shown the contrary in my Method . B. 3. L. 2. § 21. Indeed I show § 22. and § 24. that such Syllogisms are not Instrumental to Science , as are those which have one or more , Universal Premisses : For , all Science is of Inadequate or Abstracted Notions , which are Universal ones , and not Particulars ; for who can pretend to have Science of the whole Complexion of Accidents , which constitute any Particulars ? And , to let my Reader farther see , that the Knowledge of Particular Conclusions cannot reach Science , I desire him to reflect , that if a Physician knew onely that this Particular Individual Herb is good for such a Disease , and not that all of that Sort or Kind is so , he could not pretend to have Science of the Nature of Herbs ; or , if a Mathematician knew onely that this Individual Triangle , which he is describing in Paper , has three Angles equal to two Right ones , but knew not that any other , or all , had so , none would much praise him for his Science in Mathematicks . The so much neglected and abus'd Aristotle , who had too much , and too well-grounded Sense to be rightly understood by those who did not much regard Grounds , nor the Highest Causes of Things , told us that Singularia non perficiunt Intellectum ; the Knowledge of Singulars does not perfect the Understanding . Since then Science is a Perfection of our Soul , it must be employ'd about the understanding Universals : Plain Reason abetting his saying , as I have shown Ibid. § 22. 7. I cannot let this Chapter pass , without reflecting particularly on Mr. L's saying , that Inferences or Consequences in Words , are a great part of Reason , tho' the Agreement , or Disagreement of Ideas be the Principal . Now , it is evident by those expressions that he speaks of Words Abstractedly or Contradistinctly , from the Ideas signify'd by them ; that is , from their Sense ; taking Words in which sense they are no more but meer Sounds . Whence I see not but Black-smiths striking orderly and regularly upon their Anvil , may make as good Consequences , as those he speaks of , and puts them to be a great part of our Reason . I have observ'd that this Acute Author fancies Unintelligible Mysteries in the Annexing Words to his Ideas ; Nay , ( as appears here ) in Words taken without Ideas , or the Sense of them ; that is in Senseless Sounds or Characters . Whereas my weak Speculation , tho' I bend my sight never so strongly , cannot discern any Annexion other than this , that Men have agreed that such Words , shall signify such and such Things or Notions ; all other Annexion being Unaccountable . Nor , can I see how in such sayings as this , Mr. Locke does ( as Philosophers ought ) guide himself by the Natures of the Things in hand , viz. Words , and Reason . For Words , abstracted from his Ideas . which he puts to be signify'd by them , are meer Articulate Sounds , and out of the Mind ; whereas Reason and all its Acts ▪ are compleated in the Mind , and Sense . How then the Consequence of Words ( thus understood ) should be a great part of Reason which is Sense ; or what Reason , which is an Internal and Spiritual Power , has to do with those External and Material Sounds or Motions of the Ayr , more than to know their Signification , and to take care they be not Ambiguous , quite surpasses my Understanding . The Complexion of Ideas , he speaks of , which the Words are to signify , is confessedly made first by the Understanding ; and , the Memory can retain our Notions as well , or better than it can Sounds ; and tho' such Sounds , thro' the use of the Words are apt to re-excite the Memory , yet all this amounts to no more but their Aptness , thro' use , to signify our Notions , let them be what they will : Which is plain Sense and easily Understood ; Whereas the Consequence of Sounds , Abstracted from our Notions , is very Amusing , and utterly Unintelligible . 8. The 18th Chapter [ Of Faith and Reason , and their distinct Provinces ] is admirably Clear , and in great part very solid . I grant no new Simple Ideas , that are proper ones , can he Convey'd by Traditional Revelation . The Author of Nature gave us our Natural Notions ; and the Author of Grace , ( who is the same Person , ) brought no unheard-of Objects of our Senses to increase the Stock , already sufficient for all our Knowledge ; yet , if the Points thus convey'd are Spiritual ones , as most points of the Revealed Faith are , there will be convey'd new Metaphorical Notions , translated from our Natural ones which are Proper . I grant too , that Revelation cannot be admitted against clear Evidence of Reason . I wish , that instead of the word [ Revelation ] he had rather said [ Pretence of Revelation ] for , otherwise , some Readers may hap to take his words in a Dis-edifying sense ; as if it were a possible Case , that Revelation it self may be supposed to be opposit to Clear Evidence of Reason ; and ( which is worse , ) in case they hap to contract , must truckle and submit to it . My Judgment in the Point is this , that supposing the Revelation is grounded on the Means laid by God to assure us he has Reveal'd such and such Points , ( which therefore cannot but be Certain to us , or Evident , at least to those who are Guides to others ) the Case imply'd here is impossible ; because it is impossible that God , who gave us our Nature , should ( as Mr. L. well expresses it ) will us to admit any thing for true , in a direct Contradiction to the Clear Evidence of our Understanding . I add , not to admit it as True , if the Motives be but Probable , or ( which is the same ) if the Thing may be False . What I am here to note , is that , Two Cautions are necessary in this occasion . The one , that since God does nothing needlessly , therefore the Points Reveal'd by God are such as Humane Reason could not other ways attain to ; whence they being such as those Mr. Locke holds to be above Reason , hence they must oft look very oddly to those Low Conceptions which the Course of Nature affords us : Whereas the Motives laid by God for Mankind , to embrace Christian Faith , do , for that very regard , lie level to our Natural Reason . Wherefore , in our Enquiry what we are to embrace , what not ; we ought not to begin our quest , by scanning the Points propos'd to us as Reveal'd ; but , by examining whether the Motives to judge they are Reveal'd , be Certain or no. Otherwise , we shall Neglect to employ our Reason , in such Things as are suitable to her Capacity , and in which she can have Evidence ; and task it to Consider what 's perhaps above her reach , and of which , consequently , she can have no Evidence ; which way of Proceeding is clearly Irrational . How many are there in the world who are reputed for Learned men , and yet have no Principles which are not taken from Fancy ? Let then such short Speculaters loose , to judge of the Verity of Points ( perhaps ) Incomprehensible to our Natural Reason , they will be apt to fancy twenty Contradictions in the Trinity , the Incarnation , a Virgins Conceiving , the Resurrection , and in many other main Points of Christian Faith : And , were it allowable for any to begin his Search after Truth on this preposterous manner , the Persons must be highly Qualify'd to decide what is a Contradiction , what not , ere their Sentiments can be thought to have any kind of weight . They must be excellent Logicians to know the force of a Consequence , and how many things go to make a Contradiction . They must be acute Metaphysicians to know all the many several Respects belonging to Things ; without which it will be hard to determin certainly what Notions are in all respects Contradictory , which not : And , if they be not thus Qualify'd , their Skill is Incompetent for such a Performance . Again , if the Point do concern the Nature of Body , they must be able to Comprehend the Nature of that Subject . And , in a word , unless they can demonstrate their own Opposit Tenet , plain Terms give it that they can never show the other side to be a Contradiction : For , since both sides of a Contradiction cannot be True , they must demonstrate their Tenet to be True , or they cannot demonstrate the other to be False and Contradictory ; for 't is one labour to do both . 9. The other necessary Caution is , that men do not take the Bad Explications of some weak Divines for the Point of Faith it self . For , such men , as Mr. L. well notes , being very forward to stop the mouths of all Opponents by crying out such a Position is of Faith ; and , withall , having a high Opinion of their own Sentiments , and Miscall'd Authority ; are apt to fancy that all is of Faith which belongs to their own Explication of it , or seems to them Consequent from it , or Connected with it ; which is no better , in Effect , than to obtrude their own Skill in drawing Consequences upon Men for Divine Revelation . Now , if the Explicater be not truly Learned and Candid , then in stead of showing the Point of Faith , Conformable to Nature , as a Solid Divine ought ; he may hap to represent every Point of Faith so untowardly , that it may have Twenty Contradictions in it . 'T is therefore the Duty of every Ingenuous Man , to distinguish such Explications from the Point it self ; and not to pronounce too hastily of it , till it appears it cannot possibly bear any other Rational Explication , and such a one as is Agreeable and not Contradictory to the true Principles of Reason and Nature . Which I the rather Note , because I have observed that scarce any one point of Faith that is Controverted has escap'd this Misfortune ; nay more , that Metaphorical Expressions have often ( I may say , generally ) been mistaken for Literal ones : In a word , let but the Grounds for GOD's Revealing Christian Faith be held and shown Absolutely Certain ( and the Motives lay'd by GOD to that end , cannot but be such ) and the Divine Authority , thus Evidently Engaged , and closely Apply'd to our Mind , ought to subdue our Understanding to assent , notwithstanding our seeming-Rational Dissatisfactions . I say , Seeming ; For , to put the Grounds and Motives we have to know God revealed it to be thus Certain , and yet that there is Clear Evidence against the Point reveal'd , is to put a perfect Contradiction , or Impossibility . Which makes me something apprehensive that those Authors , who put such a Case ( however their meaning may be good and pious , and they see not the Consequence of it ) do deem that the Grounds we Christians have for GOD's Revealing our Faith , are not altogether Certain , but Probable onely ; which leaves all our Faith in a Possibility of being False for any thing any man living knows ; that is , of being perhaps not True. 10. Hence I think 't is but a very sleight deference to Divine Revelation to affirm , that in Matters where Reason cannot judge , or but probably , Revelation is to be hearken'd to : But that in Matters where Reason can afford certain Knowledge , Reason is to be hearken'd to . For , tho' it were so that Reason can do this , yet Experience tells us that Reason does not actually , ( and this very often ) what it can do , or all that lies within the Compass of that power ; but that we may often presume we have certain Knowledge when we have none . Especially since of the two it is far more likely our Reason may discourse wrong of the Points that are Reveal'd , than of the Motives which God has lay'd for Mankind to know they are so ; the later being within its Sphere , the other oft-times not . 11. The 19th Chapter treats of Wrong Assent , or Errour . This Learned Author seems here not to speak constantly of the same Point . To Assent to any Proposition , is to say interiourly , [ It is True ; ] or , that the Thing is so as the Proposition exhibits it . Now , these Propositions may be of two Sorts : The one is express'd thus , [ The Thing is so , or is True : ] The other thus , [ The Thing is Probable . ] Hitherto , and in some places here , he speaks of the Former , or of Assenting to the Truth of the Thing ; or , of taking the Probable Proposition to be True : In other places here , he seems to speak of the Latter ; as , when , § . 6. he complains that Probable Doctrines are not always receiv'd with an Assent proportionable to the Reasons which are to be had for their Probability : Which clearly makes the Object of Assent to be the Probability of the Thing , or as it stands under such Motives as make it to a higher Degree Probable ; or , ( which is perfectly Equivalent , ) that Propositions to such a Degree Probable , are to be assented to , as to such a Degree Probable . Now , this is an Evident Proposition ; and the Assent to it , most Rational . For , since we call that Probable that stands under Probable Motives , it is as perfect a Truth , and as firmly to be assented to , as 't is to assent , that what 's Probable , is Probable ; or , what 's Probable to such a Degree , is Probable to such a Degree : Both which Propositions being evident , nay , the Terms of it as closely connected as they are in this Proposition , [ What is , is , ] we not onely may , but are forced to assent to them , as being both of them Self-evident . But , I much fear this is not Mr. Locke's meaning ; but , that he means , we must assent to a Thing as True , or that the Thing is , upon a Proof which , of its own peculiar Nature , and as it is distinguish'd from Evidence , is so far from Concluding it is , that it permits and allows it may not be , or be False . In which case , to assent , is both against Clearest Reason , and even ( as was shewn above ) against a First Principle of our Understanding . 12. What confirms me in this Apprehension , is , his making way to his ensuing Discourse with these Words ; [ If Assent be grounded on Likelihood , and if the Proper Object and Motive of our Assent be Probability , &c. ] Now , both those Hypothetical Ifs I must Categorically declare against ; and positively affirm and maintain , that Likely Motives can onely , in true Reason , make us assent the Thing is Likely ; and that Motives but Probable cannot , without highly wronging our Reason , cause us to assent the Thing is more than Probable : Lastly , That [ may be , or may not be , ] cannot be a good Argument that the Thing is . I affirm farther , that this Position of mine is clearly Demonstrable : For , all Motives or Proofs affecting the Conclusion , and our Assent to it , according to their Different Nature and Force ; therefore , as Evident Motives make the Thing Evident , so Likely Motives can onely prove the Thing to be Likely ; and Probable Motives can onely prove the Thing to be Probable ; and that , the Proof being the Cause of the Conclusion , and those Proofs being Proper , and adjusted to those respective Effects , 't is as perfect a Demonstration , drawn from the Proper Cause to its Proper Effect , that they can make the Conclusion no more than Probable ; and , consequently , our Assent to it ( if Rational ) no more than that it is onely Probable ; as it is that an Agent which is Hot but to such a Degree , can onely cause Heat to such a Degree ; and this is as Evident , as that no Cause can act beyond its Power to act , or can do what it cannot do ; which is an Identical Proposition , and Self-evident . 13. 'T is in vain then to start this Question , How Men come to give their Assent contrary to Probability , till this Question be first satisfy'd , Why Men should assent at all upon meer Probability ? But , this being supposed without any Proof ; and , it being allow'd by me , that Men may assent contrary to Probability all the Ways he assigns , I am not to pursue that Point any farther , because it is quite besides my Aim ; which is , to concern my self onely with what promotes true Science ; with which , Probability , as being both Uncertain , and Inevident , has nothing at all to do , but to Injure it , ( if it meets with Rash Concluders , ) by Ill-grounded Assents . But , casting my Eye on the Title of this Chapter , which is , [ Of Wrong Assent , or Errour , ] I observe , that he has not so much as touch'd upon one main Cause of Errour , which has an unhappy Influence even upon some Wise and Good Men , and oft proves Prejudicial to their best Concerns ; I mean , the Assenting absolutely upon very high Probabilities ; or , ( as Mr. Locke expresses it , ) as firmly , as if they were infallibly demonstrated . We are , indeed , more often deceiv'd by Assenting on slight Probabilities ; but , we are far more grosly deceiv'd , when a very High , and very Likely Probability fails us : Whence , in such occasions , Men use to say , [ Who could ever have thought or imagin'd it ? ] or , [ I was never so abominably deceiv'd in my Life . ] I will explain my self by one Signal Instance , shewing how dangerous it is to yield up our Reason , by Assenting Absolutely upon very Great Likelihoods , and even the Highest Probabilities . Which Discourse may , I hope , edifie some , and thence convince others , that such an Assent is Irrational . 14. A Man who is at this Instant in perfect Health , is apt to assent absolutely , that he shall not die suddenly of an Apoplexy before Morning ; that a Tile shall not fall from a House , and kill him when he walks the Streets ; that his House shall not fall on his Head , and crush him ; that a Drunken or Quarrelsom Ruffian shall not , without Provocation , run him thorow ; that a Bit of Meat , a Crum , or a Bone , shall not choak him ; or any such sudden Disaster befall him that Day ; and 't is very highly Probable they will not . Now , the greatest Concern we can have in this World , is , to die well prepared for the other . Put case then , a Man of a Loose Life , ( such Men being most apt to presume , and lull themselves in a blind Security , ) assents firmly and absolutely , upon such a high Probability that he shall not be taken off suddenly , but shall have Time to die Penitent , haps to be surpriz'd by some such unlucky Accident , without having any Leisure to repent ; the case of his Soul is very desperate . Now , 't is evident , that that this Eternal Loss of Happiness lights to such Men thro' their acting contrary to their Reason ; and their Assenting , and Relying firmly upon the Frail Assurance of a Probability : For , had they used their Reason right , it would have naturally suggested to them these Thoughts : I can see no Bottom nor Foundation for Assenting so fully that I shall not die very shortly , or suddenly . How many Men , who thought themselves as secure as I do now , have , notwithstanding , been taken away in an Instant ! Every Man living is liable to these , and a Thousand other Unforeknowable Mischances : Nor have I any kind of Privilege above others ; nor know I any reason why those Sinister Chances that happen'd to other Men , may not as well be my Lot. This plain and obvious Discourse , join'd with the Infinite Concern of the Thing , might have conduced to make those carelesly secure Men rectifie their Wanderings , and endeavour to keep a good Conscience , lest they should be suddenly Arrested by Death , with their Debts uncancell'd : Which good Thoughts and Motives they had wanted , had they assented upon a high Probability that they should not die suddenly , as firmly as tho' the Thing were infallibly demonstrated . This Infallible and Irrational Security , I say , would , in all likelihood , have made such weak Souls run on in Sin , defer the Amendments of their Lives , and put it off with a dangerous presuming on Death-bed Repentance . Hence I infer two Things ; one , that our Position , that we ought not to assent upon a high Probability , but to retain some Degree of Suspence , is a Great and very Important Truth , since it has so great an Influence ( not to speak of our many other Concerns ) upon the best and most Important Part of Christian Morality . Errour does not use to be so favourable to Goodness and Piety , no more than Ignorance is the Mother of Devotion ; whereas Truth reduced to Practice , is ever the Genuin Parent of Virtue . The other , that to Judge or Assent without Knowledge , springs from our Weakness , or else from Passion ; and that Judgment taken in this Sense , is not ( as Mr. Locke affirms ) the Gift of God. 15. He proceeds to the Reasons why Men take wrong measures of Probability , and so come to assent wrong or Err. But , it appears evidently from what 's said , or rather indeed , it is evident out of the very Terms , that all Errour or Wrong Assent , does onely Spring from Assenting at all upon Probable Motives . For , did they Assent onely upon Evidence , it is Impossible they should ever erre ; since Evidence for an Errour is in it self impossible . Or , did they suspend their Assent , or not Assent when the Thing is but Probable , 't is again impossible they should Err ; for , it is impossible they should Err , or Assent wrong , when they do not Assent at all . Whence follows , that ( excepting Invincible Ignorance , which concerns not our Point in hand ) all Wrong Assent , or Errour , springs from our Assenting upon Probability . The Reasons he assigns , why Men take wrong Measures of Probabilities , serve better to shew why Men do not assent upon Evidence ; viz. Doubtful and False Principles , Receiv'd Hypotheses , Predominant Passions , and Authority ; by which last , I suppose , he means , such Authority as may deceive us . All these are so many Remora's to the Advancement of Science , and Motes in our Intellectual Eye , hindring it from seeing Evident Truth . Yet , none of them , but has some kind of Probability , ( as the World goes ; ) or , at least , will furnish Men with probable Arguments : For , a very slight Thing serves to make a Thing Probable . So that the Upshot is , that the Chief , and most Effectual Way for Men to avoid Wrong Assents , or Errours , is to instruct them in the Way how to conclude evidently ; which is the sole End and Aim of my Method to Science ; and , particularly , of that part of it which treats of the Self-evident Conclusiveness of Syllogisms , in which no Man can possibly be deceiv'd . For , this shews , that the Inference or Consequence of the Conclusion , when the Medium is Proper , is as Certain as Self-Evidence can make it ; and , that Common Mediums , ( such as all Probable ones are , ) can never Conclude ; and , therefore , such Conclusions cannot be assented to , or held True , without wronging our Reason . Whence follows , that the Way to avoid Wrong Assent , is , to exclude Probability from having any Title at all to our Assent ; it being highly and manifestly Irrational for any to judge , a Proposition not at all Demonstrated or shewn to be True , should be assented to as firmly as if it were infallibly demonstrated : For , this is directly to judge a Thing to be such as it is not ; which is a manifest Errour , or Untruth . Nor , matters it what most People do out of Weakness : Man's true Nature , which is Rational , is to be rated according to the Conformity we ought to conceive it had from the Idea of it in the Divine Understanding , its true Essence ; where none can doubt but it was Perfect , till it came to be slubber'd and sully'd by the tampering of Second Causes , and their Never-uniform Circumstances . The Natural Perfection , then , of a Rational Creature being to arrive certainly , or without missing , at Knowledge and Truth , which cannot be had without Evidence ; hence , 't is his true Nature to be guided in his Way to acquire those Interiour Perfections of his Mind , onely by Evidence ; without which , he is liable to fall , every Step he takes , into the Precipice of Errour . Nay , 't is so clear a Truth , that Man 's true Nature is onely to be guided in his Interiour Assents by Evidence ; that , even in our Outward Actions , which do not directly concern the perfecting our Soul , and in which we can have no Evidence of their Success , or of the Good they will certainly do us ; yet , still we must ( unless we will incurr the Note of Folly ) have Evidence that it is better to act , or better to venture ; otherwise , we shall clearly act with some Precipitancy , and against our true Nature , Reason . 16. Besides , it is extream hard to take Right Measures of Probability . Every Measure is a Certain Standard ; whereas , Probabilities are not capable of any ; but , like desultory Ignes-fatui , whiffle now to this side , now to that ; doubling , and re-doubling ; so that none can take their just Dimension , or Proportion . They vary every Day , oft-times every Hour ; and , what 's more Probable , this Minute , may , by some new Circumstance lately come to our Knowledge , become less Probable ; the next , perhaps , Improbable . Even the Highest Probabilities are not exempt from this Frailty , and Fickleness . I may think my House will certainly stand ; nor do I see any Reason to make the least Doubt of it : A prudent Neighbour , whom I take to be more Judicious than my self in such Things , spies a Flaw , or Crack , near the Foundation , which he thinks weakens it ; which makes it now Improbable it will stand , and Probable it will fall . Hereupon , I send for an expert Master-Builder , who has ten times the Skill of the other ; and he assures me , that late Formidable Crack is nothing at all to the Firmness of the Foundation , and therefore it will certainly stand : Which said , the Motive shifts Faces again , and it becomes very Probable it will not fall . Amongst School-men , some hold , that the Opinion of Three Doctors makes a Point Probable ; some think , the Opinion of Two is sufficient ; some say , One , who has maturely weigh'd the Point , will serve ; and , in the mean time , perhaps it is scarce Probable , at most but Probable , that any of these say True. But then , these Later say , that it is certain that what Seven Learned Men agree in , is Probable : Let then these Seven Learned Men agree that what some One very Learned Man , whom they nominate , says , makes the Thing Probable ; that One Man has the Virtue of all the Seven center'd in him ; and , therefore , that one single Learned Man's Opinion makes it Probable enough in all Conscience . Where then shall we fix the Bounds , or whence take any Certain Measures of Greater and Lesser Probabilities ? Whoever peruses , and considers well the several Sorts of Probable Motives , enumerated in my Method , B. 3. L. 2. § . 10. and by Mr. Locke here , in his 15th and 16th Chapters , will see , ( tho' we have not reckon'd up half of them , ) by reflecting on their Variety , and their Crossness to one another , ( abating the several Degrees of each , ) how insuperable a Task it is to settle any fix'd Limits by which we can be constantly assur'd , which sort of Probability is Greater , or Lesser . 'T is a Thousand times easier to establish absolutely certain Rules of Demonstration , were Men but as zealous to pursue Truth , as they love to talk at random ; either because they think that Noblest Quest not worth their Pains ; or , perhaps , because Palliated Scepticks inveigle them into a Conceit , that Science is unattainable . To obviate which Calumny , has , these Fifty Years , been the Butt of my Endeavours . 17. As for Authority , this one Maxim , pursu'd home , secures us from being deceiv'd by relying on it ; viz. [ No Authority deserves Assent , farther than Reason gives it to deserve . ] So that all the Certainty of Authority is to be refunded into Intrinsecal Arguments , taken from the Nature of Mankind , the Attesters ; and the Nature ( I mean , the Notoreity and Concern ) of the Things attested ; and , thence ascertaining the Attesters Knowledge , and Veracity : Which , if they can be demonstrated , or put beyond Probability , ( for , till then , none who are able to raise Doubts , and see the Medium is Inconclusive , can be bound in Reason to assent upon any Testimony , ) even the Wisest Men may rationally Assent to what they attest ; otherwise , not ; tho' weaker Arguments ( as I hinted above ) may suffice for the Vulgar , and for our Outward Actions . 18. To close my Reflexions on this Chapter , I am apt to think that this Learned Author is here drawn aside from using his Excellent Reason to his best Advantage , by apprehending some Things to be onely Probable , which ( or the Certainty of the Authority for them ) are perfectly Demonstrable ; as , in particular , that of the Existence of Julius Caesar. The same I judge of these , viz. That Alexander the Great conquer'd Asia ; that there are such Cities as Rome , or Paris ; that the same Chances cannot light often upon a Hundred Dice ; that I shall not think over again , in order , the same Thoughts next Year , as I did this ; and a Thousand such like . Which , perhaps , many will take to be but highly Probable ; whereas I , upon good Reason , cannot but judge they are all of them Demonstrable . But I am weary , and hasten to an End. 19. The last Chapter bears for its Title , [ Of the Division of Sciences . ] The two First General Branches of this Division are , in my opinion , Co-incident ; as will be seen hereafter . However , the Learned World is much oblig'd to the Author , for putting Ethicks to be capable of Demonstration , and a true Science . But , as to his Third Branch , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Doctrine of Signs , I must confess , I do not well know what to make of it : For , to make the Doctrine of Words to be a Science , or part of Philosophy , is to make Philosophy Wordish . He defin'd Philosophy , in his Preface , to be The Knowledge of Things ; and here he seems to make the Knowledge of Words a part of Science , or Philosophy , taken distinctly from the Knowledge of Things ; which is his First Branch . All Science is Connected Sense , and both Sense and Science are in our Minds . The Common Agreement of Men gives Words to be Signs ; Common Usage shews this Agreement ; Grammar helps them with Congruity ; Critick gathers from Authors , or Derivations , the Genuine Signification of such Words as are not so much worn by Common Use , but mostly used by the Learned : For , when they are thus Common , Critick is Useless . Logick , which is to direct our Reason , and define our Notions , so to keep our Thoughts or Discourses steady , takes care they be not Ambiguous ; or , if they be , gives Rules to detect their Double Sense , lest the Ill-understood Signs lead us astray from the Point . But , all begins and ends in this , that we be sure our Words do signifie our Notions , rightly , and sincerely . Sometimes we have Simple Notions ; and then we use such Words as signifie them : Sometimes we join many Simpler Notions in a Complex one ; and then we make use of such a Word as signifies that Complex Idea , or Notion : Sometimes we connect divers Notions affirmatively , and frame Judgments , or Mental Propositions ; and then , Verbal Propositions signifie that Verbum Mentis , or Interiour Saying . We may fancy that Words do ty together many Simple Ideas in a Complex one ; ( for , there is nothing which Men of Wit , by much bending their Thoughts , cannot fancy ; ) but 't is We who ty our Notions together in our Mind ; nor can meer Articulate Sounds any more Connect Simple Ideas , than they can connect or identifie our Notions which are the Terms of a Proposition : nor can they do this , any more than they can frame a Judgment ; that is , Judge , or Know. We may fancy too , that they record our Thoughts , which otherwise would be lost : 'T is true , that after we have agreed such Words should signifie such Things in our Mind , they have an order to one another , and do ordinarily come together into our Thoughts ; and so the Word infers the Thing ; but so does the Thing infer the Word too , to which we , by our Agreement of its Signification , do relate it ; and , of the two , the Word is sooner lost out of the Memory , and more needs a Recorder , than the Notion does ; especially , when our Memory is of Connected Sense . How often do we remember very well the Sense of an Author we have read , and yet cannot at all call to mind his Words ! My self , when I was young , had Words , and great Variety of them , at my Tongue 's End ; my Expression was Copious , and Florid , and now I am old and past my Autumn , my stile is dry ; and the Flowers and Leaves fall off , when the Fruit is ripe ; and tho' I still retain and increase my stock of Thoughts , I have lost that Multiplicity and Choice of Words I had formerly . But , I must complain that it is a great Injury to that Excellent and most Useful Science , [ Logick ] which treats of the Operations of our Understanding , and of the way how to manage them , to make it nothing but the Doctrine of Signes , or Words ; and to pretend it has its Name thence . As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did not signify Ratio , and Uerbum mentis , as properly as it does Vox ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 far more often [ Rationalis , ] than it does Sermone utens . But , above all , I am sure , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never found to signify the Art or Doctrine of Words , but the Art of Discoursing or Reasoning . 20. I cannot but think that the Subordination of Sciences , is as Useful and Necessary to be known , as their Division or Distinction , in Philosophy ; they being the Exact Knowledge of Things , taking this last word in its largest sense , as it Comprehends Rem and Modum rei . Also every Notion being the Thing inadequately conceiv'd , and having a kind of Distinct Nature peculiar to it self in our Minds ; and all Sciences ( they being Distinct and not Confused Knowledges , ) having , consequently , for their Object , the Thing as thus Distinctly or Inadequately consider'd , ( by which Objects they are Specify'd and Distinguisht ; ) it follows , that there may be as many Sciences as we have such Distinct Notions of the Thing ; and that each of them is got by looking more penetratively into those Distinct Natures in our Mind , or Distinct Notions : Science being in reality nothing but Descants ( as it were ) on those Notions , and grounded entirely on their Metaphysical Verity . Whence follows likewise that the Subordination of Sciences is grounded on this , that those Notions ( their Objects ) are Subordinate ; or that one of them is more Universal or General , others more Particular . To instance ; The Highest Science in the Line of that General Notion we call Substance , is that which treats of the Supreme Genus , or of Ens as Ens , and of what belongs to it as such ; and this we call Metaphysicks or Trans-natural Knowledge . The imediate Notion under Ens is Corpus ; and this is the Object of Natural Philosophy , or Physicks . Next under That is Vivens ; which ( as its Object ) Constitutes the Science or Knowledge of Living Things , and what belongs to them as such . Under that is Animal , which is the Object of the Science that treats of Sensitive Things , as they are Sensitive , and of what appertains to them , as they are such . The Lowest of our Notions in that Line , which are in any degree Common or General , is that of Homo ; which treats of Humane Nature , of its Operations proper to Man , as Man ; and Chiefly of his Primary Operation Reasoning ; and then , the Science which shows how to order those Operations right that belong to his Understanding , is Logick ; as that Science which shows how to order those Operations right that belong to his Will , is call'd Ethicks . Lower than this , Science proceeds not ; Individuals , by reason of the Complexion of Innumerable Accidents that Constitutes them , not being knowable to us , as such , so as to give us Exact Knowledge of their Singularities . Corollary I. From what 's said it appears ; that Mr. Locke's two First Branches fall into one . For his First Branch being [ The Knowledge of Things as they are in their own proper Beings , their Constitutions , Properties and Operations ] and his second , viz. Ethicks , having for its Object the Operations of Mans Will ; and Logick , the Operations of his Understanding , which proceed from him as Man , ( all Outward Actions that proceed not from his Interiour Knowledge and Will , being meerly Animal ; ) it follows that Ethicks , which is his Second Branch , is coincident with his First . For Man is a Thing , and has a Proper Being of his own , and his Understanding and Will are his Properties ; and their Operations are his Operations . Corollary II. Each of the Subordinant Sciences deduces Conclusions about its Proper Object : Which , tho' Conclusions there , are the Principles to the immediately Inferiour or Subordinate Science : so that none can know exactly what Homo is , who is such an Animal , if he be Ignorant what Animal is ; Nor what Animal , which is such a Living Body , is , if he knows not what Living Body is : Nor what Living Body , which is such a Body , is , if he knows not what Body is ; Nor , what Body , which is such an Ens , is , if he knows not what Ens or Thing is . Corollaay III. Hence is seen evidently , how Necessary , and according to Nature it is , that those Notions which are most Universal , should be most knowable or Clear ; in regard the Inferiour ones cannot be known but by them ; and that being most Clear , they must ( as was often shown above ) be also most Simple . Corollary , IV. Hence is seen also how all Sciences conversant about our Gradual Notions in the Line of Substance ( and the same holds in all the other Lines ) come to be connaturally Subordinate to those which have a Superiour Notion for their Object ; and how Perfect Knowledge or Skill in the Inferiour Science , is Unattainable without Knowledge or Skill in the Superiour . Corollary V. Hence is demonstrated , that Metaphysicks is absolutely the Highest Science ; and that , without Knowledge or Skill in it , none can perfectly understand the Inferiour Sciences , so as to resolve them into their First , and most Evident Principles . Corollary VI. And , since the Greater Clearness of that Notion , which is the Object of any Science , gives a greater Clearness and Evidence to the Science it self ; and the Greater Clearness of any Notion arises from its being more Simple ; and the more General they are , the more Simple they are ; and the Notion of Ens is Evidently more General than all the rest : It follows demonstratively that the Science of Metaphysicks , which treats of Ens as Ens , is the most Clear of any others ; and , in the Highest Degree , Evident ; and that they who think otherwise do guide themselves by Fancy , to which such very Abstract Notions are Unsuitable . Corollary VII . And , since Evidence determins our Understanding to Assent , and therefore Certainty which is the Determination of our Judging Power , follows Evidence as its Proper Cause ; it follows , that , as no Inferiour Science can be Evident without Knowledge in Metaphysicks , so neither can our Knowledge of any of them be perfectly , ( or in the Highest Degree , ) Certain , but by virtue of It , or of such Maxims , or First Principles , as belong to It. Corollary , VIII . The same Discourse that is made here of Objects found in the Line of Ens , and their proper Sciences ; may be made and have Equal force in the Objects belonging to all the Lines of Accidents , and the Sciences Proper to them . Corollary last . Hence the Doctrine of Words is no part of Philosophy , taking them as aparted from our Notions ; because it has neither for its Object , Rem nor Modum rei ; nor any thing found in Nature , or Belonging to it ; since Words are meerly Signes , appointed by our Voluntary Designation , to assist us in Communicating our Conceptions to others , which can be no part of the Knowledge of Things or true Philosophy ; Words being neither Simple nor Complex , Adequate or Inadequate Notions , nor in any Manner taken from the Things themselves . FINIS . THE CONTENTS . Preliminary First . § 1. INtroduction . § 2. The Using the word [ Idea ] in disparate Senses obstructs the way to Science . 3. Philosophical Words generally used , not to be laid aside without great Necessity ; much less changed for Others less proper . 4. Mr. L.'s Acception of the word [ Idea ] very Ambiguous . 5. The Ambiguity of it not clear'd by him . 7. The putting Brutes to have Knowledge associates them with Mankind . 8. The First Consideration pre-requir'd , ere we ought to think that Brutes know . 9. The Second Consideration pre-requir'd . 10. That our selves both asleep and awake , do , without Knowledg , perform as strange Operations as Brutes do . 11. The Resemblance of Reason in some Actions of Brutes , no Argument of their Knowledge . 12. Brutes have Phantasms , but no Notions or Meanings . § 13. Ideas , if not Spiritual Notions , Inexplicable . 14. Experience that we have Ideas gives no Distinct Account what they are . Nor the saying , they are Resemblances . 15. To have Ideas of our own Ideas inexplicable . 16. No Operation , External or Internal , begins from the Soul alone . 17. Mr. L. not only , nor directly oppos'd by this Discourse . 18. To ground all Knowledge on Ideas not distinguish'd from Phantasms , makes Science Impossible . Preliminary Second . § 1. THat the Elements or Materials of our Knowledge are properly to be called NOTIONS . 2. The word Notion and Cognition are taken here objectively . 3. What Notions are . 4. Fancy is to have no hand in discoursing about Spiritual Conceptions . 5. The Question about Notions stated . 6. A Notion is the Thing it self in our Understanding . Proof 1. Because Knowing is an Immanent Act. 7. Proof 2. Because the Thing known must be in our Knowing Power . 8. Proof 3. Because a Resemblance is not the Object of our Knowledge , nor sufficient to cause it . 9. Otherwise Ideas only could be said to be Known . 10. Proof 4. Because otherwise all Philosophy would be destroy'd . 11. Proof 5. Because Similitudes cannot possibly give us the First Knowledge of Things . § 12. As was prov'd formerly . 13. Proof 6. Because ere we can know the Idea resembles the Thing right , both of them must be in the Mind , to be there compar'd . 14. Proof 7. Because both the Correlates must be in the Understanding . Proof 8. Because the Prototype must be first known . 15. Proof 9. Because the Notions are what 's meant by Words . 16. Proof 10. Because , when the Thing it self is intended to be made known , the Thing it self is the First Meaning , or what 's first meant by the words . 17. Proof 11. Because the Ideas cannot be foreknown to our Agreement what the Words are to signifie , but the Things only . Hence the Question , whether the Things or our Notions , are immediately signified by VVords , is frivolous . 18. Proof 12. From the Verification of Propositions . 19. Proof 13. Because what 's perfectly Like is the Same . 20. Proof 14. This last Reason maintain'd by the Instance of the Notion of Existence . 21. Proof 15. The same Reason abetted by the Natural Sayings of Mankind . 22. The Difference in the Manner of Existing prejudices not the Identity of the Notion and the Thing . 23. The Eminency of the Spiritual Nature of the Soul gives her a Power to be all Things Intellectually . § 24. Shewn that Things may have two Different Manners of Existing . 25. No Solid Philosophy can be built on Ideas . 26. What Knowledge is . Preliminary Third . § 1. AN Objection against the Possibility of the Whole Thing being in our Mind . 2. Some Notes premis'd to clear this Objection . 3. Our Knowledge is such as our Notions are . 4. We can have such a Notion of a Thing ( or Essence ) as distinguishes it from all other Things . 5. Confused Notions suffice for a Remote Ground of Science . 6. Only Distinct or Abstracted Notions are the Immediate Ground of Distinct Knowledge , or Science . 7. Science thus grounded , is truly called the Knowledge of the Thing . 8. Abstracted Ideas , tho' Exclusive of one another , do Include or connotate the Thing . 9. This Point farther explicated and enforc'd . 10. Arg. 1. Prov'd , because Abstracted Notions , if Essential , do evidently include the Thing . 11. Arg. 2. Prov'd , because all Modes do the same . 12. Arg. 3. As having no Being of their own . 13. This makes , or shews Philosophy to be the Knowledge of Things . 14. Hence Aristotle expresses the Modes or Accidents by Concrete VVords . This Point elucidated by Abstract and Concrete Words . 15. Hence Space without Body , or Vacuum , is a Contradiction . Preliminary Fourth . § 1. The State of the Question . 2. Aristotle neglects to shew particularly how Knowledge is made . 3. Later Philosophers were at a great Puzzle about it . 4. How the Schools explicated this Point . 5. How the Ideists behaved themselves as to this Point . 6. How far the Author engages to clear this Difficulty . 7. The First Cause carries on the Course of Second Causes by Immediate Dispositions . 8. And , therefore , he affists Nature , if dispos'd , when it cannot reach . 9. Therefore , if the Matter can be dispos'd for a Rational Soul , God will give it . 10. There can be such a Disposition in Matter . 11. Therefore , some Material Part , by which immediately the Soul has Notions from the Objects . 12. Therefore Effluviums are sent from Bodies to that Part. 13. Therefore Man is truly One Thing , which is Corporeo-Spiritual . 14. Therefore some Chief Part in him which is primarily Corporeo-Spiritual , or has both those Natures in it . 15. VVhich is affected according to both those Natures , because of their Identification in that part . 16. The peculiar Temper of that Part consists in Indifferency . 17. That Part very tender and Sensible , yet not Tenacious . § 18. That Part the most Noble of all Material Nature . 19. Perhaps 't is Reflexive of Light , or Lucid. 20. The Effluviums have in them the Nature of the Bodies whence they are sent . 21. They affect that Part , as Things Distinct from the Man. 22. VVhy they Imprint Abstract Notions . 23. The peculiar Nature of our Soul renders those Notions perfectly Distinct , and Indivisible . 24. VVhence Complex Notions come . 25. The Soul cannot , alone , produce any new Act in her self ; 26. But by the Phantasms exciting her a-new . 27. How Reminiscence is made . 28. Memory and Reminiscence Inexplicable , unless Phantasms remain in the Brain . The Manner how Reminiscence is made in Brutes . 29. How Reflexion is connaturally made . 30. Direct Notions are Common to all Mankind , and their Words Proper ; Reflex ones , Improper ; and their Words Metaphorical . 31. Whence we come to have Negative Notions . 32. But those Negative Notions do not abstract from the Subject . 33. How we come to have a Notion of [ Nothing . ] 34. Hence great Care to be had , lest we take Non-Entities , or Nothings , for Things . 35. Logical Notions are Real ones . 36. The Test to try Artificial Notions . Hence all Philosophy is Real Knowledge . 37. How our Soul comes to have Phantastick Notions , or ( as we call them ) Fancies . How to avoid being deluded by them . 38. How we may discourse evidently of those Natures of which we have no Proper Notions . § 39. We can have no Proper Notion of God 's Essence . 40. The Author speaks not here of Comparing Notions , or of Judgments . 41. The Author's Apology for this Discourse ; and , what can be the onely Way to go about to confute it . Preliminary Fifth . § 1. THE Design of the Author here . § 2. The Meaning of the Word [ Existence . ] 3. The Extream Danger of Misconceiving it . 4. The Meaning of [ Ens , ] or [ Thing . ] 5. The Meaning of [ Entity , ] or [ Essence . ] 6. The Meaning of [ Matter ] and [ Form ; ] or , of [ Power ] and [ Act. ] 7. What is meant literally by the common Saying , that Matter and Form compound Body . 8. The Literal Meaning of Substantial or Essential Forms . The Reason why some Moderns oppose Substantial or Essential Forms . The Meaning of Metaphysical Composition and Divisibility . 9. What is the Principle of Individuation . 10. The Meaning of the Word [ Substance . ] The Word Improper . 11. That the Word [ Supporting , ] and [ Inhering , ] taken Metaphorically , may be allow'd ; and ought not to be Ridicul'd . 12. The Meaning of [ Suppositum , ] or [ Hypostasis . ] 13. The Meaning of [ Suppositality . ] 14. The Meaning of the Word [ Individuum . ] 15. The Meaning of [ Substantia Prima , ] and [ Substantia Secunda . ] 16. The Word [ Accidents ] is Improper . § 17. The Word [ Modes ] more Proper . 18. The Word [ Quantity ] is very Proper . 19. The Word [ Extension ] very Improper . 20. The Meaning of Divisibility , Impenetrability , Space , and Measurability . 21. A short Explication , what Quantity , Quality , and Relation are . 22. What Transcendents are . 23. The Five Sorts of Transcendents . 24. Great Care to be had , that Transcendent Words be not held Univocal . 25. What great Errours spring thence , shewn in the Univocal Acception of the Transcendent Word [ Compounded . ] 26. The Cartesians Unadvised in going ultra Crepidam . Reflexion First . § 1. THE Excellent Wit , and Unbyass'd Ingenuity of the Author of the Essay acknowledg'd . 2. 'T is probable he has taken a Prejudice against Metaphysicks . 3. The Incomparable Excellency of the Science of Metaphysicks , shewn from the Objects it treats of . 4. And from the Manner , by which it handles them . 5. The Knowledge of these High Objects Attainable by Natural Reason . 6. Mr. Locke's Tenet of no Innate Ideas , Solidly Grounded , and Unanswerable . Reflexion Second . § 1. IN what the Author agrees , and disagrees , with Mr. Locke . 2. We may have Notions , without perceiving we have them . § 3. VVe may think , without being Conscious that we think . 4. 'T is impossible to be Conscious , or know we know , without a new Act of Reflexion . 5. 'T is impossible to be Conscious of , or know , our present Reflex Act , but by a new Reflex one . Hence , we can never come to know our Last Reflexion . 6. 'T is utterly deny'd that Consciousness causes Individuation . The Unreasonableness of the Opinion , that Men do always think . Reflexion Third . § 1. NO Notion Simple , but that of [ Existence . ] The Order of our Notions is to be taken from Nature . 2. The word [ Solidity ] arbitrarily and abusively taken by Mr. Locke . 3. His Solidity not at all Essential to Body . 4. Space without Body , or Vacuum , is a meer Groundless Fancy . 5. The Contrary to that Tenet demonstrated . 6. Therefore 't is impossible there should be any True Experiment to prove a Vacuum . Reflexion Fourth . § 1. MR. Locke's First Chapter commendable . § 2. Privative Notions connotate the Subject . 3. Meer Motions made upon the Senses , Insufficient to give us Knowledge of the Objects . 4. Sensible Qualities are the same in the Objects , as in the Mind . § 5. The Pretence of God's Voluntary Annexing Improper Causes to Effects , is Unphilosophical . 6. The Power in the Object to cause Sensation and Knowledge , is improperly such . Reflexion Fifth . § 1. IDeas or Notions are not Actual Perceptions , but the Object perceiv'd , and durably remaining . It destroys the Nature of Memory , to make it consist in the Reviving Ideas . The Mind cannot revive Perceptions . 2. Ideas in the Fancy may fade ; but Notions are never blotted out of the Soul. Reflexion Sixth . § 1. IF Brutes can know , they may have General Notions , and Abstract and Compare too . 2. The Distinguishing our Notions guides our Reason and Judgment right . 3. All Complex Ideas or Notions must consist of Simpler ones , united in the Thing . 4. Otherwise , they are Groundless Fancies . 5. The Manner how all Complex Ideas or Notions are made , elaborately explain'd . 6. How the Doctrine of Cartesius , Mr. Locke , and J. S. differ , as to this Point . Reflection Seventh . § 1. EXtension , not well Explicated . Immensity , worse . 2. Place , well Explicated . 3. Body and Extension , not the same Notion . § 4. Space cannot be without Extension . 5. Extension and Space differ onely Formally , or in some nice respect . 6. The Common Explication of Extension defended . 7. Ens adequately divided into Body and Spirit . 8. Vacuum must either be Res , or Modus Rei ; otherwise , we can have no Notion of it . 9. The Extravagant Arguments for Vacuum refuted . 10. VVe can set Bounds to Space , Time , and to all Durations but God's . 11. Annihilation implies a Contradiction ; and is not an Act of Omnipotency , but of Impotency . 12. The Cartesians can hardly avoid Vacuum . 13. The having an Idea of Vacuum , distinct from that of Plenum , no Argument to prove it . Reflexion Eighth . § 1. THE plain Sense of the Vulgar gives us the true Notion of Time. 2. Duration is not Succession , but rather Opposite to it . 3. 'T is a strange Paradox to say , the Notion of Succession or Duration is to be taken from the Train of Ideas in our Mind . 4. Our not perceiving Duration when we Sleep , no Argument for it . 5. This Tenet is against Experience . 6. And , against the Nature of Things , and of Resemblances too . 7. One Motion , if Known and Regular , may , and must be a Measure to another . 8. There is no Shew of Reason , that the Equality of the Periods of Duration can possibly be taken from the Train of our Ideas . 9. This odd Tenet not positively asserted by Mr. Locke . Reflexion Ninth . § 1. IMaginary Time before the VVorld , a meer Illusion of Fancy . 2. They who advance Tenets against Nature , must alter the Meaning of those VVords that express our Natural Notions . 3. God's Immensity not Commensurate to an Infinitely Expanded Space . 4. VVe can have no Notion of a Vacuum , but a Fancy onely . 5. Scripture-Texts the worst sort of Arguments for Philosophers , unless they be most Plain , and Literally meant . 6. Onely Self-Existence , and what flows from that Notion , is peculiar to God. 7. Our Natural Notions assure us , that 't is meer Fancy to explicate God's Attributes by respect to Corporeal Natures . Reflexion Tenth . § 1. ENdless Addition of Numbers can never give us the Notion of Infinity . 2. How we come to have that Notion . 3. And with what Ease . 4. The Notion of [ Infinite ] is most perfectly Positive . 5. Duration easily conceivable without Succession . Reflexion Eleventh . § 1. THoughts are not to be called Sensations . § 2. Thinking is the Action , and not the Essence of the Soul. § 3. Mr. Locke's Position , that Things are Good or Evil onely in reference to Pleasure or Pain , is True and Solid . Reflexion Twelfth . § 1. THE due Commendation of Mr. Locke's Doctrine , in this Chapter of Power . 2. That some Spiritual Agent is the First Mover of Bodies . The VVill cannot move our Bodies . 3. The Understanding and VVill not Distinct Powers . 4. Man's Freedom , or Self-Determination , deduced from Principles . 5. The Difference between Men and Brutes , in their Determination to Action . 6. Man naturally pursues what is according to Reason , or Virtuous . Therefore his Nature has been perverted since his Creation . 7. Therefore Supernatural Motives are added , to strengthen Man's Weaken'd Nature , or Reason . 8. Supernatural Motives being the Stronger , would always prevail , were they duely apply'd to a Subject disposed . 9. Why the Understanding and VVill must be the same Power Substantially . 10. How to Conquer in our Spiritual Warfare . 11. 'T is evident that Man Determins himself to Action : 12. Yet , as Pre-determin'd by God. 13. Determination to Virtuous Action does perfect , and not destroy Freedom . 14. Good , if evidently appearing such , does certainly Determin the VVill. 15. How Wrong Judgments come . § 16. Sin generally springs from True , but Disproportionate Judgments . 17. Of Uneasiness ; and Mr. Locke's Discourse concerning it . 18. Good is the onely Determiner of the Will ; and not Uneasiness . 19. Prov'd from our Natural Defire of Happiness . 20. The Appearance of Good is of Greatest Weight ; but , in a manner , disregarded by Mr. Locke . 21. Putting this Appearance , his Reasons do not conclude . 22. Prov'd , because Ease is not the Perfection of a Soul. 23. The Truth of this Point stated . 24. Mr. Locke omits here the Idea of Power to be a Thing , tho' Nature suggests and forces it . Reflexion Thirteenth . § 1. OUR Mixture of our Notions is Regular ; Mr. Locke's , Irregular , and Disorderly . 2. Without knowing what Substance or Thing is , we cannot pretend to Philosophy . 3. All our Notions , and , amongst them , that of Substance , or Res , is taken from the Thing . 4. We cannot be Ignorant of the Notion of Substance , or Thing . 5. We know the more Inferiour Notions of Things less perfectly . And , Individual Essence , the least of all . 6. To gain a Distinct Notion of Substance , or Thing , we must consider it abstractedly from its Modes , singly Consider'd . 7. The Literal Truth , how Substance and its Accidents , or the Thing and its Modes , are exactly known . § 8. 'T is impossible not to know Extension , it being in a manner , Self-evident . 9. The Cohesion of Extended Parts is above Physical Proofs , and can onely be known by Metaphysicks . 10. Whence , 't is in vain to seek for Natural Efficient Causes for those Effects that depend on Formal Causes . 11. We may have Clear Knowledge of Spiritual Natures by Reflexion . 12. The Reason why , and the Manner how . Reflexion Fourteenth . § 1. THE Mind alone does not collect Notions , or compare them . 2. Verbal Relations come not from Defect in our Language , but for want of a Real Ground . 3. What Causality is , and what Grounds the Relations of Cause and Effect . 4. The Knowing the Principle of Individuation must antecede the Knowledge of Identity and Diversity . 5. What gives the Ground to specifie all Notions . 6. What gives the Ground to our Notions of the Individuum . 7. How Individual Men are constituted . 8. Existence cannot possibly be the Principle of Individuation . 9. The Outward Circumstances of Time and Place cannot conduce to constitute the Individual Essence . 10. An Individual Man is formally an Individual Thing of that Kind , and an Individual Person too . § 11. The Essence of Things not to be taken from the Judgment of the Vulgar , nor from Extravagant Suppositions . 12. Consciousness cannot constitute Personal Identity . 13. That Consciousness is Inseparable from every Individual Man. 14. Yet Angels , who are pure Acts , are Constituted in part , by the Act of Knowing themselves . 15. No Soul is Indifferent to any Matter . The Notion of the Individuum is Essential . The Substance is the same , tho' some Quantity of the Matter does come and go . Reflexion Fifteenth . § 1. THat is onely True Virtue , which is according to Right Reason . 2. How we come to have Confus'd Ideas , or Notions . 3. The VVhole Thing , as it needs not , so it cannot be known clearly . 4. The Metaphysical Reason why this Complexion of Accidents , which constitutes Individuums , should be almost infinitely Various . 5. VVe can Sufficiently know Things without Comprehending fully this Complexion . 6. No Formal Truth or Falshood in Ideas or Notions . Reflexion Sixteenth . § 1. WHence Proper and Metaphorical Notions and VVords have their Origin . 2. The General Rules to know the Right Sense of VVords . § 3. Words of Art most liable to be mistaken . 4. The Way how to avoid being mistahen in Words of Art. 5. Even in Terms of Art , the Thing is chiefly signify'd . 6. Metaphysical VVords not Unintelligible , but most Clear. 7. This Third Book concerning Words seems Unnecessary . 8. VVhence J. S. is not much concern'd to reflect on it . 9. Nature teaches us to define by a Genus , and a Difference . 10. Those who oppose this Method , must be forced to use it . 11. The Mind does not frame Universal Notions designedly ; but is forced to it by Nature . 12. Nominal Essences Groundless and Catachrestical . 13. Aristotle's Definition of Motion defended . 14. Aristotle's Definition of Light most Proper . 15. The Cartesian Definition of Motion Faulty . 16. Individuums under the same Species differ Essentially . 17. Whence we must take our Measures of Simple and Compound Notions . 18. The same Rule holds in Accidents as well as in Substance . 19. The Idea or Notion can never be in Fault when we Name Things wrong . 20. Confused Notions may have more Distinct ones annex'd to their Subject . 21. Coofused Notions do not exclude but include those Distinct ones which are yet Undiscover'd . 22. We must not judge which Notions are Simple , which Compounded , from Clear or Obscure Appearances they make to our Fancy , but from the Rule given above , § 18 , 19. §23 . Shewn hence , because those Men conceit that Metaphysical Notions are Obscure , whereas they are evidently the Clearest . 24. Not the Design of avoiding Different Significations of Words , but Plain Nature forces us to put Real Essences . 25. VVords are not Ambiguous for want of Settled Standards in Nature . 26. The Thing signify'd is not to be blam'd for the Abuse of VVords ; but their Ambiguity , ill Contexture or Misapplication . 27. Imperfect Knowers agree in the Thing and not in the Name only . 28. The Knowing Things by Abstract Notions promotes and not hinders Science . 29. By Mr. Locke's Principles , there is no way to remedy the Abuses of VVords . 30. Mr. Locke's Sentiment , after all , Ambiguous . Reflexion Seventeenth . §1 . OF the Second Operation of our Understanding . 2. Mr. Locke's Definition of Knowledge in many respects Faulty . 3. Knowledge cannot consist in the Connexion or Disagreement of Ideas . 4. The True Definition of Knowledge . 5. Our Definition of Knowledge farther maintain'd . 6. Hence , there is but one sort of Connexion , in which Knowledge consists ; viz. that of Co-existence . 7. The Degrees of our Knowledge assign'd by Mr. Locke , very Solid . §8 . Every Step we take in Demonstrative Knowledge , or every Consequence , must be grounded on Self-Evidence . 9. The great Usefulness of this last Position . 10. Scepticism and Dogmatism are , both of them , highly Prejudicial to Science . 11. VVe have Sensitive Knowledge of other Notions besides Existence . 12. Onely Principles and Demonstration , and not Experiments , can give us any Intelligible Explication of Natural Qualities . 13. Short Hints of the true Aristotelian Grounds . 14. How all Secondary Qualities come to be made . 15. The Course of Nature is fundamentally built on on the Admission of Rarity and Density . 16. That by these Grounds , the Nature of Secondary Qualities is Demonstrable . 17. The True Reason why some Men think them Inexplicable . 18. The Possibility of Demonstrating them shewn by the Instance of Colour . Reflexion Eighteenth . §1 . THE State of the Question . §2 . How we know the Things by Means of Ideas , Inexplicable . 3. The Ideists must be forc'd to grant , that the Thing known is in the Mind . 4. The Necessity of the Things being in our Mind , farther enforced . 5. Mathematical and Moral Knowledges are grounded on the Thing in the Mind . 6. All Essential Predicates , and Accidental ones too , are truly the Thing , and the whole Thing imply'd confusedly . § 7. That our Complex Notions are Regular , and Well-grounded ; Mr. Locke's not so . 8. In what manner we compound such Notions . 9. All Pleas fail the Ideists , unless they perfectly distinguish Phantasms from Notions . 10. Odd Miscarriages of Nature ought not to shock Natural Principles . The Cartesians are concluded against by J. S. as well as other Ideists , or rather more . 11. All Truth consists in Joining or Separating Partial Conceptions of the Things ; and not in Joining or Separating Ideas . 12. The Distinction of Truth into Mental and Verbal , Extravagant ; and the Parts of it Co-incident . Reflexion Nineteenth . § 1. UNiversal Propositions in the Mind are easily Knowahle , Antecedently to VVords . 2. 'T is not necessary to know the precise Bounds and Extent of the Species . 3. Unnecessary Knowledge not to be Coveted , nor the VVant of it Complain'd of . 4. The Nature and Use of General Maxims mistaken by Mr. Locke . 5. The Terms of General Maxims Clearer than those of Particular Propositions . 6. Such General Maxims are never used to deduce Conclusions from them , but to reduce Inferiour Truths to them . 7. The Absolute Necessity of First Principles Asserted . 8. How other General Maxims do govern all our Actions and Sayings . 9. The Discarding General Maxims destroys all Science . This Errour springs from Men's taking Wrong Measures , in judging what Notions are Clear , and what Confused . § 10. That not General Maxims , but their Abuse , breeds Danger to Science . 11. His Instance , that General Maxims are fit to prove Contradictions , shews he quite mistakes the Notion of Body . 12. Ideism is the Genuin Parent of Enthusiasm in Philosophy . 13. Identical Propositions not to be ridicul'd . 14. The Right Way how to use them ; and that Mr. Locke himself does , and must rely upon them . 15. Neither Ideas nor Names can be Predicate , or Subject ; but the Thing it self , as conceiv'd by us , in whole , or in part . 16. Mr. Locke's new Instructive Way is utterly Insignificant . 17. That the Signification of Words is the Meaning of them ; their Meaning is our Notion ; and our Notion is the Thing . Reflexion Twensieth . § 1. UNiversals must relate to the Existence they have in the Mind . 2. To put any Knowledge in Brutes , is against the Nature of Things , and Implicatory . 3. Mr. Locke confounds Material and Spiritual Natures . 4. Mr. Locke's Principles confound Humane and Brutal Natures . 5. To Create , is the Peculiar Effect of Self-Existence . 6. The Thought cannot move the Body ; and why . §7 . The Notion or Nature of the Deity being once setled to be Self-Existence , all that can be said of it follows Demonstratively . 8. We can know there are Angels , tho they do not operate 〈◊〉 us . 9. We know at first our own Existence , in the same manner as we know the Existence of other Things ; i. e. by Sensation , and not by Intuition . 10. No Improvement of Science , without some General Principles . Mr. Locke's Principles examin'd . 11. Mr. Locke's Main Principle ; which is to ascertain all other Principles , Inevident . 12. What Things hinder the Advancement of Science . 13. Euclid , and such others , not blameable for laying Principles , or General Maxims . Reflexion Twenty First . §1 . THE Point stated . §2 . Mr. Locke confounds Outward Action , to which we may proceed upon a Probability ; with Inward Assent , to which we may not . 3. A strange Character of our Judging Faculty . 4. That God has provided due Motives of Enjoin'd Assent to all Mankind , if they be not wanting to themselves . 5. To Assent upon a Probability , is against the Commonest Light of Reason . 6. There cannot be , in Proper Speech , any Degrees of Assent . 7. Probable Assent is Nonsense , or Impertinent . 8. What Kinds of Distinctions are disallowable in Disputation . §9 : Charity to Sincere and Weak Mis-understanders is a Christian Duty . 10. Tradition built on meer Hear-say , has little or no Force . 11. A more Firm Assent is due to Points certainly known to be reveal'd , than to Scientifical Conclusions . Reflexion Twenty Second . §1 . HOW Syllogisms came to be invented at first . §2 . The True Use and Abuse of them . 3. Objections against Syllogistick Arguing clear'd . 4. Syllogisms are useful for Demonstration . 5. Syllogisms are of no Use in Probable Discourses . 6. Other Mistakes about Syllogisms Clear'd . 7. Inferences and Consequences of Words abstracting from their Sense , is strangely against all Reason , and Preposterous . 8. What is due to Reason , what to Divine Revelation . The First Caution to be observ'd , in order to this Point . 9. The Second Caution to be used in this Point . 10. Reason not to be rely'd on in Things beyond its Sphere . 11. The Notion of [ is True , ] must be distinguish'd from the Notion of [ may be True , or may not be True. ] 12. Therefore , that no Assent ought to be built upon Probable Mediums , is Demonstrable . 13. All Errour comes by Assenting upon Probabilities . 14. The Tenet that we ought to Assent upon Probability , is highly Prejudicial to Piety , and to best Christian Morality . § 15. To apply our selves to the Right Method to find out Truth and Science , is the onely Antidote against Errour . 16. No Possible Way , or Certain Standard , to take the Just Measure of Probabilities . 17. The Certain Rule not to be mis-led by Authority . 18. Mr. Locke seems to take some Things for onely Probable , which ( or the Authority for them ) are Demonstrable . 19. The Members of Mr. Locke's Division of Sciences , are , partly Co-incident , partly not belonging to Science at all . 20. The Connatural Way how Sciences are to be Divided , and Subordinate . Some very Useful Corollaries concerning that Subject . FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 6. line 11. which last . l. 19. Notion , which . p. 13. l. ult . poor weak . p. 17. l. 19. so far . p. 28. l. 3. to be . p. 88. l. 28. extra Causas . p. 99. l. ult . Words do . p. 100. l. 1. Definition . p. 115. l. 11. it treats . p. 170. l. 2 , 3. at least . p. 179. l. 16. insuperably . p. 181. l. 8. GOD at . p. 191. l. 25. no otherwise . p. 202. l. 14. found in . p. 212. l. penult . to be so . p. 247. l. 30. as is fetch'd . p. 253. l. 16. the referring it . p. 266. l 2. Supposition . p 272. l. 15. given them . p. 340. l. 22. may walk . p. 348. l. 33. t is hard . p. 393. l. 13. l. 5. or other . p. 432. l. 3. brought to . p. 434. l. 23. Enquiries . p. 439. contrast . p. 451. l. 12 , 13. Probable the next ; perhaps improbable . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A59247-e12420 The using the word [ Idea ] in disparate Senses , obstructs the way to Science . Philosophical Words generally used , not to be laid a side without great Necessity . Much less chang'd for others less proper . Mr. L's Acception of the word [ Idea ] very Ambiguous . The Ambiguity of it not clear'd by him . The putting Brutes to have Knowledge , associates them with Mankind . * Method to Science , B. 2. Less 1. §. 12. The first consideration pre-requir'd , ere we ought to think that Brutes know . The Second consideration prerequir'd . That our selves both asleep and awake , do , without Knowledge , perform as strange Operations as Brutes do . The Resemblance of Reason in some Actions of Brutes , no Argument of their Knowledge Brutes have Phantasms , but no Notions or Meanings . Ideas , if not Spiritual Notions , Inexplicable . Experience that we have Ideas , gives no distinct Account what they are . N●r to say , they are Resemblances . To have Ideas of our own Ideas , inexplicable . No Operation internal or external begins from the Soul alone . Mr. L. not only , nor directly oppos'd by this Discourse . To ground all Knowledge on Ideas not distinguish'd from Phantasms , makes Science impossible . That the Elements or Materials of our Knowledges are properly to be called [ NOTIONS . ] The word [ Notion ] and [ Cognition ] are taken here Objectively . What Notions are . Fancy is to have no hand in discoursing about Spiritual Conceptions . The Question about Notions Stated . A Notion is the Thing it self in our Understanding ; Proof 1. Because Knowing is an Immanent Act. Proof 2. Because the Thing Known must be in our Knowing Power . Proof 3. Because a Resemblance is not the Object of Knowledge , nor sufficient to cause it . Otherwise , Ideas only could be said to be known . Proof 4. Because , otherwise , all Philosophy would be destroy'd . Proof 5. Because Similitudes cannot possibly give us the First Knowledge of Things . As was prov'd formerly . Proof 6. Because , ere we can know the Idea resembles the Thing right , both of them must be in the Mind , to be there Compar'd . Proof 7. Because both the Correlates must be in the Understanding . Proof 8. Because the Prototype , must be first known . Proof 9. Because Notions are what 's meant by Words . Proof 10th . Because when the thing it self is intended to be made known , the Thing it self is the first meaning , or what is first meant by the words . Proof 11. Because the Ideas cannot be fore-known to our Agreement what VVords are to signifie , but the Things only . Hence the Question , VVhether the Things , or our Notions , are immediately signified by VVords , is Frivolous . Proof 12. From the Verification of Propositions . Proof 13. Because what 's perfectly like , is the same . Proof 14. This last Reason maintain'd by the Instance of the Notion of Existence Proof 15. The same Reason ab●tted by the Natural Sayings of Mankind . The Difference in the Manner of Existing prejudices not the Identity of the Notion and the Thing . The Eminency of the the spiritual Nature of the Soul , gives her a Power to be all Things intellectually . * B. 3. L. 4. §. 14. Shown that Things may have two different Manners of Existing . No Solid Philosophy can be built on Ideas . 1. VVhat Knowledge is . An Objection against the Possibility of the whole Thing being in one mind , cleared . * B. 1. L. 2. § 7. Some Notes premis'd to clear this Objection . Our Knowledge is such as our Notions are . We can have such a Notion of a Thing ( or Essence ) as distinguishes it from all other things . Confused Notions suffice for a Remote Ground of Science . Only Distinct or Abstracted Notions are the Immediate Ground of Distinct Knowledge or Science . Science thus grounded , is truly called , The Knowledge of the Thing . Abstracted Ideas , tho' Exclusive of one another , do include or connocate the Thing . This Point farther explicated , and enforced . Prov'd , because Abstract Notions , if Essential , do evidently include the Thing . Prov'd , because all Modes do the same . As having no Being of their own . This makes or shews Philosophy to be the Knowledge of Things . Hence Aristotle expresses the Modes or Accidents , by Concrete Words The Point elucidated by Abstract and Concrete Words . Hence Space without Body , or Vacuum , is a Contradiction . The State of the Question . Aristotle neglects to shew particularly how Knowledge was made . Later Philosophers were at a great puzzle about it . How the Schools explicated this Point . How the Ideists behav'd themselves as to this Point . How far the Author engages to clear this Difficulty . The First Cause carries on the Course of Second Causes by Immediate Dispositions . And therefore he assists Nature , if Dispos'd , when it cannot reach . Therefore , if the Matter can be Dispos'd for a Rational Soul , GOD will give it . There can be such a Disposition in Matter . Therefore , some Material Part , by which immediately the Soul has Notions from the Object . Therefore Effluviums are sent from Bodies , to that Part. Therefore Man is truly One Thing , which is Corporeo-Spiritual . Therefore some Chief Part in him which is primarily Corporeo-Spiritual , or has both those Natures in it . Which is affected according to both those Natures , because of their Identification in that Part. The Peculiar Temper of that Part consists in Indifferency . That Part very Tender and Sensible , yet not Tenacious . That part the most Noble of all Material Nature . Perhaps 't is Reflexive of Light , or Lucid. The Effluviums have in them the Naturee of the Bodies whence they are sent . They affect that Part , as Things Distinct from the Man. Why they imprint Abstract Notions . The Peculiar Nature of our Soul , renders those Notions perfectly distinct and Indivisible . Whence Complex Notions come . * Method to Science , Book 1. Less . 3. § 2. The Soul cannot Alone produce any New Act in her self , But by the Phantasms exciting her anew . How Reminiscence is made . Memory and Reminiscence , inexplicable , unless Phantasms remain in the Brain The manner how Reminiscence is made in Brutes How Reflexion is connaturally made . Direct Notions , common to all Mankind , and their Words Proper ; Reflex ones Improper , and their Words Metaphorical . Whence we come to have Negative Notions . But Negative Notions , as they are Negative , do not abstract from the Subject . How we come to have a Notion of [ Nothing . ] Hence great Care is to be had , lest we take Non-Entities , or Nothings , for Things . Logical Notions are Real ones . The Test to try Artificial Notions . * See Method to Science , B. 1. L. 7. §. 13 , 14. Hence all Philosophy is Real Knowledge . How our Soul comes to have Phantastick Notions , or ( as we call them ) Fancies . How to avoid being deluded by them . How we may discourse evidently of those Natures , of which we have no Proper Notions . We can have no Proper Notion of GOD's Essence . The Author speaks not here of Comparing Notions , or of Judgments . The Author's Apology for this Discourse ; and what can be the only way to go about to confute it . The Design of the Author here . * Book 1. Less . 11. The Meaning of the word [ Existence . ] * Method . 1. B. 1. L. 2. § 14. The Extreme Danger of Misconceiving it . The meaning of [ Ens ] or [ Thing . ] * B. 3. L. 7. * Ibid. The Meaning of [ Entity ] or [ Essence . ] The Meaning of [ Matter ] and [ Form ; ] or of [ Power ] and [ Act. ] What 's meant literally by the common saying , that Matter and Form compound Body . The Literal Meaning of Substantial or Essential Forms . The Reason why some Moderns oppose Substantial or Essential Forms . The Meaning of Metaphysical Composition and Divisibility . What is the Principle of Individuation . The Meaning of the word [ Substance . ] The word Improper . That the words [ Supporting ] and [ Inhering ] taken metaphorically , may be allow'd , and ought not to be Ridicul'd . The meaning of Suppositum or Hypostasis . The Meaning of [ Suppositality . ] The Meaning of the word [ Individuum . The Meaning of [ Substantia Prima ] and [ SubstantiaSecunda ] The VVord [ Accidents ] is improper . The Word [ Mode ] more proper . The VVord [ Quantity ] is very Proper . The VVord [ Extension ] very improper . The Meaning of Divisibility , Impenetrability , Space , and Measurability . A Short Explication , what Quantity , Quality , and Relation are . VVhat [ Transcendents ] are . The Five Sorts of Transcendents . Great Care to be had , that Transcendent VVords be not held Univocal . VVhat great Errors spring thence shown in the Univocal Acception of the Transcendent word [ Compounded . ] The Cartesians unadvis'd , in going ultra Crepidam Notes for div A59247-e47550 The Excellent Wit , and Unbyassed Ingenuity of the Author of the Essay acknowledged . 'T is Probable he has taken a Prejudice against Metaphysicks . The Incomparable Excellency of the Science of Metaphysicks , shewn from the Objects it treats of . And from the Manner by which it handles them . The Knowledge of these high Objects attainable by Natural Reason . Mr. Locke's Tenet of no Innate Ideas , Solidly Grounded , and Unanswerable . Notes for div A59247-e49320 In what the Author agrees and disagrees with Mr. Locke . We may have Notions , without perceiving we have them . We may Think , without being Conscious that we Think . 'T is impossible to be Conscious , or know we know , without a new Act of Reflexion . 'T is impossible to be Conscious of , or know our present Reflex Act , but by a new Reflex one . Hence , we can never come to know our last Reflexion . 'T is utterly deny'd that Consciousness causes Individuation . The Unreasonableness of the Opinion , that Men do always think No Notion Simple but that of Existence . The Order of our Notions is to be taken from Nature . The Word [ Solidity ] arbitrarily and abusively taken by M. L. His Solidity not at all Essential to Body . Space without Body , or Vacuum , is a meer Groundless Fancy . The Contrary to that Tenet Demonstrated . Therefore 't is impossible there should be any True Experiment to prove a Vacuum . * Method to Science , B. 1. L. 2. §. 14. Mr. Locke's First Chapter commendable . Privative Notions must Connotate the Subject . * See Prelim. 3. §. 9 , 10 , 11. Meer Motions made upon the Senses , Insufficient to give us Knowledge of the Objects . * Prelim. 4. §. 26 , 27 , 28 , &c. Sensible Qualities are the same in the Objects , as in the Mind . The Pretence of GOD's Voluntary Annexing Improper Causes to Effects , is Unphilosophical . The Power in the Object to cause Sensation and Knowledge , is Improperly such . * B. 1. L. 7. §. 9 , 10 , 11. Ideas or Notions are not Actual Perceptions , but the Object perceiv'd , and durably remaining . It destroys the Nature of Memory , to make it consist in the Reviving Ideas . The Mind cannot revive Perceptions . * Prelim. 4. § 26 , 27 , 28. Ideas in the Fancy may fade , but Notions are never blotted out of the Soul. If Brutes can know , they may have General Notions , and Abstract , and Compare too . The distinguishing our Notions guides our Reason and Judgment right . All Complex Ideas , or Notions , must consist of simpler ones , united in the Thing . Otherwise they are Groundless Fancies . The Manner how all Complex Ideas or Notions are made , elaborately explain'd . How the Doctrine of Cartesius , Mr. Locke , and J. S. differ , as to this point . Extension not well Explicated . Immensity worse . Place well explicated . Body and Extension not the same Notion . Space cannot be without Extension . Extension and Space differ only Formally , or in some nice respect . The Common Explication of Extension defended . Ens adequately divided into Body and Spirit . Vacuum must either be Res , or Modus Rei ; otherwise , we can have no Notion of it . * Preliminary 4. §. 39. The Extravagant Arguments for Vacuum refuted . Psal. 103. v. 24. We can set Bounds to Space , Time , and to all Duration but GOD's . Annihilation implies a Contradiction , and is not an Act of Omnipotency , but of Impotency . The Cartesians can hardly avoid Vacuum . The having an Idea of Vacuum , distinct from that of Plenum , no Argument to prove it . The plain Sense of the Vulgar gives us the true Notion of Time. Duration is not Succession , but rather opposit to it . 'T is a strange Paradox to say , the Notion of Succession or Duration is to be taken from the Train of Ideas in our Head. Our not Perceiving Duration when we Sleep no Argument for it . This Tenet is against Experience . And against the Nature of Things , and of Resemblances too . One Motion , if Known and Regular , may and must be a Measure to another . There is no shew of Reason that the Equality of the Periods of Duration can possibly be taken from the Train of our Ideas . This odd Tenet not positively asserted by Mr. L. ImaginaryTime before the World , a meer Illusion of Fancy . They who advance Tenets against Nature , must alter the Meaning of those Words that express our Natural Notions . God's Immensity not Commensurate to an Infinitely Expanded Space . We can have no Notion of a Vacuum , but a Fancy only . Scripture-Texts the worst sort of Arguments for Philosophers , unless they be most Plain , and Literally meant . Only Self Existence , and what flows from that Notion , is Peculiar to GOD. Our Natural Notions assure us , that 't is meer Fancy to explicate GOD's Attributes by respect to Corporeal Natures . Endless Addition of Numbers can never give us the Notion of Infinity . How we come to have that Notion , * Prelim. 4. § 31 , 32. And with what Ease . The Notion of [ Infinite ] is most perfectly Positive . Duration easily conceivable , without Succession . * James 1. 17. * Apocal. cap. 1. v. 7. Thoughts are not to be call'd Sensations . Thinking is the Action , and not the Essence of the Soul. Mr. L.'s Position , that Things are Good or Evil only in reference to Pleasure or Pain , is True and Solid . The due Commendation of Mr. L's Doctrine in this Chapter of Power . That some Spiritual Agent is the First Mover of Bodies . The Will cannot move our Bodies . * Preliminary 4. §. 25. 26. Refl . 5. §. 1. The Understanding and Will , not Distinct Powers . Man's Freedom , or Self determination , deduced from Principles . The Difference between Man and Brutes in their Determination to Action . Man naturally pursues what is according to Reason , or Virtuous . Therefore his Nature has been perverted since his Creation . Therefore Supernatural Motives are added , to strengthen Man's weaken'd Nature , or Reason . Supernatural Motives being the stronger , would always prevail , were they duly Apply'd to a Subject dispos'd . Why the Understanding and Will must be the same Power substantially . How to conquer in our Spiritual Warfare . 'T is evident , that Man determines himself to Action , Yet , as Predetermin'd by GOD. Determination to Virtuous Action does perfect , and not destroy Freedom . Good , if evidently Appearing such , does certainly determine the Will. How Wrong Judgments come . Sin generally springs from True but Disproportionate Judgments . Of Uneasiness , and Mr. L's discourse concerning it . Good is the only Determiner of the Will ; and not Uneasiness . Prov'd from our Natural Desire of Happiness . The Appearance of the Good is of greatest weight , but , in a manner , disregarded by Mr. Locke . Putting this Appearance , his Reasons do not conclude . Prov'd , because Ease is not the Perfection of a Soul. The Truth of this Point stated . Mr. L. omits here the Idea of Power to be a Thing , tho' Nature suggests i● Our Mixture of our Notions is Regular , Mr. L.'s Irregular and Disorderly . Without knowing what Substance or Thing is , we cannos pretend to Philosophy . All our Notions , and , amongst them , that of Substance or Res is taken from the Thing . We cannot be Ignorant of the Notion of Substance or Thing . We know the more Inferiour Notions of Things less perfectly ; And the Individual Essence least of all . To gain a Distinct Notion of Substance or Thing , me must consider it abstractedly from its Modes , singly consider'd . The Literal Truth how Substance and its Accidents , or the Thing and its Modes are distinctly known . 'T is impossible not to know Extension , is being , in a manner , Self-evident . The Cohesion of Extended Parts is above Physical Proofs , and can only be known by Metaphysicks . Whence 't is in vain to seek for Natural Efficient Causes for those Effects that depend on Formal Causes . We may have Clear Knowledge of Spiritual Natures by Reflexion . The Reason Why ; and the Manner How. * Reflex . 9. §. 7. * See Method to Science , B. 4. C. 6. §. 18. The Mind alone does not collect Notions , or compare them . Verbal Relations come not from Defect in our Language , but for want of a Real Ground . What Causality is , and what grounds the Relations of Cause and Effect . The Knowing the Principle of Individuation , must anteceede the Knowledge of Identity and Diversity . What gives the Ground to Specify all Notions . What gives the Ground to our Notions of the Individuum . How Individual Men are constituted . * Method to Science , B. 2. L. 1. §. 10. Existence cannot possibly be the Principle of Individuation . The Outward Circumstances of Time and Place cannot conduce to constitute the Individual Essences . An Individual Man is formally an Individual Thing of that Kind , and an Individual Person too . The Essence of Things not to be taken from the Judgment of the Vulgar , nor from Extravagant Suppositions . Consciousness cannot constitute Personal Identity . * Reflex . 2. § 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. That Consciousnes is Inseparable from every Individual Man. Yet Angels , who are Pure Acts , are constituted , in part , by the Act of Knowing themselves . No Soul is Indifferent to any Matter . The Notion of the Individuum is Essential . The Substance is the same , tho' some Quantity of the Matter does come and go . That is only true Virtue , which is according to Right Reason . How we come to have Confused Ideas , or Notions . The whole Thing , as it needs not , so it cannot be known clearly . The Metaphysical Reason why this Complexion of Accidents which constitutes Individuums , should be almost infinitely various . * Job 36. 26. We can sufficiently know Things without comprehending fully this C●mplexion . No Formal Truth or Falshood in Ideas or Notions . Notes for div A59247-e97220 Whence Proper and Metaphorical Notions and Words have their Origin . The General Rules to know the right Sense of Words . Words of Art most liable to be mistaken . The way how to avoid being mistaken in Words of Art. Even in Terms of Art the Thing is chiefly signify'd . Metaphysical Words not Unintelligible , but most Clear. This Third Book concerning Words seems Unnecessary . Whence J. S. is not much concern'd to reflect on it . Nature teaches us to define by a Genus and a Difference . * B. 1. L. 3. § 2. Those who oppose this Method must be forced to use it . The Mind does not frame Universal Notions designedly ; but as forced to it by Nature . Nominal Essences Groundless , and Catachrestical . Aristotle's Definition of Motion defended . * See Method to Science , B. 1. L. 8. §. 2. Aristotle's Definition of Light , most Proper . The Cartesian Definition of Motion , Faulty . Individuums under the same Species differ essentially . * B. 1. L. 3. § 11. Whence we must take our Measure of Simple and Compound Notions . The same Rule holds in Accidents as well as Substance . The Idea or Notion can never be in Fault when we Name things wrong . Confused Notions may have more Distinct ones Annext to their Subject . Confused Notions do not exclude , but include those distinct ones which are yet Undiscover'd . We must not judge which Notions are Simple , which Compounded , from the Clear or Obscure Appearances they make to our Fancy , but from the R●le given above , § 18 , 19. Shown hence , because th●se Men conceit that Metaphysical Notions , are Obscure , whereas they are evidently the Clearest . Not the Design of avoiding different Signification of Words , but plain Nature , forces us to ●put Real Essences . Words are not Ambiguous for want of setled Standards in Nature . The Thing signify'd is not to be blam'd for the Abuse of Words ; but their Ambiguity , ill Contexture , or Mis-application . Imperfect Knowers agree in the Thing , and not in the Name only . The Knowing Things by Abstract Notions promotes , and not hinders Science . By Mr. Locke's Principles , there is no Way to remedy the Abuse of Words . Mr. Locke's Sentiments , after all , Ambiguous . Notes for div A59247-e108040 Of the Second Operation of our Understanding . Mr. L.'s Definition of Knowledge in many respects Faulty . Knowledge cannot consist in the Connexion or Disagreement of Ideas . The true Definition of Knowledge . Our Definition of Knowledge farther maintain'd . Hence , there is but One Sort of Connexion , in which Knowledge consists : viz. that of Co-existence . The Degrees of our Knowledge assign'd by Mr. L. very Solid . Every Step we take in Demonstrative Knowledge , or every Consequence , must be grounded on Self-evidence The great Usefulness of this last Position . Scepticism and Dogmatism are , both of them , highly prejudicial to Science . We have Sensitive Knowledge of other Notions , besides Existence . Onely Principles and Demonstration and not Experiments , can give us any Intelligible Explication of Natural Qualities . Short Hints of the true Aristotelian Grounds . * See Method to Science , B. 1. L. 3. § §. 1 , 2. How all Secondary Qualities come to be made . The Course of Nature is fundamentally built on the Admission of Ratity and Density . That by these Grounds , the Nature of Secondary Qualities is Demonstrable . The true Reason why some Men think them Inexplicable . The Possibility of demonstrating them shewn by the Instance of Colour . The State of the Question . How we know the Things by means of Ideas , Inexplicable . The Ideists must be forced to grant that the Thing known is in the Mind . The Necessity of the Thing 's being in our Mind , farther inforced . Mathematical and Moral Knowledges are grounded on the Thing in the Mind . All Essential Predicates , and Accidental ones too , are truly the Thing , and the whole Thing , imply'd consusedly . That our Complex Notions are Regular , and well grounded ; Mr. L's , not so . In what manner we compound such Notions . All Pleas fail the Ideists , unless they perfectly distinguish Phantasms from Notions . Odd Miscarriages of Nature ought not to shock Natural Principles . Hence , no Vacuum . The Cartesians are concluded against by J. S. as well as other Ideists , or rather more . All Truth consists in Joining or Separating Partial Conceptions of the Things ; and not in Joining or Separating Ideas . The Distinction of Truth into Mental and Verbal Extravagant , and the Parts of it Coincident . Universal Propositions in the Mind are easily Knowable Antecedently to Words . 'T is not necessary to know the precise Bounds and Extent of the Species . Unnecessary Knowledge not to be coveted , nor the Want of it complain'd of . The Nature and Use of General Maxims , mistaken by Mr. Locke . The Terms of General Maxims Clearer than those of Particular Propositions . Such General Maxims are never used to deduce Conclusions from them , but to reduce Inferiour Truths to them . * Book 3. Less . 4. The Absolute Necessity of First Principles Asserted . How other General Maxims do govern all our Actions and Sayings . The Discarding General Maxims destroys all Science . This Errour springs from Men's taking wrong Measures in judging what Notions are Clear , what Confused . That not General Maxims , but their Abuse , breeds Danger to Science . His Instance that General Maxims are fit to prove Contradictions , shows he quite mistakes the Notion of Body . Ideism is the Genuin Parent of Enthusiasm in Philosophy . Identical Propositions not to be ridicul'd . The right Way how to use them , and that Mr. Locke himself does and must rely upon them . See Meth. to Science , B. a. L. 2. § 18 Neither Ideas nor Names can be Predicate or Subject ; but the Thing it self , as conceived by us , in whole or in part . Mr. L.'s new Instructive Way is utterly Insignificant . That the Signification of Words is the Meaning of them ; their Meaning is our Notion ; and our Notion is the Thing . Universals mnst relate to the Existence they have in the Mind . To put any Knowledge in Brutes is against the Nature of the Thing , and Implicatory . Mr. L. confound ; Material and Spiritual Natures . Mr. L's Principles confound Human and Brutal Natures . To create is the Peculiar Effect of Self-existence . The Thought cannot move the Body , and why . See Method to Science , Book 1. Less . 5. §. 7. The Notion or Nature of the Deity being once settled to be Self-existence , all that can be said of it follows Demonstratively . We can know there are Angels , tho' they do not operate'on us . We know at first our own Existence , in the same manner as we know the Existence of other Things ; i. e. by Sensation , and not by Intuition . See Method to Science , Book 1. Less . 8. §. 7. No Improvement of Science , without fome General Principle . Mr. Locke's Principles examin'd . Mr. Locke's main Principle ; which is to ascertain all other Principles , Inevident . What Things hinder the Advancement of Science . Euclid , and such others , not blameable for laying Principles , or General Maxims . The Point stated . Mr. L. confounds Outward Action , to which we may proceed upon a Probability , with Inward Assent , to which we may not . A strange Character of our Judging Faculty . That God has provided due Motives of Enjoin'd Assent to all Mankind , if they be not wanting to themselves . * See Method to Science , B. 3. L. 8. To assent upon a Probability , is against the Commonest Light of Reason . There cannot be , in proper Speech , any Degrees of Assent . Probable Assent is Nonsense , or Impertinent . What kinds of Distinctions are Disallowable in Disputation . Charity to Sincere and Weak Misunderstanders is a Christian Duty . Tradition built on meer Hearsay , has little or no Force . A more Firm Assent is due to Points certainly known to be Reveal'd , than to Scientifical Conclusions . How Syllogisms came to be invented at first . The True Use and Abuse of them . Objections against Syllogistick Arguing clear'd . Syllogisms are useful for Demonstration . Syllogisms are of no use in Probable Discourses . Other Mistakes about Syllogism Clear'd . Inferences and Consequences of Words , abstracting from their Sense , is strangely against all Reason , and Preposterous . What is due to Reason , what to Divine Revelation . The First Caution to be observ'd , in order to this Point . The second Caution to be used in this Point . Reason is not to be rely'd on in things beyond its Sphere . The Notion of [ is True , ] must be distinguish'd from the Notion of [ may be true , or may not be true . ] Therefore , that no Assent ought to be built on Probable Mediums , is Demonstrable . All Errour comes by Assenting upon Probability . The Tenet , that we ought to Assent upon Probability , is highly prejudicial to Piety , and to best Christian Morality . To apply our selves to the Right Method to find out Truth and Science is the onely Antidote against Errour . No possible Way , or Certain Standard , to take the Just Measures of Probabilities . The Certain Rule , not to be mis-led by Authority . Mr. Locke seems to take someThings for onely Probable , which ( or the Authority for them ) are Demonstrable . The Members of Mr. Locke's Division of Sciences are partly Co-incident , partly not belonging to Science at all . The Connatural way how Sciences are to be Divided , and Subordinated . Some very Useful Corollaries concerning that Subject . 
A96369	----	Peripateticall institutions. In the way of that eminent person and excellent philosopher Sr. Kenelm Digby. The theoricall part. Also a theologicall appendix of the beginning of the world. / By Thomas White Gent. Institutionum peripateticarum. English White, Thomas, 1593-1676. 1656 Approx. 559 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 228 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A96369 Wing W1839 Thomason E1692_1 ESTC R204045 99863761 99863761 115975 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A96369) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115975) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 211:E1692[1]) Peripateticall institutions. In the way of that eminent person and excellent philosopher Sr. Kenelm Digby. The theoricall part. Also a theologicall appendix of the beginning of the world. / By Thomas White Gent. Institutionum peripateticarum. English White, Thomas, 1593-1676. [24], 430 p. Printed by R.D. and are to be sold by John Williams at the sign of the Crown in S. Paul's Church-yard., London, : M.DC.LVI. [1656] A translation of: Institutionum peripateticarum. "A theologicall appendix, of the beginning of the world" has separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 30". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Digby, Kenelm, -- Sir, 1603-1665. Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. Physics -- Early works to 1800. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . In the Way of that eminent Person and excellent Philosopher Sr. KENELM DIGBY . The THEORICALL PART . ALSO A THEOLOGICALL APPENDIX of the BEGINNING of the WORLD . BY THOMAS WHITE Gent. LONDON , Printed by R. D. and are to be sold by John Williams at the sign of the Crown in S. Paul's Church-yard . M.DC.LVI . Virg. Georg. 2. Happy who things Causes has attain'd to know , And all Fears and inexorable Fate Has trampled under feet : — The Method of Studying . Whoe're profoundly searches after Truth , And would not be misled by stragling Paths ; Let him turn on himself his inmost Eye , And bend into a Ring his ranging Thoughts ; Making his Soul see what she seeks abroad In her own native Treasures stor'd up lies : What the black cloud of Errour hid , will soon Shine clearer then the Sun it self at noon . Boet. de Consol . Philosoph lib. 3. Metr . 11. The Translatour's ADDRESSE . THis happy Analysis of Nature , which the infinite kindness of my beft Friend , the Authour , has encourag'd and enabled some pains of mine own to render plain English to my self , I dutifully present to my Country : Where so many clear Wits and strong Judgements ( the perfect Aptitude to such a Philosophy ) may , through the want or disuse of Latine , be disabled , or , by the extream concisenesse of the Stile , and incorrectnesse of the Presse , discourag'd from strugling for It in the Originall . The Subject , Nature and her generall course , is universall and practically indifferent to all Nations : it seems , therefore , but just her Interpreter , Philosophy , should speak all languages ; at least to that fair degree of currentnesse , as abstracted Reason it self is , every where , intelligible . Upon this resentment , the incomparable Sir Kenelm Digby ( whose Expression would I could glory so proportionably to have hit , as my Master may his Mind ) began lately to teach it Our Idiom ; which it so soon and perfectly attain'd , as clear evidences His to be the truly - Naturall Philosophy : What ingenuous Courage , once throughly engag'd ( and under so sure a Champion ) the same advantagious Way , in the same noblest Field , could resist the temptation to follow such a Leader and such Successe , upon so necessary a Design ? In short , I have dar'd : nor , I hope , altogether unfortunately ; at least , if an Authentick touch of Illustration , upon most of the knots and obscurities , in the Originall both Matter and Delivery , may excuse the tolerating still some few Terms , purely out of the stubbornnesse of their Nature , unreduc'd and , perhaps , unreducible . These , Reader , are the Translatour's Apology and Addresse : the Authour 's , His known Name and the Work it self . The Authour's DESIGN . IN what darknesse Philosophy lies hudled up , and how perplexing Chimaera's reduce it to desperation , 't is needlesse to mention : They see 't , whoever see any thing in it . As superfluous , therefore , 't were to Apologize , why I would lend it my slender endeavours . Why , such as you see , I offer them , take this Account . The main fault seem'd to me to lye at their doores , who neither do themselves nor can endure others should expect any certainty from It. Of these I have observ'd two sorts : Some there are that avouch as much of Geometry it self : some , that attribute this , not to the defect of Nature , but to the difficulty of the Matter , and the intricatenesse of Natures folds . And , I was about to provide a preambulatory disputation to the former : when this Dilemma came into my head , that , They either admit the evidence of a legitimate Syllogism , or not : if they admit it , they cannot contest against Geometry ; if they admit it not , I saw not what farther evidence there was in Nature able to force them : They were , therefore , desertours of humane Nature ; nor otherwise to be dealt with , then as Mad-men . Turning , then , to the later sort , I saw ther 's no so smart proceeding as the Geometricall way ; where , when 't is ask'd whether a thing can be demonstrated ? the Affirmer , producing a demonstration , presently destroyes the Probleme : So , I thought , I was to proceed by Instances , if I meant to perswade any thing . Thence sprung this grain of Mustard-seed ; which , to what growth it may hereafter rise , 't is not yet evident . Why I have stiled them Institutions , the shortnesse and concise connection of the work sufficiently discover . I call them Peripateticall , because , throughout they subsist upon Aristotle's Principles ; though the conclusions sometimes dissent . That I declare them written in the way of that eminent Person and excellent Philosopher Sir Kenelm Digby ; 't is , because , since , in that so justly-to-beenvy'd Book , Of the Immortality of the Soul , he has dissected the whole composition of Nature , from the first Notion of Body , to the very joynts and articles of an invisible spirituall Soul , and laid it before the eyes of all ; any other way , then that He had traced out , I neither would nor could proceed . Whatever , therefore , you meet with , upon that Subject , is borrow'd thence : but so , as that I have transferr'd only the naked Bones , scarce hanging together by their sinews ; wholly destitute of those Nerves and Colours with which they are sated there . There look for Nature , where you shall misse neither Oratour nor Philosopher : we only act the part of Abridgers or Summulists . The other things which are treated through this whole work , ly yet hid in His Cabinet , expecting the pains of greater leisure . If I have call'd this the Theoricall part ; I would not , thence , have you expect another Practicall one : for , I meant only to declare , that I touch't nothing upon the Morall . In Logick you have a little ; yet , something , unlesse I 'm deceiv'd , more then need : for , few Precepts are to be prescrib'd for Use , but a great deal of exercise . Out of the rest , if I have cut off the intricate and unprofitable petty Questions ; methinks I have deserved thanks . Do you ask , What fruits I expect ? That you should believe there is , in Nature and in things beyond Nature , a no-lesse connection of Terms & force of Consequences , then in Mathematicks : For , this the Order , and Brevity , and the invincible firmnesse , surely , of some Consequences will obtain of an unobstinate person . This if I shall have attain'd ; since all Science is lastly resolv'd into the unity of Definitions ▪ I hope , naturall Science will be rescu'd from desperation . I have divided the Books into Lessons and very frequent Breaks : both for the greater clearness & commodity of Citation ; as also , because , conceiving the entrance into these Institutions would be scarcely open to Novices , without the help of some more skilfull , I have call'd a Lesson so much as may , at one fitting , be explicated ; a Break , that which at one breath , or with one effort of the Mind and Voice ; to afford , betwixt the Breaks , a breathing space from speaking . To the Auditours , Questioning is permitted , in that kind as may make them understand the things propos'd ; Opposition is prohibited , till they have , once or twice , run through the whole Work : For , whilst they are yet ignorant of what lies hid in the things to follow ; by forestalling the order , they spoil the Discourse , whilst they tamper with objecting . The Work is but short ; and , for a little while , the affection of Credulity may be fairly exacted in a Learner , that he may clearly apprehend the things propos'd : When he shall have understood against what he 's to object , there will be liberty enough of disputing . You see , a Walk or Garden may serve well enough for this exercise : I have therefore given you a volume which will not load your Pocket . I have follow'd that Method which the necessity of consequences drew on , not , the rules of Logick prescrib'd , though yet it be not averse from this . If you blame the Obscurity , remember , Acroases are so to be published , that they become not publick : that their penetration may be difficult without a Clue , yet not unpassable to a resolute pursuance . THE TABLE . FIRST BOOK . Containing that part of LOGICK , which is necessary to Sciences . LESSON I. OF Propositions , as they are the parts of a Syllogism . Pag. 1. II. Of a Syllogism and its Conclusion . 4. III. Of the Predicaments in common , and the three first in particular . 8. IV. Of the rest of the Predicaments . 13. V. Of the five Predicables and the signification of words . 16. VI. Of Definition , Division and Disputation . 21. SECOND BOOK . Containing those things which concern the Nature of BODIES , in common . LESSON I. OF the composition of bulk or Bignesse . Pag. 27. II. Of the Nature of Quantity and Place . 32. III. Of Time and locall Motion . 39. IV. Of the four First Qualities . 47. V. Of the Elements . 51. VI. Of Mixtion and the Second Qualities , or those which most immediately follow Mixtion . 55. VII . Of the manner of Mixtion , and the Passion of Mixt things . 59. VIII . Of Impassibility , Destruction , and the Accidents of Mixt bodies . 65. IX . Of the Motion of heavy and light bodies , and the Conditions of Acting . 68. X. Of the Motions of Vndulation , Projection , Reflection and Refraction . 71. XI . Of the Electricall and Magneticall Attractions of hot bodies . 76. XII . Of the generation of Decomposit ( or , compos'd-of-compounded ) bodies , & Plants . 79. XIII . Of the more universall parts of Plants . 82. XIV . Of the Accidents of Plants . 85. XV. Of the generation and augmentation of Animals . 88. XVI . Of the Motion of the Heart , and some consequents of it . 92. XVII . Of the progressive Motion of Animals . 94. XVIII . Of the five senses of Animals . 98. XIX . Of the Objects of the Senses . 101. XX. Of Knowledge and Memory . 104. XXI . Of Sleep and Dreams . 106. XXII . Of Passions , and the expression of them . 109. XXIII . Of the communicating Affections to others . 112. XXIV . Of the seeming-Rationall Actions of Animals . 115. THIRD BOOK . Containing those things which concern the WORLD , and its greater Parts . LESSON I. OF the limitation , Vnity , and composition of the World. Pag. 118. II. Of the Mortality & kinds of those things that are in the world . 121. III. Of the parts of the Planetary world , and specially those of the Earth . 125. IV. Of the Sea and its Accidents . 129. V. Of Fountains , Rivers and Lakes . 132. VI. Of the Aire and those things that are done in it near the Earth . 137. VII . Of Clouds , Rain , Snow , & Hail . 140. VIII . Of fiery meteors appearing in the Aire . 147. IX . Of truly fiery meteors hanging in the Aire . 152. X. Of the generation and nature of Winds . 156. XI . Of Earth-quakes & their Effects . 163. XII . Of the Meteors of the other parts of the world and especially of Comets . 165. XIII . Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , and its Accidents . 168. XIV . Of the Motion of the Earth , and the Causes of it . 174. XV. Of the Oppositions against the Motion of the Earth : and of its Effects . 177. XVI . Of the Motion of the Aire , with the Earth ; and its Effects . 180. XVII . Of the Causes of the Motion of the Moon and other Stars . 183. XVIII . Of the Primum Mobile , the Duration and Quiddity of the World. 187. FOURTH BOOK . Containing that part of METAPHYSICK , which explicates the Essentiall Notions of BODIES . LESSON I. OF the divisibility of Substance into Formall parts . Pag. 191. II. Of the formall parts of Substance , in particular . 195. III. Of the unity and distinction o● Bodies , in common . 199. IV. Of the essentiall Vnity and Distinction of the Elements , and Mixt bodies . 203. V. Of the Essence of Animals , & of the Soul. 208. VI. Of the Chief Animal and the essentiall Distinction of Bodies . 214. VII . Of the mutation of the Individuality , in the severall kinds of Bodies . 219. VIII . Of the proper Action of the Chief Animal . 225. IX . Of the Soul of the Chief Animal , or , of the MIND . 231. X. Of the Proficiency & Deficiency of MAN , and of his Essence . 236. FIFTH BOOK . Containing that part of METAPHYSICK , which treats of SUBSTANCES ABSTRACTED from Matter , & of the Operation of Things . LESSON I. OF the Soul's Separation from the Body . 243. ●I . Of the Science of a separated Soul , and its Vnity with the Soul. 249. III. Of the Eminency of a separated Souls acts , above those it exercises in the Body . 255. IV. Of the Felicity and Infelicity of separated Souls , and their Immutability . 259. V. Of the nature of Existence , and its unity with the Thing . 264. VI. Of the Existence , Simplicity and Eternity of GOD. 267. VII . Of the perfection , Immutability and Science of GOD. 272. VIII . Of the Divine Volition and Liberty . 277. IX . Of the Divine Names ; how they are improperly spoken of GOD. 283. X. Of the Degrees of impropriety in the Divine Names . 288. XI . Of the Existence , Nature , and Science of INTELLIGENCES . 293. XII . Of the comparison of Intelligences to Souls and Bodies . 297. XIII . Of the Distinction , Subordination and Number of Intelligences . 302. XIV . Of the Action of GOD , Intelligences and Bodies , severally . 306. XV. Of the cooperation of the Agents to the making of Substances , a Rationall Soul , and to all other Effects . 213. XVI . Of the Government of GOD , and the Locality of Incorporeall Things . 318. XVII . Of the Conservation of Creatures , and the Durations of things . 324. XVIII . Of the Manner of Action , on the Subjects side . 330. APPENDIX . CHAP. I. A Philosophicall Discourse , concerning the Creation of Heaven and Earth . Pag. 341. II. An Explication of GENESIS , concerning the same . 345. III. A Philosophicall Discourse of the works of the two first Daies . 348. IV. An Explication of Genesis , concerning the same . 351. V. A Philosophicall Discourse of the works of the other four Daies . 354. VI. An Explication of Genesi , sconcerning the same . 358. VII . Some Animadversions about the Text of the first Chapter of Genesis . 364. VIII . A naturall Discourse of the Creation of Man. 370. IX . An Explication of Genesis , concerning the Creation of Man. 372. X. An Explication of the same , concerning the Creation of Woman . 378. XI . An Explication of Genesis , concerning Paradise . 383. XII . The History of ADAM'S FALL , out of Genesis . 387 XIII . Of the Punishment of our first Parents : out of the same . 391. XIV . Of the Evils derived to Posterity : out of the same . 399. XV. Of the Propagation of Mankind : out of the same . 405. XVI . Of the FLOUD : out of the same . 407. XVII . Of the Cessation of the Deluge : out of the same . 413. XVIII . Of the Covenant made with NOE , after the Floud : out of the same . 418. XIX . Of the second Propagation of Mankind into severall Countries : out of the same . 423. ERRATA . Pag. 56. line . 26. touching . p. 60. l. 7. a constant . p. 126. l. 22. del . to . p. 144. l. 10. del . ; . p. 181. l. 9. turned . p. 230. l. 20. by the. p. 241. l. 10. he is . p. 307. l. 5. immutable . p. 315. l. 9. immutable . p. 344. l. 26. of a. p. 405. l. last . by them . Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . First Book . Containing that part of LOGICK vvhich is necessary to SCIENCES . LESSON I. Of Propositions as they are the parts of a Syllogisme . 1. LOgick is the Art of Discoursing . Discourse is the Progresse of the Vnderstanding , out of one thought or judgement into another : but in a more speciall acceptation of the word , 't is A Motion whereby the Understanding , out of a fit and orderly disposure of some judgements already possessed by it , deduces and leads it self into the knowledge of something it was ignorant of . And this Discourse , when 't is close and exactly perfect , is , by a Greek term , called a Syllogism . 2. A Syllogism is compos'd of three Propositions : A Proposition is a speech whereby something is affirmed or denied concerning another : Whence , to its perfection , three parts are necessary ; That which is affirm'd , That of which 't is affirm'd , and That which expresses the affirmation , or the Term which connects them together . 3. These three are called Notions , or apprehensions , or things as they are in the Understanding , that is , according to what is common to them in themselves and in the Understanding : For , as the Statue of Caesar in something agrees with , in something differs from Caesar ; so the Understanding actually possessed of any knowledge , has something wherein it resembles and agrees with the Object , other things wherein 't is unlike and differs from it . 4. 'T is already said that Propositions are , some Affirmative , some Negative . Now , sometimes it falls out , that an Affirmation is applied to one thing alone ; sometimes to divers indifferently , as many agree in some one and the same Notion : This last is called an Vniversall Proposition ; as when we say , Every man is a living Creature . 5. When the affirmation is applied to one thing alone , that is taken either determinately , as Socrates , Bucephalus , &c. and then the proposition is called Singular : or else indeterminately , as when we say , some Man , or Horse , &c. and then 't is call'd a Particular proposition . 6. Again : since a proposition is either affirmative or negative ; and the same thing cannot ▪ at once , both be & not-be : if , at any time , one proposition affirms what another denies , such cannot be both true together ; and therefore they are called Opposites or Incompossibles . 7. When the affirmation and negation falls upon the same thing in all respects , such propositions are called Contradictories ; as , Socrates , here and now , runs ; Socrates , here and now , runs not : But when the proposition is universall on both sides , they are called Contraries ; as , All men are wise , None are wise . 8. Farther : as 't is evident , the same thing cannot both be and not-be , at once ; so 't is as clear that every thing is , whilst it is : whence , if at any time a proposition pronounces the same thing concerning the same , 't is called self-evident ; as when we say , The whole is greater then a part of it self , for 't is as much as to say , A part and more is more then a part . 9. Wherefore , if it be once known , that the same Notion is identify'd with two others ; it will presently be evident , that those two are identify'd betwixt themselves : for otherwise , that Notion which is the same with them would not be the same with it self . 10. Two propositions , therefore , being put , which discover the identification of some one Notion with two others ; a third proposition evidently emerges , whereby the identification of those two Notions betwixt themselves is declared : And these three compose a Syllogism . LESSON II. Of a Syllogism and its Conclusion . 1. A Proposition being a speech which pronounces one thing of another ; and since , betwixt three , there can be but three Variations , viz. that one be pronounced of two , or two of one , or one of another , and that again of the third ; there are onely three sorts or Figures of Syllogisms . 2. And , a Syllogism consisting of such speeches as connect one Term to another ; since , this third way , the Term which joyns the rest falls into the midst between them , becoming under or Subject to one , and above or Predicate to the other ; it truly and properly connects them : whence , that Figure whose Terms are thus order'd , is call'd the First ; and 't is the chief of all others , for all the Propositions and their Terms or Notions have a constant and determinate place and order in the Syllogism : 3. Whereas , in the other Figures it imports not whether of the two Antecedents be preferr'd ; and , in the Conclusion , either of the Terms may , indifferently , be the Subject or Predicate , And , if we look more narrowly into it , the other two Figures will , indeed , appear but distorsions of the first ; whereby the Notion , which , really , is the Middle one of the three , is made one of the Extremes , because all the three are identify'd . The first Figure , therefore , alone is according to Nature , and Necessary . 4. And in this first , because the middle notion is once affirm'd or made the Predicate , and once the Subject , the Conclusion cannot be varied , except it be in respect of the Universality and Particularity , or Affirmation and Negation ; whence the Conclusion becomes either an Universall or Particular Affirmative or Negative ; as uses to be cyphred by these words , Barbara , Celarent , Darii , Ferio : in which the Vowells shew the Nature of the Proposition ; A standing for an Universall Affirmative , E , an Universall Negative , I , a Particular Affirmative , O , a Particular Negative . 5. And , because these four Differences contein all manner of Propositions , in which Truth may be look'd for ; there are onely four Moods or forms of Syllogisms profitable , and they sufficient to deduce it : the rest are all provided rather for curiosity and abundance then benefit . 6. There is another kind of Syllogism which some call Expository , consisting purely of Singulars : And because a singular proposition comprehends its Notion as well as an universall , 't is a perfect Syllogism , though little used in Sciences , and therefore little treated of . 7. Again ; since those things which are Circumstantiall to any other thing either belong to it , or not ; and if they belong to it , then either to it alone , or to many other things as well as it : the propositions , too , which are deduc'd out of these , must be some Proper , some Common , some wholly Accidentall and Unconcerning . 8. Amongst which , since Proper ones alwayes expresse something which has the Nature of a Cause or Effect , and an Effect cannot exist without an actuall Cause , nor an actuall Cause without an Effect ; such propositions are fit to conclude upon any Subject , about which we are making inquiry , that It is , and cannot possibly but be ; to do which we call framing a Science , and the Syllogism whereby we work thus , a Demonstration , and its Conclusion , Science : which , if we know why a thing is , that is , if the Demonstration be made from the Cause , both the knowledge and Demonstration are call'd à Priori , or from something going before ; if otherwise , à Posteriori , or from something following . 9. Common and Vnconcerning Propositions are both of this Nature , Not to be applied to the Conclusion but by the Convoy and Mediation of some other closer relations ; which yet , lying hid and being undiscernable , are onely capable of affording an apparent knowledge call'd Opinion . 10. From which rule , such propositions are to be excepted which assume for proof the knowledge of another person : for , since Knowledge is adequate to the Thing it self ; 't is , as it were , a proper Accident : and the knowledge of a thing attain'd by these propositions is call'd Faith. Which kind of knowledge may arrive to a certainty , if the Authority assum'd be out of all question : yet it is not Science , because not evident ; since the thing appears but in the knowledge of another , and is undiscernable in it self , being it moves not the Understanding by it self and things naturally connected with it . LESSON III. Of the Predicaments in Common , and the three first in particular . 1. WE have said that Propositions are compos'd of Notions ; and that a Notion is the thing , according to the being it has in the Vnderstanding : There are , therefore , so many kinds of Notions as there are severall common habitudes of any thing without or within the Understanding , whereby it may be referr'd to any other thing , that is , Predicated of a Subject . 2. Now any thing may be considered both according to what it has in it self or is in its own Nature , and according to other things which , by consideration , are drawn in and applied to it . And , as to its intrinsecalls , a thing is consider'd either absolutely and in its very self ; and so 't is call'd a Substance , and that which is pronounced of it a Substantiall Predicate : Or , as 't is compar'd to all other things , in that respect wherein all things agree ; and thus we ask , how big a thing is ? and what we answer concerning it is call'd its Quantity : Thirdly , 't is compar'd to those things which are of the same kind with it ▪ or to its own particular nature ; and so we ask , what manner of thing is it , that is , how perfect is it in its own nature ? and what we answer is call'd its Quality : Lastly , 't is compar'd to other particular things ; and we ask , what 't is in respect to another ? and the answer is call'd Related or Relation . 'T is plain that , under these four heads , are comprehended all things considerable in the Nature of any Subject , that is , which are in it self . 3. But , those things , which are circumstantiall to another and may be referr'd to it , are either apply'd with Motion or in Rest . If in Rest , the Predicate is neither constantly fixt to the Subject , nor the Subject to the Predicate ; and then we ask , where a thing is ? and the answer is call'd it's Place : Or else the Subject is fixt to the Predicate ; as a Statue to its Basis , Liquour to a Vessell , one that sits to his Chair , &c. and , as before , we ask , where a thing is ? whereto the Predicate we answer is call'd its Site or Situation : Or lastly , the Predicate is fixt to the Subject , and we ask , what it has ? to which that we answer is call'd its Habit , as Garments , Arms , Instruments . 4. In Motion , if the Subject be mov'd , the Agent alwaies accompanies it ; if it move , the Patient : and , in both cases , Time or the Motion of the Heavens goes along with them , from which no Motion can be exempt . Of this last , we ask , When was the Motion ? and what we answer is call'd the Time of the Motion . 5. When the Subject is mov'd , we ask , by what ? and that we answer is said to Act , and the Subject to Suffer from it : when the Subject moves , we ask , what it moves ? and that we answer is said to Suffer , and it self to Act. Thus , the reason is evident , why there are just ten Orders or Classes of Predicates , or Notions , or Beings in the Understanding , which are call'd Predicaments . 6. Substance is immediately distinguisht into Spirit and Body . The differences of Spirits are unknown . Bodies are either Living , that is , moving themselves , or Dead , that is , not moving , but mov'd by others . Living bodies are either Sensitive , or without Senses . Sensitive are either Intellectuall , viz. Man , or Brutall , Beasts . Man is either Socrates , or Plato , or Xenophon , &c. and these are no farther divisible ; whence they are call'd Individualls ; the rest Vniversalls , because they are predicated universally of all that are under them , that is , of every one . 7. Quantity is either Discrete , as Number ; or Continu'd : and this , either Permanent , or Successive . Permanent is twofold ; Extensive , whose perfection consists in three degrees including one another , Longitude , Latitude , Profundity ; and Intensive , which is Weight . Successive Quantity is contein'd in Action , Passion , Speaking , and , generally , in Motion . 8. Concerning the proper nature of Body , because 't is Finite , we ask , of what Figure ' t is ? because 't is Alterable by others , we ask , how 't is , in respect to those Qualities according to which 't is variable ? as Heat , cold , colour , savour , &c. and this either constantly or in Motion ; and we answer , accordingly , either by the Passible Quality or by the Passion : as , in a Feaver to be hot , or to blush for Bashfulnesse , is a Passion ; but to be of a hot complexion , or ruddy countenance , is a Passible quality . Again , because a Body is ordered naturally to Act and to Suffer , we ask , what it can or cannot do ? and that which is answer'd is call'd its Power or Impotency . Lastly , because every nature consists in a kind of Temperature , we ask , whether it be well or ill in respect to that ; that is , whether it exactly or disproportionately possesses those things which are requisite to that ; and this , either constantly or for a time ? to which the answer is call'd , respectively , a Habit or Disposition . LESSON IV. Of the rest of the Predicaments . 1. THose things which relate or are compar'd to another , are either compar'd for having some Notion common to both ; or for their Acting or Suffering ; or else , by a certain third way , which participates of both these : as , when a Picture is made like the Originall , that neither acts upon the Picture , nor is the Picture ( being wholy of another kind ) really like it , yet in a manner , 't is both : and this respect is call'd of the thing measured to the Measure . 2. And , in this kind , there is one onely relation , and that on the side of the Measured : For a Relation being the Order of one thing to another , and since , between two things , one may be so ordered to the other , that the other may either have or not have a coordination to it ; it comes to passe that those things which are in the same order ( such as are those two first kinds ) have a relation on both sides , but those that are of different orders , so that , notwithstanding , the one be ordered to the other , have a relation but on one side . 3. Besides , it often happens that the Understanding , through Custome or an imperfect way of knowing , expresses even things that have no ordination , by a certain relative resemblance ; and then 't is a mentall relation ( by schoolmen call'd de dici ) not a reall one : as also , when the Understanding has express'd the nature of any thing by a Negation , saying , a Man does not see , or has no hair ; and then gives a positive being to this Notion , saying , a Man is blind or bald ; according to the naturall Aptitude or Ineptitude of the Subject to the denyed Quality , 't is call'd a Mentall Negation or Privation , respectively . 4. Wherefore , since , by these only ways , the Understanding can so vary any thing which it knowes , that a change may remain on the Objects side , and enter into the consideration of it , as belonging to the thing known ; there can be three only kinds of Mentall Beings : For , the disputes of the Moderns concerning such entities , are but gay Trifles , and the contemplation of an erroneous definition . 5. There is a kind of Relations , not unjustly , call'd Intellectuall , which follows a thing in the Vnderstanding in vertue of the reall quality of mere Vnderstanding ; and these relations are of a Logicall Nature , as those Terms of Universall , Predicable , Subject , Antecedent , Consequent , & the like : And these Relations as much follow out of things , in that respect , as they are in the Understanding , as Likenesse follow 's a thing in as much as 't is white , or Equality because 't is Quantitative : This , therefore , is call'd Intellectuall , because the Understanding is call'd Intellect , and in no other respect . 6. An Agent and a Patient clearly expresse two causes : which , yet , the Understanding ( distinguishing , & finding parts differently respecting the effect ) Logically and to serve its turn for Demonstration , divides into four . 7. And finding , in the Agent , that it can and that it does Act ; the Understanding call's that whereby it does or can ▪ act the Efficient cause , and that which moves or makes it to act , the End : Likewise , in the Patient , distinguishing what it is that suffers , and what it suffers ; it call's that the Form , this the Matter : satisfying , thus , these Interrogations , From what ? Why ? By what or How ? In what ? 8. Plato adds an Idea or Exemplar : but , 't is clear , that what wants an Exemplar cannot work without it ; and consequently , there is not yet an Efficient cause . The species of these , and indeed of all the last six Predicaments , are little us'd , and therefore omitted . LESSON V. Of the five Predicables , and the signification of Words . 1. HEnce 't is evident , there are two kinds or differences of Predications : For some Predicates of the same line or Predicament comprehend others , and are predicated of them as an Universall of a Particular : But Predicates of distinct lines are predicated of one another , as a thing superadded is predicated of that to which 't is apply'd . 2. Predicates of the first kind are said to be predicated in quid or as the what ; being such as answer to the question , what a thing is ? And , if the predicate comprehends the full answer to that question , 't is call'd a Species : but , if it only contains a part , so that other common considerations are comprehended under it , 't is call'd a Genus ; whose compart or partner , equall to the Species , answers not directly to the question What ? but , with the addition of what kind or what in particular ? supposing the answer to the question What already made by the Genus : and this is call'd a Difference . 3. The other kind of Predication is apply'd to some things necessarily connected with the Subject , which are call'd Properties : and are strictly such , if they appertain to it alone and alwaies ; but , more at large , if they be deficient in these conditions . Sometimes 't is apply'd to things , which may be both joyn'd to and separated from the Subject , without destroying it ; and such are call'd Accidents . Thus are there five , commonly call'd , Predicables , or Porphyries five Terms . 4. But , since Notions are not communicated , but by the means of Words ; and the same word sometimes is apply'd to severall Notions , sometimes to one only : as oft as the same word , in the same signification , that is , meaning the same Notion , is apply'd to more , 't is said to signifie or be spoken Vnivocally . 5. A word which serves for severall Notions has this property either by chance , as when in one Language it signifies one thing , in others another ; and then 't is call'd purely Equivocall : or else , of set purpose , 't is transferr'd from one Notion to another ; and then 't is Equivocall by design . 6. And , of this kind are those words which , by necessity or upon occasion , are transferr'd from one Notion to another , by reason of the Connection of the two Notions or things , or in consideration of their being Cause and Effect to one another : As , when healthfull , which signifies the quality of that temper which is just fit and convenient to a sensitive Creature , is transferr'd to signifie the quality of Vrine , because such a quality in it is the effect of a due temper in the Creature ; or to Meat , because it preserves and produces that fit temper : Or else for Proportion sake : so the expression , to stand at the Helm , is transferr'd from a Ship to the Governour of a City ; because , according to proportion , he does that in the City which a Pilot does in a Ship. 7. And , in such kind of words , the later signification includes the former : as , if you would explicate Urine as healthfull , you must say , 't is such an Urine as is the sign of health in the sensitive Creature ; if , the Governour of a City as standing at the Helm you must say , 't is he that does that in a City which a Pilot does in a Ship. These words are said Analogically , or by Analogy , to signifie more things . 8. And thus the word Thing or Being is extended to those ten lines or Predicaments before explicated : For , since a Thing is that which has a being , the first Predicament alone justly challenges to it self the title of a Thing in this signification ; that is , as Thing signifies An individual substance , which Aristotle call's the first Substance , Suppositum or Hypostasis , & , in rationall Substances , the Person ; for these names signify the same . 9. Whereas the rest have no being , but are only Affections and certain determinations of what has a being : for example , Socrates or Callias to be Men , is to have a being & to be Substances ; but Callias 's being of the same Nature with Socrates , which we call a relation of identity , is not at all distinct from them , & consequently can have no being but in them , and that their being ; yet , 't is not according to this Notion that They have their being : This Identity , therefore , has a being , not because it , according to its own notion , gives a being , or is that whereby a thing has a being ; but , because 't is a Notion which explicates a thing , that , according to another Notion , has a being . 10. Hence it appears why a consequence holds negatively , from a Substance to all other things ; but positively , from other things to a Substance : For , that which is not , can neither be the whole nor part of a Thing ; and , if it be a part or a whole , if fitted to its Own Nature , if apply'd to others , certainly it is . 11. T is as evident , if any never so little mutation be made in the Substance , the whole is chang'd : for , the Substance being that Notion whereby the thing is what it is ; and every mutation in Substance changing that Notion ; by every change made in the Substance , that is chang'd whereby this thing is , and consequently , this very thing . LESSON VI. Of Definition , Division , and Disputation . 1. TO know whether a word be spoken univocally of more things , we must look whether it be predicated , still , according to the same Notion : now , a Notion is evidenc'd by a Definition . A Definition , therefore , is a speech compos'd of more Notions , which , taken together , make up that one Notion which before was not known . 2. Since , therefore , a Definition is the very Notion defin'd , resolved , as it were , into parts : 't is clear , it can neither be more ample nor narrower then that which is defin'd . 3. Again ; 't is plain , that , to ask a Definition is nothing but asking what they mean , who understandingly use a word : wherefore , since some words expresse Notions that are common to all mankind ( as , those of the ten Predicaments ) 't is evident that , in these and such like , we must observe , what the common-People , who make up mankind , mean by such a word . 4. But , of Proper Names and Terms appropriated to any Discipline , to ask the Definition is to ask , what the Masters of that Discipline mean by such a word ? for these are , as it were , the Creatours and Causes of the words . 5. Again , 't is evident , he that asks a Definition ought to collect the usuall sayings of the intelligent users of this word , that concern the thing as 't is expressed by this word : which , if they be all gather'd , 't is as demonstrable the Definition is made right , as any cause can be demonstrated from its effects ; since , 't is plain , those sayings depend from the notion of the word as from their cause , and consequently , the Notion of necessity appears in them . 6. But , if it happen to appear out of such sayings , that the word has more significations then one ; amongst those that are made by design , it will easily be seen which is the principall , because that signification will be included in all the rest : as , the soundnesse of Meat or Urine include the soundnesse of an Animal . 7. Again , since those things which are demonstrated concerning another are , either in the thing it self , or else are effects or causes of it ; both which appear in the thing it self , and are conformable and proper to it : now , a Definition explicates the thing it self : 't is clear , that whatsoever is demonstrable of the thing is rooted in the very Definition : Whence , a Definition is a certain principall Instrument of Science ; and all the solutions of difficulties depend chiefly upon Definitions . 8. To make a Definition right , the Art of Distinguishing must be learnt . For , a Term being propos'd to be defin'd , out of what has been said , 't is easie to find in what Predicament 't is : which once known , all that remains is , by dividing the Genus , to descend by degrees , till you come to the particular in question ; when , presently , you have the Definition . And if , as it sometimes happens , many severall Genus's have a share in the thing to be defin'd ; this same course is to be pursu'd through them all . 9. But care must be taken , to divide by proper differences , that is , such as include in them the thing to be divided ; seeing they are nothing else but more or lesse of the very Genericall Notion : for accidentall differences are infinite , and besides the intention of him that asks for a Definition . 10. Have a care , also , the Division be made by Contradiction , that is , into parts contradictory one to another ; for so the Divider may be sure he comprehends the whole Genus . Lastly , these rules being observ'd , the fewer Members there are , that is , parts into which the Genus is divided , the more exactly you proceed . That Division , too , whereby Accidents are distinguisht from their Subject , is very usefull to Sciences : for , when it appears that a Concrete , that is , a thing which comprehends severall parts or Notions , is the Cause of any effect , by this Division you come to that Notion , according to which , precisely , 't is the cause ; which must necessarily be connected with the effect , simply speaking , and consequently , the effect may be demonstrated out of it à priori : For example , if it be known that Policletus made a Statue ; separating the Accidents , 't will appear that he made it , not as White , nor as Musicall , nor as Policletus , but as one skill'd in such an Art ; and hence you 'l collect , that All skilfull in that Art can make a Statue . 11. Out of a Division and Definition made aright , there arise two sorts or Species of self-evident propositions : For , as oft as one of the Terms is a direct part of the definition of another Term , the Proposition is clear ; as , if a Man be a Reasonable Creature , he is a Creature : Again , in a Division truly made , 't is plain , the parts may divisively be pronounc'd of the whole ; as , when we say , a Number is either Even or Odd. Whoever aspires to Sciences must be assiduous in these ; but , above all , in the practice of Defining ; for , all the connection of Notions is found in Definitions , and the connection of Terms is that which makes Science . 12. These , too , chiefly detect the snares of Equivocall terms , which are the very Bane of Science ; especially those which are caus'd by Analogy . Now , Equivocation is display'd , by looking into words what way soever connected ; as , into Causes , effects , contraries , superiours , inferiours , &c. wherein , if once any thing be found , which agrees to one and not to the other , the Equivocation is discover'd : As , if a Voice and a Saw be both said to be sharp , but the Contrary to the Voice is flat , to the Saw , blunt ; 't is plain that sharp is not predicated of them both in the same signification , and therefore 't is equivocall . 13. As for our modern Disputes , 't is to be observ'd , that the Defendant either puts a false Conclusion ; or , if it be true , he holds another incoherent with it ; or , at least , if there be no opposition among his Tenets , yet he is ignorant of the Antecedents and Consequents to his Thesis ; or , lastly , he is perfect only at this Thesis . In the two first cases , he may be convinc'd , if the Disputant behave himself well : in the third , too , if the Disputant can bring him about to yield to some falsity in those things he is ignorant of , he may easily convince him . 14. In the fourth case , one must dispute Critically , that is , either something afarre off must be sought for , and forreign to the Question , which the Defendant is not oblig'd to be skilfull in ; and clapping Authority on the back on 't , to fright him into the admission of a falsity ; which is the trick of most of those that dispute out of Medium's from Theology and the Divine Omnipotence : or else , one must argue out of common and logicall Notions , in which both the terms are ambiguous , and Equivocation easily hides it self . Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . Second Book . Containing those things vvhich concern the nature of BODIES in common . LESSON I. Of the Composition of Bulk or Bignesse . EVclide having demonstrated , that 't is possible to divide any undivided line , into full as many parts , as any other whatever has been divided , that is , into parts beyond any number assignable , that is , into infinite : there 's no farther doubt but a Body or Magnitude is divisible without end . 2. Whence it follows , that one indivisible in quantity , added to another , makes it not bigger : For , if it did , a finite number of indivisibles would constitute quantity ; and consequently , a Body would not be divisible without end . 3. Again : since any Multitude encreases by the addition of one to those already suppos'd , ev'n though 't were infinite : and yet the addition of one indivisible , to whatever presuppos'd number , makes it not greater : 't is clear , that neither an infinite multiplication of indivisibles is sufficient to make quantity ; and consequently , that a Body or bignesse is not compos'd of infinite Indivisibles . 4. Moreover , since 't is manifest that , if any two parts actually exist in a Body or Magnitude , even all the parts into which a Body is divisible do actually preexist in it , too ; and since 't is plain , if a Magnitude were divided into all it were divisible into , the remains would be purely infinite Indivisibles : 't is perfectly manifest that no two parts do actually exist in a Body or Magnitude . 5. 'T is urg'd against the divisibility of a Body in infinitum , that there would be infinite parts in it ; and since an infinite can never be measur'd , no part of a body can be pass'd over in a finite time ; and consequently , there can be no Motion ▪ Aristotle answers , that an actuall infinite can never , indeed , be pass'd over , but in an infinite time , too : but that the parts of a Magnitude are only , potentially , infinite ; and , therefore , nothing hinders but they may be pass'd over in a finite time . Galilaeus replies , As any two halfs do not , therefore , require lesse time to pass them over , because they are not separated : so neither can infinite parts ( supposing them in a Magnitude ) be pass'd over in lesse time , because they are but possible , then if they were actually or in effect . 6. 'T is answer'd , that if , in the potentiality of a Magnitude , there were , really , infinite parts , whereof every one , limited in themselves and distinct from one another , had a determinate bignesse ; they would indeed require an infinite time to be pass'd over : But there 's no such matter : for , the parts of a Magnitude have so undetermin'd a quantity , that they may be bigger or less , according to the proportion to the whole wherein they are taken ; whence , since , the more are put , the lesse they are , it comes to passe that they never exceed a certain determinate summe , which is the Magnitude of the whole , how high soever they encrease in Number . 7. Again : 't is objected against this assertion of no parts being actually in a Magnitude : First , that 't is against the credit of our Senses , for , we see divers and severall parts of a Table or Stick ; our hands , too , and fingers are many . 8. 'T is answer'd , by denying that we see many parts of a Table or Stick : for , if we saw they were severall , our sight could distinguish one from another , and we could just tell where one ends and another begins : since , therefore , the nearest immediate parts are separated , only by an Indivisible ; and an Indivisible cannot be discerned by sense ; 't is evident , it belongs not to the Senses to distinguish one part from another . 9. And , whereas 't is added , that we see two Hands and many Fingers of the same Man's : 't is true , indeed ; but a Hand or a Finger signifies not a part actually , but in potentia or possibility : For , if a Hand or Finger were cut off from the rest of the Body , it were , now , no longer a Hand or Finger , since it would be no more an Instrument of taking any thing , which is of the very definition of a Hand or Finger . 10. 'T is objected , thirdly , those are actually distinct , of which Contradictories can be verifi'd : But , 't is truly pronounced of divers parts of a Magnitude , that this is seen , toucht , hot , cut , &c. whilst the contradictories to these are as truly said of another part ; nay , 't is really true , that this part is not that , as the Hand is not the Foot , an Eye is not an Ear : Wherefore , these parts must needs be actually distinct . 11. 'T is answer'd , that Contradiction is only in respect of our Understanding ; wherefore , the Contradictories have only a notionall repugnance in the Subject , as it is in our Vnderstanding . Since then , the parts have a distinct being in our Understanding ; from thence 't is that they are capable to sustain Contradictories : Which to make plain , instead of this Proposition , This part is seen , toucht , warm , &c. let us say , The thing , according to this part , is seen , toucht , warm , &c. and not according to that ; is it not clear the same thing sustains Contradictories as 't is diversly apprehended by the Understanding , because the Understanding by this reflection , according , makes the same thing divers Subjects . 12. The like 't is when we say , a hand is not a foot : for it signifies that a Man as having the faculty of taking any thing , is not a Man as having the faculty of walking . And the same rule , we see , holds in abstracted Notions ; for , though we say , an Animall is rationall , yet we say , Animality is not Rationality . LESSON II. Of the Nature of Quantity and Place . 1. PArts , then , not being actually in a Magnitude , it follows , that Extension or Divisibility is not accidentall to it , but the very nature of Quantity : Whence , we see , as oft as one asks , how much there is of such a thing ; for example , a way , a piece of Cloath , Liquour , &c. we answer , so many furlongs , ells , ounces , &c. that is , by the parts into which they are divisible . 'T is plain , therefore , that the very nature of Quantity is Divisibility . 2. Hence , again , 't is clear , that 't is not to be enquired how the parts of a Magnitude come to be united : for , since more cannot be made of any thing , but what first was not more , or , one ; 't is evident , that what is divisible is , in that very respect , one ; and out of the very nature of Quantity its parts derive an unity . 3. Nor is it lesse manifest , that nothing , besides Quantity , is extended and divisible : for , 't is not intelligible , that any thing can be divided , and yet have no Divisibility : Wherefore , that they call Imaginary space is nothing at all , nor has it any distinguishable parts ; much lesse can it be a means of distinguishing other things , by its own distinction . 4. 'T is objected , Before the Creation of the World , there was a certain possibility of a World ; and a greater of the whole world then of any part ; nay , even now , without or about this world , 't is possible other Bodies should be created , bigger then this world : Yet , such a Body cannot be created , but some parts of it must be more distant from this , then others : Therefore , a greater and lesse distance from the world is imaginable ; and consequently , an Imaginary Space . 5. 'T is answer'd , There is , indeed , a possibility of such a world : but , 't is either in the Power of God , and so is nothing else but his very Essence ; or , in the Idea of some understanding Creature ( and is only the mere conformity of the Predicate with the Subject , or of one part with another ) which saies , there is a world , or such things agree well together . But , without the world there is no distance , now ; though there would be , were any new Body created : for , since Distance signifies extension and parts ; and a Body is compos'd of parts ; 't is plain , that , a Body being created , Distance too , is created : But , to imagine Distance abstracted from a Body is manifestly against this first principle of Reason , which denies that the same can be a Thing and no-Thing . 6. Again , 't is evident , there 's no such thing as a kind of infinite Magnitude or Vastness , wherein all Bodies are : for bodies would not be counter-extended with such a Magnitude ; & consequently , since Bodies are Quantitative things , that would not be such . 7. Out of what has been said , 't is plain , there is no empty place in the world ; that is , there is no hollow body , wherein there is not another Body : for , it being determin'd , that Distance is a Body ; 't is manifest that , taking away Body , all Distance is taken away : Since , therefore , 't is plain , that distant things are joyn'd by taking away the distance ; if , out of a hollow body , that be taken away which keeps the sides asunder , the sides remain conjoin'd , & the Body is no longer hollow . 8. Whence it appears , the wonder of those that ask , If all the Air should be taken out of a vast hollow sphear , and nothing else should be done , what would follow ? is irrationall ; and signifies just as if they should say , If the sides of the sphear were joyn'd , & nothing else done , would they be joyn'd ? 9. If , then , all quantitative things are joyn'd together , they are Continu'd : For , things continu'd are no otherwise , so , but , in vertue of the Quantity , which is in either part : since , therefore , in these , there 's Quantity on either side ; whatever quantitative things are conjoin'd must be continu'd . 10. Out of what has been said , the Notion of Place is collected : For , it appears to us , that is , to Mankind , that Place is an immovable Vessell , which some bodies go out of and others enter into : moreover , that the Earth is absolutely immovable , and that Heaven and the Starres observe a constancy in their Motion , & so give a ground , on which the notion of immobility may be founded ; whence , a Vessell , by respects to a determinate part of the Earth & of the motion of the Heavens , will gain an apprehension of immobility . To say , therefore , a Body is in such a place , is as much as to say , 'T is in a Body which has such a situation to the Earth and to the Heavens ; for example , 't is at such a distance from such a Mountain , towards the beginning of Aries , or the Sun-rising . 11. And , that this is true , appears out of those explications of Place , whereby , usually , answer is made to the Question , Where is such a thing ? For , we answer by such things as , in our apprehensions , are immoveable : in the last resolution , by the parts of the Heavens ; next , by Mountains , Rivers , Cities , Houses , Trees , &c. and more immediately by Walls and things fastned to Walls , or rather , by immoveable things within the House , as Beds , Cupboards , &c. 'T is plain , therefore , that Place is the Body which next encloses the thing within it ; as 't is conceiv'd to be in a certain site to the rest of the world , or its fixt parts . 12. You 'l object , there 's nothing constant in the world , able to make a Place , besides Imaginary Space . 'T is answer'd , Place is a word , signifying according to the will of the first imposers , and therefore signifies a thing as 't is in our mind , or under Notion ; wherefore , you must not require something really immoveable , but which may appear such : Now , even Motion it self , if it be constantly the same , appears to have a kind of immobility ; and so , 't is sufficient that the Sun constantly rises in one part and sets in another , to determine Place , without any need of Imaginary Space . 13. You 'l object again , This Definition does not agree with all things that are in Place : for it neither agrees with Angels or separated souls , which yet , 't is clear , are in a Place ; nor with the World it self ; nor with Qualities ▪ or parts of Substance , which are in a Place , too . We answer , 't is clear indeed that spirituall substances are in a Place , but 't is not clear what signifies , to be in a Place , when we speak of them : but certain 't is , that it signifies not , to be in a Place after the manner of Bodies , which alone is , properly , to be in a Place ; since Mankind , to whom belongs the imposing the name of Place , never saw spirituall substances . 'T is as certain that , either the world is not in a Place , or , if it be , ( as some endeavour to explicate , ) 't is by its parts ; that is , because every part is in a Place , it may , in a kind of forc'd sense , be said to be in a Place . But , Forms and Qualities to be in a Place , signifies they are the Forms and Qualities of Bodies which are in a Place : Whence , all these are said to be in a Place analogically , and not in their primary signification . 14. Nor imports it , that the Vulgar think that to have no being , which is nowhere : for the Vulgar are not the composer of Sciences , as they are the imposer of Names : wherefore , we receive the signification of Names from them , but not the truth of Propositions . 15. Having determin'd then , that Place is something extrinsecall to the thing in it ; and seeing that an extrinsecall change cannot be made without some intrinsecall one , too , ( since the extrinsecall denomination is not another thing , different from the intrinsecall quality of the things which concurre to the denomination ) in every change of Place , some intrinsecall Mutation must of necessity intervene : But , the change of Place is , immediately , a change of the application of the sides of the thing moved , from the sides of the Place whence it parts , to the sides of the Place whether it passes : wherefore , the Place and the Thing in it being , really , the same quantitative thing , we must say that Locall Motion materially , is Division , that is , the first and , principall act of Quantity or Divisibilty ; and , formally , the denomination of a new site of the Universe , as has been declared . 16. It follows , out of what has been said , that , since 't is of the very Nature of Quantity , to have its parts extended and one out of or beyond another , 't is impossible two Bodies should be in the same Place ; for so , one , in respect to the other , should not have the Nature of Quantity : As also , if the same Body were situated in two Places ; since 't would make a double distance , it would have the force and effect of two Quantities , that is , be double it self . 17. The objections against these Positions are Theologicall , & not hard in Theology ; & therefore , are to be referr'd thither . LESSON III. Of Time and Locall Motion . 1. NOw , among Locall-Motions , 't is evident , the Motion of the Heavens , especially of the Sun and Moon , is most notorious and common to Mankind ; as also , ( at least , to our apprehensions ) most constant & equall : Wherefore , t is the fittest & best qualifi'd for the measuring of other Motions : & so , experience teaches , that 't is apply'd to this use ; for the Howers , Days , Years , &c. are certain parts of the Motion of the Sun. 2. This motion therefore , as 't is made use of for the measuring other motions , we call Time : and , comparing motion to Time , we say , one is swifter or slower then another . 3. You 'l object , this is an ill Definition of Time : for , before the World was created , there was Time ; and yet , no Motion of the Heavens . If the Sun , too , should stand still , Time would not , therefore , cease to passe on : Wherefore , Time is not the Motion of the Heavens . 'T is answer'd , Before the creation of the World , there was no time ; however we may imagine Time before the World , as we do Place out of the World : but these Opinions are ill grounded in the Fancy . And , if the Sun should stand still , 't is plain , there would be no Daies and Years , &c. that is , if it should stand still for ever ; for , if it stood but for a little while , it would only make the Day longer . But , 't is to be observ'd , that the Motion of the Heavens is not Time , as it is in it self , but as it is the Object of our apprehensions ; whereby we form a certain quantity of Motion , which we may apply to all other Motions , and even to the Motion of the Sun it self . 4. To the question , therefore , Whether time would passe on were the Sun or Heavens immoveable ? 't is answer'd that , abstracting from our apprehensions , it would not : but , because there would still remain in us a power of measuring other Motions , by the Motion of the Heavens which we formerly apprehended ; we should measure Motions by Time passing on in its Essence , not in Existence , that is , by the Notion and Nature , not the actuall Presence of Time. Time , therefore , would not , really , passe on ; yet we should make use of it as if it did . 5. You 'l object again , The Motion of the Heavens is divisible , as the space wherein they are mov'd : But Time consists of Indivisibles ; for , It has no true being but the present , which is alwaies indivisible . 'T is answer'd , Time is divisible without end , just as Motion is : But , what is said , that nothing of Time is present but an instant , is false ; for , we say , the present Day , Year , Age , &c. for , Time being Motion , as in our apprehensions , the Understanding can make as much of it present as it pleases , by taking a whole part after the manner of one Entity . 6. But an indivisible part of Time is never present ; for , there is no such thing : the working , only , of our Understanding makes Instants , not as a part of Time , but as the end of one part and the beginning of another : Whence , we never conceit an instant In Time or Motion , but when we mean there is no more Time or Motion , An Instant , therefore , is a kind of not-being of Time : Wherefore , what 's said , that nothing of Time is present but an Instant , is to be understood , that Nothing of Time is present together and at once , because its nature is Successive ; nor can it have any existence , as a kind of Thing or Being , but as the variation of a divisible Thing as 't is divisible . 7. Again ; it being apparent , that some things are more easie , others harder to be divided , or ( which is the same ) some are more , others lesse divisible : if that which causes the Motion forces a lesse against a more divisible , the more divisible must of necessity be cut asunder , and admit in the lesse divisible between its parts : wherefore , a Division will be made , and consequently , if the other requisites concurre , a Locall Motion ; for , the lesse divisible will change its place . If , therefore , the same lesse divisible be impell'd , with the same force , against any thing more divisible then the former ; 't will separate it in lesse time , and consequently , 't will be mov'd faster . 8. Now , the lesse divisible is call'd , Dense ; the more , Rare : and , because Divisibility is the very nature of Quantity , the rare will have more , the dense lesse of Quantity : and these are the first differences that can be expected in a Quantum or Magnitude , they being made by more and lesse of Quantity in a quantitative Thing . 9. But , because , out of what has been said , it appears that the rare , in respect of the dense , is that which is divisible , and contrarily , the dense is the divider : by how much greater the proportion of density is in the divider , to the rarity of what is divided ; by so much the division must needs be quicker , and the Motion swifter . 10. In like manner it is , too , for matter of the Figure or shape : for , one figure being apter to divide then another , ( since , we see Artificers chuse sharp figures to cut with ) by how much the figure is more apt ( supposing all other circumstances proportionable ) so much swifter the Motion will be . 11. Lastly ; because , in dense things of the same figure , the comparison of density to the figure is greater in great things , ( because , in Bodies , the Solid is multiply'd in a triple proportion , but the Superficies only in a double ; that is , of two similary Globes , &c. if their Diameters be as 2 to 3 , their Solids will be as 8 to 27 , but their Superficies only as 4 to 9. ) it comes to passe that , ( other circumstances being suppos'd equall ) of bodies that are alike , the greater move swifter then the lesse . It appears , therefore , that , in respect to the same Medium , there are three conditions in a Moveable , which make the Motion swifter , viz. bignesse , density and figure . 12. It follows , out of what has been said , that there can be no Motion in an instant , by an Agent of a finite power : for , the space wherein 't is made being divisible without end ; if the motion were in an instant , the Agent could move the movable through a space assign'd , while the power which moves the Sun could not move that never so little a space : since , therefore , space may diminish without end , 't is necessary the power be encreas'd without end , and consequently , be infinite . 13. Again ; since a greater power is requir'd to move the same movable more swiftly through the same Medium ; a movable cannot be transferr'd from a lesse to a greater degree of velocity , in an instant , by a finite Agent : For , since some power is requisite to give it a greater velocity , even in the same time ; and the proportion of time to an instant is infinite ; the power to give it such a velocity , in an instant , must be infinite . 14. Whence , 't is evident , that every Movable which is rais'd from rest to motion , passes through infinite degrees of slownesse , greater then that degree whereto we suppose it to be arrived . For , since every assign'd degree is divisible into infinite ones which are between it and rest , nor can a finite Agent raise the Movable from any of those to an assign'd degree , in an instant ; much lesse can it transferre it from rest to an assign'd degree in an instant . Consequentially to these positions , Every movable that is reduc'd from rest to motion , at the beginning , increases in velocity : but , since to every finite Agent , there corresponds a certain determinate degree of Effect , beyond which it has no power ; when it arrives once to that degree of velocity , it will stand at it , and the Motion will encrease no farther . 15. But if , to the difficulty of the Medium , there be added an Agent moving a contrary way ; according to that Agents power the velocity of the former movable will be diminisht , or the movable be even forc'd to rest , or to an opposite Motion . And thus it appears how Motions begin and end . 16. Lastly , it may be concluded , speculatively speaking , that any weight whatever may be mov'd an assign'd space , by never so little a power : For , since the power must , of necessity , be multiply'd to encrease the velocity ; as much as it fails in velocity , so much may be abated in the power . Assigning therefore a Bulk to be mov'd and a power to move it ; suppose another power which may be able , in a certain time , to move this bulk such a determin'd space ; and , by how much this later power is greater then the first assign'd , somuch encrease the time in which the movable should be mov'd through the propos'd space ; and because , now , the effect is so much lesse , it will not exceed the power assigned . 17. I said , this is speculatively true : because , when one should go about to reduce it to practice , an extremely little power could not be preserv'd so long time , as were necessary to the effect . LESSON IV. Of the four First Qualities . 1. OUt of what has been said , it being concluded that Rare and Dense are the first Differences , and that they by consequence , like Quantity , are varied with endlesse Differences ; seeing , too , that there is a perpetuall Tumult as it were , in the world , of heavy things descending towards the Centre of the Earth : there must , of necessity , be some degree of rare Bodies so easily divisible , that it needs nothing , but this very impulse , to separate their parts , & carry them , the nearest way to the Centre . 2. Such bodies , therefore , will spread themselves without any limits about the Earth , unlesse they be hindred ; whence , they 'l have no proper figure of their own : but when they encounter with a denser body , upon which the impulse that divides them , has not the like power ; there they 'l stop their division , and receive a figure from that . 3. They will , therefore , be easily terminable by others bounds , hardly by their own : But , on the contrary , Bodies , upon which the motion of gravity has not such force , will be easily terminable by their own bounds , hardly by others . Now , this , Nature and Aristotle have assign'd for the notion of Drynesse , that , of Moysture ; wherefore , these will be dry bodies , those moist . 4. It appears , therefore , both that all bodies , that have a Consistency , are dry ; and that , if there be any so rare , that , by all others , it will be repell'd from the Centre , ( that is , rare in the highest degree ) that , too , is dry ; for , its parts take not easily their ply , that is , are not spread by the falling of heavy bodies , but are carried by their own Motion : Yet , that which is dense in the highest degree will be more dry ; because the rarest receiv's a figure partly from those without it , partly from it self . 5. But , among moist bodies , that which is rarer is moister ; as more yielding to the gravity which divides it . 6. You 'l object , that Dust and Fire accommodate themselves to the bounds of other bodies ; and , therefore , must be moist . 'T is answer'd , Dust is not one body , but many : besides , it does not so accommodate it self ; since , if it lye free , a heap of Dust is full of Aire , by which it is rendred so easily plyable . Fire , too , has a proper motion , and is reflected , when forc'd by a hard body ; nor does it wholy accommodate it self , as appears in light and the flames of Furnaces . 7. Again ; since , by the same motion of heavy bodies , rare ones must necessarily be press'd against dense , and dense against rare : if a very rare body be so forc'd against a dense , that it be constrain'd to make its way ; since , 't is divisible into minutest parts , and 't is easier to make a narrow then a wide way ; 't is plain , the rare body will bore it self a world of little passages and paths , and consequently , will dissect the dense , which opposes it , into an infinity of little parts . 8. Whence , it follows , that , if there were many heterogene bodies , ( that is , of a different nature ) shut up in the dense body ; all , now being set at liberty , by such dissection , will , by their proper motions , gather themselves to their own Parties , and be separated , every one , from those of another kind . 9. But if a dense body compresse a rare one , 't will let nothing scape out of it ; but , whatever if finds , it condenses and crowds into a narrower room . 10. Dense bodies , therefore , have this nature , to gather together heterogene bodies ; that is , they are cold : and Rare bodies , to gather together homogene ( or bodies of the same kind , ) but to disperse heterogene ; that is , they are hot . For , Nature and Aristotle have given us these notions of hot and cold . 11. And among rare bodies , 't is apparent , the rarest will be the best dividers , that is , the hotest : but , among dense bodies , those will be the coldest , which most streightly besiege the rare bodies , and those are such as are most plyant to their parts ; whence , they which are , in some measure , moist , too , will be the coldest . LESSON V. Of the Elements . 1. WE have deduc'd , therefore , out of the most simple notion of Quantity , dissected by the only differences of more and lesse , the Rarest body , hot , in the highest degree , and dry , but not in the highest degree ; the Densest , dry , in the highest degree , and cold , but not in the highest degree ; a Heavy or lesse rare body , moist , in the highest degree , but not so hot ; lastly , a Moderately dense body , cold , in the highest degree , but temperately moist . 2. These same bodies , in as much as Motion proceeds from them to others , are active ; but , in as much as they sustain the action of others , they are passive ; chang'd , thus , in Name , not Nature . 3. This property also , of an Element , they have , that they cannot be compounded of other things , and all things else are compounded of them : they being establisht out of the first Differences which , of necessity , are found in others . There are , therefore , four ELEMENTS . 4. You 'l object ; Since Rare and Dense vary the Quantity , by the very nature of Quantity there will be infinite degrees ; and , thence the number of the Elements will neither be four nor , indeed , finite . 'T is answer'd ; Men do not determine the kinds of things , according to the fruitfulnesse of Nature ; but , by grosse and sensible differences , according to the slownesse of our Apprehension . 5. Thus , therefore , a Rare body , which makes it self and other things be seen , we call Fire : One that has not this vertue , and yet hinders not other things from making themselves seen , we call Aire : A Dense body , which absolutely excludes light , we term Earth : One that partly admits it and partly repells it , we term Water . 6. Not , that wise men esteem these very bodies to be truly Elements , which we are conversant with round about us : But that , these mixt bodies obtain that name , out of the predominancy of some Element in them , which they would deserve , if , drein'd from all dregs , they were entirely refin'd into the nature of the Predominant . 7. The Elements , therefore , are Bodies distinguisht , purely , by the differences of rare and dense : and they are collected into four kinds or heads , under the terms we have given them . 8. Moreover , 't is evident , that no bounds or figures do , properly , belong to the Elements , out of their own principles , that is , precisely by their own nature : for , since they are nothing but quantitative bodies , affected with such a rarity or density ; the nature of Quantity still remains , which is every where divisible and terminable , and consequently , figurable as one pleases . 9. But , whether there be not some greatest possible bulk in every one of the Elements , out of the very nature of density , depends upon Metaphysicall principles . Neverthelesse , out of their common operation , a Sphericall figure is most agreeable to Earth and Fire . To Fire , because its nature being to diffuse it self , with the greatest celerity , out of a little matter into a great breadth , it must of necessity spread it self on all sides , that is , into a Sphear . 10. To Earth , as being the Basis & foundation , about which moist bodies diffuse themselves ; and , by so doing , mold it into a Globe . 11. But , that Fire flames up like a Pyramid , proceeds from the resistance of the Aire incompassing it , which 't is forc'd to penetrate with a sharp point . 12. Again ; since the Elements are oppos'd to one another , only by the differences of rare and dense : 't is evident , their transmutation into one another is nothing else but rarefaction and condensation . 13. 'T is plain , too , that dense things , being forc'd against rare , do compresse them , and , if there be no way to escape , do necessarily condense them : which condensation , if it be enough both in time and degree , will , of necessity , change that which is condens'd , into that Element to which such a density is proper . 14. But , a rare body compress'd , if it get out , diffuses it self a main out of those straights : whence , if any dense body , that is rarifiable , stick to it , it carries it away with it , and rarifies it : 'T is plain , therefore , that 't will turn it into the nature of the rarer Element ; if the other circumstances concurre which are necessary to Action . 15. Out of all which , we may collect , that one Element cannot be chang'd into another , without being transferr'd through all the intermediate degrees : as if you should endeavour to rarifie Earth into Fire ; first you must raise it into Water , then into Aire , and at length into Fire . 16. For , as we have demonstrated , above , concerning velocity , that a Movable cannot be rais'd out of one into another determinate degree , but in time : so , with the same labour , the same may be made evident , concerning density ; since , the nature of Quantity is equall and constant in both ; and Velocity is nothing but A certain density of Motion . LESSON VI. Of Mixtion , and the second Qualities , or those vvhich most immediately follovv Mixtion . 1. SInce that part of the world , which is expos'd to our knowledge , is finite ; and any never-so-little bulk infinitely repeated , exceeds the greatest possible : it follows , that the singular bodies of this part are finite , and some actually the least : nay , that , according to the order of the World , bodies cannot be divided beyond a certain term . 2. There will be , therefore , in each of the Elements certain minutest parts , which are , either not at all , or very seldome , farther divisible . When , therefore , the Elements are forc'd one against another , the sides of the rare ones must , of necessity , become united with the sides of the dense : but , when they come to be divided again , 't is impossible they should not leave some of those minutest parts sticking to the dense bodies . 3. For , since , in the same Quantity , the dense part is lesse divisible then the rare ; that , too , which is compounded of rare and dense , in the same bulk , is lesse divisible then the rare part of the same quantity : It must needs be , therefore , that the rare Elements must stick , by their minutest parts , to the dense which they have once touch't . 4. Hence , 't is evident , that the minutest parts being rub'd off on every side , by the ouching together of divers Elements , mixt bodies must necessarily be made . For , if two dense parts touch one minutest rare ; since the minutest is indivisible , there naturally emerges a Compound of the three , as hardly divisible as are the dense ones themselves . 5. Whence , we have the first Distinction of bodies : For , since the Elements are four , and may be joyn'd together by bigger or lesse parts ; as oft as great parts of one Element redound , the body is call'd by the name of that Element . 6. Thus have we severall kinds of Earth : and , in this sense , all consistent things have the notion of Earth ; all visible fluid things are call'd Waters ; and there are many kinds of Airs and Fires . 7. But , when a body , that has the consistency of one Element , is full of minute parts of another ; the substance of one Element gets the denomination of the other's quality : Thence proceed the degrees of temperaments , hot , cold , &c. and in one and the same kind , too , reduplicated differences of the Elements ; viz. of Earths , some are Earthy , some Watry , some Aeriall , some Fiery ; and so in the rest , ev'n to the lowest species . 8. It appears , again , wherein consist those qualities , which distinguish bodies , as to their consistency . First , the notion of liquid & consistent plainly follows the nature of rare and dense : and soft is a middle between liquid and hard ; but hard , being that which resists division , clearly refers to density . 9. But grosse and Massive appertain to the quantity of parts : for grosse is not , so , divided into minutest parts , as to be able , by its subtilty , to enter into the least pores or crannies ; and Massive has no pores or passages in its body , but speaks parts constipated and thrust close together : Both of them plainly expresse a certain notion of Density . 10. As for Fat , and tough , and viscous or slimy , they have this common to them all , To stick where they touch : but fat , in lesser parts ; viscous , in greater ; tough , properly , holds its own parts together , and cleaves not so much to others . 11. They , therefore , consist of moist and dense well mixt : from moist they derive the facility to unite ; from dense , the difficulty to be separated . LESSON VII . Of the manner of Mixtion , and the Passion of mixt things . 1. THese things being suppos'd ; because there are two Active qualities , heat and cold , which are most eminent in Fire and Water : let there , first , be a mixt body of Earth , Water , and Aire , upon which Fire be suppos'd to act : and , since there is no mixt thing so compacted , but , at least , some parts of Fire may be forc'd and fly away through it ; and they , in their passage , are joyn'd to the parts of Aire or Water : 't is apparent that the Fire will carry away some of them with it ; whence the Compound will become more compacted and solid . 2. Again ; because the parts of Fire are extremely subtile ; whereever they find a resistance in the solid parts , weaker then their power of dividing , that way they 'l escape , and that , not alone , but laden with watry or airy parts : so that they will leave the Water and Aire to be united with Earth and between themselves , by the smallest parts that are possible . 3. Whence , two things come to passe : One , that the Whole becomes a like and equall throughout , all the Elements being mixt by most minute particles in every part : The other , that the Elements become lesse divisible from one another in this whole ; which is , to be rendred constant and permanent body . 4. Let therebe , therefore , in another body , the natures of Fire , Aire and Earth blended together ; to which let Water be added from without : and , first , you 'l see all the sallies block'd up , and the Pores coagulated by vertue of the cold , so that the Aire or Fire cannot easily steal out . 5. See , again , the Water with all its weight and force , pressing the nearest parts of the Compound on every side : whence , they are forc'd to compresse and streighten themselves , and shrink into a lesse and lesse place , to make room for the water ; and this , not in the surface alone , but even in the minutest parts , as far as the water can pierce ; which so much the farther it can , as its parts are rendred more subtile , by the re-active power of the Aire and Fire . 6. Behold , therefore , its parts being , even thus , condens'd , a consistent and hardly-divisible body made ; which is , to be a certain naturall species of Physicall mixt body . 7. Hence , again , the causes of passions are apparent : for , we see some compounds suffer from Fire a liquefaction and dissolution into minute particles ; as , into Ashes and powder : others , on the contrary , grow hard : others , again , converted into Flame . 8. The reason whereof is clear : for , if the power of the Fire extends it self only so far as to dilate the humid parts which hold together the dry ; it comes to passe that the humid parts become larger and more rare , and consequently , the whole it self is rendred more divisible and subject to be diffus'd , by its own gravity , into the best ply towards the Centre ; which is , to be liquid . 9. But , if the power of the Fire be so great , as to carry away with it the humid parts ; then the dense ones remain resolv'd into minute particles , without a medium to unite them . And these operations are effected , sometimes by the mere force of the fire it self ; sometimes by means of some instruments , whereby the humid parts are either increas'd or decreas'd , according as the Artificer has occasion . 10. But , farther , if humid parts were redundant in the Compound , and Fire were so far apply'd , as only to restrain the excesse , by exhaling those parts which were superfluous ; the connection of the humid with the Earthy parts will be lesse dissolvable , and the proportion of the Earthy to the humid , greater ; whence , the Compound grows hard . 11. Water , too , by pressing upon it , pierces and enters into the Compound it encompasses , sheir's off its lighter and dryer parts , which it mingles with the whole dry body , and amplifies the humid parts : whence , it makes the body flaccid and loose , and next door to dissolution . 12. Some it utterly dissolv's ; as salts : for , they are compos'd of certain minute parts , betwixt which Water easily enters ; and , so little they are , that they swim in the water . There becomes , therefore , a kind of fluid body , thickned with little heterogeniall bodies swimming in it ; to which if Fire be apply'd , by exhaling the superfluous humid parts , it remains salt , as at first . 13. But , sometimes it happens , that something is mix'd with the salt & water , which has a power of separating the watry parts from those little swimming bodies , and of pressing down & precipitating them to the bottome : for , when the supervener has aggregated to it self the parts of that humid body wherein the dissolution was made , that which was mixt with them ( if it be heavier then water ) descends ; for , before , it was sustain'd by its conjunction to the water which was lighter . 14. There are bodies , too , which grow harder and are petrify'd by the mixture of water ; either because there wanted moisture to make them coagulate , as it happens in dry or sandy bodies ; or because , by the addition of the extrinsecall moisture , the superfluous humour is suck'd out , in which their inward parts were dissolv'd and rendred flaccid ; or , lastly , because the pores of the Compound being constipated without , the internall heat better dries the inward parts . 15. But , when the redundant parts are so very minute in themselves that they are easily rarifyable , they are diffus'd into Flame . And these parts are such as we call fat or aiery , which consist of a thin moisture compacted with minutest dense parts . 16. It falls out , too , that , when the fiery parts within are many and happen upon a convenient moisture , they multiply and encrease themselves without any apparent extrinsecall cause , and open themixt body it self , so that the Vessell cannot contain it , but it boyls and runs over ; as we see in the Must of wine and of other fruits : and this kind of action is call'd Fermentation . 17. Sometimes , too , it blazes out in Fire and Flame ; as appears in Hay , and other dry bodies moistned and crowded together : which comes to passe , by the fiery parts of the dry'd bodies turning the humid parts into fire , and , at length , by their multitude and compressure , raising a flame . 18. Passion or suffering from Earth is when , either by its weight or some other pressure and hardnesse , a change is made ; which , even by this , is understood to be a division , and , commonly , is wrought two ways : For , either the parts of one body are intirely separated , by the interposition of another body of another nature ; or else , only some are joyn'd to others of the same nature , as it happens in liquids when they are swash'd up and down . 19. The first of these divisions is made severall ways ; by breaking , cutting , cleaving , pounding , and the like ; the other , by hammering , drawing , impression , bending , compression , and the like : all which appear in themselves to be made , by the motion of hard and dense against soft and rare bodies . LESSON VIII . Of Impassibility , Destruction , and the Accidents of Mixt bodies . 1 THose bodies which are esteem'd not to suffer at all , that is , no losse ; as Gold , though it melt , yet consumes not ; the Asbestus stone is purifi'd by flames and not endamag'd ; Hair grows not more flaccid , that is , its parts are not more loos'ned , with water ; the Adamant is so call'd , because neither the hammer nor fire can master it : These have got a name , through the unskilfulnesse of Artificers . 2. For , the Moderns have found out how a Diamant may be resolv'd to dust , nay , even melted : as also , how to make Gold volatile : the Asbestus , in the very stone , both suffers from a very violent fire , and , when divided into hairs , is able to resist only a moderate one . 3. It appears , consequentially , what must necessarily follow , if fire be apply'd to a confirm'd and establisht body : For , since some parts of a Compound are moister then the rest , the first efficacy of the fire will be exercis'd upon them ; with which , if there be any fiery parts mix'd , those first fly out with the fire , and are call'd Spirits . 4. The next are the moist and more insipid parts , and they are call'd Flegme : Then , the more concocted parts , in which Earth , Fire and Water are well mix'd ; and they are call'd Oyls or Sulphurs , and need a strong fire to extract them . 5. That which remains uses , by the Chymists , to be washt in water : wherein they find a more solid part , which sinks down , and this they call Salt ; and a lighter part that swimms a top , which they throw away as unusefull ; notwithstanding , 't is dry in the highest degree , and very efficacious to fix fluid bodies . 6. But , if a Compound of these two be throughly bak'd in a very strong fire , the moisture of the Salt is liquifi'd , and the other being clasp'd into it , and , as it were , swimming in it , so condenses it into a porous body , that it remains alwaies pervious to fire : and such a body is call'd Glasse or vitrify'd . 7. Whence , 't is clear , that these bodies are in part , made , and , in part , resolved or extracted by the operation of Fire : and that they are not Elements , but Compounds , containing the nature of the whole , as appears by Experience . 8. Out of what has been said , it may be understood , what a mixt body is , viz. A body coagulated of rare and dense parts , in a determinate number , bignesse , and weight . 9. And , when many such unite into one , a certain homogeneous sensible body emerges , serviceable for mans use ; though it be seldome so pure , as to be unmixt with others . 10. Hence , again , it appears , that it concerns not a mixt body , of what Figure it be : since , with the same proportion of parts , it may be of any ; especially , when one body is compos'd of many little ones . All things , therefore , receive their figure from the circumstances of their Origination . 11. For , since the same things must be produc'd after the same manner ; and those that are divers , different ways : the variety of manners occasions the variety of figures . 12. For , that which equally dilates every way , becomes spherical ; that which dilates irregularly , becomes like a Bowl ; that which faints in growing longer , becomes like a Top. 13. That which cannot extend it self in length , becomes parallelly flat ; that which is , in some part , defective in breadth , becomes a hexagon , a quadrate , &c. that which cannot dilate it self in breadth , becomes oblong . And thus , at large , and in generall , 't is evident , whence proceed the figures of mixt bodies . LESSON IX . Of the Motion of heavy and light bodies , and the Conditions of Acting . 1. FRom what has been said we collect , that , since the Sun either is Fire , or , at least , operates like fire , beating upon Earth , Water , and all other bodies , with its Rayes ; it summons out little bodies , which , sticking to its Rayes , are reflected with them and mov'd from the Centre towards the Circumference . 2. By whose motion , all the rest must , of necessity , presse towards the Earth : and because the Motion of dense bodies is so much the stronger , the denser they are ; and descending bodies , the more they descend , the more they repell lesse descending ones ; there must be , wheree're the Sun has any power , a Motion of dense bodies towards the Centre and of rare towards the Circumference ; as experience teaches us there is . 3. Whence , first , we see , there can no where be any pure Elements : since , at least , the Rayes of the Sun and the bodies carry'd about with them are mingled every where . 4. We see , too , that dense bodies are heavy , and contrarily , rare are light : and that there is not any inclination requisite in bodies , towards the Centre ; as is evident by the experience of Pumps , by which , with an easie motion , a great weight of water is rais'd ; or , as when we suck a Bullet out of the barrell of a long Gun. 5. We see , moreover , that , since this tumult , of little bodies ascending and descending , swarm's every where : place any body in it , it must needs be press'd upon by others every where about it ; and the bodies , which are aside on 't , must perpetually pierce and enter into it , if they find in it lighter bodies which they can repell from the Centre : Whence , this tumult is even within all bodies , and , by vertue of it , all bodies are mingled . 6. Whence , again , it must needs be , that the thin parts of every body consist in a kind of perpetuall expiration ; and consequently , that every body , more or lesse , operates upon and affects other bodies which approach it round about , or acts in a Sphear ; as we see by experience , in hot , cold , odoriferous , poys'nous bodies , and in Animals , &c. Every body , therefore , has a certain Sphear of activity , by this motion ; and its action depends upon this action . 7. Again , therefore , since its action is not effected but by an emission of its own parts ; 't is plain , it cannot act upon a distant thing , but by a Medium ; as also , that it suffers from that upon which it acts , if it be within that 's Sphear of activity : the emanations of the one running , by lines different , from the emanations of the other . 8. Again , 't is evident , that , since these emanations are certain minutest particles ; in a denser body more will stick to its parts , because its pores are narrow and hard to passe through : wherefore , with greater labour and time , and at the cost of more little particles , a dense body receiv's the nature and similitude of the body acting upon it , retains more strongly , and works more vigorously then if it were rarer . 9. And , hence , the nature of intension and remission is evident ; viz. because there are , within the same space , more or fewer of these particles : as also , why , in a denser body , a quality is more intended . LESSON X. Of the Motions of Vndulation , Projection , Reflection , and Refraction . 1. 'T Is consequentiall to what has been said , that Water , stir'd and alter'd , by any violence , from its planesse and equidistance from the Centre , will not suddenly cease its motion and return to rest , though that extrinsecall force be withdrawn : For , since , by that violence , some of its parts are rais'd higher then they should be ; 't is manifest , that those higher parts , by the course of common causes , must presse towards the Centre , and , consequently , thrust others out of their place : wherefore , the motion will continue , 'till every one be restor'd to its own proper place . 2. And , because ther 's no motion without a concitation and a certain degree of velocity ; therefore , by the very stop of the motion , a new motion will be occasion'd , but weaker and weaker still , till it quite faint away . 3. 'T is plain , too , that the very same must , of necessity , happen in Aire , if its parts be either condens'd , or stir'd out of their right place . 4. Again , it appears that , if it be thus with the Aire , the same must be expected , too , of any weighty moveable that 's carri'd in the Aire : For , since the reason , why such descend not perpendicularly , is , because the progressive motion or the causes of it are stronger then the causes of descent , at least in part ; and , since the moveable has , of it self , no inclination this or that way ; it must needs follow the motion of the Aire that 's next it . But , since a dense thing mov'd is carri'd more forceably , then a rare body in which it is ; the rare body it self , as it gives a beginning to that 's motion , so , again , it receiv's an advance from that : whence it comes to passe , that both the Aire and the moveable continue their motion longer then the Aire alone would . 5. Hence , again , it appears , that Moveables ( in all other respects alike ) the denser they are , the longer they retain their Motion . 6. 'T is plain , therefore , why Pendents by a thrid fastned above wave up and down , if they be rais'd from the perpendicular and then let drop : for , with their first descent , they move the Aire , following it when it ascends and returning with it when it returns , but with a new and a weaker impulse : and so proceed still , till they can stir it no longer . 7. It appears likewise , that , if a Moveable be violently struck against a hard resister : because the Aire before it must , of necessity , yield , and that which follows it pushes it on ; it will follow the Aire before it , that is , 't will be reflected from the hard Resister . 8. And this , making equall Angles , at least without any sensible difference : for since an oblique motion is resolv'd into two perpendiculars , which are in a certain proportion , by vertue of the moving causes , and the Angle is caus'd and emerges out of this proportion ; it must needs be that , this proportion remaining , the Angle of the result or reflection must needs be the same with that of the impulse or incidence : as in light , where the reflection diminishes not sensibly the force ; but , where the reflection notably weakens the force , the angle of reflection will be proportionably lessen'd . 9. But , if the Resister do but partly resist and partly admit , that which is obliquely mov'd will be refracted ( as they call it ) from the resistance towards the contrary part ; that is , at the entring , towards the Perpendicular falling from the mover upon the Superficies ; at the going out , from the Perpendicular ; as experience , conformable to reason , witnesses . 10. You 'l object , that Refraction of light and dense bodies is very different . I answer , all the Experiments I have ever heard of , conclude no such thing . 11. The cause of Restitution is , that those bodies which recover themselves again are chang'd from length to breadth : but , 't is known , an extrinsecall superficies , the more equall dimensions it has , the greater Quantity 't is capable of ; whence , the more the longitude exceeds the latitude , so much the more the parts of the imprison'd body are compress'd , whose motion is so much the swifter as they are the more spirituous , and so much the easilyer , too , they are dilated and rarifi'd after they have been compress'd and condens'd by the circumstant causes : and this is that we call Restitution . 12. But , it ordinarily happens that , if they stand too long in bent , they recover not themselves again afterwards : because , either the condens'd parts are rarifi'd , by the expulsion of some of them ; or else time has begot some stiffnesse , by the concretion of the parts press'd together , so that now 't is not so easy for them to return to their former habit . 13. This doctrine is evident , to the very sight in Flesh ; which , being press'd , becomes white , the Bloud retiring ; but when that returnes , it comes to it self again and recovers its colour . But Steel , above all things , most swiftly restores it self , because it has a many extremely spirited particles imprison'd in it . LESSON XI . Of the Electricall and Magneticall Attractions of hot bodies . 1. OUt of what has been said , 't is again deduc'd , that , since there 's a perpetuall issue and sally of some parts , out of bodies abounding with intense heat ; and , thereupon , a certain Orbe of Steams : other little bodies must , of necessity , flow in , after the same manner , to the body it self ; and consequently , there must be the same tumult about every such body ; Les . 9. 2. as we spake of about the Earth . 2. Hence , we see that hot bodies naturally attract those things which are in the Aire about them : Thus , we believe hot Loafs , Onions , Apples , Dogs and Cats &c. draw infection to them , that is , the pestilent vapours which fly in the Aire . 3. But , seeing that Emanations strike the Aire with a certain kind of agitation ; those things will be easilyest mov'd with this agitation and brought to the body , which are most sollicited by this stroak , that is , those which are most conformable to the particles that sally out . 4. To which may be added , that such parts , too , will stick faster and easier ; and , when they are united , foment the naturall heat of the body ; which causes this motion : Thence , we see that Poysons are more easily suck'd out of infected bodies , by other dry'd poys'nous things ; but , best of all , by those very bodies to whom the Poyson to be suck'd out is proper . 5. But , when the parts returning are any way viscous , little light heterogeniall bodies stick to them , too , by reason of their gluyness , and return with them ; as may be seen in Electricall bodies , which little straws and dust fly to : And sometimes they rebound again , with a kind of Impetus or vehemency ; whence appears , that the Steams of such like bodies are very spirited , and start out with certain impetuosities . 6. Out of these things , it appears , that there is , in a manner , a double nature of every mix'd body ; one , as it were , perfect and fit to be evaporated ; another , as it were , imperfect and wanting more concoction ; which two must , of necessity , be oppos'd to one another , by the differences of more and lesse . 7. Now , if we suppose a body so compos'd in its own Nature , as to be plac'd between two fountains , as it were , of such Steams ; it must , of necessity , attain such a disposition , that , on one side , 't will be apt to receive the one's Emanations , on the other , the other 's , and to eject them , again , by the contrary sides . 8. It will , therefore , have contrary vertues in its extremities ; but , in the middle , an indifferency , at least , in comparison to the Ends. 9. Again , its Emanations will be carry'd ( against the course of other bodies , which return to their own fountains ) still directly on towards their opposite fountain : and the body , too , if it hang so freely that it may more easily follow its Emanations then leave them , will it self be carry'd along with its Emanations . 10. But , if it cannot bear them company , and yet be plac'd obliquely to the fountain , and at liberty to turn it self ; with the same force 't will turn it self to the fountain . 11. Moreover , as the fountain acts upon it , so this body it self will act upon another body of the same kind ; but more faintly . 12. Wherefore , since we find by experience , that a Loadstone receives vertue from the Earth , as we have explicated it ; and suffers and acts thus from the Earth and upon Iron , respectively ; and besides , the searchers into its nature declare , that all the rest of its wonderfull motions depend on these : the reason of Magneticall Attraction is evident , out of what has been said . LESSON XII . Of the generation of more compounded Bodies , and Plants . 1. 1. 'T Is plain , out of what has been explicated above , that , not only the Elements are blended together to compound a singly-mix'd body ; but also many mix'd bodies are united into one more-compounded body : For , since , by the power of their gravity , moist bodies ( which we call Waters ) run down from higher to lower places , and , by their running , presse the bodies they meet , loos'ning partly their little particles in passing by , and partly tearing them off along with them ; the Water becomes thickned and full of dregs , with many minutest bodies of divers natures . 2. This Water if it rest in any cavity of the Earth , those little bodies sink down in it ; and , whether by heat evaporating the humid parts of the water , or by cold binding them together , they coagulate , by their clamminesse , into one body appearing homogeneous through the littlenesse of its parts : which , being imperceptible , are so equally mix'd in every the least sensible bulk , that they shew every where throughout the same uniforme nature . And , this is the most simple generation of demix'd bodies . 3. And these bodies , by the fresh accesse of more water , are increas'd ; more of the like matter being added to them by approximation or juxtaposition , as they term it in the Schools . 4. But , if some such thing happen to coagulate , after the fore-said manner , in some concavity not far from the superficies of the Earth ; of so tender a substance and with so much heat , that it should ferment within it self : it must , of necessity , suck into its very body any moisture about it , and dilate and concoct it . 5. Wherefore , such a body must needs be increas'd , out of a certain intrinsecall vertue , and with a kind of equality in all its parts , after that manner as they call by intrasumption or receiving in : and so Tartufoli , Potatoes , &c. grow under ground , without shooting any part of themselves above the Earth . 6. But , if the heat overcome , and be able , by increasing it , to thrust out into the Aire , too , some little particles of this body ; which must be of the more subtile ones , that is , the best mix'd of hot and moist : this body will have heterogeniall parts , growing together and subservient to one another ; and becomes a manifest Plant , having a root within the Earth , and a blade or a stalk above ground . LESSON XIII . Of the more universall parts of Plants . 1. 'T Is evident , again , that a Plant , being expos'd to the Sun and wind , becomes harder and dryer , at least , as to its exteriour parts : whence , it comes to passe , that the Moisture drawn up out of the root , either by the power of the Sun or its own naturall heat , more and gentlyer irrigates and waters its inward parts . 2. Whence proceeds , commonly , a threefold difference in the substance of a Plant : for , the outermost part is hard and call'd the Bark ; the innermost is soft , as being that which is last dry'd , and is call'd the Marrow or Pith ; lastly , the middle is the very substance of the Plant. 3. But , when Moisture flows in greater abundance out of the root , then can be rais'd up perpendicularly , which is the hardest course of all ; it breaks out at the sides , splitting the bark of the Plant , and makes it self a kind of new trunk of the same nature with the former , which we call a Bough , or Branch . 4. But , since the Plant receiv's a heat ' variously temper'd with moisture , by the Sun : 't is plain , when the moisture is best digested , it must necessarily break out into certain Buttons or Nuts ; which are concocted by degrees and , from their originall hardnesse , grow softer by the flowing in of more subtile moisture , and participate in another degree , the same differences which are in the Stock , to wit , a Skin , Flesh , as it were , and Marrow . 5. Only , because some parts of the juyce are too earthy and , therefore , grow hard ; these commonly coagulate between the Flesh and the Marrow , the Sun drawing out their moisture to the exteriour parts . 6. These Buttons , being found in the more perfect Plants , use to be call'd Fruits ; and that which has the place of the Marrow in them is the Seed of the Tree . 7. It appears , again , that , since the temperaments of heat and moisture are varied without end ; there must be , too , infinite other things , as it were , accidentall to Plants , besides what we have mentioned . 8. Whence , we see upon some Berries , upon others Thorns , upon some Ioynts , upon others other things growing ; according to the divers natures of the particulars that concurre to the breeding them . 9. Leafs are , universally , common to almost all ; and are nothing but little distinct sprigs , the distances between which are fill'd up & distended with the same-natur'd moisture : for , 't is evident , the substance of wood and almost of every Plant consists of certain thrids , as it were , compacted together ; as appears plainly , in the rending them asunder . Moreover , if , before they stick well together , a more abundant moisture flows in ; it distends these fibres , and , while the leafs are yet streightned and shut up , makes them enwrap one another as it were , cylindrically , like a bark . 10. When they peep into the Aire , by little and little , the fibres grow stiffe and streight and stretched farther out , and the leaf unfolds it self ; becoming , according to the order of the fibres , broader one way , longer in the middle , and , as it declines from the middle , the figure still abates in longitude : they are split , where the fibres do not joyn together : to conclude , from them and the moisture which connects them , the leafs receive their figure . 11. It appears , again , that Flowers are a kind of leafs ; but of the more spirited and oyly parts : therefore , they are light , odoriferous , and short-liv'd , and , in Trees , they are the forewarners of the Fruit. LESSON XIV . Of the Accidents of Plants . 1. OUt of the figure of the parts , the figure of the whole Plant is fitted and proportion'd . The Trunk , which is the principall part , most commonly grows up like a Cylinder , or rather like a Cone , because upwards still it grows smaller , and abates in latitude . 2. When it deviates from this figure , the reason may be easily collected out of the figure of the root or seed . Those which have a weak stock or Trunk do not grow erect , but either run upon the ground , or else are rais'd up and sustain'd by others , and get a spirall figure , like the winding about a Cylinder . 3. For , the naturall motion of Plants being upwards , by force of the heat and sting out of the Earth ; and the Trunk , by reason of its weaknesse , not being able to bear much : it bows towards the Earth , and strives to rise again as much as 't is able ; & so imitates the figure of a serpent creeping . But , if the stemme cling to some prop that may help it upwards ; it elevates it self , not directly , or in a straight line , but , as well as it can , winding round about the sides on 't . 4. Again ; because we see ther 's both a kind of annuall and diurnall , as it were , flux and reflux of heat from the Sun : some Plants are but of a day's life ; as certain Flowers , which , the same day , blow and wither . 5. Very many last not above a year ; and then are repair'd again , either by shedding their seed , or by the reviving of their fountain , the root ; or else by the very temperature of the soil . Others of a more constant substance , do not only sustain themselves , but increase for many years . Others , again , even out-last Ages . 6. All have the same reason of their life and death : their life and increase consists in a due proportion of moisture with heat ; where this fails , they faint and consume away . 7. A Plant dies , either because the Sun , sucking the moisture out of the upper parts of the Earth , has not left wherewith to moisten the root : or , because too much moisture overflowing the root without a proportionable heat , has too much dissolv'd and diffus'd the vertue of it ; so that the Sun supervening has extracted its very radicall heat , before it could increase and supply it self : 8. Or else , because , by little and little , earthy and feculent parts , cleaving to the root , have obstructed the passage of the moysture to the inward parts of it : And this way of death , because it follows out of the very action of life , seems more properly to bear the denomination of old Age and a naturall way to death . 9. Out of the same principles , 't is apparent , why severall parts of the same Plant produce such contrary effects : For , since , in the nourishing of the Plant there is a kind of perpetuall streining and separating of the parts of the Aliment , most of the parts of the same nature must , of necessity , run together to one and the same place and part : Whence , the severall parts of the plant are compos'd of heterogeniall particles of the nutritive moisture ; yet , more or lesse sated , too , with the temper and seasoning imbib'd in the root : Thus , therefore , 't is consonant to reason , that a Plant should be compos'd of contraries and things that have contrary vertues . 10. The same way we come to understand the Sympathy and Antipathy which is found in divers Plants : for , since 't is certain that every Plant , to its measure , has a certain Orbe of vapours always encompassing it , ( as is evident , in some , by the fmell issuing from them , ) and some Plants must needs consist of contrary natures ; if the weaker happen to be planted within the Sphear of the stronger , that corrupts and kills it with the stroaks of its vapours which besiege it ; but , if the stronger be of a nature that is a friend to it , by the same stroaks it grows more lively and fruitfuller . LESSON XV. Of the generation and augmentation of Animals . 1. ANd because , the more fervent the heat is and the moisture more figurable , ( that is , in a certain proportion , neither resisting division , and yet easily consistent ) the Plant is divided into so many the more members and joynts : 't is evident , if there be so much heat as to exhale fumes out of the moisture , and make it actually fluid , the little branches , through which it flows and wherein 't is contain'd , will of necessity become hollow . And since , by force of the heat , the Moisture is refin'd into watry and oyly parts , the earthy remaining still below : it comes to passe that there are found three , as it were , severall , but subordinate , fountains of Moisture in the same Plant ; and , from every one of these their branches , and , in them , their own proper Moistures are deriv'd . 2. Among which , those that savour of Water are the more remote , and more fit to form the exteriour parts of the Plant ; and the enclosed humour is more apt for those effects which are perform'd by rarefaction and condensation . 3. Those which savour of Oyle are fitter for Augmentation ; as being of a kind of middle nature , and conformable to all the parts . Lastly , the Earthy , for the Conservation of the whole Plant in a due temperament , by the mixture of heat ; which the more solid parts are more susceptible of and longer hold . 4. Again , because the watry parts are very thin and , as it were , in a middle between Water and Aire , in those long and narrow channells ; 't is clear that they are both extremely passive of every impression from without , and transmit it to their fountain or head . 5. And , because their head has a connection with the principall fountain ; for the most part , the same passion will passe on even to that : in which , the heat being very acute and spritely , and , consequently , capable of sudden motion ; a change in the Plant , proportionable to its nature , will necessarily follow the impression made upon it . 6. This Plant , therefore , will have these two qualities : to be stir'd up , as it were , and irritated with all occurrences from without ; and this very principle or head thus irritated , will have power to move any part of the Plant out of its present site into another , according to the manner and measure of the irritation . 7. Which two , making up that whereby we distinguish living Creatures from such as have no life , namely this , that , upon all occurrences from without , they can move themselves ; 't is evident , that the name of an Animal or living Creature agrees to this Plant : We have , therefore , an Animal , consisting of three principles , a Heart , a Liver and Brain ; watred with three rivers , of the Vitall and Animal spirits and the Bloud ; by the three various Channels of the Arteries , Veins and Nerves . 8. But , because all things are increas'd by the same things whereof they are made ; and all mix'd bodies are compos'd of the Elements ; 't is clear , that Animals may be increas'd by all bodies , so that they be furnisht with fit instruments to make the necessary transmutations . 9. But , some bodies are of a harder transmutation , others of an easier : wherefore , bodies ought to be chosen fit for the food of the Animal ; and those that are chosen should again be resolv'd into parts , that the best may be taken and the worse rejected ; and this , as oft as is necessary , that is , till such are chosen as , by mere concoction and mixing with the humours of the Animal , may be reduc'd into a substance like it . Now , whilst the fibres are distended with this moisture , both they are strengthned by it and the spaces between them are fill'd up : and , thus , the Animal becomes bigger . 10. And , because this is brought about by concoction ; those bodies which have not yet arriv'd to the degree of the Animal , must needs be the most connaturall Aliment . LESSON XVI . Of the Motion of the Heart , and some consequents of it . 1. AGain , because the Heart has heat and moisture in it , and moisture boyls with heat , and is turn'd into fumes ; 't is manifest , the same moisture does not remain constantly in the heart , but , being resolv'd by the heat , is cast out by the motion of the Heart , swagging down and shutting it self with its own weight , till 't is open'd again and swell'd with other moisture flowing into it . 2. There is , therefore , a continuall flux of moisture through the heart ; which , heated in it and then cast out to be dispers'd through the Animal , conserv's it in a due temperament of heat . 3. Out of what has been said , may be understood , what a Disease and the Cure of it is : for , when any part is indispos'd , so that unwholesome vapours fume out of it , they , mix'd with the bloud , overrun and discompose , as much as they can , the whole body and the very Heart it self . 4. And , according as these vapours do more frequently rise to such a bulk , that they are able vehemently to assail the whole Animal ; so much the frequenter are the Fits of the Disease . And thus , some are continuall , and others have intermissions ; some every other day , some tertians , some quotidians , &c. 5. And the true nature and Method of Curing is , To seek out the part originally ill-affected , and apply remedies to that . 6. Thus , too , it appears , how Physick expells one certain determinate humour out of the whole body : for a Drug , &c. being concocted in the Ventricle , which has a power of dissolving and rendring fluid a certain humour of the body , its vertue is diffus'd through all the Veins by the fore-explicated Motion of the Heart ; whence , it comes to passe that , being provok'd to stool , that humour rather and more then any others follows out of all the members ; or , if the Physick be diaphoreticall , that will sweat out more then any of the rest . 7. Lastly , 't is clear , since an Animal is a Plant ; by the highest concoction , a Seed or compendium of its nature may be framed in it as well as in Plants : which , duly ejected into a congruous ambient body , may spring up into a new Animal . 8. Now , this seed coagulates first into a Heart , then into a Brain , and at length into a Liver : out of every one of which their own proper little Channels spring ; as is observ'd by those that pry artificially into these things . LESSON XVII . Of the progressive Motion of Animals . 1. OUt of what has been said , it may evidently be concluded that , since the Heart is mov'd naturally and , by its motion , presses out a fumy humour , which they use to call the Spirit , into the Channels connected with it self and into the bodies joyn'd to it : and the Flesh is fibrous , viz. certain parts constipated together of a world of minutest fibres sticking to one another : and since , if a connaturall moisture , especially being warm , get into such a body , it makes it swell and , of thin , become thicker , of long , shorter : It comes to passe that the Members , whether consisting of such fibres or knit together by them , attain some kind of locall Motion , by that irrigation from the Heart . 2. Again , the Channels , especially if they are extremely little , will swell , too , and become shorter . 3. Since , therefore , 't is apparent , that there flow abundance of Spirits from the Heart to the Brain ; and again , that , from the Brain through the whole body , mostsubtilly-hollow nerves are extended to all the members , and lose themselves by their dispersion , as it were , in the Muscles : 'T is plain , the Muscles will swell with these spirits , as oft as the Heart overflows ; and consequently , become shorter , and the parts adhering to them be drawn backwards to the head of the Muscles ; and , which clearly follows , all the extremities of the body be mov'd , from the motion of the Heart , according to what is convenient to its nature . 4. It follows , too , how certain other members , which have no Nerves but only fibres , have motions of their own ; which consist almost in nothing else but in contraction and dilatation : For , the fibres being made shorter by their irrigation , they draw the body with them into that figure which follows out of their contraction ; which , when the fibres are transvers'd , is dilatation , when other ways set , contraction . 5. Again , hence appears how the progressive motion of an Animal is effected : For , an Animal which is mov'd by walking , whilst it stands still , has the Centre of its gravity set directly to the Centre ; but , when it sets a foot any way , it inclines the centre of its gravity , and consequently its whole body , that way ; till , transferring the other foot , it sets it down too : and this often repeated is walking . 6. But , one that leaps , when he has contracted the superiour or fore-parts to the inferiour or hinder-parts ; suddenly pouring out spirits through convenient Nerves , he thrusts the fore-parts forwards , with such a force that the hinder-parts follow them . 7. Something like this is the creeping of feetlesse Creatures : for , fixing their breast or some other part , they bow their back-bone or that which serv's in stead of it , and so draw the hinder to the fore-parts ; then , fixing some of their hinder-parts to the Earth , they advance their fore-parts , by straightning again their back . 8. Swimming is made out of leaping : for , it being effected by the Instrument's first being crook'ned and then straightned again ; by the resisting Water the body is pusht forward : and , the same happens in flying . 9. Now , the body being heavier then the Medium in a certain proportion , and consequently , obliged to spend a certain time in descending ; and the adventitious Motion making the Medium strain with more vehemence against that motion of the body downwards , or according to the centre of its gravity : 't is plain , such a body will not sink . LESSON XVIII . Of the five senses of Animals . 1. OUt of what has been said , it appears , that there are certain Channels spread through the whole body of an Animal , full of a kind of aiery humour ; and that they are long and narrow : whence , the least impression made in any extremity of the body must needs , in a moment , run to their fountain , the Brain ; and , thence descend to the Heart . These channels , therefore , being any way obstructed , the Animal is sensible of nothing without . 2. And , since bodies that make impression , either do it by their immediate selves , or else by the mediation of some other body ; and , those that act by their immediate selves , either do it in their proper bulk , or broken into parts , or by naturall emissions ; and those bodies , by the mediation whereof universally one body acts upon another , are either Aire , or Fire , or light which we see every body bandies against another : It follows , that an Animal , if it be perfect , may be affected these five ways by the things about it . 3. And , because 't is evident that these five ways are distinct ; the Animal , too , it self will have five distinct dispositions , by which it will be apt to receive these five impressions ; to chuse the things that are congruous and refuse those that are noxious , both in its food and other things belonging to its conservation . 4. Again , because these impressions are different ; 't is fit the Organs that are to receive them be plac'd in severall parts of the Animal : Animals , therefore , have five Senses . 5. 'T is apparent , too , that the Senses are nothing but certain different degrees of Touches : For , the parts of the same body must needs make only a more subtile stroak , of the same nature with the stroak of the whole . 6. And , hence , we distinguish the differences of Tasts ; so , as , that one pricks , another cutt's , another brushes , another smooth's : the differences of Smels , too , are a-kin to Tasts . 7. But , the differences of Sounds are the same with those of Motions ; distinguisht by swiftnesse and slownesse , by bignesse and smalnesse , Lastly , 't is evident , that Fire or Light make stroaks too , by its Activity upon other bodies . 8. It appears , farther , of what nature the Senses must be , and where situated . For , the Touch , being to receive the excesse of those qualities whereof the body of the Animal consists , requires nothing but a middling kind of Moisture , or the naturall quality of that vapour which fills the Channels ; and therefore , like them , 't is diffus'd through the whole body . 9. The Tast , because it requires a Moistnesse which may dissolve the minutest parts , needs an abundance of Moisture , and a site where the food may be dissected . The Smell , by which Aire chiefly enters into the body , requires a site and Organ where the vapours may stick , that , being constipated together , they may act the more powerfully . 10. The Hearing and Sight require a situation near the Brain ; in an eminent place , where Motion and Light may come to them more pure ; and Organs , which may multiply Light by refraction and Motion by reflection . 11. Nor is it lesse evident , that the Sensation is perfected in that part of the Organ , where chiefly resides that vertue for which the Sense was made ; that is , to transferre to the Brain the action of a body without : If the black of the Eye , the hammer of the Eare , the pulp of the Nose doe this ; the Sensation also must be plac'd in them . 12. It appears , too , why the Senses are believ'd to consist in a kind of Spirituality and abstraction from matter : For , since they are ordain'd by nature , only that the Animal may be mov'd ; the stroak of sensible things is so thin and subtile , that it changes not the quality of the Organ sensibly , and , therefore , 't is not believ'd to be materiall . 13. And , hence , too , the Sensible object is commonly believ'd to be in the Sense , not as something of the same nature or contrary to it , but purely as another thing ; by which mistake , Sensation is thought to be a kind of knowledge . LESSON XIX . Of the Objects of the Senses . 1. LAstly , it appears , wherein consists the being Objects of Sense : for , Touchable things , 't is plain , are the first Qualities , or those which are immediately deriv'd from them : Tastable things , conformable to nature , are Sweets ; and must necessarily consist , as the nature it self does , in a moderate heat and moisture , or , of the degree proper to the Animal . 2. From this temper , other Savours incline , too much , towards cold and heat , or moisture and drynesse : as salt , sharp and bitter things tast too much of heat ; restringent , crabbed , of cold ; sour , bitter and sharp , of drynesse ; insipid , of moisture . Proportion'd to this is the account of Smells . 3. Sounding things are dry and trembling , which are easily wav'd up and down : but , soft things hinder Sound . 4. Since Colours strike the Eye , their nature must consist in a vertue to reflect Light ; that is , in a density & constipation of parts , and in having a many-corner'd figure : And these commonly favour of cold and drynesse ; and their opposites , of moisture and heat . 5. Lastly , Light it self ( and dilated flame , if wee 'l suppose it repell'd from the Object to the Eyes , must necessarily doe the same as Light ) will represent the figure of a thing by intershadow'd stroaks upon the Organ , and strike , more or lesse , according to the nature of that which reflects it : if it passe through a triangular glasse , it will receive and carry to the Eye the same varieties , that is , differences of Colours . 6. But , that light , too , does those things which are proper to fire , ( viz. to dry , to burn , to be reflected , refracted , collected , dispers'd , produced and extinguisht , ) is so clear , that it cannot be doubted but light is fire . 7. Nor imports it against this , That it seems to be mov'd in an instant , That it fills the whole Aire , That it penetrates solid bodies , as glasse , &c. for , these things seem so only , through the defect of our Senses ; which perceive not its motion , nor those little spaces by which the Aire is separated from the light , nor the pores of those bodies through which it passes . LESSON XX. Of Knovvledge and Memory . 1. FArther , it appears , that these Motions , when they strike against the destin'd part of the Brain , in which knowledge is produc'd ; though it be fatty and clammy , according to the nature of the Brain , yet are they repell'd from it , because frequent new impulses charge upon the same point . 2. Those little bodies , therefore , retreat thence , carrying away with them some little particle of the Brain which sticks to them ; and wander up and down in the ventricles of the brain , till they rest upon the bottome or stick to the sides . 3. Whence , being rub'd off , as it were with a brush , by the motion of the Spirits , when there 's occasion ; they swimme again , and are brought back to that part which is the fountain of knowledge . 4. The first stroak produces Knowledge ; the later , actuall Memory ; which , if it be made by design , is call'd Remembrance . 5. Again ; since Motion requires that the Nerves be well fill'd with Spirits , and that the extrinsecall parts be strong ; but Sensation needs only a clam and clear disposition of the Humour contain'd in those Nerves : 't is plain , both that there may be Sensation without Motion , and Motion without Sensation . 6. It appears , too , why the Memory is set a work by the Similitude , as also by the connection of Objects : For , since , in a liquid body , things that are alike naturally gather together , and are apt to stick to one another ; and , since those things which enter together and at once must necessarily attain a kind of connection , which is easily preserv'd in the clammy nature of the Brain ; when , by any means , they are brought again to the fountain of sensation , they must needs meet there together , and in a kind of Order . 7. But , since contraries use to enter together into the internall sense , and make one another more taken notice of ; 't is plain , if Hunger provokes the Animal , 't will remember Meat , if Thirst , Drink , if Seed , the Female . Whence , it appears , that Passion and Will stir up the Memory : as also other causes , too , which , by pouring in spirits , sweep or brush , as it were , the Brain ; and for that these causes do this by accident , they are all comprehended under the name of Chance . 8. It appears , again , that they , whose brain is of a thin and hot constitution , easily apprehend , conjecture happily , opine rashly and changeably : they , whose disposition is more dry and thin , have a good Memory and rememberance too , but opine lightly and changeably . 9. They that have a temperate Brain , have the best judgement : since , they look upon many things , before they establish their Opinion ; and , for the same reason , they are not changeable . 10. Lastly , since , by the stroaks of Objects , some litle particle is still taken off and carry'd away from the brain : when the same returns again , it must needs appear that we have been sensible of that before . LESSON XXI . Of Sleep and Dreams . 1. IT appears farther , that , since the Nerves must needs be distant from that part of the brain wherein Sensation is produc'd ; it may fall out , that , the motion by the Nerves being obstructed , there may yet a Motion proceed , from some part of the brain to the knowing part : and then , some things will appear to the Animal to be , as if it had receiv'd them by its Senses , when yet it did not receive them . 2. This stopping of the Senses is called Sleep ; and such apparitions , Dreams : An Animal , therefore , will sleep and dream sometimes . 3. But , because there 's no necessity , that all the Senses or Nerves must be stop'd at once ; 't will happen , that an Animal may partly sleep and partly wake : Whence , it comes to passe that , the Nerves of the Tongue being left unstop'd , some talk in their Dreams ; and , if the Nerves for hearing , too , be unstop'd , that they answer to those that speak to them ; or , if there be no obstruction towards the Marrow in the Back-bone , they walk , too , and use their hands . 4. When , therefore , some of the Senses are at liberty , Dreams may be provok'd by them : another way , by some naturall disposition , which affects the heart , and makes a motion in the brain conformable to that impression : or , lastly , by much precedent thinking , objects may be stirr'd up and down , too , in ones Sleep . 5. But , a Man being in a manner quiet in his Sleep , he happens sometimes to judge more truly of things he sees , in his sleep , then when awake : For the Soul undisturb'd , of its own nature , more clearly perceiv's the force of the Objects playing up and down before it , to discover Truth ; and unperceiv'dly orders them : Hence , it comes to passe , that , sometimes , we discern , in our Sleep , future or absent things , which we could not find out nor pierce into , by consideration , or discourse , when we were awake . 6. And , the same may be the case of Fools , Mad and Melancholy persons ; though 't is very rare and to be esteem'd prodigious , and they have a great many falsities mixt withall : whence , neither are these apparitions to be confided in ; nor is it possible there should be any Art of Divination by Dreams . LESSON XXII . Of Passions and the expression of them . 1. FArther , 't is deducible , that , since impressions made in the Brain are convey'd , by a short and open way , to the Heart ; they must , necessarily have an effect , too , in the Heart , conformable to the natures of both . 2. Since , therefore , the heart redounds with hot spirits : as we see a little drop of red wine , dropd into water , diffuses it self into the water and changes it , according to its nature ; so , the impression of these little bodies will have the like effect upon the fumes of the heart . 3. Hence , again , it proceeds , that the motion of the heart , through these , becomes sometimes freer and better , sometimes worse ; and that these very qualities passe into the Pulse , whence , according to the variety of Passions , the Pulse varies . 4. Again , Passions must needs differ by dilatation and constriction : for , by a conformable Object , the Spirits of the heart are made more rare , whence , the heart more freely enjoys its motion ; by things disagreeable to Nature , the Spirits become more crasse and heavy , and the heart is , as it were , oppress'd . 5. Again ; since an absent Object does not equally affect , with a present one ; these motions will be more remisse in its absence then in its presence : whence , we deduce four differences of Passions ; Ioy and Grief , for a present good or evil ; Hope and Fear , for them absent . 6. Anger is , in a manner , mixt of a present evil and future good : and , 't is the most violent of all the Passions ; because , so mething that 's contrary to it falling into an abundance of hot bloud , produces a most swift effect ; just as when something moist and cold falls into molten Metall . 7. Again , because the Spirits , flowing at that time out of the heart to the brain , retain that nature they had receiv'd in the heart ; in the brain it self they gather to them those Phantasms that are conformable to them : whence , the Animal must , of necessity , be much fixt upon that thought , and not easily admit any other then such as are conformable to its Passion . 8. And , because the heart is joyn'd to the Pericardium , and the Pericardium to the Diaphragm ; and the Diaphragm is furnisht with an eminent Nerve , and is moveable within it self : it comes to passe , that every motion of the heart flow's , by the Diaphragm , into the neighbouring parts of the body , and all the motions of them all return again , by its Nerve , to the brain ; and , so , beget a sense of that grief or pleasure which the heart is affected with . Whence , too , without any externall Sensation , but by thinking only , an Animal may be delighted and incourag'd to action . 9. Again , because , by repeating either the stroaks of Objects or very Thoughts , there grows a great multitude of Phantasms of the same thing , in the brain ; and , in like manner , the heart often agitated by such like causes in a certain motion , gets an aptitude to be easily mov'd so : there grows , both in the brain and in the heart , a certain constancy and facility of knowing and doing ; in which consists the notion of Intellectuall and Morall habits , as far as they are grounded in the body . 10. Lastly , since , by the motion of the Diaphragm , the breathing is alter'd ; and breathing , express'd out of a hollow place through a narrow passage , is apt to yield a Voice , by reason of the multiplication of its processions , occasion'd by the reflection of the cavity : it comes to passe , that the Voice of Animals is altered by the variety of their Passions ; and so , in grief , they expresse one Voice , another in hope , another in joy . LESSON XXIII . Of the communicating Affections to others . 1. FArther , it appears , that , since , all Sensations ( whether of those things which affect the body from without , or those we are sensible of because one part of the body affects another , ) are produc'd in a certain site to the Organ of Sensation , that is , in a right or the naturall line of Motion , from the Entries of the Nerves to the place of Sensation : It follows , that , when we think of the same things , they must be in the very same site and posture ; whence , it comes to passe , that , in Dreams , and in Distraction of mind we seem to see the very things themselves before us . 2. 'T is apparent , therefore , they are in a fit situation for this , viz. to be press'd , by the motion made by the heart , into the same Nerves : whence it follows , that , by the thinking on any Object , the nerves are just so mov'd as when the Senses convey it ; and consequently , the same action is apt to follow . 3. And , thus we see , Laughing and Gaping , &c. proceed from seeing others doe so ; as love and hatred from hear-say . 4. Hence , it comes to passe , that blearey'dnesse and other distorsions of the Members are often deriv'd from beholding others : that contagious Diseases , too , ( for which some disposition in the body prepares the way ) are attracted and , as it were , suck'd in , by fear : and , that other Diseases , which the retraction of a humour to some certain parts produces , are introduc'd by mere sight or imagination only . 5. Again , because the members of the body are connected , and the exteriour depend upon the interiour ; these operations cannot be produc'd , but that , byconnection , the exteriour members must some way be chang'd : and thus , we see , all the Passions shew themselves in the countenance and actions of Animals ; upon which depends the principles of Physiognomy . 6. Again ; because usuall Motions render the Organs apt for such motions : it comes to passe , that , in generation , the like dispositions are oft transfer'd to the issue , and the Off-spring becomes like the Parent , both in its naturall operations and those which depend upon Sensation ; nay , even in some triviall things , too , as in Warts , in hookednesse of nose , and the like . 7. Moreover , since the issue in the womb derives its nourishment from the Mother , 't is no wonder if the desires of the Mother , at that time , passe into the issue : as , if they long for wine or whatever other food or pleasure , that the issue should suck in such a disposition as to be obnoxious to the same things all their lives . 8. Again , since such longings fix a vehement resemblance of the things in the Fancy ; and terrour , too , or any violent passion does the same ; and that image is made by Motion : 't is no wonder that the Spirits of the Mother tremble with the same motion , even as far as to the Issue it self ; and that , as light with its stroak , paints in a glasse the reflected Image of a body , so this Image should , in the little tender body of an Infant , and where-ever it finds matter apt to preserve it , leave an image fixt in the flesh , as it were a Mark of that desire . 9. And , because , too , the Infant is never more tender then at the first commixtion of the Father and Mother's Seeds , and women , in the conjugall act , especially some , are very passive : 't is no wonder , if a violent apprehension of their's , in that conjuncture , often changes the complexion of the Issue ; the Female Seed receiving a kind of proper stamp , from the image which possesses the Mother's fancy . LESSON XXIV . Of the seeming-rationall Actions of Animals . 1. 'T Is plain , again , that Animals must , of necessity , operate seeming-reasonably , or like Reason : For , since the work of nature is the work of THAT REASON which fram'd nature ; the effects of Nature must needs be the works of the same Reason , and resemble the manner of Reason's working . 2. Again ; some of their operations must needs exceed those which Reason works in us : For , since they spring from a REASON which transcends ours , 't is but consequentiall , that they should transcend the effects of our Reason ; as appears in Generation , which we understand not how 't is done , even when we doe it ; as neither could a Man tell the houres of the day as a Clock does , which yet is it self but a work of our Reason . 3. It appears , too , whence proceed the Antipathies and Sympathies of Animals : viz. partly , out of the naturall disposition of contrary qualities , as in Plants : partly , out of an apprehension of evil joyn'd with the Object ; which sometimes takes its rise in the Parents , and is transmitted to the Issue , out of the disposition of the Parents body . 4. Farther , the vertuous Actions of Animals , as those of ove of Glory , Gratitude , Generosity , &c. are nothing but such materiall impetuosities ; which , because we feel in our selves joyn'd with vertue , we , therefore , believe to be just so , too , in Animals . 5. Lastly , their concatenated and orderly-proceeding actions are the effects , partly , of fore-going actions , partly , of the disposition of the circumstant bodies ; as they may find by experience , whoever have the leisure to observe a Dunghill Hen : The admiration of which actions ought not to stop at the Animals , but at their Maker ; who has fram'd such a concatenation , out of which the Effect follows after so many Causes . 6. And , thus much may suffice about Animals , in common . MAN three things raise above the Crowd : in his Internall Sense , That he can order , and rummige for , and own , & use the Instruments of Knowledge : in his Tongue and Voice , That they do not purely expresse his Passion , but even his Mind , too : in his Body , That he has Hands , an Instrument not fitted to any one determinate operation , but destin'd to a kind of universality of Acting . But , in these three , there 's nothing requires a Comment . Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . Third Book . Containing those things , which concern the WORLD and its greater Parts . LESSON I. Of the limitation , unity , and composition of the World. 1. THe WORLD we call , the Collection of all existent Bodies . That this is not infinite , 't is evident : For , if any longitude be infinite , that very notion imports that it has infinite parts equall to one another , ( paces , suppose , or feet ) ; and consequently , from an assigned point in that line , some one foot will be , by infinite others , distant ; and so a term assign'd , and limits fix'd at both ends , to a line which is call'd infinite . 2. If you answer , some one foot is infinite intermediate ones distant from an assign'd point , but that foot cannot be assign'd ; as some one horse is necessary to ride on , yet no determinate one : 'T is reply'd , indetermination and infinity are qualifications or manners of a thing in potentiâ or possibilitie : and so a horse is undetermin'd whilst he is yet but necessary , that is , in possibility , not in act . 3. Nor makes it against this , that there are infinite objects in the understanding of the Intelligences : for , admit there were , we are not sure they are there actually distinct , and not after the manner of one . 4. You 'l say , Suppose Quantity to exist as great as 't is possible , and 't will be infinite : 't is no contradiction , therefore , to suppose it infinite . 'T is answer'd , that , since , supposing any Quantity , how big soever , yet one may alwaies suppose a bigger ; there is no Quantity so big as may exist : whence , this is an implicatory proposition , that is , such as couches contradiction in it self ; as taking the manner of possibility to be the manner of act . 5. Again , 't is evident , there 's but one World : For , since there 's no space , by which two worlds could be separated one from the other ; and quantitative bodies joyn'd together , even by that very conjunction , are one ; all quantity whatever must , of necessity , by continuednesse , conspire into one bulk . 6. Again , 't is collected , that the World is not compos'd only of minute bodies , by nature indivisible : for , since an extrinsecall denomination is nothing , but the intrinsecall natures of the things out of which it rises ; and , if there were only indivisibles in the world , all the intrinsecalls would remain the same ; since the same things alwaies afford the same denomination , 't would be impossible any thing should be chang'd . 7. And , hence it follows , that there is still some liquid substance , where-ever there 's any locall mutation : and therefore in Heaven it self , the Sphears cannot be so contiguous that there intervenes not some liquid and divisible substance between them . 8. Since , therefore , a whole , after 't is divided , is no longer what it was ; every divisible substance , in that very respect , is mortall . Wherefore , every moveable body must needs be either corruptible it self , or joyn'd to something that is corruptible . LESSON II. Of the Mortality and kinds of those things that are in the World. 1. T Is infer'd , that all Corporeall nature whereever is corruptible ; since all participate the same nature of Quantity : whose differences being rare and dense , and , out of their permixtion , the Elements and all mixt things being deriv'd , the differences of all quantitative things , that is , bodies , must needs be proportion'd to these we see amongst us ; that is , there may be Elements or mixt things differing , indeed , in temperament , but the same and entirely agreeing in the common notions . 2. Again , since the differences of mixt things , Vegetables and Animals , both from one another and among themselves , are condivided by the opposition of contradiction ; that is , by this not being so much as that ; as , mixt bodies are either vegetable or not vegetable , and vegetables are sensible or not sensible , &c. though we cannot tell whether all our kinds may be found in the other parts of the world ; yet , certain it is , that no other kinds can be found , which may not be reduc'd to these amongst us . 3. 'T is objected , Since the Notion of a body is , to be moveable ; bodies , to which a simple Motion is naturall , must be simple : now , we find three simple motions in nature , upwards , downwards and circular : the former two of these oppose one another , and consequently , both they and the bodies , whose they are , destroy one another and are corruptible ; circular motion , therefore , because it has no opposite , must be incorruptible , and so the Heavens , too , to which this motion is proper . 'T is answer'd , since a body is a mover mov'd ; and to be a Mover is a nobler Notion then to be mov'd ; the differences of bodies are rather to be deduc'd from that of being Movers , then from this , that they are moveable . 4. Again , 't is false , that the subjects of simple Motions must be simple bodies : for , both all mix'd things are carry'd upwards and downwards , and two Elements are assign'd to either of these motions ; and , which is most considerable , these motions agree to these bodies , by accident , not out of their naturall disposition . 'T is false , too , that the third , viz. circular , is a simple Motion : for , Aristotle himself acknowledges it to be compounded of thrusting and drawing ; and 't is manifestly carry'd on according to two perpendiculars at once , and at least four times reflected , and has a great difformity in the proportion of its carriage : Whence , it appears , if we were to judge from the nature of their Motions , the Heavens must needs be no simple but a most compounded body . 5. 'T is objected , again , there would have appear'd , in so long time , some change in the Heavens , if they were corruptible . 'T is answer'd , there 's no necessity of that ; as 't is not credible that , if one were in Heaven , he would discern the Changes we suffer : But , again , many things have appear'd , as more at large shall be shew'd hereafter . Moreover , Light is concluded to be the same with Fire ; and that our very Eyes witnesse to be spread every where over the visible world : but , where there is any one Element , there , Aristotle acknowledges the rest , too ; and indeed , with the same Eyes , we discern an opake body reflecting the light . 6. 'T is objected , Animals cannot live in the Moon ; not Men , particularly , because , in it , there is not a variety of Earth and Waters , nor rains , nor clouds : Adde to this , a most vehement heat ; the Sun shining continually upon the same part for fifteen whole days together , and never receding , in latitude , above ten degrees from the part illuminated . 7. 'T is answer'd , If there be a kind of grosser Aire , as 't is observ'd , there will , of necessity , be Water : for these grosse vapours are made out of Earth , and have the nature of water before , though perhaps the Clouds are not so big as to be taken notice of . Besides , the Almains have observ'd something like a vast cloud in the Moon . The extreme heat is moderated , by the height of the Mountains , the lownesse of the Vallies , the abundance of water and woods : as we see by experience under the Aequator , from which the Sun is at farthest about twenty three degrees distant ; and , but about ten only for half the year , from the middle between the Aequator and the Tropick ; yet this hinders not but those are most happy regions . LESSON III. Of the parts of the Planetary World , and especially those of the Earth . 1. THe greatest part of the world , which we have some kind of knowledge of , consists of the Sun and six great bodies illuminated by it ; and some lesser ones , which are , in a manner , members cut off from the greater . 2. The bigger bodies are counted by Astronomers , Saturn , Iupiter , Mars , the Earth , Mercury , Venus : which , 't is certain , ( of the rest by evident experiments , of Mars and Saturn by their parity to the rest ) are opake bodies , illuminated by the Sun. 3. Mercury is believ'd to have appear'd like a spot under the Sun. Venus appears horned like the Moon . Iupiter ; suffers from the Stars accompanying him and they , reciprocally , from him . The Sun alone shines of it self . 4. Moreover , since light is Fire , the fountain of light is the fountain of Fire , too . The SUN , therefore , is a vast body , consisting of Mountains and Plains which belch out fire ; and , as Aetna , Lipara and Hecla are never without flames , and especially the Vulcanian Mountains of the new world , so , much lesse is the Sun. 5. Both the clouds of ashes ( vapour'd out in vast abundance ) and other bodies mix'd with them , which make the Spots in the Sun ; and the fountains of flames , observ'd , sometimes more fiercely sometimes more remissely , to blaze out , witnesse this to be the nature of the Sun. 6. The whole body , therefore , of the Sun , or , at least , as deep as is necessary , must needs consist of some matter resembling to bitumen or Sulphur ; and be intended by nature for nothing but an Esca and food of flames , serviceable to other bodies . 7. And , since we have the same Actour upon the other six Bodies , the effects , too , must needs be analogous upon an analogous matter , as we have already prov'd that of all other bodies must be : amongst these , the Earth , by which we are nourisht , is the best known to us . 8. This , our very senses tell us , is divided into three parts : A solid Substance , which we call Earth ; a liquid but crasse one , which we call Water ; and aninvisible one , which we call Aire . 9. The Earth is not a Loadstone : first , because it hangs not on any other ; for , the Stars of the Eighth Sphear are at too great a distance , to look for any Magneticall action from them : secondly , because that vertue in it which attracts the loadstone , is not diffus'd through the whole body of the Earth , but rests only in the bark of it , as it were : thirdly , because , if it were a loadstone , it would joyn to some other body , as the loadstone does to Iron ; nor would it be carry'd about in any place or with any Motion of its own , but proceed to joyn it self with that other . The parts of the Earth are Mountains , Valleys , Caverns , Plains . 10. And , since , we know , Fire will make water boil and swell , and dilate whatever other bodies are mixt with the water ; we see , too , that the Earth , both within in its bowells , and in its superficies , is furnisht with heat to concoct Metals and juyces : as , in our bodies , when the heat abounds with moisture above the just proportion in any part , it breeds warts and wens and blisters ; so , hills and mountains must , of necessity , rise out of the body of this great Mother . 11. This is evidenc'd both by ancient and modern Experiments , which tell us of Islands cast up in the Sea : we hear of cinders belcht out of Aetna and Vesuvius ; for the most part , falling upon and encreasing the Mountains , but sometimes , too , raising fields into Mountains : and , hence it is , that Mountains , for the most part , ingender Metalls and are full of wholesome hearbs , as is generally observ'd . 12. Hollow places , whether upon the Superficies of the Earth , which we call Vallies , or Caverns within its bowells , proceed from two proper causes : the sinking and settling of the Earth into those places , which the matter for the Mountains left vacant ; and the washing away of that matter which , by rains and torrents , is carry'd otherwhere , especially into the Sea. Thus , the Channells of Rivers are made ; thus , between vast and very high Mountains , the Channells of the Valleys are deeper : Hence , in one place , the Earth is hollow'd away , in another rais'd . LESSON IV. Of the Sea , and its Accidents . 1. THe parts of water are Sea , Lakes , Pools , Rivers , Fountains . The Sea is but one ; since , all those parts , whereof every one is call'd a Sea , communicate among themselves , either openly , or by hidden Channells : as , the Caspian discharges it self into the Euxine ; for , otherwise , t would overflow with the constant tribute of such great Rivers . 2. That the Main does not overflow , is because of the amplitude and vastnesse of its surface : whence , it comes to passe , that as much is lick'd up by the Sun into clouds and winds , as is pour'd in by so many Rivers ; as will be evident to one that shall observe how much the Sun , in one day , draws up out of a little Plash . 3. Hence proceeds its saltnesse : for , since the salt which flows in out of the Rivers makes not them so much as brackish ; neither could they infect the sea , were it not that , the sun sucking up the lighter parts , the salt remains in the rest . 4. Moreover , the salt , which the sun must necessarily make upon the top , out of the concoction of the land-floods which fatten the River-water , does not sink down to the bottom ; both by reason of the motion of the sea continually mingling it together ; as also because , the deeper the water , the salter and heavier it is , unlesse some speciall cause interpose , as perhaps in the mouths of Rivers . 5. From the abundance of salt , the sea gets both density and gravity ; moreover , that it will not extinguish flames very readily ; as also , by a multiply'd reflection of light , to sparkle and flame , as it were , when 't is stirr'd . 6. The same , too , is no little cause of Sea-sicknesse , ( besides the very tossing , which , of it self , is a cause ; as appears in those who are sick with riding in a Coach ) ; for , the stomack , being offended with the saltnesse , strives to cast it up ; as appears by that salt humour we oft are sensible of in colds . 7. Hence , too , comes it , that the sea is not frozen ; the mixture of salt hindring the freezing wind 's entrance : For , where the sea is congeal'd , 't is not the sea-water , but the snow falling on it , which makes the sea seem frozen ; as our Countrey-men , that go Northern voyages , witnesse . Yet , others report that , near the shoars , a sharp wind will freez the sea in some , ev'n hotter , Countreys . 8. But , when vast Rivers flow into narrow Bayes , they must needs overflow into larger seas : whence , of necessity , there must needs be a kind of perpetuall flux of some seas into others ; as , of the Euxine into the Propontis , of this into the Mediterranean , of the Mediterranean into the Ocean . The reason is , because the lesser sea , with the same quantity of water , is more swell'd and , consequently , has a higher levell of water : Again , the power of the sun drinks more out of a larger sea then out of a narrower ; whence , 't is more easily sunk low to receive the adventitious waters . 9. Out of the sea , the sun , like fire out of a boyling pot , extracts continuall vapours ; which , either in Rains or Winds , it disperses over all the Earth : for , all those Winds , which we feel cool from the Ocean in the Summer , though we perceive it not , yet , both their extraction makes us confesse they are moist , and their density and softnesse , savouring a similitude of and derivation from Water . 10. The Earth , therefore , heated by the Sun , being sprinkled with these , whether in Rain or Wind , ( for the Earth , being once hot , a great while retains it ) dissolves it self into Vapours : and so , by little and little , they are rais'd to the higher parts of the Earth ; where if they feel the cold of the Aire without , or , by any other cause , are coagulated into bigger parts , they become Water , and by degrees , break themselves a passage through and flow down upon the lower grounds . LESSON V. Of Fountains , Rivers , and Lakes . 1. ANd , because the causes of evaporations are continuall , Fountains , too , continually flow ; which , joyning together , make Brooks and Rivers , and , when they have watered the whole surface of the Earth , restore to the Sea the superfluous moisture , to repair again the Earth with a new distillation . 2. Let him , that thinks not the Rain-water sufficient for this , imagine the Mountains , out of their innate heat , are more pory then the rest of the Earth , and hollow , as we have said ; wherein there may be receptacles of water : out of which the heat , that is every where mingled , often draws vapours , which it transmits to the top of Mountains covered with Rocks ; whence , afterwards , water starts , as it were , out of bare Rocks . 3. That this is the generation of Fountains , the stones and earth at a Fountain-head , all deaw'd like the cover of a boiling pot , are an argument : also , the thinnesse & subtilty of the vapours so rais'd through the Earth ; & certain herbs , too , nourisht by such like vapours : by observing all which , the Water-finders search for Well-springs . 4. Of Fountains , the famousest are Baths , that is , hot ones . The Authour of the Demonstrative Physick , ripping up some fountains , both learnt himself and convinc'd others , by the very course of nature and by experiments Masterly made , that cold Water , full of a salt ( which he calls hermeticall ) with a mixture of Sulphur , will grow hot . 5. The same may be seen in watred lime ; and in Tartar , with the spirit of Vitriol infus'd in it : The cause of all these is the same , viz. The fiery parts , fetter'd , as it were , in dry bodies , being set at liberty by the mixture of a liquid body , dissipate into vapours that liquour , it consisting of parts easily dissolvable . 6. Hence , it appears , why cold fountains , sometimes of the same favour , are next neighbours to hot ones , viz. because they passe not through the same salt . 7. Why some are more , some lesse hot , viz. either through the abundance of this salt , or through its nearnesse to the mouth of the Fountain . 8. The same Authour evidenc'd the constant lastingnesse of the heat to proceed , from the naturall reparation and recruit of the same salt ; when , extracting the salt , he found the remaining mud season'd again within three dayes : not by the raining of salt down out of the Aire ( as that Authour thinks ) but by the nature of the Earth's being such that , mixt with Aire , it turn'd into salt , or , salt was made of the moist Aire and that Mud. 9. It appears , again , why some Fountains have wonderful vertues , either in benefit or prejudice of our bodies : why others convert Iron into Copper : others petrifie sticks and whatever is thrown into them : why some yield gold , others silver . 10. Namely , because , flowing through severall sorts of Earth , they rub off along with them little particles and dust ; so minute , sometimes , that they are not discernable from the very body of the water , and then the water is reputed to have such a vertue ; sometimes they are visible , and then the water is said to carry some such thing in it . 11. Of Fountains flowing out , Brooks and Rivers are made ; whose running , they say , requires the declivity of one foot in a Mile : Their reason is , because a line touching the Earth , at a Miles end , is rais'd nine inches ; Artificers , therefore , adde three inches more , that it may conveniently run ; ( whence , the fountains of Nilus should be almost a mile and half higher then the Port of Alexandria ) ; but erroneously : for , when ever the water running behind is so encreased , that it be able to raise it self above the water before , this rule of declivity changes . 12. Among Rivers , 't is strange one should swim upon and , as it were , run over another ; as , Titaresus upon Peneus , Boristhenes upon Hypanis : The reason is , the gravity of the one and the lightnesse of the other ; or , they will not mix out of some other cause , as , if one of them be oily . 13. The overflowing of Rivers in Summer proceeds , either from the melting of Snow shut up in Vallies , or from an abundance of Rain , falling in a far-distant Climate , and therefore not suspected by us ; as is evident , in Nilus , Niger , and some others of no name and scarce any better then Brooks . 14. Fountains , if they emerge into a hollow place of the Earth , beget a Lake : and , if this cavity happen in any elevated Superficies of the Earth , whether in a Mountain or a high Plain ; it comes to passe , that sometimes great Rivers flow out of Lakes : And sometimes vast eruptions of waters , without any appearing cause ; when a Lake emprison'd in the bowells of a Mountain , suddenly overflows and opens it self a way . LESSON VI. Of the Aire , & those things vvhich are done in it near the Earth . 1. THe Aire is evidently divided into two parts ; that which is habitable by Animals , and that above : this last has no limits we can know of ; that first is contain'd in the Sphear of Vapours which ascend with a sensible heat out of the Earth , that is , as much as the Sun cherishes with its heat and renders fit for the life of Animals : This , therefore , is comparatively hot ; the rest comparatively cold , which the Snows and cold winds about the highest Mountains testifie . A third , which they use to call the Middle Region , there 's none ; since the place of Meteors is very uncertain , some residing near the Earth , others above the Moon . 2. Out of the Globe of Earth and Sea , by the power of the Sun , little bodies are rais'd up , of the minutest bulk ; which , the Sun deserting them , sometimes fall down upon the Earth like drops , and are call'd Deaw ; some drop from hard by , others from a great height ; for , all night long vapours descend , and the higher more slowly , both because they are higher and because every drop is lesse : Hence 't is that Chymists rather chuse the Deaw that falls last , as also the summer Deaw , these being the purest and subtilest . 3. From this Deaw 't is , that the night grows cooler towards day-break ; though the first Drops breaking and diffusing themselves , intends the same cold by the expiration of their cold parts . 4. The drops of Deaw , especially the least , are perfectly round : the cause whereof is , because the water of Deaw is very tender , and encompass'd in and bound together with a skin , as it were , by the more viscous Aire about it . 5. As we see , therefore , Bladders blown-up become round , because in that figure they are capable of most Aire : so , every fluid body , when 't is straightned , must of necessity mould it self into a round form . And , this seems the cause why Quicksilver so easily runs into little sphears : for , since the least fire will vapour it away , the least cold , too , must needs compresse it . 6. Some Deaws are sweeter then the rest , especially in the hotter Regions ; whence , a kind of Hony may be lick'd from the leafs of Trees , and the Bees are believ'd to make their hony out of Deaw ; also , the Manna , in Calabria and Arabia and other hot Regions , is a kind of Deaw ; Cloves , too , and Nutmeggs are thought to derive their sweetnesse from a kind of Deaw which falls in the Molucco Islands : Now sweetnesse proceeds from a concocting and digestion of Moysture , into a certain oily softnesse and equability of parts . 7. Frost is congealed Deaw . A Fogg or Mist , properly , is the expiration of the Earth or Water out of a certain Vent made by their native heat : For , we sensibly perceive Foggs rising out of moist Valleys , Lakes , Rivers and the Sea : they presently fill all our Horizon : then , for the most part , they rise either in the Morning or Evening , seldome when the Sun shines hot : they rise , too , in great abundance , out of some certain place . All which agree not to Vapours extracted by the Sun. 8. And , because they expire out of putrid water , they stink and beget a Cough . But , that which uses to rest upon Mountains and in Woods , especially when it rains , is another thing : for those are really Clouds , not Fogs , which either fall or are sustain'd by the leafs of Trees ; whence , in certain Islands , we read there 's no other water , then what is so gather'd and distill'd from Trees . Some Mists are purely watry ; others have a kind of slimy muddynesse withall , deriv'd out of the quality of that body whence they are sublimated . 9. The Nets we see in trees & hedges , as also those thrids that fly up & down sometimes , are made by the parts of the Fog growing together ; or , of little bodies , too , rais'd up by the Sun : minutest humid bodies gluing together other minutest dry ones ; that we may learn , out of these rude principles , how Silk-worms and Spiders Webs and even Flesh it self is woven . LESSON VII . Of Clouds , Rain , Snovv and Hail . 1. HItherto , we have kept near the Earth . But , if the Sun drives the vapours higher , they are gather'd into Clouds : Now , a Cloud is a swarm or heap of minutest bodies elevated by the Sun ; of such a crassitude & thickness , that , like a solid body , it either reflects or deads the Light. 2. That 't is no solid body , is plain ; both from the tops of high Mountains , upon which it appears like a Mist , and does not much wet those that goe into it ; as also , from its generation , and rising up in minutest bodies . 3. And the reason is plain , why they hang above ; namely , because of the littlenesse of their parts , as , we see , Dust thrown up staies a great while in the Aire : Besides , the motion of the Aire hinders their descending ; wherefore , in a high wind , we fear not the Rain , which , as soon as the wind is down , presently falls . 4. Now , that which makes it fall is the forcing those little bodies into a straight place ; and , therefore wind brings Rain , because it thrusts the little drops one against another and makes them bigger . 5. Besides , the wind it self is often incorporated with the Vapour and , by sticking to them , makes those particles , which before were too little , now to be big enough and fit for descending : as , when a warm wind rushes against a cold vapour , or contrariwise : and therefore , cold winds in the Summer and warm ones in the Winter chiefly bring Rain . 6. But , because those things that are rais'd out of the Earth ascend , not onely from the Superficies , but out of its very Bowells , too , through the pores : nay , they are expell'd and thrust out from the bottome of the Sea , and the Earth under it ; the Sea-water forcing whatever is dissolved in the bottome , lighter then it self , to ascend : And , because there is a perpetuall vicissitude of Vapours , bandy'd from the Poles to the Aequator , and from the Aequator back again to the Poles ; these Consequents follow : 7. That little particles are drawn up into the Aire and Clouds , of all kinds of Earth , clayey , stony , nitrous , bituminous , metallick , & whatever other sorts there are : again , of all sorts of Plants , Trees , Roots , Animals : all which being hurry'd up and down in the Clouds from one part to another , are scattered ; and , if any where they come to find a convenient receptacle and nourishment , there such things or creatures are produc'd . 8. But , because some are apt to be form'd suddenly ; ( as , Froggs easily grow out of Mud ; and , 't is told by a man of credit , that a certain Chymist , in a quarter of an hour , brought certain seeds to grow ) : it happens sometimes , such as these , too , rain out of the Clouds . 9. So , it rain'd Wheat , some yeares since , in the West of England , or rather , something like Wheat ; and the same , I believe , those other miraculous rains are to be accounted , viz. that it rain'd not bloud , but a red water , something crasse it may be ; and not Iron , but a kind of ironish stone ; so , too , not Flesh , but something like Flesh may have rain'd other where : For , we are wont to call things by the names of others which they resemble , especially when something of miracle is joyn'd with it ; so greedy we are of seeming to know or have seen something more then others . 10. Snow and Hail seem to be accidents of Rain ; with this difference , that snow is rain whilst 't is yet in such little parts that it cannot descend ; but Hail is it congeal'd , when 't is in such drops as are apt for descending : For , that the generation of Snow is higher then that of Rain , the tops of Mountains witnesse , cover'd all the yeare with Snow ; which they could not be , were they ever drench'd with Rain . 11. And , that 't is congeal'd in minutest particles , is evident , to one that considers it , both from the height of its place and the very nature of Snow ; for , the flakes are not of one continu'd body , but , as it were , ashes or little dusts made up together : Its whitenesse , too , proves it , that is , its eminent virtue of reflecting light : for , suppose a world of little sphears , smooth and extreamly minute , made up together into one body as little as can be visible ; and , because every one of those convex Superficies are apt to scatter light ; in its proportion , from every point , that quantity must needs appear extreamly white . 12. The Rine , too , witnesses it , and a kind of snowy-hail we sometimes see like Coriander Confits : for , certain minute particles of snow are easily discernable ; and , if one look very curiously upon a flake of snow , one shall discern a composition without end , as it were , of distinct bodies coagulated . Lastly , the whitenesse of Froth proceeds clearly from the same cause . 13. Hence , the doubts about snow are easily resolv'd : as , why the vapours should not rather immediately fall down in Rain , then turn into Snow ; since there needs a lesse intense cold for Rain ? For , either they are admitted to be first in the degree of Rain , before they become Snow ; but descend not , because the parts are too little yet : or it must be said that Rain does not signifie every moisture , but a dropping one , such as is not in so minute particles . The cause , too , of its softnesse is plain ; for , even Diamant dust , if it be small enough , will be soft . 14. Again ; why 't is often sexangular , or rather like a Star with six rayes ? For , since six other equall circles just encompasse and inclose a Circle ; if Snow be compos'd of little Sphears , the first composition will have six jettings out , to which those things may stick which , in motion , are apt to touch and stop against what they encounter : Such a compound , therefore , is apt to be form'd into a star-like figure . 15. The cold , if it has been very intense and dry , slacken's before Snow , because of the Snow's moisture ; especially , if it come with a gentle , a South , or West-wind : as also , because a snowy cloud more compresses and straightens the Aire near the Earth ; whence , the Vapours which rise out of the Earth , being thrust and crouded close together , grow warmer ; and thus , too , Snow , lying upon houses , makes the upper rooms warmer , by hindring both the entrance of the wind and the issuing of the vapours . In the same manner , also , it protects the Earth and Roots from the cold . 16. But , the warmnesse , which is felt after the fall of Snow , proceeds from the free action of the Sun , which before was restrain'd by a grosse cloud interpos'd against it : as also , because the cold wherewith we were infested , whilst the cloud hung over us , lyes now , as it were , subdu'd and imprison'd under our feet . That the falling of Snow hinders Sounds , 't is , because it deprives the Aire of its agility . 17. Hail is Rain congeal'd in falling : it receives a figure either from the drops , or from the wind and the collision of the drops now growing hard , or else by chance or the concurrence of accidentall causes . 18. Those that discern monstrous forms and shapes in it sometimes , polish and finish up , by the help of their imagination , certain rude lines : as 't is often seen in Stones and whatever other figures . 19. That it so soon melts , the reason is , because there remains in it more water , then of the dry vapour ; the wind or congealing Aire having light upon great drops : For , that this is the cause of congelation , our expecting Ice and a Rine the next day witnesses ; to wit , when the wind is grow'n sharper by the cold of the night . LESSON VIII . Of fiery Meteors appearing in the Aire . 1. who 'd expect Fire out of water ? Yet we have it sometimes out of the Clouds , and even out of Rain : Nay , in a very Tempest , there stick to the Masts things , the Ancients call'd Castor and Pollux ; a wonder familiarly seen by the Mariners . 2. But these and many such like seem rather to rellish the nature of vapours that reflect light , then of Fire : for , both ( Will of the wispe , or ) Ignes fatui do not burn nor flame out , but only shine ; as also those Dioscuri ( or Castor and Pollux ) have the form of a globe , which is not the figure of Fire . Again , Flames , in a thin and tenuous matter , are not long-liv'd ; as appears in Lightning , and in a Candle , which we see sometimes blaze up , enflaming the smoak about it ; but suddenly extinguish again and retire to the Wiek : The flames , too , which belch out of the Vulcanian Mountains are often but short-liv'd . 3. Be this therefore a sure rule ; where-ever the figure is determin'd and constant , 't is no fiery or flaming matter : For , the way of Fire is , to brandish Pyramids upwards , with an uncertain motion ; the crasser matter pressing downwards . 4. Besides , an Ignis fatuus has been found fallen down in a slippery viscous substance full of white spots : The same , too , is the matter of Falling-starres ; as , both a learned man hath found it ; & amongst our selves , when any such matter is found in the Fields , the very Countrey-men cry it fell from Heav'n and the Starres , and , as I remember , call it the Spittle of the Starres . 5. Ignes fatui ( or Wills of the Wisp ) , then , are a certain viscous substance , reflecting light in the dark , evaporated out of a fat Earth , and flying in the Aire . They commonly haunt Church-yards , Privyes , and Fens ; because they are begotten out of fatnesse : They fly about Rivers , Hedges , &c. because in those places , there 's a certain flux of Aire : They follow one that flies them and fly one that follows them ; because the Aire does so : They stay upon Military Ensigns and Spears ; because such are apt to stop and tenacious of them : In the Summer and hot Regions they are more frequent ; because the good concoction produces fatnesse . 6. Flammae lambentes ( or those we call Haggs ) are made of Sweat or some other Vapour issuing out of the Head ; a notunusuall sight amongst us when we ride by night in the Summer time : They are extinguisht , like flames , by shaking the Horse Mains : But , I believe rather , 't is onely a Vapour reflecting light , but fat and sturdy , compacted about the Mains of Horses or Men's Hair. 7. Cardanus tells of a certain Carmelite , that as often as he thrust his head into his Coul , it flam'd out ; and that 't is usuall enough in Spain , for sparkles to fly out of woollen garments rubb'd upon ones head : Nor doubt I but these are reall fire such as uses to fly out of Wood , Canes , or Flints , by rubbing or striking them , for these and such like are full , both of fire , and a certain vapour which is fewell for it ; whence , when many hot parts light upon a considerable part of the vapour , they scorch and kindle it ; whereupon , after such a production of fire , there remains in some an offensive sent , as of burning . 8. The Hair of Horses , and Cats , as also Sugar rub'd together in the dark , are said to produce the same effect : The Eyes , too , of some are said to sparkle , viz. when they shine with spirits , and reflect the light as if they were glasse . Yet doubt I not but the Eyes may , by some preternaturall disposition , yield reall light ; it seeming evident in Cats . 9. But , that the most part of these are idle stories , I collect from this experiment , that it has seem'd , even to my self sometimes , that my Chamber was all light ; and I saw every thing plainly : when , notwithstanding , I have often catch't my self in it , and found mine eyes shut all the while ; and that my memory within , was working upon those thiings which I thought I saw : and sometimes I found that I err'd , too , imagining some things to be in this or that Place , which indeed were not . 10. Falling-Stars are a certain viscid or slimy matter , rais'd out of the Earth in very minute parts , and coagulated in the Aire ; which , when , in its fall , it comes within our sight , beautifies all its way with reflected light : Yet , sometimes , it falls not downwards ; but , being carry'd traversly by some motion of the Aire , 't is call'd a Gliding star , 'till , either being dissipated , or by some other Accident , 't is seen no more . 11. Caprae , Trabes , Bolides , Faces , Dolia , Clypei , ( as the Ancients call them ) , or whatever other names such Meteors may have ; whether they are reall fires , or only certain Clouds brighter then ordinary ; neither is it deducible clearly enough out of Histories , ( they relating scarce any thing save that they burn in such a figure ; but that they take burning for shining 't is very credible , even from hence , that they mention no tokens of their burning ) ; nor have I ever met with any very curious observer treating of this subject . LESSON IX . Of truly fiery Meteors , hanging in the Aire . 1. THe true fires , therefore , are Lightnings , Dragons , and those they call Fire-Drakes : For , first , they have not a clear brightnesse , as falling and gliding Stars have ( which is almost a sure sign of reflection ) , but a dimm'd one ( from the condition of the matter ) as it were with smoak , as we see in our fires ; though this rule may fail on both sides , unlesse it be prudently apply'd : Again , they are short-liv'd : Thirdly , the ashes of Dragons are often seen , and the effects of Lightning are well known . The Nature of Fire-drakes is like that of Lightning or the blazing of Candles ; so that 't is , unquestionably , a sudden kindling of an oyly vapour ; and it varies its figure with every motion , as fire uses , according to the various dispositions of the combustible matter . To apprehend the Causes of these things , 2. Let us imagine the hottest days effect that upon the Earth , which , upon a Chymicall matter , the most intense heat does , that , after the gentler , is apply'd to extract Oyles , that is , the most glutinous and crasse moisture : Suppose that , out of fat and soft grounds , they raise Vapours , not liquid , but compacted with a deal of dense matter , not without a vast abundance of fiery parts imprison'd in them . 3. That these Vapours can neither be elevated into a very high station , nor long sustain'd above : That , yet , to the proportion of the heat , they are carryed higher ( according to the nature of the Region and of the concurring causes ) in one Climate then in another : And that , through the motion and tumult of the Clouds , these vapours meeting with one another , being of a glutinous substance , stick together and are constipated ; that , being constipated , they are kindled , and , being kindled , either break out or are thrown out . 4. Again ; this matter , being the heaviest of all that are elevated , will be hurryed downwards , as we see in Golden-gunpowder : for the dilating of the fire makes and applyes an impression of the adhering matter , that way which the matter leads : It breaks , therefore , through the Clouds , there , where 't is easiest descending ; and being , in the time of its passage , for the most part , directed obliquely , because the Cloud is thickest towards the Earth , 't is , so , hurry'd to us . 5. When nothing but the flame approaches us , 't is said to lighten : when , without Thunder and in a clear season , any lightnings appear , we say it flashes . 6. Hence , 't is apparent enough how Thunderbolts come to be darted out of the Clouds : For , the fire in the Clouds being extreme violent , it bakes a light stone , like a Pumice or those which are made in furnaces for Metalls : and that , having the fire still adhering to it , and being light of its own nature , is carry'd , like an iron kettle or earthen Porringer in water , and descends with violence . 7. Again ; 't is evident how Thunder is caus'd : For , that most suddain rarefaction of Fire cannot be made , without a most swift compression of one Cloud to another ; nor this , without a mighty noise , such as we hear at the suddain extinguishing of a violent and intense fire , and at the dashing together of the waves of the Sea in a Storm . 8. From the different matter of the Lightning there happens the variety of different effects : As , when , the Purse or Scabbard being intire , the Mony or the Blade is melted ; it proceeds from hence , that , in the Lightning , there is the nature of those Salts , which serve to melt Metalls and yet have no power upon slighter subjects : when the Wine congeals , the Vessell being broken ; 't is a sign of cold Spirits in the Lightning , by which liquid things are rendred consistent and hard things are broken ; as we see by the congealing of water in a glasse or earthen vessel close stop'd : when water will not quench it , it has a mixture of Wild-fire in it , such as we see in burning Fountains . 9. Iron is us'd against Lightning , because 't is a kind of matter something akin to Lightning , and draws the volatile spirits to it self , so that it does other things no hurt : Mushromes , too , come on the better for Tempests , because the Rain which accompanies them is warm and fat ; as the fields of Aetna and Campania are rendred more fruitfull by the eruptions of the Mountains , because much heat and fat matter descends withall . 10. Hence , that they call the Fiery Dragon is a certain weaker kind of Lightning : It s livid colour , and its falling without noise and slowly demonstrate a great mixture of watry exhalation in it : nor is there any thing else of singular in it worth taking notice of ; for , 't is sufficient for its shape , that it has some resemblance of a Dragon , not the expresse figure . LESSON X. Of the generation and nature of Winds . 1. NOw , it happens that the exhalation shut up in the Clouds is , sometimes , very lean and dry ; and then , instead of Lightning , a wind is pufft out : sometimes alone , and then 't is call'd Ecnephias ; sometimes mixt with flame , as when a fat and lean vapour are mingled together , and then 't is call'd Prester . 2. But , if it breaks out through a narrow passage , and is whirl'd about like water , 't is call'd Typhon or a whirlewind : for it brings down with it , even to the Earth , that whirling impetus , and , being reverberated , as it were , back into the Aire , hurries away , wrapt up in it , whatever it meets unable to resist it upon the Earth : All these winds are properly call'd Storms and stormy . 3. Some signs , by the providence of God , they send before , of their coming ; as all vehement things do : which proceed hence , that , in corporeall things , a part must of necessity be made before the whole ; and , in motion , the weaker must goe before , the violenter must follow . 4. Hence it comes , that Animals have a kind of sense of Storms before they come . Again , because , for great things , there must precede great preparations ; a change in the causes may , by diligent persons , be observ'd : so Mariners foresee future Storms , by the Sun , the Moon , the Clouds ; and Shepheards , Heardsmen and such others , by their Cattel . 5. Out of what has been said , 't is easie to conceive the Generation of Winds : For , if a vapour or exhalation be either so dry or so scatt'red that it cannot coagulate into great drops , it descends in the form of dust ; and , where it first finds resistance , there it begins to take a determination and make , as it were , a channell of its Motion . 6. And , that way the first parts have gone before , the later follow , ( by the force of consequence , now , and the impetus of the Aire ) and make way for others : Thus , therefore , they run through the Horizon , till either the Sun has suck'd them up again , or their Atoms have adher'd to other bodies , especially moist ones , with which they are easily incorporated . 7. Hence , may be resolv'd the questions about winds : For , first , if the exhalation be high , it makes the Rack ride , but it comes not near the Earth : when there happen to be many exhalations of severall lightnesses , the Clouds appear to ride severall ways : when the causes of the exhalations hold out pertinaciously , the wind lasts longer from the same corner : when the vapours , flowing in from one corner , are more dense and abundant then from another , then the wind is more vehement on that side . 8. And this happens , either from the quality of the Earth whence they are extracted : for , out of a moist and cold ground , the vapours are densest ; out of a moist and hot , most abundant ; out of a dry and cold , they are still lighter ; out of a dry and hot ground , they are lightest of all . 9. As also , their way is to be consider'd : For , they mix themselves with the vapours through which they passe , and are imbu'd with their qualities . Again , much is to be ascrib'd to the Heat which dissolves them : for , a moderate heat dissolv's those that are more subtle , a violenter those that are heavy and thick . 10. It happens , too , that the nature of the Corners from whence the wind comes , is accidentally alt'red sometims : for example , If , from the North , for the most part , come dry and fair-weather Vapours ; it may well fall out that the Vapours carry'd by the South-wind , when they are past us towards the North , meeting with a stronger North-wind , will be brought back to us pouring down rain ; and so , from a serene corner we shall have rain , and , contrary-wise , fair weather from the South . 11. Out of the same Principles , may be understood the reason of Etesiae , that is , Winds that alwayes return at such a set season of the year : For , the originall causes of the Winds being certain and determin'd , ( among which , the melting of the Snows is the principall ) , which return at set times of the year ; the Winds , too , unlesse something interpose , must needs return at the same Seasons . Such are the Northern Etesiae : These constantly blow , in Italy and all over Greece , at Midsummer ; rising , as I believe , out of the Alpes , not from the farthest North , since they are not felt in the intermediate Regions : And they rise out of the Earth after 't is moistned with the Snow ; for the Snows are said to melt about the end of May ; whence , 't is plain , they that blow at the middle of Iune cannot be rais'd , but out of the Earth already well watred ; unlesse perhaps some Snows hid in the Valleys are then first sensible of the Sun's violence , or that the Sun should draw a cool breath of Aire out of the Snows without melting them . 12. Such are the East-winds , which we have in England , out of Russia and Muscovia , about the end of March and beginning of April , for fourty dayes together sometimes , upon the first dissolving of the Snow in those parts . Such are the West-winds the West of England is subject to , at the latter end of Summer and beginning of Autumn ; brought to us from that part of America under the same Meridian , over a vast Sea and out of moist Regions , whence , for the most part , they are rainy . 13. It appears , out of the same Principles , why some Winds are heavy and low , others light and high : For , 't is plain , these conditions must needs follow the quality of the Subject whence the Vapours are rais'd , and of the heat that raises them : For , as Chymists , with a soft fire , extract the purest and lightest Spirits , but , with a violent heat , heavy and troubled ones ; so Nature , too , with a moderate & gentle heat , raises the purer & sublimer winds ; but the heavier , more vehement , and lower winds it forces out with extreme heats . 14. Hence , again , 't is plain , some are wholsome , others hurtfull : since , their effects must needs follow the condition of the nature of those vapours whereof they consist . But , we must note , that some winds have very guiltlessely got an ill name : for , those that in one place are unwholsome , in another are wholsome . 15. The Sea-winds are commonly unwholsome , as bringing along with them heat and moisture , the principles of corruption : Yet , in very hot Regions they are wholsome ; and sometimes in the height of Summer , because , then , they refresh ; and because they are drawn up higher by the Sun , they are penetrative , without any harm . 16. 'T is to be noted , that the winds always take the compasse of the greatest Circles : because , being thrust out with violence , they take the shortest line ; which , upon the superficies of a Sphear , is the Arch of the greatest Circle . LESSON XI . Of Earth-quakes and their Effects . 1. BUt , because we have said , there are Caves under ground ; and both our experience of Pits sunk , and many extraordinary effects demonstrate Fire & water , there , too : there must necessarily be notable effects of the vapours extracted out of the bowells of the Earth . 2. If , therefore , out of some subterraneous humidbody , vapours chance to be rais'd , by a subterraneous fire , too ; and they prove too bigg for their place : 't is manifest that , alwaies increasing and becoming condens'd , by the continuall accesse of new vapours , they 'l seek themselves a way out , according to the force they have , where ther 's the easiest passage . If that chance to lead into any vast under-ground Cave , the Earth will quake with a great impetus and groan ; but nothing will appear above ground . 3. But , if the easiest issue be towards the superficies of the Earth , the vapour will burst out through it : and , if it be noxious to Beasts or Birds , 't will bring either Death or a Disease along with it ; making with the eruption either a gaping Hollow or a Mountain , according as the Earth either sinks or is sustain'd and , as it were , vaulted . Sometimes 't will bury and swallow up Cities ; sometimes transport vast pieces of Earth ; and produce other effects , whereof we find expresse memorialls in History . 4. The Prognosticks of an Earth-quake , they say , are an infection of the Fountains with a sulphurious savour ; an unusuall calmnesse of the Air and Birds ; a swelling of the Sea without any apparent cause ; blackish streaks under the Sun of an unusuall length : all ( if they are truly Prognosticks , and not onely Accidents , which , sometimes and not for the most part , happen ) are the effects of a spirituous Vapour bursting out from the bowells of the Earth . 5. They are said to happen chiefly in the Spring and Autumn , therefore , ( if the opinion be true ) because the Superficies of the Earth , being warm , becomes slacker with the rain : But , I should rather believe it a chance that many should be recorded in Histories about these seasons ; for , both Winter and Summer have felt their Earthquakes , and in the Torrid Zone , where they are most frequent , the differences of Spring and Autumn from the other seasons are very inconsiderable . 6. The Sea-shores are most subject to these motions ; because the subterranious flames and fumes receive no little nourishment from the Sea ; and the moisture which soaks into the Earth , renders it very fit for breeding vapours . LESSON XII . Of the Meteors of the other parts of the World ; and especially of Comets . 1. THese accidents of our Orbe , and its parts , which are usually call'd Meteors , must necessarily be found , too , in the other bodies , which , we have said , are enlightned by our Sun : And that , out of the nature of quantity and the mixture of Rare and Dense ; if they have their severall degrees and differences . 2. Nor in these only , but in whatever bodies besides , wherein alterations are wrought , by the operation of fire upon denser matter ; for the same reasons . 3. 'T is evident , too , that our Sun cannot warm and enlighten all those bodies that reflect light to us : for , if it were as far distant from us , as Astronomers suppose the Sphear of the Fixed stars , 't would appear to us to be but of the sixth Magnitude ; and consequently , it could not communicate to us any considerable either light or heat : how much lesse , in the situation where 't is , could it reflect so far as to us a light of the first Magnitude , from any Star so far distant . 4. Adde to this , that one that should collect , from the proportion of the basis of a Cone to its Axis , how much light the Sun could reflect to us from the eighth Sphear , would find it absolutely invisible . Besides , the very Aire , through which the light passes , by little and little drinks up and extinguishes it : whence , in a thicker Aire , it spreads it self a lesse way , then in a rarer ; so that , in so vast a journey , 't would be utterly deaded and not seen . 5. A Meteor of the Planets , perceptible by us , is a Comet ; which its very-little Parallaxis convinces to be , sometimes , sited above the Moon . 6. That 't is not fire , its constant figure ; its Tayle , not oppos'd to its motion but to the Sun ; its lasting consistency ; its matter , light and to be seen through ; and lastly , its Motion , more regular then we observe in fire , largely convince : farther , that it has nothing of fire but the colour : adde to this , that Fromundus , with his very eyes , discern'd the Tayle of that Comet in the Year 1618 , to consist of the reflection of the Sun 's light . 7. Be it , therefore , A vapour which partly reflects the light of the Sun , partly , drinking it in , either repells it back again to us by refraction from it self , or , letting it through , by reflection from another body : And , its fore-part will be the Head , it s hinder ( whether part , or something only accessnry to it ) will be the Tayle . 8. And since , by this generation of a Comet , any figure of its Beard , any Motion , any winding of its tayle , but , for the most part , the opposition of its Tayle to the Sun and the lesser light of its Tayle then of its Head , may be fairly solv'd ; this intire subject is clearly display'd . 9. Out of the same principles may be deduc'd , that fading Stars are Comets ; but , so far off , that the secundary or refracted light of their Tail , by reason of the height , either cannot be distinguisht from the body , or cannot be extended to us , because of its extreme faintnesse : as also that , its motion cannot be discern'd . 10. Even these , therefore , witnesse that there are Meteors among the very fixed Stars ; and those , so much the more constant and lasting as the bodies out of which they are extracted are larger . LESSON XIII . Of the Ebbing and Flovving of the Sea , and its Accidents . 1. SInce , out of what has been said , it appears that the gravity of the vapours and the straightnesse of their issue are the cause of the violent motion of the winds ; and that the heaviest vapours are extracted out of the Earth , when 't is well moistned : It becomes evident that , where vapours are rais'd out of the Sea only , they are lighter ; & that , if they be turn'd into winds , without being straightned , they will be calm ones . And , since , in the great Pacifick Sea , in the Indian & Atlantick Ocean , quite through the whole Torrid Zone , there are vast waters , & , consequently , in some measure , secure from the incursion of Shore-winds : there must needs be light vapours rais'd up by the Sun through all that Tract , which , the Sun retiring , must turn into winds , taking that course which the Suns rarefaction of the aire makes most easie ; & this , all the year long ; & consequently , there must be a continuall East-wind . 2. And , because the Aire naturally moves in a Circle , still yielding and flying before it self ; it must needs turn again by the Shore-side , drawing along with it the Vapours it finds ; yet , not so constantly as under the Aequator , because of the Shore-winds . 3. Moreover , eye-witnesses affirm , that East-winds range for 27 degrees of Latitude from the Aequator on each side ; and West-winds the next ten : and , of Longitude , in the Pacifick and Indian Sea , about eleven thousand Italian miles ; and , in the Ocean which leads to the new world , from the Canaries to the Bay of Mexico , about 70 degrees , that is , some four thousand more such miles : so that , if we allow the Aequator twenty one thousand miles , these winds possesse , thus , almost three quarters on 't . 4. Since , therefore , notwithstanding its calmnesse , this wind carryes great ships eight miles an hour ; it must of necessity drive the waters themselves , in the middle , with great violence , towards the West : whence they must needs overflow upon the shores , and return again from the shores to the middle ; and , where they meet any shores , withstanding their course to the West , be reflected towards the East : as also , they must rush into all the Bayes , and , after a determinate time , return again , according to the winding of the shores ; the account of which time must be taken from the common Channell . 5. We have found , therefore , an apparent cause why the Sea should fill the shores with its motion towards the East and West , and empty them again , with a constant course , which we call the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. That this proceeds from an extrinsecall cause , & not because the water moves lesse , that is , slowlyer then the Earth , appears from hence , that the Ebbing and flowing is discover'd , in some places not very deep , to extend not above six fathoms ; all the rest of the water is calm and like a Lake : whereas , if the Ebbing & Flowing follow'd from the motion of the Earth , it must alwayes be mov'd ununiformly from the bottō upwards ; without any sensible beginning of the contest of the Waters . 6. Hence the reason may be given why the Flux proceeds from East to West & back again , in the open Sea ; why no swelling should be perceivable in the Mid-sea , but only at the Shores : The reason is , because there are no marks by which we might take the height of the Sea ; for 't is found to swell there , too , if any Island occurre , how far soever from any other Shore . 7. Moreover , why there should be a continuall Flux of the Sea observ'd , towards the West ; viz. because this wind in the middle of the Sea perpetually drives the waves towards the West . 8. Why , too , the Flux should be more vehement in one part then in another : viz. from the abundance of waters flowing in , and directed by other causes the same way ; as , by Rivers , or the repercussion of the Shores beating the greatest part of the floud together against some one shore . 9. Also , why there should be six hours Flood , and as many Ebbe : for , since the wind proceeds from the Sun , and the Sun enforces its activity upon one part , for six hours , and remit's it as many ; there must needs be the same generall Periods of its effects , that is , of the Sea's Motion . 10. But , since the Moon , too , may suffice to encrease the wind ; and , the nearer 't is the Sun , the more its power is conjoyned with the Sun 's , the farther 't is from the Sun , the larger and stronger its force is upon the Ocean ; who can doubt but the Flux must be encreased twice a Moneth ? 11. In like manner , since the Sun is twice a year in the Aequator , in which place , as just in the middle , it most vigorously rayses the wind : every six moneths , too , the Flux must be more eminent ; but especially about Autumn , because , between the Tropick of Capricorn and the Aequator , it rains mightily night and day , for three moneths together after the Summer Solstice . 12. But , that the Flux returns every day about an hour later still , 't is from hence , because the Flux and reflux proceed from opposite causes ; whole forces , before the victory , must needs be but equall , and , by reason of their equality , require a convenient time . Whence , allowing six hours for the flux and as many for the reflux , each must be allowed its intervall ; which , in the Thames , ( if I well remember ) is little more then a quarter of an hour : This space , therefore , thus , four times repeated , in one day , makes somewhat more then an hour . 13. Sometimes too , the winds stop the Flood ; insomuch that , without a Miracle , the Flood has three times advanced and been beaten back in the Thames , by the force of an opposite wind . Lastly , it appears why , in some Seas , there 's no mention of Flux ; as , in the Red , the Euxine , the Meotis , the Caspian and Baltick Seas : ther 's the same reason for them all ; that they are but little Seas , and have but narrow entrances ; that , vast Rivers running into them , their superficies is higher then the Ocean's ; that their current into the Ocean is so strong , that the Sea , especially the Mediterranean , whose Flux is not very high upon the Grecian Shore , is not able to repell it . LESSON XIV . Of the Motion of the Earth , and the Causes of it . 1. SInce , therefore , the upper part of the water is continually mov'd towards the West : ( and , as , because the water in the middle runs one way , that by the Shore-side must needs run backwards ; so also , because the superiour water is hurry'd towards the West , ) that which is next under it must needs be driven back to the East , and whatever so adheres to it that there is no cause of separation ; that is , which will easilyer be driven towards the East then be separated from the lower water . 2. But , one part of the lower water is not separable from another , unlesse it either ascends into the place of that above it , which another part , supervening , prevents and hinders ; or else , unlesse it repells that which is Easternly to it , and that again another , and , in the end , the last , the Shore that 's oppos'd against it , which is incredible and impossible : The whole body , therefore , with the Earth adhering to it , must needs be driven towards the East , unlesse there be some resistance stronger then the impulse . 3. Whereof ther 's none in its gravity , because that motion is not contrary to the motion of gravity ; and its bignesse even much facilitates the motion : The Earth , therefore , will be mov'd in a Circle , and turn round about its own Centre , because this impulse is made in a Circle . 4. Again , because 't is almost impossible this impulse should be equall on all sides , and cause a pure rotation about the Centre ; there will , of necessity , a Progressive motion be mixt with it . 5. And since , as a body cannot be , but in one place , so neither can it move but in one line : all the motions which Astronomers assign the Earth must , of necessity , compose one line ; and , if the lashing or impulse of the under-water advance the Earth in that line , 't will be an adequate cause of the motion of the Earth . 6. Now , Astronomers teach , that the Earth , continually turning about its own Centre , runs under the Zodiack ; its Axis retaining a certain inclination to the Axis of the Zodiack : wherefore , when we have found out a line , in which the Earth , being thrust on , will observe this motion ; the Flux must be imagin'd to move the Earth according to that . 7. Astronomers prove these motions of the Earth : because , otherwise , greater motions of greater bodies must be suppos'd ; and those , neither themselves constant , nor proportion'd to the bodies , and , besides , more entangled , both in the Stars and in the Sun it self , as is apparent by its Spots : Which if you say make not up a perfect Astronomicall Demonstration , that Maxime must be renounc'd upon which all Astronomy depends , viz. that the Phenomena ( or appearances ) are to be solv'd the best way we can . 8. Again ; because there follows a variety in the fixed stars , from the diversity of the Earth's position in its Orbis Magnus ; when there 's once found out a Telescope , of such perfection as to be able to distinguish that variety , we may expect a Geometricall Demonstration : and because , for the same reason , there must needs be a variety of reflection from Mars and Iupiter ; when the laws & rules of light shall be better known , there will not want a Physicall Demonstration . LESSON XV. Of the Oppositions against the Motion of the Earth and , of its effects . 1. AStronomers object , that this annuall transferring of the Earth would cause a diversity of elevation in those Stars which are near the Poles , and a variety in the appearing bignesse of those in the Zodiack : which , since we see not follow , neither is there any such thing as this Annuall motion of the Earth . 2. 'T is answer'd ; The vast remoteness of the Fixed Stars renders such variations imperceptible : and , that their distance from us is sufficient to produce this effect , may be collected from the effect it has upon a Telescope ; which , though it amplifies so much the Planets and even Saturn himself , yet adds nothing or an insensible matter to the Fixed Stars . 3. Out of this motion of the Earth rises , First , the reason of Night and Day : for , since , in a determinate time , 't is roul'd about its Centre , ( suppose in about 24 hours ) , the things that are in the Heavens must needs appear sometimes , and otherwhile disappear , to a determin'd place of the Earth : and , such a variety , in respect of the Sun , makes Day and Night ; in respect of the other Stars , a variety not own'd by any common name . 4. Again , by its motion under the Zodiack , it attains various conjunctions with the other Planets . 5. Lastly , in that it carries its Axis turning still towards the same parts of the Heavens , it comes to passe , that the part of the Earth , enlightned by the Sun , possesses sometimes greater sometimes lesser parts of the Parallells , according to which the Diurnall motion proceeds ; and , consequently , that the dayes are longer and shorter . 6. Thence , too , is it , that the Sun becomes more perpendicular at one time then another ; whence the natures of Winter and Summer are deduc'd , and the varieties of Declinations , Descensions and Twilights . 7. But , that the Winter is shorter then the Summer , proceeds from this , that the Motion , through the inequality of the bodies rais'd up in the Winter time , is swifter then in the Summer . 8. An effect , too , of the Motion of the Earth is the carrying of the water about with it ; but not the Tyde : First , because , if the Earth should stand still , the water would stand still withall ; since , as we have said above , ther 's no impetus but from the gravity , and such there would be none in the present case . 9. Again , ther 's no cause of the unequall motion of the water ; since , ther 's the same quality continually in the movable , and not by skips . 10. Again , if the whole water of the Sea were so mov'd , 't would drown the Mountains : Lastly , the periods of the Earth's motion do not agree with those of the Tyde 's . 11. But , that the Flux depends on an extrinsecall Agent , which impells only the Superficies of the Sea , is most evident ; by the experiment of a late Diver , that discovers ther 's no Flux in the bottom of the Sea. LESSON XVI . Of the Motion of the Aire vvith the Earth ; and its effects . 1. OUt of what has been said , 't is manifestly inferr'd , that the Aire , which clings to the Earth , is roul'd , in the same manner , about or rather with the Earth : For , since , both by the nature of Quantity and the weight of its gravity , it presses towards the Earth , and sticks to and incorporates with it ; it cannot , without some greater force interposing , be separated from it : Since , therefore , in it , ther 's no resistance against Motion , and onely a resistance against being torn away from the Aire next it , which takes another course ; and this resistance is not greater then that against being torn off from the Aire below , and perhaps not so great , ( since Aire is so much the lighter the higher it is ) ; T is evident , it will follow the Earth : Wherefore , to the very confines of the emanations of some Star , that has a different Motion , the whole Aire will be roul'd about with the Earth . 2. And , experience also proves it : for , else , the twilight vapours , Comets , and Birds above the highest Mountains would seem hurryed extream swiftly towards the West . Again , 't is plain , those Clouds of dust , which we call the Sun's spots , fly along with the Sun ; and that , the same way , ( as appears , because the bright parts are burned still the same way , ) notwithstanding they are judged to be a hundred miles distant from the Sun. The vapours , too , of the Moon are found to be carried about with the Moon . 3. From this Motion of the Aire it follows , that bodies in the Aire it self are so moved , in respect to the parts of the Aire and the Earth , as if there were no Motion at all in neither ; they being carried still along together with the Aire it self : as , one in a Ship , under saile with a constant wind , exercises the same Motions and with the same facility in the Ship , as he could do if she stood still . 4. Wherefore , Arrows , shot just upright , will fall in the very same place ; or , shot towards the East , they 'l fly no farther then if shot towards the West : The Motion of the Earth will raise no wind , &c. This , too , will be certain , that the Aire cannot be carry'd lesse then the Earth ; as , one that sits in a Coach cannot rid lesse ground then the Coach it self . 5. Nor can all these be made good by an impetus , conceiv'd upon the Earth , and remaining in the Movable after its separation from the Earth : for , neither could Birds retain that impetus for many hours together , at least , without any notable diminution ; and lesse could little bodies , for many dayes : nor could that impetus carry an Arrow as swiftly acrosse , as directly . Besides , as those that swimme against the stream feel the strength of the stream under water ; so , one that should move towards the West would feel the Aire to be carry'd towards the East . 6. Much lesse , by the force of its circular motion , will the Earth throw any thing laid upon it into Heaven : For , circular motion has no such property in its own nature ; since 't is still about the Centre , and , by consequence , keeps every thing , according to its own line , in the same distance from the Centre : But , those things we see thrown off from wheels , are so , by reason of their adhesion , and the mixture of a straight motion with the circular ; as also , because the centre of gravity of such thrown bodies is remov'd , from that position wherein it was sustain'd by the body under it . LESSON XVII . Of the causes of the Motion of the Moon and other Stars . 1. SInce , supposing this motion of the Earth , the Moon is carry'd with it about the Sun , and keeps alwaies the same side towards it ; 't is fairly convinc'd to have a kind of adhesion to the Earth . 2. Yet , not a Magneticall one , being it changes not its aspect , nor has any declination , for its approaching the Poles ; nor , though it hangs loose , does it come to the Earth : 'T is , therefore , an adhesion of gravity . 3. And , since gravity proceeds from the Motion of things descending towards the Earth ; the Moon must be situated within the Emanations of the Earth , be carry'd about the Centre of the Earth , and about the Sun. But , because it has a propension of its own towards the Earth , it is not carry'd so swiftly as the Emanations themselves ; its progresse being , according to Astronomicall observations , but about a 28. part every day . 4. And because , under the Zodiack , ther 's a perpetuall tumult of vapours which ascend , and being come up to a certain height , turn off from the Torrid Zone towards the Poles ; the motion of the Moon is compounded of a Motion under the Ecliptick and towards the Poles . 5. It is not , therefore , carry'd purely under the Ecliptick : but , because 't is mov'd in a Sphericall Superficies , and by the shortest line , that is , by a greatest circle ; it will cut the Ecliptick twice every intire course of its defects , that is , every moneth . 6. In its Opposition and Conjunction to the Sun , the body of the Moon , that is , the whole complex of its solid and vapours , becomes lesse heavy : In Conjunction , because its nearnesse to the Sun and the Sun 's stronger reflection from the Earth raises more Vapours in the Moon : in Opposition , more vapours are rais'd out of its , naturally , colder part ; and in the upper part ther 's allways abundance . 7. Wherefore , the Moon , in these positions , must rise higher from the Earth , and , in the Quadratures , that is , about the passages from the first to the second and from the third to the fourth Quarters , appear bigger . But , because that part which looks towards the Earth is allways the heavier , it never turns t'other side towards us . 8. Nor is there any fear least the Moon , falling by reason of its weight , should o'rewhelm the Earth ; both because 't is furnisht with a great deal of fire and vapours lighter then the Emanations of the Earth ; as also , because very gravity it self , near the confines of the Earths emanations , is not so powerfull as 't is here lower . 9. But farther , because 't is hurry'd about two thousand miles every houre : whence , were it made of solid Iron , it could not fall down ; since , we see iron Bullets sustain'd in the Aire , by the power of Guns , though their motion be not two hundred miles an houre . 10. Out of what has been said , we may easily argue concerning the other Great Bodies . For , all those that belong to our Great Orbe either are mov'd about the Sun , as being certain other Earths : or else about other Stars , as the Moon about the Earth ; such as are the Medicean Stars , and the Companions of Saturn . 11. And , because we discover Suns among those other parts of the world ; 't is very credible there are proportionable Planets dispos'd among them , too ; and that all those Bodies are mov'd in the manner of ours . 12. The Sun it self must , of necessity , turn about its own centre : else , certainly , since 't is Fire , 't would appear divided into Pyramids ; and , if it were born along with a progressive motion , 't would shew a vast train of flames like a Comet . 13. Lastly , since 't is all full of Caverns belching out flames , and fire flames out according to the nature of its fewell ; these flames must of necessity flash out with a fierce impulse against the sides of the Caverns : and , because they have an eminent proportion to the body , they must shake the entire Sun and turn it that way the Motion lyes strongest ; which , the Phenomena of its Spots and bright parts testify to be according to the Zodiack . LESSON XVIII . Of the Primum Mobile , the Duration , and Quiddity of the World. 1. BUt , because this fire , which bursts out from the Sun's bowells , is it self mov'd , too : either this Motion , which is the Mother of all other , must spring from it self ; or else we must come to an incorporeall Agent . 2. But , that Bodies which rest , how many soever they are , cannot start of themselves into Motion , is most evident : For , being suppos'd to rest , all their intrinsecalls are suppos'd , without that effect which is call'd Motion : Since , therefore , all things remaining the very same in the causes , there cannot be any change in the effect ; and yet , supposing Motion , there would be a change ; 't is plain , there cannot any Motion spring out of them , without altering first somewhat in the causes , that is , in the Bodies . 3. Moreover , every part of Motion being a new effect , the same evidence convinces that motion cannot be continu'd , without some Cause be suppos'd continually altering the First Body , on which depend the motions of all the rest . 4. Since , therefore , we have pursu'd the Originall of motion into the very bowells of the Sun : we must conclude , that there is a Mover of another nature , viz. an incorporeall , from whom Fire receiv's the power of moving ; who , being of an immovable Nature , establishes the Centre of the Sun , that it may be the Fixer and , as it were , Basis of all things rouling about it . 5. That Motion cannot be infinite , the same argument convinces which made it plain before , that all Permanent Quantity is finite : For , suppose backwards from this instant or now wherein we are , an infinite Time already past , there must be infinite hours past ; some one , therefore , will be infinite others distant from us ; and , in that one , a determinate now , which , with this present instant , must enclose an infinite on both sides . 6. Nor , if the computation be made forwards , will the reason differ : for , there must still be infinite hours to come ; and one of them will be infinite others distant from us ; and , in that one , a certain now terminating an infinite , which is impossible , whereas yet , what is future is , in that very respect , possible . 7. The World , therefore , is neither from nor to eternity : because , the world includes the motion of bodies passing on in a determinate order , and , as it were , consists in this . 'T was , therefore , created ; but , not for it self : for , if it could have deserv'd to be made for its own beauties sake ; upon the same title , it would endure for ever . It rests , therefore , that 't was made for something else ; which cannot be successive , since the same evidence , with which we have disputed about motion , convinces that no successive thing can be eternall . The World , therefore , is made for some permanent thing : but , there 's nothing permanent found in Nature , except the Rationall soul , for whose sake the world could exist : Spirits , therefore , born in bodies and perfected in them , ( not such as are purely abstracted from body , who have no use of corporeall instruments ) are the End for which the world was made . 8. And , the world is nothing but a kind of vast wombe , in which these Spirits may be begotten and brought up ; which has so many Cells as there are severall Races of these Spirits . Our Cell is the Earth we inhabit : the Cells of the rest are those masses of the Celestiall bodies ; except the Solar ones , which are the basest of all the rest , and , as far as we can guesse , only ministeriall . 9. The Quantity of the world , both for its Extension and Duration , is such as may fitly serve for the breeding up so many differences of Spirits : providing the Cells , according to the severall kinds ; and giving every Cell the bignesse and duration which was sufficient for the number the Architect design'd . 10. The Figure of the world is not rendred uneven , either with hollownesses or jettings out ; since , the notion of Vacuum excludes both these : Wherefore , 't is either Sphericall , or of some other Curvilineall figure , which , most concisely , covers and encompasses so many and such great Cells . 11. The exteriour rimme of it is not compos'd of any solid body , but of thinnest Vapours exhal'd out of the outmost bodies : unlesse , perhaps , there be reserv'd in nature some farther use of the Outmost body , which we know not of . Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . Fourth Book . Containing that part of METAPHYSICK , which explicates the Essentiall Notions of BODIES . LESSON I. Of the divisibility of Substance , into Formall parts . 1. SInce water is , manifestly , lesse divisible then Aire ; and yet they are but one , Quantitatively : if they are more then one according to their Substance , there must , of necessity , be a reall composition of Quantity to Substance ; since Unity and Plurality are not distinct from the thing whose they are . 2. But , if they are not two Substances ; since there cannot be a different proportion of the same thing to it fels , & yet the proportion of Quantity to the Substance in Aire is greater then in Water ; it must needs be , again , that ther 's a reall composition of Quantity to Substance and , therefore , a Divisibility . 3. Whence , t is inferr'd , that Substance , as t is condistinct from Quantity , is indivisible ; since Quantity is divisibility . 4. As also , that the Notions of Rarity and Density consist in the proportion of the Quantity to the Substance whose it is : since rare bodies are more and dense less divisible . 5. You 'l object , Such as are one in Quantity are one in Substance , too : But , the whole world is one in Quantity ; & that rigorously , since , there are no Parts actually in a Magnitude : Therefore , either Quantity is a distinct thing from Substance , or else all Bodily Substance will be but one thing , really and materially , whatever may be imagined of an Intellectuall distinction between them . 6. T is answered , 'T is a false assumption , to say , those things which are one in Quantity are one in their Substances , too . To that which is objected , That all things would be really and materially one ; T is answer'd , Either 't is but the same which we call to be One quantitatively , and then 't would be shew'd what inconvenience would follow , that consequence being admitted : or else , that term , really and materially , would be explicated ; for the Arguers seem to insinuate that it signifies , abstracting from our Notions , that is , they would be one in no kind of unity whereof we have any Notion . 7. All things , therefore , according to that unity which follows the notion of Quantity , ( and that is accidentall , ) are one : but , according to their Substances , and that unity which follows the notion of Substance , they are many . 8. It follows , from what has been said , As oft as any division is made , the Substance it self is chang'd , which is subjected to the Quantity , according to the intrinsecalls of Substance , as 't is condistinguish't against Quantity : For , Division being that whereby more are made of one ; and , they not being made more according to the proper unity of Quantity ; this plurality must , of necessity , be in the Substance as 't is condistinguish't against Quantity ; wherefore , the Unity , too , which is destroy'd , was in the Substance , as condistinguish't from the Quantity : since , therefore , Vnity superadds nothing to Entity , but a negative notion of indivision ; it comes to passe , that a change cannot be made in the unity without a change in the Entity , and consequently , that the Entity is chang'd . 9. But , the Entity is not so chang'd , that two Entities should be made out of nothing ; but out of one that existed before : otherwise , there would not have been made a division . There was , therefore , a power or possibility in the Substance , to be many ; as , in many , ther 's a possibility to be made one again . 10. The Substance , therefore , is chang'd , in some respect ; and remains in the many , according to some part of its power : wherefore , 't is divided according to its own proprieties ; and , there is , in Substances , divisible according to Quantity , another proper divisibility , into the Power by which it can be what it is , and the Act by which it is what it is ; or , into the Matter remaining and the Form chang'd . 11. Yet , the parts of the Substance , and the Quantity it self with the Substance against which 't is condivided , are not actually in their compounds , before division : for , 't is plain that , if they are in act , one of them , before division , is not another ; they are , therefore , many , nor can be divided , that is , made many . 12. Out of what has been said , 't is evident , that this Formall divisibility has not the true nature of divisibility , that is , 't is lesse then the divisibility of a Magnitude into its parts : For , a Magnitude is divided into parts , whereof every one exists after the division , by their proper existences ; but , one , at least of these parts exists no longer , and that which remains exists , not alone , but commonly with some other , instead of the part it has lost . LESSON II. Of the Formall parts of Substance , in particular . 1. HEnce it follows that , because a change , according to the parts of the Substance , changes the Substance it self ; the parts are parts of the Substance , as it is such : wherefore , neither part is a Substance ; since a part cannot be the whole : But , to be a Substance is , To have a nature capable of existence : therefore , neither part , separately , is , by its nature , capable of a Being : and , any Agent to give a Being to either part , separately , must first change its nature , that it may be capable of Being ; for , to exist , cannot agree to that , in which there is not a power of receiving existence . 2. And , after the same manner , must it be said of Quantity and all other Accidents , whose notion is wholy without , and not comprehended in the notion of Substance ; and consequently , their notion is lesse fit and apt for existence . 3. You 'l say , if these things are true , it implyes a contradiction that any Accident should exist out of its own Subject ; the contrary whereof is a matter of Faith. 4. 'T is answer'd , ther 's neither Authority nor Demonstration , in Theologie , which convinces that an Accident may be preserv'd out of a Subject ; as , 't is plain , to those that look more attentively into it . 5. But , on the contrary , 't is evident a Whole cannot be , without its Parts in potentiâ or power , therefore a Substance cannot be without Quantity , which is its parts in potentiâ ; nor can a Magnitude be , without its Quantity's having a determinate proportion to its Substance , that is , without Rarity and Density ; again , Rare and Dense diversly mingled , import all the rest of Corporeall Qualityes : 'T is evident , therefore , that Accidents cannot be without a Substance . 6. Farther , 't is plain , the division of Substance is into a pure Power and a substantiall Form , or , that which makes it be a Substance : For , since , by the division of a Substance into its parts , the Substance is chang'd ; it must needs be , that the Part which is lost gives the being a Substance to the Whole , since , that being withdrawn , the notion of Substance is taken away ; and that the remaining Part is a pure Power ; for , since 't is a power to the notion that 's chang'd , and that is the first of all others , 't is clear , in the remaining part ther 's no notion , and therefore , that 't is a pure Power or possibility . 7. Whence , again , 't is clear , ther 's a greater unity of the parts of a Substance , then of Substance to Quantity : since , Quantity and Substance are , intellectually , distinct ; but , of the Matter and Form of compounds , ther 's but one only notion together . 8. You 'l say , 'T is impossible to conceive that Matter , of it self , has no notion ; for , it would not be cognoscible . 'T is answer'd ; Since , to be capable of being something neither is , in that kind whereof 't is capable of being , nor yet is wholly estranged from that kind : so , that which is a capacity to the first kind , that is , to Substance and Being , neither has it that first notion , and yet 't is not altogether estranged from it ; but , 't is a certain degree to participate Being it self , by the mediation of another . 9. Now the ratio or notion in a thing is That , by which its nature is fitted to the Understanding , or the Understandablenesse of a thing , or the quiddity , the whatnesse and , consequently , that , whereby a thing is made to Be : The Form , therefore , primarily , is the Cause , or the whereby the Being is had . 10. Whence , 't is evidenc'd , there cannot be more Substantiall Forms , in the same Thing : nor subordinate ones ; because , since the first Form gives the Being , the second must needs be adventitious to what has a Being , and not give it , but be an Accident : nor coordinate ones ; since they have each their own notions and , consequently , constitute more Beings . 11. 'T is plain , too , that the Matter has a Being through the Form , and cannot be sustain'd otherwise then by the Form ; since , of it self , it has not a capacity to Be. LESSON III. Of the Vnity and distinction of Bodies in common . 1. IT follows , from what has been said , that there is some plurality of Forms in nature , before all Division : For , since Division is made , by the interposition of one body , between the sides or parts of another , there must necessarily be , before division , a body to be the Divider and another that may be Divided ; which , being they are not more then one , through any former division , ( since , this is suppos'd to be the first , ) this plurality must of necessity proceed out of the very nature and notion of the Things . 2. And , since Essence is nothing but that whereby a Thing is ; such Things must be , essentially , distinct : Since , therefore , to divide belongs to dense , to be divided to rare ; those things that are naturally rare and dense must be essentially distinct . 3. Since , therefore , such things are transmutable among themselves , and adequately divide the Universe ; the Matter of rare and dense things must be the same , and consequently , that of the whole Universe . 4. The same is deduc'd out of the very notion of Matter ; which , being a power to the notion of a Thing , is also a power or possibility to the notion of One : since , therefore , a Multitude consists but of Unities ; before unity , neither distinction nor multitude can be understood : There can , therefore , be no multiplicity of matter ; wherefore , that of all nature is but One. 5. Hence , then , those Questions are superfluous , Whether one Form can be the same in divers Matters ? and again , Whether many Forms in one Matter ? Since , if it be ask'd , of the proper unity of Matter , that of all Forms is the same ; if , of the individuall unity , that the matter attains by its conjunction with a Form , as it does its very Being . 6. From what has been said , 't is clear , that every body , that is , every Compound of act and power is a Magnitude : For , since ther 's but one possible First matter , and that subject to Quantity ; the Compounds of it , too , must of necessity be subject to Quantity . 7. Hence , again , it follows , that no body moves , unlesse , in some manner , it be chang'd first : For since a Bulk excludes another out of its place , by this , that it intrudes it self into the other's place , because two cannot be together in the same place ; unlesse it become greater then its own place or leave it , it cannot exclude another : 'T is manifest , therefore , that it must be altered first , according to one of these mutations , if it become a Mover of another . 8. Hence , again , 't is collected that a Body is , essentially , an Instrument : For , since a Body has two properties , to be mov'd and to move ; and , to be mov'd appertains to it , out of its power and the notion of Matter ; 't is clear , the essentiall notion of it is to be taken from its vertue of moving , by which it expresses act , and which follows the nature of a body in respect as it actually is : Since , therefore ▪ a body does not move , but in as much as 't is mov'd ; clearly , according to its essentiall notion , 't is an Instrument of its mover or applyer . 9. A BODY , therefore , is a Thing in Nature , or , A certain part of the Vniverse ; provided by the Authour of Nature , to produce a certain determinate Motion , when 't is apply'd . 10. Whence , three notions , or manners of defining a naturall Ens or Thing , are discover'd : A Metaphysicall one , which is deduc'd adequately under the notion of Being , and 't is , A thing which has an existence spread into many potentiall parts , that is , a Thing in or of such parts : A Naturall or Physicall one , which , by Sensible Qualities , expounds the notion of those parts and , consequently , of the Thing : And lastly , a Morall one , as it were , which collects the same from the End , that is , from the quality of its Motion ; for , the Metaphysicall notion , properly , regards only its capacity of Existence . 11. And , he that has any one of these three notions , even by that , has all : for , the Sensible Qualities impart both a capacity of Existence and a power for Action . 12. Whence , too , it appears , that one Body can have but one primary Operation : for , since the sensible qualities give both the power of working and the capacity of existence , and they , in the same part of Matter , are the same ; either they conspire to one operation , or not : if not , neither will it be one body , but many : if they conspire , there is , then , one primary operation of such a body ; which could not be produc'd , either by another disposition , nor together with any other disposition then that . A naturall Body , therefore , is that One Thing whose Operation is One. LESSON IV. Of the essentiall unity and distinction of the Elements and mixt bodies . 1. SInce 't is said above , that ther 's but one possible Substantiall Matter , and Quantity is known to be infinite in power ; the power of Matter , too , to Quantity must needs be infinite : Since , therefore , actually , Quantity is but finite ; the Composit or compound must needs be , in some measure , dense . 2. And , if whole Nature were uniform , it must be establisht in a certain degree of Density and Rarity , springing from the proportion of Matter to this Quantity : but , the speciall and particular bodies which are in the Universe , as it is now framed , participate , out of this universall proportion , some more some lesse of Density and Rarity . 3. Since , therefore , the notions of Density and Rarity are the first differences of Magnitudes : those bodies , which first and least of all exceed the nature of Body in common , will be distinguish't by these differences , that some exist in denser parts , others in rarer ; which , in our Physicks , we have said , are the Elements . 4. Since , therefore , the operations of rare and dense bodies , as such , are to divide and be divided ; and this last is passion , out of which the essentiall notion is not deduc'd ; it comes to passe , that all the Elements receive their differences , according to their power of dividing : and since , to divide is a kind of simple action ; they are distinguish't by no other differences then of more and lesse , that is , of velocity and slownesse . 5. Among the Elements , therefore , those which are fram'd by nature to divide more swiftly must be more perfect ; and those are they which are more subtile : wherefore , since the greatest force of dividing agrees to Fire , that must be the noblest ; next to which must be Aire , then Water , then Earth . 6. Which last , though , by its Bulk and density , it may seem more apt to divide , and has , as it were , in the first place , the nature of divisive : yet , by reason of the grossenesse of its parts , in naturall action , it can doe the very least of them all ; and consequently , 't is the vilest and most beggarly Instrument . 7. It appears farther that , since a body is , essentially , an Instrument for a determinate motion ; and there must needs be some least degree of rarity and density ; and the littlenesse in bulk hinders both the divisive power and divisibility : there may be suppos'd , in every Element , parts so little , that , according to the order of the Universe , they may neither have a capacity of dividing others , nor of being divided by others ; and so , there may not be in them the essentiall notion of an Element , nor of any other naturall body . 8. Again , since all bodies are Conjoin'd ; it appears , that such minutest particles never exist , but in composition with others : nay , when ever two or more Elements are joyn'd , it must needs be that their extremes may be suppos'd in so little a quantity , that one cannot operate without the other . 9. There must needs , therefore , in nature , out of the pure conjunction of the Elements , be a notion of a certain body , whose parts cannot act at all separately , but , in conjunction they may : that is , some body essentially distinct from the Elements , and yet , made out of their conjunction ; that is , a body whose essence is to be a Mixtum or mixt body . 10. But , since , in bodies , universally , Unity and Magnitude are consider'd : 't is plain , the differences of those bodies are collected out of three respects ; the specificall difference of the Elements , that is , the degrees of Density and Rarity ; the Multitude of parts of the same notion ; and their Bulk . 11. A Mixtum , therefore , is a body of certain parts , of divers degrees of rarity and density , in a certain number and bulk compacted among themselves , ordain'd by nature for a determinate Motion . Moreover , 't is evident , that the qualities of the Elements exist refracted and mutually abated in mixt bodies ; since , the very least must needs simply differ in degrees of rare and dense , and these degrees , by reason of the composition , must needs hinder one another . 12. And yet , that no substantiall Form of any Element is found in a Mixtum : since , a Form constitutes a Thing , and a Thing is ordain'd for Motion ; but , Motion is of the whole , not of the severall parts . 13. Out of what has been said , 't is evident , that the operation of a Mixtum is a certain Division qualifi'd by the nature of the parts of the Mixtum : which nature , the better 't is , that is , the more serviceable for the best works of nature , so much the nobler is the Mixtum , essentially . 14. Again , if the whole mixture of the Elements be shut up into so little a part , that one part cannot , separated from another , have its proper effect ; then the Mixtum is simply one and primely mixt : but , if the mixture be extended so amply , that many parts may act , asunder , according to the divers parts of the temperament ; then , 't is not a Mixtum , but a Demixtum or Decompositum , that is , one made up of many Mixtum's ; as we see in Metalls and other Mines , as Coal , &c. where many Mixtum's are joyn'd together , which are apt to be separated by fire or other artifice . LESSON V. Of the Essence of Animals , and of the Soul. 1. BUt because , among Mixtum's , some are solid and consistent , others fluid ; and of these , by the course of nature , the conditions and temperaments are different and , in some sort , opposite : there must , of necessity , out of the conjunction of these , rise a middle temper , which cannot but be fit for some certain motions . 2. And , because all things , with us here , are beset with heat ; the solid parts cannot be kept moist , that is , mixt throughly with actuall moisture , unlesse there be some continuall cause or Fountain , out of which the moisture , so consumable and subject to be wasted by the power of heat , may be perpetually supply'd . 3. Now , that Fountain may be suppos'd within and intrinsecall to the Mixtum , or else conjoyn'd , that is , in a body joyn'd to it : But , if it be this later way , 't is plain , that watred Mixtum is not , of its mere self , constantly what it is , but through its situation or conjunction to another , from which , if it be separated , it perishes . 4. But , that which is watred the former way has , within it self , what is necessary to keep it still a constant Instrument in nature , of that operation which 't is fram'd to undertake : and , consequently , it has one Form , from that one Operation 't is ordain'd to , and that one Order of parts conform'd to such an operation . 5. And , because we find these in all and only Animals : an Animal is evidently counted to be One naturall Thing having one Form. 6. You 'l say , if the severall similary parts of an Animal , subsisting in their proper forms , were connected ; they 'd have the same effect as they have now in the Animal : ther 's no need , therefore , of the particular form of an Animal . 7. 'T is answer'd , Ther 's no particular nature in any similary part of an Animal , which is common to that part alive and dead , as if there could be some form , as it were , indifferent ; but , the nature of a living part is contrary to the nature of a dead part : Now , naturall Things are naturall parts of the world , unerringly flowing from the ESSENTIFICALL IDEA'S ; and , therefore , they receive essentiall notions , according to the Order they have in the Universe . 8. But , because the parts of an Animal are so fram'd , that one should water , that is , alter or move another ; 't is plain that , of necessity , they must be of severall conditions and figures : wherefore , the complex of them is an Organicall bodie , having within it self Life , that is , a power of moving it self ; and , its Form is the Act of such a body , that is , a Soul. 9. But , since the notion of a Soul requires that the parts of its subject , whose orm it is , be some Movers others Moved ; 't is clear , that it does not inform each of the parts , or , is not in every part , as 't is usually said , and as it happens in Elementary forms ; but , that 't is only in the whole and , immediately , the Form of the Whole . 10. Notwithstanding , the parts have not , therefore , partiall or particular Forms : because they are not actually in the whole , nor have , actually , any nature by which they could subsist out of the whole ; as appears , in that , being but divided , they presently die . 11. Hence , 't is collected , wherein consists the Metaphysicall notion of an Animal : viz. that , 'T is a Thing of many parts , order'd among themselves , as to Action ; that is , whereof some are active upon others , and the rest are passive from them . 12. To which the Morall definition adjoyn's , that 'T is an Instrument for Action , that is , for that operation or motion to which they apply themselves ; such as is locall motion , which all participate . 13. And , the Physicall definition considers that many Mixtum's are contain'd in an Animal , as also Organicall parts , that is , parts woven and compos'd of many Mixtum's ; and so conjoin'd , that the libertie of each is not taken away , but that they are active upon one another , as if they were distinct Things . 14. And , since , from the presence of an Object , an impression is made upon an Animall ; whence it begins to act about that which is without , so as is convenient for the nature it self of the Animall ; yet , this impression is , such as makes no sensible change in the Animall : we apprehend the Object to be in the Animall , as neither perfecting nor hurting it , but indifferently , and purely As another thing ; and this we call Knowing : and , that the Animall operates out of it self , as it were , what is convenient for it , supposing this knowledge ; and this we call working out of knowledge . 15. Again , because it appears , by our Physicks , that the proper motions of an Animall derive their Origin from the Heart , which directs the Spirits into the nerves that are necessary for all kinds of motion ; and that this Impulse is call'd Passion ; moreover , that all Passions depend and emerge from LOVE and , in an Animall rightly dispos'd , are subject and conformable to love : It follows , that Its prime Love , or , the prosecution of its chiefly beloved is that Passion or Motion or Action , to which the fabrick and compagination of an Animall is immediately order'd ; and consequently , that Animals , by these , excell one another . 16. Now , the prime pursuit of an Animall is after Food ; and Food is what is conformable to the quality of a body , and preserves and causes a right disposition : Since , therefore , an Animall agrees with other bodies in being an Instrument , to be apply'd by another , and an Instrument is , in so much , more perfect , as it can perform , more easily and more efficaciously , more or more Noble works ; that Animall will be better then the rest , which is more easily applyable , and to more things : for commonly , the more noble operation consists of the more parts , and what 's apply'd more easily operates more efficaciously . 17. The Food , therefore , of that Animall is best , which renders it of a calm Fancy and of an Appetite the most indifferent ; which , commonly , follow one another : and , that Animall is the best , which is primarily affected to such Food . LESSON VI. Of the Chief Animal and the essentiall distinction of Bodies . 1. OUt of what has been said , it may be convinc'd , if some Animal can be apply'd to one or more determinate operations , and another to whatever , without any term or limitation ; this later kind has so great an eminency above the former , that they are not of the same Order : wherefore , It will be the noblest , and something above the Order of the rest . 2. 'T is plain , too , that nothing greater can be imagin'd , in the notion of an Animal ; no , nor of a Body : For , if a Bodie be an Instrument applyable to a determinate action , an Instrument to all extends to both the noblest and the most : Wherefore , nothing can be conceiv'd higher in the notion either of a Body or an Animall . 3. Since , therefore , in our Physicks , it appears , that a Man , even in his Body , is provided to do any thing whatever ; 't is plain , that a Man is the prime both of Bodies and Animals ; and something beyond them . 4. It appears out of what has been said , that there cannot be any other differences of Bodies , which are not comprehended in the fore-mentioned . For , the Elements , differing in Rarity and Density , divide Body , precisely , as it speaks Quantity united to Substance : The nature of Mixtum's , which consist in the Number and Proportion of rare and dense bodies , follows that divisibility of quantity , whereby bodies have number and proportion : And , the Site and Order of Parts we chiefly see in Animals , whose members can act one upon another : Lastly , the Infinitude of Quantity shew's it self in Man , in that he is ordinable , after a sort , to infinite things . 5. Again , since Quantity is divisibility into parts , those are distinct either in Number , as it were , and Site only ; and bodies divisible into such parts are the Elements : or , they differ in Nature ; and such are the parts of Mixtum's : or , lastly , they are parts which , in the Thing it self , are , as it were , certain Things exercising their own proper operations ; such are the Members of Animals ; the complex of which , if it makes a body orderable to all possible Action , it constitutes a Man. 6. Again , the division which a body makes is , either simply dividing more and lesse ; and , by this , the Elements are distinguish't : or , 't is a modify'd division , by which certain bodies , with a certain qualification , are distinguish't ; and this is the proper division of Mixt bodies , by which their so many effects are produc'd : or 't is an abstractive division , that is , which , of it self , has no effect , but is a way and instrument to another division ; and such is the motion of Animals ; which , if it be in a certain determinate manner and number , constitutes the other Animals , if indeterminately and with infinite variety , belongs to Man. 7. And , that these differences are essentiall , appears from hence , that they , of themselves , divide and include the notion and end of a Thing consisting of parts , that is , of Body or bodily Substance ; as cloven-footednesse includes pedality , and the being divided into three or four Toes includes cloven-footednesse : for , no difference , of any of these above-mentioned kinds , can be understood without the notion of a Thing consisting of parts ; nor , be apapply'd to any other common notion , unlesse accidentally . 8. Nor , is it lesse apparent , that these essentiall differences are the very Accidents , that is , the very complexion or clinging together of rare and dense parts : which is call'd Substantiall or essentiall , in as much as it furnishes the body for its prime and chief operation ; and as , saving the order to the chief operation , 't is mutable , so far 't is some of the Accidents : For , since the parts are not actually in a formall Compound ; 't is clear , that whatever is in the Compound cannot be this and that , severall and distinct Things . 9. A transmutation , therefore , is accidentall only or more then accidentall , in as much as 't is greater or lesse , or , as it extends to severall notions . 10. Hence , again , 't is evident , that Genericall unity , though it be founded in nature ( as appears out of what has been said ) : yet 't is not truly any other then Mentall ( that is , by being in the understanding ) as to the effect of unity ; though the similitude in which 't is founded be reall . 11. And that the ultimate essentiall unity , which they term Specificall , and imagine common , is no other then the very Individuall unity : For , since all difference consists of the collection of rare and dense , and all operation follows the same differences in the very instant of the birth or first being of every thing , when the Individuation is determin'd ; it must needs be , that whatever Accidents there are , in the thing once made , either fit or avert it from the primary operation , to which 't is ordain'd : Since , therefore , every change in the Form makes an essentiall difference , and all variety in respect of the primary operation is a change in the Form , 't is plain that every Accident concurs to an essentiall change ; and ( which was intended ) that Numericall difference , which is the ultimate and compleat proportion of a Thing to its operation , is essentiall . 12. Wherefore , since , from the highest ratio or notion of a Thing consisting of parts , one may descend , by numberlesse degrees , to whatever Individuall ; Genericall degrees will be without any known number , but the specificall will be no other then that of an Individuum . LESSON VII . Of the mutation of the Individuality in the severall kinds of Bodies . 1. ANd , hence , 't is evident that , a Thing being chang'd but accidentally , the Individuality is not chang'd ; because that 's taken directly under the notion of Thing or Body ; which is the last that 's destroy'd in the thing , as 't is the last that 's made . 2. For , since change is made by locall motion , and that 's divisible without end ; if , upon every accidentall variation , the Substance should be chang'd , substantiall transmutation would be continually successive , and would not subsist but in motion , that is , so , that one part would not be whilst another is ; and consequently , the notion of a Substance would never be nor its Being be Indivisible ; nor would there be any Thing by whose mediation Accidents might subsist ; to conclude , there would be nothing in Nature , the constancy and firmnesse of Substance being once taken away . 3. Among the Elements 't is plain , the Notion of the Individuum is chang'd by mere division ; so that , any whatever least particle being taken away or added , the notion of the Individuum is chang'd : But , the quality of Rarity or Density being chang'd , the notion of the Individuum is not , therefore , altered . 4. For , since the mutation according to Rarity and Density is a continuall one , that is , divisible without end ; there would be an infinite succession of Individuums : But , it appears to the Considerer , that it happens not so in division ; whose Motion though it be continuall , yet the being divided follows indivisibly . Besides , if , both by division and change of rarity , the quidditative notion of an Element should be varied , there would be no accidentall change in the Elements . 5. Of Mixtums , the manner is partly the same , partly different : for , if a dissolution intervene between the heterogeneall parts which essentially constitute a Mixtum , there will be a change , not of the Individuum , but of the Genericall notion ; but , if any parts of the same temperament be either added or taken away , the Individuall notion is accounted chang'd . 6. But , the Unity of an Animal is not prejudic'd by the withdrawing of neither similary nor dissimilary parts ; but only of those , wherein the prime force of its Instrumentality precisely consists : and , that being maim'd , it suffers a Genericall change . 7. For , since the divisibility of the Elements is , precisely , into the parts of a Magnitude ; out of that division , by the course of nature , a variation in the Substances must necessarily follow . 8. As also , since the composition of Animals clearly aym's , by a certain Way , at a certain End ; a substantiall variatio in them must only depend upon the change of the adequate complexion necessary to the End of the composition . 9. Lastly , Mixtums ; since their notion is constituted betwixt both these ; as 't is aggregated of similary parts and has a conformity with the Elements , so far , it follows , they must be subject to their way of change ; but , as 't is compounded of dissimilar parts , yet cohering in Proportion not Order , so far 't is chang'd by the change of the Proportion without any respect to the Order . 10. You 'l object ; Since every Accident concurs to the designation of the Substance ; upon any Accident 's being chang'd , the ultimate substantiall difference must be altered : especially , since a Substance is defin'd to be nothing but A certain Resultance from Accidents . 11. 'T is answer'd , that , as , 't is evident , Plurality is , so , nothing else but division ended , as , notwithstanding , not every part of the division changes Unity , but only the Figure : so , it happens in Rarefaction , that 't is indeed the production of a new Element , when 't is perfected ; yet , every part of rarefaction does not partially change the Substance of an Element . 12. Now , rarefaction and condensation is perfected , when 't is become such , that the former degree cannot be restor'd to the Thing that 's rarifi'd or condens'd , out of the precise nature of Common causes ; but ther 's need of a speciall cause for this effect : for , 't is plain , that , otherwise , it is not , in respect of the world , a new Thing or part ; since , by the very common constitution of the world , 't will return to its former nature . 13. Much more , in the destruction of an Animal , every alteration is , so , a way to its destruction , as , notwithstanding , every part does not partially change the very Substance of the Animal . 14. Hence , 't is collected , how ther 's made an Augmentation of the same numericall Animal , through the whole course of its life ; and how , many of its members being cut off , the same still numericall Animal remains : For , it being said , that the Substantiall notion of an Animal is to be rated from its prime Passion , and that That is the Love of Food , that is , of preserving it self ; moreover , that an Animal being once made , the identity is not chang'd , unlesse the quality of its first operation be chang'd , according to the order of nature ; it follows , that an Animal is not chang'd substantially , as long as the love of preserving it self remains in it . 15. But , the cutting off of members , clearly , does not take away this disposition ; and , the change which is made by the digesting Food into it self is mean't to continue the Animal : 't is clear , therefore , neither of these destroy the bounds of nature , which , we have said , are the Ends and determiners of Substance ; & consequently , the nature of Individuation remains firm . 16. Now , why an Animal , remaining the same in Substance , should not be rarefi'd although more quantity come to it : the reason is plain ; because , the Substance of an Animal is , of it self , indifferent to many Magnitudes , that is , to be lesse and bigger , and that which it receives is deriv'd to it by the destruction of other bodies ; so that materia prima ( which is a capacity of quantity ) has that comparison to the augmented Animal , that is , is a Capacity of as much quantity in the Animal , as it was before in many Things : whence , it comes to passe , that in the Animal , the quantity and substance retain the same proportion to the Standard or universall substance , which before they had to it in the Animal and its food . 17. It appears , again , out of what has been said , how the Suppositum may be said to have more in it then the Nature ; though these are , indeed , one and the very same thing : For , the Nature speaks the complexion of Accidents , precisely as 't is a complexion ; and so makes an Instrument of the operation intended by nature : and the notion of this is one and determind ; and ther 's nothing in it but essentially and formally . 18. But , the Suppositum is the thing which the Nature constitutes : whence , because it so explicates the nature , as that , besides , it includes confusedly other notions ; as also , because the nature is a complexion of many , the natures of every one must needs be conjoyn'd with this Nature or Substance : it comes to passe , that all the Accidents , according to their particular natures , are in the Suppositum ; and consequently , that there is more in the Suppositum , then in the Nature . LESSON VIII . Of the proper Action of the Chief Animal . 1. IT appears , farther , that , since an Animal is governd by Passion ; and Passion rises from goods or ills to Nature , that is , those things which are conformable or dissonant to nature : Man , if he be applyable to all things , that is , prompt to embrace any ill of nature , or fly any good ; must of necessity have such a faculty in him , that , in his Brain , ills of nature greater then any such good may be joyn'd to the good which he is to eschue , and likewise greater goods to the ill he is to embrace ; that , so , he may , by the applyer , be impell'd to his destin'd actions . 2. These goods , therefore , with ills , and contrariwise , since they are not conjoyn'd in the things themselves , and yet must appear to him conjoyn'd , and this not by mistake but by the design of nature ; 't is plain , there is in the Man a faculty whereby it may appear to him that those goods are conjoyn'd with the ills , and that he from that appearance is mov'd ; and not because the appearances are naturally conjoyn'd ( as , peradventure , 't is in Beasts ) , which , not having any conjunction from a conjunction of the objects in nature , ( as , future or past things ) , cannot from such conjunction , that is , by force of nature , have a power of moving through conjunction . 3. And , since this conjunction moves a man , not as being a manner of the knowledge of things , but because 't is the thing known ; the other conditions , too , of Things and chiefly their very Existence must be , so , in a man and , so , move him : The objects , therefore , as existing , that is , Existence as Existence must be known by a man. 4. And , because existence , by its own Form and its very being existence , excludes non-existence ; he that knows a thing exists knows that it does not not-exist , or ( which is as much ) that what exists , whilst it does so , cannot not-exist . Man , therefore , has a foundation whereby he may be certify'd of all Truth , viz. that The same cannot be and not-be , at once . 5. Since , therefore , then we are judg'd to understand , when we know a thing is and cannot be otherwise ; a Man , certainly , is to be call'd an Vnderstanding Creature . 6. Again , since our knowledge rises from our Senses , & our Senses , sometimes , are so imperfectly mov'd by the Objects , that , though we perceive ther 's something , yet we know not its quality , ( for example , we see a body , which we know not whether it be alive or dead ; or , we discern it moves it self , but doubt what kind of Animal 't is ) : 't is evident , we know some one thing , of more like to one another which we are acquainted with , to be , without distinguishing the individuality , that is , we have an universall notion which is indifferent to many . 7. And , compounding these former with this farther Consideration , that 'T is the same thing to know One thing is another , & to know that Those things , which are the same with a third , are the same between themselves : 't is plain that a Man is Discoursive ; and that his knowledge is deriv'd from those things , whereof he 's certain , to something , whereof he was not certain , but is rendred certain by the very derivation . 8. And because , of those things which are unknown , either part is indifferent to the Understanding , and the Understanding is undetermin'd concerning them : it follows , that a Man , by this Discourse , of undetermin'd , is rendred determin'd ; and , because the Principles of determination are in himself , it comes to passe that a Man determines himself and moves himself . 9. Again , since , 't is clear , that one part of a Man is affected from another part , as from a sensible object ; for example , One hand Feels the other or whatever other exteriour part of the Body ; in like manner , we are sensible of our selves by Smell , Hearing , and Sight : it follows , that a Man can think and discourse of himself and , consequently , of his actions ; and , by consequence , that he can determine himself to act or not-act , the understanding descending by discourse to the good or illnesse of the action he is about to doe . 10. A Man , therefore , moves himself to act and is Master of his action , and , out of the notion of good and ill , differently disposes his action ; which we use to call being Free : a Man , therefore , is Free. 11. You 'l object , that liberty , according to the common notion of men , consists in this , that , Supposing all things requisite for action , yet a Man can , out of an intrinsecall faculty , immediately will to act or not-act . 'T is answer'd , This is not the notion of the vulgar ; which holds to act and not-act for the notion of liberty , without that addition of supposing all things requisite besides the action it self : nor is it the notion of the Learned , that have sought in Nature it self , how the notion of the vulgar should be explicated . 12. But 't is an errour in Metaphysick , in as much as it supposes an indifferent , as indifferent , to act ; and that to be in Effect which never was in Cause , that is , an effect to be without a cause . 13. Again , 't is erroneous in Morall Science : for the Notion of Vertue would be taken away ; whose nature 't is to incline to will actually , so that , a more vertuous person is more determin'd to will just things then a lesse vertuous . 14. Perswasion , too , and Negotiation would be taken away : for , if the determination of the will should proceed not out of the preceding causes , in vain would be the endeavours of drawing men to follow one thing more then another . 15. Out of what has been said , it may be determin'd , that Man , by force of his Intellective vertue , consider'd in it self , is capable of infinite Science : For , since , whatever is added is still a degree and disposition in the Man to farther Science 't is apparent , the understanding is not burden'd but rendred more capable by former Science : Wherefore , since Science , for its part , may , by addition , encrease without end , and is only restrain'd by uninfinitenesse of the number of the Objects , it must needs be that Man is capable of comprehending all , that is , infinite Science , together and at once ; that is , he is of a capacity absolutely infinite , in respect of bodies ; comprehending infinite of them , as a Superficies comprehends infinite Lines , and a Line infinite Points . 16. Again , since , among knowable things , those are contain'd , too , which are to be done by a Man ; to this , also , humane Science extends , even to know what 's to be done . And , since Science is an active Principle , a Man , by Science , will be enabled to direct his actions ; that is , to govern his life ; and this most perfectly , because he is enabled to know what 's best to be done . LESSON IX . Of the Soul of the Chief Animal , or , of the MIND . 1. OUt of what has been hitherto explicated , 't is easily deduc'd that Man , according to this principle , is rais'd above the notions of Matter and Quantity . For , since Matter is a certain capacity of Quantity , Quantity of Figure , Figure is determin'd by Place , and all these in Time : but , 't is clear , that the intention and thought of Man , in an universall conception , is entertained about something indifferent to infinite Figures , Places , Times , and Magnitudes ; and this , not out of the nature of the thing , but because 't is in the Mind of Man : 'T is most evident that the Mind is something of another kind then Matter and Quantity ; and consequently , nobler , since 't is an addition to the perfectest bodies . 2. Again , since Thing and Existence is that which first and primely fixes the Mind , and to which it seems to be a certain capacity : but Thing ( out of what has been said ) abstracts from and is before great and little , both in rarefy'd and augmented things : it follows , that the notion of the Mind is before and nobler then Quantity and , its com-part , Matter . 3. Again , since all the negotiation of our Mind reduces divisibles to indivisibility ; as appears in Numbers , Figures , Points , Lines , Superficies , Instants , Comparisons , Denominations , Relations , Negations &c. but , nothing is so different as an indivisible from a divisible : 't is clear , on all sides , that the nature of the Mind is wholy opposite to the nature of Quantity ; and Quantity implying a kind of undeterminatenesse and confusion , that the Mind is still the nobler part . 4. Nor , with lesse evidence , is it prov'd that the Mind is a Substantiall principle of Man : For , since his operations are manifestly indivisible ; but , what is receiv'd in a divisible , ipso facto becomes divisible upon the division of the subject ; 't is clear , his operations are not receiv'd in a Magnitude , and , consequently , that his Mind is an indivisible Substance . 5. Again , if the Substance of Man be wholy materiall and divisible , his Mind it self and all its affections can be nothing but certain Manners and determinations of divisibility ( as , 't is plain , of the other qualities which are accessory to bodies ) : but , 't is plain , out of what has been said , that 't is no such thing : wherefore , neither that the whole Substance of Man is materiall , but , in part , Spirituall and indivisible . 6. 'T is clear , too , that the Mind is not another , but the same Substance with the Man : For , since an Instrument to all things includes the being an Instrument to some ; wherein consists the notion of an Animal : 't is clear , that a Man is a certain Species of Animal ; and consequently , that his Mind , by which he is a Man , is formally one and the same Thing with the rest of the Substance of Man. 7. And indeed , were it suppos'd a distinct Thing from the Substance of the Man , it would not suffer from the body , nor could it acquire any thing through its conjunction to the body , nor be at all conjoyned to it : for , it must be either entitatively , and this cannot be otherwise then by unity of Substance , for a Thing speaks Substance ; or , some other accidentall way , whereof ther 's nothing common to a body and a Spirit . 8. You 'l say , Since a Spirit is a Thing of another order then a body , how can it concurre into the same Thing ? then , how will it be cemented ? and , what neighbourhood of one to the other ? 'T is answered , that , as , in a Magnitude , one part is fastned to another , and has the power of a Subsister without division , that is , the propriety of a sever'd Thing without separation : so , the Soul also , may be the same with the body , without confusion of properties . 9. And , because , in a corporeall Substance , ther 's admitted a certain negatively indivisible vertue antecedent to divisibility , viz. a not-yet divisibility of the Substance before the Quantity : such as is the connexion and gradation from the divisibility to the negative indivisibility ; another like that will be apt to unite , without a Paradox , the Mind positively indivisible , to the Substance negatively indivisible . 10. And , how will it unite ? but , according to those parts , in which the Substance primarily and principally resides : which , as 't is principally in the Heart , that being a certain Fountain of the whole Thing ; so , specially , as to the notion of Animality , 't is in the Brain , whence Sense and Motion is deriv'd to the whole Animal , which are those operations from which 't is denominated an Animal . 11. Since , therefore , the other actions , which do not affect the Heart nor the Brain , strike not home to the inmost Substance ; so , neither do they reach Mentall Knowledge or the integrity of the Soul : but , the changes that strike upon these Principles affect the Soul , too ; and , it comes to passe that not-the-same ordination of bodily parts , especially of the Spirits and Heart , follows in Man from the Brain 's being affected , which would follow in another Animal ; but one , from the propriety of the affected Substance , conformable to the whole , not to the body alone . 12. But , any other unity , then that the Soul should intimely be comprehended in the definition of Man , and consequently , should consist of the same notion and indistinct predicates , is not to be look'd for in Substance . LESSON X. Of the Proficiency and Deficiency of Man , and of his Essence . 1. THis , therefore , is out of Controversie , that Man , as to his Soul , suffers from Corporeall Agents : For , since the Soul it self is a certain Affection or Qualification of a divisible Substance , which is introduc'd and expell'd by corporeall actions ; 't is clear , that those actions , which reach to the very Substance , must , of necessity , affect and be receiv'd in it , after its manner . 2. Consequently , it acquires Science : For , since , 't is nothing but a certain Possibility to Science , as to its perfection ; 't is manifest , that all its change is towards Science , viz. to be some kind of Knowledge , either perfect or imperfect . 3. Whence , even they , that deny the Soul acquires Science , say that 't is excited and admonish't by the presence of the body : but , to be excited and admonish't is to receive knowledge : the Soul , therefore , acquires knowledge from the Body . 4. Nor makes against this Socrates's experiment of a Boy , orderly ask'd and answering right to Geometricall propositions : for , this questioning was a production of Science , not a renovation ; for 't was an application of the notion of the same Being , which is between the Terms , to the understanding of the Boy ; whereby it came to passe that the Truth to be known was by the notion of Thing , knit to the Soul of the Boy , and made , as it were , a part of it , in which the vertue of knowledge and Science consists . 5. Yet , the Soul has not , by this Science , a power to move the body : For , we see , Science is often overcome by Passion ; but , if it had any proper activity , it could not be resisted by any power of its own body : Moreover , it would no longer be a part of a Man , but something grafted in him of a superiour nature , according to that vertue . 6. It follows , therefore , that , by vertue of the Soul , more motives of goods or ills are conjoynd to the singular objects ; by whose conjunction the Heart and the body is affected otherwise to those goods or ills , then it would be had they not that conjunction : So that , the force of Pain and Pleasure is that which moves a Man , even then when he seems to follow the firmest Reason ; namely , because to be Reasonable to follow this and to fly that , is nothing else but that more of delightfull is conjoynd with this and more of painfull with that . 7. In vertue of these , therefore , a Man is chang'd , and acts otherwise then if he had not understanding . Nor , is he carry'd , from the very beginning , by reason or any proper power , to this connection of goods with ills ; but is prevented by some chance or obvious disposition of objects & corporeall causes , either intrinsecall or extrinsecall . 8. Now , this disposition in the Soul , upon which Operation follows , we call the WILL , and the first beginning Volition ; which , 't is apparent , is left by precedent judgements , chiefly those that are about good or ill , since , by such judgements , 't is plain , a Man is determin'd to action . 9. Hence , it appears , how the Soul fails in Opining : For , seeing Objects occurre to the Soul , not deduc'd and drawn-in , by its own force and nerves , as it were , but , by the agitation of bodies ; if the affection to any thing so presses a Man to action , that it leaves not room for the objects to run in that order which is necessary for demonstration ; the Man must needs fall to acting , before he has any absolute evidence what 's to be done . 10. If this be done by reflection , a Man see 's that he 's mov'd uncertainly ; but , he see 's , too , that nature requires he should move upon apparences ; whence , he does no unbeseeming incongruous thing : But , if it be done without reflection , a Man takes an uncertainfor a certain ; which is , to Opine ; for he says , this is , which he has no determinate cause to say . 11. From this precipitation of action , it happens , that one Man operates better , another worse ; according as one , more frequently or more grievously , precipitates his action , then another . And , those that come nearest to evidence , as far as nature will bear , doe the uttermost of their power ; which is to operate vertuously : but , those that very much recede from it , are call'd vitious : between which , a certain middle state of Men inclines notoriously to neither part . 12. 'T is clear , therefore , whence the defectibility of Vice rises in Man-kind : to wit , because , by too much precipitation of bodily motion , false or the worse opinions are generated . Whence , it follows , that man is not only changeable from imperfect to perfect , but also from good to evil , and contrariwise : For , if he has opin'd a falsity , upon farther light , he may be led to the Truth , and if , invited by apparences , he has follow'd the Truth , by others he may be averted again . 13. Whence , 't is evident , ther 's some opposition in the Soul , that is , some acts incompossible at once in it : for , since those things which are in the Soul inhere in it , in vertue of Being ; 't is plain , it must be gather'd , out of the very notion of Being , what things consist together in the Soul and what not . Now , 't is clear , that 't is against the notion of Being , that the same should Be and not-Be : but , of those things that are , all agree in the notion of Being , nor does any thing hinder that white and black , light and darknesse , hot and cold should coexist ; wherefore , neither does any thing forbid their being together in the Soul : but , for the same to Be and not-Be , which is , to be affirm'd and deny'd , 't is wholy repugnant . 14. Since , therefore , Man suffers no repugnancy in himself to have whatever other things together in his Mind ; it comes to passe , that he is capable and cognoscitive of all Things : He can , therefore , know what 's best for himself , or , in what State he may most perfectly enjoy himself : Nor , will he doubt that he is to strain towards this by all his actions ; wherefore , he will be govern'd against nature , if he be employ'd otherwise then is convenient to attain This last End. 15. Whether , therefore , one Man rules another , or whether some superiour Power governs him ; he govern'd against nature , if he withdraw him from This chiefest Good : And because Nature is the Principle of acting ; a Man , as far as he is able , will reduce himself to a rectitude and straight course towards his ULTIMATE GOOD , and will resist all contrary operation . 16. Though Man , therefore , be an Instrument , fram'd to be mov'd by another , as all other Animals : yet , 't will be with this difference , that other Animals are ordain'd to be mov'd to the End of the Mover , without any respect to their proper good ; but , Man is govern'd to the Mover's End , no farther then as the same is a Motion towards the proper Good of Man. 17. MAN , therefore , is an Instrument , fram'd by nature apt for universality of Action , that is , to do any thing whatever , so it be in order to his proper good : or , a Thing , of connected parts , in a passive and active order , that is , which can order themselves : or , lastly , Consisting of a RATIONALL SOUL and an ANIMAL BODY . Peripateticall INSTITUTIONS . Fifth Book . Containing that part of METAPHYSICK , which treats of SUBSTANCES ABSTRACTED from Matter , and of the Operation of Things . LESSON I. Of the Souls separation from the Body . 1. OUt of what has been said , 't is evident , that a Humane Soul perishes not at the dissolution of its Body : For , since , whilst it exists in the Body , it has immanent acts which cannot belong to a Body ; it must of necessity have , of its proper self , the vertue of a Thing , or , of receiving Existence : Since , therefore , ther 's nothing farther requir'd to exist , in a thing already existing , but the having in it self a power of sustaining existence ; and , 't is plain , that , the body being taken away , this power is not withdrawn , ( since 't is in the Soul , apart from and besides the Body ) ; 't is evident that , by the dissolution of the Body , the Soul is not dissolv'd . 2. Adde to this , that , since there is no other substantiall divisibility , but of Form and Matter ; and Matter is not necessary to the Souls existence ; ther 's no divisibility in the Subject of existence , as existence is in the Soul , by means whereof the Soul can be alienated from Being . 3. We see , too , that all mortality of Bodies either proceeds from contrariety , or from the divisibility of a quantitative Subject ; whereof , since neither is to be found in the Soul separated , 't is plain , that 'T is not subject to corruption . 4. You 'l object , if the Soul in the body is capable of existence , 't is capable of action or of a Motive power ; as quantitative parts , though they have a common existence , yet act upon one another . 'T is answer'd , quantitative parts are accessory to and find the Substance already perfect : but formall parts ( at least essentiall ones ) do not presuppose the Substance establisht ; whence , the active power follows not any one , but all . 5. You 'l say , that Existence , too , supposes all the parts of a Thing , as 't is a Thing : wherefore , neither will the Soul be capable of existence in the Body . 'T is answer'd , that action belongs to the Soul in the Body as existence does : For , existence makes not the Soul , while 't is in the Body , to be a Thing ; for that 's primely of the whole , and the whole Man is the Thing ; but it makes the Soul to be That which may be a Thing : So , also , 't is not absolutely a principle of acting , but 't is a principle by which action becomes other then 't would be without it ; and consequently , it has a Being , whence action may be , but not whence ' t is . 6. It appears , again , that the Soul separated is not , truly , the same Thing with the Soul in the Body ; but is substantially chang'd . For , first 't was joyn'd substantially to the Body and was one with it : but , 't is clear , that when , by division , more things are made of one , the Thing divided is chang'd ; especially when the Unity it self was substantiall , as in the present case ; since the Soul adheres to the corporeall Substance , not by quantity , but by identification . 7. Again , the Soul , now separated , is the immediate and adequate Subject of its own existence : whereas , in the body , the Man himself was the Thing , and the Soul only a part of the Thing , or , whereby the Thing was . Yet , 't is the same Thing , as to its notion and definition ; since it consists of those predicates it had in the Body . 8. You 'l object , In the Body , it had not a power of receiving existence in it self ; therefore , neither will it have out of the Body : for a part and a Thing are of an intirely different kind , and vastly distinct from one another . 'T is answer'd , that , as , in the parts of a Magnitude , 't is manifest , that they are neither Things , nor only parts of a Thing ; but something between , which is so a part , that it may be some kind of whole : So , it repugns not , that there should be something in formall parts which is , de facto , a part , and yet may be a whole ; and that should be a kind of Middle thing , which has enough in it self to become a whole , yet should not actually be a whole : Whence , when the Soul is separated , there is not any thing added to it , to make it more capable of existence , but that is withdrawn from it , which hindred it from existing . 9. Now , he that desires to frame to himself , in some sort , a notion of a separated Soul ; let him ponder with himself that object which corresponds to the words Man or Animal , as such : which when he shall see , abstracts from Place and Time , and is a Substance by the only necessity of the Terms ; let him conceive the like of a separated Soul. 10. Then , let him attentively consider some self-evident and most naturall proposition : in which , when he shall have contemplated that the object is in the Soul with its proper existence and , as it were , by it ; let him think a separated Soul is a Substance that is all other things , by the very connexion of Existences . 11. Lastly , when , in Bodies , he shall observe that Motion proceeds from the quality of the Mover & a certain impulse ; and that this impulse is deriv'd again from another impulse , and so up even to that which is first mov'd , and beyond : let him imagine the Soul is a kind of principle of such impulse ; whatsoever thing that must be . 12. What is said of the Substance of the Soul , undoubtedly must be understood , too , of its proper Accidents ; for , since they depend only upon it , ( being something of it , nay even the very Soul ) , and it would be more imperfect without them ; they must run the same fortune with it , unlesse some speciall reason interpose . 13. Whatever things , therefore , were in the Man , according to his Soul , at the instant of his Death , remain in the Soul after separation : wherefore , all his Resolutions or Iudgements , whether speculative or practicall , shall remain in it ; where , since they cannot be without Apprehensions , even they , too , shall remain : And , since all things , which are made to follow out of or have connexion with these , are in a separated Soul , in vertue of these , its Science must needs be extended to all those ; all such , therefore , which have once been in it and are not blotted out , after death all remain . 14. Since , therefore , in a Soul ther 's an infinite capacity ; and ther 's no opposition of apprehensions among themselves , nor any other opposition , but of contradiction , whereby the same is affirm'd to be and not-be : all the apprehensions , scrap'd up together in the whole life , and judgements unretracted must , of necessity , remain ; unlesse some speciall Cause withstand . 15. The whole Notion , therefore , of the past life , all the particular acquaintances of Familiars and other Individuums , all Sciences and Arts , attain'd in the life time , survive after Death . LESSON II. Of the Science of a separated Soul , and its unity vvith the Soul. 1. BUt , all these things being so , now , in the Soul , that time was , they were not ; 't is plain , they are so conjoyn'd to it , that ther 's no repugnancy it may be without them : wherefore , so there be a cause , they may be divid●d from it : some kind of divisibility , then , there is between the Soul and the things in it . 2. Not that which is between the parts of a Magnitude ; since , here 's an indivisibility on both sides , whereas a Magnitude is not made up of indivisibles . Nor , that which is between Matter and Form ; since the Soul , which is before , is able to preexist of it self ; and whatever things come into it supervene to a Thing already existing . Nor that which is between Substance and Quantity ; since Quantity is in a Thing , as somewhat of it ; but things known are in the Knower as other things which preexist out of him . 3. 'T is , therefore , a speciall manner of divisibility which is not exactly found in bodies : For , since a body essentially includes a power or possibility , the unity of a body is by the privation of act on one side ; whence follows the unity of act in the Compound : But , a separated Soul is compos'd only of Act or Quiddity , as white or hot , and Existence or Being , as when we say , 't is : whence , its unity to another actually existing must be , so , as an act can be joyn'd to an act , that is , by identification or a community of Being : and , after this manner , are in a separated Soul whatever are in it . 4. Whence , first , this is evident , that a separated Soul knows it self : For , since , to be in another , by way of knowing , is distinguish't , in this , from the other manners of inexisting ; that , in others , what inexists is now no Thing in it self , but that 's in which it is ; things know'n , by inexisting , lose not the being what they were , though they acquire the being of that which they were not : for , Heat , in that which is hot , is something of the Subject , nor has any proper Being of its own ; but , the hot Subject which is felt is , so , in him that 's sensible of it , that he knows 't is hot ; therefore , this Subject to be actually hot is in the person that 's sensible of it . 5. In like manner , the Soul exists substantially , because Being is made something of the Soul. Again , this , that the Soul is , is in the Soul : for , since the Soul is a certain Power of being all things that exist ; and it self also exists ; it cannot but , by reason of its intimate conjunction , be present to it self according to this its power , which is that it cannot but be understood . 6. Again , since all those things are in the Soul which we have , above , recounted ; they must needs be , too , all known in the Soul : And , because , 't is clear , that , in a Syllogism , the Conclusion is nothing but the very Premisses ; all is known by a separated Soul , which is deducible out of those things that are in the Soul. 7. And , because , such is the connexion of Truths , that , out of any one , all others , may , by links , be drawn in ; it comes to passe that a Soul , which knows any whatever sensible Truth , knows intirely all cognoscible things ; that is , every Soul penetrates absolutely all things . 8. For , if any Infant never knew its own Being , it is not to be esteem'd to have arriv'd at all to the nature of Man : For , since , even in us , to be sensible of or to know is by suffering from another ; we know another thing is , because we know we have suffered from it : but , if we know we have suffered from it , we already know we are : the first knowledge , therefore , even in the body , includes the knowledge of our selves . 9. And , since Passion is a participation of the Thing from which we suffer ; it must needs be that the Thing is in us , when we are sensible of it : and , because it does not denominate according to its own proper appellation , but according to the quality of that wherein it is , ( for , we do not call an Eye white or wooden , but a Seeer of white or wood ) ; it must needs be that 't is in it , as another thing , and as of the nature of the sensitive Subject . Now , the reason why in the body , too , the Soul does not know it self , but the Man , a part of whom it is , is because 't is he that is and not it , as has been said . 10. You 'l object , this multiplicity of knowledge is fram'd or aggregated , either of severall knots and articles , as it were , so that whatever was knowable in this world by new discourse , the same is , in some sort , a new addition in the Soul ; or of one simple knowledge which , eminently and in one formality , in a manner , comprehends all these knowledges : but , neither of these seems possible ; not the first , because 't would be a certain infinity , either in act , which is impossible , or in power , and then 't would be some continuity and a principle of continuall motion ; nor the later , for such an universality seems not to have any thing above it . 11. 'T is answer'd , the manner of a separated Soul , in some sort , contains both ; though 't is neither way formally : For , since , the parts in formall composition are not actually ; 't is plain , that neither can there be , in this composition of the knowledge of a separated Soul , formall knots and articles of discourse , & consequently , no actuall infinity : Again , since one part is not beyond another , that is , extended , as in quantity , but all , by a certain identificaon , grow together ; there can be no continuity between , though the parts be in power , that is , only in the possibility of the Subject . 12. Besides , that this power is not such that there should be any correspondent naturall cause to reduce it into act : but , 't is only a certain defectibility of act , upon which ther 's no active power but only a Logicall or a Creative one , which will never act . 13. 'T is , therefore , a certain actuall Metaphysicall composition , in which there is a Logicall possibility that any of these later known things may be away , without hurting those that were known before ; yet so , that it can never come to passe it should be reduc'd into act : Wherefore , 't is neither the precise contemplation of one formality precontaining infinite ; nor yet any actuall infinity , or naturall divisibility . 14. But , it may be compar'd to the Metaphysicall composition of degrees ; in which we see Peter or Bucephalus so agree with infinite Things or Animals , that it contracts thence no multiplicity , and yet we may alwaies frame some new apprehension of them in our Mind . LESSON III. Of the eminency of a separated Souls acts , above those it exercises in the Body . 1. OUt of what has been said , it may be evidenc'd , that simple Intuition or the inexistence of a thing in the Soul serv's , in stead of that composition which is found , here , in our judgements . 2. It appears , also , that an actuall universall intuition of Things supplses , abundantly , any need of Discourse . 3. 'T is plain , too , that , with that , ther 's no want of Memory or Remembrance ; ther 's no need of ordering or framing Idea's ; and lastly , whatever the Soul operates , here , by distinct acts and in time , there , together and with one only labour , ( not so much , is wrought out , as ) exists . 4. Again , whereas , by reslexion , those things we have , in the body , thought on , we farther know that we have thought on them ; so that we can never know the last reflection , though we had infinite : a separated Soul , by the simple inexistence of it self in it self , necessarily see 's all its knowledge without any reflection . 5. Again , 't is plain , that a separated Soul , in another manner , excells Place and Time , then in the Body : since , in that , it only abstracts from them , but , out of that , it comprehends them . For , this universall and actuall knowledge places all Place and all Time within the Soul ; so that it can act in every place at once and together ( as far as concerns this respect ) , and provide for all time ; wherefore , 't is , in a manner , a Maker and Governour of time and place . 6. It appears , moreover , that 't is active , out of its very self : for , since it comprehends all things , it needs not Sense , as in the body , to perceive that infinity of Individuality ; but it know's , even , to the utmost divisibility of Magnitude , whatever circumstances are requir'd to action : It knows , too , what is good for it self ; whence , it , naturally & of it self , has both power and an actuall will , which alone are requir'd to act ; for power depends on pure Science , and whoever is impotent is ignorant what is to be done , by him , to produce such an effect . 7. Hence , lastly , it follows , that the proportion of Pleasure and Grief , out of the body , is infinite , to that in the body : For , since Pleasure is nothing else , but a judgement concerning a good possest , out of which follows an activity to enjoy and retain it ; and Grief is the same , concerning an ill , which the Soul desires to repell : Whether we contemplate the Manner of the Souls Being , to which its acts are proportion'd ; 't is of a superiour notion , that is , of an infinite eminency . 8. Or , the Firmnesse and Evidence of its Knowledge ; since all knowledge receives strength from antecedents and consequents , it must of necessity attain an infinite excellency : for every knowledge of a separated Soul has infinite things connected with it , out of which 't is confirm'd . 9. Or , its Eminency above Time and Place ; 't is rays'd in a like degree : Or , lastly , its force of Activity ; 't is beyond all comparison . Wherefore , to the least , either Pleasure or Grief , of the Future life , even abstracting from the Perpetuity , nothing can be comparable in this mortall state , or considerable in respect of it . 10. Again , 't is collected , out of what has been said , that all separated Souls , or , at least , the most part are improv'd in this , that whatever false judgements they have taken up in the whole course of their lives , they throw them off by Separation : For , since , the excellency of a separated Soul is immense above the powers of an imbody'd one , & the connection of all Truths is , immediately upon the Separation , imprinted in it ; it must needs be that a true judgement of all things is impress'd : since , therefore , Contradictories cannot consist together in the Soul , the false judgements must be expell'd ; and Souls , as to this , be universally improv'd . 11. Nor , is it lesse evident that , among Souls , there will be some difference , by reason of the employments they have follow'd in their life time : For , since , whilst we live in the body , one exercises his Understanding more about one thing , another about another ; and , as , the first act works a knowledge of the thing , so , the following acts cannot but encrease this knowledge and more perfectly impresse it upon the Soul : It follows , since all these must needs participate of the elevation caus'd by the Separation ; the Soul must know more perfectly , too , in Separation , its accustomed Objects and whatever depend on them , in a due proportion , then other things ; whence , it comes to passe , that the Sciences here acquir'd , not only , remain in the future life , but , are in the same proportion , there , as they were , here . LESSON IV. Of the Felicity and Infelicity of separated Souls , and their Immutability . 1. ANd , because the Affections in the Soul are nothing else but judgements , upon which operation does or is apt to follow ; and the stronger the judgement is , so much the apter operation is to follow out of it , if it be a judgement concerning good or ill : it comes to passe , that our Affections to our Acquaintance and Friends , and the rest which we have cultivated in this life , shall remain in the future : wherefore , we shall both better know and more rejoyce in our Parents and Friends , then in others , ( other circumstances alike ) . 2. And , because the Affections shall remain , & that , in the proportion they were in , during life : it follows , that those who have , in this life , delighted in those things & Sciences , which the Soul is apt and fit to enjoy in Separation , ( for example , in naturall Contemplation , or that of abstracted Spirits , especially , if with great affection ) , will have a vast Pleasure in the State of Separation , through the perfection of the knowledge they 'l enjoy . 3. But , those that have given themselves up wholly to corporeall pleasures will be affected with vast Grief , through the impossibility of those pleasures , there . 4. You 'l object , that separated Souls will see the unworthinesse of such pleasures , and consequently , will correct in themselves such erroneous and false judgements , nor will have such appetites as would torment them . 'T is answer'd , these griefs follow not out of false , but inordinate judgements ; for , 't is true , that such like pleasures are a good of the body and of the Man ( whose appetite is the appetite of the Soul ) ; again , supposing the deordination of the Soul , 't is true , that these pleasures are conformable and good , even to it : but grief follows , hence , that the judgements or affections about these are greater , then in proportion to those other desires , which ought to be preferr'd before them . 5. Whence , it comes to passe , that the Soul 's seeing these objects to be unworthy and not regardable , in comparison of the better , increases its pains ; whilst it can neither cease to desire those it desires , through the excesse of these affections above the rest , and yet sees they are vile and unworthy . 6. Moreover , out of what has been said , 't is deduc'd , that , in the state of separation , no variety can happen to Souls , from a body , or the change of bodies : For , since a change passes not from any body into the Soul , but through the identification of the Soul with its own body ; and this identification ceases , by the state of Separation ; it follows , that no action nor mutation can be derived from any Body , to the Soul. 7. Nor , has the Soul , of it self , a principle of changing it self : not from hence only , because an Indivisible cannot act upon it self : but also , because , since a mutation of the Soul cannot be any other , then , either according to the Understanding or Will ; but the Understanding is suppos'd to know all things together and for-ever , whence , by the course of nature , ther 's no room left either for ignorance or new Science ; and the Will is either not distinct from the Understanding or , at least , is adequately govern'd , in the state of separation : it follows , that naturally no mutation can happen to a separated Soul from within , or caus'd by it self . 8. Nor , yet , from any other Spirit , without the interposition of the body : For , since all Spirits are indivisible , their operations , too , will be such ; but an indivisible effect , supposing all the causes , of necessity exists in the same instant : wherefore , if any thing be to be done between Spirits , 't is all , in one instant , so done and perfected , that , afterwards , another action cannot be begun : for if it begin , either the causes were , before , adequately put , or not ; if they were , the effect was put ; if they were not , some of the causes is chang'd that it may now begin to act , and not this , but the former , is the first mutation , whereof , 't is to be urg'd , whether the causes were put before ? 9. If you say , the Spirit waits a certain time : First , time is motion and not without a body : Then , since , among Spirits , nothing is chang'd by time , one that acts according to reason could not expect a time by which nothing could be chang'd . Certain , therefore , it is , that There can be no change , by the power of nature in a separated Soul. 10. From the collection of all has been said concerning the Soul , 't is deducible , that Our life is a Mould or a March to our Eternity ; and , according as a Man behaves himself in this life , such an Eternity he shall , hereafter , possess : since Good-deeds and Rewards , Crimes and Punishments are equally eternall . 11. To conclude , He that has liv'd perfectly shall be perfect in the future life , he that has liv'd better shall be better , he that has liv'd well shall be well ; he that has liv'd ill shall be ill , he that has liv'd worse shall be worse , they that live worst they , too , shall be worst of all for ever : so true it is that THINGS WILL NOT BE ILL GOVERN'D , that is , their very Nature exacts and forces them into a good Government . LESSON V. Of the nature of Existence , and its Vnity vvith the Thing . 1. OUt of what has been said , 't is clear , that all bodies and a separated Soul it self , sometimes , are and , time was , they were not : whence , 't is evident , that the notion of Being or Existence is different from the notion of that Thing whereof 't is affirm'd ; since , 't is deny'd , too , of it , and since , of all Substances that are so different , 't is said , according to the same notion , that they are . 2. Besides , if , for Peter or a Man not to be , were the same , with Peter not to be Peter or a Man not to be a Man ; 't were a proposition destructive of it self , and , consequently , impossible ; but now 't is prudent and pertinent to Sciences . 3. Neither would there any one and the same thing be a Subject of contradictory enunciations , or of affirmation and negation ; and consequently , the art of Logick and the foundation of all humane discourse would be taken away : Nothing , therefore , is more evident then that Existence is distinguisht , mentally or by definition , from the Thing whereof 't is spoken . 4. But yet , that it should differ , really , actually and , as it were , numerically or in the Subject , from the Thing whose 't is , 't is equally impossible : since , so , they would either of them be Things ; the whole , therefore , would not be one and a Thing , as above , in the like case , is deduc'd . 5. Notwithstanding , since a Thing really acquires and loses existence , ( for , to be made is to receive , to be dissolv'd is to lose existence ) ; 't is evident , ther 's a reall divisibility between a Thing and Existence . 6. But , this divisibility is lesse then any of those , hitherto , explicated : both because , in separation , neither part of the Compound remains ; as also , because existence out of a Compound is not intelligible , since 't is its ultimate actuality or actuation . And , as 't is commonly said , that Union cannot be understood out of Composition , nor Action without a Term ; so , neither can Being without it actually be , and consequently , make those things be which are by it . 7. Lastly , 't is evident , that existence is the perfection of every and all Things ; since , the notion of all Substances ( as 't is explicated above ) is nothing else but to be such a capacity of existing : whence , they have the notion of a power to that ; or rather , the notion of an as-it-were ( a quasi - ) possibility , since they have a vertue terminative of the understanding ( that we call to be a quiddity ) which a possibility has not . 8. Notwithstanding , because this notion is nothing else , but a disposition and preparation to existing ; Existence is not only the perfection , but , if it were perfect , it would be the whole perfection of any Thing whose it were . 9. It follows out of what has been said , that no Thing , of those that sometime are sometime are not , is of it self ; but , all require some other thing to make them exist : For , since they are sometime and sometimes are not , 't is evident , the notion in them , which is presuppos'd to Being , and whereof 't is said it is , is , of it self , indifferent to Being and not-Being ; and , which follows , this notion being put , Being is not put or the Thing is not , in force of this notion ; and something else , therefore , is requir'd , which being put , Being must necessarily be apply'd to that notion : 'T is from without , therefore , that these Things exist , and not from their own intrinsecall nature and force . 10. And , because this notion has not its indifferency from otherwhere , but from it self ; as long as it has Being , so long an extrinsecall cause must make it exist : for , since its necessity of existing is from something without , that extrinsecall being taken away , it is no longer : And , because from an indifferent nothing follows , its exexisting is not deriv'd from any intrinsecall ; and , which follows , if , the extrinsecall being taken away , it should exist , this , its existing , would be an effect without a cause . LESSON VI. Of the Existence , Simplicity , and Eternity of GOD. 1. AGain , it follows , there is some Thing , for whom 't is impossible not to exist : For , since an effect is because another is , 't is clear , the same cannot be the cause of it self : nay , if two should be put , as , adequately , cause and effect to one another , the same would be put as cause of it self ; for , if A be because B is , and B again because A is , 't is clear , that A is because A is , that is , 't is cause and effect to it self . 2. Wherefore , since those things that may not-Be need an extrinsecall cause to Be ; nor can all things have an extrinsecall cause , unlesse some two be , reciprocally , causes to one another : it follows , there must be something which needs not an extrinsecall cause ; and consequently , must have , from its intrinsecalls , that it cannot not-Be , and for which it must be impossible not to Be. 3. Again , since an impossibility of not-existing imports and carryes Existence along with it ; and this impossibility is intrinsecall and essentiall to the Thing in which it is ; it follows , too , that Existence is essentiall to such a Thing . 4. And , since existence is equally universall with the notion of Being or Thing , that is , every Thing has an existence correspondent to it , which it may actually have ; and Being is the most universall predicate of that wherein 't is ; it follows , that Existence is the most universall predicate of the Thing to which 't is essentiall . 5. But , on the other side , because Existence being put , the Thing is compleat , as to its essence ; nor can any essentiall predicate supervene to that which exists , but all are presuppos'd to existence : 't is clear , that , to the most Genericall notion of a Thing to which Existence is essentiall , there can no essentiall Difference supervene ; and consequently , that , between Things to which existence is essentiall , there can be no essentiall difference , that is , but One only such Thing can exist . 6. There is , therefore , some Thing essentially existing of it self ; from which , being but One only , all other Things must , of necessity , receive their birth and existence : Now , such a Thing we conceive to be that we call GOD : There is therefore , a GOD. 7. The notion , therefore , of God's existing is , that his existence or essence is diametrically and contradictorily oppos'd to not-Being : not , in the Understanding , as a Chimaera is oppos'd to a non-Chimaera ; nor , in possibility , as a man to not-a-man ; nor , in an irradiate act , as it were , and impress'd like a Seal in water , as our being and not-being , running and not-running : but , in the thing it self , by the highest and ultimate actuality , substantially , by the very essence of Being and exercising , by the very notion of existing , it self substantially and concentrally within it self and about it self and upon it self reflected , exercised , and exercising . 8. This is the solidity and stability of the First thing and GOD ; whilst , the stability of all the rest is no other , but to depend and Be from Him. 9. Out of what has been said , is deduc'd the most eminent Simplicity and Indivisibility of God. For , since existence is essentiall to him ; and there can be nothing in a Thing , neither before nor after existence ; 't is clear , that God is so Existence , that he is nothing besides , formally . 10. Therefore , He is not corporeall or compos'd of parts excluding one another : for , a Body , since it has a Being in parts , of necessity includes something besides Existence , divisible from that . 11. The same is for composition of Matter and Form , Subject and Accidents ; for these , since they include something divisible from Being , cannot be pure existers . 12. Nor is there any room for composition of Genus and Differentia ; since , Difference supervenes to a Genus , at least , with a foundation in the Object for so apprehending it . Ther 's , therefore , absolutely , no composition at all in God. 13. But , whatever composition there is in our Understanding concerning God , proceeds out of the pure defect of our understanding , which cannot adequate the Simplicity of the Divine Essence . GOD , therefore , is pure Being , pure Actuality , the pure Brightnesse of eternall Light. 14. Again , hence 't is deduc'd that God is Eternall , or , that there is not in God past and future , but only present . For , since God cannot not-Be , by reason of the essentiall exercise of his Being ; and , has this essentially , that he cannot not-have-been nor not-be-to-be , but possesses his essence indivisibly : it comes to passe , that 't is the same thing to God not to-not-have-been and not not-to-be , as to Be what He is ; but , there cannot be , either by imagination or in time , an instant suppos'd , in which God possesses not his Essence ; in every moment , therefore , of time whether reall or imaginary , He is his not not-to-have-been and his not not-to-be hereafter , that is , his to-have-been and his to-be . 15. In every instant of time , therefore , He is in every instant of time past and future : not , that the time past and future are ; but , that the indivisible existence of God possesses all that length , which passing times make , contracted ▪ by the eminency of his Simplicity , in an indivisible act ; and never either loses or gains , because His repugnancy to not-Being is actuall Being , and Actually-to-Be is his Essence . LESSON VII . Of the Perfection , Immutability , and Science of God. 1. FArther , the Perfection and Plenitude of God is deduc'd , that is , whatever goodnesse and perfection is possible , all this is eminently found in God. For , since existence cannot receive existence from another , but is by its own force ; 't is plain , that whatever existence is and whatever perfection is in existence has its Being from that power ▪ by which existence exists : the whole perfection , therefore , of existence is in that existence which is of it self and by its own notion ; but this existence is , as has been said , the very essence of God ; wherefore , in God , there is all the perfection which ist in existence or can be in it . 2. Since , therefore , whatever is in any Thing , besides Existence , is nothing else but a disposition to existence , or a capacity of it , or a compart in which and by which imperfect existence is to subsist : 't is clear , too , that perfect existence subsisting includes , more eminently and perfectly , all this perfection , and consequently , that All the Plenitude of Being is in God. 3. Besides , since God or Being-of-it-self is but One alone ; whatever is besides must , of necessity , receive Beginning , Goodnesse or perfection from Him : but , that the adequate cause contains all the perfection of its effect is , of it self , evident : all that ample and inexhaustible plenitude , therefore , of intire Being is in God and flows from Him. 4. Out of these foresaid Attributes of God , his Immutability is demonstrated : For , from this Plenitude of Perfection , He is Immutable ; because he can neither acquire nor lose any thing . 5. From his Simplicity , again , he is Immutable ; because all mutation includes ▪ a divisibility of that which is chang'd , from that according to which it is chang'd . 6. And lastly , from His Eternity , he is Immutable ; because what is chang'd has sometime and sometime has-not the same thing ; but , what God has he has indivisibly for ever , and , in that very respect , he cannot not-have it . 7. Out of the premisses , too , 't is collected , that God knows & understands both Himself and all other things , by his one only essentiall act of Being . For , since God is Existence it self & the Plenitude of Being , nothing can belong to existence which is not primarily in Him : since , therefore , to know , is to have the thing known , after a certain proper manner of existing , in one's self ; God cannot not-be in Himself , after this manner of existing , that is , not-be-known by Himself . 8. Again , since all other things are in God ; but , to inexist as another thing , is a perfecter manner of inexisting then simply to inexist ; it appears , that all other things in God inexist after this manner , too , that is , are known . 9. Nor , does this any thing prejudice the divine Simplicity : For , since those things that are known inexist as another thing , the bounds and divisions of the Creatures in God are as other things , and produce not their effect , viz. of distinguishing , in Him ; but , their being in Him has nothing whereby one should be oppos'd to another ; as appears even in us , in whom two Contraries inexist together , that the one may be known by the other . 10. It appears , too , that God knows other things , in his own Essence : which , since it may doubly be understood ; one way , that His essence should be the Principle of the knowledge of other things ; and another way , that the knowledge of the Creatures should be , as it were , a part of the knowledge of His essence : 't is to be taken this second way . 11. For , since the Essence of God is not from another , but by its own formall power of existing ; 't is plain , its manner of existing is opposite to the being from another : there ought not , therefore , to be put any Vertuall causality , whereby one should be from another in God ; because , whatever is in Him is because it is , or by vertue of self-being . 12. You 'l say , the Creatures are something distinct and another thing from God ; wherefore , the knowledge of them , too , is distinct from the knowledge of God. 'T is answer'd , by denying the consequence : for , some distinct things are of that condition , that the knowledge of one is part of the knowledge of another ; and so it happens in the present case . 13. For , since God cannot know his Essence , unlesse he know his Science and the , as it were-vertuall parts of his Essence ; and , since the Creatures flow immediately from God , without any other help ; it comes to passe , that God is a Cause actually causing by His essence : 't is plain , therefore , that part of the knowledge of the essence of God is , to know that He actually causes such Creatures , which includes , that such Creatures exist : part , therefore , of the knowledge of the divine Essence is to know the Creatures exist , in all their differences and circumstances . 14. Again , the universall answer is evident to all those questions , Whether God knows Future contingents ? the secrets of Hearts ? Infinite things ? Materia prima ? Negations ? Mentall or imaginary things ? &c. 15. For , 't is evident , as far as these are apt to exist and to be known , so far they proceed from God ; and the knowledge of them is part of the knowledge of God : but if , on any side , they have no entity nor cognoscibility , so far they are not known by God : But , to enquire , of each of them , what cognoscibility they may have , belongs to their proper places , not to this of the Science of God. LESSON VIII . Of the Divine Volition and Liberty . 1. NOr is it lesse evident , out of what has been said , that , since God , operating by Existence , of necessity applyes himself to the particularities of the Creatures , ( since Particulars only can exist ) ; and more things cannot be in one but by Science ; that , I say , He makes the Creatures by his Science : wherefore , since Science , when 't is so perfect as to be able to proceed into action , is call'd Will ; 't is clear , that there is a Will in God. 2. And , since the Science of God is every way perfect , it appears , by the same evidence , that there is all the perfection of Will in God , or , all Morall Vertues , as far as they follow out of pure perfection . He is , therefore , Gracious , Iust , Mercifull , Patient , and whatever other use to be pronounc'd of Him ; out of the eminent perfection of his Essence , as 't is call'd Science . 3. And , since Liberty is among the Perfections of Will , by which the Will or the Person that knows chuses one out of many , according to the Principles of his proper nature ; and , the Science of God is larger and more ample then His Operation ; nor is there any thing , out of himself , by which he can be impell'd to operate this more then that ; 't is clear , that God , freely and according to his innate inclination , chuses and operates this rather then that . 4. You 'l object , since God is a pure Act , there cannot be put in God a naturall inclination , according to which election may be made ; because it would have the notion of a Principle in respect of the act of election : there cannot , therefore , be put Liberty in God. 'T is answer'd , there cannot be put , in God , election in fieri , or , to-be-made , but only in facto esse , or , already made , that is , such a Will as is election already in act ; and to this there is not requir'd the notion of cause and effect . 5. Moreover , naturall inclination , as 't is put in God , is not any active principle , but a certain common and abstracted notion by which we know God ; and , to which , that more particular notion is conformable , according to which we attribute the name of election to God : as , for example , to this Volition , by which God will 's that which is best , the volition of the World's Creation is conformable , by which is chosen the best in particular . 6. You 'l object , again , since God essentially has all Vertues , He alwaies does , of necessity , that which is best ; and would doe against his own Essence , should he doe any thing otherwise then he does : 'T is , therefore , determin'd to him essentially , to doe every thing as he does : but , that which proceeds out of Nature and Essence is not free : God , therefore , does nothing freely . 7. 'T is answer'd , Even in us , after we see any thing to be better , 't is against Nature to doe the contrary : neither are we free , because we can decede from nature ; for , so , Liberty would not be a perfection but an imperfection , since all perfection is according to nature : but , Liberty consists in this , That , among many , which , at the beginning , seem indifferent , we can find which is more according to nature ; and embrace that , because 't is conformable to Naure . 8. Therefore , in God , too , Liberty is , so , to be put , that it be understood He has arriv'd , by his Science and understanding , to act what is conformable to his nature : and though , after He 's suppos'd to have arriv'd to that , 't is against His essence to doe another thing or not to doe this ; yet , His Liberty is not , thence , diminisht : as , there is not lesse liberty in a constant Man , that changes not his judgement once establisht , then in a Fool , that , at every little appearance of reason , alters his opinion , but a greater ; for , a constant Man , therefore , changes not , because he alwaies exercises his wisely-made choice , that is , the better , whereas a light person exercises now the worse , now the better . 9. Again , for the most part , those things that are-not-chosen are not against the nature of the chooser , in themselves , but from some Accident or complex of circumstances ; whence , the terms precisely consider'd , the chooser may doe them according to nature , but , because of some circumstance , he cannot : And , even thus , Liberty may be attributed to God ; for , to doe some particular thing , which he does not , is not against the nature of God precisely compar'd to this Thing ; but , when the other circumstances are collected , it appears another thing is better , and then 't is against the nature of God to doe this : yet , this prejudices not His Liberty ; which consists in this , that He rejects that which , in it self , is according to His nature , because , by accident , 't is against it ; which we experience in our selves to be the track and path of Liberty . 10. You 'l say , that God is determin'd by the very Being of his Essence ; and , so in Him can be understood no indifferency to the utmost circumstance . 'T is answer'd , this hinders not but that we are necessitated to conceive That perfectly-determin'd Essence , by divers abstractive notions ; in one of which this determination is not , so precisely and by design , exprest as in another ; and so , to us , the more particular of them becomes the determination of the more common ; and of both is compounded the notion of liberty exercis'd in God. 11. You 'l object , thirdly , If God were free , he could not-doe what he does ; therefore , 't were possible for him not to have the Volition and Science which He has ; 't is possible , therefore , there should not-be the same God. 'T is answer'd , by granting God can make that which He does not ; but , by denying the consequence , that He could have another volition then he has : for , when we say , God can make another thing then He does , we compound the Power of God or His fecundity with the Object whereof we speak ; but , when we speak of his Volition , we speak of his Vnderstanding compleated to action , and This proceeds to action upon the consideration of all accidents , out of which , as 't is said , it happens that this object is not made , because 't is not-best and against Nature . 12. 'T is , therefore , to be deny'd that there can be in God another act of volition , or , that his Will is indifferent to this and another act ; though his effective power , taken abstractedly , is indifferent to more , because it respects the only notion of Being , or , Thing , in them : And thus , 't is evident , how there is not , thence , inferr'd any possible mutability in God. 13. You 'l say , His Will , abstractedly taken , is indifferent , too , to more acts . 'T is answer'd , we speak not of the Will as it means the faculty , to be abstracted in God ; but of the Will as it signifies the act or Volition ; and that alwaies imports that the last determination is made , though it expresses not what 't is : whence , the notion of it is different from his Omnipotency , which , because 't is referr'd to things without , does not of necessity imply the second act . LESSON IX . Of the Divine Names , hovv they are improperly spoken of God. 1. OUt of what has been said , hitherto , of God , we find farther , that the Names which we attribute to God are all imperfect , and , not one of them all has any notion whose formall object is in God. For , since God is a most Simple Entity , precontaining in one most simple formality , the whole plenitude of Being , that is , the objects of all our notions & the significations of all our Names : 2. And is , too , Existence subsisting ; but we have but one only name and notion of existence , which signifies nothing besides : 'T is clear , that our names do infinitely come short of the most simple essence of God ; both in their genericall notion , because God is in none of our Predicaments ; in their integrity , because no name of ours represents all that is in God ; and in their form , because none of our apprehensions have a formall likenesse in God. Whatever , therefore , we pronounce of God , must needs be apply'd to Him improperly and by an accommodation of the name . 3. Whence , again , 't is clear , that all the names , which are spoken promiscuously of Created things and God , are spoken analogically ; and their primary signification is that in which they are spoken of the Creatures : For , 't is evident , that men first impos'd it on created things , and of them they have , in some manner , perfect notions ; and consequently , names attributed according to those notions are , in some sort , proper : but , they are infinitely far from explicating the Divinity : whence , it cannot be doubted , but they are more properly pronounc'd of the Creatures then of God. 4. You 'l object , Perfections simply-simple are formally in God , and more originally in Him then in the Creatures : names , therefore , signifying these , are more originally spoken of God then of the Creatures . 'T is answer'd , that , 't is evident , all names whatever are translated from the Creatures to God ; whence , there can be no doubt which signification is the former : but besides , 't is false that there are Perfections simply-simple ( as Divines term them ) in created things , which can be signifi'd by humane names ; but those things which are simply , that is , for-themselves-purely , desirable by us , we call simply-simple perfections , and , through ignorance , think they are simply desirable by every Thing . 5. But , ther 's none of these formally in God , as 't is prov'd ; and , if any were , formally , then the same name would signifie God and a Creature , in the same signification , and would be univocall . Nor imports it , that these perfections descend from God : for so do all others , which yet they know are metaphorically transferr'd . 6. This notwithstanding , the names which are spoken of God are truly spoken , and it may be argu'd from one to another in Him : For , since he that speaks knows he understands not what that is which he signifies by this name ; but knows 't is such as has effects , like those proceed from that perfection , which is call'd by this name in Creatures : 't is clear , that this name truly , both signifies what is in God , because the speaker means to signify this ; and , in some sort , makes known God to us , since it manifests God to be something , whence such like effects proceed , as from a just , a mercifull &c. Man. 7. And , since such effects contain others in them , or produce them out of themselves , or they accompany them : 't is clear again , from the affirmation of the said names , we may proceed to the affirming others ; which may signifie , that the consequent effects , too , have their root in God , or , something conformable to their root in Men. 8. You 'l object , at least , There are three kinds of names , which are pronounc'd properly of God : Proper names , which agree not to any other , as , to be GOD , Omnipotent , Omniscient , and the like , which suit not with any Creature , & consequently , are , of necessity , attributed properly to God : next , Relatives , as , to be a Creatour , Lord , Iudge , &c. which , being they speak onely an extrinsecall denomination from their effect , it cannot be doubted but they are properly pronounc'd , since , doubtlesse , their effects are from Him : lastly , Negative names , which , since they only deny something of God , cannot be counted improper ; such are , to be incorporeall , immateriall , infinite , immense , &c. 9. 'T is answer'd , Even these names , too , are improperly spoken of God. For , first , those which seem to be Properly spoken of God include something common to be the basis of what is superadded , which makes a Proper name ; since , therefore , that common is improperly spoken , that proper , too , which includes that common , is improperly spoken : as , when God is call'd Omniscient , the Searcher of Hearts , &c. if Science be improperly spoken , then Omniscient , if a Searcher , Powerfull , &c. then Omnipotent and Searcher of hearts are spoken improperly ; and the same is of the notion , GOD , whether we take it for a comprehension of all , or whatever else . 10. Again , 't is false that Relative names speak nothing intrinsecall , but only an extrinsecall denomination : for , they signify a proportion and a community of the nature of things , which have either an unity or coordination in acting & suffering , or a naturall subjection ; which , if they are not in the things , ( as , in God , in respect of his Creatures , they cannot be ) , at least , they are in the Soul , since they are express'd in words ; and consequently , even such Names , too , are improperly pronounc'd . 11. Lastly , Negative names , when they are simple , signifie some positive disposition ; as , to be blind or lame expresse a vitious and defective disposition of the Legs or Eyes : and so likewise , to be incorporeall , immateriall , infinite &c. in God , explicate a difference of Substance distinct from corporeity and limitednesse , that is , a difference under the same genus ; whence , they are improperly spoken of God. 12. But , if a purely-negative proposition were pronounc'd of God , it would not be improper : Whence , that Science which inquires into the Impropriety of the names which are spoken of God , and denies all things of Him , is the most sublime and proper of all . LESSON X. Of the degrees of impropriety in the Divine Names . 1. OUt of what has been said , 't is easily determin'd which names are , more or lesse improperly , pronounc'd of God. For , there being three degrees of them , The first , of those which signifie things the most excellent in and simply desirable by men ; such as are those we call the Vertues , both Morall and Intellectuall : The second degree , of those Goods of the same persons , but participated in others which include imperfection ; such as are the goods of Animals or the other Things below Man : lastly , The third , of those which signifie directly and formally imperfection : 2. 'T is clear , these last are most shamefully attributed to God , and only by ignorance : but , the middle ones , by translation , that a name should be , as it were , first by a common Metaphor , used tosignify some Vertue and , then again that borrow'd signification , should be transferr'd to God ; for example , when we call a Man a Lamb for being Meek , a Lion for couragious , we pretend , too , to call God a Lamb and a Lion , by the same right as we , before , call'd Him meek or couragious . 3. You 'l ask , since both the names of couragious and a Lion are improperly spoken of God , why this should be esteem'd spoken symbolically and metaphorically , and that properly ? 'T is answer'd , that , in the Creatures we see both the terms , and , therefore , we easily discern when a name is spoken metaphorically and not properly ; for we see a Lion to be another thing then Courage : but , when names are transferr'd to God , one of the extremes is obscure to us , and consequently , the translation , too . 4. Moreover , in a Lamb , a Lion , &c. besides meeknesse and courage , there are many other things , which 't is not the intention of the speaker to transferre : but , in meeknesse and fortitude , ther 's nothing but their own particular notions ; wherefore , it seems that , of necessity , either they must be in God to whom they are apply'd , or else the name cannot be at all pronounc'd of him : and , therefore , many think these are formally in the Divinity ; though they mistake . 5. Out of what has been said , 't is deduc'd , that some things cannot be attributed to God , which yet are commonly spoken of Him. First , a Distinction , whether formall or vertuall , between his Predicates : for , they that affirm these things observe not that Distinction is a name of negation and imperfection ; whence , for these to be in Him , either vertually or eminently , is as much as that He can be nothing or defect . 6. Worse , yet , is the notion of Cause and Effect , in respect of Himself , attributed to God ; for example , that his Attributes flow vertually from his Essence , that He understands other things because He understands himself , that He wills the means because He wills the end , and the like : for , 't is clear , that the notion of an effect , likewise , speaks imperfection ; whence , 't is no eminency to precontain it . 7. Like this 't is , to put Instants either of nature or Intellectuall , in one of which some thing should be and another thing not-be in God , till the next instant : for , by this , there is put a posteriority in God , which is imperfection . 8. But , foulest of all , God is put to suppose Creatures , or to depend on them , whether possible or actuall ; as , when 't is said , the Intuitive Vision of God supposes the futurition of Creatures ; that God knows not a free act but in its existence ; that a conditionate futurition is presuppos'd , before the disposition of the divine Providence ; and such like : which , since they make the Divine essence , really , both posteriour to and depending upon Creatures , are intolerable and absurd . 9. The Imperfections , too , either of the Things God has made or of our Understanding , they unwarily cast upon God : as , when God wills the Means should be for the End , they weakly suspect that He wills the Means because He wills the End ; when any one act of God is conceiv'd by us , we not conceiving another , they believe that there is something in God , too , whence one notion may be , though another be suppos'd not-to-be . 10. It appears , out of what has hitherto been said , that , of all the names attributed to God , the name of BEING sounds least imperfection : for , both it stands in the highest degree of Actuality , whereas the rest speak Act only ; and 't is most Universall , whence it has this , both to contain all things and not to be bound to differences , and therefore , to include the plenitude of perfection : and lastly , Being or Existence is perfecter then Essence , which is nothing but a capacity to that ; but , all other things are in the order of Essences and more imperfect . LESSON XI . Of the Existence , Nature , and Science of INTELLIGENCES . 1. OUt of the premisses , 't is easily collected , that there is some Substance , by its nature and originally , incorporeall : For , since God alone is Being of himself , and whatever is produc'd participates existence from Him , and Existence , among those things which integrate a Thing , is the least unlike God , and is the most perfect and supreme ; it appears , that all other things which are in a Thing are caus'd by God , by the means of Existence , and that alone immediately flows from God ; and , by consequence , nothing is immediately made by God , which is not in the Creature in vertue of Existence . 2. Again , 't is clear , that , supposing whatever Bodies to exist , they , because they are many , must be in a determinate place : and because , the same things being put and none chang'd , there alwaies remains the same ; all Bodies , in vertue of Existence alone , if nothing be chang'd in them , will alwaies remain in the same place ; and consequently , in vertue of God alone and Bodies , there will not any Motion follow . 3. Since , therefore , it appears in bodies , that there is motion ; 't is evident , there is some incorporeall Creature : which , because 't is requir'd to give the first motion to Bodies , cannot be a separated Soul , whose birth presupposes the motion of Bodies . 4. 'T is plain , again , that , since this Creature receiv's its Being from God , of it self it may not-be ; & consequently , includes in it self a divisibility of Existence from its Essence . 5. Again , out of what has been said concerning a Body , 't is evident , that 't is not compounded of Matter and Form ; and a composition of Existence with any thing above it is impossible , since Existence is the most formall Form of a Thing , and consequently , there can be nothing more formall or superiour to it in the Thing whose ' t is . 6. Counting , therefore , those things which integrate a Thing or Being , there are three kinds of Things : GOD , filling the highest degree of Existence ; Bodies , by their latitude immensly expanding the infinity of Matter ; and This middle kind of Act , neither essentially actualiz'd , nor flowing into matter , possessing and filling a kind of middle order of subsisting . 7. 'T is , therefore , a pure Act , because 't is not mingled with a substantiall power or possibility : 't is not the purest , because 't is compounded with Existence , which is a Substantiall composition & , as is manifest , common to all but that One Thing of-it-self . 8. Again , 't is evident , that an incorporeall Creature is Intellective ; & , so , actually , Understanding : for , since the necessity of its existence is collected from the motion of Bodies , 't is evident , it has some power to alter Bodies , that their motion may follow ; wherefore , since action proceeds from an Agent as it actually is , that motion of Bodies must , of necessity , be actually in this Creature , & consequently , the Bodies chang'd . 9. Since , therefore , ther 's no Matter in this Creature , nor , consequently , any determination of matter , as its motion or quality ; it comes to passe , that Bodies are in It as existing in themselves , that is , as another thing : since , therefore , to be known is , to be , as another thing , in another , this our Creature is Cognoscitive ; and since , to be known by the notion of Being , or as existing , is to be understood ; and movable things are known to exist ; the Creature we are in search of is an INTELLIGENCE . 10. It follows , too , that an Intelligence , in its own essence known , knows God and all other things that exist : For , since an Intelligence has whereto an existing thing may be conjoyn'd , retaining the property of its being another ; & , it s own Essence existing is intimately conjoyn'd to this power ; 't is clear , that It primarily and formally so inexists . 11. And , since , knowing that its own Essence exists , it must needs see that It exists accidentally ; it sees evidently , that It has a Cause of existing , and that such an One as we have been in search of above : It sees , therefore , in its own Essence , that God is , and is such as we have been enquiring after , and far perfecter then we can decypher . 12. It sees , therefore , that nature actually emanes and flows out from Him ; and , because it sees what is the End of nature , viz. that so many kinds and subdivisions of Animals should shoot-out and ripen into Spirits of eternall Being ; It sees what is necessary for this ; and consequently , the whole Plot of the World , and wherein It self will be usefull for it . LESSON XII . Of the comparison of Intelligences to Souls and Bodies . 1. T Is clear , too , that an Intelligence has a reall divisibility of Essence from knowledge : for , since , 't is of the notion of the knowledge of its Essence , that it exists , and its existing is divisible from Its essence ; much more the knowing its existence , which is posteriour to and supposes its existence ; 2. Since , too , its Essen̄ce is limited to a certain degree of existence whereof 't is capable ; 't is clear , the plenitude of Being is not essentiall to It : Since , therefore , by Its knowledge , It has the plenitude of Being , knowledge is not essentiall to It : There is , therefore , a non-repugnancy in Its essence to the not-having such knowledge ; and consequently , a reall divisibility of its Essence against its knowledge . 3. You 'l say , that power is in vain which is never reduc'd to act ; but , this divisibility is not reduc'd to act ; therefore , 't is in vain , & ther 's none . 'T is answer'd , 't is not a power , but a non-repugnancy , which was in act whilst the Intelligence existed not . 4. Out of what has been said , we are arriv'd to the comparison of an Intelligence to a separated Soul : for , as they agree , in that they are both immateriall Things , existing by their own existence ; so , they disagree , in that an Intelligence is adequate to its existence , but a separated Soul exists by an existence which is , by nature , common to the Body , and consequently , 't is not adequate to its existence . 5. Again , though both understand their own Essence and , by that , other things ; yet 't is with this difference , that an Intelligence has this knowledge of it self from its manner of existing , but , a separated Soul , from its Body : for , when , as 't is above said , something strikes a man , it makes him know that is , because it strikes him ; but , his being struck includes that he is ; therefore , in all knowledge , a man must needs know that himself is : The Soul , therefore , has , in its first knowledge , the notice of its own existence and , from the body , receiv's the knowledge of its Being ; which unlesse it carry'd along with it , it could not reflect upon it self whilst 't is separated , because 't is a power or possibility ; for a power is indifferent to an act and non-act , and has neither but by force of an Agent distinct from it . 6. This , therefore , is the universall difference of separated Souls from Intelligences , and proper to them as they are incompleat Spirits : that a Soul , out of the pure notion of its identity with its Intellect , does not inform its Understanding ; for , otherwise , it would not be a power : but an Intelligence has this , out of the very genericall manner of its nature , by the force of identity To be present to its intellective vertue . 7. Hence , again , it follows , that a Soul , in vertue of those things which are in it by the communion of the body , is carry'd to all other things : but , an Intelligence , in vertue of its own Essence existing . 8. A Soul , therefore , even in separation , uses these common notions it findes , impress'd in it ; and consequently , too , by other such like , attains to the plenitude of Being : but an Intelligence , by the pure degrees of Things , at sight of one Thing , transcends to another , nor needs incomplete notions . 9. Lastly , a Soul , because 't is naturally the compart of a certain Body , is determin'd to that , nor can act upon another but by means of the motion and affection of its own Body : and , it affects its proper body by identification ; because the impression or alteration of one is , of necessity , the alteration of the other , according to its manner , by reason of their identity . 10. But , an Intelligence is not determin'd to any Body , but indifferent , and is determin'd only by choice to this rather then that ; and changes that , because , being of it self in act and exercise , the exercise , according as the corporeall nature is subject to It , passes into the Body , by reason the Intelligence is in such a determination . 11. Again , since an Intelligence and a Body are call'd , univocally , Things , and the notion of existence is found the same in both ; and all existence which is a compart with essence is , of necessity , proportion'd to a part of Being , and limited : but , between two limited Things under the same univocall notion , there must needs be a proportion : 't is evident , that Bodies are not infinitely inferiour to Intelligences , in the notion of Substance ; and consequently , that the action , too , of an Intelligence upon a Body is not but in proportion . 12. And indeed , if the operation of an Intelligence , viz. motion , were suppos'd unlimited in respect of a Body : it would not be connaturall for an Intelligence to move a Body , but to change it instantly , nor for a Body to be mov'd by It : That nature , therefore , might grow up by continu'd degrees , there would need a kind of Thing of a middle nature , between Bodies and separated Souls , on one side , as the Summe and fruit of Bodies ; and an Intelligence on the other ; to which middle Creature it should be connaturall to move Bodies . 13. Be it , therefore , certain that an Intelligence's power of moving is limited ; but yet , rais'd , too , above the motive power of a Soul : and immediately 't is deduc'd , that , because there are many primarily-mov'd Bodies and , as it were , Suns ; nor is it likely that one Intelligence can move them all ; many Intelligences , too , viz. a severall , to the severall Suns , must be assign'd . LESSON XIII . Of the Distinction , Subordination , and Number of Intelligences . ANd , because To be another thing , as another , is the notion of Knowledge , and , out of that , follows the comparative power , or , that many may inexist together ; it appears , that the perfection of Understanding is argu'd from hence , that more may be together in one Understander then in another : but , since , in Intelligences , as also in a separated Soul , all things inexist together ; this togethernesse must not be referr'd to the time but to the way of Knowledge , that they should be accounted together which are contain'd under one Step or divisibility . 2. Intelligences , therefore , will be essentially distinguisht , in that One comprehends the Universe , by fewer links and knots , as it were , then another : so that , the Supreme , by one divisibility , knows whatever is and what , according to the order of nature , can follow out of these ; and this capacity follows out of the amplitude and eminency of its Substance : the lowest is that which has , for the severall Substances , severall divisibilities . 3. 'T is manifest , out of what has been said , that there is a perfect Subordination amongst the Intelligences : for , the Superiours comprehend the adequate perfection of the Inferiours , and not in part only , as 't is in Bodies . 4. Moreover , a Superiour is active upon a greater body , or more active upon an equall body , then an Inferiour : whence , if each be suppos'd willing to act diversly upon the same body , the Superiour will prevail , and the Inferiour will not be able to act . 5. It appears , notwithstanding , that this Subordination extends not , to this , that a Superiour Intelligence can act upon an Inferiour , or contrariwise : for , since there is not in an Intelligence any notion of power or possibility , consequently , neither is there any mutability ; but , as Its existence once infus'd , by reason of the connection with its Form which has not an indifference to more , remains unchangeable as long as its Form ; so also , the knowledges of an Intelligence cannot , like Accidents , be present and absent , but , once infus'd by the power of the Giver , they are subject to no mutation but from Him. Since , therefore , there is no other divisibility of an Intelligence , but either in Its being or its knowing ; 't is evident , It can receive no change from another Intelligence . 6. 'T is apparent , too , that , because an Intelligence embraces whole nature , by necessary deduction ; It has , of necessity , in its very birth , all the good which 't is ordain'd to have : since , the good of every thing is that which is according to its nature , and , the whole possible good which can belong to a Creature , whose entire nature is to be intellectuall , is to understand : whence , since an Intelligence understands all things by force of its nativity ; by the same gift that gives It being , it arrives to the possession of all connaturall good . 7. Every Intelligence , therefore , is blessed , in respect of the good it possesses ; nor can it lose this Beatitude , more then Its essence with which 't is conjoyn'd . 8. Lastly , 't is evident , there are three things chiefly to be consider'd in Intelligences , Understanding , Will , and Action : among which , Action is the meanest , as being about inferiour things ; & though , by it , they rule over Bodies as Instruments , yet those things must needs be nobler by which themselves are perfected , which things belong to the Vnderstanding . 9. And , the Will differs no otherwise from the Understanding , then the imperfect Understanding from the perfect : for , when the things that are understood are appropriated to the nature of the understander , and are made something of it , then the Understanding begins to be Will. 'T is evident , therefore , that the Will is of those intelligible things , the understanding whereof most of all perfects the understander . 10. Wherefore , the greatest nobility of Intelligences is , to excell according to Will ; the middle , according to Understanding ; the lowest , according to Action : though , 't is clear , that these notions are so correspondent to one another in Intelligences , that , as much as the Will of one excells that of another , so much , too , must both its Understanding and power of Acting . 11. Now , that the multitude of Intelligences is but finite , 't is evident from hence , because all Multitude ( since it rises and is encreas'd from One by Unities , and Unity cannot be a step from a finite to an infinity ) of necessity , is finite . 12. But , since they are not made for the good of another thing , as their End ; nor have any thing common , whereby they should naturally respect one another ; nor any order of cause and effect ; and there is no term , no limits of Understanding : limitation , among them , cannot depend on any other , then the occult proportion of their Natures , by which they integrate the compleat order of being without matter . LESSON XIV . Of the Action of GOD , Intelligences , and Bodies , severally . 1. FRom the knowledge of the Agents , by the same steps we are led to the knowledge of their Actions . First , therefore , 't is evident , out of what has been said , that , since God alone exists of himself and essentially , something flows immediately from Him ; and consequently ▪ is created , and that God creates : for , 't is evident , what is made is made out of no presuppos'd matter ; since God himself is mutable , and no Thing , besides , preexists . 2. 'T is plain , too , this Action is in an instant : for , were it in Time , since , in the intermediate Time , there is no Substance wherein it should be subjected , it would neither subsist nor be in another : wherefore , of necessity , some Substance flows instantaneously from God. 3. 'T is manifest , therefore , that both the Intelligences and the first Bodies proceed from God , by such Action . 4. Nor must it be ask'd , by what extrinsecall power they receive birth from God : for , since God is essentially Being it self , 't is plain , that whatever is requir'd , intrinsecally , for God to be a cause actually causing , is essentially found in God ; and , since nothing besides himself exists , that which is in Him is of such vertue that the effect follows ; wherefore , 't is a necessary consequence , because the subsistent Being is Being it self , Creatures are , or , if Being be , the Creature is ; as if you should say , if the Sun be not capable of its own light , the things about it are illuminated , or , if the Fountain overflows , the neighbourhood is watred . 5. Again , since an Intelligence can neither act upon God , because He is immutable , nor upon another Intelligence , nor upon a separated Soul , which , as to that , is of the same nature with an Intelligence ; its action is wholly about Bodies : And , Action about a Body , if it be compounded of more , is known by the simples whereof 't is compounded ; now , that there are only three simple Actions has been evidenc'd , ( by shewing how all Actions are perform'd ) in our Physicks , viz. locall Motion , Condensation , and Rarefaction . 6. And , for Locall Motion , 't is manifest that 't is , really , nothing but the division of a Magnitude : and the division of a Magnitude consists both of the conjunction of the dividing body to the divided , and its separation from the body with which 't was formerly one : to conjunction there 's nothing else requir'd , but that no Quantity keep off the Place from what is plac'd in it , since Magnitudes between which no other interposes , even by that , are one together ; now , that there should not be another between them is a certain negative notion and , by consequence , is not made by an Agent on set purpose , but follows out of the Action of a Body intending another thing , viz. from a body impelling . 7. But , the body impelling either it self changes place , without any other mutation , and then , it self , too , is impell'd ; or else , from some other mutation only it receiv's the being impell'd , or , without impulse , to impell : Since , therefore , besides division , there are but two simple mutations , Rarefaction and Condensation , and condensation is both a negative action , as being the less'ning of Quantity , nor makes it the body aspire to anothers place ; 't is plain , there 's no simple , properly call'd , action in bodies , but Rarefaction . 8. Since , therefore , 't is clear , that the Action of an Intelligence is a simple and properly an Action , as , that which begins and causes the action of all other bodies ; it comes to passe , that the proper Action of an Intelligence upon Bodies is Rarefaction : And , since ther 's no other action , properly , upon a body , nor has an Intelligence any action upon any other thing but a body ; it follows , that Rarefaction alone is the action of an Intelligence . 9. You 'l ask , wherein consists this action of an Intelligence upon a body ? or , what consequence is this , An Angel wills , therefore a Body is rarefy'd ? 'T is answer'd , out of what has been said , 't is clear , that an Intelligence , by love or desire , ingrafts the thing to be done into Its own Essence and existence , in a particular manner , as if it were something of It self : whence , 't is plain , that the Intelligence , by the act of its own being stands bent to the Body upon which 't is to act , according to all the circumstances necessary , out of its own knowledge to the Effect . 10. On the other side , 't is plain , both that the Body is susceptible of the desired effect , and that the effect follows out of , or rather , is but the eminency and excesse of its own act , or Form , that is , Quantity , upon matter , nay , of its commonest act or corporeity ; as also , that the Body is , in some sort , continu'd to the Intelligence , by its Form or Substantiall act . 11. And , though the act of the Intelligence is of another kind , yet , because the notion of existence , to which both dispose , is the same ; the act of the Body must needs , from the assistance of the Intelligence , grow , as it were , and be chear'd ; and consequently , more overmaster its possibility ; and , which follows , the Substance be made rarer , either to the transmutation of the Substantiall Form , or within the same nature . 12. We answer , again , 'T is evident , that , precisely out of the notion of Understanding , ther 's a connection between the understander and that which is understood : In such an one as receiv's his Science from the Objects , the Object is the cause of Understanding ; in one whose Understanding is His being , the being of the thing understood is from the understanding ; lastly , in one whose Understanding is neither his being , nor from the object , but concreated and naturall to him , the changes in that which is understood ( if it admit of any without the change of existence ) may be from him . 13. Next , from hence is understood the operation of a Body , wherein that consists , viz. in nothing else but in the formall power of existing what it is . For , let there be three bodies , A , B , C. following one another between the parallell sides of three places , or of one place equall to all the three ; and let an Intelligence rarify A : since that cannot encrease , unlesse either B be diminish't or driven on , so long as 't is easier for B to be condens'd then to drive on C , so long B will be condens'd ; when 't is arriv'd to the term of condensation , by little and little it encroaches into the place of C , and forces C to enter into the place of another ; till 't is come into so ample or condensable a field , that the rarefaction of A operates nothing else but condensing the farthest body , and then the motion ceases . 14. The operation , therefore , of A is , to be greater , whence follows A 's being united , according to some part of it , to the place of B : Again , the operation of B is , either to be made lesse and so only to quit its place , or else , keeping it self in its Quantity , to unite it self with the place of C : Since , therefore , to be united to the place of C is nothing else , but to be a Magnitude between which and the place of C ther 's nothing interpos'd ; the whole operation of B and A is no other , then to be what they are , by a kind of formall consistence . 15. Because , therefore , a body has no operation but division , 't is plain , that the whole action of a body is reduc'd to Being what it is , or a formall consistency in its proportion of Quantity to Matter and its continuity to place ; and , that its true power of acting is infus'd by Intelligences . 16. 'T is plain , too , that an Intelligence , by that one rarefactive Vertue , can operate whatever is to be done by Bodies : For , since all corporeall action is perfected by division , and division is arriv'd to by this vertue , all action of a Body is attain'd to by this vertue . LESSON XV. Of the cooperation of the Agents , to the making of Substances , a rationall Soul , and to all other effects . 1. HEnce , we are arriv'd to the production of Substances : For , since some are produc'd out of nothing , some out of others preexisting ; the former must , of necessity , have flow'd immediately from God : The Agent , therefore , which produces out of nothing , makes all the other qualities and conditions of the Thing , by the notion of existence : Existence , therefore , is first in execution ; and , since the greater is not made for the lesse , it must be first , too , in intention . 2. Wherefore , since every Agent , by acting , endeavours to expresse its own essence upon the effect ; the Essence of him that produces out of nothing must be Existence it self . 3. Nor is it to be expected , that another Creature should be made use of , as to preparing the matter ; both because Existence is nobler then all the rest in a Thing , whence it admits not of any preparation for the rest , since preparations are only in the baser in order to a better : as also , because , existence being put , the Thing is already put : whence , the operation upon nothing is compleat by the very putting of existence , and consequently , of that cause alone which puts existence . 4. Supposing , then , that God has created certain Substances ; and that , because , of themselves , they are defectible , they alwaies have that being from God ; 't is infer'd , that God perpetually poures out the power of being , as the Sun Light. Imagine , now , an accidentall transmutation on Body's part , ( such as is explicated in our Physicall discourse ) , and , ( as 't is declared above ) through certain changes , an arrivall to a constancy of being in another degree . 5. It must needs be , that , As , when the Earth is turn'd to the Sun or Wood laid on the Fire , from the perpetuall and minutable action of the Sun or Fire , joyn'd with the mutability of the Earth and Wood , sometimes one sometimes another part of the Earth will be enlightned , and sometimes one sometimes another part of the Wood will burn : So , supposing that naturall motions make Matter , in severall Sites , sometimes capable of a perfecter existence , sometimes of a more imperfect ; from the same constant effusion of existence on Gods side , the Substance must needs be sometimes nobler , sometimes more ignoble , respectively . 6. Suppose , farther , an existent body so chang'd , that the matter may be capable of a Form which , in its essence , includes some notion , that exceeds the power of matter : is it not plain , that , out of the very same constant effusion of existence from God , a Substance will exist which will be , so , corporeall , that 't will be , in some respect , Spirituall ? 7. For , since the putting of existence puts a Thing ; purely at the second causes determinating God to the position of such an existence , not that alone is put , but whatever follows out of it , though it exceed the power of second causes : And so , it appears , how , putting the generation of a Man , a rationall Soul is put ; and how the power of nature so concurres to it , that yet the notion of Creation , or rather of con-creation , supervenes , and is necessary . 8. Lastly , how it both is and is-not ex traduce , and , at once , by Generation and Creation ; and how , in this case , an Instrument , in some sort , is made use of for Creation . 9. And , because the internall Dispositions of a Soul , as , to know and to will , even they are indivisible , and follow out of the materiall impressions made upon the Body : it must needs be that , as the Soul it self follows out of the generation of Man , by the help of the universall Action of God ; so these Dispositions , too , from the impression made upon the man , and from the nature of the Soul , must indivisibly alter the Soul. 10. And , whoever would see an evident example of these things , let him conceive how , by cutting , a piece of wood is made more ; for , all the time of the cutting , the figure is chang'd , yet the wood remains , by the same unity , one ; but , indivisibly , the cutting being finisht , they are , now , two pieces of wood ; without the dualities beginning at all , before , or any thing of its nature , but only some variation about the Figure . 11. Out of what has been said , we are deduc'd to see , how God performs all the works of the Creatures in them . For , first , if we speak of Intelligences , Since their internall operations are nothing else , but to be all other things after a certain manner ; 't is manifest , they are , actually , even to the uttermost positive circumstances , by force of their Creation . 12. For , by force of that , their essence is conjoyn'd to it self , as 't is a cognoscitive vertue ; and , out of this conjunction , the next divisibility , which is , of God to the same cognoscitive vertue , since all the causes are put , is , of necessity , in them . 13. And , what is said of this divisibility is , with the same facilnesse , discover'd of all the rest whatever ; since they are all connected : their externall action , too , Matter , which is its subject , being put , follows , by force of their internall , without any other change in them . LESSON XVI . Of the government of God , and the locality of Incorporeall Things . 1. AS for the rest , the same way leads to the discovery that God is not the cause of any imperfection and not-being , or ill , which is in created things and their action : For , since the action of God is only to infuse Being , and this as much as the Creature is capable ; 't is plain , what there is of Being is to be attributed to God , but what ther 's wanting of Being is to be refunded into the incapacity of the Subject . 2. And , since the defect of action proceeds out of the defect of the Principle , that is , out of some not-being in the principle ; in the same manner , all defect in acting is to be reduc'd , likewise , into some defect in being of the Creature , and not into God , as its cause . Wherefore , God is the Authour of all Good , because all good is from being ; but , of no ill , since ill is from not-being . 3. Consequently , 't is evident , that God cannot annihilate any thing , or withdraw his concourse from the action of any Creature : For , to be able to annihilate is to be able to make a no-Thing ; and , to withdraw his concourse is not to give Being to things created ; either of which cannot happen , but from a defect of Goodnesse and of the overflowing , as it were , of Being in God. 4. You 'l say , Therefore , God does not act freely ad extra , that is , upon the Creatures : But , this Consequence is to be deny'd ; as 't is said above , when we treated of the Liberty of God. 5. You 'l say again , In the same manner , therefore , it must be said , that God cannot make any thing which He will not make . But , this Consequence , also , is deny'd ; for , his Power is refer'd to possible things , or , which have entity and intelligibility ; and therefore 't is not to be deny'd that he can doe any thing that 's possible ; though , in another respect , it be impossible it should happen that He should , actually , make this . 6. But , the Power of God , which is the very notion of Being and Thing , has not , for its act , the not-being of any thing and not-acting ; and therefore , 't is not to be said , that He can give not-being , or can not-act . 7. Let us remember , now , that God understands all and every thing done by the Creatures , and wills all things which follow out of his operation ; and , we have it , that God is Governour of the World , and that there can be no resistance against his Will. 8. For , since whatever is has its birth from his will , nor can there be any thing which is not effected by Him and His works ; 't is clear , whatever He wills not is not , nor can be so long as he wills not that it be . 9. Nor is it lesse evident , that neither the Contingency of naturall causes , nor the Liberty of rationall Creatures is infring'd , by this government of God. For , since Contingency is nothing else , but that the nature of the cause is such that it may and uses to be hindered , by other causes ; and Liberty , that a Creature , upon the consideration of more proceeds to action : and , 't is so manifest , that both these are in nature , and no waies touched by the operation of God ( as that operation is explicated ) that it needs only the remembring : 't is clear , that the government of God is sweet , and offers no violence to the natures of naturall causes . 10. You 'l object , that Propositions , concerning a future , whether contingent or free , Subject , are determinately true ; especially , since they are known by God and are predefin'd : wherefore , the effect cannot not-be : there is , therefore , no either contingency or liberty ; whether this happens out of the force of Contradiction , or of the irrefragable will of God. 11. 'T is answer'd , 't is false that Propositions concerning a future contingent have a determinate truth : for , since a man speaks out of consideration of causes , the Sense of his proposition is What the causes may bear : Nor imports it , whether it be pronounc'd actively or passively ; as if you should say , what the causes will act , or what effect will be made by them ; for , it signifies still the same . 12. If it be , therefore , ask'd , what men mean by such propositions , 't will rain , 't will be hot , Socrates will be angry or go to Sea , & c ? 't is clear , they mean to explicate effects , as in defectible causes , and consequently , they have no determinate truth . But , if it be ask'd , what the proposition will signify , if it be referr'd immediately to the effect , as it sounds ? 't is answer'd , no sensible man uses to speak so or make such propositions ; and so it belongs not to the present question . But , if there be suppos'd such a power of Contradiction in the Objects , as to determine the truth of propositions ; all things must fall out by the necessity of Fate and be from themselves , which is , above , sufficiently demonstrated impossible . 13. 'T is plain , lastly , that this action of God , by which He moves a Creature , is miscall'd a Concourse ; since such a word leads the hearer into an apprehension of a certain equality in acting , between God and a Creature : 'T is , therefore , more properly call'd premotion or predetermination ; since God makes us doe even to every the least positive circumstance of action . 14. 'T is collected , too , out of what has been said , how God is said to act in all things , both by the immediation of his Suppositum or Substance and of his Vertue ; but , an Intelligence upon one body only by the immediation of Its Substance , upon the rest by the immediation only of Its vertue . 15. For , since the action of God is the influx of Being it self , and nothing can act without Being , nor Being flow from any but God ; God must needs immediately act upon all Substances by Creating and Conserving them : and consequently , in such his acting , no third Substance intervenes between Him and the Creature . Again , the action of all bodies proceeding from Intelligences , and They being made act by God ; the vertue of God makes every thing act , and so is more immediate to the effect then the vertue of the nearest cause : whence also , God is , by the immediation of his vertue , more immediate , then the next cause which produces the action . 16. But , an Intelligence , which immediately rarifies A , moves not B , but by the mediation of A ; the Suppositum A , therefore , is between the Intelligence and B ; wherefore , the Intelligence acts not , by the immediation of Its Suppositum , upon B : But , because A's being rarify'd is the cause that A moves B ; and A is rarify'd by the vertue of the Intelligence ; the vertue of the Intelligence makes B be mov'd by A ; the vertue , therefore , of the Intelligence , not the Suppositum , is immediate to B. 17. And , hence it follows , that God is said to be Immense ; but , an Intelligence to be definitively in Place : For , since nothing either is or can be without Existence , 't is clear , neither can there be any Place , upon which God does not , immediately , act : but , an Intelligence , having a determinate proportion to a body , so acts upon a certain quantity , that it cannot , together and at once , immediately act upon another . Since , therefore , incorporeall Things are not in Place circumscriptively ; an Intelligence must be definitively , but God , without end , in all Place , by immediate operation . LESSON XVII . Of the Conservation of Creatures , and the Durations of Things . 1. T Is clear , too , out of what has been said , that this action of God is the conservation of things , both as to their Substance , and as to their intrinsecall Accidents : For , since the essence of created things has not , of it self , a necessary conjunction with Being , but such an one as may , of its own nature , be lost ; 't is plain , they are not conjoyn'd , by force of their own notions , for that time during which they may be not-conjoyn'd ; and , by consequence , as long as they are conjoyn'd , they have this , to be conjoyn'd , from an extrinsecall ; they , therefore , remain conjoyn'd by an Extrinsecall power . 2. But , 't is of the same nature , to be conjoyn'd and to remain conjoyn'd , or , to be for any duration conjoyn'd ; they have , therefore , this from the same cause and vertue : and , since 't is not any change , but , on the contrary , the effect is that nothing should be chang'd ; by the very same action , too , they keep their being , which is , to be conserv'd . The same action of God , therefore , is Conservation , in respect of Substances : And , since 't is declar'd above , that intrinsecall Accidents are nothing else but manners of Substance ; the Substance being conserv'd , 't is clear , that they also are conserv'd in their Being . 3. Out of what has been said , too , we may know , what Action signifies in the effect it self : And , if the question be of the Divine action , as it immediately flows from God , 't is plain , that 'T is the very Substance it self ; not only , because it cannot be subjected in a Substance , which subsists no otherwise then by it ; nor , because the existence of Things form'd out of our conceits is universally rejected ; but also , because any intermediate action ( such as the Moderns feign the Making ) which should be put , serves to no purpose . 4. For , either God , before this action , is determin'd in himself to act , that is , that this action should follow from Him , or , He is not ; if not , this action will not follow , for , from an indifferent nothing follows ; but , if He be determin'd , this action has not the power of determining Him , for which the Opponent requires it as necessary : but , the effect can , as immediately , follow out of Himself , as this action . And , this same discourse holds against the like fictitious action , too , of Creatures . 5. Again , in as much as the action of God is Conservation , 't is nothing but the very Being of the thing conserv'd . For , first , the Duration of an Incorporeall thing cannot be divisible ; for , if it were divisible , 't would be continuate and divisible without end : either , therefore , some part , together and at once , in an incorporeall , that is , indivisible thing , or not : if together , that part will not include succession ; if not , no part can ever be . 6. And , this Argument has not lesse force in a Corporeall Creature ; for , though it be divisible in extension , yet , 't is indivisible in succession , and consequently , it cannot sustain together more parts of successive duration . 7. Again , if , to endure be , for the same thing to be the same it was ; is it not clear , ther 's nothing requir'd but a non-mutation ? and , on the other side , that , of two things which exist , if one perish , that 's said to be chang'd ; that which endures remaining still unchang'd ? There is , therefore , no novelty in permanency . 8. Moreover , to change the existence , the Essence , too , must needs be chang'd , since , 't is the aptest capacity of existence : the notion , therefore , of Substance will be in perpetuall change and instable , and consequently , out of God , nothing stable . 9. You 'l object , Since 't is often said , that a Creature may not-be , and yet , whilst it is , it cannot not-be ; 't is manifest , that its cannot not-be , or , to be whilest it is , successively supervenes to a Creature : Since , therefore , ther 's a greater necessity of indivisibility , on God's part , then on a Creature 's ; the succession is to be concluded on the Creatures side . 10. 'T is answer'd , 'T is just contrary : for , as , if the action of God were put ( by way of imagination ) to be successive , no man would require any other succession , to understand the duration of a Creature ; so , if the action of God be put equivalent to continually successive , no man can complain of the unintelligibility of Duration . 11. Because , therefore , the action of God is conformable to His existence , and His existence indivisibly comprehends the past and future ; it must needs be that the action , as it is the internall determination of God , in the same manner comprehends succession . This action , therefore , actuates the Creature , with a certain indivisibility that eminentially contains divisibility ; and , without any divisibility , makes the existence of a Creature , by contradiction , impossible to be taken away successively ; yet , without any more then a vertuall succession intervening in the Creature . 12. For , what has formally the vertue which is in succession , can as well perform this as succession it self : but , such , we have said , is the action of God : whence , 't is plain , that , even from this effect , the notion of Gods Eternity is demonstrated à posteriori . 13. Hence , 't is deduc'd , that the duration of corporeall and spirituall Substances is , intrinsecally different : Since , corporeall Substances have , from the notion of Matter , an intrinsecall possibility to not-be ; and consequently , a weaker connection to Being , intrinsecally , out of their own nature ; but duration consists in the connection of existence and essence , as to the effect of permanence . 14. Adde to this , that there are , in nature , causes which destroy Bodies , but , there are none which are able to infest Spirituall Substances : whence , since God destroyes nothing , of Himself , Intelligences are absolutely immortall , as also , separated Souls ; and Bodies , when motion ceases , will be immortall accidentally , in the mean time they are simply mortall , unlesse perhaps there are some exempt from the generall order . 15. Out of what has been said , too , both the notion and difference of three Durations is evident : of Time explicated at the beginning : of Eternity , when we treated of God : lastly , of Eviternity in Intelligences . LESSON XVIII . Of the manner of Action , on the Subject's side . 1. THe solution , also , of that old Question is evident , Why God made not the World before ? For , if we consider , that ther 's no beginning of an Infinite , and that , where ther 's no beginning , there can be no determinate distance from the beginning ; it will appear , that 't is impossible there should be any eternall flux of Time or instants , ( even by imagination ) , wherein there can be taken a now and then , and any constant difference of duration , or , something to be before , something after , determin'd . 2. Wherefore , such a Question proceeds from the weaknesse and infirmity of our understanding , and signifies nothing ; and consequently , bears no answer : For , for God to make this world before , in time , that he made it , would be to have made a world before a world ; since , the time of the beginning of the world is nothing else but the very motion , with which the world began to be mov'd . 3. In like manner , evident is the solution of that question , Whether God could make a permanent Thing ( that is , whose essence includes not succession ) from all eternity ? For , if there be no quiddity or possibility of an infinite in succession ; 't is clear , that God could not so make a Creature , that it should have Eternity , by relation to infinite succession : Therefore , not otherwise then by some positive eminence confer'd on it : Since , therefore , Duration consists in the connection of existence to a Thing , He could no otherwise make a Creature from Eternity , then by giving it such a connection by which , simply , it could not not-be , wherein consists the very Eternity it self of God. Clearly , therefore , 't is impossible that even a permanent Thing could have been from Eternity . 4. But , as for the not-immediate action of God , or ( which is all one ) as 't is the same with the action of the Creature , 't is plain , the same account is to be given as of the action of the Creature . And , of these , Philosophers have pronounc'd , that Action is something between the Agent and effect : as , in the change of Place , between the Rest in the term whence and the term whether , there interven's motion ; which they falsely imagine to be more beings-in-place successively , since , as Aristotle has demonstrated , all that time the movable happens not to be in a place equall to it , whereas , yet , equality is of the very notion of Place . 5. So , too , in other mutations , especially that which is call'd Substantiall generation , the Subject , by the precedent motion , which properly is the very action , is not , neither actually nor in part , in the term it self ; but is chang'd only in its Quality . 6. So , too , it falls out in Rarefaction , which is immediately from an Intelligence : for , since the proportion of an Intelligence to a Body is finite ; It cannot , instantaneously , reduce a body to any how-little-soever-a degree of rarity : wherefore , there must of necessity , between It prepar'd for action and the term , intervene some motion ; during which , the body rarify'd is neither in any determinate degree of rarity , nor in any determinate Place . 7. Out of all which , this , at length , is concluded , what a kind of being Passion or mutation has in the Subject : for , since 't is repugnant , the Formall parts in a Compound should be actuall ; they must be only in possibility or power , and some other third thing , resolvable into parts , actually exist . 8. This third thing , therefore , has a certain resolvable and changeable nature ; wherefore , 't is clear , there is some cause which has the power of changing it : Let B , therefore , be the changeable nature , A the changing cause ; if A be apply'd to B , must not B , of necessity , become another thing then it was , that is , be chang'd ? 9. This is , therefore , for B to have suffered by means of A , viz. to become another thing then it was : another thing , I say , or altered ; for , if nothing perceivable remain , 't is become another thing ; but , if there remain whereby it may be mark'd to be this same as was before , 't is only altered , because the foundation , or , that which is the sustainer still remaines , but 't is innovated in some respect . 10. For example , Let there be a Gallon of water in a Cubicall vessell , and ( to avoid dispute about a thing that concerns us not ) let 's suppose the Figure to be nothing else , but that that very quantity , according to its three dimensions , be no farther extended then , actually , 't is ; ( which conceit , being purely negative , can adde nothing to the quantity ) : let the same water , then , be suppos'd in a vessell of another figure ; and consequently , it self , too , to have put on other limits : Since the former terms were nothing but the very Quantity of the water , neither can the later differ from it . 11. 'T is evident , therefore , that this Quantity , remaining a Gallon , ( which is its difference , whereby , as quan-tity , 't is limited ) , has a possibility to be , now Pyramidall , now Cubicall ; and consequently , is changeable , no Thing being chang'd : To this possibility , therefore , if the power of two such vessells be suppos'd successively apply'd ; 't is clear , purely upon the water 's and their conjunction , there follows a change in the Quantity of the water , by little and little , and , at length , what in one vessell was of one figure , in another becomes of another , chang'd according to the manner , unchang'd according to the notion of Quantity . 12. Thus , Substances become altered , according to Qualities , the Quantity unchang'd ; according to Quantity , the Substance unchang'd ; according to Substance , the Matter remaining : for no other cause , but that the Subject or that which suffers is so mutable , and an Efficient , which has the power of changing , is apply'd . A THEOLOGICALL APPENDIX , Of The BEGINNING Of the WORLD . Wherein , 't is essay'd how subservient Philosophy is to Divinity . Same AUTHOUR . Cant. 1. Equitatui meo in curribus Pharaonis assimilavi te , Amica mea . Printed in the Year , 1656. To the READER . SInce Philosophy has then attain'd its Dignity , when , apply'd to Action , it renders Man better , that is , more Man ; and Christians are initiated to this by Divinity : this , evidently , is the highest pitch of Philosophy , to wait on and be subservient to the Traditions deriv'd from God. Wherefore , I saw it absolutely necessary , to fortify the Institutions , I would recommend to Thee , with a subsignation of Theology . Nor was I long to seek whether I should first addresse my self : For , when , after the Notions of Nature digested in common , I had expos'd the same in a Collection of the World , as it were , in an Example ; by the same rule , having exhibited the Action of Things , like a sceleton , in its Principles , in the last Book of Metaphysick , I saw my self oblig'd to vest It , in the CREATION , with the Nature due to It. And , since in the ancient Theology , we had this accurately decyphered , beyond the Attempts of Philosophers ; but untraceable , because the Paths of Nature were unknown : It seem'd to me , a more expresse Seal of Theologicall Approbation could not be desir'd , then that the Institutions should carrie a Torch before the Mysteries of Genesis ; and , from those so discover'd , receive themselves , with advantage ; the Glory and Splendor of Authority . What more ? I essay'd : thou seest the Issue ; which I wish may benefit Thee . A Theologicall Appendix . Of THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD . CHAP. I. A Philosophicall discourse , concerning the Creation of Heaven and Earth . 1. SInce we find by universall experience , without any exception , that , not only the Operations , but , even the very Subsistence of all bodily Substances is by continued steps brought from possibility to be in act ; nor can we doubt that the parts and the whole are of the same nature ; 't is evident , the Beginning of the Universe it self , if we suppose it manag'd according to the nature of Bodies , must proceed by the same rule ; that , from the nearest power and possibility in which it could be , it has been rip'ned by degrees to this excellent beauty , and did not by instantaneous Creation immediately start into perfection . 2. Because , therefore , God subsists by the very necessity of Being it self , and in Being it self there can be nothing of imperfection , 't is clear , that His ultimate intrinsecall formality and free act preexists before , not only the existence , but even , the very essence of all and every Creature , as much as whatever is most essentiall in Him. 3. As also that this Being , which they have receiv'd from God , is the nature of the Creatures , nor can they otherwise flow from God then according to their naturall condition . Especially , since God acts not to attain an end prefix'd to himself ; but this is His end , ( if we may call any thing an end in respect of God ) that the Creatures should be , so , as , in his Essence , Science and Will , He has predesin'd their determinate nature fixed and inviolably to be ; that the whole Universe might emane His most beautifull Image , and , in a manner , a most adequate participation of Himself . 4. So that , all things that are to have their most connaturall quality , as far as it can stand , impartially , with the perfection of their fellow bodies ; this is that which God will'd , and what , in effect , he has brought to passe . 5. Be this , therefore , firmly establisht , that God not instantaneously , but by a congruous disposition of diverse degrees brought up the world from its deepest possibility , that is , its simplest and fewest principles , to its due perfection . 6. Again , because neither materia prima nor any other part of a Thing , but only Physicall Compound , is apt to receive Exiastence : and , of Physicall Compounds the most simple and , as it were , most poten , tiall , that is , next above mere possibility , are the Elements : and something must , of necessity , have flow'd instantaneously from God : It follows , that some one or more of the Elements were , by Creation , call'd by God out of the common Abysse of nothingnesse . 7. But not one only Element was created . For , since Motion does not follow out of the sole vertue of Creation : nor could Motion be without Division ; nor Division without a Substantiall difference of the divider from the divided ; nor this be made , even by Angelicall vertue , without time : it follows that more Elements were created immediately by God. 8. Yet not all the four : Since FIRE we call an Element that makes it self be seen , which implyes Action ; but corporeall action is not without motion ; nor motion from pure Creation . 9. But , of the other three Elements no one could be conveniently omitted : For EARTH and WATER are those we see mixt by Fire through the whole course of Nature ; and Fire is immediately generated and nourished by AIRE : If any one therefore , of these three had been wanting ; the matter had been unfit for Angelicall operation . 10. Three Elements , therefore , were created ; nor those confus'd in a Chaos : for such a confusion had not exhibited the most simple matter , but a disorder'd multitude of mixt things ; since mixt things emerge from a mere confusion of the Elements . 11. Earth , therefore , was the inmost , as the densest and of constant nature : Aire was the outmost , as the most opposite to Earth : the middle both Nature and Place water possess'd . CHAP. II. An Explication of GENESIS concerning the same . 1. LEt 's see , now , whether the Christians most ancient Theology , deriv'd from the Hebrews , speaks consonantly to this . God ( saies it ) in the Beginning created the Heaven and the Earth . The Beginning , saies , not so much a precedency to things that follow'd , since it self was something of what was began ; as that nothing was before it . Admirably , therefore , by this term , 't is express'd , that the Creation of Heaven and Earth was , so , instantaneous and , in a manner , before the rest ; that neither any Time interven'd , nor was it self in Time. It shews , therefore , that they were created out of nothing ; and that , instantaneously ; and , that the rest immediately follow'd out of these once put . 2. Nor can it be doubted what it calles Heaven and Earth , since the name of Earth is immediately us'd afterwards : whence , 't is evident , that , by the remaining name of Abysse , is express'd what before was call'd Heaven ; otherwise , the sacred Text is confused and imperfect . 3. 'T is added , that the Earth was void and empty ; according to the Hebrew expression , solitude and emptinesse , or rather , of solitude and emptinesse ; for , so , the Hebrews often expresse their Adjectives . The sense is clear , that neither were there men upon the Earth , whose properties are fellowship and conversation , the privation whereof makes Solitude ; nor Plants and Animals , which , as bodies and utensils , might fill the place and house of humane habitation . 4. It follows , that Darknesse was upon the face of the Abysse . The word Abysse , says a Gulph of waters whose bottom is unknown , or not reach'd ; and because the most simple manner of reaching is by Sight , it properly signifies such a depth of water , that Sight cannot reach its bottom . Wherefore , the sense is most easie , that , what it had formerly call'd Heaven was a vast diaphanous body , upon which there was no Fire to enlighten it . It affirms , therefore , directly , that Fire was not created . 5. But it subjoyns two parts of the Abysse , whilst it says , and the Spirit of the Lord was born upon the waters . Clearly , therefore , it affirms three Elements , EARTH , WATER and AIRE , were Created by God ; but not FIRE . And , that they were not confus'd is evident , in that , otherwise , it had not been an Abysse , that is , a capacity of Light , and a privation ; since by the commixtion of Earth the other Elements had been rendered opake : Moreover , the Spirits being born upon the waters denotes a distinction of Places between the other two Elements . 6. But 't is observable that the word , was born , according to the force of the Originall term , speci●ies that motion whereby Birds sustain themselves with open wings over their nests , least they should crush their young ones ; and yet , to defend them from the cold . Whence , a certain person amongst the Hebrews explicates it , not weighing upon , touching , but not striking : wherefore , the Aire cover'd the water , but press'd it not . 'T is plain , therefore , that according to the propriety of the expression , 't is specifi'd , there was as yet no Gravitie , and that the Aire is the first of the Elements whose property it is to have any heat in it . 'T is evident , therefore , ther 's no gravitie in the Aire , of its own nature ; and consequently , that 't is not an intrinsecall Quality in the other Elements , but is in them from the operation of Fire and the order of Agents . CHAP. III. A Philosophicall discourse of the vvorks of the tvvo first daies . 1. THe Matter of the World being Created , it remains that we see what follow'd , by the additional operation of Creatures . And because the operation of Angels is no other then rarefaction : & nature wanted its naturall instrument , viz. Fire ; for This we see principally made use of for almost all naturall effects , especially , the generation of Substances : and This is not rais'd out of Water and Earth immediately without first becoming Aire : it must be , that the Angels or Angel whose task this was , by rarefying the Aire rais'd a vast Fire . 2. And since there are many sorts of Fire ; and that , which , far from the fiery body , smoaks no longer , but shoots out directly with pure rayes , is , by a speciall name , call'd Light : Light must needs have been made by the Angels , through the rarefaction of pure Aire , as , from which no Smoak rises . 3. Nor is it lesse certain , this must be done in the very confines of Aire and water . For , since the Angels could not in an instant convert Aire into Light ; and a locall motion of the neighbouring bodies follows upon rarefaction ; the Aire must needs have been mov'd whilst 't was yet in the form of Aire : and since motion cannot be without a plurality of Substances , 't is plain that the Aire divided the water ; and consequently , the first Fire was rais'd in the confines of both . 4. Since , therefore , the Fire being rais'd , of necessity , acted upon the water ; it follows , that the Waters being stir'd , those particles to which the Fire stuck , ( being rarer then the rest , and coveting still a larger place ) , by their own and the denser parts of the Water's motion , must needs be thrust out into the Aire , which is more yielding : and those excluded , be aggregated together , specially towards the Light , where , by reason of the more vehement action , there must needs be greatest abundance of them : and , more flowing from one side then another , ( since naturall causes work not rigorously even ) , the whole masse of Water , and Earth adhering to it , by little and little attain a motion towards the same Light ; so that , successively and by parts , it rol'd in a Circle and was enlightned , having in some places Night in others Day . 5. Besides , another effect must evidently have follow'd from this production of Light , viz. a vast abundance of Clouds be rais'd up into the Aire , which , by the circulation of the Light about the inferiour Globe , must necessarily be remov'd a vast distance from the Globe it self and the Light : Whence , being no longer sensible of the Globe's attraction , they could not , by any order of Causes , be remitted back towards the Globe . Thus , therefore , ther 's a vast space establisht , between the waters in the Globe , whence the Clouds were extracted , and between those very Clouds themselves ; which may keep them from one another separate for ever or , at least , till the end of the World. CHAP. IV. An explication of Genesis concerning the same . 1. WHat says Theology to this ? It says , And God said , Let there be Light ; and LIGHT was made . Speech and command are address'd to another : clearly , therefore , it reaches that , by the intermediate operation of Angels , Light was made . 2. And it was made , clearly shews that the making immediately and instantly began , viz. that there was no delay in the intermediate Instrument ; wherefore , that 't was an Incorporeall Substance which needed not be mov'd that it might move : Moreover , the word he said , which implyes Knowledge , declares it to have been an Intelligent Instrument . 3. It adds , And God saw the Light that it was good . Goodnesse is perfection : namely , because the nature of the Elements , by the addition of Fire , was compleat and perfected ; therefore , Light is said to be good : Again , because the rest of the Elements were passive , and Light active ; therefore Light is call'd good or perfect : for , what has attain'd an aptitude to produce or make its like , is esteem'd perfect , in its kind . 4. It follows , And he divided the light from the darknesse &c. 'T is plain , this division was made , not by Place but by Time , since Day and Night are parts of Time : and consequently , that motion or the diurnall conversion was now begun ; which is declar'd by those words , and he call'd the light Day and the darknesse Night . For , since , as yet , Man was not , to whom words might be significant ; He call'd is as much as he establisht the Essence of Day and Night : for , a name or appellation denotes the essence or quiddity of the Thing nam'd . 5. 'T is added , and the Evening and the Morning was made one Day : in the originall Text , and the Evening was made and the Morning was made , or , the Evening was and the Morning was . From which Phrase 't is understood , that this motion had , for its term whence , the Evening , and for its term whether , the Morning ; and consequently , that the motion was made in a Subject to which it agrees to have Evening and Morning , that is , in the Earth ; and that it was from West to East , that is , towards the Light. 6. Again , And God said , let there be a FIRMAMENT in the midst of the Waters , and let it divide the Waters from the Waters : In the Hebrew , an Expansion . Either word is properly taken , since it was a Space unpassable for its vastnesse and expansion , and , by consequence , fixed , and fixing the division of the Waters . 7. But those words in the midst of the waters are to be noted ; which teach , that no Substance was made a new , but only between the waters and the waters : which is evident , too , from the word , Heaven ; which name he gave the Firmament ; by which very word , 't is express'd , that , before , God created the Heaven . The Etymology also of the word is to be noted ; which , both in the Hebrew and Greek Idiom , signifies as much as whence the waters , or , whence or where it drops : that it may be evidenc'd , even from the name , that the Aire it self is the Firmament . CHAP. V. A Philosophicall discourse of the vvorks of the other four days . 1. FArther , by the operation of this vast Fire , not only the Water , but much of the Earth , too , with the Water must needs have been rais'd up . For , Chymists know that the intense heat of fire can raise up and carry away crasse Oyls and Oyntments ; nay even Salts and very Gold it self . Since , therefore , the Earth , before the operation of Light , was dissolv'd in minutest parts and Dust , as , void of all Moisture : it must needs be that the Heat mix'd every where the Water with Earth ; and thus all muddy carry'd it up into the Aire ; but , most of all , about those parts over which the Fire perpendicularly hung . 2. Whence , 't is plain , two Effects must needs have risen : one , that the Earth in that Circle should become more hollowed and low then in the rest of its Superficies ; the other , that the Water , from the remoter places , should flow into these hollownesses : whether by the attraction of the Fire ; or by naturall connection ; or by some power of Gravity , which , through the operation of the Fire , by little and little , attain'd a force . 3. 'T is plain , therefore , that , since the motion of the Earth was , of necessity , by the greatest Circle : the Earth , by the course of the foresaid causes , must be drain'd and dry'd first about the Poles of that Circle ; and the waters gathered together in the empty hollownesse under that Circle . 4. I said , by the course of the foresaid causes : for , if we consider what was likely to be done by accident , this consequence will not be universally necessary . For , 't is clear , that the Earth by the boyling of the water , being unequally mixt and remixt , with continuall agitation ; must , according to the law of contingency , have produc'd , by the meeting of different parts , as many kinds and species of Earths , as we see diversities of Fossils ; which we divide , generally , into four kinds , Stones , Metalls , Mold , and concrete Iuyces . 5. And , since , from the varieties , also , of those great parts of that masse now tempered with water , a notable variety must needs follow ; the Earth , yet cover'd with Waters , may easily here and there have boyl'd up into Excrescencies ; as Islands have often grown up in the Sea. By this irregularity , therefore , some Mountains growing , may have appear'd before the Polar Regions of the Earth . 6. From the same principles , it follows , that the Earth did not appear wholly squallid and desart , but already impregnated with the Seeds of all things : nor with Seeds only , but with Plants , too ; those especially which either require or can endure more moisture ; the rest , by little and little , as the dryer Earth grew more apt and fitly dispos'd for their birth , they , too , sprung out . 7. And , because an Animal is nothing but a more-compounded Plant : by the same reason , the Earth , then most aptly tempered and dispos'd , brought forth perfect Animals ; as it now being barrener , of its own accord , produces such as we call insecta , as Mice and Frogs , and sometimes new fashion'd Animals . 8. But , because the waters must needs have been very muddy , even They , before the Earth , must have sprung into Animals fit to inhabit them ; viz. Fishes , small and great ; as also into certain middle Animals , which might fly up to the higher parts of the Earth , that is Birds : as , even now , we see all kind of Birds that are bred of Putrefaction , by the Sea shores and Lake's sides , grow out of the rottennesse of wood tempered with water . 9. 'T was necessary , too , that , by the force of that mighty Flame , parts of Earth and Water of a vast bulk , carry'd up above the Aire , should , by naturall attraction and the power of the baking Fire , coagulate into many vast Bodies : whereof , some should more abound with fiery vertue , and therefore , both conceive and belch out abundance of Flames ; so that being entirely lucid they should be apt to enlighten other bodies , too , within a fit distance : and , that others , lesse abounding with fiery parts , should be fit in a congruous order and method , to be concocted and enlightened by Them ; and themselves , too , be able to reflect light from the former to the rest . 10. Wherefore , were they set & moved in a convenient site to the Earth now inhabited , they might alwaies more or lesse enlighten it : nor would there be any longer need of that vast light made by the Angels . And this formation of things the Aegyptians , Aethiopians , Empedocles and other naturall Philosophers , as it were , by the conduct of Nature , out of the very steps and order of Generation which they still observ'd in nature , have emulated and attempted , though not throughly attain'd . CHAP. VI. An Explication of Genesis concerning the same . 1. THe sacred Commentaries , concerning these things , tell us thus , And God said , let the Waters which are under the Heaven be gathered together into one place , and let the dry Land appear . Here is the first mention made of gravity , whose effect is said to be , to congregate into one place : that we may see Gravity is not a motion towards any particular Site , but towards the unity of a body ; and that it was made out of the Order of the Universe now establisht , after that , between the acting Light and the Earth upon which it acted , a great distance full of Aire was interpos'd , wherein the motion of things ascending and descending might be free . 2. Iob 38. 't is said , that the Sea flow'd , as it were , out of a womb ; whence 't is understood that the Earth throughly moistned with Water , sweat out on all sides , into the lower Vaults , and increas'd the Water , where , by the extreme force of the light , it had been too much suck'd out ; and so left the Earth in its due temperament . Whence ther 's evidenc'd , another cause , too , besides what we have explicated of the Earths appearing , viz. because , by the permixtion of hot water , it swel'd into a far greater bulk . 3. It follows , and God call'd the dry , Land , and the gathering together of the waters he call'd Seas : For , it was not Earth in the same sense wherein , at the beginning , 't was said God created the Heaven and the Earth ; for , there , the Element of Earth was call'd Earth , but here a certain mixt body consisting of infinite variety . And , for the same cause , he call'd the Firmament , Heaven : for , at the beginning , Heaven signifi'd Aire and Water in the purity of their natures ; but , here , a mixt body made of the Elevation of the Waters with the Aire . 4. We understand farther , because the waters are commanded to be congregated into one place , and yet the effect is call'd Seas ; the waters , which , from that mighty celestiall fire , had contracted Saltnesse , though , to appearance , they possesse severall places , yet have a communion between themselves & truly constitute one place , though outwardly interrupted : as 't is evident of most of them , out of Cosmographicall History . 5. It follows , And God said , let the Earth bring forth the green herbs and which produces Seed &c. Whence 't is understood , that the generation of Plants proceeded from the very springing fecundity of the Earth , through the activity of so much heat ; without any extraordinary and miraculous concourse of God. For , if , in fifteen daies , Plants ripen under the Equator , which , with us , require a three moneths space for their generation ; what doubt , but , much more copiously and sooner they started out of the womb of the Earth justly tempered by the operation of Angels ? 6. Nor need we believe , because the Plants were perfect , therefore Oaks and such like Trees must have been at the full strength which they attain not under an intire Age : for , it suffices , that the barren Trees yielded Shade and the fruitfull their Fruits , against the sixth Day . 6. The Text goes on , Let there be Lights in the Firmament of Heaven , and let them divide the day and the night . And , even from hence , 't is evident that the office of Light created the first day , was to dry the Earth ; which being done , there was no longer need of so mighty a Fire , and therefore the Angels ceas'd from that operation . 8. There appears , again , the difference between that Light and the Sun : for the Sun is not call'd light , but a light'ner , as a Candle or a Torch , wherein one part is flame and another fuel of the flame , or that yields the light . It appears , therefore , that the SUN is a concrete of combustible matter , and a certain Vulcanian Globe all over full of pits vomiting flames : and , that it receiv'd the office of the former light , which was to divide between the day and the night . 9. But , in that 't is said , in the firmament of Heaven ( the Originall expression has it , in the expansion of Heaven , or of that whence the waters ) 't is evident , these lights were plac'd in the Aire ; and that ther 's no difference of nature between the Firmament wherein the Stars , and that wherein the Clouds and Birds are , and , consequently , that neither are there any Sphears in which the Fixed Stars should be , but they are mov'd as Fishes in the water . 10. Upon which grounds , 't will not be hard to believe them made of Waters rais'd up out of the Earth ; as the 103 or 104 Psalm clearly teaches : For , where our text has it , who covers with waters its upper parts , ( viz. of Heaven ) , the Hebrew has , who framest its chambers of waters : Chambers are lodgings or abiding places aloft ; the Stars therefore ( if indeed there are any People in them ) are elegantly call'd the chambers of Heaven : and they are said to be fram'd of water , that is , built and compacted ; the watry parts , commixt with which the terrestriall were rais'd up , partly being drain'd into the concavities , ( as we said concerning our Sea ) , partly keeping a consistency about the globes to thicken the Aire , partly remaining in them , for a due mixtion sake , according to the variety of the parts of the Globes . 11. But , that the Angels , which before kindled the Light , were divided amongst the Stars ; especially the Suns ( whereof , 't is evident , there are many ) Iob shews by those words , when ask'd where wast thou when the morning Stars marched triumphantly , or , exulted alike or together ; and all the sons of God sounded their trumpets ? that is , when the morning stars began to be mov'd ( as , in the Psalm , 't is said of the Sun , he rouz'd up himself as a Giant , to run his course ) , that is , stars making morning or light ; to which conjoining the sons of God , he teaches that each of them had its Angel , to excite their first motion , as it were sounding the Alarm and giving the sign for motion , or , making the start and first impression . And this interpretation is best accommodated both to the Hebrew words and to the matter whereof He spake : and the word , together , shews that , in one day they all began their motion . 12. The holy Authour adds the End of these Lights , that they might be eminent day and night , for so the originall propriety has it , where our text saies to rule over ; that is , that they might be very conspicuous : And , for Signs , or , according to the force of the originall word , Miracles or Prodigies ; that is , that they might make men admire ; whence by little and little they might be elevated from terrestriall things , to know God and his works , and worship him . 13. Lastly , for days and years . Whence , 't is deduc'd , that the Earth had been hitherto mov'd only about its own Centre ; but , from thenceforward , began to be mov'd under the Ecliptick ; viz. Because the motion made by the first fire was so violent , that the waters were only drawn towards the light , or if any mov'd any other way , they were so few , that they were in no measure able to alter the course towards the light : But , the force of the Sun being far lesse , did so make the Waters move about the Earth , that yet the impulse of the returning Waters was notable ; whence the Earth was mov'd about the Sun in a line mixt , in a manner , of a Circular and a right . CHAP. VII . Some Animadversions about the Text of the first Chapter of Genesis . 1. FRom the whole Story 't is evident that our Earth is situated in the very middle of the Universe . For , since all the rest of the World was form'd by evaporation from the Globe whereof our Earth was the Centre ; & this , by Fire intermediate between the Earth & the other parts of the World : 't is evident , that the rest of the world is , with a certain equality , remote from it , and consequently , that it is plac'd in the midst . 2. Which I would not have so understood , as if the Centre of the Earth were the very middle point ; but , that the Great Orbe , ( that is , all that Orbe , which the Earth makes with its circle about the Sun ) has the notion of a Centre : for , that it scarce makes a visible Magnitude , in respect of the rest of the world , Astronomers find by experience . 3. Adde to this a conjecture from the Phaenomena's . For , the Zodiack is fuller of great and conspicuous Stars then the other parts of the Heavens ; as it must of necessity have happened , if the World began , after the manner we have explicated : Besides , of all those Stars which are illuminated from our Sun , the Earth alone is carry'd under the Ecliptick , that is , through the middle of the very Zodiack , to whose course the rest seem to yield and give place . 4. In the middle , between the generation of Plants and Animals , the Celestiall bodies are reck'ned : because they are compacted of the crassest evaporations ; and therefore , ought not to be counted , 'till the Earth had already shew'd it self , wherewith the generation of Plants was conjoyn'd ; but , before Animals , because they are not animated themselves , but are only for animated things : And , because they are adventitious to the Earth , as helps ; before that Animals were created , but especially Man , for whom the Earth was chiefly made , ( who , yet , is but a kind of Animal , and therefore ought to be generated together with the rest ) , 't was necessary a habitation should be prepar'd , and consequently , furnisht with lights . 5. From the same order 't is deduc'd , that Plants are not said to be animated or living , in the same sense as Animals : Since Animals have in themselves the principle of their encreasing ; but Plants are fill'd from without , from the order of the Universe . 6. Now , three things are to be remark'd concerning the explicated Texts . First , that God saw all things good , besides the Firmament and Man : the reason whereof is , for the Firmament , that it had only the notion of a Place , and ( the Stars not being yet created ) remain'd imperfect ; whereas the name of good signifies perfection : but Man was the complement of all , and therefore , not in any speciall regard , but , looking upon the whole , he 's comprehended in this , that all things were very good . 7. The second is , Why God , of all others should name Day and Night , the Firmament , the Land and Seas , and lastly Man ; but none of the rest ? The reason is , because , of those things that are made , some belong to the Universe as formall parts , that is , without which 't is no longer a Vniverse ; others , as materiall parts , which may be chang'd without the destruction of the Universe : the first God nam'd , that is , fixt and establisht their nature ; the rest he omitted , as mutable . 8. The third is , Why God bless'd only the Fishes , Birds and Man ; and not the Plants nor Animals ? The reason is , because the blessing was to fill the Earth and the Sea : and , if he had commanded the Trees or Animals to fill the Earth , there had been no room for Man : These therefore were to encrease to such a degree only ; whence , otherwhere , God said to his People , that , by little and little , he would destroy their Enemies , least the Beasts should be multiply'd against them ; and 't is a saying , too , amongst us , concerning domestick Animals , that 'T is a good land which nourishes more Men then Beasts : But , because the Sea was not the habitation of Men , 't was said to Fishes , that they should multiply without any other measure then that of the Sea it self ; and the same reason is of Birds in the Aire . 9. Farther , we have the reason why the Creation of the World was distinguisht by Days . For , since all these works were perfected by means of fire or the Sun's heat ; and that , not in one Quarter only , but over the whole globe of the Earth : by consequence , the whole Orbe of the Earth was intirely turn'd to the Light , whilst every thing was made ; now , we call a Day an entire conversion of the Earth to the Sun. 10. It appears , too , that these days were unequall . For , since the Globe which was to be turn'd , at the beginning was vast ( for Water and Earth were created of such a bulk , that all the Stars might be made out of them ) ; 't is plain it was a mighty Masse , and not to be entirely converted to the light under a long time . 11. The first three days , therefore , were very long , and the following still shorter then the former : but the later three were shorter and like ours or little longer ; so that an Animal , at least in three of those days , might be brought to a congruous bignesse , a Fish in two ; but the Plants , even before the Earth was altogether dry'd , already sprung up . 12. But , 't was necessary that those things which could not be produc'd at the same time and together , should be made in severall days : wherefore , three days were assign'd for constituting the orbe , other three for its adorning : and for establishing the Firmament , viz. that vehement sucking out and elevating of the vapours , the second day ; the first having been spent in acquiring , as it were , velocity ; but the third day finisht the work ▪ that we might look upon these three days , as it were , the beginning , middle , and end . 13. In like manner , because some space was to be allow'd for breeding the Fish , the first day is assign'd to the Stars ; in which whatever was to be wrought ( at least , in respect to us ) requir'd nothing but their being show'n in the Firmament , which is ▪ perfected in once turning about : And , because the procreation of the Water is more abundant and quick , then that of the Earth ; the generation of Fishes is plac'd between that of the Stars and Animals . And thus , the necessity of twice three days is resolv'd . CHAP. VIII . A naturall Discourse of the Creation of MAN. 1. BUt , because all these things consisted in Motion , nor could sustain the proper notion of an end , 't was necessary a Creature should be made , which should so transcend and grow above Motion , as that , yet its beginning should be in motion : which , because , according to its form it exceeded Motion and Matter , a pure and , as it were , casuall heap of Physicall indivisibles , and a Mixtion otherwise then particularly artificiall could not frame . 2. A Body , therefore , by Angelicall hands , was form'd , which God alone , beyond the power of Angels , could effectively Animate ; and so , by their joynt-labour , MAN was made : with that capacity of Body and , particularly , of Brain , which should be most fit to polish his life conformably to Nature , according to the conditions of the Time wherein he was set . 3. In a little while , therefore , beholding all kind of Plants , as also of Animals and Birds , he learnt the nature of things : but , when he would have told his thoughts in words ; there was nothing among them all which could apprehend or answer him . Falling asleep , therefore , with much sollicitude , God made a WOMAN to spring out of his side : To whom , at first sight ; the Man joynd himself with extreme love ; and taught her which fruits were wholesome , which noxious and unwholesome . 4. She , believing her Husband , but not knowing , her self , as he did ; being overcome with the deliciousnesse of a certain fruit provocative to Lust , both eat her self & gave it to her too-uxorious husband : Whereupon , being out of countenance with the swelling of their naturall parts rais'd without their consent , they sought for coverings . 5. Mean time , by the command of God , the Sun , raising the Wind and the Flux of the Sea , turn'd the Earth aside , which before had its Axes direct and even with those of the Ecliptick ; and spoil'd the Country where Man liv'd , of all its beauty : and introducing colds , brought in the mortall state of the World : and Man was forc'd to guard himself with Garments . CHAP. IX . An explication of Genesis , concerning the Creation of MAN. 1. THese things are dictated out of Nature ; concerning which , ther 's an ampler relation out of the sacred Records . For first , God is said to have spoken thus to the Angels , let us make Man to our Image and Similitude : the word , let us make , signifies a speciall concourse of God and not a generall only , as to the other things . 2. An Image differs from a Similitude , in that an Image speaks a relation of a thing either measur'd by or deriv'd from a pattern ; but , a Similitude neither : Besides , an Image may be and , for the most part , is of a nature inferiour to its pattern ; but a Similitude falls so far short of the perfection of a Similitude , as it participates of another nature . Man , therefore , was created to the Image of God and to the Similitude of Angels ; according to that , and they shall be like the Angels of God , and again , Thou hast abas'd him a little lower then the Angels . 3. The Creation of Man is describ'd thus , He form'd of the Mud of the Earth ; the primitive propriety has , thinking to make , or , to frame as a Potter ; whereby is express'd , that the work of Man was a greater task then that of other Creatures , and that it specially requir'd the operation of an Intelligence . Where our Text says , of the Mud of the Earth in the Originall 't is , dust of red Earth : Now , of framable Earths , that the red are the best ; Pots for Pleasure made of them witnesse , which yield a savoury rellish to the drinkers : And the force of the word Dust is , to make us understand the Earth was decocted into minutest parts ; for , almost in all Arts , the more the matter is divided , the more exquisite the work proves . 4. It follows , And He breath'd into his Face the breath of life : in which words , ther 's a clear expression of another operation , after the forming of his body ; to shew that the production of a Rationall Soul does not adequately proceed out of second causes . 5. And the words which follow , And Man was made a living Soul ▪ shew that there is no other but the rationall Soul in Man , since his vegetation proceeded out of that . That there are not , therefore , more subordinate Forms in any Matter , appears from the propriety of the sacred Doctrine . 6. Again , the holy Writ says , God , therefore , took the Man , and placed him in a paradise of Pleasure , to work and keep it : and He commanded him , saying , Of every Tree , &c. Though it be not expressely taught that the knowledge of God was infus'd into Man ; yet , in that 't is said , He breath'd into his face , and again , that He took him and commanded him , 't is apparent enough , that God was first known to him , and , by God , his science was deriv'd to other things . For , his first object , at the opening his Eyes , was his Inspirer before his face : Him , therefore , first he knew , ador'd , and lov'd ; and being shew'd by Him the Herbs and Plants , the Beasts and Birds , he distinguish'd both the Vertue & natures of each , & received them of Him for his own Use & Service ; 'T is plain , therefore , that he could not chuse but Believe God's sayings , Hope in his Promises , & Love him as his Father . 7. That he learnt of God the Vertue of Herbs and Plants , 't is evident , out of those words , Thou shalt eat of every Tree , &c. for , whilst He puts both an Universality and an exception , he insinuates that Adam knew both . Moreover , those words , where he 's said to be plac'd in Paradise , to work and keep it , ( which he could not doe , unlesse he knew the nature of Plants , ) argue that he knew them . Lastly , since 't is expressely said of the Beasts and Birds , that , by only seeing them , he throughly saw into their nature , in those words , to see what he would call them , and again , whatever Adam call'd any living Soul , that is its name ; since 't is most certain that the names were fitted ▪ to the natures of things , and consequently , were impos'd upon the knowledge of them : 'T is clear that the inferiour natures , too , were as easily known to him . 8. The sacred Authour adds , But to Adam there was not found a helper like him : the primitive expression is , And to the Man he found not a help as it were before him , or , as others explicate , as it were against him . It appears , therefore , that the WOMAN was made , not out of the necessity of nature alone , but by the consent and will of Adam : God governing Man , a Reasonable Creature , by perswasion and induction , not by force and command ; that is , according to the nature which he had given him . 9. It appears , again , that the Man was not only in his Matter , but even in his Mind , the Authour and Superiour and , as it were , the Maker of the Woman . 10. But , since Adam had not yet felt the stings of the Flesh ; neither knew he , as yet , the need of a Woman , as Woman : but only he desir'd one to discourse with , to whom he might declare his knowledge , and conferre about his doubts . This is that which was so grievous to the Man , that God said , 't was not good for him to be alone ; and provided , not only for the present but for ever , that he should have such as he might teach and converse with . 12. Nor makes it against this , that a Man may seem more proper for the conversation of a Man : for 't is not true , neither in regard of his Mind , nor of his Body : For , 't is known , that , as to his Body , a Man chuses to converse with the beauteous , and Beauty is proper to Women ( as they are condistinguisht to Men ) : And , as for the Mind , a knower chuses to converse with one that will learn & acquiesce , rather then one that will be refractory ; but Women are more credulous and obedient then Men : And , in respect to both Body and Mind , the conversation is more sweet and agreeable with such as reciprocate love ; but Women are more obnoxious to love then Men. 12. And that she was requir'd for Conversation , the very genuine expression shews , in those words , a help , as it were , against him : For , since the countenances of those that talk together are mutually turn'd towards one another ; and Man is made to be mov'd forward ; it appears , that the faces of those that discourse together are , as it were , of entrers by opposite and contrary ways , and consequently , the faces themselves , according to the same line , are opposite and contrary . Such a help , therefore , was not found amongst all the Animals : whence , 't was ill with Adam . CHAP. X. An explication of the same , concerning the Creation of WOMAN . 1. GOd , therefore , cast ( the holy Text proceeds ) a sleep upon Adam : the Propriety is , and He made a sleep fall : for , sleep begins from the Brain and the Head , & descends upon the rest of the Members : as also , the Cold of the Night ( which proceeds from Vapours that , having been rais'd up high by the Sun and , refrigerated by its departure , descend ) is a cause of sleep : in both respects , therefore , 't is more aptly express'd He made fall , then He cast . 2. Moreover , both Sopor and the primitive word expresse a deep sleep and like to a Lethargy : the Septuagint interprets it , an Ecstasy ; which so binds up the Senses , that the ecstatick person cannot feel any , under the intensest , pain . 3. Now , 't is easie to observe , that this sleep , at least in part , proceeded from the former great contention and travail of his Mind to discern the natures of all Animals , and from his pensivenesse that he found not his comfort or satisfaction in them all . 4. Adam lay down , therefore , on his right side : for Aristotle teaches , that this posture is the aptest for sleeping . And what did God ? He took ( says the holy Writ ) one of his ribs , and fill'd up Flesh for it : In the Hebrew , the Letter is more obscure , but thus , with propriety , 't is express'd , and He took one of his sides ; and shut up flesh under it ; and built the side , which He had taken from the Man , into a Woman . The word which we have express'd by He took is very large , and includes whatever manner of taking , for example , to lay hold on ; and the word which we have interpreted He shut up , is taken largely , too , for He compass'd about : The very Letter therefore , in fine , yields this sense , God took to him one of Adam's sides and encompass'd it with flesh , and built , that is , fram'd or erected it into a Woman : So that the sense may be , that God multiply'd the flesh about one of his sides , and the flesh or side already swollen He , by little and little , distributed and fashion'd into a Woman ; so that , the Woman may seem to have proceeded out of the Man , as a Bough out of the Trunk . 5. For , as the Sun drawing up the moisture of the Earth into the Trunk fix'd in the Earth , by percolation through the substance of the Trunk , makes the moisture assume the nature of the Tree , and increase the Trunk , & rise up and be distributed into parts befitting the intire Plant : So God , straining that sleepy humour through the side of Adam , first made the side swell out with a great deal of flesh ▪ then be distributed into all the similary parts , and lastly into the dissimilary . 6. And , besides that this Sense is very apt to the words , nothing is more agreeable to the nature of things . For , to the three degrees of Man , the triple procreation corresponds ; Adam , as a Mixtum , was form'd ; Eve , as a Plant , grew out of Adam ; Abel , as an Animal , was born of Animals . Besides , reason requires , that , since in Adam there was the next & immediate matter of the Woman , she should not be made out of any other then that : but , like is made out of like by accretion , according to Nature . Moreover , She is produc'd out of his Side , because ther 's both flesh and bone and , through the nearnesse of the Bowells , especially of the Heart to the left side , it necessarily participates more of the Vegetative Vertue then any other member of the exteriour Cataphragm . Bringing to , here , is , clearly , to be interpreted , not for a translation from place to place ; but , for an Oblation or exhibition . It follows in the Divine History , This , now , is bone of my bones ; and for , now , the Hebrews read this time : The force of both terms is the same , viz. that God otherwhiles offered him incongruous things ; but , now , something agreeable , and naturall . 8. Under the name of Bone and Flesh the whole Body is understood ; that is , the rest of the similary parts whereof a Man is compacted . 9. She shall be call'd , &c. Since what Adam call'd every living Soul , that is its name , the term given the Woman must signify the proper notion of Woman ; which is desum'd , not from her Matter , but from her Form and End : how comes , therefore , this name which Adam impos'd ( even himself being witnesse ) to be taken from the Matter ? It must be said , that those words , because she is taken out of Man , do not signifie because she is made of Man , which is common with her to Lice and Fleas ; but , because she is of the same nature with Man. And , 't is to be observ'd , that the Hebrew word signifies prince , or chief , or fundamentall , or subsistent : so that the sense may be , Because she is of the nature of Man , to excell the Animals as He himself . 11. Adam says farther , that they should be two in one flesh , or , as the primitive reading has it , into one flesh , viz. three manner of ways ; in the Issue , which proceeds from both ; in the Woman , since Physicians affirm that the Seed of the Man disappears , being transum'd into the flesh of the Woman ; and lastly , by Consent for Copulation : for , since that is perfect which is apt to make its like , neither the Man nor the Woman , without one another , is perfect ; both , therefore , as they combine to the production of their like , integrate one , Physically-perfect , Animal . 11. Whence , 't is understood , why God neither said let Woman be made , nor , let us make Woman ; but , I will make ; for , so , the truth of the holy language has it : namely , because the mixtion of the Elements into Flesh , which was the proper action of the Angels , was already done in the forming of Adam ; and the augmentation of that exceeded not the power of Adam's nature ; the rest , therefore , was only the concreation of a Soul , which belong'd to God alone . CHAP. XI . An explication of Genesis concerning PARADISE . 1. THus , Man was entirely perfected : what misfortunes afterward befell him let 's enquire out of the mysticall Book . It says , therefore , And the Lord God had planted a Paradise of Pleasure from the beginning , wherein he put the Man whom he had formed : The Hebrews read a Garden , which says the same thing ; but , what is signifi'd by these names must be sought out of the description . First of all , therefore , we are taught , that , out of the ground , there was born in it every Tree fair to sight and sweet to eat ; which , from the description of the Third day , 't is clear , agrees to the whole Earth . 2. The next is , that the Tree of Life , and the Tree of the Science of Good and evil ( as Eve witnesses ) were in the middle of Paradise ; now , 't is an Hebrew propriety to say in the middle , for that which is among or within : The letter has it thus , And God made to spring out of the Earth every Tree , fair to sight and sweet to eat ; the Tree also , of Life in the middle of Paradise , and the Tree of the Science of Good and evil : that is , All kind of Trees pleasant to sight and tast ; among which were good Trees and conducing to life , and some which were apt to make a Man experience evil things as well as good . 3. 'T is added , that A river went out from the place of Pleasure ; the force of the Hebrew word is , out of Pleasure ; to water Paradise , & thence 't is divided into four heads ; in the Hebrew , and from there ( that is , already in Paradise ) 't is divided and is into four heads . The sense is , that out of the abundance and fertility of the Earth , water sprung in four heads or great Rivers : for 't is incongruous that one river divided into more , should be said divided into heads , but into branches or arms ; nor are there any where found appliably to Paradise , four Rivers , which can ever be conjectur'd to have flow'd from one head ; nor can any other place of Pleasure or a more fertile place then Paradise be imagin'd , from whence this river should flow to water Paradise . 4. And what is here call'd fertility and abundance , is describ'd to have agreed to the whole Earth , at that time ; it being said , that a Fountain ascended out of the Earth , watring the whole superficies of the Earth : Where , the native Text , in stead of Fountain , has a Vapour ; whereof the Book of Wisdome seems to speak , when it saies that She cover'd the whole Earth as with a Mist ; and , perhaps , the Psalmist , when , after the forming of the Earth , he subjoyns , The Abysse is the vestment of its cloathing , waters shall stand upon the Mountains . 5. An example , too , of such like we have in some very hot and moist regions ; in one of the Canaries , in the Island of Saint Thomas , and some others ; that there issues a Vapour out of the Earth , which being refrigerated with the shadow of the Trees , descends in a Rain and feeds the Fountains and Rivers . And , it cannot be , but , out of the Earth yet moist , by the power of the Sun , for some time , such a Vapour must issue and water the Earth , and be deriv'd into Rivers . 6. But , now , the enumeration of the Rivers makes the matter manifest : for it takes the four greatest Rivers known to the Hebrews , and which wash'd the whole world that they knew ; and saies that Paradise was watred by them . But , those that labour to derive these Names to other Rivers , run into mere and incoherent Conjectures . 7. The Scripture adds , The Lord God took , therefore , the Man and put him in the Paradise of Pleasure , that he should work and keep it . The Hebrew word for , he took , is the same with that above , when we spake of Adam's side , and signifies the same as , take in the largest sense ; nor , in this place , does it expresse any other thing then an application or conjunction of God to Adam , and not a locall carrying , as , before , 't is said of the word He brought . But 't is said above to Adam , that he should take the Earth for his matter to work on , and fill it : We have it , therefore , that the Garden which Adam was to cultivate and inhabite , is the same which he was commanded to fill and subject ; and whereof 't is said that , as yet , there was not the Man to labour it , but a Vapour ascended and watred its universall superficies . Adde to these , that the whole Earth was cursed ; that the whole , before the curse , was created for Adam and his Issue ; which , in a Garden only , could not have had room enough . 8. Consider the honour of Husbandry : both that , of all the Mechanicks , 't is the work that 's most proper to mankind : and 't is a keeping or preserving of the Earth ; for the Earth grows better by cultivation , but uncultivated it grows barren & , as it were , perishes . 9. Besides this precept , God added another positive one for nourishing himself , and a negative one for not killing himself by intemperancy . CHAP. XII . The History of ADAM'S FALL , out of Genesis . 1. THe divine Authour begins the following History , saying , Moreover , the Serpent was more crafty then all the living Creatures of the Earth : the word which corresponds to Serpent , in the originall , is deriv'd from a Verb which signifies to observe or to pry into secrets ; wherefore , à priori , it signifies , an Observer , a lier in wait and what in the Gospell , the Tempter : and where the Latine Interpreter puts all living Creatures , the sacred Authour uses a very large word which comprehends Man too : So that the sense may be , the Tempter was craftier even then Man himself ; as , also , it appear'd by the event . 2. He came , therefore , to the Woman and said , Why has God commanded you , &c. in the originall letter , even that God has said : as if it should say , was it not enough for God to have oblig'd you to keep his Garden , but even must he not-permit you to eat ? To whom the Woman answer'd , Yes , we do eat of the rest , but should we eat of the Tree of the Knowledge of good and evil , we should die . 'T is evident , therefore , this command was given by God , not as out of power and prerogative , but for the good of those to whom 't was given , and Man is govern'd by God alwaies for the good of Man himself . 3. The Tempter therefore reply's again , You shall not die , but you shall be like Gods : the Analogy of the two Temptations is to be noted , Say that these stones be made bread , and , He forbids you to Eat : He has commanded his Angels concerning thee , and , Ye shall not die : lastly , All these will I give thee , and , Ye shall be like Gods. 4. 'T is added , The woman , therefore , saw that the Tree was good to eat , and fair and delightfull to behold , &c. The Tree is put for the Apple ; or , certainly , in respect of the Apple , these things agreed to it . And whereas 't is said , she saw the apple to be sweet to the tast , or good for food , as the originall reading has it ; it argues that the Woman , too , to some degree , from the sight of Plants , especially the earnest looking on them , knew their natures . And the Authour , instead of this , delightfull to behold , has , desir'd to look earnestly upon , or , to understand ; and the sense is , that the Woman saw her Appetite so to have encreas'd , that she could not turn away her Eyes : Or else the word saw signifies consider'd ; and the sense will be , She consider'd that the Apple was desirable for the Knowledge that would follow it , upon the Tempter's words . 5. The Woman , therefore , eat , and gave , too , to the Man ; who was not deceiv'd , that is , did not eat upon a false perswasion , but , as 't is subjoyn'd , obey'd the voice of his wife : For , alas ! he was effeminate , and durst not , through excesse of love , oppose his Wife . 6. 'T is collected out of the circumstances , that the Tempter or lier-in-wait had observ'd the Woman absent from her Husband , near the forbidden Tree , at the hour when her Appetite to eat made way for his treacheries . 7. But , let us see the effect . The sacred Text , therefore , saies , that the eyes of them both were opened and they knew they were naked . But 't is plain that , not presently upon their eating , but after some time ( suppose , when , by concoction , the poison of the Apple was digested into their bowells , ) this effect happened : for , if , immediately as soon as the Woman had eaten , her eyes had been opened , she would have blusht and not dar'd to appear before her Husband ; or , at least , being sollicitous and troubled about the change she felt , she would have told it him . 8. But , how their eyes were opened and how they knew themselves to be naked , appears by the following action , that they made themselves aprons or girdles , to cover with them the parts destin'd for generation . Evident , therefore , 't is that , by their eating the Apple , their flesh rose and was mov'd without their consent . The effect , therefore , of the Apple was immediately to provoke Lust ; & , through the intoxication , as it were , of luxury , to shake off the use or command of Reason . 9. The very description , too , of the Fruit insinuates it to have this vertue . For , Physicians say that sweet is primely nutritive , as consisting of hot and moist connaturall to the Animal ; and that , whatever nourishes does it , in as much as 't is sweet : Good , therefore , for food ( when 't is spoken by way of eminency ) is , what is very nutritive : but Seed is made of the superfluity of the nourishment : Good , therefore , to the tast , or , for food , shews it was provokative of lust . The splendour , too , of colour , since it proceeds out of a good commixtion of subtle and oily parts , is apt to follow the sweetnesse . CHAP. XIII . Of the Punishment of our first Parents : out of the same . 1. IT follows in the History , And when they had heard the voice of the Lord God walking in Paradise , at the cool , after noon ; The Hebrew saies , when they had heard the noise of him coming into the garden at the aspiring of the day , or day-break : and the sense is , that God , in the Morning , with the cool aire which goes before or accompanies the Sun , came into the Garden ; namely , to be ador'd by Adam : whence , when Adam appear'd not , but had hidden himself in the middle of the Trees of Paradise , that is , among the Trees , which were very thick , He call'd him . And this sense seems the better : for , what could be the end why God should appear a-walking ? besides , that the cool of the day is better understood the Morning then the Evening ; whence , in the Canticles , 't is said of the Morning , 'Till the day aspire and the shadows be inclin'd : for , not that which is done by the day retiring , but what the day brings along with it , is properly attributed to the Day . 2. 'T is added , how God examin'd Adam and Eve ; but He punisht the Tempter without an examen , as being a profess'd enemy and of a known malice . The first punishment is , that He should be cursed of all living Creatures ; for so , the primitive expression has it , not among living Creatures . The second the Latine Interpreter puts to be , thou shalt go upon thy breast : but the Hebrew word derives from a verb which signifies to sigh , or , to burst out , as it were , the issue out of one in travail ; so that , the sense may be , In sighing and grief as of one in travail , that is , Thy whole life and all thy actions shall be full of grief and pain . 3. The third is , Thou shalt eat Earth , but the Hebrew saies , thou shalt destroy Dust all the daies of thy life ; which seems the better ; for Serpents corrupt the Earth with their breath , but do not eat it , that I ever read . Nor hinders it , that , in Isaiah we read , To the Serpent dust is his bread : for , That was not to be in the holy Mountain , which was the effect of Malediction : Better , therefore , 't is explicated , to the Serpent ashes to warm him ; that is , the Serpent shall be no longer an enemy to Man , but shall dwell in the Chimnies , ( as 't is read of some domesticall ones ) ; whence , 't is immediately subjoyn'd , They shall not hurt nor kill in all my holy Mountain . In the text of Genesis , the same word is put for dust which was in the forming of Man : that the sense may be , Thy design shall not be against Angels , like thy self ; but how thou maist undoe such as are made of Earth . 4. Out of what has been said concerning the Tempter , it appears , ther 's no necessity of interpreting that the Devil should have come to the Woman by the means of a reall Serpent , or in the figure of a Serpent ; but in a form like that , in which he came to our Lord Christ : For , first , most of the things that are said agree not to a reall Serpent ; viz. to be craftier then any living Creature ; to be able to speak , without frighting the woman ; to speak not of things they saw , but of Gods. 5. Again , his being cursed of all living Creatures , his being curst to eat Earth , agree not to a reall Serpent : and that one only thing which agrees , viz. to go in upon his breast ; since 't is a naturall manner of creeping , was had by Creation . Wherefore , the opinion of a Serpent or a Serpent's figure seems to have proceeded from the equivocation of the Hebrew word , or , a Metaphoricall use of a Serpent for the Devil . 6. The following Prophesy , too , concerns the Devil , not a Serpent : For a Serpent is no more an enemy to Man then to the other Animals ; but the Devil is to Christ ; and he bruises the heel of Christ , in as much as he debauches and masters the lowest rank of Christians , or the wicked ; Christ too , breaks his head , both because He is to judge the Angels , as also because He takes away the power the Devil has in the world . 7. There follow , the Evils which seize on the Woman through sin ; that She should have more and harder labours ; that She should be under the power of her husband , and be oppress'd by him . And , that this violent Subjection proceeds from sin , is plain enough ; since it rises from the indiscretion of both parties : Bringing forth , also , with pain , evidently , proceeds from the same ; for , even yet , many Women under the Aequator , bring forth with little or no pain : now , the pain in Travail comes through the drynesse of the members , by reason whereof the Bone cannot give place , which is easily conjectured to proceed from the intemperatenesse of the Aire and of Meats . 8. Lastly , that her Conceptions are more is manifest , in respect of Abortions and imperfect Conceptions : but , whether through the intemperancy of Copulation ; or the shortnesse of the time of going with child , which , may be , should have been longer ; and lastly , whether , because in the immortall state of Paradise there should not have been requisite so copious an Issue , therefore the Conceptions should have been fewer , 't is disputable . 9. Among the maledictions of Adam , the rest appear plainly to proceed from the sterility of the Earth ; but this , that he should eat the herb of the field , seems , from the beginning , to have been indulg'd him as a blessing , & here 't is reputed amongst his punishments : But , the sense is , that he should be compell'd to lay up in Barns the herbs of the field to eat ; because , sometimes , the Earth should yield none . 10. Moreover , those words , 'till thou returnest into the Earth out of which thou art taken , &c. clearly shew that he should have been immortall ; that is , have liv'd a long time , and afterwards , not be devested but cloathed-over , as the Apostle speaks . 11. It follows , how he was cast out of Paradise ; and 't is said , that , Adam being cast out , God plac'd , before the Paradise of Pleasure , a Cherubim & a flaming and turning sword , to keep the way of the Tree of life . To understand which , we must reflect upon the universall cause of the Corruption of all things , especially of Living Creatures . And , because Animals are cold in death , 't is plain , that Cold is the cause of Death ; whence , we see , that Winter is , as it were , the old Age of the Year , The years , therefore , had continu'd in one state of heat and cold in Paradise ; and to introduce Winter , is to make life shorter , & to have brought Death nearer . 12 , The cause , therefore , of the variety of the year is the cause of Death : and this , Astronomers teach , happens , because the Earth keeps not still it s same parts to the Sun , or in that it conforms not its Axis to the Axis of the Ecliptick , but alwaies turns it from the Poles of the Ecliptick to the Poles of the Aequator ; & this , Naturalists teach us , happens through that motion , by which the Flux of the Sea turns the Earth ; and , the Flux of the Sea , from a Wind which the Sun under the Aequator raises . 13. Let 's see what the sacred monuments expresse concerning this : First , therefore , They say , that which was to be done was , therefore , done , least , perhaps , he should reach out his hand and take of the Tree of Life , and eat , and live a full age , or a thousand years : whence , 't is evident , that the vertue of the Tree of Life was not wholy to exempt from Death , but to deferre it and make to live in seculum , that is , a long time ; which vertue ther 's no doubt is taken away by the empairing of the Fruits . 14. Then , that which our translation saies before Paradise , others render from the East to Paradise . If , therefore , ( as we have said ) the whole Earth was Paradise , and the motion of the Earth proceeds from the Sun , the cause of the conversion of the Earth is from the East , and , to be from the East is , to be before the Earth and Paradise . Moreover , that which ours renders a Cherubim and a flaming and turning sword , in the originall is a Cherubim & the edge of a sword turning it self . The one Phrase shews that the force of Death proceeded from a Cherubim by flames and fire ; and the other , by turning : Now , that the Sun's motion proceeds from a Cherubim or an Angel , Metaphysicks demonstrate : If , therefore , that winding of the terrestriall Axis to the Poles of the Aequator , be deriv'd from the Sun ; and , from that , the nature of Death , by the variation of light and heat ; is it not evident ( if a sword may signifie a killing power ) how a Cherubim , with a flaming and turning sword , keeps the way to the Tree of life , least Man should live by it a full age . 15. And , he that thinks this interpretation , of a sword for a killing power , too hard ; let him remember the Angel , in the threshing floor of Ornam , holding a drawn sword to bring the Plague upon Jerusalem . Let him consider , also , if the name of Sword be taken materially , how disagreeable the narration will be : for , the Angel should have been plac'd , not from the East , or , before Paradise , but round about : nor would there be any need of a turning sword , but of a sharp one ; for , the Angel could have turn'd it , as he pleas'd . 16. Lastly , the cloathing of Adam and his wife with Coats made of skins , manifestly insinuates that the Cold grew upon them ; the Year , as it were , now inclining towards Winter : whence , it seems , 't was Autumn in that Region where Adam was created . Yet , 't is not necessary , that God must have given them those Coats of skins immediately upon the malediction , but after some time ; when , having done Penance , they had sacrific'd Beasts to God : with whose skins God cover'd them , not so much for their nakcdnesse sake , which was cover'd with Aprons , as for the Colds , and therefore they were made of skins with which Beasts are kept warm . CHAP. XIV . Of the Evils deriv'd to posterity : out of the same . 1. NOne doubts , nor can , according to what we have said , but this state of infelicity and Death is deriv'd to us , the Posterity of Adam , from his Sin : but , what evil or corruption we derive , as to the Mind , 't is to be consider'd . And , first , 't is evident , that the Understanding of Adam was most happy ; which so easily attain'd the knowledge of things , that , at first sight , he could impose significant names upon every one . 2. Which is not so to be understood , that he perfectly saw through all things : for , from the deceipt of Eve , and both their hiding themselves from the face of God , 't is clear , their discourse was short and imperfect at that time . Nor , is it believ'd that they lost their naturall force : wherefore , by nature , their understanding was so hinderable by Passion , as to bring them to such Inconsideration . 3. But , we read , too , that they were naked , and blusht not before their Sin , but afterwards : whence , we understand , there were before no inordinate Motions in them , since , in lust , the most vehement kind , they had none . 4. Now , for Man to have no inordinate Motions in him , may happen two waies : One , that we should assert there were indeed such Motions , but , as it were , rooted out by a long use and exercise of Vertues : another way , that we should imagine his nature so temperate and equally ballanc'd between Passions ; that it should submit it self intirely to Reason , out of its own equability , and not out of an acquir'd dominion of Reason . 5. And , since God might have created Man in the perfection of either of these ; if we consider the circumstance of the newnesse of nature , we shall rather assent to the later description : for the former state is of one already proceeded from power to act ; but this later is a certain species of potentiality , or of Man , as to his Soul , existing in power : that , the state of Man grown good , of evil that he was ; this , of Man not yet knowing good and evil , or , untaught by experience : To that Man 't is now hard to Sin , and certain that he will not be separated from the love of Christ ; to this , 't is easie not-to-sin , but Sin is rather unknown to him then hard , and consequently , his entrance to good or evil is doubtfull : That state is more establisht in the Brain through the exercise of Reason ; this more in the Body , through the goodnesse of its Temperature ; whence , this is more propagable to his Issue , though that be so , too , in some degree . 6. Since , therefore , Philosophy teaches , that even that complexion of nature , which rises from acquir'd habits and exercise , is apt to be deriv'd to the Issue ; much more that , which was by Nature planted in Adam , would have pass'd into his Posterity . His Children , therefore , had he not sin'd , would have attain'd , from their Origin , a certain equability of Passions , whereby they would have grown easily obedient to Reason ; or rather , they would have had no passion more vehement then was just fit , so that they would have felt no difficulty in following right Reason : from which disposition he seems not to have St. Bernard ▪ been far , of whom 't is wonderfully said , that Adam , in him , had not sin'd . 7. Whence , the perverse motion of the will in our first Parents , was apt to proceed only from extrinsecall sollicitation : So , we see , in the answer of Eve , that she was content with the command ; 'till the Devil , proposing a shew of fallacious reason , which she could not see through , had fastened , as it were , her mind to the delectable form of the Apple before her ; by which fastening , that naturall equality was corrupted : which , too , in like manner , happened to Adam , through his amorous fixednesse to his wife ; as may be collected out of his words , wherein ther 's no praising of God the giver , but only a commemoration of the lovelinesse of the woman . 'T is evident , therefore , that the naturall principles of motion and passion were corrupted in both our Parents ; and so , in Generation , an inequality was deriv'd to their issue : not one equall to Theirs , but one far greater ; it being now corrupted from the change of site to the Heavens , and the quality of the Aire and Food : and so , irrecoverably their Posterity drew from the Womb of their Mother an Origin or inclination to sin . 8. Which negation of equability , because 't is in a subject to which an equality is due by its Creation , attains the nature of a privation : and , because the guilt of Adam is in it , or , because we derive our Origin from him , 't is , therefore , call'd ORIGINAL , not formall , SIN : and , because 't is impossible that Man , infected with this , can live without sin , by the strength of nature & without new Grace ; therefore Nature is call'd the Slave of Sin , and given up into slavery to the Devil . But , whether Originall sin comprehends , besides an indisposition of the sensitive Soul , a privation of Charity consequent from it , in the Issue , ( because ther 's nothing offer'd out of our text , spoken concerning that matter ) I leave to the curious . 9. It suffices us that , out of what has been said , it may be understood , how Originall Sin is singular in every one , how 't is deriv'd by Generation , and how it proceeds from the fault of another . 10. Of these things that have been said , I know not whether we have not , in some measure , an Example in Cain and Abel : Cain being conceiv'd in Sin , ( perhaps , the very night after eating the forbidden fruit , before God , by punishment , had provok'd them to Penance ) ; Abel , in the time of Penance : whence , Cain contracted , in the conception , his Mothers envy against God ; Abel her humility and piety ; wherefore , what our Interpreter renders I have possest a Man by God , may be more truly translated , I have loved a Man against God. CHAP. XV. Of the Propagation of Mankind : out of the same . 1. AFter the Death of his Brother , Cain departed into the barrener parts ( as appears , from his Curse ) : And , this was the first occasion of filling the severall quarters of the Earth . And , he is said to have sojourn'd towards the East from Eden ; or rather , towards the West , for the originall letter has it , he sat down in a strange Country before Eden , that is , he dwelt in a far Country before Eden , that is , to which the face of Eden is turn'd , ( Adam and his Family being suppos'd to look after him when he went from them ) , that is , to the West , or , having Eden Eastward . Now Eden seems to be call'd that Country in which Adam dwelt , in memory of the Pleasure he had there . 2. And the sacred Authour prosecutes the Generations of Cain to the seventh descent ; and tels us the Cities that were built , and the Arts both for use and pleasure invented in them . But , how many years each generation contain'd , he mentions not : but , 't is likely , they were shorter then the generations assign'd to Seth ; whence , in the time of Enos ( which extends to about a thousand years after the nativity of Henoch , the first-born of Cain ) the children of Adam , on Cain's side , may have been exceedingly multiply'd , and that hap'ned which is written , that , in his time , The invocation of the name of the Lord was polluted , viz. in most of the posterity of Seth and Adam , through their Marriages with the daughters of Cain . 3. For , since the Sons of Seth , and the rest that liv'd with Adam , may seem to have follow'd a Pastorall life , and to have liv'd temperately ; but the Daughters of Cain to have been delicate and luxurious : there appears on the Male's side strength and virility ; and , on the Female's , abundance of Moisture , figurable by heat ; whence , 't is consonant , that a vast and robust issue was born out of their conjunction . And , out of confidence of their great forces , men are prone to fall to injuring and oppressing the weak : whence , Lamech call'd it a consolation , to kill all man-kind ; according to the by-word that saies , 'T is better to be alone then ill accompanied . 4. But , whether they were of a huge stature of body , such as we call Giants , appears not out of the sacred History ; where nothing else is said , but that they were Oppressours , Strong , and such as got themselves a Name , or fame . CHAP. XVI . Of the FLOUD : out of the same . 1. WHen , therefore , they were impenitent , whilst Noe built the Ark , to save the few just , that is , eight persons ; the waters began to poure down upon the Earth ; which Genesis describing , saies thus . Such a year , moneth , and day , all the Fountains of the great Abysse were broken up , and the Cataracts of Heaven were opened , & there was made a Rain upon the Earth fourty daies and fourty nights . The originall text , for were broken up , has , slit themselves , and , for Cataracts , a word which signifies occult cavities , from a word which imports as much as , to ly in wait ; as if it would say , that the Repositories of heaven , wherein God had plac'd , as it were , waters in ambush , were opened . 2. To these is to be added that place , in the Second of Peter , wherein 't is said , there was of old a Heaven and an Earth , of waters and by waters consisting , by the word of God , by which that world , then , overflow●d with waters , perished : But , it cannot be understood , as if the Earth consisted of Water ; which is no where written , but rather the contrary , viz. that the Earth was created together with the Waters : the sense , therefore , is , that Heaven consists of waters , the Earth by waters , to wit , mingled together by that mighty fire ( whereof largely above ) : Consisting , therefore , is refer'd to both , though it be construed with the later . 3. It saies , then , that the old world was overflow'd by these two waters ; whence , 't is evident , those are distinct waters which are , here , call'd the Cataracts of heaven , from those call'd the fountains of the great abysse . Now , we find no more about Heaven , after the Fourth Day , but that , a vapour ascended from the Earth to water the universall face of the Earth : and , that the Earth was cover'd with a Mist : and as much concerning the Sea ; Iob speaking in the person of God , when I put it on a Cloud for its vestment , & wrapt it in darknesse as in the cloaths of Infancy . For , these signifie , that the Aire was thick , and misty ; there sweating , by the Suns force , as it were , a perpetuall watry humour out of the Earth , whose thinner parts were of necessity continually rais'd up into Clouds : which could not fall , for a time , whilst the Aire , quite up to them , was thick and as heavy as they : but , after , the Earth being dry'd , the Aire between the Earth and the Clouds , became it self , too , more dry and subtile , the terrestriall humidity being spent ; then , at length , with a mighty vehemence , the long-treasur'd-up waters in the clouds descended ; in such abundance , that the Fountains which broke out from the more eminent parts of the Earth were so over-charg'd , they slit their channels and , with open Torrents , roul'd into the Rivers , and they , oreflowing their banks , all at once into the Sea. Thus , therefore , by the waters whereof the former Heavens consisted , that is , the midst between the Earth and the Stars , and by which the Earth consisted , viz. which lay hid in its bowels , the whole Earth was o'reflow'd in the time of Noe. 4. And the History tells , that the waters rose fifteen Cubits above the tops of the Mountains : now , 't is not incredible that some Men were so tall ; so that this quantity of water was altogether necessary ; nay , if there had been strong Trees upon the highest Mountains , which could have resisted the water , this proportion of water had been lesse then needed . 5. For , since , after the Deluge , Og may seem to have been nine Cubits high ; before the Deluge , 't is credible enough , there were some near fifteen : Though , to perswade one's self , there were ever Men of that vastness which is attributed to the Cyclops , and certain Reliques found in the New World , there needs a great faith ; for , these stories depend on uncertain memories , or on conjectures of Men talking , according to likely-hood , of old Bones . 6. But , to return to the abundance of the waters . The severer Mathematicians , now adaies , do not believe any Mountain to be higher , perpendicularly , then one Italian mile : nor need we believe the Mountains , before the Floud , were so high as they are now the vallies are hollowed deeper with continuall Rains. If , therefore , fifteen Cubits be abated from the highest Mountains , make account the water rose a Mile , perpendicular , about the Earth . 7. Whence , 't will be deduc'd , that about an equall proportion of water out of the Clouds and out of the bowels of the Earth concurr'd to the Deluge : for , if a Pail set in the open Aire in a very violent rain , will be fill'd a cubits height in an hour ; in fourty daies and fourty nights , a continuall and vehement rain from all parts of the Heavens , would o'reflow the whole Earth little lesse then a thousand Cubits high : as much , therefore , or more water was to be strein'd out of the Earth , that the Floud might rise to a thousand Paces high . 8. Which to render credible , reflect upon the artifice of Husbandmen , not unusuall amongst us , by which they draw some feets depth of water over their barrener grounds ; with the weight whereof the superficies of the Earth being loaded , is press'd down & constipated with the lower Earth , & so fills those hollownesses into which the Air 's entrance caus'd the barrennesse ; whereupon they are rendred fruitfull . From which experiment , 't is evident , that a huge weight of water brought upon the Earth must compresse it , strein out the water which was hid in it , and represse its swelling ; and consequently , constipate the Earth and force it into a lesser Circle . Since , therefore , the power of the Deluge may easily be believ'd to have extended it self three miles perpendicular within the Earth , ( for the Sea is judg'd so deep , now , in the deepest parts ) : let the Earth but have contracted it self one sixth part of those three miles , and you have water press'd out of its own bowels to cover it five hundred paces round about . We have , therefore , a fit proportion of water for so great an effect , if we can contrive whence so much water may have ascended into the Clouds . 9. But , if the little lesse then two thousand years space be reflected on , in which the Sun rais'd up perpetuall vapours to the very Sphear of the Moon , and perhaps higher ; and kept them there , by reason of the continuall thicknesse of that Aire between the Earth and Heaven ▪ It will be easily credible , that there were Clouds amass'd together enough to pour down fourty daies and nights violent Rain ; which , we have said , is sufficient for the effect . CHAP. XVII . Of the Cessation of the Deluge : out of the same . 1 THe inspired Writer prosecutes the abatement of the water ; which he divides into four parts : to the resting of the Ark upon the mountains of Armenia , a hundred and ten daies ; thence , 'till the appearing of the mountains tops , about seventy daies ; from those , to the time when the superficies of the Earth shew'd it self ; and from thence , to the intire drynesse , almost as many daies as in he first part , divided almost equally . 2. The causes of so unequall decrease are two , deduc'd from the letter : a Wind which God rais'd ; and a motion of the water , proceeding from the Wind. As for the Wind , 't is clear , when the Sun began , now , to shine bright , the Clouds being dispers'd , and there was nothing but water upon which it might act ; there could no other wind be rais'd , then such as , even now , we experience in that vast Clime of the Pacifick and Atlantick Seas : though we must needs think 't was far more both vehement and ample , when there were no Shores at all whence Contrary winds might blow , and contract its bounds . 3. The first part , therefore , of the abatement was made by this Wind , through the mediation of the Sun , which turn'd the Waters into Wind : and the Wind , now dry'd , dry'd the waters by adhesion , as we see it does Linnen cloaths , by carrying away with it the watry parts . 4. And the Ark is believed to have rested upon the highest Mountain in those parts . The Hebrews say , that it sunk twelve Cubits into the water ; still , therefore , by this account , the water was twelve Cubits above the neighbouring Mountains : but , these Cubits by reason of the former contraction of the Sphear of the waters , were lesse , in proportion , then those whereof there were fifteen before above the highest Mountains ; as also , then those which the water had abated , from the top of the highest Mountain to the top of that upon which the Ark rested : wherefore , to these Cubits , about seventy daies are assign'd . 5. From the discovery of the Mountain-tops , to the appearing of the Earths superficies , about fifty five daies more are counted : both because every day the Sphear became more contracted , and the Sun more ardent through the reflection from the higher parts of the Earth ; as also , because the motion of the water , now , concurr'd ; whereof the divine Book says nothing but and the waters return'd from the Earth , going and coming , and again , but the waters went , and decreased . There can be no doubt , but this motion of the waters , since it proceeded from the Wind , which rose from the Sun , follow'd , principally , Its course , that is , was from East to West ; and consequently , that the water is said to have gone and come , because the water which was mov'd under the Aequator , farther off from the Aequator return'd , by the force of gravity ; because the water was lower in those parts out of which it had been expuls'd by the Wind : And this , 'till the mountain tops appear'd , was regular ; but , afterwards , by incountring the mountains and higher parts of the Earth , this course of the water , at least in those parts , was interrupted . 6. Whence , ther 's no farther mention of it ; though its effect towards drying up the water began then to be greatest : For , by this flux of the water , the Earth , by degrees , was heap'd up towards the mountains , and there was a more ample Channell dig'd for the waters , especially in that part which was to remain cover'd with them . Whence , the fourth book of Esdras witnesses , that , at the Creation of the World , there remain'd only a seventh part cover'd with waters ; but , now , Cosmographers will have the Superficies to be half Sea. 7. Moreover , by this agitation , if any Cave remain'd empty within the Earth , there was a passage opened to it for the waters . Whence it appears , what became of such a mighty bulk of water : for no little part of it was consum'd by the Sun in Wind , and to condense the upper Aire to that proportion which was convenient for the nature of things ; another part was swallow'd up into the cavities of the Earth ; the rest , having dig'd it self a vast Channell , remain'd in that part of the Earth , which we , now , call Sea. 8. But , I must not passe over this place , without advising that the Cause of the flux and reflux of the Sea is clearly taught to proceed from the Wind , as 't is explicated in Physicks , the Scripture straight adding , and the waters return'd from the Earth , going and coming , immediately after the bringing the Spirit upon the Earth . But , some may object , that , during the fourty daies rain , there was no such wind ; and consequently , no Flux of the Sea neither ; and , because the Diurnall motion follows from that , neither can there have been Daies and Nights . 9. 'T is answer'd , Such vast Clouds and Rain could not happen without Tempests ; and consequently , since this Rain was regular , a regular Wind , too , accompany'd it ; and this , according to the course of the Sun , since the greatest heat is not to be expected but under the Sun : The Wind , therefore , was more vehement those fourty daies , to roul about such a Masse of waters ; whence the equality of daies and nights may have been preserv'd either wholly or very near . 'T is a sign , too , of a Wind , that the Ark is said to be carry'd upon the waters , and to have rested upon a Mountain , whereas 't was made in a Vally . 10. The sacred Historian seems to add two other causes of the decrease of the waters , viz. the shutting up of the Fountains of the Abysse , and of the Cataracts of Heaven , or the prohibition of Rain from Heaven : But , this later cause is clearly an effect of the wind 's being calm'd and of the Clouds being all spent , as already fallen down upon the Earth : And the former is an effect of the drying of the Mountains ; for because the Mountains were dry'd , vapours began to ascend into their tops , which flow'd out in little channells and rivulets , as before the Deluge : whence , it appears that their reading , too , who interpret it the fountains of the Abysse were reveal'd , comes to the same thing . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Covenant made vvith NOE after the Floud : out of the same . 1. AT length , Noe and his family being gone out of the Ark , God made a Covenant with them , that he would overwhelm the Earth no more with waters : and plac'd for a sign of the Covenant , His Bow in the Clouds . And that the Rainbow is , indeed , a sign there shall be no Deluge at that time , is evident from hence , that , unlesse the Sun shine otherwhere , there appears no Rainbow ; 't is clear , therefore , that there is not enough Rain in the Clouds , to o'rewhelm the Earth . 2. But , since , these words were said to Noe , who had already liv'd six hundred years ; if he had beheld the Rainbow so many years , and afterwards experienc'd the Floud ; he could not but have wondred it should import such a signification : We must say , therefore , that , without doubt , the Rainbow was never us'd to be seen before the Floud ; nor is it hard to render a reason on 't , out of what has been said . 3. For , since Naturalists tell us , a Rainbow is made out of a double or triple reflection or refraction of light in every drop of a light show'ry cloud ; whence proceeds this variety of colours : and light , so weak and scattered , or , the foresaid colours , cannot reach our Eyes at such a distance , unlesse the Aire be very clear and pure : and , through the humidity of the Earth joyn'd with heat , a thick Aire inveloped the Earth all that time : 'T was absolutely impossible a Rainbow should be seen . 4. Besides , it seems , that , for all the later years , a great masse of Clouds must needs have so cover'd the face of the Heavens , that the Sun was rather felt then seen ; as we find 't is , for whole weeks , sometimes , together , in Winter in those Northern Countries which , yet , are not excessively cold . No wonder , therefore , the Rainbow had not shew'd it self before the Floud . 5. Next , 't is to be observ'd how God contracted the Age of men , and with what he requited it . Now , 't is evident , that the Earth , by means of the Deluge , became far colder and dryer : That 't was colder , after such a Masse of waters , so long , not only covering and compressing it , but penetrating into its very bowells , any one will believe . 6. But , that water should dry , will perhaps hardlyer rellish : but , if we consider , that sodden things are rendred dry , through the extraction of their naturall moisture , when they are too much boil'd : if we reflect that Trees are thrown by Timber-men into water , least their native moisture should exuberate into rottennesse and worms ; and after a convenient time they are taken out again dryer then at first : if we observe that Distillers , to extract the moisture of Herbs , besprinkle the plants they are about with water or some other proportionate liquour : if lastly , we remember that Gold-smiths , to separate the Silver , mixt , in a little quantity , with other metalls , mix more Silver withall : 'T will be evident , that , when the Earth redounded with well-digested moisture , there was no better way of drying it , then , by adding another moisture , to render that was in it more separable , and presse out both together ; as Nature it self operates in rottennesse . 7. Supposing , therefore , the Earth became both colder and dryer , the Plants and Animals must of necessity have drawn a more malignant juyce & food out of it . For , since Vegetation consists in heat & moisture ; Death , and Old Age must be in their opposites , and out of them , be deriv'd to living Creatures : wherefore , since , after the Deluge , men sometimes liv'd 150 & 200 years , the long life of the Patriarchs before the Floud , mention'd in the Scriptures , is not incredible . Hence 't is that Animals were now assign'd to man for food : and , 't is not said , that he shall rule over them , as at the beginning ; but the terrour of him shall be upon the other Animals : For , at first , they serv'd him as Instruments ; but now they were to become fierce and wild , whence man would contrive to kill them , and they , consequently , like perverse servants , fly and be affraid of him , as their chastizer . 8. And , these indeed God gave to man ; but another thing far greater . For , because the Earth was become dryer , the Aire too round about man was made purer and thinner ; and , both by his Food and by the Aire , his Body was rendred , as , not so vast and durable , so , more subtile-spirited and more apt to be subjected to his Soul , and fitter for the operations proper to it . 9. Men , therefore , grew sharper witted and more addicted to Sciences and Arts ; and , by consequence , computing all things , the World became better and perfecter : since , there would , necessarily , be many more men , by reason of the littlenesse of their Bodies , and such frequent changes , through the shortnesse of their lives ; and yet , nay much the rather , more forward and riper for the eternall life of the future world . CHAP. XIX . Of the second propagation of Mankind into severall Countries : Out of the same holy History . 1. IT remains , for describing perfectly the Beginning of the World , to declare how the benediction , given to Noe and his Sons , to encrease and fill the earth , began to be fulfill'd . The divinely-deliver'd History , therefore , saies , that the first off-spring of Noe agreed perfectly together , and were very unwilling to separate : which is collected out of those words , that , in the originall text , say the Earth was one lip and the same words : for , that a lip signifies the words of men , is found , by the sense , every where ; as , when they are call'd Deceitfull lips , Our lips are from our selves , and in a thousand other places ; but , where 't is taken for a Language , I know not . 2. But , because the sense of the following terms must be different , and the same words ; this Phrase will signifie that they desired and sought how to remain united , as 't is said more manifestly below . Whence , 't is no light suspicion , that this mind in them proceeded from the instigation of some One that affected a Tyranny over Mankind ; which some Historians , also , witnesse . 4. Proceeding , therefore , in this thought , they sat down in the fields about Babylon ; and there , either mutually impell'd by one another , or else by some one , as I said , they deliberated from the opportunity & commodiousnesse of Bricks and Pitch , to build themselves a City and a Tower : for two reasons , To get themselves a Name , and to prevent their being dispersed over the Earth ; for , so the Hebrew reading has it , least perhaps , or rather , least at any time , which ours renders before . 5. They imagin'd , therefore , that , fixing their abode , by reason of the commodiousnesse of the vast City , and for the famousnesse of the Tower , which would have no fellow , all men would willingly stay about those places . Of the Tower 't is said in the Hebrew , whose head in Heaven , that is , where the Birds fly , or even the Clouds ; intimating , that they design'd to continue on this edifice even to the Clouds , which Naturalists say , sometimes , are not rais'd more then 340 paces above the Earth : which height is not so vast and extravagant that it might not fall into the thoughts of men , and even be perfected , too ; according to what God said , that They would not desist , till they should have accomplisht them in deed . 5. But God turn'd their own very counsells upon their own heads : for the fond pains , and perhaps , ( which some Histories insinuate ) because the Tower , when it had been brought to a very great height , was thrown down by the winds and lightnings , ( as it uses to happen to extreme high Fabricks ) made them weary of the work and its Authour , so that they would no longer obey him , nor even agree together : but severall Companies , as they could agree among themselves , departed into severall countries ; the Authour of the work , with those that consented to him , remaining still in Babylon . 6. And , this explication is clear , nor in any sort violent to the letter ; and according to the nature of things : whereas , that which the most follow contains so vast a Miracle ( and whereof we have no other example , unlesse , perhaps , in the effusion of the Holy Ghost ) ; that it may seem violent to extract it out of words , in their ordinary sense , signifying another thing . For , to be of one lip , & lips to be confounded or Tongues , agrees with common sense to signifie , the one , consent , the other , dissention : but to transferre these to multitude of languages is lesse naturall : which yet , if otherwise there were a sufficient Authority , to shew the effect done , is no waies to be rejected ; but , if the whole story draws its originall from this only Text , it will have no bottome nor solidity . 7. But hence , perhaps , some may ground their belief , that 'T is not easie to imagine whence Languages should have been divided amongst mankind , and have grown into so many kinds . To which we reply , that , whoever shall but observe what is usuall in his own City or Countrey , will easily discern how so great a variety of Dialects has grown into the world . For , 't is evident , the perfection of a Language consists among the Better-bred ; and the rude People corrupt the lesse usuall words , those that speak fast cut them short , the Countrey folks likewise make a speciall pronunciation of their own . Adde to these , that divers Cities and Provinces have form'd Dialects of their own ; which yet , ther 's no doubt , are contain'd all under one Idiome . 8. Consider , then , the minglings of distinct languages ; a Country sometimes being subdu'd by a Nation of a different Idiome ; sometimes , by the frequent Travels of single persons , the words of one Idiome being deriv'd to another . 9. Lastly , let 's reflect on the originall root of diversity : Which consists in this , That , words are compos'd of Vowels and Consonants ; and the differences of Vowels rise from a wider or a more form'd and regular opening both of the Mouth and Throat ; but , that of Consonants proceeds from an interception of the Breath going out through the divers organs of the Teeth , Lips , Tongue ; from its allision to them and the Palate of the mouth ; with some help of the Nostrills and the shutting up of the Throat . 10. Now , 't is evident , these members and instruments of Voice are compos'd of the Elements ; and consequently , from their temperament , are more dispos'd to one motion then to another ; and , which follows , that , from the Site of the Regions where men live , they are more inclin'd to some Vowels or Consonants then to others : whence it comes to passe , that , without any farther pains , Vowels and Consonants are chang'd by little and little , and ther 's such a diversity made , that they can no longer understand one another . 11. And , that the difference of Idioms grew after this manner , from the very beginning ; it may be hence conjectur'd , because the Chaldaick , Syriack , Arabick Tongues discover a manifest derivation from and affinity with the Hebrew . And , that the Aegyptian , too , of old sprung from it , seems hence conjecturable , that In all the Peregrinations of the Patriarchs , or even the commerces of the Kings with Aegypt , ther 's no where any mention that They did not understand one another : moreover , the Aegyptian names commemorated in Scripture , as Moyses , Pharao , Nechao , Putiphar &c. are Hebrew names , too . Farther , 't is plain , that the very name Babel is Hebrew ; which , yet , remain'd to the City from which the Family of Heber is believ'd to have departed , and to have gone and resided far enough off ; if indeed Melchisedech was of that Family . 12. To conclude , it seems naturall to the Originall Tongue to be very short , viz. of Monosyllables only , as much as concerns the primitive words : and the primitive words , of necessity , are of a determinate number , since , we scarce find more then seven first-Consonants ; for the rest are varied either in a greater or lesse aspiration , or by the composition of more together ; whence , 't would be no hard thing to find the number of all the primitive words : wherefore , 't is clear , there cannot be many originall Idioms , whose primitive words should be Monosyllables . 13. Some will object , the Hebrew is an Originall , and yet not all its primitive words are Monosyllables : v. gr . Adam , Eva , Shamaim , ( which name God impos'd upon Heaven ) Abel , &c. and finally , Babel it self . 14. 'T is answer'd , Adam , Abel , and Eva are monosyllables ; for , in Adam , and Abel , the Article is joyn'd to the name : For , since God impos'd the name upon Adam , 't is impossible he should have call'd him Adam from the name of the Earth : for , since Adama signifies primarily a speciall nature of Earth , which is red , and the name is transferr'd thence to the whole Earth ; moreover , that sort of Earth took the name of its Colour , and the colours name is from the primitive dam which signifies bloud ; 't is not credible that God gave such a derivative name to Man. Adam , therefore , is , as it were , ha-dam , that is , the like , viz. to God. In like manner the name of Abel is Bel , that is , confusion ; as also Babel signifies not confusion , but in confusion . The name of Heaven is a derivative from the primitive mai , which is a monosyllable . But , the Dissyllables which constitute the Substance of that Language as 't is amongst us , are compounded , though they seem to us primitives . 15 Thus , therefore , the second time , was the world , by division , replenisht with men : God turning our Evils and Vices into Good to us ; and His Providence so punishing our ills , and changing our goods into better , according to that of the Apostle , We know that , to those that love God , all things cooperate for good , to those who , according to his purpose , are called Saints . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A96369-e670 Aristotles orall Instructions to Alexander . Notes for div A96369-e7370 El. 6. Pr. 10. Euclid . El. 6. Pr. 19. El. 12. Pr. 18. Less . 3. Numb . 13. Less . 6. n. 4. Less . 14. n. 10. Notes for div A96369-e14550 Lesson 10. B. 2. Les . 10. N. 1. Les . 1. n. 1. N. 5. 6. Notes for div A96369-e20410 B. 2. Les . 2. N. 2. B. 2. less . 1. N. 4. Les . 3. n. 4. B. 2. les . 2. n. 7. B. 2. les . 24. n. 6. Les . 7. n. 11. 16. Notes for div A96369-e26730 B. 4. Les . 2. n. 1. B. 4. Les . 2. n. 1. N. 5 , 6 , &c. B. 4. Les . 3. N. 6. Les . 6 , 7 , &c. Les . 2. N. 8. Less . 13. n. 5. B. 2. Les . 2. N. 7. Les . 8. Les . 5. n. 9 , 10. B. 1. Les . 5. N. 8 , 9. B. 2. Les . 3. N. 3. Les . 6. N. 14 , 15. Notes for div A96369-e36460 Chap. 5. N. 5. Ch. 10. N. 4. Chap. 3. B. 3. Les . 13. 
A53058	----	Philosophical letters, or, Modest reflections upon some opinions in natural philosophy maintained by several famous and learned authors of this age, expressed by way of letters / by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent princess the Lady Marchioness of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1664 Approx. 888 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 285 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53058 Wing N866 ESTC R19740 11765757 ocm 11765757 48728 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53058) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48728) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 542:10) Philosophical letters, or, Modest reflections upon some opinions in natural philosophy maintained by several famous and learned authors of this age, expressed by way of letters / by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent princess the Lady Marchioness of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. [16], 542, [1] p. [s.n.] London : 1664. Commendatory poem by the Duke of Newcastle. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Philosophy. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Philosophical Letters : OR , MODEST REFLECTIONS Upon some Opinions in NATVRAL PHILOSOPHY , MAINTAINED By several Famous and Learned Authors of this Age , Expressed by way of LETTERS : By the Thrice Noble , Illustrious , and Excellent Princess , The Lady MARCHIONESS of NEWCASTLE . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1664. TO HER EXCELLENCY The Lady MARCHIONESS OF NEW CASTLE , On her Book of Philosophical Letters . T Is Supernatural , nay 't is Divine , To write whole Volumes ere I can a line . I'mplor'd the Lady Muses , those fine things , But they have broken all their Fidle-strings And cannot help me ; Nay , then I did try Their Helicon , but that is grown all dry : Then on Parnassus I did make a sallie , But that 's laid level , like a Bowling-alley ; Invok'd my Muse , found it a Pond , a Dream , To your eternal Spring , and running Stream ; So clear and fresh , with Wit and Phansie store , As then despair did bid me write no more . W. Newcastle . TO HIS EXCELLENCY The LORD MARQUIS of NEW CASTLE . My Noble Lord , ALthough you have always encouraged me in my harmless pastime of Writing , yet was I afraid that your Lordship would be angry with me for Writing and Publishing this Book , by reason it is a Book of Controversies , of which I have heard your Lordship say , That Controversies and Disputations make Enemies of Friends , and that such Disputations and Controversies as these , are a pedantical kind of quarrelling , not becoming Noble Persons . But your Lordship will be pleased to consider in my behalf , that it is impossible for one Person to be of every one's Opinion , if their opinions be different , and that my Opinions in Philosophy , being new , and never thought of , at least not divulged by any , but my self , are quite different from others : For the Ground of my Opinions is , that there is not onely a Sensitive , but also a Rational Life and Knowledge , and so a double Perception in all Creatures : And thus my opinions being new , are not so easily understood as those , that take vp several pieces of old opinions , of which they patch up a new Philosophy , ( if new may be made of old things , ) like a Suit made up of old Stuff bought at the Brokers : Wherefore to find out a Truth , at least a Probability in Natural Philosophy by a new and different way from other Writers , and to make this way more known , easie and intelligible , I was in a manner forced to write this Book ; for I have not contradicted those Authors in any thing , but what concerns and is opposite to my opinions ; neither do I any thing , but what they have done themselves , as being common amongst them to contradict each other : which may as well be allowable , as for Lawyers to plead at the Barr in opposite Causes . For as Lawyers are not Enemies to each other , but great Friends , all agreeing from the Barr , although not at the Barr : so it is with Philosophers , who make their Opinions as their Clients , not for Wealth , but for Fame , and therefore have no reason to become Enemies to each other , by being Industrious in their Profession . All which considered , was the cause of Publishing this Book ; wherein although I dissent from their opinions , yet doth not this take off the least of the respect and esteem I have of their Merits and Works . But if your Lordship do but pardon me , I care not if I be condemned by others ; for your Favour is more then the World to me , for which all the actions of my Life shall be devoted and ready to serve you , as becomes , My LORD , Your Lordships honest Wife , and humble Servant , M. N. TO THE MOST FAMOUS UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE . Most Noble , Ingenious , Learned , and Industrious Students . BE not offended , that I dedicate to you this weak and infirm work of mine ; for though it be not an offering worthy your acceptance , yet it is as much as I can present for this time ; and I wish from my Soul , I might be so happy as to have some means or ways to express my Gratitude for your Magnificent favours to me , having done me more honour then ever I could expect , or give sufficient thanks for : But your Generosity is above all Gratitude , and your Favours above all Merit , like as your Learning is above Contradiction : And I pray God your University may flourish to the end of the World , for the Service of the Church , the Truth of Religion , the Salvation of Souls , the Instruction of Youth , the preservation of Health , and prolonging of Life , and for the increase of profitable Arts and Sciences : so as your several studies may be , like several Magistrates , united for the good and benefit of the whole Common-wealth , nay , the whole World. May Heaven prosper you , the World magnifie you , and Eternity record your fame ; Which are the hearty wishes and prayers of , Your most obliged Servant M. NEWCASTLE . A PREFACE TO THE READER . Worthy Readers , I Did not write this Book out of delight , love or humour to contradiction ; for I would rather praise , then contradict any Person or Persons that are ingenious ; but by reason Opinion is free , and may pass without a pass-port , I took the liberty to declare my own opinions as other Philosophers do , and to that purpose I have here set down several famous and learned Authors opinions , and my answers to them in the form of Letters , which was the easiest way for me to write ; and by so doing , I have done that , which I would have bone unto me ; for I am as willing to have my opinions contradicted , as I do contradict others : for I love Reason so well , that whosoever can bring most rational and probable arguments , shall have my vote , although against my own opinion . But you may say , If contradictions were frequent , there would be no agreement amongst Mankind . I answer ; It is very true : Wherefore Contradictions are better in general Books , then in particular Families , and in Schools better then in Publick States , and better in Philosophy then in Divinity . All which considered , I shun , as much as I can , not to discourse or write of either Church or State. But I desire so much favour , or rather Justice of you , Worthy Readers , as not to interpret my objections or answers any other ways then against several opinions in Philosophy ; for I am confident there is not any body , that doth esteem , respect and honour learned and ingenious Persons more then I do : Wherefore judg me neither to be of a contradicting humor , nor of a vain-glorious mind for dissenting from other mens opinions , but rather that it is done out of love to Truth , and to make my own opinions the more intelligible , which cannot better be done then by arguing and comparing other mens opinions with them . The Authors whose opinions I mention , I have read , as I found them printed , in my native Language , except Des Cartes , who being in Latine , I had some few places translated to me out of his works ; and I must confess , that since I have read the works of these learned men , I understand the names and terms of Art a little better then I did before ; but it is not so much as to make me a Scholar , nor yet so little , but that , had I read more before I did begin to write my other Book called Philosophical Opinions , they would have been more intelligible ; for my error was , I began to write so early , that I had not liv'd so long as to be able to read many Authors ; I cannot say , I divulged my opinions as soon as I had conceiv'd them , but yet I divulged them too soon to have them artificial and methodical , But since what is past , cannot be recalled , I must desire you to excuse those faults , which were committed for want of experience and learning . As for School-learning , had I applied my self to it , yet I am confident I should never have arrived to any ; for I am so uncapable of Learning , that I could never attain to the knowledge of any other Language but my native , especially by the Rules of Art : wherefore I do not repent that I spent not my time in Learning , for I consider , it is better to write wittily then learnedly ; nevertheless , I love and esteem Learning , although I am not capable of it . But you may say , I have expressed neither Wit nor Learning in my Writings : Truly , if not , I am the more sorry for it ; but self-conceit , which is natural to mankind , especially to our Sex , did flatter and secretly perswade me that my Writings had Sense and Reason , Wit and Variety ; but Judgment being not called to Counsel , I yielded to Self-conceits flattery , and so put out my Writings to be Printed as fast as I could , without being reviewed or corrected : Neither did I fear any censure , for Self-conceit had perswaded me , I should be highly applauded ; wherefore I made such haste , that I had three or four Books printed presently after each other . But to return to this present Work , I must desire you , worthy Readers , to read first my Book called Philosophical and Physical Opinions , before you censure this , for this Book is but an explanation of the former , wherein is contained the Ground of my Opinions , and those that will judge well of a Building , must first consider the Foundation ; to which purpose I will repeat some few Heads and Principles of my Opinions , which are these following : First , That Nature is Infinite , and the Eternal Servant of God : Next , That she is Corporeal , and partly self-moving , dividable and composable ; that all and every particular Creature , as also all perception and variety in Nature , is made by corporeal self-motion , which I name sensitive and rational matter , which is life and knowledg , sense and reason . Again , That these sensitive and rational parts of matter are the purest and subtilest parts of Nature , as the active parts , the knowing , understanding and prudent parts , the designing , architectonical and working parts , nay , the Life and Soul of Nature , and that there is not any Creature or part of nature without this Life and Soul ; and that not onely Animals , but also Vegetables , Minerals and Elements , and what more is in Nature , are endued with this Life and Soul , Sense and Reason : and because this Life and Soul is a corporeal Substance , it is both dividable and composable ; for it divides and removes parts from parts , as also composes and joyns parts to parts , and works in a perpetual motion without rest ; by which actions not any Creature can challenge a particular Life and Soul to it self , but every Creature may have by the dividing and composing nature of this self-moving matter more or fewer natural souls and lives . These and the like actions of corporeal Nature or natural Matter you may find more at large described in my afore-mentioned Book of Philosophical Opinions , and more clearly repeated and explained in this present . T is true , the way of arguing I use , is common , but the Principles , Heads and Grounds of my Opinions are my own , not borrowed or stolen in the least from any ; and the first time I divulged them , was in the year 1653. since which time I have reviewed , reformed and reprinted them twice ; for at first , as my Conceptions were new and my own , so my Judgment was young , and my Experience little , so that I had not so much knowledge as to declare them artificially and methodically ; for as I mentioned before , I was always unapt to learn by the Rules of Art. But although they may be defective for want of Terms of Art , and artificial expressions , yet I am sure they are not defective for want of Sense and Reason : And if any one can bring more Sense and Reason to disprove these my opinions , I shall not repine or grieve , but either acknowledge my errour , if I find my self in any , or defend them as rationally as I can , if it be but done justly and honestly , without deceit , spight , or malice ; for I connot chuse but acquaint you , Noble Readers , I have been informed , that if I should be answered in my Writings , it would be done rather under the name and cover of a Woman , then of a Man , the reason is , because no man dare or will set his name to the contradiction of a Lady ; and to confirm you the better herein , there has one Chapter of my Book called The Worlds Olio , treating of a Monastical Life , been answer'd already in a little Pamphlet , under the name of a woman , although she did little towards it ; wherefore it being a Hermaphroditical Book , I judged it not worthy taking notice of . The like shall I do to any other that will answer this present work of mine , or contradict my opinions indirectly with fraud and deceit . But I cannot conceive why it should be a disgrace to any man to maintain his own or others opinions against a woman , so it be done with respect and civility ; but to become a cheat by dissembling , and quit the Breeches for a Petticoat , meerly out of spight and malice , is base , and not fit for the honour of a man , or the masculine sex . Besides , it will easily be known ; for a Philosopher or Philosopheress is not produced on a sudden . Wherefore , although I do not care , nor fear contradiction , yet I desire it may be done without fraud or deceit , spight and malice ; and then I shall be ready to defend my opinions the best I can , whilest I live , and after I am dead , I hope those that are just and honorable will also defend me from all sophistry , malice , spight and envy , for which Heaven will bless them . In the mean time , Worthy Readers , I should rejoyce to see that my Works are acceptable to you , for if you be not partial , you will easily pardon those faults you find , when you do consider both my sex and breeding ; for which favour and justice , I shall always remain , Your most obliged Servant , M. N. Philosophical Letters . SECT . 1. 1. MADAM , YOu have been pleased to send me the Works of four Famous and Learned Authors , to wit , of two most Famous Philosophers of our Age , Des Gartes , and Hobbs , and of that Learned Philosopher and Divine Dr. More , as also of that Famous Physician and Chymist Van Helmont . Which Works you have sent me not onely to peruse , but also to give my judgment of them , and to send you word by the usual way of our Correspondence , which is by Letters , how far , and wherein I do dissent from these Famous Authors , their Opinions in Natural Philosophy . To tell you truly , Madam , your Commands did at first much affright me , for it did appear , as if you had commanded me to get upon a high Rock , and fling my self into the Sea , where neither a Ship , nor a Plank , nor any kind of help was near to rescue me , and save my life ; but that I was forced to sink , by reason I cannot swim : So I having no Learning nor Art to assist me in this dangerous undertaking , thought , I must of necessity perish under the rough censures of my Readers , and be not onely accounted a fool for my labour , but a vain and presumptuous person , to undertake things surpassing the ability of my performance ; but on the other side I considered first , that those Worthy Authors , were they my censurers , would not deny me the same liberty they take themselves ; which is , that I may dissent from their Opinions , as well as they dissent from others , and from amongst themselves : And if I should express more Vanity then Wit , more Ignorance then Knowledg , more Folly then Discretion , it being according to the Nature of our Sex , I hoped that my Masculine Readers would civilly excuse me , and my Female Readers could not justly condemn me . Next I considered with my self , that it would be a great advantage for my Book called Philosophical Opinions , as to make it more perspicuous and intelligible by the opposition of other Opinions , since two opposite things placed near each other , are the better discerned ; for I must confess , that when I did put forth my Philosophical Work at first , I was not so well skilled in the Terms or Expressions usual in Natural Philosophy ; and therefore for want of their knowledg , I could not declare my meaning so plainly and clearly as I ought to have done , which may be a sufficient argument to my Readers , that I have not read heretofore any Natural Philosophers , and taken some Light from them ; but that my Opinions did meerly issue from the Fountain of my own Brain , without any other help or assistance . Wherefore since for want of proper Expressions , my named Book of Philosophy was accused of obscurity and intricacy , I thought your Commands would be a means to explain and clear it the better , although not by an Artificial way , as by Logical Arguments or Mathematical Demonstrations , yet by expressing my Sense and Meaning more properly and clearly then I have done heretofore : But the chief reason of all was , the Authority of your Command , which did work so powerfully with me , that I could not resist , although it were to the disgrace of my own judgment and wit ; and therefore I am fully resoved now to go on as far , and as well as the Natural strength of my Reason will reach : but since neither the strength of my Body , nor of my understanding , or wit , is able to mark every line , or every word of their works , and to argue upon them , I shall onely pick out the ground Opinions of the aforementioned Authors , and those which do directly dissent from mine , upon which I intend to make some few Reflections , according to the ability of my Reason ; and I shall meerly go upon the bare Ground of Natural Philosophy , and not mix Divinity with it , as many Philosophers use to do , except it be in those places , where I am forced by the Authors Arguments to reflect upon it , which yet shall be rather with an expression of my ignorance , then a positive declaration of my opinion or judgment thereof ; for I think it not onely an absurdity , but an injury to the holy Profession of Divinity to draw her to the Proofs in Natural Philosophy ; wherefore I shall strictly follow the Guidance of Natural Reason , and keep to my own ground and Principles as much as I can ; which that I may perform the better , I humbly desire the help and assistance of your Favour , that according to that real and intire Affection you bear to me , you would be pleased to tell me unfeignedly , if I should chance to err or contradict but the least probability of truth in any thing ; for I honor Truth so much , as I bow down to its shadow with the greatest respect and reverence ; and I esteem those persons most , that love and honor Truth with the same zeal and fervor , whether they be Ancient or Modern Writers . Thus , Madam , although I am destitute of the help of Arts , yet being supported by your Favour and wise Directions , I shall not fear any smiles of scorn , or words of reproach ; for I am confident you will defend me against all the mischievous and poisonous Teeth of malitious detractors . I shall besides , implore the assistance of the Sacred Church , and the Learned Schools , to take me into their Protection , and shelter my weak endeavours : For though I am but an ignorant and simple Woman , yet I am their devoted and honest Servant , who shall never quit the respect and honor due to them , but live and die theirs , as also , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble and faithful Servant . II. MADAM , BEfore I begin my Reflections upon the Opinions of those Authors you sent me , I will answer first your Objection concerning the Ground of my Philosophy , which is Infinite Matter : For you were pleased to mention , That you could not well apprehend , how it was possible , that many Infinites could be contained in one Infinite , since one Infinite takes up all Place Imaginary , leaving no room for any other ; Also , if one Infinite should be contained in an other Infinite , that which contains , must of necessity be bigger then that which is contained , whereby the Nater of Infinite would be lost ; as having no bigger nor less , but being of an Infinite quantity . First of all , Madam , there is no such thing as All in Infinite , nor any such thing as All the Place , for Infinite is not circumscribed nor limited : Next , as for that one Infinite cannot be in an other Infinite , I answer , as well as one Finite can be in another Finite ; for one Creature is not onely composed of Parts , but one Part lies within another , and one Figure within another , and one Motion within another . As for example , Animal Kind , have they not Internal and External Parts , and so Internal and External Motions ? And are not Animals , Vegetables and Minerals inclosed in the Elements ? But as for Infinites , you must know , Madam , that there are several kindes of Infinites . For there is first Infinite in quantity or bulk , that is such a big and great Corporeal substance , which exceeds all bounds and limits of measure , and may be called Infinite in Magnitude . Next there is Infinite in Number , which exceeds all numeration and account , and may be termed Infinite in Multitude ; Again there is Infinite in Quality ; as for example , Infinite degrees of softness , hardness , thickness , thinness , heat and cold , &c. also Infinite degrees of Motion , and so Infinite Creations , Infinite Compositions , Dissolutions , Contractions , Dilations , Digestions , Expulsions ; also Infinite degrees of Strength , Knowledg , Power , &c. Besides there is Infinite in Time , which is properly named Eternal . Now , when I say , that there is but one Infinite , and that Infinite is the Onely Matter , I mean infinite in bulk and quantity . And this Onely matter , because it is Infinite in bulk , must of necessity be divisible into infinite Parts , that is , infinite in number , not in bulk or quantity ; for though Infinite Parts in number make up one infinite in quantity , yet they considered in themselves , cannot be said Infinite , because every Part is of a certain limited and circumscribed Figure , Quantity and Proportion , whereas Infinite hath no limits nor bounds : besides it is against the nature of a single Part to be Infinite , or else there would be no difference between the Part and the whole , the nature of a Part requiring that it must be less then its whole , but all what is less hath a determined quantity , and so becomes finite . Therefore it is no absurdity to say , that an Infinite may have both Finite and Infinite Parts , Finite in Quantity , Infinite in Number . But those that say , if there were an Infinite Body , that each of its Parts must of necessity be Infinite too , are much mistaken ; for it is a contradiction in the same Terms to say One Infinite Part , for the very Name of a Part includes a Finiteness , but take all parts of an Infinite Body together , then you may rightly say they are infinite . Nay Reason will inform you plainly , for example : Imagine an Infinite number of grains of Corn in one heap , surely if the number of Grains be Infinite , you must grant of necessity the bulk or body , which contains this infinite number of grains , to be Infinite too ; to wit , Infinite in quantity , and yet you will find each Grain in it self to be Finite . But you will say , an Infinite Body cannot have parts , for if it be Infinite , it must be Infinite in Quantity , and therefore of one bulk , and one continued quantity , but Infinite parts in number make a discrete quantity . I answer it is all one ; for a Body of a continued quantity may be divided and severed into fo many Parts either actually , or mentally in our Conceptions or thoughts ; besides nature is one continued Body , for there is no such Vacuum in Nature , as if her Parts did hang together like a linked Chain ; nor can any of her Parts subsist single and by it self , but all the Parts of Infinite Nature , although they are in one continued Piece , yet are they several and discerned from each other by their several Figures . And by this , I hope , you will understand my meaning , when I say , that several Infinites may be included or comprehended in one Infinite ; for by the one Infinite , I understand Infinite in Quantity , which includes Infinite in Number , that is Infinite Parts ; then Infinite in Quality , as Infinite degrees of Rarity , Density , Swiftness , Slowness , Hardness , Softness , &c. Infinite degrees of Motions , Infinite Creations , Dissolutions , Contractions , Dilations , Alterations , &c. Infinite degres of Wisdom , Strength , Power , &c. and lastly Infinite in Time or Duration , which is Eternity , for Infinite and Eternal are inseparable ; All which Infinites are contained in the Onely Matter as many Letters are contained in one Word , many Words in one Line , many Lines in one Book . But you will say perhaps , if I attribute an Infinite Wisdom , Strength , Power , Knowledge , &c. to Nature ; then Nature is in all coequal with God , for God has the same Attributes : I answer , Not at all ; for I desire you to understand me rightly , when I speak of Infinite Nature , and when I speak of the Infinite Deity , sor there is great difference between them , for it is one thing a Deitical or Divine Infinite , and another a Natural Infinite ; You know , that God is a Spirit , and not a bodily substance , again that Nature is a Body , and not a Spirit , and therefore none of these Infinites can obstruct or hinder each other , as being different in their kinds , for a Spirit being no Body , requires no place , Place being an attribute which onely belongs to a Body , and therefore when I call Nature Infinite , I mean an Infinite extension of Body , containing an Infinite number of Parts ; but what doth an Infinite extension of Body hinder the Infiniteness of God , as an Immaterial Spiritual being ? Next , when I do attribute an Infinite Power , Wisdom , Knowledge , &c. to Nature , I do not understand a Divine , but a Natural Infinite Wisdom and Power , that is , such as properly belongs to Nature , and not a supernatural , as is in god ; For Nature having Infinite parts of Infinite degrees , must also have an Infinite natural wisdom to order her natural Infinite parts and actions , and consequently an Infinite natural power to put her wisdom into act ; and so of the rest of her attributes , which are all natural : But Gods Attributes being supernatural , transcend much these natural infinite attributes ; for God , being the God of Nature , has not onely Natures Infinite Wisdom and Power , but besides , a Supernatural and Incomprehensible Infinite Wisdom and Power ; which in no wayes do hinder each other , but may very well subsist together . Neither doth Gods Infinite Justice and his Infinite Mercy hinder each other ; for Gods Attributes , though they be all several Infinites , yet they make but one Infinite . But you will say , If Nature's Wisdom and Power extends no further then to natural things , it is not Infinite , but limited and restrained . I answer , That doth not take away the Infiniteness of Nature ; for there may be several kinds of Infinites , as I related before , and one may be as perfect an Infinite as the other in its kind . For example : Suppose a Line to be extended infinitely in length , you will call this Line Infinite , although it have not an Infinite breadth : Also , if an infinite length and breadth joyn together , you will call it , an Infinite Superficies , although it wants an infinite depth ; and yet every Infinite , in its kinde , is a Perfect Infinite , if I may call it so : Why then shall not Nature also be said to have an Infinite Natural Wisdom and Power , although she has not a Divine Wisdom and Power ? Can we say , Man hath not a free Will , because he hath not an absolute free Will , as God hath ? Wherefore , a Natural Infinite , and the Infinite God , may well stand together , without any opposition or hinderance , or without any detracting or derogating from the Omnipotency and Glory of God ; for God remains still the God of Nature , and is an Infinite Immaterial Purity , when as Nature is an Infinite Corporeal Substance ; and Immaterial and Material cannot obstruct each other . And though an Infinite Corporeal cannot make an Infinite Immaterial , yet an Infinite Immaterial can make an Infinite Corporeal , by reason there is as much difference in the Power as in the Purity : And the disparity between the Natural and Divine Infinite is such , as they cannot joyn , mix , and work together , unless you do believe that Divine Actions can have allay . But you may say , Purity belongs onely to natural things , and none but natural bodies can be said purified , but God exceeds all Purity . 'T is true : But if there were infinite degrees of Purity in Matter , Matter might at last become Immaterial , and so from an Infinite Material turn to an Infinite Immaterial , and from Natrue to be God : A great , but an impossible Change. For I do verily believe , that there can be but one Omnipotent God , and he cannot admit of addition , or diminution ; and that which is Material cannot be Immaterial , and what is Immaterial cannot become Material , I mean , so , as to change their natures ; for Nature is what God was pleased she should be ; and will be what she was , until God be pleased to make her otherwise . Wherefore there can be no new Creation of matter , motion , or figure ; nor any annihilation of any matter , motion , or figure in Nature , unless God do create a new Nature : For the changing of Matter into several particular Figures , doth not prove an annihilation of particular Figures ; nor the cessation of particular Motions an annihilation of them : Neither doth the variation of the Onely Matter produce an annihilation of any part of Matter , nor the variation of figures and motions of Matter cause an alteration in the nature of Onely Matter : Wherefore there cannot be new Lives , Souls or Bodies in Nature ; for , could there be any thing new in Nature , or any thing annihilated , there would not be any stability in Nature , as a continuance of every kind and sort of Creatures , but there would be a confusion between the new and old matter , motions , and figures , as between old and new Nature ; In truth , it would be like new Wine in old Vessels , by which all would break into disorder . Neither can supernatural and natural effects be mixt together , no more then material and immaterial things or beings : Therefore it is probable , God has ordained Nature to work in herself by his Leave , Will , and Free Gift . But there have been , and are still strange and erroneous Opinions , and great differences amongst Natural Philosophers , concerning the Principles of Natural things ; some will have them Atoms , others will have the first Principles to be Salt , Sulphur and Mercury ; some will have them to be the four Elements , as Fire , Air , Water , and Earth ; and others will have but one of these Elements ; also some will have Gas and Blas , Ferments , Idea's , and the like ; but what they believe to be Principles and Causes of natural things , are onely Effects ; for in all Probability it appears to humane sense and reason , that the cause of every particular material Creature is the onely and Infinite Matter , which has Motions and Figures inseparably united ; for Matter , Motion and Figure , are but one thing , individable in its Nature . And as for Immaterial Spirits , there is surely no such thing in Infinite Nature , to wit , so as to be Parts of Nature ; for Nature is altogether Material , but this opinion proceeds from the separation or abstraction of Motion form Matter , viz. that man thinks matter and motion to be dividable from each other , and believes motion to be a thing by its self , naming it an Imaterial thing , which has a being , but not a bodily substance : But various and different effects do not prove a different Matter or Cause , neither do they prove an unsetled Cause , onely the variety of Effects hath obscured the Cause from the several parts , which makes Particular Creatures partly Ignorant , and partly knowing . But in my opinion , Nature is material , and not any thing in Nature , what belongs to her , is immaterial ; but whatsoever is Immaterial , is Supernatural , Therefore Motions , Forms , Thoughts , Ideas , Conceptions , Sympathies , Antipathies , Accidents , Qualities , as also Natural Life , and Soul , are all Material : And as for Colours , Sents , Light , Sound , Heat , Cold , and the like , those that believe them not to be substances or material things , surely their brain or heart ( take what place you will for the forming of Conceptions ) moves very Irregularly , and they might as well say , Our sensitive Organs are not material ; for what Objects soever , that are subject to our senses , cannot in sense be denied to be Corporeal , when as those things that are not subject to our senses , can be conceived in reason to be Immaterial ? But some Philosophers striving to express their wit , obstruct reason ; and drawing Divinity to prove Sense and Reason , weaken Faith so , as their mixed Divine Philosophy becomes meer Poetical Fictions , and Romancical expressions , making material Bodies immaterial Spirits , and immaterial Spirits material Bodies ; and some have conceived some things neither to be Material nor Immaterial , but between both . Truly , Madam , I wish their Wits had been less , and their Judgments more , as not to jumble Natural and Supernatural things together , but to distinguish either clearly , for such Mixtures are neither Natural nor Divine ; But as I said , the Confufion comes from their too nice abstractions , and from the separation of Figure and Motion from Matter , as not conceiving them individable ; but if God , and his servant Nature were as Intricate and Confuse in their Works , as Men in their Understandings and Words , the Universe and Production of all Creatures would soon be without Order and Government , so as there would be a horrid and Eternal War both in Heaven , and in the World , and so pittying their troubled Brains , and wishing them the Light of Reason , that they may clearly perceive the Truth , I rest MADAM , Your real Friend and faithful Servant . III. MADAM , IT seems you are offended at my Opinion , that Nature is Eternal without beginning , which , you say , is to make her God , or at least coeqnal with God ; But , if you apprehend my meaning rightly , you will say , I do not : For first , God is an Immaterial and Spiritual Infinite Being , which Propriety God cannot give away to any Creature , nor make another God in Essence like to him , for Gods Attributes are not communicable to any Creature ; Yet this doth not hinder , that God should not make Infinite and Eternal Matter , for that is as easie to him , as to make a Finite Creature , Infinite Matter being quite of another Nature then God is , to wit , Corporeal , when God is Incorporeal , the difference whereof I have declared in my former Letter . But as for Nature , that it cannot be Eternal without beginning , because God is the Creator and Cause of it , and that the Creator must be before the Creature , as the Cause before the Effect , so , that it is impossible for Nature to be without a beginning ; if you will speak naturally , as human reason guides you , and bring an Argument concluding from the Priority of the Cause before the Effect , give me leave to tell you , that God is not tied to Natural Rules , but that he can do beyond our Understanding , and therefore he is neither bound up to time , as to be before , for if we will do this , we must not allow , that the Eternal Son of God is Coeternal with the Father , because nature requires a Father to exist before the Son , but in God is no time , but all Eternity ; and if you allow , that God hath made some Creatures , as Supernatural Spirits , to live Eternally , why should he not as well have made a Creature from all Eternity ? for Gods making is not our making , he needs no Priority of Time. But you may say , the Comparison of the Eternal Generation of the Son of God is Mystical and Divine , and not to be applied to natural things : I answer , The action by which God created the World or made Nature , was it natural of supernatural ? surely you will say it was a Supernatural and God-like action , why then will you apply Natural Rules to a God-like and Supernatural Action ? for what Man knows , how and when God created Nature ? You will say , the Scripture doth teach us that , for it is not Six thousand years , when God created this World. I answer , the holy Scripture informs us onely of the Creation of this Visible World , but not of Nature and natural Matter ; for I firmly believe according to the Word of God , that this World has been Created , as is described by Moses , but what is that to natural Matter ? There may have been worlds before , as many are of the opinion that there have been men before Adam , and many amongst Divines do believe , that after the destruction of this World God will Create a new World again , as a new Heaven , and a new Earth ; and if this be probable , or at least may be believed without any prejudice to the holy Scripture , why may it not be probably believed that there have been other worlds before this visible World ? for nothing is impossible with God ; and all this doth derogate nothing from the Honour and Glory of God , but rather increases his Divine Power . But as for the Creation of this present World , it is related , that there was first a rude and indigested Heap , or Chaos , without form , void and dark ; and God said , Let it be light ; Let there be a Firmament in the midst of the Waters , and let the Waters under the Heaven be gathered together , and let the dry Land appear ; Let the Earth bring forth Grass , the Herb yielding seed , and the Fruit-tree yielding Fruit after its own kind ; and let there be Lights in the Firmament , the one to rule the Day , and the other the Night ; and let the Waters bring forth abundantly the moving Creature that hath life ; and let the Earth bring forth living Creatures after its kinde ; and at last God said , Let us make Man , and all what was made , God saw it was good . Thus all was made by Gods Command , and who executed his Command but the Material servant of God , Nature ? which ordered her self-moving matter into such several Figures as God commanded , and God approved of them . And thus , Madam , I verily believe the Creation of the World , and that God is the Sole and omnipotent Creator of Heaven and Earth , and of all Creatures therein ; nay , although I believe Nature to have been from Eternity , yet I believe also that God is the God and Author of Nature , and has made Nature and natural Matter in a way and manner proper to his Omnipotency and Incomprehensible by us : I will pass by natural Arguments and Proofs , as not belonging to such an Omnipotent Action ; as for example , how the nature of relative terms requires , that they must both exist at one point of Time , viz. a Master and his Servant , and a King and his Subjects ; for one bearing relation to the other , can in no ways be considered as different from one another in formiliness or laterness of Time ; but as I said , these being meerly natural things , I will nor cannot apply them to Supernatural and Divine Actions ; But if you ask me , how it is possible that Nature , the Effect and Creature of God , can be Eternal without beginning ? I will desire you to answer me first , how a Creature can be Eternal without end , as , for example , Supernatural Spirits are , and then I will answer you , how a Creature can be Eternal without beginning ; For Eternity consists herein , that it has neither beginning nor end ; and if it be easie for God to make a Being without end , it is not difficult for Him to make a Being without beginning . One thing more I will add , which is , That if Nature has not been made by God from all Eternity , then the Title of God , as being a Creator , which is a Title and action , upon which our Faith is grounded , ( for it is the first Article in our Creed ) has been accessory to God , as I said , not full Six thousand years ago ; but there is not anything accessory to God , he being the Perfection himself . But , Madam , all what I speak , is under the liberty of Natural Philosophy , and by the Light of Reason onely , not of Revelation ; and my Reason being not infallible , I will not declare my Opinions for an infallible Truth : Neither do I think , that they are offensive either to Church or State , for I submit to the Laws of One , and believe the Doctrine of the Other , so much , that if it were for the advantage of either , I should be willing to sacrifice my Life , especially for the Church ; yea , had I millions of Lives , and every Life was either to suffer torment or to live in ease , I would prefer torment for the benefit of the Church ; and therefore , if I knew that my Opinions should give any offence to the Church , I should be ready every minute to alter them : And as much as I am bound in all duty to the obedience of the Church , as much am I particularly bound to your Ladiship , for your entire love and sincere affection towards me , for which I shall live and die , MADAM , Your most faithful Friend , and humble Servant . IV. MADAM , I Have chosen , in the first place , the Work of that famous Philosopher Hobbs , called Leviathan , wherein I find he sayes , * That the cause of sense or sensitive perception is the external body or Object , which presses the Organ proper to each Sense . To which I answer , according to the ground of my own Philosophical Opinions , That all things , and therefore outward objects as well as sensitive organs , have both Sense and Reason , yet neither the objects nor the organs are the cause of them ; for Perception is but the effect of the Sensitive and rational Motions , and not the Motions of the Perception ; neither doth the pressure of parts upon parts make Perception ; for although Matter by the power of self-motion is as much composeable as divideable , and parts do joyn to parts , yet that doth not make perception ; nay , the several parts , betwixt which the Perception is made , may be at such a distance , as not capable to press : As for example , Two men may see or hear each other at a distance , and yet there may be other bodies between them , that do not move to those perceptions , so that no pressure can be made , for all pressures are by some constraint and force ; wherefore , according to my Opinion , the Sensitive and Rational free Motions , do pattern out each others object , as Figure and Voice in each others Eye and Ear ; for Life and Knowledge , which I name Rational and Sensitive Matter , are in every Creature , and in all parts of every Creature , and make all perceptions in Nature , because they are the self-moving parts of Nature , and according as those Corporeal , Rational , and Sensitive Motions move , such or such perceptions are made : But these self-moving parts being of different degrees ( for the Rational matter is purer then the Sensitive ) it causes a double perception in all Creatures , whereof one is made by the Rational corporeal motions , and the other by the Sensitive ; and though both perceptions are in all the body , and in every part of the body of a Creature , yet the sensitive corporeal motions having their proper organs , as Work-houses , in which they work some sorts of perceptions , those perceptions are most commonly made in those organs , and are double again ; for the sensitive motions work either on the inside or on the outside of those organs , on the inside in Dreams , on the out-side awake ; and although both the Rational and the Sensitive matter are inseparably joyned and mixed together , yet do they not always work together , for oftentimes the Rational works without any sensitive paterns , and the sensitive again without any rational paterns . But mistake me not , Madam , for I do not absolutely confine the sensitive perception to the Organs , nor the rational to the Brain , but as they are both in the whole body , so they may work in the whole body according to their own motions . Neither do I say , that there is no other perception in the Eye but sight , in the Ear but hearing , and so forth , but the sensitive organs have other perceptions besides these ; and if the sensitive and rational motions be irregular in those parts , between which the perception is made , as for example , in the two fore-mentioned men , that see and hear each other , then they both neither see nor hear each other perfectly ; and if one's motions be perfect , but the other 's irregular and erroneous , then one sees and hears better then the other ; or if the Sensitive and Rational motions move more regularly and make perfecter paterns in the Eye then in the Ear , then they see better then they hear ; and if more regularly and perfectly in the Ear then in the Eye , they hear better then they see : And so it may be said of each man singly , for one man may see the other better and more perfectly , then the other may see him ; and this man may hear the other better and more perfectly , then the other may hear him ; whereas , if perception were made by pressure , there would not be any such mistakes ; besides the hard pressure of objects , in my opinion , would rather annoy and obscure , then inform . But as soon as the object is removed , the Perception of it , made by the sensitive motions in the Organs , ceaseth , by reason the sensitive Motions cease from paterning , but yet the Rational Motions do not always cease so suddenly , because the sensitive corporeal Motions work with the Inanimate Matter , and therefore cannot retain particular figures long , whereas the Rational Matter doth onely move in its own substance and parts of matter , and upon none other , as my Book of Philosophical Opinions will inform you better . And thus Perception , in my opinion , is not made by Pressure , nor by Species , nor by matter going either from the Organ to the Object , or from the Object into the Organ . By this it is also manifest , that Understanding comes not from Exterior Objects , or from the Exterior sensitive Organs ; for as Exterior Objects do not make Perception , so they do neither make Understanding , but it is the rational matter that doth it , for Understanding may be without exterior objects and sensitive organs ; And this in short is the opinion of MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . V. MADAM , YOur Authours opinion is , * that when a thing lies still , unless somewhat else stir it , it will lie still for ever ; but when a thing is in motion , it will eternally be in motion , unless somewhat else stay it ; the reason is , saith he , because nothing can change it self ; To tell you truly , Madam , I am not of his opinion , for if Matter moveth it self , as certainly it doth , then the least part of Matter , were it so small as to seem Individable , will move it self ; T is true , it could not desist from motion , as being its nature to move , and no thing can change its Nature ; for God himself , who hath more power then self-moving Matter , cannot change himself from being God ; but that Motion should proceed from another exterior Body , joyning with , or touching that body which it moves , is in my opinion not probable ; for though Nature is all Corporeal , and her actions are Corporeal Motions , yet that doth not prove , that the Motion of particular Creatures or Parts is caused by the joining , touching or pressing of parts upon parts ; for it is not the several parts that make motion , but motion makes them ; and yet Motion is not the cause of Matter , but Matter is the cause of Motion , for Matter might subsist without Motion , but not Motion without Matter , onely there could be no perception without Motion , nor no Variety , if Matter were not self-moving ; but Matter , if it were all Inanimate and void of Motion , would lie as a dull , dead and senseless heap ; But that all Motion comes by joining or pressing of other parts , I deny , for if sensitive and rational perceptions , which are sensitive and rational motions , in the body , and in the mind , were made by the pressure of outward objects , pressing the sensitive organs , and so the brain or interior parts of the Body , they would cause such dents and holes therein , as to make them sore and patched in a short time ; Besides , what was represented in this manner , would always remain , or at least not so soon be dissolved , and then those pressures would make a strange and horrid confusion of Figures , for not any figure would be distinct ; Wherefore my opinion is , that the sensitive and rational Matter doth make or pattern out the figures of several Objects , and doth dissolve them in a moment of time ; as for example , when the eye seeth the object first of a Man , then of a Horse , then of another Creature , the sensitive motions in the eye move first into the figure of the Man , then straight into the figure of the Horse , so that the Mans figure is dissolved and altered into the figure of the Horse , and so forth ; but if the eye sees many figures at once , then so many several figures are made by the sensitive Corporeal Motions , and as many by the Rational Motions , which are Sight and Memory , at once : But in sleep both the sensitive and rational Motions make the figures without patterns , that is , exterior objects , which is the cause that they are often erroneous , whereas , if it were the former Impression of the Objects , there could not possibly be imperfect Dreams or Remembrances , for fading of Figures requires as much motion , as impression , and impression and fading are very different and opposite motions ; nay , if Perception was made by Impression , there could not possibly be a fading or decay of the figures printed either in the Mind or Body , whereas yet , as there is alteration of Motions in self-moving Matter , so there is also an alteration of figures made by these motions . But you will say , it doth not follow , if Perception be made by Impression , that it must needs continue and not decay ; for if you touch and move a string , the motion doth not continue for ever , but ceaseth by degrees ; I answer , There is great difference between Prime self-motion , and forced or Artificial Motions ; for Artificial Motions are onely an Imitation of Natural Motions , and not the same , but caused by Natural Motions ; for although there is no Art that is not made by Nature , yet Nature is not made by Art ; Wherefore we cannot rationally judg of Perception by comparing it to the motion of a string , and its alteration to the ceasing of that motion , for Nature moveth not by force , but freely . 'T is true , 't is the freedom in Nature for one man to give another a box on the Ear , or to trip up his heels , or for one or more men to fight with each other ; yet these actions are not like the actions of loving Imbraces and Kissing each other ; neither are the actions one and the same , when a man strikes himself , and when he strikes another ; and so is likewise the action of impression , and the action of self-figuring not one and the same , but different ; for the action of impression is forced , and the action of self-figuring is free ; Wherefore the comparison of the forced motions of a string , rope , watch , or the like , can have no place here ; for though the rope , made of flax or hemp , may have the perception of a Vegetable , yet not of the hand , or the like , that touched or struck it ; and although the hand doth occasion the rope to move in such a manner , yet it is not the motion of the hand , by which it moveth , and when it ceases , its natural and inherent power to move is not lessened ; like as a man , that hath left off carving or painting , hath no less skill then he had before , neither is that skill lost when he plays upon the Lute or Virginals , or plows , plants , and the like , but he hath onely altered his action , as from carving to painting , or from painting to playing , and so to plowing and planting , which is not through disability but choice . But you will say , it is nevertheless a cessation of such a motion . I grant it : but the ceasing of such a motion is not the ceasing of self-moving matter from all motions , neither is cessation as much as annihilation , for the motion lies in the power of the matter to repeat it , as oft it will , if it be not overpowred , for more parts , or more strength , or more motions may over-power the less ; Wherefore forced , or artificial and free Natural motions are different in their effects , although they have but one Cause , which is the self-moving matter , and though Matter is but active and passive , yet there is great Variety , and so great difference in force and liberty , objects and perceptions , sense and reason , and the like . But to conclude , perception is not made by the pressure of objects , no more then hemp is made by the Rope-maker , or metal by the Bell-founder or Ringer , and yet neither the rope nor the metal is without sense and reason , but the natural motions of the metal , and the artificial motions of the Ringer are different ; wherefore a natural effect in truth cannot be produced from an artificial cause , neither can the ceasing of particular forced or artificial motions be a proof for the ceasing of general , natural , free motions , as that matter it self should cease to move ; for there is no such thing as rest in Nature , but there is an alteration of motions and figures in self-moving matter , which alteration causeth variety as well in opinions , as in every thing else ; Wherefore in my opinion , though sense alters , yet it doth not decay , for the rational and sensitive part of matter is as lasting as matter it self , but that which is named decay of sense , is onely the alteration of motions , and not an obscurity of motions , like as the motions of memory and forgetfulness , and the repetition of the same motions is called remembrance . And thus much of this subject for the present , to which I add no more but rest MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . VI. MADAM , YOur Authour discoursing of Imagination , saith , * That as soon as any object is removed from our Eyes , though the Impression that is made in us , remain , yet other objects more present succeeding and working on us , the Imagination of the past is obscured and made weak . To which I answer , first , that he conceives Sense and Imagination to be all one , for he says , Imagination is nothing else , but a fading or decaying sense ; whereas in my opinion they are different , not onely their matter , but their motions also being distinct and different ; for Imagination is a rational perception , and sense a sensitive perception ; wherefore as much as the rational matter differs from the sensitive , as much doth Imagination differ from Sense . Next I say , that Impressions do not remain in the body of sensitive matter , but it is in its power to make or repeat the like figures ; Neither is Imagination less , when the object is absent , then when present , but the figure patterned out in the sensitive organs , being altered , and remaining onely in the Rational part of matter , is not so perspicuous and clear , as when it was both in the Sense and in the Mind : And to prove that Imagination of things past doth not grow weaker by distance of time , as your Authour says , many a man in his old age , will have as perfect an Imagination of what is past in his younger years , as if he saw it present . And as for your Authours opinion , that Imagination and Memory are one and the same , I grant , that they are made of one kind of Matter ; but although the Matter is one and the same , yet several motions in the several parts make Imagination and Memory several things : As for Example , a Man may Imagine that which never came into his Senses , wherefore Imagination is not one and the same thing with Memory . But your Author seems to make all Sense , as it were , one Motion , but not all Motion Sense , whereas surely there is no Motion , but is either Sensitive or Rational ; for Reason is but a pure and refined Sense , and Sense a grosser Reason . Yet all sensitive and rational Motions are not one and the same ; for forced or Artificial Motions , though they proceed from sensitive matter , yet are they so different from the free and Prime Natural Motions , that they seem , as it were , quite of another nature : And this distinction neglected is the Cause , that many make Appetites and Passions , Perceptions and Objects , and the like , as one , without any or but little difference . But having discoursed of the difference of these Motions in my former Letter , I will not be tedious to you , with repeating it again , but remain , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VII . MADAM , YOur Authours opinion , concerning Dreams * , seemeth to me in some part very rational and probable , in some part not ; For when he sayes , that Dreams are onely Imaginations of them that sleep , which imaginations have been before either totally or by parcels in the Sense ; and that the organs of Sense , as the Brain and the Nerves , being benumb'd in sleep , as not easily to be moved by external objects , those Imaginations proceed onely from the agitation of the inward parts of mans body , which for the connexion they have with the Brain , and other organs , when they be distemper'd , do keep the same in motion , whereby the Imaginations there formerly made , appear as if a man were waking ; This seems to my Reason not very probable : For , first , Dreams are not absolutely Imaginations , except we do call all Motions and Actions of the Sensitive and Rational Matter , Imaginations . Neither is it necessary , that all Imaginations must have been before either totally or by parcels in the Sense ; neither is there any benumbing of the organs of Sense in sleep . But Dreams , according to my opinion , are made by the Sensitive and Rational Corporeal Motions , by figuring several objects , as awake ; onely the difference is , that the Sensitive motions in Dreams work by rote and on the inside of the Sensitive organs , when as awake they work according to the patterns of outward objects , and exteriously or on the outside of the sensitive Organs , so that sleep or dreams are nothing else but an alteration of motions , from moving exteriously to move interiously , and from working after a Pattern to work by rote : I do not say that the body is without all exterior motions , when asleep , as breathing and beating of the Pulse ( although these motions are rather interior then exterior , ) but that onely the sensitive organs are outwardly shut , so as not to receive the patterns of outward Objects , nevertheless the sensitive Motions do not cease from moving inwardly , or on the inside of the sensitive Organs ; But the rational matter doth often , as awake , so asleep or in dreams , make such figures , as the sensitive did never make either from outward objects , or of its own accord ; for the sensitive hath sometimes liberty to work without Objects , but the Rational much more , which is not bound either to the patterns of Exterior objects , or of the sensitive voluntary Figures . Wherefore it is not divers distempers , as your Authour sayes , that cause different Dreams , or Cold , or Heat ; neither are Dreams the reverse of our waking Imaginations , nor all the Figures in Dreams are not made with their heels up , and their heads downwards , though some are ; but this error or irregularity proceeds from want of exterior Objects or Patterns , and by reason the sensitive Motions work by rote ; neither are the Motions reverse , because they work inwardly asleep , and outwardly awake , for Mad-men awake see several Figures without Objects . In short , sleeping and waking is somewhat after that manner , when men are called either out of their doors , or stay within their houses ; or like a Ship , where the Mariners work all under hatches , whereof you will find more in my Philosophical Opinions ; and so taking my leave , I rest MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VIII . MADAM , YOur Author going on in his discourse of Imagination , says , a That , as we have no Imagination , whereof we have not formerly had sense , in whole or in parts ; so we have not Transition from one Imagination to another , whereof we never had the like before in our senses . To which my answer is in short , that the Rational part of Matter in one composed figure , as in Man , or the like Creature , may make such figures , as the senses did never make in that composed Figure or Creature ; And though your Authour reproves those that say , b Imaginations rise of themselves ; yet , if the self-moving part of Matter , which I call Rational , makes Imaginations , they must needs rise of themselves ; for the Rational part of matter being free and self-moving , depends upon nothing , neither Sense nor Object , I mean , so , as not to be able to work without them . Next , when your Author , defining Vnderstanding , says that it is nothing else , but c an Imagination raised by words or other voluntary signs , My Answer is , that Understanding , and so Words and Signs are made by self-moving Matter , that is , Sense and Reason , and not Sense and Reason by Words and Signs ; wherefore Thoughts are not like d Water upon a plain Table , which is drawn and guided by the finger this or that way , for every Part of self-moving matter is not alwayes forced , perswaded or directed , for if all the Parts of Sense and Reason were ruled by force or perswasion , not any wounded Creature would fail to be healed , or any disease to be cured by outward Applications , for outward Applications to Wounds and Diseases might have more force , then any Object to the Eye : But though there is great affinity and sympathy between parts , yet there is also great difference and antipathy betwixt them , which is the cause that many objects cannot with all their endeavours work such effects upon the Interiour parts , although they are closely press'd , for Impressions of objects do not always affect those parts they press . Wherefore , I am not of your Author's opinion , that all Parts of Matter press one another ; It is true , Madam , there cannot be any part single , but yet this doth not prove , that parts must needs press each other : And as for his Train of Thoughts , I must confess , that Thoughts for the most part are made orderly , but yet they do not follow each other like Geese , for surely , man has sometimes very different thoughts ; as for Example , a man sometime is very sad for the death of his Friend , and thinks of his own death , and immediately thinks of a wanton Mistress , which later thought , surely , the thought of Death did not draw in ; wherefore , though some thought may be the Ring-leader of others , yet many are made without leaders . Again , your Author in his description of the Mind sayes , that the discourse of the mind , when it it is govern'd by design , is nothing but seeking , or the Faculty of Invention ; a hunting out of the Causes of some Effects , present or past ; or of the Effects of some present or past Cause . Sometimes a man seeks what he has lost , and from that Place and Time wherein he misses it , his mind runs back from place to place , and time to time , to find where and when he had it , that is to say , to find some certain and limited Time and Place , in which to begin a method of Seeking . And from thence his thoughts run over the same places and times to find what action or other occasion might make him lose it . This we call Remembrance or calling to mind . Sometimes a man knows a place determinate , within the compass whereof he is to seek , and then his thoughts run over all the Parts thereof in the same manner as one would sweep a room to find a Jewel , or as a Spaniel ranges the field till he find a sent ; or as a Man should run over the Alphabet to start a Rime . Thus far your Author : In which discourse I do not perceive that he defineth what the Mind is , but I say , that if , according to his opinion , nothing moves it self , but one thing moves another , then the Mind must do nothing , but move backward and forward , nay , onely forward , and if all actions were thrusting or pressing of parts , it would be like a crowd of People , and there would be but little or no motion , for the crowd would make a stoppage , like water in a glass , the mouth of the Glass being turned downwards , no water can pass out , by reason the numerous drops are so closely press'd , as they cannot move exteriously . Next , I cannot conceive how the Mind can run back either to Time or Place , for as for Place , the mind is inclosed in the body , and the running about in the parts of the body or brain will not inform it of an Exterior place or object ; besides , objects being the cause of the minds motion , it must return to its Cause , and so move until it come to the object , that moved it first , so that the mind must run out of the body to that object , which moved it to such a Thought , although that object were removed out of the World ( as the phrase is : ) But for the mind to move backward , to Time past , is more then it can do ; Wherefore in my opinion , Remembrance , or the like , is onely a repetition of such Figures as were like to the Objects ; and for Thoughts in Particular , they are several figures , made by the mind , which is the Rational Part of matter , in its own substance , either voluntarily , or by imitation , whereof you may see more in my Book of Philosophical Opinions . Hence I conclude , that Prudence is nothing else , but a comparing of Figures to Figures , and of the several actions of those Figures , as repeating former Figures , and comparing them to others of the like nature , qualities , proprieties , as also chances , fortunes , &c. Which figuring and repeating is done actually , in and by the Rational Matter , so that all the observation of the mind on outward Objects is onely an actual repetition of the mind , as moving in such or such figures and actions ; and when the mind makes voluntary Figures with those repeated Figures , and compares them together , this comparing is Examination ; and when several Figures agree and joyn , it is Conclusion or Judgment : likewise doth Experience proceed from repeating and comparing of several Figures in the Mind , and the more several Figures are repeated and compared , the greater the experience is . One thing more there is in the same Chapter , which I cannot let pass without examination ; Your Authour says , That things Present onely have a being in Nature , things Past onely a being in the Memory , but things to come have no being at all ; Which how it possibly can be , I am not able to conceive ; for certainly , if nothing in nature is lost or annihilated , what is past , and what is to come , hath as well a being , as what is present ; and , if that which is now , had its being before , why may it not also have its being hereafter ? It might as well be said , that what is once forgot , cannot be remembred ; for whatsoever is in Nature , has as much a being as the Mind , and there is not any action , or motion , or figure , in Nature , but may be repeated , that is , may return to its former Figure , when it is altered and dissolved ; But by reason Nature delights in variety , repetitions are not so frequently made , especially of those things or creatures , which are composed by the sensitive corporeal motions in the inanimate part of Matter , because they are not so easily wrought , as the Rational matter can work upon its own parts , being more pliant in its self , then the Inanimate matter is ; And this is the reason , that there are so many repetitions of one and the same Figure in the Rational matter , which is the Mind , but seldom any in the Gross and inanimate part of Matter , for Nature loves ease and freedom : But to conclude , Madam , I perceive your Author confines Sense onely to Animal-kind , and Reason onely to Man-kind : Truly , it is out of self-love , when one Creature prefers his own Excellency before another , for nature being endued with self-love , all Creatures have self-love too , because they are all Parts of Nature ; and when Parts agree or disagree , it is out of Interest and Self-love ; but Man herein exceeds all the rest , as having a supernatural Soul , whose actions also are supernatural , To which I leave him , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . IX . MADAM , WHen your Author discourseth of the use of Speech or Words and Names , he is pleas'd to say , * That their use is to serve for marks and notes of Remembrance ; Whereof to give you my opinion , I say , That Speech is natural to the shape of Man ; and though sometimes it serves for marks or notes of remembrance , yet it doth not always , for all other Animals have Memory without the help of Speech , and so have deaf and dumb men , nay more then those that hear and speak : Wherefore , though Words are useful to the mind , and so to the memory , yet both can be without them , whereas Words cannot be without Memory ; for take a Bird and teach him to speak , if he had not Memory , before he heard the words , he could never learn them . You will ask me , Madam , What then , is Memory the Cause of Speech ? I answer , Life and Knowledg , which is Sense and Reason , as it creates and makes all sorts of Creatures , so also amongst the rest it makes Words : And as I said before , that Memory may be without the help of Speech or Words , so I say also , that there is a possibility of reckoning of numbers , as also of magnitudes , of swiftness , of force , and other things without words , although your Author denies it : But some men are so much for Art , as they endeavour to make Art , which is onely a Drudgery-maid of Nature , the chief Mistress , and Nature her Servant , which is as much as to prefer Effects before the Cause , Nature before God , Discord before Unity and Concord . Again , your Author , in his Chapter of Reason , defines Reason to be nothing else but Reckoning : I answer , That in my opinion Reckoning is not Reason it self , but onely an effect or action of Reason ; for Reason , as it is the chiefest and purest degree of animate matter , works variously and in divers motions , by which it produces various and divers effects , which are several Perceptions , as Conception , Imagination , Fancy , Memory , Remembrance , Understanding , Judgment , Knowledg , and all the Passions , with many more : Wherefore this Reason is not in one undivided part , nor bound to one motion , for it is in every Creature more or less , and moves in its own parts variously ; and in some Creatures , as for example , in some men , it moves more variously then in others , which is the cause that some men are more dull and stupid , then others ; neither doth Reason always move in one Creature regularly , which is the cause , that some men are mad or foolish : And though all men are made by the direction of Reason , and endued with Reason , from the first time of their birth , yet all have not the like Capacities , Understandings , Imaginations , Wits , Fancies , Passions , &c. but some more , some less , and some regular , some irregular , according to the motions of Reason or Rational part of animate matter ; and though some rational parts may make use of other rational Parts , as one man of another mans Conceptions , yet all these parts cannot associate together ; as for example , all the Material parts of several objects , no not their species , cannot enter or touch the eye without danger of hurting or loosing it , nevertheless the eye makes use of the objects by patterning them out , and so doth the rational matter ; by taking patterns from the sensitive ; And thus knowledg or perception of objects , both sensitive and rational , is taken without the pressure of any other parts ; for though parts joyn to parts , ( for no part can be single ) yet this joining doth not necessarily infer the pressure of objects upon the sensitive organs ; Whereof I have already discoursed sufficiently heretofore , to which I refer you , and rest MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . X. MADAM , UNderstanding , says your Author , * is nothing else but Conception caused by speech , and therefore , if speech be peculiar to man , ( as , for ought I know , it is ) then is understanding peculiar to him also . Where he confineth Understanding onely to speech and to Mankind ; But , by his leave , Madam , I surely believe , that there is more understanding in Nature , then that , which is in speech , for if there were not , I cannot conceive , how all the exact forms in Generations could be produced , or how there could be such distinct degrees of several sorts and kinds of Creatures , or distinctions of times and seasons , and so many exact motions and figures in Nature : Considering all this , my reason perswadeth me , that all Understanding , which is a part of Knowledg , is not caused by speech , for all the motions of the Celestial Orbs are not made by speech , neither is the knowledg or understanding which a man hath , when sick , as to know or understand he is sick , made by speech , nor by outward objects , especially in a disease he never heard , nor saw , nor smelt , nor tasted , nor touched ; Wherefore all Perception , Sensation , Memory , Imagination , Appetite , Understanding , and the like , are not made nor caused by outward objects , nor by speech . And as for names of things , they are but different postures of the figures in our mind or thoughts , made by the Rational matter ; But Reasoning is a comparing of the several figures with their several postures and actions in the Mind , which joyned with the several words , made by the sensitive motions , inform another distinct and separate part , as an other man , of their minds conceptions , understanding , opinions , and the like . Concerning Addition and Substraction , wherein your Author sayes Reasoning consists , I grant , that it is an act of Reasoning , yet it doth not make Sense or Reason , which is Life and Knowledge , but Sense and Reason which is self-motion , makes addition and substraction of several Parts of matter ; for had matter not self-motion , it could not divide nor compose , nor make such varieties , without great and lingring retardments , if not confusion . Wherefore all , what is made in Nature , is made by self-moving matter , which self-moving matter doth not at all times move regularly , but often irregularly , which causes false Logick , false Arithmetick , and the like ; and if there be not a certainty in these self-motions or actions of Nature , much less in Art , which is but a secundary action ; and therefore , neither speech , words , nor exterior objects cause Understanding or Reason . And although many parts of the Rational and Sensitive Matter joyned into one , may be stronger by their association , and over-power other parts that are not so well knit and united , yet these are not the less pure ; onely these Parts and Motions being not equal in several Creatures , make their Knowledge and Reason more or less : For , when a man hath more Rational Matter well regulated , and so more Wisdom then an other , that same man may chance to over-power the other , whose Rational Matter is more irreregular , but yet not so much by strength of the united Parts , as by their subtilty ; for the Rational Matter moving regularly , is more strong with subtilty , then the sensitive with force ; so that Wisdom is stronger then Life , being more pure , and so more active ; for in my opinion , there is a degree of difference between Life and Knowledge , as my Book of Philosophical Opinions will inform you . Again , your Author sayes , That Man doth excel all other Animals in this faculty , that when he conceives any thing whatsoever , he is apt to enquire the Consequences of it , and what effects he can do with it : Besides this ( sayes he ) Man hath an other degree of Excellence , that he can by Words reduce the Consequences he finds to General Rules called Theoremes or Aphorisms , that is , he can reason or reckon not onely in Number , but in all other things , whereof one may be added unto , or substracted from an other . To which I answer , That according to my Reason I cannot perceive , but that all Creatures may do as much ; but by reason they do it not after the same manner or way as Man , Man denies , they can do it at all ; which is very hard ; for what man knows , whether Fish do not Know more of the nature of Water , and ebbing and flowing , and the saltness of the Sea ? or whether Birds do not know more of the nature and degrees of Air , or the cause of Tempests ? or whether Worms do not know more of the nature of Earth , and how Plants are produced ? or Bees of the several sorts of juices of Flowers , then Men ? And whether they do not make there Aphorismes and Theoremes by their manner of Intelligence ? For , though they have not the speech of Man , yet thence doth not follow , that they have no Intelligence at all . But the Ignorance of Men concerning other Creatures is the cause of despising other Creatures , imagining themselves as petty Gods in Nature , when as Nature is not capable to make one God , much less so many as Mankind ; and were it not for Mans supernatural Soul , Man would not be more Supreme , then other Creatures in Nature , But ( says your Author ) this Priviledge in Man is allay'd by another , which is , No living Creature is subject to absurdity , but onely Man. Certainly , Madam , I believe the contrary , to wit , that all other Creatures do as often commit mistakes and absurdities as Man , and if it were not to avoid tediousness , I could present sufficient proofs to you : Wherefore I think , not onely Man but also other Creatures may be Philosophers and subject to absurdities as aptly as Men ; for Man doth , nor cannot truly know the Faculties , and Abilities or Actions of all other Creatures , no not of his own Kind as Man-Kind , for if he do measure all men by himself he will be very much mistaken , for what he conceives to be true or wise , an other may conceive to be false and foolish . But Man may have one way of Knowledge in Philosophy and other Arts ; and other Creatures another way , and yet other Creatures manner or way may be as Intelligible and Instructive to each other as Man 's , I mean , in those things which are Natural . Wherefore I cannot consent to what your Author says , That Children are not endued with Reason at all , till they have attained to the use of Speech ; for Reason is in those Creatures which have not Speech , witness Horses , especially those which are taught in the manage , and many other Animals . And as for the weak understanding in Children , I have discoursed thereof in my Book of Philosophy ; The rest of this discourse , lest I tyre you too much at once , I shall reserve for the next , resting in the mean time , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XI . MADAM , I sent you word in my last , that your Author's opinion is , That Children are not endued with Reason at all , until they have attained to the use of Speech , in the same Chapter * he speaks to the same purpose thus : Reason is not as Sense and Memory born with us , nor gotten by experience onely , as Prudence is , but attained by industry . To which I reply onely this , That it might as well be said , a Child when new born hath not flesh and blood , because by taking in nourishment or food , the Child grows to have more flesh and blood ; or , that a Child is not born with two legs , because he cannot go , or with two arms and hands , because he cannot help himself ; or that he is not born with a tongue , because he cannot speak : For although Reason doth not move in a Child as in a Man , in Infancy as in Youth , in Youth as in Age , yet that doth not prove that Children are without Reason , because they cannot run and prate : I grant , some other Creatures appear to have more Knowledg when new born then others ; as for example , a young Foal has more knowledg than a young Child , because a Child cannot run and play ; besides a Foal knows his own Dam , and can tell where to take his food , as to run and suck his Dam , when as an Infant cannot do so , nor all beasts , though most of them can , but yet this doth not prove , that a Child hath no reason at all ; Neither can I perceive that man is a Monopoler of all Reason , or Animals of all Sense , but that Sense and Reason are in other Creatures as well as in Man and Animals ; for example , Drugs , as Vegetables and Minerals , although they cannot slice , pound or infuse , as man can , yet they can work upon man more subtilly , wisely , and as sensibly either by purging , vomiting , spitting , or any other way , as man by mincing , pounding and infusing them , and Vegetables will as wisely nourish Men , as Men can nourish Vegetables ; Also some Vegetables are as malicious and mischievous to Man , as Man is to one another , witness Hemlock , Nightshade , and many more ; and a little Poppy will as soon , nay sooner cause a Man to sleep , though silently , then a Nurse a Child with singing and rocking ; But because they do not act in such manner or way as Man , Man judgeth them to be without sense and reason ; and because they do not prate and talk as Man , Man believes they have not so much wit as he hath ; and because they cannot run and go , Man thinks they are not industrious ; the like for Infants concerning Reason . But certainly , it is not local motion or speech that makes sense and reason , but sense and reason makes them ; neither is sense and reason bound onely to the actions of Man , but it is free to the actions , forms , figures and proprieties of all Creatures ; for if none but Man had reason , and none but Animals sense , the World could not be so exact , and so well in order as it is : but Nature is wiser then Man with all his Arts , for these are onely produced through the variety of Natures actions , and disputes through the superfluous varieties of Mans follies or ignorances , not knowing Natures powerful life and knowledg : But I wonder , Madam , your Author says in this place , That Reason is not born with Man , when as in another place , * he says , That every man brought Philosophy , that is Natural reason with him into the World ; Which how it agree , I will leave to others to judg , and to him to reconcile it , remaining in the mean time , MADAM , Your Constant Friend and Faithful Servant . XII . MADAM , TWo sorts of motions , I find your Author * doth attribute to Animals , viz. Vital and Animal , the Vital motions , says he , are begun in Generation , and continued without Interruption through their whole life , aud those are the Course of the Blood , the Pulse , the Breathing , Conviction , Nutrition , Excretion , &c. to which motions there needs no help of Imaginations ; But the animal Motions , otherwise called voluntary Motions , are to go , to speak , to move any of our limbs , in such manner as is first fancied in our minds : And because going , speaking , and the like voluntary motions , depend always upon a precedent thought of whither , which way , and what , it is evident , that the Imagination is the first Internal beginning of all voluntary Motion . Thus far your Author . Whereof in short I give you my opinion , first concerning Vital Motions , that it appears improbable if not impossible to me , that Generation should be the cause and beginning of Life , because Life must of necessity be the cause of Generation , life being the Generator of all things , for without life motion could not be , and without motion not any thing could be begun , increased , perfected , or dissolved . Next , that Imagination is not necessary to Vital Motions , it is probable it may not , but yet there is required Knowledg , which I name Reason ; for if there were not Knowledg in all Generations or Productions , there could not any distinct Creature be made or produced , for then all Generations would be confusedly mixt , neither would there be any distinct kinds or sorts of Creatures , nor no different Faculties , Proprieties , and the like . Thirdly , concerning Animal Motions , which your Author names Voluntary Motions , as to go , to speak , to move any of our limbs , in such manner as is first fancied in our minds , and that they depend upon a precedent thought of whither , which way , and what , and that Imagination is the first Internal beginning of them ; I think , by your Authors leave , it doth imply a contradiction , to call them Voluntary Motions , and yet to say they are caused and depend upon our Imagination ; for if the Imagination draws them this way , or that way , how can they be voluntary motions , being in a manner forced and necessitated to move according to Fancy or Imagination ? But when he goes on in the same place and treats of Endeavour , Appetite , Desire , Hunger , Thirst , Aversion , Love , Hate , and the like , he derives one from the other , and treats well as a Moral Philosopher ; but whether it be according to the truth or probability of Natural Philosophy , I will leave to others to judge , for in my opinion Passions and Appetites are very different , Appetites being made by the motions of the sensitive Life , and Passions , as also Imagination , Memory , &c. by the motions of the rational Life , which is the cause that Appetites belong more to the actions of the Body then the Mind : T is true , the Sensitive and Rational self-moving matter doth so much resemble each other in their actions , as it is difficult to distinguish them . But having treated hereof at large in my other Philosophical Work , to cut off repetitions , I will refer you to that , and desire you to compare our opinions together : But certainly there is so much variety in one and the same sort of Passions , and so of Appetites , as it cannot be easily express'd . To conclude , I do not perceive that your Author tells or expresses what the cause is of such or such actions , onely he mentions their dependance , which is , as if a man should converse with a Nobleman's Friend or Servant , and not know the Lord himself . But leaving him for this time , it is sufficient to me , that I know your Ladyship , and your Ladyship knows me , that I am , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and humble Servant . XIII . MADAM , HAving obey'd your Commands in giving you my opinion of the First Part of the Book of that famous and learned Author you sent me , I would go on ; but seeing he treats in his following Parts of the Politicks , I was forced to stay my Pen , because of these following Reasons . First , That a Woman is not imployed in State Affairs , unless an absolute Queen . Next , That to study the Politicks , is but loss of Time , unless a man were sure to be a Favourite to an absolute Prince . Thirdly , That it is but a deceiving Profession , and requires more Craft then Wisdom . All which considered , I did not read that part of your Author : But as for his Natural Philosophy , I will send you my opinion so far as I understand it : For what belongs to Art , as to Geometry , being no Scholar , I shall not trouble my self withal . And so I 'l take my leave of you , when I have in two or three words answered the Question you sent me last , which was , Whether Nature be the Art of God , Man the Art of Nature , and a Politick Government the Art of Man ? To which I answer , T is probable it may be so ; onely I add this , That Nature doth not rule God , nor Man Nature , nor Politick Government Man ; for the Effect cannot rule the Cause , but the Cause doth rule the Effect : Wherefore if men do not naturally agree , Art cannot make unity amongst them , or associate them into one Politick Body and so rule them ; But man thinks he governs , when as it is Nature that doth it , for as nature doth unite or divide parts regularly or irregularly , and moves the several minds of men and the several parts of mens bodies , so war is made or peace kept : Thus it is not the artificial form that governs men in a Politick Government , but a natural power , for though natural motion can make artificial things , yet artificial things cannot make natural power ; and we might as well say , nature is governed by the art of nature , as to say man is ruled by the art and invention of men . The truth is , Man rules an artificial Government , and not the Government Man , just like as a Watch-maker rules his Watch , and not the Watch the Watch-maker . And thus I conclude and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XIV . MADAM , COncerning the other Book of that learned Author Hobbs you sent me , called Elements of Philosophy , I shall likewise according to your desire , give you my judgment and opinion of it as I have done of the former , not that I intend to prejudice him any ways thereby , but onely to mark those places wherein I seem to dissent from his opinions , which liberty , I hope , he will not deny me ; And in order to this , I have read over the first Chapter of the mentioned Book , treating of Philosophy in General , wherein amongst the rest , discoursing of the Utility of Natural Philosophy , and relating the commodities and benefits which proceed from so many arts and sciences , he is pleased to say , that they are injoyed almost by all people of Europe , Asia , and some of Africa , onely the Americans , and those that live neer the Poles do want them : But why , says he , have they sharper wits then these ? Have not all men one kind of soul , and the same faculties of mind ? To which , give me leave , Madam , to add , That my opinion is , that there is a difference between the Divine and the Natural soul of man , and though the natural mind or soul is of one kind , yet being made of rational matter , it is divideable and composeable , by which division and composition , men may have more or less wit , or quicker and slower wit ; the like for Judgments , Imaginations , Fancies , Opinions , &c. For were the natural rational mind individeable , all men would have the like degree of wit or understanding , all men would be Philosophers or fools , which by reason they are not , it proves the natural rational mind is divideable and composeable , making variations of its own several parts by self-motion ; for it is not the several outward objects , or forreign instructions , that make the variety of the mind ; neither is wit or ingenuity alike in all men ; for some are natural Poets , Philosophers , and the like , without learning , and some are far more ingenious then others , although their breeding is obscure and mean , Neither will learning make all men Scholars , for some will continue Dunces all their life time ; Neither doth much experience make all men wise , for some are not any ways advanced in their wisdom by much and long experiences ; And as for Poetry , it is according to the common Proverb , a Poet is born , not made ; Indeed learning doth rather hurt Fancy , for great Scholars are not always good Poets , nor all States-men Natural Philosophers , nor all Experienced Men Wise Men , nor all Judges Just , nor all Divines Pious , nor all Pleaders or Preachers Eloquent , nor all Moral Philosophers Vertuous ; But all this is occasioned by the various Motions of the rational self-moving matter , which is the Natural Mind . And thus much for the present of the difference of wits and faculties of the mind ; I add no more , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XV. MADAM , MY Discourse for the present shall be of Infinite , and the question shall be first Whether several Finite parts , how many soever there be , can make an Infinite . Your Author says , * that several Finite parts when they are all put together make a whole Finite ; which , if his meaning be of a certain determinate number , how big soever , of finite parts , I do willingly grant , for all what is determinate and limited , is not Infinite but Finite ; neither is there any such thing , as Whole or All in Infinite ; but if his meaning be , that no Infinite can be made of finite parts , though infinite in number , I deny it ; Next he says there can be no such thing as One in Infinite , because No thing can be said One , except there be another to compare it withal ; which in my opinion doth not follow , for there is but One God , who is Infinite , and hath none other to be compared withal , and so there may be but one Onely Infinite in Nature , which is Matter . But when he says , there cannot be an Infinite and Eternal Division , is very true , viz , in this sense , that one single part cannot be actually infinitely divided , for the Compositions hinder the Divisions in Nature , and the Divisions the Compositions , so that Nature , being Matter , cannot be composed so , as not to have parts , nor divided so , as that her parts should not be composed , but there are nevertheless infinite divided parts in Nature , and in this sense there may also be infinite divisions , as I have declared in my Book of Philosophy . And thus there are Infinite divisions of Infinite parts in Nature , but not Infinite actual divisions of one single part ; But though Infinite is without end , yet my discourse of it shall be but short and end here , though not my affection , which shall last and continue with the life of MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Humble Servant . XVI . MADAM , AN Accident , says your Author , * is nothing else , but the manner of our Conception of body , or that Faculty of any body , by which it works in us a Conception of it self ; To which I willingly consent ; but yet I say , that these qualities cannot be separated from the body , for as impossible it is that the essence of Nature should be separable from Nature , as impossible is it that the various modes or alterations , either of Figures or Motions , should be separable from matter or body ; Wherefore when he goes on , and says , An accident is not a body , but in a body , yet not so , as if any thing were contained therein , as it for example , redness were in blood in the same manner as blood is in a bloody cloth ; but as magnitude is in that which is great , rest in that which resteth , motion in that which is moved ; I answer , that in my opinion , not any thing in Nature can be without a body , and that redness is as well in blood , as blood is in a bloody cloth , or any other colour in any thing else ; for there is no colour without a body , but every colour hath as well a body as any thing else , and if Colour be a separable accident , I would faih know , how it can be separated from a subject , being bodiless , for that which is no body is nothing , and nothing cannot be taken away from any thing ; Wherefore as for natural Colour it cannot be taken away from any creature , without the parts of its substance or body ; and as for artificial Colours , when they are taken away , it is a separation of two bodies , which joyned together ; and if Colour , or Hardness , or Softness do change , it is nothing else but an alteration of motions and not an annihilation , for all changes and alterations remain in the power of Corporeal motions , as I have said in other places ; for we might as well say , life doth not remain in nature , when a body turns from an animal to some other figure , as believe that those , they name accidents , do not remain in Corporeal Motions ; Wherefore I am not of your Authors mind , when he says , * that when a White thing is made black , the whiteness perishes ; for it cannot perish , although it is altered from white to black , being in the power of the same matter , to turn it again from black to white , so as it may make infinite Repetitions of the same thing ; but by reason nature takes delight in variety , she seldom uses such repetitions ; nevertheless that doth not take away the Power of self-moving matter , for it doth not ; and it cannot , are two several things , and the latter doth not necessarily follow upon the former ; Wherefore not any , the least thing , can perish in Nature , for if this were possible , the whole body of nature might perish also , for if so many . Fugures and Creatures should be annihilated and perish without any supply or new Creation , Nature would grow less , and at last become nothing ; besides it is as difficult for Nature to turn something into nothing , as to Create something out of nothing ; Wherefore as there is no annihilation or perishing in Nature , so there is neither any new Creation in Nature . But your Author makes a difference between bodies and accidents , saying , that bodies are things and not Generated , but accidents are Generated and not things , Truly , Madam , these accidents seem to me to be like Van Helmont's Lights , Gases , Blazes and Ideas ; and D r More 's Immaterial Substances or Daemons , onely in this D r More hath the better , that his Immaterial Substances , are beings , which subsist of themselves , whereas accidents do not , but their existence is in other bodies ; But what they call Accidents , are in my opinion nothing else but Corporeal Motions , and if these accidents be generated , they must needs be bodies , for how nothing can be Generated in nature , is not conceivable , and yet your Author denies , a that Accidents are something , namely some part of a natural thing ; But as for Generations , they are onely various actions of self-moving matter , or a variety of Corporeal Motions , and so are all Accidents whatsoever , so that there is not any thing in nature , that can be made new , or destroyed , for whatsoever was and shall be , is in nature , though not always in act , yet in power , as in the nature and power of Corporeal motions , which is self-moving matter , And as there is no new Generation of Accidents , so there is neither a new Generation of Motions ; wherefore when your Author says , b That , when the hand , being moved , moveth the pen , the motion doth not go out of the hand into the pen , for so the writing might be continued , though the hand stood still , but a new motion is generated in the pen , and is the pens motion : I am of his opinion , that the motion doth not go out of the hand into the pen , and that the motion of the pen , is the pens own motion ; but I deny , that after holding the hand a little while still , and beginning to write again , a new motion of the pen is generated ; for it is onely a repetition , and not a new generation , for the Hand , Pen and Ink , repeat but the same motion or action of writing : Besides , Generation is made by Connexion or Conjunction of parts , moving by consent to such or such Figures , but the motion of the Hand or the Pen is always one and the same ; wherefore it is but the variation and repetition in and of the same motion of the Hand , or Pen , which may be continued in that manner infinitely , just as the same Corporeal Motions can make infinite variations and repetitions of one and the same Figure , repeating it as oft as they please , as also making Copy of Copy ; And although I do not deny , but there are Generations in Nature , yet not annihilations or perishings , for if any one motion or figure should perish , the matter must perish also ; and if any one part of matter can perish , all the matter in nature may perish also ; and if there can any new thing be made or created in nature , which hath not been before , there may also be a new Nature , and so by perishings and new Creations , this World would not have continued an age ; But surely whatsoever is in Nature , hath been existent always . Wherefore to conclude , it is not the generation and perishing of an Accident that makes its subject to be changed , but the production and alteration of the Form , makes it said to be generated or destroyed , for matter will change its motions and figures without perishing or annihilating ; and whether there were words or not , there would be such causes and effects ; But having not the art of Logick to dispute with artificial words , nor the art of Geometry to demonstrate my opinions by Mathematical Figures , I fear they will not be so well received by the Learned ; However , I leave them to any mans unprejudiced Reason and Judgment , and devote my self to your service , as becomes , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble and faithful Servant . XVII . MADAM , YOur Author concerning Place and Magnitude says , that Place is nothing out of the mind , nor Magnitude any thing within it ; for Place is a meer Phantasme of a body of such quantity and figure , and Magnitude a peculiar accident of the body ; But this doth not well agree with my reason , for I believe that Place , Magnitude and Body are but one thing , and that Place is as true an extension as Magnitude , and not a feigned one ; Neither am I of his opinion , that Place is Immoveable , but that place moves , according as the body moveth , for not any body wants place , because place and body is but one thing , and wheresoever is body , there is also place , and wheresoever is place , there is body , as being one and the same ; Wherefore Motion cannot be a relinquishing of one place and acquiring another , for there is no such thing as place different from body , but what is called change of place , is nothing but change of corporeal motions ; for , say an house stands in such a place , if the house be gone , the place is gone also , as being impossible that the place of the house should remain , when the house is taken away ; like as a man when he is gone out of his chamber , his place is gone too ; T is true , if the ground or foundation do yet remain , one may say , there stood such an house heretofore , but yet the place of the house is not there really at that present , unless the same house be built up again as it was before , and then it hath its place as before ; Nevertheless the house being not there , it cannot be said that either place or house are annihilated , viz , when the materials are dissolved , no not when transformed into millions of several other figures , for the house remains still in the power of all those several parts of matter ; and as for space , it is onely a distance betwixt some parts or bodies ; But an Empty place signifies to my opinion Nothing , for if place and body are one and the same , and empty is as much as nothing , then certainly these two words cannot consist together , but are destructive to one another . Concerning , that your Author says ; Two bodies cannot be together in the same place , nor one body in two places at the same time , is very true , for there are no more places then bodies , nor more bodies then places , and this is to be understood as well of the grosser , as the purest parts of nature , of the mind as well as of the body , of the rational and sensitive animate matter as well as of the inanimate , for there is no matter , how pure and subtil soever , but is imbodied , and all that hath body hath place . Likewise I am of his opinion , That one body hath always one and the same magnitude ; for , in my opinion , magnitude , place and body do not differ , and as place , so magnitude can never be separated from body . But when he speaks of Rest , I cannot believe there is any such thing truly in Nature , for it is impossible to prove , that any thing is without Motion , either consistent , or composing , or dissolving , or transforming motions , or the like , although not altogether perceptible by our senses , for all the Matter is either moving or moved , and although the moved parts are not capable to receive the nature of self-motion from the self-moving parts , yet these self-moving parts , being joyned and mixt with all other parts of the moved matter , do always move the same ; for the Moved or Inanimate part of Matter , although it is a Part of it self , yet it is so intermixt with the self-moving Animate Matter , as they make but one Body ; and though some parts of the Inanimate may be as pure as the Sensitive Animate Matter , yet they are never so subtil as to be self-moving ; Wherefore the Sensitive moves in the Inanimate , and the Rational in the Sensitive , but often the Rational moves in it self . And , although there is no rest in nature , nevertheless Matter could have been without Motion , when as it is impossible that Matter could be without place or magnitude , no more then Variety can be without motion ; And thus much at this present : I conclude , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XVIII . MADAM , PAssing by those Chapters of your Authors , that treat of Power and Act , Identy and Difference , Analogisme , Angle and Figure , Figures deficient , dimension of Circles , and several others , most of which belong to art , as to Geometry , and the like ; I am come to that wherein he discourses of Sense and Animal Motion , saying , That some Natural bodies have in themselves the patterns almost of all things , and others of none at all ; Whereof my opinion is , that the sensitive and rational parts of Matter are the living and knowing parts of Nature , and no part of nature can challenge them onely to it self , nor no creature can be sure , that sense is onely in Animal-kind , and reason in Man-kind ; for can any one think or believe that Nature is ignorant and dead in all her other parts besides Animals ? Truly this is a very unreasonable opinion ; for no man , as wise as he thinks himself , nay were all Man-kind joyned into one body , yet they are not able to know it , unless there were no variety of parts in nature , but onely one whole and individeable body , for other Creatures may know and perceive as much as Animals , although they have not the same Sensitive Organs , nor the same manmer or way of Perception . Next your Author says , The cause of Sense or Perception consists herein , that the first organ of sense is touched and pressed ; For when the uttermost part of the organ is pressed , it no sooner yields , but the part next within it is pressed also , and in this manner the pressure or motion is propagated through all the parts of the organ to the innermost . And thus also the pressure of the uttermost part proceeds from the pressure of some more remote body , and so continually , till we come to that , from which , as from its fountain , we derive the Phantasme or Idea , that is made in us by our sense : And this , whatsoever it be , is that we commonly call the object ; Sense therefore is some Internal motion in the Sentient , Generated by some Internal motion of the Parts of the object , and propagated through all the media to the innermost part of the organ . Moreover there being a resistance or reaction in the organ , by reason of its internal motion against the motion propagated from the object , there is also an endeavour in the organ opposite to the endeavour proceeding from the object , and when that endeavour inwards is the last action in the act of sense , then from the reaction a Phantasme or Idea has its being . This is your Authors opinion , which if it were so , perception could not be effected so suddenly , nay I think the sentient by so many pressures in so many perceptions , would at last be pressed to death , besides the organs would take a great deal of hurt , nay totally be removed out of their places , so as the eye would in time be prest into the centre of the brain ; And if there were any Resistance , Reaction or Indeavour in the organ , opposite to the Endeavour of the object , there would , in my opinion , be always a war between the animal senses and the objects , the endeavour of the objects pressing one way , and the senses pressing the other way , and if equal in their strengths , they would make a stop , and the sensitive organs would be very much pained ; Truly , Madam , in my opinion , it would be like that Custom which formerly hath been used at Newcastle , when a man was married , the guests divided themselves , behind and before the Bridegroom ; the one party driving him back , the other forwards , so that one time a Bridegroom was killed in this fashion ; But certainly Nature hath a more quick and easie way of giving intelligence and knowledg to her Creatures , and doth not use such constraint and force in her actions ; Neither is sense or sensitive perception a meer Phantasme or Idea , but a Corporeal action of the sensitive and rational matter , and according to the variation of the objects or patterns , and the sensitive and rational motions , the perception also is various , produced not by external pressure , but by internal self-motion , as I have declared heretofore ; and to prove , that the sensitive and rational corporeal motions are the onely cause of perception ; I say , if those motions in an animal move in another way , and not to such perceptions , then that animal can neither hear , see , taste , smell , nor touch , although all his sensitive organs be perfect , as is evident in a man falling into a swoon , where all the time he is in a swoon , the pressure of the objects is made without any effect ; Wherefore , as the sensitive and rational corporeal motions make all that is in nature , so likewise they make perception , as being perception it self , for all self-motion is perception , but all perception is not animal perception , or after an animal way ; and therefore sense cannot decay nor die ; but what is called a decay or death , is nothing else but a change or alteration of those Motions : But you will say , Madam , it may be , that one body , as an object , leaves the print of its figure , in the next adjoyning body , until it comes to the organ of sense , I answer that then sost bodies onely must be pressed , and the object must be so hard as to make a print , and as for rare parts of matter , they are not able to retain a print without self-motion ; Wherefore it is not probable that the parts of air should receive a print , and print the same again upon the adjoyning part , until the last part of the air print it upon the eye ; and that the exterior parts of the organ should print upon the interior , till it come to the centre of the Brain , without self-motion . Wherefore in my opinion , Perception is not caused either by the printing of objects , nor by pressures , for pressures would make a general stop of all natural motions , especially if there were any reaction or resistence of sense ; but according to my reason , the sensitive and rational corporeal motions in one body , pattern out the Figure of another body , as of an exterior object , which may be done easily without any pressure or reaction ; I will not say , that there is no pressure or reaction in Nature , but pressure and reaction doth not make perception , for the sensitive and rational parts of matter make all perception and variety of motion , being the most subtil parts of Nature , as self-moving , as also divideable , and composeable , and alterable in their figurative motions , for this Perceptive matter can change its substance into any figure whatsoever in nature , as being not bound to one constant figure . But having treated hereof before , and being to say more of it hereaster , this shall suffice for the present , remaining always , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XIX . MADAM , TO discourse of the World and Stars , is more then I am able to do , wanting the art of Astronomy and Geometry ; wherefore passing by that Chapter of your Author , I am come to that * wherein he treats of Light , Heat and Colours ; and to give you my opinion of Light , I say , it is not the light of the Sun , that makes an Animal see , for we can see inwardly in Dreams without the Suns light , but it is the sensitive and rational Motions in the Eye and Brain that make such a figure as Light ; For if Light did press upon the Eye , according to your Authors opinion , it might put the Eye into as much pain as Fire doth , when it sticks its points into our skin or flesh . The same may be said of Colours , for the sensitive motions make such a figure , which is such a Colour , and such a Figure , which is such a Colour ; Wherefore Light , Heat and Colour , are not bare and bodiless qualities ; but such figures made by corporeal self-motions , and are as well real and corporeal objects as other figures are ; and when these figures change or alter , it is onely that their motions alter , which may alter and change heat into cold , and light into darkness , and black colour into white . But by reason the motions of the Sun are so constant , as the motions of any other kind of Creatures , it is no more subject to be altered then all the World , unless Nature did it by the command of God ; for though the Parts of self-moving Matter be alterable , yet all are not altered ; and this is the reason , that the figure of Light in our eye and brain is altered , as well as it is alterable , but not the real figure of the Sun , neither doth the Sun enter our eyes ; and as the Light of the Sun is made or patterned in the eye , so is the light of Glow-worms-tails , and Cats-eyes , that shine in the dark , made not by the Sun 's , but their own motions in their own parts ; The like when we dream of Light , the sensitive corporeal motions working inwardly , make the figure of light on the inside of the eye , as they did pattern out the figure of light on the out side of the eye when awake , and the objects before them ; for the sensitive motions of the eye pattern out the figure of the object in the eye , and the rational motions make the same figure in their own substance . But there is some difference between those figures that perceive light , and those that are light themselves ; for when we sleep , there is made the figure of light , but not from a copy ; but when the eye seeth light , that figure is made from a copy of the real figure of the Sun ; but those lights which are inherent , as in Glow-worms-tails , are original lights , in which is as much difference as between a Man and his Picture ; and as for the swiftness of the Motions of light , and the violence of the Motions of fire , it is very probable they are so , but they are a certain particular kind or sort of swift and violent motions ; neither will all sorts of swift and violent motions make fire or light , as for example the swift and violent Circular motion of a Whirlewind neither makes light nor fire ; Neither is all fire light , nor all light fire , for there is a sort of dead fire , as in Spices , Spirits , Oyles , and the like ; and several sorts of lights , which are not hot , as the light which is made in Dreams , as also the inherent lights in Glow-worms , Cats-eyes , Fish-bones , and the like ; all which several fires and lights are made by the self-moving matter and motions distinguishable by their figures , for those Motions make such a figure for the Suns light , such a figure for Glow-worms light , such a figure for Cats-eyes light , and so some alteration in every sort of light ; The same for Fire , onely Fire-light is a mixt figure , as partly of the figure of Fire , and partly of the figure of Light : Also Colours are made after the like manner , viz. so many several Colours , so many several Figures ; and as these Figures are less or more different , so are the Colours . Thus , Madam , whosoever will study Nature , must consider the Figures of every Creature , as well as their Motions , and must not make abstractions of Motion and Figure from Matter , nor of Matter from Motion and Figure , for they are inseparable , as being but one thing , viz. Corporeal Figurative Motions ; and whosoever conceives any of them as abstract , will , in my opinion , very much erre ; but men are apt to make more difficulties and enforcements in nature then nature ever knew . But to return to Light : There is no better argument to prove that all objects of sight are figured in the Eye , by the sensitive , voluntary or self-motions , without the pressure of objects , but that not onely the pressure of light would hurt the tender Eye , but that the eye doth not see all objects according to their Magnitude , but sometimes bigger , sometimes less : as for example , when the eye looks through a small passage , as a Prospective-glass , by reason of the difficulty of seeing a body through a small hole , and the double figure of the glass being convex and concave , the corporeal motions use more force , by which the object is enlarged , like as a spark of fire by force is dilated into a great fire , and a drop of water by blowing into a bubble ; so the corporeal motions do double and treble their strength , making the Image of the object exceeding large in the eye ; for though the eye be contracted , yet the Image in the eye is enlarged to a great extension ; for the sensitive and rational matter is extremely subtil , by reason it is extreamly pure , by which it hath more means and ways of magnifying then the Perspective-glass . But I intend to write more of this subject in my next , and so I break off here , resting , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XX. MADAM , SOme perhaps will question the truth or probability of my saying , that Light is a Body , objecting that if light were a body , when the Sun is absent or retires under our Horizon , its light would leave an empty place , or if there were no empty place but all full , the light of the Sun at its return would not have room to display it self , especially in so great a compass as it doth , for two bodies cannot be in one place at one time . I answer , all bodies carry their places along with them , for body and place go together and are inseparable , and when the light of the Sun is gone , darkness succeeds , and when darkness is gone , light succeeds , so that it is with light and darkness as with all Creatures else ; For you cannot believe , that if the whole World were removed , there would be a place of the world left , for there cannot be an empty nothing , no more then there can be an empty something ; but if the world were annihilated , the place would be annihilated too , place and body being one and the same thing ; and therefore in my opinion , there be no more places then there are bodies , nor no more bodies then there are places . Secondly , They will think it absurd that I say , the eye can see without light ; but in my opinion it seems not absurd , but very rational , for we may see in dreams , and some do see in the dark , not in their fancy or imagination , but really ; and as for dreams , the sensitive corporeal motions make a light on the inside of the organ of sight really , as I have declared in my former Letter . But that we do not see ordinarily without exterior Light , the reason is , that the sensitive Motions cannot find the outward objects to pattern out without exterior light , but all perception doth not proceed from light , for all other perception besides animal sight requires not light . Neither in my opinion , doth the Perception of sight in all Creatures but Animals , but yet Animals do often see in the dark , and in sleep : I will not say but that the animate matter which by self-motion doth make the Perception of light with other perceptive Figures , and so animal perceptive light may be the presenter or ground perceptive figure of sight ; yet the sensitive corporeal motions can make other figures without the help of light , and such as light did never present : But when the eye patterns out an exterior object presented by light , it patterns also out the object of light ; for the sensitive motions can make many figures by one act , not onely in several organs , but in one organ ; as for example , there is presented to sight a piece of Imbroydery , wherein is silk , silver and gold upon Sattin in several forms or figures , as several flowers , the sensitive motions streight by one and the same act , pattern out all those several figures of flowers , as also the figures of Silk , Silver , Gold and Sattin , without any pressure of these objects , or motions in the medium , for if they all should press , the eye would no more see the exterior objects , then the nose , being stopt , could smell a presented perfume ; Thirdly , They may ask me , if sight be made in the eye , and proceeds not from the outward object , what is the reason that we do not see inwardly , but outwardly as from us ? I answer , when we see objects outwardly , as from us , then the sensitive motions work on the outside of the organ , which organ being outwardly convex , causes us to see outwardly , as from us , but in dreams we see inwardly ; also the sensitive motions do pattern out the distance together with the object : But you will say , the body of the distance , as the air , cannot be perceived , and yet we can perceive the distance ; I answer , you could not perceive the distance , but by such or such an object as is subject to your sight ; for you do not see the distance more then the air , or the like rare body , that is between grosser objects ; for if there were no stars , nor planets , nor clouds , nor earth , nor water , but onely air , you would not see any space or distance ; but light being a more visible body then air , you might figure the body of air by light , but so , as in an extensive or dilating way ; for when the mind or the rational matter conceives any thing that hath not such an exact figure , or is not so perceptible by our senses ; then the mind uses art , and makes such figures , which stand like to that ; as for example , to express infinite to it self , it dilates it parts without alteration , and without limitation or circumference ; Likewise , when it will conceive a constant succession of Time , it draws out its parts into the figure of a line ; and if eternity , it figures a line without beginning and end : But as for Immaterial , no mind can conceive that , for it cannot put it self into nothing , although it can dilate and rarifie it self to an higher degree , but must stay within the circle of natural bodies , as I within the circle of your Commands , to express my self , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and obedient Servant . XXI . MADAM , HEat and Cold , according to your Authors opinion , are made by Dilation and Contraction : for says he , When the Motion of the ambient aethereal substance makes the spirits and fluid parts of our bodies tend outwards , we acknowledg heat , but by the indeavour inwards of the same spirits and humors we feel cold : so that to cool is to make the exterior parts of the body endeavour inwards , by a motion contrary to that of calefaction , by which the internal parts are called outwards . He therefore that would know the cause of Cold , must find by what motion the exterior parts of any body endeavour to retire inwards . But I desire you to consider , Madam , that there be moist Colds , and dry Heats , as well as dry Colds , and moist Heats ; wherefore all sorts of Cold are not made by the retyring of parts inwards , which is contraction or attraction ; neither are all sorts of Heat made by parts tending outwards , which is dilation or rarefaction ; for a moist cold is made by dilation , and a dry heat by contraction , as well as a moist heat is made by dilation , and a dry cold by contraction : But your Author makes not this difference , but onely a difference between a dilated heat , and a contracted cold ; but because a cold wind is made by breath blown thorow pinched or contracted lips , and an hot wind by breath through opened and extended lips , should we judg that all heat and cold must be made after one manner or way ? The contracted mouth makes Wind as well as the dilated , but yet Wind is not made that way , as heat and cold ; for it may be , that onely the air pressed together makes wind , or it may be that the corporeal motions in the air may change air into wind , as they change water into vapour , and vapour into air ; or it may be something else that is invisible and rare , as air ; and there may be several sorts of wind , air , heat , cold , as of all other Creatures , more then man is capable to know . As for your Authors opinion concerning the congealing of Water , and how Ice is made , I will not contradict it , onely I think nature hath an easier way to effect it , then he describes ; Wherefore my opinion is , that it is done by altering motions ; as for example , the corporeal motions making the figure of water by dilation in a Circle figure , onely alter from such a dilating circular figure into a contracted square , which is Ice , or into such a contracted triangle , as is snow : And thus water and vapour may be changed with ease , without any forcing , pressing , raking , or the like . The same may be said of hard and bent bodies ; and of restitution , as also of air , thunder and lightning , which are all done by an easie change of motion , and changing into such or such a figure is not the motion of Generation , which is to build a new house with old materials , but onely a Transformation ; I say a new house with old materials ; not that I mean there is any new Creation in nature , of any thing that was not before in nature ; for nature is not God , to make new beings out of nothing , but any thing may be called new , when it is altered from one figure into another . I add no more at this time , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXII . MADAM , THe Generation of sound , according to your worthy Authors opinion , is as follows : As Vision , * says he , so hearing is Generated by the medium , but but not in the same manner ; for sight is from pressure , that is , from an endeavour , in which there is no perceptible progression of any of the parts of the medium , but one part urging or thrusting on another , propagateth that action successively to any distance whatsoever ; where as the motion of the medium , by which sound is made , is a stroke ; for when we hear , the drum of the Ear , which is the first organ of hearing , is strucken , and the drum being stricken , the Pia Mater is also shaken , and with it the arteries inserted into it , by which the action propagated to the heart it self , by the reaction of the heart a Phantasme is made which we call Sound . Thus far your Author : To which give me leave to reply , that I fear , if the Ear was bound to hear any loud Musick , or another sound a good while , it would soundly be beaten , and grow sore and bruised with so many strokes ; but since a pleasant sound would be rendred very unpleasant in this manner , my opinion is , that like as in the Eye , so in the Ear the corporeal sensitive motions do pattern out as many several figures , as sounds are presented to them ; but if these motions be irregular , then the figure of the sound in the ear is not perfect according to the original ; for if it be , that the motions are tyred with figuring , or the object of sound be too far distant from the sensitive organ , then they move slowly and weakly , not that they are tyred or weak in strength , but with working and repeating one and the same object , and so through love to variety , change from working regularly to move irregularly , so as not to pattern outward objects as they ought , and then there are no such patterns made at all , which we call to be deaf ; and sometimes the sensitive motions do not so readily perceive a soft sound near , as a stronger farther off . But to prove it is not the outward object of sound with its striking or pressing motion , nor the medium , that causes this perception of sense , if there be a great solid body , as a wall , or any other partition betwixt two rooms , parting the object and the sensitive organ , so , as the sound is not able to press it , nevertheless the perception will be made ; And as for pipes to convey sounds , the perception is more fixt and perfecter in united then in dilated or extended bodies , and then the sensitive motions can make perfecter patterns ; for the stronger the objects are , the more perfect are the figures and patterns of the objects , and the more perfect is the perception . But when the sound is quite out of the ear , then the sensitive motions have altered the patterning of such figures to some other action ; and when the sound fadeth by degrees , then the figure or pattern alters by degrees ; but for the most part the sensitive corporeal motions alter according as the objects are presented , or the perception patterns out . Neither do they usually make figures of outward objects , if not perceived by the senses , unless through Irregularities as in Mad men , which see such and such things , when as these things are not neer , and then the sensitive motions work by rote , or after their own voluntary invention . As for Reflexion , it is a double perception , and so a double figure of one object ; like as many pictures of one man , where some are more perfect then others , for a copy of a copy is not so perfect as a copy of an original . But the recoyling of sound is , that the sensitive motions in the ear begin a new pattern , before they dissolved the former , so as there is no perfect alteration or change , from making to dissolving , but pattern is made upon pattern , which causes a confusion of figures , the one being neither perfectly finished , nor the other perfectly made . But it is to be observed , that not always the sensitive motions in the organs take their pattern from the original , but from copies ; as for example , the sensitive motions in the eye , pattern out the figure of an eye in a glass , and so do not take a pattern from the original it self , but by an other pattern , representing the figure of the eye in a Looking-glass ; The same doth the Ear , by patterning out Ecchoes , which is but a pattern of a pattern ; But when as a man hears himself speak or make a sound , then the corporeal sensitive motions in the Ear , pattern out the object or figure made by the motions of the tongue and the throat , which is voice ; By which we may observe , that there may be many figures made by several motions from one original ; as for example , the figure of a word is made in a mans mouth , then the copy of that figure is made in the ear , then in the brain , and then in the memory , and all this in one Man : Also a word being made in a mans mouth , the air takes a copy or many copies thereof ; but the Ear patterns them both out , first the original coming from the mouth , and then the copy made in the air , which is called an Eccho , and yet not any strikes or touches each others parts , onely perceives and patterns out each others figure . Neither are their substances the same , although the figures be alike ; for the figure of a man may be carved in wood , then cut in brass , then in stone , and so forth , where the figure may be always the same , although the substances which do pattern out the figure are several , viz. Wood , Brass , Stone , &c. and so likewise may the figure of a stone be figured in the fleshy substance of the Eye , or the figure of light or colour , and yet the substance of the Eye remains still the same ; neither doth the substantial figure of a stone , or tree , patterned out by the sensitive corporeal motions , in the flesh of an animal eye , change from being a vegetable or mineral , to an animal , and if this cannot be done by nature , much less by art ; for if the figure of an animal be carved in wood or stone , it doth not give the wood or stone any animal knowledg , nor an animal substance , as flesh , bones , blood , &c. no more doth the patterning or figuring of a Tree give a vegetable knowledg , or the substance of wood to the eye , for the figure of an outward object doth not alter the substance that patterns it out or figures it , but the patterning substance doth pattern out the figure , in it self , or in its own substance , so as the figure which is pattern'd , hath the same life and knowledg with the substance by and in which it is figured or pattern'd , and the inherent motions of the same substance ; and according as the sensitive and rational self-moving matter moves , so figures are made ; and thus we see , that lives , knowledges , motions and figures are all material , and all Creatures are indued with life , knowledg , motion and figure , but not all alike or after the same manner . But to conclude this discourse of perception of Sound , the Ear may take the object of sound afar off , as well as at a near distance ; not onely if many figures of the same sound be made from that great distance , but if the interposing parts be not so thick , close , or many as to hinder or obscure the object from the animal Perception in the sensitive organ ; for if a man lays his Ear near to the Ground , the Ear may hear at a far distance , as well as the Eye can see , for it may hear the noise of a troop afar off , perception being very subtil and active ; Also there may several Copies be made from the Original , and from the last Copy nearest to the Ear , the Ear may take a pattern , and so pattern out the noise in the organ , without any strokes to the Ear , for the subtil matter in all Creatures doth inform and perceive . But this is well to be observed , that the figures of objects are as soon made , as perceived by the sensitive motions in their work of patterning . And this is my Opinion concerning the Perception of Sound , which together with the rest I leave to your Ladyships and others wiser Judgment , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXIII . MADAM , I Perceive by your last , that you cannot well apprehend my meaning , when I say that the print or figure of a Body Printed or Carved , is not made by the motions of the body Printing or Carving it , but by the motions of the body or substance Printed or Carved ; for say you , Doth a piece of Wood carve it self , or a black Patch of a Lady cut its own figure by its own motions ? Before I answer you , Madam , give me leave to ask you this question , whether it be the motion of the hand , or the Instrument , or both , that print or carve such or such a body ? Perchance you will say , that the motion of the hand moves the Instrument , and the Instrument moves the Wood which is to be carved : Then I ask , whether the motion that moves the Instrument , be the Instruments , or the Hands ? Perchance you will say the Hands ; but I answer , how can it be the Hands motion , if it be in the Instrument ? You will say , perhaps , the motion of the hand is tranferred out of the hand into the instrument , and so from the instrument into the carved figure ; but give me leave to ask you , was this motion of the hand , that was transferred , Corporeal or Incorporeal ? If you say , Corporeal , then the hand must become less and weak , but if Incorporeal , I ask you , how a bodiless motion can have force and strength to carve and cut ? But put an Impossible proposition , as that there is an Immaterial motion , and that this Incorporeal motion could be transferred out of one body into another ; then I ask you , when the hand and instrument cease to move , what is become of the motion ? Perhaps you will say , the motion perishes or is annihilated , and when the hand and the instrument do move again , to the carving or cutting of the figure , then a new Incorporeal Motion is created ; Truly then there will be a perpetual creation and annihilation of Incorporeal motions , that is , of that which naturally is nothing ; for an Incorporeal being is as much as a natural No-thing , for Natural reason cannot know nor have naturally any perception or Idea of an Incorporeal being : besides , if the motion be Incorporeal , then it must needs be a supernatural Spirit , for there is not any thing else Immaterial but they , and then it will be either an Angel or a Devil , or the Immortal Soul of man ; but if you say it is the supernatural Soul , truly I cannot be perswaded that the supernatural Soul should not have any other imployment then to carve or cut prints , or figures , or move in the hands , or heels , or legs , or arms of a Man ; for other animals have the same kind of Motions , and then they might have a Supernatural Soul as well as Man , which moves in them . But if you say , that these tranferrable motions are material , then every action whereby the hand moves to the making or moving of some other body , would lessen the number of the motions in the hand , and weaken it , so that in the writing of one letter , the hand would not be able to write a second letter , at least not a third . But I pray , Madam , consider rationally , that though the Artificer or Workman be the occasion of the motions of the carved body , yet the motions of the body that is carved , are they which put themselves into such or such a figure , or give themselves such or such a print as the Artificer intended ; for a Watch , although the Artist or Watch-maker be the occasional cause that the Watch moves in such or such an artificial figure , as the figure of a Watch , yet it is the Watches own motion by which it moves ; for when you carry the Watch about you , certainly the Watch-makers hand is not then with it as to move it ; or if the motion of the Watch-makers hand be transferred into the Watch , then certainly the Watch-maker cannot make another Watch , unless there be a new creation of new motions made in his hands ; so that God and Nature would be as much troubled and concerned in the making of Watches , as in the making of a new World ; for God created this World in six days , and rested the seventh day , but this would be a perpetual Creation ; Wherefore I say that some things may be Occasional causes of other things , but not the Prime or Principal causes ; and this distinction is very well to be considered , for there are no frequenter mistakes then to confound these two different causes , which make so many confusions in natural Philosophy ; and this is the Opinion of , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXIV . MADAM , IN answer to your question , What makes Eccho , I say , it is that which makes all the effects of Nature , viz. self-moving matter ; I know , the common opinion is , that Eccho is made like as the figure of a Face , or the like , in a Looking-glass , and that the Reverberation of sound is like the Reflection of sight in a Looking-glass ; But I am not of that opinion , for both Eccho , and that wich is called the Reflection in a Looking-glass , are made by the self-moving matter , by way of patterning and copying out . But then you will ask me , whether the glass takes the copy of the face , or the face prints its copy on the glass , or whether it be the medium of light and air that makes it ? I answer , although many Learned men say , that as all perception , so also the seeing of ones face in a Looking-glass , and Eccho , are made by impression and reaction ; yet I cannot in my simplicity conceive it , how bodies that come not near , or touch each other , can make a figure by impression and reaction : They say it proceeds from the motions of the Medium of light , or air , or both , viz. that the Medium is like a long stick with two ends , whereof one touches the object , the other the organ of sense , and that one end of it moving , the other moves also at the same point of Time , by which motions it may make many several figures ; But I cannot conceive , how this motion of pressing forward and backward should make so many figures , wherein there is so much variety and curiosity . But , say light and air are as one figure , and like as a seal do print another body ; I answer , if any thing could print , yet it is not probable , that so soft and rare bodies as light and air , could print such solid bodies as glass , nor could air by reverberation make such a sound as Eccho . But mistake me not , for , I do not say , that the Corporeal motions of light or air , cannot , or do not pencil , copie , or pattern out any figure , for both light and air are very active in such sorts of Motions , but I say , they cannot do it on any other bodies but their own . But to cut off tedious and unnecessary disputes , I return to the expressing of my own opinion , and believe , that the glass in its own substance doth figure out the copy of the face , or the like , and from that copy the sensitive motions in the eyes take another copy , and so the rational from the sensitive ; and in this manner is made both rational and sensitive perception , sight and knowledg . The same with Ecchoes ; for the air patterns out the copy of the sound , and then the sensitive corporeal motions in the ear pattern again this copy from the air , and so do make the perception and sense of hearing . You may ask me , Madam , if it be so , that the glass and the air copy out the figure of the face and of sound , whether the Glass may be said to see and the Air to speak ? I answer , I cannot tell that ; for though I say , that the air repeats the words , and the glass represents the face , yet I cannot guess what their perceptions are , onely this I may say , that the air hath an elemental , and the glass a mineral , but not an animal perception . But if these figures were made by the pressures of several objects or parts , and by reaction , there could not be such variety as there is , for they could but act by one sort of motion : Likewise is it improbable , that sounds , words or voices , should like a company of Wild-Geese fly in the air , and so enter into the ears of the hearers , as they into their nests : Neither can I conceive , how in this manner a word can enter so many ears , that is , be divided into every ear , and yet strike every ear with an undivided vocal sound ; You will say , as a small fire doth heat and warm all those that stand by ; for the heat issues from the fire , as the light from the Sun. I answer , all what issues and hath motion , hath a Body , and yet most learned men deny that sound , light and heat have bodies : But if they grand of light that it has a body , they say it moves and presses the air , and the air the eye , and so of heat ; which if so , then the air must not move to any other motion but light , and onely to one sort of light , as the Suns light ; for if it did move in any other motion , it would disturb the light ; for if a Bird did but fly in the air , it would give all the region of air another motion , and so put out , or alter the light , or at least disturb it ; and wind would make a great disturbance in it . Besides , if one body did give another body motion , it must needs give it also substance , for motion is either something or nothing , body or no body , substance or no substance ; if nothing , it cannot enter into another body ; if something , it must lessen the bulk of the body it quits , and increase the bulk of the body it enters , and so the Sun and Fire with giving light and heat , would become less , for they cannot both give and keep at once , for this is as impossible , as for a man to give to another creature his human Nature , and yet to keep it still . Wherefore my opinion is for heat , that when many men stand round about a fire , and are heated and warmed by it , the fire doth not give them any thing , nor do they receive something from the fire , but the sensitive motions in their bodies pattern out the object of the fires heat , and so they become more or less hot according as their patterns are numerous or perfect ; And as for air , it patterns out the light of the Sun , and the sensitive motions in the eyes of animals pattern out the light in the air . The like for Ecchoes , or any other sound , and for the figures which are presented in a Looking-glass . And thus millions of parts or creatures may make patterns of one or more objects , and the objects neither give nor loose any thing . And this I repeat here , that my meaning of Perception may be the better understood , which is the desire of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXV . MADAM , I Perceive you are not fully satisfied with my former Letter concerning Eccho , and a figure presented in a Looking-glass ; for you say , how is it possible , if Eccho consists in the ears patterning out of a voice or sound , but that it will make a confusion in all the parts of the air ? My answer is , that I doe not say that Eccho is onely made by the patterning out of the voice or sound , but by repeating the same voice or sound , which repetition is named an Eccho , for millions of ears in animals may pattern out a voice or words , and yet never repeat them , and so may millions of parts of the air ; wherefore Eccho doth not consist in the bare patterning out , but in the repetition of the same sound or words , which are pattern'd out ; and so some parts of the air may at one and the same time pattern out a sound and not repeat it , and some may both pattern out , and repeat it , but some may neither pattern out , nor repeat it , and therefore the Repetition , not the bare Patterning out is called Eccho : Just as when two or more men do answer or mock each other , and repeat each others words , it is not necessary , if there were a thousand standers by , that they should all do the same . And as for the figure presented in a Looking-glass , I cannot conceive it to be made by pressure and reaction ; for although there is both pressure and reaction in nature , and those very frequent amongst natures Parts , yet they do neither make perception nor production . although both pressure and reaction are made by corporeal self-motions ; Wherefore the figure presented in a Looking-glass , or any other smooth glassie body , is , in my opinion , onely made by the motions of the Looking-glass , which do both pattern out ; and present the figure of an external object in the Glass : But you will say , why do not the motions of other bodies pattern out , and present the figures of external objects , as well as smooth glassie bodies do ? I answer , they may pattern out external objects , for any thing I know ; but the reason that their figures are not presented to our eyes , lies partly in the presenting subject it self , partly in our sight ; for it is observed , that two things are chiefly required in a subject that will present the figure of an external object ; first it must be smooth , even and glassie , next it must not be transparent : the first is manifest by experience ; for the subject being rough and uneven , will never be able to present such a figure ; as for example , A piece of steel rough and unpolished , although it may perhaps pattern out the figure of an external object , yet it will never present its figure , but as soon as it is polished , and made smooth and glassie , the figure is presently perceived . But this is to be observed , that smooth and glassie bodies do not always pattern out exterior objects exactly , but some better , some worse ; like as Painters have not all the same ingenuity ; neither do all eyes pattern out all objects exactly ; which proves that the perception of sight is not made by pressure and reaction , o : herwise there would be no difference , but all eyes would see alike , Next I say , it is observed , that the subject which will present the figure of an external object , must not be transparent ; the reason is , that the figure of Light being a substance of a piercing and penetrating quality , hath more force on transparent , then on other solid dark bodies , and so disturbs the figure of an external object pattern'd out in a transparent body , and quite over-masters it . But you wil say , you have found by experience , that if you hold a burning Candle before a Transparent-glass , although it be in an open Sun-light , yet the figure of light and flame of the Candle will clearly be seen in the Glass . I answer , that it is an other thing with the figure of Candle-light , then of a duskish or dark body ; for a Candle-light , though it is not of the same sort as the Suns light , yet it is of the same nature and quality , and therefore the Candle-light doth resist and oppose the light of the Sun , so that it cannot have so much power over it , as over the figures of other bodies patterned out and presented in Transparent-glass . Lastly , I say , that the fault often-times lies in the perceptive motions of our sight , which is evident by a plain and Concave-glass ; for in a plain Looking-glass , the further you go from it , the more your figure presented in the glass seems to draw backward ; and in a Concave-glass , the nearer you go to it , the more seems your figure to come forth : which effects are like as an house or tree appears to a Traveller ; for , as the man moves from the house or tree , so the house or tree seems to move from the man ; or like one that sails upon a Ship , who imagines that the Ship stands still , and the Land moves ; when as yet it is the Man and the Ship that moves , and not the House , or Tree , or the Land : so when a Man turns round in a quick motion , or when his head is dizzie , he imagines the room or place , where he is , turns round . Wherefore it is the Inherent Perceptive motions in the Eye , and not the motions in the Looking-glass , which cause these effects . And as for several figures that are presented in one glass , it is absurd to imagine that so many several figures made by so many several motions should touch the eye ; certainly this would make such a disturbance , if all figures were to enter or but to touch the eye , as the eye would not perceive any of them , at least not distinctly ; Wherefore it is most probable that the glass patterns out those figures , and the sensitive corporeal motions in the eye take again a pattern from those figures patterned out by the glass , and so make copies of copies ; but the reason why several figures are presented in one glass in several places , is , that two perfect figures cannot be in one point , nor made by one motion , but by several corporeal motions . Concerning a Looking-glass , made in the form or shape of a Cylinder , why it represents the figure of an external object in an other shape and posture then the object is , the cause is the shape and form of the Glass , and not the patterning motions in the Glass . But this discourse belongs properly to the Opticks , wherefore I will leave it to those that are versed in that Art , to enquire and search more after the rational truth thereof . In the mean time , my opinion is , that though the object is the occasion of the figure presented in a Looking-glass , yet the figure is made by the motions of the glass or body that presents it , and that the figure of the glass perhaps may be patterned out as much by the motions of the object in its own substance , as the figure of the object is patterned out and presented by the motions of the glass in its own body or substance . And thus I conclude and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXVI . MADAM , SInce I mentioned in my last that Light did disturb the figures of External objects presented in Transparent bodies ; you were pleased to ask , Whether light doth penetrate transparent bodies ? I answer , for any thing I know , it may ; for when I consider the subtil , piercing and penetrating nature of light , I believe it doth ; but again , when I consider that light is presented to our sight by transparent bodies onely , and not by duskish and dark bodies , and yet that those duskish bodies are more porous then the transparent bodies , so that the light hath more passage to pass through them , then through transparent bodies ; but that on the contrary , those dark bodies , as Wood , and the like , do quite obscure the light , when as transparent bodies , as Glass , &c. transmit it , I am half perswaded that the transparent bodies , as Glass , rather present the Light by patterning it out , then by giving it passage : Also I am of a mind , that the air in a room may pattern out the Light from the Glass , for the Light in a room doth not appear so clear as in the Glass ; also if the Glass be any way defective , it doth not present the Light so perfectly , whereas , if it were the penetration of light through the glass , the light would pass through all sorts of glass alike , which it doth not , but is more clearly seen through some , and more obscurely through others , according to the goodness or purity of the glass . But you may say , that the light divulges the imperfection or goodness of the glass ; I answer , so it doth of any other objects perceived by our sight ; for light is the presenter of objects to the sense and perception of sight , and for any thing I know , the corporeal optick motions make the figure of light , the ground figure of all other figures patterned out by the corporeal optick motions , as in dreams , or when as some do see in the dark , that is , without the help of exterior light . But you may say , That if the glass and the air in a room did pattern out the figure of light , those patterns of light would remain when light is absent : I answer , That is not usual in nature ; for when the object removes , the Pattern alters ; I will not say but that the corporeal optick motions may work by rote without objects , but that is irregular , as in some distempers . And thus , Madam , I have given you my opinion also to this your question ; if you have any more scruples , I pray let me know of them , and assure your self that I shall be ready upon all occasions to express my self , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XXVII . MADAM , YOur desire is to know , why sound is louder in a Vault , and in a large Room then in a less ? I answer , A Vault or arched Figure is the freest from obstruction , as being without corners and points , so as the sensitive and rational corporeal motions of the Ear can have a better perception ; like as the Eye can see farthest from a hill then being upon a level ground , because the prospect is freer from the hill , as without obstruction , unless it be so cloudy that the clouds do hinder the perception ; And as the eye can have a better prospect upon a hill , so the ear a stronger perception in a Vault ; And as for sound , that it is better perceived in a large , then in a little close room or place , it is somewhat like the perception of sent , for the more the odorous parts are bruised , the stronger is that perception of sent , as being repeated double or treble , which makes the perception stronger , like as a thick body is stronger then a thin one ; So likewise the perception of sound in the air ; for though not all the parts of the air make repetitions , yet some or many make patterns of the sound ; the truth is , Air is as industrious to divulge or present a found , by patterns to the Ear , as light doth objects to the Eye . But then you may ask me , Why a long hollow pipe doth convey a voice to the ear more readily , then any large and open place ? My answer is , That the Parts of the air in a long pipe are more Composed and not at liberty to wander , so that upon necessity they must move onely to the patterning out of the sound , having no choice , which makes the sound much stronger , and the perception of the Ear perfecter ; But as for Pipes , Vaults , Prospects , as also figures presented in a room through a little hole , inverted , and many the like , belongs more to Artists then to my study , for though Natural Philosophy gives or points out the Ground , and shews the reason , yet it is the Artist that Works ; Besides it is more proper for Mathematicians to discourse of , which study I am not versed in ; and so leaving it to them , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXVIII . MADAM , FRom Sound I am come to Sent , in the discourse whereof , your Author * is pleased to set down these following propositions : 1. That smelling is hindred by cold and helped by heat : 2. That when the Wind bloweth from the object , the smell is the stronger , and when it blowes from the sentient towards the obiect , the weaker , which by experience is found in dogs , that follow thetrack of beasts by the Sent : 3. That such bodies as are last pervious to the fluid medium , yield less smell then such as are more pervious : 4. That such bodies as are of their own nature odorous , become yet more odorous , when they are bruised : 5. That when the breath is stopped ( at least in man ) nothing can be smelt : 6. That the Sense of smelling is also taken away by the stopping of the Nostrils , though the mouth be left open . To begin from the last , I say , that the nose is like the other sensitive organs , which if they be stopt , the corporeal sensitive motions cannot take copies of the exterior objects , and therefore must alter their action of patterning to some other , for when the eye is shut and cannot perceive outward objects then it works to the Sense of Touch , or on the inside of the organ to some phantasmes ; and so do the rest of the Senses . As for the stopping of breath , why it hinders the Sent , the cause is , that the nostrils and the mouth are the chief organs , to receive air and to let out breath : but though they be common passages for air and breath , yet taste is onely made in the mouth and tongue , and sent in the nose ; not by the pressure of meat , and the odoriferous object , but by patterning out the several figures or objects of sent and taste , for the nose and the mouth will smell and taste one , nay several things at the same time , like as the eye will see light , colour , and other objects at once , which I think can hardly be done by pressures ; and the reason is , that the sensitive motions in the sensitive organs make patterns of several objects at one time , which is the cause , that when flowers , and such like odoriferous bodies are bruised , there are as many figures made as there are parts bruised or divided , and by reason of so many figures the sensitive knowledg is stronger ; but that stones , minerals , and the like , seem not so strong to our smell , the reason is , that their parts being close and united , the sensitive motions in the organ cannot so readily perceive and pattern them out , as those bodies which are more porous and divided . But as for the wind blowing the sent either to or from the sentient , it is like a window or door that by the motion of opening and shutting , hinders or disturbeth the sight ; for bodies coming between the object and the organ , make a stop of that perception . And as for the Dogs smelling out the track of Beasts , the cause is , that the earth or ground hath taken a copy of that sent , which copy the sensitive motions in the nose of the Dog do pattern out , and so long as that figure or copy lasts , the Dog perceives the sent , but if he doth not follow or hunt readily , then there is either no perfect copy made by the ground , or otherwise he cannot find it , which causes him to seek and smell about until he hath it ; and thus smell is not made by the motion of the air , but by the figuring motions in the nose : Where it is also to be observed , that not onely the motions in one , but in millions of noses , may pattern out one little object at one time , and therefore it is not , that the object of sent fills a room by sending out the sent from its substance , but that so many figures are made of that object of sent by so many several sensitive motions , which pattern the same out ; and so the air , or ground , or any other creature , whose sensitive motions pattern out the object of sent , may perceive the same , although their sensitive organs are not like to those of animal creatures ; for if there be but such sensitive motions and perceptions , it is no matter for such organs . Lastly , it is to be observed , That all Creatures have not the same strength of smelling , but some smell stronger , some weaker , according to the disposition of their sensitive motions : Also there be other parts in the body , which pattern out the object of sent , besides the nose , but those are interior parts , and take their patterns from the nose as the organ properly designed for it ; neither is their resentment the same , because their motions are not alike , for the stomack may perceive and pattern out a sent with aversion , when the nose may pattern it out with pleasure . And thus much also of Sent ; I conclude and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXIX . MADAM , COncerning your Learned Authors discourse of Density and Rality , he defines * Thick to be that , which takes up more parts of a space given ; and thin , which containes fewer parts of the same magnitude : not that there is more matter in one place then in an other equal place , but a greater quantity of some named body ; wherefore the multitude and paucity of the parts contained within the same space do constitute density and rarity . Where of my opinion is , That there is no more nor less space or place then body according to its ' dilation or contraction , and that space and place are dilated and contracted with the body , according to the magnitude of the body , for body , place and magnitude are the same thing , only place is in regard of the several parts of the body , and there is as well space betwixt things distant a hairs breadth from one another , as betwixt things distant a million of miles , but yet this space is nothing from the body ; but it makes , that that body has not the same place with this body , that is , that this body is not that body , and that this bodies place is not that bodies place . Next your Author sayes , * He hath already clearly enough demonstrated , that there can be no beginning of motion , but from an external and moved body , and that heavy bodies being once cast upwards cannot be cast down again , but by external motion . Truly , Madam , I will not speak of your Authors demonstrations , for it is done most by art , which I have no knowledg in , but I think I have probably declared , that all the actions of nature are not forced by one part , driving , pressing , or shoving another , as a man doth a wheel-barrow , or a whip a horse ; nor by reactions , as if men were at foot-ball or cuffs , or as men with carts meeting each other in a narrow lane . But to prove there is no self-motion in nature , he goes on and says ; To attribute to created bodies the power to move themselves , what is it else , then to say that there be creatures which have no dependance upon the Creator ? To which I answer , That if man. ( who is but a single part of nature ) hath given him by God the power and a free will of moving himself , why should not God give it to Nature ? Neither can I see , how it can take off the dependance upon God , more then Eternity ; for if there be an Eternal Creator , there is also an Eternal Creature , and if an Eternal Master , an Eternal Servant , which is Nature ; and yet Nature is subject to Gods Command , and depends upon him ; and if all Gods Attributes be Infinite , then his Bounty is Infinite also , which cannot be exercised but by an Infinite Gift , but a Gift doth not cause a less dependance . I do not say , That man hath an absolute Free-will , or power to move , according to his desire ; for it is not conceived , that a part can have an absolute power : nevertheless his motion both of body and mind is a free and self-motion , and such a self-motion hath every thing in Nature according to its figure or shape ; for motion and figure , being inherent in matter , matter moves figuratively . Yet do I not say , That there is no hindrance , obstruction and opposition in nature ; but as there is no particular Creature , that hath an absolute power of self-moving ; so that Creature which hath the advantage of strength , subtilty , or policy , shape , or figure , and the like , may oppose and over-power another which is inferior to it , in all this ; yet this hinderance and opposition doth not take away self-motion . But I perceive your Author is much for necessitation , and against free-will , which I leave to Moral Philosophers and Divines . And as for the ascending of light , and descending of heavy bodies , there may be many causes , but these four are perceiveable by our senses , as bulk , or quantity of body , grossness of substance , density , and shape or figure , which make heavy bodies descend : But little quantity , purity of substance , rarity , and figure or shape make light bodies ascend . Wherefore I cannot believe , that there are certain little bodies as atoms , and by reason of their smallness , invisible , differing from one another in consistence , figure , motion and magnitude , intermingled with the air , which should be the cause of the descending of heavy bodies . And concerning air , whether it be subject to our senses or not , I say , that if air be neither hot , nor cold , it is not subject ; but if it be , the sensitive motions will soon pattern it out , and declare it . I 'le conclude with your Authors question , What the cause is , that a man doth not feel the weight of Water in Water ? and answer , it is the dilating nature of Water . But of this question and of Water I shall treat more fully hereafter , and so I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXX . MADAM , I Am reading now the works of that Famous and most Renowned Author , Des Cartes , out of which I intend to pick out onely those discourses which I like best , and not to examine his opinions , as they go along from the beginning to the end of his books ; And in order to this , I have chosen in the first place , his discourse of motion , and do not assent to his opinion , when he defines Motion to be onely a Mode of a thing , and not the thing or body it selfe ; for , in my opinion , there can be no abstraction made of motion from body , neither really , nor in the manner of our conception , for how can I conceive that which is not , nor cannot be in nature , that is , to conceive motion without body ? Wherefore Motion is but one thing with body , without any separation or abstraction soever . Neither doth it agree with my reason , that one body can give or transferr motion into another body ; and as much motion it gives or transferrs into that body , as much loses it : As for example , in two hard bodies thrown against one another , where one , that is thrown with greater force , takes the other along with it , and loses as much motion as it gives it . For how can motion , being no substance , but onely a mode , quit one body , and pass into another ? One body may either occasion , or imitate anothers motion , but it can neither give nor take away what belongs to its own or another bodies substance , no more then matter can quit its nature from being matter ; and therefore my opinion is , that if motion doth go out of one body into another , then substance goes too ; for motion , and substance or body , as afore-mentioned , are all one thing , and then all bodies that receive motion from other bodies , must needs increase in their substance and quantity , and those bodies which impart or transferr motion , must decrease as much as they increase : Truly , Madam , that neither Motion nor Figure should subsist by themselves , and yet be transferrable into other bodies , is very strange , and as much as to prove them to be nothing , and yet to say they are something . The like may be said of all others , which they call accidents , as skill , learning , knowledge , &c. saying , they are no bodies , because they have no extension , but inherent in bodies or substances as in their subjects ; for although the body may subsist without them , yet they being always with the body , body and they are all one thing : And so is power and body , for body cannot quit power , nor power the body , being all one thing . But to return to Motion , my opinion is , That all matter is partly animate , and partly inanimate , and all matter is moving and moved , and that there is no part of Nature that hath not life and knowledg , for there is no Part that has not a comixture of animate and inanimate matter ; and though the inanimate matter has no motion , nor life and knowledg of it self , as the animate has , nevertheless being both so closely joyned and commixed as in one body , the inanimate moves as well as the animate , although not in the same manner ; for the animate moves of it self , and the inanimate moves by the help of the animate , and thus the animate is moving and the inanimate moved ; not that the animate matter transfers , infuses , or communicates its own motion to the inanimate ; for this is impossible , by reason it cannot part with its own nature , nor alter the nature of inanimate matter , but each retains its own nature ; for the inanimate matter remains inanimate , that is , without self-motion , and the animate loses nothing of its self-motion , which otherwise it would , if it should impart or transferr its motion into the inanimate matter ; but onely as I said heretofore , the inanimate works or moves with the animate , because of their close union and commixture ; for the animate forces or causes the inanimate matter to work with her ; and thus one is moving , the other moved , and consequently there is life and knowledg in all parts of nature , by reason in all parts of nature there is a commixture of animate and inanimate matter : and this Life and Knowledg is sense and reason , or sensitive and rational corporeal motions , which are all one thing with animate matter without any distinction or abstraction , and can no more quit matter , then matter can quit motion . Wherefore every creature being composed of this commixture of animate and inanimate matter , has also selfe-motion , that is life and knowledg , sense and reason , so that no part hath need to give or receive motion to or from another part ; although it may be an occasion of such a manner of motion to another part , and cause it to move thus or thus : as for example , A Watch-maker doth not give the watch its motion , but he is onely the occasion , that the watch moves after that manner , for the motion of the watch is the watches own motion , inherent in those parts ever since that matter was , and if the watch ceases to move after such a manner or way , that manner or way of motion is never the less in those parts of matter , the watch is made of , and if several other figures should be made of that matter , the power of moving in the said manner or mode , would yet still remain in all those parts of matter as long as they are body , and have motion in them . Wherefore one body may occasion another body to move so or so , but not give it any motion , but everybody ( though occasioned by another , to move in such a way ) moves by its own natural motion ; for self-motion is the very nature of animate matter , and is as much in hard , as in fluid bodies , although your Author denies it , saying , The nature of fluid bodies consists in the motion of those little insensible parts into which they are divided , and the nature of bard bodies , when those little particles joyned closely together , do rest ; for there is no rest in nature ; wherefore if there were a World of Gold , and a World of Air , I do verily believe , that the World of Gold would be as much interiously active , as the World of Air exteriously ; for Natures motions are not all external or perceptible by our senses , neither are they all circular , or onely of one sort , but there is an infinite change and variety of motions ; for though I say in my Philosophical opinions , * As there is but one onely Matter , so there is but one onely Motion ; yet I do not mean , there is but one particular sort of motions , as either circular , or straight , or the like , but that the nature of motion is one and the same , simple and intire in it self , that is , it is meer motion , or nothing else but corporeal motion ; and that as there are infinite divisions or parts of matter , so there are infinite changes and varieties of motions , which is the reason that I call motion as well infinite as matter ; first that matter and motion are but one thing , and if matter be infinite , motion must be so too ; and secondly , that motion is infinite in its changes and variations , as matter is in its parts . And thus much of motion for this time ; I add no more , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXXI . MADAM , I Observe your Author in his discourse of Place makes a difference betwixt an Interior and Exterior place , and that according to this distinction , one body may be said to change , and not to change its place at the same time , and that one body may succeed into anothers place . But I am not of this opinion , for I believe not that there is any more place then body ; as for example , Water being mix'd with Earth , the water doth not take the Earths place , but as their parts intermix , so do their places , and as their parts change , so do their places , so that there is no more place , then there is water and earth ; the same may be said of Air and Water , or Air and Earth , or did they all mix together ; for as their bodies join , so do their places , and as they are separated from each other , so are their places . Say a man travels a hundred miles , and so a hundred thousand paces ; but yet this man has not been in a hundred thousand places , for he never had any other place but his own , he hath joined and separated himselfe from a hundred thousand , nay millions of parts , but he has left no places behind him . You will say , if he travel the same way back again , then he is said to travel thorow the same places . I answer , It may be the vulgar way of expression , or the common phrase ; but to speak properly , after a Philosophical way , and according to the truth in nature , he cannot be said to go back again thorow the same places he went , because he left none behind him , or els all his way would be nothing but place after place , all the hundred miles along ; besides if place should be taken so , as to express the joyning to the neerest bodies which compass him about , certainly he would never find his places again ; for the air being fluid , changes or moves continually , and perchance the same parts of the air , which compassed him once , will never come near him again . But you may say , If a man be hurt , or hath some mischance in his body , so as to have a piece of flesh cut out , and new flesh growing there ; then we say , because the adjoyning parts do not change , that a new piece of flesh is grown in the same place where the former flesh was , and that the place of the former flesh cut or fallen out , is the same of this new grown flesh . I answer , In my opinion , it is not , for the parts being not the same , the places are not , but every one hath its own place . But if the wound be not filled or closed up with other new flesh , you will say , that according to my opinion there is no place then at all . I say , Yes , for the air or any thing else may be there , as new parts joyning to the other parts ; nevertheless , the air , or that same body which is there , hath not taken the fleshes place , which was there before , but hath its own ; but , by reason the adjoyning parts remain , man thinks the place remains there also which is no consequence . 'T is true , a man may return to the same adjoining bodies , where he was before , but then he brings his place with him again , and as his body , so his place returnes also , and if a mans arm be cut off , you may say , there was an arm heretofore , but you cannot say properly , this is the place where the arm was . But to return to my first example of the mixture of Water , and Earth or Air ; Suppose water is not porous , but onely dividable , and hath no other place but what is its own bodies ' , and that other parts of water intermix with it by dividing and composing ; I say , there is no more place required , then what belongs to their own parts , for if some contract , others dilate , some divide , others joyn , the places are the same according to the magnitude of each part or body . The same may be said of all kinds or sorts of mixtures , for one body hath but one place ; and so if many parts of the same nature joyn into one body and increase the bulk of the body , the place of that same body is accordingly ; and if they be bodies of different natures which intermix and joyne , each several keeps its place ; And so each body and each particular part of a body hath its place , for you cannot name body or part of a body , but you must also understand place to be with them , and if a point should dilate to a world , or a world contract to a point , the place would always be the same with the body . And thus I have declared my opinion of this subject , which I submit to the correction of your better judgment , and rest , MADAM , Your Ladiships faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXII . MADAM , IN my last , I hope , I have sufficiently declared my opinion , That to one body belongs but one place , and that no body can leave a place behind it , but wheresoever is body , there is place also . Now give me leave to examine this question : when a bodies figure is printed on snow , or any other fluid or soft matter , as air , water , and the like ; whether it be the body , that prints its own figure upon the snow , or whether it be the snow , that patterns the figure of the body ? My answer is , That it is not the body , which prints its figure upon the snow , but the snow that patterns out the figure of the body ; for if a seal be printed upon wax , 't is true , it is the figure of the seal , which is printed on the wax , but yet the seal doth not give the wax the print of its own figure , but it is the wax that takes the print or pattern from the seal , and patterns or copies it out in its own substance , just as the sensitive motions in the eye do pattern out the figure of an object , as I have declared heretofore . But you will say , perhaps , A body being printed upon snow , as it leaves its print , so it leaves also its place with the print in the snow . I answer , That doth not follow ; For the place remains still the bodies place , and when the body removes out of the snow , it takes its place along with it : Just like a man , whose picture is drawn by a Painter , when he goes away , he leaves not his place with his picture , but his place goes with his body ; and as the place of the picture is the place of the colour or paint , and the place of the copie of an exterior object patterned out by the sensitive corporeal motions is the place of the sensitive organ , so the place of the print in snow , is the snows place ; or else , if the print were the bodies place that is printed , and not the snow's , it might as well be said , that the motion and shape of a watch were not the motion and shape of the watch , but of the hand of him that made it . And as it is with snow , so it is with air , for a mans figure is patterned out by the parts and motions of the air , wheresoever he moveth ; the difference is onely , that air being a fluid body doth not retain the print so long , as snow or a harder body doth , but when the body removes , the print is presently dissolved . But I wonder much , your Author denies , that there can be two bodies in one place , and yet makes two places for one body , when all is but the motions of one body : Wherefore a man sailing in a Ship , cannot be said to keep place , and to change his place ; for it is not place he changes , but onely the adjoyning parts , as leaving some , and joyning to others ; and it is very improper , to attribute that to place which belongs to parts , and to make a change of place out of change of parts . I conclude , repeating once again , that figure and place are still remaining the same with body ; For example ; let a stone be beat to dust , and this dust be severally dispersed , nay , changed into numerous figures ; I say , as long as the substance of the stone remains in the power of those dispersed and changed parts , and their corporeal motions , the place of it continues also ; and as the corporeal motions change and vary , so doth place , magnitude and figure , together with their parts or bodies , for they are but one thing . And so I conclude , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXXIII . MADAM , I Am absolutely of your Authors opinion , when he sayes , That all bodies of this Universe are of one and the same matter , really divided into many parts , and that these parts are diversly moved : But that these motions should be circular more then of any other sort , I cannot believe , although he thinks that this is the most probable way , to find out the causes of natural effects : for nature is not bound to one sort of motions more then to another , and it is but in vain to indeavour to know how , and by what motions God did make the World , since Creation is an action of God , and Gods actions are incomprehensible ; Wherefore his aethereal Whirlpooles , and little particles of matter , which he reduceth to three sorts and calls them the three elements of the Universe , their circular motions , several figures , shavings , and many the like , which you may better read , then I rehearse to you , are to my thinking , rather Fancies , then rational or probable conceptions : for how can we imagine that the Universe was set a moving as a Top by a Whip , or a Wheele by the hand of a Spinster , and that the vacuities were fill'd up with shavings ? for these violent motions would rather have disturbed and disordered Nature ; and though Nature uses variety in her motions or actions , yet these are not extravagant , nor by force or violence , but orderly , temperate , free , and easie , which causes me to believe , the Earth turns about rather then the Sun ; and though corporeal motions for variety make Whirl-winds , yet Whirl-winds are not constant , Neither can I believe that the swiftness of motion could make the matter more subtil and pure then it was by nature , for it is the purity and subtilty of the matter , that causes motion , and makes it swifter or slower , and not motion the subtilty and purity of matter ; motion being onely the action of matter ; and the self-moving part of matter is the working part of nature , which is wise , and knows how to move and form every creature without instruction ; and this self-motion is as much her own as the other parts of her body , matter and figure , and is one and the same with her self , as a corporeal , living , knowing , and inseparable being , and a part of her self . As for the several parts of matter , I do believe , that they are not all of one and the same bigness , nor of one and the same figure , neither do I hold their figures to be unalterable ; for if all parts in nature be corporeal , they are dividable , composable , and intermixable , and then they cannot be always of one and the same sort of figure ; besides nature would not have so much work if there were no change of figures : and since her onely action is change of motion , change of motion must needs make change of figures : and thus natural parts of matter may change from lines to points , and from points to lines , from squares to circles , and so forth , infinite ways , according to the change of motions ; but though they change their figures , yet they cannot change their matter ; for matter as it has been , so it remaines constantly in each degree , as the Rational , Sensitive and Inanimate , none becomes purer , none grosser then ever it was , notwithstanding the infinite changes of motions , which their figures undergo ; for Motion changes onely the figure , not the matter it self , which continues still the same in its nature , and cannot be altered without a confusion or destruction of Nature . And this is the constant opinion of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXIV . MADAM , THat Rarefaction is onely a change of figure , according to your Authors opinion , is in my reason very probable ; but when he sayes , that in rarified bodies are little intervals or pores filled up with some other subtil matter , if he means that all rarified bodies are porous , I dissent from him ; for it is not necessary that all rarified bodies should be porous , and all hard bodies without pores : but if there were a probability of pores , I am of opinion , it would be more in dense and hard , than in rare and soft bodies ; as for example , rarifying and dilating motions are plaining , smoothing , spreading and making all parts even , which could not well be , if there were holes or pores ; Earth is dense and hard , and yet is porous , and flame is rare and dilating , and yet is not porous ; and certainly Water is not so porous as Earth . Wherefore pores , in my opinion , are according to the nature or form of the figure , and not according to the rarity or thinness , and density or thickness of the substance . As for his thin and subtil matter filling up the pores of porous bodies , I assent to your Author so farr , that I meane , thin and thick , or rare and dense substances are joyned and mixed together . As for plaining , smoothing and spreading , I do not mean so much artificial plaining and spreading ; as for example , when a piece of gold is beaten into a thin plate , and a board is made plain and smooth by a Joyners tool , or a napkin folded up is spread plain and even , although , when you observe these arts , you may judge somewhat of the nature of natural dilations ; for a folded cloth is fuller of creases then when plain , and the beating of a thin plate is like to the motion of dilation , which is to spread out , and the forme of rarifying is thinning and extending . I add onely this , that I am not of your Authors opinion , that Rest is the Cause or Glue which keeps the parts of dense or hard bodies together , but it is retentive motions . And so I conclude , resting , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXXV . MADAM , THat the Mind , according to your Authors opinion , is a substance really distinct from the body , and may be actually separated from it and subsist without it : If he mean the natural mind and soul of Man , not the supernatural or divine , I am far from his opinion ; for though the mind moveth onely in its own parts , and not upon , or with the parts of inanimate matter , yet it cannot be separated from these parts of matter , and subsist by its self , as being a part of one and the same matter the inanimate is of , ( for there is but one onely matter , and one kind of matter , although of several degrees , ) onely it is the self-moving part ; but yet this cannot impower it , to quit the same natural body , whose part it is . Neither can I apprehend , that the Mind 's or Soul's seat should be in the Glandula or kernel of the Brain , and there sit like a Spider in a Cobweb , to whom the least motion of the Cobweb gives intelligence of a Flye , which he is ready to assault , and that the Brain should get intelligence by the animal spirits as his servants , which run to and fro like Ants to inform it ; or that the Mind should , according to others opinions , be a light , and imbroidered all with Ideas , like a Heraulds Coat ; and that the sensitive organs should have no knowledg in themselves , but serve onely like peepingholes for the mind , or barn-dores to receive bundles of pressures , like sheaves of Corn ; For there being a thorow mixture of animate , rational and sensitive , and inanimate matter , we canot assign a certain seat or place to the rational , another to the sensitive , and another to the inanimate , but they are diffused and intermixt throughout all the body ; And this is the reason , that sense and knowledg cannot be bound onely to the head or brain : But although they are mixt together , nevertheless they do not lose their interior natures by this mixture , nor their purity and subtilty , nor their proper motions or actions , but each moves according to its nature and substance , without confusion ; The actions of the rational part in Man , which is the Mind or Soul , are called Thoughts , or thoughtful perceptions , which are numerous , and so are the sensitive perceptions ; for though Man , or any other animal hath but five exterior sensitive organs , yet there be numerous perceptions made in these sensitive organs , and in all the body ; nay , every several Pore of the flesh is a sensitive organ , as well as the Eye , or the Ear. But both sorts , as well the rational as the sensitive , are different from each other , although both do resemble another , as being both parts of animate matter , as I have mentioned before : Wherefore I 'le add no more , onely let you know , that I constantly remain , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXXVI . MADAM , THat all other animals , besides man , want reason , your Author endeavours to prove in his discourse of method , where his chief argument is , That other animals cannot express their mind , thoughts or conceptions , either by speech or any other signs , as man can do : For , sayes he , it is not for want of the organs belonging to the framing of words , as we may observe in Parrats and Pies , which are apt enough to express words they are taught , but understand nothing of them . My answer is , That one man expressing his mind by speech or words to an other , doth not declare by it his excellency and supremacy above all other Creatures , but for the most part more folly , for a talking man is not so wise as a contemplating man. But by reason other Creatures cannot speak or discourse with each other as men , or make certain signs , whereby to express themselves as dumb and deaf men do , should we conclude , they have neither knowledge , sense , reason , or intelligence ? Certainly , this is a very weak argument ; for one part of a mans body , as one hand , is not less sensible then the other , nor the heel less sensible then the heart , nor the legg less sensible then the head , but each part hath its sense and reason , and so consequently its sensitive and rational knowledg ; and although they cannot talk or give intelligence to each other by speech , nevertheless each hath its own peculiar and particular knowledge , just as each particular man has his own particular knowledge , for one man's knowledge is not another man's knowledge ; and if there be such a peculiar and particular knowledg in every several part of one animal creature , as man , well may there be such in Creatures of different kinds and sorts : But this particular knowledg belonging to each creature , doth not prove that there is no intelligence at all betwixt them , no more then the want of humane Knowledg doth prove the want of Reason ; for reason is the rational part of matter , and makes perception , observation , and intelligence different in every creature , and every sort of creatures , according to their proper natures , but perception , observation and intelligence do not make reason , Reason being the cause , and they the effects . Wherefore though other Creatures have not the speech , nor Mathematical rules and demonstrations , with other Arts and Sciences , as Men ; yet may their perceptions and observations be as wise as Men's , and they may have as much intelligence and commerce betwixt each other , after their own manner and way , as men have after theirs : To which I leave them , and Man to his conceited prerogative and excellence , resting , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXXVII . MADAM , COncerning Sense and Perception , your Authors opinion is , That it is made by a motion or impression from the object upon the sensitive organ , which impression , by means of the nerves , is brought to the brain , and so to the mind or soul , which onely perceives in the brain ; Explaining it by the example of a Man being blind , or walking in dark , who by the help of his stick can perceive when he touches a Stone , a Tree , Water , Sand , and the like ; which example he brings to make a comparison with the perception of Light ; For , says he , Light in a shining body , is nothing else but a quick and lively motion or action , which through the air and other transparent bodies tends towards the eye , in the same manner as the motion or resistance of the bodies , the blind man meets withal , tends thorow the stick towards the hand ; wherefore it is no wonder that the Sun can display its rays so far in an instant , seeing that the same action , whereby one end of the stick is moved , goes instantly also to the other end , and would do the same if the stick were as long as Heaven is distant from Earth . To which I answer first , That it is not onely the Mind that perceives in the kernel of the Brain , but that there is a double perception , rational and sensitive , and that the mind perceives by the rational , but the body and the sensitive organs by the sensitive perception ; and as there is a double perception , so there is also a double knowledg , rational tional and sensitive , one belonging to the mind , the other to the body ; for I believe that the Eye , Ear , Nose , Tongue , and all the Body , have knowledg as well as the Mind , onely the rational matter , being subtil and pure , is not incumbred with the grosser part of matter , to work upon , or with it , but leaves that to the sensitive , and works or moves onely in its own substance , which makes a difference between thoughts , and exterior senses . Next I say , That it is not the Motion or Reaction of the bodies , the blind man meets withal , which makes the sensitive perception of these objects , but the sensitive corporeal motions in the hand do pattern out the figure of the Stick , Stone , Tree , Sand , and the like . And as for comparing the perception of the hand , when by the help of the stick it perceives the objects , with the perception of light , I confess that the sensitive perceptions do all resemble each other , because all sensitive parts of matter are of one degree , as being sensible parts , onely there is a difference according to the figures of the objects presented to the senses ; and there is no better proof for perception being made by the sensitive motions in the body , or sensitive organs , but that all these sensitive perceptions are alike ; and resemble one another ; for if they were not made in the body of the sentient , but by the impression of exterior objects , there would be so much difference betwixt them , by reason of the diversity of objects , as they would have no resemblance at all . But for a further proof of my own opinion , did the perception proceed meerly from the motion , impression and resistance of the objects , the hand could not perceive those objects , unless they touched the hand it self , as the stick doth ; for it is not probable , that the motions of the stone , water , sand ; &c. should leave their bodies and enter into the stick , and so into the hand ; for motion must be either something or nothing ; if something , the stick and the hand would grow bigger , and the objects touched less , or else the touching and the touched must exchange their motions , which cannot be done so suddenly , especially between solid bodies ; But if motion has no body , it is nothing , and how nothing can pass or enter or move some body , I cannot conceive . T is true there is no part that can subsist singly by it self , without dependance upon each other , and so parts do always joyn and touch each other , which I am not against ; but onely I say perception is not made by the exterior motions of exterior parts of objects , but by the interior motions of the parts of the body sentient . But I have discoursed hereof before , and so I take my leave , resting , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXXVIII . MADAM , ICannot conceive why your Author is so much for little and insensible parts , out of which the Elements and all other bodies are made ; for though Nature is divideable , yet she is also composeable ; and I think there is no need to dissect every creature into such little parts , to know their nature , but we can do it by another way as well ; for we may dissect or divide them into never so little parts , and yet gain never the more knowledg by it . But according to these principles he describing amongst the rest the nature of Water , says , That those little parts , out of which Water consists , are in figure somewhat long , light and slippery like little Eeles , which are never so closely joyned and entangled , but may easily be separated . To which I answer , That I observe the nature and figure of water to be flowing , dilating , divideable and circular ; for we may see , in Tides , overflowings , and breaking into parts , as in rain , it will always move in a round and circular figure ; And I think , if its parts were long and entangled like a knot of Eeles , it could never be so easily contracted and denced into snow or ice . Neither do I think , That Salt-water hath a mixture of somewhat grosser parts , not so apt to bend ; for to my observation and reason , the nature of salt-water consists herein , that its circle-lines are pointed , which sharp and pointed figure makes it so penetrating ; yet may those points be separated from the circle lines of water , as it is seen in the making of Salt. But I am not of your Authors opinion , That those little points do stick so fast in flesh , as little nails , to keep it from putrefaction ; for points do not always fasten ; or else fire , which certainly is composed of sharp-pointed parts , would harden , and keep other bodies from dissolving , whereas on the contrary , it separates and divides them , although after several manners . But Putrefaction is onely a dissolving and separating of parts , after the manner of dilation ; and the motion of salt is contracting as well as penetrating , for we may observe , what flesh soever is dry-salted , doth shrink and contract close together ; I will not say , but the pointed parts of salt may fasten like nayls in some sorts of bodies , but not in all they work on . And this is the reason also , that Sea-water is of more weight then fresh-water , for being composed of points , those points stick within each other , and so become more strong ; But yet do they not hinder the circular dilating motion of water , for the circle-lines are within , and the points without , but onely they make it more strong from being divided by other exterior bodies that swim upon it . And this is the cause that Salt-water is not so easily forced or turned to vapour , as Fresh , for the points piercing into each other , hold it more strongly together ; but this is to be considered , that the points of salt are on the outside of the watry Circle , not on the inside , which causes it to be divideable from the watry Circles . I will conclude , when I have given the reason why water is so soon suckt up by sand , lime , and the like bodies , and say that it is the nature of all spongy , dry and porous bodies , meeting with liquid and pliable bodies as water , do draw and suck them up , like as animal Creatures being thirsty , do drink : And so I take my leave , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXXIX . MADAM , COncerning Vapour , Clouds , Wind and Rain , I am of your Authors opinion , That Water is changed into Vapour , and Vapour into Air , and that dilated Vapours make Wind , and condensed Vapours , Clouds and Mists ; But I am not for his little particles , whereof , he says , Vapours are made , by the motion of a rare and subtil matter in the pores of terrestrial bodies ; which certainly I should conceive to be loose atoms , did he not make them of several figures and magnitude : for , in my opinion , there are no such things in nature , which like little Flyes or Bees do fly up into the air ; and although I grant , that in Nature are several parts , whereof some are more rare , others more dense , according to the several degrees of matter , yet they are not single , but all mixt together in one body , and the change of motions in those joyned parts , is the cause of all changes of figures whatever , without the assistance of any forreign parts : And thus Water of it self is changed to Snow , Ice , or Hail , by its inherent figurative Motions ; that is , the circular dilation of Water by contraction , changes into the figure of Snow , Ice , or Hail ; or by rarifying motions it turns into the figure of Vapour , and this Vapour again by contracting motions into the figure of hoar-frost ; and when all these motions change again into the former , then the figure of Ice , Snow , Hail , Vapour and Frost , turns again into the figure of Water : And this in all sense and reason is the most facil and probable way of making Ice , Snow , Hail , &c. As for rarefaction and condensation , I will not say that they may be forced by forreign parts , but yet they are made by change and alteration of the inherent motions of their own parts , for though the motions of forreign parts , may be the occasion of them , yet they are not the immediate cause or actors thereof . And as for Thunder , that clouds of Ice and Snow , the uppermost being condensed by heat , and so made heavy , should fall upon another and produce the noise of thunder , is very improbable ; for the breaking of a little small string , will make a greater noise then a huge shower of snow with falling , and as for Ice being hard , it may make a great noise , one part falling upon another , but then their weight would be as much as their noise , so that the clouds or roves of Ice would be as soon upon our heads , if not sooner , as the noise in our Eares ; like as a bullet shot out of a Canon , we may feel the bullet as soon as we hear the noise . But to conclude , all densations are not made by heat , nor all noises by pressures , for sound is oftener made by division then pressure , and densation by cold then by heat : And this is all for the present , from , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XL. MADAM , I Cannot perceive the Rational Truth of your Authors opinion , concerning Colours , made by the agitation of little spherical bodies of an AEthereal matter , transmitting the action of Light ; for if colours were made after this manner , there would , in my opinion , not be any fixed or lasting colour , but one colour would be so various , and change faster then every minute ; the truth is , there would be no certain or perfect colour at all : wherefore it seems altogether improbable , that such liquid , rare and disunited bodies should either keep or make inherent and fixed colours ; for liquid and rare bodies , whose several parts are united into one considerable bulk of body , their colours are more apt to change then the colours of those bodies that are dry , solid and dense ; the reason is , that rare and liquid bodies are more loose , slack , and agil , then solid and dry bodies , in so much , as in every alteration of motion their colours are apt to change : And if united rare and liquid bodies be so apt to alter and change , how is it probable , that those bodies , which are small and not united , should either keep or make inherent fixed colours ? I will not say , but that such little bodies may range into such lines and figures , as make colours , but then they cannot last , being not united into a lasting body , that is , into a solid , substantial body , proper to make such figures as colours . But I desire you not to mistake me , Madam , for I do not mean , that the substance of colours is a gross thick substance , for the substance may be as thin and rare as flame or light , or in the next degree to it ; for certainly the substance of light , and the substance of colours come in their degrees very neer each other ; But according to the contraction of the figures , colours are paler or deeper , or more or less lasting . And as for the reason , why colours will change and rechange , it is according as the figures alter or recover their forms ; for colours will be as animal Creatures , which sometimes are faint , pale , and sick , and yet recover ; but when as a particular colour is , as I may say , quite dead , then there is no recovering of it . But colours may seem altered sometimes in our eyes , and yet not be altered in themselves ; for our eyes , if perfect , see things as they are presented ; and for proof , if any animal should be presented in an unusual posture or shape , we could not judg of it ; also if a Picture , which must be viewed side-wards , should be looked upon forwards , we could not know what to make of it ; so the figures of colours , if they be not placed rightly to the sight , but turned topsie-turvie as the Phrase is , or upside-down , or be moved too quick , and this quick motion do make a confusion with the lines of Light , we cannot possibly see the colour perfectly . Also several lights or shades may make colours appear otherwise then in themselves they are , for some sorts of lights and shades may fall upon the substantial figures of colours in solid bodies , in such lines and figures , as they may over-power the natural or artificial inherent colours in solid bodies , and for a time make other colours , and many times the lines of light or of shadows will meet and sympathize so with inherent colours , and place their lines so exactly , as they will make those inherent colours more splendorous then in their own nature they are , so that light and shadows will add or diminish or alter colours very much . Likewise some sorts of colours will be altered to our sight , not by all , but onely by some sorts of light , as for example , blew will seem green , and green blew by candle light , when as other colours will never appear changed , but shew constantly as they are ; the reason is , because the lines of candle light fall in such figures upon the inherent colours , and so make them appear according to their own figures ; Wherefore it is onely the alteration of the exterior figures of light and shadows , that make colours appear otherwise , and not a change of their own natures ; And hence we may rationally conclude , that several lights and shadows by their spreading and dilating lines may alter the face or out-side of colours , but not suddenly change them , unless the power of heat , and continuance of time , or any other cause , do help and assist them in that work of metamorphosing or transforming of colours ; but if the lines of light be onely , as the phrase is , Skin-deep ; that is , but lightly spreading and not deeply penetrating , they may soon wear out or be rubbed of ; for though they hurt , yet they do not kill the natural colour , but the colour may recover and reassume its former vigour and lustre : but time and other accidental causes will not onely alter , but destroy particular colours as well as other creatures , although not all after the same manner , for some will last longer then others . And thus , Madam , there are three sorts of Colours , Natural , Artificial , and Accidental ; but I have discoursed of this subject more at large in my Philosophical Opinions , to which I refer you , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XLI . MADAM , MY answer to your Authors question , Why flame ascends in a pointed figure ? is , That the figure of fire consists in points , and being dilated into a flame , it ascends in lines of points slope-wayes from the fired fuel ; like as if you should make two or more sticks stand upright and put the upper ends close together , but let the lower ends be asunder , in which posture they will support each other , which , if both their ends were close together , they could not do . The second question is , Why fire doth not alwayes flame ? I answer , Because all fuel is not flameable , some being so moist , as it doth oppose the fires dryness , and some so hard and retentive , as fire cannot so soon dissolve it ; and in this contest , where one dissipares , and the other retains , a third figure is produced , viz. smoak , between the heat of one , and the moisture of the other ; and this smoak is forced by the fire out of the fuel , and is nothing else but certain parts of fuel , raised to such a degree of rarefaction ; and if fire come near , it forces the smoak into flame , the smoak changing it self by its figurative motions into flame ; but when smoak is above the flame , the flame cannot force the smoak to fire or enkindle it self , for the flame cannot so well encounter it ; which shews , as if smoak had a swifter motion then flame , although flame is more rarified then smoak ; and if moisture predominate , there is onely smoak , if fire , then there is flame : But there are many figures , that do not flame , until they are quite dissolved , as Leather , and many other things . Neither can fire work upon all bodies alike , but according to their several natures , like as men cannot encounter several sorts of creatures after one and the same manner ; for not any part in nature hath an absolute power , although it hath self-motion ; and this is the reason , that wax by fire is melted , and clay hardened . The third question is , Why some few drops of water sprinkled upon fire , do encrease its flame ? I answer , by reason of their little quantity , which being over-powred by the greater quantity and force of fire , is by its self-motions converted into fire ; for water being of a rare nature , and fire , for the most part , of a rarifying quality , it cannot suddenly convert it self into a more solid body then its nature is , but following its nature by force it turns into flame . The fourth question is , Why the flame of spirit of Wine doth consume the Wine , and yet cannot burn or hurt a linnen cloth ? I answer , The Wine is the fuel that feeds the flame , and upon what it feeds , it devoureth , and with the food , and feeder ; but by reason Wine is a rarer body then Oyle , or Wood , or any other fuel , its flame is also weaker . And thus much of these questions , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XLII . MADAM , TO conclude my discourse upon the Opinions of these two famous and learned Authors , which I have hitherto sent you in several Letters , I could not chuse but repeat the ground of my own opinions in this present ; which I desire you to observe well , left you mistake any thing , whereof I have formerly discoursed . First I am for self-moving matter , which I call the sensitive and rational matter , and the perceptive and architectonical part of nature , which is the life and knowledg of nature . Next I am of an opinion , That all Perception is made by corporeal , figuring self-motions , and that the perception of forreign objects is made by patterning them out : as for example , The sensitive perception of forreign objects is by making or taking copies from these objects , so as the sensitive corporeal motions in the eyes copy out the objects of sight , and the sensitive corporeal motions in the ears copy out the objects of sound ; the sensitive corporeal motions in the nostrils ; copy out the objects of sent ; the sensitive corporeal motions in the tongue and mouth , copy out the objects of taste , and the sensitive corporeal motions in the flesh and skin of the body copy out the forreign objects of touch ; for when you stand by the fire , it is not that the fire , or the heat of the fire enters your flesh , but that the sensitive motions copy out the objects of fire and heat . As for my Book of Philosophy , I must tell you , that it treats more of the production and architecture of Creatures then of their perceptions , and more of the causes then the effects , more in a general then peculiar way , which I thought necessary to inform you of , and so I remain , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XLIII . MADAM , I Received your questions in your last : the first was , Whether there be more body compact together in a heavy then in a light thing ? I answer , That purity , rarity , little quantity , exteriour shape , as also motion cause lightnesse ; and grossness of bulk , density , much quantity , exterior figure and motion cause heaviness , as it may be confirmed by many examples : but lightness and heaviness are onely conceptions of man , as also ascent and descent ; and it may be questioned , whether there be such things really in nature ; for change of motions of one and the same body will make lightness , and heaviness , as also rarity and density : besides , the several figures and compositions of bodies will cause them to ascend or descend , for Snow is a light body and yet descends fron the clouds , and Water is a heavie body , and yet ascends in springs out of the Earth ; Dust is a dense body and yet is apt to ascend , Rain or Dew is a rare body and yet is apt to descend ; Also a Bird ascends by his shape , and a small worm although of less body and lighter will fall down ; and there can be no other prof of light and heavy bodies but by their ascent and descent ; But as really there is no such thing as heavie or light in nature more then words , and comparisons of different corporeal motions , so there is no such thing , as high or low , place or time , but onely words to make comparisons and to distinguish different corporeal motions . The second question was , When a Bason with water is wasted into smoak , which fills up a whole Room , Whether the air in the room doth , as the sensitive motions of the eye , pattern out the figure of the smoak ; or whether all the room is really fill'd with the vapour or smoak ? I answer , If it be onely the pattern or figure of smoak or vapour , the extension and dilation is not so much as man imagines ; but why may not the air , which in my opinion hath self-motion , pattern out the figure of smoak as well as the eye ? for that the eye surely doth it , may be proved ; because smoak , if it enter the eye , makes it not onely smart and water much , but blinds it quite for the present ; wherefore smoak doth not enter the eye , when the eye seeth it , but the eye patterns out the figure of smoak , and this is perception ; In the same manner may the air pattern out the figure of smoak . The third question was ; Whether all that they name qualities of bodies , as thickness , thinness , hardness , softness , gravity , levity , transparentness and the like , be substances ? I answer , That all those , they call qualities , are nothing else but change of motion and figure of the same body , and several changes of motions are not several bodies , but several actions of one body ; for change of motion doth not create new matter or multiply its quantity : for though corporeal motions may divide and compose , contract and dilate , yet they cannot create new matter , or make matter any otherwise then it is by nature , neither can they add or substract any thing from its nature . And therefore my opinion is , not that they are things subsisting by themselves without matter , but that there can no abstraction be made of motion and figure from matter , and that matter and motion being but one thing and inseparable , make but one substance . Wherefore density and rarity , gravity and levity , &c. being nothing else but change of motions , cannot be without matter , but a dense or rare , heavie or light matter is but one substance or body ; And thus having obeyed your commands , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XLIV . MADAM , IAm very ready to give you my opinion of those two questions you sent me , whereof the first was , Whether that , which is rare and subtil , be not withal pure ? To which I answer , That all rare bodies are not subtil , nor pure , and that all which is dense is not gross and dull : As for example , Puddle-water , or also clear water , is rarer then Quicksilver , and yet not so subtil and pure as Quicksilver ; the like of Gold ; for Quicksilver and Gold may be rarified to a transparentness , and yet be so dense , as not to be easily dissolved ; and Quicksilver is very subtil and searching , so as to be able to force other bodies to divide as well as it can divide and compose its own parts . Wherefore my opinion is , that the purest and subtilest degree of matter in nature , is that degree of matter which can dilate and contract , compose and divide into any figure by corporeal self-motion . Your second question was , Why a man's hand cannot break a little hard body , as a little nail , whereas yet it is bigger then the nail ? I answer , It is not because the hand is softer then the nail , for one hard body will not break suddenly another hard body , and a man may easily break an iron nail with his hand , as I have bin informed ; but it is some kind of motion which can easier do it , then another : for I have seen a strong cord wound about both a man's hands , who pulled his hands as hard and strongly asunder as he could , and yet was not able to break it ; when as a Youth taking the same cord , and winding it about his hands as the former did , immediately broke it ; the cause was , that he did it with another kind of motion or pulling , then the other did , which though he used as much force and strength , as he was able , yet could not break it , when the boy did break it with the greatest ease , and turning onely his hands a little , which shews , that many things may be done by a slight of motion , which otherwise a great strength and force cannot do . This is my answer and opinion concerning your proposed questions ; if you have any more , I shall be ready to obey you , as , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XLV . MADAM , I understand by your last , that you are very desirous to know , Whether there be not in nature such animal creatures both for purity and size , as we are not capable to perceive by our sight . Truly , Madam , in my opinion it is very probable there may be animal creatures of such rare bodies as are not subject to our exterior senses , as well , as there are elements which are not subject to all our exterior senses : as for example , fire is onely subject to our sight and feeling , and not to any other sense , water is subject to our sight , taste , touch and hearing , but not to smelling ; and earth is subject to our sight , taste , touch and smelling , but not to our hearing ; and vapour is onely subject to our sight , and wind onely to our hearing ; but pure air is not subject to any of our senses , but onely known by its effects : and so there may likewise be animal creatures which are not subject to any of our senses both for their purity and life ; as for example , I have seen pumpt out of a water pump small worms which could hardly be discerned but by a bright Sun-light , for they were smaller then the smallest hair , some of a pure scarlet colour and some white , but though they were the smallest creatures that ever I did see , yet they were more agil and fuller of life , then many a creature of a bigger size , and so small they were , as I am confident , they were neither subject to tast , smell , touch nor hearing , but onely to sight , and that neither without dificulty , requiring both a sharp sight and a clear light to perceive them ; and I do verily believe that these small animal creatures may be great in comparison to others which may be in nature . But if it be probable that there may be such small animal creatures in nature , as are not subject to our exterior senses , by reason of their littleness ; it is also probable , that there may be such great and big animal creatures in nature as are beyond the reach and knowledg of our exterior senses ; for bigness and smallness are not to be judged by our exterior senses , onely ; but as sense and reason inform us , that there are different degrees in Purity and Rarity , so also in shapes , figures and sizes in all natural creatures . Next you desired to know , VVhether there can be an artificial Life , or a Life made by Art ? My answer is , Not ; for although there is Life in all natures parts , yet not all the parts are life , for there is one part of natural matter which in its nature is inanimate or without life , and though natural Life doth produce Art , yet Art cannot produce natural Life , for though Art is the action of Life , yet it is not Life it self : not but that there is Life in Art , but not art in life , for Life is natural , and not artificial ; and thus the several parts of a watch may have sense and reason according to the nature of their natural figure , which is steel , but not as they have an artificial shape , for Art cannot put Life into the watch , Life being onely natural , not artificial . Lastly your desire was to know , Whether a part of matter may be so small , as it cannot be made less ? I answer , there is no such thing in nature as biggest or least , nature being Infinite as well in her actions as in her substance ; and I have mentioned in my book of Philosophy , and in a letter , I sent you heretofore concerning Infinite , that there are several forts of Infinites , as Infinite in quantity or bulk , Infinite in number , Infinite in quality , as Infinite degrees of hardness , softness , thickness , thinness , swiftness , slowness , &c. as also Infinite compositions , divisions , creations , dissolutions , &c. in nature ; and my meaning is , that all these Infinite actions do belong to the Infinite body of nature , which being infinite in substance must also of necessity be infinite in its actions ; but although these Infinite actions are inherent in the power of the Infinite substance of nature , yet they are never put in act in her parts , by reason there being contraries in nature , and every one of the aforementioned actions having its opposite , they do hinder and obstruct each other so , that none can actually run into infinite ; for the Infinite degrees of compositions hinder the infinite degrees of divisions ; and the infinite degrees of rarity , softness , swiftness , &c. hinder the infinite degrees of density , hardness , slowness , &c. all which nature has ordered with great wisdom and Prudence to make an amiable combination between her parts ; for if but one of these actions should run into infinite , it would cause a horrid confusion between natures parts , nay an utter destruction of the whole body of nature , if I may call it whole : as for example , if one part should have infinite compositions , without the hinderance or obstruction of division , it would at last mount and become equal to the Infinite body of nature , and so from a part change to a whole , from being finite to infinite , which is impossible ; Wherefore , though nature hath an Infinite natural power , yet she doth not put this power in act in her particulars ; and although she has an infinite force or strength , yet she doth not use this force or strength in her parts . Moreover when I speak of Infinite divisions and compositions , creations and dissolutions , &c. in nature , I do not mean so much the infinite degrees of compositions and divisions , as the actions themselves to be infinite in number ; for there being infinite parts in nature , and every one having its compositions and divisions , creations and dissolutions , these actions must of necessity be infinite too , to wit , in number , according to the Infinite number of parts , for as there is an Infinite number of parts in nature , so there is also an infinite number and variety of motions which are natural actions . However let there be also infinite degrees of these natural actions , in the body or substance of infinite nature ; yet , as I said , they are never put in act , by reason every action hath its contrary or opposite , which doth hinder and obstruct it from running actually into infinite . And thus I hope , you conceive cleerly now , what my opinion is , and that I do not contradict my self in my works , as some have falsly accused me , for they by misapprehending my meaning , judge not according to the truth of my sense , but according to their own false interpretation , which shews not onely a weakness in their understandings and passions , but a great injustice and injury to me , which I desire you to vindicate when ever you chance to hear such accusations and blemishes laid upon my works , by which you will Infinitely oblige , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . SECT . II. I. MADAM , BEing come now to the Perusal of the Works of that learned Author Dr. Moor , I find that the onely design of his Book called Antidote , is to prove the Existence of a God , and to refute , or rather convert Atheists ; which I wonder very much at , considering , he says himself , * That there is no man under the cope of Heaven but believes a God ; which if so , what needs there to make so many arguments to no purpose ? unless it be to shew Learning and wit ; In my opinion , it were better to convert Pagans to be Christians , or to reform irregular Christians to a more pious life , then to prove that , which all men believe , which is the way to bring it into question . For certainly , according to the natural Light of Reason , there is a God , and no man , I believe , doth doubt it ; for though there may be many vain words , yet I think there is no such atheistical belief amongst man-kind , nay , not onely amongst men , but also , amongst all other creatures , for if nature believes a God , all her parts , especially the sensitive and rational , which are the living and knowing parts , and are in all natural creatures , do the like , and therefore all parts and creatures in nature do adore and worship God , for any thing man can know to the contrary ; for no question , but natures soule adores and worships God as well as man's soule ; and why may not God be worshipped by all sorts and kinds of creatures as well , as by one kind or sort ? I will not say the same way , but I believe there is a general worship and adoration of God ; for as God is an Infinite Deity , so certainly he has an Infinite Worship and Adoration , and there is not any part of nature , but adores and worships the only omnipotent God , to whom belongs Praise and Glory from and to all eternity : For it is very improbable , that God should be worshipped onely in part , and not in whole , and that all creatures were made to obey man , and not to worship God , onely for man's sake , and not for God's worship , for man's use , and not God's adoration , for mans spoil and not God's blessing . But this Presumption , Pride , Vain-glory and Ambition of man , proceeds from the irregularity of nature , who being a servant , is apt to commit errors ; and cannot be so absolute and exact in her devotion , adoration and worship , as she ought , nor so well observant of God as God is observing her : Nevertheless , there is not any of her parts or creatures , that God is not acknowledged by , though not so perfectly as he ought , which is caused by the irregularities of nature , as I said before . And so God of his mercy have mercy upon all Creatures ; To whose protection I commend your Ladiship , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . II. MADAM , SInce I spake in my last of the adoration and worship of God , you would faine know , whether we can have an Idea of God ? I answer , That naturally we may , and really have a knowledge of the existence of God , as I proved in my former letter , to wit , that there is a God , and that he is the Author of all things , who rules and governs all things , and is also the God of Nature : but I dare not think , that naturally we can have an Idea of the essence of God , so as to know what God is in his very nature and essence ; for how can there be a finite Idea of an Infinite God ? You may say , As well as of Infinite space . I answer , Space is relative , or has respect to body , but there is not any thing that can be compared to God ; for the Idea of Infinite nature is material , as being a material creature of Infinite material Nature . You will say , How can a finite part have an Idea of infinite nature ? I answer , Very well , by reason the Idea is part of Infinite Nature , and so of the same kind , as material ; but God being an Eternal , Infinite , Immaterial , Individable Being , no natural creature can have an Idea of him . You will say , That the Idea of God in the mind is immaterial ; I answer , I cannot conceive , that there can be any immaterial Idea in nature ; but be it granted , yet that Immaterial is not a part of God , for God is individable , and hath no parts ; wherefore the Mind cannot have an Idea of God , as it hath of Infinite nature , being a part of nature ; for the Idea of God cannot be of the essence of God , as the Idea of nature is a corporeal part of nature : and though nature may be known in some parts , yet God being Incomprehensible , his Essence can by no wayes or means be naturally known ; and this is constantly believed , by MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . III. MADAM , ALthough I mentioned in my last , that it is impossible to have an Idea of God , yet your Author is pleased to say , That he will not stick to affirm , that the Idea or notion of God is as easie , as any notion else whatsoever , and that we may know as much of him as of any thing else in the world . To which I answer , That in my opinion , God is not so easily to be known by any creature , as man may know himself ; nor his attributes so well , as man can know his own natural proprieties : for Gods Infinite attributes are not conceivable , and cannot be comprehended by a finite knowledg and understanding , as a finite part of nature ; for though nature's parts may be Infinite in number , and as they have a relation to the Infinite whole , if I may call it so , which is Infinite nature , yet no part is infinite in it self , and therefore it cannot know so much as whole nature : and God being an Infinite Deity , there is required an Infinite capacity to conceive him ; nay , Nature her self although Infinite , yet cannot posibly have an exact notion of God , by reason of the disparity between God and her self ; and therefore it is not probable , if the Infinite servant of God is not able to conceive him , that a finite part or creature of nature , of what kind or sort soever , whether Spiritual , as your Author is pleased to name it , or Corporeal , should comprehend God. Concerning my belief of God , I submit wholly to the Church , and believe as I have bin informed out of the Athanasian Creed , that the Father is Incomprehensible , the Sonne Incomprehensible , and the Holy Ghost Incomprehensible ; and that there are not three , but one Incomprehensible God ; Wherefore if any man can prove ( as I do verily believe he cannot ) that God is not Incomprehensible , he must of necessity be more knowing then the whole Church , however he must needs dissent from the Church . But perchance your Author may say , I raise new and prejudicial opinions , in saying that matter is eternal . I answer , The Holy Writ doth not mention Matter to be created , but onely Particular Creatures , as this Visible World , with all its Parts , as the history or description of the Creation of the World in Genesis plainly shews ; For God said , Let it it be Light , and there was Light ; Let there be a Firmament in the midst of the Waters , and let it divide the Waters from the Waters ; and Let the Waters under the Heaven be gathered together unto one place , and let the dry Land appear ; and let the Earth bring forth Grass , the Herb yielding Seed , and the Fruit-tree yielding Fruit after his kind ; and let there be Lights in the Firmament of the Heaven , to divide the Day from the Night , &c. Which proves , that all creatures and figures were made and produced out of that rude and desolate heap or chaos which the Scripture mentions , which is nothing else but matter , by the powerful Word and Command of God , executed by his Eternal Servant , Nature ; as I have heretofore declared it in a Letter I sent you in the beginning concerning Infinite Nature . But least I seem to encroach too much upon Divinity , I submit this Interpretation to the Church ; However , I think it not against the ground of our Faith ; for I am so far from maintaining any thing either against Church or State , as I am submitting to both in all duty , and shall do so as long as I live , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . IV. MADAM , SInce your Worthy and Learned Author is pleased to mention , That an ample experience both of Men and Things doth enlarge our Understanding , I have taken occasion hence to enquire , how a mans Understanding may be encreased or inlarged . The Understanding must either be in Parts , or it must be Individable as one ; if in Parts , then there must be so many Understandings as there are things understood ; but if Individable , and but one Understanding , then it must dilate it self upon so many several objects . I for my part , assent to the first , That Understanding increases by Parts , and not by Dilation , which Dilation must needs follow , if the Mind or Understanding of man be Indivisible and without parts ; but if the Mind or Soul be Individable , then I would fain know , how Understanding , Imagination , Conception , Memory , Remembrance , and the like , can be in the mind ? You will say , perhaps , they are so many faculties or properties of the Incorporeal Mind , but , I hope , you do not intend to make the Mind or Soul a Deity , with so many attributes , Wherefore , in my opinion , it is safer to say , That the Mind is composed of several active Parts : but of these Parts I have treated in my Philosophy , where you will find , that all the several Parts of Nature are Living and Knowing , and that there is no part that has not Life and Knowledg , being all composed of rational and sensitive matter , which is the life and soul of Nature ; and that Nature being Material , is composable and dividable , which is the cause of so many several Creatures , where every Creature is a part of Nature , and these Infinite parts or creatures are Nature her self ; for though Nature is a self-moving substance , and by self-motion divides and composes her self several manners or ways into several forms and figures , yet being a knowing , as well as a living substance , she knows how to order her parts and actions wisely ; for as she hath an Infinite body or substance , so she has an Infinite life and knowledg ; and as she hath an Infinite life and knowledg , so she hath an infinite wisdom : But mistake me not , Madam ; I do not mean an Infinite Divine Wisdom , but an Infinite Natural Wisdom , given her by the Infinite bounty of the Omnipotent God ; but yet this Infinite Wisdom , Life and Knowledg in Nature make but one Infinite . And as Nature hath degrees of matter , so she has also degrees and variety of corporeal motions ; for some parts of matter are self-moving , and some are moved by these self-moving parts of matter ; and all these parts , both the moving and moved , are so intermixed , that none is without the other , no not in any the least Creature or part of Nature we can conceive ; for there is no Creature or part of Nature , but has a comixture of those mentioned parts of animate and inanimate matter , and all the motions are so ordered by Natures wisdom , as not any thing in Nature can be otherwise , unless by a Supernatural Command and Power of God ; for no part of corporeal matter and motion can either perish , or but rest ; one part may cause another part to alter its motions , but not to quit motion , no more then one part of matter can annihilate or destroy another ; and therefore matter is not meerly Passive , but always Active , by reason of the thorow mixture of animate and inanimate matter ; for although the animate matter is onely active in its nature , and the inanimate passive , yet because they are so closely united and mixed together that they make but one body , the parts of the animate or self-moving matter do bear up and cause the inanimate parts to move and work with them ; and thus there is an activity in all parts of matter moving and working as one body , without any fixation or rest , for all is moveable , moving and moved . All which , Madam , if it were well observed , there would not be so many strange opinions concerning nature and her actions , making the purest and subtillest part of matter immaterial or incorporeal , which is as much , as to extend her beyond nature , and to rack her quite to nothing . But I fear the opinion of Immaterial substances in Nature will at last bring in again the Heathen Religion , and make us believe a god Pan , Bacchus , Ceres , Venus , and the like , so as we may become worshippers of Groves and shadows , Beans and Onions , as our Forefathers . I say not this , as if I would ascribe any worship to Nature , or make her a Deity , for she is onely a servant to God , and so are all her parts or creatures , which parts or creatures , although they are transformed , yet cannot be annihilated , except Nature her self be annihilated , which may be , whensoever the Great God pleases ; for her existence and resolution , or total destruction , depends upon Gods Will and Decree , whom she fears , adores , admires , praises and prayes unto , as being her God and Master ; and as she adores God , so do all her parts and creatures , and amongst the rest Man , so that there is no Atheist in Infinite Nature , at least not in the opinion of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . V. MADAM , I Cannot well conceive what your Author means by the Common Laws of Nature ; But if you desire my opinion how many Laws Nature hath , and what they are ; I say Nature hath but One Law , which is a wise Law , viz. to keep Infinite matter in order , and to keep [ so much Peace , as not to disturb the Foundation of her Government : for though Natures actions are various , and so many times opposite , which would seem to make wars between several Parts , yet those active Parts , being united into one Infinite body , cannot break Natures general Peace ; for that which Man names War , Sickness , Sleep , Death , and the like , are but various particular actions of the onely matter ; not , as your Author imagines , in a confusion , like Bullets , or such like things juggled together in a mans Hat , but very orderly and methodical : And the Playing motions of nature are the actions of Art , but her serious actions are the actions of Production , Generation and Transformation in several kinds , sorts and particulars of her Creatures , as also the action of ruling and governing these her several active Parts . Concerning the Preeminence and Prerogative of Man , whom your Author calls * The flower and chief of all the products of nature upon this Globe of the earth ; I answer , That Man cannot well be judged of himself , because he is a Party , and so may be Partial ; But if we observe well , we shall find that the Elemental Creatures are as excellent as Man , and as able to be a friend or foe to Man , as Man to them , and so the rest of all Creatures ; so that I cannot perceive more abilities in Man then in the rest of natural Creatures ; for though he can build a stately House , yet he cannot make a Honey-comb ; and though he can plant a Slip , yet he cannot make a Tree ; though he can make a Sword , or Knife , yet he cannot make the Mettal . And as Man makes use of other Creatures , so other Creatures make use of Man , as far as he is good for any thing : But Man is not so useful to his neighbour or fellow-creatures , as his neighbour or fellow-creatures to him , being not so profitable for use , as apt to make spoil . And so leaving him , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VI. MADAM , YOur Author demands , Whether there was ever any man , that was not mortal , and whether there be any mortal that had not a beginning ? Truly , if nature be eternal , all the material figures which ever were , are , and can be , must be also eternal in nature ; for the figures cannot be annihilated , unless nature be destroyed ; and although a Creature is dissolved and transformed into numerous different figures , yet all these several figures remain still in those parts of matter , whereof that creature was made , for matter never changes , but is always one and the same , and figure is nothing else but matter transposed or transformed by motion several modes or ways . But if you conceive Matter to be one thing , Figure another , and Motion a third , several , distinct and dividable from each other , it will produce gross errors , for , matter , motion , and figure , are but one thing . And as for that common question , whether the Egg was before the Chick , or the Chick before the Egg , it is but a thred-bare argument , which proves nothing , for there is no such thing as First in Eternity , neither doth Time make productions or generations , but Matter ; and whatsoever matter can produce or generate , was in matter before it was produced ; wherefore the question is , whether Matter , which is Nature , had a beginning , or not ? I say not : for put the case , the figures of Earth , Air , Water , and Fire , Light and Colours , Heat and Cold , Animals , Vegetables and Minerals , &c. were not produced from all Eternity , yet those figures have nevertheless been in Matter , which is Nature , from all eternity , for these mentioned Creatures are onely made by the corporeal motions of Matter , transforming Matter into such several figures ; Neither can there be any perishing or dying in Nature , for that which Man calls so , is onely an alteration of Figure . And as all other productions are but a change of Matters sensitive motions , so all irregular and extravagant opinions are nothing but a change of Matters rational motions ; onely productions by rational motions are interior , and those by sensitive motions exterior . For the Natural Mind is not less material then the body , onely the Matter of the Mind is much purer and subtiller then the Matter of the Body . And thus there is nothing in Nature but what is material ; but he that thinks it absurd to say , the World is composed of meer self-moving Matter , may consider , that it is more absurd to believe Immaterial substances or spirits in Nature , as also a spirit of Nature , which is the Vicarious power of God upon Matter ; For why should it not be as probable , that God did give Matter a self-moving power to her self , as to have made another Creature to govern her ? For Nature is not a Babe , or Child , to need such a Spiritual Nurse , to teach her to go , or to move ; neither is she so young a Lady as to have need of a Governess , for surely she can govern her self ; she needs not a Guardian for fear she should run away with a younger Brother , or one that cannot make her a Jointure . But leaving those strange opinions to the fancies of their Authors , He add no more , but that I am , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . VII . MADAM , YOur Author being very earnest in arguing against those that maintain the opinion of Matter being self-moving , amongst the rest of his arguments brings in this : Suppose , says he , Matter could move it self , would meer Matter with self-motion amount to that admirable wise contrivance of things which we see in the World ? — All the evasion I can imagine , our adversaries may use here , will be this : That Matter is capable of sense , and the finest and most subtil of the most refined sense ; and consequently of Imagination too , yea happily of Reason and Understanding . I answer , it is very probable , that not onely all the Matter in the World or Universe hath Sense , but also Reason ; and that the sensitive part of matter is the builder , and the rational the designer ; whereof I have spoken of before , and you may find more of it in my Book of Philosophy . But , says your Author , Let us see , if all their heads laid together can contrive the anatomical Fabrick of any Creature that liveth ? I answer , all parts of Nature are not bound to have heads or tayls ; but if they have , surely they are wiser then many a man's . I demand , says he , Has every one of these Particles , that must have a hand in the framing of the body of an animal , the whole design of the work by the Impress of some Phantasme upon it ? or as they have several offices , so have they several parts of the design ? I answer , All the actions of self-moving Matter are not Impresses , nor is every part a hand-labourer , but every part unites by degrees into such or such a Figure . Again , says he , How is it conceiveable that any one Particle of Matter , or many together , ( there not existing , yet in Nature an animal ) can have the Idea Impressed of that Creature they are to frame ? I answer , all figures whatsoever have been , are , or can be in Nature , are existent in nature . How , says he , can they in framing several parts confer notes ? by what language or speech can they communicate their Counsels one to another ? I answer , Knowledg doth not always require speech , for speech is an effect and not a cause , but knowledg is a cause and not an effect ; and nature hath infinite more ways to express knowledg then man can imagine , Wherefore , he concludes , that they should mutually serve one another in such a design , is more impossible ; then that so many men , blind and dumb from their nativity , should joyn their forces and wits together to build a Castle , or carve a statue of such a Creature , as none of them knew any more in several , then some one of the smallest parts thereof , but not the relation it bore to the whole . I answer , Nature is neither blind nor dumb , nor any ways defective , but infinitely wife and knowing ; for blindness and dumbness are but effects of some of her particular actions , but there is no defect in self-moving matter , nor in her actions in general ; and it is absurd to conceive the Generality of wisdom according to an Irregular effect or defect of a particular Creature ; for the General actions of Nature are both life and knowledg , which are the architects of all Creatures , and know better how to frame all kinds and sorts of Creatures then man can conceive ; and the several parts of Matter have a more easie way of communication , then Mans head hath with his hand , or his hand with pen , ink , and paper , when he is going to write ; which later example will make you understand my opinion the better , if you do but compare the rational part of Matter to the head , the sensitive to the hand , the inanimate to pen , ink and paper , their action to writing , and their framed figures to those figures or letters which are written ; in all which is a mutual agreement without noise or trouble . But give me leave , Madam , to tell you , That self-moving Matter may sometimes erre and move irregularly , and in some parts not move so strong , curious , or subtil at sometimes , as in other parts , for Nature delights in variety ; Nevertheless she is more wise then any Particular Creature or part can conceive , which is the cause that Man thinks Nature's wise , subtil and lively actions , are as his own gross actions , conceiving them to be constrained and turbulent , not free and easie , as well as wise and knowing ; Whereas Nature's Creating , Generating and Producing actions are by an easie connexion of parts to parts , without Counterbuffs , Joggs and Jolts , producing a particular figure by degrees , and in order and method , as humane sense and reason may well perceive : And why may not the sensitive and rational part of Matter know better how to make a Bee , then a Bee doth how to make Honey and Wax ? or have a better communication betwixt them , then Bees that fly several ways , meeting and joyning to make their Combes in their Hives ? But pardon , Madam , for I think it a Crime to compare the Creating , Generating and producing Coporeal Life and Wisdom of Nature unto any particular Creature , although every particular Creature hath their share , being a part of Nature . Wherefore those , in my opinion , do grosly err , that bind up the sensitive matter onely to taste , touch , hearing , seeing , and smelling ; as if the sensitive parts of Nature had not more variety of actions , then to make five senses ; for we may well observe , in every Creature there is difference of sense and reason according to the several modes of self-motion ; For the Sun , Stars , Earth , Air , Fire , Water , Plants , Animals , Minerals ; although they have all sense and knowledg , yet they have not all sense and knowledg alike , because sense and knowledg moves not alike in every kind or sort of Creatures , nay many times very different in one and the same Creature ; but yet this doth not cause a general Ignorance , as to be altogether Insensible or Irrational , neither do the erroneous and irregular actions of sense and reason prove an annihilation of sense and reason ; as for example , a man may become Mad or a Fool through the irregular motions of sense and reason , and yet have still the Perception of sense and reason , onely the alteration is caused through the alteration of the sensitive and rational corporeal motions or actions , from regular to irregular ; nevertheless he has Perceptions , Thoughts , Ideas , Passions , and whatsoever is made by sensitive and rational Matter , neither can Perception be divided from Motion , nor Motion from Matter ; for all sensation is Corporeal , and so is Perception . I can add no more , but take my leave , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VIII . MADAM , YOur Author is pleased to say , that Matter is a Principle purely passive , and no otherwise moved or modified , then as some other thing moves and modifies it , but cannot move it self at all ; which is most demonstrable to them that contend for sense and perception in it : For if it had any such perception , it would , by vertue of its self-motion withdraw its self from under the knocks of hammers , or fury of the fire ; or of its own accord approach to such things as are most agreeable to it , and pleasing , and that without the help of muscles , it being thus immediately endowed with a self-moving power . By his leave , Madam , I must tell you , that I see no consequence in this argument ; Because some parts of matter cannot withdraw themselves from the force and power of other parts , therefore they have neither sense , reason , nor perception : For put the case , a man should be overpowr'd by some other men , truely he would be forced to suffer , and no Immaterial Spirits , I think , would assist him . The very same may be said of other Creatures or parts of Nature ; for some may over-power others , as the fire , hammer and hand doth over-power a Horse-shooe , which cannot prevail over so much odds of power and strength ; And so likewise it is with sickness and health , life and death ; for example , some corporeal motions in the body turning Rebels , by moving contrary to the health of an animal Creature , it must become sick ; for not every particular creature hath an absolute power , the power being in the Infinite whole , and not in single divided parts : Indeed , to speak properly , there is no such thing as an absolute power in Nature ; for though Nature hath power to move it self , yet not beyond it self . But mistake me not , for I mean by an absolute Power ; not a circumscribed and limited , but an unlimited power , no ways bound or confined , but absolutely or every way Infinite , and there is not any thing that has such an absolute power but God alone : neither can Nature be undividable , being Corporeal or Material ; nor rest from motion being naturally self-moving , and in a perpetual motion . Wherefore though Matter is self-moving , and very wise , ( although your Author denies it , calling those Fools that maintain this a opinion ) yet it cannot go beyond the rules of its Nature , no more then any Art can go beyond its Rules and Principles : And as for what your Author says , That every thing would approach to that , which is agreeable and pleasant ; I think I need no demonstration to prove it ; sor we may plainly see it in all effects of Nature , that there is Sympathy and Antipathy , and what is this else , but approaching to things agreeable and pleasant , and withdrawing it self from things disagreeable , and hurtful or offensive ? But of this subject I shall discourse more hereafter , wherefore I finish here , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . IX . MADAM , YOur Authors opinion is , That Matter being once actually divided as far as possibly it can , it is a perfect contradiction it should be divided any further . I answer , Though Nature is Infinite , yet her actions are not all dilative nor separative , but some divide and some compose , some dilate and some contract , which causes a mean betwixt Natures actions or motions . Next your Author says , That as Infinite Greatness has no Figure , so Infinite Littleness hath none also . I answer , Whatsoever hath a body , has a figure ; for it is impossible that substance , or body , and figure , should be separated from each other , but wheresoever is body or substance , there is also figure , and if there be an infinite substance , there must also be an infinite figure , although not a certain determined or circumscribed figure , for such a figure belongs onely to finite particulars ; and therefore I am of your Authors mind , That it is a contradiction to say an Infinite Cube or Triangle , for a Cube and a Triangle is a perfect circumscribed figure , having its certain compass and circumference , be it never so great or little ; wherefore to say an Infinite Cube , would be as much as to say a Finite Infinite . But as for your Authors example of Infinite matter , space or duration , divided into three equal parts , all which he says must needs be Infinite , or else the whole wil not be so , and then the middle part of them will seem both Finite and Infinite . I answer , That Matter is not dividable into three equal parts , for three is a finite number and so are three equal parts ; but I say that Matter being an Infinite body , is dividable into Infinite parts , and it doth not follow , as your Author says , That one of those infinite parts must be infinite also , for else there would be no difference betwixt the whole and its parts ; I say whole for distinctions and better expressions sake , and do not mean such a whole which hath a certain number of parts , and is of a certain and limited figure , although never so great ; but an Infinite whole , which expression I must needs use , by reason I speak of Infinite parts ; and that each one of these Infinite parts in number may be finite in substance or figure , is no contradiction , but very probable and rational ; nay , I think it rather absurd to say that each part is infinite ; for then there would be no difference betwixt parts and whole , as I said before . Onely this is to be observed , that the Infinite whole is Infinite in substance or bulk , but the parts are Infinite in number , and not in bulk , for each part is circumscribed , and finite in its exterior figure and substance . But mistake me not , when I speak of circumscribed and finite single parts ; for I do not mean , that each part doth subsist single and by it self , there being no such thing as an absolute single part in Nature , but Infinite Matter being by self-motion divided into an infinite number of parts , all these parts have so near a relation to each other , and to the infinite whole , that one cannot subsist without the other ; for the Infinite parts in number do make the Infinite whole , and the Infinite whole consists in the Infinite number of parts ; wherefore it is onely their figures which make a difference betwixt them ; for each part having its proper figure different from the other , which is circumscribed and limited , it is called a finite single part ; and such a part cannot be said Infinitely dividable , for infinite composition and division belong onely to the Infinite body of Nature , which being infinite in substance may also be infinitely divided , but not a finite and single part : Besides , Infinite composition doth hinder the Infinite division , and Infinite division hinders the Infinite composition ; so that one part cannot be either infinitely composed , or infinitely divided ; and it is one thing to be dividable , and another to be divided . And thus , when your Author mentions in another place , That if a body be divisible into Infinite Parts , it hath an Infinite number of extended parts : If by extension he mean corporeal dimension , I am of his opinion ; for there is no part , be it never so little in Nature , but is material ; and if material , it has a body ; and if a body , it must needs have a bodily dimension ; and so every part will be an extended part : but since there is no part but is finite in its self , it cannot be divisible into infinite parts ; neither can any part be infinitely dilated or contracted ; for as composition and division do hinder and obstruct each other from running into Infinite , so doth dilation hinder the Infinite contraction , and contraction the Infinite dilation , which , as I said before , causes a mean betwixt Nature's actions ; nevertheless , there are Infinite dilations and contractions in Nature , because there are Infinite contracted and dilated parts , and so are infinite divisions because there are infinite divided parts ; but contraction , dilation , extension , composition , division , and the like , are onely Nature's several actions ; and as there can be no single part in Nature that is Infinite , so there can neither be any single Infinite action . But as for Matter , Motion and Figure , those are Individable and Inseparable , and make but one body or substance ; for it is as impossible to divide them , as impossible it is to your Author to separate the essential proprieties , which he gives , from an Immortal Spirit ; And as Matter , Motion and Figure are inseparable ; so is likewise Matter , Space , Place and Duration ; For Parts , Motion , Figure , Place and Duration , are but one Infinite body ; onely the Infinite parts are the Infinite divisions of the Infinite body , and the Infinite body is a composition of the Infinite parts ; but figure , place and body are all one , and so is time , and duration , except you will call time the division of duration , and duration the composition of time ; but infinite time , and infinite duration is all one in Nature : and thus Nature's Principal motions and actions are dividing , composing , and disposing or ordering , according to her Natural wisdom , by the Omnipotent God's leave and permission . Concerning the Sun , which your Author speaks of in the same place , and denies him to be a Spectator of our Particular affairs upon Earth ; saying , there is no such divine Principle in him , whereby he can do it . I will speak nothing against , nor for it ; but I may say , that the Sun hath such a Principle as other Creatures have , which is , that he has sensitive and rational corporeal motions , as well as animals or other Creatures , although not in the same manner , nor the same organs ; and if he have sensitive and rational motions , he may also have sensitive and rational knowledge or perception , as well as man , or other animals and parts of Nature have , for ought any body knows ; for it is plain to humane sense and reason , that all Creatures must needs have rational and sensitive knowledg , because they have all sensitive and rational matter and motions . But leaving the Sun for Astronomers to contemplate upon , I take my leave , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . X. MADAM , YOur Author in his arguments against Motion , being a Principle of Nature , endeavours to prove , that Beauty , Colour , Symmetry , and the like , in Plants , as well as in other Creatures , are no result from the meer motion of the matter ; and forming this objection , It may be said , says he , That the regular motion of the matter made the first plant of every kind ; but we demand , What regulated the motion of it , so as to guide it , to form it self into such a state ? I answer , The Wisdom of Nature or infinite Matter did order its own actions so , as to form those her Parts into such an exact and beautiful figure , as such a Tree , or such a Flower , or such a Fruit , and the like ; and some of her Parts are pleased and delighted with other parts , but some of her parts are afraid or have an aversion to other parts ; and hence is like and dislike , or sympathy and antipathy , hate and love , according as nature , which is infinite self-moving matter , pleases to move ; for though Natural Wisdom is dividable into parts , yet these parts are united in one infinite Body , and make but one Being in it self , like as the several parts of a man make up but one perfect man ; for though a man may be wise in several causes or actions , yet it is but one wisdom ; and though a Judg may shew Justice in several causes , yet it is but one Justice ; for Wisdom and Justice , though they be practised in several causes , yet it is but one Wisdom , and one Justice ; and so , all the parts of a mans body , although they move differently , yet are they but one man's bodily actions ; Just as a man , if he carve or cut out by art several statues , or draw several Pictures , those statues or pictures are but that one man's work . The like may be said of Natures Motions and Figures ; all which are but one self-active or self-moving Material Nature . But Wise Nature's Ground or Fundamental actions are very Regular , as you may observe in the several and distinct kinds , sorts and particulars of her Creatures , and in their distinct Proprieties , Qualities , and Faculties , belonging not onely to each kind and sort , but to each particular Creature ; and since man is not able to know perfectly all those proprieties which belong to animals , much less will he be able to know and judg of those that are in Vegetables , Minerals and Elements ; and yet these Creatures , for any thing Man knows , may be as knowing , understanding , and wise as he ; and each as knowing of its kind or sort , as man is of his ; But the mixture of ignorance and knowledg in all Creatures proceeds from thence , that they are but Parts ; and there is no better proof , that the mind of man is dividable , then that it is not perfectly knowing ; nor no better proof that it is composeable , then that it knows so much : but all minds are not alike , but some are more composed then others , which is the cause , some know more then others ; for if the mind in all men were alike , all men would have the same Imaginations , Fancies , Conceptions , Memories , Remembrances , Passions , Affections , Understanding , and so forth : The same may be said of their bodies ; for if all mens sensitive parts were as one , and not dividable and composeable , all their Faculties , Properties , Constitutions , Complexions , Appetites , would be the same in every man without any difference ; but humane sense and reason doth well perceive , that neither the mind , life nor body are as one piece , without division and composition . Concerning the divine Soul , I do not treat of it ; onely this I may say , That all are not devout alike , nor those which are , are not at all times alike devout . But to conclude : some of our modern Philosophers think they do God good service , when they endeavour to prove Nature , as Gods good Servant , to be stupid , ignorant , foolish and mad , or any thing rather then wise , and yet they believe themselves wise , as if they were no part of Nature ; but I cannot imagine any reason why they should rail on her , except Nature had not given them as great a share or portion , as she hath given to others ; for children in this case do often rail at their Parents , for leaving their Brothers and Sisters more then themselves . However , Nature can do more then any of her Creatures : and if Man can Paint , Imbroider , Carve , Ingrave curiously ; why may not Nature have more Ingenuity , Wit and Wisdom then any of her particular Creatures ? The same may be said of her Government . And so leaving Wise Nature , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XI . MADAM , TO your Authors argument , That if Motion belong naturally to Matter , Matter being Uniform , it must be alike moved in every part of particle imaginable of it , by reason this Motion being natural and essential to Matter , is alike every way . I answer , That this is no more necessary , then that the several actions of one body , or of one part of a body should be alike ; for though Matter is one and the same in its Nature , and never changes , yet the motions are various , which motions are the several actions of one and the same Natural Matter ; and this is the cause of so many several Creatures ; for self-moving matter by its self-moving power can act several ways , modes or manners ; and had not natural matter a self-acting power , there could not be any variety in Nature ; for Nature knows of no rest , there being no such thing as rest in Nature ; but she is in a perpetual motion , I mean self-motion , given her from God : Neither do I think it Atheistical ( as your Author deems ) to maintain this opinion of self-motion , as long as I do not deny the Omnipotency of God ; but I should rather think it Irreligious to make so many several Creatures as Immaterial Spirits , like so many severall Deities , to rule and govern Nature and all material substances in Nature ; for what Atheism doth there lie in saying , that natural matter is naturally moving , and wise in her self ? Doth this oppose the omnipotency and Infinite wisdom of God ? It rather proves and confirms it ; for all Natures free power of moving and wisdom is a gift of God , and proceeds from him ; but I must confess , it destroys the power of Immaterial substances , for Nature will not be ruled nor governed by them , and to be against Natural Immaterial substances , I think , is no Atheisme , except we make them Deities ; neither is it Atheisme to contradict the opinion of those , that believe such natural incorporeal Spirits , unless man make himself a God. But although Nature is wise , as I said before , and acts methodically , yet the variety of motions is the cause of so many Irregularities in Nature , as also the cause of Irregular opinions ; for all opinions are made by self-moving matters motions , or ( which is all one ) by corporeal self-motion , and some in their opinions do conceive Nature according to the measure of themselves , as that Nature can , nor could not do more , then they think , nay , some believe they can do as much as Nature doth ; which opinions , whether they be probable or regular , I 'le let any man judg ; adding onely this , that to humane sense and reason it appears plainly , that as God has given Nature a power to act freely , so he doth approve of her actions , being wise and methodical in all her several Productions , Generations , Transformations and Designs : And so I conclude for the present , onely subscribe my self , as really I am , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XII . MADAM , I Am of your Authors opinion , concerning self-activity or self-motion , That what is Active of it self , can no more cease to be active then to be : And I have been always of this opinion , even from the first begining of my conceptions in natural Philosophy , as you may see in my first Treatise of Natural Philosophy , which I put forth eleven years since ; where I say , That self-moving Matter is in a Perpetual motion ; But your Author endeavors srom thence to conclude , That Matter is not self-active , because it is reducible to rest . To which I answer , That there is no such thing as Rest in Nature : Not do I say , that all sorts of motions are subject to our senses , for those that are subject to our sensitive Perceptions , are but gross Motions , in comparison to those that are not subject to our exterior senses : as for example ; We see some bodies dilate , others consume , others corrupt ; yet we do not see how they dilate , nor how they consume , nor how they corrupt : Also we see some bodies contract , some attract , some condense , some consist , &c. yet we do not see their contracting , attracting , condensing , consisting or retenting motions ; and yet we cannot say , they are not corporeal motions , because not subject to our exterior senses ; for if there were not contracting , attracting , retenting or consistent corporeal self-motions , it had been impossible that any creature could have been composed into one united figure , much less stayed and continued in the same figure without a general alteration . But your Author says , If Matter , as Matter , had Motion , nothing would hold together , but Flints , Adamants , Brass , Iron , yea , this whole Earth , would suddenly melt into a thinner substance then the subtil Air , or rather it never had been condensated together to this consistency we find it . But I would ask him , what reason he can give , that corporeal self-motion should make all matter rare and fluid , unless he believe there is but one kind of motion in Nature , but this , human sense and reason will contradict ; for we may observe there are Infinite changes of Motion , and there is more variety and curiosity in corporeal motions , then any one single Creature can imagine , much less know ; but I suppose he conceives all corporeal matter to be gross , and that not any corporeal motion can be subtil , penetrating , contracting and dilating ; and that whatsoever is penetrating , contracting and dilating , is Individable : But by his leave , Madam , this doth not follow ; for though there be gross degrees of Matter , and strong degrees of Corporeal Motions , yet there are also pure and subtil degrees of Matter and Motions ; to wit , that degree of Matter , which I name sensitive and rational Matter , which is natural Life and Knowledg , as sensitive Life and rational Knowledg . Again , your Author askes , What glue or cement holds the parts of hard matter in Stones and Metals together ? I answer , Consistent or retentive corporeal motions , by an agreeable union and conjunction in the several parts of Metal or Stone ; and these retentive or consistent motions , are as strong and active , if not more , then some dilative or contractive motions ; for I have mentioned heretofore , that , as sensitive and rational corporeal motions are in all Creatures , so also in Stone , Metal , and any other dense body whatsoever ; so that not any one Creature or part of Matter is without Motion , and therefore not any thing is at rest . But , Madam , I dare say , I could bring more reason and sense to prove , that sensitive and rational Matter is fuller of activity , and has more variety of motion , and can change its own parts of self-moving Matter more suddenly , and into more exterior figures , then Immaterial Spirits can do upon natural Matter . But your Author says , That Immaterial Spirits are endued with Sense and Reason ; I say , My sensitive and rational corporeal Matter is Sense and Reason it self , and is the Architect or Creator of all figures of Natural matter ; for though all the parts of Matter are not self-moving , yet there is not any part that is not moving or moved , by and with the mover , which is animate matter . And thus I conclude , and rest constantly , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XIII . MADAM , THat Matter is uncapable of Sense , your Author proves by the example of dead Carcasses ; For , says he , Motion and Sense being really one and the same thing , it must needs follow , that where there is motion , there is also sense and perception ; but on the contrary , there is Reaction in dead Carkasses , and yet no Sense . I answer shortly , That it is no consequence , because there is no animal sense nor exterior perceptible local motion in a dead Carcass , therefore there is no sense at all in it ; for though it has not animal sense , yet it may nevertheless have sense according to the nature of that figure , into which it did change from being an animal . Also he says , If any Matter have sense , it will follow , that upon reaction all shall have the like ; and that a Bell while it is ringing , and a Bow while it is bent , and every fack-in-a-box , that School-boys play with , shall be living animals . I answer , It is true , if reaction made sense ; but reaction doth not make sense , but sense makes reaction ; and though the Bell hath not an animal knowledg , yet it may have a mineral life and knowledg , and the Bow , and the Jack-in-a-box a vegetable knowledg ; for the shape and form of the Bell , Bow , and Jack-in-a-box , is artificial ; nevertheless each in its own kind may have as much knowledg as an animal in his kind ; onely they are different according to the different proprieties of their Figures : And who can prove the contrary that they have not ? For certainly Man cannot prove what he cannot know ; but Mans nature is so , that knowing but little of other Creatures , he presently judges there is no more knowledg in Nature , then what Man , at least Animals , have ; and confines all sense onely to Animal sense , and all knowledg to Animal knowledg . Again says your Author , That Matter is utterly uncapable of such operations as we find in our selves , and that therefore there is something in us Immaterial or Incorporeal ; for we find in our selves that one and the same thing , both hears , and sees , and tastes , and perceives all the variety of objects that Nature manifests unto us . I answer , That is the reason there is but one matter , and that all natural perception is made by the animate part of matter ; but although there is but one matter in Nature , yet there are several parts or degrees , and consequently several actions of that onely matter , which causes such a variety of perceptions , both sensitive and rational : the sensitive perception is made by the sensitive corporeal motions , copying out the figures of forreign objects in the sensitive organs of the sentient ; and if those sensitive motions do pattern out forreign objects in each sensitive organ alike at one and the same time , then we hear , see , taste , touch and smell , at one and the same time : But Thoughts and Passions , as Imagination , Conception , Fancy , Memory , Love , Hate , Fear , Joy , and the like , are made by the rational corporeal motions in their own degree of matter , to wit , the rational . And thus all perception is made by one and the same matter , through the variety of its actions or motions , making various and several figures , both sensitive and rational . But all this variety in sense and reason , or of sensitive and rational perceptions , is not made by parts pressing upon parts , but by changing their own parts of matter into several figures by the power of self-motion : For example , I see a Man or Beast ; that Man or Beast doth not touch my eye in the least , neither in it self , nor by pressing the adjoyning parts : but the sensitive corporeal motions streight upon the sight of the Man or Beast make the like figure in the sensitive organ , the Eye , and in the eyes own substance or matter , as being in the eye as well as the other degrees of matter , to wit , the rational and inanimate , for they are all mixt together . But this is to be observed , That the rational matter can and doth move in its own substance , as being the purest and subtillest degree of matter ; but the sensitive being not so pure and subtil , moves always with the inanimate Matter , and so the perceptive figures which the rational Matter , or rational corporeal Motions make , are made in their own degree of Matter ; but those figures which the sensitive patterns out , are made in the organs or parts of the sentient body proper to such or such a sense or perception : as in an animal Creature , the perception of sight is made by the sensitive corporeal motions in the Eye ; the perception of hearing , in the Ear , . and so forth . As for what your Author says , That we cannot conceive any portion of Matter , but is either hard or soft ; I answer , That these are but effects of Matters actions , and so is rare , and dense , and the like ; but there are some Creatures which seem neither perfectly rare , nor dense , nor hard , nor soft , but of mixt qualities ; as for example , Quicksilver seems rare , and yet is dense ; soft , and yet is hard ; for though liquid Quicksilver is soft to our touch , and rare to our sight , yet it is so dense and hard , as not to be readily dissolved from its nature ; and if there be such contraries and mixtures in one particular creature made of self-moving Matter , what will there not be in Matter it self , according to the old saying : If the Man such praise shall have ; What the Master that keeps the knave ? So if a particular Creature hath such opposite qualities and mixtures of corporeal motions , what will the Creator have which is self-moving Matter ? Wherefore it is impossible to affirm , that self-moving Matter is either all rare , or all dense , or all hard , or all soft ; because by its self-moving power it can be either , or both , and so by the change and variety of motion , there may be soft and rare Points , and hard and sharp Points , hard and contracted Globes , and soft and rare Globes ; also there may be pressures of Parts without printing , and printing without pressures . Concerning that part of Matter which is the Common Sensorium , your Author demands , Whether some point of it receive the whole Image of the object , or whether it be wholly received into every point of it ? I answer , first , That all sensitive Matter is not in Points : Next , That not any single part can subsist of it self ; and then that one Part doth not receive all parts or any part into it self ; but that Parts by the power of self-motion can and do make several figures of all sizes and sorts , and can Epitomize a great object into a very little figure ; for outward objects do not move the body , but the sensitive and rational matter moves according to the figures of outward objects : I do not say always , but most commonly ; But , says your Author ; How can so smal a Point receive the Images of so vast or so various objects at once , without obliteration or confusion . First , I answer , That , as I said before , sensitive Matter is not bound up to a Point , nor to be a single self-subsisting Part. Next , as for confusion , I say , that the sensitive matter makes no more confusion , then an Engraver , when he engraves several figures in a small stone , and a Painter draws several figures in a small compass ; for a Carver will cut out several figures in a Cherry-stone , and a Lady in a little black Patch ; and if gross and rude Art is able to do this , why may not Ingenious and Wise Nature do ? And as Nature is ingenious and knowing in her self , so in her Parts , and her Parts in her ; for neither whole nor Parts are ignorant , but have a knowledg , each according to the motion of its own Parts ; for knowledg is in Motion , and Motion in Matter ; and the diversity and variety of motion is the diversity and variety of knowledg , so that every particular figure and motion hath its particular knowledg , as well as its proper and peculiar parts ; and as the parts join or divide , so doth knowledg , which many times causes Arts to be lost and found , and memory and remembrance in Particular Creatures : I do not say , they are utterly lost in nature , but onely in respect to particular Creatures , by the dissolving and dividing of their particular figures . For the rational matter , by reason it moves onely in its own parts , it can change and rechange into several figures without division of parts , which makes memory and remembrance : But men not considering or believing there might be such a degree of onely matter , namely rational , it has made them erre in their judgments . Nevertheless there is a difference between sensitive and rational parts and motions , and yet they are agreeable most commonly in their actions , though not always . Also the rational can make such figures as the sensitive cannot , by reason the rational has a greater power and subtiler faculty in making variety , then the sensitive ; for the sensitive is bound to move with the inanimate , but the rational moves onely in its own parts ; for though the sensitive and rational oftentimes cause each other to move , yet they are not of one and the same degree of matter , nor have they the same motions . And this rational Matter is the cause of all Notions , Conceptions , Imaginations , Deliberation , Determination , Memory , and any thing else that belongs to the Mind ; for this matter is the mind of Nature , and so being dividable , the mind of all Creatures , as the sensitive is the life ; and it can move , as I said , more subtilly , and more variously then the sensitive , and make such figures as the sensitive cannot , without outward examples and objects . But all diversity comes by change of motion , and motions are as sympathetical and agreeing , as antipathetical and disagreeing ; And though Nature's artificial motions , which are her Playing motions , are sometimes extravagant , yet in her fundamental actions there is no extravagancy , as we may observe by her exact rules in the various generations , the distinct kinds and sorts , the several exact measures , times , proportions and motions of all her Creatures , in all which her wisdom is well exprest , and in the variety her wise pleasure : To which I leave her , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XIV . MADAM , IF there be any sense and perception in Matter , says your Author , it must needs be Motion or Reaction of one part of matter against another ; and that all diversity of sense and perception doth necessarily arise from the diversity of the Magnitude , Figure , Posture , Vigour and Direction of Motion in Parts of the Matter ; In which variety of perceptions , Matter hath none , but such , as are impressed by corporeal motions , that is to say , that are perceptions of some actions , or modificated Impressions of parts of matter bearing one against another . I have declared , Madam , my opinion concerning Perception in my former Letters , that all Perception is not Impression and Reaction , like as a Seal is printed on Was : For example , the corporeal rational motions in the mind do not print , but move figuratively ; but the sensitive motions do carve , print , engrave , and , as it were , pencil out , as also move figuratively in productions , and do often take patterns from the rational figures , as the rational motions make figures according to the sensitive patterns ; But the rational can move without patterns , and so the sensitive : For surely , were a man born blind , deaf , dumb , and had a numb palsie in his exterior parts , the sensitive and rational motions would nevertheless move both in body and mind according to the nature of his figure ; for though no copies were taken from outward objects , yet he would have thoughts , passions , appetites , and the like ; and though he could not see exterior objects , nor hear exterior sounds , yet no question but he would see and hear interiously after the manner of dreams , onely they might not be any thing like to what is perceiveable by man in the World ; but if he sees not the Sun-light , yet he would see something equivalent to it ; and if he hears not such a thing as Words , yet he would hear something equivalent to words ; for it is impossible , that his sensitive and rational faculties should be lost for want of an Ear , or an Eye ; so that Perception may be without exterior object , or marks , or patterns : for although the sensitive Motions do usually pattern out the figures of exterior objects , yet that doth not prove , but they can make interior figures without such objects . Wherefore Perception is not always Reaction , neither is Perception and Reaction really one thing ; for though Perception and Action is one and the same , yet not always Reaction ; but did Perception proceed from the reaction of outward objects , a blind and deaf man would not so much as dream ; for he would have no interior motion in the head , having no other exterior sense but touch , which , if the body was troubled with a painful disease , he would neither be sensible of , but to feel pain , and interiously feel nothing but hunger and fulness ; and his Mind would be as Irrational as some imagine Vegetables and Minerals are . To which opinion I leave them , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XV. MADAM , YOur Author is pleased , in Mirth , and to disgrace the opinion of those which hold , that Perception is made by figuring , to bring in this following example : Suppose , says he , one Particle should shape it self into a George on Horse-back with a Lance in his hand , and another into an Inchanted Castle ; this George on Horse-back must run against the Castle , to make the Castle receive his impress and similitude : But what then ? Truly the Encounter will be very Vnfortunate , for S. George indeed may easily break his Lance , but it is impossible that he should by justling against the Particle in the form of a Castle , conveigh the intire shape of himself and his Horse thereby , such as we find our selves able to imagine of a man on Horse-back ; which is a Truth as demonstrable as any Theorem in Mathematicks . I answer , first , That there is no Particle single and alone by it self ; Next , I say , It is more easie for the rational matter to put it self into such figures , and to make such encounters , then for an Immaterial mind or sustance to imagine it ; for no imagination can be without figure , and how should an Immaterial created substance present such Figures , but by making them either in it self or upon matter ? For S. George and the Castle are figures , and their encounters are real fighting actions , and how such figures and actions can be in the mind or memory , and yet not be , is impossible to conceive ; for , as I said , those figures and actions must be either in the incorporeal mind , or in the corporeal parts of matter ; and if the figures and motions may be in an incorporeal substance , much more is it probable for them to be in a corporeal ; nay if the figures and their actions can be in gross corporeal matter , why should they not be in the purest part of matter , which is the rational matter ? And as for being made known to the whole body , and every part thereof , it is not necessary , no more then it is necessary , that the private actions of every Man or Family should be made known to the whole Kingdom , or Town , or Parish : But my opinion of self-corporeal motion and perception , may be as demonstrable as that of Immaterial Natural Spirits , which , in my mind , is not demonstrable at all , by reason it is not corporeal or material ; For how can that be naturally demonstrable , which naturally is nothing ? But your Author believes the Mind or rational Soul to be individable , and therefore concludes , that the Parts of the same Matter , although at great distance , must of necessity know each Particular act of each several Part ; but that is not necessary ; for if there were not ignorance through the division of Parts , every man and other creatures would know alike ; and there is no better proof , that matter , or any particular creature in nature is not governed by a created Immaterial Spirit , then that knowledg is in parts ; for the hand doth not know what pain the head feels , which certainly it would do , if the mind were not dividable into parts , but an individable substance . But this is well to be observed , that some parts in some actions agree generally in one body , and some not ; as for example , temperance and appetite do not agree ; for the corporeal actions of appetite desire to join with the corporeal actions of such or such other parts , but the corporeal actions of temperance do hinder and forbid it ; whereupon there is a faction amongst the several parts : for example , a Man desires to be drunk with Wine ; this desire is made by such corporeal actions as make appetite ; the rational corporeal motions or actions which make temperance , oppose those that make appetite , and that sort of actions which hath the better , carryes it , the hand and other parts of the body obeying the strongest side ; and if there be no wine to satisfie the appetite , yet many times the appetite continues ; that is , the parts continue in the same motions that make such an appetite ; but if the appetite doth not continue , then those parts have changed their motions ; or when by drinking , the appetite is satisfied , and ceases , then those parts that made the appetite , have altered their former motions . But oftentimes the rational corporeal motions may so agree with the sensitive , as there may be no opposition or crossing at all , but a sympathetical mutual agreement betwixt them , at least an approvement ; so that the rational may approve what the sensitive covet or desire : Also some motions of the rational , as also of the sensitive matter , may disagree amongst themselves , as we see , that a man will often have a divided mind ; for he will love and hate the same thing , desire and not desire one and the same thing , as to be in Heaven , and yet to be in the World : Moreover , this is to be observed , That all rational perceptions or cogitations , are not so perspicuous and clear as if they were Mathematical Demonstrations , but there is some obscurity , more or less in them , at least they are not so well perceivable without comparing several figures together , which proves , they are not made by an individable , immaterial Spirit , but by dividable corporeal parts : As for example , Man writes oftentimes false , and seldom so exact , but he is forced to mend his hand , and correct his opinions , and sometimes quite to alter them , according as the figures continue or are dissolved and altered by change of motion , and according as the actions are quick or slow in these alterations , the humane mind is setled or wavering ; and as figures are made , or dissolved and transformed , Opinions , Conceptions , Imaginations , Understanding , and the like , are more or less ; And according as these figures last , so is constancy or inconstancy , memory or forgetfulness , and as those figures are repeated , so is remembrance ; but sometimes they are so constant and permanent , as they last as long as the figure of the body , and sometimes it happens not once in an age , that the like figures are repeated , and sometimes they are repeated every moment : As for example ; a man remembers or calls to mind the figure of another man , his friend , with all his qualities , dispositions , actions , proprieties , and the like , several times in an hour , and sometimes not once in a year , and so as often as he remembers him , as often is the figure of that man repeated ; and as oft as he forgets him , so often is his figure dissolved . But some imagine the rational motions to be so gross as the Trotting of a Horse , and that all the motions of Animate matter are as rude and course as renting or tearing asunder , or that all impressions must needs make dents or creases . But as Nature hath degrees of corporeal matter , so she hath also degrees of corporeal motions , Matter and Motion being but one substance ; and it is absurd to judg of the interior motions of self-moving matter , by artificial or exterior gross motions , as that all motions must be like the tearing of a sheet of Paper , or that the printing and patterning of several figures of rational and sensitive matter must be like the printing of Books ; nay , all artificial Printings are not so hard , as to make dents and impresses ; witness Writing , Painting , and the like ; for they do not disturb the ground whereon the letters are written , or the picture drawn , and so the curious actions of the purest rational matter are neither rude nor rough ; but although this matter is so subtil and pure , as not subject to exterior human senses and organs , yet certainly it is dividable , not onely in several Creatures , but in the several parts of one and the same Creature , as well as the sensitive , which is the Life of Nature , as the other is the Soul ; not the Divine , but natural Soul ; neither is this Soul Immaterial , bnt Corporeal ; not composed of raggs and shreds , but it is the purest , simplest and subtillest matter in Nature . But to conclude , I desire you to remember , Madam , that this rational and sensitive Matter in one united and finite Figure or particular Creature , has both common and particular actions ; for as there are several kinds and sorts of Creatures , and particulars in every kind and sort : so the like for the actions of the rational and sensitive matter in one particular Creature . Also it is to be noted , That the Parts of rational matter , can more suddenly give and take Intelligence to and from each other , then the sensitive ; nevertheless , all Parts in Nature , at least adjoyning parts , have Intelligence between each other , more or less , because all parts make but one body ; for it is not with the parts of Matter , as with several Constables in several Hundreds , or several Parishes , which are a great way distant from each other , but they may be as close as the combs of Bees , and yet as partable and as active as Bees . But concerning the Intelligence of Natures Parts , I have sufficiently spoken in other places ; and so I 'le add no more , but that I unfeignedly remain , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XVI . MADAM , SEnsation in corporeal motion is first , and Perception follows , sayes your Author : to which opinion I give no assent , but do believe that Perception and Sensation are done both at one and the same time , as being one and the same thing without division , either in reason or sense , and are performed without any knocks , or jolts , or hitting against . But let me tell you , Madam , there arises a great mistake by many , from not distinguishing well , sensitive Motion , and rational Motion ; for though all motions are in one onely matter , yet that matter doth not move always in the same manner , for then there could be no variety in Nature ; and truly , if man , who is but a part of Nature , may move diversly , and put himself into numerous postures ; Why may not Nature ? But concerning Motions , and their variety , to avoid tedious repetitions , I must still referr you to my Book of Philosophical Opinions ; I 'le add onely this , that it is well to be observed , That all Motions are not Impressions , neither do all Impressions make such dents , as to disturb the adjoyning Parts : Wherefore those , in my opinion , understand Nature best , which say , that Sensation and Perception are really one and the same ; but they are out , that say , there can be no communication at a distance , unless by pressing and crowding ; for the patterning of an outward object , may be done without any inforcement or disturbance , jogging or crowding , as I have declared heretofore ; for the sensitive and rational motions in the sensitive and rational parts of matter in one creature , observing the exterior motions in outward objects , move accordingly , either regularly or irregularly in patterns ; and if they have no exterior objects , as in dreams , they work by rote . And so to conclude , I am absolutely of their opinion , who believe , that there is nothing existent in Nature , but what is purely Corporeal , for this seems most probable in sense and reason to me , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XVII . MADAM , OUtward Objects , as I have told you before , do not make Sense and Reason , but Sense and Reason do perceive and judg of outward objects ; For the Sun doth not make sight , nor doth sight make light ; but sense and reason in a Man , or any other creature , do perceive and know there are such objects as Sun , and Light , or whatsoever objects are presented to them . Neither doth Dumbness , Deafness , Blindness , &c. cause an Insensibility , but Sense through irregular actions causes them ; I say , through Irregular actions , because those effects do not properly belong to the nature of that kind of Creatures ; for every Creature , if regularly made , hath particular motions proper to its figure ; for natural Matters wisdom makes distinctions by her distinct corporeal motions , giving every particular Creature their due Portion and Proportion according to the nature of their figures , and to the rules of her actions , but not to the rules of Arts , Mathematical Compasses , Lines , Figures , and the like . And thus the Sun , Stars , Meteors , Air , Fire , Water , Earth , Minerals , Vegetables and Animals , may all have Sense and Reason , although it doth not move in one kind or sort of Creatures , or in one particular , as in another : For the corporeal motions differ not onely in kinds and sorts , but also in Particulars , as is perceivable by human sense and reason ; Which is the cause , that Elements have elemental sense and knowledg , and Animals animal sense and knowledg , and so of Vegetables , Minerals , and the like . Wherefore the Sun and Stars may have as much sensitive and rational life and knowledg as other Creatures , but such as is according to the nature of their figures , and not animal , or vegetable , or mineral sense and knowledg . And so leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XVIII . MADAM , YOur Author denying that Fancy , Reason and Animadversion are seated in the Brain , and that the Brain is figured into this or that Conception : I demand , says he , in what knot , loop or interval thereof doth this faculty of free Fancy and active Reason reside ? My answer is , that in my opinion , Fancy and Reason are not made in the Brain , as there is a Brain , but as there is sensitive and rational matter , which makes not onely the Brain , but all Thoughts , Conceptions , Imaginations , Fancy , Understanding , Memory , Remembrance , and whatsoever motions are in the Head , or Brain : neither doth this sensitive and rational mattet remain or act in one place of the Brain , but in every part thereof ; and not onely in every part of the Brain , but in every part of the Body ; nay , not onely in every part of a Mans Body , but in every part of Nature . But , Madam , I would ask those , that say the Brain has neither sense , reason , nor self-motion , and therefore no Perception ; but that all proceeds from an Immaterial Principle , as an Incorporeal Spirit , distinct from the body , which moveth and actuates corporeal matter ; I would fain ask them , I say , where their Immaterial Ideas reside , in what part or place of the Body ? and whether they be little or great ? Also I would ask them , whether there can be many , or but one Idea of God ? If they say many , then there must be several , distinct Deitical Ideas ; if but one , Where doth this Idea reside ? If they say in the head , then the heart is ignorant of God ; if in the heart , then the head is ignorant thereof , and so for all parts of the body ; but if they say , in every part , then that Idea may be disfigured by a lost member ; if they say , it may dilate and contract , then I say it is not the Idea of God , for God can neither contract nor extend ; nor can the Idea it self dilate and contract , being immaterial ; for contraction and dilation belong onely to bodies , or material beings : Wherefore the comparisons betwixt Nature and a particular Creature , and between God and Nature , are improper ; much more betwixt God and Natures particular motions and figures , which are various and changeable , although methodical . The same I may ask of the Mind of Man , as I do of the Idea in the Mind . Also I might ask them , what they conceive the natural mind of man to be ; whether material or immaterial ? If material , their opinion is rational , and so the mind is dividable and composable ; if immaterial , then it is a Spirit ; and if a Spirit , it cannot possibly dilate nor contract , having no dimension nor divisibility of parts , ( although your Author proves it by the example of Light ; but I have exprest my meaning heretofore , that light is divisible ) and if it have no dimension , how can it be confined in a material body ? Wherefore when your Author says , the mind is a substance , it is to my reason very probable ; but not when he says , it is an immaterial substance , which will never agree with my sense and reason ; for it must be either something , or nothing , there being no medium between , in Nature . But pray mistake me not , Madam , when I say Immaterial is nothing ; for I mean nothing Natural , or so as to be a part of Nature ; for God forbid , I should deny , that God is a Spiritual Immaterial substance , or Being ; neither do I deny that we can have an Idea , notion , conception , or thought of the Existence of God ; for I am of your Authors opinion , That there is no Man under the cope of Heaven , that doth not by the light of Nature , know , and believe there is a God ; but that we should have such a perfect Idea of God , as of any thing else in the World , or as of our selves , as your Author says , I cannot in sense and reason conceive to be true or possible . Neither am I against those Spirits , which the holy Scripture mentions , as Angels and Devils , and the divine Soul of Man ; but I say onely , that no Immaterial Spirit belongs to Nature , so as to be a part thereof ; for Nature is Material , or Corporeal ; and whatsoever is not composed of matter or body , belongs not to Nature ; nevertheless , Immaterial Spirits may be in Nature , although not parts of Nature . But there can neither be an Immaterial Nature , nor a Natural Immaterial ; Nay , our very thoughts and conceptions of Immaterial are Material , as made of self-moving Matter . Wherefore to conclude , these opinions in Men proceed from a Vain-glory , as to have found out something that is not in Nature ; to which I leave them , and their natural Immaterial Substances , like so many Hobgoblins to fright Children withal , resting in the mean time , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XIX . MADAM , THere are various opinions concerning the seat of Common Sense , as your Author rehearseth them in his Treatise of the Immortality of the Soul ; But my opinion is , That common sense hath also a common place ; for as there is not any part of the body that hath not sense and reason , so sense and reason is in all parts of the body , as it is observable by this , that every part is subject to pain and pleasure , and all parts are moveable , moving and moved ; also appetites are in every part of the body : As for example , if any part itches , it hath an appetite to be scratched , and every part can pattern out several objects , and so several touches ; and though the rational part of matter is mixt in all parts of the body , yet it hath more liberty to make variety of Motions in the head , heart , liver , spleen , stomack , bowels , and the like , then in the other parts of the body ; nevertheless , it is in every part , together with the sensitive : but they do not move in every part alike , but differ in each part more or less , as it may be observed ; and although every part hath some difference of knowledg , yet all have life and knowledg , sense and reason , some more , some less , and the whole body moves according to each part , and so do all the bodily Faculties and Proprieties , and not according to one single part ; the rational Soul being in all parts of the body : for if one part of the body should have a dead Palsie , it is not , that the Soul is gone from that part , but that the sensitive and rational matter has altered its motion and figure from animal to some other kind ; for certainly , the rational Soul , and so life , is in every part , as well in the Pores of the skin , as in the ventricles of the brain , and as well in the heel as in the head ; and every part of the body knows its own office , what it ought to do , from whence follows an agreement of all the parts : And since there is difference of knowledg in every part of one body , well may there be difference between several kinds and sorts , and yet there is knowledg in all ; for difference of knowledg is no argument to prove they have no knowledg at all . Wherefore I am not of the opinion , that that which moves the whole body , is as a Point , or some such thing in a little kernel or Glandula of the Brain , as an Ostrich-egge is hung up to the roof of a Chamber ; or that it is in the stomack like a single penny in a great Purse ; neither is it in the midst of the heart , like a Lady in a Lobster ; nor in the bloud , like as a Menow , or Sprat in the Sea ; nor in the fourth Ventricle of the Brain , as a lousie Souldier in a Watch-tower . But you may say , it is like a farthing Candle in a great Church : I answer , That Light will not enlighten the by Chappels of the Church , nor the Quest-house , nor the Belfrey ; neither doth the Light move the Church , though it enlightens it : Wherefore the Soul after this manner doth not move the corporeal body , no more then the Candle moves the Church , or the Lady moves the Lobster , or the Sprat the Sea as to make it ebb and flow . But this I desire you to observe , Madam , that though all the body of man or any other Creature , hath sense and reason , which is life and knowledg , in all parts , yet these parts being all corporeal , and having their certain proportions , can have no more then what is belonging or proportionable to each figure : As for example ; if a Man should feed , and not evacuate some ways or other , he could not live ; and if he should evacuate and not feed , he could not subsist : wherefore in all Natures parts there is ingress and egress , although not always perceived by one creature , as Man ; but all exterior objects do not enter into Man , or any other Creature , but are figured by the rational , and some by the sensitive parts or motions in the body ; wherefore it is not rational to believe , that exterior objects take up any more room , then if there were none presented to the sensitive organs : Nor is there any thing which can better prove the mind to be corporeal , then that there may be several Figures in several parts of the body made at one time , as Sight , Hearing , Tasting , Smelling , and Touching , and all these in each several organ , as well at one , as at several times , either by patterns , or not ; which figuring without Pattern , may be done as well by the sensitive motions in the organs , as by the rational in the mind , and is called remembrance . As for example : a Man may hear or see without an object ; which is , that the sensitive and rational matter repeat such figurative actions , or make others in the sensitive organs , or in the mind : and Thoughts , Memory , Imagination , as also Passion , are no less corporeal actions then the motion of the hand or heel ; neither hath the rational matter , being naturally wise , occasion to jumble and knock her parts together , by reason every part knows naturally their office what they ought to do , or what they may do . But I conclude , repeating onely what I have said oft before , that all Perceptions , Thoughts , and the like , are the Effects , and Life and Knowledg , the Nature and Essence of self-moving Matter . And so I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XX. MADAM , IAm not able to conceive how the Mind of Man can be compared to a Table-book , in which nothing is writ ; nor how to a Musician , who being asleep , doth not so much as dream of any Musick , but being jogg'd and awakend by another , who tells him two or three words of a Song , and desires him to sing it , presently recovers himself , and sings upon so slight an Intimation : For such intimations are nothing else but outward objects , which the interior sense consents to , and obeys ; for interior sense and reason doth often obey outward objects : and in my opinion there is no rest in Nature , and so neither in the Mind or natural Soul of Man , which is in a perpetual motion , and needs therefore no jogging to put it into any actual motion ; for it hath actual motion and knowledg in it self , because it is a self-moving substance , actually knowing , and Material or Corporeal , not Immaterial , as your Author thinks : and this material or corporeal Mind is nothing else but what I call the rational matter , and the corporeal life is the sensitive matter . But this is to be observed , that the motions of the corporeal Mind do often imitate the motions of the sensitive Life , and these again the motions of the mind : I say oftentimes ; for they do it not always , but each one can move without taking any pattern from the other . And all this I understand of the Natural Soul of Man ; not of the Divine Soul , and her powers and faculties , for I leave that to Divines to inform us of ; onely this I say , that men not conceiving the distinction between this natural and divine Soul , make such a confusion betwixt those two Souls and their actions , which causes so many disputes and opinions . But if Nature hath power from God to produce all kinds of Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , Animals , and other sorts of Creatures , Why not also Man ? Truly if all Creatures are natural Creatures , Man must be so too ; and if Man is a natural Creature , he must needs have natural sense and reason , as well as other Creatures , being composed of the same matter they are of . Neither is it requisite , that all Creatures , being of the same matter , must have the same manner of sensitive and rational knowledg ; which if so , it is not necessary for Corn to have Ears to hear the whistling or chirping of Birds , nor for Stones to have such a touch of feeling as animals have , and to suffer pain , as they do , when Carts go over them ; as your Author is pleased to argue out of AEsopes Tales ; or for the Heliotrope to have eyes to see the Sun : for what necessity is there that they should have humane sense and reason ? which is , that the rational and sensitive matter should act and move in them as she doth in man or animals : Certainly if there must be any variety in nature , it is requisite she should not ; wherefore all Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , and Animals , have their proper motions different from each others , not onely in their kinds and sorts , but also in their particulars . And though Stones have no progressive motion to withdraw themselves from the Carts going over them , which your Author thinks they would do , if they had sense , to avoid pain : nevertheless they have motion , and consequently sense and reason , according to the nature and propriety of their figure , as well as man has according to his . But this is also to be observed , that not any humane Creature , which is accounted to have the perfectest sense and reason , is able always to avoid what is hurtful or painful , for it is subject to it by Nature : Nay , the Immaterial Soul it self , according to your Author , cannot by her self-contracting faculty withdraw her self from pain . Wherefore there is no manner of consequence to conclude from the sense of Animals to the sense of Minerals , they being as much different as their Figures are ; And saying this , I have said enough to express the opinion and mind of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXI . MADAM , YOur Author endeavours very much to prove the Existency of a Natural Immaterial Spirit , whom he defines to be an Incorporeal substance , Indivisible , that can move it self , can penetrate , contract and dilate it self , and can also move and alter the matter . Whereof , if you will have my opinion , I confess freely to you , that in my sense and reason I cannot conceive it to be possible , that there is any such thing in Nature ; for all that is a substance in Nature , is a body , and what has a body , is corporeal ; for though there be several degrees of matter , as in purity , rarity , subtilty , activity ; yet there is no degree so pure , rare and subtil , that can go beyond its nature , and change from corporeal to incorporeal , except it could change from being something to nothing , which is impossible in Nature . Next , there is no substance in Nature that is not divisible ; for all that is a body , or a bodily substance , hath extension , and all extension hath parts , and what has parts , is divisible . As for self-motion , contraction and dilation , these are actions onely of Natural Matter ; for Matter by the Power of God is self-moving , and all sorts of motions , as contraction , dilation , alteration , penetration , &c. do properly belong to Matter ; so that natural Matter stands in no need to have some Immaterial or Incorporeal substance to move , rule , guide and govern her , but she is able enough to do it all her self , by the free Gift of the Omnipotent God ; for why should we trouble our selves to invent or frame other unconceivable substances , when there is no need for it , but Matter can act , and move as well without them and of it self ? Is not God able to give such power to Matter , as to an other Incorporeal substance ? But I suppose this opinion of natural Immaterial Spirits doth proceed from Chymistry , where the extracts are vulgarly called Spirits ; and from that degree of Matter , which by reason of its purity , subtilty and activity , is not subject to our grosser senses ; However , these are not Incorporeal , be they never so pure and subtil . And I wonder much that men endeavour to prove Immaterial Spirits by corporeal Arts , when as Art is not able to demonstrate Nature and her actions ; for Art is but the effect of Nature , and expresses rather the variety , then the truth of natural motions ; and if Art cannot do this , much less will it be able to express what is not in Nature , or what is beyond Nature ; as to trace the Visible ( or rather Invisible ) footsteps of the divine Councel and Providence , or to demonstrate things supernatural , and which go beyond mans reach and capacity . But to return to Immaterial Spirits , that they should rule and govern infinite corporeal matter , like so many demy-Gods , by a dilating nod , and a contracting frown , and cause so many kinds and sorts of Corporeal Figures to arise , being Incorporeal themselves , is Impossible for me to conceive ; for how can an Immaterial substance cause a Material corporeal substance , which has no motion in it self , to form so many several and various figures and creatures , and make so many alterations , and continue their kinds and sorts by perpetual successions of Particulars ? But perchance the Immaterial substance gives corporeal matter motion . I answer , My sense and reason cannot understand , how it can give motion , unless motion be different , distinct and separable from it ; nay , if it were , yet being no substance or body it self , according to your Authors and others opinion , the question is , how it can be transmitted or given away to corporeal matter ? Your Author may say , That his Immaterial and Incorporeal spirit of Nature , having self-motion , doth form Matter into several Figures : I answer , Then that Immaterial substance must be transformed and metamorphosed into as many several figures as there are figures in Matter ; or there must be as many spirits , as there are figures ; but when the figures change , what doth become of the spirits ? Neither can I imagine , that an Immaterial substance , being without body , can have such a great strength ; as to grapple with gross , heavy , dull , and dead Matter ; Certainly , in my opinion , no Angel , nor Devil , except God Impower him , would be able to move corporeal Matter , were it not selfmoving , much less any Natural Spirit . But God is a Spirit , and Immovable ; and if created natural Immaterials participate of that Nature , as they do of the Name , then they must be Immovable also . Your Author , Madam , may make many several degrees of Spirits ; but certainly not I , nor I think any natural Creature else , will be able naturally to conceive them . He may say , perchance , There is such a close conjunction betwixt Body and Spirit , as I make betwixt rational , sensitive , and inanimate Matter . I answer , That these degrees are all but one Matter , and of one and the same Nature as meer Matter , different onely in degrees of purity , subtilty , and activity , whereas Spirit and Body are things of contrary Natures . In fine , I cannot conceive , how a Spirit should fill up a place or space , having no body , nor how it can have the effects of a body , being none it self ; for the effects flow from the cause ; and as the cause is , so are its effects : And so confessing my ignorance , I can say no more , but rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXII . MADAM , YOur Author having assigned Indivisibility to the Soul or Spirit that moves and actuates matter , I desire to know , how one Indivisible Spirit can be in so many dividable parts ? For there being Infinite parts in Nature , they must either have one Infinite Spirit to move them , which must be dilated infinitely , or this Spirit must move severally in every part of Nature : If the first , then I cannot conceive , but all motion must be uniform , or after one and the same manner ; nay , I cannot understand , how there can be any dilation and contraction , or rather any motion of the same spirit , by reason if it dilate , then , ( being equally spread out in all the parts of Matter , ) it must dilate beyond Matter ; and if it contract , it must leave some parts of matter void , and without motion . But if the Spirit moves every part severally , then he is divisible ; neither can I think , that there are so many Spirits as there are Parts in Nature ; for your Author says , there is but one Spirit of Nature ; I will give an easie and plain example : When a Worm is cut into two or three parts , we see there is sensitive life and motion in every part , for every part will strive and endeavour to meet and joyn again to make up the whole body ; now if there were but one indivisible Life , Spirit , and Motion , I would fain know , how these severed parts could move all by one Spirit . Wherefore , Matter , in my opinion , has self-motion in it self , which is the onely soul and life of Nature , and is dividable as well as composable , and full of variety of action ; for it is as easie for several parts to act in separation , as in composition , and as easie in composition as in separation ; Neither is every part bound to one kind or sort of Motions ; for we see in exterior local motions , that one man can put his body into several shapes and postures , much more can Nature . But is it not strange , Madam , that a man accounts it absurd , ridiculous , and a prejudice to Gods Omnipotency , to attribute self-motion to Matter , or a material Creature , when it is not absurd , ridiculous , or any prejudice to God , to attribute it to an Immaterial Creature ? What reason of absurdity lies herein ? Surely I can conceive none , except it be absurd and ridiculous to make that , which no man can know or conceive what it is , viz. an immaterial natural Spirit , ( which is as much as to say , a natural No-thing ) to have motion , and not onely motion , but self-motion ; nay , not onely self-motion , but to move , actuate , rule , govern , and guide Matter , or corporeal Nature , and to be the cause of all the most curious varieties and effects in nature : Was not God able to give self-motion as well to a Material , as to an Immaterial Creature , and endow Matter with a self-moving power ? I do not say , Madam , that Matter hath motion of it self , so , that it is the prime cause and principle of its own self-motion ; for that were to make Matter a God , which I am far from believing ; but my opinion is , That the self-motion of Matter proceeds from God , as well as the self-motion of an Immaterial Spirit ; and that I am of this opinion , the last Chapter of my Book of Philosophy will enform you , where I treat of the Deitical Centre , as the Fountain from whence all things do flow , and which is the supream Cause , Author , Ruler and Governor of all . Perhaps you will say , it is , because I make Matter Eternal . T is true , Madam , I do so : but I think Eternity doth not take off the dependance upon God , for God may nevertheless be above Matter , as I have told you before . You may ask me how that can be ? I say , As well as any thing else that God can do beyond our understanding : For I do but tell you my opinion , that I think it most probable to be so , but I can give you no Mathematical Demonstrations for it : Onely this I am sure of , That it is not impossible for the Omnipotent God ; and he that questions the truth of it , may question Gods Omnipotency . Truly , Madam , I wonder how man can say , God is Omnipotent , and can do beyond our Understanding , and yet deny all that he is not able to comprehend with his reason . However , as I said , it is my opinion , That Matter is self-moving by the power of God ; Neither can Animadversion , and Perception , as also the variety of Figures , prove , that there must be another external Agent or Power to work all this in Matter ; but it proves rather the contrary ; for were there no self-motion in Matter , there would be no Perception , nor no variety of Creatures in their Figures , Shapes , Natures , Qualities , Faculties , Proprieties , as also in their Productions , Creations or Generations , Transformations , Compositions , Dissolutions , and the like , as Growth , Maturity , Decay , &c. and for Animals , were not Corporeal Matter self-moving , dividable and composable , there could not be such variety of Passions , Complexions , Humors , Features , Statures , Appetites , Diseases , Infirmities , Youth , Age , &c. Neither would they have any nourishing Food , healing Salves , soveraign Medicines , reviving Cordials , or deadly Poysons . In short , there is so much variety in Nature , proceeding from the self-motion of Matter , as not possible to be numbred , nor thorowly known by any Creature : Wherefore I should labour in vain , if I endeavoured to express any more thereof ; and this is the cause that I break off here , and onely subscribe my self , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXIII . MADAM , COncerning the comparison , your Author makes between an Immaterial Spirit , and Light , That , as Light is contractive and dilative , and yet not divisible , so is also an Immaterial substance . Give me leave to tell you , that in my opinion , all that is contractive and dilative , is also dividable , and so is light : As for example ; when a Candle is snuff'd , the Snuffers do not onely clip the wick , but also the light : The like when a dark body is interposed , or crosses the rays of the Sun ; it cuts those rays asunder , which by reason they cannot joyn together again , because of the interposed body , the light cut off , suddenly goeth out ; that is , the matter of light is altered from the figure of light , to some other thing , but not annihilated : And since no more light can flow into the room from the Fountain or Spring of Light , the Sun , because the passage is stopt close , the room remaineth dark : For Light is somewhat of the nature of Water ; so long as the Spring is open , the Water flows , and whatsoever is taken away , the Spring supplies ; and if another body onely presses thorow it , it immediately joyns and closes its severed parts again , without any difficulty or loss ; The same doth Light ; onely the difference is , that the substance of Light is extraordinary rare , and pure ; for as Air is so much rarer then Water , so Light is so much rarer and purer then Air , and its matter may be of so dilating a nature , as to dilate from a point into numerous rayes . As for ordinary Fire-light , it doth not last longer , then it hath fuel to feed it , and so likewise it is with the light of the Sun ; for Light is according to the substance that feeds it ; and though it is a substance it self , yet it increases and decreases , according as it hath something that succours or nourishes it . But some may object , that if Light were a body , and did contract and dilate , as I say , it is impossible that it could display it self in so great and vast a compass , and remove so suddenly and instantly as it doth . To which objection , I answer , first , That although I say , Light is a real corporeal substance , and doth contract and dilate it self from a point into numerous rayes , as also in another Letter I sent you before , That Light and Darkness do succeed each other ; nevertheless , as for the perception of Light , I am not so eager in maintaining this opinion , as if it was an Infallible Truth , and impossible to be otherwise ; but I say onely , That , to my sense and reason , it seems very probable , that it may be so , that the light of the Sun doth really dilate it self into so vast a compass as we see ; and that light and darkness do really succeed each other , as all other Creatures do : But yet it seems also probable to mee , that the parts of the Air may onely pattern out the figure of light , and that the light we see in the Air may be onely patterns taken from the real figure of the light of the Sun : And therefore , if it be according to the former opinion , to wit , That the light of the Sun doth really dilate it self into so vast a compass , My answer is , That contraction and dilation are natural corporeal actions or motions , and that there is no alteration of motion in Nature , but is done in Time , that is , successively , not instantly ; for Time is nothing else but the alteration of motion : Besides , I do not perceive any so sudden and swift alteration and succession of light , but that it is done by degrees : As for example ; in the morning , when it begins to dawn and grow light , it appears clearly to our sight how light doth come forth , and darkness remove by degrees ; and so at night , when it grows dark , how light removes , and darkness succeeds ; nay , if there be any such sudden change of the motions of Light , I desire you to consider , Madam , that light is a very subtil , rare , piercing and active body , and therefore its motions are much quicker then those of grosser bodies , and cannot so well be perceived by our gross exterior senses . But if it be , that the Air doth pattern out the light of the Sun , then the framed objection can prove nothing , because there is not then such a real dilation or succession of light , but the corporeal figurative motions of the Air do make patterns of the light of the Sun , and dissolve those patterns or figures again , more suddenly and quickly then man can shut and open his eyes , as being more subtil then his gross exterior senses . But it may be said , that if Air did pattern out the light of the Sun , the light would increase by these numerous patterns . I answer , that cannot appear to our Eyes ; for we see onely the pattern'd figure of light , and that a great compass is enlightned ; also that the further the air is from the Sun , the darker it is ; nevertheless , I do verily believe , that the body of the Sun is far brighter then the light we see , and that the substance of light , and the patterns taken from light , are not one and the same , but very different . And thus much of light . As for Penetration , I conceive it to be nothing else but division ; as when some parts pierce and enter through other parts , as Duellers run each other thorow , or as water runs through a sieve . And this is the opinion of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXIV . MADAM , HAving given you my opinion , both of the substance and perception of Light , in my last Letter , I perceive your desire is to know how Shadows are made . Truly , Madam , to my sense and reason , it appears most probable , that shadows are made by the way of patterning : As for example ; when a Man 's , or Trees , or any other the like Creature 's shadow is made upon the Ground , or Wall , or the like ; those bodies , as the Ground , or Wall , do , in my opinion , pattern out the interposing body that is between the light and them : And the reason that the shadow is longer or shorter , or bigger or less , is according as the light is nearer or further off ; for when the light is perpendicular , the interposing body cannot obscure the light , because the light surrounding the interposing body by its brightness , rather obscures the body , then the body the light ; for the numerous and splendorous patterns of light taken from the body of the Sun , do quite involve the interposing body . Next , you desire to know , Whether the light we see in the Moon , be the Moons own natural light , or a borrowed light from the Sun : I answer , that in my opinion , it is a borrowed light ; to wit , that the Moon doth pattern out the light of the Sun : and the proof of it is , that when the Sun is in an Eclipse , we do plainly perceive that so much of the Sun is darkned as the Moon covers ; for though those parts of the Moon , that are next the Sun , may , for any thing we know , pattern out the light of the Sun , yet the Moon is dark on that side which is from the Sun. I will not say , but that part of the Moon which is towards the Earth , may pattern out the Earth , or the shadow of the Earth , which may make the Moon appear more dark and sullen ; But when the Moon is in an Eclipse , then it is plainly perceived that the Moon patterns out the Earth , or the shadow of the Earth . Besides , those parts of the Moon that are farthest from the Sun , are dark , as we may observe when as the Moon is in the Wane , and enlightened when the Sun is nearer . But I will leave this argument to observing Astrologers , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXV . MADAM , IF acording to your Authors opinion , In every particular world , such as Man is especially , his own Soul ( which is a Spirit ) be the peculiar and most perfective architect of the Fabrick of his Body , as the Soul of the world is of it : Then I cannot conceive in my reason , how the separation is made in death ; for I see , that all animals , and so man-kind , have a natural desire to live , and that life and soul are unwilling to part ; And if the power lies in the Soul , why doth she not continue with the Body , and animate , move and actuate it , as she did before , or order the matter so , as not to dissolve ? But if the dissolution lies in the body , then the body has self-motion : Yet it is most probable , if the soul be the architect of the body , it must also be the dissolver of it ; and if there come not another soul into the parts of matter , the body must either be annihilated , or lie immoved as long as the world lasts , which is improbable ; for surely all the bodies of men , or other animals , are imployed by Nature to some use or other : However , it is requisite , that the soul must stay so long in the body , until it be turned into dust and ashes ; otherwise , the body having no self-motion , would remain as it was when the soul left it , that is , entire and undissolved : As for example ; when a man dies , if there be no motion in his body , and the soul , which was the mover , be gone , it cannot possibly corrupt ; for certainly , that we call corruptton , is made by motion , and the body requires as much motion to be dissolved or divided , as it doth to be framed or composed ; Wherefore a dead body would remain in the same state continually , if it had no self-motion in it : And if another soul should enter into the body , and work it to another figure , then certainly there must be much more souls then bodies , because bodies are subject to change into several forms ; but if the animal spirits , which are left in the body after the soul is gone , are able to dissolve it without the help of the soul , then it is probable they could have fram'd it without the help of the soul ; and so they being material , it must be granted , that matter is self-moving : But if corporeal matter have corporeal self-motion , a self-moving Immaterial Spirit , by reason of their different natures , would make great obstruction , and so a general confusion ; for the corporeal and incorporeal motions would hinder and oppose each other , their natures being quite different ; and though they might subsist together without disturbance of each other , yet it is not probable they should act together , and that in such a conjunction , as if they were one united body ; for it is , in my opinion , more probable , that one material should act upon another material , or one immaterial upon another immaterial , then that an immaterial should act upon a material or corporeal . Thus the consideration or contemplation of immaterial natural Spirits puts me always into doubts , and raises so many contradictions in my sense and reason , as I know not , nor am not able to reconcile them : However , though I am doubtful of them , yet I can assure your self that I continue , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXVI . MADAM , BY reason the Soul is a Spirit , and therefore Contractible and Dilatable , your Authors opinion is , That it begins within less compass at first in organizing the fitly prepared matter , and so bears it self on in the same tenour of work , till the body hath attained its full growth ; and that the Soul dilates it self in the dilating of the Body , and so possesses it through all the members thereof . Truly , Madam , as for the contraction and dilation of an immaterial Spirit , if I heard never so many arguments , I should hardly be able to conceive the possibility of it ; For in my opinion , dilating and contracting are motions and actions of Nature , which belong to natural material Creatures , and to none else ; for dilation and contraction cannot be without extension , but extension belongs to parts which an immaterial Spirit hath not : But suppose it be so , then the Soul must contract and dilate , extend and shrink together , and so grow less and bigger , according to the extension of the body ; and when the body dies , the soul , in my opinion , must contract to a very point ; and if one part of the body die before the other , the soul must by degrees withdraw out of those parts : also when a part of the body is cut off , the soul must needs contract , and grow less ; the like when a man is let blood . Which contracting of the soul , by your Authors leave , doth seem , to my imagination , just like the contracting of Hodmandod into her shell . Besides , if the soul be individable , and equally spread all over the body , then , to my opinion , she must necessarily be of a human shape ; and if the body be deformed , the soul must be deformed also ; and if the body be casually extended , as by taking Poyson into the body , the soul must be so too , as being individable and filling every part ; and if a man be born with six fingers or toes , the soul must be so too ; or if a dwarf , the soul must be a dwarf also ; and if he be born deaf and dumb , the soul must be so too . But if two Twins , as it may fall out , should be born united in one body , I would fain know then , whether they would have two souls , or but one ? As for example , if they should have but one body , and one stomack , liver , heart , spleen , lungs , bowels , and yet have four legs , four hands , and two heads : It seems , to my opinion , that then two Immaterial Souls must be joyned as into one ; neither do I know yet how this could well be , the monster having but one body , nor how that Immaterial Soul can be divided , being inseparably double , when the body dies . But , Madam , all this I speak of the Natural Soul of Man , not of the Divine Soul , which is not subject to natural imperfections , and corporeal errors , being not made by Nature , but a supernatural and divine gift of the Omnipotent God , who surely will not give any thing that is not perfect . Wherefore it is not probable , this Divine Soul , being not subject to Nature , should be an architect of the body , as having an higher and more divine imployment , viz. to fix her self on her Creator , and being indued with supernatural faculties , and residing in the body in a supernatural manner ; all which I leave to the Church : for I should be loth to affirm any thing contrary to their Doctrine , or the Information of the holy Scripture , as grounding my belief onely upon the sacred Word of God , and its true Interpretation made by the Orthodox Church ; but not upon the opinions of particular persons : for particular mens opinions are not authentical , being so different and various , as a man would be puzled which to adhere to . Thus , Madam , I avoid , as much as ever I can , not to mix Divinity with Natural Philosophy ; for I consider , that such a mixture would breed more confusion in the Church , then do any good to either ; witness the doctrine of the Soul of Man , whereof are so many different opinions : The onely cause , in my opinion , is , that men do not conceive the difference between the Divine , and Natural material Soul of Man , making them both as one , and mixing or confounding their faculties and proprieties , which yet are quite different ; thus they make a Hodg-podg , Bisk or Olio of both ; proving Divinity by Nature , and Faith by Reason ; and bringing Arguments for Articles of Faith , and sacred Mysteries out of Natural Arts and Sciences ; whereas yet Faith and Reason are two contrary things , and cannot consist together ; according to the Proverb , Where Reason ends , Faith begins . Neither is it possible that Divinity can be proved by Mathematical Demonstrations ; for if Nature be not able to do it , much less is Art : Wherefore it is inconvenient to mix supernatural Spirits with Air , Fire , Light , Heat , Cold , &c. and to apply corporeal actions and qualities to them ; and the Divine Soul , with the Brain , Blood , Flesh , Animal Spirits , Muscles , Nerves , Bones , &c. of Man ; all which makes a confusion betwixt the Mind or Natural Soul of Man , and the Supernatural and Divine Soul inspired into him by God ; for both their faculties and proprieties are different , and so are their effects , as proceeding from so different causes . And therefore , Madam , as for Divinity , I pray devoutly , and believe without disputing ; but as for Natural Philosophy , I reason freely , and argue without believing , or adhering to any ones particular opinion , which I think is the best and safest way to choose for , MADAM , Your faithful Friend , and Servant . XXVII . MADAM , YOur Author in the continuation of his discourse concerning the Immaterial Soul of Man , demonstrating , that her seat is not bound up in a certain place of the body , but that she pervades all the body and every part thereof , takes , amongst the rest , an argument from Passions and Sympathies : Moreover , says he , Passions and Sympathies , in my judgment , are more easily to be resolved into this hypothesis of the Soul 's pervading the whole Body , then in restraining its essential presence to one part thereof . — But it is evident that they arise in us against both our will and appetite ; For who would bear the tortures of fears and jelousies , if he could avoid it ? Concerning Passions , Madam , I have given my opinion at large in my Book of Philosophy , and am of your Authors mind , that Passions are made in the Heart , but not by an Immaterial spirit , but by the Rational soul which is material ; and there is no doubt , but that many Passions , as Fear , Jealousie , &c. arise against our will and appetite ; for so may forreign Nations invade any Kingdom without the will or desire of the Inhabitants , and yet they are corporeal men : The same may be said of Passions ; and several parts of matter may invade each other , whereof one may be afraid of the other , yet all this is but according as corporeal matter moves , either Generally , or Particularly : Generally , that is , when many parts of Matter unite or joyn together , having the like appetites , wills , designs ; as we may observe , that there are general agreements amongst several parts , in Plagues , as well as Wars , which Plagues are not onely amongst Men , but amongst Beasts ; and sometimes but in one sort of animals , as a general Rot amongst Sheep , a general Mange amongst Dogs , a general Farcy amongst Horses , a general Plague amongst Men ; all which could not be without a general Infection , one part infecting another , or rather one part imitating the motions of the other , that is next adjoyning to it ; for such infections come by the neer adhesion of parts , as is observable , which immaterial and individable natural Spirits could not effect ; that is , to make such a general infection in so many several parts of so many several Creatures , to the Creatures dissolution : Also there will be several Invasions at one time , as Plague , and War , amongst neighbouring and adjoining Creatures or Parts . But this is to be observed , That the sensitive corporeal motions make all diseases , and not the Rational , although the Rational are many times the occasion , that the sensitive do move into such or such a disease ; for all those that are sick by conceit , their sicknesses are caused by the rational corporeal motions . But being loth to make tedious repetitions hereof , having discoursed of diseases and passions in my mentioned Book of Philosophy , I will refer you thither , and rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXVIII . MADAM , COncerning Dimness of Sight , which your Author will have to proceed from the deficiency of the Animal Spirits , My meaning in short is , That when sight is dim , though the sensitive organs are perfect , this dimness is caused by the alteration onely of the sensitive motions in the organs , not moving to the nature of sight . And so is made Deafness , Dumbness , Lameness , and the like , as also Weariness ; for the Relaxation of strength in several parts , is onely an alteration of such sorts of motions which make the nerves strong ; and if a man be more dull at one time , then at another , it is that there are not so many changes of motions , nor so quick motions at that time , as at another ; for Nature may use more or less force as she pleases : Also she can and doth often use opposite actions , and often sympathetical and agreeable actions , as she pleases ; for Nature having a free power to move , may move as she will ; but being wise , she moves as she thinks best , either in her separating or uniting motions , for continuance , as well as for variety . But if , according to your Author , the Immaterial Soul should determinate matter in motion , it would , in my opinion , make a confusion ; for the motions of the Matter would often oppose and cross the motions of the Immaterial Soul , and so they would disagree , as a King and his Subjects , ( except God had given the Soul an absolute power of command , and restrained matter to an irrisistible and necessitated obedience ; which , in my opinion , is not probable : ) By which disagreement , Nature , and all that is in Nature , would have been quite ruined at this time ; for no kinds , sorts , or particulars , would keep any distinction , if Matter did not govern it self , and if all the parts did not know their own affairs , abilities , offices , and functions : Besides , it would , to my thinking , take up a great deal of time , to receive commands in every several action , at least so much , that for example , a man could not have so many several thoughts in so short a time , as he hath . But concerning the Animal Spirits , which your Author calls the Instruments , Organs and Engines of the Incorporeal Soul ; I would fain know , whether they have no motion but what comes from the Soul , or whether they have their own motion of themselves ? If the first , then the Soul must , in my opinion , be like a Deity , and have a divine Power , to give and impart Motion ; if the second , then the spirits being material , it follows that Matter hath motion of it self , or is self-moving ; But if the Immaterial natural Soul can transfer her gifts upon corporeal matter , then it must give numerous sorts of motions , with all their degrees ; as also the faculty of figuring , or moving figuratively in all corporeal Matter : Which power , in my judgment , is too much for a Creature to give . If you say , the Immaterial Soul hath this power from God ; I answer , Matter may have the same ; and I cannot imagine why God should make an Immaterial Spirit to be the Proxy or Vice-gerent of his Power , or the Quarter-master General of his Divine Providence , as your Author is pleased to style it , when he is able to effect it without any Under-Officers , and in a more easie and compendious way , as to impart immediately such self-moving power to Natural Matter , which man attributes to an Incorporeal Spirit . But to conclude , if the Animal Spirits be the Instruments of the Incorporeal Soul , then the Spirits of Wine are more powerfull then the Animal Spirits , nay , then the Immaterial Soul her self ; for they can put them and all their actions quite out of order : the same may be done by other material things , Vegetables , Minerals , and the like . And so leaving this discourse to your better consideration , I take my leave for this time , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful and affectionate Friend , and Servant . XXIX . MADAM , TOuching the State or Condition of the Supernatural and Divine Soul , both in , and after this life , I must crave your excuse that I can give no account of it ; for I dare affirm nothing ; not onely that I am no professed Divine , and think it unfit to take any thing upon me that belongs not to me , but also that I am unwilling to mingle Divinity and Natural Philosophy together , to the great disadvantage and prejudice of either ; for if each one did contain himself within the circle of his own Profession , and no body did pretend to be a Divine Philosopher , many absurdities , confusions , contentions , and the like , would be avoided , which now disturb both Church and Schools , and will in time cause their utter ruine and destruction ; For what is Supernatural , cannot naturally be known by any natural Creature ; neither can any supernatural Creature , but the Infinite and Eternal God , know thorowly everything that is in Nature , she being the Infinite servant of the Infinite God , whom no finite Creature , of what degree soever , whether natural or supernatural , can conceive ; for if no Angel nor Devil can know our thoughts , much less will they know Infinite Nature ; nay , one finite supernatural Creature cannot , in my opinion , know perfectly another supernatural Creature , but God alone , who is all-knowing : And therefore all what is said of supernatural Spirits , I believe , so far as the Scripture makes mention of them ; further I dare not presume to go ; the like of the supernatural or divine Soul : for all that I have writ hitherto to you of the Soul , concerns the natural Soul of Man , which is material , and not the supernatural or divine Soul ; neither do I contradict any thing concerning this divine soul , but I am onely against those opinions , which make the natural soul of man an immaterial natural spirit , and confound supernatural Creatures with natural , believing those spirits to be as well natural Creatures and parts of Nature , as material and corporeal beings are ; when as there is great difference betwixt them , and nothing in Nature to be found , but what is corporeal . Upon this account I take all their relations of Daemons , of the Genii , and of the Souls after the departure from humane Bodies , their Vehicles , Shapes , Habitations , Converses , Conferences , Entertainments , Exercises , Pleasures , Pastimes , Governments , Orders , Laws , Magistrates , Officers , Executioners , Punishments , and the like , rather for Poetical Fictions , then Rational Probabilities ; containing more Fancy , then Truth and Reason , whether they concern the divine or natural Soul : for as for the divine Soul , the Scripture makes no other mention of it , but that immediately after her departure out of this natural life , she goeth either to Heaven or Hell , either to enjoy Reward , or to suffer Punishment , according to man's actions in this life . But as for the Natural Soul , she being material , has no need of any Vehicles , neither is natural death any thing else but an alteration of the rational and sensitive motions , which from the dissolution of one figure go to the formation or production of another . Thus the natural soul is not like a Traveller , going out of one body into another , neither is air her lodging ; for certainly , if the natural humane soul should travel through the airy regions , she would at last grow weary , it being so great a journey , except she did meet with the soul of a Horse , and so ease her self with riding on Horseback . Neither can I believe Souls or Daemons in the Air have any Common-wealth , Magistrates , Officers and Executioners in their airy Kingdom ; for wheresoever are Governments , Magistrates and Executioners , there are also Offences , and where there is power to offend , as well as to obey , there may and will be sometimes Rebellions and Civil Wars ; for there being different forts of Spirits , it is impossible they should all fo well agree , especially the good and evil Genii , which certainly will fight more valiantly then Hector and Achilles , nay , the Spirits of one sort would have more Civil Wars then ever the Romans had ; and if the Soul of Caesar and Pompey should meet , there would be a cruel fight between those two Heroical souls ; the like between Augustus's and Antonius's Soul. But , Madam , all these , as I said , I take for fancies proceeding from the Religion of the Gentiles , not fit for Christians to embrace for any truth ; for if we should , we might at last , by avoiding to be Atheists , become Pagans , and so leap out of the Frying-pan into the Fire , as turning from Divine Faith to Poetical Fancy ; and if Ovid should revive again , he would , perhaps , be the chief head or pillar of the Church . By this you may plainly see , Madam , that I am no Platonick ; for this opinion is dangerous , especially for married Women , by reason the conversation of the Souls may be a great temptation , and a means to bring Platonick Lovers to a neerer acquaintance , not allowable by the Laws of Marriage , although by the sympathy of the Souls . But I conclude , and desire you , not to interpret amiss this my discourse , as if I had been too invective against Poetical Fancies ; for that I am a great lover of them , my Poetical Works will witness ; onely I think it not fit to bring Fancies into Religion : Wherefore what I have writ now to you , is rather to express my zeal for God and his true Worship , then to prejudice any body ; and if you be of that same Opinion , as above mentioned , I wish my Letter may convert you , and so I should not account my labour lost , but judg my self happy , that any good could proceed to the advancement of your Soul , from , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXX . MADAM , I Sent you word in my last , I would not meddle with writing any thing of the Divine Soul of Man , by reason it belongs to Faith and Religion , and not to Natural Philosophy ; but since you desire my opinion concerning the Immortality of the Divine Soul , I cannot but answer you plainly , that first I did wonder much you made question of that , whose truth , in my opinion , is so clear , as hardly any rational man will make a doubt of it ; for I think there is almost no Christian in the world , but believes the Immortality of the Soul , no not Christians onely , but Mahometans and Jews : But I left to wonder at you , when I saw Wise and Learned Men , and great Divines , take so much pains as to write whole Volumes , and bring so many arguments to prove the Immortality of the Soul ; for this was a greater Miracle to me , then if Nature had shewed me some of her secret and hidden effects , or if I had seen an Immaterial Spirit . Certainly , Madam , it seems as strange to me to prove the Immortality of the Soul , as to convert Atheists ; for it impossible , almost , that any Atheist should be found in the World : For what Man would be so senceless as to deny a God ? Wherefore to prove either a God , or the Immortality of the Soul , is to make a man doubt of either : for as Physicians and Surgeons apply strengthening Medicines onely to those parts of the body which they suppose the weakest , so it is with proofs and arguments , those being for the most part used in such subjects , the truth of which is most questionable . But in things Divine , Disputes do rather weaken Faith , then prove Truth , and breed several strange opinions ; for Man being naturally ambitious , and endeavouring to excel each other , will not content himself with what God has been pleased to reveal in his holy Word ; but invents and adds something of his own ; and hence arise so many monstrous expressions and opinions , that a simple man is puzzled , not knowing which to adhere to ; which is the cause of so many schismes , sects , and divisions in Religion : Hence it comes also , that some pretend to know the very nature and essence of God , his divine Counsels , all his Actions , Designs , Rules , Decrees , Power , Attributes , nay , his Motions , Affections , and Passions , as if the Omnipotent Infinite God were of a humane shape ; so that there are already more divisions then Religions , which disturb the peace and quiet both of mind and body ; when as the ground of our belief consists but in some few and short Articles , which clearly explained , and the moral part of Divinity well pressed upon the People , would do more good , then unnecessary and tedious disputes , which rather confound Religion , then advance it : but if man had a mind to shew Learning , and exercise his Wit , certainly there are other subjects , wherein he can do it with more profit , and less danger , then by proving Christian Religion by Natural Philosophy , which is the way to destroy them both . I could wish , Madam , that every one would but observe the Command of Christ , and give to God what is Gods , and to Caesar what is Caesars , and so distinguish what belongs to the actions of Nature , and what to the actions of Religion ; for it appears to my Reason , that God hath given Nature , his eternal Servant , a peculiar freedom of working and acting , as a self-moving Power from Eternity ; but when the Omnipotent God acts , he acts supernaturally , as beyong Nature ; of which devine actions none but the holy Church , as one united body , mind and soul , should discourse , and declare the truth of them , according to the Revelation made by God in his holy Word , to her Flock the Laity , not suffering any one single person , of what profession or degree soever , indifferently to comment , interpret , explain , and declare the meaning or sense of the Scripture after his own fancy . And as for Nature's actions , let those whom Nature hath indued with such a proportion of Reason , as is able to search into the hidden causes of natural effects , contemplate freely , without any restraint or consinement ; for Nature acts freely , and so may natural Creatures , and amongst the rest Man , in things which are purely natural ; but as for things supernatural , man cannot act freely , by reason they are beyond his sphere of conception and understanding , so as he is forced to set aside Reason , and onely to work by Faith. And thus , Madam , you see the cause why I cannot give you a full description of the Divine Soul of Man , as I mentioned already in my last , but that I do onely send you my opinion of the natural soul , which I call the rational soul ; not that I dare say , the supernatural soul is without natural reason , but natural reason is not the divine soul ; neither can natural reason , without Faith , advance the divine soul to Heaven , or beget a pious zeal , without divine and supernatural Grace : Wherefore Reason , or the rational Soul is onely the Soul of Nature , which being material , is dividable , and so becomes numerous in particular natural Creatures ; like as the sensitive life being also material and dividable , becomes numerous , as being in every Creature , and in every part of every Creature ; for as there is life in every Creature , so there is also a soul in every Creature ; nay , not onely in every Creature , but in every particle of every Creature , by reason every Creature is made of rational and sensitive Matter ; and as all Creatures or parts of Nature are but one infinite body of Nature , so all their particular souls and lives make but one infinite soul and life of Nature ; and this natural soul hath onely natural actions , not supernatural ; nor has the supernatural soul natural actions ; for although they subsist both together in one body , yet each works without disturbance to the other ; and both are Immortal ; for of the supernatural soul there is no question , and of the natural soul , I have said before , that nothing is perishable or subject to annihilation in nature , and so no death , but what is called by the name of death , is onely an alteration of the corporeal natural motions of such a figure to another figure ; and therefore as it is impossible , that one part of Matter should perish in Nature , so is it impossible , that the natural or rational soul can perish , being material : The natural humane soul may alter , so as not to move in an animal way , or not to have animal motions , but this doth not prove her destruction or annihilation , but onely a change of the animal figure and its motions , all remaining still in Nature . Thus my Faith of the Divine , and my opinion of the Natural Soul , is , that they are both Immortal ; as for the immediate actions of the Divine Soul , I leave you to the Church , which are the Ministers of God , and the faithful dispensers of the sacred mysteries of the Gospel , the true Expounders of the Word of God , Reformers of mens lives , and Tutors of the Ignorant , to whom I submit my self in all that belongs to the salvation of my Soul , and the regulating of the actions of my life , to the honour and glory of God. And I hope they will not take any offence at the maintaining and publishing my opinions concerning Nature and Natural effects , for they are as harmless , and as little prejudicial to them , as my designs ; for my onely and chief design is , and ever hath been to understand . Nature rightly , obey the Church exactly , Believe undoubtedly , Pray zealously , Live vertuously , and Wish earnestly , that both Church and Schools may increase and flourish in the sacred knowledge of the true Word of God , and that each one may live peaceable and happily in this world , die quietly , and rise blessedly and gloriously to everlasting Life and happiness : Which happiness I pray God also to confer upon your Ladiship ; Till then , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful and constant Friend , to serve you . XXXI . MADAM , I Will leave the Controversie of Free-Will and Necessity , which your Author is discoursing of , to Divines to decide it , onely I say this , that Nature hath a natural Free-will and power of self-moving , and is not necessitated ; but yet that this Free-will proceeds from God , who hath given her both will and power to act freely . But as for the question , whether there be nothing in the Universe , but meer body ? I answer , My opinion is not , that there is nothing in the world but meer Body ; but that Nature is purely material or corporeal , and that there is no part of Nature , or natural Creature , which is not Matter , or Body , or made of Matter ; also , that there is not any thing else mixt with body , as a copartner in natural actions , which is distinct from Body or Matter ; nevertheless , there may be supernatural spiritual beings or substances in Nature , without any hinderance to Matter or corporeal Nature . The same I may say of the natural material , and the divine and supernatural Soul ; for though the divine Soul is in a natural body , and both their powers and actions be different , yet they cause no ruine or disturbance to each other , but do in many cases agree with each other , without incroachment upon each others powers or actions ; for God , as he is the God of all things , so the God of Order . Wherefore it is not probable , that created Immaterial or Incorporeal beings should order Corporeal Nature , no more then Corporeal Nature orders Immaterial or Incorporeal Creatures . Neither can , in my opinion , Incorporeal Creatures be clearly conceived by Corporeals , although they may really exist and subsist in Nature ; onely , as I said before , it is well to be considered , that there is difference betwixt being in Nature , and being a part of Nature ; for bodiless things , and so spiritual substances , although they may exist in Nature , yet they are not natural , nor parts of Nature , but supernatural , Nature being meerly corporeal , and Matter the ground of Nature ; and all that is not built upon this material ground , is nothing in Nature . But you will say , The divine Soul is a part of Man , and Man a part of Nature , wherefore the divine Soul must needs be a part of Nature . I answer , Not : For the divine Soul is not a part of Nature , but supernatural , as a supernatural Gift from God onely to Man , and to no other Creature : and although in this respect it may be called a part of Man , yet it is no natural or material part of Man ; neither doth this supernatural Gift disturb Nature or natural Matter , or natural Matter this supernatural Gist . And so leaving them both , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXXII . MADAM , IF you desire my opinion concerning Witches , whereof your Learned Author hath many Discourses and Stories : I will tell you really , that in my sense and reason , I do not believe any , except it be the witch of Endor , which the Scripture makes mention of ; for though I believe that there is a Devil , as the Word of God and the Church inform me , yet I am not of the opinion , that God should suffer him to have such a familiar conjunction , and make such contracts with Man , as to impower him to do mischief and hurt to others , or to foretell things to come , and the like ; for I believe that all things Immaterial , as Spirits , Angels , Devils , and the divine Soul of Man , are no parts of Nature , but Supernatural , Nature knowing of no Creature that belongs to her , but what is material ; and since incorporeal Creatures are no parts of Nature , they neither have natural actions , nor are they concerned as copartners or co-agents in the actions of Nature and natural Creatures ; but as their substances , so their actions are supernatural , and beyond our conceivement . As for Faires , I will not say , but there may be such Creatures in Nature , and have airy bodies , and be of a humane shape , and have humane actions , as I have described in my Book of Poems ; for there are many things in Nature , whereof Man hath no knowledg at all , and it would be a great folly for any one to deny what he doth not see , or to ascribe all the unusual effects in Nature to Immaterial Spirits ; for Nature is so full of variety , that she can and doth present sometimes such figures to our exterior senses , as are not familiar to us , so as we need not to take our refuge to Immaterial Spirits : nay , even those that are so much for Incorporeal Spirits , must confess , that they cannot be seen in their own natures , as being Invisible , and therefore have need to take vehicles of some grosser bodies to manifeft themselves to men : and if Spirits cannot appear without bodies , the neerest way is to ascribe such unusual effects or apparitions , as happen sometimes , rather to matter that is already corporeal , and not to go so far as to draw Immaterial Spirits to Natural actions , and to make those Spirits take vehicles fit for their purposes : for Nature takes sometimes delight in unusual Varieties . Concerning those stories which your Author relates of the strange effects of Food received into a mans body , how they did work upon the Imagination , and change and transform the humors of those that did feed upon them , those , I say , seem very probable to me . As for example ; of a Wench who being struck into an Epilepsy , upon the seeing of a Malefactors Head cut off , was advised to drink Cats-blood ; which being done , she not long after degenerated into the nature and property of that Animal , cried and jump'd like a Cat , and hunted Mice with the same silence and watchfulness as they do . Then of a Man , being long fed with Swines-blood , which took a special pleasure in wallowing and tumbling himself in the mire . Also of a Girle , which being nourished up with Goats-milk , would skip like a Goat , and brouze on Trees as Goats use to do . And of a Man , who by eating the brains of a Bear , became of a Bear-like disposition . All these stories I believe to be true ; for naturally the motions of a Man may sometimes sympathize so much with the received food , as to make an alteration in his humour or disposition . But although it be natural , yet it is not regular , at least not usual , but proceeds from an irregular and unusual change of motions , like as the conception and generation of a Monster ; For if it were ordinary , then those which drink much of the blood of beasts , would also degenerate into a beastly nature , the contrary whereof is sufficiently known : Likewise those that drink much of Cows-milk , would change into their humors and natures . But certainly , some kinds of meats do not onely cause sickness , but madness , and strange Imaginations ; all which unnatural or unusual accidents are caused by Matter 's irregular motions ; Whereof I have declared my opinion in other places ; and so I rest , MADAM , Your faithful and constant Friend , to serve you . XXXIII . MADAM , YOu will have my opinion of the Book that treats of the Pre-existence of Souls , and the Key that unlocks the Divine Providence ; but I have told you heretofore , that there are so many different opinions concerning the Soul , as I do not know which to embrace , for the multiplicity confounds my choice : and the cause of these various opinions , in my simple judgment , is , that most men make no difference between the Divine , and Natural Soul. As for the Natural Soul , humane sense and reason may perceive , that it consists of Matter , as being Material ; but as for the Divine Soul , being not material , no humane sense and reason is able naturally to conceive it ; for there cannot possibly be so much as an Idea of a natural nothing , or an immaterial being , neither can sense and reason naturally conceive the Creation of an Immaterial substance ; for as the Creation of material Creatures , as of this World , belongs to Faith , and not to Reason , so doth also the Creation of Immaterial substances , as Spirits ; nay , it is more difficult to understand a Natural Nothing to be made out of nothing , then a Natural Something out of nothing . And as for the Progress of Immaterial Souls , which the same Author mentions , I cannot conceive how No-thing can make a Progress , and therefore I suppose , it is an Improper , or Metaphorical expression . The truth is , what is Immaterial , belongs not to a Natural knowledg or understanding , but is Supernatural , and goes beyond a natural reach or capacity . Concerning the Key of Divine Providence , I believe God did never give or lend it to any man ; for surely , God , who is infinitely Wise , would never intrust so frail and foolish a Creature as Man , with it , as to let him know his secret Counsels , Acts , and Decrees . But setting aside Pride and Presumption , Sense and Reason may easily perceive , that Man , though counted the best of Creatures , is not made with such infinite Excellence , as to pierce into the least secrets of God ; Wherefore I am in a maze when I hear of such men , which pretend to know so much , as if they had plundered the Celestial Cabinet of the Omnipotent God ; for certainly , had they done it , they could not pretend to more knowledg then they do . But I , Madam , confess my Ignorance , as having neither divine Inspirations , nor extraordinary Visions , nor any divine or humane learning , but what Nature has been pleased to bestow upon me : Yet in all this Ignorance , I know that I am , and ought to be , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XXXIV . MADAM , SInce in my former Letters I have discoursed of Immaterial Spirits , and declared my meaning , that I do not believe them to be natural Creatures , or parts of Nature ; you are of opinion , as if I did contradict my self , by reason that in the first Edition of my Book called Philosophical Opinions , I name the rational and sensitive Matter , rational and sensitive Spirits . To which I answer , first , That when I did write my first Conceptions in Natural Philosophy , I was not so experienced , nor had I those observations which I have had since ; Neither did I give those first Conceptions time to digest , and come to a maturity or perfect growth , but forced them forth as soon as conceived , and this made the first publishing of them so full of Imperfections , which I am much sorry for ; But since that time , I have not onely reviewed , but corrected and altered them in several places , so that the last Impression of my Philosophical Opinions , you will find more perfect and exact then the former . Next , I pray you to take notice , Madam , that in the mentioned first Edition , by the word Spirits , I meant Material , not Immaterial Spirits ; for observing , that Learned Men do discourse much of Animal Spirits , which are Material , and that also high extracts in Chymistry are called Spirits ; I used that word purposely , thinking it most proper and convenient to express my sense and meaning of that degree of matter which I call rational and sensitive . But considering again , that my opinions , being new , would be subject to misapprehensions and mis-interpretations ; to prevent those , I thought it fitter to leave out the word Spirits in the second , as also in the last Edition of my named Book of Philosophy , lest my Readers should think I meant Immaterial Spirits ; for I confess really , that I never understood , nor cannot as yet apprehend Immaterial Spirits ; for though I believe the Scripture , and the Church , that there are Spirits , and do not doubt the existency of them , yet I cannot conceive the nature of Immaterial Spirits , and what they are ; Wherefore I do onely treat of natural material substances , and not of incorporeal ; also my discourse is of the Infinite servant of the Infinite God , which servant is corporeal or material Nature : God is onely to be admired , adored , and worshipped ; but not ungloriously to be discoursed of ; Which Omnipotent God , I pray of his Infinite Mercy to give me Faith to believe in him , and not to let presumption prevail with me so , as to liken vain and idle conceptions to that Incomprehensible Deity . These , Madam , are my humble Prayers to God ; and my request to you is , that I may continue the same in your love and affection , which I have been hitherto ; so shall I live content , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . SECT . III. I. MADAM , I Have discharged my duty thus far , that in obedience to your commands , I have given you my answers to the opinions of three of those famous and learned Authors you sent me , viz. Hobbes , Des Cartes , and More , and explained my own opinions by examining theirs ; My onely task shall be now to proceed in the same manner with that famous Philosopher and Chymist , Van Helmont ; But him I find more difficult to be understood then any of the forementioned , not onely by reason of the Art of Chymistry , which I confess my self not versed in , but especially , that he has such strange terms and unusual expressions as may puzle any body to apprehend the sense and meaning of them : Wherefore , if you receive not that full satisfaction you expect from me , in examining his opinions and arguments , I beg your pardon before hand , and desire you to remember , that I sent you word in the beginning , I did undertake this work more out of desire to clear my own opinions , then a quarrelsome humor to contradict others ; which if I do but obtain , I have my aim . And so to the business : When as your Author discourses of the causes and beginnings of Natural things , he is pleased to say , That Souls and Lives , as they know no Degrees , so they know no Parts ; which opinion is very different from mine : For although I confess , that there is but one kind of Life , and one kind of Soul in Nature , which is the sensitive Life , and the rational Soul , both consisting not onely of Matter , but of one kind of Matter , to wit , Animate ; nevertheless they are of different degrees , the matter of the rational Soul being more agil , subtil and active , then the matter of the sensitive Life ; which is the reason that the rational can act in its own substance or degree of matter , and make figures in it self , and its own parts ; when as the sensitive , being of somewhat a grosser degree then the rational , and not so subtil and active , is confined to work with and upon the Inanimate matter . But mistake me not , Madam , for I make onely a difference of the degrees of Subtilty , Activity , Agility , Purity , betwixt rational and sensitive Matter ; but as for the rational Matter it self , it has no degrees of Purity , Subtilty and Activity in its own Nature or Parts , but is always one and the same in its substance in all Creatures , and so is the sensitive . You will ask me , How comes then the difference of so many Parts and Creatures in Nature , if there be no degrees of Purity , Activity , and Subtilty in the substance of the rational , and in the substance of the sensitive Matter ? As for example : if there were no such degrees of the Parts of rational Matter amongst themselves , as also of the Parts of the sensitive , there would be no difference betwixt Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , but all Creatures would be alike without distinction , and have the same manner of sense and reason , life and knowledg . I answer , That although each sort or degree of animate Matter , rational as well as sensitive , has in it self or its own substance no degrees of purity , rarity , and subtilty , but is one and the same in its nature or essence ; nevertheless , each has degrees of quantity , or parts , which degrees of quantity do make the onely difference betwixt the several creatures or parts of Nature , as well in their general , as particular kinds ; for both the rational and sensitive matter being corporeal , and so dividable into parts , some creatures do partake more , some less of them , which makes them to have more or less , and so different sense and reason , each according to the nature of its kind : Nay this difference of the degrees of quantity or parts in the substance of the rational and sensitive Matter , makes also the difference betwixt particulars in every sort of Creatures , as for example , between several particular Men : But as I said , the nature or essence of the sensitive and rational Matter is the same in all ; for the difference consists not in the Nature of Matter , but onely in the degrees of quantity , and parts of Matter , and in the various and different actions or motions of this same Matter . And thus Matter being dividable , there are numerous lives and souls in Nature , according to the variousness of her several Parts and Creatures . Next your Author , mentioning the Causes and Principles of natural Bodies , assigns two first or chief beginnings and corporeal causes of every Creature , to wit , the Element of Water , and the Ferment or Leaven ; which Ferment he calls a formal created being ; neither a substance , nor an accident , but a neutral thing . Truly , Madam , my reason is not able to conceive this neutral Being ; for it must either be something or nothing in Nature : and if he makes it any thing betwixt both , it is a strange Monster , and will produce monstrous effects : and as for Water , if he doth make it a Principle of Natural things , I see no reason why he excludes the rest of the Elements : But , in my opinion , Water , and the rest of the Elements , are but effects of Nature , as other Creatures are , and so cannot be prime causes . The like the Ferment , which , to my sense and reason , is nothing else , but a natural effect of natural matter . Concerning his opinion , That Causes and Beginnings are all one , or that there is but little difference betwixt them , I do readily subscribe unto it ; but when he speaks of those things , which are produced without life , my reason cannot find out , what , or where they should be ; for certainly , in Nature they are not , Nature being Life and Soul her self , and all her parts being enlivened and soulified , so that there can be no generation or natural production without Life . Neither is my sense and reason capable to understand his meaning , when he says , That the Seeds of things , and the Spirits , as the Dispensers thereof , are divided from the Material Cause : For I do see no difference betwixt the Seed , and the material Cause , but they are all one thing , it being undeniable , that the seed is the matter of that which is produced . But your Author was pleased to say heretofore , that there are but two beginnings or causes of natural things , and now he makes so many more ; for , says he , Of Efficient and Seminal Causes , some are efficiently effecting , and others effectively effecting : which nice distinctions , in my opinion , do but make a confusion in natural knowledg , setting a mans brain on the rack ; for who is able to conceive all those Chymaeras and Fancies of the Archeus , Ferment , various Ideas , Blas , Gas , and many more , which are neither something nor no-thing in Nature , but betwixt both , except a man have the same Fancies , Visions and Dreams , your Author had ? Nature is easie to be understood , and without any difficulty , so as we stand in no need to frame so many strange names , able to fright any body . Neither do natural bodies know many prime causes and beginnings , but there is but one onely chief and prime cause from which all effects and varieties proceed , which cause is corporeal Nature , or natural self-moving Matter , which forms and produces all natural things ; and all the variety and difference of natural Creatures arises from her various actions , which are the various motions in Nature ; some whereof are Regular , some Irregular : I mean Irregular , as to particular Creatures , not as to Nature her self , for Nature cannot be disturbed or discomposed , or else all would run into confusion ; Wherefore Irregularities do onely concern particular Creatures , not Infinite Nature ; and the Irregularities of some parts may cause the Irregularities of other Parts , as the Regularities of some parts do cause the Regularities of others : And thus according as Regularities and Irregularities have power , they cause either Peace or War , Sickness or Health , Delight and Pleasure , or Grief and Pain , Life or Death , to particular Creatures or parts of Nature ; but all these various actions are but various Effects , and not prime Causes ; which is well to be observed , lest we confound Causes with Effects . And so leaving this discourse for the present , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . II. MADAM , IT is no wonder , your Author has so many odd and strange opinions in Philosophy , since they do not onely proceed from strange Visions , Apparitions , and Dreams , but are built upon so strange grounds and principles as Ideas , Archeus , Gas , Blas , Ferment , and the like , the names of which sound so harsh and terrifying , as they might put any body easily into a fright , like so many Hobgoblins or Immaterial spirits ; but the best is , they can do no great harm , except it be to trouble the brains of them , that love to maintain those opinions ; for though they are thought to be powerful beings , yet being not corporeal substances , I cannot imagine wherein their power should consist ; for Nothing can do nothing . But to mention each apart ; first his Archeus he calls the Spirit of Life ; a vital Gas or Light ; the Balsam preserving from Corruption ; the Vulcan or Smith of Generation ; the stirrer up , and inward director of Generation ; an Air ; a skiey or airy Spirit ; cloathing himself presently with a bodily cloathing , in things soulified , walking through all the dens and retiring places of the seed , and transforming the matter according to the perfect act of its own Image , remaining the president and overseer or inward ruler of his bounds even till death ; the Principle of Life : the Inn of Life , the onely immediate Witness , Executor , and Instrument of Life ; the Prince and Center of Life ; the Ruler of the Stern ; the Keeper of Life , and promoter of Transmutations ; the Porter of the Soul ; a Fountainous being ; a Flint . These , and many more names your Author attributes to his Archeus , but what properly it is , and what its Nature and its peculiar office , I am not able to conceive . In the next place , Gas and Blas are to your Author also true Principles of Natural things ; for Gas a is the Vapour into which Water is dissolved by Cold , but yet it is a far more fine and subtil thing then Vapour ; which he demonstrates by the Art of Chymistry . This Gas in another place he calls b a Wild Spirit , or Breath , unknown hitherto , which can neither be constrained by Vessels , nor reduced into a visible body ; in some things it is nothing but Water ; as for example in Salt , in Fruits , and the like . But Blas c proceeds from the local and alterative motion of the Stars , and is the general beginning of motion , producing heat and cold , and that especially with the changing of the Winds . There is also Blas d in all sublunary things ; witness Amulets or preserving Pomanders , whereby they do constrain objects to obey them ; Which Incorporeal Blas of Government acts without a Corporeal Efflux , even as the Moon makes the Sea to swell ; but the fleshly generation e hath a Blas of its own , and it is twofold , one which existeth by a natural Motion , the other voluntary , which existeth as a mover to it self by an Internal Willing . There is also a Blas of the Heart , which is the fuel of the Vital Spirit , and consequently of its heat . The Ferment f he describes to be A true Principle or Original beginning of things , to wit , a Formal Created being , which is neither a substance , nor an accident , but a Neutral being , framed from the beginning of the World in the places of its own Monarchy , in the manner of Light , Fire , the magnal or sheath of the Air , Forms , &c. that it may prepare , stir up , and go before the Seeds . Lastly , his Ideas are Certain formal seminal Lights , g mutually piercing each other without the adultery of Union ; For , says he , although at first , that , which is imagined , is nothing , but a meer being of reason , yet it doth not remain such ; for truely the Fancy is a sealifying vertue , and in this respect is called Imaginative , because it forms the Images of Likenesses , or Ideas of things conceived , and doth characterize them in its own Vital Spirit , and therefore that Idea is made a spiritual or seminal powerful being , to perform things of great moment . And those Ideas he makes various and numerous ; as Archeal Ideas , Ideas of Diseases , Sealifyiug Ideas , Piercing Ideas , Forreign and strange Ideas , Mad Ideas , Irrational and Incorrigible Ideas , Staggering Ideas , and a hundred others : the like of Gas , Blas , and the rest . Thus , Madam , I have made a rehearsal of your Authors strange , and hitherto unknown , Principles ( as his Confession is ) of Natural things , which , to my sense and reason , are so obscure , intricate and perplex , as is almost impossible exactly to conceive them ; when as Principles ought to be easie , plain , and without any difficulty to be understood ; Wherefore what with his Spirits , meer-beings , non-beings , and neutralbeings , he troubles Nature , and puzles the brains of his Readers so , that , I think , if all men were of his opinion , or did follow the way of his Philosophy , Nature would desire God she might be annihilated : Onely , of all other , she doth not fear his Non-beings , for they are the weakest of all , and can do her the least hurt , as not being able to obstruct real and corporeal actions of Nature ; for Nature is a corporeal substance , and without a substance Motion cannot be , and without Motion opposition cannot be made , nor any action in Nature , whether Prints , Seals , Stamps , Productions , Generations , Thoughts , Conceptions , Imaginations , Passions , Appetites , or the like : and if motions cannot be without substance ; then all Creatures , their properties , faculties , natures ; &c , being made by corporeal motions , cannot be Non-beings , no nor anything else that is in Nature ; for non-beings are not in the number of Natural things , Nature containing nothing within her , but what is substantially , really , and corporeally existent . But your Authors a Ideal Entity , ( whereof he is speaking in another place of his Works , ) which performs all the Works of Nature , seems to me , as if it were the Jack of all Offices , or like the Jack in a Clock , that makes every Wheel move ; for it hath an admirable power to put off and on Corporeality and Incorporeality , and to make it self Something and Nothing as often as it has occasion ; but if this Proteus have such power , it may well be named the Magick of Nature . Your Author saith , it is not the Devil , nor any effect thereof : but certainly , in my opinion , according to its description , and the effects laid to its performance , it must be more then the Devil ; wherefore , in my Reason , I cannot conceive it , neither am I able to understand his Phantastick Activity , Fancy of Forms , the Souls acting by an insensible way , and many more such like expressions . But I conceive that all these can be nothing else but the several motions of the sensitive and rational matter , which is the Active , Ingenious , Distinguishing , Knowing , Wise and Understanding part of Infinite corporeal Nature ; and though Infinite Matter hath Infinite parts in general , yet there is a finiteness in every part considered by it self : not that I think a Part can really subsist single and by it self , but it is onely considered so in the manner of our Conception , by reason of the difference and variousness of natural Creatures : for these being different from each other in their figures , and not all alike , so that we can make a distinction betwixt them ; this difference and distinction causes us to conceive every part of a different figure by it self : but properly and according to the Truth of Nature , there is no part by it self subsisting ; for all parts are to be considered , not onely as parts of the whole , but as parts of other parts , all parts being joyned in Infinite Nature , and tied by an inseparable tie one way or other , although we do not altogether perceive it . But to return to Ideas : I had almost forgot to tell you , Madam , of another kind of Ideas , by your Author named , Bewitching or Inchanting Ideas , b which are for the most part found in Women , against which I cannot but take exception in the behalf of our Sex : For , says he , Women stamp Ideas on themselves , whereby they , no otherwise then Witches driven about with a malignant spirit of despair , are oftentimes governed or snatched away unto those things , which otherwise they would not , and do bewail unto us their own and unvoluntary Madness : These Ideas are hurtful to themselves , and do , as it were , Inchant , Infatuate , and weaken themselves ; for so ( as Plutarch witnesses ) a desire of death by hanging took hold of all the young Maids in the Island Chios . By this it appears , that your Author has never been in Love , or else he would have found , that Men have as well bewitching Ideas as Women , and that they are as hurtful to Men , as to Women . Neither can I be perswaded to believe , that men should not have as well Mad Ideas as Women ; for to mention no other example , some , ( I will not speak of your Author ) their Writings and strange Opinions in Philosophy do sufficiently witness it ; but whence those Ideas do proceed , whether from the Bride-bed of the Soul , or the Splene , your Author doth not declare . As for the young Maids in Chios , I must confess , it is a very strange example ; but I think there have been as many Men that have killed themselves , as Women , if not more : However , I hope , by the Grace of God , the young Maids in this Kingdom are better advised ; for if they should do the like , it would be a sad fate for all young Men. To conclude , Madam , all these rehearsed opinions of your Author , concerning the Grounds or Principles of Natural Philosophy , if you desire my Unfeigned Judgment , I can say no more , but that they shew more Fancy , then Reason and Truth , and so do many others ; and , perhaps , my opinions may be as far from Truth as his , although their Ground is Sense and Reason ; for there is no single Creature in Nature , that is able to know the perfectest Truth : but some opinions , to humane sense and reason , may have more probability then others , and every one thinks his to be most probable , according to his own fancy and imagination , and so I think of mine ; nevertheless , I leave them to the censure of those , that are endued with solid judgment and reason , and know how to discern betwixt things of fancy and reason , and amongst the rest , I submit them to the censure of your Ladiship , whose solid and wise Judgment is the rule of all the actions of , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . III. MADAM , YOur Author relating how he dissents from the False Doctrine , as he terms it , of the Schools , concerning the Elements , and their Mixtures , Qualities , Temperaments , Discords , &c. in order to Diseases , is pleased to say as follows : I have sufficiently demonstrated , that there are not four Elements in Nature , and by consequence , if there are onely three , that four cannot go together , or encounter ; and that the fruits which Antiquity hath believed to be mixt bodies , and those composed from a concurrence of four Elements , are materially of one onely Element ; also that those three Elements are naturally cold ; nor that native heat is any where in things , except from Light , Life , Motion , and an altering Blas : In like manner , that all actual moisture is of Water , but all virtual moisture from the property of the seeds : Likewise , that dryness is by it self in the Air and Earth , but in Fruits by reason of the Seeds and Coagulations ; and that there are not Contraries in Nature . To give you my opinion hereof , first I think it too great a presumption in any man , to feign himself so much above the rest , as to accuse all others of ignorance , and that none but he alone hath the true knowledg of all things as infallible and undeniable , and that so many Learned , Wise and Ingenious Men in so many ages have been blinded with errors ; for certainly , no particular Creature in Nature can have any exact or perfect knowledg of Natural things , and therefore opinions cannot be infallible truths , although they may seem probable ; for how is it possible that a single finite Creature should know the numberless varieties and hidden actions of Nature ? Wherefore your Author cannot say , that he hath demonstrated any thing , which could not be as much contradicted , and perhaps with more reason , then he hath brought proofs and demonstrations : And thus when he speaks of Elements , that there are not four in Nature , and that they cannot go together , or encounter , it may be his opinion ; but others have brought as many reasons to the contrary , and I think with more probability ; so as it is unnecessary to make a tedious discourse thereof , and therefore I 'le refer you to those that have treated of it more learnedly and solidly then I can do . But I perceive your Author is much for Art , and since he can make solid bodies liquid , and liquid bodies solid , he believes that all bodies are composed out of the Element of Water , and that Water therefore is the first Principle of all things ; when as Water , in my opinion , is but an Effect , as all other natural Creatures , and therefore cannot be a cause or principle of them . Concerning the Natural coldness of Water , Air , and Earth , it may be , or not be so , for any thing your Author can truly know ; but to my sense and reason , it seems probable that there are things naturally hot and moist , and hot and dry , as well as cold and moist , and cold and dry : But all these are but several effects produced by the several actions of Natural Matter , which Natural Matter is the onely Principle of all Natural Effects and Creatures whatever ; and this Principle , I am confident your Author can no more prove to be Water , then he can prove that Heat , Light , Life , Motion , and Blas , are not material . Concerning what he saith , That Native Heat is no where in things , except from Light , Life , Motion , and an altering Blas : I believe that motion of life makes not onely heat , but all effects whatsoever ; but this native heat is not produced onely from the motions of Particular lives in particular Creatures , but it is made by the motions of Natures life ; which life , in all probability , is the self-moving Matter , which no doubt , can and doth make Light and Blas without Heat , and Heat without Light or Blas ; Wherefore Light and Blas are not principles of native Heat , no more then native Heat is the principle of Light and Blas . Neither is Water the Principle of Actual moisture , nor the propriety of seeds the Principle of all Virtual moisture ; but self-moving Matter is the Principle of all , and makes both actual and virtual moisture , and there is no question but there are many sorts of moistures . As for Dryness , which he says , is by it self in the Air and Earth , and in Fruits by reason of the Seeds and Coagulations : I cannot conceive how any thing can be by it self in Nature , by reason there is nothing alone and single in Nature , but all are inseparable parts of one body : perchance , he means , it is naturally and essentially inherent in Air and Earth ; but neither can that be in my reason , because all Creatures and Effects of Nature are Intermixt , and there is as much dryness in other Creatures , as in Air and Earth . Lastly , as for his opinion , That there are no Contraries in Nature ; I believe not in the essence or nature of Matter ; but sense and reason inform us , that there are Contraries in Natures actions , which are Corporeal motions , which cause mixtures , qualities , degrees , discords , as also harmonious conjunctions and concords , compositions , divisions , and the like effects whatsoever . But though your Author seems to be an enemy to the mixtures of Elements , yet he makes such a mixture of Divinity , and natural Philosophy , that all his Philosophy is nothing but a meer Hotch-potch , spoiling one with the other . And so I will leave it to those that delight in it , resting , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . IV. MADAM , WAter , according to your Authors opinion , is frozen into Snow , Ice , or Hail , not by Cold , but by its own Gas. But since I am not able to conceive what his Gas is , being a term invented by himself , I will briefly declare my own opinion , which is , That Snow , Ice , and Hail , in my judgment , are made in the like manner , as Passions or Colours are made and raised in Man ; for a sad discourse , or a cruel object will make a Man pale and cold , and a fearful object , will make him tremble ; whereas a wanton and obscene discourse will make some red and hot . But yet these discourses and objects are onely external , occasional , and not immediate efficient causes of such alterations . Also when a Man eats or drinks any thing that is actually hot or cold , or enters into a cold or hot room , bath , or air , he becomes hot or cold by the actions of those external agents that work upon him , or rather whose motions the sensitive motions of his body do pattern out . The like for diseases ; for they may be caused either by hearing ill reports , or by taking either hurtful or superfluous food into the Body , or by Infections inwardly or outwardly , and many other ways . Likewise may Colours be made different ways ; And so may Snow , Ice , and Hail ; for all loose , rare , and porous Bodies are more apt to alter and change then close , solid , and dense bodies ; and not onely to change from what they are , but to rechange to what they were . But , Madam , many studious persons study Nature more in her own substance , then in her various actions , which is the cause they arrive to no knowledg of Natures Works ; for the same parts of Matter may act or work several ways : Like as a Man , or other animal creature , may put one part of his body into various and several postures , and move it many different ways . Your Author may say , that although several Creatures may be changed to our sight or perception , yet they are not really changed in Nature . I answer , Their Principle , which is a natural matter , of which all Creatures are made , cannot be changed , because it is one , simple , and unalterable in its Nature ; but the figures of several Creatures are changed continually by the various motions of this matter ; not from being matter , but onely from such or such a figure into another ; and those figures which do change , in their room are others produced to keep up the certain kinds of Creatures by a continual successive alteration . And as there are changes of parts , so there are also mixtures of several parts , figures and motions in one and the same Matter ; for there are not different kinds in the nature of Matter : But , although Matter is of several degrees , as partly animate and partly inanimate , and the animate Matter is partly rational , and partly sensitive ; Nevertheless , in all those degrees it remains the same onely or meer Matter ; that is , it is nothing else but Matter , and the onely ground in which all changes are made . And therefore I cannot perceive it to be impossible in Nature , as to your Author it seems , That Water should not be transchangeable into Air ; for , that he says , The Air would have increased into a huge bulk , and all Water would have long since failed : It is no consequence , because there is a Mutual transmutation of all figures and parts of Nature , as I declared above ; and when one part is transchanged into another , that part is supplied again by the change of another ; so that there can be no total mutation of kinds or sorts of figures , but onely a mutual change of the particulars . Neither is it of any consequence , when your Author says , That if Water should once beturned into Air , it would always remain Air , because a returning agent is wanting , which may turn Air again into Water . For he might as well say , a Man cannot go or turn backward , being once gone forward . And although he brings a General Rule , That every thing , as much as in it lies , doth desire to remain in it self ; Yet it is impossible to be done , by reason there is no rest in Nature , she being in a perpetual motion , either working to the consistance of a figure , or to the uniting of several parts , or to the dissolving or dividing of several parts , or any other ways . By dissolving , I do not mean annihilating , but such a dissolving of parts as is proper for the altering of such a figure into one or many other figures . But rather then your Author will consent to the transchanging of Water into Air , he will feign several grounds , soils or pavements in the Air , which he calls Peroledes , and so many Flood-gates and Folding-dores , and make the Planets their Key-keepers ; which are pretty Fancies , but not able to prove any thing in Natural Philosophy . And so leaving them to their Author , I rest , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . V. MADAM , I Cannot in reason give my consent to your Authors opinion , That Fishes do by the force or vertue of an inbred Seed transchange simple water into fat , bones , and their own flesh , and that materially they are nothing but water transchanged , and that they return into water by art . For though my opinion is , that bodies change and alter from one figure into another , yet they do not all change into water , neither is water changed into all other figures ; and certainly Fishes do not live nor subsist meerly by Water , but by several other meats , as other animals do ; either by feeding upon other Fishes , the stronger devouring the weaker , or upon Mud , and Grass , and Weeds , in the bottom of Seas , Rivers and Ponds , and the like : As for example , put Fish into a Pool or Sluce , wherein there is not any thing but clear , pure water , and in a short time they will be starved to death for want of Food ; and as they cannot live onely by water , so neither can they breed by the power of water , but by the power of their food , as a more solid substance : And if all Creatures be nourished by those things whereof they consist , then Fishes do not consist of water , being not nourished by water ; for it is not the transchanging of water , by which Fishes live , and by which they produce ; but it is the transchange of food , proceeding from other Creatures , as I mentioned above ? T is true , Water is a proper element for them to live in , but not to live on ; and though I have neither learning , nor experience in Chymistry , yet I believe , that your Author , with all the subtilest Art he had , could not turn or convert all Creatures into pure and simple water , but there would have been dregs and several mixtures left : I will not say , that the Furnace may not rarifie bodies extreamly , but not convert them into such a substance or form as Nature can . And although he thinks Gold is made of Water , yet I do not believe he could convert it into Water by the help of Fire ; he might make it soluble , fluid and rare , but all things that are supple , soluble , flowing and liquid , are not Water ; I am confident no Gas or Blas will , or can transform it , nor no Art whatsoever ; what Nature may do , I know not . But since your Authors opinion is , that Air is also a Primigenial Element , and in its nature a substance , Why doth he not make it a Principle of natural bodies , as well as Water ? I think it had not been so improper to liken Juices to Water ; but to make the onely Principle of the composition and dissolution of all Creatures to be Water , seems to me very improbable . Neither can I admit in reason that the Elements should be called , first , pure , and simple beings ; we might as well call all other creatures , first , pure , and simple beings : for although the word Element sounds as much as Principle , yet they are in my reason no more Principles of Nature , then other Creatures are , there being but one Principle in Nature , out of which all things are composed , viz. the onely matter , which is a pure and simple corporeal substance ; and what Man names impure dregs and filths , these are onely irregular and cross motions of that matter , in respect to the nature of such or such a figure ; or such motions as are not agreeable and sympathetical to our Passions , Humors , Appetites , and the like . Concerning the Contrarieties , Differences and Wars in Nature , which your Author denies , I have spoken thereof already , and though he endeavours in a long discourse to prove , that there is no War in nature ; yet , in my opinion , it is to little purpose , and it makes but a war in the thoughts of the Reader ; I know not what it did in his own . But I observe he appeals often to Divinity to bear him up in Natural Philosophy ; but how the Church doth approve his Interpretations of the Scripture , I know not : Wherefore I will not meddle with them , lest I offend the Truth of the Divine Scripture , wherein I desire to submit to the Judgment of the Church , which is much wiser then I , or any single Person can be . However , for all what your Author says , I do nevertheless verily believe , there is a war between Natural motions : For example ; between the Regular motions of Health , and the Irregular motions of Sickness ; and that things applied do oftentimes give assistance to one side or other , but many times in the conflict , the applied remedies are destroyed , and sometimes they are forced to be Neutrals : Wherefore though the nature of Infinite Matter is simple , and knows of no discord , yet her actions may be cross and opposite : the truth is , Nature could never make such variety , did her actions never oppose each other , but live in a constant Peace and Unity . And thus leaving them to agree , I am confident your Ladiship and I shall never disagree ; for as long as my life doth last , I shall always prove , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . VI. MADAM , YOur Author condemns the Schools for saying , That Air is moist , or that it may be converted into Water by pressing it together ; bringing an example of an Iron Pipe , wherein Air has been pressed together , which afterwards in its driving out has , like a Hand-gun discharged with Gun-powder , sent a bullet thorow a board or plank . Truly , Madam , concerning the moisture of Air , I am against it , but the transchanging of Air into Water I do verily believe , viz. that some sorts of Air may be contracted or condensed into Water , and that Water again may be dilated into Air , but not readily , commonly and easily by Art , but onely by Nature . Wherefore your Authors Experiment can serve for no proof ; for an artificial trial cannot be an infallible natural demonstration , the actions of Art , and the actions of Nature being for the most part very different , especially in productions and transmutations of natural things : Neither can an alteration of parts , cause an utter destruction of the whole , because when some parts change from their figures , other parts of matter change again into the like figures , by which successive change the continuation of the whole is kept up . Next your Author reproves the Schools for maintaining the opinion , that Air is hot ; for says he , Water , Air , and Earth , are cold by Creation , because without Light , Heat , and the partaking of Life . He might , in my opinion , conclude , as well , that Man is cold by Creation , because a Chameleon , or a Fish is cold , being all of animal kind : But why may not some sorts of Air , Water and Earth be hot , and some be cold , as well as some sorts of Light are hot , and some cold ; and so several other Creatures ? His Reasons prove nothing : for Light doth not make Heat , nor is it the principle of Heat ; and it is no consequence to say , all that is without Light is without Heat , there being many things without Light , which nevertheless are Hot ; But to say , Water , Air , and Earth are cold , because they are without heat , is no proof , but a meer begging of the principle ; for it is but the same thing , as if I should say , this is no Stone , because it is no Glass . And that Water , Air and Earth , do not partake of Life , must be proved first , for that is not granted as yet , there being , according to my opinion , not one Creature that wants Life in all Nature . Again : your Author is of opinion , That Water is the first and chief Principle of all Natural things . But this I can no more believe , then that Water should never change or degenerate from its essence : nay , if your Author means , there shall always be Water in Nature , it is another thing ; but if he thinks that not any part of water doth or can change or degenerate in its nature , and is the principle and chief producer of all other Creatures ; then he makes Water rather a Creator then a Creature ; and it seems , that those Gentiles which did worship Water , were of the same opinion , whereas yet he condemns all Pagan opinions , and all those that follow them . Moreover , I cannot subscribe to his opinion , That Gas and Blas from the Stars do make heat : For heat is made several ways , according to its several sorts ; sor there is a dry heat , and a moist heat , a burning , melting , and evaporating heat , and many more . But as for Meteors , that they are made by Gas and Blas , I can say nothing , by reason I am not skilled in Astrology , and the science of the Heavens , Stars , and Planets ; wherefore if I did offer to meddle with them , I should rather express my Ignorance , then give your Ladiship any solid reasons ; and so I am willing to leave this speculation to others , resting content with that knowledg Nature hath given me without the help of Learning : Which I wholly dedicate and offer to your Ladiship , as becomes , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VII . MADAM , HAving made mention in my last of your Authors opinion , That Air is in its nature Cold , I thought it fit to take a stricter view of the temper of Air , and to send you withal my own opinion thereof . First of all , I would fain know , what sort of Air your Author means ; for if he thinks there is but one sort of Air , he might as well say , that there is but one sort of Animals , or Vegetables ; whereas yet there are not onely different sorts of animal and vegetable kind , but also different particulars in one and the same sort : As for example ; what difference is not amongst Horses , as between a Barb , a Turk , a Ginnet , a Courser of Naples , a Flanders-horse , a Galloway , an English-horse , and so forth ? not onely in their shapes , but also in their natures , tempers and dispositions ? The like for Cows , Oxen , Sheep , Goats , Dogs , as also for Fowl and Fish , nay , for Men. And as for Vegetables , What difference is there not between Barly and Wheat , and between French-barly , Pine-barly , and ordinary Barly ; as also our English-wheat , Spanish-wheat , Turkish-wheat , Indian-wheat , and the like ? What difference is there not amongst Grapes , as the Malago , Muscadel , and other Grapes , and so of all the rest of Vegetables ? The same may be said of the Elements ; for there is as much difference amongst the Elements as amongst other Creatures . And so of Air : for Air in some places , as in the Indies , especially about Brasilia , is very much different from our air , or from the air that is in other places : Indeed , in every different Climate , you shall find a difference of air , wherefore 't is impossible to assign a certain temper of heat or cold to air in general . But although my sense and reason inform me , that air in its own nature or essence is neither hot nor cold , yet it may become hot or cold , by hot or cold motions ; for the sensitive perceptive motions of Air may pattern out heat or cold ; and hence it is , that in Summer , when as heat predominates , the air is hot ; and in Winter , when as cold predominates , the air is cold . But , perhaps , you will say , air may be cooled by moving it with a Fan , or such like thing which can make wind ; wherefore it follows , that air must needs be naturally cold . I answer , That doth not prove Air to be in its nature cold : for this moving or making of wind may contract or condense the air into cold motions , which may cause a cold wind , like as Ventiducts , where the air running thorow narrow Pipes makes a cold wind . The same may be done with a mans breath ; for if he contract his lips close , his breath will be cold , but if he opens his mouth wide , his breath will be warm . Again : you may say , that rain is congealed by the coldness of the air into Snow , Hail and Ice . I answer ; Frost , Ice , Snow and Hail , do not proceed from the coldness of the air , but rather the coldness of the air proceeds from them ; for Ice , Snow , and Hail , proceed from cold contraction and condensation of a vaporous or watery substance ; and as Frost and Snow cause air to be cold , so Thunder and Lightning cause it to be hot , so long as they last . Thus , Madam , though Air may be altered either to heat or cold , yet it is neither hot nor cold in it self . And this is all for the present that I can say concerning the Temper of Air ; I conclude , and rest , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . VIII . MADAM , HAving hitherto considered your Authors Elements or Principles of Natural things , you will give me leave to present you now with a short view of his Opinions concerning Wind , Vacuum , Rainbows , Thunder , Lightning , Earth-quakes , and the like ; which I will do as briefly as I can , lest I betray my Ignorance ; for I confess my self not to be well versed in the knowledg of Meteors , nor in those things which properly belong to the Mathematicks , as in Astrology , Geography , Opticks , and the like . But your Author says , in the first place , That Natural Wind is nothing but a flowing Air , moved by the Blas of the Stars . Certainly , Madam , if this were so , then , in my judgment , when the Stars blaze , we should have constant Winds , and the more they blaze , the more violent winds there would be : But I have rather observed the contrary , that when the Stars blaze most apparently , we have the calmest weather either in Summer or Winter . Perchance your Author will say , he doth not mean this apparant and visible Blas , but another invisible Blas . I answer ; I know not , nor cannot conceive any other Blas in the Stars , except I had seen it in a Vision ; neither do I think that Nature her self knows of any other , But your Author doth refer himself upon the Authority of Hypocrates , who says , That not onely the Wind is a blast , but that all Diseases are from blasts ; and that there is in us a Spirit stirring up all things by its Blas ; which Spirit , by a Microcosmical Analogy , or the proportion of a little World , he compares to the blasts of the world . As for my particular , Madam , I dare say , I could never perceive , by my sense and reason , any such blazing Spirit in me ; but I have found by experience , that when my mind and thoughts have been benighted with Melancholy , my Imagination hath been more active and subtil , then when my mind has been clear from dark Melancholy : Also I find that my thoughts and conceptions are as active , if not more , in the night then in the day ; and though we may sometimes dream of several Lights , yet I cannot perceive a constant light in us ; however Light , Blazes , and all those effects are no more then other effects of Nature are ; nor can they have more power on other Creatures , then other Creatures have on them : Neither are they made otherwise then by the corporeal motions of Natural Matter , and are dissolved and transchanged as other Creatures , out of one form or figure into another . Next your Author discoursing a whether there be any Vacuum in Nature , doth incline to the affirming party , that there is a Vacuum in the Air ; to wit , There is in the air something , that is less then a body , which fills up the emptinesses or little holes and pores in the air , and which is wholly annihilated by fire ; It is actually void of all matter , and is a middle thing between a body and an Incorporeal Spirit , and almost nothing in respect of bodies ; for it came from Nothing , and so may easily be reduced to nothing . All this , Madam , surpasses my capacity ; for I can in no ways conceive any thing between something and nothing , as to be less then something , and more then nothing ; for all that is corporeal in Nature , is to my reason something ; that is , some really existent thing ; but what is incorporeal in Nature , is nothing ; and if there be any absolute vacuum in Nature , as your Author endeavours to prove , then certainly this Vacuum cannot be any thing whatsoever ; for a Vacuum is a pure Nothing . But many ingenious and learned men have brought as many arguments and reasons against Vacuum , as others bring for it , and so it is a thing which I leave to them to exercise their brains withal . The like is the opinion which many maintain concerning Place , viz. that there is a constant succession of Place and Parts , so that when one part removes , another doth succeed in its place ; the truth and manner whereof I was never able to comprehend : for , in my opinion , there can be no place without body , nor no body without place , body and place being all but one thing . But as for the perpetual Creation and annihilation of your Authors Vacuities , give me leave to tell you , Madam , that it would be a more laborious work , then to make a new World , or then it was to make this present World ; for God made this World in six days , and rested the seventh day ; but this is a perpetual making of something out of nothing . Again : concerning Rainbows , your Author says , a That a Rainbow is not a natural effect of a natural Cause , but a divine Mystery in its original ; and that it has no matter , but yet is in a place , and has its colours immediately in a place , but in the air mediately , and that it is of the nature of Light. This is indeed a great mystery to my reason ; for I cannot conceive , as I said before , a place without a body , nor how Light and Colours can be bodiless : But as for Rainbows , I have observed , when as water hath been blown up into the air into bubles , that by the reflexion of light on the watery bubles , they have had the like colours of the Rainbow ; and I have heard , that there hath been often seen at the rising and setting of the Sun , Clouds of divers colours ; Wherefore I cannot be perswaded to believe that a Rainbow should not have a natural cause , and consequently be a natural effect ; For that God has made it a sign of the Covenant between him and mortal men , is no proof , that it is not a natural effect ; Neither can I believe that it has not been before the Flood , and before it was made a sign by God , as your Author imagines ; for though it was no sign before the Flood , yet it may nevertheless have had its being and existence before the Flood . Moreover , as for Thunder and Lightning , your Authors opinion is ; That although they may have concurring natural Causes , yet the mover of them is an Incorporeal Spirit , which is the Devil ; who having obtained the Principality of this world , that he may be a certain executer of the Judgments of the chief Monarch , and so the Umpire and Commissioner of Lightning and Thunder , stirs up a monstrous and sudden Blas in the Air , yet under Covenanted Conditions ; for unless his power were bridled by divine Goodness , he would shake the Earth with one stroke so , as to destroy all mortal men : and thus the cracking noise or voice of Thunder is nothing but a spiritual Blas of the Evil Spirit . I will not deny , Madam , that Thunder and Lightning do argue the Power of the most Glorious God , for so do all the rest of the Creatures ; but that this is the onely and immediate cause , which your Author assigns of Thunder and Lightning , I cannot believe ; for surely , in my opinion , Thunder and Lightning are as much natural effects as other Creatures in Nature ; and are not the Devils Blas , for I think they may be made without the help of the Devil ; nay , I believe , he may be as much affraid of Thunder , as those Creatures that live on Earth . But what the causes are , and how Thunder and Lightning are made , I have elsewhere declared more at large , especially in my Philosophical Opinions . Again your Author speaking a of the Trembling of the Earth , thinks it is nothing else but the Judgment of God for the sins of Impenitent men . For my part , Madam , I can say little to it , either concerning the divine , or the natural cause of Earthquakes : As for the divine and supernatural Cause , which your Author gives , if it was so , then I wonder much , why God should command Earth-quakes in some parts of the World more frequent then in others . As for example ; we here in these parts have very seldom Earthquakes , and those we have , which is hardly one in many ages , are not so furious , as to do much harm ; and so in many other places of the World , are as few and as gentle Earth-quakes as here ; when as in others , Earth-quakes are very frequent and dreadful : From whence it must needs follow , if Earth-quakes be onely a Judgment from God for the sins of Impenitent Men , and not a natural effect , that then those places , where the Earth is not so apt to tremble , are the habitations of the blessed , and that they , which inhabit those parts that are apt to tremble , are the accursed ; when as yet , in those places where Earthquakes are not usual and frequent , or none at all , People are as wicked and impious , if not more , then in those where Earthquakes are common . But the questions is , Whether those parts which suffer frequent and terrible Earthquakes , would not be so shaken or have such trembling fits , were they uninhabited by Man , or any other animal Creature ? Certainly , in my opinion , they would . But as for the Natural Cause of Earthquakes , you must pardon me , Madam , that I cannot knowingly discourse thereof , by reason I am not so well skilled in Geography , as to know the several Soils , Climats , Parts , Regions , or Countries , nor what disposed matter may be within those parts that are subject to frequent Earthquakes : Onely this I may say , that I have observed , that the light of a small Fire or Candle , will dilate it self round about ; or rather that the air round about the Fire or Candle , will pattern out both its light and its heat . Also I have observed , That a Man in a raging fit of Madness will have such an unsual strength , as ten strong men shall hardly be able to encounter or bind him , when as , this violent fit being past , a single man , nay a youth , may over-master him : Whence I conclude , that the actions , as the motions of Nature , are very powerful when they use their force , and that the ordinary actions of Nature are not so forcible as necessary ; but the extraordinary are more forcible then necessary . Lastly , your Author a takes great pains to prove , That the Sun with his light rules the Day , and the Moon with hers the Night ; and that the Moon has her own Native light ; and that Bats , Mice , Dormice , Owles , and many others , as also Men , which rise at night , and walk in their sleep , see by the light and power of the Moon ; also that Plants are more plentifully nourished by the night . But lest it might be concluded , that all this is said without any probability of Truth , by reason the Moon doth not every night shine upon the Earth , he makes a difference between the Manner of the Sun 's and Moon 's enlightning the Earth ; to wit , that the Sun strikes his beams in a right line towards the Earth , but the Moon doth not respect the Centre of the World , which is the Earth , in a right line ; but her Centre is always excentrical , and she respects the Earth onely by accident , when she is concentrical with the World ; And therefore he thinks there is another light under the Earth even at Midnight , whereby many Eyes do see , which owes also its rise to the Moon . This opinion of your Author I leave to be examined by those that have skill in Astronomy , and know both the Light and the Course of the Moon : I will onely say thus much , that when the Moon is concentrical , as he calls it , with the World , as when it is Full and New Moon , she doth not shine onely at night , but also in the day , and therefore she may rule the day as well as the night , and then there will be two lights for the ruling of the day , or at least there will be a strife betwixt the Sun and the Moon , which shall rule . But as for Men walking asleep by the light of the Moon , my opinion is , That blind men may walk as well by the light of the Sun , as sleeping men by the light of the Moon . Neither is it probable , that the Moon or her Blas doth nourish Plants ; for in a cold Moon-shiny night they will often die ; but it is rather the Regular motions in well tempered matter that cause fruitful productions and maturity . And so I repose my Pen , lest it trespass too much upon your Patience , resting , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . IX . MADAM , IN my former , when I related your Authors opinion , concerning Earthquakes , I forgot to tell you , that he counts the the Doctrine of the Schools absurd , when they say that Air , or any Exhalation , is the cause of them : For , says he , There is no place in the Pavements or soils of the Earth , wherein any airy body may be entertained , whether that body be a wind , or an airy exhalation . But since I promised I would not offer to appoint or assign any natural causes of Earthquakes , I have only taken occasion hence to enquire , whether it may not be probably affirmed , that there is air in the bowels of the Earth : And to my reason it seems very probable ; I mean not this Exterior air , flowing about the circumference of the Earth we inhabite ; but such an airy matter as is pure , refined , and subtil , there being great difference in the Elements , as well as in all other sorts of Creatures ; for what difference is there not between the natural heat of an animal , and the natural heat of the Sun ? and what difference is there not between the natural moisture of an Animal , and the natural moisture of Water ? And so for the Purity of Air , Dryness of Earth , and the like : Nay , there is great difference also in the production of those Effects : As for example ; the heat of the Earth is not produced from the Sun , nor the natural heat in Animals , nor the natural heat in Vegetables ; for if it were so , then all Creatures in one Region or place of the Earth would be of one temper . As for example : Poppy , Night-shade , Lettuce , Thyme , Sage , Parsly , &c. would be all of one temper and degree , growing all in one Garden , and upon one patch of Ground , whereon the Sun equally casts his beams , when as yet they are all different in their natural tempers and degrees . And so certainly there is Air , Fire , and Water , in the bowels of the Earth , which were never made by the Sun , the Sea , and this Exterior elemental Air. Wherefore those , in my opinion , are in gross Errors , who imagine that these Interior Effects in the Earth are produced from the mentioned Exterior Elements , or from some other forreign and external Causes ; for an external cause can onely produce an external effect , or be an occasion to the production of such or such an effect , but not be the immediate efficient or essential cause of an interior natural effect in another Creature , unless the Interior natures of different Creatures have such an active power and influence upon each other , as to work interiously at a distance , such effects as are proper and essential to their Natures , which is improbable ; for though their natures and dispositions may mutually agree and sympathize , yet their powers cannot work upon their Interior Natures so , as to produce internal natural effects and proprieties in them . The truth is , it cannot be ; for as the Cause is , so is the Effect ; and if the Cause be an exterior Cause , the Effect must prove so too : As for example ; the heat of the Sun , and the heat of the Earth , although they may both agree , yet one is not the cause of the other ; for the Suns heat cannot pierce into the bowels of the Earth , neither can the heat of the Earth ascend so far as to the Center of the Sun : As for the heat of the Earth , it is certain enough , and needs no proof ; but as for the heat of the Sun , our senses will sufficiently inform us , that although his beams are shot forth in direct lines upon the face of the Earth , yet they have not so much force , as to pierce into a low Celler or Vault ; Wherefore it is not probable , that the Earth hath its natural heat from the Sun , and so neither its dryness from the Air , nor its moisture from the Sea , but these interior effects in the Earth proceed from some other interior causes . And thus there may be great difference between the heat , cold , moisture , and drought which is in the Elements , and between those which are in Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals , not onely in their General kinds , but also in their Particulars : And not onely a difference in the aforesaid qualities of heat , cold , moisture , and drought , but also in all other motions , as Dilations , Contractions , Rarefactions , Densations , &c. nay , in their Mixtures and Temperaments : As for example ; the temper of a Mineral is not the temper of an Animal , or of a Vegetable , neither is the temper of these the temper of the exterior Elements , no more then the temper of the Elements is the temper of them ; for every Creature has a temper natural and peculiar to it self , nay , every particular Creature , has not onely different tempers , compositions , or mixtures , but also different productions ; or else , if there were no difference in their productions ; every Creature would be alike , when as yet there are seldom two that do exactly resemble each other . But I desire you to understand me well , Madam , when I speak of Particular heats , colds , droughts , and moistures ; for I do not believe that all Creatures are made out of the four Elements , no more , then that the Elements are produced from other Creatures , for the Matter of all Creatures is but one and the same ; but although the Matter is the same , nevertheless , the Tempers , Compositions , Productions , Motions , &c. of particular Creatures , may be different , which is the cause of their different exterior figures , or shapes , as also of their different Interiour Natures , Qualities , Properties , and the like . And so , to conclude , there is no impossibility or absurdity in affirming , that there may be Air , Fire , and Water , in the bowels of the Earth proper for those Creatures , which are in her , although not such an Elemental Air , Fire and Water , as is subject here to our senses ; but another kind of Air , Fire and Water , different from those . But this being a subject for Learned and Ingenious men to work and contemplate upon , better , perhaps , then I can do , I will leave it to them , and so remain , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . X. MADAM , YOur Author mentioning in his Works , several Seeds of several Creatures , makes me express my opinion thus in short concerning this Subject : Several Seeds seem to me no otherwise then several Humours , or several Elements , or several other Creatures made of one and the same Matter , that produce one thing out of another , and the barrenness of seeds proceeds either from the irregularity of their natural motions , or from their unaptness or unactivity of producing . But it is to be observed , Madam , that not every thing doth produce always its like , but one and the same thing , or one and the same Creature , hath many various and different productions ; for sometimes Vegetables do produce Animals , Animals produce Minerals , Minerals produce Elements , and Elements again Minerals , and so forth : for proof I will bring but a mean and common example . Do not Animals produce Stones , some in one , and some in another part of their bodies , as some in the Heart , some in the Stomack , some in the Head , some in the Gall , some in the Kidnies , and some in the Bladder ? I do not say , that this Generation of Stone is made the same way as the natural generation of Animals , as , for example , Man is born of his Parents ; but I speak of the generation or production of Creatures in general , for otherwise all Creatures would be alike , if all generations were after one and the same manner and way . Likewise do not Fruits , Roots , Flowers and Herbs , produce Worms ? And do not Stones produce Fire ? witness the Flint . And doth not Earth produce Metal ? 'T is true , some talk of the seed of Metals , but who with all his diligent observations could find it out as yet ? Wherefore it is , in my opinion , not probable , that Minerals are produced by way of seeds . Neither can I perceive that any of the Elements is produced by seed , unless Fire , which seems , to my sense and reason , to encrease numerously by its seed , but not any other of the Elements . And thus productions are almost as various as Creatures , or rather parts of Creatures , are ; for we see how many productions there are in one animal body , as the production of flesh , bones , marrow , brains , gristles , veines , sinews , blood , and the like , and all this comes from Food , and Food from some other Creatures , but all have their original from the onely matter , and the various motions of Nature . And thus , in my opinion , all things are made easily , and not by such constrained ways as your Author describes , by Gas , Blas , Ideas , and the like ; for I am confident , Nature has more various ways of producing natural things then any Creature is able to conceive . I 'le give another example of Vegetables , I pray you but to consider , Madam , how many several ways Vegetables are produced , as some by seeds , some by slips , some by grafts , &c. The graft infuses and commixes with the whole stock and the branches , and these do the like with the graft : As for example ; an Apple grafted in Colewort produces Apples ; but those Apples will have a taste and sent of the Colewort , which shews that several parts of several Creatures mix , joyn , and act together ; and as for seeds , they are transchanged wholly , and every part thereof into the produced fruit , and every part of the seed makes a several production by the help of the co-working parts of the Earth , which is the reason that so many seeds are produced from one single seed ; But Producers , that waste not themselves in productions , do not produce so numerously as those that do dissolve ; yet all Creatures increase more or less , according to their supplies or assistances ; for seeds will encrease and multiply more in manured and sertile then in barren grounds ; nay , if the ground be very barren , no production at all will be ; which shews , that productions come not barely from the seed , but require of necessity some assistance , and therefore neither Archeus , nor seminal Ideas , nor Gas , nor Blas , would do any good in Vegetables , if the ground did not assist them in their generations or productions , no more then a house would be built without the assistance of labourers or workmen ; for let the materials lie never so long , surely they will never joyn together of themselves to the artificial structure of an house . Wherefore since there is so much variety in the production of one kind of Creatures , nay of every particular in every kind , what needs Man to trouble his brain for the manner and way to describe circumstantially every particular production of every Creature by seminal or printing Ideas , or any other far-fetched termes , since it is impossible to be done ? And as for those Creatures whose producers are of two different sorts , as a Mule bred of an Asse and a Horse , and another Creature bred of a Cony and a Dormouse ; all which your Author thinks a do take more after their mother then their father , more after the breeder then the begetter ; I will not eagerly affirm the contrary , although it seems to me more probable : But this I can say , that I have observed by experience , that Faunes and Foales have taken more after the Male then after the Female ; for amongst many several colour'd Deer , I have seen but one milk white Doe ; and she never brought forth a white Faun , when as I have seen a white Buck beget white and speckled Faunes of black and several coloured Does . Also in Foals I have observed , that they have taken more after the Male then after the Female , both in shape and colour . And thus I express no more , but what I have observed my self ; others may find out more examples ; these are sufficient for me ; so I leave them , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XI . MADAM , YOu will cease to wonder , that I am not altogether capable to understand your Authors opinions in Natural Philosophy , when you do but consider , that his expressions are for the most part so obscure , mystical and intricate , as may puzzle any brain that has not the like Genius , or the same Conceptions with your Author ; wherefore I am forced oftentimes to express my ignorance rather , then to declare to you the true sense of his opinions . In the number of these is his discourse of a Middle Life a , viz. That the qualities of a middle life do remain in things that are transchanged : For I cannot understand what he means by a middle life ; whether it be a life that is between the strongest and weakest , or whether he means a life between the time of production and dissolution , or between the time of conception and production ; or whether he means a life that is between two sorts of substances , as more then an Animal , and not so high and excellent as an Angel ; or whether he means a middle life for places , as neither in Heaven nor in Hell , but in Purgatory , or neither in , nor out of the world , or any other kind of life : Wherefore I 'le leave this Hermaphroditical or neutral life to better understandings then mine . Likewise I must confess my disability of conceiving the overshadowing of his Archeus , and how it brings this middle life into its first life . For concerning Generation , I know of none that is performed by overshadowing , except it be the miraculous conception of the blessed Virgin , as Holy Writ informs us ; and I hope your Author will not compare his Archeus to the Holy Spirit ; But how a middle life may be brought again into the first life , is altogether unconceivable to me : And so is that , when he says , that the first life of the Fruit is the last of the seed ; for I cannot imagine , that the seed dies in the fruit ; but , in my opinion , it lives rather in the fruit , and is numerously increased , as appears by the production of seed from the fruit . But the most difficult of all to be understood , are his Ideas , which he makes certain seminal Images , Formal Lights , and operative means , whereby the soul moves and governs the body ; whose number and variety is so great , as it transcends my capacity , there being Ideas of Inclination , of Affection , of Consideration or Judgment , of Passion , and these either mild , or violent , besides a great number of Archeal and forreign Ideas . Truly , Madam , I cannot admire enough the powerful effects of these Ideas , they themselves being no substances or material Creatures ; For how that can pierce , seal , and print a figure , which hath neither substance nor matter , my reason is not able to comprehend , since there can be no figure without matter or substance , they being inseparably united together , so , that where figure is , there is also substance , and where substance is , there is also figure ; neither can any figure be made without a substance . You may say , Ideas , though they are not material or corporeal beings themselves , yet they may put on figures , and take bodies when they please : I answer , That then they can do more then Immaterial Spirits ; for the Learned say , That Immaterial Spirits are Immaterial substances ; but your Author says , that Ideas are no substances ; and I think it would be easier for a substance to take a body , then for that which is no substance : But your Author might have placed his Ideas as well amongst the number of Immaterial Spirits , to wit , amongst Angels and Devils , and then we should not have need to seek far for the causes of the different natures and dispositions of Mankind , but we might say , that Ill-natured men proceeded from Evil , and Good-natured men from Good Spirits or Ideas . However , Madam , I do not deny Ideas , Images , or Conceptions of things , but I deny them onely to be such powerful beings and Principal efficient Causes of Natural effects ; especially they being to your Author neither bodies nor substances themselves . And as for the Figure of a Cherry , which your Author makes so frequent a repetition of , made by a longing Woman on her Child ; I dare say that there have been millions of Women , which have longed for some or other thing , and have not been satisfied with their desires , and yet their Children have never had on their bodies the prints or marks of those things they longed for : but because some such figures are sometimes made by the irregular motions of animate Matter , would this be a sufficient proof , that all Conceptions , Ideas and Images have the like effects , after the same manner , by piercing or penetrating each other , and sealing or printing such or such a figure upon the body of the Child ? Lastly , I cannot but smile when I read that your Author makes a Disease proceed from a non-being to a substantial being : Which if so , then a disease , according to his opinion , is made as the World was , that is , out of Nothing ; but surely luxurious persons find it otherwise , who eat and drink more then their natural digestive motions can dispose ; for those that have infirm bodies , caused by the irregular motions of animate matter , find that a disease proceeds from more then a non-being . But , Madam , I have neither such an Archeus , which can produce , in my mind , an Idea of Consent or approbation of these your Authors opinions , nor such a light that is able to produce a beam of Patience to tarry any longer upon the examination of them ; Wherefore I beg your leave to cut off my discourse here , and onely to subscriibe my self , as really I am , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XII . MADAM , I Cannot well apprehend your Authors meaning , when he says , a That Nature doth rise from its fall ; for if he understands Nature in general , I cannot imagine how she should fall and rise ; for though Man did fall , yet Nature never did , nor cannot fall , being Infinite : And therefore in another place , b when he saith , that Nature first being a beautiful Virgin , was defiled by sin ; not by her own , but by Mans sin , for whose use she was created ; I think it too great a presumption and arrogancy to say that Infinite Nature was not onely defiled by the sin of Man , but also to make Man the chief over all Nature , and to believe Nature was onely made for his sake ; when as he is but a small finite part of Infinite Nature , and almost Nothing in comparison to it . But I suppose your Author doth not understand Nature in general , but onely the nature of some Particulars , when he speaks of the fall and rise of Nature ; however , this fall and rise of the nature of Particulars , is nothing but a change of their natural motions . And so likewise , I suppose , he understands the nature of Particulars , when he says in another place , c That Nature in diseases is standing , sitting , and lying ; for surely Nature in general has more several postures then sitting , standing , or lying : As also when he speaks d of the Vertues and Properties that stick fast in the bosom of Nature , which I conceive to be a Metaphorical expression ; although I think it best to avoid Metaphorical , similizing , and improper expressions in Natural Philosophy , as much as one can ; for they do rather obscure then explain the truth of Nature ; nay , your Author himself is of this opinion e , and yet he doth nothing more frequent then bring in Metaphors and similitudes . But to speak properly , there is not any thing that sticks fast in the bosom of Nature , for Nature is in a perpetual motion : Neither can she be heightened or diminished by Art ; for Nature will be Nature in despite of her Hand-maid . And as for your Authors opinion , That there are no Contraries in Nature , I am quite of a contrary mind , viz. that there is a Perpetual war and discord amongst the parts of Nature , although not in the nature and substance of Infinite Matter , which is of a simple kind , and knows no contraries in it self , but lives in Peace , when as the several actions are opposing and crossing each other ; and truly , I do not believe , that there is any part or Creature ofNature , that hath not met with opposers , let it be never so small or great . But as War is made by the division of Natures parts , and variety of natural actions , so Peace is caused by the unity and simplicity of the nature and essence of onely Matter , which Nature is peaceable , being always one and the same , and having nothing in it self to be crossed or opposed by ; when as the actions of Nature , or natural Matter , are continually striving against each other , as being various and different . Again your Author says , That a Specifical being cannot be altered but by Fire , and that Fire is the Death of other Creatures : also that Alchymy , as it brings many things to a degree of greater efficacy , and stirs up a new being , so on the other hand again , it by a privy filching doth enfeeble many things . I , for my part , wonder , that Fire , being as your Author says , no substantial body , but substanceless in its nature , should work such effects ; but however , I believe there are many alterations without Fire , and many things which cannot be altered by Fire . What your Authors meaning is of a new being , I know not ; for , to my reason , there neither is , nor can be made any new being in Nature , except we do call the change of motions and figures a new Creation ; but then an old suit turned or dressed up may be called new too . Neither can I conceive his Filching or Stealing : For Nature has or keeps nothing within her self , but what is her own ; and surely she cannot steal from her self ; nor can Art steal from Nature ; she may trouble Nature , or rather make variety in Nature , but not take any thing from her , for Art is the insnarled motions of Nature : But your Author , being a Chymist , is much for the Art of Fire , although it is impossible for Art to work as Nature doth ; for Art makes of natural Creatures artificial Monsters , and doth oftner obscure and disturb Natures ordinary actions , then prove any Truth in Nature . But Nature loving variety , doth rather smile at Arts follies , then that she should be angry with her curiosity : like as for example , a Poet will smile in expressing the part or action of a Fool. Wherefore Pure natural Philosophers , shall by natural sense and reason , trace Natures ways , and observe her actions , more readily then Chymists can do by Fire and Furnaces ; for Fire and Furnaces do often delude the Reason , blind the Understanding , and make the Judgment stagger . Nevertheless , your Author is so taken with Fire , that from thence he imagines a Formal Light , which he believes to be the Tip-top of Life ; but certainly , he had , in my opinion , not so much light as to observe , that all sorts of light are but Creatures , and not Creators ; for he judges of several Parts of Matter , as if they were several kinds of Matter , which causes him often to err , although he conceits himself without any Error . In which conceit I leave him , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XIII . MADAM , THe Art of Fire , as I perceive , is in greater esteem and respect with your Author , then Nature her self : For he says , a That some things can be done by Art , which Nature cannot do ; nay he calls b Art The Mistress of Nature , and subjects whole Nature unto Chymical speculation ; For , nothing , says he , c doth more fully bring a Man , that is greedy of knowing , to the knowledg of all things knowable , then the Fire ; for the root or radical knowledg of natural things consists in the Fire : d It pierces the secrets of Nature , and causes a further searching out in Nature , then all other Sciences , being put together ; and pierces even into the utmost depths of real truth : e It creates things which never were before . These , and many more the like expressions , he has in the praise of Chymistry . And truly , Madam , I cannot blame your Author , for commending this Art , because it was his own profession , and no man will be so unwise as to dispraise his own Art which he professes ; but whether those praises and commendations do not exceed truth , and express more then the Art of Fire can perform , I will let those judg , that have more knowledg therein then I : But this I may say , That what Art or Science soever is in Nature , let it be the chief of all , yet it can never be call'd the Mistress of Nature , nor be said to perform more then Nature doth , except it be by a divine and supernatural Power ; much less to create things which never were before , for this is an action which onely belongs to God : The truth is , Art is but a Particular effect of Nature , and as it were , Nature's Mimick or Fool , in whose playing actions she sometimes takes delight ; nay , your Author confesses it himself , when he calls f the Art of Chymistry , Nature's emulating Ape , and her Chamber-maid , and yet he says , she is now and then the Mistress of Nature ; which in my opinion doth not agree : for I cannot conceive how it is possible to be a Chamber-maid , and yet to be the Mistress too ; I suppose your Author believes , they justle sometimes each other out , or take by turns one anothers place . But whatever his opinion be , I am sure , that the Art of Fire cannot create and produce so , as Nature doth , nor dissolve substances so as she doth , nor transform and transchange , as she doth , nor do any effect like Nature : And therefore I cannot so much admire this Art as others do , for it appears to me , rather to be a troubler , then an assistant to Nature , producing more Monsters then perfect Creatures ; nay , it rather doth shut the Gates of Truth , then unlock the Gates of Nature : For how can Art inform us of Nature , when as it is but an effect of Nature ? You may say , The cause cannot be better known then by its effect ; for the knowledg of the effect , leads us to the knowledg of the cause . I answer , T is true : but you will consider , that Nature is an Infinite cause , and has Infinite effects ; and if you knew all the Infinite effects in nature , then perhaps you might come to some knowledg of the cause ; but to know nature by one single effect , as art is , is impossible ; nay , no man knows this particular effect as yet perfectly ; For who is he , that has studied the art of fire so , as to produce all that this art may be able to afford ? witness the Philosophers-stone . Besides , how is it possible to find out the onely cause by so numerous variations of the effects ? Wherefore it is more easie , in my opinion , to know the various effects in Nature by studying the Prime cause , then by the uncertain study of the inconstant effects to arrive to the true knowledg of the prime cause ; truly it is much easier to walk in a Labyrinth without a Guide , then to gain a certain knowledg in any one art or natural effect , without Nature her self be the guide , for Nature is the onely Mistress and cause of all , which , as she has made all other effects , so she has also made arts for varieties sake ; but most men study Chymistry more for imployment , then for profit ; not but that I believe , there may be some excellent Medicines found out and made by that art , but the expence and labour is more then the benefit ; neither are all those Medicines sure and certain , nor in all diseases safe ; neither can this art produce so many medicines as there are several diseases in Nature , and for the Universal Medicine , and the Philosophers-stone or Elixir , which Chymists brag of so much ; it consists rather in hope and expectation , then in assurance ; for could Chymists find it out , they would not be so poor , as most commonly they are , but richer then Solomon was , or any Prince in the World , and might have done many famous acts with the supply of their vast Golden Treasures , to the eternal and immortal fame of their Art ; nay , Gold being the Idol of this world , they would be worshipped as well for the sake of Gold , as for their splendorous Art ; but how many have endeavored and laboured in vain and without any effect ? Gold is easier to be made , then to be destroyed , says your Author a , but I believe one is as difficult or impossible , nay more , then the other ; for there is more probability of dissolving or destroying a natural effect by Art , then of generating or producing one ; for Art cannot go beyond her sphere of activity , she can but produce an artificial effect , and Gold is a natural Creature ; neither were it Justice , that a particular creature of Nature should have as much power to act or work as Nature her self ; but because neither Reason , nor Art has found out as yet such a powerful opposite to Gold , as can alter its nature ; men therefore conclude that it cannot be done . Your Author relates a to have seen the Gold-making stone , which he says , was of colour such , as Saffron is in its powder , but weighty and shining like unto powder'd Glass ; one fourth part of one grain thereof , ( a grain he reckons the six hundredth part of one ounce ) being projected upon eight ounces of Quicksilver made hot in a Crucible , and straight way there were found eight ounces , and a little less then eleven grains of the purest Gold ; therefore one onely grain of that powder had transchanged 19186 parts of Quicksilver , equal to it self , into the best Gold. Truly , Madam , I wish with all my heart , the poor Royalists had had some quantity of that powder ; and I assure you , that if it were so , I my self would turn a Chymist to gain so much as to repair my Noble Husbands losses , that his noble family might flourish the better . But leaving Gold , since it is but a vain wish , I do verily believe , that some of the Chymical medicines do , in some desperate cases , many times produce more powerful and sudden effects then the medicines of Galenistsi , and therefore I do not absolutely condemn the art of Fire , as if I were an enemy to it ; but I am of an opinion , that my Opinions in Philosophy , if well understood , will rather give a light to that art , then obscure its worth ; for if Chymists did but study well the corporeal motions or actions of Natures substantial body ; they would , by their observations , understand Nature better , then they do by the observation of the actions of their Art ; and out of this consideration and respect , I should almost have an ambition , to become an Artist in Chymistry , were I not too lazie and tender for that imployment ; but should I quit the one , and venture the other , I am so vain as to perswade my self , I might perform things worthy my labour upon the ground of my own Philosophy , which is substantial Life , Sense , and Reason ; for I would not study Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury , but the Natural motions of every Creature , and observe the variety of Natures actions . But , perchance , you will smile at my vain conceit , and , it may be , I my self , should repent of my pains unsuccessfully bestowed , my time vainly spent , my health rashly endangered , and my Noble Lords Estate unprofitably wasted , in fruitless tryals and experiments ; Wherefore you may be sure , that I will consider well before I act ; for I would not lose Health , Wealth , and Fame , and do no more then others have done , which truly is not much , their effects being of less weight then their words . But in the mean time , my study shall be bent to your service , and how to express my self worthily , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble and faithful Servant . XIV . MADAM , I Have read your Authors discourse concerning Sensation a , but it was as difficult to me to understand it , as it was tedious to read it ; Truly , all the business might have have been easily declared in a short Chapter , and with more clearness and perspicuity : For Sensation , is nothing else but the action of sense proceeding from the corporeal sensitive motions , which are in all Creatures or parts of Nature , and so all have sense and sensation , although not alike after one and the same manner , but some more , some less , each according to the nature and propriety of its figure . But your Author speaks of Motion without Sense , and Sense without Motion , which is a meer impossibility ; for there is not , nor cannot be any Motion in Nature without Sense , nor any Sense without Motion ; there being no Creature without self-motion , although not always perceptible by us , or our external senses ; for all motion is not exteriously local , and visible . Wherefore , not any part of Nature , according to my opinion , wants Sense and Reason , Life and Knowledg ; but not such a substanceless Life as your Author describes , but a substantial , that is ; a corporeal Life . Neither is Light the principle of Motion , but Motion is the principle of Light : Neither is Heat the principle of Motion , but its effect as well as Cold is ; for I cannot perceive that Heat should be more active then Cold. Neither is there any such thing as Unsensibleness in Nature , except it be in respect of some particular Sensation in some particular Figure : As for example , when an Animal dies , or its Figure is dissolved from the Figure of an Animal ; we may say it hath not animal sense or motion , but we cannot say , it hath no sense or motion at all ; for as long as Matter is in Nature , Sense and Motion will be ; so that it is absurd and impossible to believe , or at least to think , that Matter , as a body , can be totally deprived of Life , Sense , and Motion , or that Life can perish and be corrupted , be it the smallest part of Matter conceivable , and the same turned or changed into millions of Figures ; for the Life and Soul of Nature is self-moving Matter , which by Gods Power , and leave , is the onely Framer and Maker , as also the Dissolver and Transformer of all Creatures in Nature , making as well Light , Heat , and Cold , Gas , Blas , and Ferments , as all other natural Creatures beside , as also Passions , Appetites , Digestions , Nourishments , Inclination , Aversion , Sickness and Health ; nay , all Particular Ideas , Thoughts , Fancies , Conceptions , Arts , Sciences , &c. In brief , it makes all that is to be made in Nature . But many great Philosophers conceive Nature to be fuller of Intricacy , Difficulty , and Obscurity , then she is , puzling themselves about her ordinary actions , which yet are easie and free , and making their arguments hard , constrained , and mystical , many of them containing neither sense nor reason ; when as , in my opinion , there is nothing else to be studied in Nature , but her substance and her actions . But I will leave them to their own Fancies and Humors , and say no more , but rest , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XV. MADAM , COncerning Sympathy and Antipathy , and attractive or magnetick Inclinations , which some do ascribe to the influence of the Stars , others to an unknown Spirit as the Mover , others to the Instinct of Nature , hidden Proprieties , and certain formal Vertues ; but your Author a doth attribute to directing Ideas , begotten by their Mother Charity , or a desire of Good Will , and calls it b a Gift naturally inherent in the Archeusses of either part : If you please to have my opinion thereof , I think they are nothing else but plain ordinary Passions and Appetites . As for example : I take Sympathy , as also Magnetisme or attractive Power , to be such agreeable Motions in one part or Creature , as do cause a Fancy , love and desire to some other part or Creature ; and Antipathy , when these Motions are disagreeable , and produce contrary effects , as dislike , hate and aversion to some part or Creature . And as there are many sorts of such motions , so there are many sorts of Sympathyes and Antipathyes , or Attractions and Aversions , made several manners or ways ; For in some subjects , Sympathy requires a certain distance ; as for example , in Iron and the Loadstone ; for if the Iron be too far off , the Loadstone cannot exercise its power , when as in other subjects , there is no need of any such certain distance , as betwixt the Needle and the North-pole , as also the Weapon-salve ; for the Needle will turn it self towards the North , whether it be near or far off from the North-pole ; and so , be the Weapon which inflicted the wound , never so far from the wounded Person , as they say , yet it will nevertheless do its effect : But yet there must withal be some conjunction with the blood ; for as your Author mentions * , the Weapon shall be in vain anointed with the Unguent , unless it be made bloody , and the same blood be first dried on the same Weapon . Likewise the sounding of two eights when one is touched , must be done within a certain distance : the same may be said of all Infectious and catching Diseases amongst Animals , where the Infection , be it the Infected Air , or a Poysonous Vapour , or any thing else , must needs touch the body , and enter either through the Mouth , or Nostrils , or Ears , or Pores of the body ; for though the like Antipathies of Infectious Diseases , as of the Plague , may be in several places far distant and remote from each other at one and the same time , yet they cannot infect particular Creatures , or Animals , without coming near , or without the sense of Touch : For example ; the Plague may be in the East Indies , and in this Kingdom , at one and the same time , and yet be strangers to each other ; for although all Men are of Mankind , yet all have not Sympathy or Antipathy to each other ; the like of several Plagues , although they be of the same kind of disease , yet , being in several places at one time , they may not be a kin to each other , nor one be produced by the other , except the Plague be brought over out of an infected Country , into a sound Country , by some means or other . And thus some Sympathy and Antipathy is made by a close conjunction , or corporeal uniting of parts , but not all ; neither is it required , that all Sympathy and Antipathy must be mutual , or equally in both Parties , so that that part or party , which has a Sympathetical affection or inclination to the other , must needs receive the like sympathetical affection from that part again ; for one man may have a sympathetical affection to another man , when as this man hath an antipathetical aversion to him ; and the same may be , for ought we know , betwixt Iron and the Loadstone , as also betwixt the Needle and the North ; for the Needle may have a sympathy towards the North , but not again the North towards the Needle ; and so may the Iron have towards the Loadstone , but not again the Loadstone towards the Iron : Neither is Sympathy or Antipathy made by the issuing out of any invisible rayes , for then the rays betwixt the North and the Needle would have a great way to reach : But a sympathetical inclination in a Man towards another , is made either by sight , or hearing ; either present , or absent : the like of infectious Diseases . I grant , that if both Parties do mutually affect each other , and their motions be equally agreeable ; then the sympathy is the stronger , and will last the longer , and then there is a Union , Likeness , or Conformableness , of their Actions , Appetites , and Passions ; For this kind of Sympathy works no other effects , but a conforming of the actions of one party , to the actions of the other , as by way of Imitation , proceeding from an internal sympathetical love and desire to please ; for Sympathy doth not produce an effect really different from it self , or else the sympathy betwixt Iron and the Loadstone would produce a third Creature different from themselves , and so it would do in all other Creatures . But as I mentioned above , there are many sorts of attractions in Nature , and many several and various attractions onely in one sort of Creatures , nay , so many in one particular as not to be numbred ; for there are many Desires , Passions , and Appetites , which draw or intice a man to something or other , as for example , to Beauty , Novelty , Luxury , Covetousness , and all kinds of Vertues and Vices ; and there are many particular objects not in every one of these , as for example , in Novelty ? For there are so many several desires to Novelty , as there are Senses , and so many Novelties that satisfie those desires , as a Novelty to the Ear , a Novelty to the Sight , to Touch , Taste , and Smell ; besides in every one of these , there are many several objects ; To mention onely one example , for the novelty of Sight ; I have seen an Ape , drest like a Cavalier , and riding on Horse-back with his sword by his side , draw a far greater multitude of People after him , then a Loadstone of the same bigness of the Ape would have drawn Iron ; and as the Ape turn'd , so did the People , just like as the Needle turns to the North ; and this is but one object in one kind of attraction , viz. Novelty : but there be Millions of objects besides . In like manner good Cheer draws abundance of People , as is evident , and needs no Demonstration . Wherefore , as I said in the beginning , Sympathy is nothing else but natural Passions and Appetites , as Love , Desire , Fancy , Hunger , Thirst , &c. and its effects are Concord , Unity , Nourishment , and the like : But Antipathy is Dislike , Hate , Fear , Anger , Revenge , Aversion , Jealousie , &c. and its effects are Discord , Division , and the like . And such an Antipathy is between a Wolf and a Sheep , a Hound and a Hare , a Hawk and a Partridg , &c. For this Antipathy is nothing else but fear in the Sheep to run away from the Wolf , in the Hare to run from the Hound , and in the Partridg to flie from the Hawk ; for Life has an Antipathy to that which is named Death ; and the Wolf's stomack hath a sympathy to food , which causes him to draw neer , or run after those Creatures he has a mind to feed on . But you will say , some Creatures will fight , and kill each other , not for Food , but onely out of an Antipathetical nature . I answer : When as Creatures fight , and endeavour to destroy each other , if it be not out of necessity , as to preserve and defend themselves from hurt or danger , then it is out of revenge , or anger , or ambition , or jealousie , or custom of quarrelling , or breeding . As for example : Cocks of the Game , that are bred to fight with each other , and many other Creatures , as Bucks , Staggs , and the like , as also Birds , will fight as well as Men , and seek to destroy each other through jealousie ; when as , had they no Females amongst them , they would perhaps live quiet enough , rather as sympathetical Friends , then antipathetical Foes ; and all such Quarrels proceed from a sympathy to their own interest . But you may ask me , what the reason is , that some Creatures , as for example , Mankind , some of them , will not onely like one sort of meat better then another of equal goodness and nourishment , but will like and prefer sometimes a worse sort of meat before the best , to wit , such as hath neither a good taste nor nourishment ? I answer : This is nothing else , but a particular , and most commonly an inconstant Appetite ; for after much eating of that they like best , especially if they get a surfeit , their appetite is changd to aversion ; for then all their feeding motions and parts have as much , if not more antipathy to those meats , as before they had a sympathy to them . Again , you may ask me the reason , why a Man seeing two persons together , which are strangers to him , doth affect one better then the other ; nay , if one of these Persons be deformed or ill-favoured , and the other well-shaped and handsom ; yet it may chance , that the deformed Person shall be more acceptable in the affections and eyes of the beholder , then he that is handsom ? I answer : There is no Creature so deformed , but hath some agreeable and attractive parts , unless it be a Monster , which is never loved , but for its rarity and novelty , and Nature is many times pleased with changes , taking delight in variety : and the proof that such a sympathetical affection proceeds from some agreeableness of Parts , is , that if those persons were vail'd , there would not proceed such a partial choice or judgment from any to them . You may ask me further , whether Passion and Appetite are also the cause of the sympathy which is in the Loadstone towards Iron , and in the Needle towards the North ? I answer , Yes : for it is either for nourishment , or refreshment , or love and desire of association , or the like , that the Loadstone draws Iron , and the Needle turns towards the North. The difference onely betwixt the sympathy in the Needle towards the North , and betwixt the sympathy in the Loadstone towards the Iron is , that the Needle doth always turn towards the North , but the Loadstone doth not always draw Iron : The reason is , because the sympathy of the Needle towards the North requires no certain distance , as I said in the beginning ; and the North-pole continuing constantly in the same place , the Needle knows whither to turn ; when as the sympathy between the Loadstone and Iron requires a certain distance , and when the Loadstone is not within this compass or distance , it cannot perform its effect , to wit , to draw the Iron , but the effect ceases , although the cause remains in vigour . The same may be said of the Flower that turns towards the Sun ; for though the Sun be out of sight , yet the Flower watches for the return of the Sun , from which it receives benefit : Like as faithful Servants watch and wait for their Master , or hungry Beggers at a Rich man's door for relief ; and so doth the aforesaid Flower ; nay , not the Flower onely , but any thing that has freedom and liberty of motion , will turn towards those Places or Creatures whence it expects relief . Concerning ravenous Beasts that feed on dead Carcasfes , they , having more eager appetites then food , make long flights into far distant Countries to seek food to live on , but surely , I think , if they had food enough at home , although not dead Carcasses , they would not make such great Journies ; or if a battel were fought , and many slain , and they upon their journey should meet with sufficient food , they would hardly travel further before they had devoured that food first : But many Birds travel for the temper of the Air , as well as for food , witness Woodcocks , Cranes , Swallows , Fieldfares , and the like ; some for cold , some for hot , and some for temperate Air. And as for such Diseases as are produced by conceit and at distance , the cause is , the fearfulness of the Patient , which produces Irregularities in the Mind , and these occasion Irregularities in the Body , which produce such a disease , as the Mind did fearfully apprehend ; when as without that Passion and Irregularity , the Patient would , perhaps , not fall sick of that disease , But to draw towards an end , I 'le answer briefly to your Authors alledged example * which he gives of Wine , that it is troubled while the Vine flowreth : The reason , in my opinion , may perhaps be , that the Wine being the effect of the Vine , and proceeding from its stock as the producer , has not so quite alter'd Nature , as not to be sensible at all of the alteration of the Vine ; For many effects do retain the proprieties of their causes ; for example , many Children are generated , which have the same proprieties of their Parents , who do often propagate some or other vertuous or vitious qualities with their off-spring ; And this is rather a proof that there are sensitive and rational motions , and sensitive and rational knowledge in all Creatures , and so in Wine , according to the nature or propriety of its Figure ; for without motion , sense and reason , no effect could be ; nor no sympathy or antipathy . But it is to be observed , that many do mistake the true Causes , and ascribe an effect to some cause , which is no more the cause of that same effect , then a particular Creature is the cause of Nature ; and so they are apt to take the Fiddle for the hot Bricks , as if the Fiddle did make the Ass dance , when as it was the hot Bricks that did it ; for several effects may proceed from one cause , and one effect from several causes ; and so in the aforesaid example , the Wine may perhaps be disturbed by the alteration of the weather at the same time of the flowring of the Vines ; and so may Animals , as well as Vegetables , and other Creatures , alter alike at one and the same point of time , and yet none be the cause of each others alteration . And thus , to shut up my discourse , I repeat again , that sympathy and antipathy are nothing else but ordinary Passions and Appetites amongst several Creatures , which Passions are made by the rational animate Matter , and the Appetites by the sensitive , both giving such or such motions , to such or such Creatures ; for cross motions in Appetites and Passions make Antipathy , and agreeable motions in Appetites and Passions make Sympathy , although the Creatures be different , wherein these motions , Passions and Appetites are made ; and as without an object a Pattern cannot be , so without inherent or natural Passions and Appetites there can be no Sympathy or Antipathy : And there being also such Sympathy betwixt your Ladiship and me , I think my self the happiest Creature for it , and shall make it my whole study to imitate your Ladiship , and conform all my actions to the rule and pattern of yours , as becomes , MADAM , Your Ladiships faithful Friend , and humble Servant . XVI . MADAM , MY opinion of Witches and Witchcraft , ( of whose Power and strange effects your Author is pleased to relate many stories ) in brief , is this ; My Sense and Reason doth inform me , that there is Natural Witchcraft , as I may call it , which is Sympathy , Antipathy , Magnetisme , and the like , which are made by the sensitive and rational motions between several Creatures , as by Imagination , Fancy , Love , Aversion , and many the like ; but these Motions , being sometimes unusual and strange to us , we not knowing their causes , ( For what Creature knows all motions in Nature , and their ways . ) do stand amazed at their working power ; and by reason we cannot assign any Natural cause for them , are apt to ascribe their effects to the Devil ; but that there should be any such devillish Witchcraft , which is made by a Covenant and Agreement with the Devil , by whose power Men do enchaunt or bewitch other Creatures , I cannot readily believe . Certainly , I dare say , that many a good , old honest woman hath been condemned innocently , and suffered death wrongfully , by the sentence of some foolish and cruel Judges , meerly upon this suspition of Witchcraft , when as really there hath been no such thing ; for many things are done by slights or juggling Arts , wherein neither the Devil nor Witches are Actors . And thus an English-man whose name was Banks , was like to be burnt beyond the Seas for a Witch , as I have been inform'd , onely for making a Horse shew tricks by Art ; There have been also several others ; as one that could vomit up several kinds of Liquors and other things : and another who did make a Drum beat of it self . But all these were nothing but slights and jugling tricks ; as also the talking and walking Bell ; and the Brazen-Head which spake these words , Time was , Time is , and Time is past , and so fell down ; Which may easily have been performed by speaking through a Pipe conveighed into the said head : But such and the like trifles will amaze many grave and wise men , when they do not know the manner or way how they are done , so as they are apt to judg them to be effected by Witchcraft or Combination with the Devil . But , as I said before , I believe there is Natural Magick ; which is , that the sensitive and rational Matter oft moves such a way , as is unknown to us ; and in the number of these is also the bleeding of a murdered body at the presence of the Murderer , which your Author a mentions ; for the corporeal motions in the murthered body may move so , as to work such effects , which are more then ordinary ; for the animal Figure , being not so quickly dissolved , the animal motions are not so soon altered , ( for the dissolving of the Figure is nothing else but an alteration of its Motions ; ) and this dissolution is not done in an instant of time , but by degrees : But yet I must confess , it is not a common action in Nature , for Nature hath both common , and singular or particular actions : As for example , Madness , natural Folly , and many the like , are but in some particular persons ; for if those actions were general , and common , then all , or most men would be either mad , or fools , but , though there are too many already , yet all men are not so ; and so some murthered bodies may bleed or express some alterations at the presence of the Murtherer , but I do not believe , that all do so ; for surely in many , not any alteration will be perceived , and others will have the same alterations without the presence of the Murtherer . And thus you see , Madam , that this is done naturally , without the help of the Devil ; nay , your Author doth himself confess it to be so ; for , says he , The act of the Witch is plainly Natural ; onely the stirring up of the vertue or power in the Witch comes from Satan . But I cannot understand what your Author means , by the departing of spiritual rays from the Witch into Man , or any other animal , which she intends to kill or hurt ; nor how Spirits wander about in the Air , and have their mansions there ; for men may talk as well of impossibilities , as of such things which are not composed of Natural Matter : If man were an Incorporeal Spirit himself , he might , perhaps , sooner conceive the essence of a Spirit , as being of the same Nature ; but as long as he is material , and composed of Natural Matter , he might as well pretend to know the Essence of God , as of an Incorporeal Spirit . Truly , I must confess , I have had some fancies oftentimes of such pure and subtil substances , purer and subtiler then the Sky or AEthereal substance is , whereof I have spoken in my Poetical Works ; but these substances , which I conceived within my fancy , were material , and had bodies , though never so small and subtil ; for I was never able to conceive a substance abstracted from all Matter , for even Fancy it self is material , and all Thoughts and Conceptions are made by the rational Matter , and so are those which Philosophers call Animal Spirits , but a material Fancy cannot produce immaterial effects , that is , Ideas of Incorporeal Spirits : And this was the cause that in the first impression of my Philosophical Opinions , I named the sensitive and rational Matter , sensitive and rational Spirits , because of its subtilty , activity and agility ; not that I thought them to be immaterial , but material Spirits : but since Spirits are commonly taken to be immaterial , and Spirit and Body are counted opposite to one another , to prevent a misapprehension in the thoughts of my Readers , as if I meant Incorporeal Spirits , I altered this expression in the last Edition , and call'd it onely sensitive and rational Matter , or , which is all one , sensitive and rational corporeal motions . You will say , perhaps , That the divine Soul in Man is a Spirit : but I desire you to call to mind what I oftentimes have told you , to wit , that when I speak of the Soul of Man , I mean onely the Natural , not the Divine Soul ; which as she is supernatural , so she acts also supernaturally ; but all the effects of the natural Soul , of which I discourse , are natural , and not divine or supernatural . But to return to Magnetisme ; I am absolutely of opinion , that it is naturally effected by natural means , without the concurrence of Immaterial Spirits either good or bad , meerly by natural corporeal sensitive and rational motions ; and , for the most part , there must be a due approach between the Agent and the Patient , or otherwise the effect will hardly follow , as you may see by the Loadstone and Iron ; Neither is the influence of the Stars performed beyond a certain distance , that is , such a distance as is beyond sight or their natural power to work ; for if their light comes to our Eyes , I know no reason against it , but their effects may come to our bodies . And as for infectious Diseases , they come by a corporeal imitation , as by touch , either of the infected air , drawn in by breath , or entring through the Pores of the Body , or of some things brought from infected places , or else by hearing ; but diseases , caused by Conceit , have their beginning , as all alterations have , from the sensitive and rational Motions , which do not onely make the fear and conceit , but also the disease ; for as a fright will sometimes cure diseases , so it will sometimes cause diseases ; but as I said , both fright , cure , and the disease , are made by the rational and sensitive corporeal motions within the body , and not by Supernatural Magick , as Satanical Witchcraft , entering from without into the body by spiritual rays . But having discoursed hereof in my former Letter , I will not trouble you with an unnecessary repetition thereof ; I conclude therefore with what I begun , viz. that I believe natural Magick to be natural corporeal motions in natural bodies : Not that I say , Nature in her self is a Magicianess , but it may be called natural Magick or Witchcraft , meerly in respect to our Ignorance ; for though Nature is old , yet she is not a Witch , but a grave , wise , methodical Matron , ordering her Infinite family , which are her several parts , with ease and facility , without needless troubles and difficulties ; for these are onely made through the ignorance of her several parts or particular Creatures , not understanding their Mistress , Nature , and her actions and government , for which they cannot be blamed ; for how should a part understand the Infinite body , when it doth not understand it self ; but Nature understands her parts better , then they do her . And so leaving Wise Nature , and the Ignorance of her Particulars , I understand my self so far , that I am , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XVII . MADAM , I Am not of your Authors * opinion , That Time hath no relation to Motion , but that Time and Motion are as unlike and different from each other as Finite from Infinite , and that it hath its own essence or being Immoveable , Vnchangeable , Individable , and unmixed with things , nay , that Time is plainly the same with Eternity . For , in my opinion , there can be no such thing as Time in Nature , but what Man calls Time , is onely the variation of natural motions ; wherefore Time , and the alteration of motion , is one and the same thing under two different names ; and as Matter , Figure , and Motion , are inseparable , so is Time inseparably united , or rather the same thing with them , and not a thing subsisting by it self ; and as long as Matter , Motion and Figure have been existent , so long hath Time ; and as long as they last , so long doth Time. But when I say , Time is the variation of motion , I do not mean the motion of the Sun or Moon , which makes Days , Months , Years , but the general motions or actions of Nature , which are the ground of Time ; for were there no Motion , there would be no Time ; and since Matter is dividable , and in parts , Time is so too ; neither hath Time any other Relation to Duration , then what Nature her self hath . Wherefore your Author is mistaken , when he says , Motion is made in Time , for Motion makes Time , or rather is one and the same with Time ; and Succession is no more a stranger to Motion , then Motion is to Nature , as being the action of Nature , which is the Eternal servant of God. But , says he , Certain Fluxes of Formerlinesses and Laternesses , have respect unto frail moveable things in their motions , wherewith they hasten unto the appointed ends of their period , and so unto their own death or destruction ; but what relation hath all that to Time : for therefore also ought Time to run with all and every motion ? Verily so there should be as many times and durations as there are motions . I answer : To my Reason , there are as many times and durations as there are motions ; for neither time nor duration can be separated from motion , no more then motion can be separated from them , being all one . But Time is not Eternity , for Eternity hath no change , although your Author makes Time and Eternity all one , and a being or substance by it self : Yet I will rather believe Solomon ' , then him , who says , that there is a time to be merry , and a time to be sad ; a time to mourn , and a time to rejoyce , and so forth : making so many divisions of Time as there are natural actions ; whenas your Author makes natural actions strangers to Nature , dividing them from their substances : Which seemeth very improbable in the opinion of , MADAM , Your Ladiships faithful Friend , and humble Servant . XVIII . MADAM , YOur Authors a opinion is , That a bright burning Iron doth not burn a dead Carcass after an equal manner as it doth a live one ; For in live bodies , saith he , it primarily burts the sensitive Soul , the which therefore being impatient , rages after a wonderful manner , doth by degrees resolve and exasperate its own and vital liquors into a sharp poyson , and then contracts the fibres of the flesh , and turns them into an escharre , yea , into the way of a coal ; but a dead Carcass is burnt by bright burning Iron , no otherwise , then if Wood , or if any other unsensitive thing should be ; that is , it burns by a proper action of the fire , but not of the life . To which opinion , I answer : That my Reason cannot conceive any thing to be without life , and so neither without sense ; for whatsoever hath self-motion , has sense and life ; and that self-motion is in every Creature , is sufficiently discoursed of in my former Letters , and in my Philosophical Opinions ; sor self-motion , sense , life , and reason , are the grounds and principles of Nature , without which no Creature could subsist . I do not say , That there is no difference between the life of a dead Carcass , and a live one , for there is a difference between the lives of every Creature ; but to differ in the manner of life , and to have neither life nor sense at all , are quite different things : But your Author affirms himself , that all things have a certain sense of feeling , when he speaks of Sympathy and Magnetisme , and yet he denies that they have life : And others again , do grant life to some Creatures , as to Vegetables , and not sense . Thus they vary in their Opinions , and divide sense , life , and motion , when all is but one and the same thing ; for no life is without sense and motion , nor no motion without sense and life ; nay , not without Reason ; for the chief Architect of all Creatures , is sensitive and rational Matter . But the mistake is , that-most men , do not , or will not conceive , that there is a difference and variety of the corporeal sensitive and rational motions in every Creature ; but they imagine , that if all Creatures should have life , sense , and reason , they must of necessity have all alike the same motions , without any difference ; and because they do not perceive the animal motions in a Stone or Tree , they are apt to deny to them all life , sense , and motion . Truly , Madam , I think no man will be so mad , or irrational , as to say a Stone is an Animal , or an Animal is a Tree , because a Stone and Tree have sense , life , and motion ; for every body knows , that their Natural figures are different , and if their Natures be different , then they cannot have the same Motions , for the corporeal motions do make the nature of every particular Creature , and their differences ; and as the corporeal motions act , work , or move , so is the nature of every figure , Wherefore , no body , I hope , will count me so senseless , that I believe sense and life to be after the like manner in every particular Creature or part of Nature ; as for example , that a Stone or Tree has animal motions , and doth see , touch , taste , smell and hear by such sensitive organs as an Animal doth ; but , my opinion is , that all Sense is not bound up to the sensitive organs of an Animal , nor Reason to the kernel of a man's brain , or the orifice of the stomack , or the fourth ventricle of the brain , or onely to a mans body ; for though we do not see all Creatures move in that manner as Man or Animals do , as to walk , run , leap , ride , &c. and perform exterior acts by various local motions ; nevertheless , we cannot in reason say , they are void and destitute of all motion ; For what man knows the variety of motions in Nature : Do not we see , that Nature is active in every thing , yea , the least of her Creatures . For example ; how some things do unanimously conspire and agree , others antipathetically flee from each other ; and how some do increase , others decrease ; some dissolve , some consist , and how all things are subject to perpetual changes and alterations ; and do you think all this is done without motion , life , sense , and reason ? I pray you consider , Madam , that there are internal motions as well as external , alterative as well as constitutive ; and several other sorts of motions not perceptible by our senses , and therefore it is impossible that all Creatures should move after one sort of motions . But you will say , Motion may be granted , but not Life , Sense , and Reason . I answer , I would fain know the reason why not ; for I am confident that no man can in truth affirm the contrary : What is Life , but sensitive Motion ? what is Reason , but rational motion ? and do you think , Madam , that any thing can move it self without life , sense and reason ? I , for my part , cannot imagine it should ; for it would neither know why , whither , nor what way , or how to move . But you may reply , Motion may be granted , but not self-motion ; and life , sense , and reason , do consist in self-motion . I answer : this is imposible ; for not any thing in Nature can move naturally without natural motion , and all natural motion is self-motion . If you say it may be moved by another ; My answer is , first , that if a thing has no motion in it self , but is moved by another which has self-motion , then it must give that immovable body motion of its own , or else it could not move , having no motion at all ; for it must move by the power of motion , which is certain ; and then it must move either by its own motion , or by a communicated or imparted motion ; if by a communicated motion , then the self-moveable thing or body must transfer its own motion into the immoveable , and lose so much of its own motion as it gives away , which is impossible , as I have declared heretofore at large , unless it do also transfer its moving parts together with it , for motion cannot be transfered without substance . But experience and observation witnesseth the contrary . Next , I say , if it were possible that one body did move another , then most part of natural Creatures , which are counted immoveable of themselves , or inanimate , and destitute of self-motion , must be moved by a forced or violent , and not by a natural motion ; for all motion that proceeds from an external agent or moving power , is not natural , but forced , onely self-motion is natural ; and then one thing moving another in this manner , we must at last proceed to such a thing whch is not moved by another , but hath motion in it self , and moves all others ; and , perhaps , since man , and the rest of animals have self-motion , it might be said , that the motions of all other inanimate Creatures , as they call them , doth proceed from them ; but man being so proud , ambitious , and self-conceited , would soon exclude all other animals , and adscribe this power onely to himself , especially since he thinks himself onely endued with Reason , and to have this prerogative above all the rest , as to be the sole rational Creature in the World. Thus you see , Madam , what confusion , absurdity , and constrained work will follow from the opinion of denying self-motion , and so consequently , life and sense to natural Creatures . But I , having made too long a digresion , will return to your Authors discourse : And as for that he says , A dead Carcass burns by the proper action of the fire , I answer , That if the dissolving motions of the fire be too strong for the consistent motions of that body which fire works upon , then fire is the cause of its alteration ; but if the consistent motions of the body be too strong for the dissolving motions of the fire , then the fire can make no alteration in it . Again : he says , Calx vive , as long as it remains dry , it gnaws not a dead Carcass ; but it presently gnaws live flesh , and makes an escharre ; and a dead carcass is by lime wholly resolved into a liquor , and is combibed , except the bone and gristle thereof ; but it doth not consume live flesh into a liquor , but translates it into an escharre . I will say no more to this , but that I have fully enough declared my opinion before , that the actions or motions of life alter in that which is named a dead Carcass , from what they were in that which is called a Living body ; but although the actions of Life alter , yet life is not gone or annihilated ; for life is life , and remains still the same , but the actions or motions of life change and differ in every figure ; and this is the cause that the actions of Fire , Time , and Calx-vive , have not the same effects in a dead Carcass , as in a living Body ; for the difference of their figures , and their different motions , produce different effects in them ; and this is the cause , that one and the same fire doth not burn or act upon all bodies alike : for some it dissolves , and some not ; and some it hardens , and some it consumes ; and some later , some sooner : For put things of several natures into the same Fire , and you will see how they will burn , or how fire will act upon them after several manners ; so that fire cannot alter the actions of several bodies to its own blas ; and therefore , since a living and a dead Body ( as they call them ) are not the same , ( for the actions or motions of life , by their change or alteration , have altered the nature or figure of the body ) the effects cannot be the same ; for a Carcass has neither the interior nor exterior motions of that figure which it was before it was a Carcass , and so the figure is quite alter'd from what it was , by the change and alteration of the motions . But to conclude , the motions of the exterior Agent , and the motions of the Patient , do sometimes joyn and unite , as in one action , or to one effect , and sometimes the motions of the Agent are onely an occasion , but not a co-workman in the production of such or such an effect , as the motions of the Patient do work ; neither can the motions of the Agent work totally and meerly of themselves , such or such effects , without the assistance or concurrence of the motions of the Patient , but the motions of the Patient can : and there is nothing that can prove more evidently that Matter moves it self , and that exterior agents or bodies are onely an occasion to such or such a motion in another body , then to see how several things put into one and the same fire , do alter after several modes ; which shews , it is not the onely action of fire , but the interior motions of the body thrown into the fire , which do alter its exterior form or figure . And thus , I think I have said enough to make my opinions clear , that they may be the better understood : which is the onely aim and desire of , MADAM , Your humble and faithful Servant . XIX . MADAM , YOur Author is not a Natural , but a Divine Philosopher , for in many places he undertakes to interpret the Scripture ; wherein , to my judgment , he expresseth very strange opinions ; you will give me leave at this present to note some few . First , in one place , a interpreting that passage of Scripture , b where it is said , That the sons of God took to wives the daughters of men : He understands by the Sons of God , those which came from the Posterity of Adam , begotten of a Man and a Woman , having the true Image of God : But by the Daughters of Men , he understands Monsters ; that is , those which through the Devils mediation , were conceived in the womb of a Junior Witch or Sorceress : For when Satan could find no other ways to deprive all the race of Men of the Image of God , and extinguish the Immortal mind out of the stock of Adams Posterity , he stirr'd up detestable copulations , from whence proceeded savage Monsters , as Faunes , Satyrs , Sylphs , Gnomes , Nymphs , Driades , Najades , Nereides , &c. which generated their off-springs amongst themselves , and their posterities again contracted their copulations amongst themselves , and at length began Wedlocks with Men ; and from this copulation of Monsters and Nymphs , they generated strong Gyants . Which Interpretation , how it agrees with the Truth of Scripture , I will leave to Divines to judg : But , for my part , I cannot conceive , how , or by what means or ways , those Monsters and Nymphs were produced or generated . Next , his opinion is , That Adam did ravish Eve , and defloured her by force , calling him the first infringer of modesty , and deflourer of a Virgin ; and that therefore God let hair grow upon his chin , cheeks , and lips , that he might be a Compere , Companion , and like unto many four-footed Beasts , and might bear before him the signature of the same ; and that , as he was lecherous after their manner , he might also shew a rough countenance by his hairs : which whether it be so , or not , I cannot tell , neither do I think your Author can certainly know it himself ; for the Scripture makes no mention of it : But this I dare say , that Eves Daughters prove rather the contrary , viz. that their Grandmother did freely consent to their Grandfather . Also he says , That God had purposed to generate Man by the overshadowing of the Holy Spirit , but Man perverted the Intent of God ; for had Adam not sinned , there had been no generation by the copulation of a Man and Woman , but all the off-springs had appear'd out of Eve , a Virgin , from the Holy Spirit , as conceived from God , and born of a woman , a virgin , To which , I answer , first , That it is impossible to know the Designs and secret Purposes of God : Next , to make the Holy Spirit the common Generator of all Man-kind , is more then the Scripture expresses , and any man ought to say : Lastly , it is absurd , in my opinion , to say , that frail and mortal Men , can pervert the intent and designs of the Great God ; or that the Devil is able to prevent God's Intent , ( as his expression is in the same place . ) But your Author shews a great affectioin to the Female Sex , when he says , that God doth love Women before Men , and that he has given them a free gift of devotion before men ; when as others do lay all the fault upon the Woman , that she did seduce the Man ; however in expressing his affection for Women , your Author expresses a partiality in God. And , as for his opinion , that God creates more Daughters then Males , and that more Males are extinguished by Diseases , Travels , Wars , Duels , Shipwracks , and the like : Truly , I am of the same mind , that more Men are kill'd by Travels , Wars , Duels , Shipwracks , &c. then Women ; for Women never undergo these dangers , neither do so many kill themselves with intemperate Drinking , as Men do ; but yet I believe , that Death is as general , and not more favourable to Women , then he is to Men ; for though Women be not slain in Wars like Men , ( although many are , by the cruelty of Men , who not regarding the weakness of their sex , do inhumanely kill them , ) yet many do die in Child-bed , which is a Punishment onely concerning the Female sex . But to go on in your Authors Interpretations : His knowledg of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin , reaches so far , as he doth not stick to describe exactly , not onely how the blessed Virgin conceiv'd in the womb , but first in the heart , or the sheath of the heart ; and then how the conception removed from the heart , into the womb , and in what manner it was performed . Certainly , Madam , I am amazed , when I see men so conceited with their own perfections and abilities , ( I may rather say , with their imperfections and weaknesses ) as to make themselves God's privy Councellors , and his Companions , and partakers of all the sacred Mysteries , Designs , and hidden secrets of the Incomprehensible and Infinite God. O the vain Presumption , Pride , and Ambition of wretched Men ! There are many more such expressions in your Authors works , which , in my opinion , do rather detract from the Greatness of the Omnipotent God , then manifest his Glory : As for example ; That Man is the clothing of the Deity , and the sheath of the Kingdom of God , and many the like : which do not belong to God ; for God is beyond all expression , because he is Infinite ; and when we name God , we name an Unexpressible , and Incomprehensible Being ; and yet we think we honour God , when we express him after the manner of corporeal Creatures . Surely , the noblest Creature that ever is in the World , is not able to be compared to the most Glorious God , but whatsoever comparison is made , detracts from his Glory : And this , in my opinion , is the reason , that God forbad any likeness to be made of him , either in Heaven , or upon Earth , because he exceeds all that we might compare or liken to him . And as men ought to have a care of such similizing expressions , so they ought to be careful in making Interpretations of the Scripture , and expressing more then the Scripture informs ; for what is beyond the Scripture , is Man 's own fancy ; and to regulate the Word of God after Man's fancy , at least to make his fancy equal with the Word of God , is Irreligious . Wherefore , men ought to submit , and not to pretend to the knowledg of God's Counsels and Designs , above what he himself hath been pleased to reveal : as for example , to describe of what Figure God is , and to comment and descant upon the Articles of Faith ; as how Man was Created ; and what he did in the state of Innocence ; how he did fall ; and what he did after his fall : and so upon the rest of the Articles of our Creed , more then the Scripture expresses , or is conformable to it . For if we do this , we shall make a Romance of the holy Scripture , with our Paraphrastical Descriptions : which alas ! is too common already . The truth is , Natural Philosophers , should onely contain themselves within the sphere of Nature , and not trespass upon the Revelation of the Scripture , but leave this Profession to those to whom it properly belongs . I am confident , a Physician , or any other man of a certain Profesion , would not take it well , if others , who are not professed in that Art , should take upon them to practise the same : And I do wonder , why every body is so forward to encroach upon the holy Profession of Divines , which yet is a greater presumption , then if they did it upon any other ; for it contains not onely a most hidden and mystical knowledg , as treating of the Highest Subject , which is the most Glorious , and Incomprehensible God , and the salvation of our Souls ; but it is also most dangerous , if not interpreted according to the Holy Spirit , but to the byass of man's fancy . Wherefore , Madam , I am afraid to meddle with Divinity in the least thing , lest I incur the hazard of offending the divine Truth , and spoil the excellent Art of Philosophying ; for a Philosophical Liberty , and a Supernatural Faith , are two different things , and suffer no co-mixture ; as I have declared sufficiently heretofore . And this you will find as much truth , as that I am , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XX. MADAM , ALthough your Author a is of the opinion of Plato , in making Three sorts of Atheists : One that believes no Gods ; Another , which indeed admits of Gods , yet such as are uncarefull of us , and despisers of small matters , and therefore also ignorant of us : And lastly , a third sort , which although they believe the Gods to be expert in the least matters , yet do suppose that they are flexible and indulgent toward the smallest cold Prayers or Petitions : Yet I cannot approve of this distinction , for I do understand but one sort of Atheists ; that is , those which believe no God at all ; but those which believe that there is a God , although they do not worship him truly , nor live piously and religiously as they ought , cannot , in truth , be called Atheists , or else there would be innumerous sorts of Atheists ; to wit , all those , that are either no Christians , or not of this or that opinion in Christian Religion , besides all them that live wickedly , impiously and irreligiously ; for to know , and be convinced in his reason , that there is a God , and to worship him truly , according to his holy Precepts and Commands ; are two several things : And as for the first , that is , for the Rational knowledge of the Existence of God , I cannot be perswaded to believe , there is any man which has sense and reason , that doth not acknowledg a God ; nay , I am sure , there is no part of Nature which is void and destitute of this knowledg of the Existence of an Infinite , Eternal , Immortal , and Incomprehensible Deity ; for every Creature , being indued with sense and reason , and with sensitive and rational knowledg , there can no knowledg be more Universal then the knowledg of a God , as being the root of all knowledg : And as all Creatures have a natural knowledg of the Infinite God , so , it is probable , they Worship , Adore , and Praise his Infinite Power and Bounty , each after its own manner , and according to its nature ; for I cannot believe , God should make so many kinds of Creatures , and not be worshipped and adored but onely by Man : Nature is God's Servant , and she knows God better then any Particular Creature ; but Nature is an Infinite Body , consisting of Infinite Parts , and if she adores and worships God , her Infinite Parts , which are Natural Creatures , must of necessity do the like , each according to the knowledg it hath : but Man in this particular goes beyond others , as having not onely a natural , but also a revealed knowledg of the most Holy God ; for he knows Gods Will , not onely by the light of Nature , but also by revelation , and so more then other Creatures do , whose knowledg of God is meerly Natural . But this Revealed Knowledg makes most men so presumptuous , that they will not be content with it , but search more and more into the hidden mysteries of the Incomprehensible Deity , and pretend to know God as perfectly , almost , as themselves ; describing his Nature and Essence , his Attributes , his Counsels , his Actions , according to the revelation of God , ( as they pretend ) when as it is according to their own Fancies . So proud and presumptuous are many : But they shew thereby rather their weaknesses and follies , then any truth ; and all their strict and narrow pryings into the secrets of God , are rather unprofitable , vain and impious , then that they should benefit either themselves , or their neighbour ; for do all we can , God will not be perfectly known by any Creature : The truth is , it is a meer impossibility for a finite Creature , to have a perfect Idea of an Infinite Being , as God is ; be his Reason never so acute or sharp , yet he cannot penetrate what is Impenetrable , nor comprehend what is Incomprehensible : Wherefore , in my opinion , the best way is humbly to adore what we cannot conceive , and believe as much as God has been pleased to reveal , without any further search ; lest we diving too deep , be swallowed up in the bottomless depth of his Infiniteness : Which I wish every one may observe , for the benefit of his own self , and of others , to spend his time in more profitable Studies , then vainly to seek for what cannot be found . And with this hearty wish I conclude , resting , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXI . MADAM , YOur Author is so much for Spirits , that he doth not stick to affirm , a That Bodies scarce make up a moity or half part of the world ; but Spirits , even by themselves , have or possess their moity , and indeed the whole world . If he mean bodiless and incorporeal Spirits , I cannot conceive how Spirits can take up any place , for place belongs onely to body , or a corporeal substance , and millions of immaterial Spirits , nay , were their number infinite , cannot possess so much place as a small Pinspoint , for Incorporeal Spirits possess no place at all : which is the reason , that an Immaterial and a Material Infinite cannot hinder , oppose , or obstruct each other ; and such an Infinite , Immaterial Spirit is God alone . But as for Created Immaterial Spirits , as they call them , it may be questioned whether they be Immaterial , or not ; for there may be material Spirits as well as immaterial , that is , such pure , subtil and agil substances as cannot be subject to any humane sense , which may be purer and subtiller then the most refined air , or purest light ; I call them material spirits , onely for distinctions sake , although it is more proper , to call them material substances : But be it , that there are Immaterial Spirits , yet they are not natural , but supernatural ; that is , not substantial parts of Nature ; for Nature is material , or corporeal , and so are all her Creatures , and whatsoever is not material is no part of Nature , neither doth it belong any ways to Nature : Wherefore , all that is called Immaterial , is a Natural Nothing , and an Immaterial Natural substance , in my opinion , is non-sense : And if you contend with me , that Created Spirits , as good and bad Angels , as also the Immortal Mind of Man , are Immaterial , then I say they are Supernatural ; but if you say , they are Natural , then I answer they are Material : and thus I do not deny the existence of Immaterial Spirits , but onely that they are not parts of Nature , but supernatural ; for there may be many things above Nature , and so above a natural Understanding , and Knowledg , which may nevertheless have their being and existence , although they be not Natural , that is , parts of Nature : Neither do I deny that those supernatural Creatures may be amongst natural Creatures , that is , have their subsistence amongst them , and in Nature ; but they are not so commixed with them , as the several parts of Matter are , that is , they do not joyn to the constitution of a material Creature ; for no Immaterial can make a Material , or contribute any thing to the making or production of it ; but such a co-mixture would breed a meer confusion in Nature : wherefore , it is quite another thing , to be in Nature , or to have its subsistence amongst natural Creatures in a supernatural manner or way , and to be a part of Nature . I allow the first to Immaterial Spirits , but not the second , viz. to be parts of Nature . But what Immaterial Spirits are , both in their Essence or Nature , and their Essential Properties , it being supernatural , and above natural Reason , I cannot determine any thing thereof . Neither dare I say , they are Spirits like as God is , that is , of the same Essence or Nature , no more then I dare say or think that God is of a humane shape or figure , or that the Nature of God is as easie to be known as any notion else whatsoever , and that we may know as much of him as of any thing else in the world . For if this were so , man would know God as well as he knows himself ; but God and his Attributes are not so easily known as man may know himself and his own natural Proprieties ; for God and his Attributes are not conceiveable or comprehensible by any humane understanding , which is not onely material , but also finite ; for though the parts of Nature be infinite in number , yet each is finite in it self , that is , in its figure , and therefore no natural Creature is capable to conceive what God is ; for he being infinite , there is also required an infinite capacity to conceive him ; Nay , Nature her self , although she is Infinite , yet cannot possibly have an exact notion of God , by reason she is Material , and God is Immaterial ; and if the Infinite servant of God is not able to conceive God , much less will a finite part of Nature do it . Besides , the holy Church doth openly confess and declare the Incomprehensibility of God , when in the Athanasian Creed , she expresses , that the Father is Incomprehensible , the Son Incomprehensible , and the Holy Ghost Incomprehensible , and that there are not three , but one Incomprehensible God : Therefore , if any one will prove the contrary , to wit , that God is Comprehensible , or ( which is all one ) that God is as easie to be known as any Creature whatsoever , he surely is more then the Church : But I shall never say or believe so , but rather confess my ignorance , then betray my folly ; and leave things Divine to the Church ; to which I submit , as I ought , in all Duty : and as I do not meddle with any Divine Mysteries , but subject my self , concerning my Faith or Belief , and the regulating of my actions for the obtaining of Eternal Life , wholly under the government and doctrine of the Church , so , I hope , they will also grant me leave to have my liberty concerning the contemplation of Nature and natural things , that I may discourse of them , with such freedom , as meer natural Philosophers use , or at least ought , to do ; and thus I shall be both a good Chistian , and a good Natural Philosopher : Unto which , to make the number perfect , I will add a third , which is , I shall be , MADAM , Your real and faithful Friend and Servant . XXII . MADAM , THough I am loth ( as I have often told you ) to imbarque my self in the discourse of such a subject , as no body is able naturally to know , which is the supernatural and divine Soul in Man ; yet your Author having , in my judgment , strange opinions , both of the Essence , Figure , Seat and Production of the Soul , and discoursing thereof , with such liberty and freedom , as of any other natural Creature , I cannot chuse but take some notice of his discourse , and make some reflections upon it ; which yet , shall rather express my ignorance of the same subject , then in a positive answer , declare my opinion thereof ; for , in things divine , I refer my self wholly to the Church , and submit onely to their instructions , without any further search of natural reason ; and if I should chance to express more then I ought to do , and commit some errror , it being out of ignorance rather then set purpose , I shall be ready upon better information , to mend it , and willingly subject my self under the censure and correction of the holy Church , as counting it no disgrace to be ignorant in the mysteries of Faith , since Faith is of things unknown , but rather a duty required from every Lay-man to believe simply the Word of God , as it is explained and declared by the Orthodox Church , without making Interpretations out of his own brain , and according to his own fancy , which breeds but Schismes , Heresies , Sects , and Confusions . But concerning your Author , I perceive by him , first , that he makes no distinction between the Natural or Rational Soul or Mind of Man , and between the Divine or Supernatural Soul , but takes them both as one , and distinguishes onely the Immortal Soul from the sensitive Life of Man , which he calls the Frail , Mortal , Sensitive Soul. Next , all his knowledg of this Immortal Soul is grounded upon Dreams and Visions , and therefore it is no wonder , if his opinions be somewhat strange and irregular . I saw , in a Vision , says he , a my Mind in a humane shape ; but there was a light , whose whole homogeneal body was actively seeing , a spiritual substance , Chrystalline , shining with a proper splendor , or a splendor of its own , but in another cloudy part it was rouled up as it were in the husk of it self ; which whether it had any splendor of it self , I could not discern , by reason of the superlative brightness of the Chrystal Spirit contain'd within . Whereupon he defines the Soul to be a Spirit , beloved of God , homogeneal , simple , immortal , created into the Image of God , one onely Being , whereto death adds nothing , or takes nothing from it , which may be natural or proper to it in the Essence of its simplicity . As for this definition of the Soul , it may be true , for any thing I know : but when your Author makes the divine Soul to be a Light , I cannot conceive how that can agree ; for Light is a Natural and Visible Creature , and , in my opinion , a corporeal substance ; whereas the Soul is immaterial and incorporeal : But be it , that Light is not a substance , but a neutral Creature , according to your Author ; then , nevertheless the Immortal Soul cannot be said to be a light , because she is a substance . He may say , a The Soul is an Incomprehensible Light. But if the Soul be Incomprehensible , how then doth he know that she is a light , and not onely a light , but a glorious and splendorous light ? You will say , By a Dream , or Vision . Truly , Madam , to judg any thing by a Dream , is a sign of a weak judgment . Nay , since your Author calls the soul constantly a light ; if it were so , and that it were such a splendorous , bright and shining light , as he says ; then when the body dies , and the soul leaves its Mansion , it would certainly be seen , when it issues out of the body . But your Author calls the Soul a Spiritual Substance , and yet he says , she has an homogeneal body , actively seeing and shining with a proper splendor of her own ; which how it can agree , I leave to you to judg ; for I thought , an Immaterial spirit and a body were too opposite things , and now I see , your Author makes Material and Immaterial , Spiritual and Corporeal , all one . But this is not enough , but he allows it a Figure too , and that of a human shape ; for says he , I could never consider the Thingliness of the Immortal Mind with an Individual existence , deprived of all figure , neither but that it at least would answer to a human shape ; but the Scripture , as much as is known to me , never doth express any such thing of the Immortal Soul , and I should be loth to believe any more thereof then it declares . The Apostles , although they were conversant with Christ , and might have known it better , yet were never so inquisitive into the nature of the Soul , as our Modern divine Philosophers are ; for our Saviour , and they , regarded more the salvation of Man's Soul , and gave holy and wise Instructions rather , how to live piously and conformably to God's Will , to gain eternal Life , then that they should discourse either of the Essence or Figure , or Proprieties of the Soul , and whether it was a light , or any thing else , and such like needless questions , raised in after-times onely by the curiosity of divine Philosophers , or Philosophying Divines ; For though Light is a glorious Creature , yet Darkness is as well a Creature as Light , and ought not therefore to be despised ; for if it be not so bright , and shining as Light , yet it is a grave Matron-like Creature , and very useful : Neither is the Earth , which is inwardly dark , to be despised , because the Sun is bright . The like may be said of the soul , and of the body ; for the body is very useful to the soul , how dark soever your Author believes it to be ; and if he had not seen light with his bodily eyes , he could never have conceived the Soul to be a Light : Wherefore your Author can have no more knowledg of the divine soul then other men have , although he has had more Dreams and Visions ; nay , he himself confesses , that the Soul is an Incomprehensible Light ; which if so , she cannot be perfectly known , nor confined to any certain figure ; for a figure or shape belongs onely to a corporeal substance , and not to an incorporeal : and so , God being an Incomprehensible Being , is excluded from all figure , when as yet your Author doth not stick to affirm , that God is of a humane figure too , as well as the humane Soul is ; For , says he , Since God hath been pleased to adopt the Mind alone into his own Image , it also seems to follow , that the vast and unutter able God is of a humane Figure , and that from an argument from the effect , if there be any force of arguments in this subject . Oh! the audacious curiosity of Man ! Is it not blasphemy to make the Infinite God of a frail and humane shape , and to compare the most Holy to a sinful Creature ? Nay , is it not an absurdity , to confine and inclose that Incomprehensible Being in a finite figure ? I dare not insist longer upon this discourse , lest I defile my thoughts with the entertaining of such a subject that derogates from the glory of the Omnipotent Creator ; Wherefore , I will hasten , as much as I can , to the seat of the Soul , which , after relating several opinions , your Author concludes to be the orifice of the stomack , where the Immortal Soul is involved and entertained in the radical Inn or Bride-bed of the sensitive Soul or vital Light ; which part of the body is surely more honoured then all the rest : But I , for my part , cannot conceive why the Soul should not dwell in the parts of conception , as well , as in the parts of digestion , except it be to prove her a good Huswife ; however , your Author allows her to slide down sometimes : For , The action of the Mind , says he , being imprisoned in the Body , doth always tend downwards ; but whether the Soul tend more downwards then upwards , Contemplative Persons , especially Scholars , and grave States-men , do know best ; certainly , I believe , they find the soul more in their heads then in their heels , at least her operations . But , to conclude , if the Soul be pure and single of her self , she cannot mix with the Body , because she needs no assistance ; nor joyn with the Body , though she lives in the Body , for she needs no support ; and if she be individable , she cannot divide her self into several Parts of the Body ; but if the Soul spread over all the Body , then she is bigger , or less , according as the Body is ; and if she be onely placed in some particular part , then onely that one part is indued with a Soul , and the rest is Soul-less ; and if she move from place to place , then some parts of the Body will be sometimes indued with a Soul , sometimes not ; and if any one part requires not the subsistence of the Soul within it , then perhaps all the Body might have been able to spare her ; neither might the Soul , being able to subsist without the body , have had need of it . Thus useless questions will trouble men's brains , if they give their fancies leave to work . I should add something of the Production of the Soul ; but being tyred with so tedious a discouse of your Author , I am not able to write any more , but repose my Pen , and in the mean while rest affectionately , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXIII . MADAM , YOur Authors comparison a of the Sun , with the immaterial or divine Soul in Man , makes me almost of opinion , that the Sun is the Soul of this World we inhabit , and that the fixed Stars , which are counted Suns by some , may be souls to some other worlds ; for every one man has but one immaterial or divine soul , which is said to be individable and simple in its essence , and therefore unchangeable ; and if the Sun be like this immaterial soul , then the Moon may be like the material soul. But as for the Production of this immaterial and divine Soul in Man , whether it come by an immediate Creation from God , or be derived by a successive propagation from Parents upon their Children , I cannot determine any thing , being supernatural , and not belonging to my study ; nevertheless , the Propagation from Parents seems improbable to my reason ; for I am not capable to imagine , how an immaterial soul , being individable , should beget another . Some may say , by imprinting or sealing , viz. that the soul doth print the Image of its own figure upon the spirit of the seed ; which if so , then first there will onely be a production of the figure of the soul , but not of the substance , and so the Child will have but the Image of the soul , and not a real and substantial soul. Secondly , Every Child of the same Parents would be just alike , without any distinguishment ; if not in body , yet in the Faculties and Proprieties of their Minds or Souls . Thirdly , There must be two prints of the two souls of both Parents upon one Creature , to wit , the Child ; for both Parents do contribute alike to the Production of the Child , and then the Child would either have two souls , or both must be joyned as into one ; which how it can be , I am not able to conceive . Fourthly , If the Parents print the Image of their souls upon the Child , then the Childs soul bears not the Image of God , but the Image of Man , to wit , his Parents . Lastly , I cannot understand , how an immaterial substance should make a print upon a corporeal substance , for Printing is a corporeal action , and belongs onely to bodies . Others may say , that the soul is from the Parents transmitted into the Child , like as a beam of Light ; but then the souls of the Parents must part with some of their own substance ; for light is a substance dividable , in my opinion ; and if it were not , yet the soul is a substance , and cannot be communicated without losing some of his own substance , but that is impossible ; for the immaterial soul being individable , cannot be diminished nor increased in its substance or Nature . Others again , will have the soul produced by certain Ideas ; but Ideas being corporeal , cannot produce a substance Incorporeal or Spiritual . Wherefore I cannot conceive how the souls of the Parents , being individable in themselves , and not removeable out of their bodies until the time of death , should commix so , as to produce a third immaterial soul , like to their own . You will say , As the Sun , which is the fountain of heat and light , heats and enlightens , and produces other Creatures . But I answer , The Sun doth not produce other Suns , at least not to our knowledg . 'T is true , there are various and several manners and ways of Productions , but they are all natural , that is , material , or corporeal ; to wit , Productions of some material beings , or corporeal substances ; but the immaterial soul not being in the number of these , it is not probable , that she is produced by the way of corporeal productions , but created and infused from God , according to her nature , which is supernatural and divine : But being the Image of God , how she can be defiled with the impurity of sin , and suffer eternal damnation for her wickedness , without any prejudice to her Creator , I leave to the Church to inform us thereof . Onely one Question I will add , Whether the Soul be subject to Sickness and Pain ? To which I answer : As for the supernatural and divine Soul , although she be a substance , yet being not corporeal , but spiritual , she can never suffer pain , sickness , nor death ; but as for the natural soul , to speak properly , there is no such thing in Nature as pain , sickness , or death ; unless in respect to some Particular Creatures composed of natural Matter ; for what Man calls Sickness , Pain , and Death , are nothing else but the Motions of Nature ; for though there is but one onely Matter , that is , nothing but meer Matter in Nature , without any co-mixture of either a spiritual substance , or any thing else that is not Matter ; yet this meer Matter is of several degrees and parts , and is the body of Nature ; Besides , as there is but one onely Matter , so there is also but one onely Motion in Nature , as I may call it , that is , meer corporeal Motion , without any rest or cessation , which is the soul of that Natural body , both being infinite ; but yet this onely corporeal Motion is infinitely various in its degrees or manners , and ways of moving ; for it is nothing else but the action of natural Matter , which action must needs be infinite , being the action of an infinite body , making infinite figures and parts . These motions and actions of Nature , since they are so infinitely various , when men chance to observe some of their variety , they call them by some proper name , to make a distinguishment , especially those motions which belong to the figure of their own kind ; and therefore when they will express the motions of dissolution of their own figure , they call them Death ; when they will express the motions of Production of their figure , they call them Conception and Generation ; when they will express the motions proper for the Consistence , Continuance and Perfection of their Figure , they call them Health ; but when they will express the motions contrary to these , they call them Sickness , Pain , Death , and the like : and hence comes also the difference between regular and irregular motions ; for all those Motions that belong to the particular nature and consistence of any figure , they call regular , and those which are contrary to them , they call irregular . And thus you see , Madam , that there is no such thing in Nature , as Death , Sickness , Pain , Health , &c. but onely a variety and change of the corporeal motions , and that those words express nothing else but the variety of motions in Nature ; for men are apt to make more distinctions then Nature doth : Nature knows of nothing else but of corporeal figurative Motions , when as men make a thousand distinctions of one thing , and confound and entangle themselves so , with Beings , Non-beings , and Neutral-beings , Corporeals and Incorporeals , Substances and Accidents , or manners and modes of Substances , new Creations , and Annihilations , and the like , as neither they themselves , nor any body else , is able to make any sense thereof ; for they are like the tricks and slights of Juglers , 't is here , 't is gone ; and amongst those Authors which I have read as yet , the most difficult to be understood is this Author which I am now perusing , who runs such divisions , and cuts Nature into so small Parts , as the sight of my Reason is not sharp enough to discern them . Wherefore I will leave them to those that are more quick-sighted then I , and rest , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XXIV . MADAM , YOur Author relates , how by some the Immortal Soul is divided into two distinct parts ; the Inferior or more outward , which by a peculiar name is called the Soul , and the other the Superior , the more inward , the which is called the bottom of the Soul or Spirit , in which Part the Image of God is specially contained ; unto which is no access for the Devil , because there is the Kingdom of God : and each part has distinct Acts , Proprieties , and Faculties . Truly , Madam , I wonder , how some men dare discourse so boldly of the Soul , without any ground either of Scripture or Reason , nay , with such contradiction to themselves , or their own opinions ; For how can that be severed into parts , which in its nature is Individable ? and how can the Image of God concern but one Part of the Soul , and not the other ? Certainly , if the Soul is the Image of God , it is his Image wholly , and not partially , or in parts . But your Author has other as strange and odd opinions as these , some whereof I have mentioned in my former Letters , viz. the Souls being a Light , her Figure , her Residence , and many the like : Amongst the rest , there is one thing which your Author frequently makes mention of ; I know not what to call it , whether a thing , or a being , or no-thing ; for it is neither of them ; not a substance , nor an accident ; neither a body , nor a spirit ; and this Monster ( sor I think this is its proper name , since none other will fit it ) is the Lacquey of the Soul , to run upon all errands ; for the Soul sitting in her Princely Throne or Residence , which is the orifice of the stomack , cannot be every where her self ; neither is it fit she should , as being a disgrace to her , to perform all offices her self for want of servants , therefore she sends out this most faithful and trusty officer , ( your Author calls him Ideal Entity ) who being prepared for his journey , readily performs all her commands , as being not tied up to no commands of places , times or dimensions , especially in Women with Child he operates most powerfully ; for sometime he printed a Cherry on a Child , by a strong Idea of the Mother ; but this Ideal Entity or servant of the Soul , hath troubled my brain more , then his Mistress the Soul her self ; for I could not , nor cannot as yet conceive , how he might be able to be the Jack of all offices , and do Journies and travel from one part of the body to another , being no body nor substance himself , nor tyed to any place , time , and dimension , and therefore I will leave him . Your Author also speaks much of the Inward and Outward Man ; but since that belongs to Divinity , I will declare nothing of it ; onely this I say , that , in my opinion , the Inward and Outward man do not make a double . Creature , neither properly , nor improperly ; properly , as to make two different men ; improperly , as we use to call that man double , whose heart doth not agree with his words . But by the Outward man I understand the sinful actions of flesh and blood , and by the Inward man the reformed actions of the Spirit , according to the Word of God ; and therefore the Outward and Inward man make but one Man. Concerning the Natural Soul , your Author a speaks of her more to her disgrace then to her honor ; for he scorns to call her a substance , neither doth he call her the Rational Soul , but he calls her the Sensitive Soul , and makes the Divine Soul to be the Rational Natural Soul , and the cause of all natural actions ; for he being a Divine Philosopher , mixes Divine and Natural things together : But of the Frail , Mortal , Sensitive Soul , as he names her , which is onely the sensitive Life , his opinions are , that she is neither a substance , nor an accident , but a Neutral Creature , and a Vital Light , which hath not its like in the whole World , but the light of a Candle ; for it is extinguished , and goes out like the flame of a Candle ; it is locally present , and entertained in a place , and yet not comprehended in a place . Nevertheless , although this sensitive soul is no substance , yet it has the honor to be the Inn or Lodging-place of the Immortal Soul or Mind ; and these two souls being both lights , do pierce each other ; but the Mortal soul blunts the Immortal soul with its cogitation of the corruption of Adam . These opinions , Madam , I confess really , I do not know what to make of them ; for I cannot imagine , how this Mortal soul , being no substance , can contain the Immortal soul , which is a substance ; nor how they can pierce each other , and the Mortal soul being substanceless , get the better over an Immortal substance , and vitiate , corrupt , and infect it ; neither can I conceive , how that , which in a manner is nothing already , can be made less and annihilated . Wherefore , my opinion is , that the Natural Soul , Life , and Body , are all substantial parts of Infinite Nature , not subsisting by themselves each apart , but inseparably united and co-mixed both in their actions and substances ; for not any thing can and doth subsist of it self in Nature , but God alone ; and things supernatural may , for ought I know : T is true , there are several Degrees , several particular Natures , several Actions or Motions , and several Parts in Nature , but none subsists single , and by it self , without reference to the whole , and to one another . Your Author says , the Vital Spirit sits in the Throne of the Outward man as Vice Roy of the Soul , and acts by Commission of the Soul ; but it is impossible , that one single part should be King of the whole Creature , since Rational and Sensitive Matter is divided into so many parts , which have equal power and force of action in their turns and severall imployments ; for though Nature is a Monarchess over all her Creatures , yet in every particular Creature is a Republick , and not a Monarchy ; for no part of any Creature has a sole supreme Power over the rest . Moreover , your Author a says , That an Angel is not a Light himself , nor has an Internal Light , natural and proper to himself , but is the Glass of an Vncreated Light : Which , to my apprehension , seems to affirm , That Angels are the Looking-glasses of God ; a pretty Poetical Fancy , but not grounded on the Scripture : for the Scripture doth not express any such thing of them , but onely that they are Ministring Spirits sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of Salvation : Which , I think , is enough for us to know here , and leave the rest until we come to enjoy their company in Heaven . But it is not to be admired , that those , which pretend to know the Nature and Secrets of God , should not have likewise knowledg of Supernatural Creatures ; In which conceit I leave them , and rest , MADAM , Your real and faithful Friend and Servant . XXV . MADAM , REason and Intellect are two different things to your Author a ; for Intellect , says he , doth properly belong to the Immortal Soul , as being a Formal Light , and the very substance of the Soul it self , wherein the Image of God onely consists ; But Reason is an uncertain , frail faculty of the Mortal Soul , and doth in no ways belong , nor has any communion with the Intellect of the Mind . Which seems to me , as if your Author did make some difference between the Divine , and the Natural Soul in Man , although he doth not plainly declare it in the same Terms ; for that which I name the Divine Soul , is to him the Immortal Mind , Intellect , or Understanding , and the Seat of the Image of God ; but the Natural Soul he calls the Frail , Mortal , and Rational Soul ; and as Understanding is the Essence of the Immortal , so Reason is to him the Essence of the Mortal Soul ; which Reason he attributes not only to Man , but also to Brutes : For Reason and Discourse , says he , do not obscurely flourish and grow in brute Beasts , for an aged Fox is more crafty then a younger one by rational discourse ; and again , That the Rational Part of the Soul doth belong to brutes , is without doubt : Wherein he rightly dissents from those , which onely do attribute a sensitive Soul to brutes ; and Reason to none but Man , whom therefore they call a Rational Creature , and by this Rational Faculty do distinguish him from the rest of Animals . And thus I perceive the difference betwixt your Authors opinion , and theirs , is , That other Philosophers commonly do make the Rational soul , to be partly that which I call the supernatural and divine Soul , as onely belonging to man , and bearing the Image of God , not acknowledging any other Natural , but a Sensitive soul in the rest of Animals , and a Vegetative soul in Vegetables ; and these three souls , or faculties , operations , or degrees , ( call them what you will , for we shall not fall out about names , ) concurr and joyn together in Man ; but the rest of all Creatures , are void and destitute ofLife , as well as of Soul , and therefore called Unanimate ; and thus they make the natural rational soul , and the divine soul in man to be all one thing , without any distinguishment ; but your Author makes a difference between the Mortal and Immortal soul in Man ; the Immortal he calls the Intellect or Understanding , and the Mortal soul he calls Reason : but to my judgment he also attributes to the immortal soul , actions which are both natural , and supernatural , adscribing that to the divine soul , which onely belongs to the natural , and taking that from the natural , which properly belongs to her . Besides , he slights and despises the Rational soul so , as if she were almost of no value with Man , making her no substance , but a mental intricate and obscure Being , and so far from Truth , as if there were no affinity betwixt Truth and Reason , but that they disagree in their very roots , and that the most refined Reason may be deceitful . But your Author , by his leave , confounds Reason , and Reasoning , which are two several and distinct things ; for reasoning and arguing differs as much from Reason , as doubtfulness from certainty of knowledg , or a wavering mind from a constant mind ; for Reasoning is the discoursive , and Reason the understanding part in Man , and therefore I can find no great difference between Understanding and Reason : Neither can I be perswaded , that Reason should not remain with Man after this life , and enter with him into Heaven , although your Author speaks much against it ; for if Man shall be the same then , which he is now , in body , why not in soul also ? 'T is true , the Scripture says , he shall have a more glorious body , but it doth not say , that some parts of the body shall be cast away , or remain behind ; and if not of the body , why of the soul ? Why shall Reason , which is the chief part of the natural Soul , be wanting ? Your Author is much for Intellect or Understanding ; but I cannot imagine how Understanding can be without Reason . Certainly , when he saw the Immortal Soul in a Vision , to be a formal Light , how could he discern what he saw , without Reason ? How could he distinguish between Light and Darkness , without Reason ? How could he know the Image of the Mind to be the Image of God , without the distinguishment of Reason ? You will say , Truth informed him , and not Reason . I answer , Reason shews the Truth . You may reply , Truth requires no distinguishment or judgment . I grant , that perfect Truth requires not reasoning or arguing , as whether it be so , or not ; but yet it requires reason , as to confirm it to be so , or not so : for Reason is the confirmation of Truth , and Reasoning is but the Inquisition into Truth : Wherefore , when our Souls shall be in the fulness of blessedness , certainly , they shall not be so dull and stupid , but observe distinctions between God , Angels , and sanctified Souls ; as also , that our glory is above our merit , and that there is great difference between the Damned , and the Blessed , and that God is an Eternal and Infinite Being , and onely to be adored , admired , and loved , and that we enjoy as much as can be enjoyed : All which the Soul cannot know without the distinguishment of Reason ; otherwise we might say , the Souls in Heaven , love , joy , admire and adore , but know not what , why , or wherefore ; For , shall the blessed Souls present continual Praises without reason ? Have they not reason to praise God for their happiness , and shall they not remember the Mercies of God , and the Merits of his Son ? For without remembrance of them , they cannot give a true acknowledgment , although your Author says there is no use of Memory or remembrance in Heaven : but surely , I believe there is ; for if there were not memory in Heaven , the Penitent Thief upon the Cross his Prayers had been in vain ; for he desired our Saviour to remember him when he did come into his Kingdom : Wherefore if there be Understanding in Heaven , there is also Reason ; and if there be Reason , there is Memory also : for all Souls in Heaven , as well as on Earth , have reason to adore , love , and praise God. But , Madam , my study is in natural Philosophy , not in Theology ; and therefore I 'le refer you to Divines , and leave your Author to his own fancy , who by his singular Visions tells us more news of our Souls , then our Saviour did after his Death and Resurrection : Resting in the mean time , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXVI . MADAM , COncerning those parts and chapters of your Authors Works , which treat of Physick ; before I begin to examine them , I beg leave of you in this present , to make some reflections first upon his Opinions concerning the Nature of Health and Diseases : As for Health , he is pleased to say , a That it consists not in a just Temperature of the body , but in a sound and intire Life ; for otherwise , a Temperature of body is as yet in a dead Carcass newly kill'd , where notwithstanding there is now death , but not life , not health : Also he says , b That no disease is in a dead Carcass . To which I answer , That , in my opinion , Life is in a dead Carcass , as well as in a living Animal , although not such a Life as that Creature had before it became a Carcass , and the Temperature of that Creature is altered with the alteration of its particular life ; for the temperature of that particular life , which was before in the Animal , doth not remain in the Carcass , in such a manner as it was when it had the life of such or such an Animal ; nevertheless , a dead Carcass hath life , and such a temperature of life , as is proper , and belonging to its own figure : for there are as many different lives , as there be different creatures , and each creature has its particular life and soul , as partaking of sensitive and rational Matter . And if a dead Carcass hath life , and such a temperature of motions as belong to its own life , then there is no question , but these motions may move sometimes irregularly in a dead Carcass as well , as in any other Creature ; and since health and diseases are nothing else but the regularity or irregularity of sensitive corporeal Motions , a dead Carcass having Irregular motions , may be said as well to have diseases , as a living body , as they name it , although it is no proper or usual term for other Creatures , but onely for Animals . However , if there were no such thing as a disease ( or term it what you will , I will call it Irregularity of sensitive motions ) in a dead Carcass , How comes it that the infection of a disease proceeds often from dead Carcasses into living Animals ? For , certainly , it is not meerly the odour or stink of a dead body , for then all stinking Carcasses would produce an Infection ; wherefore this Infection must necessarily be inherent in the Carcass , and proceed from the Irregularity of its motions . Next I 'le ask you , Whether a Consumption be a disease , or not ? If it be , then a dead Carcass might be said to have a disease , as well as a living body ; and the AEgyptians knew a soveraign remedy against this disease , which would keep a dead Carcass intire and undissolved many ages ; but as I said above , a dead Carcass is not that which it was being a living Animal , wherefore their effects cannot be the same , having not the same causes . Next , your Author is pleased to call , with Hippocrates , Nature the onely Physicianess of Diseases . I affirm it ; and say moreover , that as she is the onely Physicianess , so she is also the onely Destroyeress and Murtheress of all particular Creatures , and their particular lives ; for she dissolves and transforms as well as she frames and creates ; and acts according to her pleasure , either for the increase or decrease , augmentation or destruction , sickness or health , life or death of Particular Creatures . But concerning Diseases , your Authors opinion is , That a Disease is as Natural as Health . I answer ; 't is true , Diseases are natural ; but if we could find out the art of healing , as well as the art of killing and destroying ; and the art of uniting and composing , as well as the art of separating and dividing , it would be very beneficial to man ; but this may easier be wished for , then obtained ; for Nature being a corporeal substance , has infinite parts , as well as an infinite body ; and Art , which is onely the playing action of Nature , and a particular Creature , can easier divide and separate parts , then unite and make parts ; for Art cannot match , unite , and joyn parts so as Nature doth ; for Nature is not onely dividable and composeable , being a corporeal substance , but she is also full of curiosity and variety , being partly self-moving : and there is great difference between forced actions , and natural actions ; for the one sort is regular , the other irregular . But you may say , Irregularities are as natural as Regularities . I grant it ; but Nature leaves the irregular part most commonly to her daughter or creature Art , that is , she makes irregularities for varieties sake , but she her self orders the regular part , that is , she is more careful of her regular actions ; and thus Nature taking delight in variety suffers irregularities ; for otherwise , if there were onely regularities , there could not be so much variety . Again your Author says , That a disease doth not consist but in living bodies . I answer , there is not any body that has not life ; for if life is general , then all figures or parts have life ; but though all bodies have life , yet all bodies have not diseases ; for diseases are but accidental to bodies , and are nothing else but irregular motions in particular Creatures , which may be not onely in Animals , but generally in all Creatures ; for there may be Irregularities in all sorts of Creatures , which may cause untimely dissolutions ; but yet all dissolutions are not made by irregular motions , for many creatures dissolve regularly , but onely those which are untimely . In the same place your Author mentions , That a Disease consists immediately in Life it self , but not in the dregs and filthinesses , which are erroneous forreigners and strangers to the life . I grant , that a Disease is made by the motions of Life , but not such a life as your Author describes , which doth go out like the snuff of a Candle , or as one of Lucian's Poetical Lights ; but by the life of Nature , which cannot go out without the destruction of Infinite Nature : and as the Motions of Nature's life make diseases or irregularities , so they make that which man names dregs and filths ; which dregs , filths , sickness , and death , are nothing but changes of corporeal motions , different from those motions or actions that are proper to the health , perfection and consistence of such or such a figure or creature . But , to conclude , there is no such thing as corruption , sickness , or death , properly in Nature , for they are made by natural actions , and are onely varieties in Nature , but not obstructions or destructions of Nature , or annihilations of particular Creatures ; and so is that we name Superfluities , which bear onely a relation to a particular Creature , which hath more Motion and Matter then is proper for the nature of its figure . And thus much of this subject for the present , from , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXVII . MADAM , In my last , I remember , I told you of your Authors opinion concerning the seat of Diseases , viz. that Diseases are properly in living bodies , and consist in the life it self ; but when I consider his definition of Life , and of a Disease , I cannot conceive how they should consist together ; for he describes a a Disease to be a real , material and substantial being , truly subsisting in a body ; but life to be a meer nothing , and yet the immediate mansion of a disease , the inward subject , yea , and workman of the same ; and that with the life all diseases depart into nothing . Surely , Madam , it exceedeth my understanding ; for , first , I cannot conceive how life , which is a meer Nothing , can be a lodging to something ? Next , how Nothing can depart and die ? and thirdly how Something can become Nothing ? I think your Author might call a dead Carcass as well No-thing , as Life ; and since he names Diseases the Thieves of Life , they must needs be but poor Thieves , because they steal No-thing . But your Author compares Life to Light , and calls it an Extinguishable Light , like the light of a Candle ; which if so , then the old saying is verified , That life goes out like the snuff of a Candle . But I wonder , Madam , that grave and wise men will seriously make use of a fimilifing old Proverb , or of a Poetical Fancy , in matter of natural Philosophy ; for I have observed , that Homer , Lucian , Ovid , Virgil , Horace , &c. have been very ferviceable to great Philosophers , who have taken the ground of their Fictions , and transferred them into Natural Philosophy , as Immaterial substances , Non-beings , and many the like ; but they can neither do any good nor hurt to Nature , but onely spoil Philosophical Knowledg ; and as Nature is ignorant of Immaterials and Non-beings , so Art is ignorant of Nature ; for Mathematical Rules , Measures , and Demonstrations , cannot rule , measure nor demonstrate Nature , no more , then Chymical Divisions , Dissolutions and Extractions ( or rather distractions , nay , I may say destructions ) can divide , dissolve , extract , compose , and unite , as Nature doth ; Wherefore their Instruments , Figures , Furnaces , Limbecks , and Engines , cannot instruct them of the truth of Natures Principles ; but the best and readiest way to find out Nature , or rather some truth of Nature , is sense and reason , which are Parts of Natures active substance , and therefore the truest informers of Nature ; but the Ignorance of Nature has caused Ignorance amongst Philosophers , and the Ignorance of Philosophers hath caused numerous Opinions , and numerous Opinions have caused various Discourses and Disputes ; which Discourses and Disputes , are not Sense and Reason , but proceed from Irregular Motions ; and Truth is not found in Irregularities . But to return to Life : it seems your Author hath taken his opinion from Lucian's Kingdom of Lights , the Lights being the Inhabitants thereof ; and when any was adjudged to die , his Light was put out , which was his punishment : And thus this Heathenish Fiction is become a Christian Verity ; when as yet your Author rayls much at those , that insist upon the Opinions and Doctrine of Pagan Philosophers . Wherefore I will leave this Poetical Fancy of Life , and turn to Death , and see what opinion your Author hath of that . First , concerning the cause or original of Death ; Neither God , says he a , nor the Evil Spirit , is the Creator of Death , but Man onely , who made death for himself ; Neither did Nature make death , but Man made death natural . Which if it be so , then Death being , to my opinion , a natural Creature , as well as Life , Sickness , and Health ; Man , certainly , had great Power , as to be the Creator of a natural Creature . But , I would fain know the reason , why your Author is so unwilling to make God the Author of Death , and Sickness , as well as of Damnation ? Doth it imply any Impiety or Irreligiousness ? Doth not God punish , as well as reward ? and is not death a punishment for our sin ? You may say , Death came from sin , but sin did not come from God. Then some might ask from whence came sin ? You will say , From the Transgression of the Command of God , as the eating of the Forbidden Fruit. But from whence came this Transgression ? It might be answer'd , From the Perswasion of the Serpent . From whence came this Perswasion ? From his ill and malitious nature to oppose God , and ruine the race of Mankind . From whence came this ill Nature ? From his Fall. Whence came his Fall ? From his Pride and Ambition to be equal with God. From whence came this Pride ? From his Free-will . From whence came his Free-will ? From God. Thus , Madam , if we should be too inquisitive into the actions of God , we should commit Blasphemy , and make God Cruel , as to be the Cause of Sin , and consequently of Damnation . But although God is not the Author of Sin , yet we may not stick to say , that he is the Author of the Punishment of Sin , as an Act of his Divine Justice ; which Punishment , is Sickness , and Death ; nay , I see no reason , why not of Damnation too , as it is a due punishment for the sins of the wicked ; for though Man effectively works his own punishment , yet Gods Justice inflicts it : Like as a just Judg may be call'd the cause of a Thief being hang'd . But these questions are too curious ; and some men will be as presumptuous as the Devil , to enquire into Gods secret actions , although they be sure that they cannot be known by any Creature . Wherefore let us banish such vain thoughts , and onely admire , adore , love , and praise God , and implore his Mercy , to give us grace to shun the punishments for our sins by the righteousness of our actions , and not endeavour to know his secret designs . Next , I dissent from your Author a , That Death and all dead things do want roots whereby they may produce : For death , and dead things , in my opinion , are the most active producers , at least they produce more numerously and variously then those we name living things ; for example , a dead Horse will produce more several Animals , besides other Creatures , then a living Horse can do ; but what Archeus and Ideas a dead Carcass hath , I can tell no more , then what Blas or Gas it hath ; onely this I say , that it has animate Matter , which is the onely Archeus or Master-workman , that produces all things , creates all things , dissolves all things , and transforms all things in Nature ; but not out of Nothing , or into Nothing , as to create new Creatures which were not before in Nature , or to annihilate Creatures , and to reduce them to nothing ; but it creates and transforms out of , and in the same Matter which has been from all Eternity . Lastly , your Author is pleased to say , That he doth not behold a disease as an abstracted Quality ; and that Apoplexy , Leprosie , Dropsie , and Madness , as they are Qualities in the abstract , are not diseases . I am of his mind , that a disease is a real and corporeal being , and do not understand what he and others mean by abstraoted qualities ; for Nature knows of no abstraction of qualities from substances , and I doubt Man can do no more then Nature doth : Besides , those abstractions are needless , and to no purpose ; for no Immaterial quality will do any hurt , if it be no substance ; wherefore Apoplexy , Leprosie , Dropsie , and Madness , are Corporeal beings , as well as the rest of Diseases , and not abstracted Qualities ; and I am sure , Persons that are affected with those diseases will tell the same . Wherefore leaving needless abstractions to fancies abstracted from right sense and reason , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXVIII . MADAM , I Am very much troubled to see your Authors Works fill'd with so many spiteful reproaches and bitter taunts against the Schools of Physicians , condemning both their Theory and Practice ; nay , that not onely the Modern Schools of Physicians , but also the two ancient and famous Physicians , Galen , and Paracelsus , must sufficiently suffer by him ; especially Galen ; for there is hardly a Chapter in all his Works , which has not some accusations of blind errors , sloth , and sluggishness , Ignorance , Covetousness , Cruelty , and the like : Which I am very sorry for ; not onely for the sake of your Author himself , who herein doth betray both his rashness , and weakness , in not bridling his passions , and his too great presumption , reliance and confidence in his own abilities , and extraordinary Gifts ; but also for the sake of the Fame and Repute of our Modren Physicians ; for without making now any difference betwixt the Galenists and Paracelsians , and examining which are the best , ( for I think them both excellent in their kinds , especially when joyned together ) I will onely say this in general ; that the Art of Physick has never flourish'd better then now , neither has any age had more skilful , learned , and experienced Physicians , then this present ; because they have not onely the knowledg and practise of those in ages Past , but also their own experience joyned with it , which cannot but add perfection to their Art ; and I , for my part , am so much for the old way of Practice , that ifI should be sick , I would desire rather such Physicians which follow the same way , then those , that by their new Inventions , perchance , cure one , and kill a hundred . But your Author * will have a Physician to be like a Handycrafts man , who being call'd to a work , promises that work , and stands to his promise ; and therefore , It is a shame , says he , in a Physician , being call'd to a sick-man in the beginning of the disease , and when his strength is yet remaining , to suffer the same man to die . This , in my opinion , is a very unreasonable comparison , to liken a Handicrafts man to a Physician , and the art of Curing to the art of Building , or any the like , without regard of so many great differences that are between them , which I am loth to rehearse , for brevities sake , and are apparant enough to every one that will consider them : but this I may say , that it is not always for want of skill and industry in a Physician , that the cure is not effected , but it lies either in the Incureableness of the disease , or any other external accidents that do hinder the success : Not but that the best Physicians may err in a disease , or mistake the Patients inward distemper by his outward temper , or the interior temper by his outward distemper , or any other ways ; for they may easily err through the variaction of the disease , which may vary so suddenly and oft , as it is impossible to apply so fast , and so many Medicines , as the alteration requires , without certain death ; for the body is not'able , oftentimes , to dispose and digest several Medicines so fast , as the disease may vary , and therefore what was good in this temper , may , perhaps , be bad in the variation ; insomuch , that one medicine may in a minute prove a Cordial , and Poyson . Nay , it may be that some Physicians do err through their own ignorance and mistake , must we therefore condemn all the skill , and accuse all the Schools of Negligence , Cruelty , and Ignorance ? God forbid : for it would be a great Injustice . Let us rather praise them for the good they do , and nor rashly condemn them for the evil they could not help : For we may as well condemn those holy and industrious Divines , that cannot reform wicked and perverse Sinners , as Physicians , because they cannot restore every Patient to his former health , the Profession of a Physician being very difficult ; for they can have but outward signs of inward distempers . Besides , all men are not diffected after they are dead , to inform Physicians of the true cause of their death ; nay , if they were , perchance they would not give always a true information to the Physician , as is evident by many examples ; but oftentimes the blame is laid upon the Physician , when as the fault is either in Nature , or any other cause , which Art could not mend . And if your Author had had such an extraordinary Gift from God as to know more then all the rest of Physicians , why did he not accordingly , and as the Scripture speaks of Faith , shew his skill by his Works and Cures ? certainly , could he have restored those that were born blind , lame , deaf and dumb , or cured the spotted Plague , or Apoplexy after the third fit , or the Consumption of Vital parts , or a Fever in the Arteries , or dissolved a Stone too big to go through the passage , and many the like ; he would not onely have been cried up for a rare Physician , but for a miracle of the World , and worshipped as a Saint : But if he could not effect more then the Schools can do , why doth he inveigh so bitterly against them ? Wherefore I cannot commend him in so doing ; but as I respect the Art of Physick , as a singular Gift from God to Mankind , so I respect and esteem also learned and skilful Physicians , for their various Knowledg , industrious Studies , careful Practice , and great Experiences , and think every one is bound to do the like , they being the onely supporters and restorers of humane life and health : For though I must confess , with your Author , that God is the onely giver of Good , yet God is not pleased to work Miracles ordinarily , but has ordained means for the restoring of health , which the Art of Physick doth apply ; and therefore those Persons that are sick , do wisely to send for a Physician ; for Art , although it is but a particular Creature , and the handmaid of Nature , yet she doth Nature oftentimes very good service ; and so do Physicians often prolong their Patients lives . The like do Chirurgeons ; for if those Persons that have been wounded , had been left to be cured onely by the Magnetick Medicine , I believe , numbers that are alive would have been dead , and numbers would die that are alive ; insomuch , as none would escape , but by miracle , epecially if dangerously hurt . Concerning the Coveteousness of Physicians , although sickness is chargeable , yet I think it is not Charitable to say or to think , that Physitians regard more their Profit , then their Patients health ; for we might as well condemn Divines for taking their Tithes and Stipends , as Physicians for taking their Fees : but the holy Writ tells us , that a Labourer is Worthy of his hire or reward ; and , for my part , I think those commit a great sin , which repine at giving Rowards in any kind ; for those that deserve well by their endeavours , ought to have their rewards ; and such Meritorious Persons , I wish with all my Soul , may prosper and thrive . Nevertheless , as for those persons , which for want of means are not able to reward their Physicians , I think Physicians will not deal so unconscionably , as to neglect their health and lives for want of their Fees , but expect the reward from God , and be recompenced the better by those that have Wealth enough to spare . And this good opinion I have of them . So leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XXIX . MADAM , I Am of your Authors mind , That heat is not the cause of digestion ; but I dissent from him , when he says , That it is the Ferment of the stomach that doth cause it : For , in my opinion , Digestion is onely made by regular digestive motions , and ill digestion is caused by irregular motions , and when those motions are weak , then there is no digestion at all , but what was received , remains unaltered ; but when they are strong and quick , then they make a speedy digestion . You may ask me , what are digestive motions ? I answer , They are transchanging , or transforming motions : but since there be many sorts of transchanging motions , digestive motions are those , which transchange food into the nourishment of the body , and dispose properly , fitly and usefully of all the Parts of the food , as well of those which are converted into nourishment , as of those which are cast forth . For give me leave to tell you , Madam , that some parts of natural Matter , do force or cause other parts of Matter to move and work according to their will , without any change or alteration of their parts ; as for example , Fire and Metal ; for Fire will cause Metal to flow , but it doth not readily alter it from its nature of being Metal ; neither doth Fire alter its nature from being Fire . And again , some parts of Matter will cause other parts to work and act to their own will , by forcing these over-powred parts to alter their own natural motions into the motions of the victorious Party , and so transforming them wholly into their own Figure ; as for example , Fire will cause Wood to move so as to take its figure , to wit , the figure of Fire , that is , to change its own figurative motions into the motions of Fire : and this latter kind of moving or working is found in digestion ; for the regular digestive motions do turn all food received from its own nature or figure , into the nourishment , figure , or nature of the body , as into flesh , blood , bones , and the like . But when several parts of Matter meet or joyn with equal force and power , then their several natural motions are either quite altered , or partly mixt : As for example ; some received things not agreeing with the natural constitution of the body , the corporeal motions of the received , and those of the receiver , do dispute or oppose each other : for the motions of the received , not willing to change their nature conformable to the desire of the digestive motions , do resist , and then a War begins , whereby the body suffers most ; for it causes either a sickness in the stomack , or a pain in the head , or in the heart , or in the bowels , or the like : Nay , if the received food gets an absolute victory , it dissolves and alters oftentimes the whole body , it self remaining intire and unaltered , as is evident in those that die of surfeits . But most commonly these strifes and quarrels , if violent , do alter and dissolve each others forms or natures . And many times it is not the fault of the Received , but of the Receiver ; as for example , when the digestive and transforming motions are either irregular , or weak ; for they being too weak , or too few , the meat or food received is digested onely by halves ; and being irregular , it causes that which we call corruption . But it may be observed , that the Received food is either agreeable , or disagreeable , to the Receiver ; if agreeable , then there is a united consent of Parts , to act regularly and perfectly in digestion ; if disagreeable , then the Received acts to the Ruine , that is , to the alteration or dissolution of the Nature of the Receiver ; but if it be neutral , that is , neither perfectly agreeable , nor perfectly disagreeable , but between both , then the receiver , or rather the digestive Motions of the receiver , use a double strength to alter and transform the received . But you may ask me , Madam , what the reason is , that many things received , after they are dissolved into small parts , those parts will keep their former colour and savour ? I answer ; The cause is , that either the retentive Motions in the Parts of the received , are too strong for the digestive and alterative Motions of the receiver , or perchance , this colour and savour is so proper to them , as not to be transchanged : but you must observe , that those digestive , alterative and transchanging motions , do not act or move all after one and the same manner ; for some do dissolve the natural figure of the received , some disperse its dissolved parts into the parts of the body , some place the dispersed parts fitly and properly for the use , benefit , and consistence of the body ; for there is so much variety in this one act of digestion , as no man is able to conceive ; and if there be such variety in one Particular natural action , what variety will there not be in all Nature ? Wherefore , it is not , as I mentioned in the beginning , either Ferment , or Heat , or any other thing , that causes digestion ; for if all the constitution and nature of our body was grounded or did depend upon Ferment , then Brewers and Bakers , and those that deal with Ferments , would be the best Physicians . But I would fain know the cause which makes Ferment ? You may say , saltness , and sowreness . But then I ask , From whence comes saltness and sowreness ? You may say , From the Ferment . But then I shall be as wise as before . The best way , perhaps , may be to say , with your Author , that Ferment is a Primitive Cause , and a beginning or Principle of other things , and it self proceeds from nothing . But then it is beyond my imagination , how that can be a Principle of material things , which it self is nothing ; that is , neither a substance , nor an accident . Good Lord ! what a stir do men make about nothing ! I am amazed to see their strange Fancies and Conceptions vented for the Truest Reasons : Wherefore I will return to my simple opinion ; and as I cannot conceive any thing that is beyond Matter , or a Body ; so I believe , according to my reason , that there is not any part in Nature , be it never so subtil or small , but is a self-moving substance , or endued with self-motion ; and according to the regularity and irregularity of these motions , all natural effects are produced , either perfect , or imperfect ; timely births , or untimely and monstrous births ; death , health , and diseases , good and ill dispositions , natural and extravagant Appetites and Passions , ( I say natural , that is , according to the nature of their figures ; ) Sympathy and Antipathy , Peace and War , Rational and Phantastical opinions . Nevertheless , all these motions , whether regular or irregular , are natural ; for regularity and irregularity hath but a respect to particulars , and to our conceptions , because those motions which move not after the ordinary , common or usual way or manner , we call Irregular . But the curiosity and variety in Nature is unconceiveable by any particular Creature ; and so leaving it , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXX MADAM , YOur Author says a , it is an ancient Truth , That whatsoever things , meats being digested and cast out by vomit , are of a sowre taste and smell , yea , although they were seasoned with much sugar . But I do not assent to this opinion ; for I think that some Vomits have no more taste then pure Water hath . Neither am I of his mind , That Digestion is hastened by sharpness or tartness : For do but try it by one simple experiment ; take any kind of flesh-meat , boyl or stew it with Vinegar , or sowre wine , or with much salt ; and you will find , that it doth require a longer time , or rather more motions to dissolve , then if you boyl it in fair water , without such ingredients as are sowre , sharp , or salt ; also if you do but observe , you will find the dregs more sandy , stony and hard , being drest with much salt , and sharp wine , or vinegar , then when they are not mixt with such contracting and fixing Ingredients ? Wherefore , if the Ferment of the stomack hath such a restringent and contracting quality , certainly digestions will be but slow and unprofitable ; but Nature requires expulsion as much as attraction , and dilation as much as contraction , and digestion is a kind of dilation . Wherefore , in my judgment , contracting tartness and sharpness doth rather hinder digestion then further it . Next I perceive , your Author inclines to the opinion , That Choler is not made by meat * : But I would ask him , whether any humor be made ofmeat , or whether blood ; flesh , &c. are made and nourished by meat ? If they be not , then my answer is , That we eat to no purpose ; but if they be , then Choler is made so too . But if he says , That sorne are made , and some not ; then I would ask , what that humor is made of , that is not made by meat or food received into the body ? But we find that humors , blood , flesh , &c. will be sometimes more , sometimes less , according either to feeding , or to digestion , which digestion is a contribution of food to every several part of the body for its nourishment ; and when there is a decay ofthose parts , then it is caused either by fasting , or by irregular digestion , or by extraordinary evacuation , or by distempered matter , &c. all which , causes sickness , paleness , leanness ; weakness , and the like . Again : your Author is against the opinion of the Schools , That the Gall is a receptacle of superfluous humors and dregs : for he says , it has rather the constitution of a necessary and vital bowel , and is the balsom of the liver and blood . Truly , it may be so , for any thing I know , or it may be not ; for your Author could but guess , not assuredly know , unless he had been in a man as big as the Whale in whose belly Jonas was three days , and had observed the interior parts and motions of every part for three years time , and yet he might perchance have been as ignorant at the coming forth , as if he never had been there ; for Natures actions are not onely curious , but very various ; and not onely various , but very obscure ; in so much , as the most ingenious Artists cannot trace her ways , or imitate her actions ; for Art being but a Creature , can do or know no more then a Creature ; and although she is an ingenious Creature , which can and hath found out some things profitable and useful for the life of others , yet she is but a handmaid to Nature , and not her Mistress ; which your Author , in my opinion , too rashly affirms , when he says , That the Art of Chymistry is not onely the Chambermaid and emulating Ape , but now and then the Mistress of Nature : For Art is an effect of Nature , and to prefer the effect before the cause , is absurd . But concerning Chymistry , I have spoken in another place ; I 'le return to my former Discourse : and I wonder much why your Author is so opposite to the Schools , concerning the doctrine of the Gall's being a receptacle for superfluities and dregs ; for I think there is not any Creature that has not places or receptacles for superfluous matter , such as we call dregs ; for even the purest and hardest Mineral , as Gold , has its dross , although in a less proportion then some other Creatures ; nay , I am perswaded , that even Light , which your Author doth so much worship , may have some superfluous matter , which may be named dregs ; and since Nature has made parts in all Creatures to receive and discharge superfluous matter , ( which receiving and discharging is nothing else but a joyning and dividing of parts to and from parts , ) why may not the Gall be as well for that use as any other part ? But I pray mistake me not , when I say superfluous matter or dregs ; for I understand by it , that which is not useful to the nourishment or confistence of such or such a Creature ; but to speak properly , there is neither superfluity of matter nor dregs in Nature . Moreover , your Author mentions a six-fold digestion , and makes every digestion to be performed by inbreathing or inspiration ; For in the first digestion , he says , The spleen doth inspire a sowre Ferment into the Meat : In the second , The Gall doth inspire a ferment , or fermental blas into the slender entrails : In the third , The Liver doth inspire a bloody ferment into the veins of the Mensentery , &c. I answer , first , I am confident Nature has more ways then to work onely by Inspirations , not onely in General , but in every Particular . Next , I believe there are not onely six , but many more digestions in an animal Creature ; for not onely every sort of food , but every bit that is eaten , may require a several digestion , and every several part of the body works either to expel , or preserve , or for both ; so that there are numerous several Motions in every Creature , and many changes of motions in each particular part ; but Nature is in them all . And so leaving her , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXXI . MADAM , YOur Author , in opposition to the Schools , endeavouring to prove that there are no humors in an animal body , except blood , proves many humors in himself . But I can see no reason , why Nature should not make several humors , as well as several Elements , Vegetables , Minerals , Animals , and other Creatures ; and that in several parts of the body , and many several ways ; for to mention but one sort of other Creatures , viz. Vegetables , they are , as we see , not onely produced many several ways , but in many several grounds ; either by sowing , setting , or grafting , either in clayie , limy , sandy , chalky , dry , or wet grounds : And why may not several humors be produced as well of other Creatures and parts , as others are produced of them ? for all parts of Nature are produced one from another , as being all of one and the same Matter , onely the variation of corporeal motions makes all the difference and variety between them , which variety of motions is impossible to be known by any particular Creature ; for Nature can do more then any Creature can conceive . Truly , Madam , I should not be of such a mind , as to oppose the Schools herein so eargerly as your Author doth ; but artificial actions make men to have erroneous opinions of the actions of Nature , judging them all according to the rule and measure of Art , when as Art oft deludes men under the cover of truth , and makes them many times believe falshood for truth ; for Nature is pleased with variety , and so doth make numerous absurdities , doubts , opinions , disputations , objections , and the like . Moreover , your Author is as much against the radical moisture , as he is against the four humors ; saying , that according to this opinion of the Schools , a fat belly , through much grease affording more fuel to the radical moisture , must of necessity live longer . But this , in my opinion , is onely a wilful mistake ; for I am confident , that the Schools do not understand radical moisture to be gross , fat radical oyl , but a thin oylie substance . Neither do they believe radical heat to be a burning , fiery and consuming heat , but such a degree of natural heat , as is comfortable , nourishing , refreshing , and proper for the life of the animal Creature : Wherefore radical heat and moisture doth not onely consist in the Grease of the body ; for a lean body may have as much , and some of them more Radical moisture , then fat bodies . But your Author instead of this radical moisture , makes a nourishable moisture , onely , as I suppose , out of a mind to contradict the Schools ; when as I do not perceive , that the Schools mean by Radical moisture , any other then a nourishable moisture , and therefore this distinction is needless . Lastly , he condemns the Schools , for making an affinity betwixt the bowels and the brain . But he might as will condemn Politicians , for saying there is an affinity betwixt Governors and Subjects , or betwixt command and obedience ; but as the actions of Particulars , even from the meanest in a Common-wealth , may chance to make a Publick disturbance , so likewise in the Common-wealth of the body , one single action in a particular part may cause a disturbance of the whole Body , nay , a total ruine and dissolution of the composed ; which dissolution is called Death ; and yet these causes are neither Light , nor Blas , nor Gas , no more then men are shining Suns , or flaming Torches , or blazing Meteors , or azure Skies . Wherefore leaving your Author to his contradicting humor , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXXII . MADAM , I Do verily believe , with the Schools , the Purging of the Brain , against your Author ; a For I know no reason , why all the parts of a man's body should not stand in need of evacuation and purging , as well as some . 'T is true , if the substance or nourishment received were all useful , and onely enough for the maintenance , subsistance and continuance of the Creature , and no more , then there would be no need of such sort of evacuation ; but I believe the corporeal self-motions in a body , discharge the superfluous matter out of every part of the body , if the motions of the superfluous matter be not too strong , and over-power the motions in the parts of the body ; but some parts do produce more superfluities then others , by reason their property is more to dilate , then to contract , and more to attract , then to retain or fix ; which parts are the brain , stomack , bowels , bladder , gall , and the like : wherefore , as there is nourishment in all parts of the body , so there are also excrements in all parts , for there is no nourishment without excrement . Next your Author says , That the nourishment of the solid parts is made with the transmutation of the whole venal blood into nourishment , without a separation of the pure from the impure . But I pray give me leave to ask , Madam , whether the solid Parts are not Instruments for the nourishment of the Venal blood ? Truly , I cannot conceive , how blood should be nourished , wanting those solid parts , and their particular motions and imployments . Again : his opinion is , That the brain is nourished by a few and slender veins ; neither doth a passage or channel appear whereby a moist excrement may derive , or a vapour enter . And by reason of the want of such a passage , in another place a he is pleased to affirm , That nothing can fume up from the stomack into the brain , and therefore Wine doth not make drunk with fuming from the stomach into the head , but the Winie spirit is immediately snatched into the arteries out of the stomack without digestion , and so into the head , and there breeds a confusion . First , I am not of the opinion , that all nourishment comes from the veins , or from one particular part of the body , no more do Excrements ; neither do I believe that every passage in the body is visible to Anatomists , for Natures works are too curious and intricate for any particular Creature to find them out , which is the cause that Anatomists and Chymists are so oft mistaken in natural causes and effects ; for certainly , they sometimes believe great Errors for great Truths . Next , as for Drunkenness , I believe that many , who drink much Wine , are drunk before such time as the Wine spirit can get into the Arteries ; but if there be Pores to the Brain , as it is most probable , the spirit of Wine may more easily ascend and enter those Pores , then the Pores of the Arteries , or the Mouth-veins , and so make a circular journey to the Head. But as for Excrements , whereof I spake in the beginning , as they are made several manners or ways , and in several parts of the body , so they are also discharged several ways from several parts , and several ways from each particular part , indeed so many several ways and manners , as would puzzle the wisest man in the world , nay your Authors Interior keeper of the Brain , to find them out . Wherefore , to conclude , he is the best Physician , that can tell how to discharge superfluity , and to retain useful nourishments ; or to restore by the application of proper Medicines , decaying parts , or to put in order Irregular motions ; and not those that have Irregular opinions of Immaterial causes : To which , I leave them , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXIII . MADAM , I Do not approve of your Authors Doctrine , forbidding Phlebotomy or blood-letting in Fevers , opposite to the received Practice of the Schools ; his reason is , that he believes there can be no corruption in the blood . Corrupted blood , says he , cannot be in the veins , neither doth a state of ill juice consist in the veins ; for Gangrenes do teach , that nothing of Putrified matter can long persist without a further contagion of it self . Also he says , That the blood of the veins is no otherwise distinguished by its several colours and signs , then as wine is troubled when the vine flourisheth . To which I answer , first , That I can see no reason why there should not be as well corrupt blood , or an ill state of juice in the veins , as ill humors in the body . Perchance he will say , There is no corruption in the body . But Ulcers do teach the contrary . He may reply , Ulcers are not parts of the body . I answer , T is true ; but yet they are evil Inhabitants in the body , and the like may be in the Veins . But surely some men may have corrupted parts of their bodies , and yet live a great while ; witness Ulcers in the Lungs , and other parts . But your Author may say , When a part of the body is corrupted , it is no longer an animal Part. I grant it : but yet , as I said , that transformed part may remain in the body some time without destruction of the whole body ; and so likewise , when some of the blood , is transchanged from being blood , so as not to be capable to be reduced again , it may nevertheless remain in the veins without destruction of the veins , or of the whole body : Neither do I conceive any reason , why corrupt blood should Gangrene in the veins , and infect the adjoyning parts more then corrupted lungs do . Next , as for the comparison of the various colours and signs of the blood , with Wine being troubled when the Vine is flourishing ; I answer , That it doth not prove any thing ; for we speak of such colours , as are signs of corrupted , and not such as are signs of troubled blood : Besides , it is an unlike comparison ; for though Wine may become thick by much fermentation , yet it doth not turn into water , as blood in some sick and diseased persons will do . But corrupted blood may be , not onely in the veins of sick , but also of healthy persons ; and the story says , that Seneca , when his veins were cut , they would not bleed , although in a hot Bath , by reason that which was in the veins , was rather like a white jelly , then blood , and yet he was healthy , though old ; which proves , that it is not necessary for the blood to be so pure and fluid as your Author will have it . The truth is , the more fluid the blood is , the weaker it is ; like balsam , the more gummy it is , the stronger it is : but veins , which are the mouth , to receive or suck in juices , as also the stomack which digests the meat that after is turned into blood , may be defective either through weakness , superfluity , obstruction , corruption , or evil and hurtful diet , or through the disorders of other particular parts , which may disturb all the parts in general , as skilful Physicians have observed , and therefore apply remedies accordingly ; for if the defect proceeds from weakness , they give strengthening remedies ; if from superfluities , they give evacuating remedies ; if from evil diets , they prescribe such a course of diet as shall be beneficial , and conducing for the restoring of health to the whole body . But your Author , as I perceive , believes the blood to be the chief vital part of the body ; which surely it is not : for if it were , the least disturbance of the blood would endanger the life of the whole body , and the least diminution would cause a total dissolution of that animal Creature which has blood : Not but that blood is as necessary as breath for respiration , and food for nourishment of the body ; but too much blood is as dangerous to the life of the animal body , as too great a piece of food , which cannot be swallowed down , bu● doth stick in the throat , and stop the breath , or so much quantity as cannot be digested ; for too great a fulness or abounding makes a stoppage of the blood , or which is worse , causes the veins to break , and an evil digestion , makes a corruption , or at least such disorder as to indanger the whole animal Figure . But some veins breed more blood , and some less , and some better , and some worse blood , some hotter , and some colder , some grosser , and some purer , some thicker , and some thinner ; and some veins breed rather an evil juice or corrupt matter then pure blood ; the truth is , blood is bred somewhat after the manner of Excrements , for the veins are somewhat like the guts , wherein the excrements are digested . But you will say , A man may live without excrements , but not without blood . I answer : a man can live no more without excrements and excremental humors , then he can without blood : but yet I am not of your Authors mind , that bleeding and purging are destructive ; for superfluities are as dangerous as scarcities , nay more ; like as an house filled with rubbish is in more danger to sink or fall , then that which is empty ; and when a house is on fire , it is wisdom to take out the Moveables , but a folly to let them increase the flame . But your Author says , Blood-letting takes not onely away the bad , but also the good blood , by which it diminishes and impairs much the strength of the body . I will answer by way of question , Whether in War men would not venture the loss of some few friends , to gain the victory , or save the whole body of the Army ? or whether the destroying of the enemies Army be not more advantageous , then the loss of some few friends ? For although some good blood may issue out with the bad , yet the veins have more time , room , and some more power to get friendly juices from the several parts of the body , which will be more obedient , trusty , and true to the life and service of the whole body . But neither Fevers , nor any other distempers , will be more afraid of your Authors words , Stones , Spirits , as also Rings , Beads , Bracelets , and the like toys , fitter for Children to play withal , then for Physicians to use ; then an Army of men will be of their enemies Colours , Ensigns , Feathers , Scarfs , and the like ; knowing it must be Swords , Pistols , Guns , Powder and Bullets , that must do the business to destroy the enemy , and to gain the victory : Wherefore in Diseases it must be Bleeding , Purging , Vomiting , using of Clysters , and the like , if any good shall be done . 'T is true , they must well be ordered , otherwise they will do more hurt then good ; for Diseases are like Enemies , which sometimes take away our Armes for their own uses . But your Author says again , That the Matter of a Fever floats not in the veins , nor sits nigh the heart . I answer : There are several sorts of Fevers ; for all Fevers are not produced after one and the same manner , or from one and the same cause , as is very well known to wise and experienced Physicians ; but although some Fevers are not in the blood , yet that doth not prove , that the blood is never in a Fever ; for sometimes the blood is in a Fever , and not the solid parts ; and sometimes the fluid and moveable humors , and not the blood , or solid parts ; and sometimes the solid parts , and not the blood , nor the liquid and moveable humors ; and sometimes they are all in a Fever ; and sometimes onely the radical parts , and neither the blood , humors , nor solid parts : and this last kind of Fever , which is a hectick Fever , in my opinion , is incureable ; but the others may be cureable , if there be not too many varieties of distempers , or irregular motions . And as for a Fever in the solid parts , Letting of blood , and taking away the humor , may cure it ; for the veins being empty , suck the heat out of the solid parts , which solid parts cannot draw out a distempered heat in the veins , and the opening of the veins gives vent to some of the interior heat to issue forth : Wherefore it is very requisite , that in all sorts of Fevers , except Hectick-Fevers , blood-letting should be used , not onely once , but often ; for 't is better to live with a little blood , and a little strength , which will soon be recovered , then to die with too much , or too hot and distempered blood . Also Purging , but especially Vomiting is very good ; for if the humors be in a Feaver , they may infect the vital parts , as also the blood ; but if they be not in a Fever , yet the solid parts or blood may do the same , and so make the contagion greater ; for the humors are as the moveables in a house , which ought to be cast out if either they or the house should be on fire ; and if a disorder proceeds from the error of a particular part , then care must be taken to rectifie that part for the health of the whole : Wherefore Physicians use in some cases Blood-letting , in some Purging , in some Vomiting , in some Bathing , in some Sweating , in some Cordials , especially after much evacuation , in some they prescribe a good diet , and in some they mix and prescribe partly one and partly the other , and in some cases they are forced to use all these remedies ; for though great evacuations may cause weakness , yet they often save the life ; and there is no Patient , but had rather lose some strength , then life ; for life can gather strength again ; but all strong men are not always long lived , nor all long-lived men very strong ; for many that are but weak , will live to a very old age . Lastly , concerning what your Author says , that there is but one Choler and Phlegme in Nature ; I answer , That is more then he knows : for all that is in Nature , is not nor cannot be known by any Particular Creature ; and he might say , as well , the same of particular Metals , as that there is but one sort of Gold or Silver , when as there is great difference in the weight , purity , colour , and gloss , of several parts of Gold and Silver : Neither is all Gold found in one place ; but some is found in Rocks , some in Sand , some in Mines , some in Stones ; and so Silver , some is found in the bowels of the Earth , some in the veins of Stones , and some in other Metals , as Lead , and Iron , and some in Coals . And the like may be said of Choler and Phlegme ; for they may be several in several places or parts of the body , and be of different colours , tastes , odours , and degrees of heat or cold , thinness or thickness , or the like ; for though there is but one Matter in Nature , yet this onely Matter by its several actions or motions changes into several figures , and so makes several sorts of Creatures , and different particulars in every sort . And thus , Madam , I have delivered unto you my opinion concerning the cure of Fevers by Blood-letting : Which I submit to the correction of your better judgment , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXXIV . MADAM , YOur Author is not onely against Phlebotomy or Blood-letting , but against all Purging Medicines , which he condemns to carry a hidden poyson in them , and to be a cruel and stupid invention . But certainly he shall not have my assent ; for if they be Poyson , they are a very beneficial Poyson ; and Physical Purgations , in my opinion , are very necessary and profitable for the prolonging of life , and taking away of diseases , provided they be proper for those diseases in which they are used ; and so is Phlebotomy , Vomits , and the like : but Medicines are often wrong applyed , and many times the disease is so various , that it is as hard for a Physician to hit right with several Medicines , as for a Gunner or Shooter to kill with Powder and small Shot a Bird flying in the Air ; not that it is not possible to be done , but it is not ordinary , or frequent : neither doth the fault onely lie in the Gun , Powder , or Shot , but in the swiftness of the flight of the Bird , or in the various motion of the air , or in a sudden wind , or mist , or the like ; for the same Gunner may perhaps easily kill a Bird sitting in a bush , or hopping upon the ground . The like may be said of Diseases , Physicians , and Medicines ; for some diseases have such sudden alterations , by the sudden changes of motions , that a wise Physician will not , nor cannot venture to apply so many several medicines so suddenly as the alteration requires ; and shall therefore Physicians be condemned ? and not onely condemned for what cannot be helped by reason of the variety of irregular motions , but what cannot be helped in Nature ? For some diseases are so deadly , as no art can cure them , when as otherwise Physicians with good and proper medicines , have , and do as yet rescue more people from death , then the Laws do from ruine . Nay , I have known many that have been great enemies to Physick , die in the flower of their age , when as others which used themselves to Physick , have lived a very long time . But you may say , Country-people and Labourers , take little or no Physick , and yet grow most commonly old , whereas on the contrary , Great and rich Persons take much Physick , and do not live so long as the common sort of men doth . I answer : It is to be observed , first , that there are more Commons , then Nobles , or Great and rich persons ; and there is not so much notice taken of the death of a mean , as of a noble , great , or rich person ; so that for want of information or knowledg , one may easily be deceived in the number of each sort of persons . Next , the Vulgar sort use laborious exercises , and spare diet ; when as noble and rich persons are most commonly lazie and luxurious , which breeds superfluities of humors , and these again breed many distempers : For example , you shall find few poor men troubled with the Gout , Stone , Pox , and the like diseases , nor their Children with Rickets ; for all this cometh by luxury , and no doubt but all other diseases are sooner bred with luxury , then temperance ; but whatsoever is superfluous , may , if not be taken away , yet mediated with lenitive and laxative medicines . But as for Physicians , surely never age knew any better , in my opinion , then this present , and yet most of them follow the rules of the Schools , which are such as have been grounded upon Reason , Practice , and Experience , for many ages : Wherefore those that will wander from the Schools , and follow new and unknown ways , are , in my opinion , not Orthodoxes , but Hereticks in the Art of Physick . But to return to your Author , give me leave , Madam , to consider what his opinions are concerning the Purging of Choler ; Come on , says he to the Schools a , Why doth that , your Choler following with so swift an efflux , stink so horribly , which but for one quarter of an hour before did not stink ? To which it may be answered , That though humors may not stink in themselves , yet the excrements mixt with the humors may stink ; also the very passing thorow the excrements will cause a strong savour . But your Author thinks , That by passing through so suddenly , the humors cannot borrow such a smell of stinking dung from the Intestines . Truly , 't is easily said , but hardly proved , and the contrary is manifest by putting clear , pure water into a stinking vessel , which straightway is corrupted with an ill smell . He talks also of Vitriol dissolved in Wine , which if it be taken , presently provokes vomit ; but if after drinking it , any one shall drink thereupon a draught of Ale or Beer , or Water , &c. he indeed shall suffer many stools , yet wholly without stink . I answer : This expresses Vitriol to be more poysonous , by taking away the natural savour of the bowels , then Scammony , Coloquintida , Manna , Cassia , Sena , Rhubarb , &c. to all which your Author is a great enemy ; and it is well known to experienced Physicians , that Medicines prepared by the art of fire are more poysonous and dangerous then natural drugs ; nay , I dare say , that many Chymical Medicines , which are thought to be Cordials , and have been given to Patients for that purpose , have proved more poysonous then any Purging Physick . Again your Author says , It is worthy of Lamentation , that Physicians would have loosening things draw out one humor , and not another , by selection or choyce . My answer is , That natural drugs and simples are as wise in their several operations , as Chymists in their artificial distillations , extractions , sublimations , and the like ; but it has long been observed by Physicians , that one simple will work more upon one part of the body , then upon another ; the like may be said of humors . But give me leave to tell you , Madam , that if your Author believes magnetick or attractive cures ( as he doth , and in whose behalf he makes very long discourses ) he doth in this opinion contradict himself . He may say , perhaps , There is no such thing as what Physicians name humors . But grant there be none , yet he cannot deny that there are offensive juices , or moveable substances made by evil , as irregular digestions , which may be troublesom and hurtful to the nature of the body . Or perchance he will say , There are such humors , but they are beneficial and not offensive to the nature of the body . I answer : Then he must make an agreement with every part of the body , not to make more of these humors then is useful for the body . Also he mentions some few that took Purging Physick , and died . Truly so they might have done without taking it : but he doth not tell , how many have died for want of proper and timely Purges . In truth , Madam , 't is an easie thing to find fault , but not so easie to mend it . And as for what he speaks of the weighing of those humors and excrements , which by purging were brought out of some Princes body , and how much by the Schools rules remained , and of the place which should maintain the remainder ; I onely say this , that all the several sorts of juices , humors , or moveable substances in a body , do not lie in one place , but are dispersed , and spread all about and in several parts and places in the body ; so that the several Laxative medicines do but draw them together , or open several parts , that they may have freedom to travel with their chief Commanders , which are the Purging medicines . But your Author says , the Loadstone doth not draw rust . And I say , no more do Purging drugs draw out pure Matter : for it may be as natural for such medicines to draw or work onely upon superfluities , that is , corrupted , or evil-affected humors , juices or moveable substances , as for the Loadstone to draw Iron ; and so it may be the property of Purges to draw onely the rust of the body , and not the pure metal , which are good humors . But few do consider or observe sufficiently the variety of Natures actions , and the motions of particular natural Creatures , which is the cause they have no better success in their cures . And so leaving them to a more diligent inquisition and search into Nature , and her actions , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXV . MADAM , I Find your Author to be as great an enemy to Issues , Cauteries , Clysters , and the like , as he is to Blood-letting and Purging ; especially to Issues , which he counts to be blasphemous against the Creator , and blames much the Schools for prescribing them . But concerning Blood-letting and Purging , I have declared my opinion in my former Letters ; and if you desire my judgment of Clysters and Issues , I must needs tell you , that it is well known these many ages , that in such diseases which lie in the guts , and cause pain in the head , and stop the ureteres , Clysters have been very beneficial , but wise Physicians do not prescribe them , unless upon necessity : As for example ; if the disease in the Guts proceed from cold or wind , they prescribe a Sack-Clyster , with oyl of Walnuts ; and if the disease in the guts proceed from a sharp or bitter humor , then they prescribe Milk , or Posset , sweetned with Sugar : the same if the guts be too full of excrements or slime . But in case of diseases in the head or stomack , they prescribe attractive Clysters , to wit , such as draw down from the upper into the lower parts , wherein the Physical drugs are ; and if the guts be too dry , or dryer then their nature requires , they prescribe moistening Clysters , such as have not onely wetting , but slimy qualities . And surely Clysters properly and timely applyed , are a safe , speedy , easie and profitable medicine , and far more safe then Chymical Salts , Tartars , Spirits , or the like . Next concerning Issues and Cauteries , your Author , I say , is so much against them , as he counts them a blasphemy ; for says he a , I have beheld always an implicite blasphemy in a Cautery , whereby they openly accuse the Creator of insufficiency in framing the emunctories ; for I have bidden above a thousand Issues to be filled up with flesh . Also , That which God hath made whole and entire , that it might be very good , seems to the Schools , that it should be better if it be kept wounded . Truly , Madam , in my opinion , it is no blasphemy at all , neither directly nor indirectly , to make Issues , but a meer superstition to believe the contrary , viz. that they are blasphemy , and a great folly not to make them when need requires it to the preservation of ones health . God has made our body whole and intire , says your Author : by which he will prove that no holes must be made in the body to let out excrementious matter , and therefore he thinks that body to be whole and intire which is without an Issue , when as yet our bodies have numerousissues , which are the pores of the skin , to let out sweat ; and therefore if he counts that body not to be whole and intire that has issues , then no humane body is intire . Certainly , no Artificial Issue will make the body maimed , but it will nevertheless continue whole and intire although it has Issues . He says it is Blasphemy ; But how will he prove it ? Surely not by the Scripture ; and if not by the Scripture , then it is a blasphemy according to his own brain and fancy . 'T is true , God gave no express Command to make Issues ; but according to your Author , God did never create Diseases , and so there was no need either to make such Issues in bodies as to let out distempered Matter , or to give any command for them ; but we might as well say , we must not use any Physick , because it is not so natural to man as food , and serves not for the nourishment of the body , but onely to keep off , or drive out diseases : Also no stone must be cut , but man must rather indure torment and death . But setting aside this superstitious doctrine of your Author , it is evident enough , and needs no proof , that Cancers , Fistula's , Wenns , Eating-evils , Madness , Fevers , Consumptions , Rheumes , Pleurisies , and numerous other diseases , are not better cured then by Issues , or making of wounds , either by Lancets , Pen-knifes , Scissers , Rasors , Corrosives , Causticks , Leeches , or the like . And although your Author says , That that Matter which proceeds from , or out of an Issue , is made in the lips of the wound , and not in the body ; for it cannot possibly drain or draw out any moisture , either from within or between the skin and the flesh , having no passages : Yet if this were so , how come Fistula's , Cancers , and the like diseases , to have passages from within the body to the exterior parts , so , as to make a wound , out of which much sharp and salt humor issues ? which humor certainly is not made in the lips of the wound , but in the body : Also whence comes the humor that makes the Gout ? For though the swelling and inflammation will sometimes appear exteriously , yet after some time those tumors and humors retire back into the body from whence they did flow ; but he might as well say that Pit-falls or Sluces do not drain Land from a superfluity of Water , as that Issues do not drain the body of superfluous humors . Wherefore I am absolutely of opinion , that the Practice of the Schools is the best and wifest Practice , as well in making Issues , letting blood , Purging by Siege or Vomits , as any other means used by them ; for by Issues I have seen many cured , when no other medicines would do any good with them ; and letting blood , I am confident , hath rescued more lives , then the Universal Medicine , could Chymists find it out , perchance would do . So also Clysters and Vomits , skilfully applied , have done great benefits to the life of men ; for every part and member hath its peculiar way to be purged and cleansed ; for example , Clysters principally cleanse the Guts , Purges the Stomack , Vomits the Chest , Sneezing the Head , Bleeding the Veins , and Issues drain the whole body of naughty humors : All which remedies , properly and timely used , keep the body from being choak'd with superfluities . ' There are several other ways of cures besides for several diseases , but I leave those to learned and skilful Physicians , who know best how and when to use them to the benefit and health of their Patients , although your Author finds much fault with them , and blames them for suffering men to die miserably ; but God has given power to Nature to make certain dissolutions , although uncertain diseases , and uncertain remedies . Neither hath she in her power to give Immortal Life to particular Creatures , for this belongs to God alone , and therefore no Universal Medicine will keep out death , or prolong life further then its thread is spun , which I doubt is but a Chymaera , and an impossible thing , by reason there are not onely so many different varieties in several diseases , but in one and the same disease , as no Universal remedy would do any good . But your Author is much pleased with Paradoxes , and Paradoxes are not certain Truths : Wherefore it is better , in my judgment , to follow the old approved and practised way of the Schools , grounded upon Experience and Reason , then his Paradoxical Opinions . To which Schools , as your Author is a great Enemy , so I am a great Friend , as well as , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble Servant . XXXVI . MADAM , I Approve well of your Authors opinion a , That Drink ought not to be forbidden in Fevers ; but yet I would not allow so much as to drown and oppress the Patients life , but onely so much as to refresh and moisten him ; and therefore the best way is to drink little and often . But as for Wine , which your Author commends in Fevers , I am utterly against it , unless the Fever proceed from a cold or crude cause , otherwise cooling Ptisans are most beneficial to those that are sick of a continual Fever , which for the most part is a general Fever throughout the whole body , one part infecting the other , until they be all infected , like as in the Plague . And to let you know the proof of it ; when I was once sick beyond the Seas , I sent for a Doctor of Physick who was an Irish-man : and hearing of some that knew him , and his practice , that he was not successful in his Cures , but that his Patients most commonly died , I asked him what he used to prescribe in such or such diseases ? where amongst the rest , as I remember , he told me , That he allowed his Patients to drink Wine in a Fever . I thought he was in a great error , and told him my opinion , that though Wine might be profitable , perhaps , to some few , yet for the most part it was very hurtful and destructive , alledging another famous Physician in France , Dr. Davison , who used in continual Fevers , to prescribe onely cooling Ptisan , made of a little Barley , and a great quantity of Water , so thin as the Barley was hardly perceived , and a spoonfull of syrup of Limmon put into a quart of the said Ptisan ; but in case of a Flux , he ordered some few seeds of Pomegranats to be put into it , and this cold Ptisan was to be the Patients onely drink : Besides , once in Twenty four hours he prescribed a couple of potched Eggs , with a little Verjuice , and to let the Patient blood , if he was dry and hot ; I mean dry exteriously , as from sweat ; and that either often or seldom , according as occasion was found : Also he prescribed two grains of Laudanum every night , but neither to give the Patient meat nor drink two hours before and after : Which advice and Practice of the mentioned Physician concerning Fevers , with several others , I declared to this Irish Doctor , and he observing this rule , cured many , and so recovered his lost esteem and repute . But your Author being all for Wine , and against cooling drinks , or Julips , in hot Fevers , says , That cooling means are more like to death , to cessation from motion , and to defect ; but heat from moderate Wine is a mean like unto life . To which I answer , first , That cold , or cooling things , are as active as hot or heating things ; neither is death more cold then hot , nor life more hot then cold ; for we see that Frost is as active and strong as burning heat ; and Water , Air , and Earth , are as full of life , as Fire ; and Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , have life as well as Animals : But we , feeling a Man's flesh cold when he is dissolving from an Animal , think death is cold ; and seeing he was hot before the same alteration , say , Life is hot : Also finding an animal , when it is dissolving , to be without external local Motion , we say it is dead ; and when it hath as yet this local motion before its alteration , we call it alive ; which certainly is not proper . Next I say , that a wise Man when his house is fired , will fling or squirt water upon it , to quench it , and take out all moveables lest they should increase the flame ; likewise he will make vent for the flame to issue forth . But perchance your Author may say , that Fevers are not hot . Truly , in my opinion , he might say as well that Fire is cold . Again : he may say , That although the effect be hot , yet the cause is cold . I answer : That in some diseases , the effects become so firmly rooted , and so powerfull , that they must be more look'd upon then the cause : for such variety there is in Nature , that oftentimes , that which was now an effect , turns to be a cause , and again a cause an effect : For example ; A cold cause often produces a hot effect , and this hot effect becomes again a cause of a cold effect : Which variation is not onely a trouble , but a great obstruction to wise Physicians ; for Nature hath more varieties in diseases , then Physicians have remedies , And as for drink , if Fevers be neither hot , nor dry , nor require drink for want of moisture ; then I see no reason why drink should be urged , and those Physicians blamed that forbid it ; for if thirst proceed from an evil digestion , drink will rather weaken the stomack ; for heat and driness draw soon away the drink in the stomack , and putting much into a weak stomack doth rather hurt then good . But if necessity require it , then I approve rather of raw and crude Water , then of hot inflaming Wiue . And so taking my leave , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXVII . MADAM , IN your Authors Treatise of Fevers , I find one Chapter a whose Inscription is , A Perfect Curing of all Fevers , wherein he declares the secrets of the Cures of Fevers , consisting all in Chymical Medicines . But considering , that if all Fevers could be cured by such Medicines , then all Physicians would strive to obtain them ; I can hardly believe ( by your Authors favour ) that any such perfect curing of all Fevers can be effected , but that your Authors prescriptions , if they should come to the tryal , might fail as well as any other . Likewise he mentions a Medicine of Paracelsus , named Diaceltesson , or the Coraline Secret ; which , he says , cures radically the Gout no less then Fevers : Which if so , I wonder why so many Great , Noble and Rich Persons , groan so much under the pains of the Gout ; certainly it is not for want of cost to have them prepared , nor for want of an ingenious and experienced Chymist ; for this age doth not want skilful workmen in that Art , nor worthy and wise Physicians ; which if they knew such soveraign medicines , would soon apply them to their Patients ; but I suppose that they finding their effects to be less then the cost and labour bestowed upon them , forbear to use them . Moreover , he mentions b another remedy for most diseases , by him call'd Driff , prepared also by the Art of Chymistry ; but I believe all those remedies will not so often cure , as fail of cure , like as the Sympathetical Powder ; for if there were such soveraign medicines that did never fail of a successful effect , certainly men being curious , inquisitive , and searching , would never leave till they had found them out . Also amongst Vegetables , the herb Chameleon and Arsmart are in great request with your Author ; For , says he , they by their touching alone , do presently take away cruel diseases , or at leastwise ease them . Which if so , I wonder that there is not more use made of them , and they held in greater esteem then they are ; Also that your Author doth not declare the vertue of them , and the manner and way how , and in what diseases to use them , for the benefit of his neighbour , to which end , he says , all his labours and actions are directed ? But again , your Author confirms , as an Eye-witness , That the bone of the arm of a Toad presently has taken away the Tooth-ach at the first co-touching . Which remedy , if it was constant , few , in my opinion , would suffer such cruel pains , and cause their teeth to be drawn out , especially if sound . Likewise of the mineral Electrum or Amber of Paracelsus , he affirms a to have seen , that hung about the neck , it has freed those that were persecuted by unclean spirits , and that many simples have done the like effects ; but surely , Madam , I cannot be perswaded that the Devil should be put away so easily ; for he being a Spirit , will not be chased by corporeal means , but by spiritual , which is Faith , and Prayer ; and the cure of dispossessing the Devil belongs to Divines , and not to Natural Philosopers or Physicians . But though exterior remedies , as Amulets , Pomanders , and the like , may perform sometimes such effects as to cure or preserve from some diseases , yet they are not ordinary and constant , but meerly by chance . But there are more false remedies then true ones , and if one remedy chance to work successfully with one distempered person , it may fail of its success applyed to others in the same kind of distemper ; nay , it may cure perhaps one and the same person of a distemper once , and in the return of the same disease effect little or nothing ; witness those remedies that are applyed in Agues , Tooth-aches , and the like , especially Amulets ; for one and the same disease in several persons , or in one and the same person at several times , may vary and change so often , and proceed from so different causes , and be of so different tempers , and have such different motions , as one and the same medicine can do no good : And what would the skill of Physicians be , if one remedy should cure all diseases ? Why should they take so much pains in studying the various causes , motions , and tempers of diseases , if one medicine had a general power over all ? Nay , for what use should God have created such a number of different simples , Vegetables , and Minerals , if one could do all the business ? Lastly , your Author rehearses a some strange examples of Child-bearing Women , who having seen terrible and cruel sights , as Executions of Malefactors , and dismembring of their bodies , have brought forth monstrous births , without heads , hands , arms , leggs , &c. according to the objects they had seen . I must confess , Madam , that all Creatures are not always formed perfect ; for Nature works irregularly sometimes , wherefore a Child may be born defective in some member or other , or have double members instead of one , and so may other animal Creatures ; but this is nevertheless natural , although irregular to us : but to have a Child born perfect in the womb , and the lost member to be taken off there , and so brought forth defective , as your Author mentions , cannot enter my belief ; neither can your Author himself give any reason , but he makes onely a bare relation of it ; for certainly , if it was true , that the member was chopt , rent or pluckt off from the whole body of the Child , it could not have been done without a violent shock or motion of the Mother , which I am confident would never have been able to endure it ; for such a great alteration in her body would of necessity , besides the death of the Child , have caused a total dissolution of her own animal parts , by altering the natural animal motions : But , as I said above , those births are caused by irregular motions , and are not frequent and ordinary ; for if upon every strange sight , or cruel object , a Child-bearing-woman should produce such effects , Monsters would be more frequent then they are . In short , Nature loves variety , and this is the cause of all strange and unusual natural effects ; and so leaving Nature to her will and pleasure , my onely delight and pleasure is to be , MADAM , faithful Friend , and humble Servant . XXXVIII . MADAM , YOur Author reproving the Schools , that they forbid Salt to some diseased persons , as pernicious to their health : Good God , says he a , how unsavoury are the Schools , and how unsavoury do they bid us to be ! But I suppose the Schools do not absolutely forbid all diseased persons to abstein from salt , but onely not to use it excessively , or too frequently ; for experience proves , that salt meats have not onely increased , but caused diseases , as the Stone , the Gout , Sciatica , Fistula's , Cancers , sore Eyes , sore Throats , and the like : I do not say , that those diseases are always bred with the excess of salt diets ; for diseases of one and the same kind , may be bred variously ; but this hath been observed , that whosoever is affected with such diseases , shall after a salt meal find himself in more pain then before ; wherefore a constant or common salt diet cannot but be hurtful . Neither are those persons that feed much on salt meats , or use strong drinks , take number for number , so healthful or long-lived , as those that are temperate and abstaining . Next , your Author a bewails The shameful simplicity of those , that give their Patients Leaf-Gold , Pearls , and bruised or powderd pretious Stones , as Cordials , in fainting fits , and other distempers : For , says he , they may be dissolved , but not altered ; wherefore they cannot produce any powerful effect to the health of the Patient . Truly , Madam , I am not of his mind ; for were it that those remedies or cordials could not be transchanged , yet their vertues may nevertheless be very beneficial to the fick : For example ; a man that is assaulted by enemies , or by chance is fallen into a deep Pit , or is ready to be strangled , and in all not able to help himself , yet by the help of another man , may be rescued and freed from his danger , and from death , using such means as are able to release him , which either by drawing his Sword against his ememies , or by throwing a rope down into the Pit , and haling him out , or by cutting the rope by which he hung , may save him , and yet neither the man , nor any of his Instruments , as Sword , Rope , Knife , and the like , need to be transchanged . The like may be said of the aforementioned medicines or remedies ; which if they be not transchangeable , yet they may nevertheless do such operations , as by their natural active qualities and proprieties to over-power the irregular motions in the natural parts of the body of the Patient ; for many diseases proceed more from irregular motions then irregular parts : and although there is no motion without matter , yet one and the same matter may have divers and various changes of motions , and moving parts will either oppose or assist each other without transchanging . And truly , Madam , I wonder that your Author doth condemn such Cordials made of Leaf-gold , Pearls , powdered precious Stones , or the like , and yet verily believe , that Amber , Saphires , Emeraulds , Beads , Bracelets , &c. outwardly applied or worn , can cure more then when inwardly taken ; surely , if this be so , they cure more by Faith , then by Reason . But it seems your Author regulates the actions of Nature to the artificial actions of his Furnace , which although sometimes they produce wonderful effects , yet not such as Nature doth ; for if they cure one , they commonly kill ten ; nay , the best of their Medicine is so dangerous , as it ought not to be applied but in desperate cases : Wherefore Wise Physicians must needs be Provident and Cautious when they use them . And so leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXXIX . MADAM , I Will not dispute your Authors opinion concerning the Plague of Men , which he says , doth not infect Beasts , neither doth the plague of Beasts infect Men ; but rather believe it to be so : for I have observed , that Beasts infect onely each other , to wit , those of their own kind , as Men do infect other Men. For example : the Plague amongst Horses continues in their own kind , and so doth the Plague amongst Sheep ; and for any thing we know , there may be a plague amongst Vegetables , as well as amongst Animals , and they may not onely infect each other , but also those Animals that do feed on those infectious Vegetables : so that Infections may be caused several ways ; either by inbreathing and attracting or sucking in the Poyson of the Plague , or by eating and converting it into the substance of the body ; for some kinds of poyson are so powerful , as to work onely by way of inbreathing . Also some sorts of Air may be full of infection , and infect many Men , Beasts , Birds , Vegetables , and the like ; for Infections are variously produced , Internally as well as Externally , amongst several particular Creatures ; for as the Plague may be made internally , or within the body of a particular Creature , without any exterior infection entring from without into the body , so an external Infection again may enter many several ways into the body . And thus there be many contagious diseases caused meerly by the internal motions of the body , as by fright , terror , conceit , fancy , imagination , and the like , and many by the taking of poysonous matter from without into the body ; but all are made by the natural motions or actions of animate matter , by which all is made that is in Nature , and nothing is new , as Solomon says ; but what is thought or seems to be new , is onely the variation of the Motions of this old Matter , which is Nature . And this is the reason that not every Age , Nation , or Creature , has always the like diseases ; for as all the actions of Nature vary , so also do diseases . But to speak of the Plague , although I am of opinion , that the Plague of Beasts doth not infect Men , unless they be eaten ; nor the plague of Men , Beasts ; yet Magistrates do wisely in some places , that in the beginning of the plague of Men , they command Dogs and Cats to be kill'd , by reason , as your Author saith , The skins and flesh of Brutes may be defiled with our Plague , and they may be pestiferous contagions unto us . I will add one thing more , which doth concern the Poyson of Measels , whereof your Author is saying a , That it is onely proper to humane kind . What kind of Measles he means , I know not ; but certainly Hogs are often affected with that disease , as is vulgarly known ; but whether they be different diseases in their kinds , and proceed from different motions , I will let others inquire . And so I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XL. MADAM , COncerning the disease of the Stone , your Author seems to be of an opinion , That the stone in the Bladder , and the stone in the Kidnies , are not made after one and the same manne : For , says he a , The Bladder and the same Vrine in number procreates a duelech of another condition , then that which is made in the Kidney . And truly , Madam , it may be so ; for there are several ways or modes in irregularities , as well as regularities , and not every kind is alike , no not every Particular , but there is some difference between them : Wherefore , it may very well be , that the corporeal motions that make the stone in the Kidneys , are not just alike to those that make the stone in the Bladder ; and as each sort of stone is different , so their particular causes ought to be different ; but this is to be observed , that generally all diseases which produce hardness , are made by contracting , condensing and retenting motions , and therefore the remedies of them must be dilating , rarifying and dissolving . Next your Author says , The Stone is not bred by heat , but heat is rather an effect of the stone ; neither is a certain muscilage , or a slimy , snivelly Phlegme the cause or matter of the stone , but the stone is the cause of the phlegme . But , in my judgment , it seems more probable , that a slimy matter is more proper for a stone to be made of , then that a stone should make slime , except it be in its dissolution ; that is , when the stone , as in its generation or production it did change from a slimy or liquid substance to a stone by condensing and contracting motions , doth , by dilating and rarifying motions , dissolve again into such a liquid and slimy body . I will not say always , to wit , that the stone must needs be resolved into a slimy matter , but oftentimes it may be so . Neither can I absolutely affirm that either heat or cold onely is the cause of a stone ; for some may be produced by hot , and some by cold contractions and densations , there being as many several sorts of stones as there are of other Creatures : But this is to be well noted , that as some sorts of hot contractions do make stones , so some sorts of hot dilations do dissolve them : The like of cold contractions and dilations . Again : your Author speaking of the womb wherein the stone is made ; Every generated thing or being , says he , must of necessity have a certain place or womb where it is produced ; for there must needs be places wherein things may be made before they are bred . I answer : As there is not any body without place , nor any place without body , so the womb is not the place of the body generated , neither before nor after its generation , no more then a man can be said to be in a room when he is not there , but every body carries its place along with it . Moreover , concerning the voiding of bloody Urine , which happens sometimes in the disease of the Stone , my opinion is , That it doth not always proceed from the Stone , but many times from the breaking or voluntary opening of some Veins . But as for the cure of the disease of the Stone your Author a is pleased to affirm , That no disease is incurable , and so neither the disease o● the Stone ; For he himself has cured many of the Stone to which they had been obedient for some years . Indeed , Madam , I fear his words are more cheerful then effectual ; however it may be possible , if the Kidneys be no ways impaired , or the Bladder hurt ; but if there be some such imperfection in either or both , then it is as much , in my opinion , as to say , Man can do more then Nature doth : Neither can I believe , that then any of your Authors Chymical preparations , as Aroph , Ludus , Alkahest , and the like , if they were to be had , would do any good , no nor Daucus , or wild Carrot-seed , if the disease be as yet curable , will prove an effectual remedy for it , although your Author is pleased to relate an example of a man , to whom it did much good ; for I can affirm the contrary by other the like Examples , that it never did any good to those that used it ; nor the liquor of the Birch-tree , whose vertue and efficacy I do not believe to be so great as your Author describes a : But for the stoppage of Urine , Marsh-mallow and oyl of Almonds , which he despises , I approve to be good , and better then any of his Unknown , Chymical Secrets ; for those Chymical Medicines , as he himself confesses , are hard to be had , especially Alkahest , which is onely to be obtained by a Particular favour from Heaven , and is rather a supernatural Gift , then a natural remedy . But your Author doth wisely , to commend such remedies as can never , or with great difficulty be obtained , and then to say that no disease is incurable . And so leaving him to his unknown secrets , and those to them that will use them , I am resolved to adhere to the Practice of the Schools , which I am confident will be more beneficial to the health of , MADAM , Your real and faithful Friend and Servant . XLI . MADAM , YOur Author speaking of the Gout , and of that kind of Gout which is called Hereditary , says , It consists immediately in the Spirit of Life . First , as for that which is called an Hereditary Disease , propagated from Parents upon their Children ; my opinion is , That it is nothing else but the same actions of the animate matter , producing the same effect in the Child as they did in the Parent : For example ; the same motions which made the Gout in the Parent , may make the same disease in the Child ; but every Child has not his Parents diseases , and many Children have such diseases as their Parents never had ; neither is any disease tied to a particular Family by Generation , but they proceed from irregular motions , and are generally in all Mankind ; and therefore properly there is no such thing as an hereditary propagation of diseases ; for one and the same kind of disease may be made in different persons , never a kin to one another , by the like motions ; but because Children have such a neer relation to their Parents by Generation , if they chance to have the same diseases with their Parents , men are apt to conclude it comes by inheritance ; but we may as well say , that all diseases are hereditary ; for there is not any disease in Nature but is produced by the actions of Nature's substance ; and if we receive life and all our bodily substance by Generation from our Parents , we may be said to receive diseases too ; for diseases are inherent in the matter or substance of Nature , which every Creature is a part of , and are real beings made by the corporeal motions of the animate matter , although irregular to us ; for as this matter moves , so is Life or Death , Sickness or Health , and all natural effects ; and we consisting of the same natural matter , are naturally subject as well to diseases as to health , according as the Matter moves . Thus all diseases are hereditary in Nature ; nay , the Scripture it self confirms it , informing us , that diseases , as well as death , are by an hereditary propagation derived from Adam upon all Posterity . But as for the Gout , your Authors doctrine is a , That Life is not a body , nor proper to a body , nor of the off-spring of corporeal Proprieties b , but a meer No-thing ; and that the Spirit of Life c is a real being , to wit , the arterial blood resolved by the Ferment of the heart into salt air , and enlightned by life , and that the Gout doth immediately consist in this spirit of life . All which how it doth agree , I cannot conceive ; for that a real being should be enlightned by Nothing , and be a spirit of Nothing , is not imaginable , nor how the Gout should inhabit in the spirit of life ; for then it would follow , that a Child , as soon as it is brought forth into the world , would be troubled with the Gout , if it be as natural to him as life , or have its habitation in the Spirit of Life . Also your Author is speaking of an Appoplexy in the head , which takes away all sense and motion . But surely , in my opinion , it is impossible that all sense and motion should be out of the head ; onely that sense and motion , which is proper to the head , and to the nature of that Creature , is altered to some other sensitive and rational motions , which are proper to some other figure ; for there is no part or particle of matter that has not motion and sense . I pray consider , Madam , is there any thing in Nature that is without motion ? Perchance you will say , Minerals ; but that is proved otherwise ; as for example , by the sympathetical motion between the Loadstone and Iron , and between the Needle and the North , as also by the operation of Mercury , and several others : Wherefore there is no doubt , but all kinds , sorts and particulars of Creatures have their natural motions , although they are not all visible to us , but not such motions as are made by Gas , or Blas , or Ideas , &c. but corporeal sensitive and rational motions , which are the actions of Natural Matter . You may say , Some are of opinion , that Sympathy and Antipathy are not Corporeal motions . Truly , whosoever says so , speaks no reason ; for Sympathy and Antipathy are nothing else but the actions of bodies , and are made in bodies ; the Sympathy betwixt Iron and the Loadstone is in bodies ; the Sympathy between the Needle and the North is in bodies ; the Sympathy of the Magnetick powder is in bodies . The truth is , there is no motion without a body , nor no body without motion . Neither doth Sympathy and Antipathy work at distance by the power of Immaterial Spirits , or rays , issuing out of their bodies , but by agreeable or disagreeable corporeal motions ; for if the motions be agreeable , there is Sympathy ; if disagreeable , there is Antipathy ; and if they be equally found in two bodies , then there is a mutual Sympathy or Antipathy ; but if in one body onely , and not in the other , there is but Sympathy or Antipathy on one side , or in one Creature . Lastly , concerning swoonings or fainting fits , your Authors opinion is , that they proceed from the stomack : Which I can hardly believe ; for many will swoon upon the sight of some object , others at a sound , or report , others at the smell of some disagreeable odour , others at the taste of some or other thing that is not agreeable to their nature , and so forth : also some will swoon at the apprehension or conceit of something , and some by a disorder or irregularity of motions in exterior parts . Wherefore , my opinion is , that swoonings may proceed from any part of the body , and not onely from the stomack . But , Madam , I being no Physicianess may perhaps be in an error , and therefore I will leave this discourse to those that are thorowly learned and practised in this Art , and rest satisfied that I am , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble Servant . XLII . MADAM , YOur Author a is inquiring whether some cures of diseases may be effected by bare co-touchings ; and I am of his opinion , they may ; for co-touchings of some exterior objects may cause alterations of some particular motions in some particular parts of matter , without either transferring their own motions into those parts , ( for that this is impossible , I have heretofore declared ) or without any corporeal departing from their own parts of matter into them , and alterations may be produced both in the motions and figures of the affected parts : but these cures are not so frequent as those that are made by the entring of medicines into the diseased parts , and either expel the malignant matter , or rectifie the irregular and disordered motions , or strengthen the weak , or reduce the straying , or work any other ways according to the nature and propriety of their own substance , and the disposition of the distempered parts : Nevertheless , those cures which are performed exteriously , as to heal inward affects by an outwad bare co-touching , are all made by natural motions in natural substances , and not by Non-being , substanceless Ideas , or spiritual Rays ; for those that will cure diseases by Non-beings , will effect little or nothing ; for a disease is corporeal or material , and so must the remedies be , there being no cure made but by a conflict of the remedy with the disease ; and certainly , if a non-being fight against a being , or a corporeal disease , I doubt it will do no great effect ; for the being will be too strong for the non-being : Wherefore my constant opinion is , that all cures whatsover , are perfected by the power of corporeal motions , working upon the affected parts either interiously or exteriously , either by applying external remedies to external wounds , or by curing internal distempers , either by medicines taken internally , or by bare external co-touchings . And such a remedy , I suppose , has been that which your Author speaks of , viz. a stone of a certain Irish-man , which by a meer external contact hath cured all kinds of diseases , either by touching outwardly the affected parts , or by licking it but with the tip of the Tongue , if the disease was Internal : But if the vertue of the Stone was such , as your Author describes , certainly , what man soever he was that possessed such a jewel , I say , he was rather of the nature of the Devil , then of man , that would not divulge it to the general benefit of all mankind ; and I wonder much , that your Author , who otherwise pretends such extraordinary Devotion , Piety , and Religiousness , as also Charity , viz. that all his works he has written , are for the benefit of his neighbour , and to detect the errors of the Schools meerly for the good of man , doth yet plead his cause , saying , That secrets , as they are most difficultly prepared , so they ought to remain in secret forever in the possession of the Privy Councel , what Privy Counsels he means , I know not ; but certainly some are more difficult to be spoken to , or any thing to be obtained from , then the preparation of a Physical Arcanum . However , a general good or benefit ought not to be concealed or kept in privy Councels , but to be divulged and publickly made known , that all sorts of People , of what condition , degree , or Nation soever , might partake of the general blessing and bounty of God. But , Madam , you may be sure , that many , who pretend to know Physical secrets , most commonly know the least , as being for the most part of the rank of them that deceive the simple with strange tales which exceed truth ; and to make themselves more authentical , they use to rail at others , and to condemn their skill , onely to magnifie their own : I say , many , Madam , as I have observed , are of that nature , especially those , that have but a superficial knowledge in the Art of Physick ; for those that are thorowly learned , and sufficiently practised in it , scorn to do the like ; which I wish may prosper and thrive by their skill . And so I rest , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble Servant . XLIII . MADAM , YOur Author is pleased to relate a story of one that died suddenly , and being disfected , there was not the least sign of decay or disorder found in his body . But I cannot add to those that wonder , when no sign of distemper is found in a man's body after he is dead ; because I do not believe , that the subtillest , learnedst , and most practised Anatomist , can exactly tell all the Interior Government or motions , or can find out all obscure and invisible passages in a man's body ; for concerning the motions , they are all altered in death , or rather in the dissolution of the animal figure ; and although the exterior animal figure or shape doth not alter so soon , yet the animal motions may alter in a moment of time ; which sudden alteration may cause a sudden death , and so the motions being invisible , the cause of death cannot be perceived ; for no body can find that which is not to be found , to wit , animal motions in a dead man ; for Nature hath altered these motions from being animal motions to some other kind of motions , she being as various in dissolutions , as in productions , indeed so various , that her ways cannot be traced or known thorowly and perfecty , but onely by piece-meals , as the saying is , that is , but partly : Wherefore man can onely know that which is visible , or subject to his senses ; and yet our senses do not always inform us truly , but the alterations of grosser parts are more easily known , then the alterations of subtil corporeal motions , either in general , or in particular ; neither are the invisible passages to be known in a dead Carcass , much less in a living body . But , I pray , mistake me not , when I say , that the animal motions are not subject to our exterior senses ; for I do not mean all exterior animal motions , nor all interior animal motions ; for though you do see no interior motion in an animal body , yet you may feel some , as the motion of the Heart , the motion of the Pulse , the motion of the Lungs , and the like ; but the most part of the interior animal motions are not subject to our exterior senses ; nay , no man , he may be as observing as he will , can possibly know by his exterior senses all the several and various interior motions in his own body , nor all the exterior motions of his exterior parts : and thus it remains still , that neither the subtillest motions and parts of matter , nor the obscure passages in several Creatures , can be known but by several parts ; for what one part is ignorant of , another part is knowing , and what one part is knowing , another part is ignorant thereof ; so that unless all the Parts of Infinite Matter were joyned into one Creature , there can never be in one particular Creature a perfect knowledg of all things in Nature . Wherefore I shall never aspire to any such knowledg , but be content with that little particular knowledg , Nature has been pleased to give me , the chief of which is , that I know my self , and especially that I am , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XLIV . MADAM , I Perceive you are desirous to know the cause , Why a man is more weak at the latter end of a disease then at the beginning , and is a longer time recovering health , then loosing health ; as also the reason of relapses and intermissions ? First , as for weakness and strength , my opinion is , they are caused by the regular and irregular motions in several parts , each striving to over-power the other in their conflict ; and when a man recovers from a disease , although the regular motions have conquered the irregular , and subdued them to their obedience , yet they are not so quite obedient as they ought , which causes weakness : Neither do the regular motions use so much force in Peace , as in War ; for though animate matter cannot lose force , yet it doth not always use force ; neither can the parts of Nature act beyond their natural power , but they do act within their natural power ; neither do they commonly act to the utmost of their power . And as for Health , why it is sooner lost then recovered ; I answer , That it is easier to make disorders then to rectifie them : as for example , in a Common-wealth , the ruines of War are not so suddenly repaired , as made . But concerning Relapses and Intermissions of diseases , Intermissions are like truces or cessations from War for a time ; and Relapses are like new stirs or tumults of Rebellion ; for Rebels are not so apt to settle in peace as to renew the war upon slight occasions ; and if the regular motions of the body be stronger , they reduce them again unto obedience . But diseases are occasioned many several ways ; for some are made by a home Rebellion , and others by forreign enemies , and some by natural and regular dissolutions , and their cures are as different ; but the chief Magistrates or Governors of the animal body , which are the regular motions of the parts of the body , want most commonly the assistance of forreign Parts , which are Medicines , Diets , and the like ; and if there be factions amongst these chief Magistrates , or motions of the parts of the body , then the whole body suffers a ruine . But since there would be no variety in Nature , nor no difference between Natures several parts or Creatures , if her actions were never different , but always agreeing and constant , a war or rebellion in Nature cannot be avoided : But , mistake me not , for I do not mean a war or rebellion in the nature of substance of Matter , but between the several parts of Matter , which are the several Creatures , and their several Motions ; for Matter being always one and the same in its nature , has nothing to war withal ; and surely it will not quarrel with its own Nature . Next you desire to know , that if Nature be in a Perpetual motion , Whence comes a duration of some things , and a Tiredness , Weariness , Sluggishness , or Faintness ? I answer , first , That in some bodies , the Retentive motions are stronger then the dissolving motions ; as for example , Gold , and Quicksilver or Mercury ; the separating and dissolving motions of Fire have onely power to melt and rarifie them for a time , but cannot alter their nature : so a Hammer , or such like instrument , when used , may beat Gold , and make it thin as a Cobweb , or as dust , but cannot alter its interior nature : But yet this doth not prove it to be either without motion , or to be altogether unalterable , and not subject to any dissolution ; but onely that its retentive motions are too strong for the dissolving motions of the Fire , which by force work upon the Gold ; and we might as well say , that Sand , or an Earthen Vessel , or Glass , or Stone , or any thing else , is unalterable , and will last eternally , if not disturbed . But some of Natures actions are as industrious to keep their figures , as others are to dissolve , or alter them ; and therefore Retentive motions are more strong and active in some figures , then dissolving motions are in others , or producing motions in other Figures . Next , as for Tiredness , or Faintness of motions , there is no such thing as tiredness or faintness in Nature , for Nature cannot be tired , nor grow faint , or sick , nor be pained , nor die , nor be any ways defective ; for all this is onely caused through the change and variety of the corporeal motions of Nature , and her several parts ; neither do irregular motions prove any defect in Nature , but a prudence in Natures actions , in making varieties and alterations of Figures ; for without such motions or actions , there could not be such varieties and alterations in Nature as there are : neither is slackness of some motions a defect , for Nature is too wise to use her utmost force in her ordinary works ; and though Nature is infinite , yet it is not necessary she should use an infinite force and power in any particular act . Lastly , you desire my opinion , Whether there be motion in a dead animal Creature . To which , I answer : I have declared heretofore , that there is no such thing as death in Nature , but what is commonly named death , is but an alteration or change of corporeal motions , and the death of an animal is nothing else but the dissolving motions of its figure ; for when a man is dying , the motions which did formerly work to the consistence of his figure do now work to the dissolution of his figure , and to the production of some other figures , changing and transforming every part thereof ; but though the figure of that dead animal is dissolved , yet the parts of that dissolved figure remain still in Nature although they be infinitely changed , and will do so eternally , as long as Nature lasts by the Will of God ; for nothing can be lost or annihilated in Nature . And this is all , Madam , that I can answer to your questions , wherein , I hope , I have obeyed your commands , according to the duty of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XLV . MADAM , I Have thus far discharged my duty , that according to your commands , I have given you my judgment of the works of those four famous Philosophers of our age , which you did send me to peruse , and have withal made reflexions upon some of their opinions in Natural Philosophy , especially those , wherein I did find them dissent from the Ground and Principles of my own Philosophy . And since by your leave I am now publishing all those Letters which I have hitherto written to your concerning those aforesaid Authors , and their Works , I am confident I shall not escape the censures of their followers ; But , I shall desire them , that they will be pleased to do me this Justice , and to examine first my opinions well , without any partiality or wilful misinterpretation of my sence , before they pass their censure : Next , I desire them to consider , That I have no skill in School-learning , and therefere for want of terms of Art may easily chance to slip , or at least , not express my opinions so clearly as my readers expected ; However , I have done my endeavour , and to my sense and reason they seem clear and plain enough , especially as I have expressed them in those Letters I have sent you ; for concerning my other Work , called Philosophical Opinions , I must confess , that it might have been done more exactly and perspicuously , had I been better skilled in such words and expressions as are usual in the Schools of Philosophers ; and therefore , if I be but capable to learn names and terms of Art , ( although I find my self very untoward to learn , and do despair of proving a Scholar ) I will yet endeavour to rectifie that work , and make it more intelligible ; for my greatest ambition is to express my conceptions so , that my Readers may understand them : For which I would not spare any labour or pains , but be as industrious as those that gain their living by their work ; and I pray to God , that Nature may give me a capacity to do it . But as for those that will censure my works out of spite and malice , rather then according to justice , let them do their worst ; for if God do but bless them , I need not to fear the power of Nature , much less of a part of Nature , as Man. Nay , if I have but your Ladiships approbation , it will satisfie me ; for I know you are so wife and just in your judgment , that I may safely rely upon it : For which I shall constantly and unfeignedly remain as long as I live , MADAM , Your Ladiships most faithful Friend and humble Servant . SECT . IV. I. MADAM , I Perceive , you take great delight in the study of Natural Philosophy , since you have not onely sent me some Authors to peruse , and give my judgment of their opinions , but are very studious your self in the reading of Philosophical Works : and truly , I think you cannot spend your time more honourably , profitably , and delightfully , then in the study of Nature , as to consider how Variously , Curiously , and Wisely , she acts in her Creatures ; for if the particular knowledg of a man's self be commendable , much more is the knowledg of the general actions of Nature , which doth lead us to the knowledg of our selves . The truth is , by the help of Philosophy our Minds are raised above our selves , into the knowledg of the Causes of all natural effects . But leaving the commending of this noble study , you are pleased to desire my opinion of a very difficult and intricate argument in Natural Philosophy , to wit , of Generation , or Natural Production . I must beg leave to tell you , first , that some ( though foolishly ) believe , it is not fit for Women to argue upon so subtil a Mystery : Next , there have been so many learned and experienced Philosophers , Physicians , and Anatomists , which have treated of this subject , that it might be thought a great presumption for me , to argue with them , having neither the learning nor experience by practice which they had : Lastly , There are so many several ways and manners of Productions in Nature , as it is impossible for a single Creature to know them all : For there are Infinite variations made by self-motion in Infinite Matter , producing several Figures , which are several Creatures in that same Matter . But you would fain know , how Nature , which is Infinite Matter , acts by self-motion ? Truly , Madam , you may as well ask any one part of your body , how every other part of your body acts , as to ask me , who am but a small part of Infinite Matter , how Nature works . But yet , I cannot say , that Nature is so obscure , as her Creatures are utterly ignorant ; for as there are two of the outward sensitive organs in animal bodies , which are more intelligible then the rest , to wit , the Ear , and the Eye ; so in Infinite Matter , which is the body of Nature , there are two parts , which are more understanding or knowing then the rest , to wit , the Rational and Sensitive part of Infinite Matter ; for though it be true , That Nature , by self-division , made by self-motion into self-figures , which are self-parts , causes a self-obscurity to each part , motion , and figure ; nevertheless , Nature being infinitely wise and knowing , its infinite natural wisdom and knowledg is divided amongst those infinite parts of the infinite body : and the two most intelligible parts , as I said , are the sensitive and rational parts in Nature , which are divided , being infinite , into every Figure or Creature ; I cannot say equally divided , no more , then I can say , all creatures are of equal shapes , sizes , properties , strengths , quantities , qualities , constitutions , semblances , appetites , passions , capacities , forms , natures , and the like ; for Nature delights in variety , as humane sense and reason may well perceive : for seldom any two creatures are just alike , although of one kind or sort , but every creature doth vary more or less . Wherefore it is not probable , that the production or generation of all or most Creatures , should be after one and the same manner or way , for else all Creatures would be just alike without any difference . But this is to be observed , that though Nature delights in variety , yet she doth not delight in confusion , but , as it is the propriety of Nature to work variously , so she works also wisely ; which is the reason , that the rational and sensitive parts of Nature , which are the designing and architectonical parts , keep the species of every kind of Creatures by the way of Translation in Generation , or natural Production ; for whatsoever is transferred , works according to the nature of that figure or figures from whence it was transferred , But mistake me not ; for I do not mean always according to their exterior Figure , but according to their interior Nature ; for different motions in one and the same parts of matter , make different figures , wherefore much more in several parts of matter and changes of motion ; But , as I said , Translation is the chief means to keep or maintain the species of every kind of Creatures , which Translation in natural production or generation , is of the purest and subtilest substances , to wit , the sensitive and rational , which are the designing and architectonical parts of Nature . You may ask me , Madam , what this wise and ingenious Matter is . I answer : It is so pure , subtil , and self-active , as our humane shares of sense and reason cannot readily or perfectly perceive it ; for by that little part of knowledg that a humane creature hath , it may more readily perceive the strong action then the purer substance ; for the strongest action of the purest substance is more perceivable then the matter or substance it self ; which is the cause , that most men are apt to believe the motion , and to deny the matter , by reason of its subtilty ; for surely the sensitive and rational matter is so pure and subtil , as not to be expressed by humane sense and reason . As for the rational-matter , it is so pure , fine , and subtil , that it may be as far beyond lucent matter , as lucent matter is beyond gross vapours , or thick clouds ; and the sensitive matter seems not much less pure : also there is very pure inanimate matter , but not subtil and active of it self ; for as there are degrees in the animate , so there are also degrees in the inanimate matter ; so that the purest degree of inanimate matter comes next to the animate , not in motion , but in the purity of its own degree ; for it cannot change its nature so , as to become animate , yet it may be so pure in its own nature , as not to be perceptible by our grosser senses . But concerning the two degrees of animate Matter , to wit , the sensitive and rational , I say that the sensitive is much more acute then Vitriol , Aqua-fortis , Fire , or the like ; and the rational much more subtil and active then Quicksilver , or Light , so as I cannot find a comparison fit to express them , onely that this sensitive and rational self-moving Matter is the life and soul of Nature ; But by reason this Matter is not subject to our gross senses , although our senses are subject to it , as being made , subsisting and acting through the power of its actions , we are not apt to believe it , no more then a simple Country-wench will believe , that Air is a substance , if she neither hear , see , smell , taste , or touch it , although Air touches and surrounds her : But yet the effects of this animate matter prove that there is such a matter ; onely , as I said before , this self-moving matter causing a self-division as well as a general action , is the cause of a self-obscurity , which obscurity causes doubts , disputes , and inconstancies in humane opinions , although not so much obscurity , as to make all Creatures blindfold , for surely there is no Creature but perceives more or less . But to conclude , The Rational degree of Matter is the most intelligible , and the wisest part of Nature , and the Sensitive is the most laborious and provident part in Nature , both which are the Creators of all Creatures in Infinite Matter ; and if you intend to know more of this Rational and Sensitive Matter , you may consult my Book of Philosophy , to which I refer you . And so taking my leave for the present , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . II. MADAM , I Understand by your last , that you have read the Book of that most learned and famous Physician and Anatomist , Dr. Harvey , which treats of Generation ; and in the reading of it , you have mark'd several scruples , which you have framed into several questions concerning that subject , to which you desire my answer . Truly , Madam , I am loth to imbarque my self in this difficult argument , not onely for the reasons I have given you heretofore , but also that I do not find my self able enough to give you such a satisfactory answer as perhaps you do expect . But since your Commands are so powerful with me , that I can hardly resist them , and your Nature so good that you easily pardon any thing that is amiss , I will venture upon it according to the strength of my Natural Reason , and endeavour to give you my opinion as well and as clearly as I can . Your first question is ; Whether the action of one or more producers be the onely cause of Natural Production or Generation , without imparting or transferring any of their own substance or Matter . I answer : The sole co-action of the Producers may make a change of exterior forms or figures , but not produce another Creature ; for if there were not substance or matter , as well as action , both transferred together , there would not be new Creatures made out of old Matter , but every production would require new Matter , which is impossible , if there be but one Matter , and that infinite ; and certainly , humane sense and reason may well perceive , that there can be but one Matter , for several kinds of Matter would make a confusion ; and thus if new Creatures were made onely by substanceless motion , it would not onely be an infinite trouble to Nature , to create something out of nothing perpetually , but , as I said , it would make " a confusion amongst all Nature's works , which are her several Parts or Creatures . But by reason there is but one Matter , which is Infinite and Eternel , and this Matter has self-motion in it , both Matter , and Motion must of necessity transmigrate , or be transferred together without any separation , as being but one thing , to wit , Corporeal Motion . 'T is true , one part of animate or self-moving Matter , may without Translation move , or rather occasion other parts to move ; but one Creature cannot naturally produce another without the transferring of its corporeal motions . But it is well to be observed , that there is great difference between the actions of Nature ; for all actions are not generating , but some are patterning , and some transforming , and the like ; and as for the transforming action , that may be without translation , as being nothing else but a change of motions in one and the same part or parts of Matter , to wit , when the same parts of Matter do change into several figures , and return into the same figures again . Also the action of Patterning is without Translation ; for to pattern out , is nothing else but to imitate , and to make a figure in its own substance or parts of Matter like another figure . But in generation every producer doth transfer both Matter and Motion , that is , Corporeal Motion into the produced ; and if there be more producers then one , they all do contribute to the produced ; and if one Creature produces many Creatures , those many Creatures do partake more or less of their producer . But you may say , If the producer transfers its own Matter , or rather its own corporeal motions into the produced , many productions will soon dissolve the producer , and he will become a sacrifice to his off-spring . I answer ; That doth not follow : for as one or more Creatures contribute to one or more other Creatures ; so other Creatures do contribute to them , although not after one and the same manner or way , but after divers manners or ways ; but all manners and ways must be by translation to repair and assist ; for no Creature can subsist alone and of it self , but all Creatures traffick and commerce from and to each other , and must of necessity do so , since they are all parts of the same Matter : Neither can Motion subsist without Matter , nor quit Matter , nor act without Matter , no more , then an Artificer can work without materials , and without self-motion Matter would be dead and useless ; Wherefore Matter and Motion must upon necessity not onely be inseparable , but be one body , to wit , corporeal motion ; which motion by dividing and composing its several parts , and acting variously , is the cause of all Production , Generation , Metamorphosing , or any other thing that is done in Nature . But if , according to your Author , the sole action be the cause of Generation without transferring of substance , then Matter is useless , and of none or little effect ; which , in my opinion , is not probable . Your second question is , Whether the Production or Generation of animals is as the Conceptions of the Brain , which the Learned say are Immaterial ? I answer : The Conceptions of the Brain , in my opinion , are not Immaterial , but Corporeal ; for though the corporeal motions of the brain , or the matter of its conceptions , is invisible to humane Creatures , and that when the brain is dissected , there is no such matter found , yet that doth not prove , that there is no Matter , because it is not so gross a substance as to be perceptible by our exterior senses : Neither will your Authors example hold , that as a builder erects a house according to his conception in the brain , the same happens in all other natural productions or generations ; for , in my opinion , the house is materially made in the brain , which is the conception of the builder , although not of such gross materials , as Stone , Brick , Wood , and the like , yet of such matter as is the Rational Matter , that is , the house when it is conceived in the brain , is made by the rational corporeal figurative motions of their own substance or degree of Matter ; But if all Animals should be produced by meer fancies , and a Man and a Woman should beget by fancying themselves together in copulation , then the produced would be a true Platonick Child ; But if a Woman being from her Husband should be so got with Child , the question is , whether the Husband would own the Child ; and if amorous Lovers ( which are more contagious for appetite and fancy then Married persons ) should produce Children by Immaterial contagions , there would be more Children then Parents to own them . Your third question is , Whether Animals may not be produced , as many Diseases are , by contagion ? I answer : Although contagions may be made at a distance , by perception ; yet those diseases are not begotten by immaterial motions , but by the rational and sensitive corporeal motions , which work such diseases in the body of a Creature , by the association of parts , like as the same disease is made in another body : Neither are diseases always produced after one and the same manner , but after divers manners ; whereas animals are produced as animals , that is , after one natural and proper way ; for although all the effects in particular be not alike , yet the general way or manner to produce those effects is the same : As for example ; there is no other way to produce a fruitful Egg , but by a Cock and a Hen ; But a Contagious disease , as the small-Pox , or the like , may be produced by the way of Surfeits or by Conceit , which may cause the sensitive corporeal parts , through the irregular motions of the rational corporeal parts , to work and produce such a disease , or any other ways . But neither a disease , nor no creature else can be produced without matter , by substanceless motion ; for wheresoever is motion , there is also matter , matter and motion being but one thing . Your fourth question is , Whether an Animal Creature is perfectly shaped or formed at the first Conception ? I answer : If the Creature be composed of many and different parts , my opinions is , it cannot be . You may say , That if it hath not all his parts produced at once , there will be required many acts of generation to beget or produce every part , otherwise the producers would not be the Parents of the produced in whole , but in part . I answer : The Producer is the designer , architect , and founder of the whole Creature produced ; for the sensitive and rational corporeal motions , which are transferred from the producer or producers , joyn to build the produced like to the producer in specie , but the transferred parts may be invisible and insensible to humane Creatures , both through their purity and little quantity , until the produced is framed to some visible degree ; for a stately building may proceed from a small beginning , neither can humane sense tell what manner of building is designed at the first foundation . But you may say , That many Eggs may be made by one act of the producers , to wit , the Cock and the Hen , and those many Eggs may be laid at several times , as also hatched at several times , and become Chickens at several times . I answer ; It may well and easily be so : for the rational and sensitive parts or corporeal motions which were transferred in one act , designed many produced through that one act ; for those transferred corporeal motions , although they have not a sufficient quantity of themselves to make all the produced in their perfect shapes at once , yet they are the chief designer , architect and founder of all that are to be produced ; for the corporeal motions which are transferred , joyn with those they are transferred to , and being associates , work to one design , the sensitive being the architect , the rational the designer , which together with the inanimate parts of matter , can never want materials , neither can the materials want labourers ; for the degrees of matter are inseparable , and do make but one body or substance . Again you may say , That some parts of Matter may produce another Creature not like to the producer in its species , as for example , Monsters . I answer , That is possible to be done , but yet it is not usual ; for Monsters are not commonly born , but those corporeal motions which dwell in one species , work according to the nature of the same species ; and when the parts of Matter are transferred from Creature to Creature , that is , are separated from some parts , and joyned to other pars of the same species , and the same nature ; those transferred parts of matter , although invisible in quantity , by reason of their purity and subtilty , begin the work of the produced according to its natural species , and the labourers in other parts of matter work to the same end ; just as it is in the artificial building of a house , where the house is first designed by the Architect , or Master , and then the labourers work not after their own fancy , ( else it would not be the same house that was designed , nor any uniformity in it ) but according to the architects or surveyors design ; so those parts of matter or corporeal motions that are transferred from the producer , are like the architect , but the labourers or workmen are the assisting and adjoyning parts of matter . But you will say , How comes it , that many creatures may be made by one or two ? I answer : As one owner or two partners may be the cause of many buildings , so few or more transferred rational and sensitive corporeal motions may make and produce as many creatures as they can get materials and labourers ; for if they get one , they get the other , by reason the degrees of matter , viz. animate and inanimate , are inseparably mixt , and make but one body or substance ; and the proof of it is , that all animals are not constant in the number of their off-spring , but sometimes produce more , and sometimes fewer , and sometimes their off-spring is less , and sometimes larger , according to the quantity of matter . Again you may say , That in some Creatures there is no passage to receive the transferred matter into the place of the architecture . I answer : That all passages are not visible to humane sense ; and some humane Creatures have not a sufficient humane reason to conceive , that most of Natures works are not so gross as to be subject to their exterior senses ; but as for such parts and passages , whether exterior or interior , visible or invisible , as also for copulation , conception , formation , nourishment , and the like in Generation , I leave you to Physicians and Anatomists . And to conclude this question , we may observe , that not any animal Creatures shape dissolveth in one instant of time , but by degrees ; why should we believe then , that Animals are generated or produced in their perfect shape in one instant of time , and by one act of Nature ? But sense and reason knows by observation , that an animal Creature requires more time to be generated , then to be dissolved , like as an house is sooner and with less pains pull'd down , then built up . Your Fifth question is , Whether Animals are not generated by the way of Metamorphosing ? To which I answer , That it is not possible that a third Creature can be made without translation of corporeal motions ; and since Metamorphosing is onely a change of motions in the same parts of Matter , without any translation of corporeal motions , no animal Creature can be produced or generated by the way of Metamorphosing . Your Sixth question is , Whether a whole may be made out of a part ? I answer : There is no whole in Nature , except you will call Nature her self a whole ; for all Creatures are but parts of Infinite Matter . Your Seventh question is , Whether all Animals , as also Vegetables , are made or generated by the way of Eggs ? I have said heretofore , That it is not probable , that different sorts , nay , different kinds of Creatures , should all have but one manner or way of production ; for why should not Nature make different ways of productions , as well as different Creatures ? And as for Vegetables , if all their Seeds be likened unto Eggs , then Eggs may very well be likened to Seeds ; which if so , then a Peas-cod is the Hen , and the Peas in the Cod is the cluster of Eggs : the like of ears of Corn. And those animals that produce but one creature or seed at a time , may be like the kernel of a Nut , when the shell is broke , the creature comes forth . But how this will agree with your Author , who says , that the creature in the shell must make its own passage , I cannot tell ; for if the Nut be not broken by some external means or occasion , the kernel is not like to get forth . And as for humane Eggs , I know not what to answer ; for it is said , that the first Woman was made of a mans ribb ; but whether that ribb was an egg , I cannot tell . And why may not Minerals and Elements be produced by the way of Eggs as well as Vegetables and Animals ? Nay , why may not the whole World be likened unto an Egg ? Which if so , the two Poles are the two ends of the Egg ; and for the Elements , the Yolk is the Fire , the White , the Water ; the Film , the Air ; and the Shell it self will very well serve for the Earth : But then it must first be broken , and pounded into one lump or solid mass , and so swim or sink into the midst of the liquid parts , as to the Center ; and as for the several faetuses in this great Egg , they are the several Creatures in it . Or it might be said , that the Chaos was an Egg , and the Universe , the Chicken . But leaving this fimilizing , it is like , that some studious Men may by long study upon one part of the body , conceive and believe that all other parts are like that one part ; like as those that have gazed long upon the Sun , all they see for a time , are Suns to them ; or like as those which having heard much of Hobgoblins , all they see are Hobgoblins , their fancies making such things . But , Madam , to make a conclusion also of this question , I repeat what I said before , viz. that all Creatures have not one way of production ; and as they have not all one way of production , so they have neither one instant of time either for perfection or dissolution , but their perfection and dissolution is made by degrees . Your Eighth question is , Whether it may not be , that the sensitive and rational corporeal motions in an Egg do pattern out the figure of the Hen and Cock , whilest the Hen sits upon the Egg , and so bring forth Chickens by the way of patterning ? I answer : The action of patterning , is not the action of Generation ; for as I said heretofore , the actions of Nature are different , and Generation must needs be performed by the way of translation , which translation is not required in the action of Patterning ; but according as the Producers are , which transfer their own matter into the produced , so is the produced concerning its species ; which is plainly proved by common examples ; for if Pheasants , or Turky , or Goose-eggs , be laid under an ordinary Hen , or an ordinary Hens-egg be laid under a Pheasant , Turky , or Goose , the Chickens of those Eggs will never be of any other species then of those that produced the Egg ; for an ordinary Hen , if she sit upon Pheasants , Turky , or Goose-eggs , doth not hatch Chickens of her own species , but the Chickens will be of the species either of the Pheasant , or Turky , or Goose , which did at first produce the Egg ; which proves , that in Generation , or Natural production , there is not onely required the action of the Producers , but also a Transferring of some of their own parts to form the produced . But you may say , What doth the sitting Hen contribute then to the production of the Chicken ? I answer : The sitting Hen doth onely assist the Egg in the production of the Chicken , as the Ground doth the Seed . Your Ninth question is , Concerning the Soul of a particular Animal Creature , as whether it be wholly of it self , and subsists wholly in and by it self ? But you must give me leave first to ask you what Soul you mean , whether the Divine , or the Natural Soul , for there is great difference betwixt them , although not the least that ever I heard , rightly examined and distinguished ; and if you mean the Divine Soul , I shall desire you to excuse me , for that belongs to Divines , and not to Natural Philosophers ; neither am I so presumptuous as to intrench upon their sacred order . But as for the Natural Soul , the Learned have divided it into three parts , to wit , the Vegetative , Sensitive , and Rational Soul ; and according to these three Souls , made three kinds of lives , as the Vegetative , Sensitive , and Rational Life . But they might as well say , there are infinite bodies , lives , and souls , as three ; for in Nature there is but one life , soul , and body , consisting all of one Matter , which is corporeal Nature . But yet by reason this life and soul is material , it is divided into numerous parts , which make numerous lives and souls in every particular Creature ; for each particular part of the rational self-moving Matter , is each particular soul in each particular Creature , but all those parts considered in general , make but one soul of Nature ; and as this self-moving Rational Matter hath power to unite its parts , so it hath ability or power to divide its united parts . And thus the rational soul of every particular Creature is composed of parts , ( I mean parts of a material substance ; for whatsoever is substanceless and incorporeal , belongs not to Nature , but is Supernatural ; ) for by reason the Infinite and Onely matter is by self-motion divided into self-parts , not any Creature can have a soul without parts ; neither can the souls of Creatures subsist without commerce of other rational parts , no more then one body can subsist without the assistance of other bodies ; for all parts belong to one body , which is Nature : nay , if any thing could subsist of it self , it were a God , and not a Creature : Wherefore not any Creature can challenge a soul absolutely to himself , unless Man , who hath a divine soul , which no other Creature hath . But that which makes so many confusions and disputes amongst learned men is , that they conceive , first , there is no rational soul but onely in man ; next , that this rational soul in every man is individable . But if the rational soul is material , as certainly to all sense and reason it is , then it must not onely be in all material Creatures , but be dividable too ; for all that is material or corporeal hath parts , and is dividable , and therefore there is no such thing in any one Creature as one intire soul ; nay , we might as well say , there is but one Creature in Nature , as say , there is but one individable natural soul in one Creature . Your Tenth question is , Whether Souls are producible , or can be produced ? I answer : in my opinion , they are producible , by reason all parts in Nature are so . But mistake me not ; for I do not mean that any one part is produced out of Nothing , or out of new matter ; but one Creature is produced by another , by the dividing and uniting , joyning and disjoyning of the several parts of Matter , and not by substanceless Motion out of new Matter . And because there is not any thing in Nature , that has an absolute subsistence of it self , each Creature is a producer , as well as a produced , in some kind or other ; for no part of Nature can subsist single , and without reference and assistance of each other , or else every single part would not onely be a whole of it self , but be as a God without controle ; and though one part is not another part , yet one part belongs to another part , and all parts to one whole , and that whole to all the parts , which whole is one corporeal Nature . And thus , as I said before , productions of one or more creatures , by one or more producers , without matter , meerly by immaterial motions , are impossible , to wit , that something should be made or produced out of nothing ; for if this were so , there would consequently be an annihilation or turning into nothing , and those Creatures , which produce others by the way of immaterial motions , would rather be as a God , then a part of Nature , or Natural Matter . Besides , it would be an endless labour , and more trouble to create particular Creatures out of nothing , then a World at once ; whereas now it is easie for Nature to create by production and transmigration ; and therefore it is not probable , that any one Creature hath a particular life , soul , or body to it self , as subsisting by it self , and as it were precised from the rest , having its own subsistence without the assistance of any other ; nor is it probable , that any one Creature is new , for all that is , was , and shall be , till the Omnipotent God disposes Nature otherwise . As for the rest of your questions , as whether the Sun be the cause of all motions , and of all natural productions ; and whether the life of a Creature be onely in the blood , or whether it have its beginning from the blood , or whether the blood be the chief architect of an animal , or be the seat of the soul ; sense and reason , in my opinion , doth plainly contradict them ; for concerning the blood , if it were the seat of the Soul , then in the circulation of the blood , if the Soul hath a brain , it would become very dizzie by its turning round ; but perchance some may think the Soul to be a Sun , and the Blood the Zodiack , and the body the Globe of the Earth , which the Soul surrounds in such time as the Blood is flowing about . And so leaving those similizing Fancies , I 'le add no more , but repeat what I said in the beginning , viz. that I rely upon the goodness of your Nature , from which I hope for pardon , if I have not so exactly and solidly answered your desire ; for the argument of this discourse being so difficult , may easily lead me into an error , which your better judgment will soon correct ; and in so doing you will add to those favours for which I am already , MADAM , Your Ladiships most obliged Friend and humble Servant . III. MADAM , You thought verily , I had mistaken my self in my last , concerning the Rational Souls of every particular Creature , because I said , all Creatures had numerous Souls ; and not onely so , but every particular Creature had numerous Souls . Truly , Madam , I did not mistake my self , for I am of the same opinion still ; for though there is but one Soul in infinite Nature , yet that soul being dividable into parts , every part is a soul in every single creature , were the parts no bigger in quantity then an atome . But you ask whether Nature hath Infinite souls ? I answer : That Infinite Nature is but one Infinite body , divided into Infinite parts , which we call Creatures ; and therefore it may as well be said , That Nature is composed of Infinite Creatures or Parts , as she is divided into Infinite Creatures or Parts ; for Nature being Material , is dividable , and composable . The same may be said of Nature's Soul , which is the Rational part of the onely infinite Matter , as also of Nature's Life , which is the sensitive part of the onely Infinite self-moving Matter ; and of the Inanimate part of the onely . Infinite Matter , which I call the body for distinction sake , as having no self-motion in its own nature , for Infinite Material Nature hath an Infinite Material Soul , Life , and Body . But , Madam , I desire you to observe what I said already , viz. that the parts of Nature are as apt to divide , as to unite ; for the chief actions of Nature are to divide , and to unite ; which division is the cause , that it may well be said , every particular Creature hath numerous souls ; for every part of rational Matter is a particular Soul , and every part of the sensitive Matter is a particular Life ; all which , mixed with the Inanimate Matter , though they be Infinite in parts , yet they make but one Infinite whole , which is Infinite Nature ; and thus the Infinite division into Infinite parts is the cause , that every particular Creature hath numerous Souls , and the transmigration of parts from , and to parts , is the reason , that not any Creature can challenge a single soul , or souls to it self ; the same for life . But most men are unwilling to believe , that Rational Souls are material , and that this rational Matter is dividable in Nature ; when as humane sense and reason may well perceive , that Nature is active , and full of variety ; and action , and variety cannot be without motion , division , and composition : but the reason that variety , division , and composition , runs not into confusion , is , that first there is but one kind of Matter ; next , that the division and composition of parts doth ballance each other into a union in the whole . But , to conclude , those Creatures which have their rational parts most united , are the wisest ; and those that have their rational parts most divided , are the wittiest ; and those that have much of this rational matter , are much knowing ; and those which have less of this rational matter , are less knowing ; and there is no Creature that hath not some ; for like as all the parts of a humane body are indued with life , and soul ; so are all the parts of Infinite Nature ; and though some parts of Matter are not animate in themselves , yet there is no part that is not mixt with the animate matter ; so that all parts of Nature are moving , and moved . And thus , hoping I have cleared my self in this point , to your better understanding , I take my leave , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . IV. MADAM , IN the Works of that most famous Philosopher and Mathematician of our age Gal. which you thought worth my reading , I find , he discourses much of upwards and downwards , backwards and forwards ; but to tell you really , I do not understand what he means by those words , for , in my opinion , there is properly no such thing as upwards , downwards , backwards , or forwards in Nature , for all this is nothing else but natural corporeal motions , to which in respect of some particulars we do attribute such or such names ; for if we conceive a Circle , I pray where is upwards and downwards , backwards and forwards ? Certainly , it is , in my opinion , just like that , they name Rest , Place , Space , Time , &c. when as Nature her self knows of no such things , but all these are onely the several and various motions of the onely Matter . You will say , How can Rest be a motion ? I answer : Rest is a word which expresses rather mans ignorance then his knowledg ; for when he sees , that a particular Creature has not any external local motion perceptible by his sight , he says it resteth , and this rest he calls a cessation from motion , when as yet there is no such thing as cessation from motion in Nature ; for motion is the action of natural Matter , and its Nature is to move perpetually ; so that it is more probable for motion to be annihilated , then to cease . But you may say , It is a cessation from some particular motion . I answer : You may rather call it an alteration of a particular motion , then a cessation ; for though a particular motion doth not move in that same manner as it did before , nevertheless it is still there , and not onely there , but still moving ; onely it is not moving after the same manner as it did move heretofore , but has changed from such a kind of motion to another kind of motion , and being still moving it cannot be said to cease : Wherefore what is commonly called cessation from motion , is onely a change of some particular motion , and is a mistake of change for rest . Next , I find in the same Author a long discourse of circular and strait motions ; to wit , That they are simple motions , and that all others are composed out of them , and are mixt motions ; Also , That the Circular Motion is perfect , and the Right imperfect ; and that all the parts of the world , if moveable of their own nature , it is impossible , that their motions should be Right , or any other then Circular : That a Circular motion is never to be gotten naturally , without a preceding right motion : That a Right motion cannot naturally be perpetual : That a Right motion is impossible in the World well ordered : and the like . First , I cannot conceive why natural Matter should use the Circle-figure more then any other in the motions of her Creatures ; for Nature , which is Infinite Matter , is not bound to one particular motion , or to move in a Circle more then any other figure , but she moves more variously then any one part of hers can conceive ; Wherefore it is not requisite that the natural motions of natural bodies should be onely Circular . Next , I do not understand , why a Circular Motion cannot be gotten naturally without a precedent right motion ; for , in my opinion , corporeal motions may be round or circular , without being or moving straight before ; and if a straight line doth make a circle , then an imperfect figure makes a perfect ; but , in my opinion , a circle may as well make a straight line , as a strait line a circle ; except it be like a Gordian knot , that it cannot be dissolved , or that Nature may make some corporeal motions as constant as she makes others inconstant , for her motions are not alike in continuance and alteration . And as for right motion , that naturally it cannot be perpetual ; my opinion is , that it cannot be , if Nature be finite ; but if Nature be infinite , it may be : But the circular motion is more proper for a finite , then an infinite , because a circle-figure is perfect and circumscribed , and a straight line is infinite , or at least producible in infinite ; and there may be other worlds in infinite Nature , besides these round Globes perceptible by our sight , which may have other figures ; for though it be proper for Globes or Spherical bodies to move round , yet that doth not prove , that Infinite Matter moves round , or that all worlds must be of a Globous figure ; for there may be as different Worlds , as other Creatures . He says , That a Right motion is impossible in the World well ordered ; But I cannot conceive a Right motion to be less orderly then a Circular in Nature , except it be in some Particulars ; but oftentimes that , which is well ordered in some cases , seems to some mens understandings and perceptions ill ordered in other cases ; for man , as a part , most commonly considers but the Particulars , not the Generals , like as every one in a Commonwealth considers more himself and his Family , then the Publick . Lastly , Concerning the simplicity of Motions , as that onely circular and straight motions are simple motions , because they are made by simple Lines ; I know not what they mean by simple Lines ; for the same Lines which make straight and circular figures , may make as well other figures as those ; but , in my opinion , all motions may be called simple , in regard of their own nature ; for they are nothing else but the sensitive and rational part of Matter , which in its own nature is pure , and simple , and moves according to the Nature of each Figure , either swiftly or slowly , or in this or that sort of motion ; but the most simple , purest and subtillest part is the rational part of matter , which though it be mixed with the sensitive and inanimate in one body , yet it can and doth move figuratively in its own matter , without the help or assistance of any other . But I desire you to remember , Madam , that in the compositions and divisions of the parts of Nature , there is as much unity and agreement as there is discord and disagreement ; for in Infinite , there is no such thing , as most , and least ; neither is there any such thing as more perfect , or less perfect in Matter . And as for Irregularities , properly there is none in Nature , for Nature is Regular ; but that , which Man ( who is but a small part of Nature , and therefore but partly knowing ) names Irregularities , or Imperfections , is onely a change and alteration of motions ; for a part can know the variety of motions in Nature no more , then Finite can know Infinite , or the bare exterior shape and figure of a mans body can know the whole body , or the head can know the mind ; for Infinite natural knowledg is corporeal ; and being corporeal , it is dividable ; and being dividable , it cannot be confined to one part onely ; for there is no such thing as an absolute determination or subsistence in parts without relation or dependance upon one another . And since Matter is Infinite , and acts wisely , and all for the best , it may be as well for the best of Nature , when parts are divided antipathetically , as when they they are united sympathetically : Also Matter being Infinite , it cannot be perfect , neither can a part be called perfect , as being a part . But mistake me not , Madam ; for when I say , there is no perfection in Nature , as I do in my Philosophical Opinions * , I mean by Perfection , a finiteness , absoluteness , or compleatness of figure ; and in this sense I say Nature has no perfection by reason it is Infinite ; but yet I do not deny , but that there is a perfection in the nature or essence of Infinite Matter ; for Matter is perfect Matter ; that is , pure and simple in its own substance or nature , as meer Matter , without any mixture or addition of some thing that is not Matter , or that is between Matter and no Matter ; and material motions are perfect motions although Infinite : just as a line may be called a perfect line , although it be endless , and Gold , or other Mettal , may be called perfect Gold , or perfect Metal , although it be but a part . And thus it may be said of Infinite Nature , or Infinite Matter , without any contradiction , that it is both perfect , and not perfect ; perfect in its nature or substance , not perfect in its exterior figure . But you may say , If Infinite Matter be not perfect , it is imperfect , and what is imperfect , wants something . I answer , That doth not follow : for we cannot say , that what is not perfect , must of necessity be imperfect , because there is something else , which it may be , to wit , Infinite ; for as imperfection is beneath perfection , so perfection is beneath Infinite ; and though Infinite Matter be not perfect in its figure , yet it is not imperfect , but Infinite ; for Perfection and Imperfection belongs onely to Particulars , and not to Infinite . And thus much for the present . I conclude , and rest , MADAM , Your Ladiships most obliged Friend and humble servant . V. MADAM , The Author , mentioned in my former Letter , . says , That Quietness is the degree of Infinite slowness , and that a moveable body passing from quietness , passes through all the degrees of slowness without staying in any . But I cannot conceive that all the Parts of Matter should be necessitated to move by degrees ; for though there be degrees in Nature , yet Nature doth not in all her Actions move by degrees . You may say , for example , from one to twenty , there are eighteen degrees between One , and Twenty ; and all these degrees are included in the last degree , which is twenty . I answer ; That may be : but yet there is no progress made through all those degrees ; for when a body doth move strong at one time , and the next time after moves weak ; I cannot conceive how any degrees should really be made between . You may say , By Imagination . But this Imagination of degrees , is like the conception of Space and Place , when as yet there is no such thing as Place or Space by it self ; for all is but one body , and Motion is the action of this same body , which is corporeal Nature ; and because a particular body can and doth move after various manners , according to the change of its corporeal motions , this variety of motions man call's Place , Space ; Time , Degrees , &c. confidering them by themselves , and giving them peculiar names , as if they could be parted from body , or at least be conceived without body ; for the Conception or Imagination it self is corporeal , and so are they nothing else but corporeal motions . But it seems as if this same Author conceived also motion to be a thing by it self , and that motion begets motion , when he says , That a body by moving grows stronger in motion by degrees , when as yet the strength was in the matter of the body eternally ; for Nature was always a grave Matron , never a sucking Infant : and though parts by dissolving and composing may lose and get acquaintance of each other , yet no part can be otherwise in its nature , then ever it was ; Wherefore change of corporeal motions is not losing nor getting strength or swiftness ; for Nature doth not lose force , although she doth not use force in all her various actions ; neither can any natural body get more strength then by nature it hath , although it may get the assistance of other bodies joyned to it . But swiftness and slowness are according to the several figurative actions of self-moving matter ; which several actions or motions of Nature , and their alterations , cannot be found out by any particular Creature : As for example , the motions of Lead , and the motions of Wood , unless Man knew their several causes ; for Wood , in some cases , may move slower then Lead ; and Lead , in other cases , slower then Wood. Again : the same Author says , That an heavy moveable body descending , gets force enough to bring it back again to as much height . But I think , it might as well be said , That a Man walking a mile , gets as much strength as to walk back that mile ; when 't is likely , that having walked ten miles , he may not have so much strength as to walk back again one mile ; neither is he necessitated to walk back , except some other more powerful body do force him back : for though Nature is self-moving , yet every part has not an absolute power , for many parts may over-power fewer ; also several corporeal motions may cross and oppose as well as assist each other ; for if there were not opposition , as well as agreement and assistance amongst Nature's parts , there would not be such variety in Nature as there is . Moreover , he makes mention of a Line , with a weight hung to its end , which being removed from the perpendicular , presently falls to the same again . To which , I answer : That it is the appetite and desire of the Line , not to move by constraint , or any forced exterior motion ; but that which forces the Line to move from the Perpendicular , doth not give it motion , but is onely an occasion that it moves in such a way ; neither doth the line get that motion from any other exterior body , but it is the lines own motion ; for if the motion of the hand , or any other exterior body , should give the line that motion , I pray , from which doth it receive the motion to tend to its former state ? Wherefore , when the Line moves backwards or forwards , it is not , that the Line gets what it had not before , that is , a new corporeal motion , but it uses its own motion ; onely , as I said , that exterior body is the occasion that it moves after such a manner or way , and therefore this motion of the line , although it is the lines own motion , yet in respect of the exterior body that causes it to move that way , it may be called a forced , or rather an occasioned motion . And thus no body can get motion from another body , except it get matter too ; for all that motion that a body has , proceeds from the self-moving part of matter , and motion and matter are but one thing ; neither is there any inanimate part of matter in Nature , which is not co-mixed with the animate , and consequently , there is no part which is not moving , or moved ; the Animate part of matter is the onely self-moving part , and the Inanimate the moved : not that the animate matter doth give away its own motion to the inanimate , and that the inanimate becomes self-moving ; but the animate , by reason of the close conjunction and commixture , works together with the inanimate , or causes the inanimate to work with it ; and thus the inanimate remains as simple in its own nature , as the animate doth in its nature , although they are mixt ; for those mixtures do not alter the simplicity of each others Nature . But having discoursed of this subject in my former Letters , I take my leave , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VI. MADAM , IT seems , my former Letter concerning Motion , has given you occasion to propound this following question to me , to wit , When I throw a bowl , or strike a ball with my hand ; whether the motion , by which the bowl or ball is moved , be the hands , or the balls own motion ? or whether it be transferred out of my hand into the ball ? To which , I return this short answer : That the motion by which ( for example ) the bowl is moved , is the bowls own motion , and not the hands that threw it ; for the hand cannot transfer its own motion , which hath a material being , out of it self into the bowl , or any other thing it handles , touches , or moves ; or else if it did , the hand would in a short time become weak and useless , by losing so much substance , unless new motions were as fast created , as expended . You 'l say , perhaps , that the hand and the bowl may exchange motions , as that the bowls own motion doth enter into the hand , and supply that motion which went out of the hand into the bowl , by a close joyning or touch , for in all things moving and moved , must be a joyning of the mover to the moved , either immediate , or by the means of another body . I answer : That this is more probable , then that the hand should give out , or impart motion to the bowl , and receive none from the bowl ; but by reason motion cannot be transferred without matter , as being both inseparably united , and but one thing ; I cannot think it probable , that any of the animate or self-moving matter in the hand , quits the hand , and enters into the bowl ; nor that the animate matter , which is in the bowl , leaves the bowl , and enters into the hand , because that self-moving substance is not readily prepared for so sudden a Translation or Transmigration . You may say , It may as easily be done as food is received into an animal body and excrement discharged , or as air is taken in , and breath sent out , by the way of respiration ; and that all Creatures are not onely produced from each other , but do subsist by each other , and act by each others assistance . I answer : It is very true , that all Creatures have more power and strength by a joyned assistance , then if every part were single , and subsisted of it self . But as some parts do assist each other , so on the other side , some parts do resist each other ; for though there be a unity in the nature of Infinite Matter , yet there are divisions also in the Infinite parts of Infinite Matter , which causes Antipathy as much as Sympathy ; but they being equal in assistance as well as in resistance , it causes a conformity in the whole nature of Infinite Matter ; for if there were not contrary , or rather , I may say , different effects proceeding from the onely cause , which is the onely matter , there could not possibly be any , or at least , so much variety in Nature , as humane sense and reason perceives there is . But to return to our first argument : You may say , that motion may be transferred out of one body into another , without transferring any of the Matter . I answer : That is impossible , unless motion were that which some call No-thing , but how No-thing can be transferred , I cannot imagine : Indeed no sense and reason in Nature can conceive that which is No-thing ; for how should it conceive that which is not in Nature to be found . You 'l say , perhaps , It is a substanceless thing , or an incorporeal , immaterial being or form . I answer : In my opinion , it is a meer contradiction , to say , a substanceless thing , form , or being , for surely in Nature it cannot be . But if it be not possible that motion can be divided from matter , you may say , that body from whence the motion is transferred , would become less in bulk and weight , and weaker with every act of motion ; and those bodies into which corporeal motion or self-moving matter was received , would grow bigger , heavier , and stronger . To which , I answer : That this is the reason , which denies that there can be a translation of motion out of the moving body into the moved ; for questionless , the one would grow less , and the other bigger , that by loosing so much substance , this by receiving . Nay if it were possible , as it is not , that motion could be transferred without matter , the body out of which it goes , would nevertheless grow weaker ; for the strength lies in the motion , unless you believe , this motion which is transferred to have been useless in the mover , and onely useful to the moved ; or else it would be superfluous in the moved , except you say , it became to be annihilated after it was transferr'd and had done its effect ; but if so , then there would be a perpetual and infinite creation and annihilation of substanceless motion , and how there could be a creation and annihilation of nothing , my reason cannot conceive , neither is it possible , unless Nature had more power then God , to create Nothing , and to annihilate Nothing . The truth is , it is more probable for sense and reason to believe a Creation of Something out of Nothing , then a Creation of Nothing out of Nothing . Wherefore it cannot in sense and reason be , that the motion of the hand is transferr'd into the bowl . But yet I do not say , that the motion of the hand doth not contribute to the motion of the bowl ; for though the bowl hath its own natural motion in it self , ( for Nature and her creatures know of no rest , but are in a perpetual motion , though not always exterior and local , yet they have their proper and certain motions , which are not so easily perceived by our grosser senses . ) nevertheless the motion of the bowl would not move by such an exterior local motion , did not the motion of the hand , or any other exterior moving body give it occasion to move that way ; Wherefore the motion of the hand may very well be said to be the cause of that exterior local motion of the bowl , but not to be the same motion by which the bowl moves . Neither is it requisite , that the hand should quit its own motion , because it uses it in stirring up , or putting on the motion of the bowl ; for it is one thing to use , and another to quit ; as for example , it is one thing to offer his life for his friends service , another to imploy it , and another to quit or lose it . But , Madam , there may be infinite questions or exceptions , and infinite answers made upon one truth ; but the wisest and most probable way is , to rely upon sense and reason , and not to trouble the mind , thoughts , and actions of life , with improbabilities , or rather impossibilities , which sense and reason knows not of , nor cannot conceive . You may say , A Man hath sometimes improbable , or impossible Fancies , Imaginations , or Chymaera's , in his mind , which are No-things . I answer , That those Fancies and Imaginations are not No-things , but as perfectly imbodied as any other Creatures ; but by reason , they are not so grosly imbodied , as those creatures that are composed of more sensitive and inanimate matter , man thinks or believes them to be no bodies ; but were they substanceless figures , he could not have them in his mind or thoughts : The truth is , the purity of reason is not so perspicuous and plain to sense , as sense is to reason , the sensitive matter being a grosser substance then the rational . And thus , Madam , I have answered your proposed question , according to the ability of my Reason , which I leave to your better examination , and rest in the mean while , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . VII . MADAM , HAving made some mention in my former Letter of the Receiving of Food , and discharging of Excrements , as also of Respiration , which consists in the sucking in of air , and sending out of breath in an animal body ; you desire to know , Whether Respiration be common to all animal Creatures ? Truly , I have not the experience , as to tell you really , whether all animals respire , or not ; for my life being , for the most part , solitary and contemplative , but not active , I please my self more with the motions of my thoughts , then of my senses ; and therefore I shall give you an answer according to the conceivement of my reason onely , which is , That I believe , all animals require Respiration ; not onely those , which live in the air , but those also , which live in waters , and within the earth ; but they do not respire all after one and the same manner ; for the matter which they imbreath , is not every where the same , nor have they all the same organs , or parts , nor the same motions . As for example : Some Creatures require a more thin and rarer substance for their imbreathing or inspiring , then others , and some a more thick and grosser substance then others , according to their several Natures ; for as there are several kinds of Creatures , according to their several habitations or places they live in , so they have each a distinct and several sort of matter or substance for their inspiraration . As for example : Some live in the Air , some upon the face of the Earth , some in the bowels of the Earth , and some in Waters . There is some report of a Salamander , who lives in the Fire ; but it being not certainly known , deserves not our speculation . And , as in my opinion , all animal Creatures require Respiration , so I do verily believe , that also all other kinds of Creatures , besides animals , have some certain manmer of imbreathing and transpiring , viz. Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , although not after the same way as Animals , yet in a way peculiar and proper to the nature of their own kind . For example : Take away the earth from Vegetables , and they will die , as being , in my opinion , stifled or smothered , in the same manner , as when the Air is taken away from some Animals . Also , take Minerals out of the bowels of the Earth , and though we cannot say , they die , or are dead , because we have not as yet found out the alterative motions of Minerals , as well as of Vegetables , or Animals , yet we know that they are dead from production and increase , for not any Metal increases being out of the Earth . And as for Elements , it is manifest that Fire will die for want of vent ; but the rest of the Elements , if we could come to know the matter ; manner , and ways of their Vital Breathing , we might kill or revive them as we do Fire . And therefore all Creatures , to my Reason , require a certain matter and manner of inspiration and expiration , which is nothing else but an adjoyning and disjoyning of parts to and from parts ; for not any natural part or creature can subsist single , and by it self , but requires assistance from others , as this , and the rest of my opinions in Natural Philosophy , desire the assistance of your favour , or else they will die , to the grief of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . VIII . MADAM , TH other day I met with the Work of that Learned Author Dr. Ch. which treats of Natural Philosophy ; and amongst the rest , in the Chapter of Place , I found that he blames Aristotle for saying , there are none but corporeal dimensions , Length , Breadth , and Depth in Nature , making besides these corporeal , other incorporeal dimensions which he attributes to Vacuum . Truly , Madam , an incorporeal dimension or extension , seems , in my opinion , a meer contradiction ; for I cannot conceive how nothing can have a dimension or extension , having nothing to be extended or measured . His words are these : Imagine we therefore , that God should please to annihilate the whole stock or mass of Elements , and all concretions resulting therefrom , that is , all corporeal substances now contained within the ambit or concave of the lowest Heaven , or Lunar sphear ; and having thus imagined , can we conceive that all the vast space or region circumscribed by the concave superfice of the Lunar sphere , would not remain the same in all its dimensions , after as before the reduction of all bodies included therein to nothing ? To which , I answer : That , in my opinion , he makes Nature Supernatural ; for although God's Power may make Vacuum , yet Nature cannot ; for God's and Nature's Power are not to be compared , neither is God's invisible Power perceptible by Natures parts ; but according to Natural Perception , it is impossible to conceive a Vacuum , for we cannot immagine a Vacuum , but we must think of a body , as your Author of the Circle of the Moon ; neither could he think of space but from one side of the Circle to the other , so that in his mind he brings two sides together , and yet will have them distant ; but the motions of his thoughts being subtiler and swifter then his senses , skip from side to side without touching the middle parts , like as a Squirrel from bough to bough , or an Ape from one table to another , without touching the ground , onely cutting the air . Next , he says , That an absolute Vacuum , is neither an Accident , nor a Body , nor yet Nothing , but Something , because it has a being ; which opinion seems to me like that of the divine Soul ; but I suppose Vacuum is not the divine Soul , nor the divine Soul , Vacuum ; or else it could not be sensible of the blessed happiness in Heaven , or the Torments in Hell. Again he says , Let us screw our supposition one pin higher , and farther imagine , that God , after the annihilation of this vast machine , the Universe , should create another in all respects equal to this , and in the same part of space wherein this now consists : First , we must conceive , that as the spaces were immense before God created the world , so also must they eternally persist of infinite extent , if he shall please at any time to destroy it ; Next , that these immense spaces are absolutely immoveable . By this opinion , it seems , that Gods Power cannot so easily make or annihilate Vacuum , as a substance ; because he believes it to be before all Matter , and to remain after all Matter , which is to be eternal ; but I cannot conceive , why Matter , or fulness of body , should not as well be Infinite and Eternal , as his conceived Vacuum ; for if Vacuum can have an eternal and infinite being , why may not fulness of body , or Matter ? But he calls Vacuum Immovable , which in my opinion is to make it a God ; for God is onely Immoveable and Unalterable , and this is more Glorious then to be dependant upon God ; wherefore to believe Matter to be Eternal , but yet dependent upon God , is a more humble opinion , then his opinion of Vacuum ; for if Vacuum be not created , and shall not be annihilated , but is Uncreated , Immaterial , Immoveable , Infinite , and Eternal , it is a God ; but if it be created , God being not a Creator of Nothing , nor an annihilator of Nothing , but of Something , he cannot be a Creator of Vacuum ; for Vacuum is a pure Nothing . But leaving Nothing to those that can make something of it , I will add no more , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . IX . MADAM , THat Learned Author , of whom I made mention in my last , is pleased to say in his Chapter of Time , that Time is the Twin-brother to Space ; but if Space be as much as Vacuum , then I say , they are Twin-nothings ; for there can be no such thing as an empty or immaterial space , but that which man calls space , is onely a distance betwixt several corporeal parts , and time is onely the variation of corporeal motions ; for were there no body , there could not be any space , and were there no corporeal motion , there could not be any time . As for Time , considered in General , it is nothing else but the corporeal motions in Nature , and Particular times are the Particular corporeal motions ; but Duration is onely a continuance , or continued subsistence of the same parts , caused by the consistent motions of those parts ; Neither are Time , Duration , Place , Space , Magnitude , &c. dependents upon corporeal motions , but they are all one and the same thing ; Neither was Time before , nor can be after corporeal motion , for none can be without the other , being all one : And as for Eternity , it is one fixed instant , without a flux , or motion . Concerning his argument of Divisibility of Parts , my opinion is , That there is no Part in Nature Individable , no not that so small a part , which the Epicureans name an Atome ; neither is Matter separable from Matter , nor Parts from Parts in General , but onely in Particulars ; for though parts can be separated from parts , by self-motion , yet upon necessity they must joyn to parts , so as there can never be a single part by it self . But hereof , as also of Place , Space , Time , Motion , Figure , Magnitude , &c. I have sufficiently discoursed in my former Letters , as also in my Book of Philosophy ; and as for my opinion of Atoms , their figures and motions , ( if any such things there be ) I will refer you to my Book of Poems , out of which give me leave to repeat these following lines , containing the ground of my opinion of Atomes : All Creatures , howsoe're they may be nam'd , Are of long , square , flat , or sharp Atomes fram'd . Thus several figures several tempers make , But what is mixt , doth of the four partake . The onely cause , why things do live and die , 'S according as the mixed Atomes lie . Thus life , and death , and young , and old , Are as the several Atoms hold : Wit , understanding in the brain Are as the several atomes reign : And dispositions , good , or ill , Are as the several atomes still ; And every Passion , which doth rise , Is as each several atome lies . Thus sickness , health , and peace , and war , Are as the several atomes are . If you desire to know more , you may read my mentioned Book of Poems whose first Edition was printed in the year , 1653. And so taking my leave of you , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . X. MADAM , I Received the Book of your new Author that treats of Natural Philosophy , which I perceive is but lately come forth ; but although it be new , yet there are no new opinions in it ; for the Author doth follow the opinions of some old Philosophers , and argues after the accustomed Scholastical way , with hard , intricate , and nonsensical words : Wherefore I shall not take so much pains as to read it quite over , but onely pick out here and there some few discourses , which I shall think most convenient for the clearing of my own opinion ; in the number of which , is , first , that of Matter , whereof the Author is pleased to proclaim the opinion that holds Matter to be Infinite , not onely absurd , but also impious . Truly , Madam , it is easily said , but hardly proved ; and not to trouble you with unnecessary repetitions , I hope you do remember as yet what I have written to you in the beginning concerning the infiniteness of Nature , or natural Matter , where I have proved that it implies no impiety , absurdity , or contradiction at all , to believe that Matter is Infinite ; for your Authors argument , concluding from the finiteness of particular Creatures to Nature her self , is of no force ; for though no part of Nature is Infinite in bulk , figure , or quantity , nevertheless , all the parts of Infinite Nature are Infinite in number , which infinite number of parts must needs make up one Infinite body in bulk , or quantity ; for as a finite body or substance is dividable into finite parts , so an Infinite body , as Nature , or natural Matter , must of necessity be dividable into infinite parts in number , and yet each part must also be finite in its exterior figure , as I have proved in the beginning by the example of a heap of grains of corn . Certainly , Madam , I see no reason , but since , according to your Author , God , as the prime Cause , Agent , and Producer of all things , and the action by which he produced all things , is Infinite ; the Matter out of which he produced all particular Creatures may be Infinite also . Neither doth it , to my sense and reason , imply any contradiction or impiety ; for it derogates nothing from the Glory and Omnipotency of God , but God is still the God of Nature , and Nature is his Servant , although Infinite , depending wholly upon the will and pleasure of the All-powerful God : Neither do these two Infinites obstruct each other ; for Nature is corporeal , and God is a supernatural and spiritual Infinite Being , and although Nature has an Infinite power , yet she has but an Infinite Natural power , whereas Gods Omnipotency is infinitely extended beyond Nature . But your Author is pleased to refute that argument , which concludes from the effect to the cause , and proves Matter to be infinite , because God as the Cause is Infinite , saying , that this Rule doth onely hold in Univocal things , ( by which , I suppose , he understands things of the same kind and nature ) and not in opposites . Truly , Madam , by this he limits Gods power , as if God were not able to work beyond Nature , and Natural Reason or Understanding ; and measures Gods actions according to the rules of Logick ; which whether it be not more impious , you may judg your self . And as for opposites , God and Nature are not opposites , except you will call opposites those which bear a certain relation to one another , as a Cause , and its Effect ; a Parent , and a Child ; a Master , and a Servant ; and the like . Nay , I wonder how your Author can limit Gods action , when as he confesses himself , that the Creation of the World is an Infinite action . God acted finitely , says he , by an Infinite action ; which , in my opinion , is meer non-sense , and as much as to say , a man can act weakly by a strong action , basely by an honest action , cowardly by a stout action . The truth is , God being Infinite , cannot work finitely ; for , as his Essence , so his Actions cannot have any limitation , and therefore it is most probable , that God made Nature Infinite ; for though each part of Nature is finite in its own figure , yet considered in general , they are Infinite , as well in number , as duration , except God be pleased to destroy them ; nay , every particular may in a certain sense be said Infinite , to wit , Infinite in time or duration ; for if Nature be Infinite and Eternal , and there be no annihilation or perishing in Nature , but a perpetual successive change and alteration of natural figures , then no part of Nature can perish or be annihilated ; and if no part of Nature perishes , then it lasts infinitely in Nature , that is , in the substance of natural Matter ; for though the corporeal motions , which make the figures , do change , yet the ground of the figure , which is natural matter , never changes . The same may be said of corporeal motions : for though motions change and vary infinite ways , yet none is lost in Nature , but some motions are repeated again : As for example ; the natural motions in an Animal Creature , although they are altered in the dissolution of the animal figure , yet they may be repeated again by piece-meals in other Creatures ; like as a Commonwealth , or united body in society , if it should be dissolved and dispersed , the particulars which did constitute this Commonwealth or society , may joyn to the making of another society ; and thus the natural motions of a body do not perish when the figure of the body dissolves , but joyn with other motions to the forming and producing of some other figures . But to return to your Author . I perceive his discourse is grounded upon a false supposition , which appears by his way of arguing from the course of the Starrs and Planets , to prove the finiteness of Nature ; for by reason the Stars and Planets rowl about , and turn to the same point again , each within a certain compass of time , he concludes Nature or Natural Matter to be finite too . And so he takes a part for the whole , to wit , this visible World for all Nature , when as this World is onely a part of Nature , or Natural Matter , and there may be more and Infinite worlds besides ; Wherefore his conclusion must needs be false , since it is built upon a false ground . Moreover , he is as much against the Eternity of Matter , as he is against Infiniteness ; concluding likewise from the parts to the whole : For , says he , since the parts of Nature are subject to a beginning and ending , the whole must be so too . But he is much mistaken , when he attributes a beginning and ending to parts , for there is no such thing as a beginning and ending in Nature , neither in the whole , nor in the parts , by reason there is no new creation or production of Creatures out of new Matter , nor any total destruction or annihilation of any part in Nature , but onely a change , alteration and transmigration of one figure into another ; which change and alteration proves rather the contrary , to wit , that Matter is Eternal and Incorruptible ; for if particular figures change , they must of necessity change in the Infinite Matter , which it self , and in its nature , is not subject to any change or alteration : besides , though particulars have a finite and limited figure , and do change , yet their species do not ; for Mankind never changes , nor ceases to be , though Peter and Paul die , or rather their figures dissolve and divide ; for to die is nothing else , but that the parts of that figure divide and unite into some other figures by the change of motion in those parts . Concerning the Inanimate Matter , which of it self is a dead , dull , and idle matter , your Author denies it to be a co-agent or assistant to the animate matter : For , says he , how can dead and idle things act ? To which , I answer : That your Author being , or pretending to be a Philosopher , should consider that there is difference betwixt a Principal and Instrumental cause or agent ; and although this inanimate , or dull matter , doth not act of it self as a principal agent , yet it can and doth act as an Instrument , according as it is imploy'd by the animate matter : for by reason there is so close a conjunction and commixture of animate and inanimate Matter in Nature , as they do make but one body , it is impossible that the animate part of matter should move without the inanimate ; not that the inanimate hath motion in her self , but the animate bears up the inanimate in the action of her own substance , and makes the inanimate work , act , and move with her , by reason of the aforesaid union and commixture . Lastly , your Author speaks much of Minima's , viz. That all things may be resolved into their minima's , and what is beyond them , is nothing , and that there is one maximum , or biggest , which is the world , and what is beyond that , is Infinite . Truly , Madam , I must ingeniously confess , I am not so high learned , as to penetrate into the true sense of these words ; for he says , they are both divisible , and indivisible , and yet no atomes , which surpasses my Understanding ; for there is no such thing , as biggest and smallest in Nature , or in the Infinite matter ; for who can know how far this World goes , or what is beyond it ? There may be Infinite Worlds , as I said before , for ought we know ; for God and Nature cannot be comprehended , ' nor their works measured , if we cannot find out the nature of particular things , which are subject to our exterior senses , how shall we be able to judg of things not subject to our senses . But your Author doth speak so presumptuously of Gods Actions , Designs , Decrees , Laws , Attributes , Power , and secret Counsels , and describes the manner , how God created all things , and the mixture of the Elements to an hair , as if he had been Gods Counsellor and Assistant in the work of Creation ; which whether it be not more impiety , then to say , Matter is Infinite , I 'le let others judg . Neither do I think this expression to be against the holy Scripture ; for though I speak as a natural Philosopher , and am unwilling to cite the Scripture , which onely treats of things belonging to Faith and , and not to Reason ; yet I think there is not any passage which plainly denies Matter to be Infinite , and Eternal , unless it be drawn by force to that sense : Solomon says , That there is not any thing new : and in another place it is said , That God is all fulfilling ; that is , The Will of God is the fulfilling of the actions of Nature : also the Scripture says , That Gods ways are unsearchable , and past finding out . Wherefore , it is easier to treat of Nature , then the God of Nature ; neither should God be treated of by vain Philosophers , but by holy Divines , which are to deliver and interpret the Word of God without sophistry , and to inform us as much of Gods Works , as he hath been pleased to declare and make known . And this is the safest way , in the opinion of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XI . MADAM , YOur new Author endeavours to prove , that Water in its own proper nature is thicker then Earth ; which , to my sense and reason , seems not probable ; for although water is less porous then earth in its exterior figure , yet 't is not so thick as earth in its interior nature : Neither can I conceive it to be true , that water in its own nature , and as long as it remains water , should be as hard as Crystal , or stone , as his opinion is ; for though Elements are so pliant ( being not composed of many different parts and figures ) as they can change and rechange their exterior figures , yet they do not alter their interior nature without a total dissolution ; but your Author may as well say , that the interior nature of man is dust and ashes , as that water in its interior nature is as thick as earth , and as hard as Christal , or stone ; whereas yet a man , when he becomes dust and ashes , is not a man ; and therefore , when water is become so thick as earth , or so hard as stone , it is not water ; I mean when it is so in its interior nature , not in its exterior figure ; for the exterior figure may be contracted , when yet the interior nature is dilative ; and so the exterior may be thick or hard , when the interior is soft and rare . But you may say , that water is a close , and heavy , as also a smooth and glossy body . I answer : That doth not prove its interior nature to be hard , dense , thick , or contracted ; for the interior nature and parts of a body may be different from the exterior figure or parts ; neither doth the close joyning of parts hinder dilatation ; for if so , a line or circle could not dilate or extend : But this close uniting of the parts of water is caused through its wet and glutinous quality , which wet and sticking quality is caused by a watery dilatation ; for though water hath not interiously so rare a dilatation as Air , Fire , and Light , yet it hath not so close a contraction as Earth , Stone , or Metal ; neither are all bodies that are smooth and shining , more solid and dense , then those that are rough and dark ; for light is more smooth , glossy , and shining , then Water , Metal , Earth , or Transparent-stones , and yet is of a dilative nature . But because some bodies and figures which are transparent and smooth , are dense , hard , and thick , we cannot in reason , or sense , say , that all bodies and figures are so . As for Transparency , it is caused through a purity of substance , and an evenness of parts : the like is glossiness , onely glossiness requires not so much regularity , as transparency . But to return to Water ; its exterior Circle-figure may easily dilate beyond the degree of the propriety or nature of water , or contract beneath the propriety or nature of water . Your Author may say , Water is a globous body , and all globous bodies tend to a Center . I answer : That my sense and reason cannot perceive , but that Circles and Globes do as easily dilate , as contract : for if all Globes and Circles should endeavour to draw or fall from the circumference to the Center , the Center of the whole World , or at least of some parts of the World , would be as a Chaos : besides , it is against sense and reason , that all Matter should strive to a Center ; for humane sense and reason may observe , that all Creatures , and so Matter , desire liberty , and a Center is but a Prison in comparison to the Circumference ; wherefore if Matter crowds , it is rather by force , then a voluntary action . You will say , All Creatures desire rest , and in a Center there 's rest . I answer ; Humane sense and reason cannot perccive any rest in Nature : for all things , as I have proved heretofore , are in a perpetual motion . But concerning Water , you may ask me , Madam , Whether congeal'd Water , as Ice , if it never thaw , remains Water ? To which , I answer : That the interior nature of Water remains as long as the Ice remains , although the outward form is changed ; but if Ice be contracted into the firmness and density of Crystal , or Diamond , or the like , so as to be beyond the nature of Water , and not capable to be that Water again , then it is transformed into another Creature , or thing , which is neither Water , nor Ice , but a Stone ; for the Icy contraction doth no more alter the interior nature of Water , which is dilating , then the binding of a man with Chains alters his nature from being a man ; and it might be said as well , that the nature of Air is not dilating , when inclosed in a bladder , as that Water doth not remain Water in its interior nature , when it is contracted into Ice . But you may ask , Whether one extreme can change into another ? I answer : To my sense and reason it were possible , if extremes were in Nature ; but I do not perceive that in Nature there be any , although my sense and reason doth perceive alterations in the effects of Nature ; for though one and the same part may alter from contraction to dilation , and from dilation to contraction ; yet this contraction and dilation are not extremes , neither are they performed at one and the same time , but at different times . But having sufficiently declared my opinion hereof in my former Letters , I 'l add no more , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XII . MADAM , MY discourse of Water in my last Letter has given you occasion to enquire after the reason , Why the weight of a great body of water doth not press so hard and heavily as to bruise or crush a body , when it is sunk down to the bottom ? As for example : If a man should be drowned , and afterwards cast out from the bottom of a great Sea , or River , upon the shore ; he would onely be found smother'd or choak'd to death , and not press'd , crush'd , or bruised , by the weight of water . I answer ; The reasons are plain : for , first , the nature of a mans respiration requires such a temperature of breath to suck in , as is neither too thick , nor too thin for his lungs , and the rest of his interior parts , as also for the organs and passages of his exterior senses , but fit , proper , and proportionable to those mentioned parts of his body : As for example ; in a too thin and rarified air , man will be as apt to die for want of breath , as in a too gross and thick air he is apt to die with a superfluity of the substance he imbreaths ; for thick smoak , or thick vapour , as also too gross air , will soon smother a man to death ; and as for choaking , if a man takes more into his throat then he can swallow , he will die ; and if his stomack be filled with more food then it is able to digest , if it cannot discharge it self , he will die with the excess of food ; and if there be no food , or too little put into it , he will also die for want of food . So the eye , if it receives too many , or too gross , or too bright objects , it will be dazled or blinded , and some objects through their purity are not to be seen at all : The same for Hearing , and the rest of the exterior senses . And this is the reason , why man , or some animal Creatures are smother'd and choak'd with water ; because water is thicker then the grossest air or vapour ; for if smoak , which is rarer then water , will smother and choak a man , well may water , being so much thicker . But yet this smothering or choaking doth not prove , that water hath an interior or innate density ( as your Authors opinion is ) no more then smoak , or thick and gross air hath ; but the density of water is caused more through the wet and moist exterior parts , joyning and uniting closely together ; and the interior nature of smoak being more moist or glutinous then thin air , and so more apt to unite its exterior parts , it makes it to come in effect nearer to water ; for though water and smoak are both of rare natures , yet not so rare as clear and pure air ; neither is water or smoak so porous as pure air , by reason the exterior parts of water and smoak are more moist or glutinous then pure air . But the thickness of water and smoak is the onely cause of the smothering of men , or some animals , as by stopping their breath ; for a man can no more live without air , then he can without food ; and a well tempered or middle degree of air is the most proper for animal Respiration ; for if the air be too thick , it may soon smother or choak him ; and if too thin , it is not sufficient to give him breath : And this is the reason that a man being drown'd , is not onely smother'd , but choak'd by water ; because there enters more through the exterior passages into his body then can be digested ; for water is apt to flow more forcibly and with greater strength then air ; not that it is more dilating then air , but by reason it is thicker , and so stronger , or of more force ; for the denser a body is , the stronger it is ; and a heavy body , when moved , is more forcible then a light body . But I pray by this expression mistake not the nature of water ; for the interior nature of water hath not that gravity , which heavy or dense bodies have , its nature being rare and light , as air , or fire ; but the weight of water , as I said before , proceeds onely from the closeness and compactness of its exterior parts , not through a contraction in its interior nature ; and there is no argument , which proves better , that water in its interior nature is dilating , then that its weight is not apt to press to a point ; for though water is apt to descend , through the union of its parts , yet it cannot press hard , by reason of its dilating nature , which hinders that heavy pressing quality ; for a dilating body cannot have a contracted weight , I mean , so as to press to a Center , which is to a point ; and this is the reason , that when a grave or heavy body sinks down to the bottom of water , it is not opprest , hurt , crusht , or bruised by the weight of water ; for , as I said , the nature of water being dilating , it can no more press hard to a center , then vapour , air , or fire : The truth is , water would be as apt to ascend as descend , if it were not for the wet , glutinous and sticking , cleaving quality of its exterior parts ; but as the quantity and quality of the exterior parts makes water apt to sink , or descend , so the dilating nature makes it apt to flow , if no hinderance stop its course ; also the quantity and quality of its exterior parts is the cause , that some heavy bodies do swim without sinking : as for example ; a great heavy Ship will not readily sink , unless its weight be so contracted as to break asunder the united parts of water ; for the wet quality of water causing its exterior parts to joyn close , gives it such an united strength , as to be able to bear a heavy burden , if the weight be dilated , or level , and not piercing or penetrating ; for those bodies that are most compact , will sink sooner , although of less weight then those that are more dilated although of greater weight : Also the exterior and outward shape or form makes some bodies more apt to sink then others ; Indeed , the outward form and shape of Creatures is one of the chief causes of either sinking or swimming . But to conclude , water in its interior nature is of a mean or middle degree , as neither too rare , nor too grave a body ; and for its exterior quality , it is in as high a degree for wetness , as fire is for heat ; and being apt both to divide , and to unite , it can bear a burden , and devour a burden , so that some bodies may swim , and others sink ; and the cause , that a sunk body is not opprest , crush'd , or squeesed , is the dilating nature and quality of water , which hinders its parts from pressing or crowding towards a point or center ; for although water is heavy , and apt to descend , yet its weight is not caused by a contraction of its substance , but by a union of its parts . Thus , Madam , I have obeyed your commands , in giving you my reasons to your propounded question ; which if you approve , I have my aim ; if not , I submit to your better judgment : for you know I am in all respects , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend to serve you . XIII . MADAM , I Am glad , you are pleased with my reasons I gave to your propounded question concerning the weight of Water ; and since you have been pleased to send me some more of that subject , I shall be ready also to give my answer to them , according to the capacity of my judgment . First , you desire to know , How it comes , that Water will by degrees ascend through a narrow pipe , when the pipe is placed straight upright , or perpendicular ? The reason , in my opinion is , that Water , having a dilative nature , when it finds an obstruction to descend or flow even , will dilate it self ascendingly , according as it hath liberty , or freedom , and strength , or quantity ; the truth is , water would be more apt to ascend then to descend , were it not for the close uniting of its liquid Parts , which causes its exterior density , and this density makes it of more weight then its nature is ; and the proof that water is apt in its nature to ascend , is , that some sorts of vapours are made onely by the dilation and rarefaction of ascending Water . Your second question is , Why the surface of water seems to be concave in its middle , and higher on every side ? I answer , The interior figure of water is a circular figure , which being a round figure , is both concave , and convex ; for where one is , the other must be ; and the motions of ebbing and flowing , and ascending or descending , are partly of that figure ; and so according to the exterior dilating strength or weakness , the exterior parts of water become either concave or convex ; for in a full strength , as a full stream , the exterior parts of water flow in a convex figure , but when they want strength , they ebb in a concave figure . Your third question is , What makes frozen water apt to break those Vessels wherein it is contained , in the act of freezing or congealing ? I answer : The same cause that makes water clear , as also more swell'd then usually it is : which cause is the inherent dilative nature of water ; for water being naturally dilative , when as cold attractions do assault it , the moist dilations of water in the conflict use more then their ordinary strength to resist those cold contracting motions , by which the body of water dilates it self into a larger compass , according as it hath liberty or freedom , or quantity of parts ; and the cold parts not being able to drive the water back to its natural compass , bind it as it is extended , like as if a beast should be bound when his legs and neck are thrust out at the largest extent , in striving to kick or thrust away his enemies and imprisoners : And so the reason why water breaks those vessels wherein it is inclosed , in the act of its freezing or congealing is , that when the cold contractions are so strong as they endeavour to extinguish the dilating nature of water , the water resisting , forces its parts so , as they break the vessel which incloses them : The same reason makes Ice clear and transparent ; for it is not the rarefaction of water that doth it , but the dilation , which causes the parts of water to be not onely more loose and porous , but also more smooth and even , by resisting the clold contractions ; for every part endeavours to defend their borders with a well ordered and regular flowing or streaming , and not onely to defend , but to enlarge their compass against their enemies . Your fourth question is , How it comes that Snow and Salt mixt together doth make Ice ? The reason , in my judgment , is , that Salt being very active , and partly of the nature of fire , doth sometimes preserve , and sometimes destroy other bodies , according to its power , or rather according to the nature of those bodies it works on ; and salt being mixt with snow , endeavours to destroy it ; but having not so much force , melts it onely by its heat , and reduces it into its first principle , which is water , altering the figure of snow ; but the cold contractions remaining in the water , and endeavouring to maintain and keep their power , straight draw the water or melted snow into the figure of ice , so as neither the salts heat , nor the waters dilative nature , are able to resist or destroy those cold contractions ; for although they destroy'd the first figure , which is snow , yet they cannot hinder the second , which is Ice , Your last question is , How the Clouds can hang so long in the Skie without falling down ? Truly , Madam , I do not perceive that Clouds , being come to their full weight and gravity , do keep up in the air , but some of them fall down in showres of rain , others in great and numerous flakes of snow ; some are turned into wind , and some fall down in thick mists , so that they onely keep up so long , until they are of a full weight for descent , or till their figure is altered into some other body , as into air , wind , rain , lightning , thunder , snow , hail , mist , and the like . But many times their dilating motions keep or hinder them from descending , to which contracting motions are required . In my opinion , it is more to be admired , that the Sea doth not rise , then that Clouds do not fall ; for , as we see , Clouds fall very often , as also change from being Clouds , to some other figure : Wherefore it is neither the Sun , nor Stars , nor the Vapours , which arise from the Earth , and cause the Clouds , nor the porositity of their bodies , nor the Air , that can keep or hinder them from falling or changing to some other body ; but they being come to their full weight , fall or change according as is fittest for them . And these are all the reasons I can give you for the present ; if they do not satisfie you , I will study for others , and in all occasions endeavour to express my self , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XIV . MADAM , SInce in my last , I made mention of the Congealing of Water into Ice and Snow , I cannot choose , but by the way tell you , that I did lately meet with an Author , who is of opinion , That Snow is nothing else but Ice broken or ground into small pieces . To which , I answer : That this opinion may serve very well for a Fancy , but not for a Rational Truth , or at least for a Probable Reason ; For why may not the cold motions make snow without beating or grinding , as well as they make Ice ? Surely Nature is wiser then to trouble her self with unnecessary labour , and to make an easie work difficult , as Art her Creature doth , or as some dull humane capacities conceive ; for it is more easie for Nature to make Snow by some sorts of cold contractions , as she makes Ice by other sorts of cold contractions , then to force Air and Wind to beat , grinde , or pound Ice into Snow , which would cause a confusion and disturbance through the Irregularity of several parts , being jumbled in a confused manner together . The truth is , it would rather cause a War in Nature , then a natural production , alteration , or transformation : Neither can I conceive , in what region this turbulent and laborious work should be acted ; certainly not in the caverns of the Earth , for snow descends from the upper Region . But , perchance , this Author believes , that Nature imploys Wind as a Hand , and the Cold air as a Spoon , to beat Ice like the white of an Egg into a froth of Snow . But the great quantity of Snow , in many places , doth prove , that Snow is not made of the fragments of Ice , but that some sorts of cold contractions on a watery body , make the figure of snow in the substance of water , as other sorts of cold contractions make the figure of ice ; which motions and figures I have treated of in my Book of Philosophy , according to that Judgment and Reason which Nature has bestowed upon me . The Author of this Fancy , gives the same reason for Snow being white : For Ice , says he , is a transparent body , and all transparent bodies , when beaten into powder , appear white ; and since Snow is nothing else but Ice powder d small , it must of necessity shew white . Truly , Madam , I am not so experienced , as to know that all transparent bodies , being beaten small , shew white ; but grant it be so , yet that doth not prove , that the whiteness of snow proceeds from the broken parts of Ice , unless it be proved that the whiteness of all bodies proceeds from the powdering of transparent bodies , which I am sure he cannot do ; for Silver , and millions of other things are white , which were never produced from the powder of transparent bodies : Neither do I know any reason against it , but that which makes a Lilly white , may also be the cause of the whiteness of Snow , that is , such a figure as makes a white colour ; for different figures , in my opinion , are the cause of different colours , as you will find in my Book of Philosophy , where I say , that Nature by contraction of lines draws such or such a Figure , which is such or such a Colour ; as such a Fgure is red , and such a Figure is green , and so of all the rest : But the Palest colours , and so white , are the loosest and slackest figures ; Indeed , white , which is the nearest colour to light , is the smoothest , evenest and straightest figure , and composed of the smallest lines : As for example ; suppose the figure of 8. were the colour of Red , and the figure of 1. the colour of White ; or suppose the figure of Red to be a z. and the figure of an r. to be the figure of Green , and a straight l. the figure of White ; And mixt figures make mixt colours : The like examples may be brought of other Figures , as of a Harpsichord and its strings , a Lute and its strings , a Harp and its strings , &c. By which your Reason shall judg , whether it be not easier for Nature , to make Snow and its whiteness by the way of contraction , then by the way of dissolution : As for example ; Nature in making Snow , contracts or congeals the exterior figure of Water into the figure of a Harp , which is a Triangular figure with the figure of straight strings within it ; for the exterior figure of the Harp represents the exterior figure of Snow , and the figure of the strings extended in straight lines represent the figure of its whiteness . And thus it is easier to make Snow and its whiteness at one act , then first to contract or congeal water into Ice , and then to cause wind and cold air to beat and break that Ice into powder , and lastly to contract or congeal that powder into flakes of Snow ? Which would be a very troublesom work for Nature , viz. to produce one effect by so many violent actions and several labours , when the making of two figures by one action will serve the turn . But Nature is wiser then any of her Creatures can conceive ; for she knows how to make , and how to dissolve , form , and transform , with facility and ease , without any difficulty ; for her actions are all easie and free , yet so subtil , curious and various , as not any part or creature of Nature can exactly or throughly trace her ways , or know her wisdom . And thus leaving her , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XV. MADAM , I Have taken several questions out of your new Author , which I intend to answer in this present Letter according to the conceptions of my own sense and reason , and to submit them to your censure ; which if you vouchsafe to grant me without partiality , I shall acknowledge my self much obliged to you for this favour . The first question is , Why wet Linnen is dried in the Air ? I answer ; That , according to my sense and reason , the water which is spred upon the linnen , being not united in a full and close body , dilates beyond the Circle-degree of water and wetness , and so doth easily change from water to vapour , and from vapour to air , whereby the linnen becomes as dry , as it was before it became wet . The second question is , Why Water and Wine intermix so easily and suddenly together ? I answer : All wet liquors , although their exterior figures do differ , yet their interior natures , figures and forms are much alike , and those things that are of the same interior nature , do easily and suddenly joyn as into one : Wherefore Wine and Water having both wet natures , do soon incorporate together , whereas , were they of different natures , they would not so peaceably joyn together , but by their contrary natures become enemies , and strive to destroy each other ; but this is to be observed , that the sharp points of the Circle-lines of Wine , by passing through the smooth Circle-lines of Water , help to make a more hasty and sudden conjunction . The third question , is , Why Light , which in its nature is white , shining through a coloured Glass , doth appear of the same colour which the Glass is of , either Blew , Green , Red , or the like ? I answer : The reason is , that though Light in its nature be white , and the Glass clear and transparent , yet when as the Glass is stained or painted with colours , both the clearness of the glass , and the whiteness of the light , is obstructed by the figure of that colour the glass is stained or painted withal , and the light spreading upon or thorow the glass , represents it self in the figure of that same colour ; indeed , in all probability to sense and reason , it appears , that the lines or beams of light , which are straight , small , even , and parallel , do contract in their entrance through the glass into the figure of the colour the glass is stained or painted with , so that the light passes through the glass figuratively , in so much , as it seems to be of the same colour the glass is of , although in it self it is white , lucent , and clear ; and as the light appears , so the eye receives it , if the sight be not destructive . The fourth question , is , Whether ( as your Authors opinion is ) kisses feel pleasing and delightful by the thinness of the parts , and a gentle stirring and quavering of the tangent spirits , that give a pleasing tact ? I answer : If this were so , then all kisses would be pleasing , which surely are not ; for some are thought very displeasing , especially from thin lips ; wherefore , in my opinion , it is neither the thinness of the parts of the lips , nor the quavering of the tangent spirits , but the appetites and passions of life , reason , and soul , that cause the pleasure : Nevertheless , I grant , the stirring up of the spirits may contribute to the increasing , heightning , or strengthning of that tact , but it is not the prime cause of it . The fifth question , is , Whether the greatest man have always the greatest strength ? I answer , Not : for strength and greatness of bulk doth not always consist together , witness experience : for a little man may be , and is oftentimes stronger then a tall man. The like of other animal Creatures : As for example , some Horses of a little or middle size , have a great deal more strength then others which are high and big ; for it is the quantity of sensitive matter that gives strength , and not the bigness or bulk of the body . The sixth question , is , Whether this World or Vniverse be the biggest Creature ? I answer : It is not possible to be known , unless Man could perfectly know its dimension or extension , or whether there be more Worlds then one : But , to speak properly , there is no such thing as biggest or least in Nature . The seventh question , is , Whether the Earth be the Center of Matter , or of the World ? As for Matter , it being Infinite , has no Center , by reason it has no Circumference ; and , as for this World , its Center cannot be known , unless man knew the utmost parts of its circumference , for no Center can be known without its circumference ; and although some do imagine this world so little , that in comparison to Infinite Matter , it would not be so big as the least Pins head , yet their knowledg cannot extend so far as to know the circumference of this little World ; by which you may perceive the Truth of the old saying , Man talks much , but knows little . The eighth question is , Whether all Centers must needs be full , and close , as a stufft Cushion ; and whether the matter in the Center of the Vniverse or World be dense , compact , and heavy ? I answer : This can no more be known , then the circumference of the World ; for what man is able to know , whether the Center of the world be rare , or dense , since he doth not know where its Center is ; and as for other particular Centers , some Centers may be rare , some dense , and some may have less matter then their circumferences . The ninth question is , Whether Finite Creatures can be produced out of an Infinite material cause ? I answer : That , to my sense and reason , an Infinite cause must needs produce Infinite effects , though not in each Particular , yet in General ; that is , Matter being Infinite in substance , must needs be dividable into Infinite parts in number , and thus Infinite Creatures must needs be produced out of Infinite Matter ; but Man being but a finite part , thinks all must be finite too , not onely each particular Creature , but also the Matter out of which all Creatures are produced , which is corporeal Nature . Nevertheless , those Infinite effects in Nature are equalized by her different motions which are her different actions ; for it is not non-sence , but most demonstrable to sense and reason that there are equalities or a union in Infinite . The tenth question is , Whether the Elements be the onely matter out of which all other Creatures are produced ? I answer : The Elements , as well as all other Creatures , as it appears to humane sense and reason , are all of one and the same Matter , which is the onely Infinite Matter ; and therefore the Elements cannot be the Matter of all other Creatures , for several sorts of Creatures have several ways of productions , and I know no reason to the contrary , but that Animals , Vegetables , and Minerals , may as well derive their essence from each other , as from the Elements , or the Elements from them ; for as all Creatures do live by each other , so they are produced from each other , according to the several ways or manners of productions . But mistake me not , Madam , for I speak of production in General , and not of such natural production whereby the several species of Creatures are maintained : As for example , Generation in Animals ; for an Element cannot generate an Animal in that manner as an Animal can generate or produce its like ; for as Nature is wise , so her actions are all wise and orderly , or else it would make a horrid confusion amongst the Infinite parts of Nature . The eleventh question is , What is meant by Natural Theology ? I answer : Natural Theology , in my opinion , is nothing else but Moral Philosophy ; for as for our belief , it is grounded upon the Scripture , and not upon Reason . These , Madam , are the Questions which I have pickt out of your new Author , together with my answers , of which I desire your impartial Judgment : But I must add onething more before I conclude ; which is , I am much pleased with your Authors opinion , That Sound may be perceived by the Eye , Colour by the Ear , and that Sound and Colour may be smell'd and tasted ; and I have been of this opinion eleven years since , as you will find in my Book of Poems , whose first Edition was printed in the Year , 1653. And thus I take my leave of you , and remain constantly , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend to serve you . XVI . MADAM , COncerning your question of the ascending nature of fire , I am absolutely of Aristotle's Opinion , that it is as natural for Fire to ascend , as it is for Earth to descend ; And why should we believe the nature of one , and doubt the nature of the other ? For if it be granted , that there are as well ascending , as descending bodies in Nature , as also low and high places , ( according to the situation of Particulars ) and Circumferences , as well as Centers , ( considering the shape of bodies ) I cannot perceive by humane reason , but that the Nature of fire is ascending , and that it is very improbable , it should have a descending or contracting nature , as to tend or endeavour to a Center . But , Madam , give me leave to ask what sort of Fire you mean , whether a Celestial , or a Terrestrial Fire , viz. that which is named an Elemental fire , or any other sort of fire ? for there may be as many several sorts of fire , as of other Creatures ; or whether you mean onely that sort of fire that belongs to this terrestrial Globe , or all the fire in general that is in Infinite Nature ? and if you mean onely that sort of fire which belongs to this Terrestrial World we live upon ; I answer , There are many several sorts of that fire too ; for all the fire belonging to this Earthly Globe , doth not lie in one place , body , or part , no more then all metal , or but one sort of metal , as Gold , lies in one mine , or all Mankind in one womb . Neither can I believe , that the Sun is the onely Celestial Fire in Nature , but that there may be as numerous Suns , as there are other sorts of Creatures in Nature . But as for the ascending propriety of this terrestrial Fire , you may say , That the Elements do commix and unite in this worldly Globe , and if Fire should have an ascending motion , it would pierce into other Globes , or Worlds , and never leave ascending . I answer : That , first of all , the strength of fire is to be considered , consisting not onely in its quantity , but also in its quality ; as whether it can ascend to those bodies and places which are far above it : For example ; A Man , or any other Creature , hath never so much strength , or ability , or length of life , as to travel to the utmost parts of the Universe , were the way never so plain and free , and the number of men never so great : the like for Elementary fire , which hath life and death , that is , generation and dissolution , and successive motion , as well as other Creatures . But you would fain know , whether fire , if it were left at liberty , would not turn to a Globous figure ? I answer ; That , to my sense and reason , it would not : but some men , seeing the flame of fire in an arched Oven , descend round the sides of the Oven in a Globous figure , do perhaps imagine the nature of fire to be descending , and its natural figure round as a Globe , which is ridiculous ; for the fire in the Oven , although every where incompassed and bound , yet , according to its nature , ascends to the top of the Oven ; and finding a stoppage and suppression , offers to descend perpendicularly ; but by reason of a continual ascending of the following flame , the first , and so all the following parts of flame are forced to spread about , and descend round the sides of the Oven , so that the descension of the flame is forced , and not natural , and its Globous figure is caused , as it were , by a mould , which is the Oven . But some are of opinion , that all bodies have descending motions towards the Center of this worldly Globe , and therefore they do not believe , that any bodies do ascend naturally : But what reason have they to believe one , and not the other ? Besides , how do they know that all bodies would rest in the Center of this terrestriaal Globe , if they came thither ? For if it was possible , that a hole could be digged from the superficies of this Earthly Globe thorow the middle or Center of it unto the opposite superficies , and a stone be sent thorow ; the question is , whether the stone would rest in the Center , and not go quite thorow ? Wherefore this is but an idle Fancy ; and the proof that Fire tends not to a Center , is , because it cannot be poised or weighed , not onely by reason of its rarity , but of its dilative and aspiring Nature ; and as fire is ascending , or aspiring , so likewise do I , Madam , aspire to the top of your favour , and shall never descend from the ambition to serve you , but by the suppression of death . Till then , I remain , MADAM , Your constant Friend , and faithful Servant . XVII . MADAM , IN your last , you were pleased to desire my answer to these following Questions : First , What the reason is , that a Vessel , although it be of a solid and compact substance , yet will retain the smell or odour of a forreign substance poured into it , for a long time ? I answer : The Vessel , or rather the perceptive corporeal motions of the Vessel , having patterned out the figure of the sent of the odorous substance , retain that same figure of sent , although the odorous substance is gone ; and as long as that patterned figure is perfect , the sent will remain in the Vessel , either more or less , according as the figure doth last or alter . But you must consider , Madam , that although it be the natural motions that make those patterns of odours , yet those patterned figures are but as it were artificial , like as a man who draws a Copy from an Original ; for Nature has divers and several ways of such motions as we call Art , for whatsoever is an imitation , is that which man calls Art. Your second question was , How it came , that the mind and understanding in many did die or dissolve before the body ? I answer : The reason is , because the rational corporeal motions alter before the sensitive ; for as in some , as for example , in Natural fools , the rational motions never move to a regular humane understanding , so in some dying Persons they do make a general alteration before the sensitive . Your third question was , Why a man , being bitten by a mad Dog , is onely distempered in his mind , and not in his body ? The reason , according to my judgment , is , that the rational part of Matter is onely disturbed , and not the sensitive . The fourth question was , Why a Basilisk will kill with his eyes ? I answer : It is the sensitive corporeal motions in the organ of fight in the man , which upon the printing of the figure of the eyes of the Basilisk , make a sudden alteration . Your fifth question was , Why an Asp will kill insensibly by biting ? The reason , in my opinion , is , That the biting of the Asp hath the same efficacy as deadly Opium hath , yea , and much stronger . Your sixth question was , Why a Dog that rejoyces , swings his tail , and a Lyon when angry , or a Cat when in a fear , do lift up their tails ? I answer : The several motions of the mind may produce either but one , or several sorts of motions in some part or parts of the body ; and as the sensitive motions of anger will produce tears , so will the motions of joy ; but grief made by the rational motions of the mind , may by excess disturb and make a general alteration of the sensitive motions in an animal : the same may excessive joy . But , Madam , you may perhaps find out better reasons for your own questions then these are ; for my endeavour was onely to frame my answer to the ground of my own opinions , and so to satisfie your desire , which was , and is still the ambition of , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XVIII . MADAM , IN your last , you were pleased to desire an account , how far , or how much I did understand the ancient and modern Philosophers in their Philosophical Writings . Truly , Madam , I can more readily tell you what I do not understand , then what I do understand : for , first , I do not understand their sophistical Logick , as to perswade with arguments that black is white , and white is black ; and that fire is not hot , nor water wet , and other such things ; for the glory in Logick is rather to make doubts , then to find truth ; indeed , that Art now is like thick , dark clouds , which darken the light of truth . Next : I do not understand in particular , what they mean by second matter ; for if they name figures and forms second matter , they may as well say , all several motions , which are the several actions of Nature , are several matters , and so there would be infinite several matters , which would produce a meer confusion in Nature . Neither do I understand , when they say , a body dissolves into the first matter ; for I am not able to conceive their first matter , nor what they mean by magna and major materia ; for I believe there is but one matter , and the motion of that matter is its action by which it produces several figures and effects ; so that the nature of the matter is one and the same , although its motions , that is , its actions , be various , for the various effects alter not the nature or unity of the onely matter . Neither do I understand what they mean by corruption , for surely Nature is not corruptible . Nor do I understand their individables in Nature , nor a bodiless form , nor a privation , nor a being without a body ; nor any such thing as they call rest , for there 's not any thing without motion in Nature : Some do talk of moving minima's , but they do not tell what those minima's or their motions are , or how they were produced , or how they came to move . Neither do I understand when they say there is but one World , and that finite ; for if there be no more Matter then that which they call the whole World , and may be measured by a Jacob's staff , then certainly there is but little matter , and that no bigger then an atome in comparison to Infinite . Neither can my reason comprehend , when they say , that not any thing hath power from its interior nature to move exteriously and locally ; for common sense and reason , that is sight and observation , doth prove the contrary . Neither do I know what they mean by making a difference between matter and form , power and act ; for there can be no form without matter , nor no matter without form ; and as act includes power , so power is nothing without act : Neither can I conceive Reason to be separable from matter ; nor what is meant when they say , that , onely that is real , which moves the understanding without . Nor do I understand what they mean by intentionals , accidentals , incorporeal beings , formal ratio , formal unity , and hundreds the like ; enough to puzle truth , when all is but the several actions of one cause , to wit , the onely matter . But most men make such cross , narrow , and intricate ways in Nature , with their over-nice distinctions , that Nature appears like a Labyrinth , whenas really she is as plain as an un-plowed , ditched , or hedged champion : Nay , some make Nature so full , that she can neither move nor stir ; and others again will have her so empty , as they leave not anything within her ; and some with their penetrations , pressings , squeezings , and the like , make such holes in her , as they do almost wound , press and squeeze her to death : And some are so learned , witty , and ingenious , as they understand and know to discourse of the true compass , just weight , exact rules , measures and proportions of the Universe , as also of the exact division of the Chaos , and the architecture of the world , to an atome . Thus , Madam , I have made my confession to you of what I understand not , and have endeavoured to make my ignorance as brief as I could ; but the great God knows , that my ignorance is longer then that which is named life and death ; and as for my understanding , I can onely say , that I understand nothing better , but my self to be , MADAM , Your most faithful Friend and humble Servant . XIX . MADAM , SInce I have given you , in my last , an account how much I did understand the Philosophical works of both the ancient and modern Philosophers , or rather what I did not understand of them , you would fain have my op●●●on now of the persons themselves . Truly , Madam , as for those that are dead , or those that are living , I cannot say any thing , but that I believe they all were or are worthy persons , men of vast understandings , subtil conceptions , ingenious wits , painful students , and learned writers . But as for their works , as I told you heretofore , I confess ingeniously , I understand them not , by reason I am ignorant in their Scholastical Arts , as Logick , Metaphysick , Mathematicks , and the like : For to my simple apprehension , when as Logicians argue of natural causes and effects , they make natural causes to produce natural effects with more difficulty and enforcement then Nature knows of ; and as for Mathematicians , they endeavour to inchant Nature with Circles , and bind her with lines so hard , as if she were so mad , that she would do some mischief , when left at liberty . Geometricians weigh Nature to an Atome , and measure her so exactly , as less then a hairs breadth ; besides , they do press and squeeze her so hard and close , as they almost stifle her . And Natural Philosophers do so stuff her with dull , dead , senceless minima's , like as a sack with meal , or sand , by which they raise such a dust as quite blinds Nature and natural reason . But Chymists torture Nature worst of all ; for they extract and distil her beyond substance , nay , into no substance , if they could . As for natural Theologers , I understand them least of any ; for they make such a gallamalfry of Philosophy and Divinity , as neither can be distinguished from the other . In short , Madam , They all with their intricate definitions and distinctions set my brain on the rack : but some Philosophers are like some Poets , for they endeavour to write strong lines . You may ask me , what is meant by strong lines ? I answer : Weak sense . To which leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XX. MADAM , I Am not of your opinion , That nice distinctions and Logistical arguments discover truth , dissolve doubts , and clear the understanding ; but I say , they rather make doubts of truth , and blind-fold the understanding ; Indeed , nice distinctions and sophistical arguments , are very pernicious both in Schools , Church , and State : As for the Church , although in Divinity there is but one Truth , yet nice distinctions , and Logistical sophistry , have made such confufion in it , as has caused almost as many several opinions as there are words in the Scripture ; and as for natural Theology , which is moral Philosophy , they have divided vertues and vices into so many parts , and minced them so small , that neither can be clearly distinguished . The same in Government ; they endeavour to cut between command and obedience to a hairs breadth . Concerning causes of Law , they have abolish'd the intended benefit , and banish'd equity ; and instead of keeping Peace , they make War , causing enmity betwixt men : As for Natural Philosophy , they will not suffer sense and reason to appear in that study : And as for Physick , they have kill'd more men then Wars , Plagues , or Famine . Wherefore from nice distinctions and Logistical sophistry , Good God deliver us , especially , from those that concern Divinity ; for they weaken Faith , trouble Conscience , and bring in Atheism : In short , they make controversies , and endless disputes . But least the opening of my meaning in such plain terms should raise a controversie also between you and me , I 'le cut off here , and rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXI . MADAM , YEsterday I received a visit from the Lady N. M. who you know hath a quick wit , rational opinions , and subtil conceptions ; all which she is ready and free to divulge in her discourse . But when she came to my Chamber , I was casting up some small accounts ; which when she did see , What , said she , are you at Numeration ? Yes , said I : but I cannot number well , nor much , for I do not understand Arithrnetick . Said she , You can number to three . Yes , said I , I can number to four : Nay , faith , said she , the number of three is enough , if you could but understand that number well , for it is a mystical number . Said I , There is no great mystery to count that number ; for one , and two , makes three . Said she , That is not the mystery ; for the mystery is , That three makes one : and without this mystery no man can understand Dlvinity , Nature , nor himself . Then I desired her to make me understand that mystery . She said , It required more time to inform me , then a short visit , for this mystery was such , as did puzle all wise men in the world ; aud the not understanding of this mystery perfectly , had caused endless divisions and disputes . I desired , if she could not make me understand the mystery , she would but inform me , how three made one in Divinity , Nature , and Man. She said , That was easie to do ; for in Divinity there are three Persons in one Essence , as God the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost , whose Essence being individable , they make but one God ; And as for Philosophy , there is but Matter , Motion , and Figure , which being individable , make but one Nature ; And as for Man , there is Soul , Life , and Body , all three joyned in one Man. But I replied , Man's Life , Soul and Body , is dividable . That is true , said she , but then he is no more a Man ; for these three are his essential parts , which make him to be a man ; and when these parts are dissolved , then his interior nature is changed , so that he can no longer be call'd a man : As for example ; Water being turned into Air , and having lost its interior nature , can no more be called Water , but it is perfect Air ; the same is with Man : But as long as he is a Man , then these three forementioned parts which make him to be of that figure are individably united as long as man lasts . Besides , said she , this is but in the particular , considering man single , and by himself ; but in general , these three , as life , soul , and body , are individably united , so that they remain as long as manking lasts . Nay , although they do dissolve in the particulars , yet it is but for a time ; for they shall be united again at the last day , which is the time of their resurrection ; so that also in this respect we may justly call them individable , for man shall remain with an united soul , life , and body , eternally . And as she was thus discoursing , in came a Sophisterian , whom when she spied , away she went as fast as she could ; but I followed her close , and got hold of her , then asked her , why she ran away ? She answer'd , if she stayed , the Logician would dissolve her into nothing , for the profession of Logicians is to make something nothing , and nothing something . I pray'd her to stay and discourse with the Logician : Not for a world , said she , for his discourse will make my brain like a confused Chaos , full of senseless minima's ; and after that , he will so knock , jolt , and jog it , and make such whirls and pits , as will so torture my brain , that I shall wish I had not any : Wherefore , said she , I will not stay now , but visit you again to morrow . And I wish with all my heart , Madam , you were so near as to be here at the same time , that we three might make a Triumvirate in discourse , as well as we do in friendship . But since that cannot be , I must rest satisfied that I am , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXII . MADAM , YOu were pleased to desire my opinion of the works of that Learned and Ingenious Writer B. Truly , Madam , I have read but some part of his works ; but as much as I have read , I have observed , he is a very civil , eloquent , and rational Writer ; the truth is , his style is a Gentleman's style . And in particular , concerning his experiments , I must needs say this , that , in my judgment , he hath expressed himself to be a very industrious and ingenious person ; for he doth neither puzle Nature , nor darken truth with hard words and compounded languages , or nice distinctions ; besides , his experiments are proved by his own action . But give me leave to tell you , that I observe , he studies the different parts and alterations , more then the motions , which cause the alterations in those parts ; whereas , did he study and observe the several and different motions in those parts , how they change in one and the same part , and how the different alterations in bodies are caused by the different motions of their parts , he might arrive to a vast knowledg by the means of his experiments ; for certainly experiments are very beneficial to man. In the next place , you desire my opinion of the Book call'd , The Discourses of the Virtuosi in France : I am sorry , Madam , this book comes so late to my hands , that I cannot read it so slowly and observingly , as to give you a clear judgment of their opinions or discourses in particular ; however , in general , and for what I have read in it , I may say , it expresses the French to be very learned and eloquent Writers , wherein I thought our English had exceeded them , and that they did onely excel in wit and ingenuity ; but I perceive most Nations have of all sorts . The truth is , ingenious and subtil wit brings news ; but learning and experience brings proofs , at least , argumental discourses ; and the French are much to be commended , that they endeavour to spend their time wisely , honourably , honestly , and profitably , not onely for the good and benefit of their own , but also of other Nations . But before I conclude , give me leave to tell you , that concerning the curious and profitable Arts mentioned in their discourses , I confess , I do much admire them , and partly believe they may arrive to the use of many of them ; but there are two arts which I wish with all my heart I could obtain : the first is , to argue without error in all kinds , modes , and figures , in a quarter of an hour ; and the other is to learn a way to understand all languages in six hours . But as for the first , I fear , if I want a thorow-understanding in every particular argument , cause , or point , a general art or mode of words will not help me , especially , if I , being a woman , should want discretion : And as for the second , my memory is so bad , that it is beyond the help of Art , so that Nature has made my understanding harder or closer then Glass , through which the Sun of verity cannot pass , although its light doth ; and therefore I am confident I shall not be made , or taught to learn this mentioned Art in six hours , no not in six months . But I wish all Arts were as easily practised , as mentioned ; and thus I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXIII . MADAM , COncerning your Question , Whether a Point be something , or nothing , or between both ; My opinion is , that a natural point is material ; but that which the learned name a Mathematical point , is like their Logistical Egg , whereof there is nothing in Nature any otherwise , but a word , which word is material , as being natural ; for concerning immaterial beings , it is impossible to believe there be any in Nature ; and though witty Students , and subtil Arguers have both in past , and this present age , endeavoured to prove something , nothing ; yet words and disputes have not power to annihilate any thing that is in Nature , no more then to create something out of nothing ; and therefore they can neither make something , nothing ; nor nothing to be something : for the most witty student , nor the subtilest disputant , cannot alter Nature , but each thing is and must be as Nature made it . As for your other question , Whether there be more then five Senses ? I answer : There are as many senses as there are sensitive motions ; and all sensation or perception is by the way of patterning ; and whosoever is of another opinion , is , in my judgment , a greater friend to contradiction , then to truth , at least to probability . Lastly , concerning your question , why a Gun , the longer its barrel is made , the further it will shoot , until it come to a certain degree of length ; after which , the longer it is made , the weaker it becomes , so that every degree further , makes it shoot shorter and shorter , whereas before it came to such a degree of length , it shot further and further : Give me leave to tell you , Madam , that this question would be put more properly to a Mathematician , then to me , who am ignorant in the Mathematicks : However , since you are pleased to desire my opinion thereof , I am willing to give it you . There are , in my judgment , but three reasons which do produce this alteration : The one may be the compass of the stock , or barrel , which being too wide for the length , may weaken the force , or being too narrow for the length , may retard the force ; the one giving liberty before the force is united , the other inclosing it so long by a streight passage , as it loses its force before it hath liberty ; so that the one becomes stronger with length , the other weaker with length . The second reason , in my opinion , is , That degrees of strength may require degrees of the medium . Lastly , It may be , that Centers are required for degrees of strength ; if so , every medium may be a Center , and the middle length to such a compass may be a Center of such a force . But many times the force being weaker or stronger , is caused by the good or ill making of the Powder , or Locks , or the like . But , Madam , such questions will puzle me as much as those of M r V. Z. concerning those glasses , one of which being held close in ones hand , and a little piece being broke of its tail , makes as great a noise as the discharging of a Gun : Wherefore I beseech you , Madam , do not trouble my brain with Mathematical questions , wherein I have neither skill , learning , nor experience by Practice ; for truly I have not the subtilty to find out their mystery , nor the capacity to understand arts , no more then I am capable to learn several languages . If you command me any thing else I am able to do , assure your self , there is none shall more readily and cheerfully serve you then my self ; who am , and shall ever continue , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXIV . MADAM , I Have heard that Artists do glory much in their Glasses , Tubes , Engines , and Stills , and hope by their Glasses and Tubes to see invisible things , and by their Engines to produce incredible effects , and by their Stills , Fire , and Furnaces , to create as Nature doth ; but all this is impossible to be done : For Art cannot arrive to that degree , as to know perfectly Natures secret and fundamental actions , her purest matter , and subtilest motions ; and it is enough if Artists can but produce such things as are for mans conveniencies and use , although they never can see the smallest or rarest bodies , nor great and vast bodies at a great distance , nor make or create a Vegetable , Animal , or the like , as Nature doth ; for Nature being Infinite , has also Infinite degrees of figures , sizes , motions , densities , rarities , knowledg , &c. as you may see in my Book of Philosophy , as also in my book of Poems , especially that part that treats of little , minute Creatures , which I there do name , for want of other expressions , Fairies ; for I have considered much the several sizes of Creatures , although I gave it out but for a fancy in the mentioned book , lest I should be thought extravagant to declare that conception of mine for a rational truth : But if some small bodies cannot be perfectly seen but by the help of magnifying glasses , and such as they call Microscopia ; I pray , Nature being Infinite , What figures and sizes may there not be , which our eyes with all the help of Art are not capable to see ? for certainly , Nature hath more curiosities then our exterior senses , helped by Art , can perceive : Wherefore I cannot wonder enough at those that pretend to know the least or greatest parts or creatures in Nature , since no particular Creature is able to do it . But concerning Artists , you would fain know , Madam , whether the Artist be beholden to the conceptions of the Student ? To which I return this short answer : That , in my judgment , without the Students conceptions , the Artist could not tell how to make experiments : The truth is , the conceptions of studious men set the Artists on work , although many Artists do ungratefully attribute all to their own industry . Neither doth it always belong to the studious Concepter to make trials or experiments , but he leaves that work to others , whose time is not so much imployed with thoughts or speculations , as with actions ; for the Contemplator is the Designer , and the Artist the Workman , or Labourer , who ought to acknowledg him his Master , as I do your Ladiship , for I am in all respects , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble and faithful Servant . XXV . MADAM , YOur Command in your last was to send you my opinion concerning the division of Religions , or of the several opinions in Religions , I suppose you mean the division of the Religion , not of Religions ; for certainly , there is but one divine Truth , and consequently but one true Religion : But natural men being composed of many divers parts , as of several motions and figures , have divers and several Ideas , which the grosser corporeal motions conceive to be divers and several gods , as being not capable to know the Great and Incomprehensible God , who is above Nature . For example : Do but consider , Madam , what strange opinions the Heathens had of God , and how they divided him into so many several Persons , with so many several bodies , like men ; whereas , surely God considered in his Essence , he being a Spirit , as the Scripture describes him , can neither have Soul nor body , as he is a God , but is an Immaterial Being ; Onely the Heathens did conceive him to have parts , and so divided the Incomprehensible God into several Deities , at least they had several Deitical Ideas , or rather Fancies of him . But , Madam , I confess my ignorance in this great mystery , and honour , and praise the Omnipotent , Great , and Incomprehensible God , with all fear and humility as I ought ; beseeching his infinite mercy to keep me from such presumption , whereby I might prophane his holy Name , and to make me obedient to the Church , as also to grant me life and health , that I may be able to express how much I am , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXVI . MADAM , SInce I spake of Religion in my last , I cannot but acquaint you , that I was the other day in the company of Sir P. H. and Sir R. L. where amongst other discourses they talk'd of Predestination and Free-will . Sir P. H. accounted the opinion of Predestination not onely absurd , but blasphemous ; for , said he , Predestination makes God appear Cruel , as first to create Angels and Man , and then to make them fall from their Glory , and damn them eternally : For God , said he , knew before he made them , they would fall ; Neither could he imagine , from whence that Pride and Presumption did proceed , which was the cause of the Angels fall , for it could not proceed from God , God being infinitely Good. Sir R. L. answer'd , That this Pride and Presumption did not come from God , but from their own Nature . But , replyed Sir P. H. God gave them that Nature , for they had it not of themselves , but all what they were , their Essence and Nature , came from God the Creator of all things , and to suffer that , which was in his power to hinder , was as much as to act . Sir R. L. said , God gave both Angels and Man a Free-will at their Creation . Sir P. H. answered , that a Free-will was a part of a divine attribute , which surely God would not give away to any Creature : Next , said he , he could not conceive why God should make Creatures to cross and oppose him ; for it were neither an act of Wisdom to make Rebels , nor an act of Justice to make Devils ; so that neither in his Wisdom , Justice , nor Mercy , God could give leave , that Angels and Man should fall through sin ; neither was God ignorant that Angels and Man would fall ; for surely , said he , God knew all things , past , present , and to come : wherefore , said he , Free-will doth weaken the Power of God , and Predestination doth weaken the power of man , and both do hinder each other : Besides , said he , since God did confirm the rest of the Angels in the same state they were before , so as they could not fall afterwards , he might as well have created them all so at first . But Sir R. L. replied , That God suffered Angels and Man to fall for his Glory , to shew his Justice in Devils , and his Mercy in Man ; and that the Devils express'd God's Omnipotency as much as the Blessed . To which Sir P. H. answered , That they expressed more God's severity in those horrid torments they suffer through their Natural Imperfections , then his power in making and suffering them to sin . Thus they discoursed : And to tell you truly , Madam , my mind was more troubled , then delighted with their discourse ; for it seemed rather to detract from the honour of the great God , then to increase his Glory ; and no Creature ought either to think or to speak any thing that is detracting from the Glory of the Creator : Wherefore I am neither for Predestination , nor for an absolute Free-will , neither in Angels , Devils , nor Man ; for an absolute Free-will is not competent to any Creature : and though Nature be Infinite , and the Eternal Servant to the Eternal and Infinite God , and can produce Infinite Creatures , yet her Power and Will is not absolute , but limited ; that is , she has a natural free-will , but not a supernatural , for she cannot work beyond the power God has given her . But those mystical discourses belong to Divines , and not to any Lay-person , and I confess my self very ignorant in them . Wherefore I will nor dare not dispute God's actions , being all infinitely wise , but leave that to Divines , who are to inform us what we ought to believe , and how we ought to live . And thus taking my leave of you for the present , I rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and Servant . XXVII . MADAM , YOu are pleased to honor me so far , that you do not onely spend some time in the perusing of my Book called Philosophical Opinions , but take it so much into your consideration , as to examine every opinion of mine which dissents from the common way of the Schools , marking those places which seem somewhat obscure , and desiring my explanation of them ; All which , I do not onely acknowledg as a great favour , but as an infallible testimony of your true and unfeigned friendship ; and I cannot chuse but publish it to all the world ; both for the honour of your self , as to let every body know the part of so true a friend , who is so much concerned for the honour and benefit of my poor Works ; as also for the good of my mentioned Book , which by this means will be rendred more intelligible ; for I must confess that my Philosophical Opinions are not so plain and perspicuous as to be perfectly understood at the first reading , which I am sorry for . And there be two chief reasons why they are so : First , Because they are new , and never vented before ; for they have their original meerly from my own conceptions , and are not taken out of other Philosophers . Next , because I being a Woman , and not bred up to Scholarship , did want names and terms of Art , and therefore being not versed in the Writings of other Philosophers , but what I knew by hearing , I could not form my named Book so methodically , and express my opinions so artificially and clearly , as I might have done , had I been studious in the reading of Philosophical Books , or bred a Scholar ; for then I might have dressed them with a fine coloured Covering of Logick and Geometry , and set them out in a handsome array ; by which I might have also cover'd my ignorance , like as Stage-Players do cover their mean persons or degrees with fine Cloathes . But , as I said , I being void of Learning and Art , did put them forth according to my own conceptions , and as I did understand them my self ; but since I have hitherto by the reading of those famous and learned Authors you sent me , attained to the knowledg of some artificial Terms , I shall not spare any labour and pains to make my opinions so intelligible , that every one , who without partiality , spleen , or malice , doth read them , may also easily understand them : And thus I shall likewise endeavour to give such answers to your scruples , objections , or questions , as may explain those passages which seem obscure , and satisfie your desire . In the first place , and in general , you desire to know , Whether any truth may be had in Natural Philosophy : for since all this study is grounded upon probability , and he that thinks he has the most probable reasons for his opinion , may be as far off from truth , as he who is thought to have the least ; nay , what seems most probable to day , may seem least probable to morrow , especially if an ingenious opposer , bring rational arguments against it : Therefore you think it is but vain for any one to trouble his brain with searching and enquiring after such things wherein neither truth nor certainty can be had . To which , I answer : That the undoubted truth in Natural Philosophy , is , in my opinion , like the Philopher's Stone in Chymistry , which has been sought for by many learned and ingenious Persons , and will be sought as long as the Art of Chymistry doth last ; but although they cannot find the Philosophers Stone , yet by the help of this Art they have found out many rare things both for use and knowledg . The like in Natural Philosophy , although Natural Philosophers cannot find out the absolute truth of Nature , or Natures ground-works , or the hidden causes of natural effects ; neverthelss they have found out many necessary and profitable Arts and Sciences , to benefit the life of man ; for without Natural Philosophy we should have lived in dark ignorance , not knowing the motions of the Heavens , the cause of the Eclipses , the influences of the Stars , the use of Numbers , Measures , and Weights , the vertues and effects of Vegetables and Minerals , the Art of Architecture , Navigation , and the like : Indeed all Arts and Sciences do adscribe their original to the study of Natural Philosophy ; and those men are both unwise and ungrateful , that will refuse rich gifts because they cannot be masters of all Wealth ; and they are fools , that will not take remedies when they are sick , because Medicines can onely recover them from death for a time , but not make them live for ever . But to conclude , Probability is next to truth , and the search of a hidden cause finds out visible effects ; and this truth do natural Philosophers find , that there are more fools , then wise men , which fools will never attain to the honour of being Natural Philosophers . And thus leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your Ladiships humble and faithful Servant . XXVIII . MADAM , YOur desire is to know , since I say Nature is Wise , Whether all her parts must be wise also ? To which , I answer ; That ( by your favour ) all her parts are not fools : but yet it is no necessary consequence , that because Nature is infinitely wise , all her parts must be so too , no more then if I should say , Nature is Infinite , therefore every part must be Infinite : But it is rather necessary , that because Nature is Infinite , therefore not any single part of hers can be Infinite , but must be finite . Next , you desire to know , Whether Nature or the self-moving matter is subject to err , and to commit mistakes ? I answer : Although Nature has naturally an Infinite wisdom and knowledg , yet she has not a most pure and intire perfection , no , more then she has an absolute power ; for a most pure and intire perfection belongs onely to God : and though she is infinitely naturally wise in her self , yet her parts or particular creatures may commit errors and mistakes : the truth is , it is impossible but that parts or particular Creatures must be subject to errors , because no part can have a perfect or general knowledg , as being but a part , and not a whole ; for knowledg is in parts , as parts are in Matter : Besides several corporeal motions , that is , several self-moving parts do delude and oppose each other by their opposite motions ; and this opposition is very requisite in Nature to keep a mean , and hinder extreams ; for were there not opposition of parts , Nature would run into extreams , which would confound her , and all her parts . And as for delusion , it is part of Natures delight , causing the more variety ; but there be some actions in Nature which are neither perfect mistakes , nor delusions , but onely want of a clear and thorow perception : As for example ; when a man is sailing in a Ship , he thinks the shore moves from the ship , when as it is the ship that moves from the shore : Also when a man is going backward from a Looking-glass , he thinks , the figure in the Glass goeth inward , whereas it is himself that goes backward , and not his figure in the glass . The cause of it is , That the perception in the eye perceives the distanced body , but not the motion of the distance or medium ; for though the man may partly see the motion of the visible parts , yet he doth not see the parts or motion of the distance or medium , which is invisible , and not subject to the perception of sight ; and since a pattern cannot be made if the object be not visible , hence I conclude , that the motion of the medium cannot make perception , but that it is the perceptive motions of the eye , which pattern out an object as it is visibly presented to the corporeal motions in the eye ; for according as the object is presented , the pattern is made , if the motions be regular : For example ; a fired end of a stick , if you move it in a circular figure , the sensitive corporeal motions in the eye pattern out the figure of fire , together with the exterior or circular motion , and apprehend it as a fiery circle ; and if the stick be moved any otherwise , they pattern out such a figure as the fired end of the stick is moved in ; so that the sensitive pattern is made according to the exterior corporeal figurative motion of the object , and not according to its interior figure or motions . And this , Madam , is in short my answer to your propounded questions , by which , I hope , you understand plainly the meaning of , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXIX . MADAM , THe scruples or questions you sent me last , are these following . First , you desire to be informed what I mean by Phantasmes and Ideas ? I answer : They are figures made by the purest and subtilest degree of self-moving matter , that is to say , by the rational corporeal motions , and are the same with thoughts or conceptions . Next , your question is , what I do understand by Sensitive Life ? I answer : It is that part of self-moving matter , which in its own nature is not so pure and subtil as the rational , for it is but the labouring , and the rational the designing part of matter . Your third question is , Whether this sensitive self-moving matter be dense or rare ? I answer : density and rarity are onely effects caused by the several actions , that is , the corporeal motions of Nature ; wherefore it cannot properly be said , that sensitive matter is either dense , or rare ; for it has a self-power to contract and dilate , compose and divide , and move in any kind of motion whatsoever , as is requisite to the framing of any figure ; and thus I desire you to observe well , that when I say the rational part of matter is purer in its degree then the sensitive , and that this is a rare and acute matter , I do not mean that it is thin like a rare egg , but that it is subtil and active , penetrating and dividing , as well as dividable . Your fourth question is , What this sensitive matter works upon ? I answer : It works with and upon another degree of matter , which is not self-moving , but dull , stupid , and immoveable in its own nature , which I call the inanimate part or degree of matter . Your fifth question is , Whether this inanimate Matter do never rest ? I answer ; It doth not : for the self-moving matter being restless in its own nature , and so closely united and commixed with the inanimate , as they do make but one body , will never suffer it to rest ; so that there is no part in Nature but is moving ; the animate matter in it self , or its own nature , the inanimate by the help or means of the animate . Your sixth question is , If there be a thorow mixture of the parts of animate and inanimate matter , whether those parts do retain each their own nature and substance , so that the inanimate part of matter remains dull and stupid in its essence or nature , and the animate full of self-motion , or all self motion ? I answer : Although every part and particle of each degree are closely intermixed , nevertheless this mixture doth not alter the interior nature of those parts or degrees : As for example ; a man is composed of Soul , and Body , which are several parts , but joyned as into one substance , viz. Man , and yet they retain each their own proprieties and natures ; for although soul and body are so closely united as they do make but one Man , yet the soul doth not change into the body , nor the body into the soul , but each continues in its own nature as it is . And so likewise in Infinite Matter , although the degrees or parts of Matter are so throughly intermixed as they do make but one body or substance , which is corporeal Nature , yet each remains in its nature as it is , to wit , the animate part of matter doth not become dull and stupid in its nature , but remains self-moving ; and the inanimate , although it doth move by the means of the animate , yet it doth not become self-moving , but each keeps its own interior nature and essence in their commixture . The truth is , there must of necessity be degrees of matter , or else there would be no such various and several effects in Nature , as humane sense and reason do perceive there are ; and those degrees must also retain each their own nature and proprieties , to produce those various and curious effects : Neither must those different degrees vary or alter the nature of Infinite Matter ; for Matter must and doth continue one and the same in its Nature , that is , Matter cannot be divided from being Matter : And this is my meaning , when I say in my Philosophical Opinions , There is but one kind of Matter : Not that Matter is not dividable into several parts or degrees , but I say , although Matter has several parts and degrees , yet they do not alter the nature of Matter , but Matter remains one and the same in its own kind , that is , it continues still Matter in its own nature notwithstanding those degrees ; and thus I do exclude from Matter all that which is not Matter , and do firmly believe , that there can be no commixture of Matter and no Matter in Nature ; for this would breed a meer confusion in Nature . Your seventh question is , Whether that , which I name the rational part of self-moving Matter makes as much variety as the sensitive ? To which I answer : That , to my sense and reason , the rational part of animate or self-moving Matter moves not onely more variously , but also more swiftly then the sensitive ; for thoughts are sooner made , then words spoke , and a certain proof of it are the various and several Imaginations , Fancies , Conceptions , Memories , Remembrances , Understandings , Opinions , Judgments , and the like : as also the several sorts of Love , Hate , Fear , Anger , Joy , Doubt ; and the like Passions . Your eighth question is , Whether the Sensitive Matter can and doth work in it self and its own substance and degree ? My answer is , That there is no inanimate matter without animate , nor no animate without inanimate , both being so curiously and subtilly intermixt , as they make but one body ; Nevertheless the several parts of this one body may move several ways . Neither are the several degrees bound to an equal mixture , no more then the several parts of one body are bound to one and the same size , bigness , shape , or motion ; or the Sea is bound to be always at the high tide ; or the Moon to be always at the Full ; or all the Veins or Brains in animal bodies are bound to be of equal quantity ; or every Tree of the same kind to bear fruit , or have leaves of equal number ; or every Apple , Pear , or Plum , to have an equal quantity of juice ; or every Bee to make as much honey and wax as the other . Your nineth question is , Whether the Sensitive Matter can work without taking patterns ? My answer is , That all corporeal motion is not patterning , but all patterning is made by corporeal motion ; and there be more several sorts of corporeal motions then any single Creature is able to conceive , much less to express : But the perceptive corporeal motions are the ground-motions in Nature , which make , rule , and govern all the parts of Nature , as to move to Production , or Generation , Transformation , and the like . Your tenth question is , How it is possible , that numerous figures can exist in one part of matter ? for it is impossible that two things can be in one place , much less many . My answer in short is , That it were impossible , were a part of Matter , and the numerous figures several and distinct things ; but all is but one thing , that is , a part of Matter moving variously ; for there is neither Magnitude , Place , Figure , nor Motion , in Nature , but what is Matter , or Body ; Neither is there any such thing as Time : Wherefore it cannot properly be said , There was , and There shall be ; but onely , There is . Neither can it properly be said , from this to that place ; but onely in reference to the several moving parts of the onely Infinite Matter . And thus much to your Questions ; I add no more , but rest , MADAM , Your faithful Friend and humble Servant . XXX . MADAM , IN your last , you were pleased to express , that some men , who think themselves wise , did laugh in a scornful manner at my opinion , when I say that every Creature hath life and knowledg , sense and reason ; counting it not onely ridiculous , but absurd ; and asking , whether you did or could believe , a piece of wood , metal , or stone , had as much sense as a beast , or as much reason as a man , having neither brain , blood , heart , nor flesh ; nor such organs , passages , parts , nor shapes as animals ? To which , I answer : That it is not any of these mentioned things that makes life and knowledg , but life and knowledg is the cause of them , which life and knowledg is animate matter , and is in all parts of all Creatures : and to make it more plain and perspicuous , humane sense and reason may perceive , that wood , stone , or metal , acts as wisely as an animal : As for example ; Rhubarb , or the like drugs , will act very wisely in Purging ; and Antimony , or the like , will act very wisely in Vomiting ; and Opium will act very wisely in Sleeping ; also Quicksilver or Mercury will act very wisely , as those that have the French disease can best witness : likewise the Loadstone acts very wisely ; as Mariners or Navigators will tell you : Also Wine made of Fruit , and Ale of Malt , and distilled Aqua-vitae will act very subtilly ; ask the Drunkards , and they can inform you ; Thus Infinite examples may be given , and yet man says , all Vegetables and Minerals are insensible and irrational , as also the Planets and Elements ; when as yet the Planets move very orderly and wisely , and the Elements are more active , nay , more subtil and searching then any of the animal Creatures ; witness Fire , Air , and Water : As for the Earth , she brings forth her fruit , if the other Elements do not cause abortives , in due season ; and yet man believes , Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , are dead , dull , senseless , and irrational Creatures , because they have not such shapes , parts , nor passages as Animals , nor such exterior and local motions as Animals have : but Man doth not consider the various , intricate and obscure ways of Nature , unknown to any particular Creature ; for what our senses are not capable to know , our reason is apt to deny . Truly , in my opinion , Man is more irrational then any of those Creatures , when he believes that all knowledg is not onely confined to one sort of Creatures , but to one part of one particular Creature , as the head , or brain of man ; for who can in reason think , that there is no other sensitive and rational knowledg in Infinite Matter , but what is onely in Man or animal Creatures ? It is a very simple and weak conclusion to say , Other Creatures have no eyes to see , no ears to hear , no tongues to taste , no noses to smell , as animals have ; wherefore they have no sense or sensitive knowledg ; or because they have no head , nor brain as Man hath , therefore they have no reason , nor rational knowledg at all : for sense and reason , and consequently sensitive and rational knowledg , extends further then to be bound to the animal eye , ear , nose , tongue , head , or brain ; but as these organs are onely in one kind of Natures Creatures , as Animals , in which organs the sensitive corporeal motions make the perception of exterior objects , so there may be infinite other kinds of passages or organs in other Creatures unknown to Man , which Creatures may have their sense and reason , that is , sensitive and rational knowledg , each according to the nature of its figure ; for as it is absurd to say , that all Creatures in Nature are Animals , so it is absurd to confine sense and reason onely to Animals ; or to say , that all other Creatures , if they have sense and reason , life and knowledg , it must be the same as is in Animals : I confess , it is of the same degree , that is , of the same animate part of matter , but the motions of life and knowledg work so differently and variously in every kind and sort , nay , in every particular Creature , that no single Creature can find them out : But , in my opinion , not any Creature is without life and knowledg , which life and knowledg is made by the self-moving part of matter , that is , by the sensitive and rational corporeal motions ; and as it is no consequence , that all Creatures must be alike in their exterior shapes , figures , and motions , because they are all produced out of one and the same matter , so neither doth it follow , that all Creatures must have the same interior motions , natures , and proprieties , and so consequently the same life and knowledg , because all life and knowledg is made by the same degree of matter , to wit , the animate . Wherefore though every kind or sort of Creatures has different perceptions , yet they are not less knowing ; for Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements , may have as numerous , and as various perceptions as Animals , and they may be as different from animal perceptions as their kinds are ; but a different perception is not therefore no perception : Neither is it the animal organs that make perception , nor the animal shape that makes life , but the motions of life make them . But some may say , it is Irreligious to believe any Creature has rational knowledg but Man. Surely , Madam , the God of Nature , in my opinion , will be adored by all Creatures , and adoration cannot be without sense and knowledg . Wherefore it is not probable , that onely Man , and no Creature else , is capable to adore and worship the Infinite and Omnipotent God , who is the God of Nature , and of all Creatures : I should rather think it irreligious to confine sense and reason onely to Man , and to say , that no Creature adores and worships God , but Man ; which , in my judgment , argues a great pride , self-conceit , and presumption . And thus , Madam , having declared my opinion plainly concerning this subject , I will detain you no longer at this present , but rest , MADAM , Your constant Friend and faithful Servant . XXXI . MADAM , I Perceive you do not well apprehend my meaning , when I say in my Philosophical Opinions * , That the Infinite degrees of Infinite Matter are all Infinite : For , say you , the degrees of Matter cannot be Infinite , by reason there cannot be two Infinites , but one would obstruct the other . My answer is ; I do not mean that the degrees of Matter are Infinite each in its self , that is , that the animate and inanimate are several Infinite matters , but my opinion is , that the animate degree of matter is in a perpetual motion , and the inanimate doth not move of it self , and that those degrees are infinite in their effects , as producing and making infinite figures ; for since the cause , which is the onely matter , is infinite , the effects must of necessity be infinite also ; the cause is infinite in its substance , the effects are Infinite in number . And this is my meaning , when I say * , that , although in Nature there is but one kind of matter , yet there are Infinite degrees , Infinite motions , and Infinite parts in that onely matter ; and though Infinite and Eternal matter has no perfect or exact figure , by reason it is Infinite , and therefore unlimited , yet there being infinite parts in number , made by the infinite variations of motions in infinite Matter , these parts have perfect or exact figures , considered as parts , that is , single , or each in its particular figure : And therefore if there be Infinite degrees , considering the effects of the animate and inanimate matter , infinite motions for changes , infinite parts for number , infinite compositions and divisions for variety and diversity of Creatures ; then there may also be infinite sizes , each part or figure differing more or less , infinite smalness and bigness , lightness and heaviness , rarity and density , strength and power , life and knowledg , and the like : But by reason Nature or Natural matter is not all animate or inanimate , nor all composing or dividing , there can be no Infinite in a part , nor can there be something biggest or smallest , strongest or weakest , heaviest or lightest , softest or hardest in Infinite Nature , or her parts , but all those several Infinites are as it were included in one Infinite , which is Corporeal Nature , or Natural Matter . Next , you desire my opinion of Vacuum , whether there be any , or not ? for you say I determine nothing of it in my Book of Philosophical Opinions . Truly , Madam , my sense and reason cannot believe a Vacuum , because there cannot be an empty Nothing ; but change of motion makes all the alteration of figures , and consequently all that which is called place , magnitude , space , and the like ; for matter , motion , figure , place , magnitude , &c. are but one thing . But some men perceiving the alteration , but not the subtil motions , believe that bodies move into each others place , which is impossible , because several places are onely several parts , so that , unless one part could make it self another part , no part can be said to succeed into anothers place ; but it is impossible that one part should make it self another part , for it cannot be another , and it self , no more then Nature can be Nature , and not Nature ; wherefore change of place is onely change of motion , and this change of motion makes alteration of Figures . Thirdly , you say , You cannot understand what I mean by Creation , for you think that Creation is a production or making of Something out of Nothing . To tell you really , Madam , this word is used by me for want of a better expression ; and I do not take it in so strict a sense as to understand by it , a Divine or supernatural Creation , which onely belongs to God ; but a natural Creation , that is , a natural production or Generation ; for Nature cannot create or produce Something out of Nothing : And this Production may be taken in a double sence ; First , in General , as for example , when it is said , that all Creatures are produced out of Infinite Matter ; and in this respect every particular Creature which is finite , that is , of a circumscribed and limited figure , is produced of Infinite Matter , as being a part thereof : Next , Production is taken in a more strict sense , to wit , when one single Creature is produced from another ; and this is either Generation properly so called , as when in every kind and sort each particular produces its like ; or it is such a Generation whereby one creature produces another , each being of a different kind or species , as for example , when an Animal produces a Mineral , as when a Stone is generated in the Kidneys , or the like ; and in this sence one finite creature generates or produces another finite creature , the producer as well as the produced being finite ; but in the first sence finite creatures are produced out of infinite matter . Fourthly , you confess , You cannot well apprehend my meaning , when I say * , that the several kinds are as Infinite as the particulars ; for your opinion is , That the number of particulars must needs exceed the number of kinds . I answer : I mean in general the Infinite effects of Nature which are Infinite in number , and the several kinds or sorts of Creatures are Infinite in duration , for nothing can perish in Nature . Fifthly , When I say , that ascending and descending is often caused by the exterior figure or shape of a body ; witness a Bird , who although he is of a much bigger size and bulk then a Worm , yet can by his shape lift himself up more agilly and nimbly then a Worm ; Your opinion is , That his exterior shape doth not contribute any thing towards his flying , by reason a Bird being dead retains the same shape , but yet cannot fly at all . But , truly , Madam , I would not have you think that I do exclude the proper and interior natural motion of the figure of a Bird , and the natural and proper motions of every part and particle thereof ; for that a Bird when dead , keeps his shape , and yet cannot fly , the reason is , that the natural and internal motions of the Bird , and the Birds wings , are altered towards some other shape or figure , if not exteriously , yet interiously ; but yet the interior natural motions could not effect any flying or ascending without the help of the exterior shape ; for a Man , or any other animal , may have the same interior motions as a Bird hath , but wanting such an exterior shape , he cannot fly ; whereas had he wings like a Bird , and the interior natural motions of those wings , he might without doubt fly as well as a Bird doth . Sixthly , Concerning the descent of heavy bodies , that it is more forcible then the ascent of light bodies , you do question the Truth of this my opinion . Certainly , Madam , I cannot conceive it to be otherwise by my sense and reason ; for though Fire that is rare , doth ascend with an extraordinary quick motion , yet this motion is , in my opinion , not so strong and piercing as when grosser parts of Creatures do descend ; but there is difference in strength and quickness ; for had not Water a stronger motion , and another sort of figure then Fire , it could not suppress Fire , much less quench it . But Smoak , which is heavier then Flame , flies up , or rises before , or rather , above it : Wherefore I am still of the same opinion , that heavy bodies descend more forcibly then light bodies do ascend , and it seems most rational to me . Lastly , I perceive you cannot believe that all bodies have weight ; by reason , if this were so , the Sun , and the Stars would have long since cover'd the Earth . In answer to this objection , I say , That as there can be no body without figure and magnitude , so consequently not without weight , were it no bigger then an atome ; and as for the Sun 's and the Stars not falling down , or rising higher , the reason is , not their being without weight , but their natural and proper motion , which keeps them constantly in their spheres ; and it might as well be said , a Man lives not , or is not , because he doth not fly like a Bird , or dive and catch fish like a Cormorant , or dig and undermine like a Mole , for those are motions not proper to his nature . And these , Madam , are my answers to your objections , which if they do satisfie you , it is all I desire , if not , I shall endeavour hereafter to make my meaning more intelligible , and study for other more rational arguments then these are , to let you see how much I value both the credit of my named Book , and your Ladiships Commands ; which assure you self , shall never be more faithfully performed , then by , MADAM , Your Ladiships most obliged Friend and humble Servant . XXXII . MADAM , SInce my opinion is , that the Animate part of Matter , which is sense and reason , life and knowledg , is the designer , architect , and creator of all sigures in Nature ; you desire to know , whence this Animate Matter , sense and reason , or life and knowledg ( call it what you will , for it is all one and the same thing ) is produced ? I answer : It is eternal . But then you say , it is coequal with God. I answer , That cannot be : for God is above all Natural sense and reason , which is Natural life and knowledg ; and therefore it cannot be coequal with God , except it be meant in Eternity , as being without beginning and end . But if Gods Power can make Man's Soul , as also the good and evil Spirits to last eternally without end , he may , by his Omnipotency make as well things without beginning . You will say , If Nature were Eternal , it could not be created , for the word Creation is contrary to Eternity . I answer , Madam , I am no Scholar for words ; for if you will not use the word Creation , you may use what other word you will ; for I do not stand upon nice words and terms , so I can but express my conceptions : Wherefore , if it be ( as in Reason it cannot be otherwise ) that nothing in Nature can be annihilated , nor any thing created out of nothing , but by Gods special and all-powerful Decree and Command , then Nature must be as God has made her , until he destroy her . But if Nature be not Eternal , then the Gods of the Heathens were made in time , and were no more then any other Creature , which is as subject to be destroyed as created ; for they conceived their Gods , as we do men , to have Material Bodies , but an Immaterial Spirit , or as some Learned men imagine , to be an Immaterial Spirit , but to take several shapes , and so to perform several corporeal actions ; which truly is too humble and mean a conception of an Immaterial Being , much more of the Great and Incomprehensible God ; which I do firmly believe is a most pure , all-powerful Immaterial Being , which doth all things by his own Decree and Omnipotency without any Corporeal actions or shapes , such as some fancy of Daemons and the like Spirits . But to return to the former question ; you might as well enquire how the world , or any part of it was created , or how the variety of creatures came to be , as ask how Reason and sensitive corporeal Knowledg was produced . Nevertheless , I do constantly believe , that both sensitive and rational Knowledg in Matter was produced from God ; but after what manner or way , is impossible for any creature or part of Nature to know , for Gods wayes are incomprehensible and supernatural . And thus much I believe , That as God is an Eternal Creator , which no man can deny , so he has also an Eternal Creature , which is Nature , or natural Matter . But put the case Nature or natural Matter was made when the World was created , might not God give this Natural Matter self-motion , as well as he gave self-motion to Spirits and Souls ? and might not God endue this Matter with Sense and Reason , as well as he endued Man ? Shall or can we bind up Gods actions with our weak opinions and foolish arguments ? Truly , if God could not act more then Man is able to conceive , he were not a God of an infinite Power ; but God is Omnipotent , and his actions are infinite , supernatural , and past finding out ; wherefore he is rather to be admired , adored and worshipped , then to be ungloriously discoursed of by vain and ambitious men , whose foolish pride and presumption drowns their Natural Judgment and Reason ; to which leaving them , I rest , MADAM , Your Faithful Friend and Servant . XXXIII . MADAM , IN obedience to your commands , I here send you also an explanation and clearing of those places and passages in my Book of Philosophy , which in your last Letter you were pleased to mark , as containing some obscurity and difficulty of being understood . First , When I say , Nature is an Individable Matter , I do not mean as if Nature were not dividable into parts ; for because Nature is material , therefore she must also needs be dividable into parts : But my meaning is , that Nature cannot be divided from Matter , nor Matter from Nature , that is , Nature cannot be Immaterial , nor no part of Nature , but if there be any thing Immaterial , it doth not belong to Nature . Also when I call Nature a Multiplying Figure ; I mean , that Nature makes infinite changes , and so infinite figures . Next , when I say , There are Infinite Divisions in Nature ; my meaning is not , that there are Infinite divisions of one single part , but that Infinite Matter has Infinite parts , sizes , figures , and motions , all being but one Infinite Matter , or corporeal Nature . Also when I say single parts , I mean not parts subsisting by themselves , precised from each other , but single , that is , several or different , by reason of their different figures . Likewise , when I name Atomes , I mean small parts of Matter ; and when I speak ofPlace and Time , I mean onely the variation of corporeal figurative motions . Again : when I say , Nature has not an absolute Power , because she has an Infinite power ; I mean by absolute , as much as finite , or circumscribed ; and in this sense Nature cannot have an absolute power , for the Infiniteness hinders the absoluteness ; but when in my former Letters I have attributed an absolute Power onely to God , and said that Nature has not an absolute power , but that her power , although it be Infinite , yet cannot extend beyond Nature , but is an Infinite natural power ; I understand by an absolute Power , not a finite power , but such a power which onely belongs to God , that is , a supernatural and divine power , which power Nature cannot have , by reason she cannot make any part of her body immaterial , nor annihilate any part of her Creatures , nor create any part that was not in her from Eternity , nor make her self a Deity ; for though God can impower her with a supernatural gift , and annihilate her when he pleases , yet she is no ways able to do it her self . Moreover , when I say , That one Infinite is contained within another ; I mean , the several sorts of Infinites , as Infinite in number , Infinite in duration ; as also the Infinite degrees , motions , figures , sizes , compositions , divisions , &c. all which are contained in the Infinite body of Nature , which is the onely Infinite in quantity or substance , neither can the parts of Nature go beyond Infinite . Also when I say , That Matter would have power over Infinite , and Infinite over Matter , and Eternal over both ; I mean , that some corporeal actions endeavour to be more powerful then others , and thus the whole strives to over-power the parts , and the parts the whole : As for example , if one end of a string were tied about the little finger of ones hand , and the other end were in the power of the other whole hand , and both did pull several and opposite ways ; certainly , the little finger would endeavour to over-power the hand , and the hand again would strive to over-power the little finger : The same may be said of two equal figures , as two hands , and other the like examples may be given . And this is also my meaning , when I say , that some shapes have power over others , and some degrees and temperaments of matter over others ; whereby I understand nothing else , but that some parts have power over others . Also when I say , that outward things govern , and a Creature has no power over it self , I mean , that which is stronger , by what means soever , is superior in power . When I say , That the Animate part of Matter is not so gross an Infinite as the Inanimate , I do not attribute an Infiniteness to a part , as if animate matter considered as a part were infinite ; but my meaning is , that the Animate matter produces infinite effects : For , it being the Designer , Architect , and Creator of all Figures , as also the Life and Soul of all Creatures , it must needs be infinite in its effects , as also infinite in its duration . But you may object , That a part cannot produce infinite effects . I answer , It is true , if animate matter should be considered in it self without the inanimate , it could not produce infinite effects , having nothing to work upon and withal ; but because there is such a close and inseparable conjunction of those parts of matter , as they make but one body , and that Infinite , none can be or work without the other , but both degrees of matter , which make but one infinite Nature , are required in the production of the infinite effects and figures in Nature : Nevertheless , since the Animate part of Matter is the onely architect , creator , or producer of all those effects , by reason it is the self-moving part , and the Inanimate is onely the instrument which the Animate works withal , and the materials it works upon , the Production of the infinite effects in Nature is more fitly ascribed to the Animate then the Inanimate part of matter ; as for example , If an architect should build an house , certainly he can do nothing without materials , neither can the materials raise themselves to such a figure as a house without the help of the architect and workmen , but both are of necessity required to this artificial production ; nevertheless , the building of the house is not laid to the materials , but to the architect : the same may be said of animate and inanimate matter in the production of natural effects . Again , you may reply , That the animate and inanimate parts of matter are but two parts , and the number of Two is but a finite number , wherefore they cannot make one infinite body , such as I call Nature or natural Matter . I answer , Madam , I confess , that a finite number is not nor cannot make an infinite number ; but I do not say , that the animate and inanimate parts or degrees of matter are two finite parts each subsisting by it self as circumscribed , and having its certain bounds , limits and circumference ; for if this were so , certainly they being finite themselves , could not produce but finite effects ; but my meaning is , that both the animate and inanimate matter do make but one Infinite bulk , body , or substance , and are not two several and dividable bodies in themselves , and thus they may be divided not into two , but into Infinite parts ; Neither are they two different Matters , but they are but one Matter ; for by the animate Matter I do understand self-motion ; and that I call this self-motion Matter , the reason is , that no body shall think as if self-motion were immaterial ; for my opinion is , that Nature is nothing but meer Matter , and that nothing is in Nature which is a part of Nature , that is not material ; wherefore to avoid such a misapprehension ( seeing that most learned men are so much for abstractions and immaterial beings ) I called self-motion animate matter , or the animate part of matter ; not as if they were two several matters , but that all is but one natural Matter , or corporeal Nature in one bulk , body , or substance , just like as the soul and body do make but one man ; and to avoid also this misapprehension , lest they might be taken for several matters , I have upon better consideration , in this volume of Philosophical Letters , call'd the animate matter corporeal self-motion , which expression , I think , is more proper , plain , and intelligible then any other : Neither would I have you to scruple at it , when I say , that both parts or degrees of animate and inanimate matter do retain their own interior natures and proprieties in their commixture , as if those different natures and proprieties , where one is self-moving , and the other not , did cause them to be two different matters ; for thus you might say as well , that several figures which have several and different interior natures and proprieties , are so many several matters . The truth is , if you desire to have the truest expression of animate and inanimate matter , you cannot find it better then in the definition of Nature , when I say , Nature is an infinite self-moving body ; where by the body of Nature I understand the inanimate matter , and by self-motion the animate , which is the life and soul of Nature , not an immaterial life and soul , but a material , for both life , soul and body are and make but one self-moving body or substance which is corporeal Nature . And therefore when I call Animate matter an Extract , I do it by reason of its purity , subtilty and agility , not by reason of its immateriality . Also when I name the word Motion by it self , and without any addition , I understand corporeal Motion ; and when I name Motion , Matter and Figure , I do not mean three several and distinct things , but onely figurative corporeal motion , or figurative self-moving matter , all being but one thing ; the same when I speak of Place , Time , Magnitude , and the like . Concerning Natural Production or Generation ; when I say , The same matter or figure of the producers doth not always move after one and the same manner in producing , for then the same producers would produce one and the same creature by repetition , I do not mean the very same creature in number , unless the same motions and parts of matter did return into the producers again , which is impossible ; but I understand the like creature , to wit , that one and the same sort of particular motions would make all particular figures resemble so , as if they were one and the same creature without any difference . When I say , Sensitive and Rational knowledg lives in sensitive and rational Matter , and Animate liveth in Inanimate matter , I mean they are all several parts and actions of the onely infinite matter inseparable from each other ; for wheresoever is matter , there is also self-motion , and wheresoever is self-motion , there is sense and reason , and wheresoever is sense and reason , there is sensitive and rational knowledge , all being but one body or substance , which is Nature , When I say , The death of particular Creatures causes an obscurity of Knowledge , and that particular Knowledges increase and decrease , and may be more or less , I mean onely that parts divide themselves from parts , and joyn to other parts ; for every several Motion is a several Knowledge , and as motion varies , so doth knowledge ; but there is no annihilation of any motion , and consequently not of knowledge in Nature . And as for more or less knowledge , I mean more or less alteration and variety of corporeal figurative motions , not onely rational but sensitive , so that that creature which has most variety of those perceptive motions is most knowing , provided they be regular , that is , according to the nature and propriety of the figure , whether animal , vegetable , mineral , or elemental ; for though a large figure is capable of most knowledge , yet it is not commonly or alwayes so wise or witty as a less , by reason it is more subject to disorders and irregularities ; like as a private Family is more regular and better ordered then a great State or Common-wealth . Also when I say , That some particular Knowledge lasts longer then some other , I mean that some corporeal motions in some parts do continue longer then in others . When I say , A little head may be full , and a great head may be empty of rational matter , I mean there may be as it were an ebbing or flowing , that is more or less of Rational Matter joyned with the Sensitive and Inanimate : And when I say , That , if all the heads of Mankind were put into one , and sufficient quantity of Rational Matter therein , that Creature would not onely have the knowledge of every particular , but that Understanding and Knowledge would increase like Use-money , my meaning is , that if there were much of those parts of rational matter joyned , they would make more variety by selfchange of corporeal motions . When I name Humane sense and reason , I mean such sensitive and rational perception and knowledge as is proper to the nature of Man ; and when I say Animal sense and reason , I mean such as is proper to the nature of all Animals ; for I do not mean that the sensitive and rational corporeal motions which do make a man , or any Animal , are bound to such figures eternally , but whilest they work and move in such or such figures , they make such perceptions as belong to the nature of those figures ; but when those self-moving parts dissolve the figure of an Animal into a Vegetable or any other Creature , then they work according to the nature of that same figure , both exteriously and interiously . When I say , That Place , Space , Measure , Number , Weight , Figures , &c. are mixed with Substance , I do not mean they are incorporeal , and do inhere in substance as so many incorporeal modes or accidents ; but my meaning is , they are all corporeal parts and actions of Nature , there being no such thing in Nature that may be called incorporeal ; for Place , Figure , Weight , Measure , &c. are nothing without Body , but Place and Body are but one thing , and so of the rest . Also when I say , That sometimes Place , sometimes Time , and sometimes Number gives advantage , I mean , that several parts of Matter are getting or losing advantage . When I say , an Animal or any thing else that has exterior local motion , goeth or moveth to such or such a place , I mean , to such or such a body ; and when such a Creature doth not move out of its place , I mean , it doth not remove its body from such or such parts adjoyning to it . When I say , The rational animate matter divides it self into as many parts , and after as many several manners as their place or quantity will give way to , I mean their own place and quantity : also , as other parts will give way to those parts , for some parts will assist others , and some do obstruct others . When I say , That the Nature of extension or dilation strives or endeavours to get space , ground , or compass , I mean those corporeal motions endeavour to make place and space by their extensions , that is , to spread their parts of matter into a larger compass or body . And when I say , That Contractions endeavour to cast or thrust out space , place , ground , or compass , My meaning is , That those corporeal motions endeavour to draw their parts of matter into a more close and solid body , for there is no place nor space without body . Also when I name several tempered substances and matters , I mean several changes and mixtures of corporeal motions . Also when I speak of Increase and Decrease , I mean onely an alteration of corporeal figurative motions , as uniting parts with parts , and dissolving or separating parts from parts . When I say , That the motions of cold , and the motions of moisture , when they meet , make cold and moist effects , and when the motions of heat and moisture meet , make hot and moist effects ; and so for the motions of cold and dryness : I mean , that when several parts do joyn in such several corporeal motions , they cause such effects ; and when I say cold and heat presses into every particular Creature , I mean , that every Creatures natural and inherent perceptive motions make such patterns as their exterior objects are , viz. hot or cold , if they do but move regularly , for if they be irregular , then they do not : as for example ; those in an Ague will shake for cold in a hot Summers day , and those that are in a Fever will burn with heat , although they were at the Poles . When I say , that hot motions , and burning motions , and hot figures , and burning figures do not associate or joyn together in all Creatures : I mean , that the corporeal motions in some figures or creatures , do act in a hot , but not in a burning manner ; and when I say , some creatures have both hot and burning motions and figures , I mean , the corporeal motions act both in a hot and burning manner ; for though heat is in a degree to burning , yet it is not always burning , for burning is the highest degree of heat , as wetness is the highest degree of moisture . When I say , Warmth feeds other Creatures after a spiritual manner , not a corporeal , My meaning is , not as if heat were not corporeal , but that those corporeal motions which make heat work invisibly , and not visibly like as fire feeds on fuel , or man on meat . Also when I say , Excercise amongst animals gets strength , I mean , that by excercise the inherent natural motions of an animal body are more active , as being more industrious . When I say , That the passage whence cold and sharp winds do issue out , is narrow , I mean , when as such or such parts disjoyn or separate from other parts ; as for example , when dilating parts disjoyn from contracting parts ; and oftentimes the disjoyning parts do move according to the nature of those parts they disjoyn from . Concerning the actions of Nature , my meaning is , that there is not any action whatsoever , but was always in Nature , and remains in Nature so long as it pleases God that Nature shall last , and of all her actions Perception and self-love are her prime and chief actions ; wherefore it is impossible but that all her particular creatures or parts must be knowing as well as self-moving , there being not one part or particle of Nature that has not its share of animate or self-moving matter , and consequently of knowledge and self-love , each according to its own kind and nature ; but by reason all the parts are of one matter , and belong to one body , each is unalterable so far , that although it can change its figure , yet it cannot change or alter from being matter , or a part of Infinite Nature ; and this is the cause there cannot be a confusion amongst those parts of Nature , but there must be a constant union and harmony betwixt them ; for cross and opposite actions make no confusion , but onely a variety ; and such actions which are different , cross and opposite , not moving always after their usual and accustomed way , I name Irregular , for want of a better expression ; but properly there is no such thing as Irregularity in Nature , nor no weariness , rest , sleep , sickness , death or destruction , no more then there is place , space , time , modes , accidents , and thelike , any thing besides body or matter . When I speak of unnatural Motions , I mean such as are not proper to the nature of such or such a Creature , as being opposite or destructive to it , that is , moving or acting towards its dissolution . Also when I call Violence supernatural , I mean that Violence is beyond the particular nature of such a particular Creature , that is , beyond its natural motions ; but not supernatural , that is beyond Infinite Nature or natural Matter . When I say , A thing is forced , I do not mean that the forced body receives strength without Matter ; but that some Corporeal Motions joyn with other Corporeal Motions , and so double the strength by joyning their parts , or are at least an occasion to make other parts more industrious . By Prints I understand the figures of the objects which are patterned or copied out by the sensitive and rational corporeal figurative Motions ; as for example , when the sensitive corporeal motions pattern out the figure of an exteriour object , and the rational motions again pattern out a figure made by the sensitive motions , those figures of the objects that are patterned out , I name Prints ; as for example , The sense of Seeing is not capable to receive the Print , that is , the figure or pattern of the object of the whole Earth . And again , The rational Motions are not alwayes exactly after the sensitive Prints , that is , after the figures made by the sensitive motions . Thus by Prints I understand Patterns , and by printing patterning ; not that the exteriour object prints its figure upon the exteriour sensitive organs , but that the sensitive motions in the organs pattern out the figure of the object : but though all printing is done by the way of patterning , yet all patterning is not printing . Therefore when I say , that solid bodies print their figures in that which is more porous and soft , and that those solid bodies make new prints perpetually ; and as they remove , the prints melt out , like verbal or vocal sounds , which print words and set notes in the Air ; I mean , the soft body by its own self-motion patterns out the figure of the solid body , and not that the solid body makes its own print , and so leaves the place of its own substance with the print in the soft body ; for place remains always with its own body , and cannot be separated from it , they being but one thing : for example ; when a Seal is printed in Wax , the Seal gives not any thing to the Wax , but is onely an object patterned out by the figurative motions of the Wax in the action of printing or sealing . When I make mention of what the Senses bring in , I mean what the sensitive Motions pattern out of forreign objects : And when I say , that the pores being shut , touch cannot enter , I mean , the sensitive corporeal motions cannot make patterns of outward objects . Also when I say , our Ears may be as knowing as our Eyes , and so of the rest of the sensitive organs ; I mean the sensitive motions in those parts or organs . When I say , The more the Body is at rest , the more active or busie is the Mind , I mean when the sensitive Motions are not taken up with the action of patterning out forreign objects . When I say , the Air is fill'd with sound , and that words are received into the ears , as figures of exterior objects are received into the eyes , I mean , the sensitive motions of the Air pattern out sound , and the sensitive motions of the Ears pattern out words , as the sensitive figurative motions of the Eyes pattern out the figures of external objects . Also when I speak of Thunder and Lightning , to wit , That Thunder makes a great noise by the breaking of lines : My meaning is , That the Air patterns out this sound or noise of the lines ; and by reason there are so many patterns made in the air by its sensitive motions , the Ear cannot take so exact a copy thereof , but somewhat confusedly ; and this is the reason why Thunder is represented , or rather pattern'd out with some terrour ; for Thunder is a confused noise , because the patterns are made confusedly . But concerning Sound and Light , I am forced to acquaint you , Madam , that my meaning thereof is not so well expressed in my Book of Philosophy , by reason I was not of the same opinion at that time when I did write that Book which I am now of ; for upon better consideration , and a more diligent search into the causes of natural effects , I have found it more probable , that all sensitive perception is made by the way of Patterning , and so consequently the perception of Sound and of Light ; wherefore , I beseech you , when you find in my mentioned Book any thing thereof otherwise expressed , do not judg of it as if I did contradict my self , but that I have alter'd my opinion since upon more probable reasons . Thus , Madam , you have a true declaration of my sence and meaning concerning those places , which in my Philosophical Opinions you did note , as being obscure ; but I am resolved to bestow so much time and labour as to have all other places in that Book rectified and cleared , which seem not perspicuous , left its obscurity may be the cause of its being neglected : And I pray God of his mercy to assist me with his Grace , and grant that my Works may find a favourable acceptance . In the mean time , I confess my self infinitely bound to your Ladyship , that you would be pleased to regard so much the Honour of your Friend , and be the chief occasion of it ; for which I pray Heaven may bless , prosper , and preserve you , and send me some means and ways to express my self , MADAM , Your thankfull Friend , and humble Servant . ETernal God , Infinite Deity , Thy Servant , NATURE , humbly prays to Thee , That thou wilt please to favour Her , and give Her parts , which are Her Creatures , leave to live , That in their shapes and forms , what e're they be , And all their actions they may worship thee : For 't is not onely Man that doth implore , But all Her parts , Great God , do thee adore ; A finite Worship cannot be to thee , Thou art above all finites in degree : Then let thy Servant Nature mediate Between thy Justice , Mercy , and our state , That thou may'st bless all Parts , and ever be Our Gracious God to all Eternity . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A53058-e600 * Part. 1. ch . 1. * Leviathan , Part. 1. c. 2. * Leviathan , part . 1. c. 2. * Leviathan , Part. 1. c. 2. a Leviathan , part . 1. c. 3. b part . 1. c. 2. c Ibid. c. 3. d ibid. * Leviathan , part . 1. c. 4. Ch. 5. * Leviathan , part . 1. c. 4. * Ch. 4. * In his Elements of Philosophy , part . 1. c. 1. art . 1. * Leviathan , part . 1. c. 6. Art. 7. * Elem. of Philos. c. 7. a. 12. P. 1. c. 8. * Elem. of Philos c. 8. ●rt . 2. Art. 3. * Art. 20. a Art. 2. b Art. 21. Part. 2. c. 8. a. 5. Art. 10. Art. 8. Art. 5. C. 25. a. 1. Art. 2. * Ch. 27. C. 28. ● . 1. * Ch. 29. a. 1. * Ch. 29. art . 12. * C. 30. a. 1. * Art. 2. Art. 3. Art. 14. Art. 6. Philos. p. 2. Art. 2●● Art. 40. Philos. part . 2. a. 54. * Part. 1. c. 5. Philos. p. 2. a. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Philos. part . 3. a. 46. Philos. part . 2. a. 6 , 7. Philos. part . 4. a. 189. Diopt. c. 1. a. 2 , 3. &c. 4. a. 1. Of Meteor . 1. a. 3. C. 3. a. 1. Of Meteor . c. 2 , 4 , 5 , 6. P. 4. art . 97. Art. 107. * Antidote , Book 1. c. 10. a. 5. Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 1. a. 4. Antid . Book . 2. Ch. 2. a. 1. Antid . Book . 2. c. 2. * C. 3. Antid . 1. 3. c. 15. a. 3. Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 1. c. 12. Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 2. c. 1. a. 3. a In the Append . to the Antid . c. 3. a. 10. In the Preface before the Imm. of the Soul. Antid . Book . 2. c. 4. Append. to the Antid . c. 11. Antid . l. 2. c. 1. Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 1. c. 7. Of the Imwortality of the Soul. l. 2. c. 2. Of the Immortality of the Soul. l. 2. c. 1. a. 1 , 6 , 7. In the second Book of the Immortality of the Soul , ch . 6. In the Pref. of the Imm. of the Soul. Antid . lib. 1. c. 11. Lib. 2. c. 4. Antid . Book . 1. c. 5. Ch. 3. Append. to the Antid . ch . 3. Antid . lib. 2. ch . 2. In the Append . to the Antid . c. 3. and Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 1. c. 5. Sect. 1. Let. 20. Of the Immortality of the Soul. l. 2. c. 10. Of the Immortality of the Soul , l. 2. c. 10. Immort . of the Soul. Book 2. c. 10. Immort . of the Soul. Book 2. 6b . 8. Immort . of the Soul. Book 3. c. 13. Of the Immortality of the Soul. l. 1. c. 3. Lib. 2. c. 2. Antid . lib. 3. In his discourse of Euthusiasm . esct . Van Helm . in his Book intituled , Physick Refined , ch . 4. of the Causes and begining of natural things . In his ch . called The Fiction of Elementary Complexions and Mixtures . In the ch . Of the Birth and Original of Forms . In the ch . Of the Ideas of Diseases . See his ch . called The Seat of Diseases in the Soul is confirmed . Ch. Of Archeal Diseases . Ch. called The Subject of inhering of Diseases is in the point of life , &c. a In the ch . Of the Gas of the Water . b In the ch . Of the Fiction of Elementary Complexions and Mixtures . c In the ch . Of the Blas of Meteors . d In the ch . Of the unknown action of Government . e In the ch . Of the Blas of Man. f Of the Causes and beginnings of Natural things . g Of the Ideas of Diseases . a Of the Magnetick cure of wounds . b Of things Conceived , or Conceptions . In his Treatise called . A passive deceiving of the Schools of the Humourists . Ch. Of the Gas of Water . Ch. The Fiction of Elementary Complexions and Mixtures . In the ch . of Air. Ch. Of the Blas of Meteors . a Ch. Of Vacuum . a Ch. Of an Irregular Meteor . a Ch. Of the Earthquake . a Ch. Of the Birth or Original of Forms . a In the Ch. the Position is demonstrated : and in the ch . called the Authority of the Duumvirate . a Ch. called Magnum oportet . Of the Ideas of Diseases . a Ch. Narure is ignorant of Contraries b In the Hist. of Tartar. c Ch. Disease is an unknown guest . d Nature is ignorant of Contraries . e Ch. The Image of the Ferment begets the Mass with Child . a Ch. Called , The Essay of a Meteor . b Ch. Heat doth not digest efficiently , but excitingly . c Ch. The ignorant natural Philosophy of Aristotle and Galen . d Ch. A modern Pharmacapoly and dispensatory . e Ch. Of the Power of Medicines . f Ch. Heat doth not digest efficiently , bnt excitingly . a Ch. The first Principles of the Chymists , nor the Essences of the same are of the Army of Diseases . a In the Ch. Of Life Eternal , and in the Ch. Of the Tree of Life . a Of the Disease of the Stone . Ch. 9. a Ch. Of Sympathetical Mediums . b In the Plague-Grave . * In the Magnetick cnre of Wounds . * Ch. Of the Magnetick Power . a Ch. Of the Magnetick cure of wounds . * In his Treatise of Time. a Of the disease of the Stone , Ch. 9. a Ch. The Position is demonstrated . b Gen. 6. 2. a Ch. Of the Image of the Mind . a Ch. Of the Magnetick cure of wounds . a Ch. Of the Image of the Mind . a Of the Spirit of life . a Of the seat of the Soul. It. Of the Image of the Mind . Ch. Of the Image of the Soul. Ch. Of the Magnetick cure of wounds . a Of the seat of the Soul. a Ch. Of the Image of the Mind . Heb. 11. 14. a Ch. The hunting or searching out of Sciences . It. Of the Image of the Mind . a Ch. Call'd the Authors answers . b Ch. Of the subject of inhering of diseases . Ch. The subject of inhering of diseases is in the point of life . It. Ch. Of the knowledg of diseases . a Ch. Of the knowledg of diseases . a Ch. Called the Position . a Ch. Of the knowledg of diseases . * In his Promises , Column . 3. a Ch. Of a Six-fold digestion . * See The passive deceiving of the Schools , the humorists , C. I. Ch. Heat doth not digest efficiently . a Ch. Call'd The Erring Watchman , or Wandring Keeper . a Ch. call'd The Spirit of Life . In his Treatise of Fevers , c. 4. a In his Treatise of Fevers , c. 5. a Of Cauteries . a Of Fevers , Ch. 12. a Ch. 14. b In the Ch. named Butler . a Ch. Of the manner of entrance of things darted into the body . a Ch. Of things injected into the body . a Of the disease of the Stone , c. 3. a Ch. Of the reason or consideration of diet . In the Plague-grave , ch . 17. a Ch. Call'd , The Lunar Tribute . a Of the Stone , ch 6. See the ch . called , A Numero-Critical Paradox of supplies . a Ch. 7. a Ch. 8. a Of the disease of the Stone . c. 9. b Of the subject of inhering of diseases in the point of life . c Of the Spirit of Life . a In the ch . call'd Butler . Ch. 61. called , The Preface . * Part. 1. e. 14. Pag. 7. in the second Impression . Pag. 9. Pag. 22. Pag. 24. * Part. 1. c. 4. * Ch. 8. * Part. 4. c. 10. Ch. 20. Ch. 21. Part. 3. e. 13. Ibid. Part. 1. c. 11. Part. 1. c. 13 , 14. P. 1. c. 8. P. 6. c. 3. P. 3. 6. 10. P. 1. Ch. 3. P. 4. ● . 3 , 32. P. 1. c. 22. P. 3. c. 15. Ibid. P. 6. c. 11 , P. 3. c. 27. C. 14. P. 5. c. 51. P. 6. c. 8. P. 4. c. 34. Ibid. P. 5. c. 4. P. 5. c. ●3 . P. 5. c. 27. Ibid. T. 5. c. 45. P. 7. c. 11. P. 3. c. 2. P. 5. c. 23. P. 6. c. 13. P. 7. c. 12. P. 6. c. 13. P. 6. c. 29. 
A26974	----	Of justification four disputations clearing and amicably defending the truth against the unnecessary oppositions of divers learned and reverend brethren / by Richard Baxter ... Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. 1658 Approx. 1035 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 225 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26974 Wing B1328 ESTC R13779 12389757 ocm 12389757 60968 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26974) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60968) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 268:14) Of justification four disputations clearing and amicably defending the truth against the unnecessary oppositions of divers learned and reverend brethren / by Richard Baxter ... Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. [22], 423 p. Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons ... and are to be sold by him ... and by Nathaniel Elkins ..., London : 1658. The four disputations have special title pages. Errata on p. [22]. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Justification -- Early works to 1800. Theology -- Early works to 1800. Faith -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy and religion. Virtue. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Of Justification : FOUR DISPUTATIONS Clearing and amicably Defending the Truth , against the unnecessary Oppositions of divers Learned and Reverend Brethren . By Richard Baxter , A servant of Christ for Truth and Peace . JOHN 3.18 , 19. He that Believeth on him , is not condemned : but he that believeth not is condemned already ; because he hath not believed in the Name of the only begotten Son of God. And this is the condemnation , that Light is come into the world , and men loved darkness rather then Light , because their deeds were evil . Dr. Twiss , Vindic. Grat. lib. 1. part . 3. pag. ( Vol. min. ) 302. [ Verum in diverso genere ad Justitiam Dei refertur Christi satisfactio , & fides nostra : Christi satisfactio ad eandem refertur per modum , meriti & condignitatis : nostra vero fides ad eandem refertur duntaxat per modum congruae dispositionis . ] ☜ LONDON , Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons Bookseller in Kederminster , and are to be sold by him there ; and by Nathaniel E●●●s , at the Gun in Pauls Church-Yard . 1658. The Preface . Christian Readers , TO prevent your trouble and misunderstanding in the perusal of these Disputations : I have two things here at the entrance to acquaint you with . First , The occasion of all these Writings : Secondly , The true state of the Controversies here managed . The first Disputation is upon a Question of considerable weight , whether Christ as Christ , and so as Prophet , Priest and King ▪ be the Object of that Faith by which we are justified ? Three points especially my Reverend Brother Mr. Blake was pleased to publish his Reasons against , which in my Aphorisms I had asserted . These being vindicated by me in an Apologie , he renewed the conflict in his Treatise of the Sacraments . The first about the Sacraments I have defended again in a Volume by it self . The second is this in hand , which I had finished about fifteen or sixteen months ago . The third is about the Instrumental efficiency of Faith to our Justification , of which I had also begun above a twelve month since . But it hath lately pleased our wise and gracious Lord to call this Reverend Brother to himself : whereupon , though this first Disputation was gone so far , that I could not well recall it , yet the others , which was not out of my power , I resolved to condemn to perpetual silence . If you ask me a reason of this resolution , I must desire that my disposition and passion may go for part of a Reason this once . The grief of my heart for the loss of this precious servant of Christ would not permit me to appear any further in a way that seemed to militate with the dead , and with one whose death , we have all so much cause to lament . Alas , that our sin should provoke our dear Father , to put out the precious Lights of his Sanctuary , and to call in such experienced faithful Labourers , while ignorance , and error , and prophaness , and all Vice doth so plenteously survive . When these plants of Hell do thrive upon us , under all our care to weed them up : what will they do when the Vineyard is left desolate ? Though God in mercy is raising up a supply of young ones , that may come to be Pillars in their dayes : yet alas , what difference will the Church find between these , and their grave experienced Guides : and how many years study , and experience , and patience , is necessary to ripen these tender plants , to bring them to the stature , and stability , and strength of such as this Blessed servant of Christ , that is now taken from us . The sense of our loss doth make it doubly bitter to my thoughts , that ever I was unhappily engaged in any way of serving the Lord of Truth , which must contein so much contradiction of such a friend of Truth . As it is for God , or for Truth , or for the use of the Church , I dare not disown it ; but as it savoureth of disagreement ( though necessitated to it ) it is very ungrateful to me to think of , or review . But our diseases will have their pains . We must bear the smites of our own and our Brethrens weaknesses , rather then neglect the service of Christ , his Church and Truth . We quickly pardon one another , and at the furthest Heaven agreeth us all : But the benefit of our search , though mixed with our infirmities , may be somewhat serviceable when we are gone . The second Disputation is yet more ungrateful to me , then the first : the Reverend Brother whom I contradict being as high and dear in my esteem as most men alive ; indeed being an Honour and Blessing to the Church in this unworthy Generation . The Lord preserve him long for his service . But my Defence here also is necessitated . 1. I did my best to have prevented the Necessity , and could not : I mean , not by diswading him from opposing me in Print , for that might have hindered the Church of the Benefit of his Opposition ( for ought I knew , till I had seen it : ) But by trying first , whether I could receive or give satisfaction . 2. I had publickly obliged my self , if this Reverend Brother did Dissent , to search again : and by an Epistle , became more accountable to the world for Dissenting from him then other men . 3. His Name deservedly precious in the Church , hath the greater advantage to over-lay the Truth , where humane imperfection engageth him against it . Yet do I not blame him for beginning this Contest with me ; but take the blame to my self that might occasion it , by dishonouring his Name by a temeracious prefixing it to my undigested papers , ( though nothing but High estimation , and Affection was my Motive . ) The Letters that past between us were never intended for the view of the world : And therefore I must desire the Reader to remember it , if sometime I be more pressing and vehement , then manners and reverence require ; because we use to speak freelier in private among friends , then in the hearing of the world . And yet I thought it my duty now to joyn them with the rest for these Reasons . 1. Because some passages in the Writings of this Reverend Brother , do in a manner invite me to it . 2. Because the matter requireth me to speak the same things ; and therefore it is as good affix the old , as be at the same labour needlesly again . 3. And it can be no wrong to him , because it is my own Papers that are the main bulk of what I publish : His Letters being brief , and annexed but as the occasions of mine . 4. But especially , I was brought to think it meet , by the open blame that I have received from some very dear and Reverend Brethren , for not preventing this publike Contest . And therefore I thought good to let them see , that I was not wholly wanting to prevent it . If there be any passages in these Writings too eager or provoking ( which I must needs suspect even where I have not observed them , as being conscious of too keen a stile , forgetting the persons while I speak meerly to the words and matter , ) I do intreat my Brethren to pardon it , as being not designed to their provocation or dishonour , and as I heartily do the like by theirs , and as I hope God will do both theirs and mine . And I do adjure the Reader to believe that this Controversie : for all our infirmities is managed with a very high esteem and honour of those Reverend Brethren , whom I am necessitated to gainsay . Nor would I have it be any dishonour to them ( though an excuse to me , ) that they have been the Assailants , and begun the conflict : for the Truths of God must be precious to us all , and I doubt not but they were confident that it was some dangerous errour , which they set upon , and I have here proved to be the Truth . Nor is it any such wrong to either side , to be openly contradicted , that Reasons may be openly produced , and men may have some further help , to see into these Points . Let the proud swell or smart , because they are thus proclaimed fallible , and mistaken ; but the Humble that are devoted servants to the Truth , are of another spirit , and have learnt another lesson . And if any Papist or enemy to our unity and Peace , shall from these Writings predicate our dissentions or divisions , let them know to their faces , that even these differences as momentous as they seem , are not neer so great as are commonly published among themselves : nor are they for Number one to twenty , perhaps to a hundred , that are agitated in their Schooles , and the writings of their Doctors : Had we such differences as those of the Jesuit Casuists opened by Montaltas the Jansenian in his Mysterie of Jesuitism , out of their own writings , something they might then say against us . Yea I doubt not but we differ with more hearty Christian Love , then they agree ; and have more real union in our controversies , then they have in their Articles of Faith , and are neerer one another in our smaller differences , then the French and Italians are in their very Fundamentals . The third Disputation was called forth by Mr. Warner's Treatise of the Object and Office of Faith , and takes up the subject of the first Disputation , with some others . When that was in the Press , Mr. Tombes's Book against Infant Baptism came forth , in which I found the Papers that I sent to him ( upon his importunity ) printed without my consent , ( which if God will , I shall yet vindicate . ) And therefore seeing that it is his way , I thought he might do the like by other Papers , which formerly I had wrote to him on this subject of Justification . And therefore thinking it fitter that I should publish them ( of the two ) then he , ( I have saved him the charge of printing them , and annexed them to these . The fourth Disputation was added , because it is the very heart of our Controversie , which most of our Disputes about the instrumentall Causality of Faith as to Justification , and the other Concomitant , are resolved into . That the Reader may understand these Disputations the better , I shall here at the entrance shew him the face of the way that I maintain , and also of the way that I oppose . The way that I plead for is contained in these Propositions . 1. Man having broken the Law of Nature or works , is lost , and disabled to his own Recovery , or to do any works by which that Law will ever justifie him . 2. Jesus Christ hath Redeemed him from this lost condition , by his Incarnation , Life , Death , Resurrection , &c. fulfilling the Law by his obedience , and suffering for our not fulfilling it , and thereby satisfying the Lawgiver , and attaining the ends of the Law , and more : making himself an example to us of holiness , and becoming our Teacher , High Priest and King , to save us from all sin and enemies , and recover us to God , for our Salvation , and his Glory and Pleasure . 3. The Offices and Works of Christ , are for other ends as well as for our justification ; even for our Sanctification , Glorification , &c. 4. The Believer ought not to confound the offices , works , or ends and effects , but to apprehend them as distinctly as he can . 5. The same Offices of Christ are exercised in the effecting several works : He doth justifie us both as Priest , Prophet and King : and he sanctifieth us as Priest , Prophet and King , His Death purchasing both our justification and sanctification ; and his Teaching shewing us the way to both , and his Kingly Office conferring both , though most notably our justification ; and the Prophetical effecting more of our sanctification , then of our justification . 6 , We must have part in Christ himself as our Head , in order of Nature before we can partake of justification , Sanctification , ( as following our first faith ) or Glorification from him . 7. Though our Physical Communion with Christ is effected by a Physical change on the soul ; yet our Right to him and to Justification , and other following benefits is the effect of a free Gift , or Testament , or Promise , and that Promise or free Gift is our Title , which is Fundamentum juris , or the efficient Instrumental cause . 8. Christ and pardon , or justification , and Right to Heaven , &c. are given us by one and the same Deed of Gift : so that he that hath Right to Christ , hath by the same Title & on the same terms Right to these his benefits . 9. This Promise or Gift is conditional ; though it be but the Condition of a free Gift that is required . 10. No mans works , Repentance or Faith is his proper Title to pardon or life , nor any proper meritorious cause of it ; nor any efficient . Principal or Instrumental causes of his Right ; No act of ours can be more then a meer condition of that Right ; and a Causa sine quâ non ( which , as it is an act that 's pleasing to God , and hath the Promise of a Reward , the Fathers called improperly by the Name of Merit , which yet less fitly agrees to the Condition of our first Justification then of our Glorification . ) 11. Christs pardon and life are given by this Gospel-Promise on condition of our faith in Christ , that is , if we become Believers in Christ ; or Christians ; which is , If we accept of Christ as offered in the Gospel , and that is , to bring us from our sins and selves to God , by the acts of his Teaching , Priestly , and Kingly Office ; Or , if we believe in Christ as Christ . So that it is not any one single act of Faith that is the condition of Justification : nor are the several Benefits of Christ given us on condition of several acts of Faith ; as if we had Right to pardon by one act , and to Christ himself by another , and to Adoption by another ; and to Heaven by another , &c. Nor have the several acts of our faith as divided an Interest in procurement of the Benefits as Christs actions had : But it is one and the same entire faith in Christ as Christ , that is the condition of all these consequent special Benefits ; without division in the procurement . So that the Belief in Christ as our Teacher and King hath as much hand in our Justification , as believing in him as Priest ; it being the backwardness of nature to the acceptance of Christs Government and Doctrine , that is a special Reason why faith is made the condition of that pardon , which Nature is not so backward to accept . 12. The Reasons to be assigned , why faith in Christ is made the condition of Justification , is , 1. The will of the free Donor . 2. The fitness of faith to that Office ; as being suited to Gods Ends , and to Christ the Object , and to mans necessitous estate . Not only because it is the Receiving of Righteousness , but for all these Reasons together , in which its aptitude doth consist ; and its Aptitude to the Honour of the Redeemer and free Justifier is the principal part of its Aptitude : it being impossible that God should prefer man as his ultimate and before himself . 13. Though the Reason why Faith is made by God the condition of our Justification , must partly be fetcht from the Nature of Faith , which some call its Instrumentallity in apprehending Christ , yet the Reason why we are Justified by Faith , must be fetched from the Tenour of the Promise and Will of the Promiser . So that though the Remote Reason be that Aptitude of Faith , which is the Dispositio material ; yet the formal neerest Reason is , because God hath made it the condition of the Gift , which shall suspend the efficacy till performed , and when performed , the benefit shall be ours . 14. As Faith hath its denomination from some one or few acts , which yet suppose many as concomitant and consequent : So those concomitant and consequent Acts have their answerable place and Interest in the foresaid Conditionality , as to our part in Christ and Justification . 15. And therefore it was not the Apostles meaning to set Faith against these concomitant acts , ( as Repentance , hope in Christ , desire of Christ , love to Christ , &c. ) and to exclude these under the notion of Works : but contrarily to suppose them in their order . 16. The burdensome works of the Mosaical Law , suppoed to be such as from the dignity and perfection of that Law , would justifie men by procuring pardon of sin , and acceptance with God , are they that the Jews opposed to Christs Righteousness and Justification by Faith , and which Paul disputeth against , and consequently against any works , or acts , or habits of our own , opposed to Christ , or this way of free justification by him . 17. The not loosing our Iustification and Title to Christ and Life , hath more for its condition , then the first Reception or Possession hath . And so hath the final Iustification at judgement , if men live after their first believing . 18. Justification at judgement , being the Adjudging us to Glory , hath the same conditions as Glorification it self hath . Reader , In these Eighteen Propositions , thou mayst fully see the Doctrine that I contend for , which also in my Confession , Apologie , and this Book I have expressed . And now I will shew you somewhat of the face of the Doctrine , which the Dissenters commonly do propugne , but not so largely , because I cannot open other mens Doctrine so freely and fully as I can do my own . 1. They agree with me that Christs Righteousness is the meritorious or material cause of our Iustification , though some add that it is the formal cause , I suppose it is but a mistaken name . 2. They agree that Christ , and pardon , and Life , are Given us by the Gospel-Promise . 3. They yield that an entire Faith in Christ as Christ , is the condition of our Right to his entire Benefits . 4. But they say that the Acts of Faith in thier procurement of the Benefits , have as divers an Interest as the Acts of Christ , which Faith believeth . 5. And they say , that it is some one act ( or two , or some of them ) that is the sole justifying act , though others be compresent . 6. This Iustifying act some call the Apprehending of Christ as a Sacrifice : some Affiance , or Recumbency , or Resting on him , as a Sacrifice for sin , or as others , also on his active Righteousness , or an Apprehension of Christs Righteousness ; or as others , A perswasion that his Promise is true ; or an Assent to that truth ; or as others , an Assurance , or at least a Belief , fide Divinâ , that we are justified . 7. They say , that the neerest Reason of our Iustification by this faith is , because it is an Instrument of our Iustification , or of our Apprehending Christs Righteousness : And so , that we are justified by Faith as an Instrumental efficient cause ; say some : and as a Passive Receiving Instrument , say others . 8. They say , that there being but two wayes of Iustification imaginable , by faith , or by works , all that desert the former way ( if they despair not of Iustification ) fall under the expectation of the latter : And I grant that Scripture mentioneth no third way . 9. Therefore say they , seeing that Pauls Iustification by Faith , is but by the act before mentioned : whoever looketh to be justified , in whole , or in part , by another act ( as by Faith in Christ as Teacher , as King , by desiring him , by Hoping in him , by Loving him , by disclaiming all our own righteousness , &c. ) doth seek Iustification by Works which Paul disputes against , and so set against the only true Iustification by Faith. 10. Yea , and they hold , that whoever looks to be Iustified by that act of faith , which themselves call the Iustifying act , under any other notion then as an Instrument , doth fall to justification by works , or turn from the true Iustification by Faith. By these unwarrantable Definitions , and Distinctions , and additions to Gods Word ; A lamentable perplexity is prepared for mens souls , it being not possible for any living man to know , that he just hits on the justifying Act , and which is it , and that he takes in no more , &c. and so that he is not a Legalist , or Jew , and falls not from Evangelical Iustification by faith in Christ . So that Iustification by faith in Christ as Christ , ( considered in all essential to his Office , ) is with them no Iustification by faith in Christ , but justification by Works , so much disowned by the Apostle , the expectants of which are so much condemned . I have gathered the sum of most of the Dissenters minds as far as I can understand it . If any particular man of them , disown any of this , let him better tell you his own mind : For I intend not to charge him with any thing that he disowns . The Lord Illuminate and Reconcile all his people , by his Spirit and Truth . Amen . The CONTETS . Disputation 1. Quest . WHether we are justified by believing in Jesus Christ as our King and Teacher , as well as by believing in his blood ? Aff. pag. 1. The state and weight of the Controversie p. 2 , &c. Ten Propositions for fuller explication . p. 10 , &c. Argument first . p. 13 Argu. 2. p. 14 Argu. 3. p. 19 Argu. 4. p. 24 Argu. 5. p. 27 Argu. 6. p. 28 Argu. 7. p. 30 Argu. 8. p. 31 Argu. 9. p. 35 Argu. 10. p. 38 defended against Mr. Blak's assault . p. 40 Whether the Law of Grace condemn any , and how . p. 44 , 45 The Distinction of sides quae justificat , & quâ justificat considered . p. 46 , &c. MR. Blak's first Argument answered . p. 53 Argument 2. answered . p. 55 Argument 3. p. 57 Argument 4. p. 63 Argument 5. and 6. p. 64 Disputation 2. Quest . WHether works are a condition of condition of Justification , and so whether we are justified by works as such a condition ? The terms [ Works and Justification ] explained . p. 70 , 71 The Term Condition explained . p. 72 The Truth laid down in several Propositions . p. 75 Negative and Affirmative The main Proposition proved . p. 79 , &c. Quest . Can Christ be Instrumental in justifying . p. 84 Quest . Did Christ expiate the sins , that by the Gospel men are obliged to punishment for ? p. 86 Of Repentance , and the habit of Faith in Justification . p. 85 , 86 Quest . Doth the Gospel justifie us ? p. 86 , 87 , 88 , 89 Other points briefly discussed . p. 90 The Opponents stating of the Question . p. 94 , 95 , 96 Divers unjust charges repelled . p. 97 , to 101 The Opponents Thesis and Arguments . p. 101 , 102 How Abraham was justified , debated to p. 110 All works make not the Reward to be not of Grace , proved by six Arguments . p. 111 , to 115. And by Expositors . p. 115 , &c. His second Argument from the difference put between faith and other Graces in Justification . p. 118 The case of faiths Interest opened by a similitude . p. 120 His third Argument considered : Our first Justification how different from the following . p. 122 , 123 His fourth Argument of self Righteousness and causal conditions . p. 124 , &c. His Fifth Argument , Works are the fruits , therefore not the condition . p. 128 His sixth Argument . p. 132 His seventh Argument . Of a twofold Righteousness or Justification . p. 133 His eight Argument that cannot be a condition of Justification , which it self needeth Justification . p. 136 Answered . Paul judgeth them dung . p. 140 How justifying faith belongs to the Law , and the difference between the Law and Gospel . p. 142 More of Christs suffering for the violation of the new Covenant . p. 146 His ninth Argument , we fill men with doubts . p. 147 Answered . His tenth Argument . p. 149 Of the reconciling of Paul and James . p. 150. &c. Letters that past between this Reverend Brother and me . p. 157 In which is discussed the Argument from Abrahams Justification . And in the last Letter these questions . 1. Whether videre , audire , be only Grammatical actions , and Physical Passions . p. 194 , &c. 2. Whether Believing be only so , and credere only pati . p. 198 3. Whether Faith be passive in its Instrumentality . p. 207 4. Whether the Opponents way make not other Graces as proper Instruments of Justification . p. 211 5. Whether Faith be a proper Instrument of Justification . p. 212 6. Question . If Faith be an Instrument , whether it justifie primarily and proxime as such , or as an apprehension of Christ or Righteousness . p. 214 7. Question , which is the more clear , safe and certain Doctrine . p. 220 Repentance , whether excluded . p. 227 Of Faith relatively taken . p. 228 Of the Assemblies Definition of faith . p. 230 The Judgement of some Divines . p. 233 , &c. whether a dying man may look on his own Acts as the Conditions of the Covenant performed . p. 241 , &c. Further Explications . p. 244. &c. Disputation 3. Quest . WHether Besides the Righteousness of Christ imputed , there be a personal evangelical Righteousness necessary to Justification and Salvation ? Affir . p. 259 Distinctions and Propositions Negative and Affirmative for explication . p. 260 , &c. Proved . p. 266 Objections answered . p. 269 , &c. Mr. Warner's Arguments confuted . p. 273 to 285 Mr. Warner's 13th chap. confuted about Justistcation , and the Interest of Obedience , &c p. 286 Master Warner's Arguments answered , by which he would exclude Christ as King , &c. from being the Object of justifying faith . p. 293. &c. The other chief passages in his Book considered . p. 305 , &c. His distinction of fides quae & qua . p. 308 , &c. His Preface answered in an Epistle . p. 313 MR. John Tombe's , his friendly Animadversions on my Aphorisms , with a Discussion of them . p. 322 Justification in Law-title by the Promise fully vindicated . p. 332 , &c. Whether Justification be a continued Act , or but one Act. p. 341 &c. Whether Faith comprize Love , Subjection or other Graces : at large . p. 345 , &c. Whether Faith be only in the Intellect , or also in the Will. p. 354 , &c. Justifying Faith receiveth Christ as Lord , &c. p. 358 It is Faith , and not only Love , or other Graces , by which the Will receiveth Christ . p. 361. &c. The Gospel is a Law. p. 369 , &c. Repentance necessary to Justification . p. 370 , &c. How Faith justifieth . p. 377 Whether Christ had a Title on Earth to Rule . p. 379 Of Christs universal Dominion and Redemption . p. 380 More of the Justification by the Gospel-Promise . p. 384 Of Preparatives to Justification . p. 387 What Paul excludeth as opposite to faith in Justification . p. 391 , 392 Of Intercision , of Justification , and the guilt of particular sins . p. 393 , &c. Disputation 4. Quest . WHether the Faith which Paul opposeth to works in Justification , be one only Physical Act of the Soul ? Or , Whether all Humane Acts , except one Physical Act of Faith , be the works which Paul excludeth from Justification ? Neg. p. 399 The Question opened : and it s proved that this Faith is not one only , Act. 1. Either Numerically . 2. Or of an inferior Genus , so as to be of one only Faculty : Nor only God the Father , Christ , Promise , Pardon , Heaven , &c. the Object . 3. Nor in specie specielissima , proved by many Arguments . ERRATA . PAge 6. line 23. read that 1. p. 13. l. 10. r. quae Christum . p. 14. l. 9. r. promitentis . I. 22. r. hath . p. 18. l. 3. r. as this . l. 34. r. proof of . p. 19. ● . 24. r. be the. l. 34. r. ● . p. 21. l. 17. r. that be is . p. 24. l. 35. r. thus . p. 29. l. 13. r. though . p. 32. l. 32 r. must be p. 39. l. 6. r. with p. 44. l. 1. r. I need . p. 45. l. 30. r. Commination . P. ●2 . l. 11. r. as . p. 55. l 26. r. nostri . l. 32. r. exclusion . p. 64. l. 30. r. Curse . p. 74. l. 8. r. capitibus . p. 81. l. 13. r. no. l. 20. r. All. p. 85. l. 6. blot out against . p. 87. l. 22. r. that is . l. 21. r. execution . p. 88. l. 12. read there . p. 94. l. 10. r. notion . p. 95. l. 3. r. u. l. 9. r. your . p. 99. l. 19 r. as mediate it . p. 119. l. 36. r. as . p. 135. ● . 5. r. that he hath not . p. 136. l. 18. r. Christ . p. 139. l. 13. r. a means . page 152. l. 17. r. been . p. 166. l. 38. r. we may . p. 168. r. Gods. p. 170 l. 17. r signs . p. 175. l. 15. r. divers . p. 178. l. 19. r. be that works not . p. 180. l. 4. r. or . p. 183. l. 19. r. casuals . p. 186. l. 25. r. sensu . p. 197. l. 29. r. Potentia . p. 208. l. 8. r. Porret . l. 31. r. Passive in . p. 210 l 24. r. mediante . p. 212. l. 12. r. except . p. 233. l. 7. r. in the. p. 243. l. 32. blot out till . p. 252. l. 13. r. veritatus . p. 257. l. 14. r. exalted . p. 271. l. 10. r. righteous . p. 286. l. 17. r. be . l. 24. r. the. p. 290. l. 1. r. marks . p. 294. l. 22. and l. 26. and p. 265. l. 23. and 26. for . quae r. qud . p. 299. l. 1. r. unproved p. 314. l. 36. r. cull . p. 319. ● . 14. r. that is . p. 320. l. 14 r. fur . p. 326 l. 31. r. fruit . p. 354. l. ult . r. praemotione . p 360. l. 27. r. God. p. 361. l. 32. r. though● . p , 386. l. 27. r. Is it not . p. 387. l. 32. r. sanctification . p. 390. l. 22. r. morally . p. 398. l. 15. r. probable . l. 23 r. Impenitency . Quest . Whether we are Justified by Beliveing in Jesus Christ , as our King and Teacher ; as well as by believing in his Blood ? Aff. Though I have oft spoken to this Question in the ears of the world , as taking it to be of very great Consequence ; yet upon the Invitation of this opportunity , I shall once again attempt a brief Discussion of it ; and the rather , because the Answers of a Reverend Brother ( Mr. Blake ) to my former Arguments , and his Arguments for the contrary opinion , may wrong the Truth and the souls of men , if their Fallacy be not manifested by a Reply . And I shall first speak somewhat of the Importance of the Question , and then of the sense of it , and then endeavour a clear Resolution , and the Confirmation thereof , and the Confutation of the contrary conceits . And for the first , I shall give you my thoughts of it in these two Propositions . Proposition 1. The difference amongst Protestants about this Question is not of so great moment , that either party must Eonomine be judged to deny the Essentials ( or Fundamentals ) of the faith , and so to be of a different Religion from the other , or to fall short of Salvation . I lay down this Proposition first , Because of the Papists who stand looking upon all our differences with a mind too like the mind of the Devil ; rejoycing in them , and endeavouring to encrease them , and to make them seem greater in the eyes of the world than indeed they are , that so they may make use of them for the reproaching of our Profession , and take an advantage from them to make the truth and Servants of Christ become odious unto others . Secondly , And I do it also for the sake of some ( even too many ) among our selves , that speak of controversies as they are concerned in them , or as the party to whom they joyn doth speak of them , or as they appear to them in the dark , or at a distance , or upon a hasty superficial search ; but have not the skil ( nor some of them , the will ) to open the true state of a Controversie , and make the difference appear no wider , then indeed it is . To the proving of the Proposition , it must be observed , First , that the Affirmers do yield , that it is not the Doctrine or Government of Christ , but his blood that is the Ransome for one sins , and his Righteousness that is the sole Meritorious Cause of our Justification : and that believing in Christ as Prophet and King , is not a proper Instrument of our Justification ; and that Christ as a Ransome for us , and a deserver of our Justification , is the formal Object of that other act ( which accordingly believeth in him ) and not of this act of believing in him as Prophet and King. On the other side , it is granted by them that are for the Negative , that it is our duty to believe in Christ as a Prophet and King and that it is of necessity to salvation , yet to Justification it self ; For they yield that it is the Fides quae Justificat , the faith by whch we are Justified , but not qu● Justificat , or that it Justifieth not quà talis , as such : They yield also that it is a Condition of Justification , for so they confess that Repentance it self is ; but they only say , that it is not the Instrument of Justification , as they think the other act is . So that the difference is here : They yield all that we affirm ( if I can understand them ; ) but they affirm somewhat more themselves , which we do not yield : They grant that believing in Christ as our Teacher and Lord is a Condition of our Justification , and the ●ides quae Justificat ; which is all that I desire : But then they add , that the Belief in Christs blood and Righteousness is the Instrument of our Justification , and that it justifieth qu● talis ; which we utterly deny , if the words be properly taken ; and Tropes should not upon choice be made the terms of our Question , while there are plainer to be had . So that by this time its easie to see that neither of these opinions are such as must unchurch or damn us , or make us Hereticks . First , We that are for the Affirmative are out of that danger ; for we hold no more positively then is yielded us by the other . All that they can charge us with ; is this Negative , that [ believing in Christs blood doth not properly Justifie as an Instrument ( that is , as an efficient Instrumental Cause of our Justification ) nor yet qu● talis : ] And I think they will not lay our salvation on the Affirmative , when they consider what we yield ( of which more anon ) And on the other side , we are far from passing any damning sentence on them that are for the said Instrumentality ; especially as we perceive it commonly held . Let no Papist therefore insult over us and say , we are disagreed in our fundamentals , unless he be resolved to do it in design against the light of his own conscience . I the rather premise this Caution , because I hear that the Papists do mutter thus against us already to silly people that cannot see their deceit : They say , [ Is not the death of Christ a fundamental ? and yet some say that he died for All , and some say he died only for the Elect ; some say he paid the Idem , and some but the Tantundem ] but they tell not the people the true state of the Controversie , and wherein we are agreed , or that they differ as much about the extent of the death of Christ among themselves , without such a charge . Christ is the Foundation : but yet whether his hair were cut , or not , or whether he were thirty three or thirty five , or fifty years old when he died ; or whether he was buried in a Garden , or in a Sepulchre of stone , these are not the foundation . So much to the first Proposition for narrowing our difference . Proposition 2. Though this controversie be not of such Moment as is denied , yet is it of great weight , and the Consequents of the Errors of one party hereabout , are such , as if they were held practically and after the proper sense of their expressions , would be a great hinderance to salvation , if not plainly hazard it . And therefore the question is not to be cast by , as needless or unprofitable . It is so neer the great matters of our Redemption , Justification , and the nature of faith , that it is it self the greater . And if Amesius say true , that truths are so concatenated , that every Error must by consequence overthrow the foundation , then it must be so in this . The consequents shall be mentioned anon in the Arguments , where it will be more seasonable . And in great matters , it is not a contemptible Error which consisteth but in mis-naming and mis-placing them : It is a very great help to the clear and full understanding of Truths , to have right Notions and Methods . And the contrary may prove dangerous to many others , when the particular Patrons of those mistakes may be in no danger by them . For perhaps their first Notions may be righter than their second ; and they may not see the consequents of their mistakes ; and yet when such mistakes in terms and methods shall be commended to the world , other men that hear and read their words , and know not their hearts and better apprehensions , are like enough to take them in the most obvious or proper sense , and by one disorder to be led to more , and to swallow the Consequents as well as the misleading Premises . And therefore I must needs say , that this point appeareth of such moment in my eyes , that I dare not desert that which I confidently take to be the Truth , nor sacrifice it to the honor or pleasure of man For the explication of the terms it is needless to say much , and I have neither time for , nor mind of needless work . By [ Justification ] here we mean not either Sanctification alone , or sanctification and remission conjunct as making up our Righteousness , as the Papists do : ( though we deny not but sometime the word may be found in Scripture in some such sense : ) For thus it is past controversie , that our justification , that is , our sanctification as to all that followeth faith , is as much , if not much more , from our belief in Christ as Teacher and King , as from our belief in him as a Ransome . But by Justification we mean that Relative Change which Protestants ordinarily mean by this word ; which we need not here define . The Preposition [ By ] ( when we speak of being justified by faith ) is not by all men taken in the same sense . First , Sometime it s used more strictly and limitedly to signifie only an efficiency , or the Interest of an Efficient cause . And thus some Divines do seem to take it , when they say that we are justified by faith in Christs blood and Righteousness , and not by faith in him as a Teacher or a Lord : which occasioneth the Papists to say our difference is wider then indeed it is : For the word [ By ] hath an ambiguity and in their sence , we yield their Negative though not their Affirmative , in the last-mentioned conclusion . Secondly , Sometime the word [ By ] is used to signifie a Conditionality , or the Interest of a condition only in special . And thus we take it when we explain our selves in what manner it is that we are justified by faith , and by these questioned acts in particular . And therefore those Protestants that dispute against us who are for the Affirmative , do ( if I understand them ) deny only the propriety of the phrase which we use , but not the thing or sense which we express by it ; for they grant that these acts of faith are Conditions of our Justification , when they have never so much disputed , that we are not justified by them , and so a small syllable of two letters , is much of the matter of their controversie . Thirdly , sometime this word is used to signifie the Interest of any other cause as well as the Efficient , and that either generally , or especially of some one . This Paper is white By the whiteness as the formal cause : we are moved to a godly life By God and salvation as the final cause &c. Fourthly , Sometime the term [ By ] is taken yet more largely ( and fitly enough ) for all or any Means in General , or the interest of any means in the attainment of the End. And so it comprehendeth all Causes , even those Per accidens and Conditions as well as Causes , and all that doth but remove impediments . And in this comprehensive sense we take it here in the Question , though when we come to determine what is the special Interest of faith in Justification , I take it in the second sense . Take notice also , That I purposely here use this phrase [ we are Justified by Believing , or by Faith ] rather than these , [ justifying faith ] or [ Faith doth justifie us . ] And I here foretell you , that if I shall at any time use these last expressions , as led to it by those with whom I deal , it is but in the sense as is hereafter explained . The Reasons why I choose to stick to this phrase , rather then other , are ; First , Because this only is the Scripture phrase , and the other is not found in Scripture ; ( that I remember ) It is never said , that [ Faith doth justifie us ] though it be said that [ we are justified by faith . ] And if any will affirm , that I may use that phrase which is not found in Scripture , he cannot say , I must use it . And in a Controverted case , especially about such Evangelical truths , the safety of adhering to Scripture phrase , and the danger of departing from it is so discernable , ( and specially when men make great use of their unscriptural phrases for the countenancing of their opinions , ) I have the more reason to be cautelous . Secondly , Because the phrases are not alwaies of one and the same signification . The one is more comprehensive then the other , if strictly taken . To be justified by faith ] is a phrase extensive to the Interest of any Medium whatsoever : And there are Media which are not Causes . But when we say that [ Faith doth justifie us ] or call it [ justifying Faith ] we express a Causality , if we take the word strictly . Though this last phrase may signifie the Interest of a bare Condition , yet not so properly and without straining as the former . The Reverend Author of the seond Treatise of Justification , is of the same mind as to the use of the terms ; but he conjectures another reason for the Scripture use , then I shall ever be perswaded of , viz. that it is because Credere is not Agere , but Pati ; to Believe is to Suffer , and not to Act : that it is a Grammatic all Action , but Physically a Passion . Though I think this no truer , then that my brains are made of a looking glass , and my heart of marble ; yet is there somwhat in this Reverend mans opinion , that looks toward the truth afar off . For indeed it intimateth that as to Causality or Efficiency ; faith is not Active in the justifying of a sinner , but is a meer condition or moral disposition , which is necessary to him that will be in the nearest Capacity to be justifyed by God. The last words , [ Believing in his blood ] I use not as the only way that is taken by the Opponents ; but as one instance among divers . For they use to express themselves so variously , as may cause us to think by many ( as we know it of some ) that they take more waies then one in opposing us . First , Some of them say , that the only Act of faith that justifieth , is our believing in Christs blood , or sufferings , or humiliation . Secondly , Others say , That it is the believing in , or apprehending , and resting on his whole Righteousness , even his Obedience as Obedience , to be it self imputed to us . Thirdly , Other Reverend Divines say , that it is the apprehending and resting on his Habitual , as well as Active and Passive Righteousness ; that his Habits may be imputed to us , as our Habitual Righteousness , and his Acts as our active Righteousness ; in both which together we are reputed perfect Fulfillers of the Law ; and his sufferings as our Satisfaction for our breaking the Law. As for those that mention the Imputation of his Divine Righteousness to us , they are so few , and those for the most part suspected of unsoundness , that I will not number it among the Opinions of Protestants . Fourthly , Others say , that the justifying Act of Faith is not the apprehension of Christs Righteousness or Ransome ; but of his Person , and that only as he is Priest , and not as Prophet or King. Fifthly , Others think that it is the apprehension of Christs person , but not in his intire Priestly office ; for he performeth some Acts of his Priestly office for us ( Intercession ) after we are justified : Therefore it is his Person only as the Satisfier of justice , and Meritor of Life , which they make the adequate Object of the justifying Act of Faith. Sixthly , Others say , that it is both his Person and his satisfaction , Merit , Righteousness yet , Pardon and justification it self , that is the adequate Object : By which they must needs grant that it is not one only single Act , but many . Seventhly . One Reverend man that 's now with God ( Bishop Vsher ) understanding that I was engaged in this Controversie , did of his own accord acquaint me with his Judgement , as tending to reconciliation : And because I never heard any other of the same mind , and it hath a considerable aspect ; I shall briefly and truly report it as he expressed it . He told me , that there are two Acts ( or sort of Acts ) of Faith. By the first we receive the Person of Christ as a woman in Marriage doth first receive the Person of her Husband . This is our Implantation into Christ the true Vine , and gives us that Union with him , which must go before Communion and Communication of his Graces , and so before justification . The second of Faiths Acts are those that apprehend the Benefits which he offereth ; Of which Justification is one and this is strictly the Justifying Act of Faith , and followeth the former . So that ( said he ) it is true that the first Act which apprehendeth Christs person doth take him as King , Priest , and Prophet , as Head and Husband that we may be united to him : but the following acts which Receive his Benefits do not so , but are suited to the several benefits . ] The opinion is subtile , and I perceived by his Readiness in it , that it was one of his old studied points , and that he had been long of that mind ; my answer to him was this : [ You much confirm me in what I have received : for you grant the principal thing that I desire ; but you add something more which I cannot fully close with , but shall plainly tell you what are my apprehensions of it . First , You grant that the act of faith by which we are united to Christ , and which goes first , is the Believing in , or Receiving whole Christ as Priest , Prophet , and King. This will do all that I desire . Secondly , You add , that another act , even the Receiving of his Righteousness is after necessary , that we may be justified Your reason seems to be drawn from the difference of the effects : Union goes before Justification , therefore the uniting act goes before the justifying act . This is it that I deny ; My Reasons are these . First , Scripture distinguisheth between our Union with Christ and our Justification : but no where between the uniting and justifying acts of faith . Secondly , The nature of the thing requireth it not , because faith justifies not by a Physical causality , as fire warmeth me ; but by the moral interest of a condition : and the same act may be the Condition of divers benefits . Thirdly , Scripture hath express , made the Receiving of the person in his Relations to be the Condition of the participation of his benefits : [ As many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of God ; John 1.12 . whoever believeth in him shall not perish , but , &c. believe in the Lord Jesus , and thou shalt be saved , &c. ] Fourthly , Your own Similitude cleareth what I say : Though the wife have not possession of all that is her husbands as soon as she is married ; yet she hath Right to all that is her part , and possession of the benefits meerly Relative , which consist but in a Right . The accepting his person in marriage is the condition to be by her performed to instate her in his Honours so far as she must partake of them . When she is made a wife by that Consent , there needs not any other act before she can be noble , honourable , a Lady , a Queen , &c : For the former was the full condition of the first possession of this benefit ; and the benefit immediately resulteth from the Union . Fifthly , I conceive that these two acts which you mention are but one moral work ( though divers Physical acts ) and to be done without any interposition of time , before we can have Christ for Union or Justification . For the end is Essential to Relations : and he that receives Christ , must take him to some end and use : and that must be to Justifie , Reconcile and save him ; to bring him to God that he may be blessed in him . He that doth not receive Christ to these ends , receiveth not Christ as Christ , and therefore cannot be united to him : and he that doth thus receive him , doth both those acts in one which you require . Sixthly , And the case is much different between Physical and Relative benefits : For its true , that when we are united to Christ , we may have after need of renewed acts of faith to actuate the Graces of the Spirit Inherent in us ; For here Right is one thing , and Possession is another : But the Relation of Sonship , Justification , &c. are benefits that arise from the promise or free Gift by a meer resultancy to all that are united to Christ ; and whoever hath present Right to them , even thereby hath possession of them , so that this answereth your Reason . For there is no such distance of time between our Union with Christ and Justification , as that any acts of our own must interpose ; but they are in eodem instanti , and differ only in order of nature . In sum , we prove a promise of pardon to all that receive Christ himself , and believe in him : If any will affirm the necessity of any other act before we can be justified , it is incumbent on them to prove it . This was the substance of my Answer , to which the Reverend Bishop said no more ; whether satisfied or not , I cannot tell : But I thought meet to recite his Judgement , both because it comes so neer the matter , and because I know not of any other that saith the same or so much of seeming strength against us . Against all these seven particular Opinions , I am now to defend the Thesis ; when I have first told you , in certain distinctions and propositions , how much I grant , and what I deny ; which I shall in short dispatch . And here I need but to rehearse what I have said already to Mr. Blake , pag. 3.4 . or to give you some short account of my thoughts to the same purpose . First , We must not confound Justification by Constitution or Guift , and justification by the Sentence of the Judge , and the Execution of that sentence , which are three distinct things . Secondly , We must not confound Justification with the assurance or feeling of Justification . Thirdly , We must distinguish between our first Justification from a state of sin , and our daily Justification from particular Acts of sin . Fourthly , Between that which is necessary on Christs part , and that which is necessary on our part to our Justification . Fifthly , Between Christs purchasing our Justification , and his actual justifying of us . Sixthly , Between these two senses of the phrase [ justified by Fatih ] viz. as by an efficient Cause , or as a meer Condition . Seventhly , Between the Causality of faith in the Physical effects of sanctification on the soul , and its conducing to the efficacy of the Promise in our Justification . Proposition 1. Ex parte Christi , We easily grant that it is not his Teaching , or Ruling us , but his Ransome and Obedience that are the Meritorious cause of our Justification and Salvation . Proposition 2. Therefore if Christ did justifie us per modum objecti aprehensi in the nearest sense , as the Belief of sacred Truths doth make a Qualitative impression on the soul in our Sanctification , and the exciting and acting , of our Graces then I should confess that it is only that Act of Faith which is the apprehension of this Object , that doth help us directly to the benefit of the Object . Proposition 3. But it is not so : For the Object justifieth us causally by way of Merit and Moral procurement , and the benefit of that Merit is partly the Promise conveying to us Justification , and partly Justification conveyed by that Promise ( not to speak now of other benefits ) and the Promise conveyeth Justification by Moral Donation as a deed of Gift , or a Pardon to a Traytor : Therefore the Gift flowing purely from the Will of the Giver , and the Promise or deed of Gift being the Immediate Instrumental efficient Cause of it , as it is signum voluntatis Donatoris , our Belief or Apprehension qua talis cannot justifie us , nor have any nearer or higher interest in our Justification , then to be the Condition of it , as it is a free Gift . And therefore the Condition must be judged of by the will of the Donor expressed in his Promise , and not immediately by the conceits of men concerning its natural agreeableness to the Object in this or that respect . Proposition 4. Yea , Even ex parte Christi , though he Merit Justification by his Ransome and Obedience , yet he actually justifieth us as King of his Church , and that in regard of all the three sorts or parts of Justification . He giveth it constitutively by his Promise , as Lord and Legislator and Benefactor , on these terms of Grace . He sentenceth us Just , as our Judg ; and he executeth that sentence as a Just Judge , governing according to his Laws . So that if Faith did justifie ex natura rei , which they call its Instrumentality , I see not yet but that the apprehension of Christ as Lord and Judge must justifie us , because the Object apprehended doth thus justifie us . Proposition 5. I easily grant that in our Sanctification or the exciting and exercise of our Graces , the case standeth as the Opponents apprehend it to do in Justification . This Interest of the Act must be judged of by the Object apprehended . For it is not the Belief of a Promise that feareth us , but of a Threatning ; nor the Belief of a Threatning that Comforteth us , but of a Promise . For here the Object worketh immediately on our minds , per modum objecti apprehensi : But in Justification it is not so , where God is the Agent as a Donor , and there can be nothing done by us , but in order to make us fit Subjects ; and the change is not Qualitative by an Object as such , but Relative by a Fundamentum which is without us in the Gospel , and nothing within us but a qualifying Condition , without which it will not be done . Proposition 6. Accordingly I easily grant , that the Sense , or Assurance of Justification in our Consciences is wrought by the Object as an Object : Because this Assurance is a part of our Sanctification . But that Object is not directly Christs Ransome , but the Promise through his blood , and our own Faith which is the condition of that Promise . Proposition 7. I easily grant that Faith in Christ as Lord or Teacher of the Church , is not the Instrumental efficient Cause of our Justification : They need not therefore contend against me in this . But withall I say , that faith in his Priest-hood is not the Instrumental efficient Cause neither ; though I allow it to have a nearer Physical Relation to the Ransome which meriteth our Justification . Proposition 8. Though there is a greater shew of Reason to assert the Interest of the single Belief in Christs Priest-hood , for a particular Pardon , then for our first general Pardon ; yet indeed it is but a shew , even there also . For it is not only the applying our selves to his blood or Ransome , but it is also the applying our selves to whole Christ , to make up the whole breach , that is the Condition of our particular Pardon , ( so far as a particular Act of saith is a Condition ) which though it be not a Receiving Christ for Union with him , as we did in the beginning , yet is it a receiving him ad hoc et secundum quid ; and a renewed Consent to his whole Office , and adhesion to him as our special , remedy for recovery from that fall , by freeing us both from the guilt and stain of Sin. Proposition 9. It is undoubtedly the duty of every Sinner , in the sense of his guilt and misery , to fly to the Ransome of Christs blood and the Merit of his Obedience , as the satisfaction to Gods Justice , and the Purchaser of our Justification . And he that doth not this , how willing soever he may seem to learn of Christ as a Master , or to be ruled by him , yet cannot be justified or saved by him . Proposition 10. I easily grant that Faith qud Christum Prophetam et Dominum recipit , doth not justifie ; but only fides quâ Christum Prophetam & Dominum recipit , & quâ est promissionis Conditio praestita . But then I say the same also of Faith in Christ as Priest , or in his Righteousness . Having explained my meaning in these ten Propositions , for preventing of Objections that concern not the Controversie , but run upon mistakes , I shall now proceed to prove the Thesis , which is this . Thesis . We are justified by God , by our Believing in Christ as Teacher and Lord , and not only by Believing in his blood or Righteousness . Argument 1. My first Argument shall be from the Concession of those that we dispute with . They commonly grant us the point contended for : Therefore we may take it for granted by them . If you say , What need you then dispute the point , if they deny it not whom you dispute with ? I Answer , some of them grant it , and understand not that they grant it us , because they understand not the sense of our Assertion . And some of them understand that they grant it in our sense , but yet deny it in another sense of their own ; and so make it a strife about a syllable . But I shall prove the Concession , left some yet discern it not . If it be granted us , that Believing in Jesus Christ as Lord and Teacher , is a real part of the Condition of our Justification then is it granted us , that by this believing in him we are justified as by a Condition ( which is our sense , and all that we assert ) But the former is true : Therefore so is the later . For the proof of the Antecedent ( which is all ) First , Try whether you can meet with any Divine that dare deny it , who believeth that Faith is the Condition of the Covenant . Secondly , And I am sure their writings do ordinarily confess it . Their Doctrine that oppose us , is , That Faith is both a Condition and an Instrument : but other Acts , as Repentance , &c. may be Conditions , but not Instruments . And those that have waded so far into this Controversie , seem to joyne these other Acts of Faith with the Conditions , but not with the Instrument . Thirdly , They expresly make it antecedent to our Justification , as of moral necessity , ex constitutione permittentis ; and say it is the Fides quae justificat : which is the thing desired , if there be any sense in the words . Fourthly , They cannot deny to Faith in Christ , as Lord and Teacher , that which they commonly give to Repentance , and most of them to many other Acts. But to be a Condition ( or part of the Condition ) of Justification is commonly by them ascribed to Repentance ; therefore they cannot deny it to these acts of faith . So that you see I may fairly here break off , and take the Thesis pro Concessa , as to the sense . Nothing more can be said by them , but against our phrase whether it be proper to say that we are justified By that which is but a bare Condition of our Justification , which if any will deny : First , We shall prove it by the consent of the world , that apply the word [ By ] to any Medium : And Dr. Twiss that told them ( contr . Corvinum ) over and over that a condition is a Medium , though it be not a cause ; and I think none will deny it . Secondly , by the consent of many Texts of Scripture : But this must be referred to another Disputation , to which it doth belong , viz. about the Instrumentality of faith in justifying us , which , God willing , I intend also to perform . Argument 2. The usual language of the Scripture , is , that we are justified by faith in Christ , or by believing in him , without any exclusions of any essential part of that faith . But faith in Christ doth essentially contain our believing in him as Teacher , Priest , and King , or Lord : therefore by believing in him as Teacher , Priest and Lord , we are justified . The Major is past the denial of Christians , as to the first part of it . And for the second part , the whole cause lyeth on it ; For the Minor also is past all controversie . For if it be essential to Christ as Christ to be God and man , the Redeemer , Teacher , Priest and Lord : then it is essential to faith in Christ ( by which we are justified ) to believe in him as God and man , the Redeemer , Teacher , Priest and Lord. But the Antecedent is most certain : therefore so is the Consequent . The reason of the Consequence , is , because the act here is specified from its Object . All this is past further question . All the Question therefore is Whether Scripture do any where expound it self , by excluding the other essential parts of faith , from being those acts by which we are justified ? and have limited our justification to any one act ? This lyeth on the Affirmers to prove . So that you must note , that it is enough for me to prove that we are justified by faith in Christ Jesus : for this Includeth all the essential acts ; till they shall prove on the contrary , that it is but secundum quid , and that God hath excluded all other essential acts of faith save that which they assert : The proof therefore is on their part , and not on mine . And I shall try anon how well they prove it . In the mean time , let us see what way the Scripture goeth , and observe that every Text by way of Authority , doth afford us a several Argument , unless they prove the exclusion . First , Mark 16.15 , 16 , 17. [ Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to every Creature : he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ; and he that believeth not shall be damned : and these signs shall follow them that believe , &c. ] Here the faith mentioned , is the believing of the Gospel , and the same with our becoming Christians : and therefore not confined to one part or act of saving saith . That Gospel which must be preached to all the world , is it that is received by the faith here mentioned ; But that Gospel doth essentially contain more then the doctrine of Christs Priesthood : therefore so doth that faith . Object . It is not Justification but Salvation that is there promised . Answ . It is that Salvation whereof Justification is a part : It is such a Salvation as all have right to as soon as ever they believe and are baptized , which comprehendeth Justification : And the Scripture here and everywhere doth make the same faith without the least distinction , to be the condition of Justification and of our Title to Glorification : and never parcels out the several effects to several acts of faith ; except only in those Qualities or Acts of the soul which faith is to produce as an efficient cause . To be justified by faith or Grace , and to be saved by faith or Grace , are promiscuously spoken as of the same faith or Grace . Secondly , John 3.15 , 16 , 18. He that believeth in him shall not perish , but have everlasting life . ] [ He that believeth on him is not condemned . ] Not to be condemned , is to be justified . Condemnation and Justification are opposed in Scripture , Rom. 8 , 33 , 4. Here therefore a saving faith and a justifying are made all one . And it is [ Believing in Christ ] without exclusion of any essential part , that is this faith ; It is [ Believing in the Name of the only begotten Son of God. ] ver . 18. which is more then to believe his Ransom . Thirdly , John 3.35 , 36. The Father loveth the Son , and hath given all things into his hand , he that believeth on the Son , hath everlasting life ; and he that believeth not the son , shall not see life , but the wrath of God abideth on him . ] To have Gods wrath abide on him to be unjustified . And the unbelievers opposed to the Believers before mentioned , are such as [ Believe not the son : ] which phrase cannot possibly be limited to the affiance in his blood : It is the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] often translated Disobedient : signifying , saith Willet , both unbelieving and disobedient , but rather Disobedient , properly it is unperswadable . But of this more anon . And the faith here mentioned is [ Believing on the son ] entirely , without exclusion of any essential acts ; nay expresly including the act in question , by shewing that it is faith in Christ as Lord , into [ whose hands the Father hath given all things ] as the connexion of these words to the foregoing doth manifest . Fourthly , Rom. 1.16 , 17 , 18. I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ , for it is the power of God to salvation to every one that believeth — for therein is the Righteousness of God revealed from faith to faith , as it is written , the just shall live by faith . ] where saving and justifying faith is made the same , and that is to be a believer of the Gospel , or in Christ , without limitation to any one essential part of it . Fifthly , Rom. 3.22 . [ Even the Righteousness of God , which is by faith of Jesus Christ , unto all , and upon all them that believe . ] Here it is faith in Jesus Christ by which we are justified , which therefore includeth all that is essential to it . Object . Vers . 25. It is said to be by faith in his blood . Answ . 1. But there is not a syllable confining it to faith in his blood alone . It saith not , ( by faith only in his blood ) Secondly , The ordinary course of Scripture is to call it by that name ( faith in Jesus Christ ) which comprehendeth all that 's essential to it . But sometime upon special occasions , it s denominated from some one notable act or part . And that is , when it is the scope of the text , to denote more the distinct Interest of that part of Christs Office which is related to that act of faith , then any sole Interest of that act of faith it self . And so the Apostle here mentioneth faith in his blood as a special act , because he now draweth them especially to observe that blood which is the Object of it ; and in other places he instanceth in other acts of faith ; but commonly speaks of it entirely . And I think the Opponents will grant that as ( only ) is not here expressed , so neither is it implyed : for then it would exclude also , faith in the rest of his satisfactory Humiliation , or at least , in his active Righteousness , if not in his Person or Relation : of which more anon . So vers . 18.30 , 31. It s called ( faith ) entirely , or without restriction by which we are justified ; and therefore none of the essentials are excluded . But it would be too tedious to recite the particular Texts : It s known , that [ by faith ] and [ by believing ] in Christ , without exclusion or limitation , is the common please of Scripture , when it speaks how we are justified : as many further be seen , Rom. 5.1 , 2. & 9.32 . Gal. 2.16 . ( we are justified by the faith of Jesus Christ , and by believing in Jesus Christ , as opposed to the works of the Law ; but not by faith in his Priesthood , or Ransom , as opposed to faith in him as our Lord and Teacher ) Gal. 3.11 , 24 , 25 , 26. & 5.5.6 . Eph 2.8 , 9. & 3.12 , 17. Phil. 3.9 . Rom. 9.30 . Heb. 11. throughout , John 6 35 , 40 , 47. Acts 10.42 , 43. Rom. 10 10. Acts 23.39 . From these and many the like I argue thus . The Scripture doth ascribe our Justification to faith ; and doth not limit it to any one part of faith excluding the rest : Believing in Jesus Christ as Redeemer , Prophet , Priest and King , is essentially this faith . Ergo , &c. If the Scripture speaks of faith essentially , not limiting it ad partem fidei , then so must we : But the Scripture doth so ; Ergo ' &c. It is nowhere more necessary then in such cases this to hold to the Rule , of not distinguishing ubi lex non distinguit . First , Because it is an adding to the doctrine of Christ in a point of weight . Secondly , Because it savoureth of a presumptuous detraction from the Condition Imposed by Christ himself . If a Prince do make a General act of Oblivion , pardoning all Rebels that will enter into Covenant with him , wherein they consent to Accept his pardon , and take him for their Soveraign Lord ; He that shall now say , that Returning to his Allegiance , or consenting to the Princes Soveraignty , is no part of the Condition of the Traytors pardon , but that they are pardoned only by accepting of a pardon , and not by the other act , will certainly be guilty of adding to the act of his Prince , and of detracting from the condition by him required ; and so is it in our present case . If God speak of any thing essentially , we must not presume without sufficient proof of the restriction , to expound it only de parte essentiali . If he invite a Guest to his marriage feast , he means not the mans head only , or his heart only : for neither of these is the man. If he require a lamb in sacrifice , we must not expound it of the head only , or heart only of a Lamb. To this Argument ( briefly in my Apology ) Mr. Blake ( having first excepted at the newness of the phrase [ Lord-Redeemer ] doth answer thus [ I say , Christ is to be received as the Lord our Redeemer , and as our Master or Teacher ; but faith in Justification eyes Redemption , not Dominion . ] Repl. First , The Phrase [ Faith in Justification ] is as unacceptable to me , as [ Lord-Redeemer ] is to you : not only for the Novelty , but the ambiguity , if not the false Doctrine which it doth import . First , If the meaning be [ Faith as it is the Condition of our Justification , ] then its contrary to your own Concession after , that this should eye Christs Priest-hood only ; and it s an untruth , which you utterly fail in the proof , or do nothing to it . Secondly , If you mean [ Faith in its effecting of our Justification , ] then it importeth another mistake , which you have not proved , viz. that faith doth effect our Justification . If you mean [ Faith in Receiving Justification ] either you mean the proper Passive Receiving , and this is but Justificari , and the man Receiveth it as the Subject , and his faith is but a Condition , or means of it : Or you mean the Moral active Metaphorical Receiving ; which is nothing but Consenting that it shall be ours ; or accepting : And this is neither part of Justification , nor proper Cause ; but a Condition , and but part of the Condition : And therefore here your meaning must be one of these two , Either That Act of Faith which is the accepting of Justification , is not the ●ying of Dominion : To which I reply , First , taking it largely as a moral Act , it s not true ; for its comprehensive of both , of which more anon : but taking it strictly as one Physical Act , its true : Secondly , But then it s nothing to the purpose : For we are not more truly justifyed by that Act which is the accepting of Justification , or Consenting to be justified , then we are by the Accepting of Christ for our Lord and Master ; the reason of which , you have had before , and shall have more fully anon ; or else you mean as before expressed , That Act of Faith which is our Consenting to Justification , is the whole Condition of our Justification , and not the eying of Dominion ; But of that before . If I may Judge by your Doctrine elsewhere expressed , you mean only That the act of Faith which accepteth of Justification , is the only Instrument of Justification ; of which in its due place : It may here suffice to say again , that I affirm not that in question to the be Instrument of it . Be not offended that I enquire into the sense of your ambiguous phrase , which I truly profess , is to me not intelligible , till you have explained in what sense it is that you intend it ; and therefore my enquiry is not needless . Ar. 3. If the Scripture doth ( not only by the specificke Denomination , as was last proved , but also ) by description , and mentioning those very acts , include the believing in Christ as our Lord and Teacher , &c. in that faith by which as a Condition , we are justified ; then we are justified by believing in Christ as our Lord and Teacher , &c. not only as a sacrifice or Meriter of Justification . But the Antetedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . I prove the Antecedent by many Texts . Rom. 10 4 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. For Christ is the end of the Law for Righteousness to every one that believeth . — But the Righteousness which is of faith speaketh on this wise : Say not in thy heart , Who shall ascend into Heaven ? that is to bring Christ down from above : or who shall descend into the deep ? that is to bring up Christ again from the dead : But what saith it ? The word is nigh thee , even in thy mouth , and in thy heart , that is the word of faith which we preach , that if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus , and shalt believe in thy heart that God raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved ; for with the heart man believeth unto Righteousness , and with the mouth confession is made unto Salvation . ] Here it is evident , that it is a Believing unto Righteousness that is mentioned , and therefore it is the Believing by which we are justified . And then it is evident that the faith here called [ a believing unto Righteousness ] is the believing in the Lord Jesus ; expresly Christ as Lord and Saviour , is made the Object of it ; and is not confined to a believing in one part of his Priesthood only . Also [ that God raised Christ from the dead ] is the expressed object of this faith . And the Resurrection of Christ is no part of his sacrifice or meer Priestly Office. Rom. 4.24 , 25. [ But for us also , to whom it shall be imputed , if we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead . ] Here it is evident that it is Justification it self that is the Benefit spoken of , even the Imputing of Righteousness : And that faith here is mentioned as the Condition of that Imputation [ If we believe ] And that this faith is described to be first a believing in him that raised Christ , and not only in Christ . Secondly , A believing in Christ Jesus our Lord , who is the express object of it ; and so his Lordship taken in ; and thirdly , a believing in his Resurrection , and not only in his blood or obedience . So that I see no room left to encourage any doubting , whether we are justified by believing in Christ as Lord , and in his Resurrection , and in God that raised him , as the Condition of our Justification . John 1.9 , 11 , 12. [ That was the true light that lighteth every man that cometh into the world . — He came to his own , and his own received him not : But as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of God , to them that believe in his Name . ] Here it is manifest , First , that it is the faith by which we are justified that is spoken of ; for its commonly agreed that Justification is here included in Adoption , or at least that its the same act of faith by which we are adopted and justified . Secondly , Also that the object of this faith is Christ as the Light , which is not his meer Priesthood . Thirdly , And that it is his person in his full office , and not some single benefit . Fourthly , that it is called [ his Name ] and [ Believing in his Name ] is more then consenting to be justified by his blood ; and in Scripture-sense comprehendeth his Nature and Office : and is all one as taking him as the true Messiah , and becoming his Disciples : Fifthly , And it s much to be Noted , that it is not by way of Physical efficacy by apprehension ( as I take Gold in my hand , and so receive possession of it ) that faith hath its nearest Interest in our Adoption : but it qualifieth the subject dispositively in the sight of God , and so God gives men Power thereupon to become his sons . So the forecited words , Iohn 3.31 , 35 , 36. Where Life is given on Condition that we believe on the Son ; and that is expressed as the object of that faith , as he is one that [ Cometh from Heaven , and is above all , and whom the Father loveth , and hath given all things into his hands . ] And so Iohn 5.22 23 , 24. [ He hath committed all judgement to the son , that all men should honour the Son , even as they honor the Father ; Verily , verily , I say unto you , he that heareth my word and believeth on him that sent me , hath everlasting life , and shall not come into Condemnation ] Here the faith mentioned is that which freeth men from Condemnation , and therefore is it by which we are Iustified : And the object of it is the Word of Christ ( and therefore not only his Priesthood ) and the Father as sending the Son , even to his whole office of Redemption . Moreover , that faith by which our Justification is continued , it is begun by this ( both they and we are agreed in , though some yield not that any thing more is required to its continuance . ) But the faith by which Justification is continued , is the Belief of the Gospel , which is preached to every Creature and not only one branch of it . Col. 1.21 , 22 , 23. And it is called , Col. 2.6 . a Receiving Christ Iesus the Lord. John 20.31 . These things are written , that ye might believe that Iesus is the Christ , the son of God and that believing ye might have life through his Name : ] That faith by which we have life , is certainly it by which we are justified : for as Justification is part of that life , so Right to Eternal life is given on the same terms as Justification is . And the object of this faith here is , Christ in Person and entire Office , the son of God by whose Name we have life . Acts 2.30 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38. [ Knowing that God had sworn with an Oath to him , that of the fruit of his loynes according to the flesh , he would raise up Christ , to sit upon his Throne , he seeing this before spake of the Resurrection of Christ , that his soul was not left in his Hell , neither his flesh did see Corruption : This Iesus hath God raised up , whereof we are all witnesses ; therefore being by the right hand of God exalted — therefore let all the house of Israel know assuredly that God hath made this same Iesus whom ye have Crucified , both Lord and Christ . Now when they heard this — Then Peter said unto them , Repent and be baptized every one of you in the Name of Iesus Christ , for the Remission of sins — . ] Here it is evident that Remission of sins is a Benefit that by this faith they were to be made partakers of ; and so that it is the faith by which we are justified , that they are Invited to : And that the Object of this faith implyed in the terms , Repent and be baptized , &c. is the Name of Jesus Christ , and that eminently in his exaltation , as Risen , and set at the Right hand of God , and as Lord and Christ . So Acts 3.19.22.15 . Repent therefore and be Converted , that your sins may be blotted out — For Moses truly said , A Prophet shall the Lord your God raise up — . ] Here the Jews are accused for killing the Prince of life , vers . 15. and exhorted to Repent thereof , and so of their Infidelity , and be converted ( to Christ , and so to become Christians , ) which is more then one act of faith ; and this was that their sins may be blotted out : And Christ as Prophet is propounded to them as the object of this faith , which they are exhorted to . So Act , 10.42 , 43. with 36 , 37 , 38 , 40 , 41. [ And he commanded us to preach unto the people , and to testifie that it is he that is ordained of God to be the Judge of quick and dead ; to him give all the Prophets witness , that through his name , whosoever believeth in him shall receive Remission of sins . ] Here the faith is described which hath the Promise of Remission . And the Object of it is at large set out to be Jesus Christ as Lord of all , ver . 36. as anointed with the Holy Ghost and with power , raised from the dead , and made the Judge of the quick and the dead ; and it is called entirely a Believing in him , and the Remission is through his name . Act. 16.31 . The faith of the Jaylor as perswaded to for life ▪ is the believing in the Lord Jesus Christ entirely : and it s called a Believing in God , ver . 34. 1 Pet. 2.4 , 5 , 6 , 7. The faith there mentioned is that By which we are justified ; he that believeth on him shall not be confounded ; and the Object of it is , whole Christ as the Corner stone , Elect and Precious . ] John 5.10 , 11 , 12. [ The faith there mentioned , is that by which we have Christ and Life ] : And the Object of it is , [ the Son of God ] and [ God ] and [ the record that God gave of his Son ] even [ that God hath given us eternal Life , and this life is in his Son. ] Mat. 11.27 , 28 , 29. The faith there mentioned , is called [ a comming to Christ weary and heavy laden , that he may give them rest , ] which must comprehend Rest from the Guilt of sin and punishment . And the Act of that Faith is directed to Christ as one to whom all Power is given by the Father , and as one whose yoak and burden we must take upon us . But I shall add no more for this . To this last Mr. Blake saith , pag. 504. This Text shows the Duty of men to be , not alone to such rest and ease from Christ , but to learn of Christ and follow him : But neither their learning nor their imitation , but faith in his blood , is their freedom or Justification . Repl. Properly neither one act of faith nor other is our Justification . Faith is a Quality in the Habit , and an act in the exercise : and Justification is a Relation . Faith is a part of our Sanctification ; Therefore it is not our Justification . But supposing you speak Metonymically , I say both acts of faith are our Justification , that is , the Condition of it . And the Text proves it , by making our Subjection not only a Duty , but an express Condition of the Promise . And this Conditionality you here before and after do confess or grant . Argument 4. If we are justified by Christ as Priest , Prophet and King conjunctly , and not by any of these alone , much less by his Humiliation and Obedience alone ; then according to the Opponents own Principles ( who argue from the distinct Interest of the several parts of the Object , to the distinct Interest of the several acts of faith ) we are justified by believing in Christ as Priest , Prophet and King , and not as Humble and Obedient only . But we are justified by Christ as Priest , Prophet and King , &c. Ergo , &c. The Consequence is their own . And the Antecedent I shall prove from several texts of Scripture , and from the nature of the thing , beginning with the last . And first it is to be supposed , That we are all agreed that the blood and Humiliation of Jesus Christ , are the Ransome and Price that satisfieth the Justice of God for our sins , and accordingly must be apprehended by the Believer : And many of us agree also , that his Active obedience as such , is part of this satisfaction , or at least , Meritorious of the same effect of our Justification . But the thing that I am to prove , is , that the Meritorious Cause is not the only Cause and that Christ in his other actions , is as truly the efficient Cause , as in his meriting , and that all do sweetly and harmoniously concur to the entire effect ; and that faith must have respect to the other causes of our Justification , and not alone to the Meritorious Cause , and that we are Justified by this entire work of Faith , and not only by that Act which respects the satisfaction or merit . And first , I shall prove that Christ doth actually justifie us as King. The word Justification , as I have often said ( and it s past doubt ) is used to signifie these three Acts. First , Condonation , or constitutive Justification , by the Law of Grace or Promise of the Gospel . Secondly , Absolution by sentence in Judgement . Thirdly , The Execution of the former , by actuall Liberation from penalty . The last is oftener call'd Remission of sin ; the two former are more properly called Justification . First , As for the first of these , I argue this : If Christ do as King and Benefactor , ( on supposition of his antecedent Merits , ) Enact the Law of Grace or promise by which we are justified , then doth he as King and Benefactor justifie us by Condonation , or constitution . For the Promise is his Instrument by which he doth it . But the Antecedent is certain , therefore so is the Consequent . As the Father by Right of Creation was Rector of the new created world , and so made the Covenant of Life that was then made : so the Son ( and the Father ) by Right of Redemption is Rector of the new Redeemed world , and so made the Law of Grace , that gives Christ and Life to all that will believe . As it is a Law , it is the Act of a King : As it is a Deed of Gift , it is the Act of a Benefactor : as it is founded in his death , and supposeth his satisfaction , thereby it is called his Testament . In no respect is it part of his satisfaction or Humiliation or Merit itself , but the true effect of it . So that Christs merit is the Remote Moral Cause of our Justification , but his granting of this promise or Act of Grace , is the true natural efficient Instrumental Cause of our Justification , even the Immediate Cause . Secondly , Justification by sentence of Judgement is undeniably by Christ as King : For God hath appointed to Judge the World by him . Act. 17.31 . and hath committed all Judgement to him , John 5.22 . And therefore as Judge he doth justifie and Condemn . This is not therefore any part of his Humiliation or Obedience , by which he ransometh sinners from the Curse . To deny these things , is to deny Principles in Politicks . Thirdly , And then for the Execution of the sentence by actual liberation , there is as little room for a doubt , this being after both the former , and the act of a Rector , and not of a Surety in the form of a servant . So that it is apparent , that as the Merit of our Justification is by Christ in his Humiliation ; So our actual Justification in all three senses is by Christ as King. And therefore Faith in order to Justification , must accordingly respect him . Secondly , As the Teacher of the Church ; Christ doth not immediately justifie , but yet mediately he doth , and it is but mediately that he justifieth by his Merits . The Gospel is a Law that must be promulgate and expounded , and a Doctrine that must be taught and pressed on sinners , till they receive it and believe , that they may be justified : And this Christ doth as the Teacher of his Church . And Faith must accordingly respect him . Thirdly , The Resurrection of Jesus Christ was part of his exaltation by Power and Conquest , and not of his Humiliation ; and yet we are justified by his Resurrection , as that which both shewed the perfection of his satisfaction , & by which he entred upon that state of Glory , in which he was to apply the benefits . Fourthly , The Intercession of Christ is a part of his office , as he is a Priest for ever after the order of Melchizedeck : but it is no part of his Humiliation or Ransome . And yet we are justified by his Intercession : And therefore Faith must respct it for Justification . Let us now hear what The Scripture saith in these cases , Mattthew 9.6 . [ But that you may know that the Son of man hath Power on earth to forgive sins , &c. ] Here it is plainly made an Act of Power and not of Humiliation , to forgive sins . Mat. 11.27 , 28 , 29. All things are delivered unto me of my Father , &c. Come to me all ye that are weary , &c. so Mat. 28.18 , 19. compared with Mark 16.15 , 16. shew that it is an act of Christ exalted or in Power , to pardon , or grant the promise of Grace . John 1.12 . To give power to men to become the Sons of God , must be an act of Power . John 5.22 , 23 , 24. it is express of the sentence . Acts 5.31 ▪ [ Him hath God exalted to be a Prince and a Saviour , for to give Repentance to Israel and forgiveness of sins . ] He forgiveth as a Prince and Saviour . Act. 10.42 , 43. he is preached as the Judge of quick and dead , and so made the Object of the faith , by which we have Remission of sins . Rom. 4.25 . [ Who was delivered for our offences , and raised for our justification . ] And this Resurrection ( as is said ) was part of his Exaltation . And the Apostle thence concludes ( as is aforesaid ) that this is the faith that is Imputed to us for Righteousness [ If we believe in him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead . ] vers . 26. Rom. 8.33 , 34. [ Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods Elect ? it is God that justifieth : who is he that condemneth ? it is Christ that died , yea rather that is risen again , who is even at the right hand of God , who also maketh intercession for us . ] Here God , and the Resurrection , and Session at Gods right hand , and the intercession of Christ , are all made the grounds or causes of our Justification , and not only Christs death ; Yea , it is exprest by [ it is Christ that died , yea rather that is risen , &c. ] 1 Cor. 15.1 , 2.3 , 4. The faith by which Paul tells them they were saved , had Christs Resurrection for its object , as well as his dying for our sins . Phil. 3.8.9 , 10. Pauls way of Justification was first to [ win Christ , and be found in him ] and so to have a Righteousness of God by faith in Christ ( whole Christ , ) and not that of the Law : that he might know the power of his Resurrection , &c. The true Nature of this faith is described , 1 Pet. 1.21 . [ Who by him do believe in God that raised him from the dead , and gave him Glory , that your Faith and Hope may be in God. ] 1 Pet. 3.21 . [ The like Figure whereunto even Baptism , doth now also save us — by the Resurrection of Jesus Christ , who is gone into Heaven , and is on the right hand of God ; Angels and Authorities , and Powers , being made subject to him . ] It is certain that the salvation of Baptism consisteth very much in Remission of sin or Justification . In a word , it is most evident in Scripture , that merit and satisfaction are but the moral , remote preparatory Causes of our Justification ( though exceeding eminent , and must be the daily study , and everlasting praise of the Saints ) and that the perfecting nearer efficient causes , were by other acts of Christ ; and that all concurred to accomplish this work . And therefore even ex parte Christi , the work is done by his several acts , though merited by him in his humiliation only . And therefore it is past doubt on their own principles , that faith must respect all , in order to our Justification . And the faith by which we are justified must be that of the Eunuch , Acts 8.37 . that believed with all his heart that Christ was the son of God , and so received him as Christ entirely . Argument 5. If it be a necessary Condition of our being baptized for the Remission of sin , that we profess a belief in more then Christs Humiliation and merits then is it a necessary Condition of our actual Remission of sin , that we really believe in more than Christs Humiliation and Merits : But the Antecedent is certain . For the Prescript , Mat. 28.19 , 20 , and the constantly used form of Baptism , and the Texts even now mentioned , 1 Pet. 3.21 . Act. 8.37 . do all shew it : And I have more fully proved it in my Dispute of Right to Sacraments . And the Consequence is undeniable : And I think all will be granted . Argument 6. If the Apostles of Christ themselves before his death , were justified by believing in him as the son of God , and the Teacher and King of the Church , ( yea perhaps without believing at all in his Death and Ransom thereby ) then the believing in him as the son of God , and Teacher and King , conjunct with believing in his blood , are the faith by which we are now justified . But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . The reason of the Consequence is , because it is utterly improbable that the addition of further light and objects for our faith , should null the former , and that which was all or so much of their justifying faith , should be now no part of ours . The Antecedent I prove , Matth. 16.21.22 , 23. [ From that time forth began Jesus to shew unto his Disciples , how that he must go unto Jerusalem , and suffer many things of the Elders and chief Priests and Scribes , and be killed , and be raised again the third day : then Peter took him and began to rebuke him , saying , Be it far from thee Lord , this shall not be unto thee ] &c. — John 12.16 . These things understood not his Disciples at the first ; but when Jesus was glorified , then , &c. Luke 28. [ Then he took unto him the twelve , and said unto them ; Behold , we go up to Jerusàlem , and all things that are written by the Prophets concerning the son of man , shall be accomplished : For he shall be delivered to the Gentiles , and shall be mocked and spitefully intreated and spit upon , and they shall scourge him and put him to death , and the third day he shall rise again : And they understood none of these things ; and this saying was hid from them , neither knew they the things which were spoken . ] Luke 24.20 , 21 , 22. [ The chief Priests and Rulers delivered him to be condemned to death , and have crucified him ; but we trusted that it had been be which should have redeemed Israel : and beside all this to day is the third day since these things were done ; and certain women also of our company made us astonished which were early at the Sepulchre — O fools and slow of heart to believe all that the Prophets have spoken ! Ought not Christ to have suffered these things , and to enter into his Glory ? vers . 45. Then opened be their understanding that they might understand the Scripture . ] John 20.9 . [ For as yet they knew not the Scripture that he must rise again from the dead . ] By all this it is plain that the Disciples then believed not Christs death or Resurrection . Yet that they were justified , is apparent in many Texts of Scripture , where Christ pronounceth them clean by the word which he had spoken , John 15.3 . and oft called them blessed , Mat. 5. & 16.17 Luke 6. And he saith that the Father loved them : John 16.27 . They were branches in him the living Vine , and exhorted to abide in him , John 15 5 , 6 , 7. — And that they were Believers is oft exprest , and particularly that they Believed in him as the son of God , and trusted it was he that should redeem Israel : that is by Power , and not by Death : and that they took him for their Master and Teacher , and the King of Israel ; some of them desiring to sit at his right and left hand in his Kingdom , and striving who should be the greatest about him , John. 16.27 . The Father himself loveth you , because ye have loved me , and have believed that I came out from God. ] John 1.49 . [ Nathaniel answered and saith unto him , Rabbi , thou art the son of God : thou art the King of Israel ] Here was the saving faith of the Disciples , Matth. 16.16 . Simon Peter answered and said , Thou art Christ , the son of the living God. ] Object . But was it possible for them to be justified without the blood of Christ ? Answ . No : as to the Fathers acceptance , his blood even then before it was shed , was the meritorious cause of their Justification : But they were justified by it , without the knowledge or belief of it , thought not without faith in Christ as the son of God , the Messiah , the Rabbi , and the King of Israel . Which also shews that faith did not then justifie them in the new Notion of an Instrumental cause apprehending the purchasing cause ; or that the effects of Christs several acts were not diversifyed according to the several acts of faith to those as Objects . I hope all that have Christian Ingenuity will here understand , that I speak not this in the least measure to diminish the excellency or necessity of that act of faith which consisteth in the believing on Christ as crucified , or in his blood and Ransom ! Or that I think it less necessary then the other to us now ▪ because the Disciples then were justified without it . I know the case is much altered ; and that is now of necessity to Justification that was not then . But all that I endeavour is , to shew that we are justified by the other acts of faith , as well as this , because it is not likely that those acts should not be now justifying , in conjunction with this , by which men were then justified without this . Argument 7. If the satisfaction and merits of Christ be the only Objects of the justifying act of faith , then ( according to their own principles ) they must on the same reason , be the only obiects of the sanctifying and saving acts of faith . But the satisfaction and merit of Christ are not the only Objects of the sanctifying and saving acts of faith : therefore not of the justifying . To this Mr. Blake answereth , by finding an Equivocation in the word Merit ; and four terms in the Syllogism ( as in other terms I had expressed it . ) And saith [ We look at Christ for justification as satisfying Iustice , and meriting pardon and remission , not as meriting sanctification . ] Repl. But this is his mis-understanding of plain words The term [ Meritor ] was not equivocal , but the General comprehending both effects : And that which he nakedly affirms , is the thing which the Argument makes against . Here it is supposed as a granted truth , that we can be no more sanctified , then justified without Christs blood and merits : and so the scope of the Argument is this : Christ as a Ransom and a Meritor of sanctification , is not the only object of the sanctifying act of faith : therefore by parity of Reason , Christ as a Ransom and Meritor of Justification , is not the only object of the justifying act of faith . The Antecedent of this Enthymeme or the Minor of the Argument thus explained , is not denied by them . They confess that faith for sanctification doth receive Christ himself not only as the Meritor of it , but as Teacher Lord , King , Head , Husband ; and doth apply his particular promises . But the meriting sanctification by his Blood and Obedience , is no part of Christs Kingly or Prophetical Office , but belongs to his Priesthood , as well as the meriting of justification doth . For Christs sacrifice layes the general Ground-work of all the following benefits , both Justification , Adoption , Sanctification , Glorification : but it doth immediately effect or confer none of them all ; but there are appointed wayes for the collation of each one of them after the Purchase or Ransom . So that if the apprehending of the Ransom which is the general Ground do only justifie ; then the apprehending of the same Ransom as meriting sanctification , should only sanctify . And neither the justifying nor sanctifying acts of faith should respect either Christs following acts of his Priesthood , ( Intercession ) nor yet his Kingly or Prophetical office at all . And therefore as the sanctifying act must respect Christs following applicatory acts , and not the purchase of sanctification only ; so the justifying act ( to speak as they ) must respect Christs following Collation or application , and not only his Purchase of Justification . And then I have that I plead for : because Christ effectively justifies as King. Argument 8. It is the same faith in Habit and Act by which we are Justified , and by which we have right to the spirit of sanctification ( for further degrees ) and Adoption , Glorification , &c. But it is believing in Christ as Prophet , Priest and King , by which we have Right to the spirit of sanctification , to Adoption and Glorification : Therefore it is the believing in Christ as Prophet , Priest and King , by which we are justified . The Minor I suppose will not be denyed ; I am sure it is commonly granted . The Major I prove thus . If the true Christian faith be but one in essence , and one undivided Condition of all these benefits of the Covenant then it is the same by which we are justified , and have Right to the other benefits ( that is , they are given us on that one undivided Condition ▪ But the Antecedent is true : as I prove by parts thus . First , That it is but one in essence ▪ I think will not be denied ; If it be , I prove it , first from Ephes . 4.5 . There is one faith . Secondly , If Christ in the Essentials of a Saviour to be believed in , be but One , then the faith that receiveth him , can be but One : But the former is true : Therefore so is the later . Thirdly , If the belief in Christ as Prophet , as Priest , and as King , be but several Essential parts of the Christian faith , and not several sorts of faith , and no one of them is the true Christian faith it self alone ( no more then a Head or a Heart is a humane body , ) then true faith is but one ( consiisting of its essential parts ) But the Antecedent is undoubted , therefore so is the Consequent . Secondly , And as Faith in Essence is but One faith , so this One faith is but One undivided Condition of the Covenant of Grace , and it is not one part of faith that is the Condition of one benefit , and another part of another , and so the several benefits given on several acts of faith , as several conditions of them : but the entire faith in its Essentials is the condition of each benefit : and therefore every essential part is as well the Condition of one promised benefit , as of another . This I prove : First , In that Scripture doth nowhere thus divide , and make one part of faith the condition of Justification , and another of Adoption , and another of Glorification , &c. and therefore it is not to be done . No man can give the least proof of such a thing from Scripture . It is before proved that its one entire faith that is the Condition . Till they that divide or multiply conditions according to the several benefits and acts of Faith , can prove their division from Scripture , they do nothing . Secondly , we find in Scripture not only Believing in Christ made the One Condition of all benefits ; but the same particular acts or parts of this faith , having several sorts of benefits ascribed to them ( though doubtless but as parts of the whole conditions . ) It s easie , but needless to stay to instance . Thirdly , Otherwise it would follow by parity of reason , that there must as many Conditions of the Covenant as there be benefits to be received by it , to be respected by our faith : which would be apparently absurd . First , Because of the number of Conditions . Secondly , Because of the quality of them . For then not only Justification must have one condition , & Adoption another , and Sanctification another , and Glorification another , and Comfort and Peace of Conscience another , but perhaps several graces must have sveral conditions , and the several blessings for our present life and Relations and Callings , and so how many sorts of Faith should we have as well as justifying faith ? even one faith Adopting , another Glorifying , &c. And ( as to the quality ) it is a groundless conceit that the belief or Acceptance of every particular inferiour mercy should be our title to that particular mercy : For then the covetous would have title to their Riches , because they accept them as from Christ , and the natural man would have this title to his health , and life , and so of the rest : whereas it is clear that it is faith in Christ as Christ , as God and man , King , Priest and Prophet , that is the condition of our Title , even to health , and life , and every bit of bread so far as we have it as heirs of the Promise . The promise is that all things shall work together for good ( not to every one that is willing to have the benefit , but ) to them that love God , Rom. 8.28 . If we seek first the Kingdom of God and his Righteousness , ( not righteousness alone , much less pardon alone ) other things shall be added , Matth. 6.33 . Fourthly , If the Receiving of Christ as Christ , essentially , be that upon which we have title to his benefits , then there are not several acts of faith receiving those several benefits , necessary as the condition of our Title to them . But the Antecedent is true : as I prove thus . The Title to Christ himself includeth a title to all these benefits ( that are made over to the heirs of Promise : ) But on our acceptance of Christ we have title to Christ himself : therefore upon our acceptance of Christ ( as the simple condition ) we have title to all these benefits . Rom. 8.32 . [ He that spared not his own son , but gave him up for us all , how shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? ] so that all things are given in the gift of Christ , or with him . Therefore Receiving him is the means of Receiving all . 1 John 5.11 , 12. [ God hath given us eternal life , and this life is in his son : He that hath the son hath life ; and he that hath not the son hath not life . ] So that accepting Christ as Christ , makes him ours ( by way of condition ; ) and then our life of Justification and sanctification is in him and comes with him . Coming to Christ as Christ , is the sole undivided condition of Life , John 5 40. Ye will not come to me that ye may have Life . ] Yet here I must crave that Ingenuous dealing of the Reader , that he will observe ( once for all , and not expect that I should on every call recite it ) that though I maintain the unity of the condition , not only in opposition to a separating division , but also to a distributive division of Conditions ; yet I still maintain these three things . First , that quoad materiale Conditionis , that faith which is the condition , doth believe all the essential parts of Christ office distinctly ; and so it doth not look to his Exaltation in stead of his Humiliation ; nor è Contra ; but looks to be Ransomed by him as a sacrifice , and meritoriously justified by his Merits , and actually justified by him as King , Judge , and Bnefactor , &c. And that it eyeth also distinctly those Benefits which salvation doth essentially consist in ( at least . ) And it takes Christ finally to Justifie , Adopt , Sanctifie , Glorifie , &c. distinctly . But still it s but one condition on which we have Title to all this . Secondly , That I maintain that in the Real work of sanctification , the several acts of faith on several objects are distinct efficient causes of the acting of several Graces in the soul . The Belief of every attribute of God , and every Scripture truth , hath a several real effect upon us : But it is not so in Justification , nor any receiving of Right to a benefit by Divine Donation ; for there our faith is not a true efficient cause , but a Condition : and faith as a condition is but One , though the efficient acts are divers . The Belief of several Texts of Scripture , may have as many sanctifying effects on the soul ; But those are not several conditions of our Title thereto . God saith not I will excite this Grace if thou wilt believe this Text , and that grace if thou wilt believe that Text. In the exercise of Grace God worketh by our selves as efficient causes : but in the Justifying of a sinner , God doth it wholly and immediately himself without any Co-efficiency of our own , though we must have the disposition or Condition . Thirdly , I still affirm , that this One undivided condition may have divers appellations from the Respect to the Consequent benefits ( for I will not call them the effects ; ) This one faith may be denominated ( importing only the Interest of a condition ) a justifying faith , a sanctifying faith , an Adopting faith , a saving faith , preserving faith , &c. But this is only , if not by extrinsick denomination , at the most but a Virtual or Relative distinction ; As the same Center may have divers denominations from the several lines that meet in it : Or the same Pillar or Rock may be East , West , North , or South , ad laevam , vel ad dextram , in respect to several other Correlates : Or ( plainly ) as one and the same Antecedent , hath divers denominations from several Consequents . So if you could give me health , wealth , Honor , Comfort , &c. on the condition that I would but say One Word [ I thank you : ] that one word , might be denominated an enriching word , an honouring word , a comforting word from the several Consequents . And so may faith . But this makes neither the Materiale , nor the Formale of the Condition to be divers : either the faith it self , or condition of the Promise . Argument 9. If there be in the very nature of a Covenant Condition in general , and of Gods imposed Condition in specicial , enough to perswade us that the benefit dependeth usually as much or more on some other act , as on that which accepteth the benefit it self : then we have reason to judge that our Justification dependeth as much on some other act , as on the acceptance of Justification ; but the Antecedent is true , as I prove : First , As to Covenant Condition in general , it is most usual to make the promise consist of somwhat which the party is willing of , and the condition to consist of somewhat which the Promiser will have ; but the Receiver hath more need to be drawn to . And therefore it is that the Accepting of the benefit promised is seldome , if ever , expresly made the Condition ( though implicitly it be part ; ) because it is supposed that the party is willing of it . But that is made the express condition , where the party is most unwilling : So when a Rebel hath a pardon granted on condition he come in , and lay down arms , it is supposed that he must humbly and thankfully accept the pardon ; and his returning to his allegiance , is as truly the condition of his pardon , as the putting forth his hand and taking it is . If a Prince do offer himself in maraiage to the poorest Beggar , and consequently offer Riches and Honors with himself , the accepting of his person is the expressed condition , more then the accepting of the riches and honors ; and the latter dependeth on the former . If a Father give his son a purse of gold on condition he will but kneel down to him , or ask him forgiveness of some fault : here his kneeling down and asking him forgiveness , doth more to the procurement of the gold , then putting forth his hand and taking it . Secondly , And as for Gods Covenant in specie , it is most certain , that God is his own end , and made and doth all things for himself . And therefore it were blasphemy to say that the Covenant of Grace were so free as to respect mans wants only , and not Gods Honor and Ends , yea or man before God. And therefore nothing is more certain then that both as to the ends , and mode of the Covenant , it principally respecteth the Honor of God. And this is it that man is most backward to though most obliged to . And therefore its apparent that this must be part , yea the principal part of the condition . Every man would have pardon and be saved from hell : God hath promised this which you would have , on condition you will yield to that which naturally you would not have . You would have Happiness ; but God will have his preeminence ; and therefore you shall have no Happiness but in him . You would have pardon : but God will have subjection , and Christ will have the honour of being the bountifull procurer of it , and will be your Lord , and Teacher , and Sanctifier as well as Ransom : If you will yield to one , you shall have the other . So that your Justification dependeth as much on your Taking Christ for your Lord and Master , as on your receiving Justification or consenting to be pardoned by him . Yea the very mode of your acceptance of Christ himself and the benefits offered you , ( that you take them thankfully , lovingly , humbly , renouncing your own worth , &c. ) are necessary parts of the condition of your pardon . There is as great a Necessity laid upon that part of the Condition which Christs honour lieth on , and that in order to your Justification , as of that part which directly respecteth your Salvation . And me thinks common reason and ingenuity should tell you that it must be so , and that its just and meet it should be so . And therefore I may safely conclude ex natura rei , that the taking of Christ for our ●eacher and Lord ▪ is as truly a part of the condition of our Justification , and our Justification lieth as much upon it , as the Affiance in Christs sufferings . If you say , [ But the efficiency is not equal , though it be equally a Condition ] I answer ; Neither of them have any proper efficiency in justifying us , unless you will unfitly call the Conditionality an Efficiency , or the Acceptableness of believing in the sight of God , an efficiency ; there is no such thing to be ascribed to our faith as to the effect of Justification . But this belongs to another Controversie . I know not what can be said more against this , unless by the Antinomians who deny the covenant of Grace to have any proper Condition , but only a priority and posteriority of Duties . But the express conditional terms of the Covenant do put this so far out of doubt , and I have said so much of it in other writings , that I shall not trouble my self here with this sort of Adversaries : Only to prevent their mistake , I shall tell them this : that in a condition there is somewhat Essential , and that is found in the conditions of Gods Promise ; and therefore they are proper conditions : and there is somewhat Accidental : as First , sometime that the thing be Vncertain to the Promiser : This is not in Gods Conditions : It is enough that in their own nature the things be contigent . Secondly , That the matter of the condition be somewhat that is gainfull to the Promiser , or otherwise have a merit , or moral causality : But this is separable : In our case it is sufficient that it be somewhat that God liketh , loveth , or is pleasing to him , though it properly merit not . And the evident Reason why God hath made some Promises conditional , is , that his Laws and Promises may be perfectly suited to the nature of man on whom they must work , and so may shew forth Gods Infinite Wisdom , and may in a way agreeable to our natures attain their ends : and man may be drawn to that which he is backward to by the help of that which he is naturally more forward to , or by the fear of that evil which naturally he doth abhor : As also that the Holiness of God may shine forth in his Word ; and it may be seen that he loveth Justice , Holiness , Obedience , and not only the persons of men : and so all his Attributes may be seen in their conjunction and the beauty that thence resulteth in the Glass of his Word . Argument 10 If the condemning Unbelief which is the Privation of the faith by which we are justified , be the Not-be-believing in Christ as King , Priest and Prophet , than the faith by which we are justified , is the believing in him as King , Priest and Prophet . But the Antecedent is true : therefore so is the Consequent . Only the Antecedent needs proof , though the Consequence have the hard hap to be denyed also . Here note , that by The condemning Vnbelief , I mean that which is the peremptory-condemning sin according to the special Commination of the Gospel : Where I suppose first , that there is a condemnation of the Law of Nature or works which is simply for sin as sin . Secondly , And a distinct condemnation by the New Law of Grace , which is not simply for sin as sin , but for one sort of sin in special , that is , the final rejection of the Remedy : And of this sort of condemnation I speak in the Argument . The confirmation of this distinction I shall be further called to anon by Mr. Blake . The Antecedent I prove . First , from John 3.18 , 19 , 20 , 21. [ He that believeth on him is not condemned , ( There 's the justifying faith : ) But he that believeth not , is condemned already . ( There 's the condemning unbelief , contradictory to the justifying faith ) [ Because he hath not believed in the name of the only begotten Son of God : ] ( here is a special condemnation proved , distinct from that by the Law of works . ) [ And this is the condemnation ( that is the condemning sin or cause ) that light is come into the world , and men loved darkness rather then light , because their deeds were evil ] For every one that doth evil hateth the light , &c. The 19 verse describeth the Condemning unbelief , and the 20. gives the reason of mens guiltiness of it . And the unbelief described is a shunning or not coming to Christ as he is the Light to discover and heal their evil deeds . So that if contradictories will but shew the nature of each other , I think our controversie is here plainly resolved . So is it in Psal . 2.12 . [ Kise the Son left he be angry , and ye perish from the way ; when his wrath is kindled but a little , blessed are all they that put their trust in him . ] The faith that saves from punishment , saveth from Guilt : The faith that saves from Guilt , is justifying faith : The faith here described , is that which saves from punishment : And the faith here described is [ kissing the Son , ] which comprehendeth subjection , and dependance , and love ; and is the same for all that , which is after called [ trusting in him . ] So Luke 19.27 . [ But those mine enemies which would not that I should raign over them , bring hither , and destroy them before me . ] Unwillingness to have Christ raign over them , is here made ( not a common , but ) the special condemning sin , called commonly Unbelief ; and so is the contrary to justifying faith . So John 3.36 . [ He that believeth on the Son , ( this as all confess , is justifying faith ) hath everlasting life : and he that believeth not the Son , shall not see life , but the wrath of God abideth on him . ] Here it is apparent that this Unbelief is the privation , the contradictory or contrary to justifying faith . First , because they are so directly opposed here denominatively , that else the words would be equivocal , and not intelligible . Secondly , Because the contrariety of effects also is added to put the thing past doubt . [ The wrath of God abideth on him ▪ ] is contrary to justifying , which takes the wrath of God off him ; especially considering , that it is cursing , comminatory , obliging wrath that is principally meant ; the great executing wrath being not on men till their damnation . And that materially this unbelief thus opposed to justifying faith doth consist in contumacy , rebellion , or unperswadableness , is plain in the words , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which signifie [ They that are contumacious or disobedient to the Son , or unperswadable . ] And 1 John 5.10 , 11 , 12. This faith and unbelief are opposed ; and the unbelief consisteth in [ not believing the record that God hath given of his Son ] and that record is not only concerning Justification , or the merit of it . So 2. Thes . 2.12 . [ That all they might be damned , who believed not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousness . ] So 2 Thess . 1.8 , 9 , 10. [ That obey not the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ ] is the description of the Vnbelievers , opposed to [ them that believe , ] ver . 10. So Jo. 8.24 . [ If ye believe not that I am he , ye shall die in your sins , ] which as to the act and effect is contrary to justifying faith . And [ that I am he ] is not only [ that I am the Ransome ] but also [ that I am the Messiah and Redeemer . ] So John 16.8 , 9. [ He willl reprove the world of sin . — ( not only in general that they are sinners , but of this sin in specie ) because they believed not in me . ] Many texts may be cited where justifying faith and condemning unbelief are described from acts of the understanding ( though the will be implyed ) as believing , or not believing that Christ is the son of God , &c. which cannot possibly be restrained to his Ransom and Merit alone . The Consequence cannot be denyed , if it be but understood that this unbelief doth thus specially condemn , not in general as sin , or by the meer greatness of it , but as the privation of that faith by which only men are justified . For Privatives shew what the Positives are . And if this unbelief did condemn only as a sin in general then all sin would condemn as it doth : but that is false . And if it condemned only as a great sin , then first , every sin as great would condemn as it doth ; and secondly , it would be Derogatory to the preciousness and power of the Remedy , which is sufficient against the greatest sins , as great : It remains therefore that as it is not for the special worth of faith above all other Graces , that God assigned it to be the condition of Justification ; so it is not for a special greatness in the sin of unbelief that it is the specially condemning sin , but as it is the Privation of that faith ( which because of its peculiar aptitude to that Office , is made of such necessity to our Justification . But saith Mr , Blake [ This is like the old Argument ; Evil works merit condemnation : therefore good works merit salvation . An ill meaning damns our good meaning ; therefore saves . ] Repl. First , A palpable mistake . Meriting , and saving by merit , are effects or efficiencies so plainly separable from the things themselves , that the invalidity of the Consequence easily appears : But in good sadness , did you believe when you wrote this , that he that argueth from the description or nature of a privation , to the description or nature of the thing , of which it is the Privation , or that argueth from the Law of opposites and contradictions , doth argue like him that argues from the moral separable efficiency , or effect of the one , to the like efficiency or effect of the other ? Secondly , But understand me to argue from the effect it self if you please , so it be as affixed by the unchangeable Law or Covenant of God : I doubt not but the Argument will hold good . As under the Law of works it was a good argument to say [ Not-perfect-obeying is the condemning evil : therefore perfect-obeying is the justifying condition . ] So is it a good argument under the Covenant of Grace to say , Not-believing in Christ as King , Priest and Prophet , is the specially-condemning unbelief ; therefore believing in Christ as King , Priest & Prophet , is the faith by which we are justified ] The main force of the reason lyeth here , because else the Covenant were equivocating , and not Intelligible , if when it saith [ He that believeth shall be saved ; and he that believeth not shall be damned . ] it did speak of one kind or act of faith in one Proposition , and of another in the other . If when it is said , [ He that believeth shall be justified from all things , &c. and he that believeth not shall be condemned ] [ if you believe you shall not come into condemnation ; but if you believe not , you are condemned , and the wrath of God abideth on you ] [ He that believeth shall be forgiven , and he that believeth not shall not be forgiven ] I say , if the Affirmative and Negative Propositions , the Promise and the Threatning do not here speak of the same believing , but divers , then there is no hope that we should understand them , and the language would necessitate us to err . Now the Papists Argument ab effectis hath no such bottom ; Bad works damn , therefore good works save . For the Covenant is not [ He that doth good works shall be saved , and he that doth bad works shall be condemned ] But [ he that obeyeth perfectly shall be justified , and he that doth not shall be condemned ] Or if they argue from the threatning of the Gospel against bad works , to the merit of good , quoad modum procurandi , it will not hold , viz. that Evil works procure damnation by way of merit : therefore good works procure salvation by way of merit . For there is not eadem ratio , and so no ground for the Consequence ; Nor did I argue ad modum procurandi ; ] Rejecting Christ as King doth condemn by way of merit ; therefore accepting him as King doth save by way of merit ] This was none of my arguing : But this [ Rejecting or not believing in Christ as King , is part of that Vnbelief which is by the Law of Grace , threatned with condemnation : therefore accepting or believing in Christ as King , is part of that faith which hath the Promise of Justification ] And so if a Papist should argue , not ad modum procurandi , but ad naturam actus & effecti ; I would justifie his Argument [ Raigning sin , Rebellion , or the absence of Evangelical good works , is Threatned by the Gospel with condemnation at Judgement : therefore good works have the Promise of salvation , or justification at Judgement . ] And that I may and must thus understand the Condemning Threatning , and the Justifying promise , to speak of one and the same faith , I am assured by this : because it is usual with God in scripture to imply the one in the other . As in the Law of works with perfect ma● , the promise was not exprest , but implyed in the Threatning [ In the day that thou eatest thereof , thou shalt die . ] So in the Gospel the Threatning is oft implyed in the promise [ He that believeth shall not perish ] When the Lord saith [ The soul that sinneth shall die ] It implyeth that [ the soul that sinneth not shall not die . ] And though we cannot say the like of the prohibition of Eating the forbidden fruit , that is , because the same Law did on the same terms prohibite all other sin as well as it . And [ in the day that thou sinnest , thou shalt die ] doth imply [ if thou sin not , thou shalt not die . ] So [ he that believeth , shall be saved , ] doth imply , he that believeth not , shall be condemned . And so , If thou believe , thou shalt be justified , implyeth , If thou believe not , thou shalt not be justified . If you consent not to this , you then must maintain that this Covenant excludeth not Infidels from salvation , the term only being not implyed in the promise of pardon to Believers : But if you grant all this , ( as sure you will ) then it is most evident that Believing is taken in the same sense in the promise , and in the threatning : For no man breathing can tell me , either how a Promise to one kind of faith , can imply a threatning against the want of another kind or act of faith ; or else what that other faith must be that is so implyed , if not the same . And if it be the same faith that is implyed ( which is a most evident truth ) then it will follow , that if I prove the Threatned unbelief to be a Rejecting of Christ as King , the faith then that is made the condition of the promise , must be the accepting of him as King as well as Priest . But I have proved that not believing in Christ as King , is part of the unbelief that is specially threatned werth condemnation : therefore believing in him as King is part of that faith which hath the promise , or is the Condition of Justification . But saith Mr. Blake , [ I further answer , Rejecting Christ as King , is a sin against the moral Law , which damns : Yet somewhat more then subjection to the Moral Law is required than a sinner may be saved ] Repl. For my part , I know no Law but moral Law. It s a strange Law that is not Moral , as it is a strange Animal that is not quid Physicum . But yet I partly understand what some others mean by the phrase Moral Law ; but what you mean I cannot tell , for all your two volumns . And it s to small purpose to dispute upon terms whose sense we be not agreed in , nor do not understand one another in : And you must better agree with yourselves before you agree with me : I cannot reconcile these speeches . Mr. Blake of the Covenant , pag. 111. I know no other Rule but the old Rule : the Rule of the Moral Law : that is with me a Rule , a perfect Rule , and the only Rule . Mr. Blake here . pag. 563. Yet somewhat more then subjection to the Moral Law is required , that a sinner may be saved . I am confident you will allow me to think you mean somewhat more ex parte nostri and not only ex parte Christi : And can that somewhat more be required without any Rule requiring it ? And yet I find you sometimes seeming offended with me , for telling you I understand you not . But I further answer you : The rejecting of Christ as King , is no further a sin against the Moral Law , then the accepting him as King , is a duty of the Moral Law. Will you not believe this without a Dispute , when you are told by Paul , that where there is no Law , there is no transgression , and elsewhere that sin is a transgression of the Law ? And need not stand to prove that the same Law which is the Rule prescribing duty , is the Rule discovering sin , even that sin which is the Privation of that duty . I desire no Readers that will not receive these things without any more arguing . Mr. Blake adds [ Vnbelief , if we speak properly , doth not at all condemn , further then as it is a breath of a Moral Commandment . The privation of which you speak , only holds the sentence of the Law in force and power against us : which me thinks should be yeur judgement as well as mine , seeing you are wont to compare the new Law ( as you call it ) to an act of oblivion : And an act of oblivion saves many , but condemns none . — ] Repl. It is in more then one thing I perceive that we differ . But this is a truth that you must not so easily take out of our hands . Though having had occasion to speak largely of it elsewhere , I shall say but little now . First , Again , I know no Commandment that is not moral . But if you mean by Moral the Commandment either meerly as delivered by Moses , or as written in Nature ; I am not of your mind , nor ever shall be . To be void of the belief of these Articles of the faith [ that this Jesus is the Christ , that he was actually conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead and buried : Rose again the third day , ascended into Heaven ; sitteth in our nature at the right hand of God ; gave the Holy Ghost to his Apostles to confirm the Doctrine of the Gospel ] with many more ; doth condemn further then as it is a breach either of the Mosaical or Natural Law : yea in some respects as it is no breach of those Laws . And yet the same sin materially may be a breach of several Laws ; and condemned by several . Secondly you very much mistake my judgement here , if you think it the same with yours : Nor will the mention of an act of oblivion justifie your mistake I suppose an Act of oblivion may possibly have a Penalty anexed , ( as , that all that stand our , and accept not of this pardon by such a year or day , shall be remediless , and lyable to a greater Penalty , ) And I think if no Penalty be named , there is one implyed . For my part , I am satisfied that the Remedying Law , or the Law of Grace , hath its special Threatning , when I so often read it , [ He that believeth shall be saved , and he that believeth not shall be damned ] and [ unless ye believe that I am he , ye shall die in your sins . ] And I take it to differ from the Threatning of the law of works , thus . First , In the matter of the condition ; which is not sin in general ; any sin : but a special sin , viz. the final rejecting the Remedy ; that is , Refusing to turn to God by faith in Christ . Secondly , In the Penalty : First , The Gospel Penalty , is Non-liberation from the curse of the Law. Not to be forgiven or saved . This had been but a Negation , and not Penal , if there had been no Christ and Gospel : But it is a privation and penal , now , because by a special sin , we forfeit our hopes and possibilities . Secondly , As to the degree , I find it will be a far sorer punishment , Heb. 10.29 . The Law of greatest Grace doth threaten the greatest punishment . Thirdly , And doubtless in Hell , Conscience will have a special kind of Accusations and self-tormentings , in reflecting on the refusals of the remedy , and treading under foot the blood of the new Covenant ; which is a punishment that was never threatned by the Covenant of works . Fourthly , And there will be a Privation of a greater Glory , then ever was promised under the Law of works . Fifthly , As also of a special sort of eternal felicity , consisting in loving the Redeemer , and singing the song of the Lamb , and being his members , &c. Thirdly , And as there are these five differences in the Penalty , besides that of the Condition of it , so is there a considerable modal difference in the consummation it self . viz. that of the Law of works was not peremptory , excluding a Remedy : but the Threatning of the Law of Grace is peremptory , excluding all further Remedy to all Eternity : which I think is a most weighty difference . I know , this is not much pertinent to our present Controversie ; but you have made it necessary for me thus to touch it : But I shall not digress now to prove it to those that see it not by its own light : But I must say , that if I should be drawn by you to deny it , I should have but a strange Method of Theology in my understanding , and should think I let open the door to more Errors then a few . So much for the proof of the Thesis . The Principal work is yet behind , which is to confute the Arguments of the Opponents . I call it the Principal work , because it is incumbent on them to prove , who make the limitation and restriction , and add a new proposition to the Doctrine of the Gospel : and till they have proved this proposition , our ground is good ; we say that [ Believing in the Lord Jesus Christ is the faith by which we are justified [ and this is past denyal in the Scriptures . They say , that [ Believing in him as a Ransom and Purchaser , or apprehending his Righteousness , is the only act of faith by which we are justified , ] and not also Believing in him as Lord , Teacher , Intercessor , &c. When they have proved the restriction and exclusion , as well as we prove our Assertion that excludeth no essential part of faith , then the work is done , and till then they have done nothing . And first , before I come to their Arguments , I shall consider of that great Distinction , which containeth much of their opinion , and which is the principall Engine to destroy all , our Arguments for the contrary . And it is to this purpose . [ Believing in the Lord Jesus Christ as King , Teacher , ] &c. is the fides quae Justificat , but it justifieth not qua talis ; but qua fides in Christum satisfacientem , &c. Fides qua Justificat , must be distinguished from fides quae Justificat . A man that hath eyes doth hear , and that hath ears doth see ; but he heareth not as he hath eyes , but as he hath ears ; and he seeth not as he hath ears , but as he hath eyes . So faith which believeth in Christ as King doth justifie , but not qua talis , as it believeth in him as King , but as it believeth in him , or apprehendeth him as our Righteousness . Repl. As just and necessary Distinction riddeth us out of the fruitless perplexity of confused disputings ; so unsound Distinctions , especially with seeming subtilty , are Engines to deceive and lead us into the dark . The last time I answered this Distinction , I was so improvident as to say , that , it [ it is the general ●heat ] meaning no more then a Fallacy , and thinking the word had signified no worse : But Mr. Blake publisheth this Comment on that syllable [ And as it seems you have met with a pack of Impostors , and that of the most Learned in the Land , that out of their great Condescension have written for your satisfaction . This word you think sounds harshly from Mr. Crandon , as indeed it doth , and is no small blemish to his great pains ; you may then judge how it will sound from your self in the ears of others . Such insinuations , as if it were to breed dissention between those Learned Brethren and my self , are not fair dealing . First , I do not remember one or two at most of all those Brethren , that in their Papers to me used that distinction ! How then can you tell the world in print , that it seems I have met with a pack of Impostors , even them you mention ? Did you ever see my Papers , or theirs ? Did they ever tell you that this distinction is in them ? I solemnly profess it was not in my thoughts so much as to intimate that any one of their Papers was guilty of that distinction . But if you will say so , what remedy But perhaps I intimate so much in my words ; In what words ? when I say , that [ all that I have to do with , grant the Antecedent ] and what 's that to the question in hand ? many a hundred may grant that this act is the fides quae , that assert not the other act to be the fides quâ , and allow not the use of the distinction which I resist . But perhaps it s my next words that imply it [ For the general cheat is by the distinction of fides qua and qua , &c. ] But sure it cannot be understood , that its general with al the world , nor general as to all that I have had to do with : There is no such thing said or meant by me ; for then it must extend to all that are of my own mind : and I told Mr. Blake enough of the contrary as to the persons he mentioneth , by telling him how they owned not the Instrumentality of faith , and then they cannot well maintain this use of this distinction . It is the general deceit or cheat of all that are deceived by it ; and of most that in this point oppose me . But if Mr. Blake think either that all that vouchsafe me their writings , do it by way of opposition ( when many do it but by explication and reconciliation ) or that all that oppose me , do oppose me in that point , he thinks no truer then here he writes . Secondly . And as he feigneth me to speak of many reverend persons that I never meant , so he feigneth me to take them actually for Impostors , because I take the distinction for a cheat . But is it not possible that it may cheat or deceive themselves , though some never utter it to the deceiving of others ? Much less as impostors with an intention to deceive : I would you had never learned this art of confutation . Thirdly , But I perceive how you would take it if I had applyed this to your self . And what is this , but plainly to forbid me to dispute with you ? ( which I had never done on other terms then for Defence . ) Can I not tell you that your Argument is a Fallacy , but you will thus exclaim of me , as making you an Impostor ? why then if you be so tender , who may deal with you ? On the same grounds , if I say that your Major or Minor is false ▪ you may tell the world I make you a Lyar ; and I must either say as you say , or let you alone ; lest by contradiction I make you a Lyar or an Impostor . Prove that ever I blamed Mr. Crandon for such a passage as this , if you can . It is not [ this word ] thus applyed , but other words that I excepted against ; I will not yet believe it all one to call an Argument or distinction a cheat or fallacy , and to call the person a Cheater and Deceiver , and that designedly , as purposely dissembling his Religion . Mr. Blake proceeds . [ And I much marvel that this distinction , that everywhere else would pass , and be confessed to be of necessity , to avoid confusion in those distinct capacities in which men usually act , should here not alone be questioned , but thus branded . Does not every man that undergoes various relations , variously act according to them ? And do not men that make address , address themselves in like variety ? He that is at once a Husband , a Parent , a Master , a School-master , a Physician , acts variously according to all of these capacities . Some come to him as a Father , some as a Master , some as a Teacher ; all of them come to him as a Physician : But only they that come to him as a Physician are cured by him . Believers through faith go to Christ that hears all the Relations mentioned . But as they seek satisfaction in his blood-shedding , which is an act of his Priesthood , they are justified . ] Repl. I ever granted that we are justified by trusting in Christs blood : But not [ only ] by that . Secondly , It was God that sought satisfaction in Christs blood , the Believer seeks for the fruit of that satisfactition . Thirdly , But now to the distinction , I shall tell you freely my thought of it , and the reasons of my resisting your use of it , and then answer your reasons for it . And first , We must understand what it is that is distinguished : whether the Habit of faith , or the Acts ? As far as I am able to understand them , they that understand themselves , do intend to distinguish of the Habit by a virtual distinction , and their meaning is [ The Habit of Faith which produceth both these acts doth justifie : but not as it produceth the act of believing in Christ as Lord , Teacher , &c. but as it produceth the Act of believing in his blood ] that is , [ The habit is the remote cause , and the act is the nearer cause ; and the habit justifieth by this Act , and not by the other . ] I verily think this is their meaning ; I am sure this is the most probable and rational that I can imagine . But then first , This contradicteth their ordinary assertion , that it is not the Habit of faith , but the act by which we are justified . Secondly , Then they do not mean that the act of believing in Christ as Lord , &c. is so much as the fides qua , which if they will speak out and make no more ado , the controversie will be much better understood . For then it is a question that 's easily apprehended , Whether only the act of faith in Christs satisfaction do justifie , or the believing in Christ as King , Priest and Prophet , or all that is essential to Christian faith ] This is a plain case ; which fides qua and qua do not illustrate . But then I must add , that this begs the question as used by them , but decideth it not . And as [ qua ] respecteth but the Matter of the condition ; q. d. The habit as it produceth this act , and not that , is the condition of Justification ] ( for else it justifieth neither as it produceth the one or the other , ) so it is the very Question between us , Whether it be one act , or the whole essence of the Christian faith that is the Condition ? And this supposeth the determination of other controversies that are not yet determined . There are three opinions of the Habit of faith . First , that the several acts of faith , have several habits . Secondly , that the divers acts have but one habit of faith distinct from the habits of other graces . Thirdly , That faith , love , and all graces have but one habit . If the first hold , then the distinction as before explained , hath no place . If the last hold , then the Habit of Love , or Fear , may be on the same ground , said to justifie . If I have before hit on their meaning , then the distinction of the Habit is virtualis , and the distinction of the acts is realis , and they totally exclude all acts , save that which they fix upon ; not from being present , but from a co-interest . But from what interest ? Of a Cause ? that we deny even to all : Of a Condition ? that they grant to these which they exclude . Next , we must understand the members of their Distinction : And sometime they express one branch to be [ fides qua justificat ] and sometime [ fides qua apprehendit Christum satisfacienrem , &c. ] As to the former , it cannot be contradistinct from [ faith in Christ as Lord , ] but from faith as sanctifying , &c. it being but a denominative or virtual distinction of one and the same faith , from the several consequents . And so I easily grant that fides qua justificat , non sanct ficat vel glorificat ▪ and so of all the consequents of it . As it is the condition of one , it is not the condition of the other : which is no more , then to say that there is between the consequents Distinctio realis , from whence the antecedent ( Really the same ) may be denominatively or virtually distinguished : As the same man that goeth before a hundred particular men , hath a hundred distinct Relations to them , as Before them all . The very same condition in a free Gift , may be the condition of many hundred benefits , and accordingly be Relatively and denominatively distinguished ; when yet it is as truly the condition of all as of one , and hath equal interest as to the procurement . And as for the other phrase that [ fides qua recipit Christum satisfacientem , justificat , ] properly it is false Docrine ; if qua signifie the nearest Reason of faiths interest in procuring justification ; for then it is but to say that [ fides , qua fides , justificat ] which is false . The denomination and the description express but the same thing ; fides is the denomination ; and Receptio Christi is the description : if therefore it justifie qua Receptio Christi , then it justifieth qua fides , that is qua haec fides in specie : which is to ascribe it to the ● credere with a witness . And elsewhere I have disproved it by many Arguments . But if qua be taken less properly , as denoting only the aptitude of faith to be the condition of Justification , then still the Question is begged . For we say , that as the act of believing in Christs blood-shed hath a special aptitude in one respect , so the act of believing in his Resurrection , Intercession , &c. and receiving him as King , Teacher , &c. hath a special aptitude in other respects , upon which God hath certainly made them the Conditions of our Justification with the other . But if any should distinguish of the act of faith , and not the Habit , and say that [ fides qua credit in Christum ut Regem , justificat , sed non quâ credit in Christum ut Regem ] I accept the former as being all that I desire , and grant the latter : But then I say the like of the other act of faith , that [ fides quâ credit in Christum satisfacientem non justificat , because fides quà fides , non justificat , sed fides quâ conditio praestita . ] And I think I need to say no more for the opening the Fallacy , that this distinction useth to cover . And now I come to peruse all that I can find that is produced to support this distinction . And the most is certain pretended similitudes , that have little or no similitude as to this . The common similitude is [ A man that is oculatus heareth , but not qua oculatus , but qua auritus , &c. ] Repl. First , If you take quà strictly , the affirmative is not true . For then àquatenus ad omne , every man that is auritus would hear : whereas he may stop his ears , and be where is no sound , &c. And a man that hath eyes may wink , and be in the dark , &c. Secondly , If quà signifie the aptitude , or causal interest , I deny the similitude ; It is dissimile : and the reason of the difference is evident ; for a mans eyes are Physical efficient causes of his sight , and his ears of hearing ; naturally in their aptitude and potentiality determined to their proper objects : but saith is no efficient cause of our Justification , or of our interest in Christ at all ; much less a Physical efficient cause . But the Interest it hath is Moral , which dependeth on the Donors will ; and it is no higher then that of a condition : and therefore the act that Physically hath least respect to the object , may in this case if the Donor please , do as much to procure a Title to it , as that which hath the nearest physical respect to it . As if you have a deed of Gift of a Countrey on Condition you will discover a Traitor , or marry one that oweth it : here the alien act hath more interest in procuring your Title , then your Apprehending , or treading on the soil , or taking possession , yea or accepting the deed of Gift it self . So God hath made our Accepting of whole Christ to be the condition of life and pardon ; and consequently , the Accepting him in other Relations ( in which he destroyeth sin , advanceth God , &c. ) doth as much to our Justification as the accepting him at our Ransome . Now to Mr. Blakes Reasons : when he saith that this distinction would pass every where else as necessary , he is much mistaken : for as he doth not tell us at all what sort of distinction it is , whether Realis , Rationis , Modalis , Formalis , Virtualis , &c. so I could give him an hundred instances in which it will not pass in any tolerable sense , but what are his own select instances , from a mans various Relations to the variety of his actions and their effects . But is it Christ or the believer that you put in these various Relations ? It s plain that you mean Christ : But that 's nothing to the question : I maintain as well as you that Christ performeth variety of works , according to the divers parts of his office , and that he meriteth not Justification as King , but as a Sacrifice ; as he effectively justifieth , not as a sacrifice , but as a King ; and he teacheth as a Teacher ▪ &c. this was never denyed by me . But the question is whether the Interest of the several acts of our faith be accordingly distinct ? which I deny , and confidently deny . In the works that Christ doth in these several Relations , there is distincti● realis , and Christ is the proper efficient cause of them . But though our faith must accept Christ in all these Relations , and to do the several works in the several Relations , yet it is no proper cause of the effects , and ( as I said ) the interest it hath in the procurement is meerly moral , and that but of a condition , and therefore it is to be judged of by the will of the Donor . But you say that [ only they that come to Christ as a Physician are cured by him ] Repl. Very true : I never denyed it : But not only By coming to him as a Physitian ; especially as the Worker of this one part of the cure . You add [ Believers through faith go to Christ that heareth all ● the Relations mentioned : But as they seek satisfaction in his blood-shedding , they are Justified . ] Repl. Very true ( if by as you understand only the aptitude of the act to its office , and the certain connexion of the effect : otherwise it is not as they believe at all that they are justified ; but it is not only as they seek satisfaction in his blood ; but also as they believe in him as King , Teacher , Rising , Interceding , &c. Though it be Christs blood , and not his Dominion , that Ransometh us ; yet his promise giveth the fruit of that blood as well on the condition of believing in him as King , as of the believing in his blood . Hitherto we have come short of your proofs , which next we shall proceed to , and freely examine . Mr. Blake . I shall take the bodlness to give in my Arguments , to make good that faith in Christ qua Lord , doth not justifie . First , That which the types under the law , appointed for atonement and expiation , lead us unto in Christ , our faith must eye for atonement , expiation , and reconciliation ; this cannot be denyed : These Levitical Types lead us doubtless to a right object , being Schoolmasters to lead us unto Christ , and shaddows whereof he is the substance : As also to that office in him ( who is the object of faith ) which serves for that work : But those types lead us to Christ in his Priestly office , for the most part as sacrificing , sometime as interceding , John 1.29 . 2 Cor. 5.21 . 1 Pet. 1.18 . A great part of the Epistle to the Heb. is a proof of it . ] Reply I grant you both Major and Minor : but the question is a meer stranger to the Just conclusion . First , it will not follow , because our faith must eye Christ as Priest for Reconciliation , that therefore it must eye him only as Priest for Reconciliation . And if only be not in , your exclusion of other acts of faith follows not . Secondly , No , nor if it were in neither : for ex perte Christs for Reconciliation only Christs Priesthood is to be eyed as the meritorious cause ( speaking in their sense that take the priestly office to comprehend not only Christ as Sacrificer , but as sacrifice , yea & as obeying in the form of a servant , the sicness whereoff now pass by : ) but ex parte nostri , the so eying him is not the only act of faith by which we are justified : so that for is ambiguous , and either signifieth Christs procurement of our Justification , or ours : In the former sense grant as aforesaid , these Types shew us that Christ only as Priest and sacrifice doth satisfie for us . But as to the procuring Interest of our faith , these Types shew us not that only this act procureth our Interest . Nor is there a word in the texts you mention to prove any such thing : Jo. 1.19 . saith that , Christ [ the Lamb of God taketh away the sin of the world , ] but it doth not say that only believing in him as the Lamb of God is the faith upon which we have part in his blood . and are justified by him . 1 Pet. 1.18 . tels us we were Redeemed by his precious blood ; but it doth not tell us that only believing in that blood is the faith by which we have interest in it ; but contrarily thus describes that faith , ver . 21. [ Who by him do believe in God that raised him from the dead , and gave him glory , that your faith and hope might be in God. ] 2. Cor. 5.21 . tells us that he was made sin for us , &c. but it saith not that our believing thus much only , is the full condition of our Interest in his Righteousness ; But contrarily expresseth it by [ our own being reconciled to God ] to which Paul exhorteth . Thirdly , The Types which you mention , were not all the Gospel ( or Covenant of Grace , or Promise ) then extant : If therefore there were any other parts of Gods word then , that led them to Receive Christ entirely as the Messiah , and particularly as the King and Teacher of his Church , and promised life and pardon on this condition , your Argument then from the Types alone is vain ; because they were not the whole word ( unless you prove that they exclude the rest , which you never can . ) And indeed not only the very first promise of the seed of the woman , &c. doth hold out whole Christ as Priest , and Prophet and King , as the object of justifying faith , but also many and many another in the old Testament . And the Epistle to the Hebrews which you cite , doth begin with his Kingly office as the object of our faith in the two first chapters , which are almost all taken up in proving it . Fourthly , you confess your self that Christ as Interceding is the object of justifying faith ; and if you mean it of his Heavenly intercession ; that was no part of his meritorious obedidience or humiliation . It s true indeed , that it is for the application or Collation of the fruits of his blood , and so is much of his Kingly and Prophetical office too . Mr. Blake . Secondly , That which the Sacraments under the Gospel , setting forth Christ for pardon of sin , lead us unto , that our faith must eye for Reconciliation , Pardon and Justification . This is clear . Christ in his own instituted ordinances will not misguide us ; But these lead us to Christ suffering , dying for the pardon of sin , Mat 26 28. — A broaken , bleeding , dying Christ in the Lords Supper is received . Reply , First , I hope you would not make the world believe that I deny it ; Did I ever exclude a dying Christ from the object of justifying faith ? But what strange Arguments are these , that are such strangers still to the question ? you prove the inclusion of [ faith in Christ dying , ] but do not so much as mention the exclusion of the other acts of faith , which is the thing that was incumbent on you . Secondly , If you say that [ only ] is meant by you , though not expressed , then I further reply , that this Argument labouring of the same disease with the last , requireth no other answer . First , The Sacraments being not the whole Gospel , you cannot prove your Exclusion from them unless you prove somewhat exclusive in them ( which you attempt not , that I see , ) Secondly , If therefore you understand the Minor exclusively as to all other parts of Christs office , I deny it , and the texts cited say not a word to prove it . Thirdly , And if they did , yet faith may eye a dying Christ only as purchasing Pardon ; and yet ex parte Christi that act that so eyeth him may not be the only act that is the condition of our Title to a dying Christ or to the pardon purchased . Fourthly , And yet ( though it would not serve your turn ) even ex parte Christi , your exclusion is so far from being proved that it s contradicted both by the Sacraments and by Scriptures : much more ex parte nostri , your excusion of the other acts of faith . For , First , In Baptism its apparent ( which is appointed for our solemn initiation into a state of Justification ; which the Lords Supper is not . ) First , Christ foundeth it in his Dominion , Mat. 28.18 . All power is given to me in Heaven and Earth ; go ye therefore &c. Secondly , He maketh the very nature of it to be an entering men into a state of Disciples , and so engaging them to him as their Master , ver . 19. Go ye therefore and Disciple ( or teach ) all Nations baptizing them . Thirdly , The words of the Jews to John ( If thou be not that Christ nor Elias , nor that Prophet , why baptizest thou ? John 1.25 . ) and their flocking to his baptism , and the words of Paul , I Cor. 14.15 . ( I thank God that I baptized none of you , — lest any should say , that I baptized in my own name ) do plainly shew that baptizing was then taken , as an entering into a state of Disciples . And I have before proved that baptism doth list us under Christ the Commander , King and Master of the Church . Fourthly , And therefore the Church hath ever baptized into the name of the Father Son and Holy Ghost , with an abrenunciation of the flesh , the world and the devil , not only as opposite to Christs blood , but as opposites to his Kingdom and Doctrine . Fifthly , And the very water signifieth the spirit of Christ as well as his blood : Though I think not , as Mr. Mead , that it signifieth the spirit only . Sixthly , And our coming from under the water was to signifie our Resurrection with Christ , as Rom. 6. shews . So that it is certain that Christ in all parts of his office is propounded in baptism to be the object of our faith , and this baptism comprizing all this , is said to be [ for the Remission of sin . ] Secondly , And though the Lords supper suppose us justified , yet he understandeth not well what he doth , that thinks that Christ only as dying is there propounded to our faith . For , First , In our very receiving we profess Obedience to Christ as King , that hath enjoyned it by his Law. Secondly , And to Christ our Teacher that hath taught us thus to do . Thirdly , The signs themselves are a visible word ( of Christ our Teacher ) and teach us his sufferings , promises , our duty , &c. Fourthly , By taking , eating , and drinking , we renew our Covenant with Christ ; And that Covenant is made with him not only as Priest , but as the Glorified Lord and King of the Church . On his part the thing promised which the Sacrament sealeth , is , ( not that Christ will dye for us , for that 's done already , but ) that Christ will actually pardon us on the account of his merits . And this he doth as King : and that he will sanctifie , preserve , strengthen , and glorifie us : all which he doth as King , though he purchased them as a sacrifice . On our part we deliver up our selves to him to be wholly his ▪ even his Disciples , and Subjects , as well as pardoned ones . Fifthly , Yea the very bread and wine eaten and drank do signifie our spiritual Union and Communion with Jesus , who is pleased to become one with us , as that bread and wine is one with our substance . And surely it is to Christ as our Head that we are United , and not only as dying for us : and as to our Husband , who is most dearly to be loved by us , and is to rule us , and we to be subject to him , being made bone of his bone , and flesh of his flesh ; Ephe. 5.23 , 24 , 25 , 30. Sixthly , We are to do it as in remembrance of his death , so also in expectation of his comming , which will be in Kingly Glory , when he will drink with us the fruit of the Vine new in the Kingdome of his Father . Object But Christ doth not pardon sin in all these respects . Answ . First ▪ But in the Sacrament he is represented to be believed in entirely in all these respects . Secondly , And he pardoneth as King , though he merit it as a sacrifice . And as his Sacrifice and Merit are the cause of all that following , so therefore it is specially represented in the Sacrament , not excluding but including the rest . Thirdly , Believing in Christ as King and Prophet , even as his offices respect his Honor and our sanctity , may be as truly the condition of our Justification , as believing in his blood . Mr. Blake . As the spirit of God guides faith , so it must go to God for propitiation and ●●tonement . But the Holy Ghost guides faith to go the blood of Christ for attonement , Rom. 3.25 . & 5.9 . Eph. 1.7 . 1 John. 1.7 . Reply . Concedo totum : The conclusion can be but this [ therefore faith must go to the blood of Christ for attonement ] Who ever questioned this I But your Thesis which you set at the Head of your Arguments , was [ Faith in Christ qua Lord doth not justifie ] which is little kin to any of your Arguments . But in the explication , you have here , at last , the term Only , and therefore I may take that to be supposed in the Argument ; But then with that Addition . I deny your Minor. The texts mentioned say nothing to prove it . Rom. 3.25 . hath no only in it , nor any thing exclusive of the other acts of Christ : And if it had , yet it would not follow that all other acts of our faith were excluded . As his blood is the meritorious cause , and so the foundation of all the benefits , and so all the Applying Causes are supposed in the mention of it and not excluded so are all other acts of our faith in the mention of that act . Rom. 5.9 . saith not that we are justified only by his blood . N●r is it any adding to the Scripture , to add more , unless you can prove that these texts are the whole Scripture , or that the other Scriptures add no more . Ephe. 1 7. and 1 John 1.7 do neither of them exclude either the other acts of Christ , or other acts of faith : Nay John seems to make somewhat else the condition on our part , then the belief in that blood only , when he saith there [ If we walk in the Light as he is in the Light , we have fellowship one with another , and the blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin ] Or if you think this [ if ] denoteth but a sign , yet other texts will plainly prove more . To conclude , If I were to go only to the blood of Christ for atonement , yet it would not follow , that going to that blood only for it , is the only act of Faith on which Justification is promised or given me in the Gospel , as is before declared . Mr. Blake . You demand , [ Will you exclude his Obedience , Resurrection , intercession ] ? To which I only say , I marvell at the question : If I exclude these , I exclude his blood : His shedding of blood was in Obedience , John 10.18 . Phil. 2.8 . his Resurrection was his freedom from the bands of death , and an evidence of our discharge by blood : His Intercession is founded on his blood . He intercedes not as we by bare petition , but by merit : He presents his blood as the high Priest in the Holy of Holies . Repl. It was the thing I had to do , to prove that Rom. 3.24 . and those other texts , are not exclusive of all but his blood , and that the word Only is no more meant , then it is expressed in them . And now you grant it me : And needs must do it , while Scripture tells us , that by the Obedience of one , many are made Righteous , Rom. 5.19 . and that he is Risen for our Justification , Rom. 4 ●5 . and that Righteousness shall be imputed to us , if we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead . ver . 24. and It is God that justifieth : who is he that condemneth ? it is Christ that dyed , yea , rather that is risen again , who is even at the right hand of God ; who also maketh Intercession for us , Rom. 8 33 , 34. he that believeth all these texts will not add only to the first , at least if he understand them ; for they do not contradict each other . Well! but you marvell at my question ! I am glad of that ! Are we so well agreed , that you marvell at my supposition of this difference ? To satisfie you , my question implyed this Argument . If the Resurrection , Intercession , &c. be not in those texts excluded , nor faith in them , then we may not add only to interpret them ; but &c. Ergo. But let us hear the reasons of your marveling . First , As to Obedience , you say His shedding of blood was in Obedience . Answer . But though all blood-shed was in Obedience , yet all Obedience was not by blood-shed , nor suffering neither . And the text Rom. 5.19 seems to speak of Obedience as Obedience , and not only as in blood shed . Secondly , You say His Resurrection was his freedom , &c. Ans . But Suffering is one thing , and freedom from suffering is another thing . I herefore faith to our justification must eye Christs conquest and freedom from death as well as his death it self . Moreover , Resurrection was an act of Power , and his Entrance on his Kingdom , and not a meer act of Priesthood : Nor will you ever prove that faith ( to Justification ) must only look at the Resurrection as connoting the death from which he riseth . Thirdly , You say , His Intercession is founded on his blood , &c. Answer . So is his Kingdom and Lordship , Rom. 14 9. Mat. 28.18 . Phil. 2.9 , 10. It seems then faith in order to Justification must not only look at Christs blood , but that which is founded on it . His Government , in Legislation , Judgement , Execution , is all founded in his blood . &c. because he hath drank of the brook in the way , therefore did he lift up the Head , Psalme 110.7 . You add He Interceeds by Merit . Answer . Not by new purchasing Merit , but by the virtue of his former Merit , and the collation of the effects of it from the Father . And so he Reigneth and Governeth both by virtue of former Merit , and for the applying that Merit and attaining of its Ends. Whereas therefore you say If I exclude these , I shall exclude his blood ; It is a weighty Answer . And the like you may say also of his Kingly and Prophetical office . The operation of them are so woven and twisted together by infinite wisdom , that all do harmoniously concur to the attainment of the ends of each one ; and if you lay by one , you lay by all ; you exclude Christs blood as to the end of Justification , if you include not his Kingly and Prophetical offices , and look not to him as making the Covenant or Grant of pardon in his blood ; and as teaching and perswading and working us into Union with himself that we may have part in his blood : and as conferring daily the fruits of his blood as King , in Renewed pardon of daily sins ; and as justifying us at Judgement as King and Judge . His blood is a Foundation without a building , if you take it without all these : Overlook these , and you deny it as well as by over-looking his Resurrection . Besides , Session at Gods Right Hand which is one thing that the Apostle instanceth in , Romans 8.35 . is his Glorification it self . And when you say [ He presents his blood as High Priest , &c. ] I answer . But not as a renewed sacrifice ; presenting it is not shedding it , or offering it in sacrifice . And the presentation is not a minding God of what he knows not , or hath forgot , or an arguing with him to extort his Mercy ; but as the value and merit of Christs sacrifice hath its continual Being before God , so Christ doth give out all his benefis to his Church as procured and received from the Father by the merit of his sacrifice : and this is his Intercession . But your arguing yiedeth , that to Justification , we must not only believe in Christ as shedding his blood for us on earth , but also on Christ as presenting his blood for us in heaven : which is enough to my ends . Mr. Blake . You tell me further that the thing I had to prove was not the exclusion of faith in his commands , but of faith in Christ as Lord and Teacher . I can no more distinguish Lord and Command than I can Blood and Sacrifice ; it being the office of a Lord to Rule , as of blood to make atonement . Repl. First , If you cannot distinguish , there 's no remedy but you must err by confusion . It s obvious to an ordinary understanding that even Blood and Sacrifice may as well be distinguished as Earth and Man , or Ink and Writing ; [ Blood ] signifying only the matter , yea but part of the matter ; and [ a Sacrifice ] signifying that matter with its moral Form. Secondly , And it s as obvious that Lord and Command do otherwise differ then Blood and Sacrifice ; for Lord , as it signefieth principally a Proprietary , is toto caelo distinct from command , as standing in another series : And Lord as it signifieth a Rector , doth differ from Command , as the efficient from the effect ; which is otherwise then as part of the matter doth from the whole informed . It is no Argument against the truth which I maintain , that you cannot distinguish these . Thirdly , If it be the office of a Lord to Rule ; then you may well distinguish betwen the office and the work : But indeed in the first sense , Lord signifieth a Proprietary , and but in the second a Rulers Power ; which is not alwayes properly called an Office neither ; no more then the Soveraign is properly an Officer . Fourthly , To make Atonement is not all one as to be a Sacrifice , which was your former term : for Atonement is the effect of a Sacrifice : not of blood as blood , but as a Sacrifice meritorious and accepted . Fifthly , And as to the point in difference between us , the difference is palpable and weighty between believing in Christ as King , and believing or obeying his Commands . As his Kingly Power belongs to the Constitution of his mystical body or Republike , and his commands that flow from it to the Administration : so Subjection to his Power and Relation , and consenting to this constitution do enter us into the Body and unite us to him : when believing and obeying his Laws for Administration , do follow as the fruits . If you could have distinguished between the Root and Fruits , between Faith and Obedience , between making Disciples , and teaching to observe , &c. Mat. 28 . 19.2● . or becoming Disciples , and Learning ; you might have distinguished between becoming a Subject and obeying . And what ever you do , I am sure others of your way do grant , that Receiving Christ as Lord and Teacher , is the faith that justifieth , though not qua talis , but they will not say so by receiving or obeying his Governing Laws , which are distinct from the constitution or fundamental Law. Mr. Blake . You yet tell me it was fittest for Paul to say , by faith in his blood ; because he intends to connote both what we are justified by ex parte Christi , and what we are justified by ex parte nostri ; but the former principally . To this I say . If this were fittest for Paul , then it is unfit for any to come in with Animiadversions , and tell us of any other thing ex parte Christi , or ex parte nostri for Justification . I pray you rest here and we are well agreed . Here is Christs Priestly Office on his part alone , and I am resolved to look no further . Repl. Though I may not hope to change you , if you are Resolved , yet I may take leave to render a reason of my contrary as peremptory Resolution : I am resolved to look further ex parte Christi , then to his blood , yea or his whole Merit yea or whole Priest-hood for my Justification ; even to whole Christ , and in special to his Regal constitution and sentence . Yet I rest where you desire me , as to the Truth of what I said ; and if we are agreed , it s better then I can perceive in your other words . First , Though Paul there mention the Priestly office alone , yet that 's not all his Epistles , nor all the Scriptures ; nor doth he here exclude the rest . Secondly , It may be fittest to Pauls design in that particular discourse to mention faith in his blood , and yet it may be fit for another to come in with animadversions , and tell you of more necessary both ex parte Christi & nostri . It s common to express our meaning of a whole in a summary notion taken from a chief part : And indeed in Political discourses it is hard to meet with a fitter way of expression . Thirdly , Paul himself was not of your opinion , nor Christ neither , and yet it was not unfit for them to discover it . The same Paul that here thought it fittest to mention faith in his blood , did elsewhere think it fit to mention Jusstification by his Obedience , and that he Rose again for our Justification ; and to promise Jmputation of Righteousness to us , if we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead , Rom. 4.24 , 25. with the like passages before mentioned . But most frequently it is the comprehensive phrase of [ believing in Christ Jesus our Lord ] that he useth . The same Christ that calleth himself so oft the Lord and Master of his followers , excludeth not thereby his other Relations And when he saith in one place [ I am the Vine ] he may freely say else where , [ I am the good Shepherd : ] And he that speaketh of laying down his life for the sheep , doth not thereby make it unfit to mention other Pastoral a is for them . And he that tels us of eating his flesh and drinking his blood , intended not the exclusion of the spirit that quickneth . I am therefore Resolved by his Grace to adhere to whole Christ as the object of that faith which is the Condition of Justification . And I think this full comprehensive faith is safer then the groundlesly distinguishing faith ; and this Doctrine more agreeable to the Scriptures . Mr. Blake . Fourthly , Our faith must look on Christ so as to obtain righteousness by him , by virtue of which we may appear before God as righteous : But it is by his Obedience as a servant that we obtain righteousness , and stand before God as righteous , Rom. 5.19 . by the obedience of one many are made righteous . Repl. First , I grant the whole : but it s nothing to our Question . It s a strange error that runs through so many Arguments , that they should be impertinent to the question . You should have concluded that Faith in Christ qua Lord , doth not justifie ] which in terminis is the conclusion that you undertook to prove : whereas all that this Argument will conclude , is , that [ our faith must look at Christs obedience for Righteousness , &c. ] which I have said no more against then you have done . Secondly , But if [ Only ] be implyed as adjoyned to [ obedience ] then it will exclude his suffering as suffering in that formal respect , and take it in only as the Matter of his Obedience . Thirdly , And by this Argument you destroy what you not only mantained , but resolved to stick to in the last , that is , that it is not fit for any one to tell us of any other thing then faith in his blood for justification , and that you are resolved to look no further then Christs Priestly office alone . For Obedience extendeth further then blood-shed : therefore if we are justified by Christs whole obedience , then by more then his blood . Yea you will be put hard to it to prove , that all Christs obedience was offered by him as a Preist to his Father : It belongs to a Subject , a Servant , a Son to obey ; but obedience is far from being proper to a Priest . Fourthly , If you intend the Major exclusively as to all other considerations of the object , I still deny it as false . Our faith ( even as the condition of Justification ) must look at Christ , not only to obtain Righteousness by him , but also to subject our selves to his Teaching and Government , and to glorifie him in and for his Mercy . Fifthly , Yea , the Minor it self is false , if you imply the exclusive Only . For we obtain Righteousness and are justified before God effectively by Christ as King first by constitution , and secondly , by sentence , as well as meritoriously by Christ as Priest . Mr. Blake . Fifthly , That way that Christ took to bring us to God , our faith must eye and follow : But Christ by death the Sacrifice of of himself brings us to God , 1 Pet. 3.18 . Christ also hath once suffered for sins , the just for the unjust , &c. Repl. Still the same error : an Ignoratio Elenchi . I grant the whole , but the conclusion's wanting . Did I ever deny that faith must eye and follow Christs death to bring us to God ? yea for Justification . But you should have said [ by his death alone ] or you say nothing . And when you prove that by his death alone Christ brings us to God , you will do somewhat . And yet if you did , it would not follow that we are brought to God in Justification only by eying the cause of Justification as such . Mr. Blake . Sixthly , As Christ freeth us from the curse , so he justifies us , and in that notion our faith must look to him for Justification . This is plain ; Justification being no other but our acquittal from the curse , which is the sentence of the Law of Moses , Act. 13.8 . but Christ freeth us from the cause in suffering as a Sacrifice , not ruling as a Lord , Gal. 3.13 . Christ hath Redeemed us , &c. Repl. First [ Only ] is again left out in the Major proposition , and so I grant it : But if it be implyed that faith must look to him for Justification only in that notion as he justifieth us , yea only as he meriteth Justification , then I deny it , and you say nothing to prove it . Secondly , The exclusive of your Minor is a dangerous error : Christ freeth us from the curse by Justifying us as a King , and teaching , and ruling , and sanctifying us ; and not only by becoming a curse for us : For if you here put in [ Only ] you plainly exclude all his Obedience as such , and much of it materially : for it is not a cursed thing to obey God. The Law curseth for disobeying : therefore Obeying is not the Curse , nor is it materially a Curse to Love God , and Trust him , and be zealous for his Glory , &c. The whole office of Christ is imployed in freeing us from the Curse : and when Paul saith , he was made a Curse to free us , he never said or thought that he did nothing else to free us ; for an hundred texts do tell us of more . Thirdly , And on the by I must say , that I am not of your mind in the description of Justification ; for , omitting the controversie whether Justification only free us from the Curse , I do not believe that this curse is only the sentence of the Law of Moses . If it were , either you must prove that all the Gentile world that heard not of it was under the Law of Moses ( which abundance of most Learned men deny with better grounds then you have to affirm it ) or else that all these are under no curse for Justification to remove . The Law of Nature was materially part of the Mosaical Law ; but the form denominateth . So much to Mr. Blakes Arguments , which are so little to the purpose , that if the weight of the cause , and the prejudice of some Readers did not call more earnestly for a Reply , then any apperance of strength in them , I had spared my self and the Reader this Labor . But that [ Christ as Christ is the object of that faith by which as a Condition we must be justified ] and so that we are not justified only by believing in his blood , but also by believing in him entirely as Jesus Christ our Lord , and by becoming his Disciples , or true Christians , ] this is a truth , that deserveth more then my Pen to defend it ; and that while God affordeth me time and strength , I shall never desert . Nov. 1656. A DISPVTATION OF JVSTIFICATION : Whether any Works be any Conditions of it ? Conteining a necessary Defence of ancient Verity ; against the unnecessary Opposition of a very Learned , Reverend , and dearly Beloved Brother , in his Treatise of Imputation of Righteousness , and his Lectures on John 17. By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons , Book-seller in Kederminster , 1657. Whether Works are a Condition of Justification ? And so whether we are justified by Works as such a Condition ? THough we have said enough already on these Questions ( which for dispatch I joyn together , ) yet seeing there are some that must needs have more , or the same again ; I shall yield so far to their Importunity , as to recite here briefly the state of the Controversie , and some of that evidence which is elsewhere more largely produced for the truth . And First , We must explain what is meant by Works , and what is meant by Justification ; what by a [ Condition ] and what by the Preposition by here , when we speak of Justification by works : And then we shall lay down the truth in several propositions , Negative and Affirmative . It seems strange to me to hear men on either side to speak against the Negative or Affirmative of the Question , and reproach so bitterly those that maintain them , without any distinction or explication ; as if either the error lay in the terms , or the terms were so plain and univocal , that the Propositions are true only on one part , what sense soever they be taken in . No doubt but he saith true , that saith that Works are the Condition of Justification : and he saith as true , that saith they are not , if they take the terms in such different senses as commonly Disputers on these Questions do take them . And its past all doubt that [ a man is justified by faith without the works of the Law ; and that it is not of Works , but of Grace : and it s as certain that [ a man is justified by works and not by faith only ; and that by their Words men shall be justified , and by their Words they shall be condemned . ] Gods word were not true , if both these were not true . We must therefore necessarily distinguish : And first of Works . First , Sometime the term , Works is taken for that ( in general ) which makes the Reward to be not of Grace but of Debt : Meritorious works : Or for such as are conceited to be thus meritorious , though they be not . And those are materially , either Works of perfect obedience without sin , ( such as Adam had before his fall , and Christ had , and the good Angels have , ) or else Works of obedience to the Mosaical Law , which supposed sin , and were used in order to pardon and life , but mistakingly by the blind Unbelievers , as supposing that the dignity of the Law did put such a dignity on their obedience thereto , as that it would serve to life without the satisfaction and merit of Christ , or at least must concur in Co-ordination therewith . Or else lastly , they are Gospel duties , thus conceited meritorious . Secondly , But sometime the word Works is taken for that which standeth in a due subordination to grace : and that first , most generally , for any moral virtuous Actions , and so even faith it self is comprehended and even the very Receptive or fiduciall act of faith : or less generally , for external acts of obedience , as distinct from internal habitual Grace : and so Repentance , Faith , Love , &c. are not Works : or for all acts external and internal , except faith it self . And so Repentance , Desire after Christ , Love to him , denying our own Righteousness , distrust in our selves , &c. are called Works . Or else for all Acts external and internal besides the Reception of Christs Righteousness to Justification : And so the belief of the Gospel , the Acceptance of Christ as our Prophet and Lord by the Title of Redemption , with many other acts of faith in Christ , are called works : besides the disclaiming of our own Righteousness , and the rest before mentioned . Secondly , As for the word Justification , it is so variously taken by Divines , and in common use , that it would require more words then I shall spend on this whole Dispute , to name and open its several senses ; and therefore ( having elsewhere given a brief schem of them ) I shall now only mention these few which are most pertinent to our purpose . First , Some take Justification for some Immanent Acts of God , and some for Transient . And of the former some take it for Gods eternal Decree to justifie , which neither Scripture calleth by this name , nor will Reason allow us to do it , but improperly . Sometime it s taken for Gods Immanent present Approbation of a man , and Reputing him to be just , when he is first so constituted . And this some few call a Transient Act , because the Object is extrinsick : But most call it Immanent , because it makes no Alteration on that object . And some plead that this is an eternal act without beginning , because it is Gods essence which is eternal ; and these denominate the Act from the substance or Agent ; And other say , that it begins in time , because Gods Essence doth then begin to have that Respect to a sinner which makes it capable of such a denomination : And so these speak of the Act denominatively , formally , respectively : Both of them speak true but both speak not the same truth . Sometime the word Justification is taken for a transient Act of God that maketh or conduceth to a change upon the extrinsick object . And so first , It s sometime taken by some Divines , for a Conditional Justification , which is but an act that hath a tendency to that change ; and this is not actual Justification . Secondly , Sometime it is taken for actual Justification , and that is threefold . First , Constitutive : Secondly , Sentential : thirdly , executive . First , Constitutive Justification , is first either in the qualities of the soul , by inherent holyness ; which is first perfect , such Adam ( once ) and the Angels , and Christ had ; secondly , or Imperfect , such as the sanctified here have . Secondly , Or it s in our Relations : when we are pardoned and receive our Right to Glory : This is an act of God in Christ by the free Gift of the Gospel , or Law of Grace : and it is first , The first putting a sinner into a state of Righteousness , out of a state of Guilt . Secondly , Or it is the continuing him in that state , and the renewing of particular pardon upon particular sins . Secondly , Sentential pardon or Justification , is , first , by that Manifestation which God makes before the Angels in heaven . Secondly , at the day of Judgement before all the world . Thirdly , Executive Justification , viz. the execution of the aforesaid sentence , ( less properly called Justification , and more properly called pardon ) consisteth in taking off the punishment inflicted , and forbearing the punishment deserved , and giving possession of the happiness adjudged us : so that it is partly in this life , viz. in giving the spirit , and outward mercies , and freeing us from judgements ( And thus sanctification it self is a part of Justification ) and partly in the life to come , in freeing us from Hell , and possessing us of Glory . Thirdly , As for the word Condition , the Etymologists will tell us , that it first signifieth Actionem condendi : and then , Passionem , qua quid conditur , and then qualitatem ipsam per quam condere aliguis , vel condi aliquid potest ; & hinc est pro statu qui factus est rem condendo ; & deinceps pro omni statu , quem persona vel res aut causa quoquo modo habet aut accipit . But we have nothing to do with it in such large acceptions , in which all things in the world may be called Conditions . Vid. Martin . in Nom. They come nearer our use of the word , when they expound it by , Moderatio , Circumscriptio , determinatio , limitatio . In Naturals the word Condition is oft used pro ratione formali ▪ per quam alicujus disciplina subjectum adaquatū constitui solet . As e. g. Physicus considerat corpus , cum conditions mobilitatis , Geometer considerat quantitatem cum conditions continuitatis , Arithmaticus cum conditions disjunctionis ; Modicus considerat humanū corpus cum conditions , f●i● . quatenus agretare & sanari potest . Sometimes also any quality , or action , which is sine qua non to an effect or event is in meer Naturals called a Condition ; as the dryness of the wood , and the approximation of it to the fire , &c. are conditions of its burning : the non-impedition of a more powerful Agent , is a Condition of the efficacious action of every lower cause , &c. Many other acceptions of the word in Physicks by Zabarel , Claudius Alberius and others ; you may see in Goclenii Lexic . Philosoph . in nom . conditio . But we are not in a Physical , but a moral discourse , and therfore must be understood according to the subject matter . It is therfore a Civil or Legal Condition that we have to enquire after , and must fetch our descriptions from Lawyers , and not from Physicks , and therefore it is but deceitful equivocation in some Opponents , to fetch their opposition from Physical instances . The Lawyers give us divers Definitions of Condition , but for the most part they come all to one in sense . Some say , conditio est Lex adposita hominum actionibus , eas suspendens , Prat. Conditio ( say others ) est modus qui suspendit actum , donec co existente confirmetur . Vult . in Instit . de haere . instit ▪ § 3. n. 6. Accursus faith , Conditio est suspensio , cujus de futuro effectus vel confirmatio pendet : Bart. Conditio est futurus eventus , in quem dispositio suspenditar . Cuiacius , Conditio est Lex addita negotio , quae donec praestetur eventum suspendit . These are of conditions de futuro : But those that are de praesenti vel de praeterito , suspend not the obligation , unless as they are yet futurae quoad cognitionem , though not quoad esse , and so the knowledge of a Right may be suspended . They are commonly divided into Casuaeles , Potestativas , & mixtas . The moral operation of Conditions as such , is not in causing the effect when performed , but in suspending the effect till performed . The reason of the appointing of them for such suspensions is various : sometime it s because the person Giving , promising , or otherwise constituting the condition , is uncertain of the event of the performance , and would not have the effect come to pass without it . But that 's not alwaies : sometime though he might be sure of the event of performance , yet if he that is to perform the Condition be uncertain , it may make way for this constitution . It is therefore a vain Plea of them that say , God appointeth no conditions of his Promises , because the event is not to him uncertain . Saith Mat. Martin in nom . Cond . Defimri solet Dispositionis suspensio ex eventu incerto futuro ei opposito . Sic sane apud homines quo futura non norunt , sed Deus jub certis conditionibus etiam nobiscum agit ▪ at omnium eventuum ipse gna●us , pro infinita sua sap entia qua praevidet quid occur urum nobis , & quid nos amplexuri , vel declinatur● sim●s . Confer . Deut. 28 29 30 , 31. & 32. Capitobus . ] Commonly the reason of appointing Conditions is the desireab●ness of the thing to be performed , conjoyned with some backwardness or possibility of backwardness in the person that is to perform it , and therefore he is drawn on by the promise of that which he is more willing to receive : But many other reasons there may be . The first cause of the Condition , is the Requirer , whether he be Testator , Donor , Stipulator , Legislator , &c. And so the Condition of the Law or Covenant of Grace , is first , Gods condition as the Imposer . Secondly , And its the condition of each Subject as obliged to perform it . Thirdly , And the condition of each professing Christian as having Promised the performance . Fourthly , And the condition of true Christians only as actual Performers of it . The condition of the Gospel hath several respects according to the various respects of the Law that doth impose it . It s the Condition of a free Gift ; for the Gospel is a free Gift of Christ and Life : It is the Condition of a Promise ; because much of the Gospel benefits are future . It is the Condition of a Testament , because Christ dying did leave this to the Church as his last Will , and it was confirmed by the death of the Testator . It is the Condition of a premiant Law , and Act of Grace and oblivion ; because God made it as Legislator and Rector of the world in order to the conducting of his people to their happines : It is the condition of a Minatory Law , in that it is a duty commanded on pain of death and for the avoiding of that death . Fourthly , The preposition [ by ] in our present question , may signifie , either the use and Interest of any Medium in General ; or else of a true cause constitutive or efficient . So much of the terms . Proposition 1. Since Adams fall , it is impossible for man to be justified by a perfect sinless Obedience of his own , ( except Christ only : ) and consequently impossible for him to be justified by the Law considered in that form and tenor as it was given to Adam : for all men are sinners ; and that Law will ustifie no sinner . Proposition 2. By the works of the Mosaical Law , no man can be justified . And therefore the Jews seek Righteousness where it is not to be found , while they think that pardon of sin and acceptance with God are to be obtained by the bare works of that Law : while they overlook or reject Christ who is the end of that Law for righteousness to every Believer Specially now that Law is Abrogated or ceased , it were a double error to expect Justification by its works . Proposition 3. Much less can they be justified by the foresaid Law , who in stead of fulfilling it , do but falsely imagine that they fulfill it . Proposition 4. No man can be justified by works properly meritorious , because no man hath any such at all ; nor may we once imagine that we have any such works as Paul speaks of ( and the Jews thought they had ) which make the reward to be not of Grace but of Debt , Rom. 4.4 . much less that we are justified by such ; even Gospel works and faith it self do not justifie on this account , and a conceit that they are thus meritorious would but turn them into condemning sins . Proposition 5. No act of mans , no not faith it self can justifie as an act or work , nor as This act in specie that is ▪ the nearest and formal reason of its justifying Interest must not be fetcht either from the General or special nature of the act it self : and therefore it is not faith as faith , that is , as it is an apprehension of Christ or recumbency on him , that Justifyeth : nor yet as an Instrument thus acting . The nature of the act is but its aptitude to its office or justifying Interest , and not the formal cause of it . Proposition 6. No work or act of man is any true proper cause of his justification , ( as Justification is commonly taken in the Gospel : ) neither Principal or Instrumental . The highest Interest that they can have , is but to be a condition of our Justification and so a Dispositio moralis , which therefore some call cansa dispositiva , and some causa sine qua non , and it s indeed but a Nominall cause , and truly no cause at all . Proposition 7. Whatsoever works do stand in opposition to Christ , or disjunct from him , yea or that stand not in a due subordination to him , are so far from Justifying even as conditions , that they are sins which do deserve condemnation . Proposition 8. Works , as taken for the Imperate Acts of Obedience external , distinct from the first Radical Graces , are not so much as conditions of our Justification as begun , or our being put into a Justified state . Proposition 9. Repentance from dead works , denying our our selves , renouncing our own Righteousness , &c. ( much less external Obedience ) are not the receptive condition of our Justification , as faith is , that is , Their nature is not to be an actual Acceptance of Christ that is , they are not faith and therefore are not designed on that account to be the Condition of our Justification . Proposition 10. God doth not justifie us by Imputing our own faith to us in stead of perfect Obedience to the Law , as if it were sufficient , or esteemed by him sufficient to supply its place ; For it is Christs Righteousness that in point of value and merit doth supply its place : nor doth any work of ours justifie us by satisfying for our sins : for that 's the work of Christ the Mediator : Our faith and love and obedience , which are for the receiving and improving of him and his Righteousness and so stand in full subordination to him , are not to be made co-partners of his office or honor . Affirm . Proposition first . We are justified by the merits of a perfect sinless Obedience of Christ ( together with his sufferings ) which he performed both to the Law of nature , the Law of Moses , and the Law which was proper to himself as Mediator , as the subject obliged . Proposition 2. There is somewhat in the nature of faith it self in specie , which makes it fit to be elected and appointed by God to be the great summary Condition of the Gospel ; that it be Receptive ( an Acceptance of Christ ) is the nature of the thing : but that it be a condition of our Justification , is from the will and constitution of the Donor and Justifier . Proposition 3. There is also somewhat in the nature of Repentance , self-denyal , renouncing all other Saviours , and our own righteousness , desiring Christ , loving Christ , intending God and Glory as our end , ( procured by Christ , ) confessing sin , &c. which make them apt to be Dispositive Conditions , and so to be comprized or implyed in faith the summary Receptive condition , as its necessary attendants at least . Proposition 4. Accordingly God hath joyned these together in his Promise and constitution , making faith the summary and receptive Condition , and making the said acts of Repentance , self-denyal renouncing our own righteousness & disclaiming in heart Justification by the works of the Law , and the renouncing of all other Saviours , also the desiring and loving of Christ offered , and the willing of God as our God , and the renouncing of all other Gods and so of the world , flesh and devil ; at least in the resolution of the heart ; I say making these the dispositive Conditions , which are ever implyed when faith only is expressed , some of them as subservient to faith , and perhaps some of them as real parts of faith it self . ( Of which more anon . ) Proposition 5. The Gospel promiseth Justification to all that will Believe , ( or are Believers . ) To be a Believer and to be a Disciple of Christ , in Scripture sense is all one , and so is it to be a Disciple and to be a Christian : therefore the sense of the promise is , that we shall be justified , if we become true Christians or Disciples of Christ ; and therefore justifying faith comprehendeth all that is essential to our Disciple●ship or Christianity as its constitutive causes . Proposition 6. It is not therefore any one single Act of faith alone by which we are justified , but it is many Physical acts conjunctly which constitute that faith which the Gospel makes the condition of Life . Those therefore that call any one Act or two by the name of justifying faith , and all the rest by the name of works , and say that it is only the act of recumbency on Christ as Priest , or on Christ as dying for us , or only the act of apprehending or accepting his imputed Righteousness , by which we are justified , and that our Assent , or Acceptance of him as our Teacher and Lord , our desire of him , our love to him , our renouncing other Saviours and our own Righteousness , &c. are the works which Paul doth exclude from our Justification , and that it is Jewish to expect to be justified by these though but as Conditions of Justification ; these persons do mistake Paul , and pervert the Doctrine of Faith and Justification , and their Doctrine tendeth to corrupt the very nature of Christianity it self . Though yet I doubt not but any of these acts conceited meritorious ( or otherwise as before explained in the Negative ) if men can believe contradictories , may be the matter of such works as Paul excludeth : And so may that one act also which they appropriate the name of justifying faith to . Proposition 7. Sincere obedience to God in Christ is a condition of our continuance in a state of Justification , or of our not losing it . And our perseverance therein is a condition of our appearing in that state before the Lord , at our departure hence . Proposition 8. Our Faith , Love , and Works of Love , or sincere Obedience , are conditions of our sentential Justification by Christ at the particular and general Judgement ( which is the great Justification . ) And so as they will prove our Interest in Christ our Righteousness , so will they materially themselves justifie us against the particular false Accusation of being finally impenitent , Unbelievers , not Loving , not obeying sincerely . For to deny a false accusation is sufficient to our Justification . Proposition 9. As Glorification and Deliverance from Hell , is by some called Executive pardon or Justification ; so the foresaid acts are conditions of that execution , which are conditions of Justification by the sentence of the Judge . Proposition . 10. As to a real inherent Justice , or Justification , in this life we have it in part ( in our Sanctification and Obedience ) and in the life to come we shall have it in perfection . So much for the explicatory Propositions . I Come now to prove the sum of the Affirmative Proposition , together so far as they resolve the Question in hand , viz. that works or acts of man have such an Interest in our Justificaon , and are so far conditions as is here asserted . My first proof is from those Texts of Scripture which expresly speak of Justification by such acts or works . If we are justified By our words and works , then are they no less then conditions of Justification . But we are justified By them . Ergo. &c. The Consequence of the Major is plain , first , In that the Preposition [ By ] doth signifie no less then the Interest of some means : but these Works can be no means , but either a condition or a cause , which is more : A cause , the persons that now I deal with , will not affirm them to be : If they do , then they ascribe much more to them then to be a condition . Secondly , The Interest of faith it self is expressed by no higher terms then [ By , ] that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and so is the Interest of these other acts . The Minor is express , 1. Mat. 12.36 , 37. [ For by thy words thou shalt be justified , and by thy words thou shalt be condemned ] . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) that is , at the day of Judgement , in the great Justification . 2. Jam. 2.24 . ye see then how that By Works ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a man is justified , and not by faith only ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This speaks of Justification in this life . When men argue against Justification by our words or works , I desire 1. to understand whether it be the words or the sense that they argue against . If the words , then it is either against the use of them simply , as being false or unmeet : or else against unseasonable use of them . For the former they have no ground ; for you see it is the express language of Christ himself and his Apostle . And as to the later , I easily grant that no Scripture phrase should be unseasonably used . But if it be not the words but the sense that they blame , why then do they harp so much on the words themselves , and raise the most of the odium from thence ? And what is the unwarrantable sense ? I know not of any lower sense that they can put on these words , then what importeth the Interest of a condition : As for that of Mat. 12. they say little to it . And as to that of James , they interpret it differently among themselves . First , Some of them say that James speaks of Justification before men , and others say he speaks of Justification before God. The former are easily confuted ( as they restrain the text to that alone ) by the express words of the Text. For , first , ver . 23. it expresly speaks of Righteousness by divine Imputation , and of Gods accepting Abraham into friendship . Secondly , The text speaks of that Justification which concurreth with Salvation , ver . 14. [ can faith save him ? ] Thirdly , It speaks of the Death of faith without works , as to Profiting , ver . 16.17 . which is different from manifestation . Fourthly , It instanceth in the secret act of Rahab , and such an act of Abraham , as we read of no men that then justified him for , nay they were liker to condemn him . Fifthly , Men may justifie an Hypocrite as soon as the truly godly , and can but conjecture at the faith by the works . But the scope of the text shews that it is no such frivolous justification that is here meant . Secondly , They that say that it is justification before God that is here meant , ( as no doubt it is ) have yet divers interpretations of the word Works . Some say , that by Works is not meant [ Works themselves ] indeed , but a working faith . To them I say , first , I deny it , and wait for better proof then is yet brought . Secondly , The text nameth [ works ] expresly twelve times in a few verses : which is not usual in speeches so tropicall as this is supposed to be . Thirdly , In many or most of the texts , that interpretation would make the words non-sense , as the perusall will declare . Fourthly , If the word [ works ] did emphatically signifie the [ working nature ] of faith , or faith not qua fides , but qua operans , it will be all one as to the matter in question , and yield what I desire . Others say that by works is indeed meant the works themselves properly ; but then they say that the text speaks not of the Justification of the person by them , but of faith by them , for faith , say they , alone doth justifie the person , and works only justifie faith . Answer , But first , this contradicteth the express text : for verse 14. It is the Salvation of the person that is denyed ; and ver . 21. It it the justification of Abraham himself that is there mentioned ; and ver . 24. it is the man that is said to be justified by works and not by faith only ; and verse 25. it is Rahab her self that is said to be justified by works . Secondly , The answer contradicteth themselves , or granteth what I desire : for if works justifie the faith , they must needs justifie the person in tantum , against any accusation of gross Infidelity and Hypocrisie . Sometime the person is justified when his Action cannot be justified ( as in case of satisfaction and pardon : ) but to justifie the action it self , is the highest sort of justifying the person . So that all other Interpretations being either overthrown , or resolved into that which we maintain , I need to say to more for the defending of it . My next proof is from those texts that say , we shall be Judged according to our works , and rewarded according to our Labour , &c. 2 Cor. 5.9 , 10. 1 Cor. 3.8 . 1 Pet. 1.16 , 17. Matthew 16.27 . &c. If men shall be justified according to their works , then those works are no lower then a condition of that justification : But the Antecedent is true , as I prove thus . If men shall be judged according to their works , therefore they shall be justified according to their works : The reason of the Consequence is evident ; because judging is the Genus , which comprehendeth Justification and condemnation as its species . The reason also of the consequence of the former Argument is apparent : because the term [ of judging according to works ] doth in the common use of men signifie ordinarily that which they call the Meritum causae , but never any thing lower then a bare condition : nor can any lower tolerable judiciary sense be put upon them , as might easily be shewed if it were worth the standing on . My next proof is from those texts that expresly promise the pardon of sin on condition of Repentance , Confession , &c. If Repentance , and other acts are made by the Gospel , conditions of pardon , ( and our first general Pardon ) then are they made conditions of our first admission into a state of Justification . But the Antecedent is plain , in Act. 2.38 . Mar. 14. Luke 13.35 . Isa . 55.67 . and 1.16 , 17 , 18. Ezek. 33.11 , 16. and 18.28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. Prov. 28.13 . Act. 3.19 . with many more . The Consequence is plain , in that Pardon is by very many made the whole of our Justification ; and by others confessed a chief part ; and by all it s confessed to be made ours on the same terms as is Justification it self . My fourth Proof is from those texts which make these kind of Acts to have the place of a condition in order to salvation ; if they are conditions of salvation , then are they no less then conditions of our final Justification : But the Antecedent is ordinarily acknowledged by the Opponents , and it s proved , 1 Tim. 4.8 . Heb. 5.9 . 1 Tim. 6.18 , 19. Luk. 11.28 . and 13.24 1 Cor. 9.24 , 25 , 26 , 27. Rev. 22.14 . John 12.26 . Rom. 8.13 . Mat. 5.20 . Mat. 19.29 . Mat. 6.1 , 2 , 4 , 6. and 5.12 , 46. and 10.41 , 42. 2 Thess . 1.5 , 6. Col. 3.23 , 24. Heb. 6.10 . 2. Tim. 4.7 , 8. Gal. 6.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 2. Cor. 9.6 , 9. John 5.22 , 27 , 28 , 29 , &c. The Consequence is proved good , first , In that final Justification and Glorification have the same conditions ; as is plain , both in many Scriptures ( mentioned ) and in the nature of the thing : for that Justification is the adjudging us to that Glory ; and therefore so far as any thing is the cause or condition of the Glory it self , it must be the reason of the sentence which adjudgeth it to us . Secondly , And salvation is as free as Justification , and no more deserved by man : and therefore the Apostle equally excludeth works from both , Eph. 2.5 , 8 , 9. By Grace ye are saved , through faith , and that not of your selves , it is the gift of God ; not of worke , lest any man should boast . so Tit. 3.5 , 6 , 7. more fully . Now if Salvation by grace through faith without works , exclude not sincere obedience from being a Condition of Salvation , then Justification by grace through faith without works , doth not ( in Scripture sence ) exclude sincere obedience from being the condition of our final Justification , nor Repentance from being the condition of our justification as begun : ( for there is eadem ratio , and the Text makes the one as free without works , as the other ) But the Antecedent is plain in the Scriptures , Ergo , &c. My fifth Proof is from those texts that in terms seem to assign a causality to such obediential acts , which can be interpreted of no less then a conditionality ; such are Luke 19.17 . Mat. 25.31 , 23 , 34 , 35 , 40 , 46. Gen. 22.16 , 17 , 18. 2 Chron. 34.26 , 27. Psalm 91.9 , 14. Mark 7.29 . 1 John 3.22 , 23. John 16.27 . Rev. 3.10 . and 3.4 . and 7.14 , 15. &c. And though some of these texts speak not of Divine acceptance to life ; yet first , some do ; secondly , and the rest speak of no mercy but what is as freely given as Justification . A mans own works are excluded other Means and parts of salvation , as well as that . I run over these briefly and generally , both because I expect that the bare texts without my Comments , should work upon the Considerate , and because I have been so much upon it formerly in other writings ( as Confess . § . 3. p. ●6 . cap. 3. & cap 5. § . 2. pag. 117 , 118. & alibi passim ) as that I apprehend in this work more tediousness than necessity . But the chief thing that I further here intend , is to answer some Objections , that by a Reverend Brother in his second part of his Treatise of Justification are brought against me . But before I come to his Arguments , its necessary that I a little animadvert on his Description of Justification , that we may first agree upon the sense of our terms , or at least , know how to understand one another . Treat . Of Justification . p. 126. [ Justification is a gratious and just Act of God , whereby through Christ our Mediator and Surety , a sinner , but repenting and believing , is pronounced just , and hereby put into a state of Reconciliation and favour with God , to the praise of Gods glorious attributes , and to the Believers eternal salvation . I shall not examine this Description by accurate Logical Rules , &c. Answ . First , Doubtless an accurate , rather then popular definition would as soon be expected from you , as from most ; and here as anywhere in a Treatise purposely on the Subject . Secondly , Pronunciation doth not go before Constitution , not put us into a state of Reconciliation and favour , but find us in it , you say your self . pag. 120. To justifie , is to constitute and to declare or pronounce righteous , And in your first Treatise of Justification . pag. 7. Indeed the Apostle , Rom. 5. saith , many are made righteous by the second Adam ; which if not meant of inherent holiness doth imply that the righteousness we have by Christ , is not meerly declarative , but also constitutive ; and indeed , one is in order before the other ; for a man must be righteous , before he can be pronounced or declared so to be . ] Treat . p. The Application of ( Justification ) is attributed to the Holy Ghost . Answ . I know not of any such , except first , where Justification is taken for Sanctification . Secondly , or as the Holy Ghost is made the Author of the Promise , though I doubt not but he is the Author of faith also . Treat . 16. The Socinians say Christ justifieth only Instrumentally , not principally ; even so faith is said to save : but this cannot be , because Christ is God as well at Man , and therefore cannot be instrumental , but principal . Answ . As they err on one hand , that say Christ justifieth only Instrumentally ( which flows from their blasphemous denyall of his God-head ) so it s an error on the other hand , to say that Christ cannot be Instrumental , but principal ; I prove the contrary ; first , If Christ may be an Officer appointed by the Father to the Redemption , and ruling of mankind , then may he be an Instrument . But , &c. Ergo , &c. Secondly , If Christ may be a means , he may be an Instrument ; but he may be a means , for he is called by himself the way to the Father : and a way is a means . Thirdly , He is called the Fathers servant : therefore he may be an Instrument . Fourthly , He is said to come to do his Fathers will , therefore he is his Instrument . Fifthly , All Power is said to be given him , even the Power of judging , John 5.22 . and Matthew 28.18 , 19. therefore he is the Fathers Instrument in judging . And your reason is invalid , ( viz. because Christ is God ) for he is Man as well as God , and so may be Instrumental . Treat . p. 129 , 130. It sounds as intolerable Doctrine in my ears , that Christ our Mediator did only expiate by his death sins against the Law and Covenant of works , but that those that are against the Covenant of Grace , &c. Answ . A sin is against the Law of Grace or Gospel , first , because it is against some object revealed in the Gospel , which the sin is against , ( as Christ ) Thus sin was expiated by Christ : 2ly . As it is against a Precept of the Gospel and thus it is expiated by Christ : 3ly . As it is a breach of a mans own Promise or Covenant made to Christ upon the Gospel invitation . And thus it is expiated by Christ . 4ly . Or as it hath respect to the Gospel commination , so as to make a man the object of the actuall curse of this New Covenant , or the person to whom its proper penalty is become actually due ; as every sin made the penalty of the first Law actually due to us . This is it that I have said , that Christ doth not expiate , and none but this . Some Divines say , the Gospel hath no proper curse or commination & penalty . I am past doubt that it hath , even non-liberation , a privation of all the salvation offered them , and the Remedilesness of their state , &c. and I have oft opened this , and proved that only final Impenitency and Infidelity , or the finall non-performance of the conditions of life , are thus peremptorily threatned , and make a man the Subject of the proper actual curse of this Law of Grace . And if after all explications , you will still carry it in confusion , or intimate that men hold intolerable Doctrine , omitting their explications , and by generals making that theirs which they disclaim : our next reply shall be patience ; or if you think indeed , either that the Law of Grace doth oblige any under the penalty of remediless non-liberation , besides the finally Impenitent and Unbelievers , or that Christ dyed to expiate any mans predominant final Impenitency or Unbelief , I will not trouble you with any other consutation then a denyal of it . Treat . p. ibid. Repentance is not an ingredient to our Justification as faith is ; Repentance qualifieth the Subject , but faith immediatly receiveth it . Answer . The Word Ingredient is more ambiguous then to be worthy the labour of discussing : But your assigned difference I ever did allow . And yet must we voluminously differ , when I have told you that I allow it ? But then I add , that this difference is in the nature of the acts , and in their aptitude to their office . But in the general nature of being Conditions of pardon , which is the nearest reason of their interest , they agree , though upon several reasons they are made conditions . Treat . [ We are not justified by the Habit of faith ; but by the Act. ] Answer . I said so too in my Aphorisms . But the reasons of a learned man ( Dr. Wallis in his friendly animadversions ) have perswaded me that it is unsound . Treat . p. 129. It is asserted , that Justification called in Titulo , or virtual , is nothing but the Grant of it in the Gospel : But I see not how that can be called our Justification . Answ . First , That which is asserted , is , first , That the Gospel , is the Instrument justifying . Secondly , That the moral act of the Gospel-Grant ( and Gods Will by it ) is Justification in sensu activo . Thirdly , That the Relation resulting there-from , is our passive Justification . Secondly , Can you see how a Princes pardon under his hand-writing can be the Instrument of a Traitors pardon ; and how the moral or civil Action of that Instrument , and of the Prince by it , can be active pardon ; and how the Relation effected by it can be passive pardon ? If you can see it there , you may see it here : And if you cannot , many a one can . Treat . It is the sign or Instrument declaring it : not justification it self . An. Who ever said , and where , that passive Justification ( yea or active ) is the Gospel it self , or the sign ? The Letter is the sign ; The actual signification of Gods will thereby is the justifying act . The Relation thence resulting on us , is our passive Justification . These have been oft recited . Treat . As the grant or promise of our Sanctification is not our Sanctification . Answ . Good reason : The difference is not to you unknown : Sanctification ( passive ) being a Physical effect , must have a Physical cause , and therefore a bare moral cause cannot produce it . But pardon or justification being but a Relative effect , may be produced per nudam resultantiam à fundamento . 2. But suppose God had made a promise of Sanctification on condition of faith ; would not the Right to Sanctification have resulted immediately from this promise , the condition being performed ? And that Right hath the same Relative nature , as constitutive Justification , and pardon it self hath . Treat . And as on the contrary our condemnation while we abide in sin , or Gods anger against the sinner , is not the threatning promulged , but that which comes from God himself . Answ . 1. Our Condemnation per sententiam Judicis , is not the thing in question , not yet the explication of it ; but our constitutive condemnation . And that it is not indeed the Letter of the Law , ( whoever said so ) but activè , it is the action of the Law , & passivè sumpta , it is the Relative effect of the Law. 2. From your own Argument reverst , I unresistibly make good my Cause against you . Condemnation active is the Laws act , and condemnation Passive is the Laws immediate effect : therefore Justification is alike produced by the Promise or Gift in the Gospel . The Antecedent is proved , Iohn 3.18 . he that believeth on him , is not condemned , ( for the Obligation is dissolved ) but he that believeth not , is condemned already . ] Which must be by some Law , it being before Judgement and Execution , 2 Cor. 3 9. The Law in its delivery is called [ the ministration of condemnation ] and that of the Gospel [ the ministration of righteousness ] Iam. 2.9 . men are said to be [ convinced of the Law as transgressors . ] Though Paul confute the false conceits of Justification by the Law , yet he took them for no unfit phrases , to speak of [ the Law working wrath ] Rom. 4.15 . [ The curse of the Law ] Gal. 3.13 . And saith , Whatsoever the Law saith , it saith to them that are under the Law ] Rom. 3.19 . When the Law comes , sin reviveth , and we die , Rom. 7.8 9. therefore we are said to be [ delivered from the Law , ] Rom. 8.2 . & Gal. 3.13 . Rom. 7.6 . And Gal. 3.21 . If there had been a Law given which could have given life , righteousness should have been by the Law. Hence then is mention of being Iustified by the Law , Gal. 5.4 . and mens being debtors to the Law , Gal. 5.3 . And somewhat this way is implyed by Nicodemus , Iohn 7.51 . doth our Law judge any man before , &c. ] In a word , what more common among Divines , then to say , [ the Law curseth or condemneth sinners ] And then it is not abhorrent from the nature of a Law of Grace , an act of Oblivion , to absolve and justifie sinners . Treat . Neither then could we say , that we are justified by Christ given to us , but by the proposition laid down in the Scripture , whereas all say that the objectum quod of our faith is ens incomplexum , not the promise of Christ , but Christ himself promised . Answ . It s no impossible thing to be justified both by Christ , and by the Promise . There is no ground to suppose co-ordinates to be contraries . Why may not Christ given us ▪ justifie us as the meritorious cause , and a principal efficient ; and his Gospel-grant , as his Instrument ? And accordingly each of them may be the object of faith . The principal object is an ens incomplexum , Christ himself : but a subordinat Object is both the Doctrine Revealing what he is and hath done , and the promise which offereth him to us , and telleth us what he will do . If a Princes Son redeem a woman from Captivity , or the Gallows , and cause an Instrument under his own hand ( and the Kings ) to be sent to her , assuring her of pardon , and liberty , and honours with himself , if she will take him for her husband , and trust him for the accomplishment ? Is it not possible for this woman to be pardoned and delivered by the King , by the Princes ransom , by the Prince espoused , and by her marriage with him and by the Instrument of pardon or conveyance ? You may be enriched by a Deed of Gift and yet it may be an ens incomplexum that is bestowed on you by that Deed , and enricheth you too . Your Money and your Lease , both may give you title to your house . The promise is Gods Deed of Gift , bestowing on us Christ and pardon , or Justification with him . Treat . Besides , Abraham was Iustified , and he is made the pattern of all that shall be Iustified : Yet there was no Scripture-grant , or deed of gift in writing , declaring this : God then communicating himself to Belivers in an immediate manner . Answ . Was there no Gospel-grant then extant ? no deed of Gift of Christ and his Righteousness to all that should believe ? Nothing to assure men of Justification by faith , but immediate communications to Believers ? If so , then either there was no Church , and no salvation : or a Church and salvation without faith in Christ : and either faith in the Messiah to come for pardon and life , was a duty , or no duty : If no duty , then — If a duty , then there was a Law enjoyning it , and that Law must needs contain or be conjunct with a revelation of Christ , and pardon and life to be had by him . I suppose that whatever was the standing way of Life and Justification then to the Church , had a standing precept and promise to engage to the duty and secure the benefit . I know not of duty without Precept , nor of faith without a word to be believed . But this word was not written ! True ! but what of that ? Was it ever the less a Law or Promise , the Object of Faith , or Instrument of Justification ? The promise of the seed might be conveighed by Tradition , and doubtless was so . Or if there had been no general conditional grant or offer of pardon through Christ in those times , but only particular communications to some men , yet would those have been nevertheless instrumental Treat . Therefore to call this Grant or Conditional Promise in the Scripture , Whosoever shall believe shall be justified , a transient act of God , is very unproper , unless in such a sense , as we say , such a mans writing is his hand , and that is wholly impertinent to our purpose . Answ . There are two distinct acts of God here that I call Transient . The first is the Enacting of this Law , or giving this promise . If this were not Gods act , then it is not his Law or promise . If it be his act , it is either Transient , or Immanent . I have not been accustomed to believe that Legislation , Promising , &c. are no acts , or are Immanent acts . The second is the continued Moral Action of the Word , which is also Gods Action by that Word as his Instrument : As it is the Action of a written Pardon to Acquit , and of a Lease to give Title , &c. And so the Law is said to absolve , condemn , command , &c. What it saith , it saith to them that are under the Law : And to say , is to Act. Though physically this is no other Action , then a sign performeth in signifying , or a fundamentum in producing the Relation , which is called the nearest efficient of that Relation . Now either you think that to oblige ( the most essential act of Laws ) to absolve , condemn , &c. are Gods acts by his Word , or not . If not , the mistake is such as I dare not confute , for fear least by opening the greatness of it , I offend you . If yea ; then either it is Gods Immanent act , or his Transient . The former I never to this day heard or read any man affirm it to be . That which is done by an Instrument , is no Immanent act in God : To oblige to duty , to give right to Impunity and Salvation , &c. are done by Instruments , viz. the Word of God , as it is the signifier of his will : therefore they are not Immanent Acts. Moreover , that which is begun in time , and is not from Eternity , is no Immanent Act. But such are the fore-mentioned : because the word which is the Instrument , was indited in time . Lastly , that which maketh a change on the extrinsick object is no Immanent act , but such are these Moral acts of the Word : for they change our Relations , and give us a Right which we had not before , &c. therefore they are certainly transient acts . A thing that I once thought I should never by man have been put to prove . Treat . pag. 130. It s true at the day of Judgement there will be a solemn and more compleat Justifying of us , as I have elswhere shewed . Answ . You have very well shewed it : and I take gratefully that Lecture , and this Concession . Treat . pag. 131. Indeed we cannot then be said to be justified by Faith , &c. Hence this kind of Iustification will cease in heaven ( as implying imperfection . ) Answ . And I desire you to observe , that if it be no dishonour to Christ , that we be there ( through his grace ) everlastingly justified without his Imputed righteousness , or pardon , or faith pro futuro , it cannot be any dishonour to him here , that we should repent , and believe , and be sanctified , nor that those should be conditions of further mercy , and sufficient of themselves to justifie us against any false charge that we are Impenitent unsanctified Infidels . If a perfect cure disgrace not our Physitian then sure an imperfect cure and the acknowledgement of it , is no dishonour to our Physitian now . Treat . pag. 137. Thus all those Arguments , If we be Justified by faith , then by our own work , and that this is to give too much to faith , yea more then some say they do to works , which they hold a condition of our Justification ; All these and the like Objections vanish ; because we are not justified by faith , as Justification is considered actively , but passively . Answ . 1. I yet think that I have said enough in my private Papers to you , to confute the conceit of faith's being Passive . 2. If I had not , yet you yield me what I desire : If faith act not , but suffer , to our Justification , then is it no efficient Instrumental cause . For all true efficiency is by Action . And so you keep but a Metaphorical Instrument . But of this more hereafter . Treat . pag. 141. We cannot call Remission of sin a state , as we call Justification . Answ . I do not believe you : and I can bring many Scriptures against you . Put to your self it s enough to ask , How can you constantly make Remission an Essential part of Justification , and yet say , that we cannot call it a state , as we do Justification . In your first Treat . of Just . Lect. 17. pag. 145. you say , Prop. 4. Remission is not to be considered meerly as removing of evil , but also as bestowing good . It is not only ablativa mali , but collativa boni , a plentiful vouchsafing of many gracious favours to us , such as a Son-ship , and a Right to eternal life , as also peace with God , and communion with him . ] And why may we not say , [ A state of Sonship or salvation ] as well as of Justification ? Treat . ib. There is a Justification of the cause , and of the person , alwaies to be distinguished . Answ . There is no Justification of his cause , which doth not so far justifie the person : Nor any sentential Justification of the person , but by justifying his cause . Though his actions may not be justifiable ; yet when the cause to be tryed is , Whether sinful actions be pardoned by Christ , that cause must be justified , if that man be justified . Even as Accusations are not charged upon the person , without some cause real or pretended . Treat . pag. 152. Not only Bucer who is known to place Justification both in Imputed righteousness and Inherent , thereby endeavouring a Reconciliation with the Papists — But Calvin li. 3. cap. 17. sect . 8. — To this purpose also Zanchy — . Answ . Why then might not I have had as fair measure as Lud. de Dieu , Bucer , Calvin , Zanchy ? especially when I go not so far . And yet I take my self beholden to Guil. Rivet , for helping me to some scraps of Phil. Codurcus , who drives at this mark , as you say Bucer doth , though I cannot yet get the Book it self . Treat . pag. 158. O this is excellent , when a man is amazed and in an holy manner confounded at his holiness , as well as at his offences . Answ . So you before say , they must be ashamed of their Righteousness as well as their sins . I do not well understand these distinctions . Nothing in all the world confoundeth me so much as the imperfection of my Holiness : But I dare not think that imperfection to be no sin , left I must think the perfection to be no duty , and so come to works of supererrogation and Evangelical Counsels . And Holiness considered in it self , and not as sinful and imperfect , is amiable in my eyes , and I know not how to be ashamed of it , without being ashamed of God that is its object and exemplar , and heaven that is the state of its perfection . Treat . ib. Set some few , even a remnant aside , comparatively , the whole Christian world both Doctors and people , learned and unlearned , fasten on a Justification by works . — Answ . I hope not so many as you fear , or affirm . First , all the Doctors and people of your judgement do not : And if you thought those so exceeding few among Christians , you would not take me for so singular as you do . 2. None of the truly sanctified are such as you here affirm . 3. The multitude of groundless presumers of Free Grace are not such . And truly though I doubt Justiciaries are too common , I do not think that such Presumptuous ones are so small a Remnant . 4. The Libertines and Antinomians , and many other Sects of their mind , are none of this great number . 5. I will yet hope for all this , that you cannot prove it of the Doctors and people of half the Christian world . Their hearts God knows . And I will not yet believe that in their Doctrine about Justification by works , the Greek Churches , the Armenians , Jacobites , Copti's , Abasine● , &c. do fasten on such dangerous sands , or differ so much from you . 6. I heard as eminent Divines as most I know ( some yet living ) in a publick meeting say , that Bishop Vsher and Mr. Gataker affirmed , that the Papists did not fundamentally differ from us in the Doctrine of Justification . Treat . pag. 167. By all these subtile Distinctions , men would be thought — Answ . Your scope in that page seems to be against any distinguishing whatsoever about works , in this proposition , We are justified by faith , and not by works , If so , that we must not run to any distinction , but say , that in every motion or sense , Works are excluded , and do justifie in none , then I profess it is past my uttmost skill to justifie you for accusing Althamer as you do , for saying , Mentiris Jacobe in caput tuum : Yea if he had upon the reading of Mat. 12.36 . risen higher , and said , Mentiris Christe in caput tuum . For sure he that saith [ By thy words thou shalt be justified ] Or by works a man unjustified , and not by faith only ] can no way possibly be excused from that crime , if no distinction may verifie his words ; but they must then be taken as absolutely false : which I will not be perswaded of . Treat . pag. 219. Serm. 23. Observ . That even the most holy and regenerate man is not Iustified by the works of grace which he doth . This truth is the more diligently to be asserted , by how much the error that confronts it is more specious and refined , and maintained by such abettors , whose repute is not so easily cast off as the former we spake of . Now you come purposely , I perceive to deal with me . I confess the repute of Abettors doth much to bear up opinions through the world , even with them that speak most against implicit faith . But you need not despair of casting off the repute of them you mention Mr. Robertson and Mr. Crandon can teach any man that will learn that lesson . Treat . ib. The Question is not , Whether we are Iustified by works , though flowing from grace , as meritorious or efficient of Justification . This the Opinionists we have to deal with , do reject with indignation . To make Works either merits or efficient causes of our Iustification before God , they grant it directly to oppose the Scriptures ; yea they seem to be offended with the Orthodox , as giving too much to faith , because it s made an Instrument of our Iustification : therefore they are to be acquitted at least from gross Popery . Answ . This is one passage which I understand by your Preface to you Sermons on John 17. you lookt for thanks for : and I do freely thank you for it : for the world is such now , as that I must take my self beholden to any man that doth injure me with moderation and modesty . But you might have done that justice to us Opinionists , as to have put [ any causes at all ] instead of [ efficient causes ] when we had so often told you ( the Orthodox ) that we disclaimed all true causality ; and then your Reader would have been ready to hope that we are free also from the finer Popery as well as the gross . But since I have heard of late times , what it is that goes under the name of Antichristianity and Popery , even with many that are able to call themselves Orthodox , and others that dissent from them , worse then Opinionists ; I confess I begin to have charitable thoughts of a man that is but freed from the charge of gross Popery : and if those tongues should free him also from the imputation of all the finer Popery , I should begin to suspect that somewhat is amiss . Treat . ib. 2. Although to maintain faith and Obedience to be the conditions , and a causa sine qua non of our Justification , be the professed and avowed Doctrine of the Socinians , yet some of late have asserted the same Doctrine , that yet abhor Socinianism — . Answ . For this also I give you the thanks which you expected , on the foresaid grounds . But if we assert the same Doctrine with the Socinians , either it is the same false Doctrine , or the same sound Doctrine . If the later , you might as well have said , the Socinians assert that there is a God , and so do we : But to what purpose ? If the former , then either it is false quoad terminos , or quoad sensum . The former cannot be said without absurdity : the words can have no other falsness , but an unfitness , distinct from the sense : And if the terms be any part of Socinianism , then Christ and James were guilty of Socinianism ; quod absit . If it be the sense ▪ First , I crave no other favour of the impartial Reader , before he judge , then to read the Socinians explication of themselves , and to read my explication here , and in my confession . Secondly , And if he will also peruse the Allegations in the end of that confession , let him judge whether the Orthodox be not guilty of Socinianism . Or if he be tempted to believe Dr. Owens intimations , as if I had dealt injuriously with the Authors there alleadged , I only desire him to turn to the places cited , and peruse them in the Authors , and freely censure me . Treat . 220. Neither is the question about the necessity of holiness , &c. — Only the question is upon what account these are required in justified persons ; whether in some causality , or concurrence as faith is , only not with such a degree of excellency ? Whether good works be required as well as faith , so that we may say , justifying Repentance , justifying Law , ( Love , it should be ) as well as justifying faith ? This is positively and vehmently affirmed by some : but certainly those Arguments and Reasons they bring are too weak to gainsay the Torrent of the Orthodox Divines . Answ . Upon the reading of this , I complained of hard measure in the Preface to my confession : to which you reply somewhat in your Preface to Sermons on John 17. I shall recite the reasons of my complaint . First , I did both at large in private writings to your self , and publiquely to the world , profess that I took neither faith nor works for any causes at all of our Justification ; was it just then to make this the state of the Question , and say I positively and vehemently affirmed it ? ( for you deny not that it is me that you mean , and I know it by passages here agreeable to your private letters ) Secondly , I never once imagined the difference between faith and holy obedience or sanctification , to lie ( in order to Justification ) in the degree of excellency . I never to my remembrance so thought , or wrote , or spoke . But the difference I laid here , first , That ( as to actual obedience , yea and Repentance ) faith hath a peculiar aptitude to this office , as being a Receptive act , and fited to the object , as that object is fitted to our necessity . Secondly , That ( as to assent , desire of Christ , love to Christ offered , accepting him as Teacher , and Lord ) they are essential acts of faith , and so differ not at all , as they are by many supposed to do . Nay , I rather expected that some should have charged me with preferring Holiness before faith in excellency , while I made faith but the seed , and holyness as the fruit ; faith to be but the covenanting , and Obedience the performance of what we consented to ; and in a word , while I made perfect holiness the end of faith , because the end is better then the means : And I was glad when I found you saying the like , Vindic. Legis , Lect. 4. pag. 45. [ 13. Holiness and Godliness inherent , is the end of Faith and Justification . ] But little did I think to have been charged , and that by you , for making the difference to lie in faiths higher degree of excellency , and only in that . Thirdly , I never owned the phrase of [ justifying Repentance , justifying Love. ] nor ever said that we may as well use these as [ justifying faith ] And when none of these things were ever said or written by me , ought you to have left on record to Generations , that [ this is positively and vehemently affirmed . ] On the consideration of this dealing , I must say again , O what is man , and what a sad case were we in , if the best of men were our Judges ! when they will not stick deliberately to publish to the present and future Ages , that we positively and vehemently affirm those things , which we never thought nor wrote , but have by Letters and in printed books both positively and vehemently , & very frequently professed the contrary . Is here any room for further disputing ? yea , when I have told you of this dealing , you own it still , and defend it in your Preface to your Sermons on John 17. I shall therefore before I proceed , examine that Defence . Preface . pag. 3. [ Now when I had endeavoured to state the Question in a most candid and fair way between those that deny a Condition sine qua non of our Justification , and those who affirm . A Reverend and Learned Brother , judging himself concerned in this opinion likewise , doth complain of the want of Candor and truth in my stating of the Question , when I rather expected thanks for my Ingenuity : — Now let any judicious Reader , that is acquainted with controversie , decide , wherein any ( and or truth may be desired here . For I say [ causality ] which is a general word , not efficiency or merit ; Again , I say , some causality , Causalitas quaedam , which is terminus diminuens : yea I added the word Concurrence , which might satisfie any how low I brought the Question . Answer . Will you call to any judicious Reader , to tell you that which I particularly exprest to you ? Again , Then let the judicious Reader judge whether you should have said to the world , any of the forementioned particulars ; First , That I give any Causality to works as to Justification . Secondly , Or that I difference them only in degree of excellency . Thirdly , Or that I affirm , that we may say , justifying Repentance , justifying Love , as well as justifying faith . Fourthly , And this is affirmed positively , and vehemently : and all this when I had positively and vehemently denyed them . Fifthly , Yea , and that only this is the question between us . And what do your defences do to justifie such dealing ? [ you said only Causality in general , and not Efficiency or Merit ] And did not I openly and privately to you deny Causality in general , and not only Merit or Efficiency ? and is that positive or vehement affirming it ? Secondly , you said , Causalitas quaedam , which is terminus diminuens . ] If quoad esse causalitatis it be terminus diminuens , then the meaning is , that I make them no causes . But do you think any Reader will English Causalitas quaedam , by [ no Causality ] But doubtless you mean that it is Terminus diminuens as to the quality or nobility of the cause . But first , I never heard before that quaedam was terminus diminuens ; and if no Readers must understand you , but those that know this to be true , I think it will be but few . Secondly , But what if that were so ? Did you not know that I denyed even all causality , how diminute soever quaedam can express , if it be but real . Thirdly , But you added [ Concurrence ] But it was in Concurrence with the several unjust passages before mentioned : and sure the neighbour-hood of that word hath not force enough to make them all true . Preface . [ My Reverend Brother saith , He vehemently disclaimeth all Causality of works in Justification : surely his meaning is all Proper causal efficiency , and so did I in the stating of it : But to deny Causality in a large sense , is to contradict himself . Answer . If so , what hope of Justice ? Must I in paper after paper disclaim all true Causality , and will you not only perswade the world of the contrary , but persist in it , whether I will or not , and say I mean a [ proper causal efficiency ] Reader , I have no other remedy left , but to advise thee , that if yet after this it be affirmed the next time that I disclaim not all true causality , or mean not as I say , thou believe not the affirmation . Preface . [ For in his Aphoris . 74. Thes . They both , viz. Faith and Works justifie in the same kind of causality , or mediate it ( should be media , ) and improper causes , or as Dr. Twiss causae dispositivae , but with this difference , Faith as the principal , Obedience as the less principal . Here is causality , though improper ; Here is a causa dispositiva : and yet shall I be blamed after I had removed Efficiency and Merit ? Answer . This is but to add injustice . When I have written at large that faith and works are no true causes of Justification , and after tell you that a condition is commonly called causa sine qua non , which is causa fatua , and no cause at all , but meerly nominal , having by custom obtained that name , and that Dr. Twiss calls this causa dispositiva : when I say that they have only a causality improperly to called , which indeed is no causality . Is it justice for you still to perswade the world that I mean some causality , though not efficiency ? The thing I renounce : the name is not it that you only charge me with : if you had , I was not the maker of it . It was called causa sine qua non , before I was born : I must comply with common language , or be silent : especially when I tell you , I take it for no Cause . You give me such justice as the hoast of the Crown Tavern in Cheap-side had , who ( as Speed saith , ) was hanged for saying merrily , that his Son was Heir of the Crown , and his exposition would not save his life . I pray you hereafter remove more then Efficiency and Merit . I take not works to be either the material or formal cause of Justification , no nor the final , though you ( in the words before cited ) affirm it such . Who then gives more to works , you or I ? The final cause is so called , because it causeth us to choose the means to it ; Justification is not a means of our using , but an act of God. Therefore works are not properly the end of it , as to us . And yet let me say this to you , lest you should mistake me : As vehemently as I disown all true causality of works to our Justification , I intend not to fall out with all men that call them causes . As first , Not with Piscator nor such other that call them causes of our final absolution and salvation . Secondly , Nor with those that call them meritorious in the same sense as the Fathers did , though they unfitly use the word . Thirdly , Nor with those that will say , that because they please God , and so are the object of his complacency and will , they may therefore , speaking after the manner of men , be called Procatarctike causes of his act of Justification : and so that the Amiableness and desirableness of faith and holiness , is the cause why he assigned them to this Noble place and office . Fourthly , Nor with them that say , faith is a moral or a Metaphorical , passive or active Instrument of Justification . Though I say not as these men , I will not quarrel with them . Preface . But I need not run to this ; for my Arguments militate against works , at works justifying under any pretended Notion whatsoever . Answer . By the help of this , I shall interpret all your Arguments . And if so , then they militate against the act of faith justifying under the pretended notion of an Instrument , unless you will say that faith is no Act , or Instrumentality is no pretended notion . Preface . And this maketh me admire how my learned Brother could let fall one passage wherein he may be so palpably and ocularly convinced to the contrary by the first looking upon my Arguments ; that which he saith is [ the strength of my Arguments , lies upon a supposition , that conditions have a moral efficiency ] — There is no one of these ten Arguments brought against Justification by works , as a Condition sine qua non , that is built upon this supposition , or hath any dependance on it , only in the fourth Argument after their strength is delivered , I do ex abundanti , shew that a Condition in a Covenant strictly taken hath a moral efficiency . Answer . First , you confess it is your Assertion , that such Conditions have a moral efficiency . Secondly , I never said that you made that a Medium in all your Arguments , nor that you intended that as their strength ; but that their strength lyeth on that supposition ; and if I have mistaken in that , I will not stand in it : But I think to shew you that without that supposition your Arguments have no strength : which if I do , then judge at what you marvailed . But it s a farther act of injustice in you , in alleadging me Apol. pag. 8. saying that some conditions are impulsive causes , when I told you it is not qua conditions , but only as materially there is somewhat in them that is meritorious . I doubt not but the same thing may be the matter of a cause and a condition . I shall now return to your Lect. of Justification , and there speak to the other passage in your preface , about justifying Repentance and Love , &c. Treat . pag. 220. [ This therefore I shall ( God willing ) undertake to prove , that good works are not a condition , or a cause sine qua non of our Justification . Answer . But remember that it is Justification , either as begun in constitution , or continued , or as pronounced by the Judges Sentence , that the Question comprehendeth , and not only the putting us into a justified state ; And its works under any notion that you speak of , and not only under the reduplication , quà works . Treat . p. 221. First I shall instance in the great pattern and example of our Justification , Abraham ; from whom the Apostle concludeth a Justification of all Believers in the like manner he was . Now that Abraham was not Iustified by works , or his working , though a godly man , the Apostle , &c. Answ . 1. I distinguish between works in Pauls sense , and works in Iames his sense . And because you say so much against distinguishing of works , ( before ) as deceitful ; I will first prove the necessity of distinguishing . 1. Works in Pauls sense are such as make the Reward to be not of Grace , but of Debt . Works in Iames his sense are not such : therefore they are not the same . Works in Pauls sense , are actions as valuable offered to God , and justifying by their value . But works in Iames his sense , are none such . Proved . The works that James speaks of must necessarily be done : Works in Pauls sense , we may not so much as imagine that we can do ; viz. such as make the Reward of Debt , and not of Grace . Though the matter of such works may be done , which Justiciaries thus conceive of , yet under such a notion , no man may once imagine that he hath them . 2. Works in Pauls sense are such as stand in competition with Christ , or at least , would be co-partners with him in a co-ordination . But works in James his sense are none such , but such as stand in a due subordination to Christ ; such undoubtedly there are : And such James speaks of . That Paul speaks of works as Competitors with Christ , or as co-ordinate , an hundred Texts will prove ; and the case is so plain , that I think it not worth the insisting on , seeing the impartial reading over the Epistles may satisfie . 2. I distinguish of Justifying , quoad modum procurandi , or of the distinct Interests of mens actions therein , signified in the preposition [ By. ] Paul speaks of Justification [ By ] works , as by valuable deserving causes , or procatarctike causes , moving God to justifie us by their worth , or by some true causality procuring it . But Iames speaks of Works as supposing the perfect Satisfaction and Merit of Christ , and that all that is valuable to the causal procurement of our Justification is to be found in him alone , and therefore he leaves no causality herein to works but takes them as a meer condition , which cease suspending when performed . For the efficiency of a condition , is only in suspending till performed : And so Rebellion can suspend ; when the ceasing of that Rebellion by obedience , doth not cause , but only cease suspending . Now I answer to your Minor , that Abraham was not justified by works in Pauls sense , but he was in Iames's sense , unless you will own the saying which you chide Althamer for . ( Though I must say that in his Conciliationes Loc. Script . Althamer deals more mannerly with Iames. ) Abraham was not justified by works , as making the Reward of debt , and not of grace : for he had no such works : But Abraham was justified 1. By the act of faith , as a condition : therefore by an act under some notion . I know of few Divines that deny that faith is a condition of Justification . 2. However you confess your self that Abraham was Justified by faith as an instrument : and you say that it was by the act of faith ( and not the habit . ) And though you take this to be but a nominal act , and really a Passion , yet so do not others : for herein you are more singular ( a thousand to one , as far as I am able to understand ) then I am in the Doctrine which you charge with singularity . 3. The faith that Abraham was justified by , was not only a bare apprehension of Christs Righteousness , but a receiving of Christ as Christ , which is called , Works , by your party . 4. It was either By or Because of his External Obedience , that Abraham was justified . Proved . 1 By Iames 2.21 . Was not Abraham our Father justified by works , when he had offered Isaac his son upon the Altar ? 2. From Gen. 22.12 , 16 , 18. By my self have I sworn saith the Lord , for because thou hast done this thing , and hast not with-held thy son , thine only son , that in blessing I will bless thee , &c. And in thy seed shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed , because thou hast obeyed my voice ▪ But then I must add , that this was none of Abrahams first Justification , for he was just before this ; but it was a renewed Acceptance and Approbation of God , and a kind of sentential Declaration thereof , by the voice of the Angel. But a Justification it was , and so James calls it . Now let us hear your Replies . Treat . pag. 221. This cannot be a solid Answer . 1. Because the Apostle speaketh generally of works in this description of Iustification , though in other places he sometimes saith [ the works of the Law ] yet Abraham could not be Instanced in for such works , &c. — When we read the Holy Ghost spake generally of all works , who are we that we should limits it to some ? — By their interpretation , the believer should be opposed only to some kind of works and faith , &c. Answ . 1. The ordinary strain of the Apostles speech , being expressive of the works of the Law , is Expository of the rest , 1. Because a few passages must be usually expounded by many . 2. And because a few ( much more abundance of ) limiting passages , must expound those where the restriction is not expressed . 2. Have not I ever yielded to you that all works are excluded from Justifying as works ? but it follows not that therefore they are ( as you may say ) excluded under any Notion whatsoever . 3. And why might not Abraham be instanced in ? Your proof is none . 1. Is it not a good Argument Negative , Abraham was not justified by works , therefore we are not ? And a good Argument to prove the Antecedent : Because he had no works that could justifie : No nor those which were then trusted on to Justification . 2. Doth not Paul shew that he speaks of these , when he proves his assertion , 1. Because Abraham was then in uncircumcision , Rom. 4.10 . ( what 's that to Gospel obedience ? ) 2. Because the Law was long after the promise , and was not then given , Gal. 3.17 . 3. Paul maketh it all one to be justified by works , and to be justified by the Law ; as abundance of passages shew . A multitude of particular Texts do expresly shew that it is a Legal Iustification only that he speaks of , and that he directly intendeth only Legal works . I will now instance but in one , viz. Rom. 4.13 . compared with Gen. 22.18 . [ For the promise that he should be heir of the world , was not to Abraham and his seed by the Law , but through the righteousness of faith . ] Now compare with this , the words of the promise it self , [ And in thy seed shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed , because thou hast obeyed my voice . ] So ver . 16 , 17. Because thou hast done this thing , &c. ] 4. It s not easie to conceive how any man can expect a Legal or Pharisaical Iustification by Evangelical works without a gross contradiction : For example ; to be justified Legally by Evangelical faith , desire , love , thanks , joy , self-denyal , confession , &c. are all palpable contradictions : And such a mans faith must be thus exprest ; I expect to merit Iustification legally , by believing in Christ as the sole Meriter of my Iustification and salvation , or by desiring Christ , or by loving Christ as the sole Meriter of my salvation : Or by thanking him , or rejoycing in him as the Sole-meriter of my salvation ? Or I expect legally to merit Iustification , by denying that I can merit it , by any righteousness of my own ; or by confessing that I deserve damnation by my sins , or by praying or seeking for salvation by free gift , as merited only by Christ . ] All these are palpable contradictions ; and no man can hold both that knoweth what he doth . 5. Yet I will suppose that though no man can so trust to his works for legal Justification , that are apprehended by him as Formally Evangelical , yet perhaps he may do it by some works that are Materially Evangelical , and fancied by him to be what they are not . And so I still say , that though it were Legal works that Paul did directly dispute against , yet consequentially and indirectly he disputeth against works commanded only in the Gospel , if men will do them to Legal ends , and fancy them to be of the value legally to justifie them . 6. I will therefore suppose some men to be so unreasonable , as to expect a Legal Justification , by their believing or confessing that Christ only can Legally justifie them , and not themselves ; and so I will grant you , that Paul doth ( consequentially ) exclude all works , even Evangelical works from Justification : But though he exclude all works , yet not in every notion , nor doth he exclude All interest of All works in our Justification . All works as valuable offerings , he excludes , and so as meritorious , not only in point of Commutative Justice , but also in point of Legal worth and Legal Justice , as the Pharisees supposed them meritorious : All works he excludes from all proper Causality . But he doth not exclude all works from having any Interest at all in subordination to Christ . Do you verily believe that Repentance and Faith have no Interest in our Pardon , in sub-ordination to Christ ? If you say , No , not any , you contradict God , and your self , and all the Christian world . If you say , Yea , but they justifie not qua works ; you say nothing to the controversie : For I have over and over as loud as you , professed that they justifie not formaliter as works . If you say they have any Interest : 1. Tell us better what it is . 2. And then you confute your general assertion . There 's no Christian that I know but will confess that the Gospel works have the interest of Declaring signs in our final Iustification . And few will deny that Repentance hath the interest of a necessary qualification , or condition to our first Justification . Now would you perswade us that Paul excludeth this kind of Interest , or opposeth faith to it ? If not against the signal interest of works , then not against all Interest ; therefore if Pauls general exclusion will consist with your signal Interest , then I shall maintain that it will consist with the fore-explained Conditional interest . I will not therefore be guilty of your charge of limiting the Holy Ghost . If he spake of all works , I will believe he means All works . But 1. If he over and over near an hundred times at least , explain himself as speaking of the Law , I will not shut my ears against that explication . And 2. I will grant it is also all Evangelical Works , at least by consequence : But I need not therefore grant that because he excludeth All Work , therefore he excludeth All kind of Interest of all works ; but only that sort which he disputeth against . Besides all this , I must distinguish of Justification , Legal and Evangelical , respective to the promises and threatnings of the Law and Gospel , which do differ . No works at all did justifie Abraham , from the charge of the Law , Thou art a sinner , as being the Righteousness of the Law , and the matter of that Justification . Nor will any works at all so justifie us . But it doth not follow , that therefore no works will justifie a man from the false accusation of being an Impenitent , Unbeliever , and so having no part in Christ , whose Righteousness must stop the mouth of the Law : Or that no works are the matter of the righteousness required in this Constitution , [ He that believeth shall be saved : Repent that your sins may be blotted out . ] Which are here required as the condition of our freedom from the Law , by the righteousness of Christ . In a word , Paul bestows a large dispute to prove that no works of ours do answer the expectation of the Law , and so cannot justifie us themselves from its Accusation . It s an ill consequence , that therefore Paul proveth that no works of mans do answer the special constitution or condition of the Gospel [ Repent and Believe in Christ , &c. ] and so are not the Condition of our interest in that perfect righteousness of Christ , which is the only valuable cause of our foresaid Justification . Treat . 222. Again , that works of all sorts are excluded , is plain , if you consider the Object of Iustification , who it is that is here said to be justified , and that is , the ungodly . By the ungodly is one meant that hath not a sufficient and adequate holiness : so that Abraham though regenerated , yet as to Iustification is ungodly , he cannot stand before God , or endure , if all his imperfections be enquired after . Now certainly he that fulfilleth the conditions of Iustification , cannot be called ungodly ; for he doth all that is required . Answ . 1. Again , I grant all works excluded : but not in all their relations ; nor are all their Interests in Justification excluded . 2. This Argument I should not have expected from you . You confess that by ungodly , is meant such , though Regenerate and holy , that have not an adequate holiness : Adequate ; To what ? to the Law ? or to the constitution of the condition in the Gospel ? Marvel not if I deny the Consequence of your Argument , and if I be unable to digest your reason for it . You say , [ He that fulfilleth the Condition of Iustification , cannot be called ungodly . ] But what Condition ? I confess he that fulfilleth the Laws condition cannot be called ungodly , nor be unjustifiable by that Law. But he that performeth the Gospel-Condition of liberation , may be called ungodly in the sense you now mentioned , that is , unjustifiable immediatly for his works by the Law : or one that hath not an holiness adequate to the Law. Though indeed he cannot be called Evangelically ungodly . I suppose you clearly see that your Argument makes as much against any Condition of Justification in us , as against works being the condition . For against faith it self , being any Condition , you may equally argue , [ Its the ungodly that are justified : But he that fulfilleth the conditions of Iustification , is not to be called ungodly . Ergo , &c. ] But if you take ungodliness ( as you do ) for unadequate holiness ( to the Law ) I deny your Minor . Can no man but the Perfectly obedient , perform the condition of pardon in the Gospel ? Treat . ib. So that this is very considerable , that all those whom God justifieth , he justifieth them not for any thing they have of their own , or any conditions they have performed ; but as such who are sinners in a strict examination , and so deserve condemnation , and therefore no works of grace are looked upon . Answ . I have answered this fully in Colvinus . 1. Though Protestants oft say , that God saveth men for their obedience , and Scripture use the term [ because ] oft , yet I am willing to yield to you that men be not saved nor justified for any thing of their own , or for any conditions : But yet he would not justifie them without the performance of some conditions ; but would condemn them for the non-performance , even with a special condemnation , distinct from that which is for their sins against the Law. 2. Colvinus was the first man , and you are the second that ever I read ( to my remembrance ) saying that God justifieth men as sinners . A quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . If as sinners , then all sinners are justified . If not as performers of any Condition , then not as Believers ! These things want proof . Treat . ib. Lastly , that all works are excluded , is evident by the Apostles allegation out of David , who makes mans blessedness to be in this , that God imputeth righteousness without works . Answ . 1. This is sufficiently answered in the former . 2. Paul hence immediately concludeth that Righteousness comes not only on the Circumcision : whence you may see what works he means . 3. Your selves expound the foregoing term ungodly , of men that have not adequate holiness , though sincere ; therefore you must so take this equipollent term [ without works ] for [ without that adequate holiness ] : but it follows not , that therefore it s without any humane act . 4. Yet still I grant this also , that its without any humane act , considered as the matter of a Legal righteousness , or as opposite to Christ , or co-ordinate with him : but not without any humane act , as subordinate to Christ , and as the matter of that Evangelical righteousness which is required in this Constitution [ Repent and Believe the Gospel ] viz. sincerely . Treat . pag. 223. And indeed it is at last confessed , that its faith only that makes the contract between God and the soul : that good works are not required to this initial consenting unto Christ , so as to make him ours , but in the progress . This is that in effect , which the Papists affirm in other words , That the first Justification is only by faith , but the second by good works . Answ . How would you have your Reader understand these two insinuations ? 1. Have I so oft asserted that which you call my Confession , and put it into an Index of distinctions , least it should be over-lookt , and told you as much so long ago in private writings , and do you now come out with an [ Its at last confessed . ] I hope you would not intimate that ever I denyed it : or that ever I wrote Book of that subject , wherein I did not expresly averre it . But then ( that you think not better of me then I deserve ) I must tell you , that when I still excluded works from our begun Justification , it was external Obedience , and not Repentance , nor those acts of faith ( even the Receiving Christ as Lord and Teacher ) which those that oppose me call works . 2. If you take it but for an argument to convince such as I , that [ the Papists hold it : Ergo ▪ &c. ] I must complain that it is uneffectual : But if you intend it for another effect on other persons , viz. to affright them with the sound of so horrid a name , or drive them away by the slink of it , then you may possibly attain your ends . But you should have attempted it only by truth . Is it true , that [ this is that in effect , which the Papists affirm in other words ? ] Yea is it not a notorious truth , that it is quite another thing which the Papists affirm in somewhat like words ? 1. The world knows that the Papists by the first Justification , mean the first infusion of renewing special grace . 2. And that by the second Justification , they mean , the adding of further degrees of Sanctification , or actuating that which before was given . 3. That they hold , faith justifieth in the first Justification constitutivè . 4. And that works or holiness justifie constitutivè in the second Justification , even as Albedo facit album , vel doctrina indita facit doctum . On the other side , I have told you often privately and publikely , that , 1. By Justification I mean not Sanctification , nor any Physical , but a Relative change . 2. That by first and second , I mean not two states , or works , but the same state and works as begun , and as continued . 3. That faith justifieth neither constitutivè & inhaerenter , nor as any cause , but as a Receiving Condition . 4. And that works of external obedience are but a dispositive condition , and an exclusion of that ingratitude that would condemn . And now judge on second thoughts , whether you here speak the words of Truth or Equity . Treat . ib. Against this general exclusion of all works , is opposed ver . 4. where the Apostle saith , To him that worketh the Reward is of debt ; from whence they gather that works only which are debts , are excluded . Answ . I never used or heard such a collection . All good works are debts to God ; but our collection is , that works which are supposed by men to make the reward of Debt , and not of Grace , are excluded . Treat . But if this be seriously thought on , it makes strongly against them ; for the Apostles Argument is à Genere : if it be by works , it s of Debt : therefore there are not works of Debt , and works of no Debt . Answ . 1. If the Apostle argue à Genere , then he argueth not from an Equivocal term ; and therefore of no works but what fall under his Genus . 2. And the Apostles Genus cannot be any thing meerly Physical , because his subject and discourse is moral : and therefore it is not every act that he excludeth . 3. Nor can it be every Moral Act that is his Genus : but only Works in the notion that he useth the word ; that is , All such Works as Workmen do for hire , who expect to receive wages for the worth or desert of their works . I shall therefore here confute your assertion , and shall prove that All works do not make the Reward to be of Debt , and not of Grace : and consequently that Paul meaneth not either every Act , or every Moral Act , here ; but only works supposed Rewardable for their value ! ( What you mean by Works of Debt , and Works not of Debt , I know not : they are not Scripture words , nor my words ; For still I say , All Good works are of Debt to God from man. ) Argument 1. Ex natura rei ; There are many Moral Acts that make not the Reward from men to be of Debt , and not of Grace : Much less will such Works make the Reward from God to be of Debt , and not of Grace . The Consequence is grounded on these two or three Reasons . 1. God is infinitely above us ; and therefore less capable of being obliged by our works then man. 3. God is our absolute Proprietary , and we are wholly his ; and therefore we can give him nothing but his own . 3. God is our Supreme Rector , and we are bound to a perfect fulfilling of his Law : and we are sinners that have broak that Law , and deserve eternal death : therefore we are less capable of obliging him by our works as our Debtor , then of obliging men ( and indeed uncapable . ) 4. Gods Reward is Eternal Glory , and mans is but some transitory thing : therefore we are less capable of making God our Debtor for Justification and Salvation , then man for a trifle . This proves the Consequence . Now the Antecedent I prove by Instances . 1. If a man be ready to drown in the water , and you offer to help him out , if he will lay hold of your hand : this act of his is Actus humanus vel moralis , and yet makes not the deliverance to be of Debt , and not of Grace . 2. If a man be in prison for Debt and you ransom him , and offer him deliverance on condition he will but consent to come forth on the account of your Ransom : this moral Action makes not his Deliverance to be of Debt , and not of Grace . 3. If a man be condemned for Treason , and upon Ransom made , you procure and offer him a pardon , on condition he will take it , or if you say , If you will give me thanks for it , or take it thankfully ; or , If also you confess your Treason ; or , If also you crave pardon of the Prince ; or , If also you confess me your benefactor ; or , If also you will profess your purpose to take up rebellions arms no more ; or , If also you will openly profess the Princes Soveraignty , and renounce the Leaders of the Rebells , whom you have followed ; Vpon any one , or on all these conditions , you shall have a free and full pardon ; without any cost or suffering of your own . Do you think that any of these do make the pardon to be of Debt , and not of Grace ? 4. If you give a man a Lordship on condition he take it as a free Gift from you , and pay you yearly a grain of sand , or do some act of homage ( as to say I thank you ) which hath in it no consideration of value , but only of acknowledgment of dependance , doth this make your Gift to be not of Grace ? 5. If you give a beggar a piece of gold , on condition he will take it , and put off his hat , and say , I thank you . I will not believe , that any of these Acts do make the Reward to be not of Grace . But if you bid them , Go and do me so many daies work for it , importing somewhat profitable or valuable for yourself , then the case is altered . Argument 2. Those works which a man cannot be justified without , make not the Reward to be of debt and not of Grace : But there are some works that a man cannot be justified without , Jam. 2.24 . Matthew 12.37 . what ever they be , some they are . Argument 3. Those works which a man cannot be saved without , make not the Reward to be of Debt and not of Grace . But there are some works that we cannot be saved without . Therefore there are some works that make not the Reward of Debt and not of Grace . The Major is proved by the express exclusion of works in this sense , from salvation : both as begun , and as consummate , 2 Tim. 1.9 . who hath saved us , and called us with an holy calling , not according to our works , but his own purpose and grace , &c. Ephes . 2.8 , 9. For by Grace ye are saved , through faith , and not of your selves , it is the gift of God : not of works , lest any man should boast , Tit. 3.5 , 6 , 7. Not by works of Righteousness which we have done , but according to his Mercy he saved us by the washing of Regeneration and the renewing of the Holy Ghost , — that being justified by his Grace , we should be made Heirs according to the hope of eternal life , Rom. 6.23 . For the wages of sin is death , but the Gift of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord , ] Act. 4.12 . Neither is there salvation in any other , Mat. 25.34 . Come ye blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdom prepared for you , &c. ] whence Expositors conclude against works . The Minor may be proved by an hundred texts , Mat. 25.35 . For I was hungry , &c. Rev. 22.12 . and 2.23 . Mark 13.34 . Rev. 20.13 . Jam. 2 14. 1 Pet. 1.17 . He will judge every man according to his works , &c. Argument 4. Those works which Grace commandeth , and causeth the Godly to perform , do not make the Reward to be not of Grace , but of debt . But there are some such works . Ergo , &c. The Major is evident : What Saint dare say , that he hath a work that makes not the Reward of Grace , especially when it is a work of Grace ? The Minor is as true as Scripture is true , 2 Cor. 9.8 . Col. 1.10 . 2 Thess . 2.17 . 2 Tim. 2.21 . Tit. 3.1 . Heb. 13.21 . Mat. 5.16 . Heb. 10.24 . 1 Pet. 2.12 . Tit. 2.14 . and 3.8 , 14. Ephes . 2.10 . &c. — Dare any say that God hath not commanded good works ? or yet , that he hath commanded us in the Gospel , so to work that the Reward may not be of grace , but debt ? Will any say that the Saints do no good works ? or else that they do such good works as make the Reward to be not of Grace but of debt ? I hope not . Argument 5. Repentance is a moral Act : Repentance maketh not the Reward to be of debt , and not of grace : therefore there are some works that make not the Reward to be not of grace , but of Debt . The same I say of Faith it self , and other Acts. But perhaps some one else will object , that though its true that there be such works , yet they have no Interest in the business of our Justification , and therefore Paul doth hence exclude them . Answer . First , It sufficed to my last purpose to prove that there are works which will not bear his description , and therefore are not they that he means . Secondly , But that those other works have some Interest in the business of our Justification , I have proved in the beginning . Repentance hath the promise of Pardon : so hath faith , &c. But I 'le not unseasonably here digress to this , but refer you to what is said before and after , and elsewhere more at large . Argu. 6. In ver . 5. the opposite term [ he that worketh not ] doth not signifie him that performeth no moral act . Therefore in the fourth verse , [ he that worketh ] doth not signifie him that doth perform any moral act . The consequence is undeniable from the evident immediate opposition , between him that worketh , and him that worketh not . The Antecedent I prove , First , From the words of the Text , which mention one act , even believing , as opposite to working , and implyed in , or consistent with not working . [ To him that worketh not , but believeth . ] Secondly , Because else it would subvert the Gospel . What sense would you make of it if you should interpret this and such texts as this of all moral Acts ? Such as Christian ears would abhor . If [ working ] be the Genus , and the Text will hold as extended to Believing , Repenting , &c. as the species , and that even in their due Evangelical notion : Let us try them a little in such an Exposition . ver . 4 , 5. [ to him that worketh , that is , Repenteth , Believeth , &c. the Reward is not of Grace , but of Debt . But to him that worketh not , ( that is , that Repenteth not , Loveth not God ▪ Desireth not Christ or Grace , believeth not in Christ , ) but believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith ( supposing he have it not ) is imputed to him for righteousness . ] Is this a sweet and Christian sense ? If we should run over an hundred such Texts by such an Interpretation , you would hear no sweeter Melody . Let us hear some modern Expositors , ( for I will give you no thanks to grant me the Ancients , without citing them ) 1. Calvin , ( that excellent Expositor ) saith thus [ Optrantem vocat qui s●is meritis aliquid promeratur : non operantem , cui nihil debetur operum merito . Neque enim fideles vult esse ignavos ; sed tantum Mercenarios esse vetat , qui à Deo quicquam reposcant , quasi jure Debitum . ] Is not this one of the Opinionists , that so far joyneth with the Socinians and Papists ? 2. Bullinger ( and Marlorate citing him ) makes the Apostle to argue thus [ Si quis sit qui promereatur aliquid opere suo , res promerita , non imputatur illi gratis ; sed ut debita redditur : Fides reputatur in justitiam , non quod aliquod tale promereamur , sed quia Domini bonitatem apprehendimus . Ergo , &c. 3. Beza : Atqui ei qui operatur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Id est , ei qui ex opore sit aliquid promeritus . Cui opponitur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui non operatur , id est , qui opus nullum adfert cujus mercadem flagitet , sed gratuita Dei promissione nititur — Justificatio enim gratiae est in Christo , ista vero Meriti est in nobis . 4. Piscator in Schol. Sic argumentatur Paulus : Ei qui operibus meretur , merces non imputatur . ver . 4. Atqui Abrahamo justitia fuit imputata ; ver . 3. Ergo Abrahamus justitiam non est meritus operibus . 5. Peter Martyr also is a down right Opinionist ; In loc . pag. ( mihi ) 168. Et cum audimus à Paulo , Operanti & non operanti , nequaquam sic accipere debemus , quasi illi qui crodant non operentur . Nam de illa tantum operations loguitur , qua moreamur , an t mereri velimus Justitiam . Etherl●●● consideratu dignum , est , quod apud Theologos sehelasticos jam inveteravit us dicant meritum à Paulo appellari debitum : Quare cum hic Paulus à Justificatione debitum auferet , necessariò ▪ etiam tollit meritum , si propriè ac verè de illo velimus loqui . 6. Aretius in loc . Tertium Argumentum ex vi relativorum , opera postulant mercedem suo jure , ac debito non ex gratia , sed Abrahamo justitia debito , non sao jure , sed ex gratia est collata : Ergo , &c. — ver . 5. Nam si opera non opus fuisset imputatione , sed tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 postulasset meritorum suorum debitum mercedem . 7. Anton. Faeyus in loc . Argumentatur Apostollus ex locati & conduct● inter homines recepto jure : qui enim locat operam suam , pasciscitur cum conductore , ut congruens operae pretium ipsi numeretur : adeo ut non obtineat mercedem gratis , sed ex operae cum ipsa mercede 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Argumentum ergo est à disparatis : sunt enim disparata merces & donum , ut & operans & non operans . Operans accipit mercedem debitam : non operaens accipit donum . Est enim inter Deum & homines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa quae est inter donantem , & donatarium . — Quod ad nomen mercedis spectat , apparet illam duplicom esse : nempe mercedem debitam ex proportione operae cum re , per proportionem Geometricam : ut cum operario pro diurna opera datur quod aequum est , ex mutuo stipulatu . ( This he thinks is here meant ) . A lia merces est non debita , sed gratuita : estque tanquam fructus vel commodum quoddam — ( This he thinks not here meant . ) Operantem vocat illum qui legis operibus Justitiam venatur : non quod unquam ullus extiterit qui sic operatus est , ut mercedem debitam merito possit postulare , sed ex hypothesi loquitur , hoc modo ; siquis operaretur ut decet , mercedem debitam posset exigere . 8. Dav. Paraeus in loc . Explicat quid sit fidem imputari pro justitia : minime videlicet idem quod actum vel opus fidei suo merito reputari pro justitia ( sic enim nihil confecissit , ) sed credenti iustitiam ex gratia imputari nullo merito aut debito — Operantem non vocat cum qui bona opera facit , sed qui bonis operibus confidit , justitiam quarit , seu qui operatur debitae mercedis causa . Nam & credentes bene operantur , non vero ut Mercenarii : nec operibus Justitiam & vitam mereri volunt . Qui enim sic operatur excluditur à gratia , &c. — Ita , inquit res habet inter homines : qui laborat pro mercede , in vinea , militia , ruri , vel domi , ei merces per acto labore non imputatur vel donatur ex gratia , sed redditur ex debito ut meritum ; idque ex ordine justitiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae sancit aequalitatem Arithmeticam laboris & mercedis . Talis enim labor est meritum , opus indebitum , mercedem ex indebita faciens debitam propter justitiam . — Abrahae igitur promissa & imput●tio fuit justitiae merces , nullo operum merito , sed mera gratia . — Qui vero non operatur , nempe pro mercede , h. e. qui non quaerit Justi●iam operum meritis . 9. Dr. Willet in loc Q. 12. By him that worketh is understood , him that worketh with an intent thereby to merit or to be justified : For he that believeth also worketh ; but he is said , not to work secundum quid , because he doth it not to the end to merit by . 10. Dav. Dickson in loc . Ratio 3. Mercenario operanti , seu Justitiam ex operibus quaerenti , merces non potest esse gratuita , sed ex debito seu merito retribuenda est . 11. Cartwright cont . Rhem. in loc . For if the Reward should be given according to works , God should be a Debtor unto man : But it is absurd to make God a Debtor to man. 2. He speaketh not of that Reward that ignorant men challenge to themselves ; but of the Reward that God should in justice give , if men had deseerved it by their works . 12. Hemi●gius ( even a Lutheran ) supposeth the Argument to be thus . Imputatio gratuita non est operantis merces : justitia credentis est imputatio gratuita : ergo justitia credentis non est operantis merces . Major probatur per contrarium ; Merces operanti , id est , ei qui aliquid operibus promeretur , datur ex debito . — Probatio haec per concessionem Rhetoricam intelligenda est . Nequaquam enim Paulus sentit , quod quisquam ex debito fiat justus revera , sed quae sit natura rerum indicat — Imputare est aliquid gratia conferre , non ex debito tribuere . — Merces proprie est quod debebatur ex merito : hoc est . Debiti solutio . Yea in his blow at the Majorists he confesseth the truth [ 8. Evertitur corum dogma , qui clamant , opera necessaria ad salutem , quae salus cum à Justificatione separari nequit , non habet alias causas aut merita , quam ipsa Justificatio . Hoc tamen fatendum est , quod opera necessariò requirantur in Justificatis , ut iter intermedium , non ut causa aut merita . 13. Mich. Ragerus ( a Lutheran ) in loc . Imputatio fidei opponitur imputationi ex merito ; imputatio fidei fit secundum gratiam : E. fides in negotio Justificationis , non consideratur ut opus morale : quid enim per modum operis imputatur , secundum debitum & meritoriè imputatur — [ Et qui operatur ] sive operans renatus sit , sive non , dummodo eâ intentione operetur , ecque fine , ut mercedem reportet & opera sua censorio Dei judicio opposita velit . 14. In like manner Georg Calixtus ( a Lutheran ) in loc . pag. 26.28 , &c. To these I might add many other Protestant Expositors , and the votes of abundance of Polemical Divines , who tell the Papists that in Pauls sense it s all one [ to be justified by works : to be justified by the Law : and to be justified by merits . ] But this much may suffice for the vindication of that Text , and to prove that all works do not make the Reward to be of Debt ▪ and not of Grace , but only meritorious mercenary works , and not those of gratitude , &c. beforenamed . Treat . ibid. [ The second Argument may be from the peculiar and express difference that the Scripture giveth between faith and other graces , in respect of Justification . So that faith and good works are not to be considered as concurrent in the same manner , though one primarily , the other secondarily : so that if faith when it s said to Justifie , doth it not as a condition , but in some other peculiar notion , which works are not capable of , then we are not Justified by works as well as faith . Now it s not lightly to be passed over that the Scripture still useth a peculiar expression of faith , which is incommunicable to other graces . Thus Rom. 3.25 . Remission of sins is through faith in his blood , Rom. 4.5 . Faith is counted for Righteousness , Rom. 5.1 . Galatians ● . 16 . &c. Answer . First , This is nothing to the Question , and deserves no further answer . The Question is not now whether faith and works justifie in the same manner : that 's but a consequent ( rightly explained ) of another thing in question ; your self hath here made it the question , whether Works be Conditions of Justification ? And that which I affirmed is before explained . I grant , that if faith justifie not as a condition , but proxime in any other respect , then Faith and Repentance , &c. justifie not in the same manner : so that the sameness of their Interest in the general notion of a condition , supposeth faith to be a condition ; but if you can prove that it is not , I shall grant the difference which you prove . Now it is not our question here , whether faith be a condition , or an Instrument ; but whether other works ( as you choose to call them ) or humane acts be conditions . Secondly , Scripture taketh not faith in the same sense as my Opposers do , when it gives it the peculiar expressions that you mention . Faith in Pauls sense , is a Belief in Jesus Christ ( in all the respects essential to his person and office ) and so a hearty Acceptance of him for our Teacher , Lord and Saviour ; ( Saviour I say both from the guilt and power of sin ) and as one that will lead us by his word and spirit into Possession of eternal Glory which he hath purchased . ] So that it includeth many acts of Assent , and a Love to our Saviour , and desire of him ; and it implyeth self-denial , and renouncing our own righteousness , and all other Saviours , and a sense of our sin and misery , at least , Antecedents or concomitants ; and sincere Affiance and Obedience in gratitude to our Redeemer , as necessary consequents : And this faith is set by Paul , in opposition to the bare doing of the works of Moses Law ( and consequently of any other works with the same intention ) as separated from Christ who was the end and life of it , or at least , co-ordinate with him ; and so as the immediate matter of a legal Righteousness ; and consequently as mercenary , and valuable in themselves , or meritorious of the Reward . This is Pauls faith . But the faith disputed for by my Opponents , is the Act of recumbency or Affiance on Christ at Justifier or Priest , which they call the Apprehension of Christs righteousness ; and this as opposed to the Acceptance of Christ as our Teacher ▪ and King ▪ our Husband , Head , &c. ( further then these contain his Priesthood : ) and opposed to Repentance , to the love of our Saviour , to denying our own righteousness , confessing our sins , and confessing Christ to be our only Saviour , Thankfulness for free grace , &c. all which are called works by these men , and excluded from being so much as Conditions attending faith in our Justification or Remission of sin . The case may be opened by this similitude . A Physitian cometh to a populous City in an Epidemical Plague : There is none can scape without his help : he is a stranger to them , and they have received false informations and apprehensions of him that he is but a mountebank and deceiver ; though indeed he came of purpose in love and compassion to save their lives , having a most costly receipt which will certainly cure them . He offereth himself to be their Physitian , and freely to give them his Antidote , and to cure and save them , if they will but consent , that is , if they will take him for their Physitian , and thankfully take his medicine ; His enemies disswade the people from believing in him , and tell them that he is a Deceiver , and that if they will but stir themselves , and work , and use such dyet and medicines as they tell them of , they shall do better without him ; and a third party that seem to be friends , tell them , though you do take him for your Physitian yet must you work your self to health , and take those other medicines as well as his , if you will be cured . But the Physitian saith , its only your trusting in me that can cure you . Now here we are at a loss in the interpreting of his conditions . Some say , that they must be cured barely by believing or trusting in him , and not by taking his person in the full relation of a Physitian , or at least , not by taking his medicine , which they abhor , nor by exercising or sweating upon it , or observing the dyet and directions which he giveth them . But I rather interpret him thus ; in requiring you to take him for your Physitian , it is implyed , that you must take his medicines , how bitter soever , and that you must order your selves according to his directions , and must not take cold , nor eat or drink that which he forbiddeth you ; for though it be only his precious medicine that can cure you , yet if you will take those things that are destructive to you , it may hinder the working of it , and an ill dyet or disordered life may kill you . The working therefore that he excluded , was not this implyed observance of his directions , but your own Receipts and Labourings , as above-said . 3. I further answer to your observation , that the same Scripture that saith , [ We are justified by faith ] doth also say , that Except ye Repent , ye shall all perish . Luke 13.3 , 5. And Repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of Iesus Christ for the Remission of sins , Acts 2.38 . and mentioneth the Baptism of Repentance for the Remission of sin ; and joyneth the preaching of Repentance and Remssion , Luke 24.47 . Repent and be Converted , that your sins may be blotted out , &c. Luke 6.37 . Forgive and it shall be forgiven you , Jam. 5.15 . The prayer of faith shall save the sick — and if he have committed sins they shall be forgiven him , Mat. 6.14 , 15. If you forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly Father will forgive you ; but if you forgive not , &c. Mark 11.11 , 25. Forgive , that your Father may forgive you . 1 Iohn 1.9 . If we confess our sins , he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins , &c. Isa . 55.6 , 7 , &c. And he that saith , We are Justified by faith , saith also , that [ by works a man is justified , and not by faith only ; ] and that [ by our words we shall be justified . ] 4. Lastly , to your argument from the peculiar attributions to faith , I say , that we do accordingly give it its prerogative , as far as those attributions do direct us , and would do more , if it were not for fear of contradicting the Scripture . Treat . pag. 224. From these expressions it is that our Orthodox Divines say , that faith justifieth as it is an Instrument , laying hold on Christ , &c. ad pag. 226. Answ . Though I could willingly dispatch with one man at once , yet because it is the matter more then the person , that must be considered , I must crave your Patience as to the Answering of this Paragraph , till I come to the Dispute about faiths Instrumentality , to which it doth belong , that so I may not trouble the present Dispute by the Interposition of another . Treat . pag 226 The third Argument is , If in the continuance and progress of our Justification we are justified after the same manner we were at first , then it s not by faith and works , but by faith only as distinct to works , Rom. 1.17 . Galat. 3.11 . — Answ . 1. I grant the whole , understanding faith and works as Paul doth , but not as you do . 2. By [ the same manner ] either you mean , [ the same specifically ( as specified from the Covenant and Object ) as distinct from Jewish Righteousness , or from all false waies , or all Mercenary meritorious works ( so intended ) , or any manner that is not subordinate to Christ , and implyed in Believing . ] And thus your Antecedent is true , and your Consequence ( in your sense of faith and works ) is false ; Or else you mean [ the same manner ] in opposition to any additional act implyed in our first believing as its necessary Consequent . ] And thus your Minor or Antecedent is false . If you will not believe me , believe your self , who as flatly spake the contrary Doctrine , as ever I did , being not as it seems in every Lecture of the same thoughts ; pag. 118. you write it for observation in a different Character , thus [ For though holy works do not justifie , yet by them a man is continued in a state of Justification : so that did not the Covenant of grace interpose , gross and wicked waies would out off our Justification , and put us in a state of Condemnation . ] But because you may avoid your own authority at pleasure many waies , I shall give you a better authority that cannot be avoided . 1. In our first Justification , we were not justified by our words : but in our last Justification at Judgement we shall , Mat. 12.36 , 37. therefore they so far differ in the manner . 2. In our first Justification we were not justified by our works ; but afterwards we are , in some sense , or else James spoke not by the Spirit of God , Jam. 2.24 . The Major is plain , in that the works of Abraham , Rahab and such like , that Iames speaks of , were not existent at their first Justification . 3. In our first Justification we are not Judged , ( and so Justified ) according to our works . But in the last we are : therefore they differ in the manner . 4. In our first Justification we are not justified by the mouth of the Iudge , in presence passing a final irreversible sentence on us : but in the last we are : therefore they differ in the manner . 5. Our first pardon is not given us on condition of our first forgiving others : but the continuance is , Matth. 18.35 . & 6.14 , 15. 6. Our first pardon is not given us if we confess our sins : ( For we may be pardoned without that ) : but the renewed or continued pardon is , if we be called to it , 1 John 1.9 . 7. Reconciliation and final Justification is given to us in title , If we continue in the faith grounded and settled , and be not moved away from the hope of the Gospel , &c. Col. 1.23 . 8. In our first Believing we take Christ in the Relation of a Saviour , and Teacher , and Lord , to save us from all sin , and to lead us to glory . This therefore importeth that we accordingly submit unto him , in those his Relations , as a necessary means to the obtaining of the benefits of the Relations . Our first faith is our Contract with Christ , or Acceptance of him as our Saviour : And all contracts of such nature , do impose a necessity of performing what we consent to and promise , in order to the benefits . To take Christ for my Saviour , is to take him to save me , viz. from the power and guilt of sin ; therefore if I will not be saved by him when I have done , but had rather keep my sin , then I did but nominally and hypocritically take him for my Saviour . To take him for my Teacher and become his Disciple , importeth my Learning of him , as necessary to the benefit . And in humane contracts it is so . Barely to take a Prince for her husband may entitle a woman to his honours and lands : But conjugal fidelity is also necessary for the continuance of them : for Adultery would cause a divorce . Consent and listing may make a man your Souldier : but obedience and service is as necessary to the Continuance , and the Reward . Consent may make a man your servant , without any service , and so give him entertainment in your family . But if he do not actually serve you , these shall not be continued , nor the wages obtained . Consent may enter a Scholar into your School : but if he will not Learn of you , he shall not be continued there . For all these after-violations cross the ends of the Relations . Consent may make you the subject of a Prince , but obedience is necessary to the continuance of your Priviledges . All Covenants usually tye men to somewhat which is to be performed to the full attainment of their ends . The Covenant-making may admit you , but it s the Covenant-keeping that must continue you in your priviledges , and perfect them . See more in my Confess . pag. 47. 3. But I further answer you , that according to the sense of your party , of the terms [ faith and works ] I deny your consequence : For with them [ Faith ] is [ Works ] : And though in Pauls sense we are not at all justified by works ; and in Iames his sense we are not at first justified by works : Yet in the sense of your party , we are justified by works even at first . For the Accepting of Christ for our King and Prophet , is Works with them : and this is Pauls faith , by which he and all are justified . Repentance is works with them : And this is one of Gods Conditions of our pardon . The Love and Desire of Christ our Saviour is works with them : but this is part of the faith that Paul was justified by . The like I may say of many acts of Assent , and other acts . Treat . Lect. 24. p. 227. Argu. 4. He that is justified by fulfilling a Condition , though he be thereunto enabled by grace , yet he is just and righteous in himself : But all justified persons , as to Iustification , are not righteous in themselves , but in Christ their Surety and Mediator . Answ . 1. If this were true in your unlimited latitude , Inherent Righteousness were the certainest evidence of damnation . For no man that had inherent Righteousness , i. e. Sanctification , could be justified or saved . But I am loth to believe that . 2. This Argument doth make as much against them that take Faith to be the Condition of Justification , and so look to be justified by it as a Condition , as against them that make Repentance or Obedience the Condition : And it concludeth them all excluders of the true and only Justification . I am loth to dissent from you : but I am loather to believe that all those are unjustified , that take faith for the Condition of Justification . They are hard Conclusions that your Arguments infer . 3. Righteousness in a mans self is either Qualitaetive , or Relative , called imputed . As to the later , I maintain that all the justified are Righteous in themselves by an Imputed Relative Righteousness , merited for them by Christ , and given to them . And this belief I will live and die in be the grace of God. Qualitative ( and Active ) Righteousness is threefold . 1. That which answers the Law of works , [ Obey perfectly and live . ] 2. That which answers the bare letter of Moses Law , ( without Christ the sense and end ) which required an operous task of duty , with a multitude of sacrifices for pardon of failings , ( which were to be effectual only through Christ whom the unbelieving Jews understood not . ) 3. That righteousness which answers the Gospel imposition Repent and Believe . As to the first of these , A righteousness fully answering the Law of nature . I yield your Minor , and deny your Major . A man may be justified by fulfilling the condition of the Gospel which giveth us Christ to be our Righteousness to answer the Law , and yet not have any such righteousness qualitative in himself , as shall answer that Law. Nay it necessarily implyeth that he hath none : For what need he to perform a Condition , for obtaining such a Righteousness by free gift from another , if he had it in himself . And as to the second sort of Righteousness , I say , that it is but a nominal righteousness , consisting in a conformity to the Letter without the sense and end , and therefore can justifie none : besides that none fully have it . So that the Mosaeical Righteousness , so far as is necessary to men , is to be had in Christ , and not in themselves . But the performance by themselves of the Gospel Condition , is so far from hindring us from that gift , that without it none can have it . But then as to the third sort of righteousness qualitative , I answer , He that performeth the Gospel Condition of Repenting and Believing himself , is not therefore Righteous in himself with that righteousness qualitative which answereth the Law of works . But he that performeth the said Gospel Conditions , is Righteous in himself . 1. Qualitatively and actively , with that righteousness which answers the Gospel Constitution , [ He that believeth shall be saved , &c. ] which is but a particular Righteousness , by a Law of Grace , subordinated to the other as the Condition of a free gift . 2. And Relatively , by the Righteousness answering the Law of Works , as freely given by Christ on that Condition . This is evident , obvious , necessary , irrefragable truth , and will be so after all opposition . Treat . pag. 228. Yea I think if it be well weighed , it will be found to be a contradiction , to say they are Conditions , and yet a Causa sine qua non of our Justification ; for a causa sine qua non , is no Cause at all : but a Condition in a Covenant strictly taken , hath a Moral efficiency , and is a Causa cum qua , not a sine qua non . Answ . 1. You do but think so ; and that 's no cogent Argument . I think otherwise , and so you are answered . 2. And Lawyers think otherwise , ( as is before shewed , and more might be ) and so you are over-answered . A Condition qua talis ( which is the strictest acception ) is no Cause at all ; though the matter of it may be meritorious , among men , and so causal . If you will not believe me , nor Lawyers , nor custom of speech , then remember at least what it is that I mean by a Condition , and make not the difference to lie where it doth not . Think not your self sounder in matter of Doctrine , but only in the sense of the Word [ Condition ] ; but yet do somewhat first to prove that too ; viz. that a Condition as such , hath a moral efficiency . Prove that if you are able . Treat . ib. If Adam had stood in his integrity , though that confirmation would have been of grace , yet his works would have been a causall Condition of the blessedness promised . In the Covenant of Grace , though what man doth is by the gift of God , yet look upon the same gift as our duty , and as a Condition , which in our persons is performed , This inferreth some Moral Efficiency . Answ . 1. See then all you that are accounted Orthodox , the multitude of Protestant Divines that have made either Faith or Repentance Conditions , what a case you have brought your selves into . And rejoyce then all you that have against them maintained that the Covenant of Grace hath on our part no Conditions ; for your Cause is better then some have made you believe : and in particular , this Reverend Author . Yea see what a case he hath argued himself into , while he hath argued you out of the danger that you were supposed in : For he himself writeth against those that make Repentance to be but a sign , and deny it to be a Condition to qualifie the subject for Iustification . Treat . of Iustif . part . 1. Lect. 20. And he saith that in some gross sins there are many Conditions requisite ( besides humiliation ) without which pardon of sin cannot be obtained : and instanceth in restitution . pag. 210. with many the like passages . 2. Either you mean that Adams works would have been Causall quatenus a Condition performed , or else quatenus meritorious ex natura materia , or some other cause : The first I still deny , and is it that you should prove , and not go on with naked affirmations : The second I will not yield you , as to the notion of meritorious , though it be nothing to our question . The same I say of your later instance of Gospel Conditions . Prove them morally efficient , qua tales , if you can . Treat . ib. And so , though in words they deny , yet in deed they do exalt works to some kind of causality . Answ . I am perswaded you speak not this out of malice : but is it not as unkind and unjust , as if I should perswade men , that you make God the Author of sin indeed , though you deny it in words ? 1. What be the Deeds that you know my mind by to be contrary to my words ? Speak out , and tell the world , and spare me not . But if it be words that you set against words . 1. Why should you not believe my Negations , as well as my ( supposed ) affirmations . Am I credible only when I speak amiss , and not at all when I speak right ? A charitable judgementi 2. And which should you take to be indeed my sense ? A naked term [ Condition ] expounded by you that never saw my heart ? and therefore know not how I understand it , further then I tell you ; Or rather my express explication of that term in a sense contrary to your supposition . ●ear all you that are impartial , and judge : I say [ A Condition is no Cause ] and [ Faith and Repentance are Conditions ] . My Reverend Brother tells you now , that in word I deny them to be efficient Causes , but in deed I make them such , viz. I make them to be what I deny them to be . Judge between us , as you see cause . Suppose I say that [ Scripture is Sacred ] and withall I add that by Sacred , I mean that which is related to God , as proceeding from him , and separated to him : and I plead Etymologie , and the Authority of Authors , and Custom for my speech . If my Reverend Brother now will contradict me only as to the fitness of the word , and say that sacer signifieth only execrabilis , I will not be offended with him , though I will not believe him : but should so good and wise a man proclaim in print , that sacer signifieth only execrabilis , and therefore that though in word I call Scripture Sacred , yet in deed I make it execrable , I should say this were unkind dealing . What! plainly to say that a Verbal controversie is a Real one ; and that contrary to my frequent published professions ! What is this but to say Whatever he saith , I know his heart to be contrary . Should a man deal so with your self now , he hath somewhat to say for it : For you first profess Repentance and Restitution to be a Condition ( as I do ) and when you have done , profess Conditions to have a Moral Efficiency ( which I deny ) : But what 's this to me , that am not of your mind ? Treat . pag. 229. A fifth Argument is that which so much sounds in all Books . If good works be the effect and fruit of our Justification , then they cannot be Conditions , or Causa sine qua non of our Iustification . But , &c. Answ . 1. I deny the Minor in the sense of your party ; Our first Repentance , our first desire of Christ as our Saviour , and Love to him as a Saviour , and our first disclaiming of all other Saviours , and our first accepting him as Lord and Teacher , and as a Saviour from the Power of sin , as well as the guilt ; all these are works with you ; and yet all these are not the effects of our Relative Justification ; nor any of them . 2. As to External acts and Consequent internal acts , I deny your Consequence , taking it of continued or final Justification ; though I easily yield it as to our Justification at the first . 1. All the acts of justifying faith , besides the first act , are as truly effects of our first Justification as our other graces or gracious acts are . And doth it therefore follow that they can be no Conditions of our continued Justification ? Why not Conditions as well as Instruments or Causes ? Do you think that only the first instantaneous act of faith doth justifie , and no other after through the course of our lives ? I prove the contrary from the instance of Abraham : It was not the first act of his faith that Paul mentioneth when he proveth from him Justification by faith . As it s no good Consequence [ Faith afterward is the effect of Iustification before ; therefore it cannot afterward justifie , or be a Condition . ] So it s no good Consequence as to Repentance , Hope , or Obedience , 2. It only follows that they cannot be the Condition of that Justification whereof they are the effect , and which went before them ( which is granted you . ) But it follows not that they may not be the Condition of continued or final Justification . Sucking the brest , did not cause life in the beginning : therefore it is not a means to continue it : It followeth not . You well teach that the Justification at the last Judgement is the chief and most eminent Justification . This hath more Conditions then your first pardon of sin had , yea as many as your salvation hath , as hath been formerly proved , and may be proved more at large . Treat pag. 230. By this we may see that more things are required to our Salvation , then to our Iustification ; to be possessors of heaven , and ( than it should be ) to entitle us thereto . Answ . 1. It s true , as to our first Justifying ; and its true as to our present continued state : because perseverance is still requisite to salvation . But it s not true as to our final sentential Justification : There is as much on our part required to that , as to salvation it self . 1. The promise makes no difference . 2. The nature of the thing doth put it past doubt . For what is our final Justification , but a Determination of the Question by publick sentence , on our side , Whether we have Right to salvation or not ? The 25. of Matthew shews the whole . 2. I argue against you from your own Doctrine here , thus ; If Justification be it that gives us Right or Title to salvation , then that which is the Condition of our Right to salvation , is the Condition of our Justification : the Antecedent here is your own Doctrine , and is partly true : And the Consequence is undenyable ; whereto I add , [ But the Doing of Christs Commandments is the Condition of our Right to salvation : therefore also of our Right to Justification , viz. as Consummate . The Minor I prove , from Rev. 22.14 . Blessed are they that do his Commandements , that they may have Right to the tree of life , and may enter in , &c. ] Whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved , Rom. 10.13 . Acts 2.21 . We are saved by hope , Rom. 8.24 . Who so walketh uprightly shall be saved , Prov. 28.18 . Baptism doth save us , 1 Pet. 3.21 . [ In doing this thou shall both save thy self and them that hear thee . ] 1 Tim. 4.16 . If he [ have not works , can faith save him ? ] Iames 2.14 . Treat . ib. It s true , that Iustification cannot be continued in a man , unless he continue in good works : Yet for all that , they are not Conditions of his Iustification : they are Qualifications and Determinations of tht subject who is justified ; but no Conditions of his Iustification . As in the generation of man , &c. Light is necessarily required , and dryness , as qualties in fire , yet , &c. Answ . 1. It s well you once more confess that the thing is necessary ! Our question then is only of the nature , and reason of that necessity ? Whether it be necessitas medii ad finem , as to the continuance or consummation of our Justification ? This I hope you will never deny . If medii , then what medium is it ? not a cause . If not a condition , then tell us what , if you can . Secondly , You say nothing to the purpose , when you give us Instances of Natural properties and qualifications . For besides that some of them are not media ( as Light to burning ) the rest that are media , are Physically necessary ad finem : But First , We are not discoursing of Physicks , and Physical necessities : but of Morals , and moral necessity . Secondly , You cannot here pretend ( or at least prove ) that there is an absolute Physical necessity ad finem to every one of the things in question to their end . Thirdly , Much less that this is the nearest reason of their Interest , and that God hath not morally superadded the necessity of a Condition by his Constitution . I prove that the necessity is moral . First , It is imposed by way of Precept , which causeth a moral necessity . Secondly , The Precept hath varied at the pleasure of God , there being more Duties now , then formerly were , and some ceased that were then imposed . Yea , That its a condition having necessity ad finem , is evident . First , Because it is the modus promissionis imposed on us by God as Promiser in a conditional form of words , as necessary to our attaining of the benefit promised . [ If thou confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus , and believe in thy heart that God raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved , Rom. 10.9 . If you forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly Father will forgive you , &c. ] Mat. 64.15 . Secondly , And it is not of Physical necessity ; for then God could not save us without it , but by a Miracle . Whereas he saved men before Christ by believing in a Messiah in general , without beliveing that this Jesus is he , and without believing that he was actually conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , was crucified , buried , rose again , ascended , &c. And he saveth Infants , that themselves believe not at all ; so that when you say it is a qualification of the subject , you mean either [ the subject as justified ] and that is nothing to the business : for then the question is not what Relation our actions have to that which is past , but to that which is future . Or else you mean the subject as to be Justified at Judgement , or here to be so continued . And then the question still remaineth , whether those qualifications are means or no means ? And if means , of what sort , if not conditions ? Treat . pag. 231. The sixth Argument : If Justification be by works as a condition , then one man is more or less Justified then another ; and those works are required to one mans Justification which are not to another , so that there shall not be two godly men in the world Justified alike . For if faith Justified as a work , then he that had a stronger faith , would be more Justified then he that hath a weaker . Answer . First , I grant the conclusion , if you had taken Works in Pauls sense , for the works of a hirling , or any that are supposed to justifie by their value . Secondly , I deny your first consequence : And I give you the reason of my denyal ( I hope a little better then yours for the proof of it ) First , It is not the degree of Repentance or Obedience that is made the Condition of our continued and final Justification : but the Sincerity . Now the sincerity is the same thing in one as in another ; therefore one is no more justified hereby then another . Secondly , You might as well say , that different degrees of faith , make different degrees of Justification . But that is not just , because it lies all on the sincerity ; therefore it is as unjust here for the same reason . Your Reason is such as I expected not from you . [ For if Faith ( say you ) justifie as a work ] But who saith it doth justifie as a work ? Your Reader that suspecteth nothing , but fair in your words , may think I do ; when I have again and again in terminis disavowed it . And do you think it is a cogent reason indeed , [ If works or faith justifie as a condition , there will be various degrees of Justification : Because if it justifie as a work , there will be various degrees . ] The reason of the Consequence is as strange to me , as a baculo ad angulum . Once more : First , Faith doth not justifie as a Physical act : Secondly , Nor as a Moral act , or virtue in general . Thirdly , Nor as a mercenary meritorious act . Fourthly , But as an act adapted to the object , and specially fitted to this gratious design , it is chosen to be the condition , and repentance and self-denyal accordingly to attend it . Fifthly , And as the appointed condition , we are justified by it . Sure therefore it doth not justifie as a work . But how they will avoid your consequence that say it justifieth as an Instrument , let them see . As to your Consequence , I answer ▪ First , That which is absolutely necessary , is sincere Repentance and sincere Obedience ; and this is the same in all . Secondly , But the matter of both these , viz. the sins repented of , and the duties of Obedience may differ in many particulars in several persons . One may not have the same sins to Repent of as another , and one may have some particular duties more then another : though in the main , all have the same sin and duty . But this difference is no absurdity , nor strange thing . When Christ mentioneth the final Justification of some , Mat. 25. and gives the reason from their works [ for I was hungry and ye fed me , &c. ] I read of none that took it for an absurdity , because . First , The poor . Secondly , Infants . Thirdly , Those that dye before they have opportunity , do no such works . Treat . pag. 231. The seventh Argument . This Assertion according to the sense of the late Writers ( that are otherwise Orthodox , for I mean not the Socinians ) will bring in a Justification two waies , or make a twofold Justification , whereof one will be needless . For they grant an Imputation of Christs Righteousness in respect of the Law ; he fulfilled that , and satisfied Gods Justice , that the Law cannot accuse us . And besides this , they make an Evangelical personal Righteousness by our own Evangelical works . Now certainly this later is wholly superfluous ; for if Christs Righteousness be abundantly able to satisfie for all that righteousness which the Law requireth of us ; what is the matter that it removeth not all our Evangelical failings , and supply that righteousness also ? surely this is to make the stars shine , when the Sun is in its full lustre . Thus it may be observed , while men for some seeming difficulty avoid the good known way of truth , they do commonly bring in Assertions of far more difficulty to be received . In this case it s far more easie to maintain one single Righteousness , viz. the Obedience of our Lord Christ , then to make two , &c. Answ . First , This twofold Righteousness is so far from being needless , that all shall perish in everlasting torment that have not both . I doubt not but you have both your self ; and therefore do but argue with all this confidence against that which you must be saved by , and which you carry within you . As if you should argue that both a heart and a brain are needless , and therefore certainly you have but one . But the best is , concluding you have but one , doth not really prove that you have but one ; for if it did , it would prove you had neither ; and then you were but a dead man in one case , and a lost man in the other . First , Did ever any man deny the necessity of inherent Righteousness , that was called a Protestant ? Object . But that 's nothing to its necessity to Justification . Answ . First , it s the very being of it that you plead against as needless , if your words are intelligible . 2ly . It s as gross a contradiction to talk of a Righteousness that makes not righteous , or will not justifie in tantum , according to its proportion , as to talk of whitness that makes not white , or Paternity that makes not a father , or any form that doth not inform , or is a form , and is not a form . Secondly , If there be two distinct Laws or Covenants , then there is a necessity of two dstinct Righteousnesses to our Justification . But the Antecedent is certain . I suppose it will be granted that Christs righteousness is necessary to answer the Law of works . And I shall further prove that a personal righteousness given from Christ , is necessary to fulfill the condition of the new Covenant or Law of Grace , believe and be saved , &c. Thirdly , Christ did not himself fulfill the condition of the Gospel for any man , nor satisfie for his final non-performance ; therefore he that will be saved , must perform it himself or perish . That Christ performed it not in person , is past doubt . It was not consistent with his state and perfection to repent of sin , who had none to repent of ; to return from sin to God , who never fell from him ; to beleve in Christ Jesus , that is , to accept himself as an offered Saviour , and to take himself as a Saviour to himself , that is , as one that redeemed himself from sin , to deny his own righteousness , to confess his sin , to pray for pardon of it , &c. Do you seriously believe that Christ hath done this for any man ? For my part , I do not believe it . Secondly , That he that hath not satisfied for any mans final predominant Infidelity and Impenitency , I know you will grant , because you will deny that he dyed for any sin of that person ( or at least , your party will deny it . ) Thirdly , All that shall be saved , do actually perform these conditions themselves . I know you will confess it , that none ( adult ) but the Penitent , Believers , Holy , shall be saved . This sort of Righteousness therefore is of necessity . Fourthly , The Benefits of Christ obedience and death are made over to men by a conditional Promise , Deed of gift , or act of oblivion . Therefore the condition of that Grant or Act must be found before any man can be justified by the righteousness of Christ . It is none of yours till you repent and believe : therefore you must have the personal Righteousness of faith and repentance , in subordination to the imputed righteousness , that it may be yours . And will you again conclude , that [ Certainly this later is wholly superfluous ] . Hath not God said ? ] He that believeth , shall be saved ; and he that believeth not , shall be damned . ] And Repent and be converted , that your sins may be blotted out . &c. ] Is it not necessary that these be done then , both as duty commanded , and as a condition or some means of the end propounded and promised ? And is this wholly superfluous ? In Judgement , if you be accused to have been finally impenitent , or an Infidel , will you not plead your personal faith and repentance , to justifie you against that accusation ? or shall any be saved that saith , [ I did not repent or believe , but Christ did for me ? ] If it be said that [ Christs satisfaction is sufficient ; but what 's that to thee that performedst not the conditions of his Covenant , and therefore hast no part in it ? ] Will you not produce your faith and repentance for your Justification against this charge , and so to prove your Interest in Christ ? Nay is it like to be the great business of that day to enquire whether Christ have done his part or no ? or yet to enquire , whether the world were sinners ? or rather to judge them according to the terms of grace which were revealed to them , and to try whether they have part in Christ or not ; and to that end , whether they believed , repented , loved him in his members , improved his Talents of Grace or not ? Or can any thing but the want of this personal righteousness then hazard a mans soul ? But you ask [ If Christs righteousness be able to satisfie , what is the matter that it removeth not all our Evangelical failings ? &c. ] Answ . Either you ask this question as of a penitent Believer , or the finally impenitent Vnbeliever . If of the former , I say , First , All his sins Christs righteousness pardoneth and covereth ; and consequently all the failings in Gospel duties . Secondly , But his predominant final Impenitency and Infidelity Christ pardoneth not , because he is not guilty of it ; he hath none such to pardon ; but hath the personal righteousness of a performer of the conditions of the Gospel : And for the finally impenitent Infidels , the answer is , because they rejected that Righteousness which was able to satisfie , and would not return to God by him ; and so not performing the condition of pardon , have neither the pardon of that sin , nor of any other which were conditionally pardoned to them . If this Doctrine be the avoiding the good known way , there is a good known way besides that which is revealed in the Gospel : And if this be so hard a point for you to receive , I bless God , it is not so to me . And if it be far more easie to maintain one single righteousness , viz. imputed only ; it will not prove so safe as easie . If one righteousness may serve , may not Pilate and Simon Magus be justified , if no man be put to prove his part in it ? and if he be , how shall he prove it , but by his performance of the conditions of the Gift . Treat . pag. 232. Argu. 8. That cannot be a condition of Justification , which it self needeth Justification : But good works being imperfect , and having much dross cleaving , need a Justification to take that guilt away . Answ . First Again , hearken all you that have so long denyed the Covenant to have any conditions at all : Here is an Argument to maintain your cause : for it makes as much against faith as any other acts ( which they call works ) for faith is imperfect also , and needs Justification , ( a pardon I suppose you mean ; I had rather talk of pardoning my sins , then justifying them , or any imperfections what ever . ) Secondly , But indeed it s too gross a shift to help your cause . The Major is false , and hath nothing to tempt a man to believe it that I can see . Faith and Repentance are considerable . First , As sincere . Secondly , As imperfect : They are not the conditions of pardon as imperfect , but as sincere . God doth not say [ I will pardon you if you will not perfectly believe , ] but [ If you will believe . ] Imperfection is sin : and God makes not sin a condition of pardon and life . I am not able to conceive what it was that in your mind could seem a sufficiennt reason for this Proposition , that nothing can be a condition that needs a pardon . It s true , that in the same respect as it needs a pardon ; that is , as it is a sin , it can be no condition . But faith as faith , Repentance as Repentance is no sin . Treat . ibid. It s true , Justification is properly of persons , and of actions indirectly and obliquely . Answ . The clean contrary is true , as of Justification in general , and as among men , ordinarily . The action is first accusasable , or justifiable , and so the person as the cause of that Action . But in our Justification by Christs satisfaction , our Actions are not justifiable at all , save only that we have performed the condition of the Gift that makes his righteousness ours . Treat . pag. 233. This question therefore is again and again to be propounded : If good works be the condition of our Justification , how comes the guilt in them that deserveth condemnation to be done away ? Is there a further condition required to this condition ? and so another to that with a processus in infinitum ? Answ . Once may serve turn , for any thing regardable that I can perceive in it . But if so , again and again you shall be answered ; The Gospel giveth Christ and life upon the same condition to all ; This condition is first a duty , and then a condition . As a duty we perform it imperfectly and so sinfully : for the perfection of it is a duty , but the perfection is not the condition , but the sincerity . Sincere Repentance and faith is the condition of the pardon of all our sins : therefore of their own Imperfections , which are sins . Will you ask now [ If faith be imperfect , how comes the guilt of that Imperfection to be pardoned ? is it by a further condition , and so in infinitum ? ] No : it is on tht same condition : sincere repentance and faith are the conditions of a pardon for their own Imperfections . Is there any difficulty in this , or is there any doubt of it ? Why may not faith be a condition , as well as an Instrument of receiving the pardon of its own Imperfection ? I hope still you perceive that you put these questions to others as well as me , and argue against the common Judgement of Protestants , who make that which is imperfect , to be the condition of pardon . [ Repent and be baptized ( saith Peter ) for the remission of sin ; Of what sin ? is any excepted to the Penitent Believer ? certainly no : It is of all sins . And is not the imperfection of faith and repentance a sin ? The same we say of sincere obedience as to the continuance of our Justification , or the not losing it , and as to our final Justification . If we sincerely obey , God will adjudge us to salvation , and so justifie us by his final sentence , through the blood of Christ from all the imperfections of that obedience : what need therefore of running any further towards an infinitum ? Treat . ibid. The Popish party and the Castellians are so far convinced of this , that therefore they say our good works are perfect . And Castellio makes that prayer for pardon not to belong to all the godly . Answ . It seems they are partly Quakers . But they are unhappy souls , if such an Argument could drive them to such an abominable opinion . And yet if this that you affirm , be the cause , that Papists have taken up the doctrine of perfection , I have more hopes of their recovery then I had before ; nay , because they are some of them men of ordinary capacities , I take it as if it were done already . For the Remedy is most obvious ; Understand , Papists , that it is Faith and Repentance and Obedience to Christ in Truth , and not in Perfection that is the Condition of your final Justification at Judgement , and you need not plead for perfection any more . But I hardly believe you , that this is the cause of their error in this point . And you may see that if Protestants had no more Wit then Papists , they must all be driven by the violence of your Argument , to hold that Faith and Repentance are perfect . And seeing you tell us of Castellio's absurdity , I would intreat you to tell us , why it is that you pray for pardon your selves ; either you take Prayer to be Means to obtain pardon , or you do not : If not , then 1. Pardon is none of your end in praying for pardon . 2. And then if once it be taken for no means , men cannot be blamed if they use it but accordingly . But if you do use it as a means , then what means is it ? Is Prayer any cause of Pardon ? say so , and you say more then we that you condemn , and fall under all those censures that per fas aut nefas are cast upon us . If it be no cause of pardon ; Is it a condition sine qua non , as to that manner of pardoning that your prayer doth intend ? If you say yea , you consequentially recant your disputation ( or Lecture ) and turn into the tents of the Opinionists . But if it be no condition of pardon , then tell us what means it is if you can . If you say , it is a duty . I answer , Duty and Means are commonly distinguished , and so is necessitas praecepti & medii . Duty as such , is no means to an end , but the bare result of a command . Though all Duty that God commandeth is also some means , yet that is not qua Duty . And so far as that Duty is a means , it is either a Cause , ( near or remote ) or a Condition , either of the obtainment of the benefit , simply , or of the more certain , or speedy , or easie attainment of it , or of obtaining some inferiour good , that conduceth to the main . So that still it is a Cause or a Condition , if a means . If you say , It is an Antecedent . I say , qua tale , that is no means , but if a Necessary antecedent , that which is the reason of its necessity may make it a means . If you go to Physical prerequisites ( as you talkt of a mans shoulders bearing the head that he may see , &c. ) you go extra oleas ; It s a moral means that we treat of , and I think you will not affirm Prayer to be a means of physical necessity to pardon . If it were , it must be a Physical cause , near or remote , or a Dispositio materiae of natural necessity , &c. If you say , that prayer for pardon , is dispositio subjecti , I answer , that 's it that we Opinionists do affirm : But it is a dispositio moralis , and necessary ut medium ad finem : and that necessity must be constituted by the Promiser or Donor : and that can be only by his modus promissionis , which makes it in some measure or other a condition of the thing promised . So that there is no lower moral medium then a meer condition sune qua non , that my understanding can hitherto find out , or apprehend . Treat ibid. Paul Judgeth them dung and dross in reference to Justification ; yea all things , &c. Answ . 1. But what are those All things ? 2. And what Reference to Justification is it ? If All things simply in all relation to Justification , then he must judge the Gospel dung and dross as to the Instrumental collation of Justification ; and the Sacraments dung and dross as to the sealing of it ; and the Ministry dung and dross , as to the preaching and offering it , and beseeching men to be reconciled to God : and Faith to be dung and dross , as to the receiving of it ; as well as Repentance and Faith to be dung and dross as conditions of it ; or Prayer , Obedience , as conditions of continuing it . 2. It s evident in the text that Pauls speaks of All things that stand in opposition to Christ , and that stand in competition with him , as such ; and not of any thing that stands in a necessary subordination to him as such . 3. He expresly addeth in the text , [ for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord ] this therefore is none of the [ all things that are dung ] for the All things are opposed to this . And it containeth that faith , which is works with the Opponents : for this is more then a recumbency on Christ as Priest : It is the Knowledge of him as Lord also . I am confident I shall never learn to expound Paul thus [ I esteem All things , even the knowledge of Christ Jesus as Lord and Prophet , as dung for the Knowledge of him as Priest . ] Also Paul here excepteth his suffering the loss of that All. I am confident that the [ All ] that Paul suffered the loss of , comprehended not his Self-denyal , Repentance , Prayer , Charity , Hope , &c. 4. It is not only in reference to Justification that Paul despiseth All things ; but it is to the winning of Christ ( who doubtless is the Principle of Sanctification as well as Justification ) and to be found in him , which containeth the sum of his felicity . If a man should be such a self-contradicter as to set Repentance , or Faith in Christ , or Prayer in his Name , or Hope in him , &c. against winning Christ , and against being found in him , or against the knowledge of him , let that man so far esteem his faith , hope , prayer , &c. as dung . If you should say , [ I account all things dung for the winning of God himself as my felicity . ] Would you have me interpret you thus , [ I account the love of God dung , and prayer to him , and studious obeying him , and the word that revealeth him , &c. even as they stand subordinate to him . ] This same Paul rejoyced in the testimony of his conscience , that in simplicity and godly sincerity he had had his conversation among them : and he beat or subdued his body , and brought it into subjection , lest he should be Reprobated after he was justified , and he prayed for pardon of sin , and tells Timothy , [ In doing this thou shalt save thy self , &c. ] therefore these things thus used , were none of the All things , that he opposed to the knowledge of Christ , as dung . Treat . pag. 234 , 235. Others would avoid this Objection , by saying , that Gospel graces , which are the Conditions of the Covenant , are reducible to the Law , and so Christ in satisfying the Law , doth remove the imperfections cleaving to them . And they judge it absurb to say , that Christ hath satisfied for the sins of the second Covenant , or breaches , which is said to be only final unbelief . Answ . As this is brought in by head and shoulders , so is it recited lamely , without the necessary distinctions and explications adjoyned , yea without part of the Sentence it self : and therefore unfaithfully . Treat . But this answer may be called Legion ; for many errours and coctradictions are in it . 1. How can justifying faith qua talis in the act of Justifying , and Repentance , be reducible duties to the Law taken strictly ? Indeed as it was in a large sense discovered to the Jews , being the Covenant of Grace , as I have elsewhere proved ( Vindic. Legis ) so it required Justifying Faith and Repentance . But take , it in the sense as the Abettor of this opinion must do , justifying faith and repentance must be called the works of the Law. Answ . It s easilier called Legion then faithfully reported , or solidly confuted . 1. Let the Reader observe how much I incurr'd the displeasure of Mr. Blake , for denying the Moral Law to be the sufficient or sole Rule of all duty , and how much he hath said against me therein ; and then judge how hard a task it is to please all men : when these two neighbours and friends , do publikely thus draw me such contrary waies , and I must be guilty of more then ordinary errour whether I say Yea or Nay . And yet ( which is the wonder ) they differ not among themselves . 2. But seeing your ends direct you to fetch in his controversie , so impertinent to the rest , its requisite that the Abettor do better open his opinion , then you have done , that the Reader may not have a Defence of he knows not what . My opinion so oft already explained in other writings , is this . 1. That the Law of Nature as continued by the Mediator , is to be distinguished from the Remedying Law of Grace , called the New Testament , the Promise , &c. ( Whether you will call them two Laws , or two parts of one Law , is little co the purpose ; seeing in some respect they are two , and in some but one . ) 2. That this continued Law of Nature hath its Precept and Sanction , or doth constitute the Dueness , 1. Of Obedience in general to all that God hath commanded or shall command . 2. And of many duties in particular . 3. And of everlasting death as the penalty of all sin . So that it saith , The wages of sin is death . 3. That to this is affixed the Remedying Law of Grace , like an act of Oblivion , which doth 1. Reveal certain points to be believed . 2. And command the belief of them , which other particular duties in order to its ends . 3. And doth offer Christ , and Pardon , and Life , by a Conditional Donation enacting that whosoever will Repent and Believe shall be Justified , and persevering therein with true obedience , shall be finally adjudged to everlasting life , and possessed thereof . It s tenor is , He that Repenteth and Believeth shall be saved , and he that ; doth not shall be damned . 4. That the sense of this Promise and Threatning is , He that Repenteth and Believeth at all in this life , though but at the last hour , shall be saved ; and he that doth it not at all shall be damned . Or he that is found a penitent Believer at death , &c. And not , he that believeth not to day or to morrow shall be damned , though afterward he do . 5. That the threatning of the Law of Nature was not at first Peremptory and Remediless ; and that now it is so far Remedyed , as that there is a Remedy at hand for the dissolving of the Obligation , which will be effectual as soon as the Condition is performed . 6. That the Remedying Law of Grace , hath a peculiar penalty , that is , 1. Non-liberation , A privation of Pardon and life which was offered ( For that 's now a penal privation , which if there had been no Saviour , or Promise , or Offer , would have been but a Negation . ) 2. The certain Remedilesness of their misery for the future , that there shall be no more sacrifice for sin . 3. And whether also a greater degree of punishment , I leave to consideration . 7. I still distinguished between the Precepts and the Sanction of the Law of Grace or New Covenant , and between sin as it respecteth both : And so I said , that Repentance and Faith in Christ ( even as a means to Justification ) are commanded in specie in the Gospel , which constituteth them duties , but commanded consequently in genere in the Law of nature under the generall of Obedience to all particular precepts : and whether also the Law of Nature require the duty in specie , supposing God to have made his supernatural preparations in providing and propounding the objects , I left to enquiry . Accordingly I affirmed that Impenitency and Infidelity , though afterward Repented of , as also the Imperfections of true faith and repentance , are sins against the General precept of the Law of Nature , and the special precept of the Law of Grace , and that Christ dyed for them , and they are pardoned through his blood , upon condition of sincere Repentance and Faith. 8. Accordingly distinguishing between the respect that sin hath to the precept and prohibition on one side , and to the promise and threatning on the other , I affirmed , that the foresaid Impenitency and Infidelity that are afterwards repented of , and the Imperfections of true Faith and Repentance are condemned by the Remediable threatning of the Law of Nature only , and that the person is not under the Actual obligation of the peculiar Threatning of the Law of Grace ; that is , that though as to the Gospel Precept , these sins may be against the Gospel as well as the Law , yet as to the Threatning , they are not such violations of the New Covenant , as bring men under its actual curse ; for then they were remediless . And therefore I said , that its only final Impenitency and Unbelief , as final , that so subjects men to that Curse or Remediless peremptory sentence . The reason is , because the Gospel maketh Repenting and Believing at any time before death , the Condition of promised pardon : and therefore if God by death make not the contrary impenitency and unbelief final , it is not that which brings a man under the Remediless Curse ; ( except only in case of the Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , which is ever final . ) 9 Accordingly I affirm that Christ never bore , or intended to bear the peculiar Curse of his own Law of Grace . 1. As not suffering for any mans final impenitency and unbelief , which is proved in his Gospel constitution , which giveth out pardon only on Condition of Faith and Repentance : and therefore the non-performance of his Condition is expresly excepted from all pardon , and consequently from the intended satisfaction , and price of pardon . 2. In that he did not bear that species of punishment , as peculiarly appointed by the Gospel , viz. To be denyed Pardon , Justification and Adoption , and to be Remediless in misery , &c. 10. Also I said , that all other sins are pardonable on the Gospel Conditions ; but the non-performance ( that is , final ) of those Conditions is everlastingly unpardonable ( and consequently no sin pardoned for want of them . ) Reader , this is the face of that Doctrine which Reverend Brethren vail over with the darkness and confusion of these General words ; that I say , [ Christ hath not satisfied for sins against the second Covenant . ] And all these explications I am fain to trouble the world with , as oft as they are pleased to charge me in that confusion . But what remedy ? This is the Legion of errours and contradictions ; which I leave to thy impartial judgement , to abhor them as far as the Word and Spirit shall convince thee that they are erroneous , and to bless those Congregations and Countries that are taught to abhor them , and to rejoyce in their felicity that believe the contrary . Treat . pag. 235. 2. If so , then the works of the Law are Conditions of our Justification , and thus he runneth into the extream he would avoid . Answ . 1. The works which the Law requireth to Justification , that is , perfect obedience , are not the Conditions of Justification . 2. Nor the fulfilling of the Mosaical Law of Sacrifices , &c. 3. But from among duties in general required by the Moral Law , after the special Constitution of the Gospel , God hath chosen some to be the Conditions of life . And if you believe not this , I refer you to Mr. Blake , who will undertake to prove more . 2. But your assertion is groundless . I said not that they are works of the Law. What if the Law condemn the neglect of a Gospel duty ? Do I call the duty , a work of the Law , because I say the Law condemneth the neglecters of it ? 3. But are you indeed of the contrary opinion , and against that which you dispute against ? Do you think that the Law doth not threaten unbelievers , when the Gospel hath commanded faith ? Have I so much ado to perswade the men of your party , that the Gospel hath any peculiar threatning or penalty , and that it is truly a Law ( which the Lutherans have taught too many ) and now do you think that its only the Gospel that Curseth impenitent unelievers , and that maketh punishment due for the remnant of these sins in penitent Believers ? Let the Reader judge who runneth into extreams and self-contradiction . Treat . ib. But above all , this is not to be endured , that Christ hath not suffered for the breaches of the New Covenant , and that there is no such breach but final impenitency : For are the defects of our Repentance , faith and love in Christ , other then the partial breaches of the Covenant of Grace ? our unthankfulness , unfruitfulness , yea sometimes with Peter , our grievous revolts and apostacies ; What are those but the sad shakings of our Covenant-interest , though they do not dissolve it ? But it is not my purpose to fall on this , because of its impertinency to my matter in hand . Answ . I rather thought it your purpose to fall upon it , though you confess it impertinent to your matter in hand . For I thought you had purposed before you had Printed of Preached . Reader , I suppose thee one that hath no pleasure in darkness , and therefore wouldst see this intolerable errour bare-faced . To which end , besides what is said before , understand , 1. That I use to distinguish between a threefold breach of the Covenant . 1. A sin against a meer precept of the Gospel , which precept may be Synecdochically called the Covenant . 2. A sin against our own Promise to God when we Covenant with him . 3. A violation of Gods constitution , [ Believe and be saved , and he that believeth not shall be damned ] making us the proper subjects of its Actual Curse or Obligation to its peculiar punishment . 2. On these distinctions I use to say as followeth ; 1. That Christ suffered for our breaches of Gospel precepts . 2. And for our breaches of many promises of our own to God. 3. And for our temporary non-performance of the Gospel Conditions , which left us under a non-liberation for that time , ( and therefore we had no freedom from so much as was executed . ) 4. But not for such violation of the New Covenant , or Law of Grace , as makes us the actual subjects of its Curse or Obligation to Remediless punishment . These are my usual limitations and explications . And do I need to say any more now in defence of this opinion , which my Reverend Brother saith is not to be endured ? 1. Is it a clear and profitable way of teaching to confound all these , under the general name of Covenant-breaking ? 2. Or is it a comfortable Doctrine , and like to make Congregations blessed , that our defects of repentance , unfruitfulness , and unthankfulness , &c. are such violations of the Law of Grace , or the Conditions of the Gospel , as bring us under its actual obligation to Remediless punishment ? That is , in plain English , to say , We shall all be damned . Treat . ib. Argument 9. If works be a condition of our Justification , then must the godly soul be filled with perpetual doubts , and troubles , whether it be a person justified or no. This doth not follow accidentally through mans perversness from the fore-named Doctrine : but the very Genius of it tends thereunto . For if a Condition be not performed , then the mercy Covenanted cannot be claimed : As in faith ; if a man do not believe , he cannot say , Christ with his benefits are his . Thus if he have not works , the Condition is not performed , but still he continueth without this benefit . But for works ; How shall I know when I have the full number of them ? Whether is the Condition of the species or individuums of works ? Is not one kind of work omitted when it s my duty , enough to invalidate my Justification ? Will it not be as dangerous to omit that one as all , seeing that one is required as a Condition ? Answ . Your Argument is an unproved Assertion , not having any thing to make it probable . 1. Belief in Christ as Lord and Teacher , is Works with the Opponents . Why may not a man know when he believeth in Christ as King and Prophet , and is his Disciple , as well as when he believeth in him as Priest ? 2. Repentance is Works also with the Opponents . Why may not a man know when he Repenteth , as well as when he believeth . 3. Do you not give up the Protestant cause here to the Papists in the point of certainty of salvation ? We tell them that we may be certain that our faith is sincere . And how ? why by its fruits and concomitants , and that we take Christ for Lord as well as Saviour , or to save us from the power of sin as well as the guilt ? And is it now come to that pass that these cannot be known ? What not the signs by which faith it self should be known , and therefore should be notiora ? This it is to eye man , and to be set upon the making good of an opinion . 4. Let all Protestants answer you , and I have answered you . How will they know when they Repent and Believe , when they have performed the full of these ? believed all necessary Truths ? Repented of all sins that must be Repented of ? Whether it be the species or individual acts of these that are necessary ! Will not the omission of Repentance for one sin invalidate it ? Or the omission of many individual acts of faith ? are not those acts conditions ? &c. Answer these , and you are answered . 5. But I shall answer you briefly for them and me . It s no impossible thing to know when a man sincerely believeth , repenteth and obeyeth , though many Articles are Essential to the Assenting part of faith , and many sins must be Repented of , and many duties must be done . God hath made known to us the Essentials of each . It is not the Degree of any of them , but the Truth that is the Condition . A man that hath imperfect Repentance , Faith and Obedience , may know when they are sincere , notwithstanding the imperfections . Do you not believe this ? Will you not maintain it against a Papist when you are returned to your former temper ? what need any more then to be said of it ? 6. Your Argument makes as much against the making use of these by way of bare signs , as by way of Conditions . For an unknown sign is no sign to us . 7. And how could you over-look it , that your Argument flyeth too boldly in the face of Christ , and many a plain Text of Scripture ? Christ saith , John 15.10 . If ye keep my Commandments , ye shall abide in my love , even as I have kept , &c. 14. Ye are my friends , if ye do whatsoever I command you , Mat. 7.21 . Not every one that saith Lord , Lord , shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven , but he that doth the will of my Father which is in heaven . 23 , 24. Whosoever heareth these sayings of mine , and doth them , &c. Mat. 5. throughout . verse 20. Except your righteousness exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees , ye shall in no case enter into the Kingdom of heaven . 1 John 3.10 . In this the children of God are manifest , and the children of the Devil : whosoever doth not righteousness is not of God , neither he that loveth not his brother . ] An hundred such passages might be cited . And will you meet all these with your objections , and say , [ How shall I know when I have the full number ? &c. ] Know that you have sincere Faith , Repentance and Obedience , and you may know you perform that Condition of the Gospel : else not . Treat . pag. 236. That if good works be a Condition of Justification , then none are justified till their death ; because in every good work is required perseverance , in so much that perseverance is that to which the promise is made , Mat. 24.6 . Heb. 10.38 . Rev. 2.7 , 20. So that it is not good works simply , but persevered in that is required : and therefore no Justification to the end of our daies , so that we cannot have any peace with God till then . Neither doth it avail to say , Justification is not compleat till then ; for it cannot be at all till then , because the Condition that gives life to all is not till then . Answ . 1. And is not perseverance in faith as necessary as perseverance in obedience ? Read Col. 1.23 . John 15.2 , 3 , &c. and many the like , and judge . Will you thence infer that none are justified till death ? 2. But a little step out of the darkness of your Confusion , will bring the fallacy of your Argument to the light , and there will need no more to it . The Gospel conveyeth to us several benefits : some without any Condition , and several benefits on several Conditions . 1. Our first Actual pardon and Justification , and right to life , is given on Condition of our first Faith and Repentance : and not on Condition of External works of Obedience , nor yet of the persevering in faith it self , much less in that Obedience . 2. Our state of Justification is continued on condition of the continuance of Faith and Repentance , with sincere Obedience . 3. Our particular following sins have a particular pardon , on Condition of the Continuance of the habits and renewing of the acts of that faith and repentance , for known observed sins . 4. Our full Justification by Sentence at Judgement , is on the same condition as Glorification , viz. On perseverance in Faith , Repentance , Hope , Love and sincere Obedience . Prove now if you can that perseverance is the Condition of our first pardon . Prove if you can that final perseverance is the Condition of our continuance in a justified state till now . You say , Justification and peace cannot be ours till the condition be performed . But what condition ? of that gift ? or of another gift ? If of that , it s granted : but it s still denyed that perseverance is any of the Condition of our first pardon ? If of another gift ; it s no reason of your Consequence . If you speak of final Justification and Salvation , I grant you all thus far , that you have no full Right of possessing them but on perseverance ▪ nor no Right at all , or certainty of Salvation , but on supposition of perseverance as necessary to the possession . And therefore if you can prove that we have no certainty of perseverance , I will yield that we have no certainty of salvation . Treat . Thus we have asserted this truth by many Arguments ; and though any one singly by it self may not convince , yet altogether may satisfie — Now to the great Objections — Answ . I heartily wish that wiser Readers may find more truth and satisfaction in them then I can do , if it be there to be found ; and to that end that they make their best of them all . Treat . James saith , Abraham was justified by works — so that in outward appearances these two great Apostles speak contradictions , which hath made some deny the Canonical authority of James 's Epistle . Yea one said blasphemously , Althameirius , Mentiris Jacobe in caput tuum . But this is to cut , not untie the knot . — 1. The scope of the Apostle Paul is to treat upon our Justification before God , and what is the Instrument and means of obtaining it — But the Apostle James takes Justification for the Declaration and Manifestation of it before men . — Answ . This is not the only sense of James ( as I have proved before , to which I refer you ) no nor any part of the sense of the word Justification with him , though he mention shewing faith by works to men , as an argument for his main conclusion , yet he nowhere expoundeth the word Justification by it . James expresly speaks of Imputation of Righteousness by God , and of that Justification which is meant in the words of Gen. concerning Abraham , even the same words that Paul expoundeth ; and of that Justification which inferreth salvation . Treat . Paul informeth us that faith only justifieth , and James , what kind of faith it is , even a lively working faith . Answ . I have answered this in the beginning of this Disputation . Treat . It s said , They dare not go against the plain words of the Apostle . But it s not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not the words , but the sense — Answ . Our Question is , How the sense of James shall be known ? Will you say , not by the words , but by the sense ? The words are to express the sense ; and we must take heed of forcing them as much as we can . As to your saying of the Anthropomorphites , and Hoc est corpus meum ; I answer ; the Tropical sense is oft the plainest ; and in particular in these instances . If any man point to several pictures , and say , This is Caesar , and this is Pompey , &c. I shall by use of speech ( the interpreter of words ) take the tropical sense to be the plainest , and not the literal ; viz. That this is Caesars Image , and not that it is his person . And so here . 2. Give me any cogent Evidence that I must leave the plain sense , and I am satisfied . 3. Remember I pray you , that it s not the words , but the sense that you except against . Do not you except hereafter against the saying that ( we are Justified by works , and not by faith only ] as James doth ; but against the ill sense that you can prove to be put upon the words . Treat . pag. 238. Lastly , They are forced to add to the Apostle ; for they say , works justifie as the Condition of the Gospel , which the Apostle doth not speak a Word of . Answ . 1. We say not that Jams calls them a condition ; therefore we add not to him as his . 2. Every Exposition and application is an addition of another sort , but not as of the same . 3. I use not the active phrase that Works justifie , agreeing so far with you , who note a difference between these sayings , Faith justifieth , and we are justified by faith : for all that Mr. Blake despiseth the observation , which perhaps he would scarce have done , if he had known that you had being guilty of it also . 4. Scripture supposeth Grammer , Logick , Physicks , &c. and no more is to be expected from it but its own part . If James tell you that we are justified by works , he doth not say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a verb , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a noun , and so of the rest ; but he warranteth you to say so without any unjust addition , supposing that Grammer so call them ; If the Scripture say , that God created the Heavens and the earth , it doth not say here in terms , that God was the efficient cause : but it warranteth you to say so : If it say , that Christ dyed for us , and was a Sacrifice for our sins , and hath obtained eternal redemption for us ; yet it saith not that he is the meritorious cause , or the material cause of our Justification : But it will warrant you to say so , without the guilt of unjust additions . If you may say as a Grammarian and a Logitian , when you meet with such words in Scripture , [ These are Paronyma , and these Synonyma , and these Homonyma , and this is an universal , that a singular , that a particular , and that an indefinite ; this is an efficient cause , that a material , formal or final ; this is a noun , that a verb , the other a participle or an adverb ; I pray you then why may not I say , when I read in Rom. 10.9 . that [ If thou confess with thy mouth , and believe in thy heart , &c. ] that [ If ] is a conjunction conditional ? Is this adding to the Scripture unjustly ? If I did , when ever I read that we are justified by faith , collect thence that faith is an Instrumental cause , as if by were only the note of an Instrument , then you might have accused me of unwarrantable addition , or collections , indeed . Lastly , If you have a mind to it , I am content that you say by the unscriptural names ( or additions as you speak ) of nouns , pronouns , verbs , antecedents , consequents , efficient , or material causes , &c. and I will lay by the name of a condition , as you do of an Instrument : and we will only use the Scripture phrase , which is , If you forgive men , your Father will forgive you ; if we confess our sins , he is faithfull and just to forgive : we are justified by faith without the works of the Law : A man is justified by works , and not by faith only : By thy Words thou shalt be justified . Every man shall be judged according to his works , ] &c. Let us keep to Scripture phrase if you desire it , and you shall find me as backward as any to lay much stress upon terms of Art. Having gone thus far , I shall in brief give you a truer reconciliation of Paul and James then you here offer us . 1. They debate different questions . 2. And that with different sorts of persons . 3. And speak directly of different sorts of works . 4. And somewhat differ in the sense of the word Faith. 5. And somwhat about the word Justification . 6. And they speak of works in several Relations to Justification . 1. The Question that Paul disputed was principally Whether Justification be by the works of the Mosaical Law , and consequently by any mercenary works , without Christ , or in Co-ordination with Christ , or any way at all conjunct with Christ ? The question that James disputed , was , Whether men are justified by meer believing without Gospel-Obedience ? 2. The persons that Paul disputed against , were , 1 The unbelieving Jews , that thought the Mosaical Law was of such perfection to the making of men righteous , that there needed no other , much less should it be abrogate . Where specially note , that the righteousness which the Jews expected by that Law , was not ( as is commonly imagined ) a righteousness of sinless obedience , such as was required of Adam ; but a mixt Righteousness , consisting of accurate Obedience to the Mosaical Law in the main course of their lives , and exact sacrificing according to that Law for the pardon of their sins committed , ( wherein they made express confession of sin ) so that these two they thought sufficient to justifie , and lookt for the Messias but to free them from captivity , and repair their Temple , Law , &c. And 2. Paul disputed against false Teachers , that would have joyned these two together ( the Righteousness of Moses Law , and Faith in Christ ) as necessary to life . But James disputed against false Christians , that thought it enough to salvation barely to believe in Christ , ( or lived as if they so thought ) its like misunderstanding Pauls Doctrine of Justification as many now do . 3. The works that Paul speaks of directly , are the services appointed by Moses Law supposed to be sufficient , because of the supposed sufficiency of that Law. So that its all one with him to be justified by the Law , and to be justified by works ; and therefore he ofter speaks against Justification by the Law expresly , and usually stileth the works he speaks of , the works of the Law : yet by consequence , and a parity of Reason , he may well be said to speak against any works imaginable that are set in opposition to Christ , or competition with him , and that are supposed meritorious , and intended as Mercenary . But James speaks of no works , but Obedience to God in Christ , and that as standing in due subordination to Christ . 4. By Faith in the Doctrine of Justification , Paul means our Assent to all the essential Articles of the Gospel , together with our Acceptance of Jesus Christ the Lord , as such , and affiance in him ; that is , To be a Believer ; and so to have faith , is with Paul , to be a Disciple of Christ , or a Christian : Though sometime he specially denominates that faith from one part of the object ( the promise ) sometime from another ( the blood of Christ ) sometime from a third ( his obedience . ) And in other cases he distinguisheth Faith from Hope and Charity : but not in the business of Justification , considering them as respecting Christ and the ends of his blood . But James by faith means a bare ineffectual Assent to the Truth of the Christian Religion , such as the Devils themselves had . 5. Paul speaks of Justification in its whole state , as begun and continued . But James doth principally , if not only speak of Justification as continued . Though if by works any understand a disposition to work in faith , or conjunct with it ( as Dr. Iackson doth ) so his words are true of initial Justification also . 6. The principal difference lyeth in the Relations of works mentioned . Paul speaks of works as the immediate matter of a legal personal Righteousness , in part or whole . But James spoak of Works , not as answering the Law , but as fulfilling the condition of the Gospel , and implyed ( as promised or resolved on ) in our first believing , and so as subservient to the Sacrifice , Merit and Righteousness of Christ , as the avoiding of poison or dangerous meats ( that may kill , though the conrtary cannot cure ) is subservient to the curing medicine of a Physician , and implyed in our taking him for our Physician at first . And so much briefly to satisfie you and the world of the Reasons of my Dissent from you , that I may not differ from so Dear and Reverend a Brother , without making it appear , that necessity did compel me . That which I have passed over , being about the Instrumentality of Faith , I shall speak to , ( if God will ) together with Mr. Blakes Reasonings on that Subject , in another Disputation . Oppon . Works are not a Condition , much less a Cause of our Justification , under any Notion whatsoever they are taken : i. e. Neither Faith in Christ as Lord and Teacher , becoming his Disciples , Repentance , Love , Hope , Prayer for Pardon , Confession , Self-denyal , sincere Obedience , &c. are Causes or Conditions of Justification , as begun , continued , or as it is most eminent in the sentence at Judgement . Cons . Erg. This Faith , Repentance , Prayer , Obedience , &c. are not truly means of our Justification now or at Judgement . Ergo. Not means to the pardon of sin , and freedom from punishment . Ergo. Not means of Salvation from Hell , or of that Glory to which the final Justification will adjudge us . Ergo. 1. They are not necessary necessitate medii , and 2. No Man must use them as means to his present pardon , or Justification , or final Justification or salvation . Ergo. No means must be used for present or final Justification or Salvation , but only the Instrumental receiving , or apprehending of Christs Righteousness , or of Christ as Priest . Ergo. — Object . There are means besides Causes and Conditions . Answ . Besides Causas & Conditiones proximas , there are : but besides Causas & Conditiones & proximas & remotas , in this case there are none that I know of : if there be , name them . LETTERS That past between This REVEREND , Much HONOURED BROTHER , And my SELF . 1649 , and 1650. LONDON , Printed by Robert White , for Nevil Simmons , Book-seller in Kederminster . HAving heard that Mr. — disliked some things in my Aphorisms , and by the perswasions of some , intended a Confutation of them : I wrote to him an earnest Request , that he would acquaint me with what he disliked , annexing his Reasons to convince me of my Errors , professing my earnest Desire of Information , especially from him : To which he replyed , as followeth . Dear Sir , I Have indeed declared to some , who happily may have informed you of it , as I desired , that there were several ▪ Doctrinal points asserted in your Book , to which I could not pedibus ire , much less corde ; such are many positions about Christs Righteousness , about faiths Justification in your sense , and the Efficacy of new Obedience in this work as well as faith . Yea Love made some kind of the actings of Faith : The good old sound definition of Faith waved , and a new one substituted . Not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , credere , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operari also called into Evangelical Righteousness , and this made our personal Righteousness . These things and divers others do make me vehemently dissent from you in the matters asserted . Yet I do really honour you , for your great Abilities and zealous Piety , earnestly desiring of God that he would prolong your life , and have mercy upon hss Church by sparing this Epaphroditus . But whereas you have been told , that I had animadversions on your Book , this was a mistake : for the truth is , though I have cast my thoughts upon some part of it , yet I have not any digested or prepared considerations about it : but do defer such a work , till I shall have opportunity to discharge that part I have publiquely promised about imputed Righteousness ; which Subject I cannot yet prosecute , being hindred by other avocations : It is true , I have had advertisement from some honoured friends of mine at London , that it is expected , I should do something in those points , because by your Inscription of my name ( which I take as an Act of your real Love and respect to me , though I am unworthy of any such Testimony ) they think I am interested . Had I known the Contents of the book before published , I would have most importunately urged you at least to have taken more time of deliberation about the divulgation of them , which you know have much novelty in them . I know things are not to be embraced or rejected , because either old or new ; yet Paul doth dislike 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if we may so read it , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I shall conclude with this : Let not any difference from you in Judgement be any obstruction to improve your utmost Abilities ( which are many and lovely ) to the finding out , and propagating of Truth . If God prolong your life , I hope this next Summer we may have mutual oral Conference together , which is the most conducible way to clear both Truth and our Opinions . Your faithfull Friend and Brother — Decemb. 3. To the Reverend , and his much Honoured Friend , Mr. Baxter , Preacher of the Word of God at Kederminster , those Deliver . Sir , I Received yours , which I acknowledge a Favour : but not so great as I expect . Your dissent is so generally known , that I cannot but hope to know some of the Grounds of it . I hope you cannot so vehemently dissent in points of such Moment , and yet deny me a discovery of mine Error . The defering of such a work till you have wrote another Book , doth intimate what will be injurious to the Church , your self and me : If you intend to publish a Confutation , when I am dead , and deny me any help for conviction while I live . 1. The Church will lose the fruit of my own Recantation . 2. And your self , one part of the fruit of your Labor . 3. And I may dye in error unrecanted , and you ( being now importuned for , your help ) be guilty of it . If you did but know how gladly I would publiquely recant , you would not deny your help . You that would have so importuned me to deliberate , if you had known before , I hope will not deny your assistance for my recovery . I did not hastily that I did . But though I wanted the opportunity of consulting you before , yet I hope it is not too late . I am confident if you know me , you are not so uncharitable as to think me uncurable . It is therefore your flat duty not to suffer sin upon me . Let me therefore intreat you to send me one or two of your strongest Arguments against some of the weightyest points in difference ; and to answer mine . I know it is not an hours work with you to do that much ; and I would bestow twenty for you . If you suspect that I will any way mis-imploy your papers , you shall prescribe me the Law therein your self . Whether you will read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am indifferent , being no friend to either . I thought it a greater novelty to say , Faith justifieth only or primarily as an Instrument , then to say , it justifieth as the Condition , which the free Lawgiver hath promised Justification upon . I knew it was no novelty to say , we must have a personal Righteousness besides that imputed : And I took it to be as old as the Gospel , to say , that this consisteth in Faith and sincere Obedience . I called it Evangelical , because I trembled to think of having an inherent Righteousness which the Law of works will so denominate . What you say of the [ Efficacy of Obedience and Faith ] I disclaim both , as never coming into my thoughts : I acknowledge no efficiency as to Justification in either , but a bare conditionality . I aver confidently that I give no more to works , then our Divines ordinarily do , viz. to be a secondary part of the Condition of the new Covenant , and so of Justification , as continued and consummate , and of Glorification : only if I err , it is in giving less to Faith , denying it to be the Instrumental Cause of Justification , but only a condition . My Definition of Faith is the same ( in sense ) with Dr. Prestons , Mr. Calverwell , Mr. Throgmorton , Mr. Norton of new England in his Catechism , &c. O how it grieveth me to dissent from my Reverend Brethen ! Some report it to be a pernitious Book : others overvalue it , and so may receive the more hunt if it be unsound . Truly Sir I am little prejudiced against your Arguments ; But had rather return into the common road then not , if I could see the Light of truth to guide me . I abhor affected singularity in Doctrine : therefore I intreat you again to defer no longer to vouchsafe me the fruit of one hours labour , which I think I may claim from your Charity and the Interest God hath given one member in another , and you shall hereby very much oblige to thankfulness Jan. 22. 1649. Your unworthy fellow-servant Richard BAXTER . To my Reverend and very much valued friend , Mr. — Preacher of Gods Word at — These present . Dear Sir , I Received your letter , and I returned some Answer by Mr. Bryan , viz. that now the daies growing longer and warmer , I shall be glad to take occasion to confer with you mouth to mouth about those things wherein we differ , for I conceive that to be a far more compendious way , then by letters , wherein any mistake is not so easily rectified : I shall therefore be ready to give you the meeting at Bremicham any Thursday you shall appoint that may be convenient with your health ; that so by an amicable collation , we may find out the truth . In the mean while I shall not wholly neglect your request in your letter , but give you an hint at one of those several Arguments that move me to dissent from you ; which although it be obvious , yet such Arguments as most men pitch upon , have the greatest strength : and that is the peculiar and proper expressions the Scripture giveth to faith in the matter of Justification , and that when the Doctrine is purposely handled , as Paul in his Epistle to the Romans . attributing it so to faith , as it excludes not the presence , but the co-operation of any other . He doth so include faith , as that he doth exclude all works under any notion : for Abraham was then godly , and abounded in other Graces , yet the Apostle fastens his Justification upon this : in so much that if a man would have desired the Apostle to make a difference between faith and other Graces , it could not have been done more evidently . As for the Apostle James , your sence cannot be admitted to reconcile them , but rather makes that breach wider : the one saith , a Justification without works ; you make Faith as well as works , though one primarily : whereas the Orthodox both against Papists and Arminians , and Socinians , do sweetly reconcile them . By the hint of this , I see a Letter cannot represent the vigor of an Argument . I shall only add one thing : we may hold Opinions , and dispute them speculatively in Books ; but practically , and when we come to dye , we dare not make use of them . I know not how a godly man at his death can look upon his Graces as Conditions of the Covenant fulfilled by him ; though the Grace of God and the Merits of Christ be acknowledged the procuring cause . The Papists also verbally come to that refuge : For how come the Imperfections in the Conditions to be pardoned , and conditions have a moral Efficiency ? Raptim . But of these things more fully when I see you . The Lord preserve you an Instrument in his Church , and direct and sanctifie all your parts and abilities for his Glory . Feb. 13. Your loving Brother in the Lord — To his very loving and much respected Friend Mr. BAXTER , Minister of Gods Word at Kederminster , these be delivered . Sir , FOr the expressions of your love in your two Letters , and your offer to meet me for conference ; I return you hearty thanks . But I told you of my weakness , which is so great that I am not able to travel , nor to discourse to any purpose if I were with you : a few words do so spend me ( except when I have a little ease , which fals out perhaps once in a moneth for a few hours unexpected ) therefore I am resolved to importune you once again , and if you now deny me , to cease my suit . It is expected at London , Cambridge , &c. that you write a confutation , and you intimate your purpose to do so hereafter : which I will not disswade you from , so I might but see your Arguments , that before I dye , I might know whether I have erred , and not dye without repenting or recanting : and if I err not , that I might shew you my grounds more fully ; And if you deny this request to one that hath so even unmannerly importuned you , and yet purpose to do it , when I can neither be the better for it , nor defend my self , you walk not by that Rule as I thought you did , nor do as you would be done by . But for my part , I have done my endeavour for information , and so have satisfied my own conscience . For what should I do ? There is none in this Country that will attempt a convincing of me , by word or writing , nor for ought I hear , gainsay : and you are the nearest from whom I may hope for it . In your last you overpass all the particulars almost touched in your former , and pitch on Justification by works . Where you mention Pauls attributing it to Faith , to which I have answered , and have no Reply . 1. Where you say Paul excludes the Co-operation of any other ; I answer , So do I. And of Faith too I deny the operations as effective . 2. When you say , he excludes works under any notion , I answer . 1. Would I could see that proved . 2. Then how can James say true ▪ 3. Then he excludes faith under the notion of an Instrument . 4. And Repentance under the notion of a preparative , or condition . 5. But if you mean only that he excludes the co-operation , or efficiency of works , I yield as before . 6. Paul expresly excludes only the works of the Law , that is , such as are considered in opposition to Christ , or co-ordination as required by the Law of Works , and not such as Christ himself enjoyneth in subordination to himself ; so they keep that place of subordination . 7. Pauls Question is , What is the Righteousness which must denominate a sinner just at the Bar of the Law ? And this he saith is no Works ( under any notion ) no not Faith , but only Christs Righteousness , and so faith must be taken relatively : for certainly it is Christ , and not Faith that is that Righteousness . Is not this all that our Divines say , or require ? and so say I , over and over . But Paul doth not resolve there [ what is the Condition on which Christ makes over this Righteousness of his ? ] so directly , but collaterally . 8. Or if you say he do : yet if Paul speak of our first possession of Justification , I say it is without , not only the operation , but the presence of works , which is more then you say . 9. Or whether he speak of begun , or continued Justification , I say we are justified without works in Pauls sense : yea that they are not so much as a condition of the continuance of Justification . For works in Pauls sense relate to the reward , as of debt , and not of Grace . As a man that works to yearn wages , as Paul plainly saith , Rom. 4.4 . To him that worketh , the Reward is not of Grace , but of Debt . These works I disclaim as sinfull in their ends . But obeying the Gospel , or being willing that Christ who hath redeemed us , should rule over us , and running that we obtain , and fighting the good fight of faith , and suffering with Christ that we may be glorified with him , and improving our Talent , and enduring to the end , and so doing good works , and laying up a good foundation against the time to come : I think Paul excludes not any of these from being bare conditions , or causae sine quibus non of our Justification at Judgement , or the continuance of it here . Abrahams faith excluded works in Pauls sense , as before , but not works in this sense , or in James his sense . When you say my sense for reconciling Paul and James cannot be admitted . 1. I would you had told me what way to do it better : and answered what I have said in that . 2. Your reason appears to me of no seeming force . For first you say [ the one saith a Justification by faith without works , you make Faith as well as works , &c. ] Answer 1. Paul saith not barely without works , but without the works of the Law. And I have shewed you what he means by works , Rom. 4.4 . 2. I say no more then James , that a man is justified by works , and not by faith only : I believe both these Scriptures are true , and need no reconciling , as having no contradiction in the terms . And yet I speak not so broad usually , as James doth . Where you say that [ the Orthodox do sweetly reconcile them ] I know not who you mean by the Orthodox . For I doubt not but you know the variety of interpretations to reconcile them . Piscator and Pemble have one Interpretation , and way of Reconciliation . Calvin , Paraeus and most Divines another . Camero confuteth the best esteemed , and hath another . Brochmond with most of the Lutherans have another . Jac. Laurentius , Althemor , and many more tell us of divers : which of these you mean by the Orthodox , I know not . But if you exclude all those from the Orthodox , that say as I say in this , you will exclude as Learned Divines , and well reputed of , as most Europe hath bred , viz. excellent Conrad . Bergius , Ludov. Crecius , Johan , Crocius , Johan . Bergius , &c. Who though they all dispute for Justification by faith without works , understanding it of the first Justification ( for most Divines have taken Justification to be rigidly simul & semel till Dr. Downam evinced that it is a continued Act ) yet they both take works for meriting works , that respect the reward as of Debt , and they say that otherwise Obedience is a Condition ( or cause as they make it ) of continuing , or not losing Justification once attained . And is not that to say as much as I ? And many more I can name you that say as much . And you approve of Mr. Bals book , which saith that works ( or a purpose to walk with God ) do justifie as a passive qualification of the Subject capable of Justification . You add that [ we may dispute , &c. but you know not how a godly man at his death can look on his Graces as Conditions of the Covenant fulfilled by him , &c. ] Which speech seems strange to me . I confess if I be so , I am ungodly . For I have been as oft , and as long in the expectation of death as most men , and still am : and yet I am so far from being afraid of this , that I should live and dye in horror and desperation , if I could not look upon the conditions of the Covenant of Grace fulfilled by my self through goes workings . If by our Graces you mean Habits , I think it more improper to call them the fulfilling the conditions of the Covenant . For what you say of the Papists , you know how fundamentally almost they differ from me in this , confounding the Covenants Righteousness , &c. If it were not to one that knows it better then my self , I would shew wherein . For your question , How come the imperfections in our conditions to be pardoned ? You know I have fully answered it , both in the Aphorisms , and Appendix . And I would rather you had given me one discovery of the insufficiency of that answer , then asked the Question again . Briefly thus . Guilt is an obligation to punishment ( as it is here to be understood ) Pardon is a freeing from that Obligation , or Guilt and Punishment . All Punishment is due by some Law. According to the Law or Covenant of Works the imperfection of our Faith , Love , Obedience , &c. deserve punishment , and Christ hath satisfied that Law , and procured forgiveness of these imperfections , and so acquit us from Guilt and punishment . The new Law , or Covenant of Grace doth not threaten death to any but final Unbelievers , and so not to the imperfection of our Faith , Love , Obedience , where they are sincere . And where the Law threatneth not Punishment , there is no obligation to Punishment ( or Guilt ) on the party from that Law , and so no work for Pardon . Imperfect believers perform the conditions of the new Covenant truly : and it condemneth none for imperfection of degree ▪ where there is sincerity : No man is ever pardoned , whom the new Law condemneth , that is , final Unbelievers , or Rejecters of Christ . So that Christ removeth , or forgiveth that obligation to punishment , which by the Law of Works doth fall on us for our imperfections . And for the Law of Grace where it obligeth not to punishment , that obligation which is not , cannot be taken off : nor that man pardoned , that was never guilty . Your Question occasioneth me to be unmannerly in opening these easie things to you , that I doubt not knew them sure twenty years ago and more . Though I confess I had not the clear apprehensions of them seven years ago . What ever I was then thought by others , I confess I was ignorant , and am glad that God hath in any measure healed my ignorance , though with the loss of my reputation of being Orthodox . Where you add that conditions have a moral efficiency , either you mean all or some ; if all , or if this whereof we are in speech , though I am loth to contest with you in Philosophy , yet I must confess I never read so much in any Author , nor can force my self to believe it , Causa sine qua non , est causa fatua . It is as Schibler and others , a meer Antecedent . The word Moral is ambiguous ; but if you mean it as I conjecture you do ▪ for an efficiency , interpretative in sense of Law , as if the Law would ascribe efficiency to him that fulfills the condition : I utterly deny it in the present case ; or if you mean that our fulfilling the conditions hath an efficiency on God to move him to justifie us , as an impulsive procatarctick cause ; I not only deny it , but deny that any such cause is properly with God , or hath efficiency on him ; nor can it have the operation of the final cause , which some call moral , seeing it is none of Gods end , nor can any thing move God but God , nor be his end but himself . If you mean by moral efficiency any thing else which is indeed no efficiency , I stick not on meer words . Sir , I should not have presumed to expect so much labour from you as to write a sheet for my satisfaction , had I not perceived that others expect much more to less purpose , and that your letters express that hereafter you intend more . If you deny me your answer to this , I will trouble you no more . And because I would have your labour as short as may be , I shall only desire your answer to these few Questions , which I ground on both your Letters , because the clear resolving of these , will be the readiest way to satisfie me . Quest . 1. Hath the Covenant of Grace ( which promiseth Justification and Glorification ) any condition on our parts , or none ? If it have Quest . 2. What are the Conditions ? Is not Love and Obedience part of the Condition ? Quest . 3. Must not those Conditions be fulfilled by our selves ? or hath Christ fulfi●led them by himself for any man. Quest . 4. If we must fulfill him ▪ why may not a dying man look on them ? Or what m●●● Paul to rejoyce in the testimony of his Conscience , that in simplicity and godly sincerity he had his conversation ? &c. And that he had fought a good fight , and finished his cour●● &c. And that in all good conscience , &c. and Hezekiah , Remember Lord that I have walked before thee , &c. Quest 5. Can a man have any assurance ordinarily that death shall not let him into ●ell , who hath no assurance that he hath performed these conditions , and how should he have it ? Can he know that all shall work to him for good , though he know not whether he love God ? or that there is no condemnation to him , though he know not that he is in Christ , and walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit ? Quest . 6. If our Love and Obedience have no tendency to salvation , but as meer figures , then is not the Antinomian Doctrine true , that we may not Act for Salvation ? Q. 7. What do you mean your self , when you write against those that deny Repentance to be a Condition to qualifie the Subject to obtain forgiveness , but a sign Lect. 20. of Justification ? And when you say that Scripture limits Justification , and Pardon only to those Subjects that are so and so qualified . p. 171. where you instance in Repentance , Confession , Turning , Forgiving others , &c. and make faith an Instrumental cause , but say , there are many qualifications in the Subject . p. 172. And what mean you when you say , p. 210. In some gross sins there are many conditions requisite ( besides humiliation ) without which Pardon of sin cannot be obtained : where you instance in Restitution . Besides those , p. 148 , 149 , 150. Is it not safe when a man hath prerformed these conditions , to look on them either living or dying ? Or what do you say less then I do here ? I know you are none of the men of contention , and therefore will not recant your own Doctrine in opposition to me . And if you did not mean that these are conditions of Pardon , and Justification , when you say they are , who can understand you ? If those gross sins be in the unjustified , you will not say that the conditions of his Pardon are no conditions of his Justification . I know that you give more to faith ( and so to man ) then I do , viz. to be the Instrument of his own Justification , ( which I will not contend against with any that by an improper sense of the word Instrument , do differ only in a term ) but what do you give less to Repentance , and the rest then I do ? you say they are conditions , and I say no more . Qu. 8. And what do the generality of our Divines mean , when they say that Faith and new Obedience are our conditions of the Covenant ? As I have cited out of Paereus , Scharpius , Willet , Piscator , Junius , Aretius , Alstedius , who saith , the condition of the new Covenant of Grace is partly faith , and partly Evangelical Obedience , or Holiness of life , proceeding from faith in Christ . Distinct . Chap. 17. p. 73. And Wendeli● the like , &c. If it be said that they mean they are conditions of Salvation but not of Justification ; Then Quest . 9. Whether and how it can be proved that our final Justification at Judgement ( which you have truly shewed is more compleat then this Justificatio viae , and our Glorification have different conditions on our part , and so of our persevering Justification here . Quest . 10. And whether it be any less disparagement to Christ to have mans works to be the conditions of his Salvation , then to be the bare conditions of his ultimate and continued Justification ? Seeing Christ is a Saviour as properly as a Justifier , and Salvation comprizeth all . Quest . 11. What tolearable sense can be given of that multitude of plain Scriptures which I have cited ? Thes . 60. For my part , when I have oft studyed how to forsake my present Judgement , the bare reading of the 25 of Matthew hath still utterly silenced me , if there were no more . Much more when the whole Gospel runs in the like strain . Quest . 12. Is not the fulfilling of the conditions of the new Law or Covenant enough to denominate the party righteous , that is , not guilty of non-fulfilling , or not obliged to punishment , or guilty as from that same Law or Covenant ? And doth not every man that is saved so fulfill the conditions of the new Covenant ? and so is Evangelically righteous ? The condition is not Believe , and obey perfectly , but sincerely . Quest . 13. If there be no such thing as a personal Righteousness necessary to salvation , besides imputed Righteousness : 1. What is the meaning of all those Scriptures cited Thes . 22. that say there is ? 2. And of our Divines that say there is inherent Righteousness ? And 3. What real difference between the godly and the wicked , the saved and damned ? Quest . 14. Have you found out any lower place for Love and Obedience , then to be bare conditions , if you acknowledge them any way conducible to final Justification , or Salvation ? If you have , what place is it ? and how called ? and why hath it not been discovered unto the world ? To say they are qualifications of the Subject , is too general , and comprizeth qualifications of different Natures ; and it shews not how they are conducible to the said ends ; and why a man may not be saved without qualifications , as well as with them , if God have not made them so much as conditions ? Quest . 15. Seeing I ascribe not to Evangelical Obedience the least part of Christs Office or Honor , nor make it any jot of our legal Righteousness , where then lies the error or danger of my Doctrine ? Quest . 16. Do not those men that affirm we have an inherent Righteousness , which is so pronounced properly by the Law of works , accuse the Law of God for blessing and cursing the the same man and action ? And how can that Law pronounce a man , or his action righteous , which curseth him , and condemneth him to Hell for that same Action ? It makes me amazed to think what should be the reason that Divines contest so much , that it is the Law of Works that pronounceth them inherently righteous , which they know condemns them ; rather then the Law of Grace or new Covenant , which they know absolveth them that sincerely perform it . When all Divines acknowledge an inherent Righteousness , and that the Law of Works is fulfilled by none , and that it pronnunceth none righteous , but the fulfillers : and when the condition of the new Covenant must be performed by all that will be saved : and when the Holy Ghost saith that it was by faith ( and so pronounced , and measured by the Law of faith ) that Abel ( the second Righteous man in the world ) offered the excellent Sacrifice , and by it obtained witness that he was righteous , God testifying of his gift , &c. Heb. 11.4 . Quest . 17. Do not those Divines that will affirm that [ our inherent Righteousness is so called from its imperfect conformity to the Law of works ] and that [ it is the Law that pronounceth them righteous ] lay a clear ground for Justification by works in the worst sense ? for if the Law pronounce their works , and them properly righteous , then it justifieth them : and then what need have they ( at least so far ) of Christ , or Pardon ? yea and what Law shall condemn them , if the Law of Works justifie them ? At least do they not compound their Righteousness ( as to the law of Works ) partly of Christs satisfaction , and partly of their own Works ? Quest . 18. Whether you should not blame Dr. Preston , Mr. Norton , Mr. Culverwel , Mr. Throgmorton , &c. for laying by the good sound definition of Faith ( as you call it ) as well as me ? And is it not great partiality to let the same pass as currant from them , which from me must be condemned ? And why would you agree to such a corrupt definition , being one of the Assembly , when theirs in the lesser Catechism ( and indeed both ) is in sence the very same with mine ? And why may not I be judged Orthodox in that point , when I heartily subscribe to the National Assemblies Definition ? viz. that Faith is a saving Grace , whereby we receive , and rest on Christ alone for Salvation , as he is offered to us in the Gospel . ] Qu. 19. Do I say any more then the Assembly saith in the preceding Question ? [ What doth God require of us , that we may escape his wrath and curse due to us for sin ? Answ . God requireth of us ( to escape the said wrath and curse , &c. ) Faith in Jesus Christ , repentance unto life , with the diligent use of all the outward means , whereby Christ communicateth to us the benefits of Redemption . ] And is not Justification one benefit ? And is not final Justification a freeing us from that Curse ? Quest . 20. Which call you the good , sound definition of Faith ? When our famous Reformers placed it in Assurance ; Camero , and others in perswasion ( such as is in the understanding ) others in Assent , as Dr. Downam , &c. Others in a Belief of Gods special Love , and that sin is pardoned . Others in Affiance or Recumbency . Others in divers of these . Some , as Mr. Ball , calling it a fiducial Assent . Others an obediential Affiancce . Did not each of these forsake that which by the former was accounted the good sound Definition ? And why may not I with Dr. Preston , Mr. Wallis , &c. say it is an Acceptance , or consent , joyned with Assent ? or with the Assembly , and the rest , say it is a receiving , which is the same in a more Metaphorical term . Quest . 21. If you judge as Melanchton , John Crocius , Davenant , Amesius , &c. that Faith is in both faculties ; how can you then over-leap the Elicite Acts of the will ( which have respect to means ) Eligere , consentive , uti ? Quest . 22. If the formal reason of justifying faith lie in a Belief or Perswasion that Christ will pardon and save us : or in an Affiance or resting on him , or Trusting to him only for Salvation : or in an Acceptance of him as a Saviour , meerly to justifie and save from Hell : Why then are not almost all among us justified and saved ? when I scarce meet with one of an hundred , that is not unfeignedly willing , that Christ should pardon , and justifie , and save them , and do verily trust , that Christ will do it ; and the freer it is , the better they like it . If they may whore and drink , and be covetous , and let alone all the practise of Godliness , and yet be saved , they will consent . If it be said that they rest not on Christ for Justification sincerely ; I Ans. They do it really , and unfeignedly , and not dissemblingly , which as we may know in all probability by others , so we may know it certainly by our own hearts , while unregenerate . So that it is not the natural , but the moral Truth , that is wanting : And what is that ? And wherein is the Essential , formal difference between a wicked mans resting on Christ for Justification , and a true Believers ? To say it is seen in the Fruits , is not to shew the Essential difference . Quest . 23. If resting on Christ for Justification be the only condition of final Justification , What is the reason that Perkins , Bolton , Hooker , Preston , Taylor , Elton , Whately , and all the godly Divines also yet living do spend most of their labour to bring men to obey Christ as their Lord , and not the hundreth line or word to press them to Trust that he will pardon and save them ? All the powerfull Perachers that ever I heard , however they dispute , yet when they are preaching to the generality of people , they zealously cry down laziness , lukewarmness , negligence , unholyness , prophaness , &c. As that which would be the liklyest cause of the damnation of the people . But if only the foresaid saith be the condition , and all other Graces or Duties be but meer signal effects of this , and signal qualifications of the subject , and not so much a conditions , what need all this ? Were it not then better to perswade all people , even when they are whoring , or drunk , to trust on Christ to pardon and justifie them ? And then when they have the tree and cause , the fruits and signal effects will follow . Quest . 24. Yea , Why do the best Divines preach so much against Presumption ? And what is Presumption , if it be not this very faith which Divines call justifying ? viz. the Trusting to Christ for Pardon and Salvation only , without taking him for their King and Prophet ? If it be said that this last must be present , though not justifie : How can the bare presence of an idle Accident so make , or marr the efficacy of the cause ? Quest . 25. If to be unwilling that Christ should raign over us , be part of the directly condemning sin , Luke 19.27 . why is not the willingness he should raign , part of saving , justifying faith ? Quest . 26. Seeing resting in Christ is no Physical apprehension of him ( who is bodily in Heaven ) nor of his Righteousness ( which is not a being capable of such an apprehension ) How can that Resting justifie more then any other Act , but only as it is the condition to which the Promise is made ? Resting on a friend for a Benefit , makes it not yours , but his gift does that . As Perkins ( cited by me ) To believe the Kingdom of France shall be mine , makes it not mine : But to believe Christ , and the Kingdom of Heaven , &c. ( vid. loc . where he saith as much as I ) vol. 1. p. 662. If God had not said [ He that believeth shall be justified and saved , ] would Believing have done it ? And if he had said , [ He that repenteth , or loveth , or calleth on the name of the Lord , shall be justified or saved ] would not these have done it ? if so ; then doth not faith justifie directly , as the condition of the Gift , Promise , or new Covenant ? And its apprehension is but its aptitude to be set apart for this Office : And if it justifie as a condition of the Promise : must not others do it so far as they are parts of the Condition ? Sir , If you should deny me the favour I hope for in resolving these doubts , yet let me hear whether I may expect it or not . And in the interim I shall search in jealousie , and pray for direction : But till your Arguments shall change my judgement , I remain confident that I can maintain most of the Antinomian Dotages against any man that denyeth the principles of my Book : and that which is accounted novelty in it , is but a more explicate , distinct , necessary delivery of common Truths . Yours , RICHARD BAXTER April 5 , 1650 Sir I Am sorry that you are not in capacity for the motion I profered : I thought discourse would not so much infeeble you , especially when it would have been in so loving a way : And I judged it the more seasable , because I had been informed of a late solemn conference you had about Paedobaptism , which could not but much spend you , I shall press no more for it , although this very letter doth abundantly confirm me , that letters are but a loss of time : for one word might have prevented many large digressions . Is not that endeavour of yours in your seventh question to prove out of my book , that Repentance is a necessary condition , or qualification in the Subject to be pardoned , &c. a meer impertinency ? You earnestly desire satisfaction of your conscience , therefore I cannot think you do wilfully mistake . For is that the state of the question with us ? Is it not this , whether the Gospel Righteousness be made ours , otherwise then by believing ? You say by believing , and Obedience . I say only believing . I say faith is only the condition justifying , or instrument receiving , you make a justifying Repentance , a justifying Patience : you make other acts of grace justifying as well : so that whereas heretofore , we only had justifying faith , now there are as many other qualities , and all justifying , as there are Graces . So that I do firmly hold ( and it needs a recantation ) that repentance and other exercises of Grace are antecedent qualifications , and are media ordinata , in the use whereof only pardon can be had . But what is this to you ? Who expresly maintain the righteousness of the Covenant of Grace to be made ours , upon our godly working , as well as believing . If therefore you had spent your self to shew that faith had no peculiar Instrumentality in our Justification , but what other Graces have , then you had hit the mark . What is more obvious , then that there are many conditions in justificato , which are not in actu justificationis ? The fastening of the head to the body is a necessary condition in homine vidente , but it is not in actu videntis . You grant indeed some precedency to faith , but you make Faith and Works aequè , though not aequaliter , the conditions of Justification . I should say much more to the state of the question , but I forbear . In other things you seem to come off ; and though I do not say you recede from your Assertions , yet you much mollifie them , that I need not therein contend with you . But here is the stick . Let it be demonstrated , that whereas the Scripture in the current of it attributes Justification to believing only : as through faith , and by Faith , and through faith in his blood , that you can as truly say , it s received by love , and it s through love of his blood shed for our sakes , &c. This is a little of that much which might be said to the state of the question . This I judge new Doctrine , justifying Repentance , justifying Charity . And in my Letter I laid down an Argument , Rom. 4. Concerning Abrahams , Justification , the Pattern of all others . To this you reckon up many Answers , but I see not the Argument shaken by it . First you say , you exclude a co-operation effective , but why do we strive about words ? You do not exclude works justifying , as well as faith , let the expressions be what they will. Whereas Paul saith , he would be found having the Righteousness which is by faith , you will add , and which is by love , by zeal . 2. You desire it to be proved , that Paul excludes all works under any notion ; I think it s very easily done : First , because of the immediate opposition between Faith and Works ; now you will contradict Pauls Argument , and give a tertium , works that are of Grace . But the Apostles opposition is so immediate here and in other places , between faith and any thing of ours , that he admits of no medium . 2. He instances in Abrahams works , and excludes them : now were Abrahams works , works done by the meer strength of the Law ? Did not Abrahams Obedience , and other works flow from Grace ? Were Abrahams works in opposition to Christ ? Yet even these are excluded . 3. He excludes all works under any notion by the opposition , justifying , covering , all is wholly attributed unto God. 4. The Assertion is universal : The Apostle saith , without works in general , ver . 6. And he works not , ver . 5. Lastly , By the testimony he brings from the Psalmist , that blessedness is where sin is not imputed , whrere it is forgiven ; These reasons do evidence that he excludes works under all notions in the act of Justification , though not from the person justified . 3. You say , how then saith James true ? But I ask , if there be justifying works , how saith Paul true ? But again , James saith true : for this faith which in respect of its act ad intra , doth only justifie , yet it works ad extra . The old Assertion is fides quae viva , not quo viva . You speak of a seeming Antilogie among the orthodox in this reconciliation , but though all go not eadem semi●â , yet they do eadem viâ against works under any notion whatsoever in the act of Justification . 4. You argue that faith as an Instrument is excluded . Thus Bellarmine also , apprehendere est opus , therefore faith is excluded : But non sequitur : Faith is passive in its Instrumentality ; and although to believe , be a Grammatical action , its verbum activum , yet its physic●n , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passive . A man by believing , doth not operari , but recipere : As videre , audire , are Grammatical actions , but Physical or natural passions : now you cannot say thus of the exercises of other Graces : this is the seeming strength of your Exceptions . For Repentance is not excluded as qualifying , but as recipient , which is a fifth Exception . As for your discourse , whether Paul disputes what is our Righteousness ? or upon what terms it is made over to us , it doth not much matter : for indeed Paul speaks to both those only inclusively or collaterally , as you say : but that which he chiefly intends , is to shew in what manner we are justified , whether by believing or working , and these he makes two immediate opposites , not granting any tertium . You speak of Faith taken relatively for Christs Righteousness ; but how can you find out such a figure for faith in your sence , unless you will acknowledge Love or Obedience relatively for Christs Righteousness ? Indeed those that hold Fai●h instrumentally , receiving the whole righteousness of Christ , and no other Grace , they often speak of faith taken relatively , but so cannot you , who hold that not only seeing this brazen Serpent , but any other actions of sence will as well heal the wounded Christian . You say you acknowledge the Assemblies definition of resting or receiving , you cannot take in that sence , as they declare it , as the Scripture words which are Metaphorical , do imply : for its the resting of a burdened soul upon Christ only for Righseousness , and by this Christs Righteousness is made over to us ; and it s a receiving of Christ , as the hand embraceth any Object : now you make the Righteousness of Christ made over to us in any other exercise of Grace as well as this . So that although you would willingly seem not to recede from others , yet you plainly do : and although you think your Assertions are but more distinct explications , yet they are indeed destructive Assertions to what our Divines do deliver : neither may you , while you intend to dispute , exactly build upon some homiletical or popular expression in any mans book . You reply to a second part in my Letter : whether a godly man dying , may be affected according to your position , and thereupon you instance in Hezekiah , Paul , and that no man can dye with comfort without the evidence of these works . But is this the state of the question with us ? Do you think that I deny a godly life to be a comfortable testimony , and a necessary qualification of a man for pardon ? You cannot think that you speak to the point in this . But here is the question , Can a godly man dying , think the Righteousness of Christ is made his by working or believing ? Is it repent , and Christs Righteousness is by this made yours , and rest in Christ ? Certainly the dying Christian is in agonies directed to this resting on Christ , to the eying of this brazen Serpent , not to be found in any thing but the Righteousness by faith . It s an act of Dependance , not of Obedience that interests us in Christs Righteousness . It s that puts on the robes of Christ , that our nakedness may not appear . And that is very harsh still , which you express , to expect the Righteousness of the Covenant of Grace upon the conditions fulfilled by your se ; lf , through Gods workings . I am unwilling to parallel this with some passages that might be quoted out of unsound Authors ; but that I am confident , howsoever your Pen-writes , you have a tutissimum est to rest only upon Christs Righteousness , and that by bare resting , and beleiving you look for a Righteousness . As Philosophers say , we see or hear intus recipiendo , not extra mittendo : otherwise Bellarmine argues consonantly enough , that Love would justifie as well as faith ; but we say that Faith doth pati , Love doth agere . Not but that faith is an active grace , only in this act it is meer recipient . Sir , I have not time , nor paper to answer those many questions , the most of which I conceive impertinent to this business : and your Explication of your self , how imperfections in our Graces are done away , and yet the conditions of righteousness , is to me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but I cannot go any further . What I have written with much love and respect to you , I should account it a great mercy to be instrumental to bring you to the right way again : If there be so much Joy for reducing a wandring sheep , be not offended if I say there will be much more for an erring shepheard : though I hope at last your error may prove in words rather then in sence : with heartly brotherly love I have written this , and so let it be received from your fellow-labourer , who honours Gods gifts in you , and is also sensible of his own infirmities , and proneness to err . Dear Sir , IF you doubt of the truth of my bodily infirmity , it is because you neither know my body nor mind . The dispute at Bewdley , as it was almost at home , so I had the choice of the time , and such strength vouchsafed from God , which I cannot again expect , much less promise my self . I told you I have some lucida intervalla , perhaps a few hours in a moneth : but if upon such uncertainty I should draw you to a journey , and then ten to one fail you , I should be injurious . But seeing you so far and freely condiscend , if God wil shew me so much Mercy , as to enable this restless uncessantly-pained Sceleton to such a work , I shall be bold to send you word , and claim the favour you offer . In the mean time it is my duty to let you know , I have received your Letter , and to return your hearty thanks for it , though it be not that which I hoped for , and shall now cease to expect . I am convinced now as well as you that Letters are but a loss of time : but your Arguments or direct answers to my Questions , would have been for my advantage , a precious improvement of it : but seeing I may not be so happy , I must rest content . It still seemeth to my weak understanding to be no impertinency to prove that your self affirm Repentance , Confession , Turning , Forgiveing others , &c , to be more then signs , i. e. to be conditions to qualifie the Subject to obtain forgiveness ; and to tell you that I say no more , and to tell you still , that you give more to faith ( and so to man ) then I ; but I give no more to works for ought I descern then you ; I am sure then our ordinary Divines do : And if I do mistake herein , you have little reason to suspect me of willfulness ; though of weakness as much as you please . As for the state of the Question between us , which you speak of , I am a stranger to it , and know not what you mean. I never came to the stating of a Question with you ; nor did you state any to me in your letters , but mentioned your vehement dissent from several passages in my book , and therefore I had reason to think that you fell upon the Questions as there they were stated ; so that it is intime & medullitùs , pertinent to my question , which is impertinent to yours . You say the question is , [ Whether the Gospel righteousness be made ours otherwise then by believing ? ] and tell me that I say [ by believing and obedience ] when I never stated such a question , nor ever gave such an answer . I suppose by [ Gospel Righteousness ] you mean Christs Righteousness given to Believers : Now I have affirmed that [ those only shall have part in Christs satisfaction , and so in him be legally righteous , who do believe and obey the Gospel , and so are in themselves Evangelically righteous . ] But your phrase [ made ours ] doth intimate that our first possession of Christs Righteousness should be upon Obedience as well as Faith ; which I never affirmed : But Christs Righteousness is continued ours on condition of obeying him , though not made ours so : and we shall be justified at Judgement also on that condition . As it is not marriage duty , but Contract which is the condition of a womans first Interest in her Husband and his riches ; but marriage duty and the performance of that Covenant , is the condition of her Interest as continued . And indeed it is much of my care in that Book to shun and avoid that question which you say is stated between us : for I knew how much ambiguity is in the Word [ By ] which I was loth to play with . I know we are justified By God the Father , By Christs satisfaction , By Christs absolution , By the Gospel Covenant or Promise , By the Sacraments , By Faith , By Works , ( for I will never be ashamed to speak the words of the Holy Ghost ) By our words ( for so saith Christ ) Therefore if you will needs maintain in general , that Christs Righteousness is made ours , no otherwise then by beleiving , nor otherwise continued ours ; you see how much you must exclude . But to remove such Ambiguity , I distinguish between justifying [ By ] as an efficient instrumental Cause , and [ By ] as by a condition : and I still affirm that Works or Obedience do never justifie as any cause , much less such a cause ; but that by them as by a condition appointed by the free Lawgiver and Justifier we are finally justified . And truly Sir , it is past my reach at present to understand what you say less in this then I , except you differ only about the word [ By ] , and not the sence ; and think that it is improper to say that Pardon or Justification is By that which is but a condition : You seem here to drive all at this , and yet me thinks you should not . 1. Because you affirm your self , that conditions have a moral efficiency : and then it seems when you say Repentance , Confession , &c. are conditions , you mean they are morally efficient ; which is a giving more to works then ever I did . 2. Because you know it is the phrase of Christ and his Spirit , that we are justified By our words and works ; and it is safe speaking in Scripture phrase . 3. Because you say after that my Assertions are destructive of what Divines deliver : but the word By , if we are agreed in the sence , cannot be destructive ; and except the phrase only By , &c. be the difference , where is it ? When you say Repentance , &c. are conditions , and I say they are no more : and I have nothing from you of any disagreement about the sence of the word condition . Lest you should doubt of my meaning in that , I understand it as in our usual speech it is taken , and as Lawyers and Divines generally do , viz. Est Lex addita negotio , quae donec praestetur , eventum suspendit . Vel est modus , vel causa quae suspendit id quod agitur , quoad ex post facto confirmetur , ut Cujacius . And whereas Conditions are usually distinguisht into potestativas , causales & mixtas , seu communes , I mean conditiones potestativas . Where you add that you say only faith is the condition justifying . &c. but I make a justifying Repentance , &c. And whereas heretofore we had only justifying faith , now , &c. ] I answer , 1. If by justifying Repentance , &c. you mean that which is ( as you say Faith is ) an instrument or efficient Cause , I never dreamed of any such : If as a Condition ; you confess it your self . 2. If you speak against the sence , we are agreed in that for ought I know : If against the phrase , then justifying Faith or Repentance is no Scripture phrase : but to be justified By faith , and By works , and By words , are all Scripture phrases . You say , you firmly hold that Repentance and other Exercises of Grace are antecedent qualifications , and media ordinat● , in the use whereof only Pardon can be had : but what is this to me ? &c. I answer . 1. Add conditions as you do in your Book , and you say as much as I. 2. If by the other exercises of Grace you mean the particulars in your book enumerated , or the like ; and if by Pardon , you mean even the first pardon ( as the word Only shews you do ) then you go quite beyond me , and give far more to those exercises of grace then I dare do . For I say that Christ and all his imputed Righteousness , is made ours , and we pardoned and justified at first without any works or obedience more then bare faith , ( and what is precedent in its place or concomitant ) and that bona opera sequuntur justificatum non praecedunt justificandum , in regard of our first justification . I dare not say , they are Antecedents or media ordinata . Where you add , what is that to you that make the righteousness of the Covenant of grace to be made ours upon our godly working . &c. I answer , 1. I have shewed it is as much as I say , if not more , [ upon ] intending but a condition or medium ordinatum . 2. I never said what you say I maintain in phrase or sense ( if the word [ made ] intend either efficiency or any causality , or the first possession of Righteousness . 3. You much use the harsh phrase of [ working ] as here [ Godly working ] as mine ; which I doubt whether ever I uttered or used ; And the term [ works ] I little use , but in the explication of James . For I told you that I disclaim works in Pauls sense , Rom. 4.4 . which make the reward not of grace , but of debt . You add [ If therefore you had spent your self to shew that faith hath no peculiar instrumentality in our justification but what other graces have , then you had hit the mark . ] Answ . I confess Sir you now come to the point in difference . But do you not hereby confess that I give no more to works then you , but only less to faith ? Why then do you still harp upon the word [ works ] as if I did give more to them ? the task you now set me is to prove that faith doth no more , and not that works do so much : That faith is not an instrument , and not that love or obedience are conditions . And to this I answer you : 1. I have in my book said somewhat to prove faith no instrument of justifying , and you said nothing against it . Why then should I aim at this mark ? 2. I think I have proved there that faith justifieth primarily and properly as the condition of the Covenant , and but remotely as A receiving justification , this which you call the instrumentality , being but the very formal nature of the act , and so the quasi materia or its aptitude to the office of Justifying . And because I build much on this supposition , I put it in the Queries , which you judge impertinent . 3. Yet if you will understand the word instrument laxely , I have not any where denyed faith to have such an instrumentality ( that is , receiving or apprehensiveness ) above other graces : Only I deny and most confidently deny that that is the formal , proper or neerest cause of faith's justifying : But the formal reason is , because God hath made it the condition of the Covenant , promising justification to such receiving , which else would have no more justified then any other act : And therefore so far as others are made conditions , and the promise to us on them , they must needs have some such use as well as faith : And that they are conditions , you confess as much as I. 4. But what if I be mistaken in this point ? what is the danger ? If faith should deserve the name of an instrument , when I think it is but a condition ? 1. Is it any danger to give less to faith then others , while I give no less to Christ ? ( For if you should think I gave less to Christ then others , I should provoke you again and again to shew wherein ) 2. I deny nothing that Scripture saith : It saith not that faith is an instrument : ( perhaps you will tell me Veronius argues thus : But I mean it is neither in the letter nor plain sense ; and then I care not who speaks it , if true . ) 3. You make man an efficient cause of justifying himself . ( For the instrument is an efficient cause ) : And what if I dare not give so much to man ? is there any danger in it ? or should I be spoke against for the Doctrine of obedience , as if I gave more to man then you , when I give so much less ? 4. Those that dissent from me do make the very natural act of faith , which is most essential to it , and inseparable from it , as it from it self , viz. Its apprehension of Christs Righteousness , to be the proper primary reason of its justifying . What if I dare not do so , but give that glory to God , and not to the nature of our own act ? and say , that Fides quae recipit Justificat , sed non qua recipit primarily , but as it is the condition which the free justifier hath conferred this honour upon ? is there any danger in this ? and will there be joy in heaven for reducing a man from such an opinion ? You say , [ What more obvious then that there are many conditions in justificato , which are not in actu justificationis : The fastning the head to the body , &c. ] Answ . 1. You said before that they are Antecedents & Media ordinata , and then they are sure conditions in justificando as well as in justificato . 2. Your mention of the condition in homine vidente is besides our business , and is only of a natural condition , or qualification in genere naturae ; When we are speaking only of an active condition in genere moris : The former is improperly , the later properly called a condition . 3. If this be your meaning , I confess there are many natural or passive qualifications necessary , which are no active or proper moral conditions in a Law-sense ; But this is nothing to the matter . 4. The phrases of [ Conditions in justificato , & in actu justificationis ] are ambiguous , and in the Moral sense improper . Our question is whether they are conditions ad justificationem recipiendam : Which yet in regard of time are in actu justificationis , but not conditiones vel qualificationes ipsius actus . And if you did not think that repentance is a condition ad justificationem recipiendam , and so in actu justificationis , how can you say it is medium ordinatum ? A medium , as such , essentially hath some tendency or conducibleness to its end . 5. As obvious therefore as you think this is , it is past the reach of my dull apprehension to conceive of your conditions in a judiciary sense , which are in justificato for the obtaining of justification , and not be both ad actum & in actu justificationis : for I suppose you are more accurate and serious then by the word condition to mean modum vel affectionem entis Metaphysicam , vel subjecti alicujus adjunctum vel qualificationem in sense Physico , when we are speaking only of conditions in sensu forensi . And there are many thousand honest Christians as dull as I , and therefore I do not think it can be any weighty point of faith which must be supported by such subtilties which are past our reach , though obvious to yours : God useth not to hang mens salvation on such School distinctions which few men can understand . 6. And every such Tyro in Philosophy as I , cannot reach your Phylosophical subtilty neither ; to understand that the fastning of the head to the body is not conditio in actu videntis ; ( though it be nothing to our purpose ) ; Indeed we may think it of more remote use then some other , and but propter aliud , & quasi conditio conditionis ; and if you say so of Repentance , &c. we should not disagree . You say [ In other things I come off , and so mollifie my assertions , that you need not contend ] Answ . 1. I would you had told me wherein I so come off : For I know not of a word . If you mean in that I now say , obedience is no condition of our first attaining justification , but only of the continuance of it , &c. I said the same over and over in my book , and lest it should be over-lookt , I put it in the Index of distinctions . If you mean not this , I know not what you mean. 2. But if explication of my self will so mollifie and prevent contending , I shall be glad to explain my self yet further : Yea , and heartily to recant where I see my error . For that which you desire , I demonstrate that its By love , and Through love , &c. I have answered before by distinguishing of the sense of By and Through : and in my sense I have brought you forty plain Texts in my book for proof of it , which shew it is no new Doctrine . To your argument from Rom. 4. Where you say that Abrahams justification is the pattern of all others , I conceive that an uncouth speech , strange to Scripture for phrase and proper sense , though in a large sense tolerable and true : Certain I am that Paul brings Abrahams example to prove that we are justified by faith without the works of the Law ; but as certain that our faith must differ from Abrahams , even in the essentials of it : We must believe that this Jesus is he , or we shall dye in our sins ; which Abraham was not required to believe . Our faith is an explicite Assent and Consent to the Mediators Offices , viz. that he be our Lord and Saviour , and a Covenanting with him , and giving up our selves to him accordingly : But whether Abrahams ( and all recited in Heb. 11. ) were such , is questionable . Too much looking on Abraham as a pattern , seems to be it that occasioned Grotius to give that wretched definition of faith , ( Annot. in loc . ) that [ it is but a high estimation of Gods power and wisdom , and faithfulness in keeping his promises , &c. ] ( yet I know he came short also of describing that faith which he lookt on as the pattern . ) My first answer was that I exclude also any effective co-operation ; to which you say , [ Why do we strive about words , &c. ] I see that mens conceivings are so various , that there is no hopes that we should be in all things of one mind . Because I was loth to strive about words , therefore I distinguished between causality , and conditionality , knowing that the word By was ambiguous ( when we are said to be justified By faith &c. ) now you take this distinguishing to be striving about words , to avoid which , you would bring we back to the ambiguous term again . Whereas I cannot but be most confident , that as guile is most in Generals , so there would be nothing else between us but striving about words , if we dispute on an unexplained term , and without distinction . Do you indeed think , that to be an efficient cause of our justification , and to be a bare condition , is all one ? or do you think the difference to be of no moment ? You say , I do not exclude works justifying as well as faith , let the expressions be what they will. ] Answ . 1. You should have said , [ Let the sense , or way of justifying be what it will ▪ ] for sure the difference between an efficient cause and a condition is more then in the expression , or else I have been long mistaken . 2. I do not exclude God justifying , Christ justifying , the Word justifying , &c. and yet to distinguish between the way that these justifie in , and the way in which faith justifies , I take to be no striving about words , but of as high concernment as my salvation is worth . 3. Either you mislike my phrase , or my sense : if the phrase , then you mislike the word of God , which saith , a man is justified by works and not by faith only ; If the sense , then you should not fall upon the phrase : and then to distinguish and explain , is not to strive about words . 4. If I do bring faith and obedience neerer in justification then others , it is not by giving more to works then others , but by giving less to faith ; And if in that I err , you should have fallen on that and shewed it , and not speak still as if I gave more to works then you . I am sure I give less to man , and therefore no less than you to Christ . I perceive not the least disadvantage herein that I lye open to , but only the odium of the phrase of justification by works , with men that are carried by prejudice and custome . 5. I will not quarrel about such a word ; but I like not your phrase of [ Faith justifying , and works justifying , ] for it is fitter to introduce the conceit of an efficiency in them , then to say , [ We are justified by faith and by works ] which are only the Scripture phrase , and signifie but a conditionality . To that you say out of Phil. 3.9 . I believe Paul doth most appositely oppose the righteousness which is by faith to that which is by the Law. But then 1. He means not [ By faith as an instrument of justification ] 2. Nor by faith which is but a meer affiance on Christ for justification , or only as such . 3. Nor doth he exclude Knowledge , Repentance , Obedience , &c. 4. But to say that righteousness or justification is by love , or by obedience , &c. Without adding any more , is not a convenient speech , as it is to say that righteousness is by faith . 1. Because the speech seems to be of the first receiving of righteousness , wherein obedience or works have no hand . 2. Because faith having most clear direct relation to Christ , doth most plainly point out our righteousness to be in him . 3. Because faith as it is taken in the Gospel , is a most comprehensive grace , containing many acts , and implying or including many others which relate to Christ as the object also . Even obedience to Christ is implyed as a necessary subsequent part of the condition , seeing faith is an accepting of Christ as Lord and King , and Head , and Husband , as well as a justifier . 5. Yet Scripture saith as well as I , that Christ shall justifie us By his knowledge , and we shall be justified by our words , and by works ; and me thinks it should be no sin to speak the words of God , except it be shewed that I misunderstand them . It is not so fit a phrase , to say , that a poor ignoble woman , was made rich and honorable by her Love , or Obedience , or Marriage , faithfulness , and conjugal actions , as to say , it was by marriage with such a Noble man , or consent to take him to be her husband : For the marriage consent and Covenant doth imply conjugal affection , action and faithfulness . Yet are these last as flat conditions of her continuing her enjoyments as the marriage Covenant was of first obtaining them . To my second Answer , you shew that Paul excludes works under any notion . 1. From his opposition between faith and works , where you say I contradict Paul , and give a tertium . To which I answer , to distinguish of Pauls terms , and explain his meaning in his own words is not to give a tertium , or contradict ; but this is all that I do . I distinguish of the word Works ; sometime it is taken more largely for Acts or Actions , and so James takes it : sometimes more strictly for only such Actions as a Labourer performeth for his Wages , or which make the Reward to be not of Grace , but of debt . So Paul tells you that he understandeth or useth the term , Rom. 4.4 . usually therefore calling them Works of the Law. Now he that excludes Works only under this notion , doth not therefore exclude them under every notion . Where you add that Pauls opposition is between Faith and any thing of ours : I answer . 1. Is not Faith ours as much Love , & c ? 2. Are not Knowledge , Words , Works , ours , by all which God saith , we are justified ? 3. There is no such Scripture where Paul makes any such opposition : but only he renounceth his own Righteousness which is of the Law , Phil. 3.8 , 9. and any thing of our own that may be called Works in the stricter sence . Your second is , because Paul excludes Abrahams works , &c. Answer . 1. You make my tertium to be [ works that are of Grace ] and here again , works that flow from Grace , and say , Abrahams were not by meer strength of the Law : But these are no words of mine ; nor is it candid to feign them to be mine ; but that I impute it to your haste : I believe you remembred so well the words of Andradius , Bellarmine , and other Papists , that they dropped from your pen in haste in stead of mine ; nor is my sence any whit like theirs ; for I speak not of the efficient cause of works , ( Nature or Grace ) nor the meer command requiring them , when I speak of Law and Gospel : but the full entire Covenant or Law consisting of all its parts , and so making our Acts the conditions of the Punishment or Reward : as I have opened over and over in my Book . 2. You ask , Were Abrahams works in opposition to that , & c ? Answer . 1. Paul excludes also works in co-ordination with Christ , and so do I. 2. Yea and works supposed to be subordinate to Christ , which are not capable of a real subordination , 3. but not such as are truly subordinate , from being such conditions as is before said . 4. You seem to me to mistake Paul much , as if he took it for granted , that Abraham had such works which Paul disputeth against , but could not be justified by them ; Whereas I doubt not to say , that Paul contrarily supposeth that Abraham had no such Works , ( which make the reward to be of Debt , and not of Grace ) and therefore could not be justified by them . Your third Argument is , [ because imputing , covering , all is wholly attributed to God. ] Answer , I doubt not but that God is the only Principal efficient Cause , and his Promise or Covenant the Instrumental : therefore I cannot think as others , that man is the efficient Instrumental by believing , or that Faith is such : But what Is all therefore attributed to God ? Even the performance of the Conditions on mans part ? Or are there no such conditions which man must perform himself or perish ? God only covereth sin , imputeth Righteousness , &c. but to none who have not performed the Conditions . Is Believing attributed to God , or is it an act of man ? Or is it excluded ? When will you prove the Consequence of this Argument ? Your fifth Argument is , [ because the Assertion is universal without works in general ] Answer , 1. Doth not the Apostle contradict you by expounding himself in the very next verse before those you cite ? Rom. 4.4 . That by works he means not simply good Actions , as James doth , but such as make the reward to be of debt and not of Grace ? Indeed such works are universally excluded . 2. Therefore he excludes the very presence of works , and saith , to him that worketh not , &c. ver . 5. But the presence of good actions you say is not excluded . Your last Argument seems to me the same with the fourth , and it forceth me to admire that you should think the consequence good . Blessedness is when sin is forgiven ; therefore no work or good act performed by man is the condition of forgiveness , either as begun or continued , or consummate ] If this be not your consequence , you say nothing against me : if it be , I assure you it is not in my Power to believe it , nor to discern the least shaddow of probability of truth in it , nor to free it from the charge of being the grossest Antinomianism ( si pace tui ità dicam . ) And here I must needs tell you also my utter disability to reconcile you with your self ; for you before say , they are media ordinata , and here you say , They are excluded under any notion : As if to be a medium were no notion ; or the medium did nothing in or to the very justifying of the person . To my next Answer . If works be excluded under any notion , then James his words cannot be true , that we are justified by works . You reply , If there be justifying works , how saith Paul true ? I answer . This is a most evident Petitio principii . It is undeniable that James includeth works under some notion : and that Paul excludeth them under some other notion : now therefore I might well ask , How saith James true else ? Because my supposition cannot be denyed : But you suppose that Paul excludeth works under any notion , ( which is the very Question , and is denyed . ) When you ask how saith Paul true ? Paul saith true because he speaks of works strictly taken , as is by himself explained : James could not say true , if works under every notion ( as you say ) be excluded . Next you come to reconcile them by expounding James ; where you say , Faith which in respect of its Act ad intra , only justifies , yet it works ad extra : fides quae viva , non qua viva . I answer . What 's this to the Question ? The Question is not whether Faith work ? Nor whether Faith justifie ? Nor what Faith justifieth ? But in what sence James saith , we are justified by works , and not by Faith only ? You answer by a direct contradiction to James , ( if I can reach the sence of your Answer ) saying , It is by Faith only , and that not as it liveth , &c. So dare not I directly say , it is not by works , when God saith it is : but think I am bound to distinguish , and shew in what sence works justifie , and in what not ; and not to say flatly against God , that we are not justified by works under any notion , but only by the Faith which worketh . A denyal of Gods Assertions is an ill expounding of them . To what you say of the judgement of the Orthodox , [ that they go eadem via et si non eadem semita ] I answer , you may understand your distinction as you please , but I have shewed the difference : some understand it of justification before God ; others before men , &c. And if you please to make the way wide enough , you may take me among the Orthodox , that go eadem via : if not , I will stand out with James . When you say [ they exclude works under any notion in the act of justification . ] I answer , 1. Your self include them as antecedents and concomitants ( thought I do not , ) 2. I have shewed before that [ in the act , &c. ] is ambiguous . If you mean [ as Agents of Causes ] , so do I exclude them . If you mean [ as conditions required by the new Law to the continuing and consummating our justification ] I have shewed you that Divines do judge otherwise . My next answer was [ If works under any notion be excluded , then faith is excluded ] You reply 1. [ Thus Bellarmine , &c. ] Answ . I knew indeed that Bellarmine saith so . But Sir , you speak to one that is very neer Gods tribunal , and therefore is resolved to look after naked truth , and not to be affrighted from it by the name either of Bellarmine or Antichrist ; and who is at last brought to wink at prejudice . I am fully resolved by Gods grace to go on in the way of God as he discovereth it to me , and not to turn out of it when Bellarmine stands in it . Though the Divels believe , I will ( by Gods help ) believe too : and not deny Christ , because the Divels confess him . You say , Non sequitur , I prove the consequence . If all works ( or acts ) be excluded under any notion whatsoever , and if faith be a work or act then faith is excluded . But , &c. Ergo , &c. By the reason of your denyal I understand and nothing that you deny , but [ that faith is a work or act ] which I never heard denyed before , and I hope never shall do again . The common answer to Bellarmine is , that faith which is a work justifieth , but not as it is a work : Which answer I confess to be sound , and subscribe to it . But then according to that , faith which is a work justifieth under some notion ( suppose it were under the notion of an instrument ) though not under the notion of a work . But you go another way , and say , 1. Faith is passive in its instrumentality , and though to believe , be a grammatical action , its verbum activum , yet its physicè , or huper physice passive . A man by believing doth not operari , but recipere . As videre , audire , are Grammatical actions , but physical or natural passions , &c. Answer . 1. These are very sublime Assertions , quite past the reach of my capacity , and of all theirs that I use to converse with ; and I dare say it is no Heresie to deny them , nor can that point be neer the foundation that stands upon such props which few men can apprehend . 2. What if Faith were passive in its Instrumentality ? Is it not at all an Act therefore ? If it be ; Then that which is an Act or Work , is not excluded under the notion of a passive Instrument ; and so not under every notion ( I speak on your grounds . But ) because you told me before that I should have spent my self against this Instrumentality of Faith if I would hit the mark ; I will speak the more largely to it now : And 1. Enquire whether videre , audire , be only Grammatical Actions ( as you call them ) and natural passions ? 2. Whether Believing be so , only verbum activum , but Physically passive ? And so to Believe , is not agere , but pati or recipere ? 3. Whether faith be passive in its Instrumentality ? 4. Whether the same may not be said as truly of other Graces ? 5. Whether Faith be any proper Instrument of our Justification ? 6. If it were , Whether that be the primary , formal Reason of its justifying vertue ? 7. Whether your Opinion or mine be the plainer or safer ? And for the first , I should not think it worth the looking after , but that I perceive you lay much upon it , and that Philosophers generally suppose that the Sence and Intellect in this are alike ; and for ought I discern , it is such a Passiveness of the Intellect that you intend : and therefore we may put all together , and enquire whether videre & intelligere be only Passions ? And here you know how ill Philosophers are agreed among themselves , and therefore how slippery a ground this is for a man to build his Faith upon in so high point as this in hand : you know also that Hippocrates , Galen , Plato , Plotinus , with the generality of the Platonists are directly contrary to you : you know also that Albertus Magnus , and his followers judge sensation to be an action , though they take the potentia to be passive . You know also that Aquinas with his followers judge the very potentia to be active as well as passive ; passive while it receiveth the species ; and active , Dum per ipsam agit & sensationem producit . And Tolet saith , that this is Scotus his sentence , 2. de Anima . q. 12. & Capreol . & ferè communis . I know Aquinas saith , that intelligere est quoddam pati ; but he taketh pati in his third wide improper sense , as omne qu d exit de potentia in actum , potest dici pati : 1. q. 79 a. 2. C. And no doubt every second cause may be said to suffer even in its acting , as it receiveth the Influx from the first , which causeth it to act ; but it will not thence follow that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 videre , intelligere est for maliter pati : I cannot think that you deny the intellectum agentem : and you know that generally Philosophers attribute Action to the possible Intellect : and that Jandun . Apollina , &c. do accordingly make an Agent and patient sence : and if the reception of the species were formaliter visio & intellectio ( which I believe not ) yet how hardly is it proved that the Organ and Intellect are only passive in that reception ? Yea how great a controversie is it what the sensible and intelligible species are ? Yea and whether there be any such thing ? Whether they be an image or similitude begotten or caused by the Object , as Combacchius and most ? which yet Suarez , &c. denyeth . And whether they stick in the air , and have all their Being first there , as Magyrus , and other Peripateticks ? Or whether their Being is only in the eye ? as some later . Or whether it be Sir Ken. Digbyes Atomes or number of small bodies which are in perpetual motion ? I doubt not you know that Ockam and Henricus quod . lib. 4. q. 4. reject all species as vain , and make the Intellect the only active proper cause of intellection . And Hobs of late in his book of humane Nature saith , that visible and intelligible species , is the greatest Paradox in the world , as being a plain Impossibility . And indeed it is somewhat strange that every stone and clod should be in perpetual Action , sending forth that which we call its species ; for doubtless it sendeth forth as much when we behold it not as when we do . And more strange that a Rock or Mountain should be so active a creature , and so forcible in action , as to send forth its species so many miles ! Yea , according to this Doctrine , many 1000 miles : for if our Organ were capable , we should see it so far . Whether the Angels see these things on earth recipiendo species , or not ; sure according to this Doctrine , the species must reach as far as Heaven . And why do not stones wast by such an uncessant emanation ? And it is strange to conceive how the Air is be painted with variety of species , if this be true ! that every Grass , Flower , Tree , Bird , Stone , &c. and other bodies , have their several distinct species in the Air night and day ? How strangely is it painted ? What room is there for them all , without confusion , If both color , quantity , odor , and all be there ? And its strange if we do not hear the sound nor taste the sweetness , &c. but only the species of them ! and beyond my Capacity how we should discern Distance as well as the Object distant according to the passive opinion ! and more hard is it for me to believe this Doctrine , when I consider how Cats and Owls see in the night : and how a man in a deep study , or that steepeth with his eyes open , seeth not any thing distinctly ( though I know the frivolous answers to these : ) And yet more hardly do I believe it when I feel quanto labore & conatu I must see to read a small print , or discern a thing afar off : but above all when I feel the labor of my studies , I hardly believe that my understanding is not active ; though I easily believe that I am also too passive . Why do I not understand with every dull thought ? To believe also that every stone is still active , and that the eye and Intellect of the living Creature is but passive , is hard to me ; because me thinks Action better agreeth to the living , then the inanimate . And yet the less do I assent when I observe what stress they lay upon the similitude of a looking-glass receiving the species , which I am very confident it did never receive , when I see it moving as my eye moveth , and withdrawing when I withdraw , ( though the Object be any stone or other immovable thing ) I judge that when I am gone , the glass receiveth no more species from the wall , then the wall from the glass ; nor that the water receives any more species of the Moon that there appears , then the earth doth ; but that all is in mine eyes by the help of that reflection . I doubt not but you have read D'Orbellis arguments , ( Dist . 3. in 1. sent . par . 3. q. 2. ) against both extreams in point of intellection : Against yours his reasons seem to me strong : Quia effectus aequivocus non potest excellere in perfectione causam aequivocam totalem sed deficit necessario ab ea ; sed intellectio esset effectus aequivocus speciei intelligibilis , si ab easola causaretur , & ita esset simpliciter imperfectior specie intelligibili , quod non est verum . Tum etiam quia tunc non posset salvari imago in mente , ut mens est : quia nihil ipsius mentis haberet rationem parentis . Item quomodo causarentur relationes rationis , sive intentiones logicae , quae sunt in actu collativo ? cum illa intentio dicatur realis quae causatur im̄ediate à re vel specie representante rem in se . Even des Cartes his Doctrine of vibration seemeth to make the sensation and intellection to be formally Action , though the Organ must first be passive to the producing it , before it be Active . Zabarel , Combacchius , &c. say that in sensation there is first a receiving the species . 2. A judging , &c. The first by the Organ which is passive , and the later ( which is the very sensation by the sensitive soul , which is active . Therefore Combacchius saith ▪ Intellectio est operatio animae rationalis , &c. but passio is not operatio . Schibler determineth it ( Top. p. 232. that the object doth but 1. Excitare potentiat Activas ad actus . 2. Terminare actus Viguerius Institut . p. 261. besides the intellect Agent , ascribeth to the Possible three offices . 1. To draw and receive the species . 2. Actually to understand . 3. To conserve the species . The same Viguerius , instit . p. 17. & Aquin. 1. q. 18 a 3.1 . Suarez Tim. 2. disp 48. § . 6. Scaliger Exercit. 307. s . 2. as also Bradwardine , Scotus , Cajetani ambo , Albert : D'Orbellis , Ruvio , Alstedius , Keckerman St●ierius , Zanchius , Burgersdicius , A.C. fascic . log . Prideaux Hypomnem . with many more , have taught me to account vision , intellection , and volition for Immanent Acts. And though there be a reception of the species , and so somewhat of passion as well as of action , yet that of passion is but a preparation or quasi materiale , and the formale is in action , as Keckerman , Syst . log . p. 110 Physici nonnulli discernunt materiale & formale : sic materiale in visu est receptio specierum visibilium in oculo , quae est passio : est deinde dijudicatio rei visib . lis per illas species quae est actio : hinc est quod Aristot . sensum modo ad actionem , modo ad passionem refert . Zanchius saith , Vol. 1. T. 3. p. 581. Vim omnem sensitivam esse partim passivum , partim activum , diversis respectibus : Passiva est quatenus , percipit objecta . Activa est quatenus ipsa ab objecto aff●cta , parit sensum , & rem unam ab alio discernit , Patentia enim visiva postquam recepit coloris albi speciem , discernit hans à nigro , &c. sic in rebus Divinis vis nostrae mentis & voluntatis & passiva & activa est . Passiva quatenus recipit gratiam à Deo i● nobis operante : Activa vero quatenus affecta Dei gratia , ipsa Credit , ipsa Amat ; Acti enim Agimus . Res sua natura intelligib●les vis haec animae Patiens intellectus appellata , efficit suo lum ne , suaque Actione , ut res actu intelligantur . Hoc lumen intellectus Agentis , hoc est , animae nostrae , non minima pars est imaginis Det in qua creati sumus . Obscurata fuit lux nobis communicata per peccatum Ade , sed illustratur denuo per Christum : unde hac nova luce Deum Deique mysteria intelligimus , quae certe animalis homo percipere non potest . Proinde cum essemus tenebrae , denuo facti sumus & vocantur lux in Domino . Ex hac nova luce donata per Christum , intelligimus quid sit intellectus Agens . Zanch. ibid. p. 596. You see how far Zanchius Philosophy and Divinity is from yours so p. 594. Est autem manifesta ia nobis hec intellectus Actio , nempet intelligere . Et pag. 638. He saith the intellect hath four operations . 1. Simplicium apprehensio . 2 Horum Compositio 3. Compostorum aestimatio , eoque & verorum à falsis divisio . 4. Ex his raticcinatio . And you know that Tolet , having formerly thought , with Aegid . Paul. Venet. & Cajet . that sensatio ( & ita intellectio ) est formaliter passio , did change his judgement , and at last conclude that Visio vel sensatio alia duos motus dicit : unum materialiter , & hic est receptio speciei : alterum formaliter , & hic est Actio : Prior inest Organo ratione materiae : posterior ratione potentiae , & a●imae : tamen uterque eidem inest Organo . Prior quidem non est substantialiter & essenti● liter sensatio , sed concomitans & velut dispositio : posterior est essentialiter sensatio . But I have been too tedious on this , vid. ultra in l. 2. de Anima , p. 76 , 77. &c. & l. 3. q. 13. &c. You see my reasons in part why I may think my self excusable , though I build not an Article of my faith on your Philosophical assertion ; [ that videee , audire , ( and so to believe ) are Grammatical actions ( only ) ( for you must say [ only ] or you say nothing ) and but physical passions . Quest . 2. Whether to Believe be only verbum activ●m ? but phycally passive , and a man by believing doth not operari , but recipere . This Question comes a little closer . By operari I know you mean agere : for if you should mean such an operation as Operarius pro mercede ex debito performeth , then you should say nothing , but dispute against what I disavowed even in the letter you answer ( which I dare not impute to you ) Now the reasons that force me to differ vehemently from you ( as you said to me ) in this point , are partly Philosophical , partly Theological . And 1. I would sain know what that is which you here call Faith , and say its passive ? Is it the Habit ? No : For 1. That cannot be passive . 2. That is not it that justifieth . 3. That is not a passion , as you say this is . 4. That is not a Grammatical Action , as you say this is ; What then ! Is it the Act of Faith ? No : For 1. That 's it that you are denying , and say it s but verbum activum . 2. You say , it is passive . But how an Action can be passive , is so far beyond the reach of my weak understanding , that I could not believe it , though it were judged Heresie to deny it . P●ss●o intrinsecum ordinem dicit ad subjectum , & repugnat dari passionem extra subjectum , saith Surrez . Tom. 2. disp . 49. p. 451. And that Action can be the subject of Passion , is Philosophy that I never learned , and I think never shall do . Especially if Schibler and most Philosophers say true that Actio & passio non differunt realiter sed secundum inadaequato● conceptus . For very many have taught me , that to the Peripateticks it is absurd for the same to be both the Action , Passion and Passum ; yea to common reason it is — Most certainly therefore it is neither Habit , nor Act of faith which you call faith . What is it then ? Is it a Passion ? so you say your self , and therefore I must take that to be your meaning : And I cannot imagine what else you should call faith . But here you leave me at as great a loss as before . For , 1. You say it is Passive : But I never heard or read before of a Passive Passion , any more then of a Passive Action : And if I should set my understanding on the wrack , it would not apprehend or acknowledge any such thing . I cannot imagine that it is the soul it self which you say is passive . 1. Because you say it is faith . 2. Because else your Argument must conclude that the soul only is the instrument : But we are not questioning the instrumentality of the soul now , but of faith . More I might urge to shew that this cannot be your meaning , but that I will not suppose that it is the soul it self which you call faith . It being therefore neither the Soul , Habit , Act , nor Passion which you here say is Passive in its instrumentality , I am forced to confess I know not what you mean : Yet if you should mean any Potentia Passive . 1. Whether there be any such in the rational soul distinct from the soul it self , is a great doubt . 2. If there were , I know not how it can be called faith . 3. Nor is it such a Potentia that is the instrument of justification . Yet afterwards you say , It is an act of dependance , which here you call a Passion . 2. But whether Act or Passion , it must belong either to the Vnderstanding , or Will , or both : And 1. If you should place it only in the understanding , you would ( besides Dr. Downam ) have few but the Papists with you . 2. If in the Will only , then ( as Scripture is most plain against it , so ) you would also go against the generality of our Divines Melancthon J● . Crocius , Amesius , Davenant , &c. make it the common Protestant Tenet , that it is in both . In actu si●ei Justificantis tota an ma se convertit ad causam justificantem : Davenant , Determ . Q. 38. pag. 174. Fides illa quam Scriptura justificantem agnoscit , habet in se complicatum actum voluntatis & intellectus . idem . ibid. Q. 37. pag. 166. And to them that think it absurd to have it in both faculties . I answer with the same Author . 1. Quod philos●●kantur voluntatem & intellectum esse duas potentias re ipsa distinctas , dogma philosophicum est ab omnibus haud receptum , ( not of Scotus and his followers , with many more ) & Theologicis dogmatibus firmandis aut infirmandis fundamentū minime id●neum . 2. Neque nobis absurdum , sed valde consentaneum videtur , actum illum quo tota anima purificatur & justificatur , ad totam animam pertinere : ita ut in nudo intellectu habeat initium , in voluntate complementum . Idem . ibid. 3. If you say it is in both ( as I doubt not but you will , it being the plain Truth ) then 1. It cannot possibly by any one single Act or Passion which you call the passive Instrument : and do you think to find out many such ? 2. For that which belongeth to the understanding , it must be either a simple apprehension , a composition or division , or a ratiocination or Judgement . And 1. A simple Apprehension it cannot be : 1. For so the Intellect receiveth all Objects alike . It receiveth sin , death , unrighteousness , Satan , hell in the same kind as it receiveth Grace , Life , Righteousness , Christ , Heaven . For it understandeth both in the same way , receiving them per modum objecti . 2. And thus it receiveth not the very thing it self Essentially , ( though it understand the thing it self ) but only as is said , the species or action of it , &c. ( except you will say as Sir Ken. Digby , and the Lord Brook , that the thing understood is really in the understanding , and become one with it ) Now according to this sence , you would not make faith to receive Christ or his Righteousness at all , but only the species or Idea of them . 3. And how oft hath Bellarmine been called Sophister for supposing , we mean such an apprehension ? Therefore I will not dare to think that you mean this . 4. And if you did , yet I have shewed how uncertain it is , that this intelligere is only or formally pati . 2. But if you mean not this simple apprehension ( as sure you do not ) then how is it possible to imagine the understanding should be passive in it ? Did ever man that writ of Philosophy once think that the soul did componere , dicidere , ratiocinari , judicare , patiendo & non agendo ? I think no man. When Tolet disputeth utrum ixtelligere sit pati ? he saith , Advertendum est quod sermo est de apprehensione ; nam de compositione & Jud elo non est dubium apud omnes . Tol de anima . p. 166. I will not therefore suppose you to differ in your Philosophy from all men . What Act of the understanding you will make to be part of Justifying faith , I know not : For I find Divines are very little agreed in it : But the most make Assent to be the only Act of the understanding ( though some add notitia ) and of them some make it Essential to justifying Faith : and others but as a common prerequisite Act. Now if it were Assensus Noeticus , yet it is impossible it should be formally a Passion : but much more impossible when it is Assensus dianocticus vel discursivus , as is most evident it is , and our judicious Rob. Baronius truly teacheth , Philos . Theol. An●il . Exerc. 3. Art. 16. Most Divines place the chief Essence of Faith in fiducia : but then they are as ill agreed what to mean by fiducia . Pemble would fain perswade us that to Believe the Truth of a particular Promise , is to trust on the performance of it to me ; and that the Assent of Faith which is given to such a Promise , is properly called fiducia or Trust . But this is grounded on his singular opinion , that Truth and Goodness are all one , &c. Baronius , pag. 232. tels us of a four-fold fiducia : The first he makes to be but a confident Assent to the Truth of the Promise , and a firm sure Perswasion of the Remission of my own sins and of my Salvation . The second is a Resting on Gods Goodness alone , &c. He placeth the justifying vertue only in the first , which yet containeth but partly Assent ( which we plead against the Papists usually not to be the justifying Act ) and partly a particular Perswasion or Belief of Pardon , which is properly no Faith , but that commonly called Assurance . Now this kind of fiducia is but the Assent we have spoken of , and is beyond all dispute no meer Passion , but an Act of the Understanding . 2. But most Divines make that fiducia which is an act of the Will to have the chief hand in this work of justfiying : though Baronius is so confident that it is not an act of Faith , but an Effect and Consequent , that he takes it for a thing so manifest , that it needeth no proof , p. 234. And Dr. Downam hath brought not a few , nor contemptible Arguments to the same purpose against Pemble , Append. to Covennat of Gr. Yet though we have found it in the Will , yet it is hard to find what act of the Will they mean. If it be an Elicit Act , it must first either respect the End , and then it is either velle intendere vel frui : But sure fiducia is none of these : and if it were , it is more sure that at least the two first are not Passions ; and I think not the last , though it be nothing to the present point : Or else 2. It must respect the Means ; and then it must be Eligere , Consentire vel Vti ( in which joined to Assent , I take justifying Faith to consist ) : But it is both evident that none of these is fiducia , and if they were , that none of these are passions or passive . So that hitherto we are to seek for this Passive Faith. Or else it is an Imparate Act ; and then we are in a wood to seek among so many that there is little hope of finding it . The Truth seems to me to be beyond dispute , that fiducia is no one single Act ( though one word ) but a composition of many implying or containing the Assent of the understanding , the Election of the Will , especially much of Hope and Adventurousness in the Irascible of the Sensitive , together with a suspension of some acts . And if we are justified by this Recumbency or Fiducia , I shall believe we are justified as well by Hope as any thing ; for that takes up most here , as Dr. Downam ubi supra proveth . And who ever said that in all or any of these the Soul is Passive and not Active ? Indeed Hope and Venturousness are Passions , but in another sense ( as Keckerm . and Tolet ubi supra have well opened ; it s in respect of their quasi materiale . ) I am content to stand or fall by the vote of Philosophers , giving you 100 to one , whether the Formality of these motions of the Will lie in Passion or Action ? And if they are Acts. whether they can be the Subjects of Passion ; and so be passive Acts ? So that yet I cannot find out your passive Faith. 3. But yet further , if Faith be passive Physically , let us find out first what is the Agent ? 2. What the Action ? 3. What the Patient or Object ? 4. What is the Terminus ad quem ? 1. I doubt not but it is agreed that the Agent is God : for it is he that justifieth . 2. The terminus or res motu facta is two-fold . 1. Justification in sensu legis , commonly called constitutive Justification ( passive . ) 2. Publique Justification by plea and sentence at Judgement ( passive ) 3. The Action must be therefore two-fold , or two Actions according to the two-fold Terminus . Yea in the former we may ( if we accurately consider it ) find out a two-fold Action and Terminus , though the difference be narrow : In which we are to consider , 1. Of the Instrument : 2. Add the nature of the Actions . 1. The Instrument is the word of Promise or Grant in the Gospel ( for if you know any other way of Gods justifying , or any immediate Act of God herein which is Transient , I would it were revealed what Act it is . ) Herein I have Mr. Rutherford saying as I , over and over against the Antinomians . 2. The Action therefore can be no other then a moral Action , as a Lease or Bond , or written-Law may be said to act . Now the Gospel performeth to our first Justification a two-fold Action . 1. It doth as a Deed of Gift bestow Christ and his Merits on men , so it be they will Believe . This Action doth not immediately and directly constitute them Righteous : for Righteousness being a Relation , must have its Foundation first laid : This Act therefore of Donation ( which some call Imputation ) doth directly lay the Fundamentum , whence the Relation of Righteous doth immediately arise ( when the Condition is peformed ) per nudam resultantiam without any other Act to produce it . And this is most properly called Justificatio constitutiva activa . 2. When the Gospel hath by Gift constituted us Righteous then next in order it doth declare or pronounce us Righteous , and vertually acquit us from Condemnation . This is by the like silent moral interpretative Action only as the other . ( And perhaps may be most fitly called the imputing of Righteousness , or esteeming us Righteous , as Piscator . ) And for the latter Justification at Judgement , the Action is Christs publique pleading , and sentencing us Acquitt : which is an Action both Physical and Moral in several respects . 4. Now if we enquire after the Patient , or rather the Object of these several Acts , we shall quckly find that the Man is that Object ; but that Faith is any Patient here , is past my apprehension . For the first Act of God by the Gospel [ giving Christ and his Merit to us , ] it is only a moral Action : ( Though the writting and speaking the Word at first was a Physical action , yet the Word or Promise now doth moraliter tantùm agere : ) And therefore it is impossible that Faith should be Physically passive from it . For Passion being an effect of Action , it must be a Physical proper Action which produceth a physical Passion . I will not stand to make your Assertion odious here by enquiring what Physical effective Influx , Contact , &c. here is , which should manifest Faith to be physically Passive . I know in the Work of effectual vocation the Soul is first passive : but that is nothing to our Question , whether Faith be passive in Justification . Do but tell me plainly quid patitur fides , and you do the Business . But what if you had only said that Faith is morally passive , and not physically ? I answer . It had been less harsh to me , though not fit , nor to the point . For 1. Gods Justification nor Donation of Christ , is not properly of , or to Faith ; for then Faith should be made righteous and justified hereby ; but to the person , if he Believe . 2. Besides if you should confess only a moral Passiveness ( which is somewhat an odd phrase and notion , and is but to be the Object of a moral Action ) it would spoil all the common arguments drawn from the physical nature of Faith , and its sole excellency herein in apprehending , receiving , &c. and thereby justifying . And you would bring in all other Graces to which the same Promise may as well be said to be made . 3. The Truth I have and further shall manifest to be this ; that as it is not to faith or any other act that Righteousness is given , but to the person on condition he Believe ; so this condition is no passion but an action , or divers actions . This will fully appear in the Theological Reasons following . In the mean time I need not stand on this , because you express your self that Faith is physically pas●ive . Indeed you add [ or hyperphysically : ] but though I meet with some Philosophers , that use in such cases to give [ hyperphysice ] as a tertium to overthrow the sufficiency of the ●istinction of physice & moraliter , yet I suppose that is none of your meaning who know that even Intellectus dum efficit intellectionem , & voluntas volitionem , sunt causae physicae , ut Suarez . 1. Tom. disp . 17. § . 2. p. 260. and so Schibler , and many more : yea and that our Divines conclude that Gods action on our souls in conversion is first Physical : which yet may be as truly and fully called hyperphysical as our Faith. Now for the second action of the Gospel , [ declaring or pronouncing the Believer righteous , and so de jure acquitting him ; ] It is much more beyond my reach to conceive how faith can in respect of it be passive : For 1. Besides that it is a moral action as the former , and so cannot of it self produce a physical passion . 2. It doth not therein speak of or to faith , pronouncing it just , and acquitting it , but of and to the Believer . So that if Faith were physically passive in the former , yet here it is impossible . 3. If you say that it is physically ( or morally ) passive in regard of the latter full Justification by sentence at Judgement , you would transcend my capacity most of all . To say faith is the Patient of Christs judiciary publique sentence , is a sentence that shall never be an article of my Faith : and is so gross , that I conjecture you would take it ill if I should take it to be your meaning : therefore I will say no more against it . Now you know that this is ( as you say in your Lect. ) the most compleat Justification ; and which I most stand upon : and therefore if your arguments fail in respect of this , they yield me almost all I expect . Next I will tell you my Reasons Theological why I believe not that justifying faith , as such , is passive . 1. All Divines and the Scripture it self hath perswaded me , that Christ and the Promises are the Object of this Faith : but a Passion hath no Object , but a subject , &c. Therefore according to you Christ , &c. is not the object of it ; which is contrary to all that I have heard or read . 2. I have read Divines long contending which is the Act of justifying faith , qua talis . And some say one , and some another ; but all say one , or other , or many . Now you cut the knot , and contradict all , in making it ( at least quatenus Justificans ) no Act at all , but a Passion : unless you will say it is a passive act , which I dare not imagine . And doubtless these Divines shew by their whole speech that by Actus Fidei , they mean Actus secundus vel Actio , and not Actus primus vel entetativus vel accidentalis , sive ut informans , sive ut operativus , sed ipsa operatio . 3. I am truly afraid lest by entertaining this opinion I should strike in not only with the Antinomians ( who cannot endure to hear of any conditions of life of our performing , but even with the Libertines , who tell me to my face , that man is but Passive , and as the soul Acts the body , so Christ in them moveth the soul to Good , and Satan to evil , while they are meerly Passive , and therefore the Devil shall be damned for sin who committeth it in them , and not they ; for who will bite the stone or beat the staff , or be angry at the sword ? &c. 4. Else you must depress the excellent grace of faith below all other , in making it meerly Passive while others are active : For doubtless life and excellency is more in Action then Passion . 5. If believing be only suffering , then all Infidels are damned only for not suffering , which is horrid . 6. Scripture frequently condemneth wicked men for Action , for Rebellion , Refusing , Rejecting Christ , Luke 19.27 . They hate him and say , we will not have this man reign over us , &c. and this is their unbelief . If they resisted the Holy Ghost only Passivè & non Activè , then it would be only an ineptitudo materiei , which is in all alike at first , and so all should be alike rejecters . 7. If to believe be but Pati , then it is God and not man that should be perswaded : For perswasion is either to Action or forbearing Action ; and God is the Agent : But it is in vain to perswade any to be Passive , except it be not to strive against it . This therefore would overthrow much of the use of the Ministry . 8. And then when Christ so extolleth doing the will of God , and doing his Commandments , &c. you will exclude justifying faith , as being no doing . 9. Is it credible , that when Christ cals faith Obeying the Gospel , and saith , This is the work of God , that ye believe on him whom the father hath sent ; and calls it the work of faith , 2 Thes . 1.11 . and saith , God giveth to will , ( that is , to believe ) and to do , &c. that all this is meant of meer Passion ? I undertake to bring forty places of Scripture that shew faith to be Action . 10. It seemeth to me so great a debasing of faith , as to make it to be no vertue at all , nor to have any moral good in it . For though I have read of Passio perfectiva in genere entis vel naturae , and conducible to vertue ; Yet am I not convinced yet that any Passion as such , hath any moral vertue in it . Indeed Passion may be the quasi materiale , but the vertue is in Action . Yea , even in non-acting , ( as silence ) the vertue lies formally in the actual exercise of the Authority of Reason , and so obeying God in causing that silence . Sure if men shall be all judged according to their works , and according to what they have done , &c. then it will not be because they did either Pati vel non pati . And thus you have some of my reasons why I cannot believe that Believing is passion , nor shall believe it I think , till Credere be Pati , and then I may whether I will or no , because pati vel non pati are not in my choice . 3. The third Question is , Whether faith be passive in its instrumentality ? And I think that is out of doubt , if my former arguing have proved that faith is not passive at all : or if I next prove that faith is no physical instrument . But yet if I should grant both that faith is passive , and that it is an Instrument , yet must I have either more or less Logick before I can believe that it is passive in its instrumentality . My reasons against it are these . 1. Every Instrumental cause is an efficient cause : but all true efficiency is by action : therefore all instrumentality is by action . That causalitas efficientis est Actio ; & haec est forma per quam denominatur efficiens ; quia agens & efficiens sunt idem , &c. I have been taught so oft and so confidently that I believe it . ( For oportet discentem credere ) : and that by Philosophers of no mean esteem , as Suarez Tom. 1. disp . 18. § . 10. Javel . Metaph l. 9. q. 16. Conim . Colleg. Phys . l. 2. q. 6. art . 2. & 7. Scaliger . Exerit . 254. Aquinas , Ruvio , Porrece , Melancth . Zanchius , Zabarel , Pererius , Schibler , Stierius , Gu. Tempell . in Ram. with many more . And if there be no such thing in rerum natura as a Passive instrument , then faith is none such . I know Keckerm . Alsted . & Burgersdicius do talk of a Passive instrument ; but I think in proper speech it is a contradiction , in adjecto and say as Schibler Metaphys . l. 1. cap. 22. Tit. 7. p. 319. Nisi Actionem propriam haberet Instrumentum , efficiens non esset ; & proinde passivum instrumentum quod Keckerm . vocat , revera instrumentum non est . Et ut Idem , Topic. cap. 2. num . 34. Instrumentum totum hoc habet quod ad causam efficientem adjuvantem ( ad quam referimus causam instrumentalem ) requiritur . Ratio enim communis illarum est haec . Deservire operationi principalis agentis per ulteriorem operationem . Et Idem , Topic. cap. 2. num . 6. Quer. An efficientis Causalitas , Actio ? Resp . Ita ponitur in Theor. 36. & sentit it a h●die Maxima pars Logicorum & Metaphysicorum . Vide ultra pro confirmatione ad nu . 9. Sic etiam cap. 3. num . 136. So that if most Logicians judge that there is no passive instrument , and consequently that faith is no passive instrument , then who is more singular , you or I ? For sure , Nihil est falsum in Theologia , quod verum est in Philosophia . I deny not but the soul in believing is both Passive and instrumental , but in several respects : as if Camero's way should hold of infusing grace into the will Mediante actione intellectus , then the intellect would be Passive or receiving grace into it self , and an instrument of conveying it to the will : but then it would be no Passive but an Active instrument : and the action of God on the Passive intellect and of the intellect on the will , are two Actions with distinct effects . 2. Though there were such a thing in the world as a Passive instrument , yet that faith should be such , and that physical , I dare say is either an unfit assertion , or else I am of a stupid apprehension . For there must be found in it ( if it were such ) these four requisites . 1. There must be a physical passion or reception . 2. A physical efficiency . 3. This efficiency must be patiendo , non agendo . 4. And it must be such an efficiency as is proper to instruments . I may not stand to enquire exactly into all these . 1. The first I have confuted already , and shall add this much more . 1. What doth faith thus receive ? 2. How doth it receive it ? 3. Whence ? Or from what Agent and Act ? 1. Is it Christ himself that is physically received by faith ? 1. Who dare say so , but the Vbiquitarians , and Transubstantiation men ? and perhaps not they . Christ is in Heaven , and we on earth . A multitude of blasphemers , Libertines , and Familists , I lately meet with that dream of this but no sober man. 2. And indeed if Christs person were thus received , it would not make a man righteous , or justifie him . As all our Divines say , his being in the body of Mary would not have justified her : Nor did the kissing of his lips justifie Judas ; nor eating and drinking in his presence justifie those that must depart from him for working iniquity , Matthew 7. If we had so known Christ , we should know him no more : It was necessary to his Disciples that he should go from them ; we must not have the Capernaites conceit of eating his flesh . Yea , to talk of a physical receiving by faith , is far grosser : For the mouth was capable of that physical contact , which faith is not . 3. And then this will not stand with their Judgement , that blame me for making Christ himself the object of justifying faith , and not the promise directly . 2. If you say that the thing received is Christs righteousness , ( as most do that I read ) I answer , 1. Righteousness is but a relation : And therefore a thing which is naturally uncapable of being of it self physically apprehended . This is past doubt . 2. If it be physically received , then either as a principle and quality , or as an object . Not the former : For so we receive our first , ( and after ) grace in sanctification ; but none ever said so in justification : Nor indeed can that righteousness which is formally but a relation , dwel in us as a principle or quality ▪ If we receive it as an object , then by an Act : Or if the soul were granted to be passive in reception of an object , I have shewed that , 1. It is but in apprehensione simplici : None pleadeth for more : But faith is not such . 2. And so it would receive Christ no otherways then it receiveth any object whatsoever it thus apprehendeth . 3. And this is not to receive Christ or his righteousness , but the meer species of it according to your own Philosophers , ( and if righteousness be but a relation ; and a relation , as Durandus , Dr. Twiss , and many another thin be but Ens Rationis , then the species of an Ens Rationis is a very curious Web ) Knowledge ( as D'Orbellis saith in 2. sent . Dis . 3. q. 3. ) is twofold , i. e. sensitive and intellective ; and each of these twofold , Intuitive and Abstractive . Intuitive knowledge is indeed de objecto ut in se praesens ; quando scilicet res in propria existentia est per se motiva : Exemplum de sensitiva est , ut visus videt colorem : ( yet this is but Recepiendo speciem , non rem ) and this is not it in question ) : Exemplum de intellectiva est , ut visio Divinae essentiae à beatis : This is utterly denyed to be at all by Doctor Stoughton , Camer ▪ and other solid Divines , against the School-mens judgement : And if it be , yet doubtless as we know not how , so it is not such as faiths apprehension , which we enquire after , Cognitio Abstractiva est quando species rei movet ad cognoscendum rem ipsam , & hoc siveres sit in se praesens , sive absens , sive existat sive non : Exemplum in sensitiva est , ut phantasia imaginatur colorem : Exemplum in intellectiva est ut intellectus cognoscit quidditatem coloris medicante ejus specie . So that if it be either of these , it were at the utmost but a passive reaception of the species , and not of Christ or his righteousness . 2. By what physical contact faith doth receive this ? might be enquired : and 3. By what physical act of the Agent ? to neither of which questions can I imagine what tolerable answer can be given , in defence of this cause . 2. And if faith be a passive physical instrument , it must have a Physical Efficiency ? and what is that ? to justifie ? why , even God himself in this life doth that but by a Moral Act ( by his word ) and not by a physical , ( as to particulars . ) 3. But that which driveth me to the greatest admiration is , How faith should Efficere patiendo ! If I should rip up this , or require a demonstration of it in respect to the justification at judgement , yea , or in this life , yea or of any effect , I should lay such an odium on it from its absurdities , that in dealing with you , modesty doth forbid me to insist on it . 4. The fourth requisite will be enquired after in the next Question save one . The fourth Question is , Whether other Graces may not be as properly called physical passive Instruments as Faith , is your sense ? And I doubt not but they may , ( though its true of neither ) For 1. If there be no physical reception of Christs righteousness imaginable but that which is per modum objecti , and if other gratious acts have Christs righteousness for their object , as well as that which you call faith : then other Acts do receive Christs righteousness as well as saith : but both branches of the Antecedent are true , therefore the consequence , the bare knowledge or simple apprehension of Christs righteousness per modum objecti may better pretend to this , then recombency or affiance : Yea , and love it self more fitly then affiance may be said to receive or embrace its object ( which is not therefore false neither because Bellarmine hath it : and you know he brings Austines plain words , affirming love to be the hand by which they received him , &c. ) I confess if I first renounce not the concurrent Judgement of Philosophers , I cannot approve of the common Answer which our Divines give to Bellarmine in this , viz. [ That Faith receiveth Christs Righteousness first to make it ours , but Love only to retain it , and embrace and enjoy it when first we know it to be ours : ] For though this say as much as I need to plead for , acknowledging Love to be as properly a physical Reception for retention , as Faith is for first Possession , yet if affiance be taken in any proper ordinary sence , it cannot thus hold good neither : for so Affiance must signifie some act of the will in order of nature after love , or at least not before it . I acknowledge that so much of Faith as lyeth in the understanding is before Love in order of nature ; sicut ipse intellectus est simpliciter prior voluntate , ut motivum mobili , & activum passivo , ut Aquin. 1. q. § . 2. a. 3.2 . and 12. q. 13. a. 1. C. For as he , Intellectus est primum motivum omnium potentiarium animae quoad determinationem actus , voluntas verò quoad exercitium actus , Aquin , 12. q. 17. a. 1. C. But for the acts of the will toward Christ , I could give you ( but to avoid tediousness I must forbear ) at large the Testimony of Aquinas , Tolet , Gerson , Camero , Amesius , Zanchius , Rob. Baronius , Bradwardine , Ravio , Viguerius , &c. That Love is not only the first of all the Passions , but even the first motion of the Will towards its Object , and little or not at all different from Volition , diligere being but intensive velle . I have much more to say to this , which here I must pretermit . But still I speak not of Love as a Passion , but a true closure , as it were of the will with its Object as Good : and expect love to be proper to the sensitive , and strange to the intellective soul ; we must make it the same with Velle : For Amor & ga●dium in quantum significant Actus appetitus sensitivi , passiones sunt ; non autem secundum quod significant Actus appetitus intellectivi , inquit Aquinas . 1. q. 2. a. 1.1 . The fifth Question is , Whether Faith be any Instrument of our Justification ? Answer , Scotus gives many sences of the word Instrument , and so doth Aquinas , Schibler , and most Philosophers that meddle with it : and they give some so large , as contain all causes in the world under God the first cause ; In so large a sence , if any will call faith an Instrument of Justification , I will not contend with him ; though yet I will not say so my self , as judging faith to be no kind of cause of it at all ; but in the proper ordinary sence , as an Instrument , signifieth Causam quae influit in effectum per virtutem inferioris rationis , as Suarez , Stierius , Arnisaeus , &c. Vel Instrumentum est quod ex directione alterius principalis agentis influit ad produce●dum effectum se nobiliorem , ut Schibler , &c. So I utterly deny Faith to be an Instrument . But I will first question whether it be a physical Instrument . 2. Whether a moral ? 1. And for the first , I have done it already : for seeing our acute Divines have ceased to lay any claim to it as an active Instrument , but only as a Passive ; therefore having disproved what they claim , I have done enough to that . 2. Yet I will add some more : And 1. If it be a physical active Instrument , it must have a physical active Influx to the producing of the Effect ; but so hath not Faith to the producing of our Justification . Ergo &c. The Major is apparent from the common definition of such Instruments : The Minor will be as evident , if we consider but what Gods Act in Justification is , and then it would appear impossible that any act of ours should be such an Instrument . 1. At the great Justification at Judgement Christs act is to sentence us acquit and discharged ▪ and doth our Faith activè , sixae influere ad hunc effectum ? Doth it intervene between Christ and the effect ? and so actively justifie us ? Who will say so ? 2. And the act by which God justifieth us here , is by a Deed of Gift in his Gospel ( as I Judge ) Now 1. That doth immediately produce the effect ( only supposing Faith as a condition . ) 2. And it is but a moral Instrumental cause it self , and how faith can be a Physical , I know not . 3. Nay the act is but a moral act , such as a Statute or Bond acteth , and what need Faith to be a physical Instrument ? 2. My second Reason is this : It is generally concluded , that Tota instrumenti causalit as est in usu & applicatione ; It ceaseth to be an Instrument , when it ceaseth to be used or acted by the principal cause : But faith doth most frequently cease its action , and is not used ( physically ) when we sleep or wholly mind other things : Therefore according to this Doctrine , faith should then cease its Instrumentality ; and consequently either we should all that while be unjustified and unpardoned , or else be justified and pardoned some other way , and not by faith . All which is absurd ; and easily avoided by discerning faith to be but a Condition of our Justification , or a Causa sine quae non . 3. If Faith be a physical Instrument , then it should justifie from a reason intrinsecal , natural and essential to it , and not from Gods meer ordination of it to this office by his Word of Promise : but that were at least dangerous Doctrine : and should not be entertained by them who ( truly ) acknowledge that it justifies not as a work ; much less then as a Physical reception which they call its Instrumentality . The consequence of the Major is evident , in that nothing can be more intrinsecal and essential to faith ( this faith ) then to be what it is , viz. a Reception or acceptance of Christ or his Righteousness : therefore if it justifie directly as such , then it justifieth of its own Nature . 4. It is to me a hard saying , that God and Faith do the same thing , that is , Pardon and justifie : and yet so they do if it be an Instrument of Justification : For eadem est Actio Instrumenti & principalis causae , viz. quoad determinationem ad hunc effectum , ut Aquinas , Schibler , &c. I dare not say or think , that Faith doth so properly , effectively justifie and pardon us . 5. It seems to me needless to feign this Instrumentality , because frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora . 6. Yea it derogateth from the work ; for as Scotus saith , ( in 4. dist . 45. q. 1. pag. ( mihi ) 239. D. ) Actio sine instrumento est perfectior quàm actio cum instrumento . 7. And this Doctrine makes man to be the causa proxima , of his own Pardon and Justification . For it is man that believes and not God : God is the causa prima , but man the causa proxima credendi , and so of justifying , if Faith be an Instrument Or at least man is a cause of his own Pardon and Justification . Yea faith being by Divines acknowledged our own Instrument , it must needs follow that we justifie and forgive our selves . Dr. Amesius saith , ( Bellar. Enervat . To. 4. li 6. p. ( mihi ) 315. ) Plurimum refert : quia sicut sacramenta quamvis aliquo s●nsu possint dici Instrumenta nostra , &c. proprie tamen sunt Jnstrumenta Dei : sic etiam fides quamvis possit vocari Instrumentum Dei , quia Deus justificat nos ex fide & per fidem , proprie tamen est Instrumentum nostrum . Deus nos baptizat & pascit , non nosmet ipsi : Nos credimus in Christum , non Deus . Whether faith may be a moral Instrument , I shall enquire , when I have answered the next question : which is , Q 6. If faith were such a Physical Passive ( or Active ) Instrument , whether that be the formal direct reason of its justifying ? and whether ( as it is ) it do justifie directly and primarily , quatenus est apprehensio Christi , justitioe , vel Justificationis . And this is it that I most confidently deny , and had rather you would stick to in debate then all the rest : for I ground many other things on it . I affirm therefore , 1. That faith justifieth primarily and directly , as the condition on which the free Donor hath bestowed Christ , with all his benefits in the Gospel-conveyance . 2. And that if it were a meer Physical apprehension it would not justifie ; no nor do us any good . 3. And that the apprehension called the receptivity which is truly its nature , is yet but its aptitude to its justifying office , and so a remote , & not the direct proper formal cause . These three I will prove in order . 1. And for the first it is proved . 1. From the Tenor of the justifyn●g Promise , which still assureth Justification on the condition of Believing . [ He that believeth ] and [ whosoever believeth ] and [ if thou believe ] do plainly and unquestionably express such a condition , upon which we shall be justified , and without which we shall not . The Antinomians most unreasonably deny this . 2. And the nature of Justification makes it unquestioinable : for whether you make it a Law-act , or an act of Gods own Judgement and Will determining of our state , yet nither will admit of any intervening cause , ( especially any act of ours , ) but only a condition . 3. Besides , Conditions depend on the will of him that bestoweth the Gift , and according to his Will they succeed : but Instruments more according to their own fitness : Now it is known well , that Justification is an act of Gods meer free Grace and Will , and therefore nothing can further conduce to Gods free act as on our part , but by way of Condition . 4. And I need not say more to this , it being acknowledged generally by all our Divines , not one that I remember excepted , besides Mr. Walker , that [ faith justifieth as the condition of the Covenant ] Mr. Wotton de Reconcil . part 1. l. 2. cap. 18. brings you the full Testimony of the English Homilies , Fox , Perkins , Paraeus , Trelcatius , Dr. G. Downam , Scharpius , Th. Matthews , Calvin , Aretius , Sadeel , Olevian , Melancth . Beza : To which I could add many more : and I never spoke with any solid Divine that denyed it , 2. Now that a physical apprehension would not justifie , as such , is evident . 1. Else Mary should be justified for having Christ in her womb , as I said before . 2. Else justification , as I said , should be ascribed to the nature of the act of faith it self . 3. You may see what is the primary , formal reason why faith Justifies , by its inseparablility from the effect or event ; and which is the improper remote cause by its separability . Now such a physical apprehension may be ( as such ) separated from the effect , and would still be if it had not the further nature of a condition . We see it plainly in all worldly things . Every man that takes in his hand a conveyance of land , shall not possess the land . If you forcibly seize upon all a mans evidences and writings , you shall not therefore possess his estate . If a traytor snatch a pardon by violence out of anothers hand , he is not therefore pardoned . ( But more of this under the next ) . 4. And for your passive faith , I cannot conceive how it should ( as passive ) have any Moral good in it ( as is said , ) much less justifie us . And so when God saith that without faith it is impossible to please God we shall feign that to be justifying faith , which hath nothing in it self , that can please God : and how it can justifie that doth not please , I know not . I know in genere entis the Divels please God : They are his creatures ; and naturally Good , as Ens & bonum convertuntur : but in genere moris , I know not yet how pati quatenus pati can please him . For it doth not require so much as liberty of the will : The reason of Passion is from the Agent : As Suarez dis . 17. § . 2. Secundum praecisas rationes formales loquendo , Passio est ab Actione : & non è converso . Ideoque vera est & propria haec causalis locutio , Quia agens agit , materia recipit . Now sure all Divines as well as the free-will-men , do acknowledge , that there can be no pleasing worth or vertue , where there is not liberty . And Suarez saith truly in that ( T. 1. disp . 19 pag. ( mihi ) 340. ) Addimus vero hanc facultatem quatenus libera est , non posse esse nisi Activam : seu è converso , facultatem non posse esse liberam , nisi sit activa , & quatenus activa est . Probatur sic . Nam Paisso ut Passio non potest esse Libera patienti : sed solum quatenus Actio à qua talis Passio provenit , illi est libera : Ergo Libertas formaliter ac praecise non est in potentia patiente , ut sic , sed in potentia Agente . ( Vide ultra probationem . ) 5. Yea I much fear lest this Passive Doctrine do lay all the blame of all mens infidelity upon God , or most at least : For it maketh the unbeliever no otherwise faulty then a hard block for resisting the wedge , which is but by an indisposition of the matter : and so Originall indisposition is all the sin . For as Aquinas saith , Malum in Patiente est vel ab imperfectione , vel defectu agentis , vel indispositione Materiae . 1. q. 49. a. 1. c. 3. My third proposition is , that the Receptivity or apprehension which is truly of the nature of faith , is yet but its aptitude to its Justifying office , and so a remote and not the direct proper formal reason : And this is the main point that I insist on : And it is evident , in all that is said already : and further thus , If faith had been of that apprehending nature as it is , and yet had not been made the condition in the gift or promise of God , it would not have justified : but if it had been made the condition , though it had been no apprehending ( but as any other duty , ) yet it would have justified : therefore it is evident that the nearest , proper reason of its power to justifie is Gods making it the condition of his gift , and its receptive nature is but a remote reason : 1. If faith would have justified , though it had not been a condition , then it must have justified against Gods will , which is impossible : It is God that justifieth , and therefore we cannot be a cause of his Action . 2. It is evident also from the nature of this moral reception , which being but a willingness and consent , cannot of its own nature make the thing our own , but as it is by the meer will of the donor made the condition of his offer or gift . If I am willing to be Lord of any Lands or Countreys , it will not make me so : but if the true owner say , I will give them thee if thou wilt accept them , then it will be so : therefore it is not first and directly from the nature of the reception , but first because that reception is made the condition of the gift . If a condemned man be willing to be pardoned , he shall not therefore be pardoned : but if a pardon be given on condition he be willing or accept it , then he shall have it . If a poor woman consent to have a Prince for her husband , and so to have his possessions , it shall not therefore be done , except he give himself to her on condition of her consent . If it were a meer physical reception , and we spoke of a possession de facto of somewhat that is so apprehensible , then it would be otherwise : as he that getteth gold or a pearl in his hand , he hath such a possession : But when it is but a moral improper reception ( though per actum physicum volendi vel consentiend● ) , and when we speak of a possession in right of Law , and of a relation and Title , then it must need ; stand as aforesaid . Donation , ( or Imputation ) being the direct cause of our first constitutive justification , therefore conditionality and not the natural receptivity of faith , must needs be the proper reason of its justifying . This is acknowledged by Divines : Amesius saith , ( Bellarm. Enervat . T. 4. p. ( m●hi ) 314. Apprehensio justificationis per veram fiduciam , non est simpliciter per modum objecti , sed per modum objecti nobis donati : Quod enim Deus donaverit fidelibus Christum & omni ●cum eo , Scriptura disertis verbis testatur , Rom. 8.32 . 2. And that if any other sort or act of faith , as well as this , or any other grace would have justified , if God had made it equally the condition of his gift , is also past all doubt . 1. Because the whole work of Justifying dependeth meerly on Gods free Grace and will and thence it is that faith is deputed to its office . 2. Who doubteth but God could have bestowed pardon and justification on other terms or conditions , if he would ? 3. Yea who doubteth but he might have given them without any condition , even that of acceptance ? Yea though we had never known that there had been a Redeemer , yet God might have justified us for his sake . I speak not what he may now do after he resolved of a course in his Covenant : But doubtless he might have made the Covenant to be an absolute promise without any condition on our part if he would , even such as the Antinomians dream it to be . And me thinks those great Divines , that say with Twisse , Ch●mier , Walaeus , &c. that God might have pardoned us without a Redeemer , should not deny this especially . 4. And doubtless that faith which the Israelites in the first ages were justified by , did much differ from ours now , whatever that doth which is required of poor Indians now ; that never heard of Christ . 5 And God pardoneth and justifieth Infants , without any actual reception of pardon by their faith . 2. And me thinks they that stand for the instrumentality of faith above all should not deny this ; for ( according to my Logick ) the formality of an Instrument is in its actual subserviency to the principal cause : and therefore it is no longer causa instrumentalis then it is used : and therefore whatsoever is the materia of the instrument , or whatsoever is natural to it , cannot be its form : Now to be a reception or apprehension of Christ , is most essentially natural to this act of faith , and therefore cannot be the form of its instrumentality . For as Scotus saith ( ●n 4. sint . dist . 1. q. 5. Fol. ( mihi 13. H. ) ●●ru mentii●●n●it●s p●aeceda naturaliter usum ejus ut instrumentum . And what is the 〈◊〉 or Aptitude of faith but this ? And as Scotus ibid. saith , Nullum instrumentum formaliter est ideo aptum ad usum , quia al quis utitur eo ut instrumento : but it is an Instrument quia al quis utitur , &c. 3. And if the reception were the most direct , proper cause , ( especially if the physical reception ) then it would follow , that justifying faith ●as such ) is the receiving of justification , or of Christs righteousness , but for the receiving of Christ himself , or that the receiving of Christ would be but a preparatory act which is I dare say foul and false Doctrine , and contrary to the scope of Scripture which makes Christ himself the object of this faith ; and the receiving of him ( John 1.11 , 12. ) and believing in him to be the condition of justification ; and the receiving of righteousness , but secondarily or remotely . Amesius saith ( ubi supra ) hic tamen observandum est accurate loquendo , apprehensionem Christi & justitiae ejus esse fidem justificantem , quia justificatio nostra exurgit ex apprehensione Christi , & apprehentio justificationis ut possessionis nostrae praesentis , fructus est & effectum apprehensionis prioris . So in his Medulla he makes Christ himself the object of justifying faith . 4. Also if the said reception were the immediate proper reason why faith justifyeth ; then it would follow that it is one act of faith whereby we are pardoned ( viz the reception of pardon ) and another whereby we are justified ( viz. the Reception either of righteousness or justification : ) and there must be another act of faith for Adoption , and another for every other use according to the variety of the Objects . But this is a vain fiction , it being the same believing in Christ , to which the Promise of Remission , Justification , Adoption , Glorification , and all is made . Also it would contradict the Doctrine of our best Divines , who say , ●s Alste dius , Distinct . Theol. C. 17. p. 73. that Christ is our Righteousness in sensu causali , sed non in sensu formali . I conclude this with the plain Testimony of our best Writers . Perkins vol. 1. pag. 662. In the true Gain , saith : And lest any should imagine that the very Act of faith in apprehending Christ justifieth : we are to understand that faith doth not apprehend by Power from it self , but by vertue of the Covenant . If a man believe the Kingdom of France to be his , it is not therefore his : yet if he belive Christ and the Kingdom of Heaven by Christ to be his , it is his indeed : not simply because he believes , but because he believes upon Commandment and Promise . ( that is not properly as an Instrument , but as a condition ) For in the tenor of the Covenant God promiseth to impute the Obedience of Christ to us for our Righteousness if we believe . Is not this as plain as may be ? So Bullinger Decad. 1. Serm. 6. p. ( mihi ) 44. We say faith justifieth for it self , not as it is a quality in our mind , or our own work : but as faith is a gift of Gods grace , having the promise of righteousness and life , &c. Therefore faith justifieth for Christ , and from the grace and Covenant of God. This being therefore fully proved , that faith justifieth properly and directly as the condition on which God hath made over Christ and all his benefits in the Gospel , the two great points opposed in my Doctrine do hence arise unavoidably . 1. That this faith justifieth as truly and directly as it is the receiving of Christ for Lord , and King , and Head , and Husband , as for a justifier , for both are equally the conditions in the Gospel . But if the physical Instrumental way were sound , then it would justifie only as it is a receiving of Justification or Justice . This is the main conclusion I contest for . Yield me this , and I will not so much stick at any of the rest . 2. And hence it follows , that Repentance , forgiving others , love to Christ , Obedience Evangelical , do so far justifie as the Gospel-promise makes them conditions ; and no further do I plead for them . 7. My last Question was , Whether now your Doctrine or mine be the more obscure , doubtfull and dangerous ? And which is the more clear , certain and safe ? And here I shall first shew you yet more what my Judgement is , and therein whether Faith be a moral Instrument . I think that conditio sine quâ non , non potest esse efficiens , quia hujus nulla est actio ; nec id ad cujus presentiam aliquid contigit c●tra illius actionem : nec materialis dispositio est Instrumentum , &c. ut Schibler , Top. c. 3. pag. 102. Even the Gospel-Promise , which is far more properly called Gods moral Instrument of justifying or pardoning , is yet but somewhat to the making up that fundamentum , from whence the relation of justified doth result . And the Fundamentum is called a cause of the relation which ariseth from it without any act , but what went to cause the foundation , even by a meer resultancy , as D' Orbellis fully in 1. sent . dist . 17. q. 1. But to call a condition in Law an Instrument , is yet far more improper . The Law or Promise therefore I will call a moral Instrument : the condition which we must perform , I will not call a moral Instrument , either of the Act which God performeth , or yet of the effect which floweth from that act immediately . Yet if any will say that it is properly and principally a condition , and that it so justifieth ; and yet that it may be called an Instrument moral in an improper sence , as it is a condition first , or else in regard of its receiving use , will stretch the word Instrument so wide , as to apply it to it ; I will not contend for a word , when we agree in sence . And thus Mr. Wotton yieldeth as with an ill will to call it an Instrument , proving it first to justifie as a condition . But I am loth to give it any proper causality in justifying . And now let us see whose sence is , 1. More obscure . I avoid and abhor all vain niceties in so fundamental a point as Justification is ; therefore I say plainly but [ That faith is the condition on which God hath bestowed Christ and all his benefits in the Gospel ] What woman cannot understand this at a word ? But your Doctrine , what Oedipus is able to unfold ? for my part , it is quite past my reach ; and most that I converse with , are as silly as my self . Can every poor man or woman reach to know what a passive Action , or a passive Passion , or a Passive Instrument is ? and how we receive Christ , as a man takes a gift in his hand ? or to see through all the difficulties that I have discovered here in your Doctrine ? Even they that raise questions , what one act of faith doth justifie , whether of the Vnderstanding or Will ? Whether Assent or Affiance , &c. Do seem vainly and hurtfully curious to me : much more those that reduce all to an unconceivable pat● : I plainly therefore asfi●m , that faith is not any physical receiving , ( as the hand doth receive money , as you would afterward make me believe the Assembly m●●ns ) but a Metaphorical moral receiving : and that it is not by any one act of the soul ( much less a Passion ) but by the whole soul , Understanding and Will : the former beginning , the later consummating it , ( as Dav●nant soundly . ) And let us trye by common speech , which of these is the more plain and probable sence . Suppose a Prince will redeem a Turkish condemed slave , and send him word [ I have bought thee , and if thou wilt receive ( or take ) me for thy Redeemer , Deliverer and Lord , and for the future wilt serve me and be thankfull , I will actually set thee free . Here it would sure be a silly thing to fall a questioning , what the Prince means by the word [ Receive or take ] Whether it be an act of this faculty , or that ? Whether this or that act ? Or whether it is meerly Pati ? Though we are too wise to understand this now , I warrant you the foolishest slave would soon understand it : and know that to receive or take the Prince for his Redeemer , is to believe him , and consent , and thankfully accept of him as he requires , and of deliverance by him : And he that should ask him , Whether it were the bare act of affiance , or whether gratitude or love were included in the term ? would seem but simple to him . If a Prince will deliver a condemned woman from death , and offer with all to marry her , and give her himself , and all he hath , on condition she will receive or take him for her husband , ( and accordingly be a faithfull wife to him till death ) He that should here step in , and raise profound Scruples , and enter difficult disputes , whether this receiving were an act of the Understanding or Will ? Whether Affiance , Recombency , Assurance , &c. or whether a Passion ? would be well judged rid●culous ; when every man knows at the first word what it is for the woman to receive or take a man for her Husband , even gladly and lovingly to consent and accept the offer , and with all her heart deliver up her self to him accordingly . So if a King of another Nation , that hath right also to this , but not possession , should send to us , to charge us to receive him for our King ; what a hard word is this to understand ? or doth it signifie any one act ? or the act of any one single faculty that the people of the land must perform ? Oh how too learned Divines ( or too unlearned ) have puzzled and amazed poor souls , and muddyed the clear streams of the Doctrine of Christ , in this so weighty and plain a point of justification ? In a word , Sir , I know there is never a one of my Hearers can understand your Doctrine of instrumentality Active or Passive , nor have they the Logick necessary thereto , and therefore I will not speak to them in such a language . Even while I untye your knots , I am thought a Barba●i●n , and not understood ; how much more if I spoke what I understand not my self nor am able , though I set my wits on the tenter ? 2. And then let us see which is the truer and certa●ner , your Doctrine or mine . And 1. I have said somewhat already to weaken the credit of yours . 2. And more from what is last said it is unlikely to me to be true because of the obscurity ; for I believe God hath spoke plainer in fundamentals , and not laid folks salvation upon that which none but Scholars of a better or worse judgement then I can understand . I know there is that kind of difficulty in Divine things which requireth the spiritual illumination of the understanding : but not such in foundation points that necessarily requireth so much humane learning . 3. Your way hath not one word of Scripture for it : Where doth Scripture say ( in phrase or sense ) that faith Justifieth as an instrument ; or that it is such ? Active or Passive ? Or that it is this or that only Act ? But now for the Doctrine I teach . 1. Neither your self nor any solid man denyeth it ( that faith is a condition and so justifieth : ) and that it is a Moral receiving , and by the whole soul , esepcially the hearty consent , and acceptance of the will , most Divines teach , as I could shew but for wasting time . 2. I prove it further , that it is but this plain Moral recep●ion , thus . As Christ is offered , so he is received ( therefore the Assembly say [ as he is offered in the Gosp●l ] : But Christ is offered Morally in the Gospel , and not Physically ; therefore he must be so received . 3. Rejicere est no●le ; Ergo , reci●ere est velle . To reject Christ is the condemning sin of infidelity : but that lies in an unwillingness to have him to be their Redeemer , Saviour , and especially Lord : therefore receiving Christ is a willingness , consent or acceptance of him for Redeemer and Lord , Joh. 1.10 . His own received him not ; What is that but they refused him ? and not that they wree not Passive physical receivers of Justice , Luke 19.27 . These mine enemies that would not I should reign over them , bring hither and destroy , &c. Then willingness of his reign is part of that faith which justifies : Even willingness of his Reign , as well as to be pardoned , justified and saved from Hell by him ; ( or else few among us would perish ; For I never met with the man that was unwilling of these . ) 3. And then it will easily appear , Whether your Doctrine or mine be the more safe . 1. Yours hath the many inconveniences already mentioned . It maketh man his own justifier , or the causa proxima of his own Justification , and by his own Act to help God to justifie us : for so all instruments do help the principal cause . And yet by a self-contradiction it maketh faith to be of no Moral worth , and so no vertue or grace . Yea , ( I think ) it layeth the blame of mans infidelity on God ; Many such wayes it seemeth to wrong the Father and the Mediator . 2. And it seemeth also to wrong mens souls in point of safety , both by drawing them so to wrong God , and also by laying grounds to encourage them in presumption ; For when they are taught that the receiving of Christs righteousness , or of Christ for justification , or the confident expectation of pardon , or resting on Christ for it , or a particular perswasion of it , &c. Is justifying faith , and when they find these in themselves ( as undoubtedly they may will this much , or else they cannot presume ) , Is it not easie then to think they are safe when they are not ? As I said , I never yet met with the man that was not willing to be Justified and saved from Hell by Christ : and I dare say , Really willing : and but with few that did not expect it from Christ , and trust him for it . Now to place Justifying faith only in that which is so common , and to tell the men that yet they believe not truly when they have all that is made essential to faith , as Justifying , is strange . For knowing that the godly themselves have fowly sinned , and that no man can perish that hath Justifying faith , how can they choose but presume when they find that which is called Justifying faith undoubtedly in themselves ? And to tell them it is not sincere or true , because they receive not Christ also as King and Prophet , and yet that such receiving is no part of justifying faith . This is to tell them that the truth of their faith lyeth without it self ( a strange Truth ) in a signal concomitant : and who will doubt of his faith for want of a concomitant sign , when he certainly feeleth the thing it self ? Will not such think they may sin salva fide ? When as if they were rightly taught , that justifying saving faith ( as such ) is the receiving of Christ for Saviour , and Lord , and so a giving up themselves both to be saved and guided by him , then they would find that faith in Christ and sincere obedience to Christ have a little neerer relation ; and then a man might say to such a presumer , as I remember Tertullian excellently doth , De poenitent . Operum pag. ( mihi ) 119. Caeterum non leviter in Domixum peccat qui quum amulo ejus Diabolo poenitentiâ renunciasset , & hoc nomine illum Domino subjecisset , rursus ●undem regressusuo erigit , & exultatione ejus seipsum facit , ut denuo malus recuperata praeda sua , adversus Domin●m gaudeat . Nonne quod dicere quoque periculosum est , sed ad adificationem proferendum est , d●abolum Domino praeponit ? Comparationem enim videtur egisse qui utrumque cognoverit , & judicato pronunciasse ●um meliorem cujus se rursus esse maluerit , &c. Sed aiunt quidam , satis Deum habere , si corde & animo suspiciatur , licet actu minus fiat : itaque se salvo metu & Fide peccare : Hoc est salva castitate Matrimonia violare : salva pietate parenti venenum temperare ; sic ergo & ipsi salva venia in Gehennans detrudentur , dum salvo metu peccant . Again , your Doctrine seemeth to me to overthrow the comfort of Believers exceedingly . For how can they have any comfort that know not whether they are justified and shall be saved ? and how can they know that , who know not whether they have faith ? and how can they know that , when they know not what justifying saith is ? and how can they know what it is , when it is by Divines involved in such a cloud and maze of difficulties ? some placing it in this , act and some in that , and some in a Passive instrumentality , which few understand , ( If any man in the world do . ) For the Habit of faith , that cannot be felt or known of it self immediately , but by its acts ( for so it is concluded of all Habits , Suarez , Metap . T. 2. disp . 44 § . 1. pag 332. ) and instead of the act we are now set to enquire after the passion ? and so in the work of examination the business is to enquire , how and when we did passively receive righteousness , or justification , or Christ for these ? which let him answer for himself that can , for I cannot . But now , on the other side , what inconvenience is there in the Doctrine of faith and justification as I deliver it ? As it is plain , and certain ( saying no more then is generally granted ) so I think it is safe . Do I ascribe any of Christs honour in the work to man ? No man yet hath dared to charge me with that , to my knowledge : and no considerate man I believe will do it . I conclude that neither faith nor works is the least part of our legal righteousness : or of that righteousness which we must plead against the accuser for our justification : which is commonly called by Divines , the matter of our justification . The Law which we have broken cannot be satisfied ( nor God for the breach of it ) in the least measure by our faith or obedience , nor do they concur as the least degree of that satisfaction : But we must turn the Law over wholly to our Surety . Only whereas he hath made a new Law or Covenant containing the conditions on our part of the said justification and salvation ▪ I say , these conditions must needs be performed , and that by our selves : and who dare deny this ? and I say that the performance of these conditions is our Evangelical righteousness ( in reference to that Covenant , ) as Christs satisfaction is our legal Righteousness ( in reference to that first Covenant ) , or as perfect obedience would have been our legal righteousness , if we had so obeyed . And for them that speak of inherent Righteousness in any other sense , viz. as it is an imperfect conformity to the Law of works , rather then as a true conformity to the Law or Covenant of grace , I renounce their Doctrine , both as contradictory to it self , and to the truth , and as that which would make the same Law to curse and bless the same man , and which would set up the desperate Doctrine of Justification by the works of the Law : For if men are righteous in reference to that Law , then they may be so far justified by it . Nor do I ascribe to works any part of the office or honour of faith ( Though that were not so dangerous as to derogate from Christ . ) For I acknowledge faith the only condition of our first Remission and justification : and the principal part of the condition of our justification as continued and consummate . And if faith be an instrumental cause , I do not give that honor from it to works , for they are not so : Nay , I boldly again aver , that I give no more to obedience to Christ , then Divines ordinarily do , that is , to be the secondary part of the condition of continued and consummate justification . Only I give not so much as others to faith , because I dare not ascribe so much to man. And yet men make such a noise with the terrible name of Justification by works ( the Lords own phrase ) , as if I gave more then themselves to man , when I give so much less . And thus Sir , I have according to your advice , spent my self ( as you speak ) in aiming at that mark which you were pleased to set me . And now I shall proceed to the rest of your exceptions . My next answer to you was , that [ If works under every notion are excluded ( as you say they are ) then repentance is excluded under the notion of a condition or preparative : But repentance under that notion is not excluded : Therefore not works under every notion . To this you reply , that [ Repentance is not excluded as qualifying , but as recipient , ] which what is it but a plain yielding my Minor , and so the cause : For this is as much as I say . If repentance be a work or act of ours , and not excluded under the notion of a qualification , ( or as you elsewhere yield ) a Medium ordinatum , and a condition , then works are not under every notion excluded . And that repentance is not recipient , how easily do I yeild to you ? But do you indeed think that when Paul excludeth the works of the Law , that he excludeth them only as Recipient ? and not as qualifying ? If so , ( as this answer seems to import , seeing you will not have me here distinguish between works of Law , and of Gospel , or New Covenant ) then you give abundance more to works of the Law then I do or dare : For I aver that Paul excludeth them even as qualifications , yea and the very presence of them : and that the Jews never dreamt of their works being Recipient . To my next you say , [ Whether Paul dispute what is our righteousness , or upon what terms it is made ours it doth not much matter ] But I think it of very great moment ; they being Questions so very much different , both in their sense , and importance . And whereas you think Paul speaks chiefly of the manner , I think he speaks of both , but primarily of the ( quasi ) materia ; and of the manner or means thereto , but secondarily in reference to that . So that I think the chief Question which Paul doth debate , was , Whether we are Justified by our own works or merits , or by Anothers , viz. the satisfaction of a surety ? which yet because it is no way made ours but by believing , therefore he so puts the Question , whether by works of the Law , or by faith ? and so that he makes them two immediate opposites not granting any tertium , I easily yield . ( But of that before . ) To the next you say , that [ I cannot find such a figure for faith Relatively in my sense . ] Answ . And I conceive that faith in my sense may be taken Relatively full as well as in yours ▪ Doubtless acceptance of an offered Redeemer and all his benefits doth relate as properly to what is accepted ( viz. by the assent of the understanding initially , and by the election and consent of the will consummately ) as a Physical Passive reception or instrumentality can do . And also as it is a condition I make little doubt , but it relateth to the thing given on that condition : and that the very name of a condition is relative . So that in my sense faith relateth to Christ two ways : Whereof the former is but its very nature , and so its aptitude to its office : The later is that proper respect in which it immediately or directly justifieth . Yet do I not mean as you seem to do , as I gather by your phrase of [ putting Love and Obedience for Christs Righteousness ] : For I conceive it may be put relatively , and yet not strictly ( loco correlati ) for the thing related to : when I say my hands or teeth feed me , I do not put them instead of my Meat ; and yet I use the words relatively , meaning my Meat principally , and my teeth secondarily : Neither do I mean that it relateth to Christs righteousness only or principally ; but first to himself . And I doubt not but Love to Christ and Obedience to him as Redeemer , do relate to him : but not so fully , clearly and directly express him as related to , as Faith : Faith being also so comprehensive a grace as to include some others . It is a true saying , that a poor woman that is marryrd to a Prince is made honourable by love , and continued so by duty to her husband : But it is more obscure and improper then to say , she is made honourable by Marriage , or taking such a man to her husband , which includes love , and implyeth duty and faithfulness , as necessarily subsequent . I conceive with Judicious Doctor Preston , that faith is truly and properly such a consent , contract , or marriage with Christ . Next to your similitude : you say [ that I hold that not only seeing this brazen Serpent , but any other Actions of sense , will as well heal the wounded Christian . ] To which I answer . Similitudes run not on all four . Thus far I believe that this holds . 1. Christ was lift up on the Cross as the brazen Serpent was lift up . 2. He was lift up for a cure to sin-stung souls , as the brazen Serpent for the stung bodies . 3. That as every one that looked on the Serpent was cured ( an easie condition , ) so every one that believeth Christ to be the appointed Redeemer , and heartily Accepteth him on the terms he is offered , and so trusteth in him , shall not perish , but have everlasting life . 4. That as the cure of their bodies came not from any natural reason drawn from the eye , or from any natural excellency or efficacy of seeing , above hearing or feeling , but meerly from the free will and pleasure of God , who ordained that looking should be the condition of their cure : So all those Acts ( usually comprized or implyed in the word believing ) which justifie , do it not from any natural excellency , efficacy or instrumentality , but meerly from the good pleasure of the Law-giver : And therefore the natural Receptivity of Faith ( that is its very formal essence ) must not be given as the proper direct cause of its Justifying : But that is , its conditionality from the free appointment of God. But on the other side , 1. It was only one Act of one sense which was the condition of their cure : but you will not say I believe that it is only one act of one faculty which justifieth : however I will not . 2. It was the Act of seeing which cured them , without touching , laying hold on , apprehending , resting on , &c. But you will not say so of justifying faith . 3. The sight , which was the condition of their cure , was no actuall reception of the brazen Serpent , but the species of that Serpent by the eye ; and so the eye did no otherwise receive the Serpent , then it received every Object it behold , even the Serpent that stung them . But if you say , that our receiving Christ is but per simplicem apprehensionem objecti , and that it is a receiving of his species , and so that we receive Christ no otherwise then we receive Satan , or any Object of Knowledge , I will not be of that opinion . 4. Their cure was simul & semel : but our Justification is a continued Act ; as really in doing all our lives , as at first . 5 Therefore though one act finished their cure , and there was no condition perscribed as requisite for the consummation or continuance : yet when our Justification is begun , and we truly justified , there is further conditions prescribed for its continuance and consummation . To conclude , I am so far from saying , that any other Act will as well heal the wounded Christian , besides what God hath made the express condition of his cure , that I flatly aver no other will do it . But whether he hath made any one single act ( or Passion ) to be the whole of that condition , I have elsewhere out of Scripture shewed you , and you do not deny what I say . My two last Answers to your exposition of Pauls words , you are pleased to overpass ; the last of which ( the ninth ) being the main that I made use of : viz. that Paul taketh the word Work● more strictly , for such working as maketh the Reward to be not of Grace but of debt : and in this sence I disclaim all works , not only ( as you do ) from being receptive , or instrumental , or effective , but from being concomitant : why you said nothing to this my chief Answer , I do not know . You next tell me that I cannot take the Assemblies definition in that sence as they declare it , or the Scripture words , which are Metaphorical imply : for its the resting of a burdened soul upon Christ only for Righteousness ; and by this Christs Righteousness is made over to us ; and it s a receiving of Christ as the hand embraceth any Object , &c. Answer . That the word Receiving and Resting are Metaphorical , I easily grant you ; and wonder the more that you still insist on them , and instead of reducing them to more proper expressions , do here add Metaphor to Metaphor , till all your definition be a meer Allegory , when you know how much Metaphors do seduce . But for the Assemblies Definition . I embrace it unfeignedly in that sence as the words seem to me most evidently to import , without using violence with them . But I perceive by this , that you will not think it enough in a man to subscribe to national Confessions and Catechisms in the obvious sence , or that which he judgeth the plain proper sence , except he also agree with you in the explication . Some think it not enough that we subscribe to the Scripture , because we may misunderstand it , and therefore we must subscribe to national Confessions , as more explicate : ( which I like well , so we add nothing to Gods word , nor thrust our own Commentaries into the Text , or obtrude out own Doctrines upon men as Articles of their faith , or at least , as the Bishops did the Ceremonies , which they made indifferent in word , but necessary indeed : ) But now I perceive the matter comes all to one in the issue ; when you cannot make a definition of Faith in such Language as is any easier to be understood then the Scripture : when you and I cannot both understand it : and I find that many are of Bellarmines judgement ( Apol. c. 7. cited by Mr. Vines in his Sermon against Haeres . pag. 50. ) That a man may be an Haeretick though he believe the Scriptures , the three Creeds , and the four great general Councils . But for the sence of the Assemblies definition , 1 I know not what you mean by the words [ as they declare it : ] If any private declaration , I am not to take notice of it , nor do I know what it meaneth , and could wish they would do , or might have done as Mr. Vines desired in his Sermon , J●● . 28. 1645. that is , [ To second their conclusions with the Reasons and Grounds of them ; which will do much to make them pass for currant : seeing ( saith he ) the Gorgons head which struck all dumb in former times , The Church , The Church , is not likely to have the same operation row in this seeing and searching age ; for though men be willing to be subject to Authority , yet as they are men they will be slaves to Reason . ] So that if there were any private exposition , I would we had it . But if you mean only what is declared in the words of the Definition , I am most confident , though I never was in the Assembly , that I have hit on their sence far neerer then you seem to have done : and I dare not think otherwise , lest I be hainously censorious of so reverend an Assembly , which I am resolved not to be . 1. Their very words are a receiving of Christ , and not immediately and primarily his Righteousness , but himself ; and in the confession they say as I do , that it is an accepting , receiving and resting on Christ . 2. And as Christ the anointed , which Name signifieth the Offices which he is anointed to , viz. King , Priest , &c. 3. It maketh it to consist in no one act , but several , expressed in two phrases : 1. Receiving Christ . 2. Resting on him alone for salvation . 4. It expresly saith , that it is a receiving of him , as he is offered in the Gospel , and that is , not as a justifier only , but as a Lord and Prophet , and that as immediately as the other , and conjunct with it : for he is no where offered as a justifier alone ; if he be , shew where it is . 5. And hence it is plain that they mean no Reception but moral , by Willing , Consenting , Accepting ( as they expresly say in the confession of Faith ) For he is no otherwise offered to us in the Gospel : He is not offered to our Physical Reception . It is not his person in substance that is offered to the Contact of our Spirits , much less of our flesh ; but his person as cloathed with his Relations , of Mediator , Redeemer , Lord , Saviour , &c. And can you receive a King , as King , ( who is personally distant or invisible ) by any other Reception then I have said ? If we do receive a King into England , the only Acts of the soul are hearty consenting , and what is therein and thereto implyed : though bodily Actions may follow : ( which as to Christ we cannot perform . ) I think verily this is the plain sound sence of the Assembly , and shall believe so , till the same Authority , that thus defined , do otherwise interpret their own definition . And for your phrase of [ Resting a burdened soul on Christ for Righteousness ] I doubt not as it intendeth Affiance , but it is as Perkins , Dr. Downam , Rob. Baronius , &c. say , a fruit Of faith strictly taken , rather then faith it self : but if you take faith in a larger sence ( as the Gospel not seldom doth , and against which I am no adversary ) so Affiance is part of faith it self . But that it is the whole of that faith , I shall never believe without stronger Arguments ; where you say , [ Its the receiving Christ as the hand embraceth any Object . ] I answer . 1. I am glad you here grant Christ himself to be the Object . 2. If you mean , [ as verily as the hand , &c. ] So I grant it , if a moral receiving may be properly said to be as true as a physical . But if you mean By a Physical Contact and Reception as the hand doth , &c. then I am far from believing that ever Christ or our Assembly so meant , or ever had so gross a thought . Where you say , I take it not the in sence as the Scripture words imply ; ] I answer . When I see that manifested I shall believe it . When it is said John 1. He came to his own , and his own received him not : 1. Is it meant they took him not in their hands , or received not his Person into their houses ? the later is true ▪ But 1. Only in a second place ; but their hearts were the first Receptacle 2. Else those were no Unbelievers where Christ never came in person ; And that had no houses ; 3. And that receiving cannot belong to us that never saw him , nor to any since his Ascension . 2. Or is it the Intellective Reception of his species ? I trow not : I have said enough of that before . 3. Or is it a moral Reception of him as thus and thus related , volendo , eligendo , consentiendo , diligendo ( pardon this last , it is but the qualification of the rest ) & consequenter fidendo ? I think this is it . If you can find a fourth way , you will do that which was never done ( to my knowledge ) and then you will be a Novellist as well , as I. For your next expressions , I answer to them , that you do truly apprehend that I am loth to seem to recede from others , ( and as loth to do it , but magis amica veritas : And I cannot believe what my list , nor like those that can . ) By which you may truly know , that I do it not out of affectation of singularity ( as he knoweth that knoweth my heart ) , nor intend to be any instrument of division in the Church . And if my assertions are destructive of what others deliver , it is but what some men , and not what all deliver : Not against the Assembly , nor many learned Divines who from several parts of the Land have signified to me their Assent : besides all those great names that appear for me in print . But you tell me that [ I may not build on some Homilitical popular expressions in any mans books . ] Answer , Let me again name to you but the men I last named , and try whether you will again so entitle their writings . The first and chief is Dr. Preston , who was known to be a man of most choice notions , and so Judged by those that put out his books , and his credit so great in England , that he cracks his own that seeks to crack it . And his Sermons were preached before as judicious an Auditory ( at least ) as your Lectures , and yet you defend your own expressions . Yea it is not once nor twice , not five times only , but almost through all his Books , that Dr. Preston harpeth upon this string , as if it were the choisest notion that he intended to disclose . Yea it is in his very Definition of faith as justifying ; and Dr. Preston was no homiletical Definer . I can produce the like Testimony of Dr. Stoughton : ( two as great Divines in my esteem as most ever England or the world bred . ) Another is Mr. Wallis : Doubtless , Sir , no homiletical popular man in Writing : nor could you have quickly bethought you of an English Book that less deserves those attributes : His words are these . I assent not to place the saving Act of faith , either with Mr. Cotton ( as his Lordship cites him ) in the laying hold of , or assenting to that Promise , &c. nor yet in a particular application of Christ to my self in assurance , or a believing that Christ is mine , &c. But I choose rather to place it in an act of the Will , then in either of these forenamed acts of the Vnderstanding . It is an Accepting of Christ offered , rather then an Assenting to a proposition affirmed . To as many as received him , &c. that is , to them that believe in his name . John 1. God makes an Offer of Christ to all ( else should not Reprobates be condemned for not accepting of him , as neither the Devils are , because he was not offered to them . ) Whosoever will , let him come and take of the water of life freely , Rev. 22.17 . Whereupon the believing soul replies , I will : and so takes him . When a Gift is offered to me , that which maketh it to be mine is my Acceptation , &c. If you call this taking of Christ ( or confenting that Christ shall be my Saviour ) a Depending , a Resting or relying on Christ for salvation ( if you speak of an act of the Will ) it is all one ; for Taking of Christ to be my Saviour , and committing my self to Christ to be saved , is the same : Both of them being but a consenting to this Covenant , I will be your God , and you shall be my People , &c. And if you make this the saving Act of faith , then will Repentance ( so far as it is distinct from Faith ) be a consequent of it : Confidence also , &c. Thus Mr. Wallis is clear , that the Nature of Faith is the same that I have affirmed , and in no popular Sermon , but in his Truth tryed . pag. 94 , 95. And on these grounds he well answers Bellarmines Dilemma , which else will be but shiftingly answered . The next is Mr. Norton of New England , a man judged one of their best Disputants , or else they would not have chose him to encounter Apollonius : And will you call his very Definition of Faith in an accurate Catechism , an homiletical popular expression ? What then in the whole world shall escape that censure ? His Words are : [ Quest . What is justifying Faith ? Answ . It is a saving grace of the Spirit , flowing from Election , whereby the soul receiveth Jesus Christ , as its Head and Saviour , according as he is revealed in the Gospel . ] I subscribe to this Definition from my heart . The next cited was Mr. Culverwell , not in any popular Sermon , but in a solid well approved Treatise of Faith , and not in common passages , but his very definition of faith , pag. 13.17 . and after all concludes . pag. 19. [ Thus we see that the very nature of faith , consisteth in the true Acceptation of Christ proclaimed in the Gospel ] The next I cited ( about the Definition of faith ) was Mr. Throgmorton , who in his accurate Treatise of Faith ( and not in any popular Sermons ) and that many times over , doth make Faith to be the receiving Christ for Prophet , and only Rabbi , to be his Disciples , and as the only Way and Truth , and also as King , Head , Husband , Priest , &c. and by this we are made Partakers of him and all his benefits . pag. 6.29.31.82 . &c. And for the great point that you stick at of Justification , I will repeat the words of two of those Authors which I have named : And 1. Of learned Conr. Bergius , in whom you shall have the Testimony of the Augustane Confession , Luther , Meutzer , &c. included , both about the nature and extent of Faith ; about works Legal and Evangelical ; about Justification as begun , and as continued , and the distinct conditions , and about the concurrence of Obedience , &c. Praxis Cathol . dissert . 7. pag. 973. &c. § . 41. Nec tamen negat quisquam fidem esse Obedientiam in sano sensu ex Rom. 1.5 . & 6.17 . & 10.16 , & 16 26. 2 Thess . 1 8. Act. 5.3 2. Heb. 5.9 . 1 Pet. 1.2 , 14 , 22. 1. Fides est obedientia quatenus ejus actus proprius respondet praecepto Evangelii , Crede in dominum Jesum , &c. Ideo enim , ut Calvinus a●t ad Rom. 1.5 . nomine obedientiae insignitur , quod Dominus per Evangelium nos vocat , nos vocanti per fidem respondemus . Et sic fides , ( ut loquitur Apol. August . Conf. in resp . ad Arg. pag. 125. ) est Obedientia erga Evangelium : quae cum Obedientia mandatorum legis minime confundi debet . Nam ut recte Meutzerus ( in exeg August Conf. ●ct . 4 cont . Phot. in . 15. ) Quantum ab Evangelio Lex distat , tantum haec obedientia ab illa disterminatur . 42. 2. Est etiam fides obed entia , quantenus per Synecdochen Metonymicam significat totum cultum à fidelibus praesti●um ; radicem una cum fructibus , &c. Nota enim est consuetudo sermonis ( ut inquit Apol. Conf. August . de impl . leg . pag. 87. ) quod interdum eodem verbo causam & effectus complectimur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ita accipi potest fides , Heb. 13.7 . and 12.1 , 2. Rom. 1.8 . 1 Thess . 1.8 . Ier. 7.28 . 43. Nec dubium est cum dicitur , hoc est mandatum ut credamus & Diligamus ▪ 1 John 3.23 . sicut in praecepto Diligendi & habitus charitatis & fructus atque Opera , ad quae habitus ordinatur , mandata sunt : it● etiam in praecepto credendi & habitum fidei & fructus ejus nobis mandatos esse . Vnde cum ipsa etiam charitas inter fructus sit fidei , sit ut tota doctrina Christiana aliquando verbum vel pradieatio fidei , tota Religio Christiana , tota oeconomia novi Testamenti fides praecipue appelletur , Gal. 1.23 . 1 Tim. 4.6 . Gal. 5.6 . and 3.23 . So he proceeds and alledges Luther taking faith in that large sense , including charity and obedience ; and by Works , meaning actiones factas cum opinione meriti , & cum expectatione justificationis & vitae aeterne tanquam mercedis debitae Serm. de mis . & li. de libert . Christiana . Tom. 2. Wit. f. 4.5 . & Tom. 5. com . in Zach. 2.8 . & aed Gal. c. 2. f. 300. Et ultra p. 977. Cum dicitur [ sine operibus legis ] excluduntur , 1. Opera facta●n veritate obedientiae legalis , ac meriti proinde per innocentiam , cui detur Merces citra remissionem peccati & imputationem secundum gratiam . Rom. 4.3 . & s . Quia causatus est Apostolus toto capite 1 & 2. & s . Talem Obedientiam à nemine haberi , sed omnes sub peccato esse , &c. 2. Excluduntur etiam opera facta cum opionione verae obedientia legalis ac meriti per innocentiam ; quia haec ipsa sunt etiam peccata & mendacia merentia poenam , Phil. 3.7 3. Excluduntur etiam opera facta cum opinione meriti sine obedientia , & innocentia legals aut ex qualicunque imperfecta aut particulari obedientia cui aliqualiter detur Merces citra imputationem secundum gratiam , &c. So that this is all the exclusion of Works , that he acknowledgeth : and shews that Bellarmine is driven to this , which he approveth . § . 44. Ex dictis hisce tribus modis , primo modo excluduntur vera opera legis , ita ut non adsint , licet diberent adesse primo creationis jure ; posterioribus autem duobus modis excluduntur praesumpta pera ita ut non debeant adesse sed caveri potius ; Et omnibus hisce modis opponitur inter se Lex operum , per quam relinquitur gloriatio homini , & Lex Fidei , per quam excluditur Gloriatio , Rom. 3.27 . Afterwards , one sense in which he saith Fides sola justificat , is this , sola est fides quaten us opponitur legis operum obedientiae ; cujus veritas in nullo est hominum , opinio autem in nullo debet esse ; & significat contrà obedientiam legis Fidei , sen praecepti , non de operando & expectando vitam ut mercedem debitam citra imputationem secundum gratiam ; sed de credendo in Christum & accipiendo & Retinendo vitam gratiae , & expectando vitam gloriae , ut donum mere gratuitum per imputationem secundum gratiam in Christo , quem praepos●it Deus placamentum in sanguine ipsius . And afterward , Ex dictis facile intelligitur nibil his repugnare Augustinum , ( qui praecipue nobis opponitur ) cum docet , excludi tantum ab Apostolo opera facta sine fide & spiritu Christi : ( hoc est , sine viva fide promissionis , & abnegatione meriti proprii , sicut & Bellarm. supradocebat , excludi opera quibus id quod redditur est merces non gratia ) opera vero facta cum fide & Spiritu Christi ad illam movente non excludi . Num neque nos ea excludimus , ne sint , aut debeant esse ; sed distinguit etiam Lutherus opera legis & opera Christi in nobis per fidem operantis & viventis per omnia . Additque haec non posse magis omitti , quam ipsam fidem , nec esse minus necessaria quam fides ; in li. de vot . mon. ● . 2. Wit. f. 281. But the chief thing I intend is in the next words . At quemadmodum caeterae actiones significatae per fidem quasi materiaiiter & Synecdochicè per se & directè non ordinantur ad amicitiam Dei & salutem proprie Efficiendam ( as he mistakingly thinks faith is ) sed vel ad fidem cui quequo modo prosunt , vel ad amicitiam Dei & salutem saltem non amittendam : ita neque Justificabunt & salvabunt proprie & directe . Proderunt tamen ad utrumque quatenus sunt , 1. vel dispositiones ad fidem , ut Pareus . 2. Effectus , &c. 3. Quatenus per illa excludimus & cavemus peccata & ingratitudinem , quae omnino vera causa amittendae Justitiae & salutis futura essent : qualem causam removentem probibeus appellare , & ad causas per accidens referre solent . Omnis enim arbor quae non , &c. ( Here he speaks only of the natural conducibility of works , and omitteth the moral conditionality ; and so gives a causality per accidens to them , which is more then I do . ) § . 54. & in hac fructuum comparatione , sub notione proprie causae finalis ( it was not then considered that justification is a continued Act ) pertinentis ad non amittendum sed retinendum gratuito data , ordo & respectus operum ad salutem simplicissimè , & commodissimè ad Scripturae filum explicari potest . 2 Pet. 1.10 . 2 Joh. 8. Accordingly before in this Type he makes the conditions to be 1. Acceptation : ( that faith ) 2. and retention : ( this he sheweth is also by Gospel works ) among divers allegations of his out of the Apol. Vrsin . Davenant , &c. I will add one out of Gualther in 1 Cor. hom . 28. Vt filius etsi haeres natus sit , abdicatur tamen , & ab bereditate excidit , si se inobedientem & contumaciorem praebeat : ita nos quoque regni caelorum bereditatem , quae ex adoptionis gratia nobis debetur , minime quidem nostris operibus meremur tandem vero nostra contumacia amittimus , & nostro magno merito abdicamur , si tantae gratiae iniqui simus aestimatores . And he reconcileth Paul and James thus , s . 56. Deinque notandum est : alium esse loquendi & docendi modum contra Judaismum & contemptum gratiae : alium contra securitatem & abusum gratiae cum disputatur praeciput contra Judaismum sive Justitiam operum , uti Paulus in ep . ad Rom. & alibi facit ; tunc docemur sola fide Justistcare , hoc est ; nihil in nobis placere Deo nisi per abnegationem meriti & acceptationem contra doni Evangelici . At cum disputatur contra securitatem , & docetur quid respectu amicitiae Divinae nobis agendum sit ( prout Jacobus in Epis . sua fecit , & bodiè , vel maxime necesse est ( we may truly say so ) ut Dr. Tossanus in sua Cont. Psendevangelicos disputatione et alii prè ac prudenter j●msridem monuerunt ) tunc negatur solam fidem sufficere , & praecipiuntur omnia quae quoquo modo prosunt : sive disponant ad filem , sive in iis consummetur fides , ( sicut quaevis res fine & effictibus suis consummatur : arbor fructibus , potentia animae motibus corporis , non quod ad essentiam sed quod ad usum ) sive praesens jam amicitia per illa firmetur ne dissiliat , vel etiam augeatur quod ad effectus aliquos , & hoc modo quasi impleatur . And he concludes thus . § 58. Vno verbo : solà fide justificamur : hoc est : Nullo nostro merito , sive ipsius fidei , sive alterius actionis praeter fidem . Probetur evidenter & catholice meritum quale à nostris negatur , tunc etiam illud praeter solam fidem admissuri sumus . Lud. Crocius saith , ( Syntag. l. 4. pag. 1123. ) Fides etiam sola justificat quatenus notat obedientiam quandam expectantem promissionem ut donum gratuitum ; quomodo formaliter quidem consistit in applicatione promissionis , quam tamen & pracedunt dispositiones aliquae ad hunc ipsum fidei actum , & sequuntur fructus : unde plures virtutes vel actus tum antecedentes tum consequentes connotat ; & opponitur illi obedientia quae non expectat promissionem tanquam donum omnino gratuitum , sed ut mercedem propositam sub conditione operis alicujus praeter acceptationem & gratitudinem debitam quae sua natura in omni donatione quamvis gratuitâ requiri solet . Et hujusmodi obedientia peculiariter Opus ab Apostolo , & Latinis propr è meritum dicitur . Et qui hâc conditione obediunt operantes vocantur , Rom. 4.4 . and 11.6 . Atque si it a hac propositio exponatur , ea quidem opera quae cum fide consistere nequeant , id est , que fiunt cum fiducia & opinione meriti , prorsus excluduntur , ita ut non solum negentur justifica●e , sed & adesse tam in justificate , quàm in justificando . Joh. Crocius de justifi . disp . 13. pag. 67● Credenti facta est promissio , fide accepturum remissionem peccatorum : mendico & aegro non est facta promissio , si ille manum extendat , datum iri elcemosynam ; fi iste pharmacum manu capiat convaliturum , &c. Mr. Gataker against Saltmarsh shadows , &c. pag. 26.40 , 41 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 53 , 64. doth fully give as much to Faith , Repentance , Obedience as I do . Nor know I any reason why , ( Johns ) Baptism for the substance of it , should not be an example to us also in these times , being the Baptism of Repentance unto Remission of sins , that is , if I mistake not , Baptism obsigning remission of sins upon condition of Repentance . pag. 40. and pag. 41. He saith , [ that pardon of sin and salvation are propounded and preached upon condition of Faith , Repentance , and Newness of life , which are the conditions of the Gospel : and yet may obey also be so termed as conditions of peace upon agreement unto , and performance whereof peace may be had , which otherwise cannot be obtained . ] And he evinceth this by an Argument drawn from the definition or nature of a condition , thus , [ That which is so propounded , as that being performed , life and salvation may undoubtedly be attained , and without which it cannot be had , may well be termed a condition : but such are the things before mentioned ; therefore they may justly be termed conditions ] vid. ult . and p. 48. Suppose a King be content at the suit either of the parties themselves , or any friend , to grant his gracious pardon to a company of notorious Rebels that had risen up against him , &c. upon condition that they acknowledge their offence , and their sorrow for it , with purpose and promise of living loyally for time to come ; whether would you deem this to be free grace or no ? &c. Were he not a most ungracious wretch , that having his pardon on such terms granted and signed him ▪ should in regard of those conditions deny it to be of free Grace ? and whether they do not blaspheme Gods free Grace , that deny it to be free Grace , if it be propounded on terms of Relief , Repentance and Amendment of life . Sir , Whatsoever you say to us , take heed how you tell Christ , that he doth not freely save you , if he will not save you unless you believe , &c. ] In many more places , and more fully Mr. Gataker shews that Faith , Repentance , Obedience , are jointly conditions of Pardon , &c. Only he gives Faith a peculiar Receptivity , which I never denyed : And he yields to call it an Instrument , which so largely taken , I will not contend against . But still I say that this Receptivity is but the aptitude of Faith in a special manner to this work of justifying : and the rest are apt to be conditions in thir place , or else God would not have made them conditions . Even in regard of its natural aptitude and use [ Humiliation , ( as Mr. Vines saith , Serm. on James 4.8 . pag. 12 . ) though it do not properly cleanse the hands , yet it plucks off the Gloves , and makes them bare for washing : and Godly sorrow with its seven Daughters , 2 Cor. 7.11 . are clensing things . Dr. Stoughton , Righteous mans plea for Happ . Serm. 6. pag. 32. Faith comprehends not only the Act of the Vnderstanding , but the Act of the Will too , so as the Will doth embrace and adhere , and cleave to those Truths which the understanding conceives : and not only embracing meerly by Assent to the Truth of it , but by closing with the Good of it : ( What is that but loving ? ) tasting and relishing it . As faith in Christ is not only the Assenting of a mans mind that Christ is the Saviour , but a resultancy of the Will on Christ as a Saviour , embracing of him , and loving , esteeming and honouring him as a Saviour . The Scripture comprehends both these together , and there is a rule for it , which the Rabbins give for the opening of the Scripture , viz. Verba sensus etiam denotant affectus , as Jo. 17.3 . This is eternal life to know thee , &c. It is not bare Knowledge the Scripture means , but Knowledge joined with affections . ] You see Dr. Stoughton took Love to be full as near Kin to Faith as I do . Many the like and more full in him I pass . I cited in my Append. Alstedius , Junius , Paraeus , Scharpius , Aretius , Ball , &c. making Faith , & Obedience , & Gratitude Conditions of the new Covenant ( & who saith not the same ? ) If all these be homiletical and popular , I much mistake them ; which yet I cite not as if no words might be found in any of these Authors that seem to speak otherwise ; but to shew that I am not wholly singular , ( Though if I were , I cannot help it when I will. ) On the next Q. Whether a dying man may look on his Faith and Obedience , & Duty as the condition of the N. Cov. by him performed ? You would perswade me that I cannot think that I speak to the point in this : but you are mistaken in me : for I can mistake more then that comes to : and indeed I yet think I spoke as directly to the question in your terms laid down , as was possible : for I changed not one of your terms , but mentioned the Affirmative as your self expressed it : If you did mean otherwise then you spoke , I knew not that , nor can yet any better understand you . Only I can feel that all the difference between you and me must be decided by distinguishing of [ Conditions : ] but you never yet go about it so as I can understand you . You here ask me , [ Whether I think you deny a godly life to be a comfortable Testimony , or necessary qualification of a man for pardon ? ] Answer . 1. But the Question is not of the significancy or Testimony , nor yet of all kind of qualification ; that is an ambiguous term , and was not in the Question , but of the conditionality . 2. You yield to the term Condition your self elsewhere , and therefore need not shun it . 3. Qualifications and Conditions are either physical and remote , of which I raise no question : so the Essence of the soul is a condition , and so hearing the Gospel is a natural Condition of him that will understand it ; and understanding is a natural Qualification of him that will believe it : For ignoti nulla fides . But it is another sort of conditions you know that we are in speech of , which I have defined , and Mr. Gataker before cited : viz. Moral legal conditions so called in sensu forensi vel legali : when the Law of Christ hangs our actual Justification and salvation on the doing or not doing such a thing . Yet do I very much distinguish between the Nature and Uses of the several Graces or Duties contained in the conditions ; for though they are all conditions , yet they were not all for the same reason , or to the same use ordained to be conditions : but repentance in one sence as preparatory to faith : and Faith. 1. Because it honoureth Christ , and debaseth our selves . 2. Because it being in the full an Acceptation of the thing offered , is the most convenient means to make us Possessors without any contempt of the Gift ; with other reasons that might be found : So I might assign the reasons ( as they appear to us ) why God hath assigned Love to Christ , and sincere Obedience , and forgiving others , their several parts and places in this conditionality ; ( but I have done it in my Aphorisms ; ) but then all these are drawn from the distinct nature and use of these duties Essentially in themselves considered , which is but their Aptitude for the place or conditionality which they are appointed to , and would of themselves have done nothing without such appointment . So that it is one question to ask , Why doth Faith or Works of Obedience to Christ Justifie ? ( To which I answer ; Because it was the pleasure of God to make them the conditions of the Covenant , and not because of their own nature directly : ) and it s another Question , Why did God choose Faith to the Precedency in this work ? To which I answer . 1. Properly there is no cause of Gods actions without himself . 2. But speaking of him after the manner of men , as we must do , it is because Faith is fitter then any other Grace for this Honor and Office , as being both a high honouring of God , by believing him ( that 's as for Assent ) and in its own Essential nature , a hearty thankfull Acceptance of his Son , both to be our Lord ( which is both for the Honor of God and our own good ) and our Saviour to deliver and glorifie us : and so is the most rational way that man can imagine to make us partakers of the procured happiness , without either our own danger ( if a heavier condition had been laid upon us ) or the dishonour of the Mediator : either by diminishing the estimation of the favour ( if we had done any more to the procuring it our selves ) or by contempt of the Gift , ( if we had not been required and conditioned with so much as thankfully and lovingly to accept it . ) And then if the Question be , Why God hath assigned sincere . Obedience and Perseverance therein to that place of secondary Conditionality for the continuance and consummation of Justification , and for the attaining of salvation ? I answer . Not because they have any such Receptive nature as faith , but because Faith being an Acceptance of Christ as Lord also , and delivering and resigning up the soul to him accordingly in Covenant , this Duty is therefore necessarily implyed , as the thing promised by us in that Covenant , and so in some sence greater then the covenanting it self , or the end of it : and Christ never intended to turn man out of his service , and discharge him from Obedience ; but to lay on him an easier and lighter yoak and burden , to learn of him , &c. and therefore well may he make this the condition of their finding Ease and Rest to their souls , Mat. 11.28 , 29. For , for this end he dyed , that he might be Lord , Rom. 14.9 . And therefore when we are freely pardoned , & bought from hell , it is equal that Christ should rule us , who bought us , and that his Covenant hang till the continuance of our Legal title to pardon justification , and glory , and so the full possession of them upon this perseverance in sincere loving grateful subjection to him that bought us , and by him to the Father . And thus Sir , I have digressed and used many words on this , ( which to you I think needless ) not only because I perceive that you acknowledge the conditionality of obedience in some sense , but tell me not in what sense , but lest you should not discern my sense , who desire to speak as plain as I can , that you may truly see wherein we differ : And that I also may see it when you have as clearly opened your meaning of your term , [ Qualifications . ] And for your Question [ Whether a godly man can think the Righteousness of Christ made his by working , or only believing . ] I answer , causally and efficiently by neither , I think , ( though you think otherwise ) ; I dare not so advance faith , and so advance man. I remember good , old , learned , solid Gatakers words to Saltmarsh ( pag. 53 , ) It is your self rather then any of us that trip at this stone , when you would have faith so much pressed in the Doctrine of salvation , in regard of the gloriousness and eminency of the grace it self ; which to assert , is not sound : ( sic in Animadv in Lucium part . 1. § . 9. v. 7. ) The righteousness of Christ is made ours by Gods free gift ; but faith and true subjection are conditions of our participation ; and what interest each hath in the conditionality , and on what grounds , I have shewed . I fear you give too much to faith and man. You ask [ Is it repent , and Christs righteousness by this is made yours ? ] Answer , It is oftimes , Repent and be forgiven ; and repent and be baptized ; and repent and believe , and be forgiven : but not efficiently by repenting nor believing : but on condition of both : though in ordaining them conditions God might intend one but as preparative or subservient to the other ; and not one equal terms , or to equal use immediately . And when you say , [ that the dying Christian is directed to the Resting on Christ , and e●ing the brazen Serpent , not to be found in any thing but a righteousness by faith , ] I never durst entertain any doubt of this ; it is no question between us : only in what sense it is called a Righteousness by faith , I have shewed , even in opposition to Works in Pauls sense , which make the reward to be of debt and not of Grace , Rom. 4.4 . where you say [ It is an Act Dependance not of Obedience that interests us in Christs Righteousness ] I answer ▪ It is no one Act but many ; It is an act of Assent first ( and thence the whole hath the name of faith , it being so hard a thing to believe supernatural things , as it would have been to us to believe Christ to have been God when we had seen him in the shape of man , had we lived in those times , when the Doctrine of faith came not with those advantages as now it doth . ) And then it is an act of willing , consenting , electing , affecting ( which three are but a velle Respectivum , and so in the act all one ) : in this in order of nature goes before any act which you can in any reasonable propriety call Dependance : and I doubt not are far more essential to justifying faith : yet I am heartily willing to take your acts of dependance ( for those also are more then one ) in the next place . But it confoundeth and abuseth us and the Church in this controversie , that many learned Divines will needs shun the strict Philosophical names of the several Acts of the soul , and overlook also the natural order of the souls motions , and they will use , and stil use the Metaphorical expressions , as apprehension ( improper ) dependance , relying , resting , recombency , adherence , embracing , with more the like . I know Scripture useth some of these : but then it is not in strict disputing , as Joh. Crocius tels Bellarm. We may use apprehend figuratively , because Scripture saith , apprehendite disciplinans , and lay hold on eternal life : But this would quickly end disputation , or else make it endless . Yet in the places cited , who knows not the same word hath different senses ? in the former being used for to accept and stoop to : in the later for an earnest pressing on , and endeavouring after as a runner to catch the prize . And they will be loth to say , these are all and each of them the justifying acts . And where you add that it s not an act of obedience . I answer , 1. I would you had first answered the many Scriptures to the contrary produced in my Aphor. 2. It s true of the first interest in Christ , ( further then faith is called obedience ) but not of the further continued and consummate interest . 3. Doth not Christ say , Take my yoak learn of me to be meek and lowly , that they may have ease and rest ? Ease and Rest ? From what ? Why from what they came burdened with ? and that was sure guile and curse , and what ever is opposed to pardon and justification , Mat. 11. And Blessed are they that do his commandments , that they may have right to the tree of life , and may enter in , &c. Rev. 21.14 . And he is the Author of eternal salvation to all them that obey him , Heb. 5.9 . And Mat. 25. is who'ly and convincingly against you . And so is the second Psalm wholly , which makes subjection to Christ as King , the great part of the Gospel condition . [ Kiss the son ] conteineth more then Recombency , in my judgement : and yet no more then that true faith which is the condition of justification . But no word in your paper brings me to such a stand as your next , where you say , And that is very harsh still which you express , to expect the Righteousness of the Covenant of Grace upon the conditions fulfilled by your self , through Gods workings . ] Answ . Truly it is quite beyond my shallow capacity to reach what you here mean to be so harsh : what should I imagine ? That there are conditions upon which the Tenor of the Gospel gives Christ Righteousness , you acknowldge : And that he that performeth them not , the Gospel giveth him none of it : I know you confess these ; And that we must needs perform them our selves , through Gods workings ( i. e. both enablement and excitation , and co-operation : ) I know you doubt of none of these ; for you have wrote against the Antinomians : and Mr. Gataker hath evinced the sottish ignorance or impudency of Saltmarsh , in denying Faith , Repentance and Obedience to be the conditions on which , performed by us , we must enjoy the things promised , Pardon , &c. or else not . Yea in this paper you yield to this conditionality . What then is the matter ? Is it harsh when yet you never once shew the fault of the Speech ? It must be either the falshood , or the unfitness ; but you have yet accused it of neither : and yet say it is harsh . But the reason you intimate , because Bellarmine hath some such phrase : which I never remembred or observed in him : and little do I care whether he have or no : If the Papists be nearer to us then I take them to be , it is cause of joy and not sorrow : But sure I am that Protestant Writers generally use the word Condition ; and Wendeline saith , The Papists abuse us in feigning us to say the Gospel is absolute ; and saith , the Gospel in each sence is conditional . In one sence Faith is the Condition ; in another , Faith and Obedience , &c. But here you come again to the Labyrinth and transcendent Mysterie of passive Faith : nay you enlarge the Mysterie yet more : 1. You say again , [ Faith doth pati . 2. And yet Love doth agere . 3. Else you would yield that Bellarmine argues consonantly enough , that Love would justifie as well as Faith. 4. Yet you acknowledge Faith an Active Grace : but only in this Act its meerrecipient . Answer . I confess my reason utterly at a loss in this ; but yet if it were in my Bible ( to me Intelligible ) I would believe it as I do the Doctrine of the Trinity , and cease enquiring . But I cannot so do by any Creature , to make him the Lord of my faith and Reason . 1. Whether Faith doth Pati , I have enquired already . 2. That Love doth Agere , I verily believe : and yet I have ofter heard Love called a Passion , then Faith : And as Keckeram saith , the Affections are more Passive then the immanent Elicit Acts of the Intellect and Will. And though as it is in the Rational soul , Love , ( saith Aquin. ) is no Passion , but a Willing ( which causeth me to judge it so near Kin to Faith ) yet as it is in the sensitive , it is a Passion . So that I am quite beyond doubt that physically love is more properly called a Passion then Faith. 3. Therefore for ought I know , it is no wonder if Bellarmine bear the Bell , and Papists be unconvinced , if you have no better Arguments then this ; especially if no body else had better . 4. But yet the Mysterie is far more unsearchable to me , that faith should be Active in all other , save only this Act. What is this thing called Faith , which you make such a Proteus , to be Active and Passive as to several Objects ? Yea when it is acknowledged the same Faith , which receiveth Christ and Righteousness , and the several promises , and resteth on Christ for the Pardon of each sin , for hearing each Prayer , for Assurance , Peace , Comfort , Deliverance from temptations , and dangers and sin , and is thus usefull through all our lives , for the fetching of help from Christ in every streight , yet that this same Faith should be Active in all the Rest , and Passive only in One justifying Act. Oh , For the face of an Argument to prove this ! Sure its natural Reception of one Object and another is in point of Passiveness alike : and its assigned Conditionality in Scripture , is of like nature as to each branch of the good on that condition promised . 5. And here also I perceive by your speech you make it consist in some single act . And yet you never tell what that is ; and how then can it be in several faculties , as Davenant , Amesius , Joh. Crocius , Melancth . with most do affirm ? 6. But yet the depth of the mysterie to me lies in understanding and reconciling your words , [ Only in this Act its meerly Recipient . ] Is this an Act too ? and yet meerly Recipient ? ( which you make a meer Pas●ive reception . ) A meerly Passive Act is such a contradiction in adjecto to my understanding , that I cannot welcome the notion thither ; yea if you had said less , that it is an Act in any Part or Degree Passive . I never knew that an Act could Pati ; yet am I more conscious of mine own insufficiency then to contend with one of your knowledge in matter of Philosophy ; but I must needs say that your notions are yet so far beyond my reach , that possibly I might take the words as true upon the credit of one whom I so highly value , yet am I not able to apprehend the sence . The Joy in Heaven which you mention for a wandring sheep , I think is meant of the first , or some eminent recovery to Christ , and not of every Philosophical notion : sure , Sir , if salvation hang on this Doctrine , as thus by you explained , I am out of hope that either I or ever a one in all this countrey should ever come to heaven ; except by believing as that part of the Church believes which is of your opinion : When I am yet apt to think , that siding with any party in such opinions will not conduce to any mans salvation : For I am of Bergius his mind , that as it is not the Jew , the Pagan , or the Mahometan , or any Infidel , ( privative , ) that shall be saved , but the Christian : so it is not the Papist , the Lutheran , the Calvinist , the Arminian , that shall be saved ( qua talis ) but the Catholick . However I am in strong hopes that a man may be saved , though he cannot understand how an Act can be a passive instrument ; nor do I think that my subscribing to that notion , would make any great rejoycing in Heaven . I am sorry you had not leisure to answer the Questions , which were very pertinent to the business of my satisfaction , though not to your business . That my explication of that plain , weighty , necessary point , how imperfect graces or duties can yet be the conditions of the New Covenant , should seem a Paradox to you , I say , to you , makes me yet more possest with admiration ; When you know that such conditions there are ( suppose it were but faith alone : ) and you know your self that this faith is imperfect . But I perceive we know but in part , and therefore must differ in part . He shall see whom God will enlighten . I had far rather you had fallen upon that point then on the term of Justification by works . If you would but grant me , that Justifying faith , as such , is an Accepting of Christ for King , and Prophet as well as for a Justifier , and consequently that it is a resigning our selves to be ruled by him , as well as to be saved by him , I shall then be content for peace sake to lay by the phrase of Justification by work● ▪ though it be Gods own phrase , if the Church were offended with it , and required this at my hands : ( So they will be satisfied with my silencing it , without a renouncing it . ) I have written thus largely , that I might not be obscure , and to let you see , that though I have scarce time to eate or sleeep , yet I have time and paper for this work , and that I make not light of your dissent . The Love and Respect which you mention to me I do as little doubt of , as I do whether I have a heart in my breast : and your desires of my reducing I know do proceed from your zeal and sincere affections . That which I take worst is , that you should so desire me not to take it ill to be called an erring shepherd : As if I did not know my Proneness to err , and were not conscious of the weakness of my understanding : or as if the expressions of so sincere love did need excuse ; or as if I were so tender and brittle as not to endure so gentle a touch : as if my confidence of your love were Plumea , non Plumbea , and would be blown away with such a friendly breath ! Certainly Sir , your sharper smiting would be precious Balm , so it light not on the Truth , but me ! I am not so unctuous , nitrous , or sulfureous , as to be kindled with such a gratefull warmth . My Intellect were too much active , and my affections too passive , if by the reception of the beams of such favourable expressions , my soul as by a Burning-Glass should be set on fire . I am oft ashamed and amazed to think of the horrid intolerable Pride of many learned Pious Divines , who though they have no worse Titles then Viri docti , reverendi , celeberrimi : yet think themselves abused and unsufferably vilified , if any word do but acrius pungere , or any Argument do faucibus premere ( witness Rivet and Spanhemius late angry censure of Amyraldus ) Can we be fit Preachers and Patterns of meekness and humility to our people , who are so notoriously proud , that we can scarce be spoke to ? My knowledge of your eminent humility and gentelness hath made me also the freer in my speeches here to you : which therefore do need more excuse then yours : And I accordingly intreat you , if any thing have passed that is unmannerly , according to the natural eagerness and vehemency of my temper , that you will be pleased to excuse what may be excused , and the rest to remit and cover with love , assuring your self it proceeds not from any diminution of his high esteem of you , and love to you , who acknowledgeth himself unfeignedly so very much below you , as to be unworthy to be called Your fellow-servant RICHARD BAXTER . June 28. 1650. Kederminster . Postscript . DEar Sir , while I was waiting for a messenger to send this by , Master Brooksby acquaints me , that you wisht him to tell me , that I must expect no more in writing from you . My request is , that whereas you intimated in your first , a purpose of writing somewhat against me on this subject hereafter , you would be pleased to do it in my life time , that I may have the benefit of it , if you do it satisfactorily ; and if not , may have opportunity to acquaint you with the reasons of my dissent . Scribunt Asinium Pollionem dixisse aliquando se parasse orationes contra Plancum , quas non nisi post mortem esset editurus ; & Plancum respondisse , cum mortuis non nisi larvas luctari : ut Lud. Vives ex Plinio , & Dr. Humfred . ex illo Jesuit . 2. p. 640. Also I request that if possible you would proceed on such terms as your Divinity may not wholly depend upon meer niceties of Philosophy : For I cannot think such points to be neer the foundation : Or at least that you will clearly and fully confirm your Philosophical grounds : For as I find that your Doctrine of a Passive Instrumentality of the Act of faith ( and that in a Moral reception of righteousness which is but a relation , yet calling it Physical ) is the very bottom of the great distance between us in the point of justification : So I am of opinion that I may more freely dissent from a brother in such tricis philosophicis then in an Article of faith : Especially having the greatest Philosophers on my side ; and also seeing how little accord there is among themselves , that they are almost so many men , so many minds : and when I find them professing as Combacchius in praef●ad Phys . that they write against their own sense to please others , ( & quod maximam opinionum in lib. contentarum partem non jam probaret ) & Aristotelem non esse normam veritates , and wishing ut tandem aliquando exurgat aliquis qui perfectiora nobis principia monstret : and to conclude as he , salsitatem opinionum & sententiarum & scientiarum imperfectionem●jam pridem video , sed in veritate docenda deficio . Et Nulli aut paucis certe minus me satisfacturum ac mihi ipsi sat scio . And how many new Methods and Doctrines of Philosophy this one age hath produced ? And I am so far sceptical my self herein , as to think with Scaliger ( ibid. cit . ) Nos instar vulpis à Ciconia delusae vitreum vas lambere , pultem haud attingere . But I believe not that in any Master point in Divinity , God hath left his Church at such an utter loss , nor hanged the faith and salvation of every honest ordinary Christian , upon meer uncertain Philosophical speculations . I do not think that Paul knew what a Passive instrument was ; much less [ an act that was physically passive in its instrumentality in a moral causation . ] You must give me leave to remain confident that Paul built not his Doctrine of justification on such a philosophical foundation , till you have brought one Scripture to prove that faith is an instrument , and such an instrument ; which can neither be done . Especially when the same Paul professeth that he came not to declare the Testimony of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and that he determined not to know any thing among them save Iesus Christ and him crucified ; and that his speech and preaching was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that so their faith might not stand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : & that he spoke the mysteries of the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Cor. 2. I am past doubt therefore that to thrust such Philosophical dictates into our Creed or Confession , and make them the very touchstone of Orthodoxness in others , is a dangerous presumptuous adding to the Doctrine of the Gospel , and a making of a new Doctrine of justification and salvation , to the great wrong of the Prophet and Lawgiver of the Church . I was even now reading learned Zanchius proof that believers before Christ did by their faith receive Christs flesh , or humane nature ( as promised and future ) as well as the Divine , and his heavy censure of the contrary Doctrine , as vile and unsufferable ; which occasioneth me to add this Quere , Whether that believing was a physical reception , when the object had no real being or did not exist ? Or whether meer morral reception ( by Accepting , Choosing , Consenting ) as a people receiving the Kings Heires for their future Governours before they are born ; or as we receive a man for our King , who dwels far out of our sight ; Or as Princes wives do use to take them both for their Husbands and Soveraign Lords , even in their own Native Countrey , before they come to sight of the man ; the match being both driven on and made , and the marriage or contract performed and imperfectly solemnized at that distance by an Embassador or Delegate ? just so do we receive Christ , ( whose humane nature is far off , and his Divine out of our sight ) to be our Saviour , Soveraign ( by redemption ) and Husband ; even here in our native Country ; the match being moved to us by his Embassadors , and imperfectly solemnized upon our cordial consent , and giving up our selves to him by our Covenant : ( but it shall be perfectly solemnized at the great Marriage of the Lamb. ) This is my faith of the nature of true justifying faith ; and the manner of its receiving Christ . THE Reader must understand that after this , I had a personal conference with this Dear and Reverend Brother , wherein he still owned and insisted on the passiveness of Justifying faith , viz. That it is but a Grammatical action , ( or nominal ) and a physical , or hyperpyhsical passion ; which also he giveth us again in the Treatise of Imputation of righteousness . FINIS . A DISPVTATION , Proving the Necessity of a two-fold Righteousness to Justification and Salvation . And defending this and many other Truths about Iustifying Faith , its Object and Office , against the confident , but dark Assaults of Mr. Iohn Warner . By Richard Baxter . Acts 5.31 . Him hath Gad axalted with his right hand , a Prince and a Saviour , to give Repentance unto Israel , and forgiveness of sins . Rom. 4.22 , 23 ▪ 24 , 25. And therefore it was imputed to him for Righteousness : Now it was not written for his sake alone that it was Imputed to him ; but for us also , to whom it shall be Imputed , if we Believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead ; who was delivered for our offences , and was raised again for our Justification . LONDON , Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons , Book seller in Kederminster , and are to be sold by him there , and by Nathaniel Ekins , at the Gun in Pauls Church-yard , 1658. Question . Whether Besides the Righteousness of Christ Imputed , there be a Personal Evangelical Righteousness necessary to Justification and Salvation ? Affirm . THough it hath pleased a late Opponent ( Mr. Warner ) to make the Defence of this Proposition necessary to me ; yet I shall suppose that I may be allowed to be brief , both because of what I have formerly said of it , and because the Question is so easily decided , and Christians are so commonly agreed on it . For the right understanding of what we here maintain , its necessary that I explain the Terms , and remove confusion by some necessary distinctions , and lay down my sense in some Propositions that make to the opening of this . To trouble you with the Etymologies of the words in several Languages that signifie Righteousness or Justification would be a needless loss of time , it being done to our hands by so many , and we being so far agreed on it , that here lyeth no part of our present controversie . The Form of Righteousness , signified by the name is Relative , as strait or crooked is . ( For it is not the Habit of Justice , by which we give every man his own , that is the Subject of our Question but Righteousness in a Judicial or Legal sense ) 1. Righteousness is either of the cause , or of the person . Not that these are subjects actually separated but distinct , the one being subordinate to the other . The cause is the nearest subject , and so far as it is just and justifiable , so far the person is just and justifiable . Yet the person may otherwise be just and justified , when one or many causes are unjustifyable . 2. Righteousness is denominated either from a Relation to the Precept of the Law , or to the Sanction . To be righteous in Relation to the Precept , is to be conform to that Precept ; An Action or Disposition conform to the Precept , is called a Righteous Action or Disposition : and from thence the person being so far conform , is called a Righteous person : And so this Righteousness , as to the positive precept , is his obeying it ; and as to the prohibition , it is his Innocency , contrary to that guilt , which we call Reatus culpae . Righteousness as a Relation to the Sanction , is either a Relation to the Commination and penal Act of the Law , or to the promissory or Premiant Act. As to the former , Righteousness is nothing , but the Not-dueness of the punishment , contrary to the Reatus poenae , as it respects the execution ; and so A not being lyable to condemnation , as it respects the sentence . This is sometime founded in the persons Innocency last mentioned : sometime on a free pardon or acquittance : sometime on satisfaction made by himself : And sometime on satisfaction by another , conjunct with free pardon ( which is our case . ) Righteousness as a Relation to the Promise , or Premiant part of the Sanction , is nothing but our Right to the Reward , Gift , or Benefit , as pleadable and justifyable in foro . Which sometime is founded in merit of our own ; sometime in a free Gift : sometime in the merit of another , conjunct with free Gift , which is our case , ( other cases concern us not ) This last mentioned , is Righteousness as a Relation to the substance of the Promise or Gift : But when the Promise , or Gift , or Testament , or Premiant Law is conditional , as in our case it is , then there is another sort of Righteousness necessary , which is Related to the Modus promissionis , and that is , The performance of the condition : which if it be not properly called Righteousness Ethically , yet civilly in a Judiciary sense it is , when it comes to be the cause to be tryed and Judged , whether the person have performed the condition , then his cause is just or unjust , and he just or unjust in that respect . 3. Righteousness is either Vniversal , as to all causes that the person can be concerned in : or it is only particular , as to some causes only , and so but secundum quid to the person . 4. A particular Righteousness may either be such as the total welfare of a man depends on ; or it may be of less and inconsiderable moment . 5. When a cause subordinate to the main cause is Righteous , this may be called a subordinate Righteousness . But if it be part of the main cause , it is a partial righteousness co-ordinate . I will not trouble you with so exact a disquisition of the Nature of Righteousness and Justification as I judge fit in it self , both because I have a little heretofore attempted it , and because I find it blamed as puzling curiosity or needless distinguishing : Though I am not of that mind , yet I have no minde to be troublesome . As for the term Justification , 1. It either may signifie the Act of the Law or Promise : or the sentence of the Judge : or the Execution of that sentence ; For to one of these three sences the word may still be reduced , as we shall have to do with it ; that is , to constitutive , or sentential , or Executive Justification ; though the sentence is most properly so called . To these , Justification by Plea , Witness , &c. are subservient . 2. Justification is either opposed to a false Accusation , or to a true . 3. In our case , Justification is either according to the Law of works , or to the Law of Grace . I think we shall at this time have no great need to use any more distinctions then these few , and therefore I will add no more about this Term. As to the term [ Evangelical ] Righteousness may be so called in a four-fold sense . 1. Either because it is that righteousness which the Covenant or Law of Grace requireth as its Condition ; Or 2. Because its a Righteousness revealed by the Gospel ; Or 3. Because it is Given by the Gospel ; 4. Or because it 〈◊〉 ● perfect fulfilling of the Precepts of the Gospel . By [ a personal ] Righteousness , we mean here , not that which is ours by meer Imputation , but that which is founded in somewhat Inherent in us , or performed by us . [ Necessity ] is 1. of a meer Antecedent . 2. Or of a Means : We mean the last . Means are either causes , or conditions . I shall now by the help of these few distinctions give you the plain truth in some Propositions , both Negatively and Affirmatively , as followeth . Proposition 1. It is confessed by all that know themselves , or man and the Law , that none of us have a Personal universal Righteousness . For then there were no sin , nor place for confession , or pardon , or Christ . Prop. 2. And therefore we must all confess , that in regard of the Preceptive part of the Law of works we are all unjust , and cannot be justified by the deeds of the Law , or by our works . Prop. 3. And in regard of the Commination of that Law , we are all under guilt and the Curse , and are the children of wrath , and therefore cannot be justified by that Law , or by our works . Both these are proved by Paul at large , so that none have a personal Legal Righteousness . Prop. 4. No man can plead any proper satisfaction of his own for the pardon of sin , and escaping the curse of the Law : But only Christs Satisfaction , that fulfilled the Law , and became a curse for us . Prop. 5. No man can plead any merit of his own for procuring the Reward ( unless as actions , that have the promise of a Reward , are under Christ improperly called merits ) But our righteousness of this sort is only the merit and purchase of Christ , and the free gift of the Gospel in him . Prop. 6. We have no one work that is perfectly justifiable by the perfect precepts of the Law of works : And therefore we have no legal personal Righteousness at all that can properly be so called ; but are all corrupt and become abominable , there being none that doth good , no not one ; Imperfect legal righteousness , is an improper speech ; it is properly no legal righteousness at all , but a less degree of unrighteousness ( The more to blame they that call sanctification so ) Prop. 7. No man can say that he is a Co-ordinate Con-cause with Christ in his Justification ; or that he hath the least degree of a satisfactory or Meritorious Righteousness , which may bear any part in co-ordination with Christs righteousness , for his justification or salvation . Prop. 8. We have not any personal Evangelical Righteousness of perfect obedience to the Precepts of Christ himself : whether it be the Law of Nature as in his hand , or the Gospel positives . Prop. 9. Even the Gospel personal Righteousness of outward works , though but in sincerity , and not perfection , is not necessary ▪ ( no not as an antecedent ) to our Justification at the first . Prop. 10. External works of Holiness are not of absolute necessity to Salvation : for it is possible that death may suddenly after Conversion , prevent opportunity : and then the inward faith and repentance will suffice : Though I think no man can give us one instance of such a man de facto : not the thief on the cross : for he confessed prayed , reproved the other , &c. Prop. 11. Where sincere Obedience is Necessary to Salvation , it is not all the same Acts of obedience that are of Necessity to all men , or at all times : for the Matter may vary , and yet the sinecerity of obedience continue . But some special Acts are of Necessity to the sincerity . Prop. 12. If Righteousness be denominated from the Precept , Christs Obedience was a perfect legal Righteousness , as having a perfect conformity to the Law : But not so an Evangelical Righteousness : for he gave us in many Laws for the application of his Merits , that he was neither obliged to fulfill , nor capable of it . If Righteousness be denominated from the Promise or premiant part of the Law , Christs righteousness was in some sort the righteousness of the Law of works , ( for he merited all the reward of that Law ; ) But it was principally the righteousness of the special Covenant of Redemption ( between the Father and him ▪ ) but not of the Covenant of Grace made with man ( he did not repent or obey for pardon and salvation to himself as a Believer ; ) If Righteousness be denominated from the Comminatory or penal part of the Law then Christs sufferings were neither a strictly legal ▪ or an Evangelical righteousness . For the Law required the supplicium ipsius delinquentis , and knew no Surety or Substitute . But thus Christs sufferings were a Pro-Legal-righteousness , as being not the fulfilling of the Threatening , but a full Satisfaction to the Law-giver , ( which was equivalent ) and so a valuable consideration , why the Law should not be fulfilled ( by our damnation ) but dispensed with ( by our pardon ) So that the Commination was the cause of Christs sufferings ; and he suffered materially the same sort of Death which the Law threatened . But most strictly his sufferings were a Righteous fulfilling his part of the Covenant of Redemption with the Father : But in no propriety were they the fulfilling of the Commination of the Law of Grace , against the Despisers or neglecters of Grace . I mean that proper to the Gospel . Prop. 13. Christs righteousness is well called our Evangelical Righteousness , both as it is Revealed by the Gospel , and conferred by it , and opposed to the legal way of Justification by perfect personal Righteousness . So that by calling our own personal righteousness , Evangelical , we deny not that Title to Christs , but give it that in a higher respect , and much more . Prop. 14. No personal righteousness of ours , our faith or repentance , is any proper cause of our first Justification , or of our entering into a justifyed state : Though as they remove Impediments , or are Conditions , they may improperly be called causes ; So much for the Negative Propositions . Affirm . Prop. 1. That a Godly man hath a particular righteousness , or may be Just in a particular cause , there is no man can deny : unless he will make him worse then the Devil : for if the Devil may be falsly accused or belyed , he is just in that particular cause . Prop. 2. All Christians that I know do confess an Inherent Righteousness in the Saints , and the necessity of this righteousness to Salvation . So that this can be no part of our Controversie . Prop. 3. Consequently all must confess that Christs righteousness imputed , is not our only righteousness . Yea , that the righteousness of Pardon and Justification from sin , is no further necessary then men are sinners ; and therefore the less need any man hath of it , the better he pleaseth Christ , that is , he had rather we would beware of sin as far as may be , then sin and fly to him for Pardon . Prop. 4. And we are agreed I think that the personal Righteousness of the Saints is so much the end of Christs Redemption and Pardoning Grace , that the perfection of this is that blessed state to which he will bring them ; so that when he hath done his work , Sanctification shall be perfect ; but Justification by Pardon of further sins , shall be no more : Heaven cannot bear so imperfect a state . Prop. 5. We are agreed therefore that our Righteousness of Sanctification , or the Doctrine thereof is so far from being any derogation or dishonour to Christ , that it is the high honour which he intended in his work of Redemption , that the Glory of God the Father , and of the Redeemer may everlastingly shine forth in the Saints , and they may be fit to love , and serve , and praise him , Tit. 2.14 . Prop. 6. It is past all doubt that this Inherent Righteousness consisteth in a true fulfilling of the Conditions of the Gospel-Promise , and a sincere Obedience to the Precepts of Christ . And so hath a double respect : one to the Promise ; and so it is conditio praestita : the other to the Precept ; and so it is Officium praestitum . All Conditions here are Duties : but all Duties are not the Condition . Prop. 7. I think we are agreed , that Justification by Christ as Judge at the great day , hath the very same Conditions as Salvation hath , it being an adjudging us to Salvation . And therefore that this personal Evangelical Righteousness is of necessity to our Justification at that Judgement . Prop. 8. And I think we are agreed that no man can continue in a state of Justification , that continueth not in a state of Faith , Sanctification , ond sincere Obedience . Prop. 9 We are agreed I am sure that no man at age is justified before he Repent and Believe . Prop. 10 And we are agreed that this Repenting and Believing is both the matter of the Gospel-Precept , and the Condition of the Promise . Christ hath made over to us himself with his imputed Righteousness and Kingdom , on condition that we repent and believe in him . Prop. 11. It cannot then be denied that Faith and Repentance being both the Duty commanded ▪ and the Condition required and performed , are truly a particular special Righteousness , subordinate to Christ and his Righteousness , in order to our further participation of him , and from him . Prop. 12. And lastly its past dispute that this personal Righteousness of Faith and Repentance , is not to be called a Legal , but an Evangelical Righteousness , because it is the Gospel that both commandeth them , and promiseth life to those that perform them . Thus methinks all that I desire is granted already : what Adversary could a man dream of among Protestants in such a Cause ? Agreement seemeth to prevent the necessity of a further Dispute . To be yet briefer , and bring it nearer an Issue : If any thing of the main Thesis here be denyed , it must be one of these three things . 1. That there is any such thing as Faith , Repentance or Sanctification . 2. Or that they should be called an Evangelical personal Righteousness . 3. Or that they are necessary to Justification and Salvtaion : The first is de existentia rei : The second is de nomine : The third is de usu & fine . The first no man but a Heathen or Infidel will deny . And for the second , that this name is fit for it , I prove by parts . 1. It may and must be called A Righteousness . 2. A Personal Righteousness . 3. An Evangelical Righteousness . 1. As Righteousness signifieth the Habit by which we give to all their own , so this is Righteousness . For in Regeneration the soul is habituated to give up it self to God as his own , and to give up all we have to him , and to love and serve all where his love and service doth require it . No true habit is so excellent as that which is given in Regeneration . 2. The sincere performance of the Duties required of us by the Evangelical Precept , is a sincere Evangelical Righteousness : But our first turning to God in Christ by Faith and Repentance , is the sincere performance of the duties required of us by the Evangelical Precept . Ergo. — Object . The Gospel requireth actual external Obedience and perseverance also . Answ . Not at the first instant of Conversion : For that instant , he that Believeth and Repenteth , doth sincerely do the Duty required by it : and afterward , he that continueth herein with Expressive Obedience , which is then part of this Righteousness . 3. The true Performance of the Conditions of Justification and Salvation , imposed in the Gospel-Promise , is a true Gospel Righteousness : But Faith and Repentance at the first , and sincere Obedience added afterward , are the true performance of these Conditions . Ergo. — 4. It is commonly called by the name of Inherent Righteousness , by all Divines with one Consent : therefore the name of [ Righteousness ] is past controversie here . 5. That which in Judgement must be his justitia causae , the Righteousness of his cause , is so far the Righteousness of his person : ( for the person must needs be righteous quoad hanc causam , as to that cause ) But our Faith and Repentance will be much of the Righteousness of our cause at that day ( for the Tryal of us will be , whether we are true Believers , and penitent or not ; and that being much of the cause of the day , we must needs be righteous or unrighteous as to that cause : ) therefore our Faith and Repentance is much of the Righteousness of our persons ▪ denominated in respect to the Tryal and Judgement of that day . 6. The holy Scripture frequently calls it Righteousness , and calls all true penitent Believers , and all that sincerely obey Christ , [ righteous ] because of these qualifications ( supposing pardon of sin , and merit of Glory by Christ for us : ) therefore we may and must so call them , Mat. 25.37 , 46. Then shall the righteous answer — but the righteous into life eternal , Mat. 10.41 . He that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . Heb. 11.4 . By faith Abel offered , — by which he obtained witnest that he was righteous , God testifying of his Gifts . 1 Pet. 3.12 . For the eyes of the Lord are over the righteous . — 1 John 3.7 . He that doth righteousness is righteous , even as he is righteous . Isa . 3.10 . Say ●o the righteous it shall be well with him . Psal . 1.5 , 6. Mat. 5.6 , ●0 . An enemy to the faith , is called an enemy of righteousness . Acts 13.10 . 2 Pet. 2.21 . 1 John 2.29 . and 3.10 . Gen. 15.6 . And he believed in the Lord , and he counted it to him for righteousness . Psal . 106.31 . Rom. 43.5 . His faith is counted for righteousness . ver . 9. Faith was reckoned to Abraham for righteousness . ver 22 , 24. Therefore it was imputed to him for righteousness . Now it was not written for his sake alone , that it was imputed to him , but for us also to whom it shall be imputed , if we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead . So Jam. 2.23 . Gal. 3.6 . If any say that by [ Faith ] in all these Texts is meant Christs righteousness , and not Faith , I will beleive them when I take Scripture to be intelligible only by them , and that God did not write it to have it understood . But that Faith is imputed or accounted to us for Righteousness in a sense meerly subordinate to Christs righteousness , by which we are justified , I easily grant . As to Satisfaction and Merit we have no righteousness but Christs , but a Covenant and Law we are still under , and not redeemed to be lawless : and this Covenant is ordained as the way of making over Christ and his meritorious righteousness , and life to us : and therefore they being given or made over on Covenant-terms , there is a personal performance of the conditions necessary : and so that personal performance is all the righteousness inherent or propiae actionis , that God requireth of us now , whereas by the first Covenant perfect Obedience was required as necessary to life . So that in point of meer personal performance our own Faith is accepted , and imputed or accounted to us for Righteousness , that is , God will require no more as necessary to Justification at our own hands , but that we believe in the righteousness of another , and accept a Redeemer ( though once he required more : ) But as to the satisfying of the Justice of the offended Majesty , and the meriting of life with pardon , &c. So the Righteousness of Christ is our only Righteousness . But nothing in Scripture is more plain then that Faith it self is said to be accounted to us for Righteousness ; and not only Christs own righteousness : He that will not take this for proof , must expect no Scripture proof of any thing from me . Eph. 4.24 . The new man after God is created in righteousness . Many other Texts do call our first Conversion , or state of Grace , our faith and repentance , and our sincere obedience by the name of Righteousness . 2. And then that it may , and that most fitly be called an Evangelical righteousness , I will not trouble the Reader to prove , lest I seem to censure his understanding as too stupid . It s easie to try whether our Faith and Repentance , our Inherent Righteousness , do more answer the Precepts and Promise of Christ in the Gospel , or those of the Law of works . 3. And that this is a personal righteousness , I have less need to prove : Though it is Christ that purchased it ( and so it may be called the righteousness of Christ ) and the Spirit that worketh it in us , yet it s we that are the Subjects and the Agents as to the act . It being therefore past doubt that , 1. The thing it self is existent and necessary . 2. That righteousness is a fit name for it . 3. All that remains to be proved is the Use of it , Whether it be necessary to Justification and Salvation . And here the common agreement of Divines , ( except the Antinomians ) doth save us the labour of proving this : for they all agree that Faith and Repentance are necessary to our first Justification ; and that sincere obedience also is necessary to our Justification at Judgement , and to our Salvation . So that here being no conteoversie , I will not make my self needless work . Obejct . 1. But faith and repentance are not necessary to Justification qua justitia quaedam Evangelica , under the notion of a righteousness , but faith as an Instrument , and repentance as a qualifying condition . Answ . 1. We are not now upon the question under what notion these are necessary . It sufficeth to the proof of our present Thesis , that a personal Evangelical Righteousness is necessary , whether quâ talis or not . 2. But the plain truth is , 1. Remotely , in respect of its natural Aptitude to its office , faith is necessary because it is a Receiving Act , and therefore fitted to a free Gift , and an Assenting Act , and therefore fitted to a supernatural Revelation : And hence Divines say , It justifieth as an Instrument , calling its Receptive nature , Metaphorically an Instrument : which in this sense is true . And Repentance is necessary , because it is that Return to God , and recovery of the soul which is the end of Redemption , without which the following ends cannot be attained . The Receptive nature of Faith , and the dispositive use of Repentance , may be assigned as Reasons , Why God made them conditions of the Promise : as being their aptitude thereto . 2. But the nearest reason of their Interest and Necessity , is because by the free constitution of God ▪ they are made conditions in that Promise that conferreth Justification and Salvation , determining that without these they shall not be had , and that whoever believeth shall not perish , and if we repent , our sins shall be forgiven us . So that this is the formal or nearest Reason of their necessity and interest , that they are the conditions of the Covenant , so made by the free Donor , Promimiser , Testator . Now this which in the first instant and consideration is a condition , is in the next instant or consideration , a true Evangelical Righteousness , as that Condition is a Duty in respect to the Precept ; and as it is our Title to the benefit of the Promise , and so is the Covenant-performance , and as it hath respect to the sentence of Judgement , where this will be the cause of the day , Whether this Condition was performed or not . It is not the Condition as imposed , but as performed , on which we become justified : And therefore as sentential Justification is past upon the proof of this personal Righteousness , which is our performance of the condition , on which we have Title to Christ and Pardon , and eternal life ; even so our Justification in the sense of the Law or Covenant , is on supposition of this same performance of the Condition , as such : which is a certain Righteousness . If at the last Judgement we are sententially justified by it as it is quaedam justitia , a Righteousness subordinate to Christs Righteousness , ( which is certain , ) then in Law-sense we are justifiable by it on the same account . For to be justified in point of law , is nothing else then to be justifiable , or justificandus , by sentence and execution according to that Law : so that its clear that a personal Righteousness , qua talis , is necessary to Justification , and not only quo talis ; though this be beyond our Quest on in hand , and therefore I add it but for elucidation and ex abundanti . Object . 2. If this be so , then men are righteous before God doth justifie them . Answ . 1. Not with that Righteousness by which he justifieth them . 2. Not Righteousness simply , absolutely or universally , but only secundum quid , with a particular Righteousness . 3. This particular Righteousness is but the means to possess them of Christs Righteousness , by which they are materially and fully justified . 4. There is not a moments distance of time between them : For as soon as we believe and repent we are made partakers of Christ and his Righteousness , by a meer resultancy from the Promise of the Gospel . 5. Who denyeth that we have Faith and Repentance before Justification ? Object . 3. But according to this Doctrine we are justified before we are justified : For he that is Righteous is constituted just , and so is justifiable in Judgement , which is to be justified in Law. Answ . Very true : But we are as is said , made just or justified but with a particular , and not an universal Righteousness ; which will not donominate the person simply a Righteous or justified person : we are so far cured of our former Infidelity and Impenitency , that we are true penitent Believers before our sins are pardoned by the Promise : and so we are in order of nature ( not of time ) first justifiable against the false Accusation , that we are impenitent Vnbelievers , before we are justifiable against the true accusation of all our sins , and desert of Hell. He that by inherent Faith and Repentance is not first justifiable against the former false charge , cannot by the blood and merits of Christ be justifiable against the latter true accusation . For Christ and Pardon are given by the Covenant of Grace , to none but penitent Believers . Object . 4. By this you confound Justification and Sanctification : for inherent Righteousness belongs not to Justification , but to Sanctification . Answ . Your Affirmation is no proof , and my distinguishing them is not confounding them . Inherent Righteousness in its first seed and acts belongs to Sanctification , as its Begining , or first part , or root : And to Justification and Pardon as a Means or Condition : But Inherent Righteousness , in its strength and progress , belongs to Sanctification as the Matter of it , and to our final Justification in Judgement as part of the means or condition : but no otherwise to our first Justification , then as a necessary fruit or consequent of it . Object . 5. By this means you make Sanctification to go before Justification , as a Condition or means to it : when Divines commonly put it after . Answ . 1. Mr. Pemble , and those that follow him , put Sanctification before all true Justification , ( though they call Gods immanent eternal Act , a precedent Justification . ) 2. The case is easie , if you will not confound the verbal part of the controversie with the Real . What is it that you call Sanctification ? 1. If it be the first special Grace in Act or Habit , so you will confess , that Sanctification goeth first : For we repent and believe before we are pardoned or justified . 2. If it be any further degrees or fruits , or exercise of Grace , then we are agreed that Justification goeth before it . 3. If it be both begining and progress , faith and obedience that you call Sanctification , then part of it is before Justification , and part after . All this is plain ; and that which I think we are agreed in . But here I am invited to a consideration of some Arguments of a new Opponent , Mr. Warner in a book of the Object and Office of Faith. What he thought it his Duty to oppose , I take it to be my Duty to defend : which of us is guided by the light of God , I must leave to the illuminated to judge , when they have compared our Evidence . Mr. W. I now come to shew that both these kinds of Righteousness , Legal and Evangelical , are not absolutely necessary to Justification . — I do not undertake the Negative , and will endeavour to prove it by these demonstrations . Argument 1. If things in themselves contradictory cannot be ascribed to the sme person or action , then both these kinds of Righteousness are not absolutely necessary to make up our Justification : But things in themselves contradictory cannot be ascribed to the same person or actions , Therefore — The sequell is thus proved by Paul. If it be of works , it is no more of Grace : if of Grace , then it is no more of works . What are therefore these two kinds of Righteousness , but contradictory to each other ? And therefore it seemeth illogical Theologie to predicate them of the same person or act , c. 12. pag. 154. Answ . Reader , I crave thy pardon for troubling thee with the Confutation of such Impertinencies , that are called Demonstrations : It is I that have the bigger part of the trouble : But how should I avoid it without wrong to the Truth ? Seeing ( would you think it ! ) there are some Readers that cannot discern the vanity of such Arguings without Assistance . 1. What a gross abuse is this to begin with , to conclude that these two sorts of Righteousness are not necessary [ to make up ] our Justification , when the Question was only whether they are necessary [ to ] our Justification . [ Making up ] expresseth the proper causality of the constitutive causes , ( matter and form , ) and not of the efficient or final ; much less the Interest of all other means , such as a condition is . So that I grant him his conclusion , taking Justification as we now do Our Faith or Repentance goeth not to make it up . And yet on the by , I shall add , that if any man will needs take Justification for Sanctification , or as the Papists do comprehensively for Sanctification and Pardon both ( as some Protestant Divines think it is used in some few Texts ) in that large sense our Faith and Repentance are part of our justifying Righteousness . But I do not so use the word , ( Though Philip Codurcus have writ at large for it . ) 2. I deny his Consequence : And how is it proved ? By reciting Pauls words , Rom. 116. Which contain not any of the terms in the question . Paul speaks of Election : we of Justification ( though that difference I regard not . ) Paul speaks of works , and we speak of Evangelical Faith and Repentance . In a word therefore I answer . The works that Paul speaks of are inconsistent with Grace in Justification ( though not contradictory , but contrary , what ever Mr. W. say : ) but Faith and Repentance are not those works ; and therefore no contrariety is hence proved . Here is nothing therefore but a rash Assertion of Mr. W. to prove these two sorts of Righteousness contradictory . Be judge all Divines and Christians upon earth : Did you ever hear before from a Divine or Christian , that imputed and inherent Righteousness , or Justification and Sanctification , or Christs fulfilling the Law for us , and our believing the Gospel and repenting were contradictory in themselves ? Do not all that believe the Scripture , believe that we have a personal Righteousness , a true Faith and Repentance , and must fulfill the Conditions of the Promise ; and that in respect to these the Scripture calls us Righteous ? ( as is before proved . ) Mr. W. 2. If the person justified is of himself ungodly , then Legal and Evangelical Righteousness are not both absolutely necessary to our Justification : But the person justified ( considering him in the act of justifying ) is so , therefore . — The Sequel is undenyable ; because he who is ungodly is not Legally Righteous , and that the person now to be justified is ungodly , is express Scripture , Rom. 4.5 . But to him that worketh not , but believeth in him that just fieth the ungodly , his faith is counted for righteousness . Answ . 1. I suppose the Reader understandeth that the Legal or rather Pro-legal Righteousness , that I plead for , is Christs Merits and Satisfaction made over to us , for the effects ; and that the personal Evangelical Righteousness is our believing and repenting . Now that these are both necessary , this very Text proveth , which he citeth against it . For the necessity of Christs meritorious Righteousness he will not deny that it is here implyed : and the necessity of our own faith is twice exprest , [ To him that believeth , his faith is counted for righteousness . ] If it be the Being of Faith that this Brother would exclude it is here twice exprest : If it be only the naming it [ a righteousness ] That name also is here exprest . How could he have brought a plainer evidence against himself ? 2. To his Argument , I distinguish of Vngodliness ] If it be taken for an unregenerate impenitent unbeliever , then I deny the M●nor , at least in sensu composito ; A person in the instant of Justification is not an unbeliever : This Text shameth him that will affirm it . But if by [ Vngodly ] be meant [ Sinners , or persons unjustifyable by the works of the Law , who are legally impious ] then I deny the consequence of the Major . Do I need to tell a Divine that a man may be a sinner and a penitent Believer at once . The Syriack and Ethiopick translating the word [ sinners ] do thus expound the Text ; and it s the common Exposition of most judicious Divines . It is not of the Apostles meaning to tell you that God justifieth impenitent Infidels , or haters of God : but that he justifieth sinners , legally condemned and unworthy , yet true Believers , as the Text expresseth . 3. If any reject this Exposition , and will take [ ungodly ] here for [ the Impenitent , ] then the other Exposition solveth his Objection , viz. They were Impenitent and Unbelievers , in the instant next foregoing , but not in the instant of Justification : For faith and Justification are in the same instant of time . 4. Rather then believe that God justifieth Infidels contrary to the text , I would interpret this Text as Beza doth some other , as speaking of Justification as comprehending both Conversion and Forgiveness , even the conferring of Inherent and Imputed Righteousness both : and so God justifieth Infidels themselves ; that is , giveth them first faith and Repentance , and then forgiveness and eternal life in Christ . 5. But I wonder at his proof of his Sequel [ Because he who is ungodly is not legally righteous ] what is that to the Question ? It is Legal righteousness in Christ that Justification giveth him : Therefore we all suppose he hath it not before : But he is personally Evangelically Righteous as soon as he Believes , so far as to be a true performer of the Condition of Justification ; and then in the same instant he receiveth by Justification that Righteousness of Christ which answereth the Law. Mr. W. If nothing ought to be asserted by us which ever-throws Apostolical writings , then the necessity of a two-fold righteousness ought not to be asserted ; But — Ergo. — The Sequel is proved by this Dilemma . Apostolical writings are utterly against a two-fold Righteousness in this work ; therefore to assert both these kinds is to overthrow their writings . For to what purpose did Paul dispute against Justification by works of the Law , if the righteousness of Faith were not sufficient ? And certainly if both were required as absolutely necessary , it would argue extream ignorance in Paul if he should not have known it , and as great unfaithfulness if , &c. — Answ . Either this Writer owns the two-fold Righteousness that he disputeth against , or not : If he did not , he were an Infidel or wretched Heretick , directly denying Christ or Faith ; For Christ is the one Righteousness , and faith the other . If he do own them ( as I doubt not at all but he doth ) is it not good service to the Church to pour out this opposition against words not understood , and to make men believe that the difference is so material as to overthrow the Scriptures ? But to his Argument , I deny the consequence of the Major ; and how is it proved ? forsooth by a Dilemma ( which other folks call an Enthymeme ) Of which the Antecedent ( That Apostolical writings are against a two-fold righteousness ) is proved by this Writers word . A learned proof I into which this Disputations are ultimately resolved . It is the very work of Pauls Epistles to prove the necessity of this Two-fold Righteousness ( unless you will with the Papists call it rather two parts of one Righteousness , ) Christs merits and mans faith , one in our surety , the other wrought by him in our selves . But , saith he , to what purpose did Paul dispute against Justification by the works of the Law , If the Righteousness of faith were not sufficient ? — I answer you , 1. Because no man hath a personal legal Righteousness : But Paul never disputed against a legal Righteousness in Christ , or his fulfilling the Law , or being made a curse for us . Do you think he did ? 2. A Righteousness of faith is sufficient : for it signifieth this two-fold righteousness . 1. That righteousness which faith accepteth , which is [ of Faith ] because proclaimed in the Gospel and is the object of Faith ; and yet it is legal , in that it was a Conformity to the Law , and satisfaction to the Law-giver . 2. Faith it self , which is a particular subservient Evangelical Rigeteousness , for the application and possession of the former . And now was here a fit occasion to speak reproach fully of Paul , as extream ignorant , or unfaithful , or immanis sophista ? and all because he would not deny either Christ or Faith ? Sure Paul hath let us see by revealing both , that he was neither ignorant , unfaithfull nor a Sophister . Mr. W. 4. If both Legal and Evangelical righteousness were thus required to the purpose of justifying , then it must be because the Evangelical is of it self insufficient . But — For if Christs righteousness be insufficient to Salvation , he were not a sufficient Saviour , and if the Righteousness of Faith in him were of it self insuffient . Answ . By this time I am tempted to repent that I medled with this Brother . If he live to read over a reply or two , he may possibly understand them that he writes against . He will prove that a Legal Righteousness is not necessary , because Christs righteousness ( which is it that I called legal ) is sufficient . It s sufficient alone : therefore not Necessary . Am not I like to have a fair hand think you of this Disputer ? To his Argument once more I distinguish : Evangelical righteousness it twofold . 1. That which the Gospel revealeth and offereth : and this is Christs righteousness , therefore called Evangelical : but also Legal , because it answered the rule of the Law of works , and its ends . 2. That which the Gospel hath made the Condition of our part in Christ and his righteousness : and this is Faith it self . Both these are sufficient to Justification : but Faith is neither sufficient , nor is Faith without Christs legal righteousness : And Christ is sufficient Hypothetically , but will not be effectual to our Justification without Faith ( and repentance . ) But perhaps this Writer means only to shew his offence against my naming Christs righteousness legal . If that be so , 1. I have given in my reasons , because there can be no better reason of a name then from the form : and the form of Christs righteousness being relative , even a conformity to the Law of works ( and to the peculiar Covenant of redemption , ) I thought did sufficiently warrant this name . 2. The rather when I find not only that he is said to fulfill the Law and all righteousness , and be made a curse for us , but also to be righteous with that righteousness , which is denyed of us ; which can be none but a legal or prolegal righteousness . 3. But yet if the name [ Legal ] be all , I could easily have given this Brother leave to differ from me about a name without contention , and methinks he might have done the like by me . Mr. W. Object . But what if works and faith were both of them applyed to procure our Justification ? Answ . This Objection yet further shews , that the Author understands me not ( if it be me , as I have reason to judge that he writeth against ) for he supposeth that its works that I call a legal Righteousness , when I still tell him it is Christs satisfaction and fulfilling the Law , of which our faith or works are no part , but a subordinate , particular , Evangelical Righteousness . Mr. W. 5. If both these kinds of Righteousness were absolutely necessary , then where one of them is wanting in a person , there can be no Justification of that person . But — Ergo. — For where was any Legal Righteousness of the good thief on the Cross , condemned for legal unrighteousness ? Answ . I deny your minor . The converted thief had a legal righteousness hanging on the next Cross to him ; even Christ that then was made a curse for him , and was obedient to the death of the Cross . I begin to be a weary in writing so much only to tell men that you understand me not . Mr. W. 6. If legal Righteousness be thus necessarily to be joined with our Evangelical Righteousness to Justification , then there must be two formal causes of Justification . Answ . I deny your consequence . If the formal cause consist in remission and imputation as you say , then Christs meritorious righteousness is none of the Form , but the Matter . And if besides that Matter a subservient particular righteousness ( of faith ) be necessary as the condition of our Title to Christ ; this makes not two forms of this Justification . 2. And yet I grant you that it infers a subservient Justification that hath another form , when you are made a Believer , or justified against the false charge of being no Believer ( or penitent ) this is not remission of sin , but another form and thing . Mr. W. 7. That which maketh void Christs death , cannot be absolutely necessary to Justification . But legal righteousness makes void his Death , Gal. 2.21 . Answ . It s a sad case that we must be charged with making void Christs Death , for saying that he is legally Righteous , by satisfying and fulfilling the Law ; and that this is all the legal righteousness that we have . I am bold therefore to deny the Minor : yea and to reverse it on you , and tell you , that he that denyeth Christs legal Righteousness , denyeth both his death and obedience . The Text Gal. 2.21 . speaks not of the Law , as fulfilled by Christ , but by us . Righteousness comes not by our keeping the Law , but it came by Christs keeping it : yet so , that the Gospel only giveth us that righteousness of his . Mr. W. 8. That which concurs with another efficient , must have both an aptitude and Confluence to produce the effect : but the Law , and consequently Legal righteousness hath no aptitude to give life , Gal. 3.2 Answ . This is Disputing enough to make one tremble , and loath Disputing . Is there no aptitude in Christs legal Righteousness to give us life ? The Law doth not give us righteousness , but it denominateth Christ righteous for fulfilling it ( and the Law-giver for satisfying ) and to that it had a sufficient aptitude . The Text Gal. 3.2 . saith truly that the Law giveth not life : but first it speaks of the Law as obeyed by us , and not by Christ , that fulfilled it . Secondly , And indeed its speaks of Moses Law ; and not directly of that made with Adam . Thirdly , And it denies not that Christ fulfilling it may give us life , though the Law it self give us none , so that all this is besides the business . Mr. W. 9. That Doctrine which doth most exalt the Grace of God , ought to be admitted before that which doth least exalt it : But the Doctrine of Justification by Faith alone , as our Gospel-righteousness doth most exalt his Grace , and the other less . Ergo. Answ . Still misunderstanding ! Doth the Doctrine of faith alone without Christ advance Grace ? That 's no faith . You do not think so : that which denyeth Christ or faith denyeth Grace . Mr. W. 10. That opinion which considereth a person under a two-fold Covenant at the same time , ought not to be admitted : But to require both Legal and Evangelical Righteousness , is to consider him under the Covenant of works and Grace : I conclude therefore that two sorts of righteousness are not necessarily required to our Justification . Answ . How far we are , or are not under the Covenant of works , I will not here trouble you by digressing , in this rambling Dispute to enquire . But to your Minor I say , this opinion considereth man only under the curse of the Law till Christ take it off him , by being made a curse for us , and making over the fruit of his merits and suffering to us . Mr. W. 2. As for the Subjects of these kinds of Righteousness , I thus declare . 1. That Jesus Christ and he alone who was truly endued with Legal righteousness , who as he was made under the Law , so he did not destroy but fulfill it ; and if he had not been the subject of Legal righteousness in himself , he could not have been the Author of Evangelical Righteousness to us . Answ . Here after all these Arguments , I have all that granted me that I contend for ( supposing the Imputation or Donation of Christs Righteousness to us , whether in se or in ●ffectis , I now dispute not . ) You have here his full confession that Christ had a legal Righteousness : Let him but grant the imputation of this , and then it s ours : And then I have granted him that it may be also called Evangelical in another respect . Mr. W. pag. 166. I think it to be no incongruity in speech , or Paradox in Divinity , to say that Christs Legal righteousness is our Evangelical righteousness , 1 Cor. 1.30 . 2 Cor. 5.21 . Jer. 23.8 . Answ . Sure we shall agree anon , for all the ten Arguments . Here 's all granted but the name as to us . Many and many a time I have said , that Christs Righteousness made ours is Legal in respect to the Law that it was a conformity to , and which it answereth for us ; but Evangelical as declared , and given by the Gospel . But the thing in question you now fully confess . Mr. W. pag. 171. That we our selves are not the subjects of Evangelical righteousness , I shall endeavour to prove by thes● Arguments . 1. If our Evangelical righteousness be out of us in Christ , then it is not in ●● , consisting in the habit or Acts of faith and Gospel obedience , but it is out of us in Christ . Answ . We shall have such another piece of work with this point as the former , to defend the truth against a man that layeth about him in the dark . 1. I have oft enough distinguisht of Evangelical righteousness . The righteousness conform to the Law , and revealed and given by the Gospel is meritoriously and materially out of us in Christ . The righteousness conform to the Gospel , as constituting the condition of life , [ He that believeth shall not perish : Repent and be converted that your sins may be blotted out , ] This is in our selves materially , and not out of us in Christ . Mr. W. 2. If satisfaction to Divine Justice were not given or caused by any thing in us , but by Christ alone , then Evangelical righteousness is in Christ alone . But — Ergo — without blood no remission . Answ . Your proof of the consequence is none ; but worse then silence . Besides the satisfaction of Justice and remission of sin thereby ; there is a subservient Gospel righteousness , as is proved , and is undeniable . Mr. W. 3. If Evangelical righteousness be in our selves , then perfect righteousness is in our selves . But that 's not so . Ergo. Answ . Still you play with the ambiguity of a word , and deny that which beseems you not to deny , that the fulfilling of the condition [ Believe and Live ] is a Gospel-righteousness , particular and subservient and imperfect . The Saints have an Inherent righteousness , which is not Legal : therefore it is Evangelical . If you say , it s no righteousness , you renounce the constant voice of Scripture . If you say , it is a Legal righteousness imperfect , then you set up Justification by the works of the Law , ( the unhappv fate of blind opposition , to do what they intend to undo . ) For there is no righteousness which doth not justifie or make righteous in tantum : and so you would make men justified partly by Christ , and partly by a Legal righteousness of their own by a perverse denying the subservient Evangelical righteousness , without any cause in the world , but darkness , jealousie , and humorous contentious zeal . Yea more then so , we have no worKs but what the Law would damn us for , were we judged by it . And yet will you say that faith or inherent righteousness is Legal and not Evangelical ? Mr. W. 4. If Evangelical righteousness were in ourselves , and did consist either in the habit or act of faith and new obedience , then upon the intercision of those acts , our Justification would discontinue . But , Answ . If you thought not your word must go for proof , you would never sure expect that we should believe your Consequence . For 1. What shew is there of reason that the intercision of the act should cause the cessation of that Justification which is the consequent of the Habit ( which you put in your Antecedent ? ) The Habit continueth in our sleep , when the acts do not . 2. As long as the cause continueth ( which is Christs Merits and the Gospel-Grant ) Justification will continue , if the condition be but sincerely performed ( For the Condition is not the cause , much less a Physical cause ) But the condition is sincerely performed , though we believe not in our sleep . I dare not instance in your payment of Rent , left a Carper be upon m● back ; but suppose you give a man a lease of Lands on condition he come once a moneth , or week , or day , and say , I thank you , or in general , on condition he be thankful . Doth his Title cease as oft as he shuts his lips from saying , I thank you ? These are strange Doctrines . Mr. W. 5. If Evangelical righteousness were in our selves , and faith with our Gospel obedience were that righteousness , then he who hath more or less faith or obedience were more or less justified , and more or less Evangelically righteous , according to the degrees of faith and obedience . Answ . I deny your Consequence , considering faith and repentance as the Condition of the Promise ; because it is the sincerity of Faith and Repentance that is the Condition , and not the degree : and therefore he that hath the least degree of sincere faith , hath the same title to Christ as he that hath the strongest . 2. But as faith and obedience respect the Precept of the Gospel , and not the Promise ; so it is a certain truth , that he that hath most of them , hath most Inherent Righteousness . Mr. W. 6. That opinion which derogates from the Glory and Excellency of Christ above all Graces , and from the excellency of Faith in its Office of justifying above other Graces , ought not to be admitted : But this opinion placing our Evangelical Righteousness in the habit , act , or Grace of faith and Gospel obedience derogates from both Christ and Faith. Answ . Your Minor is false , and your proof is no proof , but your word . Your similitude should have run thus . If an Act of Oblivion by the Princes purchase , do pardon all that will thankfully accept it and come in and lay down arms of Rebellion ; it is no derogating from the Prince or pardon to say , I accept it , I stand out no longer , and therefore it is mine . If you offer to heal a deadly sore on condition you be accepted for the Chyrurgion ; doth it derogate from your honour if your Patient say , I do consent and take you for my Chyrurgion , and will take your Medicines ? Your proof is as vain and null , that it derogates from faith . What , that Faith should be this subservient Righteousness ? Doth that dishonour it ? Or is it that Repentance is conjoyned as to our first Justification , and obedience as to that at Judgement ? When you prove either of these dishonourable to faith , we will believe you : but it must be a proof that is stronger then the Gospel that is against you . We confess faith to be the receiving Condition , and repentance but the disposing Condition : but both are Conditions . As for Phil. 3.9 . Do you not see that it is against you ? I profess with Paul , not to have a righteousness of my own which is of the Law , ( which made me loth to call faith and repentance a legal righteousness ) but that which is through the faith of Christ , the righteousness which is of God by faith : ] Faith you see is the means of our Title to Christs Righteousness : And if you deny faith it self to be any particular Righteousness , you must make it a sin , or indifferent , and contradict the Scriptures . And presently contradicting what you have been arguing for ( that Evangelical Righteousness is not in us , and we are not the Subjects of it : ) You profess pag. 178. That Inherent Righteousness is in us . It seems then either Inherent righteousness is not righteousness , or it is not Evangelical but Legal , or it is in us , and not in us . Had you only pleaded that we are not justified by it as a Righteousness , I should have answered you as before on that point . Not as a Legal Righteousness ; nor an Evangelical Righteousness co-ordinate with Christs ; but as a fulfilling of the Condition of that Promise , which gives us Christ , and Pardon , and Life ; by which performance of the Condition , the Benefit becomes ours by the Will and Grant of the free Donor ; and we are no longer impenitent Infidels , but just , and justifiable from the false charge of being such ; and so of not having part in Christ . It s one thing to be accused of sin as sin : And another thing to be accused of the special sin of not accepting the Remedy : and so of having no part in Christ and his Righteousness . From the later we must have a real Faith and Title to Christ , which must materially justifie us : but from the former , even from all sin that ever we are guilty of Christs Righteousness only justifieth us materially and meritoriously , and our faith is but a bare condition . A Confutation of the Error of Mr. Warners 13th Chapter about Justification , and the interest of Obedience therein . HE begins with a false Intimation , that we revive the Papists first and second Justification : and he that will believe him , may take his course for me : I crave only liberty for my self to believe that it is not all one to have Justification begun and continued ; and that Justification by the sentence of the Judge , is not of the same kind with Justification Legal by the Donation of the Gospel . If I may not have this Reverend Brothers leave to believe these matters , I will believe them without his leave . And that the Papists have such friends among us , as those that make the world believe that such things as these are Popery , I will also lament , though such Disputers give not their consent . His Endeavours to overthrow that Doctrine of mine which he nameth of [ second Justification ] begin pag. 223. where he argueth , 1. from Rom. 5. 1 ▪ 2 , 3. That the beginning and end is ascribed to faith . Answer . It s all granted : faith is it that we are justified by to the last . We are agreed of this inclusively : But the Question is , what 's the Exclusion : Not believing in Christ as Lord and Master , nor loving him ; but the works that make or are supposed to make that Reward to be of debt , and not of Grace . His second proof is from Phil. 3.7 , 8. To which I answer . We are of Pauls mind , but not of yours . 1. He counted all as loss and dung that stood in opposition to , or competition with Christ : and so would I do by faith and love it self , should they be so arrogant . 2. Paul expresly nameth the works that he excludeth , that is , the Righteousness which is of the Law , or in Legal works . And do we make any doubt of this ? No , nor of those works that materially are Evangelical : for if they are formally Evangelical they cannot be set up against Christ , their very nature being to subserve him . Once for all , remember this Argument . Those works that are commanded by God in the Gospel , are not excluded by God in the Gospel in that nature and to the use for which they are commanded . But faith in Christ Jesus the Lord and Saviour , ( an entire faith ) and Repentance towards God and love to him are commanded by God in the Gospel in order to the pardon of sin ; and the continuance of these with sincere Obedience , are commanded as means of our continued pardon , and as a means of our final Justification at Judgement . Therefore none of these are excluded by the Gospel from any of these uses or ends . He citeth also , Act. 15. and Heb. 2.9 . and Rom. 1.17 . to as much purpose as the rest . Pag. 228. He begins his Arguments . The first is [ Because in vain are additions of numbers , without which any thing may be done : But without addition of works the act of justifying is perfect , Ergo. ] Answer . 1. As if the Question were of the [ Act of justifying , ] and not of Justification passively taken . Gods act hath no imperfection , when yet it maketh not a perfect work . 2. It s but spleen and partiality to harp upon the term [ works ] still to seduce your Readers to believe that I am for such works as Paul denyeth . I use not the phrase of [ Justification by works ] nor think it fit to be used , unless rarely , or to explain such texts of Scripture as do use it , or terms equipollent . 3. Justification is neither perfect nor real , without a faith in Christ as Head and Husband , and Lord , and Teacher , and Intercessor , as well as a Sacrifice for sin . Nor is it perfect or true , without repenting and loving Christ . 4. Justification is so far perfect at first , as that no sin past or existent is unpardoned . But it is not so perfect , but that , 1. Many future sins must have renewed pardon . 2. And means is to be used by us , ( believing again at least ) for that end . 3. And the continuance of pardon is given us but conditionally , ( though we shall certainly perform the condition . ) 4. And the most perfect sort of Justification ( by sentence at Judgement ) is still behind . Are these things doubtfull among Divines or Christians ? That the Church must be thus molested by such disputing volumes against it , to make the Papists and other enemies believe we hold I know not what ? Read the many Arguments of learned Sandford and Parker de Descensu , and Bp. Vsher de Descensu ( to the Jesuite ) by which they prove that all separated souls , as separated , are under penalty , and that Christs soul as seperated was so : and then tell us whether your fancy of absolutely perfect Justification at the first will hold or not . I wonder that men should so little know the difference betwixt Earth and Heaven ; a sinner in flesh , and a Saint that is equal to the Angels of God ? and should dream of such perfection short of heaven , the place of our perfection ? His second Argument is , [ Faith and works are here contrary : If of Faith , then not of works ] Answer . It s true of the works that Paul excludes : but not of the works that you exclude : For Faith in Christ is [ Works ] with such as you , save only that act that resteth on his satisfaction for righteousness : And repentance and love to Christ , and denying our own righteousness , are works with you . And all these are necessarily subservient to Christ and Grace , and therefore not contrary . Augustine , and after him the School-men , put it into their most common definition of Grace , that its a thing [ qua nemo male utitur . ] And as to efficiency it s certainly true : Grace doth not do any harm : And if I may presume to tell Augustine that [ objectively ] Grace may be ill used , yet perhaps he might reply , [ not qua talis , without contradiction ] In good sadness , Is it not a strange thing for a man in his wits , to expect to be justified in co-ordination with Christs merits , by denying that he hath any merits of his own that can so justifie him , and by repenting of those sins that have condemned him , and by desiring , loving , hoping in Christ alone for his Justification : or by Thankfulness to God for justifying him by the sole merits of Christ ? And is it not a strange Exposition that feigneth Paul to mean and exclude such acts as these under the name of works . But yet really if such a man be to be found , that doth think to merit Justification by denying such merit , I am against him as well as you . His third Argument is , [ If faith justifie only as the beginning of our Justification then there are degrees of Justification : but there are no degrees . Ergo. ] Answer . 1. Faith is neither the Beginning nor End of Justification , but a means of it . 2. If you would insinuate that I deny faith to be the means of our continued , as well as begun Justification , you deal deceitfully . 3. I deny your Consequence . It may prove more necessary to the Continuance of our Justification , then to its beginning , and yet prove no degrees . 4. But how Justification hath or hath not Degrees , I have told you before ; and fuller in other writings . His fourth Argument is , [ Because good works do not precede , but follow Justification . ] Answer . 1. Repentance , and the Love of God in Christ , and faith in Christ as Lord , and Head , and Teacher , do go before the pardon of sin , and so before Justification . 2. External obedience goeth before Justification at Judgement and Justification as continued here . Did you doubt of these ? His fifth Argument is , that [ These two Justifications overthrow each other : If by one we have peace with God , what need the other ? How can good works perfect our Justification , being themselves imperfect ? ] Answer . All this is answered in the second Disputation . 1. It s no contradiction to be justified by God , by Christ , by Faith , by Words , by Works , if God be to be believed , that affirmeth all . 2. As imperfect faith may be the condition of pardon , so may imperfect Repentance , and imperfect Obedience of our sentential Absolution . Pag. 233. He answereth the Objection . [ Blessedness is ascribed to other Graces , ] thus [ Not as if Happiness were in them , per se , but only as they are signs . ] Answer . Promising is more then Ascrbing : It s a great advantage for you to have the forming of your Objections . 2. Happiness per se is as much in Love , as in Faith , and more . 3. Other , Graces are media , means , which is more then only works . Pag. 241. He proves that works justifie not subordinate to Faith ] thus [ Argument 1. No good works were found till faith had done its Works ] Answer . 1. Faith hath not done its work till death ; we are not justified only by the first act of faith : but by after-acts to the Death . 2. Faith in Christ as Head , and Lord , and Teacher , and Desire and Repentance were found before Faith had justified us . 3. Obedience is found before the sentential Justification , or the continuation of our first received Righteousness . His second Argument is , [ Because good works are the effects of Faith and Justification , and therefore cannot be the cause . ] Answer 1. They are none of the cause at all . It s not well to intimate that we hold them the cause , as in despight of all our own denyals . 2. They are not so much as Means or Antecedents of that part of Justification , of which they are the effect . The act of faith which you will exercise before your death , is as true a condition ( or Instrument , if you will needs call it so ) of your Justification as continued , as your first act of faith was of your Justification as begun . And yet that act of faith is but fruit of your first Justification , as well as Obedience is . His third Argument is , that [ If Gospel Obedience , and good works do subordinately act with faith to the effecting of Justification , then the Justification which proceedeth from both , must be of a different kind and nature . ] Answer 1. Neither faith nor work effect Justification . 2. Justification by Promise and Gift , and Justification by Sentence , Plea , &c. are much different . 3. But your consequence is nothing worth . For these are not causes , but conditions . And if they were , yet different causes may concur to the same effect , which never man before you denyed , that I know of . Our case is , as if to a Rebell that hath forfeited Life and Estate , the King ( upon a Ransom ) grant him both , on condition that he thankfully accept them as the fruits of that gift and Ransom , and to hold them on condition , that he often do his Homage to the King , and return not to Rebellion . Doth the first acceptance here serve turn for continuance of what is first received , without the following Homage and Fidelity ? or do the different parts of the condition make such a difference in the benefit , as you here take the [ Monstrous Justification ] to be ( as you rashly call it ? ) Another Argument is . [ If faith be a total cause or condition of producing the effect of Justification , then there 's no want of obedience for its assistance . ] Answer 1. Faith or obedience are no causes of pardon . 2. I will not trouble the Reader to open the shame of that Philosophy which you make such ostentation of . Only I would remember you , that causes total in suo genere , may have others under them . And that it followeth not , that the sun shineth not , or the fire heateth not , or that you understand not , and wrote not these words , though I suppose you will say that God is Causa totalis of all these act : nor yet that God doth use his creatures because of an insufficiency in himself . 3. Faith taken for our [ becoming Believers , Disciples , Christians ] is the total condition of our first Receiving Justification . 2. Faith taken more narrowly for our accepting Christs Righteousness , is not the total Condition of our first Receiving of Justification . 3. Obedience is part of the condition of the continuance of it , and of our sentential Justification . And whereas you talk over and over of [ Total causes , and particular causes . ] I tell you again they are no causes . He adds that then [ Obedience doth nihil agere , or actum agere . ] Answer . It doth nihil efficere . But besides , [ nihil ] and [ factum ] there 's two things oft mentioned , Justification at Judgement , and the non-amission of it here . 3. He insipidly gain disputes that [ If an effect doth totally proceed from any cause , then it totally depends on it . ] And what then ? Therefore it solely dependeth on it : And if these things were true , what are they to our question ? But saith he , [ When good works , the fruit of faith are interrupted , yet our Justification abides by the single influence of faith only as a total cause of its being and conservation . ] Answer . 1. Alas ! What would such Disputants do with the Church , if Gods mercy did not hinder them ! By your own Argument now , neither God , nor Christ , nor the Gospel are any causes of our Justification . For you say Faith is a Total cause , and there can be but one Total Cause , unless you lose the honor of your Philosophy . 2. Faith is no proper cause at all . 3. Did you not see what must needs be answered you . That Faith is interrupted as well as Obedience , and yet no intercision of our Justification . When we sleep we do not ( at least alway ) act faith no more then obedience ( if so much . ) And the habit of both continueth together sleeping and waking : And if you should give over love and sincerity of obedience , you would cease to be justified . His last Argument is , [ Because for sins after Conversion , we must have recourse only by faith to Christ , as our Advocate . ] Answer . 1. That speaks only of renewed pardon for particular sins , but not of our Justification at Judgement , nor the non-omission here . 2. We must have recourse to Christ with Repentance , and esteem , and self-denial , and desire , &c. as well as that act of faith which you plead for , as the total cause . And when you would set Zanchy against Zanchy , you do but mis-understand him . He saith truly with Paul , that neither in whole or part are our own works ( such as Paul speaks of ) our Righteousness , that is , to answer the Law as Paul mentioneth , or any way to merit or satisfie , or stand in co-ordination with Christ . But Zanchy never thought that Repentance and Faith in Christ as Head , and Lord , and Desire and Gratitude , &c. might be no means or Conditions of any sort of Justification , or of that which we assert them to be means of . I would answer much more of this Disputation ; but I am perswaded the judicious Reader will think I have done him wrong , in troubling him with this much . See pag. 298 , 299. how he answereth the Objection , that pardon is promised to Repentance , &c. I will not disparage the Readers understanding so much as to offer him a Confutation of that , and much more of the Book . Only his many Arguments on the Question of my first Disputation , I must crave your Patience , while I examine briefly , and I will tire you with no more . Mr. W. pag. 411 , 412. I will rally up my Arguments against the foresaid Definition of Faith to be an accepting of Christ as Lord and Saviour : proving that Christ only as Saviour and Priest , offering himself up to the death of the Cross for our sins , is the proper Object of justifying Faith , as justifying . Argument 1. If the Faith of the Fathers under the old Testament was directed to Christ as dying Priest and Saviour ; then also the Faith of Believers now ought so to be directed . But. — Ergo. — Answ . 1. I grant the whole , and never made question of it . But what kin is the conclusion of this Argument to that which you had to prove , unless [ Only ] had been added . Did we ever deny that Faith must be directed to Christ as Priest ? 2. A Saviour is a term respecting our whole Salvation , and so Christ saveth by Teaching , Ruling , and judicial justifying as well as dying . 3. The Fathers faith did not respect Christ as dying or satisfying only , which you should prove but cannot . Mr. W. Argument 2. If Christ as dying , and as Saviour do satisfie Gods Justice , and pacifie a sinners conscience , then as dying and Saviour he is the Object of justifying Faith. But — Ergo. — Answ . The same answer serveth to this as to the last . The conclusion is granted , but nothing to the Question , unless [ Only ] had been in . 2. Christ as obeying actively , and Christ as Rising , and as interceding , and as judging , as King , doth also justifie us , Rom. 5.19 . Rom. 4 24 , 25. Rom. 8.33.34 . Mat. 12.37 . and 25.34 , 40. Peruse these Texts impartially , and be ignorant of this if you can . 3. And yet the Argument will not hold , that no act of faith is the condition of Justification , but those whose object is considered only as justifying . The accepting of Christ to sanctifie us , is a real part of the condition of Justification . Mr. W. Argument 3. If Christ as Lord be properly the Object of fear , then he is not properly the Object of Faith as justifying : But — Ergo. — Answ . 1. If [ Properly ] be spoken de proprio quarto modo , then is Christ properly the Object of neither , that is , he is not the object of either of these Only . 2. But if [ properly ] be opposed to a tropical , analogical , or any such improper speech , then he is the Object as Lord , both of fear , and faith , and obedience , &c. 3. The deceit that still misleads most men in this point , is in the terms of reduplication , [ faith as justifying , ] which men that look not through the bark , do swallow without sufficient chewing , and so wrong themselves and others by meer words . Once more therefore understand , that when men distinguish between fides quae justificans , and qua justificans , and say , [ Faith which justifieth , accepteth Christ as Head and Lord ; but faith as justifying , taketh him only as a Priest . ] The very distinction in the later branch of it , [ qua justificans . ] Is 1. Either palpable false Doctrine . 2. And a meer begging of the Question . 3. Or else co-incident with the other branch , and so contradictory to their assertion . For 1. The common Intent and meaning is , that [ Fides quae credit in Christum justificat : And so they suppose that Faith is to be denominated formally [ justificans ] ab objecto qua objectum : And if this be true , then fides qua fides justificat : For the object is essential to faith in specie . And so in their sense , [ fides quae justificans ] is but the implication of this false Doctrine , that haec fides in Christum crucifixum qua talis justificat . Which I never yet met with sober Divine that would own when he saw it opened . For the nature and essence of faith , is but its aptitude to the office of justifying , and it is the Covenant or free Gift of God in modo promittendi , that assigneth it its office . The nature of faith is but the Dispositio materiae ; but it s nearest interest in the effect is as a condition of the Promise performed . 2. But if by the [ quâ justificans ] any should intend no more then to define the nature materially of that faith which is the condition of Justification , then the qua and the qua is all one : and then they contradict their own Assertion , that [ fides quâ justificans non recipit Christum ut Dominum . ] 3. If the [ quâ ] should relate to the effect , then it would only express a distinction between Justification and other Benefits , and not between faith and faith . For then [ quâ justistcans ] should be contradistinct only from [ qua sanctificans ] or the like . And if so , it is one and the same Faith and the same acts of faith , that sanctifie and justifie . As if a King put into a gracious act , to a company of Rebels , that they shall be pardoned , honoured , enriched , and all upon condition of their thankfull acceptance of him , and of this act of Grace : Here there is no room to distinguish of their Acceptance , as if the acceptance of pardon were the condition of pardon , and the acceptance of riches were the condition of their Riches , &c. But it is the same acceptance of their Prince and his Act of Grace , that hath relation to the several consequent benefits , & may be called pardoning , honouring & enriching in several respects . It is the same marriage of a Prince that makes a woman rich , honourable , &c. So it is the same faith in whole Christ , as Christ , that is sanctifying and justifying , as it relateth to the several Benefits : that is , it is the condition of both , so that their [ quâ justifi●ans ] doth either intimate this untruth , that haec fides quae talis , id est , qua fides in Christum crucifixum justificat ] ( which is true , neither of one act , nor other , ) and so begs the Question , or else it saith nothing . So that I shall never admit this quae justificans , without an Exposition ; and better then yet I have seen from any that use it . Mr. W. Argument 4. That which is the sum and substance of Evangelical preaching , is the object of Justifying Faith. But Christ as crucified , is the substance of Evangelical preaching . Ergo. Answ . 1. When I come to look for the conclusion which excluded Christ as Lord , Teacher , &c. from being the object , I can find no such thing in any Argument that yet I see . They have the same fate as Mr. Blakes Arguments had , to conclude no more then what I grant , that is , that Christ as crucified , is the object of justifying faith . But where 's the [ Only , ] or any exclusive of the rest . 2. But if it be implyed , then 1. I say of the term crucified , that Christ crucified to purchase sanctification and salvation , is the object of that faith which is the condition of Justification , and not only Christ crucified to procure Justification . 2. I deny the Minor , if by [ sum and substance ] you exclude Christ as Lord , Teacher , Judge ▪ Head , &c. Surely Evangelical preaching containeth Christs Resurrection , Lord-ship , Intercession , &c. as well as his death , or else the Apostles preached not the Gospel . This needs no proof with them that have read the Bible . Mr. W. Argum. 5. That which we should desire to know above all things , is that Object of justifying faith : But that is Christ crucified . — Ergo. Answ . 1. Still the Question wanting in the conclusion : Who denyeth that Christ crucified is the object of justifying faith ? 2. But if [ only ] be here understood , really doth not this Brother desire to know Christ obeying , Christ risen , Christ teaching , ruling , interceding , & c ? I do . Mr. W. Argument 6. That in Christ is the object of faith , as justifying which being apprehended doth justifie us : But the death , suffering , blood , obedience of Christ to death is that . — Therefore it is the proper object of faith , as justifying . Answ . 1. I distinguish of the term [ as justifying ] and answer as before . No act of Faith effecteth our Justification : and whole faith is the condition : The being or Nature of no act is the formal or nearest reason of faiths Interest in Justification It justifieth not [ as this act , nor as that . ] 2. If [ only ] or some exclusive be not implyed in the conclusion , I grant it still : But if it be , then both Major and Minor are false . 1. The Major is false , for it is not only the matter of our Justification , that is the object of justifying faith . To affirm this , is but to beg the question : we expect your proof . 2. The Minor is false : for besides the sufferings mentioned , the very person of Christ , and the active obedience of Christ , and the Title to pardon given us in the Gospel , &c. apprehended by faith do justifie . But the question is not what justifieth ex parts Christi , but ex parte nostri . Mr. W. Argument 7. That which the Gospel doth first present us with , is the Object of faith as justifying : But Christ is in the Gospel first presented as a Saviour : therefore he is therein the object of faith as justifying . Answ . 1. Distinguishing as before of the [ as justifying ] I still grant the whole ; the exclusive and so the question is still wanting in the conclusion . 2. But if he mean only , then both Maior and Minor are false . The Maior is false ; for that which the Gospel doth first present us with , is but part of the object of justifying Faith. For it presenteth us with the Articles to which we must Assent , and to the Good which we must Accept by degrees , and not all in a sentence or word . The Minor is false , because in order of nature , the Description of Christs Person goeth first , and of his Office afterward . 3. The word Saviour , comprehendeth both his Prophetical and Kingly Office , by which he saveth us from sin and Hell ; as also his Resurrection , Ascention , Intercession , &c. And in this large sense I easily grant the Conclusion . 4. If by a Saviour , he mean only ( as his cause importeth ) a sacrifice for sin , then ( as this is a strangely limited sense of the word Saviour , so ) certainly the Incarnation , Baptism , Temptation , Miracles , Obedience of Christ are all exprest before this ; And if it were otherwise , yet the consequence of the Maior is utterly groundless and vain . Priority or Posteriority of any point delivered in the Gospel , is a poor Argument to prove it the Object ( much less it alone ) of justifying faith . Mr. W. Argument 8. That which the Lords Supper doth as a seal present to justifying faith , that is the object of faith as justifying : But the Lords Supper doth present us with Christ as dying . — Ego . Answ . 1. Still the question is wanting in the conclusion . What a pack of Arguments are here ? 2. Do you believe in your conscience , that Christ is presented and represented in the Supper only as dying ? Mr. W. Argument 9. If we have Redemption and remission of sins through faith in his blood , then faith as justifying should only look upon that : But we have redemption and remission of sins by his blood , Col. 1. Answ . Here 's one Argument that hath the question in the conclusion . But 1. I deny the consequence of the Major , as not by Christians to be endured . The [ only ] followeth not . Though we must be justified by his blood , I have proved before , that we are also justified by his Resurrection , Obedience , Intercession , Judgement , &c. 2. Moreover the consequence is false on another account : Justifying faith , that is , Faith the condition of Justification , must look at more in Christ , then that which purchaseth Redemption . It justifieth not efficiently , nor of its own nature , but the Promise justifieth without faiths co-efficiency ; only it makes the condition sine qua non : and this it may do by another Act of faith , as well as that which apprehendeth the Ransom . 3. The [ qua justificans ] I have spoke to : Qua cannot here properly refer to the nature of the faith , but to the Benefit . And so faith qua justificans , is neither this act , nor that act , nor any act ; but [ qua justificans ] noteth only its respect to Justification rather then to Sanctification , or other benefits . As when I kindle a fire , I thereby occasion both Light and Heat , by putting to the fewel . And if you speak of that act of mine [ qua calefaciens : or qua illuminans ] this doth not distinguish of the nature of the act , but of the Respect that the same Act hath to several effects or consequents . Mr. W. Argument 10. If Christ only as crucified be the Meritorious Cause of our Redemption and Justification , then Christ crucified is the only object of faith as Justifying . But — Ergo. Answ . 1. The consequence of the Major is vain and an proved . More then the Meritorious Cause of our Redemption is the object of justifying faith . 2. The Minor is no small errour in the Judgement of most Protestants , who maintain that Christs active Obedience , and suffering life , are also the Meritorious cause of our Justification , and not only his Crucifixion . Mr. W. Argument 11. If Christ as a servant did satisfie Gods Justice , then he is so to be believed on to Justification . But as a servant he did satisfie Gods Justice . — Ergo. Answ . 1. I grant the conclusion . Christ as a servant is to be believed in . 2. But if [ only ] was again forgotten , I further answer . 1. I deny the consequence of the Major , because Christ is to be believed on for Justification in other respects , even in all essential to his Office , and not only as satisfying . I instanced before in Obeying , Rising , Judging , from express Scripture . 2. If the conclusion were granted , it s against you and not for you . For 1. Active obedience is as proper to a servant as suffering . 2. Christ Taught the Church as a servant to his Father , and is expresly called A Minister of the Circumcision . So that these you yield the objects of this faith . Mr. W. Argument 12. If none can call Christ [ Lord ] before he be justified by faith , then faith as justifying is not an Accepting him as Lord. The Minor is true , because none can call him Lord , but by the Spirit : and the Spirit is received by the hearing of faith , after we believe . Answ . Any thing must serve . 1. Both Major and Minor are such as are not to be swallowed in the lump . If by [ Call ] you mean the call of the voyce , then the consequence of the Major is vain and groundless . For a man may believe in Christ with the heart as Lord and Saviour , before he call him so with the mouth . But if by [ Call ] you mean [ Believe ] then the Minor is false & so confessed by all Protestants and Christians that ever I heard from of this point , till now : For they all confess that faith in Christ as Lord and Teacher , and Head , &c. is the fides quae justificat , or is of necessity to be present with the believing in his blood , that a man may be justified . Never did I hear till now that we first believe in Christ as dying only , and so are justified before we believe in him as Lord , ( and it seems before we are his Subjects or Disciples , and that is , before we are Christians . ) 2. To your proof of the Minor I answer , 1. It is no proof because the Text saith only that , [ No man can call him Lord but by the Spirit ] but our question is of Believing , and not of Calling which is Confessing . 2. Many Expositors take it but for a common gift of the Spirit that 's there spoken of : and do you think Justification must needs precede such common gifts ? 3. But if it had been [ Believe in stead of Call ] it s nothing for you : For I easily grant that no man can believe in Christ as Lord but by the Spirit : but I deny that this gift of the Spirit is never received , till after that we believe and are justified . And because it seems you judge that Believing in Christ to Justification is without the Spirit , I pray answer first what we have said against the Arminians , and Augustine against the Pelagians , for the contrary . Who would have thought that you had held such a point ? 4. How could you wink so hard as not to see that your Argument is as much against your self as me , if you do but turn it thus ? [ If none can call Christ Jesus , or the Saviour , or believe in him to Justification , before he be justified by faith , then faith as justifying is not the accepting him as a Saviour : The Minor is proved , because none can call him Jesus , or believe to Justification but by the Spirit ] This is as wise and strong an Argument as the other , and all one . See 1 Iob. 4.15 . & 5.5 . Believing in Christ as Saviour is as much of the Spirit , is believing in him as Lord. 5. The Text makes against you ( 1 Cor 12.3 . ) For there when Paul would denominate the true Christian faith or Confession , he maketh Christ as Lord the Object . Mr. W. Argument 13. If the promise of Salvation be the proper object of justifying faith , then not the commands of Christ as Lord and Law-giver . But — Ergo Answ . 1. The conclusion is nothing to our Question , which is not of Commands , but of Christ as Lord. It may be you know no difference between the Relation and subsequent Duties , between the Authority and the Command , between subjection and obedience . 2. The Minor is false , If by proper , you mean Only ( and if not , the consequence is vain and null . ) For the Person of Christ , and his Office , and the fruits of his Office , even Pardon , yea and Glory , are the true Objects of justifying Faith. Mr. W. Argument 14. If we are not justified both by Righteousness Inherent and Imputed , then not by obeying Christ as Lord and Law-giver . But — Ergo. Answ . What 's this to the Question ? 1. About Justification by Righteousness Imputed or Inherent we spoke before . 2. The conclusion never was acquainted with our Question ? Again it seems you cannot or will not distinguish between Relative subjection and actual obedience . A man may become your servant and so have the Priviledges of a servant , by covenant , before he obey you . A woman in Marriage may subject her self to you , and have Interest in your estate even by that Marriage which promiseth subjection as well as Love ( without excluding the first from being any condition of her Interest ; ) and all this before she obey you , 3. Your consequence would follow as much against your self as me . For Believing in Christ as a Ransom , is as truly a particular Inherent Righteousness , as believing in him as Lord. 4. We are justified by Righteousness Inherent as a particular righteousness , though not as a Universal : as subordinate to Christs Righteousness that it may be ours , though not in co-ordination with it . Mr. W. Argument 15. If our accepting of Christ as Lord and Law-giver be not properly or formally faith , nor properly to be called obedience , then we are not formally justified by faith in him as Lord , nor by our obedience to him as Lord. But such an accepting of him is not properly ▪ or in the account of God , or in it self Faith or obedience . Ergo. — The Minor I prove : if purposes , intentions , or verbal professions to believe or obey are not properly faith obedience , then such an accepting is not faith or obedience . The Minor proved . That which is or may be found in Hypocrites or Reprobates is not true faith or obedience . Bu — Ergo. Answ . The Lord pardon the hardness of my heart that hath no more compassionate sense of the miseries of that poor Church , and the dishonour of God which such Disputes as this proclaim ; by Arguments as fit to be answered by Tears as by words . 1. A little before he was proving ( Argument 12. ) that none could call Christ Lord but by the Spirit , and therefore this act was after Justification : And now he proveth that its common to Hypocrites , & Reprobates . 2. Here he delivereth me from all the trouble and fallacy that the distinction of fides quae Justificat and fides qua Justificat , hath been guilty of . For if the act that we dispute about , be no faith at all , then it is not the fides quae . And yet he often is upon the Qua Justificans himself , forgetting this . 3. Had I but delivered such a Doctrine as this , what should I have heard ? Justifying faith hath three Parts , ASSENT , CONSENT , and AFFIANCE , ( which also have several acts or parts , according to the divers essential parts of the Object . ) ASSENT is but Initial and introductory to the rest , as all acts of the Intellect are to those of the Will. CONSENT is the same which we here call ACCEPTING , which is but the meer VOLITION denominated from its respect to the offer and thing offered . This , as it is in the will , the commanding Faculty , so is it as it were the Heart of Faith ; the first act being but to lead in this , and AFFIANCE the third , being commanded much by this , or depending on it : For as it is seated in the Affections , so far it is distinct from this Velle or CONSENT . Now when ever we name Faith by any one of these three acts ( as the Scripture doth from every one ) we include them all , though to avoid tediousness we stand not to name all the parts , when ever by one word we express the whole . And all these Acts have whole Christ in all the essentials of his Person and office for their object . Now that this faith in Christ as Lord , or accepting him , should be said , and that by a Christian Divine , and that in the Reformed Church , to be no faith at all , ( to say nothing of his denying it to be obedience ; ) is no matter of honour or comfort to us . How oft doth the Scripture expresly mention faith in our Lord Jesus Christ ? Receiving Christ Jesus the Lord , Col 2.6 . with other equipollent terms . But I will not offer to trouble any Christian Reader with Arguments for such a Truth . 4. But yet the man would be thought to have Reason for what he saith ; and to his proof I further answer . 1. Purposes , Intentions , and verbal Professions were none of the terms or things in question : but Accepting or Believing in Christ as Lord , Teacher , &c. These are but concomitants ( the two first ) and ( the last ) a consequent . 2. Is it the Act [ Accepting ] that this Brother disputeth against , or is it the Object [ Christ as Lord ] as being none of the faith by which we are justified ? If it be the former , 1. What Agreement then hath this Argument with all the rest , or with his question ? 2. What Agreement hath his Judgement with the holy Scripture , that calleth Faith a Receiving of Christ , and maketh it equipollent with [ Believing in his Name ] John 1.11.12 . Col. 2.6 . 3. What Agreement hath his Judgement with the Protestant Faith , that maketh Christ himself as Good to be the Object of faith ; to be embraced , or chosen , or accepted by the will , as well as the word as True , to be Assented to by the understanding . But if it be the Object that he meaneth , then what force or sense is there in his Argument , from the terms , [ Purposing , Intending , Confessing ? ] Let him name what Act he please , so it respect this Object ; and if it be an Act of faith indeed , it s all one as to our present Controversie . If he take Consent , willing , or Accepting of Christ to be no act of Faith , let him name any other that he will own ( for I would quarrel as little as may be about words , or impertinent things , ) and let that be it . 4. And how could he choose but see , that his Argument is as much against [ Accepting Christ as Priest ] as against [ Accepting him as Lord ] to Justification ? No doubt but a man that had the common Reason to write but such a book as this , must needs see this if he regard what he said . And therefore I must take it for granted that his Argument is against both alike : even to prove that Accepting of Christ as Lord , or as Saviour , is no faith or obedience at all . But the Reader will hardly believe till he weigheth it , that a waking man would reason thus upon such a Question as this in hand . 5. Consenting that Christ shall be my Lord and Teacher , and Head , doth imply a consent , and so a Purpose of future obeying , learning and receiving from him ; And so consenting that Christ shall be my Righteousness , Intercessor , and Justifier , doth imply a Purpose of Trusting in him for the future . And yet this consent in both cases is Justifying faith . 6. And its dolefull Doctrine ( were he a true Prophet ) to all Gods Church , that Purposes and Intentions to believe and obey , are no more then may be found in Hypocrites or Reprobates . For though there are superficial uneffectual purposes and Intentions in them , as there is an uneffectual faith in them ; yet if no Purposes and Intentions will prove men Saints , then nothing in this world will prove them Saints ; For the Evidences of Grace are more certain to him that hath them , in the Heart then in the outward Actions . And in the Heart , the very new Creature lyeth much in these two . Desires themselves will prove true Grace : Much more when they rise to setled Purposes . Why else did Barnabas exhort the young beginners ▪ that [ with purpose of Heart they should cleave unto the Lord ] as intimating that their stability lay in this ; And Intentions are the very Heart of the New man. For Intention is that act that is exercised about the End , which is God himself . Intendere finem , is no more then Velle vel Amare Deum ; It is the Love of God above all . And if this be common to Hypocrites and Reprobates , what a case are we in then ? I hope I have given you a sufficient account of the Impertinency and vanity of Mr. Warners fifteen Arguments . To which he adjoyneth a rabble of the words of Socinians , Arminians , and I know not who , to assure you that we his new Adversaries , do joyn with that company and plead their cause : And he that will believe him , shall no further be disturbed by me in his belief . I doubt I have wearied the Reader already , and therefore I shall only add a few words about a few more of the most considerable passages in his Book . Some other of Mr. Warners passages of most importance considered . Pag. 385. MR. W. saith [ It 's worth the observing how to evade the Distinction of the Acts of faith , he saith that faith is one act in a moral sense , as Taking a man to be my Prince , Teacher , Physitian , &c. and not in a physical sence ; for so it is many acts , &c. ] And he confuteth me thus : [ Here , Reader , see the wit or forgetfulness of the man , who to maintain his own ground , doth often consider faith as Physically seated in the understanding and will ; but when we assault him , will not allow us , any Physical , but a moral Acception of it . ] Answer A most gross untruth ! ( and that 's an Arguing that Faith needeth not ) Your forgery is not only without ground , and contrary to my plain and frequent words , but contrary to the express words that you draw your Observation from . I say faith Physically taken , is many acts ; but morally taken it is one work : Hence you call out to the Reader to observe , that I will not allow you any Physical but a Moral Acception of it . ] Is it fit to Dispute with such dealing as this ? Do you think that I or any man of brains doth doubt whether faith be a Physical Act ( except them of late that take it to be but a Passion and a Nominal action ? ) Surely all know that it is an Act in order of Nature , before it is a moral act . Actus moralis , is first actus Physicus . Though Moraliter actus , i. e. actus Reputativus , may be but a non-acting Physically : He that wilfully famisheth his own child , doth kill him morally or reputatively , and so is moraliter agens , that is , Reputative . But he that cherisheth him is an Agent natural and moral , that is , Ethical or Vertuous . I wonder what made you think me of such an opinion that I have so much wrote against ? He next saith , that [ Though by one moral act we receive divers benefits , yet we receive them to divers purposes . ] Answer , True ! But many such passages of yours are to no purpose ; and such is this : impertinent to the business . Page 391. He comes to my Distinction , where I say , that ex parte Christi he satisfieth Justice as a Ransom , and Teacheth us as our Master , and Ruleth us as our King , yet ex parte nostri , it is but one and the same entire faith that is the condition of our Title to his several benefits : From hence he ingeniously gathereth that I say , [ That faith hath but one respect to those benefits , and is not diversified by several acts ; and deny the necessity of these distinct acts in reference to the several benefits of Christ . ] Whereas I only maintained , that though the acts be Physically distinct , yet they are not distinct conditions of our Interest in the benefits , but the same entire faith is the one condition of them all . Hereupon he learnedly addresseth himself to prove that faith hath several acts . And he that thinketh it worth his time to transcribe and confute his Arguments , let him do it , for I do not . Page 401. He thinks [ We need not dispute whether the Reception of Christ by faith , be moral or Physical : however it is not an improper , but proper reception . ] Answ . 1. It seems then we need not dispute whether Christs body be every where , and whether mans faith do touch him and receive him naturally as the mouth doth the meat ? 2. And whereas Recipere , in its first and proper signification was wont to be pati , now it is agere : And whereas consent or Acceptance was wont to be called Receiving but Metonymically , now it is becoma a proper Reception . Page 303.304 . Reasoning against me , he saith , [ The nearest formal Reason of a Believers Interest , is not Gods making it a condition , which is the remote reason thereof , but a Believers fulfilling the condition , &c. ] Answ . 1. Here he changeth the question , from [ What is the nearest reason of saiths Interest ] to [ What is the nearest reason of the Believers Interest . ] To the first I say , [ Its being made the condition of the Promise . ] To the second I say , [ The Promise or grant it self . ] 2. He findeth a learned Confutation for me , viz. That it is not Gods making , but the fulfilling the condition that is the formal Reason . Answ . Performance , that is , Believing maketh faith to be faith , and exist : but the Promise makes that the condition . I spoke de esse , and he de existere : And yet I usually say , that [ The nearest Reason of faiths interest in Justification , i● , as it is the condition of the Promises fulfilled ] that I might joyn both . 3. Note that in this his Assertion he granteth me the sum of all that I desire . For if this be true , then it is not the Nature or the Instrumentality of faith that is the nearest reason , as is usually said . Page 200. He doth as solemnly call his Adversarie ad partes , as if he were in good sadness to tell him what is the causality of works is Justification : And falling to his enumeration , he tells us that [ The particle A or Ab notes the peculiar causality of the efficient : the particle Ex notes the material cause : the particle P●r or By , the formal cause : the particle Propter , the final cause . ] Answ . I must erave pardon of the Reader while I suppose all this to be currant , that I may answer ad homin●m . And then 1. It seems faith is not the efficient cause , and therefore not the Instrumental cause : For A or ab is not affixed to it , in this business . 2. It seems then that faith is the formal cause of Justification , because we are said to be Justified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 3.22 , 25 , 30 , & passim [ By Faith ] So that faith is come to higher promotion then to be an Instrumental efficient cause . 3. Hence it seems also that faith , even the same faith is [ the material cause ] too : For most certainly we are said to be justified ex fide : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Rom. 3.26 , 30. Rom. 5.1 Gal. 2.16 . & 3.8 , 7 , 5 , 9 , 22 , 24. & 5.5 . Jam. 2.24 Whether ex fide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do indeed express an Instrumental efficient , I leave to consideration : But sure I am it fitly expresseth the Interest of a condition . And if Mr. W. will needs advance faith hereby to be the matter of our Righteousness , it must be but of our subordinate particular Evangelical righteousness , which consisteth in fulfilling the condition of Justification . Chap. 5. pag. 29.30 , 31. He spends a Chapter to open to us the meaning of [ fides qua Justificat . ] And prosesseth that it is the Carad controversia ; yea it was the remembrance of this distinction and the light he received by it that induced him to enter on this Discourse ; and that it is the basis of his following exercitation . And what think you is the happy Light that deserveth all this ostentation ? Why 1. On the Negative we are satisfied that he means not [ What fides qua fides can do : ] And then we are secure that he means nothing that can hurt his Adversaries cause . 2. The Light then is all but this [ That qua here is not taken Reduplicative , but specificative , when by the particle qua or quatenus , there is some new or singular kind of Denomination added to the subject of the Proposition : as when we say , man as a reasonable creature feeleth : In this latter sence ( saith he ) I believe the particle qua or quatenus is taken , when we do not say , faith as faith , but faith as Justifying , viz. as a Grace designed to this act or operation of Justifying , looks on Christ as Saviour . ] Answ . This Chapter was worth the observing . For if this be the Basis of all the Exercitation , and the Light that Generated all the rest , the dispatch of this may serve for all . It seems by his words he had look't into Reebe's Distinctions in the end of Castaneus , and meeing with Reduplicative and specificative , admired the distinction as some rare Discovery : and this pregnant fruitful Distinction begot a Volume , before it was half understood it self . Had he but read the large Schemes for explaining Qua or Quatenus in others , its like it would have either begot a larger Volume , or by informing or confounding him , have prevented this . First , he disowneth the Reduplicative sence ; and then owneth the specificative . But 1. He seeth not , it seems , the insufficiency of this distinction ; 2. Nor the meaning of it ; 3. Nor could well apply it to the subject in hand . Of the first I shall speak anon . The second appeareth by his Description , his Instance , and his Application . He describeth it to be [ When there is some new or singular kind of Denomination added to the subject of the Proposition . ] 1. And why may it not be added also to the Predicate , as well as it may Reduplicatively ? as Motus est actus mobilis quatenus est mobile . 2. There are many new kinds of Denominations that will not serve for your specificative Quatenus . The instance you give is , [ as when we say man as a Reasonable creature faileth ] . This was but an unhappy Translation of [ Homo quatenus animal est sensibilis ] and it s true in the Latine ▪ how false soever in the English . For the Application , 1. You say [ you [ Believe ] its thus taken . As if you did but Believe , and not know your own meaning in the Basis of your Exercitation . 2. Your Specificative Quatenus is Causal , or signifieth the Reason of the thing , either of the Predication or the thing predicate : But so cannot your Basis hold good . For faith doth not look on Christ as a Saviour ( as you please Metaphorically to speak ) because it Justifieth : for its Nature is before the effect , and therefore cannot the effect be given as the cause of it ; ( unless it were the final cause , of which anon . ) Qua or quatenus properly and according to the common use signifieth the proper reason of the thing or predication ; and is appliable only to that which is spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As to the terms , sometimes there is a Reduplication of the same term , sometimes that reduplication is of the matter , but in other terms , as in a definition , or synominal words , or it is implyed : sometimes it is the terms of the Predicate or Attribute that is Reduplicate ; sometimes it is without a Reduplication : And then sometimes it giveth a Reason from an Essential Part : sometime from the Generical Nature ; sometime from the Specifick Nature : sometime from an Accident : and those are divers : sometime from a Quality : sometime from Quantity : sometime from Relation ; and that is multifarious : If we should run into all the sences of this Term which Mr. W. doth lap up in the word [ Specificative ] the words might exceed the profit . And it s to be noted that usually the term is respective as to some other thing excluded which is contradistinct : & so we give sometimes a more Remote and General , & sometime a neerer and more special Reason by Qua or quatenus . As if you mix a purging Electuary in your Drink , I say that Purgeth quatenus medicated , which is to exclude the Drink from being Purgative . If I speak of the Electuary , I may say that it purgeth quatenus Diagridiate , to exclude many other Ingredients from being Purgative . But if I speak of the Diagridium , I may say that it Purgeth as having an Elective faculty , &c. to exclude other Reasons of its operation . Now for the opening of the matter in hand , let us try certain Propositions that may be supposed to be laid down concerning Faith. [ 1. Faith as faith justifieth ] This is True , taken laxely , for the excluding of [ faith as a meer Physical act , or meritorious &c. ] but it is false strictly taken , as signifying the formal or nearest reason . So [ 2. Fades in Christum qua talis Justificat ] that is , haec sides in specie ] is true , taken Laxely and materially to exclude all other Faith : q. d. It is not faith in Peter or Paul , but faith in Christ as such that is the matter deputed , to be the condition of Justification . But it s false taken strictly , deratione formali . 3. So [ This faith as it is an Apprehension or Acceptance of Christ , justifieth . ] It s true , Materialiter & Remotius , Laxly : but false formaliter & stricte de ratione proxima . For this is the same in other terms with the second . So [ 4. Faith justifieth as an Instrumental effitient cause of our Justification . ] It s false in every tolerable sence . So [ 5. Faith justifieth as an Instrument of receiving Christ . ] It s true , 1. taking the word [ Instrument ] Metaphorically , and meaning only the Nature of this faith , which is [ to Believe in and Accept Christ . ] 2. and taking Quatenus remotely , laxely and materially only , q.d. Faith is the Elected matter of the condition ( or is chosen to be the condition of Justification ) for this Aptitude , as , or because it is a Reception or Acceptance of Christ . But it s false , 1. Taking an [ Instrument ] strictly and Logically . 2. and speaking de ratione formali . So [ 6. Faith as a believing in Christs sacrifice , justifieth . ] It s true , Laxly , Materialiter & partialiter : that is , This act of faith is part of the matter of the condition . But it s false , formaliter de ratione proxima . So [ 7. Faith justifieth only as it is a Believing in Christs sacrifice or Righteousness . ] It s false both de materia & de ratione formali . So [ 8. Faith as Justifying is only a Believing in , or Accepting Christ as our Ransom ] Here is darkness , and either nonsence or false doctrine . 1. [ As Justifying ] signifieth either [ as a justifying efficient cause ] 2. Or [ as the merit or matter of our Righteousness . ] 3. Or [ as the means i. e. condition of our Righteousness , of which Justification is a consequent and final cause . ] In the first sense it is every way false . In the second sense it is every way false , speaking of our Universal Righteousness . In the third sense , if spoken laxely de materia , its false , because of the exclusive [ Only . ] And if spoken de ratione formalivel proxima , 1. It s preposterous to put the Consequent before the Antecedent , if you speak de ordine exequendi : 2. And it is false : For [ qua Justificans ] speaketh of Justification as the consequent , or as an act , and not of the Nature of Faith it self . And therefore [ qua Justificans ] faith is nothing ( much less that act alone . ) For it is not de esse fidei that the term speaks , but of the consequent ; So that the [ Fides qua justificans est ] what ever act you mention , is absurd and unsound : For as non justificat quatenus est , it a non est quatenus Justificat , its Essence being pre-supposed . But if you speak de ordine Intentionis , viz. [ Faith as elected a means or condition of Justification is only a Believing in Christs sacrifice . ] then Laxely & Materially it would be True , if it were not for the [ only . ] But because of that it is false , both de materia & de ratione formali . The nature of it is before its Office. So [ 9. Faith as designed to this act or operation of Justifying , looks on Christ as a Saviour . ] This is Mr. Ws. Assertion . But 1. justifying is not an act or operation of faith ; but of God on the Believer . 2. But if you mean but constituting it the condition of Justification , then 1. the wrong end is set first : For it doth not look at Christ , as it s made the condition ; but it s made the condition , because being an Accepting of Christ , its Apt for that Office. So that Materially and Laxely , it s thus true ; ( a Saviour , comprehendeth Christs Kingly and Prophetical Offices , and everlasting Priesthood in Heaven ) But this is nothing to the formal Reason of its Interest in Justification . But lest you think that [ qua Justificans ] hath no proper place , I further instance [ 9. Faith as justifying is distinst from faith as entitling to Heaven , or other promised mercies . ] This is true ( supposing Justification and the said Title to Glory to differ . ) But this is but a denomination of the same faith from its divers consequents . As my lighting a candle being one action is Actioilluminans ( ut causa moralis , ) & calefaciens ; & quailluminans non est calefaciens . So a womans marrying a Prince , is an Honouring , enriching act : and qua honouring , it is not enriching . But it s the same entire undivided act or Antecedent Means , or Condition , that is thus variously denominated from several Benefits . And thus Relations may give divers denominations to the same person ; the same man may , be considered as a Father , as a Physitian , as a Subject , &c. So 10. FAITH WHICH IS AN EFFECTUAL ACCEPTANCE OF and AFFIANCE IN CHRIST AS CHRIST , was CHOSEN and ORDAINED by God the Condition of Justification and Life , because his Wisdom saw it fit for that Office , and that fitness lyeth in its respect to the Object and Gods ends ( supposing we may assign Reasons or causes of Gods Will. ) By this faith ( so constituted the Condition ) we are actually JUSTIFIED AS T IS THE PERFORMED CONDITION OF GODS PROMISE . ] This is the plain Truth in few and easie words . By what is said you may see that when they say [ faith as Justifying ] is this or that , it is both preposterous , and the [ qua ] as distinct from the [ quae ] de ratione formali , causally spoken , is plainly false : But in other cases , Laxely and Materially , the [ qua ] signifieth the same as the [ quae ] with the exclusion of other matter . And when they have raised never so great a dust , the Question is but this : Whether we are justified by Believing in Christ as Christ , or only in Christ as a Ransom ] ( and yet as a Ransom and as dying he purchaseth Sanctification as well as Justification . ) Or. [ Whether faith in Christ as Christ , or only faith in Christ as Purchasing Justification , be the condition of our Justification . ] Reader , Having shewed the darkness of that Light that caused Mr. Ws. Exercitation , and overthrown its Basis , I shall put thee to no further trouble . To my Reverend Brother Mr. John Warner , Preacher of the Gospel at Christs Church in Hantshire . Sir , THough ( through the privacy of my habitation ) I never so much as heard of your name , before your Book of the Object and Office of faith was in the Press ; yet upon tht perusal of it I confidently conclude , that a zeal for God , and that which you verily think to be his Truth , hath moved you to this undertaking ; and doubtless you think that you have done God service by it . I love your zeal : and your indignation against Error ; and your tendernese of so great a point as that of Justification . And could I find your Light to be answerable to your heat , I hope I should also love and honour it : Had you not taken me ( with the two Reverened Brethren whom you oppose ) to be the enemies of the person and Grace of the Lord Jesus , or the followers of them ( as you say , Epist . pag. 6. ) I am perswaded you would not have either called us so , or thought your self called to this assault . And if I love Christ , I must love that man that hateth me ▪ though mistakingly , for the sake of Christ . That principle within you that hath made Christ and Truth so dear to you , that you rise up for that which seemeth to you to be Truth , I hope will grow till you attain perfection in that world of Light that will end our differences , I shall not go about to dèprecate your indignation for my plain expressions in this Defence , when the nature of your matter did require them : For I am not so unresonable as to expect that fair words should reconcile a good man to those that he takes to be enemies to Christ , or to their followers . But as I can truly say if I know what is in my heart , that the Reading of your Book hath bred no enmity to you in my brest , but only kindled a love to your zeal , with a compassion of your darkness , and a dislike of your so much confidence in the dark ; so it shall be my care as it is my duty , to love you as a mistaken servant of Christ , though you should take me for his greatest enemy . And therefore being conscious of no worse affections to you , I desire that Justice of you , as to impute the ungratefull passages that you meet with , to my apprehension of the badness of your cause and Arguments , and a compassion to the poor Church that must be troubled and tempted , and endangered by such gross mistakes , and not to any contempt of your person , with which I meddle not , but as you are the Author of those Arguments . In your Preface I find a Law imposed by you on your Answerer , which I have not fully observed : 1. Because I had written my Reply to your Arguments a considerable time before I saw your Preface ; For it fell out that I first saw your Book without the Epistle and Preface . 2. Because I thought it fittest to follow the Method that my Subject and the Readers ●●dification did require . 3. Yet did I once purpose to have answered all that was of moment in your Book against the Truth : but upon trial I found your Reasons so inconsiderable , that weariness interrupted me and put an end to my Reply , and withal I grew confident that my labour would be to little purpose . For I dare venture any Judicious Divine upon your Book without the help of a Reply : And for the rest , it is not replying that will serve turn : but either prejudice will hold them to the side that they have taken , or else they will think him in the right that hath the last word : when they have read mine , they will think that I am in the right ; and when they have again read yours , they will think that you carry the cause : and when they read my Reply again they will say , you were mistaken ; but usually they will go with the party that is in greatest credit , or hath most interest in them , or advantage on them . But yet I think you will find that none of your strength against me is neglected : For I can truly say , that when I think not meet to Answer all that a man hath said , I never pass by that which I take to be his strength , but purposely call out that , and leave that which I think is so grosly weak as to need no answer : So much of your ten Demands or Laws as I apprehended necessary , I have here answered ; supposing what I had said of the same points in my first Disputation , which I saw no Reason too often to Repeat . I am none of those that blame you for too much of the Metaphysicks , but rather mervail that you feared not lest your Metaphysical Reader will wrong you by mis-applying your cited Schegkius contrary to your better opinion of your self , and take both your Schegkius and your Scaliger for Prophets that could speak as if they had read your Book , and been acquainted with your arguings . But it seems you are not the first of that way . By your Arguments in your Preface , I perceive you think it a matter of very great moment to your cause , to prove that there are divers acts of Faith , whereas I am so far from denying it , that I am ready to demonstrate , that even the faith by which we are Justified , is liker to have twenty acts then one only , but many certainly it hath . Your first Argument is , from the different objects because the Objects specifie the Acts. A sufficient Argument which no man can confute . But 1. This is no proof , that one act only is it that we are justified by . 2. Where you add that Justifying Faith hath not respect to Christ as Lord formaliter , you beg the Question , and assert no light mistake . But where you add [ in its act of Justifying ] you do but obtrude upon us your fundamental Error ( which leadeth you to the rest ) by naked affirmations . Faith hath properly no justifying act : Justificare est efficere , Faith doth not effect our Justification : we are justified by faith indeed , but not as by an efficient cause unless you will take Justification for Sanctification ; For real qualitative Mutations it doth effect ; but the Jus or Title to any mercy in the world it cannot Effect , but Accept when offered . If you ●●n● see so plain a Truth in its Evidence , yet observe by the words of the Reverend Brother that is my Opponent in the second Disputation , and by your Prefacers Dr. Kendals course that its a passive instrumentality that the Defenders of your cause at last are driven to ; and therefore talk not of its act of Justifying unless you will mean Gods act of Justifying which faith is the Condition of . And whereas you make unbelief to be formally a slighting and neglecting Christ as a Saviour and effectively ( you must mean only effective & non formaliter ) a denying subjection to him as Lord. You err so great but so rare an error , that I suppose it needless to confute it . All Christians as far as I can learn have been till now agreed , that Believing in Christ as Prophet and King is a real part of faith , and that unbelief or rejecting him as Prophet and King is a real part of unbelief . Your second Argument is from the different subjects ; where you give us two such palpable Fictions , that its a wonder you can make your self believe them , much more that you should lay so great a stress on such absurdities . The first is that the Act of Faith is in several faculties : and you elswhere give us to understand that it is one Physical Act that you mean. And do you think in good sadness that one single Physical act can be the act of both the faculties ? The second is that the fear , love and obedience to Christ as King is but in the Will. But 1. That Readers do you expect , that will take an Assertion of Fear-Love , and Obedience , in stead of an assertion concerning Faith ? Were you not comparing faith in Christ as King , with faith in Christ as Priest only ? And why speak you not of faith in one part of your comparison , as well as in the other ? Your conclusion now is nothing to the Question ? 2. Or if you mean that Faith in Christ as King is not in both faculties , as well as Faith in Christ as Priest or sacrifice , did you think that any man of ordinary understanding would ever believe you without any proof ? or that ever such a thing can be proved ? Your third Argument is , [ Because they are in a different time exerted ; the one , that is , Faith as Justifying being precedaneous to the other , ( and to other Graces ) ] Answ . Wonderfull ! Is that man justified that believeth not in Christ as the King and Prophet of the Church ? Do you believe this your self ? why then an Infidel is justified by Faith. The ' Belief in Christ as a Sacrifice or Priest only , is not the Christian faith ; it is not faith in Christ properly , because it is not faith in Christ as Christ . For Christ as Priest only is not Christ . A Heart only is not Corpus humanum : A Body only is not a Man ; where there are three essential parts , one of them is not the Thing , without the rest . The name [ Jesus Christ ] signifieth the office as well as the person . It is essential to that Office , that he be Prophet and King. And hereby you shew that you do not only distinguish but divide . For where there is a distance of time between the Acts , there is a division . Do you think that we are Christs enemies , or followers of them , unless we will believe you that a man is Justified by Believing in Christ only as a Priest or Ransom , or in his Righteousness , before ever be believe in him as King and Lord ( and so as Teacher , &c. ) If I had said that you are Christs enemy for such Doctrine , which ▪ think you , had had the fairer pretence for his censure ? But I am far from saying so , or thinking it . I know that the Assent to the essential Articles of Christianity , containeth many Acts , and that our Consent and Affiance are many Physical Acts , as the parts of Christs Office are many Objects . But yet I ( do not think but ) am certain that all these physical Acts concur to make up that Moral A● which is called Christian , or saving , or Justifying Faith ; and that he that believeth not in Christ as to all that is essential to Christ , is no Christian . And a man is not justified by Faith before he is a Christian . And truly Sir , men that are loth to flie from the Light , and that love the Truth , and diligently seek it ( as heartily , if not as happily as you ) must yet needs tell you , that if you produce your Mormolucks an hundred times , and cant over and over [ a Papist , a Socinian , an Arminian ; and an Arminian , a Socinian and a Papist ] their understandings , will never the more be perswaded to embrace your Delusions , though you should say that the Kingdom of God doth consist in them . Your fourth Argument is that , [ There is a difference in Nature , Efficacy , Energy , and Operation ; therefore the Acts are not the same . ] Answ 1. I maintained the conclusion ( that faith hath different Acts ) before ever I heard of your name ; and have no reason now to denie it . 2. The difference of Nature , I grant you between many Acts of faith ; but what you mean by the Efficacy , Energy , and Operation , be that knows can tell ; for I cannot . But still desire you to know that I deny faith to have any efficient operation in justifying us , or that it is an efficient cause of our Justification ; especially it s no Physical efficient ; you add a strange proof of your Assertion , [ viz. For faith as Justifying makes a mystical Union and relative change on the person ; but faith as working and sanctifying produceth a moral union with Christ . &c. ] Answ . 1. Faith as justifying doth only Justifie , and produce no V●ion ; the same faith as uniting is the means of Vnion . 2. The question is of [ Faith in Christ as Priest , and faith in Christ as Prophet and King also . ] And you talk of [ faith as justifying , and as working and sanctifying ] A small alteration . 3. What Mystical Relative Union is that which is not a Moral Union ? 4. Faith in Christ as Christ , and not as a Ransom only , is the means of our Justification ; And you give us nothing like a proof of the contrary restriction . In the same Preface you tell the world of as threefold Artifice that we use ; the first is [ to set up a second Justification ] Ans . Is it the Name or the Thing that you mean ? If the name , 1. cite the words where we use that Name . 2. If it answer the subject , you may bear with the name . If it be the Thing , then tell us what Religion that it that denyeth 1. a Justification by sentence at Judgement . 2. Gods continual justifying us to the Death . 3. And his particular pardoning or justifying us from the guilt of renewed particular sins . 4. And that faith is not only in the first act , but through all our lives , the means of our Justification ; Or , justifying faith is more then one instantaneous Act ; or a man ceaseth not to have justifying faith after the first Act or moment . Tell us who those be , and what Religion they are of that deny all these , that Christians may be acquainted with them , if they be worthy their acquaintance . Our second Artifice is , [ to require Works only as Gospel-Conditions . ] Answ . Would you have us say more of them , or less ? If less , I have said enough of it in the second Disputation . Our third Artifice is , [ To include works in the Definition of Justifying faith , making it a receiving of Christ as Saviour , Lord and Law-giver to Justification ; as also confounding our consummate Salvation or Glorification with our Justification . ] Ans . Gross untruths ! contrary to large and plaine expressions of my mind in several Volumes ( if you mean me , as you know I have reason to judge ) 1. I ever took works to be a fruit of faith , and no part of it , unless you take the word Faith improperly and laxely ; unless by [ Works ] you mean [ Acts ] And you take faith for such a work your self , that is , an Act. 2. I expresly distiguished what you say I confound ; Consummate Sanctification or Glorification , and consummate Justification . But yet as I do in the Definition include Consent to Christs Lordship , though not Obedience ( that 's only implyed to be a necessary consequent , ) so I still say that much of your Justitication is yet to come ; And if your Religion teach you to say , that you will be beholding to Christ for no more Justification , so doth not mine . And whereas you cite some that say , that all our sins are pardoned in our first believing , as if I had questioned any such thing , I must tell you that I easily grant it , that every sin is then forgiven , and so far as that Justification is perfect ; but what have you yet said to prove , 1. That we are never justified be faith , but in that one instant . 2. That we need no particular Justification from particular sins that after shall be committed . 3. Nor no sentential Justification at Judgement , which Mr. Burgess will tell you , is the chief . You and others use to say , that , that at Judgement , is but Declarative . But 1. It is no common Declaration , but a Declaration by the Judge . 2. And the Sentence doth more then meerely declare ; for it doth finally decide , acquit and adjudge to Glory . 3. And methinks this Declarative should be no term of Diminution , but of Aggravation , with those that still use to say that Justification is a judicial● Term. Alas ! That these matters among the friends of Christ and Truth , should need so many words . Some more I had to say to you , but you may find it in the Preface to these Disputations . I only add , that if indeed it be true which you write to that Honourable person , to whom you dedicate your Labors , viz. That the Subject of your Discourse is so excellent and necessary to be known ; and that He who is Ignorant of the Object and Office of Faith , doth neither know what he believeth , nor how he is justified ; I should think it is high time , that you call your Vnderstanding once more to an account , and review the Fabrick that you have built on a qua justificans not understood , or upon a specificative quatenus , where there is no such thing : And if you think me unfit to be hearkned to in this , ( as being one of the men of perverse minds that there you mention , ) its more worthy your industry , to seek the advice of the learned Oxford Divines herein , then that they should be sought to approve and midwife such a Book into the world : and its likely that their Charity will provoke them to be serviceable to you in this : though I hear that their Discretion forbad them the other , For all men are not so easily whistled into a Christs-Church contention against the Truth and Church of Christ , as ' Dr. K. and one or two Confidents , that living in a cold and s●eril Country , are less substantive , and more adjective , then Innocents and Independents use to be . None 's here so fruitfull as the Leaning Vine : And what though some be drunken with the Wine ? They 'l fight the better , if they can but hit : And lay about them without fear or — ) But stay ! See What Example is ! As the name of D● . K. and the remembrance of his differtatiuncula ( an Appendant to fax pro Tribunali , that could salva fide , fidem solvere ) began to tice me into a jocound vein ; so your concluding Poetry had almost tempted me in an Apish imitation to Poetize , when weariness made me think of a conclusion . But I had rather conclude with this serious motion to you ( that my end may meet your beginning , ) that before you next write on this Subject , you will better consider of the question that your qua justificans concerneth : And instead of telling us , that fides qua justificans respicit Christum Salvatorem , that is , fides qua justificans est fides , as if it were justifying in order of Nature before it is Faith : you will be pleased to tell us , sub qua ratione fides justificat ( vel fide justificamut ? ) Whether you will say , that fides qua justificans , justificat , or fides qua fides justificat , ( which I think you disown , ) or fides qua respicit , apprehendit , recipit Christum , which is all one , as fides qua fides , or fides qua Instrumentum apprehendens , which Metaphorical expression still signifieth no more then [ qua credit in Christum , or qua fides ? ] Or whether you will stand to what you have affirmed . chap. 9. pag. 67. that its Gods assignation of it to the office , who therefore doth it , because he wills it : and to what you said , pag , 304. The meerest formal reason of a Believers Interest to pardon , is — a Believers fulfilling the condition . And if you will stand to this that you have said , and understand that the Doctrine of us whom you assault is the same ( more carefully expressed , ) be intreated then to let your next bolt be shot at the right mark : which is all that 's now requested of you , by Your Christian Brother ( whether you will or no ) RICHARD BAXTER ▪ Decemb. 25. 1657. Richard Baxters DISCVSSION OF Mr John Tombes his Friendly , Acceptable ANIMADVERSIONS ON HIS Aphorisms , and other Writings . About the Nature of Justification , and of justifying Faith. LONDON , Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons , Book-seller in Kederminster , and are to be sold by him there , and by Nathaniel Ekins , at the Gun in Pauls Church-yard . 1658. Sir , UPON reading of the Postscript in your late Book , I have sent you these Animadversions . You say Aphor. of Justification . ●ag . 184. [ All those Scriptures which speak of Justification as done in this life , I understand of Justification in Title of Law. So Rom. 5.1 . and 4 2. and 5.9 . Jam. 2.21 , 25 , &c. ] I conceive Justification , being Gods Act , Rom. 3.30 . Rom. 8.33 . consequent upon Faith , and calling , and importing a sentence opposite to Condemnation ; Rom. 8.30 , 33 , 34. and 5.1 . terminated on particular persons , Rom. 4.2 , 3 Rom. 8.30 . it must be more then the Vertual Justification in Law-Title ; which is only an act of God prescribing or promisig a way of Justification , not the sentence it self , and is general , and indeterminate to particular persons , and is performed before the person justified believes : Yea is the same , though none were actually justified : and therefore in my apprehension , that Act of Gods Covenanting or promising , in which I conceive you place the Justification by Law-Title . Thes . 38. Is not the Justification by faith meant , Rom. 5.1 , &c. Besides , to be justified notes a Passion , which presupposeth an Action ; an Act Transient , not Immanent ; or only Gods purpose to justifie : nor can it be Gods Promise to justifie : For the Act , though it be Transient , yet it is only a Declaration what he will do ; his promise to justifie upon condition , is not Justifying , and therefore a man is not by the Covenant , without a further Act , Denominated Justified , though he be made justifyable by it . I conceive Justification is a Court term , Importing an Act of God as Judge , whereas his promising is not his Act as Judge , but Rector , thes . 42. you mention the Angels judging us Righteous , and Rejoycing therein ; which whence it should be , but by a sentence passed in Heaven , I know not . Constitutive Justification , different from Declarative by sentence , I do not find expressed under the term [ Justification ] It would be considered whether any other Act besides the sentence , doth make a man just , but giving of faith ; notwithstanding Christs Death , and the conditional Covenant before faith , a person is only justifyable ; Conditionalis nihil ponit in esse . A person is upon giving of Faith justified ; but not by giving of faith ( that 's an act of Sanctification ) but by a sentence of God , Thes . 59. You make justification a continued act ; now it being a transient act , I suppose it may not be well called a continued Act , which imports a successive motion between the terminus a quo , and terminus ad quem ; whereas the act , whether by sentence , or Covenant , is not such a Motion . It s not to be denyed , that the Benefit and Vertue of it is continued , but I think not the Act. If it be not s●mel , but saepe , yet it should be rather called Actus Renovatus , Repetitus , Iteratus , then continued I incline to think there is but one Justification of a person in this life , though there be frequent remissions of sin . Of this you may Consider . In the Saints Everlasting Rest , pag. 11. Doubtless the Gospel takes faith for our obedience to All Gospel Precepts . Believing doth not produce subjection to Christ as King , as a finite , but contains it as an Essential part , &c. Aphor. p. 25.5 . Faith doth as Really and Immediately Receive Christ as King ( as Saviour , or Priest ) and so Justifie , Thes . 65. Scripture doth not take the word [ Faith ] for any one single Act ; nor yet for various Acts of one only faculty ; but for a compleat entire motion of the whole soul to Christ its Object , Thes . 57. It is the Act of faith which justifies men at Age , and not the Habit. Against this I object ; 1. Faith worketh by Love , Gal. 5.16 . If one be an essential part of the other , and faith a compleat entire motion of the soul , then when it is said , Faith worketh by Love , it might be said , it worketh by Faith. 2. Gospel Precepts are many , if not all , the same with the Moral Law ; if Justified then by obedience to them , are we not justified by the works of the Law ? You conceive the Justification , Jam. 2. to be by works in a proper sence , and that before God ; and Rahabs act was a work of Hospitality , ver . 25. commanded in the Law ; and Abrahams work was a sacrificing , or offering a work of the Ceremonial Law , ver . 21. 3. Repentance is obedience to one Gospel Precept , yet Faith and Repentance are distinguished , Mar. 1.15.6 , 1. Love , Faith , Hope , are three , 1 Cor. 13.13 . 1. Tim. 1.5 . 2 Thes . 1.3 . faith and Love have different Objects , Col. 1.4 . Phil. 5. 1 Thes . 1. ● . Therefore not the same ; nor one an Essential part of the other . 4. Obedience is a sign to prove faith , Jam. 2.18 . and therefore not an Essential part . 5. If Faith include obedience to all Gospel Precepts as an Essential part , then actual faith includes actual obedience to all Gospel Precepts as an essential part ; and if the Act of faith Justifie men at Age , not the Habit ; and receiving Christ as King , as immediatly Justifie , as believing in Christ as Saviour , then a person of Age is not Justified without actual obedience to all Gospel Precepts , and this may be not till Death ; if then , and so , no Justification in this Life . 6. If Faith justifie as immediatly by receiving Christ as King , as by receiving him as Saviour , then it justifies by receiving Christ as Judge , Matth. 25.34 . as Law-giver , Avenger of his enemies , and so a man is justified By receiving Christs Judging , Punishing , Condemning , Commanding , Avenging , as well as saving by his Death ; which is contrary to Rom. 3.25 . & 5.9 7. The Scripture makes the object of justifying faith Christs Death , Resurrection , Blood , Rom. 3.25 . & 10.9 . Gal. 2.20 , 21. Nowhere Christs dominion . Ergo. Subjection to Christ as King is not an essential part . 8. The object of Faith is nowhere made to be a Gospel Precept , such as forgiving others , using Sacraments , &c. nor Christ as commanding ; but the Declaration of the Accomplishments of Christ , and the counsel of God in him , 1 Cor. 15.1 . &c. Rom. 1 16 , 17. Gal. 3.8 . Ergo Obedience is not an Essential part . 9. If it be an essential part , then either Genus or Difference ; for no other Essential parts belong to a quality or Action : not the Genus , that 's Assent . Aph. p. 254.274 . when the object is a Proposition : when it is an Incomplex term , Trust is the Genus : not the Difference , that 's chiefly taken from the object . Keker . syst . Logic. l. 1. sect . 2. c. 2. can . Defin. Accid . 5.7 . Obedience may make known Faith as a sign , but not as a part , it s at least in order of Nature after ; the cause is afore the effect : the Antecedent before the Consequent ; and faith is such , Heb. 11.8 . &c. 10. If Faith be a compleat entire motion of the whole soul to Christ , then it should be Love , Joy , Hope , Understanding , Will , Memory , Fear ; But this is not to be said . Ergo. It is alleadged , 1. Faith must be the Act of the whole soul ; else part should receive him , part not . Answ . Faith is expressed by the Metaphor of Receiving , Joh. 1.12 . Col. 2.6 . And he is Received by the Receiving of his Word , Joh. 12.48 . 1 Thes . 2.13 . which is Received by Assent . 2. The whole soul receives Christ , though by other Graces besides faith . 2. Acts 8.37 Rom. 10.10 . Answ . The term [ Whole ] notes not every inward faculty ; but ( as after ) sincerely , not feignedly , as Simon Magus . So Illyricus . 3. Faith is called Obeying the Gospel , Rom. 10.16 . 1 Pet. 1.22 . & 4.17 . 2 Thes . 1.8 . Gal. 3.1 . & 5.7 . Heb. 5.9 . But the Gospel commandeth All thus to obey Christ as Lord , forgive others , love his people , bear what sufferings are Imposed , diligently use his Means and Ordinances , confessing , bewailing sins , praying for pardon sincerely and to the end . Answ . Heb. 5.9 . speaks of obeyng Christ , but doth not call faith obeying Christ : but be it granted , Faith is called obeying of Christ , or the Gospel ; doth it follow that it is obedience in doing those named Acts ? It may be obedience by Assent to the Doctrine of Christ , that he is the Messiah , died for sins , &c. commanded 1 Cor. 15.3 . 1 Joh. 3.23 . which the terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do rather Import , then the other Acts mentioned . The Gospel and Truth are restrained to the Doctrine of Christs coming , dying , &c , nowhere applyed , that I know , to the Precepts of forgiving others , suffering death , receiving the Lords Supper , &c. 4. The fulfilling the condition of the new Covenant is called faith , Gal. 3.12 , 23 , 25. Answer . Neither of these places make faith the fulfilling of the Condition of the New Covenant , nor any place else In Gal. 3.12 . It s said , the Law , that is the Covenant of the Law , is not of Faith. i. e. doth not assign Life to Faith in Christ ▪ Faith Gal. 3 , 23 , 25. is put , saith Piscat . for the time of the Gospel , or Christ , say others , or the Doctrine of Faith. By Faith only the condition of the Covenant concerning Justification in this life is fulfilled , not concerning every Benefit of the new Covenant . Repentance is the condition of Remission of sins ; forgiving others , doing good to the Saints , of entering into Life . 5. The Gospel reveals not Christs offices as separate . Ergo. They mnst be so believed . Answ . The conclusion is granted , but proves not faith to justifie in receiving Christ as King. 6. It offers Christ as King , and so must be received . Answer the same . 7. Scripture nowhere tieth Justification to the receit of him as priest only . Ar. The contrary is proved from Rom. 3.25 . & 5.9 . 8. Commonly Christ is called our Lord and Saviour . Answ . True ; But we are justified by his blood . 9. If we receive him not as a King , then not as an entire Saviour . Answ . True ; Yet Justification is by his death , 2 Cor. 5.21 . Gal. 2.21 . Rom. 3 25 and 59. 10. Christ is not received truly , if not entirely as King. Answ . True ; But this proves not that obedience is an essential part of faith ; or that subjection to Christ as King , justifies as immediatety , as receiving him as Saviour . 11. The exalting of his proper Kingly office , is a Principal End of Christs dying . Psal . 2. Rom. 14.9 . Answ . True ; But it follows not that either Obedience is an Essential part of faith ▪ or subjection to Christ as King justifieth as immediately as receiving him as Saviour or Priest . Yours in the Truth I.T. Sir , IT s to be considered , 1. Whether these words answer to Valedict ▪ orat at B. pag. 191. [ Nothing but the satisfaction of Christ , is that which our Divines call the matter of our Justification , or the Righteousness which we must plead to Acquit us in Judgement . ] And it is said Rom. 3.25 . through faith in his Blood , and Rom. 5.9 . by his Blood , Do not prove Christs Death either the sole or chief Object of faith as Justifying ; and how this stands with Aphorism of Justification , Thes . 66. and its Explication . 2. Whether the words , Luk. 12.14 . import not a disclaiming or denial of a Title to judge , and so your answer be not insufficient , pag. 276. which seems to suppose a Title , and only a Suspension of Exercise in that state of Humiliation . 3. Whether if Magistrates be Officers of Christ as King , by Office they be not in his Kingdom , and so Infidel Magistrates in Christs Kingdom , contrary to Col. 1.14 . 4. If it be maintained , That Christ died for every Child of Adam conditionally , It would be well proved from Scripture , that the procuring of such a conditional Law or Covenant , was the End or Effect of Christs death ; and whether the so Interpreting Texts that speak of his dying for all , will not serve for Evasions to put by the Arguments drawn from them to prove Christs Satisfaction aad Merit , proper to the Elect. For if they may be Interpreted so , He died to procure the conditional Covenant for every one , this may be alledged justly ; then you can prove no more thence , for that is the sense ; and then we cannot prove thence , he died loco nostro , &c. It is a matter of much moment , and needs great Circumspection . Yours . Sir , BEsides what hath been formerly suggested to you , these words in your Scripture proofs , pag. 323. And where he next saith , that in the aged several dispositions are required to fit a man to receive pardon , ( and so justification ) viz Catholike faith , hope of pardon , fear of punishment , grief for sin , a purpose against sining hereafter , and a purpose of a new life , all which dispose the Receiver ; and I agree to him , though all do not ] are so like the Doctrine of the Trent Council . sess . 6. c. 6. that it will be expected you declare , whether by avowing that speech of Dr. Ward , you do not join with the Papists , contrary to Bishop Downam of Justification . l. 6. c. 7. § . 1.2 . Mr. Pemble vindict . fidei . § . 2. c. 3. And when you make Justification a continued Act upon condition of obedience , it s to be considered how you will avoid Tompsons opinion of the Intercifion of Justification , upon the committing of a sin that wasts the conscience , refuted by Dr. Rob. Abbot . but vented after by Moutague in his appeal , and opposed by Dr. Preston , and others . As for Justification by Law-Title , by the Covenant upon actual Believing , without any other act of God , consequent on Faith ; if it were so ; 1. Then it should be by necessary Resultancy ; But Justification is an Act of Will , and no act of Will is by necessary Resultancy . 2. If the Covenant justifie without any other Act of God , then it Adops , Glorifies , Sanctifies , &c. without any other Act , which is not to be said . The reason of the Sequel is , because the Covenant of it self doth in the same manner produce the one as well as the other . 3. The Justification of the Covenant is only conditional , therefore not Actual ; Actual Justification is not till Faith be put : and then Posit â conditione , it is Actual : A conditional , is only a possible Justification ; it s only in potentia , till the Condition be in act ; Now the Covenant doth only assure it on condition , as a future thing , not therefore as actual , or present . 4 The Covenant is an Act past , Tit. 1.2 . Gal. 3.7 , 8. so not continued ; and consequently , the Justification barely by it , without any other Act , must be past long since , and not continued ; and he neither Justification Actual , and in purpopse ; or virtual , will be confounded , or an effect shall be continued , without the cause . Jan. 17 , 1651. Yours . I.T. Reverend Sir , I AM more thankfull to you for these free , candid , rational Animadversions , then I can now express to you : yet being still constrained to dissent from you , by the evidence of Truth , I give you these Reasons of my dissent . 1. First , You think that [ the Scriptures cited , are not to be intepreted of Justification in Title of Law , because this is only an Act of God prescribing or promising a way of Justification ; not the Sentence it self ; and is general , and indeterminate to particular persons , &c. ] To which I answer . 1. That I am past doubt that you build all this on a great mistake about the nature of Gods Law or Covenant , & Promise , & the moral action thereof . For you must know that this Promise of God , 1. is not a bare Assertio explicans de futuro animum qui nunc est ; ( as Grotius speaks : ) Nor yet that which he calleth Pollicitatio , cum voluntas seipsam pro futuro tempore determinat , cum signo sufficientè ad judicandam perseverandi necessitatem . But it is Perfecta Promissio , ubi ad determinationem talem accedit signum volendi jus proprium alteri conferre , quae similem babet effectum qualem alienatio Domin●i . Est enim aut via ad aliena●ionem rei , aut alienatio particulae cujusdam nostrae libertatis . &c. Vid. ultra Grot. de jure Bellili . 2. c. 11. § 2.3 , 4. 2. This Promise or Covenant of God , is also his Testament : and who knoweth not that a Testament is an Instrctment of proper Donation , and not only a Prediction ? 3. Moreover this same which in one respect is a Covenant and Promise , and in another a Testament , is also truly part of Gods Law , even the New constitution of Christ , the Law-giver and King. But ●ndoubtedly a Law which conferreth . Right either absolutely or conditionally , is the true and proper Instrument of that Effect , and not only [ the presenting or promising away thereto ] The proper Effect or Product of every Law , is Debitum aliquod ; Et de hoc debito determinare is its proper Act. Now therefore this Promise being part of Christs Law , doth determine of and confer on us , the Debitum , or Right to sentential Justification , having first given us an Interest in Christ , and so to the Benefit of his satisfaction ; and this is Justificatio constitutiva . You know a Deed of Gift ( though but conditional ) is a most proper Instrument of conferring the Benefits therein contained . And is not the Promise undoubtedly Gods Deed of Gift ? And doth he not thereby make over , as it were under his hand , the Lord Jesus , and all his Benefits to them that will receive him ? So that when you say , that [ his Promise to justifie upon condition , is not justifying ] You may see it is otherwise by all the forementioned considerations of the nature of the Promise . You may as well say , a Testament , or deed of Gift conditional , doth not give , or a Law doth not confer Right and Title . And in these Relative benefits , to give Right to the thing , and to give the thing it self , or right in it , is all one : ( still allowing the distance of time limited for both in the Instrument ) It is all one to give full right to son-ship , and to make one a Son : or at least they are inseparable . Yea , ( which weigheth most of all with me ) it being the proper work of Gods Laws to give Duness of , or Right to Benefits , it cannot be any other way accomplished that is within our Knowledge ( I think ) For Decree , Purpose , and so Predestination cannot do it , they being Determinations de eventu , and not de debito , as such : And the sentential declaration presupposeth this Debitum , or true Righteousness an therefore doth not give it . No wonder therefore while you deny this Legal , Testamentary , Moral Donation , that you are forced also to deny Justification constitutive ; ( but very inconveniently and unsafely . ) By what way doth God give a father Authority over his Children , and a Husband over his Wife , and a Magistrate over the people , and a Minister over the Church or Flock , but only by this Moral Legal Action ? And even so doth he give Power to them that receive him , to become his Sons . And it is the same Instrument which performeth this , which is called a Promise , Covenant , Testament , Disposition or Law ; the name being taken from different respects or accidental considerations . Again , If the word of Christ do judge us , then that word doth justifie and condemn : ( For judging in general containeth these special Actions . ) But the word doth judge us , ( and shall do at the last day : ) therefore the word doth justifie and condemn . Again : It is a Rule in the Civil Law ( as Vlpian ) that By the same way as an Obligation is induced or caused , it must be removed or destroyed : But by the curse of the Law , or the Threatning of Penalty , was our obligation to punishment , and condemnation induced or caused : therefore by the way of Law dissolving that cause , must it be taken off . Now as Reatus est obligatio ad Poenam , so pardon is the dissolving of that Obligation , or discharge from it ; ( Venia & Poena sunt adversa : ) And therefore the Law of Christ , or this his Promise or Grant , is the Instrument of Pardoning . And methinks , when you are convinced , that God pardoneth by Law or moral Action , you should easily yield , that in the like way he justifieth . For if you be not of the Judgement , that Remission and Justification are all one : yet you must needs yield , that they are of so near a nature , that the difference is exceeding small , and rather notional and respective , then real . I might to these Arguments add somewhat from the Issue , and different tendency of this my opinion and the contrary . As that this doth give Gods Laws their honor and dignity , by ascribing to them that higher and more noble and effective Action ; which the contrary opinion denying it , doth very injuriously debase the Scriptures or Laws of God. Also that this opinion is the only expedient left , ( that I can find ) to avoid the Antinomian fancy of an Eternal Justification , which all they must assert , that say it is an Immanent Act ( which you justly and truly deny . ) For your way lying in the other extream , 1. Overthroweth all constitutive Justification ; which is not to be born . ( Whether All Pardon by the Covenant , I yet know not your mind ) 2. And it Intepreteth all Scriptures ( that speak of a Justification in this life ) of a strange feigned Justification , which for ought I find hath no ground in Scripture at all ; and is wholly aliene to our condition ; and at least utterly unknown to us , if not known to be untrue . What doth it concern a sinner to be justified or condemned now before a Court of Angels , where he is not present , nor knows any thing of it ? nor do we know what Angels have to do in such a business . And what Transient Act is it that God then and there puts forth or performeth ? Can you tell ? or doth Scripture tell you ? God speaketh not to Angels by voyce . If you think ( as the Schoolmen , some ) that they see our Justification , as other things in the face of God ; then it is no Transient Act. Else why may not they see it in it self ? And then either our Justification is Gods Essence , and they see it in him as his Eternal Being , or else God must be mutable , as having something to be seen in him de novo , which was not in him from Eternity . If you say that this Transient Act is Gods Illuminating the Angelical understanding to know us to be justified ; then this supposeth that we are justified already by some former Act ( which can be nothing that I know but the moral Act of his Lawes : ) For their knowing us to be justified is not a justifying us , but presupposeth us to be what they know us to be . I can think of nothing else that you can say , except this , that Christ as man may Vocally ( or by some equivalent Transient Act ) pronounce us Justified , as he will do at Judgement . But 1. this is without Scripture . 2. and it is God that justifieth . 3. And then how were all the faithful justified before Christs Incarnation and Ascension ? Or do you think none were justified before ? But I will return to your Exceptions . You say , [ This is but Virtual Justification ] which is in Law Title . Answ . 1. It is Actual Constitutive Justification , and not Virtual only 2. But it is indeed but Virtual sentential justification . But yet it is of the highest kind of Virtuality . It is that which makes us rectos in curia , ( which I take to be the nature of our Justification in this life . ) And taken divisi● , it seemeth more excellent in some respect , then the sentence or declaration it self ; for he that by Purchase first , and Pardon ( written ) after , maketh Offenders just in Law , ) i. e. ( non obligatos ad poenam , ) seemeth to do more for them by that act , then after by pronouncing them just . Though yet this last I know is the most perfect Justification , taken conjunctim with the rest , as the end to which they tend , and as that which giveth them their full effect . Your next Objection is , that this Gospel Justification , [ is general and indeterminate to particular persons ] Answer . It cannot be more certain or effectual . For when it is to all , no man hath reason to think himself excepted ( who excludes not himself by non-performance of the conditions . ) Every particular man is comprized in All. And for the determination , the Description of the person is as certain a way as the naming of him . To give Christ and his Righteousness to All that will receive him , is as effectual a determinate Gift to each particular Receiver , as to give him to Peter , Paul , John by name . If a Pardon be proclaimed , or given in the Laws , to all Offenders that perform such a condition ; is it not as effectual to each person , as if he were named ? If a Father bequeath such Lands or Monies to all his Children ( or a man to all the poor in the town ) on condition that they come by such a day to such a place , and signifie their acceptance and gratitude : is not this as sure and good , as if they were all named ? Next , You object , [ This is performed , before the person justified believes . ] Answer . I have said enough to you of this already . ( of Bapt. pag. 100. ) I add this much : you must distinguish between the Physical act of making this Law , Promise , Covenant , Grant or Testament : and the Moral Agency of this Law , Grant or Testament once made . The former was before we Believed : but the later was not ( properly and fully ) till after . Do not all Philosophers and Divines in the world that meddle with it , tell you that this is usual with moral causes , that they may have all their absolute Entity and vim agendi , long before they produe their effects ? and may be Actu primo , etsi non secundo effectum producente , in being long before . The Law that determineth of your right to your Possession , or that doth give a Reward to every man that killeth a wild hurtfull beast , or that condemneth every man that murdereth or committeth Felony , &c. was in Being before those persons were born perhaps : And yet it did not hoc agere ; it did not Praemiare , Punire , Praecipere , &c. as to this man before . A pardon from a Prince to a Traytor , on condition , doth not perform the moral act of his discharge , till he perform the condition , though it were in being before . The like I may say of a Testament or Deed of Gift : But what need many words in a case where the Truth is so obvious ? If some moral causes may be causes , and Agere moraliter , or produce their effects , even before they are naturally in Being , much more may they suspend it , and so produce it long after they are in Being : Causae enim moralis ea ratio est , ut etiam cum non est actu , sit efficax , modò habe at ( ut loquuntur in scholis ) esse cognitums : inquit Rivetus Disput . 13. de satisfact . Christi . pag. 282. Next you say , [ Yea it is the same , though none were actually justified . ] Answer . This requires no other answer , then what is given to the former . It is the same Physice considerata , vel in Entitate naturali : But the moral action of pardoning and justifying is not the same , nor is at all : A conditional Pardon , Deed of Gift , Testament , &c. doth not at all pardon , or Give , till you perform the condition . For it is the proper nature of a condition to suspend the act of the Grant : so that till it be absolute or equal to Absolute , it is not Actual Remission , Justification , &c. ) The reason of all this is , because these Laws , Testaments or Promises , are but the Law-makers , Testators or Donors Instruments , and therefore act when and how he pleases : and it is his pleasure that they should act no otherwise then as is aforesaid , and as in the Tenor of them he shall express . Next you add [ To be justified , notes a passion ▪ which presupposeth an Action transient , not immanent , or only Gods purpose to justifie : ] Answer 1. So far as the Reception of a Relation may be called a Passion , this is true : And no doubt you are in the right , that it is not Actus immanens . But now , What transient Act it is , I remember very few Divines that once tell us ; but only in general say , It is a Transient Act. Now you and I that have adventured to enquire , do happen to be both singular from others , and differing between our selves , ( only Mr. Rutherford , and some few others I find saying oft , that we are pardoned and justified by the Gospel : by which they seem to mean as I ) But for your way of Justification by a sentence before the Angels , as I never met with any that judged that to be our Justification by Faith , so as I have said , it seems to me very groundless and strange . And then , if yours stand not , mine only must , for any thing that is yet discovered , that I have seen , for I know of none that tells us of any third , Your next Objection is the same before answered , that [ God 's Promise to justifie , is only a declaration what he will do , and therefore a man is not by Covenant without a further Act justified , but justifiable . ] Answer . Grotius de satisfact . will tell you , that Promises give right to him to whom they are made : and that therefore they cannot be reclaimed , though threatnings may . But if these were only Promises that God will by another Act do this or that for us , then it were to the purpose that you say : but that you cannot prove . Nor needs there any other Act , but the moral Action of the Instrument it self to change our Relations here : Et frustra fit pro plura , &c. Indeed an Act of ours [ Believing ] must come in before the effect : but you and I are agreed , that this is but conditional , and not effective . These Promises therefore being also Gods Law , Testament ( of Christ ) Deed of Gift , Covenant , &c. they do not only foretell an Event to come to pass by some other Action ; but they do confer a Right or make due the benefit or relation , and so effect it ; only the Author is pleased to suspend the effect of his Instrument , till we perform the Condition . As if by a Lease , or Deed of Sale , there be some Office or Dignity made over to you : or some command in Army or Court , or Country : or by a Law a Foraigner be Naturalized or Enfranchized , on such or such a Condition ; This Lease or Deed , or Law doth not only foretel , but effect the thing . You add that [ Justification is a Court-term , importing an Act of God as Judge , whereas his promising is not his Act as Judge , but Rector . ] Answer 1. If by a Court-term , you also mean a Law-term , ( verbum forense or judiciarium in the full sense ) I agree with you . But if you confine it to the sentence as pronounced , I require Proof ; as also proof of any such sentence before Judgement , particular or general . A Rector is either Supremus or Subaliernus : A Judge is either supreme above all Laws , as being the Law-giver , or sub lege . God is both Rector and Judge , only in the first senses : and by judging , he Ruleth ; and Rector is but the Genus , whereof Judex is a species . As Rector supremus ▪ God is the Legislator , and so acteth ( and justifieth by his Laws , Grants , &c. ) as Judge he sentenceth and absolveth those that were first made just . A man is accused for killing another in fight , at the command of the Soveraign Power . Is it not as fit and proper a saying , to say [ The Law doth justifie this man for so doing against all Accusers , ] as to say , [ The Judge will justifie him ▪ ] Nay , Is it not more ordinary ? And in a sort , the Supream or Soveraign may be said to be ( though in a different sense ) justified , as well as an Inferior ; when yet the said person in Supremacy hath no Judge , nor is to have any by Law , and so cannot be justified by sentence . God will be justified in his sayings , &c. as he hath in a sort bound himself by his own Laws , that is , signified his Resolution to observe them ; so in the sense of these Laws , his works are now just , and shall be hereafter so be manifested : but not by any sentence of a Superior . But this I confess differeth from our Justification . Next you say , [ You know not whence it should be that Angels should judge us righteous , and rejoice therein , but by a sentence passed in Heaven . ] Answer . If you think ( and prove ) that Angels cannot know us to be righteous , then I will not affirm that they judge us so . For I presuppose that that they know us to be so made by some Act before , and therefore they judge us to be as we are . And if they may know that we are Believers , and know that the New Law justifieth all such , then they may judge us to be justified without any sentence in Heaven , even as they know when a sinner is converted , and rejoice in it ; which doubtless they may know without a sentence in Heaven pronouncing us converted ; and Gods making them Instruments in conferring his Mercies may make them know . You say that [ Constitutive Justification , different from Declarative by sentence , I do not find expressed under the term ( Justification : ) it would be considered , whether any other Act beside the sentence , doth make a man just , but giving of faith . ] Answer . These two things I shall prove to convince you : ( because this is of some moment . ) 1. That some Act there must be to constitute us just , before or besides the sentence . 2. That neither the sentence nor the giving of Faith doth first and properly constitute us Just . 1. If we be not just before we are judged as just , then Gods Judgement should not be according to Truth . But Gods Judgment is according to Truth : therefore we are just before we are so judged . 2. He that hath Christ , and the Benefits of his satisfactory Righteousness given him by the New Law , Covenant , Testament or Grant of Christ , is hereby constituted righteous . But every Believer hath Christ and the said benefits Given him in and by the Law or Covenant : therefore he is thereby made or constituted Righteous . And here by the way take notice , that the New Law or Covenant hath two Offices ; the one to Bestow Right to the Benefit : and hereby it makes Righteous : The other to Declare and manifest openly , and to be the Rule of publique Judgement : and so it doth both actione morali proclaim believers righteous , and Virtually sentence them so . And therefore in Rom. 10.5 . it is called [ the Righteousness which is of the Law ] And if the Old Law had a power of making Righteous , if man could have performed the condition , so also hath the New. 2. And that the sentence doth not constitute us Just , needs no proof : It is the work of a Judge by sentence to clear the Guiltless , and not to make them Guiltless . Pardon indeed may do somewhat to it : but that is not the action of a Judge as a Judge , but ( as you before distinguished ) of a Rector ( in case of transgressing Lawes . ) A Judge pronounceth men to be what they first are according to Law ; and not makes them to be righteous who are not . He that saith to the wicked , thou art Righteous , Nations shall curse him ; people shall bhor him : Pro. 24.24 . He that justifieth the wicked , and he that condemneth the Just , even they both are abomination to the Lord , Prov. 17.15 . If this were not so , then we must believe that no man is justified before the day of ( particular or general ) Judgement , till you have proved that God sentenceth at a Court of Angels . And that the Giving of Faith doth not make Righteous ( that is , according to the Law of works ) effective , I think you confess . If I thought you did not , it were very easily proved : Faith being but the condition of our universal righteousness ( which the old Law requireth in its stead ) cannot be that Righteousness it self : and some other efficient there must be of our Justification here . Next you say [ Notwithstanding Christs Death and the Conditional Covenant afore faith , a person is only justifyable : Conditionalis nihil ponit esse . ] Answ . All this is very true : but not any thing against me . I like well what you say of Christs death , because it is ( as Aquinas and our Davenant , Vsher , &c. say , ) but Causa universalis , vel Remedium omnibus applicabile . It is to prepare for and merit , & not directly to effect our Justification , ( whatsoever the Antinomians dream : ) But the Covenant or Testament is the very efficient Instrumental cause of Justification : and its Action is Gods Action . Yet its true that Conditionalis nihil ponit in esse : that is , till the condition be performed : but then it becometh of equal force to an Absolute Gift and doth ponere in esse : even the same Instrument doth it , whose Action till then was ( by the Authors will ) suspended . YOu next pass to another Point ( about Thes . 59. ) whether Justification be a continued Act. And you say that [ being a Transient Act , it cannot be well called a continued Act , which imports a successive motion between the Terminus a quo and ad quem , whereas this Act , whether by sentence or Covenant , is not such a motion , &c. ] Answ . 1. All this may be true of a proper natural Action : but you know that it is only a moral Action which I affirm to be continued , and of this you know your Rule de motu holds not , except you take Motus largely and improperly . As passive Justification , or the effect of the Justifying Act is but a Relation , which is the weakest of Entities ; so doth it per nudam resultantiam arise , which is by the weakest of Causalities ; The Act of God giving out and enacting this Law or Covenant at first , was indeed a proper transient Act , and is ceased : but the moral Action of the Law thus enacted is continual . The Law of the land , which condemneth Delinquents , and justifieth the obedient , doth both by a continued moral Act. The Lease of your House or Lands gives you Title thereto by a continued moral Act. So that this which I assert , is not Actus repetitus vel renovatus . You add that [ You incline to think that there is but one Justification of a Person in this life , though frequent Remission of sin . ] Answ . In that you judge as most of the Orthodox do : And I have said nothing to the contrary . I think also , that as Scripture useth the phrase of oft-forgiving , but seldom of oft-justifying , so it is safest to speak as Scripture doth . Yet as to the thing , me thinks , that as Remission and Justification do but respectively or very narrowly differ ; so in this case , one may as truly be said to be repeated , as the other : that is , As there is an universal Remission of all sin past , upon our first true Believing ; which universal Remission is never iterated , but continued : so is there an Universal Justification of the person at the same time , by which he is made just , ( and in Law so esteemed , pronounced or judged ) by being acquit from the condemning Power of the Law , which ( for his sins past only ) was before in force against him . And so if you look to such a Remission or Justification as wholly changeth the state of the person , making him Pardoned who was before wholly unpardoned , and fully under guilt of all former sins ; or making him justified who was before unjustified , and condemned ( in Law ; ) neither of these I think , are iterated . But then , as you confess a frequently renewed pardon for following sins , so I know no reason , but in the same sence there must be a frequent Justifying : For as our Divines well conclude , that sin cannot be pardoned before it be committed ( for then there should be pardon without Guilt ; for no man is Guilty of sin to come formally ; ) so is it as necessary to conclude , that no man is justified from sin before it be committed ; that is , from that which is not ; and so is not sin : For then Justification should go before and without Legal Accusation and Condemnation : For the Law accuseth and condemneth no man for a sin which is not committed , and so is no sin . It is said Acts 13. ●9 . that ( by Christ ) we are Justified from all things , from which we could not be justified by the Law of Moses . Where , as I desire you to observe that phrase of being Justified by the ●aw , to shew it is an Act of the Law ( though sin maketh transgressors uncapable . ) so you see it is a Scripture phrase to say ▪ we are Justified from sin : And then either there must be some kind of particular Justification from particular sins after faith , of the nature of our renewed particular Pardon ; or else what will become of us for them ? For sure if the Law be so far in force against the actions of Believers as to make and conclude them Guilty and Obliged to Punishment ( as much as in it lyeth ) and so to need a frequent pardon ( for pardon is a discharge from Guilt , which is an Obligation to punishment ; ) then it must needs be in force to Judge them worthy condemnation , and so to Accuse ( and as much as in it lyes to condemn ) them ; and so they must need also a particular Justification . But then according to my Judgement , 1. There is a sure Ground said of both in the Gospel or new Law or Covenant . 2. And the said New Law doth perform it , by the same Power by which it did universally justifie and pardon them at the first . There needeth no addition to the Law. The change is in them : And the Law is said Moraliter ager● quod antea non actum erat , because of their new Capacity , necessity and Relation . As if your Fathers Testament do give you a thousand pound at his Death , and twenty shillings a week as long as you live after , and so much at your marriage , &c. here this Testament giveth you these new sums ( after the first ) without any change in it ; and yet by new moral Act ; for it was not a proper gift , till the Term expressed , or the condition performed : and if that term had never come , nor the condition been performed , you had never had right to it : so I concieve , Gods Gospel Grant or Testament doth renew both our Remission and particular Justification . If Satan say , This man both deserved death by sining since he Believed ( as David ) must we not be justified from that Accusation ? And here let me ask you one Question , which I forgot before about the first Point . Seeing you think ( truly ) that Pardon is iterated as oft as we sin , by what Transient Act of God is this done ? Doth God every moment at a Court of Angels Declare each sinner in the world , remitted of his particular sin ? ( for every moment we commit them . ) If you once-see a necessity of judging the New Covenant or Promise Gods Pardoning Instrument , I doubt not but you will soon acknowledge as much about Justification . And sure a Legal or written Instrument is so proper for this work , that we use to call it [ A Pardon , ] which a Prince writes for the acquitting of an offendor . Besides , the Gospel daily justifieth by continuing our Justification , as your Lease still giveth you Title to your Land. ( Mat. 12.37 . is of more then the continuance of Justification , even of Justification at Judgement . ) THe next Point you come to about the Nature and Object of Faith , you are larger upon , through a mistake of my words and meaning . I know not therefore how to Answer your Arguments till I have first told you my sence , and better stated the Question . Indeed that in pag. 11. of Rest , I apprehended my self , so obvious to misconstruction , that I have corrected it in the second Edition ( which is now printed . ) Yet 1. I spoke not of faith as Justifying , but as the condition of Salvation , which contains more then that which is the condition of our first justification . 2. I neuer termed those Gospel-Precepts , which are not in some way proper to the Gospel . And for the next words [ That subjection to Christ is an Essential part of faith . ] I confess I do not only take it for a certain Truth , but also of so great moment , that I am glad you have bent your strength against it , and thereby occasioned me to search more throughly . But then , if you think ( as you seem to do ) that by [ Subjection ] I mean [ Actual Obedience ] you quite mistake me : for I have fully opened my mind to you about this in my Aphoris . that speak only of the subjection of the Heart ; and not of the Actual Obedience , which is the practise of it . I speak but of the Acceptation of Christ for our Lord , or the Consent thereto ▪ and so giving up our selves to be his Disciples , Servants or Subjects . This I maintain to be an Essential part of justifying Faith , in the strict and proper sense of that word . It s true that de jure Christ is King of Unbelievers , and so of them that acknowledge him not to be their King. But in order of nature , the acknowledging of his Dominion , and consent thereto , and so receiving him to be our King , doth go before our obeying him as our King. As a woman in marriage-Covenant , taketh her Husband , as one whom she must obey add be faithfull to : But that taking or consenting , goes before the said Obedience , as every Covenant before the performance of it . Yea though the same act should be both an acknowledgement of , and consent to the Authority , and also an obeying of it ; yet it is Quatenus a consent and acceptance of that Authority , and not as it is an obeying of it , that I speak of it when I ascribe Justification to it : as faith in the common sense is certainly an act of Obedience to God : and yet Divines say , it justifie ; not as it is Obedience , but as an Instrument . So that by Heart-subjection to Christ , I mean that act by which we give up our selves to Christ as his Subjects to be ruled by him ; and by which we take him for our Soveraign on his Redemption-title . But when I judge the word Faith to be taken yet in a larger sense , comprehending obedience , I never said or thought that so it is the condition of our first Justification , nor will I contend with any that thinks the word is never taken so largely , it being to me a matter of smal moment . Now to your Objections . 1. YOU say , [ Faith worketh by Love , &c. ] Answ . 1. Faith is sometime taken strictly for a Belief of Gods word , or an Assent to its Truth . 2. Sometime more largely for the wills embracing also of the objec as an offered good , besides the understandings Assent to the Truth of the word which offereth it . The former is by the Apostle oft distinguished from Love , and is said to work by Love ; as the lively acts of the understanding produce answerable motions in the will. But the later is that faith which justifieth ; to wit , The Receiving of an offered Christ . And this comprizeth both the Act of the Understanding and Will ( as almost all Protestant Divines affirm . ) But both these acts together are called Faith from the former , which is most strictly so called : because the great difficulty then lay in Believing the Truth of the Gospel ▪ ( and would do still , if it were not for the advantages of Credit , Education , Custom , &c. ) therefore the whole work is thence denominated : though yet the compleating of the work be in the Will , and the Understandings Act but preparatory thereto . 2. You must also distinguish between Love to Christ the Mediator , and the Grace of Charity in general , as it is extended al ; so to God as Creator , to Saints , to all men , &c. And between that first act of Love , which is in our first receiving of Christ , and the love which we afterwards exercise on him : and so I answer you . 1. That as the Apostle distinguisheth between Faith , Hope and Love , So do I. 2. Faith taken strictly for assent to Divine Testimony , produceth love in every one of the forementioned senses ( of the word Love : ) 3. Justifying faith ( comprizing the wills acceptance ) produceth both the grace of Charity , as it is exercised on other objects , and also the following acts of it towards Christ the Mediator : And so I acknowledge that Faith worketh by Love , and that Love is not faith . But yet whether Love be not in some sense essential to justifying faith , if you speak only of Love to Christ , and that not as a distinct grace , but as it is comprized in our Acceptance of him at first , I shall leave to your consideration , when you have first resolved these things . 1. Whether justifying faith be not an act of the Will as well as the Understanding ? Few but Papists deny it , and not all of them . 2. Whether Christ himself be not the object of it ? Few Protestants will deny it . 3. Whether Good be not the object of the Will , and so Christ be not willed as Good ? None doubts of it . 4. Whether this willing be not the same as Loving , as love is found in the rational appetite ? Sure Aquinas saith so , no man that I know contradicting it . 5. Whether you can call Affiance , or any other act of the will justifying faith , excluding this willing , or not principally including it ? For 1. This is the Wills first act towards it object ; and will you say that Love goes before justifying faith , and so before Justification ? and such a Love as is distinct from justifying faith as being no part of it ? How then is Love the fruit of faith , and as Divines say , a consequent of Justification ? Yet it is beyond all doubt , that this Velle or Love to Christ goes before Affiance on him , or any other act of the Will. vide Aquin. 1.2 . Q. 23. a. 33. Et. 1. Q. 20. a. 1 Et Tolet de anima , l. 3. cap. 9. Q. ●7 , 28 Et Ames . contra Gravinchou . pag. 16. 2. And can it be imagined that preceding assent , and subsequent Affiance , in Christ should be conditions of our Justification ; and yet the Velle Christum oblatum , that Willing which we call Consent , Election or Acceptance , which goeth between assent and Affiance , should be excluded as no part of this condition ? 3. Especially considering that Affiance contains divers acts , whereof one is of the Irascible of the sensitive , and so is but an imperate act of the Will , and less noble then that elicite Act ( which I plead for , ) as well as Posterior to it : and if Aquin. be not out in his Philosophy , when he so oft saith , that fiducia is spes roborata , then our Divines make Hope to justifie . Yet for all this , I have not espoused this saying , that Love to Christ is Essential to justifying faith : nor will contend with any man that thinks it unmeet : if we agree in the things of moment ▪ I hate to quarrel about words . Nor do I think it a meet phrase to say , we are justified by Love , ( though in the sense before mentioned , I think it true , ) because it is but a part , or affection as it were of that reception , by which we are justified , and stands not in so full a relation to the object received . And yet , if I had said none of all this , I see not that I need any more then to deny your consequence , as being wholly ungrounded : For it followeth not , that if it be an essential part , that therefore it must have the Denomination of the whole : yea , though the whole be said to work by that part . The Brain and Heart are essential parts of the Body : and yet not to be called the Body ; and it is more proper to say that the body works by the Brain or Heart ; or that the vegetative soul doth work by the natural heat and Spirits ; then to say , the Body worketh by the Body , or the vegetative soul by it self . I will explain all together in my usual Similitude , which is Dr. Prestons ( or rather Pauls ) A condemned Beggar is offered a Pardon , and also to be made a Queen , if she will but take the Prince for her Husband . Now here put your Questions . 1. Is Love any part of the Condition of her Pardon and Dignity ? Answer , Yes : An essential part ; for Consent is of the Essence of it : and Love is essential to true consent , to receive any offered good : Not love as it is a Passion , but as it is an act of the rational Appetite ; which is but Velle ; And Eligere , Consentire , Acceptare are nothing else but a respective Willing . 2. But it is not Love as a Vertue in general , or as exercised on any other object , which is this essential part of the Condition : but only love to him whom she marrieth : And so her first love is necessary to her Pardon and Dignity as begun ; and her continued love ( and marriage-faithfulness ) is necessary to them ▪ as they are to be continued : ( supposing the Prince to know the heart as Christ doth . ) Qu. 2. Is it then a meet phrase to say , that she is pardoned and dignified by loving such a Prince ? Answ . It hath some Truth in it , but it is not a fit speech ; but rather that it is by marrying him , because Love is but a part , or as it were an Affection of that Marriage Covenant or consent , which indeed doth dignifie her : Love may be without marriage , but not Marriage ( cordially ) without Love. So in our present case , justifying faith is the very Marriage Consent or Covenant with Christ ; It is therfore fitter to say , we are justified by it , then by love ; because the former expresseth the full condition : the latter not : Qu. 3. If love be an essential part of the Marriage-consent , then may we not as well say , Marriage causeth Marriage , as to say , Marriage causeth Love. Answer No. For 1. That Love which it causeth , is the following acts of Love. 2. And the name of Love is most usually given only to the Passion which is in the sensitive ; but not usually to the meer Velle , the elicite act of the rational appetite . I have been the more prolix on this , because it serves also for answer to other of your Objections , especially the third . 2. You object [ Gospel-Precepts are many , if not all , the same with the moral Law : if justified then by obedience to them ; are we not justified by the works of the Law ? &c. Answer . 1. James yields the whole . 2. If you speak of our Justification at first , by which , of guilty and lyable to condemnation , we become recti in curia , or are acquit , I then yield all that you seek here , viz. that we are not justified by works . 3. This objection is grounded on your formentioned mistake of my meaning , as if I thought that justifying faith contained essentially such obedience or works . 4. We are not justified by works of the Law , if you mean the Law of works , or by any works which make the reward to be not of Grace , but of Debt , which are the works that Paul speaks of . 5. That which you call the moral Law , viz. the bare Precepts of the Decalogue , taken Division , without the sanction , viz : the Promise or the Commination , is not the Law , but one part of the Law : and the other part , viz. the sanction adjoined , if diversified , makes it two distinct Laws , though the Duty commanded be the same . The Law that commandeth Socrates to drink Cicutam , is not the same with that which should command a sick man to drink some for a cure . 6. That our Justification is continued , on condition of our sincere obedience , added to our faith , I maintain with James . 7. Will you answer your own objection , and you tell me what to answer : Faith is a duty of the moral Law : if we are justified by faith , then we are justified by a work of the Law. I know you will not evade as those that say , Faith is not a work , but a Passion : nor as those that say , we are justified by it not as a work ; but as an Instrument : for I have heard you disclaim that . If you say it is not as a work , but as a condition by the free Law-giver appointed to this end , then you say as I do , both of faith , and secondarily of works . For what Divine denyeth works to be a condition of Salvation , or of the final Justification ? or of our present Justification as continued , vel nor amittendi Justificationem jam recaptam , as Conr. Bergius saith ; I know but one other evasion left in the world which I once thought none would have adventured on ; but lately an acute Disputant ( with me ) maintains , that faith is not conditio moralis , vel ex voluntate constituentis , but Conditio physica vel ex natura rei . But I think I shall easily and quickly disprove this opinion . Rababs and Abrahams works were works of the New Law of Grace , and not of the old Law of works . In a word , As there is a two fold Law , so there is a two fold Accusation and Justification : when we are accused as breakers of the Law of works , that is , as sinners in common sort , and so as lyable to the penalty thereof , then we plead only Christs satisfaction as our Righteousnes , and no work of our own : But when we are Accused of final non-performance of the conditions of the New Law , that is of being Rejectors of Christ the Mediator , we are justified by producing our faith and sincere obedience to him . The former Paul speaks of ; and James of the latter . You may see Divines of great Name saying as I in this , as Mead , Deodate on James the 2. but most fully Placaus in Thes . Salmuriens . Thes . de Justific . &c. To your third Objection , That Faith , Repentance , Hope and Love ( as before explained ) are distinguished , I easily yield you . But where you say ( Faith and Love have different Objects , therefore one is no essential part of the other ) I answer , That faith in Christ , and Love to the Saints ( which your Texts mention ) have different Objects , I soon confess . But faith in Christ ( as it is the first Act of the Will ) and love to Christ , have one and the same Object , beyond all doubt . Your fourth I wholly yield , if you speak of faith strictly , or as it Justifieth , and not in a large improper sence . Your fifth is grounded on the forementioned mistake of my meaning . And there needs no further answer , but only to tell you , that though sincere obedience to all Christs Lawes be a part of the condition of our Justification as continued and consummate at Judgement ; yet it follows not that every particular duty must be done ▪ no more then that Adam must obey every particular Law before he were actually just . It is sufficient that there be no other defect in our Obedience , but what may stand with sincerity . The same Precept may command , or make Duty to one , and not to another , and so be no Precept as to him . A man that lives but an hour after his conversion is , bound sincerely to obey Christ according to his Law : but he is not bound to build Churches , nor to do the work of twenty years . Christ may be received as King , ( and is ) in the same moment in which he is received as Justifier ; and in that reception we covenant to obey him , and take him for our Lord to the death ; but not to obey him on earth when we are dead ; for we are then freed from these Lawes , and come under the Lawes of the Glorified . To your sixth I answer , The Texts alledged have no shew of contradicting the Point you oppos ; se . One saith , we are justified by his Blood : But doth it thence follow , ( therefore not by Believing in him or receiving him as King , are we made partakers of it . ) His Blood is the Purchasing cause , but we enquire after the condition on our part . The other Text saith , ( through faith in his Blood. ) But 1. it saith not only in his Blood. 2. And his blood is the Ground of his Dominion as well as of his Justifying us : for by his blood he bought all into his own hands : For to this end he Died , Rose and Revived , that he might be Lord of Dead and Living . Rom. 14.9 . It may be therefore through faith in his Blood , as the chief part of the satisfaction , and yet necessarily also through faith in himself , or the Reception of himself as the Christ . 3. Yet doth the Apostle most conveniently say , ( through faith in his blood ) rather then ( through faith in his Dominion or Government , ) because when he speaks of Faith , he speaks Relatively : not ( as some understand it ) by Faith meaning Christ , but using the name of that Act which fitliest and fulliest relates to its Object ; and so intending the Object more principally then the Act. And as it is fitter to say , that ( we are Justified by Christs blood , ) then that ( we are Justified by his Kingly Power , ) therefore the Apostle rather speaks of faith in his blood , as neerliest relating to the Object . Yet , as he excludes not Christs obedience , ( for by his obedience many are made Righteous ) nor faith in his obedience , and in his whole humiliation as well as his blood ; and in his Resurrection , and Intercession and Exaltation ; so not in his Kingly Office. Look back on the former Example to make this plain . A poor condemned woman is delivered and Dignified by marrying a Prince that hath redeemed her on that condition . When she speaks of her Deliverance , she will say , [ I am delivered by the Bounty , Goodness or Redemption of my Prince , and so by marrying him that in mercy Redeemed me . ] rather then [ I am delivered by marrying a Prince to Rule me . ] Because in the former she more fitly & fully expresseth more of the cause of her Deliverance : Much less will she think it a fit speech to say , I am delivered by marrying an Avenger of his enemies , a Condemner , a Punisher , &c. ) as you are pleased to speak in this our case . And yet who doubts , but her marrying or taking him for her Husband hereafter to Rule her , as well as presently to Deliver her , is the very true Condition on her part of her Deliverance ? Yea , and if you speak not only of her Deliverance , but of her Dignity ( being enriched , Honoured and made a Queen , ) it is the fittest phrase to say ( it was by her marrying a Prince . ) And so if you speak not only of Pardon and Justification ( which import our Deliverance in statum quo prius , ) but also of our Adoption to be sons , and Kings , and Heirs with Christ , it is no unfit phrase to say , This is by our marrying King Jesus ; or by receiving Christ as the King by Redemption . All the Benefits which we Receive from Christ ( which follow Union ) such as are Pardon , Justification and Adoption , do flow from our Union with himself which precedes them . This Union is by Faith : We are united to him as to a Head , Husband and Prince , and not only as a Justifier ? therefore from him received as a Head , Husband and Prince , do these Benefits of Justification and Adoption flow . To your seventh Objection I answer , by denying the latter part of your Antecedent [ that Scripture nowhere makes ( Christs Dominion you say , but ) Christum Dominum ( you should say , ) the Object of justifying Faith. ] I never thought that Christs Dominion , nor yet his Redemption was the proper Object of the chiefest act of Justifying Faith. But Christ himself as Lord and as Redeemer is . I prove it , 1. Christ is the proper Object of justifying Faith ( as I shall anon prove . ) But the name Christ signifieth as directly and fully his Kingly Office as his Justifying . If you include not his being King , you Receive him not as Christ . 2. To Receive him as Redeemer is to Receive him as King ▪ For his very Redeeming was a Purchasing them into his own hands , ( Joh. 13.3 . Matth. 28.18 Joh. 17.2 . & 3.35 . Luke 10.22 . Ephes . 1.20 , 21. Joh. 5.26 , 27. Rom. 14.9 &c. ) though not only so . 3. Psalm 2. Kiss the Son left he be angry , &c. Kissing , or submitting to , and Receiving the Son as King ( for so the whole Psalm expounds it ) is the condition of escaping wrath ; therefore of Pardon ( for Poena & Venia sunt aduersa : ) therefore of our Justification . 4. Matth. 11.27 . Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden , ( Guilt is the great load : ) But under what Notion will Christ be come to ? Take my yoke and burthen , &c. Learn of me , &c. and ye shall find rest to your souls . Rest ! from what ? from that they were burdened with : and that was Guilt , among other things : and to remove the burden of the Guilt of sin or curse of the Law , is to Pardon and Justifie . ( I hope you will not say , that the only Burden that Christ offers here to ease them of , was the pharises rigorous Interpretation of the Law , as I was told you expound it . ) 5. Luke 19.27 . These mine enemies that would not I should Reign over them , &c. If Rejecting Christ as King be the condemning sin according to the tenor of the New Law ; then Accepting him as King is part of the condition of Justification . The Consequence is plain , because the said Rejection condemneth , as it is the non-performance of that condition which must be performed to the avoiding of condemnation . More Scriptures might be brought ; but the first Argument alone is suficient , if there were no more . To your eighth Objection I answer . The Object of justifying Faith is Christ himself principally ; and the word as both Revealing , Offering him , Promising , Threatning : but it is not Christ commanding , first , but Christ as King to Command . This is answered in the former . To your ninth Objection I answer ; when I say that [ Receiving Christ as Lord is one part of Justifying Faith , ] I speak not of the Act morally , as if it had two parts where it is entire : It is but one moral Act to Accept of whole Christ ( if you speak simply of Accepting , as distinct from preceding Assent and subsequent Affiance . ) But I call it ( part ) in reference to the Object , whence you say ariseth the Difference : Though Christs Office of Mediator be but one ; yet from the works of that office we look on his Governing , and Pardoning or Justifying as distinct parts : and thence I call this act of faith ( a part . ) For that you say of obedience following faith and as an effect and sign , I easily yield it . But where you say , that [ Trust is the Genus where the Object is an incomplex term ] I answer ; if you take faith as it is justifying ( or the condition of our Justification ) and not in the strictest sense , so it hath more Acts then one about the incomplex term . And Affiance is the Genus of one only . To accept ( an offered Saviour , ) is an Act precedent in order of Nature before any other act of the Will ; that is , the elicite Acts are before the Imperate : and Trust is not the Genus of this . Besides , Trust is no one act , but many , and that of both faculties , and a Negation of several acts besides . A certain Argument that it is no one single Act that justifieth , even in their Judgement that say Affiance is the justifying Act ; when the Scripture speaks of faith as Affiance , it includes Acceptance or consent , which go before Affiance in order of nature ; Yea some of our most Learned , Accurate Divines , when they say Affiance is the justifying faith , do either by Affiance mean only that elicite act of the Will , which I call Acceptance , Consent or Election , or else ( rather ) they mean several acts , whereof this is one . So Amesius Medul . l. 1. cap. 3. § . 13. Fides i st a qua credimus non tantum Deum , aut Deo , sed in Deum , est vera ac propia fiducia : non qua hac voca notatur certa & absoluta persuasio de bono futuro , sed quâ significat Electionem & Apprehensionem sufficientis ac idonei medi● , ac in qou persausio & expectatio talis fundatur . Quo sensu dicuntur homines fiduciam habere in sapientia , potentia , Amicis ac opibus suis , Psal . 78.22 . If therefore you understand by Affiance many Acts , of which velle Christum oblatum , ( called Acceptation , quia volumus objectum ut oblatum ; and Election , quia volumus medium h●s , rejectis aliis ; or Consent , quia volumnus ex alterius Promotione qui prius volui● , ) is the first and chief , ( of those of the Will ) as Amesius doth , then I am of your mind . If you say that Velle vel Acceptare is not credere vel fidem babere in the common notation of the word : I answer 1. It includes Velle as its principal Act in the common use of the word , when its object is an Incompelx term : but indeed it includeth more also . 2. Words of Knowledge in Scripture do imply Affection we say : but Will much more . 3. I answer in the words of Amesius , Medul . l. 1. c. 3. § . 2 , 3 Credere vulgo significat actum intellectus Assensum testimonio praebentis : sed quoniam consequenter volunt as moveri solet , & extendere sese ad amplectendū bonum it a probatum , ideirco fides ●tiam hunc Voluntatis actum designat satis aptè , quomodo hoc in loco necessario intelligitur . Est enim receptio bond sub ratione boni , & intima unio cum codē , John 1.12 . Hinc fides fertur in bonum ; qoud per istam fit nostrum , est actus Electionis : est actus Totius hominis ; qua actui Intellectus nullo modo conveniunt . John 6.35 . Yea further , I doubt not but where this act of the Will is in sincerity , there is Justification certainly consequent : but the term Affiance contains some acts which Divines say , do only follow Justification : which also Amesi . seems to acknowledge , ibid. § 21. Quod vero fiducia dicitur fructus fidei , verum est de fiducia prout respicit Deum in futurum , & est spes f●rma , sed prout respicit Deum in Christo in praesentia se offerentem , est ipsa fides . Yea the same Amesius tells us Medul . lib 2. cap. 5. That five things concur even to that Belief which we call fides Divina ; viz. 1. Notitia rei à Deo testatae . 2. ●ffectio pia erga Deum quae facit ut maxime valeat apud nos ipsius Testimonium . 3. Assersus qui praebetur veritati test atae propter hanc affectionem erga Deum qui est ejus testis . 4. Aquiescentia in Deum ad illud quod prop●nitur consequendum . 5. Electio vel apprehensio rei ipsius , quae in Testimonio nobis exhibetur . So that even this faith hath many acts . Yea , and he adds , Primum horum est in intellectu : sed non constituit fidem , &c. secundum , quartum & quintum sunt in voluntate , & constituunt fidem , prout est virtus & actus religionis . T●rtium ( viz. assensus ) est in intellectu , sed prout movetur , à voluntate ; neque est proprie fidei virtus , s●d effectum . So that this Doctrine which 1. makes three acts of faith in the very will , 2. and makes the intellectual acts ( even assent ) to be but an effect of faith , and not the vertue , is far from yours ( though I scruple not to take in assent with the rest , for all it is in the Intellect , ) and if these be all in that faith which is a holy vertue , much more must that which justifies contain as much . And indeed to place justifying faith only in the intellect , is somewhat strange for those that make it the principal Grace , when Philosophers will not give it the name of a moral Vertue . For in the understanding are only intellectual Habits ; but moral vertues are all placed in the Will , or sensitive appetite ( for that quarrel I will pass by , whether they be only in the sensitive as Burgers●icius , &c. ) If any therefore wonder that I place faith in so many acts , and yet make one the chief compleative Act , I have yet further this most accurate Divine saying the very same as I. Perfectio autom fidei est in Electione aut apprehensione illa , qua bonum Propositum fit nostrum . Hinc fidei natura ●ptimè explicatur in Scriptura cum fideles di●untur adhaerer● D●o , Jos . 23.6 . Act. 11.23 . & vi●● veritatis ●ligere , Psal . 119.30 , 31. Where you see also that by Affiance and Adhaesion , Amesius principally means the very Elicit act of the Will as Election is . And indeed he that observeth but how the Scripture throughout doth hang mans salvation or damnation on his Will mainly , ( so far as it may be said to depend on our own acts , ) rather then on any acts of the understanding ( but only as they refer and lead to those of the Will ) might well wonder , that justifying saving faith , the great needfull act , should be only intellectual , and not chiefly in or by the Will , as well as all the rest . Ye will not come to me that ye may have life : How oft would I , and ye would not ? These mine enemies that would not I should reign over them , &c. Whoever will , let him take or buy freely , &c. Still almost all is laid on the Will : and yet is not Faith in the Will ? Assent may be compelled by evidence of Truth , and so be unvoluntary . And so a man may be a Believer thus against his Will : and if this will serve , men may be saved against their Wills. I know some think it enough that the Will commands the understanding to believe . But even thus saith Amesius , Medul . l. 2. c. they place the first principle in the Will. Qui fidem collocant iu intellectu , necessariam tamen fatentur esse aliquam motion●● vol●ntatis ad assensum illum praebendum : quemadmodum i● fide humana voluntarium esse dicitur adhibere fidem alicui ; si vero à voluntate pend●at fides , necesse est ut primū principium fidei sit in voluntate , ● . 20 But this is only commanding the performance , & so it is thus no elicit act ( for Aquinas and others conclude , that Voluntas est Principium determinans actus humanos quo ad exercitium actus ; intellectus autem quo ad actus specificationem . ) But it is moreover the Wills Elicite Act that I assert . And as I said , this imperium voluntatis may possibly be wanting , and belief be involuntary for the main . Let me add but one more consideration , ( for I perceive my tediousness ) If Infidelity as it is a Privation of saving faith , and so is the condemning sin , be in the Will as well as in the Intellect , then faith must be in the Will too : But Infidelity is in both . Ergo. &c. That Infidelity which is the Privation of meer assent , is rather said to be willing , then in the Will ; but that which is opposite to justifying faith , is in the Will. Luk. 19.27 . Those mine enemies that would not I should raign over them , bring them hither , &c. saith Amesius Medul . l. 2. cap. 5. § . 48. Opponuntur ista ( Infidelitas &c. fidei , non tantum qua tollunt Assensum illum Intellectus qui est ad fidem necessarius : sed etiam qua inferunt & includunt privationem illius Elections & apprehensionis fidei quae est in Voluntate . Surely an unwillingness to accept Christ for our Lord and Saviour , is no small part of the condemning sin , which we therefore call the rejecting of Christ ; The treading him under foot ; Neglecting so great Salvation ; Not willing to come to Christ for life ; Making light of him , when they are invited to the marriage , ( Mat. 22. ) and making excuses : Not-kissiing the son , ( Psal . 2. ) with many the like , which import the Wills refusal of Christ himself , and not only its unwillingness to believe the Truth of the Promise or Declaration of the Gospel . To your tenth Objection I answer by denying the consequence ; we speak of the soul as rational , and not as sensitive or vegetative . When the understanding & Will receive Christ , the whole soul doth it : that is , every faculty , or the soul by a full entire motion in its several Actings to the Object presented , both as true and good . Your Joy , Hope , Fear , are in the sensitive : And Love as a Passion , and as commonly taken . And for Memory , take it for an act of the Understanding ; or of Understanding and Imagination conjunct ; or for a third faculty as please your self , it will not breed any difficulty in the case . But whether Fear be properly a Receiving of Christ , or any Object as Good , I much question . I take it rather for the shunning of an evil , then the Reception of Good. So much for your Objections . I will next , as impartially as I can , consider your Answers to what I laid down for the proof of the Point in Question . But first I must acknowledge ▪ that I have given you and others great advantage against the Doctrine of that Book , by the immethodicalness , and neglect of Art , and not giving the Arguments in form , which I then thought not so necessary as now I perceive it is : ( for I was ready to yield wholly to Gibeeufs reasons against formal arguing , Praefat. ante lib. 2. de Libertate . ) The present expectation of death caused me to make that haste , which I now repent : yet , though I see some oversights in the manner of expression , I see no cause to change my mind in the Doctrine of it . Also I must desire you to remember here , that the proof lyeth on your part , and not on mine : Affirmanti incumbit probatio . It is acknowledged by almost all , that fides qua Justificat , Justifying faith is a Receiving of Christ as Lord , and not only as Saviour or Justifier : And you and I are agreed on it , that Faith justifieth not as an Instrument , but as a Condition : so that they who will go further here , and maintain that yet Faith justifieth only As it Receiveth Christ as Justifier , or as Saviour , and not as King , must prove what they say . If I prove 1. that Faith justifieth as the Condition , on performance whereof the Gift is conferred . 2. And that this Faith which is the Condition , is the Accepting of Christ as Christ , or the Anointed King and Saviour : ( both which are yielded me ; ) I must needs think that I have proved that the Receiving Christ as King , doth as truly Justifie , as the Receiving him as Priest or Justifier : ( Yet I had rather not say that either Justifies , ( because 1. it is no Scripture phrase , 2. and seemeth to import an Efficiency ▪ ) but rather , that [ we are justified by it , ] which imports here but a conditionality , and is the Scripture phrase . ) Till you have proved your exclusion of faith in one respect from the Justifying Office , and your confinement of it to the other , my proof stands good : I give you the entire condition : and ubi Lex non distinguit , non est distinguendum ; multó minus dividendum . And though those that assert the proper Instrumentality of faith in Justifying , or else the meer natural conditionality , may have something to say for their Division ; ( though with foul absurdities ) Yet what you can say , ( who have escaped those conceits ) I cannot imagine . Me thinks , if faith Justifie , as the condition of the Grant or Covenant , and this condition be the Receiving of Christ as Lord and Saviour , it should be impossible to exclude the receiving Christ as King , from Justifying , till you first exclude it from the said conditionality . A Quatenus ad omne valet consequentia . To Justifie therefore As the condition ( on which the Promise gives Christ , and with him Justification , ) must needs infer that we are justified by all whatsoever hath such a conditionality . Yet ( as I said before ) when we intend to express , not only or principally the Act of the Receiver , but also , or principally , the Grace of the Giver , then it is a fitter phrase to say , we are Justified by faith in his Blood , or by Receiving Christ the Saviour and Justifier : because it fulliest and fitliest expresseth that Grace which we intend , ( and thus Paul oft doth . ) So that they who distinguish between Fides quae Justificat , and Fides qua Justificat and admit that Act into the former , which they exclude from the latter , must prove what they say . ( Fides qua justificat , non Recipit Christum vel ut Regem vel sacerdotem , sed tantum Justificat . i. e. Qua est Conditio , non est Receptio : Nec qua Recipit Justificat ; i. e. Qua Receptio , non est Conditio : Materia & forma non sunt confundenda . Actus fidei est quasi materia , vel Aptitudo tantum ad officium conditionalitatis : Distinctio igitur ipsa est inepta . ) Now to your Answers : ( Pardon this prolixity . ) First I must tell you , that by that phrase [ the whole soul ] I mean the entire motion of the soul by Understanding and Willing , to its Object both as True and Good : For I know the whole soul may be said to understand in every Intellectual Action , and to will in every act of willing . But when it only understands or Assents , and not willeth , it doth not Act fully according to its Power , nor according to the nature of its Object , when the Goodness is neglected , and the Truth only apprehended . And it is not a compleat motion , seeing the Acts of the understanding are but introductory or preparatory to those of the Will , where the motion of the Rational soul is compleat . And so my Argument stands thus : If Justifying faith be the Act both of the understanding and the Will , then it is not one single act only : But &c. Ergo , &c. Prob. Anteced . Justifying faith is the Receiving of Christ : but Christ is Received by the Understanding and Will ; ( by the former incompleatly , by the latter compleatly : ) therefore Justifying faith is the Acting both of the Understanding and Will. Probatur Minor. Christ must be Received as Good , and not only his Word ( or himself ) as true : therefore he must be Received by the Will as well as the Understanding : for Goodness is the object of the Will. Here you answer 1. by confessing , that Faith is called a Receiving of Christ : 2. by interpreting that speech [ He is Received by the receiving his Word , which is received by Assent . ] This is worth a fuller enquiry , because the discovery of the proper Object of Faith , will shew the proper Act. The Intellectual Act [ Assent ) hath for its Objectum formale the Veracity of God , or the Authority of Gods Revealing or Testifying : This is not it that we enquire after . The material Object ( for we must use the Schools termes in this distinction , though perhaps fitter might be found , ) is 1. Proximius ; that is , the moral Verity of the Testimony or Word . 2. Vlterius , the Metaphysical Verity of the Things signified ( as Christs Person , God-head , Incarnation , Resurrection , &c. ) The former is but the means to the latter , and for its sake , and not for its self . In regard of this act of Assent , you may say as you do , that Christ is Received by receiving his Word : because the Belief of the Truth of the Enuntiation is the means of our apprehending the truth of the Thing propounded . But then 1. These are yet two distinct Acts as the Objects are distinct . 2. And this Intellectual Act is called a Receiving of the Truth Believed but imperfectly because it leads to that Act of the Will which ( in morality ) is more fitly and fully called a Receiving : and therefore if Assent produce not that Acceptation or consent of the Will , it cannot fitly it self be called a Receiving of Christ . ( For of the Intellects Reception of the Intelligible Species , I suppose we neither of us speak . ) The material Object of Justifying faith as it is in the Will , is 1. Principal , and Adaequate , which is Christ himself . 2. Subservient or Instrumental , which is the Covenant , Promise , or testamentary Gift , in & by which Christ is offered and Given . These are two distinct Acts , as the Accepting of a Testament , and of the Legacy : of a Pardon written , and the real Pardon thereby signified : or of the Oath of Allegiance , and of the Prince to whom we swear . But because of the Relation between the one and the other , Faith may be called a receiving of Christ , or a receiving of the Gospel . Yet so , as still the proper principal Object is Christ , and the Gospel but ●ediate , as to him . These are my thoughts . Now ( if I am able to understand you ) your words import , that in your Judgement , Christ is received two wayes : 1. by Faith , and that is only by Assent : and this is only by receiving his Word : that is , in Believing it to be True. 2. By other Graces ; and those I think , you refer to the Wills receiving . Against this opinion I further alledge , 1. Almost all Protestant Divines acknowledge faith to be the Act ( or rather Acts ) of both faculties , even Dr. Downame not excepted ( and Ca●●ro himself speaks sometime darkly ) insomuch that Melancthon , Joan ▪ Cr●cius and many more make it the judgement of Protestants in opposition to Popery . And so doth Amesius in Bellarm. Enerv. though he judge it ( as Camero ) not accurate , in M●dul . l. 1. c. 3. sect 22. Yea he that though it must be but in one faculty , chooseth to place it only in the Will , and excludes Assent , as being called faith quia parit fidem . Excellent Davenant saith , Insactu fidei justifit antis Totu Anima se convertit ad causam justificantem . Determin . Q. 38. pag. 174. And again , Fides illa quam scriptura justificantem agnoscit , habet in se complicatum actum Voluntatis & Intellectus . Determin . Q. 37. pag. 166 ▪ Again , Neque nobis absurdum sed valde consentaneum videtur , actum illum quo tota anima purificatur & Justificatur , ad Totam animam pertinere : ita ut in nudo intellectu habeat initium ; in Voluntate complementum ibidem . Again , Quod Philosophantur Voluntatem & Intellectum esse duas potentias reipsa distinctas , dogma philosophicum est , ab omnibus haud receptum ; & Theologicis dogmatibus firmandis aut infirmandis fundamentum minime idoneum ▪ Idem ibid. 2. Assent is not any full moral Receiving of Christ : But faith ( which Justifieth ) is a full moral Receiving of Christ , ( Job 1.12 . ) therefore Assent alone is not the faith that justifieth . I know there is a Metonymie in the word Receive ( because in strict speech in Physicks , Recipere est pati ) But it is so usual and near , that in morality it is taken for a proper speech , to call the Acceptation of an offered good [ A Receiving . ] 3. There is such a thing as the proper accepting of Christ , required as of flat necessity to Justification and Salvation : But this acceptation is not in Scripture called by the name of any other Grace : therefore it is taken for an Act of faith . The Maj. I hope no Christian will deny . For when Christ is offered to the world as their Saviour , Redeemer , Teacher , King-Husband ; who can think that the accepting of him is not required , yea even in the offer ? Not a physical Reception which some absurdly and dangerously dream of , but a moral ; as when a people take a man for their King or Teacher ; or a woman takes a man for her Husband . And for the Minor : Receiving Christ offered is not usually expressed in the term , Hope , Joy , Charity , Repentance ; therefore it is included in the word Faith ( unless you can name some other Grace which it is usually expressed by . ) 4. The Grace by which we are united to Christ is Faith : But it is receiving Christ by which we are so united to him ; therefore it is faith which is the receiving of Christ . I suppose none will deny that it is Christ himself that we must be united to by believing , and not the Word or Promise ; and that it is receiving Christ which unites us to him , is obvious both from the language of Scripture , and the nature of the thing . A People is united to their Prince , as the head of the Republique , and a Church to their Teacher , and a woman to her Husband , by the Wills consent or acceptance , and not properly ▪ ( but only initially , preparatorily , imperfectly and improperly , and if it be alone , not at all ) by believing the Truth of their words . Amesius saith , Medul . l. 1. c. 3. § . 18 Fides etiam cum sit primus actus vitae nostrae , qua Deo in Christo vivimus , consistat necesse est in unione cum Deo , quam nullo modo facere potest Assensus adhibitus veritati quae est de Deo. 5. By faith it is that we give up our selves to be Christs Disciples , Subjects , Members ; ( For Scripture ascribes not this to other Graces usually or chiefly . And to take him for our Saviour and Head , and give up our selves as his redeemed and Members , is all one work . ) But it is not by Assent only , chiefly or fully at all , that we give up our selves to Christ as Disciples , Members , &c. Therefore it is not by Assent properly or fully that we receive Christ . So Amesius ubi supra , § . 19. Crediturus etiam porro cum ex miseriae sensu , & omnimo●ae liberationis , cum in se , tum in aliis defectu , necesse habeat se dedere Deo in Christo tanquam Servatori sufficienti & fideli , Deditionem istam facere non potest ullo modo per Assensum Intellectus , sed per Consensum Voluntatis . And indeed I think this Dedition or self-delivery to be part of Faith : and that the covenanting in heart with God in Christ , is the very justifying faith , taking him for ours , and giving up our selves to him as his : and the external Covenanting is the profession of Faith : and that Baptism is the marriage-solemnization , and engaging sign and means . 6. That Act which cannot be discerned in a Saint ( in it self ) from what may be in the wicked , is not the receiving of Christ ( fully or properly ) which justifies : But the Act of Assent to the Truth of the Gospel , as it is in a Saint , cannot in it self be discerned from what may be in the wicked . Therefore the Act of Assent is not the Receiving of Christ which justifies . The Major is hence evident : In that justifying faith being the condition of our Justification , must needs be the great Mark to know by , whether we are justified or no : But if it could not be known to be sincere it self , in vain is it made a Mark to know our state by : yea or a Condition , almost , when a man can never tell when he performeth it . The Minor I have endeavoured to prove in an Additional Chap. to the third part of my Book of Rest , to which for brevity , I refer you . Dr. Stoughton , I have there shewed you , saith as I : A●esius saith , Medul . l. 1. c. ● . § . 4. quāvis fides praesuppmat semper notitiā Evangelii , nulla tamen datur in quoquā cognitio salutifera , & ab illa quo in quibusdam non salvandis reperitur , diversa , nif● consequenter ad actum istū voluntatis , & ab ipso dependens . Job . 7.17 . and 8.31.32 . 1 John. 2.3 . I doubt not but ( in the Intensness of Degree ) there is a difference between the Intellectual acts ( as Knowledge and Assent ) in a Saint and a wicked man : but if any think that they are in themselves discernable , I would he would tell me one Mark of the difference . In their different Effects on the Will , I know they are discernable . 7. If you acknowledge that other Graces receive Christ as well as Faith , and receiving of Christ doth make him ours , and so justifie ; then you must acknowledge that other Graces justifie as well as faith ; ( yea not secondarily only , but as Principally as Faith : ) But that you will be loth to do . The consequence will not be avoided , but by shewing that there is a twofold receiving of Christ , and that one justifieth , and the other not : which when you have proved from Scripture , I will yield : but then at least I shall gain this , that receiving Christ justifies not properly ex natura actus , sed ex voluntate Ordinantis : and if I get that , I get the main part of the cause in controversie . 8. Affiance is judged by Divines to be an Act of the Will : But Affiance is judged by the same Divines to be the justifying Act : Therefore they judge that the justifying Act ( and consequently the Reception of Christ ) belongs to the Will. 9. The Velle or Elicite act of the Will which I insist on , is the very first Act , and goes before Affiance ( as it denotes any other Act of the Will : ) Therefore either this Velle must be the justifying Faith and Reception of Christ , or else they must say that there is a saving reception of Christ that goes before the justifying or Reception : which sure they will not grant , that make that Faith the actus primas vitae spiritualis . 10. Lastly , The opinion seems to me so Improbable , without and against reason , and so dangerous [ that God doth assign one only Act of the soul to the Office of justifying , especially the act of assent ] that I dare not entertain it without proof It is improbable that in a Moral , Political , Theological Matter , the Holy Ghost should speak , as if it were in the strictest discourse of Physicks . It is improbable that God should speak to man in such a Moral discourse , so as no men use to speak , and therefore so as men could not , without a further explication understand . Doth he that speaks of receiving a man to be our Husband , King , Master , &c. mean it of one only Act ? ( though I know Consent is the chief . ) Or he that gives any great matter on Condition of such Receiving , Doth he mean that any one single Act is that Condition ? Much less Assent . Or is there any likelyhood , that when other Acts do receive the same Object , Christ , in a way of as high honouring him , that yet God should confine Justification to one Act , setting by all the rest ? Yea when the rest are acknowledged to be part of the Condition ? ( and Receiving as Lord , to be the fides quae ? ) I know God is not bound to give man a Reason of his Laws : but yet he usually doth it : and we must take heed of asserting that to be Gods Law , which appears unreasonable , till we can prove what we say . Yea what a dangerous loss will Christians then be at , who will hardly ever be able to find out this single Act , what it is and when they have it ? And he that knows how quick Spirits are in their actings , and withall how little able we are to observe and discern them , perhaps many doubt , whether you can find a name for any single act of a soul , or know when it is one Act , and when many . In the forementioned Instance , A woman is condemned for Treason ; the Prince writeth to her , that he hath dearly paid her Ransom & will not only deliver her , but also make her his Queen , if she will Believe this , and Receive him accordingly ; If now the Lawyers should dispute the case , what single act it was that she was Delivered and Dignified by , whether an act of the Intellect only , or of the Will only ? whether Assent only , or Affiance ? Yea whether agendo vel patiendo ( as many here do . ) would not men think that learning made them dote ? And I would entreat you to consider , whether it were Gods Design in the Gospel , to advance any one Act of mans soul above the rest , and so to honour it ? or rather to advance the Lord Jesus whom faith Receiveth ? as Mr. Gataker tels Sal●marsh , Many speak dangerously in over-magnifying their own faith , when they should magnifie Christ whom it relates to . I know the great thing that sticks with some , is that the Scripture oft seems to describe faith by the Act of Assenting . But consider , so it doth in other places by Trusting , Resting , Taking , Receiving , Coming , Eating and Drinking , ( which Metaphors must needs signifie acts of the Will , ) &c. which shew that it is not any single Act. Again , as I said , the whole is denominated from the first leading and most difficult Act : the Language of Scripture is much fitted to the times and temper of the persons to whom it was spoken . Now the Jews did generally and gladly acknowledge that the Messias or Mediator must be Received , Welcomed , Honoured , Loved , submitted to : but they could not Believe that Christ was he ; And this was foolishness to the Gentiles also , as well as a stumbling-block to the Jews ; that one that lived and walked among them , and seemed a poor contemptible man , and at last was crucified , should be God and the great Redeemer and Lord of the world . I tremble sometimes to think , if we had lived our selves in those times , how hard it would have been even to us to believe ; so that when the great Difficult act is named , the other ( Consent and Affiance ) are still implyed , and included . I will end with Amesius true observation to this purpose , Medul . l. 1. c. 3. Quamvis in scripturis aliquando Ascensus veritati quae est de Deo & Christo , Joh. 1.50 . habetur pro vera fide ; includitur tamen semper specialis fiducia : atque adeo omnibus in locis ubi sermo est de salutari fide , vel praesupponitur fiducia in Messiam , & indicatur tantum determinatio , vel applicatio ejus ad personam Christi ; vel per Assensum illum designatur , tanquam effectum per suam causam , Joh. 11.25 , 26 , 27. ( § 20. ) The second Argument which you answer , lyeth thus . If Faith be the work of the Heart and the whole Heart , then it is not only in the Understanding , but in the Will also . But the former is the words of Scripture , Act. 8.37 . Rom. 10.10 . Ergo , &c. Here you answer that [ the whole heart notes not every inward faculty , but ( as often ) sincerity . ] To which I Reply , 1. The word [ whole ] I yield to Illyricus signifies the sincerity , which is usually expressed by Integrity , but the word [ Heart ] signifies the subject ; and is commonly taken for the Will , and oft for the whole soul , Vnderstanding and Will , ( as most Fathers , Schoolmen and Divines judge in the Point , though the two former placed too much of it in the Assent : ) but where and how oft do you find the word [ Heart ] used for the sole Intellect ? I pray shew the place . 2. The proverbial speech [ with all the Heart ] is not used in Rom. 10.10 . but only subject barely expressed : with the Heart man believeth to Righteousness . My third Argument ( as you place it ) was to another use , which is of less moment . As I judge Faith to be taken , 1. sometimes more strictly for meer Assent to a Testimony : ( so James takes it when he saith , the Devils believe . ) 2. And sometimes more fully for Assent and Acceptance , or Consent : ( so Paul takes it ; and so it Justifieth . ) So 3. I suppose it is sometime taken most largely and improperly , for the full performance of the conditions of the New Covenant . If any deny this , I have no mind to contend for it , because it is but about a word , and not the thing . Your answer is twofold : 1. that Heb. 5.9 . speaks of obeying Christ , but doth not call faith obeying Christ . I Reply . That Obedience which containeth the Condition of salvation by Christ ( whereof Justification is a part ) must needs include Faith : But the word Obedience Heb. 5 9 containeth the condition of salvation by Christ ; therefore it includes faith . He is become the Author of Eternal salvation to all them that obey him . Your second answer is , [ It may be obedience by Assent , that Christ is the Messiah , died , rose , &c. ] Repl. 1. If Obedience of meer Assent be not made the condition of Eternal salvation in Scripture , then it is not that obedience which is here mentioned : But the former is true : therefore the latter . 2. The first Assent to these Gospel Truths is not in a full proper sence called Obedience to Christ at all : therefore not here to be so understood . As subjection , so obedience is a term of Relation on supposing the Authority of a Superior , the acknowledgement of that Authority , A command from that Superior , and that the action be therefore done because so commanded . Now the first Assent to , or acknowledgement of the Redeemers Office and Soveraignty , must needs in order of Nature precede all obedience to him as a Soveraign . I confess improperly a man may be said to obey , when he yields to the Reason and perswasion of another ; but this wants the very form of obedience properly so called . If it be true that the first Acceptance of Christ for our Soveraign as Redeemer , by the Wills consent , may be both the Reception of him for King , and Obedience to him : Yet in order of Nature it is respectively a Reception first ; though in time it is both at once . But the first Assent to Christs Soveraignty cannot be an obeying him as Soveraign . And for the understanding the Text , when I find Christ give the world , a systeme of Precepts , and tell them that he is become the Author of Eternal Salvation to all them that obey him , I dare not without Reason restrain that obedience ( in the sence of it ) to some one or two acts : Especially when I find that he hath made the like promise on condition of other acts of ours besides Believing : as in many Text I have shewed in those Aphor . Take my yoke and burden , &c. Learn of me to be meek and lowly , &c. and I will ease you , and ye shall find rest : Forgive and ye shall be forgiven . He that confesseth and forsaketh his sin shall have mercy , with multitudes of the like . And Rom. 10. that is called Faith , ver . 14 , 17. which is called obeying the Gospel , ver . 16. And if the Gospel do as directly and urgently command Consent as Assent ; yea if it command love to Christ as of equal necessity with both , I have reason to think that in this large sence , Faith includes it . Why should obeying the Gospel , and obeying the Truth , be made Synonima's with Believing as it is one single Act , when the Gospel commands many other Acts as of aequal necessity and excellency ? Let me argue thus ex concessis , from your self and others . Most Divines affirm that the proper Reason why Faith justifieth , is its Relation to Christ ; because it is a Receiving of him ( it justifies Relative i.e. A Christ received Justifies : ) but Mr. Tomb●s confesseth that other Graces receive Christ as well as Faith : therefore other Graces justifie as well as Faith. The Consequence is a Quatenus ad Omne . What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 import in their first signification , is not to our business so much as in what sense they are commonly used : No doubt they may signifie properly our yielding to perswasion , improperly called Obeying : but that they are put for proper Obeying usually in Scripture , most Interpreters affirm . You may therefore as well draw to your purpose the Latin Obedire , because it is but quasi ob-audire . Indeed the Obedience to a Teacher ( as to Christ and his Ministers , and of Scholars to their Master ) who useth both Argument and Authority , is fully and fitly expressed in those words . The word [ Gospel ] is principally spoken of the Doctrine of Good tidings or Mercy by Christ ( but sure not only of the Historical or Declaratory part , but also , yea principally of the Promise or Offer : ) but the whole New Covenant or Law of Christ ( for so it is , and so the Ancients unaminously call it ) containing Precepts and Threatnings also , is called his Testament , Covenant , Gospel , being so denominated from the more excellent part . Heb. 7.18.19 , 22. The Testament of Jesus is opposed to the Commandments of the Law , and called Better : therefore it comprizeth Christs Commands , proper to him . And is it not Christs whole Law which is of force when he is dead , and called his Testament ? Heb. 9.17 . And when the Apostle saith , They were made able Ministers of the New Testament , doth he mean only of the History , or the Precept of faith , and not of Love , Hope , Repentance , &c. Let his preaching witness , as the Expositors , ( 2 Cor. 3.6 . ) Or let Christ in giving them their Commission tell you what that New Testament is , Mat. 28. Go Disciple all Nations , &c. teaching them to observe all things what ever I command . And not to strive about words , you know that New Law of Christ , which is called his Testament , Covenant , Gospels , &c. hath all the Precepts in it which you mention . Is it not Precepts as well as Narrations which Mark calls the Gospel , Mar. 1.1 . ? Was it not the Gospel which Christ and the Apostles preached ? And they preached Repentance and Faith ▪ and so commanded Duty : If a man loose his Life for publishing or obeying Christs Precepts , doth not the Promise belong to him , Mar. 8.35 . and 10 29 ? Or is that Promise to them only that suffer for the Declarative part only ? Is the Gospel that must be published among all Nations , the History only ? Mar. 13.10 Was the Precept of Accepting Christ , loving him in sincerity and obeying him &c. no part of that Gospel ▪ to which Paul was separated ? Rom. 1.1 . in which he served in Spirit , ver . 9. of which he was not ashamed , ver . 16. and which he was put in trust With , 1 Thess 2.2 , 4. Was it only the Declaration of Christs Death , Resurrection , &c. which is the Gospel according to which mens secrets must be judged ? Rom. 2.16 . or according to which the Jews are enemies , Rom. 11.28 . compared with Luk. 19.27 . Is not it larglyer taken , 2 Cor. 8.18 ? And subjection to the Gospel implies it preceptive , 2 Cor. 9.13 . Peters withdrawing and separating from the uncircumcision , and fearing the Jews , and dissembling , and Barnabas with him , was A not walking according to the Truth of the Gospel , Gal. 2.14 . The false Apostles preached another Gospel , and the Galathians turned to another Gospel , when the former preached , and the later received the Doctrine of the Necessity of being circumcised , and keeping Moses Law , Gal. 1.6 , 7. so that the word [ Testament ] and [ Gospel ] includes Laws or Precepts of Duty . 4. To that of the sense of Gal. 3.12.23 . about the largest extent of the word Faith , it being as I said , of so small moment , I intend not to insist on it . My meaning is but this ; that some other Graces are intended reductively , and the chief named for all . But by your answer I understand , 1. That you take not faith to be the whole fulfilling of the condition of the New Covenant : which concession shall satisfie me , what ever you think of the sense of the Word , of these Texts . 2. but the rest of your Ans . I am unsatisfied in . You say [ by Faith only the condition of the Covenant concerning Justificaiion in this Life is fulfilled : not concerning every benefit of the New Covenant : Repentance is the condition of Remission of sins : forgiveing others , doing good to the Saints , of entering into Life . ] Repl. 1. You know that not Wotton and many great Divines of England only , but of the most famous Transmarine , do take Justification and Remission to be one and the same thing . I have received Animadversions from divers learned Divines lately on these Aphorisms , and three or four of them blame me for making any difference between Justification and Remission ; though I make as little as may be . And can you think then that Remission and Justification have several conditions ? If they are not wholly the same , yet doubtless the difference is exceeding small , and rather notional then real . The same Commination of the Law doth both condemn and oblige to punishment . Remission is a discharge from the Obligation to Punishment ; and Justification is a discharge from the condemnation . So much then as that Obligation to Punishment , differs from the Laws condemnation , ( which is nothing , or so little as it is not obvious to be discerned , ) so much doth Remission differ from Justification . Yea even those Divines that in pleading for the interest of the active Righteousness to Justification , do to that end make Justification to have two parts ; yet one of them , they say , is Remission of sin ; as the other is the Imputation of Righteousness . And I pray how then can these two parts of the same Justification have two divers conditions , so as one is appropriated to one , and excluded from the other ? I remember no reformed Divines , but they either make Justification and Remission to be all one ; or Remission to be part of Justification , or else to be two Relations ( or other effects ) immediately and at once ( in order of time , if not of nature ) resulting or proceeding from the same foundation ( materially ) or other cause . Though Gataker and Bradshaw make them to differ , it is but in this narrow ( and almost unconceivable way ) but in time to concur . I must therfore differ from you in this , that they have divers conditions : and wait for your proof of it . But it seems you will give us leave to say , A man is not pardoned by faith only ; And yet he is justified by faith only ! and that as a condition ! Faith then it seems can do the whole , but not one half ( as some judge ) or can do , and not do the same thing ( as others . ) 2. But do you think that Repentance is not necessarily Antecedent to Justification , as well as to Remission ? If you say No ; the current of the Gospel Doctrine will confute you : which usually putteth Repentance before Faith : and those Divines that say it followeth after it , do yet make them concur in order of time . But if Repentance do necessarily precede Justification , ( as I doubt not but you will yield ) then let me know to what purpose , or under what notion or respect , if not as a Condition ? Can you find any lower place to give it ? 3. But if you should mean that Faith and Repentance are the condition of our first Justification and Remission , but afterwards only of our Remission . I Answer , 1. According to your Judgement ( who take Justification to be one act transient , once only performed , and neither a continued Act , nor renewed , or repeated , ) neither Faith nor Repentance afterwards performed , are any conditions of our Justification in this Life . This may seem a heavy charge , but it is a plain Truth . For that Justification which we receive upon our first believing hath only that first Act of faith for its condition ( or as others speak , its Instrumental cause ) We are not justified to day by that act of Faith , which we shall perform to Morrow , or a Twelvemonth hence ; so that according to your opinion , and all that go that way , it is only one ( the first ) Act of Faith which justifies ; and all the following Acts through our whole life , do no more to our Justification , then the works of the Law do . I would many other Divines that go your way ( for it is common as to the dispatching of Justification by one Act ) would think of this foul absurdity . ( You may add this also to what is said before , against your opinion herein , ) Where then is the Old Doctrine of the just living by faith , as to Justification ? I may bear with these men ( or at least , need not wonder , ) for not admitting Obedience or other Graces to be conditions of Justification as continued , when they will not admit faith it self . Who speaks more against faith , they or I ? When I admit as necessary that first act , and maintain the necessity of repeated acts , to our continued Justification ; and they exclude all save one Instantaneous act ? 2. And what reason can any man give , why Repentance should be admitted as a condition of our first Justification , and yet be no condition of the continuance of it ? or what proof is there from Scripture for this ? I shall prove that the continuance of our Justification hath more to its condition then the beginning ; ( though learned men , I know gain-say it : ) but surely less it cannot have . 4. But why do you say only of Repentance that [ it is the condition of Remision ] and of forgiving others , that [ it is the condition of entring into life ? ] Have you not Christs express words , that forgiving others is a condition of our Remission ? if ye forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly Father will forgive you ; but if you forgive not men , &c. Nay , is not Reformation and Obedience ordinarily made a condition of forgiveness ? I refer you to the Texts cited in my Aphorisms : Wash you , make you clean , put away the evil of your doings , &c. then if your sins be as crimson , &c. He that confesseth and forsaketh his sin , shall have mercy . And I would have it considered , if Remission and Justification be either the same , or so neer as all Divines make them , whether it be possible , that forgiving others , and Reformat on or new Obedience should be a condition of the continuance or renewal of a pardoning Act , and not of Justification ? Doubtless , the general Justification must be continued , as well as the general pardon : and a particular Justification I think after particular sins , is needfull as well as particular pardon : or if the name should be thought improper , the thing cannot be denyed . Judicious Ball saith as much as I ( yet men were not so angry with him , ) Treat . of Covenant . pag. 20.21 . [ A disposition to good works is necessary to Justification , being the qualification of an active lively faith . Good works of all sorts are necessary to our continuance in the state of Justification , and so to our final Absolution , if God give opportunity : but they are not the cause of , but only a precedent qualification or condition to final forgiveness and Eternal bliss . ] And pag. 21. [ This walking in the light as he is in the light , is that qualification whereby we become immediatly capable of Christs Righteousness , or actual participants of his propitiation , which is the sole immediate cause of our Justification , taken for Remission of sins or actual approbation with God. ] And pag. 73. [ Works then , or a purpose to walk with God , justifie as the passive qualification of the subject capable of Justification , or as the qualification of that faith which justifieth . ] So he . 5. How will you ever prove , that our Entering into Life , and our continued remission or Justification have not the same conditions ? that those Graces are excluded from one which belong to the other . Indeed the men that are for Faiths ▪ Instrumentality , say somewhat to it ; but what you can say , I know not . And for them , if they could prove Faith Instrumental in justifying co nomine , because it receives Christ by whom we are justified ; they would also prove it the Instrument of Glorifying , because it Receives Christ by and for whom we are saved and Glorified . And so if the Instrumentality of Faith must exclude obedience from justifying us , it must also exclude it from Glorifying us . And I marvel that they are so loose and easie in admitting obedience into the work of saving , and yet not of continuing or consummating Justification , when the Apostle saith , By Grace ye are saved , by Faith , and so excludes obedience from Salvation in the general as much as he any where doth from Justification in particular . 6. But lastly , I take what you grant me in this Section , and profess that I think in effect you grant me the main of the cause that I stand upon . For , as you grant , 1. That faith is not the whole condition of the Covenant . 2. That Repentance also is the condition of Remission ( which is near the same with Justification . ) 3. That obedience is the condition of Glorification ( which hath the same conditions with final and continued Justification . ) 4. So you seem to yield all this , as to our full justification at Judgement . For you purposely limit the conditionality of meer faith to our Justification in this Life . But if you yield all that I desire ( as you do , if I understand you ) as to the last justification at Judgement , then we are not much differing in this business . For I take ( as Mr. Burges doth , Lect. of Justification 29 ▪ ) our compleatest and most perfect Justification to be that at Judgement . Yea , and that it is so eminent and considerable here , that I think all other Justification is so called chiefly as referring to that . And me thinks above all men , you should say so too , who make Justification to lie only in sententi● judicis , and not in sententia Legis : And so all that go your way ( as many that I meet with do . ) If then we are justified at Gods great Tribunal at Judgement , by obedience as the secondary part of the condition of the Covenant ( which you seem to yield . ) 1. We are agreed in the main . 2. I cannot yet believe that our Justification at that Bar hath one condition , and our Justification in Law ( or in this Life , as continued ) another . He that dyeth justified , was so justified in the hour of dying , on the same conditions as he must be at Judgement . For 1. There are no conditions to be performed after death . 2. Sententia Legis & sententia judicis do justifie on the same terms . Add to all this what I grant to you , [ that our Justification when first begun here , is by faith ( supposing Repentance ) before and without the practice of obedience , ] and then see how near we are . The fifth Argument which you mention is grounded on the common Maxim , Non est distinguendum ubi Lex non distinguit , and runs thus : If the Scripture in propounding to man the adaequate Object of justifying Faith , ( Christ ) do not divide Christ , and say , [ In believing him to be a Priest , your faith is justifying , but not in believing him to be King , or Prophet , or Head , ] but propoundeth Christ undivided as this Object ; then must not we distinguish or divide , but take Christ entirely for the object of justifying Faith. But the Scripture doth not divide or distinguish in this case ; therefore we must not . It is Christ that must be Received , and believed in : but a Saviour and not a King , is not Christ . It is Christ as Christ . His very Name signifieth as directly his Kingly office at least , as his Priestly . And if you confess that the same act of Faith at the same instant Receives Christ both as Priest and King , then I shall stay my assent to your opinion till you bring me the Scripture that saith , it is faith in this notion ; and not in that which justifies . God speaks plainly that whosoever believeth shall be justified from all things , &c. And you confess this Believing is the Receiving Christ for King and Priest ; and that it justifies as a condition ; and doth not your ( unproved ) distinction overthrow this again ? The sixth Argument which you mention , runs thus : If Scripture particularly propound Christ as King , as the Object of justifying Faith , then Christ as King is the object of it : But Scripture doth so : Ergo , &c. I have named you some places where it so doth , a little before . The seventh is to the same purpose with the fifth . You name two Texts as proving that Scripture tyeth Justification to the Receipt of Christ as Priest only : But there is not a word in the Texts to that end . Rom 3.25 . speaks of Faith in Christs blood , but not a word for excluding Faith in his Obedience , Resurrection , Intercession , or Power , much less excluding our consent to his full Authority or Office. The word [ Only ] is not in the Text. You may as well say , that it is [ only ] by faith in his Name , and so not in his blood , because other Texts say , it is by faith in his Name . See Acts 13.16 . The other Text , Rom. 5.9 . speaks neither a word of Faith , nor excludes Christs obedience ( by which many are made Righteous ) nor Resurrection ( for he Rose again for our Justification . ) nor his Intercession , ( for who shall condemn us ? it is Christ that died , yea rather that Rose again , and is even at the right hand of God , who also maketh Intercession for us , Rom. 8.34 . ) And all these parts of Christs Priestly Office must be excluded , if you will affix the word [ Only ] to the Text , which saith , we are justified by his blood . Indeed you make so a quick dispatch in the Controversie about the active and passive Righteousness . The same answer serves to what you say in the eighth , and ninth , and tenth , being the same with that you say here . I marvail how you would form an Argument from 2 Cor. 5 21. Gal. 2.21 I Where you say , Obedience is not an essential part of Faith , I yield it willingly , taking Faith properly and strictly , and not in the largest improper sense . But that it justifies as immediatly as it Receiveth him as King , as it doth in Receiving him as Priest , I shall take for proved , till you prove the lawfulness here of dividing Christ , and Faith , or distinguishing , and appropriating justifying to one respect , and excluding another in the same act of Believing , and the same Object Christ . And to what is said before , let me yet add this , 1. If Christ be not received as a true compleat Saviour , except he be Received as King , then Faith justifies not as it Receiveth him for Priest only : ( for you here confess that he justifies as he is Received as a Saviour . ) But the Antecedent is evident : for as King he saveth his people from sin and Satan , and all their enemies , Ergo , &c. 2. If Christ as King do justifie us , then he must be Received as King to Justification . But the former is undenyable , Mat. 25. &c. Ergo. &c. The Consequence is raised on your own Grounds . The eleventh Argument ( as you number ) doth suppose several points ( very weighty with me , which I undertake to make good ) which do overthrow the unsound grounds which the contrary minded go upon . 1. I suppose that Faith justifieth principally ex Voluntate ordinantis , and not ex natura actus ; though it have Aptioudinem ad officium in ipsa rei natura . 2. I suppose Christ is first received by Faith , and his Benefits come with him , and in order of nature are after the Receiving of him . These things being supposed , it strongly perswades me , that the entertainment of Christ as King , was never intended by God to be excluded from the conditional Interest in Justification , when I find in Scripture that his own Dominion was an end of his Death , Resurrection and Reviving , and that God doth so insist on this point , to bring the world to subjection to Christ , Psalm 2. &c. And that the honouring and advancing of God the Father , and the Mediator God-man , is the most Noble excellent use of our faith . Is it then any whit probable that it is Gods meaning to exclude this respect of the act from any conditionality herein ? Shall I again tell you the true ground of mens mistake ( as I think ) in this Point ? They look on Faith as if it were a natural Reception , and did make the thing received theirs immediatly and formally , as it is such a Receiving ex natura rei , and not as it is Receptio moralis whose effect depends wholly on , and its efficacy or Interest is derived directly from the Will , Constitution or Ordination of the Legislator and Donor , and so doth what it doth as a condition in Law-sence . And I pray search , whether in this Question , you do not confound your Notions ex parte objecti , and ex parte Actus ? Let me conclude all by the Illustration of my former similitude . A woman condemned for Treason , is Ransomed by the Prince , who Decreeth , that if she will Believe that he is her Redeemer , and will take him as her Master , Redeemer and Husband , she shall be Delivered and made his Princess ; else not . Now the question is , what is the condition of this womans deliverance and Dignity ? Is the condition of her Deliverance and Pardon , the taking him only under the Notion of a Pardoner or Deliverer ? And is the condition of her Dignity , only the Taking him as a Prince who is Rich and Honourable ? No. The condition on her part , is the Taking him entirely to all these uses , or in all these Respects , and more : even the marrying him , and covenanting to be his , as a faithfull spouse and Subject ; and first acknowledging what he hath done for her freedom and advancement , then to take him for her Husband and Lord , that hath done this to advance and free her . And while she is faithfull to this marriage covenant , in the performance , she shall enjoy these Benefits : but if she forsake him and choose another , as with him she received her Dignity , so with him she shall lose them all . So that ex parte actus here is no room for your quatenus and distinguishing . But now if the Question be intended not ex parte Actus , or , what is the condition on her part , but only what is it in him that she receives for her Husband , which doth deliver her ? Why then we say , it is his Ransom , his love and free mercy , &c. And if the Question be , what is it in him that dignifieth her ? Why I say , it is his Dignity and Riches of which she participateth ; together with the same his free mercy as the Impulsive cause . And so she is Dignified by Receiving or marrying him quatenus a Prince , rich and Honourable , and not quatenus a Redeemer only : and she is delivered by taking him as a Deliverer or Redeemer , and not as an honourable Prince . The meaning of all this is no more , but that he doth not redeem her as a Prince , nor dignifie her under the notion of a Redeemer : and so on his part you may distinguish . But yet as to the conditionality on her part , there is no room for distinguishing at all . For is not this all that Paul ayms at in speaking so oft of Faith in Relation to Christs death and Righteousness , rather then to his Government ? to note [ what in Christ received doth justifie ] rather then [ what respect of our act of faith is the condition ? ] And may not this tend to an accommodation between us in this Point ? especially with those Divines that say , Faith is taken Relatively , when we are said to be Justified by it ; and it is said , to be Imputed to us for Righteousness ? The Lord enlighten our dark understandings , and give us love to the Truth and one another . HAving done with this , I proceed to your Additional Paper , which I lately received , and for which I am also really thankfull to you . But the Answer needs not be long . 1. You think the 66. Thes . hardly reconcilable with the words cited out of pag , 191 of that of Baptism , Rom. 3.25 & 5.9 . But I see not the least appearance of a contradiction Christ whom justifying Faith receives , doth Redeem us by his blood , and not chiefly by his Principality ; and he saves us as a Saviour , and ruleth us as a Ruler , &c. But that faith which on our part is the condition of our interest in him & his Benefits , is the Believing in , or receiving Christ as Christ , or as he is offered to us in the Gospel ( as the Assembly in their Catechism well express it . Davenant , Culverwell , Throgmorton , Mr. Norton of New England ( Catech ▪ pag. 29. ) and many more say as I in this : but I will not weary you with citations having been so tedious already . But I am glad to feel you yielding to the Truth , ( for it is a weighty Point ) as you seem in the next words , where you say that Christs Death is the sole or chief object of Faith as Justifying . If you yield once that it and his Priestly Office is not the sole Object , I will never contend with you about their Precedency , which is chief . I have confessed to you , that it is a fuller ( and ordinarily fitter ) phrase , to say , we are justified by faith in his blood , then to say , we are justified by faith in his Government , because it pointeth out Relatively the causality in the Object , and not only the conditionality in the Act. But I think when you respect the said condition especially , that then it is the fittest speech to say , we are justified by faith in Christ . 2. YOur next are all of other Subjects . The second is , whether Luke 12.24 import not a denial of Title in Christ to Judge . The answer is obvious , 1. He had not that derived Title from men , which was necessary to him that should exercise the place of a Magistrate . 2. Christ speaks not of Soveraignty ( that he had : ) but Magistracy ( which is distinct from Soveraignty , as being the Executioner of Lawes , which Soveraignty makes , and being under the Law , when the Soveraign qua talis is above them . ) 3. His Interrogation may perhaps be no Negation . 4. But the plain answer which I stick to is this . Christ had not then a Title or Right to the actual exercise of his power , as to divide Inheritances . The General of an Army to ransom a Souldier that should dye for Treason , doth agree with the King , that he will put himself in the place of that common souldier for a months time , and will do all his duty , and will venture his life in some desperate service . Now during this time while he is in the souldiers place , the General hath not title to the Actual Rule , &c. as before he had : not because he hath lost it , but because it will not stand with the state and duty of a souldier which he hath voluntarily put himself in . Yet at the same time , his Lieutenant General and other Officers that have their Commissions all from him do Govern. So here : will it follow that because Christ had not Title by himself to exercise the place of a Ruler and Judge being then in the state of a servant , that therefore now he hath not the Soveraignty ? 3. YOur third is from Col. 1.14 . I suppose you mean the thirteenth . But little know I how you would thence argue with any seeming strength . Christ hath a threefold Kingdom . The first ( where he most fully Ruleth ) is the souls of Believers . It follows not , that a man that is not of this Kingdom , is not of Christs Kingdom at all . The Kingdom of God is thus within us . The second is , The Church Visible . This the Apostle here speaks of , and of this Heathens are no members . The third is , The whole world of mankind , whom he hath bought under his Dominion , and to be at his Disposal ( Rom. 14.9 . &c. ) who are delivered into his hands , and over-rued by him , and he is their Rightfull King , and will Judge them as their King ▪ and give them the reward of Rebellious Subjects that would not consent to his actual Rule , ( Luke 19.27 , &c. ) and not only as Rebels against God as Creator . If he be not their King , they cannot be judged Rebels against him . Yea the Law of Nature is now his Law , by which he in part Ruleth them though they know him not , ( many know not the true God , who yet are partly Ruled by that his Law : ) . The Jews crucified their King , though they were Infidels , and knew him not to be their King. To conclude this Subject , I desire you but to consider , whether there be any inconvenience appearing in the acknowledgement of Christs General Dominion ? and whether it be not the plain and frequent speech of Scripture ? And on the other side , whether it may not be of dangerous consequence , as injurious to Christ , to deny so great a part of his Dominion ? and excuse not Infidels from the guilt of Rebellion against the Redeemer ? And whether it be not introduced by Pious Divines meerly in heat of Disputation , which usually carryeth men into extreams ? especially least they should yield to universal Redemption in any kind ? and least they should yield to the Magistrates power in Religion . 4. Your last Question is about Universal Redemption . [ If it be affirmed that Christ dyed for every child of Adam conditionally , it would be well proved from Scripture that the procuring of such a conditional Law or Covenant , was the end or effect of Christs death : and whether the so interpreting Texts that speak of his dying for all , will not serve for evasions to put by the Arguments drawn from them to prove Christs satisfaction and merit proper to the Elect ? &c. ] Answer . 1. Though I do not doubt much of the point , yet I have no mind to meddle with the question , as it concerns those Pagans that never heard of Christ . Not for fear of any disadvantage thence to the cause , but 1. Because I find God speaks sparingly of those to whom he speaks not : it concerns not us so much to know his Counsel concerning others . 2. Because it is an ill way of arguing to lay the stress of all on the most obscure point ; ( as men do , that study more how to silence an adversary , then to see the Truth ) and to prove obscurum per obscurius . 2. This is a point that I cannot give you my thoughts of in a few words ; there needs so much for Explication : and therefore being but here touched , I shall forbear . 3. I doubt not but to prove abundantly from Scripture with much evidence , what I assert in this . 4. It was not the only , nor the first effect of his Death , that Christ was [ Satisfaction to Gods Justice for the Violation of the Law. ] 5. That such a conditional Law or Covenant is granted , and exstant in Scripture , is as plain as most points in the Gospel : and sure no such thing can be but upon Christs death as the meritorious cause . 6. So interpreting these Texts which are so to be interpreted , is no evasion : And no Text will prove Christs satisfaction and Merit wholly proper to the Elect. Much less those which say , He died for all men , That God intendeth only the Elect to be certainly saved by Christs death , I can easily prove from many other Texts : But if I should prove it by these , it were strange . It is an ill consequence [ Christ died for all men ; therefore his satisfaction is proper to the Elect. ] 7. In point of Law the Elect have no more Title to Christ and his Benefits , then any others ( as Elect before they believe . ) But Gods Decree hath from Eternity appropriated Salvation by Christ only to the Elect in point of Event . He that determined de eventu , that only the Elect should be saved by Christ , did yet ●hink it the fittest way to his glorious ends to make Christs Death a sufficient satisfaction for all , & to make in his new Law a free deed of Gift of Christ , and all his Benefits to all that will receive him as he is offered : yet not engaging himself to publish this Law to every particular man ; though it be of universal extent in the Tenor. The Promise names none as included ; nor excludeth any , but who do wilfully exclude themselves . But these things require fuller opening . 8. Lastly , [ Christ dying loco nostro ] as you say , is a term that needs as great caution for the true understanding it , as most that we make use of . The right understanding of it , is the main Ground of our safety and comfort : The wrong understanding it , is the very turning point to Antinomi●nism , and the very Primum vivens & ultimum moriens , the Heart of the whole System of their Doctrine . That Christ in the person of Mediator , did suffer upon his voluntary undertaking what we should have else suffered , and thereby made satisfaction to Gods Justice for the breach of his Law , both Father and Son ( whose Will is one ) agreeing or resolving , that yet no man should have actual Remission or Salvation hereby , but on condition of receiving the Redeemer for their Lord and Saviour : and thus Christ died loco omnium : this is sound Doctrine . That at the same time it was the secret Will or Eternal Decree of the Father ; and the Will of the Mediator de eventu , to give effectually Grace to believe to his Chosen only ; and consequently that they only should be actually saved , and thus he died only loco Electorum , is also sound Doctrine . But that Christ in dying did strictly represent the person of the sinner , so as either naturally , or morally in Law-sense we may be said to have satisfied then , in or by him , as the Law calls that the action of the Principal , which is done per Delegatum , D●puta●um , Vicarium , &c. this is the soul of Antinomianism , and directly and unavoidably introduceth Justifican . before Faith , or before we are born ; the non-necessity of any other Justification , but in foro conscientiae , it certainly overthrowrth all pardon of sin at all , and so all Petition for Pardon , and all thanksgiving for it , with the rest of their errors : yea makes man his own Redeemer . But I have been too long already . I sensibly acknowledge the truth of what you say That this is a matter of great moment , and needs great consideration . I have bestowed more consideration about it , then about any other point in Divinity . YOUR unfeigned Friend and Brother ( who doubts not ere long to meet you in our Center and Rest , where all our Difference in Judgement and Affection will be healed . ) RICHARD BAXTER . Kederminster , June 9. 1651. Sir , The multitude of my Employments caused me to delay the returning you my thoughts of your favourable Animadversions , til I received your Additional paper , which made me so very sensible of your Kindness , that I could not but snatch the next opportunity , thus truly to give you my further Thoughts , as an account of the acceptance and success of your Pains . June 20. Sir , YEsterday I received your third Paper dated June 17. to which I thought best to give you this short Answer together , seeing the former were not gone out of my hands . You here touch ( very easily ) on two Subjects . I will begin with the later , viz. Your four Arguments against my Doctrine of Justification by the Gospel Grant or New Law. Your first is , that This is per resultantiam ; but Justification is an act of Will ; but no Act of Will is by necessary Resultancy ] Answer . As it proceedeth from the Instrument or Foundation , it is by Resultancy : As by that Instrument it is the Act of the Legislator or Principal Agent , so it is an Act of Will. It was his Will at the enacting of the Grant , and still is his Will , that this his Grant , or Deed of Gift should mora●iter agere & ●ffecius hos vel illos producore , at such a distance upon such and such conditions . The Act and Effect of the Law , or Testament , is the Act and Effect of the Legislator and Testator , whose Instrument it is : But the said Law or Testament doth not efficaciter agere , or produce these effects , t●● the time that the conditions are performed : ( for it is the Nature of a Moral condition to be added for the suspension of the Effect or event of the ●rant , &c. till it be performed . ) Therefore the Rector , Donor or Testator doth not efficaciter agere till then . And therefore he acteth by that his Instrument then , or not at all If you give by Deed or by Will● such and such portions to some Children at such a term of Age , and to others when they marry ; The full actual Right is by a meer Resultancy , as from the Instrument ▪ but by an Act of Will , as from you , but really from neither before the Term , or condition performed . This is a most obvious Truth . 2. And as easie is the Answer to your second . [ If the Covenant justifie without any other Act , then it adopts , sanctifieth , Glorifieth , without any other . ] Answer . In the Propositions against Mr. Bedford , you might have seen this dispelled . For Adoption , I yield the whole . But know you not that as there is great difference between changes Relative and Qualitative ; so the later results not from a mee● Fundamentum , &c. but is effected by a Physical Operation ? It is Jus ad rem , it is Right or Duness , which is the proper immediate product , or ( quasi ) effect resulting from , and given by the Law , or the like Instrument ; and not the natural thing it self . Now in these Relations , either the Right and the thing it self are the same ; or else the difference so small , that it is next to undiscernable , and must needs both in e●dem instanti result , as afore said . But in Physical changes , thete is a greater difference between the Right and the Benefit : The Benefit cannot , as the Right doth , proceed per ●ndam resultanti●● . If you give your Son 100. l. by a Deed of Gift , this giveth him the Right immediately , but not the Thing . There must be a Physical Act to that . But Pardon to a Malefactor is given by a written Pardon or Grant , from whence the Right to it , and the Benefit it self , do immediately result ( being indeed but one thing , except my understanding be too gross to distinguish them . ) If therefore you had said as you should , that Right to Glory and to Sanctity ( so far as that Covenant giveth it ) are bestowed without any other Act , ( except finall Judgement ▪ which is necessary to full Justification as well as Glory ) I should yield you all . 3. To your third , [ That the Covenant justifies but conditionally , therefore not actually . ] I answered before : for it was one of your former Arguments . Conditio est Lex addita negotio quae donec praestetur eventum suspendit , saith Cujacius . And as Mynsinger saith , Neque actio , neque obligatio ulla est antequam conditio eveniat : quia quod est in conditione , non est in obligatione : ( Schol. in Justit . p , 52● . ) So that it is the Nature of the condition to suspend the effect , but not to make the cause to be no cause . Indeed if the Condition be never performed , then it destroyes or prevents the effect , and so the Instrument doth not agere : And why ? but because it was the Will of the Agent that it should act so , and on such terms , or else not : so that the non-performance doth not undo what the Instrument did , nor doth it disoblige the Author , but it manifesteth that he was never obliged : ( they are Grotius words . ) I conclude therefore that when the condition is performed , then the Instrument or conditional Grant doth begin verè agere & donar● ; and the Agent by it : but till then it doth not properly act or effect at all . Is not your Testament that gives your Legacy , because it gives conditionally ? Or must there be some other Act , to make it an absolute proper Gift . 4. Your fourth also is one of those which you have in the Beginning , where I have answered it . The Covenant you say , is an Act past ; and so not continued , and so the Justification by it past , and not continued , &c. ] Answer . The Physical Act of Legislation or Covenant granting is past but this only makes it an Instrument , able and fit to produce such and such effects , and not actually to produce them at that present , when it is conditional . But the Moral action of this Law or Covenant is not past , but continued . The Law or Covenant is not out of Date . And therefore it continueth still to justifie . The making of our Laws , are Acts past by Parliaments long ago , and so not continued . Will you therefore conclude that the Moral Agency or Efficiency of these Laws is past , and therefore they do not condemn or justifie ? I know no ground that can bear your conclusions , except with Rishworth ( Dialog ) and such other of the more impudent Papists , one should vilifie the Scripture , and say , that they were only Miscellaneous occasional writings , and never intended to be Gods Law , or our Rule of Faith and Life : but I believe you will never come to that . Surely David frequently stileth the old Scriptures that were in his Times Gods Law : And why many Divines should strike in with some Lutheran● Error in denying the Gospel or New Scripture to be properly [ Christs Law , ] and so inveigh against those that call it the New Law , I know no Reason : but that the ignis fatuus of contention and prejudice misleadeth them . O happy Disputers that are not carried head-long into extreams by the spirit of Contradiction ! What more proper to the reformed Religion , as such , then to honour the Scriptures ? And how do these men vilifie them , and rob them of their highest honor , that deny them to be the Laws of God ? yea deny this to the Gospel it self ? Is not Christ the Law-giver ? Isa . 33.22 . Psal . 60.7 . and 108.8 . and the King ? Must not the Law go out of Zion , Isa . 2.3 . And is not that the Law and Testimony to which we must seek ? Multitudes of Scriptures , and most of the Fathers ( that ever I read ) do call the Gospel Christs Law or the [ new law . ] 2. To your second Exception , [ against my approving a speech of Dr. W. ] I ans . 1. Do I need to tell you how unlike this saying of Dr. Wards is to that of the Council of Tre●t ? You know by Justification they mean principally Sanctification ? But the Dr. saith not that these are preparatives to Justification . Sure you could not seriously suspect me to join with the Papists when they speak of one Subject and I of another . The acts of that Session will tel you more differences between them and me , then is worth the while to repeat : and you know how largely Chemmitius endeavours to prove that by Dispositions and Preparations , The Council mean Merits ; and that they would subdolously introduce the Thing , ( Merita de congruo ) by changing the name ; as out of Osius words and others he gather● . 2. And know you not that Chemnitius prosesseth to yield to the soundness of that very sixth Chapter , which you alledge , were it not for these guiles that they use , and their evil sense to advance Merit ? For saith he , Omnino certus est sive modus sive ordo in v●rbo Dei nobis designatus & prascriptus , quo Deus utitur quando vult hominem ad Justificationem deduc●re , &c. Et qui ad modum sive ordi●em illum divinitus prascriptum , non volunt s● ductu spiritus accommodare , s●d negligunt & conculcant illum , bi ad Justificationem non proveniunt . Vult enim Deus à N●titia & Assensu verbi sui nos ordiri : & ante Justificationem oportet praecedere contritionem , hoc est , seriam agnitionem peccatorum , pavores conscientiae agnoscentio iram Dei adversus nostra peccat● , & dolentis propter peocatum : in qua contritione non retinetur , sed abjicitur prapositum pers●verandi & pergendi in sceleribus . Ad hos vere terrores necesse est acc●d●r● fidem , que agnitione & fiducia misericordia Dei promissa propter silium med ator●m , rursui erigat & consoletur animum , ne oppressi desperatione ruamus in aeternum exitium . Sed fides accedat ad Deum , quaerat , defideret , petat , apprahendat & accipiat Remissionem peccatorum . Et hoc modo se● ordine in v●rbo D●i designat● via● p●rari Domino ut in ipso , per & propteripsum fide consequamur & accipiamus Justificationem , ipsa scriptura tradit , &c. this also he shews Luther approved of . Now I pray you tell me whether here be not full as much as Dr. Ward or I say ? And do you think Ghemnitius did join with the Papists of Trent , when he confuted them ? 3. And if Dr. W. had spoak of Sanctification , are there not multitudes of our own best approved Divines , that make all these acts to be found in men by way of preparation before Sanctification ? Mr. Rogers of Dedham in his Treat . of faith : Mr. Hooker in his Epist . before that book , and ost in his own book , affirmeth not only a common preparatory contrition , Hungring and thirsting , Hope , Love , Joy , but even effectual special Vocation it self , and so faith to go before Sanctification and Justification . And indeed what man denyeth it ? except Mr. Pemble and a very few that with him make Sanctification and Vocation to be all one ? which how far I approve my self , I have shewed in Tr●at . of Rest , Part. 1 Chap. 8. sect . 2.3.4 . 4. But look into the words , and find out what error you can ! Which of those acts do you think goes not before Justification ? And if they go before , sure you will not deny but they do some way or other dispose or fit a man for pardon : or else God would not have prescribed them before it . 1. Catholick faith is the Belief of the Catholick Doctrine . I am sure you take that to go before Justification . 2. If Hope of pardon go not before , then Affiance ( to which Hope is essential ) goes not before : Yea , then Believers do despair in the Act of Believing to Justification . 3. I never knew the man that doubted whether fear of Punishment went before . 4. The same I may say of grief for sin . 5. And if all the doubt be of Purpose against sin , and for Amendment , 1. Sure they that say Repentance is pre-requisite to justification , will not exclude a Purpose of Amendment . 2. And sure those that say Sanctification and Vocation are all one , and go before Justification will hardly exclude it . 3. They that take a turning from Idols to the true God , as the end , to be in order before a Turning from Infidelity to the Mediator as the way , which is by Faith ; these must needs think that so much of Actual Amendment goes before Justification ( ye believe in God , believe also in me . ) 4. They that say , Faith alone justifieth , but not the faith which is alone , will surely include this Purpose as Antecedent . Davenant , Mr. Ball &c. express it , and insist on it . Dr. Twiss calleth works Media & causae dispositivae : But it were endless to cite Authors in this Point . 5. But I tell you my mind . I take this Purpose of obeying Christ de futuro to be very Faith it self . For faith is a Covenant reception of Christ , and to take him for Christ and King-Redeemer , and to Purpose , yea Covenant to obey him , are but one thing . And therefore a Giving up our selves as Redeemed-subjects , and so a purpose of being actually subject , are faith it self . And then they must needs be prerequisite to Justification . So that whether you take these Acts for common or special , suely they go before Justification as Dr. Ward saith . Dare you tell any man of yout Hearers that though he have not so much as a Purpose to mend , yet he is justified by Faith ? Truly such passages haue embittered the minds of Papists , and many weak ones against our Doctrine of Justification : and given great advantage to the Antinomists . For what you say of contradicting Dr. Downam● and Mr. Pemble ; I answer , 1. Though they differ between themselves in the point of Justification , and one hath wrote a confutation of the others Doctrine , yet you will never shew me wherein this speech of Dr. Ward doth contradict either of them . Indeed if Dr. Ward had determined whether he meant common Dispositions or special , perhaps he might have contradicted one of them , they do so far differ themselves . For you know Mr. Pemble not only in his Vindic. Grat. but even in the place you cite ( pag. 42.43 . ) takes those Acts to be of special Grace , or a part of Sanctification , which most Divines do judge to be preparatory thereto . And for my part , I judge as Mr. Pemble , if you take but that point in to qualifie it , which I have asserted Treat . of Rest , second Edit . part 3. cap. 11. that the sincerity of Grace as saving ▪ lyeth not in the bare nature of the Act , but in the prevailing degree which Morality may specifie , then I say as Mr. Pemble , pag. 43. that these Vertues which are ( many of them by our Divines ) reckoned as Dispositions to Regeneration , are if they be true , the main parts and fruits of Regeneration . 2. But I admire how you should think that speech of Dr. Wards should be a joining with the Papists against Dr. Downame and Mr. Pemble , when Downame tells you that the Papists dispute of another subject then we do ; while they mean one thing by it , viz Sanctification , and we another : ( upon which ground Mr. Wotton is ready to throw out the Dispute , as being about one Term , but different subjects . ) And Mr. Pemble answers [ that the Argument of Bellarmine from that chapter of the Councils sixth sess . is framed on the Error which puts out of frame the whole Dispute , viz. that Regeneration and Sanctification is all one thing with Justification , and that to justifie a sinner is nothing else but to do away inherent corruption by infusion of inherent Righteousness . ] And so Mr. Pemble disputes against it only as thus meant : And Calvin also in his Antidot . on this 6. Sess . 6. chap. never once finds fault with them here , but only for ascribing that to free Will which they should ascribe to effectual Grace ; and for making Justification to be Sanctification , but not a word for making these Acts to be praeparatory to Justification , ( Tractat. Theologic . pag. 387 388. ) Vid. etiam Articulo● facultat . Parisiens . Art. 4. de sensu Papissi●o . Every man that makes Faith to contain many acts ( most Divines say , Notitiam , Assensum & siduciam , Amesius names five , ) must needs make all those Acts to be pre-requisite to Justification , besides Repentance , and besides preparatory acts of common Grace . No man that I know doth seem to come nearer you then Dr. Downame in placing justifying faith in Assent , and so not taking it to contain so many acts : And yet even he tells you , that [ the act of the Will doth concur to Faith ▪ and that faith which a habit of the mind , is seated as well in the Will as in the Vnderstanding : and this is confessed by Farthers , Schoolmen , and the modern Doctors of the Romish Church . ] Treat . of Justif . pag. 358.359 . Yea for ought I can understand he extended faith as far as I , and meant as I do herein , pag. 348.349 352. he saith , [ By the former which is a bare Assent , we do after a sort Credere Christum , acknowledge him to be the Saviour of these that believe in him : By the latter , which is the lively and effectual Assent working on the Heart , we do credere in Christum , and receive him to be our Saviour , whereupon necessarily followeth Affiance in Christ , and love of him as a Saviour . Thus then by a true Belief we receive and Embrace Christ , in our judgement by a lively Assent : in our Hearts , desiring earnestly to be partakers of him ( which Desire we express by our Prayer , ) and in our Wills resolving to acknowledge and Profess him to be our only Saviour , and to rest upon him alone for Salvation . So that a true lively and effectual faith is the work of the whole soul : that is to say , as well of the Heart as of the Mind , Rom 10.10 Act. 16.14 . Act. 8.37 . ] so far Dr. Downame . Is not this as much as I say ? and the very same ? I only mention him ( having many more at hand ) because 1. you urge him , and 2. I conjecture , you think you go his way about the nature of faith . If this be not as much as I say do but add what he saith ▪ pag. 15. and I think you have as much : ( in this particular . ) [ The true meaning ( saith he ) of the Question [ whether we are justified by Faith or by Works ? ] is not as opposing the inward Grace of Faith to the outward acts of Obedience , which indeed a●eths fruits of Faith : But as opposing the Righteousness of Christ apprehended by Faith , to the righteousness which is Inherent in our selves , and performed by our selves . And truly Sir , I use to charge my conscience to enquire what may be the plain meaning of a Text , and to embrace that , and not against Light to be carryed by prejudice : and this conscience tells me that this Resolution of Dr. Downame being so plainly agreeable to Paul , is not to be rejected . When I impartially , consider what Paul driveth at , my Judgement tells me that it was never his intent to advance any one simple Act of the soul into the office of justifying , excluding all the rest ; but to advance Christ against mens own works which stood up then in competition with him : And that Paul never meant that Assent Justifies , but not Velle , Acceptare , Consentire , Elig●re , Fiduciam habere , &c. Suppose there be a mortal Disease that hath seized on a City , which no man can cure but one only Physitian : nor he but by a Medicine that will cost him as much as the lives of the Citizens are worth : This Physitian comes and sends to them , and offers then all without exception , that if they will but take him for their Physitian and trust him with their lives , he will not only manifest his skill , that he is able to cure them , but he will do it , and pay for the Physick , and not put them to pay a penny . Hereupon some that are his enemies , and some that are mistaken in the man upon false reports , and some that judge of him by his outward appearance , do all conclude , [ this is some Deceiver , he is not able to do any such matter ; none but fools will trust him , and venture their lives in his hand : Let us stir about and labour and we shall overcome it , and do well enough . ] On the contrary the Physitian , having great compassion on the poor deluded people , knowing their case better then themselves , and having already bought the remedy for them , doth send to them again , to tell them all , that those that will believe him and trust him , he will certainly cure , and the rest shall dye every man of them , for all they think to labour it away . I pray you now put our Questions here impartially : 1. Is believing and trusting the Physitian some one single act , excluding all others ? Or was it ever his intent to advance some one act of theirs ? 2. Would it not be a learned madness to dispute whether the Physitian make the act of Assent , or the act of Willing only : or Accepting , &c. or Affiance , or Recumbency to be the Healing act ; and of what faculty that act was which must heal them ? 3. Is it the Trusting and Receiving him only 1. as one that hath brought a Remedy : 2. Or as one that can and will cure us by it : or 3. Also as one that must be obeyed in the use of that remedy for the effecting the cure ; which of these is it that he intends must be the Object of their Act ? 4. Doth [ Trusting him and Believing him ] exclude a Resolution to obey his Directions and the future actual obedience ? Surely no : it includeth both : But it excludeth both their trusting any other Physitian , and their thinking to work away the Disease and cure themselves . 5 Doth Trusting or Believing him cure these men as the Instrument ? or is it only a condition without which he will not cure them ? But this Question with you I may spare . Lastly , You question , [ How I will avoid Tompsons opinion of the Intercision of Justification upon the committing a sin that wasts the conscience , when I make Justification a continued Act upon condition of obedience . ? ] Answ . 1. Do you not discern that the Question concerneth you and every man , as much as me ? and that it is of aequal difficulty upon your own and others opinion , as upon mine ? Dr. Downame will tell you as well as I , that Justification is a continued Act. So will Dr. Twiss , and all that with him do take it for an Immanent Act. Your self , who take it for a transient act but once performed , do yet judge ( I doubt not , ) that our Justified estate which is the effect of it is permanent : and the relations of Reconciled , Pardoned , Adopted , are continued . Also you and they , I hope , will confess , that Justification passive is continued on the condition of continued faith . Now I would know how you will avoid Tompsons Doctrine of Intercision , upon every notable defect of a Christians faith , when unbelief gives him a foyl , which is too common ? as you answer , so will I. If you say his faith is not overcome habitually , when unbelief is prevalent in the present Act , I will say so of his obedience . 2. You know most Divines say as much as I , that obedience is a condition of the continuance of Justification , ( only they say that faith only is the Instrument of Justifying , ) and how will they answer you ? 3. You know that all say , that obedience is a condition of Salvation , and so of our present Title to Salvation . Now how will they avoid Tompsons Doctrine of Intercision of that Title to Salvation , upon the committing of such sins ? 4. It is not perfect obedience which I say is the condition , but sincere : And by sincere I mean so much as may express that we unfeignedly take Christ still for our Lord and Saviour : And so it is not every sin that I say will forfeit or interrupt our Justification and cause it to discontinue , ( that is , lose our Title , or change our Relation in Law : ) no nor every gross sin : but only that sin which is inconsistent with the continued Accepting Christ for our Soveraign : that sin which breaks the main Covenant , ( of which see Dr. Preston at large , ) as Adultery or Desertion doth in marriage : A denying God to be our God , or Christ to be our Christ , by our works , while we confess him in word : An actual explicite or implicite Renunciation of Christ , and taking the flesh for our master , and the pleasing of it for our happiness ; or as the Mahometans following a false Christ . Now , I hope that no justified person doth ever commit this sin : much less any elect and justified man , of whom Tompson speaks . You may see through his ninth chap. part 2 that Tompson erred through misunderstanding wherein the sincerity of Faith as justifying doth consist : ( I wish many more do not so . ) He thought that Justification did follow every act of undissembled Faith ; but only rooted Faith would certainly persevere ; and therefore the unrooted ( Though true Believers ) might lose their Justification , if they were Reprobates ( Prascits as he calls them , ) or have it interrupted , if they were elect . But if he had known ( what I have asserted in the aforesaid cap. 11. part 3. of Rest , Edit . 2. ) that the very sincerity of faith as justifying , lyeth not in the natural being of the act meerly , but the prevalent Degree and moral specification , then he would have known , that his unrooted ones were never justified , & therefore never lost it . And if in asserting justification by the only act of Faith , he had not over-looked the use of the habit , he had not spoke so much of Intercision of Justification , through interruption of the acts , where the Habits remain . ( Of this I must further explain my self , where it is more seasonable . ) His Objections pag. 21. cap. 5. part . 1. I have answered in the place before cited . Yet even Tompson denyeth that ever sins once pardoned do return , or Justificationem à peccatis s●mel remissis amitti . ( pag. 11 part . 1 cap. 2 ) sed ●arsonam quae aliquando justa fuit , posse contrabere , & aliquando actu contra●ere per nova peccata , novum reatum ire Divinae & mortis aeternae : So that it is not the loss of the first justification that he asserteth . I conclude then that as you and others answer Tompson , just so will I ▪ ( if you do it well : ) for it concerneth my cause no more then yours , or other mens . But Sir , you have drawn me so neer the difficulty which perplexeth me , that I will now open it to you . How to avoid the Intercision of justification , is a question that hath long troubled me : not on any of these terms proper to my own judgement ; but how on your Grounds , or any Orthodox Divines it will be avoided . I would know 1. whether we are Guilty ( not only facti , sed poenae ) of every sin we commit ? or of such sins as Davids , before Repentance ? if not guilty : then what need of Pardon , of daily praying Forgive us our Debts , or of a Christ to procure our Pardon ? If we are Guilty , how can that consist with a justified state ? Reatus est obligatio ad Pernam . The least sin unpardoned , makes obnoxious to condemnation and Hell : He that is obnoxious to them , is not at present justified . Here I am much puzled , and in the dark . In my Aphor. I have slightly touched it , but so as doth not quietare intellectum . I deny the Intercision of universal Justification . Yet I dare not say but that a Believers sins may be unpardoned till he Repent , Believe and seek pardon . And I dare not think , that Christ teacheth us to pray only for pardon in soro conscientiae , or only of the temporal punishment , nor only for continuance of what we had before . But how to make personal universal uninterrupted Justification consist with the Guilt of one sin , or with one sin unpardoned , here is the knot . Our British Divines in Dort synod . Act. de Persever . Thes . 5. pag. 266. say , that Believers by such sins Reatum mortis incurrunt . Prideaux Lect. 6. de persev . pag. 80. saith , they do reatum damnabilem contrahere , sic ut saltem demeritorie , licet non effectivè , Jus ad regnum caelorum penitus amittant : ( This distinction doth no good : for we pray not , Forgive us our trespasses , i. e. that they may not deserve Death ) Mr. Burges of Justif . Lect. 27. pag. 242. thinks , They have an actual Guilt obliging them to eternal wrath not absolutely , but conditionally till they take the means appointed of God for their pardon : for God doth not will to them salvation while they abide in that state . Mr. Reynolds ( Life of Christ , pag. 404.442 , 443 , 496. ) saith , that they certainly incur Gods displeasure and create a merit of Death , and deserve Damnation , but de facto bring it not . Now all this openeth not mine understanding to see , How a man is Reus mortis , and yet perfectly justified ( and so , non-condemnandus etiam in sententia Legis ) at the same moment of time . And were it a thing that should be futurum , ( which we may suppose ) that he should dye in that state , whether he should be justified at Judgement , and so be saved , or not ? Sir , though ● resuse not to accept your further Animadversions on the former Points , yet ( being indeed satisfied pretty well in them ) I chiefly intreat that you would communicate to me your thoughts of this one Point as soon as you can , if you have any clear way to untye the knot : and if your Grounds conduce to it more then mine , I shall like them better . Sir , pardon the prolixity here , and Acrimony elswhere of Your unfeigned well-willer , RICHARD BAXTER . THE Reader must understand that since the Writing of this , I have endeavoured to clear this point in my Directions for Peace of Conscience . To which now I add but this , that besides a Plenary Guilt or Remission , there seems to be a Guilt and Remission that are both but imperfect and of a middle sort : that is , that as in Peters act of sin , the habit of faith remained , so with his Guilt , a state of Justification remained : As none of his old sins returned on him , so the Covenant of Grace upon his Habitual Faith did hinder the Guilt from being Plenary or fixed , by beginning a Remission ; I fear not to call it an imperfect Remission : The Law doth pronounce Death on a man for every sin , & it is so far in force as to determine that Death is both deserved and due to this man for this sin . But at the same instant , though after in order of nature , the Gospel that giveth pardon to Believers , doth give an Imperfect pardon to David , Peter and such Habitual Believers as soon as they sin , before Faith and Repentance for that sin be actuall ; and their Pardon will become plenary when they actually Repent and Believe . Their Sin is like the fault of a Kings Son or Subject , that in a Passion should strike the King , when yet Habitually he hath a loving Loyal heart to him . He deserveth Death , and by Law it may be his due ; but he is a Son still , and the King will not take this advantage against him , though he will not fully pardon him , till he submit and lament his Fault . We are still the Children of God , notwithstanding those sins that go against the Habitual bent of our Hearts ( for that 's the Tryal ; ) but must have actual Faith and Repentance before we shall have full pardon : Whether you will call that Pardon which the Promise giveth upon meer habitual Repentance , A vertual Pardon , and that which it giveth on actual Repentance , an actual Pardon ; or what name you will give it , I leave to consideration ; but compleat it is not in a case of heynous sin , till Actual Repentance : Though it may be in a case of some unknown , unobserved or forgotten infirmities . For the full condition is necessary to a full Pardon . He is near the case of a man that hath a Pardon granted him for Murder , but for want of some action to be performed , he hath not yet possession of it , and cannot yet plead it . If you ask me what should become of such a man , if he so die before Repentance ; I answer . 1. I think it is a case that will never fall out : For 1. God is as it were engaged by Love and Promise , and by giving his indwelling Spirit to Believers , to bring them to Repentance . 2. The new Nature or Disposition of such a man will not suffer him to be long without Actual Repentance , at least in some measure ; especially when Death shall look him in the fa●e . I doubt not but David did repent before Nathan spoak to him ; but God would not wake up with so short and secret a Repentance for so great and odious a Crime . 2. But if you can prove it profitable for such a 〈◊〉 to be suddenly cut off before Repentance , and that such a thing will be , I should incline to think that he will be fully pardoned at the instant of Death , and so saved ; because the Lord knoweth that he repented Habitually and vertually , and would have done it actually , if he had had time for consideration . 3. Or if we should conclude that God hath purposely left men of such a middle condition , without any certainty how he will deal with them , that so no man may be encouraged to sin , and in Impudency , I think it no dangerous Doctrine , nor injurious to the Body of saving Truth . And thus I have now ( many years since the writing of the foregoing Papers ) told you in brief what satisfieth me concerning this difficult point , for the reconciling of the guilt of every particular sin , especially the more haynous , with the Doctrine of persevering , uninterrupted Justification . Somewhat also I have said of it in my Papers expressing my Judgement about Perseverance , lately published . Jan. 5. 1657. 8. THE FOURTH DISPVTATION . Qu. Whether the Faith which Paul opposeth to Works in the Point of Justification , be one only Physical Act of the soul ? Neg. OR , Whether all Humane Acts , except one Physical Act of Faith , be the Works which are excluded by Paul in the Point of Justification ? Neg. By Richard Baxter . LONDON , Printed by R.W. for Nevil Simmons , Book-seller in Kederminster , and are to be sold by him there , and by Nathaniel Ekins at the Gun in Pauls Church-yard . 1658. Question . Whether the Faith which Paul opposeth to Works in the Point of Justification , be one only Physical Act of the Soul ? Neg. OR , Whether all Humane Acts , except one Physical Act of faith , be the Works which are excluded by Paul in the Point of Justification ? Neg. I PUT these two Questions together for brevity and Elucidation of the Matter in doubt ; for so in effect they are but One ▪ avoiding all unnecessary Explication of terms concerning which we are agreed ; it is but little that I have need to say for your understanding of the sense of the Question . 1. It is here supposed that Paul doth maintain Justification by Faith , and opposeth it to Justification by the works of the Law : and so opposeth Salvation by Grace and by works . 2. It is supposed that non datur tertium , there is no middle way of Justification besides these two , by faith , or by Works : and therefore whatsoever Acts we are here justified by , it must needs follow , that those Acts are none of the [ Works ] that Paul here speaketh of as excluded : and whatsoever Acts are excluded are none of the Faith , by which Paul telleth us here that we are justified . This we are agreed on , and so it is often pressed by my Opponents that there is no third way ; which I grant them . But note that I do not therefore grant them that there is no tertium , or other act either implyed in Faith , or subservient to it in that way of Justification that is by Faith : It was never Pauls meaning to exclude all other Gracious Acts relating to Christ , no not from this business of Justification , as attendants on Faith , or modifications of it , implyed in it , or subservient to it , And therefore it will not follow that any third thing by which we are thus justified , is either Faith or Works ; but only that is not Works , because they are excluded . 3. I put the Physical Act whose Unity we speak of , in contradistinction to one moral Fact , which may contain many Physical Acts : such as Marriage , which is one in a civil or moral sense , but many Physical Acts : and such as almost all Contracts be ; as taking a man to be my Prince , my Commander , my Tutor , my Physician , my Councellor , &c. which every one of them contain many Physical acts . 4. There is a fourfold Unity here to be discerned , that the term [ One ] may be understood . 1. A general Unity , and this is not it in question . We are agreed that in genere actus , and in genere actus secundi , and in genere actus immanentis , Faith is but One. 2. A Unity of the lowest Genus , and the superi or species . 3. A Unity of the species specialissima . 4. A Numerical Vnity . Our Question is of the third : but yet because the second and fourth are also controverted , I shall speak of them before I come to the Question . And concerning the fourth I Assert , that [ The Faith which Paul opposeth to Works in the Point of Justification , is not only one numerical Act of the Soul. My Opponents in this ( though they are unwilling to appear in the opposition ) must needs be all those that say , Justification is simul & semel , at once and but once , and that it is a good Argument against any acts or works after Faith that [ They exist not till we are justified , therefore they are no conditions of our Justification : ] and all those that deny and scorn the distinction between 1. Our Justification at the first ( or putting us into a justified state ) 2. And our daily Justification by the continuation of that state . 3. And our frequently reiterated particular Justification from the Guilt of particular sins . 4. And our final Justification by the sentence of the Judge . Especially by denying the second , they must needs deny my Assertion , as shall be shewed anon . Argum. 1. If Paul speak not only of Justification as begun , but as continued , then the Faith which he opposeth to works is not only one numerical Act. ( For there must needs go some other Numerical Act before it , or else the person could not be justified by faith before ) But the Antecedent is true , as I prove from Rom. 4.18 , 19. and Gal. 3. If Paul prove Justification by faith , from the instance of Abrahams believing after that he was justified , then he speaketh not only of Justification as begun ( or of our first Being justified ) But the Antecedent is plain in the Text compared with Gen. 12. and 13 and 14. and 15. Abraham was a justified man before he believed the Promise of Sara's having a Son. Argum. 2 If a true Believer have a justifying Faith after his first Justification , even as long as he liveth , then the Faith which Paul opposeth to works is not only one numerical Act ( because that first Numerical Act doth not continue with us . ) But the Antecedent is true , as appeareth 1. from the forementioned Instance of Abraham . 2 , From the necessity of a continued Active Justification : For the Passive else would cease , and we should be unjustified . If God did not continue to forgive us , and still actively repute us just , and accept us as just and impute Righteousness to us , and his Gospel-Grant did not continually justifie us , ( as every Fundamentum continually causeth the Relation , ) we should cease to be justified : And Gods active Justification continueth not without the continuance of mans Actual or Habitual Faith : Otherwise he should justifie an Infidel , and he should justifie afterwards in another way , and on other terms then he did at first . 3. From the continued Efficacy of Christs Merits , Intercession and Covenant , which daily justifie us . So that he that saith , that he was never justified but once at one moment , and by one numemerical Act of Faith , must say that Christ was his Justifier actually but for a moment , and that he will not be beholden to him to justifie him any more . And yet that no man may have a pretence of quarrelling about meer words , that hath a mind to it , let it still be remembred , that as the word [ Justification ] is used to signifie the first making a man just that was unjust ( relatively or qualitatively , ) So I confess that God , that Christ , that the Covenant do justifie us Universally but once ( though particularly from particular sins often ) And thus it is but one Act of Faith by which we are justified Relatively , and not the Habit at all . But as Justification is taken for the same Act continued ( though the mutation on us be not ab eodem termino ) so we are justified every moment , and have a justifying faith continually , and are justified by the Habit , at least as much as by the Act ; and in some respect more . The Sun doth as truly Illuminate our part of the world all day after , as at Sun rising , and by the same Action or Emanation in kind : But as Illuminating is taken for turning night into day , or illuminating the dark world from its darkness , so it doth only illuminate it from break of day to Sun rising . Your Lease of your house or Land doth first make you a Tenant of no ▪ Tenant at the first sealing and delivering : but it may by the same sort of action continue your Right till it expire , and so continue you a Tenant ; And thus we are continually justified by God , by Christ , by the Covenant and by Faith. Now as to the second kind or matter of Unity ( of an Inferior Genus and Superior species ; ) this is two-fold . 1. As the Acts of mans soul are specified and denominated from the Faculties or Powers : or ( if any deny that real distinction of faculties ) from the Objects of Intellection , Volition , &c. generally considered . 2. As the acts of the soul are specified by their special Objects ( though not speciei specialissimae . ) As to the former , the question is one of these two ( which you will in terms , for they are one in sense ) Whether the act of Faith which Paul opposeth to works in Justification , be only an act of the Intellect , or only an act of the Will ? Or , Whether it have only Entity and Verity , or only Goodness for its Object ? And in the second case the Question is this , Whether God alone , or Christ alone , or the Promise alone , or Pardon or Righteousness alone , or Heaven alone &c. be the Object of that Faith which Paul opposeth to works in Justification . But the thing intended in our Question is de specie specialissima , Whether it be but one special act which Paul opposeth to works in Justification . Here are three more Propositions that I shall handle in order , though the last only be necessary to me . Proposition 2. The Faith which Paul opposeth to works in Justification , is not only an Act of the Intellect , nor only of the Will. I shall say but little of this , because I have among Protestants but few Adversaries . The Papists indeed seat it in the Intellect only : and so doth Camero ( calling it a Perswasion ) and some few Protestants : some few others ( as Amesius sometimes ) place it only in the Will , and take Assent to be but a presupposed Act : and they call it Affiance ▪ or ( as Amesius ) also Election , Acceptance , or Consent , or embracing , or Recumbency , or such like . Pemble taking Truth and Goodness to be all one , and the Understanding and Will for all one , takes also Assent and Affiance for all one ; but I shall go on the supposition that his singular opinion is commonly disallowed ; however the Scotists , and many others deny the real Distinction of Faculties . The common Vote of Protestant Divines is , that Faith is in both Faculties , the Intellect and Will , and hath for its object the Entity of Christs person , and the Verity of the Gospel , and the goodness of Christ and his benefits offered , which Faith accepteth . Davenants Words are plain and true , Determ . Qu. 38. pag. 174. In actu fidei justificantis tota anima se convertit ad causam justificantem : And qu. 37. pag. 166. Fides illa quam Scriptura agnoscit habet in se complicatum actum Voluntatis & Intellectus — Neque nobis absurdum , sed valde consentaneum videtur actum illum quo tota anima purificatur & justificatur ad totam animam pertinere ; ita ut in nudo intellectu habeat initium ; in voluntate complementum . Argument 1. The Object of this Faith is both Truth and Goodness : Therefore it is the act both of the Intellect and the Will. That Truth is the Object of it is evident , 1. In that the Metaphysical Verity of Christs person is the Object of it , or else Christ were not the Object of it . 2. In that the moral Verity of the Gospel , 1. as revealing Christ , 2. as promising pardon , is the object of it , as is confest , and the Scripture doth so plentifully declare , that it were superfluous to cite the words . That goodness is the object of it , appeareth , 1. In that Christ as Redeemer , Mediator , Saviour , is the object of it , and that is , Christ as necessary and good to us . It is Christ for our forgiveness , Justification and Salvation : and so under the formal notion of good . 2. In that it is a Promise as a Promise ( Testament , Grant , or Deed of Gift ) that is the Object by it . And it is Essential to these to be good to us as well as True : and the Truth is but for the good . 3. In that it is Pardon , Justification and Life eternal finally , that are the object of it ; which as such , and as offered to us , are good . If I thought these things needed proof , I would give you more . Argument 2. The Scripture revealeth to us that this Faith is the Act both of the Intellect and the Will , therefore it is so . That it is the act of the Intellect , is so plain in Scripture , that I should accuse my self of wearying you with needless work , if I should go about to prove it . The Papists are right enough in thus much : and Dr. Downame de Justific . and against Pemble in Append. to Covenant of Grace , hath proved it at large . That it is an act of the Will , our Divines have fully proved against the Papists in many a full Discourse ; 1. From the sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifie Affiance , and such an Affiance as is the act of the Will as well as of the Intellect . 2. Because the Scripture often putteth [ Willing ] as equipollent to Believing ; in Revel . 22.17 . Whosoever Will , let him take the water of Life freely ] where Willing and Taking are both acts of the Will , and the faith in question ; so in other places . 3. The Scripture calleth it by the name of Receiving Christ , Joh. 1.12 . Col. 2.6 . which is the Acceptance or consent of the Will. 4. The Scripture often makes Faith to be the Internal covenanting and closure of the heart with Christ , which is the act of the Will ; and therefore it perswadeth with the Will to this end ; and accuseth men as unwilling , and calleth them Refusers , Neglecters , Slighters , Rejecters , Despisers of Christ , that are Unbelievers ( privatively . ) I trouble you not to cite the Texts as being needless , and done by many . Besides that ( as in the former Argument ) the Promise , Christ , Pardon , Life , and other good things , as good , are frequently made the Object of Faith. Argument 3. The Veracity of God is the formal Object of Faith. But the Veracity of God is his Goodness ( or participateth at least as much of his Goodness as of his Wisdom and his Power : ) therefore the Goodness of Good is the formal Object of Faith : and consequently it is an act of the Will. God cannot lye , because he is perfectly good , wise and Powerfull . Object . But ( say some Papists ) All these acts that you mention here , are Love and not Faith : Faith doth but assent , and Love consenteth or accepteth . Answ . 1. Do you not your selves call it fides formata charitate ? And why then may not we call it faith ? 2. The Scripture calleth it Faith in the phrases formentioned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and therefore it is Faith. 3. Though sometimes in other cases the Apostle distinguish Faith , Hope and Love ; yet when he speaketh of Faith as justifying , and as the form of a Christian , he comprehendeth Love to Christ as Saviour in it , and a confidence in him , such as in common Language we call Hope . As Love signifieth the Passion of the soul , it may be a consequent ; but as it is but the velle Christum , & beneficia oblata , so it is faith it self , as Maccovius and Chamier have truly told the Papists . It was a faith in Christ ( though beginning to sink ) that 's expressed Luk. 24.21 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] [ But we trusted that it had been he that should have redeemed Israel . ] Our Translators have put we Trusted for we Hoped , because they thought the signification the same , or else they would not sure have done it . And when the Apostle saith , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heb. 11.1 . If we may denominate the act from the Object , we may see that he there makes Faith and Hope to be co-essential . And when Christ is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Christ our Hope , it seems hope there is but an act of Faith. And so 2 Cor. 1.10 . 1 Tim. 4.10 . To Hope in God or Christ , or put our Hope in him , seemeth to me all one as to put our Trust in him for future Mercy , which is Faith. To which is opposed 1 Tim. 6.17 . putting our Hope in riches , so 1 Cor. 15.19 . to have Hope in Christ , so the Septuagint , Psal . 42.26 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : [ Hope in God , ] is a Complication of Faith and Hope in one word , and translated by us , Trust in God. 4. Though the Willing , Consent or Acceptance of an offered Benefit , have truly somewhat of Love in it , yet Love is not the proper name of that Act. Every Volition is not usually called Love. Prop. 3. It is not not only God the Father , nor only Christ the Redeemer , nor only the Promise , nor only pardon , or Righteousness , or Heaven , that is the object of that faith which Paul opposeth to works in Jusification . Argument 1. If many or all these art so linked together , that to believe one of them as revealed in Scripture , is to believe more or all , then it is not any one of them alone that is the object of that Faith which Paul opposeth to works . But the Antecedent is true , as is evident , e. g. To believe in Christ , is to believe the promise of the Gospel concerning Christ . For there is no Belief without a word of revelation to believe . So that here Christ and the Promise are necessarily conjunct , and Christ and the Gospel History . And to believe the Gospel with a Divine Faith , is to Believe Gods veracity , and to believe the Gospel because of Gods Veracity : For this is the Objectum formale without which there is no faith . So that Believing in God is essential to all Divine faith . Also materially ; to Believe in Christ , is to Believe in him as our Saviour , to save us from the Guilt of sin , even as to believe in a Physitian is to Trust on him to cure us of our Diseases . So forgiveness of sin , being an end essential to Christs Office , it is essential to our Faith in Christ . So also to believe in Christ as a Saviour , is to believe in him as one that is able and willing to reconcile us , and bring us to the favour of God : And so God and his favour and Reconciliation with him are ends essential to the office of a Saviour ( as health is to the Physitians ) and therefore they are essential to our Belief in a Saviour . The same may be said of eternal Life : so that you may see that these have essential respects to one another , and Christ cannot be believed in alone without the rest as co-essentials respectively in the object of our faith . Nor can the Promise be believed without believing in the Promiser and Promised . Argument 2. The Scripture most expresly maketh many such Objects of that faith which Paul opposeth to works in Justification ; therefore so must we . Rom. 3.22 , 24 , 25 , 26. There are expresly mentioned all these Objects of justifying faith . 1. The Righteousness of God. 2 , The Person of Jesus Christ , 3. Redemption by Christ , and his propitiatory blood . 4. Remission of sins past . 5. God as a Justifier of Believers ; see the Text. Rom. 4 3 , 5.6 , 7 , 8 , 17 20 , 21 , 24 , 25 There are all these objects of Justifying faith expressed , even when the work of Justification is described , 1. God as Revealer and true : 2. God as Justifier . 3. Righteousness ; imputation of it ; forgiveness of sin , not imputing it . 4. God as Omniscent . 5. God as Omnipotent . 6. Jesus our Lord. 7. The death of Christ for our offences . 8. The Resurrection of Christ for our Justification . 9. God as the raiser of Christ from the Dead . Read the words , and you shall find them all expresly mentioned . I think it superfluous to cite more Texts . Prop. 4. The faith which Paul opposeth to works in the business of Justification , is not any one single Physical act in Specie specialissima : Nor was it ever the meaning of Paul to exclude all acts except some such one , from Justification , under the name of works . For the proof of this , it is done already , if any one of the three former Propositions be proved . To which I add Argument 1. from an instance of some other particulars . If any or all the following particular Acts be such as are not to be reckoned with works , then it is no one act alone that Paul opposeth to works . But all or some of the following acts are such as are not to be reckoned with works excluded . Ergo , &c. E. g. 1. An Assent to the truth of the Gospel in general as the Word of God. 2. A belief on Gods Veracity in this exprest . 3. An Assent to the Truth of the Word that telleth us that Christ is God. 4. An Assent to the truth of the Article of Christs Manhood . 5. An Assent to the Truth of the Article of his conception by the Holy Ghost , and being born of a Virgin , 6. And to the Article of his being born without original sin in himself . 7. And to the Article of his sinless holy life . 8. And to the Article of his actual death . 9. And that this death was for our sins . 10. And that God hath accepted it as a sufficient Ransom , sacrifice or Attonement . 11. And that he actually rose again from the dead , and overcame death . 12. And that he is the Lord and King of the Church . 13. And that he is the Prophet and Teacher of the Church . 14. And that he is ascended into Heaven and Glorified , God and man. 15. And that he is now our Intercessor & Mediator with the Father . 16. And that he hath purchased by his Ransom and given or offered in the Gospel , the free pardon of sin . 17. And that he hath also purchased & offered us eternal life in Glory with God. 18. And that its the members of Christ , and of the Holy Catholick Church , that shall partake of pardon and life by Christ . 19. And that he will give us the Resurrection of life at last . 20. And that he will judge the world . I have omitted our special Belief in God the Father as Creator , and in the Holy Ghost , and have given you in these twenty Acts , no more then what is contained in this one word , [ I believe in Christ as Christ ] I think there is if any , but few that are not essential to Faith in Jesus Christ as the Saviour . And all these acts of assent are parts of the faith that is the means of our Justification ; and none of them part of the excluded works . And besides all these there are as many acts of the Will as of the Intellect concurring in or to this very assent , so that there 's twenty more . For its plain , that seeing the objects of all these are Good as well as True , they being all Truths concerning our benefit and Salvation , the Will it self in the Intellects assenting , doth command it to assent , and also doth place a certain Affiance in the Revealer , which we call in English crediting or Giving credit to one , we rest our selves upon his Truth . As I said before , Veracity is Gods Goodness , and Veracity is the formal Object in every one of the other Acts about the material Object ; and therefore the Will must act upon Veracity , and so have a part in assent it self : not as assent , but as a Voluntary assent , and as an assent to Promises or Revelations of good to us . There is goodness in the word of Revelation subordinate , or in order to the good Revealed . And so there is an act of the Will upon the good in the Word , complicated with the Intellects Assent , besides the following fuller act of the Will , upon Christ and the benefits themselves . And therefore there is a twofold Affiance . 1. An Affiance in Gods Veracity as the Revealer . 2. An Affiance in Christ the Mediator , as the bestower , accomplisher and actual Saviour or Deliverer according to his Office and Covenant . The first is an act of the Will concurring with Assent . And of this Pembles opinion is neer Truth , though not fully it . For here Affiance is as closely joyned with Assent as Heat in the Sun with Light , though they are not the same , But then the second sort of Affiance followeth Assent , and hath another act of the Will interceding , which is Consent or acceptance of the Benefit offered ; which also is closely conjunct with the first act of the Will. And then followeth last of all affiance in Christ for the performance of the undertaken acts . And these latter are also many particular Physical acts , as the objects in specie specialissima are many . And yet all these make but one object in a moral sense , and so but one act , and are done in a few moments of time ▪ of which after . Would it not be too tedious , I should stay to cite several Texts , to prove that never a one of all these acts is excluded as works by Paul. But of divers of them it s before proved from Rom. 3. and 4. and of more in Heb. 11. and in Gal. 3.1 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 18 , 20 , 21 , 22. There are at least these Objects of Justifying faith expressed . 1. Christs Person , 2. that he was seed promised . 3. That he was crucified . 4. That this was for our sins . 5. That he was made a curse for us in this his death . 6. That hereby he Redeemed us from the curse . 7. That he is the Mediator . 8. God as the Party with whom he is Mediator . 9. God as Believed in his Promise . 10. God as Justifier . 11. The Gospel preached , and he Promise made . 12. Blessedness by Christ . 13. The confirmed Covenant . 14. The Inheritance . 15. Righteousness . 16. Adoption . 17. That Belief is the means , and believers the subjects of these benefits . All these objects of Faith you will find in the Text. Argument 2. Ex natura rei . If other acts of faith in Christ are no more works then that one ( whatsoever it be ) which you will say Paul opposeth to works , then Paul doth not call them works ▪ or number them with works . But the Antecedent is true , therefore so is the Consequent . Doubtless the Scripture calls them as they are : and therefore if they are not works , it calls them not works . And for the Antecedent , 1. If by works you mean the Keeping of the first Covenant by sinless obedience , so neither the one or the other are works . 2. If you mean the keeping of Moses Law ; so neither of them are works . 3. If you mean the performance of an act of obedience to any Precept of God , so the several acts are works , but justifie not as acts of obedience to the command ( that 's but their matter ) but as the condition of the Promise . 4. If you mean that they are Acts of the soul of man , so every act of Faith is a work , though it justifie not as such , so that here is no difference to be found . E. g. If you make the Believing in Christ as Dying , ( though you take in both assent and affiance ) to be the only Justifying act ; what reason can you give why our Believing in Christ incarnate , in Christ obeying the Law , in Christ rising again , and Glorified and Interceding , in Christ actually now giving out the pardon of sin and Adoption , &c. should be called works any more then our Believing in Christ as crucified ? No reason at all , nor any Scripture can be brought for it . Yea what reason have you that our Believing in Christ as the Physitian of our souls , to cure us of our sins , and cleanse our hearts , and sanctifie our Natures , and in Christ as the Teacher and Guide of our souls to life eternal , should be called works any more then the other ? Or that believing in Christs blood for everlasting Life and happiness , should be any more called works then believing in his blood for Justification ? Yea that Believing in him as the King , and Head , and Captain of his Church to subdue their enemies , and by his Government conduct them to perseverance and to Glory , should any more be called works then believing on him as crucified in order to forgiveness ? Argument 3. All acts Essential to faith in Christ as Christ , are opposed to works by Paul in the point of Justification , and are not the works opposed to Faith. But many acts are essential to faith in Christ as Christ ; therefore they are many acts that are opposed to works ; and no one of those acts is the works excluded . The Major is proved thus : If faith in Christ as such , be it that Paul opposeth to works , then every essential part of it is by Paul opposed to works ( for it is not faith in Christ if it want any essential part ) But the Antecedent is true . Ergo. — The Minor I have proved in the first Disputation : Though sometime it is said to be [ by faith in his blood ] that we have remission of sin ; and sometime that we are justified if we believe in him that raised Christ from the dead , &c. Yet most frequently it is said to be by faith in Christ ; by believing in the Lord Jesus , receiving Christ Jesus the Lord &c. Belive in the Lord Jesus , and thou shalt be saved , was the Gospel preached to the Jaylor , Acts 16. But this is sufficiently proved already . That many acts are essential to faith in Christ as such , is also proved : and particularly , that believing in him as our Teacher , Lord , and as Rising , Interceding , and Justifying by sentence and Gift , as well as believing in him as dying for our Justification . As Christ is not Christ ( as to his Office and work ) without these Essentials , so faith is not the Christian faith without these acts . But here observe that though I say these acts of faith are not the works which Paul excludeth , I speak of them as they are , and not as they are misunderstood : For if any man should imagine that Believing in Christ is a Legal Meritorious work , and that can justifie him of or for it self ; I will not deny but he may so make another thing of faith , and so bring it among excluded works ( if it be possible for him to believe contradictories : ) But then , this is as true of one act of Faith as another : If a man imagine that it s thus Meritorious to Believe in Christ as purchasing him Justification , it is as much the excluded works , as to think it Meritorious to Believe in him as our Teacher , or King and Judge , that will lead us to final Absolution , and actually justifie us by his Sentence at that Judgement . Argument 4. Those acts of Faith that are necessary to Justification , are none of the works that Paul excludeth from Justification ( unless changed by misunderstanding ▪ as aforesaid . ) But other acts of faith as well as one are necessary to Justification : Ergo. — The Minor ( which only is worthy the labour of a proof ) 1. is proved before , and in the first Disputation . 2. And it is confessed by my Opponents , that say [ Faith in Christ as Teacher , King , &c. is the fides quae Justificat , and the condition of Justification , as Repentance also is , though it be not the Instrumental cause , as they think some other Act is . Paul doth not exclude that which he makes necessary . Argument 5. That which makes not the Reward to be of Debt and not of Grace , is none of the works that Paul sets faith against . But other acts of faith in Christ do not make the reward to be of Debt and not of Grace any more then the one act which you will choose ( E. g. Believing in Christ as King and Teacher , any more then believing in him as a Ransom : ) therefore they are not the works that Pauls sets faith against . The Major is proved from the Description of the excluded works , Rom. 4.4 . The Minor is evident . Argument 6. All acts of Faith in Christ as our Justifier , are such as are opposed to works by Paul , and are none of the works which faith is opposed to . But they are more then one or two that are Acts of faith in Christ as Justifier : Ergo. — The Major I think will be granted ; the Minor is plain : For 1. Christ justifieth us meritoriously as a Sacrifice . 2. And as Obeying and fulfilling the Law. 3. As the complement of his satisfaction , and the entrance upon his following execution , his Resurrection justifieth us . 4. As the Heavenly Priest at Gods right hand , he justifieth us by his Intercession . 5 As King and Head , he justifieth us by his Covenant or Law of Grace . 6. As King and Judge he justifieth us by sentence ▪ 7. As Prophet he teacheth us the Doctrine of Justification , and how to attain to Justification by sentence . So that at least ▪ none of these are the excluded works . Argum. 7. If the whole Essence of Christian faith be opposed to works , and so be none of the opposed works in the matter of Salvation , then it s so also in the matter of Justification . But the Antecedent is true ; therefore so is the Consequent . The Minor is confessed by my Opponents . The consequence of the Major I prove . 1. Because Salvation is as free as Justification , and no more of works which Paul excludeth . 2. Salvation comprehendeth Justification : and Glorification hath the same conditions as final Justification at Judgement , it being part of Justification to adjudge that Glory . 3. The express Scripture excludes works as much from Salvation as from Justification : Eph. 2.8 , 9. For by Grace ye are saved through faith ; and that not of your selves , it is the gift of God : not of works , lest any man should boast . Tit. 3.5 , 6 , 7. [ Not by works of Righteousness which we have done , but according to his Mercy he saved us , by the washing of , Regeneration , and the renewing of the Holy Ghost , which he shed on us abundantly , through Jesus Christ our Saviour , that being justified by his Grace , we should be made Heirs according to the hope of eternal Life . ] Many such places are obvious to any diligent Reader . For the Minor also read 1 Cor. 15.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. Argum. 8. If no man can name any one Act of faith that is opposed to all the rest as works , or opposed to works when the rest are not , then no such thing it to be asserted . But no man can name the Act that is thus opposed alone to works . 1. It is not yet done that I know of . We cannot get them to tell us what Act it is . 2. And if they do , others will make as good a claim to the Prerogative . Argum. 9. They that oppose us , and affirm the Question , do feign God to have a strange partiality to one Act of faith above all the rest , without any reason or aptitude in that act to be so exalted . But this is not to be feigned ( and proved it cannot be , ) that God should annex our Justification to the Belief in Christ as a sacrifice only ; and to oppose this to belief in him as Rising , Interceding , Teaching , Promising or Judging , is a fiction contrary to Scripture . Examine any Text you please , and see whether it will run well with such an Exposition , Rom. 4.4 , 5. [ Now to him that worketh , i. e. Believeth in Christ as Teacher , Judge , Intercessor , & is the reward not reckoned of Grace but of Debt . But to him that worketh not , that is , believeth not on Christ as King and Teacher , &c. but Believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly ( an act of his Kingly office ) &c. — Doth this run well ? I will not trouble you with so unsavoury a Paraphrase upon the like Scriptures : you may try at pleasure on Rom. 3. & 4. and Gal. 3. Eph. 2. Phil. 3. or any such Text. Argument 10. If the Doctrine of the Opponents ( holding the Affirmative ) were true , then no man can tell whether he be a condemned Legalist , or not : yea more , if it be not faith in Christ as such ( containing the whole Essence ) by which we are justified , as opposed to works , or which is none of the excluded works ; then no man can tell but he is a condemned Legalist . But the Consequent is false ; therefore so is the Antecedent . The Reason of the Consequence is , because no man is able to tell you which is the sole justifying Act , or which are the only acts , if it be not faith Essentially that is it ; for among all the acts before mentioned , if a man mistake and think one other ( E. g. faith in Christs Resurrection , in Christ as King , Judge , Teacher , &c. ) is it by which he must be justified , then he falls upon Justification by Works , and so falls short of Grace : for if it be of Works , then it is no more of Grace : else Works were no Works . And so no man can tell but he destroyeth Grace , and expecteth Justification by works : much less can weak Christians tell . I never yet saw or heard from any Divine a just Nomination ( with proof ) of the one Justifying act , or a just Enumeration of the many acts , if all must not be taken in that are Essential . Some say Affiance is the only act : but as that 's confuted by the most that take in Assent also , so there are many and many acts of Affiance in Christ that are necessary : and they should tell us which of these it is . Object . And do you think that we can any better tell when we have all that are Essential ? Or doth every weak Christian believe all the twenty Articles that you mentioned at first ? Answ . 1. We can better know what is Revealed then what 's unrevealed . The Scripture tells us what faith in Christ is ; but not what one or two acts do Justifie , excluding all other as Works . Divines have often defined Faith ; but I know not that any hath defined any such one act , as thus exalted above the rest of the Essence of Faith. If we covld not tell what is essential to Faith , we could not tell what faith is . 2. The twenty Objects of Assent before mentioned are not all Articles or material Objects ▪ the second is the formal Object . And of the rest , unless the Fifth [ Believing that Christ was conceived by the Holy Ghost , and born of a Virgin ] may be excepted ( which I dare not affirm ) I know not of one that 's not essential to Christianity . And I think if we had Hereticks among us that denyed Christ to be conceived by the Holy Ghost , we should scarce take them for Christians . But that man that shall deny or not believe that Christ is God , that he is Man ▪ that he was no sinner , that he dyed , and that for our sins , and that he was a Sacrifice or Ransom for us , and that he Rose again , is Glorified , and will judge us : that he hath offered us a pardon of sin ; that there will be a Resurrection of the body , and life Everlasting by this our Redeemer , I cannot see how he can be a Christian . And for the number of Articles , ● left out much of the ancient Creed it self , ( the Belief in God the Father , Creator , &c. in the Holy Ghost : the Article of the Catholick Church , the Communion of Saints , of Christs burial , Descent into Hell , and more . ) And yet do you think this too big to be essential to Christian Faith ? If so , tell not any Heretick that denyeth any one of these , that he denyeth an Essential Article of our faith . But for the ignorant weak Christian , I say , 1. He knoweth all these Articles that I have named ; but 2. perhaps not with so ripe a manner of apprehension as is formed into mental words , or which he can express in words to others : I find my self in my studies , that I have somtimes an apprehension of a Truth before I have ripened that conception for an expression . 3. And perhaps they are not Methodical and Distinct in their conceptions , and cannot say that there are just so many Articles . Every sick man can understand what it is to desire and accept of such a man to be his Physitian ; and herein he first verily desireth health , and secondly , desireth Physick as a means to Health , and thirdly , desireth the Physitian in order to the use of that means , and fourthly , therein doth take him to be a Physitian , and fifthly , to have competent skill , and sixthly , to be in some measure faithful , to be trusted , and seventhly , doth place some confidence in him , &c. all this and more is truly in his mind ; and yet perhaps they are not ripened and measured into such distinct conceptions , as that he can distinctly tell you all this in tolerable Language , or doth observe then as distinct Conceptions in himself ( and whether uno intuitu the eye and the Intellect may not see many Objects , though ab objectis , the acts must be called many and divers , is a Controversie among Philosophers ; and as I remember Pet. Hurtad . de Mendoza affirmeth it . ) But if you your selves will form all these into distinct conceptions , and ask your Catechist his judgement of them , its like he can mak you perceive at least by a Yea or Nay , that he understands them all . The new formed body of the Infant in the Womb hath all the Integral parts of a man ; and yet so small that you cannot so easily discern them as you may do the same parts when he is grown up to manhood . So the knowledge of every particular Essential Article of faith is truly in the weakest Christian in the very moment of his conversion ; but perhaps it may be but by a more crude imperfect Conception , that observeth not every Article distinctly , nor any of them very clearly , but his knowledge is both too dim and too confused . And yet I must say that it is not only such as some Papists call a Virtual or Implicite Faith or knowledge , As to believe only the General Revelation and the formal Object ; as that the Scripture is Gods Word , and God is true : or that whatever the Church propounds as an Article of faith is true ; while they know not what the Church or Scripture doth propound : for this is not actual Christian faith , but such a part as a man may have that is no Christian . And yet some Papists would perswade us that where this much is , there is saving faith , though the person believe not ( yea , or deny by the probable Doctrine of seducing Doctors ) some of the foresaid Essential Articles . Argum. 11. If the terms [ Faith in Christ , receiving Christ , Resting on Christ , &c. ] are to be understood as Civil , Political and Ethical terms in a moral sense , then must we suppose that they signifie many Physical acts , and not any one only . But these terms are to be thus morally understood . Ergo. — The Antecedent is proved thus . Terms are to be understood according to the nature of the Subject and Doctrine : But the Subject and Doctrine of the Gospel which useth these terms , is Moral Political : therefore the terms are agreeably to be interpreted . The same term in Physick , Law , Mathematicks , Soldiery , Navigation , Husbandry , &c. hath various significations : but still it must be interpreted according to the nature and use of the doctrine , Art or Science that maketh use of it . The consequence of the Major is proved , because it is the use of Ethicks and Politicks thus to interpret such phrases , as containing divers Physical Acts. Marriage is one Civil act ; but it is many Physical Acts : it containeth divers acts of the understanding concerning the Essentials of the Relation : and divers acts of the Will in consenting thereunto ; and the outward words or signs of Consent , for making the Contract . So taking a man to be my King my General , my Tutor , Teacher , Pastor , Physician , Master , &c. all signifie the acts of the Understanding , Will and expressing Powers , which the several parts of the Objects do require . Argument 12. If there be many Acts besides Faith in Christ , attendant on it , and subservient to it , which are none of the works which Paul excludeth , and opposeth faith to ; then the Essential Acts of faith it self are none of those works . But the Antecedent is true , as I prove in some instances : For a man to repent of sin , to confess it , to believe and confess that we are unworthy of any Mercy , and unable to justifie our selves , or make satisfaction for our sias , and that we are in absolute necessity of Christ , having no Righteousness , Sanctification or Sufficiency of our own , to take God for our Father reconciled in Christ , and to Love him accordingly : to forgive our Brethren from the sense of Christs forgiving us : to shew our Faith by fruitfull works and words . When Paul saith , Rom. 4.4 , 5. [ To him that worketh the Reward is not of Grace ] the meaning is not [ To him that repenteth to him that denieth himself and his own Righteousness to his Justification , to him that confesseth his sin , that loveth God as a reconciled Father in Christ , &c , ] and when he saith , [ To him that worketh not , but believeth ] the meaning is not [ to him that loveth not God , to him that repenteth not , that forgiveth not others , &c. but believeth . Object . But yet it may be [ to him that thinketh not to be justified by or for these , but by Faith. ] Answer 1. Concomitants and Subordinates may not be set in opposition ; faith supposeth the Concomitancy and Subserviency of these in and to Justification 2. Believing in Christs Ransom , may as well be excluded too , if men think to be justified for so doing meritoriously . 3. He that thinketh to be Justified by any work in that way which is opposed to Justification by Grace and Faith , must think to be justified by the Merit of them , or without a Saviour , which all these Graces forementioned contradict . 4. God saith expresly , that we must [ Repent and be converted , that our sins may be blotted out : and repent that we may be forgiven : and if we confess our sins , he is faithfull and just to forgive us our sins : and if we forgive , we shall be forgiven ; and that by works we are justified and not by faith only : and that by our words we shall be justified : So that Pauls works which he opposeth faith to , are neither Jame's works , nor any of these particulars mentioned : for these are made necessary conditions or means of pardon , and of some sort of Justification , such as Pauls works could not contribute to , which were falsly imagined by the doers to make the Reward to be not of Grace but Debt . Object . There is but one faith , Eph. 4.3 . Answer . But that One faith hath many Physical Acts or Articles . There is but one true Religion , but it hath many parts . There is but one Gospel , but that one contanieth many particular Truths . COnsect . 1. To be justified by Faith , is to be justified by Faith in Christ as Christ , and not by any one part of that Faith , excluding any of its Essential parts . 2. To be justified by Faith in Christ as Christ , and so as Rising , Teaching , Pardoning , Ruling , Judging , as well as satisfying , i.e. as the Saviour that hath undertaken all this , is not in Pauls sense to be justified by works : therefore it is the true Justification by Faith. 3. It is therefore unsound to make any one Act or part of Faith the fides qua Justificans , and the other Essential parts to be the fides qua justificat , when no more can be said of any but that it is fides ex qua justificamur , and that may be said of all . 4. Though Faith be an Acceptance of Christ and Life as offered in the Gospel , so that its very Nature or Essence is morally Receptive , which may tolerably be called its Metaphorical Passive Instrumentality ; yet are we not justified by it qua talis , that is , qua fides , and so not quatenus Instrumentum tale Metaphoricum , vel Acceptatio , vel Receptio moralis , but qua conditio Testamenti vel faederis prastita . 5. Therefore it is not only the Acceptance of Righteousness by which we are justified , much less the Affiance in Christ as dying only ; but the Belief in Christ as the Purchaser of Salvation , and as the Sanctifier , Guide and Teacher of our souls in order thereunto , hath as true an Interest in our Justification as the believing in him for Pardon . And so far as any other holy act doth modifie and subserve faith , and is part of the Condition of Justification with it , so far by it also we are justified . FINIS 
A53049	----	Observations upon experimental philosophy to which is added The description of a new blazing world / written by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent princesse, the Duchess of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 1666 Approx. 903 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 319 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53049 Wing N857 ESTC R32311 12628696 ocm 12628696 64702 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53049) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64702) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1532:17) Observations upon experimental philosophy to which is added The description of a new blazing world / written by the thrice noble, illustrious, and excellent princesse, the Duchess of Newcastle. Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 1624?-1674. 654 p. in various pagings. Printed by A. Maxwell ..., London : 1666. "The description of a new world called the blazing new world" has separate t.p. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, English -- 17th century. Voyages, Imaginary. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-07 Jason Bredle Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OBSERVATIONS UPON EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY . To which is added , THE DESCRIPTION OF A New Blazing World. WRITTEN By the Thrice Noble , Illustrious , and Excellent PRINCESSE , THE Duchess of Newcastle . LONDON , Printed by A. Maxwell , in the Year , 1666. TO HER GRACE THE Duchess of Newcastle , On her OBSERVATIONS upon EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY . THis Book is Book of Books , and onely fits Great searching Brains , and Quintessence of Wits ; For this will give you an Eternal Fame , And last to all Posterity your Name : You conquer Death , in a perpetual Life ; And make me famous too in such a Wife . So I will Prophesie in spight of Fools , When dead , then honour'd , and be read in Schools , And Ipse dixit lost , not He , but She Still cited in your strong Philosophy . William Newcastle . TO HIS GRACE THE Duke of Newcastle . My Noble Lord , IN this present Treatise , I have ventured to make some observations upon Experimental Philosophy , and to examine the Opinions of some of our Modern Microscopical or Dioptrical Writers ; and though your Grace is not onely a lover of Vertuosoes , but a Vertuoso your self , and have as good , and as many sorts of Optick Glasses as any one else ; yet you do not busie your self much with this brittle Art , but employ most part of your time in the more noble and heroick Art of Horsemanship and Weapons , as also in the sweet and delightful Art of Poetry , and in the useful Art of Architecture , &c. which shews that you do not believe much in the Informations of those Optick glasses , at least think them not so useful as others do that spend most of their time in Dioptrical inspections . The truth is , My Lord , That most men in these latter times , busie themselves more with other Worlds , then with this they live in , which to me seems strange , unless they could find out some Art that would carry them into those Gelestial Worlds , which I doubt will never be ; nay , if they did , it would be no better then Lucian's , or the French-mans Art , with Bottles , Bladders , &c. or like the mans that would scrue himself up into the Moon : And therefore I confess , I have but little faith in such Arts , and as little in Telescopical , Microscopical , and the like inspections , and prefer rational and judicious Observations before deluding Glasses and Experiments ; which , as I have more at large declared in this following work , so I leave it to your Graces perusal and judgment , which I know is so just , so exact , and so wise , that I may more safely rely upon it , then all others besides ; and if your Grace do but approve of it , I care not if all the world condemn it ; for your Graces Approbation is all that can be desired from , My Lord , Your Graces honest Wife , and humble Servant , M. N. TO THE MOST FAMOUS UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDG . Most Noble , and Eminently-Learned , DO not judg it an Impertinency , that now again I presume to offer unto you another piece of my Philosophical Works ; for when I reflect upon the honour you have done me , I am so much sensible of it , that I am troubled I cannot make you an acknowledgment answerable to your great Civilities . You might , if not with scorn , with silence have passed by , when one of our Sex , and what is more , one that never was versed in the sublime Arts and Sciences of literature , took upon her to write , not onely of Philosophy , the highest of all humane Learning , but to offer it to so famous and celebrated a University as yours ; but your Goodness and Civility being as great as your Learning , would rather conceal , then discover or laugh at those weaknesses and imperfections which you know our Sex is liable to ; nay , so far you were from this , that by your civil respects , and undeserved commendations , you were pleased to cherish rather , then quite to suppress or extinguish my weak endeavours . For which Favour , as I found my self doubly indebted to you , so I thought it my duty to pay you my double acknowledgments ; Thanks , you know , can never be unseasonable , when petitions may ; neither can they be unpleasing , when petitions often are troublesome ; and since there is no sacrifice , which God is more delighted with , then that of Thanks-giving , I live in hopes you will not refuse this repeated offer of Gratitude , but favourably , as a due to your Merits , receive it from her , who both of your Ingenuity , Learning and Civility is the greatest admirer , and shall always profess her self , Your most Obliged and Devoted Servant . THE PREFACE TO THE ENSUING TREATISE . T Is probable , some will say , that my much writing is a disease ; but what disease they will judg it to be , I cannot tell ; I do verily believe they will take it to be a disease of the Brain , but surely they cannot call it an Apoplexical or Lethargical disease : Perhaps they will say , it is an extravagant , or at least a Fantastical disease ; but I hope they will rather call it a disease of wit. But , let them give it what name they please , yet of this I am sure , that if much writing be a disease , then the best Philosophers , both Moral and Natural , as also the best Divines , Lawyers , Physitians , Poets , Historians , Orators , Mathematicians , Chymists , and many more have been grievously sick , and Seneca , Plinius , Aristotle , Cicero , Tacitus , Plutarch , Euclid , Homer , Virgil , Ovid , St. Augustin . St. Ambrose , Scotus , Hippocrates , Galen , Paracelsus , and hundreds more , have been at deaths door with the disease of writing ; but to be infected with the same disease , which the devoutest , wisest , wittiest , subtilest , most learned and eloquent men have been troubled withal , is no disgrace , but the greatest honour , even to the most ambitious person in the world : and next to the honour of being thus infected , it is also a great delight and pleasure to me , as being the onely Pastime which imploys my idle hours ; in so much , that , were I sure no body did read my Works , yet I would not quit my pastime for all this ; for although they should not delight others , yet they delight me ; and if all Women that have no imployment in worldly affairs , should but spend their time as harmlesly as I do , they would not commit such faults as many are accused of . I confess , there are many useless and superfluous Books , and perchance mine will add to the number of them ; especially is it to be observed , that there have been in this latter age , as many Writers of Natural Philosophy , as in former ages there have been of Moral Philosophy ; which multitude , I fear , will produce such a confusion of Truth and Falshood , as the number of Moral Writers formerly did , with their over-nice divisions of Vertues and vices , whereby they did puzle their Readers so , that they knew not how to distinguish between them . The like , I doubt , will prove amongst our Natural Philosophers , who by their extracted , or rather distracted arguments , confound both Divinity and Natural Philosophy , Sense and Reason , Nature and Art , so much as in time we shall have rather a Chaos , then a well-order'd Universe by their doctrine : Besides , many of their Writings are but parcels taken from the ancient ; but such Writers are like those unconscionable men in Civil Wars , which endeavour to pull down the hereditary Mansions of Noble-men and Gentlemen , to build a Cottage of their own ; for so do they pull down the learning of Ancient Authors , to render themselves famous in composing Books of their own . But though this Age does ruine Palaces , to make Cottages ; Churches , to make Conventicles ; and Universities to make private Colledges ; and endeavour not onely to wound , but to kill and bury the Fame of such meritorious Persons as the Ancient were , yet , I , hope God of his mercy will preserve State , Church , and Schools , from ruine and destruction ; Nor do I think their weak works will be able to overcome the strong wits of the Ancient ; for setting aside some few of our Moderns , all the rest are but like dead and withered leaves , in comparison to lovely and lively Plants ; and as for Arts , I am confident , that where there is one good Art found in these latter ages , there are two better old Arts lost , both of the AEgyptians , Grecians , Romans , and many other ancient Nations ; ( when I say lost , I mean in relation to our knowledg , not in Nature ; for nothing can be lost in Nature ) Truly , the Art of Augury was far more beneficial then the lately invented Art of Micrography ; for I cannot perceive any great advantage this Art doth bring us . Also the Ecclipse of the Sun and Moon was not found out by Telescopes , nor the motions of the Loadstone , nor the Art of the Card , nor the Art of Guns and Gun-powder , nor the Art of Printing , and the like , by Microscopes ; nay , if it be true , that Telescopes make appear the spots in the Sun and Moon , or discover some new Stars , what benefit is that to us ? Or if Microscopes do truly represent the exterior parts and superficies of some minute Creatures , what advantages it our knowledg ? For unless they could discover their interior , corporeal , figurative motions , and the obscure actions of Nature , or the causes which make such or such Creatures , I see no great benefit or advantage they yield to man : Or if they discover how reflected light makes loose and superficial Colours , such as no sooner percieved , but are again dissolved ; what benefit is that to man ? For neither Painters nor Dyers can inclose and mix that Atomical dust , and those reflections of light to serve them for any use . Wherefore , in my opinion , it is both time and labour lost ; for the inspection of the exterior parts of Vegetables , doth not give us any knowledg how to Sow , Set , Plant , and Graft ; so that a Gardener or Husbandman will gain no advantage at all by this Art : The inspection of a Bee , through a Microscope , will bring him no more Honey , nor the inspection of a grain more Corn ; neither will the inspection of dusty Atomes , and reflections of light , teach Painters how to make and mix Colours , although it may perhaps be an advantage to a decayed Ladies face , by placing her self in such or such a reflection of Light , where the dusty Atomes may hide her wrinkles . The truth is , most of these Arts are Fallacies , rather then discoveries of Truth ; for Sense deludes more then it gives a true Information , and an exterior inspection through an Optick glass , is so deceiving , that it cannot be relied upon : Wherefore Regular Reason is the best guide to all Arts , as I shall make it appear in this following Treatise . It may be the World will judg it a fault in me , that I oppose so many eminent and ingenious Writers , but I do it not out of a contradicting or wrangling nature , but out of an endeavour to find out truth , or at least the probability of truth , according to that proportion of sense and reason Nature has bestowed upon me ; for as I have heard my Noble Lord say , that in the Art of Riding and Fencing , there is but one Truth , but many Falshoods and Fallacies : So it may be said of Natural Philophy and Divinity ; for there is but one Fundamental Truth in each , and I am as ambitious of finding out the truth of Nature , as an honourable Dueller is of gaining fame and repute ; for as he will fight with none but an honourable and valiant opposite , so am I resolved to argue with none but those which have the renown of being famous and subtil Philosophers ; and therefore as I have had the courage to argue heretofore with some famous and eminent Writers in Speculative Philosophy ; so have I taken upon me in this present work , to make some reflections also upon some of our Modern Experimental and Dioptrical Writers . They will perhaps think my self an inconsiderable opposite , because I am not of their Sex , and therefore strive to hit my Opinions with a side stroke , rather covertly , then openly and directly ; but if this should chance , the impartial World , I hope , will grant me so much Justice as to consider my honesty , and their fallacy , and pass such a judgment as will declare them to be Patrons , not onely to Truth , but also to Justice and Equity ; for which Heaven will grant them their reward , and time will record their noble and worthy Actions in the Register of Fame , to be kept in everlasting Memory . TO THE READER . Curteous Reader , I Do ingeniously confess , that both for want of learning and reading Philosophical Authors , I have not expressed my self in my Philosophical Works , especially in my Philosophical and Physical Opinions , so clearly and plainly as I might have done , had I had the assistance of Art , and the practice of reading other Authors : But though my Conceptions seem not so perspicuous in the mentioned Book of Philosophical Opinions ; yet my Philosophical Letters , and these present Observations , will , I hope , render it more intelligible , which I have writ , not out of an ambitious humour , to fill the World with useless Books , but to explain and illustrate my own Opinions ; For what benefit would it be to me , if I should put forth a work , which by reason of its obscure and hard notious , could not be understood ? especially , it is knowil , that Natural Philosophy is the hardest of all humane learning , by reason it consists onely in Contemplation , and to make the Philosophical Conceptions of ones mind known to others , is more difffcult then to make them believe , that if A. B. be equal to C. D. then E. F. is equal to A. B. because it is equal to C. D. But as for Learning , that I am not versed in it , no body , I hope , will blame me for it , since it is sufficiently known , that our Sex is not bread up to it , as being not suffer'd to be instructed in Schools and Vniversities ; I will not say , but many of our Sex may have as much wit , and be capable of Learning as well as Men ; but since they want Instructions , it is not possible they should attain to it ; for Learning is Artificial , but Wit is Natural . Wherefore , when I began to read the Philosophical Works of other Authors , I was so troubled with their hard words and expressions at first , that had they not been explained to me , and had I not found out some of them by the context and connexion of the sense , I should have been far enough to seek ; for their hard words did more obstruct , then instruct me . The truth is , if any one intends to write Philosophy , either in English , or any other language ; be ought to consider the propriety of the language , as much as the Subject be writes of ; or else to what purpose would it be to write ? If you do write Philosophy in English , and use all the hardest words and expressions which none but Scholars are able to understand , you had better to write it in Latine ; but if you will write for those that do not understand Latin , Your reason will tell you , that you must explain those hard words , and English them in the easiest manner you can ; What are words but marks of things ? and what are Philosophical Terms , but to express the Conceptions of ones mind in that Science ? And truly I do not think that there is any Language so poor , which cannot do that ; wherefore those that fill their writings with hard words , put the horses behind the Coach , and instead of making hard things easie , make easie things hard , which especially in our English writers is a great fault ; neither do I see any reason for it , but that they think to make themselves more famous by those that admire all what they do not understand , though it be Non-sense ; but I am not of their mind , and therefore although I do understand some of their hard expressions now , yet I shun them as much in my writings as is possible for me to do , and all this , that they may be the better understood by all , learned as well as unlearned ; by those that are professed Philosophers as well as by those that are none : And though I could employ some time in studying all the hardest phrases and words in other Authors , and write as learnedly perhaps as they ; yet will I not deceive the World , nor trouble my Conscience by being a Mountebanck in learning , but rather prove naturally wise then artificially foolish ; for at best I should but obscure my opinions , and render them more intricate instead of clearing and explaining them ; but if my Readers should spie any errors slipt into my writings for want of art and learning , I hope they 'l be so just as not to censure me too severely for them , but express their wisdom in preferring the kernel before the shells . It is not possible that a young Student , when first he comes to the Vniversity , should hope to be Master of Art in one Month , or one Year ; and so do I likewise not perswade my self , that my Philosophy being new , and but lately brought forth , will at first fight prove Master of Vnderstanding , nay , it may be not in this age ; but if God favour her , she may attain to it in after-times and if she be slighted now and buried in silence , she may perhaps rise more gloriously hereafter ; for her Ground being Sense and Reason , She may meet with an age where she will be more regarded , then she is in this . But Courteous Reader , all what I request of you at present , is , That if you have a mind to understand my Philosophical Conceptions truly , You would be pleased to read them not by parcels , here a little , and there a little , ( for I have found it by my self , that when I read not a book throughly from beginning to end , I cannot well understand the Authors design , but may easily mistake his meaning ; I mean such Books as treat of Philosophy , History , &c. where all parts depend upon each other , ) But if you 'l give an impartial judgment of my Philosophy , read it all , or else spare your Censures ; especially do I recommend to you my Philosophical Opinions , which contain the Grounds and Principles of my Philosophy , but since they were published before I was versed in the reading of other Authors , I desire you to join my Philosophical Leters , and these observations to them , which will serve as Commentaries to explain what may seem obscure in the mentioned Opinions ; but before all , read this following Argumental Discourse wherein are contained the Principles and grounds of Natural Philosophy , especially concerning the constitutive parts of Nature and their properties and actions ; as also be pleas'd to peruse the later discourse of the first part of this Book , which treats of Perception ; for Perception being the chief and general action of Nature , has occasioned me to be more prolix in explaining it , then any other subject ; You 'l find that I go much by the way of argumentation , and framing objections and answers ; for I would fain hinder and obstruct as many objections as could be made against the grounds of my Opinions ; but since it is impossible to resolve all , for as Nature and her parts and actions are infinite , so there may also endless objections be raised ; I have endeavoured onely to set down such as I thought might be most material ; but this I find , that there is no objection but one may find an answer to it ; and as soon as I have made an answer to one objection , another offers it self again , which shews not onely that Natures actions are infinite , but that they are poised and ballanced so that they cannot run into extreams . However I do not appland my self so much , as to think that my works can be without errors , for Nature is not a Deity , but her parts are often irregular , and how is it possible that one particular Creature can know all the obscure and hidden infinite varieties of Nature ? if the Truth of Nature were so easily known , we had no need to take so much pains in searching after it ; but Nature being Material , and consequently dividable , her parts have but divided knowledges , and none can claim a Vniversal infinite knowledg . Nevertheless , although I may erre in my arguments , or for want of artificial Terms ; yet I believe the Ground of my Opinions is True , because it is sense and reason . I found after the perusal of this present book , that several places therein might have been more perspicuously delivered , and better cleared ; but since it is impossible that all things can be so exact , that they should not be subject to faults and imperfections ; for as the greatest beauties are not without moles , so the best Books are seldom without Errors ; I intreat the ingenuous Reader to interpret them to the best sense ; for they are not so material , but that either by the context or connexion of the whole discourse , or by a comparing with other places , the true meaning thereof may easily be understood ; and to this end I have set down this following explanation of such places , as in the perusal I have observed , whereby the rest may also easily be mended . When I say , that Discourse shall sooner find out Natures Corporeal figurative Motions , then Art shall inform the Senses . By Discourse , I do not mean speech , but an Arguing of the mind , or a Rational inquiry into the Causes of Natural effects ; for Discourse is as much as Reasoning with our selves , which may very well be done without Speech or Language , as being onely an effect or action of Reason . When I say , That Art may make Pewter , Brass , &c. I do not mean as if these Figures were Artificial , and not Natural ; but my meaning is , That if Art imitates Nature in producing of Artificial Figures , they are most commonly such as are of mixt Natures , which I call Hermaphroditical . When I say , That Respiration is a Reception and Emission of parts through the pores or passages proper to each particular figure , so that when some parts issue , others enter ; I do not mean at one and the same time , or always through the same passages ; for , as there is variety of Natural Creatures and Figures , and of their perceptions ; so of the manner of their perceptions , and of their passages and pores ; all which no particular Creature is able exactly to know or determine : And therefore when I add in the following Chapter , That Nature has more ways of composing and dividing of parts , then by the way of drawing in , and sending forth by pores ; I mean , that not all parts of Nature have the like Respirations : The truth is , it is enough to know in general , That there is Respiration in all parts of Nature , as a general or universal action ; and that this Respiration is nothing else but a composition and division of Parts ; but how particular Respirations are performed , none but Infinite Nature is capable to know . When I say , That there is a difference between Respiration and Perception ; and that Perception is an action of figuring or patterning ; but Respiration an action of Reception and Emission of Parts : First , I do not mean , that all Percaption is made by patterning or imitation ; but I speak onely of the Perception of the exterior senses in Animals , at least in man , which I observe to be made by patterning or imitation ; for as no Creature can know the infinite perceptions in Nature , so he cannot describe what they are , or how they are made Next , I do not mean , that Respiration is not a Perceptive action ; for if Perception be a general and universal action in Nature , as well as Respiration , both depending upon the composition and division of parts , it is impossible but that all actions of Nature must be perceptive , by reason perception is an exterior knowledg of forreign parts and actions ; and there can be no commerce or intercourse , nor no variety of figures and actions ; no productions , dissolutions , changes and the like , without Perception ; for how shall Parts work and act , without having some knowledg or perception of each other ? Besides , wheresoever is self-motion , there must of necessity be also Perception ; for self-motion is the cause of all exterior Perception . But my meaning is , That the Animal , at least Humane respiration , which is a receiveing of forreign parts , and discharging or venting of its own in an animal or humane Figure or Creature , is not the action of Animal Perception , properly so call'd ; that is , the perception of its exterior senses , as Seeing , Hearing , Tasting , Touching , Smelling ; which action of Perception is properly made by way of patterning and imitation , by the innate , figurative motions of those Animal Creatures , and not by receiving either the figures of the exterior objects into the sensitive Organs , or by sending forth some invisible rayes from the Organ to the Object ; nor by pressure and reaction . Nevertheless , as I said , every action of Nature is a Knowing and Perceptive action ; and so is Respiration , which of necessity presupposes a knowledg of exterior parts , especially those that are concern'd in the same action , and can no ways be perform'd without perception of each other . When I say , That if all mens Opinions and Fancies were Rational , there would not be such variety in Nature as we perceive there is ; by Rational I mean Regular , according to the vulgar way of expression , by which a Rational Opinion is call'd , That which is grounded upon regular sense and reason ; and thus Rational is opposed to Irregular : Nevertheless , Irregular Fancies and Opinions are made by the rational parts of matter , as well as those that are regular ; and therefore in a Philosophical and strict sense , one may call Irregular Opinions as well Rational , as those that are Regular ; but according to the vulgar way of expression , as I said , it is sooner understood of Regular , then of Irregular Opinions , Fancies or Conceptions . When I say , that None of Natures parts can be call'd Inanimate , or Soul-less ; I do not mean the constitutive parts of Nature , which are , as it were , the Ingredients whereof Nature consists , and is made up ; whereof there is an inanimate part or degree of matter , as well as animate ; but I mean the parts or effects of this composed body of Nature , of which I say , that none can be call'd inanimate ; for though some Philosophers think that nothing is animate , or has life in Nature , but Animals and Vegetables ; yet it is probable , that since Nature consists of a commixture of animate and inanimate matter , and is self-moving , there can be no part or particle of this composed body of Nature , were it an Atome , that may be call'd Inaminate , by reason there is none that has not its share of animate , as well as inanimate matter , and the commixture of these degrees being so close , it is impossible one should be without the other . When enumerating the requisites of the Perception of Sight in Animals , I say , that if one of them be wanting , there is either no perception at all , or it is an imperfect perception ; I mean , there is no Animal perception of seeing , or else an irregular perception . When I say , that as the sensitive perception knows some of the other parts of Nature by their effects ; so the rational perceives some effects of the Omnipotent Power of God ; My meaning is not , as if the sensitive part of matter hath no knowledg at all of God ; for since all parts of Nature , even the inanimate , have an innate and fixt self-knowledg , it is probable that they may also have an interior self-knowledg of the existency of the Eternal and Omnipotent God , as the Author of Nature : But because the rational part is the subtilest , purest , finest and highest degree of matter ; it is most conformable to truth , that it has also the highest and greatest knowledg of God , as far as a natural part can have ; for God being Immaterial , it cannot properly be said , that sense can have a perception of him , by reason he is not subject to the sensitive perception of any Creature , or part of Nature ; and therefore all the knowledg which natural Creatures can have of God , must be inherent in every part of Nature ; and the perceptions which we have of the Effects of Nature , may lead us to some conceptions of that Supernatural , Infinite , and Incomprehensible Deity , not what it is in its Essence or Nature , but that it is existent , and that Nature has a dependance upon it , as an Eternal Servant has upon an Eternal Master . But some might say , How is it possible that a Corporeal finite part , can have a conception of an Incorporeal , infinite Being ; by reason that which comprehends , must needs be bigger then that which is comprehended ? Besides , no part of Nature can conceive beyond it self , that is , beyond what is Natural or Material ; and this proves , that at least the rational part , or the mind , must be immaterial to conceive a Deity ? To which I answer , That no part of Nature can or does conceive the Essence of God , or what God is in himself ; but it conceives onely , that there is such a Divine Being which is Supernatural : And therefore it cannot be said , that a natural Figure can comprehend God ; for it is not the comprehending of the Substance of God , or its patterning out , ( since God having no Body , is without all Figure ) that makes the knowledg of God ; but I do believe , that the knowledg of the existency of God , as I mentioned before , is innate , and inherent in Nature , and all her parts , as much as self-knowledg is . Speaking of the difference between Oil and other liquors ; for the better understanding of that place , I thought fit to insert this Note : Flame is fluid , but not liquid , nor wet : Oil is fluid and liquid , but not wet ; but Water is both fluid , liquid and wet . Oil will turn into flame , and encrease it ; but Water is so quite opposite to flame , that if a sufficient quantity be poured upon it , it will totally extinguish it . When I say , that Sense and Reason shall be the Ground of my Philosophy , and not particular natural effects ; My meaning is , that I do not intend to make particular Creatures or Figures , the Principles of all the infinite effects of Nature , as some other Philosophers do ; for there is no such thing as a Prime or principal Figure of Nature , all being but effects of one Cause . But my Ground is Sense and Reason , that is , I make self-moving matter , which is sensitive and rational , the onely cause and principle of all natural effects . When 't is said , That Ice , Snow , Hail , &c. return into their former Figure of Water , whensoever they dissolve ; I mean , when they dissolve their exterior Figures , that is , change their actions . When I say , That the Exterior Object is the Agent , and the Sentient Body the Patient ; I do not mean that the Object does chiefly work upon the Sentient , or is the immediate cause of the Perception in the Sentient body , and that the Sentient suffers the Agent to act upon it ; but I retain onely those words , because they are used in Schools ; But as for their actions , I am quite of a contrary Opinion , to wit , That the sentient body is the principal Agent , and the external body the Patient ; for the motions of the sentient in the act of perception , do figure out or imitate the motions of the object , so that the object is but as a Copy that is figured out , or imitated by the sentient , which is the chiefly Agent in all transforming and perceptive actions that are made by way of patterning or imitation . When I say , That one finite part can undergo infinite changes and alterations ; I do not mean one single part , whereof there is no such thing in nature ; but I mean , one part may be infinitely divided and composed with other parts ; for as there are infinite changes , compositions and divisions in Nature , so they must be of parts ; there being no variety but of parts ; and though parts be finite , yet the changes may be infinite ; for the finiteness of parts is but concerning the bulk or quantity of their figures ; and they are call'd finite , by reason they have limited and circumscribed figures ; nevertheless , as for duration , their parts being the same with the body of Nature , are as eternal , and infinite as Nature her self , and thus are subject to infinite and eternal changes . VVhen I say , A World of Gold is as active interiously , as a world of Air is exteriously ; I mean , it is as much subject to changes and alterations as Air ; for Gold though its motions are not perceptible by our exterior senses , yet it has no less motion then the activest body of Nature ; onely its motions are of another kind then the motions of Air , or of some other bodies ; for Retentive motions are as much motions , as dispersing or some other sorts of motions , although not so visible to our perception as these ; and therefore we cannot say that Gold is more at rest than other Creatures of Nature ; for there is no such thing as Rest in Nature ; although there be degrees of Motion . VVhen I say , That the parts of Nature do not drive or press upon each other , but that all natural actions are free and easie , and not constrained ; My meaning is not , as if there was no pressing or driving of parts at all in Nature , but onely that they are not the universal or principal actions of Natures body , as it is the opinion of some Philosophers , who think there is no other motion in nature , but by pressure of parts upon parts : Nevertheless , there is pressure and reaction in Nature , because there are infinite sorts of motions . Also when I say in the same place , That Natures actions are voluntary ; I do not mean , that all actions are made by rote , and none by imitation ; but by voluntary actions I understand self-actions ; that is , such actions whose principle of motion is within themselves , and doth not proceed from such an exterior Agent , as doth the motion of the inanimate part of matter , which having no motion of it self , is moved by the animate parts , yet so , that it receives no motion from them , but moves by the motion of the animate parts , and not by an infused motion into them ; for the animate parts in carrying the inanimate along with them , lose nothing of their own motion , nor impart no motion to the inanimate ; no more than a man who carries a stick in his hand , imparts motion to the stick , and loses so much as he imparts ; but they bear the inanimate parts along with them , by vertue of their own self-motion , and remain self-moving parts , as well as the inanimate remain without motion . Again , when I make a distinguishment between voluntary actions , and exterior perceptions ; my meaning is not , as if voluntary actions were not made by perceptive parts ; for whatsoever is self-moving and active , is perceptive ; and therefore since the voluntary actions of Sense and Reason are made by self-moving parts , they must of necessity be perceptive actions ; but I speak of Perceptions properly so call'd , which are occasioned by Forreign parts ; and to those I oppose voluntary actions , which are not occasioned , but made by rote ; as for example , the perception of sight in Animals , when outward Objects present themselves to the Optick sense to be perceived , the perception of the Sentient is an occasioned perception ; but whensoever , either in dreams , or in distempers , the sensitive motions of the same Organ , make such or such figures , without any presentation of exterior objects , then that action cannot properly be call'd an exterior perception ; but it is a voluntary action of the sensitive motions in the organ of sight , not made after an outward pattern , but by rote , and of their own accord . When I say , That Ignorance is caused by division , and knowledg by composition of parts ; I do not mean an interior , innate self-knowledg , which is , and remains in every part and particle of Nature , both in composition and division ; for wheresoever is matter , there is life and self-knowledg ; nor can a part lose self-knowledg , any more then it can lose life , although it may change from having such or such a particular life and knowledg ; for to change and lose , are different things ; but I mean an exterior , perceptive knowledg of forreign parts , caused by self-motion , of which I say , that as a union or combination of parts , makes knowledg , so a division or separation of parts , makes Ignorance . When I say , There 's difference of Sense and Reason in the parts of one composed Figure ; I mean not , as if there were different degrees of sense , and different degrees of Reason in their own substance or matter ; for sense is but sense , and reason is but reason ; but my meaning is , That there are different , sensitive and rational motions , which move differently in the different parts of one composed Creature . These are ( Courteous Reader ) the scruples which I thought might puzle your understanding in this present Work , which I have cleared in the best manner I could ; and if you should meet with any other of the like nature , my request is , You would be pleased to consider well the Grounds of my Philosophy ; and as I desired of you before , read all before you pass your Judgments and Censures ; for then , I hope , you 'l find but few obstructions , since one place will give you an explanation of the other . In doing thus , you 'l neither wrong your self , nor injure the Authoress , who should be much satisfied , if she could benesit your knowledg in the least ; if not , she has done her endeavour , and takes as much pleasure and delight in writing and divulging the Conceptions of her mind , as perhaps some malicious persons will do in censuring them to the worst . AN Argumental Discourse Concerning some Principal Subjects in Natural Philosophy , necessary for the better understanding , not onely of this , but all other Philosophical Works , hitherto written by the AUTHOEESSE . WHen I was setting forth this Book of Experimental Observations , a Dispute chanced to arise between the rational Parts of my Mind concerning some chief Points and Principles in Natural Philosophy ; for some New Thoughts endeavouring to oppose and call in question the Truth of my former Conceptions , caused a war in my mind , which in time grew to that height , that they were hardly able to compose the differences between themselves , but were in a manner necessitated to refer them to the Arbitration of the impartial Reader , desiring the assistance of his judgment to reconcile their Controversies , and , if possible , to reduce them to a setled peace and agreement . The first difference did arise about the question , How it came , that Matter was of several degrees , as Animate and Inanimate , Sensitive and Rational ? for my latter thoughts would not believe that there was any such difference of degrees of Matter : To which my former conceptions answered , That Nature , being Eternal and Infinite , it could not be known how she came to be such , no more then a reason could be given how God came to be : for Nature , said they , is the Infinite Servant of God , and her origine cannot be described by any finite or particular Creature ; for what is infinite , has neither beginning nor end ; but that Natural Matter consisted of so many degrees as mentioned , was evidently perceived by her effects or actions ; by which it appeared first , that Nature was a self-moving body , and that all her parts and Creatures were so too : Next , That there was not onely an animate or self-moving and active , but also an inanimate , that is , a dull and passive degree of Matter ; for if there were no animate degree , there would be no motion , and so no action nor variety of figures ; and if no inanimate , there would be no degrees of natural figures and actions , but all actions would be done in a moment , and the figures would all be so pure , fine and subtil , as not to be subject to any grosser perception such as our humane , or other the like perceptions are . This Inanimate part of Matter , said they , had no self-motion , but was carried along in all the actions of the animate degree , and so was not moving , but moved ; which Animate part of Matter being again of two degrees , viz. Sensitive and Rational , the Rational being so pure , fine and subtil , that it gave onely directions to the sensitive , and made figures in its own degree , left the working with and upon the Inanimate part , to the Sensitive degree of Matter , whose Office was to execute both the rational parts design , and to work those various figures that are perceived in Nature ; and those three degrees were so inseparably commixt in the body of Nature , that none could be without the other in any part or Creature of Nature , could it be divided to an Atome ; for as in the Exstruction of a house there is first required an Architect or Surveigher , who orders and designs the building , and puts the Labourers to work ; next the Labourers or Workmen themselves , and lastly the Materials of which the House is built : so the Rational part , said they , in the framing of Natural Effects , is , as it were , the Surveigher or Architect ; the Sensitive , the labouring or working part , and the Inanimate , the materials , and all these degrees are necessarily required in every composed action of Nature . To this , my latter thoughts excepted , that in probability of sense and reason , there was no necessity of introducing an inanimate degree of Matter ; for all those parts which we call gross , said they , are no more but a composition of self-moving parts , whereof some are denser , and some rarer then others ; and we may observe , that the denser parts are as active , as the rarest ; for example , Earth is as active as Air or Light , and the parts of the Body are as active , as the parts of the Soul or Mind , being all self-moving , as it is perceiveable by their several , various compositions , divisions , productions and alterations ; nay , we do see , that the Earth is more active in the several productions and alterations of her particulars , then what we name Coelestial Lights , which observation is a firm argument to prove , that all Matter is animate or self-moving , onely there are degrees of motion , that some parts move flower , and some quicker . Hereupon my former Thoughts answered , that the difference consisted not onely in the grossness , but in the dulness of the Inanimate parts ; and that , since the sensitive animate parts were labouring on , and with the inanimate , if these had self-motion , and that-their motion was flower then that of the animate parts , they would obstruct , cross and oppose each other in all their actions , for the one would be too slow , and the other too quick . The latter Thoughts replied , that this slowness and quickness of motion would cause no obstruction at all ; for , said they , a man that rides on a Horse is carried away by the Horses motion , and has nevertheless also his own motions himself ; neither does the Horse and Man transfer or exchange motion into each other , nor do they hinder or obstruct one another . The former Thoughts answer'd , it was True , that Motion could not be transferred from one body into another without Matter or substance ; and that several self-moving parts might be joined , and each act a part without the least hinderance to one another ; for not all the parts of one composed Creature ( for example Man ) were bound to one and the same action ; and this was an evident proof that all Creatures were composed of parts , by reason of their different actions ; nay , not onely of parts , but of self-moving parts : also they confessed , that there were degrees of motion , as quickness and slowness , and that the slowest motion was as much motion as the quickest . But yet , said they , this does not prove , that Nature consists not of Inanimate Matter as well as of Animate ; for it is one thing to speak of the parts of the composed and mixed body of Nature , and another thing to speak of the constitutive parts of Nature , which are , as it were , her ingredients of which Nature is made up as one intire self-moving body ; for sense and reason does plainly perceive , that some parts are more dull , and some more lively , subtil and active ; the Rational parts are more agil , active , pure and subtil then the sensitive ; but the Inanimate have no activity , subtilty and agility at all , by reason they want self-motion ; nor no perception , for self-motion is the cause of all perception ; and this Triumvirate of the degrees of Matter , said they , is so necessary to ballance and poise Natures actions , that otherwise the creatures which Nature produces , would all be produced alike , and in an instant ; for example , a Child in the Womb would as suddenly be framed , as it is figured in the mind ; and a man would be as suddenly dissolved as a thought : But sense and reason perceives that it is otherwise ; to wit , that such figures as are made of the grosser parts of Matter , are made by degrees , and not in an instant of time , which does manifestly evince , that there is and must of necessity be such a degree of Matter in Nature as we call Inanimate ; for surely although the parts of Nature are infinite , and have infinite actions , yet they cannot run into extreams , but are ballanced by their opposites , so that all parts cannot be alike rare or dense , hard or soft , dilating or contracting , &c. but some are dense , some rare , some hard , some soft , fome dilative , some contractive , &c. by which the actions of Nature are kept in an equal ballance from running into extreams . But put the case , said they , it were so , that Natures body consisted altogether of Animate Matter , or corporeal self-motion , without an intermixture of the inanimate parts , we are confident that there would be framed as many objections against that opinion as there are now against the inanimate degree of Matter ; for disputes are endless , and the more answers you receive , the more objections you will find ; and the more objections you make , the more answers you will receive ; and even shews , that Nature is ballanced by opposites : for , put the case , the Inanimate parts of Matter were self-moving ; then first there would be no such difference between the rational and sensitive parts as now there is ; but every part , being self-moving , would act of , and in it self , that is , in its own substance as now the rational part of Matter does : Next , if the inanimate part was of a slower motion then the rational and sensitive , they would obstruct each other in their actions , for one would be too quick , and the other too slow ; neither would the quicker motion alter the nature of the slower , or the slower retard the quicker ; for the nature of each must remain as it is ; or else it would be thus , then the animate part might become inanimate , and the rational the sensitive , &c. which is impossible , and against all sense and reason . At this declaration of my former Thoughts , the latter appear'd somewhat better satisfied , and had almost yielded to them , but that they had yet some scruples left , which hindered them from giving a full assent to my former rational conceptions . First they asked , how it was possible , that that part of Matter which had no innate self-motion , could be moved ? for , said they , if it be moved , it must either be moved by its own motion , or by the motion of the animate part of Matter : by its own motion it cannot move , because it has none ; but if it be moved by the motion of the animate , then the animate must of necessity transfer motion into it : that so , being not able to move by an innate motion , it might move by a communicated motion . The former Thoughts answered , that they had resolved this question heretofore by the example of a Horse and a Man , where the Man was moved and carried along by the Horse , without any Communication or Translation of motion from the Horse into the Man ; also a Stick , said they , carried in a Man's hand , goes along with the man , without receiving any motion from his hand . My latter Thoughts replied , That a Man and a Stick were parts or Creatures of Nature , which consist of a commixture of Animate or self-moving Matter , and that they did move by their own motions , even at the time when they were carried along by other parts ; but with the Inanimate part of Matter it was not so ; for it having no self-motion , could no ways move . You say well , answered my former Thoughts , that all the parts of Nature , whensoever they move , move by their own motions ; which proves , that no particular Creature or effect of composed Nature , can act upon another , but that one can onely occasion another to move thus or thus ; as in the mentioned example , the Horse does not move the man , but occasions him onely to move after such or such a manner ; also the hand does not move the Stick , but is onely an occasion that the Stick moves thus , for the Stick moves by its own motion . But as we told you before , this is to be understood of the parts of the composed body of Nature , which as they are Natures Creatures and Effects , so they consist also of a commixture of the forementioned degrees of animate and inanimate Matter ; but our discourse is now of those parts which do compose the body of Nature , and make it what it is : And as of the former parts none can be said moved , but all are moving , as having self-motion within them ; so the inanimate part of Matter considered as it is an ingredient of Nature , is no ways moving , but always moved : The former parts , being effects of the body of Nature , for distinctions sake may be called Effective parts ; but these , that is ; the Animate and Inanimate , may be called constitutive parts of Nature : Those follow the composition of Nature , but these are the Essential parts , which constitute the body of Nature ; whereof the Animate , by reason of their self-motion , are always active and perceptive ; but the Inanimate is neither active nor perceptive , but dull and passive ; and you may plainly perceive it , added my former thoughts , by the alledged example ; for as the Stick has no animal motion , and yet is carried along by and with the animal wheresoever it goes ; so the Inanimate Matter , although it has no motion at all , yet it goes along with the animate parts wheresoever they 'l have it ; the onely difference is this , as we told you before , that the Stick being composed of animate as well as inanimate Matter , cannot properly be said moved , but occasioned to such a motion by the animal that carries it , when as the inanimate part cannot be said occasioned , but moved . My later Thoughts replied , That the alledged example of the carried Stick , could give them no full satisfaction as yet ; for , said they , put the case the Stick had its own motion , yet it has not a visible , exterior , local , progressive motion , such as Animals have , and therefore it must needs receive that motion from the animal that carries it ; for nothing can be occasioned to that which it has not in it self . To which the former answered first , that although animals had a visible exterior progressive motion , yet not all progressive motion was an animal motion : Next , they said , that some Creatures did often occasion others to alter their motions from an ordinary , to an extraordinary effect ; and if it be no wonder , said they , that Cheese , Roots , Fruits , &c. produce Worms , why should it be a wonder for an Animal to occasion a visible progressive motion in a vegetable or mineral , or any other sort of Creature ? For each natural action , said they , is local , were it no more then the stirring of a hairs breadth , nay , of an Atome ; and all composition and division , contraction , dilation , nay , even retention , are local motions ; for there is no thing in so just a measure , but it will vary more or less ; nay , if it did not to our perception , yet we cannot from thence infer that it does not at all ; for our perception is too weak and gross to perceive all the subtil actions of Nature ; and if so , then certainly Animals are not the onely Creatures that have local motion , but there is local motion in all parts of Nature . Then my later Thoughts asked , that if every part of Nature moved by its own inherent self-motion , and that there was no part of the composed body of Nature which was not self-moving , how it came , that Children could not go so soon as born ? also , if the self-moving part of Matter was of two degrees , sensitive and rational , how it came that Children could not speak before they are taught ? and if it was perceptive , how it came that Children did not understand so soon as born ? To which the former answered , That although there was no part of Matter that was figureless , yet those figures that were composed by the several parts of Matter , such as are named natural Creatures , were composed by degrees , and some compositions were sooner perfected then others , and some sorts of such figures or Creatures were not so soon produced or strengthened as others ; for example , most of four legg'd Creatures , said they , can go , run and skip about so soon as they are parted from the Dam , that is , so soon as they are born ; also they can suck , understand , and know their Dam's , when as a Bird can neither feed it self , nor fly so soon as it is hatched , but requires some time before it can hop on its leggs , and be able to fly ; but a Butterfly can fly so soon as it comes out of the shell ; by which we may perceive , that all figures are not alike , either in their composing , perfecting or dissolving , no more then they are alike in their shapes , forms , understanding , &c. for if they were , then little Puppies and Kitlings would see , so soon as born , as many other Creatures do , when as now they require nine days after their birth before they can see ; and as for speech , although it be most proper to the shape of Man , yet he must first know or learn a language before he can speak it ; and although when the parts of his mind , like the parts of his body , are brought to maturity , that is , to such a regular degree of perfection as belongs to his figure , he may make a language of his own ; yet it requires time , and cannot be done in an instant : The truth is , although speech be natural to man , yet language must be learned ; and as there are several self-active parts , so there are several Languages ; and by reason the actions of some parts can be imitated by other parts , it causes that we name learning not onely in Speech , but in many other things . Concerning the question why Children do not understand so soon as born : They answered , that as the sensitive parts of Nature did compose the bulk of Creatures , that is , such as were usually named bodies ; and as some Creatures bodies were not finished or perfected so soon as others , so the self-moving parts , which by conjunction and agreement composed that which is named the mind of Man , did not bring it to the perfection of an Animal understanding so soon as some Beasts are brought to their understanding , that is , to such an understanding as was proper to their figure . But this is to be noted , said they , that although Nature is in a perpetual motion , yet her actions have degrees , as well as her parts , which is the reason , that all her productions are done in that which is vulgarly named Time ; that is , they are not executed at once , or by one act : In short , as a House is not finished , until it be throughly built , nor can be thorowly furnished until it be throughly finished ; so is the strength and understanding of Man , and all other Creatures ; and as perception requires Objects , so learning requires practice ; for though Nature is self-knowing , self-moving , and so perceptive ; yet her self-knowing , self-moving , and perceptive actions , are not all alike , but differ variously ; neither doth she perform all actions at once , otherwise all her Creatures would be alike in their shapes , forms , figures , knowledges , perceptions , productions , dissolutions , &c. which is contradicted by experience . After this my later Thoughts asked , how it came that the Inanimate part of Matter had more degrees then the Animate ? The former answered , That , as the Animate part had but two degrees , to wit , the sensitive and rational , so the Inanimate was but grosser and purer ; and as for density , rarity , softness , hardness , &c. they were nothing but various compositions and divisions of parts , or particular effects ; nor was it density or hardness that made grossness ; and thinness or rarity of parts that made fineness and purity ; for Gold is more dense then dross , and yet is more pure and fine ; but this is most probable , said they , that the rarest compositions are most suddenly altered ; nor can the grossness and fineness of the parts of Nature be without Animate and Inanimate Matter ; for the dulness of one degree poises the activity of the other ; and the grossness of one , the purity of the other ; all which keeps Nature from extreams . But replied my later Thonght , You say that there are infinite degrees of hardness , thickness , thinness , density , rarity , &c. Truly , answered the former , if you 'l call them degrees , you may ; for so there may be infinite degrees of Magnitude , as bigger and bigger , but these degrees are nothing else but the effects of self-moving Matter , made by a composition of parts , and cannot be attributed to one single part , there being no such thing in Nature ; b they belong to the infinite parts of Nature , joined in one body ; and as for Matter it self , there are no more degrees , but animate and inanimate ; that is , a self-moving , active and perceptive , and a dull , passive , and moved degree . My later Thoughts asked , since Natures parts were so closely joined in one body , how it was possible that there could be finite , and not single parts ? The former answered , That finite and single parts were not all one and the same ; for single parts , said they , are such as can subsist by themselves ; neither can they properly be called parts , but are rather finite wholes ; for it is a meer contradiction to say single parts , they having no reference to each other , and consequently not to the body of Nature ; But what we call finite Parts , are nothing else but several corporeal figurative motions , which make all the difference that is between the figures or parts of Nature , both in their kinds , sorts and particulars : And thus finite and particular parts are all one , called thus , by reason they have limited and circumscribed figures , by which they are discerned from each other , but not single figures , for they are all joined in one body , and are parts of one infinite whole , which is Nature ; and these figures being all one and the same with their parts of Matter , change according as their parts change , that is , by composition and division ; for were Nature an Atome , and material , that Atome would have the properties of a body , that is , be dividable and composable , and so be subject to infinite changes , although it were not infinite in bulk . My later Thoughts replied , That if a finite body could have infinite compositions and divisions , then Nature need not to be infinite in bulk or quantity ; besides , said they , it is against sense and reason that a finite should have infinite effects . The former answered first , As for the infiniteness of Nature , it was certain that Nature consisted of infinite parts ; which if so , she must needs also be of an infinite bulk or quantity ; for where soever is an infinite number of parts or figures , there must also be an infinite whole , since a whole and its parts differ not really , but onely in the manner of our conception ; for when we conceive the parts of Nature as composed in one body , and inseparable from it , the composition of them is called a whole ; but when we conceive their different figures , actions and changes , and that they are dividable from each other , or amongst themselves , we call them parts ; for by this one part is discerned from the other part ; as for example , a Mineral from a Vegetable , a Vegetable from an Element , an Element from an Animal , &c. and one part is not another part ; but yet these parts are , and remain still parts of infinite Nature , and cannot be divided into single parts , separated from the body of Nature , although they may be divided amongst themselves infinite ways by the self-moving power of Nature . In short , said they , a whole is nothing but a composition of parts , and parts are nothing but a division of the whole . Next , as for the infinite compositions and divisions of a finite whole , said they , it is not probable that a finite can have infinite effects , or can be actually divided into infinite parts ; but yet a body cannot but have the proprieties of a body as long as it lasts ; and therefore if a finite body should last eternally , it would eternally retain the effects , or rather proprieties of a body , that is , to be dividable and composable ; and if it have self-motion , and was actually divided and composed , then those compositions and divisions of its parts would be eternal too ; but what is eternal is infinite , and therefore in this sense one cannot say amiss , but that there might be eternal compositions and divisions of the parts of a finite whole ; for wheresoever is self-motion there is no rest : But , mistake us not , for we do not mean divisions or compositions into single or infinite parts , 〈◊〉 perpetual and eternal change and self-motion of the parts of that finite body or whole amongst themselves . But because we speak now of the parts of Infinite Nature , which are Infinite in number , though finite , or rather distinguished by their figures ; It is certain , said they , that there being a perpetual and eternal self-motion in all parts of Nature , and their number being infinite , they must of necessity be subject to infinite changes , compositions , and divisions ; not onely as for their duration , or eternal self-motion , but as for the number of their parts ; for parts cannot remove but from and to parts ; and as soon as they are removed from such parts , they join to other parts , which is nothing else but a composition and division of parts ; and this composition and division of the Infinite parts of Nature , hinders that there are no actual divisions or compositions of a finite part , because the one counter-balances the other ; for if by finite you understand a single part , there can be no such thing in Nature , since what we call the finiteness of parts , is nothing else but the difference and change of their figures , caused by self-motion ; and therefore when we say Infinite Nature consists of an infinite number of finite parts , we mean of such parts as may be distinguished or discerned from each other by their several figures ; which figures are not constant , but change perpetually in the body of Nature ; so that there can be no constant figure allowed to no part , although some do last longer then others . Then my later Thoughts desired to know , whether there were not degrees of Motion , as well as there are of Matter ? The former answered , That without question there were degrees of motion ; for the rational parts were more agil , quick and subtil in their corporeal actions then the sensitive , by reason they were of a purer and finer degree of Matter , and free from labouring on the inanimate parts : but withal they told them , that the several different and opposite actions of Nature hindred each other from running into extreams : And as for the degrees of Matter , there could not possibly be more then Animate and Inanimate , neither could any degree go beyond Matter , so as to become immaterial . The truth is , said they , to balance the actions of Nature , it cannot be otherwise , but there must be a Passive degree of Matter , opposite to the active ; which passive part is that we call Inanimate ; for though they are so closely intermixt in the body of Nature , that they cannot be separated from each other , but by the power of God ; nevertheless , sense and reason may perceive that they are distinct degrees , by their distinct and different actions , and may distinguish them so far , that one part is not another part , and that the actions of one degree are not the actions of the other . Wherefore as several self-moving parts may be joined in one composed body , and may either act differently without hinderance and obstruction to each other , or may act jointly and agreeably to one effect ; so may the sensitive parts carry or bear along with them the inanimate parts , without either transferring and communicating motion to them , or without any co-operation or self-action of the inanimate parts ; and as for Matter , as there can be no fewer degrees then Animate and Inanimate , sensitive and rational ; so neither can there be more ; for as we mentioned heretofore , were there nothing but animate or self-moving Matter in Nature , the parts of Nature would be too active and quick in their several productions , alterations and dissolutions , and all things would be as soon made , as thoughts . Again , were there no Inanimate degree of Matter , the sensitive corporeal motions would retain the figures or patterns of exterior objects , as the rational do ; which yet we perceive otherwise ; for so soon as the object is removed , the sensitive perception is altered ; and though the sensitive parts can work by rote , as in dreams and some distempers , yet their voluntary actions are not so exact , as their Exterior perceptive actions , nor altogether and always so regular as the rational ; and the reason is , that they are bound to bear the inanimate parts along with them in all their actions . Also were there no degree of Inanimate Matter , Natures actions would run into extreams ; but because all her actions are ballanced by opposites , they hinder both extreams in Nature , and produce all that Harmonious variety that is found in Natures parts . But said my later Thoughts , wheresoever is such an opposition and crossing of actions , there can be no harmony , concord or agreement , and consequently no orderly productions , dissolutions , changes and alterations , as in Nature we perceive there be . The former answered , That though the actions of Nature were different and opposite to each other , yet they did cause no disturbance in Nature , but they were ruled and governed by Natures wisdom ; for Nature being peaceable in her self , would not suffer her actions to disturb her Government ; wherefore although particulars were crossing and opposing each other , yet she did govern them with such wisdom and moderation , that they were necessitated to obey her and move according as she would have them ; but sometimes they would prove extravagant and refractory , and hence came that we call Irregularities . The truth is , said they , contrary and opposite actions are not always at war ; for example , two men may meet each other contrary ways , and one may not onely stop the other from going forward , but even draw him back again the same way he came ; and this may be done with love and kindness , and with his good will , and not violently by power and force : The like may be in some actions of Nature . Nevertheless , we do not deny , but there is many times force and power used between particular parts of Nature , so that some do over-power others , but this causes no disturbance in Nature ; for if we look upon a well-ordered Government , we find that the particulars are often at strife and difference with each other , when as yet the Government is as orderly and peaceable as can be . My later thoughts replied , That although the several and contrary actions in Nature did not disturb her Government , yet they moving severally in one composed figure at one and the same time , proved that Motion , Figure and Body could not be one and the same thing . The former answered , That they had sufficiently declared heretofore that Matter was either moving , or moved : viz. That the Animate part was self-moving , and the Inanimate moved , or carried along with , and by the Animate ; and these degrees or parts of Matter were so closely intermixt in the body of Nature , that they could not be separated from each other , but did constitute but one body , not onely in general , but also in every particular ; so that not the least part ( if least could be ) nay , not that which some call an Atome , was without this commixture ; for wheresoever was Inanimate , there was also Animate Matter ; which Animate Matter was nothing else but corporeal self-motion , and if any difference could be apprehended , it was , said they , between these two degrees , to wit , the Animate and Inanimate part of Matter , and not between the animate part and self-motion , which was but one thing , and could not so much as be conceived differently ; and since this Animate Matter , or corporeal self-motion is thorowly intermixt with the Inanimate parts , they are but as one body ( like as soul and body make but one man ) or else it were impossible that any Creature could be composed , consist , or be dissolved ; for if there were Matter without Motion , there could be no composition or dissolution of such figures as are named Creatures ; nor any , if there were Motion without Matter , or ( which is the same ) an Immaterial Motion ; For can any part of reason , that is regular , believe , that that which naturally is nothing , should produce a natural something ? Besides , said they , Material and Immaterial are so quite opposite to each other , as 't is impossible they should commix and work together , or act one upon the other : nay , if they could , they would make but a confusion , being of contrary natures : Wherefore it is most probable , and can to the perception of Regular sense and reason be no otherwise , but that self-moving Matter , or corporeal figurative self-motion , does act and govern , wisely , orderly and easily , poising cr ballancing extreams with proper and fit oppositions , which could not be done by immaterials , they being not capable of natural compositions and divisions ; neither of dividing Matter , nor of being divided ? In short , although there are numerous corporeal figurative motions in one composed figure , yet they are so far from disturbing each other , that no Creature could be produced without them ; and as the actions of retention are different from the actions of digestion or expulsion , and the actions of contraction from those of dilation ; so the actions of imitation or patterning are different from the voluntary actions vulgarly called Conceptions , and all this to make an equal poise or ballance between the actions of Nature . Also there is difference in the degrees of motions , in swiftness , slowness , rarity , density , appetites , passions , youth , age , growth , decay , &c. as also between several sorts of perceptions : all which proves , that Nature is composed of self-moving parts , which are the cause of all her varieties : But this is well to be observed , said they , that the Rational parts are the purest , and consequently the most active parts of Nature , and have the quickest actions ; wherefore to ballance them , there must be a dull part of Matter , which is the Inanimate , or else a World would be made in an instant , and every thing would be produced , altered and dissolved on a sudden , as they had mentioned before . Well , replied my later Thoughts , if there be such oppositions between the parts of Nature , then I pray inform us , whether they be all equally and exactly poised and ballanced ? To which the former answered , That though it was most certain that there was a poise and ballance of Natures corporeal actions ; yet no particular Creature was able to know the exactness of the proportion that is between them , because they are infinite . Then my later Thoughts desired to know , whether Motion could be annihilated ? The former said , no : because Nature was Infinite , and admitted of no addition nor diminution ; and consequently of no new Creation nor annihilation of any part of hers . But , said the later , If Motion be an accident , it may be annihilated . The former answered , They did not know what they meant by the word Accident . The later said , That an Accident was something in a body , but nothing without a body . If an Accident be something , answered the former , Then certainly it must be body ; for there is nothing but what is corporeal in Nature ; and if it be body , then it cannot be nothing at no time , but it must of necessity be something . But it cannot subsist of , and by it self , replied my later Thoughts , as a substance ; for although it hath its own being , yet its being is to subsist in another body . The former answered , That if an Accident was nothing without a body or substance , and yet something in a body ; then they desired to know , how , being nothing , it could subsist in another body , and be separated from another body ; for composition and division , said they , are attributes of a body , since nothing can be composed or divided but what has parts ; and nothing has parts but what is corporeal or has a body , and therefore if an accident can be in a body , and be separated from a body , it would be non-sense to call it nothing . But then my later Thoughts asked , that when a particular Motion ceased , what became of it ? The former answered , it was not annihilated , but changed . The later said , How can motion be corporeal , and yet one thing with body ? Certainly if body be material , and motion too , they must needs be two several substances . The former answered , That motion and body were not two several substances ; but motion and matter made one self-moving body ; and so was place , colour , figure , &c. all one and the same with body . The later replied , That a Man , and his action were not one and the same , but two different things . The former answered , That a Man , and his actions were no more different , then a man was different from himself ; for , said they , although a man may have many different actions , yet were not that man existent , the same actions would not be ; for though many men have the like actions , yet they are not the same . But then replied the later , Place cannot be the same with body , nor colour ; because a man may change his place and his colour , and yet retain his body . Truly , said the former , If Place be changed , then Body must change also ; for wheresoever is Place , there is Body ; and though it be a vulgar phrase , That a man changes his place when he heremoves , yet it is not a proper Philosophical expression ; for he removes onely from such parts , to such parts ; so that it is a change or a division and composition of parts , and not of place : And as for colour , though it changes , yet that proves not that it is not a body , or can be annihilated . The truth is , though Figure , Motion , Colour , &c. do change , yet they remain still in Nature , and it is impossible that Nature can give away , or lose the least of her corporeal Attributes or Proprieties ; for Nature is infinite in power , as well as in act ; we mean , for acting naturally ; and therefore whatsoever is not in present act , is in the power of Infinite Nature . But , said my later Thoughts , if a body be divided into very minute parts as little as dust , where is the colour then ? The Colour , answered the former , is divided as well as the body ; and though the parts thereof be not subject to our sensitive perception , yet they have nevertheless their being ; for all things cannot be perceptible by our senses . The later said , That the Colour of a Man's face could change from pale to red , and from red to pale , and yet the substance of the face remain the same ; which proved , that colour and substance was not the same . The former answered , That although the colour of a mans face did change without altering the substance thereof , yet this proved no more that Colour was Immaterial , then that Motion was Immaterial ; for a man may put his body into several postures , and have several actions , and yet without any change of the substance of his body ; for all actions do not necessarily import a change of the parts of a composed figure , there being infinite sorts of actions . We will leave Accidents , said my later Thoughts , and return to the Inanimate part of Matter ; and since you declare , that all parts of Nature do worship and adore God , you contradict your self in allowing an Inanimate degree of Matter , by reason , where there is no self-motion , there can be no perception of God , and consequently no Worship and Adoration . The former answered , That the knowledg of God did not consist in exterior perception ; for God , said they , being an Infinite , Incomprehensible , supernatural and Immaterial Essence , void of all parts , can no ways be subject to Perception . Nevetheless , although no part can have an exterior perception of the substance of God , as it has of particular natural Creatures , yet it has Conceptions of the Existence of God , to wit , that there is a God above Nature , on which Nature depends , and from whose Immutable and Eternal Decree it has its Eternal Being , as God's Eternal Servant ; but what God is in his Essence , neither Nature , nor any of her parts or Creatures is able to conceive . And therefore although the Inanimate part of Matter is not perceptive , yet having an innate knowledg and life of it self , it is not improbable but it may also have an interior , fixt , and innate knowledg of the Existency of God , as that he is to be adored and worshipped : And thus the Inanimate part may after its own manner worship and adore God , as much as the other parts in their way : for it is probable , that God having endued all parts of Nature with self-knowledg , may have given them also an Interior knowledg of himself , that is , of his Existency , how he is the God of Nature , and ought to be worshipped by her as his Eternal servant . My later Thoughts excepted , That not any Creature did truly know it self , much less could it be capable of knowing God. The former answered , That this was caused through the variety of self-motion ; for all Creatures ( said they ) are composed of many several parts , and every part has its own particular self-knowledg , as well as self-motion , which causes an ignorance between them ; for one parts knowledg is not another parts knowledg ; nor does one part know what another knows ; but all knowledg of exterior parts comes by perception ; nevertheless , each part knows it self and its own actions ; and as there is an ignorance between parts , so there is also an acquaintance ( especially in the parts of one composed Creature ) and the rational parts being most subtile , active and free , have a more general acquaintance then the sensitive ; besides , the sensitive many times inform the rational , and the rational the sensitive , which causes a general agreement of all the parts of a composed figure , in the execution of such actions as belong to it . But how is it possible , replied my later Thoughts , that the inanimate part of matter can be living and self-knowing , and yet not self-moving ? for Life and Knowledg cannot be without self-motion ; and therefore if the inanimate parts have Life and Knowledg , they must necessarily also have self-motion . The former answered , That Life and Knowledg did no ways depend upon self-motion ; for had Nature no motion at all , yet might she have Life and Kowledg ; so that self-motion is not the cause of Life and Knowledg , but onely of Perception , and all the various actions of Nature ; and this is the reason said they , that the inanimate part of matter is not perceptive , because it is not self-moving ; for though it hath life and self-knowledg as well as the Animate part , yet it has not an active life , nor a perceptive knowledg . By which you may see , that a fixt and interior self-knowledg , may very well be without exterior perception ; for though perception presupposes an innate self-knowledg as its ground and principle , yet self-knowledg does not necessarily require perception , which is onely caused by self-motion ; for self-motion , as it is the cause of the variety of Natures parts and actions , so it is also of their various perceptions : If it was not too great a presumtion , said they , we could give an instance of God , who has no local self-motion , and yet is infinitely knowing : But we 'l forbear to go so high , as to draw the Infinite , Incomprehensible God , to the proofs of Material Nature . My later Thoughts replied , first , That if it were thus , then one and the same parts of matter would have a double life , and a double knowledg . Next they said , That if perception were an effect of self-motion , then God himself must necessarily be self-moving , or else he could not perceive Nature and her parts and actions . Concerning the first objection my former thoughts answered , That the parts of Nature could have a double life and knowledg no more , then one man could be call'd double or treble : You might as well said they , make millions of men of one particular man , nay , call every part or action of his a peculiliar man , as make one and the same part of matter have a double life and knowledg . But mistake us not , added my former thoughts , when we say , that one and the same part cannot have a double life and knowledg ; for we mean not , the composed creatures of Nature , which as they consist of several degrees of matter , so they have also several degrees of lives and knowledges ; but it is to be understood of the essential or constitutive parts of Nature ; for as the rational part is not , nor can be the sensitive part , so it can neither have a sensitive knowledg ; no more can a sensitive part have a rational knowledg , or either of these the knowledg of the inanimate part ; but each part retains its own life and knowledg . Indeed it is with these parts as it is with particular creatures ; for as one man is not another man , nor has another mans knowledg , so it is likewise with the mentioned parts of matter ; and although the animate parts have an interior , innate self-knowledg , and an exterior , perceptive knowledg ; yet these are not double knowledges ; but perception is onely an effect of interior self-knowledg , occasioned by self-motion . And as for the second , they answered , That the Divine Perception and Knowledg was not any ways like a natural Perception , no more than God was like a Creature ; for Nature ( said they ) is material , and her perceptions are amongst her infinite parts , caused by their compositions and divisions ; but God is a Supernatural , Individable , and Incorporeal Being , void of all Parts and Divisions ; and therefore he cannot be ignorant of any the least thing ; but being Infinite , he has an Infinite Knowledg , without any Degrees , Divisions , or the like actions belonging to Material Creatures . Nor is he naturally , that is , locally self-moving ; but he is a fixt , unalterable , and in short , an incomprehensible Being , and therefore no comparison can be made between Him and Nature , He being the Eternal God , and Nature his Eternal Servant . Then my later Thoughts said , That as for the knowledg of God , they would not dispute of it ; but if there was a fixt and interior , innate knowledg in all Natures parts and Creatures , it was impossible that there could be any error or ignorance between them . The former answered , that although Errors belonged to particulars as well as ignorance , yet they proceeded not from interior self-knowledg , but either from want of exterior particular knowledges , or from the irregularity of motions ; and Ignorance was likewise a want not of interior , but exterior knowledg , otherwise called Perceptive knowledg : for , said they , Parts can know no more of other parts , but by their own perceptions ; and since no particular Creature or part of Nature can have an Infallible , Universal , and thorow perception of all other parts ; it can neither have an infallible and universal knowledg , but it must content it self with such a knowledg as is within the reach of its own perceptions ; and hence it follows , that it must be ignorant of what it does not know ; for Perception has but onely a respect to the exterior figures and actions of other parts ; and though the Rational part is more subtil and active then the Sensitive , and may have also some perceptions of some interior parts and actions of other Creatures , yet it cannot have an infallible and thorow perception of all their interior parts and motions , which is a knowledg impossible for any particular Creature to attain to . Again my later Thoughts objected , That it was impossible that the parts of one and the same degree could be ignorant of each others actions , how various soever , since they were capable to change their actions to the like figures . The former answered first , That although they might make the like figures , yet they could not make the same , because the parts were not the same . Next they said , that particular parts could not have infinite perceptions , but that they could but perceive such objects as were subject to that sort of perception which they had ; no not all such ; for oftentimes objects were obscured and hidden from their perceptions , that although they could perceive them if presented , or coming within the compass and reach of their perceptive faculty or power ; yet when they were absent , they could not ; besides , said they , the sensitive parts are not so subtile as to make perceptions into the interior actions of other parts , no not the rational are able to have exact perceptions thereof ; for Perception extends but to adjoining parts and their exterior figures and actions , and if they know any thing of their interior parts , figures or motions , it is onely by guess or probable conclusions , taken from their exterior actions or figures , and made especially by the rational parts , which as they are the most inspective , so they are the most knowing parts of Nature . After these and several other objections , questions and answers between the later and former thoughts and conceptions of my mind , at last some Rational thoughts which were not concerned in this dispute , perceiving that they became much heated , and fearing they would at last cause a Faction or Civil War amongst all the rational parts , which would breed that which is called a Trouble of the Mind , endeavoured to make a Peace between them , and to that end they propounded , that the sensitive parts should publickly declare their differences and controversies , and refer them to the Arbitration of the judicious and impartial Reader . This proposition was unanimously embraced by all the rational parts , and thus by their mutual consent this Argumental Discourse was set down and published after this manner : In the mean time all the rational parts of my Mind inclined to the opinion of my former conceptions , which they thought much more probable then those of the later ; and since now it is your part , Ingenious Readers , to give a final decision of the Cause , consider well the subject of their quarrel , and be impartial in your judgment ; let not Self-love or Envy corrupt you , but let Regular Sense and Reason be your onely Rule , that you may be accounted just Judges , and your Equity and Justice be Remembred by all that honour and love it . THE TABLE OF All the Principal Subjects contained and discoursed of in this BOOK . Observations upon Experimental Philosophy . 1. OF Humane Sense and Perception . 2. Of Art and Experimental Philosophy . 3. Of Micrography , and of Magnifying and Multiplying Glasses . 4. Of the production of Fire by Flint and Steel . 5. Of Pares . 6. Of the Effluviums of the Loadstone . 7. Of the Stings of Nettles and Bees . 8. Of the Beard of a wild Oat . 9. Of the Eyes of Flyes . 10. Of a Butter-Flye . 11. Of the walking Motions of Flyes , and other Creatures . 12. Whether it be possible to make man , and some other Animal Creatures , flye as Birds do ? 13. Of Snails and Leeches , and whether all Animals haue Blood ? 14. Of Natural Productions . 15. Of the Seeds of Vegetables . 16. Of the Providence of Nature ; and some Opinions concerning Motion . 17. Des Cartes Opinion of Motion Examined . 18. Of the blackness of a Charcoal , and of Light. 19. Of the Pores of a Charcoal , and of Emptiness . 20. Of Colours . 21. Whether an Idea haue a Colour , and of the Idea of of a Spirit ? 22. Of Wood petrified . 23. Of the Nature of Water . 24. Of Salt , and of Sea or Salt-water . 25. Of the motions of Heat and Cold. 26. Of the Measures , Degrees , and different sorts of Heat and Cold. 27. Of Congelation or Freezing . 28. Of Thawing , or dissolving of frozen Bodies . 29. Several Questions resolved concerning Cold and Frozen Bodies . 30. Of Contraction and Dilation . 31. Of the Parts of Nature , and of Atomes . 32. Of the Celestial parts of this World , and whether they be alterable ? 33. Of the Substance of the Sun , and of Fire . 34. Of Telescopes . 35. Of Knowledge and Perception in general . 36. Of the different Perceptions of Sense and Reason . 37. Several Questions and Answers concerning Knowledg and Perception . Further Observations upon Experimental Philosophy , reflecting withall upon some Principal Subjects in Contemplative Philosophy . 1. Ancient Learning ought not to be Exploded ; nor the Experimental Part of Philosophy preferred before the Speculative . 2. Whether Artificial Effects may be called Natural ; and in what sense ? 3. Of Natural Matter and Motion . 4. Nature cannot be known by any of her Parts . 5. Art cannot produce new Forms in Nature . 6. Whether there be any Prime or Principal Figures in Nature , and of the true Principles of Nature . 7. Whether Nature be self-moving ? 8. Of Animal Spirits . 9. Of the Doctrine of the Scepticks concerning the Knowledg of Nature . 10. Of Natural Sense and Reason . 11. Of a general Knowledg and Worship of God , given him by all Natural Creatures . 12. Of a particular Worship of God given him by those that are his Chosen and Elect People . 13. Of the Knowledg of man. 14. A Natural Philosopher cannot be an Atheist . 15. Of the Rational Soul of Man. 16. Whether Animal Parts separated from their Bodies , have life ? 17. Of the Spleen . 18. Of Anatomy . 19. Of preserving the Figures of Animal Creatures . 20. Of Chymistry , and Chymical Principles . 21. Of the Vniversal Medicine , and of Diseases . 22. Of outward Remedies . 23. Of several sorts of Drink and Meat . 24. Of Fermentation . 25. Of the Plague . 26. Of Respiration . Observations upon the Opinions of some Ancient Philosophers . 1. Vpon the Principles of Thales . 2. Some few Observations on Plato's Doctrine . 3. Vpon the Doctrine of Pythagoras . 4. Of Epicurus his Principles of Philosophy . 5. On Aristotle's Philosophical Principles . 6. Of Scepticism , and some other Sects of the Ancient . An Explanation of some obscure and doubtful Passages occurring in the Philosophical Works hitherto Publish'd by the Authoress . A CATALOGUE OF ALL THE WORKS Hitherto Published by the AUTHORESSE . SInce it is the fashion to declare what Books one has put forth to the publick view , I thought it not amiss to follow the Mode , and set down the Number of all the Writings of mine which hitherto have been Printed . 1. Poems in Fol. Printed twice , whereof the last Impression is much mended . 2. Natures Pictures ; or Tales in Verse and Prose , in Fol. 3. A Little Tract of Philosophy , in 8º 4. Philosophical and Physical Opinions , in Fol. 5. The same much Enlarged and Altered , in Fol. 6. Philosophical Letters , in Fol. 7. The Worlds Olio , now to be reprinted . 8. Playes in Fol. 9. Orations in Fol. 10. Sociable Letters in Fol. There are some others that never were Printed yet , which shall , if God grant me Life and Health , be Published ere long . OBSERVATIONS UPON EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY . 1. Of Humane Sense and Perception . BEfore I deliver my observations upon that part of Philosophy which is call'd Experimental , I thought it necessary to premise some discourse concerning the Perception of Humane Sense . It is known that man has five Exterior Senses , and every sense is ignorant of each other ; for the Nose knows not what the Eyes see , nor the Eyes what the Ears hear , neither do the Ears know what the Tongue tastes ; and as for Touch , although it is a general Sense , yet every several part of the body has a several touch , and each part is ignorant of each others touch : And thus there is a general ignorance of all the several parts , and yet a perfect knowledg in each part ; for the Eye is as knowing as the Ear , and the Ear as knowing as the Nose , and the Nose as knowing as the Tongue , and one particular Touch knows as much as another , at least is capable thereof : Nay , not onely every several Touch , Taste , Smell , Sound or Sight , is a several knowledg by it self , but each of them has as many particular knowledges or perceptions as there are objects presented to them : Besides , there are several degrees in each particular sense ; As for example , some Men ( I will not speak of other animals ) their perception of sight , taste , smell , touch , or hearing , is quicker to some sorts of objects , then to others , according either to the perfection or imperfection , or curiosity or purity of the corporeal figurative motions of each sense , or according to the presentation of each object proper to each sense ; for if the presentation of the objects be imperfect , either through variation or obscurity , or any other ways , the sense is deluded . Neither are all objects proper for one sense , but as there are several senses , so there are several sorts of objects proper for each several sense . Now if there be such variety of several knowledges , not onely in one Creature , but in one sort of sense ; to wit , the exterior senses of one humane Creature ; what may there be in all the parts of Nature ? 'T is true , there are some objects which are not at all perceptible by any of our exterior senses ; as for example , rarified air , and the like : But although they be not subject to our exterior sensitive perception , yet they are subject to our rational perception , which is much purer and subtiler then the sensitive ; nay , so pure and subtil a knowledg , that many believe it to be immaterial , as if it were some God , when as it is onely a pure , fine and subtil figurative Motion or Perception ; it is so active and subtil , as it is the best informer and reformer of all sensitive Perception ; for the rational Matter is the most prudent and wisest part of Nature , as being the designer of all productions , and the most pious and devoutest part , having the perfectest notions of God , I mean , so much as Nature can possibly know of God ; so that whatsoever the sensitive Perception is either defective in , or ignorant of , the rational Perception supplies . But mistake me not : by Rational Perception and Knowledg , I mean Regular Reason , not Irregular ; where I do also exclude Art , which is apt to delude sense , and cannot inform so well as Reason doth ; for Reason reforms and instructs sense in all its actions : But both the rational and sensitive knowledg and perception being divideable as well as composeable , it causes ignorance as well as knowledg amongst Natures Creatures ; for though Nature is but one body , and has no sharer or copartner , but is intire and whole in it self , as not composed of several different parts or substances , and consequently has but one Infinite natural knowledg and wisdom , yet by reason she is also divideable and composeable , according to the nature of a body , we can justly and with all reason say , That , as Nature is divided into infinite several parts , so each several part has a several and particular knowledg and perception , both sensitive and rational , and again that each part is ignorant of the others knowledg and perception ; when as otherwise , considered altogether and in general , as they make up but one infinite body of Nature , so they make also but one infinite general knowledg . And thus Nature may be called both Individual , as not having single parts subsisting without her , but all united in one body ; and Divideable , by reason she is partable in her own several corporeal figurative motions , and not otherwise ; for there is no Vacuum in Nature , neither can her parts start or remove from the Infinite body of Nature , so as to separate themselves from it , for there 's no place to flee to , but body and place are all one thing , so that the parts of Nature can onely joyn and disjoyn to and from parts , but not to and from the body of Nature . And since Nature is but one body , it is intirely wise and knowing , ordering her self-moving parts with all facility and ease , without any disturbance , living in pleasure and delight , with infinite varieties and curiosities , such as no single Part or Creature of hers can ever attain to . 2. Of Art , and Experimental Philosophy . SOme are of opinion , That by Art there can be a reparation made of the Mischiefs and Imperfections mankind has drawn upon it self by negligence and intemperance , and a wilful and superstitious deserting the Prescripts and Rules of Nature , whereby every man , both from a derived Corruption , innate and born with him , and from his breediug and converse with men , is very subject to slip into all sorts of Errors . But the all-powerful God , and his servant Nature , know , that Art , which is but a particular Creature , cannot inform us of the Truth of the Infinite parts of Nature , being but finite it self ; for though every Creature has a double perception , rational and sensitive , yet each creature or part has not an Infinite perception ; nay , although each particular creature or part of Nature may have some conceptions of the Infinite parts of Nature , yet it cannot know the truth of those Infinite parts , being but a finite part it self , which finiteness causes errors in Perceptions ; wherefore it is well said , when they confess themselves , That the uncertainty and mistakes of humane actions proceed either from the narrowness and wandring of our senses , or from the slipperiness or delusion of our memory , or from the confinement or rashness of our understandiug . But , say they , It is no wonder that our power over natural Causes and Effects is so slowly improved , seeing we are not onely to contend with the obscurity and difficulty of the things whereon we work and think , but even the forces of our minds conspire to betray us : And these being the dangers in the process of Humane Reason , the remedies can onely proceed from the Real , the Mechanical , the Experimental Philosophy , which hath this advantage over the Philosophy of discourse and disputation , That whereas that chiefly aims at the subtilty of its deductions and conclusions , without much regard to the first ground-work , which ought to be well laid on the sense and memory , so this intends the right ordering of them all , and making them serviceable to each other . In which discourse I do not understand , first , what they mean by our power over natural causes and effects ; for we have no power at all over natural causes and effects , but onely one particular effect may have some power over another , which are natural actions ; but neither can natural causes nor effects be over-powred by man so , as if man was a degree above Nature , but they must be as Nature is pleased to order them ; for Man is but a small part , and his powers are but particular actions of Nature , and therefore he cannot have a supreme and absolute power . Next , I say , That Sense , which is more apt to be deluded then Reason , cannot be the ground of Reason , no more then Art can be the ground of Nature : Wherefore discourse shall sooner find or trace Natures corporeal figurative motions , then deluding Arts can inform the Senses ; For how can a Fool order his understanding by Art , if Nature has made it defective ? or how can a wise man trust his senses , if either the objects be not truly presented according to their natural figure and shape , or if the senses be defective , either through age , sickness , or other accidents , which do alter the natural motions proper to each sense ? And hence I conclude , that Experimental and Mechanick Philosophy cannot be above the Speculative part , by reason most Experiments have their rise from the Speculative , so that the Artist or Mechanick is but a servant to the Student . 3. Of Micrography , and of Magnifying and Multiplying Glasses . ALthough I am not able to give a solid judgment of the Art of Micrography , and the several dioptrical instruments belonging thereto , by reason I have neither studied nor practised that Art ; yet of this I am confident , that this same Art , with all its Instruments , is not able to discover the interior natural motions of any part or creature of Nature ; nay , the questions is , whether it can represent yet the exterior shapes and motions so exactly , as naturally they are ; for Art doth more easily alter then inform : As for example ; Art makes Cylinders , Concave and Convex-glasses , and the like , which represent the figure of an object in no part exactly and truly , but very deformed and mis-shaped : also a Glass that is flaw'd , crack'd , or broke , or cut into the figure of Lozanges , Triangles , Squares , or the like , will present numerous pictures of one object . Besides , there are so many alterations made by several lights , their shadows , refractions , reflexions , as also several lines , points , mediums , interposing and intermixing parts , forms and positions , as the truth of an object will hardly be known ; for the perception of sight , and so of the rest of the senses , goes no further then the exterior Parts of the object presented ; and though the Perception may be true , when the object is truly presented , yet when the presentation is false , the information must be false also . And it is to be observed , that Art , for the most part , makes hermaphroditical , that is , mixt figures , as partly Artificial , and partly Natural : for Art may make some metal , as Pewter , which is between Tin and Lead , as also Brass , and numerous other things of mixt natures ; In the like manner may Artificial Glasses present objects , partly Natural , and partly Artificial ; nay , put the case they can present the natural figure of an object , yet that natural figure may be presented in as monstrous a shape , as it may appear mis-shapen rather then natural : For example ; a Lowse by the help of a Magnifying-glass , appears like a Lobster , where the Microscope enlarging and magnifying each part of it , makes them bigger and rounder then naturally they are . The truth is , the more the figure by Art is magnified , the more it appears mis-shapen from the natural , in so much as each joynt will appear as a diseased , swell'd and tumid body , ready and ripe for incision . But mistake me not ; I do not say , that no Glass presents the true picture of an object ; but onely that Magnifying , Multiplying , and the like optick Glasses , may , and do oftentimes present falsly the picture of an exterior object ; I say , the Picture , because it is not the real body of the object which the Glass presents , but the Glass onely figures or patterns out the picture presented in and by the Glass , and there may easily mistakes be committed in taking Copies from Copies . Nay , Artists do confess themselves , that Flies , and the like , will appear of several figures or shapes , according to the several reflections , refractions , mediums and positions of several lights ; which if so , how can they tell or judg which is the truest light , position , or medium , that doth present the object naturally as it is ? and if not , then an edge may very well seem flat , and a point of a needle a globe ; but if the edge of a knife , or point of a needle were naturally and really so as the microscope presents them , they would never be so useful as they are ; for a flat or broad plain-edged knife would not cut , nor a blunt globe pierce so suddenly another body , neither would or could they pierce without tearing and rending , if their bodies were so uneven ; and if the Picture of a young beautiful Lady should be drawn according to the representation of the Microscope , or according to the various refraction and reflection of light through such like glasses , it would be so far from being like her , as it would not be like a humane face , but rather a Monster , then a picture of Nature . Wherefore those that invented Microscopes , and such like dioptrical Glasses , at first , did , in my opinion , the world more injury then benefit ; for this Art has intoxicated so many mens brains , and wholly imployed their thoughts and bodily actions about phaenomena , or the exterior figures of objects , as all better Arts and Studies are laid aside ; nay , those that are not as earnest and active in such imployments as they , are , by many of them , accounted unprofitable subjects to the Commonwealth of Learning . But though there be numerous Books written of the wonders of these Glasses , yet I cannot perceive any such , at best , they are but superficial wonders , as I may call them . But could Experimental Philosophers find out more beneficial Arts then our Fore-fathers have done , either for the better increase of Vegetables and brute Animals to nourish our bodies , or better and commodious contrivances in the Art of Architecture to build us houses , or for the advancing of trade and traffick to provide necessaries for us to live , or for the decrease of nice distinctions and sophistical disputes in Churches , Schools and Courts of Judicature , to make men live in unity , peace and neighbourly sriendship , it would not onely be worth their labour , but of as much praise as could be given to them : But as Boys that play with watry Bubbles a , or fling Dust b into each others Eyes , or make a Hobby-horse c of Snow , are worthy of reproof rather then praise ; for wasting their time with useless sports ; so those that addict themselves to unprofitable Arts , spend more time then they reap benefit thereby . Nay , could they benefit men either in Husbandry , Architecture , or the like necessary and profitable imployments , yet before the Vulgar sort would learn to understand them , the world would want Bread to eat , and Houses to dwell in , as also Cloths to keep them from the inconveniences of the inconstant weather . But truly , although Spinsters were most experienced in this Art , yet they will never be able to spin Silk , Thred , or Wool , &c. from loose Atomes ; neither will Weavers weave a Web of Light from the Sun's Rays , nor an Architect build an House of the bubbles of Water and Air , unless they be Poetical Spinsters , Weavers and Architects ; and if a Painter should draw a Lowse as big as a Crab , and of that shape as the Microscope presents , can any body imagine that a Beggar would believe it to be true ? but if he did , what advantage would it be to the Beggar ? for it doth neither instruct him how to avoid breeding them , or how to catch them , or to hinder them from biting . Again : if a Painter should paint Birds according to those Colours the Microscope presents , what advantage would it be for Fowlers to take them ? Truly , no Fowler will be able to distinguish several Birds through a Microscope , neither by their shapes nor colours ; They will be better discerned by those that eat their flesh , then by Micrographers that look upon their colours and exterior figures through a Magnifying-glass . In short , Magnifying-glasses are like a high heel to a short legg , which if it be made too high , it is apt to make the wearer fall , and at the best , can do no more then represent exterior figures in a bigger , and so in a more deformed shape and posture then naturally they are ; but as for the interior form and motions of a Creature , as I said before , they can no more represent them , then Telescopes can the interior essence and nature of the Sun , and what matter it consists of ; for if one that never had seen Milk before , should look upon it through a Microscope , he would never be able to discover the interior parts of Milk by that instrument , were it the best that is in the World ; neither the Whey , nor the Butter , nor the Curds . Wherefore the best optick is a perfect natural Eye , and a regular sensitive perception , and the best judg is Reason , and the best study is Rational Contemplation joyned with the observations of regular sense , but not deiuding Arts ; for Art is not onely gross in comparison to Nature , but , for the most part , deformed and defective , and at best produces mixt or hermaphroditical figures , that is , a third figure between Nature and Art : which proves , that natural Reason is above artificial Sense , as I may call it : wherefore those Arts are the best and surest Informers , that alter Nature least , and they the greatest deluders that alter Nature most , I mean , the particular Nature of each particular Creature ; ( for Art is so far from altering Infinite Nature , that it is no more in comparison to it , then a little Flie to an Elephant , no not so much , for there is no comparison between finite and Infinite . ) But wise Nature taking delight in variety , her parts , which are her Creatures , must of necessity do so too . 4. Of the Production of Fire by a Flint and Steel . SOme learned Writers of Micrography , having observed the fiery sparks that are struck out by the violent motion of a Flint against Steel , suppose them to be little parcels either of the Flint or Steel , which by the violence of the stroke , are at the same time severed and made red hot ; nay , sometimes to such a degree as they are melted together into glass . But whatsoever their opinion be , to my sense and reason it appears very difficult to determine exactly how the production of Fire is made , by reason there are so many different sorts of Productions in Nature , as it is impossible for any particular Creature to know or describe them : Nevertheless , it is most probable , that those two bodies do operate not by incorporeal but corporeal motions , which either produce a third corporeal figure out of their own parts , or by striking against each other , do alter some of their natural corporeal figurative parts , so as to convert them into fire , which if it have no fuel to feed on , must of necessity die ; or it may be , that by the occasion of striking against each other , some of their looser parts are metamorphosed , and afterwards return to their former figures again ; like as flesh being bruised and hurt , becomes numb and black , and after returns again to its proper figure and colour ; or like as Water that by change of motion in the same parts , turns into Snow , Ice , or Hail , may return again into its former figure and shape ; for Nature is various in her corporeal figurative motions . But it is observable , that Fire is like seeds of Corn sown in Earth , which increases or decreases according as it has nourishment ; by which we may see that Fire is not produced from a bare immaterial motion ( as I said before ; ) for a spiritual issue cannot be nourished by a corporeal substance , but it is with Fire as it is with all , at least most other natural Creatures , which require Respiration as well as Perception ; for Fire requires Air as well as Animals do . By Respiration , I do not mean onely that animal respiration which in Man , and other animal Creatures , is performed by the lungs , but a dividing and uniting , or separating and joyning of parts from and to parts , as of the exterior from and to the interior , and of the interior from and to the exterior ; so that when some parts issue , others do enter : And thus by the name of Respiration I understand a kind of Reception of forreign Matter , and emission of some of their own ; as for example , in Animals , I mean not onely the respiration performed by the lungs , but also the reception of food , and of other matter entering through some proper organs and pores of their bodies , and the discharging of some other matter the sameway ; and if this be so , as surely it is , then all or most Creatures in Nature have some kind of Respiration or Reciprocal breathing , that is , Attraction and Expiration , receiving of nourishment and evacuation , or a reception of some forreign parts , and a discharging and venting of some of their own . But yet it is not necessary that all the matter of Respiration in all Creatures should be Air ; for every sort of Creatures , nay every particular has such a matter of Respiration , as is proper both to the nature of its figure , and proper for each sort of respiration . Besides , although Air may be a fit substance for Respiration to Fire , and to some other Creatures , yet I cannot believe , that the sole agitation of Air is the cause of Fire , no more then it can be called the cause of Man ; for if this were so , then Houses that are made of Wood , or cover'd with Straw , would never fail to be set on fire by the agitation of the Air. Neither is it requisite that all Respirations in all Creatures should be either hot or cold , moist or dry , by reason there are many different sorts of Respiration , acording to the nature and propriety of every Creature , whereof some may be hot , some cold ; some hot and dry , some cold and dry ; some hot and moist , some cold and moist , &c. and in Animals , at least in Mankind , I observe , that the respiration performed by the help of their lungs . is an attraction of some refrigerating air and an emission of some warm vapour . What other Creatures respirations may be , I leave for others to inquire . 5. Of Pores . AS I have mentioned in my former Discourse , that I do verily believe all or most natural Creatures have some certain kind of respiration , so do I also find it most probable , that all or most natural Creatures have Pores : not empty Pores ; for there can be no Vacuum in Nature , but such passages as serve for respiration , which respiration is some kind of receiving and discharging of such matter as is proper to the nature of every Creature : And thus the several Organs of Animal Creatures , are , for the most part , imployed as great large pores ; for Nature being in a perpetual motion , is always dissolving and composing , changing and ordering her self-moving parts as she pleases . But it is well to be observed , that there is difference between Perception and Respiration ; for Perception is onely an action of Figuring or Patterning , when as the Rational and Sensitive Motions do figure or pattern out something : but Respiration is an action of drawing , sucking , breathing in , or receiving any ways outward parts , and of venting , discharging , or sending forth inward parts . Next , although there may be Pores in most natural Creatures , by reason that all , or most have some kind of Respiration , yet Nature hath more ways of dividing and uniting of parts , or of ingress and egress , then the way of drawing in , and sending forth by Pores ; for Nature is so full of variety , that not any particular corporeal figurative motion can be said the prime or fundamental , unless it be self-motion , the Architect and Creator of all figures : Wherefore , as the Globular figure is not the prime or fundamental of all other figures , so neither can Respiration be called the prime or fundamental motion ; for , as I said , Nature has more ways then one , and there are also retentive Motions in Nature , which are neither dividing nor composing , but keeping or holding together . 6. Of the Effluvium's of the Loadstone . IT is the opinion of some , that the Magnetical Effluviums do not proceed intrinsecally from the stone , but are certain extrinsecal particles , which approaching to the stone , and finding congruous pores and inlets therein , are channelled through it ; and having acquired a motion thereby , do continue their current so far , till being repulsed by the ambient air , they recoil again , and return into a vortical motion , and so continue their revolution for ever through the body of the Magnet . But if this were so , then all porous bodies would have the same Magnetical Effluviums , especially a Char-coal , which , they say , is full of deep pores : besides , I can hardly believe , that any Microscope is able to shew how those flowing Atomes enter and issue , and make such a vortical motion as they imagine . Concerning the argument drawn from the experiment , that a Magnet being made red hot in the fire , not onely amits the Magnetical Vigor it had before , but acquires a new one ; doth not evince or prove that the Magnetical Effluviums are not innate or inherent in the stone ; for fire may over-power them so as we cannot perceive their vigour or force , the motions of the Fire being too strong for the motions of the Loadstone ; but yet it doth not follow hence , that those motions of the Loadstone are lost , because they are not perceived , or that afterwards when by cooling the Loadstone they may be perceived again , they are not the same motions , but new ones , no more then when a man doth not move his hand the motion of it can be said lost or annihilated . But say they , If the Polary direction of the Stone should be thought to proceed intrinsecally from the Stone , it were as much as to put a Soul or Intelligence into the Stone , which must turn it about , as Angels are feigned to do Celestial Orbs. To which I answer ; That although the turning of the Celestial Orbs by Angels may be a figment , yet that there is a soul and intelligence in the Loadstone , is as true , as that there is a soul in Man. I will not say , that the Loadstone has a spiritual or immaterial soul , but a corporeal or material one , to wit , such a soul as is a particle of the soul of Nature , that is , of Rational Matter , which moves in the Loadstone according to the propriety and nature of its figure . Lastly , as for their argument concluding from the different effluviums of other , as for example , electrical and odoriferous bodies , &c. as Camphire , and the like , whose expirations , they say , fly away into the open air , and never make any return again to the body from whence they proceeded ; I cannot believe this to be so ; for if odoriferous bodies should effluviate and waste after that manner , then all strong odoriferous bodies would be of no continuance , for where there are great expences , there must of neeessity follow a sudden waste : but the contrary is sufficiently known by experience . Wherefore , it is more probable , that the Effluviums of the Loadstone , as they call them , or the disponent and directive faculty of turning it self towards the North , is intrinsecally inherent in the stone it self , and is nothing else but the interior natural sensitive and rational corporeal motions proper to its figure , as I have more at large declared in my Philosophical Letters , and Philosophical Opinions ; then that a stream of exterior Atomes , by beating upon the stone , should turn it to and fro , until they have laid it in such a position . 7. Of the Stings of Nettles and Bees . I Cannot approve the opinion of those , who believe that the swelling , burning , and smarting pain caused by the stinging of Nettles and Bees , doth proceed from a poysonous juice , that is contained within the points of Nettles , or stings of Bees ; for it is commonly known , that Nettles , when young , are often-times eaten in Sallets , and minced into Broths ; nay , when they are at their full growth , good-huswifes use to lay their Cream-cheeses in great Nettles , whereas , if there were any poyson in them , the interior parts of animal bodies , after eating them , would swell and burn more then the exterior onely by touching them . And as for stings of Bees , whether they be poysonous or not , I will not certainly determine any thing , nor whether their stings be of no other use ( as some say ) then onely for defence or revenge ; but this I know , that if a Bee once looseth its sting , it becomes a Drone ; which if so , then surely the sting is useful to the Bee , either in making Wax and Honey , or in drawing , mixing and tempering the several sorts of juices , or in penetrating and piercing into Vegetables , or other bodies , after the manner of broaching or tapping , to cause the Liquor to issue out , or in framing the structure of their comb , and the like ; for surely Nature doth not commonly make useless and unprofitable things , parts , or creatures : Neither doth her design tend to an evil effect , although I do not deny but that good and useful instruments may be and are often imployed in evil actions . The truth is , I find that stings are of such kind of figures as fire is , and fire of such a kind of figure as stings are ; but although they be all of one general kind , nevertheless they are different in their particular kinds ; for as Animal kind contains many several and different particular kinds or sorts of animals , so the like do Vegetables , and other kinds of Creatures . 8. Of the beard of a wild Oat . THose that have observed through a Microscope the beard of a wild Oat , do relate that it is onely a small black or brown bristle , growing out of the side of the inner husk , which covers the grain of a wild Oat , and appears like a small wreath'd sprig with two clefts ; if it be wetted in water , it will appear to unwreath it self , and by degrees to streighten its knee , and the two clefts will become streight ; but if it be suffered to dry again , it will by degrees wreath it self again , and so return into its former posture : The cause of which they suppose to be the differing texture of its parts , which seeming to have two substances , one very porous , loose and spongy , into which the watry steams of air may very easily be forced , which thereby will grow swell'd and extended ; and a second , more hard and close , into which the water cannot at all or very little penetrate ; and this retaining always the same dimensions , but the other stretching and shrinking , according as there is more or less water or moisture in its pores , 't is thought to produce this unwreathing and wreathing . But that this kind of motion , whether it be caused by heat and cold , or by dryness and moisture , or by any greater or less force , proceeding either from gravity and weight , or from wind , which is the motion of the air , or from some springing body , or the like , should be the very first foot-step of sensation and animate motion , and the most plain , simple and obvious contrivance that Nature has made use of to produce a motion next to that of rarefaction and condensation by heat and cold , as their opinion is , I shall not easily be perswaded to believe ; for if Animate motion was produced this way , it would , in my opinion , be but a weak and irregular motion . Neither can I conceive how these , or any other parts , could be set a moving , if Nature her self were not selfmoving , but onely moved : Nor can I believe , that the exterior parts of objects are able to inform us of all their interior motions ; for our humane optick sense looks no further then the exterior and superficial parts of solid or dense bodies , and all Creatures have several corporeal figurative motions one within another , which cannot be perceived neither by our exterior senses , nor by their exterior motions ; as for example , our Optick sense can perceive and see through a transparent body , but yet it cannot perceive what that transparent bodies figurative motions are , or what is the true cause of its transparentness ; neither is any Art able to assist our sight with such optick instruments as may give us a true information thereof ; for what a perfect natural eye cannot perceive , surely no glass will be able to present . 9. Of the Eyes of Flies . I Cannot wonder enough at the strange discovery made by the help of the Microscope concerning the great number of eyes observed in Flies ; as that , for example , in a gray Drone-flie should be found clusters which contain about 14000 eyes : which if it be really so , then those Creatures must needs have more of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sense then those that have but two , or one eye ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot believe , that so many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be made for no more use then one or two eyes are : for though Art , the emulating Ape of Nature , makes often vain and useless things , yet I cannot perceive that Nature her self doth so . But a greater wonder it is to me , that Man with the twinkling of one eye , can observe so many in so small a Creature , if it be not a deceit of the optick instrument : for as I have mentioned above , Art produces most commonly hermaphroditical figures , and it may be , perhaps , that those little pearls or globes , which were taken for eyes in the mentioned Flie , are onely transparent knobs , or glossie shining spherical parts of its body , making refractions of the rayes of light , and reflecting the pictures of exterior objects , there being many Creatures , that have such shining protuberances and globular parts , and those full of quick motion , which yet are not eyes . Truly , my reason can hardly be perswaded to believe , that this Artificial Informer ( I mean the Microscope ) should be so true as it is generally thought ; for in my opinion it more deludes , then informs : It is well known , that if a figure be longer , broader and bigger then its nature requires , it is not its natural figure , and therefore those Creatures , or parts of Creatures , which by Art appear bigger then naturally they are , cannot be judged according to their natural figure , since they do not appear in their natural shape ; but in an artificial one , that is , in a shape or figure magnified by Art , and extended beyond their natural figure ; and since Man cannot judg otherwise of a figure then it appears , besides , if the Reflections and Positious of Light be so various and different as Experimental Philophers confess themselves , and the instrument not very exact , ( for who knows but hereafter there may be many faults discovered of our modern Microscopes which we are not able to perceive at the present ) how shall the object be truly known ? Wherefore I can hardly believe the Truth of this Experiment concerning the numerous Eyes of Flies ; they may have , as I said before , glossy and shining globular protuberances , but not so many eyes ; as for example , Bubbles of Water , Ice , as also Blisters and watry Pimples , and hundreds the like , are shining and transparent Hemispheres , reflecting light , but yet not eyes ; Nay , if Flies should have so many numerous Eyes , why can they not see the approach of a Spider until it be just at them ; also how comes it that sometimes , as for example , in cold weather , they seem blind , so as one may take or kill them , and they cannot so much as perceive their enemies approach ? surely if they had 14000 Eyes , all this number would seem useless to them , since other Creatures which have but two can make more advantage of those two eyes , then they of their vast number . But perchance some will say , That Flies having so many eyes , are more apt to be blind then others that have but few , by reason the number is the cause that each particular is the weaker . To which I answer , That if two Eyes be stronger then a Thousand , then Nature is to be blamed that she gives such numbers of Eyes to so little a Creature . But Nature is wiser then we or any Creature is able to conceive ; and surely she works not to no purpose , or in vain ; but there appears as much wisdom in the fabrick and ftructure of her works , as there is variety in them . Lastly , I cannot well conceive the truth of the opinion of those , that think all eyes must have a transparent liquor , or humor within them , for in Crabs and Lobsters Eyes I can perceive none such ; and there may also be many other animal Creatures which have none : for Nature is not tied to one way , but as she makes various Creatures , so she may and doth also make their parts and organs variously , and not the same in all , or after one and the same manner or way . 10. Of a Butter-flie . COncerning the Generation of Butter-flies , whether they be produced by the way of Eggs , as some Experimental Philosophers do relate , or any other ways ; or whether they be all produced after one and the same manner , shall not be my task now to determine ; but I will onely give my Readers a short account of what I my self have observed : When I lived beyond the Seas in Banishment with my Noble Lord , one of my Maids brought upon an old piece of wood , or stone ( which it was I cannot perfectly remember ) something to me which seemed to grow out of that same piece ; it was about the length of half an inch or less , the tail was short and square , and seemed to be a Vegetable , for it was as green as a green small stalk , growing out of the aforesaid piece of stone or wood ; the part next the tail was like a thin skin , wherein one might perceive a perfect pulsation , and was big in proportion to the rest of the parts ; The part next to that , was less in compass , and harder , but of such a substance as it was like Pewter or Tin : The last and extreme part opposite to the first mentioned green tail or stalk , seem'd like a head , round , onely it had two little points or horns before , which head seem'd to the eye and touch , like a stone , so that this Creature appeared partly a Vegetable , Animal and Mineral ; But what is more , it was in a continual motion , for the whole body of it seemed to struggle as if it would get loose from that piece of wood or stone the tail was joyned to , or out of which it grew ; But I cutting and dividing its tail from the said piece , it ceased to move , and I did not regard it any further . After some while I found just such another insect , which I laid by upon the window , and one morning I spied two Butter-flies playing about it ; which , knowing the window had been close shut all the while , and finding the insect all empty , and onely like a bare shell or skin , I supposed had been bred out of it ; for the shell was not onely hollow and thin , but so brittle as it straight fell into pieces , and did somewhat resemble the skin of a Snake when it is cast ; and it is observable , that two Butter-flies were produced out of one shell , which I supposed to be male and female . But yet this latter I will not certainly affirm , for I could not discern them with my eyes , except I had had some Microscope , but a thousand to one I might have been also deceived by it ; and had I opened this insect , or shell , at first , it might perhaps have given those Butter-flies an untimely death , or rather hinder'd their production . This is all I have observed of Butter-flies , but I have heard also that Caterpillars are transformed into Butter-flies ; whether it be true or not , I will not dispute , onely this I dare say , that I have seen Caterpillers spin as Silk-worms do , an oval ball about their seed , or rather about themselves . 11. Of the Walking Motions of Flies , and other Creatures . WHat Experimental Writers mention concerning the feet of Flies , and their structure , to wit , that they have two claws or talons , and two palms or soles , by the help of which they can walk on the sides of glass , or other smooth bodies perpendicularly upwards ; If this be the onely reason they can give , then certainly a Dormouse must have the same structure of feet ; for she will , as well as a flie , run streight upwards on the sharp edg of a glazed or well-polished Sword , which is more difficult then to run up the sides of Glass : And as for Flies , that they can suspend themselves against the undersurface of many bodies ; I say , not onely Flies , but many other Creatures will do the same ; for not onely great Caterpillers , or such worms as have many leggs , as also Spiders , but a Neut , which is but a little Creature , will run up a wall in a perpendicular line ; nay , walk as Flies do with its back down , and its leggs upwards . Wherefore it is not , in my opinion , the Pores of the surface of the body , on which those Creatures walk ; as for example , that a Flie should run the tenters or points of her feet , which some have observed through a Microscope , into the pores of such bodies she walks on , or make pores where she finds none ; ( for I cannot believe , that in such close and dense bodies , where no pores at all can be perceived , a small and weak legg of a Flie should pierce a hole so suddenly , and with one step ) Nor an Imaginary Glue , nor a dirty or smoaky substance adhering to the surface of glass , as some do conceive ; nor so much the lightness of their bodies that makes those Creatures walk in such a posture ; for many can do the same that are a thousand times heavier then a little Flie ; but the chief cause is the shape of their bodies ; which being longer then they are deep , one counterpoises the other ; for the depth of their bodies has not so much weight as their length , neither are their heads and leggs just opposite : Besides , many have a great number of feet , which may easily bear up the weight of their bodies ; and although some Creatures , as Horses , Sheep , Oxon , &c. have their leggs set on in the same manner as Mice , Squirrels , Cats , &c. yet they cannot run or climb upwards and downwards in a perpendicular line , as well as these Creatures do , by reason of the depth of their bodies from the soles of their feet to the surface of their back , the weight of their depth over-powering the strength of their leggs . Wherefore the weight of a Creature lies for the most part in the shape of its body , which shape gives it such sorts of actions as are proper for it ; as for example , a Bird flies by its shape , a Worm crawls by its shape , a Fish swims by its shape , and a heavy Ship will bear it self up on the surface of water meerly by its exterior shape , it being not so much the interior figure or nature of Wood that gives it this faculty of bearing up , by reason we see that many pieces of Timber will sink down to the bottom in water . Thus Heaviness and Lightness is for the most part caused by the shape or figure of the body of a Creature , and all its exterior actions depend upon the exterior shape of its body . Whether it be possible to make Man and other Animal Creatures that naturally have no Wings , flie as Birds do . SOme are of opinion , that is not impossible to make Man , and such other Creatures that naturally have no wings , flie as Birds do ; but I have heard my Noble Lord and Husband give good reasons against it ; For when he was in Paris , he discoursing one time with Mr. H. concerning this subject , told him that he thought it altogether impossible to be done : A Man , said he , or the like animal that has no Wings , has his arms set on his body in a quite opposite manner then Birds wings are ; for the concave part of a Birds wing , which joins close to his body , is in man outward ; and the inward part of a mans arm where it joins to his body , is in Birds placed outward ; so that which is inward in a Bird , is outward in Man ; and what is inward in Man , is outward in Birds ; which is the reason that a Man has not the same motion of his arm which a Bird has of his wing . For Flying is but swimming in the Air ; and Birds , by the shape and posture of their wings , do thrust away the air , and so keep themselves up ; which shape , if it were found the same in Mans arms , and other animals leggs , they might perhaps flie as Birds do , nay , without the help of Feathers ; for we see that Bats have but flesh-wings ; neither would the bulk of their bodies be any hinderance to them ; for there be many Birds of great and heavy bodies , which do nevertheless flie , although more slowly , and not so nimbly as Flies , or little Birds : Wherefore it is onely the different posture and shape of Mens arms , and other Animals leggs , contrary to the wings of Birds , that makes them unapt to flie , and not so much the bulk of their bodies . But I believe , that a four-legg'd Creature , or Animal , may more easily and safely go upright like Man , although it hath its leggs set on in a contrary manner to Mans arms and leggs ; for a four-legg'd animals hind-leggs resemble man's arms , and its fore-leggs are just as man's leggs . Nevertheless there is no Art that can make a four legg'd Creature imitate the actions of man , no more then Art can make them have or imitate the natural actions of a Bird : For , Art cannot give new motions to natural parts , which are not proper or natural for them , but each part must have such proper and natural motions and actions as Nature has designed for it . I will not say , but Art may help to mend some defects , errors or irregularities in Nature , but not make better that which Nature has made perfect already . Neither can we say Man is defective , because he cannot flie as Birds : for flying is not his natural and proper motion ; We should rather account that Man monstrous that could flie , as having some motion not natural and proper to his figure and shape ; for that Creature is perfect in its kind , that has all the motions which are naturally requisite to the figure of such a kind : But Man is apt to run into extreams , and spoils Nature with doting too much upon Art. 13. Of Snails and Leeches , and whether all Animals have blood . WHether Snails have a row of small teeth , orderly placed in the Gums , and divided into several smaller and greater ; or whether they have but one small bended hard bone , which serves them instead of teeth , to bite out pretty large and half-round bits of the leaves of trees to feed on , Experimental Philosophers may enquire by the help of their Microscopes ; My opinion is , That Snails are like Leeches , which will not onely bite , but suck ; but this I do verily believe , that Snails onely bite Vegetables , not Animals , as Leeches do ; and though Leeches bite into the skin , yet they do not take any part away , but suck onely out the juicy part , that is , the blood , and leave the grosser substance of flesh behind ; and so do Snails bite into herbs , to suck out the juicy substance , or else there would be found flesh in Leeches , and herbs in Snails , which is not ; so that Snails and Leeches bite for no end , but onely to make a passage to suck out the juicy parts ; and therefore I cannot perceive that they have bones , but I conceive their teeth or parts they pierce withal , to be somewhat of the nature of stings , which are no more Bones then the points of Fire are ; I do not certainly affirm they are stings , but my meaning is , that they are pointed or piercing figures , that is , as I said , of the nature of stings , there being many several sorts of pointed and piercing figures , which yet are not stings , like as there are several sorts of grinding and biting figures which are not teeth ; for there are so many several sorts of figures in Vegetables , Minerals , Animals and Elements , as no particular Creature is able to conceive . Again , it is questioned , whether those Creatures that suck blood from others , have blood themselves , as naturally belonging to their own substance ; and my opinion is , that it is no necessary consequence , that that should be a part of their substance on which they feed ; food may be converted into the substance of their bodies by the figurative transforming motions , but it is not part of their substance before it is converted ; and so many Creatures may feed on blood , but yet have none of themselves as a natural constitutive part of their being : besides , there are Maggots , Worms , and several sorts of Flies , and other Creatures , that feed upon fruits and herbs , as also Lobsters , Crabs , &c. which neither suck blood , nor have blood , and therefore blood is not requisite to the life of every animal , although it is to the life of man , and several other animal Creatures ; Neither do I believe , that all the juice in the veins , is blood ( as some do conceive ) for some of the juice may be in the way of being blood , and some may have altered its nature from being blood , to corruption , which later will never be blood again , and some may onely be metamorphosed from blood , and reassume its own colour again ; for it is as natural for blood to be red , as for the Sun to be light : Wherefore when some learned are of opinion , that those white , or yellow , or black juices which are found in the veins of small insects , are their blood , they might as well say , that brains are blood , or that the marrow in the bones , is blood ; or if the brain should all be turned to water , say , that this water is brains ; which would be as much as if one should call a mans body turned to dust and ashes , an animal Creature , or a man ; for there are natural properties which belong to every Creature , and to each particular part of a Creature , and so is blood in some animals a natural vital part proper to the conservation of its life , without which it cannot subsist : for example , a young Maid in the Green-sickness , when her veins are fuller of water , then blood , appears pale , and is always sickly , weak and faint , not able to stir , by reason her veins are fuller of water then blood , but were it all water , she would presently die . Wherefore all juices are not blood ; nay , I cannot believe as yet , that those they call veins in some insects , are veins , much less that they contain blood , and have a circulation of blood , nor that their motions proceed from Muscles , Nerves and Tendons ; but this I may say , that the veins are the proper and convenient vehicles or receptacles of blood , as the head is of brains , and the bones of marrow ; also it is as proper for blood to be red , as for veins to contain blood , for bones to contain marrow , and for the head to contain brains ; and when they alter or change from their particular natures , they are no more blood , brains nor marrow : Wherefore those Creatures that have a juice which is not red , have no blood ; and if no blood , they have no veins . I will not say , that all those that have veins must of necessity have them full of blood ; for in Dropsies , as also in the Green-sickness , as I mentioned above , they are fuller of water then blood , but they must of necessity have some blood in their veins , by reason the veins are the most proper receptacles for blood , and no man can live without blood , but when all blood is turned to water , he must of necessity die . 14. Of Natural Productions . I Cannot wonder with those , who admire that a Creature which inhabits the air , doth yet produce a Creature , that for some time lives in the water as a fish , and afterward becomes an inhabitant of the air , for this is but a production of one animal from another ; but what is more , I observe that there are productions of and from Creatures of quite different kinds ; as for example , that Vegetables can and do breed Animals , and Animals , Minerals and Vegetables , and so forth : Neither do I so much wonder at this , because I observe that all Creatures of Nature are produced but out of one matter , which is common to all , and that there are continual and perpetual generations and productions in Nature , as well as there are perpetual dissolutions . But yet I cannot believe , that some sorts of Creatures should be produced on a sudden by the way of transmigration or translation of parts , which is the most usual way of natural productions ; for both natural and artificial productions are performed by degrees , which requires time , and is not done in an instant . Neither can I believe , that all natural things are produced by the way of seeds or eggs ; for when I consider the variety of Nature , it will not give me leave to think that all things are produced after one and the same manner or way , by reason the figurative motions are too different , and too diversly various , to be tied to one way of acting in all productions ; Wherefore as some Productions are done by the way of transmigration or translation of parts , as for example , the Generation of Man , and other Animals , and others by a bare Metamorphosis or Transformation of their own parts into some other figure , as in the Generation of Maggots out of Cheese , or in the production of Ice out of water , and many the like , so each way has its own particular motions , which no particular Creature can persectly know . I have mentioned in my Philosophical Letters , that no animal Creature can be produced by the way of Metamorphosing , which is a change of Motions in the same parts of Matter , but ( as I do also express in the same place ) I mean such animals which are produced one from another , and where the production of one is not caused by the destruction of the other ; such Creatures , I say , it is impossible they should be produced by a bare Metamorphosis , without Transmigration or Translation of parts from the Generator : but such insects , as Maggots , and several sorts of Worms and Flies , and the like , which have no Generator of their own kind , but are bred out of Cheese , Earth and Dung , &c. their Production is onely by the way of Metamorphosing , and not Trans-slation of parts . Neither can I believe , as some do , that the Sun is the common Generator of all those insects that are bred within the Earth ; for there are not onely Productions of Minerals and Vegetables , but also of Animals in the Earth deeper then the Sun can reach , and the heat of the Sun can pierce no further then cold can , which is not above two yards from the surface of the Earth , at least in our climate : But why may not the Earth , without the help of the Sun , produce Animal Creatures , as well as a piece of Cheese in a deep Cellar , where neither the Sun nor his Beams enter ? Truly , I wonder men will confine all Productions to one principal agent , and make the Sun the common Generator of all or most living insects , and yet confess that Nature is so full of variety , and that the Generations and Productions of insects are so various , as not onely the same kind of Creature may be produced from several kinds of ways , but the very same Creature may produce several kinds . Nevertheless , I believe that natural Creatures are more numerously and variously produced by dissolution of particulars by the way of Metamorphosing , then by a continued propagation of their own species by the way of translation of parts ; and that Nature hath many more ways of Productions , then by seeds or seminal Principles , even in Vegetables , witness the Generation or Production of Moss , and the like Vegetables that grow on Stones , Walls , dead Animals sculls , tops of houses , &c. so that he who doth confine Nature but to one way of acting or moving , had better to deprive her of all motion , for Nature being Infinite , has also infinite ways of acting in her particulars . Some are of opinion , that the seed of Moss being exceeding small and light , is taken up , and carried to and fro in the air into every place , and by the falling drops of rain , is wash'd down out of it , and so dispersed into all places , and there takes onely root and propagates where it finds a convenient soil for it to thrive in ; but this is onely a wild fancy , and has no ground , and no experimental Writer shall ever perswade me , that by his Dioptrical glasses he has made any such experiment ; wherefore I insist upon sense and reason , which inform me of the various productions of Nature , which cannot be reduced to one principal kind , but are more numerous then mans particular and finite reason can conceive . Neither is it a wonder to see Plants grow out of the Earth without any waste of the Earth , by reason there are perpetual compositions and divisions in Nature , which are nothing else but an uniting and disjoyning of parts to and from parts , and prove that there is an interchangeable ingress and egress , or a reciprocal breathing in all Natures parts , not perceptible by man ; so that no man can tell the association of parts , and growing motions of any one , much less of all Creatures . 15. Of the Seeds of Vegetables . SOme do call the seeds of Vegetables , the Cabinet of Nature , wherein are laid up her Jewels ; but this , in my opinion , is a very hard and improper expression ; for I cannot conceive what Jewels Nature has , nor in what Cabinet she preserves them . Neither are the seeds of Vegetables more then other parts or Creatures of Nature : But I suppose some conceive Nature to be like a Granary or Store-house of Pinebarley , or the like ; which if so , I would fain know in what grounds those seeds should be sown to produce and increase ; for no seeds can produce of themselves if they be not assisted by some other matter , which proves , that seeds are not the prime or principal Creatures in Nature , by reason they depend upon some other matter which helps them in their productions ; for if seeds of Vegetables did lie never so long in a store-house , or any other place , they would never produce until they were put into some proper and convenient ground : It is also an argument , that no Creature or part of Nature can subsist singly and precised from all the rest , but that all parts must live together ; and since no part can subsist and live without the other , no part can also be called prime or principal . Nevertheless all seeds have life as well as other Creatures ; neither is it a Paradox to say , seeds are buried in life , and yet do live ; for what is not in present act , we may call buried , intombed or inurned in the power of life ; as for example , a man , when his figure is dissolved , his parts dispersed , and joyned with others , we may say his former form or figure of being such a particular man is buried in its dissolution , and yet liveth in the composition of other parts , or which is all one , he doth no more live the life of a Man , but the life of some other Creature he is transformed into by the transforming and figuring motions of Nature ; nay , although every particle of his former figure were joyned with several other parts and particles of Nature , and every particle of the dissolved figure were altered from its former figure into several other figures , nevertheless each of these Particles would not onely have life , by reason it has motion , but also the former figure would still remain in all those Particles , though dispersed , and living several sorts of lives , there being nothing in Nature that can be lost or annihilated , but Nature is and continues still the same as she was , without the least addition or diminution of any the least thing or part , and all the varieties and changes of natural productions proceed onely from the various changes of Motion . But to return to seeds ; some Experimental Writers have observed , that the seed of Corn-violets , which looks almost like a very small Flea , through the Microscope appears a large body cover'd with a tough , thick and bright reflecting skin , very irregularly shrunk and pitted , insomuch that it is almost an impossibility to find two of them wrinkled alike , and wonder that there is such variety even in this little seed : But to me it is no wonder , when I consider the variety of Nature in all her works , not onely in the exterior , but also in the interior parts of every Creature ; but rather a wonder to see two Creatures just alike each other in their exterior figures . And since the exterior figures of Creatures are not the same with the interior , but in many or most Creatures quite different , it is impossible that the exterior shape and structure of bodies can afford us sure and excellent instructions to the knowledg of their natures and interior motions , as some do conceive ; for how shall a feather inform us of the interior nature of a Bird ? we may see the exterior flying motions of a Bird by the help of its wings , but they cannot give us an information of the productive and figurative motions of all the interior parts of a Bird , and what makes it to be such a Creature , no more then the exterior view of a mans head , arms , legs , &c. can give an Information of his interior Parts , viz. the spleen , liver , lungs , &c. Also in Vegetables ; although those sorts of Vegetables which are outwardly burning may be outwardly pointed , and they that are hot and burning within may be inwardly pointed , yet no Microscope is able to present to our view those inward points by the inspection of the exterior figure and shape of those Vegetables : Neither doth it follow , that all those which are outwardly pointed , must needs be of a hot and burning nature , except they be also pointed inwardly . Nay although some particular Creatures should seem to resemble each other in their exterior shapes and figures so much as not to be distinguished at the first view , yet upon better acquaintance we shall find a great difference betwixt them ; which shews that there is more variety and difference amongst Natures works , then our weak senses are able to perceive ; nay , more variety in one particular Creature , as for example , in Man , then all the kind or sort of that Creature , viz. Mankind , is able to know . And if there be such difference betwixt the exterior figures of Creatures of one sort , what may there be betwixt their exterior shapes and interior natures ? Nevertheless , although there be such variety , not onely in the General kinds of Creatures , but in every Particular , yet there is but one ground or principle of all this variety , which is self-motion , or self-moving Matter . And I cannot enough admire the strange conceits of some men , who perceiving and believing such a curious variety and various curiosity of Nature in the parts of her body , and that she is in a perpetual motion , and knows best her own Laws , and the several proprieties of bodies , and how to adapt and fit them to her designed ends , nay , that God hath implanted a faculty of knowing in every Creature , do yet deny , nay , rail against Natures self-moving power , condemning her as a dull , inanimate , senseless and irrational body , as if a rational man could conceive , that such a curious variety and contrivance of natural works should be produced by a senseless and irational motion ; or that Nature was full of immaterial spirits , which did work Natural matter into such various figures ; or that all this variety should be caused by an Immaterial motion , which is generated out of nothing , and annihilated in a moment ; for no man can conceive or think of motion without body , and if it be above thought , then surely it is above act . But I rather cease to wonder at those strange and irregular opinions of Man-kind , since even they themselves do justifie and prove the variety of Nature ; for what we call Irregularities in Nature , are really nothing but a variety of Natures motions ; and therefore if all mens conceits , fancies and opinions were rational , there would not be so much variety as there is . Concerning those that say , there is no variety in the Elemental Kingdom , as Air , Water , and Earth ; Air and Water having no form at all , unless a potentiality to be formed into globules , and that the clods and parcels of Earth are all Irregular . I answer , This is more then Man is able to know : But by reason their Microscopes cannot make such Hermaphroditical figures of the Elements , as they can of Minerals , Vegetables and Animals , they conclude there is no such variety in them ; when as yet we do plainly perceive that there are several sorts of Air , Fire , Water , Earth , and no doubt but these several sorts , and their particulars , are as variously figured as other Creatures : Truly it is no consequence to deny the being of that which we do not see or perceive ; for this were to attribute a Universal and Infinite knowledg to our weak and imperfect senses . And therefore I cannot believe , that the Omnipotent Creator has written and engraven his most mysterious Designs and Counsels onely in one sort of Creatures ; since all parts of Nature , their various productions and curious contrivances , do make known the Omnipotency of God , not onely those of little , but also those of great sizes ; for in all figures , sizes and actions is apparent the curious variety of Nature , and the Omnipotency of the Cretor , who has given Nature a self-moving power to produce all these varieties in her self ; which varieties do evidently prove , that Nature doth not work in all Creatures alike : nor that she has but one Primary or Principal sort of motions by which she produces all Creatures , as some do conceive the manner of wreathing and unwreathing , which they have observed in the beard of a Wild-oat , mentioned before , to be the first foot step of sensation and animate motion , and the most plain , simple and obvious contrivance Nature has made use of to produce a motion next to that of rarefaction and condensation by heat and cold ; for this is a very wild and extravagant conceit , to measure the infinite actions of Nature according to the rule of one particular sort of motions , which any one that has the perfect use of his sense and reason may easily see , and therefore I need not to bring many arguments to contradict it . 16. Of the Providence of Nature , and of some Opinions concerning Motion . COncerning those that speak of the Providence of Nature , & the preserving of Vegetables , to wit , that Nature is very curious and careful in preserving their seminal principles , and lays them in most convenient , strong and delicate cabinets for their safer protection from outward danger : I confess , Nature may make such protections , that one Creature may have some defence from the injuries and assaults of its fellow-Creatures ; but these assaults are nothing but dissolving motions , as friendly and amiable associations are nothing else but composing motions ; neither can any thing be lost in Nature , for even the least particle of Nature remains as long as Nature her self . And if there be any Providence in Nature , then certainly Nature has knowledg and wisdom ; and if she hath knowledg and wisdom , then she has sense and reason ; and if sense and reason , then she has self-motion ; and if Nature has self-motion , then none of her parts can be called inanimate or soul-less : for Motion is the life and soul of Nature , and of all her parts ; and if the body be animate , the parts must be so too , there being no part of the animate body of Nature that can be dead , or without motion ; whereof an instance might be given of animal bodies , whose parts have all animal life , as well as the body it self : Wherefore those that allow a soul , or an informing , actuating and animating form or faculty in Nature and her parts , and yet call some parts inanimate or soul-less , do absolutely contradict themselves . And those that say , all the varieties of Nature are produced , not by self-motion , but that one part moves another , must at last come to something that moves it self : besides , it is not probable , that one part moving another , should produce all things so orderly and wisely as they are in Nature . But those that say Motion is no substance , and consequently not material , and yet allow a generation and annihilation of Motion , speak , in my opinion , non-sence : for first , how can self-motion , the Author and Producer of all things , work all the varieties that are in Nature , and be nothing it self ? Next , how can that which is nothing ( for all that is not Material is nothing in Nature , or no part of Nature ) be generated and annihilated ? Nay , if Motion be Material , as surely it is , yet there can neither be a new generation , nor an annihilation of any particular Motion in Nature ; for all that is material in Nature has its being in and from Infinite Matter , which is from Eternity , it being impossible that any other new Matter should be created besides this Infinite Matter out of which all natural things consist , or that any part of this matter should be lost or annihilated . But perhaps those that believe new generations and annihilations of particular motions , may say , that their opinion is not as if those particular Motions were generated out of some new matter , but that the matter of such motions is the same with the matter of all other natural Creatures , and that their perishing or annihilation is not an utter destruction or loss of their being out of Nature , but onely of being such or such a motion , like as some Vegetables and Elements are generated and perish in one night : Truly , if their meaning be thus , then it were better to name it an alteration or change of Motion , rather then a new Generation , and a Perishing or Annihilation . But my intention is not to plead for other mens opinions , but rather to clear my own , which is , that Motion is material ; for Figure , Motion and Matter are but one thing ; and that no particular Motion is or can be lost in Nature , nor created anew ; as I have declared more at large elsewhere . 17. Des Cartes Opinion of Motion examined . I Cannot well apprehend what Des Cartes means , by Matter being at first set a moving by a strong and lively action , and by his extraordinary swift rotation or whirling motion about the Center ; as also by the shavings of his aethereal subtil Matter which fill'd up all vacuities and pores , and his aethereal globules ; I would ask whether this kind of motion did still continue ; if so , then not onely the rugged and uneven parts , but also the aethereal globules would become less by this continual rotation , and would make this world a very weak , dizzie , and tottering world ; and if there be any such shaving and lessening , then according to his principles there must also be some reaction , or a reacting and resisting motion , and then there would be two opposite motions which would hinder each other . But I suppose he conceived , that Nature , or the God of Nature , did produce the world after a Mechanical way , and according as we see Turners , and such kind of Artificers work ; which if so , then the Art of Turning is the prime and fundamental of all other Mechanical Arts , and ought to have place before the rest , and a Turner ought to be the prime and chief of all Mechanicks , and highly esteemed ; but alas ! that sort of people is least regarded ; and though by their turning Art they make many dusty shavings , yet they get but little profit by them ; for all they get is by their several wooden figures they make , as Spoons , Ladles , Cups , Bowls , Trenchers , and the like , and not by their shavings . Wherefore as all other Mechanicks do not derive their Arts from Turners , so neither is it probable , that this world and all natural Creatures are produced by a whirling Motion , or a spherical rotation , as if some spirits were playing at Bowls or Foot-ball ; for as I have often mentioned , Nature has infinite ways of Motions , whereof none is prime or principal , but self-motion , which is the producer of all the varieties Nature has within her self . Next , as for his Opinion of transferring and imparting Motion to other bodies , and that that body which imparts Motion to another body , loses as much as it gives , I have answer'd in my Philosophical Letters ; to wit , that it is most improbable , by reason Motion being material and inseparable from Matter , cannot be imparted without Matter ; and if not , then the body that receives Motion would increase in bulk , and the other that loses Motion would decrease , by reason of the addition and diminution of the parts of Matter , which must of necessity increase and lessen the bulk of the body , the contrary whereof is sufficiently known . 18. Of the blackness of a Charcoal , and of Light. I Cannot in reason give my consent to those Dioptrical Writers , who conceive that the blackness of a Charcoal proceeds from the Porousness of its parts , and the absence of light , viz. that light , not being reflected in the Pores of a Charcoal , doth make it obscure , and consequently appear black ; for the opinion which holds that all Colours are caused by the various reflexion of Light , has but a weak and uncertain Ground , by reason the refraction or reflection of light is so inconstant , as it varies and alters continually ; and there being so many reflexions and positions of Light , if they were the true cause of Colours , no Colour would appear constantly the same , but change variously , according to the various reflexion of Light ; whereas , on the contrary , we see that natural and inherent Colours continue always the same , let the position and reflection of Light be as it will ; besides , there being different coloured Creatures , if all had the same position and reflexion of light , they would not appear of divers , but all of one colour , the contrary whereof is proved by experience . I will not say , but the refraction and various position of light may vary and alter a natural and inherent colour exteriously so , as to cause , for example , a natural blew to appear green , or a natural green to appear red , &c. but those figures which light makes , being but superficially and loosely spread upon other natural and substantial figures , are so uncertain , inconstant and momentary , that they do change according as the reflexion and position of light alters ; and therefore they cannot cause or produce any natural or inherent colours , for these are not superficial , but fixt , and remain constantly the same . And as for blackness , that it should be caused by the absence of light , I think it to be no more probable , then that light is the cause of our sight ; for if the blackness of a Charcoal did proceed from the absence of light in its pores , then a black Horse would have more or deeper pores then a white one , or a sorrel , or any other coloured Horse ; also a black Moor would have larger Pores then a man of a white complexion ; and black Sattin , or any black Stuff , would have deeper pores then white Stuff : But if a fair white Lady should bruise her arm , so as it did appear black , can any one believe that light would be more absent from that bruised part then from any other part of her arm that is white , or that light should reflect otherwise upon that bruised part , then on any other ? Also can any body believe , that the reflexion of light on a decayed Ladies face , should be the cause that her complexion is altered from what it was when she was young , and appeared beautiful and fair ? Certainly Light is no more the cause of her Complexion then of her Wrinkles , or else she would never complain of Age , but of Light. But to prove further , that the entering of light into the pores of exterior bodies , can neither make perception nor colours ; if this were so , then the entering of light into the pores of the Eye , would make it perceive all things of as many colours as a Rain-bow hath : besides , if several Eyes should have several shaped Pores , none would agree in the perception of the colour of an exterior object , or else it would so dazle the sight , as no object would be truly perceived in its natural colour ; for it would breed a confusion between those reflexions of light that are made in the pores of the eye , and those that are made in the pores of the object , as being not probable they would agree , since all pores are not just alike , or of the same bigness ; so as what with Air , Light , Particles , and Pores jumbled together , and thrust or crowded into so small a compass , it would make such a confusion and Chaos of colours , as I may call it , that no sight would be able to discern them ; wherefore it is no more probable that the perception of sight is caused by the entering of light into the pores of the Eye , then that the perception of smoak is caused by its entrance into the Eye : And I wonder rational men do believe , or at least conceive Natures actions to be so confused and disordered , when as yet sense and reason may perceive that Nature works both easily and orderly , and therefore I rather believe , that as all other Creatures , so also light is patterned out by the corporeal figurative and perceptive motions of the optick sense , and not that its perception is made by its'entrance into the eye , or by pressure and reaction , or by confused mixtures , by reason the way of Patterning is an easie alteration of parts , when as all others are forced and constrained , nay , unsetled , inconstant and uncertain ; for how should the fluid particles of air and light be able to produce a constant and setled effect , being so changeable themselves , what instances soever of Geometrical figures be drawn hither to evince it ? if Man knew Natures Geometry , he might perhaps do something , but his artificial figures will never find out the architecture of Nature , which is beyond his perception or capacity . But some may object , That neither colour , nor any other object can be seen or perceived without light , and therefore light must needs be the cause of colours , as well as of our optick perception . To which I answer , Although we cannot regularly see any other bodies without light , by reason darkness doth involve them , yet we perceive darkness and night without the help of light . They will say , We perceive darkness onely by the absence of light . I answer , If all the Perception of the optick sense did come from light , then the Perception of night or darkness would be no perception at all , which is a Paradox , and contrary to common experience , nay , to sense and reason , for black requires as much Perception as white , and so doth darkness and night . Neither could we say , it is dark , or it is night , if we did not perceive it to be so , or had no perception at all of it : The truth is , we perceive as much darkness as we do light , and as much black as we do white ; for although darkness doth not present to our view other objects , so as light doth , but conceals them , yet this doth not infer that darkness is not perceived ; for darkness must needs do so , by reason it is opposite to light , and its corporeal figurative motions are quite contrary to the motions of light , and therefore it must also of necessity have contrary effects ; wherefore the error of those that will not allow darkness to be a corporeal figurative motion , as well as light , but onely a privation or absence of light , cannot make it nothing ; but it is on the contrary well known , that darkness has a being as well as light has , and that it is something , and not nothing , by reason we do perceive it ; but he that perceives , must needs perceive something , for no perception can be of nothing : besides , I have declared elsewhere , that we do see in dreams , and that mad men see objects in the dark , without the help of light : which proves , it is not the presence or entering of light into the eye , that causes our seeing , nor the absence of light , which takes away our optick Perception , but light onely doth present exterior objects to our view , so as we may the better perceive them . Neither is a colour lost or lessened in the dark , but it is onely concealed from the ordinary perception of humane sight ; for truly , if colours should not be colours in the dark , then it might as rationally be said , that a man's flesh and blood is not flesh and blood in the dark , when it is not seen by a humane eye : I will not say , that the smalness and fineness of parts may not make colours appear more glorious ; for colours are like artificial Paintings , the gentler and finer their draughts and lines are , the smoother and glossier appear their works ; but smalness and fineness is not the true cause of colours , that is , it doth not make colours to be colours , although it makes colours fine . And thus black is not black through the absence of Light , no more then white can be white by the presence of light ; but blackness is one sort of colour , whiteness another , redness another , and so of the rest : Whereof some are superficial and changeable , to wit , such as are made by the reflection of light , others fixt and inherent , viz. such as are in several sorts of Minerals , Vegetables and Animals ; and others again are produced by Art , as by Dying and Painting ; which Artists know best how to order by their several mixtures . 19. Of the Pores of a Charcoal , and of Emptiness . ALthough I cannot believe , that the absence of Light in the Pores of a Charcoal is the cause of its blackness ; yet I do not question the truth of its Pores : for that all , or most Creatures have Pores , I have declared before ; which Pores are nothing else but passages to receive and discharge some parts of matter ; and therefore the opinion of those that believe an entering of some Particles of exterior bodies through the Pores of animal Creatures , and an intermixing with their interior parts ; as that , for example , in the bathing in Mineral Waters , the liquid and warm vehicles of the Mineral Particles , do by degrees insinuate themselves into the pores of the skin , and intermix with the inner parts of the body , is very rational ; for this is a convenient way of conveighing exteterior parts into the body , and may be effectual either to good or bad ; and although the pores be very small , yet they are numerous , so that the number of the pores supplies the want of their largeness . But yet although Pores are passages for other bodies to issue or enter , nevertheless they are not empty , there being no such thing as an emptiness in Nature ; for surely God , the fulness and Perfection of all things , would not suffer any Vacuum in Nature , which is a Pure Nothing ; Vacuum implies a want and imperfection of something , but all that God made by his All-powerful Command , was good and perfect ; Wherefore , although Charcoals and other bodies have Pores , yet they are fill'd with some subtile Matter not subject to our sensitive perception , and are not empty , but onely call'd so , by reason they are not fill'd up with some solid and gross substance perceptible by our senses . But some may say , if there be no emptiness in Nature , but all fulness of body , or bodily parts , then the spiritual or divine soul in Man , which inhabits his body , would not have room to reside in it . I answer , The Spiritual or Divine Soul in Man is not Natural , but Supernatural , and has also a Supernatural way of residing in man's body ; for Place belongs onely to bodies , and a Spirit being bodiless , has no need of a bodily place . But then they will say , That I make Spirit and Vacuum all one thing , by reason I describe a Spirit to be a Natural Nothing , and the same I say of Vacuum ; and hence it will follow , that particular Spirits are particular Emptinesses , and an Infinite Spirit an Infinite Vacuum . My answer is , That although a Spirit is a Natural nothing , yet it is a Supernatural something ; but a Vacnum is a Pure nothing , both Naturally and Supernaturally ; and God forbid I should be so irreligious , as to compare Spirits , and consequently God , who is an Infinite Spirit , to a Vacuum ; for God is All-fulfilling , and an Infinite Fulness and Perfection , though not a Corporeal or Material , yet a Supernatural , Spiritual , and Incomprehensible fulness ; when as Vacuum , although it is a corporeal word , yet in effect or reality is nothing , and expresses a want or imperfection , which cannot be said of any supernatural Creature , much less of God. 20. Of Colours . ALthough the sensitive perception doth pattern out the exterior figure of Colours , as easily as of any other object , yet all perceptions of Colours are not made by Patterning ; for as there are many perceptions which take no patterns from outward objects , so there are also perceptions of Colours which never were presented to our sensitive organs : Neither is any perception made by exterior objects , but by interior corporeal figurative motions ; for the object doth not print or act any way upon the eye , but it is the sensitive motions in the eye which pattern out the figure of the object : and it is to be observed , that as the parts of some bodies do consist of several different figures , which the learned call Heterogeneous , one figure being included within another ; and some again , their parts are but of one kind of figure , which they call Homogeneous bodies , as for example , Water : so it may be with Colours ; for some , their parts may be quite thorow of one colour , and others again , may be of several colours ; and indeed , most Creatures , as they have different parts , so those different parts have also different colours ; and as those parts do alter , so do their colours : For example , a Man that is in good health , looks of a sanguine complexion , but being troubled with the Yellow or black Jaundies , his complexion is of the colour of the humor ; either black , or yellow ; yet it doth not proceed always from the over-flowing of the humor towards the exterior parts ; for many times , when the humor is obstructed , it will cause the same effect ; but then the corporeal motions in the extream parts alter by way of Imitation or Metamorphosing , as from a sanguine colour into the colour of the predominant humor : Wherefore it is no more wonder to see colours change in the tempering of Steel ( as some are pleased to alledg this experiment ) then to see Steel change and rechange its temper from being hard to soft , from tough to brittle , &c. which changes prove , that colours are material as well as steel , so that the alteration of the corporeal parts , is the alteration of the corporeal figures of colours . They also prove , that Light is not essential to colours ; for although some colours are made by several Reflexions , Refractions and Positions of Light , yet Light is not the true and natural cause of all colours ; but those colours that are made by light , are most inconstant , momentany and alterable , by reason light and its effects are very changeable : Neither are colours made by a bare motion , for there is no such thing as a bare or immaterial Motion in Nature ; but both Light and Colours are made by the corporeal figurative motions of Nature ; and according to the various changes of those Motions , there are also various and different Lights and Colours ; and the perception of light and Colours is made and dissolved by the sensitive figurative motions in the optick sensorium , without the exchange of exterior objects ; but as the slackest , loosest or rarest parts are of least solid or composed corporeal figures , so are they most apt to change and rechange upon the least disorder , as may well be observed in colours raised by Passions , as fear , anger , or the like , which will change not onely the complexion and countenance , but the very features will have some alteration for a short time , and many times the whole body will be so altered , as not to be rightly composed again for a good while ; nay , often there follows a total dissolution of the whole figure , which we call death . And at all this we need not wonder , if we do but consider that Nature is full of sense and reason , that is , of sensitive and rational perception , which is the cause that oftentimes the disturbance of one part causes all other parts of a composed figure to take an alarum ; for , as we may observe , it is so in all other composed bodies , even in those composed by Art ; as for example , in the Politick body of a Common-wealth , one Traytor is apt to cause all the Kingdom to take armes ; and although every member knows not particularly of the Traytor , and of the circumstances of his crime , yet every member , if regular , knows its particular duty , which causes a general agreement to assist each other ; and as it is with a Common-wealth , so it is also with an animal body ; for if there be factions amongst the parts of an animal body , then straight there arises a Civil War. Wherefore to return to Colours ; a sudden change of Colours may cause no wonder , by reason there is oftentimes in Nature a sudden change of parts , that is , an alteration of figures in the same parts : Neither is it more to be admired , that one colour should be within another , then one figurative part is within another ; for colours are figurative parts ; and as there are several Creatures , so there are also several Colours ; for the Colour of a Creature is as well corporeal as the Creature it self ; and ( to express my self as clearly as I can ) Colour is as much a body as Place and Magnitude , which are but one thing with body : wherefore when the body , or any corporeal part varies , whether solid or rare ; Place , Magnitude , Colour , and the like , must of necessity change or vary also ; which change is no annihilation or perishing , for as no particle of Matter can be lost in Nature , nor no particular motion , so neither can Colour ; and therefore the opinion of those , who say , That when Flax or Silk is divided into very small threads , or fine parts , those parts lose their colours , and being twisted , regain their colours , seems not conformable to Truth ; for the division of their parts doth not destroy their colours , nor the composing of those parts regain them ; but they being divided into such small and fine parts , it makes their colours , which are the finest of their exterior parts , not to be subject to our optick perception ; for what is very small or rare , is not subject to the humane optick sense ; wherefore there are these following conditions required to the optick perception of an exterior object : First , The object must not be too subtil , rare , or little , but of a certain degree of magnitude ; Next , It must not be too far distant , or without the reach of our sight ; then the medium must not be obstructed , so as to hinder our perception ; And lastly , our optick sensorium must be perfect , and the sensitive motions regular ; of which conditions , if any be wanting , there is either no perception at all , or it is an imperfect perception ; for the perception of seeing an exterior object , is nothing else but a patterning out of the figure of that same object by the sensitive figurative and perceptive motions ; but there are infinite parts that are beyond our humane perception , and it would be but a folly for us to deny that which we cannot see or perceive ; and if the perceptive motions be not regular in our optick sense , we may see different colours in one object ; nay , the corporeal figurative motions in the eye may make several figurative colours , even without the patterns of outward objects ; and as there are several colours , so there are also several corporeal figurative motions that make several colours in several parts ; and the more solid the parts are , the more fixt are their inherent natural colours : But superficial colours are more various , though not so various as they would be , if made by dusty Atomes , flying about as Flies in Sun-shine ; for if this opinion were true , all colours , and other Creatures would be composed or made by chance , rather then by reason , and chance being so ignorantly inconstant , not any two parts would be of the like colour , nor any kind or species would be preserved ; but Wise Nature , although she be full of variety , yet she is also full of reason , which is knowledg ; for there is no part of Nature that has not sense and reason , which is life and knowledg ; and if all the infinite parts have life and knowledg , Infinite Nature cannot be a fool or insensible : But mistake me not , for I do not mean , that her parts in particular are infinitely knowing , but I say Infinite Nature hath an Infinite knowledg ; and by reason Nature is material , she is divideable as well as composeable , which is the cause that there is an obscurity in her Parts , in particular , but not in general , that is , in Nature her self ; nay , if there were not an obscurity in the Particulars , men would not endeavour to prove inherent and natural figures by superficial Phaenomena's . But as for Colour , some do mention the example of a blind man , who could discover colours by touch ; and truly I cannot account it a wonder , because colours are corporeal figurative motions , and touch being a general sence , may well perceive by experience ( which is gained by practice ) some Notions of other sensitive perceptions ; as for example , a blind man may know by relation the several touches of Water , Milk , Broth , Jelly , Vinegar , Vitriol , &c. as well as what is hot , cold , rare , dense , hard , soft , or the like ; and if he have but his touch , hearing , speaking and smelling , perfectly , he may express the several knowledges of his several senses by one particular sense , or he may express one senses knowledg by another ; but if the senses be imperfect , he cannot have a true knowledg of any object . The same may be said of Colours ; for several Colours being made by several corporeal figurative motions , may well be perceived by a general sense , which is Touch : I will not say , that touch is the principle of all sensitive knowledg , for then I should be of the opinion of those Experimental Philosophers , which will have one principal motion or figure to be the cause of all Natural things ; but I onely say , animal touch may have some Notion of the other animal senses by the help of rational perception : all which proves , that every part is sensible , and every sense knowing , not onely in particular , but that one sense may have some general notion or knowledg of the rest ; for there are particular and general perceptions in sensitive and rational matter , which is the cause both of the variety and order of Nature's Works ; and therefore it is not necessary , that a black figure must be rough , and a white figure smooth : Neither are white and black the Ground-figures of Colours , as some do conceive , or as others do imagine , blew and yellow ; for no particular figure can be a principle , but they are all but effects ; and I think it is as great an error to believe Effects for Principles , as to judg of the Interior Natures and Motions of Creatures by their Exterior Phaenomena or appearances , which I observe in most of our modern Authors , whereof some are for Incorporeal Motions , others for Prime and Principal Figures , others for First Matter , others for the figures of dusty and insensible Atomes , that move by chance : when as neither Atomes , Corpuscles or Particles , nor Pores , Light , or the like , can be the cause of fixt and natural colours ; for if it were so , then there would be no stayed or solid colour , insomuch , as a Horse , or any other Creature , would be of more various colours then a Rain-bow ; but that several colours are of several figures , was always , and is still my opinion , and that the change of colours proceeds from the alteration of their figures , as I have more at large declared in my other Philosophical Works : Indeed Art can no more force certain Atomes or Particles to meet and join to the making of such a figure as Art would have , then it can make by a bare command Insensible Atomes to join into a Uniform World. I do not say this , as if there could not be Artificial Colours , or any Artificial Effects in Nature ; but my meaning onely is , that although Art can put several parts together , or divide and disjoyn them , yet it cannot make those parts move or work so as to alter their proper figures or interior natures , or to be the cause of changing and altering their own or other parts , any otherwise then they are by their Natures . Neither do I say , that no Colours are made by Light , but I say onely , that fixt colours are not made by Light ; and as for the opinion , that white bodies reflect the Light outward , and black bodies inward , as some Authors do imagine ; I answer , 'T is probable , some bodies may do so , but all white and black Colours are not made by such reflexions ; the truth is , some conceive all Colours to be made by one sort of Motion , like as some do believe that all sensation is made by pressure and reaction , and all heat by parts tending outward , and all cold by parts tending inward ; when as there are not onely several kinds of heat and cold , as Animal , Vegetable , Mineral and Elemental heat and cold , but several sorts in each kind , and different particulars in each sort ; for there is a moist heat , a dry heat , a burning , a dissolving , a composing , a dilating , a contracting heat , and many more : The like for colds ; all which several kinds , sorts and particulars , are made by the several changes of the corporeal figurative Motions of Nature , and not by Pressure and Reaction , or by tending inward and outward . And as there is so great a variety and difference amongst natural Creatures , both in their Perceptions and interior natures , so there are also varieties of their colours , the natural colours of men being different from the natural colours of Beasts , Birds , Fish , Worms , Flies , &c. Concerning their interior Natures , I 'le alledg but few examples ; although a Peacock , Parrot , Pye , or the like , are gay Birds , yet there is difference in their Gayety : Again ; although all men have flesh and blood , and are all of one particular kind , yet their interior natures and dispositions are so different , as seldom any two men are of the same complexion ; and as there is difference in their complexions , so in the exterior shapes and features of their exterior parts , in so much as it is a wonder to see two men just alike ; nay , as there is difference in the corporeal parts of their bodies , so in the corporeal parts of their minds , according to the old Proverb , So many Men , so many Minds : For there are different Understandings , Fancies , Conceptions , Imaginations , Judgments , Wits , Memories , Affections , Passions , and the like . Again : as in some Creatures there is difference both in their exterior features and interior natures , so in others there is found a resemblance onely in their exterior , and a difference in their interior parts ; and in others again , a resemblance in their interior , and a difference in their exterior parts ; as for example , black Ebony , and black Marble , are both of different natures , one being Wood , and the other Stone , and yet they resemble each other in their exterior colour and parts ; also , white , black , and gray Marble , are all of one interior Nature , and yet to differ in their exterior colour and parts : The same may be said of Chalk and Milk , which are both white , and yet of several natures ; as also of a Turquois , and the Skie , which both appear of one colour , and yet their natures are different : besides , there are so many stones of different colours , nay , stones of one sort , as for example , Diamonds , which appear of divers colours , and yet are all of the same Nature ; also Man's flesh , and the flesh of some other animals , doth so much resemble , as it can hardly be distinguished , and yet there is great difference betwixt Man and Beasts : Nay , not onely particular Creatures , but parts of one and the same Creature are different ; as for example , every part of mans body has a several touch , and every bit of meat we eat has a several taste , witness the several parts , as legs , wings , breast , head , &c. of some Fowl ; as also the several parts of Fish , and other Creatures . All which proves the Infinite variety in Nature , and that Nature is a perpetually self-moving body , dividing , composing , changing , forming and transforming her parts by self-corporeal figurative motions ; and as she has infinite corporeal figurative motions , which are her parts , so she has an infinite wisdom to order and govern her infinite parts ; for she has Infinite sense and reason , which is the cause that no part of hers is ignorant , but has some knowledg or other , and this Infinite variety of knowledg makes a general Infinite wisdom in Nature . And thus I have declared how Colours are made by the figurative corporeal motions , and that they are as various and different as all other Creatures , and when they appear either more or less , it is by the variation of their parts . But as for the experiment of Snow , which some do alledg , that in a darkned room , it is not perceived to have any other light then what it receives , doth not prove that the whiteness of Snow is not an inherent and natural colour , because it doth not reflect light , or because our eye doth not see it , no more then we can justly say , that blood is not blood , or flesh is not flesh in the dark , if our eye do not perceive it , or that the interior parts of Nature are colourless , because the exterior light makes no reflexion upon them .. Truly , in my judgment , those opinions , that no parts have colour , but those which the light reflects on , are neither probable to sense nor reason ; for how can we conceive any corporeal part without a colour ? In my opinion , it is as impossible to imagine a body without colour , as it is impossible for the mind to conceive a natural immaterial substance ; and if so pure a body as the mind cannot be colourless , much less are grosser bodies . But put the case all bodies that are not subject to exterior light were black as night , yet they would be of a colour , for black is as much a colour as green , or blew , or yellow , or the like ; but if all the interior parts of Nature be black , then , in my opinion , Nature is a very sad and melancholy Lady ; and those which are of such an opinion , surely their minds are more dark then the interior parts of Nature ; I will not hope that clouds of dusty Atomes have obscured them . But if not any Creature can have imagination without figure and colour , much less can the optick sensitive parts ; for the exterior sensitive parts are more gross then the rational , and therefore they cannot be without colour , no more then without figure : and although the exterior parts of Animals are subject to our touch , yet the countenances of those several exterior parts are no more perceptible by our touch , then several colours are : By Countenances , I mean the several exterior postures , motions , or appearances of each part ; for as there is difference betwixt a face , and a countenance ; ( for a face remains constantly the same , when as the countenance of a face may and doth change every moment ; as for example , there are smiling , frowning , joyful , sad , angry countenances , &c. ) so there is also a difference between the exterior figure or shape of a Creature , and the several and various motions , appearances or postures of the exterior parts of that Creatures exterior figure , whereof the former may be compared to a Face , and the later to a Countenance . But leaving this nice distinction ; If any one should ask me , Whether a Barbary-horse , or a Gennet , or a Turkish , or an English-horse , can be known and distinguished in the dark ? I answer : They may be distinguished as much as the blind man ( whereof mention hath been made before ) may discern colours , nay , more ; for the figure of a gross exterior shape of a body may sooner be perceived , then the more fine and pure countenance of Colours . To shut up this my discourse of Colours , I will briefly repeat what I have said before , viz. that there are natural and inherent colours which are fixt and constant , and superficial colours , which are changeable and inconstant , as also Artificial colours made by Painters and Dyers , and that it is impossible that any constant colour should be made by inconstant Atomes and various lights . 'T is true , there are streams of dust or dusty Atomes , which seem to move variously , upon which the Sun or light makes several reflections and refractions ; but yet I do not see , nor can I believe , that those dusty particles and light are the cause of fixt and inherent colours ; and therefore if Experimental Philosophers have no firmer grounds and principles then their Colours have , and if their opinions be as changeable as inconstant Atomes , and variable Lights , then their experiments will be of no great benefit and use to the world . Neither will Artificial Characters and Geometrical Figures be able to make their opinions and experiments more probable ; for they appear to me like Dr. Dee's numbers , who was directed by I know not what spirits , which Kelley saw in his holy stone , which neither of them did understand ; much less will Dioptrical glasses give any true Information of them , but they rather delude the sight ; for Art is not onely intricate and obscure , but a false informer , and rather blinds then informs any particular Creature of the Truth of Nature : but my reason perceives that Nature loves sometimes to act or work blind-fold in the actions of Art ; for although they be natural , yet they are but Natures blind , at least her winking or jugling actions , causing some parts or Creatures to deceive others , or else they are her politick actions by which she deceives her Creatures expectations , and by that means keeps them from knowing and understanding her subtile and wise Government . 21. Whether an Idea haue a Colour , and of the Idea of a Spirit . I Have declared in my former discourse , that there is no Colour without body , nor a body without colour , for we cannot think of a body without we think of colour too . To which some may object , That if colour be as proper to a body as matter , and if the mind be corporeal , then the mind is also coloured . I answer , The Mind , in my opinion , has as much colour as other parts of Nature . But then perhaps they will ask me , what colour the Mind is of ? My answer is , That the Mind , which is the rational part of Nature , is no more subject to one colour , then the Infinite parts of Nature are subject to one corporeal figurative motion ; for you can no more confine the corporeal mind to a particular complexion , then you can confine Infinite matter to one particular colour , or all colours to one particular figure . Again , they may ask , Whether an Idea have a colour ? and if so , whether the Idea of God be coloured ? To which I answer , If the Ideas be of corporeal finite figures , they have colours according to the nature , or property , or figure of the original ; but as for the Idea of God , it is impossible to have a corporeal Idea of an infinite incorporeal Being ; for though the finite parts of Nature may have a perception or knowledg of the existence of God , yet they cannot possibly pattern or figure him , he being a Supernatural , Immaterial , and Infinite Being : But put the case ( although it is very improbable , nay , against sense and reason ) there were natural immaterial Idea's , if those Idea's were finite , and not infinite , yet they could not possibly express an infinite , which is without limitation , by a finite figure which hath a Circumference . Some may say , An Immaterial Idea hath no Circumference . But then I answer , It is not a finite Idea , and it is impossible for an Idea to be Infinite : for I take an Idea to be the picture of some object , and there can be no picture without a perfect form ; neither can I conceive how an immaterial can have a form , not having a body ; wherefore it is more impossible for Nature to make a picture of the Infinite God , then for Man , which is but a part of Nature , to make a picture of infinite Nature ; for Nature being material , has also a figure and matter , they being all one , so that none can be without the other , no more then Nature can be divided from her self . Thus it is impossible for Man to make a figure , or picture of that which is not a part of Nature ; for pictures are as much parts of Nature , as any other parts , nay , were they monstrous , as we call them ; for Nature being material , is also figurative , and being a self-moving matter or substance , is divideable , and composeable ; and as she hath infinite corporeal figurative motions , and infinite parts , so she hath infinite figures , of which some are pictures , others originals ; and if any one particular Creature could picture out those infinite figures , he would picture out Nature ; but Nature being Infinite , cannot be pictured or patterned by any finite and particular Creature , although she is material ; nevertherless she may be patterned in parts : And as for God , He being individeable and immaterial , can neither be patterned in part , nor in whole , by any part of Nature which is material , nay , not by infinite Nature her self : Wherefore the notions of God can be no otherwise but of his existence , to wit , that we know there is something above Nature , who is the Author and God of Nature ; for though Nature hath an infinite natural knowledg of the Infinite God , yet being divideable as well as composeable , her parts cannot have such an infinite knowledg or perception ; and being composeable as much as divideable , no part can be so ignorant of God , as not to know there is a God. Thus Nature hath both an infinite and finite perceptions ; infinite in the whole , as I may say for better expressions sake , and finite in parts . But mistake me not , I do not mean , that either the infinite perception of Nature , or the finite perceptions of natural parts and Creatures , are any otherwise of that supernatural and divine being then natural ; but yet they are the most purest parts , being of the rational part of Nature , moving in a most elevating and subtile manner , as making no exact figure or form , because God hath neither form nor figure ; but that subtile matter or corporeal perceptive motion patterns out onely an over-ruling power , which power all the parts of Nature are sensible of , and yet know not what it is ; like as the perception of Sight seeeth the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , or the motion of the Sun , yet knows not their cause ; and the perception of Hearing hears Thunder , yet knows not how it is made ; and if there be such ignorance of the corporeal parts of Nature , what of God ? But to conclude , my opinion is , That as the sensitive perception knows some of the other parts of Nature by their effects , so the rational perceives some effects of the Omnipotent power of God ; which effects are perceptible by finite Creatures , but not his Infinite Nature , nor Essence , nor the cause of his Infiniteness and Omnipotency . Thus although Gods Power may be perceived by Natures parts , yet what God is , cannot be known by any part : and Nature being composeable , there is a general acknowledgment of God in all her parts ; but being also divideable , it is the cause there are particular Religions , and opinions of God , and of his divine Worship and Adoration . 22. Of Wood Petrified . I Cannot admire , as some do , that Wood doth turn into stone , by reason I observe , that Slime , Clay , Dirt , nay Water , may and doth often the same , which is further off from the nature of Stone then Wood is , as being less dense , and its interior figurative motions being dilating : but yet this doth not prove that all other Creatures may as easily be metamorphosed into stone as they ; for the parts of water are composed but of one sort of figure , and are all of the same nature ; and so is wood , clay , shells , &c. whose parts are but of one figure , at least not of so many different figures as the parts of Animals , or other Creatures ; for as Animals have different parts , so these parts are of different figures , not onely exteriously , but intericusly ; as for example , in some or most Animals there are Bones , Gristles , Nerves , Sinews , Muscles , Flesh , Blood , Brains , Marrow , Choler , Phlegme , and the like ; besides , there are several sorts of flesh , witness their interior and exterior parts , as the Heart , Lungs , Liver , Spleen , Guts , and the like ; as also the Head , Breast , Armes , Body , Legs , and the like : all which would puzzle and withstand the power of Ovid's Metamophosing of Gods and Goddesses . Wherefore it is but a weak argument to conclude , because some Creatures or parts can change out of one figure into another without a dissolution of their composed parts , therefore all Creatures can do the like ; for if all Creatures could or should be metamorphosed into one sort of figure , then this whole World would perhaps come to be one Stone , which would be a hard World : But this Opinion , I suppose , proceeds from Chymistry ; for since the last Art of Chimystry ( as I have heard ) is the Production of glass , it makes perhaps Chymists believe , that at the last day , when this Word shall be dissolved with Fire , the Fire will calcine or turn it into Glass : A brittle World indeed ! but whether it will be transparent , or no , I know not , for it will be very thick . 23. Of the Nature of Water . THe Ascending of VVater in Pipes , Pumps , and the like Engines , is commonly alledged as an argument to prove there is no Vacuum : But , in my opinion , VVater , or the like things that are moist , liquid and wet , their interior corporeal and natural motion is flowing , as being of a dilating figure ; and when other parts or Creatures suppress those liquors , so that they cannot rise , they will dilate ; but when solid and heavy bodies are put into them as Stones , Metals , &c. which do sink , then they will rise above them , as being their nature to over-flow any other body , if they can have the better of it , or get passage : For concerning the floating of some bodies , the reason is not so much their levity or porousness , but both their exterior shape , and the waters restlesness or activity , the several parts of water endeavouring to drive those floating bodies from them ; like as when several men playing at Ball , or Shittle-cock , or the like , endeavour to beat those things from and to each other ; or like as one should blow up a feather into the Air , which makes it not onely keep up in the air , but to wave about : The like doth water with floating bodies ; and the lighter the floating parts are , the more power have the liquid parts to force and thrust them about . And this is also the reason why two floating bodies of one Nature endeavour to meet and joyn , because by joyning they receive more strength to resist the force of the watry parts : The same may be said when as floating bodies stick or join to the sides of Vessels ; but many times the watry parts will not suffer them to be at rest or quiet , but drive them from their strong holds or defences . Concerning the suppression of water , and of some floating bodies in water by air or light , as that air and light should suppress water , and bodies floating upon it ( as some do conceive ) I see no reason to believe it ; but the contrary rather appears by the levity of air , which is so much lighter , and therefore of less force then either the floating bodies , or the water on which they float . Some again are of opinion , That Water is a more dense body then Ice , and prove it by the Refractions of light , because VVater doth more refract the rays of light then Ice doth : but whatsoever their experiments be , yet my reason can hardly believe it ; for although Ice may be more transparent then water , yet it may be more dense then water : for Glass is more transparent then water , and yet more dense then water ; and some bodies will not be trasparent if they be thick , that is , if they have a great number of parts upon parts , when as they will be transparent if they be thin , that is , if they have few thin parts upon each other ; so that transparent bodies may be darkned , and those that are not transparent of themselves , may be made so by the thickness or thinness of parts , that one may see or not see through them ; and thus a thin body of Water , may be more transparent then a thick body of Ice , and a thin body of Ice may be more transparent then a thick body of water . As for the expansion of Water , it doth not prove , that Water is more dense then Ice , but on the contrary , it rather proves , that it is more rare ; for that body whose parts are close and united , is more dense then that whose parts are fluid and dilating . Neither doth Expansion alter the interior nature of a body , any more then contraction , but it alters onely the exterior posture ; as for example , when a man puts his body into several postures , it doth not alter him from being a man , to some other Creature , for the stretching of his legs , spreading out of his armes , puffing up his cheeks , &c. changes his nature , or natural figure , no more then when he contracts his limbs close together , crumpling up his body , or folding his armes , &c. but his posture is onely changed ; the like for the expansions and contractions of other sorts of Creatures . Nor can I readily give my assent to their opinion , that some liquors are more dense then others ; I mean such as are perfectly moist , liquid and wet , as water is ; for there be numerous sorts of liquors , which are not throughly wet as water ; and although their Circular lines may be different , as some edged , some pointed , some twisted , and the like ; yet they do not differ so much , but that their inherent figures are all of Circular lines ; for the interior nature or figure of water , and so of all other moist and wet liquors , is Circular : and it is observable , that as Art may be an occasion of diminishing those points or edges of the Circular lines of some liquors , or of untwisting them ; so it may also be an occasion that some liquid and wet bodies may become so pointed , edged , twisted , &c. as may occasion those circles to move or turn into such or such exterior figures , not onely into triangular , square , round , and several other forms or figures , as appears in Ice , Hail , Frost , and flakes of Snow , but into such figures as they name Spirits ; which several sorts of figures belonging all to one sort of Creatures , may cause several refractions , reflections and inflections of the rayes of light . Wherefore Mechanicks may very much be mistaken concerning the truth of the interior Nature of bodies , or natural Creatures , by judging them onely according to their exterior figures . 24. Of Salt , and of Sea - or Salt-water . THe reason , why Salt is made , or extracted out of Salt-water , is , that the Circular lines of Sea - or Salt-water , are pointed exteriously , but not interiously , which is the cause that the saltish parts may be easily divided from those watry lines ; and it is to be observed , that those points when joyned to the watry circles , are rare , but being once separated , either by Art , or a more natural way , by some sorts of dividing motions , they become more dense ; yet not so dense , but they may melt or return again into the first figure , which is a rare figure , and so become liquid salt , and afterwards they may be densed or contracted again ; for there is no other difference between dry and liquid salt , but what is made by the rarity or density of those sorts of points . As for that sort of Salt , which is named volatile , it is when some of those rare points become more dilated or rarified , then when they are joyned to the watry circle-lines ; I say some , not all ; for as some points do condense or contract into fixt salt , so others do dilate or arise into volatile salt . But perchance some will say , How can there be several sorts of points , since a point is but a point ? I answer ; There may very well be several sorts , considering the Nature of their substance ; for some sorts are rare , some dense , some contracting , some dilating , some retenting , &c. besides , all points are not alike , but there is great difference amongst several pointed figures , for all are not like the point of a Pin or Needle , but ( to alledg some gross examples ) there be points of Pyramids , points of Knives , points of Pins , points of the flame of a Candle , and numerous other sorts , which are all several points , and not one like another ; for I do not mean a Mathematical or imaginary point , such as is onely made by the rational matter in the mind , ( although even amongst those imaginary points there is difference ; for you cannot imagine , or think of the several pointed figures of several sorts or kinds of Creatures , or parts , but you will have a difference in your mind ) but I mean pointed figures , and not single points . It is also to be observed , that as some watry Circles will and may have points outwardly , so some have also points inwardly ; for some watry Circles , as I have mentioned in my Philosophical Opinions , are edged , to wit , such as are in vitriol water ; others pointed , as those in salt water ; and others are of other sorts of points , as those in cordial or hot waters ; but those last are more artificial ; and all these are different in their sorts or kinds , although a litttle difference in their own natures may appear great in our humane perception . Concerning Oyl , there is also difference between Oyl and other wet bodies ; for Oyl , although it be rare , liquid and moist , yet we cannot say , it is absolutely that which we name wet , as other liquors are , viz. Water and Wine , or natural juices ; and since the interior natural figure of oyl is burning and hot , it is impossible to divide those interior fiery points from the circle figure of Oyl without dissolving those liquid circle lines . But as the Penetrations of other acid and salt liquors are caused by their exterior points , so oyl , whose points are interiously in the circle-lines , cannot have such quick effects of penetration as those that are exteriously pointed : But mistake me not , I do not mean such exterior parts as are onely subject to our humane perception , but such as cause those Creatures or parts to be of such a figure or nature . 25. Of the Motions of Heat and Cold. THose which affim that Heat and Cold are the two primary and onely causes of the Productions of all natural things , do not consider sufficiently the variety of Nature , but think that Nature produces all by Art ; and since Art is found out and practised by Man , Man conceits himself to be above Nature ; But as neither Art , nor any particular Creature can be the cause or principle of all the rest , so neither can heat and cold be the prime cause of all natural productions , no more then paint can produce all the parts of a man's face , as the Eyes , Nose , Forehead , Chin , Cheeks , Lips and the like , or a 〈◊〉 can produce a natural Head , or a suit of Clothes can make the body of Man , for then whensoever the fashioned Garments or Mode-dresses do change , men would of necessity change also ; but Art causes gross mistakes and errors , not onely in sensitive , but also in rational perceptions ; for sense being deluded , is apt to delude Reason also , especially if Reason be too much indulgent to sense ; and therefore those judgments that rely much upon the perception of sense , are rather sensitive then rational judgments ; for sense can have but a perception of the exterior figures of objects , and Art can but alter the outward form or figure , but not make or change the interior nature of any thing ; which is the reason that artificial alterations cause false , at least uncertain and various judgments , so that Nature is as various in mens judgments , as in her other works . But concerning heat and cold , my opinion is , that they are like several Colours , some Natural , and some Artificial ; of which the Artificial are very inconstant , at least not so lasting as those that are not made by Art ; and they which say , that both heat and cold are not made by the sensories or sensitive organs , are in the right , if their meaning be that both heat and cold in their natures and with all their proprieties , as they are particular Creatures , are not made or produced by humane or animal senses ; nevertheless the sensitive animal perception of heat and cold is made by the sensitive motions in their sensitive organs , for what heat and cold soever an animal Creature feels , the perception of it is made in the sense of touch , or by those sensitive motions in the parts of its body ; for as the perception of any other outward object is not made by a real entrance of its parts into our sensories , so neither is all perception of heat and cold made by the intermixture of their particles with our flesh , but they are patterned and figured out by the sensitive motions in the exterior parts of the body as well as other objects : I will not say , that cold or heat may not enter and intermix with the parts of some bodies , as fire doth intermix with fuel , or enters into its parts ; but my meaning is , that the animal perception of heat and cold is not made this way , that is , by an intermixture of the parts of the Agent with the parts of the Patient , as the learned call them ; that is , of the exterior object , and the sentient ; or else the perception of all exterior objects would be made by such an intermixture , which is against sense and reason ; and therefore even in such a commixture , where the parts of the object enter into the body of the sentient , as fire doth into fuel , the perception of the motions of fire in the fuel , and the fuels consumption or burning , is not made by the fire , but by the fuels own perceptive motions , imitating the motions of the fire ; so that fire doth not turn the fuel into ashes , but the fuel doth change by its own corporeal figurative motions , and the fire is onely an occasion of it : The same may be said of Cold. Neither is every Creatures perception alike , no more then it can be said , that one particular Creature , as for example Man , hath but one perception ; for the perception of sight and smelling , and so of every sence , are different ; nay , one and the same sense may have as many several perceptions as it hath objects , and some sorts of peceptions in some Creatures , are either stronger or weaker then in others ; for we may observe , that in one and the same degree of heat or cold , some will have quicker and some slower perceptions then others ; for example in the perception of touch , if several men stand about a fire , some will sooner be heated then others ; the like for Cold , some will apprehend cold weather sooner then others , the reason is , that in their perception of Touch , the sensitive motions work quicker or slower in figuring or patterning out heat or cold , then in the perception of others . The same may be said of other objects , where some sentient bodies will be more sensible of some then of others , even in one and the same kind of perception . But if in all perceptions of cold , cold should intermix with the bodies of animals , or other Creatures , like as several Ingredients , then all bodies upon the perception of cold would dissolve their figures , which we see they do not ; for although all dissolving motions are knowing and perceptive , because every particular motion is a particular knowledg and perception , yet not every perception requires a dissolution or change of its figure : 'T is true , some sorts or degrees of exterior heat and cold may occasion some bodies to dissolve their interior figures , and change their particular natures , but they have not power to dissolve or change all natural bodies . Neither doth heat or cold change those bodies by an intermixture of their own particles with the parts of the bodies , but the parts of the bodies change themselves by way of imitation , like as men put themselves into a mode-fashion , although oftentimes the senses will have fashions of their own , without imitating any other objects ; for not all sorts of perceptions are made by Imitation or patterning , but some are made voluntarily , or by rote ; as for example , when some do hear and see such or such things without any outward objects . Wherefore it is not certain steams , or agitated particles in the air , nor the vapours and effluviums of exterior objects , insinuating themselves into the pores of the sentient , that are the cause of the Perception of Heat and Cold , as some do imagine ; for there cannot probably be such differences in the pores of animal Creatures of one sort , as for example of Men , which should cause such a different perception as is found in them ; for although exterior heat or cold be the same , yet several animals of the same sort will have several and different perceptions of one and the same degrees of exterior heat and cold , as above mentioned ; which difference would not be , if their perception was caused by a real entrance of hot and cold particles into the pores of their bodies : Besides , Burning-Fevers and Shaking-Agues , prove that such effects can be without such exterior causes . Neither can all sorts of Heat and Cold be expressed by Wind , Air and Water , in Weather-glasses ; for they being made by Art , cannot give a true information of the Generation of all natural heat and cold ; but as there is great difference between Natural and Artificial Ice , Snow , Colours , Light , and the like ; so between Artificial and Natural Heat and Cold ; and there are so many several sorts of heat and cold , that it is impossible to reduce them all to one certain cause or principle , or confine them to one sort of Motions , as some do believe that all sorts of Heat and Cold are made by motions tending inward and outward , and others , that by ascending and descending , or rising and depressing motions , which is no more probable , then that all Colours are made by the reflexion of Light , and that all White is made by reflecting the beams of light outward , and all black by reflecting them inward ; or that a Man when he is on Horse-back , or upon the top of an House , or Steeple , or in a deep Pit or Mine , should be of another figure then of the figure and nature of man , unless he were dissolved by death , which is a total alteration of his figure ; for neither Gravity nor Levity of Air , nor Almospherical Pillars , nor any Weather-glasses , can give us a true information of all natural heat and cold , but the several figurative corporeal motions , which make all things in Nature , do also make several sorts of heat and cold in several sorts of Creatures . But I observe experimental Philosophers do first cry up several of their artificial Instruments , then make doubts of them , and at last disapprove them , so that there is no trust nor truth in them , so much as to be relied on ; for it is not an age , since Weather-glasses were held the onely divulgers of heat and cold , or change of weather , and now some do doubt they are not such infallible Informers of those truths ; by which it is evident , that Experimental Philosophy has but a brittle , inconstant and uncertain ground , and these artificial Instruments , as Microscopes , Telescopes , and the like , which are now so highly applauded , who knows , but may within a short time have the same fate , and upon a better and more rational enquiry , be found deluders rather then true Informers . The truth is , there 's not any thing that has and doth still delude most mens understandings more , then that they do not consider enough the variety of Natures actions , and do not imploy their reason so much in the search of natures actions , as they do their senses , preferring Art and Experiments before Reason , which makes them stick so close to some particular opinions , and particular sorts of Motions or Parts , as if there were no more Motions , Parts , or Creatures in Nature , then what they see and find out by their Artificial Experiments . Thus the variety of Nature is a stumbling-block to moft men , at which they break their heads of understanding , like blind men that run against several posts or walls ; and how should it be otherwise , since Natures actions are Infinite , and Mans understanding finite ? for they consider not so much the interior Natures of several Creatures , as their exterior figures and Phonomena's , which makes them write many Paradoxes , but few Truths , supposing that Sense and Art can onely lead them to the knowledg of truth , when as they delude rather their judgments instead of informing them . But Nature has placed Sense and Reason together , so that there is no part or particle of Nature which has not its share of reason as well as of sense ; for every part having self-motion , hath also knowledg , which is sense and reason , and therefore it is fit we should not onely imploy our senses , but chiefly our reason in the search of the causes of natural effects ; for Sense is onely a workman , and Reason is the designer and surveigher , and as reason guides and directs , so ought sense to work . But seeing that in this age , sense is more in fashion then reason , it is no wonder there are so many irregular opinions and judgments amongst men ; However , although it be the mode , yet I for my part shall not follow it , but leaving to our Moderns their Experimental or Mode-Philosophy built upon deluding Art , I shall addict my self to the study of Contemplative-Philosophy , and Reason shall be my guide . Not that I despise sense or sensitive knowledg , but when I speak of sense , I mean the perception of our five exterior senses , helped ( or rather deluded ) by Art and Artificial instruments ; for I see that in this present Age , Learned men are full of Art and Artificial trials , and when they have found out something by them , they presently judg that all natural actions are made the same way ; as for example , when they find by Art that Salt will make Snow congeal into Ice , they instantly conclude from thence that all natural congelations are made by saline particles , and that the Primum Frigidum , or the Principal cause of all natural cold must needs be salt , by reason they have found by Art that salt will do the same effect in the aforesaid commixture with Snow . But how grosly they are deceived , rational men may judg : If I were a Chymist , and acknowledged their common Principles , I might perchance have some belief in it , but not whilest I follow reason ; nay , I perceive that oftentimes our senses are deluded by their own irregularities , in not perceiving always truly and rightly the actions of Art , but mistaking them , which is a double error ; and therefore that particular sensitive knowledg in man which is built meerly upon artificial experiments , will never make him a good Philosopher , but regular sense and reason must do it , that is , a regular sensitive and rational inquisition into the various actions of Nature ; For put the case a Microscope be true concerning the magnifying of an exterior object , but yet the magnitude of the object cannot give a true information of its interior parts , and their motions , or else great and large bodies would be interiously known even without Microscopes : The truth is , our exterior senses can go no further then the exterior figures of Creatures , and their exterior actions , but our reason may pierce deeper , and consider their inherent natures and interior actions ; and although it do sometimes erre , ( for there can be no perfect or universal knowledg in a finite part concerning the Infinite actions of Nature ) yet it may also probably guess at them , and may chance to hit the Truth . Thus Sense and Reason shall be the ground of my Philosophy , and no particular natural effects , nor artificial instruments ; and if any one can shew me a better and surer ground or Principle then this , I shall most willingly and joyfully embrace it . 26. Of the Measures , Degrees , and different sorts of Heat and Cold. SOme Experimental Philosophers are much inquisitive into the measures of Heat and Cold ; and as we have setled standards for weight and magnitude , and time , so they endeavour to measure the varying temperature , and gradual differences of heat and cold ; but do what they can , their artificial measures or weights neither will nor can be so exact as the natural are , to wit , so as not to make them err in more or less : Neither is it possible , that all the degrees of heat and cold in Nature can be measured ; for no man can measure what he doth not know , and who knows all the different sorts of heats and colds ? Nay , if man did endeavour to measure onely one sort of heat or cold , as for example , the degrees of the heat or coldness of the air , how is it possible that he should do it , by reason of the continual change of the motions of heat or cold of the air , which are so inconstant , that it were surer to measure the fluidity of the air , then to measure the degrees of heat or cold of the air ; for the temper of the air and of its heat and cold , may vary so , as many times we shall never find the same measure again . Wherefore if we desire to have some knowledg of the degrees of some sorts of heat or cold , my opinion is , that we may more easily attain to it by the help of rational perception , then by a sensitive inspection of artificial Weather-glasses , or the like ; for reason goes beyond sense ; and although the sensitive perception is best next the rational , yet the rational is above the sensitive . But some of the learned conceive the degrees of heat and cold are made by bare divisions , whenas , in my opinion , they are made by the several degrees of their corporeal figurative motions : They do also imagine , that there 's no degree but must ascend from one , to two ; from two , to three ; and so forth through all numbers : and that from one to twenty , there be so many degrees as there be numbers ; when as , in my opinion , there 's no more but one degree required from one to a Million , or more ; for though both in Nature and Art there are degrees from one single figure to another , yet there may also be but one degree from one to a million , without reckoning any intermediate degrees or figures : so that a body , when it moves quick or slow , needs not to go through all the intermediate degrees of quickness or slowness , as to move quicker and quicker , slower and slower ; but may immediately move from a very slow , to a very quick degree : the truth is , no man is able to measure the infinite degrees of natural motions ; for though Nature consists of particular finites , yet it doth also consist of infinite particulars ; finite in figure , infinite in number ; and who can number from finite to infinite ? But having discoursed hereof elsewhere , I return to heat and cold , aud let others dispute whether the degrees of heat and cold in the air , be the same with the degrees of animal perceptions , or with the degrees of animal cold and heat ; my opinion is , that there being several sorts , and several particular heats and colds , they cannot be just alike each other , but there 's some difference betwixt them ; as for example , there are shaking , freezing , chilly , windy , numb , stiff , rare , dense , moist , dry , contracting , dilating , ascending , descending , and other numerous sorts of colds ; nay , there are some sorts of candied figures made by heat , which appear as if they were frozen : Also there are fluid colds which are not wet , as well as fluid heats that are not dry ; for Phlegm is fluid , and yet not wet ; and some sorts of air are fluid , and not wet ; I say some , not all ; for some are hot and moist , others hot and dry . The same may be said of some sorts of heat and cold ; for some are moist , and some dry ; and there may be at one and the same time a moist cold in the air , and a dry cold in water ; which , in my opinion , is the reason that in sealed Weather-glasses , according to some Experimenters relations , sometimes the air doth not shrink , but rather seems to be expanded when the weather grows colder , and that the water contracts ; not that the cold contraction of water causes an expansion of the air to prevent a Vacuum ; for there cannot be any such thing as a Vacuum in Nature ; but that there is a moist cold in the air , and a dry cold in the water , whereof the dry cold causes a contraction , and the moist cold an expansion ; nay , there is often a moist and dry cold in the air at one and the same time ; so that some parts of the air may have a moist cold , and the next adjoying parts a dry cold , and that but in a very little compass ; for there may be such contractions and dilations in Nature , which make not a hairs breadth difference , Nature being so subtil and curious , as no particular can trace her ways ; and therefore when I speak of contractions and dilations , I do not mean they are all such gross actions perceptible by our exterior senses as the works of Art , but such as the curiosity of Nature works . Concerning the several sorts of animal heat and cold , they are quite different from the Elemental , and other sorts of heat and cold ; for some men may have cold fits of an Ague under the Line , or in the hottest Climates ; and others Burning-Feavers under the Poles , or in the coldest climates . 'T is true , that Animals , by their perceptions , may pattern out the heat or cold of the air , but these perceptions are not always regular or perfect ; neither are the objects at all times exactly presented as they should , which may cause an obscurity both in Art , and in particular sensitive perceptions , and through this variety the same sort of Creatures may have different perceptions of the same sorts of heat and cold . Besides it is to be observed , that some parts or Creatures , as for example , Water , and the like liquors , if kept close from the perception either of heat or cold , will neither freeze , nor grow hot ; and if Ice and Snow be kept in a deep Pit , from the exterior object of heat , it will never thaw , but continne Ice or Snow , whenas being placed near the perception of the Sun , Fire , or warm Air , its exterior figure will alter from being Ice to Water , and from being cold to hot , or to an intermediate temper betwixt both ; nay , it may alter from an extream degree of cold to an extream degree of heat , according as the exterior object of heat doth occasion the sensitive perceptive motions of Water or Ice to work ; for extreams are apt to alter the natural temper of a particular Creature , and many times so as to cause a total dissolution of its interior natural figure ; ( when I name extreams , I do not mean any uttermost extreams in Nature ; for Nature being Infinite , and her particular actions being poised and ballanced by opposites , can never run into extreams ; but I call them so in reference onely to our perception , as we use to say , it is extream hot , or extream cold ) And the reason of it is , that Water by its natural perceptive motions imitates the motions of heat or cold , but being kept from the perception of them , it cannot imitate them . The same reason may be given upon the experiment , that some bodies being put into water , will be preserved from being frozen or congealed ; for they being in water , are not onely kept from the perception of cold , but the water doth as a guard preserve them ; which guard , if it be overcome , that is , if the water begin to freeze , then they will do so too . But yet all colds are not airy , nor all heats sunny or fiery ; for a man , as I mentioned before , may have shaking fits of an Ague in the hottest climate , or season , and burning fits of a Fever in the coldest climate or season ; and as there is difference between elemental and animal cold and heat , so betwixt other sorts ; so that it is but in vain to prove all sorts of heat and cold by Artificial Weather-glasses , suppressions and elevations of water , Atmosphaerical parts , and the like ; for it is not the air that makes all cold , no not that cold which is called Elementary , no more then it makes heat ; but the corporeal , figurative , self-moving , perceptive , rational and sensitive parts of Nature , which make all other Creatures , make also heat and cold . Some Learned make much ado about Antiperistasis , and the flight of those two contrary qualities , heat and cold , from each other ; where , according to their opinion , one of them being surrounded and besieged by the other , retires to the innermost parts of the body which it possesses , and there by recollecting its forces , and animating it self to a defence , is intended or increased in its degree , and so becomes able to resist its adversary ; which they prove by the cold expelled from the Earth , and Water by the Sun-beams , which they say retires to the middle region of the Air , and there defends it self against the heat that is in the two other , viz. the upper , and the lower Regions ; and so it doth in the Earth ; for , say they , we find in Summer , when the air is sultry hot , the cold retreats into Cellars and Vaults , and in Winter when the air is cold , they are the Sanctuary and receptacle of heat ; so that the water in wells and springs , and the like places under ground , is found warm and smoaking , when as the water which is exposed to the open air , by cold is congealed into Ice . But whatsoever their opinion be , I cannot believe that heat and cold run from each other as Children at Boe-peep ; for concerning the Earths being warm in Winter , and cold in Summer , it is not , in my opinion , caused by hot or cold Atoms , flying like Birds out of their nests , and returning to the same ; nor is the Earth like a Store-house , that hoards up cold and heat at several seasons in the year , but there is a natural temper of cold and heat as well in the Earth , as in other Creatures ; and that Vaults , Wells , and Springs under ground , are warm in Winter , when the exterior air is cold ; the reason is , not that the heat of the air , or the Calorifick atomes , as they call them , are retired thither to defend themselves from the coldness of the air ; but they being so deep in the Earth where the cold cannot enter , are kept from the perception of cold , so as they cannot imitate so well the motions of cold as other Creatures that are exposed to the open air . The like may be said of the heat of the Sun in Summer , which cannot penetrate deeper into the bowels of the Earth then cold can . The truth is , the Earth is to them like an Umbrello , which defends or keeps men from the Sun , rain , wind , dust , &c. but although it defends them from the heat of the Sun , or coldness of wind , yet they have those qualities naturally within themselves , sometimes more , and sometimes less : and so has the Earth its natural temper of heat and cold ; But what Umbrello the middle region has , whether it be some Planet , or any thing else , I am not able to determine , unless I had been there and observed it ; nay , ten to one but I might even then have been mistaken . Wherefore all the contentions and disputes about the doctrine of Antiperistasis , are , in my judgment , to little purpose , since we are not able to know all the differences of heat and cold ; for if men conceive there is but one heat and cold in Nature , they are mistaken ; and much more if they think they can measure all the several sorts of heat and cold in all Creatures by artificial experiments ; for as much as a Natural man differs from an artificial statue or picture of a man , so much differs a natural effect from an artificial , which can neither be so good , nor so lasting as a natural one : If Charles's Wain , the Axes of the Earth , and the motions of the Planets , were like the pole , or axes , or wheels of a Coach , they would soon be out of order . Indeed artificial things are pretty toys to imploy idle time ; nay , some are very useful for our conveniency , but yet they are but Natures bastards or changelings , if I may so call them ; and though Nature takes so much delight in variety , that she is pleased with them , yet they are not to be compared to her wise and fundamental actions ; for Nature , being a wise and provident Lady , governs her parts very wisely , methodically and orderly ; also she is very industrious , and hates to be idle , which makes her imploy her time as a good Huswife doth , in Brewing , Baking , Churning , Spinning , Sowing , &c. as also in Preserving for those that love Sweet-meats , and in Distilling for those that take delight in Cordials ; for she has numerous imployments , and being infinitely self-moving , never wants work , but her artificial works are her works of delight , pleasure and pastime : Wherefore those that imploy their time in Artificial Experiments , consider onely Natures sporting or playing actions ; but those that view her wise Government , in ordering all her parts , and consider her changes , alterations and tempers in particulars , and their causes , spend their time more usefully and profitably ; and truly to what purpose should a man beat his brains , and weary his body with labours about that wherein he shall lose more time , then gain knowledg ? But if any one would take delight in such things , my opinion is , that our female sex would be the fittest for it , for they most commonly take pleasure in making of Sweet-meats , Possets , several sorts of Pyes , Puddings , and the like ; not so much for their own eating , as to imploy their idle time ; and it may be , they would prove good Experimental Philosophers , and inform the world how to make artificial Snow by their Creams or Possets beaten into froth , and Ice by their clear , candied or crusted quiddinies or conserves of fruits ; and Frost by their candied herbs and flowers ; and Hail by their small comfits made of water and sugar with whites of Eggs ; and many other the like figures which resemble Beasts , Birds , Vegetables , Minerals , &c. But the men should study the causes of those Experiments , and by this society the Commonwealth would find a great benefit ; for the Woman was given to Man not onely to delight , but to help and assist him ; and I am confident , Women would labour as much with Fire and Furnace as Men , for they 'l make good Cordials and Spirits ; but whether they would find out the Philosophers-stone , I doubt ; for our sex is more apt to waste , then to make Gold ; however , I would have them try , especially those that have means to spend ; for who knows but Women might be more happy in finding it out , then Men , and then would Men have reason to imploy their time in more profitable studies , then in useless Experiments . 27. Of Congealation and Freezing . THe Congelation of Water into Ice , Snow , Hail , and the like , is made by its own corporeal figurative motions , which upon the perception of the exterior object of cold , by the way of imitation , do contract and condense water into such or such a figure . Some are of opinion , that Water , or the like liquors , are not contracted , but expanded or rarified by freezing ; which they prove both by the levity of congealed Water , and the breaking of Glasses , Earthen Bottles , or other the like Vessels in which water is contained when it freezes : But although I' mentioned in my former discourse , that there are several sorts of colds , as for example , moist and dry colds , whereof these contract and condense , those dilate and rarifie ; so that there are cold dilations , as well as cold contractions ; yet Freezing or Congelation being none of the sorts of moist , but of dry colds ; it is not made by expanding or dilating , but by contracting and condensing motions ; for , that liquid bodies when frozen are more extended , 't is not the freezing motions that cause those extensions ; but water being of a dilative nature , its interior parts strive against the exterior , which figurative motions do imitate the motions of cold , or frost , and in that strife the water becomes extended or dilated , when congealed into Ice : But the question is , Whether solid bodies do dilate or extend when they freeze ? and my opinion is they do not ; for that solid bodies , as Metal , and the like , are apt to break in a hard frost , doth not prove an expansion , but the division of their parts is rather made by contraction ; for though the motions of cold in metal are not so much exteriously contracting as to be perceived by our optick sense , in its bulk or exterior magnitude , as they are in the body of water , whose interior nature is dilative ; yet by the division which cold causes , it may well be believed , that freezing hath an interior contractive effect , otherwise it could not divide so as many times it doth ; Wherefore I believe that solid bodies break by an extream and extraordinary contraction of their interior parts , and not by an extraordinary expansion . Besides this breaking shews a strong self-motion in the action of congealing or freezing , for the motions of cold are as strong and quick as the motions of heat : Nay , even those Experimental Philosophers which are so much for expansion , confess themselves that water is thicker and heavier in Winter then in Summer ; and that Ships draw less water , and that the water can bear greater burdens in Winter then in Summer ; which doth not prove a rarefaction and expansion , but rather a contraction and condensation of water by cold : They likewise affirm , that some spirituous liquors of a mixt nature , will not expand , but on the contrary , do visibly contract in the act of freezing . Concerning the levity of Ice , I cannot believe it to be caused by expansion ; for expansion will not make it lighter , but 't is onely a change of the exterior shape or figure of the body ; Neither doth Ice prove Light , because it will float above water ; for a great Ship of wood which is very heavy , will swim , when as other sorts of bodies that are light and little , will sink . Nor are minute bubbles the cause of the Ice's levity , which some do conceive to stick within the Ice , and make it light ; for this is but a light and airy opinion , which has no firm ground ; and it might as well be said that airy bubles are the cause that a Ship keeps above water ; but though wind and sails make a Ship swim faster , yet they will not hinder it from sinking . The truth is , the chief cause of the levity or gravity of bodies , is quantity of bulk , shape , purity and rarity , or grosness and density , and not minute bubles , or insensible atomes , or pores , unless porous bodies be of less quantity in water , then some dense bodies of the same magnitude . And thus it is the Triangular figure of Snow that makes it light , and the squareness that makes Ice heavier then Snow ; for if Snow were porous , and its pores were fill'd with atomes , it would be much heavier then its principle , Water . Besides , It is to be observed , that not all kind of Water is of the same weight , by reason there are several sorts of Circle-lines which make water ; and therefore those that measure all water alike , may be mistaken ; for some Circle-lines may be gross , some fine , some sharp , some broad , some pointed , &c. all which may cause a different weight of water . Wherefore freezing , in my opinion , is not caused by rarifying and dilating , but by contracting , condensing and retenting motions : and truly if Ice were expanded by congelation , I would fain know , whether its expansions be equal with the degrees of its hardness ; which if so , a drop of water might be expanded to a great bigness ; nay , if all frozen liquors should be inlarged or extended in magnitude , according to the strength of the freezing motions , a drop of water at the Poles would become , I will not say a mountain , but a very large body . Neither can rarefaction , in my opinion , be the cause of the Ice's expansion ; for not all rarified bodies do extend ; and therefore I do rather believe a clarefaction in Ice , then a rarefaction , which are different things . But some may object , That hot and swelling bodies do dilate , and diffuse heat and scent without an expansion of their substance . I answer , That is more then any one is able to prove : the truth is , when a fiery-coal , and an odoriferous body cast heat and scent ( as we use to say ) 't is not that they do really and actually expand or dilate heat or scent without body , for there can be no such thing as an immaterial heat or scent : neither can Nothing be dilated or expanded , but both heat and scent being one thing with the hot and smelling body , are as exterior objects patterned out by the sensitive motions of the sentient body , and so are felt and smelt , not by an actual emission of their own parts , or some heating and smelling atomes , or an immaterial heat and smell , but by an imitation of the perceptive motions in the sentient subject . The like for cold ; for great shelves or mountains of Ice , do not expand cold beyond their icy bodies ; but the air patterns out the cold , and so doth the perception of those Seamen that sail into cold Countries ; for it is well to be observed , that there is a stint or proportion in all natures corporeal figurative motions , to wit , in her particulars , as we may plainly see in every particular sort or species of Creatures , and their constant and orderly productions ; for though particular Creatures may change into an infinite variety of figures , by the infinite variety of natures corporeal figurative motions , yet each kind or sort is stinted so much as it cannot run into extreams , nor make a confusion , although it makes a distinguishment between every particular Creature even in one and the same sort . And hence we may conclude , that Nature is neither absolutely necessitated , nor has an absolute free-will ; for she is so much necessitated , that she depends upon the All-powerfull God , and cannot work beyond her self , or beyond her own nature ; and yet hath so much liberty , that in her particulars she works as she pleaseth , and as God has given her power ; but she being wise , acts according to her infinite natural wisdom , which is the cause of her orderly Government in all particular productions , changes and dissolutions , so that all Creatures in their particular kinds , do move and work as Nature pleases , orders and directs ; and therefore , as it is impossible for Nature to go beyond her self ; so it is likewise impossible that any particular body should extend beyond it self or its natural figure . I will not say , that heat or cold , or other parts and figures of Nature , may not occasion other bodies to dilate or extend ; but my meaning is , that no heat or cold can extend without body , or beyond body , and that they are figured and patterned out by the motions of the sentient , which imitating or patterning motions of the sentient body cannot be so perfect or strong as the original motions in the object it self . Neither do I say , that all parts or bodies do imitate , but some , and at some times there will be more Imitators then at others , and sometimes none at all ; and the imitations are according as the imitating or patterning parts are disposed , or as the object is presented . Concerning the degrees of a visible expansion , they cannot be declared otherwise then by the visibly extended body , nor be perceived by us , but by the optick sense : But , mistake me not , I do not mean , that the degrees of heat and cold can onely be perceived by our optick sense , but I speak of bodies visibly expanded by heat and cold ; for some degrees and sorts of heat and cold are subject to the humane perception of sight , some to the perception of touch , some to both , and some to none of them ; there being so many various sorts and degrees both of heat and cold , as they cannot be altogether subject to our grosser exterior senses , but those which are , are perceived , as I said , by our perception of sight and touch ; for although our sensitive perceptions do often commit errors and mistakes , either through their own irregularity , or some other ways ; yet next to the rational , they are the best informers we have ; for no man can naturally go beyond his rational and sensitive perception . And thus , in my opinion , the nature of Congelation is not effected by expanding or dilating , but contracting and condensing motions in the parts of the sentient body , which motions in the congelation of water do not alter the interior nature of water , but onely contract its exterior figure into the figure either of Ice , Snow , Hail , Hoar-frost , or the like , which may be proved by their return into the former figure of water , whensoever they dissolve ; for wheresoever is a total change , or alteration of the interior natural motions of a Creature , when once dissolved , it will never regain its former figure ; and therefore although the exterior figures of congealed water are various and different , yet they have all but one interior figure , which is water , into which they return as into their principle , whensoever they change their exterior figures by dissolving and dilating motions ; for as a laughing and frowning countenance doth not change the nature of a man , so neither do they the nature of water . I do not speak of artificial , but of natural congealed figures , whose congelation is made by their own natural figurative motions ; But although all congelations are some certain kind of motions , yet there may be as many particular sorts of congelations , as there are several sorts of frozen or congealed bodies ; for though I name but one figure of Snow , another of Ice , another of Hail , &c. yet I do not deny , but there may be numerous particular sorts and figures of Ice , Snow , Hail , &c. all which may have their several freezing or congealing motions ; nay , freezing in this respect may very well be compared to burning , as being opposite actions ; and as there are various sorts of burning , much differing from each other , so there are of freezing ; for although all burning is of the nature of fire , yet not all burning is an elemental fire ; for example , Lime , and some Vegetables , and other Creatures have burning effects , and yet are not an Elemental fire : neither doth the Sun and ordinary fire burn just alike . The same may be said of Freezing ; and I observe , that fluid and rare parts are more apt to freeze , then solid and dense bodies ; for I do not believe all sorts of metal can freeze , so as water , or watery liquors , unless they were made liquid . I will not say , that Minerals are altogether insensible of cold or frost , but they do not freeze like liquid bodies ; nay , not all liquid bodies will freeze ; as for example , some sorts of spirituous liquors , Oil , Vinous spirits , Chymical extracts , &c. which proves , that not all ( that is to say ) the infinite parts of Nature , are subject to one particular kind of action , to wit , the action of freezing ; for if Congelation did extend to the infinite parts of Nature , it would not be a finite and particular , but an infinite action ; but , as I said , liquid bodies are more apt to freeze , ( especially water and watery liquors , ) then dense and hard bodies , or some sorts of oil , and spirits ; for , as we see that fire cannot have the same operation on all bodies alike , but some it causes to consume and turn to ashes , some it hardens , some it softens , and on some it hath no power at all : So its opposite Frost or Cold cannot congeal every natural body , but onely those which are apt to freeze or imitate the motions of cold . Neither do all these bodies freeze alike , but some slower , some quicker ; some into such , and some into another figure ; as for example , even in one kind of Creatures , as animals ; some Beasts , as Foxes , Bears , and the like , are not so much sensible of cold , as Man , and some other animal Creatures ; and dead animals , or parts of dead animals , will freeze much sooner then those which are living ; not that living animals have more natural life then those we call dead ; for animals , when dissolved from their animal figure , although they have not animal life , yet they have life according to the nature of the figure into which they did change ; but , because of their different perceptions ; for a dead or dissolved animal , as it is of another kind of figure then a living animal , so it has also another kind of perception , which causes it to freeze sooner then a living animal doth . But I cannot apprehend what some Learned mean by the powerful effects of cold upon inanimate bodies ; whether they mean , that cold is onely animate , and all other bodies inanimate ; or whether both cold and other bodies on which it works , be inanimate ; if the later , I cannot conceive how inanimate bodies can work upon each other , I mean such bodies as have neither life nor motion , for without life or motion there can be no action : but if the former , I would fain know whether Cold be self-moving ? if not , I ask , What is that which moves it ? Is it an Immaterial Spirit , or some corporeal being ? If an Immaterial Spirit , we must allow , that this Spirit is either self-moving , or must be moved by another ; if it be moved by another Being , and that same Being again by another ; we shall after this manner run into infinite , and conclude nothing ; But if that Imaterial Spirit have self-motion , why may not a natural corporeal being have the like ? they being both Creatures of God , who can as well grant self-motion to a corporeal , as to an incorporeal Being ; nay , I am not able to comprehend how Motion can be attributed to a Spirit ; I mean , natural motion , which is onely a propriety of a body , or of a corporeal Being : but if Cold be self-moving , then Nature is self-moving ; for the cause can be no less then the effect ; and if Nature be self-moving , no part of Nature can be inanimate ; for as the body is , so are its parts ; and as the cause , so its effects . Thus some Learned do puzle themselves and the world with useless distinctions into animate and inanimate Creatures , and are so much afraid of self-motion , as they will rather maintain absurdities and errors , then allow any other self-motion in Nature , but what is in themselves ; for they would fain be above Nature , and petty Gods , if they could but make themselves Infinite ; not considering that they are but parts of Nature , as all other Creatnres : Wherefore I , for my part , will rather believe as sense and reason guides me , and not according to interest , so as to extoll my own kind above all the rest , or above Nature her self . And thus to return to Cold ; as Congelation is not a Universal or Infinite action , which extends to the Infinite parts of Nature , and causes not the like effects in those Creatures that are perceptible of it ; so I do also observe , that not any other sorts of bodies but Water will congeal into the figure of Snow , when as there are many that will turn into the figure of Ice ; besides , I observe that air doth not freeze beyond its degree of consistency ; for if it did , no animal Creature would be able to breath , since all or most of them are subject to such a sort of respiration , as requires a certain intermediate degree of air , neither too thick , nor too thin ; what respirations other Creatures require , I am not able to determine ; for as there are several infinite parts and actions of Nature , so also several sorts of Respirations ; and I believe , that what is called the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , may be the Seas Respiration ; for Nature has ordered for every part or Creature that which is most fitting and proper for it . Concerning Artificial Congelations , as to turn Water or Snow into the figure of Ice , by the commixture of Salt , Nitre , Allum , or the like , it may , very probably , be effected ; for Water and watery liquors , their interior figure being Circular , may easily change , by contracting that Circular figure into a Triangle or square ; that is , into Ice or Snow , ( for Water , in my opinion , has a round or Circular interior figure , Snow a Triangular , and Ice a square ; I do not mean an exact Mathematical Triangle or Square , but such a one as is proper for their figures ) and that the mixture of those , or the like ingredients , being shaken together in a Vial , doth produce films of Ice on the outside of the Glass , as Experimenters relate ; proves , not onely that the motions of Cold are very strong , but also that there is perception in all parts of Nature , and that all Congelations , both natural and artificial , are made by the corporeal perceptive motions which the sentient has of exterior cold ; which is also the reason , that Salt being mixt with Snow , makes the liquor always freeze first on that side of the Vessel where the mixture is ; for those parts which are nearest , will imitate first the motions of frost , and after them the neighbouring parts , until they be all turned into Ice : The truth is , that all or most artificial experiments are the best arguments to evince , there is perception in all corporeal parts of Nature ; for as parts are joyned , or commix with parts ; so they move or work accordingly into such or such figures , either by the way of imitation , or otherwise ; for their motions are so various , as it is impossible for one particulare to describe them all ; but no motion can be without perception , because every part or particle of Nature , as it is self-moving , so it is also self-knowing and perceptive ; for Matter , Self-motion , Knowledg and Perception , are all but one thing , and no more differing nor separable from each other , then Body , Place , Magnitude , Colour and Figure ; Wherefore Experimental Philosophers cannot justly blame me for maintaining the opinion of Self-motion , and a general Perception in Nature . But to return to Artificial Congelations ; there is as much difference between Natural and Artificial Ice and Snow , as there is between Chalk and Cheese ; or between a natural Child , and a Baby made of Paste or Wax , and Gummed-silk ; or between artificial Glass , and natural Diamonds ; the like may be said of Hail , Frost , Wind , &c. for though their exterior figures do resemble , yet their interior natures are quite different ; and therefore , although by the help of Art some may make Ice of Water or Snow , yet we cannot conclude from hence that all natural Ice is made the same way , by saline particles , or acid Spirits , and the like ; for if Nature should work like Art , she would produce a man like as a Carver makes a statue , or a Painter draws a picture : besides , it would require a world of such saline or acid particles to make all the Ice that is in Nature . Indeed it is as much absurdity , as impossibility , to constitute some particular action the common principle of all natural heat or cold , and to make a Universal cause of a particular effect ; for no particular Part or Action can be prime in Nature , or a fundamental principle of other Creatures or actions , although it may occasion some Creatures to move after such or such a way . Wherefore those that will needs have a Primum Frigidum , or some Body which they suppose must of necessity be supremely cold , and by participation of which , all other cold Bodies obtain that quality , whereof some do contend for Earth , some for Water , others for Air ; some for Nitre , and others for Salt , do all break their heads to no purpose ; for first , there are no extreams in Nature , and therefore no Body can be supreamely cold , nor supreamly hot : Next , as I said , it is impossible to make one particular sort of Creatures the principle of all the various sorts of heat or cold that are in Nature ; for there is an Elemental heat and cold , a Vegetable , Mineral , Animal heat and cold ; and there may be many other sorts which we do not know ; and how can either Earth or Water , or Nitre , or Salt , be the Principle of all these different colds ? Concerning the Earth , we see that some parts of the Earth are hot , and some cold ; the like of Water and Air ; and the same parts which are now hot , will often in a moment grow cold , which shews they are as much subject to the perception of heat and cold , as some other Creatures , and doth plainly deny to them the possibility of being a Primum Frigidum . I have mentioned in my Poetical Works , that there is a Sun in the Center of the Earth ; and in another place , I have described a Chymical heat ; but these being but Poetical Fancies , I will not draw them to any serious proofs ; onely this I will say , that there may be degrees of heat and cold in the Earth , and in Water , as well as there are in the Air ; for certainly the Earth is not without Motion , a dull , dead , moveless and inanimate body ; but it is as much interiously active , as Air and Water are exteriously ; which is evident enough by the various productions of Vegetables , Minerals , and other bodies that derive their off-spring out of the Earth : And as for Nitre and Salt , although they may occasion some sorts of Colds in some sorts of Bodies , like as some sorts of food , or tempers of Air , or the like , may work such or such effects in some sorts of Creatures ; yet this doth not prove that they are the onely cause of all kinds of heat and cold that are in Nature . The truth is , if Air , Water , Earth , Nitre , or Salt , or insensible , roving and wandering atomes should be the only cause of cold ; then there would be no difference of hot and cold climates , but it would freeze as well under the Line , as it doth at the Poles . But there 's such a stir kept about Atoms , as that they are so full of action , and produce all things in the world , and yet none describes by what means they move , or from whence they have this active power . Lastly , Some are of opinion , that the chief cause of all cold , and its effects , is wind ; which they describe to be air moved in a considerable quantity , and that either forwards onely , or in an undulating motion ; which opinion , in my judgment , is as erroneous as any of the former , and infers another absurdity , which is , that all Winds are of the same nature , when as there are as many several sorts and differences of Winds , as of other Creatures ; for there are several Winds in several Creatures ; Winds in the Earth are of another kind then those in the Air , and the Wind of an animal breath , is different from both ; nay , those that are in the air , are of different sorts ; some cold and dry , some hot and moist , and some temperate , &c. which how they can all produce the effect of cold or freezing by the compression of the air , I am not able to judg : onely this I dare say , that if Wind causes cold or frost ; then in the midst of the Summer , or in hot Climates , a vehement wind would always produce a great Frost ; besides it would prove , that there must of necessity be far greater winds at the Poles , then under the AEquinoctial , there being the greatest cold : Neither will this principle be able to resolve the question , why a man that has an Ague feels a shaking cold , even under the Line , and in the coldest weather when there is no stirring of the least wind : All which proves , that it is very improbable that Wind should be the principle of all Natural Cold , and therefore it remains firm , that self-moving Matter , or corporeal , figurative self-motion , as it is the Prime and onely cause of all natural effects , so it is also of Cold , and Heat , and Wind , and of all the changes and alterations in Nature ; which is , and hath always been my constant , and , in my simple judgment , the most probable and rational opinion in Natural Philosophy . 28. Of Thawing or dissolving of Frozen bodies . AS Freezing or Congelation is caused by contracting , condensing , and retentive Motions ; so Thawing is nothing else , but dissolving , dilating , and extending motions ; for Freezing and Thawing are two contrary actions ; and as Freezing is caused several ways , according to the various disposition of congelable bodies , and the temper of exterior cold ; so Thawing , or a dissolution of frozen bodies , may be occasioned either by a sympathetical agreement ; as for example , the thawing of Ice in water , or other liquors , or by some exterior imitation , as by hot dilating motions . And it is to be observed , That as the time of freezing , so the time of dissolving is according to the several natures and tempers both of the frozen bodies themselves , and the exterior objects applied to frozen bodies , which occasion their thawing or dissolution : for it is not onely heat that doth cause Ice , or Snow , or other frozen bodies to melt quicker or slower , but according as the nature of the heat is , either more or less dilative , or more or less rarifying ; for surely an exterior actual heat is more rarifying then an interior virtual heat ; as we see in strong spirituous liquors which are interiously contracting , but being made actually hot , become exteriously dilating : The like of many other bodies ; so that actual heat is more dissolving then virtual heat . And this is the reason why Ice and Snow will melt sooner in some Countries or places then in others , and is much harder in some then in others ; for we see that neither Air , Water , Earth , Minerals , nor any other sorts of Creatures are just alike in all Countries or Climates : The same may be said of heat and cold . Besides , it is to be observed , that oftentimes a different application of one and the same object will occasion different effects ; as for example , if Salt be mixed with Ice , it may cause the contracted body of Ice to change its present motions into its former state or figure , viz. into water ; but being applied outwardly , or on the out-side of the Vessel wherein Snow or Ice is contained , it may make it freeze harder , instead of dissolving it . Also Ice will oftentimes break into pieces of its own accord , and without the application of any exterior object ; and the reason , in my opinion , is , that some of the interior parts of the Ice , endeavouring to return to their proper and natural figure by vertue of their interior dilative motions , do break and divide some of the exterior parts that are contracted by the motions of Frost , especially those which have not so great a force or power as to resist them . But concerning Thawing , some by their trails have found , that if frozen Eggs , Apples , and the like bodies , be thawed near the fire , they will be thereby spoiled ; but if they be immersed in cold water , or wrapt into Ice or Snow , the internal cold will be drawn out , as they suppose , by the external ; and the frozen bodies will be harmlesly , though not so quickly thawed . And truly this experiment stands much to reason ; for , in my opinion , when frozen bodies perceive heat or fire , the motions of their frozen parts upon the perception , endeavour to imitate the motions of heat or fire , which being opposite to the motions of cold , in this sudden and hasty change , they become irregular in so much as to cause in most frozen parts a dissolution of their interior natural figure ; Wherefore it is very probable , that frozen bodies will thaw more regularly in water , or being wrapt into Ice or Snow , then by heat or fire ; for Thawing is a dilating action , and Water , as also Ice and Snow ( which are nothing but congealed water ) being of a dilative nature , may easily occasion a thawing of the mentioned frozen parts by Sympathy , provided , the Motions of the exterior cold do not over-power the motions of the interior frozen parts ; for if a frozen body should be wrapt thus into Ice or Snow , and continue in an open , cold frosty air , I question whether it would cause a thaw in the same body , it would preserve the body in its frozen state from dissolving or disuniting , rather then occasion its thawing . But that such frozen bodies , as Apples , and Eggs , &c. immersed in water , will produce Ice on their out-sides , is no wonder , by reason the motions of Water imitate the motions of the frozen bodies ; and those parts of water that are nearest , are the first imitators , and become of the same mode . By which we may see , that some parts will cloath themselves , others onely vail themselves with artificial dresses , most of which dresses are but copies of other motions , and not original actions ; It makes also evident , that those effects are not caused by an ingress of frigorifick atomes in water , or other congelable bodies , but by the perceptive motions of their own parts . And what I have said of Cold , the same may be spoken of heat ; for it is known , that a part of a mans body being burned with fire , the burning may be cured by the heat of the fire ; which , in my opinion , proceeds from a sympathetical agreement betwixt the motions of the fire , and the motions of the burned part ; for every part of a mans body hath its natural heat , which is of an intermediate temper ; which heat being heightened by the burning motions of fire beyond its natural degree , causes a burning and smarting pain in the same part ; and therefore as the fire did occasion an immoderate heat , by an intermixture of its own parts with the parts of the flesh ; so a moderate heat of the fire may reduce again the natural heat of the same parts , and that by a sympathetical agreement betwixt the motions of the Elemental and Animal heat ; But it is to be observed , first , that the burning must be done by an intermixture of the fire with the parts of the body : Next , that the burning must be but skin deep ( as we use to call it ) that is , the burned part must not be totally overcome by fire , or else it will never be restored again . Neither are all burned bodies restored after this manner , but some ; for one and the same thing will not in all bodies occasion the like effects ; as we may see by Fire , which being one and the same , will not cause all fuels to burn alike ; and this makes true the old saying , One Mans Meat is another Mans Poyson . The truth is , it cannot be otherwise ; for though Nature , and natural self-moving Matter is but one body , and the onely cause of all natural effects ; yet Nature being divided into infinite , corporeal , figurative self-moving parts , these parts , as the effects of that onely cause , must needs be various ; and again , proceeding from one infinite cause , as one matter , they are all but one thing , because they are infinite parts of one Infinite body . But some may say , If Nature be but one body , and the Infinite parts are all united into that same body ; How comes it that there is such an opposition , strife , and war betwixt the parts of Nature ? I answer : Nature being Material , is composeable and divideable ; and as Composition is made by a mutual agreement of parts , so division is made by an opposition or strife betwixt parts ; which opposition or division doth not obstruct the Union of Nature , but , on the contrary , rather proves , that without an opposition of parts , there could not be a union or composition of so many several parts and creatures , nor no change or variety in Nature ; for if all the parts did unanimously conspire and agree in their motions , and move all but one way , there would be but one act or kind of motion in Nature ; when as an opposition of some parts , and a mutual agreement of others , is not onely the cause of the Miraculous variety in Nature , but it poyses and ballances , as it were , the corporeal , figurative motions , which is the cause that Nature is steady and fixt in her self , although her parts be in a perpetual motion . 29. Several Questions resolved concerning Cold , and Frozen Bodies , &c. FIrst , I will give you my answer to the question , which is much agitated amongst the Learned concerning Cold , to wit , Whether it be a Positive quality , or a bare Privation of Heat ? And my opinion is , That Cold is both a Positive quality , and a privation of heat : For whatsoever is a true quality of Cold , must needs be a privation of Heat ; since two opposites cannot subsist together in one and the same part , at one point of time . By Privation , I mean nothing else , but an alteration of Natures actions in her several parts , or which is all one , a change of natural , corporeal motions ; and so the death of Animals may be called a privation of animal life ; that is , a change of the animal motions in that particular Creature , which made animal life , to some other kind of action which is not animal life . And in this sense , both Cold and Heat , although they be positive qualities , or natural beings , yet they are also privations ; that is , changes of corporeal , figurative motions , in several particular Creatures , or parts of Nature . But what some Learned mean by Bare Privation , I cannot apprehend ; for there 's no such thing as a bare Privation , or bare Motion in Nature ; but all Motion is Corporeal , or Material ; for Matter , Motion and Figure , are but one thing . Which is the reason , that to explain my self the better 〈…〉 of Motion , I do always add the word corporeal 〈◊〉 ●●gurative ; by which , I exclude all bare or immaterial Motion , which expression is altogether against sense and reason . The second Question is , Whether Winds have the power to change the Exterior temper of the Air ? To which , I answer : That Winds will not onely occasion the Air to be either hot or cold , according to their own temper , but also Animals and Vegetables , and other sorts of Creatures ; for the sensitive , corporeal Motions in several kinds of Creatures , do often imitate and figure out the Motions of exterior objects , some more , some less ; some regularly , and some irregularly , and some not at all ; according to the nature of their own perceptions . By which we may observe , that the Agent , which is the external object , has onely an occasional power ; and the Patient , which is the sentient , works chiefly the effect by vertue of the perceptive , figurative motions in its own sensitive organs or parts . Quest. 3. Why those Winds that come from cold Regions , are most commonly cold , and those that come from hot Regions are for the most part hot ? I answer ; The reason is , That those Winds have more constantly patterned out the motions of cold or heat in those parts from which they either separated themselves , or which they have met withal . But it may be questioned , Whether all cold and hot winds do bring their heat and cold along with them out of such hot and cold Countries ? And I am of opinion they do not ; but that they proceed from an imitation of the nearest parts , which take patterns from other parts , and these again from the remoter parts ; so that they are but patterns of other patterns , and copies of other copies . Quest. 4. Why Fire in some cold Regions will hardly kindle , or at least not burn freely ? I answer ; This is no more to be wondered at , then that some men do die with cold ; for cold being contrary to fire , if it have a predominate power , it will without doubt put out the fire ; not that the cold corporeal motions do destroy fire by their actual power over it , but that fire destroys it self by an imitation of the motions of cold ; so that cold is onely an occasional cause of the fires destruction , or at least of the alteration of its motions , and the diminution of its strength . But some might ask , What makes or causes this imitation in several sorts of Cretures ? I answer , The wisdom of Nature , which orders her corporeal actions to be always in a mean , so that one extream ( as one may call it ) does countervail another . But then you 'l say , There would always be a right and mean temper in all things . I answer : So there is in the whole , that is , in Infinite Nature , although not in every particular ; for Natures Wisdom orders her particulars to the best of the whole ; and although particulars do oppose each other , yet all opposition tends to the conservation of a general peace and unity in the whole . But to return to Fire ; since Air is the proper matter of respiration for fire , extream colds and frosts , either of air or vapour , are as unfit for the respiration of fire as water is ; which if it do not kill it quite , yet it will at least make it sick , pale and faint ; but if water be rarified to such a degree , that it becomes thin vapour , then it is as proper for its respiration , as air . Thus we see , although fire hath fuel , which is its food , yet no food can keep it alive without breath or respiration : The like may be said of some other Creatures . Qu. 5. Whether Wood be apt to freeze ? My Answer is , That I believe that the moist part of Wood , which is sap , may freeze as hard as Water , but the solid parts cannot do so ; for the cracking noise of Wood is no proof of its being frozen , because Wainscot will make such a noise in Summer , as well as in Winter . And it is to be observed , that some bodies will be apter to freeze in a weak , then in a hard frost , according to their own dispositions ; which is as much to be considered , as the object of cold or frost it self ; for some bodies do more , and some less imitate the motions of some objects , and some not at all : and thus we see that solid bodies do onely imitate the contractive motions of cold , but not the dilative motions of moisture , which is the cause they break in a hard frost , like as a string , which being tied too hard , will fly asunder ; and as they imitate Cold , so they do also imitate Thaw . Quest. 6. Whether Water be fluid in its nature , or but occasionally by the agitation of the air ? I answer : That Waters is fluid in its own nature , needs no proof , but 't is known enough by the force of its dilating motions ; for Water , when it gets but liberty , it overflows all , and dilates everywhere ; which proves it is not air that makes it fluid , but it is so in its own nature . Quest. 7. What produces those great Precipices and Mountains of Ice which are found in the Sea , and other great waters ? I answer : That Snow , as also thick Fogs and Mists , which are nothing but rarified water , falling upon the Ice , make its out-side thicker , and many great shelves and broken pieces of Ice joyning together , produce such Precipices and Mountains as mentioned . Quest. 8. Whether Fishes can live in frozen Water ? I answer : If there be as much water left unfrozen , as will serve them for respiration , they may live ; for it is well known , that Water is the chief matter of respiration for Fish , and not Air ; for Fish being out of water , cannot live long , but whilst they live , they gasp and gape for water : I mean such kinds of Fish which do live altogether in Water , and not such Creatures as are of a mixt kind , and live in water as well as by land , which the Learned call Amphibious Creatures ; as Otters , and the like , which may live in the air , as well as in water : Those Fish , I say , if the water be thorowly frozen , or if but the surface of water be quite frozen over to a pretty depth , will often die , by reason the water that remains unfrozen , by the contraction of Ice has altered for that time its dilative motions , to retentive motions ; and like as men are smothered in a close air , so Fish in close water , that is , in water which is quite covered and inclosed with Ice : but at some men have not so nice and tender natures as others , and some have larger organs for respiration then others , and some are more accustomed to some sorts of air then others , which may cause them to endure longer , or respire more freely then others ; so some Fishes do live longer in such close waters , then others ; and some may be like Men that are frost-bitten , which may chance to live even in those waters that are quite thorowly frozen , as Experimenters relate ; but yet I cannot believe , that the water , in which Fishes have been observed to live , can be so thorowly frozen to solid Ice , that it should not leave some liquidity or wetness in it , although not perceptible by our sight , by which those Fishes were preserved alive : However , it is more probable for Fish to live in Ice , then for other Creatures , because the Principle of Ice is Water , which is the matter of the Fishes respiration , which keeps them alive . Quest. 9. Whether in decoctions of Herbs , when congealed or frozen into Ice , the figures of the Herbs do appear in the Ice ? This is affirmed for Truth by many Learned ; and though I do not deny , but that such liquors in freezing may have some resemblance of their solid parts ; yet I do not believe it to be universal ; for if the blood of an animal should be congealed into Ice , I doubt it would hardly represent the figure of an animal . Indeed there 's much difference between the exterior figures of Creatures , and their interior natures , which is evident even in frozen water , whose exterior Icy figures are numerous , when as their interior nature is but water ; and there may also several changes and alterations of exterior figures be made by Art , when their interior nature is but one and the same . Quest. 10. Whether Cold doth preserve Bodies from Corruption ? I answer : That , in my opinion , it may be very probable : For Corruption or Putrefaction is nothing but irregular dissolving motions ; when as Freezing or Congelation is made by regular contracting and condensing motions ; and so long as these motions of Freezing are in force , it is impossible the motions that make Corruption should work their effect . But that such bodies as have been thorowly frozen , after being thawed , are most commonly spoiled ; the reason is , that the freezing or congealing motions , being not natural to those bodies , have caused such a thorowalteration of the natural motions of their parts , as a hundred to one but they will never move regularly and orderly again afterward ; but on the contrary , their interior motions do quite and absolutelely change , by which the figure is totally altered from its former nature : but if a solid body be not throughly frozen , it may be reduced to a perfect regularity again ; for those natural motions that are not altered , may occasion the rest to act as formerly , to the preservation of that figure . 30. Of Contraction and Dilation . THere have been , and are still great disputes amongst the Learned concerning Contraction and Extension of bodies ; but if I were to decide their controversie , I would ask first , Whether they did all agree in one principle ? that is , whether their principle was purely natural , and not mixt with divine or supernatural things ; for if they did not well apprehend one anothers meaning , or argued upon different principles , it would be but a folly to dispute , because it would be impossible for them to agree . But concerning Contraction and Dilation , my opinion is , That there can be no Contraction nor Extension of a single part , by reason there is no such thing as a single or individeable part in Nature ; for even that which the learned call an atome , although they make it a single body , yet being mateterial or corporeal , it must needs be divideable : Wherefore all Contraction and Dilation consists of parts as much as body doth , and there is no body that is not contractive and dilative , as well as it is divideable and composeable ; for parts are , as it were , the effects of a body , by reason there is no body without parts ; and contraction and extension are the effects of parts , and magnitude and place are the effects of contraction and extension ; and all these are the effects of corporeal figurative self-motion , which I have more fully declared in several places of my Philosophical Works . But some may say , It is impossible that a body can make it self bigger or less then by Nature it is ? My answer is , I do not conceive what is meant by being little or great by Nature ; for Nature is in a perpetual motion , and so are her parts , which do work , intermix , join , divide and move according as Nature pleases without any rest or intermission . Now if there be such changes of parts and motions , it is impossible that there can be any constant figure in Nature ; I mean , so as not to have its changes of motions as well as the rest , although they be not all after the same manner ; And if there can be no constant figure in Nature , there can neither be a constant littleness or greatness , nor a constant rarity or density , but all parts of Nature must change according to their motions ; for as parts divide and compose , so are their figures ; and since there are contracting and dilating motions , as well as there are of other sorts , there are also contracting and dilating parts ; and if there be contracting and dilating parts , then their magnitude changes accordingly ; for magnitude doth not barely consist in quantity , but in the extension of the parts of the body , and as the magnitude of a body is , so is place ; so that place is larger , or less , according as the body contracts or dilates ; for it is well to be observed , that it is not the interior figure of any part of Creature of Nature that alters by contraction or dilation ; for example , Gold or Quicksilver is not changed from being Gold or Quicksilver when it is rarified , but onely that figure puts it self into several postures . Which proves , that the extension of a body is not made by an addition or intermixture of forraign parts , as composition ; nor contraction , by a diminution of its own parts , as division ; for dilation and composition , as also division and contraction , are different actions ; the dilation of a body is an extension of its own parts , but composition is an addition of forreign parts ; and contraction , although it makes the body less in magnitude , yet it loses nothing of its own parts : The truth is , as division and composition are natural corporeal motions , so are contraction and dilation ; and as both composition and division belong to parts , so do contraction and dilation ; for there can be no contraction or dilation of a single part . 31. Of the Parts of Nature , and of Atomes . ALthough I am of opinion , that Nature is a self-moving , and consequently a self-living and self-knowing infinite body , divideable into infinite parts ; yet I do not mean that these parts are Atomes ; for there can be no Atome , that is , an individeable body in Nature , because whatsoever has body , or is material , has quantity , and what has quantity is divideable . But some may say , if a part be finite , it cannot be divideable into Infinite . To which I answer , that there is no such thing as one finite single part in Nature ; for when I speak of the parts of Nature , I do not understand , that those parts are like grains of Corn , or sand in one heap , all of one figure or magnitude , and separable from each other ; but I conceive Nature to be an Infinite body , bulk or magnitude , which by its own self-motion is divided into infinite parts , not single or individable parts , but parts of one continued body , onely discernable from each other by their proper figures , caused by the changes of particular motions ; for it is well to be observed , first , that Nature is corporeal , and therefore divideable : Next , That Nature is self-moving , and therefore never at rest ; I do not mean exteriously moving ; for Nature being infinite , is all within it self , and has nothing without or beyond it , because it is without limits or bounds ; but interiously , so that all the motions that are in Nature are within her self , and being various and infinite in their changes , they divide the substance or body of Nature into infinite parts ; for the parts of Nature , and changes of Motion are but one thing ; for were there no Motion , there would be no change of figures : 'T is true , Matter in its own nature would be divideable , because wheresoever is body , there are parts ; but if it had no motion , it would not have such various changes of figures as it hath ; wherefore it is well to be considered , that self-motion is throughout all the body of Nature , and that no part or figure , how small soever , can be without self-motion ; and according as the motions are , so are the parts ; for infinite changes of motions make infinite parts ; nay , what we call one finite part , may have infinite changes , because it may be divided and composed infinite ways . By which it is evident , first , that no certain quantity or figure can be assigned to the parts of Nature , as I said before of the grains of corn or sand ; for infinite changes of motions produce infinite varieties of figures ; and all the degrees of density , rarity , levity , gravity , slowness , quickness ; nay , all the effects that are in Nature : Next , that it is impossible to have single parts in Nature , that is , parts which are individeable in themselves , as Atomes ; and may subsist single , or by themselves , precised or separated from all other parts ; for although there are perfect and whole figures in Nature , yet are they nothing else but parts of Nature , which consist of a composition of other parts , and their figures make them discernable from other parts or figures of Nature . For example : an Eye , although it be composed of parts , and has a whole and perfect figure , yet it is but a part of the Head , and could not subsist without it : Also the Head , although it has a whole and perfect figure , yet 't is a part of the Body , and could not subsist without it . The same may be said of all other particular and perfect figures . As for example : an Animal , though it be a whole and perfect figure , yet it is but a part of Earth , and some other Elements , and parts of Nature , and could not subsist without them ; nay , for any thing we know to the contrary , the Elements cannot subsist without other Creatures : All which proves , that there are no single Parts , nor Vacuum , nor no 〈◊〉 of loose Atomes in Nature ; for if such a whole and perfect figure should be divided into millions of other parts and figures , yet it is impossible to divide it into single parts , by reason there is as much composition , as there is division in Nature ; and as soon as parts are divided from such or such parts , at that instant of time , and by the same act of division they are joyned to other parts ; and all this because Nature is a body of a continued infiniteness , without any holes or vacuities : Nay , were it possible that there could be a single part , that is , a part separated from all the rest ; yet being a part of Nature , it must consist of the same substance as Nature her self ; but Nature is an Infinite composition of rational , sensitive and inanimate matter ; which although they do constitute but one body because of their close and inseparable conjunction and commixture ; nevertheless they are several parts ( for one part is not another part ) and therefore every part or particle of Nature consisting of the same commixture , cannot be single or individable . Thus it remains firm , that self-motion is the onely cause of the various parts and changes of figures ; and that when parts move or separate themselves from parts , they move and joyn to other parts at the same point of time ; I do not mean that parts do drive or press upon each other , for those are forced and constraint actions , when as natural self-motions are free and voluntary ; and although there are pressures and re-actions in Nature , yet they are not universal actions : Neither is there any such thing as a stoppage in the actions of Nature , nor do parts move through Empty spaces ; but as some parts joyn , so others divide by the same act ; for although some parts can quit such or such parts , yet they cannot quit all parts ; for example , a man goes a hundred miles , he leaves or quits those parts from whence he removed first ; but as soon as he removes from such parts , he joyns to other parts , were his motion no more then a hairs breadth ; so that all his journey is nothing else but a division and composition of parts , wheresoever he goes by water , or by land ; for it is impossible for him to quit parts in general , although it be in his choice to quit such or such particular parts , and to join to what parts he will. When I speak of Motion , I desire to be understood , that I do not mean any other but corporeal motion ; for there is no other motion in Nature ; so that Generation , Dissolution , Alteration , Augmentation , Diminution , Transformation ; nay , all the actions of Sense and Reason , both interior , and exterior , and what motions soever in Nature are corporeal , although they are not all perceptible by our exterior senses ; for our senses are too gross to perceive all the curious and various actions of Nature , and it would be but a folly to deny what our senses cannot perceive ; for although Sense and Reason are the same in all Creatures and parts of Nature , not having any degrees in themselves , no more then self-knowledg hath ; for self-knowledg can but be self-knowledg , and sense and reason can but be sense and reason ; yet they do not work in all parts of Nature alike , but according as they are composed : and therefore it is impossible for any humane eye to see the exterior motions of all Creatures , except they be of some grosser bodies ; For who can see the motion of the Air , and the like ? Nay , I believe not that all exterior motions of grosser bodies can be perceived by our sight , much less their interior actions ; and by this I exclude Rest : for if Matter , or corporeal Nature be in a perpetual motion , there can be no rest in Nature , but what others call rest , is nothing else but retentive motions , which retentive motions , are as active as dispersing motions ; for Mr. Des Cartes says well , that it requires as much action or force to stay a Ship , as to set it a float ; and there is as much action required in keeping parts together , as in dispersing them . Besides , interior motions are as active as some exterior ; nay , some more ; and I believe , if there were a World of Gold , whose parts are close and dense , it would be as active interiously , as a world of air , which is fluid and rare , would be active exteriously . But some may say , How is it possible that : there can be a motion of bodies without an empty space ; for one body cannot move in another body ? I answer : Space is change of division , as Place is change of magnitude ; but division and magnitude belong to body ; therefore space and place cannot be without body , but wheresoever is body , there is place also : Neither can a body leave a place behind it ; so that the distinction of interior and exterior place is needless , because no body can have two places , but place and body are but one thing ; and whensoever the body changes , its place changes also . But some do not consider that there are degrees of Matter ; for Natures body doth not consist of one degree , as to be all hard or dense like a stone , but as there are infinite changes of Motion , so there are in Nature infinite degrees of density , rarity , grossness , purity , hardness , softness , &c. all caused by self-motion ; which hard , gross , rare , fluid , dense , subtil , and many other sorts of bodies , in their several degrees , may more easily move , divide and join , from and with each other , being in a continued body , then if they had a Vacuum to move in ; for were there a Vacuum , there would be no successive motions , nor no degrees of swiftness and slowness , but all Motion would be done in an instant . The truth is , there would be such distances of several gaps and holes , that Parts would never join if once divided ; in so much as a piece of the world would become a single particular World , not joyning to any part besides it self ; which would make a horrid confusion in Nature contrary to all sense and reason . Wherefore the opinion of Vacuum is , in my judgment , as absurd as the opinion of senseless and irrational Atomes , moving by chance ; for it is more probable that atomes should have life and knowledg to move regularly , then that they should move regularly and wisely by chance , and without life and knowledg ; for there can be no regular motion without knowledg , sense and reason ; and therefore those that are for Atomes , had best to believe them to be self-moving , living and knowing bodies , or else their opinion is very irrational . But the opinion of Atomes , is fitter for a Poetical fancy , then for serious Philosophy ; and this is the reason that I have waved it in my Philosophical Works : for if there can be no single parts , there cannot be Atomes in Nature , or else Nature would be like a Beggars coat full of lice ; Neither would she be able to rule those wandering and stragling atomes , because they are not parts of her body , but each is a single body by it self , having no dependance upon each other ; Wherefore if there should be a composition of Atomes , it would not be a body made of parts , but of so many whole and intire single bodies meeting together as a swarm of Bees : The truth is , every Atome being single , must be an absolute body by it self , and have an absolute power and knowledg ; by which it would become a kind of a Deity ; and the concourse of them would rather cause a confusion , then a conformity in Nature , because all Atomes , being absolute , they would all be Governours , but none would be governed . Thus I have declared my opinion concerning the parts of Nature , as also Vacuum , and Atomes ; to wit , That it is impossible there can be any such things in Nature . I will conclude after I have given my answer to these two following Questions . First , It may be asked , Whether the Parts of a Composed figure do continue in such a Composition until the whole figure be dissolved ? I answer , My opinion is , that in some compositions they do continue , at least some longer then others ; but although some parts of a figure do disjoin from each other , and join with others ; yet the structure of the Creature may nevertheless continue . Neither is it necessary , that those which begin a buiding , must needs stay to the end or perfection of it , for some may begin , others may work on , and others may finish it ; also some may repair , and some may ruine ; and it is well to be observed , that the compositions of all Creatures are not alike , nor do they continue or dissolve all alike , and at the same time . Secondly , It may be questioned , Whether there can be an infinite distance between two or more parts ? And my answer is , That distance properly doth not belong to infinite , but onely to finite pars ; for distance is a certain measure between parts and parts , and wheresoever is a measure , there must be two extreams ; but there are no extreams nor ends in infinite , and therefore there can be no infinite distance between parts . Indeed , it is a meer contradiction , and non-sense to say , Infinit between parts , by reason the word Between , implies a finiteness , as between such a part , and such a part . But you will say , Because Nature is an infinite body , it must have an infinite measure ; for wheresoever is body , there is magnitude and figure ; and wheresoever is magnitude and figure , there is measure . I answer : 'T is true , body , magnitude and figure , are all but one thing ; and according as the body is , so is its magnitude and figure ; but the body of Nature being infinite , its magnitude and figure must also be infinite . But mistake me not : I do not mean a circumscribed and perfect exterior magnitude , by reason there 's nothing exterior in respect to Infinite , but in relation to its infinite parts . The truth is , Men do often mistake in adscribing to Infinite that which properly belongs to particulars ; or at least they consider the attributes of an infinite and a finite body , after one and the same manner ; and no wonder , because a finite capacity cannot comprehend what infinite is ; but although we cannot positively know what infinite is , yet we may guess at it by its opposite , that is , by Finite ; for infinite is that which has no terms , bounds or limits ; and therefore it cannot be circumscribed ; and if it cannot be circumscribed as a finite body , it cannot have an exterior magnitude and figure as a finite body , and consequently no measure . Nevertheless , it is no contradiction to say , it has an Infinite magnitude and figure ; for although Infinite Nature cannot have any thing without or beyond it self , yet it may have magnitude and figure within it self , because it is a body , and by this the magnitude and figure of infinite Nature is distinguished from the magnitude and figure of its finite parts ; for these have each their exterior and circumscribed figure , which Nature has not . And as for Measure , it is onely an effect of a finite magnitude , and belongs to finite parts that have certain distances from each other . 'T is true , one might in a certain manner say , An infinite distance ; as for example , if there be an infinite Line which has no ends , one might call the infinite extension of that line an infinite distance ; but this is an improper expression , and it is better to keep the term of an infinite extension , then call it an infinite distance ; for as I said before , distance is measure , and properly belongs to parts : Nay , if it were possible that there could be an infinite distance of parts in Nature , yet the perpetual changes of Motions , by which parts remove , and join from and to parts , would not allow any such thing in Nature ; for the parts of Nature are always in action , working , intermixing , composing , dividing perpetually ; so as it would be impossible for them to keep certain distances . But to conclude this Discourse , I desire it may be observed . 1. That whatsoever is body , were it an Atome , must have parts ; so that body cannot be without parts . 2. That there is no such thing as rest or stoppage in Infinite Matter ; but there is self-motion in all parts of Nature , although they are not all exteriously , locally moving to our perception ; for reason must not deny what our senses cannot comprehend : although a piece of Wood or Metal has no exterior progressive motion , such as is found in Animals ; nevertheless , it is not without Motion ; for it is subject to Generation and Dissolution , which certainly are natural corporeal motions , besides many others ; the truth is , the harder , denser , and firmer bodies are , the stronger are their motions ; for it requires more strength to keep and hold parts together , then to dissolve and separate them . 3. That without motion , parts could not alter their figures , neither would there be any variety in infinite Nature . 4. If there were any such thing as Atomes , and Vacuum , there would be no conformity , nor uniformity in Nature . Lastly , As there is a perpetual self-motion in Nature , and all her parts , so it is impossible that there can be perfect measures , constant figures , or single parts in Nature . 32. Of the Celestial Parts of this World ; and whether they be alterable ? IT may be questioned , Whether the celestial parts of the world never alter or change by their corporeal figurative motions , but remain constantly the same without any change or alteration ? I answer : Concerning the general and particular kinds or sorts of Creatures of this world , humane sense and reason doth observe , that they do not change , but are continued by a perpetual supply and succession of Particulars without any general alteration or dissolution ; but as for the singulars or particulars of those kinds and sorts of Creatures , it is most certain , that they are subject to perpetual alterations , generations and dissolutions ; for example , humane sense and reason perceives , that the Parts of the Earth do undergo continual alterations ; some do change into Minerals , some into Vegetables , some into Animals , &c. and these change again into several other figures , and also some into Earth again , and the Elements are changed one into another ; when as yet the Globe of the Earth it self remains the same without any general alteration or dissolution ; neither is there any want or decay of general kinds of Creatures , but onely a change of their particulars ; And though our perception is but finite , and must contain it self within its own compass or bounds , so that it cannot judg of all particulars that are in Nature : Nevertheless , I see no reason , why the Celestial parts of the World should not be subject to alteration , as well as those of the Terrestrial Globe ; for if Nature be full of self-motion , no particular can be at rest , or without action ; but the chief actions of Nature are Composition and Division , and changes of Parts : Wherefore , although to our humane perception , the Stars and Planets do not change from their general nature , as from being such or such composed figures , but appear the same to us , without any general or remarkable change of their exterior figures ; yet we cannot certainly affirm , that the parts thereof be either moveless or unalterable , they being too remote from our perception , to discern all their particular motions : For put the case , the Moon , or any other of the Planets , were inhabited by animal Creatures , which could see as much of this terrestrial Globe , as we see of the Moon , although they would perceive perhaps the progressive motion of the whole figure of this terrestrial Globe , in the same manner as we do perceive the motion of the Moon , yet they would never be able to discern the particular parts thereof , viz. Trees , Animals , Stones , Water , Earth , &c. much less their particular changes and alterations , generations and dissolutions . In the like manner do the Celestial Orbs appear to us ; for none that inhabit this Globe will ever be able to discern the particular parts of which the Globe of the Moon consists , much less their changes and motions . Indeed , it is with the Celestial Orbs , as it is with other composed parts or figures of Nature , which have their interior , as well as exterior ; general , as well as particular motions ; for it is impossible , that Nature , consisting of infinite different parts , should have but one kind of motion ; and therefore as a Man , or any other animal , has first his exterior motions or actions , which belong to his whole composed figure , next his Internal figurative motions by which he grows , decays , and dissolves , &c. Thirdly , As every several part and particle of his body has its interior and exterior actions ; so it may be said of the Stars and Planets , which are no more then other parts of Nature , as being composed of the same Matter which all the rest consists of , and partaking of the same self-motion ; for although our fight cannot discern more then their progressive , and shining or twinkling motion ; nevertheless , they being parts of Nature , must of necessity have their interior and exterior , particular and general motions ; so that the parts of their bodies may change as much as the parts of this Globe , the figure of the whole remaining still the same ; for as I said before , they being too far from our perception , their particular motions cannot be observed ; nay , were we able to perceive the exterior actions of their parts , yet their interior motions are no ways perceptible by humane sight ; we may observe the effects of some interior motions of natural Creatures ; for example , of Man , how he changes from infancy to youth , from youth to old age , &c. but how these actions are performed inwardly , no Microscope is able to give us a true information thereof . Nevertheless , Mankind is as lasting , as the Sun , Moon and Stars ; nay , not onely Mankind , but also several other kinds and species of Creatures , as Minerals , Vegetables , Elements , and the like ; for though particulars change , yet the species do not ; neither can the species be impaired by the changes of their particulars ; for example , the Sea is no less salt , for all there is so much salt extracted out of salt-water , besides that so many fresh Rivers and Springs do mingle and intermix with it ; Neither doth the Earth seem less for all the productions of Vegetables , Minerals and Animals , which derive their birth and origine from thence : Nor doth the race of Mankind seem either more or less now then it was in former ages ; for every species of Creatures is preserved by a continued succession or supply of particulars ; so that when some die or dissolve from being such natural figures , others are generated and supply the want of them . And thus it is with all parts of Nature , both what we call Celestial and Terrestrial ; nor can it be otherwise , since Nature is self-moving , and all her parts are perpetually active . 33. Of the substance of the Sun , and of Fire . THere are divers opinions concerning the matter or substance of the Sun ; some imagine the Sun to be a solid body set on fire ; others that it is a fluid body of fire , and others again , that it is onely a body of Light , and not of fire ; so as I know not which opinion to adhere to : but yet I do rather believe the Sun to be a solid , then a fluid body ; by reason fluid bodies are more inconstant in their motions then solid bodies ; witness Lightning , which is a fluid fire , and flashes out through the divided clouds , with such a force as water that is pumpt ; and being extended beyond the degree of flame , alters to something else that is beyond our humane perception . Indeed , it is of the nature of Air , or else Air inflamed ; and as some sorts of Air are more rare , subtil and searching then others , so are some sorts of Lightning , as 't is known by experience : or it is like several sorts of flame , that have several sorts of fuel to feed on ; as for example , the flame of Oyl , the flame of Wood , the flame of Aqua-vitae , the flame of Gums , and the like ; all which are very different , not onely in their several tempers and degrees of heat , but also in their several manners of burning or flaming ; for the flame of Aqua-vitae is far thinner and blewer , then the flame of Wax , Wood , Tallow , or the like ; in so much , that there is as much difference between them , as there is between the Azure Skie , and a white Cloud ; which shews , that the flame of spirituous bodies is more airy and rare then the flame of others : For Flame is onely the rare and airy part of fire , and there is a natural body of Fire , as well as of Air , Earth and Water ; and as there are several sorts of Earth , Water and Air , so there are also several sorts of Fire ; and as there are springs of Water , and springs of Air , so there may also be springs of Fire and Flame . But to return to the Sun ; though I am not able certainly to determine of what substance it is , yet to our perception it appears not to be a fluid , but a solid body , by reason it keeps constantly the same exterior figure , and never appears either ebbing or flowing , or flashing , as lightning is ; nor does the whole figure of its body dissolve and change into another figure ; nevertheless , it being a natural creature , and consisting of self-moving parts , there is no question but its parts are subject to continual changes and alterations , although not perceptible by our sight , by reason of its distance , and the weakness of our organs ; for although this Terrestrial Globe , which we inhabit , in its outward figure , nay , in its interior nature remains still the same ; yet its parts do continually change by perpetual compositions and dissolutions , as is evident , and needs no proof . The same may be said of the Sun , Moon , Stars and Planets ; which are like a certain kind or species of Creatures ; as for example , Animal or Man-kind ; which species do always last , although their particulars are subject to perpetual productions and dissolutions . And thus it is with all composed figures or parts of Nature , whose chief action is Respiration ( if I may so call it ) that is , composition and division of parts , caused by the self-moving power of Nature . 34. Of Telescopes . MAny Ingenious and Industrious Artists take much labour and pains in studying the natures and figures of Celestial objects , and endeavour to discover the causes of their appearances by Telescopes , and such like Optick Instruments ; but if Art be not able to inform us truly of the natures of those Creatures that are near us , How may it delude us in the scarch and enquiry we make of those things that are so far from us ? We see how Multiplying-glasses do present numerous pictures of one object , which he that has not the experience of the deceitfulness of such Glasses , would really think to be so many objects . The like deceits may be in other optick Instruments for ought man knows . 'T is true , we may perhaps through a Telescope see a Steeple a matter of 20 or 30 miles off ; but the same can a natural Eye do , if it be not defective , nor the medium obstructed , without the help of any such Instrument ; especially if one stand upon a high place : But put the case , a man should be upon the Alps , he would hardly see the City of Paris from thence , although he looked through a Telescope never so perfect , and had no obstruction to hinder his sight : and truly the Stars and Planets are far more distant from us then Paris from the Alps. It is well known , that the sense of sight requires a certain proportion of distance betwixt the Eye and the Object ; which being exceeded , it cannot perform its office ; for if the object be either too near , or too far off , the sight cannot discern it : and as I have made mention in my Philosophical Letters of the nature of those Guns , that according to the proportion of the length of the barrel , shoot either further or shorter ; for the Barrel must have its proportioned length ; which being exceeded , the Gun will shoot so much shorter as the barrel is made longer ; so may Prospective-glasses perhaps direct the sense of seeing within a certain compass of distance ; which distance , surely the Stars and Planets do far exceed ; I mean so , as to discern their figures as we do of other objects that are near us ; for concerning their exterior progressive motions , we may observe them with our natural eyes as well as through Artificial Tubes : We can see the Suns rising and setting , and the progressive motion of the Moon , and other Planets ; but yet we cannot see their natural figures , what they are , nor what makes them move ; for we cannot perceive progressive local Motion otherwise , then by change of distance , that is , by composition and division of Parts , which is commonly , ( though improperly ) called change of Place , and no glasses or tubes can do more . Some affirm , they have discovered many new Stars , never seen before , by the help of Telescopes ; but whether this be true , or not , or whether it be onely a delusion of the glasses , I will not dispute ; for I having no skill , neither in the art of Opticks , nor in Astronomy , may chance to err , and therefore I will not eagerly affirm what I do not certainly know ; I onely endeavour to deliver my judgment as reason directs me , and not as sense informs , or rather deludes me ; and I chose rather to follow the guidance of regular Reason , then of deluding Art. 35. Of Knowledg and Perception in General . SInce Natural Knowledg and Perception is the Ground and Principle , not onely of Philosophy both Speculative and Experimental , but of all other Arts and Sciences , nay , of all the Infinite particular actions of Nature ; I thought it not amiss to joyn to the end of this part a full declaration of my opinion concerning that subject . First , It is to be observed , That Matter , Self-motion and Self-knowledg , are inseparable from each other , and make Nature , one Material , self-moving , and self-knowing Body . 2. Nature being Material , is dividable into parts ; and being infinite in quantity or bulk , her parts are infinite in number . 3. No part can subsist singly , or by it self , precised from the rest ; but they are all parts of one infinite body ; for though such parts may be separated from such parts , and joined to other parts , and by this means may undergo infinite changes by infinite compositions and divisions ; yet no part can be separated from the body of Nature . 4. And hence it follows , That the parts of Nature are nothing else but the particular changes of particular figures , made by self-motion . 5. As there can be no annihilation ; so there can neither be a new Creation of the least part or particle of Nature , or else Nature would not be infinite . 6. Nature is purely corporeal or material , and there is nothing that belongs to , or is a part of Nature , which is not corporeal ; so that natural and material , or corporeal , are one and the same ; and therefore spiritual beings , non-beings , mixt beings , and whatsoever distinctions the Learned do make , are no ways belonging to Nature : Neither is there any such thing as an Incorporeal motion ; for all actions of Nature are corporeal , being natural ; and there can no abstraction be made of Motion or Figure , from Matter or Body , but they are inseparably one thing . 7. As Infinite Matter is divided into Infinite parts , so Infinite knowledg is divided into Infinite particular knowledges , and Infinite self-motion into Infinite particular self-actions . 8. There is no other difference between self-knowledg , and particular knowledges , then betwixt self-motion , and particular self-actions ; or betwixt a whole , and its parts ; a cause , and its effects : for self-knowledg is the ground and principle of all particular knowledges , as self-motion is the ground and principle of all particular actions , changes and varieties of natural figures . 9. As Infinite Nature has an infinite self-motion and self-knowledg , so every part and particle has a particular and finite self-motion and self-knowledg , by which it knows it self , and its own actions , and perceives also other parts and actions ; which latter is properly called Perception ; not as if there were two different Principles of knowledg in every particular Creature or part of Nature ; but they are two different acts of one and the same interior and inherent self-knowledg , which is a part of Natures infinite self-knowledg . 10. Thus Perception , or a perceptive knowledg , belongs properly to parts , and may also be called an exterior knowledg , by reason it extends to exterior objects . 11. Though self-knowledg is the ground and principle of all particular knowledges and perceptions , yet self-motion , since it is the cause of all the variety of natural figures , and of the various compositions and divisions of parts , it is also the cause of all Perceptions . 12. As there is a double degree of corporeal self-motion , viz. Rational , and Sensitive ; so there is also a double degree of Perception , Rational , and Sensitive . 13. A whole may know its parts , and an Infinite a Finite ; but no particular part can know its whole , nor one finite part that which is infinite . I say , no particular part ; for when parts are regularly composed , they may by a general Conjunction or Union of their particular knowledges and perceptions , know more , and so judg more probably of the whole , or of Infinite ; and although by the division of parts , those composed knowledges and perceptions , may be broke asunder like a ruined house or Castle , Kingdom or Government ; yet some of the same Materials may chance to be put to the same uses , and some may be joined to those that formerly imployed themselves otherways : And hence I conclude , That no particular parts are bound to certain particular actions , no more then Nature her self , which is self-moving Matter ; for as Nature is full of variety of motions or actions , so are her parts ; or else she could not be said self-moving , if she were bound to certain actions , and had not liberty to move as she pleases : for though God , the Authour of Nature , has ordered her so that she cannot work beyond her own nature , that is , beyond Matter ; yet has she freedom to move as she will ; neither can it be certainly affirmed , that the successive propagation of the several species of Creatures is decreed and ordained by God , so that Nature must of necessity work to their continuation , and can do no otherwise ; but humane sense and reason may observe , that the same parts keep not always to the same particular actions , so as to move to the same species or figures ; for those parts that join in the composition of an animal , alter their actions in its dissolution , and in the framing of other figures ; so that the same parts which were joined in one particular animal , may , when they dissolve from that composed figure , join severally to the composition of other figures ; as for example , of Minerals , Vegetables , Elements , &c. and some may join with some sorts of Creatures , and some with others , and so produce creatures of different sorts , when as before they were all united in one particular Creature ; for particular parts are not bound to work or move to a certain particular action , but they work according to the wisdom and liberty of Nature , which is onely bound by the Omnipotent God's Decree not to work beyond her self , that is , beyond Matter ; and since Matter is dividable , Nature is necessitated to move in parts ; for Matter can be without parts , no more then parts can be without a whole ; neither can Nature , being material , make her self void of figure , nor can she rest , being self-moving ; but she is bound to divide and compose her several parts into several particular figures , and dissolve and change those figures again infinite ways : All which proves the variety of Nature , which is so great , that even in one and the same species , none of the particulars resemble one another so much as not to be discerned from each other . But to return to Knowledg and Perception ; I say they are general and fundamental actions of Nature ; it being not probable that the infinite parts of Nature should move so variously , nay , so orderly and methodically as they do , without knowing what they do , or why and whether they move ; and therefore all particular actions whatsoever in Nature , as respiration , digestion , sympathy , antipathy , division , composition , pressure , reaction , &c. are all particular perceptive and knowing actions ; for if a part be divided from other parts , both are sensible of their division : The like may be said of the composition of parts . And as for Pressure and Reaction , they are as knowing and perceptive as any other particular actions ; but yet this does not prove , that they are the principle of perception ; and that there 's no Perception but what is made by Pressure and Reaction , or that at least they are the ground of Animal Perception ; for as they are no more but particular actions , so they have but particular perceptions ; and although all Motion is sensible , yet no part is sensible but by its own motions in its own parts ; that is , no corporeal motion is sensible but of or by it self : Therefore when a man moves a string , or tosses a Ball ; the string or ball is no more sensible of the motion of the hand , then the hand is of the motion of the string or ball , but the hand is onely an occasion that the string or ball moves thus or thus . I will not say , but that it may have some perception of the hand according to the nature of its own figure , but it does not move by the hands motion , but by its own ; for there can be no motion imparted without matter or substance . Neither can I certainly affirm , that all Perception consists in patterning out exterior objects , for although the perception of our humane senses is made that way , yet Natures actions being so various , I dare not conclude from thence that all the perceptions of the infinitely various parts and figures of Nature are made all after the same manner . Nevertheless , it is probable to sense and reason , that the infinite parts of Nature have not onely interior self-knowledg , but also exterior perceptions of other figures or parts , and their actions ; by reason there is a perpetual commerce and entercourse between parts and parts , and the chief actions of Nature are composition and division , which produce all the variety of Nature ; which proves , there must of necessity be perception between parts and parts ; but how all these particular perceptions are made , no particular creature is able to know , by reason of their variety ; for as the actions of Nature vary , so do the perceptions . Therefore it is absurd to confine all perception of Nature , either to pressure and reaction , or to the animal kind of perception , since even in one and the same animal sense ; as for example , of seeing , there are numerous perceptions ; for every motion of the Eye , were it no more then a hairs breadth , causes a several perception ; besides , it is not onely the five organs in an animal , but every part and particle of his body that has a peculiar knowledg and perception , because it consists of self-moving Matter : Which if so , then a Looking-glass that patterns out the face of a Man , and a Mans Eye that patterns again the copy from the Glass , cannot be said to have the same perception , by reason a Glass , and an animal , are different sorts of Creatures ; for though a piece of Wood , Stone , or Metal , may have a perceptive knowledg of Man , yet it hath not a Man's perception , because it is a Vegetable or Mineral , and cannot have an Animal knowledg or perception , no more , then the Eye patterning out a Tree or Stone , can be said to have a Vegetable or Mineral Perception ; nay , when one Animal , as for example one man , perceives another , he doth not perceive his knowledg ; for it is one thing to perceive the exterior figure of a Creature , and another thing to perceive its interior , proper , and innate actions ; also it is one thing to perceive exterior objects , and another to receive knowledg ; for no part can give away to another its inherent and proper particular nature , neither can one part make it self another part ; it may imitate some actions of another part , but not make it self the same part ; which proves , that each part must have its own knowledg and perception , according to its own particular nature ; for though several parts may have the like perceptions , yet they are not the same ; and although the exterior figures of some objects may be alike , yet the perceptions may be quite different ; 't is true , sensitive and rational knowledg is general and infinite in Nature ; but every part being finite , can have but a finite and particular knowledg , and that according to the nature of its particular figure ; for as not all Creatures , although they be composed of one Matter , are alike in their figures , so not all can have the like knowledges and perceptions , though they have all self-motion ; for particular Creatures and actions are but effects of the onely Infinite self-moving Matter , and so are particular perceptions ; and although they are different , yet the difference of effects does not argue different causes ; but one and the same cause may produce several and different effects ; so that although there be infinite different motions in Nature , yet they are all but motions , and cannot differ from each other in being motions or self-moving parts ; and although there be infinite several and different perceptions , yet they are all perceptions ; for the effects cannot alter the cause , but the cause may alter the effects : Wherefore rational and sensitive corporeal motions cannot change from being motions , though they may change from moving thus , to move thus ; nor perceptions from being perceptions , though they may change from being such or such particular perceptions ; for the change is onely in particulars , not in the ground or principle which continues always the same . The truth is , as it is impossible that one figure should be another figure , or one part another part ; so likewise it is impossible , that the perception of one part should be the perception of another ; but being in parts , they must be several , and those parts being different , they must be different also : But some are more different then others ; for the perceptions of Creatures of different sorts , as for example , of a Vegetable and an Animal , are more different then the perception of particulars of one sort , or of one composed figure ; for as there is difference in their interior natures , so in their perceptions ; so that a Mineral or Vegetable that perceives the figure of an Animal , has no more the perception of an Animal , then an Animal which perceives or patterns out the figure of a Mineral or Vegetable , has the perceptions of those Creatures ; for example , when a man lies upon a stone , or leans on a tree , or handles and touches water , &c. although these parts be so closely joined to each other , yet their perceptions are quite different ; for the man onely knows what he feels , or sees , or hears , or smells , or tasteth , but knows not what sense or perception those parts have ; nay , he is so far from that , that even one part of his body doth not know the sense and perception of another part of his body ; as for example , one of his hands knows not the sense and perception of his other hand ; nay , one part of his hand knows not the perception of another part of the same hand ; for as the corporeal figurative motions differ , so do particular knowledges and perceptions ; and although sensitive and rational knowledg is general and infinite in infinite Nature , yet every part being finite , has but finite and particular perceptions , besides , perception being but an effect , and not a cause , is more various in particulars ; for although all Creatures are composed of rational and sensitive Matter , yet their perceptions are not alike ; neither can the effect alter the cause ; for though the several actions of sensitive and rational Matter be various , and make several perceptions , yet they cannot make several kinds of sensitive and rational Matter ; but when as perceptions change , the parts of the sensitive and rational matter remain the same in themselves ; that is , they do not change from being sensitive or rational parts , although they may make numerous perceptions in their particular parts , according to the various changes of self-motion . But some may say , If the particular parts of one composed figure be so ignorant of each others knowledg , as I have expressed , How can they agree in some action of the whole figure , where they must all be imployed , and work agreeably to one effect ? As for example ; when the Mind designs to go to such a place , or do such a work ; How can all the parts agree in the performing of this act , if they be ignorant of each others actions ? I answer : Although every Parts knowledg and perception , is its own , and not anothers ; so that every part knows by its own knowledg , and perceives by its own perception ; yet it doth not follow from thence , that no part has any more knowledg then of it felf , or of its own actions ; for , as I said before , it is well to be observed , that there being an entercourse and commerce , as also an acquaintance and agreement between parts and parts , there must also of necessity be some knowledg or perception betwixt them , that is , one part must be able to perceive another part , and the actions of that same part ; for wheresoever is life and knowledg , that is , sense and reason , there is also perception ; and though no part of Nature can have an absolute knowledg , yet it is neither absolutely ignorant , but it has a particular knowledg , and particular perceptions , according to the nature of its own innate and interior figure . In short , as there are several kinds , sorts and particular perceptions , and particular ignorances between parts , so there are more general perceptions between some parts , then between others ; the like of ignorance ; all which is according to the various actions of corporeal self-motion : But yet no part can have a thorow perception of all other parts and their actions , or be sure that that part which it perceives has the like perception of it again ; for one part may perceive another part , and yet this part may be ignorant of that part , and its perception ; for example , my eye perceives an object , but that object is not necessitated to perceive my eye again ; also my eye may perceive the pattern of it self made in a Looking-glass , and yet be ignorant whether the Glass do the like . Again , when two parts touch each other , one part may perceive the other , and yet be ignorant whether t' other does the like ; for example , a man joins both his hands together ; they may have perception of each other , and yet be ignorant of each others perception ; and most commonly , one part judges of anothers perception by its own ; for when one man perceives the actions of another man , he judges by those actions what perceptions he has , so that judgment is but a comparing of actions ; for as likeness of interior motions makes sympathy , so comparing of actions makes judgment , to know and distinguish what is alike , and what is not . Therefore perception of exterior objects , though it proceeds from an interior principle of self-knowledg , yet it is nothing else but an observation of exterior parts or actions ; so that parts in their several compositions and divisions may have several perceptions of each other , according to the nature of their figurative corporeal motions ; and although each parts knowledg is its own , yet parts may have as much knowledg of each other , as they can perceive , or observe of each other ; for the perceptive motions of one part , may inform themselves of the actions of other parts . The truth is , every particular part has its own motions figures , sense and reason , which by a conjunction or composition of parts , makes a general knowledg ; for as the division of parts causes a general obscurity , so composition of parts makes a general knowledg and understanding ; and as every part has self-motion , so it has self-knowledg and perception . But it is to be observed , That since there is a double perception in the infinite parts of Nature , sensitive and rational ; the perception and information of the rational parts is more general , then of the sensitive , they being the most prudent , designing and governing parts of Nature , not so much encumbred with labouring on the inanimate parts of matter as the sensitive : Therefore the rational parts in a composed figure , or united action , may sooner have a general knowledg and information of the whole then the sensitive ; whose knowledg is more particular ; as for example , a man may have a pain in one of the parts of his body , although the perception thereof is made by the sensitive corporeal motions in that same part , yet the next adjoining sensitive parts may be ignorant thereof , when as all the rational parts of the whole body may take notice of it . Thus the rational parts having a more general acquaintance then the sensitive , and being also the designing and architectonical parts , they imploy the sensitive parts to work to the same effect ; but these are not always ready to obey , but force sometimes the rational to obey them , which we call irregularity ; which is nothing but an opposition or strife between parts ; as for example , a man designs to imploy the exterior strength and action of his exterior parts ; but if through irregularity the legs and arms be weak , the stomack sick , the head full of pain ; they will not agree to the executing of the commands of the rational parts . Likewise the mind endeavours often to keep the sensitive motions of the body from dissolution ; but they many times follow the mode , and imitate other objects , or cause a dissolution or division of that composed figure by voluntary actions . Thus the sensitive and rational motions do oftentimes cross and oppose each other ; for although several parts are united in one body , yet are they not always bound to agree in one action ; nor can it be otherwise ; for were there no disagreement between them , there would be no irregularities , and consequently no pain or sickness , nor no dissolution of any natural figure . And such an agreement and disagreement is not onely betwixt the rational and sensitive parts , but also betwixt the rational and rational , the sensitive and sensitive ; for some rational Parts , may in one composed figure have opposite actions ; as for example , the Mind of Man may be divided so , as to hate one person , and love another ; nay , hate and love one and the same person for several things at the same time , as also rejoice and grieve at the same time . For example , a man has two Sons ; one is kill'd in the Wars , and the other comes home with victory and honour ; the Father grieves for the slain Son , and rejoyces for the victorious Son : for the Mind being material , is dividable as well as composable ; and therefore its parts may as well oppose each other , as agree ; for agreement and friendship is made by composition , and disagreement by division ; and sense and reason is either stronger or weaker , by composition or division , regularity or irregularity , for a greater number of parts may over-power a less ; also there are advantages and disadvantages amongst parts , according to the several sorts of corporeal figurative motions ; so that some sorts of corporeal motions ; although fewer or weaker , may over-power others that are more numerous and strong ; but the rational being the most subtil , active , observing and inspective parts , have , for the most part , more power over the sensitive , then the sensitive have over them ; which makes that they , for the most part , work regularly , and cause all the orderly and regular compositions , dissolutions , changes and varieties in the infinite parts of Nature ; besides , their perception and observation being more general , it lasts longer ; for the rational continue the perception of the past actions of the sensitive , when as the sensitive keep no such records . Some say , that Perception is made by the Ideas of exterior objects entering into the organs of the sentient ; but this opinion cannot be probable to sense and reason ; for first , If Ideas subsist of themselves , then they must have their own figures , and so the figures of the objects would not be perceived , but onely the figures of the Ideas . But if those Ideas be the figures of the objects themselves , then by entring into our sensories the objects would lose them ; for one single object can have no more but one exterior figure at one time , which surely it cannot lose and keep at one and the same time ; But if it be a Print of the object on the Air , it is impossible there could be such several sorts of Prints as there are Perceptions , without a notable confusion . Besides : when I consider the little passages , as in the sense of touch , the pores of the flesh , through which they must enter , I cannot readily believe it ; nay , the Motions and Prints would grow so weak , and faint in their journey , especially if the object be a great way off , as they would become of no effect . But if their opinion be , that Ideas can change and alter , then all immaterial substances may do the same , and spirits may change and alter into several immaterial figures ; which , in my opinion cannot be : for what is supernatural , is unalterable ; and therefore the opinion of Ideas in perception , is as irregular , as the opinion of senseless atomes in the framing of a Regular World. Again : Some of our Modern Philosophers are of opinion , That the subject wherein Colour and Image are inherent , is not the object or thing seen ; for Image and Colour , say they , may be there where the thing seen is not : As for example , The Sun , and other visible objects , by reflexion in Water or Glass ; so that there is nothing without us really which we call Image or Colour ; for the Image or Colour is but an apparition unto us of the motion and agitation which the object works in the brain or spirits , and divers times men see directly the same object double , as two Candles for one , and the like . To which I answer : That all this doth not prove that the object is not perceived , or that an object can be without image or colour , or that figure and colour are not the same with the object ; but it proves , that the object enters not the eye , but is onely patterned out by the perceptive motions in the optick sense ; for the reflection of the Sun in Water or Glass , is but a copy of the original , made by the figurative perceptive motions in the Glass or Water , which may pattern out an object as well as we do ; which copy is patterned out again by our optick perception , and so one copy is made by another . The truth is , Our optick sense could not perceive either the original , or copy of an exterior object , if it did not make those figures in its own parts ; and therefore figure and colour are both in the object , and the eye ; and not , as they say , neither in the object , nor in the eye ; for though I grant that one thing cannot be in two places at once , yet there may be several copies made of one original , in several parts , which are several places , at one and the same time ; which is more probable , then that figure and colour should neither be in the object , nor in the eye , or according to their own words , that figure and colour should be there where the thing seen is not ; which is to separate it from the object , a thing against all possibility , sense and reason ; or else , that a substanceless and senseless Motion should make a progressive journey from the object to the sentient , and there print , figure and colour upon the optick sense by a bare agitation or concussion , so that the perception or apparition , ( as they call it ) of an object , should onely be according to the stroke the agitation makes ; as for example , the perception of light after such a manner , figure after such , and colour after another ; for if Motion be no substance or body , and besides void of sense , not knowing what it acts ; I cannot conceive how it should make such different strokes upon both the sensitive organ , and the brain , and all so orderly that every thing is perceived differently and distinctly . Truly this opinion is like Epicurus's of Atomes ; but how absurd it is to make senseless corpuscles the cause of sense and reason , and consequently of perception , is obvious to every ones apprehension , and needs no demonstration . Next , as Colour , according to their opinion , is not inherent any otherwise in the object , but by an effect thereof upon us , caused by such a motion in the object ; so neither , say they , is sound in the thing we hear , but in our selves ; for as a man may see , so he may hear double or trebble by multiplication of Ecchoes , which are sounds as well as the Original , and not being in one and the same place , cannot be inherent in the body ; for the Clapper has no sound in it , but motion ; and maketh motion in the inward parts of the Bell ; neither has the Bell motion , but sound ; and imparts motion to the air , the air again imparts motion to the ear and nerves , until it comes to the brain , which has motion , not sound ; from the brain it rebounds back into the nerves outward , and then it becoms an apparition without , which we call sound . But Good Lord , what a confusion would all this produce , if it were thus ! What need is there of imparting Motion , when Nature can do it a much easier way ? I wonder how rational men can believe that motion can be imparted without matter : Next , that all this can be done in an instant : Again , that it is the organ of the sentient that makes colour , sound , and the like , and that they are not really inherent in the object it self . For were there no men to perceive such or such a colour , figure or sound , can we rationally think that object would have no colour , figure nor sound at all ? I will not say , That there is no pressure or reaction , but they do not make sense or reason ; several parts may produce several effects by their several compositions , but yet this does not prove that there can be no perception but by pressure upon the organ , and consequently the brain , and that the thing perceived is not really existent in the object , but a bare apparition to the sentient ; the Clapper gives no Motion to the Bell , but both the Clapper , and the Bell , have each their own Motion by which they act in striking each other , and the conjunction of such or such parts makes a real sound , were there no Ear to hear it . Again : Concerning the sense of Touch , the heat , say they , we feel from the Fire , is in us ; for it is quite different from that in the fire ; our heat is pleasure , or pain ; according as it is great or moderate ; but in the Coal there is no such thing . I answer : They are so far in the right , that the heat , we feel , is made by the perceptive motions of , and in our own parts , and not by the fires parts acting upon us ; but yet if the fire were not really such a thing as it is , that is , a hot and burning body , our sense would not so readily figure it out as it does ; which proves , it is a real copy of a real object , and not a meer fantasme , or bare imparted motion from the object to the sentient , made by pressure and reaction ; for if so , the fire would waste in a moment of time , by imparting so much motion to so many sentients ; besides , the several strokes which the several imparted motions make upon the sentient , and the reaction from the sentient to the exterior parts , would cause such a strong and confused agitation in the sentient , that it would rather occasion the body to dissolve through the irregularities of such forced motions . But having discoursed enough of this subject heretofore , I will add no more , but refer both their and my own opinions , to the judicious and unpartial Reader ; Onely concerning Fire , because they believe , it is the onely shining body upon Earth , I will say this : If it were true ; then a Glow-worms tail , and Cats eyes , must be fire also ; which yet Experience makes us believe otherwise . As for Sleep , they call it a privation of the act of sense ; To which I can no ways give my consent , because I believe sense to be a perpetual corporeal self-motion without any rest . Neither do I think the senses can be lockt up in sleep ; for if they be self-moving , they cannot be shut up , it being as impossible to deprive self-motion of acting , as to destroy its nature ; but if they have no self-motion , they need no locking up at all ; because it would be their nature to rest , as being moveless . In short , sense being self-motion , can neither rest nor cease ; for what they call cessation , is nothing else but an alteration of corporeal self-motion ; and thus Cessation will require as much a self-moving Agent , as all other actions of Nature . Lastly , say they , It is impossible for sense to imagine a thing past , for sense is onely of things present . I answer , 't is true , by reason the sensitive corporeal motions work on and with the parts of Inanimate Matter ; nevertheless , when a repetition is made of the same actions , and the same parts , it is a sensitive remembrance : And thus is also Experience made : which proves , there is a sensitive perception and self-knowledg ; because the senses are well acquainted with those objects they have often figured or patterned out ; and to give a further demonstration thereof , we see that the senses are amazed , and sometimes frighted at such objects as are unusual , or have never been presented to them before . In short , Conception , Imagination , Remembrance , Experience , Observation , and the like , are all made by coporeal self-knowing , perceptive self-motion , and not by insensible , irrational , dull , and moveless Matter . 36. Of the different Perceptions of Sense and Reason . HAving declared in the former discourse , that there is a double Perception in all Parts of Nature , to wit , Rational and Sensitive ; some might ask , How these two degrees of Motions work ; whether differently or unitedly in every part to one and the same perception ? I answer : That regularly the animal perception of exterior objects , is made by its own sensitive , rational , corporeal and figurative motions ; the sensitive patterning out the figure or action of an outward object in the sensitive organ ; and the rational making a figure of the same object in their own substance ; so that both the rational and sensitive motions work to one and the same perception , and that at the same point of time , and as it were by one act ; but yet it is to be observed , that many times they do not move together to one and the same perception ; for the sensitive and rational motions do many times move differently even in one and the same part ; as for the rational , they being not incumbred with any other parts of matter , but moving in their own degree , are not at all bound to work always with the sensitive , as is evident in the production of Fancies , Thoughts , Imaginations , Conceptions , &c. which are figures made onely by the rational motions in their own matter or substance , without the help of the sensitive ; and the sensitive , although they do not commonly work without the rational , yet many times they do ; and sometimes both the rational and sensitive work without patterns , that is , voluntarily and by rote ; and sometimes the sensitive take patterns from the rational , as in the invention of arts , or the like ; so that there is no necessity that they should always work together to the same perception . Concerning the perception of exterior objects , I will give an instance , where both the rational and sensitive motions do work differently , and not to the same perception : Suppose a man be in a deep contemplative study , and some body touch or pinch him , it happens oft that he takes no notice at all of it , nor doth not feel it , when as yet his touched or pinched parts are sensible , or have a sensitive perception thereof ; also a man doth often see or hear something without minding or taking notice thereof , especially when his thoughts are busily imployed about some other things ; which proves , that his Mind , or rational motions work quite to another perception then his sensitive do . But some perhaps will say , because there is a thorow mixture of animate ( rational and sensitive ) and inanimate matter , and so close and inseparable a union and conjunction betwixt them , it is impossible they should work differently , or not together : Besides , the alledged example doth not prove , that the rational and sensitive motions in one and the same part that is touched or pinched , or in the organ which hears or seeth , do not work together , but proves onely , that the sensitive motions of the touched part or organ , and the rational motions in the head or brain , do not work together ; when as nevertheless , although a man takes no notice of another mans touching or pinching , the rational motions of that same part may perceive it . To which I answer : First , I do not deny that there is a close conjunction and commixture of both the rational and sensitive parts in every body or creatnre , and that they are always moving and acting ; but I deny that they are always moving to the same perception ; for to be , and move together , and to move together to the same perception , are two different things . Next , although I allow that there are particular , both rational and sensitive figurative motions in every part and particle of the body ; yet the rational being more observing and inspective then the sensitive , as being the designing and ordering parts , may sooner have a general information and knowledg of all other rational parts of the composed figure , and may all unitedly work to the conceptions or thoughts of the musing and contemplating man ; so that his rational motions in the pinched part of his body , may work to his interior conceptions , and the sensitive motions of the same part , to the exterior perception : for although I say in my Philosophical Opinions , that all Thoughts , Fancies , Imaginations , Conceptions , &c. are made in the head , and all Passions in the heart ; yet I do not mean that all rational figurative actions are onely confined to the head , and to the heart , and are in no other parts of the body of an Animal , or Man ; for surely , I believe there is sense and reason , or sensitive and rational knowledg , not onely in all Creatures , but in every part of every particular Creature . But since the sensitive organs in man are joined in that part which is named the head , we believe that all knowledg lies in the head , by reason the other parts of the body do not see as the eyes , nor hear as the ears , nor smell as the nose , nor taste as the tongue , &c. all which makes us prefer the rational and sensitive motions that work to those perceptions in the mentioned organs , before the motions in the other parts of the body ; when as yet these are no less rational or sensible then they , although the actions of their sensitive and rational perceptions are after another manner ; for the motions of digestion , growth , decay , &c. are as sensible , and as rational as those five sensitive organs , or the head ; and the heart , liver , lungs , spleen , stomack , bowels , and the rest , know as well their office and functions , and are as sensible of their pains , diseases , constitutions , tempers , nourishments , &c. as the eyes , ears , nostrils , tongue , &c. know their particular actions and perceptions ; for although no particular part can know the Infinite parts of Nature , yet every part may know it self , and its own actions , as being self-moving . And therefore the head or brains cannot ingross all knowledg to themselves ; but the other parts of the body have as much in the designing and production of a Creature , as the brain has in the production of a Thought ; for Children are not produced by thoughts , no more then digestion or nourishment is produced by the eyes , or the making of blood by the ears ; or the several appetites of the body by the five exterior sensitive organs ; But although all , ( interior as well as exterior ) parts of the body have their particular knowledges and perceptions different from those of the head and the five sensitive organs , and the heads and organs knowledg and perception are differing from them ; nevertheless , they have acquaintance or correspondence with each other ; for when the stomack has an appetite to food , the mouth and hands endeavour to serve it , and the legs are willing to run for it : The same may be said of other Appetites . Also in case of Oppression , when one part of the body is oppressed , or in distress , all the other parts endeavour to relieve that distressed or afflicted part . Thus although there is difference between the particular actions , knowledges and perceptions of every part , which causes an ignorance betwixt them , yet by reason there is knowledg and perception in every part , by which each part doth not onely know it self , and its own actions , but has also a perception of some actions of its neighbouring parts ; it causes a general intelligence and information betwixt the particular parts of a composed figure ; which information and intelligence , as I have mentioned heretofore , is more general betwixt the rational then the sensitive parts ; for though both the sensitive and rational parts are so closely intermixt that they may have knowledg of each other , yet the sensitive parts are not so generally knowing of the concerns of a composed figure as the rational , by reason the rational are more free and at liberty then the sensitive , which are more incumbred with working on and with the inanimate parts of Matter ; and therefore it may very well be , that a man in a deep contemplative study doth not always feel when he is pinched or touched ; because all the rational motions of his body concur or join to the conception of his musing thoughts ; so that onely the sensitive motions in that part do work to the perception of touch , when as the rational , even of the same part , may work to the conception of his thoughts . Besides , it happeneth oft that there is not always an agreement betwixt the rational and sensitive motions , even in the same parts ; for the rational may move regularly , and the sensitive irregularly ; or the sensitive may move regularly , and the rational irregularly ; nay , often there are irregularities and disagreements in the same degree of motions , as betwixt rational and rational , sensitive and sensitive ; And although it be proper for the rational to inform the sensitive , yet the sensitive do often inform the rational ; onely they cannot give such a general information as the rational ; for one rational part can inform all other rational parts in a moment of time , and by one act : And therefore rational knowledg is not onely in the head or brains , but in every part or particle of the body . Some Learned conceive , That all knowledg is in the Mind , and none in the senses : For the senses , say they , present onely exterior objects to the mind ; who sits as a Judg in the kernel or fourth ventricle of the brain , or in the orifice of the stomack , and judges of them ; which in my apprehension is a very odd opinion : For first , they allow that all knowledg and perception comes by the senses , and the sensitive spirits ; who like faithful servants run to and fro , as from the sensitive organs to the brain and back , to carry news to the mind ; and yet they do not grant that they have any knowledg at all : which shews , they are very dull servants , and I wonder how they can inform the mind of what they do not know themselves . Perchance , they 'l say , it is after the manner or way of intelligence by Letters , and not by word of mouth ; for those that carry Letters to and fro , know nothing of the business that intercedes betwixt the correspondents , and so it may be betwixt the mind , and the external object . I answer : First , I cannot believe there 's such a correspondence between the object and the mind of the sentient , or perceiver ; for if the mind and the object should be compared to such two intelligencers , they would always have the like perception of each other , which we see is not so ; for oftentimes I have a perception of such or such an object , but that object may have no perception of me ; besides , there 's nothing carried from the object to the mind of the sentient by its officers the sensitive spirits , as there is betwixt two correspondents ; for there 's no perception made by an actual emission of parts from the object to the mind ; for if Perception were made that way , not onely some parts of the object , but the figure of the whole object would enter through the sensitive organ , and presentit self before the mind , by reason all objects are not perceived in parts , but many in whole ; and since the exterior figure of the object is onely perceived by the senses , then the bare figure would enter into the brain without the body or substance of the object : which how it could be , I am not able to conceive ; nay , if it were possible , truly it would not be hidden from the Minds officers the sensitive spirits , except they did carry it veiled or covered ; but then they would know at least from whence they had it , and to whom and how they were to carry it . Wherefore it is absurd , in my opinion , to say , that the senses bring all knowledg of exterior objects to the mind , and yet have none themselves ; and that the mind chiefly resides but in one part of the body ; so that when the heel is touched , the sensitive spirits , who watch in that place , do run up to the head , and bring news to the mind . Truly if the senses have no knowledg of themselves , How comes it that a man born blind cannot tell what the light of the Sun is , or the light of a Candle , or the light of a Glow-worms tail ? For though some objects of one sense may be guessed by the perception of another sense , as we may guess by touch the perception of an object that belongs to sight , &c. yet we cannot perfectly know it except we saw it , by reason the perception of sight belongs onely to the optick sense . But some may ask , if a man be so blind , that he cannot make use of his optick sense , what is become of the sensitive motions in that same part of his body , to wit , the optick sensorium ? I answer , The motions of that part are not lost , because the man is blind , and cannot see ; for a privation or absence of a thing , doth not prove that it is quite lost ; but the same motions which formerly did work to the perception of sight , are onely changed , and work now to some other action then the perception of sight ; so that it is onely a change or alteration of motions in the same parts , and not an annihilation ; for there 's no such thing as an annihilation in Nature , but all the variety in Nature is made by change of motions . Wherefore , to conclude , the opinion of sense and reason , or a sensitive and rational knowledg in all parts of Nature , is , in my judgment , more probable and rational , then the Opinion which confines all knowledg of Nature to a mans Brains or Head , and allows none neither to the Senses , nor to any part of Nature . 37. Several Questions and Answers concerning Knowledg and Perception . I Am not ignorant that endless questions and objections may be raised upon one subject ; and to answer them would be an infinite labour : But since I desire to be perspicuous in delivering my opinions , and to remove all those scruples which seem to obstruct the sense thereof , I have chosen rather to be guilty of prolixity and repetitions , then to be obscure by too much brevity . And therefore I will add to my former discourse of knowledg and perception the resolution of these following questions , which , I hope , will render it more intelligible . Q. 1. What difference is there between Self-knowledg , and Perception ? I answer : There is as much difference betwixt them , as betwixt a whole , and its parts ; or a cause , and its effects : For though Self-motion be the occasional cause of particular perceptions , by reason it is the cause of all particular actions of Nature , and of the variety of figures ; yet self-knowledg is the ground or fundamental cause of Perception ; for were there not selfknowledg , there could not be perception , by reason perceptions are nothing else , but particular exterior knowledges , or knowledges of exterior parts and actions , occasioned by the various compositions and divisions of parts ; so that self-moving Matter has a perceptive self-knowledg ; and consisting of infinite Parts , those parts have particular self-knowledges and perceptions , according to the variety of the corporeal figurative motions , which , as they are particular , cannot be infinite in themselves ; for although a whole may know its parts , yet the parts cannot possibly know the whole ; because an infinite may know a finite , but a finite cannot know an infinite . Nevertheless , when many parts are regularly composed , those parts by a conjunction or union of their particular self-knowledges and perceptions of each other , may know more , and so judg more probably of infinite , as I have declared above ; but as for single parts , there is no such thing in Nature , no more then there can be an Infinite part . Q. 2. Whether the Inanimate Part of Matter , may not have self-knowledg as well as the Animate ? I answer : That , in my opinion , and according to the conceptions of my sense and reason , the Inanimate part of matter has self-knowledg as well as the Animate , but not Perception ; for it is onely the animate part of matter that is perceptive , and this animate matter being of a two-fold degree , sensitive and rational ; the rational not being incumbred with the inanimate parts , has a more clear and freer perception then the sensitive ; which is well to be observed ; for though the rational , sensitive , and inanimate parts of matter make but one infinite self-moving body of Nature , yet there are infinite particular self-knowledges , for Nature is divided into infinite parts , and all parts of Nature are self-knowing : But as all are not animate , so all are not perceptive ; for Perception , though it proceeds from self-knowledg , as its ground or principle , yet it is also an effect of self-motion ; for were there no self-motion , there would be no perception ; and because Nature is self-moving , all her parts are so too ; and as all her parts are moving , so they have all compositions and divisions ; and as all are subject to compositions and divisions , so all have variety of self-knowledg ; so that no part can be ignorant : And by reason self-knowledg is the ground and Principle of Perception , it knows all the effects by the variety of their changes ; therefore the Inanimate part of Matter may , for any thing I know or perceive , be as knowing as the other parts of Nature ; for although it be the grossest part , and so the dullest , wanting self-motion ; yet by the various divisions and compositions which the animate parts do make , the inanimate may be as knowing as the animate . But some may say , If Inanimate Matter were knowing of it self , then it would also be sensible of it self . I answer , Self-knowledg is so far sensible of it self , that it knows it self ; and therefore the inanimate part of Matter being self-knowing , may be sensible of its own self-knowledg ; but yet it is not such a sense as self-moving matter has ; that is , a perceptive sense ; for the difference of animate and inanimate Matter consists herein , that one is self-moving , and consequently perceptive , but the other not ; and as animate matter is self-moving as well as self-knowing , so it is the chief and architectonical part of Nature , which causes all the variety that is in Nature ; for without animate Matter there could be no composition and division , and so no variety ; and without inanimate Matter , there could not be such solid compositions of parts as there are ; for the animate part of Matter cannot be so gross as the inanimate ; and therefore without these degrees there would be no variety of figures , nor no composition of solid figures , as Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , &c. so that those effects which our sense and reason perceives , could not be without the degrees of animate and inanimate Matter ; neither could there be perception without animate Matter , by which all the various effects of Nature are perceived ; for though one Creature cannot perceive all the effects , yet the infinite parts of Nature , by their infinite actions , perceive infinitely . Again : Some may object , That if the Inanimate part of Matter have self-knowledg and sense , it must of necessity have life also . To which I answer : That the Inanimate part of Matter may have life , according as it hath sense and knowledg , but not such a life as the animate part of Matter has , that is , an active life , as to compose and divide the infinite body of Nature into infinite parts and figures , and to produce infinite varieties of them , for all this cannot be withont motion ; nevertheless , it has so much life as to know it self , and so much sense as to be sensible of its own self-knowledg . In short , the difference between animate and inanimate Matter 's life , sense and self-knowledg , is , that the animate Matter has an active life , and a perceptive sense and self-knowledg , which the inanimate part of Matter has not ; because it wants self-motion , which is the cause of all actions and perceptions in Nature . Q. 3. Whether the Inanimate Matter could have parts without self-motion ? I answer , Yes : For wherefoever is body or matter , there are also parts ; because parts belong to body , and there can be no body without parts ; but yet were there no self-motion , there could be no various changes of parts or figures . The truth is , Nature considered as she is , and as much as our sense and reason can perceive by her various effects , must of necessity be composed or consist of a commixture of animate , both rational and sensitive , and inanimate matter ; for were there no inanimate matter , there would be no ground or grosser substance to work on , and so no solid figures ; and were there no animate sensitive matter , there would be no labourer , or workman , as I may call it , to form the inanimate part of matter into various figures ; nor would there be such infinite changes , compositions , divisions , productions , dissolutions , &c. as we see there are . Again : were there no animate rational Matter , there would be no designer or surveigher , to order and direct all things methodically ; nor no Fancies , Imaginations , Conceptions , Memory , &c. so that this Triumvirate of the degrees of matter , is so necessary a constitutive principle of all natural effects , that Nature could not be without it ; I mean , Nature considered , not what she might have been , but as she is , and as much as we are able to perceive by her actions ; for Natural Philosophy is no more but a rational inquisition into the causes of natural effects ; and therefore , as we observe the effects and actions of Nature , so we may probably guess at their causes and principles . Q. 4. How so fine , subtil and pure a part as the Animate Matter is , can work upon so gross a part as the Inanimate ? I answer ; More easily then Vitriol or Aqua-fortis , or any other high extracts , can work upon metal , or the like ; nay , more easily then fire can work upon wood , or stone , or the like . But you will say , That , according to my opinion , these bodies are not wrought upon , or divided by the exterior agent , as by fire , vitriol , &c. but that they divide themselves by their own inherent self-motion , and that the agent is no more but an occasion that the patient moves or acts thus , or thus . I answer , 'T is very true : For there is such a commixture of animate and inanimate matter , that no particle in Nature can be conceived or imagined , which is not composed of animate matter as well as of inanimate ; and therefore the patient , as well as the agent , having both a commixture of these parts of matter , none can act upon the other , but the patient changes its own parts by its own self-motion , either of its own accord , or by way of imitation . But the inanimate part of Matter considered in it self , or in its own narure , hath no self-motion , nor can it receive any from the animate ; but they being both so closely intermixt , that they make but one self-moving body of Nature , the animate parts of Matter bear the inanimate with them in all their actions ; so that it is impossible for the animate parts to divide , compose , contract , &c. but the inaimate must serve them , or go along with them in all such corporeal figurative actions . Q. 5. How is it possible , that Parts being ignorant of each other , should agree in the production of a figure ? I answer : When I speak of Ignorance and knowledg , my meaning is , not that there is as much ignorance in the parts of Nature , as there is knowledg , for all parts have self-knowledg ; but I understand a perceptive knowledg , by which parts do perceive parts ; and as for the agreeing actions of parts , they cannot readily err , unless it be out of wilfulness to oppose or cross each other : for put the case the sensitive parts were as ignorant of perceptions as the inanimate , yet the rational being thorowly intermixt with them , would cause agreeable combinations and connexions of parts in all productions , because they being not incumbred with the burthens of other parts , make more general perceptions then the sensitive , and moving freely in their own degree , there is a more perfect acquaintance between them , then the sensitive parts ; which is the cause that the rational design and order , when as the sensitive labour and work ; I mean , when they move regularly , or to one and the same effect ; for then they must needs move agreeably and unitedly : But because the sensitive parts are perceptive as well as the rational , and perceive not onely the rational adjoining parts , but also those of their own degree , they cannot so grosly err , as some believe , especially since the sensitive parts do not onely know their own work , but are also directed by the rational ; but as I have often said , the several sorts , both of the sensitive and rational perceptions are well to be considered , which are as various as the actions of Nature , and cannot be numbred , by reason every figurative action is a several perception , both sensitive and rational ; and infinite Matter being in a perpetual motion , there must of necessity be infinite figures , and so infinite perceptions amongst the infinite parts of Nature . Q. 6. Whether there be single Self-knowledges , and single Perceptions in Nature ? I answer : If there can be no such thing as a single part in Nature , there can neither be a single self-knowledg or perception ; for body and parts can never be separated from each other , but wheresoever is body , were it an atome , there are parts also ; and when parts divide from parts , at the same time , and by the same act , they are joined to other parts ; so that composition and division is done by one act . The like for knowledg : For knowledg , being material , consists of parts ; and as it is impossible that there can be single parts , or parts subsisting by themselves , without reference to each other , or the body of Nature ; so it is impossible that there can be single knowledges . Neither can there be a single magnitude , figure , colour , place , &c. but all that is corporeal , has parts ; and by reason Nature is a self-moving , and self-knowing body , all her parts must of necessity be so too . But particular composed figures , and particular degrees of Matter , are not single parts , nor are particular actions single actions , no more then a particular Creature is a single part ; for it would be non-sense to say single compositions , and single divisions ; and therefore particular and single are not one and the same ; and as there can be no such thing as Single in Nature , so there can neither be single knowledges and perceptions : Which is well to be observed , lest we introduce a Vacuum in Nature , and so make a confusion between her parts and actions . Q. 7. How is it possible , since there is but one Selfknowledg in Nature , as there is but one Self-motion , that there can be a double degree of this Self-knowledg , as also a double Perception , viz. Rational , and Sensitive ? I answer : As the several degrees of Matter are not several kinds of Matter ; so neither are Rational and Sensitive knowledg several kinds of Self-knowledges , but onely different degrees of one self-knowledg ; for as there is but one Matter , and one Self-motion , so there is also but one Self-knowledg in Nature ; which consists of two degrees , Rational and Sensitive , whereof the rational is the highest degree of self-knowledg ; for it is a more pure , subtile , active and piercing knowledg then the sensitive , by reason it is not bound to work on and with the inanimate parts of Matter , but moves freely in its own degree , when as the sensitive is incumbred with labouring on the inanimate parts of Matter : Indeed , there is as much difference between those two degrees of self-knowledg , as betwixt a chief Architect , Designer or Surveigher , and betwixt a Labourer or Workman ; for as the Labourer and Surveigher , though they be different particulars , are yet both of one kind , viz. Mankind : so it is likewise with self-knowledg ; for were Matter divided into infinite degrees , it would still remain Matter ; and though self-motion be divided into infinite degrees of motions , yet it is still but self-motion : The like for self-knowledg : for self-moving matter can but know it self ; and as Matter is the ground or constitutive Principle of all the parts and figures in Nature ( for without matter there could be no parts , and so no division ) and self-motion is the ground or principle of all particular actions , so is self-knowledg the ground of all particular knowledges and perceptions . Again : as one part cannot be another part , so neither can one parts knowledg be another parts knowledg ; although they may have perceptions of each other : When I speak of parts , I mean not single parts ; for there can be no such thing as a single part in Nature ; but by parts I understand particular self-moving figures , whether they be such composed figures , as , for distinctions sake , we call finite wholes ; as for example , an Animal , a Tree , a Stone , &c. or whether they be parts of those finite figures ; for it is impossible to describe or determine exactly what the parts of Nature are , by reason Nature , although it is but one body , yet being self-moving , 't is divided into infinite figures , which by self-motion are infinitely changed , composed , dissolved , &c. which compositions and divisions hinder that there can be no single parts , because no part , though it should be infinitely changed , composed and divided , can be separated from the body of Nature , but as soon as it is divided from such parts , it is composed with other parts ; nay , were it possible that it might be separated from the body of Nature , it would not be a part then , but a whole ; for it would have no reference to the body of Nature : besides , if it continued body , or matter , it would still have parts ; for wheresoever is body , there is a composition of parts . But if any one desires to know or guess at the parts of Nature , he cannot do it better then by considering the corporeal figurative motions or actions of Nature ; for what we name parts , are nothing but the effects of those figurative motions ; so that motions , figures and parts , are but one thing : and it is to be observed , that in composed figures there are interior and exterior parts ; the exterior are those which may be perceived by our exterior senses , with all their proprieties , as colour , magnitude , softness , hardness , thickness , thinness , gravity , levity , &c. but the interior parts are the interior , natural , figurative motions , which cause it to be such or such a part or Creature ; as for example , Man has both his interior and exterior parts , as is evident ; and each of them has not onely their outward figure or shape , but also their interior , natural , figurative motions , which did not onely cause them to be such or such parts ; as for example , a leg , a head , a heart , a spleen , a liver , blood , &c. but do also continue their being ; the onely difference is , that those figurative motions , which did first form or produce them , afterwards , when they were finished , became retentive motions : By retentive motions , I do not onely mean such as keep barely the parts of the composed figures together , but all those that belong to the preservation and continuance of them ; under which are comprehended digestive motions , which place and displace parts ; attractive motions , which draw nourishment into those parts ; expulsive motions , which expel superfluous and hurtful parts ; and many the like : for there are numerous sorts of retentive motions , or such as belong to the preservation and continuance of a composed figure , as well as there are of creating or producing motions . By which we may plainly see , that one figure lies within another ; that is , one corporeal figurative motion is within another , and that the interior and exterior parts or figures of Creatures , are different in their actions ; for example , the ebbing and flowing , or the ascending and descending motions of water , are quite different from those interior figurative motions that make it water ; the like may be said of Vegetables , Minerals , Animals , and all other sorts of Creatures ; nay , though both the interior and exterior parts , figures or motions do make but one composed figure or Creature , as for example , Man ; and are all but parts of that same figure ; yet each being a particular motion , has also its peculiar self-knowledg and perception ; for the difference of particular knowledges and perceptions depends upon the difference of Natures actions ; which as by the division of parts , they cause an ignorance between them ; so by composition they cause also perceptions . I do not mean , an interior or self-ignorance , which cannot be in Nature , by reason every part and particle has self-knowledg ; but an exterior , that is , an ignorance of forreign parts , figures or actions , although they be parts of one composed figure ; for the parts of the hand do not know the parts of the stomack , and their actions . Neither do I mean an interior self-perception , which can neither be in Nature , because perception presupposes ignorance ; and if there cannot be a self-ignorance , there can neither be a self-perception , although there may be an interior self-knowledg ; Nor is it proper to say , a part may perceive it self , or have a perception of it self : But by perception , I mean an exterior or forreign knowledg ; that is , a knowledg of other parts , figures , or actions . These perceptions , I say , are different , according to the difference of the corporeal figurative motions ; for it is impossible , that such or such parts should have such or such perceptions , if they have not such or such corporeal motions . Therefore though all parts have self-knowledg , as well as self-motion , yet by reason all parts do not move alike , they cannot make the like perceptions ; and though self-knowledg , as it is the ground and fountain , not onely of all particular knowledges , but also of all exterior perceptions , is but one in it self , as a fixt being , and cannot be divided from its own nature ; ( for as Matter cannot be divided from being Matter , or self-motion from being self-motion , so neither can self-knowledg be divided from being self-knowledg ; nor can they be separated from each other , but every part and particle of natural matter has self-knowledg and perception , as well as it hath self-motion ) Yet all this hinders not , but there may be degrees of self-knowledg according to the degrees of Matter ; for as there is rational and sensitive matter , so there is also rational and sensitive self-knowledg ; nay , there are infinite particular self-knowledges and perceptions , according to the infiniteness of parts and motions ; and yet all is but one self-moving and self-knowing Nature ; for parts are nothing else but a division of the whole , and the whole is nothing else but a composition of parts . All which I desire may be taken notice of , lest my sense be misinterpreted , for when I speak of rational and sensitive self-knowledg , I do not mean as if there were more self-knowledg then one in the onely infinite Matter , to wit , a double kind of self-knowledg , but I speak in reference to the parts of Matter ; for the rational part is more pure , and so more agil , quick and free then the sensitive ; and the animate part is self-knowing , but the inanimate not : and thus in respect to parts , as they are divided , so they have several self-knowledges and perceptions , as also numerous lives and souls in one composed figure or Creature ; and as infinite parts belong to one infinite whole , so infinite self-knowledges and infinite perceptions , belong to the infinite actions of those infinite parts . But some may ask , Why there are no more degrees of Matter but two , viz. Animate , and Inanimate ; and no more degrees of Animate , but Rational , and Sensitive ? I answer , humane sense and reason cannot conceive it possible there should be more or fewer ; for the rational and sensitive are the purest degrees Matter can be capable of ; and were there any purer then these , they would be beyond the nature of Matter ; which is impossible , because Nature cannot go beyond it self . Again : some may perhaps desire to know , why there are more degrees of Inanimate Matter , then of Animate , to wit , of thickness and thinness , rarity and density , lightness aud heaviness , & c ? I answer , These are nothing else but the actions of the material parts , and do not belong to the nature of Matter , so that they cannot make Parts less or more material , for all is but Matter ; neither can they alter the nature of Matter ; for Matter is still Matter , however it moves . Lastly , some may ask , How it is possible , that such an infinite variety can proceed but from two degrees of Matter , to wit , Animate and Inanimate ? I answer ; As well as Infinite effects can proceed from one Infinite cause ; for Nature being an Infinite body , must also have Infinite parts ; and having an Infinite self-motion , must of necessity have an infinite variety of parts ; and being infinitely self-knowing , must also have infinite self-knowing parts ; which proves , that Natures body must of necessity consist of those two degrees , viz. Animate and Inanimate Matter ; for were there no Animate matter , which is corporeal self-motion , there would never be such variety of figures , parts and actions in Nature as there is , nor no perceptions ; for Self-knowledg , or Matter , without self-motion , could never make any variety in Nature ; and therefore although self-motion causes an obscurity by the division of parts , yet it causes also particular perceptions between parts ; and as the motions vary , so do perceptions of parts . In short , there is but one infinite body , and infinite parts ; one infinite self-knowledg , and infinite particular self-knowledges ; one infinite self-motion , and infinite particular actions ; as also infinite particular perceptions : for self-motion is the cause of all the variety of Nature ; and as one figure or part of Nature lies within another , so one perception is within another . Q. 8. How can there be Self-knowledg and Perception in one and the same part ? I answer : As well as the being or substance of a thing and its actions can consist together , or as a cause and its effects ; for though they are so far different from each other , that the cause is not the effect , nor the effect the cause ; as also that the effect must of necessity depend upon the cause , but the cause may chuse whether it will produce such or such effects ; as for example , though action or motion depends upon matter , yet matter does not depend upon motion , as being able to subsist without it ; and though perception depends upon self-knowledg , yet self-knowledg does not depend upon perception ; nevertheless , wheresoever is perception , there is also self-knowledg ; by reason , that wheresoever there is an effect in act or being , there is also its cause ; and although perception depends also upon outward objects , yet outward objects do not depend upon perceptions ; but perception , as it depends upon self-knowledg , so it depends also upon self-motion ; for without self-knowledg and self-motion , there would be no perception ; so that both exterior perceptions , and all interior voluntary actions , proceed from self-knowing and self-moving matter ; but the difference between particular interior self-knowledges and perceptions , is caused by the changes of corporeal , figurative self-motion . Q. 9. Whether particular Parts or Figures be bound to particular perceptions ? I answer : Particular Parts make Perceptions , according to the nature of their corporeal , figurative motions , and their perceptions are as numerous as their actions ; for example , those parts that are composed into the figure of an Animal , make perceptions proper to that figures corporeal , interior , natural motions ; but if they be dissolved from the animal figure , and composed into Vegetables , they make such perceptions as are proper for Vegetables ; and being again dissolved and composed into Minerals , they make perceptions proper to Minerals , &c. so that no part is tied or bound to one particular kind of perception , no more then it is bound to one particular kind of figures ; but when the interior motions of that figure change , the perceptions proper to that same figure change also ; for though self-knowledg , the ground of all perceptions , is a fixt , and inherent , or innate knowledg , yet the perceptions vary according to their objects , and according to the changes and compositions of their own parts ; for as parts are composed with parts , so are their perceptions ; nay , not onely perceptions , but also particular self-knowledges alter according to the alteration of their own parts or figures , not from being self-knowledg , for self-knowledg can be but self-knowledg , but from being such or such a particular self-knowledg ; and since there is no part or particle of Nature but is self-knowing , or has its particular self-knowledg , it is certain , that as the interior nature of the figure alters by the changes of motion , the interior self-knowledg of that figure alters too ; for if a Vegetable should turn into a Mineral , it cannot retain the self-knowledg of a Vegetable , but it must of necessity change into the self-knowledg of a Mineral ; for nothing can have a knowledg of it self otherwise then what it is ; and because self-knowledg is the ground of Perception , as self-knowledg alters , so doth perception ; I mean , that kind of perception that belonged to such a figure , alters to another kind of perception proper to another figure ; so that it is with perception , as it is with other Creatures : For example , as there are several kinds of Creatures , as Elements , Animals , Minerals , Vegetables , &c. so there are also several kinds of perceptions , as Animal , Vegetative , Mineral , Elemental perception ; and as there are different particular sorts of these mentioned kinds of Creatures , so there are also of perceptions ; nay , as one particular Creature of these sorts consists of different parts ; so every part has also different perceptions ; for self-motion , as it is the cause of all the various changes of figures and parts of Nature , so it is also of the variety of perceptions ; for put the case Matter were of one infinite figure , it would have but self-knowledg , or at least no variety of perceptions , because it would have no variety of corporeal figurative motions ; and it is well to be observed , that although numerous different parts may agree in perception ; that is , their sensitive and rational figurative motions may all perceive one and the same object ; yet the manner of their perceptions are different , according to the difference of their figures , or rather of their interior , corporeal , figurative motions : for example , a Man , a Tree , and a Stone , may all have perceptions of one object , but yet their perceptions are not alike ; for the Tree has not an Animal or Mineral , but a Vegetative perception ; and so has the Man , not a Vegetative or Mineral , but an Animal perception ; and the Stone , not an Animal or Vegetative , but a Mineral perception , each according to the interior nature of its own figure . Q. 10. Whether there could be Self-knowledg without Perception ? I answer : Self-knowledg being the ground of all Perceptions , which are nothing else but exterior knowledges , might as well subsist without them , as Matter would subsist without Motion ; but since self-motion is the cause of all the various changes of figures and parts , and of all the orderly Productions , Generations , Transformations , Dissolutions , and all other actions of Nature ; These cannot be performed without Perception ; for all actions are knowing and perceptive ; and were there no perception , there could not possibly be any such actions ; for how should parts agree either in the generation , composition or dissolution of composed figures , if they had no knowledg or perception of each other ? Therefore although self-knowledg is a fixt interior Being , and the ground of all perceptions ; yet were there no self-motion , there could be no action , and consequently no perception , at least no variety of perceptions in Nature ; but since Nature is one self-moving and self-knowing body , self-knowledg can no more be separated from perception , then motion can be divided from matter , but every part and particle of Nature , were it an Atome , as it is self-moving , so it is also self-knowing and perceptive . But yet it is not necessary that Perception must onely be betwixt neighbouring or adjoining parts ; for some parts may very well perceive each other at a distance , and when other parts are between ; nay , some perceptions do require a distance of the object , as for example , the optick perception in Animals , as I have declared before * , where I do mention the requisites of the Animal perception of sight ; whereof if one be wanting , there is either no perception at all , ( I mean , no perception of seeing in that Animal ) or the perception is imperfect . But some may ask , Whether , in such a case , that is , in the perception of an object which is distant from the sentient , the intermediate parts are as well perceived as the object it self , to which the perception directy tends ? I answer : That , if the intermediate parts be subject to that kind of perception , they may as well be perceived as the object that is distant ; nay , sometimes better ; but most commonly , the intermediate parts are but slightly or superficially perceived : For example , in the forementioned sense of Seeing , if the organ of sight be directed to some certain object that is distant , and there be some parts between the organ and the object , perceptible by the same sense , but such as do not hinder or obstruct the perception of the said object ; not onely the object , but also those intermediate parts will be perceived by the optick sense , Also if I cast my eye upon an object that is before me , in a direct line , the eye will not onely perceive the object to which it is chiefly directed , but also those parts that are joined to it , either beneath , or above , or on each side of that object , at the same point of time , and by the same act ; the sole difference is , that the said object is chiefly and of purpose patterned out by the sensitive and rational figurative motions of the eye , when as the other intermediate or adjoining parts are but superficially and slghtly looked over . And this proves , first , that Nature is composed of sensitive , rational and inanimate matter , without any separation or division from each other ; for could matter be divided into an atome , that very atome would have a composition of these three degrees of matter ; and therefore although the parts of Nature do undergo infinite divisions and compositions , so that parts may be composed and divided infinite ways ; yet these three degrees can never be separated or divided from one another , because of their close union and commixture through infinite Nature . Next it proves , that there can be no single parts in Nature ; for what commonly are called parts of Nature , are nothing else but changes of motion in the infinite body of Nature ; so that parts , figures , actions , and changes of motion , are one and the same , no more differing from each other , then body , place , magnitude , figure , colour , &c. for self-motion is the cause of the variety of figures and parts of Nature ; without which , although there would nevertheless be parts , ( for wheresoever is matter or body , there are parts also ) yet Nature would be but a confused heap or Chaos , without the distinction of any perfect figures ; which figures make perfect perceptions of perfect objects ; I say , of perfect objects ; for if the objects be not perfect , the sensitive perceptions can neither be perfect ; but then the rational being joined with the sensitive , and being more subtil , active and piercing , may find out the error either of the object , or sense ; for both the rational and sensitive parts being united in one figure or action , can more easily perceive the irregularities of each others actions , then of exterior objects ; all which could not be , were there single parts in Nature , neither could such acts be performed by chance or sensless atomes ; nay , could there be any single parts in Nature , there would consequently be a Vacuum to discern and separate them from each other , which Vacuum would breed such a confusion amongst them , as there would be no conformity or symmetry in any of their figures . Therefore I am absolutely against the opinion of senseless and irrational atomes , moving by chance ; for if Nature did consist of such atomes , there would be no certain kinds and species of Creatures , nor no uniformity or order ; neither am I able to conceive how there could be a motion by chance , or an irrational and senseless motion , no more then I can conceive how motion can be without matter or body ; for self-motion as it is corporeal , so it is also sensitive and rational . Q. 11. Whether Perception be made by Patterning ? I answer : My Sense and Reason does observe , That the animal , at least humane Perception , performed by the sensitive and rational motions in the organs appropriated for it , is made by patterning or framing of figures , according to the patterns of exterior objects ; but whether all other kinds and sorts of perceptions in the infinite parts of Nature be made the same manner or way , neither my self , nor no particular Creature is able to determine , by reason there are as many various sorts of perceptions as there are of other actions of Nature , and according as the corporeal figurative motions do alter and change , so do particular perceptions ; for Perception is a corporeal , figurative action , and is generally in all parts and actions of Nature ; and as no part can be without self-motion and self-knowledg , so none can be without perception ; and therefore I dare truly say , that all perceptions are made by figuring , though I cannot certainly affirm , that all are made by imitation or patterning . But it is well to be observed , that besides those exterior perceptions of objects , there are some other interior actions both of sense and reason , which are made without the presentation of exterior objects , voluntarily , or by rote ; and therefore are not actions of patterning , but voluntary actions of figuring : As for example , Imaginations , Fancies , Conceptions , Passions , and the like ; are made by the rational , corporeal , figurative motions , without taking any copies of forreign objects ; also many Generations , Dissolutions , Alterations , Transformations , &c. are made by the sensitive motions without any exterior patterns ; for the generation of Maggot in a Cheese , of a Worm in the root of a Tree , of a Stone in the Bladder , &c. are not made by patterning or imitation , because they are not like their producers , but meerly by a voluntary figuring ; and therefore it is well to be observed , that figuring and patterning are not one and the same ; figuring is a general action of Nature : for all corporeal actions are figurative , when as patterning is but a particular sort of figuring ; and although I observe , that some perceptions are made by patterning , yet I cannot say the same of all ; neither are the interior voluntary actions made by patterning , but both the sensitive and rational motions frame such or such figures of their own accord ; for though each part in the composition of a Creature knows its own work , and all do agree in the framing and producing of it ; yet they are not necessitated always to imitate each other ; which is evident , because the composition of one and the same Creature is various , and different by reason of the variety of its parts . And this is the difference between exterior perceptions , and interior voluntary actions ; for though both are effects of self-knowledg and self-motion , yet perceptions are properly concerning forreign parts , figures and actions , and are occasioned by them ; but the voluntary actions are not occasioned by any outward objects , but make figures of their own accord , without any imitation , patterns or copies of forreign parts or actions ; and as the figures and parts alter by their compositions and divisions , so do both interior and exterior particular knowledges ; for a Tree , although it has sensitive and rational knowledg and perception , yet it has not an animal knowledg and perception ; and if it should be divided into numerous parts , and these again be composed with other parts , each would have such knowledge and perception as the nature of their figure required ; for self-knowledg alters , as their own parts alter ; perception alters as the objects alter ; figures alter as the actions alter ; and the actions alter as Nature pleases , or is decreed by God to work . But I desire it may be observed , first , That although there are both voluntaay actions of figuring , and occasioned actions of perceiving exterior objects , both in sense and reason , whereof those I call interior , these exterior ; yet both of them are innate and inherent actions of their own parts , as proceeding from the ground and fountain of self-knowledg ; and the reason why I call the voluntary actions interior , is , because they have no such respect to outward objects , at least are not occasioned by them as perceptions are , but are the own figurative actions of sense and reason made by rote ; when as perceptions do tend to exterior objects , and are made according to the presentation of their figures , parts or actions . Next , It is to be observed , That many times the rational motions take patterns from the sensitive voluntary figures ; As for example , in Dreams , when the sensitive motions make voluntary figures on the inside of the sensitive organs , the rational take patterns of them , and again the sensitive do many times take patterns of the rational when they make figures by rote , as in the invention and delivery of Arts and Sciences ; so that there is oftentimes an imitation between the rational and sensitive motions ; for the rational voluntary figures , are like exterior objects , to be patterned out by the sensitive perceptive motions ; and the sensitive voluntary figures , are like exterior objects , to be patterned out by the rational perceptive motions ; and yet all their perceptive actions are their own , and performed inwardly , that is , by their own motions : Which proves , that by naming Perception an exterior action , I do not mean that it is an action exteriously perceptible or visible ; for if it were thus , then one part would presently know another parts perception , when and how it perceives ; which we find it does not ; for although a man perceives a Tree , or Stone , yet he does not know whether the Tree or Stone perceives him , much less what perceptions they make : but , as I said before , Perception I name an exterior action , because it is occasioned by an object that is without the perceiving parts ; for although both sensitive and rational perception are so closely intermixt , that none can be without the other in every part or particle of Nature , were it no bigger then what is call'd an Atome ; yet considered in themselves , they are without each other so far , that the rational perceptive part is not the sensitive , nor the sensitive the rational ; or else they would not be several parts or actions , neither would there be any imitation betwixt them . Lastly , I desire that notice may be taken , when I say that every action of Nature is perceptive ; for since there are no single parts in Nature , but whatsoever is body , consists of parts ; there can neither be any such thing as a single action , that is an action of a single part ; but in all natural actions there is a commerce , entercourse , or agreement of parts ; which entercourse or agreement , cannot be without perception of knowledg of each other ; Wherefore it must of necessity follow , that every action is perceptive , or that perception between parts is required in every action of Nature ; nay , even in those which are called voluntary actions ; for though the rational and sensitive parts of a composed figure , can make voluntary figures within themselves , without taking any patterns of forreign objects ; yet those parts must needs know and perceive each other even in the composition or framing of their voluntary figures ; so that exterior knowledg or perception , is as universal as self-motion ; for wheresoever is self-motion , there is perception also . But it is well to be observed , first , That Perception or Perceptive knowledg is onely between Parts ; Next , That although every action in Nature is perceptive , yet not every action is the action of Perception properly so called ; which Perception , in composed figures , at least in Animals , is an action of patterning out exterior parts or objects , performed by the rational and sensitive corporeal figurative motions in their proper organs ; But there are Infinite other actions , which although they require perceptive parts , yet they are not such actions of Perceptions as are made by Patterning out , or imitating outward objects ; As for example , Respiration , Digestion , Contraction , Dilation , Expulsion , Generation , Retention , Dissolution , Growth , Decay , &c. Nevertheless , all those actions are perceptive ; that is , the parts which perform those actions have perception of each other , or else they would never agree to produce such effects . The truth is , that even the action of Perception properly so called , presupposes many particular perceptions between those parts that concur to the performance of that act ; for it is impossible , that both the rational and sensitive parts in a composed figure , should make the act of Perception , without they know and agree what they are to do , and how they are to perform it , as I mentioned before . And this is the reason , that I have made * a difference between Perception and Respiration , and called them different actions ; not as if Respiration was not a perceptive action , or presupposes not knowledg and perception between those parts that make respiration ; but it is not the action of Perception properly so called ; as for example , the perception of Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , &c. in Animals , but it is properly an action of drawing , sucking , breathing in , or receiving any ways outward parts ; and of venting , discharging or sending forth inward parts : nevertheless , all this cannot be done without perception or knowledg , no more then without motion ; for wheresoever is motion , there is perception also ; and therefore Respiration is a perceptive action . In short , I desire it may be observed , 1. That there is Perception in every action , but that not every Perception is made by patterning . 2. That all self-moving parts are perceptive . 3. That Perception , Perceptive knowledg , and Exterior knowledg are all one thing , and that I take them indifferently . 4. That all voluntary actions , both of sense and reason , are made by perceptive parts ; and therefore when I make a distinguishment between voluntary actions , and perceptions ; I mean the perceptions of a composed figure , and not the particular perceptive knowledges between those parts that join in the act of such Perceptions , or in the making of voluntary figures . But it may be objected , That if all motions be perceptive , they would be wholly imployed in nothing else but in making copies of exterior parts or objects . My answer is , Although I say , that all motions are perceptive ; yet I do not positively affirm , that all perceptions in Nature are made by Patterning or Imitation ; for we are to consider , that there are as many different sorts of perceptions , as there are of motions ; because every particular motion has a particular perception ; and though in a composed figure or Creature , some motions may work to the paterning out of exterior objects , yet all the rest may not do so , and be nevertheless perceptive ; for like as a Man , or any other animal Creature , is not altogether composed of Eyes , Eares , Noses , or the like sensitive organs ; so not all perceptive motions are imitating or patterning , but some are retentive , some expulsive , some attractive , some contractive , some dilative , some creating or producing , some dissolving , some imitating or patterning , and so forth ; and as there are degrees of parts and motions , so some perceptions may be so much purer , finer , and subtiler then others , as much as pure Air is beyond gross Earth . The truth is , we cannot judg of Natures actions any otherways then we observe them by our own sensitive and rational perceptions ; and since we find that the sensitive and rational motions in our sensitive organs do work by the way of patterning or imitation ; we may surely conclude , that some perceptions are made that way ; but that all other perceptions in all natural parts or Creature should be after the same manner , would be too presumptuous for any particular Creature to affirm , since there are infinite several sorts of perceptions ; and although we may justly and with all reason believe , that all parts of Nature are perceptive , because they are self-moving and self-knowing ; yet no particular Creature is able to judg how , and in what manner they perceive , no more then it can know how they move . And by this it is evident , how in one and the same organ of the eye , some motions or parts may work to the act of perception , properly so called , which is made by patterning out the figure of an exterior object ; and other motions or parts may work to the retention of the eye , and preserving it in its being : others again may work to its shutting and opening , and others to its respiration , that is , venting of superfluous , and receiving of nourishing parts , which motions are properly subservient to the retentive motions , and hundreds the like ; and yet all these motions are as knowing and perceptive after their way , as those that work to the act of Perception , properly so called , that is , to the act of seeing , made by patterning or imitation . But it is well to be observed , That although the eye has the quickest action in the Perception of seeing ; yet is this action most visible , not onely by its motions , but by the figures of the objects that are represented in the eye ; for if you look into anothers eye , you will plainly perceive therein the picture of your own figure ; and had other objects but such an optick perception as Animals , they would , without question , observe the same . Some will say , Those figures in the Eye are made by reflection ; but reflections cannot make such constant and exact patterns or imitations ; Others believe it proceeds from pressure and reaction ; but pressure and reaction being but particular actions , cannot make such variety of figures . Others again say , That the species of the objects pass from the objects to the optick organ , and make figures in the air ; but then the multitude of those figures in the air would make such a confusion , as would hinder the species's passing through ; besides , the species being corporeal , and proceeding from the object , would lessen its quantity or bulk . Wherefore my opinion is , that the most rare and subtilest parts in the animal sensitive organs , do pattern out the figures of exterior objects , and that the perception of the exterior animal senses , to wit , sight , hearing , tasting , touching , smelling ; is certainly made by no other way , then by figuring and imitation . Q. 12. How the bare patterning out of the Exterior figure of an object , can give us an information of its Interior nature ? My answer is , That although our sensitive Perception can go no further then the exterior shape , figure and actions of an object ; yet the rational being a more subtil , active and piercing Perception , by reason it is more free then the sensitive , does not rest in the knowledg of the exterior figure of an object , but by its exterior actions , as by several effects , penetrates into its interior nature , and doth probably guess and conclude what its interior figurative motions may be ; for although the interior and exterior actions of a composed figure be different , yet the exterior may partly give a hint or information of the interior ; I say , partly , because it is impossible that one finite particular Creature should have a perfect knowledg or perception of all the interior and exterior actions of another particular Creature ; for example , our sensitive Perception patterns out an Animal , a Mineral , a Vegetable , &c. we perceive they have the figure of flesh , stone , wood , &c. but yet we do not know what is the cause of their being such figures ; for the interior , figurative motions of these Creatures , being not subject to the perception of our exterior senses , cannot exactly be known ; nevertheless , although our exterior senses have no perception thereof , yet their own parts which are concern'd in it , as also their adjoining or neighbouring parts may : For example , a man knows he has a digestion in his body ; which being an interior action , he cannot know by his exterior senses how it is made ; but those parts of the body where the digestion is performed , may know it ; nay , they must of necessity do so , because they are concerned in it , as being their proper imployment : The same may be said of all other particular parts and actions in an Animal body , which are like several workmen , imployed in the building of a house ; for although they do all work and labour to one and the same end , that is , the exstruction of the house ; and every onemay have some inspection or perception of what his neighbour doth ; yet each having his peculiar task and employment , has also its proper and peculiar knowledg how to perform his own work ; for a Joiner knows best how to finish and perfect what he has to do , and so does a Mason , Carpenter , Tiler , Glasier , Stone-cutter , Smith , &c. And thus it is with all composed figures or Creatures ; which proves , That Perception has onely a respect to exterior parts or objects ; when as self-knowledg is an interior , inherent , inate , and , as it were , a fixt being ; for it is the ground and fountain of all other particular knowledges and perceptions , even as self-motion is the cause and principle of all other particular actions ; and although self-knowledg can be without perception , yet perception cannot be without self-knowledg ; for it has its being from self-knowledg , as an effect from its cause ; and as one and the same cause may produce numerous effects , so from one self-knowledg proceed numerous perceptions , which do vary infinitely , according to the various changes of corporeal self-motion . In short , self-knowledg is the fundamental cause of perception , but self-motion the occasional cause ; Just like Matter and self-motion are the causes of all natural figures ; for though Perception could not be without self-knowledg , yet were there no self-motion , there would be no variety of figures , and consequently not exterior objects to be perceived . Q. 13. How is it possible , that several figures can be patterned out by one act of Perception ? for example , how can a man , when he sees a statue or a stone , pattern out both the exterior shape of the statue , the matter which the statue is made of , and its colour , and all this by one and the same act ? I answer , First it is to be observed , That Matter , Colour , Figure , Magnitude , &c. are all but one thing , and therefore they may easily be patterned out by one act of Perception at one and the same time . Next , I say , That no sense is made by one single part , but every sense consists of several parts , and therefore the perception of one sense may very well pattern out several objects at once ; for example , I see an embroidred bed ; my eye patterns out both the Velvet , Gold , Silver , Silk , Colour , and the Workmanship , nay , superficially the figure of the whole Bed , and all this by one act , and at one the same time . But it is to be observed , That one object may have several proprieties , which are not all subject to the perception of one sence ; as for example , the smell of an odoriferous body , and its colour , are not subject to the same sense ; neither is the hardness or softness , roughness or smoothness of its parts , subject to the sense of smelling or seeing , but each is perceived by such a sense as is proper for such a sort of Perception . Nevertheless , these different perceptions do not make them to be different bodies ; for even one and the same attribute or propriety of a body may be patterned out by several senses ; for example , Magnitude or shape of body may be patterned out both by fight and touch : which proves , that there is a near affinity or alliance betwixt the several senses , and that Touch is , as it were a general sense , which may imitate some other sensitive perceptions . The truth is , it is as easie for several senses to pattern out the several proprieties of one body , as it is for several Painters to draw the several parts of one figure ; as for example , of a burning Candle , one may draw the wax or tallow , another the wick , another the flame : The like for the Perceptions of several senses ; Sight may pattern out the figure and light of a Candle ; Touch may pattern out its weight , hardness or smoothness ; the Nose may pattern out its smell ; the Ears may pattern out its sparkling noise , & c. All which does evidently prove , That Perception cannot be made by pressure and reaction ; or else a fire coal by the perception of sight , would burn out the eye , because it would by pressure inflame its next adjoining parts , and these again the next , until it came to the eye . Besides , it proves that all objects are material ; for were Light , Colour , Figure , Heat , Cold , & c. immaterial , they would never be patterned out by corporeal motions ; for no Painter is able to copy out , or draw an immaterial mode or motion ; Neither could immaterial motions make pressure , nor be subject to reaction . Lastly , it proves , That Perception is an effect of knowledg in the sentient , and not in the external object ; or else there would be but one knowledg in all parts , and not several knowledges in several parts ; whereof sense and reason inform us otherwise , viz. that particular figures have variety of knowledges , according to the difference and variety of their corporeal figurative motions . But then some will say , That the actions of Matter would be more infinite then the parts . I answer ; There can be neither more nor less in infinite : For infinite can be but infinite ; but since parts , figures , changes of motion and perceptions , are one and the same ; and since division and composition are the chief actions of Nature , it does necessarily follow , That as the actions vary , so do also their parts and particular perceptions . Q. 14. How is it possible that any Perception of outward objects can be made by patterning , since patterning doth follow perception ; for how can any one pattern out that which he has no perception of ? I answer : Natural actions are not like Artificial ; for Art is but gross and dull in comparison to Nature ; and although I alledg the comparison of a Painter , yet is it but to make my meaning more intelligible to weaker capacities ; for though a Painter must see or know first what he intends to draw or copy out ; yet the natural perception of exterior objects is not altogether after the same manner ; but in those perceptions which are made by patterning , the action of patterning , and the perception , are one and the same ; for as self-knowledg is the ground of Perception , so self-motion is the action of Perception , without which no perception could be , and therefore perception and self-action are one and the same . But I desire , that it may well be observed what I have mentioned heretofore , to wit , That although there is but one self-knowledg , and one selfmotion in Nature , yet they being material , are divideable ; and therefore as from one infinite cause , there may flow infinite effects , and one infinite whole may be divided into infinite parts ; so from one infinite self-knowledg and self-motion there may proceed infinite particular actions and perceptions . But some may perhaps ask , 1. Why those particular knowledges and perceptions are not all alike , as being all but effects of one cause ? To which I answer , That if the actions or motions of Nature were all alike , all parts would have the like knowledges and perceptions ; but the actions being different , how can it be otherwise , but the perceptions must be different also ? for since every perception is a particular self-action , then as the actions of Nature vary , and as parts do divide and compose , so are likewise their perceptions . 2. It may be objected , That if the Perception of the exterior senses in animals be made by the way of patterning , then when a part of the body feels pain , the rational motions by patterning out the same , would be pained , or sick . I answer : This does no more follow , then that the Eye patterning out the exterior figure of Water , Fire , Earth , & c. should become of the same nature ; for the original is one thing , and the copy another : the picture of a house of stone , is not made of natural stone , nor is the picture of a Tree , a natural Tree ; for if it were so , Painters would do more then Chymists by fire and furnace ; but by reason there is a very close conjunction between the rational and sensitive perceptive motions , so that when the sensitive motions of the body pattern out some exterior object , the rational most commonly do the same ; That which we call pain or sickness in the body , when patterned out by the mind , is called trouble , or grief ; for as there are degrees in their purity , subtilty and activity , so their perceptions are also different . But it is well to be observed , That although some parts are ignorant of others , when they work not to one and the same perception , yet sometimes there is a more general knowledg of a disease , pain , or soreness ; for example , a man may have an inflamation or soreness in one part of his arm or leg , and all the rest of the parts of that limb may be ignorant thereof ; but if the inflamation , soreness or pain , extend throughout the whole arm or leg , then all the parts of that limb are generally sensible of it . 3. It may be objected , That if the rational perceptive motions take patterns from the sensitive , then reason can never judg of things as naturally they are , but onely of their copies , as they are patterned out by the sensitive motions . I answer , first , That reason is not so necessitated , as to have no other perception then what sense presents ; for Reason is the instructer and informer of sense , as an architect or surveigher is in the extruction of a house . Next , I say , That in the act of Perception , Reason doth not onely perceive the copies of the senses , but it perceives with the sense also the original ; for surely the rational part of Matter , being intermixed with the sensitive , must perceive as well the original , as sense doth ; for it is not so involved within the sensitive ; that it cannot peep out , as a Jack-in-a-Box ; but both being closely intermixed , one makes perceptions as well as the other , as being both perceptive ; and by reason the rational part makes the same perception as the sensitive doth , it seemeth as if the rational did take copies from the sensitive ; which although it doth , yet this doth not hinder it from making a perception also of the original . But then some may say , if the rational Part has liberty to move as it will , then it may perceive without sense ; that is , Reason may make perceptions of outward objects in the organs of the senses , when the senses make none ; as for example , the rational motions in the eye may perceive light , when the sensitive do not ; and sound in the ear , when the sensitive do not . To which I answer ; 'T is probable , that the rational do many times move to other perceptions then the sensitive ; as I have often declared ; but if their actions be orderly and regular , then most commonly they move to one and the same perception ; but reason being the purer and freer part , has a more subtil perception then sense ; for there is great difference between sense and reason , concerning the subtilty of their actions ; sense does perceive , as it were , in part , when as reason perceives generally , and in whole ; for if there be an object which is to be patterned out with all its proprieties , the colour of it is perceived onely by sight ; the smell of it is perceived by the Nose ; its Sound is perceived by the Ear , its taste is perceived by the Tongue , and its hardness or softness , coldness or heat , dryness or moisture , is perceived by Touch ; so that every sense in particular , patterns out that object which is proper for it ; and each has but so much knowledg of the said object as it patterns out ; for the sight knows nothing of its taste , nor the taste of its touch , nor the touch of its smell ; and so forth : But the mind patterns out all those figures together , so that they are but as one object to it , without division : which proves , that the rational perception , being more general , is also more perfect then the sensitive ; and the reason is , because it is more free , and not incumbred with the burdens of other parts ; Wherefore the rational can judg better of objects then the sensitive , as being more knowing ; and knows more , because it has a more general perception ; and hath a more general perception , because it is more subtile and active ; and is more subtil and active , because it is free , and not necessitated to labour on , or with any other parts . But some may say , How is it possible , that the rational part , being so closely intermixed with the sensitive and the inanimate , can move by it self , and not be a labourer , as well as the sensitive ? I answer : The reason is , because the rational part is more pure and finer then the sensitive , or any other part of Matter ; which purity and fineness makes that it is so subtile and active , and consequently not necessitated to labour with , or on other parts . Again : Some may ask , Whether those intermixed parts continue always together in their particulars ? as for example , whether the same rational parts keep constantly to the same sensitive and inanimate parts , as they are commixed ? I answer : Nature is in a perpetual motion , and her parts are parts of her own self-moving body ; wherefore they must of necessity divide and compose ; but if they divide and compose , they cannot keep constantly to the same parts . Nevertheless , although particular parts are divideable from each other , yet the Triumvirate of Nature , that is , the three chief degrees or parts of Matter , to wit , rational , sensitive and inanimate , which belong to the constitution of Nature , cannot be separated or divided from each other in general ; so that rational matter may be divided from sensitive and inanimate , and these again from the rational , but they must of necessity continue in this commixture as long as Nature lasts . In short , rational , sensitive and inanimate Matter are divideable in their particulars ; that is , such a particular part of inanimate Matter is not bound to such a particular part of sensitive or rational Matter , &c. but they are individeable in general , that is , from each other ; for wheresoever is body , there is also a commixture of these three degrees of Matter . 4. Some may say , How is it possible , That Reason can be above Sense ; and that the rational perception is more subtile and knowing then the sensitive ; since in my Philosophical Opinions , I have declared that the sensitive perception doth inform the rational : or that Reason perceives by the information of the senses ? To which I answer : My meaning is not , that Reason has no other perception , but by the information of the senses ; for surely the rational perception is more subtile , piercing and penetrating , or inspective , then the sensitive , and therefore more intelligent and knowing ; but when I say , that sense informs reason , I speak onely of such perceptions where the rational figurative motions take patterns from the sensitive , and do not work voluntarily , or by rote . Besides , It is to be observed , That in the mentioned Book , I compare Thoughts , which are the actions of the rational figurative motions , to the sensitive Touch ; so that Touch is like a Thought in sense , and Thought like a Touch in reason : But there is great difference in their purity ; for though the actions of Touch and Thought are much after the same manner , yet the different degrees of sense and reason , or of animate , sensitive and rational matter , cause great difference between them ; and as all sensitive perception is a kind of touch , so all rational perception is a kind of thoughtfulness : But mistake me not when I say , Thought is like Touch ; for I do not mean , that the rational perception is caused by the conjunction or joining of one part to another , or that it is an exterior touch , but an interior knowledg ; for all self-knowledg is a kind of thoughtfulness , and that Thought is a rational Touch , as Touch is a sensitive Thought ; for the exterior perceptions of reason resemble the interior actions or knowledg of sense . Neither do I mean , that the perception of touch is made by pressure and reaction , no more then the perception of sight , hearing , or the like ; but the patterns of outward objects being actions of the body sentient , are , as it were , a self-touch , or self-feeling , both in the sensitive and rational perceptions . Indeed that subtile and learned Philosopher , who will perswade us that Perception is made by pressure and reaction , makes Perception onely a fantasme : For , says he , Reaction makes a Fantasme , and that is Perception . 5. Some perhaps will say , That if the Perception of the exterior animal senses be made by Patterning , then that animal which hath two or more eyes , by patterning out an exterior object , will have a double or trebble perception of it , according to the number of its eyes . I answer : That when the corporeal motions in each eye move irregularly ; as for example , when one eye moves this , and the other another way , or when the eyes look asquint ; then they do not pattern out the object directly as they ought ; but when the eyes move regularly , then they pattern out one and the same object alike , as being fixt but upon one point ; and the proof thereof is , if there be two eyes , we may observe that both have their perceptions apart , as well as jointly ; because those parts that are in the middle of each eye , do not make at the same time the same perceptions with those that are the side or extream parts thereof , but their perceptions are different from each other : For example , the eyes of a Man , or some other Animal , pattern out a Tree which stands in a direct line opposite to them ; but if there be Meadows or Hedges on each side of the Tree , then the extream or side parts of each eye pattern out those meadows or hedges ; for one eyes perception , is not the other eyes perception ; which makes them perceive differently , when otherwise they would perceive both alike . But if a thousand eyes do perceive one object just alike , then they are but as one eye , and make but one perception ; for like as many parts do work or act to one and the same design ; so do several corporeal motions in one eye , pattern out one object ; the onely difference is , that , as I said , every eye is ignorant of each others perception . But , you 'l say , There are so many copies made , as there are objects . I answer , 'T is true : But though there are many composed parts which join in the making of one particular perception ; yet if they move all alike , the perception is but one and the same : for put the case there were a hundred thousand copies of one original ; if they be all alike each other , so as not to have the least difference betwixt them ; then they are all but as one Picture of one Original ; but if they be not alike each other , then they are different Pictures , because they represent different faces . And thus for a matched pair of eyes in one Creature ; if they move at the same point of time , directly to one and the same parts , in the same design of patterning out one and the same object ; it seems but as one act of one part , and as one perception of one object . Q. 15. How comes it , that some parts , for all they are Perceptive , can yet be so ignorant of each other , that in one composed figure , as for example , in the finger of a Man's hand , they are ignorant of each other ; when as other parts do make perceptions of one another , at a great distance , and when other parts are between ? I answer : This question is easily resolved , if we do but consider , that the differerence of Perception depends upon the difference of the corporeal figurative motions ; for if the parts be not the same , the perceptions must needs be different ; nay , there may infinite several perceptions be made by one and the same parts ; if Matter be eternal , and perpetually moving . And hence it follows , that some parts may make perceptions of distant parts , and not of neighbouring parts ; and others again may make perceptions of neighbouring or adjoining parts , and not of those that are distant : As for example , in the animal Perception , taste and touch are onely perceptions of adjoining objects , when as sight and hearing do perceive at a distance ; for if an object be immediately joined to the optick sense , it quite blinds it . Wherefore it is well to be observed , that there are several kinds and sorts of Perceptions , as well as of other composed figures : As for example , there are Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , and Elements ; and these comprehend each several particular kinds of Animals , Vegetables , Minerals , &c. Again , these particular kinds are divided into several sorts , and each of them contains so many particulars ; nay , each particular has so many different parts , of which it consists , and each part has its different particular motions . The same may be said of Perceptions : For as the several compositions of several parts are , so are they : not that the bare composition of the parts and figures is the cause of Perception ; but the self-knowing and self-moving parts compose themselves into such or such figures ; and as there are proprieties belonging to such compositions , so to such composed perceptions ; so that the composed parts at the end of a finger , may not have the same perceptions with the middle parts of the same finger . But some may say , If there be such ignorance between the parts of a composed figure , How comes it , that many times the pain of one particular part , will cause a general distemper throughout all the body ? I answer ; There may be a general perception of the irregularities of such particular composed parts in the other parts of the body , although they are not irregular themselves ; for if they had the same compositions , and the same irregularities as the distempered parts , they would have the same effects ; that is , pain , sickness , or numbness , &c. within themselves ; but to have a perception of the irregularities of other parts , and to be irregular themselves , are different things . Nevertheless , some parts moving irregularly , may occasion other parts to do the same . But it is well to be observed , That adjoining parts do not always imitate each other , neither do some parts make perceptions of forreign objects so readily as others do ; as for example , a man plays upon a Fiddle , or some other instrument , and there are hundreds , or more to hear him ; it happens oft , that those at a further distance do make a perfecter perception of that sound , then those which are near ; and oftentimes , those that are in the middle , as between those that are nearest , and those that are furthest off , may make a perfecter perception then all they ; for though all parts are in a perpetual motion , yet all parts are not bound to move after one and the same way ; but some move slower , some quicker , some livelier , some duller ; and some parts do move so irregularly as they will not make perceptions of some objects , when as they make perceptions of others ; and some will make perfect perceptions of one and the same objects at some times , and not at other times : As for example , some men will hear , see , smell , taste , &c. more perfectly at some , then at other times . And thus to repeat what I said before , The several kinds , sorts and particulars of Perceptions , must well be considered ; as also , that the variety of Nature proceeds but from one cause , which is self-knowing and self-moving Matter . Q. 16. Why a Man's hand , or any other part of his body , has not the like Perception as the eye , the ear , or the nose , &c. because there are sensitive and rational motions in all the parts of his body ? I answer : The reason why the same perception that is within the eye cannot be in the hand , or in any other part of a mans body , is , that the parts of the hand are composed into another sort of figure then the eyes , ears , nose , &c. are ; and the sensitive motions make perceptions according to the compositions of their parts ; and if the parts of the hand should be divided and composed with other parts , into another figure ; as for example , into the figure of an eye , or ear , or nose ; then they would have the perception of seeing , hearing and smelling ; for perceptions are according to the composition of parts , and the changes of Natures self-motions . But then some will say , perhaps , That an Artificial eye , or ear , will have the same perceptions , &c. being of the same figure . I answer : That if its interior nature , and the composition of its parts were just the same as its exterior figure ; as for example , if an artificial eye , or ear , were of animal flesh , and the like ; it would have the like perception , otherways not . Q. 17. How do we perceive Light , Fire , Air , & c ? I answer : By their exterior figures , as we do other objects : As for example , my Eye patterns out the exterior figure of Light , and my Touch patterns out the exterior figure of Heat , &c. But then you will say , If the Eye did pattern out the figure of Light , it would become Light it self ; and if Touch did pattern out the figure of Heat , it would become Fire . I answer : No more then when a Painter draws Fire or Light , the copy should be a natural Fire or Light. For there is difference betwixt the copy , and the original : and it is to be observed , that in the Perception of sense , especially of sight , there must be a certain distance betwixt the object , and the sentient parts ; for the further those are from each other , the weaker is the perception , by reason no corporeal figurative motion is infinite , but finite ; and therefore it can have but fueh a degree of power , strength , or activity as belongs to such a figurative action , or such a part or degree of Matter . But as for Fire and Light , it is a certain and evident proof , that some perceptions , at least those of the exterior animal senses , are made by patterning ; for though the nature of Fire and of Light ( for any thing we know ) be ascending , yet if Fire be made in such a manner , that several may stand about , underneath , and above it ; yet they all have the perception of the heat of fire , in what place soever , provided they stand within a limited or determinate compass of it : I say , of the heat which is the effect of fire ; for that is onely patterned out , and not the substance of the flame or fire it self : But on the contrary , if the heat of the fire did actually and really spread it self out to all the places nominated , as well downwards , upwards and sideways ; then certainly it would be wasted in a little time , and leave its cause , which is the fire , heatless . Besides , that there are Copies and Originals , and that some perceptions are made by patterning , is evident by the appearance of one Candle in several distances , which several appearances can be nothing else , but several copies of that Candle made by those parts that take patterns from the Original ; which makes me also believe , that after the same manner , many Stars which we take for Originals , may be but so many copies or patterns of one Star , made by the figurative motions of those parts where they appear . Q. 18. Whether the Optick Perception is made in the Eye , or Brain , or in both ? I answer : The perception of Sight , when awake , is made on the outside of the Eye , but in sleep on the inside ; and as for some sorts of Thoughts or Conceptions , which are the actions of reason , they are to my apprehension made in the inner part of the head , although I am not able to determine properly what part it is ; for all the body is perceptive , and has sense and reason , and not onely the head ; the onely difference is , that the several actions of several parts , cause several sorts of perceptions ; and the rational parts being the most active , and purest , and moving within themselves , can make more figures in the same compass or magnitude , and in a much shorter time then the sensitive , which being burthened with the inanimate parts , cannot act so agily and freely : Neverthess , some of the sensitive actions are much agiler and nimbler then others , as we may perceive in several sorts of productions . But the rational parts being joined with the sensitive in the exterior parts of a figure , do , for the most part , work together with the same ; otherwise , when they move by themselves in Thoughts , Conceptions , Remembrance , and the like ; they are more inward , as within the head ; for there are Perceptions of interior parts , as well as of exterior ; I mean , within a composed figure , by reason all parts are perceptive : Neither does this prove , that if there be so many perceptions in one composed figure , there must be numerous several perceptions of one object in that same figure ; for every part knows its own work , or else there would be a confusion in Natures actions : Neither are all perceptions alike , but as I said , according as the several actions are , so are the perceptions . Q. 19. What is the reason , that the nearer a stick or finger is held against a Concave-glass , the more does the pattern of it , made by the glass , appear to issue out of the glass , and meet with the object that is without it ? I answer : 'T is not that something really issues out of the Glass ; but as in a plain Looking-glass , the further the object goes from it , the more does its copy or image seem to be within the glass : So , in the same manner does the length of the stick , which is the measure of the object , or distance that moves : For , as to a man that rides in a Coach , or sails upon Water , the Shore , Trees , Hedges , Meadows , and Fields , seem to move ; when as yet , 't is the man that moves from them ; so it is with the figure in a Looking-glass : Wherefore it is onely a mistake in the animal sense , to take the motion of one , for the motion of the other . Q. 20. Whether a Part or Figure repeated by the same Motions , be the same part or figure as the former , or onely like the former ; as also whether an action repeated , be the same with the former ? I answer : That if the Parts , Figures and Actions be the same , they will always remain the same , although they be dissolved and repeated millions of times ; as for example , if you make a figure of wax , and dissolve it , and make that figure again just as it was before , and of the same parts , and by the same action , it will be the very same figure ; but if you alter either the parts , or the figure , it may be like the former figure , but not the very same . The like for action ; if one and the same action be repeated without any alteration , it is nothing else but a repetition of the corporeal figurative motions ; but if there be any alteration in it , it is not made by the same figurative motions , and consequently , 't is not the same action ; for though the self-moving parts be the same , yet the figurative motions are not the same ; not that those figurative motions are not in the same parts , but not repeated in the same manner . Wherefore it is well to be observed , that a Repetition is of the same parts , figures and actions that were before , but an alteration is not a repetition ; for wheresoever is but the least alteration , there can be no exact repetition . Q. 21. Whether there may be a Remembrance in Sense , as well as there is in Reason ? I answer , Yes : for Remembrance is nothing else but a Repetition of the same figure , made by the same corporeal figurative motions ; and as there is a rational remembrance , which is a repetition of the same figures , made by the rational , corporeal figurative motions , so there is also a sensitive remembrance , that is , a repetition of the same figures , made by the sensitive , corporeal , figurative motions : For example , I see an object ; the sensitive motions in the eye , pattern out the figure of that object ; but as soon as the object is removed , the perception is altered . It may be , I see the same object again in a dream , or in a phrensie , or the like distemper ; and then the same figure is repeated which was made first by the sensitive motions of the figure of the object , when it was really present ; which is a sensitive remembrance , whether the repetition be made after a Pattern or by rote , although it is more proper to say , that remembrance is onely a repetition of such figures as are made by rote , then of those that are made after a Pattern ; for a repetition of those figures that are made after a Pattern ; is rather a present perception of a present object ; when as remembrance is of objects that are absent . Q. 22. Whether the rational Parts can quit some Parts and join to others ? I answer : Our sense and reason perceives they do ; or else there would be no Motion , no Separation , Composition , Dilation , Contraction , Digestion , Production , Transformation , Infancy , Youth , Age , nor no Action in the World whatsoever : And by this it also evident , that ( as I said before ) particular , rational and sensitive parts , are not bound to move always together , or to keep constantly to the same parts , no not in the action of perception ; for though they most commonly work together when they move regularly ; yet many times they do not : as for Example , the sensitive do not always make perceptions of exterior objects , but many times make figures by rote ; as 't is manifest in mad men and such as are in high Feavers and the like distempers , which see or hear , taste or smell such or such objects when none are present ; and the Rational Parts being regular , do perceive both the sensitive figures made by rote , and that there are no such exterior objects really present ; also the Rational parts make figures by rote , and without any outward pattern ; but such voluntary figures cannot properly be named Perceptions , by reason Perceptions are occasioned by outward objects ; but they are rather voluntary Conceptions . Q. 23. If it be so , that Parts can divide themselves from some Parts , and join to other Parts : Why may not the soul do the same , and change its Vehicles , that is , leave such , and take other Vehicles ? I answer : Concerning the Natural soul of man , which is part of Nature , and consists of the purest and subtilest degree of matter , which is the Rational , it is without question , that it is divideable and composeable , because it is material , and therefore subject to changes and transmutations ; But as for the supernatural soul , because she is spiritual and consequently individable , as having no parts , and therefore not the propriety of a body which is to have figurative actions , it cannot be said of her that she is subject to compositions , divisions , transmutations , &c. However , put the case the supernatural soul should have those proprieties of a body , although no body her self ; Yet there could be but one infinite soul in one infinite body , and as the body did divide , so the soul must of necessity do also otherwise one soul would have many bodies , and some bodies would be soul-less ; which would cause a horrid confusion between souls and bodies . Wherefore in my opinion Pythagoras's doctrine concerning the transmigration of souls , or that one soul can take several bodies , is as absurd , as that one body can quit one place and acquire an other , and so have more places then bodies ; which if it were thus , we might with as much probability affirm , that many bodies could be in one place , and in the resurrection of bodies there would certainly arise a great dispute between several bodies for one soul , and between several souls for one body , especially if one body was particularly beloved of more then one soul ; all which would breed such a war between souls and bodies , souls and souls , and bodies and bodies , that it would put all the world into a confusion ; and therefore my opinion is , that Nature is but one onely infinite body , which being self-moving , is divideable and composeable , and consists of infinite parts of several degrees , which are so intermixt , that in general they cannot be separated from each other , or from the body of Nature , and subsist single and by themselves ; Neither can it be otherwise , unless Nature had several bodies , but though she has infinite parts , yet has she but one infinite body ; for parts and body are but one Corporeal , self-moving , self-living and self-knowing Nature ; And as for the degrees of animate and inanimate matter , they are also but parts of that one body of Nature , and the various and infinite knowledges , perceptions , lives , &c. considered in general , are nothing else but the life , knowledg and perception of the infinite body of Nature . And from hence it follows , that one man may have numerous souls , as well as he has numerous parts and particles ; which as long as the whole figure of man lasts , their functions and actions are according to the nature of that figure ; but when the figure of man dissolves ( which dissolution is nothing else but a change of those motions that were proper to the nature of its figure ) then all the parts of that figure , if they be joined and composed with other parts and figures , become not soul-less , or life-less ; but because they consist all of a commixture of animate and inanimate matter , they retain life and soul , onely the actions of that life and soul are according to the nature of those figures which the parts of the animal body did change into . Thus , as I have mentioned in my Philosophical Letters * , no Creature can challenge a particular life and soul to it self , but every Creature may have by the dividing and composing-nature of this self-moving Matter , more or fewer natural souls and lives . And thus much of knowledg and perception ; which since it is not onely the ground of Natural Philosophy , but a subject of a difficult Nature , I have insisted somewhat longer upon it then I have done upon any other , and endeavoured to clear it as well as I could ; so that now , I hope , all that I have declared hitherto , will be sufficient to give the ingenious Reader a true information of my opinion thereof , and a satisfactory answer to any other scruples that should happen to puzzle his brain ; I 'le add no more at this present , but conclude with a brief repetition of those few Notes concerning the principles , which by that small portion of Reason and Judgment that Nature has allowed me , I have endeavoured to declare and prove in my works of Natural Philosophy . 1. There is but one Matter , and infinite Parts ; one self-motion , and infinite Actions ; one Self-knowledg , and infinite particular Knowledges and Perceptions . 2. All parts of Nature are living , knowing , and perceptive , because all are self-moving , for self-motion is the cause of all particular effects , figures , actions , varieties , changes , lives , knowledges , perceptions , &c. in Nature , and makes the onely difference between animate and inanimate Matter . 3. The chief and general actions of Nature , are division and composition of parts , both which are done but by one act ; for at the same time , when parts separate themselves from such parts , they join to other parts ; and this is the cause there can be no Vacuum , nor no single parts in Nature . 4. Every particular part of figure is infinitely divided and composed from and with other parts . 5. The infinite divisions and compositions hinder , that Nature cannot run into extreams in her particulars , but keep the parts and actions of Nature in an equal ballance . 6. The Inanimate part of Matter has life , sense , and self-knowledg , as well as the animate ; but being not moving in it self , or its own Nature , it has not such a perceptive sense and self-knowledg , nor such an active life as the animate hath . 7. The parts of Inanimate Matter alter according to their commixture with the Animate , and so do their particular self-knowledges . 8. As parts alter by the changes of motions , so do particular perceptions . 9. Though all perceptions are figurative actions , yet no particular Creature can undoubtedly affirm , that all are made by patterning or imitation ; by reason as the parts and actions of Nature are infinite , so are also particular perceptions ; and being infinite , they cannot be known by any particular Creature . 10. There are besides exterior perceptions , voluntary actions , both of sense and reason , not made by imitation , but freely and by rote ; and these may be called conceptions , rather then perceptions . 11. Those are much in the wrong , who believe , that man can know no more then what his five senses do inform him ; for the rational part , which is the purest , subtilest , most active , and inspective part of Nature , does inform it self of things which the sensitive cannot ; as for example , how was the new world and the Antipodes found out ? for they were neither seen , nor heard of , nor tasted , nor smelled , nor touched . Truly our reason does many times perceive that which our senses cannot ; and some things our senses cannot perceive until reason informs them ; for there are many inventions which owe their rise and beginning onely to reason . It is not sense , but reason that knows or perceives , there is something beyond it self , and beyond Nature , which is the Onely , Eternal , and Omnipotent God , and there can be no higher conception then this ; for what is beyond it , is supernatural , and belongs to supernatural Creatures ; as for example , those divine souls which God has given to men , above their rational material souls : but as for the wicked souls , they come not from God , but are irregularities of Nature , which God certainly will punish , as a Master does the evil actions of his Servant . 12. Art is but a Natural Creature or effect , and not a Creator of any thing . 13. Colour , Magnitude , Figure , Place , Time , Gravity , Levity , Density , Rarity , Compositions , Divisions , Alterations , &c. are all one and the same with self-moving Matter , and nothing else but the various actions of Nature ; which actions can no more be separated from body , then body can from Matter , or parts from their whole ; for all that is natural , is corporeal ; and therefore the distinction into substances and accidents , is to no purpose , since there cannot really be , no not imagined , such a thing as an incorporeal or substanceless motion or action in Nature . But some perhaps will say , If every part and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Nature has Magnitude , Colour , Figure , Place , &c. How is it possible that they can be one and the same with body , since they are subject to several perceptions ? To which I answer , The several perceptions do not make them to be several bodies , but they are patterned out or perceived as several proprieties or attributes of one body , or as several effects of one cause ; for though there is but one cause in Nature , which is self-moving matter ; yet that onely cause must of necessity have several effects or proprieties , as Figure , Colour , Place , Magnitude , &c. and if I may without offence make a comparison between the Creator and a Creature , God is but one in his Essence , as one Infinite and Eternal God , and yet has several Divine Attributes ; and though the parts of Nature cannot comprehend , conceive , or perceive God , yet they may conceive somewhat of his several Attributes , after several manners or wayes : In the like manner , although there is but one matter , yet that matter may be perceived after several manners or ways , it being impossible that matter , or any part of particle of matter , although it were single , should be without those several mentioned proprieties ; for can any one conceive or imagine a body without Figure , Magnitude , Place or Colour , were it as little as an Atome ? and since there are no Natural Figures or Creatures but consist of parts , those composed Figures may have a different Magnitude , Place , Colour , &c. from their parts and particles were they single ; but being self-moving , those figures may alter by self-motion ; for 't is as impossible for a body to be without parts , as for parts to be without body ; but if matter were not self-moving , there would neither be alterations , perceptions , nor any natural actions , although there might be a fixt self-knowledg in Natures parts . And thus it is no wonder how there can be several perceptions of one figure , by reason there 's no figure but is composed of parts ; and as we can conceive a whole and its parts , which yet are one and the same thing , several ways ; ( for a whole we conceive as a composition of parts ; and parts we conceive as a division of the whole ) so we may Figure , Place , Magnitude , &c. And as we cannot conceive nor perceive motion without body ; so neither can we conceive those mentioned proprieties without body , or body without them , they being nothing else but the corporeal , figurative actions of Nature . FURTHER OBSERVATIONS UPON EXPERIMENTAL PHILOSOPHY , Reflecting withal upon some Principal Subjects in CONTEMPLATIVE PHILOSOPHY . 1. Ancient Learning ought not to be exploded , nor the Experimental part of Philosophy preferred before the Speculative . IN this present age those are thought the greatest Wits that rail most against the ancient Philosophers , especially Aristotle , who is beaten by all ; but whether he deserve such punishment , others may judg . In my opinion , he was a very subtil Philosopher , and an ingenious Man ; 't is true , he was subject to errors as well as other men are , ( for there is no creature so perfect but may err , nay , not Nature her self ; but God onely who is Omnipotent ) but if all that err should be accounted fools , and destitute of regular reason , then those deserve it most who think themselves wiser then they are , and upon that account few in this age would escape this censure . But concerning the Opinions of ancient Philosophers , condemned by many of our modern Writers , I for my particular , do very much admire them ; for although there is no absolute perfection in them , yet if we do but rightly consider them , we shall find , that in many things , they come nearer to truth then many of our Moderns ; for surely the ancients had as good and regular rational and sensitive perceptions , and as profitable Arts and Sciences as we have ; and the world was governed as well , and they lived as happily in ancient times , as we do now , nay more . As for example ; how well was the World governed , and how did it flourish in Augustus's time ? how many proud and stately Buildings and Palaces could ancient Rome shew to the world , when she was in her flower ? The Cedars , Gold , and many other curiosities which Solomon used in the structure of that Magnificent Temple , ( the like whereof our age cannot shew ) were as safely fetch'd and brought to him out of forreign places , as those commodities which we have out of other Countries either by Sea or Land : Besides , I doubt not but they had as profitable and useful Arts and knowledges , and as skilful and ingenious Artists as our age can boast of ; if not the very same , yet the like , and perhaps better , which by the injury of time have been lost , to our great disadvantage ; it may be they had no Microscopes or Telescopes , but I think they were the happier for the want of them , imploying their time in more profitable studies : What learned and witty people the Egyptians were , is sufficiently known out of ancient Histories , which may inform us of many more . But I perceive the knowledg of several ages and times , is like the increase and decrease of the Moon ; for in some ages Art and Learning flourishes better then in others , and therefore it is not onely an injury , but a sign of ill-nature , to exclaim against ancient Learning , and call it Pedantry ; for if the ancients had not been , I question whether we should have arrived to that knowledg we boast of at this present ; for they did break the Ice , and shew'd us the way in many things , for which we ought to be thankful , rather then reward them with scorn . Neither ought Artists , in my opinion , to condemn Contemplative Philosophy , nay , not to prefer the Experimental part before her ; for all that Artists have , they are beholden for it to the conceptions of the ingenious Student , except some few Arts which ascribe their original to change ; and therefore speculation must needs go be fore practice ; for how shall a man practise , if he does not know what or which way to practise ? Reason must direct first how sense ought to work , and so much as the Rational knowledg is more noble then the Sensitive , so much is the Speculative part of Philosophy more noble then the Mechanical . But our age being more for deluding Experiments then rational arguments , which some cal a tedious babble , doth prefer Sense before Reason , and trusts more to the deceiving sight of their eyes , and deluding glasses , then to the perception of clear and regular Reason ; nay , many will not admit of rational arguments , but the bare authority of an Experimental Philosopher is sufficient to them to decide all Controversies , & to pronounce the Truth without any appeal to Reason ; as if they onely had the Infallible Truth of Nature , and ingrossed all knowledg to themselves . Thus Reason must stoop to Sense , and the Conceptor to the Artist , which will be the way to bring in Ignorance , instead of advancing knowledg ; for when the light of Reason begins to be Eclipsed , darkness of Understanding must needs follow . 2. Whether Artificial Effects may be called Natural , and in what sense . IN my former discourses I have declared that Art produces Hermaphroditical Effects , that is , such as are partly Natural , and partly Artificial ; but the question is , whether those Hermaphroditical Effects may not be called Natural Effects as well as others , or whether they be Effects quite different and distinct from Natural ? My answer is , When I call Artificial effects Hermaphroditical , or such as are not Natural ; I do not speak of Nature in general , as if they were something else besides Nature ; for Art it self is natural , and an effect of Nature , and cannot produce any thing that is beyond , or not within Nature ; wherefore artificial effects can no more be excluded from Nature , then any ordinary effect or Creature of Nature ; But when I say they are not natural , I understand the particular nature of every Creature , according to its own kind of species ; for as there is Infinite Nature which may be called General Nature , or Nature in General , which includes and comprehends all the effects and Creatures that lie within her , and belong to her , as being parts of her own self-moving body ; so there are also particular natures in every Creature , which are the innate , proper and inherent interior and substantial forms and figures of every Creature , according to their own kind or species , by which each Creature or part of Nature is discerned or distinguished from the other ; as for example , although an Animal and a Vegetable be fellow Creatures , and both Natural , because Material , yet their interior particular Natures are not the same , because they are not of the same kind , but each has its own particular Nature quite different from the other ; and these particular Natures are nothing else but a change of corporeal figurative motions , which make this diversity of figures ; for were the same interior and natural motions found in an Animal as are in a Vegetable , an Animal would be a Vegetable , and a Vegetable an Animal without any difference ; and after this rate there would be no variety at all in Nature ; but self-motion acting diversly and variously , not onely in every kind and species , but in every particular Creature and part of Nature , causeth that wonderful variety which appears every where even to our admiration in all parts of Nature . But to return to artificial effects , it is known that Nature has her own ways in her actions , and that there are constant productions in every kind and sort of natural Creatures , which Nature observes in the propagation and increase of them ; whose general manner and way is always the same ; ( I say , general , because there are many variations in the particular motions belonging to the production of every particular Creature . ) For example , all Mankind is produced after one and the same manner or way , to wit , by the copulation of two persons of each Sex ; and so are other sorts of Creatures produced other ways : also a perfect Creature is produced in the same shape , and has the same interior and exterior figure as is proper to it according to the nature of its kind and species to which it belongs , and this is properly called a natural production : But when the figurative motions in particular productions do not move after this ordinary way , as in the productions of Monsters , it is called a praeter-natural or irregular production , proceeding from the irregularity of motions ; not praeternatural in respect to general Nature , but in respect to the proper and particular nature of the figure . And in this regard I call Artifical effects Hermaphroditical , that is , partly Natural , and partly Artificial ; Natural , because Art cannot produce any thing without natural matter , nor without the assistance of natural motions , but artificial , because it works not after the way of natural productions ; for Art is like an emulating Ape , and will produce such figures as Nature produces , but it doth not , nor cannot go the same way to work as Nature doth ; for Natures ways are more subtil and mysterious , then that Art , or any one particular Creature should know , much less trace them ; and this is the true construction of my sense concerning natural and artificial production ; whereby it is manifest that I am not of the opinion of that Experimental Writer who thinks it no improbability to say that all natural effects may be called artificial , nay , that Nature her self may be called the Art of God ; for Art is as much inferior to Nature , as a part is inferior to the whole , and all Artificial Effects are Irregular in comparison to Natural ; wherefore to say God or Nature works Artificially , would be as much as to say they work irregularly . 3. Of Natural Matter and Motion . IAm of that Learned Authors mind , who counts those but narrow souls , and not worthy the name of Philosophers , that think any body can be too great , or too vast , as also too little in its natural dimensions , and that Nature is stinted at an atome , and brought to a non-plus of her sub-divisions ; for truly , if there cannot be Extreams in Infinite , there can also be none in Nature , and consequently there can neither be smallest nor biggest , strongest nor weakest , hardest nor softest , swiftest nor slowest , &c. in Nature , by reason Nature is Infinite in her actions , as well as in her parts , and hath no set bounds or limits ; and therefore the Corpuscularian or Atomical Writers , which do reduce the parts of Nature to one certain and proportioned Atome , beyond which they imagine Nature cannot go , because their brain or particular finite reason cannot reach further , are much deceived in their arguments , and commit a fallacy in concluding the finiteness and limitation of Nature from the narrowness of their rational Conceptions . Nevertheless , although Natures actions and parts are Infinite , considered in general , yet my opinion is , that Nature never doth actually run into Infinite in her particular actions and parts ; for as there are infinite divisions , so there are also infinite compositions in Nature ; and as there are infinite degrees of hardness , slowness and thickness , so there are also infinite degrees of softness , swiftness , thinness , &c. so that every particular motion or action of Nature is ballanced and poised by its opposite , which hinders a running into infinite in natures particulars , and causes a variety of natural figures ; for although Infinite Matter in it self and its own essence is simple and homogeneous , as the learned call it , or of the same kind and nature , and consequently is at peace with it self , yet there is a perpetual opposition and war between the parts of nature , where one sometimes gets the better of the other , and overpowers it either by force or slight , and is the occasion of its dissolution into some other figure ; but there 's no part so powerful as to reduce any thing into nothing , or to destroy it totally from being Matter ; nay , not Nature her self has such a power , but God alone , who as he has made Nature , so he may destroy her ; for although Nature has an Infinite power , yet she is not omnipotent , but her power is a natural infinite power , when as Omnipotency is an attribute onely belonging to God ; neither hath she a divine , but a natural infinite knowledg ; by which it is evident , that I do not ascribe divine attributes to Nature , which were to make her a God , nor detract from Nature that which properly belongs to her ; for Nature being infinite in body and parts , it would be absurd to confine her to a finite power and knowledg . By parts , I understand not onely the infinite figures and fizes , but also the infinite actions of Nature : and I am of Des Cartes opinion , that the parts of Matter may be made bigger or less by addition or subtraction of other parts ; but I cannot yield to him when he says , that Motion may be swifter and slower by addition given to the movent by other contiguous bodies more swiftly moving , or by subduction of it by bodies slower moved , and that Motion may be transferred out of one body into another ; for Motion cannot be conceived , much less subsist without Matter ; and if Motion should be transferred or added to some other body , Matter must be added or transferred also : Neither doth the addition of some parts of Matter add always exterior local motion to the body it is joyned to , but they retain the motion proper to their own figure and nature ; as for example , if a stone be added to an animal , it will rather hinder then help its exterior motions . But I must refer the Reader to my other Philosophical Works , in which I have discoursed more of this subject . 4. Nature cannot be known by any of her Parts . IAm not of Plinius's Opinion , That Nature in her whole power is never more wholly seen then in her smallest Works ; For how can Nature be seen in a part , when as Infinite cannot be known neither in nor by any Part , much less a small Part ? Nay , were Nature a great finite body , it could not be perceived intirely in and by a small or minute part , no more then a humane eye can see all this world Celestial and Terestial at once . 'T is true , Reason being joyned to Sense , may make a better discovery then if they were separated ; but as the humane optick sense is not capable to perceive the greatest , so neither the smallest creatures exterior , much less their interior parts , although assisted by Art ; for Art , ( as I mentioned before ) many times deludes rather then informs , making hermaphroditical figures ; and Nature has more variety and curiosity in the several forms , and figurative corporeal motions of one of the smallest creatures , then the most observing and clearest optick sense can perceive . But mistake me not ; I do not say , that Arts are not profitable , but that they are not truly and thorowly intelligent or knowing of all Natures works ; for several Arts are like several other Creatures , which have their particular natures , faculties and proprieties , beyond which they cannot go , and one Creature is not able to comprehend or know all other Creatures , no not any one single Creature perfectly , which ifso , then none can inform what it doth not know . Nay , not onely one particular Creature is not able to know it , but not one particular kind or sort of Creatures : as for example ; all Man-kind that ever have liv'd , or are at present living in this world , could never find out the truth of Nature , even in the least of her parts , nay , not in themselves : For what man is he that knows the figurative corporeal motions , which make him to be such a Creature as Man , or that make any part of him ? and what Man or Art can inform us truly of the figurative motions that make the nature of blood , flesh , bones , &c. or can give a reason why the heart is triangular , and the head spherical , and so for every differently-shaped part of his body ? I will not say , but that Man may guess at it , but not infallibly know it by any Art ; wherefore Reason will more truly discover so much of Nature as is discoverable to one kind or fort of Creatures , then Art can do ; for Art must attend Reason as the chief Mistris of Information , which in time may make her a more prudent and profitable servant then she is ; for in this age she is become rather vain then profitable , striving to act beyond her power , as I do undertake to write beyond my experience , for which , 't is probable Artists will condemn me ; but if I err , I ask their pardon , and pray them to consider the Nature of our sex , which makes us , for the most part , obstinate and wilful in our opinions , and most commonly impertinently foolish : And if the Art of Micrography can but find out the figurative corporeal motions that make or cause us to be thus , it will be an Art of great same , for by that Artists may come to discover more hidden causes and effects ; but yet I doubt they will hardly find out the interior nature of our fex by the exterior form of their faces or countenances , although very curious , and full of variety of several beauties ; nay , I dare on the contrary say , had a young beautiful Lady such a face as the Microscope expresses , she would not onely have no lovers , bnt be rather a Monster of Art , then a picture of Nature , and have an aversion , at least a dislike to her own exterior figure and shape ; and perchance if a Lowse or Flea , or such like insect , should look through a Microscope , it would be as much affrighted with its own exterior figure , as a young beautiful Lady when she appears ill-favoured by Art. I do not say this , as if Optick Glasses could not present the true figure of an Original ; for if they do not exceed the compass of natural dimensions , they may ; but when they endeavour to go beyond them , and do more then Nature has done , they rather present monstrous , then truly natural figures . Wherefore those , in my opinion , are the best Artists , that keep nearest to Natures Rules , and endeavour not to know more then what is possible for a finite part or creature to know ; for surely there is no better way to be rightly and truly informed of Natures works , then by studying Natures corporeal figurative motions , by the means of which study , they will practise Arts ( as far as Art is able to be practised ) more easily and successfully then they will do without it . But to conclude this discourse , some parts of Nature are more indued with regular reason then others , which is the cause that some creatures of one and the same fort or kind , as for example , Mankind , are more wife and ingenious then others ; and therefore it is not art , but regular sense and reason , that makes some more knowing , and some more wife and ingenious then others ; and the irregular motions of sense and reason that make some more ignorant or more extravagant in their opinions then others . 5. Art cannot introduce new forms in Nature . SOme account it a great honour , That the Indulgent Creator , although he gives not to Natural Creatures the power to produce one atome of matter , yet allows them the power to introduce so many forms which Philosophers teach to be nobler then matter , and to work such changes amongst Creatures , that if Adam was now alive , and should survelgh the great variety of mans production , that are to be found in the shops of Artificers , the Laboratories of Chymists , and other well furnished Magazines of Art , he would admire to see what a new world it were . Where , first , I do not understand , how man , or any other creature , should have the power of making or introducing new forms , if those forms were not already in Nature ; for no Creature by any Art whatsoever , is able to produce a new form , no more then he can make an atome of new matter , by reason the power lies in Nature , and the God of Nature , not in any of her Creatures ; and if Art may or can work changes amongst some fellow-creatures , they are but natural , by reason Nature is in a perpetual Motion , and in some parts in a perpetual transformation . Next , as for the Question , Whether forms be more noble then the matter ? my opinion is , that this can with no more ground of truth be affirmed , then that the effect is nobler then its cause , and if any creature should have power to make forms , which are more noble then matter it self , then certainly that creature would be above Nature , and a creator rather then a creature . Besides , form cannot be created without matter , nor matter without form ; for form is no thing subsisting by it self without matter , but matter and form make but one body ; and therefore he that introduces a new form , must also introduce a new matter ; and though Art changes forms , yet it cannot be said to introduce a new form ; for forms are and have been eternally in Nature as well as Matter , so that nothing is created anew , which never was in Nature before . 'T is true , if Adam were alive now , he might see more variety , but not more Truth ; for there are no more kinds and sorts of natural Creatures , then there were at his time , though never more metamorphosed , or rather I may say disfigured , unnatural and hermaphroditical issues then there are now , which if they should make a new world by the Architecture of Art , it would be a very monstrus one : But I am sure art will never do it ; for the world is still as it was , and new discoveries by Arts , or the deaths and births of Creatures will not make a new world , nor destroy the old , no more then the dissolving and composing of several parts will make new Matter ; for although Nature delights in variety , yet she is constant in her ground-works ; and it is a great error in man to study more the exterior faces and countenances of things , then their interior natural figurative motions , which error must undoubtedly cause great mistakes , in so much as mans rules will be false , compared to the true Principles of Nature ; for it is a false Maxime to believe , that if some Creatures have power over others , they have also power over Nature : it might as well be believed , that a wicked Man , or the Devil , hath power over God ; for although one Part may have power over another , yet not over Nature , no more then one man can have power over all Mankind : One Man or Creature may over-power another so much as to make him quit his natural form or figure , that is , to die and be dissolved , and so to turn into another figure or creature ; but he cannot over-power all Creatures ; nay , if he could , and did , yet he would not be an absolute destroyer and Creator , but onely some weak and simple Transformer , or rather some artificial disfigurer and misformer , which cannot alter the world , though he may disorder it : But surely as there was always such a perpetual Motion in Nature , which did and doth still produce and dissolve other Creatures , which Production and Dissolution is nam'd birth and death , so there is also a Motion which produces and dissolves Arts , and this is the ordinary action and work of Nature , which continues still , and onely varies in the several ways or modes of dissolving and composing . 6. Whether there be any Prime or Principal Figures in Nature , and of the true Principles of Nature . SOme are of opinion , that the Prime or Principal figures of Nature are Globes or Globular figures , as being the most perfect ; but I cannot conceive why a globular or spherical figure should be thought more perfect then any other , for another figure may be as perfect in its kind , as a round figure is in its kind : for example , we cannot say a Bird is a more perfect figure then a Beast , or a Beast a more perfect figure then a Fish , or Worm ; neither can we say Man is a more perfect figure then any of the rest of the Animals : the like of Vegetables , Minerals and Elements ; for every several sort has as perfect a figure as another , according to the nature and propriety of its own kind or sort : But put the case man's figure were more perfect then any other , yet we could not say , that it is the Principle out of which all other figures are made , as some do conceive that all other figures are produced from the Globular or Spherical ; for there is no such thing as most or least perfect , because there is no most nor least in Nature . Others are of opinion , that the Principle of all natural Creatures is salt , and that when the World dissolves , it must dissolve into salt as into its first Principle ; but I never heard it determined yet , whether it be fixt or volatile salt : Others again are of opinion , that the first principle of all Creatures is Water ; which if so , then , seeing that all things must return into their first principle , it will be a great hinderance to the conflagration of the world , for there will be so much water produced as may chance to quench out the fire . But if Infinite Nature has Infinite parts , and those Infinite parts are of Infinite figures , then surely they cannot be confined to one figure : Sense and Reason proves that Nature is full of variety , to wit , of corporeal figurative motions , which as they do not ascribe their original to one particular , so neither do they end in one particular figure or creature . But some will wonder that I deny any Part or Creature of Nature should have a supremacy above the rest , or be called Prime or Principal , when as yet I do say that Reason is the Prime Part of Nature . To which , I answer : That , when I say , no Creature in Nature can be called Prime or Principal , I understand Natural effects , that is , Natural composed Parts or Creatures : as for example , all those finite and particular Creatures that are composed of Life , Soul and Body , that is , of the Animate both Rational and Sensitive , and the Inanimate parts of Matter , and none of those composed Creatures , I mean , has any superiority or supremacy above the rest , so as to be the Principle of all other composed Creatures , as some do conceive Water , other Fire , others all the four Elements to be simple bodies , and the principles of all other Natural Creatures , and some do make Globous bodies the perfectest figures of all others ; for all these being but effects , and finite particulars , can be no principles of their fellow-creatures , or of Infinite Nature . But when I say that Reason , or the Rational part of Matter is the Prime Part of Nature , I speak of the Principles of Nature , out of which all other Creatures are made or produced , which Principle is but one , viz. Matter , which makes all effects or Creatures of Nature to be material , for all the effects must be according to their principle ; but this matter being of two degrees , viz. animate and inanimate , the animate is nothing but self-motion ; ( I call it animate matter , by reason I cannot believe , as some do , that Motion is Immaterial , there being nothing belonging to Nature which is not material , and therefore corporeal self-motion , or animate matter is to me one and the same ) and this animate matter is again subdivided into two degrees , to wit , the rational and sensitive ; the rational is the soul , the sensitive the life , and the inanimate the body of Infinite Nature ; all which , being so intermixed and composed , as no separation can be made of one from the other , but do all constitute one Infinite and self-moving body of Nature , and are found even in the smallest particles thereof ( if smallest might be said ) they are justly named the Principles of Nature , whereof the rational animate matter , or corporeal self-motion is the chief designer and surveigher , as being the most active , subtil and penetrating part , and the sensitive the workman : but the inanimate part of Matter being thorowly intermixed with this animate self-moving Matter , or rather with this corporeal self-motion , although it have no motion in it self , that is , in its own nature , yet by vertue of the commixture with the animate , is moving as well as moved ; for it is well to be observed , that although I make a distinction betwixt animate and inanimate , rational and sensitive Matter , yet I do not say that they are three distinct and several matters ; for as they do make but one body of Nature , so they are also but one Matter ; but as I mentioned before , when I speak of self-motion , I name it animate matter , to avoid the mistake , lest self-motion might be taken for immaterial ; for my opinion is , that they are all but one matter , and one material body of Nature . And this is the difference between the cause or principle , and the effects of Nature , from the neglect of which comes the mistake of so many Authors , to wit , that they ascribe to the effects what properly belongs to the cause , making those figures which are composed of the foresaid animate and inanimate parts of matter , and are no more but effects , the principles of all other Creatures , which mistake causes many confusions in several mens brains , and their writings . But it may be , they will account it paradoxical or absurd , that I say Infinite Matter consists of two parts , viz. animate and inanimate , and that the animate again is of two degrees , rational and sensitive , by reason the number of two is finite , and a finite number cannot make one infinite whole , which whole being infinite in bulk , must of necessity also consist of infinite parts . To which I answer , My meaning is not , that Infinite Nature is made up of two finite parts , but that she consists out of a co-mixture of animate and inanimate Matter , which although they be of two degrees or parts ( call them what you will ) yet they are not separated parts , but make one infinite body , like as life , soul and body , make but one man ; for animate matter is ( as I said before ) nothing else but self-motion , which self-motion joyned with inanimate matter makes but one self-moving body , which body by the same self-motion is divided into infinite figures or parts , not separated from each other , or from the body of Nature , but all cohering in one piece , as several members of one body , and onely distinguished by their several figures ; every part whereof has animate and inanimate matter as well as the whole body : Nay , that every part has not onely sensitive , but also rational matter , is evident , not onely by the bare motion in every part of Nature , which cannot be without sense , for wheresoever is motion , there 's sense ; but also by the regular , harmonious and well-ordered actions of Nature , which clearly demonstrate , that there must needs be reason as well as sense in every part and particle of Nature ; for there can be no order , method or harmony , especially such as appears in the actions of Nature , without there be reason to cause that order and harmony . And thus motion argues sense , and the well-ordered motion argues Reason in Nature , and in every part and particle thereof , without which Nature could not subsist , but would be as a dull indigested and unformed heap and Chaos . Besides , it argues that there is also knowledg in Nature , and all her parts ; for wheresoever is sense and reason , there is also sensitive and rational knowledg , it being most improbable , that such an exactly-ordered and harmonious consort of all the infinitely-various actions of Nature should be without any knowledg , moving and acting , producing , transforming , composing , dissolving , &c. and not knowing how , whether , or why to move ; and Nature being infinite in her own substance as well as in her parts , there in bulk , here in number , her knowledg in general must of necessity be infinite too , but in her particulars it cannot but be finite and particular ; and this knowledg differs according to the nature of each figure or creature ; for I do not mean , that this sense and knowledg I speak of , is onely an animal sense and knowledg , as some have mis-interpreted ; for animal sense and knowledg is but particular , and belongs onely to that sort of Creatures which are Animals ; but I mean such sense and knowledg as is proper to the nature of each figure ; so that Animal Creatures have animal sense and knowledg , Vegetables a vegetative sense and knowledg , Minerals a mineral sense and knowledg ; and so of the rest of all kinds and sorts of Creatures . And this is my opinion of the Principles of Nature , which I submit to the examination of the ingenious and impartial Reader to consider , whether it contains not as much probability , as the opinion of those whose Principles are either Whirl-pools , insensible Minima's , Gas , Blas and Archeus , dusty Atomes , thrusting backwards and forwards , which they call reaction , and the like ; or of those that make the ground and foundation of the knowledg of Nature artificial Experiments , and prefer Art before Reason : for my Principles and Grounds are sense and reason ; and if they cannot hold , I know not what will ; for where sense and reason has no admittance , there nothing can be in order , but confusion must needs take place . 7. Whether Nature be self-moving . THere are some , who cannot believe , That any Man has yet made out , how Matter can move it self , but are of opinion , that few bodies move but by something else , no not Animals , whose spirits move the nerves , the nerves again the muscles , and so forth the whole body . But if this were so , then certainly there must either be something else that moves the spirits , or they must move of themselves ; and if the spirits move of themselves , and be material , then a material substance or body may move of it self ; but if immaterial , I cannot conceive , why a material substance should not be self-moving as well as an immaterial . But if their meaning be , that the Spirits do not move of themselves , but that the Soul moves them , and God moves the Soul ; then it must either be done by an All-powerful Command , or by an Immediate action of God : The later of which is not probable , to wit , that God should be the Immediate Motion of all things himself ; for God is an Immoveable and Immutable Essence ; wherefore it follows , that it is onely done by an Omnipotent Command , Will and Decree of God ; and if so , Why might not Infinite Matter be decreed to move of it self as well as a Spirit , or the Immaterial Soul ? But I perceive , Man has a great spleen against self-moving corporeal Nature , although himself is part of her , and the reason is his Ambition ; for he would fain be supreme and above all other Creatures , as more towards a divine Nature : he would be a God , if arguments could make him such , at least God-like , as is evident by his fall , which came meerly from an ambitious mind of being like God. The truth is , some opinions in Philosophy are like the Opinions in several Religions , which endeavouring to avoid each other , most commonly do meet each other ; like Men in a Wood , parting from one another in opposite ways , oftentimes do meet again ; or like Ships which travel towards East and West , must of necessity meet each other ; for as the learned Dr. Donn says , the furthest East is West , and the furthest West is East ; in the same manner do the Epicurean , and some of our modern Philosophers meet ; for those endeavour to prove matter to be somewhat like a God , and these endeavour to prove man to be something like God , at least that part of man which they say is immaterial , so that their several opinions make as great a noise to little purpose , as the dogs barking or howling at the Moon ; for God the Author of Nature , and Nature the servant of God , do order all things and actions of Nature , the one by his Immutable Will , and All-powerful Command , the other by executing this Will and Command ; the one by an Incomprehensible , Divine and Supernatural Power , the other in a natural manner and way ; for God's Will is obey'd by Natures self-motion , which self-motion God can as easily give and impart to corporeal Nature , as to an Immaterial Spirit ; but Nature being as much dividable , as she is composeable , is the cause of several opinions as well as of several other creatures ; for Nature is fuller of variety then men of arguments , which variety is the cause there are so many extravagant and irregular opinions in the world : and I observe , that most of the great and famous , especially our modern Authors , endeavour to deduce the knowledg of causes from their effects , and not effects from their causes , and think to find out Nature by Art , not Art by Nature : whereas , in my opinion , Reason must first consider the cause , and then Sense may better perceive the effects ; Reason must judg , Sense execute : for Reason is the prime part of Nature , as being the corporeal soul or mind of Nature . But some are so much in love with Art , as they endeavour to prove not onely Nature , but also Divinity , which is the knowledg of God , by Art , thus preferring Art before Nature , when as Art is but Natures foolish changeling Child ; and the reason is , that some parts of Nature , as some Men , not knowing all other parts , believe there is no reason , and but little sense in any part of Nature but themselves ; nay , that it is irreligious to say , that there is , not considering , that God is able to give Sense and Reason to Infinite Nature , as well as to a finite part . But those are rather irreligious , that believe Gods power is confined , or that it is not Infinite . 8. Of Animal Spirits . I am not of the opinion of those that place the cause of all Sense and Motion in the animal Spirits , which they call the Purest and most aethereal particles of all bodies in the World whatsoever , and the very top and perfection of all Natures operations : For Animal Spirits , in my opinion , are no more then other effects of Nature , onely they are not so gross as some , but are parts of a most pure , refined and rare sort of Inanimate Matter , which being intermixed with the parts of Animate Matter , and enlivened by them , become very subtil and active ; I will not say , that they are of the highest and last degree of Inanimate Matter , nearest to the Animate , ( as they do say , they have the neerest alliance to spiritualities , which in my opinion , is as much as to say , they are almost nothing ) or of the first degree of sensitive matter , there being no such thing as first and last in Nature , but that they are onely such pure and rare parts of Inanimate Matter , as are not subject to the exterior perception of humane sense ; for example , as the matter of respiration , or the like : for as there are Infinite parts of Inanimate Matter , so there are also infinite degrees of strength , weakness , purity , impurity , hardness , softness , density , rarity , swiftness , slowness , knowledg , ignorance , &c. as also several sorts and degrees of complexions , statures , constitutions , humors , wits , understanding , judgment , life , death , and the like ; all which degrees , although they be in and of the infinite body of Nature , yet properly they belong to particular Creatures , and have onely a regard to the several parts of Nature , which being Infinite in number , are also of Infinite degrees , according to the Infinite changes of self-motion , and the propriety and nature of each figure ; wherefore that opinion which makes Animal Spirits the prime or principal motion of all things , and the chief Agent in Natures three Kingdoms , Mineral , Animal and Vegetable , reduces Infinite Nature to a finite Principle ; whereas any one that enjoys but so much of humane sense and reason as to have the least perception or insight into Natural things , may easily conceive that the Infinite effects of Nature cannot proceed from a finite particular cause ; nay , I am firmly perswaded , that they who believe any finite part to be the cause and Principle of Infinite self-moving Nature , do , in my opinion , not onely sin against Nature , but against God the Author of Nature , who out of his Infinite bounty gave Nature the Power of self-motion . But if any one desire to know , what then the true cause and Principle of all Natures Creatures and Figures be ; I answer , In my opinion , it is not a Spirit or Immaterial substance , but Matter ; but yet not the Inanimate part of Matter , but the Animate ; which being of two degrees , rational and sensitive ; both of them are the Infinite Life and Soul of the Infinite body of Nature ; and this Animate Matter is also the cause of all infinite works , changes , figures and parts of Nature , as I have declar'd above more at large . Now as great a difference as there is between Animate and Inanimate , Body and Soul , Part and Whole , Finite and Infinite , so great a difference there is also between the Animal Spirits , and the Prime Agent or Movent of Nature , which is Animate Matter , or ( which is all one thing ) corporeal self-motion ; and as it would be paradoxical , to make Inanimate Matter to be the cause of Animate , or a part to be the cause of the whole , whose part it is , or a finite to be the cause of Infinite ; so paradoxical would it also be to make Animal Spirits the top and perfection of all Natures operations ; nay , so far are they from being the Prime Movent of other bodies , as they are but moved themselves ; for to repeat what I mentioned in the beginning , Animal Spirits are onely some sorts of rare and pure Inanimate Matter , which being thorowly intermixt with the animate parts of Matter , are more active then some sorts of more dense and grosser parts of Inanimate Matter ; I say some ; for I do believe , that some of the most solid bodies are as active as the most rare and fluid parts of Matter , if not exteriously , yet interiously ; and therefore we cannot say , that rare and fluid parts are more active then fixt and solid , or that fixt and solid are less active then fluid bodies , because all parts are self-moving . But if I was to argue with those that are so much for Animal Spirits , I would ask them , first , whether Animal Spirits be self-moving ? If they say , they are , I am of their opinion , and do infer thence , that if animal spirits , which are but a small part of Nature , have self-motion , much more has Nature her self : But if not , I would ask , what gives them that motion they have ? If they say Nature , then Nature must be self-moving . Perchance they 'l say , God moves Nature : 'T is true , God is the first Author of Motion , as well as he is of Nature ; but I cannot believe , that God should be the Prime actual Movent of all natural Creatures , and put all things into local motion , like as one wheel in a Clock turns all the rest ; for Gods Power is sufficient enough to rule and govern all things by an absolute Will and Command , or by a Let it be done , and to impart self-motion to Nature to move according to his order and decree , although in a natural way . Next , I would ask whether any dead Creature have such Animal Spirits ? If they affirm it , I am of their mind ; if not , then I would ask , what causes in dead bodies that dissolution which we see ? Thirdly , I would ask , whether those animal spirits be annihilated and generated anew ? If they answer , not , I am of their opinion : but if they say , they are annihilated and generated anew ; then I would fain know who is their Generator and Annihilator , for nothing can generate and annihilate it self ? And if they say , God : I answer , It is not probable that God should have made any thing imperfect , especially in the production of Nature ; for if there be things created anew which never were before in Nature , it argues that Nature was not perfect at first , because of a new addition of so many Creatures ; or if any thing could be annihilated in Nature , it would likewise argue an imperfection in Nature , viz. that Nature was perfecter before those things were annihilated . And thus it would inferr , as if God had not power either to have made Nature perfect at first , or that God wanted work , and was forced to create and annihilate every moment ; for certainly , the work of creation and annihilation is a divine action , and belongs onely to God. Lastly , concerning the functions and offices which the animal spirits perform in animal , or at least humane bodies , by their several motions and migrations from the brain through the spinal marrow , nerves , tendons , fibres , into all the parts of the body , and their return to the brain ; I have declared my opinion thereof twelve years since , in my work of Poetical Fancies , which then came out the first time ; and I thought it not unfit to insert here , out of the same book , these following lines , both that my meaning may be the better understood , and that they may witness I have been of that opinion so many years ago . The reason why Thoughts are made in the Head. Each Sinew is a small and slender string Which all the Senses to the body bring , And they like pipes or gutters hollow be , Where animal spirits run continually ; Though small , yet they such matter do contain As in the skull doth lie , which we call brain . Which makes , if any one do strike the heel , That sense we quickly in the brain do feel : It is not sympathy , but all one thing , Which causes us to think , and pain doth bring ; For had the heel such quantity of brain As doth the head and scull therein contain , Then would such thoughts as in the brain dwell high Descend into our heels , and there they 'ld lie : Insinews small brain scattered lies about , It wants both room and quantity , no doubt ; For did a sinew so much brain but hold , Or had so large a skin it to infold As has the scull , then might the toe or knee , Had they an optick nerve , both hear and see ; Had sinews room Fancy therein to breed , Copies of Verse might from the heel proceed . And again of the motion of the Blood. Some by their industry and Learning found That all the blood like to the Sea turns round ; From two great arteries it doth begin , Runs through all veins , and so comes back again . The muscles like the tides do ebb and flow , According as the several spirits go : The sinews , as small pipes , come from the head , And they are all about the body spread , Through which the animal spirits are convey'd To every member , as the pipes are laid ; And from those sinew-pipes each sense doth take Of those pure spirits , as they us do make . 9. Of the Doctrine of the Scepticks concerning the Knowledg of Nature . WHen Scepticks endeavour to prove that not any thing in Nature can be truely and thorowly known , they are , in my opinion , in the right way , as far as their meaning is , that not any particular Creature can know the Infinite parts of Nature ; for Nature having both a divideable and composeable sense and reason , causes ignorance as well as knowledg amongst Particulars : But if their opinion be , that there is no true knowledg at all found amongst the parts of Nature , then surely their doctrine is not onely unprofitable , but dangerous , as endeavouring to overthrow all useful and profitable knowledg . The truth is , that Nature , being not onely divideable , but also composeable in her parts , it cannot be absolutely affirmed that there is either a total ignorance , or a universal knowledg in Nature , so as one finite part should know perfectly all other parts of Nature ; but as there is an ignorance amongst Particulars , caused by the division of Natures parts , so there is also a knowledg amongst them , caused by the composition and union of her parts : Neither can any ignorance be attributed to Infinite Nature , by reason she being a body comprehending so many parts of her own in a firm bond and indissoluble union , so as no part can separate it self from her , must of necessity have also an Infinite wisdom and knowledg to govern her Infinite parts . And therefore it is best , in my judgment , for Scepticks and Dogmatists to agree in their different opinions , and whereas now they express their wit by division , to shew their wisdom by composition ; for thus they will make an harmonious consort and union in the truth of Nature , where otherwise their disagreement will cause perpetual quarrels and disputes both in Divinity and Philosophy , to the prejudice and ruine of Church and Schools ; which disagreement proceeds meerly from self-love : For every Man being a part of Nature , which is self-loving as well as self-moving , would fain be , at least appear , wiser then his fellow-creatures . But the Omnipotent Creator has ordered Nature so wisely , as to divide not onely her power , but also her wisdom into parts , which is the reason that she is not Omnipotent , being divideable and composeable ; When as God can neither be divided nor composed , but is one , simple and individual incomprehensible being , without any composition of parts , for God is not material . 10. Of Natural Sense and Reason . THose Authors which confess , That vulgar Reason is no better then a more refined Imagination , and that both Reason , Fancy and the Senses , are influenced by the bodies temperament , and like the Index of a Clock , are moved by the inward springs and wheels of the corporeal Machine , seem , in my opinion , to confirm , that natural sense and reason is corporeal , although they do it in an obscure way , and with intricate arguments . But truly , do what they can , yet they must prove reason by reason ; for irrational discourse cannot make proofs and arguments to evince the truth of Nature : But first it must be proved , what Sense and Reason is , whether Divine or Natural , Corporeal or Immaterial . Those that believe natural sense and reason to be immaterial , are in my opinion in a great error , because Nature is purely corporeal , as I have declared before ; And those which affirm , that our understanding , will and reason are in some manner like to God's , shall never gain my assent ; for if there be so great a difference between God's Understanding , Will and Decree , and between Natures , as no comparison at all can be made betwixt them , much more is there between a part of Nature , viz. Man , and the Omnipotent and Incomprehensible God ; for there is an Infinite difference between Divine Attributes and Natural Properties ; wherefore to similize our Reason , Will , Understanding , Faculties , Pasions , and Figures , &c. to God , is too high a presumption , and in some manner a blasphemy . Nevertheless , although our natural reason and faculties are not like to divine attributes , yet our natural rational perceptions are not always delusions ; and therefore it is certain , that Natures knowing parts , both sensitive and rational , do believe a God , that is some Being above Nature : But many Writers endeavour rather to make divisions in Religion , then promote the honour and worship of God by a mutual and united agreement , which I confess , is an irregularity and imperfection in some parts of Nature , and argues , that Nature is not so perfect but she has some faults and infirmities , otherwise she would be a God , which she is not . 11. Of a General Knowledg and Worship of God , given him by all Natural Creatures . IT is not the sight of the beauteous frame of this world ( as some do conceive ) that makes men believe and admire God , but the knowledg of the existence of God is natural , and there 's no part of Nature but believes a God ; for , certainly , were there not any optick sense in Nature , yet God would be the God of Nature , and be worshiped and adored by her Creatures , which are her parts ; for it is irreligious to say , God should want admiration and adoration for want of an eye , or any other of the animal or humane organs ; surely Nature has more ways then five to express and declare God's Omnipotency : It is Infinite sense and reason that doth worship and adore God , and the several perceptions of this sense and reason know there is a God that ought to be worshipped and adored , and not onely Ears , or Eyes , or the like exterior organs of man. Neither is it man alone , but all Creatures , that do acknowledg God ; for although God cannot be perfectly known what he is in his Essence , yet he may be known in as much as Nature can know of him . But since Nature is dividable in her parts , each part has but a particular knowledg of God , which is the cause of several Religions , and several opinions in those Religions ; and Nature being also composeable , it causes a conformity and union of those Opinions and Religions in the fundamental knowledg , which is , the existence of God : Wherefore that which makes a general and united knowledg of the Existence of God , is , that Nature is intire in her self , as having but one body , and therefore all her parts which are of that body have also one knowledg of God ; for though the parts be different in the Worship of God , yet they have not a different belief of the Existence of God ; not that God can be perfectly known either by Nature , or any of her parts , for God is Incomprehensible , and above Nature ; but in as much as can be known , to wit , his Being ; and that he is All-powerful , and that not any thing can be compared or likened to him ; for he is beyond all draught and likeness , as being an Eternal , Infinite , Omnipotent , Incorporeal , Individual , Immovable Being . And thus it is not one part or creature viewing another that causes either the knowledg or admiration of God , but the soul and life of Nature , which are her sensitive and rational parts ; and Nature being the Eternal servant and Worshipper of God , God hath been also eternally worshipped and adored ; for surely God's Adoration and Worship has no beginning in time : neither could God be worshipped and adored by himself so , as that one part of him should adore and worship another ; for God is an individual and simple Being , not composed of parts ; and therefore , as it is impossible for me to believe , that there is no general Worship and Adoration of God , so it is impossible also to believe , that God has not been adored and worshipped from all Eternity , and that Nature is not Eternal ; for although God is the Cause of Nature , and Nature the Effect of God , yet she may be Eternal however , there being nothing impossible to be effected by God ; but he , as an Eternal Cause , is able to produce an Eternal Effect , for although it is against the rules of Logick , yet it is not above the power of God. 12. Of a Particular Worship of God , given him by those that are his chosen and elect People . NAtural Philosophy is the chief of all sorts of knowledges ; for she is a Guide , not onely to other Sciences , and all sorts of Arts , but even to divine knowledg it self ; for she teaches that there is a Being above Nature , which is God , the Author and Master of Nature , whom all Creatures know and adore . But to adore God , after a particular manner , according to his special Will and Command , requires his Particular Grace , and Divine Instructions , in a supernatural manner or way , which none but the chosen Creatures of God do know , at least believe , nor none but the sacred Church ought to explain and interpret : And the proof , that all men are not of the number of those elect and chosen people of God , is , that there can be but one True Religion , and that yet there are so many several and different opinions in that Religion ; wherefore the Truth can onely be found in some , which are those that serve God truly , according to his special Will and Command , both in believing and acting that which he has been pleased to reveal and command in his holy Word : And I pray God , of his infinite mercy , to give me Grace , that I may be one of them , which I doubt not but I shall , as long as I follow the Instruction of our blessed Church , in which I have been educated . 'T is true , many persons are much troubled concerning Free-will and Predestination , complaining , that the Christian Church is so divided about this Article , as they will never agree in one united belief concerning that point ; which is the cause of the trouble of so many Consciences , nay , in some even to despair . But I do verily believe , that if man do but love God from his soul , and with all his power , and pray for his saving Graces , and offend not any Creature when offences can or may be avoided , and follow the onely Instructions of the sacred Church , not endeavouring to interpret the Word of God after his own fancy and vain imagination , but praying zealously , believing undoubtedly , and living virtuously and piously , he can hardly fall into despair , unless he be disposed and inclined towards it through the irregularities of Nature , so as he cannot avoid it . But I most humbly thank the Omnipotent God , that my Conscience is in peace and tranquility , beseeching him of his mercy to give to all men the like . 13. Of the Knowledg of Man. SOme Philosophical Writers discourse much concerning the knowledg of Man , and the ignorance of all other Creatures ; but I have sufficiently expressed my opinion hereof , not onely in this , but in my other Philosophical Works , to wit , that I believe other Creatures have as much knowledg as Man , and Man as much in his kind as any other particular Creature in its kind ; But their knowledges being different , by reason of their different natures and figures , it causes an ignorance of each others knowledg ; nay , the knowledg of other Creatures many times gives information to Man : As for example ; the Egyptians are informed how high the River Nilus will rise by the Crocodil's building her nest higher or lower , which shews , that those Creatures fore-see or fore-know more then Man can do : also many Birds fore-know the rising of a Tempest , and shelter themselves before it comes : the like examples might be given of several other sorts of Animals , whose knowledg proceeds either from some sensitive perceptions , or from rational observations , or from both ; and if there be such a difference in the rational and sensitive knowledg of one kind of Creatures , to wit , Animals , much more in all other kinds , as Vegetables , Minerals , Elements , and so in all Natures Works : Wherefore he that will say , there is no knowledg but in Man , at least in Animal kind ; doth , in my opinion , say more then ever he will be able to prove ; nay , the contrary is so evident , as it is without all dispute : But Man , out of self-love , and conceited pride , because he thinks himself the chief of all Creatures , and that all the World is made for his sake ; doth also imagine that all other Creatures are ignorant , dull , stupid , senseless and irrational , and he onely wise , knowing and understanding . And upon this ground some believe , that Man is bound and decreed to pray to God for all other Creatures , as being not capable to pray for themselves ; like as a Minister is bound to pray for his Flock . But really , if the Pastor should onely pray , and his Sheep not , but they did continue in their sins , I doubt his Prayers would be of little effect , and therefore it is well if their Prayers and Petitions be joyned together . The like may be said of all other Creatures : for the single knowledg and devotion of Man-kind cannot benefit other Creatures , if they be ignorant , and not capable to know , admire , adore and worship God themselves . And thus no man , with all the force of Logick , will ever be able to prove , that he is either the chief above all other Creatures , or that he onely knows and worships God , and no natural Creature else : for it is without dispute , that other Creatures , in their kinds , are as knowing and wise , as Man is in his kind . 14. A Natural Philosopher cannot be an Atheist . IWonder how some of our learned Writers can imagine , that those who study Reason and Philosophy should make them their Vouchees of Licentious practices , and their secret scorn of Religion , and should account it a piece of wit and gallantry to be an Atheist , and of atheism to be a Philosopher ; considering that Reason and Philosophy is the onely way that brings and leads us to the natural knowledg of God : for it would be as much absurdity to say , Reason and Philosophy induce Atheism , as to say , Reason is not Reason ; for Reason is the most knowing and wisest part of Nature , and the chief knowledg of Nature is to know there is a God ; wherefore those that do argue in such a manner , argue without reason , and by calling others weak heads and fools , prove themselves Irrational . But I perceive their supposition is built upon a false ground ; for they are of opinion , That the Exploding of Immaterial substances , and the unbounded prerogative of Matter must needs infer Atheism : which whether it do not shew a weaker head then those have that believe no Immaterial substances in Nature , Rational men may judg : For by this it is evident , that they make Immaterial substances to be Gods , by reason they conclude , that he who believes no Immaterial substance in Nature is an Atheist : And thus by proving others Atheists , they commit Blasphemy themselves ; for he that makes a God of a Creature , sins as much , if not more , then he who believes no God at all . And as for the unbounded prerogative of Matter , I see no reason , why men should exclaim against it ; for why should Immaterial substances have more prerogative then Material ? Truly , I may upon the same ground conclude the prerogative of Matter , as well as they do the prerogative of Spirits ; for both are but Creatures , and in that case , one has no more prerogative then the other , for God could make a Material Being to move it self as well as a Material Nothing . Nevertheless , although Matter is self-moving , yet it has not a God-like omnipotent power , nor any divine attributes ; but an Infinite Natural power , that is , a power to produce infinite effects in her own self , by infinite changes of Motions : Neither doth it argue that Nature is above God , or at least God-like ; for I do not say , that Nature has her self-moving power of her self , or by chance , but that it comes from God the Author of Nature ; which proves that God must needs be above Nature , although Nature is Infinite and Eternal ; for these proprieties do not derogate any thing from the Attributes of God , by reason Nature is naturally Infinite , which is Infinite in quantity and parts ; but God is a Spiritual , Supernatural and Incomprehensible Infinite ; and as for the Eternity of Nature , it is more probable to Regular Reason , then that Nature should have any beginning ; for all beginning supposes time , but in God is no time , and therefore neither beginning nor ending , neither in himself , nor in his actions ; for if God be from all Eternity , his actions are so too , the chief of which is the production or creation of Nature . Thus natural reason may conceive that Nature is the Eternal servant of God ; but how it was produced from all Eternity , no particular or finite creature is able to imagine ; by reason that not onely God , but also Nature is Infinite , and a finite Creature can have no Idea or conception of Infinite . 15. Of the Rational Soul of Man. OF all the opinions concerning the Natural Soul of Man , I like that best which affirms the Soul to be a self-moving substance ; but yet I will add a Material self-moving substance ; for the Soul of Man is part of the Soul of Nature , and the Soul of Nature is Material ; I mean onely the Natural , not the Divine Soul of Man , which I leave to the Church . And this natural Soul , otherwise called Reason , is nothing else but corporeal natural self-motion , or a particle of the purest , most subtil and active part of Matter , which I call animate ; which animate Matter is the Life and Soul of Nature , and consequently of Man , and all other Creatures : For we cannot in Reason conceive that Man should be the onely Creature that partakes of this soul of Nature , and that all the rest of Natures parts , or most of them , should be soul-less , or ( which is all one ) irrational , although they are commonly called , nay believed to be such . Truly , if all other Creatures cannot be denied to be Material , they can neither be accounted Irrational , Insensible , or Inanimate , by reason there is no part , nay , not the smallest particle in Nature , our reason is able to conceive , which is not composed of Animate Matter , as well as of Inanimate ; of Life and Soul , as well as of Body ; and therefore no particular Creature can claim a prerogative in this case before an other ; for there is a thorow mixture of Animate and Inanimate Matter in Nature , and all her Parts . But some may object , That if there be sense and reason in every part of Nature , it must be in all parts alike , and then a stone , or any other the like Creature , may have reason , or a rational soul , as well as Man. To which , I answer : I do not deny that a Stone has Reason , or doth partake of the Rational Soul of Nature as well as Man doth , because it is part of the same Matter Man consists of ; but yet it has not animal or humane sense and reason , because it is not of animal kind ; but being a Mineral , it has Mineral sense and reason : for it is to be observed , that as Animate self-moving Matter moves not one and the same way in all Creatures , so there can neither be the same way of knowledg and understanding , which is sense and reason , in all Creatures alike ; but Nature being various , not onely in her parts , but in her actions , it causes a variety also amongst her Creatures ; and hence come so many kinds , sorts and particulars of Natural Creatures , quite different from each other ; though not in the General and Universal principle of Nature , which is self-moving Matter , ( for in this they agree all ) yet in their particular interior natures , figures and proprieties . Thus although there be Sense and Reason , which is not onely Motion , but a regular and well-ordered self-motion , apparent in the wonderful and various Productions , Generations , Transformations , Dissolutions , Compositions , and other actions of Nature , in all Natures parts and particles ; yet by reason of the variety of this self-motion , whose ways and modes do differ according to the nature of each particular figure , no figure or creature can have the same sense and reason , that is , the same natural motions which another has ; and therefore no Stone can be said to feel pain as an Animal doth , or be called blind because it has no Eyes ; for this kind of sense , as Seeing , Hearing , Tasting , Touching and Smelling , is proper onely to an Animal figure , and not to a Stone , which is a Mineral ; so that those which frame an argument from the want of animal sense and sensitive organs , to the defect of all sense and motion ; as for example , that a Stone would withdraw it self from the Carts going over it , or a piece of Iron from the hammering of a Smith , conclude , in my opinion , very much against the artificial rules of Logick ; and although I understand none of them , yet I question not but I shall make a better argument by the Rules of Natural Logick : But that this difference of sense and reason is not altogether impossible , or at least improbable to our understanding , I will explain by another instance . We see so many several Creatures in their several kinds , to wit , Elements , Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals , which are the chief distinctions of those kinds of Creatures as are subject to our sensitive perceptions ; and in all those , what variety and difference do we find both in their exterior figures , and in their interior natures ? truly such , as most of both ancient and modern Philosophers have imagined some of them , viz. the Elements , to be simple bodies , and the principles of all other Creatures ; nay , those several Creatures do not onely differ so much from each other in their general kinds , but there is no less difference perceived in their particular kinds : for example , concerning Elements , what difference is there not between heavy and contracting Earth , and between light and dilating Air ? between flowing Water , and ascending Fire ? so as it would be an endless labour to consider all the different natures of those Creatures onely that are subject to our exterior senses . And yet who dares deny that they all consist of Matter , or are material ? Thus we see that Infinite Matter is not like a piece of Clay , out of which no figure can be made , but it must be clayie , for natural Matter has no such narrow bounds , and is not forced to make all Creatures alike ; for though Gold and Stone are both material , nay , of the same kind , to wit , Minerals , yet one is not the other , nor like the other . And if this be true of Matter , why may not the same be said of self-motion , which is Sense and Reason ? Wherefore , in all probability of truth , there is sense and reason in a Mineral , as well as in an Animal , and in a Vegetable as well as in an Element , although there is as great a difference between the manner and way of their sensitive and rational perceptions , as there is between both their exterior and interior figures and Natures . Nay , there is a difference of sense and reason even in the parts of one and the same Creature , and consequently of sensitive and rational perception or knowledg ; for , as I have declared heretofore more at large , every sensitive organ in man hath its peculiar way of knowledg and perception ; for the Eye doth not know what the Ear knows , nor the Ear what the Nose knows , &c. All which is the cause of a general ignorance between Natures parts : And the chief cause of all this difference is the variety of self-motion ; for if natural motion were in all Creatures alike , all sense and reason would be alike too ; and if there were no degrees of matter , all the figures of Creatures would be alike , either all hard , or all soft ; all dense , or all rare and fluid , &c. and yet neither this variety of motion causes an absence of motion , or of sense and reason , nor the variety of figures an absence of Matter , but onely a difference between the parts of Nature , all being nevertheless self-moving , sensible and rational , as well as Material ; for wheresoever is natural Matter , there is also self-motion , and consequently sense and reason . By this we may see , how easie it is to conceive the actions of Nature , and to resolve all the Phaenomena or appearances upon this ground ; and I cannot admire enough , how so many eminent and learned Philosophers have been , and are still puzled about the Natural rational soul of man. Some will have her to be a Light ; some an Entilechy , or they know not what ; some the Quintessence of the four Elements ; some composed of Earth and Water , some of Fire , some of Blood , some an hot Complexion , some an heated and dispersed Air , some an Immaterial Spirit , and some Nothing . All which opinions seem the more strange , the wiser their Authors are accounted ; for if they did proceed from some ignorant persons , it would not be so much taken notice of ; but coming from great Philosophers , who pretend to have searched the depth of Nature , and disclosed her secrets , it causes great admiration in any body , and may well serve for an argument to confirm the variety and difference of sensitive and rational knowledg , and the ignorance amongst natural parts ; for if Creatures of the same particular kind , as men , have so many different Perceptions , what may there be in all Nature ? But Infinite Nature is wise , and will not have that one part of hers should know more then its particular nature requires , and she taking delight in variety , orders her works accordingly . 16. Whether Animal Parts separated from their Bodies have Life . SOme do question , Whether those Parts that are separated from animal Bodies do retain life ? But my opinion is , That all parts of Nature have life , each according to the propriety of its figure , and that all parts of an animal have animal life and motion as long as they continue parts of the animal body ; but if they be separated from the body to which they did belong , although they retain life , yet they do not retain animal life , because their natural motions are changed to some other figure when they are separated , so that the parts which before had animal life and motion , have then such a kind of life and motion as is proper and natural to the figure into which they are changed or transformed . But some separated parts of some Creatures retain longer the life of that composed figure whose parts they were , then others , according as the dissolving and transforming motions are slower or quicker ; as for example , in some Vegetables , some Trees , if their boughs , armes , or branches , be lopt or cut from a lively stock , those boughs or branches will many times remain lively , according to the nature of the figure whose parts they were , for a good while ; nay , if they be set or planted , they will grow into the same figure as the stock was ; or if joyned into another stock , they will be partly of the nature of the stock which they did proceed from , and partly of the nature of the stock into which they were ingrafted ; But yet I do not perceive that animal kind can do the like ; for I make a question , whether a man's arm , if cut off from his body , and set to another mans body , would grow , and keep its natural form and figure , so as to continue an arm , and to receive nourishment from that body it is joyned to ? nevertheless , I will not eagerly contradict it , considering that Nature is very different and various both in her productions and nourishments , nay , so various , as will puzzle , if not confound , the wisest part or Creature of Nature to find them out . 17. Of the Splene . COncerning the splene of an animal Creature , whether it may artificially be cut out , and the body closed up again , without destruction of the animal figure , as some do probably conceive , I am not so good an artist as to give a solid judgment thereof ; onely this I can say , that not all the parts of an animal body are equally necessary for life ; but some are convenient more then necessary : Neither do I perfectly know whether the Splene be one of the prime or principal vital parts ; for although all parts have life , yet some in some particular Creatures are so necessary for the preservation of life , as they cannot be spared ; whereas others have no such relation to the life of an Animal , but it may subsist without them : And thus although some parts may be separated for some time , yet they cannot continue so , without a total dissolution of the animal figure ; but both the severed , and the remaining parts change from their nature , if not at all times suddenly , yet at last : And as for the spleen , although the separation should not be so great a loss as the pain in loosing it , yet some persons will rather lose their lives with ease , then endure great pain to save them : but the question is , if a man was willing to endure the pain , whether he would not die of the wound ; for no creature can assure another of its life in such a case , neither can any one be assured of his own ; for there is no assurance in the case of life and death , I mean such a life as is proper to such a Creature , for properly there is no such thing in Nature as death , but what is named death , is onely a change from the dissolution of some certain figure to the composition of another . 18. Of Anatomy . I Am not of the opinion of those , who believe that Anatomifts could gain much more by dissecting of living then of dead bodies , by reason the corporeal figurative motions that maintain life , and nourish every part of the body , are not at all perceptible by the exterior Optick sense , unless it be more perceiving and subtiler then the humane optick sense is ; for although the exterior grosser parts be visible , yet the interior corporeal motions in those parts are not visible ; wherefore the dissecting of a living Creature can no more inform one of the natural motions of that figure , then one can by the observing of an egg , be it never so exact , perceive the corporeal figurative motions that produce or make the figure of a Chicken : Neither can artificial optick glasses give any advantage to it ; for Nature is so subtil , obscure and various , as not any sort or kind of Creatures can trace or know her ways : I will not say , but her parts may in their several Perceptions know as much as can be known ; for some parts may know and be known of others , and so the infinite body may have an infinite information and knowledg ; but no particular Creature , no not one kind or sort of Creatures can have a perfect knowledg of another particular Creature ; but it must content it self with an imperfect knowledg , which is a knowledg in Parts . Wherefore it is as improbable for humane sight to perceive the interior corporeal figurative motions of the parts of an animal body by Anatomy , as it is for a Micrographer to know the interior parts of a figure by viewing the exterior ; for there are numerous corporeal figures or figurative motions of one particular Creature , which lie one within another , and most commonly the interior are quite different from the exterior ; as for example , the outward parts of a mans body are not like his inward parts ; for his brain , stomack , liver , lungs , splene , midriff , heart , guts , &c. are of different figures , and one part is not another part , no not of the like nature or constitution ; neither hath a man a face on the inside of his head , and so of the rest of his parts ; for every part has besides its exterior , interior figure and motions , which are not perceptible by our exterior senses . Nevertheless there is some remedy to supply this sensitive ignorance by the perception of Reason ; for where sense fails , reason many times informs , it being a more clear and subtile perception then sense is ; I say many times , because reason can neither be always assured of knowing the Truth ; for particular Reason may sometimes be deceived as well as sense ; but when the Perceptions both of sense and reason agree , then the information is more true , I mean regular sense and reason , not irregular , which causes mistakes , and gives false informations ; also the Presentation of the objects ought to be true , and without delusion . 19. Of preserving the Figures of Animal Creatures . I Am absolutely of the opinion of those , who believe Natural Philosophy may promote not onely Anatomy , but all other Arts , for else they would not be worth the taking of pains to learn them by reason the rational perceptions are beyond the sensitive . I am also of opinion , that there may be an Art to preserve the exterior shapes of some animal bodies , but not their interior forms ; for although their exterior shapes , even after the dissolution of the animal figure , may be some what like the shapes and figures of their bodies when they had the life of an animal , yet they being transformed into some other Creatures by the alteration of their interior figurative motions , can no ways keep the same interior figure which they had when they were living animals . Concerning the preserving of blood by the means of spirit of Wine , as some do probably believe , my opinion is , That spirit of Wine , otherwise call'd Hot-water , if taken in great quantity , will rather dry up or putrifie the blood , then preserve it ; nay , not onely the blood , but also the more solid parts of an animal body , insomuch as it will cause a total dissolution of the animal figure ; and some animal Creatures that have blood , will be dissolved in Wine , which yet is not so strong as extracts or spirit of Wine : But blood mingled with spirit of Wine , may perhaps retain somewhat of the colour of blood , although the nature and propriety of blood be quite altered . As for the instance of preserving dead fish or flesh from putrifying and stinking , alledged by some ; we see that ordinary salt will do the same with less cost ; and as spirits of Wine , or hot Waters , may like salt preserve some dead bodies from corruption , so may they , by making too much or frequent use of them , also cause living bodies to corrupt and dissolve sooner then otherwise they would do . But Chymists are so much for extracts , that by their frequent use and application , they often extract humane life out of humane bodies , instead of preserving it . 20. Of Chymistry and Chymical Principles . IT is sufficiently known , and I have partly made mention above , what a stir Natural Philosophers do keep concerning the principles of Nature and natural Beings , and how different their opinions are . The Schools following Aristotle are for the Four Elements , which they believe to be simple bodies , as having no mixture in themselves , and therefore fittest to be principles of all other mixt or compounded bodies ; But my Reason cannot apprehend what they mean by simple bodies ; I confess that some bodies are more mixt then others ; that is , they consist of more differing parts , such as the learned call Heterogeneous ; as for example , Animals consist of flesh , blood , skin , bones , muscles , nerves , tendons , gristles , and the like , all which are parts of different figures : Other bodies again are composed of such parts as are of the same nature , which the learned call Homogeneous ; as for example , Water , Air , &c. whose parts have no different figures , but are all alike each other , at least to our perception ; besides , there are bodies which are more rare and subtile than others , according to the degrees of their natural figurative motions , and the composion of their parts ; Nevertheless I see no reason , why those Homogeneous bodies should be called simple , and all others mixt , or composed of them ; much less why they should be principles of all other natural bodies ; for they derive their origine from matter , as well as the rest ; so that it is onely the different composure of their parts , that makes a difference between them , proceeding from the variety of self-motion , which is the cause of all different figures in nature ; for as several work-men join in the building of one house , and several men in the framing of one Government ; so do several parts in the making or forming of one composed figure . But they 'l say , it is not the likeness of parts that makes the Four Elements to be principles of natural things ; but because there are no natural bodies , besides the mentioned Elements that are not composed of them , as is evident in the dissolution of their parts ; for example , A piece of Green wood that is burning in a Chimney , we may readily discern the Four Elements in its dissolution , out of which it is composed ; for the fire discovers it self in the flame , the smoak turns into air , the water hisses and boils at the ends of the wood , and the ashes are nothing but the Element of earth : But if they have no better arguments to prove their principles , they shall not readily gain my consent ; for I see no reason why wood should be composed of the Four Elements , because it burns , smoaks , hisses , and turns into ashes ; Fire is none of its natural ingredients , but a different figure , which being mixt with the parts of the wood , is an occasion that the Wood turns into ashes ; neither is Water a principle of Wood ; for Water is as much a figure by it self ; as Wood or Fire is , which being got into the parts of the wood , and mixt with the same , is expelled by the fire , as by its opposite ; but if it be a piece of dry , and not of green wood , where is then the water that boils out ? Surely dry wood hath no less principles , then green wood ; and as for smoak , it proves no more , that it is the Element of Air in Wood , then that Wood is the Element of Fire ; for Wood , as experience witnesses , may last in water , where it is kept from the air ; and smoak is rather an effect of moisture , occasioned into such a figure by the commixture of fire . Others , as Helmont , who derives his opinion from Thales and others of the ancient Philosophers , are only for the Element of Water ; affirming , that that is the sole principle , out of which all natural things consist ; for say they , the Chaos where of all things were made , was nothing else but water , which first setled into slime , and then condensed into solid earth ; nay , some endeavour to prove by Chymical Experiments , that they have disposed water according to their Chymical way , so that it visibly turn'd into earth , which earth produced animals , vegetables and minerals . But put the case it were so , yet this doth not prove water to be the onely principle of all natural beings ; for first , we cannot think , that animals , vegetables and minerals are the onely kinds of creatures in Nature ; and that there are no more but them : for nature being infinitely various , may have infinite Worlds , and so infinite sorts of Creatures : Next I say , that the change of water into earth , and of this again into vegetables , minerals and animals , proves no more but what our senses perceive every day , to wit , that there is a perpetual change and alteration in all natural parts , caused by corporeal self-motion , by which rare bodies change into dense , and dense into rare , water into slime , slime into earth , earth into animals , vegetables and minerals , and those again into earth , earth into slime , slime into water , and so forth : But I wonder why rational men should onely rest upon water , and go no further , since daily experience informs them , that water is changed into vapour , and vapour into air ; for if water be resolveable into other bodies , it cannot be a prime cause , and consequently no principle of Nature ; wherefore they had better , in my opinion , to make Air the principle of all things . 'T is true , Water may produce many creatures , as I said before , by a composition with other , or change of its own parts ; but yet I dare say , it doth kill or destroy as many , nay more , then it produces ; witness vegetables and others , which Husbandmen and Planters have best experience of ; and though some animals live in water as their proper Element ; yet to most it is destructive , I mean , as for their particular natures ; nay if men do but dwell in a moist place , or near marrish grounds , or have too much watery humors in their bodies , they 'l sooner die then otherwise . But put the case , water were a principle of Natural things , yet it must have motion , or else it would never be able to change into so many figures ; and this motion must either be naturally inherent in the substance of water , or it must proceed from some exterior agent ; if from an exterior agent , then this agent must either be material , or immaterial ; also if all motion in Nature did proceed from pressure of parts upon parts ; then those parts which press others , must either have motion inherent in themselves ; or if they be moved by others , we must at last proceed to something which has motion in it self , and is not moved by another , but moves all things ; and if we allow this , Why may not we allow self-motion in all things ? for if one part of Matter has self-motion , it cannot be denied of all the rest : but if immaterial , it must either be God himself , or created supernatural spirits : As for God , he being immoveable , and beyond all natural motion , cannot actually move Matter ; neither is it Religious , to say , God is the Soul of Nature ; for God is no part of Nature , as the soul is of the body ; And immaterial spirits , being supernatural , cannot have natural attributes or actions , such as is corporeal , natural motion . Wherefore it remains , that Matter must be naturally self-moving , and consequently all parts of Nature , all being material ; so that not onely Water , Earth , Fire , and Air , but all other natural bodies whatsoever , have natural self-motion inherent in themselves ; by which it is evident , that there can be no other principle in Nature , but this self-moving Matter , and that all the rest are but effects of this onely cause . Some are of opinion , That the three Catholick or Universal principles of Nature , are , Matter , Motion and Rest ; and others with Epicure , that they are Magnitude , Figure and Weight ; but although Matter and Motion , or rather self-moving Matter , be the onely principle of Nature ; yet they are mistaken in dividing them from each other , and adding rest to the number of them , for Matter and Motion are but one thing , and cannot make different principles ; aud so is figure , weight and magnitude . 'T is true , Matter might subsist without Motion , but not Motion without Matter ; for there is no such thing as an immaterial Motion , but Motion must necessarily be of something ; also if there be a figure , it must of necessity be a figure of something ; the same may be said of magnitude and weight , there being no such thing as a mean between something and nothing , that is , between body , and no body in Nature : If Motion were immaterial , it is beyond all humane capacity to conceive , how it could be abstracted from something ; much more , how it could be a principle to produce a natural being , it might easier be believed , that Matter was perishable or reduceable into nothing , then that motion , figure and magnitude should be separable from Matter , or be immaterial , as the opinion is of those who introduce a Vacuum in Nature ; and as for Rest , I wonder how that can be a principle of any production , change or alteration , which it self acts nothing . Others are for Atomes and insensible particles , consisting of different figures and particular natures ; not otherwise united but by a bare apposition , as they call it ; by which although perhaps the composed body obtains new qualities , yet still the ingredients retain each their own Nature , and in the destruction of the composed body , those that are of one sort associate , and return into Fire , Water , Earth , &c. as they were before : But whatever their opinion of Atoms be , first I have heretofore declared that there can be no such things as single bodies or Atomes in Nature : Next , if there were any such particles in composed bodies , yet they are but parts or effects of Matter , and not principles of Nature , or Natural beings . Lastly , Chymists do constitute the principles of all natural bodies , Salt , Sulphur and Mercury . But although I am not averse from believing that those ingredients may be mixt with other parts of Nature in the composition of natural figures , and that ( especially ) Salt may be extracted out of many Creatures ; yet that it should be the constitutive principle of all other natural parts or figures , seems no ways conformable to truth ; for salt is no more then other effects of Nature ; and although some extractions may convert some substances into salt figures , and some into others , ( for Art by the leave of her Mistress , Nature , doth oftentimes occasion an alteration of natural Creatures into artificial ) yet these extractions cannot inform us how those natural creatures are made , and of what ingredients they consist ; for they do not prove , that the same Creatures are composed of Salt , or mixt with Salt ; but cause onely those substances which they extract , to change into saline figures , like as others do convert them into Chymical spirits ; all which are but Hermaphroditical effects , that is , between natural and artificial ; Just as a Mule partakes both of the nature or figure of a Horse , and an Ass : Nevertheless , as Mules are very beneficial for use , so many Chymical effects , provided they be discreetly and seasonably used ; for Minerals are no less beneficial to the life and health of Man , then Vegetables , and Vegetables may be as hurtful and destructive as Minerals by an unseasonable and unskilful application ; besides , there may be Chymical extracts made of Vegetables as well as of Minerals , but these are bestused in the height or extremity of some diseases , like as cordial waters in fainting fits ; and some Chymical spirits are as far beyond cordial waters , as fire is beyond smoak ; which cannot be but dangerous , and unfit to be used ; except it be to encounter opposite extreams . By extreams , I mean not the extreams of Nature , but the height of a distemper , when it is grown so far , that it is upon point of destroying or dissolving a particular animal figure ; for Nature , being infinite , has no extreams ; neither in her substance , nor actions ; for she has nothing that is opposite to Matter , neither is there any such thing as most or least in Nature , she being infinite , and all her actions are ballanced by their opposites ; as for example , there is no dilation but hath opposite to it contraction ; no condensation but has its opposite , viz. rarefaction ; no composition but hath its opposite , division ; no gravity without levity ; no grossness without purity ; no animate without inanimate ; no regularity without irregularity : All which produces a peaceable , orderly , and wise Government in Natures Kingdom , which wise Artists ought to imitate . But you may say , How is it possible , That there can be a peaceable and orderly Government , where there are so many contrary or opposite actions ; for contraries make war , not peace ? I answer : Although the actions of Nature are opposite , yet Nature , in her own substance is at peace , because she is one and the same ; that is , one material body , and has nothing without her self to oppose and cross her ; neither is she subject to a general change , so as to alter her own substance from being Matter , for she is Infinite and Eternal : but because she is self-moving , and full of variety of figures , this variety cannot be produced without variety of actions , no not without opposition ; which opposition is the cause , that there can be no extreams in particulars ; for it ballances each action , so that it cannot run into infinite , which otherwise would breed a horrid confusion in Nature . And thus much of Principles : Concerning the particulars of Chymical preparations , I being not versed in that Art , am not able to give my judgment thereof , neither do I understand their terms and expressions : as first , what Chymists mean by Fixation ; for there 's nothing in Nature that can properly be called fixt , because Nature , and all her parts , are perpetually self-moving ; onely Nature cannot be altered from being material , nor from being dependant upon God. Neither do I apprehend what some mean by the unlocking of bodies , unless they understand by it , a separation of natural parts proper for artificial uses ; neither can natural effects be separated by others , any otherwise but occasionally ; so that some parts may be an occasion of such or such alterations in other parts . But I must say this , that according to humane sense and reason , there is no part or particle in Nature which is not alterable , by reason Nature is in a perpetual motion , and full of variety . 'T is true , some bodies , as Gold and Mercury , seem to be unalterable from their particular natures ; but this onely appears thus to our senses , because their parts are more fixt and retentive then others , and no Art has been found out as yet which could alter ther proper and particular figures , that is , untie and dissolve , or rather cause an alteration of their corporeal retentive motions , that bind them into so fixt and consistent a body ; but all that is mixt with them , has hitherto been found too weak for the alteration of ther inherent motions ; Nevertheless , this doth not prove , that they are not altogether unalterable ; for though Art cannot do it , yet Nature may ; but it is an argument that they are not composed of straying Atomes , or most minute particles ; for not to mention what I have often repeated before , that there cannot be such most minute bodies in Nature , by reason Nature knows of no extreams , it is altogether improbable , nay , impossible , that wandering corpuscles should be the cause of such fixt effects , and by their association constitute such indissoluble masses or clusters , as some do conceive , which they call primary concretions ; for there is no such thing as a primary concretion or composition in Nature ; onely there are several sorts and degrees of motions , and several sorts of compositions ; and as no particular creature can know the strength of motion , so neither can it know the degrees of strength in particular natural bodies . Wherefore although composition and division of parts are general motions , and some figures may be more composed then others , that is , consist of more or fewer parts then others ; yet there is none that hath not a composition of parts : The truth is , there is nothing prime or principal amongst the effects of Nature , but onely the cause from which they are produced , which is self-moving Matter , which is above particular effects : yet Nature may have more ways then our particular reason can apprehend ; and therefore it is not to be admired that Camphor , and the like bodies do yield differing effects , according to the different occasions that make them move thus or thus ; for though changes and alterations of particulars may be occasioned by others ; yet they move by their own corporeal figurative motions ; as it is evident by the power of fire , which makes other bodies move or change their parts and figures , not by its own transforming motion , but onely by giving an occasion to the inherent figurative motions of those bodies , which by imitating the motions of fire , change into such or such figures by their own proper , innate and inherent motions ; otherwise if the alteration of combustible bodies proceeded from fire , they would all have the like motions , which is contradicted by experience . I will not deny , but there is as much variety in occasioning , as there is in acting ; for the imitation is according to the object , but the object is not the immediate agent , but onely an occasional efficient ; so that , according to my opinion , there is no such difference , as the learned make between Patient and Agent , when they call the exterior occasional cause ; as for example , Fire , the Agent ; and the combustible body the Patient ; for they conceive that a body thrown into fire , acts nothing at all , but onely in a passive way suffers the fire to act upon it , according to the degree of its own , to wit , the fires strength , which sense and reason perceives otherwise ; for to pass by what I mentioned before , that those bodies on which they suppose fire doth work , change according not to the fires , but their own inherent figurative motions ; it is most certain , that if Nature and all her parts be self-moving , which regular reason cannot deny ; and if Self-motion be corporeal , then every part of Nature must of necessity move by its own motion ; for no body can impart motion to another body , without imparting substance also ; and though particular motions in particular bodies may change infinite ways , yet they cannot quit those bodies , so as to leave them void and destitute of all motion , because Matter and Motion are but one thing ; and therefore though fire be commixed with the parts of the fuel , yet the fuel alters by its own motion , and the fire doth but act occasionally ; and so do Chymical spirits or extracts , which may cause a separation , and alter some bodies as readily as fire doth ; for they are a certain kind of fire , to wit , such as is called a dead or liquid fire ; for a flaming fire , although it be fluid , yet it is not liquid : The same may be said of the Antimonial-Cup . For it is not probable to sense and reason , there should be certain invisible little bodies , that pass out of the Cup into the liquor , and cause such effects , no more then there are magnetical effluviums issuing out of the Load-stone towards Iron , there being many causes , which neither impart nor lose any thing in the production of their effects ; but the liquor that is within the Antimonial Cup , does imitate the corporeal figurative motions of the Cup , and so produces the same effects , as are proper to Antimony , upon other bodies or parts of Nature . In the same manner does the Blood-stone stop bleeding ; not by imparting invisible Atomes or Rays to the affected parts , ( or else if it were long worn about ones body , it would be wasted , at least alter its proper figure and vertue ) but by being imitated by the corporeal figurative motions of the distempered parts . Thus many other examples could be alledged to prove , that natural motions work such or such effects within their own parts , without receiving any from without , that is , by imitation , and not by reception of Motion . By which it is evident , that properly there is no passive , or suffering body in Nature , except it be the inanimate part of Matter , which in its own nature is moveless or destitute of motion , and is carried along with , and by the animate parts of Matter : However , although inanimate Matter has no motion inherent in it self , as it is inanimate ; yet it is so closely mixt with the animate parts , that it cannot be considered without motion , much less be separable from it ; and therefore although it acts not of it self , yet it acts by vertue of the animate parts of Matter . Next : I cannot conceive what some Chymists mean , when they call those Principles or Elements , which , they say , composed bodies consist of , distinct substances ; for though they may be of different figures , yet they are not of different substances ; because there is but one onely substance in Nature , which is Matter , whose several actions cause all the variety in Nature . But if all the parts of Natural bodies should be called Principles or Elements , then there would be infinite Principles in Nature , which is impossible ; because there can be no more but one principle , which is , self-moving Matter ; and although several Creatures , by the help of fire , may be reduced or dissolved into several different particles , yet those particles are not principles , much less simple bodies , or else we might say , as well , that ashes are a principle of Wood : Neither are they created anew , because they are of another form or figure then when composed into one concrete body ; for there 's nothing that is material , which is not pre-existent in Nature ; no nor figure , motion , or the like , all being material , although not always subject to our humane sensitive perception ; for the variation of the corporeal figurative motions blindeth our particular senses , that we cannot perceive them , they being too subtile to be discerned either by Art or humane perception . The truth is , if we could see the corporeal figurative motions of natural creatures , and the association and division of all their parts , we should soon find out the causes which make them to be such or such particular natural effects ; but Nature is too wise to be so easily known by her particulars . Wherefore Chymists need not think they can create any thing anew ; for they cannot challenge to themselves a divine power , neither can there be any such thing as a new Creation in Nature , no not of an Atome ; Nor can they annihilate any thing ; they 〈◊〉 sooner waste their Estates , then reduce the least particle of Matter into nothing ; and though they make waste of some parts of natural bodies , yet those are but changes into other figures , there being a perpetual inspiration and expiration , that is , composition and division of parts ; but composition is not a new Creation , nor division an annihilation ; and though they produce new forms , as they imagine ; yet those forms , though they be new to them , are not new in Nature ; for all that is material , has been existent in Nature from all Eternity ; so that the combination of parts cannot produce anything that is not already in Nature . Indeed the generation of new figures , seems to me much like the generation of new motions ; which would put God to a perpetual Creation , and argue that he was not able to make Nature or Matter perfect at first , or that he wanted imployment . But , say they , it is not Matter that is created anew , but onely figures or forms . I answer : If any one can shew me a figure without Matter , I shall be willing to believe it ; but I am confident Nature cannot do that , much less Art , which is but a particular effect ; for as Matter cannot be without Figure , so neither can Figure be without Matter , no more then body without parts , or parts without body ; and if so , no figure or form can be created without Matter , there being no such thing as a substanceless form . Chymists should but consider their own particular persons ; as whether they were generated anew , or had been in Nature before they were got of their Parents ; if they had not been pre-existent in Nature , they would not be natural , but supernatural Creatures ; because they would not subsist of the same matter , as other Creatures do . Truly , Matter being Infinite , how some new material creatures could be created without some parts of this Infinite Matter , is not conceivable by humane sense and reason ; for infinite admits of no addition ; but if there could be an addition , it would presuppose an annihilation , so that at the same time when one part is annihilating or perishing , another must succeed by a new creation , which is a meer Paradox . But that which puzles me most , is , how those substances , which they call Tria Prima , and principles of natural things , can be generated anew ; for if the principles be generated anew , the effects must be so too ; and since they , according to their supposition , are Catholick or Universal principles , all natural effects must have their origine from them , and be , like their principles , created continually anew ; which how it be possible , without the destruction of Nature , is beyond my reason to conceive . Some endeavour to prove , by their Artificial Experiments , that they have and can produce such things out of natural bodies , which never were pre-existent in them ; as for example , Glass out of Vegetables , without any addition of forreign parts onely , by the help of fire . To which I answer : That , in my opinion , the same Glass was as much pre-existent in the matter of those Vegetables , and the Fire , and in the power of their corporeal figurative motions , as any other figure whatsoever ; otherwise it would never have been produced ; nay , not onely Glass , but millions of other figures might be obtained from those parts , they being subject to infinite changes ; for the actions of self-moving Matter are so infinitely various , that according to the mixture , or composition and division of parts , they can produce what figures they please ; not by a new Creation , but only a change or alteration of their own parts ; and though some parts act not to the production of such or such figures ; yet we cannot say , that those figures are not in Nature , or in the power of corporeal , figurative self-motion ; we might say , as well , that a man cannot go , when he sits ; or has no motion , when he sleeps ; as believe , that it is not in the power of Nature to produce such or such effects or actions , when they are not actually produced ; for , as I said before , although Nature be but one material substance , yet there are infinite mixtures of infinite parts , produced by infinite self-motion , infinite ways ; in so much , that seldom any two Creatures , even those of one sort , do exactly resemble each other . But some may say , How is it possible , That figure , being all one with Matter , can change ; and matter remain still the same without any change or alteration ? I answer : As well as an animal body can put it self into various and different postures , without any change of its interior animal figure ; for though figure cannot subsist without matter , nor matter without figure , generally considered ; yet particular parts of matter are not bound to certain particular figures : Matter in its general nature remains always the same , and cannot be changed from being Matter , but by the power of self-motion it may change from being such or such a particular figure : for example , Wood is as much matter as Stone ; but it is not of the same figure , nor has it the same interior innate motions which Stone hath , because it has not the like composition of parts , as other creatures of other figures have ; and though some figures be more constant or lasting then others , yet this does not prove , that they are not subject to changes as well as those that alter daily , nay , every moment ; much less , that they are without motion ; for not all motions are dividing or dissolving ; but some are retentive , some composing , some attractive , some expulsive , some contractive , some dilative , and infinite other sorts of motions , as 't is evident by the infinite variety which appears in the differing effects of Nature : Nevertheless it is no consequence , that , because the effects are different , they must also have different principles ; For first , all effects of Nature are material ; which proves , they have but one principle , which is the onely infinite Matter : Next , they are all self-moving ; which proves , that this material principle has self-motion ; for without self-motion there would be no variety or change of figures , it being the nature of self-motion to be perpetually acting . Thus Matter and Self-motion , being inseparably united in one infinite body , which is self-moving material Nature , is the onely cause of all the infinite effects that are produced in Nature , and not the Aristoteleon Elements , or Chymists Tria prima , which sense and reason perceives to be no more but effects ; or else if we should call all those Creatures principles , which by the power of their own inherent motions , change into other figures , we shall be forced to make infinite principles , and so confound principles with effects ; and after this manner , that which is now an effect , will become a principle ; and what is now a principle , will become an effect ; which will lead our sense and reason into a herrid confusion and labyrinth of ignorance . Wherefore I will neither follow the Opinions of the Ancient , nor of our Moderns in this point , but search the truth of Nature , by the light of regular reason ; for I perceive that most of our modern Writings are not fill'd with new Inventions of their own , but like a lumber , stuff'd with old Commodities , botch'd and dress'd up anew , contain nothing but what has been said in former ages . Nor am I of the opinion of our Divine Philosophers , who mince Philosophy and Divinity , Faith and Reason , together ; and count it Irreligious , if not Blasphemy , to assert any other principles of Nature , then what they ( I will not say , by head and shoulders ) draw out of the Scripture , especially out of Genesis , to evince the finiteness , and beginning of Nature ; when as Moses doth onely describe the Creation of this World , and not of Infinite Nature : But as Pure natural Philosophers do not meddle with Divinity , or things Supernatural , so Divines ought not to intrench upon Natural Philosophy . Neither are Chymists the onely natural Philosophers , because they are so much tied to the Art of Fire , and regulate or measure all the effects of Nature according to their Artificial Experiments ; which do delude rather then inform their sense and reason ; and although they pretend to a vast and greater knowledg then all the rest , yet they have not dived so deep into Nature yet , as to perceive that she is full of sense and reason , which is life and knowledg ; and in parts , orders parts proper to parts , which causes all the various motions , figures and changes in the infinite parts of Nature ; Indeed , no Creature , that has its reason regular , can almost believe , that such wise and orderly actions should be done either by chance , or by straying Atomes , which cannot so constantly change and exchange parts , and mix and join so properly , and to such constant effects as are apparent in Nature . And as for Galenists , if they believe that some parts of Nature connot leave or pass by other parts , to join , meet , or encounter others , they are as much in an error as Chymists , concerning the power of fire and furnace ; for it is most frequently observed thus amongst all sorts of Animals ; and if amongst Animals , I know no reason but all other kinds and sorts of Creatures may do the like ; nay , both sense and reason inform us they do , as appears by the several and proper actions of all sorts of drugs , as also Minerals and Elements , and the like ; so that none ought to wonder how it is possible , that medicines that must pass through digestions in the body , should , neglecting all other parts , shew themselves friendly onely to the brain or kidnies , or the like parts ; for if there be sense and reason in Nature , all things must act wisely and orderly , and not confusedly ; and though Art , like an Emulating Ape , strives to imitate Nature , yet it is so far from producing natural figures , that at best , it rather produces Monsters instead of natural effects ; for it is like the Painter , who drew a Rose instead of a Lion ; nevertheless Art is as active as any other natural Creature , and doth never want imployment ; for it is like all other parts , in a perpetual self-motion ; and although the interior actions of all other parts do not appear to our senses , yet they may be perceived by regular reason ; for what sense wants , reason supplies , which oftener rectifies the straying and erring senses , then these do reason , as being more pure , subtile and free from labouring on the inanimate parts of Matter , then sense is , as I have often declared ; which proves , that reason is far beyond sense ; and this appears also in Chymistry , which yet is so much for sensitive experiments ; for when the effects do not readily follow , according to our intentions , reason is fain to consider and enquire into the causes that hinder or obstruct the success of our designs . And if reason be above sense , then Speculative Philosophy ought to be preferred before the Experimental , because there can no reason be given for any thing without it . I will not say , that all Arts have their first origine from Reason ; for what we name chance , does often present to the sensitive perception such things which the rational does afterwards take into consideration ; but my meaning is , that for the most part , Reason leads and directs the ways of Art ; and I am of opinion , that Contemplative Philosophy is the best Tutoress , and gives the surest instructions to Art , and amongst the rest to the Art of Chymistry , which no doubt is very profitable to man many several ways , and very soveraign in many desperate diseases , if discreetly and moderately used ; but if Chymical medicines should be so commonly applied as others , they would sooner kill , then cure ; and if Paracelsus was as frequently practised as Galen , it would be as bad as the Plague : Wherefore Chymical Medicines are to be used as the extreme Unction in desperate cases , and that with great moderation and discretion . 21. Of the Universal Medicine , and of Diseases . IAm not of the opinion , that there can be a Universal Medicine for all diseases , except it be proved , that all kinds of Diseases whatsoever , proceed from one cause ; which I am sure can never be done , by reason there is as much variety in the causes of diseases , as in the diseases themselves . You may say , All diseases proceed but from irregular motions . I answer : These irregular motions are so numerous , different and various , that all the Artists in Nature are not able to rectifie them . Nay , they might sooner make or create a new Matter , then rectifie the irregularities of Nature more then Nature herself is pleased to do ; for though Art may be an occasion of the changes of some parts or motions , of their compositions and divisions , imitations , and the like ; like as a Painter takes a copy from an original , yet it cannot alter infinite Nature ; for a man may build or pull down a house , but yet he cannot make the materials , although he may fit or prepare them for his use : so Artists may dissolve and compose several parts several ways , but yet they cannot make the matter of those parts ; and therefore although they may observe the effects , yet they cannot always give a true or probable reason why they are so , nor know the several particular causes which make them to be so : To see the effects , belongs to the perception of sense ; but to judg of the cause , belongs onely to reason ; and since there is an ignorance as well as a perceptive knowledg in Nature , no creature can absolutely know or have a thorow perception of all things , but according as the corporeal figurative motions are , so are the perceptions ; not onely in one composed figure , but also in every part and particle of the same figure ; for one and the same parts may make several perceptions in several Creatures , according to their several figurative motions . But reason being above sense , is more inspective then sense ; and although sense doth many times inform reason , yet reason being more subtile , piercing and active , doth oftener inform and rectifie the senses when they are irregular ; nay , some rational parts inform others , like as one man will inform another of his own voluntary conceptions , or of his exterior perceptions ; and some sensitive parts will inform others , as one Artist another ; and although Experimental Phylosophy is not to be rejected , yet the Speculative is much better , by reason it guides , directs and governs the Experimental ; but as knowledg and understanding is more clear , where both the rational and sensitive perception do join ; so Experimental and Speculative Philosophy do give the surest informations , when they are joined or united together . But to return to the Universal Medicine ; although I do not believe there is any , nor that all Diseases are curable ; yet my advice is , that no applications of remedies should be neglected in any disease whatsoever ; because diseases cannot be so perfectly known , but that they may be mistaken , and so even the most experienced Physician may many times be deceived , and mistake a curable disease for an incurable ; wherefore Trials should be made as long as life lasts . Of Dropsies , Cancers , Kings-evils , and the like diseases , I believe some may be cureable , especially if taken at the first beginning , and that without great difficuly , and in a short time ; but such diseases , which consist in the decay of the vital parts , I do verily believe them incurable ; as for example , those Dropsies , Consumptions , dead Palsies , &c. which are caused either through the decay of the vital parts , or through want of radical substance : Neither do I think a natural Blindness , Dumbness , Deafness , or Lameness , curable ; nor natural Fools , or Idiots : Nay , I fear , the best Chymist will be puzled to cure a setled or fixt Gout , or the Stone , in such bodies as are apt to breed it ; for Stones are produced several ways , and as their productions are different , so are they ; wherefore although many do pretend to great things , yet were their cures so certain , they would be more frequent . I will not say , but many times they perform great cures ; but whether it be by chance , or out of a fundamental knowledg , I know not ; but since they are so seldom performed , I think them rather to be casual cures . In my opinion , the surest way , both in Diseases and Applications of Remedies , is , to observe the corporeal , figurative motions of both ; which are best and surest perceived by the rational perception , because the sensitive is more apt to be deluded . 22. Of Outward Remedies . REmedies , which are applied outwardly , may be very beneficial ; by reason the bodies of Animal Cratures are full of Pores , which serve to attract nourishment , or foreign matter into the body , and to vent superfluities . Besides , the interior parts of those bodies , to which outward Remedies are applied , may imitate the qualities or motions of the remedies , by the help of their own sensitive motions , and therefore the application of outward remedies is not altogether to be rejected . But yet I do not believe , that they do always or in all persons , work the like effects ; or that they are so sure and soveraign as those that are taken inwardly . The truth is , as Remedies properly and seasonably applied , can work good effects ; so they may also produce ill effects , if they be used improperly and unseasonably ; and therefore wise Physicians and Surgeons know by experience , as well as by learning and reason , what is best for their Patients in all kind of distempers : Onely this I will add concerning diseases , that in the productions of diseases , there must of necessity be a conjunction of the Agent and Patient , as is evident even in those diseases that are caused by conceit ; for if a man should hear of an infectious disease , and be apprehensive of it ; both the discourse of him that tells it , and the mind of him that apprehends it , are Agents or causes of that disease , in the body of the Patient , and concur in the production of the disease ; the difference is onely , that the discourse may be called a remoter cause , and the rational motions , or the mind of the Patient , a nearer or immediate cause ; for as soon as the mind doth figure such a disease , the sensitive , corporeal motions , immediately take the figure from the mind , and figure the disease in the substance or parts of the body of the Patient ; the Rational proving the Father , the Sensitive the Mother ; both working by consent . Whereby we may also conclude , that diseases , as well as other sorts of Creatures , are made by Natures corporeal , figurative motions ; and those parts that occasion others to alter their natural motions , are most predominant ; for although Nature is free , and all her parts self-moving ; yet not every part is free to move as it pleases , by reason some parts over-power others , either through number , strength , slight , shape , opportunity , or the like advantages ; and natural Philosophy is the onely study that teaches men to know the particular natures , figures and motions of the several composed parts of Nature , and the rational perception is more intelligent then the sensitive . 23. Of several sorts of Drink , and Meat . SOme Physicians , when they discourse of several sorts of Drinks , and Meats , do relate several wonderful Cures which some Drinks have effected : And truly , I am of opinion , that they may be both beneficial , and hurtful , according as they are used properly , and temperately ; or improperly , and excessively : but I find there are more several sorts for curiosity and luxury , then for health and necessity : Small Ale , or Beer , is a soveraign remedy to quench drought ; and one Glass of Wine , proves a Cordial ; but many Glasses may prove a kind of poyson , putting men oftentimes into Feavers , and the like diseases . And for Diet-drinks , I believe they are very good in some sorts of diseases ; and so may Tea , and Coffee , and the water of Birches , for any thing I know , for I never had any experience of them ; but I observe ; that these latter drinks , Tea , and Coffee , are now become mode-drinks , and their chief effects are to make good fellowship , rather then to perform great cures ; for I can hardly believe , that such weak liquors , can have such strong effects . Concerning several sorts of Meats , I leave them to experienced Physicians , for they know best what is fit for the bodies of their Patients ; Onely , as for the preservation , or keeping of several sorts of meats from putrefaction , I will say this ; That I have observed , that what will keep dead Flesh , and Fish , as also Vegetables , from putrefaction ; will destroy living Animals ; for if living Animals should , like dead flesh , be pickled up , and kept from air , they would soon be smother'd to death ; and so would Fire , which yet is no Animal . Neither can Ladies and Gentlewomen preserve their lives , as they do several sorts of fruit : Nevertheless , both this , and several other Arts , are very necessary and profitable for the use of man , if they be but fitly and properly imployed ; but we may observe , that when as other Creatures have no more then what is necessary for their preservation , Man troubles himself with things that are needless ; nay , many times , hurtful : Which is the cause there are so many unprofitable Arts , which breed confusion , instead of proving beneficial and instructive . 24. Of Fermentation . FErmentation , of which Helmont , and his followers make such a stir , as 't is enough to set all the world a fermenting or working ; is nothing else , but what is vulgarly called digestion ; so that it is but a new term for an old action : And these digestions or Fermentations , are as various and numerous as all other actions of Nature , to wit , Respiration , Evacuation , Dilation , Contraction , &c. for action and working are all one . But there are good and ill Fermentations ; those are done by a sympathetical agreement of parts , but these by an antipathetical disagreement : Those tend to the preservation of the subject , these to its destruction ; Those are regular , these irregular : So that there are numerous sorts of fermentations , not onely in several sorts of Creatures , but in several parts of one and the same Creature : for Fermentation or Digestion is according to the composition of the fermenting or digestive parts , and their motions . 25. Of the Plague . IHave heard , that a Gentleman in Italy fancied he had so good a Microscope , that he could see Atomes through it , and could also perceive the Plague ; which he affirmed to be a swarm of living animals , as little as Atomes , which entred into mens bodies , through their mouths , nostrils , ears , &c. To give my opinion hereof , I must confess , That there are no parts of Nature , how little soever , which are not living and self-moving bodies ; nay , every Respiration is of living parts ; and therefore the Infection of the Plague , made by the way of respiration , cannot but be of living parts ; but that these parts should be animal Creatures , is very improbable to sense and reason ; for if this were so , not onely the Plague , but all other infectious diseases would be produced the same way , and then fruit , or any other surfeiting meat , would prove living Animals : But I am so far from believing , that the Plague should be living animals , as I do not believe it to be a swarm of living Atomes , flying up and down in the Air ; for if it were thus , then those Atomes would not remain in one place , but infect all the places they passed through ; when as yet we observe , that the Plague will often be but in one Town or City of a Kingdom , without spreading any further . Neither do I believe ( as some others say ) that it is always the heat of the Sun , or Air , that causes , or at least increases the Plague ; for there are Winterplagues , as well as Summer-plagues ; and many times the Plague decreases in Summer , when it is hot ; and increases in Winter , when it is cold : Besides , the air being generally hot , over all the Country or Kingdom , would not onely cause the infection in one Town or City , but in all other parts . Therefore , my opinion is , that as all other diseases are produced several manners or ways , so likewise the Plague ; and as they generally do all proceed from the irregularities of corporeal natural motions , so does also the Plague : But since it is often observed , that all bodies are not infected , even in a great Plague ; it proves , that the Infection is made by imitation ; and as one and the same agent cannot occasion the like effects in every Patient ; as for example , Fire in several sorts of Fuels ; nay , in one and the same sort ; as for example , in Wood ; for some wood takes sooner fire , and burns more clearly , and dissolves more suddenly then some other ; so it is also with the Plague , and with all other diseases , that proceed from an outward Infection ; for the exterior agent is not an immediate cause , but onely an occasion that the Patient has such or such motions ; and as the imitating motions are stronger or weaker , quicker or flower ; so is the breeding of the disease . I will not deny , but there may be such figurative , corporeal motions in the Air or Earth , which may cause infections amongst those animals that live within the compass thereof , and many times the Air or Earth may be infected by Animals ; But some particulars not being infected at all , though they be frequently with those that have the Plague ; it proves , that the figurative motions of their bodies do not imitate those motions that make the Plague ; when as , if the Air were filled with infectious Atomes , none would escape ; nay , they would not onely enter into Men , but Beasts and Birds , &c. Concerning the Spotted-Plague , it proceeds from a general irregularity of dissolving motions , which cause a general Gangrene of all the body ; and to find a cure for this disease , is as difficult , as to find the Philosophers-stone ; for though many pretend to cure it , yet none has as yet performed it ; what may be done hereafter I know not ; but I doubt they will be more able to raise a man from the dead , or renew old age , and change it into youth , then do it . As for other Diseases , I refer the Reader to my other Works , especially my Philosophical Opinions ; for my design is not now to make a Physical Treatise ; and there they will find of the disease called Ague , that its cause is the irregularity of the digestive or concoctive motions , and so of the rest : for in this present work I intended nothing else , but to make reflections upon Experimental Philosophy , and to explain some other Points in Natural Philosophy , for the better understanding of my own Opinions , which if I have done to the satisfaction of the Reader , I have my aim , and desire no more . 26. Of Respiration . HAving made mention both in the foregoing discourse , and several other places of this Book , of Respiration ; I 'le add to the end of this part a full declaration of my opinion thereof . First , I believe that there are Respirations in all Creatures and Parts of Nature , performed by the several passages of their bodies , to receive forreign , and discharge some of their own parts . Next , I believe , That those Respirations are of different sorts , according to the different sorts of Creatures . Thirdly , As the Respirations of natural Parts and Creatures are various and different , so are also the pores or passages through which they respire ; as for example , in Man , and some other animals , the Nostrils , Ears , Mouth , Pores of the skin , are all of different figures : And such a difference may also be between the smaller pores of the skin , of the several parts of man , as between the pores of his breast , arms , legs , head , &c. also the grain or lines of a man's skin may be different , like as several figures of wrought Silks or Stuffs sold in Mercers shops ; which if they did make several colours by the various refractions , inflections , reflections and positions of light , then certainly a naked man would appear of many several colours , according to the difference of his pores or grains of the skin , and the different position of light . But sense and reason does plainly observe , that the positions of light do not cause such effects ; for though every several man , for the most part , hath a peculiar complexion , feature , shape , humor , disoposition , &c. different from each other , so that it is a miracle to see two men just alike one another in all things ; yet light alters not the natural colour of their bodies , no more then it can alter the natural figures and shapes of all other parts of their bodies ; but what alteration soever is made , proceeds from the natural corporeal motions of the same body , and not from the various positions , refractions and reflections of light ; whose variety in Nature , as it is infinite , so it produces also infinite figures , according to the infinite Wisdom of Nature , which orders all things orderly and wisely . OBSERVATIONS UPON THE OPINIONS OF SOME Ancient Philosophers . ALthough the indisposition of my body did in a manner disswade me from studying and writing any more ; yet the great desire I had to know the Opinions of the Ancient Philosophers , and whether any came near my own , overcame me so much , that even to the prejudice of my own health , I gave my self to the perusing of the works of that learned Author Mr. Stanly , wherein he describes the lives and opinions of the ancient Philosophers ; in which I found so much difference betwixt their conceptions and my own in Natural Philosophy , that were it allowable or usual for our sex , I might set up a sector School for my self , without any prejudice to them ; But I , being a woman , do fear they would soon cast me out of their Schools ; for though the Muses , Graces and Sciences are all of the female gender , yet they were more esteemed in former ages , then they are now ; nay , could it be done handsomely , they would now turn them all from Females into Males ; so great is grown the self-conceit of the Masculine , and the disregard of the Female sex . But to let that pass : The Opinions of the Ancient , though they are not exempt from errors no more then our Moderns , yet are they to be commended that their conceptions are their own , and the issue of their own wit and reason ; when as most of the opinions of our Modern Philosophers , are patched up with theirs : Some whereof do altogether follow either Aristotle , Plato , Epicurus , Pythagoras , &c. others make a mixture of several of their Opinions , and others again take some of their opinions , and dress them up new with some additions of their own ; and what is worst , after all this , instead of thanks , they reward them with scorn , and rail at them ; when as , perhaps , without their pains and industry , our age would hardly have arrived to that knowledg it has done . To which ungrateful and unconscionable act , I can no ways give my consent , but admire and honour both the ancient , and all those that are real Inventors of noble and profitable Arts and Sciences , before all those that are but botchers and brokers ; and that I do in this following part , examine , and mark some of their opinions , as erroneous ; is not out of a humor to revile or prejudice their wit , industry , ingenuity and learning , in the least ; but onely to shew , by the difference of their opinions and mine , that mine are not borrowed from theirs , as also to make mine the more intelligible and clear , and , if possible , to find out the truth in Natural Philosophy ; for which were they alive , I question not , but I should easily obtain their pardon . 1. Vpon the Principles of Thales . THales , according to Historical Relation , was the first that made disquisitions upon Nature , and so the first Natural Philosoper . His chief points in Philosophy are these : 1. He says , That Water is the Principle of all natural bodies : 2. That Nature is full of Daemons , and spiritual substances : 3. That the Soul is a self-moving Nature , and that it both moves it self , and the body : 4. That there is but one World , and that finite : 5. That the World is animate , and God is the soul thereof , diffused through every Part : 6. That the World is contained in a place : 7. That Bodies are divisible into infinite . Concerning the First , viz. That Water is the Principle of all natural things ; Helmont doth embrace this opinion , as I have declared in my Philosophical Letters , and in the foregoing part of this Book , and have given withal my reasons why water cannot be a principle of natural things , because it is no more but a natural effect ; for though humidity may be found in many parts or Creatures of Nature , yet this doth not prove , that water is a principle of all natural bodies , no more then fire , earth , air , or any other Creature of Nature ; and though most Philosophers are of opinion , that Elements are simple bodies , and all the rest are composed of them , yet this is no ways probable to reason , because they consist of the same matter as other bodies do , and are all but effects of one cause or principle , which is infinite Matter . Next , That Nature is full of Daemons , or Spiritual substances , is against sense and reason ; for what is incorporeal , is no part of Nature , and upon this account , the soul cannot be immaterial , although he makes her to be a self-moving Nature ; for what has a natural motion , has also a natural body ; because Matter and Motion are but one thing ; neither can a Spiritual substance move a corporeal , they being both of different natures . As for the World , That there is but one , I do willingly grant it , if by the World he did mean Nature ; but then it cannot be finite . But Thales seems to contradict himself in this Theoreme , when as he grants , that Bodies are divisible in infinite ; for if there be infinite actions , as infinite divisions in Nature ; then surely the body of Nature it self must be infinite . Next , he says , That God is the Soul of the World ; which if so , God being Infinite , he cannot have a Finite body to animate it ; for a Finite Body , and an Infinite Soul , do never agree together ; but that God should be the Soul of the World , no regular Reason can allow , because the Soul of Nature must be corporeal , as well as the Body ; for an incorporeal substance cannot be mixed with a corporeal . Next , the World as the body of Nature , being dividable , it would follow , that God , which is the Soul , would be dividable also : Thirdly , Every part of the world , would be a part of God , as partaking of the same nature ; for every part , if the Soul be diffused through all the Body , would be animate . Lastly , Concerning Place , as that the World is contained in a place ; my opinion is , that place is nothing else , but an affection of body , and in no ways different or separable from it ; for wheresoever is body ; or matter , there is place also ; so that place cannot be said to contain the world , or else it would be bigger then the world it self ; for that which contains , must needs in compass or extent , exceed that which it contains . 2. Some few Observations on Plato's Doctrine . 1. PLato says , That Life is two fold , Contemplative , and Active ; and that Contemplation is an office of the Intellect , but Action an operation of the Rational soul ? To which I answer , first , That I know no other difference between Intellect and Reason , but that Intellect is an effect , or rather an Essential Propriety of Reason , if Reason be the Principle of Nature ; for the Rational part is the most Intelligent part of animate Matter . Next , I say , That Contemplation is as much an action , as any other action of Nature , although it be not so gross as the action of the body ; for it is onely an action of the mind , which is more pure and subtile then either the sensitive or inanimate parts of matter are , and acts within it self , that is , in its own substance or degree of Matter . 2. He says , That Sense is a passion of the Soul. I answer : There is as much difference between Sense , and the Soul , as there is between Sense , and Reason , or a sensitive life , and a rational soul ; for the Rational parts of Matter , are not the Sensitive , nor the Sensitive the Rational ; a Fool may have his sense regular , and his reason irregular ; and therefore sense and reason are not one and the same , although they have an inseparable Communion in the body or substance of Nature . 3. He argues thus : That which moves in it self , as being the principle of Motion in those things which are moved , is always moved , and consequently Immortal , Ungenerable and Incorruptible ; but the Soul is so . Ergo , &c. I answer : Natural Matter being thus self-moving , is the same . 4. From , says he , is joined to Matter . I answer : Form and Matter are but one thing ; for it is impossible to separate Matter from Form , or Form from Matter ; but what is not dividable , is not composable ; and what cannot be separated , cannot be joined 5. Qualities , says he , are incorporeal , because they are accidents . I answer : If Qualities be Incorporeal , they do not belong to Nature ; for since the Principle of Nature is Matter , all that is natural , must also be material or corporeal ; and therefore all natural qualities or accidents must of necessity be corporeal , by reason quality can no more be divided from Matter , then figure , magnitude , colour , place , and the like ; all which are but one and the same with body , without any separation or abstraction . 6. What Plato affirms , of that which never is , and never had a Beginning , and of that which has a Beginning , and not a Being , is more then he or any body can rationally prove ; for what never was , nor is , no man can know or imagine ; because all what is known or imagined , has its real being , if not without , yet within the Mind ; and all thoughts have not onely a being , but a material being in Nature ; nay , even the Thought of the existence of a Deity , although Deity it self is Immaterial . 7. I wonder so witty a Philosopher as Plato can believe , that Matter in it self , as it is the Principle of Nature , is void of all form ; for he affirms himself , That whatsoever hath parts , hath also figure ; but Matter has parts , ( by reason there can be no single part in Nature , but wheresoever is body or matter , there are parts also ) and therefore matter cannot be void of figure . But if by Form , he mean the innate and inherent self-motion of Matter , he contradicts himself ; for how can all things be made of matter , as their principle , if matter be destitute of self-motion ? Wherefore Infinite Matter has not onely self-motion , but also figure , though not a circumscribed or limited figure : Neither can it be proved , that Nature , being infinite , is not qualitative , no more then she can be proved to have no parts , or to be finite . In short , it is impossible for my reason to believe , that Matter should be capable of , and subject to all forms , and yet be void of all quality , form , and species ; for whatsoever has neither form , figure , nor quality , is no body , and therefore Plato's Matter is immaterial , or incorporeal . If it were possible , that there could be some converse or meeting between his and my soul , I would ask his soul how he would prove , that one and the same thing could exist , and not exist at one and the same time ; that is , how matter could be no matter , or something and nothing at the same time ; and whence it came to be thus ? For though our reason does believe , that the Omnipotent Creator can make something of nothing , and reduce something into nothing ; yet no reason is able to comprehend how God could make a being which is neither something , nor nothing ; neither corporeal , nor incorporeal . But Plato concludes that Matter is destitute of all form , because it is subject to change of forms and figures in its particulars , which is a very great mistake ; for the changes of forms or figures , do not alter the nature of Matter ; but prove rather , that wheresoever there is form or figure , there is matter also ; so that none can be without the other at no time ; A piece of Wax may be transformed into millions of figures , but it can never be deprived of all figure ; no more can Matter . 8. Concerning Ideas , Plato's Opinion is , That they are Principles of Nature , and the Eternal Notions of God , perfect in themselves ; or an External exemplar of things which are according to Nature . But I would ask him , what Notions are , and whence they come ; and , if they be pictures or patterns of all things in Nature , What makes or causes them ? He will say , They are the Thoughts of God. But what Creature in the Universe is able to describe the Thoughts or Notions of God ? For though I do humbly acknowledg God to be the Author of Nature ; and with the greatest reverence and fear , adore that Infinite Deity ; yet I dare not attribute any Notions or Ideas to God , nor in any manner or way express him like our humane condition ; for I fear I should speak irreverently of that Incomprehensible Essence , which is above all finite Capacity , Reason , or Idea . Next , he says , That those Ideas are not of things made by Art , nor of singulars , nor of preternatural accidents , as diseases , nor of vile and abject things , nor of Relatives . Which if so , I would enquire whence those effects do proceed ? for if the Eternal Ideas , according to his opinion , are Principles of all natural things , they must also be principles of the aforementioned effects , they being also natural : If they do not proceed from any principle , they must proceed from themselves ; which cannot be , by reason they are effects of Nature : but if they have another principle besides the Eternal Notions , or Ideas ; then there must be another power besides these , which power would oppose the divine power , or the power God has endued Nature withal . In short , If the Ideas of God be the Principle of Nature , they must be a principle of all natural things ; for that which is not Universal , can never be a principle : which if so , then the Ideas or Notions of God , would not onely be the Cause and Principle of all Goodness , but of all evil effects ; and if there be more wicked or evil souls in the World then good ones , there would proceed more evil from God then good ; which is not onely impossible , but impious to affirm . But Perchance he will say , That the Ideas of the aforementioned effects are generated and annihilated . I answer : As for Nature , she being Eternal and Infinite , is not subject to new generations and annihilations in her particulars ; neither can Principles be generated and annihilated ; and as for supernatural or immaterial Ideas , they being incorporeal , cannot be subject to a new generation , or annihilation ; for what is supernatural , is not capable of natural affections , nor subject to a natural capacity any ways . In truth , Plato , with his Ideas in God , in the Angelick Mind , in the Soul , &c. makes a greater stir then needs , and breeds more confusion in Nature then she really knows of ; for Nature is as easie to be understood in her general principles , that regular sense and reason may conceive them without framing any such Ideas or Minds . He distinguishes also the Idea or exemplar of an house which the architect has in his mind ; and as his pattern exactly strives to imitate , from the building or structure of the house it self by this , that he calls that intelligible , but this material and sensible ; when as yet the form or pattern in the Architects mind , is as much material , as the builded house it self ; the onely difference is , that the Exemplar , or figure in the Mind , is formed of the rational matter onely , which is the purest , finest and subtilest degree , and the other is made of grosser materials . 9. The Soul of the World he makes immaterial , but the body material ; and hence he concludes the World to be Eternal ; because the soul is such which is not capable to be without body ; and although it be incorporeal , yet its office is to rule and govern corporeal Nature . But concerning the Soul of Nature , I have sufficiently declared my opinion thereof in other places ; to wit , that it is impossible she should be immaterial ; for if the body of Nature be dividable and composable , the soul must be so too ; but that which is not material , cannot admit of division , nor composition ; wherefore the soul cannot be immaterial , or else some parts of the world would be destitute of a soul , which might deserve it as well as the rest , which would argue a partiality in the Creator . I wonder wise men will attribute bodily affections to immaterial beings , when as yet they are not able to conceive or comprehend them ; by which they confound and disturb Nature , which knows of no Immaterials , but her Essence is Matter . 10. As for his Ethicks , where he speaks of Beauty , Strength , Proportion , &c. I 'le onely say this , That of all these , there are different sorts ; for there 's the strength of the Mind , and the strength of the Body ; and these are so various in their kinds and particulars , that they cannot be exactly defined ; also Beauty , considering onely that which is of the body , there are so many several sorts , consisting in features , shapes and proportions of bodies , as it is impossible to describe properly what Beauty is , and wherein it really consists ; for what appears beautiful to some , may seem ill-favoured to others ; and what seems extraordinary fair or handsom to one , may have but an indifferent character of another ; so that in my opinion , there 's no such thing as a Universal Beauty , which may gain a general applause of all , and be judged alike by every one that views it ; nay , not by all immortal souls , neither in body , nor mind ; for what one likes , another may dislike ; what one loves , another may hate ; what one counts good , another may proclaim bad ; what one names just , another may call unjust : And as for Temperance which he joins to Justice ; what may be temperance to one , may be intemperance to another ; for no particular knows the just measures of Nature ; nay , even one and the same thing which one man loves to day , he may chance to hate , or at least dislike , to morrow ; for Nature is too various to be constant in her particulars , by reason of the perpetual alterations and changes they are subject to ; which do all proceed from self-moving Matter , and not from incorporeal Ideas . Thus Rational souls are changeable , which may be proved by the changes of their Fancies , Imaginations , Thoughts , Judgments , Understandings , Conceptions , Passions , Affections , and the like ; all which are effects or actions of the rational soul ; nay , not onely natural rational souls , but even divine souls , if they were all good , none would be bad , nor vary as we find they do ; and therefore I cannot believe that all souls can have the same likeness , being so different amongst themselves . 3. Upon the Doctrine of Pythagoras . 1. THe most Learned of the Pythagoreans do assert , That things apparent to sense , cannot be said Principles of the Universe ; for whatsoever consists of things apparent to sense , is compounded of things not apparent ; and a Principle must not consist of any thing , but be that of which the thing consists . To which I answer : First , I cannot conceive what they mean by things apparent to sense ; if they mean the sensitive organs of humane Creatures , they are mistaken ; for there may be , and are really many things in Nature , which are not apparent to humane sense , and yet are not Principles , but natural effects ; wherefore not all things that are not apparent to humane sense , are principles of Nature : Besides , there may be many other Creatures which do far exceed Men or Animals in their sensitive perceptions ; and if things be not subject to humane sense , they may be subject to the sense of other Creatures . But if by sense they mean the sensitive life of Nature , they commit a far greater error ; for there 's nothing which is not subject , or has a participation of this Universal sense in Nature , as well as of Reason . 'T is true , particular senses cannot perceive the infinite figurative motions of Nature , neither can the subtilest sense have a perception of the interior , innate , figurative motions of any other Creature ; but I do not speak of particular senses , but of that infinite sense and reason , which is self-moving Matter , and produces all the effects of Nature . But you 'l say , How can Infinite be a principle of particular Finites ? I answer : As well as the Infinite God can be the Author of Nature , and all natural Beings ; which though they be finite in their particular figures , yet their number is Infinite . 2. Concerning the Numbers of Pythagoras , which he makes so great a value of ; I confess , wheresoever are Parts , and compositions , and divisions of parts , there must also be number , but yet as parts cannot be principles , so neither can numbers ; for self-moving Matter , which is the onely principle of Nature , is infinite , and there are no more principles but this one . 'T is true , regular compositions and divisions are made by consent of parts , and presuppose number and harmony , but number and harmony cannot be the cause of any orderly productions , without sense and reason ; for how should parts agree in their actions , if they did not know each other , or if they had no sense nor reason ? truly there can be no motion without sense , nor no orderly motion without reason ; and though Epicurus's Atomes might move by chance without reason , yet they could not move in a concord or harmony , not knowing what they are to do , or why , or whither they move ; nay , if they had no sense , it is impossible they should have motion ; and therefore , in my opinion , it is the rational and sensitive parts which by consent make number and harmony ; and those that will deny this sensitive and rational self-moving Matter , must deny the principles of motion , and of all constant successions of all sorts and kinds of Creatures , nay , of all the variety that is in Nature . Indeed I am puzled to understand Learned men , what they mean by Principles , by reason I see that they so frequently call Principles those which are but effects of Nature ; some count the Elements Principles ; some Numbers ; some Ideas ; some Atomes ; and the like : And by their different opinions , they confirm , that there is as well discord and division , as there is concord and composition of the parts of Nature ; for if this were not , there would be no contrary actions , and consequently no variety of figures and motions . 3. Whatsoever is comprehended by man , says Pythagoras , is either body , or incorporeal ; amongst which Incorporeals he reckons also time : But this opinion is contradicted by regular sense and reason ; for no humane , nor any other natural Creature , is able to comprehend an incorporeal , it self being corporeal ; and as for time , place , and the like , they are one and the same with body , which is so , how can they be incorporeal ? Neither is it possible , that incorporeal Beings , should be principles of Nature , because there is as much difference between corporeal , and incorporeal , as there is between Matter , and no Matter ; but how no Matter can be a principle of matterial effects , is not conceivable . For God , though he be an Immaterial Essence , and yet the Author of material Nature , and all natural Beings ; yet he is not a natural , material Principle , out of which all natural things consist , and are framed , but a supernatural , decreeing , ordering and commanding Principle , which cannot be said of created Incorporeals ; for though Nature moves by the powerful Decree of God , yet she cannot be governed by finite Incorporeals ; by reason they being finite , have no power over a material Infinite , neither can there be any other Infinite Spirit , but God himself . 4. Pythagoras's Doctrine is , That the World , in its nature , is Corruptible , but the Soul of the World is Incorruptible ; and that without the Heavens , there is an Infinite Vacuum , into which , and out of which the World repairs . As for the corruptibility of the World , I cannot understand how the Soul can be incorruptible , and the World it self corruptible ; for if the World should be destroyed , what will become of the Soul ? I will not say , That the All-powerfull God may not destroy it when he pleases , but the infiniteness and perpetual self-motion of Nature , will not permit that Nature should be corruptible in it self ; for God's Power goes beyond the power of Nature . But it seems Pythagoras understands by the World , no more then his senses can reach ; so that beyond the Celestial Orbs he supposes to be an infinite Vacuum ; which is as much as to say , an infinite Nothing ; and my reason cannot apprehend how the World can breath and respire into nothing , and out of nothing . 5. Neither am I able to conceive the Truth of his assertion , That all lines are derived from points , and all numbers from unity , and all figures from a circle ; for there can be no such thing as a single point , a single unity , a single circle in Nature , by reason Nature is infinitely dividable and composable ; neither can they be principles , because they are all but effects . 6. Concerning the Soul , the Pythagoreans call her a self-moving number , and divide her into two parts , rational and irrational , and derive the beginning of the soul from the heat of the brain . The Sould of Animate Creatures , as they call them , they allow to be rational , even those which others call irrational , to wit , those in all other animals besides man ; but they act not according to reason , for want of speech . The Rational Soul , say they , is immortal , and a self-moving number ; where by number , they understand the Mind , which they call a Monad . These , and the like opinions , which Pythagoreans have of the Soul , are able to puzle Solomons wit or understanding to make any conformity of Truth of them ; and I will not strictly examine them , but set down these few Paradoxes . 1. I cannot apprehend , how the same soul can be divided into substances of such differing , nay , contrary proprieties and natures , as to be rational and irrational , mortal and immortal . 2. How the heat of the brain can be the Principle of the soul ; since the soul is said to actuate , move , and inform the body , and to be a Principle of all bodily actions : Besides , all brains have not the like Temperament , but some are hot , and some cold , and some hotter then others ; whence it will follow , that all animals are not endued with the like souls ; but some souls must of necessity be weaker , and some stronger then others . 3. How Irrational Creatures can have a Rational Soul , and yet not act according to Reason for want of speech : for Irrational Creatures are called so , because they are thought to have no reason ; and as for speech , it is an effect , and not a Principle of Reason ; for shall we think a dumb man irrational , because he cannot speak ? 4. I cannot conceive how it is possible , that the soul is a self-moving number , and yet but a Monad , or Unite ; for a Unite , they say , is no number , but a principle of number : Not , how the Soul , being incorporeal , can walk in the air , like a body ; for incorporeal beings cannot have corporeal actions , no more then corporeal beings can have the actions of incorporeals . Wherefore I will leave those points to the examination of more Learned Persons , then my self ; and as for the Pythagorean Transmigration of Souls , I have declared my opinion thereof heretofore , in the first part . 4. Of Epicurus his Principles of Philosophy . 1. COncerning the World , Epicurus is of opinion , That it is not Eternal and Incorruptible ; but that it was generated , and had a beginning , and shall also have an end , and perish : For , says he , It is necessary that all compounded things be also dissipated , and resolved into those things of which they were compounded . By the World , he understands a portion of the universe ; that is , the circumference of Heaven , containing the Stars , the Earth , and all things visible ; For Heaven he supposes to be the extreme , or outmost part of the World ; and by the Universe , he understands Infinite Nature , which consists of Body , and Vacuum ; for he thinks bodies could not move , were there no Vacuum to move in . Whereof I do briefly declare my opinion , thus : If the Universe or Nature it self be Infinite , Eternal and Incorruptible , all parts of Nature , or the Universe , must be so too ; I mean , in themselves , as they are Matter , or Body ; for were it possible , that some of them could perish , or be annihilated ; the Universe would be imperfect , and consequently not infinite , as wanting some parts of its own body . 'T is true , particular natural figures may be infinitely changed , dissolved , transformed ; but they can never be dissolved from being Matter , or parts of Nature ; and if not , they cannot perish , no not the figures of finite parts , for as Matter cannot perish , so neither can figure , because matter and figure are but onething ; and though one part be transformed into millions of figures , yet all those figures do not perish in their changes and alterations , but continue still in Nature , as being parts of Nature , and therefore material . Thus , change , alteration , dissolution , division , composition , and all other species of motions , are no annihilation , or perishing ; neither can it be proved , that parts dissolve more then they unite ; because dissolution , or division and composition of parts , are but one act ; for whensoever parts separate themselves from some , they must of necessity join to others ; which doth also prove , that there can be no Vacuum in Nature ; for if there were , there would be division without composition : besides , there would be no parts , but all parts would be several wholes , by reason they would subsist by themselves . Thus Nature would not be one infinite body , composed of Infinite parts ; but every part being a whole by it self , would make some kind of a finite world ; and those parts which separate themselves from each other by the intervals of Vacuum , would subsist precised from each other , as having no relation to one another , and so become wholes of parts ; nay , if several of those intire and single bodies should join closely together , they would make such a gap of Vacuum , as would cause a confusion and disturbance both amongst themselves , and in the Universe . Wherefore sense and reason contradicts the opinion of Vacuum ; neither is there any necessity of introducing it , by reason of the motion of natural bodies ; for they may move without Vacuum better then within Vacuum , since all bodies are not of the like Nature , that is , dense , close , or compact ; but there are fluid bodies , as well as hard bodies ; rare , as well as dense ; subtile , as well as gross ; because there is animate and inanimate matter in Nature . But concerning the World , it seems , Epicurus doth not mean by the dissolution of the world , an absolute annihilation , but onely a reduction into its former principles , which are Atomes ; however , if this be his meaning , he contradicts himself , when he affirms , that the universe , whose portion the World is , was ever such as it is now , and shall ever be thus ; for if it shall continue so for ever as it is now , how is it possible , that it should be reduced into Atomes . He says also , That the Vniniverse is immovable and immutable . If he mean it to be so in its Essence or Nature , so that it cannot be changed from being material ; and that it is immovable , so that it cannot be moved , beyond , or without it self ; I am of his opinion : For Nature being purely and wholly material , cannot be made immaterial , without its total destruction ; and being infinite , has nothing without it self to move into : Otherwise , Nature is not onely a self-moving body , but also full of changes and varieties ; I mean , within her self , and her particulars . As for his infinite Worlds , I am not different from his opinion , if by Worlds he mean the parts of infinite Nature ; but my Reason will not allow , that those infinite Worlds do subsist by themselves , distinguished from each other by Vacuum ; for it is meer non-sense to say , the Universe consists of body and Vacuum ; that is , of something , and nothing ; for nothing cannot be a constitutive principle of any thing , neither can it be measured , or have corporeal dimensions ; for what is no body , can have no bodily affections or properties . God , by his Omnipotency , may reduce the World into nothing ; but this cannot be comprehended by natural reason . 2. The Matter or Principle of all natural Beings , Epicurus makes Atomes : For , say he , There are Simple , and Compounded bodies in the Universe ; the Simple bodies are the first matter , out of which the Compounded bodies consist , and those are Atomes ; that is , bodies indivisible , immutable , and in themselves void of all mutation ; consisting of several infinite figures ; some bigger , and some less . Which opinion appears very Paradoxical to my reason ; for if Atomes be bodies , I do not see how they can be indivisible , by reason wheresoever is body , there are also parts ; so that divisibility is an essential propriety or attribute of Matter or Body . He counts it impossible , that one finite part should be capable of infinite divisions ; but his Vacuum makes him believe there are single finite parts , distinguished from each other by little spaces or intervals of vacuity , which in truth cannot be ; but as soon as parts are divided from such or such parts , they immediately join to other parts ; for division and composition , as I mentioned before , are done by one act ; and one countervails the other . 'T is true , there are distinctions of parts in Nature , or else there would be no variety ; but these are not made by little intervals of vacuity , but by their own figures , interior as well as exterior , caused by self-motion , which make a difference between the infinite parts of Nature . But put the case there were such Atomes , out of which all things are made ; yet no man that has his sense and reason regular , can believe , they did move by chance , or at least without sense and reason , in the framing of the world , and all natural bodies , if he do but consider the wonderful order and harmony that is in Nature , and all her parts . Indeed I admire so witty and great a Philosopher as Epicurus , should be of such an extravagant opinion , as to divide composed bodies into animate and inanimate , and derive them all from one Principle , which are senseless and irrational Atomes ; for if his Atomes , out of which all things consist , be self-moving , or have , as he says , some natural impulse within themselves , then certainly all bodies that are composed of them , must be the same . He places the diversity of them onely in figure , weight and magnitude , but not in motion , which he equally allows to all ; nay , moreover , he says , that although they be of different fifiures , weight and magnitude , yet they do all move equally swift ; but if they have motion , they must of necessity have also sense , that is , life and knowledg ; there being no such thing as a motion by chance in Nature , because Nature is full of reason as well as of sense , and wheresoevever is reason , there can be no chance ; Chance is onely in respect to particulars , caused by their ignorance ; for particulars being finite in themselves , can have no Infinite or Universal knowledg ; and where there is no Universal knowledg , there must of necessity be some ignorance . Thus ignorance , which proceeds from the division of parts , causes that which we call chance ; but Nature , being an infinite self-moving body , has also infinite knowledg ; and therefore she knows of no chance , nor is this visible World , or any part of her , made by chance , or a casual concourse of senseless and irrational Atomes ; but by the All-powerful Decree and Command of God , out of that pre-existent Matter that was from all Eternity , which is infinite Nature ; for though the Scripture expresses the framing of this World , yet it doth not say , that Nature her self was then created ; but onely that this world was put into such a frame and state , as it is now ; and who knows but there may have been many other Worlds before , and of another figure then this is : nay , if Nature be infinite , there must also be infinite Worlds ; for I take , with Epicurus , this World but for a part of the Universe ; and as there is self-motion in Nature , so there are also perpetual changes of particulars , although God himself be immovable ; for God acts by his All-powerful Decree or Command , and not after a natural way . 3. The Soul of Animals , says Epicurus , is corporeal , and a most tenuious and subtile body , made up of most subtile particles , in figure , smooth and round , not perceptible by any sense ; and this subtile contexture of the soul , is mixed and compounded of four several natures ; as of something fiery , something aerial , something flatuous , and something that has no name ; by means whereof it is indued with a sensitive faculty . And as for reason , that is likewise compounded or little bodies , but the smoothest and roundest of all , and of the quickest motion . Thus he discourses of the Soul , which , I confess , surpasses my understanding ; for I shall never be able to conceive , how senseless and irrational Atomes can produce sense and reason , or a sensible and rational body , such as the soul is , although he affirms it to be possible : 'T is true , different effects may proceed from one cause or principle ; but there is no principle , which is senseless , can produce sensitive effects ; nor no rational effects can flow from an irrational cause ; neither can order , method and harmony proceed from chance or confusion ; and I cannot conceive , how Atomes , moving by chance , should onely make souls in animals , and not in other bodies ; for if they move by chance , and not by knowledg and consent , they might , by their conjunction , as well chance to make souls in Vegetables and Minerals , as in Animals . 4. Concerning Perception , and in particular , the Perception of sight , Epicurus affirms , that it is performed by the gliding of some images of external objects into our eyes , to wit , that there are certain effluxions of Atomes sent out from the surfaces of bodies , preserving the same position and order , as is found in the superficies of them , resembling them in all their lineaments ; and those he calls Images , which are perpetually flowing in an interrupted course ; and when one Image goes away , another immediately succeeds from the superficies of the object in a continued stream ; and this entering into our eyes , and striking our sight , with a very swift motion , causes the Perception of seeing . This strange opinion of his , is no less to be admired then the rest , and shews , that Epicurus was more blind in his reason , then perhaps in his Eye-sight : For , first , How can there be such a perpetual effluxion of Atomes , from an external body , without lessening or weakning its bulk or substance , especially they being corporeal ? Indeed , if a million of eyes or more , should look for a long time upon one object , it is impossible , but that object would be sensibly lessened or diminished , at least weakned , by the perpetual effluxions of so many millions of Atomes : Next , how is it possible , that the Eye can receive such an impress of so many Atomes , without hurting or offending it in the least ? Thirdly , Since Epicurus makes Vacuities in Nature , How can the images pass so orderly through all those Vacuities , especially if the object be of a considerable magnitude ? for then all intermediate bodies that are between the sentient , and the sensible object , must remove , and make room for so many images to pass thorow . Fourthly , How is it possible , that , especially at a great distance , in an instant of time , and as soon as I cast my eye upon the object , so many Atomes can effluviate with such a swiftness , as to enter so suddenly through the Air into the Eye ; for all motion is progressive , and done in time ? Fifthly , I would fain know , when those Atomes are issued from the object , and entered into the eye , what doth at last become of them ? Surely they cannot remain in the Eye , or else the Eye would never lose the sight of the object ; and if they do not remain in the Eye , they must either return to the object from whence they came , or join with other bodies , or be annihilated . Sixtly , I cannot imagine , but that , when we see several objects at one and the same time , those images proceeding from so many several objects , be they never so orderly in their motions , will make a horrid confusion ; so that the eye will rather be confounded , then perceive any thing exactly after this manner . Lastly , A man having two eyes ; I desire to know , Whether every eye has its own image to perceive , or whether but one image enters into both ; if every eye receives its own image , then a man having two eyes , may see double ; and a great Drone-flie , which Experimental Philosophers report to have 14000 eyes , may receive so many images of one object ; but if but one image enters into all those eyes , then the image must be divided into so many parts . 5. What Epicurus means by his divine Nature , cannot be understood by a natural capacity ; for , he says it is the same with corporeal Nature ; but yet not so much a body , as a certain thing like a body , as having nothing common to it with other bodies , that is , with transitory , generated , and perishable things . But , in my opinion , God must either be Corporeal , or Incorporeal ; if Corporeal , he must be Nature it self ; for there 's nothing corporeal , but what is natural ; if incorporeal , he must be supernatural ; for there is nothing between body , and no body ; corporeal and incorporeal ; natural , and supernatural ; and therefore to say , God is of a corporeal nature , and yet not a body , but like a body , is contrary to all sense and reason . 'T is true , God hath actions , but they are not corporeal , but supernatural , and not comprehensible by a humane or finite capacity : Neither is God naturally moving , for he has no local or natural motion , nor doth he trouble himself with making any thing , but by his All-powerfull Decree and Command he produces all things ; and Nature , which is his Eternal servant , obeys his Commands : Wherefore the actions of Nature cannot be a disturbance to his Incomprehensible felicity , no not to Nature , which being self-moving , can do no otherwise , but take delight in acting , for her actions are free and easie , and not forced or constrained . 6. Although he affirms , That God , or Nature , considers Man no more then other Creatures ; yet he endeavours to prove , That Man is the best product of his Atomes ; which to me seems strange , considering that all compositions of Atomes come by chance , and that the Principles of all Creatures are alike . But truly , take away the supernatural or divine soul from man , and he is no better then other Creatures are , because they are all composed of the same matter , and have all sense and reason , which produces all sorts of figures , in such order , method and harmony , as the wisdom of Nature requires , or as God has ordered it ; for Nature , although she be Infinite and Eternal , yet she depends upon the Incomprehensible God , the Author of Nature , and his All-powerfull Commands , Worshipping and Adoring him in her infinite particulars ; for God being Infinite , must also have an infinite Worship ; and if Nature had no dependance on God , she would not be a servant , but God her self . Wherefore Epicurus his Atomes , having no dependance upon a divine power , must of necessity be Gods ; nay , every Atome must be a peculiar God , each being a single body , subsisting by it self ; but they being senseless and irrational , would prove but weak Gods : Besides his Chance is but an uncertain God , and his Vacuum an empty God ; and if all natural effects were grounded upon such principles , Nature would rather be a confused Chaos , then an orderly and harmonical Universe . 5. On Aristotle's Philosophical Principles . HAving viewed four of the most Eminent of the Ancient Philosophers , I will proceed now to Aristotle , who may justly be called the Idol of the Schools , for his doctrine is generally embraced with such reverence , as if Truth it self had declared it ; but I find he is no less exempt from errors , then all the rest , though more happy in fame . For Fame doth all , and whose name she is pleased to record , that man shall live , when others , though of no less worth and merit , will be obscured , and buried in oblivion . I shall not give my self the trouble of examining all his Principles ; but as I have done by the former , make my observations on some few points in his Philosophy . 1. The summe of his Doctrine concerning Motion , and the first Mover , is comprehended in these few Theorems . 1. There are three sorts of motion , Accretion and Diminution , Alteration and Local motion . 2. Rest is a privation of Motion . 3. All Motion is finite , for it is done in Time , which is finite . 4. There is no infinite Quantity or Magnitude in act , but onely in power , and so no body can be actually infinite . 5. Whatsoever is moved , must necessarily be moved by another . 6. There is a first mover in Nature , which is the cause and origine of all motions . 7. This first mover is Infinite , Eternal , Indivisible and Incorporeal . 8. Motion it self is Eternal , because Time , the measure of Motion , is Eternal . Concerning the first , I answer , That Nature and all her parts are perpetually self-moving ; and therefore it is needless to make three sorts of motions : we might say rather , there are infinite sorts of Motions ; but yet all is self-motion , and so is accretion , diminution , and alteration ; for though our senses cannot perceive the motions of all bodies , how , and which way they move , yet it doth not follow from thence , that they are not moving ; for solid composed bodies , such as Minerals , may ( though not to our humane sense ) be more active then some rarer and thinner bodies , as is evident in the Loadstone and Iron , and the Needle ; nay , in several other bodies applied by Art Physically : for if Nature be self-moving , as surely she is , then her parts must necessarily be in a continual action , there being no such thing as rest or quiescence in Nature . Next , Aristotle seems to contradict himself , when he says , that all Motion is finite , because it is done in Time , and yet affirms , that both Motion and Time are Eternal ; for Eternal is that which hath neither beginning , nor end ; and if Motion and Time be thus , how can they be finite ? 3. I deny , that whatsoever is body or quantitative , cannot be infinite in act , but is onely infinite in power ; for if it be probable , that there can be an Eternal motion , and Eternal time , which is infinite in act ; why should it not also be probable , that there is an infinite quantity ? For motion is the action of body , and it is absurd , in my opinion , to make body finite , and the action infinite . Truly , if Aristotle means the World to be finite , and yet eternal , I do not conceive how they can consist together ; for if the World be finite in quantity , he must allow an infinite Vacuum beyond it ; which if he doth , why may not he allow as well an infinite quantity ? But he has no more ground to deny there is a quantity actually infinite , then he has ground to affirm that it is onely infinite in power ; for if that which is in power , may be deduced into act , I see no reason , but the World , which is Nature , may be said infinite in act , as well as in power . 4. I deny also his Theoreme , That whatsoever is moved , must necessarily be moved by another ; for wheresoever is self-motion , there needs no exterior movent ; but Nature and all her parts have self-motion , therefore they stand in no need of an exterior Movent . 'T is true , one part may occasion another by its outward impulse or force , to move thus or thus ; but no part can move by any others motion , but it s own , which is an internal , and innate motion ; so that every part and particle of Nature has the principle of motion within it self , as consisting all of a composition of animate or self-moving Matter ; and if this be so , what need we to trouble our selves about a first Mover ? In Infinite and Eternity there is neither first nor last , and therefore Aristotle cannot understand a first mover of Time ; and as for motion it self , if all parts move of themselves , as I said before , there is no necessity of an exterior or first Mover . But I would fain know what he means by the action of the first Mover , whether he be actually moving the world , or not ? if he be actually moving , he must of necessity have natural motion in himself ; but natural self-motion is corporeal ; and a corporeal propriety cannot be attributed to an incorporeal substance ; But if he be not actually moving , he must move Nature by his powerful Decree and Command ; and thus the first mover is none else but God , who may be called so , because he has endued Nature with self-motion , and given it a principle of motion within it self , to move according as he has decreed and ordered it from all Eternity ; for God , being immovable and incorporeal , cannot actually move the Universe , like the chief wheel in a Watch. And as for his incorporeal Intelligences , which are Eternal and immovable , president over the motions of the inferior orbs , Forty seven in number ; this is rather a Poetical Fancy , then a probability of truth , and deserves to be banished out of the sphere of Natural Philosophy , which inquires into nothing but what is conformable to the truth of nature ; and though we are all but guessers , yet he that brings the most probable and rational arguments , does come nearer to truth , then those whose Ground is onely Fancy without Reason . 2. Heaven , says Aristotle , is void of Generation and Corruption , and consequently of accretion , diminution and alteration ; for there are no contraries in it , nor has it Levity , or Gravity ; neither are there more Worlds but one , and that is finite ; for if there were more , the Earth of one would move to the Earth of the other , as being of one kind . To which I answer : first , As for Generation , Difsolution , Accretion , Diminution and Alteration of Celestial bodies ; it is more then a humane Creature is able to know ; for although we do not see the alterations of them , yet we cannot deny they have natural motion , but wheresoever is motion , there 's also change and alteration . For , put the case the Moon were such another body as this terrestrial Globe we inhabit , we can onely perceive its outward progressive motion ; nevertheless it may contain as many different particulars , as this Globe of the Earth , which may have their particular motions , and be generated , dissolved , composed , divided and transformed many , nay , infinite ways : The same may be said of the rest of the Planets , and the fixed Stars . And as for Gravity , and Levity , we do onely perceive they are qualities of those parts that belong to this terrestrial Globe ; but we cannot judg of all bodies alike : we see air has neither gravity nor levity ; for it neither ascends , nor descends ; nay , this terrestrial Globe it self , has neither gravity nor levity , for it is surrounded by the fluid air , and neither ascends nor descends : The truth is , there 's no such thing as high and low , in Nature ; but onely in reference to some parts ; and therefore gravity and levity are not Universal , and necessary attributes of all natural bodies . Next , concerning the multiplicity of Worlds , that there can be no such thing , but that the Earth of one , would move towards the Earth of the other : I answer first , There 's no necessity that all Worlds must have a Terrestrial Globe ; for Nature hath more varieties of Creatures , then Elements , Vegetables , Minerals , and Animals . Next , if it were so , yet I see no reason that one Creature must necessarily move to another of the same kind : For , put the case , as I said before , the Moon was such another terrestrial Globe as this , yet we see they do not move one to another , but each remains in its own Sphere or Circle . 3. I admire , Aristotle makes the Principles of Nature , Matter , Form and Privation , and leaves out the chief , which is Motion ; for were there no motion , there would be no variety of figures ; besides , Matter and Form are but one thing , for wheresoever is Matter , there is also form or figure ; but privation is a non-being , and therefore cannot be a principle of natural bodies . 4. There is no such thing as simple bodies in Nature ; for if Nature her self consists of a commixture of animate and inanimate Matter , no part can be called simple , as having a composition of the same parts : besides , no part can subsist single , or by it self ; wherefore the distinction into simple and mixt bodies is needless ; for Elements are as much composed bodies , as other parts of Nature , neither do I understand the difference between perfect and imperfect mixt bodies , for Nature may compose , mix and divide parts as she pleaseth . 5. The primary Qualities of the Elements , as Heat , and Cold , Humidity and Siccity , says Aristotle , are the cause of Generation , when heat and cold overcome the Matter . I wonder he makes qualities to be no substances , or bodies , but accidents ; which is something between body , and no body , and yet places them above Matter , and makes Generation their effect ; But whatsoever he calls them , they are no more but effects of Nature , and cannot be above their cause , which is Matter ; neither is it probable , there are but eighteen passive qualities ; he might have said , as well , there are but eighteen sorts of motions ; for natural effects go beyond all number , as being infinite . 6. Concerning the Soul , Aristotle doth not believe , That it moves by it self , but is onely moved accidentally , according to the Motion of the body ; but he doth not express from whence the motion of the Soul proceeds , although he defines it to be that , by which we live , feel and understand : Neither , says he , is there a Soul diffused through the World , for there are inanimate bodies as well as animate ; but sense and reason perceives the contrary , to wit , that there is no part of Nature but is animate ; that is , has a soul. Sense , says he , is not sensible of it self , nor of its organ , nor of any interior thing ; for sense cannot move it self , but is a mutation in the organ , caused by some sensible object : But the absurdity of this opinion I have declared heretofore ; for it is contrary to humane Reason to believe , first , that sense should be sensible of an outward object , and not of it self , or ( which is all one ) have perception of exterior parts , and not self-knowledg . Next , that an external object should be the cause of sense , when as sense and reason are the chief principles of Nature , and the cause of all natural effects . Again , Sense , says he , is in all Animals , but Fancy is not , for Fancy is not Sense ; Fancy acts in him that sleeps , Sense not . To which I answer , first , Fancy or Imagination is a voluntary action of Reason , or of the rational parts of Matter , and if reason be in all Animals , nay , in all Creatures , Fancy is there also ; Next , it is evident that Sense acts as much asleep as awake , the difference I have expressed elsewhere , viz. That the sensitive motions , Work inwardly in sleep , and outwardly awake . The Intellect to Aristotle , is that part of the Soul by which it knows and understands , and is onely proper to man , when as sense is proper to animals : It is twofold , Patient and Agent , whereof this is Immortal , Eternal , not mixt with the body , but separable from it , and ever in action : The Patient Intellect , is mortal , and yet void of corruptive passion , not mixt with the body , nor having any corporeal organs . But these , and many other differences of Intellects , which he rehearses , are more troublesome to the understanding , then beneficial for the knowledg of Nature : And why should we puzzle our selves with multiplicity of terms and distinctions when there 's no need of them : Truly Nature's actions are easie , and we may easily apprehend them without much ado . If Nature be material , as it cannot be proved otherwise , sense and reason are material also , and therefore we need not to introduce an incorporeal mind , or intellect : Besides ; if sense and reason be a constitutive principle of Nature , all parts of Nature do partake of the same ; nor hath man a prerogative before other Creatures in that case , onely the difference and variety of motions makes different figures , and consequently different knowledges and perceptions ; and all Fancies , Imaginations , Judgment , Memory , Remembrance , and the like , are nothing else but the actions of reason , or of the rational parts of Animate Matter ; so that there is no necessity to make a Patient and Agent Intellect , much less to introduce incorporeal substances , to confound and disturb corporeal Nature . 6. Of Scepticisme , and some other Sects of the Ancient . THere are several sorts of Scepticks different from each other ; for though almost every one of the ancient Philosophers has his own opinions in Natural Philosophy , and goes on his own grounds or principles , yet some come nearer each other , then others do ; and though Heraclitus , Democritus , Protagoras , and others , seem to differ from the Scepticks , yet their opinions are not so far asunder , but they may all be referred to the same sect . Heraclitus is of opinion , That contraries are in the same thing ; and Scepticks affirm , That contraries appear in the same thing ; but I believe they may be partly both in the right , and partly both in the wrong . If their opinion be , that there are , or appear contraries in Nature , or in the essence of Matter , they are both in the wrong ; but if they believe that Matter has different and contrary actions , they are both in the right ; for there are not onely real , but also apparent , or seeming contraries in Nature , which are her irregularities ; to wit , when the sensitive and rational parts of Matter do not move exactly to the nature of their particulars : As for example , Honey is sweet to those that are sound , and in health ; but bitter to those that have the over-flowing of the Gall : where it is to be observed , that Honey is not changed from its natural propriety , but the motions of the Gall being irregular , make a false copy , like as mad men who think their flesh is stone ; or those that apprehend a Bird for a Stone , a Man for a Tree , &c. neither the Flesh , nor Stone , nor Tree are changed from their own particular natures ; but the motions of humane sense in the sentient , are irregular , and make false copies of true objects ; which is the reason that an object seems often to be that , which really it is not . However , those irregularities are true corporeal motions ; and thus there are both real and seeming contraries in Nature ; but as I mentioned before , they are not contrary matters , but onely contrary actions . Democritus says , That Honey is neither bitter , nor sweet , by reason of its different appearance to differently affected persons ; but if so , then he is like those that make neutral beings , which are between body , and no body , which is a Paradox to regular reason . The Cyrenaick Sect affirms , That all bodies are of an incomprehensible nature ; but I am not of their opinion : for although the interior , corporeal figurative motions are not subject to every Creatures perception , yet in Nature they are not incomprehensible : As for example , the five senses in man are both knowing and ignorant , not onely of each others perception , but of the several parts of exterior objects ; for the Eye onely perceives the exterior figure , magnitude and colour , and not the Nose ; the Nose perceives its scent , but not its colour and magnitude ; the Ear perceives neither its magnitude , colour , nor scent , but onely its sound , and so forth . The like may be said of the infinite perceptive parts of Nature , whereby they are both obscured and discovered to particulars , and so may be truly known in general , but not in particular by any finite Creature , or part of Nature . The Academicks say , That some Fancies are credible , others incredible ; and of those that are credible , some are credible onely , and some credible , and circumcurrent : As for example , A Rope lying loosely in a dark room , a man receives a credible fancy from it , and runs away ; another considering it more exactly , and weighing the circumstances , as that it moves not , that it is of such a colour , and the like , to him it appears a rope , according to the credible and circumcurrent fancy . To which I answer : A mistake is an irregularity of sense , and sometimes of reason too ; if sense be onely mistaken , and not reason , reason rectifies sense ; and if reason be onely mistaken , and not sense , then sense rectifies reason ; but when both sense and reason are mistaken , the irregularity doth either last longer , or changes into regularity by the information of some other circumstances , and things which may rectifie sometimes the irregular motions both of sense and reason ; that is , the sensitive and rational motions of other parts may rectifie those irregularities . I could make many more Observations , not onely upon the aforementioned , but several others of the ancient Philosophers ; but my design is not to refute their opinions , but , as I mentioned in the beginning , to shew the difference between theirs , and my own ; and by this we may see , that irregularities do not onely appear in our present age , but have been also in times past ; nay , ever since Nature has been , or else there would never have been such extravagant opinions concerning the Truth of Nature . But the chief which I observe is , That most of the Ancient make a commixture of natural , and supernatural ; corporeal , and incorporeal beings ; and of animate , and inanimate bodies : some derive reason from fancy ; and some introduce neutral beings , which are neither corporeal , nor incorporeal , but between both ; especially they do make general principles of particular effects , and abstract Quality , Motion , Accidents , Figure , Place , Magnitude , &c. from Matter , which causes so many confusions and differences in their opinions ; nor can it be otherwise , because of the irregularities and divisions of Natures corporeal actions ; and most of our Moderns do either follow altogether the opinions of the ancient Philosophers , putting them onely into a new dress , or patch them up with some of their own , and so make a Gallimafry in Natural Philosophy . AN EXPLANATION OF Some obscure and doubtful passages occurring in the Philosophical Works , hitherto published BY THE AUTHORESSE . AS I have made a beginning in my Philosophical Letters * to clear some doubtful passages which I marked in my Philosophical Opinions ; so I thought it necessary to second them with these following Notes , and to add not onely what was forgot in the same Book , but to explain also some other passages which hitherto I observed in the mentioned Book of Letters . For though I know that it is but in vain to hinder all objections , yet I 'le endeavour , as much as lies in me , to prevent such as might be occasioned by the obscurity of my Writings . No Creature can be so perfect as not to commit Errors sometimes ; and so may I in my Philosophical Works , where the causes of natural effects are not obvious to every ones sense : Wherefore , if in some things , which yet are but few , I have altered my Conceptions from those I maintained heretofore , none , I hope , will condemn me for it , but rather account me so great a friend to Truth , that instead of being wedded to my own opinions , as some or most Philosophers are , who think it a great disgrace to go but a hairs breadth from the least tittle of what they have once asserted , though the Error be as plain as Noon-day : I am most willing to desert what hitherto I have maintained upon more rational and probable arguments then mine , and shall joyfully embrace whatever I am in reason convinced to come nearer to Truth . But finding , as yet , my opinions grounded upon sense and reason , I am resolved to maintain them so long , till the contrary be proved ; and therefore left their obscurity occasion a wrong interpretation in the mind of the Reader , I have ( as mentioned ) added an explanation of these following Passages . Whensoever , in my Philosophical Opinions , I say Animate Matter and Motion , or the motions of Animate Matter ; I do not take them to be two different things , but one and the same ; and therefore , both in my Philosophical Letters , and these present Observations , instead of that expression , I say Corporeal figurative Motion ; for Self-motion , and Animate Matter , are one and the same thing . Also , when I call * the Animate part of Matter the Cause of Motion ; I do not mean that considered in general , they are two distinct things , as a Cause and Effect uses to be ; for , as I said before , Self-moving Matter , and Corporeal Self-motion , are equivalent , and signifie the same ; but I speak of particular motions , which are particular actions of Infinite self-moving Matter , which I call effects ; and are nothing else but infinite parts of an Infinite whole . Again : when I name Animate and Inanimate Matter , my meaning is not , that they are two distinct matters or substances , as two wholes ; but two degrees or parts of one onely Matter whose Nature is one and the same , that is , to be material . When I say * , that every part or degree of onely Matter is Infinite , I do not mean the particular effects , parts or figures of self-moving Matter ; for it is impossible that a part or particular figure can be infinite , as I have often declared : But I speak of the three prime degrees of Matter , which are the constitutive principles of Nature , and the cause of all natural effects , viz. the animate ( sensitive and rational ) and the inanimate ; which as they are intermixt together , are infinite in the body or substance of Nature , that is , they make but one infinite , corporeal , self-moving Nature ; and therefore I desire that my expression of the mentioned parts , may be understood as of united , and not as of separated parts ; for it is impossible almost , to conceive them divided , much less to separate them actually from each other : and since Nature is one infinite body , that is , of an infinite bulk or extension , and consists of animate and inanimate parts of Matter ; it must of necessity follow , that these mentioned parts are infinite also ; for there is no particle of Nature whatever , nay , could it be an Atome , that consists not of those mentioned parts or degrees . Thus wheresoever I name Infinite degrees of Infinite Matter * , I call them Infinite , not as divided , or several , but as united in one body ; producing infinite effects ; for , as I said , they make but one Infinite body of Nature . Also when in my Philosophical Letters * , I say , that the Animate part of Matter , considered in it self , could not produce Infinite effects without the Inanimate , having nothing to work upon , and withal ; some perhaps will think I contradict my self , because in other places , I have declared , that the rational part of animate Matter works or makes figures in its own degree , without the help either of the sensitive or inanimate ; besides , it being matter , or material , why should it not be able to produce effects in it self , as well as with other parts : To which I answer , my opinion is , that the animate part of Matter , by which I include the sensitive as well as the rational , could not without the inanimate part of Matter , produce such infinite variety of effects as Nature has , and as are partly subject to our perception ; for without it there would be no grosser substance for the sensitive to work on , nor nothing for the rational to direct : besides , there would be no such degrees of Matter as thicker and thinner , rarer and denser , &c. nor no variety of figures ; nay , were there no inanimate part of Matttr as well as animate , all productions , dissolutions ; and what actions soever would be done in an instant of time , and a man , or any other natural Creature would be produced as soon as a thought of the mind ; wherefore to poise or ballance the actions of Nature , there must of necessity be an inanimate , dull , or passive degree of Matter , as well as there is an animate , active and self-moving ; and this triumvirate of the constitutive degrees of material nature is so necessary , that Nature could not be what she is , nor work such variety of figures , as she doth , without it When I say * , that Matter cannot know it self , because it is infinite ; I do no not mean as if it had not selfknowledg ; for as Matter is self-moving , so it is also self-knowing ; nay , that the Inanimate part of Matter has also self-knowledg , I have sufficiently declared heretofore ; but my meaning is , that its knowledg cannot be limited or circumscribed ; and that it is an infinite natural self-knowledg . Also when in the same place I say , That Nature hath no free-will , and that no change or alteration can be made in infinite and eternal Matter ; I mean concerning its own nature ; for Matter cannot go beyond its nature , that is , change from being Matter to something immaterial , or from a natural being , to a non-being ; nevertheless , Nature in her particular actions works and changes her effects as she pleases , and according to the wisdom and liberty God hath given her , When I say , that the sensitive animate part of Matter is the life of the rational soul ; I do not mean , as if the rational part was not living as well as the sensitive ; but I speak comparatively , in comparison to man ; who as he has humane life , soul and body , all three constituting or composing , but one intire man ; so in the composition of Nature , I name the Inanimate part the Body , the Sensitive , the Life , and the Rational , the Soul of Nature ; nevertheless all parts have life and knowledg ; for the inanimate , although it is not selfmoving , and has not an active life and a perceptive knowledg , yet has it life and knowledg according to the nature of its degree , that is , an innate and fixt self-life and self-knowledg ; and the sensitive , although it is not so subtile , piercing and active a degree of self-moving Matter as the rational , yet has it an active life and knowledg , according to the Nature of its degree ; and it is well to be observed , that each degree in their various commixtures , do never change their natures ; for the sensitive doth not acquire a rational life and knowledg , nor the rational a sensitive ; neither does the inanimate part get an active life and a perceptive knowledg , for all they are so closely commixt , but each retains the nature of its degree ; for as one part cannot be another part , so one parts life and knowledg , cannot become another parts life and knowledg ; or else it would produce a confusion in Nature and all her actions . In what place soever , both in my Philosophical Opinions and Letters , I say , that the inanimate part of Matter has neither life nor self-knowledg ; I mean , it has not an active life and a perceptive self-knowledg , such as the animate part of Matter has ; for though the inanimate part of Matter is moved , yet it is not selfmoving , but it moves by the help of the animate parts of Matter ; which by reason of their close and inseparable union and commixture , bear it along in all their actions and operations , and thus its motions or actions are onely passive , not active : Nevertheless , although it has not self-motion , yet may it have life and self-knowledg , according to its own Nature ; for self-knowledg does not depend upon motion , but is a fixt and innate being : In short , all parts or degrees of Matter are living and knowing , but not all are self-moving , but onely the animate . When I say , that all Matter lives in figures and Creatures , and all figures and Creatures lie or live in Matter ; I mean , that Infinite Matter moves figuratively , and that all Creatures are composed by corporeal figurative motion ; for in what places soever of my Philosophical Works , I say Figure and Motion , I do not mean they are two several things distinct from body , but I understand by it , corporeal figurative motion , or self-moving figurative Matter , which is one and the same . When I say * , That the Rational part of Matter lives in the Sensitive , and the Sensitive in the Inanimate ; I do not mean , that one lies within the other like as several Boxes are put together , the lesser in the bigger ; but I use this expression onely to denote the close conjunction of these three degrees , and that they are inseparably mixt together . Concerning the Chapter of Vacuum in my Philosophical Opinions * though I was doubtful then which opinion to adhere to , yet I have sufficiently declared my meaning thereof in the foregoing observations , to wit , that there can be no vacuity in Natures body . When I name six Principal Motions , viz. Attraction , Contraction , Dilation , Digestion , Retention , Expulsion ; I do not mean that they are the principles of all motions , no more then a circular motion can be said the principle of all natural motions , as I have declared before ; for particular motions are but effects of self-moving Matter . But I call them principal , because to our humane sense they seem to be some chief sorts of motions , in those natural bodies that are subject to our perception ; but there may be infinite other sorts of motions which we know not of ; the same may be said when I speak of the ground of Infinite compositions , which is symmetry ; and infinite divisions , which is number ; for to speak properly , there 's no other ground , but self-moving Matter in Nature When I make a distinction * between forced , or Artificial and Natural Motions ; as that , for example , the motion of a Watch , or a Clock , is artificial , and not natural ; my meaning is not , as if artificial motions were something super , or praeter-natural , and had no relation to Nature ; but by the word Natural , I understand the particular nature of some certain figure or Creature ; and when such a figure has some other exterior motions besides those which are proper to its particular nature , caused by Art , I call them artificial , and do distinguish them from such motions as are proper and natural to it ; as for example , mans exterior natural local motions , are going , leaping , dancing , running , &c. but not flying ; which is a motion to Birds , and winged Creatures : Now if a man should by some Artacquire this motion of flying , and imitate such winged Creatures to whom it is natural , then it would be an artificial or forced action to him , and not a natural ; also the nature of Iron or Steel is not to have an exterior progressive local motion , such as animals and other Creatures have , and therefore the motion of the wheels of a Watch is forced , or artificial : Nevertheless , I say , that all these motions , although they be forced or artificial , do not proceed from some exterior agent any otherwise but occasionally , and that all motions whatsoever are intrinsecally inherent in the body , or which is in motion ; for motion cannot be transferred out of one body into another , but every body moves by its own motion . Thus the intrinsecal principle and cause of all particular , both interior and exterior motions or actions , is in the body , which is in motion , even of those we call forced or artificial , and proceeds not from some exterior agent , but occasionally ; for every part and particle of Nature is self-moving , as consisting of a commixture of animate Matter ; and no motion can be imparted without body , by reason there 's no such thing as an incorporeal motion . When I say , There is no rest in Nature ; I mean , that all parts are either moving , or moved ; for although the inanimate part of Matter has no self-motion , yet it is moved , and consequently never at rest ; Nor can we say , that things do rest , or have no motion at all , when they have not exterior progressive motion , such as is perceptible by our sight ; for this is but a gross exterior motion ; and a world of Gold may be as active interiously , as a world of Air is exteriously ; that is , the actions of Gold are as alterable , as those of air . When , contradicting the opinion of Mr. Hobbes concerning voluntary motions , who says , That voluntary motions , as going , speaking , moving our lips , depend upon a precedent thought of whither , which way , and what , &c. I answer , that it implies a contradiction , to call them Voluntary Motions , and yet say they depend on our imagination ; for if the imagination draws them this or that way , how can they be voluntary ? My meaning is not as if those actions were not self-actions , nor as if there were no voluntary actions at all ; for to make a balance between Natures actions , there are voluntary , as well as occasioned actions , both in sense and reason ; but because Mr Hobbs says , that those actions are depending upon Imagination and Fancy , and that Imagination is the first internal beginning of them , which sets them a going , as the prime wheel of a Watch does the rest : My opinion is , that after this rate they cannot properly be called voluntary , but are rather necessitated , at least occasioned by the Mind or Fancy ; for I oppose voluntary actions to those that are occasioned or forced ; which voluntary actions are made by the self-moving parts by rote , and of their own accord ; but occasioned actions are made by imitation , although they are all self-actions , that is , move by their own inherent self-motion . When I say , That Animals by their shapes are not tied or bound to any other kind of Creature , either for support or nourishment , as Vegetables are , but are loose and free of themselves from all others : My opinion is not , as if the animal figure were a single figure , precised from all the rest of natural parts or figures , or from the body of Nature , and stood in no need either of nourishment or support , but could subsist of it self without any respect or relation to other Creatures : But I speak comparatively , that in comparison to Vegetables , or such like Creatures , it is more free in its exterior progressive local motions then they , which as we see , being taken out of the ground where they grow , wither and change their interior natural figures ; for animals , may by a visible progressive motion remove from such parts to other parts , which Vegetables cannot do : nevertheless Animals depend as much upon other parts and Creatures , as others depend on them , both for nourishment and respiration , &c. although they may subsist without being fixt to some certain parts of ground : The truth is , some animals can live no more without air , then fishes can live without water , or Vegetables without ground ; so that all parts must necessarily live with each other , and none can boast that it needs not the assistance of any other part , for they are all parts of one body . When discoursing of the growth of an Animal , I say , that attractive motions do gather and draw substance proper to and for that figure ; I mean , that such sorts of corporeal motions attract and invite by sympathy other parts to help to form that Creature ; so that every where by several substances , I mean several parts which are particular substances ; that is , corporeal particular figures ; and by several places in the same Chapter , I understand several distances of parts . When in my Philosophical Letters I do mention that all Perception is made by Patterning , I mean chiefly the perception of the exterior sensitive organs in animals , as smelling , hearing , seeing , tasting , touching ; whose perception , I mean , is made by that sort of motion which is call'd patterning ; for in my Book of Philosophical Letters , I do onely prove , that all perceptions cannot be made by one sort of motion ; as also that perception is not immediately made by the exterior object , but by the perceiving or sentient parts : Nor do I treat in it of all kinds or sorts of perceptions belonging to all kinds or sorts of Creatures in Infinite Nature ; for they are too numerous to be known by one particular ; How can an Animal tell what perception a Vegetable or Mineral has ? We may perceive that the Air , which is an Element , doth pattern out sound ; for it is not done by reverberation , as pressure and reaction , by reason there will be in some places , not onely two several Ecchoes of one sound , but in some three , or four ; but surely one sound cannot be in several distant places at one time : Also a Looking-glass , we see , does pattern out the figure of an object ; but yet we cannot be certainly affirmed , that either the Glass , or the Air , have the same perceptions which Animals have ; for although their patterns are alike , yet their perceptions may be different : As for example , the picture of a Man may be like its original , but yet who knows what perception it has ? for though it represents the exterior figure of an Animal , yet it is not of the nature of an Animal ; and therefore although a man may perceive his picture , yet he knows not what perception the picture has of him ; for we can but judg by our selves of the perceptions of our own kind , that is , of Animal kind ; and not of the perceptions of other Creatures ; for example , I observe , that the perception of my exterior senses is made by an easie way of patterning out exterior objects , and so conclude of the rest of my own kind , to wit , that the perception of their exterior sensitive organs , is made after the same manner or way ; nay , I perceive , that also some perceptions of several other sorts of Creatures are made by way of patterning , as in the forementioned examples of the Air and Glass , and in Infectious Diseases ; where several Creatures will be infected , by one object ; which certainly is not by an immediate propagation on so many numerous parts , proceeding from the object , but by imitation of the perceiving parts ; but yet I cannot infer from thence , that all perceptions in Nature are made by imitation or patterning ; for some may , and some may not : and although our rational perception , being more subtil then the sensitive , may perceive somewhat more , and judg better of outward objects then the sensitive ; yet it cannot be infallibly assured , that it is onely so , and not otherwise ; for we see that some animals are produced out of Vegetables , whose off-spring is not any ways like their producer ; which proves , that not all actions of Nature are made by imitation or patterning . In short , our reason does observe , that all perception in general whatsoever , is made by corporeal figurative self-motion , but it cannot perceive the particular figurative motions that make every perception ; and though some Learned are of opinion , that all perceptions are made by pressure and reaction , yet it is not probable to sense and reason ; for this , being but one sort of action , would not make such variety of perceptions in the infinite parts of Nature , as we may perceive there are . Whensoever I say , that outward objects work or cause such or such effects in the body sentient ; I do not mean , that the object is the onely immediate cause of the changes of those parts in the sentient body ; but that it is onely an external or occasional cause , and that the effects in the sentient proceed from its own inherent natural motions ; which upon the perception of the exterior object , cause such effects in the sentient , as are either agreeable to the motions of the object , and that by way of imitation , which is called Sympathy ; or disagreeable , which is call'd Antipathy . When I say , * That the several senses of Animals , pattern out the several proprieties of one object ; as for example , the Tongue patterns out the taste ; the Nostrils the smell ; the Ears the noise ; the Eyes the exterior figure , shape , colour , &c. and do prove by this , that they are different things , dividable from each other ; and yet in other places , do affirm , that colour , place , figure , quantity or magnitude , &c. are one and the same with body , and inseparable from each other , 't is no contradiction ; for to be dividable from such or such parts , and to be dividable from Matter , are several things : Smell and Taste , although they be material or corporeal , and cannot be divided from Matter , yet there is no necessity that all parts of Nature must be subject to smell , or taste , or that such parts must have such smells , and such tastes ; for though Colour , Place , Taste , Smell , &c. are material , and cannot be without body ; yet may they be conceived by our sense and reason to be different and several figures , parts or actions ; for as there is no such thing as single parts , or single divisions in Nature , but all compositions , divisions , changes and alterations , are within the body of Nature ; and yet there is such a variety and difference of natural figures and actions , that one figure is not another , nor one action another ; so it is likewise with the mentioned proprieties , or what you 'l call them ; which , although they cannot be separated from body or matter , yet they may be altered , changed , composed and divided with their parts several ways , and be perceived as various and different actions of Nature , as they are ; for as one body may have several different motions at one and the same time ; so it may also have several proprieties , though not dividable from Matter ( for all that is in Nature , is material ; nor can there be any such thing as Immaterial accidents , qualities , properties , and the like ) yet discernable by their different actions , and changeable by the self-moving power of Nature . But mistake me not , when I say they are several different figures , parts or actions ; for my meaning is not , as if body and they were different things separable from each other ; or as if Colour , Place , Figure , Magnitude , &c. were several parts of matter ; for then it would follow , that some parts could be without place , some without figure , some without colour , &c. which is impossible ; for could there be a single Atome , yet that Atome would have Colour , Place , Figure , Magnitude , &c. onely there would be no motion for want of Parts , and consequently no Perception : But my meaning is , That the several properties of a Body , as for example , Tast , Touch , Smell , Sound , being perceived by the several senses of Animals , to wit , the Tast by the Tongue , the Smell by the Nose , and Colour and Figure by the Eye , &c. it proves that they are several corporeal actions ; for the Tast is not the Smell , nor Smell the Sound , nor Sound the Colour : Nevertheless they are all proprieties of the same body , and no more dividable from body , then motion is from body , or body from matter ; onely they are made according to the several compositions and divisions of parts : And as for Colour , Place , Magnitude , Figure , &c. as I said before , could there be an Atome , it would have Colour , Place , Figure ; and though parts be changed millions of ways , yet they cannot lose Colour , Place and Figure . The truth is , as there are no single finite parts in Nature , so there can neither be single actions , or single perceptions ; but as the parts or actions of Nature move in one body , and not singly , several infinite ways , so the self-active parts in one composed figure , make perceptions of those several compositions in exterior objects . But since my Opinion is , that the Perception of the exterior animal senses is made by that sort of motion which is call'd Imitation or Patterning , as for example , that the perception of Seeing is made by the sensitive , corporeal , figurative motions in the Organ of sight , ( which is the Eye ) by their patterning out the figure of an exterior object ; some perhaps will question , how it be possible that an eye , as also a glass , which is a more solid and dense body than an eye , should pattern out so many different figures of exterior objects , and yet keep their own figures perfect ? To which I answer , first , That not all the corporeal motions of an Object , are perceptible by animal sense , which is too gross a sort of perception to perceive them all ; for can we say that Air , Light , Earth , &c. have no other motions but what we perceive ? We observe in a Sun-dial , that the light removes , but we cannot see how it removes ; and therefore our eye cannot perceive all the motions or actions of an object . Next I say , as for the patterns of the sensitive motions , the framing of them is no hinderance to those motions that preserve the organ in its being ; for there are many numerous and different sorts of motions in one composed figure , and yet none is obstructive to the other , but each knows its own work , and they act all unanimously to the conservation of the whole figure ; also when some actions change , it is not necessary that they must all change at the same time ; for if it were so , there would be no difference between the actions of Nature , nor no difference of figures . Again , it may be objected , That if we can perceive the figure of an object , then we must of necessity perceive the substance also ; figure and body being but one thing ; for example , if we can perceive the figure of a thought , we must also perceive that degree of matter which is named Rational ; the same may be said of the other degrees of matter , the Sensitive and Inanimate . I answer , That although the Figures are perceived ; yet the degree of matter cannot be perceived , at least not in all objects , nor by all our sensitive organs ; for though the eye perceives light , yet it does not perceive what light is made of , neither does the Ear perceive it , but onely the Eye ; also the Ear perceives sound , yet the Eye does not ; nor does the Ear know or perceive the proper and immediate motions and parts that make the sound . Again , although the Eye , or rather the sensitive motions that make the perception of sight , perceive the light of fire , yet they do not perceive the heat thereof , which is onely subject to Touch ; the same may be said of Smell and Tast ; so that not all the parts are subject to one sense ; and if this be onely in one sort of Creatures , what difference of perception may there be in the infinite parts of Nature ? The truth is , our humane perception is stinted , so that we cannot perceive all objects , but those that are within the compass of being perceived by our senses ; nay it is without question , but that there are more perceptions in man than these Five , because there are Numerous different perceptive parts , which have all their peculiar perceptions which we do not know of , what they are , nor how they are made . But , as I said before , although the figure may be perceived , yet the substance may not ; and yet this does not prove that figure and body are not one thing ; for though such a figure is not bound to such parts , yet parts cannot be figureless , no more then figure can be bodiless ; and the change of figures is not an annihilation or a total separation of figure from body ; a mans face may change from being red , to pale , and from pale to red , and yet the substance of his face may remain the same ; the like may be said of the figures in our Eyes , or of the figures made by a Looking-glass , of exterior objects , they may change , and yet the Eye remain perfect ; and although the subtilest corporeal motions cannot be perceived by us so perfectly as the grosser actions of Nature , yet we cannot but know by our rational perception , that there are such subtile actions which are no wayes subject to our exterior , sensitive perception : For though all actions of Nature are perceptive , yet none can be more agil and active then the rational ; and next to them , none more but the sensitive action of imitation and patterning ; for as we may perceive , the actions of production , dissolution , growth , decay , &c. are far more slower then the actions of patterning or copying out of exterior objects , by reason those sorts of actions are gross , but these are subtil , purer and finer , and therefore quicker and agiler . But some may ask , Whether in the sensitive action of imitating or patterning out the figures of forreign objects , there be inanimate matter mixt with it ? I answer , Yes ; for 't is impossible that one should either be , or work without the other , by reason it is the propriety of the sensitive corporeal motions to work upon , and with the inanimate parts , and the chief difference that is between the rational and sensitive parts ; for the rational can act within their own degree of matter , but the sensitive are always incumbred with labouring on the inanimate , and cannot work so as the rational do . But then they 'l say , If the sensitive parts be so incumbred with the inanimate , how is it possible that they can make such quick perceptions as we observe they do ? I answer ; There are many kinds and sorts of Perceptions , whereof some are slower , and some quicker then others , according to the several degrees of grossness and purity of the inanimate parts ; so that we have no reason to wonder at the variety of perceptions , and how some come to be quicker , and some slower ; for some parts of inanimate matter may be so pure and fine , that , were they subject to our perception , we should take them to be parts of the Animate degree . Lastly ; Some might say , That although the sensitive degree of matter be not the same with the inanimate , yet they being so closely intermixt , as I have described , may by a voluntary agreement , alter the parts of Nature as they please , as , from a Vegetable into a Mineral ; from a Mineral into an Animal , &c. and that either of their own accord , or by imitation . I answer ; It may be possible in Nature , but yet it is not probable that they do so , by reason all the self-moving parts do not in all composed figures work agreeably , or alike ; but their actions are for the most part poised by Opposites , not onely in infinite Nature , but also in all composed figures , especially those that consist of different parts : Besides , the rational parts of matter being the surveighing , ordering and designing parts , do not suffer them in such actions to work as they please , but order them all according to the Wisdom of Nature ; and though sometimes it may happen that they work or move irregularly , yet that is not perpetual in all actions , but sometimes ; for wheresoever is crossing and opposition , there must of necessity be sometimes irregularities and disorders . When in my Philosophical Letters , I say , That there is difference between Life and Knowledg ; by Life I understand Sense , or the sensitive parts of matter ; and by Knowledg Reason , or the Rational parts of Matter ; not as if the sensitive parts had not Knowledg as well as the rational , or the rational Life as well as the sensitive ; but I speak comparatively , in the same sense as I name the sensitive part the Life , the rational the Soul , and the inanimate the Body of Nature . And thus much for the present . There may be many more the like places in my Philosophical Works , especially my Philosophical and Physical Opinions , which may seem dubious and obscure ; but I will not trouble you now with a long Commentary or Explanation of them ; but if God grant me life , I intend to rectifie that mentioned Book of Philosophical Opinions , in the best manner I can , because it contains the Ground of my Philosophy , in which I hope there will be no labour lost , but it will facilitate the Understanding of the Reader , and render my Conceptions easie and intelligible , which is the onely thing I am at , and labour for . THE DESCRIPTION OF A NEW WORLD , CALLED The Blazing World. WRITTEN By the Thrice Noble , Illustrious , and Excellent PRINCESSE , THE Duchess of Newcastle . LONDON , Printed by A. Maxwell , in the Year , 1666. TO THE DUCHESSE OF NEWCASTLE , ON HER New Blazing World. OUr Elder World , with all their Skill and Arts , Could but divide the World into three Parts : Columbus then for Navigation fam'd , Found a new World , America 't is nam'd : Now this new World was found , it was not made , Onely discovered , lying in Times shade . Then what are You , having no Chaos found To make a World , or any such least ground ? But your creating Fancy , thought it fit To make your World of Nothing , but pure Wit. Your Blazing-world , beyond the Stars mounts higher , Enlightens all with a Coelestial Fier . William Newcastle . TO THE READER . If you wonder , that I join a work of Fancy to my serious Philosophical Contemplations ; think not that it is out of a disparagement to Philosophy ; or out of an opinion , as if this noble study were but a Fiction of the Mind ; for though Philosophers may err in searching and enquiring after the Causes of Natural effects , and many times embrace falshoods for Truths ; yet this doth not prove , that the Ground of Philosophy is meerly Fiction , but the error proceeds from the different motions of Reason , which cause different Opinions in different parts , and in some are more irregular then in others ; for Reason being dividable , because material , cannot move in all parts alike ; and since there is but one Truth in Nature , all those that hit not this Truth , do err , some more , some less ; for though some may come nearer the mark then others , which makes their Opinions seem more probable and rational then others ; yet as long as they swerve from this onely Truth , they are in the wrong : Nevertheless , all do ground their Opinions upon Reason ; that is , upon rational probabilities , at least , they think they do : But Fictions are an issue of mans Fancy , framed in his own Mind , according as he pleases , without regard , whether the thing , he fancies , be really existent without his mind or not ; so that Reason searches the depth of Nature , and enquires after the true Causes of Natural Effects ; but Fancy creates of its own accord whatsoever it pleases , and delights in its own work . The end of Reason , is Truth ; the end of Fancy , is Fiction : But mistake me not , when I distinguish Fancy from Reason ; I mean not as if Fancy were not made by the Rational parts of Matter ; but by Reason I understand a rational search and enquiry into the causes of natural effects ; and by Fancy a voluntary creation or production of the Mind , both being effects , or rather actions of the rational part of Matter ; of which , as that is a more profitable and useful study then this , so it is also more laborious and difficult , and requires sometimes the help of Fancy , to recreate the Mind , and withdraw it from its more serious Contemplations . And this is the reason , why I added this Piece of Fancy to my Philosophical Observations , and joined them as two Worlds at the ends of their Poles ; both for my own sake , to divert my studious thoughts , which I employed in the Contemplation thereof , and to delight the Reader with variety , which is always pleasing . But left my Fancy should stray too much , I chose such a Fiction as would be agreeable to the subject I treated of in the former parts ; it is a'Description of a New World , not such as Lucian's , or the French man's World in the Moon ; but a World of my own Creating , which I call the Blazing-World : The first part whereof is Romancical , the second Philosophical , and the third is meerly Fancy , or ( as I may call it ) Fantastical ; which if it add any satisfaction to you , I shall account my self a Happy Creatoress ; if not , I must be content to live a melancholly Life in my own World ; I cannot call it a poor World , if poverty be onely want of Gold , Silver , and Jewels ; for there is more Gold in it then all the Chymists ever did , and ( as I verily believe ) will ever be able to make . As for the Rocks of Diamonds , I wish with all my soul they might be shared amongst my noble female friends , and upon that condition , I would willingly quit my part ; and of the Gold I should onely desire so much as might suffice to repair my Noble Lord and Husband's Losses : For I am not Covetous , but as Ambitious as ever any of my Sex was , is , or can be ; which makes , that though I cannot be Henry the Fifth , or Charles the Second , yet I endeavour to be Margaret the First ; and although I have neither power , time nor occasion to conquer the world as Alexander and Caesar did ; yet rather then not to be Mistress of one , since Fortune and the Fates would give me none , I have made a World of my own : for which no body , I hope , will blame me , since it is in every ones power to do the like . THE DESCRIPTION OF A NEW WORLD , CALLED The Blazing World. A Merchant travelling into a forreign Country , fell extreamly in Love with a young Lady ; but being a stranger in that Nation , and beneath her both in Birth and Wealth , he could have but little hopes of obtaining his desire ; however his love growing more and more vehement upon him , even to the slighting of all difficulties , he resolved at last to steal her away ; which he had the better opportunity to do , because her Fathers house was not far from the Sea , and she often using to gather shells upon the shore , accompanied not with above two or three of her servants , it encouraged him the more to execute his design . Thus coming one time with a little light Vessel , not unlike a Packet-boat , mann'd with some few Sea-men , and well victualled , for fear of some accidents , which might perhaps retard their journey , to the place where she used to repair , he forced her away : But when he fancied himself the happiest man of the World , he proved to be the most unfortunate ; for Heaven frowning at his theft , raised such a Tempest , as they knew not what to do , or whither to steer their course ; so that the Vessel , both by its own lightness , and the violent motion of the Wind , was carried as swift as an Arrow out of a Bow , towards the North-pole , and in a short time reached the Icy Sea , where the wind forced it amongst huge pieces of Ice ; but being little , and light , it did by assistance and favour of the Gods to this virtuous Lady , so turn and wind through those precipices , as if it had been guided by some Experienced Pilot , and skilful Mariner : But alas ! those few men which were in it , not knowing whither they went , nor what was to be done in so strange an adventure , and not being provided for so cold a Voyage , were all frozen to death , the young Lady onely , by the light of her Beauty , the heat of her Youth , and Protection of the Gods , remaining alive : Neither was it a wonder that the men did freeze to death ; for they were not onely driven to the very end or point of the Pole of that World , but even to another Pole of another World , which joined close to it ; so that the cold having a double strength at the conjunction of those two Poles , was insupportable : At last , the Boat still passing on , was forced into another World ; for it is impossible to round this Worlds Globe from Pole to Pole , so as we do from East to West ; because the Poles of the other World , joining to the Poles of this , do not allow any further passage to surround the World that way ; but if any one arrives to either of these Poles , he is either forced to return , or to enter into another World ; and least you should scruple at it , and think , if it were thus , those that live at the Poles would either see two Suns at one time , or else they would never want the Suns light for six months together , as it is commonly believed ; You must know , that each of these Worlds having its own Sun to enlighten it , they move each one in their peculiar circles ; which motion is so just and exact , that neither can hinder or obstruct the other ; for they do not exceed their Tropicks , and although they should meet , yet we in this world cannot so well perceive them , by reason of the brightness of our Sun , which being nearer to us , obstructs the splendor of the Suns of the other Worlds , they being too far off to be discerned by our optick perception , except we use very good Telescopes , by which skilful Astronomers have often observed two or three Suns at once . But to return to the wandering Boat , and the distresed Lady , she seeing all the Men dead , found small comfort in life ; their bodies which were preserved all that while from putrefaction and stench , by the extremity of cold , began now to thaw , and corrupt ; whereupon she having not strength enough to fling them over-board , was forced to remove out of her small Cabine , upon the deck , to avoid that nauseous smell ; and finding the Boat swim between two plains of Ice , as a stream that runs betwixt two shores , at last perceived land , but covered all with snow : from which came walking upon the Ice strange Creatures , in shape like Bears , onely they went upright as men ; those Creatures coming near the Boat , catched hold of it with their Paws , that served them instead of hands ; some two or three of them entred first ; and when they came out , the rest went in one after another ; at last having viewed and observed all that was in the Boat , they spake to each other in a language which the Lady did not understand , and having carried her out of the Boat , sunk it , together with the dead men . The Lady now finding her self in so strange a place , and amongst such a wonderful kind of Creatures , was extreamly strucken with fear , and could entertain no other Thoughts , but that every moment her life was to be a sacrifice to their cruelty ; but those Bear-like Creatures , how terrible soever they appear'd to her sight , yet were they so far from exercising any cruelty upon her , that rather they shewed her all civility and kindness imaginable ; for she being not able to go upon the ice , by reason of its slipperiness , they took her up in their rough armes , and carried her into their City , where instead of houses , they had Caves under ground ; and as soon as they enter'd the City , both Males and Females , young and old , flockt together to see this Lady , holding up their paws in admiration ; at last having brought her into a certain large and spacious Cave , which they intended for her reception , they left her to the custody of the Females , who entertained her with all kindness and respect , and gave her such victuals as they were used to eat ; but seeing her constitution neither agreed with the temper of that Climate , nor their Diet , they were resolved to carry her into another Island of a warmer temper ; in which were men like Foxes , onely walking in an upright shape , who received their neighbours the Bear-men with great civility and courtship , very much admiring this beauteous Lady , and having discoursed some while together , agreed at last to make her a present to the Emperour of their world ; to which end , after she had made some short stay in the same place , they brought her cross that Island to a large River , whose stream run smooth and clear , like Chrystal ; in which were numerous Boats , much like our Fox-traps ; in one whereof she was carried , some of the Bearand Fox-men waiting on her ; and as soon as they had crossed the River , they came into an Island where there were Men which had heads , beaks , and feathers , like Wild-geese , onely they went in an upright shape , like the Bear-men and Fox-men ; their rumps they carried between their legs , their wings were of the same length with their bodies , and their tails of an indifferent size , trailing after them like a Ladies Garment ; and after the Bear - and Fox-men had declared their intention and design to their neighbours , the Geese - or Bird-men , some of them joined to the rest , and attended the Lady through that Island , till they came to another great and large River , where there was a preparation made of many Boats , much like Birds nests , onely of a bigger size ; and having crost that River , they arrived into another Island , which was of a pleasant and mild temper , full of Woods , and the inhabitants thereof were Satyrs , who received both the Bear - Fox - and Bird-men , with all respect and civility ; and after some conferences ( for they all understood each others language ) some chief of the Satyrs joining to them , accompanied the Lady out of that Island to another River , wherein were very handsome and commodious Barges ; and having crost that River , they entered into a large and spacious Kingdom , the men whereof were of a Grass-green complexion , who entertained them very kindly , and provided all conveniences for their further voyage : hitherto they had onely crost Rivers , but now they could not avoid the open Seas any longer ; wherefore they made their Ships and tacklings ready to sail over into the Island , where the Emperor of their Blazing-world ( for so it was call'd ) kept his residence ; very good Navigators they were ; and though they had no knowledg of the Load-stone , or Needle , or pendulous Watches , yet ( which was as serviceable to them ) they had subtile observations , and great practice ; in so much that they could not onely tell the depth of the Sea in every place , but where there were shelves of Sand , Rocks , and other obstructions to be avoided by skilfull and experienced Sea-men : Besides , they were excellent Augurers , which skill they counted more necessary and beneficial then the use of Compasses , Cards , Watches , and the like ; but above the rest , they had an extraordinary Art , much to be taken notice of by experimental Philosophers , and that was a certain Engine , which would draw in a great quanty of air , and shoot forth wind with a great force ; this Engine in a calm , they placed behind their ships , and in a storm , before ; for it served against the raging waves , like Canons against an hostile Army , or besieged Town , it would batter and beat the waves in pieces , were they as high as steeples ; and as soon as a breach was made , they forced their passage through , in spight even of the most furious wind , using two of those Engins at every Ship , one before , to beat off the waves , and another behind to drive it on ; so that the artificial wind had the better of the natural ; for it had a greater advantage of the waves then the natural of the ships ; the natural being above the face of the water , could not without a down-right motion enter or press into the ships ; whereas the artificial with a sideward motion did pierce into the bowels of the waves : Moreover , it is to be observed , that in a great tempest they would join their ships in battle array , and when they feared wind and waves would be too strong for them , if they divided their ships , they joined as many together as the compass or advantage of the places of the liquid Element would give them leave ; for their ships were so ingeniously contrived , that they could fasten them together as close as a honey-comb without waste of place ; and being thus united , no wind nor waves were able to separate them . The Emperors ships were all of Gold , but the Merchants and Skippers of Leather ; the Golden ships were not much heavier then ours of Wood , by reason they were neatly made , and required not such thickness , neither were they troubled with Pitch , Tar , Pumps , Guns , and the like , which make our Wooden-ships very heavy ; for though they were not all of a piece , yet they were so well sodder'd , that there was no fear of leaks , chinks , or clefts ; and as for Guns , there was no use of them , because they had no other enemies but the winds ; but the Leather ships were not altogether so sure , although much lighter ; besides , they were pitched to keep out water . Having thus prepared and order'd their Navy , they went on in despight of Calm or Storm , and though the Lady at first fancied her self in a very sad condition , and her mind was much tormented with doubts and fears , not knowing whether this strange adventure would tend to her safety or destruction ; yet she being withal of a generous spirit , and ready wit , considering what dangers she had past , and finding those sorts of men civil and diligent attendants to her , took courage , and endeavoured to learn their language ; which after she had obtained so far , that partly by some words and signs she was able to apprehend their meaning , she was so far from being afraid of them , that she thought her self not onely safe , but very happy in their company : By which we may see , that Novelty discomposes the mind , but acquaintance settles it in peace and tranquillity . At last , having passed by several rich Islands and Kingdoms , they went towards Paradise , which was the seat of the Emperor ; and coming in sight of it , rejoyced very much ; the Lady at first could perceive nothing but high Rocks , which seemed to touch the Skies ; and although they appear'd not of an equal heigth , yet they seemed to be all one piece , without partitions ; but at last drawing nearer , she perceived a clift , which was a part of those Rocks , out of which she spied coming forth a great number of Boats , which afar off shewed like a company of Ants , marching one after another ; the Boats appeared like the holes or partitions in a Honey-comb , and when joined together , stood as close ; the men were of several complexions , but none like any of our World ; and when both the Boats and Ships met , they saluted and spake to each other very courteously ; for there was but one language in all that world , nor no more but one Emperor , to whom they all submitted with the greatest duty and obedience , which made them live in a continued peace and happiness , not acquainted with other forreign wars , or home-bred insurrections . The Lady now being arrived at this place , was carried out of her Ship into one of those Boats , and conveighed through the same passage ( for there was no other ) into that part of the world where the Emperor did reside ; which part was very pleasant , and of a mild temper : within it self it was divided by a great number of vast and large Rivers , all ebbing and flowing , into several Islands of unequal distance from each other , which in most parts were as pleasant , healthful , rich , and fruitful , as Nature could make them ; and , as I mentioned before , secure from all forreign invasions , by reason there was but one way to enter , and that like a Labyrinth , so winding and turning among the rocks , that no other Vessels but small Boats , could pass , carrying not above three passengers at a time : On each side all along this narrow and winding River , there were several Cities , some of Marble , some of Alabaster , some of Agat , some of Amber , some of Coral , and some of other precious materials not known in our world ; all which after the Lady had passed , she came to the Imperial City , named Paradise , which appeared in form like several Islands ; for Rivers did run betwixt every street , which together with the Bridges , whereof there was a great number , were all paved ; the City it self was built of Gold , and their Architectures were noble , stately , and magnificent , not like our Modern , but like those in the Romans time ; for our Modern Buildings are like those houses which Children use to make of Cards , one story above another , fitter for Birds , then Men ; but theirs were more large , and broad , then high ; the highest of them did not exceed two stories , besides those rooms that were under-ground , as Cellars , and other offices . The Emperors Palace stood upon an indifferent ascent from the Imperial City ; at the top of which ascent was a broad Arch , supported by several Pillars , which went round the Palace , and contained four of our English miles in compass : upon the top of the Arch stood the Emperors Guard , which consisted of several sorts of men ; at every half mile was a Gate to enter , and every Gate was of a different fashion ; the first , which allowed a passage from the Imperial City into the Palace , had on either hand a Cloyster , the outward part whereof stood upon Arches sustained by Pillars , but the inner part was close : Being entred through the Gate , the Palace it self appear'd in its middle like the Isle of a Church , a mile and a half long , and half a mile broad ; the roof of it was all arched , and rested upon Pillars , so artificially placed , that a stranger would lose himself therein without a Guide ; at the extream sides , that is , between the outward and inward part of the Cloyster , were Lodgings for Attendants , and in the midst of the Palace , the Emperors own rooms ; whose lights were placed at the top of every one , because of the heat of the Sun : the Emperors appartement for State was no more inclosed then the rest ; onely an Imperial Throne was in every appartement , of which the several adornments could not be perceived until one enter'd , because the Pillars were so just opposite to one another , that all the adornments could not be seen at once . The first part of the Palace was , as the Imperial City , all of Gold , and when it came to the Emperors appartement , it was so rich with Diamonds , Pearls , Rubies , and the like precious stones , that it surpasses my skill to enumerate them all . Amongst the rest , the Imperial Room of State appear'd most magnificent ; it was paved with green Diamonds ( for in that World are Diamonds of all colours ) so artificially , as it seemed but of one piece ; the Pillars were set with Diamonds so close , and in such a manner , that they appear'd most Glorious to the sight ; between every Pillar was a bow or arch of a certain sort of Diamonds , the like whereof our World does not afford ; which being placed in every one of the arches in several rows , seemed just like so many Rainbows of several different colours . The roof of the Arches was of blew Diamonds , and in the midst thereof was a Carbuncle , which represented the Sun ; the rising and setting Sun at the East and West side of the room were made of Rubies . Out of this room there was a passage into the Emperors Bed-chamber , the walls whereof were of Jet , and the floor of black Marble ; the roof was of mother of Pearl , where the Moon and Blazing-stars were represented by white Diamonds , and his Bed was made of Diamonds and Carbuncles . No sooner was the Lady brought before the Emperor , but he conceived her to be some Goddess , and offered to worship her ; which she refused , telling him , ( for by that time she had pretty well learned their language ) that although she came out of another world , yet was she but a mortal ; at which the Emperor rejoycing , made her his Wife , and gave her an absolute power to rule and govern all that World as she pleased . But her subjects , who could hardly be perswaded to believe her mortal , tender'd her all the veneration and worship due to a Deity . Her accoustrement after she was made Empress , was as followeth : On her head she wore a Cap of Pearl , and a Half-moon of Diamonds just before it ; on the top of her Crown came spreading over a broad Carbuncle , cut in the form of the Sun ; her Coat was of Pearl , mixt with blew Diamonds , and fringed with red ones ; her Buskins and Sandals were of green Diamonds : In her left hand she held a Buckler , to signifie the Defence of her Dominions ; which Buckler was made of that sort of Diamond as has several different Colours ; and being cut and made in the form of an arch , shewed like a Rain-bow ; In her right hand she carried a Spear made of a white Diamond , cut like the tail of a Blazing-star , which signified that she was ready to assault those that proved her Enemies . None was allowed to use or wear Gold but those of the Imperial race , which were the onely Nobles of the State ; nor durst any one wear Jewels but the Emperor , the Empress , and their Eldest Son ; notwithstanding that they had an infinite quantity both of Gold and precious Stones in that World ; for they had larger extents of Gold , then our Arabian Sands ; their pretious Stones were Rocks , and their Diamonds of several Colours ; they used no coyn , but all their Traffick was by exchange of several Commodities . Their Priests and Governours were Princes of the Imperial Blood , and made Eunuches for that purpose ; and as for the ordinary sort of men in that part of the World where the Emperor resided , they were of several Complexions ; not white , black , tawny , oliveor ash-coloured ; but some appear'd of an Azure , some of a deep Purple , some of a Grass-green , some of a Scarlet , some of an Orange-colour , &c. Which Colours and Complexions , whether they were made by the bare reflection of light , without the assistance of small particles , or by the help of well-ranged and order'd Atomes ; or by a continual agitation of little Globules ; or by some pressing and reacting motion , I am not able to determine . The rest of the Inhabitants of that World , were men of several different sorts , shapes , figures , dispositions , and humors , as I have already made mention heretofore ; some were Bear-men , some Worm-men , some Fish - or Mear-men , otherwise called Syrenes ; some Bird-men , some Fly-men , some Ant-men , some Geese-men , some Spider-men , some Lice-men , some Fox-men , some Ape-men , some Jack-daw-men , some Magpie-men , some Parrot-men , some Satyrs , some Gyants , and many more , which I cannot all remember ; and of these several sorts of men , each followed such a profession as was most proper for the nature of their species , which the Empress encouraged them in , especially those that had applied themselves to the study of several Arts and Sciences ; for they were as ingenious and witty in the invention of profitable and useful Arts , as we are in our world , nay , more ; and to that end she erected Schools , and founded several Societies . The Bear-men were to be her Experimental Philosophers , the Bird-men her Astronomers , the FlyWorm-and Fish-men her Natural Philosophers , the Ape-men her Chymists , the Satyrs her Galenick Physicians , the Fox-men her Polititians , the Spider - and Lice-men her Mathematicians , the Jackdaw-Magpieand Parrot-men her Orators and Logicians , the Gyants her Architects , &c. But before all things , she having got a soveraign power from the Emperor over all the World , desired to be informed both of the manner of their Religion and Government , and to that end she called the Priests and States-men , to give her an account of either . Of the States-men she enquired , first , Why they had so few Laws ? To which they answered , That many Laws made many Divisions , which most commonly did breed factions , and at last brake out into open wars . Next , she asked , Why they preferred the Monarchical form of Government before any other ? They answered , That as it was natural for one body to have but one head , so it was also natural for a Politick body to have but one Governor ; and that a Common-wealth , which had many Governors was like a Monster of many heads : besides , said they , a Monarchy is a divine form of Government , and agrees most with our Religion ; for as there is but one God , whom we all unanimously worship and adore with one Faith , so we are resolved to have but one Emperor , to whom we all submit with one obedience . Then the Empress seeing that the several sorts of her Subjects had each their Churches apart , asked the Priests whether they were of several Religions ? They answered her Majesty , That there was no more but one Religion in all that World , nor no diversity of opinions in that same Religion ; for though there were several sorts of men , yet had they all but one opinion concerning the Worship and Adoration of God. The Empress asked them , Whether they were Jews , Turks , or Christians ? We do not know , said they , what Religions those are ; but we do all unanimously acknowledg , worship and adore the Onely , Omnipotent , and Eternal God , with all reverence , submission , and duty . Again , the Empress enquired , Whether they had several Forms of Worship ? They answered , No : For our Devotion and Worship consists onely in Prayers , which we frame according to our several necessities , in Petitions , Humiliations , Thanksgiving , & c , Truly , replied the Empress , I thought you had been either Jews , or Turks , because I never perceived any Women in your Congregations ; But what is the reason , you bar them from your religious Assemblies ? It is not fit , said they , that Men and Women should be promiscuously together in time of Religious Worship ; for their company hinders Devotion , and makes many , instead of praying to God , direct their devotion to their Mistresses . But , asked the Empress , Have they no Congregation of their own , to perform the duties of Divine Worship , as well as Men ? No , answered they : but they stay at home , and say their Prayers by themselves in their Closets . Then the Empress desir'd to know the reason why the Priests and Governors of their World were made Eunuchs ? They answer'd , To keep them from Marriage : For Women and Children most commonly make disturbance both in Church and State. But , said she , Women and Children have no employment in Church or State. 'T is true , answer'd they ; but although they are not admitted to publick employments , yet are they so prevalent with their Husbands and Parents , that many times by their importunate perswasions , they cause as much , nay , more mischief secretly , then if they had the management of publick affairs . The Empress having received an information of what concerned both Church and State , passed some time in viewing the Imperial Palace , where she admired much the skil and ingenuity of the Architects , and enquired of them , first , why they built their Houses no higher then two stories from the Ground ? They answered her Majesty , That the lower their buildings were , the less were they subject either to the heat of the Sun , to Wind , Tempest , Decay , &c. Then she desired to know the reason , why they made them so thick ? They answered , That the thicker the Walls were , the warmer were they in Winter , and cooler in Summer , for their thickness kept out both cold and heat . Lastly , she asked , why they arched their roofs , and made so many Pillars ? They replied , That Arches and Pillars , did not onely grace a building very much , and caused it to appear Magnificent , but made it also firm and lasting . The Empress was very well satisfied with their answers ; and after some time , when she thought that her new founded societies of the Vertuoso's had made a good progress in their several employments , which she had put them upon , she caused a Convocation first of the Bird-men , and commanded them to give her a true relation of the two Celestial bodies , viz. the Sun and Moon , which they did with all the obedience and faithfulness befitting their duty . The Sun , as much as they could observe , they related to be a firm or solid Stone , of a vast bigness , of colour yellowish , and of an extraordinary splendor ; but the Moon , they said , was of a whitish colour ; and although she looked dim in the presence of the Sun , yet had she her own light , and was a shining body of her felf , as might be perceived by her vigorous appearance in Moon-shiny nights ; the difference onely betwixt her own and the Suns light was , that the Sun did strike his beams in a direct line ; but the Moon never respected the Centre of their World in a right line , but her Centre was always excentrical . The spots both in the Sun and Moon , as far as they were able to perceive , they affirmed to be nothing else but flaws and stains of their stony bodies . Concerning the heat of the Sun , they were not of one opinion ; some would have the Sun hot in it self , alledging an old Tradition , that it should at some time break asunder , and burn the Heavens , and consume this world into hot embers , which , said they , could not be done , if the Sun were not fiery of it self . Others again said , This opinion could not stand with reason ; for Fire being a destroyer of all things , the Sun-stone after this manner would burn up all the near adjoining bodies : besides , said they , Fire cannot subsist withoutfuel ; and the Sun-stone having nothing to feed on , would in a short time consume it self ; wherefore they thought it more probable that the Sun was not actually hot , but onely by the reflection of its light ; so that its heat was an effect of its light , both being immaterial : But this opinion again was laught at by others , and rejected as ridiculous , who thought it impossible that one immaterial should produce another ; and believed that both the light and heat of the Sun proceeded from a swift Circular motion of the aethereal Globules , which by their striking upon the optick nerve , caused light , and their motion produced heat : But neither would this opinion hold ; for , said some , then it would follow , that the sight of Animals is the cause of light , and that , were there no eyes , there would be no light ; which was against all sense and reason . Thus they argued concerning the heat and light of the Sun ; but which is remarkable , none did say , that the Sun was a globous fluid body , and had a swift circular motion ; but all agreed it was fixt and firm like a centre , and therefore they generally called it the Sun-stone . Then the Emperess asked them the reason , Why the Sun and Moon did often appear in different postures or shapes , as sometimes magnified , sometimes diminished , sometimes elevated , otherwhiles depressed , now thrown to the right , and then to the left ? To which some of the Bird-men answered , That it proceeded from the various degrees of heat and cold , which are found in the air , from whence did follow a differing density and rarity ; and likewise from the vapours that are interposed , whereof those that ascend are higher and less dense then the ambient air , but those which descend are heavier , and more dense . But others did with more probability affirm , that it was nothing else but the various patterns of the Air ; for like as Painters do not copy out one and the same original just alike at all times , so , said they , do several parts of the Air make different patterns of the luminous bodies of the Sun and Moon , which patterns , as several copies , the sensitive motions do figure out in the substance of our eyes . This answer the Emperess liked much better then the former , and enquired further , what opinion they had of those Creatures that are called the motes of the Sun ? To which they answered , That they were nothing else but streams of very small , rare and transparent particles , through which the Sun was represented as through a glass ; for if they were not transparent , said they , they would eclipse the light of the Sun ; and if not rare and of an airy substance , they would hinder Flies from flying in the air , at least retard their flying motion : Nevertheless , although they were thinner then the thinnest vapour , yet were they not so thin as the body of air , or else they would not be perceptible by animal sight . Then the Emperess asked , Whether they were living Creatures ? They answered , Yes : Because they did encrease and decrease , and were nourished by the presence , and starved by the absence of the Sun. Having thus finished their discourse of the Sun and Moon , the Emperess desired to know what Stars there were besides ? But they answer'd , that they could perceive in that World none other but Blazing-stars , and from thence it had the name that it was called the Blazing-world ; and these Blazing-stars , said they , were such solid , firm and shining bodies as the Sun and Moon , not of a Globular , but of several sorts of figures , some had tails , and some other kinds of shapes . After this , The Emperess asked them , What kind of substance or creature the Air was ? The Bird-men answered , That they could have no other perception of the air , but by their own respiration : For , said they , some bodies are onely subject to touch , others onely to sight , and others onely to smell ; but some are subject to none of our exterior senses : For Nature is so full of variety , that our weak senses cannot perceive all the various sorts of her Creatures ; neither is there any one object perceptible by all our senses , no more then several objects are by one sense . I believe you , replied the Empress ; but if you can give no account of the Air , said she , you will hardly be able to inform me how Wind is made ; for they say that Wind is nothing but motion of the Air. The Bird-men answer'd , That they observed Wind to be more dense then Air , and therefore subject to the sense of Touch ; but what properly Wind was , and the manner how it was made , they could not exactly tell ; some said , it was caused by the Clouds falling on each other , and others , that it was produced of a hot and dry exhalation , which ascending , was driven down again by the coldness of the air that is in the middle Region , and by reason of its lightness , could not go directly to the bottom , but was carried by the Air up and down : Some would have it a flowing water of the Air ; and others again a flowing Air moved by the blas of the Stars . But the Emperess seeing they could not agree concerning the cause of Wind , asked , whether they could tell how Snow was made ? To which they answered , That according to their observation , Snow was made by a commixture of Water , and some certain extract of the element of Fire that is under the Moon ; a small portion of which extract being mixed with Water , and beaten by Air or Wind , made a white froth called Snow , which being after some while dissolved by the heat of the same spirit , turned to Water again . This observation amazed the Emperess very much ; for she had hitherto believed , That Snow was made by cold motions , and not by such an agitation or beating of a fiery extract upon water : Nor could she be perswaded to believe it until the Fish-or Mear-men had delivered their observation upon the making of Ice , which , they said , was not produced , as some had hitherto conceived , by the motion of the Air , raking the Superficies of the Earth , but by some strong saline vapour arising out of the Seas , which condensed Water into Ice ; and the more quantity there was of that vapour , the greater were the Mountains or Precipices of Ice ; but the reason that it did not so much freeze in the Torrid Zone , or under the Ecliptick , as near or under the Poles , was , that this vapour in those places being drawn up by the Sun-beams into the middle Region of the Air , was onely condensed into water , and fell down in showres of rain ; when as , under the Poles , the heat of the Sun being not so vehement , the same vapour had no force or power to rise so high , and therefore caused so much Ice , by ascending and acting onely upon the surface of water . This Relation confirmed partly the observation of the Bird-men concerning the cause of Snow ; but since they had made mention that that same extract , which by its commixture with Water made Snow , proceeded from the Element of Fire , that is under the Moon ; The Emperess asked them of what nature that Elementary Fire was ; whether it was like ordinary fire here upon Earth , or such a fire as is within the bowels of the Earth , and as the famous mountains Vesuvius and AEtna do burn withal , or whether it was such a sort of fire as is found in flints , &c. They answered , That the Elementary Fire , which is underneath the Sun , was not so solid as any of those mentioned fires ; because it had no solid fuel to feed on ; but yet it was much like the flame of ordinary fire , onely somewhat more thin and fluid ; for flame , said they , is nothing else but the airy part of a fired body . Lastly , the Emperess asked the Bird-men of the nature of Thunder and Lightning ? and whether it was not caused by roves of Ice falling upon each other ? To which they answered , That it was not made that way , but by an encounter of cold and heat ; so that an exhalation being kindled in the Clouds , did dash forth Lightning , and that there were so many rentings of Clouds as there were founds and Cracking noises : But this opinion was contradicted by others , who affirmed that Thunder was a sudden and monstrous blas , stirred up in the Air , and did not always require a Cloud ; but the Emperess not knowing what they meant by blas ( for even they themselves were not able to explain the sense of this word ) liked the former better ; and to avoid hereafter tedious disputes , and have the truth of the Phaenomena's of Celestial bodies more exactly known , commanded the Bear-men ; and will never lead you to the knowledg of Truth ; Wherefore I command you again to break them ; for you may observe the progressive motions of Celestial bodies with your natural eyes better then through Artificial Glasses . The Bear-men being exceedingly troubled at her Majesties displeasure concerning their Telescopes , kneel'd down , and in the humblest manner petitioned that they might not be broken ; for , said they , we take more delight in Artificial delusions , then in natural truths . Besides , we shall want imployments for our senses , and subjects for arguments ; for were there nothing but truth , and no falshood , there would be no occasion for to dispute , and by this means we should want the aim and pleasure of our endeavours in consuting and contradicting each other ; neither would one man be thought wiser then another , but all would either be alike knowing and wise , or all would be fools ; wherefore we most humbly beseech your Imperial Majesty to spare our Glasses , which are our onely delight , and as dear to us as our lives . The Emperess at last consented to their request , but upon condition , that their disputes and quarrels should remain within their Schools , and cause no factions or disturbances in State , or Government . The Bear-men , full of joy , returned their most humble thanks to the Emperess ; and to make her amends for the displeasure which their Telescopes had occasioned , told her Majesty , that they had several other artificial Optick-glasses , which they were sure would give her Majesty a great deal more satisfaction . Amongst the rest they brought forth several Microscopes , by the means of which they could enlarge the shapes of little bodies , and make a Lowse appear as big as an Elephant , and a Mite as big as a Whale . First of all they shewed the Emperess a gray Drone-flye , wherein they observed that the greatest part of her face , nay , of her head , consisted of two large bunches all cover'd over with a multitude of small Pearls or Hemispheres in a Trigonal order , which Pearls were of two degrees , smaller and bigger ; the smaller degree was lowermost , and looked towards the ground ; the other was upward , and looked sideward , forward and and backward : They were all so smooth and polished , that they were able to represent the image of any object , the number of them was in all 14000. After the view of this strange and miraculous Creature , and their several observations upon it , the Emperess asked them what they judged those little Hemispheres might be ? They answered , That each of them was a perfect eye , by reason they perceived that each was covered with a Transparent Cornea , containing a liquor within them , which resembled the watery or glassie humor of the Eye . To which the Emperess replied , That they might be glassie Pearls , and yet not eyes , and that perhaps their Microscopes did not truly inform them : But they smilingly answered her Majesty , That she did not know the vertue of those Microscopes ; for they did never delude , but rectifie and inform their senses ; nay , the World , said they , would be but blind without them , as it has been in former ages before those Microscopes were invented . After this , they took a Charcoal , and viewing it with one of their best Microscopes , discovered in it an infinite multitude of pores , some bigger , some less ; so close and thick , that they left but very little space betwixt them to be filled with a solid body ; and to give her Imperial Majesty a better assurance thereof , they counted in a line of them an inch long , no less then 2700 pores ; from which observation they drew this following conclusion , to wit , that this multitude of pores was the cause of the blackness of the Coal ; for , said they , a body that has so many pores , from each of which no light is reflected , must necessarily look black , since black is nothing else but a privation of light , or a want of reflection . But the Emperess replied , That if all colours were made by reflection of light , and that black was as much a colour as any other colour ; then certainly they contradicted themselves in saying , that black was made by want of reflection . However , not to interrupt your Microscopical inspections , said she , let us see how Vegetables appear through your Glasses ; whereupon they took a Nettle , and by the vertue of the Microscope , discovered that underneath the points of the Nettle there were certain little bags or bladders , containing a poysonous liquor , and when the points had made way into the interior parts of the skin , they like Syringe-pipes served to conveigh that same liquor into them . To which observation the Emperess replied , That if there were such poyson in Nettles , then certainly in eating of them , they would hurt us inwardly , as much as they do outwardly ? But they answered , That it belonged to Physicians more then to Experimental Philosophers , to give reasons hereof ; for they onely made Microscopial inspections , and related the figures of the natural parts of Creatures according to the presentation of their glasses . Lastly , They shewed the Emperess a Flea , and a Lowse ; which Creatures through the Microscope appear'd so terrible to her sight , that they had almost put her into a swoon ; the description of all their parts would be very tedious to relate , and therefore I 'le forbear it at this present . The Emperess after the view of those strangely-shaped Creatures , pitied much those that are molested with them , especially poor Beggars , which although they have nothing to live on themselves , are yet necessitated to maintain and feed of their own flesh and blood , a company of such terrible Creatures called Lice , who instead of thanks , do reward them with pains , and torment them for giving them nourishment and food . But after the Emperess had seen the shapes of these monstrous Creatures , she desir'd to know whether their Microscopes could hinder their biting , or at least shew some means how to avoid them ? To which they answered , That such Arts were mechanical and below that noble study of Microscopical observations . Then the Emperess asked them whether they had not such sorts of Glasses that could enlarge and magnifie the shapes of great bodies , as well as they had done of little ones ? Whereupon they took one of their best and largest Microscopes , and endeavoured to view a Whale thorow it ; but alas ! the shape of the Whale was so big , that its circumference went beyond the magnifying quality of the Glass ; whether the error proceeded from the Glass , or from a wrong position of the Whale against the reflection of light , I cannot certainly tell . The Emperess seeing the insufficiency of those Magnifying-glasses , that they were not able to enlarge all sorts of objects , asked the Bear-men whether they could not make glasses of a contrary nature to those they had shewed her , to wit , such as instead of enlarging or magnifying the shape or figure of an object , could contract it beneath its natural proportion : Which , in obedience to her Majesties Commands , they did ; and viewing through one of the best of them , a huge and mighty Whale appear'd no bigger then a Sprat ; nay , through some no bigger then a Vinegar-Eele ; and through their ordinary ones , an Elephant seemed no bigger then a Flea ; a Camel no bigger then a Lowse ; and an Ostrich no bigger then a Mite . To relate all their optick observations through the several sorts of their Glasses , would be a tedious work , and tire even the most patient Reader , wherefore I 'le pass them by ; onely this was very remarkable and worthy to be taken notice of , that notwithstanding their great skil , industry and ingenuity in Experimental Philosophy , they could yet by no means contrive such Glasses , by the help of which they could spy out a Vacuum , with all its dimensions , nor Immaterial substances , Non-beings , and Mixt-beings , or such as are between something and nothing ; which they were very much troubled at , hoping that yet , in time , by long study and practice , they might perhaps attain to it . The Bird-and Bear-men being dismissed , the Emperess called both the Syrenes , or Fish-men , and the Worm-men , to deliver their observations which they had made , both within the Seas , and the Earth . First she enquired of the Fish-men whence the saltness of the Sea did proceed ? To which they answered , That there was a volatile salt in those parts of the Earth , which as a bosom contain the Waters of the Sea , which salt being imbibed by the Sea , became fixt ; and this imbibing motion was that they call'd the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea ; for , said they , the rising and swelling of the water , is caused by those parts of the volatile salt as are not so easily imbibed , which striving to ascend above the water , bear it up with such a motion , as Man , or some other animal Creature , in a violent certainly those may be said to be of such a mixt nature , that is , partly flesh , and partly fish : But how is it possible , replied the Emperess , that they should live both in Water , and on the Earth , since those Animals that live by the respiration of air , cannot live within Water , and those that live in Water , cannot live by the respiration of Air , as experience doth sufficiently witness . They answered her Majesty , That as there were different sorts of Creatures , so they had also different ways of respirations ; for respiration , said they , was nothing else but a composition and division of parts , and the motions of nature being infinitely various , it was impossible that all Creatures should have the like motions ; wherefore it was not necessary , that all animal Creatures should be bound to live either by the air , or by water onely , but according as Nature had ordered it convenient to their species . The Emperess seem'd very well satisfied with their answer , and desired to be further informed , Whether all animal Creatures did continue their species by a successive propagation of particulars , and whether in every species the off-spring did always resemble their Generator or Producer , both in their interior and exterior figures ? They answered her Majesty , That some species or sorts of Creatures , were kept up by a successive propagation of an off-spring that was like the producer , but some were not ; of the first rank , said they , are all those animals that are of different sexes , besides several others ; but of the second rank are for the most part those we call insects , whose production proceds from such causes as have no conformity or likeness with their produced effects ; as for example , Maggots bred out of Cheese , and several others generated out of Earth , Water , and the like . But said the Emperess , there is some likeness between Maggots and Cheese , for Cheese has no blood , and so neither have Maggots ; besides , they have almost the same taste which Cheese has . This proves nothing , answered they ; for Maggots have a visible , local , progressive motion , which Cheese hath not . The Emperess replied , That when all the Cheese was turned into Maggots , it might be said to have local , progressive motion . They answered , That when the Cheese by its own figurative motions was changed into Maggots , it was no more Cheese . The Emperess confessed that she observed Nature was infinitely various in her works , and that though the species of Creatures did continue , yet their particulars were subject to infinite changes . But since you have informed me , said she , of the various sorts and productions of animal Creatures , I desire you to tell me what you have observed of their sensitive perceptions ? Truly , answered they , Your Majesty puts a very hard question to us , and we shall hardly be able to give a satisfactory answer to it ; for there are many different sorts of Creatures , which as they have all different perceptions , so they have also different organs , which our senses are not able to discover , onely in an Oyster-shell we have with admiration observed , that the common sensorium of the Oyster lies just at the closing of the shells , where the pressure and reaction may be perceived by the opening and shutting of the shells every tide . After all this , the Emperess desired the Worm-men to give her a true Relation how frost was made upon the Earth ? To which they answered , That it was made much after the manner and description of the Fish - and Bird-men , concerning the Congelation of Water into Ice and Snow , by a commixture of saline and acid particles ; which relation added a great light to the Ape-men , who were the Chymists , concerning their Chymical principles , Salt , Sulphur and Mercury . But , said the Emperess , if it be so , it will require an infinite multitude of saline particles to produce such a great quantity of Ice , Frost and Snow : besides , said she , when Snow , Ice and Frost , turn again into their former principle , I would fain know what becomes of those saline particles ? But neither the Wor-men , nor the Fish-and Bird-men , could give her an answer to it . Then the Emperess enquired of them the reason , Why Springs were not as salt as the Sea is ? also , why Springs did ebb and flow ? To which some answered , That the ebbing and flowing of some Springs was caused by hollow Caverns within the Earth , where the Sea-water crowding thorow , did thrust forward , and draw back-ward the Spring-water , according to its own way of ebbing and flowing ; but others said , That it proceeded from a small proportion of saline and acid particles , which the Spring-water imbibed from the Earth ; and although it was not so much as to be perceived by the sense of Taste , yet was it enough to cause an ebbing and flowing motion . And as for the Spring-water being fresh , they gave , according to their observation , this following reason : There is , said they , a certain heat within the bowels of the Earth , proceeding from its swift circular motion upon its own axe , which heat distills the rarest parts of the Earth into a fresh and insipid water , which water being through the pores of the Earth , conveighed into a place where it may break forth without resistance or obstruction , causes Springs and Fountains ; and these distilled waters within the Earth do nourish and refresh the grosser and dryer parts thereof . This Relation confirmed the Emperess in the opinion concerning the motion of the Earth , and the fixedness of the Sun , as the Bird-men had informed her ; and then she asked the Worm-men , whether Minerals and Vegetables were generated by the same heat that is within the bowels of the Earth ? To which they could give her no positive answer ; onely , this they affirmed , That heat and cold were not the primary producing causes of either Vegetables or Minerals , or other sorts of Creatures , but onely effects ; and to prove this our assertion , said they , we have observed , that by change of some sorts of corporeal motions , that which is now hot , will become cold ; and what is now cold , will grow hot ; but the hottest place of all , we find to be the Center of the Earth : Neither do we observe , that the torrid Zone does contain so much Gold and Silver as the Temperate ; nor is there great store of Iron and Lead wheresoever there is Gold ; for these metals are most found in colder climates towards either of the Poles . This observation , the Emperess commanded them to confer with her Chymists , the Ape-men , to let them know that Gold was not produced by a violent , but a temperate degree of heat . She asked further , Whether Gold could not be made by Art ? They answered , That they could not certainly tell her Majesty , but if it was possible to be done , they thought Tin , Lead , Brass , Iron and Silver , to be the fittest metals for such an Artificial transmutation . Then she asked them , Whether Art could produce Iron , Tin , Lead , or Silver ? They answered , not , in their opinion . Then I perceive , replied the Emperess , that your judgments are very irregular , since you believe that Gold , which is so fixt a metal , that nothing has been found as yet which could occasion a dissolution of its interior figure , may be made by Art , and not Tin , Lead , Iron , Copper or Silver , which yet are so far weaker , and meaner metals then Gold is . But the Worm-men excused themselves , that they were ignorant in that Art , and that such questions belonged more properly to the Ape-men , which were Her Majesties Chymists . Then the Emperess asked them , Whether by their sensitive perceptions they could observe the interior corporeal , figurative motions both of Vegetables and Minerals ? They answer'd , That their senses could perceive them after they were produced , but not before ; Nevertheless , said they , although the interior , figurative motions of natural Creatures are not subject to the exterior , animal , sensitive perceptions , yet by their rational perception they may judg of them , and of their productions if they be regular : Whereupon the Emperess commanded the Bear-men to lend them some of their best Microscopes ; at which the Bear-men smilingly answered her Majesty , that their Glasses would do them but little service in the bowels of the Earth , because there was no light ; for , said they , our Glasses do onely represent exterior objects , according to the various reflections and positions of light ; and wheresoever light is wanting , the glasses wil do no good . To which the Worm-men replied , that although they could not say much of refractions , reflections , inflections , and the like ; yet were they not blind , even in the bowels of the Earth ; for they could see the several sorts of Minerals , as also minute Animals , that lived there , which minute animal Creatures were not blind neither , but had some kind of sensitive perception that was as serviceable to them , as sight , taste , smell , touch , hearing , & c. was to other animal Creatures : By which it is evident , That Nature has been as bountiful to those Creatures that live under ground , or in the bowels of the Earth , as to those that live upon the surface of the Earth , or in the Air , or in Water . But howsoever , proceeded the Worm-men , although there is light in the bowels of the Earth , yet your Microscopes will do but little good there , by reason those Creatures that live under ground have not such an optick sense as those that live on the surface of the Earth : wherefore , unless you had such glasses as are proper for their perception , your Microscopes will not be any ways advantagious to them . The Emperess seem'd well pleased with this answer of the Worm-men ; and asked them further , whether Minerals and all other Creatures within the Earth , were colourless ? At which question they could not forbear laughing ; and when the Emperess asked the reason why they laught ; We most humbly beg your Majesties pardon , replied they ; for we could not chuse but laugh , when we heard of a colourless body . Why , said the Emperess , colour is onely an accident , which is an immaterial thing , and has no being of it self , but in an other body . Those , replied they , that informed your Majesty thus , surely their rational motions were very irregular ; For how is it possible , that a natural nothing can have a being in Nature ? If it be no substance , it cannot have a being , and if no being , it is nothing ; Wherefore the distinction between subsisting of it self , and subsisting in another body , is a meer nicety , and non-sense ; for there is nothing in Nature that can subsist of , or by it self , ( I mean singly ) by reason all parts of Nature are composed in one body , and though they may be infinitely divided , commixed and changed in their particulars , yet in general , parts cannot be separated from parts as long as Nature lasts ; nay , we might as probably affirm , that Infinite Nature would be as soon destroyed , as that one Atome could perish ; and therefore your Majesty may firmly believe , that there is no body without colour , nor no colour without body ; for colour , figure , place , magnitude and body , are all but one thing , without any separation or abstraction from each other . The Emperess was so wonderfully taken with this discourse of the Worm-men , that she not onely pardoned the rudeness they committed in laughing at first at her question , but yielded a full assent to their opinion , which she thought the most rational that ever she had heard yet ; and then proceeding in her questions , enquired further , whether they had observed any seminal principles within the Earth free from all dimensions and qualities , which produced Vegetables , Minerals , and the like ? To which they answered , That concerning the seeds of Minerals , their sensitive perceptions had never observed any ; but Vegetables had certain seeds out of which they were produced . Then she asked , whether those seeds of Vegetables lost their species ; that is , were annihilated in the production of their off-spring ? To which they answered , That by an annihilation , nothing could be produced , and that the seeds of Vegetables were so far from being annihilated in their productions , that they did rather numerously increase and multiply ; for the division of one seed , said they , does produce numbers of seeds out of it self . But replied the Empress , A particular part cannot increase of it self . 'T is true , answer'd they : but they increase not barely of themselves , but by joining and commixing with other parts , which do assist them in their productions , and by way of imitation form or figure their own parts into such or such particulars . Then , I pray inform me , said the Emperess , what disguise those seeds put on , and how they do conceal themselves in their transmutations ? They answered , That seeds did no ways disguise or conceal , but rather divulge themselves in the multiplication of their off-spring ; onely they did hide and conceal themselves from their sensitive perceptions so , that their figurative and productive motions were not perceptible by animal Creatures . Again , the Emperess asked them , whether there were any Non-beings within the Earth ? To which they answered , That they never heard of any such thing ; and that , if her Majesty would know the truth thereof , she must ask those Creatures that are called Immaterial Spirits , which had a great affinity with Non-beings , and perhaps could give her a satisfactory answer to this question . Then she desired to be informed , what opinion they had of the beginning of forms ? They told her Majesty , That they did not understand what she meant by this expression ; For , said they , there is no beginning in Nature , no not of Particulars , by reason Nature is Eternal and Infinite , and her particulars are subject to infinite changes and transmutations by vertue of their own corporeal , figurative self-motions ; so that there 's nothing new in Nature , nor properly a beginning of any thing . The Emperess seem'd well satisfied with all those answers , and inquired further , whether there was no Art used by those Creatures that live within the Earth ? Yes , answered they : for the several parts of the Earth do join and assist each other in composition or framing of such or such particulars ; and many times , there are factions and divisions , which cause productions of mixt species's ; as for example , weeds , instead of sweet flowers and useful fruits ; but Gardeners and Husbandmen use often to decide their quarrels , and cause them to agree ; which though it shews a kindness to the differing parties , yet 't is a great prejudice to the Worms , and other animal Creatures that live under ground ; for it most commonly causes their dissolution and ruine , at best they are driven out of their habitations . What , said the Emperess , are not Worms produced out of the Earth ? Their production in general , answered they , is like the production of all other natural Creatures , proceeding from the corporeal figurative motions of Nature ; but as for their particular productions , they are according to the nature of their species ; some are produced out of flowers , some out of roots , some out of fruits , some out of ordinary Earth . Then they are very ungrateful Children , replied the Emperess , that they feed on their own Parents which gave them life . Their life , answered they , is their own , and not their Parents ; for no part or creature of Nature can either give or take away life , but parts do onely assist and join with parts , either in the dissolution or production of other parts and Creatures . After this , and several other Conferences , which the Emperess held with the Worm-men , she dismissed them ; and having taken much satisfaction in several of their answers , encouraged them in their studies and observations . Then she made a convocation of her Chymists , the Ape-men , and commanded them to give her an account of the several Transmutations which their Art was able to produce . They begun first with a long and tedious discourse concerning the Primitive Ingredients of Natural bodies , and how , by their Art , they had found out the principles out of which they consist . But they did not all agree in their opinions ; for some said , That the Principles of all natural bodies were the four Elements , Fire , Air , Water , Earth , out of which they were composed : Others rejected this Elementary commixture , and said , There were many bodies out of which none of the four Elements could be extracted by any degree of Fire whatsoever ; and that , on the other side , there were divers bodies , whose resolution by fire reduced them into more then four different ingredients ; and these affirmed , that the onely principles of natural bodies were Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury : Others again declared , That none of the forementioned could be called the True principles of natural bodies , but that by their industry and pains which they had taken in the Art of Chymistry , they had discovered , that all natural bodies were produced but from one Principle , which was Water ; for all Vegetables , Minerals and Animals , said they , are nothing else , but simple water distinguished into various figures by the vertue of their seeds . But after a great many debates and contentions about this subject , the Emperess being so much tired that she was not able to hear them any longer , imposed a general silence upon them , and then declared her self in this following discourse : I am too sensible of the pains you have taken in the Art of Chymistry , to discover the principles of natural bodies , and wish they had been more profitably bestowed upon some other , then such experiments ; for both by my own contemplation , and the observations which I have made by my rational and sensitive perception upon Nature , and her works , I find , that Nature is but one Infinite self-moving body , which by the vertue of its self-motion , is divided into infinite parts , which parts being restless , undergo perpetual changes and transmutations by their infinite compositions and divisions . Now , if this be so , as surely , according to regular sense and reason , it appears no otherwise ; it is in vain to look for primary ingredients , or constitutive principles of natural bodies , since there is no more but one Universal principle of Nature , to wit , self-moving Matter , which is the onely cause of all natural effects . Next , I desire you to consider , that Fire is but a particular Creature , or effect of Nature , and occasions not onely different effects in several bodies , but on some bodies has no power at all ; witness Gold , which never could be brought yet to change its interior figure by the art of Fire ; and if this be so , Why should you be so simple as to believe that fire can shew you the principles of Nature ? and that either the four Elements , or Water onely , or Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , all which are no more but particular effects and Creatures of Nature , should be the Primitive ingredients or Principles of all natural bodies ? Wherefore , I will not have you to take more pains , and waste your time in such fruitless attempts , but be wiser hereafter ; and busie your selves with such Experiments as may be beneficial to the publick . The Emperess having thus declared her mind to the Ape-men , and given them better Instructions then perhaps they expected , not knowing that her Majesty had such great and able judgment in Natural Philosophv , had several conferences with them concerning Chymical Preparations , which for brevities sake , I 'le forbear to rehearse : Amongst the rest , she asked , how it came , that the Imperial Race appear'd so young , and yet was reported to have lived so long ; some of them two , some three , and some four hundred years ? and whether it was by Nature , or a special Divine blessing ? To which they answered , That there was a certain Rock in the parts of that World , which contained the Golden Sands , which Rock was hollow within , and did produce a Gum that was a hundred years before it came to its full strength and perfection ; this Gum , said they , if it be held in a warm hand , will dissolve into an Oyl , the effects whereof are following : It being given every day for some certain time to an old decayed man , in the bigness of a little Pea , will first make him spit for a week , or more ; after this , it will cause Vomits of Flegm , and after that it will bring forth by vomits , humors of several colours ; first of a pale yellow , then of a deep yellow , then of a green , and lastly of a black colour ; and each of these humors have a several taste , some are fresh , some salt , some sower , some bitter , and so forth ; neither do all these Vomits make them sick , but they come out on a sudden and unawares , without any pain or trouble to the patient : And after it hath done all these mentioned effects , and clear'd both the stomack and several other parts of the body , then . it works upon the brain , and brings forth of the nose such kind of humors as it did out of the mouth , and much after the same manner ; then it will purge by stool , then by urine , then by sweat , and lastly by bleeding at the nose , and the Emerodes ; all which effects it will perform within the space of six weeks , or a little more ; for it does not work very strongly , but gently , and by degrees : Lastly , when it has done all this , it will make the body break out into a thick scab , and cause both Hair , Teeth and Nails to come off ; which scab being arrived to its full maturity , opens first along the back , and comes off all in a piece like an armour , and all this is done within the space of four months . After this the Patient is wrapt into a sear-cloth , prepared of certain Gums and Juices , wherein he continues until the time of nine Months be expired from the first beginning of the cure , which is the time of a Childs formation in the womb . In the mean while his diet is nothing else but Eagles-eggs , and Hinds-milk ; and after the Sear-cloth is taken away , he will appear of the age of Twenty , both in shape , and strength . The weaker sort of this Gum is soveraign in healing of wounds , and curing of slight distempers . But this is also to be observed , that none of the Imperial race does use any other drink but Lime-water , or water in which Lime-stone is immerged ; their meat is nothing else but Fowl of several sorts , their recreations are many , but chiefly Hunting . This Relation amazed the Emperess very much ; for though in the world she came from , she had heard great reports of the Philosophers-stone , yet had she not heard of any that had ever found it out , which made her believe that it was but a Chymera ; she called also to mind , that there had been in the same world a man who had a little Stone which cured all kinds of Diseases outward and inward , according as it was applied ; and that a famous Chymist had found out a certain liquor called Alkahest , which by the vertue of its own fire , consumed all diseases ; but she had never heard of a Medicine that could renew old Age , and render it beautiful , vigorous and strong : Nor would she have so easily believed it , had it been a medicine prepared by Art ; for she knew that Art , being Natures Changeling , was not able to produce such a powerful effect , but being that the Gum did grow naturally , she did not so much scruple at it ; for she knew that Natures Works are so various and wonderful , that no particular Creature is able to trace her ways . The Conferences of the Chymists being finished , the Emperess made an Assembly of her Galenical Physicians , her Herbalists and Anatomists ; and first she enquired of her Herbalists the particular effects of several Herbs and Drugs , and whence they proceeded ? To which they answered , that they could , for the most part , tell her Majesty the vertues and operations of them , but the particular causes of their effects were unknown ; onely thus much they could say , that their operations and vertues were generally caused by their proper inherent , corporeal , figurative motions , which being infinitely various in Infinite Nature , did produce infinite several effects . And it is observed , said they , that Herbs and Drugs are as wise in their operations , as Men in their words and actions ; nay , wiser ; and their effects are more certain then Men in their opinions ; for though they cannot discourse like Men , yet have they sense and reason , as well as Men ; for the discursive faculty is but a particular effect of sense and reason in some particular Creatures , to wit , Men , and not a principle of Nature , and argues often more folly then wisdom . The Emperess asked , Whether they could not by a composition and commixture of other Drugs , make them work other effects then they did , used by themselves ? They answered , That they could make them produce artificial effects , but not alter their inherent , proper and particular natures . Then the Emperess commanded her Anatomists to dissect such kinds of Creatures as are called Monsters . But they answered her Majesty , That it would be but an unprofitable and useless work , and hinder their better imployments ; for when we dissect dead Animals , said they , it is for no other end , but to observe what defects or distempers they had , that we may cure the like in living ones , so that all our care and industry concerns onely the preservation of Mankind ; but we hope your Majesty will not preserve Monsters , which are most commonly destroyed , except it be for novelty ; neither will the dissection of Monsters prevent the errors of Natures irregular actions ; for by dissecting some , we cannot prevent the production of others ; so that our pains and labour will be to no purpose , unless to satisfie the vain curiosities of inquisitive men . The Emperess replied , That such dissections would be very beneficial to Experimental Philosophers . If Experimental Philosophers , answer'd they , do spend their time in such useless inspections , they waste it in vain , and have nothing but their labour for their pains . Lastly , her Majesty had some Conferences with the Galenick Physicians about several Diseases , and amongst the rest , desired to know the cause and nature of Apoplexy , and the spotted Plague . They answered , That a deadly Apoplexy was a dead palsie of the brain , and the spotted Plague was a Gangrene of the Vital parts , and as the Gangrene of outward parts did strike inwardly ; so the Gangrene of inward parts , did break forth outwardly ; which is the cause , said they , that as soon as the spots appear , death follows ; for then it is an infallible sign , that the body is throughout infected with a Gangrene , which is a spreading evil ; but some Gangrenes do spread more suddenly then others , and of all sorts of Gangrenes , the Plaguygangrene is the most infectious ; for other Gangrenes infect but the next adjoining parts of one particular body , and having killed that same Creature , go no further , but cease ; when as , the Gangrene of the Plague , infects not onely the adjoining parts of one particular Creature , but also those that are distant ; that is , one particular body infects another , and so breeds a Universal Contagion . But the Emperess being very desirous to know in what manner the Plague was propagated and became so contagious , asked , Whether it went actually out of one body into another ? To which they answered , That it was a great dispute amongst the Learned of their profession , whether it came by a division and composition of parts ; that is , by expiration and inspiration ; or whether it was caused by imitation : Some Experimental Philosophers , said they , will make us believe , that by the help of their Microscopes , they have observed the Plague to be a body of little Flyes like Atomes , which go out of one body into another , through the sensitive passages ; but the most experienced and wisest of our society , have rejected this opinion as a ridiculous fancy , and do for the most part believe , that it is caused by an imitation of Parts , so that the motions of some parts which are sound , do imitate the motions of those that are infected , and that by this means , the Plague becomes contagious and spreading . The Emperess having hitherto spent her time in the Examination of the Bird - Fish - Worm - and Ape-men , &c. and received several Intelligences from their several imployments ; at last had a mind to divert her self after her serious discourses , and therefore she sent for the Spider-men , which were her Mathematicians , the Lice-men which were her Geometricians , and the Magpie - Parrot - and Jackdaw-men , which were her Orators and Logicians . The Spider-men came first , and presented her Majesty with a table full of Mathetical points , lines and figures of all sorts of squares , circles , triangles , and the like ; which the Emperess , notwithstanding that she had a very ready wit , and quick apprehension , could not understand ; but the more she endeavoured to learn , the more was she confounded : Whether they did ever square the circle , I cannot exactly tell , nor whether they could make imaginary points and lines ; but this I dare say , That their points and lines were so slender , small and thin , that they seem'd next to Imaginary . The Mathematicians were in great esteem with the Emperess , as being not onely the chief Tutors and Instructors in many Arts , but some of them excellent Magicians and Informers of Spirits , which was the reason their Characters were so abstruse and intricate , that the Emperess knew not what to make of them . There is so much to learn in your Art , said she , that I can neither spare time from other affairs to busie my self in your profession ; nor , if I could , do I think I should ever be able to understand your Imaginary points , lines and figures , because they are Non-beings . Then came the Lice-men , and endeavoured to measure all things to a hairs breadth , and weigh them to an Atome ; but their weights would seldom agree , especially in the weighing of Air , which they found a task impossible to be done ; at which the Emperess began to be displeased , and told them , that there was neither Truth nor Justice in their Profession ; and so dissolved their society . After this the Emperess was resolved to hear the Magpie - Parrot - and Jackdaw-men , which were her professed Orators and Logicians ; whereupon one of the Parrot-men rose with great formality , and endeavoured to make an Eloquent Speech before her Majesty ; but before he had half ended , his arguments and divisions being so many , that they caused a great confusion in his brain , he could not go forward , but was forced to retire backward , with the greatest disgrace both to himself , and the whole society ; and although one of his brethen endeavoured to second him by another speech , yet was he as far to seek as the former . At which the Emperess appear'd not a little troubled , and told them , That they followed too much the Rules of Art , and confunded themselves with too nice formalities and distinctions ; but since I know , said she , that you are a people who have naturally voluble tongues , and good memories ; I desire you to consider more the subject you speak of , then your artificial periods , connexions and parts of speech , and leave the rest to your natural Eloquence ; which they did , and so became very eminent Orators . Lastly , her Imperial Majesty being desirous to know , what progress her Logicians had made in the Art of disputing , Commanded them to argue upon several Themes or sujects ; which they did ; and having made a very nice discourse of Logistical terms and propositions , entered into a dispute by way of Syllogistical Arguments , through all the Figures and Modes : One began with an argment of the first mode of the first figure , thus : Every Politician is wise : Every Knave is a Politician , Therefore every Knave is wise . Another contradicted him with a Syllogism of the second mode of the same figure , thus : No Politician is wise : Every Knave is a Politician , Therefore no Knave is wise . The third made an Argument in the third Mode of the same figure , after this manner : Every Politician is wise : Some Knaves are Politicians , Therefore some Knaves are wise . The Fourth concluded with a Syllogism in the fourth Mode of the same figure , thus : No Politician is wise : Some Knaves are Polticians , Therefore some Knaves are not wise . After this they took another subject , and one propounded this Syllogism : Every Philosopher is wise : Every Beast is wise , Therefore every Beast is a Philosopher . But another said that this Argument was false , therefore he contradicted him with a Syllogism of the second figure of the fourth Mode , thus : Every Philosopher is wise : Some Beasts are not wise , Therefore some Beasts are not Philosophers . Thus they argued , and intended to go on , but the Emperess interrupted them : I have enough , said she , of your chopt Logick , and will hear no more of your Syllogismes ; for it disorders my reason , and puts my brain on the rack ; your formal argumentations are able to spoil all natural wit ; and I 'le have you to consider , that Art does not make Reason , but Reason makes Art ; and therefore as much as Reason is above Art , so much is a natural rational discourse to be preferred before an artificial : For Art is , for the most part , irregular , and disorders mens understandings more then it rectifies them , and leads them into a Labyrinth whence they 'l never get out , and makes them dull and unfit for useful imployments ; especially your Art of Logick , which confists onely contradicting each other , in making sophismes , and obscuring Truth , instead of clearing it . But they replied her Majesty , That the knowledg of Nature , that is , Natural Philosophy , would be imperfect without the Art of Logick , and that there was an improbable Truth which could no otherwise be found out then by the Art of disputing . Truly , said the Emperess , I do believe that it is with Natural Philosophy , as it is with all other effects of Nature ; for no particular knowledg can be perfect , by reason knowledg is dividable , as well as composable ; nay , to speak properly , Nature her self cannot boast of any perfection , but God himself ; because there are so many irregular motions in Nature , and 't is but a folly to think that Art should be able to regulate them , since Art it self is , for the most part , irregular . But as for Improbable Truth , I know not what your meaning is ; for Truth is more then Improbability ; nay , there there is so much difference between Truth and Improbability , that I cannot conceive it possible how they can be joined together . In short , said she , I do no ways approve of your profession ; and though I will not dissolve your society , yet I shall never take delight in hearing you any more ; wherefore confine your disputations to your Schools , lest besides the Commonwealth of Learning , they disturb also Divinity and Policy , Religion and Laws , and by that means draw an utter ruine and destruction both upon Church and State. After the Emperess had thus finish'd the Discourses and Conferences with the mentioned Societies of her Vertuoso's , she considered by her self the manner of their Religion , and finding it very defective , was troubled , that so wise and knowing a people should have no more knowledg of the Divine Truth ; Wherefore she consulted with her own thoughts , whether it was possible to convert them all to her own Religion , and to that end she resolved to build Churches , and make also up a Congregation of Women , whereof she intended to be the head her self , and to instruct them in the several points of her Religion . This she had no sooner begun , but the Women , which generally had quick wits , subtile conceptions , clear understandings , and solid judgments , became , in a short time , very devout and zealous Sisters ; for the Emperess had an excellent gift of Preaching , and instructing them in the Articles of Faith ; and by that means , she converted them not onely soon , but gained an extraordinary love of all her subjects throughout that World. But at last , pondering with her self the inconstant nature of Mankind , and fearing that in time they would grow weary , and desert the divine Truth , following their own fancies , and living according to their own desires , she began to be troubled that her labours and pains should prove of so little effect , and therefore studied all manner of ways to prevent it . Amongst the rest , she call'd to mind a Relation which the Bird-men made her once , of a Mountain that did burn in flames of fire ; and thereupon did immediately send for the wisest and subtilest of her Worm-men , commanding them to discover the cause of the Eruption of that same fire ; which they did ; and having dived to the very bottom of the Mountain , informed her Majesty , That there was a certain sort of Stone , whose nature was such , that being wetted , it would grow excessively hot , and break forth into a flaming-fire , until it became dry , and then it ceased from burning . The Emperess was glad to hear this news , and forthwith desired the Worm-men to bring her some of that stone , but be sure to keep it secret : She sent also for the Bird-men , and asked them whether they could not get her a piece of the Sun-stone ? They answered , That it was impossible , unless they did spoil or lessen the light of the World : but , said they , if it please your Majesty , we can demolish one of the numerous Stars of the Sky , which the World will never miss . The Emperess was very well satisfied with this proposal , and having thus imployed these two sorts of men , in the mean while builded two Chappels one above another ; the one she lined throughout with Diamonds , both Roof , Walls and Pillars ; but the other be done by any other means , then by the help of Immaterial Spirits ; wherefore she made a Convocation of the most learned , witty and ingenious of all the forementioned sorts of men , and desired to know of them , whether there were any Immaterial Spirits in their World. First , she enquired of the Worm-men , whether they had perceived some within the Earth ? They answered her Majesty , That they never knew of any such Creatures ; for whatsoever did dwell within the Earth , said they , was imbodied and material . Then she asked the Flye-men , whether they had observed any in the Air ? for you having numerous eyes , said she , will be more able to perceive them , then any other Creatures . To which they answered her Majesty , That although Spirits , being immaterial , could not be perceived by the Worm-men in the Earth , yet they perceived that such Creatures did lodg in the vehicles of the Air. Then the Emperess asked , Whether they could speak to them , and whether they did understand each other ? The Fly-men answered , That those Spirits were always cloath'd in some sort or other of Mateterial Garments ; which Garments were their Bodies , made , for the most part , of Air ; and when occasion served , they could put on any other sort of substances ; but yet they could not put these substances into any form or shape , as they pleased . The Emperess asked the Fly-men , whether it was possible that she could be acquainted , and have some conferences with them ? They answered , They did verily believe she might . Hereupon the Emperess commanded the Fly-men to ask some of the Spirits , whether they would be pleased to give her a visit ? This they did ; and after the Spirits had presented themselves to the Emperess , ( in what shapes or forms , I cannot exactly tell ) after some few complements that passed between them , the Emperess told the Spirits that she questioned not , but they did know how she was a stranger in that World , and by what miraculous means she was arrived there ; and since she had a great desire to know the condition of the World she came from , her request to the Spirits was , to give her some information thereof , especially of those parts of the world where she was born , bred , and educated , as also of her particular friends and acquaintance ; all which , the Spirits did according to her desire ; at last , after a great many conferences and particular intelligences , which the Spirits gave the Emperess , to her great satisfaction and content , she enquired after the most famous Students , Writers , and Experimental Philosophers in that World , which they gave her a full relation of ; amongst the rest she enquired , whether there were none that had found out yet the Jews Cabbala ? Several have endeavoured it , answered the Spirits , but those that came nearest ( although themselves denied it ) were one Dr. Dee , and one Edward Kelly , the one representing Moses , and the other Aaron ; for Kelly was to Dr. d ee , as Aaron to Moses ; Is there not Divine Reason , as well as there is Natural ? No , answered they : for there is but a Divine Faith , and as for Reason it is onely natural ; but you Mortals are so puzled about this divine Faith , and natural Reason , that you do not know well how to distinguish them , but confound them both , which is the cause you have so many divine Philosophers who make a Gallimafry both of Reason and Faith. Then she asked , Whether pure natural Philosophers were Cabbalists ? They answered , No ; but onely your Mystical or Divine Philosophers , such as study beyond sense and reason . She enquired further , Whether there was any Cabbala in god , or whether God was full of Ideas ? They answered , There could be nothing in God , nor could God be full of any thing , either forms or figures , but of himself ; for God is the Perfection of all things , and an Unexpressible Being , beyond the conception of any Creature , either Natural or Supernatural . Then I pray inform me , said the Emperess , Whether the Jews , or any other Cabbala , consist in numbers ? The Spirits answered , No : for numbers are odd , and different , and would make a disagreement in the Cabbala . But said she again , Is it a sin then not to know or understand the Cabbala ? God is so merciful , answered they , and so just , that he will never damn the ignorant , and save onely those that pretend to know him and his secret Counsels by their Cabbala's , but he loves those that adore and worship him with fear and reverence , and with a pure heart . She asked further , which of these two Cabbala's was most approved , the Natural , or Theological ? The Theological , answered they , is mystical , and belongs onely to Faith ; but the Natural belongs to Reason . Then she asked them , Whether Divine Faith was made out of Reason ? No , answered they , for Faith proceeds onely from a Divine saving Grace , which is a peculiar Gift of God. How comes it then , replied she , that Men , even those that are of several opinions , have Faith more or less ? A natural belief , answered they , is not a Divine Faith. But , proceeded the Emperess , How are you sure that God cannot be known ? The several opinions you Mortals have of God , answered they , are sufficient witnesses thereof . Well then , replied the Emperess , leaving this inquisitive knowledg of God , I pray inform me , whether you Spirits give motion to natural bodies ? No , answered they ; but , on the contrary , natural material bodies give Spirits motion ; for we Spirits , being incorporeal , have no motion but from our corporeal vehicles , so that we move by the help of our bodies , and not the bodies by the help of us ; for pure Spirits are immovable . If this be so , replied the Emperess , How comes it then that you can move so suddenly at a vast distance ? They answered , That some sorts of matter were more pure , rare , and consequently more light and agil then others ; and this was the reason many in this age do think their Fore-fathers have been Fools , by which they prove themselves to be such . The Emperess asked further , whether there was any Plastick power in Nature ? Truly , said the Spirits , Plastick power in a hard word , signifies no more then the power of the corporeal , figurative motions of Nature . After this , the Emperess desired the Spirits to inform her where the Paradise was , whether it was in the midst of the World as a Centre of pleasure ? or whether it was the whole world , or a peculiar world by it self , as a world of life , and not of matter ; or whether it was mixt , as a world of living animal Creatures ? They answered , That Paradise was not in the world she came from , but in that world she lived in at present ; and that it was the very same place where she kept her Court , and where her Palace stood , in the midst of the Imperial City . The Emperess asked further , whether in the beginning and Creation of the World , all Beasts could speak ? They answered , That no Beasts could speak , but onely those sorts of Creatures which were Fish-men , Bear-men , Worm-men , and the like , which could speak in the first Age , as well as they do now . She asked again , whether they were none of those Spirits that frighted Adam out of the Paradise , at least caused him not to return thither again . They answered they were not . Then she desired to be informed , whither Adam fled when he was driven out of the Paradise ? Out of this World , said they , you are now Emperess of , into the world you came from . If this be so , replied the Emperess , then surely those Cabbalists are much out of their story , who believe the Paradise to be a world of Life onely , without Matter ; for this world , though it be most pleasant and fruitful , yet it is not a world of meer immaterial life , but a world of living , material Creatures . Without question , they are , answered the Spirits ; for not all Cabbalas are true . Then the Emperess asked , That since it is mentioned in the story of the Creation of the World , that Eve was tempted by the Serpent , whether the Devil was within the Serpent , or whether the Serpent tempted her without the Devil ? They answered , That the Devil was within the Serpent . But how came it then , replied she , that the Serpent was cursed ? They answered , because the Devil was in him : for are not those men in danger of damnation which have the Devil within them , who perswades them to believe and act wickedly ? The Emperess asked further , whether Light and the Heavens were all one . They answered , That that Region which contains the Lucid natural Orbs , was by mortals named Heaven ; but the beatifical Heaven , which is the Habitation of the blessed Angels and Souls , was so far beyond it , that it could not be compared to any natural Creature . Then the Emperess asked them , whether all Matter was fluid at first ? They answered , That Matter was always as it is ; and that some parts of Matter were rare , some dense , some fluid , some solid , &c. Neither was God bound to make all matter fluid at first . She asked further , whether Matter was immovable init self ? We have answered you before , said they , That there is no motion but in Matter ; and were it not for the motion of Matter , we Spirits , could not move , nor give you any answer to your several questions . After this , the Emperess asked the Spirits , whether the Universe was made within the space of six days , or whether by those six days , were ment so many Decrees or Commands of God ? They answered her , that the World was made by the All-powerful Decree and Command of God ; but whether there were six Decrees or Commands , or fewer , or more , no creature was able to tell . Then she inquired , whether there was no mystery in numbers ? No other mystery , answered the Spirits , but reckoning or counting , for numbers are onely marks of remembrance . But what do you think of the number of Four , said she , which Cabbalists make such ado withal , and of the number of Ten , when they say that Ten is all , and that all numbers are virtually comprehended in four ? We think , answered they , that Cabbalists have nothing else to do but to trouble their heads with such useless fancies ; for naturally there is no such thing as prime or all in numbers ; nor is there any other mystery in numbers , but what man's fancy makes ; but what men call Prime , or All , we do not know , because they do not agree in the number of their opinion . Then the Emperess asked , whether the number of six was a symbole of Matrimony , as being made up of Male and Female , for two into three is six . If any number can be a symbole of Matrimony , answered the Spirits , it is not Six , but Two ; if two may be allowed to be a number : for the act of Matrimony is made up of two joined in one . She asked again , what they said to the number of Seven ? whether it was not an Embleme of God , because Cabbalists say , that it is neither begotten , nor begets any other number , There can be no Embleme of God , answered the Spirits ; for if we do not know what God is , how can we make an Embleme of him ? Nor is there any number in God , for God is the perfection himself , but numbers are imperfect ; and as for the begetting of numbers it is done by Multiplication and Addition ; but Substraction is as a kind of death to numbers . If there be no mystery in numbers , replied the Emperess , then it is in vain to refer the Creation of the World to certain numbers , as Cabbalists do . The onely mystery of numbers , answered they , concerning the Creation of the World is , that as numbers do multiply , so does the world . The Emperess asked , how far numbers did multiply ? The Spirits answered , to Infinite . Why , said she , Infinite cannot be reckoned , nor numbred . No more , answered they , can the parts of the Universe ; for God's Creation , being an Infinite action , as proceeding from an Infinite Power , could not rest upon a finite number of Creatures , were it never so great . But leaving the mystery of numbers , proceeded the Emperess , Let me now desire you to inform me , whether the Suns and Planets were generated by the Heavens , or AEthereal Matter ? The Spirits answered , That the Stars and Planets were of the same matter which the Heavens , the AEther , and all other natural Creatures did consist of ; but whether they were generated by the Heavens or AEther , they could not tell : if they be , said they , they are not like their Parents ; for the Sun , Stars , and Planets , are more splendorous then the AEther , as also more solid and constant in their motions : But put the case , the Stars and Planets were generated by the Heavens , and the AEthereal Matter ; the question then would be , out of what these are generated or produced ? if these be created out of nothing , and not generated out of something , then it is probable the Sun , Stars and Planets are so too ; nay , it is more probable of the Stars and Planets , then of the Heavens , or the fluid AEther , by reason the Stars and Planets seem to be further off from mortality , then the particular parts of the AEther ; for no doubt but the parts of the AEthereal Matter alter into several forms , which we do not perceive of the Stars and Planets . The Emperess asked further , whether they could give her information of the three principles of Man , according to the doctrine of the Platonists ; as first of the Intellect , Spirit , or Divine Light : 2. Of the Soul of Man her self : and 3. Of the Image of the Soul , that is , her vital operation on the body ? The Spirits answered , that they did not understand these three distinctions ; but that they seem'd to corporeal sense and reason , as if they were three several bodies , or three several corporeal actions ; however , said they , they are intricate conceptions of irregular fancies . If you do not understand them , replied the Emperess , hovv shall humane Creatures do then ? Many , both of your modern and ancient Philosophers , answered the Spirits , endeavour to go beyond sense and reason , vvhich makes them commit absurdities ; for no corporeal Creature can go beyond sense and reason ; no not we Spirits , as long as vve are in our corporeal Vehicles . Then the Emperess asked them , vvhether there vvere any Atheists in the World ? The Spirits answered , that there vvere no more Atheists then vvhat Cabbalists make . She asked them further , Whether Spirits vvere of a globous or round Figure ? They ansvvered , That Figure belonged to body , but they being immaterial had no figure . She asked again , Whether Spirits were not like Water or Fire ? They answered , that Water and Fire was material , were it the purest and most refined that ever could be ; nay , were it above the Heavens : But we are no more like Water or Fire , said they , then we are like Earth ; but our Vehicles are of several forms , figures and degrees of substances . Then she desired to know , whether their Vehicles were made of Air ? Yes , answered the Spirits , some of our Vehicles are of thin Air. Then I suppose , replied the Emperess , That those airy Vehicles , are your corporeal summersuits . She asked further , whether the Spirits had not ascending and descending motions , as well as other Creatures ? They answered , That properly there was no ascension or descension in Infinite Nature , but onely in relation to particular parts ; and as for us Spirits , said they , we can neither ascend nor descend without corporeal Vehicles ; nor can our Vehicles ascend or descend , but according to their several shapes and figures , for there can be no motion without body . The Emperess asked them further , whether there was not a World of Spirits , as well as there is of material Creatures ? No , answered they ; for the word World implies a quantity or multitude of corporeal Creatures , but we being Immaterial , can make no world of Spirits . Then she desired to be informed when Spirits were made ? We do not know , answered they , how and when we were made , nor are we much inquisitive after it ; nay , if we did , it would be no benefit , neither for us , nor for you mortals to know it . The Emperess replied , That Cabbalists and Divine Philosophers said , mens rational Souls were Immaterial , and stood as much in need of corporeal Vehicles , as Spirits did . If this be so , answered the Spirits , then you are Hermaphrodites of Nature ; but your Cabbalists are mistaken , for they take the purest and subtillest parts of Matter for Immaterial Spirits . Then the Emperess asked , when the souls of Mortals went out of their bodies , whether they went to Heaven or Hell , or whether they remained in airy Vehicles ? God's Justice and Mercy , answered they , is perfect , and not imperfect ; but if you mortals will have Vehicles for your Souls , and a place that is between Heaven and Hell , it must be Purgatory , which is a place of Purification , for which action Fire is more proper then Air , and so the Vehicles of those souls that are in Purgatory cannot be airy , but fiery ; and after this rate there can be but four places for humane souls to be in , viz. Heaven , Hell , Purgatory , and this World ; but as for Vehicles , they are but fancies , not real truths . Then the Emperess asked them , where Heaven and Hell was ? Your Saviour Christ , answered the Spirits , has informed you , that there is Heaven and Hell , but he did not tell you what , nor where they are ; wherefore it is too great a presumption for you Mortals to inquire after it ; if you do but strive to get into Heaven , it is enough , though you do not know where or what it is , for it is beyond your knowledg and understanding . I am satisfied , replied the Emperess , and asked further , whether there were any figures or characters in the Soul ? They answered , where there was no body , there could be no figure . Then she asked them , whether Spirits could be naked ? and whether they were of a dark , or a light colour ? As for our nakedness , it is a very odd question , answered the Spirits ; and we do not know what you mean by a naked Spirit ; for you judg of us as of corporeal Creatures ; and as for Colour , said they , it is according to our Vehicles ; for Colour belongs to Body , and as there is no Body that is colourless , so there is no Colour that is bodiless . Then the Emperess desired to be informed , whether all souls were made at the first Creation of the World ? We know no more , answered the Spirits , of the origine of humane souls , then we know of our selves . She asked further , whether humane bodies were not burthensome to humane souls ? They answered , That bodies made Souls active , as giving them motion ; and if action was troublesome to souls , then bodies were so too . She asked again , whether souls did chuse bodies ? They answered , That Platonicks believed , the souls of Lovers lived in the bodies of their Beloved ; but surely , said they , if there be a multitude of souls in a world of Matter , they cannot miss bodies ; for as soon as a soul is parted from one body , it enters into another ; and souls having no motion of themselves , must of necessity be cloathed or imbodied with the next parts of Matter . If this be so , replied the Emperess , then I pray inform me , whether all matter be soulified ? The Spirits answered , They could not exactly tell that ; but if it was true , that Matter had no other motion but what came from a spiritual power , and that all matter was moving , then no soul could quit a body , but she must of necessity enter into another soulified body , and then there would be two immaterial substances in one body . The Emperess asked , whether it was not possible that there could be two souls in one body ? As for immaterial souls , answered the Spirits , it is impossible ; for there cannot be two immaterials in one inanimate body , by reason they want parts , and place , being bodiless ; but there may be numerous material souls in one composed body , by reason every material part has a material natural soul ; for Nature is but one Infinite self-moving , living and self-knowing body , consisting of the three degrees of inanimate , sensitive and rational Matter , so intermixt together , that no part of Nature , were it an Atome , can be without any of these three degrees ; the sensitive is the life , the rational the soul , and the inanimate part , the body of Infinite Nature . The Emperess was very well satisfied with this answer , and asked further , whether souls did not give life to bodies ? No , answered they ; but Spirits and Divine Souls have a life of their own , which is not partable , being purer then a natural life ; for Spirits are incorporeal , and consequently individable . But when the Soul is in its Vehicle , said the Emperess , then me thinks she is like the Sun , and the Vehicle like the Moon . No , answered they , but the Vehicle is like the Sun , and the Soul like the Moon ; for the Soul hath motion from the Body , as the Moon has light from the Sun. Then the Emperess asked the Spirits , whether it was an evil Spirit that tempted Eve , and brought all the mischiefs upon Mankind , or whether it was the Serpent ? They answered , That Spirits could not commit actual evils . The Emperess said they might do it by perswasions . They answered , That Perswasions were actions ; but the Emperess not being contented with this answer , asked whether there was not a supernatural Evil ? The Spirits answered , That there was a supernatural Good , which was God ; but they knew of no supernatural Evil that was equal to God. Then she desired to know , whether Evil Spirits were reckoned amongst the Beasts of the Field ? They answer'd , That many Beasts of the field were harmless Creatures , and very serviceable for Man's use ; and though some were accounted fierce and cruel , yet did they exercise their cruelty upon other Creatures , for the most part , to no other end , but to get themselves food , and to satisfie their natural appetite ; but certainly , said they , you men are more cruel to one another , then evil Spirits are to you ; and as for their habitations in desolate places , we having no communion with them , can give you no certain account thereof . But what do you think , said the Emperess , of Good Spirits ? may not they be compared to the Fowls of the Air ? They answered , There were many cruel and revenous Fowls as well in the Air , as there were fierce and cruel Beasts on Earth ; so that the good are always mixt with the bad . She asked further , whether the fiery Vehicles were a Heaven , or a Hell , or at least a Purgatory to the Souls ? They answered , That if the Souls were immaterial , they could not burn , and then fire would do them no harm ; and though Hell was believed to be an undecaying and unquenchable fire , yet Heaven was no fire . The Emperess replied , That Heaven was a Light. Yes , saidthey , but not a fiery Light. Then she asked , whether the different shapes and sorts of Vehicles , made the Souls and other Immaterial Spirits , miserable , or blessed ? The Vehicles , answered they , make them neither better , nor worse ; for though some Vehicles sometimes may have power over others , yet these by turns may get some power gain over them , according to the several advantages and disadvantages of particular natural parts . The Emperess asked further , whether animal life came out of the spiritual World , and did return thither again ? The Spirits answered , they could not exactly tell ; but if it were so , then certainly animal lives must leave their bodies behind them , otherwise the bodies would make the spiritual World a mixt World , that is , partly material , and partly immaterial ; but the Truth is , said they , Spirits being immaterial , cannot properly make a World ; for a World belongs to material , not to immaterial Creatures . If this be so , replied the Emperess , then certainly there can be no world of lives and forms without matter ? No , answered the Spirits , nor a world of Matter without lives and forms ; for natural lives and forms cannot be immaterial , no more then Matter can be immovable . And therefore natural lives , forms and matter , are inseparable . Then the Emperess asked , whether the first Man did feed on the best sorts of the fruits of the Earth , and the beasts on the worst ? The Spirits answered , That unless the beasts of the field were barred out of manured fields and gardens , they would pick and chuse the best fruits as well as men ; and you may plainly observe it , said they , in Squirrels and Monkies , how they are the best chusers of Nuts and Apples , and how Birds do pick and feed on the most delicious fruits , and Worms on the best roots , and most savoury herbs ; by which you may see , that those Creatures live and feed better then men do , except you will say , that artificial Cookery is better and more wholesom then the natural . Again , the Emperess asked , whether the first Man gave names to all the several sorts of Fishes in the Sea , and fresh waters ? No , answered the Spirits , for he was an Earthly , and not a watery Creature , and therefore could not know the several sorts of Fishes . Why , replied the Emperess , he was no more an airy Creature then he was a watery one , and yet he gave names to the several sorts of Fowls and Birds of the Air. Fowls answered they , are partly Airy , and partly Earthly Creatures , not onely because they resemble Beasts and Men in their flesh , but because their rest and dwelling places are on Earth ; for they build their nests , lay their eggs , and hatch their young , not in the Air , but on the Earth . Then she asked , Whether the first Man did give names to all the various sorts of Creatures that live on the Earth ? Yes , answered they , to all those that were presented to him , or he had knowledg of , that is , to all the prime sorts ; but not to every particular ; for of Mankind , said they , there were but two at first , and as they did encrease , so did their names . But , said the Emperess , who gave the names to the several sorts of Fish ? The posterity of Mankind , answered they . Then she enquired , Whether there were no more kinds of Creatures now , then at the first Creation ? They answered , That there were no more nor fewer kinds of Creatures then there are now ; but there were , without question , more particular sorts of Creatures now , then there were then . She asked again , Whether all those Creatures that were in Paradise , were also in Noah's Ark ? They answered , That the principal kinds had been there , but not all the particulars . Then she would fain know , how it came , that both Spirits and Men did fall from a blessed into so miserable a state and condition they are now in . The Spirits answered , By disobedience . The Emperess asked , Whence this disobedient sin did proceed ? But the Spirits desired the Emperess not to ask them any such questions , because they went beyond their knowledg . Then she begg'd the Spirits to pardon her presumption ; for , said she , It is the nature of Mankind to be inquisitive . Natural desire of knowledg , answered the Spirits , is not blameable , so you do not go beyond what your natural reason can comprehend . Then I 'le ask no more , said the Emperess , for fear I should commit some error ; but one thing I cannot but aquaint you withal : What is that , said the Spirits ? I have a great desire , answered the Emperess , to make a Cabbala . What kind of Cabbala asked the Spirits ? The Emperess answered , The Jews Cabbala . No sooner had the Emperess declared her Mind , but the Spirits immediately disappeared out of her sight ; which startled the Emperess so much , that she fell into a Trance , wherein she lay for some while ; at last being come to her self again , she grew very studious , and considering with her self what might be the cause of this strange disaster , conceived at first , that perhaps the Spirits were tired with hearing and giving answers to her questions ; but thinking by her self , that Spirits could not be tired , she imagined that this was not the true cause of their disappearing , till after diverse debates with her own thoughts , she did verily believe that the Spirits had committed some fault in their answers , and that for their punishment they were condemned to the lowest and darkest Vehicles . This belief was so fixt in her mind , that it put her into a very Melancholick humor ; and then she sent both for her Fly - and Worm-men , and declared to them the cause of her sadness . 'T is not so much , said she , the vanishing of those Spirits that makes me Melancholick , but that I should be the cause of their miserable condition , and that those harmless Spirits should , for my sake , sink down into the black and dark abyss of the Earth . The Worm-men comforted the Emperess , telling her , that the Earth was not so horrid a dwelling , as she did imagine ; for , said they , not onely all Minerals and Vegetables , but several sorts of Animals can witness , that the Earth is a warm , fruitful , quiet , safe and happy habitation ; and though they want the light of the Sun , yet are they not in dark , but there is light even within the Earth , by which those Creatures do see that dwell therein . This relation setled her Majesties mind a little ; but yet she being desirous to know the Truth , where , and in what condition those Spirits were , commanded both the Fly - and Worm-men to use all labour and industry to find them out , whereupon the Worm-men straight descended into the Earth , and the Fly-men ascended into the Air. After some short time , the Worm-men returned , and told the Emperess , that when they went into the Earth , they inquired of all the Creatures they met withal , whether none of them had perceived such or such Spirits , until at last coming to the very Center of the Earth , they were truly informed , that those Spirits had stayed some she will without question , be ready to do you all the service she can . The Lady then , said the Emperess , will I chuse for my scribe , neither will the Emperor have reason to be jealous , she being one of my own sex . In truth , said the Spirit , Husbands have reason to be jealous of Platonick Lovers , for they are very dangerous , as being not onely very intimate and close , but subtil and insinuating . You say well , replied the Emperess ; wherefore I pray send me the Duchess of Newcastle's Soul ; which the Spirit did ; and after she came to wait on the Emperess , at her first arrival the Emperess imbraced and saluted her with a spiritual kiss ; then she asked her whether she could write ? Yes , answered the Duchess's Soul , but not so intelligibly that any Reader whatsoever may understand it , unless he be taught to know my Characters ; for my Letters are rather like Characters , then well-formed Letters , Said the Emperess , you were recommended to me by an honest and ingenious Spirit . Surely , answered the Duchess , the Spirit is ignorant of my hand-writing . The truth is , said the Emperess , he did not mention your hand-writing ; but he informed me , that you writ sense and reason , and if you can but write so , that any of my Secretaries may learn your hand , they shall write it out fair and intelligible . The Duchess answered , That she questioned not but it might easily be learned in a short time . But , said she to the Emperess , What is it that your Majesty would have written . She answered , The Jews Cabbala . Then your onely way for that is , said the Duchess , to have the Soul of some famous Jew ; nay , if your Majesty please , I scruple not , but you may as easily have the soul of Moses , as of any other . That cannot be , replied the Emperess , for no mortal knows where Moses is . But , said the Duchess , humane Souls are immortal ; however , if this be too difficult to be obtained , you may have the Soul of one of the chief Rabbies or Sages of the Tribe of Levi , who will truly instruct you in that mystery ; when as , otherwise , your Majesty will be apt to mistake , and a thousand to one , but commit gross errors . No , said the Emperess , for I shall be instructed by Spirits . Alas ! said the Duchess , Spirits are as ignorant as Mortals in many cases ; for no created Spirits have a general or absolute knowledg , nor can they know the Thoughts of Men , much less the Mysteries of the great Creator , unless he be pleased to inspire into them the gift of Divine Knowledg . Then , I pray , said the Emperess , let me have your counsel in this case . The Duchess answered , If your Majesty will be pleased to hearken to my advice , I would desire you to let that work alone ; for it will be of no advantage either to you , or your people , unless you were of the Jews Religion ; nay , if your were , the vulgar interpretation of the holy Scripture would be more instructive , and more easily believed , then your mystical way of interpreting it ; for had it been better and more advantagious for the salvation of the Jews , surely Moses would have saved after ages that labour by his own explanation , he being not onely a wise , but a very honest , zealous and religious Man : Wherefore the best way , said she , is to believe with the generality the literal sense of the Scripture , and not to make interpretations every one according to his own fancy , but to leave that work for the Learned , or those that have nothing else to do ; Neither do I think , said she , that God will damn those that are ignorant therein , or suffer them to be lost for want of a mystical interpretation of the Scripture . Then , said the Emperess , I 'le leave the Scripture , and make a Philosophical Cabbala . The Duchess told her , That sense and reason would instruct her of Nature as much as could be known ; and as for numbers , they were infinite , but to add non-sense to infinite , would breed a confusion , especially in humane understanding . Then , replied the Emperess , I 'le make a moral Cabbala . The onely thing , answered the Duchess , in morality , is but to fear God , and to love his Neighbour , and this needs no further interpretation . But then I 'le make a Political Cabbala , said the Emperess . The Duchess answered , That the chief and onely ground in Government , was but Reward and Punishment , and required no further Cabbala ; But , said she , If your Majesty were resolved to make a Cabbala , I would advise you , rather to make a Poetical or Romancical Cabbala , wherein you can use Metaphors , Allegories , Similitudes , &c. and interpret them as you please . With that the Emperess thank'd the Duchess , and embracing her soul , told her she would take her Counsel : she made her also her favourite , and kept her sometime in that world , and by this means the Duchess came to know and give this Relation of all that passed in that rich , populous , and happy world ; and after some time the Emperess gave her leave to return to her Husband and Kindred into her native world , but upon condition , that her soul should visit her now and then ; which she did , and truly their meeting did produce such an intimate friendship between them , that they became Platonick Lovers , although they were both Females . One time , when the Duchess her Soul was with the Emperess , she seem'd to be very sad and melancholy ; at which the Emperess was very much troubled , and asked her the reason of her melancholick humour ? Truly said the Duchess to the Emperess ( for between dear friends there 's no concealment , they being like several parts of one united body ) my Melancholy proceeds from an extreme ambition . The Emperess asked , what the height of her ambition was ? The Duchess answered , That neither she her self , nor no Creature in the World was able to know either the height , depth or breadth of her ambition ; but said she , my present desire is , that I would be a great Princess . The Emperess replied , so you are ; for you are a Princess of the fourth or fifth degree ; for a Duke or Duchess is the highest title or honour that a subject can arrive to , as being the next to a Kings Title ; and as for the name of a Prince or Princess , it belongs to all that are adopted to the Crown ; so that those that can add a Crown to their arms , are Princes , and therefore a Duke is a Title above a Prince ; for example , the Duke of Savoy , the Duke of Florence , the Duke of Lorraine , as also Kings Brothers are not called by the name of Princes , but Dukes , this being the higher Title . 'T is true , answered the Duchess , unless it be Kings eldest Sons , and they are created Princes . Yes , replied the Emperess , but no Soverain does make a subject equal to himself , such as Kings eldest sons partly are : And although some Dukes be soveraign , yet I never heard that a Prince by his Title is soveraign , by reason the Title of a Prince is more a Title of Honour , then of Soverainty ; for , as I said before , it belongs to all that are adopted to the Crown . Well , said the Deuchess , setting aside this dispute , my ambition is , that I would fain be as you are , that is , an Emperess of a World , and I shall never be at quiet until I be one . I love you so well , replied the Emperess , that I wish with all my soul , you had the fruition of your ambitious desire , and I shall not fail to give you my best advice how to accomplish it ; the best informers are the Immaterial Spirits , and they 'l soon tell you , whether it be possible to obtain your wish . But , said the Duchess , I have little acquaintance with them , for I never knew any before the time you sent for me . They know you , replied the Emperess ; for they told me of you , and were the means and instrument of our coming hither : Wherefore I 'le conser with them , and enquire whether there be not another World , whereof you may be Emperess as well as I am of this ? No sooner had the Emperess said this , but some Immaterial Spirits came to visit her , of whom she inquired , whether there were but three Worlds in all , to wit , the Blazing-world where she was in , the World which she came from , and the World where the Duchess lived ? The Spirits answered , That there were more numerous Worlds then the Stars which appeared in these three mentioned Worlds . Then the Emperess asked , whether it was not possible , that her dearest friend the Duchess of Newcastle , might be Emperess of one of them ? Although there be numerous , nay , infinite Worlds , answered the Spirits , yet none is without Government . But is none of these Worlds so weak , said she , that it may be surprised or conquered ? The Spirits answered , That Lucian's World of Lights , had been for some time in a snuff , but of late years one Helmont had got it , who since he was Emperour of it , had so strengthened the Immortal parts thereof with mortal out-works , as it was for the present impregnable . Said the Emperess , If there be such an Infinite number of Worlds , I am sure , not onely my friend , the Duchess , but any other might obtain one . Yes , answered the Spirits , if those Worlds were uninhabited ; but they are as populous as this , your Majesty governs . Why , said the Emperess , it is not impossible to conquer a World. No , answered the Spirits , but , for the most part , Conquerers seldom enjoy their conquest , for they being more feared then loved , most commonly come to an untimely end . If you will but direct me , said the Duchess to the Spirits , which World is easiest to be conquered , her Majesty will assist me with means , and I will trust to Fate and Fortune ; for I had rather die in the adventure of noble atchievements , then live in obscure and sluggish security ; since by the one , I may live in a glorious Fame , and by the other I am buried in oblivion . The Spirits answered , That the lives of Fame were like other lives ; for some lasted long , and some died soon . T is true , said the Duchess ; but yet the shortest-lived Fame lasts longer then the longest life of Man. But , replied the Spirits , if occasion does not serve you , you must content your self to live without such atchievements that may gain you a Fame : But we wonder , proceeded the Spirits , that you desire to be Emperess of a Terrestrial World , when as you can create your self a Celestial World if you please . What , said the Emperess , can any Mortal be a Creator ? Yes , answered the Spirits ; for every humane Creature can create an Immaterial World fully inhabited by immaterial Creatures , and populous of immaterial subjects , such as we are , and all this within the compass of the head or scull ; nay , not onely so , but he may create a World of what fashion and Government he will , and give the Creatures thereof such motions , figures , forms , colours , perceptions , &c. as he pleases , and make Whirl-pools , Lights , Pressures and Reactions , &c. as he thinks best ; nay , he may make a World full of Veins , Muscles , and Nerves , and all these to move by one jolt or stroke : also he may alter that world as often as he pleases , or change it from a natural world , to an artificial ; he may make a world of Ideas , a world of Atomes , a world of Lights , or whatsoever his fancy leads him to . And since it is in your power to create such a world , What need you to venture life , reputation and tranquility , to conquer a gross material world ? For you can enjoy no more of a material world then a particular Creature is able to enjoy , which is but a small part , considering the compass of such a world ; and you may plainly observe it by your friend the Emperess here , which although she possesses a whole world , yet enjoys she but a part thereof ; neither is she so much acquainted with it , that she knows all the places , Countries and Dominions she Governs . The truth is , a Soveraign Monarch has the general trouble ; but the Subjects enjoy all the delights and pleasures in parts ; for it is impossible , that a Kingdom , nay , a County should be injoyed by one person at once , except he take the pains dusty and misty particles , she endeavoured to create a World according to Aristotle's Opinion ; but remembring that her mind , as most of the Learned hold it , was Immaterial , and that according to Aristotle's Principle , out of Nothing , Nothing could be made ; she was forced also to desist from that work , and then she fully resolved , not to take any more patterns from the Ancient Philosophers , but to follow the Opinions of the Moderns ; and to that end , she endeavoured to make a World according to Des Cartes Opinion ; but when she had made the AEthereal Globules , and set them a moving by a strong and lively imagination , her mind became so dizzie with their extraordinary swift turning round , that it almost put her into a swoon ; for her thoughts , by their constant tottering , did so stagger , as if they had all been drunk : wherefore she dissolved that World , and began to make another , according to Hobbs's Opinion ; but when all the parts of this Imaginary World came to press and drive each other , they seemed like a company of Wolves that worry Sheep , or like so many Dogs that hunt after Hares ; and when she found a reaction equal to those pressures , her mind was so squeesed together , that her thoughts could neither move forward nor backward , which caused such an horrible pain in her head , that although she had dissolved that World , yet she could not , without much difficulty , settle her mind , and free it from that pain which those pressures and reactions had caused in it . At last , when the Duchess saw that no patterns would do her any good in the framing of her World ; she was resolved to make a World of her own invention , and this World was composed of sensitive and rational self-moving Matter ; indeed , it was composed onely of the rational , which is the subtilest and purest degree of Matter ; for as the sensitive did move and act both to the perceptions and consistency of the body , so this degree of Matter at the same point of time ( for though the degrees are mixt , yet the several parts may move several ways at one time ) did move to the Creation of the Imaginary World ; which World after it was made , appear'd so curious and full of variety , so well order'd and wisely govern'd , that it cannot possibly be expressed by words , nor the delight and pleasure which the Duchess took in making this world of her own . In the mean time the Emperess was also making and dissolving several worlds in her own mind , and was so puzled , that she could not settle in any of them ; wherefore she sent for the Duchess , who being ready to wait on the Emperess , carried her beloved world along with her , and invited the Emperess's Soul to observe the frame , order and Government of it . Her Majesty was so ravished with the perception of it , that her soul desired to live in the Duchess's World ; but the Duchess advised her to make such another World in her own mind ; for , said she , your Majesties mind is full of rational corporeal motions , and the rational motions of my mind shall assist you by the help of sensitive expressions , with the best instructions they are able to give you . The Emperess being thus perswaded by the Duchess to make an imaginary World of her own , followed her advice ; and after she had quite finished it , and framed all kinds of Creatures proper and useful for it , strengthened it with good Laws , and beautified it with Arts and Sciences ; having nothing else to do , unless she did dissolve her imaginary world , or made some alterations in the Blazing-world , she lived in , which yet she could hardly do , by reason it was so well ordered that it could not be mended ; for it was governed without secret and deceiving Policy ; neither was there any ambition , factions , malicious detractions , civil dissensions , or home-bred quarrels , divisions in Religion , forreign Wars , &c. but all the people lived in a peaceful society , united Tranquillity , and Religious Conformity ; she was desirous to see the world the Duchess came from , and observe therein the several soveraign Governments , Laws and Customs of several Nations . The Duchess used all the means she could , to divert her from that Journey , telling her , that the world she came from , was very much disturbed with factions , divisions and wars ; but the Emperess would not be perswaded from her design ; and lest the Emperour , or any of his subjects should know of her travel , and obstruct her design , she sent for some of the Spirits she had formerly conversed withal , and inquired whether none of them could supply the place of her soul in her body at such a time , when she was gone to travel into another World ? They answered , Yes , they could ; for not onely one , said they , but many Spirits may enter into your body , if you please . The Emperess replied , she desired but one Spirit to be Vice-Roy of her body in the absence of her Soul , but it must be an honest and ingenious Spirit ; and if it was possible , a female Spirit . The Spirits told her , that there was no difference of Sexes amongst them ; but , said they , we will chuse an honest and ingenious Spirit , and such a one as shall so resemble your soul , that neither the Emperour , nor any of his subjects , although the most Divine , shall know whether it be your own soul , or not : which the Emperess was very glad at , and after the Spirits were gone , asked the Duchess , how her body was supplied in the absence of her soul ? who answered Her Majesty , That her body , in the absence of her soul , was governed by her sensitive and rational corporeal motions . Thus those two female souls travelled together as lightly as two thoughts into the Duchess her native World ; and which is remarkable , in a moment viewed all the parts of it , and all the actions of all the Creatures therein , especially did the Emperess's soul take much notice of the several actions of humane Creatures in all the several Nations and parts of that World , and wonder'd that for all there were so many several Nations , Governments , Laws , Religions , Opinions , &c. they should all yet so generally agree in being Ambitious , Proud , Self-conceited , Vain , Prodigal , Deceitful , Envious , Malicious , Unjust , Revengeful , Irreligious , Factious , &c. She did also admire , that not any particular State , Kingdom or Common-wealth , was contented with their own shares , but endeavoured to encroach upon their neighbours , and that their greatest glory was in Plunder and Slaughter , and yet their victorie's less then their expenses , and their losses more then their gains , but their being overcome in a manner their utter ruine . But that she wonder'd most at , was , that they should prize or value dirt more then mens lives , and vanity more then tranquillity ; for the Emperor of a world , said she , injoys but a part , not the whole ; so that his pleasure consists in the opinions of others . It is strange to me , answered the Duchess , that you should say thus , being your self , an Emperess of a World , and not onely of a world , but of a peaceable , quiet , and obedient world . 'T is true , replied the Emperess , but although it is a peaceable and obedient world , yet the Government thereof is rather a trouble , then a pleasure ; for order cannot be without industry , contrivance and direction ; besides , the Magnificent state , that great Princes keep or ought to keep , is troublesome . Then by your Majesties discourse , said the Duchess , I perceive that the greatest happiness in all Worlds consist in Moderation : No doubt of it , replied the Emperess ; and after these two souls had visited all the several places , Congregations and Assemblies both in Religion and State , the several Courts of Judicature , and the like , in several Nations , the Emperess said , That of all the Monarchs of the several parts of that World , she had observed the Grand-Signior was the greatest ; for his word was a Law , and his power absolute . But the Duchess pray'd the Emperess to pardon her that she was of another mind ; for , said she , he cannot alter Mahomets Laws and Religion ; so that the Law and Church do govern the Emperor , and not the Emperor them . But , replied the Emperess , he has power in some particulars ; as for example , to place and displace subjects in their particular Governments of Church and State , and having that , he has the Command both over Church and State , and none dares oppose him . 'T is true , said the Duchess ; but if it pleases your Majesty , we will go into that part of the world whence I came to wait on your Majesty , and there you shall see as powerful a Monarch as the Grand-Signior ; for though his Dominions are not of so large extent , yet they are much stronger , his Laws are easie and safe , and he governs so justly and wisely , that his subjects are the happiest people of all the Nations or parts of that world . This Monarch , said the Emperess , I have a great mind to see : Then they both went , and in a short time arrived into his Dominions ; but coming into the Metropolitan City , the Emperess's soul observed many Galants go into an house , and enquiring of the Duchess's soul , what house that was ? She told her , It was one of the Theatres where Comedies and Tragedies were acted . The Emperess asked , Whether they were real ? No , said the Duchess , They are feigned . Then the Emperess desired to enter into the Theatre , and when she had seen the Play that was acted , the Duchess asked her how she liked that Recreation ? I like it very well , said the Emperess ; but I observe , that the Actors make a better show then the Spectators , and the Scenes a better then the Actors , and the Musick and Dancing is more pleasant and acceptable then the Play it self ; for I see , the Scenes stand for wit , the Dancing for humour , and the Musick is the Chorus . I am sorry , replied the Duchess , to hear your Majesty say so ; for if the Wits of this part of the world should hear you , they would condemn you . What , said the Emperess , would they condemn me for preferring a natural face before a sign-post , or a natural humour before an artificial dance , or Musick before a true and profitable Relation ? As for relation , replied the Duchess , our Poets defie and condemn it into a Chimney-corner , fitter for old Womens Tales , then Theatres . Why , said the Emperess , do not your Poets actions comply with their judgments ? for their Plays are composed of old stories , either of Greek or Roman , or some new-found World. The Duchess answered her Majesty , that it was true , that all or most of their Plays were taken out of old Stories , but yet they had new actions , which being joined to old stories , together with the addition of new Prologues , Scenes , Musick and Dancing , made new Plays . After this , both the Souls went to the Court , where all the Royal Family was together , attended by the chief of the Nobles of their Dominions , which made a very magnificent show ; and when the soul of the Emperess viewed the King and Queen , she seemed to be in amaze , which the Duchess's soul perceiving , asked the Emperess how she liked the King , the Queen , and all the Royal Race ? She answered , that in all the Monarchs she had seen in that World , she had not found so much Majesty and affability mixt so exactly together , that none did overshadow or eclipse the other ; and as for the Queen , she said , that Vertue sate Triumphant in her face , and Piety was dwelling in her heart , and that all the Royal Family seem'd to be endued with a Divine splendor : but when she had heard the King discourse , she believ'd , that Mercury and Apollo had been his Celestial instructors ; and my dear Lord and Husband , added the Duchess , has been his Earthly Governour . But after some short stay in the Court , the Duchess's soul grew very Melancholy ; the Emperess asking the cause of her sadness ? She told her , that she had an extreme desire to converse with the soul of her noble Lord and dear Husband , and that she was impatient of a longer stay . The Emperess desired the Duchess to have but patience so long , until the King , the Queen , and the Royal Family were retired , and then she would bear her company to her Lord and Husbands Soul , who at that time lived in the Country some 112 miles off ; which she did : and thus these two souls went towards those parts of the Kingdom where the Duke of Newcastle was . But one thing I forgot all this while , which is , That although thoughts are the natural language of souls , yet by reason souls cannot travel without Vehicles , they use such language as the nature and propriety of their Vehicles require , and the Vehicles of those two souls being made of the purest and finest sort of air , and of a humane shape ; this purity and fineness was the cause that they could neither be seen nor heard by any humane Creature ; when as , had they been of some grosser sort of Air , the sound of that Airs language would have been as perceptible as the blowing of Zephyrus . And now to return to my former Story ; when the Emperess's and Duchess's Soul were travelling into Nottingham-shire , for that was the place where the Duke did reside ; passing through the forrest of Sherewood , the Emperess's soul was very much delighted with it , as being a dry , plain and woody place , very pleasant to travel in both in Winter and Summer ; for it is neither much dirty , nor dusty at no time : at last they arrived at Welbeck , a House where the Duke dwell'd , surrounded all with Wood , so close and full , that the Emperess took great pleasure and delight therein , and told the Duchess she never had observed more wood in so little a compass in any part of the Kingdom she had passed through ; The truth is , said she , there seems to be more wood on the Seas , she meaning the Ships , then on the Land. The Duchess told her , the reason was , that there had been a long Civil War in that Kingdom , in which most of the best Timber-trees and Principal Palaces were ruined and destroyed ; and my dear Lord and Husband , said she , has lost by it half his Woods , besides many Houses , Land , and moveable Goods ; so that all the loss out of his particular Estate , did amount to above half a Million of Pounds . I wish , said the Emperess , he had some of the Gold that is in the Blazing-world , to repair his losses . The Duchess most humbly thank'd her Imperial Majesty for her kind wishes ; but , said she , wishes will not repair his ruines : however , God has given my Noble Lord and Husband great Patience , by which he bears all his losses and misfortunes . At last , they enter'd into the Dukes House , an habitation not so magnificent , as useful ; and when the Emperess saw it , Has the Duke , said she , no other house but this ? Yes , answered the Duchess , some five miles from this place , he has a very fine Castle , called Bolesover . That place then , said the Emperess , I desire to see . Alas ! replied the Duchess , it is but a naked house , and uncloath'd of all Furniture . However , said the Emperess , I may see the manner of its structure and building . That you may , replied the Duchess : and as they were thus discoursing , the Duke came out of the House into the Court , to see his Horses of mannage ; whom when the Duchess's soul perceived , she was so overjoyed , that her aereal Vehicle became so splendorous , as if it had been enlightned by the Sun ; by which we may perceive , that the passions of Souls or Spirits can alter their bodily Vehicles . Then these two Ladies Spirits went close to him , but he could not perceive them ; and after the Emperess had observed the Art of Mannage , she was much pleased with it , and commended it as a noble pastime , and an exercise fit and proper for noble and heroick Persons : But when the Duke was gone into the house again , those two Souls followed him ; where the Emperess observing , that he went to the exercise of the Sword , and was such an excellent and unparallell'd Master thereof , she was as much pleased with that exercise , as she was with the former : But the Duchess's soul being troubled , that her dear Lord and Husband used such a violent exercise before meat , for fear of overheating himself , without any consideration of the Emperess's soul , left her aereal Vehicle , and entred into her Lord. The Emperess's soul perceiving this , did the like : And then the Duke had three Souls in one Body ; and had there been but some such Souls more , the Duke would have been like the Grand-Signior in his Seraglio , onely it would have been a Platonick Seraglio . But the Dukes soul being wise , honest , witty , complaisant and noble , afforded such delight and pleasure to the Emperess's soul by her conversation , that these two souls became enamoured of each other ; which the Duchess's soul perceiving , grew jealous at first , but then considering that no Adultery could be committed amongst Platonick Lovers , and that Platonism was Divine , as being derived from Divine Plato , cast forth of her mind that Idea of Jealousie . Then the Conversation of these three souls was so pleasant , that it cannot be expressed ; for the Dukes soul entertained the Emperesses soul with Scenes , Songs , Musick , witty Discourses , pleasant Recreations , and all kinds of harmless sports ; so that the time passed away faster then they expected . At last , a Spirit came and told the Emperess , that although neither the Emperour , nor any of his subjects knew that her soul was absent ; yet the Emperours soul was so sad and melancholy , for want of his own beloved soul , that all the Imperial Court took notice of it . Wherefore he advised the Emperess's Soul to return into the Blazing-world , into her own body she left there ; which both the Dukes and Duchess's soul was very sorry for , and wished , that if it had been possible , the Emperess's soul might have stayed a longer time with them ; but seeing it could not be otherwise , they pacified themselves : But before the Emperess returned into the Blazing-world , the Duchess desired a favour of her , to wit , that she would be pleased to make an agreement between her Noble Lord , and Fortune . Why , said the Emperess , are they enemies ? Yes , answered the Duchess , and they have been so ever since I have been his Wife ; nay , I have heard my Lord say , that she hath crossed him in all things ever since he could remember . I am sorry for that , replied the Emperess , but I cannot discourse with Fortune without the help of an Immaterial Spirit , and that cannot be done in this World , for I have no Fly-nor Bird-men here , to send into the region of the Air , where , for the most part , their habitations are . The Duchess said , she would intreat her Lord to send an Attorney or Lawyer , to plead her cause . Fortune will bribe them , replied the Emperess , and so the Duke may chance to be cast ; Wherefore the best way will be for the Duke to chuse a friend on his side , and let Fortune chuse another , and try whether by this means it be possible to compose the difference . The Duchess said , They will never come to an agreement , unless there be a Judg or Umpire to decide the Case . A Judg , replied the Empersss , is easie to be had , but to get an Impartial Judg , is a thing so difficult , that I doubt we shall hardly find one ; for there is none to be had neither in Nature , nor in Hell , but onely from Heaven , and how to get such a Divine and Celestial Judg , I cannot tell : Nevertheless , if you will go along with me into the Blazing-world , I 'le try what may be done . 'T is my duty , said the Duchess , to wait on your Majesty , and I shall most willingly do it , for I have no other interest to consider . Then the Duchess spake to the Duke concerning the difference between him and Fortune , and how it was her desire that they might be friends . The Duke answered , That for his part , he had always with great industry , sought her friendship , but as yet he could never obtain it , for she had always been his enemy : However , said he , I 'le try , and send my two friends , Prudence and Honesty , to plead my cause . Then these two friends went with the Duchess and the Emperess into the Blazing-world ; ( for it is to be observed , that they are somewhat like Spirits , because they are immaterial , although their actions are corporeal : ) and after their arrival there , when the Emperess had refreshed her self , and rejoiced with the Emperor , she sent her Fly-men for some of the Spirits , and defired their assistance , to compose the difference between Fortune , and the Duke of Newcastle . But they told her Majesty , That Fortune was so inconstant , that although she would perhaps promise to hear their cause pleaded , yet it was a thousand to one , but she would never have the patience to do it : Nevertheless , upon Her Majesties request , they tried their utmost , and at last prevailed with Fortune so far , that she chose Folly , and Rashness , for her Friends , but they could not agree in chusing a Judg ; until at last , with much ado , they concluded , that Truth should hear , and decide the cause . Thus all being prepared , and the time appointed , both the Emperess's and Duchess's soul went to hear them plead ; and when all the Immaterial company was met , Fortune standing upon a Golden-Globe , made this following Speech : Noble Friends , We are met here to hear a Cause pleaded concerning the difference between the Duke of Newcastle , and my self ; and though I am willing upon the perswasions of the Ambassadors of the Emperess , the Immaterial Spirits , to yield to it , yet it had been fit , the Dukes Soul should be present also , to speak for her self ; but since she is not here , I shall declare my self to his Wife , and his Friends , as also to my Friends , especially the Emperess , to whom I shall chiefly direct my Speech . First , I desire , your Imperial Majesty may know , that this Duke who complains or exclaims so much against me , hath been always my enemy ; for he has preferred Honesty and Prudence before me , and slighted all my favours ; nay , not onely thus , but he did fight against me , and preferred his Innocence before my Power . His friends Honesty and Prudence , said he most scornfully , are more to be regarded , then Inconstant Fortune , who is onely a friend to Fools and Knaves ; for which neglect and scorn , whether I have not just reason to be his enemy , your Majesty may judg your self . After Fortune had thus ended her Speech , the Duchess's Soul rose from her seat , and spake to the Immaterial Assembly in this manner : Noble Friends , I think it fit , by your leave , to answer Lady Fortuue in the behalf of my Noble Lord and Husband , since he is not here himself ; and since you have heard her complaint concerning the choice my Lord made of his friends , and the neglect and difrespect he seemed to cast upon her ; give me leave to answer , that , first concerning the Choice of his Friends , He has proved himself a wise man in it ; and as for the dis-respect and rudeness , her Ladiship accuses him of , I dare say , he is so much a Gentleman , that I am confident he would never slight , scorn or disrespect any of the Female Sex in all his life time ; but was such a servant and Champion for them , that he ventured Life and Estate in their service ; but being of an honest , as well as an honourable Nature , he could not trust Fortune with that which he preferred above his life , which was his Reputation , by reason Fortune did not side with those that were honest and honourable , but renounced them ; and since he could not be of both sides , he chose to be of that which was agreeable both to his Conscience , Nature and Education ; for which choice Fortune did not onely declare her self his open Enemy , but fought with him in several Battels ; nay , many times , hand to hand ; at last , she being a Powerful Princess , and as some believe , a Deity , overcame him , and cast him into a Banishment , where she kept him in great misery , ruined his Estate , and took away from him most of his Friends ; nay , even when she favoured many that were against her , she still frowned on him ; all which he endured with the greatest patience , and with that respect to Lady Fortune , that he did never in the least endeavour to disoblige any of her Favourites , but was onely sorry that he , an honest man , could find no favour in her Court ; and since he did never injure any of those she favoured , he neither was an enemy to her Ladiship , but gave her always that respect and worship which belonged to her power and dignity , and is still ready at any time honestly and prudently to serve her ; he onely begs her Ladiship would be his friend for the future , as she hath been his enemy in times past . As soon as the Duchess's Speech was ended , Folly and Rashness started up , and both spake so thick and fast at once , that not onely the Assembly , but themselves were not able to understand each other : At which Fortune was somewhat out of countenance , and commanded them either to speak singly , or be silent : But Prudence told her Ladiship , she should command them to speak wisely , as well as singly ; otherwise , said she , it were best for them not to speak at all : Which Fortune resented very ill , and told Prudence , she was too bold ; and then commanded Folly to declare what she would have made known : but her Speech was so foolish , mixt with such non-sence , that none knew what to make of it ; besides , it was so tedious , that Fortune bid her to be silent , and commanded Rashness to speak for her , who began after this manner : Great Fortune ; The Duchess of Newcastle has proved her self , according to report , a very Proud and Ambitious Lady , in presuming to answer you her own self , in this noble Assembly without your Command , in a Speech wherein she did not onely contradict you , but preferred Honesty and Prudence before you ; saying , that her Lord was ready to serve you honestly and prudently ; which presumption is beyond all pardon ; and if you allow Honestly and Prudence to be above you , none will admire , worship or serve you ; but you 'l be forced to serve your self , and will be despised , neglected and scorned by all ; and from a Deity , become a miserable , dirty , begging mortal in a Church-yard-Porch , or Noble-mans Gate : Wherefore to prevent such disasters , fling as many misfortunes and neglects on the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle , and their two friends , as your power is able to do ; otherwise Prudence and Honesty will be the chief and onely Moral Deities of Mortals . Rashness having thus ended her Speech , Prudence rose and declared her self in this manner : Beautiful Truth , Great Fortune , and you the rest of my noble Friends ; I am come a great and long journey in the behalf of my dear Friend the Duke of Newcastle , not to make more wounds , but , if it be possible , to heal those that are made already . Neither do I presume to be a Deity ; but my onely request is , that you would be pleased to accept of my offering , I being an humble and devout supplicant , and since no offering is more acceptable to the Gods , then the offering of Peace ; in order to that , I desire to make an agreement between Fortune , and the Duke of Newcastle . Thus she spake , and as she was going on , up started Honesty ( for she has not always so much discretion as she ought to have ) and interrupted Prudence . I came not here , said she , to hear Fortune flattered , but to hear the Cause decided between Fortune and the Duke ; neither came I hither to speak Rhetorically and Eloquently , but to propound the case plainly and truly ; and I 'le have you know , that the Duke , whose Cause we argue , was and is my Foster-son ; For I Honesty bred him from his Childhood , and made a perpetual friendship betwixt him and Gratitude , Charity and Generosity ; and put him to School to Prudence , who taught him Wisdom , and informed him in the Rules of Temperance , Patience , Justice , and the like ; then I put him into the Vniversity of Honour , where he learned all honourable Qualities , Arts , and Sciences ; afterward I sent him to travel through the World of Actions , and made Observation his Governour ; and in those his travels , he contracted a friendship with Experience ; all which , made him fit for Heavens Blessings , and Fortunes Favours : But she hating all those that have merit and desert , became his inveterate Enemy , doing him all the mischief she could , until the God of Justice opposed Fortunes Malice , and pull'd him out of those ruines she had cast upon him : For this Go'ds Favours were the Dukes Champions ; wherefore to be an Enemy to him , were to be an Enemy to the God of Justice : In short , the true cause of Fortunes Malice to this Duke , is , that he would never flatter her ; for I Honesty , did command him not to do it , or else he would be forced to follow all her inconstam ways , and obey all her unjust commands , which would cause a great reproach to him : but , on the other side , Prudence advised him not to despise Fortunes favours , for that would be an obstruction and hinderance to his worth and merit ; and He to obey both our advice and counsels , did neither flatter nor despise Her , but was always humble and respectful to her , so far as Honour , Honesty and Conscience would permit : all which I refer to Truths Judgment , and expect her final sentence . Fortune hearing thus Honesties plain Speech , thought it very rude , and would not hearken to Truths Judgment , but went away in a Passion : At which , both the Emperess and Duchess were extreamly troubled , that their endeavours should have no better effect : but Honesty chid the Duchess , and said , she was to be punished for desiring so much Fortunes favours ; for it appears , said she , that you mistrust the Gods blessings : At which the Duchess wept , answering Honesty , that she did neither mistrust the Gods blessings , nor rely upon Fortunes favours ; but desired onely that her Lord might have no potent Enemies . The Emperess being much troubled to see her weep , told Honesty in anger , she wanted the discretion of Prudence ; for though you are commendable , said she , yet you are apt to commit many indiscreet actions , unless Prudence be your guide . At which reproof Prudence smiled , and Honesty was somewhat out of countenance ; but they soon became very good friends : and after the Duchess's soul had stayed some time with the Emperess in the Blazing-world , she begg'd leave of her to return to her Lord and Husband ; which the Emperess granted her , upon condition she should come and visit her as often as convenintly she could , promising that she would do the same to the Duchess . Thus the Duchess's soul , after she had taken her leave of the Emperess , as also of the Spirits , who with great civility , promised her , that they would endeavour in time to make a peace and agreement between Fortune and the Duke , returned with Prudence and Honesty into her own World : But when she was just upon her departure , the Emperess sent to Her , and desired that she might yet have some little conference with her before she went ; which the Duchess most willingly granted her Majesty , and when she came to wait on Her , the Emperess told the Duchess , that she being Her dear Platonick friend , of whose just and impartial judgment , she had always a very great esteem , could not forbear , before she went from her , to ask her advice concerning the Government of the Blazing-world ; For , said she , although this World was very well and wisely order'd and governed at first , when I came to be Emperess thereof ; yet the nature of Women , being much delighted with change and variety , after I had received an absolute Power from the Emperour , did somewhat alter the Form of Government from what I found it ; but now perceiving that the world is not so quiet as it was at first , I am much troubled at it ; especially there are such continual contentions and divisions between the WormBear - and Fly-men , the Ape-men , the Satyrs , the Spider-men , and all others of such sorts , that I fear they 'l break out into an open Rebellion , and cause a great disorder and ruine of the Government ; and therefore I desire your advice and assistance , how I may order it to the best advantage , that this World may be rendred peaceable , quiet and happy , as it was before . Whereupon the Duchess answered , That since she heard by her Imperial Majesty , how well and happily the World had been governed when she first came to be Emperess thereof , she would advise her Majesty to introduce the same form of Government again , which had been before ; that is , to have but one Soveraign , one Religion , one Law , and one Language , so that all the World might be but as one united Family , without divisions ; nay , like God , and his Blessed Saints and Angels : Otherwise , said she , it may in time prove as unhappy , nay , as miserable a World as that is from which I came , wherein are more Soveraigns then Worlds , and more pretended Governours then Governments , more Religions then Gods , and more Opinions in those Religions then Truths ; more Laws then Rights , and more Bribes then Justices , more Policies then Necessities , and more Fears then Dangers ; more Covetousness then Riches , more Ambitions then Merits , more Services then Rewards , more Languages then Wit , more Controversie then Knowledg , more Reports then noble Actions , and more Gifts by partiality , then according to merit ; all which , said she , is a great misery , nay , a curse , which your blessed Blazing-world never knew , nor 't is probable , will never know of , unless your Imperial Majesty alter the Government thereof from what it was when you began to govern it : And since your Majesty complain much of the factions of the Bear - Fish - Fly - Ape - and Worm-men , the Satyrs , Spider-men , and the like , and of their perpetual disputes and quarrels , I would advise your Majesty to dissolve all their societies ; for 't is better to be without their intelligences , then to have an unquiet and disorderly Government . The truth is , said she , wheresoever is Learning , there is most commonly also Controversie and Quarrelling ; for there be always some that will know more , and be wiser then others ; some think their arguments come nearer to truth , and are more rational then others ; some are so wedded to their own opinions , that they 'l never yield to Reason ; and others , though they find their Opinions not firmly grounded upon Reason , yet for fear of receiving some disgrace by altering them , will nevertheless maintain them against all sense and reason , which must needs breed factions in their Schools , which at last break out into open Wars , and draw sometimes an utter ruine upon a State or Government . The Emperess told the Duchess , that she would willingly follow her advice , but she thought it would be an eternal disgrace to her , to alter her own Decrees , Acts and Laws . To which the Duchess answered , That it was so far from a disgrace , as it would rather be for her Majesties eternal honour , to return from a worse to a better , and would express and declare Her to be more then ordinary wise and good ; so wise , as to perceive her own errors , and so good , as not to persist in them , which few did ; for which , said she , you will get a glorious same in this World , and an Eternal glory hereafter ; and I shall pray for it so long as I live . Upon which advice , the Emperess's Soul embraced and kiss'd the Duchess's soul with an immaterial kiss , and shed immaterial tears , that she was forced to part from her , finding her not a flattering Parasite , but a true friend ; and , in truth , such was their Platonick Friendship , as these two loving Souls did often meet and rejoice in each others Conversation . where all her Friends and Relations did live , at which the Emperess was extreamly troubled ; insomuch that the Emperor perceived her grief by her tears , and examining the cause thereof , she told him that she had received Intelligence from the Spirits , that that part of the World she came from , which was her native Country , was like to be destroyed by numerous Enemies that made war against it . The Emperor being very sensible of this ill news , especially of the Trouble it caused to the Emperess , endeavorred to comfort her as much as possibly he could , and told her , that she might have all the assistance which the Blazing-world was able to afford . She answered , That if there were any possibility of transporting Forces out of the Blazing-world , into the World she came from , she would not fear so much the ruine thereof : but , said she , there being no probability of effecting any such thing , I know not how to shew my readiness to serve my Native Country . The Emperor asked , Whether those Spirits that gave her Intelligence of this War , could not with all their Power and Forces assist her against those Enemies ? She answered , That Spirits could not arm themselves , nor make any use of Artificial Arms or Weapons ; for their Vehicles were Natural Bodies , not Artificial : Besides , said she , the violent and strong actions of War , will never agree with Immaterial Spirits ; for Immaterial Spirits cannot fight , nor make Trenches , Fortifications , and the like . But , said the Emperor , their Vehicles can ; especially if those Vehicles be mens Bodies , they may be serviceable in all the actions of War. Alas , replied the Emperess , that will never do ; for first , said she , it will be difficult to get so many dead Bodies for their Vehicles , as to make up a whole Army , much more to make many Armies to fight with so many several Nations ; nay , if this could be , yet it is not possible to get so many dead and undissolved bodies in one Nation ; and for transporting them out of other Nations , would be a thing of great difficulty and improbability : But put the case , said she , all these difficulties could be overcome , yet there is one obstruction or hinderance which can no ways be avoided ; for although those dead and undissolved Bodies did all die in one minute of time , yet before they could Rendezvouze , and be put into a posture of War , to make a great and formidable Army , they would stink and dissolve ; and when they came to a fight , they would moulder into dust and ashes , and so leave the purer Immaterial Spirits naked : nay , were it also possible , that those dead bodies could be preserved from stinking and dissolving , yet the souls of such bodies would not suffer Immaterial Spirits to rule and order them , but they would enter and govern them themselves , as being the right owners thereof , which would produce a War between those Immaterial Souls , and the Immaterial Spirits in Material Bodies ; all which would hinder them from doing any service in the actions of War , against the Enemies of my Native Countrey . You speak Reason , said the Emperor , and I wish with all my Soul I could advise any manner or way , that you might be able to assist it ; but you having told me of your dear Platonick Friend the Duchess of Neweastle , and of her good and prositable Counsels , I would desire you to send for her Soul , and conser with her about this business . The Emperess was very glad of this motion of the Emperor , and immediately sent for the Soul of the said Duchess , which in a minute waited on her Majesty . Then the Emperess declared to her the grievance and sadness of her mind , and how much she was troubled and afflicted at the News brought her by the Immaterial Spirits , desiring the Duchess , if possible , to assist her with the best counsels she could , that she might shew the greatness of her love and affection which she bore to her Native Countrey . Whereupon the Duchess promised her Majesty to do what lay in her power ; and since it was a business of great Importance , she desired some time to consider of it ; for , said she , Great Affairs require deep considerations ; which the Emperess willingly allowed her . And after the Duchess had considered some little time , she desired the Emperess to send some of her Syrenes or Mear-Men , to see what passages they could find out of the Blazing-World , into the World she came from ; for said she , if there be a passage for a Ship to come out of that World into this ; then certainly there may also a Ship pass thorow the same passage out of this World into that . Hereupon the Mear-or Fish-men were sent out ; who being many in number , employ'd all their industry , and did swim several ways ; at last having found out the passage , they returned to the Emperess , and told her , That as their Blazing-World had but one Emperor , one Government , one Religion , and one Language , so there was but one Passage into that World , which was so little , that no Vessel bigger than a Packet-Boat could go thorow ; neither was that Passage always open , but sometimes quite frozen up . At which Relation both the Emperess and Duchess seemed somewhat troubled , fearing that this would perhaps be an hinderance or obstruction to their Design . At last the Duchess desired the Emperess to send for her Ship-wrights , and all her Architects , which were Giants ; who being called , the Duchess told them how some in her own World had been so ingenious , and contrived Ships that could swim under Water , and asked whether they could do the like ? The Gyants answered , They had never heard of that Invention ; nevertheless , they would try what might be done by Art , and spare no labour or industry to find it out . In the mean time , while both the Emperess and Duchess were in a serious Counsel , after many debates , the Duchess desired but a few Ships to transport some of the Bird-Worm-and Bear-men . Alas ! said the Emperess , What can such sorts of Men do in the other World ? especially so few ? They will be soon destroyed , for a Musket will destroy numbers of Birds at one shot . The Duchess said , I desire your Majesty will have but a little patience , and rely upon my advice , and you shall not fail to save your own Native Country , and in a manner become Mistress of all that World you came from . The Emperess , who loved the Duchess as her own Soul , did so ; the Gyants returned soon after , and told her Majesty , that they had found out the Art which the Duchess had mentioned , to make such Ships as could swim under Water ; which the Emperess and Duchess were both very glad at , and when the Ships were made ready , the Duchess told the Emperess , that it was requisite that her Majesty should go her self in body as well as in Soul ; but , I , said she , can onely wait on your Majesty after a Spiritual manner , that is , with my Soul. Your Soul , said the Emperess , shall live with my Soul , in my Body ; for I shall onely desire your Counseland Advice . Then said the Duchess , Your Majesty must command a great number of your Fish-men to wait on your Ships ; for you know that your Ships are not made for Cannons , and therefore are no ways serviceable in War ; for though by the help of your Engines they can drive on , and your Fish-men may by the help of Chains or Ropes , draw them which way they will , to make them go on , or flye back , yet not so as to fight : And though your Ships be of Gold , and cannot be shot thorow , but onely bruised and battered ; yet the Enemy will assault and enter them , and take them as Prizes ; wherefore your Fish-men must do you Service instead of Cannons . But how , said the Emperess , can the Fish-men do me service against an Enemy , without Canons and all sorts of Arms ? That is the reason , answered the Duchess , that I would have numbers of Fish-men , for they shall destroy all your Enemies Ships , before they can come near you . The Emperess asked in what manner that could be ? Thus , answered the Duchess : Your Majesty must send a number of Worm-men to the Burning-Mountains ( for you have good store of them in the Blazing-World ) which must get a great quantity of the Fire-stone , whose property , you know , is , that it burns so long as it is wet ; and the Ships in the other World being all made of Wood , they may by that means set them all on fire ; and if you can but destroy their Ships , and hinder their Navigation , you will be Mistress of all that World , by reason most parts thereof cannot live without Navigation . Besides , said she , the Fire-stone will serve you instead of light or torches ; for you know , that the World you are going into , is dark at nights ( especially if there be no Moon-shine , or if the Moon be overshadowed by Clouds ) and not so full of Blazing-Stars as this World is , which make as great a light in the absence of the Sun , as the Sun doth when it is present ; for that World hath but little blinking Stars , which make more shadows then light , and are onely able to draw up Vapours from the Earth , but not to rarifie or clarifie them , or to convert them into serene air . This Advice of the Duchess was very much approved , and joyfully embraced by the Emperess , who forthwith sent her Worm-men to get a good quantity of the mentioned Fire-Stone . She also commanded numbers of Fish-men to wait on her under water , and Bird-men to wait on her in the air ; and Bear-and Worm-men to wait on her in Ships , according to the Duchess's advice ; and indeed the Bear-men were as serviceable to her as the North-Star ; but the Bird-men would often rest themselves upon the Decks of the Ships ; neither would the Emperess , being of a sweet and noble Nature , suffer that they should tire or weary themselves by long flights ; for though by Lard they did often flye out of one Countrey into another , yet they did rest in some Woods , or on some Grounds , especially at night , when it was their sleeping time : And therefore the Emperess was forced to take a great many Ships along with her , both for transporting those several sorts of her loyal and serviceable Subjects , and to carry provisions for them : Besides , she was so wearied with the Petitions of several others of her Subjects who desired to wait on her Majesty , that she could not possibly deny them all ; for some would rather chuse to be drowned , then not tender their duty to her . Thus after all things were made fit and ready , the Emperess began her Journey , I cannot properly say , she set Sail , by reason in some Part , as in the passage between the two Worlds ( which yet was but short ) the Ships were drawn under water by the Fish-men with Golden Chains , so that they had no need of Sails there , nor of any other Arts , but onely to keep out water from entering into the Ships , and to give or make so much Air as would serve for breath or respiration , those Land Animals that were in the Ships ; which the Giants had so Artificially contrived , that they which were therein found no inconveniency at all : And after they had passed the Icy Sea , the Golden Ships appeared above water , and so went on until they came near the Kingdom that was the Emperess's Native Countrey ; where the Bear-men through their Telescopes discovered a great number of Ships which had beset all that Kingdom , well rigg'd and mann'd . The Emperess before she came in sight of the Enemy , sent some of her Fish-and Bird-men to bring her Intelligence of their Fleet ; and hearing of their number , their station and posture , she gave order that when it was Night , her Bird-men should carry on their backs some of the mentioned Fire-stones , with the tops thereof wetted ; and the Fish-men should carry them likewise , and hold them out of the Water ; for they were cut in the form of Torches or Candles , and being many thousands , made a terrible shew ; for it appear'd as if all the Air and Sea had been of a flaming Fire ; and all that were upon the Sea , or near it , did verily believe , the time of Judgment , or the Last Day was come , which made them all fall down , and Pray . At the break of Day , the Emperess commanded those Lights to be put out , and then the Naval Forces of the Enemy perceived nothing but a Number of Ships without Sails , Guns , Arms , and other Instruments of War ; which Ships seemed to swim of themselves , without any help or assistance : which sight put them into a great amaze ; neither could they perceive that those Ships were of Gold , by reason the Emperess had caused them all to be coloured black , or with a dark colour ; so that the natural colour of the Gold could not be perceived through the artificial colour of the paint , no not by the best Telescopes . All which put the Enemies Fleet into such a fright at night , and to such wonder in the morning , or at day time , that they knew not what to judg or make of them ; for they knew neither what Ships they were , nor what Party they belonged to , insomuch that they had no power to stir . In the mean while , the Emperess knowing the Colours of her own Country , sent a Letter to their General , and the rest of the chief Commanders , to let them know , that she was a great and powerful Princess , and came to assist them against their Enemies ; wherefore she desired they should declare themselves , when they would have her help and assistance . Hereupon a Councel was called , and the business debated ; but there were so many cross and different Opinions , that they could not suddenly resolve what answer to send the Emperess ; at which she grew angry , insomuch that she resolved to return into her Blazing-world , without giving any assistance to her Country-men : But the Duchess of Newcastle in treated her Majesty to abate her passion ; for , said she , Great Councels are most commonly slow , because many men have many several Opinions : besides , every Councellor striving to be the wisest , makes long speeches , and raises many doubts , which cause retardments . If I had long speeched Councellours , replied the Emperess , I would hang them , by reason they give more Words , then Advice . The Duchess answered , that her Majesty should not be angry , but consider the differences of that and her Blazing-world ; for , said she , they are not both alike ; but there are grosser and duller understandings in this , then in the Blazing-world . At last a Messenger came out , who returned the Emperess thanks for her kind profer , but desired withal to know from whence she came , and how , and in what manner her assistance could be serviceable to them ? The Emperess answered , That she was not bound to tell them whence she came ; but as for the manner of her assistance , I will appear , said she , to your Navy in a splendorous Light , surrounded with Fire . The Messenger asked at what time they should expect her coming ? I 'le be with you , answered the Emperess , about one of the Clock at night . With this report the Messenger returned ; which made both the poor Counsellers and Sea-men much afraid ; but yet they longed for the time to behold this strange sight . The appointed hour being come , the Emperess appear'd with Garments made of the Star-stone , and was born or supported above the Water , upon the Fish-mens heads and backs , so that she seemed to walk upon the face of the Water , and the Bird - and Fish-men carried the Fire-stone , lighted both in the Air , and above the Waters . Which sight , when her Country-men perceived at a distance , their hearts began to tremble ; but coming something nearer , she left her Torches , and appeared onely in her Garments of Light , like an Angel , or some Deity , and all kneeled down before her , and worshipped her with all submission and reverence : But the Emperess would not come nearer then at such a distance where her voice might be generally heard , by reason she would not have that of her Accoustrements any thing else should be perceived , but the splendor thereof ; and when she was come so near that her voice could be heard and understood by all , she made this following Speech ; Dear Country-men , for so you are , although you know me not ; I being a Native of this Kingdom , and hearing that most part of this World had resolved to make War against it , and sought to destroy it , at least to weaken its Naval Force and Power ; have made a Voyage out of another World , to lend you my assistance against your Enemies . I come not to make bargains with you , or to regard my own Interest , more then your safety ; but I intend to make you the most powerful Nation of this World ; and therefore I have chosen rather to quit my own Tranquility , Riches and Pleasure , then suffer you to be ruined aud destroyed . All the Return I desire , is but your Grateful acknowledgment , and to declare my Power , Love and Loyalty to my Native Country ; for although I am now a great and absolute Princess and Emperess of a whole World , yet I acknowledg that once I was a Subject of this Kingdom , which is but a small part of this World ; and therefore I will have you undoubtedly believe , that I shall destroy all your Enemies before this following Night , I mean those which trouble you by Sea ; and if you have any by Land , assure your self I shall also give you my Assistance against them , and make you Triumph over all that seek your Ruine and Destruction . Upon this Declaration of the Emperess , when both the General , and all the Commanders in their several Ships had return'd their humble and hearty Thanks to Her Majesty for so great a favour to them , she took her leave and departed to her own Ships . But , Good Lord ! what several Opinions and Judgments did this produce in the minds of her Country-men ; some said she was an Angel ; others , she was a Sorceress ; some believed her a Goddess ; others said the Devil deluded them in the shape of a fine Lady . The morning after , when the Navies were to fight , the Emperess appear'd upon the face of the Waters , dress'd in her Imperial Robes , which were all of Diamonds and Carbuncles ; in one hand she held a Buckler , made of one intire Carbuncle , and in the other hand a Spear of one intire Diamond ; on her head she had a Cap of Diamonds , and just upon the top of the Crown , was a Star made of the Star-stone , mentioned heretofore , and a Half-moon made of the same stone , was placed on her forehead ; all her other Garments were of several sorts of precious Jewels ; and having given her Fish-men directions how to destroy the Enemies of her Native Country , she proceeded to effect her design . The Fish-men were to carry the Fire-stones in cases of Diamonds ( for the Diamonds in the Blazing-world are in splendor so far beyond the Diamonds of this World , as Peble-stones are to the best sort of this Worlds Diamonds ) and to uncase or uncover those Fire-stones no sooner but when they were just under the Enemies Ships , or close at their sides , and then to wet them , and set their Ships on fire ; which was no sooner done , but all the Enemies Fleet was of a Flaming-fire ; and coming to the place where the Powder was , it streight blew them up ; so that all the several Navies of the Enemies , were destroyed in a short time : which when her Country-men did see , they all cried out with one voice , that she was an Angel sent from God to deliver them out of the hands of their Enemies : Neither would she return into the Blazing-world , until she had forced all the rest of that World to submit to that same Nation . In the mean time , the General of all their Naval Forces sent to their Soveraign to acquaint him with their miraculous Delivery and Conquest , and with the Emperess's design of making him the most powerful Monarch of all that World. After a short time , the Emperess sent her self to the Soveraign of that Nation to know in what she could be serviceable to him ; who returning her many thanks , both for her assistance against his Enemies , and her kind profer to do him further service for the good and benefit of his Nations ( for he was King over several Kingdoms ) sent her word , that although she did partly destroy his Enemies by Sea , yet they were so powerful , that they did hinder the Trade and Traffick of his Dominions . To which the Emperess returned this answer , That she would burn and sink all those Ships that would not pay him Tribute ; and forthwith sent to all the Neighbouring Nations , who had any Traffick by Sea , desiring them to pay Tribute to the King and Soveraign of that Nation where she was born ; But they denied it with great scorn . Whereupon she imediately commanded her Fish-men to destroy all strangers Ships that traffick'd on the Seas ; which they did according to the Emperess's Command ; and when the neighbouring Nations and Kingdoms perceived her power , they were so discomposed in their affairs and designs , that they knew not what to do : At last they sent to the Emperess , and desired to treat with her , but could get no other conditions then to submit and pay Tribute to the said King and Soveraign of her Native Country , otherwise , she was resolved to ruine all their Trade and Traffick by burning their Ships . Long was this Treat , but in fine , they could obtain nothing , so that at last they were forced to submit ; by which the King of the mentioned Nations became absolute Master of the Seas , and consequently of that World ; by reason , as I mentioned heretofore , the several Nations of that World could not well live without Traffick and Commerce , by Sea , as well as by Land. But after a short time , those Neighbouring Nations finding themselves so much inslaved , that they were hardly able to peep out of their own Dominions without a chargeable Tribute , they all agreed to join again their Forces against the King and Soveraign of the said Dominions ; which when the Emperess receiv'd notice of , she sent out her Fish-men to destroy , as they had done before , the remainder of all their Naval Power , by which they were soon forced again to submit , except some Nations which could live without Forreign Traffick , and some whose Trade and Traffick was meerly by Land ; these would no wayes be Tributary to the mentioned King. The Emperess sent them word , That in case they did not submit to him , she intended to fire all their Towns and Cities , and reduce them by force , to what they would not yield with a good will. But they rejected and scorned her Majesties Message , which provoked her anger so much , that she resolved to send her Bird - and Worm-men thither , with order to begin first with their smaller Towns , and set them on fire ( for she was loath to make more spoil then she was forced to do ) and if they remain'd still obstinate in their resolutions , to destroy also their greater Cities . The onely difficulty was , how to convey the Worm-men conveniently to those places ; but they desired that her Majesty would but set them upon any part of the Earth of those Nations , and they could travel within the Earth as easily , and as nimbly as men upon the face of the Earth ; which the Emperess did according to their desire . But before both the Bird-and Worm-men began their Journey , the Emperess commanded the Bear-men to view through their Telescopes what Towns and Cities those were that would not submit ; and having a full information thereof , she instructed the Bird-and Bear-men what Towns they should begin withall ; in the mean while she sent to all the Princes and Soveraigns of those Nations , to let them know that she would give them a proof of her Power , and check their Obstinacies by burning some of their smaller Towns ; and if they continued still in their Obstinate Resolutions , that she would convert their smaller Loss into a Total Ruine . She also commanded her Bird-men to make their flight at night , lest they be perceived . At last when both the Bird-and Worm-men came to the designed places , the Worm-men laid some Fire-stones under the Foundation of every House , and the Bird-men placed some at the tops of them , so that both by rain , and by some other moisture within the Earth , the stones could not fail of burning . The Bird-men in the mean time having learned some few words of their Language , told them , That the next time it did rain , their Towns would be all on fire ; at which they were amaz'd to hear men speak in the air ; but withall they laughed when they heard them say that rain should fire their Towns , knowing that the effect of Water was to quench , not produce fire . At last a rain came , and upon a sudden all their Houses appeared of a flaming Fire , and the more Water there was poured on them , the more they did flame and burn ; which struck such a Fright and Terror into all the Neighbouring Cities , Nations and Kingdoms , that for fear the like should happen to them , they and all the rest of the parts of that World granted the Emperess's desire , and submitted to the Monarch and Soveraign of her Native Countrey , the King of ESFI ; save one , which having seldom or never any rain , but onely dews , which would soon be spent in a great fire , slighted her Power : The Emperess being desirous to make it stoop , as well as the rest , knew that every year it was watered by a flowing Tide , which lasted some weeks ; and although their Houses stood high from the ground , yet they were built upon Supporters which were fixt into the ground . Wherefore she commanded both her Bird-and Worm-men to lay some of the Fire-stones at the bottom of those Supporters , and when the Tide came in , all their Houses were of a Fire , which did so rarifie the Water , that the Tide was soon turn'd into Vapour , and this Vapour again into Air ; which caused not onely a destruction of their Houses , but also a general barrenness over all their Countrey that year , and forced them to submit as well as the rest of the World had done . Thus the Emperess did not onely save her Native Countrey , but made it the absolute Monarchy of all that World ; and both the effects of her Power and her Beauty did kindle a great desire in all the greatest Princes to see her ; who hearing that she was resolved to return into her own Blazing-World , they all entreated the favour , that they might wait on her Majesty before she went. The Emperess sent word , That she should be glad to grant their Requests ; but having no other place of reception for them , she desired that they would be pleased to come into the open Seas with their Ships , and make a Circle of a pretty large compass , and then her own Ships should meet them , and close up the Circle , and she would present her self to the view of all these that came to see her : Which Answer was joyfully received by all the mentioned Princes , who came , some sooner , and some later , each according to the distance of his Countrey , and the length of the voyage . And being all met in the form and manner aforesaid , the Emperess appeared upon the face of the Water in her Imperial Robes ; in some part of her hair she had placed some of the Star-Stone , near her face , which added such a lustre and glory to it , that it caused a great admiration in all that were present , who believed her to be some Celestial Creature , or rather an uncreated Goddess , and they all had a desire to worship her ; for surely , said they , no mortal creature can have such a splendid and transcendent beauty , nor can any have so great a power as she has , to walk upon the Waters , and to destroy whatever she pleases , not onely whole Nations , but a whole World. The Emperess expressed to her own Countreymen , who were also her Interpreters to the rest of the Princes that were present , that she would give them an entertainment at the darkest time of night ; which being come , the Fire-Stones were lighted , which made both Air and Seas appear of a bright shining flame , insomuch that they put all Spectators into an extream fright , who verily believed , they should all be destroyed ; which the Emperess perceiving , caused all the Lights of the Fire-Stones to be put out , and onely shewed her self in her Garments of Light : The Bird-men carried her upon their backs into the Air , and there she appear'd as glorious as the Sun. Then she was set down upon the Seas again , and presently there was heard the most melodious and sweetest Consort of Voices , as ever was heard out of the Seas , which was made by the Fish-men ; this Consort was answered by another , made by the Bird-men in the Air , so that it seem'd as if Sea and Air had spoke and answered each other by way of Singing Dialogues , or after the manner of those Plays that are acted by singing Voices . But when it was upon break of day , the Emperess ended her entertainment , and at full day light all the Princes perceived that she went into the Ship wherein the Prince and Monarch of her Native Country was , the King of ESFI with whom she had several Conferences ; and having assured him of the readiness of her assistance whensoever he required it , telling him withal , that she wanted no Intelligence , she went forth again upon the Waters , and being in the midst of the Circle made by those Ships that were present , she desired them to draw somewhat nearer , that they might hear her speak ; which being done , she declared her self in this following manner : Great , Heroick , and Famous Monarchs : I came hither to assist the King of ESFI against his Enemies , he being unjustly assaulted by many several Nations , which would fain take away his Hereditary Rights and Prerogatives of the Narrow Seas ; at which Vnjustice Heaven was much displeased ; and for the Injuries he received from his Enemies , rewarded him with an absolute Power , so that now he is become the Head-Monarch of all this World ; which Power , though you may envy , yet you can no ways hinder him ; for all those that endeavour to resist his Power , shall onely get loss for their labour , and no Victory for their profit . Wherefore my advice to you all is , to pay him Tribute justly and truly , that you may live Peaceably and Happily , and be rewarded with the Blessings of Heaven , which I wish you from my Soul. After the Emperess had thus finished her Speech to the Princes of the several Nations of that World , she desired that their Ships might fall back , which being done , her own Fleet came into the Circle , without any visible assistance of Sails or Tide ; and her self being entred into her own Ship , the whole Fleet sunk imediately into the bottom of the Seas , and left all the Spectators in a deep amazement ; neither would she suffer any of her Ships to come above the Waters until she arrived into the Blazing-world . In time of the Voyage , both the Emperess's and Duchess's Soul were very gay and merry , and sometimes they would converse very seriously with each other : amongst the rest of their discourses , the Duchess said , she wondered much at one thing , which was , that since her Majesty had found out a passage out of the Blazing-world into the World she came from , she did not inrich that part of the World where she was born , at least her own Family , when as yet she had enough to inrich the whole World. The Emperess's Soul answered , that she loved her Native Country and her own Family as well as any Creature could do , and that this was the reason why she would not inrich them ; for said she , not onely particular Families or Nations , imitated if I can possibly avoid it ; yet rather then imitate others , I should chuse to be imitated by others ; for my nature is such , that I had rather appear worse in singularity , then better in the Mode . If you were not a great Lady , replied the Emperess , you would never pass in the World for a wise Lady ; for the World would say your singularities are Vanities . The Duchess's Soul answered , she did not at all regard the censure of this or any other age concerning vanities ; but , said she , neither this present , nor any of the future ages can or will truly say that I am not Vertuous and Chast ; for I am confident , all that were or are acquainted with me , and all the Servants which ever I had , will or can upon their Oaths declare my actions no otherwise then Vertuous ; and certainly there 's none , even of the meanest Degree , which have not their Spies and Witnesses , much more those of the Nobler sort , which seldom or never are without attendants , so that their faults ( if they have any ) will easily be known , and as easily divulged : Wherefore happy are those Natures that are Honest , Virtuous and Noble , not onely happy to themselves , but happy to their Families . But , said the Emperess , if you glory so much in your Honesty and Vertue , how comes it that you plead for Dishonest and Wicked persons in your Writings ? The Duchess answered , it was onely to shew her Wit , not her Nature . At last the Emperess arrived into the Blazing World , and coming to her Imperial Palace , you may sooner imagine than expect that I should express the joy which the Emperor had at her safe return ; for he loved her beyond his Soul ; and there was no love lost , for the Emperess equal'd his Affection with no less love to him . After the time of rejoicing with each other , the Duchess's Soul begg'd leave to return to her Noble Lord ; but the Emperor desir'd , That before she departed , she would see how he had employed his time in the Emperess's absence ; for he had built Stables and Riding-Houses , and desired to have Horses of Manage , such as , according to the Emperess's Relation , the Duke of Newcastle had : The Emperor enquired of the Duchess , the Form and Structure of her Lord and Husbands Stables and Riding-House . The Duchess answer'd his Majesty , That they were but plain and ordinary ; but said she , had my Lord Wealth , I am sure he would not spare it , in rendering his Buildings as Noble as could be made . Hereupon the Emperor shew'd the Duchess the Stables he had built , which were most stately and magnificent ; among the rest there was one double Stable that held a hundred Horses on a side , the main Building was of Gold , lined with several sorts of precious Materials ; the roof was Arched with Agats , the sides of the Walls were lined with Cornelian , the Floor was paved with Amber , the Mangers were Mother of Pearl , the Pillars , as also the middle Isle or Walk of the Stables , were of Crystal ; the Front and Gate was of Turquois , most neatly cut and carved . The riding-house was lined with Saphirs , Topases , and the like ; the Floor was all of Golden-sand , so finely sifted , that it was extreamly soft , and not in the least hurtful to the Horses feet , and the Door and Frontispiece was of Emeralds , curiously carved . After the view of these Glorious and Magnisicent Buildings , which the Duchess's Soul was much delighted withal , she resolved to take her leave ; but the Emperor desired her to stay yet some short time more , for they both loved her company so well , that they were unwilling to have her depart so soon : Several Conferences and Discourses pass'd between them ; amongst the rest the Emperor desir'd her advice how to set up a Theatre for Plays . The Duchess confessed her Ignorance in this Art , telling his Majesty that she knew nothing of erecting Theatres or Scenes , but what she had by an Immaterial Observation when she was with the Emperess's Soul in the chief City of E. Entering into one of their Theatres , whereof the Emperess could give as much account to His Majesty as her self . But both the Emperor and Emperess told the Duchess , 〈◊〉 she could give directions how to make Plays . The Duchess answered , that she had as little skill to form a Play after the Mode , as she had to paint or make a Scene for shew . But you have made Playes , replied the Emperess : Yes , answered the Duchess , I intended them for Playes ; but the Wits of these present times condemned them as uncapable of being represented or acted , because they were not made up according to the Rules of Art ; though I dare say , that the Descriptions are as good as any they have writ . The Emperor ask'd , Whether the Property of Playes were not to describe the several humours , actions and fortunes of Mankind ? 'T is so , answered the Duchess : Why then , replied the Emperor , the natural Humours , Actions and Fortunes of Mankind , are not done by the Rules of Art : But said the Duchess , it is the Art and Method of our Wits to despise all Descriptions of Wit , Humour , Actions and Fortunes that are without such Artificial Rules . The Emperor ask'd , Are those good Playes that are made so Methodically and Artificially ? The Duchess answer'd , They were Good according to the Judgment of the Age , or Mode of the Nation , but not according to her Judgment ; for truly , said she , in my Opinion , their Playes will prove a Nursery of Whining Lovers , and not an Academy or School for Wife , Witty , Noble , and well-behaved men . But I , replied the Emperor , desire such a Theatre as may make wise Men ; and will have such Descriptions as are Natural , not Artificial . If your Majesty be of that Opinion , said the Duchess's Soul , then my Playes may be acted in your Blazing-World , when they cannot be acted in the Blinking-World of Wit ; and the next time I come to visit your Majesty , I shall endeavour to order your Majesties Theatre , to present such Playes as my VVit is capable to make . Then the Emperess told the Duchess , That she loved a foolish Verse added to a wise Play. The Duchess answered , That no VVorld in Nature had fitter Creatures for it then the Blazing-VVorld ; for , said she , the Lowsemen , the Bird-men , the Spider-and Fox-men , the Ape-men and Satyrs appear in a Verse extraordinary pleasant . Hereupon both the Emperor and Emperess intreated the Duchess's Soul to stay so long with them , till she had ordered her Theatre , and made Playes and Verses fit for them ; for they onely wanted that sort of Recreation ; but the Duchess's Soul begg'd their Majesties to give her leave to go into her Native VVorld ; for she long'd to be with her dear Lord and Husband , promising , that after a short time she would return again . VVhich being granted , though with much difficulty , she took her leave with all Civility and respect , and so departed from their Majesties . After the Duchess's return into her own body , she entertained her Lord ( when he was pleased to hear such kind of Discourses ) with Forreign Relations ; but he was never displeased to hear of the Emperess's kind Commendations , and of the Characters she was pleased to give of him to the Emperor . Amongst other Relations she told him all what had past between the Emperess , and the several Monarchs of that World whither she went with the Emperess ; and how she had subdued them to pay Tribute and Homage to the Monarch of that Nation or Kingdom to which she owed both her Birth and Education . She also related to her Lord what Magnificent Stables and Riding-Houses the Emperor had built , and what fine Horses were in the Blazing-World , of several shapes and sizes , and how exact their shapes were in each sort , and of many various Colours , and fine Marks , as if they had been painted by Art , with such Coats or Skins , that they had a far greater gloss and smoothness than Satin ; and were there but a passage out of the Blazing-World into this , said she , you should not onely have some of those Horses , but such Materials , as the Emperor has , to build your Stables and Riding-houses withall ; and so much Gold , that I should never repine at your Noble and Generous Gifts . The Duke smilingly answered her , That he was sorry there was no Passage between those two Worlds ; but said he , I have alwayes found an Obstruction to my Good Fortunes . One time the Duchess chanced to discourse with some of her acquaintance , of the Emperess of the Blazing-world , who asked her what Pastimes and Recreations Her Majesty did most delight in ? The Duchess answered , that she spent most of her time in the study of Natural Causes and Effects , which washer chief delight and pastime , and that she loved to discourse sometimes with the most Learned persons of that World ; and to please the Emperor and his Nobles , who were all of the Royal Race , she went often abroad to take the air , but seldom in the day time , always at Night , if it might be called Night ; for , said she , the Nights there are as light as Days , by reason of the numerous Blazing-stars , which are very splendorcus , onely their Light is whiter then the Sun 's Light ; and as the Suns Light is hot , so their Light is cool , not so cool as our twinkling Star-light , nor is their Sun-light so hot as ours , but more temperate ; And that part of the Blazing-world where the Emperess resides , is always clear , and never subject to any Storms , Tempests , Fogs or Mists , but has onely refreshing Dews that nourish the Earth ; the Air of it is sweet and temperate , and , as I said before , as much light in the Suns absence , as in its presence , which makes that time we call Night , more pleasant there then the Day ; and sometimes the Emperess goes abroad by Water in Barges , sometimes by Land in Chariots , and sometimes on Horseback ; her Royal Chariots are very Glorious ; the body is one intire green Diamond ; the four small Pillars that bear up the Top-cover , are four white Diamonds , cut in the form thereof ; the top or roof of the Chariot is one intire blew Diamond , and at the four corners are great springs of Rubies ; the seat is made of Cloth of Gold , stuffed with Amber-greece beaten small ; the Chariot is drawn by Twelve Unicorns , whose Trappings are all Chains of Pearl ; And as for her Barges , they are onely of Gold. Her Guard for State ( for she needs none for security , there being no Rebels or Enemies ) consists of Gyants , but they seldom wait on their Majesties abroad , because their extraordinary height and bigness does hinder their prospect . Her Entertainment when she is upon the Water , is the Musick of the Fish-and Bird-men , and by Land are Horseand Foot-matches ; for the Emperess takes much delight in making Race-matches with the Emperor , and the Nobility ; some Races are between the Fox - and Ape-men , which sometimes the Satyrs strive to out-run , and some are between the Spider-men and Lice-men . Also there are several Flight-matches , between the several sorts of Bird-men , and the several sorts of Hy-men ; and Swimming-matches , between the several sorts of Fish-men . The Emperor , Emperess , and their Nobles , take also great delight to have Collations ; for in the Blazing-world , there are most delicious Fruits of all sorts , and some such as in this World were never seen nor tasted ; for there are most tempting sorts of Fruit : After their Collations are ended , they Dance ; and if they be upon the Water , they dance upon the Water , there lying so many Fish-men close and thick together , as they can dance very evenly and easily upon their backs , and need not fear drowing . Their Musick , both Vocal and Instrumental , is according to their several places : Upon the Water it is of Water Instruments , as shells filled with Water , and so moved by Art , which is a very sweet and delightful harmony ; and those Dances which they dance upon the Water , are , for the most part such as we in this World call Swimming Dances , where they do not lift up their feet high : In Lawns or upon Plains they have VVind-Instruments , but much better then those in our World ; And when they dance in the VVoods they have Horn-Instruments , which although they are a sort of VVind-Instruments , yet they are of another Fashion then the former ; In their Houses they have such Instruments as are somewhat like our Viols , Violins , Theorboes , Lutes , Citherins , Gittars , Harpsichords , and the like , but yet so far beyond them , that the difference cannot well be exprest ; and as their places of Dancing and their Musick is different , so is their manner or way of Dancing . In these , and the like Recreations , the Emperor , Emperess , and their Nobility pass their time . THE EPILOGUE TO THE READER . BY this Poetical Description , you may perceive , that my ambition is not onely to be Emperess , but Authoress of a whole World ; and that the Worlds I have made , both the Blazing - and the other Philosophical World , mentioned in the latter part of this Description , are framed and composed of the most pure , that is , the rationalparts of Matter , which are the parts of my Mind ; which Creation was more easily and suddenly effected , then the Conquests of the two famous Monarchs of the World , Alexander and Caesar : Neither have I made such disturbances , and caused so many dissolutions of particulars , otherwise named deaths , as they did ; for I have destroyed but some few men in a little Boat , which died through the extremity of cold , and that by the hand of Justice , which was necessitated to punish their crime of stealing away a young and beauteous Lady . And in the formation of those Worlds , I take more delight and glory , then ever Alexander or Caesar did in conquering this terrestrial world ; and though I have made my Blazing-world , a Peaceable World , allowing it but one Religion , one Language , and one Government ; yet could I make another World , as full of Factions , Divisions , and Wars , as this is of Peace and Tranquility ; and the rational figures of my Mind might express as much courage to fight , as Hector and Achilles had ; and be as wise as Nestor , as Eloquent as Ulysses , md as beautiful as Helen . But I esteeming Peace before War , Wit before Policy , Honesty before Beauty ; instead of the figures of Alexander , Caesar , Hector , Achilles , Nestor , Ulysses , Helen , &c. chose rather the figure of Honest Margaret Newcastle , which now I would not change for all this terrestrivl World ; and if any should like the World I have made , and be willing to be my Subjects , they may imagine themselves such , and they are such ; I mean , in their Minds , Fancies or Imaginations ; but if they cannot endure to be subjects , they may create Worlds of their own , and Govern themselves as they please : But yet let them have a care , not to prove unjust Vsurpers , and to rob me of mine ; for concerning the Philosophical World , I am Emperess of it my self ; and as for the Blazing - world , it having an Emperess already , who rules it with great wisdom and conduct , which Emperess is my dear Platonick Friend ; I shall never prove so unjust , treacherous and unworthy to her , as to disturb her Government , much less to depose her from her Imperial Throne , for the sake of any other ; but rather chuse to create another World for another Friend . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A53049-e700 t I. c. 2. , 6. C. 3. pag. 8. C. 4. pag. 15 ; C. 5. Pag. 16. Chap. 15. pag. 44. C. 16. pa. 47. Cap. 20. Pag. 63. Cap. 21. Pag. 76. Cap. 24. Pag. 83. Cap. 25. Pag. 93. Cap. 27. Pag. 100. Cap. 29. Pag. 126. Cap. 31. Pag. 136. Ibid. P. 140. Cap. 31. Pag. 138 , Cap. 37. Pag. 212. Cap. 9. p. 33. Cap. 15. p. 49 Notes for div A53049-e3650 a Glass-tubes . b Atomes . c Exterior figures . Sect. 4. Let. 2 * Part 1. c. 20. Of Colours , p. 63. * N. 5. Of Pores . * Preface Notes for div A53049-e8450 Poem . Impres . 2. p. 52. P. 53. Notes for div A53049-e12570 * Sect. 4. Let. 33. p. 529. * Phil. Opin . part . 1. c. 24. * Part. 1. c. 3. * Part. 1. c. 4 , 9 , 11. * Sect. 4 Let. 33. p. 530. * Part 1. c. 13. * Phil. Opin . part . 2. c. 2. * Part. 2. c. 9. * Part. 1. c. 6. Phil. Opin . part 1. c. 9. * Phil. Let. Sect. 1. Let. 5. p. 23. * Phil. Let. Sect. 1. 1. 12. Phil. Opin . p. 2. c. 6. Phil. Opin . part 2. c. 3. * Phil. Opin . part 3. c. 19. Sect. 1. Let. 10. 12. 
A69471	----	Another collection of philosophical conferences of the French virtuosi upon questions of all sorts for the improving of natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. & J. Davies ..., Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 101-240. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) 1665 Approx. 1538 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 260 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69471 Wing A3254 ESTC R17011 12725725 ocm 12725725 66371 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69471) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66371) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 373:13, 399:1) Another collection of philosophical conferences of the French virtuosi upon questions of all sorts for the improving of natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. & J. Davies ..., Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 101-240. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) Havers, G. (George) Davies, John, 1625-1693. Renaudot, Théophraste, 1586-1653. Renaudot, Eusèbe, 1613-1679. [16], 496 p. Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey and are to be sold at their shops ..., London : 1665. A translation of Conferences 101-240 of "Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse," compiled by T. and E. Renaudot, and originally published as: Première centurie des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse, 1634-1641. Cf. BM. Covers conferences for June 24, 1641-Sept. 1, 1642. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Entry for R1033A cancelled in Wing (2nd ed.). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, French -- 17th century. 2005-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANOTHER COLLECTION OF Philosophical CONFERENCES OF THE French Virtuosi , UPON QUESTIONS of all SORTS ; For the Improving of Natural Knowledg . Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris , by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation . Render'd into English , By G. HAVERS , Gent. & J. DAVIES of Kidwelly , Gent. LONDON , Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey , and are to be sold at their Shops at the George in Fleet-street neer Clifford's-Inn , and the Mitre between the Middle-Temple-Gate and Temple-bar . 1665. IMPRIMATUR , Novemb. 20. 1663. WILLIAM MORICE . PREFACE . THe good Reception a Volume of the like Conferences appears to have found last year by the speedy distribution of the Copies , hath given encouragement to the Version and Publication of this ; wherein I assure my self the Readers will not find themselves worse entertain'd at the second Course then they were at the first ; the Questions here being proportionably more Philosophical , and chosen from such Subjects as are most inquir'd into at this day by the Curious of our own Nation , who undoubtedly will find some contentment ( if not satisfaction ) in reading what the Virtuosi of our Neighbour-Nation have discours'd touching those Matters . I have often heard it spoken to the Commendation of an Eminent Peer in the last Reign , That for an hour or two together he made the most agreeable Conversation in the World ; but if , upon parting , any one of the Company happened to reflect upon what he had heard , he could not remember the least particular passage , saving that he had spent such a portion of Time very deliciously . 'T was a happy Faculty for the Man ; for he did his business by it , and partly ow'd his Promotion to this Talent . I shall pronounce no otherwise upon him but thus , That perhaps ( as Tully said in almost a like case ) he was a better Gallant than a Wise Man should be : At least , this way of consuming Time , argued a great Disease in Mens Minds , when they could be contented to feed upon Air , and were so squeamish as not to be able to bear the wholsom Diet of solid Discourse . 'T is too apparent that the same Humor is still predominant in these our days , wherein Gaming makes the whole Converse amongst the Gentry , who , like rapacious Animals , meet together but to prey upon one another , whilst old Stories , or News , and ( for want of matter so innocent ) Detractions , Derisions , and Abuses are the only things that furnish talk to the Plebeians . Thus we live , and yet pretend to be Reasonable Creatures ; whilst true and solid Reason is almost as obscurely discernable in our Commerce , as Sense and Motion are in Sponges and Oisters . But 't is hop'd the better practice of some Excellent Persons amongst our selves , may contribute much to the Reformation of this ; and to help it forward , it cannot but do some good ( by exciting us to emulation ) to see what been already done by some Gentlemen of France , to whose excellent Wits the World is beholden for these Conferences . THE CONTENTS : CONFERENCE CI. I. OF Sleep , and how long it ought to be . II. Which is the strongest thing in the World. Page 1 CONFERENCE CII . I. Of the Gowt . II. Which Condition is most expedient for the acquisition of Wisdom ; Riches , or Poverty ? 7 CONFERENCE CIII . I. Of Glass . II. Of Fucusses , or Cosmeticks . 13 CONFERENCE CIV . I. Of Tobacco . II. Whether the Invention of Guns hath done more hurt than good . 19 CONFERENCE CV . I. Of Blood-letting . II. Which is the most Excellent of the Soul 's three Faculties , Imagination , Memory , or Judgment ? 25 CONFERENCE CVI. I. Of Dew . II. Whether it be expedient for Women to be Learned ? 31 CONFERENCE CVII . I. Whether it be good to use Chymical Remedies ? II. Whether the Reading of Romances be profitable ? 37 CONFERENCE CVIII . I. Of Talismans . II. Whether a Country-life or a City-life is to be preferr'd ? 43 CONFERENCE CIX . I. Of Volcano's , or Subterranean Fires . II. Which age is most desirable . 49 CONFERENCE CX . I. Of Mineral Waters . II. Whether it be better to give than to receive . p. 55 CONFERENCE CXI . I. Of Antidotes . II. Which is most communicative Good or Evil. 61 CONFERENCE CXII . I. Why Animals cry when they feel Pain . II. Whether it be expedient to have Enemies ? 66 CONFERENCE CXIII . I. Of the Iris , or Rain-bow . II. Whether the Reading of Books is a fitter way for Learning than Vocal Instructions ? 71 CONFERENCE CXIV . I. Of the Milkie-Way . II Which is most powerful , Gold or Iron ? 79 CONFERENCE CXV . I. Of the cause of Vapours . II. Which is less culpable , Rashness or Cowardice ? 85 CONFERENCE CXVI . Which Climate is most proper for Long-life ? ( The second Question is remitted to the next Conference ; and 't is Resolv'd for divers Reasons , that hereafter but one be handled at a time . ) 90 CONFERENCE CXVII . Which is most necessary to a State , and most noble , Physick or Law ? 93 CONFERENCE CXVIII . Of Sea-sickness . 96 CONFERENCE CXIX . Of Love by Inclination , or Sympathy . 99 CONFERENCE CXX . How the Vnderstanding moves the Will. 102 CONFERENCE CXXI . Whence come the Marks or Spots wherewith Children are born ? 107 CONFERENCE CXXII . Of the Original of Forms . 111 CONFERENCE CXXIII . Whether Lean People are more healthy , and long-liv'd than Fat ? 114 CONFERENCE CXXIV . Whether we may better trust one whom we have oblig'd , or one that hath oblig'd us ? 117 CONFERENCE CXXV . Of the Causes of Freezing and Thawing . 119 CONFERENCE CXXVI . Of the Causes of the Small Pox. 123 CONFERENCE CXVII . Whether we profit best by Precepts or Examples ? 126 CONFERENCE CXXVIII . Of Incubi and Succubae ; and whether Devils can generate . 129 CONFERENCE CXXIX . VVhich Animal is happiest , according to Nature ? 132 CONFERENCE CXXX . VVhether is better , that Men have many VVives , or VVomen many Husbands . 135 CONFERENCE CXXXI . Of the manner of Accretion . 138 CONFERENCE CXXXII . VVhether the Dinner or Supper ought to be largest . 141 CONFERENCE CXXXIII . VVhich of the Humane Passions is most excusable ? 144 CONFERENCE CXXXIV . VVhich is the most laudable Temperament ? 147 CONFERENCE CXXXV . Of Happiness and Vnhappiness ; and whether men are Happy or Vnhappy , because they really are so , or because they think themselves so . 150 CONFERENCE CXXXVI . Of the Original of Precious Stones . 153 CONFERENCE CXXXVII . Of the Generation of Metals . 156 CONFERENCE CXXXVIII . Whether there be an Elementary Fire , other than the Sun. p. 159 CONFERENCE CXXXIX . Which is most desirable , long or short Life ? 162 CONFERENCE CXL . Of the Lethargy . 165 CONFERENCE CXLI . Whether it be better to marry , or not to marry ? 168 CONFERENCE CXLII . At what time the Rational Soul is infus'd . 171 CONFERENCE CXLIII . Of Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls . 174 CONFERENCE CXLIV . Whether there were braver Men in any preceding Age , than in the present . 177 CONFERENCE CXLV . Of the Serene , which is a hurtful Dew falling in Summer-Evenings . 180 CONFERENCE CXLVI . Whether the French are light and inconstant ; and why ? 183 CONFERENCE CXLVII . Of the sundry Motions of the Sea and Rivers . 186 CONFERENCE CXLVIII . Whether is better , to Love , or to be Lov'd ? 189 CONFERENCE CXLIX . Of Hair. 192 CONFERENCE CL. Whether Alterations of States have natural Causes . 195 CONFERENCE CLI . Which is more healthful , To become warm by the Fire , or by Exercise . 198 CONFERENCE CLII. Whether Wine helps or hinders Digestion , and why ? 201 CONFERENCE CLIII . Why 't is colder at Day-break than any other time of the Night or Day . 203 CONFERENCE CLIV Whence the whiteness of Snow proceeds . 206 CONFERENCE CLV . Whether Courage be natural or acquir'd . 209 CONFERENCE CLVI . Whether Men , not having learn'd of others , would frame Language to themselves . 112 CONFERENCE CLVII . Whether is better , to guard the Frontier , or carry the VVar into the Enemies Country . 215 CONFERENCE CLVIII . Whence diversity of Opinions proceeds . 218 CONFERENCE CLIX. Why there is more VVind at Sea than at Land. 221 CONFERENCE CLIX. Whether it be easier to procure Obedience by Gentleness than by Terrour . 224 CONFERENCE CLX . VVhether Trading derogate from Gentility . 225 CONFERENCE CLXI . VVhy the French are so much incensed with the Lie. 128 CONFERENCE CLXII . VVhy every one thinks himself well enough provided with VVit ; and some , better than others . 231 CONFERENCE CLXIII . How Animals are bred of Putrefaction . 234 CONFERENCE CLXIV . Of Zoophytes , or Plant-Animals . 237 CONFERENCE CLXV . Of Trubbs or Truffs , and Mushroms . 240 CONFERENCE CLXVI . Which is to be preferred , Company or Solitude ? 242 CONFERENCE CLXVII . Whether Birds , or four-footed Animals , or Fishes be most Intelligent . 245 CONFERENCE CLXVIII . What is the cause of the Crisis of Diseases . 248 CONFERENCE CLXIX . What Bodily Exercise is the most healthful . 252 CONFERENCE CLXX . Whether Vertue consists in Mediocrity . 255 CONFERENCE CLXXI. Whether the Imagination be able to produce and cure Diseases . 258 CONFERENCE CLXXII . Of Fascination , or Bewitching . 261 CONFERENCE CLXXIII . Of Amulets ; and whether Diseases are curable by Words , Tickets , or other things hang'd at the Neck , or applyed to the Body of the Diseased . 264 CONFERENCE CLXXIV . Whether Fruition diminishes Love. 266 CONFERENCE CLXXV . Whether 't were better to know all that men now know , or all that they ignore . 269 CONFERENCE CLXXVI . Whether Musick doth more hurt or good . 272 CONFERENCE CLXXVII . Whether Barrenness is most commonly the fault of Husbands or of Wives . 275 CONFERENCE CLXXVIII . Whether Complaisance proceeds from Magnanimity or Poorness of Spirit . 279 Touching the means of re-establishing Commerce . 282 CONFERENCE CLXXIX . What are the most common Causes of Law-suits ; and why they are more now than heretofore . 288 CONFERENCE CLXXX . Whether more hurt or good hath proceeded from sharing the parts of Physick between Physitions , Apothecaries , and Chirurgions . 291 CONFERENCE CLXXXI . Whether there be any Real Evil besides Pain . 293 CONFERENCE CLXXXII . Whether man be most diseas'd of all Creature , and why ? 295 CONFERENCE CLXXXIII . Of the Greeness of Plants . 298 CONFERENCE CLXXXIV . Of the Cold of the middle Region of the Air. 300 CONFERENCE CLXXXV . Of the Generation of Males and Females . 302 CONFERENCE CLXXXVI . Whether the French Tongue be sufficient for learning all the Sciences . 304 CONFERENCE CLXXXVII . Of diversity of Colours in one and the same Subject . 306 CONFERENCE CLXXXVIII . Whether we are more perspicacious in the Affairs of others , or our own , and why ? 308 CONFERENCE CLXXXIX . Of the Original of Mountains . 310 CONFERENCE CXC . Whence proceed good and bad Gestures , Gracefulness and ill Aspects . 313 CONFERENCE CXCI. Which is most proper for Study , the Evening or the Morning . 316 CONFERENCE CXCII . Who are the most Ingenious of the World. 319 CONFERENCE CXCIII . Of the Fraternity of the Rosie-Cross . CONFERENCE CXCXIV . What Paracelsus meant by the Book M. 326 CONFERENCE CXCV. Of the Art of Raimond Lully . 329 CONFERENCE CXCVI. Why a Needle Touch'd by a Loadstone turns towards the North ? 332 CONFERENCE CXCVII . What Sect of Philosophers is most to be follow'd . 334 CONFERENCE CXCVIII. Why Mules breed not . 336 CONFERENCE CXCIX . Of the Mandrake . 338 CONFERENCE CC. Of Panick Fear . 343 CONFERENCE CCI. Of the Water-drinker of S. Germain's Fair. 345 CONFERENCE CCII. Why dead Bodies bleed in the presence of their Murderers . 350 CONFERENCE CCIII . Of the Vnicorn . 353 CONFERENCE CIV . Of Satyrs . 357 CONFERENCE CCV . Of the Phoenix . 360 CONFERENCE CCVI. Of the Sensitive Plants . 362 CONFERENCE CCVII. Of the Bezoar . 365 CONFERENCE CCVIII . Whence proceeds the sudden Death of Men and Animals upon descending into certain Pits . 371 CONFERENCE CCIX. Whether a Dead Body can be preserv'd naturally many years . 373 CONFERENCE CCX . Of the Remora . 375 CONFERENCE CCXI. Of Negroes . 377 CONFERENCE CCXII. Of Ecstacies . 380 CONFERENCE CCXIII. Of the Cock , and whether the Lyon be frightned at his Crowing ? 388 CONFERENCE CCXIV. Of the Sibyls . 392 CONFERENCE CCXV . Whether of two Bodies of different weight , the one descends faster than the other , and why ? 399 CONFERENCE CCXVI . Of the Silk-worm . 402 CONFERENCE CCXVII . Why Ice being harder than Water is yet lighter ? 406 CONFERENCE CCXVIII . Of Masks , and whether it be lawful for any to disguise themselves . 409 CONFERENCE CCXIX. Of Fables and Fictions , and whether their conveniences or inveniences be greater . 413 CONFERENCE CCXX . VVhether it be better to go to Bed late , and rise betimes in the Morning ; or do the contrary . 416 CONFERENCE CCXXI . Whether the Child derives more from the Father or the Mother . 420 CONFERENCE CCXXII . Whether is harder , for a Vertuous Man to do that which is Evil ; or for a Vicious Man to do that which is good . 423 CONFERENCE CCXXII . Whether a piece of Iron laid upon the Cask , prevents Thunder from marring Wine contain'd within it , and why ? 427 CONFERENCE CCXXIV. Of Stage-Plays ; and whether they be advantageous to a State , or not ? 431 CONFERENCE CCXXV. Whether that Temperament of the Body which conduces most to Health , be also the most convenient for the Mind . 434 CONFERENCE CCXXVI . Whether it be more expedient for a Man to have only one Friend or many . 438 CONFERENCE CCXXVII . Of the Oracles . 442 CONFERENCE CCXXVIII . Of the Tingling of the Ears . 447 CONFERENCE CCXXIX . Of Philtres , and whether there be any proper Remedies for the procuring of Love. 451 CONFERENCE CCXXX . Of Atoms . 454 CONFERENCE CCXXXI . Whether the King 's Evil may be cur'd by the touching of a Seventh Son , and why ? 458 CONFERENCE CCXXXII . Of Conjuration . 462 CONFERENCE CCXXXIII . Of Natural Magick . 465 CONFERENCE CCXXXIV . Of the moles and marks appearing in the Face . 468 CONFERENCE CCXXXV . Of Auguries and Auspices . 473 CONFERENCE CCXXXVI . Whether those Children who are born with Cawls about their whole or some parts of their Bodies are always fortunate , and why ? 478 CONFERENCE CCXXXVII . Of Antiperistasis . 482 CONFERENCE CCXXXVIII . Of the Sympathetical Powder . 486 CONFERENCE CCXXXIX . Whether there be any such Creatures as the Ancients conceiv'd the Satyrs to be ? 489 CONFERENCE CCXL . Whether it be better to bury or to burn the bodies of the Dead ? 493 PHILOSOPHICAL CONFERENCES . Part II. CONFERENCE CI. I. Of Sleep , and how long it ought to be . II. Which is the strongest thing in the World. AS Nature is the Principle of Motion , so she is also of Rest and Sleep ; which is the cessation of the actions of an Animal , to whom alone it hath been assigned , in regard no other Creature besides becomes weary in its Operations : For all Animals , even the lowest degree of Insects , sleep ; although such who have hard eyes and scales , sleep more obscurely then the rest ; and Birds more lightly then four-footed Beasts which suck , because they have a less and dryer Brain , and consequently less need sleep , whose use is to moisten and refresh that part . Hence Man , having of all Animals the largest Brain , hath also need of the longest sleep , which ought to be about seven hours . Wherefore I cannot but wonder that Plato , in his first Book of Laws , would have his Citizens rise in the night to fall to their ordinary employments ; for this disturbing of their rest were the way to make a Common-wealth of Fools ; the Brain , by watchings acquiring a hot and dry intemperature , which begets igneous spirits , whose mobility not permitting the Mind to consider the species impress'd upon them , is the cause of unsteady and impetuous sallies of the Mind ; as , on the contrary , sleep too excessive fills the ventricles of the Brain ( wherein the Soul exercises her Faculties ) with abundance of vapours and humidities , which offuscating and troubling the species , the Mind thereby becomes slothful and dull . The second said , That Privations are understood by their Habits ; and therefore Sleep , which is a privation of Sense , cannot be better known than by the functions of the outward Senses , which so long as an Animal exercises it is said to be awake , and to sleep when it ceases to employ the same . And being Sensation is perform'd by means of the animal Spirits , refin'd out of the natural and vital , and sent from the Brain into the Sensories , which Spirits receive the species of the sensible object , and carry it to the Inward Sense , the common Arbiter and Judg of all external objects ; hence , when those Spirits happen to fail , or the Common Sense is bound up , the other external Senses cannot discharge their offices : Upon which account the Philosophers have defin'd Sleep , The ligation of the First Sense ; or , The rest of the Spirits and Blood : And the Physitians , The cessation of all outward Senses for the health and repose of an Animal ; hereby distinguishing it from the cessation of the outward Senses in Swoonings , Falling-sickness , Apoplexie , Lethargy , Carus , Coma , and such sorts of morbifick and praeternatural sleep , produc'd by causes acting rather by an occult and somniferous property , then by excess of cold or moisture ; otherwise Winter , Ice , and the coldest things , should cause sleep ; Wine , Annis , Opium , Henbane , and abundance of hot Medicaments , should not be Narcotick , as experience evinces them to be . But natural sleep is produc'd by vapours elevated from the aliments into the brain ; which moreover performing in us the office of a Ventose or Cupping-glass , draws to it self those humid vapours , condenses them by its coldness , and resolves them into a gentle dew , which falling upon the rise or beginning of the Nerves , obstructs the passage to the animal Spirits , the instruments of Sensation and voluntary Motion , which it hinders ; though not Motion , so much as Sensation ; because the Nerves of the hinder part of the Brain , destinated to Motion , being harder , do not so easily imbibe those vapours , as those of the fore-part , destinated to Sensation : But when the Heat and Spirits , whereof there had been an absumption , are again sufficiently repair'd , they move anew toward the Brain , where they resolve those dews which stopp'd the passage , and hindred the commerce of the vital Spirits with the animal ; whereupon we naturally and without violence awake : So likewise , the violence of an extrinsecal object importunately striking the external Senses , obliges the Soul to send other Spirits to the assistance of the few remaining therein , and which before this supply apprehend objects only confusedly . The Third said , Sleep is not the Quiescence of the animal Spirits , for these are active , and form Dreams whilst we sleep ; nor of the vital , which have no relaxation or rest so long as the Animal hath life ; much less of the natural , Nutrition being perform'd best during sleep , which is the cause why sleeping fattens . Neither is the Brain 's humidity the cause of sleep , as 't is commonly held ; but the defect of vital heat in the Heart , in a sufficient degree for performing the functions of the outward Senses . Moreover the sudden seizing and abruption of sleep , which we observe , cannot be produc'd but by a very movable cause , such as the gross vapour of aliments is not ; but the vital heat is , being carried into all parts of the body in an instant : Whence it is that we observe the same to be more pale during sleep , ( as having less of the said heat ) than during Evigilation . The Fourth said , That indeed the adequate cause of sleep is not a vapour arising from the aliments , since it is procur'd by abundance of other causes , which produce no evaporation ; as Weariness , Musique , Silence , and Darkness : Neither is it the above-mentioned deficience of Vi●●l Heat , which indeed is necessary to the Organs , inasmuch as they are endu'd with life , but not to make them capable of sense ; there being sufficient in them even during sleep , when the parts are found hot enough for Sensation , if heat were the cause thereof , as it is not : But the right cause consists in the Animal Spirits , for which , as being the noblest instruments of the Body , I conceive there is a particular faculty in the Brain , which administers and governs them , sending them to the Organs , when there is need of them ; and causing them to return back , in order to be restor'd and suppli'd : As there is a particular faculty in the Heart , over-ruling and moving the Vital Spirits as it pleases ; sometimes diffusing them outwards in Joy , Anger , and Shame ; sometimes causing them to retreat , in order to succour the Heart in Sadness , Grief , and Fear . The Fifth said , The Empire of Sleep , whom Orpheus calls King of Gods and Men , is so sweet , that Not to be of its party is to be an enemy to Nature : 'T is the charm of all griefs both of body and mind ; and was given to man , not only for the refreshment of both , but chiefly for the liberty of the Soul ; because it makes both the Master and the Slave , the poor and the rich equal : 'T is a sign of health in young people , and causes a good constitution of Brain , strengthning the same , and rendring all the functions of the mind more vigorous ; whence came the saying , That the Night gives counsels ; because then the Mind is freed from the tyranny of the Senses , it reasons more solidly , and its operations are so much the more perfect as they are more independent on matter ; and 't was during the repose of sleep that most of the Extasies and prophetical Visions happened to the Saints . Moreover frequent sleep is a sign of a very good nature : For being conciliated only by the benignity of a temper moderately hot and moist , the Sanguine and Phlegmatick , whose humour is most agreeable , are more inclined thereunto than the Bilious and Melancholly , in regard of their heat and driness , which resolve and dissipate the animal Spirits , as a vapourous humidity hinders their effusion , by the obstruction which it causeth in the original of the Nerves ; or , which is most probable , because the clouds of those vapours occupying the ventricles of the Brain , by their humidity moisten and relax the animal Spirits , which remain immovable till they be deliver'd from the importunity of those vapours ; which moreover more easily ascending , when the Body is at rest , it happens that Sleep is frequently caus'd , not only by watchings , cares , labour , bathing , heat , and other things which dissipate the Spirits ; but also by sounds , gentle murmurs of water , frictions , and motions , silence , and darkness ; unless we had rather say , That the animal Spirits , being most subtle and luminous bodies , retire inwards during the darkness , which is contrary to them . The Sixth said , That Sleep being not only a depravation but a total privation of actions , since a thing exists but so far as it acts ; at the same proportion that we love our own Being , we ought to hate Sleep , and love Watching . The great George Castriot , the scourge of the Turks , never slept more then two hours ; and the Poets had reason to term Sleep , The Image of Death , which the Scripture also expresses by Sleeping . As therefore Death is to be avoided as much as possible , so also ought Sleep ; were it not that both of them , being inevitable evils , all we can do is to keep as far off them , and suffer our selves to be led as little to them , as may be . The Poets themselves seem willing to imprint in us a horror of Sleep , when they feign it the Son of Hell or Erebus , and Night , the brother of Death , the father of Morpheus , and that his Palace was amidst the darkness of the Cimmerians . Moreover , the most imperfect Animals sleep more then others , which is the reason Zoophytes , or Plant-animals , as the Sponge , Coral , and Oisters , sleep continually ; Snails , and some Flys , three or four months ; Bears , longer then other Animals ; and amongst these , Birds , as partaking more of the nature of Heaven , sleep less then four-footed Beasts : A Child , so long as it approaches a bestial life in its Mothers belly , and for the first years , sleeps more than when 't is grown to Manhood ; and being again become by Age a Child , sleeps more than formerly , till he comes to the last sleep of death , which reduces him to nothing . Women , phlegmatick persons , drunkards , and block-heads , sleep more then Men , sober , and witty persons . For we are no more to refer to the abuse of these Times in sleeping very much , then to other Vices of the Age ; amongst the rest , Idleness , Eating and Drinking , wherein there is none sober at this day but exceed their just measure . Upon the Second point it was said , That Strength , as well as most other things in the World , hath not an absolute but only a relative Being , a thing being called strong , in comparison of others which are less so . Thus Antaeus was strong in respect of all other men ; but weak , compared to Hercules : And as Achilles was invulnerable in every other part saving the heel ; so Nature seems to have left in us a certain weakness and defect in some parts , wherein some are more tender then others : So that 't is hard to find one thing alike powerful towards all men , since by reason of our several inclinations every one is differently affected : The Ambitious will hold for Honours ; the Amorous , for Women , the Drinker , for Wine ; and Truth , which in the Scripture was judg'd strongest by King Darius , who propos'd the present Problem to his four Courtiers , would possibly be deemed the weakest in the Judgment of the most ; for to them that should take her part , the same question might be put which Pilate ask'd our Lord , What is Truth ? It is so frequently disguis'd by lying , in moral matters ; so invelop'd in darkness , and subject to the deceit of our Senses in natural things , that as it is the least understood , so we may say 't is the least follow'd ; our inclinations never tending towards an unknown object . The strongest thing therefore is that which hath most power to incline our Will towards it self ; which Will following the counsel of the Understanding , as again this acts not but by the species wherewith the Imagination supplies it , 't is to the Imagination that I ascribe the greatest strength in the world ; since all other things borrow all their power from the Imagination , by the opinion of Honour , Profit , and Pleasure , which that Faculty makes us conceive therein ; and , on the contrary , the same Imagination ruines and destroys the force of all things accounted the most powerful , whilst it considers them with a different biass : 'T is by it that one abhors nothing more then Women , whom so many others idolatrize : Pleasures , Honours , Riches , and all the Goods of Fortune , are but so many crosses and punishments to those who have conceiv'd an aversion against them : Death it self , as terrible as it is , oftentimes is despis'd and sought after out of a powerful consideration of Honour ; this too being nothing else but a Fancy , magnifi'd by the opinion rais'd of it in the world : Even Virtue draws all her power from Imagination alone ; for many a one thinks he embraces her quite naked , whilst , like Ixion , he embraces nothing but a cloud and a phantasm , and yet is as well satisfi'd with this as if he had a perfect fruition of her . The Second said , That the solution of this Problem depends upon the understanding of the term [ Strength ] : If it be taken for a certain quality and power which renders things active , that must be the strongest thing in the world which acts with most efficacy and power upon the most excellent things : But forasmuch as there are as many sorts of agents , as there are degrees of Being in Nature , in Morals , and in Transcendants , and we may compare things together which are of a different genus ; yet there being no congruity and proportion but between those which are of the same species , 't is hard to know absolutely which is the strongest thing , since every one hath a vertue wholly peculiar , because it hath a proper nature , which is the principle and cause of the diversity of motions and actions . According to which distinction I am of opinion , That of agents purely natural Fire is the strongest , since it alters and destroys all natural Bodies ; and its quality , Heat , is the most active of all . Amongst living things Man is the strongest , inasmuch as he renders himself master of all the fiercest Animals , which he knows how either to subdue or tame . Amongst men Kings are the strongest , since they dispose of our Goods , Lives , and Wills. Moral agents are different in force and activity , according to the divers constitution of subjects upon which they act , and make a different impression . Honesty alone acts upon very few spirits ; Pleasures , upon most ; Interest , upon all : Nevertheless since they act only by the opinion which they produce either of an honest , profitable , or delightful Good , this Opinion and Imagination must be the strongest of all moral agents . Amongst the actions of the Imagination , which are the Passions , that of Love is the strongest , because it serves for a foundation to all the rest ; it being true , that we fear , desire , and hate nothing , but so far as we love some other thing ; so that he who can be free from this Passion , would be exempt from all others . Amongst Transcendents Truth is strongest ; not that which is ill defin'd , The conformity of our Vnderstanding with the thing known ; since there are things above us which surpass the reach of our capacity , and yet cease not to be true : But this Truth is a property and affection of Entity , wherewith it is convertible ; and , consequently , cannot be truly defin'd , no more then the other Transcendents ; since a Definition requires a Genus , which being superiour , and more common , cannot be assign'd to Entity , or Truth , which is the same with Entity ; otherwise there should be something more general then Entity ; which is absurd . And although the nature of this Truth is not distinctly known , nevertheless the virtue of its effects is very sensible ; for it acts every where , and in all ; yea , above the strongest things in the world , whose actions depend upon the verity of their Essence , which they suppose . And as this Verity is the Principle of the actions of all Agents , so it is the End and First Mover , which gives rise to all their inclinations , whereby they all tend towards one Good , which is nothing else but Truth , which gives weight and value to Goodness : But the force of Verity appears principally in that it acts upon the most excellent thing in the World , to wit , the Understanding , which it convinces by its light , wherewith it extorts consent ; and this so much the more as the Understanding is perfect ; as we see in the Understandings of the Wise and Learned , who more easily suffer themselves to be overcome by Truth , than the Vulgar ; and in those of Angels and Intelligences , who likewise yield to Truth . And because Verity and Entity are the same thing , therefore God , who possesses Entity Originally , is also the Prime Verity , which our Lord attributes to himself in the Gospel , when he saith , That he is the Truth and the Life . For whereas Truth is oft-times altered and clouded in the world , and frequently produces Hatred , the most infamous of all Passions ; 't is a defect not found but in dissolute Spirits , who cannot support the brightness of it , and hate its light because it discovers their faults : Yea , even when men contradict the Truth , and follow the deprav'd motions of their most disorderly Passions , 't is allways under an appearance of Goodness and Truth . But if the shadow and appearance alone of Truth , hath so great an Empire over our minds , as is seen in the most erroneous Opinions , which never want followers ; with more just reason must it self , when known , be invincible , and the strongest thing in the World. In conclusion , were propos'd amongst the strongest things , Time , which consumes all ; Death , which overthrows all the Powers of the Earth ; Place , which embraces all in it self ; and Necessity , so potent that it is not subject to any Law , but gives the same to all other things , which cannot avoid its Empire ; insomuch that the Ancients esteem'd the Gods themselves not exempted from it , but subject to the necessity of a Destiny . CONFERENCE CII . I. Of the Gowt . II. Which Condition is most expedient for the acquisition of Wisedom , Riches or Poverty ? THe Gowt , ( called Arthritis , or Morbus Articularis ) is the general name of all aches of the Joynts caus'd by fluxion , which gave it the name of Gowt ; and is different , according to the divers connexions of the Bones , and the Parts which it afflicts , being term'd Podagra in the Feet , Chiragra in the Hand , and the Ischiatick ach ( by the vulgar , Schiatica ) in the Hip. Nevertheless every Articular Pain is not the Gowt , as appears by Contusions , Luxations , Wounds , and the Pains of Women after Child-birth ; in Virgins after their Evacuation ; and in Bodies infected with the French Disease : But 't is a Grief of the Parts indu'd with sense which are about the Joynts , accompanied sometimes with swelling , and caus'd by the fluxion of a sharp and serous humour , transmitted out of the Veins and Arteries , into those Parts whose motion it hinders ; and because the Feet are most remote from the source of heat , therefore Nature commonly drives thither the matter of this Malady , whereunto they are more dispos'd then other Parts , as well by reason of their composition of Nerves , Tendons , Veins , Arteries , Membranes , and Ligaments , spermatick and cold parts ; as of their continual motion , which gives occasion to the fluxion : Hence the Gowt begins usually at the Feet , especially at the great Toe , whose motion is greatest ; which hinders not but that it begins too in the Hand , Knee , and Hip , and sometimes in the Sides ; and if the matter abound , sometimes it seizes upon the Joynts with such violence as would make Nature succumbe , were the fits continual , and not periodical , as they are ; giving to some an interval of a year ; to others , of six months , or less , according as there needs time for collecting the humour in those parts . The cause of this vehement pain is the acrimony of the corrosive and mordicant humour , which makes a solution of the parts , whose coldness renders this evil almost incurable , and makes it last fourty days ; the pain not being appeasable , saving when the cause which produces it is resolv'd , whereunto the coldness of its subject is not proper . The Second said , That in the Gowt , as in all sorts of Fluxions , four things are to be consider'd ; the Matter which flows , the Place whence it comes , the Way by which it passes , and the Parts upon which it falls . As for the first , the Gowt hath some Matter ; not being , as some hold , a simple Intemperies , which could not subsist so long , nor cause such pungent pains , much less a tumour , as it happens sometimes in the part afflicted , which cannot proceed but from the affluence of Matter : This Matter some affirm to be Wind , or Flatuosity , with as little reason ; for then it might easily be resolv'd , and would cause only a pain of distension . Most hold that 't is the four Humours , arguing from the diversity of Symptomes of this Disease , and the various manner of curing ; some being eas'd by hot Aliments and Medicaments , others by cold : And lastly , from the different colour of the tumours , appearing sometimes red , white , or of some other colour , by reason of the blood , phlegm , or other humours which produc'd them : But though a very acute pain may in this malady , as it doth in all others , attract the humours which abound in the body , and so cause a tumour ; yet this humour which makes the inflation , cannot be the cause of the Gowt ; since at the beginning , and before the parts are inflated , the pains are very great ; but cease and diminish upon the appearing of the Tumour . Some have held it to be Blood alone ; others , Melancholy ; some , Bile , in regard of its mobility and activity ; many , following the authority of Fernelius , that 't is a cold , phlegmatick , and serous humour , and that every Gowt is cold . Mercurialis observing that Blood could not cause such great pains , that Melancholy was too heavy and thick to be active , Bile too subtile to descend , and Phlegm too cold to excite such pungent pains and sudden motions , which cannot proceed from a cold cause ; conceiv'd it was Phlegm mingled with Bile , the latter serving as a Vehicle to the former , and that former to precipitate and make this latter descend . Some others , confessing their ignorance , acknowledg , Qu' on n' y void goutte , that they see not a jot in this Matter ; referring this Disease to occult and malignant causes , acting by an unknown property , as contagious and venemous diseases do . I conceive it to be a salt humour , subtile , and picquant , partaking of the nature of Salts , which are all corrosive ; which acrimony and mordacity of this humour is caus'd by the Salt or Tartar contain'd in its substance , or deriv'd to the Aliments ( whereof the humours are produc'd ) from the Earth , which is full of such Salt , Nitrous , or Tartareous Spirits , without which it would be unfruitful and barren , as is seen in Earth whence Saltpeter is extracted , which can never produce any thing . This Nitrous Spirit being all drawn out of the Earth by the Plants which serve us for food , and not being tameable by our heat , much less convertible into our substance ( for an Animal is nourish'd with what is sweet , and hath had life , wherewith these Mineral Spirits were never provided ) if the natural Faculty be strong , it expells them with the other unprofitable Excrements of the first concoction , and Urine and Sweat ; and sometimes forms the Stone in the Kidneys , Bladder , or other Parts : But if it happens , either through the weakness of the expulsive Faculty , or the quality of the Matter , or some other defect , that this Tartareous Spirit is not expell'd , then it is carry'd with the Blood into the Parts , and being unfit for nutrition , transpires by the Pores , if it be subtil enough ; or else , in case it be thick , and cannot be resolv'd , flows back into the great Vessels , and thence into the Joynts , where sometimes it is coagulated into knots and grits , and turn'd into a hard matter , like chalk or plaister , ( which shews , that the four Humours are not the matter thereof , since the same do not suppurate ) rendering then the Gowt incurable , and the Reproach of Physians , because they find no Cure for it ; no more than for that of old Men , those who have a dry Belly , and who live disorderly : But 't is curable , saith Hippocrates , in young people , in such as have no gritts or hardnesses form'd in the Joints , those who are laborious , obedient , and to whom some great Evacuations arrive , many having been cur'd of it by a Dysenterie . As for the Place where it is form'd , and the Way whereby the Matter which causes this Evil , descends ; most , with Fernelius , conceive 't is the Head , not the internal part of the Brain , whose Excrements are easily voided outwardly by the Nostrils ; or inwardly , by the Infundibulum or Tunnel , and other Cavities ; but the outward part between the skull and the skin ; which being too thick and compact to give issue to the phlegmatick and serous humours there collected , being begotten of the Excrements of the Jugular Veins , which are expanded over all these Parts , those serous and thin humours glide down between the Skin , and other Feguments , into the Joints : But the Place of this Nitrous Matter above-mentioned , are the Viscera of the Liver and Spleen , which generate this Matter two ways . 1. By the vitiosity of Aliments impregnated with this Nitrous Spirit , which they plentifully attracted from the Earth ; whence it is that Wine , which hath more of this Spirit and Tartar then any other Aliment , is , by consent of all , very hurtful to the Gowt . 2. By their proper vitiosity ; namely , a hot and dry Intemperies ; whereby , instead of concocting , they adure the Blood , and so fix that salt serosity , which is the Salt or Tartar extracted out of its substance : Unless you had rather say , That as in the Kidneys of Persons subject to the Stone , there is a certain arenaceous or lapidifick constitution , proper for producing the Stone ; so in the Viscera of those who are subject to the Gowt , there is a particular arthritical disposition , apt to beget that tartareous matter which produces it . The Way whereby this Matter is expell'd is the Veins and Arteries ; these Vessels manifestly swelling when the fits of the Gowt begin . Moreover , as this Disease unexpectedly invades , by a sudden afflux of the Matter ; so it suddenly changes place , especially by means of Refrigerants and Repercussives , which drive the Gowt from one Foot to the other , or into the Hand , and other Parts ; which cannot be done but by the Veins and Arteries . Lastly , The Parts upon which this Matter falls , and which are about the articulations , are membranous and sensible , because the Membranes being the first subject of Touch , ought to be also of Pain , a Symptom thereof . The Third said , That the greatest difficulty was , Why this matter rather falls upon the Joints than other Parts , which are not incommoded therewith , neither the Nerves nor the Veins through which it passes , no more than the Membranes and sensible Parts ; besides those which are about the Joints : The cause whereof may be , That as in health the Parts by a strange property attract such humours as are fit for their nutrition ; the Lungs , bilious Blood ; the Spleen , melancholy Blood ; the Kidneys , serous ; the other carnous Parts , temperate Blood : so in sickness , and ill constitution of the Body , some of these Parts attract from all the rest certain humours wherewith they have most affinity : So in the new Disease call'd Plica Polonica , the viscous and glutinous humour which produceth it , is chiefly carri'd to the hair , which it knotteth and inta●gleth together ; and to the nails of the Hands and Feet , which it makes hard and black : And in the cure of Fracture of Bones , the Stone call'd Osteocolla taken inwardly is carried towards the broken Bones , and causes them to re-unite . In like manner , the Humour producing the Gowt hath some affinity with the Bones of the Joints , especially with their Epiphyses . The Fourth said , That the Gowty have wherewith to comfort themselves ; not so much for that they foretel the changes of the Air and Seasons , as for that this Disease is a token of health , and an evidence of the strength and vigour of Nature , which from the noble Parts drives the vicious humours upon the Joints . But amongst its antecedent causes , the Air is not to be forgotten ; especially the hot and moist Air of the Spring , thawing the Humours lately congeal'd by the Winter ; to the vitiosity of which Air , is that popular Gowt to be referr'd of which Athenaeus speaks in the second Book of his Deipnosophists ; which lasted twenty years , and afflicted two thirds of Men , Women , and Beasts ; although some attributed it to the want of Mulberries , which fail'd during those twenty years , and which , they say , are good against the Gowt , because they loosen the Belly , and correct the heat of the Stomach . Women , as Hippocrates saith , are exempt from the Gowt , saving in the suppression of their Evacuations ; Children , before the use of Venery ; and Eunuchs , always ; although the intemperance and luxury of all of them hath produc'd contrary experiences , as well in this Age as in that of Seneca ; which made the Poets say , That the Gowt was the Daughter of Bacchus and Venus ; the first , engendring plenty of crude humours ; the second , debilitating the heat , and cooling the Body ; which being render'd laxe , the humours fall more easily upon the Joints . And to shew the oddness of this Disease ; Anger , Fear , and Joy have oftentimes both given and cured it , the Humours being extreamly agitated by those Passions . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Wisedom being a Habit mix'd of Science and Virtue , Poverty gives much more disposition to either than Riches ; the Mind of a Poor Man being more capable of Knowledg than that of a Rich ; either for that Nature compensates the want of the Goods of Fortune with those of Nature ; or because Necessity and Hunger sharpens and renders them more subtile ; or else because being free from the cares and pains caus'd by the conservation or acquisition of Riches , they have a more calm Spirit , and more capable of the Sciences , which require quiet and tranquillity of Mind . And as for Virtue , whose paths are so thorny , Poverty hath also many more accesses thereunto than Riches , not only in the Law of Grace , in which our Lord saith , That 't is easier for a Cammel , or a Cable , to pass through the eye of a needle , than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven ; whereof nevertheless the gate is the practice of Virtues : but likewise in the moral sense of this present life , in which Poverty and affliction , according to the Scripture , gives Understanding and Prudence , teaches Temperance , Sobriety , and Chastity ( its inseparable companion ) disciplines us to Patience , and to suffer couragiously the miseries of Life , the frequency whereof renders the Mind invincible . On the contrary , Riches are amost always accompanied with Vices most repugnant to Wisedom ; as , amongst others , with Presumption , Vanity , Voluptuousness , and Delicacy ; the first of which is opposite to Science ; for Pride proceeds only from Ignorance ; the second to Virtue , which the Poet calls masculine and laborious . Moreover , Nature shews us of what quality Riches are ; for the sand that produces Gold is always extreamly barren and naked of all sorts of Fruits ; and so are the Minds of those that possess it ; and 't is observ'd . That rich Nations , and such as live in a good soil , are the most vicious , lazy , and dull ; whereas those who are in an unkind Land , are ordinarily more virtuous addicted to Industry . The Second said , That as the Goods of Fortune , no less than those of the Body , are referr'd to those of the Mind , as the Means to their End ; in like sort , the inconveniences both of Fortune and Body are hinderances in acquiring those Goods of the Soul , which are the perfection of its two principal Faculties , the Understanding and the Will ; namely , Knowledg and Virtue : For Knowledg , and the Arts call'd Liberal , require a generous and liberal , not a sordid and low Soul , like that of a Poor Man ( whom Alciat's Embleme very well represents , by a Lad with one hand stretch'd up into the Air , with Wings fastened to it , intimating a desire to fly higher ; but the other hand fastened to a heavy Stone , hinders him : ) For their Spirit being loaden with misery , thinks of nothing but of the means how to live , and to be deliver'd from the heavy yoak of Necessity , which deprives them of the means of having either living or dumb Teachers ; yea , makes them despise all the rigours of Laws , and oft-times abandons them to Rage and Despair , which makes them hate their miserable life , and renders them masters of those of others : Hence not only Mutinies , Seditions and Revolts are commonly made by the Poor and Miserable , lovers of Innovation , wherein they are sure to lose nothing , and may possibly gain ; but also are almost the sole Authors of Thefts , Murders , and Sacriledges . Whereas Rich Persons , having from their birth receiv'd such good Instruction as the poor want , are more stay'd in their Actions , and better inclin'd to Honesty and Virtue , which without Fortunes or Estates can never produce any thing great and considerable ; whence , in our Language , Riches are justly stiled Means ; without assistance whereof , Justice can neither render to every one what belongs to him , nor repel the Enemies of the State by a just War , whereof Money is the Sinew and principal Strength . Upon this account they are sought after by all the World , and are not only the end of the noblest part of Morality and Oeconomy , ( Families , which are the Pillars of a State , not being preserv'd but by the lawful acquisition of Wealth ; in which , for this reason , some Politicians place Nobility ; but all agree , that they serve for an Ornament thereunto and heighten its lustre ) ; but those who have parted with them cannot live without them , but are constrained to beg of others . And in Policy , whether Riches be acquired or come by succession , they are always in esteem ; as on the contrary , Poverty is disparag'd with reproach , and is a sign either of baseness of Extraction , or of Negligence and profusion . Hence a Poor Man is as unfit to be trusted with a Publick Charge , as with a sum of Money ; and 't is not without reason , that he who is distress'd with Poverty is extreamly asham'd of it , this defect hindring and being a remora to all his designs : Whereas Riches raise the Courage , incite to great Attempts , and serve for a spur to Virtue , which thrives by Praise and Glory , but freezes and languishes by the Contempt and Derision inseparable from Poverty ; which indeed hath been commended by the same Sacred Mouth which requires us to turn the other cheek to him that strikes us upon the one ; yet this hinders not , but that ( speaking naturally , as we do here ) 't is better to defend ones self , than to be beaten patiently . The Third said , That in matter of Wisedom we ought to refer our selves to the wisest of all Men , Solomon ; who prays God to give him neither Riches , for fear of Pride ; nor Poverty , for fear of becoming a Thief ; but a middle Estate : For , as too great Plenitude and an Atrophy are equally contrary to Health , which consists in a moderation and temper of qualities ; so the condition of Persons extreamly Rich , and that of Begger ( the degree here under consideration ) is equally an enemy to Wisedom : And if in any case we ought to desire the Golden Mediocrity , 't is in the acquisition of Wisedom , especially of Virtue , which consists in Mediocrity ; either extreme whereof , is the Territory of Vice. CONFERENCE CIII . I. Of Glass . II. Of Fucusses , or Cosmeticks . AS there is in all sublunary Bodies a vital and celestial Spirit , without which neither Food nor Physick hath any virtue , and which is the principle of all actions and motions of mix'd Bodies ; so all those Bodies have in them an incorruptible Matter , partaking of a celestial Nature , which the Chymists call Virgin-Earth , and is the Matter whereof Glass is form'd , being found in all sorts of Bodies capable of calcination and vitrification ; but chiefly in Nitre , Saltpetre , Sand , Shels , certain Stones , Wood , and Plants , from which they draw Glass , different in beauty , according to the Matter whence it is extracted by means of a most violent fire , which resolving the compound , consumes all its parts except that vitreous matter , which is proof against its violence . We owe its Invention , by Pliny's testimony , to certain Merchants of Nitre , who having landed in Phoenicia of Syria , bordering upon Judaea , near a Lake call'd Cendevia , which is at the foot of Mount Carmel , whence flows the River Belus or Pagida , of small extent ; and making their Kitchin upon the Sand of this River , us'd some clods of their Nitre , as a Trevet for their Kettle ; and the heat of the fire melting the Sand and Nitre into Glass , they took notice of it , and publish'd the Invention . Afterward Moulds were found out , wherein to cast it into all sorts of figures ; Pipes or Tubes to run it in ; others to blow it , and give it all sorts of Colours , which almost miraculously arise from the very substance of the Glass , without other mixture , only by the wind and blast manag'd according to the rules of Art ; as also Mills , to calcine and pulverise Gravel , Stones , or Sand ; amongst which , that of Vilturne in Italy , and of Estampes in France , is most excellent for this use ; for which likewise they imploy the Ashes of a Plant call'd Salicot , ( Salt-wort , or Glass-wort ) which grows in Provence and Languedoc , nam'd likewise Soude , because heretofore it serv'd only to glase earthen Pots . The Second said , As there are but two things that can open Bodies in order to their separation , namely , Water and Fire ; which is verifi'd by the proofs made by Refiners of Gold and Silver ; so there are but two things to separate , to wit , the Volatil , and the Fix'd . Fire commonly separates the Volatil , such as sulphureous and aqueous things are ; and Water separates the Fix'd , as the Salt from the earthy parts . Of Fix'd things , some are so in part , as the same Salt ; others intirely , or altogether , as Earth ; which is either slimy , clayie , or sandie , which last species is made of the two former , as is seen in Rivers , where the Water having wash'd away the fat part , nothing remains but the Sand : By which means Nature renders Valleys and low Places more fruitful ; and men , by her example , have oftentimes rais'd , meliorated , and render'd low and marshy places , formerly unprofitable , fit for culture , by stirring the Earth during the Rain and Floods , which by this means carries away all the fat and unctuous parts from the higher places into the lower , rendring the Mountains and Hills sandy , and consequently unfruitful and barren . For , as Sand is incorruptible , being neither putrifi'd by Water nor consum'd by Fire ; so neither can it generate any thing , nor be turn'd into any other nature , like other species of the Earth , which serve for nutriment of Plants and some Insects , and for the production of Animals . On the contrary , it preserves things buried in it , as appears by Mummies kept in it for two or three thousand years ; and Fruits , which are kept no way better than in Sand. Now , as Sand is the Matter of Glass ( for any Sand melted in the Fire vitrifies ) so Glass suits with the nature of its Principle , being , like it , incorruptible and eternal ; yea , being it self one of the Principles of Nature , according to modern Chymists , who reckon four ; namely , Mercury , resembling Water ; Sulphur , or Oyl , corresponding to Air ; Salt , to Fire ; and Glass , to Earth ; which Glass is found clean and pure in the centre of all mix'd Bodies , there being nothing but may be reduc'd into ashes , and no ashes but of which Glass may be made , which they call a shining and not burning Fire , having affinity with that of Heaven , as the Fire kindled in Sulphur , and any oylie Matter , is both burning and shining ; and that which is in Lime and Salts is burning , and not shining , such as is seen in Potential Cauteries , but not ( as others have said ) in Coals , which have some although a weak light . Glass wants but one thing , and that is the removing its brittleness or fragility ; were it not for which , it would be the most precious thing in the World. Of the possibility hereof a certain Artist having shewn a tryal to Tiberius , hath rais'd a desire in others to make like attempts , which have hitherto been unsuccessful . Moreover , the Transparence of Glass , caus'd by the simplicity and tenuity of its parts , is incompetible with the consistence which renders things ductile and malleable , which is a tenacious viscosity , and oleaginous humidity , from whence opacity proceeds ; as appears by Horns and colour'd Glass , which is less transparent then other , by reason of the unctuosity of the Sulphur employ'd to give it that extraneous colour . The Third said , That Archimedes , in his Fabrick of a Glass-Sphere , was as judicious , in reference to the matter he chose , as the form ; since the Matter of the Heavens being incorruptible and diaphanous , they cannot be represented better than by Glass , which hath both those qualities . Moreover , all the perfectest Bodies of Nature are of a vitreous substance ; as , amongst others , the first of all the Heavens , call'd the Crystalline . 'T is held , That the glorified Bodies are luminous and transparent , and ( according to some ) of a vitreous Nature ; which is the utmost perfection of every Body , and shall be also communicated to the Earth at the last Judgment , to be executed by Fire , which brings Mettals to their highest degree of excellence ; for by the help of Lead , Gold it self is turn'd into Glass , so pure and perfect , that in the Apocalyps Paradise is pav'd with such Glass of Gold ; and in Ezechiel , God's Throne is made of it ; the word Hamal being a fit Etymologie for our Esmah ( or , Enamel ) which is nothing but Glass . And the affinity or correspondence of Mettals with Glass is so great , that , like them , it is extracted out of Sand , elaborated in a Furnace , receiving the alliances of Nitre , Copper , and the Load-stone , which they mingle in its Mine , to get an attractive quality of Glass as well as of Iron . With purifi'd Glass , call'd Sal Alcali , they counterfeit the Diamond , Emerald , Turcoise , Ruby , and other precious Stones . The Eye it self , the noblest part of Man , symbolises with Glass , by that crystalline humour wherein the point of the visual ray terminates . But as all things in the World , like Fortune which governs them ( whom the Poet describes of Glass ) are no sooner arriv'd to the point of their perfection , but they are most subject to be corrupted ; so Fragility is inseparable from Glass , arriv'd to that high degree ; which proceeds from the connexion of the Fix'd and the Volatil , which cannot but be brittle between two bodies extreamly arid , as the ashes of Glass-wort and Fern are with Sand. The Fourth said , That as Gold is the Master-piece of Nature , so is Glass of Art , which cannot produce any thing more noble . Hence in France the making of it is permitted only to the Nobless or Gentry , as a mark of the nobleness of Glass , the fairest and cleanest of all Bodies , as partaking the most of Light , the noblest and divinest of all sublunary Bodies , to which alone its affords passage through its imperceptible pores , being by that means the most useful and delightful piece of Architecture ; the beauties and proportions whereof cannot be seen but by Light , half of which Lattices intercept , but Glass communicates intire ; serving , moreover , to correct the defects of sight in old men , by Spectacles ; and of the Countenance , in Looking-glasses ; by means of which , Man perfectly knows himself . But to judg how Glass may be malleable , we must know that it is compos'd of two Substances ; the one , Earthy ; the other , Gummous , serving for cement to unite those dry parts , whose connexion in any Body whatsoever is impossible , but by aerious humidity , without which the Earthy parts would fall to dust . Now to remedy the brittleness of Glass , 't were expedient to find out two Matters whose union might be closer , or to link them together better by some more humid and oleaginous Matter than the ordinary , which would no more hinder the transparence of Glass than it doth that of Talk , which is wholly oleaginous in its substance , and nevertheless diaphanous and flexible . The Fire likewise , being very sharp and violent , consumes almost all the moisture of Glass , and makes it more brittle , for which reason it ought to be moderated . Upon the Second Point it was said , As Beauty is the most excellent quality of the Body , and the most apparent token of the Beauty and Goodness of the Soul ; so is it the most desired : Love , the transcendent of all concupiscible Powers , being it self nothing else but a desire of Beauty ; and Good , the object of the Will , being nothing else but the same with Fair. But this Passion is most conspicuous in Women , who have receiv'd Beauty as all their portion from Nature , and that wherein all their power and authority over Men consists . Now Beauty being subject to the destiny of all other things , 't is reason that Art supply the defects of Nature , for preserving that rich treasure from the injuries of Time and Years , by variety of Paints ; as inseparable from the persons of Women , as the desire of being fair is natural to them . Moreover , Vlpian , in Lib. 25. Sect. 4. ff . De auro & argento legato , has given them a more particular property in their Cosmeticks , than in their Cloaths and Jewels , reckoning these only amongst external Ornaments , but Paints and Pomatums in the Inventory of their Feminine Accoutrements , as things annex'd to their Bodies , and making up part of its shape and essence . These Cosmeticks , besides Contentment and good Nourishment , the natural and internal Principles of Beauty , ( amongst the species of which Nourishment , Asses milk was us'd by Nero's Mistress ) may be divided into such as only cleanse the spots and obscurities of the skin , such as polish it , give it lustre , take away wrincles , soften and smooth it ; and such as colour it . The first are the most innocent , being nothing but simple Waters distill'd of Flowers , as Lillies , Nenufar , Bean-flowers , Primrose , seeds of Cucumber and Melon , roots of Dock , Serpentine , Cuckow-pint , Solomon's-Seal , Gladon , Kidney-beans , Lupines , the Liquor distilling from the branch of a Vine wounded , Juice of Limons distill'd in Balneo-Mariae , and May-dew . Of the second sort , the gentlest are Whites of Eggs , Consummates of Veal , Sheeps-marrow , Snail-water , the Oyls of Almonds , Seeds of Gourd , Myrrh and Camphire , and above all , the no less famous than rare Oyl of Talk , the Philosophers Stone of all Cosmeticks . As for colouring materials , there are but two sorts in Europe , where Beauty consists in a lively Whiteness ; namely , Whites and Reds : Reds are made of Sanders temper'd in Vinegar , the shavings of Brasil or Alkanet , in Allum-water ; or , of Vermillion . Whites are made commonly of Sublimate , Ceruse , or Spanish-white , wash'd in the water of wild Tansey , or of Pearls calcin'd and apply'd as Vermillion , by those who account nothing in Nature more precious than Beauty . The Teeth , Hair , and Hands , as they contribute to Handsomness , so they have their peculiar Cosmeticks . The Teeth are polish'd by Powders and Opiates ; especially by Acidum of Sulphur , and the Spirit of Vitriol mingled with common Water . The Hair receives such colour as is most agreeable in each Country : In Italy most Women guild theirs with an ounce of Honey , a drachm of Saffron , and the yolk of an Egg mingl'd in Barbers-suds ; or else they rub the Comb well with Oyl of Mastick and Tartar. On the contrary , at Ragusa they black the Hair with Litharge , Black-lead , or with leaden Combs . In France they powder them , to make them white . At Tunis , and throughout all Barbary , the Women black the ends of their Fingers , Nails , and Lips with green Walnut-shells , as our Ladies and Courtiers lay black patches upon their Faces , to heighten or set off its whiteness the more . In fine , there is no part of the Body but receives its Fucus and Colour ; only the Eye , like the Soul , whose Mirror it is , is subject to no alteration of colour ; from which Nature hath with good reason left it exempt , that being unprepossess'd of any , it might be the judg of true Beauty . The Second said , 'T is injurious to blame the Artificial Handsomness of Ladies , since nothing can please us in any other things without it ; Natural Beauty being like a rough Diamond , unless Art polish it , and give it a foil . That we differ one from another , we owe to Artifice ; being all equal by Nature . The goodliest Palaces appear so only by reason of their incrustations of Marble , Guildings , and Pictures ; and Painting it self , whose excellence is nothing but the cunning mixture of Colours , is heighten'd and preserv'd by the superinduction of Varnish . Musick is flat without Quavers and Sharps , which are disguisings of the Voice . All the Arts serve for nothing but the ornament and embelishment of Man. What is Eloquence , with all its flowers and colours of Rhetorick , but a Fucus of natural Discourse ? or Pleading , but the Art of setting off a Fact well , and rendring it plausible ? The Complements and Civilities of Courts , what are they else but a cloaking and disguising of the thoughts ? The truth is , Life being nothing but a Comedy , wherein the habits , actions , and discourses are only disguises ; are we to think it strange that Women , who allways play one of the principal parts in it , sometimes borrow Masks to disguise their Countenances ? And if the insinuations and praises , made use of by Men to caress them , are nothing but flatteries , why should not they too reciprocally endeavour to deceive Men , whilst they represent for the object of their Lies only the Image of Artificial Beauty ? The Third said , That the Countenance being the Tablet and Mirror of the Soul ; as Hypocrisie and Lying in the Soul , is contrary to Candour and Sincerity , without which there would be no confidence nor true Friendship in the World , but perpetual dissimulations and diffidences ; so a Fucus upon the Face is unlawful , and the more pernicious in that it is a speaking Lye : For as a Liar speaks otherwise than he thinks , and hath another thing in his Mind than upon his Tongue ; so a painted Face appears outwardly wholly other then what it really is ; unjustly covering , under the plaister and tincture of a Fucus , its natural imperfections and defects ; which to go about to mend , is to resist the Wisedom of God , the Author thereof , who disposing all things wisely , hath perhaps deny'd the advantage of Beauty to certain Persons , out of fore-sight that they would abuse it ; and who otherwise having imprinted the Character of his Divinity upon our Countenances , the Person that paints and disguises the same , seems to be ingrateful , and unworthy of such a favour ; yea , to deprive himself of all credit among honest men : For , who will give belief to the Words of one that wears a Lye upon his Fore-head ? Besides that in time those Mixtures alter and destroy the health of the whole Body ; Sublimate ( amongst the rest ) the commonest of all Cosmeticks : Not to mention the danger of letting it get into the eyes , and more of swallowing it down , it wrinkles the skin , renders the eyes hollow , blacks the teeth , and corrupts the breath . The Fourth said , since Beauty is one of the four gifts of the Body , it ought not to be of worse condition than the other three , Health , Strength , and Goodness of the Senses ; but 't is lawful to preserve and encrease the same so far as we can , especially that of the Visage , which being the Mirror of the Deity , should be carefully adorn'd and embellish'd ; considering too , that our Lord commands us in the Gospel to wash our Faces , and suffer'd his own Feet to be annointed with precious Unguents ; the use whereof was common among the Ancients , who annointed the Head , and all the rest of the Body , with Aromatick Oyls and Compositions , more for Beauty than for Health . And Physick , in one of its parts call'd Cosmetica , treats of Fucusses , and Ornaments of the Body and Face ; which the Law approves in L. 21. ff . De Auro Mundo , making four sorts of Fucus , namely , for Pleasure , Health , Ornament , and Cleanness . Moreover , 't would seem a contempt of that Divine Gift of Heaven ▪ Beauty , not to preserve it . And as no man , being to chuse a dwelling-house , but prefers a handsom and agreeable one before another ; so , if Souls had the choice of their Bodies when they come into the World , they would undoubtedly take the fairest and best shap'd , because they might exercise their operations best therein . And indeed the Soul is so curious of this Beauty , that as soon as any stroke , or other external injury deforms the Body , it ceases not to repair the ruines thereof ; and without the continual industry which she imploys , not only to re-establish the perpetual deperdition of our triple substance , but also to cause re-generation of the consumed flesh , the re-union of parts disjoyn'd by solution of continuity , and to reduce to a better conformation the depravations thereof , there would be more Monsters than Men. Why then should it be a crime for Art , which perfects Nature , to assist her in this work , by taking away what is superfluous , or adding what is deficient ; which are also the two parts of Physick . CONFERENCE CIV . I. Of Tobacco . II. Whether the Invention of Guns hath done more hurt than good . THe Herb call'd by the Spaniards Tobacco , from an Island of the same name in the West-Indies , wherein it grows in abundance , is nam'd by the Indians Petun ; by others , for its great virtues , Herba Sancta ; and Jean Nicot , Embassador of Francis II. having first brought out of Portugal into France some of the seed of it to Queen Catherine de Medicis , with the description of its virtues , it became denominated from him in French Nicotiane , or Herbe a la Reine , ( the Queens Herb ; ) as in Italy it was term'd Herbe de Santa Croce , ( of Holy Cross ) because a Cardinal of that name was the first that brought it to Rome . Some others still call it Antarctical Buglosse , Henbane of Peru , and Indian Wound-wort . It grows , many times , to the height of three Cubits , with a straight and thick stalk , so fat that it seems annointed with Honey ; it sends forth sundry large branches , with many leaves long and broad , rounder than those of great Comfrey , somewhat like those of great Personata , or Bur-dock ; fleshy , fat , and little rough , of a pale green , unpleasing smell , and biting taste : On the top of the stalk it hath many flowers , oblong , hollow , and large , in form of a Trumpet , of a white inclining to purple ; to which succeed little slender cods or husks , full of a brownish seed , smaller than that of Poppey . It s root is thick , hath several lobes , is woody , yellow within , bitter , easily separating from its bark , and , like all Herbs hot and dry , ( for this is so in the second degree ) it requires moist places and shadow , and delights to be cultivated . Moreover , 't is kept in Gardens , as well for its beauty , as for its faculties of curing abundance of Maladies ; to which 't is the more proper , in that it hath an unctuosity familiar to our Body , whose excrementitious humours ( the seed of most Diseases ) it potently resolves . For as Plants are of a middle nature between Minerals and Animals ; so they are more proper and safe for the preservation and restoring of Man's health than Animals themselves , which by reason of their similitude act less on us ; or than Minerals and inanimate Bodies , which through the too great diversity of their nature act with too much violence . The Second said , That this Herb heats , resolv's , deterges , and is somewhat astringent ; whence it is , that its leafs apply'd hot to the head cure the Meagrim and old headach , proceeded from cold or wind ; and if the pain be contumacious , you must rub the place first with oyl of Orange-flowers . Moreover , 't is us'd for the Cramp , and all other pains arising from the same cold humour ; particularly , for that of the Teeth , by filling them with the leaf bruis'd . It s decoction in common Water is good for maladies of the Breast of the same kind , as the Asthma , and old Coughs , causing expectoration of the phlegm which produces it . Also , Its smoak taken by the nose , and swallow'd down by respiration , frequently cures the Asthmatick , and such as have ulcers in the Lungs ; by the same reason that Galen saith , he saw a Baker's Wife cur'd of one , by frequent respiration of a hot and dry Air , which she attracted as she put her bread into the Oven , and took it out again . The leaves roasted under the ashes , and apply'd hot with their ashes to the Navil , are good for the Wind-collick , and other obstructions of the Bowels proceeding from the abovesaid causes ; especially , for crudities of the Stomach . The Indian women make use of it to kill worms , making their children take a very little quantity of it with Sugar ; but more safely by applying the leafs to the Navil , and adding a very little of the juice in lotions . The same , apply'd , helps the Stone-Collick , and is highly advantageous in strangulations of the womb , being laid likewise upon the Navil ; and if Women have their usual swoonings , the smoak puff'd into their nostrils fetches them again . They also ease the pains of swoln limbs , and cold Gowts . Scurf , Itch , Child-blanes , and clefts of the heels , proceeding from cold , are cur'd by being rub'd therewith , as also venomous wounds and bitings : Whereof the Spaniards bear witness , who seizing upon a part of the Indies , the Cannibals assaulted them with envenom'd Arrows , the wounds whereof they cur'd by sprinkling them with prepar'd Sublimate ; all their stock whereof being spent , the wounded dy'd , till it was found that the juice of Tobacco , apply'd , wrought the same effect . Moreover , the leaves stop the blood of fresh wounds , and agglutinate them . The juice heals old Ulcers , and prevents Gangreens . The Indian Priests , observing all these virtues , transferr'd them to the Mysteries of their Religion : For being interrogated concerning the events of War , they suck the smoak of this Herb with long Canes , then suffer themselves to fall down , and being afterwards awakened , relate wonders to their hearers , giving them to understand that they have had divine Dreams . They make use of it likewise , to recover weariness , and support hunger , burning certain shells , and powdering them with equal quantity of these leaves , of which they make pills , which they lay between the lower lip and the teeth , continually sucking their liquor , which , if it nourish not , at least it takes away the sense of the inconveniences of hunger and thirst ; which is an admirable secret , whereby they travel two or three days together . Possibly by their example our Sailers , and Souldiers who have been at Sea , take Tobacco with so much pleasure , that since they have once gotten a habit of it , they cannot be broken from it by the severest Laws : For to alledg the prejudice of excessive taking Tobacco , is of no more moment than what should be said against Wine for its abuse ; it having been said by many , That those things must be excellent which are capable of being abus'd ; and this may always be inferr'd from that immutable practice of Tobacco , That there is a great familiarity between it and our Nature ; since the Grand Signior cannot hinder his Turks from the use of it , who nevertheless abstain from Wine . The Third said , That if ever Pliny's condemning and decrying Drugs and forreign Roots was reasonable , it was chiefly at the time when the Trade of the Indies transmitted them to us in Europe , and , with their use , new and unknown Diseases : Amongst which Medicaments , Tobacco , as 't is the most common , so 't is the more dangerous , in that a false opinion of health and purgation gives it credit , although its temperament , hot and dry in a high degree , renders it not only contrary to young and cholerick people , and to the stomach , which it provokes to vomiting ; but by a peculiar malignity 't is an enemy to the Brain , causing Stupefaction , Vertigo , Lethargy , and a dulness of all its Powers , and by a violent desiccation spoling its natural constitution : For 't is so far from dis-inebriating , that , on the contrary , by its sharp and biting vapours it fills the head , and intoxicates much more ; like Opium , the herb of which it resembles ; neither of them serving for any thing but to trouble the Reason ; upon which account Tobacco is a sworn enemy to Hellebore , which every one knows is the remedy for Folly , and promotes the good constitution of the Brain . As for the evacuation of phlegm , for which it is esteem'd ; besides that 't is a dangerous thing to purge such as are in perfect health , as most takers of Tobacco are ; 't is certain , that all sort of smoak is bad for the Brain , which it clouds and dulls , by stirring the animal Spirits , and filling the cavities of its Ventricles , which it also infects by its smell , and pricks its Membranes by its Acrimony , inseparable from every kind of fume ; it being found , that men have had black scirrhous spots in the Meninges , produc'd by the vapours of Tobacco they were accustom'd to take ; which Custom also enuring Nature in that manner to evacuate the pituitous excrements , whereof the Brain is never destitute , if the use thereof be at any time interrupted , great accidents happen by that defluxion , which had gotten a long course that way , and turn'd the Custom of it into Necessity ; which use . ( besides ) being shameful , and proper only to Rogues and Robbers , whom our Arrests comprise under the name of Takers of Tobacco ; it seems that the name and effects of this Herb are of as bad an odour as its smoak . The Fourth said , That the Brain being the source not only of all cold maladies , but also of most affections of the Lungs , whose scituation and spongy substance makes them the Emunctory of all the superiour Parts ; whence the Asthma , Peripneumonia , Empyema , Phtisick , Cough , Orthopnaea , and other affections of the Breast , caus'd by defluxion of humidity falling from the Brain upon the Lungs ; Physick hath invented three sorts of Remedies to divert the course of those Excrements , namely , Errhines , Ptarmicks , and Apophlegmatisms . Errhines compos'd of Rue , Gentian , Celandine , Origanum , and other detersive Simples , attract the phlegm adhering to the Membranes of the Brain , and evacuate it by the Nose . Ptarmicks , or Sternutatories , which are made of the above-mention'd things powder'd , or of Pepper and white Hellebore , Euphorbium , Castoreum , and Pyrethrum , by their acrimony stimulating the expulsive faculty of the Brain , to excretion of the pituitous Excrements which are in its Ventricles . Apophlegmatisms , us'd either in Masticatories or Gargarisms , or by rubbing the palate of the Mouth , are made of Mastick , roasted Raisins , Hyssop , Origanum , bark of Caper-roots , Mustard , Turbith , and such other things as melt and attenuate phlegm , and make it distil down the Palate of the Mouth . Now Tobacco may serve for these three Uses , being taken either by the Nose , or in the Mouth , as a Masticatory ; but not in smoak , which is an enemy to the Brain and Spirits . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Nature having given wild Beasts Horns , Claws , or Teeth for their defence , has yet produc'd Man wholly naked , and without any other Arms but those of Reason ; to shew , that being a Reasonable Animal , he needed no other arms to decide his Quarrels with his like , but Justice and right Reason . Nevertheless , Necessity having oblig'd him to defend himself from Beasts , Robbers , and Publick Enemies , he hath , instead of fifty-cuffs , stones , cudgels , and bones of Animals , his first Weapons , made use of Iron , framing it into Swords , Axes , Spears , and Javelins ; till encreasing in malice , to offend at greater distance , he invented Slings and Balists , then ambulatory Machins to enter Places , and beat down the Walls of Cities : Yea , Fire was likewise brought into use ; by some , that of Burning-glasses , with which Archimedes burnt the Ships of Marcellus , who besieg'd the City of Syracuse ; by others , Granado's , and Pitch-barrels set on fire , as Caesar did at the Siege of Marseilles and Alexandria . But all this was nothing , in comparison to the Gun ; which although , according to the Portugal Relations , invented in the 85. year of our Lord , in the Kingdom of China , where most other Inventions began , by one of their Kings , nam'd Vitey , a great Magician ; yet appear'd not in Europe till about the year 1350. when it was found out by one named Bertoldus , a German , occasionally , by the experience which he saw happen in a mixture of Sulphur and Nitre , inclos'd in a vessel over the Fire , in order to an operation of Chymistry , whereof he made profession . This mischievous and diabolical Invention , having been hatch'd in the Country of the North , ( whence the Scripture assures us that all evil is to come ) was afterwards carried from thence into Italy , and then into France , Anno 1366. by some Germans , who also gave two pieces of Artillery to the Venetians who besieg'd Claudia Fossa , a Town belonging to the Genoeses , from whom it was presently taken by these new Engines ; which , although small , and ill made , being only of Iron bow'd , and hoop'd together with Iron bands , yet fail'd not to produce their effect . The Second said , Since Kings are call'd Gods in Scripture , 't was reasonable they should be arm'd with Thunder , which might make them reverenc'd by others ; there being no better expedient to preserve Majesty , than Terrour . And as the depravation of men renders War in these last Ages as necessary as just ; so , without doubt , the most powerful way of overcoming , must also be the most advantageous and considerable . This is it which hath made Artillery so esteem'd by Sovereigns , that they have lodg'd it in Arsenals and Magazens with their Treasuries , and given it in charge to great Masters , principal Officers of their Crown ; making a shew of it to Strangers , as the abridgment of their Power , and a mark of their Soveraignty . Moreover , 't is by this Cannon-Law that all their Quarrels are decided : These are the last Embassadors which carry their Commands with execution ; and those whose ears are stopp'd to their other Reasons , always find peremptory ones in the mouth of their Cannons . For as the Mosaical Law was given amongst Thunders and Lightnings from Mount Sinai ; and that of Christianity confirm'd by a Tempest of Wind and Fire : In like manner , Princes at this day establish not their Laws more powerfully than by help of the Thunder-claps of their Artillery ; as the Conquest of the new World makes manifest , the easiness whereof is due only to this Invention , which made those Nations receive Laws of Religion and State from such as shot the first Cannons amongst them , at the report of which they presently yielded ; conceiving that there was something divine in those Machins , which have likewise been the Keys of Gold , wherewith they have enriched Europe by another way of Alchimy than that to which the Disciples of this Science employ it . Moreover , by this Invention , which secures Commerce , the boldness has been taken to over-run the World , and despoil it of all its Riches ; the Conquest whereof hath been more or less easie , according as its use was known or unknown to the invaded Nations . The truth is , he that shall make comparison of the ancient Machins , Rams , Slings , Balists , or Bows , with any Fire-Arms whatever , will find that theirs were but Childrens-play , in respect of our true Combates . And so far is this Invention from doing wrong to Valour , that ( on the contrary ) it advances the same to its highest point : For if Valour appears only proportionally to the dangers it incurs , then there is most room for the exercising of it where the greatest are present . Now the ruine of some particular Persons , is not considerable , in respect of the publick advantage , to which the good of every one , consider'd by himself , is subordinate ; seeing that these Arms serve as well for the Defensive as the Offensive , the one and the other being only respective , regard being had no those that employ them ; that which serves for defence to one , being offence to the other . And besides , the Sword , which for so many Ages hath kill'd many more , would be more subject to this blame . But , on the contrary , the excellence of a Weapon consists in killing and terrifying , since 't is an Instrument of War , whereof the principal end is to exterminate Enemies ; for the fewer are left , the sooner it is ended ; and in the speedy razing of their Fortresses , consists the beating down of their Pride and Confidence . Wherefore , seing no Invention in the World can be without its inconveniences , one or two cannot counter-balance the good which Artillery hath brought , by the Conquest of so many Kingdoms and Riches ; so that if Arms are most usefull for the preservation and amplification of a State , the Invention of the Gun must be the more so , inasmuch as it is the most powerful Instrument of War , surpassing all other Arms in execution ; and making a Prince not only obey'd during War , but also respected and redoubted in Peace , during which 't is employ'd to testify the publick rejoycings and gladnesses . The Third said , As Philosophy is the noblest exercise of Man , so Morality is the fairest part of Philosophy ; whence Socrates acquir'd the honour of having brought it down from Heaven . The most excellent part of Morality is the Politicks , of which the noblest piece is the Art Military , as Mechaniques are the noblest part of this Art. Hence Caesar is more particularly exact in describing the construction of his Bridges , and other Engines , than his war-like exploits . Since then the Gun is without dispute the goodliest part of the Mechanicks , it follows that the Gun and its Invention is the goodliest thing of the World. For the excellence of an Engine consists in moving a great weight speedily , and to the greatest distance that may be , as the Cannon alone doth , whose power would be judg'd impossible , did not Experience attest it : Nor doth its violence depend upon the ordinary rules of Nature , the Principle of the regular motion of every Body ; but 't is caus'd by the same Nature constituted in a violent state , in danger of admitting either a Vacuum or penetration of Dimensions ; to avoid which , she sometimes breaks the Cannon ; or , if the same be too strong , she violently drives out the iron bullet , which hinders the free eruption of the inflamed matter , which , by reason of the rarefaction of its parts , requiring 10000 times more place than before , and not finding the same in the Cannon , issues forth to seek it ; by the same reason that an Exhalation inflam'd in the middle Region of the Air , disengages it self from its prison , by breaking the Cloud which holds it inclos'd in its belly , thereby forming the Lightnings and Thunders , whereof the shots of the Cannon are true Images upon Earth , where nothing comes nearer Thunder ; and consequently the Power of God , who oftentimes imploys those Arms to punish the crimes of men : Whence Pagan Antiquity assign'd indeed severally a Trident , a Sythe , a Bow a Helmet , a Lance , a Club , a Sword , and such other Instruments , to their false Deities ; but all attributed Thunder to the mightiest of the Gods. CONFERENCE CV . I. Of Blood-letting . II. Which is the most Excellent of the Soul 's three Faculties , Imagination , Memory , or Judgment . BLood-letting , ( whose invention is fabulously attributed to the Sea-horse , who finding himself too full of Blood , rubs himself against the sharp points of Reeds or Canes , and afterwards stops the wound with mud ) is celebrated either in the Arteries , and is call'd Arteriotomie ; or in the Veins , and is term'd Phlebotomie ; which Physitians , by good right , hold with Galen ( in the Book which he writ thereof against Erasistratus ) for a singular remedy , and one of the readiest for all sorts of Diseases , especially Inflammations , Fevers , Revulsions or Derivations , griefs of the Eyes , difficulties of Urine , Pleurisie , Peripneumonie , Squinancy , Epilepsie , Fractures , Luxations , and all acute Pains and Diseases . And as there are two general and most frequent causes of Diseases ; namely , Plethora , or Repletion ; and Cacochymia , or depravation of the Humours : Blood-letting is the remedy of the former , and Purgation of the latter : But Blood-letting is the best and safest , causing less agitation and disturbance in the Oeconomy of the Body than Purgatives , which are ordinarily violent , and enemies of Nature ; yea , it serves not only to evacuate the juices which abound in excess , but sometimes remedies their depravation , by correcting the hot and dry Intemperies of the Bowels , which is the cause of Cacochymie ; because Bleeding of its own Nature evacuates and makes revulsion , but , by accident refrigerates , and takes away obstructions : Therefore Avicenna , and all his followers , enemies of Blood-letting , are ridiculous ; alledging , That the Blood being ( Fraenum Bitis ) the bridle of choler , this becomes exasperated and enflam'd , the less Blood there is to restrain it . For if there be any Humour that keeps Choler in order , it must be Phlegm , which is contrary thereto ; and not Blood , which symbolises with it by heat : But Blood-letting checks the impetuous motions of Choler , which it evacuates with the Blood , if it be in the greater Vessels ; and if out of them , as about the cavities of the Liver , it tempers them , correcting the ardent constitution of the Liver which produces it . The Second said , That by reason of Contraries , affections against Nature , as well as Health , have their seat in the Parts , Spirits , and Humours . The Parts are the seat of Maladies ; the Spirits , of Symptoms and laesion of Functions ; and the Humours , of the Morbifick causes , either antecedent or conjunct . And as these humours , which are the source and leven of most Diseases , being in a natural state , are in their proper place , in the quantity and quality requisite to their Nature ; so in a state against Nature , they are out of their due place , and offend either in quantity or quality . To these three defects Physick opposes Revulsion , Alteration , and Evacuation ; this latter is done either by evacuating only the bad , by convenient ways in Purgation ; or the good with the bad , Blood-letting , which is defin'd an Evacuation of all the humours of the Body , by section of the Vessels . For though the Blood be the Treasure of Life , the Source of all Passion , and ( if we believe Galen ) the Seat of the Soul ; nevertheless , its corruption , as that of the best things of the World , being so much the more dangerous as it is the most perfect and temperate of all the Humours , it must be presently evacuated out of the Body ; not only in plenitude , where Nature requires nothing but to be discharg'd ; but also in depravation of the Blood , by mixture of the other Humours corrupted ; of which the less there is , the more easily they are subdu'd by Nature , which wants not strength to re-produce more laudable Blood than that from which she was unburden'd : But regard must chiefly be had to the distinction of Veins , according to the diversity of Diseases . So the most apparent Veins of the arms are open'd when the Body is plethorick , without affection of any Part : If it be so by suppression of the Moneths or Hemorrhoids , the Vein of the Foot must be open'd : If it be by Choler , then that of the right arm : If by Melancholy , then that of the left arm , in regard of the situation of the Liver and Spleen ; as for the various communication of the Vessels the Cephalick , Basilick , or Median are chosen . Hippocrates opens the Vein of the Forehead call'd Praeparata , in pains of the Hinder part of the head ; that of the Occiput , in fluxions of the Eyes ; the Hypoglottides , or Veins under the Tongue , in the Squinancy , for derivation ; that of the tip of the Nose , or great Canthus of the Eye , in its Inflammations ; the Jugulares and Salvatella , those of the Temples ; and , in brief , all others are open'd according to the sundry intentions of the Physitian . The Third said , That Blood-letting is the greatest of Remedies ; there being none sooner communicated to all the Parts , which having need of nourishment , which is carried to them by the Veins , you cannot evacuate any one sensibly , but that motion will be communicated with all the Blood in the other Veins ; that is to say , over all the Body . It s use was anciently so rare , that Galen and the Greeks made conscience of letting Children blood before fourteen years of Age ; and Avenzoar was accounted too ventrous in Phlebotomising his own Son at seven . Hippocrates appoints it in four cases ; in Inflammation , Metastasis , Repletion , and Obstruction . 'T is above all necessary , when the Body is too replete , evidenced oft-times by spontaneous evacuations at the Nose , and Hemorroids ; whether this Repletion respect the Vessels , which are too full , and in danger of breaking ; or the natural strength , oppress'd under the weight of the humours : But it seems to me impertinent and unprofitable in case of Cacochymie without Repletion , which requires Purgatives to purifie the sanguinary mass , and not this bleeding Remedy : For , there being three principal seats of Cacochymie , to wit , the First Region , the Veins , and the Habit of the Body ; Blood-letting is alike unprofitable to them all . As for the First Region , which is the sink and channel of the humours , Blood-letting cannot reach thither , without emptying all the Blood of the Body ; and should it penetrate thither , it would draw those excrementitious humours into the Veins , where they would corrupt the laudable Blood. But Cacochymie residing in the Region of the Veins , Purgation ( which only eliminates the corrupted humours , without the good and laudable ) is more proper thereunto than Phlebotomie ; which , on the contrary , sometimes evacuates the good juice , and not the vicious , when the same is impacted and adherent to some part remote from the open'd Vein . In fine , Blood-letting is as little profitable when the impurity is in the habit of the Body : Whence 't is too hard to draw the humours into the Veins ; but it is more expedient to resolve and make them transpire by sweats , exercise , abstinence , and other labours . The Fourth said , That Blood-letting is profitable in every vitiosity of the Blood , which either is corrupted in substance and quality , or offends in quantity , or causeth a fluxion upon some Part , or presses and loads it , or else is too much inflam'd : Nevertheless with this precaution , that regard is to be had to the Disease ; the strength , temper , age , sex , habitation , custom , and particular nature of the Patient . But generally , every great , hot , and acute Disease requires Phlebotomie ; which , on the contrary , is an enemy to cold Diseases , and all crudities ; because it refrigerates , by the loss of heat and spirits flowing out with the Blood. Also , diminution of strength , caus'd by any evacuation or resolution , prohibits bleeding ; but not that where the strength is oppress'd by abundance of humours , which must be presently eliminated . Children , who need Blood for their growth , as breeding Women do for the nourishment of their Child ; old men , who want heat and Spirits ; those who have small Veins , or rare and softish flesh ; ought not to be let blood but with great precautions . Nor is Phlebotomie to be administred in great cold or great heat , nor after great watchings and labours . And although the quantity of Blood depends upon the strength , and the Disease , yet 't is safest to take rather less ; but by no means to imitate the Ancients , who let Blood till the swooning of the Patient , in Inflammations , violent Pains , and very burning Fevers ; which they sometimes cur'd by this course , but commonly caus'd a cold Intemperies to the whole Body , during the remainder of life . Upon the Second Point it was said , That God having in the Universe imprinted an Image of his own Majesty , to the end to make himself known to men , hath also contracted the same in each part thereof , wherein we observe some shadow of the distinction of the Divine Essence into Three Persons : And 't is with this Ternary Number that he hath as 't were stamp'd for his own Coin the noblest parts of the World , which the Pythagoreans have also for that reason divided into three ; namely , The Intellectual , which are the Heavens , ( the place of Intelligences ) ; the Elementary , and the Animal ; each of which is again divided into three parts ; The Intellectual or Celestial , into the Heaven of Planets , the Firmament , and the Empyreal ; The Elementary , into the Air , Water , and Earth ; And the Animal , into Vegetable , Sensitive , and Rational , which is Man , who comprehends in himself eminently all those parts of the World ; the Elementary being in the Liver , the Animal in the Heart , the Intellectual in the Brain , wherein , as in its principal Sphere , the Rational Soul establishes a particular World ; every ones Head being a Globe , which is divided again into three parts , which are the Imagination , Memory , and Judgment : Amongst which , the Imagination , the principle of the others motion and action , represents the animal World ; Memory , serving for a subject matter to receive the impressions of the species consign'd to it , is the Elementary ; and Judgment , the Intellectual . The three parts of each of which Worlds are again correspondent to the same Faculties . The Imagination , upon account of the continual circumvolution of the Species , is the Heaven of Planets : The Memory , in reference to the fixation of the same Species , is their Firmament : And the Judgment , the highest of these Powers , is the Empyraeal . To the three parts of the Elementary , The Imagination , for its mobility and subtilty , is like the Air ; Memory , for its soft humidity , fitting it to receive all sorts of Figures , may be compar'd to the Water ; and Judgment , the base and foundation of the rest , for the solidity of its consistence and siccity , symbolizeth with the Earth . Lastly , to the three parts of the Animal World ; the Memory , receiving increase or diminution by humidity , the principle of vegetation , resembles the Vegetable ; the Imagination , by its heat and activity , the Animal ; and the Judgment , the Rational . And though these three Faculties be united in the substance of the Soul , nevertheless they are different , not only in their temperaments , actions , and ages , but also in their seats ; as that of Memory is the hinder part of the Brain , which people scratch to call any thing to mind ; that of Imagination is the forepart , whence they lift up their heads when they would vehemently imagine any thing ; and that of Judgment is the middle part , which is the cause why in a deep study people hold down the head . But to make choice of each in particular , their operations must be consider'd : Some make very much noise , and little action ; as Advocates and Proctors of a Court , who make much a do to put a business in order , to lay it open , and digest it , although without deciding any thing ; and such is the Imagination , which unites and compounds the Species , represents them to the Judgment , carries them to the register of the Memory , or extracts them out by Reminiscence . Others make little bustle , and much action ; as Judges ; and so doth the Judgment . The last have neither stir nor action ; as the Registers , who only transcribe what is dictated to them ; and so doth the Memory , a passive Power . The Sciences themselves , which fall under the Jurisdiction of the Mind , are also subject to each of these Faculties . Memory hath under it the Tongues , Grammar , Positive Theologie , History , Humanity , Law , Geography , Anatomy , Herbary , and almost all the Theory of Physick . The Imagination hath Eloquence , Poetry , Musick , Architecture , Geodaesie , Fortifications , most part● of the Mathematiques , and all the Arts whose works depend only on the force of the Imagination . The Judgment hath Philosophy , Scholastical Divinity , the Practice of Physick and Law , and all the Sciences which depend on soundness of reasoning . Nevertheless , because it seems that the Judgment cannot judg to its own advantage without injustice , being both Judg and Party ; 't is best to arbitrate in this sort , and say , That the excellence and necessity of things being considered , or so far as they are for our profit , or that of others ; for our own profit 't is best to have a good Judgment , and less of Memory or Imagination : For the Imagination serves more for Invention , and this to ruine its Author when it is destitute of Judgment ; Memory to make a man admir'd ; and Judgment , for conduct and government . The Second said , Since the Imagination gives the rise to all the motions of the Soul , by the Species which it supplies to it , wherewith it forms the Passions in the Inferior Appetites , Desires in the Reasonable Appetite , namely , the Will ; and Notions in the Understanding , which cannot know any thing but by the phantasms or species forg'd in the Imagination ; it must be the most excellent of all the Faculties of the Soul. Moreover , the Temper which constitutes it being the most laudable , and the Age wherein it prevails being the most perfect , its Actions must also be the most sublime ; since being not performable but by help of corporeal Organs , the more perfect these are , the more will the Minds actions be so too . Now the Qualities of the Imagination have much more conformity to the Soul , according to the Opinion of some Ancients , of an igneous nature ; and according to others , an Entelechie and continual motion , which either causes or depends on heat , the most active quality of all , wherewith the Brain being impregnate , renders the Spirit more lively , quick in retorts , and in all that they call Pointe d' Esprit , or acumen ; and inspiring Enthusiasms to Poets . On the contrary , the Judicious , who want this Imaginative Virtue , are cold , heavy , and as tedious in conversation , as the other are agreeable and welcome : Yea , the Judgment it self ows all its advantage to it : For if it were equitable , it would regulate it self only by the species which the Imagination represents to it ; and if it be corrupted , and without having regard to the pieces offer'd to its view , will follow its own sentiments , it runs the hazard of committing a thousand extravagances and impertinences . Yea , all the Judicious Sciences are ambiguous , and their followers divided ; a sure note of their weakness , as well as of that of Judgment which guids them ; since Abstracted Truth , its Object being unknown , it must leave the same in perpetual darkness , unless it borrow light from the Imagination . Moreover , the Sciences , Arts , and Disciplines of this Faculty are all pleasant , and as delightful and certain , as those of Memory are labile , the Faculty only of Children and Liars . Yea , the maladies of the Imagination are in such veneration , that Hippocrates calls them Divine , as having miraculous effects . The Third said , That there is no intire and perfect Good in this World , is verifi'd also in the Goods of the Mind , which are not often possess'd by one single man , but every one hath his share therein : For goodness of Wit , consisting in the excellence of his three Faculties , Imagination , Memory , and Judgment , the first of which forms the species , the second preserves , and the last judges of , and frames its Notions from them ; 't is a very rare thing to find a man possessing these three advantages in an excellent degree ; besides that , they are incompatible in one and the same subject , inasmuch as they depend upon the contrary temperaments . The Memory on a hot and moist , such as that of Children ; which nevertheless must not be like water , which easily receives , but retains not , all sorts of Figures ; but it must be aerial , and have some consistence and viscosity to retain the imprinted species . The Imagination requires a hot and dry temper , for fabricating and composing abundance of species ; like that of cholerick and young men , who are inventive and industrious . The Judgment demands a constitution of Brain cold and dry , like that of melancholy and old men , to hinder the sudden eruptions , or sallies of the Mind ; which therefore reasons better when the Body is at rest , than when it is in motion , which produces heat , as much an enemy to the operation of the Reasonable Soul , as profitable to those of the Sensitive or Vegetative , whose actions are perform'd by the Spirits , and Heat . But the Imagination cannot know any thing without Memory , which furnishes it with species ; nor this remember , without help of the Imagination ; nor the Judgment conceive and judg without the help of both . Nevertheless , as amongst Qualities there is always one predominant ; so amongst these three Faculties , one commonly excels the rest ; and the Judgment is the more excellent , inasmuch as 't is peculiar to Man ; whereas the Imagination and Memory are common to him with Beasts . So that the Judgment is our proper good , and is better worth cultivating than the Memory , to which they who wholly addict themselves , are like bad Farmers , who improve others Commodities , and let their own perish . On the contrary , they who only form their Judgment , acquire the true Treasures of Wisedom , and may be said rich of their own Stock : But great Memories are commonly like Aesop's Crow , adorn'd with borrow'd Plumes ; and indeed raise admiration in the weak minds of the Vulgar , but not in those who are accustomed to solid Truths , the Principle whereof is the Judgment . CONFERENCE CVI. I. Of Dew . II. Whether it be expedient for Women to be Learned ? IF Pindar deem'd Water so good , that he thought nothing better to begin his Odes with ; Dew , which is celestial Water , deserves to be esteem'd , since it surpasses that as much as Heaven , whence it comes , is elevated above the Earth . For Heaven is the source of Dew , whence it distills hither below , impregnated with all aethereal qualities and properties , incommunicable to any other thing ; whether it come by a transcolation of super-celestial Waters , which the Hebrews call Maim in the Dual Number , to signifie the Waters on high and those below ; or whether there be a Quintessence and Resolution of the Heavens whence it proceeds , like those Waters which Chymists distil from Bodies put into their Alembicks , indu'd with their odour and other qualities , and sometimes augmented in virtues : Whence some Divines endeavour to derive the reason why Manna , which is nothing else but Dew condens'd , for fourty years together wanting one Moneth , and allotted by God for sustenance of his people , had all sorts of Tastes ; for ( say they ) Heaven , whence it fell , contains eminently , as the efficient equivocal cause , all the forms of things to whose generation it concurs here below ; and therefore God employ'd this Dew to represent the several kinds of each Aliment , And Honey , whose sweetness is so familiar to our Nature , ( yea , so priz'd by the Scripture , that God promises his people nothing so frequently , to raise their longing after the Land which he had promis'd them ) what else is it but this same Dew condens'd and gather'd by the Bees , who rubbing their thighs upon the flowers and leaves of Plants on which this Liquor falls , load themselves therewith , and lodg it in their hives ? Wherefore Naturalists seem too gross , in teaching , Dew to be only a Vapour rais'd from the Earth , by the heat which the Sun leaves in the Air at his setting , and ; for want of other sufficient heat , unable to advance it self higher than the tops of herbs : for its tenuity and effects manifest the contrary ; its tenuity much exceeding that of Water ; witness their experiment , who make an egg-shell fill'd with Dew ascend alone to the top of a Pike plac'd a little bowing in the Sun ; which it will not do , if fill'd with common Water , how rarefi'd soever . Its effects also are , to penetrate much more powerfully than ordinary Water ; which is the reason why it very speedily whitens whatever is expos'd to it , as Linnen and Wax ; for the effecting of which , Rain requires thrice as long time : But its penetrativeness appears yet further , in that it dissolves even Gold it self ; for which reason some have thought fit to wash several times in it such Medicaments as they would have penetrate , as well as others are wont to do in Vinegar . The Second said . If it suffic'd to speak of Dew in a Poetical way , I should call it the sweat of Heaven , ther spittle of the Stars , the dropping of the celestial Waters , or the crystalline humour which flows from the eyes or the fair Aurora ; or else that 't is a Pearl-Garland , wherewith the Earth decks her self in the morning , to appear more beautiful in the eyes of the Sun , and the whole Universe ; to which if the Vapours serve for food , the Dew is its Nectar and Ambrosia . But to speak more soberly , I conceive it a thin and subtle Vapour , rais'd by a moderate Heat ; till either meeting some Body , it adheres thereunto ; or being attracted neer the Middle Region of the Air , 't is condens'd by cold , and falls down again upon the Earth . Nevertheless , this Vapour proceeds not only from a humour purely Aqueous , but somewhat partaking of the Spirits of Nitre , Sugar , or a sweet Salt ; since the thinnest part of it being evaporated , the rest remains condens'd upon leafs and stones , or becomes Honey and Manna ; and whoso shall lightly pass his tongue over the leafs of Nut-tree , and other compact and close Plants , shall taste a sweetness upon them in temperate Climates or Seasons , which is nothing else but an extract of this same Dew . Moreover , the fertility which it causes in the Earth , its purgative and detersive virtue , sufficiently manifest this Truth . For Dew could not fertilise the Earth , if it were bare Water , destitute of all sort of Spirits ; and particularly those of Nitre , which is the most excellent Manure that can be used to improve Land ; for the Earth from which it is extracted remains barren , till it have been anew impregnated with those Spirits by the influx of Dew , to which they expose it for some time , that it may again become capable of producing something . This purgative virtue , whereof not only Manna partakes ( being a gentle purger , of serosities ) but also pure Dew , which sometimes causes a mortal Diarrhoea or Lax in Cattle , purging them excessively when it is not well concocted and digested by the heat of the Sun , which consumes its superfluous phlegm ; and that detersive Faculty whereby Dew cleanses all impurities of the Body , which it whitens perfectly , cannot proceed but from that nitrous Salt , which , as all other Salts , is penetrative and detersive . Nor can that ascending of the Egg-shell proceed from any other cause but the virtue of certain leight and volatil Spirits ; which being actuated and fortifi'd by the heat of the Sun-beams , are set on motion ; and flying upwards , carry the inclosing shell with them ; which an aqueous humour cannot do ; because though the heat of the Sun could so subtilise , attenuate , and rarefie it , as to render it an aery Nature , which is the highest point of rarity it can attain ; yet it would not sooner attract the same than the rest of the air ; much less would it raise up the Egg-shell ; but it would transpire by little and little through the pores of the shell , or be expanded in it so far as it had space , and at last either break it , or be resolv'd into fume ; Heat imprinting no motion in Water , but only rarifying and heating it by degrees ; which is not sufficient to raise up the Vessel which contains it , since the same being full of heated air , would remain upon the ground . The Third said , That all natural things being in a perpetual flux and reflux , to which this Elementary Globe supplies Aliments , to make them return to their Principle ; Dew may be term'd the beginning and end of all things , the Pearl or Diamond which terminates the circular revolution of all Nature ; since being drawn upwards by the Sun from the mass of Water and Earth , subtilis'd into vapour , and arriv'd to the utmost point of its rarefaction , it becomes condens'd again , and returns to the Earth , to which it serves as sperm , to render it fruitful , and to be transform'd upon it into all things , whose qualities it assumes ; because being nothing but a Quitessence extracted from all this Body , it must have all the virtues thereof eminently in it self . Moreover , anciently the ordinary Benedicton of Fathers to their Children was , that of the Dew of Heaven ; as being the sperm of Nature , the First Matter of all its Goods , and the perfection of all its substance , recocted and digested in the second Region of the Air : For the same vapour which forms Dew in the Morning , being that which causes the Serein in the Evening ; yet the difference of them is so great , that the latter is as noxious as the former is profitable ; because the first vapours which issue out of the bosome of the Earth , being not yet depurated from their crude and malignant qualities , cause Rheums and Catarrhs ; but those of the Morning being resolv'd of Air condens'd by the coldness of the Night , have nothing but the sweetness and benignity of that Element ; or else the pores of the Body being open'd by the diurnal heat , more easily receive the malignant impressions of extraneous humidity , than after having been clos'd by the coldness of the night . The Fourth said , Although Vapour be an imperfect Mixt , yet 't is as well as other perfect Bodies compos'd of different parts ; some whereof are gross others tenuious . The gross parts of Vapour being render'd volatile by the extraneous heat , wherewith they are impregnated , are elevated a far as the Middle Region of the Air , whose coldness condenses them into a cloud , which is ordinarily dissolv'd into Rain , sometimes into snow or hail ; into the former , when the cloud before resolution is render'd friable by the violence of the cold , which expressing the humidity , closes the parts of the cloud , and so it falls in flocks : and into the latter , when the same cloud being already melted into rain , the drops are congeal'd , either by the external cold , or else by the extream heat of the Air , which by Antiperistasis augmenting the coldness of the rain , makes it close and harden ; which his the reason why it hails as well during the sultry heats of Summer , as the rigours of Winter . And amongst the gross parts of the Vapour , such as could not be alter'd or chang'd into a cloud , descend towards our Region , and there form black clouds , and mists or foggs : But the more tenuious parts of this Vapour produce Dew ; in which , two things are to be considered . I. The Matter . II. The Efficient Cause . The Matter , is that tenuious Vapour , so subtil as not to be capable of heat , and too weak to abate it . The Remote Efficient Cause , is a moderate Heat ; for were it excessive , it would either consume or carry away the Vapour ; whence if comes to pass , that there is no Dew made but during the Spring and Autumn , which are temperate , Seasons ; but never in Winter or Summer , the former congealing those Vapours , and the latter dissolving and consuming them . The Proximate Efficient Cause is the coldness of the Night , which must also be moderate ; otherwise it congeals them , not into Dew , but white-Frost , as it turns the Waters into Ice by the extream cold of the Air ; which moreover must be calm and serene , because if beaten and agitated by Winds , the Vapour cannot be condens'd , for the same reason which hinders running Waters from freezing , as standing do ; whence also Dew is more frequent in low places than high . Now as Dew is form'd of Vapour alone ; so if together with that tenuious Vapour , some terrene but very fine parts be carried up , especially towards the morning , there is produc'd a very sweet juice , of which Honey is made ; and when those terrene parts prevail above the humid parts of the Dew , there is made a less liquid juice call'd Manna , whereof the best is found in Calabria ; that of Brianson , and some other places , being through want of heat less digested than is requisite ; or mingled with too many impurities , by the excess of that which attracted them too violently from the Earth : But the sweetness of this Honey and Manna proceeds from a most perfect mixture of siccity with humidity , in a degree which is unknown to us . Upon the Second Point it was said , That God having subjected the Woman to the Dominion of the Man ( endu'd with strength to keep himself in possession of that Empire ; ) as Absolute Power is sometimes accompani'd with Tyranny , so he hath not only reserv'd to himself alone the Authority of making Laws ( whereunto Women not being call'd , have always had the worst ) but hath also appropriated the best things to himself , without , admitting them to partake therein : For Men , not content to have reduc'd them by those Laws into perpetual Wardship , which is a real Servitude ; to have so ill provided for them in Successions ; and to have made themselves Masters of their Estates , under the Title of Husbands ; further , unjustly deprive them of the greatest of all Goods , to wit , that of the Mind , whose fairest Ornament is Knowledge , the chief Good both of this World and the next , and the noblest Action of the Souls most excellent Faculty , the Understanding , which is common to Women as well as to Men , over whom too they seem to have the advantage of Wit ; not only for the softness of their Flesh , which is an evidence of goodness of Wit ; but because of the Curiosity , which is the Parent of Philosophy , defin'd , for this reason , The Love and Desire of Wisedom : And this vivacity is conspicuous in their loquacity and their artifices , intrigues , and dissimulations ; their Wits being like those good Soils , which for want of better culture run out into weeds and briars . Their Memory , caus'd by the moist constitution of their Brain , and their sedentary and solitary life , is further favourable to Study . Moreover , not to speak of those of the present Times , we have the examples of S. Bridgid , who excell'd in Mystical Theologie ; Cleopatra , Sister of Arsinous , in Physick ; Pulcheria , in Politicks ; Hupetia and Athenais , wife to Theodosius , in Philosophy ; Sappho , and two Corynnae , in Poetry ; Cornelia , the Mother of the Gracchi , and Tullia , doubly Cicero's Daughter , in Eloquence . Now if it be true , that Politicks and Oeconomicks are founded upon the same Principles , and there needs as much Knowledg to preserve as to acquire ; then since Women are in a Family what Men are in a State , and are destinated to keep what Men get , why should not they have the knowledg of the same Maxims as Men have by Study and Theory ; inasmuch as the reservedness and modesty of their Sex allows them not to have the experience thereof , by frequentation of the World ? Hence , our ancient Gauls left to them the Administration of the Laws , and other exercises of Peace ; reserving to themselves only those of War. And as for other Sciences , since their Encyclopaedy is a World which hath yet many unknown or less frequented Parts , if Women joyn'd together with Men in the discovery of them , who doubts but a feminine Curiosity would serve to exacuate the point of Mens Wits , distracted by extraneous Affairs , and make marveilous progresses , and find out sundry rare Secrets , hitherto unknown . The Second said , That Women are of themselves prone enough to take the ascendant over Men , without need of giving them that of Learning , which , puffing up the mind , would render them more proud and insupportable than before ; the good opinion they would have of themselves , being inconsistent with the Obedience to which they are bound . We read , That our first Father Adam was indu'd with Knowledg , but not Eve ; on the contrary , her sole desire to become knowing , by eating the forbidden Fruit , ruin'd the whole World. The active life of Huswifry , to which they are born ; the tenderness of their Bodies , impatient of the labours and sweat wherewith Science is acquir'd ; the humidity of their Brain , which is an enemy to Science ; and the weakness of their capricious Spirit ; are sufficiently strong Reasons to prohibit that Sex the Sciences , which require solidity of Judgment , always found wanting in the Writings of Women accounted the most Learned : Because Judgment is an act of the Intellect , reflecting upon its Notions ; which reflection depends upon a dry Temper , contrary to that of a Womans Brain , whose Animal Spirits being obscur'd by the clouds of humidity , she hits well sometimes at the first assay , but not in second thoughts , which are always weaker than the first ; a most sure mark of their weakness : ( On the contrary , the second thoughts of Men prevail over the first . ) Whence it is that they are heady in their desires , and violent in their first Passions , wherein ordinarily they have neither measure nor mediocrity : Therefore a Woman always either hates or loves ; she never knows a mean. The Third said , Since the more imperfect a thing is , the more need it hath of being perfectionated ; were the Minds of Women weak and imperfect , as is pretended , it would follow , that they have more need of the Sciences to cover their defects . Had our first Mother been indu'd with Knowledg , she would not so easily have suffer'd her self to be deluded by the fair promises of the Devil , who rightly judging , that Adam with all his Knowledg would have discover'd his subtilties , was aware of medling with him , but set upon the poor , ideot , and ignorant Woman . 'T is therefore an injustice to require Women to be more perfect and wise than Men , and withal to interdict them the means of becoming so : For how shall they be virtuous , if they know not what Virtue is ? which being a Habit of the Will ( a Faculty of it self blind , till illuminated by the advisoes of the Intellect , which are acquir'd by the Sciences ) 't is impossible for them to attain it . Those who doubt lest the knowledg of natural things might prejudice the honesty and modesty of that Sex , know not that the cognition of bad things , as well as of false , is always honest and laudable ; and that the Understanding is no more soil'd therewith , than the Sun by shining upon dunghils . For though the Will receive tincture of goodness and evil from the objects to which it tends , yet the Understanding is not corrupted by the most impure and abominable things which fall under its notice . Yea , since Knowledg depends upon purity and simplicity ; which makes Divines say , That Angels and separated Intelligences are more perfect in their cognitions than Men ; it seems , the safest course Women can take for securing their purity and Chastity ( their only Treasure ) is , to make provision of Learning and Knowledg . Moreover , 't is a thing unheard of to this day , that a Woman was Learned , and not Chaste and Continent ; which the Ancients meant to represent by Minerva the Goddess of Sciences , and the Nine Muses , all Virgins . CONFERENCE CVII . I. Whether it be good to use Chymical Remedies ? II. Whether the Reading of Romances be profitable ? ALL Sublunary Bodies having been created for the health of Man , who is the Rule of their Temperature , and the Judg and Arbiter of their Goodness ; Physick considers them either as Aliments , or Medicaments , or Poysons . Aliments preserve Nature , which assimilates them . Poysons destroy and corrupt it , by communicating their malignant qualities . Medicaments are between both ; neither being converted into our substance , as Aliments ; nor corrupting it , as Poysons : but either evacuating the peccant humours , or altering Nature , to restore it to its natural temper , when they are rightly administred , and not otherwise ; the former are call'd Purgative , the latter Alterative Remedies . All these Remedies were first found out by Experience , which gave place to the most ancient Sect of Physitians , call'd Emperica , invented by Acron , and afterwards supported by the two general Maxims of the Methodists , of whom Thessalus was Authour ; which were , To loosen constipated Bodies ; and , To stop the fluxions of others . Lastly , They have been authoriz'd by Reason , joyn'd to Experience ; which hath given place to the most authentique Sect call'd the Dogmatists , or Rationalists , and Galenists , from their Author ; proceeding upon Hippocrates's Principle , who cur'd Contraries by their Contraries ; whereas the Chymists ( call'd also Hermeticks from Hermes Trismegistus , and Spagyricks from the business of their Art , which is to separate and conjoyn Bodies ) cure like Maladies by like Medicaments ; which they say act by a propriety of their whole substance against Diseases ; not by their temperament or various mixture of contrary qualities , which nevertheless are alone active ; for no action can be between things perfectly alike , in regard one thing acts upon another only in order to assimilate the same ; so that if it be already like , there will not be any action . Moreover by the reason of Contraries , since Health is preserv'd by things of resembling Nature , it follows , That Diseases must be cur'd by their Contraries . And as Health consists in Mediocrity ; so Sickness , either in Excess or Defect : On which account , Physick is defin'd Detraction and Addition , because it retrenches what is superfluous , and supplies what is deficient . Now both Excess and Defect are increas'd by use of things alike . Wherefore the Chymical Principle being overthrown , all the Remedies founded thereupon ought to be suspected . The Second said , That those two Principles which seem contrary one to the other , are not so , if rightly understood : For , when the Chymists say , That Similia curantur similibus , they speak not of Diseases , as the Galenists do , with whom they agree , That the same are augmented by use of resembling things ; but of the part diseas'd , which ( being the Seat of Affections against Nature ) can alone be said to be cur'd , and not the Diseases ; which being only a privation , errour , or disorder of the Body , cannot be capable of sanation , but only the parts of the Body ; which the Dogmatists , as well as the Chymists , cure by Remedies like in substance to the Nature of those Parts which they strengthen : For whatever is a Friend to Nature , call'd by Hippocrates , Morborum Medicatrix , is also an Enemy to that which is against Nature . The Third said , Since Remedies are the more excellent , by how much the neerer they come to our Nature ; it follows , That Minerals , Metals , and all Fossiles , prescrib'd us by Chymistry , having malignant and venomous qualities , are much more dangerous than the ordinary Remedies taken from Animals and Plants , which have life as well as we . However prepar'd , they always leave an evil tincture in the noble Parts , and whole Body , against which they act with violence ; which they have not only of their own Nature , altogether remote from ours ; but also from the Fire , which gives them an extraneous heat , contrary and destructive to ours ; any dry heat being an enemy to the natural , which is humid and benign ; and although they make use of Medicines extracted from Vegetables , yet 't is with as little success ; since their purgative virtue depends on their temperament , which is wholly destroy'd by their Distillations and Extractions : Besides that , being all hot , they are unprofitable to all acute Diseases ( ordinarily hot , and always the most dangerous ) and noxious in Fevers , which are generally complicated with most Diseases . Moreover , all Remedies acting by the first , second , and third Qualities , which depend on a Matter temper'd after a particular Matter ; therefore Mixts separated from rheir Matter , which serves for a base and foundation to the actions of the Form , lose their former force and virtue , which is more efficacious and sensible in a material and gross subject , as that of ordinary Remedies is , prepar'd by decoction or infusion , in Bolus , Powder , Opiate , Conserve , Lozenges , or such other solid Body ; than in an Essence , Spirit , or the like subtil and tenuious Body ; which freed from its grosser parts , which serv'd to check it , flies like lightning into the Parts of the Body wherein the Morbifick cause resides , which it can never subdue or eradicate , though its virtue should not presently vanish , but be preserv'd in the Body ; which , besides being accustom'd to material things , because they conserve and compose it , it oftentimes receives great dammage from too subtil things ; on which account , the Air of the Supreme Region cannot be attracted by the Lungs . The Fourth said , That the Characteristical of a Good Medicament being to Cure Speedily , Certainly , and Pleasantly ; the Chymical , being such , ought to be not only employ'd , but also preferr'd above others . The speediness of their Effect is from their Forms , which alone are active , especially when depurated and loosned from Matter , a Principle purely passive , and incapable of action . They are also agreeable and sure , as being depriv'd of their impurities , malignant qualities , bad smells and tastes , by means of the various degrees of Fire ; whieh if it communicate an Empyreuma or Burntness to these Medicines , so it doth , not only to vulgar Remedies prepar'd by Fire , but also to all our Meats and Aliments . Besides , many of these Chymical Remedies are prepar'd with a moderate heat , as that of a Dunghill , Ashes , Balneum Mariae , which cannot give them such Empyreuma : And should they all have it , yet being but an extraneous and adventitious heat , 't is easily separated from them , either of it self in time , or speedily by ablutions , wherewith even Precipitate Mercury is render'd very gentle , and Antimony void of all malignity . What is objected of the violence wherewith Mineral and Metallick Medicines act , by reason of their disproportion to our Nature , is as little considerable ; since Hippocrates , and the ancient Physitians , us'd Euphorbium , Hellebore , Scammony , Turbith , Colocynthis , and such other most violent Remedies , which are still in use ; and Galen employ'd Steel , Sandarach , burnt Brass , and the like Medicines , taken from Minerals wholly crude , and without preparation , which was unknown in his time . Rondeletius uses crude Mercury in his Pills against the Venereous Disease , whereof this Mineral is the true Panacaea : Cardan and Matthiolus , crude Antimony ; Gesner , Vitriol ; Fallopius , Crocus Martis against the Jaundies ; almost all Physitians , Sulphur , against the Diseases of the Lungs ; and such Patients as cannot be cur'd by ordinary Remedies , they send to Mineral Waters . And since not only Garlick , Onyons , and Mustard , which we use in our Diet ; but also the Juices of Lemmons , Citrons , Berberries , and Cantharides , although corrosive , are still in use ; why should we not use Chymical Medicines in small quantity , purg'd from their corrosion , and taken with convenient Waters and Vehicles ? The Fifth said , There is in all natural things a certain fix'd Spirit , the sole principle of their Virtues and Operations ; which being separated from them , they remain only Carcasses without Souls : As is seen in Earth , render'd barren by extraction of its nitrous Salt ; in Wine dead or sowre ; and in the insipid phlegm of the same Wine , separated from its Spirit by Chymical distillation , which separates the good from the bad , the pure from the impure , the subtil from the gross , the form from its more crass matter ; in a word , the Spirit from its Body ; which being impregnated with the virtue of the whole Mixt , reduc'd into a very narrow Volume , is very active and proper , not only to serve for Aliment to an Animal , which is nourish'd with this Spirit , the rest being unprofitable , and as such converted into Excrements ; but also principally for the curing of Diseases , by repairing and strengthning the fix'd Spirits , which are the true feats of Diseases , as well as of Health ; a Disease being nothing but the laesion of the Functions , whereof the Spirits are the Principles ; whereas ordinary Physitians , instead of separating the virtues of each Mixt , to oppose the same , as Specifical Remedies to all Diseases , as the Chymists do , stifle and destroy them by the confus'd mixture of abundance of Simples and Drugs , whereof their Medicaments are compounded , which by this means acquire a new temperament and particular virtue , resulting from the ingredients , whose qualities and properties are abated , or rather extinguish'd ; in like manner as of the Elements united together is made a Compound wholly different from its principles . Wherefore we may justly retort against such Remedies , what they charge upon those of Chymistry ; namely , That they are taken from dead Ingredients , corrupted and depriv'd , by the Fire , of their Radical Humidity , wherein , consisted their prime purgative virtue , which is not so easily dissipated ; since when a Nurse takes a Purge , the strength of the Physick is convey'd by her Milk to the Child ; and we feed she-Goats and Pullen with Purgatives , to render the Milk of the one , and the Flesh of the other such . However , since there , are so many incurable Diseases , whose causes are sufficiently known , but to which no Specifical Remedies are found ; Chymistry , which opens the means thereunto by the solution of all Bodies , ought to be cherish'd , and not condemn'd , as it is by the ignorant or malicious , who must at least acknowledg it one of the members of Physick , as belonging to Pharmacy , which consists in the choice and preparation of Medicaments , and is part of the Therapeutical Division . But we say rather , That the three parts of Medicine , or its three ancient Sects , are the three parts of the World , Europe , Asia , and Africa ; and Chymistry is that new World , lately discover'd , not less rare and admirable than the others , provided it be as carefully cultivated , and rescu'd out of the hands of Barbarians . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Truth is not the most powerful thing in the World ; since oftentimes Fables and Romances have more attractives , and no fewer followers than Histories ; as the Poets meant to signifie by the Fable of Pigmalion , who fell in Love with a Statue . For Romances , which are nothing else but the Images of a phantastick Beauty , are nevertheless lov'd and idolatris'd by abundance of Persons ; not only for the Eloquence , whose fairest lines are seen in those fabulous Books ; but for the Gracefulness and Gallantry of the actions of their Personages , which may serve for a perfect model of Virtue ; which having never been found compleat in all points in any Illustrious Man , whose Life is always blemish'd with some spot , History cannot give us a perfect example to imitate , unless it be assisted by Romances ; without which , Narrations purely Historical , describing a naked fact , are but excarnated Sceletons , and like the first lines of a Picture grosly trac'd with a Crayon , and consequently disagreeable , if artifice give them not colour and shadows . Thus Xenophon , and in our times Don Guevara , aiming to draw the Model of a perfect Prince , one in the Person of Cyrus , the other of Marcus Aurelius , have heap'd together so many contrarieties to Truth , that they have made rather Romances of them than Histories . Thus Achilles's exploits appear far otherwise in Homer than in Dictys Cretensis ; those of Charlemain , in Eginard and Ariosto , than in the Annals : 'T is to Romances that they owe half their Glory ; and if their Example hath given any excitation to the Readers Spirits , 't is what the Romances aim'd at , not the Histories . The Romancer is the Master and Contriver of his Subject ; the Historian is the Slave of it . And as by refraction of the visual rays , variously reflected in a triangular Glass , is form'd an Iris of colours , which although not real yet cease not to please ; so by the variety of those accidents , variously interwoven with the mixtures of Truth and Fiction , is form'd so agreeable a Medley , that it delights more in its Inventions than the Body of an uniform History ; from which Romances borrowing the most memorable accidents , may be term'd the Essence and Abridgment of the same , re-uniting all the Beauty , Pleasure , and Profit which they afford : For these Books serve not only for delight , but profit ; the one never being without the other ; since Fair , which is the object of Delight ; and Good , of Profit ; are reciprocal and inseparable : And the pleasure we take in any thing is an infallible mark of its goodness and utility ; which is so much the greater in Romances , as they instruct with pleasure , artificially marrying Benefit and Delectation . Under supposed Names they freely tax , without incurring the envy or hatred of those whom they reprehend . Thus the Prophet Nathan by a Parable drew from David the condemnation of his Crime ; which otherwise possibly he would never have own'd , or at least would have excus'd in his own Person . As for the abuse and danger of reading these Books , for the most part fill'd with dishonest Loves 't is common to them with the best things of the World , that they may be turn'd to a bad use : But if the Love be honest and lawful ( as it proves always in conclusion ) the Romances deserve no blame for it ; if unlawful , the Lovers have always an unhappy end ; and Vices are never unpunish'd . 'T is here that Distributive Justice is exactly kept ; not by the blind Judgment of Fortune , but by the judicious choice of the Author ; that the Good are always rewarded , and the Wicked punish'd . For the object of Romances , as well as of Histories , is the description of humane actions ; which being most often bad , by reason of the depravation of Nature , they appear more scandalously in History than in Romances . Why therefore do not their Censors likewise proscribe Histories , so much more dangerous , as they afford us many true examples of Sacriledges , Parricides , Adulteries , and Incests , the Authors whereof have escaped punishment . And not to speak of the dangerous Maxims of Tacitus and Polybius ; Who would take the Fables of Herodotus , and the Prodigies of Livie , for more probable things then those of Romances ? To omit the contrariety of Historians of the same time ; so that we may say , That the truest amongst them is the most likely . The Second said , If the Platonists saying be true , That there is nothing real in this World ; but we perceive only shadows and phantasms in this life , which the Scripture compares to a Dream ; there will be little difference , as to realty , between a History and a Romance . And though the one be a meer fiction , yet this will no more infer the despising of it , than it doth of a Comedy , because the Actors are not the very Personages ; or of a Landskip or Perspective well drawn , only because 't is the Invention of the Painter , and not of Nature ; whose Works , as excellent as they are , yet yield to those of Art , which we esteem above the true and natural , from which the same are counterfeited ; our minds extreamly delighting in Imitations ; whence it is that we so much esteem in their Copies and Representations such things whose Originals are disagreeable to us . But that which augments the glory of Romances is , that their declared enemies have not been able to encounter them but by Romances too ; as Plato and Isocrates could not reprehend the Sophisters , but by making use of their Eloquence . The Third said , That Romances are commonly either of the valorous Exploits of Knights , or of Amorous pass-times . The first are for the most part ridiculous , and full of Knights Errant , who force Enchanted Castles , kill Monsters , Giants , and Men like Flies . The latter are infamous , contrary to Good Manners , and dangerous to young Persons , entertaining them in a loose Idleness , the Mother of all Vices ; besides the dangerous impressions those Lies leave in tender Minds , and which remain therein all their life after . But this belongs to all fabulous Discourses , that they denote weakness of Judgment in those addicted to them , and a disorderly Wit in their Authors . And since , according to Physitians , the first degree of Folly is to imagine phantastical Opinions ; and the second , to tell them to others ; the third ( in my conceit ) will be , to write them . CONFERENCE CVIII . I. Of Talismans . II. Whether a Country-life or a City-life is to be preferr'd ? TAlisman ( which the Chaldaeans call Tsilmenaia ; the Hebrews , Magen ; the Greeks , Character ) is an Arabick word , form'd by transposition and addition to the beginning and end of the two Hemantical Letters Tau and Nun , of the Hebrew word Tselem , which signifies Image , Figure , or Character . For those Talismans ( of which Zoroaster is made the first Author ) are nothing else but Images in relief , or engrav'd upon Medals or Rings , ordinarily of Mettal or precious Stones , in shape of Men or Animals , fabricated under certain Constellations and Aspects of Stars , whose influence they thereby receive and keep , being afterwards instead of the same Stars ; yea , with the greater virtue , in that the re-union of influences being made in one point , their activity is redoubl'd : As Burning-glasses take more heat from the Sun , than perhaps he hath himself . These Figures act , as they say , either upon mens minds , as to cause one to be lov'd , honour'd , enrich'd , or fear'd ; or upon their Bodies , as to cure them : Of which some shadow is seen in the magnetical cure of Wounds , by applying the Medicine to the Weapon that did the hurt , or to the bloody shirt . Or else these Figures act upon natural things , as to keep away from a place rain , hail , and wild or venomous Beasts ; only by natural means : For we speak not here of magical or diabolical Characters , whose virtues for the most part depend upon either a tacite or express compact with the evil Spirit , who sometimes really produces those effects , often deludes our Senses ; and not the Character , Word , Sound , Number , or such other means , commonly inept , and uncapable of such action . But we speak only of natural Agents , which acting almost all by a propriety of their whole substance , and by occult and sympathetical virtues , cause many strange effects , which the ignorant Vulgar incongruously ascribe to Magick or Sortilege . There might be doubt of the effect of these Talismans , if divers Histories did not give assurance thereof : For those Teraphins , such as Laban's Puppets were , might be call'd Talismans , as the Brazen-Serpent and the Golden-Calf are by Marselius Ficinus ; the one to preserve from the morsures of Serpents , by its sight ; the other to turn away the heats and droughts of the Scorpion , and of Mars . The Idols of the Pagans may also be put in this rank , as Memnon's Statue in Aegypt , which mov'd and spoke when shone upon by the Sun ; that of Paphian Venus in Cyprus , upon which it never rain'd ; the Palladium of Troy ; the Ancilia or Bucklers of Rome , whick kept the Fortune of the Empire ; the Dii Penates , figur'd by two Serpents ; those call'd Averrunci , who kept away domestick misfortunes ; Sejanus's Statue of Fortune , which the Emperours left to their Successors ; Virgil's brazen Fly and golden Horseleech , with which he hinder'd Flies from entring Naples , and kill'd all the Horseleeches in a Ditch ; the Figure of a Stork , plac'd by Apollonius at Constantinople , to drive them away thence in the year 1160 ; and that wherewith he drove away Gnats from Antioch ; those of Tripoli in Syria , and Hampts in Arabia , which were preserv'd from venomous Beasts by the Talisman of a Scorpion engraven upon one of their Towers ; that at Florence , made against the Gowt , by a Carmelite nam'd Julianus Ristonius à Prato ; those of Paracelsus against the Pestilence ; and infinite others ; render their effects as common , as their existence certain : Which is prov'd also by the example of Gamahés or Camaien's , which are Stones naturally figur'd by the impressions of the Stars , which consequently may have influence upon Artificial Figures . For as the Sun may lighten or heat a mans Picture , as well as a Man ; so may the Stars give their influences to the Figure of a Thing , as well as to the Thing it self ; especially when the subject is fitted thereunto , as the Talisman is ; not only by its metallick matter , symbolizing with that of the Star , both in colour and solidity ; but especially by the Figure imprinted on it , which is like the Sign whose influences it receives . For though the Constellation be not very like that Figure , yet in regard the Qualities of the Animal which the Figure represents , are like those of the Sign , ( whence the Constellations of the Zodiack are call'd , The Ram , the Bull , &c. not for the resemblance of such Animals parts with those of those Signs ) the Figure of the Animals attracts them of the same Sign much more powerfully by sympathy . And indeed we see many things have qualities consentaneous to the Figure they bear ; as the Stone call'd Ophites , for the small veins which cut it in form of little Serpents , cures their poyson ; as also the Stones of Maltha do , which bear the Figure of a Serpents-tongue ; and the Herb call'd by that name : The Squill and the Poppy , which resemble the head , asswage the pains thereof : Wild Tansey and Eyebright cure the Eye , whereto they are like . But if it be said , That 't is not the Figure that acts in them , but a particular virtue depending on the temper of their Qualities ; since losing their Figure either by distillation or infusion , ( they cease not to act , yea more effectually than before . I answer , That in the spirits of those same active qualities remains always the Form and Figure ; as some Chymists have resuscitated Roses and other Flowers , by holding their ashes in a glass Phial , over a Candle . The Second said , That Talismans cannot produce the effects attributed to them ; whether you consider them in their Matter and Substance , or in their Figure . Not in the former ; for any sort of Matter , as Wood , Wax , Stone , Metal , &c. are made use of for cutting of these Talismans ; which , besides , lose their Name when they produce an effect by the virtue of their Matter ; as a Scorpion engraven on a Bezoar-stone would not cure the bitings of that venomous Animal by its Talismanical Figure , no more than any other ; but 't is an effect depending on the Stone it self . Nor do Simples cure by the resemblance between the Parts of our Body and their external Figure ( of which we speak here ) , but by the virtue and property of their Substance , which remains when they are powder'd and despoil'd of their Figure ; which , moreover , is a Quality indeed , but no active one ; being only a certain situation and disposition of Parts , and a mode of quantity ; which depending on Matter , a purely passive thing , is as uncapable of any action by it self , as the Figure which terminates it . But though the artificial Figure of a Talisman could act , it could produce no natural effect , because beyond its power ; much less upon the Will , to incite Love or Hatred , as is pretended . For 't is a ridiculous and groundless vanity to imagine a sympathetical Commerce between a Constellation and a Figure of an Animal , graven upon Copper , or such other Matter , which is much less fit to receive the influences of the Stars to which such Animal is subject , than the Animal it self , whose skin stuff'd with straw were more proper to drive away other Beasts of the same kind ; there being nothing Living-creatures dread so much as the dead Bodies of their own kind . The Third said , It needs not to seek Reasons and Authorities to prove Talismans , either in Art or Nature ; since Man himself may be said to be the Talisman and Perfection of God's Works , plac'd by him at the Centre of the Universe ; as of old Talismans were plac'd at the Foundations of Cities : His countenance being a Medal imprinted with all the Characters of the Stars , the two brightest of which are at the Eyes ; Saturn at the Eye-brows , the Seat of Severity ; Jupiter at the Fore-head , the place of Honour ; Mars at the Nose , where Anger resides ; Mercury in the Mouth , where Eloquence lies ; Venus at the Chin , and rounding of the Cheeks , the pourfit of the grace of this Medal , which serves him for an Universal Talisman , in its Beauty to procure Love ; in its Majesty , to cause Respect ; not only to drive away Flies or Frogs , but to reign over all Animals , by the prerogative of this Face , before which they tremble . Are not his Hands ( the Artificers of his Felicity ) Talismans noted with the Characters of the Signs and Planets , which the Rules of Chiromancy uncypher ? In the Right Hand are his Days and Years , ( saith the Wiseman ) the Talisman of his long life ; in the Left are Riches and Honours , the Talisman of his good Fortune . In short , Is not his Soul the Talisman of his Immortality ; which at the instant of its Creation receiving all the influences of the Deity , and retaining the Image thereof , hath been inserted into this Work , not to preserve it from Thunder and Tempests , which can touch only the least part of it ; but from Corruption and Extinction , to which all other Creatures are subject . The Fourth said , He 's too sensual that impugns the truth of things , under pretext that they fall not under our Reason ; which though very weak and uncertain , abusing the principality which it usurps over all the Faculties , hath turn'd its denomination into Tyrannie : Whence if Experiences be alledg'd she denies them , because not able to accord them with the weakness of her Judgment . Witness what is seen in all the admirable works of Nature and Art , in the Magnetical cure of Wounds , and that of Diseases , by Amulets or Periapts ; and what Cicero and all Antiquity affirms of Gyges's Ring , upon turning of the Stone whereof inwards , he became invisible ; and returning it outwards , was perceiv'd . Such also was Minerva's Shield , wherewith Perseus combated the Gorgons , which was of Glass , through which one might see , without being seen ; as also the Rings of those Mistresses of Alexander the Great , and Charlemain . For if it be said of the first , That Olympias shewing her self stark naked to him , made him confess , That the great Beauty of all the parts of her Body was the only Talisman wherewith she enchanted Alexander : The same cannot be said of the latter ; since after his death the Talismanical Ring found under her Tongue caus'd Charlemain to love not only her , but also the Lake of Aix-la-Chapelle whereinto it was cast ; and that which was found in the Foundations of the Walls of this City of Paris , under Chilperic , where there was a Fire engraven upon a Brass-plate , a Serpent , and a Rat ; which having been remov'd from the place , the very next day a great Fire happened in the same City . For if every thing below is as that which is above , and the effects of inferiour things proceed from the various configuration of the Celestial Bodies , as of the different combinations of the Letters of the Alphabet are compos'd infinite Books , there may be some proportion and correspondence between those Celestial Figures , and such as are made upon fit and suitable materials ; the knowledg of which sympathetical Correspondences , is the true Magick ; which is , by the testimony of J. Picus Mirandula , the highest point of humane Knowledg , marrying Heaven with Earth ; as black Magick is detestable , shameful , and ridiculous . The Fifth said , That every thing acts in the World by the first or second Qualities , or by its Substance ; whence proceed occult Properties and Sympathies : But Talismanical Figures cannot act by any of these ways ; for 't is certain , that they act neither by heat , cold , hardness , softness , or such other first or second Quality , no more than by their Substance , which is different in Talismans of Copper , Iron , Stone , &c. Although the Authors of this Art ascribe the same virtue to all , provided they be graven with the same Figures , and under the same Constellations and Aspects of the Starrs , from whom alone they make them derive their , strange virtues ; alledging , as a Principle , That there is nothing in the World but hath both its Contrary and its Like , as well in Heaven as on Earth ; where we see not only the Marigold and the Sun-flower follow the motion of the Sun ; the Selenotrope , that of the Moon ; the Cock proclaims the approach of the Sun : As also , on the contrary , Dogs commonly run mad in the Dog-days , and Lions under the Sign Leo : But also some Persons beheld with an evil eye by some Planets , others being propitious . So to cure hot and dry Diseases they engrave their Talismans under a Constellation contrary to the Evil , as cold and moist ; having regard to the Signs whereunto every Malady and diseas'd Part is referr'd ; which is an Invention of Paracelsus , who fancies Poles , a Zenith , a Nadir , an Equator , a Zodiack , and other phantastical Figures in our Bodies , answering to those of Heaven , without the least proof of his sayings . Upon the Second Point it was said , Since Man is compos'd of Body and Soul , the best Life he can lead is that which is most proper for the perfection and good of both . Such is the Country-life , being accompanied with the Goods of the Body , Fortune , and the Mind . Those of the Body , as Health and Strength , are possess'd with advantage by Rusticks , who know not so much as the Names of Diseases ; the cause whereof is their Exercise and Labour , which dissipates and resolves the humours that produce most Diseases ; as also the purity of the Air they breathe , which is the more healthful in that it hath free motion , and is less confin'd ; for which reason Physitians send their recovering Patients to confirm their Health in the Air of the Country : Which also supplies the Goods of Fortune , the true and natural Riches , to wit , the Fruits of the Earth , and the Spoils of Animals ; Gold , Silver , and other artificial Goods , being but imaginary and useless without those first , whereunto they are subservient . But above all , the Goods of the Mind , which consist in Knowledg and Virtue ( the two Ornaments of its two chief Faculties , the Understanding and the Will ) may be acquir'd much more easily in a Country-life , in regard of the purer Air , which begets like Spirits , as these frame purer Species and Phantasms , on which depend the actions of the Understanding ; which , besides , cannot meditate nor improve without rest and silence , scarce found in a civil and tumultuary Life , as that in Cities is , which hold our Minds as well as Bodies in captivity , depriving us of the free aspect of Heaven , the rising and setting of the Sun and Stars , and of the means of considering the Wonders of God in the production of Flowers , Fruits , and Plants . Hence the Poets feign'd the Muses , the Goddesses of the Sciences , living in the Mountains of Helicon , and in Woods ; not in the inclosure of Cities , where Virtues are also more difficultly practis'd than the Sciences , nothing of them being left there but shadows and phantasms , which under veils of Dissimulation , Hypocrisie , Complements , and other testimonies of Virtue , cover Injustices , Sacriledges , Impieties , and other Crimes unknown in the Country , where Simplicity and Innocence are sure tokens of true Virtue ; which is also better retain'd amongst the Thorns and Sweats of the Country , than in the Luxury and Idleness of Cities . And if things may be judg'd of by their beginnings , the Sacred History tells , That Cain , the first Murtherer , was the first that built a City , named Henoch , after the Name of his Son ; as a little after did the first Tyrant of the World , Nimrod , who built Niniveh . On the contrary , all holy Personages have lead a Country-life : Adam was a Husband-man , and so was Cain , as long as he continu'd in the state of Innocence , which as soon as he lost he desir'd to become a Burgess . Jacob , and the twelve Patriarchs his Sons , were Shepherds ; as also the Kings , Saul and David ; and the Prophets Amos , Elisha , and many others ; in imitating whose example we cannot erre . The Second said , That Man being a sociable and political Animal , the habitation of Cities is as consentaneous to his Nature , as the Country-life is repugnant to the same . And therefore Men had no sooner discover'd the inconveniences of the Rustick-life , but they unanimously conspir'd to build Cities , to the end to supply one anothers Necessities , and defend themselves from wild Beasts and their Enemies , to whose fury they were expos'd before they liv'd in some Town , which is a Sacred Society or Unity of Citizens , all aspiring to the conservation of the State , to the maintaining of the Laws and Justice , and to the publick Ornament and Glory ; making Arts and Disciplines flourish , and procuring Safety to all People , by the distribution of Rewards to Virtue , and Punishment to Vices , which have not their effect but in publick : For our Lives would not differ from those of Brutes , if we were oblig'd to dwell in Dens , or wander up and down Woods , as the Barbarians of the new World do ; whose Brutality , Irreligion , Cruelty , Ignorance , and Misery , compar'd with the Politeness , Devotion , Humanity , Knowledg , and Happiness of others , sufficiently manifest what difference there is between a City and a Country-life . CONFERENCE CIX . I. Of Volcano's or Subterranean Fires . II. Which Age is most desirable . THe effects of Volcano's and Subterranean Fires are no less manifest than their cause is unknown ; although the desire of teaching us the same , occasion'd the death of Pliny , by haying too neer approach'd the Fires of Mont Gibel ( or Aetna ) , and made Empedocles cast himself head-long into them : But the former did not attain it ; and the latter left us nothing but his Pantofles . The Artifice of Man hath indeed excavated the entrails of the Earth , and descended into the Abysses of the Waters , to get out their most hidden treasures ; yea , he hath pervaded with his sight the vast expanses of Heaven , there to consider the Stars : But he hath not yet been able to familiarise the Fire to himself , which like a Salvage-beast devours every thing it meets . Now although it be found almost in all places , yet Sicily nourishes it more than any ; having amongst others the Mont Gibel , or Aetna , those of Hiera , Lipara , and many others in the Volcanian Islands , which are adjacent to it ; and of Stromboli , twenty Leagues distant from these . Such also are those of Modena and Vesuvius in Italy , which smoak to this day ; the three burning Mountains of Hecla , Sainte Croix , and Helga in Ise-land , which cast forth Flames only at their feet , ( their tops being all cover'd with Snow ) and whose Fire is augmented by casting Water in , which serves it for Fewel . Such were also that which , by the report of Tacitus in the fifteenth of his Annals , burnt the Territory of the Vbii under Claundius Nevo , and could never be extinguish'd with Water , but with Stones , Cloth , Linnen , and other dry things ; that mention'd by Titus Livius , which in three days reduc'd into ashes three Acres of the Territory of Calena , at this day Carignola in Campania ; that which burnt for sixteen years together a great part of Scotland ; and not long since the Island of St. George , which is one of the Asores ; and divers other fat Lands near the Sea , which continually supplies unctuous matter to these Conflagrations ; whence the most remarkable of them are seen in Islands , and other maritim places . The Second said , That the Pythagoreans , who place Fire in the entrails of the Earth , as its Centre , would not be so much at a loss here , as those who with Aristotle hold , That it is there in a violent state , and contrary to its Nature , which requires the highest part of the World. For since nothing violent can be of long duration , How is it that Fire , the most active of all the Elements , hath not hitherto been able to free it self out of its Prison , and get out of this state of confinement ? 'T is better therefore to say , That Fire being the principal Agent of Nature , necessary to all sorts of Generations which are made in all places , is likewise found every where , especially in the Earth , where it is most sensible , and is preserv'd longest , in regard of the solidity of its Matter : For Fire cannot subsist without Matter , which serves it for Food and Aliment : Whence the Poets describ'd Vulcan , the God of Fire , lame ; intimating its need of fewel and sustenance to support it ; none of which being found under the Orb of the Moon , above the higher Region of the Air , 't is reasonable to judg , that there is no other Elementary Fire on high but that of the Sun ; who by his heat , light , and other qualities , concurs more perfectly to the generation of all Mixts , than that invisible and imaginary Fire . 'T is therefore necessary that Fire have Matter to feed upon ; otherwise it dies and vanishes , not only in an Enemy-country , and among its Contraries , who endeavour to destroy it ; but also in its own sphere or centre , wherever it be , since it must needs act there ; otherwise it would be weaker in its Centre than out of it : But it cannot act upon it self ; for then it should destroy it self : But nothing acts upon it self ; and therefore it must act upon some subject besides it self . Wherefore the Matter of all Fire is any oylie , fat , and aerious Body ; whence Ashes , wholly despoil'd of that unctuous humidity , are incombustible . That of Subterranean Fires is of two sort , Sulphur and Bitumen ; both which are observ'd plentiful in burning places . The Live or Fossile Sulphur , which serves for Matter to these Fires , is a terrestrial fat or oyl , mingled with the slime of the Earth : For , the other sort of Sulphur , found on the surface of Stones , is nothing but the purer part of the former , which being sublim'd by heat , is stop'd and condens'd by those solid Bodies into a Matter call'd Flowers of Sulphur ; by which example Chymistry makes the like Flowers . The Bitumen is also a fat juice ; which is either liquid , like Oyl , call'd by some Petroleum , and the Naphtha of the Babylonians ; so inflammable that it attracts Fire at a distance , and retains it in the Water , which serves it for nourishment ; as is seen in that Bituminous Fountain which burns four Leagues from Grenoble in Dauphine , and many other , which cast forth both Flames add Waters at the same Out-let . There is some too , of the consistence of soft Wax ; as that slimy Bitumen floating upon the Lake of Sodome : Some other hard , like the Pit-coal , call'd Tourbe , whereof our Marshes are full ; which is the most general Matter of Subterranean Fires ; to whose violence the Nitre found there , may also contribute : for as Bituminous Earth makes these Fires durable , which otherwise could not subsist so long with Sulphur alone , which presently is evaporated and spent : So the Nitre and Saltpeter ( wherewith the Earth is every where impregnated , and which hath been before shewn to be the cause of its fertility ) is the cause of their impetuosity and violence , which the situation of places may also promote . The Third said , That the Earth , as well as the Air , hath three Regions in its profundity ; the first temper'd and alter'd either apparently or really , according to the various disposition of the ambient Air : The second or middle , extreamly cold : The third always hot and burning . And as the Matter of Thunder is a Sulphureous , Nitrous , and Bituminous Exhalation of the Earth , drawn up by the Sun to the middle Region of the Air , where 't is inflam'd by Antiperistasis of the ambient cold ( because being in the next disposition to Inflammation , the least concurrent circumstance presently reduces that Power into Act : ) So the inclosed and difficultly evaporable heat of the Earth , finding the same easily-inflammable Matter there , namely , the Exhalations which issue from that third Subterranean Region upon the opening of Mines , which testifie by their smell , thickness , and other qualities , how much they partake of Minerals ; these hot and dry Exhalations ascending to the second Region of the Earth , there meet with cold Spaces , which being for the most part hollow or cavernous , and stor'd with Sulphur , Bitumen , and other fat Earths , become inflam'd by the Antiperistasis of cold and the proximity of those Materials . And because the Earth which feeds these Fires consists of two parts ; the one arid , and the other unctuous ; this unctuosity approaching nearer the Fire , coming to be consum'd , the Fire must needs be extinguish'd ; till the heat , excited by the conflagration of many years , having attracted all the unctuosity of the neighbouring Earth , and this having by degrees impregnated that dry . Earth which the Chymists call Caput mortuum , it becomes again inflammable , and continues fir'd till the same be desiccated again ; and so forward in a circle ; nothing hindring but that , as Plumeor Stone-allume is an eternally incombustible Wiek , provided it be supply'd with new Oyl when the former is spent , this Earth may do the like : Unless we had rather , that wise Nature dispenses combustible matter in the bellies of Mountains , after the manner of Vitruvius's his Lamps , which need filling but once a year ; and those Water-Receptacles for Birds , which are supply'd with fresh as fast as the former Water is spent . Or else , that Nature ( excepting the extraordinary eruptions which seldome happen to these flammivomous Mountains , and then only when the Fire cannot get issue but by violence ) makes what the curious often aspire to , an inextinguishable Fire , or perpetual Light , by resolving again into oyly and combustible matter that which was evaporated by Inflammation ; as Water elevated in vapour by heat , falls down again in the same form . The Architect , Nature , finding Cavities great enough in those vast Mountains to facilitate what Art finds impossible , by reason of the smalness of Vessels , which extinguish Fire when it hath not Air , or suffer its Matter to exhale when it hath ; although S. Austin and Lodovicus Vives make mention , the former of a Lamp in the Temple of Venus , which could not be extinguish'd or consum'd , though neither Oyl nor Wiek were put to it ; and the latter , of another burning Lamp found in a Sepulchre , where it had been fifteen hundred years , but upon admission of Air forthwith went out . Although without recurring to this subtilty , that of Fire , and its activity , is sufficient to attract or fetch in its sulphureous food ; which being only an excrement of the Earth , and like the soot of our Chimneys , is found every where , but especially in Mines , which are repair'd in less time than is believ'd , and whose various qualities make the variety of these Subterraneous Fires , of their duration , continuity , and interval ; which some have compar'd to Intermitting Fevers , excited in our Bodies by an extraneous heat , which holds the same place in us as Fire doth in the Earth . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Age is the measure of the Natural Mutations to which Man is subject by the Principles of his Being , and which differ according to every ones Nature ; some being Puberes , having a Beard and gray Hairs , and such other tokens , sooner than others , according to the diversity of their first conformation ; whence arises that of their Division . Aristotle , following Hippocrates , divides them into Youth , Middle-age , and Old-age ; that is to say , the Beginning , Middle , and end : Or , according to Galen , into Infancy , Man-hood , and Old-age : According to most , into Adolescence , Youth , Age of Consistence , and Old-age . Adolescence comprehends Infancy , which reaches to the seventh year ; the Age of Puerility , to the fourteenth ; Puberty , to the eighteenth ; and that call'd by the general name , Adolescence , to the twenty fifth . Youth , which is the flower of Age , reaches from twenty five to thirty five . Man-hood and Consistence , from thirty five to fourty eight ; when Old-age begins , which is either green , middle , or decrepit . These four Ages are the four Wheels of our Life , whose Mutations they mark out : The first , next the primordia's of generation , is hot and moist , symbolising with Blood ; the second , hot and dry , with Choler ; the third , cold and dry , with Melancholy ; the fourth , cold and moist ; with Phlegm ; which being contrary to the primogenial humidity , leads to death . Now if it be true , as 't is said , That Life is a Punishment , and a Summary of Miseries , Old-age , as neerest the haven and end of Infelicities , is the most desirable . Moreover , being more perfect by experience , and alone fit to judg of the goodness of Ages , which it hath run through , we must refer our selves to the goodness of its judgment , as well in this as in all other Points . The Second said , Since to live is to act , the most perfect and agreeable of all Ages of Life is that in which we best exercise the functions of Body and Mind ; namely , Youth ( which alone seems fit to dispute the Prize with Old-age ) not only in regard of the health and vigour of the Body , wherein it surpasses that declining feeble Age ; but also of the actions of the Mind , which is much more lively in young , inventive , and industrious Persons , than in the aged , whose Spirit wears and grows worse with the Body ; which hath given place to that most true Proverb , That Old-men are twice Children . For 't is to give Wisedom a shameful Extraction , and to make it the issue of Infirmity , to call that ripe which is rotten , and to believe that good counsels proceed only from defect of natural heat ; since , according to his judgment who hath best decypher'd Wisdom , this Old-age traces more wrincles in our Minds than Faces ; and there are few Souls which by growing old become not sowr and rancid , and acquire not many vices and ill habits ; of which Covetousness alone , inseparable from Old-age , ( and an Argument of weakness of Mind , in heaping up with so much solicitude what must soon be parted with ) is not much less prejudicial to the State than all the disorders of Youth . But if the Chief Good consists in the Sciences , the Cause of Young-men is infallible ; for acuteness of Wit , strength of Phancy , and goodness of Memory ( which wholly abandons Old-men ) , and ability to undergo pains and watchings , must contribute to their acquisition . And if it consist in the secret delight we take in exercising virtuous Actions , Young-men , who , according to Chancellour Bacon , excel in Morality , will carry it above Old ; it being certain , That the best actions of our Lives are perform'd between twenty and thirty , or thereabouts , which was the Age at which Adam was created in Paradise ; as our Saviour accomplish'd the Mystery of our Redemption at the Age of thirty three years , which shall be likewise the Age at which the Blessed shall rise to Glory , in which every one shall enjoy such a perfect Youth as we ascribe to Angels ; and put off Old-age , which , not much differing from Death , may , like it , be term'd the Wages of Sin ; since , had our first Parent persisted in Innocence , we should have possess'd a perpetual Youth . Moreover , 't is at this Age that the greatest Men have appear'd : Few Old Conquerours have been seen ; if any , he hath this of Alexander , That he aspires to the Conquest of another World , not having long to live in this . Wherefore instead of pretending any advantage over other Ages , Old-men ought to be contented that we use them not as those of Cea and the Massagetes did , who drown'd them ; or the Romans , who cast them from a Bridg into Tyber , thinking it a pious act to free them from life , whose length displeas'd the Patriarchs , the Scripture saying , That they died full of ( or , satiated with ) days . The Third said , That the Innocence of Children should make us desire their Age ; considering that our Lord requires us to be like them , that we may enter into his Kingdom . Moreover , Nature , unable to perpetuate Infancy , hath found no sweeter Anodyne for the miseries and melancholy of Old-people than the sight of Children , and the memory of things done or learnt in their minority ; which partakes the more of its source , the Deity , the less 't is remov'd from it . The Fourth said , Youth hath too many extravagances to be accounted happy ; and 't would be against the order of Nature if ( the Extreams ) Infancy and Old-age contain'd more perfection than that which holds the Middle , wherein she hath establish'd the Virtue of all things . The weakness of the first shews that it hath not wherewith to content it self , but needs support from others , and is therefore an object of Compassion , which never arises but from Misery . It s Innocence , proceeding only from impotence and imperfection of the Soul's operations , hath nothing commendable ; and 't is as much unable to will as do good : But true Innocence consists in the acting of difficult good . If Child-hood fear not the Future , it receives a present Evil with more pain , and is as sensible of the least discontents , as incapable of consolation , or prudence to avoid them ; nor can it by hope anticipate or prolong the enjoyment of a future good . In short , He cannot be happy who is not conscious of his happiness , as Children cannot be . Then for Old-age , 't is a second Childhood , and more to be pitied , in that it always grows worse , partakes all the defects of Nonage , and hath this worse , that its desires , awaken'd by the memory of past contentments , upbraid its impotence ; and the thirst of getting is at perpetual jar with the fear of leaving : Aches , the forerunners of Death , dayly attaque its patience ; and there remains no cure of its Evils , but the extremity of all Evils , To be no more . Infancy is therefore like the Spring , which hath only Flowers , and expects Fruits hereafter ; so that 't is an Age of Hope without Enjoyment . Youth hath only Summer-fruits , of little lasting . Old-age is a Winter , without either Flowers or Fruits , possessing only Evils present , and oblig'd to fear all and lose all . But Man-hood , betwixt these two , resembles Autumn , denoted by the Horn of Plenty , possesses the felicity of Life , enjoys the Goods acquired , and by hope anticipates those to come ; it hath a Soul commonly accordant with the Body , the Faculties of that making a sweet harmony with the Actions of this . On the contrary , the Soul in Child-hood seems not to be well in tune with the Body ; in Adolescence 't is always at discord with the Appetites of Sense ; and in Old-age it jars with it self , and by a speedy separation endeavours wholly to break the Consort , and have its part by it self . CONFERENCE CX . I. Of Mineral Waters . II. Whether it be better to give than to receive ? AS the goodness of Common Waters is judg'd by their having neither colour , nor smell , nor taste , and the least weight that may be , wanting all other virtues besides to cool and moisten ; so , that of Mineral or Medicinal Waters depends upon the qualities of the Minerals wherewith they are impregnated , and by means whereof they purge and alter the Body ; Humidity being easily susceptible of extraneous qualities , and preserving the same best in a dense and gross subject , as Water is . These Waters are either cold or hot ; the former are drunk , and the latter serve for Bathing ; as that of Aix in Germany ; of Plombieres , in Lorrain ; of Bourbon , in Bourbonnois ; of Bagnieres and Barege , in Gascony ; of Balleruc and Barbotan , in Languedoc ; of Acqs and Tersis , neer Bayonne ; and abundance of other hot Baths caus'd by Subterraneous Fires . Of cold Waters , some are acid and pungent to the taste , as the Vitriolate , such as those of Spa in the Country of Liege , and of Ponges in Nivernois : Others are sharp and rough ; as those Springs of Forges and Montdor neer Rheimes , not long since found by Sieur de la Framboisiere ; those of Chasteau Thierri , of la Herse neer Bélesme , whose acidity likewise argues something of Vitriol ; and divers others , discover'd daily by experience . Some are found heavy , stinking , fat , and impure ; other leight , pure , clear , and sweet . Some are salt or brackish ; of colour reddish , green , black , and otherwise different , according as these Waters are variously mix'd ; wherein Minerals are contain'd either in substance and their grosser parts , or else only their Spirits and subtiler parts , so well blended as that there appears no extraneous Body at all ; which mixtion depends on the Nature of Minerals , some whereof are never perfectly mix'd with Water , by reason of their hardness ; others , though soft and liquid , mix only confusedly , as oyly Bodies : Others mix easily ; as Spirits , in regard of their tenuity ; and Salts , which melt in the Water . The Second said , That in this matter Experience is rather to be consulted than Reason , which falls short in the examen of many Waters , of which Histories are full ; as of those of Nile in Aegypt , which make Women fruitful ; of a Fountain in Arcadia , which prevents Abortion ; of the River Styx in the same place , and of Leontini in Sicily , which presently kill such as drink thereof ; of Cydnus in Cilicia , which cures the Gowt . Such also is Fountain of de Jouvence in the Isle Bonica , which makes old men young again ; that of Ise-land , which hinders gray hairs ; the two of Baeotia , whereof one strengthens , the others abolishes the Memory ; two others of the Fortunate Islands , one of which causes Sardonian and mortal Laughter , unless the other be presently drunk of ; and those of Thessaly and Macedon , one whereof makes the Sheep that drink of it to have black Wooll , which the other makes white , and both mix'd together make it of several colours ; that of the Isle of Andros ; and another a league distant from Coblentz , which inebriate , having the taste of Wine , which the first retained but for seven days , and quitted when carried out of sight of a Temple of that Island dedicated to Bacchus ; the oylie Fountains of Zant ; the red Spring of Aethiopia , which causes loss of Judgment ; as the Mad Lake in John's Country also doth , which thrice a day , and as often in the night , becomes blackish and sharp , and returns as often to its own sweetness ; the Sabbatical River mention'd by Josephus , which dries up every Sabbath-day ( render'd credible by that of Varins neer Saumur , which hath its flux and reflux , as the Sea ) ; the Water of the Babylonian Lake , which continues red eleven days in Summer ; the Fountain of Dodona , so famous among the Poets , at which they lighted extinct Torches ; like to another neer Grenoble , which at the same stream sends forth Waters and Flames ; and many others , which convert Wood and immers'd Bodies into Stone ; the true causes whereof are altogether unknown . The Third said , That Mineral Waters , though humid to the touch , are desiccative ; as appears partly from their composition of Mineral , detersive , and desiccative Spirits ; and partly from their effects , which are to heal Ulcers , dry up Scabs and Pustules , and correct the moist intemperies of the Stomach , and other lower Parts . Some argue them all hot , from their acrimony , virtues of penetrating , inciding , opening , attenuating , provoking Urine and Sweat , cleansing the Reins and Bladder ; all ffects of heat . Others account them cold , because being drunk they cause shivering at Midsummer , correct the heat of the Liver and Reins , cure hot Diseases , prejudice cold , and generally hurt the Nervous Parts , to which , according to the Aphorism , Heat is friendly , and Cold hurtful : But though actually cold , yet they have some have some heat in power ; and being compos'd of several unlike parts , produce different and sometimes contrary effects : So Aloes and Rhubarb both loosen and bind : All which effects may nevertheless be referr'd to three principal ; namely , Refrigerating , Deoppilating or opening , and Strengthning . They refrigerate by their actual coldness and the acidity of Vitriol , which also by vellicating the stomach , causes the great appetite we have during the the use of these Waters . They deoppilate , not so much by their quantity ( which hath made some erroneously say , that the same proportion of common Water would work the same effect as these Medicinal Waters ) as by their tenuity , which they have from the metalline Spirits , which make them penetrate and pass speedily over the whole Body . Lastly , they strengthen by their astringency , ( for all Astringents corroborate ) which the Chymists attribute to their volatil Spirits , which , as they say , joyn themselves to the fix'd Spirits of our Bodies . The Fourth said , That the three conditions of a good Medicament are , To Cure Speedily , Safely , and Pleasantly ; as Mineral Waters do . They are familiar to us , by their nature of Water ; Medicaments , by their composition , which is discover'd either by letting them settle , or by evaporating , or by distilling them ; as also by the smell , taste , and colour , which becoming black by the infusion of Galls ; shews that there is Vitriol in them . And whereas the longest and most difficult Maladies proceed from obstruction and cold , the hot or acute being speedily terminated , these Waters are the most effectual Remedy of both ; for they penetrate , and , like a torrent , open not the great passages only , but also the small veins of the Mesentery ; and heat by their Spirits and Sulphur , which hath a heat very benign and friendly to the principal parts , especially to the Lungs , whereunto it is a Balsom and Specifical . Above all , they are admirable in curing Gravel , not only vacuating the gross and viscous humours , which are the matter of the Stone , but sometimes breaking and dissolving the Stone in the Kidneys and Bladder ; which , amongst others , those of Spà perform , by reason of their abounding in Vitriol , whose acidity and acrimony produces the same effect upon Stones in the Body , as that of Vinegar doth upon Egg-shells , Pearls , and Corals . The Fifth said , That the use of Natural Baths , whether hot or cold , may be easily practised in sundry Diseases ; but 't is important to discern the occasions of taking them by the mouth , and their differences . For , besides that their great quantity ( the Italians prescribing above 200 ounces a day , others 25 pound ) sometimes overcomes the strength , and extinguishes the natural heat ; some have malignant Qualities , and Enemies to the principles of Life , not so much by reason of their Metalline Spirits , disproportionate to our Bodies , as of the mixture of Mercury , Plaster , and other Earths entring into their Composition ; whence many die by taking the Waters , or come back from them more infirm , by accidents following upon them , as Gowts , weakness of Stomach , Imbecillity , Lassitude , Livid Complexion , Dropsie , and other more dangerous Evils than that for which they were recurr'd to . The sixth said , To the end the use of these waters may prove healthful , regard is to be had to the Persons , the Diseases , and the Nature of the waters . As for the first ; Children , old Men , breeding Women , and fat People , must not take them without great necessity : For the second ; Most waters are unprofitable , and sometimes contrary to the disease ; as , to the infirmities of the Breast , Fluxions , Ulcers of the Lungs , Epilepsie , Apoplexie , Convulsions , cold Maladies , and all others of the Brain and nervous Parts . If there happen a complication of Diseases , some of which require , others reject the use of the Waters , regard must be had to the most urgent and dangerous . They have not always the same effect ; either because they are corrupted by Rain , or vehement Heat consumes their subtilest Spirits , in which their chief virtue resides ; which likewise depend on the Quality , Quantity , Time , Place , and Manner wherein they are to be us'd : For they must be taken in the Morning , fasting , in a hot and dry Season , as well because they are then purest and leightest , as because the Body better supports that quantity of cold Water , which relieves its natural Faculties languishing in great heat ; and , if it may be , they must be taken at the Spring , the Spirits being easily dissipated by transportation . The Quantity , and Time of taking them , are not to be measur'd by the number of Glasses or Days , but proportionated to the Disease and its Causes , the diseas'd Parts , the Age , Temper , Custom , and other Signs , from which Physitians take their Indications : Which Conditions being well observ'd , it may be said , God hath not given Men any thing more profitable than these Medicinal Waters , temper'd by Nature her self , who makes us a free present of them ; their disproportion with our Bodies being the cause of their action upon them , ( otherwise we should turn them into our substance , as we do Plants and Animals ) ; the bad successes which happen by them being much more rare than those of any other Medicaments , although the most rebellious Diseases are commonly remitted to them . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the straight connexion between all the parts of the Universe makes this Question hard to be judg'd ; since they give nothing but what they receiv'd before . For our common Mother , the Earth , receives her fruitfulness from the impressions of the Air ; the Air , from the influence of the Stars ; these their light and power from the Sun ; and he his from his Maker : Which the Platonists represent to us by the mutual embraces of Porus and Penia ; the one the God of Plenty , which is the original of Gifts ; the other the Goddess of Necessity , which is the cause of Receiving ; to shew , that they necessarily follow one the other . And as in Nature the attenuated and rarifi'd Parts strongly attract the next for hindring vacuity , and the full reject what is superfluous ; so in Morality we may say , That Giving and Receiving are equally good and natural , not differing but in certain terms and respects ; otherwise a Man might be said more or less excellent or happy than himself ; there being no Person but hath need to Receive and power to Give at the same time , out of the Plenty or Necessity which he hath of something ; For should he be stor'd with whatever he could wish , Might not we ask him , as S. Paul doth , What hast thou that thou hast not receiv'd ? So then , 't is Reception that hath put him into this happy state ; and if there be any excellence in Giving , it proceeds only from having Receiv'd before . Moreover , the three points which make a thing esteem'd in the World , Profit , Pleasure , and Honour , are all on the Receiver's side : For he must have renounc'd all the interests of Self-love that can believe there is more Profit and Pleasure in Giving than in Receiving . And as for Honour , although it seem more openly to favour the party of those that Give , nevertheless since Giving and Receiving are Correlatives , the reason of either must be alike ; and there cannot be Honour and Virtue in the one , but there must be so in the other ; nor , on the contrary , Blame and Ignominy in the Receiver , but it reflects back upon the Giver . And as he who loves , is less excellent than he who is lov'd , because he hath some perfection in himself which renders him lovely , which is ordinarily wanting in him who loves ; so , between the Giver and the Receiver , the latter being as 't were the Person lov'd , may be said more noble than he who Gives , who is the Lover ; for there is no less Liberality in the one Person to be willingly oblig'd , then in the other to oblige him ; and besides , Virtue being a habit of the Will , he who Receives with Gratitude , and desires to Repay with Usury , may be said as virtuous and as liberal in the act of his good-will , as if he gave effectively . But this Virtue , commonly appropriated to the Giver , is oftentimes rather Ostentation and Vanity , than true Virtue . For either the Man gives such things as himself needs , and then 't is rather Folly than Virtue ; or such as are superfluous , in which case 't is no Virtue for a Man to deprive himself of a useless thing . Yea , sometimes t is more ignominious and dishonest to Give than to Receive ; for every thing restrain'd by the Laws is not only unjust , but vicious and dishonest : Now the most part of Donations is restrain'd , not only by that rule of Givers , who say , That the Title De Donationibus is the Title of Fools , because to Give is to Lose ; but the Emperours had an express Officer call'd Comes Sacrarum Largitionum , who was to retrench the superfluity of their Gifts , and put in execution that Formula of our Chambers of Accompts , Trop donné soit repeté ; Too large a Grant is to be recall'd . Yea , the Donations of private Persons were retrench'd by the same Laws ; even those between Husband and Wife ; Legacies , by the Law Falcidia ; Feoffments , by the Trebellian ; Liberties , by the Caninian Law. But there can be no shame in receiving ; since not only Kings , but God himself Receives from Men ; and the Grandeur of the Messiah is not describ'd by the Prophet , saving by the Presents he was to receive of the Kings of Arabia and Saba ; Gifts being a testimony of their excellence to whom they are conferr'd : Whence the Lawyers hold , That a Testamentary Legacy is a mark of Honour to the Legatee ; as also they call the Fee which Advocates receive , Honorarium : And the Wise-man commands us to Reward the Physitian by the word of Honouring him . In fine , The praeeminence of Receiving above Giving sufficiently appears , in that our Lord invites us to Give , only by the promise and hope of Receiving an hundred fold . The Second said , Although to Give and to Receive be so difficult , that Seneca justly complains , That we know not how to do either ; yet the former is far more excellent , according to S. Paul's testimony , who in the 20th of the Acts exhorts the Christians to remember the Word of our Lord , That it is more blessed to Give than to Receive . For since , according to the Maxim , A man cannot give what he hath not , nor receive what he hath already ; Giving is a sign of Plenty and Perfection , as Receiving is of Want and Imperfection : Whence 't is nobler to be lov'd than to love , because Love is the desire of a Good which we want , and is found in the Person lov'd . Moreover , since an Action is the more excellent , by how much 't is more virtuous and honest ; Giving , which is more virtuous because more difficult than receiving ( as being contrary to our natural inclination of Getting ) is also more excellent . Wherefore Philophers reckon not amongst Virtues the habit of Receiving , as being wholly mercenary ; but account Liberality and Magnificence a Royal and Divine Virtue : For , if to Receive were an act of virtue , as Aristotle holds , who places Liberality as well in Receiving as in Giving , it had not been a Virtue in Curius to refuse the Treasures of the Samnites . But the action of Giving hath been honour'd , not only with the Name , but the Tokens and Ornaments of Virtue , Praise , and Honour ; as Ignominy oftentimes adheres to those that Receive . Now an Action is the more virtuous , the more 't is honour'd and commended ; and since many who Receive are asham'd of it , and unwilling to have witnesses of this action , whereas all that Give derive glory for so doing ; there can be no virtue in Receiving , because we are not asham'd of Virtue , but only of Vice. CONFERENCE CXI . I. Of Antidotes . II. Which is most communicative , Good or Evil. AS every thing hath its Contrary , so to Poisons there are Counter-poysons , call'd Antidotes , Alexipharmaca , or Alexiteria , of a middle nature between Medicaments and Poisons , with which they must have some similitude , that they may joyn with and encounter them in the Body . Such is Vipers Flesh , which enters into the composition of Treacle , against that Animal's bitings ; in which Antidote divers other Poisons are blended , which nevertheless being corrected one by another , they remain not only innocent , but serve to elude Poisons which attaque men by trechery , seeeming Friends to them , that they may destroy them , more certainly than the good Wife mention'd by Ausonius did , who having given her Husband Sublimate enough to kill him , and fearing 't would fail of its effect , caus'd him to swallow down Quick-silver , which comming to be joyn'd to the Sublimate , quell'd the strength of it , and by this means sav'd the Man. Diseases arising from manifest qualities require contrary Remedies ; as Plenitude , evacuation ; a hot Distemper , cold Correctives : But when the imperceptible puncture or biting of a Scorpion makes the whole Body swell , or excites such other symptoms , then Remedies acting by first and second qualities being found unprofitable , we must have recourse to Specificks , which act by an inexplicable Property of Substance , of which rank are our Antidotes . The Second said , That Poisons and Antidotes , Medicaments and Aliments , are not call'd so absolutely , but as compar'd to the Natural Heat : For when subdu'd and turn'd into the Animals Substance , they are call'd Aliments ; when Nature is alter'd by them , Medicaments ; when destroy'd , Poisons ; when preserv'd from their malignity , Antidotes . Hence , according to the diversity of this heat , one same thing is food to one and poison to others : As Hemlock is eaten by Goats and Quails , Henbane and Mandrakes by Swine , Cantharides by Swallows , Flies and Spiders by Poultry and Birds , although the same be poison to Men ; some of whom do receive no hurt by poisons , as 't is reported of Mithridates , whose body was so prepar'd by his Antidote compos'd of Rue , Nuts , and Figs , that he could not kill himself by poison ; of the Wench presented to Alexander who was fed with Napellus or Monks-hood ; of the old Woman in Sextus Empiricus who swallow'd 30 drachms of Hemlock without harm ; of Athenagoras the Argian who was not hurt by Scorpions , wherewith the Aethiopians dwelling neer the River Hydaspes are fed as well as with Snakes , which Avicenna saith , another man kill'd by being bitten with them , possibly having his body full of a humour like fasting spittle , which Galen saith kills Serpents and other Insects . These Poisons and Antidotes are either Natural or Artificial ; those more frequent in Southern then in Northern Countries , are communicated by Potions , Powders , Juices , Vapours , Touches , and other detestable means . The Natural differ either in Matter , or in Quantity , or in Quality , or in Operation . The Matter of Poysons , which is found almost every where , is either within us , as the Seed and the Blood , which by corruption oftentimes acquire a venomous quality ; such as also is that of the matter of the Epilepsie and Suffocation of the Womb : Or else without us , in the Air , Water , and Earth ; Fire alone being contrary to Poyson and putrefaction , which easily happens to the Air and Water through their great humidity : But the Earth by its excrements and impurities supplies most Matter to Poysons , which are drawn either from Minerals , from Plants , or from Animals . Arsenic , Orpiment , Vitriol , Plastre , Lime , Sublimate , Borax , Verdegrease , Quicksilver , Cinabar , Ceruse , and Red-lead , are of the first order . To the second belong Aconite or Woolf-bane , Chamalea or Widow-wayle , Yew , Spurge-lawrel , Thapsia or scorching Fennel , Tithymals , Hellebores , Vomiting Nut , Opium , Nightshade , and many other Plants ; some of which have only venomous Flowers , as certain white Violets ; others only their Fruits , as the Apples of Mandrake ; or only the juice , as Lettice and Poppies ; or the Seeds , as Henbane and Spurge ; or the Roots , as Aconite and Hellebore . To the third belong Lepus Marinus , the Salamander , the Flie call'd Buprestis , the Scorpion , Viper , Asp , Adder , Toad , Tarantula , Shrew-mouse , and divers others ; which are venomous either in all their parts , as Cantharides and Spiders ; or only in some , as Vipers in the Tail and Head , the Hart and Fork-fish in the extremities of their Tails , the Wivern in one of its Claws : Or in their Excrements ; as the Gall of the Leopard , the Urine of a Mouse , the Foam of a Mad-dog , the Sweat of an enraged Horse , and the Blood of a Bull. As for the Quantity ; although all Poysons act in a little volume , yet some require less Matter ; as Opium acts in less quantity than Hemlock ; this , than the juice of Leeks ; and this , than the juice of Lettice . According to Quality ; some are hot , and either inflame , as Euphorbium ; or corrode , as the Lepus Marinus , which particularly invades the Lungs ; the Asp , the Liver ; Nightshade and Henbane , the Brain ; Cantharides , the Bladder . Others are cold , fixing the Spirits and natural heat , or hindring their free motion ; as Opium , and the Salt of Lead . Others are dry ; as Lime , Vitriol , and Arsenic , which consume the Radical Humidity : For Humidity being a quality purely passive , and of it self incapable of causing pain , there are no Poysons simply humid . They differ also in their manner of acting ; the cold kill by consopiting or stifling the Heat ; Hellebore by vehement attraction of the Humours : Some corrode the Substance ; others alter , resolve , or putrifie it . And because all Poisons chiefly attaque the natural Heat , and the Heart ; as the Swoonings , Palpitations , and Weaknesses accompanying them witness : The Antidotes must be Cardiacal or friends to the Heart , strengthening it , and joyning forces with it to expel or subdue the malignity of the Poyson . The Third said , Physick opposes Poyson , either by Preservatives before 't is taken , or Remedies afterwards . Preservation depends on the administration of the six Not-natural things ; as the avoiding of Air and Places infected , perfuming them by burning of Wild-Thyme , Mountain-Majoran , Southernwood , Kings Spear , or Cedar ; annointing the Body with Rose-oyl , which is an Enemy to Serpents and venomous Creatures ; and eating in Vessels of Porcellane , and the like , which discover Poisons . Simple Preservatives are either appli'd outwardly , as the Topaz , Emerald , and other Amulets , worn next the skin ; or inwardly , as Bezoar-stone , Bole-Armenick , Lemnian or Seal'd Earth , Vincetoxicum , Turnep , Dittany , Garlick , Rue , Citron , Pomegranate , &c. Of Compounds the most famous is Theriaca , or Treacle , made of above a hundred Ingredients . When Poyson is already introduc'd into the Body , whether by biting , stinging , breathing , foam ; or by the sight , as that of the Basilisk ; or by the touch , as that of the Torpedo ; or by the mouth ; regard must be had to three things . 1. To strengthen the Natural Heat , that it yield not , but may resist the Poyson ; and to corroborate the Entrails , for fear they receive any malignant impression . 2. To destroy the force of the Poyson . 3. To evacuate it speedily , either by attraction ( as by Sucking or Cupping ) or by Incision and Ustion , if the Poyson was receiv'd extrinsecally ; but if 't was taken by the mouth , it must be evacuated by Sweat , Urine , Siege , and Vomit , which is the speediest and safest , provided it be provok'd by familiar Medicaments , as Butter , Oyl , Milk , or the like unctuous things . These Antidotes are either general , resisting all sorts of Poysons , strengthning the Heart and Spirits ; or else peculiar to some certain Poyson . General , are Blessed Thistle , Angelica , Valerian , Dittany , Scabious , Devils-bit , Pimpernel , Tormentil , Rue , Scordium , Wood-sorrel , Wormwood , Plantane , Marigold , Fluellin , Gentian , Juniper-berries , Bezoar , Treacle , Armenian and Lemnian Earths , the Horns of Hart and Rhinoceros , and Ivory . Of Particular , Mummy is good against Tithymals ; the Weesel and Man's Ordure , against envenom'd Wounds , the Root of Dog-rose , against the biting of a Mad-dog ; the Flower of Water-Lilly , against Hellebore ; Cucumbers , against Pharao's Figs ; Wormwood , Garlick , and Mustard , against Toad-stools ; Long Birth-wort , against Aconites ; Vipers Flesh , and all Precious Stones , against Menstrual Blood ; Baulm and Endive , against Spiders ; S. Katherine's Flower , and Dancing , against the Tarantula ; Sea-Crab , against Night-shade ; Citron-pill , against Vomiting Nut ; Origanum , or Wild-Majoran , against Mezaereon ; the Seeds of Winter-Cherry , against Cantharides , and the Salamander's foam ; a roasted Fox , and Oisters , against the Sea-Hare , Pigeons-dung , and Parsley-seed , against Mercury ; Treacle , against the Viper ; Oyl of Scorpions and Wasps , against their Stingings , by sympathy drawing out the venomous Spirits , and rejoyning them to their first Body . Of all which effects 't is more expedient to admire , than unprofitably search the Cause , which hath been hitherto unknown to the greatest Wits , and depends upon that of Sympathies and Antipathies . The Fourth said , There are two sorts of Mistions in Nature ; one , of Qualities ; the other , of Substantial Forms . In the first , the Qualities being rebated by their mutual encounter , an agreeable harmony or temper results , in which the prevailing Quality bears sway , and makes a Temperament hot , cold , dry , or moist . In the second , these Qualities being alter'd , the Elementary Forms , which were contrary only by their adversary Qualities , unite and conspire into one particular Form , the Principle of Occult Properties , Sympathies , and Antipathies , according as their Forms are found Friends or Enemies . Thus in all Medicaments there is a temperament of Qualities , which is the cause that Pepper is hot , Lettuce cold , &c. and a temperament of Forms , which makes Agaric purge Phlegm ; Sena , Melancholy ; Rhubarb , Choler : some Drugs , Cardiacal ; others Cephalical , or Splenical . From the mixture of these Forms arises the action of Antidotes and Poyson ; and not from that of the Elementary Qualities , although they accompany their Forms , being their Servants and Vicegerents : Otherwise , did Poysons kill by excess of heat or cold , Pepper and Cucumber would be Poyson , as well as Opium and Arsenick ; and a Glass of Cold Water would be the counter-poyson of Sublimate : And nevertheless there are many Alexipharmaca which agree in first qualities with the Poysons they encounter . Upon the Second Point it was said , Homer had reason to set two Vessels neer Jupiters Throne ; one full of Bitterness , the other of Sweetness ; wherewith he compounded all the Affairs of the World : Since by these contrarieties of Good and Evil , Man's Life , and Nature it self , is divided . For if the Principle of Good consist in Entity , according to Aristotle ; and Evil , in Non-Entity ; Privation ▪ which is the Principle of Non-entity , ●nd consequently of Evil , is as well rank'd amongst Natural Principles as Matter and Form , which are the Foundations of Entity and Good. And we see , Corruptions are as common as Generations , and Darkness as Light. But if we consider Evil in the vitiosity of Entity , then , according to the Platonists , who call what is material and corruptible , Evil ; what is spiritual and incorruptible , Good : Man , consisting both of a material and spiritual Substance , will be the Center where all Goods and Evils will terminate : In which respect he will be like the Tree of Knowledg of Good and Evil , plac'd by himself in Paradise ; or like that , to which David compares him , planted by the brink of Waters , which are Afflictions . For his Branches and upper Parts being deck'd with Flowers , Leaves , and Fruits , which are the three sorts of Goods which attend him ; his Flowers ( whose whiteness denotes the Innocence of his first Age ) are the Goods of the Body , which pass away with his Spring : His Leaves ( whose Verdure is the Symbol of Hope , which never leaves him till death , being fading , and subject to be dispers'd by storms ) are the Goods of Fortune : And his Fruits are the Goods of the Mind , Knowledg and Virtue , which are more savory and nutritive than the rest . But if we behold the Roots of this Tree , wherewith 't is fasten'd to the Earth , and which are the original of his Evils ; some sticking to that Stock of Adam , the source of his Original Sin , which sends forth a thousand Suckers of all sorts of Vices and Passions ; others , to that Clay from whence he was extracted , and which is the Principle of all bodily Infirmities ; we shall find that his good things are external , and communicated from elsewhere ; but his evil things are internal , and natural , and consequently more communicative : For as to Vices , the Evils of the Soul , bad Examples corrupt more than virtuous edifie : And for those of the Body , Diseases are more easily gotten than cur'd ; and Health is not communicable to others ; but Epidemical Diseases are : A bad Eye , a tainted Grape , and a rotten Apple infects its neighbour , but by parity of Reason might as well be preserv'd by it . The Evils of others not on'y do us ill by Compassion , which is a sort of Grief ; but also their happiness causes in us Jealousie and Envy , the cruelest of all Evils . Besides , Good is rare , and consequently not communicative ; and Possession fills , but satisfies not . Nor is Metaphysical Good communicable , being an abstracted not a real Quality : And if Evil arise from the least defect of a thing , and Good only from its absolute perfection ; then since nothing is absolutely perfect , Good is not communicated to any one thing here below ; but , on the contrary , Evil is found in all . The Second said , That which hath no Being cannot be communicated : But Evil is not any thing real , and hath not any Efficient Cause , as was held by the Manichees and Priscillianists , condemn'd for establishing two Principles , one of Good , the other of Evil , independent one on the other . For since Good consists in the integrity and perfection of Parts , and of whatever is requisite to the Nature of a Thing , Evil is nothing but a Privation , a defect and want of what is requisite to its perfection . And , being a thing is communicated according as it hath more or less of essence , Good , which is convertible with Being , must be more communicative than Evil , which is only a Being imperfect . God , who possesses Beeing and Goodness primarily , communicates himself infinitely ; as doth also Light , the most perfect of all created Substances . Moreover , the Nature of Good consisting in Suitableness and Appetibility , by reason of Contraries ; that of Evil consists in Unfitness and Aversion ; and if Evil be communicated , 't is always under the mask and appearance of some Good , which alone is communicative by nature . The Third said , Good is more difficult than Evil , which is commonly attended with Profit and Delight , and consequently more communicative . For Nature having implanted in us a love of our selves , doth also instigate us to seek after all means that may tend as well to the preservation of our Nature , as to our Contentment ; namely , Riches , Honour , Beauty , and all other Goods , either real or imaginary ; which not being in our power , but almost all in others hands , cannot be much desir'd without sin , nor possess'd without injustice , much less acquir'd by lawful ways , much rarer and longer than the unlawful and bad , which are many , and easie , and consequently more frequent . CONFERENCE CXII . I. Why Animals cry when they feel Pain ? II. Whether it be expedient to have Enemies ? AS Speech was given Man to express the thoughts and conceptions of his Mind , so was Voice to all Animals , to signifie the motions and inclinations of their Nature towards good and evil : But with this difference , That Voice is a Natural Sign , having affinity with the thing it signifies ; which Speech hath not , being an Artificial Sign , depending on the will and institution of its Author . Hence it comes that there is great variety of Languages and Dialects among Men ; but one sole fashion of forming the same Voice amongst Animals ; who being more sensible of Pain than of Pleasure ( the former destroying Nature , the latter giving only a surplusage of Goodness ) when the Evil is so great and pressing that they cannot avoid it , impotence and weakness makes them send forth Cries , to implore the help and assistance of their Fellows . For Nature having imprinted in all Creatures a Knowledg of Good and Evil , and consequently an inclination to the one , and an aversion to the other ; she hath also given them means of attaining thereunto , to wit , Local Motion , to go thither of themselves ; and a Voice to seek of others that Good they want , and deliverance from the Evil which presses them . The Second said , That only such perfect Animals as have Lungs have the gift of Voice ; others , destitute either of Lungs , as Fishes ; or of Blood , as most Insects , ( having little heat , of which Blood is the foundation ) have no need of Air , which is inspir'd only to cool and temper the excess of Natural Heat ; and so for want of Air , which is the matter of Voice , are almost all mute , except the Dolphin , whose Voice is like that of Man. Grass-hoppers , Flies , Bees , and other Insects , make a noise and sound indeed , by the collision of the Air and their Wings , but have no Voice , which is defin'd , A significative sound made by the mouth of an Animal ; and by Aristotle , The stroak of the Air ( attracted by respiration , and emitted by the Lungs ) against the Larynx , to express something . So that the Efficient Cause of Voice is the Soul ; the Matter , Air ; the Form , Sound , or the collision of two solid Bodies ; the End , to signifie something : And so Animals cry , to signifie the grief they resent : But why they testifie this grief by so different tones and accents , is as difficult to understand , as the last differences in which Philosophers have plac'd that diversity ; as Howling , Barking , Bellowing . Braving , Roaring , Neighing , and such other accents of Beasts ; the cause whereof is hitherto unknown . The Third said , Such Animals cry soonest and longest who have the strongest Imagination , the most exquisite touch , the least ability to suffer , and the least conscience , because most susceptible of apprehension and pain ; and their Spirits being diffus'd in a less bulk , are aptest to be mov'd and gather'd together about the Heart ; which by this means being unusually oppress'd , communicate the sense thereof to the Lungs , which suffering by sympathy , and being instruments for the hearts eventilation , perform their functions then with more speed and violence , by an irregular motion , forc'd by the present Necessity , and the pain which presses them ; and so the Air which was contain'd in their spongy substance , issues forth impetuously , and by collision with the Epiglottis and other opposing parts , forms loud and resounding clamours : Whence we may judg , That the secret intention of Nature , who disposes these Organs in such sort that the Cry is a kind of interpreter of the Grief , was to give some refreshment or ventilation to the Spirits thronged about the Heart , and also intelligible tokens of the Evil suffer'd by the Animal , either to move the injurer to compassion , or else to invoke the help of its own Species , or ( by unknown instinct ) that of the Author of Nature : For we see that Animals , by the motives of natural instinct , run to the cries of those of their own kind . And since the Holy Scripture tells us , That not only Birds , and all other Animals , but also insensible things praise God ; 't is credible that in their anguishes they are lead by the same Principle to cry to him to help and preserve the Work of his own Hand : Which is so true , that the wicked'st Persons are forc'd by the interior motions of a hidden power to lift up their hands to Heaven in their Afflictions , and implore Succour and Assistance from on High. The Fourth said , That the Sense of Touch is both more universal and natural to Animals than any other ; being the first they have , and the last they lose : The dolour thereof is express'd with Cries ; to which Man , having the most exquisite Touch , and consequently being most sensible of pain , is also more subject than other Creatures . And if that Ancient said true , That Tears are mute execrations of the Sorrows of Life , which we begin and end with them , Cries may be said the more manifest and earnest , since they pierce the clouds , and see into ascend to the the Throne of God , to demand succour of him , when none is found upon Earth . 'T is an impetuous sound utter'd by an Animal , unable to resist present or imminent Grief : For 't is proportional to the violence of the Passion . Love , which is the gentlest , renders it smooth and soft : Choler , the violentest , makes it more vehement : And Grief , the most pressing of all , and tending to the destruction of Being ( which is equally abhor'd by all Creatures ) ariseth it to the highest tone of which 't is capable : Whence even Speech , which being artificially divided into syllables and cadences is peculiar to man ; yet in the precipitateness of Grief , keeps not its measures , but breaks into an inarticulate sound , like that of Animals . For explication whereof it must be known , that the Cuticle , the chief seat of the Touch , and consequently of Pain , is the expansion of the Nerves , the conduits of the Animal Spirits , which in Pain either shrink inwards , and so cause stupefaction ; or being irritated and sent by Nature to the aid of the hurt part , by Sympathy move the Diaphragma , and other nervous and membranous Parts : For , as of two Lute-strings set at the same pitch , the one sounds upon the touching of the other ; so in the Harmony of the whole Body , there may be the same sympathy between the Spirits and the Parts ; an evidence whereof is seen in Tickling and Laughter , which is caus'd by the contraction of the Diaphragm ; which is the reason that the aspect of such as Laugh and Weep is much alike . And because in Grief the coarcted Spirits hinder respiration , and free motion of the Heart ; ttherefore Nature , to ease her self , drives them outwards with violence , and with them moist vapours which partly transpire by the pores , and are partly condens'd in the Brain , whence they flow through the eyes in streams of Tears , which by this means greatly alleviate Grief , as the want of Them and Cries argues its vehemence : Besides that , they may serve Animals to terrifie their Enemies , or else to implore the assistance of their Fellows ; as we read of Elephants , that falling into a Ditch they call other Elephants to their aid . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That 't is proper to a wise man , by God's Example , to draw Good out of Evil , and benefit from the most pernicious things . So Physitians turn the strongest Poysons into wholesom Remedies : Men use the spoils of the fiercest Beasts for nourishment , cloathing , and other purposes of Life : And many great Personages have taken occasion from bodily Diseases , Shipwracks , Losses , Banishments , and other such unkindnesses of Fortune , to give up themselves wholly to Virtue , and the Knowledg of Things . Since then Enmity is the greatest of all Evils , as Unity is the most excellent of all Goods , and the noblest of all Virtues , as having no Vicious Extremity , but being perfect by being boundless ; 't is a Point of great Wisedom to be able to draw some benefit from ones Enemies ; whereof the principal is , that they oblige us to stand upon our guard , to order our demeanour well , and so to frame our Lives , that they may have no hold against us : For , as Friendship is the Parent of Confidence and Liberty ; this , of Negligence : So Enmity begets Diffidence , and this Circumspection , with a great desire of Virtue , and shame of Vice , whose turpitude makes us blush more in the presence of an Enemy than of a Friend , who being our other Self , complies with our humours and inclinations . And as Natural Agents are more vigorous in presence of their Contraries ( whence Fire scorches more in Winter than in Summer ) so the presence of Enemies redoubles our strength and courage ; their neighbour-hood obliges us to have always our Arms in our hands , and keep good Guard ; which made Cato declaim against those who raz'd the Cities of Carthage and Numantia , both Enemies to Rome . The Second said , That if a Man be vicious , 't is more expedient that he have Enemies than Friends ; these too easily adhering to his debauches ; but those withdrawing him from them , either by reproaches , or by the example of a contrary life . If he be virtuous , his Enemies make his Virtue shine forth , whilst it serves him for a defence and apology against all their accusations and calumnies ; and he finds it his interest to continue his virtuous Practises , that he may still refute them ; whereas the flatteries and compliances of his Friends insensibly corrupt him . Besides , seeing a virtuous Man cannot be said absolutely perfect , but only to have fewer defects than another , his dissembling or flattering Friends sometimes know them not ; but an Enemy takes notice of them , and blazing them abroad , gives him warning to correct them . Yea , it seems a sign of a virtuous Man to have Enemies : For , besides that Virtue hath been always envy'd and hated , and the higher a Man is in merit and dignity above others , he hath the more Enemies ; resemblance of Manners begets Friendship , and disparity Enmity ; and more without comparison are vicious than virtuous : But the vicious being unable to love any but those like themselves , hate all who follow not their example , as the virtuous do not , and so have the greatest part of the World against them . The Third said , That Enmities can produce no good , since either Vice , or Malice , or Ignorance is the cause ; it not being possible but either he that is hated must be vicious , or else they that hate him malicious or ignorant . For , as Friendship is founded upon , and cannot subsist without Virtue ; so neither can Enmity , without the Vice and Malice of him that hates , or his that is hated , or both together . And as the Effects of Amity are Union , Concord , Security , and Peace ; so those of Enmity are Division , Discord , Diffidence , Suspicion , Treachery , Hatred , and other such Effects , noxious not only to a private Person , who cannot draw any benefit from what tends only to his ruine ( as all Hatred doth ) ; but also prejudicial to the Publick , which is totally destroy'd by Enmity , which breaks the bonds of Civil Society . On the other side , If all were Friends , one man would be a God to another ( as that Ancient said ) ; and all men concurring together by mutual help , to the accomplishment of one anothers designs , there would be no more difficulty in Affairs , because no opposition ; and the World would be nothing but a harmony of favourable Successes . Contrarily , 't is Enmity makes one man a Woolf to another , a Stone of offence , and the Daemon of his bad fortune : For , the benefit of understanding our own Vices by our Enemies reproaches , is not to be compar'd to that which we receive from the good counsels of Friends , who are better qualifi'd for redressing our imperfections , because converse affords the means to know them ; whereas the rude censures and affronts of an Enemy , being never taken in good part , cannot any wise contribute to the correction of our Manners . A wise and virtuous Man , who voluntarily endeavours to practise Virtue in all occurrences , finds ways enough to do it , without waiting to be constrain'd thereunto by the injuries and censures of Enemies : But the vitious will draw nothing from them but fewel to his rancour and revenge , without being instructed concerning his faults by the mouth of those whom he utterly disbelieves . However , we must draw as much profit as we can from our Enemies ; and 't is the only comfort can be had against Hatred , to make use of it as an Antidote against its own Poyson . But then , as 't would be more expedient to have no Griefs or Poysons , than to be at the trouble of finding Anodynes and Counter-poysons ; so we may be allow'd to derive some remedy from Enmities against their Mischiefs , and make as much profit of Vice as 't is possible ; but 't would be expedient to have neither Enemies nor Vices . The Fourth said , That Nature subsists only by Contrariety . That , of the First Qualities is the cause of all the Generations of Mixts in the great World. Man's Life lasts only so long as the Natural Heat acts upon the Radical Moisture ; when their combate is ended , he must necessarily die . His Understanding hath no better means to obtain Truth , than by contrariety of Opinions ; whereof Identity is as disagreeable to the Mind as 't is to Nature : But his Will hath no more powerful Means to attain to Virtue than Resistance , which sharpens the Courage , and enkindles Resoltion . Therefore God has given Man a domestick Enemy , the Sensitive Appetite ; that it being continually at war with the Will , might serve to exercise it , and render its Victories more glorious ; the Will , as well as the Understanding , growing rusty when they want exercising , which whets and strengthens them both . Hence S. Paul was not heard when he pray'd thrice to be delivered from the importunity of his Enemy ; God judging it not expedient for his good ; and having also permitted Heresies in the Church , which the same Apostle saith are necessary , to the end to prove the Faith of its Members . CONFERENCE CXIII . I. Of the Iris , or Rain-bow . II. Whether the Reading of Books is a fitter way for Learning than Vocal Instructions ? 'T Was not without reason that the Poets feign'd Iris to be the Daughter of Thaumas , or Thaumasia ; that is to say , of Admiration : thereby intimating our not knowing its cause : For Wonder is the Off-spring of Ignorance . Amongst many other things , Three we find to admire in it ; its Matter , Form , and Colours . It s Matter is not a moist Cloud , as most imagine ; for ( besides that then we should see Rain-bows more frequently than we do ) a Cloud cannot reflect the Sun-beams with that variety or medley which we observe therein : For there would be but one colour , if the Cloud were diaphanous ; and otherwise , it will be black and dark . 'T is not therefore in a Cloud that the Rain-bow is form'd , but in the falling drops of Rain ; as we see some Fountains form one in the Air , by the ejaculation of the Water struck with the Sun-beams ; as also by the spurting of Water out of the mouth , opposite to the Sun : For an Iris is not visible , unless we be plac'd between the dropping Cloud and the Sun. If the Cloud be between our eye and the Sun , it will receive the Rays only on that side which is next the Sun , and not on that side which is towards us . Nor will any Iris appear , in case the Sun be between the Eye and the Cloud : For , according to the common opinion , it cannot be seen higher than three miles ; but in this opposition of the Sun , the Iris will be remote from us above 18 degrees , which make above 1100 miles , allowing 60 miles to a degree , according to Ptolomie . Hence the Rain-bow which appears before Noon , is always towards the West ; as that which appears about or after Noon , is always towards the North , or the East ; at which times we are between the Rain-bow , and the Sun. Hence such as are in the fifth Climate can never see one in the South . Now the surfaces of these drops of Water ( which fall confusedly and disorderly ) being irregular , and struck obliquely by the Sun-beams , they make a refraction of his Light , like that which is made by Diamonds cut into Faucets , but more permanent ; because the drops of Water fall so swiftly and successively that they seem continuous . A Rain-bow then is nothing else but the Light of the Sun , receiv'd in this falling Rain , and remitted to our eye by an Angle of refraction , different from that of its incidence ; for if it were equal , the Image of the Sun would appear therein too , as we see it doth in Parhelia's . Indeed we may say , That the Rain-bow is an imperfect and begun Parhelion ; the Light of the one being reflected regularly , and that of the other in confusion , and disorderly : And , That its Arch and circular Figure proceeds from the obliquity of the Sun-beams : Or else , That he being a Spherical Body , casts his Rays circularly : Or , lastly , from the Spherical or Parabolical form of the Cloud : Which is also true in the Iris which is form'd in the night by the Moon-beams , receiv'd in a Cloud dissolving into Rain ; saving that her Rays , being not so strong and luminous as those of the Sun , illuminate only the surface of the Water , and therein paint a faint whitish colour , and not such an enamel of colours as is seen by day in the Solar Iris ; which colours are nothing else but an imperfect Light , which cannot be directly reflected to the eye , by reason of the inequality of the Angles , and therefore at least forms these Colours ; of which the three principal are , Yellow , or Citrinous , which is the highest ; Blue , or Green , which is the middlemost ; and Red , which is the lowest : Amongst which there are found divers others which partake of their extremities ; the diversity whereof proceeds from the divers reception of the Rays in the Parts of the Cloud , differing in opacity ; which not being great in the outmost part , the Sun-beams paint there a Yellowish colour ; but greater in the middle , a Blew or Watchet ; and greatest in the inmost or lowest part , a Red : as Experience shews us in the like subjects , wherein Light diversly modifi'd , represents very neer the same variety of Colours ; which although not real ( as those which arise from the various mixture of the four Elementary Qualities ) yet are not absolutely imaginary ( as those are which are seen by weak eyes about the flame of a Candle ) , but are true Colours , inasmuch as they strike the Sight , which a sensitive and corporeal Power , and are alike perceiv'd by all ; nevertheless , they are less material than Elementary Colours , and are neerer akin to Light , not differing from the same , saving inasmuch as it is here received diversly in the eye , according to the rarity or density , situation , figure , and other qualities of the Object and Medium . The Second said , The Rain-bow ( the fairest not only of all Meteors , but of all Nature's Works ; being , according to the Cabbalists , the Throne of God , who , in the Apocalypse , is represented Crown'd therewith ) doth not less dazle the Mind than ravish the Eye ; it being observ'd , That the clearer things are to the Sense the obscurer they are to the Understanding ; and so on the contrary : For it cannot proceed from the different rarity and density of the Cloud , which being never alike , but infinitely various , should rather represent a thousand different Figures and Colours ; whereas the Rain-bow hath always a circular Figure , and the same Colours . And as there may be found more Clouds in several places , equally rare or dense , and equally distant from the Sun ( who enlightens Bodies equally distant after the same manner ) so there should be more Rain-bows at the same time in several places ; which is contrary to experience : For we never see two uniform Rain-bows at once ; the other Bow , sometimes included in the first , being not directly form'd by the Sun-beams , but by reflection of the Rays of the first Bow upon a neighbouring Cloud ; whence the Colours of such secondary-Bow are not so lively as those of the first , but are revers'd , the yellow being lowest , the Green always middlemost , and the Red uppermost : For so by the reason of Catoptricks , we see that the Species reflected have a different situation from the Body which produces them ( things on the right hand appearing on the left , and contrarily ) ; and the shadows of Bodies which pass along the street entring by a small hole into a dark Chamber , revers'd . The Third said , Experience teaches us , That when Light passes out of a thinner Medium into a thicker ( as out of Air into Water ) if it fall obliquely upon that thicker Medium , it is broken or refracted : But if it pass quite through such denser Medium , so that 't is broken as well at its going out as at its entrance ( especially if the refraction in these two places be great enough ) then this Light is turn'd into Colours . This Natural Effect is a Principle of the Opticks , and is observ'd not only in the Rain-bow , but also in triangular Crystals , and Glasses fill'd with clear Water , and expos'd to the Sun ; provided the Glass be of a conical Figure revers'd ; that is , narrower at the bottome , and wider towards the top . This being premis'd , the Production of the Rain-bow seems to be thus : When a Cloud , already wholly turn'd into Water , and actually falling down in drops of Rain ( which reach from the top of the Cloud to the Earth ) is shin'd upon by the opposite Sun , and the Spectator is plac'd between the Sun and the Rain , then the Sun-beams passing through those drops , are reflected , as by a Mirror , back again , by those which are more remote ; and passing by the sides of those which are nearest ( because from one and the same part but one perpendicular Ray can fall upon a round Figure , as that of drops of Water is , all the other Rays being oblique ) they must of necessity be twice broken : First , as they are reflected by the remoter drops , and pass out of the Air comprehended between those remoter , into the other drops nearer us : And secondly , as they issue out of these nearer drops , into the Air which is between them and us . And thus from this different fraction caus'd by the various rarity and density of the Air and Water , the diversity of Colours in the Rain-bow ariseth . For , Water being not altogether diaphanous , but somewhat of a middle nature , between perfectly Transparent and Opake , reflects part of the Rays which fall upon its surface , and lets the other part pass through ; as 't is observ'd in Rivers and Ponds , upon which we see the Suns Image by reflection , but Divers and Fish behold it by refraction . So 't is with drops of Water ; those neerest us reflect part of the Sun-beams towards the Sun himself , without forming an Iris , because these reflected Rays meet not other drops to refract them ; but when part of those Rays , which pass'd through the small intervals of the first drops , are reflected by the other remoter from us , then these reflected Rays lighting by the way upon the first drops between which they had pass'd , they are broken thereby both at their going in and coming out , where they represent the Iris , which consequently is form'd by Reflection and Refraction ; reflection , by all the drops which receive Light , remitting the same towards the Sun ; and refraction of the same Light so reflected , when by the way as it returns it meets those other drops of Water , which refract it twice , and give it the diversity of Colours , which ariseth from the divers reception of the Light into those parts of Water , more or less dense and rare . But now to give account of the circular Figure of this Meteor , which is not only in appearance circular ( as square Towers seem round at a distance ) but is so really ; 't is requisite to take a certain position of the Sun ; and by one example 't will be easie to judg of others . Let us suppose then that the Sun is at the Horizon , and consequently that all the Rays he sends directly upon the drops of Rain , as well the highest as the lowest , are parallel between themselves , and to the Horizon , ( for the elevation of a Cloud , how great soever , being inconsiderable in respect of the Sun's distance from the Earth , hinders not but that all his Rays are always parallel between themselves ) which being reflected , as hath been said , the reflection of them will be also parallel to the Horizon , or very neer so ; for here we consider only that which is made by the middle of the drop , which is the strongest by reason of its round figure ; and this reflection being receiv'd by the superior part of some other drop which it finds in its way , and there twice broken , to wit , at its going in and coming forth ; the two Refractions joyn'd together distort the Ray about 45 degrees ; that is to say , the Ray thus twice broken will make with the lines parallel to the Horizon an Angle of 45. degrees , a 〈…〉 from on high downwards , and falling upon the Earth . And because all the drops make such a Refraction as we have mention'd , therefore all such Persons as shall be between the Sun and the drops of Rain , shall see the Iris of the same heighth , namely , of 45 degrees ( although from several stations ) ; some in the lower drops , namely , such Persons as are neerest the Cloud ; others , to wit , such as are more remote , in the higher drops ; because they all see it by Rays parallel between themselves , and consequently by equal Angles . Now the drops make refraction not only by their superior parts , but also by their sides and lower parts ; whence those on either side of the Spectator , distant by an Angle of 45 degrees , will make him see their refraction , and consequently the Iris on either side under equal Angles ; which being made on all sides about a right line drawn from the Sun to the Spectators eye , which may be call'd the Axis of the Iris , it necessarily follows , That the Iris must appear perfectly round about this Axis : So that the drops elevated above this Axis 45 degrees , will make the upper part of the Iris by the refraction of their superior parts . Those on either side , distant likewise 45 degrees , will make the sides of the Iris by refraction of their parts which are at the remoter sides ; and so of all the drops which shall be about the Axis , under equal Angles of 45 degrees . As for other drops neerer or further from the Axis and the Spectator , they will represent an Iris to others who are not in the same Axis , but neerer or remoter from the Cloud , and situate in such place that those drops appear distant from the Axis by Angles of 45 degrees . So that as many Spectators as there are between the Sun and the Cloud , and not in the same Axis ; so many Axes must be imagin'd , about which there are different Arches and Rainbows . Now in this Horizontal Position the Bow appears a perfect Semi-circle , whose Center is in the Horizon , at the Point where the Axis terminates . But when the Sun is in another Position , as elevated some degrees yet fewer than 45 , then the Axis of the Iris coming from the Sun through the Spectator's eye , penetrates the Earth ; and so the Center ( which is always at the end of the Axis ) is below the Horizon ; and the portion of the Iris which we behold is less than a Semi-circle , greater than which it never appears , as Aristotle hath well observ'd . For since the Bow is always less than a Semi-circle whilst the Sun is elevated above the Horizon , it must be a Semi-circle when he is in the Horizon , and none at all when he is below the Horizon , because he doth not then illuminate the Cloud : Hence 't is seldome produc'd in Winter , because when it rains in that Season the whole Heaven is cloudy , and covers the Sun-beams ; as neither in the Summer and Spring at noon , when the Sun is higher than 45 degrees , but only at Morning and Evening . The Fourth said , That if Aristotle's definition of the Rainbow be true , who defines it , An Arch consisting of divers colours , which the reflection of the Sun-beams represents upon a hollow Cloud ready to dissolve into Rain , we need not seek much for Material , Formal , and Efficient Causes ( for he assigns no Final of it ; but the Scripture doth , namely , to be a moral sign of the Covenant between God and Men. ) Of the first there is no doubt , unless amongst blind men , to whom only God can make a demonstration of it ; but the rest are very obscure : To judg of which we must observe , That the Angle of Reflection is equal to that of Incidence ; so that a right perpendicular Line , erected at the common point of Incidence and Reflection , will equally bisect the Angle comprehended by the Ray of Incidence and that of Reflection ; which is not true , unless when the Ray of Incidence is terminated by a very smooth and opake Body , as that of a Mirror : Whence 't is infer'd , That a Cloud not having such evenness or smoothness will not reflect the Light or Ray at an equal Angle , but will dissipate and remit it elsewhere : So that if one part of a Cloud , which is directly opposite to the Sun and smooth , reflect the Ray directly ; and another obliquely opposite to him , dis●ort and reflect it elsewhere ( as 't is much more probable , than always to imagine Clouds exactly smooth , polish'd , and even ) it appears , That there will not be form'd a Figure of an Arch uniformly colour'd , but rather a confus'd medley of colours . Besides , if Reflection represent any thing , 't is the same thing that is opposite , not another : But 't is not the Sun that we behold in the Cloud , but a mixture of Colours , no wise like , nor so much as an imperfect representation of him , as some have pleased to affirm : For Reflection would shew us either the Sun , or an imperfect representation of him ; not in the Cloud , but as far beyond it as the Object ( the Sun ) is from it . So that we shall explicate Aristotle better if we say , That those Colours appear by irradiation ; and , that the Light diversly receiv'd , and not reflected , makes the variety of this goodly Spectacle : For they who say 't is Refraction , are mistaken ; for Refraction only alters the place of the Object represented by the Species , which is broken by the occurse of a Medium of unequal opacity ; but doth not produce divers colours , such as those of the Iris , which I conceive we may more safely admire , with many other of God's Works ( indisputable testimonies of his Power and our Weakness ) than vainly seek their Causes . The Fifth said , He conceiv'd no demonstration more manifest to prove the manner of the Rain-bows production than the experiment of a Phial of Water , which , expos'd to the Sun upon some solid Body , represents the same Colours with those of the Rain-bow : So that the same thing is done in the Sky when the Sun-beams pass cross an aqueous and diaphanous Cloud , and are reflected to the other side by another Cloud , whose thickness hath some resemblance of solidity ; and so 't is not sufficient that such aqueous Cloud be interpos'd between the Sun and the Eye , but there must be also another opposite Cloud , dense enough to reflect those Rays of the Sun , who being hollow according to the figure of the Sky , imprints that lucid circular Figure , and gives it the name of a Bow. The Sixth said , That a Rain-bow may be foretold some time before it happens , when the Wind comes from that Quarter where the Sun is , and a Cloud coming from the same Quarter pass over our heads , and shed Rain as it passes : For if the Sun appears at the same time , you will see an Iris as soon as the Cloud becomes opposite to him ; which Iris will be the more lively and colour'd , according as the falling Rain was greater , and the Sun happens to be clear ; as also so much more elevated as the Sun is depress'd . But if the Sun be 45 degrees high , you will see no Iris , the Refraction not being then proper to produce it . If it happens after Rain , it signifies fair weather , and the Sky clears up , in that Quarter whence the Wind blows . But if the Wind blow from the Quarter opposite to the Sun , and drive a Cloud and Rain before it ; and if the Sun also appear at the same time , then you will see the Iris before the Rain , which we may foretel will fall upon the place whence the Iris is beheld , provided the Cloud can subsist any while , and be not too speedily resolv'd all into Rain at the place where it is seen ; for where ever an Iris is seen , there it rains . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the Eye and the Ear being the Senses whereby the Mind receives the Species of things which it knows ; the former is proper for Invention ; and the latter , call'd the Sense of Discipline , chiefly for Learning . For the Voice , as the Proverb saith , is more powerful than dumb Masters ; because being animated with the gesture and motion of the Eyes , Mouth , Hands , and whole Body , it makes more impression upon the Mind than the dead style of Books ; which besides , being Instructors whom we cannot interrogate concerning our doubts , as we may the living , they leave more scruples in the Readers mind than they resolve : For our cognition depending on the Species and Animal Spirits , these follow the drift and motion of the Voice , whose accents consequently being joyful , sad , amorous , warlike , or furious , according to the variety of the subject , imprint like affections in the Soul ; and this through the near communication there is between the Air and those Spirits of the Body , which are also aerious , and of great mobility . And since Writing is only the sign of Speech , as this is of the Minds conception , it less perfectly expresses its Author's thought than the Voice , the perfect Image of his Conception , which is call'd the Internal Speech , as the voice is the External ; and being the Original from which Writing is drawn , represents our Conceptions better than the Copy ; as all Exemplars degenerat proportionably to their remoteness from their Prototype . The Second said , That written Discourses are better digested , and sustain themselves better by their own weight , than words disguis'd by the maner of expression , or cadence , gestures , and other sleights , which corrupt the simplicity of things ; whence the Comedian that comforted Demosthenes , and reviv'd his lost desire of haranguing , made him confess , That one and the same verse of Homer was another thing when well and when ill pronounc'd : And bad Poets fear nothing so much as that others should read their Works ; the Name which themselves give them causing others to judg them different from what they are ; and the suddenness of pronuntiation not allowing the mind sufficient time to reflect upon them . Moreover , Books flatter much less , and have more universal Precepts than Speech , which commonly affects complaisance , and the gaining of the hearers good will : Particularly in morality , Great Persons are better instructed and more plainly reprehended for their faults by Books than by Discourses , which seldom tell them the truth freely , every one fearing the effects of hatred ensuing it , which Books care not for . Besides , No discipline is harder than Politicks ; which being the Mistress of all others , may justly give Law to them . And were the way of learning the Sciences by Books longer than that by the Voice , yet 't is the safer , yea , almost that alone by which we reap benefit ; all those that are Learned , having learn'd more by the Reading and Meditation of Books , than by having heard the Voice of their Masters in Schools , where oftentimes the noise is greater than the fruit . For , our Memories being treacherous , we never repeat things so well as we write them ; and in case of mistakes or omissions , we are asham'd to acknowledg our faults , but defend them with obstinacy ; whereas we scruple not to correct a Writing , to view and review it , and , according to Horace's counsel , keep it nine years before publishing . But Words are utter'd as soon as thought ; and hence when we see those fine Discourses in Writing , which ravish'd all the World in the Chair and at the Bar , we are oftentimes asham'd of having admir'd them : Which perhaps as much or more kept Cicero from letting his Orations be read in his youth , as his pretended excuse of reserving to himself the liberty of contradicting himself . Wherefore there being more to be learn'd in a well-digested and exact Piece , Writing ( which is ordinarily such ) must also be more proper for Instruction : Which is so true in the Mathematicks , to which alone the name of Discipline belongs , that none ever presum'd either to teach or learn them by Speech alone . The Third said , That a good Comparison must be of things alike ; and so if we compare Speech and Writing , it must be in respect of two things equally perfect in their kind ; as an exact Discourse , and an exact Writing . You must also bring two capacities of the same pitch , and they must have equal time to learn the same thing ; in which case , the circumstances being the same , there 's no doubt but Speech is more advantageous thereunto than Writing , which is not absolutely necessary , as the Voice is , without which the latter is unserviceable ; he who reads being unable to understand any thing , unless he hath already heard it spoken of . Hence one naturally deaf is uncapable not only of the Sciences , but also of the use of Reason , yea , of Speech too : Whereas , on the contrary , some born blind , and who consequently never read , have nevertheless prov'd very learned . And this prae-eminence of Speech above Writing , appears especially in that the latter cannot be expressed without the former . Whence some justly doubt whether dead Languages , even such as are most familiar to us , as Greek and Latine , are not lost as to their best part , their pronunciation : So that the Greeks and Latines of Demosthenes and Cicero's time , would possibly no more understand us speaking Greek and Latine , than those of the present Age : Whence 't would not be knowing of things , to know them only by Books , by which also none ever learn'd Languages , but only by Speech . The Fourth said , That this Question admits not of an absolute determination , in regard of the different capacities of Teachers and Learners , as also of the Arts or Disciplines which are learn'd : For nimble Heads , and impatient of Labour , such as the Cholerick and Sanguine commonly are , suit better with Vocal Instructions than with Reading ; which , on the contrary is more pleasing and profitable to the Melancholy and Phlegmatick , who take more time for reflection and meditation upon what they read . Again , Such Disciplines as consist chiefly in Contemplation , as Divinity , Natural Philosophy ; the pure Mathematicks ; together with those which require great Memory , as History and Law , have more need of Reading . But those that consist in Action are better learn'd by Speech , which hath more affinity with action , and sets it out better ; Such is Oratory , the practical part of Physick and Law , Mechanick Arts , and Handicrafts , which 't is impossible to learn by Books , although one may be render'd more perfect therein by them . CONFERENCE CXIIII . I. Of the Milky-Way . II. Which is most powerful , Gold or Iron ? THis Tract of the Sky is call'd the Milky-way from its whiteness ; and having breadth , is rather a Superficies than a Circle , although commonly so term'd . It passeth quite round the Heaven , and so ( like the great Circles ) is divisible into 360 degrees ; but differs from them , in that it passeth not precisely through the Center of the World , but deviates something from it . It cuts the Heaven into two Hemispheres , to wit , at this time , making one of the Sections at the last degrees of Taurus and beginning of Gemini ; and the other opposite to it , at the end of Scorpio and beginning of Sagittary ; at which place 't is narrower by about two degrees than at Gemini , where it hath ten degrees of breadth , wherein it differs in several places , making such windings as Rivers have , and contracting or enlarging , and dividing it self in some places ; as particularly neer Cygnus , beyond the Tropick of Cancer , where it makes two Branches , one of which ends neer the Aequator , by the side of Serpentarius ; the other passing between Sagittary and Scorpio , by the feet of the Centaure , cross the Ship Argo ( where 't is broadest ) goes by the Unicorn , over the head of Leo , to the feet of Gemini ; from whence crossing Bootes , Perseus , and Cassiopaea , it returns to Cygnus . To speak nothing of the Poets Fables , who say , That when Juno suckled Hercules , and discover'd who 't was , she spilt her Milk here ; or , That 't is the space of Heaven which the Sun's Chariot burnt by the ill driving of Phaeton ; That 't is the place where Apollo fought with the Giants , or by which he return'd towards the East , to avoid seeing the crime of Thyestes ; or else , the Road of the Gods , leading to Jupiter's Palace ; the Residence of Heroes ; the Mansion of the Virtues ; the High-way of Souls ; and such other Fables : Such as have thought it the Light of the Stars , whose Splendour the Sun cannot Eclipse , by reason of the Earths interposition in the night-time , were greatly mistaken ; For there are no Stars but what are enlightned by the Sun , who being 166 times bigger than the Earth , 't is demonstrated by the Opticks , That when an opake Body is plac'd before a luminous Body greater than it , the Rays of the luminous Body are united beyond the shadow which was made by the opake Body ; as the Sun's Rays meet again beyond the Earth's shadow , which reacheth no further than the sphere of Mercury , much less to the Starry Heaven , to hinder the Sun's Light from passing thither ; this Sphere being distant 2081 Semidiameters , each of which makes 860 German Leagues . Those who say , 'T is the place where the Element of Fire transpires and purges its fuliginosities ; or else , a sort of Fire denser than the Elementary ; are as little credible as those others who think the Sun sometimes made his course in this Milky-way , as he doth now in the Zodiack , in which nevertheless he leaves no print of combustion or light : Much less Theophrastus , who said , 'T was the conglutination and soader of the two Hemispheres ; and that at the place where they are united and soader'd together , this brightness appears different from the rest of Heaven . But I conceive it to be nothing else but a part of Heaven , more dense , and consequently more luminous than the others . For Heaven having a radical Light , the denser and closer its parts are , they are the more luminous ; as appears by the Stars , which are the denser parts of their Orb , not visible in regard of its rarity ; and by Water , part of which condens'd by cold , reflects the Light , and appears white , the remainder of liquid Water abiding transparent . The Second said , He judg'd no Opinion more ridiculous than Aristotle's , who held this Milky-way to be a Meteor shining not in Heaven , but in the Air , where 't is fed by Exhalations plentifully supply'd from the Earth , whence they are attracted , and fired by the Stars in this place . For if this Milky-way were of the nature of Comets or other lucid Meteors , it could not always subsist , but only while its matter lasted ; which , besides , would be more copious in some seasons then in others , ( as in Spring and Autumn , then in the droughts of Summer or frosts of Winter , which closes the pores of the earth ) ; and so it would not have the same permanent position and figure , no more then density , rarity , latitude and equality of its parts , so constant that on the side of Cassiopaea it always appears alike winding , and likewise in other places : though we should grant the earth capable to supply fumes enough for feeding this so spacious circle ; which yet the disproportion of this point of the World , compar'd to the vast extent of that circumference , palpably prov'd to be in the Firmament , allows not . For ( besides that the diversity of Parallaxes would represent it under several Stars to the Inhabitants of several places , if it were in the air ; as it happens to Comets and other aerious impressions ; and yet 't is always seen in the same place and equally distant from the fix'd Stars ) its proper motion from West to East , whereby it moves one degree in a hundred years demonstrats that 't is in the eighth Sphere , whose particular motion is the same . And Galileo's Glasses , which have discover'd abundance of Stars in this part , convincingly manifest that 't is nothing but an assembly of almost innumerable small Stars , which not being great enough to transmit their light to us distinctly , the same is confounded and united together ( as 't is proper to all qualities , and so of Light , to associate it self to other light ) and thus produces that whiteness which is a weak and imperfect light . For 't is not enough that an object be luminous ; it must be great and large , or else near the eye , to be visible : the Stars , as well as all other natural agents , having a sphere of activity , beyond which their action is not sensible : hence the Planets , and of them the Moon , as nearest us , seem greater than the fix'd Stars ; whose rayes being weakned by their distance , cannot come directly to us , as those of the Planets do , but twinkle and sparkle . Now though Astrologers make but six sorts of fix'd Stars , according to their six different magnitudes ; ( those of the first being 170 times greater then the Earth , and those of the last and sixt , 18 times ) yet Tycho Brahe , Americus Vesputius , and divers others , have discover'd some much less , and less luminous , then these last . Nor are they to be credited who have limited their number to 1022 , which the Scripture saith is infinite and known to God alone , to whom the Prophet attributes it as a prerogative , to number them and call them by their names . The Third said , There are two sorts of Milky-ways ; one in the Air , and the other in the Heaven . The first , of which alone Aristotle spoke , is a light produc'd by exhalations either fired or irradiated , as in Comets : from which this milky way differs only upon account of its great extent caus'd by the plenty of Exhalations attracted by a great number of Stars which are neer Cassiopaea and the Poles , where also this Way is brighter then in other places . The other Milky Way is part of the Heaven or Firmament , equally dividing the same in two , as other Circles do ; although 't is rather a Zone or Space then a Circle , as well as the Zodiack , with whom it agrees in that it hath breadth as that hath , and is oblique to the Aequinoctial , having other Poles than those of the World : but differs in that 't is not so broad , the Zodiack having sixteen degrees , and this commonly between eight and ten ; for 't is neither equally broad , nor luminous in all its parts ; and its obliquity is much greater than that of the Zodiack , the middle of which recedes not from the Aequinoctial above 23 degrees and a half ; but this about 56 degrees and a half towards the North , and neer 63 degrees towards the South . It differs also from all the great Circles , in that it changes position according to the motion of the Firmament ; so that 't is mov'd with two Motions , namely , that of the First Mover , from East to West , upon the Poles of the World , making an intire revolution in one day ; and another proper to it self , from West to East , upon the Poles of the Ecliptick , in the same time with the Firmament ; which motion the other Circles have not , being either not mov'd at all , as the Horizon and Meridian ; or only by the motion of the First Mover , as the Aequinoctial , Ecliptick , Tropicks , and Colures . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the Earth produces Metals to be imployed for several uses , in order to humane Commerce and Society ; which being founded upon Hope and Fear , Reward and Punishment , Gold and Iron , the two most powerful Metals , are highly instrumental to the establishing of the same . Gold , which an Ancient call'd the Sun of the Earth , being the Star which gives light to our hope , and the sweet influences of Reward : And Iron , by its obscure and livid colour being the dark Star of our fear and of death , whereof 't is the most usual Instrument : But as Fear is without comparison stronger than Hope ( for the one tends to the preservation of Being , the other only to Well-being ) so Iron , the Instrument of Terror , must likewise have more powerful effects than Gold , which is only the object of Hope . Moreover , the Law relieves such as the Just Fear of Iron may have constrain'd to any thing , as being the greatest violence in the World ; but not those whom the desire of Gold or hope of Gain hath engaged to any Affair . And indeed , all Earthly Powers are measured only by the point of the Sword : Arms and Iron seem to be the share of Kings and all the Nobility , as Gold that of Merchants and the Vulgar , from whom all Sovereigns know how to get it when they think fit . Besides , since Gold hath need of Iron , not only for the digging of it out of the entrails of the Earth , but also for defending and preserving it ( an evidence of its weakness ) it may be said the prey of him who knows how to manage Iron best . And Solon had reason to contemn the vanity of Croesus , who made a shew of his riches as of his greatest power ; foretelling him that it would become the booty of him that should have a sharper sword . And Philip of Macedon never conquer'd so many places by trucket with Mules laden with Gold , as his Son did whole Kingdoms by the Sword. But what power can we give to Gold , which weakens and enervates its possessors ; as appears by the Lacedemonians , who were masters of Greece whilst Iron alone was in use with them , and were corrupted by the Gold which Lysander brought thither . The Captain in Tacitus had reason to believe the Gauls of his time weak in war because they were rich . For what is commonly said , That Gold is the sinew of War , is true as to the power of levying and maintaining of men , but not as to the performing of great exploits and enterprises . Mercenary Souldiers and Venal Souls being ordinarily base and of ill qualities ; if they do any thing , 't is forc'd and of little duration , nor do they continue longer then the Gold lasts . Iron , on the contrary , is maintain'd by it self and its own power . Every one fears to offend such as have only Iron by their side , as those by whom nothing is to be gotten , but much may be lost . For to use Gold for repelling enemies and diverting them elsewhere , constant experience manifests it a very dangerous remedy ; since besides the ignominy of becoming , as it were , tributaries , they are never driven so far but they soon return , more irritated with the thirst of this Gold then they were before with the honour of Victory . In fine , since men yield sooner to violence then to gentleness , Iron which constrains and forces is much more powerful then Gold which perswades , but chiefly in War , where the bravest and most generous exploits are perform'd by open force and not by surprises and treacheries ; he not being properly overcome who was willing to be so , and suffer'd him self to be corrupted : but a Victory gotten by pure Valour , ordinarily takes from the enemies the desire of returning . The Second said , That Victory being the end of War , it matters not by what means that end is obtain'd , the easiest and least bloody of which are stratagems and surprizes ; which , besides being the effects of Wit and Prudence , seem more proper to man then down-right force , wherein beasts surpass us , and which is oftimes accompani'd with injustice . Wherefore Gold , whereby all secret intelligences are contriv'd , seems to have the advantage of Iron ; as slights in War are more efficacious then open force . As also it makes less noise and hath more fruit ; whereas Iron oftentimes equally subdues and weakens both parties . And Victory , the thing aimed at by War , cannot be call'd such , unless it be intire . Iron indeed subdues bodies , not hearts ; but Gold wins both together . The Third said , That Gold and Iron may be consider'd either simply as Metals , or else as Instruments of civil life . In the former consideration Gold being of a more perfect nature , hath also more power then Iron the most imperfect and terrene of all ; besides , its ductility makes it more capable of extension then any other ; which is an evidence of its perfection . If they be consider'd as means and instruments destinated to the use of life , which is the noblest end whereunto they can be imploy'd ; Gold will still have the advantage over Iron ; since , if we credit the Chymists , potable Gold is profitably employ'd for health and the prorogation of life ; and the same Metal is also the bond of humane society , which cannot subsist without commerce , nor this without money , for which Gold is the most proper , as containing in small bulk the value of all other Metals of lower alloy . Hence we see the people commonly raise the price of it beyond what the Prince sets upon it ; and 't is as much desir'd by all the world , as Iron is abhorr'd ; all Professions and Trades aiming at the enjoyment of gold , which seems to be the ultimate end of all humane actions in this life , whatever disguises men assume under the pretexts of honour and vertue , whose lustre is also set off by that of Gold , employ'd for this purpose to crown the heads of Monarchs , and to render divine worship more magnificent . The Fourth said , That as Iron makes Hammers and Anvils which serve to give Gold what form we please ; so 't is every where the master of gold , and consequently more powerful in Peace and War , affording Grates , Locks and Keys for securing Gold in the former , and Swords for defending it in the latter . For Gold serves only to make the possessor envi'd , and inflame the desires of such as want it . 'T was with Iron that the Romans became masters of the Gold of other Nations , and the Portugals conquer'd that of Peru , and the Swisses overcame the Duke of Burgundy ; the History observing that all their wealth was not worth the Gold wherewith the Burgundians had enrich'd their horses bridles . The Fifth said , That the end being not only more noble but also more powerful then the means , Iron , which is commonly employ'd for the getting of Gold must be also inferior to it . And 't is universally acknowledg'd that Gold is the sinew of War ; it levies and keeps men together , it makes the Cannon move and all its train . 'T is with Gold that we corrupt Spies , without whose informations all Iron and strength would be oftentimes unprofitable . Wherefore since Iron borrows its power from Gold ; by the Philosophical Maxim , it hath less power then it . CONFERENCE CXV . I. Of the cause of Vapours . II. Which is less culpable , Rashness or Cowardice ? THe First said , The material cause of Vapours is aqueous humidity ; the efficient , external heat ; the formal , rarefaction ; the final , is various , according to nature's different intentions : but commonly , the elevation of an aqueous body , which remaining in its first consistence would weigh more then air , and consequently could not be carried to those higher places where 't is needful for the generation of Mixts , which cannot be done without transmutation of the Elements into the places , yea , and natures also , one of another . So Roses in an Alembick would evaporate nothing , if they were depriv'd of all humidity , as appears in their dry'd Cakes ; nor what humidity may be in them , without heat ; which humidity is rarifi'd and carri'd upwards before it descends , being again condens'd into the water which resided in the Cake before its separation by heat ; which consequently is the most evident cause of Vapours . The Second said , There are some vapours that are hot and dry , as appears not only by the smoak exhaling from boiling Pitch and other unctuous bodies ; but also by the vapours that issue out of the earth , which would never be inflam'd some in the surface of the earth , others in the middle of the air , and others beyond the highest region , and even in the heavens , if they were only of the nature of water which quencheth instead of conceiving fire : as , on the other side , Rain , Hail , Snow , Dew , and other aqueous and incombustible Meteors argue that all Vapours ( of which they must be produc'd ) are not hot and dry . Whence I conclude that as the matter of vapours is various , so their other causes are all different , especially the efficient . For the degree of heat that evaporates water will not make Oyl exhale ; as we see a great glass will be sooner evaporated then a spoonful of the latter ; and the Chymists make use of a small fire or even of the Sun to distill their waters , but augment their fire , to extract Oyls . Moreover ( as to the material causes ) the vapours of hot and dry bodies are more gross and earthy ; those of pure water more subtle ; and ( as to the final ) aqueons vapours serve to irrigate , unctuous to impinguate the earth . The Third said , 'T is not credible that heat is the efficient cause of vapours , since they abound more in Winter then Summer , and in less hot Climats then in such where heat predominates , which have none at all ; as Egypt and other places , where it never rains . If you say that there are no vapours there , because the Suns heat dssipates as fast as it raises them , you imply heat contrary to vapours since it dissolves them and suffers them not to gather into one body . The Fourth said , Copiousness of vapours in cold Seasons and Regions makes not against their production by heat ; since the heat which mounts them upwards is not that of the Suns rays , but from within the earth , which every one acknowledges so much hotter during Winter in its centre as its surface is colder ; where the matter of vapours coming to be repercuss'd by the coldness of the air , is thereby condens'd and receives its form . On the contrary , in Summer the earth being cold within exhales nothing ; and if ought issue forth , it is not compacted but dissipated by the heat of the outward air . The Fifth said , That the thorough inquisition of the cause of vapours raises no fewer clouds and obscurities in the wits of men , then their true cause produces in the air : For if we attribute them to the Sun , whose heat penetrating the earth or outwardly calefying it , attracts the thinner parts of the earth and water ; this is contradicted by experience which shews us more Rain , Storms and violent Winds in the Winter when the Suns heat is weakest , then in the Shmmer when his rays are more perpendicular , and as such ought to penetrate deeper into the earth , and from its centre or surface attract greater plenty of vapours : the contrary whereof falls out . It follows therefore that the Sun hath no such attractive faculty . Nor is the coldness and dryness of the earth any way proper for the production of such humid substances as Vapours and Exhalations ; the latter whereof being more subtle , and consequently more moveable ( as appears by Earth-quakes , Winds and Tempests , which are made with greater violence then Rain , Showers , or Dew ) cannot be engendred of earth , much grosser then water , which is held the material cause of vapour ; otherwise , an exhalation being earthy should be more gross then a vapour extracted out of water ; which it is not . It remains then that the cause of vapours is the internal heat of the earth which being encreas'd from without by the cold of the ambient air , or exhaling all its pores open'd by the heat of the Sun , produces the diversity of Meteors . And this internal heat of the earth appears in Winter by the reaking of Springs , and the warmth of Caves and subterraneous places ; yea the Sea it self , said to supply the principle matter to these vapours , is affirm'd hotter at the bottom , whither therefore the Fishes retire ; and indeed it is so in its substance , as appears by its salt , bitterness and motion , whence 't is call'd by the Latines Aestus . And as in the bodies of Animals , vapours issuing by the pores open'd by heat cause sweat , and when those passages are stopt by the coldness of the outward air , their subtler parts are resolv'd into flatuosities , and the more gross and humid are carried up to the Brain , by whose coldness being condens'd they fall down upon other parts , and produce defluxions : so in the world , which , like us , consists of solid parts ( earth and stones ) of fluid ( the waters ) and of rapid ( which are the most subtle and tenuious parts of the Mass ) when these last happen to be associated with others more gross they carry them up on high with themselves , where they meet with other natural causes of Cold and Heat which rarefies or condenses , and redouble their impetuosity by the occurrence of some obstacle in their way : these Spirits being incapable of confinement , because 't is proper to them to wander freely through the World. Elementary qualities are indeed found joyn'd with these vapours and exhalations ; but are no more the causes of them then of our animal vital or natural spirits , which are likewise imbu'd with the same . The Sixth said , That the general cause of vapours is Heaven ; which by its motion , light , and influences , heating and penetrating the Elements , subtilises them and extracts their purest parts : as appears by the Sea whose saltness proceeds from the Suns having drawn away the lighter and fresher parts , and left the grosser and bitter in the surface , cold and heat condense and rarefie other , and by this Reciprocation the harmonious proportion of the four Elements is continu'd ; sometimes tempering the Earths excessive dryness by gentle Dews or fruitful Rains , and sometimes correcting the too great humidity and impurity of the air by winds and igneous impressions , some of which serve also to adorn the World and instruct Men. And as these vapours are for the common good of the Universe , in which they maintain Generations , and for preservation of the Elements , who by this means purge their impurities ; so they all contribute to the matter of them . Fire forms most igneous and luminous impressions ; Air rarefi'd supplies matter for winds , as is seen in the Aeolipila ; and condens'd is turn'd into rain . But especially water and earth ( the grossest Elements , and consequently , most subject to the impressions of outward agents ) continually emit fumes or steams out of their bosom , which are always observ'd in the surface of the Terraqueous Globe , even in the clearest days of the year , and form the diversity of parallaxes . These fumes are either dry or moist ; the dry arise out of the earth , and are call'd Exhalations ; the moist are Vapours and issue from the water : yet both are endu'd with an adventitious heat either from subterranean fires or the heat of Heaven , or the mixture of fire . A Vapour is less hot then an Exhalation , because its aqueous humidity abates its heat ; whereas that of the latter is promoted by its dryness ; which yet must be a little season'd with humidity , the sole aliment and mansion of heat , which hath no operation upon bodies totally dry ; whence ashes remain incorruptible in the midst of flames and evaporate nothing . But whatever be the cause of these vapours , they are not only more tenuious under that form , but also after the re-assumption of their own . So Dew is a more potent dissolver and penetrates more then common water ; which some attribute to the Nitre wherewith the earth abounds . Upon the Second Point it was said , Valour is a Virtue so high above the pitch of others , and so admir'd by all men , that 't was it alone that deifi'd the Heroes of Antiquity : For Nature having given Man a desire of Self-preservation , the Virtue which makes him despise the apprehension of such dangers as may destroy him , is undoubtedly the most eminent of all other moral vertues , which serve only as ornaments to his Being . But as every virtue consists in a mediocrity , and so hath two vicious extremities , Excess and Defect ; so this is plac'd between two vices which may be said equally blamable , since between the two extremities and the middle the distance is equal ( otherwise it were not the middle , that is , not a vertue ) and a point in which this vertue consists hath no latitude . And , though rashness , which oftimes borrows the mask of generosity and valour , seems to approach neerer it then Cowardice ; since being only an excess of Valour , it may be more easily reduc'd to mediocrity then the other which partakes not thereof at all ; as diseases arising from repletion are easier to be cur'd then those which proceed from inanition . Nevertheless to speak absolutely , Cowardice is not so vicious as Temerity ; for if the one hath a false appearance of Valour , the other hath a semblance of prudence and wisdom which is the rule and measure of all virtues . And indeed , we see most wise men are a little cowardly ; either their knowledg of things rendring them circumspect : , or experience of Fortune's blindness and inconstancy making them more distrustful of her dealing , which they know is commonly unkindest to persons of merit ; or else the value they put upon Being encreasing their fear of Annihilation ; although this fear is common to all Animals , and hath its foundation in Nature , and so is more excusable then the madness of Temerity , the usual vice of fools and lunaticks , directly repugnant to our natural sentiments . In a political consideration though both are punishable , yet Cowardice least of the two , and is most commonly excus'd , as in Demosthenes ; yea sometimes recompensed , as in that Roman Consul to whom the Senate gave publick thanks for having fled at the defeat of Cannae : Where the temerity of young Manlius , though successful , cost him his head by the sentence of his own Father . The Second said , That Cowardice and Temerity must not be compar'd together if we would judge which is worse ; for on the one side the rash person compar'd to the poltron seems courageous , and on the other the poltron appears prudent and well advis'd . But they must be compar'd with Valour , of which that of the two which partakes least is the most vicious . Now , Valour consists in two points , to attempt and endure . The rash person is bold in the onset , but gives ground at the brunt . The poltron do's neither . He dares neither attempt nor bear up , and so is further from true fortitude then the Rash ; and though they seem totally opposite , yet the rash is oftentimes timerous , and Necessity or Despair sometimes renders the veryest coward bold . The Third said , If the Stoicks say true , that Nature is the surest guide we can follow in all our actions , and that to live well and vertuously is to live conformably to Nature ; then Temerity which subverts the sentiments of Nature , by whom nothing is sought so much as self-preservation , seems much more vicious then Cowardice , whose fault is only too much indulgence and inclining to natural sentiments , in preference of self-preservation above all honours invented by men as incitements to contempt of death , and the means leading thereunto . The Fourth said . As right Reason is the square of Prudence , Equity of Justice , and Moderation of Temperance ; so firmness and constancy of mind in attempting and enduring , is the sign of Fortitude and Courage , which is a vertue residing in the Irascible appetite , moderating fear and rashness , and consisting chiefly in not fearing dangers more then is fit , especially those of War or which happen unexpectedly . For two kinds of things cause fear : some are above us and inevitable ; as Tempests , Thunders , Earth-quakes which a man may and ought to fear sometimes , unless we be insensible or senseless ; others are ordinary , vincible , and not to be fear'd by the courageous . To whom three sorts of people are contrary ; namely , the furious , who fear nothing at all ; the rash who venture at all , casting themselves inconsiderately into all dangers ; and the poltrons who never venture upon any . These tremble before and in the danger ; those seem at first to have a good heart , but when the danger appears begin to tremble and bleed at the nose : whereas he who is truly courageous attempts no danger inconsiderately , but avoids it as much as he can handsomely ; but once engag'd , loses his life therein if he cannot come out of it with his honour . And though this vertue be generally esteem'd by all men , because most serviceable for defence of States , and hath more splendor and shew then any other ; yet 't is less known and the rarest of all ; not many possessing it free from the interest of gain or vanity , anger , fear of infamy , constraint and other considerations besides that of honesty , which alone gives name and value to all vertuous actions . Rashness passes among the vulgar for true Valour , though 't is further from it then Cowardice ; which being the daughter of knowledg and prudence , ( as rashness is of ignorance and brutality , and oftentimes of vanity ) seems to come neerer that virtue then Temerity , which otherwise is incompatible with all other virtues , as being destitute of Prudence , which alone makes them what they are . The Fifth said , 'T is impossible to determine of these two Vices ; which are equally opposite to their middle vertue , whatever false appearance Temerity may have of the contrary . But the praise and blame of men proceeding commonly , though unjustly , from Success ; 't is that also which makes our actions approv'd and discommended . So that the same action will be accounted courageous , and as such applauded in a young stout Captain who gets the better of his enemies , ( prosperous Rashness being rarely punish'd ) ; and again term'd temerarious in the same person , if he happens to be worsted . Yea men esteem and admire that most which they least expected , as most remote from reason without which the Vertuous acts nothing . Which teaches him to be contented with himself , and not to make much account of blame and praise , which are not integral parts of vertue , but only serve to its ornament , as our Hair and Nails do to our persons . CONFERENCE CXVI . Which Climate is most proper for Long-life ? ( The second Question is remitted to the next Conference ; and 't is Resolved for divers Reasons , that hereafter but one be handled at a time . ) BEcause amongst all Phaenomena or Apparences caus'd by the Celestial Bodies , the diversity of artificial Days is most sensible and known to the most ignorant ; therefore Astronomers make use thereof to distinguish the several habitations of Mankind . This diversity of Days depends upon two Causes ; the obliquity of the Ecliptick to the Equator , and the inclination of the Horizon or the Sphere to the same Equator . For the obliquity of the Ecliptick makes the diurnal Parallels , which are Circles parallel to the Equinoctial , describ'd by the Sun as he is carri'd about the Earth by the motion of the First Mover ; the number of which is equal to that of the Days comprehended in half a year . And the obliquity of the Horizon is the cause that these parallels are cut by it unequally . Otherwise if these parallels were not different from the Equator , or ( although different ) if they were cut equally by the Horizon ( as it happens in a Right Sphere ) the Horizon which is a great Circle passing by the Poles of these parallels , ( which are the same with those of the World ) both the Days and Nights would be equal : so that where the Sphere is not inclin'd , as in the Right and Parallel Spheres , there is no inequality of Days , nor consequently of Climate ( so call'd from its Inclination ) but only in the oblique Sphere . 'T is defin'd , a Region of Earth comprehended between two circles parallel to the Equator ; in which there is the difference of half an hour in the longest days of the year . It encompasses the Terrestrial Globe from East to West , as a Zone doth , which differs from it only as the Zone is broader ; whence there are many Climats in the same Zone . The Ancients having regard only to so much of the Earth as they believ'd inhabited , made but seven Climats , which they extended not beyond the places where the longest days are 16 hours , and denominated from the most remarkable places by which they made them pass ; as , the first Northern Climat was call'd Dia Meroes , hy Meroe , which they began at 12 deg . 43 min. from the Aequinoctial , where the longest day hath 12 hours three quarters , and which at present is the end of our first Climat and beginning of the second . This first Climat passes by Malaca a City of the East-Indies , and begins at 4 deg . 18 min. Its middle , from which all Climats are reckon'd , hath 8 deg . 34 min. and its end , 12 deg . 43 min. The other six Climats of the Ancients pass'd by Siene , Alexandria , Rhodes , Rome , Pontus Euxinus , and the River Boristhenes . Ptolomy reckons twenty one , as far as the Island Thule which lies in 63 deg . of Northern Latitude . Our modern Astronomers make twenty four , from the Aequinoctial to the Polar Circles ; in each of which Climats the longest day of Summer encreases half an hour above twelve , according as they approach nearer those Circles : beyond which to the Poles of the World they place six more , not distinguish'd by the variation of half an hour but of 30 days . So that there is in all , sixty Climats , 30 Northern and as many Southern , each comprehended by two Parallels : which Climats are easily found by doubling the excess whereby the longest day surpasses twelve hours ; the Product being the Climat of the place . As if you know the longest Summer day at Paris to be 16 hours , double 4 , the excess above 12 , and you will have 8 , which is the Climat of Paris ; and so of others . And though there be the same reason of Seasons and other variations in the Southern and Northern Climats , yet since experience shews us that those of the South are not inhabited beyond the 8th , which is about the Cape of Good Hope , at the farthest point of Africa , ( beyond which no Inhabitants are as yet discover'd , it may seem that the diversity of Climats is not alone sufficient for long or short life , but there are other causes concurring thereunto . The Second said , That since a thing is preserv'd by that which produces it , the Sun and Stars , which concur to the generation of all living Creatures , must also contribute to their preservation and continuance in life ; which being maintain'd by use of the same things ( variety and change , though delightful , yet being the most manifest cause of brevity of life ) that Climat which is most constant and least variable will be the properest for longaevity , and so much the more if it suits with our nature ; such is the first Climat next the Aequinoctial , where things being almost always alike , bodies accustom'd thereunto receive less inconvenience thereby then under others , whose inequalities and irregularities produce most diseases . The natural purity of the Air , promoted by the breath of a gentle East Wind there reigning continually ; and the want of vapours and humidities , which commonly infect our Air , conduce greatly to the health of the Inhabitants ; also when the dryness and coldness of their temper makes longer-liv'd , as appears by Ravens and Elephants , the most melancholy of all Animals , which are common in these parts where they live above 300 years . Moreover , Homer testifies that Memnon King of Aethiopia liv'd 500 years ; which ( by the report of Xenophon ) was the common age of most men of the same Country , where Francis Alvarez affirms in our time that he saw lusty men at 150 years of age ; and that in Aegypt which lies near it , there are more old men then in any place of the World ; and that women are so fruitful there that they bring forth three or four children at a time , rather through the goodness of the Climat then any nitrous vertue that is in the waters of Nilus . Hence possibly most Doctors place the Terrestial Paradise under the Aequinoctial , and the cause of our first Fathers longaevity , who having been created under this Climat seem to have lost of its duration proportionably as they remov'd from the same Northwards ( whence all evil comes ) and towards the Zones wrongfully call'd Temperate , since more subject to alteration then that call'd Torrid by the Ancients , who thought it unhabitable by reason of extream heat ; although the continual Flowers and Fruits wherewith the always verdant Trees are laden testifie the contrary . The Third said , Since Heaven is immutable and always like to it self , the Earth and Elements alone subject to change ; the length and shortness of Life seems not to depend on Heaven but on Earth and the several dispositions of our Bodies : and the whole World being Man's Country , there is no place in it but is equally proper for his habitation , provided he be born there ; because the Air he breathes and the Food he eats from his Nativity , altering his Body , at length make his temper suitable to that of the place of his Education ; which therefore he loves above any other . The Fourth said , That Heaven remaining it self immutable , is nevertheless the cause of motions and mutations here below ; its light producing different effects in the Earth according as it is receiv'd , the most sensible whereof are heat , dryness , and other qualities which diversifie the Seasons and Zones ; of which the two temperate , especially the Northern seems most habitable and proper for longaevity . 'T is also the most populous , and its Natives are not only the most healthy and lusty , but also the most refin'd and civiliz'd of all others . Now of the Climats of this Zone , the eighth , wherein Paris lyes , seems to me the healthiest of all , as well for pureness of Air as all other Causes . The Fifth said , That the goodness of Climats depends not so much upon Heaven as the situation of each place in reference to the Winds , of which the Southern being the most unhealthy , therefore Towns defended by Mountains on the South are very healthy , especially if they lye towards the East , the Winds whereof are most healthy . And this is the cause of the diversity observ'd in Countries lying in the same Climat , which experience not the same changes : as the Isle of France is very temperate , and yet lyes in the same Climat with Podolia ( a part of Poland ) where the cold is extreamly rigorous : and in the Islands Bornaio and Sumatra men live commonly 130 years and are not black , as the Africans , whose life is very short , and yet they lye in the same Climat , namely , under the Aequinoctial Line . The Sixth said , That Life being the continuance of the radical heat in Humidity , that Climat must be properest for Longaevity which will longest preserve that conjunction . The violent heat of the Climats near the Equator consumes the radical moisture and makes the natural heat languish ; although under the Line the coolness of the nights twelve hours long , renders it more supportable : whereas in our longest Summer-days when the Sun is in Cancer , he is no more then 18 degrees from the Horizon and so diffuses his rays upon the vapours hovering about the Earth , which reflecting the same after a refraction make the nights almost always light , and consequently hot ; there being no light without heat . On the contrary , the Northern parts towards the Pole , receiving the Suns rays only obliquely are very cold and unfit for long-life , combating the heat and desiccating the radical moisture . But the temperately hot are the most healthy , especially if the air ( of greatest necessity to Life ) be pure and not corrupted by vapours . CONFERENCE CXVII . Which is most necessary to a State , and most noble , Physick or Law ? THese two Professions are not absolutely necessary to the subsistence of a State , but only suppose some evil which they undertake to amend ; Physick the disorder of the humours in Mans body ; and Law , that of Manners in the body of the State. So that if all people were healthy and good , both would be useless , But the misery of our Nature having made us slaves to our Appetite , and tributaries to Death and Diseases which lead thereto ; this adventitious necessity hath given rise to two powerful remedies against those two evils ; Physick to oppose the diseases of the Body , and Law to repress the disorders of our Passions : which being the sources of all mischiefs , Law which restrains their course , seems to have as much pre-eminence above Physick , as the Body , which the latter governs , is inferiour to the Mind , which the former regulates . Moreover Health , the end of Physick , is common both to Men and Beasts , who have a better share thereof , and have taught us the best secrets of Physick : but to live according to right reason , ( which is the aim of Law ) is peculiar to man ; although oftentimes neither the one nor the other obtain its end . The Second said , These Disciplines are to be consider'd either according to their right use , or as they are practis'd . Physick , consider'd in its right administration , is the art of curing Diseases and preserving Health , without which there is no pleasure in the World. Law , taken also according to its institution is that Tree of the Garden of Eden , which bears the knowledg of Good and Evil , Right and Wrong , as Physick is the Tree of Life . Now if we compare them together , the latter which maintains the precious treasure of Health , is as the foundation upon which Law builds its excellent . Ordinances ; for without Health , not only the administrations of Justice but all employments of Arts and Exercises cease . And though Laws and Justice serve for the ornament of a State , yet they are not absolutely necessary to its conservation , there being society among Robbers ; and many States having begun and subsisted by Rapines , Violences and other injustices , but none without Health , which is the foundation of all goods , preserving the absolute Being of every thing , and by that means maintaining all the faculties of Body and Mind . Wherefore Physick is profitable not only to the Body but also to the Soul , whose nature , faculties , and actions it contemplates . But if these Arts be consider'd as they are practis'd now a days , 't is certain that if there are Mountebanks , Ignorants , and Cheats who practise Physick amongst a good number of good Physitians ; there are also , Champertors , Forgers , and other such black souls , who live by fraud , which they exercise under the mask of justice . We must likewise distinguish the bad judgments of certain Nations from the truth . For if the Romans sometimes banish'd their Physitians and Chirurgians ; this might be done out of ignorance , as when they saw the Gangren'd Leg of one of their Citizens cut off . And though they were for some time without Physitians , yet they were never without Physick , at least natural . The Third said , Law hath the pre-eminence above Physick upon account of the great benefits it brings to a State , by delivering the same from greater , more troublesome , and more incurable evils . And good ( according to the Moral axiom ) being the more divine by how much 't is more common and diffus'd , it follows that Law is more divine then Physick . For by checking our passions and obstructing the career of illegal Ambitions and Usurpations , it does good not only to private persons , as Physick doth , but also to the whole Publick , which is engag'd by particular passions , whence Law-sutes , Seditions , Wars , and other evils arise ; which being publick are of more importance then those to which Physick is design'd , whose whole business is about the four humours , either to keep them in a just temper , or reduce them to their natural state , from which Diseases debauch them . Besides , Physick only cures the Body , whereas Law represses the mind's disorders , and even the intentions . Lastly , the evils Physick defends us from , are of easie cure , having all sensible indications ; but Law remedies such as depend upon the thoughts and counsels of men , impenetrable by sense . Moreover , Physick regards only particular persons ; but Law maintains a moral union and good intelligence between all the parts of a Commonwealth , namely , men of several conditions , and keeps every one within the bounds of his own quality and station ; and so is like a Universal Spirit or Intelligence presiding over all our motions , hindring ruptures and dissensions ( the bane of a State ) as that doth vacuity , which tends to the destruction of the World. The Fourth said , That as the multitude of Physitians in a City is a sign of a multitude of diseases reigning therein ; so the multitude of Laws and Judges argues corruption of manners . Wherefore both these Professions may seem equally useless to a State free from wicked and miserable persons . And indeed we see many Nations have wanted both : at Rome Physitians were unknown for divers ages , and are so still in some Countries : and most States of the World dispense very well with the want of Lawyers , whose contrary opinions are as destructive to the State , and particular persons , as the number of Physitians is to the Sick. And as they are most healthful who use these least ; so the most flourishing States have fewest Lawyers ; Wrangling , which is the daughter of Law , being the most apparent cause of the diminution of the strength of Christendom , where for some Ages it hath reign'd ; either by diverting the greatest number of its Ministers from the exercise of War , the principal means of amplifying a State , or by unprofitably taking up the people in Sutes . And therefore the Spaniards found no safer course to preserve the new World to themselves , then by debarring all Lawyers entrance into it . The Fifth said , That this made for the Physitians . For the Spaniards sent many of them to the new World , to discover the simples there and bring them into Europe . Moreover , as 't is more necessary to live and to live in health , then to live in society or riches ( which are the things Law takes care of ) so much doth Law yield to Physick in this point , which Gods Word , who commands to honour the Physitian , saith was created for necessity . Which as plainly decides the Question as that Resolution was worthy of the Fool of Fracesco Sforza Duke of Milan , which he gave in the like Dispute of preference between the Physitians and Advocates ; That at Executions the Thief marches before the Hang-man . Moreover Kings , who are above Laws , subject themselves to those of Physitians , whom Julius Caesar honour'd with the right of Incorporation into the City . Whereunto add the certainty of this Art ( which is the true note of the excellence of a Discipline ) being founded upon natural Agents , whose effects are infallible ; whereas Law hath no other foundation but the will and phansie of Men , which changes with Times , Places , and Persons . CONFERENCE CXVIII . Of Sea-sickness . NAture hath furnish'd Things with two ways of preserving the Being she hath given them , namely , to seek their good and flee their evil . Both which , Animals do by attracting what is proper to their nature by right fibers , and rejecting what is otherwise by transverse fibers , of which the Expulsive Faculty makes use . So when the Stomack is surcharg'd with too great a quantity of matter , or goaded by its acrimony , the expulsive Faculty of this part being irritated by what is contrary to it , casts it forth by yexing , belching , and vomiting . Yexing is a deprav'd motion of the upper Orifice of the Stomach which dilates and opens it self to expell some thing adhering to its Tunicles or orbicular Muscles ; which being commonly a sharp and pungent vapour , we see this Hickcock is remov'd by a cup of cold water , or else by holding the breath ; for the coldness of the water represses the acrimony of the vapour'd , and the restrain'd Spirits by heat cause it to resolve and evaporate . Vomiting is also a deprav'd motion of the Stomack , which contracts it self at the bottom to drive out some troublesome matter ; which , if it adhere too fast , or Nature be not strong enough , causeth Nauseousness or a vain desire to vomit . Belching is caus'd when the said matter is flatuous and meets no obstacle . These motions are either through the proper vice of the Stomack , or through sympathy with some other part . The former proceeds sometimes from a cold and moist intemperies . Whence man , the moistest of all Animals , is alone subject to Vomiting , except Dogs and Cats ; but he only has the Hickcock ; and Children , as being very humid vomit frequently . Sometimes 't is from a faulty conformation of the Stomack , as when 't is too straight , or from some troublesome matter , either internal or external . The internal is a pungent humour , and sometimes Worms . In short , every thing that any way irritates the Expulsive and weakens the Retentive Faculty : So , oyly , fat , and sweet things floating upon the Stomack , provoke to vomit by relaxing the fibres which serve for retention . External causes are all such , as either irritate or relax the Stomack ; as , stinking Smells , and the sole imagination of displeasing things , violent winds ; exercise , especially such wherein the Body is mov'd by somthing else , and contributes not it self to the motion , as going in a Coach or a Ship ; for here the Body rests and also the parts are relax'd , only the Spirits agitated by this motion act more strongly upon the humours , and these are here more easily evacuated by reason of the relaxation of the fibres then in other exercises , wherein the Body stirs it self ; as riding-post , or a troat , in which the Nerves are bent , and consequently , all the parts more vigorous , and hence vomiting is not so easie . 'T is also the equality of the motion which makes persons , unus'd to go in a Coach , vomit sooner when the Coach goes in a smooth and even field then upon rough ways . The same hapning upon the Sea , 't is no wonder if people be so apt to vomit there . The Second said , That neither the agitation of the Air , nor the motion of the Body can be the sole cause of Vomiting , and other Sea-maladies ; since the like and more violent at Land , as Swings , Charets , and Posts , produce not the same effects . For we consider the agitation of the Stomack as the cause of vomiting , that of the Feet and Legs being but accidental ; and experience testifies , that 't is not the lifting up but the falling down of the Ship that causes the rising of the Stomack . Wherefore I should rather pitch upon the salt-air of the Sea , abounding with sharp and mordicant Vapours : which being attracted by respiration trouble the Stomack , especially its superior orifice , the seat of the sensitive Appetite by reason of the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation : thus the door being open , the matter contain'd in the Stomack , which is also infected with the malignity of these vapours , is voided by the ordinary ways : as happens sometimes to such who only come near the Sea. Indeed the bitterness and saltness of the humour in the Mouth , which is the forerunner of Vomiting , together with the quivering of the nether Lip , proceeding from the continuity of the inward membrane of the Stomack with that of the Gullet and Mouth , manifests the vapours which excite it to be salt and nitrous . Whence also plain water drunk with a little salt , causes Vomit . Now if this malady happens sooner in a Tempest , 't is because those nitrous spirits are more stirr'd in the tossing of the Sea than in a Calm : as they say , 't is more frequent in the Torrid Zone , because there is a greater attraction of the said Spirits by the heat of the Climate , which on the other is an enemy to the Stomack , extreamly weakning it , as cold much helps its functions . Such as go into deep Mines , are seis'd with the like disturbance to this of the Sea , by respiration of the nitrous Spirits which issue out of the entrails of the Earth and are the cause of its fecundity . The Third said , That Cato ( who repented of three things , ( 1. ) Of having told a Secret to his Wife , ( 2. ) Of having spent a day without doing somthing , And ( 3. ) of having gone by Sea when he might have gone by Land ) had no doubt experienc'd the michiefs of that unfaithful Element : the cruellest whereof is the Scurvy , a Disease complicated with several others , and whose chief symptoms , are the ulceration and swelling of the Gums and Legs , with pains over all the Body , caus'd by the impurity and malignity of the Air. But the most frequent is vomiting , caus'd by the sole agitation and violence of the Air. For our aerious Spirits not only receive the qualities of the air we breathe , but also follow its temper and motion , as is seen by the Head-ach , seising those that are beaten by winds in the Country ; and by the seeming turning of their heads who attentively behold the circumgyration of a Wheel or some other Body . So the Air at Sea being much agitated puts in motion the Spirits which are of the same nature , and these being stirr'd set the humours on work , which incommoding the parts are by them driven out by vomits and other ejections , according to every one's temper and propensity . For the cholerick and broad-breasted , vomit more easily and successfully then the phlegmatick and narrow-breasted , whose Organs of respiration are not sufficiently free . Whereunto also the season of the year contributes ; for Summer provokes vomit more then Winter , when the humours being more heavy , rather tend downwards . But especially Custom is considerable herein , which renders those that go frequently to Sea not obnoxious to its inconveniences . The Fourth said , That the Earth consists of three substances ; one Unctuous , which is the inflammable moisture , call'd by the Chymists Sulphur ; another Cinereou● , which they call the Faeces or Caput mortuum ; the third humid and incombustible , which they divide into Mercury and Salt ; this latter again into Salt-nitre and Vitriol , of which the Sea being full , the same is communicated to the first Region of the Air contiguous to the Waters ; and , insinuating it self into our Bodies by inspiration ; produces the same effects therein , that it doth taken in substance ; four Grains of which is a sufficient Vomit . Whereto also helps the gentle agitation of the waves , which makes it penetrate ; the examples of others vomiting , and especially the fear commonly incident to such as were never upon the Sea before , who are most obnoxious to this trouble . For that Passion so constringes the whole Body , especially the inward parts , that it weakens and relaxes the Nerves , especially the Fibres which keep the parts in a just tenor ; and so the oblique Fibres and orbicular Muscles ( which serve to retain them ) being languid , suffer the juices and humours to pass out . The same fear which causes relaxation of the Sphincter Ani & Vesicae , relaxing the Muscles which serve to open and close the upper Orifice of the Ventricle : Hence fear is commonly accompani'd with the pain of this part ; whose sense being very exquisite is the cause that the Vulgar call it , The pain of the Heart ; which also for the same reason happens to such as look down upon low places . CONFERENCE CXIX . Of Love by Inclination , or Sympathy . 'T Is not only amongst the Poets that Love is blind , the obscurity of this causes evidencing him no less so amongst the Philosophers , who assign two sorts of it ; one of Knowledge , which tends to a good known ; the other of Inclination , whereby we love without knowing why . Indeed there is no love without ground , and some sort of knowledge ; but yet , when the cause obliging us to love is manifest , it makes the former kind of love ; when obscure , the latter : whereof we have many examples in nature , not only in the Symbolical qualities of the Elements , Electrical and Magnetical attractions of Stones , particular alliances of Metals , and all the amities of Plants and Trees , as of the female Palm which is said to lean towards the male , and those which are found amongst Animals ; but especially in the particular inclinations of some Persons to others unknown and void of all recommendations to qualifie them for the same , and the emotions some have felt both in Soul and Body at the first sight of their unknown Parents : as also of a contrary effect , when a dead body bleeds upon the presence of its Murderer ; which is a testimony of an antipathetical hatred contrary to the abovesaid Love , which we find in our selves almost upon all occurrences ; as when two equally strangers play at Tennis , we wish that one may win and the other lose . For the first motions of Love , as well as of all other Passions , are not in our power , and afford not the Mind time to deliberate and make reflexion upon them . Hence oftentimes , Anger , Sadness , Panick fright , and such other Passions seise upon us without cause ; and Love doth the like frequently , without any apparent reason . Yea , we may say , there is no Love of Knowledg but what took its first rise from that of Inclination , which presently makes us enamor'd of the proportions of a Face , which displeases another that understands the same as well as we , but without being any way affected therewith , because he finds not in it that correspondence and sympathetical resemblance that produces a Love of Inclination , which may also arise without any knowledge , as in that blind man who lov'd a Lass whom he had never seen ; as also in Petrarch who made so many Verses upon his Lawra , whom he could never behold ; The cause whereof I should attribute to the power of the Imagination , which fancies somthing of loveliness where there is none ; or else to the sole action of the Will , which not able to remain neuter between love and hatred ( since its action is to will , and to will is to love ) when it meets no cause of hatred in an object , loves it ; and hates it , when it finds nothing amiable therein . For if you assign the reason of this love to the transpiration of Spirits issuing out of the lov'd person's body , their substance is too volatile to act so far off ; and their issuing being never alike , ( because the pores of the skin are more stopt at one time then at another ) this love would be remarkably alter'd every moment . Besides , we many times love by an inclination an absent person for his merit ; and many have been enamour'd of Beauties at the first sight of their Pictures ; but love was never produc'd between two blind persons , notwithstanding any emission of sympathetical Spirits . Moreover , 't is the Species and not the Spirits that are receiv'd by our Senses ; and so none should ever love those they had not seen , but by a Prospective-glass . The Second said , That it imports not much to the causing of love , whether the object be really or only imaginarily good ; and indeed our minds seem to interess themselves more in the pursute and preservation of the latter then the former , which maintains it self by its proper worth . Wherefore if Love of Inclination presuppose goodness in the object , the same must be apprehended either by the Imagination or by some other Faculty , to which it must therefore be approximated either immediately by it self , or by it self . So the sweetness of Honey makes it self perceptible to the Tongue by it self : but the proportion of a fair countenance cannot make it self known but by its species , which is the picture and representation of it . This way , is produc'd the Love of Inclination as well as that of Knowledge ; only with this difference , that the Species which produce the former , act imperceptibly , and more suddenly then those that produce the latter , which is more deliberate and rational . The Third said , There are but two sorts of Love ; one , improper and Metaphorical ; the other , proper and formal . That precedes Knowledg , and is an Instinct inclining natural things to their proper good : This follows Knowledg as its guide , and is the first Expansion of the Heart , pleasing it self with the good it likes . And as that is diffus'd over all Creatures , so this is restrain'd only to the sensible and rational . The Appetite , whence the former proceeds , is immers'd and incorporated in the nature of every thing , and not distinguish'd from the faculties and powers they have to act . But the latter , ariseth from the Appetite properly so call'd , whose functions or motions are the eleven Passions , to which as many acts correspond in the Rational Appetite . The Question cannot be concerning that improper Appetite ; for then Stones should have Love , as well as Instinct , towards their Centre ; but of the true and proper Love subsequent to Knowledg , which gives Amability to good , as Light doth Visibility to colours . Wherefore they who talk of certain Spirits issuing out of the lov'd person's body into the eyes of the Lover , and seising upon the heart , without falling under knowledge , seem ignorant of the nature of Love. For should such spirits arrive at the heart without being observ'd ; yet they must come out thence again to be known before they can cause Love ; as we cannot know any thing that is in the soul , unless it come first out thence and become sensible ; since nothing is in the Understanding but what pass'd through the Sense . So a man cannot know his own face but by reflection from a Looking-glass without him . For the Soul at our Nativity is like a smooth table or white-sheet of Paper , and thence its primitive notions during this present state is by Phantasms supplied to us by our Senses . Now the essential reason of this dependance which keeps Love subject to Knowledg , is , that the Appetite , which is the Principle of Love , is only a Passion or Propriety of the thing wherein it is ; but the Principle of Knowledge is an essential degree of Nature . Hence , Souls are distinguish'd by Cognition , not by Appetite : we call the Sensitive Soul , so , from the knowledg of Sense , which constitutes its essential difference ; and the Rational Soul so , because Reason , the principle of Knowledg is a degree of Nature : but Appetite is a propriety which follows it . And being there is the same reason of Actions and their Principles ; as the Appetite supposes a principle of Knowledg , so Love , which is the action of the Appetite , supposes actual and clear Knowledg . Hence , there is no love without knowledg . For that we have more phansie to the one of two persons playing then to the other , 't is because we discern somthing in his face , gestures , or motion that pleases us better . Sympathy ( pretended the cause of this love ) may indeed be the foundation of it ; inasmuch as we naturally love those like our selves ; but it can never make us love till we have found in the thing some Je-ne-scay-quoy of lovely . It cannot be the sole cause of our love , since 't is of it self imperceptible to our knowledg , and consequently cannot produce love till the effects of such sympathy , to wit , such an Air , such a Motion , and such a Deportment have pleas'd us . And whereas 't is said that from eyes which behold us attentively we perceive something come forth that animates us ; I answer , that oftentimes quick fix'd and sweet intuitions are tokens of love , from which 't is no wonder if ours take rise and growth , as from its proper cause ; since Love begets Love. CONFERENCE CXX . How the Vnderstanding moves the Will. 'T Is proper to the Understanding not only to conjoyn things wholly different , but oftentimes to abstract and separate such as are perfectly united in one and the same substance , and differ only in accidents , which it severs from their subjects . Hence reflecting upon it self , it distinguishes in its operation two Faculties , to wit , its Cognition and the Reasonable Appetite or Will , although they are one and the same thing , not only in the Soul , whose essence is simple , but also in the Intellect ; nor are their objects different , Truth , the object of the Understanding , being convertible and all one with Good , the object of the Will. Hence Civilians acknowledg no Will in those that want Understanding , as Ideots and Children . And as the same Sun-beam that produces light , causes heat too by the continuation of its action , or by its re-union in a Burning-glass : so an object long consider'd or strongly apprehended by the Understanding as good , immediately incites and inflames the same to seek and desire it . So that the cognition of a thing in the Understanding is only Theory , which the Will , applying it self thereunto by desire , reduces into Practice . As the Theorical habit of an Art differs not from the Practical , and the conclusion of a Syllogism is only a dependance upon its two Premisses . Wherefore the Will , which is the practice of the Understandings speculation , and a result of its ratiocination , is not distinguish'd from the Understanding ; and to know good , to desire and seek means to possess it , are operations continu'd by one sole motion . Besides , to separate the actions of the Souls faculties , and make them independent one of another , would infer a kind of divisibility in the Soul : but the Will being only a desire , every desire a species of motion , and motion an accident ; it is separable from its subject , the Understanding , whereof 't is only an affection and propiety . So that the Intellect and the Will being the same thing , when the former is carried towards an apprehended good , we say it moves the Will , as it doth the other powers which it employs in quest of that good , when the same is external and it cannot attain to it by it self . The Second said , That to know , to will , and to be able , although of the same extent in things purely natural ( as in a Stone , whose knowledge , desire , and power to tend to its centre are the same thing ) yet are different actions in rational agents . For oftentimes we know without willing , and will what we cannot do ; and sometimes we know not that which we would : Oftentimes we will things not only without , but even against Reason ; witness the irregular Appetite of breeding Women and Green-sickness Maids . Wherefore these actions being different , the Faculties from which they proceed , the Intellect , Will and Motive Faculty , must be wholly distinct ; seeing their two adequate Objects , which specifie Faculties , are consider'd under divers formal Reasons , which are the sole Causes of the distinction of Faculties . For Entity immaterial and spiritual , is , as true and intelligible , the object of the Understanding ; but , as good and desirable , 't is the object of the Will : which are two wholly different formal Reasons . Now though the Intellect and the Will are two different Faculties , yet there is such a dependance between them that the one can do nothing without the other , and they communicate mutual assistance : the Understanding supplies Reasons and Counsels , which the Will causes the Powers under its dominion to execute : for 't is a blind Queen , having no knowledg of her own but only what light she receives from the Intellect . But how can it see the same , if blind , as 't is fancied ? We answer , that as all things have a bent and natural inclination to their proper good , though they know it not ( as even the Intellect assents to a truth known by ratiocination , but knows not why it assents to a first Principle , as , That the whole is greater then its part , and that 2 and 1 make 3 ; these being connate Notions ) so the Will is carried to the Good propos'd to it by the Understanding , because the goodness and sutableness thereof engage it to endeavours of enjoying it , wherein its supream Felicity lyes . The Third said , Since the Will is a desire , every desire a motion , and every motion from some other ( nothing moving it self ) ; the Will cannot desire unless mov'd by some superior power and knowledg : For as there is no desire without knowledg , so , to the end this may not be idle and unprofitable , Nature hath joyn'd an Appetite to it ; to wit , a Sensitive Appetite to the knowledg of a Sensible Good apprehended such by the Imagination , which is common to Men and Brutes ; and a Rational Appetite ( the Will ) to the knowledg of an honest Good apprehended such by the Understanding . And whereas immaterial things cannot be known by themselves but by such as are sensible and corporeal , we cannot better judge of the manner whereby the Intellect moves the Will , then by that whereby the Imagination moves the Sensitive Appetite ; which is the sweetness of the Object , whose Species being receiv'd by some one of the outward Senses , and carried from the Common sense to the Phansie which relishes the same to the full , is then propos'd to the Sensitive Appetite , which presently flyes to it , oftentimes so impetuously as that it hurries the Reason and the Will along with it self , and constrains them to yield to the violence of those Passions which it excites to joyn with it in pursuit of that good , and which itre doubles upon the occurrence of any obstacle to its designs . In like sort the Will is carried of it self to a vertuous action , when the Understanding represents the honesty of the same to it ; provided it be not otherwise prepossess'd , and the said action be not accompani'd with difficulties and thorns , as commonly happens ; for then that Sensitive Appetite oftentimes gets the better of Reason ; the Flesh , of the Spirit . There is this difference between the motions of the Will and the Appetite , that the latter necessarily follows the duct of the Imagination , by which 't is inclin'd inspite of it self towards a Delectable Good ; but the Will ( common to us with Angels ) is so mov'd by the Intellect , that nevertheless it always remains mistress of its own actions , and can do either good or evil by vertue of its liberty , which alone discriminates Man from Beast , and gives him right of empire and command , ( which the Civilians define , a power of making use of any thing at one's pleasure ; ) and without which not only Judgments , Vertues , Vices , Rewards and Punishments , Praises and Dispraises , Consultations and Deliberations would be useless ; but also all Laws would be to no purpose , Man would be in worse condition then Brutes , over whom he hath no other advantage but that of Reason ; which would serve for nothing if he acted things necessarily , as other Agents do , and not freely and voluntarily . The Fourth said , He had always accounted it a vain enquiry , how the Understanding moves the Will ; and the Senses , the Sensitive Appetite towards their Objects ; because the Cognoscitive Faculty , and these Appetites being really distinct and having nothing common , there cannot intervene any commerce between them . They are Officers that have severed charges , without having any thing to share or dispatch together . Nevertheless it being true that we love nothing but what is first apprehended and judg'd amiable , we must seek this dependance somwhat higher . Now all actions are of the whole Compositum ; and consequently Man , who is the whole , is he who by his knowledg either of Sense or of the Intellect , judges what both the one and the other Appetite ought to embrace or reject . Then after he hath pass'd his judgment by his Cognoscitive Faculty , he determines himself to follow by his Appetite what he hath judg'd fit to be done ; in consequence whereof he applies his Motive Faculty to the execution of his Resolution . So that 't is Man that moves himself by his Will towards Good or Evil , to pursue or avoid , after he hath consider'd what he ought to will , how , and in what sort to comport himself . By this means we obviate a world of difficulties arising from this Question , and resolve many ; as , amongst others , How the Understanding comes to illuminate corporeal phantasms , without establishing an Intellectus Agens for that purpose , whose office is pretended to sublime those phantasms by denudating them of their singularity and materiality , that so they may become actually intelligible and proportionate to the Intellect . For , besides that 't is impossible to conceive how any spiritual light can fall from the Intellect upon a corporeal phantasm ; ( that which is corporeal being incapable of receiving any thing spiritual , and the Intellect of producing any thing out of it self , since all its actions are immanent : ) we are deliver'd from all this trouble by saying , that in the state of this present life Man by his outward and inward Senses takes in as much knowledg of things as they can give him , and afterwards by his Understanding deduces and infers things which the phantasms alone could not acquaint him with . Thus when a phantasm represents to him a thing which his eye beholds afar off , he by his Understanding judges the same a Substance , because the phantasm shews him that it subsists of it self ; if he see it walk , he judges it alive ; So that 't is sufficient to the drawing of all his Consequences that he infer from the phantasms what they are capable to represent to him , without need of spiritualizing them , or of commerce between them and the Intellect . In like manner , 't is not needful that the Intellect shew the Will its Object ; but the man's seeing it , is sufficient to cause him to move himself by his Will towards the Good which he apprehends . For as a King hath his Scouts to discover the state of his Enemies , upon whose report he holds a Council of War , wherein he resolves what is to be done . So Man by his Senses discovers the nature of Objects , as by so many Spies , which make their report to the Imagination ; after which the Understanding judges of the same ; and lastly , the Man resolves and determines by his Will. Thus 't is the Man that makes all this progress , employing all his Faculties diversly for that purpose . And as 't were impertinent to ask how the Scouts and Council of War acted and mov'd the Troops which execute the General 's resolution to make them fight ; but it suffices to say , That 't is his Order : So 't is absurd to inquire how the Senses or Understanding move the Appetite or the Will ; 't is sufficient to say , That a Man resolves to will ▪ after cognisance of the matter . The Fifth said , That that which moves the Will , is something divine and more excellent then Reason , namely , that part of the Intellect , which is the knowledg of First Principles , and is to the Soul what she is to the Body which she informs . This appears in all the Will 's actions ; whereof those that tend to the End are , to Will , to Desire , to Enjoy , when the said End is a Good , and is either absent or present ; not to Will , to Flee , to be Sad , when the said End is an Evil , and that consider'd too either as absent or present : those which respect the means leading to such End are , To Chuse , to Consent , and to Employ some rather then others . All which actions it cannot exert of it self , but being mov'd by that divine power of the Intellect which represents to it the goodness of the End , and the sutableness of the Means for attaining the same : in like manner as the End moves the efficient Cause , attracting it to its prosecution by an improper and metaphorical Motion . The Sixth said , As the Will is mov'd by the Intellect , so is the Intellect mov'd reciprocally by the Will , which commands it to divide , define , abstract and perform its operations in such and such manner . Yea , there is no Faculty but is subject to its empire . It commands the Imagination to frame Idea's and Species ; the Memory , to recall and represent them ; the Motive Faculty , to speak , walk , and the like other actions ; the Sensitive Appetite , to love , hate , be angry , to raise and appease its passions ; though many times these are deaf to its dictats . The Seventh said , Since the Rational Soul is a simple Form , and every Form a perfection of the subject wherein it resides ; that of Man being to know Truth , to love Good , and to be united to both by Fruition : the same Soul when it knows , is call'd the Intellect ; when it desires or loves the thing known , the Will. So that there is no need for the one to be mov'd by the other ; for 't is the Soul that moves it self , which therefore Aristotle calls Entelechia , and the Principle of motion ; the Pythagoreans , a Self-moving number . The Eighth said , That the Will depends not any way on the Intellect , and consequently is not mov'd by it . Which is prov'd , first , because the Will is mutable and oftimes contrary , upon the same ratiocination ; as it would not be , if it were mov'd by the Understanding . For if the Will were , according to Aristotles definition , a desire of good with reason , the one ought always to follow the other . But it not doing so , 't is an argument , that the Will hath another principle then the ratiocination . In the second place , as it was lately argu'd , there are amities of Inclination , properly so call'd , because not grounded upon any Reason ; and therefore the Will , which never exercises its dominion more freely then in Love , follows not the Intellect in that kind of amities , and consequently is not mov'd by it . Thirdly , whatever the Civilians say , Fools and Children have their Wills , as well as the Wiser and Elder ; yea both the former Will , as resolvedly as the latter : and Women , who we say have less judgment then Men , are yet more self-will'd and obstinate then they . On the contrary , the most judicious are commonly the least resolute , and find most difficulties in willing . An Emperick and ignorant Physician will be bolder and resolve things more pertinaciously then an old experienc'd Methodist . A young and giddy Captain will sooner tell his opinion , which is the issue of his Will , then an old beaten Souldier who doubts of every thing , and labours much to bring himself to a resolution . But the contrary would happen , if the Will follow'd the Duct of the Judgment . Wherefore I conceive rather that the Will moves the Understanding as well as all the other Faculties ; since no body can reason inspite of himself , but he must will to set his Mind upon a thing before the Intellect can make its reviews . The Ninth said , The best course was , rather to salve the Opinions of the School by some Expedient , then wholly to depart from them , as a way too difficult to keep ; and that he conceiv'd it better to untye the Gordian knot then to cut it ; which belongs only to Alexander . 'T is acknowledg'd that the Intellect and the Will are two Faculties of the Rational Soul ; that we will nothing unless the judgment believe it good , whether it be really or only apparently such . But the difficulty is concerning the means that the Intellect employs to carry the Will to such good . Take it thus : The Will is carri'd of it self to good , as a Stone to the Centre ; but as this Stone is sometimes hinder'd from arriving thereunto by obstacles which stay it ; so Ignorance puts a bar to the Will. Hereupon the Understanding falls to work till it have remov'd that obstacle by its reasoning : Which done , as there is nothing between the end of a shadow , and the beginning of light ; so there is nothing between the end of our ignorance , and the beginning of our volition : where the operation of the Understanding ends , there begins that of the Will , no more induc'd , mov'd , and as little forc'd as the weight that tends downwards , which cannot be said carri'd towards the Centre , unless improperly , by him that takes away the piece of wood or other obstacle that stop'd it in the Air. Moreover , it were no longer a Will , if mov'd by any other principle but it self . As is seen in those who having a will to do somthing , when the same is once commanded them , change their resolution , or do only with regret what before they desir'd with passion : as the same motion which was natural to the Stone , becomes violent to it when it is impell'd , instead of being suffer'd to descend downwards . CONFERENCE CXXI . Whence come the Marks or Spots wherewith Children are born ? AS the Degrees of Life have dominion over the First Qualities , so they have authority one over another , each in his order . The Vegetative life in Man makes use of the Elementary Qualities at pleasure , even to the prejudice of their own Nature . So , Heat congregates things of the same , and separates those of different Nature ; but our Vegetative Soul makes it do the contrary , namely , Unite the Four Humours in the Veins though different in nature , instead of segregating them : for in this Case , Heat acts not with full authority but as the Soul's Officer , following her intentions . And the reason is , because these four Humours being ingredients into the Nativity of Man , they must necessarily pass into his nourishment ; which they cannot do without being mingled together . But when the Blood is out of the Veins ; then the Heat , disengag'd from the Soul's jurisdiction , disgregates and separates all four , making the Choler float uppermost , the Phlegm next , then the Blood , and lowest of all , Melancholy , as the dregs . Amongst Souls there is the same order of Superiority . The Sensitive makes the Vegetative obey it ; as appears by this , that if after meat the Imagination attend much to an object , the Concoction of the Food is retarded , because all the Faculties of the Soul being united in their Root and Essence of the Soul , when she sets her self much upon one object , she leaves the other inferiour powers idle ; they not being able to work but as the Soul , ( their principle ) employs them . Now this premis'd , I say , when a breeding Woman hath a longing for any thing , this desir'd thing is imprinted strongly in the Phancy ; and this imprinting being made in the Brain , the Spirits which flow from thence , carry a copy thereof with them . For as an intire Looking-glass represents but one Image , but every piece of a broaken one hath its whole Pourtrait : because the Intentional Species or Images of things , though divisible by reason of their subject , are yet in themselves formally indivisible , being Forms without Matter , and consequently indivisible ; Division proceeding from Quantity , a concomitant of Matter : So those Spirits which stream from the Brain , though they leave there the image of the desir'd thing , yet withall they carry the same image with them , as being portions of the substance wherein it is engraven ; and running to the place where the Foetus is form'd , by reason of the union of its Umbilical Vessels with those of the Mother , they arrive at the Infant and imprint the Characters , they bring , upon it : the Vegetative and Plastick or Formative Vertue suffering it self to be over-rul'd by the Sensitive , as this is by the Imaginative , and this again by the other superiour powers . When the teeming Woman touching her self in any part , the Spirits run thither from the Brain , either by reason of the touch or the motion ( both depending upon the Animal Spirits ) but finding the Mother's flesh too hard and disproportinate to their effect , and missing their blow , they go to give it upon the tenderer flesh of the Child . And as in Generation , the Spirits of all the parts of the Body accur to the place where the Seed is receiv'd , there to engrave the Characters of the parts whence they flow , which afterwards serve for the Formative Vertue , every one having his task to make the part from which it issu'd : so the Mother's Spirits keep the same course and rule towards the Embryo , so that those which serv'd to the Mother's touch , go to find that same place in the Child's Body , there to mark the Image which they brought from the Brain ; Nature finding ways for her Intention where none appear . The Second said , The impotence of that Sex and their weakness of Mind , ( evidenc'd by the violence of all their Passions , which know no mediocrity ) is one of the principal causes of the impetuosity of their desires . Now the Species of the thing desir'd being in the Imagination , it excites the Appetite which desir'd it ; this the motive Faculty , which employs the Animal Spirits to execute the commands of the Faculties by whom it is set on work . And as the Vertues and Images of things generated here below by the heat and influence of the Stars , are receiv'd in the Air which consigns them to the Earth ; so those Spirits receive the Species and Images whereof the brain is full ; and being directed by the Imagination to the Womb ( which hath great communication with the Brain by means of the nerves of the sixt Pair , as appears by the effects of Odors upon that part ) there they retrace and imprint upon the Child the Images wherewith they are laden . For , if it be true that the Imagination can act beyond its Subject , as Estriches and Tortoises are said to hatch their Eggs with their Eyes , and that Hens hatch Chickens of the colour of such cloths as are laid before them whilest they are sitting ; much more may the Imagination of a Woman represent upon the tender Fruit in her womb the Images of things which she passionately desires : and this is no more strange than the common observation , of People falling sick , and recovering again , meerly by Fancy . The Third said , That the images of things desired are , in the Spirits , just as those of sensible objects are in the Air , which is full of them . But as these , that they may be seen , must be terminated by a smooth and opake body ; so , that those which are in the spirits may be express'd , they must be terminated by a soft , tender , and capable body , as a child's is in the first months of his conformation , during which alone he is susceptible of these impressions , which are only of things edible and potable ; being the Child , then endu'd only with sensitive Life , cannot be affected but by things serving to the Animal Life , as aliments are , which ( besides ) are ordinarily and most ardently desir'd by breeding Women ; those that long for chalk , coals , and other impurities being unhealthy and distemper'd . Now to give account why the Grapes , Mulberries , Strawberries , Goose-berries , and other Fruits delineated upon our bodies , ripen and change colour at the same time as the true fruits upon the earth do , I shall not recurr to the Stars , or Talismanical Figures , but more probably to that Universal Spirit which causeth the same fermentation in the spirits of our bodies as in Wine and the Vine when it is in its sap and flower ; and in Pork or Venison when Hogs and Deer are salt , mezled , or go to rut . The fourth said , That some of these Marks adhere to particular Families . So the family of Seleucus had an Anchor upon the thigh ; in Greece some were distinguish'd by a Lance , a Crevish , a Star , &c. which marks , as Warts and Moles , proceed from the Formative Vertue in the seed , which containing the Idea of all the parts , expresses them to the life in the child . Other sorts of Marks are not ordinary but fortuitous , and depend upon the Imagination alone , which employs the spirits which are common both to the Mother and Child by the Umbilical Vessels , and have the same motions : so that when the Woman scratches her self in any part of her body , the spirits having a like motion are carri'd towards that part , and at the same time towards that correspondent part in the child's body , whose tenderness is alone susceptible of the image wherewith they are impregnated , and which is never to be removed , as being from the first conformation . The Fifth said , That not only the desire of eating and drinking , which is pacifi'd by enjoyment , but any vehement passion , even a sudden fright against which there is no remedy , sometimes leads the variable Fancy of Women to interrupt the work of the Formative Vertue , otherwise always very regular . As a certain Woman having seen a Criminal broken upon the Wheel , brought forth a child that all the bones were broken . Hereunto also contribute the excess or defect of the Matter , its evil quality , and the deprav'd conformation of the Womb. But to attribute the communication requir'd for this effect between the Imaginative and Formative Faculties to the Umbilical Vessels , cannot hold ; there being but one Vein , two Arteries , and the Vrachus , without any nerves , by which alone the animal spirits are transmitted from the Brain . Nor can those Species without dissipation and confusion , separate themselves from the mass of Blood , and pass by the circuit of the Mother's Veins into the Umbilical Vein of the Foetus ; wherefore 't is more rational to ascribe this effect to the correspondence of the Faculties , whereof the Superior indeed move the Inferior , but by a simple and pure irradiation , without transmitting any thing to them : There needing no other communication then that of a Lutinist's finger , or a Dancing-master's foot with their Imagination , which yet follow one the other , although it transmits not to the ends of their hands and feet , the notes and cadences which they represent . Thus , for the imprinting of a Mark , the Formative Faculty being mov'd by the Imagination , hath no need to receive any Species , as the Cognoscitive Faculties have , of which number the Formative is not . Nor is it more strange , that the Foetus , indu'd with a particular soul , yet feels the effects of its Mothers Imagination , than that Fruits receive the changes and alterations of the Trees to which they adhere . CONFERENCE CXXII . Of the Original of Forms . A Form is that which gives either Being or Motion . When it gives only Motion , 't is call'd an Assistent Form , as that which moves the Heavens : When Being , an Informant Form , styl'd also an Act , Perfection , Essence , Vertue , Beauty . For what ever is excellent in a Subject , proceeds from the Form ; which determining the Indifferency of the matter ( of it self imperfect ) makes it to be one , that is to say , not divided in it self , and divided from every thing else . Created Forms are either spiritual or material ; and both these again either substantial or accidental . Spiritual accidental Forms are , Vertue , Science , and all Habits of the Soul. Substantial spiritual forms are Intelligences and Rational souls . Material accidental forms are either simple , as Heat and Whiteness ; or compounded , as Beauty and Health . Under Material substantial Forms are comprehended Vegetative and sensitive Souls , which are the Forms of Plants and Brutes , and the Subject now in hand ; although I will not grant them to be Substances , but only Accidents . All agree that there are Forms , because there are Actions ; which presuppose Powers . These Powers are properties flowing from some active principle which sets them on work ; which the Matter , because purely passive , cannot do ; and therefore it must be the Form. But the doubt is , whether this Form be substantial or accidental ; as , whether it be only a certain degree of Heat , which makes Plants and Animals be nourisht , grow , generate , and move , or else some Substance and Form more excellent that employs Heat as its Instrument for producing those Actions . And this is most probable . For otherwise , A Substance compounded of Matter and Form should , contrary to the Maxim , be made of that which is not Substance , if Forms were only accidental . They are introduc'd into a capable Subject by an Univocal Agent , which by generation communicates a soul of the same Nature with its own , which is material , and consequently divisible ; yet so divisible as that it is not diminished in the traduction , no more than the Species of a Looking-glass which produces it self wholly and entirely in all bodies capable of it , or then the flame of a candle wherewith a thousand others may be lighted , without any diminution of its substance . The second said , That Forms are primogenial Principles , no more generable than the Matter which they always accompany , and according to whose dispositions they only change appearance . For 't is not credible that Forms , the principal pieces of the world ( without which it would be depriv'd of that from which it bears its name , to wit , Ornament and Beauty ) are subject to continual corruption ; otherwise the world and the natures therein contain'd would have been chang'd in so long a time , and yet they remain still the same . Besides , if Forms perish , they must either be annihilated ( but nothing is so in nature ) or else resolv'd into that whereof they are compos'd , since they are suppos'd material ; and nevertheless we see no remainder of them . 'T is therefore always the same form but diversly dress'd , and said to be generated when it changes from an imperfect to a perfect state ; and to be corrupted when it returns into a worse condition then what is had before ; both , according to the several dispositions of its Subject . The third said , That all natural Forms are nothing but Accidents , since they are in matter as in a subject , from which they are inseparable ; and not as parts ; for they are parts of the whole , but not of the Matter . The Forms of the Elements are the first Qualities . And as all Mixts are compounded of the four Elements , so they derive their form ( as well as their matter ) from them , which follows the nature of the Element predominant in the Compound . Thus Driness is the Form of a stone , which hath more of earth than of any other Element ; Oyl is humid , because aerial ; all Living Creatures are Hot , by reason of Heat , the noblest and most active quality , which , attaining to the proportion requisite for performing the offices of life , is call'd a Soul ; and according as it is more or less refin'd , and meets with different subjects , 't is called a Vegetative Soul in Plants , and a Sensitive soul in Brutes . I say further , that these Forms are nothing but Modes and Fashions of Being . For as Water turn'd into Air , and this into Fire by rarefaction , or into Water by condensation , are still the same , not differing but according as their parts are more or less close ; so as well Forms purely natural as other living Forms , are nothing but Modes and Fashions of Being of the Elements , their Qualities , and the several Mixtures from which those Forms result . The fourth said , according to Anaxagoras's opinion , That all things are in all , and consequently Forms in the Matter , out of whose bosom they are educ'd by Agents conjoyning things of the same Nature , and separating others . As Art ( which imitates Nature ) makes not Wine , but only presses out that vegetal juice which was before in the Grape ; and out of Marble forms a Statue only by paring off what was superfluous : so out of the Earth , Nature forms Plants , which are turn'd into the substance of Animals , whose bodies are again reduc'd into Earth . The fifth maintain'd the opinion of Albert the Great , who is for the Generation of things , which the preceding opinion over throws , holding nothing to be new generated ; He said , that Forms are indeed in the Matter , yet not entire and perfect , but only by halves and begun ; according to their essence , not according to their existence , which they acquire by the Agents which educe things out of their causes . The Sixth said , If it were so , then there would be no substantial Generation , because Existence is nothing but a Manner of Being , adding nothing to Essence , nor really distinguish'd from it . Wherefore I embrace Aristotle's opinion , that Forms are in the Matter , but only potentially , and as the Matter is capable of them ; just as Wax is potentially Caesar's Statue , because capable of receiving that form . This he calls , to be drawn and educ'd out of the power or bosom of the Matter : which is not to be receiv'd in it , or to depend of its dispositions , since this belongs also to the Rational soul , which is not receiv'd in the body till the previous dispositions , necessary for its reception , be introduc'd therein ; but the Matter it self concurrs , though in a passive way , not only to dispose it self , but also to produce the Form , and consequently to preserve it . Which is not applicable to the Rational soul , whose Being depends not anywise upon the Matter . The Seventh said , Matter , being a Principle purely passive and incapable of all action , cannot produce any thing , much less Forms , the noblest Entities in the world . 'T is the principle of impotence and imperfection , and consequently the ugliness , deformity , contrary to the Form whereof it should partake , if it contain'd the same in power , as Wine and Pepper do Heat , which becomes actual and sensible when reduc'd into act by our Natural Heat which loosens it from the parts which confin'd it . Wherefore Forms come from without , namely , from Heaven and its noblest part the Sun , the Father of Forms , which are nothing but Beams of light deriv'd from him as their Fountain , whose heat and influences give motion and life ; which is the abode of Heat in Humidity : not Elementary Heat ; for then Arsenic , Sulphur , and other Mixts , abounding with this Heat , should have life ; but Serpents , Salamanders , Fishes , Hemlock , Poppies , and other excessively cold Plants and Animals , should not . Moreover in whatever manner the Elements and their Qualities be mix'd , they are still Elements , and can produce nothing above their own Nature , which is , to calefie , refrigerate , attenuate , rarefie , condense ; but not the internal and external senses , the various motions and other actions of life , which can proceed only from a Celestial Heat , such as that is which preserves a Plant amidst the rigours of Winter ; whose coldness would soon destroy the Plant's heat , if it were of the same nature . Hence Vegetative and Sensitive Souls having no Contraries , because Contraries are plac'd under the same Genus , ( but the Celestial matter whereof these souls are constituted , and the Elements are not ) therefore they are not corruptible after the manner of other Mixts ; but like light , cease to exist upon the cessation of the dispositions which maintain'd them . For , such is the order of Nature , that when a Subject is possest of all the dispositions requisite for introduction of a Form , the Author of Nature , or ( according to Plato ) the Idea , or that Soul of the World ( which Avicenna held to be an Intelligence destinated to the generation of substantial Forms ) concurrs to the production of the Form , as also this concourse ceases when those dispositions are abolisht . CONFERENCE CXXIII . Whether Lean people are more healthy , and long-liv'd then Fat. THe Immortality of our souls having an absolute disposition to length of Life , it depends only upon that of the Body , that we do not live Ages as our first Fathers did . For 't is from some defect in these bodies that the differences of life even in Animals and Plants proceed ; whence some less perfect souls , ( as those of Oaks ) are yet more long-liv'd then those of Beasts . The signs of long and short life , are either simply such , or also causes and effects . Such is the conformation of the parts of our body . A great number of Teeth is held a sign of longaevity , as well because 't is an effect of the strength of the Formative Faculty and Natural Heat , as that thereby the food is better masticated and prepar'd ; and the other concoctions and functions more perfectly perform'd , whence comes health and long life . So also the Habit of the body is not simply a sign , but likewise an effect of health and cause of long life ; namely when the same is moderate , that is , neither fat nor lean ; which two , though comprisable within the latitude of health , which admits a a great latitude , are yet so much less perfect as they decline from that laudable disposition which is the rule and square of all others . Now to make a just comparison , we must consider the Fat and the Lean in the same degree of excess or defect from this Mediocrity , and compare Philetas the Poet ( who was so dry and lean that he was fain to fasten leaden soles to his shoos for fear the wind should carry him away ) with Dionysius of Heraclea who was choakt with fat , unless his body were continually beset with Leeches . Or else we must observe in both an equality of Vigour in the Principles of Life , to wit , the Radical Heat and Moisture in the same proportion , the same age , under the same climate , regiment , and exercises ; otherwise the comparison will be unequal : and lastly , we must distinguish the fleshy , great-limb'd , and musculous from the fat . This premis'd , I am of Hippocrates's Opinion , Aph. 44. Sect. 2. that such as are gross and fat naturally , die sooner then the lean and slender ; because the Vessels of the latter , especially the Veins , are larger , and consequently fuller of Blood and Spirits , which are the Architects and principal Organs of Life : on the contrary , the Fat have smaller Vessels by reason of their coldness which constringes them ; as is seen in Women , Eunuchs , and Children , whose voices are therefore more shrill , and who have also less health and life . The Second said , Nature hath furnisht Animals with Fat , to the end to preserve them from external injuries , and therefore the Lean , who are unprovided thereof , must be of shorter life : for not many , besides decrepit old people , die of a natural death ; that is , proceeding from causes within , whereas most diseases arise from external causes , wherewith the Fat are less incommoded , especially with cold , the sworn enemy of life ; the smallness of their pores , and the fat which environs them , excluding all qualities contrary to life , and withall hindring the dissipation of the Natural Heat , which becomes more vigorous by the confinement ; just as the Bowels are hotter in Winter , because the cold air hinders the efflux of the heat and spirits , caus'd in Summer , and in lean bodies , whose pores being more open , cannot retain those volatile substances . So that , had the Fat less heat , as they have not ( for plenty of fat argues plenty of blood , the purer and more aiery part whereof distilling like dew through the coats of the Vessels , and passing through the Muscles , when it comes to the Membranes , is by them condens'd into that whitish substance rather by their density and natural property then by their coldness ) yet this Heat being better dispens'd , and less alter'd in the Fat then in the Lean , must consequently cause fewer diseases , and last longer . The Third said , Life is the continuance of Heat in Humidity , not aqueous and excrementitious as that of fat people is , but oleaginous and aerial ; and the longer this Heat subsists therein , the longer doth life last . Now it continues longer in the Fat , whose more open pores let out the fuliginous excrements rais'd by Heat ; which in fat bodies , whose passages are stopt by the coldness or clamminess of pituitous humors , stagnate and choke the heat , like fire that wants free transpiration , so necessary to life that it cannot subsist a moment without this action , whereby the soul attracts air in at all parts of the body , especially the mouth , for refreshing and ventilating the heat , and recruiting the spirits , and by the same passages emits the fuliginosities necessarily following all consumption of humidity by Heat . Which causes of Death being internal and consequently necessary and inevitable ; are much more considerable then the external , whereto lean people are subject , and which may be more easily avoided and remedied . The fourth said , That Fat persons have a more moderate and less consuming heat , its activity being allay'd by the humidity of their Constitution ; and therefore 't is more durable than that of lean people , whose heat already violent of it self is render'd more active by siccity , which is a spur to it . Hence they indure fasting with more trouble than the Fat , whose moist substance both moderates and feeds their heat , which appears to the touch very gentle and temperate , as that of lean persons is sharp and pungent . Moreover , Diseases of Inanition , to which the lean are subject , are more difficult to cure , than those of Repletion incident to the Fat. And old age which continually dries us up , is the tendency to Death , which is siccity it self . The Fifth said , Health being a Disposition according to Nature , which renders a man capable of performing the offices of life aright , and this disposition consisting in a due proportion of the first qualities , which makes a harmony and laudable temper of the four humors ; the principal evidence thereof is a good state and habit of the body call'd by the Physicians Euexia ; and that Extreme which comes nearest this , is the most healthy and fittest for long life . The functions of life are Natural , Vital , and Animal ; all which are better perform'd by the lean than the fat . First , the Natural , which are Nutrition , Growth , and Generation ; because the hotter flesh of the lean attracts more than that of the fat , which may indeed imbibe the nutritive juices , but cannot perfectly concoct and assimilate the same for want of sufficient heat ; whence they produce abundance of crude flegmatick excrements , which render them pale and bloated . For their more fatness proceeds from want of heat to consume superfluities . Secondly , growth being an effect of heat , the Fat grow less , because they are less hot than the Lean. For heat rarefies , subtilises , dilates , and make the parts mount upwards , as its defect makes the humors settle downwards ; hence women are never so tall as men , and their lower parts are grosser ; whereas the upper parts of men , as the head and breast , are more large . Thirdly , the lean are more apt for generation , because their spirits are more refin'd , and their seed more concoct and plentiful than that of the fat ; the purest portion of whose blood is turn'd into fat instead of seed ; whence all guelded Animals become fat ; and , according to Aristotle , fat women are for the most part barren , bear seldom ; who also , as well as men of the same habit , are more inclin'd to love ; but we are commonly most led to that which we perform best . Then the Vital Functions too , are more perfectly perform'd in the lean ; as appears by their large respiration , their strong and great pulse , the nimbleness in their motions and passions . Lastly , so also are the Animal , to wit , outward and inward sensation , by reason of the pureness and subtlety of their spirits , ( which likewise causes goodness of wit ) and of the disposition of their Organs , more purifi'd , and less burden'd with clouds and excrementitious humidities , which render the fat more heavy both of mind and body . CONFEERNCE CXXIV . Whether we may better trust one whom we have oblig'd , or one that hath oblig'd us . COnfidence being the fruit of Friendship , yea , the sweet bond wherewith this Virtue unites Hearts ; it may seem we ought to have most in him that loves most perfectly , namely , he that hath oblig'd us . For as 't is harder to give then to receive , because we cannot give without depriving our selves of what we enjoy , ( which is contrary to our natural inclination ) so it is a more virtuous action , and argues a greater kindness : the receiver of a benefit finding no difficulty in this action of receiving it . Moreover , we cannot doubt of his good will , who obliges us by his benefits ; but we may of his , that receives . For it frequently happens to those that do good , as it did to the Sower in the Gospel , part of whose seed fell in stony places , part amongst thorns , part in the high-way , and was devoured by birds ; and the least part upon good ground , and brings not forth fruit but in its own time . Yea , there are many that hate nothing so much as the remembrance of those that have done them good , as if their presence were an Universal Reproach , notwithstanding that a second benefit revives the first , and a third or fourth cannot but mind them of the preceeding . But when you have obtain'd of them to remember it , yet many regret nothing more then to pay a debt , because constrain'd thereto , either by Law or Duty ; and Man being of his own Nature free , hates nothing so much as to do any thing by constraint . Hence , if he requites an Obligation , 't is not with that freeness and cheerfulness which is requisite to good Offices , and becomes a Benefactor ; in whom therefore we have more reason to confide then in another . The Second said , The little fidelity now in the world , even amongst nearest Relatives , makes it reasonable to enquire , Who may be trusted . And if the fear of Ingratitude , ( the most vulgar crime , though in shew much detested by all the world ) is the cause why he who hath done good to another , yet dares not trust him ; the receiver thereof hath oftentimes no less doubt of his Benefactor 's intention . For though he hath receiv'd a seeming testimony of his kindness , yet the motives of benefits proceeding sometimes from an other cause besides true Friendship , suspicion may as well arise in the Receivers , as in the givers Mind . Many give onely that they may receive with Usury ; others , out of vanity , and to make Creatures and Clients : which they regarding no longer but as their inferiors and dependents , 't is as dangerous for these to confide in their Benefactors , as for a slave to use confidence towards his Master , or a Vassal towards his Lord ; not often allow'd by the respect and timerousness of the less towards the great , as commonly those are that give : Whereas we ordinarily find in him whom we have oblig'd nothing but Subjection and Humility , Virtues much disposing the mind to Gratitude , which cannot but assure their Benefactors of their fidelity . Nor can they easily be ungrateful if they would , your confidence in them obliging them continually to fidelity , and , withall , giving them occasion to requite your kindnesses by their assiduity and services . Which was the recompence wherewith the poor amongst the Jews pay'd their Creditors , by serving them for some years . So that he is scarce less blameable who distrusts him whom he hath oblig'd , and by this diffidence deprives him of the means of requital , then he who having receiv'd a benefit betrayes his Benefactor ; the Injustice being almost alike in both . If the first complains of having been deceiv'd by him whom he finds ungrateful ; the second , in whom his Benefactor puts not the confidence which he ought , will have no less cause of complaint that on the contrary he hath distrusted him , and soil'd the lustre of the first Obligation by his diffidence and bad opinion of him ; which is to tax himself of impudence for having done good to one unworthy of it . The Third said , That if Men were perfect , Communicative Justice would require of them that the receiver of a benefit should repay the like , or at least some acknowledgment by his endeavours : Which the Poets intimated by the Graces , holding Hand in Hand . But the perversity of Man is such , that the more he is oblig'd to this Duty , the worse he acquits himself thereof , not doing any thing handsomely but what he does freely ; and because being a vain-glorious Creature , he hates nothing so much as to be subject , and to pay homage to him that hath done him good ; whose presence seems to upbraid him with his own meaness . If he loves his Benefactor , 't is with an interess'd and mercenary affection ; whereas that of the former is free from all self-respect , and proceeds meerly from a principle of Virtue , and consequently , is with more reason to be rely'd upon . Moreover , a Work-man loves his Production more then he is lov'd by it : as also God doth his Creatures ; and Fathers , their Children . Now a Benefactor , who is a kind of Work-man and Artificer of our good Fortune , cherishes and loves us as his work and creatures , because he seems concern'd for our preservation ; just as Causes are for that of their Effects , in which themselves revive , and seem to be reproduc'd . The Fourth said , That our Natural Sentiments incline us more to rely upon those whom we have oblig'd , then upon those who have oblig'd us ; not so much by way of challenging a requital , ( for Obligations are not to be done in hope of recompence ; which would be exchange rather than kindness ) as because we are apt to trust those most , whom we love most . But we love those most , to whom we have given greatest Testimony of our Affections . A Man may be deceiv'd in reckoning his benefits as causes of Amity in the receiver ; but , they are certain Effects and Signs of Affection in the bestower : So that in respect of us , 't is manifestly better to trust him whom we have oblig'd , than him who hath oblig'd us . The same is prov'd also in respect of him that is oblig'd ; even the wild beasts are tam'd , and , instead of hurting , obey those that feed them ; and therefore 't were injurious to humanity , not to judge It capable of acknowledging a benefit which it knows how to conferr without provocation . For upon examination , the Causes of Ingratitude will be found to arise from those who boast of the title of Benefactors ; the imprudence whereof is so great in some , that they displease more than oblige , by Presents unseasonably given , of no value , and ( contrary to Seneca's advice ) of little duration , intermixt with ill Offices , instead of being fenc'd with new to keep out the rain of the disgusts and coldnesses which destroy Friendship ; with regret , and not with a chearful Countenance ; after denials and delayes , so that the thing seemes rather snatch'd then receiv'd ; diminish'd by burthensome conditions ; and lastly , nullifi'd by reproaches , if not requited as soon as was expected . Whence such pretended benefits deserve rather the name of Out-rages : And nevertheless , being there are many that are grateful , even for such benefits , we may justly conclude that Courtesies done with their due circumstances , are far more capable to oblige the receivers to Gratitude , which cannot consist with Unfaithfulness . The Fifth said , That the Decision of this , as of all other Moral Questions , depends upon persons , times , places , and other circumstances whereupon Prudence is founded , which teaches when , how , and whom we are to trust . Yet , supposing circumstances alike , and two persons equally virtuous , one of which hath done me good , and the other receiv'd good from me ; the contrary Reason of the Law , which presumes him alwayes bad who hath been once bad , makes me judge , That he who hath once done me good , will sooner do me good again then another ; and therefore that I ought rather to trust him . CONFERENCE CXXV . Of the Causes of Freezing and Thawing . AS Heat and Cold are the Efficient Causes of all Meteors , so Driness and Moisture supply Matter for them , sublim'd and made volatil by extraneous Heat . Vapours which make Aqueous Meteors , are of two sorts ; some ascend to the Middle Region of the Air , whose coldness condenses them into a Cloud , which afterwards turnes into Rain , Snow , or Hail : Others , through the weakness of Heat , or tenuity of their Matter unable to ascend , turn into Mists and Dew , and the Serene which preceedes it , and Frost . For the Matter both of Frost and Dew , is a subtil thin Vapour , which when spread equally and uniformly about the Earth , hinders not the Air 's transparency , which therefore in time of Frost is alwayes clear and serene . But their Efficient is distinct ; that of Dew is the moderate Coldness of the Night , whence 't is most frequent in temperate Seasons ; that of a Frost is Vehement Cold , whereby being first condens'd , it falls down in form of Crystal : Yet Cold alone suffices not to produce Frost ; for then Water , which is cold in an eminent degree , should be alwayes frozen . But some terrene and gross parts must serve for an uniting medium to compact the moist parts of the Water or Vapour , which being naturally fluid , cannot be link'd together but by means of some dry parts fixing and restraining their fluidity . Hence the impurest and most compounded Liquors are soonest frozen ; distill'd Waters , difficultly , by reason of their simplicity ; Vinegar ( though cold ) never , by reason of the tenuity of its parts . But the surface of waters being full of earthy and gross parts , which could not accompany the Vapours or Exhalations , drawn up by the Sun's heat , is therefore first frozen ; even that of running waters , though not so easily , by reason of their motion makes a divulsion of their parts ; as neither Oyle very easily , ( by reason of its aërious and unctuous humidity ) the Sea , and Hot Spirits ; which yet Experience shews are sometimes frozen by Vehement Cold ; the Poet in his description of the sharpness of Winter , in his Georgicks , saying , that they cleav'd Wine with hatchets ; and the Northern Navigations of the Hollanders , relating that they were detain'd three moneths under the seventy fourth Degree , where their Ships were frozen in the main sea . The Second said , That Heat and Cold are the immediate Causes of Freezing and Thawing , but 't is hard to know , Whence that Heat and Cold comes ? Now because Cold is onely the Privation of Heat , as Darkness is of Light ; we shall sufficiently understand the Causes of Cold and of Freezing , if we know those of Heat which causes Thawing . The truth is , the Sun , whose approach and remoteness makes the diversities of Seasons according to the different mutations which he causes in the qualities of the Air , contribute thereunto , but the Earth helps too ; he cannot do it alone ; for we see that the Snow on the Mountains which approach nearest Heaven , is last melted . But the Sun's Rays piercing into the bosome of the Earth , draw out that Fire which is inclos'd in its entralls ; and because the Sun removes but a very little from the Aequinoctial Line , therefore that part of the Earth which answers to that of Heaven where the Sun continually resides , is alwayes Hot ; and by a contrary Reason , that under the Poles is alwayes extreamly cold : And even Country-people observe winds to be the Cause of these Effects ; for those that blow from the North quarter , bring with them an extream cold Air , which is the cause of Freezing ; and those from the South bring on us an Air extreamly heated by the continuall action of the Sun , and so are the cause of Thawing . The Third said , That Winds being continual , because their matter never fails , it happens that the strongest gets the better of the weakest , and they chase one another ; whence Virgil calls them Wrestlers . When the South Winds blow , ( which are more frequent , and more gross then the Northern or Eastern , by reason of the Sun's strength in the South , which opens the Pores of the Earth more : ) the copious Exhalations which issue out of it , are hotter than those which come out of the Pores of the Northern Earth , which are closed up by Cold , whence the Winds blowing from thence are colder and thinner ; just as our breath is cold when we contract our Mouthes , and hot when we dilate them . In like manner , the Exhalations issuing out of the Earth's Pores , are hotter or colder , according as the passages out of which they proceed are more or less dilated , and consequently , cause Freezing or Thawing . The Fourth said , That the Sun or other Stars are onely remote Causes of Freezing and Thawing ; namely , by their Heat which serves to raise the Vapors , which are the next causes thereof , according as they partake more or less of that external Heat ; or , ( as the Chymists say ) as they are full either of certain nitrous and dissolving Spirits which cause Thawing , or of coagulating ones which cause Freezing ; such as those are , harden Plants into Stones , which so presently congeal drops of water in Caves and Water-droppings , and form the Crystals of the Rock . Moreover , just before it freezes , Sinks , and other stinking places smell more strong , by reason that the Spirits and Vapors of the Earth are complicated with those stinks as they issue forth . The Fifth said , That the Cause of Thawing is to be attributed to the Heat of the Earth , which exhaling warm Vapors , fi●st heats the bottome of the Water , ( for which reason Fish retire thither ) then they mollifie and moisten the surface of the Water , or the Earth hardned by Cold. Moreover , that Heat which is found in the deepest Mines where the Labourers work naked , and most ordinarily in the Water without enduring any Cold ; the veins of Sulphur , Bitumen , Vitriol , and Arsenick , which are found in the entralls of the Earth ; the Hot Springs , and the Volcanoes in its surface , sufficiently argue , That if there be not a Central Fire , ( as the Pythagoreans held ) yet there is a great Heat there , like that of Living Bodies , which concocts Metals , and makes Plants grow . Hence the changes of Air are first discover'd in Mines by the Vapors arising from beneath , which hinder Respiration , and make the Lamps burn dim , or go quite out . Whereby 't is evident that they are exhaled by the Heat of the earth , and not attracted by that of the Sun and Stars , which penetrate but a very little way into the earth . Now as our bodies are inwardly hotter in Winter ; so this heat of the earth being concentred in it self , ( as appears by Springs which smoke in that season , and by the heat of subterraneous places ) raises greater plenty of warm Vapors , which in Winte render the Weather moist and rainy : but when rain or the coldness of the air stops those pores , then those Exhalations being shut up , the Air remains cold , and it freezes ; which frost is again dissolv'd by their eruption . For the natural heat of the Earth , being constring'd and render'd stronger by the ambient Cold , drives out hotter and more copious exhalations , which consist either of the rain-water wherewith it is moistned , or of other humidities ; and which arriving at the surface of the Earth which is frozen , soften it and fill the air with clouds , which always accompany a Thaw , as Serenity do's a Frost . The Sixth said , That as Hail is nothing but Rain congeal'd , so Frost is nothing but Dew condens'd by the vehemence of Cold , and in the Water 't is call'd Ice : which coldness condensing the Water , ( which is a diaphanous body , and consequently hath an internal and radical light ) is the cause of its whiteness , which is the beginning of light , as the Stars are the condens'd parts of their Orbs. Unless you had rather ascribe that whiteness to the Air included in the Ice , which also makes the same swim upon the water . An Evidence that Cold alone is not the cause of Freezing ; ( for Cold alone render bodies more ponderous by condensing their parts , whence Ice should be heavier then Water ) but there is requir'd , besides , some hot and dry exhalation , which insinuating into the Water , gives it levity . The Seventh said , That such bodies as are frozen , are so far from receiving augmentation of parts , that they lose the thinnest of their own ; hence a bottle so close stopped that the air cannot get in to supply the place of the thinner parts which transspire and perish upon freezing , breaks in pieces for avoiding of vacuity . And Wine and Fruits lose their tast upon the loss of their spirits , when they are frozen : which spirits not being able to transpire in Cabbages and other Viscous Plants digest their crudities , and by that means render the same Plants more tender . CONFERENCE CXXVI . Of the Causes of the Small Pox. THe variety wherewith this Malady afflicts , or that which it causes in the body , hath given it the name of Variolae ( Variolles or Vairolles ) as its resemblance to the blisters , and to the manner wherewith the Venereous Disease invades the Indians ( to whom the same is Epidemical , being caused by the corruption of the air ) causes it to be called the Small Pox. These are efflorescences or pustules appearing upon the body , especially those of Children by reason of the softness of their skin , with a Feaver , pain , scabbiness , and purulent matter . This malady comprizes three sorts of Diseases ; Namely , Intemperature , in its feaver and inflammation ; Bad conformation , in the little Eminencies ; and solution of continuity , in the Ulcers . It s precedent signs are commonly , hoarsness of the voice , pain of the head , inflammation of the whole face , yawnings , distentions , trembling of the whole body , sneezings , and stitches . It s concomitant , essential , and pathognomonical signs are , Deliration , frightful Dreams , pains of the Breast and Throat , difficulty of Respiration , and a Continual Feaver , which is sometimes putrid , sometimes not . All which signs proceed from the violent ebulition and agitation of the humours , the conjunct cause of this Malady an effect of the natural heat ; which being irritated by their Malignity , drives them outwards to the surface where they raise those little Tumours ; which , if red and less high , make the Meazles ; and when more eminent , the Small Pox : the Pimples whereof at first appear very small , afterwards in time wax red , and grow bigger from day to day till they become white ; then they suppurate and dry , and lastly , falling off commonly leave marks behind them , not to be got away , because they have consumed the skin which is never generated anew . The second said , A common effect must have a common cause . Now the Small Pox and Meazles ( which differ only , in that the former is produc'd of thinner , and the latter of thicker blood ) are diseases not only common to many ; but so few escape them that a general rule here scarce admits any exceptions . Two Causes there are , the Material , or the Efficient . The former is the impurity of the Menstrual blood which serves for nourishing the foetus in the womb ; where at first it attracts the purest and sweetest blood , but when grown bigger the gross together with the thin . So that as Horses once in their lives cast the Strangles , so men must also once purge and void that menstrual impurity , which being equally dispers'd over all the body and in small quantity , hinders not its functions . The efficient Cause , common likewise to all men , is the Natural Heat , which drives these impurities outwards , and so they come to appear upon the skin , ( which is the Universal Emunctory of the whole body ) but especially upon the face by reason of its tenderness , and because being the place where all the Organs of Sense terminate , 't is fuller of spirits then any other , and consequently there is a greater attraction thither of those malignant Vapors . Now that it seizes some in their childhood , others in their youth , some very few in old age , and all after a different manner ; this depends upon our particular Constitutions , either natural or acquisititious by custom , and a long use of the things not natural . For , according as the humours reign in the body , they give occasion to the eruption of that Venemous quality which before lay hid ; as Madness and Leprosie sometimes appear not till after divers years . Our diet also contributes thereunto ; for when it symboliseth with that malignant humour , it encreases the quantity thereof ; as on the contrary , it corrects the same , and retards its motion , if it be of a laudable temper , or exceed in contrary qualities . The Third said , What Original Sin is to the state of the Soul , that the Small Pox seems to be to the state of the Body ; for this Disease commonly invades children , who never committed any fault in their course of living , and whose nature should be so much healthier by how much 't is more vigorous and nearer the principles of their Nativity ; wherefore it seems rather to proceed from the vitiosity of the Parents . And as many hereditary diseases come from the bad disposition of the seed ; so from the impurity of the blood ( the material principle of our bodies ) some may also arise ; as Tettars , Kibes , Corns , and other deformities of the skin , which happen to children , very like this . Moreover , this disease usually breaks forth in the seventh and ninth , which are the first climacterical years ; when Nature endeavours the perfection of her work by purging and cleansing it of all impurities . And as New Wine , when it comes to work , casts forth all the heterogeneous impurities in it's body ; so doth the natural heat attempt the like by causing an ebullition of the blood and spirits : whether this Fermentation happens by the universal spirit of the world , as those in other natural bodies ; or whether ( as 't is most probable ) it proceeds from the very strength of nature , whose motions , although regular and certain , are yet unknown to any other besides it self , which produces them according to the dispositions of the Subject wherein it resides . The Fourth said , That being our bodies were always form'd of the maternal blood , and indu'd with one and the same natural heat , ( which two are held the material and efficient causes of the Small Pox ) this Disease should have been in all times and places ; and yet it was unknown before the Arabians , in whose time it began to appear . For the little red round pustules , and those other like flea-bitings , mention'd by Hippocrates , Aetius , and some other Ancients , are nothing less then the Small Pox ; to which not only Women during their Suppressions , but even brute Beasts , which have also their purgations , ( as among others , the Bitch , the Mare , and the Shee-Ass ) ought to be subject . On the contrary , such as have burning Feavers should be free from it ; if it be true , that the seed and leven of this malady is dissipated by the ebullition of the blood , which is vehement in a Feaver . But 't is impossible to conceive , how a venemous and pernicious matter , ( as that impure part of the blood is said to be ) can be preserv'd for many years in its Mass ; for being the blood serves for continual aliment to all the parts , these ought to resent something of that malignity ; yet those that are taken with this disease are usually the most healthy , and of a sanguine constitution , which is the most laudable . For this were to accuse Nature either of Imprudence or Weakness ; but she is good , wise , powerful , and solicitous for nothing so much as to purifie the body , which she doth not only while the child is in the Womb , where she wraps it up in two membranes , which receive the Urine , Sweat , and other Excrements of sanguification ( as the Intestines do the grosser excrements ) but assoon as it is born , she expells its immundicities by blisters , scurfs , scabs , tumors of the head and other purgations , which Hippocrates saith , preserve from diseases , especially from the falling sickness . Nor can the Malignity of the Air be the Cause , as Fernelius holds , alledging that the difficulty of respiration , heaviness of the head , inflammation of the face , and such other concomitant symptoms , seem to be caus'd by the viciousness of the air , which infects the heart , and by that means hurts the other Functions . For then the Small Pox would be as Epidemical as the Pestilence , or any other contagious maladies , and seize upon all men indifferently , not excepting such as have once had them . Wherefore the matter of this disease is a serosity accompanied with the humours , which make the Pox appear of several colours , sometimes Red , Yellow , Black , or White , according as the Blood , Choler , Melancholy , or Flegm flow thither ; Wind or Water only cause bladders or blisters . Nevertheless it must be confessed that this serosity acquires some particular malignity ; as appears by the deformity caused by the pustules , which not only pit the skin and flesh , but sometimes even corrode and rot the bones . The Fifth said , That the Small Pox is a new and hereditary disease , and that as all other new maladies of these last ages , have always had their causes , but only wanted fitting dispositions ( without which nothing is produced ) so the causes of the Small Pox have always been existent , but the particular dispositions of bodies not lighting upon the point requisite for its production , it hath not appeared till these late times ; whether through the influence of Heaven , or through the Malignity of the Air , or the intemperance of men ( the most apparent cause of most diseases formerly unknown ) or else through contagion and contact , by which way the great Pox is communicated . For the Small is likewise contagious , and ( which is remarkable ) more amongst Kindred than Strangers ; because they , being issued of the same blood , have greater affinity of dispositions than Strangers . CONFERENCE CXXVII . Whether we profit best by Precepts or Examples . AS there is nothing so hard as to judg of the worth of things , so it is the highest point of prudence to understand the goodness of the means that may conduce to some end . Precepts and Examples are the two Means to attain Vertue ; 't is demanded which is the best and most proper . At first view , Example seems to have the same advantage over Precept that the Whole hath over the Part ; for a Good Example , besides being of its own nature a vertuous action holds the place of a Moral Rule ; but a Precept is only a General Maxim , not necessarily follow'd by a particular Action : whence it follows , that Precept regards only the Understanding , whereto it affords some light ; but Example makes impression upon both Faculties together , the Understanding and the Will , by an order necessary in civil life , which is regulated by the example of others . Therefore Great Persons are oblig'd to good Example , which derives its dignity from that of the giver . Moreover , Moral Propositions are so reasonable and conformable to the instinct we have of good , that all the World assents to them as consider'd in the General . There is no body but acknowledges , that , what belongs to each man ought to be render'd to him ; that , we ought not to do that to another which we would not have done to our selves : yet in the circumstances and particular cases we do not always apply those precepts , because then they appear clog'd with difficulties , to which our passion or interest give birth . Wherefore Example , beng Particular , is more considerable in Morality , wherein people are govern'd more by opinion then reason ; but Precept is Universal , and affects the mind only at a distance , our actions being oftentimes contrary to the secret dictates of the Understanding . In Example we feel the force and application of a precept in a particular subject , and know not only that which ought to be done but how it ought to be done by seeing it practis'd . Experience it self shew us , that Doctrine alone is weak and little perswasive , unless it be animated by the examples of a good life , whose silence is more eloquent than all precepts . Moreover , we are like those with whom we live , and the maladies of the body are not so contagious as those of the mind : which notwithstanding may as well profit by bad examples ; as good , the Understanding being able to turn bad food into good nourishment : And as a brave Action excites good Motions in us by its beauty , resulting from its conformity to Reason ; so a bad Action , by its deformity and contrariety to Reason , gives us aversion against it , and an inclination to its opposite . Socrates judg'd no Lesson so fit to moderate Anger , as for a Man to behold himself in a glass when he is agitated with that Passion . Which cannot be said of a bad Precept ; for this being a bad seed , can never produce any fruit but of the same Nature . On the other side , Men are such Lovers of Pleasures , that Virtue separated from Delight , stumbles them , and seemes too severe : But Precept is a pure Rule of Duty , without any attractive ; whereas Example , which appears to our Eyes , and is an Action cloth'd with circumstances , perswades us more sweetly , because we are naturally prone to Imitation ; whence it comes to pass that Comedies are so charming : And Example is the subject : of Imitation , but Precept cannot be so ; for it is general of it self , and all Moral Actions are singular . The Second said . That if it be true , as the Stoicks say , that Virtue is nothing else but a Science , then Precepts must be the foundations , as of Science , so also of Virtute ; which indeed being a habit of a reasonable Faculty , must be more promoted by Precepts , ( which are infallible verities , and supply light to that Power ) than Examples which have no force to convince a strong Mind . They who follow Virtue by Example , and not by Reason , have more of the Ape than of the Man ; and all the power Example hath , is onely to move the Will to admire and desire Virtue , but not to teach the way of attaining it , as Precept doth ; which , besides being invariable , and always alike to its self , is more easie to be applyed than Example , which puts on a new face , according to the circumstances of times , places , and persons ; there being no Actions , how , contrary soever , but have Examples to countenance their goodness . Moreover , they are either of the time past , and so move us not much ; or of the present , in which there are few of Virtue ; besides that , they are of less duration than Precepts , which are eternal . If vicious Examples attract more powerfully to Vice than vicious Precepts , the same cannot be said of the practice of Virtues ; since these have not all the External Senses of their party , as Vices have . The Third said , That sensible and palpable things , as examples are , have more power upon us than bare words , which cannot so well perswade a Truth , but that they alwayes leave some doubting in us ; whereas Examples being sensible , give us a more entire and perfect Knowledge : yea , they have influence even upon brute beasts , who learn not by Precepts but by Examples , which is an evidence of their certainty ; for a thing is the more certain , the more common it is to us with more . Hence Plato affirmes , That Examples are necessary to perswade high and lofty matters . Precepts , indeed , dispose , but Examples animate the Soul to Virtue ; those admonish , these stimulate and guide , as in the resolution of doing well : Instructions shew the way , but Examples drive us with the point of Honour , and the force of Emulation . Nor do Precepts include Examples , but the contrary ; and every Example comprehends a Document . When we see a Good Man square his Life out to his Duty , we find I know not what satisfaction and contentment in the admimiration of his Virtue , and this pleasure makes us conceive , yea , strongly perswades us , that all Virtues are amiable . Even Vicious Examples sometimes make Vice appear to us so deform'd , that we detest instead of pursuing it . Hence the Lacedemonians setting aside the Precepts of Temperature , were wont to make their Slaves drunk , that the ill-favour'd spectacle might make their Children abhor that Vice. Lastly , Our Saviour , whose Life was a continued Example of Virtue , did more Works to teach us , then he gave Words and Precepts , most of which are comprehended under Examples and Parables : Yea , the Devil , well knowing that Adam's mind was too strong to be prevail'd upon by Reasons , first gain'd that of his Wife , which was more weak , that he might allure him to sin by her Example . The Fourth said , The end is not onely more noble , but also more effectual than the means ; for 't is to that alone that they aim and terminate . Now the end of all Examples , is to deduce Precepts from them ; which Precepts , are general Notions grounded upon many Experiences or Examples , either of others , or our own ; but these being wholly particular , can have no power upon the Understanding , which frames its conclusions onely upon things universally true , as Maximes and Precepts are , and that more than Examples ; for these are never perfect , but full of a thousand defects , those sure and infallible . Moreover , Precepts move the Understanding , which is the noblest of all the Faculties ; whereas Examples make impression onely upon the outward senses and dull wits . The Fifth said , That as the Sight and the Hearing know how to put a difference between Colours and Sounds , without Learning ; and all the Faculties can naturally discern their own Objects : So the Understanding knows naturally the first Principles , and clearly beholds those first Verities : The Will hath also in it self the Principles and Seeds of Virtues , ( as the Synteresis , and remorse of Conscience in the most wicked , sufficiently prove ) and is of it self carryed to Virtuous Actions , without needing either Preecepts or Examples , equally unprofitable to the bad , who amend not thereby ; and to the good , who want them not . The Sixth said , That the Question is to be decided by distinguishing of the Minds of Men. Those that excel in Judgement attribute more to Reason than to Examples , which being more sensible , affect the Imagination of duller heads , who are not capable of Reasons . So that though Precepts and Arguments be without comparison more perfect than Examples ; yet because very few are capable of them , ( because the generality of the World is stupid and dull ) therefore they are not generally so proper to teach as Examples ; which nevertheless being of no power , but serving onely to clear an obscure Truth , ought not to have any ascendant over a Mind that is reasonable and furnish'd with Knowledge . CONFERENCE CXXVIII . Of Incubi and Succubae ; and whether Devils can generate . TWo sorts of people err in this matter ; the superstitious , and ignorant vulgar , who attribute every thing to Miracles , and account the same done either by Saints or Devils ; and the Atheists and Libertines , who believe neither the one nor the other . Physitians take the middle way , distinguishing what is fit to be attributed to Nature , and her ordinary motions , from what is supernatural ; to which last Head , 't is not reasonable to referr diseases and indispositions , as the Incubus is , call'd by the Greeks , Ephialtes , and by the vulgar , the Night-mare . 'T is defin'd , An impediment of Respiration , Speech , and Motion , with oppression of the Body , whereby we feel in our sleep as 't were some weight upon the Stomack . The Cause of it is a gross Vapor , obstructing principally the hinder part of the Brain , and hindring the egress of the Animal Spirits destinated to the motion of the parts ; which Vapor is more easily dissipable than the humor which causeth the Lethargy , Apoplexy , and other Symptoms , which are therefore of longer duration than this , which ceases as soon as the said Vapor is dissipated . Now whereas the Passions of the Mind and Body commonly supply the matter of Dreams ; ( as those that are hungry or amorous , will think they eat or see what , they love ; those that have pain in some part , dream that some body hurts the same ) hence when Respiration , ( the most necessary of all the animal functions ) is impeded , we presently imagine we have a load lying on our Breasts , and hindring the dilatation of the same . And because the Brain is employ'd in the Incubus therefore all the animal functions are hurt ; the Imagination deprav'd , the Sensation obtunded , Motion impeded . Hence those whom this evil seizes , endeavor to awake , but can neither move nor speak , till after a good while . And though the Cause of this disorder be within our selves , nevertheless the distemper'd person believes that some body is going about to strangle him by outward violence , which the depraved Imagination rather thinks upon than Internal Causes ; that being more sensible and common . This has given occasion to the error of the Vulgar , who charge these Effects upon Evil Spirits , instead of imputing them to the Malignity of a Vapor , or some phlegmatick and gross humor oppressing the Stomack ; the coldness and weakness whereof , arising from want of Spirits and Heat , which keeps all the parts in due order , are the most manifest Causes . Much unlikely it is to be caused by Generation , which being an Effect of the Natural Faculty , as this of the Vegetative Soul , cannot belong to the Devil , who is a pure Spirit . The Second said , As 't is too gross to recurr to supernatural Causes , when Natural are evident ; so 't is too sensual to seek the Reason of every thing in Nature , and to ascribe to meer Phlegm and the distempered Phant'sie , the Coitions of Daemons with Men ; which we cannot deny without giving the lye to infinite of persons of all Ages , Sexes , and Conditions , to whom the same have happened ; nor without accusing the Sentences of Judicial Courts which have condemned them . For to omit the Births of Hercules , Aemas , Alexander , Servius Tullus , and many other Heroes begotten by the false gods of Antiquity , who were no other than Devils , as were also the Fauni , Satyrs , and the chief of them Pan , the prime of the Incubi , called by the Hebrews Haza , as the chief of the Succubae was termed Libith : And to say nothing of the Giants mentioned in Genesis , who according to some Fathers were begotten by Angels ; England hath had its Merlin a great Magician ▪ begotten by an Incubus ; Poitou , Counts begotten of a Succuba , half Woman and half Serpent , called Mellusine ; Poland , Princes of the Race of the Jagelloes , issued from another in form of a Bear ; Hungary , intire Nations called Huns , born of the Arlunes , Gothick Witches , and Fauni . Even at this day , in the Island Hispaniola , by the Relation of Chieza , in his History of Peru , a Daemon , call'd by the Inhabitants Corocota , hath to do with the Women , and the Children proceeding from such Conjunction have horns ; as also among the Turks , those people whom they call Nephesolians , are believed to be generated by the operation of Daemons ; whether they borrow some humane seed which they transport almost in an instant , and so preserve its Spirits from evaporation ; or whether it be by their proper Virtue ; since whatever is naturally producible , as seed is , may be produced by Devils . For in the order of things natural , the superior and more noble contain eminently , and in a more perfect , degree , the powers of the inferior and less perfect . Yea , though they were not able to make true seed , it follows not that they cannot produce a perfect Creature ; for Nature , of which the Devils have compleat Knowledge , may have divers wayes to compass the same end . But as the Devil performs the natural actions of Animals by means supernatural ; as he sees without Eyes , moves Bodies without Contact , transports himself from one place to another , without commensuration of the intermediate space , because he hath no quantity ; so he may make a perfect Animal without observing the conditions of ordinary Agents . Moreover , Nature her self shews us strange transformations , as of a Womans hair buried in a dung-hill into Serpents ; and of leavs falling into the water , into Ducks ; wherefore there is no doubt , but he who hath perfect Knowledge of all these secrets , can by Application of Agents to Patients produce perfect Animals . The Third said , That the Devil being a Spirit of uncleanness delights not only to combat the Purity of Mankind by his illusions , but will have a hand in the sin too . When he hath to do with a Woman , he is called Incubus ; when with a Man , Succuba . As for this latter , 't is certain it cannot generate in its self , for want of place fit to receive the Seed and to reduce it from power into act , as also of Blood wherewith to nourish the Foetus during nine moneths . 'T is harder to resolve , whether an Incubus can generate in another . All agree that the Devil by Gods permission ( without which he can do nothing ) hath power to move all Bodies from one place to another ; and can by that means form a Body of Air , or some other gross matter ; or for want thereof , take a Body lately dead , animate it with an adventitious heat , and give such motions as he pleases to all its parts . But because Generation requires three things ; Distinction of Sex , Copulation of Male and Female , and emission of some prolifick matter containing in its self a vertue to form all the parts from whence it issued ; the Devil may indeed make the two first conditions meet , but never the latter , namely a fit and convenient seed , indued with spirits and vital heat , without which it is unfruitful and barren . For he hath no such seed of his own , because it is the result of the last concoction , which cannot be made but in a body actually alive , as that which he hath is supposed not to be ; nor can he borrow such seed elsewhere , because it becomes unfruitful when once shed out of the Vessels of Nature by reason of the evaporation of its spirits . The Fourth said , There is nothing supernatural in the Incubus ; for 't is only a symptom of the Animal Faculty accompanied with three circumstances , namely , Respiration hindred , Motion hurt , and a fansie depraved . The first proceeds from a phlegmatick , raw , and cold matter , which coming to lye heavy in the bottom of the Stomack , pulls down the Diaphragm ( whereto the Ventricle is annex'd by its upper part ) which being loaden and wanting its free Motion ; Respiration , whereof it is the principal Organ , is consequently hindred . As also it is by gross fumes elevated from the Hypochondres and Mesaraical Veins ; ( which being the first ways of Food , abound with impurities and gross vapours ) which coming to the hinder part of the Brain , obstruct the commerce of the Spirits , dedicated to the motion of all the parts ; but particularly that of the Diaphragm , by obstructing the two couple of Nerves which issue out of the fourth and fifth Vertebrae , and communicate motion to it ; just as , in sleep , Sensation is stop'd by more tenuious vapours possessing the forepart of the Brain , which is more soft . Hence such as sleep upon the back part of head are more subject to this Disease then those that sleep on one side . Lastly , the voluptuous phansie , which accompanies this accident , though very rarely , proceeds either from the abundance , or quality of the Seed ; which sending its Species into the phansie , this Faculty frames to its self a delightful object and stirs up the Motive Power , as this doth the Expulsive Faculty of the Spermatick Vessels , which discharge that excrementitious matter , whilst the lascivious Imagination fancies to it self the conjunction of unclean Spirits . CONFERENCE CXXIX . Which Animal is happiest , according to Nature . WHereas a man cannot so well speak of others as of himself , it were to be wished that every thing , which is naturally capable of felicity , came hither to give its suffrage . I believe the Birds would not be the last to testifie to us by their singing and agreeable warbling , the most certain indication of joy and contentment ; as cries are of the contrary , grief and sadness . Indeed , if there be any pleasure in the World , I think Birds have it ; for they go not only to seek their food in the bottom of the water , as Water-fowl do ( to whom that Element is common with Fishes ) ; they have not only the same share in the benefits of the land with four-footed Animals , and both together with amphibious creatures ; but moreover they fly in the Air , approaching Heaven nearer then we can , and cleaving that Element with an innocent pleasure not to be understood but by the action it self ; whence Angels are painted with wings . And as of all Animals the most imperfect and least capable of felicity are the Reptile , such as Earth-worms , little differing from this very Element ; so those are the happiest which remove themselves furthest from it , as Birds do . Amongst which I shall leave it to the Voluptuous to say , whether it be the Cock , the Sparrow , or the amorous Dove ; those that love Musick , to determine whether 't is the Nightingal , and to those that esteem the sight the most ravishing of all the Senses , whether it be the Eagle , whose eye discovers the remotest objects and turns not aside even from the beams of the Sun. The Second said , That since nothing is intirely happy in the World , the Question should rather be put , Which is the least unhappy of all Animals . Man , the only competent judge , acknowledges 't is not himself , for he seems to be the Butt of all the miseries in the World ; of which also he is so much more sensible then Beasts by how much he hath a mind more qualified to apprehend and resent them . For whereas they say , he alone is capable of felicity ; 't is true indeed in reference to the future not the present life , no age whereof is capable of relishing an intire contentment : and if one drop of Gall mingled with a good quantity of Milk denominates the same bitter , certainly we cannot term mans life pleasant whilst it hath abundantly more pain then delight . He comes into the World weeping , and naked without any Arms or defence ; wherein he is more unhappy then Beasts whom nature hath guarded with covertures against the injuries of the air . His first Child-hood is not yet capable of any sort of pleasure . Adolescence would taste thereof indeed , but is denied liberty by its Pedagogues . Youth precipitates it self into more kind of evils then it tastes of good : besides that , it sees most pleasures forbidden by Divines , Physicians , and Civilians , who seem to have endeavoured to take from us all contentment in this World ; which if old age makes us the less loth to part with , yet there is no so great resignation of spirit but is thwarted by temptations of the flesh , nor security so carnal but is startled with the records of conscience . Moreover , the true mark of felicity being the satisfaction and contentment of him that possesses it , no person can be happy in this world since none is contented . For man being design'd to a more perfect life then this , naturally desires the Supream Good , and all that is below it displeases him , as uncapable to satisfie him ; and because he cannot find it here , therefore neither can he find contentment , which consists in satisfying the Appetite . Beasts , on the contrary , having no other knowledg but that of Sensual and Delectable Good , desire no other , but are fully satisfi'd and contented therewith , and consequently more happy in this World then men . The Third said , If Felicity consist in action , that Animal must be most happy which acts most perfectly . So doth man , whether you consider him as to the Body or the Soul. For to say nothing of the divine functions of his Understanding and Will ; the sole structure of his Body , which was made erect that he might behold Heaven ( whereof he is capable ) and which alone is indu'd with beauty , one of the effects of Health , sufficiently proves it : For though some Animals possibly surpass him in some one sense , yet he alone excells equally in all , and knows the differences of colours , sounds , odours , sapours , and tactile qualities , in the participation of which he finds pleasure whereof beasts are incapable . The Fourth said , That to believe Man can be happy here , is to contradict the opinion of all the Sages of Antiquity , who have acknowledg'd Man the weakest and pitifullest of all Creatures ; and the Scripture it self , which terms his life full of sorrows , and this World his banishment . And indeed if we place Felicity in the knowledg of possessing it , Misery must also consist in the knowledg or opinion we have of being miserable ; of which reflection Man alone being capable , he must be also more too of unhappiness then felicity ; and the more , inasmuch as there are more things that can afflict then content him ; some always bringing present inconvenience with them , others leaving somewhat to be desir'd after them , and never satiating our Appetite . For the Reasonable Soul , which is held the subject of Mans happiness , is the principal obstacle to attaining it : since having for its object a more perfect and absolute Good then it can possess in this life , it cannot establish a true Felicity ( which of its own nature must be as lasting as the Existence of him who enjoys it ) upon things acknowledg'd frail and perishing , as Natural and Sensible goods are ; which being sutable to the duration and appetite of other Animals , their enjoyment thereof fills them with perfect happiness . But amongst these , Fishes seem to me most happy ; whether you measure their happiness by the largeness of their habitation which is the vast Ocean , of far greater extent then the Earth , from which being more severed then Birds , who are forced to descend thither for their food and rest , they are also less subject to the ambushes of men , and in this regard more happy ; or whether you consider corporal health ( the foundation of all felicity ) of which Fishes are so well provided that it hath occasion'd the Proverb , As sound as a Fish ; or lastly , whether you place felicity in the privation of pain , which resides chiefly in the sense of Touching ; which being more dull in them then in other Animals , they are also less sensible of inconveniences ; and for this reason were made mute by nature which hath given a voice to Animals chiefly to testifie thereby the grief which they resent . The Fifth said , If there be so great a number of opinions wherein the felicity of one single Animal , Man , consists ; there may justly be great variety of judgments , concerning which is the happiest of all Animals . To determine which , we must imitate Painters , who before they couch their Colours propose a perfect Idea of their work ; which the nearer it approaches , the more excellent it is reputed . In like manner , we must first form an Idea of this felicity , and then see which Animal comes nearest it ; whether the Servant or the Master , the brute Beast or Man ; whose mind , whereby he infinitely surpasses all the rest of the Creatures , seems to be ingenious to its own loss ; not imploying it self , but to find out reasons to prove him unhappy : since in favour of other Animals we lay aside that ambition which is so natural to us , and are willing to yield to the vilest of them , what we would dispute with the most perfect of men . Now that which makes most people mistaken in their judgment , is , that being no person injoys an intire felicity , they imagine that all happiness lyes in that thing which is wanting , and so esteem him alone happy that possesses it . Thus a poor spirit perswaded that all happiness consists in strength and courage , will say that the Lyon is the happiest of all Animals , since his courage gives him empire over all those of his condition . The sick person accounting health ( the most desirable of all goods , prefers Beasts before Man , whom his exact tempers renders more obnoxious to external causes which produce diseases . On the other side , if Animals are happy , 't is as Fools are , whose minds are quiet , by reason of their ignorance and insensibility . But as it is better to be sensible then insensible even upon the condition of enduring pain sometimes ; so it is more happy to have a rational mind , though it causes troubles to us sometimes , then to have none . Moreover we cannot avoid the stroaks of fortune , otherwise then those of Thunder , namely by being very high or very low ; but 't is better to be above tempests then below them , and to be incapable of them by reason as a wise man , then by stupidity as a beast . CONFERENCE CXXX . Whether is better , that Men have many Wives , or Women many Husbands . THough plurality of Wives or Husbands be disallowed by the Christian Law , yet not being contrary to the Law of Nations ( for many admit it ) , nor of nature ( during which it was in use ) ; we may be permitted to doubt whether , supposing Polygamy , it were better one Husband should have many Wives , or one Wife many Husbands . There are examples of both . Plurality of Wives was practised by Lamech , who first had two ; by Abraham , Jacob , and the Patriarchs , for multiplying of their Lineage ; afterwards by David and Solomon who had 700 Wives and 300 Concubins ; and at present 't is in use among the Turks who are permitted to have as many Wives as they can keep . As for plurality of Husbands , though it be not now in use , yet it was sometimes amongst the Amazons who made use of Men only as Stallions ; as also amongst the Medes and Persians , where it was a shame for a Woman to have less then five Husbands . And by the report of Caesar in his Commentaries , the Women of great Britain had no less then ten or twelve Husbands a piece . Nevertheless this plurality of Husbands is somthing against the Law of Nature , according to which the Male as the most perfect is the head and master of the Woman : and as 't is a monstrous thing for a body to have many heads , so 't is for a Woman to have many Husbands ; besides that they hinder production of Children ; ( for we see publick Women are barren ) and on the contrary , plurality of Wives is the cause of much issue . Wherefore 't is more expedient in a State , whose chief strength consists in the number of men , that one Husband have many Wives , then one Wife many Husbands . The second said , Though men , abusing the power and authority of Laws to their own advantage , have oftner married more Wives then they have permitted them to have more Husbands ; yet the women have as much reason of complaint in this point , as in any other establish'd to their prejudice , without their being heard or summon'd . Their vehement and irregular appetite after man ( of which the irregular motions of that Animal in Animali are most certain evidences ) seems to conclude in their favour . For Woman alone of all Animals desires the Male at all times , even after conception ; She , the Fire , the Sea , and Death , never say 't is enough ; as the matter hath a continual appetite of Forms , so hath she of the Male : which desire being natural , ought to be satisfi'd ; otherwise it were in vain : but nothing is so in Nature , and therefore she ought to be permitted more Husbands ; since one alone is more apt to irritate then satiate her . She is able and hath wherewith to satisfie them ; but if one man cannot suffice one woman , how can he acquit himself towards a dozen ; Especially in this age , wherein , no doubt , women would appeal from the constitution of Solon , who would have men live with their wives only thrice a moneth ; as well as from that foolish custom of Cato , who never visited his but when it rain'd . Lycurgus was much better advis'd , when he permitted old or otherwise impotent persons to chuse out the handsomest young men to lye with their wives . This Sage Legislator well judging that they would of themselves take this liberty ; and therefore 't was better to grant it them , that so they might be quit of the vice and blame attending this action when prohibited . The Third said , That the decision of this Question ( the very report of which sometimes put the Roman Dames into an aproar ) being of very great consequence to both parties , 't is requisite to observe so much equity therein , that the Women have no ground of exception ; though , to speak truth , I know not which would be most to their advantage , whether to have more Husbands ( who would be so many Masters and Tyrants ) or to share with other Women the Caresses of one alone ; the first being contrary to their haughty humour . and the second to their jealousie . Besides , the plurality of Husbands would hinder not only the propagation , but also the education of Children ; for none would take care of the Children which were not his own ; and though they were , he would not believe they belong'd to him . It would be impossible for a Father to know his own Child ; the term of Child-bearing being no more certain testimony , then the resemblance of Physiognomy . Moreover , whether the Wife were hated or loved by her Husbands , she would be displeas'd to see all her Rivals in bad intelligence , or the effects of their common hatred : However , being unable to please all , by reason of the diversity of their humours , she could not avoid the disgust of some of them . As for that impure pleasure , 't is too shameful to be brought into the account ; besides that the frequency of it would take away its sweetness ; no pleasures of life being such , but upon the score of their rarity . The Fourth said , They that fear the multitude of Husbands would hinder conception , and consequently generation , by the confusion of several Seeds , know not how either is effected ; since Physitians affirm with Hippocrates , That the Womb no sooner receives the fruitful Seed , but it shuts it self up to embrace the same straitly ( as the Stomach does the Meat ) and that so exactly as not to admit a needles point ; so that it cannot open again to receive new Seed in a second Coition . And though superfoetation happen sometimes , yet 't is very rare , and is incident to a Woman that lies with the same Man several times , as well as to one that lies with many . The other Inconvenience , of the incertainty of Issues , and consequently of Successions , is as little considerable ; for Man being not born for himself , but for the State whereof he is a Member ; and Children less belonging to their Parents then to the Commonwealth , whereof they are the Nursery ; 'twere more expedient that they were bred and instructed like those brave Lacedemonians , at the publick charge , than of their Parents , whose tenderness and too great indulgence is oft-times the cause of their evil education . Moreover , this was the design of that Divine Commonwealth of Plato , who would have not only other Goods , but Wives and Children also common ; that so those ungrateful words of Mine and Thine , which are the cause of all Mischiefs , might be taken away . For by this means that importunate solicitude of Appropriation and Jealousie , which oftentimes afflicts both parties , would be no longer any thing but a phantasm : Women would find their satisfaction in the plurality of Husbands ; these , how many soever to one woman , having always enough and more then they needed ; and the woman being cunning enough to divide her favours so that all her Husbands might be contented ; who , besides dividing the burden of domestick cares , would have an easier task by having the more Associates . But especially 't would be much for the womans interest ; for if she be belov'd by all her Husbands , 't will be unspeakable happiness to her ; if hated by any , the caresses of some will make her amends for the bad usage of others : whereas finding no remedy in that Gordian knot which tyes her to one person , she abandons her self to despair : insomuch that in the time of Spurius Carvilius , seventy women accus'd one another to the Senate of having poyson'd their Husbands . But if she be constrain'd to share the caresses of one Husband with a douzen rivals , there will be nothing but perpetual feuds , envies , and jealousies . Witness Leah and Rachel ; who , though holy women , yet daily contested for the possession of their common Husband Jacob. And the Scripture observes that Leah , who was blear-ey'd , was constrain'd to purchase of the fair Rachel with mandrakes the liberty of lying one night with Jacob. The 5th said , That seeing a Woman is a hagger'd and indocible animal , ( Experience shewing us , that one single man is not capable to reduce her to reason ) 't were more expedient to allow her many Husbands ; the reverence and aw of whom ( and in defect thereof , their force ) might tame her pride and insolence ; which is risen to the highest pitch , since the time that Justinian's Wife got the Law of Divorce repeal'd , which ever before had been a Bridle upon them . CONFERENCE CXXXI . Of the manner of Accretion . MOtion , which is the mutation from one state to another , is either simple or compound : Simple is either of Quality , & is term'd Alteration ; or of Place , and is call'd Lation or Motion Local Compound is either to Substance , and is nam'd Generation , which includes alteration and formation ; or to a greater Quantity , which comprehends Local Motion with Accretion or Augmentation , which cannot be made unless the parts extended change place . This Accretion is an effect of one of the Faculties subservient to the Vegetative or Natural , which are three , the Generative , the Auctive or Accretive and the Nutritive ; according to the three operations observ'd in living bodies which have parts generated , nourishing , and increasing ; for a thing must be generated before it can grow and acquire the perfection wherein it is maintain'd by Nutrition . The Generative Faculty , which is compounded of the Alterative and Formative , regards the foetus in the womb . The Auctive governs it from its birth till the twentieth or one and twentieth year , which is the term of Accretion . The Nutritive continues all the time of life , which cannot subsist without nourishment ; because this repairs the continual dissipation of our substance caus'd by the action of heat upon humidity ; in which action , Life it self consists . Now though the body may be nourisht without growing , yet it cannot grow unless it be nourisht . For Accretion being an Extension of the parts in length and breadth , new substance must be supply'd to fill up the place of that which is extended : otherwise , a living body should grow no more then a bladder doth when it is blown , or a piece of leather when it is stretcht ; in the former , what is gotten in capacity , is lost in thickness ; and in the latter , what is gotten in length is impair'd in breadth : so that the augmentation of parts would be rather imaginary than real , without supply of new matter to succeed that which is equally extended in all its dimensions : amongst which , nevertheless that of stature , and of the solid parts , ( as the bones ) is call'd Growth , and not that which is made in thickness and the fleshy parts , which are enlarged manytimes after the time of full growth . The second said , That all things being finite , must have bounds of magnitude sutable to the use whereunto they are appointed ; which bounds are not determinate in inanimate bodies , as Stones , Metals , Hair , and Nails ; whose accretion being made by the bare apposition of matter , they are augmented continually , so long as there is accession of new matter to the former . But in living bodies the same are regular ; for the accretion of these being internal , and the work of the soul , continues till the body hath attain'd the proportion and stature requisite to its functions . To compass which , Nature employs Heat as the Efficient Cause , and Humidity as the Material . Hence children grow most in their infancy , because they are then most moist ; and men to a larger size then women , because they have more heat . Young men indeed have a more pungent and vigorous heat then Children , but these are better stor'd ; ( as being nearer the principles of their generation ) ; and though it be not so active , yet 't is more proper for the growth of the solid parts , which being desiccated by a violent heat are not so extensible as when they are full of a fat and unctuous humidity . But as for the manner of Accretion , 't is almost the same with that of Nutrition : The Aliment having been prepar'd in the Stomach and Liver , and by this latter transmitted by the veins into all the parts of the body , the purer particles of it , sweat through the coats of the Vessels , and fall like a gentle dew upon the parts , which first imbibe , then agglutinate , and lastly , assimilate the same . So that Nutrition is nothing but Assimilation of the substance of the food to that of the living body ; and as Aliments nourish by resemblance of their Substance , and by vertue of their Form , so they cause augmentation by their Quantity , and Matter , which arriving at the solid parts , as the Bones , Cartilages , and Ligaments , causes the same to extend and grow in all dimensions ; but especially in height , by reason that 't is proper to Heat to drive Humidity upwards . And as when the Nutrition is equal to the Dissipation , the body is only nourisht ( as in the Age of Consistence ) so when the Income of matter is greater than the Expence , the surplusage meeting with a due heat causeth augmentation ; if it be less , there follows wasting or diminution , as is seen Old-Age . The Third said , As Animals are indu'd with a nobler degree of life than Plants , so they vegetate after a more sublime manner , and not only by bare heat and moisture . For amongst Animals , the Elephant a melancholy , and consequently , cold and dry beast , is yet the greatest of the field ; the Crocodile , though cold , grows all its life ; and some Serpents have by long age attained to the length of sixty foot . So amongst Trees , Oaks , though the dryest , are the largest . Of Bones , the Malleus , Incus , and Stapes in the Ear , which serve to reproduce sounds , grow not at all , though they be full of mucosity and humidity : on the contrary , the Teeth , the dryest of all parts ( as is manifested by their rotting last ) yet grow all the life long . But if Heat and Moisture were the causes of Accretion , then the Sanguine , who are hot and moist , should be of the largest size , as they are not , but commonly grow as well as the Flegmatick more in thickness than height , augmenting their flesh and fat more then their solid parts . On the contrary , the tallest men are commonly cold , dry , and lean , the lowest , generally hotter ; and people grow upon recovery after fevers which dry the body . Wherefore 't is more probable that the Growth of Animals is an effect of the Spirits , which insinuating into the Vessels extend the same , and withall the membranes , muscles , and other parts encompassing them proportionably . The Fourth said , That the Spirits are indeed the Soul's Organs and Instruments whereby she performs her functions ; but being of so volatile and fluid a nature , as not to be reckon'd in the number of the parts of Man's Body , they cannot of themselves cause Accretion , which requires Apposition of new matter , which insinuates it self equally into all the parts just as the nourishment doth ; both without penetration of dimensions , or admission of vacuity . This matter must be humid , because , of all Bodies ; the moist are most pliant and extensible : Whence the Sea by reason of its humidity , produces Monsters of strange bulk . Yet this humidity , as well as the heat must be in due degree ; for a great heat consumes instead of increasing ; whence the Males of Birds of prey are lesser than the Females , because they are hotter ; but if it be too weak , then the moisture , instead of ascending , falls downward by its proper gravity ; which is the cause that Women , who have less heat , are also of lesser stature than Men , and larger downwards as Men are upwards . According to the various marriage of this heat with moisture , bodies grow variously ; some more slowly ; others , more speedily ; some are little and dwarfish ; others , Giants ; according to the defect or abundance of the matter serving to their first Formation . But as for the rest of Man-kind , Wise Nature hath set her self such bounds as she hath judg'd convenient , beyond which the most part grow not ; which are between six and seven foot : Not the Accretive Faculty is then lost or corrupted , ( for 't is that power of the Soul , and consequently , incorruptible and inseparable , from her ) but it cannot act longer for want of fitting dispositions , to wit , the softness and moistness of the solid parts . As a Mule hath a Sensitive Soul , but not the virtue of generating , which is one of the Faculties of that Soul ; and a Load-stone rub'd with Garlick , hath still the virtue of attracting Iron , but cannot employ the same , by reason that its Pores are stopt , no more then the Eye can see in a Suffusion . CONFERENCE CXXXII . Whether the Dinner or Supper ought to be largest . DIet , or the Regiment of Living , ( which is the first and most general part of Physick , because it concerns both the healthy and the sick ) consists in regulating the quantity and quality of Aliments , and the order and time wherein they are to be taken . The Quantity must be proportional to the nature of the Person , so that his strength may be repair'd and not oppress'd thereby . As for the Quality , they must be of good juice , and as pleasing and agreeable as may be . The Order of taking them is to be this ; such as are moist , soft , laxative , and of soonest Digestion or Corruption , must precede such as are dry , hard , astringent , and of more difficult Concoction . The Time , in general , ought to be so regulated that the interval of Meals be sufficient for digesting the nourishment last fore-going . The Custom of most Nations hath made two , Dinner , and Supper ; Break-fast , and Afternoon-collations , being but Diminutives , or parts of them two , and the over-plus of notorious excesses . Now if we compare Dinner and Supper together , it seemes requisite that the latter be more plentiful , because the Time ensuing , it is most proper for Digestion , in regard of the intro-recession of the natural heat during sleep , which becoming by that means more united and vigorous , performes the natural functions , to wit , Concoction , Distribution , Apposition , and Assimilation , more perfectly then after Dinner , when it is diverted otherwise , to the Senses and Operations both of Body and Mind : Besides that , the coldness and darkness of the night , contributes not a little to the same effect upon the account of Antiperistasis . Unless we had rather , with some , establish a new power of the Soul , governing and disposing the Spirits according to necessity ; sometimes giving them the bridle , and causing them to move outwards , as in Anger , Shame , and Indignation ; sometimes summoning them inwards , as in Fear , Sadness , and Sleep , which for this reason renders the Countenance pale , and all the extream parts cold ; whereas in the time of waking , the external parts being hotter , leave the Internal more cold . The Second said , That he agreed with the Church , which enjoynes Fasting in the Evening but allows Dinners ; which it doth not without mature consideration , drawn as well from Nature as from Grace . For it thereby designes the eschewing those Illusions and Temptations attending good Cheer taken before going to bed ; and conceives , a light Supper fittest for meditation and serenity of Mind . The reparation of our dissipated Spirits by Food , causeth the same disorder in the Body that happens in a Town or Village upon the entrance of strangers to people it , after its desolation by some accident ; and therefore 't is better that this trouble arrive in the day , when our waking senses are able to secure themselves from the Commotions caused by this change , than in the night , whose darkness helps to multiply the Phantasms which are in the Imagination , pester'd with the vapors and gross fumes of Meats , the Digestion whereof is then but begun . Whereas in the day time , such vapors transpire more freely by the Pores which are opened by the heat of the Sun , and by the Exercises which are used in the Afternoon . Besides , Meats being onely to fill emptiness , the time of the greatest inanition is the fittest for repletion ; which certainly Noon must be , after the Evacuations of the fore-going Night and Morning . The Third said , There are four manners of taking Repasts : First , Some eat often , and very much at each time ; so did the Athletae of old , and so do those Gourmandizers who are alwayes hungry , and whose Stomacks have been found after their death of unusual capacity : This way is altogether opposite to Health . Secondly , Some eat little and seldom : which course befits acute Diseases ; those that are judg'd the fourth day , requiring sometimes a total abstinence , in case the Patient's strength can bear it ; those that reach to the seventh or fourteenth , very little Food and seldom . Thirdly , Such as must eat little but often ; as little Children and Old people , whose heat being weak and easily dissipated , they must be often nourish'd ; but by a little at a time , for fear of overcharging their too weak Stomacks . The last and commonest way , is , to eat plentifully but seldom , which is the manner of middle-ag'd people , who usually eat twice a day , and more at one Meal than at the other : it being hard for a Man to satiate himself both at Dinner and Supper without indammaging his Health . Which made Plato wonder when he heard that the Sicilians fill'd themselves with Meat twice a day , and oblig'd the Romans to make a light repast about Noon , and a splendid Supper ; which I am for . Upon this account the Church hath , to macerate us , forbidden Suppers on Fasting dayes ; which is an Argument that they are more agreeable and more conducing to Health than Dinners . For such quantity of Food is to be taken as answers to the natural heat ; which being not onely more vigorous , but also of longer duration between Supper and Dinner , than between Dinner and Supper , ( the interval whereof is seldom above six or seven hours , whereas that between Supper and Dinner is about seventeen ) 't is more reasonable to sup more largely than dine . For if the Dinner be largest , we shall eat either as much as the heat is able to digest by Supper-time , or more . If we eat more , and go to Supper before the digestion of the Dinner is wholly finish'd , we shall beget crudities , which are the seed of most diseases . If we eat as much as the heat can digest , and the Supper be less then the Dinner ; then the heat which follows the Supper being stronger and more active , will soon concoct the meat taken at Supper ; and ( because 't is a natural agent , not acting from a principle of liberty but of necessity , and cannot remain idle ) having no extraventitious matter to work upon , it will necessarily consume the laudable juices of the body , drying up the same during sleep . For whereas sleep is said to moisten , whence arose the Proverb , Qui dort mange ; He that sleeps , eats ; 't is true , when the stomach and entrals being fill'd with sufficient nourishment , the Heat raises and disperses to all the parts the purest of the juices and vapours like gentle dews ; which it cannot do when the Stomach is empty . The fourth said , Nature having given us an Appetite to advertise us of the need of all parts , there is no certainer rule of the time of Repast than this Appetite , which for this reason is seated in the upper Orifice of the Stomach , render'd sensible by the Nerves of the sixth Pair terminating therein . For there is a continual dissipation of our substance in all the parts , which being exhausted attract from their neighbours wherewith to fill their own emptiness : these solicit the Liver , for supply ; that , the Guts by the Mesaraick Veins : these the Stomack , at the top whereof this suction terminates , the sense or perception whereof is call'd Appetite ; which , if of hot and dry , is call'd Hunger ; if of cold and moist , Thirst . So that Nutrition being onely to recruit and repair the loss of our Substance , there is no more assured sign of the fitting time to eat , then when the said Appetite is most eager , at what hour soever it be . The fifth said , That this might have place in well temper'd bodies which desire onely so much as they are able to digest , but not in those whose Appetite is greater than their Digestion , as cold and melancholy Stomacks ; or who desire less , as the hot and bilious , whose heat melting the juices , abates the Appetite ; as on the contrary , Coldness contracting the membranes of the Stomack , augments it : So that 't is most expedient for every one to consult his own Temper , Age , Nature , and Custom of living ; Old people , little Children , such as are subject to Defluxions , or have weak Stomacks , must sup sparingly ; on the other side , the Cholerick , and such as are subject to the Head-ach , must eat a larger Supper than Dinner : But above all , the Custom of every particular person is most considerable herein . CONFERENCE CXXIII . Which of the Humane Passions is most excusable . MAn being compos'd of two Pieces , Body and Soul , and upon that account styl'd by Trismegistus , The Horizon of the Universe , because he unites in himself the spiritual nature with the Corporeal , the Inclinations whereof are different ; he hath also need of two guides to conduct those two Parts ( the Rational and the Animal ) and make them know the Good towards which they are carried of their own Nature . The Intellect makes him see the Honest and Spiritual Good ; the Imagination enables him to conceive a sensible and corporeal Good. And as the Rational Appetite ( which is the Will ) follows the light afforded to it by the Intellect in pursuit of Honest Good , whence Vertue ariseth ; so the sensitive Appetite is carri'd to the enjoyment of sensible Good which the Imagination makes it conceive as profitable and pleasant , and that by motions commonly so disorderly and violent that they make impression not only upon the Mind , but upon the Body , whose Oeconomy they discompose ; and for this reason they are call'd Passions or Perturbations , and Affections of the Mind . These Passions either are carri'd towards Good and Evil simply , as Love and Hatred ; the first inclining us to Good which is the Parent of Beauty , the latter averting us from Evil : or else they consider both Good and Evil Absent , as Desire and Flight : or Lastly , they consider them being present , and cause Pleasure and Grief ; which , if of longer duration , produce Joy and Sadness . Now because difficulties frequently occurr in the pursuit of Cood and flight of Evil , therefore Nature not contented to have indu'd Animals with a Concupiscible Appetite , which by means of the six above-mention'd Passions might be carri'd towards Good , and avoid Evil ; hath also given them another Appetite call'd Irascible , to surmount the Obstacles occurring in the pursuit of Good or flight of Evil ; whence arise five other Passions , Hope , Despair , Boldness , Fear , and Anger . Hope excites the soul to the prosecution of a difficult but obtainable good . Despair checks the motions of the soul towards the pursuit of a Good no longer obtainable . Boldness regards an absent Evil , which assures it self able to surmount . Fear considers the same absent Evil without any means of being able to avoid it . Lastly , the violence of Anger is bent against a present Evil , whereof it believes a possibility to be reveng'd . And because a present and enjoyed Good cannot be accompani'd with difficulty ; hence there is no Passion in the Irascible Appetite answering to Anger , as there is in the other Passions : which again are divided according to the several objects about which they are exercis'd . The desire of Honours is call'd Ambition ; that of Riches , Covetousness ; that of fleshly Pleasures , Concupiscence ; that of Meats , Gourmandise or Gluttony . The Hatred of Vice causes Zeal ; that of a Rival , Jealousie . The sorrow arising upon the sight of Evil suffer'd by an undeserving person , causes Compassion ; Indignation proceeds from the happening of Good to one that merits it not . Now , among all these Passions , Ambition , which aims at a general superiority , seems to me the first ; and since it hath serv'd to excuse Parricides and Violators of the publick faith , whom it hath caus'd to say , that for the sake of command nothing is unjust , it may very well be excus'd every where else ; besides that , it hath been the instigator to the most glorious Actions , the source whereof is that laudable Ambition which every one hath to out-vie his companion . The second said , If the Passions are Diseases of the Soul , as the Stoicks held , and the Question seems to presuppose ; I conceive none more agreeable and excusable than Love ; whose sweet violence insinuating into the severest brests , finds nothing capable to resist it . Hence those that are taken with it , wish nothing less than a cure , which cannot proceed but from oblivion of the thing belov'd , wherein they live more than in themselves : the soul being more where it loves than in the body wherein it lives . Moreover , this Passion is the most natural and common of all , and consequently , the most excusable ; being found not only in all men , but also in all Animals , who feel the assaults of Love , which makes them naturally tend towards Good. And as Love is the most common , so it is likewise the source and principle of all the Passions : for we neither hate nor fear any thing , we have neither joy , sadness , desire , fear , nor anger , but because we love something : the true course to become exempt from these Passions , being , To love Nothing . The third said , That the most violent Passions being the most excusable because the hardest to subdue , those of the Irascible Appetite ( particularly Anger ) being more vehement than those of the Concupiscible Appetite , are also the most worthy of excuse . The former possess the noblest part of Man , the Heart , which is the source of Anger ; the latter , the Liver which is the seat of Love ; whose weakness the Poets have sufficiently demonstrated by representing it to us under the form of a Child , which hath no power over us but what we suffer it to take . But Anger which is proper to the Generous , as Love is to the weak and effeminate , makes it self master of the Soul ; and by its sudden and impetuous motions obscuring the light of reason , makes us the more excusable in that we are no longer masters of our own actions . And as Madness excuses the Frantick from blame and punishment , so Anger which is a short Madness , as the Poet saith , deserves the same excuse ; its violence being so much above that of all other Passions , that it is the most quick and passes like Lightning : for when it takes root in the soul , it loses its name , and degenerates into Hatred . The Fourth said , That he was for Joy , because all the other Passions acknowledg its power such , that they are contented to be its servants ; Love and Desire are only in order to some hoped Joy ; Hatred and Flight , only to remove all objects that may trouble it . Despair then only seizes us , when we can no longer hope for Joy ; Hope is for it alone ; Fear is only of what is contrary to it ; Boldness , to break through all Obstacles opposing our contentment ; and Anger serves to express the displeasure we resent for its delay or interruption . If a man injure us in his anger , or in his sadness , yea , or in his despair ; we will not excuse him : but be we never so displeas'd , we not only excuse the joy of others , but take pleasure in it . And whereas Contraries are known by their Contraries , since nothing displeases us so much as Sadness , nothing pleases us so much as Joy ; whose violence is manifested by some that have dy'd of it , as none ever did of Anger . In fine , we cannot better prove and approve the power and empire of any one than by becoming his subjects , as we all are of Joy ; to which the greatest part not only give part of their time , but also quit the most important affairs to seek it in places destinated to the god of Laughter ; whose Festivals are now more frequen then in in the days of Apuleius . And what makes us in youth bear and endure all the pains of study ; Apprentices of each Trade , the hardships which they undergo ; Soldiers , the danger of Death , but a pre-conceived hope of Joy ? which he that possesses , becomes so master'd by it , that he forgets all his past evils : The Mariner no longer remembers the perils of the sea , nor the sick person his pains ; In short , every one suffers himself to be possess'd and govern'd by this Passion , which is therefore the most excusable . The fifth said , That Grief brings greater Evil than Joy doth Good ; because Evil wholly destroys the Nature of a thing , which Good only renders more complete ; whence it follows that the former is much more just and excusable than the latter which gives only Well-being , but Evil destroys Being it self ; to the preservation whereof all Creatures being naturally enclin'd , more carefully eschew such things as may hurt them , then they pursue those that may procure joy and contentment . Moreover the accents of the Voice which testifie Grief or Sadness are much more violent than those of Joy ; which being nothing else but a bare complacency receiv'd in the enjoyment of Good , consists rather in rest then in motion , whereof Grief partakes more largely by the endeavours which it causeth the soul to put forth for removing of what torments it . The sixth said , That the Passions being Appurtenances of our Nature , and part of our Selves , are all excusable in themselves , because natural and inevitable ; but especially those whereto we are particularly most inclin'd by Temper : so Love and Joy are most excusable in the sanguine ; Choler and Despair in the Bilious ; Hatred and Sadness in the Melancholick ; Hope and Boldness in Youth ; and Bashfulness is excusable in a Child , but culpable in an old man. Yet Hope , which accompanies Man not only while breath lasts , but extends even beyond death , seems by that duration to plead , that as it is the least separable , so it is the most excusable . CONFERENCE CXXXIV . Which is the most laudable Temperament . TEmperament is the Harmony and Proportion of the four first Qualities , resulting from the mixture of the Elements , whereof all sublunary Bodies are compounded ; which being destinated to several ends , requir'd therefore different Tempers and Qualifications . Now although the diversity herein be almost infinite , yet it may be reduc'd to three Supream Heads . For either the four Qualities are so mix'd that they remain in an equal proportion ; or one of them excels the rest ; or else two together have the advantage . The first makes the Temperament equal ; the two latter make it unequal . The equal Temperament is two-fold ; one call'd Temperament by Weight ( ad Pondus , as they speak ) when the qualities are so perfectly proportionate , that , could they be weigh'd in a balance , not one would preponderate above another : ( Understand this Equalness , only of Qualities , not of Elements ; for were there as much Fire as Water , as much Air as Earth , the more active fire would consume the rest and reduce into ashes all living things ; whose dissolution shews us that they consist more of Earth and Water then of the other Elements . The other , call'd Temperament according to Justice , is found in every sort of compound-substances ; amongst which there is one that serves for the rule or standard to all individuals compris'd under it , and possesses in perfection the temper require requisite to the functions of its nature . Thus amongst Animals the Lyon is hot , the Swine moist , the Salamander cold , the Bee dry : but Man is temperate , and amongst his parts the Bones , Cartilages , and Ligaments are cold and dry ; the Blood , Spirits , Muscles , Heart and Liver are hot and moist ; the Brain , Phlegm and Fat are cold and moist ; each of them being temper'd according to Justice . The Skin alone , especially that in the Palm of a well-temper'd mans hand , being moderate in all the Qualities and seeming a texture of the Flesh and Nerves , is equally cold and hot , soft and hard , and consequently the prime Organ of Touch , and the judge of all other Temperaments . The unequal Temperament , ( which nevertheless lyes within the latitude of Health ) is either simple or compound . The former ( wherein one of the four Qualities prevails over its contrary , while the other two remain in a mediocrity ) is of four sorts , Hot , Cold , Dry , and Moist . The second , ( wherein two excell ) is likewise of four sorts according to the four combinations which the qualities admit ; viz. Hot and Moist , Hot and Dry , Cold and Moist , Cold and Dry : for Hot and Cold , Dry and Moist , cannot subsist in one and the same subject . And though the heat incessantly consuming the moisture , and the cold collecting plenty of humid excrements , hinder the hot and moist , and cold and dry tempers from subsisting long in the same state ; yet they may continue therein for some time , though they become chang'd by succession of ages . Now of the nine sorts of Tempers , to wit , the four simple , four compound , and one perfectly temperate , this last seems to me the most laudable and perfect ; a body thus temper'd being neither fat nor lean , hot nor cold , dry nor moist , but of a square and indifferently fleshy constitution , not inclining to one extream more then another , being in an exquisite mediocrity , and consequently more laudable then any of those which approach nearer the ( always vicious ) extreams . The Second said , If there be such an exquisite Temperament as reason seems to demonstrate , then since there is no passing from one extream to another but by the middle ; when a Child changes the heat and moisture of his infancy into the cold and dryness of old-age , that middle equal Temper must pass away as swift as lightning , and it's duration will be almost insensible . Wherefore though it be the most perfect and desirable , yet since 't is only the standard and rule of all others , I am for Hot and Moist , as most sutable to life , which consists in those two qualities ; as Death , and its forerunner Old-age , are cold and dry . This is the Temperament of Child-hood , allotted to us by Nature at the beginning of our life ; and therefore the most perfect , answering to the Spring ( the most temperate of Seasons ) and to Blood ( the most temperate humour ) whence 't is call'd Sanguine ; as the cold and dry , is Melancholick ; the hot and dry , Bilious ; the cold and moist , Phlegmatick . Which is not to be understood of the excrementitious but of the natural humours contain'd in the mass of Blood , which follow the principles of our Generation . Moreover , 't is proper not only for the functions of life , whereof health is the foundation , and joy the most sweet support , which the Blood produces , ( as Melancholy doth sadness , Phlegm slothfulness ; Bile , fury and anger ) but also for those of the Mind , which depending upon the pureness of the Animal Spirits , ( as these do upon that of the Vital and Natural ) which are more benigne in the Sanguine , their conceptions must be likewise more clear and refin'd . The Third said , If Heat and Moisture are sutable to the actions of the Vegetative Soul , ( Generation , Accretion , and Nutrition ) they are no less prejudicial to those of the Rational , the seat whereof is therefore remote from the two Organs of Concoction , the Ventricle and the Liver ; lest the fumes of the Food coming to be mix'd with the Animal Spirits might offuscate and cloud the phantasms and ideas wherewith those Spirits are charged , and consequently hinder the operations of the Understanding , which depend upon those phantasms so long as it is linked to the Body . For all Souls being alike , their operations differ only according to the diverse temper of the Brain , which causes that of the Animal Spirits , which must be subtle and luminous , but not so far as to be igneous ( like those of the cholerick and frantick , whose motions are precipitate and impetuous ) but in the just proportion observ'd in the Melancholick temper , which being cold and dry ( that is to say , less hot and moist ) is most proper for Prudence and Wisdom , which require a setled compos'd Spirit , like that of old men , who owe not their Wisdom so much to the experience of many years , as to the coldness and dryness of their Brains , which makes men grave and sedate . All brave men have been of this temper , which gives patience and constancy , without which nothing grand and considerable can ever be perform'd . And as the hot and moist temper is most subject to corruption , so by the reason of contraries the cold and moist must be least obnoxious to diseases ( as amongst Trees and Animals , the dryest and hardest are least offended by external injuries ) upon which account the Melancholy is not only most desirable , but also because it most contents the mind of him that possesses it , who being at his ease makes more reflection upon the benefit he injoys , unless otherwise diverted by contemplation . The Fourth said , That that is the most laudable temper which is most adapted to the functions both of body and mind ; between which there is so great a disproportion , that what agrees well with the one , seems prejudicial to the other . The Sanguine is the most excellent for the operations of life and good habit of Body , but incommodious for those of the Mind ; partly through the softness and mildness of that humour which cannot suffer strong attention , and partly through its excessive humidity , which filling the Imagination with vapours cannot supply fit matter to the Animal Spirits , whose temper must be dry for producing Wisdom , whereunto Melancholy is by some judg'd conducible ; but were it so , 't is too contrary to the health and good constitution of the body to be desirable . The phlegmatick temper is proper neither for the health of the Body nor the goodness of Wit. But the Bilious is for both ; being less repleat then the Sanguine , and less attenuated and dry'd then the melancholick , besides very nimble and dextrous through the plenty of spirits ; and as 't is easily disorder'd , so likewise 't is restor'd in a little time ; its maladies being the shortest . Moreover , its vivacity is much more desirable then the heaviness and lumpishness attending the Melancholy and making the Vulgar think them Sage and prudent though they are only so in appearance : whereas the Cholerick are Industrious and Courageous , accomplishing whatever they attempt ; and as amongst Beasts and Birds the noble Lyon and Eagle are of this complexion , and according to some our first Parent Adam ( which signifies Red ) was in hair and temper bilious ; whence perhaps also Man is call'd in the same language Ish , which signifies Fire , whereof choler partakes . The Fifth said , That indeed his readiness to obey his Wife was an effect of that Temper , of which he seems rather to have been then of that laudable and perfectly temperate one which our Saviour enjoy'd . But indeed , Tempers being the principles of all our functions , which must be different in every individual , are desirable according to the Places , Seasons , Employments , Age , Sex , and Inclinations of every one in particular . CONFERENCE CXXXV . Of Happiness and Vnhappiness ; and whether men are Happy or Vnhappy , because they really are so , or because they think themselves so . THree sorts of effects are observ'd in Nature . Some arise always necessarily , as the vicissitudes of Days , Nights and Seasons , which depend upon the motion of the Stars , no more alterable without a miracle then the other effects of Universal Nature . Others come to pass often but not always ; the particular nature which produces them being sometimes hindred by some accident , which makes it bring forth Monsters . The last happen neither always nor often but seldom ; as all those which depend upon contingent causes , which are of two sorts . The first act by a necessity of nature , without any election : The second by a principle of liberty without choice or deliberation . Both , when they produce an effect contrary to their intention and primary design , are called fortuitous causes . And as those which act by natural necessity produce a casualty , as when a Stone falls upon the head of any one ; so when those which operate by election and design , produce another thing then what they had propounded to themselves , they make fortune , or good and ill-luck , according to the good or evil arising thence by ways and springs , by us unforeseen : for in case the cause or motives be known , the effects are no longer fortuitous and contingent , because they have their manifest and certain cause . So when industry , labour , favour or friendship procure Riches , the effect is not to be ascrib'd to Fortune , no more then the losses which follow upon the luxury and profusions of a disorderly life : but Riches and Honours are fortuitous when they happen to persons altogether incapable thereof ; as also poverty , infamy , and contempt also to brave men , whose constancy and resolution in undergoing all those disgraces hath made it be commonly said , That a wise man is above fortune , because he slights her stroaks by the strength of his reason ; which being alone capable to render us happy , since Beasts destitute thereof have neither any share in good-luck or bad-luck , I conceive that both the one and the other depends intirely upon our fansie , and the reflection we make upon the condition of the thing possessed ; which appearing sometimes good and sometimes bad , makes us accordingly judge our selves happy or unhappy . The Second said , Diversity is no where more apparent than in humane Actions , the incertainty and inconstancy whereof is such , that men rarely arrive at their proposed end , but oftentimes behold themselves either exalted to an unhoped degree of Felicity , or overwhelmed with the Misery which there was no ground to apprehend . Which diversity of accidents , induced Superstitious Antiquity , to set up a blind and flitting Deity , constant onely in her inconstancy , whom they held the cause of all such effects ; thus betaking themselves to an imaginary canse , in regard they could not , or would not acknowledg the true ; which I attribute to every ones temperament , by means of which is produced in the Soul a certain natural motion and impetuosity for obtaining some particular thing , without Reasons contributing thereunto ; and according as a Man follows or resists these instincts and inclinations , so he proves either happy or unhappy . Thus he who finds himself disposed to Arms , if he embrace them , thrives better than in a soft and sedentary life , whereunto the Melaneholly person is more addicted , and prospers better herein . Now because dull spirits , fools , and thick-skull'd fellows , easily suffer themselves to be guided by those motions ; therefore they commonly prove more fortunate than the wise , whose Prudence and Discretion causing them to make abundance of reflections upon what they undertake , causes them also to lose opportunities which never return . For I am not of their Opinion , who hold , That as there are Spirits which make the Celestial Orbes move , and , according to Averroes , an Intelligence presiding over natural Generations ; so there is a particular one for the various events of life , which it makes to happen according to the different intentions of the First Mover : Since without recurring to such obscure and remote causes , we carry in our selves those of our Felicity and Infelicity , whereof we are the true Artificers ; which to place in the Phansie alone , and not in reality , is to say , good is not Good ; since goodness being an essential affection of real entity , is inseparable from it , and consequently true , not barely imaginary . The Third said , That Good being such onely upon account of its conveniency or sutableness to the Possessor , there is not in this world any Absolute Good or Happiness , but onely Relative and by Comparison , seeing what sutes well with one , doth not so with another . Riches , wherein most Men place their Felicity , were cast into the Sea by a Philosopher , that he might the better attend Contemplation . Honors and Pleasures , ( charms , which most powerfully inveigle most of Man-kind ) are crosses and torments to some others . Imprisonment , one of the hardest trials of Patience , is nevertheless sought by some , who prefer Solitude and perpetual Restraint , before the vanities of the world . To have no Friends is the greatest of infelicities ; yet Timon made it his prime Pleasure . Life , the foundation of all goods , hath been so tedious to some , that to be deliver'd from it they have kill'd themselves ; and the pains , afflictions , and diseases leading to death , are , in the Stoicks account , but imaginary Evils , making no impression upon the wise . The Fourth said , Since Happiness and Unhappiness seem to be the Elements , composing the Political Life of Men , and the two Poles of that Globe upon which the Antients plac'd Fortune , their Consideration may be taken two ways , either in their Cause , or in their Effect . As for the first , the Stoicks , who establisht a Fate governing All by a Series of necessary and determinate Events , were as impious as Democritus and Leucippus , who , on the contrary , maintain'd that all things were done by Chance in the Universe , which , they said , it self was made by the casual occourse of their Atoms ; these denying the Providence of God , those his Power , by subjecting and tying him to the immutable Laws of Fatality . But without considering things in reference to God , to whom every thing is present and certain , we may distinguish them into two sorts . Some acting necessarily , have alwayes their necessary effects : others , which depend absolutely upon Man's Will , which is free and indifferent , have accordingly Effects incertain and contingent . Thus the accidents of the Sea , ( where the vulgar believes is the chief Empire of Fortune ) , natural deaths , the births of poor and rich , have regular and necessary Causes . On the contrary , Goods freely given , or acquir'd with little industry , or found , have contingent Causes ; which being almost infinite , ( for there is no Cause by it self , but may be a Cause by accident , by producing another thing than what was intended ) they cannot fall within the knowledge of Humane Wit , which knows onely what is finite and terminate . Other Events have Causes mixt of Chance and Necessity , as the death of the Poet Aeschylus , hapning by a Tortoise which an Eagle let fall upon his bald Head. As for the second manner wherein Happiness may be consider'd , namely , Whether it render us happy in Reality or in Imagination ; 't is an accusing all Men of folly , to say that Felicity is imaginary and phantastical ; since Nature , which hath given no Desire in vain , ( as she should have done , if she had caus'd us to desire a thing that exists not ) makes all Men aspire to the one , and fear the other . There must be an Absolute Happiness as well as an Absolute Good , namely , the possession of this Good , as that of Existence is , which being the foundation of all Goods , must be a Real and Absolute Good. Virtue and , the Honor attending it , being likewise true and solid Goods , their possession must adferr a semblable Felicity ; the verity and reality is no more chang'd by not being equally gusted by all , than the savour of Meat , or the Beauty of Light , would be by not being perceiv'd by a sick or a blind person : Yea , as he that ha's a rough Diamond is not less the possessor , or less rich for not knowing the value of it ; so he that possesses some Good ought not to be accounted less happy , though he think not himself so . Moreover , 't would be as absurd to call a Man happy or unhappy because he thinks himself so ; as to believe a fool is a King , or Rich , because he phansies himself to have Empires and Riches . The Fifth said , That Happiness , which is rather an Effect of our Genius , ( as the examples of Socrates and Simonides prove ) than of our Temperament , much less of the Stars and their influences , depends not onely upon the possession of some Good , or the belief a Man hath that he possesses it , but upon both together ; namely , upon the reflexion he makes upon the Good which he really possesses ; for want of which , Children , Fools , Drunkards , and even the Wise themselves , whilst they are a sleep cannot be call'd Happy . CONFERENCE CXXXVI . Of the Original of Precious Stones . A Stone , which is defin'd a Fossile , hard , dry , and frangible body , is either common or precious . Both are compounded of the Four Elements , chiefly of Water and Earth , but diversly proportion'd and elaborated . Coarse Stones are made with less preparation , their proximate matter being onely much Earth and little Water , whereof is made a sort of Clay , which being dry'd by Nature , is hardned into a Stone . Precious Stones have more of Water , and less of Earth , both very pure and simple , ( whence proceeds their Lustre , which attends the simplicity of the Elements ) and exactly mixt by Heat , which concocting the aqueous humidity , purifies and sublimes the same to a most perfect degree by help of that Universal Spirit , where-with the Earth and whole world is fill'd , on which account the Pythagoreans esteemed it a great Animal . The Second said , Three things are to be consider'd in reference to the original of Stones ; their matter , their efficient cause , and the place of their generation . Their remote matter is Earth and Water , which two Elements alone give bulk and consistence : but their next matter , ( concern'd in the Question ) is a certain lapidifick juice , supplying the place of Seed , and often observ'd dropping down from rocks ; which , if thick and viscous , makes common stones ; if subtil and pure , the precious . Now this juice not only is turn'd it self into stone , but likewise turns almost all other Bodies , as Wood , Fruits , Fishes , the Flesh of Animals , and such other things , which are petrifi'd in certain Waters and Caves . Their remote efficient cause is Heat , which severing heterogeneous bodies unites those of the same nature , whereof it makes the said homogeneous juice , which is condens'd by cold ; which giving the last form and perfection to the stone is its proximate efficient cause . Lastly , their place is every where ; in the middle region of the Air , which produces Thunder-bolts ; in the Sea , which affords Coral , ( of a middle nature between Stone and Plant ) and Pearls in their shells which are their wombs , by means of the Dew of Heaven ; in Animals , in Plants and above all in the Earth and its Mines or Matrices which are close spaces exempt from the injuries of Air , Water , or other external Agents , which might hinder their production either by intermixtion of some extraneous body , or by suffering the Mineral Spirits serving to the elaboration of the Stones to transpire . The Third said , Precious Stones , produc'd for Ornament , ( as Metals are for Use of life ) , are of three sorts ; namely , either bright and resplendent , as the Diamond , Ruby , Crystal , Amethyst ; or a little obscure , as the Turquois , Jasper , and other middle ones without perfect lustre , as the Opal and all Pearls . And as the matter of common Stones is Earth the principle of Darkness ; so that of the precious is an aqueous diaphanous humour , congeal'd by the coldness of water or earth , or by the vicinity of Ice and Snow which inviron Mountains and Rocks , where commonly their Mines are found ; and amongst others , Crystal which is ( as 't were ) the first matter of other precious Stones , and the first essay of Nature ( when she designs to inclose her Majesty in the lustre of the most glittering Jewels ) is nothing else but humidity condens'd by cold . Whence a violent heat , such as that of Furnaces , resolves and melts it . Moreover , the effects attributed to these Stones , as to stop blood , allay the fumes of wine , and resist hot poysons , argue them caus'd only by cold , which also gives them weight by condensation of their parts . The Fourth said , If Crystals and Stones were produc'd only by cold , they could not be generated in the Isles of Cyprus , the red Sea and other Southern parts , but only in the Northern , where nevertheless they are most rare , there being Mountains where cold hath preserv'd Ice for divers Ages without ever being converted into Crystal ; which ( besides ) should swim upon the water as well as Ice doth , and not be more heavy and transparent : which cannot be attributed to their greater density , caus'd by a more vehement cold ; since water inspissated into Ice becomes less transparent , and Crystals are not so cold to the touch as Ice . But above all , their Calcination evidently shews that there is something else in them besides Water ; for finding out of which , we must examine the principles of Bodies nearest akin to them ; as Alom and Glass , which by their splendor and consistence , much resemble precious Stones , being ( like them ) Mineral Juices hardned and mixt by a proportionate quantity of Salts and violent Spirits , which joyned together , lose their Acrimony to embrace one another more closely : These Principles are very viscous , capable of great solidity , and being of themselves transparent , are proper to preserve all the brightness and light , which their specifick forms can add to them . This resemblance being supposed , we are obliged to discover the same Principles of Composition in Jewels ; since things agreeing generically , and having resemblance of qualities , agree also as to matters , and have nothing to distinguish them but that unknown Form which determines the Species . But the truth is , little brightness and hardness proceed not from their Form alone , which is uncapable of so close connexion , but from much dark Earth , and a very impure Phlegm ; which is not found in precious Stones , or in the Glass where-with in the Indies they make Emeralds . Moreover , 't is this body that most resembles those Stones , which hath no other Principles but a Spirit mingled amongst much Salt , and some little of Earth ; which are united by the activity of heat , and condensed by their natural inclination to inspissation , ( cold contributing but very little thereunto , since they acquire their solidity and consistence whilst yet very hot . ) The Artifice of counterfeiting Rubies and Diamonds , with the same Principles of Glass , greatly confirms this Opinion ; onely for avoiding brittleness , they mix less terrestreity , and consume not the moisture , ( which causes Concretion ) with so much violence . The Calcination of Crystals , whereby much Salt is extracted from them , and the easiness of making Glass there-with , in like manner shews what are the Material Principles of these Stones . Which Principles being contained , or generated in the bosome of the Earth , certain Juices are formed of their several mixtures , which unite to the first body which happens to impress its Virtues upon them ; then the purest part of these Salts and Earths , is volatilized by the Spirit mixt there-with , and circulated by Heat , which alwayes perfects it by further Concoction , till it have rendered it Homogeneous . These Juices commonly stick in superficial parts of the Earth , where a moderate heat finishes their Concoction , evaporating , the too great humidity which hinder'd the induration natural to such substances ; Divers species are made according to the different impressions of Heaven , or the place of their Generation , or other dispositions ; to which I also refer the diversity of their Colours , and not ( as most Chymists do ) to Sulphur , which is never found in these Stones ; which Colours , they ought to attribute rather to Salt , their principal matter , since by several degrees of Coction or Calcination , it acquires almost all the Colours of these Stones ; being first white , then blew , and lastly , reddish . The Fifth said , 'T is most probable that in the beginning there were Species of Stones of all sorts , dispos'd in places most proper for their Conservation , which have continually generated the like , determining fit matter by the Emission of a certain Vapor or Spirit , impregnated with the Character of their Species during its union with their substance , before a perfect , induration press'd it forth ; which Spirit lighting upon , and uniting to fit Matter , fixes and determines the same to be of the same Species , with the Mass from which it issu'd . For the common Opinion , That these Stones are produc'd of a certain slime , compounded of Earth and Water , concocted and hardned by the action of Heat , is groundless ; since how temperate soever that Heat were , it would at length dissipate all the moisture , and leave nothing but the Earth , the darkest and most friable of all the Elements ; besides that , Water and Earth , having no viscosity , are incapable of any continuity and hardness , which arises from Salt , which indu'd with a Principle of Coagulation , perfectly unites the Water with the Earth , so as not to be afterwards dissolvable by any Water , but such as is mix'd with much Salt. Lastly , the Cement they make with Lime , Water , and Sand , petrifying in time , shews the necessity of the fix'd Salt of Lime , ( which gives the coherence of all ) in the generation of Stones . Wherefore I conclude , that as in common and opake Stones , there is a little Salt amongst much Earth ; so in those which are precious , there is much Salt amongst a very small quantity of Earth . CONFERENCE CXXXVII . Of the Generation of Metals . MEtal , which is a Mineral , solid , opake , heavy , malleable , ductile , and sounding body , is compounded either by Nature , Art , or Chance , as , Latin , Electrum , and Corinthian Brass ; or else it is simple , and divided into seven Species , according to the number of Planets , whereunto each of them is referr'd , as precious Stones are to the Fixed Starrs ; namely , Gold , Silver , Lead , Copper , Iron , Tinn ; and Quick-silver , which others reject , from the number of Metals , because not malleable ; as also Tinn , because compounded of Lead and Silver . Their remote Matter is much Water with little Earth ; their next , according to Aristotle , a vaporous exhalation . Their general Efficient Cause is Heaven , by its Motion and Influencess producing Heat , which attenuates and concocts the said Exhalation , which is afterwards condens'd by Cold : Hence all Metals are melted by violent Fire , which evaporates Quick-silver , and softens that sort of Iron which is not fusible . The place where they are generated is the bosome of the Earth ; the Metals found in Waters , as Gold in Tagus and Pactolus , having been carry'd from the Earth by the Waters ; which washing and purifying them , render them more perfect than those of the Mines . The Second said , Although Metals were generated at the beginning of the world in their Mines , whence they were first extracted and wrought by Tubalcain , who is the fabulous Vulcan of Paganism ; yet they cease not to be generated anew by the afflux of sutable Matter , which is a metallick Juice form'd of humidity , not simply aqueous , ( for then Heat should evaporate instead of concocting it ) but viscous , unctuous , and somewhat terrestrial , which for a long time holds out against whatever violent Heat , as appears by the Fires of Volcanoes , which are maintain'd by Bitumen alone , and other sulphureous Earths . This also is the Opinion of the Chymists , when they compound them of Sulphur and Mercury ; Sulphur holding the place of the Male Seed , and Mercury , which is more crude and aqueous , that of the maternal blood . And as the Salt or Earth predominating in Stones is the cause of their friability ; so Sulphur and Mercury , which is unctuous moisture , renders them malleable and capable of extension ; which is an Argument of their perfection , as well as colour , sound , and fixation , or enduring Fire without alteration , but not weight ; for then as Gold , the perfectest Metal , is the heaviest , so Silver should be next to it in weight , which is not ; Quick-silver being much more ponderous ; next , Lead ; after which follow Silver , Copper , Tinn , Iron , and Stones , whose weight is very different . Whence it appears , that Gravity is not an Effect of the condensation of Matter ; otherwise the Starrs being the denser parts of their Orbs should be heavy , as they are not ; but it proceeds from the Form , whereunto also the many wonderful Effects observ'd in Metals must be referr'd ; as that Gold discovers Poysons , attracts Quick-silver , and is attracted by the Foot of a Spar-hawk , and lov'd by Gryphons , as Iron is by Estriches , who digest it ; that Tinn makes all Metals brittle where-with it is mixt , Copper sinks not in the water of the Island Demonesus , near Carthage ; and that Quick-silver , though humid , and alwayes fluid , moistens not ; which some attribute to the equal mixture of siccity and humidity . The Third said , If ever the Opinion of Anaxagoras ( who held , Omnia in omnibus ) was well grounded , it was chiefly in reference to Metals , whose Etymology , together with the Chymists operations , speak the easie transmutation of one into another ; imperfect Metals differing onely in certain accidental degrees from Gold and Silver , which they may be turn'd into after purifying from their Leprosie , and refining by Nature or Art. And thus according to the opinion of some Moderns , it may be said , that , supposing the earth a great Magnet , it hath also in it self a commencement towards such metallick mutation , since the Loadstone is in a manner the principle of Iron , the most terrestrial of all Metals ; whence it is that they attract one another , as do Mercury and Gold , which is compos'd thereof . And thus by the power of heat in the bowels of the Earth , Iron the most imperfect and lightest of all Metals is turned into Steel and Copper , afterwards into Tin , and lastly , being more depurated into Silver and Gold. And since Art imitates Nature as in the fabricating of Artificial Gold you must first resolve a solid matter , then volatilize , and again fix and return into a solid substance ; so the generation of Metals may be conceiv'd to be effected by evaporation of the thinner parts of Earth and Water , which being volatilized by the subterranean heat , and lighting upon Rocks and hard Stones , are there fixed and condensed into Metals differing according to the purity and concoction of their matter , and the places it lights upon , which are ordinarily Mountains . The Fourth said , That the different properties of Metals plainly argue the diversity of their Species ; since Properties presuppose specificating Forms . Besides , the World would have been very defective , if Nature had made only Gold , which may be better spared than Iron and Steel , and is less hard for uses of Life . Nor is it likely that Nature ever intended to reduce all Metals to Gold ; which then should be more plentiful than Iron and Lead ; since wise and potent Nature seldom fails of her intentions : As for the alledged transmutation of Metals , were it possible , yet it proves them not all of the same Species , change of Species being very ordinary , and as easie to be made in Crucibles as in Mines ; nothing else being necessary thereunto but to open the bodies of the Metals , and set at liberty what in some is most active , and in others more susceptible of the Forms you would introduce . Nature indeed always intends what is most perfect , but not to reduce every thing to one most perfect Species , as all Metals to Gold ; but to make a most perfect individual in every Species ; labouring with no less satisfaction for production of Iron and Flints then of Gold and precious Stones . As for the principles of Metals , all compound them of Mercury and Sulphur , joyning Vitriols thereunto instead of salt to give Body to the said Ingredients ; but some will have Mercury to be the sole matter , and understand by sulphur an internal and central heat in the Mercury concocting its crudity , and by Mercury the cruder portion of its self ; their Salt being only the consistence whereof the Mercury is capable after Coction . Others distinguish what is metallick in metals ( as only Mercury is ) from the impurities mixt therewith , as earths , sulphurs , and Vitriols ; and make the perfect metals so homogeneous that 't is impossible to separate any thing from them ; which is a proof ( they say ) of the unity of their matter and conformity with Mercury , which always retains its own nature , though preparations make it appear in several shapes . Moreover , they inferr from the great ponderosity of Gold , that it is only Mercury ; otherwise the less heavy bodies pretended to be mixt therewith , should diminish its weight ; and Fusion , which seems to reduce all metals into their most natural state , makes them perfectly resemble Mercury , in which alone the Chymists for that reason seek their Great Work. Nevertheless seeing Experience teaches us , that Mercurie's sulphurs and vitriols are found in all metals except Gold , it must be confess'd that these three bodies are their immediate principles . Nor doth it follow that they are not in Gold too , though the Chymists have not yet been able to find them , but so closely united as to be inseparable ; Coction having such power upon matters that have affinity , as to unite them beyond possibility of separation ; as appears in Glass , of which nothing else can be made but Glass , though it be compos'd of different principles , and in Mercury it self , which is a Mixt , but reduc'd to such homogeneity that nothing can be extracted out of it but Mercury . Indeed Gold could not be so malleable us it is , if it were all Mercury ; and they that know Mercury , and the impossibility of depriving it of the proneness to revive , will not easily believe it can , without mixture of some other body , acquire the form of Gold ; whose gravity proceeds from its proper Form , and not from Mercury which can give it no more weight then it self hath ; Gold by being more dense , not acquiring more gravity , any more then Ice doth which swims upon the water . CONFERENCE CXXXVIII . Whether there be an Elementary Fire , other than the Sun. AS there are three simple bodies in the world , possessing , by right of Soveraignty , Driness , Cold , and Moisture ; so there must be one primely Hot , which they call Fire . The diversities of Motion , the four first Qualities , and their possible Combinations , the Humours , Temperaments , Ages , and Seasons , the Composition and Resolution of all Mixts , are powerful inductions for that quaternary number of Elements . Amongst which there is none controverted but Fire ; the variety of fires found in the world rendring it dubious which of them ought to be acknowledg'd the Element , that is , the natural , simple , first hot and dry body , wherewith , together with the other , three all Mixts are compounded . The Sun indeed is the Efficient Cause of all productions here below ; but being a celestial and incorruptible body cannot enter into the composition of any thing as a Material Cause . Much less can our common Fire which devours every thing , and continually destroyes its Subject . But it must be that Elementary Fire , which is every where potentially and actually in its own Sphere , which is above that of the Air , and below that of the Moon . Moreover , being the lightest or least heavy of all the Elements , the Harmony of the Universe which consists chiefly in their situation ; requires that it be in the highest place , towards which therefore all other Fires which are of the same Nature , ascend in a point with the same violence that a stone descends towards its Centre ; those remaining here below , being detain'd by some Matter whereof they have need , by reason of the contraries environing them ; from which that Sublunary Fire being exempt , hath nothing to do with Matter or nourishment ; and by reason of its great rarity and tenuity , can neither burn nor heat , any more then it can be perceiv'd by us . The Second said , That subtlety , one of the principal conditions requisite to the conversion of Matter into Fire , is so far from hindring , that it encreases the violence and activity of Fire , making it penetrate even the solidest bodies ; whence that pretended Fire , not being mixt with extraneous things to allay its heat , as that of Aqua Vitae is temper'd by its Phlegm or aqueous humidity , but being all Fire in its own Sphere and natural ( place , which heightens the Virtue and qualities of all Agents ) must there also heat , shine , burn , and produce all its Actions , which depend not upon density or rarity , or such other accidents of Matter purely passive , but upon its whole Form ; which constituting it what it is , must also make it produce Effects sutable to its Nature . Wherefore as Water condens'd into Ice or Crystal , is no longer Water , because it hath ceas'd to refrigerate and moisten ; so the Fire pretended to be above the Air , invisible and insensible , by reason of its rarity , is not Fire but subtile Air. They who say its natural inclination to heat and burn , is restrain'd by the Influences of the Heavens , particularly , of the cold Starrs , as Saturn and the Moon , speak with as little ground ; since the circular motion of the Heavens , whereby this Fire is turn'd about , should rather increase than diminish its heat ; And besides , Fire being a necessary Agent , its action can no more be hindred by such Influences , than the descent of a stone downwards . Whereunto add , that the beams of all Stars have heat ; and were any cold , yet those of Saturn are too remote , and those of the Moon too weak in comparison of this Fire , the extent whereof is about 90000. Leagues , for the distance between the Earth and the Moon is almost as much , namely , 56. Semidiameters of the Earth , from which substracting between 25. and 30. Leagues , which they allot to the three Regions of the Air , the rest must be occupy'd by the Fire , which they make to extend from the Concave surface of the Moon , to the convex surface of the Air ; which it would consume in less than a moment , considering the great disproportion between them . Moreover , were there such a Fire , it could not be own'd an Element , because its levity would keep it from descending and entring into the Composition of mixts ; and , were it not leight , yet it would be hindred from descending by the extream coldness of the Middle Region of the Air , accounted by some , a barrier to the violence of that Chymerical Fire , which ought rather to be reckon'd amongst their Entia Rationis , than the Natural Elements , whereunto Corporeity and Palpability are requisite . For these Reasons , I conceive , with Pythagoras , that the Sun is the true Elementary Fire , plac'd for that purpose in the middle of the World , whose Light and Heat enter into the Composition not onely of all living things , but also of Stones and Metals ; all other Heat besides that of the Sun , being destructive , and consequently , no-wise fit for Generation . The Third said , He confounds Heaven with Earth , and destroyes the Nature of the Sun , who takes it for an Element , that is to say , a thing alterable and corruptible by its contraries , which it must have if it be an Element . The Heat of his beams proves it not the Elementary Fire , seeing commonly the nearer we are to Fire , the more we feel the Heat of it ; but the Supream and Middle Regions of the Air , are colder than ours . Besides , were our common fire deriv'd from the Sun , it would not languish , as it doth , when the Sun shines upon it ; nor would the heat of dunghils and caves be greater in Winter than in Summer . Wherefore I rather embrace the common Opinion , which holds , That the heaviest Element is in the lowest place , and the leightest in the highest , whose Action is hindred by the proportion requisite to the quantity of each Element . The Fourth said , That the qualities of Fire , viz. Heat , Dryness , and Light , concurring in the Sun in a supream degree , argue it the Elementary Fire ; for Light being the Cause of Heat , the Sun ( which is the prime Luminous Body ) must also be the prime Hot , that is to say , Fire . For as the pretended one above the Air , was never yet discover'd ; so 't is repugnant to the Order of the Universe , for the leightest of Elements to be shut up in the Centre of the Earth , where some place it . We have but two wayes to know things , Sense , and Reason ; the latter of which , is founded either upon Causes or Effects : Now we know nothing of the Sun , or any other Celestial Bodies , otherwise then by its Effects and sensible qualities , which being united in Spherical Burning-glasses , ( as they are in the body of the Sun ) notifie to us by their Effects the Nature of their Cause . The Fifth said . That Fire being to the World what the Soul is to the Body , as Life is in all the parts of the Body ; so also is Fire equally diffused throughout the whole World. In the Air it makes Comets , and other Igneous Meteors : In the Earth it concocts Metals , and appears plentifully in Volcanoes , whose Fires would not continue alwayes , if they were violently detained in those Concavities ; yea , 't is in the Waters too , whose saltness and production of Monsters , cannot be without Heat . Yet being the most active of all Elements , it is therefore distributed in much less quantity than the rest ; Nature having observed the same proportion both in the greater and lesser World , Man's Body ; in which there is less of Fire than of the other Elements : Otherwise , had the Fire been equal to the rest , it would consume all living things to ashes . Nevertheless as the fixed Heat of Animals requires reparation by the Influent Heat from the Heart , the Soul 's principal seat ; in like manner the Elementary Fire , dispersed in all part of this great body of the World , needs the Influence of the Sun's Rayes , which produce and conserve it . CONFERENCE CXXXIX . Which is most desirable , long or short Life . NAture , not contented to produce all things , hath given them a desire of Self-preservation . Even Inanimate Bodies redouble their activity at the approach of their destructive contraries ; whence proceeds Antiperistasis . But this desire appears chiefly in Animals , and above all in Man , being grounded upon the Love he bears to himself : Which extream Love , instigating him to seek all good things contributary to his contentment , makes him likewise desire long Life , whereby he may continue his other enjoyments , and , consequently , avoid all occasions of Death , as that which interrupts the course of this Life , and makes him cease to be . Hence , as by general consent Death is the most terrible of terribles ; so , by the reason of Contraries , Life is the most agreable , and consequently , most desirable and best thing in the World ; and not desirable only by all Men who are endued with Knowledg , but also by all living things , each after its mode , and according as they are capable of desiring ; Plants attracting their nourishment , and Animals seeking their Food with difficulty , and carefully avoiding all dangers that lead to Death . For though Nature loves change , ( whereof she is the Principle ) yet 't is onely that of Generation , or of a less into a more noble substance ; that of Corruption and Death she abhorrs , being not further pleased in the vicissitudes of mutations , than she gains by the change ; but she is a loser by Death , which separates the Body from the Soul , in the union whereof , she hath all that she can wish . She may disguise her self , and changing of shape and countenance , but can never light upon any more agreable , than that which she makes appear in the Marriage of a Body with a Soul ; which are so perfectly united , that , after their dissolution , our Souls alwayes retain an Inclination toward their ancient Mates which they once animated . The Second said , If the sentiment of Nature makes us conceive long Life desirable ; Reason , which evinceth it full of Miseries and Calamities , teaches us that the shortest is best , and that we may justly wish , either never to have been , or to have dy'd as soon as we came into the World. This was the Judgement not onely of the greatest Sages of Pagan Antiquity , many of whom cheerfully quitted Life to escape its Miseries ; but the sometimes famous Republick of Marseilles , gave Licence to the miserable to take Poyson , which was kept in a publick Store . Yea , even the holiest Personages have been of the same Advice ; as Job amongst others , who calls Man's Life a warfare upon Earth , and curses the day of his Birth ; Moses and Elias , who pray'd to God they might dye ; and Saint Paul , who desires nothing so much as to be loos'd from this miserable Body ; in which , as in a dark prison , the Reasonable Soul is enclos'd , and remains against , its will ; since being of a Celestial Nature , and so continually longing after the place of its extraction , Death , which delivers it from its fetters , must be as desirable to it as contrary to the Body , which having nought to hope for after this Life , but to be the food of worms and corruption , hath all reason to dread it , and avoid the occasions of it ; as accordingly all such do who live onely for the Body , resenting no other motions in themselves but of desire to live long . Whereas Reason instructs us , that here we never possess the Good whereof the Immortal Soul is capable by its two Powers , the Understanding and the Will , which never find any Truth or Goodness in the things of this World but what is sophisticate ; it makes us also conceive Life as a violent state , and contrary to the Felicity of our better part . The Third said , Since Life is the duration of Being , which undoubtedly is the greatest of all Goods , ( Entity and Good being convertible ) that must be the most desirable which is of greatest continuance , because it comes nearest infinity and eternity , under which all Perfection is compris'd , and which being therefore passionately desir'd by all Men , but not attainable by any , they endeavor to partake as much of it as they can by prolongation of Life , which is the foundation not onely of the Goods of the Body and Fortune , ( whose sweetness makes amends for some Evils of Life ) but also of the Mind , in which Natural Felicity consists ; whereunto amongst other conditions , long Life is requisite both for attaining of Knowledge and Virtue , not to be gotten without long time , ( which renders Men knowing and prudent ) as for making others taste the fruits of an exemplary Life . The Fourth said , That Beasts and even Stones having the good of Existence as well as we , that alone is not sufficient to render Life desirable , in regard Non-existence is much rather to be wisht than a Being alwayes miserable , what ever some say to the contrary ; since even our Saviour saith , It had been better for Judas never to have been born , then to have fallen into the crime of Treason . Moreover , Seneca saith , No person would accept of Life , if he knew how dear it must cost him . Hence we enter into the World weeping , as if it were against our consent ; and as our Lives begin with tears , so they are continu'd with labor , and ended with pain . Nor have we more reason to desire long Life for the Goods of the Mind , which consist in Virtue alone . For if we be vicious , 't is expedient both for our selves and the Publick , that we live but little , for fear of corrupting others by our evil Examples , If virtuous , 't is much to be fear'd lest we be corrupted by the converse of the wicked , who are very numerous ; which was the cause why God by a special favour took away Enoch in the midst of the course of his Life , and transported him into the Terrestrial Paradise . The fifth said , If a long Life were less desirable than a short , God should have deceiv'd those that honour their Parents , by promising them a bad salary in recompence of a good Action : Nor ought Physick to trouble it self and those that use it , by so many Rules and Receipts , were a short Life ( that is to say , a speedy death ) so desirable ; nor would the Laws punish Criminals with Death , if what they give them were better than what they take from them . Moreover , as the long-liv'd Oak and Palm-Tree are more excellent than the Mushrome , Hysop , and the Rose ; Stags , Elephants , Eagles , Ravens , and the Phoenix more perfect than Butterflies , and those Insects which they call Ephemera , because they live but one day ; so amongst Men , those that live long , seem to have some advantage above those that are of a short Life , having the Principles of their Generation more vigorous : wherein nevertheless the Sex , Temperament , Climate , Habitation , and manner of living , make a notable difference ; Sanguine Men , and the Inhabitants of Temperate Regions , commonly living longer than Women , cholerick Persons , and such as live under intemperate Climates . The Sixth said , Reason having been given Man to correct the Inclinations of the Sensitive Appetite , 't is that alone must judge whether it be expedient for him to live long ; not Sense , which makes us judge like beasts , That nothing is dearer than Life . But Reason , illuminated either by Faith or by Philosophy , teaches us that this World is the place of our banishment , the Body the Soul's Prison which she alwayes carryes about with her , Life a continual suffering and War ; and therefore he fights against Natural Light who maintaines it expedient to prolong so miserable a State. For , besides the incommodities attending a long Life , which after 70. years , as David testifies , is onely labour and sorrow , long Life is equally unprofitable towards attaining Knowlege and Virtue . He that lives long can learn nothing new in the World , which is but a Revolution and Repetition of the same Effects produc'd alwayes by the same Causes ; not onely in Nature , whose course and changes may be seen in the Revolution of the Four Seasons of the Year , but even in Affairs of State and Private Matters , wherein nothing is said or done , but what hath been practis'd before . And as for Virtue , the further we are from Childhod , the less Innocence and Sanctity we have , and Vices ordinarily increase with years . The long Life of the first Men having according to some been the probable Cause of the depravation of those Ages . CONFERENCE CXL . Of the Lethargy . AS the Brain is the most eminent and noble of all the parts , being the Seat of the Understanding , and the Throne of the Reasonable Soul , so its diseases are very considerable ; and the more , in that they do not attaque that alone , but are communicated to all the other parts , which have a notable interest in the offence of their Chief , ceasing to diffuse its Animal Spirits destinated to Motion , Sense , and the Function of the Inferior Members . Which Functions are hurt by the Lethargy , which deprives a Man of every other Inclination but that to sleep , and renders him so forgetful and slothful , ( whence it took its Greek name , which signifies sluggish oblivion ) that he remembers nothing at all , being possess'd with such contumacious sleepiness that she shuts his Eyes as soon as he ha's open'd them ; besides that , his Phansie and Reasoning is hurt with a continual gentle Fever . Which differences this Symptom from both the sleeping and waking Coma , call'd , Typhomania : the former of which commonly begins in the Fits of Fevers , and ends or diminishes at their declination , but the Lethargick sleeps soundly , and being wak'd by force , presently falls a sleep again : The latter makes the Patient inclin'd to sleep , but he cannot , by reason of the variety of Species represented to him in his Phansie . The signes of this Malady are deliration , heaviness of the Head , and pain of the Neck after waking , ( the Matter taking its course along the spine of the back ) , frequent oscitation , trembling of the Hands and Head , a palish Complexion , Eyes and Face pufft up , sweatings , troubled Urine , like that of Cattle , a great Pulse , languishing and fluctuating , Respiration rare with sighing , and so great forgetfulness , as sometimes not to remember to shut their Mouths after they have open'd , nor even to take breath , were they not forc'd to it by the danger of suffocation . The Conjunct and next Cause of this Malady is a putrid Phlegm , whose natural coldness moistens and refrigerates the Brain , whilst it s put refactive heat kindles a Fever by the vapors carry'd from the Brain to the Heart , and from thence about the whole . Now this Phlegmatick Humor is not detained in the Ventricles of the Brain ; for then it would cause an Apoplexy if the obstruction were total , and if partial an Epilepsie , wherein the Nerves contract themselves towards their original for discharging of that Matter : But 't is onely in the sinuosities and folds of the Brain , which imbibing that excessive humidity , acquires a cold and moist intemperature ; from whence proceeds dulness and listelesness to all Actions . For as Heat is the Principle of Motion , especially when quickned by Dryness ; so is Cold the Cause of stupidity and sluggishness , especially when accompanied with humidity , which relaxes the parts , and chills their Action . In like manner , Heat or Dryness inflaming our Spirits the Tunicles of the Brain , produce the irregular Motions of Frenzy , which is quite contrary to the Lethargy ; although it produce the same sometimes , namely , when the Brain after great evacuations acquires a cold and moist intemperature ; in which case the Lethargy is incurable , because it testifies Lesion of the Faculty , and abolition of strength : But on the contrary , a Frensie after a Lethargy is a good sign , resolving by its Heat , and dissipating the cold humors which produce the same . The Second said , That coldness being contrary to put refaction , Phlegm the coldest of all humors , cannot easily putrifie in the Brain , ( which is cold too of its own nature ) much less acquire a Heat sufficient to communicate it self to the Heart , and there excite a Fever ; it being more likely for such adventitious Heat to cause in the Brain rather the impetuous motions of a Frenzy , than the dulness and languor of a Lethargy . Nor is it less then absurd , to place two enemy-qualities in the same Subject , to wit , Cold and Heat , whereof the one causes sleep , the other a Fever ; which , I conceive , to precede not to follow the Lethargy , and which having raised from the Hypochondres to the Brain , a Phlegmatick blood mixt with gross vapors , there causeth that obscuration of Reason , and sluggishness of the whole Body , but especially the abolition of the Memory , the sutable temperament for which is totally destroyed by excessive humidity . Indeed the troubled Urine , liquid Digestions , Tumors and pains of the Neck , bloated Flesh , and other such signs accompanying this disease , argue that its matter is more in the rest of the Body than in the Brain , which suffers onely by Sympathie . The Third said , If it be true that sleep is the Brother of Death , then the Lethargy , which is a continual drowsiness , with a Fever and Delirium , seemes to be a middle Estate between Life and Death which is known by the cessation of Actions , most of which fail in those afflicted with this Evil , which nevertheless is less then the Carus , wherein the sleep is so profound , that the Patient feels not when he is prickt , or call'd by name ; but is depriv'd of all Sense and Motion , saving that of Respiration , which scarce appears in the Catoche , or Catalepsie , ( a stranger symptom than any of the former ) wherein the Eyes remain wide open , the whole Body stiff , and in the same state and posture wherein it hapned to be when it first seiz'd the same . The Cause whereof , most say , is a cold and moist humor , obstructing the hinder part of the Brain ; but I rather ascribe it to a sudden Congelation of the Animal Spirits , as I do the Lethargy to narcotick and somniferous vapors , which are the sole Causes of Inclination to sleep ; which cannot be produced by simple , cold , and aqueous humidity , ( for then Water should do it sooner than Wine , whose very smell in Presses and Cellars causes sleep , and oftentimes inebriates ) but by a fat and oleaginous humidity , such as is found in all Hypnoticks ; some whereof are hot , as Anise and Opium ; others Cold , as Lettice , Poppy , and Henbane . The Fourth said , That the Brain being the Principal of Sense and Arbitrary Motion , which it derives into all the parts , both the one and the other are offended by the maladies of that part ; some whereof are without , others , are necessarily accompanyed with a Fever : which is either Acute or Gentle , according to the diversity of the humor producing it , the former commonly proceeding from Choler or Blood , the latter from Phlegm or Melancholy . Amongst these Diseases , those which invade suddenly , as the Apoplexy and Convulsions , are caused by the obstruction of the Ventricles , Constriction , or Division of the Nerves , which hinders the Flux of the Animal Spirits : but those which arruire in some space of time , as the Coma , Lethargy , and Carus , proceed either from a simple intempeires , ordinarily Cold and Moist , or else joyn'd with some Matter , which is oftentimes a Cold Phlegm , whereof the Brain is fruitful : Which coming to be inflamed , by reason of its putrefaction caused by defect of Transpiration , and the Heat of the Brain ( which though Cold by its first Temper , is yet hot , inasmuch as animated , and more burning than the Air of Sommer ) that Extraneous Heat begets a Fever , which yet is but little violent , and so hinders not the Natural Coldness of the humor from producing the sleep and sluggishness apparent in the Lethargy ; which nevertheless by is , Hippocrates , plac'd amongst Acute Diseases terminated on the seventh day ; which time if it exceeds , the Patient recovers , especially if the Matter happen to be discharged into the Brest , and cause an Empyema there , or , in some others , the Parotides . The Fifth said , That the Internal Maladies of the Head are of three forts : Some attaque the Membranes , and cause the Cephallagy , Megrim , and other pains of the Head , being very dolorous , by reason of the exquisite sensibility of those Membranes , which are either prickt , press'd , or too much extended by vapors , wind , or humors , for the most part acrimonious and serous . Others are in the Cavities and Passages of the Animal Spirits , whose Influence being stopt by some Matter that obstruct the Passages , they cause the symptoms of the Lesion of Motion and Sense in the Vertigo , Palsie , Apoplexy , Epilepsie , Incubus , Convulsions , Trembling , and Catarrhs or Defluxions , to which Man alone of all Animals is subject , by reason of the quantity of excrements where-with his larger and more elevated Brain abounds : The third sort which possess the whole substance of the Brain , and either onely deprave the functions of the three Prime Faculties , Reason , Imagination and Memory , are the simple Delirium , the Frenzy , Melancholy , Madness , and Lycanthropy ; or else wholly abolish them , as in Folly , Stupidity , Forgetfulness , the Catoche , Carus , and Lethargy , which is caus'd not onely by a Cold Aqueous Phlegm , where-with the Brain is soak'd , but also by such as is render'd viscous , thick , and tough , by the substance of the strange and some extraneous heat , which causeth the Putrefaction and Fever . CONFERENCE CXLI . Whether it be better to marry , or not to marry . IF Nature made the Crystalline humor of the Eye without colour , the Tongue without savour , the Ear without sound , to the end they might impartially judge of all Objects offer'd to those Senses ; I know not to whose judgement we must referr the Decision of this Question : Virgins , marry'd people , and those that are not marry'd , being equally interessed , and consequently , lyable to exception . The first , professing Hatred of Marriage ; The second , unwilling to blame it , for fear of affronting their pass'd Judgement ; And the Third , being unfit to judge thereof for want of Experience . If we will credit Cato , who had try'd it , and who being one day sollicited by his Friends to second Nuptials , told them , He had once been deliver'd from Shipwrack , and therefore car'd not for venturing to Sea again ; those that never embarque in Marriage will gain the Cause , it being the highest point of Humane Prudence to be wise at the expense of others , whose example makes them justly fear the inconvenienes of a Contract , so disadvantageous to the freedom of Man , as that of Marriage is , wherein there is this peculiarity , that in all other Contracts , ever one party is a gainer ; but here both are oftentimes cheated , almost alwayes discontented with the bargain , and willing to retract , if they had liberty , which hath been retrencht eversince the Law of Divorce was abrogated by that of Grace , for the greater mortifying of Men , and teaching them to suffer and sigh , in satisfaction for their sins , under the heavy yoke of Marriage . Besides that , the Friendship so much boasted therein , is so rare , as to be almost imposble ; partly , because the Will is never carry'd to love an Object but by its full Liberty , and loves less upon never so little constraint ; and partly , because Converse shews the Marry'd Couple one another's defects , which being alwayes more then their Virtues , 't is no wonder if Hatred arise thereupon more frequently than Amity , whatever artifice be us'd to make shew of the contrary . The Second said , He must be a Misanthropus , and have wholly renounc'd all Humane Sentiments that can blame Marriage , the most honourable and ancient Society of the World , founded not onely upon the Divine Law , ( which makes it a Sacrament , and a very great Mystery ) and upon that of Nations , by whose universal Consent , it hath been honor'd with great Priviledges and Immunities ; as on the contrary , Celibacy hath been publickly discountenanc'd and punish'd : but also upon that of Nature , who hath inspir'd into all Animals a desire of joyning and coupling together for Generation of their like ; which desire is greater in Men , inasmuch as he aspires to Immortality , no otherwise attainable in this World but by Marriage , which revives him in his Children . And the pleasure of them too is so great , that he must first be a Father that would conceive what it is ; nor is the yoke of Marriage insupportable , except to such as desire to live dissolutely . The Amity arising thereupon , if founded upon Virtue and Honor , not upon Beauty , or such other profitable or delightful Good , differs as much from Love , as the continual temperate heat of the Blood and Spirits doth from its ebullition and distemper ; being alwayes augmented by mutual Offices of either party , rendred with a frankness and confidence not found in any other condition whatsoever , where there is nothing else but Dissimulation and Hypocrisie . 'T is in Marriage alone that there is any treating with Liberty and Ingenuity ; and therefore that State is to be desir'd , not onely by the miserable for Consolation of their Afflictions , but also by those who are happy for communicating their Felicity , which is tedious when it hath no partakers . The Third said , Our Life is full enough of miseries , without needing addition of those that commonly attend Marriage ; which a Philosopher , who had triy'd it , said , hath but two good dayes ; the first , when there is nothing but laughing ; and the last , which delivers us from that sad slavery ; perfectly contrary both to liberty and quiet , ( the two greatest Goods a wise Man can enjoy in this Life ) which are inconsistent with the turmoil of Houswifrie , and the Cares of Marriage , from which therefore the Brachmans , Gymnosophists , Galli , and Vestals , and at this day , such as are devoted to God's Service , have been exempted , to the end the better to mind Contemplation and Virtuous Exercises ; both hard to be done in Marriage , wherein scarce any other Virtue is practis'd but Patience , ( whereof 't is the true School ) which Socrates said , He had learnt better by the scolding of his Wife , than by all the Precepts of the Philosophers . The Fourth said , Men would be Vagrants and Stragglers like wild Beasts , were it not for Marriage , which is the foundation of the State ; for it makes Families , and Families make Common-wealths ; which , consequently , owe their Nativity and increase to marry'd people , who have a much greater interest in the Conservation of the State , than those that have neither House nor Home , as unmarry'd Men seldom have . But as there is no compleat Good in this World ; so Marriage , though a most holy and good thing in it self , instituted by God in Paradise , and during the state of Innocence , hath nevertheless its incommodities , not so much from it self , as from the fault of the persons who know not how to use it as they ought . The Fifth said , 'T is peculiar to Marriage to have nothing small or moderate ; every thing in it is extream . 'T is either full of sweetness and Affection , or of Hatred and bitterness ; 't is either a Paradise , or a Hell. When 't is suted with all Conditions requisite , there 's no state happier ; but when any is wanting , no Infelicity equals it . And because Good requires the integrity of all its constituent parts , but Evil comes from the least defect ; 't is no wonder that few or no Marriages are happy , since there is none wherein there is not something to be wisht for , especially when the match is made , ( as most commonly 't is ) by another's Hand ; though 't is strange , that Men who are so circumspect and wary in other bargains , searching , examining , and taking Essay of what they buy , should have so little Prudence in an Affair of such Consequence and Danger . There is nothing but a Wife that a Man is oblig'd to keep as long as he lives ; but they have been taken at a venture , since , at the instance of the Roman Dames , the Law of Ancus Martius was abolisht , who had purposely built a Temple to Male-Fortune near the Tyber , where Women were carefully examin'd . And as t is an intolerable madness to engage voluntarily into fetters and a perpetual Prison , by subjecting one's self to the Caprichio of a Woman ; so 't is great simplicity in a Man to entrust his Honor , the chiefest of all Goods , to her inconstant humor , who may render us infamous when the Phansie takes her . I think therefore , every one ought to consult himself , Whether it be fit for him to marry or not , that is , Whether he believes he ha's Virtue and Constancy enough to suffer the defects of a Woman , who may be commendable in some Point , but at the bottom is alwayes a Woman . CONFERENCE CXLII . At what time the Rational Soul is infus'd . AS Religion obliges us to believe , that the Soul , which is of an Immortal Nature , comes immediately from God , who drawing it out of the Abysse of Nothing , at the same time creates it in the Infusing , and infuses it in the Creating ; so nothing is determin'd absolutely touching the time in which that infusion is made . For knowing which , we must observe that the whole time of the Child's residing in the Womb , is divided into four parts ; namely , the Conception , Conformation , Motion , and Parturition ; so distinguished between themselves , that the time of Motion , is about treble to that of Conformation ; and the time of Parturition , double to that of Motion . The whole work of Conformation is divided again into four times , according to which the Matter contained is diversly fashioned and wrought , and is called Geniture , or Coagulated Milk , Foetus , Embryo ; and an Infant when the Conformation of the parts is finished , which is at the thirtieth day for Boyes , and at the forty second for Girles ; whose less Heat and more waterish materials , require a longer time for Conformation of their Spermatick parts : After which the Blood arriving , fills the void spaces of the Muscles , Fibres , and other carnous parts , which are not perfectly shaped till towards the time of Motion , which is the third month for Males , and the fourth for Females ; at which time the Second Conformation ends , and the whole organization is compleated . At first , the Infant hath onely a Vegetative Life , by means of which , his parts are generated by the Alteration and Conformation of the Matter , and are nourished , and take their growth not onely by their Attraction from all parts of the Matrix , but also by an Internal Vital Principle , which is the Vegetative Soul , residing in all fruitful seed , and being the same with the Formative Faculty . Now because the Vegetative or Sensitive Soul is but an accident , namely a certain Harmony of the Four Qualities , therefore they easily give place upon the arrival of the reasonable soul , which I think happens when the organization of the parts is perfected , to wit , about the third or fourth month ; before which time , the Body not being organized , cannot receive the Soul , ( which is the act of an Organical Body ) which also she forsakes , when , upon any notable solution of continuity , the Organs are destroyed and abolished oftentimes , though the Temper of the similary parts be not hurt ; which consequently , is not the sole requisite for the Infusion of the Soul , but also the convenient Fabrick of the Organs . The Second said , That the opinion , which introduces the Rational Soul in the first days of Conception as soon as the matter necessary for receiving it , begins to put on the diversity of Organs , is the most probable ; since by this means this soul differs from others in that it proceeds and makes the dispositions , whereas others follow the same and absolutely depend thereupon . And the same reason which obliges us to acknowledg the Reasonable Soul after motion , constrains us to admit it before ; which nothing hinders us from attributing to some other cause , ( as to the Sensitive Soul introduc'd before the Rational ) saving that causes are not to be multiplied without necessity , and one Soul alone may suffice for Sense , whilst yet the defect of Organs allow not the exercise of Reason . The same reason shews how absurd it is to assign any other cause , in the first days , of the Vegetative Actions ; it being as easie to infer the presence of the Reasonable Soul by this sort of actions as by the Sensitive Actions , which may also have another cause . For the infusion of the Reasonable Soul after forty days cannot be proved by actions proper to it ( for it reasons not till long after ) nor by the actions of a Soul simply ; for then you must grant that it is there before Organization , which is an action proper to animated things . Moreover , the Soul must be admitted in the Body as soon as it may be there , which is at the beginning of conception ; because even then there wants no fit disposition to this Soul , which needs not any different Organs for the barely Vegetative Actions which she then performs , no more then Plants do ; nor are different Organs necessary to her absolute exsisting , since God hath created her immaterial and without any dependance : and we see the similary parts of the Body are animated ; so that the dispositions wherewith the Soul can subsist , and which suffice to retain her in the Body , are also sufficient to introduce her thereinto . Now these dispositions are no other then the same which are requisite for the actions of the Vegetative Soul. For whatever indisposition happen to the Organs of Sense and Motion , the Soul abides in the Body till the heat be dissipated or extinguished ; the Organs of Sense and Motion being not necessary to retain the Soul in the Body saving in as much as they contribute to respiration . Even the Apoplexie which abolishes all the noble dispositions which the Philosophers hold necessary to the Soul , never drives her away unless it be by accident ; since a Child in his Mothers belly may have that disease without incommodity , saving when it comes to need respiration . Now though Organization be not a disposition requisite to the introduction of the Soul , yet she requires certain others , some whereof we know not , as that unexplicable character imprinted in the Seed , besides the temperament which suffices perfectly to determine the matter for introdudion of this form and exclusion of all other . The conformation of Organs being not a disposition which determines necessarily ( seeing amongst humane bodies some differ more from the generality of men in respect of the principal parts then they do from certain other Animals ) but 't is the temperament alone , which arising in the first days after the mixture of the two seeds , and according to Hippocrates , the foetus having in the first seven days all that he ought to have , this opinion is more pious and expedient for repressing the criminal license of those who without scruple procure abortion within the first forty days . The Third said , Though the Reasonable Soul be of a much sublimer nature then the souls of other Creatures ; yet being created with reference to the Body 't is not introduced thereinto till the same be fitted for its reception ; as no other natural form is ever received into a subject not previously fitted with all due dispositions . And since the Soul is the principle of all actions , hence she needs Organs and Instruments for performing them ; and the more sublime she is , the greater preparation doth she require then the Sensitive Soul , as this also doth then the Vegetative , which demands only a certain mixture of the first qualities , besides which the sensitive requires a more exquisite temperament of the two Principles of Generation , Seed and Blood , endued with a vital Spirit , capable of producing Sense and Motion . So that the Reasonable Soul ought not to be infused , till after the conformation is in all points completed . The Fourth said , Since there is no proportion but between things of the same nature , the Immortal Reasonable Soul cannot have any with the corruptible Body , and so not depend more on the matter in its infusion then in its creation , which is probably the third day after conception ; at which time the actions of life appear in nutrition , growth , alteration , and configuration of the parts . Which actions must proceed from some internal and animated principle ; which cannot be the Soul either of Father or Mother , since they act not where they are not inherently ; nor yet the spirit of the Seed which is not a principal agent but only the instrument of a Soul ; nor the formative vertue , which is only an accident or temper of qualities , and in like manner the instrument of some more noble agent . 'T is therefore the Soul contained in the bosom of the matter , which produces all these actions therein . They who hold the Reasonable Soul not introduced till after the two others , consider not that Forms receiving no degrees of more or less cannot be perfected or changed one into another , much less annihilated ; seeing corruption is caused only by contraries , and Forms have none . It follows therefore that the Reasonable Soul is the principle of all these functions ; which she performs according to the dispositions she meets with ; and that she is the architect of her own habitation . CONFERENCE CXLIII . Of Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls . THough Metemphychosis , or the Transmigration of Souls , be rather imaginary then true ; yet because there is nothing which more inriches the Field of Philosophy then liberty of reasoning , we shall here inquire whether the Heathen , guided only by the light of Nature had any reason to maintain this extravagance ; which was first taught in Greece by Pythagoras who had learn'd it of the Egyptians ; by whom and most other Nations of antiquity it was believ'd not only that souls departed out of some bodies re-entered and animated others , but also that all things after a certain revolution of Ages should resume the same state wherein they had formerly been . This was also the opinion of Plato , saving that he was more rational then Pythagoras , who making three Souls of the same quality , said that those of men after death went to animate the bodies of Men , Beasts , or Plants ; for which reason he abstained from the flesh of Animals , and could hardly resolve to eat Beans for fear of biting his Fathers head . But Plato held the Transmigration of Rational Souls only into humane Bodies . Which opinion though less absurd then the former ( which destroys it self by the confusion it introduces amongst all natural beings ) yet it hath its inconveniences too ; since the Soul being an incompleat form , making one whole with its other half the Body , it can never meet with one in all points like the first ; besides that , were it in another , it would have an inclination towards the first , and so would not be in such body in quality of a form , but in a state of constraint and violence . The Second said , That the Pythagorical Metemphychosis is not more absurd ( in regard that being the form gives a determinate and specifical being to every thing , if humane souls past into the bodies of Beasts or Plants , these Creatures would be Men ; ) then that of Plato seems probable : nothing hindring but that a humane soul may enter into another humane body after the dissolution and ruine of the former . For if there be any thing to hinder it , it must be because there is no return from privation to habit , That which hath sometimes been , can no more be such as it was , and 't is impossible for a soul which hath once informed a body to re-enter it again and there exercise the functions of life after having been once totally thence expelled . But these Reasons hinder not , seeing the soul may be introduced anew into some body wherein it is not now , but hath been formerly ; as Gangraenous and wholly mortified members may be again vivified by a powerful effect of the soul and the goodness of temperament . Moreover , it is not less possible for that which never was to begin to be , then for that which hath formerly been to exsist again in nature ; seeing both being equally pure nothing , they are objects sufficient to be created by God ; as the first matter ( which is almost nothing ) is the object of Nature , his inferior ; and natural bodies are the objects of Art which is below Nature . So that not only souls , after having informed one body , may pass into an another by Metempsychosis , but ( which seems more difficult ) the same soul may again inform the same body . The Third said , 'T is impossible for one and the same thing which hath been to be a new ; for then it should be twice and have two durations , and consequently two existences , and so not be one and the same thing ; seeing singularity depends upon existence . So neither can the same soul return into the totally deserted body , although it may re-animate some parcels of it , nor yet into other bodies . For in the first place , as for the souls of Plants and Beasts , there is no more reason to believe that these forms disappearing upon destruction of the Organs whereby they exercise their functions , go to animate other bodies of the same species , then that , when my wood is burnt , the same form of fire goes to seek another faggot and kindle the same as soon as fit dispositions thereunto arise ; if it were so , the Woodmongers should have a very dangerous Trade . Moreover this transmigration of souls is either absolutely necessary ( that is , bodies are animated no other way but this ) and so there will be no other new generation , but the supernumerary souls must wait till their turn come , ( according as the Platonick poet Virgil represents them in the sixth Book of his Aeneis ) for if there be more bodies then souls , there will be no production , whatever disposition be found in the matter ; and then though we sow the Ground never so much with Corn , nothing will come of it , in case more be sown then there are Vegetative Souls to animate it ; whence we should be in great danger of Famine . As for the Reasonable Soul , since there is no animated body whose outward figure is not an Index of its inward form , were there such a thing as Metempsychosis , the soul of a Horse should be under the outward form of a Man , and so all knowledg from external shape should be deceit and delusions , far from serving for Physiogmony . Moreover the Ancients introduced this Opinion , partly to frighten the wicked , by making them believe that after death their souls should do penance in the bodies of Beasts whose manners they had imitated ( Cowards becoming Hares , and cruel persons Wolves , ) till after repurgation by the River Lethe they should again become men ; and partly to excite the good with hopes that their souls should be received into the bodies of Heroes and Demi-gods ; such fabulous stories serving to keep the more ignorant sort within their duty . The Fourth said , That the separated soul carries along with her , only three powers , the Understanding , Will , and the Motive Faculty ; by means whereof she is carried towards what she desires by a real local-motion , whereof she is as well capable without as within the body . Now she desires nothing so much as to be united to the body with whom she hath formerly been conjoyned . And consequently she cannot but return thither of her own accord ; seeing when the desire and power meet the effect must necessarily follow , especially when the desiring is in a violent state , contrary to its own Nature , as that of the separated Soul is ; and therefore since nothing violent is of long duration , the Soul's separation from her Body cannot be perpetual . The Fifth said , If it be true that nothing is made which hath not already been , and that , according to Origen , there was a certain number of Souls produced in the beginning of the Creation , after which it is said , That God rested from all his Works , and that he creates nothing since he put the last hand to the perfection of the World , ( which it borrows from the forms or beauties which it contains ) it may seem consentaneous to the ornament of the Universe , to say that it was at first stor'd with all the forms , where-with the Matter is informed , according as it comes to have fit dispositions thereunto . And that these forms having no contraries , and consequently being incorruptible , upon forsaking their first Subject , ( through default of fit dispositions to maintain them ) are received into other Subjects , like the first , and consequently , as capable of receiving such form , which of it self is indifferent to one Subject as well as to another ; but since the Rational Soul cannot have any particular Inclination towards the Body it formerly animated , which after Death being no longer Organical , nor capable of being so , but onely Dust and Ashes ; 't is more probable , that when separated , it resents motions ( if it have any ) towards some Body duly organized , and not yet furnished with a form ; there being ( besides ) less incovenience in saying that one and the same Soul , can animate divers Bodies one after another , than that it can animate divers at the same time , and in divers places , which nevertheless is the Opinion of most Philosophers . For when it is separated , it remains still an Act and a Form , capable of informing any sort of well disposed Body , without affecting any in particular ; into which it enters not ignorant , since Knowledge follows Immaterality , and the Species and Notions being to the Soul , what accidents are to their Subjects from which they are inseparable , they must accompany her where-ever she goes ; although by reason of the Clouds , and humidities of the Body which she informes , she is not actually knowing in Infancy , but onely proportionably , as in time the Body comes to be dried , and the humidities absumed , the Species which were ingraven in the Soul begin to appear , and as it were to be produced a new by Reminiscence , which necessarily follows Metempsychosis . CONFERENCE CXLIV . Whether there were braver Men in any preceding Age , than in the present . ALthough this Question , being rather of Fact than of Right , might best be discuss'd , by comparing all the great Men of every Age between themselves , or those of each Age with ours ; yet that way would be too long , by reason of the great number of Illustrious Men who have flourish'd downwards to our Age , which is the fifty seventh since the Creation of the World , ( the duration whereof amounts to 5920. years , according to the most probable Opinion , which reckons 3683. years and three months to the Nativity of our Lord ) the Matter may also be decided by Reason , provided we lay aside two powerful Passions ; the one proper to young Men , who alwayes value themselves above their Predecessors , and , like Rehoboam , think their own little finger stronger than the whole Body of their Fathers ; the other ordinary to old Men , who alwayes extoll the time past above the present , because the infirmities of their Bodies and Minds , no longer allowing them the contentment they formerly enjoyed , they know not where to charge the fault but upon Time , though , in truth , it lyes upon Themselves . For Nature being still as Wise and Powerful as heretofore , and the Universal Causes the same , their Operations must be likewise as perfect , and their Effects as excellent in these dayes , as they have been in any . Then , as for our Minds , they are so far from being impair'd , that they improve more and more in acuteness ; and being of the same Nature with those of the Ancients , have such an advantage beyond them , as a Pigmy hath upon the shoulders of a Gyant ; from whence he beholds not onely as much , but more than his supporter doth . The Second said , As a Stone hath more force by how much 't is less from the hand that flings it ; and generally all Causes act more powerful upon their next , than upon their distant Effects : so also Men are less perfect proportionally to their remoteness from their Source and Original , from whence they derive all their perfection . This decay is chiefly observ'd in our bodies , which are not so sound and well-constituted , as those of our Ancestors ; and therefore 't is no wonder if the Souls where-with they are inform'd , have less Vigor though the same Nature . For although , in order to judge aright of the Excellence of the Souls of one Age compar'd with another , we ought to wave that advantage which the later have over the preceding , by enjoying the benefit of their inventions ; whereunto 't is as easie to add , as 't is to build upon a good foundation , whereof others have firmly lay'd the first stones and Pillars . Yet , for all those great advantages , there hath not in these last Ages , appear'd any one equal to those grand Personages of Antiquity , who have had the vogue in each Art and Science . Moreover , want of things made them more ingenious , and the Experience of many years render'd them capable of every thing ; whereas now we cease to live , when we but begin to know our selves . Indeed they had the true Disciplines and Sciences , whereof we have no more but the shadows ; and instead of real and solid Philosophy , such as that of the First Ages was , nothing remains to us but an useless Scholastick Gibberish , which having been banisht the Company of all discreet people , is shamefully confin'd to the inclosure of Colledges , where I am confident the Professors will readily yield to Socrates , Plato , Lycurgus , Solon , and the Seven Sages of Greece , to whose Age , which was the year of the World , 3400. I clearly give the prize ; there being no indowment of the Mind preferrable to that of Wisdom . The Third said , If Wisdom must carry it , there is no Age to be compar'd to that of Solomon : but because one Swallow makes not a Spring , I should prefer before it that of Augustus and Tiberius , when the Roman Empire was in its greatest Glory ; the rather because our Saviour , the Paragon of all great Men liv'd in it , and Virgil , Ovid , Cicero , Cato , besides many others , flourisht at the same time . Not to speak of the rare Inventions which also then appear'd ; as Malleable Glass , and Perpetual Lights , both now unknown . The Fourth said , If the complaint of the decay of Witts were true and new , the World must be very old , since Seneca , who liv'd 1500. years ago , made the same in his time : But if the present Wits are not inferior to those of Seneca's time , it will follow , either that the world grows not worse , as is commonly said , or that long Series of years , which makes above a quarter of the whole Age the world , is taken but for one and the same time : In which Case , the world must be older than religion and truth teach us , before it fell into that decay , wherein we see it continue for so many Ages . But indeed , 't is a weakness to imagine that Witts diminish ; our Natural Inclination to despise what we possess , and to regret what is pass'd , making us judge to our own disadvantage , that we are less perfect than our Ancestors , and that our Nephews must be worse than our selves ; whence arose that Fiction of Four Ages , differing according to so many Metals ; the Golden one , by reason of its excellence ; that of Silver , Brass and Iron , proportionably , as Men fell from the former Perfection of Soul , and Innocence of Manners . But all this while , 't is in the beginning of the World that the weakness of Man appear'd by suffering himself to be govern'd by his Wife , and the damnable Resolution of a Fratricide . Moreover , the Mind of Man being a Power of well Conceiving , Reasoning , Inventing , and doing other Functions , whereof he is capable , he may arrive to a Supream Degree of Excellence , either by the pure and liberal Will of his Maker , or by the disposition and concurrence of Natural Causes , or by Humane Industry . So that God , Nature , and Art , the three sole Agents of this World , being the same as heretofore , they must produce the same Effects . For God creates not Souls now with less advantages and grace than formerly ; he is as liberal of his favours as ever , especially in the Ages of Grace . Nor doth Nature and other Second Causes contribute less to the perfection of Souls than heretofore . And the Humane Soul , however independent of Matter as to its Essence , yet is so link'd to the Organs of the Body , that it operates well or ill according as those are diversly affected , which is , what we call Good or Bad Wit , whilst we judge thereof by the Actions , and not by the Essence . For those Organs and Dispositions depend of the Elements and Superior Bodies , which are alwayes the same , and consequently , must produce the same Effects ; and hence , the equal Dispositions of Bodies , will inferr equal perfection of Minds . But as for the difference of Souls arising from Art and Instruction , undoubtedly , those of our Age are better cultivated than any ever have been in times pass'd . The Fifth said , When I consider the high pitch whereunto so many great Men have carry'd the Glory of these last Ages , I find more wonders than in the preceding ; but it pertains onely to the Ages ensuing to make their Elogiums ; Great Men , whilst living , being kept down by Envy or Contempt . One Age must be let pass , before we begin to judge of the worth of it ; then the following begins to regret what it sleighted , it being natural to us to seek onely what is wanting , and to be disgusted with plenty . And truly , I think 't is the multitude of persons excelling in all sort of Arts , and especially in the Sciences , ( whereof never were so many Doctors , Regents , and Professors , seen in one single Age as in this ) that makes us less esteem the ingenious that are now living ; for 't is onely rarity that gives price to things , and that made him pass for a great Clerk a few Ages ago , who could but write and read ; he that spoke Latine was a Prodigy , though now 't is a Tongue almost as universal , and common as the Native . Now Admiration being the Daughter of Ignorance , the esteem had of most of the admired in former Ages , is rather an Argument of the Rudeness and Ignorance of the Times , than of the excellence of their Witts . Nor were they better than we in their Manners , but onely more simple , and yet culpable of as many Crimes . But were we the more wicked , this were no Argument of want of Witt , which is the matter in question . And if there have been sometimes a Ceres , a Bacchus , a Pallas , a Vulcan , and others , advanc'd to Deities for finding out the way to sow Wheat , plant Vine-yards , spin Wool , and forge Iron ; we have had in these last Ages the Inventors of the Compass , the Gun , Printing , the Tubes of Galileo , and a thousand other Inventions both more difficult and excellent ; the easiest having been first discover'd . The Modesty of those that govern us , ( who no less hate the vanity of praise , than they know how to exercise Actions deserving it ) permits me not to shew you , that all pass'd Ages have nothing that comes near the grandeur of their Souls , and that their conduct is the more to be admir'd , in that their business is both to keep themselves up with Friends , and give reason to Enemies , who also help to verifie , that there are greater States-men and Captains in this Age , than in any of the preceding . CONFERENCE CXLV . Of the Serene , which is a hurtful Dew falling in Summer Evenings . AS Painters find it harder to represent a calm smooth Sea , than the rampant foaming billows of a storm , which require more variety of Colours , and afford the Pencil more liberty ; and as a History of Peace is harder to write , and less pleasant to read , than the Troubles and Commotions of Warr : So I think it less difficult to describe the several impressions of Tempests , than those of a calm Air , which nevertheless at certain times , produces pernicious Effects ; so much more remarkable , in that they proceed from a very simple Cause , no-wise malignant of it self , to wit , from a clear and serene Air , free from Clouds and Vapours , which in the Evening being cool'd by the reason of the Sun's Elongation , acquires a certain Refrigerating and Catarrhous quality , call'd by the vulgar , The Serene : because it happens either in the Evening , or more commonly in fair weather , when the Air is serene , than when it is pluvious and full of Vapours . Which quality , some ascribe to the Influence of the Stars , especially to the Moon , term'd for that reason by the Psalmist , Infrigidans ; which hath indeed a notable dominion over all Humid Bodies , particularly , those of Men , who find sensible alterations in themselves , according to the several faces of that Planet . But because the Heavens diffuse their Influences upon those that are under covert , as well as upon those that are in the open Air , where onely the Serene is felt ; I should rather pitch upon the alterations of the refrigerated Air , which acts but so far as it is near us ; and 't is always more proper to attribute Effects here below to proximate Causes , than to recur to the Heaven , which is but an equivocal Cause thereof . The Second said . If Cold were the Cause of the Serene , the same should happen where-ever it were cold , and be more hurtful according to the vehemency of that quality , as towards Midnight or Morning , and likewise in Winter : Yet the Serene is never spoken of but in the temperate Seasons of Spring and Autumn , and some little portion of the Seasons bordering upon them . Besides , in Summer the air of our cold Caves should be capable of producing it at mid-noon . Wherefore I cannot think the Serene an effect of bare cold , but of the vapors wherewith the air , howsoever apparently pure , is always charg'd ( whence proceeds the diversity of refractions In the Planets , especially at Sun-rise and Sun-set , which is never without some clouds ) which vapours being destitute of the diurnal heat and so coming to be condens'd , fall down upon our heads just as Dew doth , which is produc'd after the same manner but of a matter somwhat thicker and more copious . And as there is no Dew so there is no Serene but in temperate Seasons , and Regions ; never in Winter or the midst of Summer : for violent cold congeals these vapours into Frost and Ice , and vehement heat dissipates and consumes them . The practice of our Ladies ( who use to remain in the Serene , thereby to whiten their complexion and soften their flesh ) shows that this evening-air having a cleansing and levigating vertue must be impregnated with a quality like Dew , which is detersive by reason of the salt which it drew from the earth ; by means whereof it not only whitens Linen and Wax but also purgeth Animals , as appears by the fluxes hapning to Sheep driven out to grass before the Sun has consum'd the Dew ; and by Manna , which is nothing but a condens'd dew , and hath a purgative vertue . The Third said , Mans body being subject to the injuries of all external Agents , receives so much greater from the impressions of the Air , as the same is more necessary to life ; capable of subsisting for some time without other things , but not a moment without Air , which is continually attracted into our Bodies not only by respiration , but also by insensible transpiration through the Pores of the Body , which is pierc'd with holes like a Sieve for admission of air which is taken in by the Arteries in their motion of Diastole or Dilatation . And being most agile and subtle , it easily penetrates our Bodies , altering them by the four first qualities wherewith it is variously impregnated according to the vicinity of the Bodies environing it , which make the four Seasons of the Year , wherein it variously disposes the bodies upon which it acts , changing even their natural temperament . And because the parts of a natural day have some proportion with those of a year , upon account of the several changes caus'd by the common and proper revolutions of the Sun ; hence the Morning is like the Spring hot and moist , or rather temperate , and the Blood then predominates : Noon resembles Summer , hot and dry , at which time Choler is in motion : the following part is cold and dry , Melancholy and correspondent to Autumn : the Evening and whole Night , by its coldness and humidity which puts Phlegm in motion , is a little Winter , the coldness whereof proceeds not from the vapors ( which are always accompani'd with some extraneous heat , whereby they are retain'd in the Air and kept from falling ) but from the bare privation of the heat of the Sun , who , as by his presence he actually causes heat in the Air , so by his absence he causes coldness in the same ; which penetrating our Bodies calefi'd by the diurnal heat , easily therein condenses the vapors which are not yet setled or laid , and squeesing them out of the Brain and all the parts ( just as we do water out of a wet spunge ) they fall upon the weakest parts , where they cause a fluxion and pain . The Fourth said , That the Air being of it self very temperate , can never do any mischief , unless it be mix'd with some extraneous substances , as Vapors and Exhalations which continually infect the first Region wherein we reside . And because those subtle parts of Earth and Water exhal'd into it are imperceptible , 't is not strange if they produce such sudden and unexpected effects , as we see the Serene doth ; which is caus'd by vapors rais'd after Sun-set by the force of the heat remaining upon the surface of the Earth , like those arising from heated water after it is taken off the fire : So that the Serene is that vapour whilst it mounts upwards , not when it falls downwards ; for it cannot descend till it be render'd heavier by condensation into Water , Clouds or Mists , which make the Air nubilous and not serene , as in this effect it uses to be . But at their first elevation , they are more volatile , rare , subtle , and invisible . The Fifth said , That the chief cause of this hurtful accident , is the change of one contrary into another without medium , which is always incommodious to Nature ; who for that reason conjoyns all extreams by some mediums , which serve for dispositions to pass from the one to the other without difficulty . And as the alteration of the body from cold to hot is painful , ( witness those who hold their cold hands to the fire after handling of Ice ) in like sort that from hot to cold is very incommodious ; whence the hotter the preceding day hath been , the more dangerous is the serene ; because the pores of the Body being open'd , and all the humors disorder'd and mov'd , by the diurnal heat , the cold insinuates into and works upon the same with more liberty ; just as heated water is soonest frozen by reason its parts are more open'd by the heat , and consequently more capable of receiving the impressions of Agents . Which is also the reason why the first cold hurts us rather then the greatest frosts , namely , because it finds the body more open , then ensuing hard weather doth . So though in Winter the air be colder , yet because 't is almost continually the same , it makes less impression in the evening upon our bodies already accustomed to its rigor : and though the air is colder at midnight then at Sun-set , yet the serene is only at the beginning of the night , when our bodies more sensibly receive alteration from the same . Wherefore 't is only the sudden change of the air which makes the serene , whereof our bodies are the more sensible according to the openness of the pores and of the futures of the head , and the softness of the flesh , which renders the body obnoxious to external causes , as hardness ( which secures it from them ) makes it subject to internal causes , through want of transpiration . Hence Peasants , Souldiers and all such as are hardned by labour and are of a firm and constant constitution , feel no inconvenience from the Serene , although they breathe an air more subtle , and consequently more capable of being impregnated in the evening with qualities noxious to the body . CONFERENCE CXLVI . Whether the French are Light and Inconstant ; and why ? THere is no more perfect Mirror of Inconstancy , then Man ; as appears by the pleasure his body takes in the change of Pasture , his mind in that of Objects , and both in that of Condition . Hence men look not upon present honours but as so many steps whereby to ascend to new ; the possession of present goods bringing no other satisfaction then that of their Stomack , that is , till a second Appetite be excited by new Meats . Whereunto the nimbleness of their volatile Spirits , the fluidity and mobility , of their humours which constitute the temperament , too notoriously furnish the efficient and material cause to inquire elsewhere for them ; for which reason the melancholick are less subject to this defect ; this earthy humour being less susceptible of change , whence they prove more wise . But amongst all Nations there is none to whom the vice of Levity is more imputed then to the French. Caesar who had long convers'd with them , frequently objects the same to them , and experience sufficiently shews by what is pass'd that they are very far from the constancy of other Nations , as not only their Statutes and Edicts which they cannot long observe , but all their Modes and Customs , and their desire of novelty abundantly testifie . The causes whereof are either from the Climate or the Soil . For 't is observ'd that where the Heaven is always in the same posture , as toward the Poles ; or where the Sun heats almost in the same degree as near the Equator ( which makes the days and nights equal ) , the Manners and Inclinations of the People are also equal : on the contrary , those that by the several remotions and approaches of the Sun have different constitutions of Air , receive sutable impressions from the same , which are afterwards manifested in their actions . And because what is below is the same with what is on high , the Earth consequently partakes of the same alterations which the Heaven produces in the Air , and retains them longer : Thus our Soul being heated and cooled , moistned and dry'd in one and the same day , suffering contrary changes in a very little time ; 't is no wonder if the Aliments it affords make the parts , humors , and spirits , like it self , that is to say , flitting , inconstant , and mutable ; which parts being communicated from Father to Son , can no more be chang'd by us , even by Travels and Alteration of Soil , than the Moor can change his skin which the temper of his native climate hath in like manner given him . Add hereunto , that the French Courtesie , receiving all strangers more civilly than any Nation of the World , is also more easily lead by their perswasions and examples : And whereas the roughness and rusticity of many other people thinks shame and scorn to change , ( as implying preceding Ignorance ) the sincerity and frankness of the French is such , that he easily alters his Mind and way as soon as another seems better to him than his own : other Nations , ( what-ever Pride they take in being always constant and equal to themselves , and especially more patient than we in our Adversities ) surpassing us onely in this particular , that they better know how to dissemble their discontents . The Second said , Lightness of Minds is , like that of Bodies , respective onely , not absolute . And as Air is term'd Light , in respect of Water and Earth ; so dull people , those of the North , and such others as would have gravity alone in words , gestures , and actions , pass for Wisdom , call the French light , because they are more nimble and active then themselves ; and being really what others are onely in appearance , affect not that false mask of Wisdom , whereof they possess the solidity and Body , whilst these content themselves with enjoying its shadow and ghost . For 't is not the change of habits or modes that argues that of the Mind , but in great Matters , as Religion and State , in maintaining whereof , the French may be affirm'd more constant than any Nation . 'T is not an Age yet , since France bad reason to glory , ( as well as in Saint Jerom's time ) of never having produc'd Monsters , but of planting the Faith well amongst all its Neighbors , whose rigorous Inquisition is less a testimony of the Constancy , than of the lightness or baseness of their Spirits , since they are kept in their Religion by fear of the Wheel and the Gallows . Then as for the State , the French Monarchy is the ancientest in the world , and hath been always maintain'd amidst the ruines and downfalls of other States , by the exact observation of its fundamental Laws ; which is an eminent Argument of the Constancy of the French ; the Nations who have most charg'd them with this Vice , shewing themselves the most inconstant , whilst this puissant body of France remains always like it self ; which it could not do , if the members which compose it were light and inconstant , the greatest Vice where-with they can asperse us . For since , according to Seneca , Wisdom is always to will and not-will the same things ; Inconstance and Irresolution , in willing sometimes one thing , sometimes another , is a certain testimony of Folly , Imprudence , and weakness of Mind ; which coming to change , intimates either that it took not its measures aright , nor apprehended the fit means of attaining to the proposed end , or that it had not Courage and Resolution enough to go through with its designes . And not onely he who hath an inconstant and flitting Spirit is incapable of Wisdom , which requires a settled Mind , not mutable like that of the Fool , ( who , as the Scripture saith , changes like the Moon ) but also of all sort of Virtue , which consisting in a mediocrity , is not attainable but by Prudence which prescribes its Bounds and Rules , and by Stability and Constance which arms the Mind against all difficulties occurring in the way of Virtue ; in which , as well as in the Sciences and Arts , the French having more share than any other Nation , 't is injurious to accuse them of Inconstancy . The Third said , 'T is not more vanity to believe one's self perfect in all things , than temerity in going about ( upon blind passion for his Country ) to exempt it from a Vice , whereof all strangers , who know us better than we do our selves , are universally agreed . Let us confess therefore that we are inconstant , since , in comparison of the Vices of other Neighbouring Nations , this will not onely appear light , but make it doubtful , whether it be a Vice , since 't is grounded upon Nature , which is in perpetual change ; whereby she appears more beautiful and agreeable than in identity and rest , which , is not found even in the prime Bodies and universal Causes , which as well as others , are in a continual mobility and change , which is no-wise contrary to Wisdom , which requires that we accommodate our selves to the circumstances of places , persons , and times , which alter incessantly , and that we consequently alter our Conclusions according thereunto ; besides that , change of Opinion is a testimony of a free and ingenuous Spirit , as that of the French is ; and it may be attributed to the power of example , in a people environ'd with sundry Nations extreamly different , and consisting of Spirits which are imbu'd with the qualities of them all . For this Country lying under the forty third degree , and the forty eighth , the mixture of these people , which partake a little of the Southern , and a little of the Northern Neighbours ; sometimes conforms to the modes of one , sometimes to those of the other : And as in the change of Colours , the difference is not seen but in the two extreamities , those of the middle appearing changeable and diversifi'd ; so France situated between the Germans , Italians , and Spaniards , mixing and tempering in it self the qualities of those Nations which are in its extreamities , appears to them changeable and uncertain . The Fourth said , Though the French are not more inconstant than others , yet their boyling and impetuous humor , and the quickness of all their Actions having made them be esteemed such by all their Neighbors , I shall rather refer the Cause thereof to their abundance of Spirits , which are the sole Motors and Principles of all Actions , ( produc'd by the purity of their Air , and the variety of their Aliments ) than to the Aspects of Heaven , or such other Causes ; since Nations under the same parallel , with France , as Podolia , Hungary , Tartary , and many others , should be subject to the same Vice , which was sometimes imputed to the Grecians , the most fickle and inconstant of all people ; without referring the Cause to the Winds , as Cardan held , that such as are most expos'd thereunto , to have volatile Spirits ; otherwise the French , and other Nations , subject to Winds , should quit their levity when they came into Climates less windy . CONFERENCE CXLVII . Of the sundry Motions of the Sea and Rivers . NOthing ravishes us more than the Motion of Inanimate Bodies ; Automata , or Bodies moving by Artifice , having in the beginning made Idolaters , who were undeceived when they came to know the Springs of them . But above all , the Motions of the Sea seem the more marvellous , in that they are very different and contrary . And they are of two sorts ; One Internal , and common to all heavy Bodies , whereby the Water descends downwards , the agitated Sea becomes calm by returning to its level , and Rivers follow the declivity of the Lands through which they pass : The other , violent , which is either irregular , ( render'd so by the irregularity of the Winds ) or regular ; which again is of two sorts , namely , that of reciprocation in the flux and reflux of the Sea , and that which depends upon the several parts of the World , being either from East to West , or from North to South . 'T is true , Water being naturally fluid and moveable , and not to be contain'd within its own bounds , it were more strange if this great Body were immoveable , than to see it move , as it was necessary it should for Navigation , and to avoid corruption . The wonder onely is , to see in one sole Body so great a diversity of Motions , whereof onely the first is natural to it ; the others arise from some extrinsick Causes ; amongst which , none acting more sensibly upon the Elements than the Celestial Bodies , 't is to the diversity of their Motions , that those of the Sea must be imputed , but particularly , that of its flux and reflux , which being regular , and always alike in one and the same Sea , cannot proceed but from as regular a Cause , such as the Heaven is , and chiefly the Moon , which manifestly exercises its empire over all Humid Bodies , the flux and reflux following the Lunar Periods and Motions , not onely every six months , to wit , during the two Aequinoxes when their Tides are very high , but also every month in the Conjunction and Opposition of the Moon , and also every six hours of the day , almost all Seas have their flux and reflux , except some which make the same in more or less time , and are longer in their reflux than their flux ; or on the contrary , according to the declivity and various winding of the Lands , the greatness or smallness of Creeks , the Streights of the Seas , narrowness of banks , and other differences of situation . The Second said , That the Sea , being a simple body , can have but one natural Motion , viz. that of its own weight , which makes it flow into places lower than its source , which it can never surmount . Amongst the other three Motions proceeding from without , that from East to West is discern'd by the time spent in Voyages at Sea , which is much longer from West to East , than from East to West : because in the first , they move contrary to the Motion of the Sea , and in the second with it . Now the cause hereof is the impression of the First Mover upon all the Orbes and Inferior Bodies , which follow the rapidity of its daily Motion from East to West upon the Poles of the World. That from North to South , is likewise seen in most Seas , and chiefly in the Euxine , which being fill'd by the Palus Maeotis , and the Tanais , discharges it self by the Aegaean , into the Mediterranean Sea ; which , were it not for the high sluces of Africa , would continue the same Motion Southwards : Which sometimes hindred Darius and Sesostris from digging that space of Land which is between the Red-Sea and the Mediterranean , for fear lest this latter should overflow those Southern Countries . The Cause of this Motion , is the multitude of Waters towards that Pole , whose coldness not raising so great a quantity of Vapors and Rains as towards the South , the Waters come to be greater there , and so are forc'd to fall towards the lower places . Or rather , ( since there is the same cold under the Antarctick Pole , and consequently , the same quantity of Waters and Rains ) this descent of the Waters Southwards , must be attributed to the Elevation of the Earth in the North , or to the narrow mouths or gulphs of those Seas which make the waters descend out of them more easily than they enter into them . As to the flux and reflux , which is a Compounded , but regular Motion , it cannot proceed from Vapors , or from inconstant and irregular Winds , but from the Motion , Light , and particular Influence of the Moon ; which attracting the Sea in the same manner that the Load-stone doth the Iron , is the Cause of its accumulation , or swelling and increase , which makes the flux : And then her Virtue abating by her elongation , the Waters by their proper weight resume their level , and so make the reflux . And because all Seas are continuous , the Moon when under our Horizon , ceases not to cause the same Motions in our Seas , as when she is above it ; the Waters necessarily following the motion of those which are next them , which would be alike in all did not some variation arise from the different situations of Lands , which is the cause that the flux and reflux of the Ocean is more sensible then the Mediterranean , and in this the Adriatick , then the Tuscan , by reason that Sicily and the point of Italy makes the Sea enter impetuously into the Gulph of Venice ; wherein is observ'd another particular motion call'd Circulation , whereby the Mediterranean flowing by its proper motion from East to West , and meeting immediately at the entrance of that Gulph the Coast of Macedonia , discharges it self impetuously thereinto and continues its motion to the bottom of the Gulph , whence being repercuss'd it returns by the opposite Coast of Calabria to the other point of the Gulph by which it enters into the Tuscan Sea. Hence , to go from Venice to Otranto they take the Coast of Galabria ; and to return back , that of Macedonia . The Third said , Nothing so strongly argues the mobility of the Earth as the motions of the Sea and Rivers : for what else were it but a miracle if water contain'd in an immoveable vessel should agitate and move it self . That of Rivers proceeds not from their weight , which makes them fall into a place nearer their Centre ; seeing that in a declivity requisite to the course of a River for 200 leagues , there must then be a depression more sensible then the altitude of the highest Mountains of the Earth , nor could the Sea remit the waters to their Springs ( as the holy Scripture saith it doth ) if those Springs were higher then it . But supposing the motion of the Earth , 't is easie to render a reason of that of the Water . As for Rivers , ( almost all which run westward ) the Earth having its Diurnal Motion from West to East ( according to the Hypothesis of Copernicus ) may cause this their contrary motion by subtracting it self from the fluidity of the waters ( liquid bodies not exactly following the motion of solid ) as the water in a Tub rises in the side opposite to that towards which you sway the Vessel . By the same reason also the Sea shall have its course from East to West , which is therefore very sensible between the two Tropicks where the rapidity of the Earths motion is greater then under the Poles . Hence upon this account Navigation is very easie Westward , the Currents very violent , the Tides great towards the Coast of America : as is observ'd chiefly in Magellan's Streight , where the refluxes of the Northern and Eastern Sea are advanc'd above 70 leagues ; and the Mar del Sur scarce goes to 25 , and that weakly : but about the Poles the Sea hath no other motion but that which is caus'd by Winds and Tempests . As for the flux and reflux of the Sea , according to the same supposition , of its motion compounded of the annual in the Ecliptick ( where others make the Sun circulate ) and the Diurnal upon its own Axis and proper Centre there arises a certain irregular motion , sometimes slower and sometimes swifter , which is the cause of that flux and reflux : for as in a Boat mov'd at first swiftly and then caus'd to move somwhat slower , the water contain'd therein swells in its extremities till by continuation of that motion it recover its level ; and the Boat being again driven with the same velocity , the water swells again upon the change of the motion : the same comes to pass upon the unequal motion of the Earth mixt of the annual and diurnal . But because the Moon being annex'd to the Earth exactly follows its motions ; therefore most Philosophers have taken the Moon for the cause of the flux and reflux , although she be only the sign of it . The Fourth said , That according to this Hypothesis 't is easie to render a reason of two things very remarkable in Danubius and Nilus . The first which runs from West to East , is observ'd in Hungary to move slower about Noon then at other hours of the day , as appears by the Water-mills which grinde less at that time : because the motion of the Earth being then contrary to that of the Ecliptick , it consequently appears more slow . And as for the other effect , namely , the increase and inundation of Nilus , which begins at the Summer Solstice , this River running directly from South to North from , one Tropick to another , which is just the middle part of the Earth , when it comes to incline its Axis and return the Antarctick part to the Sun , the stream of this River , which is contrary to that motion , waxes slower ; and being besides augmented by the continual Rains of Summer , swells and overflows the Plains of Egypt . Which made some Ancients imagine that the North Winds blew again the stream at that time and forc'd the water back upon themselves . CONFERENCE CXLVIII . Whether is better , to Love , or to be Lov'd . THe same Nature , which by an instinct common to us withall things in the world , causes us to seek our own good , obliges us likewise to Love , when we meet Goodness or Beauty in an object capable to render us happy by its possession ; which consisting in being united to the thing lov'd , 't is in this union that the Lover places his greatest felicity , and accordingly goes out of himself to joyn himself to what he loves ; the motions of the will ( of whose number Love is ) differing in this point from the actions of the Understanding , that these are perform'd by the Species receiv'd by mediation of the Senses into the Intellect , which cannot know any thing but what comes home to it ; but the Will when it Loves , must go out of it self and become united to the thing it Loves , to the end to beget somthing for Eternity . And because things are not known by the Understanding till they have been first purifi'd from the grossness of their matter by the illustration and abctraction which the Agent Intellect makes of their Phantasms or Species , hence the notions of the foulest and most dishonest things are always fair and laudable , being spiritualis'd and made like the Faculty which knows them . On the contrary , the Will in loving renders it self like the object which it Loves , is turn'd into its nature , and receives its qualities ; if the object be unlawful and dishonest , it becomes vicious and its love is criminal . Which seems to argue that the Lover is less perfect then the Loved , into which he is transform'd ; as food is less perfect then the body , into which it is converted . And as that which attracts is more excellent then what is attracted , because the stronger draws the weaker ; so the thing Loved must be more excellent and noble then the Lover , whom it attracts to it self . Moreover , Love , according to Plato , is a desire of Pulchritude , which desire implies want ; and therefore he that Loves shews thereby that he wants some perfection , which renders the thing Lov'd amiable : since the Will is never carri'd to any object but what hath some goodness either apparent or real . Only God loves not his Creatures for their goodness , since they have none of themselves ; but his will being the cause of all things , he renders them good by loving them and willing good to them . The Second said , Since friendship consists in the union of two , or at most , of three Wills , whose mutual correspondence makes that agreeable harmony and those sweet accords , which make ravishing Lovers dye in themselves to live in what they love ; there is no true love but what is reciprocal ; which is the reason why none can be contracted with inanimate things , no more then with Beasts or Fools . And Justice commanding us to render as much as is given us ; 't is a great injustice not to love those that love us ; yea , if we may believe the Platonists , 't is a kind of homicide of the Soul ; since he that loves , being dead in himself and having no more life but in the thing lov'd , if that refuses his love , by means whereof it should live also in him as he in it , he is constrain'd either to dye or languish miserably . And whereas he that loves is no longer his own but belongs to the thing lov'd to whom he hath given himself , this thing is oblig'd to love him by the same reason that obliges it to love it's self and all that pertains thereunto . But though perfect love be compos'd of these two pieces , to love and to be lov'd ; yet the one is often found without the other , there being many Lovers wounded with the Poets leaden Arrows , who instead of seeing their love requited with love , have for all recompense nothing but contempts and , refusals . 'T is true , that it being harder to love without being lov'd , then to be lov'd without loving , there is no body but would chuse rather to be lov'd then to love upon those terms , because nothing flatters our ambition so much as to see our selves sought unto . Yet loving is a nobler thing then to be lov'd ; since honor being more in the honorer then the honored , the honor receiv'd by the lov'd thing reflects upon him that loves ; who for that reason being commended by every one that esteems a good friend as a good treasure , and not he that is lov'd , is also more excellent and hath more vertue , inasmuch as he hath more honor and praise which are the attendants of vertue . Moreover , the Lover acts freely , and therefore more to be valu'd then the lov'd person , who is forc'd to suffer himself to be lov'd . For though desire commonly follow Sensual Love , yet Love is not a desire , nor consequently a sign of Indigence ; otherwise , it should cease with the desire , and expire after enjoyment ; which is false : for Mothers love their dead Children , and even before they came into the world , not by a desire but by a motion of Nature , which causes us to love what appertains to us , and the more if it cost much pain ; which is the reason why Mothers , who contribute more to the birth of their Children , and have better assurance that they are their own , love them also more tenderly then Fathers do . The Third said , That to compare the lov'd person with the Lover , is to equal the Master with the Servant ; for the amorous assuming to themselves the quality of Servants of the Ladies whom they call their Mistresses , manifest sufficiently thereby that they yield them the pre-eminence . And although they be the most interessed in this cause ; yet they will never have the vanity to prize themselves above what they love ; which would be to condemn their own choice and their love of defect of judgment , which making them sigh after the enjoyment of the object they adore , argues their want and indigence , not to be supply'd by possession of the good they expect from it ; which herein like the Intelligences which move without being mov'd themselves , excites passions and motions in the Lover's breast , it self oftentimes remaining immovable . And as he acts in a more noble way that moves without being mov'd , because he resembles the end , which is the noblest of all the Causes ; so he that loves resembles Matter which Desires all Forms , expecting its perfection from them ; and consequently is inferior to the person that is lov'd , as from whom he expects his felicity . Even in Mutual Love , he that begins is less perfect , as confessing by that address some inviting accomplishments in the other , who finds not any obligation to love him again but the consideration of gratitude : For inferring the advantage of those that love from the nobleness of their subject , as in Gods love to his Creatures , and that of Parents to their Children ; I answer , that 't is rather an effect of passion then of true love . The Fourth said , That Love is according to the variety of its Object , ( Good ) , three-fold ; considering either Profit , or Pleasure , or Vertue . In the two former , 't is better to be lov'd then to love , but they are of no long duration ; those friends being wont to break as soon as they cease to find their market or the contentments which they receive from those to whom they pretended kindness . In honest friendship ( which alone deserves that name , being founded only upon vertue , which makes it durable ) though 't is not possible to love without being lov'd , because vertuous persons being alike mutually love and agree well together ; yet since this Amity , before it can become such must be cemented by frequentation , without which they cannot understand , nor consequently love one another , because love arises from knowledg , it may be demanded whether the active love of him that loves first be better then the passive of the other who is lov'd . Which Question I determine for the former , because he contributes most to the ensuing friendship , by laying the foundations of it . For friendship , as well as other things , is preserv'd by the same means that produce it , namely , by loving . And as the Agent is nobler then the Patient , as concurring more considerably to the perfection of the work ; so he that loves being the Agent is more perfect then the Person lov'd , who is the Patient . Also to love is to wish and do good ; to be lov'd , is to receive it : But 't is more honorable and vertuous to give then to receive ; which is a shameful action : and therefore he that receives never desires witnesses . Hence , as he that do's a benefit loves more then he that receives it , as the Artificer loves his work more then his work loves him , and a Creditor desires his Debtor's safety more then on the contrary ; in like manner he that loves is more excellent then he that is lov'd , Love being not so much a testimony of indigence as abundance , because 't is a desire of communicating ; and the more goodness a Being hath , the more it is communicative and diffusive . CONFERENCE CXLIX . Of Hair. OF the different parts of Man's Body some are absolutely necessary , others only for convenience or ornament , as the Hair , wherewith wise Nature hath adorn'd the Head ( his noblest part ) whose nudity would have been indecorous ; whence people are asham'd of baldness , which is also threatned by God as a curse to the Daughters of Sion . The good man Elisha had sufficient patience to endure Jezabel's persecutions for a long time , but not to support the affront of the little Children of Bethel who call'd him bald-pate ; and upon his curse forty two of them were torn in pieces by two Bears which came out of the neighbouring Woods ; God by that means avenging the injury done to the noblest part of this Prophet , namely the Head ; upon which 't is also the custom to place Crowns : and because 't is the Mansion of the Rational Soul , our Lord forbids swearing by it The Superincumbent Hair receives by that vicinity some particular and mysterious dignity , which hath made it so esteem'd , that not onely the Ancients offer'd it in sacrifice to their Deities , especially when they were toss'd by Tempests of Sea , and burnt it upon the death of Friends ; but also the Nazarens who were the Religious , or Monasticks among the Jews , were particularly prohibited by God to cut it ; wherein likewise Sampson's strength , Absolom's Beauty , and , according to the Poets , Nisus's happiness consisted . But above all , there is a certain Majesty in the Beard , which is reserv'd onely to Man , as best suting with the gravity of his manners . A large Beard was ever counted the character of Wisdom , and as such chosen by Philosophers as a badge of their profession . Hence Diogenes to one that ask'd him , Why he wore so long a Beard , answerd , To the end , that beholding it , I may remember that I am a Man , not a Woman . For though Wisdom and Folly be found in all Ages , and there be as many old fools as young hair-brains , yet the Beard is a sign of Experience , which principally renders Men wise . Natural Reason seems also to prove , that those that have Beards are wiser , and less impetuous than those that have not yet put them forth ; inasmuch as the fumes and fuliginosities , which are the matter of Hair , being still inclos'd in the latter , make them more inconsiderate and rash . Yea , were it onely for shew , I should conclude in favor of great Beards , which at least have this good that they make Men appear wise , though they be not so . And as Lycurgus said of long Hair , that it adds handsomness to them that are handsome , and covers the deformities of them that are not , whom also it renders terrible to their Enemies ; so large Beards serve for Ornament to those that are already wise , and make them considerable that are not so overmuch . The Second said , Hair is the Symbol of Thought , deriv'd from the same Brain , and as various in conceit and fashion ; Nations having chang'd modes for Hair and Clothes accordingly , as they have fancy'd more becommingness and sutableness in one fashion than in another . Four hundred years together there was no Barber at Rome , the first being carry'd thither from Sicily by Ticinius Menas , Anno V. C. 454 ; and after that time 't was accounted with them a note of barbarity and extream desolation to let their Hair and Beards grow , as Augustus did after the defeat of Varus . The French have been as mutable in this matter as in any other ; Their Kings of the two first Races , wearing long bushes of Hair , in token of liberty . And since Francis the First , who shav'd his Hair upon occasion of a wound in his Head , and let his Beard grow to hide the deformity of scarrs remaining in his Face after other wounds ; short Hair and long Beards began to be in request , and continued so till our Age , wherein Periwigs are more the mode than ever ; which being to be grounded upon convenience or seemliness , I see nothing that can justifie the great bush but Caprichio and Example . For Hair being a superfluous Excrement , its exorbitant greatness cannot but be incommodious and prejudicial to Health , and the good Constitution of the Brain ; the fuliginous vapors whereof , being repercuss'd by the abundance of Hair , cause Vertigoes and pains of the Head , not more certainly cur'd than by shaving the Head. As for seemliness , much Hair is rather frightful than handsome , and our Ancestors were no less comely persons than we , though they wore short Hair ; as at this day also do many warlike Nations Enemies of softness and delicacy , whereof great Hair is a most certain token , being proper to Women , as on the contrary , the long Beard is a note of Virility . For inasmuch as he that loves , conformes as much as possible to what he loves , we may judge of the softness and dissoluteness of the manners of this time , by the desire Men have to render themselves as like Women as they can , by wearing ( like them ) much Hair and little Beard : For when Men wore shorter Hair , long Beards were in request ; and when the Hair ha's been long , the Beards have almost ever been short ; the length of the one recompencing the brevity of the other , which would otherwise render Men hideous . The Third said . If ever 't was true that Custom is a Tyrant , 't is in this Case , no variation having been so much as in matter of Hair. The Scythians and Parthians wore both Hair and Beard long , thereby to terrifie their Enemies . The Greeks , whose Hair is much commended by Homer , kept it long , to distinguish themselves from their slaves , who were shorn , as at present are Galley-slaves , Artizans , and Monasticks for Humility ; whom also Peter Lombard , Bishop of Paris , caus'd to shave their Hair and Beard in the year 1160 , according to the 44th Canon of the Fourth Council of Carthage , which forbids Clerks to wear either Locks or Beards . The Aegyptians wear their Hair long , and shave off their Beards . The Maxii , a people of Africa , are shorn on one side of the Head , and let the Hair grow on the other . The Abaudi , had the fore-part onely shaven , the Antii contrary . The Arabians shave even their Daughters round about , leaving a Lock on the top . The Armenians shave their Hair into the form of a Cross ; but there is something more majestical in the Beard than in the Hair , and even Animals furnisht there-with , seem to have some sort of gravity more than others . Hence such as have affected the title of Wise , have likewise suffer'd their Beards to grow ; but the Ephori made the Lacedemonians cut theirs , as also Alexander and many Captains did their Souldiers , lest their Enemies might catch hold of them . But as the caprichio of persons of authority , especially Courtiers , gives the first model of fashions , particularly , as to Hair and Beard ; so to wear short Hair now every one's reaches to his waste ; or a magisterial spade Beard , now all are close shaven , ( except such whose Age and Condition exempts them from this Rule ) were for a Man to make himself taken notice of , for things which bring no commendation : which hath no place in discreet Minds , but argues a phantastical and humorsome person , who is commonly appointed contrary to the Modes ; whereof the present continually out-vie the Antient. The Fourth said , Hair , which is rather the leavs and boughs , than ( as Plato held ) the roots of Man's Body , ( which he terms a Tree revers'd ) having been chiefly design'd for preservation of the Brain from External Injuries ; they who would have care of their Health , must consult the Constitution of their Brain before they determine either for long or short Hair. Cold and Moist Brains , need store of Hair to fence off the cold Air ; Hot and Dry , the contrary . As for the Hair of the Chin , it was design'd onely for Ornament , and a Testimony of the Authority which the Male hath above the Female ; whence that part seemeth somewhat sacred , it being an Injury to touch one's Beard , of which the Emperor Otho made such account , that according to Cuspinian , he was wont to swear by his own . The proportion of it ought to follow the model of others of like condition ; Wise Men following the advice of the greatest number in matters indifferent , provided they be not contrary to Honesty and Health . CONFERENCE CL. VVhether Alterations of States have natural Causes . STates being compos'd of Realms or Provinces , these of Cities and Towns , these of Families , these of particular Persons , and each Person having Natural Causes ; 't is clear that the Alteration of the Whole is to be attributed to the same Causes which make the change of its parts . Thus when all the Houses of a Town are afflicted with Pestilence , or consum'd by Fire , ( which Accidents are capable of producing great Mutations in a Common-wealth ) it cannot be otherwise express'd , but by saying , that the Town is burnt or wasted by the Plague . And as when the particular suffrages of each Counsellor tend to the absolution or condemnation of a Criminal , 't were senseless to say , that the Sentence of the Court were other than that of the President and Counsellors ; so also it is ridiculous to say , that the Causes of personal mutations are Natural , but not those of Political . As therefore 't is almost the sole demonstration we have in Physicks , that our Bodies are chang'd and corrupted , because they are compos'd of the four Elements ; in like sort , I conceive , the Cause of alteration befalling the body of a State , is to be sought in the Collection of the several members that compose it ; which coming to lose the harmony , proportion , and respect which made them subsist , they are dissolv'd and corrupted ; which is a mutation , purely natural , and of absolute necessity . The Second said , If God hath reserv'd any thing to his own disposal , 't is that of Crowns and the preservation of States , which are the first and universal Causes of the safety of every particular person . Whence the transferring of those Crowns , from one State to another , which is a greater mystery , is a mutation purely supernatural ; as not onely God himself hath manifested , when he subjected the State of the Israelites first to Judges and Captains , which was a kind of Aristocracy , and afterwards to Kings reducing them to a Monarchy ; but also all such as have wrought great changes in States of the World : And Legislators knowing this belief imprinted in all Men's Minds , have affected the Reputation of being descended from , or favor'd by some Deity , as did Alexander the Great , and Numa Pompilius . Moreover , the Holy Scripture attributes to God the changing of Scepters , and frequently styles him the God of Battels , the winning and losing whereof , are the most common and manifest Causes of the change of States . And 't is a pure effect of the Divine Will , that Men born free , subject themselves to the Will of one sole or few persons ; so the changing of that Inclination , cannot proceed but from Him who is the searcher of Hearts , and gives us both to will and to do . If Natural Causes had their effects , as certain in Politicks as in Physicks , States should have their limited durations , as Plants and Animals have : and yet there is such a disproportion in the duration of all States , past and present , that one hath lasted above 1200. years , ( as the French Monarchy , whose flourishing State promises as many more Ages , if the World continue so long ) and another hath chang'd its Form several times in one yeat , as Florence . Upon which consideration , the greatest Politicians have put their States under the Divine Protection , and caus'd all their Subjects to venerate some particular Angel or tutelar Saint . Thus France acknowledges Saint Michael for its Protector ; Spain , Saint James ; Venice , Saint Mark ; and even the Ethnicks thought that a City , ( much less a State ) could not be destroy'd till the Deity presiding over it were remov'd . Whence Homer makes the Palladium of Troy , carry'd away by Vlysses , before the Greeks could become Masters of it . The Third said , The Supream Cause exercises its Omnipotence in the Rise , Conservation , and Destruction of States , as well as every where else ; yet hinders not subordinate Causes from producing their certain Effects , natural in things natural , ( as in the Life and Death of Men , which though one of the most notorious Effects of God's Power , and attributed to him by the Scripture and all the World , yet ceaseth not to have its infallible and natural demonstrations . ) Inlike manner , subordinate Moral Causes , produce their Moral and contingent Effects in Moral Things , such as that in Question is which Causes , depending upon Humane Actions which arise from our Will , no-wise necessitated but free , cannot be term'd natural and constrain'd , unless either by those that subject all things here below to Destiny , which subverts the liberty of the Will ( that is , makes it no longer a Will ) or those who will have not only the manners of the Soul , but also the actions always to follow the temperament of the Body ; which were hard to conceive , and yet would not infer a necessity in the alteration of States , since the effects of Love and Hatred , and other passions which give inclination or aversion are oftentimes prevented by thwarting causes . When the Lacedemonians chang'd the popular State of Athens into an Aristocracy of thirty Lords , whom they call'd afterwards the thirty Tyrants , no other cause can be assign'd thereof but the chance of War , which subjected the will of the Athenians to that of the Lacedemonians : And the same may be said of all other ancient and modern Revolutions . Indeed , if the causes in Policy had regular effects , or States were subject to natural declinations . Prudence , which is conversant about contingent things to manage them freely and alter its course according to occasion , should signifie nothing . 'T is more credible that as in the state of Grace God hath left our actions to the disposal of Free-will , that we may work out our Salvation our selves ; so in the administration of Republicks he hath left most things to chance , for imploying men's industry according to their will , whose motions being free and contingent , are diametrically opposite to the necessity of natural causes . The Fourth said , That these alterations may be , though voluntary , yet natural , yea necessary too ; our Will being as inclin'd to apprehended good , as our Intellect is to Truth . As therefore knowing this truth that 2 and 2 are 4 , 't is impossible but I must believe it ; so , knowing that such an action will bring me good , I shall do it : so that the causes of humane actions have somthing of necessity , and ( besides ) having their foundation in nature may in some sort be term'd natural . Moreover , since things are preserv'd by their like and destroy'd by their contraries ( which contraries are under the same genus ) it follows that all sublunary things having had a natural beginning must also have a like end . Desire of self-preservation , which is natural , gave birth to States ; but if , instead of this desire which renders Servants obedient to their Masters , these to the Magistrate , and him to the Sovereign , Rebellion and Treason deprive their Chiefs of the succour they expect from them , and by this means exposes the State in prey to the Enemies , it cannot but fall to ruine ; unless that some other natural cause , Perswasion ( as that of Menenius Agrippa taken from the humane body , upon a Secession of the Mechanicks of Rome from the Senate ) or an exemplary punishment reduce the Subjects to their forsaken duty . Whereby it appears that the State resumes its first vigor by as sensible and natural causes , as 't is to be perswaded , or become wise by others harm . Amongst many examples , the ruines of Troy and Thebes were caus'd by the rape of Helene whom the injustice of the Trojans deny'd to restore to her Husband , and the feud of two . Brothers aspiring to the same Royalty : then which no causes can be assign'd more natural and more necessarily inferring the loss of a State. CONFERENCE CLI . Which is more healthful , to become warm by the Fire or by Exercise . THey who question the necessity of Fire for recalefying our Bodies chill'd by cold the enemy of our natural heat , deserve the rude treatment of the ancient Romans to their banish'd persons , whom they expell'd no otherwise from their City but by interdicting them the use of Fire and Water ; knowing that to want either was equally impossible . Without Fire our Bodies would be soon depriv'd of life which resides in heat , as cold is the effect and sign of death . And as Aristotle saith , those that deny Vertue would not be otherwise disputed with but by casting them into the fire ; so would not I otherwise punish those that decry it , but by exposing them to freez in mid-winter , instead of burning a faggot for them . What could little Children and old people do without it ? For though the natural heat be of another kind then that of our material fire , yet this sometimes assists that in such sort that those who digest ill are much comforted by it , not to mention weak persons and those that are subject to swoonings . Moreover , the external cold must be remov'd by an external heat , as Fire is , which heats only what part and to what degree you please ; but motion heats all alike . As the Sun ( which some Philosophers take to be the Elemental-fire ) contributes to the Generation , so doth Fire concur to the conservation of Man ; not by immediate contact , but by the heat which it communicates to the Air and the Air to our Body , which by approaching or receding from it , tempers its excess in discretion , and thereby renders it sutable to our natural heat , not destroying Bodies but in its highest degree ; as also the Sun offends those at Noon whom it refreshes at rising and setting . The Second said , That the violent action of Fire which destroys all sublunary Bodies , argues its disproportion with our natural heat ; which disproportion renders the Stoves and places heated artificially by Fire so noxious , and makes such as love the Chimney-corner almost always tender , scabby , and impatient of the least inclemency of the Air ; that heat against nature not only destroying the natural but corrupting the humors and exsiccating the parts . But the bodies of Plants and Animals inur'd onely to natural heat are far more vigorous , whilst the same is secured against external cold by Bark , Hair and Skin , and those defensive Arms which Instinct taught our Fore-fathers so long as they were guided by Nature , in Caves of the Earth which moderate the injuries of the Air much better then humane Art can do ; or else by thick clothing which reflects the fumes incessantly issuing out of the pores of the Body ; from which repercussion , proceeds the warmth of our Garments . If cold happen at any time to over-master the natural heat in the external parts , the same is presently reviv'd ( but dissipated by fire , before which infirm persons frequently fall into fainting fits ) by motion and exercise which heats all Bodies , and much more such as are animated , driving the Spirits and Blood ( and with them heat ) into the agitated part . Of the benefit of which motion we cannot judge more certainly then by its effects . For as Fire takes away the Appetite and dulls the Senses of those that sit at it , so Exercise encreases it and renders the Body and Mind much more lively . Wherefore I conclude for Exercise against Fire , without which a late Physician liv'd twenty years , seeing no other but that of his Candle , and without employing his Wood , as Sylvius did who run up and down Stairs laden with two or three Fagots , more or less according as he was cold , till he was warm , and then he laid them up till another time . The Third said , Exercise is not more profitable to such as are accustom'd to it , then hurtful to others . Which Sedentary persons find true when they play at Tennis , or Hunt , or use such other violent motion . For every sort of motion is not Exercise , but only that which is perform'd with some streining , whereby respiration is render'd more frequent , the Arteries dilated , the Spirits and blood chaf'd , whence oftentimes they break their vessels , and beget Fevers , Pleurises , Fluxes , Head-aches and Catarrhs : which is a manifest proof that 't is better to leave the Humors and Spirits in their natural temper . For Health consists in a just proportion of the Humors , which are generated by the Concoction of temperate and moderate Food ; which Concoction is perform'd better during rest then during motion , and in the sleep of the night then in the labour of the day . So also are excrements better expell'd when the Body is quiet then when 't is in motion , which brings a confusion of pure with impure ; Insensible transpiration is sufficiently effected only by the internal motion of Nature without the help of external , which Nature hath not prescrib'd Animals , although they have no need of Fire , being naturally Furr'd , Feather'd , and otherwise guarded against the injuries of weather , and yet their age is almost as regular as that of immovable Plants . Man , on the contrary , by reason chiefly of his several violent exercises hath no prefix'd time of life , which labour ( inseparable from exercise ) wears and consumes more then his years , and makes him old before his time , depriving him also of that contentment and pleasure which makes us live . Moreover , since things are preserv'd and acquir'd by the same causes , lost health which is recover'd by rest and the bed , cannot be preserv'd by travel ; which , besides consuming our radical moisture swifter then the natural heat doth alone , hath the same effect that motion hath in a lighted Candle which is sooner spent when stirr'd then when at quiet . The Fourth said , That since Fire introduces into us a foreign and contranatural heat , as besides the inconveniences already alledg'd , the sweating of the head testifies , 't is more hurtful then Exercise , which only rouses up the natural heat enfeebled by the apertion of the pores caus'd by the Fire in Winter and the Sun in Summer , when for that reason Exercise ought to be less . The incommodity Exercise brings to unaccustom'd Bodies ought not to hinder their being form'd thereto by little and little , and by the degrees recommended by Hippocrates in all changes . For if Physicians contribute all their skill to correct distempers drawn from the birth , much rather may they endeavour to turn bad customs into good ; as being an easier task . Thus Galen was not accustom'd to cleave wood , nor Pittacus King of the Mytelenians to grind corn , yet they exercis'd themselves in these labours for their health . And indeed some Maladies , as those which proceed from a cold and moist distemper , are cur'd by exercise ; especially if they come from repletion . Thus Nicomachus of Smyrna was so monstrously fat that he could not put his hand behind him , yet was brought to a moderate bulk by Exercise . On the contrary , Germanicus whose legs were somewhat too slender brought them to a competent proportion by Riding ; the concussions whereof shake the Stone out of the Kidneys . Recovering persons need Exercise so much , according to their strength that 't is the most safe means of restoring it , and old men are chiefly preserv'd by it . Antiochus the Physician and Spurnia , both of them 80 years old , preserv'd their Senses and strength , entire by walking a great way every day on foot . And yet Fire is less hurtful in that age by reason of the coldness and thickness of the skin which gives not its heat so free entrance , nor so easie an issue to that within . CONFERENCE CLII. Whether Wine helps or hinders Digestion , and why ? THis Question will seem frivolous to the vulgar , who are no sooner debarr'd Wine by the Physitian , but they complain of Indigestion and weakness of Stomack . But our free Philosophy shall use its own rights , and inquire , whether the common Opinion in this Point be the best . Now if Wine , which is hot , and acknowledg'd such by all Physitians , be receiv'd into a temperate Stomack , it brings it into a distemper , whence Saint Paul enjoyn'd it not to Timothy , but in regard of the coldness or weakness of his Stomack , in which case a due temper results from the one cold , and the other hot . But temperate persons must avoid it's use , which was a just cause of Divorce to the Roman Dames , capital in the Camp of the Carthaginians , and still in divers parts of Asia ; whereunto if you add , all those that are depriv'd of it , because they have none produc'd amongst them , Children and sick persons , it will appear that ( to say nothing of Beasts , which drink onely water , and are more healthy than we ) there are a hundred live without it for one that drinks it . Moreover , they who are troubled with Indigestions , find and make others sufficiently understand , that Wine is last digested ; otherwise it would not keep its first colour , savor , and smell , after all other food , or at least onely alter'd by the acidity into which 't is easily corrupted . Besides , Water-drinkers have a better Appetite than Wine-drinkers , which is an Argument that Wine helps Concoction less then Water ; and no wonder , since , as Galen saith , it increases Thirst instead of quenching it as Water doth . For Thirst , which is the Appetite of Cold and Moist , cannot be extinguish'd by Wine , which is Hot , and so more apt to inflame it . The Life of the first Patriarch , before the use of Wine , namely , before the Deluge , was much longer than it hath been since ; and , no doubt , the principal defect in Man , and the Cause of most Diseases , is bad Digestion . The Second said , That Digestion being perform'd by the conflux of Spirits elaborated in the Spleen , and Wine which is more spirituous , and consequently , furnishes more matter for our Spirits than any other Aliment , cannot but powerfully promote the same . Which clearly appears by old men , in whom Wine hath the same Effect that Milk hath in Children , and preserves these latter from Worms . Whence possibly Hippocates gave it not onely in Quotidian , but also in Continual Fevers ; the hurtfulness to be fear'd from its heat , were it conjoyn'd with dryness , being secur'd by its humidity , which makes it symbolize with blood . Yet all Wines are not hot ; small green Wines , especially the White and Sharp , have more of coldness than of heat ; and other Wines drunk in small quantity with much water , refresh more than water alone , because opening the Pores , they insinuate into the remote parts , which plain water presently closes . Yea , Wine , as hot , is a friend to the Stomack and Bowels , whose membranous substance being cold and dry , needs the contrary qualities of Wine ; wherefore Wine helps Digestion , which water hinders , being indigestible it self , and so unable to give what it hath not . God's discovering Wine to Men after the Flood , as a remedy to the defect , left thereby in all Creatures serving for their food , being rather an evidence of its utility than hurtfulness . And there is as little reason to accuse it of shortning our dayes , as Guaicum of causing the Pox , upon pretence that the use thereof was not known till that Malady appearing , needed it for its Cure. The Third said , That the sole reason of the difficulty we find in digesting Wine , is the great resemblance of its qualities with those of Blood , both being Hot and Moist . But there can be no proper Physical Action without contrariety . For since every principal Agent induces Alteration in the subject which receives its Action , this change cannot be effected , but by depriving it of its former State , and the qualities which maintain'd the same . Which cannot be done , but by contesting with , and destroying them by contrary qualities ; and so according to more or less contrariety , the Action is stronger or weaker . Hence in the Digestion of Aliment , which is a proper Physical Action , wherein the Natural Heat destroyes the Food , in order to turn it into another Form , there must be contrariety ; and such Food as ha's least , gives the Heat least hold to work against it ; it not being easie for the Natural Heat and Moisture to act against an Aliment Hot and Moist , by reason of the resemblance between them ; as a Friend hardly combats and destroyes his Friend . Wherefore Wine being of the same quality , our Heat becoms idle in order to its Concoction . Possibly too , its abundance of Spirits make it hard to be digested , stifling the Spirits employ'd for Concoction , by reason of the too great resemblance between those of the one and the other . The Fourth said , That onely a disproportionate quantity of Wine is of difficult Digestion , a small quantity promoting it . Which holds good in all repletions , but , particularly , of Wine ; which relaxing the Fibres and Tunicles of the Stomack , weakens the Retentive Faculty , provokes the Expulsive by its Acrimony , either in the Superior Orifice , whence arise Hick-cocks ; or in the Inferior , whence proceed loathings and vomitings . Therefore the Apostle saith , Drink a little ( not drink much ) Wine . Nor would the inconvenience be less , if the best Aliments in the World were taken in Excess . For when their mass is too great to be constring'd and embrac'd by the Stomack , the Natural Heat is it self alter'd instead of over-mastering that , in order to Assimilation . The Fifth said , That the Question is to be determin'd by the difference of Wines and Stomacks . Strong Wines , such as are sweet and piquant , are improper for Hot and Cholerick Stomacks which must have only small green Wines , or other beverages of neer quality to common water . On the contrary , Phlegmatick and Cold Stomacks , and Melancholy Tempers , are strengthened by Wine , but prejudic'd by water and other cold drinks ; not that Heat is the cause of Digestion , ( for the hotter a Fever is , the more it hinders the same ) but because 't is a Medium , whereof our Natural Heat serves it self . The Sixth said . That indeed the diversity of Subjects makes some change in the Hypothesis , yet hinders not but we may pronounce upon the Thesis ; whether Wine helps or hurts Digestion . I believe the latter ; because Digestion cannot be perform'd , unless all the Meats of one meal be digested at the same time ; else the Chyle will be , part well elaborated ( namely , that made of the Food which hath had a convenient stay in the Stomack ) and part too much concoct and adust , made of that which stay'd in the Stomack too long and after Digestion ; and part also too little , proceeding from Meats requiring more Concoction , and yet hurried away with the rest . Now 't is certain , that Wine being sooner digested than other Aliments , by the authority of Hippocrates and Galen , ( who hold , that it asswages Thirst , and is distributed sooner than they ) it will produce a confusion and hotch-potch in the nature of the Chyle , which should be uniform . But Water serving only for a Vehicle , agrees better with variety of Meats , being like the Menstruum of the Chymists , and the Uniting Medium of the Lullists , which serves to re-unite all different Bodies into one alone , patiently attending their disposition without corrupting , ( as Wine and Vinegar doth ) and without leaving behind in the Kidneys the tartar , or lee of Wine , which is the seed of the Stone , where-with Water-drinkers are not so commonly troubled ; partly , for the abovesaid reason , and partly , because that tartar is not dry'd in them , as having less Heat than others . CONFERENCE CLIII . Why 't is colder at Day-break than at any other time of the Night or Day . IF Cold be a real quality , then the greater distance there happens to be between it and the Source of Heat and Light , ( the Sun ) the greater must the Cold be . And if it be only a privation of Heat , then mid-night is darker then either the Evening or Morning , because oppos'd directly to the Light of the Sun , it may seem that the Cold ought be greater likewise at that time , because the same is opposite to Noon , when the Sun's Heat is greatest ; yet the cool of the Morning argues the contrary , being so ordinary that it fore-tells Day-break more certainly , than the crowing of the Cock. Unless you will attribute the cause to this , that at Morning before Sun-rise 't is longer since the Sun inlightned the Horizon , than at mid-night ; at which time the Air and other Elements , still retain some of the preceding Day 's Heat , which tempering the Cold , occasion'd by the Sun's absence , renders the same less perceptible during the thickness of the Nocturnal Air , less subtile than that of the Day ; when the Light coming to dissipate those Clouds , subtilizes the Air by its insinuating beams ; whence the Cold thereof more easily insinuates into our Pores by the help of that weak Light , which is not strong enough to heat the Air. Just as Vinegar , though hot and biting of its own Nature , yet mix'd with much water , cooles the part whereunto 't is apply'd more than water alone doth . The Second said , That possibly the comparison of the Heat of our beds , ( out of which we arise in the Morning ) with the cold of the outward Air , makes us guilty of a mistake ; unless you had rather refer this Effect to the Oblique Aspect where-with the other Celestial Bodies of our Hemisphere are regarded by the Sun at his rising . For at mid-night when he is directly under the Horizon , the little bulk of the Earth hinders not , but he directly darts his Rayes upon those Stars which are above us , the Pyramid of the Earth's shadow not passing beyond the Moon ; so that then the vast and incredible magnitude of all those Celestial Bodies perpendicularly reflects upon us the Heat and Light of the Sun , which thus reflected may calefie the Air , as the Sun doth in the same posture ; but not at all at Sun-rise in their Oblique Aspects : Whence though the Sun be nearer us in Winter , yet he warms us less . If it be excepted , that the Evening , when the same Oblique Aspects return , is not so cold as the Night ; 't is answer'd , that this difference proceeds from the Heat of the foregoing Day , remaining in the Earth , Water , and Air , which conserve the same , till by the absence of the Sun the supervening Night wholly dissipate them . The Third said , That the Matutinal coolness proceeded from the approaching Suns driving the Clouds before him , which agitation raiseth a wind ( as there is always one at day-break ) whereby the same coolness is effected in the Air that a Fan causeth to a Lady . For all things here below having their motion from East to West , 't is reasonable that the Air be so mov'd too , and acquire the consequent of its agitation , namely , coldness . That all things come from the East , sundry instances manifest ; Mankind was from thence diffus'd into the other Quarters of the World ; Rivers run generally Eastward ; And the greater speed of Navigation from East to West , than contrarily , argnes the Sea to have the same motion ; as is chiefly observ'd under the Equinoctial , the greatness of which Circle renders that motion more manifest . This rule the Winds keep , when not diverted to a contrary course by Exhalations : And as for the Heavens , experience shews us , that their ordinary and best-known course is from East to West : So that 't is no wonder if they hurry the neighbouring Air with them , and by a Mathematical contact and natural consecution , all the other Elements . I speak not of Sciences , Arts , Policy , and other things which the more curious may find to have been deriv'd from the East . It suffices that the Sun taking this road drives the Air befor him ; the wind proceeding from which motion , causeth the coolness we feel chiefly at day-break ; when the vapours between us and the Sun being by his heat violently driven ( as the water of the Aeolipila is turn'd into wind and driven forth by the subjacent fire ) the coolness is more unacceptable , in that it succeeds and multiplies ( instead of diminishing ) that of the night , as the diurnal heat in likelihood ought to do . The Fourth said , He attributed the increase of cold at day-break to the ordinary action of all natural Agents , which is strongest when they arrive at the period or utmost point of their declination . So a Candle just upon extinguishing casts forth a smarter flame ; the violence of a Disease is greatest at its crisis , when 't is towards ending ; a Stone moves swiftest as it approacheth its Centre . And to compare the Year to the Day , the cold is commonly greater and more insupportable in February , the last Moneth of Winter , than in the beginning thereof ; though in reason it might seem rather to be so at the end of December , when the Sun is further from us , and that the custom of the two first months cold should render this last more tolerable ; as on the contrary , the heat is greater also in the dog-days , and afterwards , than at the Summer Solstice , when the Sun is elevated highest above our heads . So also in Summer 't is hotter two hours after noon , than at noon it self ; not so much through any disposition already received in the Air and Earth , as by reason of that Rule , That Natural Actions are stronger at the end than the beginning ; whereas violent actions , as the motion of a Stone upwards , is swifter in the beginning than the end . The Fifth referr'd this effect to the Antiperistasis of heat and cold . For as fire seems more scorching upon the approach of a great frost , so by a contrary reason cold must become more vehement at the approach of the Sun's heat . Moreover , the like combat is observ'd between the thickness of the darkness of the night , and the rarity of the day , when the Sun 's light rendring the illuminated Air more subtle , what was gross in the dark Air cannot be expell'd in an instant without some conflict and motion of the part condens'd by darkness with the rarefi'd by light ; from which agitation ariseth a wind commonly at day-break , which is probably the cause of the cold at that time . Now of that tenebrous part condens'd is made the Dew and Frost in our Climate , and the Manna in Southern Countries ; as the cold which we feel redoubled in Winter in the space between a neighbouring fire ( but out of its Sphere of Activity ) and the rest of the Air , is a familiar example of this Antiperistasis of heat and cold redoubled upon the approach one of the other . For as 't is much colder then elsewhere , between that fire which is too distant to warm us , and the Air left in its natural frigidity ; so at day-break our Air being too far off from the Sun to be heated by it , augments its coldness upon his approach . The Sixth said , Air hath no natural quality but supream humidity , whereby 't is supple , movable , and pliant ; heat and cold being impress'd upon it by outward agents : Otherwise being the general medium and mediator of motions local , natural , vital and animal ( for the Spirits are of an aerious nature ) and the Factor of all Agents by whose intervention they communicate their influences , it would act against the qualities impress'd upon it , sometimes hot and sometimes cold , and destroy them by its own . Which indeed its humidity doth , but to the profit of animated bodies ; dryness being their enemy . Hence cold and dry Saturn hath under him , hot and moist Jupiter , who tempers his hurtfulness and sutes him to living things . Now the Sun having at the declining of the day rais'd many aqueous , and consequently supreamly cold , and the heat whereby they were rais'd abandoning them upon his absence , the natural cold of those vapours becomes predominant , and returns them by degrees into their first state . Which refrigerating the Air makes the night the colder , the further the vapours are from their extraneous heat , that is to say , the nearer day approacheth . CONFERENCE CLIV. Whence the whiteness of Snow proceeds . THe first attributed the cause thereof to the desiccation of water ; for experience shews in all sublunary Bodies that dryness whitens , as Sea-water becomes white when dry'd to Salt , the stalks of Corn , Pulse and the leaves of all other Plants wax white as they wither and dry . The same happens to the Bones of Animals , and grey Hairs , on no other cause but siccity , since the extremity expos'd to the Air is white , but not the root . Hence water by its transparence already partaking much of light ( but which its rarity reflects not to our view ) is no sooner desiccated into Ice , Hail , or Snow , but it acquires this pure whiteness , which humidity again destroys . So the high ways white with dust grow black upon rain ; a wet cloth appears darker then a dry ; and that some things become black by drying ( as Coal ) is because there was heat enough to draw the humidity , which was at its Centre , to the Circumference , but not enough wholly to dry it up , as appears in that the same heat continu'd reduces the coal to white ashes which would be as perfectly white as Snow , did not the Tincture imprinted thereon by the Salts withstand it ; for if you urge them further by fire , you will make them of a perfect whiteness ; as appears in Chalks , which are made not only of grey and black stones , but even of Metals , as Ceruse is made of Lead . The Second said , Whiteness is not a real Colour , since it appears in all bodies depriv'd of preceding Colours , of all which 't is indifferently susceptible . But 't is otherwise with real Colours , a subject imbu'd with one of which is not apt to receive all others but some only ; as Nature hath fram'd the Organs of Sense naked of all sensible objects , to the end they might be susceptible of the same . Wooll dy'd into a sadder colour cannot receive a lighter , and black Wooll admits none at all ; but white , being natural to every subject that hath no colour , is capable of receiving all : So when you wash off the blew or dirty colour of a Band , it becomes white . Whereby it appears , that Whiteness hath the same reference to Colours that Unity hath to Numbers whereof 't is the beginning , but is none it self . And as 't is the Emblem of Innocence and Purity , so also it proceeds from them . The Air , which is the purest of our Elements ( for Fire is only in Mixts ) and water refin'd into vapours , which follows the Air in purity , hapning to acquire visibility by condensation into Snow , cannot represent the same under any other out-side but Whiteness . Now that Whiteness is an effect of purity , is manifest by the Stars , which are represented to us only under the species of Whiteness , and cannot be painted but with white in their light , which de-albating what it irradiates , and leaving the same elsewhere black , shews that 't is as the purest , so also the whitest thing in the world . Likewise Metals are whiter according to their purity ; Lead is worse then Tin , and this then Silver only upon account of their impurity ; the sole perfect mixture of the yellow incombustible Sulphur of Gold not permitting it to be alter'd and spoil'd of its yellow colour which nearest approacheth whiteness . Wherefore Snow being a most pure Body , compounded only of two colour-less elements , namely , Air and Water , 't was necessary either that it should have no colour , or if any ( whereby to become visible ) the principle and origin of all Colours , namely White , in the perfection with which Nature makes all her Works . The Third said , That the same difference which appears between the Stars and their Orbs , is found between Water and Snow , arising only from Density and Rarity . As the Star appears white , and the rest of the Heaven darker by reason of its rarity ; so likewise Water seems obscure upon account of its rarity , and Snow white upon that of its density . The Fourth said , If that reason were good , then Ice should be whiter then Snow , because 't is more solid ; and yet the contrary appears . Besides Snow is so far from being more dense and solid then Water , that on the contrary , there is less Air in Water then in Ice , which is more close and compact then Snow ; the swimming of Ice upon the Water arguing some aerious parts included in it at the time of its congelation , which is not and cannot be made without air , Wherefore Snow differs from Water only by its figure or accidental form , which reduceth it into flocks congealed by cold in a cloud ( not as it is resolv'd into Rain , for then 't would prove Hail ) but whilst yet a vapour in the region of the Air. So then in this figure alone is the reason of the whiteness of Snow to be sought ; which is not found in water , partly by reason of its transparence , and partly because its smooth surface gives no hold to the visual ray . Which is the reason why Water is pictur'd with a blew and darkish colour . Thus burnish'd Silver as that of Looking-glasses seems dark if compar'd to rough Silver , which doth not dissipate our visual Spirits as that former doth . Hence Ice is much whiter then water , as being less smooth . The Fifth said , That 't is proper to cold to whiten , as 't is to heat to blacken . Thus Southern People are either black , or tawney ; Northern , white : and the Hair of both grows white with old age by reason of the coldness thereof . All the cold parts of our Body are white ; as the Brain , Bones , Cartilages , Membranes , Fat and Skin . Linen and Wax are whitened by the coldness of the night . For the same reason , not only Snow but Hail , Frost , Ice , Rime , and all other cold Meteors are of the same colour . The Sixth said , That though the whiteness of Snow was disputed by Anaxagoras , and Armenia produces red by mixture of the exhalations of Vermillion with the ordinary vapors which the Sun raises from the water ; yet this whiteness is as manifest as the causes are hid , no less then those of light , which is the colour of Celestial Bodies , as colours are the light of Terrestrial . However , this whiteness seems to proceed from a mixture of Air and Water , as appears in froth , whose consistence is like that of Snow , the whiteness whereof , possibly , is increas'd by the Spirits wherewith Snow abounds , which are luminous Bodies , whereof the fertility caus'd by Snow is an Argument ; to which Spirits , ( which Frost hath not ) may be ascrib'd what Galen affirms , namely , that Fish cover'd with Snow become more delicious ; for to the Moon it can with no more reason be referr'd than to the Sun. The Seventh said , That an univocal and certain cause of whiteness cannot be found in the first or second Qualities : Not in Heat or Cold ; since Snow , Sugar , and Salt are equally white , though the first is cold , the second temperate , and the third hot : Nor in Siccity or Humidity ; since humid Milk is no less white than dry Chalk and Plaster . The density and weight of Silver , the rarity and levity of Snow , the sweetness of Sugar , and the acrimony of Salt ; in short , the examen of all other Second Qualities of white things , shews that it depends not on them . Nor yet on the third : for white Agarick is purgative ; white Starch , and flowr of Beans , astringent . Lastly , what some call Fourth Qualities , or Properties of the whole Substance , depend as little upon Colours , since the same whiteness which is in the Meal that nourishes us , is also in the Sublimate that kills us . It remains to inquire the reason of Colours , and consequently , of Whiteness in the proportion between the Sight and the Surface of the colour'd body . When therefore it happens that the Visual Ray , which issues forth pure and white , that is to say , colour-less , finds no Colour in a Surface ; if the same be Diaphanous , it takes it for a Medium not an Object ; ( as is seen in Glass , Crystal , Air , and Water ) ; if opake , it stops at the said Surface ; and finding no Colour thereon , returns with the Species of the Object to make its report to the Common Sense that it saw nothing ; and this is what they call Whiteness . Hence , White so little delights the Sight , that it disgregates and wearies it ; as a false stroke doth that brings nothing . Now to apply this to Snow , the Visual Ray is indeed stopt by its condens'd Surface ; but whence should it have Colour , since 't is compos'd of Air and Water , both colourless ? The Truth is , sutably to its Principles , it must necessarily remain without Colour , that is , White , whereby it so disgregates the Visual Rayes that sometimes it blinded a whole Army . CONFERENCE CLV . Whether Courage be natural or acquir'd . COurage being the Contempt of Danger , which we naturally fear , we cannot be naturally courageous ; for then two contrary Effects should proceed from the same Cause . But the Truth is , our Nature is indifferent to every thing whereunto it is lead and fashion'd . Thus , skittish Horses are made sober by inuring to the noise of Muskets , which before they could not endure . On the contrary , brave Coursers kept in a dark Stable and unemploy'd , become resty and jadish . Moreover , since there is no true Courage without Knowledge of the Danger , ( whence Fools and Drunkards cannot be styl'd courageous ) this argues that this Virtue hath need of Rules and Precepts , as without which , our Knowledge cannot but be very imperfect . Nor did any thing render the Romans more valiant than the Nations they subdu'd , but Military Discipline ; wherein the Roman Legionary under-went his Apprentisage , as other Artificers do in their Trades : Which Instruction , some of their Descendents despising , have shewn thereby what difference there is between themselves and their Ancestours , and determin'd this Question to the advantage of Industry . At this day our Souldiers are not more strong and courageous than Town-people ; and the Officers whom alone we see perform all the brave Actions , surpass not in Courage ordinary Souldiers , saving that these have not been so well instructed as they , and reflect not so much upon the shame and loss which they incurr by Cowardize . And because that Courage is greatest , which makes us contemne the greatest dangers ; hence that which leads us to the Contempt of Death , the most terrible of all things , is , undoubtedly , the greatest . But the History of the Milesian Virgins is remarkable , who , upon the perswasions of a certain Orator , were , contrary to the natural timidity of their Sex , carry'd to so great a Contempt of Death , that nothing could restrain them from killing themselves , but the example of their Self-murder'd Companions drawn forth-with naked about the streets . Whereby it may be judg'd , how powerful Perswasion is to encourage us : Which Captains and Generals of Armies are not ignorant of , who employ all their Rhetorick to impress Audacity in their Souldiers breasts , upon an assault or a battel ; and those that have been in such encounters , affirm , that nothing conduces more either to inflame the Courage of Brave Men , or infuse it into such as have none , than an Exhortation well apply'd and suted to the Minds of those that are to be encourag'd ; sometimes by the Memory of their former Gallant Actions ; sometimes by those of their Enemies Cowardice ; sometimes by the greatness of the Danger , and the inevitable ruine they incurr in case of turning their backs ; but commonly , by the salvation of their Souls , and the good of their Country ; and always by the fair spur of Honour and Glory : Considerations directly opposite to those dictated to us by Nature , which tend onely to preservation of the Individuall . The Second said , If Instruction made Men valiant and courageous , than all that receive the same Education , learn in the same Academy , and fight under the same Captain , should be equally courageous . Yet there is so notable a difference between them , that it cannot be imputed to any but Natural Causes ; such as are the structure of the parts of the Body , the temper of the humors , the nimbleness or heaviness of the Spirits , and especially the diversity of Souls which inform our Bodies ; which diversity is apparent even in Infancy , before the Corporeal Organs can be suspected to be the Cause thereof . One Child is more timorous than another , and no sooner begins to go , but he beats his Companions , who suffer themselves to be beaten by one weaker than themselves ; the first , not quitting his hold for the rod , for which another will do more than you would have him . The truth is , if the Soul be the Architect of her habitation , to her must be imputed the Principal Cause of the variety found therein , upon that of our Actions visibly depends . For as every one readily addicts himself to those employments and exercises of body and mind whereunto he is most fit , and which he performs with most ease ; so he is more easily lead to Actions of Courage , whose Organs are best dispos'd for the same . And because Children commonly have some-what of the Habit of Body , and Temper of their Parents , hence Courage seems to come by Descent ; which possibly renders our Gentry so jealous of the Antiquity of their Families , in which they had rather find a Man beheaded for an Action that speaks Courage , than a Burgess who had not liv'd in a noble way . Moreover , to judge well of Courage , we must not consider it solely in Man , since 't is found so resplendent in Animals incapable of Discipline and Instruction , that the certainest Physiognomical Rule whereby to judge of a Valiant Man , is taken from the similitude or resemblance he hath with the Lyon , Bear , or other Beasts of Courage . Which shews that the true and original Valour being in Animals , Precepts rather alter and pervert , than produce it in us . Hence the most learned are oftimes the greatest Pultrons . For which reasons the Romans caus'd the warlike people whom they had subdu'd , to descend from the Mountains into the Valleys , that by that means they might change their Nature . Indeed , these Romans were better disciplin'd than the Nations whom they call'd barbarous , and by that means more easily overcame them ; but they were not the more courageous for that , he who is vanquish'd abating nothing of his Courage thereby : witness King Porus , whose Courage Alexander more admir'd for his refusing to eat , that so he might by dying avoid the shame of being overcome , than for the single fight to which he had challeng'd him . Officers out-do common Souldiers , because they have more to lose than they , and their Pusillanimity would be more taken notice of . And the Speeches of Generals in a day of battel are not for the truly courageous , who need them not , but for the Cowards , who are encourag'd against the fear of Death , by false suggestions of the Enemies paucity , and their own number . Whereas true Courage , as Socrates saith in Xenophon , is not in those that fear not , because they ignore the danger , but in those who beholding it great , yet judge their own strength greater and thereupon presume of surmounting it ; which Resolution is never learnt by Books or Precepts , but is inherent in the Mind . The Third said , That he was of the Opinion of Socrates , in the same Xenophon , namely , that as some Bodies are more robust , so also some Souls are better to undergo dangers . That nevertheless Instruction serves greatly to perfect Nature : Whence certain Nations cannot sustain the assaults of others better train'd and accustom'd to manage some sort of Arms. All the kinds whereof , both offensive and defensive , proceeding from Humane Industry , Nature alone must not arrogate the advantage we have over other Animals ; whose Courage being by the help of Art surmounted by that of Man , as Art can do nothing without Nature ; so the Courage which leads us to attaque and vanquish them , must be ascrib'd to Art , without which , Man durst not attaque them . The Fourth said , We must distinguish Courages according to the diversities of Subjects whereon they are employ'd . The highest Class is that of persons , who freely offer themselves to certain death for their Religion , whether true or false . So did amongst the Romans , Q. Curtius , who threw himself into a Gulph to appease the anger of the Gods ; Metellus , who ran into the fire to fetch out the Statue of Minerva ; and of Hereticks a great number , of whom Books are full . But this Martyrology shews us a greater number in the true Church ; yet the Courage of so many Martyrs cannot be ascrib'd to Nature alone , but to Perswasion , and to Faith. Next comes the Courage of those great Heroes , and illustrious Men of Antiquity , as David and his nine Worthies , Alexander the Great , the three Horatii and Curiatii , Caesar , Cato , and many others , whom none can say would have done those brave Actions , unless they had been lead thereunto by a noble desire of Glory , to which our Minds are carryed onely by Reasons , Precepts , and Examples ; and consequently , their Courage may be judg'd rather acquir'd than natural . Lastly , Courage is found in all Callings and Employments . A Minister , or Counsellor of State , a Divine , and a Judge , acquire the Title of Courageous , when they resolutely perform the Office whereto they are call'd . This is not taught any person by Nature , and therefore I find more effects of acquir'd than of Natural Courage , which ( besides ) how great soever , is perfected by Industry . CONFERENCE CLVI . Whether Men , not having learn ' d of others , would would frame Language to themselves . NAture having given Animals a Voice for mutual communication at distance , and that distinguish'd into as many severall Tones and Accents as they have different Passions and necessities ; 't is not credible that she hath provided worse for Man , as to what was more necessary to him , as being subject to more passions and necessities than any other Animal , which oblige to a Society , no-wise imaginable without Speech ; which consequently , two Children would frame to themselves , as soon as the moisture of their Brain and Organs serving to Speech , being dry'd by Age , permitted free motion to their Tongue ; beginning by imitation of voices or sounds which they hear , and giving names to things sutable to the voices or sounds they render'd . In defect whereof they would frame other articulate words , first Monosyllables and Simple , as those of the Chineses are , and afterwards compounded : by which they would express all their other conceptions , if not with such facility as other Languages , which time hath enrich'd , yet at least after their own Mode , using the most conformity they could to the nature and property of each thing . And where reason fail'd them , they would be help'd by hazard ; our Nature being so strongly carri'd to imitation , that he of the two , who first apply'd a word to some thing , would be follow'd by the other without contradiction . For the mind of Man being an Act , incessantly conceives ; his greatest pleasure is in communicating those conceptions ; and as a Torrent or River without shore , take their course every way , so Man's conception being destitute of terms to imitate , would frame new according to his phansie , which coming to be receiv'd by others , would acquire the same perfection whereunto other Languages arrive in time . Yea when the Organs of Speech fail , dumb persons move their members a thousand ways to make themselves understood ; and that so happily , that when Monsieur de Sancy was Embassadour in Turkie , he hapned to see two Mutes , the one a Turk and the other a Persian , who not understanding one another because they had different signs , there was found a third Mute who serv'd them for an Interpreter . Which being harder then to articulate a voice , argues , that Nature would much sooner teach Speech then expression by gestures . For no body is ignorant that it is easier to speak then to do . The Second said , That Speech being only an imitation , he that should never hear another speak could never speak himself . Hence persons born deaf are always dumb , though they have all the Organs fit for formation of Speech : and yet none will imagine that they have not all the same faculties and necessities of expressing themselves that other men have , yea and greater too , being depriv'd of all instructions which are aquir'd by the ear , and other benefits proceeding from the same . Which is further verifi'd by the examples of all savage Men that have been found ; even by that of the Satyre , who by the report of S. Jerome in his Epistles appear'd to S. Anthony in the Desart ; all which instead of words pronounc'd only inarticulate voices , liker sounds and bellowings then words ; these men being like one ignorant of playing on the Lute , who though he hath fingers yet cannot make it speak as he can who is skill'd in that Instrument . The Third said , That the Reason why persons born deaf are also mute , is , that he who speaks must first hear himself speak before he be heard by others ; otherwise he knows not whether himself hath spoken or no , much less can others know : and as little doth he remember the voice which he made use of to express this thing or another : which is absolutely necessary to being able to employ the same voice when he would signifie the same thing . But the case is not the same with him that having a good ear and intending to cause himself to be understood endeavours to express his conceptions of things by his voice which he articulates by the judgment of his ear , as a Lutinist doth the strings of his Instrument , which indeed is more artificially touch'd by a skillful then by an ignorant person , yet ceaseth not to strike the Ear , as the Language invented by such men without Precepts will not be less audible though more disagreeable then another . Moreover , Speech being as proper to man as Reason ( whereof 't is the Image , whence possibly the Greeks denote both by the same word ) it may seem , that one remote from all commerce would not cease as to reason so neither to speak ; but might as well do the one as the other . If there be any obstacle , it must proceed from some cause : not from the material , to wit , the species of things , which it imports not whether they be introduc'd by one sense or another ; Nor from the efficient , the Organs of Speech being suppos'd intire ; nor from the Formal , which cannot fail , since 't is necessary for Speech to follow as often as the breath is strongly driven out of the Lungs through the sharp Artery into the Mouth , organiz'd by the Epiglottis , modifi'd by the Tongue , minc'd by the Teeth , and form'd by the Lips. As for the final , which is Communication , 't is not less beneficial to one then to another . Wherefore all the causes of Speech concurring and being supply'd to man by nature , the effect must necessarily follow . And if Beggars , particularly those call'd Gipsies , make to themselves a particular jargon , which they call Blesche or Narquois , it will not be harder for those we speak of to do as much . Yea they will not find more difficulty therein , then occurs in the inventing of new Characters by such as write in Cyphers : which is also confirm'd by the judgment of the Fathers who hold that the alteration of Tongues at the building of Babel , was nothing but the total abolition in each man's memory of the species of his maternal Language ; which Memory being thereupon become a ras'd table and like a white paper , it concern'd men to agree together about new terms significative of their conceptions . Otherwise ( they say ) if God had then infus'd an actual knowledg and habit of several Languages in all those Workmen , this had not been a punishment but a reward of their arrogance , and in some sort parallel to that famous gift of Tongues by the Holy Ghost at Pentecost . The Fourth said , That since nothing can be in the Intellect which was not before in the Sense , the Species of Voice cannot be introduced into the Understanding but by some outward sense : Not by the Hearing , which is the right sense of Discipline , since none speaks to the Children of whom the question is : Nor by the Eyes , whose sole object is the visible Species : nor by the other Senses , whose objects are also different from those of the Hearing . Moreover , a Language being comprehended under Grammar , which is a Science , it cannot be understood much less practis'd without either Precepts or Examples . For want of which the memory of Children ( of whom , we now speak ) not being furnish'd with any Idea , can dictate nothing to the Muscles and Nerves , the instruments of voluntary motion , which therefore can form no Speech ; just as he that is not accustom'd to other exercises of the body no more then to those of the mind , produces them not . That God created Adam and Eve with Speech , and that ( as 't is reported ) some Children have spoken at their birth , yea some in their Mothers bellies ; these are things purely supernatural , and from which nothing can be inferr'd . The Fifth said , That Women have such a facility of speaking , that if two Children especially of different sexes were bred up together , 't is likely the female would speak first , not only as the more forward but as the greater tatler . Which was the reason of the miscarriage of the King of Egypts trial , which he made only with Boys . And yet this habit of Speech is such in men that in our age the Constable of Castile's Brother being born deaf crost the Rule , that persons deaf by birth are always dumb ; ( as also hapned to many of the same Family of Velasco ) . For he was taught to Speak , Write , Read and Understand Authors , by putting a cord about his neck and straitning or loosning the same to advertise him , when to open or shut his mouth by the example of his Teacher , that so he might ●xpress the things which were represented to him at the same time : nor was there other difference found between his speech and that of other men , but only that he did not regulate his voice , speaking commonly too high : which hath also sometimes been done by making the deaf man bite the Instrument upon which the sound they would have him hear was form'd , because the impression which the Brain receives thereby answers in some sort to the Sense of Hearing . CONFERENCE CLVII . Whether is better , to guard the Frontier , or carry the War into the Enemies Country . PEace being the end of War , he manages War best that soonest attains that end . Now Peace is attain'd two ways ; either by quelling the Enemies force ; which seldom happens and is of long discussion between parties almost equal ( as those that go to war commonly are , too great inequality presently subduing the weak to the strong ) or else by rendring all his attempts ineffectual ; and this is more easily done by expecting him firmly and resolutely , then by assaulting him at his own home , withall the inconveniences and incertainties that occur in remote expeditions . Moreover , every design ought to be render'd as infallible as is possible ; yet so many unexpected difficulties arise in things which appear most easie , that we find by daily experience the Theory much different from the Practice . Which being presum'd certain , as indeed it is , none doubts but a Minister of State may better lay the plat-form of a design in a Country which is accessible to him and at his disposal ; as also that both the Leaders and Souldiers may better give and execute Orders in a place where the Inhabitants are obedient and ready to contribute their care , pains , and money for promoting the projects which serve to the advancement of their party ; then in places where they must depend upon the honesty of Guides , who are frequently deceivers or apt to be deceiv'd , and where all things are contrary . Besides , every one is more ardent and zealous for the preservation of his own Land , Wife and Children , yea and his own Life too , then for making designs upon the Life and Goods of others ; in which case , besides the dubiousness of the event , the Souldiers are not sure that what they shall conquer shall remain their own ; but they are certain that what they defend well will remain so , since it belongs to them already . Moreover , Histories inform us that of ten Enterprises made in an Enemies Country scarce one hath happily succeed●● , nor one of ten Conquests been kept . Witness the late Invasions of the English and Spaniards in the Isles of Rhee , S. Honorat , and S. Marguerite , and more lately at Leucate . Add hereunto , that 't is less chargeable to keep at home ; and what is observ'd in private Duels is appliable to publick Wars : for oftentimes the more unskillful Combatant keeping his ground and expecting his Enemy , kills him . Besides , Defence carrying more justice with it then Invasion doth , it must also beget more confidence and boldness in the Defenders , and more diffidence and fear in the Invaders , who cannot fight with so good a Conscience for what is possest by , and therefore justly presum'd to belong to others , whatever subtilty may be us'd to set up and colour a false title . The Second compar'd him that invades an Enemies Country , and him that expects him in his own , to two Gamesters , one whereof having begun to win will no longer venture any thing of his own , and the other begins the Game with his own money . For the Assailant hazards nothing of his own , since he makes his Enemies Country the seat of the War and of the hazard which follows it . And whether you place the benefit and end of this War in the conquest of the Enemies Country , or in a just defence only , 't is always more commodious , profitable , and glorious to attaque him at home , then to expect him at your own doors . For , if you design to conquer , you must necessarily enter into his country to get possession ; if only to defend your self , then ( as wise men chuse rather to divert and prevent diseases then to repel them already form'd , and as a Fire is more easily quencht in its first flame than when it hath seiz'd the roof and walls , so ) 't is easier to defend your own country by making a diversion upon that of the enemy than to expel in your own all the desolations that attend war , which you must suffer at home unless you remove it further . Besides , in forreign Counties the war almost pays its self , the Soldier lives as he list , enriches himself with the pillage of taken Towns , and so is less charge to his Prince . Yea , he becomes more valorous there too . For , as Antiperistasis redoubles the force of Natural Agents , so the approach of an enemie's country gives heart to the most cowardly , and renders others more disciplinable , as well knowing that they must look for help only from themselves . Hence Armies have prosper'd better in a strange Country than in their own . The Romans were always victorious out of Italy , but often beaten at home , and reduc'd to great extremities by the Gauls and Carthaginians ; who likewise were always overcome in their own Country . Hence Alexander conquer'd more Kingdoms and Provinces by carrying his Arms into Asia , then his Father and all his Lieutenants won Towns in Greece ; the English have been more fortunate in France then at home ; and the Turks almost ever gain upon the Christians by assaulting Christendom . Yea Reputation , by which Kings reign , and Terror which half gets a victory , are always on the Aggressor's side , whereas on the contrary nothing abates the courage more then to suffer the invaders to come to our houses , because the alacrity and promptitude of Soldiers is usually greatest when acccompani'd with great hopes . The third said , 'T is impossible to determine any thing in this or any other political Questions , which are variable accordding to diversity of Circumstances ; The frontier of one State may be so safe that there is nothing to be fear'd at home from the enemy , against whom therefore all the seditious and turbulent persons may be safely sent : Forreign War serving as a Sanctuary to bad Citizens , who fear the punishment of their crimes ; in which respect it serves for a purgation and bleeding to the body Politick . Other States , there are which ( like Recovering Persons , whose bodies are strong enough to support themselves , but not to assail other ) no sooner take the field but discord and division arises at home , and so they incurr the reproach of the Astrologer who fell into a ditch whilst he was gazing on the sky . Wherefore 't is not more easie to resolve whether 't is best to make war , neer-hand or afar off , without saying in what time , in what place , with what means and against what enemies , than to counsel a Tradesman whether he should keep or get , without knowing why and whether he hath money in his purse or no. The Examples alledg'd on either side resemble the sound of those bells which accord with all Notes . Those that have prosper'd in conquering would possibly have got more if they had put themselves only upon the Defensive ; and those that have been worsted in defending their own , perhaps did it too late , and ( as it most frequently happens ) when their forces were impair'd . But it may be said of the French and all other warlike Nations that they are much fitter to attaque their enemy afar off then to support his irruptions in their own country ; because the first requires such an ardor and impetuosity as is natural to them ; and the second hath need of much patience , in which we have always been surmounted by Strangers , till that grand Genius of the State which animates it at this day manifested that Conduct doth all both in war and peace . CONFERENCE CLVIII . Whence diversity of Opinion proceeds . T Is no wonder if every cause produces a different effect , and that there is diversity not only between things of different kind and species , but also between each individual , so that two eyes are not perfectly alike . Which variety , had we ways of distinguishing , would appear to us everywhere else , as it doth ( for example ) to the Dog , who , of two Hares which we judg alike , knows which he started first . But that one and the same thing appears divers according to the diversity of those that judg of it , this seems as strange in the inquisition of its cause as 't is common in practice . For since that the Intellect judges of things according to the report of the outward senses , without whose ministry nothing is introduc'd into it ; and that these senses and their mediums being well-dispos'd agree all in their reports , the whiteness of this paper , the blackness of this ink , and the truth of all other objects being faithfully represented to us ; Why should not all men , that hear one and the same proposition , and the reasons whereby it is backt and oppos'd , make the same judgment for , or against it , without being divided , as they are , into several opinions . The cause hereof I ascribe to the several disposition and habitude of the Organs which render the soul's operations different . A sucking child being at a Sermon , understands nothing at all of it ; one six or seven years old carries away a confus'd knowledg of it , and thinks it enough to say that the Preacher spoke of God ; the young man and the old man judg thereof according to their inclination , the cholerick hastily , the melancholy with more circumspection , and almost all severally . Again , if the matter be scholastical , the Peasant who understands it not , judges thereof with admiration , the Scholar esteems it , the illiterate Tradesman blames it , and preferrs a point of morality ▪ in brief every one judges of it after his own way . In the mean time 't is one and the same Sermon , as one and the same liquor pour'd into different vessels , which give it the tast wherewith they are already imbru'd . The second said , 'T is true , Nothing is in the Intellect but what was before in the Senses , yet many times the Intellect is so prepossess'd with prejudice that all supervening reasons signifie nothing ; and when some Passion , as Love or Hatred , biasseth it , there is no room for equal consideration . Hence condemned persons commonly accuse their Judges unjustly ; though indeed a friend's recommendation makes them look upon causes with other eyes then they should do . The third said , This variety of judgments proceeds not only from the diversity of the species introduc'd by the common sense into the Intellect , but from the different conjunction which the Intellect makes of those species ; just as the same alphabet is written and read variously by several Writers , and though many speak the same language , yet both their pronunciation and phrase is different . Whence their expressions being so different , 't is no wonder if the conclusions of their reasonings prove not the same . The fourth said , He conceiv'd that there are some qualities in the soul which she derives not from the body . Otherwise we should not see some people extremely opinionative and obstinate , whose temper hath nothing of melancholy ; nor others so light and mutable , though their constitution be not cholerick ; and yet these two humors are commonly reputed the causes of stubbornness and inconstancy . But to what shall we ascribe it except to the soul alone that some men are naturally so given to devotion , that in an affair wherein religion is never so little concern'd they account nothing equitable against Ecclesiasts ; and in the mean time there are others to whom what ever this sort of people propose is suspected . And who can think that the resolution of those that have been burnt for Heresie proceeded from the temperament of the body . The fifth said , That Opinions are to be distinguisht into Practical and Speculative . The first whereof , wherein we find our selves interessed , and which we promote upon that account , 't is probable follow the temper and conformation of the Organs . Thus the melancholy man , who fears even imaginary dangers , cannot be perswaded to prefer trading at sea before that at land , but is alwavs fixt to hazard nothing . If he must choose a profession , he takes the Gown before the Sword , and then too he had rather be silent then advance any new proposition lyable to rejection . But if his birth or fortune command him to the war ; he is rather for corrupting the enemies forces then fighting them , and in case of the latter he chooses an ambuscade before a pitcht battel . On the contrary , the hot cholerick person preferrs a course , whereby he may soonest compass his design , though with the hazard of his Life , ( which he will not believe , or at least not fear ) before the tedious progresses of other Employments , which afford not their prosecutor meat till his teeth be out . And the Sanguine easily agrees to this Advice , provided it requires no pains , or be sweetned with some pastime ; but the Phlegmatick cares neither for one nor the other . On the other side , in things consisting onely in Contemplation , I see not why I should be rather of the Opinion , that the flux and reflux of the Sea is caus'd by the Moon than by the Sun. And hence it is that persons of different Tempers , Sexes , Climats , and Ages , agree more readily in a point of Philosophy , than in their particular Inclinations and kind of Life . Indeed the main Source of this Diversity of Opinion , is , the Vanity and Ambition of the Humane Mind , which judging it self as well stock'd with Capacity and sufficiency as any other , and above all things , loving Liberty , which seems disparag'd by consenting to an Opinion advanc'd by another ; this Conceit , together with the dubiousness of all things not demonstrable , carries us to seek some new Light , which cannot be so small , but we love it more than that of another ; as people commonly do their own Children . Hence arise the so different Opinions of the Ancients , about all matters of Philosophy and other Sciences , not excepting Divinity it self even amongst Catholicks ; amongst whom we see Scotus , disagreeing with Saint Thomas , as Paracelsus doth in Physick with Galen , Copernicus with Ptolomy in Mathematicks , Raymond Lully and Ramus in Scholastick Philosophy with Aristotle , and in Civil Law Cassius , with Labeo , and the Sabinians with the Proculeians . The Sixth said , 'T were a greater wonder if all Men were of one Opinion , than that they imitate in this diversity all other things of the world : At least 't is harder to assign the cause why one and the same Man is to day of one judgement , and to morrow of another , then to see as many several Sentences as Heads . But to me this variety seems to arise from the various conception of things . As appears by the example of Julius Caesar , who being purpos'd to destroy King Deiotarus , no sooner heard Cicero speak in his defence but he pardon'd him ; not to speak of many other Effects , both of his and Demosthenes's Eloquence . Whence it comes to pass , that though the same Fact be related with the same Reasons , yet the Diversities found in the manner , and in all the senses , imprint in us different species ; upon the report whereof we also make a different judgement . The Seventh said , This Variety proceeds from the Principles of Knowledge , as appears in those of Mathematicks . , which being certain and known to all , cause every one to assent to their infallible Consequences . And so in a person seen at a distance , of whom having a confus'd Knowledge , one saith , 'T is a Tree , another , a Beast or a Man ; but when his nearer approach makes him better known , all agree that 't is Peter or James . CONFERENCE CLIX. Why there is more Wind at Sea than at Land. THe experience of less Wind and more Rain on Land than at Sea , makes their Opinion questionable , who hold , Exhalations to be the matter of the former , and Vapours of the latter : unless we will say , that Winds , to whom the Poets rightly attribute the Empire of the Sea , drive the Clouds over the Land , where being less agitated , they resolve into Rain . But to continue my reasoning with the same Poets , I shall say , that having plac'd Aeolus's Palace in the caverns near the sea , they have sufficiently proved , why the Sea is more troubled with them than the Land. For these Winds visibly issue from deep Caverns frequent on the Coasts of the Sea , whose continually agitated waves incessantly stir them up . 'T is no wonder then if they display their violences on that side which is freest to them : Which is experienc'd in great Lakes adjacent to high Mountains ; as in that of Comum , and de la Garde in Italy , whose waves and roarings resemble those of the Sea ; and also in that of Geneva , which is troubled extraordinarily . Not but that Winds are generated in other Subterraneous places too , none of which is exempt from them ; as appears in Wells and the mouths of Caves . But the openings of such places being commonly strait upwards , the Wind that come out of them is not so perceptible as that which issues out laterally from high Caverns upon the Sea-shore ; and they differ , in that the Sea Wind is dryer and less corrupting , possibly by reason of the saltness of the water , upon which it passes . The Second said . That the difference in Question proceeds from the vast extent of the Sea , which gives the Air once agitated , more liberty to continue its motion ; which , on the contrary , is straitned and repress'd on Land by the occurse of Mountains , Trees , Houses , and other obstacles : By the same reason that the waves of a Pool or little Lake , are much less than those of the Ocean , besides , that one and the same Wind hath much greater effect in a smooth and liquid plain , which yields to it , than upon a rough solid Body , upon which burdens are not mov'd but with more force than there needs upon the water ; as they experience who endeavour to draw a stranded Ship on the Land , which they saw move almost of it self whilst it was upon the water . The Mechanical Reason whereof is , that the water breaking into infinite points , scarce makes any resistance to its Agent ; but the Earth press'd with the same load , resists it in infinite points . The Third said . He that defin'd Wind to be Agitated Air , rather spoke its Effect than Cause , which is some middle thing between a Vapor and an Exhalation , driven violently according to all the differences of place . For an Exhalation , which always mounts upwards , and the Vapor which refrigerated descends downwards , cannot separately be the matter of Wind. Hence as soon as the Vapor of a Cloud is resolv'd into Rain , the Wind ceaseth ; the Exhalations not being sufficient to produce it alone , as neither the Vapor is . Otherwise , Winds should be greatest in hot weather , when Exhalations are most plentiful . Wherefore the Sea having in its Four Qualities the materials of these two Meteors , and being otherwise more capable of emitting them through its liquid substance , than the Earth is through its hard and solid surface , though both be equally heated as well by the Sun , as by Subterraneous Fires , Evaporations and Exhalations , are sooner and oftner made at Sea than at Land. The Fourth said , That the thickest Air being oftimes the calmest , and the clearest the most windy , 't is doubtful whether Vapors and Exhalations produce Winds ; which , besides , presupposeth actual heat in the Sea , which yet is never felt there , but onely on Land. It seems therefore that the Element of Air being very symbolical to that of the Air by their agreement and moisture , they follow the motions one of the other . Hence the Air contiguous to the Sea , is agitated by it ; whence ariseth a Wind , which again agitates the Sea ; it being well known , that when there are no Waves there is no Wind. On the contrary , when the Wind is to change , the billows turn first . And ordinarily , the Winds change with the Tides . The Fifth said . There are two sorts of Winds upon the Sea ; Particular , which reign in our Seas , blowing indifferently from all Coasts ; and General , which blow continually from the same quarter , without giving place to their Contraries . Such is the Oriental Wind in the Torrid Zone , which was call'd by the Latins , Subsolanus , and by Mariners at this day , South-East . For it conducts Ships so constantly over the whole extent of Mer du Nord , & du Sud , that without discontinuing Day or Night , it exempts the Sea-men from touching their sails , especially when they are near the Aequinoctial . Indeed in the East Indies , this Rule alters , for this Wind holds there but six moneths , leaving the other six free to its Antagonist . The Cause whereof , is ascrib'd to the repercussion of the capes and coasts of those Seas , as that first Wind is to the motion of the Primum Mobile , which , together with the inferior Spheres , draws the Air along with it in this place , where the circumference of its motion is largest . There is another general Wind , which blows between the Tropick , or twenty fourth Degree on this side the Line , and the thirty fifth becoming Occidental with the like constancy that the abovesaid Oriental doth . This some attribute to a contrary motion , which all things have when those nearest them are hurri'd violently ; as the stream of water running impetuously in the midst , makes that near the shores recoil backwards . The Sixth said , That as Vapours make Mists and Fogs , and Sulphureous Exhalations make igneous Meteors ; so the Nitrous make Wind , which keeps the air from corruption as the Earth is kept from it by Nitre , and the Sea by Salt. Moreover , both the Wind and Nitre dry , and are the causes of fecundity ; as is prov'd ( on the behalf of Nitre ) by the Nitrous sand of Nilus , whose greater or lesser overflow promises to the Egyptians a year proportionably fruitful ; which is also said of the Rhosne abounding with Nitre . And as for the Wind , besides that all flatuous Meats provoke lust , 't is said that the Mares of Andalusia conceive by the West-wind alone which also is styl'd the Father of Flowers . In Brief , if Wind be impetuous , the effects of Nitre in Gun-powder and Aurum fulminans , manifest that Nitre is no less . Now Nitre being mix'd with the Air , where it is volatile ; with the Earth , where it is fix'd ; and with the Sea , where it is barely dissolv'd ; no wonder if it exhale more easily from the Sea then from the Land , and consequently if more winds be there . Whence the reason may be drawn not only of the Sea-winds but also of the tempests and commotions of that vast Element ; a Tempest being nothing but the rarefaction of the Sea ; Nitre , and the inflation of the Waters at Full Moon in March and September , only the fermentation of the same Nitre in the season proper for generation . As for that inflation hapning at the time of the Dog-star , when the Etesian winds reign , it proceeds from the heat of the Air then inflam'd by the rays of the Sun , like the ebullition of Honey and Syrups impregnated with much Salt , as appears by their dissolution and the bitterness they acquire over the Fire . The Seventh said , That the coldness of Vapors arising from waters giving more body and consistence to winds , makes them strike a more sensible blow then when they are destitute thereof ; whence they are greater in Winter then in Summer , and in the Morning then at Noon . Thus the same quantity of water will cause more alteration in the body being drunk cold then warm , because the impression of the latter is much less upon our bodies . And the Providence of the Author of Winds is remarkable too , in that they are mischievous at Land but useful at Sea ; hurtful things being by a secret of his power as much diminish'd , as profitable are augmented . The Eighth said , That not only Wind-mills but also the Wind-wagons invented lately in Holland , shew that wind well manag'd is no less profitable at Land then at Sea. Therefore I should refer the cause to the porosities , overtures , and caverns of the Earth , into which the wind entring is by that means less at Land ; whereas the surface of the Sea giving it no such admission , 't is left to its freer course upon the same ; whence when those pores of the Earth are shut up by frost , the wind becomes more impetuous then it is in Summer when they are open . CONFERENCE CLIX. Whether it be easier to procure obedience by Gentleness then by Terrour . THe most plausible vertues are not always the noblest : as they depend upon external things which encrease or diminish their value , so oftentimes they yield to those obscure and private vertues , whose beauty being only internal , without borrowing any recommendation from abroad , they are therefore the more to be esteem'd . Gentleness or Mansuetude is of this nature , though it make not so great a noise as Fortitude , which is irresistible by the terror it impresses upon the opposers of its designs , yet oft-times it accomplishes its enterprises with the more facility in that it makes not use of any extraneous help , but only of what this vertue it self affords ; which insinuating sweetly into their minds whom it would lead by the consideration of their own good , more easily procures obedience then fear doth ; which indeed may constrain them to do what they would not voluntarily assent to , but is a violent motion , and so harder to be impress'd then that which is voluntary . For when once the reason is perswaded of the justice of the things enjoyned , there is no more obstacle in the Will , which then resigns it self to be lead by that light of the Understanding ; much less in the inferior Powers , which move only by the orders of those upon which they totally depend . The Second said , Did men leave themselves to the guidance of Reason more then of their Passions , it would be easier to procure obedience by Gentleness then by Terror , which then would be useless ; seeing 't is not necessary to oblige such men by denunciation of penalties to their duty , who addict themselves to it voluntarily upon the knowledg they have of right Reason . But since very few follow this Rule , in comparison of those that have none but that of their disorderly Appetites , therefore severity is more expedient then mildness for reducing them at any rate whatever to their duty . For their obedience though constrain'd is nevertheless exemplary , and draws others to do the like , and so maintains that mutual correspondence which gives subsistence not only to States but also to all other civil Societies , and which consists chiefly in a certain dependance between the parties destinated to obey and to command . So that as the latter ought to study to maintain the Authority and Superiority which they have , whether by Nature ( as Fathers over their Children ) or by Love ( as Kings and Magistrates over their Subjects , and Masters over their Domesticks ) so when those under them fail of what they are oblig'd to render to them , there is no surer nor easier way to bring them to it then Terror , which proposing a sensible penalty to them in case of miscarriage is incomparably more powerful to make them obey , then sweetness ; which indeed hath some charms to win more rational spirits , but being accompany'ed with softness and indulgence , becomes at length odious and contemptible by the disorder and confusion which follow impunity of crimes . Moreover , 't is certain that as States are maintain'd by the exact observance of Laws , so their destruction ordinarily happens only by the relaxation which Superiors suffer of the punishments due to such as transgress them . The Third said , That the Poets who feign men formerly dispers'd in divers parts of the Earth without Religion , Laws or Discipline , to have been gather'd together by the melodious consort of musical Instruments , with which Orpheus , ( as they relate ) attracted even Beasts and Rocks , seem to conclude rather for Gentleness then Terror , this latter causing those that use it to be hated as much as the former doth to be lov'd . But setting aside fabulous authorities , the most sedulous inquirers into the causes of the foundation of States attribute the same to the charms of their Eloquence of these men , who being found fittest to insinuate to them the advantages of living in society , reduc'd them thereunto by imposing Laws upon them , the dispensing wherewith they reserv'd themselves as well as the conduct of those that voluntarily submitted to their Government ; which having taken its rise from Gentleness cannot better be preserv'd then by the same , if the Philosophers Maxime be true , That things are preserv'd by the same principles which serv'd to their establishment . And so 't is easier to procure obedience by Gentleness then by Terror . CONFERENCE CLX . Whether Trading derogate from Gentility . 'T Is the part of the slothful and such as live by the sweat of others to blame Industry . 'T were tolerable indeed to reject out of the rank of liberal Arts such as have any thing of baseness or sordidness , but to do the like by an Employment capable alone to enrich States , furnish them with all necessaries , and maintain them in Amity and good Intelligence with their Neighbours , is too great a piece of Niceness , the result whereof is that then the Gentry must either remain poor or else live by robberies and other unlawful courses . For notwithstanding the precaution of most places in adjudging almost the whole estate to the eldest sons of Gentlemen , ( which would not be necessary if they were left in a condition of getting , as all other sorts of persons are ) yet the cadets of either Sex cannot have so small a portion , but the succession which before was able to support the dignity of the name , at length either comes to nothing or so small that the principal Heirs are forc'd either to dye of hunger , or to sustain their lives by some exercise , the choice whereof is not so freely left to them as to their Predecessors . For the benefit alliances bring them is oftentimes not very considerable ; the Daughters being by the same customs very ill provided , and that benefit commonly accompani'd with new expences . Indeed some Legislators have absolutely forbidden Trafick , as Lycurgus ; others have only permitted it to the inferior people , as Romulus , which induc'd Plato to found his Common-wealth far from the Sea-ports , for fear it should be corrupted by the delights ordinarily introduc'd by strangers , and his Citizens getting their livelihood by Merchandize should learn to lye and deceive , the common vices of Merchants , which Cicero saith likewise of the Carthaginians , that being good of their own nature , they learn'd by the converse of Merchants to addict themselves to frauds and lyes , out of their great desire of getting . But as Trading begets dissimulation , so it makes men more prudent by the knowledge of several persons manners . Whence Homer in the beginning of his Odysseus makes this remark of Vlysses , that he had seen many Cities , which is proper to Merchants : but every body knows that one may lye , dissemble , and deceive without being a Merchant , nor ought the abuse of some hinder all from the use . The Second said , That the reason why Trading is interdicted to Gentry , is , lest the sweetness of gain should retard them from the Wars for the service of the King and defence of the State , whereof they are the support and the right hand . And Gentlemen having no other exercise but Arms must needs be better skill'd therein then if their Minds and Bodies were shar'd amongst several Occupations , and upon occasion they are more ready and free from other employment to execute the orders they receive , then if they were in some long Voyage , or busied about examining an Account-Book ; an errour wherein , sometimes imports their whole estate . Besides , Souldiers more cheerfully obey him who they see leads a life far from all Trading . This was the practise of the Romans , among whom 't was not lawful for a Citizen to exercise Merchandize ; but only for freed Servants , or others of the low vulgar . Much more was it forbidden to the Senators , who for that reason had the Port of their Ship limited , lest they should Trafick under pretext of transporting their Fruits and Rents ; all profit seeming to them dishonest . And the Thebans admitted no man to any Magistracy , unless he had discontinu'd Trading at least ten years before . The reason is given by Aristotle ; because Merchandize is an enemy to Vertue . Hence all access to Honours hath been by the Laws interdicted to Merchants , or so much as to bear Arms ; so that Gentility and Merchandize seem inconsistent . Add hereunto , that God forbids his people to have any Merchant amongst them ; because , saith the Wise man , the Merchant can hardly have his hands clean from sin : And so Chrysostome adventures to say , that a Merchant cannot please God , by reason of his perjuries and frauds ; qualities directly contrary to true Gentility . The Third said , That seeing this life needs Action more then Contemplation ; therefore good Polititians invite , by all sorts of Honors and Priviledges , those that are able to contribute most to the benefit , quiet , and increase of the State. But , so are Merchants ; who bring plenty of all kinds of Goods to the most desolate places , and enrich the more fruitful by distributing their commodities , which otherwise would be poor amidst their abundance . Nor are they oblig'd to Trade in Person , so that they are not hindred from paying the personal Service they owe to their King and Countrey ; for whose good they are oft-times best advertis'd by their Forreign Correspondences , and give the certainest Intelligence of an Enemies Designs : besides that , having travell'd into his Countrey in time of Peace , they the better know what way to mannage a War against him ; and the money wherewith they abound more then Gentlemen , gives them large Credit amongst the Souldiers . The Roman Law that forbad Senators to Traffick , was extinct in the dayes of Hortensius , as he complains : whereby it appears to have been lawful not only for them , but also for the Equites , or Knights to negotiate either by themselves or by others ; as at this day the Nobles of Spain , England , Venice , and especially those of Florence do . Thus Cicero speaks of Lucius Pretius an illustrious Roman Knight that Traffickt at Panormus , and of Q. Mutius of the same quality at Syracuse . That God forbad his people Traffick , 't was probably to keep them from being corrupted by the Idolatry of other Nations ; and 't is no more to be drawn into consequence for us then abstinence from Swines Flesh and their other Ceremonies : But should all that hath been said against Merchants be admitted for good , it must be onely against Merchants by Retail , not against those that Trade in Gross , who have alwayes been excepted from the rank of others . The Fourth said , That Utility is not more incompatible with Honesty then Trade is with Nobility , which nevertheless is different , according to the several sentiments of Nations , being rated by extraction amongst Christians by warlike exercises amongst the Turks , by learning amongst the Chineses ; as also the Nobles live in the Countrey in France and England , but in Cities in Spain and Italy ; from which circumstances Nobility receives several Estimations , according to the several opinions of Nations . But in general , Commerce , as 't is the exercise of the people , so it hath been more honor'd in popular States then in Monarchies , where the power of Sovereigns shines brightest in War ( which is opposite to Merchandize ) and the fear of Monopolies ( which would easily prevail here ) renders odious the trading of Grandees , who incurre the peoples envy as soon as they undertake the employments belonging to them . Moreover , the gain of Merchants is contrary to the liberality of a Gentleman , whose donations are interpreted in Law more extensively , when there is question about them , then those of Yeomen . And our Saviour , so gentle towards other sinners , whipt the Tradesmen out of the Temple , calling them Robbers , and their Shops Dens of Thieves . As accordingly , Pagan Antiquity assign'd them for their Patron Mercury , the Patron of Thieves , and the most infamous of the Gods. And the Emperours forbad Merchandize , not only to Senators by the Lex Clodia , but also to Nobles by extraction , L. Nobiliores . C. De Comerciis & Mercat . to Officers Leg. Ne quis C. de dignit . and even to Souldiers , L. Milites C. Loca , & L. eos C. ne milites negotientur . And if some Nations , confounding Utility with Honesty , have authorized the Trading of Nobles , 't is but as base Money is , upon some necessity , allow'd current in one Countrey , and rejected in all others . And their own Doctors agree , that the Splendor of such Nobility is much diminisht by negotiation ; the distinction of Gross and Retail , not changing the Species of the Question , any more then more and less do in all others . Nor is it material whether they negotiate by the intervention of others , since 't is not lawful to do by another what we may not do our selves ; besides , that such intervention draws in the Honor of a Gentleman to vouch anothers Fact. Lastly , the poverty intended to be avoided thereby , is oftentimes met with instead of Riches ; and were it otherwise , yet Poverty commonly serves for a spur to Virtue . Hence ordinarily Cadets are more courageous then Elder Brothers ; and the poor Epaminondas and Phocion were the more Warlike ; but Crassus the Rich was overcome and slain by the Parthians . CONFERENCE CLXI . Why the French are so much incensed with the Lye. TRue and Good being reciprocal ; hence to call a man Lyar , is as much as to say , that he is of no Value ; and because the paltery Fellow is unworthy of Honour , whereof the French is more covetous then any other Nation ( as appears by the courage wherewith he runs upon hazard to the danger of his Life , testifying thereby that he prises Life less then Honour , to which most other Nations need to be incited by infinite Artifices ) hence it comes to pass that the French are more sensible of the Lye than they . The second said , That all Mankind make esteem of Piety towards God , and Courage towards men : the former having been a means us'd by the greatest Princes and Legislators to gain the minds of their people ; so powerful , that some even with the apparence of it alone have produced strange effects , ( witness the dotages of Mahomet in the East , and many others elsewhere . ) The other , namely Courage , being the vertue most rever'd amongst men , and esteem'd by women , who commonly favour the most valiant . Now Lying is a Vice opposite to both these Vertues , implying Impiety towards God , and Cowardize towards men . For he that lyes cannot be ignorant , that God the Father of Truth knows , and will sooner or later punish his Crime , if he have power to do it , ( as cannot be denied without manifest irreligion . ) And since Truth comes of it self to the Tongues end , unless it be detained Captive by Fear , or some other servile consideration ; hence a Lye presupposes Cowardize and Fear of him before whom it is spoken . So that it is no wonder if the reproach of these two crimes trouble us so much , the French Nation being the most glorious of the World. The third said , That the Lye cannot but have something in it more hainous then the reproach of Coward and Impious , since these are repayed only with the Lye , but the Lye it self with blows ; probably because Lying is a servile Vice , and the French are very jealous of preserving their Liberty . But we must distinguish between lying and telling a Lye ; for in this latter case people are not readily offended , as in the former . Thus an Advocate pleading upon a Breviate , the matter whereof is fictitious , takes it not for an injury if the Adversaries Advocate is false ; but replies only , that he will justifie it . The Philosopher maintaining an erronious opinion , which he believes good , will not be angry at its being impugned of falshood . But when one is surprised in a Lye , which seems invented purposely to impose upon the Company , the discoverer of the falshood seems to reproach him not only of knavery but also of sottishness , in that he could not utter it dexterously enough to make it believ'd . As therefore Theft was not punished , but esteemed among the Lacedemonians , when it was well concealed , and received not chastisement except the Thief were taken in the fact ; so a Lye seems to offend only when it is discovered ; but if handsomly told , instead of being blamed , is authorized by Rhetorick and Poetry , ( which are arts of handsomly feigning things that are not ) by Complements , which are fair Disguisements ; by dissimulations , common enough everywhere ; by stratagems of War. Hence when we give the Lye to any one , we add , saving the respect of the Company ; intimating thereby , that we intend not to reproach them of little judgment in letting pass so gross a falshood for a truth . For I see not that the French are greater Lyars then other Nations , unless you will bring under Lying their reservedness and modesty in not telling their designs to all the world . The Fourth said , That the French being the most civilized of the world , have reason to take for the greatest affront the Vice which most destroyes civil Life and Conversation ; which being founded upon Communication , whereof Speech is the Interpreter : if there be no assurance in this , then Humane Society is destroyed . All other things are known for what they are by the species which they send to our senses ( as the species of a Dog and a Horse never fail to represent them to us such as they are ) our intentions and thoughts alone are committed to speech ; which , if it ill represent them , is no more to be esteem'd then a false Looking-glass which represents objects quite other then what they are ; or then a copy not at all resembling its original ; or lastly , then a thing which is nothing less then what it is taken to be . Hence a Lyar seeing himself dis-believed , and every one upon their guard when he speaks or negotiates ; he hath reason to be sharply offended with him that gives him such a repute : and because being accounted a Lyar , he that accuses him would not believe his bare affirming the contrary ; therefore he gives him a box on the ear , as the most suitable reply that can be made to the Lye ; which being the highest affront , the blow is the first revenge of it , which the uncover'd parts of the body ( namely the hand and face ) present to the offended person ; which blow is esteem'd the greater out-rage , in that it testifies the highest contempt of the receiver , and is onely meant to provoke him to resentment : Therefore a thrust with a Sword at an enemy purposely to deliver ones self from the fear of him by killing him , is accounted much less injurious then an affront done purposely for the affronts sake . But , besides the foregoing reasons , custome ( which oftentimes hath none ) in France authorizes the greatness of the injury of the Lye. The Fifth said , That the refiners of Honor are like those that sharpen the points of Needles so much till they break . The French , instead of interessing their Honour ( as most other Nations do ) onely in things of importance , and of fairly maintaining that they speak true when they are told that they Lye , are as much incens'd upon the sole pronunciation of these words , as if they were so many magical terms forcing the hand to give a blow , or draw the sword ; and , which is strange , 't is not enquir'd whether the thing be true or false , the Lye being judg'd alike offensive in both : yea , ordinarily they are the greatest Lyars that are most offended with the Lye : the reason whereof may be , That the reproach of true Vices offends us more then that of false and suppositious , and those of the minde more then those of the body , as being more reprehensible in us , in that 't is our own fault that they are not amended : for a reproach made to one for a Vice he cannot remedy , serves more to shew the malice of the Reproacher than the fault of him that is blam'd But 't is not so with a Lye , which presupposes either ignorance or malice . Whence the terms of Sot and Ignorant are also most cutting even to those that are not so . Besides , a Lyar ( unless he repel the injury ; a vowing himself the Disciple of the Father of Lyes , this Reproach is very odious to good men , especially to the French , who so affect that Title from all Antiquity , that our Ancestors have transferr'd it to Valour , ( which they esteem'd the chief of the Vertues ) saying , that such as have defended themselves well , have done en gens de bien , like good men . The Sixth said , That the Lye is offensive only upon account of the intention ; since most of our Discourses , Answers , and Replies ( wherein consists one of the greatest pleasures of life , & without which our Converse would have no agreeableness , as appears by those that speak not to one another , or agree in every thing ) are no other but fair givings of the Lye ; yet are so far from being offensive , that they cause us to desire the company of such as know how to make handsom Reparties . Thus many of our Generals , whose venturousness upon the greatest hazards sufficiently testifies their desire of Praise , yet shew displeasure at the hearing of their own Commendations ; a Dissimulation , which carries them sometimes so far , that when any History of these times publishes some brave Action perform'd by them , they scruple not to blame the Historian , who by concealing the like another time , may secure himself from such Complements , if he take them not in the right sense . CONFERENCE CLXII . Why every one thinks himself well enough provided with Wit ; and some , better than others . AS the Eye seeth it not it self , so the Intellect , understandeth not it self ; but judging only of the parts of all others finds something in them to discommend ; and having a better conceit of its self , arrogates the preeminence in the comparison . For the reflexion of the Intellect upon it self is never sincere , but disguis'd and falsifi'd by the false reports and prejudices of Self-love , which makes us think our selves better then our Neighbours . Hence those that take not pains to consider their own Wit , care not to make a just comparison of it with that of others ; since a right Comparison is between two things known ; and those that can do it , do it through the clouds of Interest , which like Optical Glasses magnifie Objects , and make an Elephant of a Fly. The second said , 'T is not universally true that every one is contented with his own wit ; for there are many no less diffident then others are confident of themselves . Hence some eloquent Tongues , fit either for the Chair , or the Bar , are kept from both by timidity and distrust of their own abilities , and ( as some great animals suffer themselves to be lead and govern'd by a Childe ) so their good wits , not understanding their own strength , permit themselves to be rul'd by those that have worse . Thus we see there are Apprentices in all Trades and Professions more knowing then their Masters ; and many times in that of War , a brave experienc'd Souldier obeyes a cowardly and ignorant Captain : And in Religious Houses , some excellent Spirits glorying not to repute themselves such , suffer themselves to be guided and ruled by those of an inferiour Degree . Yea , the most presumptuous are seldom satisfi'd with their own first conceptions , as appears by the frequent connexions and expunctions in the originals of their Writings , to which even after publishing they never cease to adde or diminish . Of which number are many , who making a review of their precedent actions , alwayes finde something therein to dislike . But as for others who have a better opinion of their own wit then that of others , this defect seems to proceed from the want of knowledge of themselves , so much recommended by the Delphian Oracle ; such people resembling the old Hag who put her eyes up in a Box when she came home , and took them out onely when she went abroad ; or those that have a Wallet upon their necks , whereof they never see but the forepart into which they put the affairs of their Neighbours ; the other being behinde , into which they put all that concerns themselves . Which our Saviour also reprov'd in Hypocrites , who see not the beam in their own eyes , yet spy a mote in that of their Neighbour . The Third said , That there being three sorts of Goods , namely , of the Minde , the Body , and Fortune ; the two latter are so expos'd to the eyes of every one , 't is impossible to deceive the Spectators in the judgement thereof . But 't is not so with those of the minde , which not appearing to all are like secret Records of a Law Suit , the extract or coppy whereof depends upon the honesty or dishonesty of the reporter ; who being both Judge and Party , 't is no wonder if he award the Cause to himself ; as those that give their Voices to themselves excuse it by saying , That having sworn to choose the most capable , they judg'd themselves such : Whereunto the evil custom of commending one's self much contributes , by turning into Nature , and so perswading us of what we would make others believe . So also do flatterers , whom all the world delights to hear ( whatever is pretended to the contrary ) and who may speak more boldly of the gifts of the minde , because they are not perceptible of themselves , and so less subject to contradiction . The Fourth said , That 't is so far from being true , that every one esteems his own genius because he sees it not ; that on the contrary he esteems it more then others , because commonly he sees none but it ; not in its substance , but in its effects . For if we value a Friend whose presents we frequently behold before our eyes , how great reason must every one finde to prize his own spirit , whereof all the actions are in a manner present to him ? He beholds himself in himself morning and evening , sleeping and waking ; and finding not external objects enough to compare with the multitude of internal species which his pass'd actions furnish to him , he makes the conclusion to his own advantage . If he be a Poet , all his Senses are fill'd with his Rhimes ; or with his square Periods , if an Orator . The memory of his exploits incessantly returns to him , if he be a Souldier ; and perhaps being reviv'd by some Sore or old Hurt , makes him easily presume that he is as good as a Captain ; or if he be a Captain that he could better perform the office of Field-Marshal then he that hath it . In brief , there is no profession wherein the minde findes not wherewith to content , yea , to admire it self , and withal to abate the value of others ; comparison being like a balance , one scale whereof cannot be rais'd without depressing the other . The Fifth said , That the reason why every one is contented with his own Wit , is because we are never brought to acknowledge our own errours , unless by constraint or conviction . And the minde never fails of a subterfuge and a pretense to lay the fault other-where then upon it self . If haply some one acknowledges that he wanted fore-sight , judgment , and good mannagement in his affairs ; yet he will alwayes turn the fault from himself , and rather recurre to causes that are not , saying , That he was bewitch'd , or at least deceiv'd , even so far as to accuse the truth of the most general Maxims , when they prove not to agree with his own false Principles . Whereas we are forward enough to condemn others magisterially both in presence and absence . The Sixth said , That what is receiv'd , being according to the form and capacity of the recipient , 't is impossible for the mind to conceive any thing greater then it self : if it do , 't is by negation , as the Eye sees night when it sees nothing , and as the most perfect Souls conceive the Deity , namely by conceiving that they cannot conceive it , which is no knowledge at all . Hence the Sky , Houses , Trees , and other great visible Objects enter into the Eye onely by a visual species proportional to the bigness of the pupil which diminishes them . So likewise the understanding or minde of Man , being to judge of that of another , abstracts such intentional species thereof as are correspondent to its own capacity , and such alone as it is able to comprehend . And as the continent is bigger then the thing contained ; so this intentional Species , which represents the image of anothers minde , being less then the minde which conceives it ; 't is no wonder if that which is conceived appears less then that which conceives it . For otherwise , since the understanding is conform'd to the thing which it understands , if it should conceive an Idea of a minde greater then it self is , it should become greater then it self , which is absurd . Besides , as things nearest us appear greatest , and nothing is nearer us then our selves , 't is not to be marvell'd at if we pass judgement to our own advantage . The Seventh said , That the reason of this difference is because the species which concern others are not so deeply ingraven as those which the understanding incessantly traces in it self ; whence it is that the dispositions of that first rank are not so well imprinted as the habits of the second . Now that the Species relating to others are more lightly engraven than those that concern our selves , appears by the example of the Graver , which passing but lightly over the Copper makes a little stroke almost imperceptible ; whereas by its repassing several times upon the same place , ( as is done by the frequent repetition of the same thoughts upon what regards our selves ) it makes more remarkable lines . Perhaps also this pleasing Error is left to Man , to comfort him for the unequal share of all other Goods ; which otherwise would bring him into Despair , or at least very much increase the unhappiness of his Life . CONFERENCE CLXIII . How Animals are bred of Putrefaction . THe Vicissitude of finite things requiring their being in perpetual motion , the same is four-fold ; namely , ( 1. ) To Quantity , which is term'd Augmentation and Diminution ; ( 2. ) To Quality , which is call'd Alteration ; ( 3. ) To Place , which is styl'd Local Motion ; ( 4. ) To Substance , which is nam'd Generation and Corruption . This last is the drawing forth of the Natural by some Extraneous Heat , as that of the moist Ambient Air , which insinuating into the corrupting body , plays the part of an Agent therein ; and not onely alters its qualities , but also either increases or diminishes its quantity ; as is seen in the Fermentation of Medicaments , and in Leven which makes paste rise , in which motion the Local is likewise observ'd . Thus the matter being wrought and agitated by all sorts of motions , is dispos'd in a manner suitable for receiving some form , which necessarily ensues upon such disposition . The Second said , That in Equivocal Generation ; ( which the Question relates to ) Salt holds the place of the Masculine Seed ; and the Humidity , it corrects that of the Feminine ; as appears by a pot fill'd with common earth , which moistned only with Rain produceth Stones , Plants , and Snails : But after you have depriv'd it of its Salt , by washing it with hot water , ( as the Saltpeter-men do ) it remains barren : Nature employing its fixt Salt for the Formation of Stones ; the volatile with its Mercury , for Plants ; and the same with its Sulphur for Animals , whose diversity , possibly , comes from that of these Salts ; amongst which , Nitre contributes marvellously to Fecundity . Hence Excrements , being almost wholly nitrous , so soon produce Beetles , Flyes , Worms , and other Insects : Sweat , beings of the same Nature , makes Lice ; and Urine , Fleas ; the slime of Marshes , which is nitrous , ( as the turfs we use for fewel manifest ) produces Frogs ; Boats of Salt swarm with Rats , who conceive others by licking the Salt : Wheat also , being very nitrous , generates Field-mice , and other Insects : And all this in the unctuous moisture of its self , or which it renders such by its Heat , which reduces the same to a viscousness fit for retaining the form to be introduc'd ; and as the Ebullition of Syrrops and Must , is a spontaneous Motion proceeding from their salts , so the same being rais'd by the heat without to a more eminent degree causes the progressive Motion in an Animal . The outward formal Cause is the Disposition of the Matter , which that double heat finding dispos'd for a certain Form , fashions and extends for that purpose . Thus the marrow of the Back-bone being near the Reins , which are full of Salt , may become a Serpent ; a Woman's Hair laid in a Dunghil produceth Worms or little Serpents ; Caterpillars retain the colour of the sap of the Tree through which the Humour that produces them pass'd , and imitate the several colours of the Flowers about which they are bred ; as is seen in the mothy colours of the same Caterpillars especially when they become Butter-flies . The internal , formal , or formative Cause is an invisible Character graven in the said Salts , which determines every thing to its Species , answerable to that which is found in the Seed of each Plant and Animal , and which the Chymists hold cannot be extinguisht in the salts of some Plants , affirming , that the ashes of Sage or Rosemary sown bring forth Sage and Rosemary . The Final Cause is the Perfection of the Compound ; whereunto Nature always aspires ; it being certain , that an Animal is more noble than a Body inanimate , whence some prefer a Fly above the Sun. Upon which account she changes Mixts into Plants , and these into Animals . The 3d said , That the Universal Spirit of the World acts in this case like a General of an Army , who , seeeing an Enemy ready to fly , and none of his own party present to seize upon him , though his Imployment be not to take Prisoners , but only to give Orders , yet for this time he condescends to play the part of a common Soldier : so the abovesaid Universal Spirit not seeing any Form dispos'd to keeps its rank in the Order of Nature , and finding the matter fit to receive the form of a Rat , Mouse or Frog , presently supplies the same to it by its own sole approach . Hence such Insects as need fewest parts , are soonest and most easily generated of Putrefaction , perfecter Animals never . The Fourth said , That Nothing being made of Nothing , some Matter is requir'd to every Generation , which being barely alter'd in Animals which produce their like , is corrupted in those which are generated of themselves ; the internal Humidity which serv'd to conjoyn the dry parts together , being drawn out ; whence Carcases become dust . And because Nature is never idle , therefore when She finds part of that Humidity full of a seminal Vertue and a Vital Spirit , and cannot make a Plant or an Animal of it like what it was before , then she forms imperfect Creatures . Which effect is not to be attributed to the Elements being full of souls , nor to that particular Intelligence which Avicenna saith is destinated to the introduction of Forms , nor to Heaven , call'd by some , The Parent Forms ; but to the establish'd order of Nature , That when Matter is indu'd with all the Dispositions requisite to such or such a Form , the same must be introduc'd into it ; which constitutes not a different Species from the Animals generated of Seed ; though the particular end of those bred of corruption seems to be the purgation of the Elements , all whose impurities they attract , and are nourisht therewith . The fifth said , That these Generations must be attributed to the Sun , who transmits not only his Influence upon the surface of our Elements , but also his Influence and Vertue to the Center of the Earth , where it concocts , digests , prepares , and vivifies Metals , and makes mineral Waters boil . For , besides that such Generations happen chiefly when he approaches or makes himself most fell upon our Horizon ; some have observ●d , That Rats , begotten of Corruption without the help of Male and Female , are distinguish'd from others ; in that , being expos'd to the Sun after death , they have little or no bad smell , but are consum'd and become in a manner nothing ; that Planet resuming what it had contributed to them : whereas the smell of other produc'd by ordinary generation is intolerable . The Sixth said , That both in Univocal Generation ( which is compar'd to one fire kindling another ) and in that by Corruption ( which hath some Analogy with fire excited by a Steel ) the same difficulty occurrs ; namely , What imperceptible Chain and Link attracts Forms , and makes them necessarily descend into the Compound , to give it Being so soon as fit Dispositions concur therein ; whether these Dispositions are awaken'd by the Seed , as when you sow a Plant in well-prepared ground , or whether they spring out of the earth without sowing , as many Plants do , which are more vigorous , and less need cultivation than others : by the Gardener's reason , that Mothers have more care of their own Children than Nurses have of those of others . Hence Rats bred of Corruption , are more sprightly , and long-liv'd , and multiply more than others . As for the manner of their Generation , it must have some proportion with that of perfect Animals , which are as little understood ; there being no Philosophy that can tell why a Horse begets rather a Colt than a Calf ; nor why a Pear-tree rather produces a Pear than a Plum. CONFERENCE CLXIIII . Of Zoophytes or Plant-Animals . THe comprehensiveness of this Universe appears in that in the division of Entity and Substance , not onely each Member answers to as many things as are in Nature , but there are as many others as there can be several combinations made of the Members of this division . Thus in the division of Souls into vegetative , sensitive , and rational , there are found middle ones not onely between sense and reason , but also between Vegetation and Sense : Examples whereof may be seen in the Families of Animals and Vegetables . Some Plants have no Root as Misleto and Mushrooms ; others nothing but Root , as Trubs and Truffles : some have onely leaves , as Duckmeat ; others neither flowers nor seed , as Ferne ; some want leaves , as Venus-Navil ; others commonly put forth the Fruit before the Leaf , as the Fig-Tree ; and lastly , some Flower without bearing Fruit , as the Flower-Cherry-Tree : Of Animals , some are bred of putrefaction , and of others , some remain a while without motion or life ( to appearance ) as the Silk-Worm in its bag , and Snails in Winter ; others remain alwayes immoveable , as Oysters : And because this manner of being nourish'd and growing without any progressive motion is proper to Plants , and yet by opening and shutting their Shells they testifie some sense ; therefore they are call'd Plant-animals , in which the Soul seems to be compounded , and to resemble changeable colours , which consist of two extreams , as Gray doth of White and Black , being wholly neither , but both together . So also a Zoöphyte is something less then an Animal , and more then a Plant. The Second said , That Forms and particularly Souls are indivisible . Indeed one may be comprehended in another , as the Vegetative is in the Sensitive , and this in the Rational ( which comprehends all eminently ) but it cannot enter into the composition of another , much less be divided , informing a body that is half Plant and half Animal ; otherwise by the same reason there might be others half Men and half Beasts , which is not imaginable , but under the form of a Monster . Moreover , such division would proceed to infinity , there being a Latitude and Degrees without end between one extream and another ; of one whereof that which partakes most , would constitute a new Species , or rather a new genius , which is absurd , and contrary to Philosophy ; which admits not multiplication of things without nec●ssity . The Third said , That by the same reason Plants and Animals being of the same species there can be no doubt but these two attributes might be found in the same Subject . For Vegetation and Sense being onely several operations of the same Soul , which acts differently , according as it findes the Organs of its Subject dispos'd ; hence the multiplication of Souls is unnecessary , seeing they are all but one . And as in Brutes the sensitive faculty supervening to the vegetative in their generation , adds no new form to the former ; so the vegetation of Plants is nothing less then the sensitive : the dispositions of the matter being the sole causes of this diversity . An Animal depriv'd of the use of some senses , is no less an Animal then another that hath all : why then is a Tree less an Animal , because it exercises fewer operations of its soul then Animals do ? Nor is it a conclusive reason that Plants are wholly destitute of the faculties of sense , because the same are not perceptible to our Senses , which yet finde something to satisfie themselves in the sensitive Plant , growing ( as Scaliger and others relate in Zanolha , a part of Tartary , where the Inhabitants sowe a Grain like that of our Melons , but somewhat longer ; from which grows an Herb which they call Borrametz , that is , a Lamb , whereof it hath the whole figure , especially the Feet , Hoofs , and Ears , yea , all the Head excepting the Horns ; instead whereof it hath a tuft of Hair upon the Forehead . 'T is cover'd with very soft Hair , employ'd by the Natives to make Caps of . It s Flesh resembles that of Crevices , and being wounded , sends forth blood , being also of a very sweet taste : It adheres to the earth by its root , which sends forth a Stem or Stalk which is inserted into its Navil . To all which wonders they adde , That it lives as long as there is any green Grass about it , and dyes when the same is wither'd either by time or purposely . And to make the comparison full , they say that of all devouring Animals Wolves alone desire to feed of it , We finde also some example of this double Life in the Wood of Scotland , which being humected in water is turn'd into Ducks : as also in the Leaves of another Tree like that of the Mulberry , which Anthony Pigafet reports to have two little feet , on which they run away as soon as one touches them , and live onely of Aire . Such likewise are the Mandrakes of upper Hungary , which grow in the axact shapes of Men and Women ; The Baraas mention'd by Josephus , which shines in the night , and whose flight cannot be stopt but by the menstrual blood of a woman . The Balsam-Tree which Pliny affirms to tremble at the approach of the Iron that is to make incision in it ; and that other Tree which Scaliger saith grows about eight foot high in the Province Pudiferam , and upon the approach of a man or other Animal contracts its boughs , and extends the same again upon their departure , whence it took the name of Arbor Pudica : which constriction and dilatation is also attributed to the Spunge . In all which effects we observe powers and faculties near of kin to those of Animals . The same uniformity of nature between Plants and Animals is prov'd also , in that , both the one and the other live and dye , have their nutrition , augmentation , and generation . If Animals have their time of being salacious , Plants have theirs of being in Sap. They have dictinction of Sex , as appears particularly in the Cypress , Hemp , and the Palm , which beareth not fruit unless planted near the Male , or at least some branch thereof be fastned to it . They seem too to have some kinde of respiration ; for besides that they love the free Aire , towards which they encline when planted near a high Wall , or under great Trees ; their Root , which is their mouth , hath some discernment of taste , eschewing hurtful soils , and spreading freely into good ground , and not imbibing all sorts of liquors indifferently , but onely such as are convenient for them . Hence their parts have names common to those of Animals ; as the Marrow , Flesh , Veins , Skin : In a word , they seem to want onely local-motion , which yet , besides the foregoing examples , is found in the Herba Viva of Acosta which folds up it leaves and flowers when it is toucht ; as likewise Tulips do in the evening , and open the same again in the morning ; Marigolds follow the Sun , and thence have gotten the Latin name Solsequia ; but more manifestly the Sun-flower , and the white Carline Thistle , call'd the Almanack of Peasants , who therefore hang it at their doors , because it folds up its flowers when a Tempest is at hand . 'T is notorious that the Bon-Chretien Pear-Tree , and the Mulberry-Tree languish in places not frequented by men ; and on the contrary , testifie by their vigour and fertility that they delight in their conversation . Hereunto might be added the experience of Wood-Cleavers who finde that a wedge enters further at the first blow then for many following ; as if the substance of the Tree clos'd it self upon the first feeling it hath of its enemy . But the bending of Hazle-rods towards Mines of Gold and Silver , seems to denote something more in them then in Animals themselves . In brief , the motion of creeping Herbs may be call'd progressive : amongst others , that of the Gourd and Cucumber which follow the neighbouring water , and shape their fruit in length to reach it . CONFERENCE CLXV . Of Trubbs or Truffs , and Mushroms . AS there is some middle nature between a Plant and an Animal , partaking of both so ; there is also between a plain Mixt Body and a Plant , to wit , those Exuberances which grow sometimes on Trees , as Agarick ; sometimes only out of the Earth , as Mushroms and other such fungous Productions , which are driven forth by the inward heat of the earth helpt by that of the Sun. The matter of them is a slime , or unctuous or viscous moisture fit to receive a sutable Form , which is various according to the strength of Nature , and the Disposition of the places through which it is driven ; as the Water of our Artificial Fountains puts on the shape of the pipe through which it passes . And as for Trubbs , 't is Cardan's Opinion , That melted Snow sinking into the surface of the Earth , and finding fit matter there , produceth this Plant. Which the plenty of Spirits found in Snow , makes me willing to assent to ; because they may serve for Seed to its Production . The second said , That he lik'd the common Opinion , that Trubbs proceed from Thunder ; whose agitation of the Air , and so of the Earth , awakens the hidden Seed of this Plant , as well of many others that grow of themselves ; or else perhaps the Rain that follows Thunder being full of Celestial Vertue , proper for this Production , is the Seed thereof . For the Providence of Nature sometimes supplies by an Universal Efficient the Defect of particular Causes destinated to the production of other Plants , which in most Trees and Herbs is the Seed , which this wants , as also all the ordinary parts of other Plants ; because 't is of the Nature of those Animals who have not their parts distinct one from another , having neither stalk , nor leaves , nor flower , nor root , unless you will call it all root ; because it hath more appearance of than of any other part of a Plant : which perhaps is the cause of its excellent taste , which is neither sweet as most roots are , nor sowr as most leaves are , nor of any other kind of tast observ'd in the other parts of Plants , but mix'd of all tasts together , being very pleasant , after coction hath matur'd what was terrestrial and aqueous in it . As for Mushroms , both their Nature and Cause is different ; but all proceed from an excrement which the Earth casts forth of it self , and which was bred therein by the perpetual transcolation of the Humidities of the earth ; whence they are more or less hurtfull according to the greater or less malignity of such Humours , but always of bad juice sutable to its Source and Material Cause . The Third said , 'T is the Rain of Autumn that makes the Mushrom ; the too great cold of Winter , and that which yet remains in the Spring not permitting that Excrement to come forth , but shutting it up ( as 't is the property of Cold ) and the heat and drought of Summer consuming the Matter that produces them as fast as it comes out of the Earth . But in Autumn , when the Earth is cleft and chopt in many places by the foregoing heat of Summer , the Showers and rainy Season supply excrementitious matter proper for this Production . The same might be said of Trubs , if we saw not their generation to be made as 't were in the turning of a hand , immediately after Thunder : whereof the clefts of the upper crust of the Earth are a manifest evidence ; not in all soils , but only in barren and less cultivated ; in which , culture would dissipate the matter before it could acquire the preparations requisite to this generation . The Fourth said , That the story of Martius Licinius sometimes Praetor of Rome and Governour of Spain , who in Carthago Nova , biting a Trub or Tuber found in it a Roman peny of the value of seven English , shews that this lump is made of earth hardned together , as Stones and other mixt Bodies are , which grow naturally by the sole apposition of matter without being either sown or planted . For 't is found in the earth without either root or fibres : yea it may be call'd an imperfection of the earth , because 't is never found in good ground but only in gravelly places near woods and bushes , and hath no certain bigness ; some being very small , and others of the bigness of the fist and of a pound weight ; some , full of sand ; others not , which are the best . They are also of divers colours , according to that of the Soil , namely Red , Black and White , of a very savory rellish , but hard of digestion , and windy . Their common shape is round , but Pliny mentions some horned ones brought from Thrace , which therefore he calls Ceraunia ; he also addeth , that in some places ( as particularly at Mitylene ) the torrents produce them , and carry them along with their streams ; that they last but a year , and are more tender in the Spring then at any other season . Some hold that they grow not at all , but are produc'd in an instant of their full bigness ; and their reason is , because they have no organs of Nutrition , without which they cannot grow ; and indeed they do not generate . This opinion would be the more probable , if what Pliny saith were true , namely , that there is no sign of cleft or chink in the earth which covers them . But experience shews the contrary , Swine ( who are greedy of them ) being lead by the smell they exhale through those clefts , to find them and root them out of the ground . The Fifth said , That Mushroms are to Plants , as Insects are to Animals ; for both are generated of corruption , and that suddenly ; both want distinct parts , and have somwhat of a hurtful or venemous quality ( for the most part ) . But Mushroms are either Medicinal , as Agarick ; or Alimental ; or absolutely poysonous ; which two latter species oftentimes differ only according to the soil . For such as grow in Meadows are the safest , and the Orange-colour'd are as good and delicious in Provence and Languedoc , as they are poysonous in France , Germany and Hungary , where they are ordinarily employ'd to kill Flyes , and where they cause visions . Such were those which kill'd the Emperour Claudius Father-in-law to Nero , who therefore term'd them the food of the Gods , because the Roman Emperours were deifi'd after their death . They are also sometimes discernable by the colour and smell : The blackish or livid , whose juice is yellowish and which smell like Copper , being deadly ; but the white , the greyish , and those that are red underneath with a black juice and a pleasing smell , being alimental . The least to be suspected are those which grow by Art in dunged places , or Melon-beds enrich'd with Hogs-dung rotted for the space of two years . 'T is said also that the good have a thicker stem then the bad , and also a circle or crown on the top . If any malignity remain in them , Cato advises to correct the same by setting a Colewort near them , which ( he saith ) draws to it self all the impurity of the earth ; wherein , if soft , are bred Mushroms ; if hard , Trubs ; but both without seed : just as Yellow-Gilly-flower and Pellitory grow spontaneously upon walls made with Lime and Sand ; Silver-weed , in Brooks ; Cresses , in Springs ; the Earth containing in it self the imperceptible seeds of many animated bodies . To the Production whereof Nitre alone ( by its above mention'd fecundity ) suffices ; for finding no seed to determine it to any other production , it spends it self in generating of Trubs . For besides their taste and most usual inward colour , ( which is white or greyish ) their flatuosity and aptness to provoke Lust ( which two qualities are proper to Nitre ) testifie the same ; as also doth their Nativity during the Thunder or Rain of Autumn , and of the end of the Spring ; which seasons are full of Nitrous exhalations . The same may be said of Mushroms , which commonly spring out of Nitrous substances , as dung and earth where Salt-Peter grows . CONFERENCE CLXVI . Which is to be preferred , Company or Solitude ? 'T Is hence forward lawful to doubt of every thing , since a Problem is made of an Axiom . For Man being a sociable Creature , renounces that quality when he seeks Solitude ; in which not only Speech , Courtesie , and Civility , but all Sciences and Arts , yea almost all Virtues become useless to him , and leave him by little and little to put on Beast and beastial properties , to wit Silence , Rudeness , Ignorance , and in one word Brutality it self ; ( though there is some society even amongst many irrational Creatures , as Cranes , Bees , Ants , and divers others . ) Consider one of those solitary dumpish persons rightly styl'd by the Vulgar Loups-garoux ( or Men-wolves ) enemies of mankind ; they are commonly of extravagant minds , whose dotages pass in their own weak judgment for divine thoughts beyond those of the rest of men ; but when brought forth they serve for nothing but laughter , which is oftentimes the reason why their Authors keep them so very secret . Examples whereof are seen in all those melancholy Doters who build Castles in the Air. If they make profession of Arms , they are meer Don Quixots ; if of Divinity , Heresiarchs ; if of Physick , Empericks and people void of other skill saving that they have some incommunicable secret . On the other side , consider sociable humors , and you will find nothing in them but what is agreeable and pleasing . If they have any business in hand , they advise with others about it , and knowing that two eyes see not so many things at once as four may do , they pollish their resolutions by the mutual collision of their own Opinions with those of others ; and considering that the way to do well is to be reprehended by many , they submit themselves to their judgment . Moreover , make an induction of all good things , and you will find them all in Society ; without it the World would be depopulated in less then one Age , whereas 't is perpetuated by propagation of the Species . There is nothing to be got in solitude , though one should imitate the humor of an indefatigable Gamester of these times , who finding no body to keep him company , plays at Cards and Dice all alone in his Closet , which he saith is some divertisement to him : but the Trades-men , Labourer and Merchant gain nothing without Commerce , which cannot be but between many persons . Pleasure is not so much as imaginable , whilst . a man is alone by himself . Your Hypochondriacks and other fools cannot conceive any delight but by their fancying themselves conversing with others . Then for Honour , it supposes one person honoured and another honoring ; so it consists not with solitude , which consequently is an enemy to all sorts of Good. But to pursue the induction on the other side ; we see that Balls , Comedies , Revels , Feasts , and all Ceremonies both Civil and Ecclesiastical are perform'd in company ; which , the greater it is , adds the more splendor thereunto . Wherefore if you take away company , you at the same time deprive men of all the means of employing the Goods which they have gotten by their labours , and also of the honour they aim'd at in enjoying the same , the hopes whereof was the onely thing that sweetned their pains . Let a man be alone , and he needs no cloaths but to cover his nakedness , or keep off the cold ; whereas the magnificence of Courts is the most glorious token of the splendor of a State. The Second said , Though it be hard to praise solitude in so good company , yet it hath three sorts of goods in it , which are endeavour'd to be ascrib'd to Society : For , in case it had no other benefit but silence , of the observing whereof none ever repented ( but of speaking often ) the perfection of a Christian is found in it . For of the three manners of sinning , Solitude hath none to avoid but thoughts ; and thoughts themselves arise only from the former frequentation of company : upon which account , those that have most sought Innocence , have retir'd from Companies and Towns. Thus did the Prophets in the old Law , and afterwards Hermites inhabited the Desarts of Thebes , and alwayes the strictest Religions have liv'd the most solitary . Then for the delight it affords , there is no pleasure like that of Reading , Meditation , and Contemplation , which are not consistent with Company : and man being more essentially reasonable than sociable , who doubts but a man reasons better in solitude then in the turmoil of company ? Nay , not only the speculative Sciences are best polisht by it , but also the civil and popular , as Eloquence and Poetry ; the one was learnt by Demosthenes in his Closet , and on the Sea shores ; the other is a great friend of solitude , and makes its followers seek it . On this account the Greeks built the Temples of the Muses in Woods and places remote from Towns ; and night , the mother and companion of solitude , was by them styl'd Eufrone , Wise . This was also the reason why the Pythagoreans enjoyn'd five years silence before the hearing of their Philosophy : yea , those that have received most honour and contentment in conversation have most lov'd Retirement ; witness Augustus , who long'd to disengage himself one day from publick affairs ; Dioclesian and Maximian who went to seek it in Slavonia ; and in the last age Charles the Fifth in Portugal . 'T was not therefore without reason that the Roman people cry'd that onely Vatias alone knew how to live , because he retir'd from the City into a solitary and desart place . For though the Proscriptions and publick Calamities had occasion'd his retreat at that time ; yet the contagion of company , the common depravation of manners , and the contentments attending peaceful solitude , are charms strong enough to attract any considering man ; besides , that honour too follows it , being compar'd to the shadow , which flyes its pursuers , and follows those that avoid it . Accordingly , all those that have affected solitude , as amongst the Pagans Empedocles , Apollonius , Num , the Gymnosophists , and our Druydes , have been most esteem'd by men for so doing . And they are weak mindes which cannot support themselves , but want the conversation of others ; herein resembling Ivy and other climing Plants , which onely creep upon the ground , if they be not propt up by some other ; whereas great Oakes and Elmes maintain themselves alone against the outrages of the windes . So also the most generous Beasts are solitary , as the Lion and Elephant in Desarts ; the Eagle in Rocks and high Mountains ; contrary to Pullen and other timid Animals , which are call'd Gregarious . Hence it may be inferr'd , that Fear caus'd men to build Towns ; and that ( as Aristotle saith ) onely the multitude of several faces deserves not the name of a company , which made Diogenes go about at noon in the Market with a Lanthorne to finde a man ; and makes me conclude , that as the wise Man should take contentment only in himself , so he ought to seek onely his own company . For being never less alone then when he is so , solitude indeed hath its society , but society is in●onsistent with solitude . The Third said , That indifferent things are distinguisht from good and bad , in that they are sometimes good and profitable , sometimes not ; but the two latter are alwayes determin'd to one end . Now no body will maintain that company is either alwayes good or alwayes bad . It must therefore be indifferent , and like the water of rivulets in Gardens , which is converted into the nature of the Plants it irrigates . For , is there any Society more authorized by God then Marriage ? and yet 't were a bold proposition to prefer it before the contentment of a Religious life , but because this is not alwayes solitary , after the mode of Carthusians and Hermites , company is to be preferr'd or postpon'd to solitude , according to the several circumstances of the one and the other . The Fourth said , That according to Aristotles saying , There are two sorts of solitary persons ; the first , above the rest of mankinde , as the Heroes and Demigods of Antiquity , who frequented not men because they found them unworthy of their conversation : the other sort are below men , and avoid converse , as uncapable thereof , like those Peasants whom their rusticity keeps from appearing or speaking in company . But because the former are fewer then the latter , hence solitude is more commonly a sign of a mans defect then excellency , and consequently company is to be preferr'd before it . CONFERENCE CLXVII . Whether Birds , or four-footed Animals , or Fishes be most Intelligent . THe Aire , having most affinity with the Spirits whereby all the functions of the soul and body are exercis'd , and both are conjoyn'd ; it may seem sufficient to give the advantage to its Inhabitants the Birds , though they had not the testimonies upon which men value themselves above their fellows , to wit , more advantages of nature , and a greater apitude to disciplines then others . For they have the same priviledges of walking upon the earth that other Land-Animals have ; yea , some of them , as the Plongeon or Ducker go upon the waters ; and besides , they have this particular Gift of Nature , that they cleave the Air with a motion so swift , that the Holy Scripture hath express'd the speed of Angels by assigning them wings . Nor can you imagine any action , without excepting even virtuous ones , which is not found in a Bird. The Swallow is skill'd in Architecture ; the Halcyon is able to divine how far the Nile will overflow , and knows that out of Nature's respect to her , there will be no Tempest at Sea while she is building her Nest ; the Goose is so safe a Guard , that it sometimes sav'd the Capitol to the shame of the Sentinels ; the Wren serves for a guide and a scout to the Crocodile ; the Crow and the Turtle are patterns of conjugal amity ; so are the Storks of piety ; and even the swarms of Bees , are models of Common-wealths ; and the Pismires , when Age and Experience has render'd them more advised , acquire wings . The Silk-worm is nothing but a Caterpiller till its wings appear ; and then fluttering about it , perpetuates its species with such prudence , that it doth not lay its Eggs in heaps , which would hinder their hatching , but disperses them in several places , in order to being more commodiously animated by the heat of the Sun. Then , as for Art , we see no Animals besides Men capable of speech ( the first of Disciplines ) but Birds . And the particular Examples of the Elephant , and a few other Beasts that have shewn some shadow of Judgement , are out-done by the Eagle which flew into the fire , wherein her Mistresses Body was burning , and many other Instances too numerous to be mention'd . The Second said , That the little head of Birds , in comparison of the rest of their Body , their driness and abounding Choler permit them not to be so intelligent as other Animals ; their chattering jargon as little deserving the name of a Language , as their other actions do that of Virtue . Moreover , their sleep being not so sound and deep , as that of Terrestrial Animals , which by sucking their Dams are more humid ; and sleep being the restorer of Spirits , Birds cannot have such plenty as other Creatures . Whence they suffer themselves to be more easily taken than Land-Animals , whose Bodies being more symbolical with ours , they must also have greater aptitude for exercising some functions correspondent to those of our Mind . For the cavities of their head and brains more resemble ours , than those either of Birds or Fishes ; particularly , that of the Ape , which consequently is the most intelligent of all Animals next Man ; with whom all will agree , that no other Animal can dispute the preeminence of Judgement with the least shew of Reason ; if any should , it would never gain the Cause , in regard Man must be the Judge . The Third said , Man hath no more reason to award this Cause to himself , than to pretend to the advantage of flying better than Birds , or swimming better than Fishes , who exceed all Creatures in point of Health , even to a Proverb , which is a thing altogether necessary to the functions of the Soul. Moreover , they are of a very long Life , which begets Experience , as that doth Understanding . Their Health is manifested by their Fecundity ; and since coldness is the Complexion of the wife , and Salt is reckon'd the Symbol of Wisdom , Fishes , the inhabitants of the Sea , and the coldest of all Creatures , must have a share thereof . Besides , if softness of Flesh be a sign of goodness of Witt every where else as 't is in Man , ( and Physiognomy teaches us to draw consequence from other Creatures to him ) Fishes have this advantage above all the Inhabitants either of the Air or Earth ; both which , were indeed made for Man , but the Sea was primarily made for Fishes ; it s other conveniences being only accidental . Silence , the common distinction between the wise and the foolish , is natural to them ; whereas the voices and chantings of Birds and other Animals , is oftentimes the occasion of their ruine . Yea , they are so subtle , that Fisher-men cannot take them but with a white line , of the colour of the water ; otherwise , if it be gross and visible , they will not come near it . Diffidence , the Parent of safety , is more common to them than to all other Animals , and their vigilance is greater . Land-Animals have no sleight equall to that imperceptible charm , whereby the Torpedo chills the arm of the Fisher-man ; or to that of the Cuttle-fish , which when she is in danger of being taken , moils the water with her Ink to keep her self from being seen ; or to that of the Polypus , who becomes of the Colour of the Rock upon which it holds , to void being perceiv'd . And though the Element of Water so separates us from the commerce of its Inhabitants , that the hundreth part of what concerns them is unknown to us ; yet there is none but observes , that Fishes need more sleights to secure themselves from the ambushes and hostilities of others , than the beasts of the field have , which are also more easily taken . The Fish call'd the Mullet , strikes off the bait of the hook with her tail , instead of being taken by it ; and if she cannot do so , she is contented to bite it round about ; and the Sea-wolf finding her self taken , shakes her head this way and that way with much pain , till she have cast out the hook again ; and for the same purpose , the Sea-fox turnes her inside outwards . The Loubine and Sea-dog finding themselves surrounded with the Net , make a hole in the ground and sculk therein , till the Net be drawn over them ; but the Dolphin rejoyces in the Net , because he may with ease fill himself with his fellow-prisoners ; yet when he perceives he is drawing near the shore , he bites the Net ; which if he cannot do quick enough , the Fisher-men knowing him a Friend to Man , pardon him the first time , and only thrusting a bul-rush through his skin let him go ; if he be taken again ( which seldom happens , as Plutarch saith , out of whom most of these Relations are taken ) he is beaten . Yea , they are ingenious not only for themselves , but for others ; for when the Gilt-head hath swallow'd the hook , his companions bite the line , and if one of them fall into one of the Meshes , they lend him their tails to bite and draw him through ; and when the Barbles see one of their companions caught they get upon him and with the indented spine they have upon their backs cut it asunder . Crassus's Lamprey would take bread out of his hand , and was bewail'd by him when it dy'd : The story of Arion , and that of the Fish call'd Manaro in the Island of Hispaniola , which was delighted with praises and Musick carry'd nine or ten persons upon his back , and having been wounded by a Spaniard disappear'd ; the Raye which Olaus writes defended a man from Dogs upon the shore of Denmark ; and the Sea-Eele which the Indians carry behind their Boats to let him play about the Tortoises and other Fishes which they take ; are abundant instances that Fishes are both sociable and docible . This also is justifi'd by the Pinatere , which pricks the Oyster to advertise it when its prey is within ; by the Spongothere , which performs the same office for the Spunge ; and by the Whale's guide whom she suffers to sleep in her throat , and without whom she would dash against the shore ; by the Pike , which keeps company with the Tench , whose sliminess serves to close his wounds ; by the Tunnies , who always set their good eye toward the shore , and move well order'd in a cubick squadron ; by the Sea-Urchins , which presaging a tempest , lade themselves with stones for fear of being carry'd away by the waves ; and by all Fishes in general , which swim against the wind , lest it should open their scales , excepting one whose scales are set the contrary way . CONFERENCE CLXVIII . What is the cause of the Crisis of Diseases . CRisis ( if you consider its derivation from a word which signifies either to judge or to separate or to encounter ) agrees in some sort to every of those significations ; for a Disease is judg'd by it , it separates the good humors from the bad , and that after a combat between Nature and the Disease . But 't is commonly defin'd a mutation of a Disease either to Health or Death , for better or for worse . We must first consider in it , the term of its commencement , which is the Augmentation of the Malady , whence acute ones have their Crisis sooner then Chronical ; the very acute being sometimes judg'd in four days , in which time very malignant Fevers sweep men away , but commonly within seven days ; acute Diseases are judg'd by the 14th or 20th day , and sometimes not before the 40th . Chronical Diseases extend to the 120th ; after which term they count no longer by days but by moneths and years . The term it ends at , is either Health or Death , or the change of one Disease into another . The term through which it passes is the space of time employ'd by Nature in the coction , separation and excretion of the peccant Humours . The Agent or Motor is Nature , which must be assisted in imperfect Crises , not in such as are perfectly made . Lastly , we must consider what is mov'd , namely the Humors ; for Crisis hath place only in humoral Diseases . A perfect Crisis judges the Malady perfect either to Health or Death , and hath had its indices of coction the fourth day for the Crisis on the seventh , the eleventh for that on the fourteenth , and the seventeenth for that on the twentieth ; it must also be manifest either by evacuation or abscess ( for those that mend without apparent cause relapse ) and fall upon critical days , without any dangerous symptom : and after such evacuation the Patient must be manifestly better , especially if it be universal and sutable to his Nature , Age , and Malady . Long Diseases are judg'd by Abscesses ; acute , by Evacuation . In young persons Fevers are judg'd commonly by Haemorrhage or some flux of blood ; in old men , by that of the belly . Now besides those Critical and Indicative days there are others call'd Intercidents which judge imperfectly , and others also Medicinal , because in them purgatives may be adminished ; which days are sometimes Critical , but always unfaithful , and commonly mischievous ; which will better appear by this general application . The first day is reckon'd from the hour of the first invasion felt by the Patient in acute Diseases , and from the time of his decumbiture in Chronical . Yet in women newly deliver'd we begin not to reckon from the time of parturition , unless it were precipitated , but from the time of the Fever ; and this first day judges no other Disease but a Febris Ephemera , or one-day Fever . The second day is vacant and without effect . The third is Intercident , call'd by some Provocant , because it irritates and provokes Nature to make excretions before the time ; for being odd , it causes some motion in the morbifick matter , but imperfectly , as not following the order of Nature mention'd hereafter ; neverthess t is Critical in very acute Maladies , and such as disorder the Laws of Nature . The fourth is an index of the seventh , and shews what is to be expected that day by either the Concoction or Crudity of the Urin and other excrements ; no laudable Crisis hapning without Concoction precedent . Which holds good not only in continual Fevers , but also in the fits or accessions of Intermitting ones : for the fourth day being the middlemost between the first and the seventh , it foreshews the design and strength or weakness of Nature , and what she is able to do on the seventh . The fifth resembles the third , being likewise provocatory in Diseases wherein Nature hath made an unprofitable attempt on the third , which she then endeavours to repair ; but unsuccessfully too , this Crisis being most commonly imperfect . The sixth is also Intercident but ordinarily very badly critical : Whence Galen compares it to a cruel and faithless tyrant , which precipitates the Patient into evident danger of life , if it do not kill him . It hath place chiefly in cholerick Diseases , for in sanguine ones salutiferous Crises happen on this day , which is even ; the Blood being observ'd to move on even days . On the contrary , the seventh resembles a just and gentle King or Magistrate ; for neither precipitating nor deferring too long the judgment of the Patient , it gives him time of consideration , judging him after its Indices fully and perfectly , safely , manifestly and without danger . 'T is call'd Radical , as being the root and foundation of all the other Critical Days , and the end of the first week . The eighth is of kin to the sixth , but not quite so dangerous . The ninth is the greatest Intercident and comes nearest to the nature of the Critical , though it be not of their number . The cause whereof is , its being compos'd of odd numbers , wherein we have said that morbifick humors are commonly mov'd ; or else because 't is equally distant from 7 and 11. The tenth resembles the eighth in danger and other circumstances . The eleventh is an index of the fourteenth , to which it hath the same reference that the fourth hath to the seventh ; saving that the second week is less active then the first , and the third then the second . The twelfth is not of any consideration : and Galen saith , he never observ'd any Crisis , good or bad , on it . The like of the thirteenth . The fourteenth follows the seventh in dignity , and judges those Diseases which the seventh did not , being the end of the second week , and in this consideration , odd . The fifteenth and sixteenth are not any-wise remarkable . The seventeenth is an index of the twentieth , till which the intervening are insignificant , and this twentieth is taken by Physicians for the end of the third week , because they make the same begin from the fourteenth inclusively . From the 20th to the 40th , ( which is the end of Crisis in acute diseases ) every seventh day is critical . But after the 40th , Diseases are call'd Chronical , and have their Crisis every 20th day to 120 , so much the more obscure as they are distant from the beginning . Of all which changes the Moon seems rather to be the cause then the other Planets , or the vertue of Numbers , as being more active by reason of her proximity and various apparitions . The Second said , That the reason upon which Astrologers attribute Crisis to the Moon , viz. her moving by quaternaries and septenaries , ( her notablest changes hapning every seventh day ) is too general . For though she rules over Moistures or Humidities , and a Crisis is only in Humoral Diseases ; yet she cannot introduce any change in the above-mentioned Critical Days rather then in others ; because then she must have this power either from her self or from some other , and the several Aspects of the Sun. Not from her self ; for then no change would happen in the Moon her self , nor consequently in us by her means , since things which are of themselves in some subject continue always the same . Not from the Sun ; for then these alterations in Diseases should happen onely at certain postures of the Moon and not in all . Now , suppose Alexander fall sick to day , and Aristotle to morrow , yet neither of them shall have a Crisis but on the seventh day . Besides , the opposition of the Moon being less at the seventh then at the thirteenth day ; the Crisis should be rather on the latter then on the former . And the same effect of the Septenary in the Conception , Life , Nutrition , and Actions of Animals , which is not observ'd hitherto ; the stomach digesting not better on the seventh day , and the seed not being stronger that day in the matrix then on any other : and the eighth day wherein the Moon is further from the first then she was on the seventh , should cause the Crisis , and not the seventh . In brief , the septenaries of diseases rarely agree with the Septenaries of the Quarters of the Moon ; whose motions being unequal according to the different elevation of her Epicicle , would render Crisis uncertain . Wherefore Galen not finding his reckoning hit with the Lunar Motion , feign'd a Medicinal Moneth consisting of six and twenty days and some hours ; but he hath had no followers therein . Fracastorius went a better way , attributing the cause of Crises to the motion of Melancholly , which is on the fourth day : but as the bilious humor moving alone on the third day without melancholly , doth nothing , so melancholly alone produceth not any Crisis on the fourth day . The fifth hath also the motion of Bile alone , and consequently is without effect . The sixth is quiet in reference to these humors , being the day of neithers motion : but on the seventh , these two Biles concurring together make a great critical agitation . But if the matter be not then sufficiently fermented and concocted , the Crisis will not come till the fourteenth , when the same motion of those two humors is again repeated . The Third said , That this opinion of Fracastorius makes Crises fall upon dayes not critical , as the tenth , thirteenth , sixteenth , ninteenth , and two and twentieth , contrary to all antiquity and daily experience : and is founded in an errour , namely , that one humor cannot putrifie in the body whilst the rest remain pure ; seeing Quotidian Fevers are caus'd by Phlegm alone , Tertians by Choler alone , and Quartans by Melancholly alone ; and that no other reason can be given of the regular motion of Crisis , but that of the motion of the Heavens . CONFERENCE CLXIX . What Bodily Exercise is the most healthful . WHat motion is to the Aire and Water , yea , and to Fire too ( which it maintains ) that is it to our Bodies ; Ease makes them heavy , and of the nature of the Earth , which of all the Elements alone delights therein : For the Body consisting of the Elements , it necessarily without motion falls into the corruption which Rest introduces into them : and the excrements remaining after nutrition , either recoile back into the masse of Blood , or else resting in that part of the body which is satiated with them , overcharge the same , and cause that plenitude which is so much suspected by Hippocrates . On the contrary , Motion awakens the natural heat , drives out the excrements collected by ease , strengthens the Members , and renders all the Faculties more vigorous ; provided onely that it be us'd after evacuation of the grosser Excrements , and before meat , because then rest is necessary ; otherwise the food in the Stomach will be subverted , and the motion of the outward parts will too soon attract from the inward the food undigested ; whence many diseases arise . And this right use of Exercise is so necessary to health , that the Athenians purposely dedicated a place for exercises , call'd Gymnasiun , to Apollo the God of Physick ; for which word the Art which treats of exercises is call'd Gymnastica ; and the Sorceries of Medea may be better understood of Exercises , which make young , and strengthen bodies formerly soft and effeminate , than of Herbs wherewith she stuffed the bodies of old men whom she had jugulated ; an Art , without which Plato and Aristotle thought a Commonwealth could not be good , and to which chiefly is to be attributed the difference found between our modern Souldiers , and the Roman Legionaries ; yea , between the good habitude of their bodies , and the weakness of ours , who have so intermitted their exercises that onely the names of many are left . Now , since motion , which to deserve the name of exercise must alter the respiration of the Animal , is violent to it , and of violent things we cannot take too little ; I conceive that such exercise as holds the mean between rest and extream motions , is the best . As Riding , or going on Horseback , which giving us motion , diminishes the labour thereof , and stirs all the parts of the body ; which happens not when only one part of the same body is exercis'd , and the rest remain unmov'd . The Second said , That Exercise , which is a voluntary motion and agitation of the Body with respiration increas'd ( whereby 't is distinguisht from the labour of Artisans and Labourers , and from Actions accompany'd with no striving , as playing on Instruments ) was transferr'd to the use of Physick by one Herodicus according to Plato in the third Book of his Republick , and 't is taken two wayes , either for that which is made by the proper motion of the Body , or for such motion as is external to it , as Swinging ( the Petaurum of the Latins ) Navigation ; going in a Coach , or Litter : As for those made by the Body alone , they are of three sorts ; Athletical , Military , and Ludicrous or Pass-times . The Athletick , though the ancientest , yet to me seem the most unprofitable , serving onely to harden the surface of the body and the extream parts , as the Armes and Legs : such were Wrastling , ( which is still in use among our Britains , and at Constantinople before the Grand Seignior's Gate amongst some Tartars whom they call Pluyanders ) Acrochirism , which consisted onely in keeping the fingers interlac'd one within the other ; Fifty-cuffs , call'd anciently Pugilatus , and imitated at this day by the Gondoliers at Venice ; Cae'stus , wherein the hands were arm'd with plates of Copper ; and Pancratia , which was compounded of Wrastling and Pugilate . Of this sort were also , Running , commended by Seneca in his fifteenth Epistle for the Chief of Exercises , and by Plato in the eighth Book of his Republick ; Leaping on high and in length , either on both Feet , or on one ( as that of the Aleman ) the hand and body being void , or else laden with counterpoises of Lead which they call'd Halteres ( as our Morrice Dancers oftentimes wear leaden Pumps , that they may be the more nimble when the same are lay'd off ) or with a Pole to balance themselves in leaping : whereunto may be added the Art of Vaulting . Military exercises belonging either to the ancient or modern way of Militating , and are perform'd either on foot or on horse-back . To the former belongs Fencing , anciently the Art of the Gladiators , and at this day much practis'd with Sword and Dagger : to which may be added managing the Pike , Halbard , and Quarter-staff , casting of Bullets , the Spanish sport of running at Bulls , and the hurling of the Zagaye or Lance in Turkey , and shooting with a Bowe or a Gun at a Mark. Military Exercises on Horse-back are fighting at Barriers , running at the Ring and Quintin : to which may be referr'd all sorts of hunting . The last kinde of Exercises which relate to sport are Dancing , the dangerous Tricks of Tumblers , who seems to practise the Cubistick Art of the Ancients ; the Disk or Coiting , which seems common to them with us ; and the Ball , of which among the Greeks there were four sorts , differing according to the greatness or smallness of the Ball and the Instruments wherewith they struck . Adde to these our modern pastimes of Pail-Mail , Tennis , &c. Next to which you may reckon Shouting , or the exercise of the Voice , which opens the Breast , excites Heat , and cur'd the infirmity of Demosthenes's tongue ; whence Aristotle allows Children to cry , because it purges the Humidities of their Brains . But of all Exercises I think none equal to Walking ; as that which comes nearest natural motions , is easie , consumes superfluities , helps respiration , strengthens the stomach , recreates the Senses and Spirits , and appeases the commotions of the Soul : upon which the Peripatetick Philosophers chose it as an exercise serviceable to the minde and body both together . The Third said , That he was of Galens opinion , who compos'd a Book concerning the Exercise of the little Ball , which he preferrs before all other for six principal reasons . First , Because it exercises and delights the minde as well as the body ; which pleasure is the greater in that it is not dishonest ; this kinde of play being of the rank of the honorable . Secondly , Because Hunting , which may be alledg'd to be of that rank , needs a great train of nets or hays , horses , dogs , birds , and other such equipage ; whereas the Game of Ball , even as it was practis'd in Galen's time , when they play'd with the palm of the Hand without stick or racket , may be exercis'd by all sorts of persons ; and this every one knows , that a Good is the better for being the more common . Thirdly , Because Hunting requires much leisure , of which only rich and idle persons are capable ; whereas a Scholar or Tradesman may , without much prejudice to their ordinary Employment , divert themselves at this play : Which ( in the Fourth place ) exercises all the parts of the Body almost equally ; which most other motions do not , some exercising only the upper , some only the lower parts , and that to excess : Which ( in the Fifth place ) happens not so commonly in this , wherein you may play as fast or as slow as you please ; the excess which some commit therein , proceeding only from the irregularity of their Mind , from which the more discreet are free , retiring upon the first sweat , if they have no other intention . In the Sixth place , it hath no danger as Hunting hath , where the Boar's tooth , the Stag's horn , and the casualties of falling from the Horse , at least excessive toil and weariness , are more certain oftentimes than the pleasure expected from it ; as Running also causeth breaking of the Veins ; and Wrastling . dislocation of Members . Whereto it may be added , that the Body acquires dexterity by the Game of Ball. The Fourth said , That that Exercise seems most healthful , which is suitable to every one's Nature . Walking is not for the lame , nor running for the Phthisical . Above all , every one's Custom is considerable , in which regard the Exercise of our profession leaves us less Exercise than those of others . Wherefore I conclude , for Exercises which besides the motion of the Body , and the divertisement of the Mind , leave some profit behind them ; as when a Man of Affairs gives his dispatches and resolutions as , he is walking , and the Vine-dresser by exercising himself in digging his Vineyard , finds in the Evening , besides the good Stomack he hath gotten , the end of the task which he had propos'd to himself . CONFERENCE CLXX . Whether Vertue consist in Mediocrity . 'T Is the property of every thing destitute of Reason , to be carried to Extremities ; the Stone to the Centre ; Fire to the Circumference ; the Earth imbibes as much water , and an Animal eats as much food as it can ; the Spider weaves as long as it hath where-withall , the Nightingale sings oftentimes till she bursts ; every Passion guided by it self alone , is carry'd to the utmost point . 'T is reason alone that prescribes bounds to these Extremities , which are every where found vicious . On this account , Daedalus in the Fable enjoyn'd his Son Icarus not to take his flight neither too high , for fear lest the wax of his wings should melt at the approach of the fire , which he conceiv'd was in the Sphere of the Sun ; nor yet too near the Sea , for fear of wetting them : But to take the middle way in the Air , which course all have held that have been happy . And as that Man is insupportable , whose Avarice spares his Wine at the first pint ; so Thrift is too late , when you are come to the bottom of the vessel . The Prodigal by doing good to others , does hurt to himself ; the Miser does no good to others , and much less to himself ; he alone that keeps a measure in his Gifts , deserves the name of Vertuous , and makes his Liberality esteem'd . Rashness does oftentimes as much , and more mischief as Cowardise ; but Valour , holding a mean between both , prevents it . The same may be shewn by Induction in all the Vertues , which have therefore been conceiv'd to consist in the middle . In consideration whereof , the Wise-man prayes for neither plenty nor want , that he may eschew the inconveniences of both ; but for a Mediocrity , to which the Ancients , to shew their esteem thereof , gave the attribute of Golden . The Second said , That Mediocrity is an Invention of mean and irresolute Souls , who in expectation what side to take , would keep themselves indifferent to any choice ; and so long as they do so , they shew their want of Masculine Virtue , which alone accomplishes great designes , though with great pains , which are the rate for which in old time the Gods sold every thing ; nor is there a clearer market now-a-dayes , wherein we see none thrive that are neither Fish nor Flesh , and are alwayes to seek for a Master , but only such as have found a good one . Ask those who so much extoll Mediocrity , Whether they would make choice of an indifferent Friend , and do not esteem a zealous one above a luke-warm one ; so hated both by God and Men , that the Scripture saith , God will spew the luke-warm out of his month , they being , in truth , no better than Hypocrites . Moreover , Charity , the sublimest Vertue , and which must survive Faith and Hope , ( perfect Fruition admitting only Love ) ought to be so extream , that it can never be too much ; since we are oblig'd to endanger our selves for others , and to love God more than our selves , and our neighbours as much as our selves , whom we always love too much . Let us see now , whether Justice loves Extremities best ; concerning which matter , we find it said , that the highest Justice is the highest Injustice . Then for Chastity , Is it fit for a Woman ( think you ) to lend one port of her honor to a Friend , and to keep the other ? In brief , Do we not see that a too circumspect Captain deserves not the Name of valiant , but quits it for that of prudent ? And in the practice of Prudence , he who balances too long , and takes not a speedy Resolution to pursue the same yet more courageously , is abandon'd by all the World. Moreover , the Laws of the Athenians punish'd those that would swim between two waters , taking no side in a publick Sedition ; as judging it better to fail in the choice of the one or the other of such parties , than to take none at all . If you have to do with a Priest about a Case of Conscience , is any thing more insupportable than to find an unresolv'd Mind ? The same may be said of an Ambiguous Lawyer and Physitian , who send back their Clients and Patients more dissatisfi'd than they came . He that seeks Employment under Grandees , must not boast of Mediocrity in his abilities to serve ; Diligence will not admit division , much less fidelity ; nothing pleases but what is extream : Which possibly hath brought Hyperboles into such credit at Court , and made nothing more usual in commendations , than the word Extreamly . The Third said . That since a Defect and an Excess is incident to all Humane Actions , Reason requires that we assign the middle place to Virtue , which is defin'd by Aristotle , An Elective Habit consisting in a Rational Mediocrity : And if any be found that seem to be only in Excess , as Humidity in an extream Abasing of of our selves ; Magnanimity in Courage rais'd above the greatest things ; yet their several circumstances , especially those of their End , serve to qualifie and determine them . This Chastity which seems uncapable in excess ( since a Virgin cannot be too chaste ) yet was vicious in the Vestals , because they had an Evil End in Paganism , as it is virtuous in our Nunns . The Fourth said . That Virtue being high and sublime , this argues that it consists in extremity ; as also do all the Theological Virtues ; Charity , as is above declar'd ; Faith , the least doubtings wherein are criminal ; and Hope , which never wavers . So likewise do the Cardinal Virtues , amongst which the inflexible Justice of Cato and Aristides , far surpasseth in dignity the accommodements and wayes of Accord of Arbitrators , which alwayes need a supream Authority to be authoriz'd and executed . Hence a severe Judge of these times having remitted a little of his ordinary severity , to comply with the Humors of the Age , was said , To have become a Man ; as if he had been Divine before . As for Temperance , Chastity which is a Species thereof , is more laudable and better merits the name of Vertue in a Virgin then in a Wife ; and the abstinence of S. Nicholas , who is said to have fasted from the Nurse's Breast , or that of S. Simon Stylites was much more vertuous than ordinary Fastings . In brief , Prudence , though it teach us to keep the middle every where , yet is despis'd when accounted indifferent . Moreover , by the Reason of Contraries , Vertue must consist in extremities , because Vice does so ; and if Vertue should consist in the middle ( which partakes of the nature of the extreams ) it should be composed of two extream Vices ; which is absurd . So the Earth , the vilest part of the World , is in the midst ; and Heaven , the noblest , at the extremities , which are the circumferences . Otherwise we might with some probability render the same reason that a Satyre of these times did , why there are so few vertuous persons now-a-days ; Because , saith he , Envious Antiquity plac'd Vertue in the middle which is a point , and a point is impossible to be found . The Fifth said ; That we must distinguish Moral vertues from Theological . The former consist in mediocrity , but not the later ; and are therefore call'd supernatural as not only attaining but surpassing the bounds of Nature ; yet every moderate moral action is not vertuous , nor every extream vicious . For some are always Vice how little sover you take of them ; as Adultery , Homicide , and Theft ; others , always Vertue in whatever extremity they be found ; as Temperance and Fortitude . And because Action , wherein Vertue consists , is of particular things , this is best verifi'd by examples . Thus Liberality is a mean between Avarice and Prodigality ; the Avarous being excessive in receiving and defective in giving ; the Prodigal , on the contrary , excessive in giving and defective in receiving . Magnificence hath the same respest to great expences that Liberality hath to less . The regular desire of moderate Honors hath for its extreams . Contempt of Honor and Ambition ; Magnificence hath the like , in reference to great honors . Mansuetude or Clemency is between Choler which is offended with every thing , and Stupidity which is offended with nothing : Veracity , between Boasting and Dissimulation ; Facetiousness , between Bouffonry and Rusticity ; Amity , between Flattery , Morosity and Pratling ; Modesty between Fear and Impudence . Indignation to see the wicked abuse Fortune , between Envy which is troubled at the prosperity both of good and bad , and Malevolence which rejoyces at the harm of both ; Sufferance , between Softness and Insensibility ; Prudence , between Stupidity and Craft . In short , all Vertues will be found thus , and have their extreams , although their names are not always easie to express . CONFERENCE CLXXI. Whether the Imagination be able to produce and cure Diseases . AS Health is a natural Disposition fit for performing the several operations of the Bodie 's Organs , and consisting in the due temper of the Similar parts , the Symmetry of the Organical , and the union of both together ; so a Disease is a disposition contrary to nature , hindering the same Functions by destroying the Temperament of the first Qualities , the proportion and laudable conformation of the Organs ; and the Union of both ; whence arise three sorts of Diseases , viz. Intemperies , ill Conformation , and Solution of Continuity . Now the Question is , Whether the Imagination can of it self hinder the ordinary Functions of the Similar parts , by destroying the harmony and temper of the four first Qualities , which is the principle of their actions ; as also those of the Organical parts , by changing the natural Figure , Magnitude , Number and Situation of these Parts , and the action of both by the dissolution and divorce of them asunder . Diseases of bare Intemperature , which is either simple or with matter , the Imagination may produce by moving the Spirits and Humors ; which it hath power to do . For the Spirits being aerious and naturally very hot , when they are sent by a strong Imagination into some part , they may so heat it as by the excess of their heat to destroy the temper of such part ; as Anger sometimes heats the Body into a Fever . And as the too great concourse of these Spirits makes hot intemperatures , so their absence from other parts causes cold Diseases ; as crudities and indigestions , familiar to such as addict themselves to Study and Meditation after Meat ; the Spirits which should serve for Concoction being carry'd from the Stomack to the Brain . In like manner , the Imagination having dominion over the Humors , which it moves by mediation of the Spirits ; as Joy , Shame , and Anger bring blood and heat into the Face and outward parts ; and Fear and Sadness give them a contrary motion ; it appears that it hath power to produce Maladies of Intemperies with matter by the fluxion or congestion of the Humors into some part , and out of their natural seat . But if the Phansie can disorder the work of Conformation in another body then it s own ( as that of an Infant , whose marks and defects wherewith he is born , are effects of his Mothers Phansie ) much more may it cause the same disorder in its own Body , whereunto it is more nearly conjoyn'd . Wherefore , since it can destroy the temper of the Similar parts and the harmony of the Organs , it may also cause Diseases , and by the same means cure them too : for if contraries be cur'd by their contraries , then it may cure a cold distemper by producing a hot one ; and if it hath power to cause by motion of the humors an obstruction in some part , it may by the same means return them to their natural place , and cure such obstruction . 'T was to the Phansie that the cure of those Splenetick persons is to be attributed , who were cur'd by the touch of the great Toe of Pyrrhus's left Foot ; and we see many Cures wrought by Amulets , Periapts , and other like Remedies ; which having no vertue in themselves to produce such an effect , the same must be referr'd to some other cause . Now none hath more empire then the Imagination over the Spirits and other Humours , wherein almost all Diseases consist . The Second said , That the Imagination being a simple Cognoscitive Power cannot of it self produce the effects that are ascrib'd to it . For all Cognition is Passion , and to know is to suffer and receive the Species of the thing that is to be known , whose impression made upon the Organs of Sense is by them carry'd to the Imagination , which judges thereof upon their report . Moreover , there is this notable difference between the Sensitive or Cognoscitive Powers , and the Vegetative or Motive which are destitute of all Cognition , that the latter are active out of themselves and operate upon the Members , which the Motive Faculty moves with full power , and upon the aliments which the Vegetative Faculties ( as the Nutritive and Auctive ) alter and turn into the nature of the parts . But the Sensitive Faculties and all other Cogniscitive Powers have no real sensible action . They are active indeed so far as they are powers issuing from very perfect Forms , but their actions are immanent and produce nothing beyond themselves , and consequently can have no influence abroad . So that the Imagination cannot immediately and of its own nature produce either a Disease or Health in the Body , but only by means of the Motive Power or Sensitive Appetite , the Passions whereof are acknowledg'd by Physitians to be the external causes of Diseases . If the Phansie could produce any thing , it should be by help of the Species it is impregnated withall ; which being extracted from things , some think that they eminently contain the vertues of the objects from whence they issue and whereof they are Pictures , and that hence it is that the Teeth are set on edge upon the hearing of grating sounds , that the sight of a Potion purges many , and that of salt things makes the Stomack rise in others , and that the thought of the Plague oftentimes propagates it more then the corruption of the Air. Nevertheless these effects proceed only from the various motion of Heat and the Spirits caus'd by the Appetite and the Motive Power , which are distinct from the Imagination . For if the Species had the same power with the objects from which they issue , they would not be perfective but destructive of their Organs ; the Species of Heat would burn the Brain , that of Cold would cool it , both would destroy it , which is contrary to experience . For though Heat and Cold are contraries in Nature , yet they are not so in the Understanding , but rather friendly ; the one contributing to the knowledg of the other ; and the end of Intentional Species is not to alter , but onely to represent the objects whereof they are copies . The Third said , That Aristotle hath built his Physiognomy upon the great connection and sympathy of the Soul with the Body , which is such , that the one causeth considerable changes in the other : To which purpose the Soul employes no other more effectual instrument then the Imagination . Which power of the Soul upon the Body is evinc'd by the mighty effects of the Passions , especially of Fear , Love , and Anger ; Fear having kill'd many , as particularly St. Valier before the stroke of the Executioner : On which account it is also that Mirth is commended for one of the best preservatives from the Plague . And we see that Fear and Sadness are no less the causes then the infallible signs of the Disease call'd Melancholy . The same is further verified by the strange Histories of those , who being become sick by Fancy , could not be cur'd but by curing the Fancy first ; the Remedy being to be of the same kinde with the Disease . Thus he who fancy'd he had no head , could not be restor'd to his right sense till the Physician clapping a leaden Cap upon him , left him to complain a while of the Head-ache . And another , who having study'd Physick a little , and took up a conceit that he had a prodigious excrescence in his Intestinum Rectum , could not be cur'd till the Chirurgeon had made semblance of cauterizing it . Another Gentleman who durst not piss for fear of causing an universal Deluge , was cur'd of his conceit by the Countrey peoples crying out , Fire , and desiring him to quench it . In like manner another believing himself dead would not eat , and had dy'd in good earnest , had not his Nephew ( who was reported dead ) come into his Chamber in a winding Sheet , and fallen to eat before his Uncle , who thereupon did the like . And to go no further , the tying of the Codpiece-point is accounted an effect of the Fancy , and is cur'd by curing the Fancy alone . So likewise a Lord of Quality falling sick accidentally in a poor Village , and complaining less of his Malady then that he should dye without a Physician : no other expedient was found but to cloath his Cook in the Curates Gown ; upon which he presently became half cur'd : but causing the Curtains to be undrawn that he might the better see to thank his Doctor , he discover'd the deceit , and fell sick again more dangerously then before : his imagination thus producing the effects both of sickness and recovery . CONFERENCE CLXXII . Of Fascination , or Bewitching . FAscination or Bewitching is the doing of hurt to one by sight , without Contact mediate or immediate ; to deny which , is to deny common experience , the verdict of all Antiquity , of the Learned , and of the Holy Scripture it self . The manner of it is vulgarly thought to be this , namely , when one , maliciously , and with a dangerous eye beholding some fair Child , ( whose tenderness of body makes it more subject to hurt then a stronger person ) hurts it by commending it ; which Sorcery is thought to be render'd ineffectual by making Children wear about their Necks some preservatives , ridiculous indeed , yet much in use , particularly amongst the Spaniards ; such as the figure of a thumb between the two fore-fingers in the form observ'd in making a fig for one ; 't is also a practice to make such a fig when they rise in the morning , and to spit three times in the bosom . Now this kinde of Fascination the Poet extends even to Beasts , in the common Verse , Nescio quis teneros oculus mihi fascinat agnos . Some refer it to Antipathy , as they do the Basilisk's killing at a distance , and the hoarseness caus'd by sight of a Wolf. Plutarch in the fifth Book of his Symposiacks saith , That some hurt their Parents and Friends with their Eyes alone ; and he relates a story of one Entelidas , who ( like a second Narcissus ) perceiving himself handsome in a Fountain , thereupon lost both his health and his beauty : whence he concludes , that such Fascination proceeds not alwayes from Envy , but he refers the cause to the perverse custom some get of doing mischief , which being turn'd into nature , becomes as necessary to them as 't is to a bowl to roll . Others think it an effect purely natural ; as a Blear Eye infects the beholder with the same evil ; and Plutarch saith , He saw certain ancient people call'd Thibii , who by their aspect hurt not onely Children , but perfect men : the visual rayes being render'd more active by the evil habit of those that have intention to hurt out of envy , which is discern'd commonly by frequent beholding the prosperity of a hated person ; whence comes the word Invidere . An example whereof is seen in the little Bird call'd a Witwal , which becomes sick by the sight of one that hath the Jaundies ; whereof the Bird being presently conscious shuts its eyes upon such a persons approach . For the poison is communicated onely to such as are fit to receive it , even at further distance then fire reacheth Babylonian Naptha . And they hold that Envy , or some other passion , increases its activity , the soul promoting the operations of the body ; as the imagination excites love , and eager Dogs sometimes become blinde through the violence wherewith they pursue their Game . This opinion is backt by the observation of menstrous women , whose aspect alone taints a Looking-glass ; and also by the effects proceeding from the passion of Love , the cause whereof is attributed to the Eyes , which are sometimes so disorder'd by erotical Folly , that they see not the objects before them , which cannot be attributed to beauty alone , considering that the fairest women have oftentimes least power to attract Lovers by their looks ; whence some are found more dangerous to behold then others . Besides , Plutarch , Aristotle , and Heliodorus , who confirm this Fascination , ( which is deriv'd from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Envy ) in Deut. 28.56 . This word is us'd and translated by St. Austin , Fascination ; and the Chaldeans call'd it an evil-Eye , as elsewhere that Eye of the envious Hireling is so term'd . But St. Paul speaks plainly of it , Gal. 3.1 . asking the Galatians , Who hath bewitched or fascinated you not to obey the Truth ? Which St. Anselm interprets thus , Who hath hurt you by a livid and envious beholding of your perfection , or ( like Enchanters ) hath deluded you and made you see one thing for another ? And Tertullian saith , That Fascination , which so followeth Praise , that the one is taken for the other , is a work of the Devil , and sometimes also a punishment of God upon such as forget themselves through vanity . The Second said , That Fascination in the vulgar sense , is not onely possible but natural , though the cause be occult ; as also are magnetical and electrical attractions . Thus maleficiated persons infect by insensible transpiration what they wear about themselves : whereunto the eye's structure and temper renders it the fittest part of the body ; whence , besides Diseases of the eyes , we see Tears easily draw others from those that behold them shed . Pliny relates that the Tribalians and Illyrians when angry , kill'd people by their aspect alone . And Olaus , That the same is done at this day in some Northern Nations . 'T is read of Tiberius that his eyes sparkled in the night , insomuch that a Souldier dy'd by beholding him . And Pyrrhus so terrifi'd another , who came to dispatch him , that onely by looking upon him , he render'd him unable to touch him : For , whether vision be by Emission ( as the Platonists hold ) the Rayes will carry with them the qualities of the Eye that emits them ; or by Reception ( as Aristotle will have it ) the colours resulting from the impression of the qualities of a visible object will not be destitute of the same qualities ; or partly by emission , and partly by reception ( according to Galen ) the rencontre of both sorts of Rayes cannot but be of great efficacy , especially when animated by the Passions of Choler , which enflames them , or of Envy , which envenoms them . The Third said , That there are two sorts of Fascination , the one natural , performed by natural means , as venomous and malignant qualities , which are sent from one body to another , and infect the same by their malignity ; the other supernatural and diabolical , perform'd by secret means , whereby the vulgar believe that Witches can make sick whom they please by touching , beholding , and speaking to them ; which three wayes they employ to bewitch those to whom they desire mischief . The first sort of Fascination is possible , and is founded upon the Antipapathy and Contrariety which is found between almost all Bodies ; so that even the shadows of some Trees are noxious to some Animals , as that of the Yew to Man , and that of the Ash to Serpents . The Fig-Tree appeases the madness of the Bull when he is ty'd to it , by emission of certain vaporous spirits , which entring into him temper and reduce him to moderation : and from the same reason meat hang'd on a Fig-Tree becomes more tender and delicate , to wit , by attenuating its grosser parts . For the heat of every living body incessantly raising , and sending forth vapors and spirits , when these spirits meet others like themselves , they serve them instead of a recruit , and increase the good disposition of the body wherein they are . And 't is this way that old women prejudice the health of Children , whilst their vapid spirits are imbib'd by the tender skin of the Infants , and so corrupting the humors , disorder their natural functions . Hence also consumptive persons give their disease to such as breathe near them ; and so likewise all contagious and occult maladies are communicated by one morbid subject , to another dispos'd to receive the same affection . But the latter sort of Fascination , whereby common people think that not onely men and Animals may be kill'd , but also plants dry'd up , streams stopt , stones broken in pieces , and the like ; is no-wise in the power of nature , whatever the Arabians say , who ascribe all these effects to imagination , whose power they equal to that of Intelligences , who are able to move the whole Universe . For if it doth nothing of it self in its proper body , where it simply receives the species of things , it must do less without its precinct . Moreover , 't is impossible for a sound man to make another sick , because he cannot give what himself hath not ; they , in whom by an extraordinary corruption the blood , seed , or other humors have acquir'd a venomous quality , being necessarily sick . So that 't is a pure work of Devils ; who knowing the properties of things , apply the same really to the parts of the body without our privity , whilst they amuze our senses with other objects , as the aspect of another person , or some such insignificant thing . Besides that , children being apt to lose their flesh upon unapparent causes , such a change may be purely natural , whilst it is by mistake charg'd upon a strangers praises of the Infant , who must necessarily grow worse , because it cannot become better . CONFERENCE CLXXIII . Of Amulets ; and whether Diseases are curable by Words , Tickets , or other things hang'd at the Neck , or applyed to the body of the Diseased . THis Question depends upon the Precedent ; for if 't is possible to make a person sick by the Aspect alone , it may seem also possible to cure him by Contact alone . In the examining of the matter , we must distinguish , as elsewhere also , supernatural cures from those which come to pass according to the course of nature . Of the former sort are all the Miracles of the Holy Scripture , and Ecclesiastical History , those which Gods power manifests in all times by his Saints , and the cure which he hath reserv'd to our Kings by their sole Touch. Some cure may likewise happen naturally by the pronouncing of words , when the Patients Fancy is so strong that it hath power enough over his body to introduce some notable change therein ; whence that Physician cures most , in whom most confide . Thus I have seen some persons eas'd of the Tooth-ache , upon sticking a knife in a Tree , and pronouncing some barbarous words . But it falls out oftentimes , that the effect of one cause is attributed to another . Such was the cure of a Gentleman of the Ligue , whom the late King Henry the IV. surprized in the Town of Loges as he was shivering with a Quartain Ague , and the King in Railery sent him a Receipt against his Ague ; the sight whereof presently cur'd him , through the fear he had of that unexpected approach . So also many remedies act by some occult property , as Paeony hung about Childrens necks against the Epilepsy ; and Quick-silver apply'd upon the Breast , or hung in a Quill , is believ'd a preservative against the Pestilence : all precious stones are thought to have some vertue against some indisposition of the body or minde : The Eagle-stone apply'd to the Arm retains the child in the Womb ; and to the knee , facilitates Delivery : Coral and the Jasper stop Blood : the Nephitick Stone is conceiv'd to void the Gravel of the Kidneyes ; the hinder foot of a Hare carry'd in the Pocket cures the Sciatica of the same side from which it was taken . For , Remedies whose sole application cures by their penetrating and sensible vertue are not of this rank . Thus , if Quick-silver apply'd cures the Pox by causing a Flux at the mouth , it must not be term'd an Amulet ; nor Cantharides , when apply'd , as a vesicatory , they cause Urine ; nor Epithemes apply'd to the Heart or Liver : but herbs and other things laid to the Patients wrist may be so styl'd , when they have no manifest qualities proper against an Ague . The Question therefore is , Whether such Applications , Suspensions , and Wearings , have any Natural Effect ; I conceive , they have not . For a Natural Action requires not only some Mathematical or Physical Contact , but also a proportion between the Cause and its Effect . Now what proportion can there be between a Prayer or other Speech ( most commonly insignificative ) and the Cure of a Disease , much less between a little Ticket , or other suspended Body ; and an Ague ? what is said of the weapon-salve , being either fabulous or diabolical , and alwayes superstitious ; as the Phylacteries of the Jews were . Although this Error is so ancient that the Greek Athletae were wont to arm themselves with such things against sluggishness , of which trifles , their Adversaries also made use to overcome them in Wrastling ; and at this day , some wear certain Chracters about them , that they may win at play . In like manner , the Romans hung Amulets about their Children's necks , which they call'd Praefifcini , and Fascini , and made of Jet ; as the Spaniards make them at present . To which , to attribute any power upon the account of their Form , Number , or other regard beside their Matter , is an Error as great in Philosophy , as it would be impiety and contempt of the Church to extend his conclusion to Dei's , Reliques , and other sacred things , whose so continual Effect cannot be question'd but by the prophane and heretical . The Second said , That by the Doctrine lately publish'd in the Treatise of Talismans , it appears , that not only Matter , but also Figure , Number , and other correspondences with the Celestial Bodies have some efficacy ; which to question , because we know not the manifest Cause , would be too great presumption . Yea , I would not call all such Effects Supernatural , since there are so many things feasible , whereof we know not the Cause . And as to the Supernatural Effects of Amulets , they are of two sorts : For either they are perform'd by the favour and blessing of God , who redoubles , yea , heightens to a seemingly unpossible degree , the Effects of Natural Causes , or else changes them : Or they are effected by help of the Evil Spirit , who is the Ape of Divine Actions . As then , in consequence of the Sacraments , God's Graces are conferr'd upon Christians , so the Devil agrees with the Sorcerer or Magician , that as often as he shall make such a sign , or speak such a word , such an Effect shall follow ; whence 't is no wonder if the Devil , though inclin'd solely to Evil , sometimes does good , as healing a Disease by applying true Natural Agents to Patients , thereby to accustom the Sorcerer to give credit to his words . Thus an Italian having sold a familiar Spirit , bethought himself to put a great Spider in a box , and yet he that bought it found the same use and benefit of it which he desir'd . The Third said , That without recurring to good or bad Angels , whose powerful Effects cannot be question'd but by Miscreants , we find something in the ordinary course of natural things that makes for Amulets , the Antiquity whereof is testifi'd by that saying of a Roman , who being sick , and ask'd how he did , answer'd his Friend , thus : You may see how ill I am by this Ticket , which I have suffer'd to be put about my Neck : intimating that he must needs be very sick to suffer it , since he gave no credit to it . And yet Confidence is a necessary condition for the making Amulets efficacious . For as the belief of sickness oftentimes makes people sick indeed ; so an Opinion that they shall be cur'd by such an Action , Writing , or Word , is capable to work a Cure in those whose Minds have great power over their Bodies : Which Opinion , being founded only upon the Word , Writing , or the applying of an Herb to the Patient's Wrist , or other such Conceipt , the same cannot be term'd other than an Amulet . Besides , 't were a great rashness to conclude , that there is no Connexion or necessary Consequence between Words and Effects ; since the same is found by Experience : And Words are the signes and images of things , and consequently , have some proportion between them . Whence possibly , they that hunt the Hyaena cry continually , I do not see her , till she be enter'd into the toil , which she doth boldly upon Confidence of that Speech ; and when they cry , I do see her , she endeavors to fly and get out of the Net , but intangles her self further therein : And in old time Gardners curs'd Parsley as they sow'd it , to make it spring up the sooner . Hence also the very naming of filthy things , especially when we are eating , turns our Stomacks ; and the mention of heinous Crimes makes us frown . And lest this should be attributed to Phansie alone , which is prov'd before not to be active , but only cognoscitive , we find that Serpents are charmed by words ; and Hesiod hath a Verse to drive away Cantharides ; and Shepherds affirm , that according to the diversity of certain Words , breeding Mares bring forth either Males or Females . CONFERENCE CLXXIV . Whether Fruition diminishes Love. THe Ignorance of the Definition of Love , seems to have occasion'd this Question . For since the Passions are distinguish'd only by the various apprehension of Good and Evil ; Hope , respecting good absent ; Love , that which is present ; ( whence 't is seldom without some inward joy , and Lovers would not be freed from their Passion , though they complain of it ) to question , Whether we love what we possess , is to question , Whether Love be Love. Besides , Love being not of things unknown , it follows that the more we know , the more we love that which is amiable ( as we do by possessing it ) for we cannot judge of that which we possess not , but by the report of others , which is commonly lyable to fallacy , according to the several interests of the Reporters : Which will appear better by the comparison of one that prefers a Picture before what it represents . For what proportion there is between the Picture of a Mistress , and the Mistress her self ; the same is found between such Mistress whilst she permits her Servant no privacy , and her self when she is married to him ; the Actions of the one being but the shadow and Picture of those of the other , which are discover'd in their simplicity by fruition . We may say therefore , that the Passion before Enjoyment , is Desire ; but Possession alone is capable to produce true Love. Besides , the perfection of each thing compleats it , and places it in its highest point , instead of destroying it ; so likewise Enjoyment , which is the perfection of Love , and the sole Butt it aims at , doth not extinguish it . As one delightful meal may appease present hunger , but with-all it incites us rather to desire another than to disgust it . The Second said , Did we not converse with things altogether imperfect , Possession would encrease Love , because it would see new perfections in the thing belov'd : But on the contrary , common Experience teaches us the imperfection of what , before Enjoyment , we accounted highly of ; and so our Love of it comes to be diminish'd . Besides , difficult things being the fairest , and contrarily brave things , whose acquisition is easie , contemn'd , ( witness the Orders of Knight-hood and other Honors , which have been made rare , only that they might be the more amiable ) it follows that we less love what we have in our power , than what we have not ; Humane weakness being soon weary of every thing , and naturally carry'd to change : But we cannot be weary of things not in our power , and , consequently , we must esteem them more than what we possess , the familiarness whereof , is apt to breed Contempt of it in us : Besides that , the Mind is prone to seek what it wants , and to esteem the condition of another above its own . Thus the Ox would fain gallop like the Horse , who on the other side envies his labour at the Plough ; and every one takes more pleasure in speaking of what he least understands , and about the profession of others , than about his own . Yea , Experience shews us , that Lovers relinquish both the thing and name of Servants , as soon as they are marry'd . Whence a late Poet speaking of his Mistress , said , He knew no way to moderate the excessive Love he had for her , but by marrying her . The Third said , That true Love must be distinguish'd from false ; this latter decresing by fruition , whereas the former is encreas'd by it ; as also we must distinguish of Subjects that are lov'd . Those that deserve not to be so , are like coarse Pictures which require to be beheld at a distance and in a certain station , because neerness discovers their defects ; whereas the nearer an excellent and well drawn piece is beheld , the more it is esteem'd . Besides , a difference must be made between what is practis'd and what ought to be practis'd . The defects of the person loving are not to be imputed to the thing loved ; and therefore the Question should not be whether Enjoyment diminishes , but whether it ought to diminish Love ; as indeed it neither ought nor doth in things truly amiable ; for the more they are known , the more they endear themselves . As therefore the more the Sun ripens a Grape , the sweeter it is : and yet one in a Fever thinks it bitter and prefers Verjuice before it ; which nevertheless , makes us not conclude Verjuice the sweeter of the two : So the disgust of a Lover is not to be imputed to the thing lov'd , but is indeed an argument of his own imperfection . The Fourth said , If the diminution of Love upon enjoyment were a sign of weakness of judgment , Women would not be ( as they are ) more constant then Men after the same : as we see , more Men desert the Love of Women , then on the contrary . Witness the story of Demophoon after enjoyment of the King of Thrace's Daughter , who fell into despair upon his departure , as Medea did upon that of Jason , and Dido upon that of her Aeneas . The cause whereof seems not imputable to feminine Pudor , as if having yielded themselves to one man they could not keep their honour unless they keep their affection : but the reason is , because Men are more perfect then Women and find more causes in them for change . Yet I conceive that the augmentation or diminution of Love ariseth not from enjoyment ; as appears by Friendship , which is contracted only after long converse , and the eating of many bushels of Salt together ( as the Proverb speaks ) so far is a thorough knowledg , such as Enjoyment gives us , from diminishing it . Not to mention the examples of many married couples , who if occasion were offer'd , would not stick to imitate the noble contention of Gracchus and Cornelia , and chuse to dye one for the other . The Fifth said , That if Fruition diminishes Love , it must be the fault either of the Lover , or the thing lov'd . Not the first ; for he is always the same person , and fruition renders his object more sensible , and consequently more amiable to him . Nor the latter ; since the very imperfections of the thing lov'd seem so many perfections to him that loves it , Balbinumque suae delectat polypus Agnae . Thus also the imperfections of Children diminish not their Parents love , but by the help of compassion augment the same ; Grandfathers commonly love their Childrens Children more tenderly then their own ; and amongst their own , the youngest . Which holds not only in this kind of work , but in all others ; bad Painters having no less kindness for their own pieces then Apelles could have for his . The Sixth said , That the Question may be determin'd by distinguishing the sorts of Love. Impetuous Love , such as is found in Youth and the Poets describe , swells ( like Torrents ) by resistance , and languishes by liberty . Regular and sober Love , such as is found in ripe years , towards deserving subjects , and especially divine things , encreases ( like Rivers ) by the accession of new Notions , as so many new Springs , till it end in a boundless Ocean . Either sort receives augmentation or diminution according to the diversity of the minds affected therewith ; the weak , as less capable of understanding the inconveniences of this impetuous passion , ( which mastering all the rest , deprives them of the use of Reason , and renders them unprofitable to other actions of life ) continue longer before they come to themselves and quit this trouble . Hence Women , and of them the least judicious , are conceiv'd to retain this passion longest , even after possession of what they lov'd . The contrary happens in the other love , wherein the more we enjoy , the more we are enflam'd to further pursutes of knowledg . CONFERENCE CLXXV . Whether 't were better to know all that men now know , or all that they ignore . NOne doubts but there are still things to be known , and consequently Sciences to be attained . But if we will stand to the wiseman's sentence , That all known Sciences are vanity ( that is to say , Nothing ) , the Question will soon be voided , there being no comparison between Nothing and Something . Moreover , there being no Science without Demonstration , and very few or no Demonstrations in any Discipline , which themselves are founded upon Principles not demonstrable , which nevertheless ought to be known ; it follows that there is no Science , and that we know but one thing with Pythagoras , to wit , That we know nothing . And Pyrrho went further ; not allowing that men know themselves ignorant , but that they must be contented to doubt of it , yea and to doubt of their very doubting . Accordingly we see that no reason is ever so strong but some other may be found that thwarts it ; and in all Disciplines the most skillful are the most unresolv'd and furthest from that Scholastick temerity ; which boasts of knowing every thing , and never doubts of any thing ; like those young Captains that make head upon every occasion , whereas your veterans are more sober . So likewise the most skillful Physicians are always least hasty in their Judgments and Prescriptions ; and Lawyers the more practise and experience they have , the more contrary presidents they find in the same case . If you ascend to Divinity there you will find more ignorance than any where else ; yea Ignorance is the first degree , and one of the conditions requir'd to it , which was the reason why S. Paul so much blames Philosophy , and our Lord chose the simplest and most ignorant , such as poor Fishers , not Doctors of the Law nor Scribes and Pharisees , who were the most learned of his Country . And at this day when matters of Religion seem most refin'd , there 's none so rash but acknowledges that one single moment of the Vision of God gives more knowledg then the whole Sorbonne hath , and that there is no more comparison between what all the men of the world together know of God , and what Beatitude will teach of him , then there is between finite and infinite , that is , none at all . Whereby it appears that the knowledg of men is infinitely exceeded by what they ignore . I shall instance further in the Mechanick Arts , wherein if you compare the things our Artificers are ignorant of with those they know , the most excellent amongst them will confess himself very unskilful and ignorant ; whereof the sole ancient Inventions now lost may serve for a proof . For in some Roman Monuments lately discover'd there have been found Lamps which burnt twelve or fifteen hundred years , and were not extinguish'd but upon letting in of the Air ; particularly in the Tomb of Cicero's Daughter at Padua . The invention of a perpetual Motion which animated Archimedes Sphear , dy'd with him ; that of malleable Glass , with its Inventor , who was wretchedly slain by Tiberius ; that of melting Stones or making artificial ones , or at least of transporting and managing them , whereby the Romans built those great Piles of Amphitheaters , and other Works inimitable by us , is not known at this day ; yea , to go no further , the goodness of building with most of the materials of the Ancients is perish'd with them . So that 't is no wonder that at this day many of their Histories are accounted Fables ; such as the teaching of an Elephant to Dance upon the Rope , which Suetonius affirms was seen in a Spectacle given to the Roman People ; the care and industry of Men being much diminish'd in this lee of times , wherein they desire to obtain every thing without pains . For the new Inventions of later Ages , as the Compass , Guns , Printing , Telescopes , and some others , were before Chance produc'd them , or at least gave some hints to their Inventors , in respect of us in the same Nothing wherein are all other possible things not yet effected . So that 't is easie to conceive that there are infinite such secrets , or more excellent ( as the Philosopher's Stone , the Quadrature of the Circle , the Fountain without end , and many other things whereof we have only confus'd notions ) which he that should know would be as much higher then all other men , as the Intelligences are above them . For Daemons , whether good or bad produce none of their Marvels but by this Science of things to us unknown ; whence we oft-times term that miraculous which is purely natural . As may appear by the few Secrets found in the hands of men , which make them admir'd by all others , and anciently advanc'd them to the rank of Gods. The Second said , This Opinion ( that what we ignore is better then what we know ) is founded upon the maligne envious nature of some who slight what is their own , and esteem only what is anothers , meerly because they want it : as those that ascend up a Ladder , trample on the step that upholds them , still aspiring to that which is above them , but only to trample on it also next . So he that knows not some new thing , despises all he knows already , to learn it ; and having learn'd it , despises it also . For 't is likely our first Parents who had knowledge of all things , preserv'd the memory of what deserv'd it best ; yea , that for so many Ages as the World hath lasted , men have retain'd the most profitable Sciences and Inventions that Art or Chance hath taught them . If they have let some be lost , 't is because they found them unprofitable . And as Solomon saith , we shall see nothing in the future but what hath been already : Should the World last as long again as it hath done , it would be but a continual repetition of the same things . Nothing is spoken , but it hath been spoken formerly . The terms of all Sciences have been so often mixt , that as few or no new words are produc'd in any Language , so there cannot be many productions of Wit but what are repetitions of old ones , cloth'd in a new mode . For , to instance in the Liberal Sciences ; is it possible to Read , Write , and Speak either in Prose or Verse better then men do at present ? Can the Demonstrations of the Mathematicks become more certain by time then they are now ? Will it be more true to morrow then 't is to day , that the whole is bigger then its part ? Have the Chymists and other pretended reformers of Physick , succeeded better then others ? Can the Laws be better understood then they are ? And for Divinity ; is it possible to know more of it in this world then is known at present ? whilst experience teaches us that the multitude of Books doth not less perplex then profit us , both in this and all other Sciences ? But , suppose this old Errour had some likelihood , to examine the certainty of it we must compare what we know with what we ignore ; because both the terms of the Proportion sought , ought to be known . Now we are conscious indeed of what we know , but it implies a contradiction that we should know what we know not . Wherefore if we should quit the Sciences and Arts known and practis'd by men for what we know not , we should have the same fortune with Aesop's Dog , who let go his morsel of flesh for the shadow of it which appear'd greater in the water , where indeed there was nothing at all . The truth is , those that have employ'd most time , labour , and money in the search of Secrets , confess that they have met with nothing but smoak . Whence if there be any curious Artificer , he is always unprosperous , because he never attains his purpose . The Third said , That from what hath been said of the difference of the knowledge of Daemons and ours , the resolution of the question is apparent . For since our knowledge is much short of theirs , it follows that we have more things to learn then we know ; the having a habit , not being necessary for knowing its privation . Thus one born deaf and blinde , yet knows that he wants more knowledge through his defect of Hearing and Sight , then he hath by his remaining senses : and though I see not Night because it is not visible , nevertheless I consider by it the beauty of the absent day . Yea , he that hath no Science , commonly values it higher then the Learned themselves do . CONFERENCE CLXXVI . Whether Musick doth more hurt or good . OUr Soul being a proportion , loves what partakes thereof ; whence the Rules of Architecture ill-observ'd , and the Gestures of Clowns displease the Eye , and disorderly sounds hurt the Ear. For though there is proportion in the Senses of Touching , Smelling , and Tasting ( which is the reason why cold hands are so pained upon immediately approaching a hot Fire ; and moderate smells and rellishes please us better then excessive ) yet onely two senses are well capable of judging of this proportion ; namely , the sight , and the hearing . And the same respect that there is between Beauty and Deformity , in reference to the Sight , is found also between Harmony and Discord in regard of the Hearing . Wherefore Musick being the Art of Harmony , they who love it not , are as extravagant as they that make no difference between a fair and an ugly face , proportion being the chief difference of both . Hence some are not contented to account this Art as a Rule and Touchstone whereby to discern well temper'd spirits from others , but have ventur'd to assert the hatred thereof a mark of reprobation . Moreover , the most ancient Contests , were about the prerogative of Musick , every one pretending to be master thereof . Witness that of the Muses with the Syrens , of these with Thamyris , of Apollo with Marsyas , Linus , and Pan , ( who punisht Midas's in judiciousness with Asses Ears ) and that of Nero with all the Musicians of his time . Yea , it cures some Diseases , ( as the biting of the Tarantula and Melancholly ) and asswages the raving of Daemoniacks , ( as we read in the story of Saul . ) The crying of new-born Children is quieted by the jingling of Keyes or a Basin , and when they are become bigger they are diverted with the singing of their Nurses . Youth particularly delights in Musick ; whence the Cretians made their Laws to be more easily learnt by their young people by causing them to sing them ; and we see the Rules of Grammar are for the same reason contriv'd into Verse . Caius Gracchus , when a man made use thereof to regulate the tone of his voice , never making an Oration but with his Servant behinde him ; who twanging a Musical Instrument , took him down when he was too high , and rais'd him when he was too low . And Achilles in Homer diverted himself with his Harp when he was at leasure from his Military Employments . Artificers sweeten the tediousness of their labour with Songs . Shepheards chear themselves with it , and it makes Maids spin more nimbly . Theodulphus the Bishop redeemed himself out of prison with a Hymne which he compos'd , beginning Gloria , laus , & honor . The story is known of Arion cast into the Sea by Pyrats , and carry'd safely to shore by a Dolphin , whom he ravish'd with his Voice and Harp , which was first instituted to honour the Gods. The Indians perform'd their Worship by Dancing to Songs , Cybele's Priests with Cymbals , the Curetes with Drums and Trumpets ; the Romans sung Spondaick Verses , whilst they offer'd their Sacrifices ; and David danc'd before the Ark , all his Psalms being fitted to the Harp , and other harmonious Instruments of that time . And in this , see what power Organs have to enflame the zeal of the devout , and how melodious voices are with it ; so that the chief difference of Divine Service is in the Singing . And as for publick or private Feasts and Ceremonies , nothing renders them more compleat then Musick ; whence the Verse , Convivii citharam quam Dii fecêre sodalem . 'T was the custom to present a Lute to the Guests ; and to him that could not play , a branch of Bayes , which oblig'd him to a Song . But above all , the use of Musick is effectual in War , whence the Spartans march'd to the sound of Flutes in a kinde of Dance , to the end that by the motion of their Souldiers they might discern the valiant from the poltrons . The Pythagoreans themselves were lull'd asleep with the Harp , to appease the troubles of their minde . In short , Musick accompanies us to the Graves , where people sing Elegies for the deceased . Thus the Phoenicians added Flutes to their mournings , and the Romans had their Siticines who sung at their Funerals . For Musick excites both sadness and mirth . And just as Physick either quiets or purges the humors of our bodies , so doth Musick the Passions of the minde . Plato conceiving that it was given to man not only to tickle his ears , but also to maintain the Harmony of the Soul with the Body , and to awake our sleeping vertues . Thus of divers modes , the Dorick makes prudent and chaste , the Phrygian excites to War and Religion , the Lydian abates pride and turns it into lamentations , the Ionick excites to honest pleasures and recreations . Hence Aegysthus could never corrupt the chastity of Clytemnestra , Agamemnons Wife , till he us'd the help of the Poet and Musician Demodocus ; and the Emperour Theodosius being ready to destroy the City of Antioch was diverted and wrought to mercy by the melodious Sonnets of little Children , instructed thereunto by Flavianus their Bishop . Yea , the Prophet Elisha recommended this Art , when he commanded a Harp to be played on before him , and then Prophesi'd to Joram the overthrow of the Moabites . And Michaia did the like in the presence of Ahab King of Samaria , refusing to prophesie till one had played before him upon a Musical Instrument . The relation of Saxo Grammaticus in the 12th . Book of his Danish History , concerning Henry the 2d . King of Denmark , who being told of the excellent Musick of the Violin , desir'd to see the effects of it ; which were such , that at first it put him into a deep melancholly , and afterwards chearing him up again , rais'd his spirit to such a degree of rage , that he slew four of his Guard , and at last it return'd him to his first temper ; serving onely to shew the excellence of Musick when it is rightly us'd . The Second said , That Musick effeminates mens courage , whilst it sweetens ; like that of Wine taken to excess , intoxicates them , and transports them out of themselves : which hurtful effect gave just cause to the fable of the Syrenes , who allur'd Pilots by their melodious voices , to split against the Rocks . But above all , it excites to filthy pleasures , and blindes the eyes of the Understanding , as Mercury did those of Argus . And its great delectation , through the dissipation of the Animal spirits which the sweetness of the sound attracts by the ear , leaves us less refresht then wearied , and incapable of setting about any serious matter . It s easing the Sciatica ( as 't is reported ) is common to it with every thing that causes great attention , whereby the spirits , and with them the humors being suspended , the fluxion must consequently cease ; and the Rabbins attribute the driving away Saul's evil spirit , not to the Harmony alone of Davids Harp , but to the vertue of the Characters of the Divine Name written upon it . What did the Sybarites get by training their Horses to the Pipe , but this , that the Crotonians causing Minstrels to play at the joyning of a Battel , render'd their Horses useless to the Fight , because they did nothing but Dance . Moreover , Orpheus one of the most ancient Musicians was torn to pieces by women , because he debauch'd their Husbands . Whence also Antisthenes said that Ismenias was either a Fool , or a bad Citizen , because he could play so well upon the Flute ; and Philip was angry with Alexander for singing too well ; and Antigonns his Governour broke his Harp. Therefore the Egyptians banish'd Musicians as corrupters of Youth , and the Lacedemonians were so afraid lest they should grow into credit amongst them that they expelled Timotheus out of their City for adding a string to his Lute . Aristotle also places this Art amongst the Ludicrous , and blames Painters for representing the gods singing and playing upon Instruments ; whose goodliest effect is to break silence , and waste time , leaving no permanent action after it , more then the play of Cards , Dice , and Tennis doth ; which last is much more profitable for health , and is accounted as honourable to be perfectly skill'd in by persons of quality , as 't is shameful to be an excellent Musician . In fine , we read not that our Lord ever Sung , nor yet Adam in the state of Original Righteousness ; but one Jubal , the first Bigamer and second Murderer of the world , is said to have been the inventer of it . CONFERENCE CLXXVII . Whether Barrenness is most commonly tht fault of Husbands or of Wives . AS Fruitfulness is a power whereby every living thing is able to produce its like , so Barrenness is an impotence in it to re-produce is self by the way of Generation ; by means whereof mortal individuals acquire immortality in their Species : to which purpose nature hath furnish'd every one with necessary Organs . The generation of perfect Animals requires three things ; diversity of Sex ; matter or seed , which flows from both Male and Female , and contains in it self the Idea and Character of the parts from which it issues ; and lastly , conjunction of both together , without which nothing is produc'd . And though the defect of Generation may be sometimes on the mans part as well as on the womans ; yet she is more subject to sterility , which is an impotence proper to a woman , who , after the knowledge of a man in an age and time convenient , cannot conceive . For those that conceive not after the 50th . year , or before the 12th . are not term'd barren : Conceptions beyond the former , or before the latter term , being supernatural or extraordinary ; as those of the Manandri and Calingi , and that of one mention'd by Savonarola , whom he saw big with Childe at nine years of Age ; as also the miraculous conception of Elizabeth after she was seventy years old . The cause of Barrenness is ascrib'd by some to the disproportion between the seeds ; whence she that is barren with her first Husband , is fruitful with her second . Those of the woman are either internal or external . The internal depend partly upon the seed and menstrual Blood , and partly upon the temper of the Womb , and the habit of the body . The seed of a woman , as well as that of man , must be of a laudable temper , quantity , and consistence , and provided of spirits enough . If the maternal blood , which concurs likewise to generation , be too plentiful or too little , no effect follows , any more then if it were corrupted or wanted other requisite conditions , The Womb ( which is like the soil to corn ) may be hurt either in its temper , or its conformation , or in the solution of continuity ; all which disorders hinder gravidation . As for the habit of body , we observe that fat women are barren , either because the matter of Seed , which is the purer portion of the Blood , is turn'd into fat ; or because the Epiploon of fat Women pressing upon the Orifice of the Womb , hinders the Seed from entring into the bottom of it . Nor are Women too lean fit for Children , by reason of their dryness , and the tenuity of their Womb , although they are far more fit than fat Women ; but this leanness is to be understood of so great an extenuation , that it leavs the parts dedicated to Generation , destitute of their vigour and due temperature . Neither are the very tall , or very low much fitter ; but those that are of a moderate Corpulency and Stature , whose Breasts are firm , and their lower parts larger than their upper . Now since Conception is an Action proper to the Womb , which quickens the Genitures , the Woman ought rather to be said the Cause thereof than the Man , and ( by the reason of contraries ) the Defect thereof must likewise be charg'd upon her . The Second said , That to blame Women for being more frequently barren than Men , is to deprive them of their chief Glory , which is Fruitfulness . For Nature form'd them chiefly for propagation , as the Conformation of their Bodies seems to prove , in which the parts serving to that purpose , as the Womb and Breasts , have direct communications not only between themselves , but also with the noblest parts of the Body . Whence the Civilians reckon not Praegnation amongst Diseases , ( notwithstanding all its inconveniences ) but , with Physitians , as a sign of health and good disposition . Whereof Vlpian l. 14. ff . de aedilit . edicto , gives this Reason , Because their greatest and peculiar Office is to receive and preserve the fruit . And therefore Woman , having been in Nature's first intention design'd for Generation , she must be also much more fit for it , ( because Nature never fails of her end ) than Man , who being born for Command , Labour , Contemplation , and other more sublime Employments , is design'd for Generation , but in the more remote intention of Nature . For not to speak of the desire of Coition , which might renew the old quarrel that cost Tiresias his Eyes , Women seem far more desirous to be Mothers , than Men do to be Fathers ; and Nature gives no desires in vain . Besides , Man is naturally Hot and Dry ; a Temper less proper for Generation ; and he inoreases the same by Hunting , Warr , Exercises , and other violent Labours ; not to speak of business and study ; On the contrary , Women living alwayes at ease , have a Constitution both of Body and Mind more calm , and , consequently , more fit for this Action , or rather Passion . As therefore 't is more easie to suffer than than to act ; so Women must find less difficulty in Generation ; and , consequently , have less impediment to propagate than Men. I say nothing of Excesses in Dyet , wherein Men are alwayes more licentious ; yet 't is the Excess of Wine that some alledge as the chief Cause , why some Northern Countries are at this day almost desart , whereas anciently they were so populous , that Historians call'd the North the Shop of Men , and the Magazine of Nations . Witness the frequent Colonies issu'd from thence , and the great inundations they have upon other parts of the world . And possibly , the reason why the Hebrew Law oblig'd a Man to marry the Relict of his issuless Brother , was , because it suppos'd the defect to proceed from the Husband , and not from the Wife ; otherwise , why should the Sister of a Wife deceas'd with issue succeed in her stead too ? But this Sex is reckon'd alwayes fit for ingendring , and , indeed , is ever ready for it ( as the other is not ) ; which is the reason ( as a late Lady said ) why Men make sute to Women , rather than these to them . Perhaps also upon the same account , barrenness under the Old Law was accounted by Women so great a reproach ; because being very rare , 't is a kind of a monstrous thing in their Sex to be barren . Moreover , we hear many Women complain to the Judges , which is one of the principal Causes of unfruitfulness . But Histories afford scarce above three or four Women , of whose inability their Husbands complain'd . And to speak truth , as fertility is imputed to the field , and not to the grain , so it must also be to the Woman alone , who is the field of Nature , and not to the Man. The Third said , That besides the Internal Causes of fruitfulness and barrenness , there are also External ones which depend upon the Air , Dyet , Exercises , Passions , and the abuse of the other things call'd Not-natural . The Air by the continual alteration it causeth in the Body , ( which attracts the same by Respiration and Transpiration ) sometimes occasioneth either fruitfulness or sterility , according to the variety of its Substance , Temper , and Qualities ; two whereof , viz. Excessive Heat , and Cold , are great Enemies to Generation ; the one melting ; the other congealing the Humors ; but the excess of Heat least hinders it , especially in Women ; the coldness of whose Temper , is corrected by the warmth , and increas'd by the coldness of the Air ; whence they are more amorous in Summer than in Winter : Whereas the greater heat of Men is weakned by that of Summer , and augmented by the coldness of Winter ; during which , therefore they are more prone to Love. So Dyet too , contributes much to render our Bodies fruitful or barren , not only altering , but making them of the same Temper with it self . Thus the waters of Nilus are so fertile , that they make the Egyptian Women bring forth three or four Children at once , by reason of the Salt-Nitre wherewith that River is impregnated ; and , wherein Chymists place the principle of Fecundity , because Ashes and Earth depriv'd of their Nitre , produce nothing . But cold waters , even such as have the Virtue to petrifie , render Women ( especially ) barren , as most Women in Spain are , through their frequent use of Ice and cold waters ; though some lay the fault upon the rarity and tenuity of their Bodies , and the excess of Heat ; which also is the reason why the African and Southern people are not so fruitful as those of the North. Dyet , hot and moist , easie of digestion , nutritive and full of good juice , conduceth much to render Women fruitful . On the contrary , the frequent use of food hot and dry , gross , and of bad juice , may render them barren , as Leeks and Garlick do ; and amongst other Plants , Mint , which was therefore forbidden to be eaten , or planted in time of war ; wherein 't is needful to repair by Fecundity , the loss of Men it causeth . In like manner , want of Exercise , by the heaping up of superfluous Humors , and too violent and continual Exercises , by desiccating the parts , oftentimes occasion sterility . Amongst the Passions , Sadness is the greatest Enemy to Generation ; whence Hesiod forbids marry'd people to see one another after a Funeral , but only at their coming from a Bath , or from places of Mirth . In fine , what ever is capable to impair the goodness of the Temper , is contrary to Fruitfulness and Generation , which above all other Natural Actions requires an exact harmony of the qualities , and a perfect disposition of the noble parts , which supply Matter and Spirits fit for this Action . And although Men and Women are alike expos'd to External Causes , yet Women being less vigorous , are sooner wrought upon by them . For , to Internal Causes , which are the most considerable , Women are , undoubtedly , more subject ; since beside Seed , which they supply as well as Man , ( who to deserve the name of fruitful , ought only to supply the same in requisite quantity , quality , and consistence , and place it in convenient Recepticles ) the Woman must also afford Blood , and also a place for receiving and preserving both the Seeds and Blood , namely , her Womb , the least disorder whereof , is sufficient to marr the whole work of Generation . Wherefore since she contributes most to Generation , and there are more Causes in her concurring thereunto ; if it take not Effect , she is more in fault than the Man , who hath not so many several concurrences in the business . The Fourth said , That the Causes of sterility being either Natural or Adventitious , and equal in the Man and the Woman , nothing can be determin'd upon this Question . For in either Sex , there are both universal and particular deficiences of right Temper , and as many Effeminate Men as Viragoes , ( the one not less unfit for Generation than the other , as Aristotle saith ) Castration is practis'd in both , and disorderly living is equal as well in Male as Female in these dayes . For if Men exceed in drinking , Maids and Women are as bad in Gluttony and Lickerishness . If there be any difference , 't is from the diversity of Climate ; Women being found more fruitful in hot Countries , and less in cold , but Men contrarily ; the intemperies of either Sex being corrected by an opposite constitution of Air. Hence such Women as have been long barren , sometimes become fruitful by change of Air , Places , manner of Life , and especially of Age , by which the temperament of the Body being sensibly alter'd , it acquires the Fruitfulness it wanted , by acquiring the Qualities and Conditions necessary to Generation . Many likewise upon the same reason , become fuitful after the use of Mineral Waters or Baths , and being thereby deliver'd from several Diseases , to which barren Women are more subject than such as have Children , whom Parturition rids of abundance of Excrements peculiar to that Sex , and occasioning many disorders in the barren . The Fifth said , That the observation made by Bodin in his Republick , and several other famous Authors , [ that the number of Women much exceeds that of Men ] seems to void the Question ; Nature having thereby sufficiently given us to understand , That fewer men are as fruitful as more women . Which observation is verifi'd , not only in the East and other Countries , where plurality of Wives hath places ; but also in France , where there is no Province wherein Virgins remain not unmarry'd for want of Husbands . Moreover , one man may beget abundance of Children in the space of nine moneths , during which a woman breeds but one or two ; and therefore Man seems more fruitful then Woman , who beginning to be capable of Generation but two years before Man doth ( viz. at 12 years old at the soonest ) ends 23 years sooner then he ; for men generate at 70 years of age and more , but women end at 50. During which time also they are subject to far more infirmities and maladies than men ; who have not above four or five , whereof women are not capable ; but women have fifty or threescore peculiar to themselves . CONFERENCE CLXXVIII . Whether Complaisance proceeds from Magnanimity or Poorness of Spirit . COmplaisance is a habit opposite to Roughness ; the first being a Species of Civility , the latter of Rusticity . Now since we are complaisant either in good or bad things , to be so must be commendable or blameable according to the nature of the object . But because no body doubts that we ought to be complaisant in vertuous actions , and that they are as culpable who connive at vice as they that commit it ; It remains to consider of Complaisance in indifferent things , as 't is in common practise amongst men ; and as Juvenal represents it in a person that falls a weeping as soon as he sees his friends tears , and when he smiles laughs aloud ; and if you say , you are very hot , he sweats ; if cold , he runs to his Fur-gown . Now the Question is , whether such a man hath more of courage or baseness , I conceive he shews himself a very pitiful fellow . For this deportment differs not from that servile Vice , Flattery , which is near akin to Lying , and easily turns from an indifferent to a vicious action . Thus Courtiers varnish vices with the name of such vertues as have most conformity therewith , calling Avarice , Frugality ; Lasciviousness , Love ; Obstinacy , Constancy ; and so in other cases , till they render themselves ridiculous even to those they praise ; who how vain soever they may be , yet cannot hear their own praises without blushing at them , being conscious that they displease all the hearers . Indeed when I am complaisant to any one , 't is for fear to offend him ; and fear was never an effect of Magnanimity . To which all that can be excepted , is that it belongs also to Prudence to fear formidable things . But Fortitude and Courage are never employ'd in the practise of this vertue , which therefore is very much suspected , and oft-times serves for an excuse of cowardice . Hence old men , whom their cold blood makes less courageous , are esteem'd the most prudent ; and if they be not the most complaisant , 't is to be imputed to the sullenness attending that age , as jollity doth youth . Moreover , as Courage leads us to act without fear of danger what we conceive good and just ; so it teaches us to call things by their proper names , as Philip's Souldiers did . On the contrary , Complaisance teaches people to admire beauty in a deformed woman , to commend a bad Poets Verses , and desire a copy of them from him ; to give fair words to such as we will not or cannot do any kindness to ; in brief , to dissemble all things and to disguise our words , contrary to the frequent express prohibition of God in holy Scripture , which calls it having a heart and a heart : so that no person of sound judgment can think such demeanor consistent with true Courage . The Second said , That there is as much difference between Rusticity and Complaisance or Civility , as between a Beast and a Man ; the former leaving us to the guidance of our Appetites and Senses , and to say and do whatever they dictate to us ; the latter over-ruling them by that power of Reason , which after the contest remains victorious over the body and sensuality . A cholerick man suffering himself to be transported by his Passion , utters whatever the violence thereof suggests to him ; whereas one of a more sedate temper masters his anger , although he have as good reason for it , and by this prudent action he reduces his friend stray'd out of the rode of reason ; as he that instead of retorting the ill language his friend gave him , ask'd him what the Diamond upon his finger cost him . Which put the other into such confusion , that having answer'd the question , he ran to embrace him and ask'd his pardon . Whereby it appears how much more courage is requisite to surmount ones self thus , ( which is an effect of Complaisance ) then to obey the swing of choler , as vulgar people do : For Complaisance forces our nature and constrains us to speak , and do things contrary to our first inclinations , and consequently is of more difficulty then 't is to obey them . Plutarch relates how one Telerus answer'd his brother , who ask'd him how it came pass that he was less belov'd then himself , who had been made one of the Lacedemonian Ephori , whereas he was treated with great contempt ? The reason is ( said he ) because you are not complaisant , and cannot bear any injury . As therefore it requires greater courage to bear then to revenge an injury ( as 't is observ'd in the life of Socrates , who hindred his Scholars from revenging an affront which was done to him ) so 't is more difficult to be complaisant then rude . And as the same Author saith , Complaisance consisteth in speaking pleasing things , and in doing good offices ; both which require a good resolute Spirit , for our Gallants falsely account it courage to run into the Field upon the least slip of an ambiguous word : Which perverse phantastry hath cost many a brave mans life , who for want of not having attain'd to that high point of Magnanimity which teaches us not to place the point of Honor in every triflle , but only where it ought to be , have really lost the life both of body and soul for an imaginary folly which carry'd them away with the torrent of the popular errour of this Age. The Third said , That we may as well place Continence in infamous places , as reckon Complaisance an effect of Courage ; the respect being alike of both . For all the actions of a complaisant person are so many marks not only of respect , but also of a servile fear , such as was that of Alexander's Courtiers , who held their necks awry and hung down their heads in imitation of their Master , who was forc'd to do so by reason of a wound ; and those of Dionysius , who stumbled at every step , because this Tyrant was pur-blind . So when some person begins a tedious old story , I pray , who shews most courage , he that tells the relator 't is an old one , or he that suffers himself to be tir'd with it ? Besides , that there is nothing more dangerous then this Complaisance . Certainly a Confessor that is complaisant to his Penitents , and a Preacher that is so to his Auditory , will damn both ; and so also a General that yields to every advice , and resists not such as deserve it , will infallibly ruine his Army . A Physitian of this temper , that to comply with his Patient neither bleeds nor purges him because of his unwillingness thereunto , will be the cause of his death ; as the Apothecary diminishes the vertue of the Medicine whilst he strives to make it agreeable to the taste , and a pitiful Surgeon makes the sore . A Lawyer that uses the same course with his Client , thrusts him into many needless and unhappy Sutes . In brief there is nothing so dangerous , nor which argues more weakness then Complaisance , which like too sweet Sauces makes us nauseate it , and leaves us as far to seek for Counsel as before : Whereas plain and vigorous Counsel oftentimes saves the State from shipwreck . The Fourth said , If you consider all the kinds of Complaisance , they have need of constraint , which employs more force and courage then is requisite for following ones inclination . Thus , he that is more thirsty then his neighbour and yet tenders the first glass to him , does this violence to himself out of complaisance , which likewise obliges him to put his hand last to the dish though his Stomack be never so sharp ; if he meet with an occasion of anger , he only smiles to himself , and with dissimulation gives the upper hand to his inferior . On the contrary , a rough-hewn person had rather go to the Gallies then commend Verses which to him seem not good , and ( as Plato said to Diogenes ) eat nothing ever but Coleworts , than comply with the Ceremonies and Modes of great persons . Thus he that spares his disarmed enemy , shows greater courage then if , leaving himself to be guided of his hatred , he should slay him , which yet is no more then a testimony of his having overcome him ; whereas in sparing him he overcomes himself , which is the greatest victory a man can obtain . To conclude , Praise is the reward of Vertue , and because it follows complaisence , as scorn and contempt doth rustick opinionastry : this is an evident sign that the latter is less vertuous because less commendable then the other . CONFERENCE CLXXIX . Touching the means of re-establing Commerce . MAn being born sociable , and society not possible without Commerce , the same seemeth one of the main Concernments of mankind , who are generally troubled , when the same is either interrupted by War with strangers , or extinguish'd by the negligence of Natives ; whereby it appears to be of two sorts in general , viz. between those of one State , and with Strangers . Now this difference is so essential , that each of them hath its contrary Maxims . Forreign Trade is exercis'd commonly by the truck or exchange of one Merchandize for another , ( the transportation of Gold and Silver being prohibited by the Laws of the State , as also some Merchandizes , call'd Contre-band are ) or in case the Forreign Merchants like not the permutation of commodities , they make their payment by Letters of Exchange , which was come to be taken up upon the prohibition of transporting money . On the contrary , Natives of the same Country commonly make all their Bargains for money , either ready or upon Credit till a set time . And as the Prince endeavours to promote and facilitate Trade amongst his Subjects for their accommodation , so he ought to be circumspect to hinder Strangers from carrying away the Materials , and ( especially unwrought ) Commodities about which his own Subjects should be employ'd . The Second said , That the dignity of Merchandize is prov'd from its Antiquity and Utility . As to the former , we read in Holy Writ of Ismaelite Merchants , who bought Joseph as they were going from Galaad into Egypt to Trade ; and in the Poets of Jason , whom they feign to have voyag'd with his Ship Argos for conquest of the Golden Fleece , insinuating thereby that Travelling and Trading by Sea and Land is the way to grow rich . As to the latter , all Arts would be unprofitable to men without distribution of their works , which is done by Merchandize , whereby that becomes useful and known in one place , which was useless and unknown elsewhere ; and the Proverb is confuted , that every Land beareth not all things ; since a Countrey of Trade abounds with every thing , and the four parts of the world are brought together by Commerce . 'T is Merchandize that enricheth States , all which acknowledge Money ; which ariseth by it , the sinew of War , and the key of all political Enterprizes . 'T is that which supplyes Princes with Metals , Jewels , Marble , and other magnificences , whereby the splendor of their Persons , Courts , and Palaces is advanc'd ; and both in Peace and War 't is the surest foundation for Impositions , which maintain the expence of either . 'T is that which supports the necessities of Souldiers , and supplyes them with provisions both for war and sustenance ; whence among the Eastern Nations , the Pedlers and Victuallers are the most considerable Officers of their numerous Armies . In short , Commerce affords Lawyers the subjects of their Pleadings , Sentences , and Arrests ; and not onely Sugar , Cinamon , Cloves , and other Spices for our Tables , but also most Drugs for Physick , as Rhubarb , Agarick , Sena , Cassia , Tamarinds , Guaiacum , Musk , Ambergreece , and whatever is rare ; besides , Books to all these Professions ; and to God himself , Incense to perfume his Altars . Nor is this employment more profitable then delightful in reference to the variety of places , persons , and things ; a divertisement which alone sufficeth to induce Travellers to adventure the dangers which accompany them . As for the dignity of it , I shall onely adde to what hath been said in a former Conference concerning the same , That they , who despise Merchandizing as if it had something of base and abject in it , are more worthy of pity for their grosse error , then of an answer . Do they know better wherein Dignity consists then those ancient Roman Senators , who fraighted and maintain'd Trading Ships ; the gain whereof was their best revenue ? and are so many other States and Republick ever the less noble for Trading ? Is there more honour in the idleness of a half Gentleman , who for want of other employment useth no other Trade in time of Peace but to assist one of his Neighbours against another in a quarrel of his own making , then in the care and vigilance of a good Merchant which redounds to the benefit both of the publick and himself . Besides , the diligent Merchant raises his Family , whereas the idle Gentleman destroyes his ; being driven at last either to go in a pittiful garb , or else to be cloath'd upon the credit the Merchant gives him . Since therefore 't is the duty of good Legislators to countenance what is most profitable to the State , and on the contrary to depress and expel whatever brings damage to the same . Methinks 't were fit some new marks of esteem were added to the essential honour of Merchandizing ; as either Titles of Honour or Priviledges , which would invite the mindes of our youth to that good employment , who are otherwise apt to be drawn aside by popular error to looseness and debauchery , and thereby commonly deviate from the way their predecessors trac'd out to them . Whence a Merchant that hath got a good estate , instead of leaving his Son to succeed his Credit , lets it fall , and puts him to some new profession , to which he was not born , as to the former . The Third alledg'd as an argument of the utility of Commerce , that Cities destitute of it can neither increase nor grow rich ; whence the sub-division made of the estates of families soon impoverishes the Citizens , unless they supply that defect by their industry , as many rich Nations do . Thus England was for a long time enrich'd by the free trade it enjoy'd with all the neighbouring States , who were at Wars one with another . Thus most States of Italy , especially Venice , Genua , and Florence have been augmented by Traffick . But no place more evidently sets forth the excellent profit of Commerce then Holland , where , as their best Authors acknowledge , and experience shews the countrey , which almost their industry alone hath made habitable , hath nothing but Trade and Commerce , whereby they have enricht it . For the Soil is not onely bad , as being almost all Sandy ; or all Marshy , especially at Amsterdam ; the water is unwholesome , and the Air thick and noxious ; not to mention their Turffe firing , which fills the head with vapours . So that though they have all the elements contrary to them , yet they scruple not to dispute the Sovereignty with the King of Spain , having made War upon him for four and twenty years together with more gain then loss : which they could not have done without the great treasures they draw from Commerce . The Fourth said , That since Trade consists in Negotiations , things sold or exchang'd , and their value , the persons must be honest that exercise it , the Commodity understood , and the price certain ; otherwise 't is not Trafficking , but meer cheating ; whence of all forms of Justice , none ought to be more compendious , and equitable , and conscientious then that concerning Merchandizing , which would be no less ruin'd by false judicatures , and long suits then by injury and open force . The way therefore to re-establish Commerce is to re-establish fair dealing , to remove frauds and sophistication of commodities , whereby he , that thinks he buyes one thing , buyes another of worse value ; and above all , to fix and make immovable the standard of current money ; for want whereof no man knows what he hath . The Fifth said , That the first condition requisite to Traffick , is the safety of wayes . The second , that of payment , which is remitted to a set term . The Third , The capacity of the Merchant , which keeps him both from being deceived in the worth of Commodities , and in the sorts of ready payment , though this kinde of payment be less us'd amongst whole sale Merchants , which is the true way of Merchandizing , that of Retail deserving the name less , and being alwayes accounted more sordid . Moreover , 't is the former that enricheth States , supplying what they want , and carrying abroad what they abound with . 'T is the nurse of Arts and Manufactures , as appears in the Cities of Lions , Tours , and divers others , where some one Merchant employes three or four hundred Artificers in Silk , Wool , and other such works . Amongst which Merchants those that best know how to practise the Maxims of buying and selling cheaper then others , that is , who content themselves with least profit both in buying and selling , drive the greatest trade , and consequently thrive most : whereas they that endeavour to grow rich in a day , discredit themselves for the rest of their lives . I think also 't were fit to remedy the evil custom of some who set so high a rate upon their Commodities , that they frighten those that otherwise resolv'd to buy , or else affront them with half the just price . And if after the manner of some Countreys , the prices of all wares were regulated , much more would be vented , and the time taken up in bargaining would be employ'd in other parts of Traffick , besides that , by this means we might send even any childe for any commodity whatever ; in the consideration of the set price and the assurance of not overbuying would make make customers buy the sooner , their first consultation being concerning what money the thing will cost them : whereas now many forbear meerly out of shame to higgle and beat the bargain . The Sixth said , That indeed the sole wealth of a State is Traffick , there being onely two sorts of goods , moveable and immoveable . The latter increase and diminish onely by War , which is troublesome means and a kinde of game , wherein he that wins one time loses another : whereas moveables are us'd and consum'd though they be of Iron : whence onely Traffick remains for increase : but 't is not sufficient to know the dignity and profit a thing brings ; to put it well in practice , all its obstacles must be remov'd ; as in the first place the idleness of the Inhabitants , which is natural to such as live in a good Soil ; whence the Proverb , Bona terra , Mala Gens . Yea , in some people , as in the Irish , 't is contradicted by ill custom ; for that people being nourisht in sloathfulness , chose rather to cover their whole Bodies with a Mantle , then take the pains to cut it into Cloathes . Secondly , the want of Materials and Instruments proper for Trade , as Merchandizes , Ships , and other means : besides the defect of safe Ports . Thirdly , The danger of transportation by reason of Thieves at Land , and Pirates at Sea. Fourthly , the want of Companies , both for undertaking great negotiations , and for assurances , as 't is in Holland and elsewhere , where they have found wayes to assure even the lives of persons under good cautions . Fifthly , the false dealing of this age , directly opposite to the fair dealing of Merchants , which is incompatible with brangling . Lastly , that great process not yet ended between the King of Poland and the Dantsickers , about the impost he would lay upon the Baltick Sea , shows apparently that impositions also are a notable hinderance of Trade : All which obstacles and inconveniences may be thus remedy'd in France . The first needs not much to be spoken of , more French living by their industry in Forreign Countries then Forreigners here , which is a certain evidence that our Nation is none of the sloathfullest . But 't were to be wisht that the Youth design'd to the honest exercise of Merchandize were not less careful to learn the Map and the Countrey , then our Gentry is so for the war. Nor do I think the Tongues , especially the Latin , less necessary for them then for Lawyers and Physicians ; since these may in case of necessity learn their Art in their own mother Tongue : But Merchants cannot make themselves understood in strange Countreys but by the Latin Tongue , which serves to interpret all others ; and for want of which 't is in the power of an Interpreter to deceive them . Neither do we want wares that are both as common and as good as elsewhere , as Wheat , Wool , Hemp , and what ever is made thereof , as Cordage and Linen ; Salt , Wood , and other such things ; much less materials to build and equippe Ships : and we have the best Havens of the world . The inconvenience of Robbers and Pyrates is much more considerable ; but the former may be remedied in Cities , by an exact knowledg of all the Houses in each Street ; by many clear lights set together , which will cost less then Lanthorns , whereof there is seldom any benefit ; by a Night-Watch plac'd in each Street , and by other means to be mention'd in due place . In the Countrey it may be redress'd , if Merchants Travel together in Caravans , and get the assistance of the Provosts or Sheriffs , who are bound to secure the High-Wayes , and as well by Land as by Sea , by the erection of Companies . The seventh said , That the only way indeed of improving Commerce , is to establish Companies . For both Nature and Art teach us , that as heavy burthens cannot be mov'd by little strength ; so Affairs of great importance , which need a great stock and attendance in several places , cannot be manag'd by one single person ; who also sufficeth not alone to remedy soon enough the inconveniences foreseen and unforeseen , which necessarily happen in all enterprises . Whence the first loss that befalls a solitary Merchant , dejects , and almost breaks him , because he hath not where-with to recover himself ; whereas in Companies , a loss is equally distributed , and more easily supported by all the Associates ; amongst whom , if the timorousness of one proposes the safest means , the Courage and Experience brings a Temperament thereunto ; and seeing every one contributes his counsel no less than his endeavors in the common cause , it is in the less danger by reason of the many that mind it . Moreover , Companies are best able to solicite and procure the recovery of prizes unjustly taken at Sea , obtain Letters of Mart , and put them in execution . But as these Companies are absolutely necessary , and neighbouring States furnish us Examples thereof ; so care must be taken that they do not degenerate into Monopolies , and set excessive prizes upon Commodities . The Eighth said , That beside what hath been remark'd , the conjunction of Rivers so frequently propos'd and not yet executed , ( through want of Spirits constant enough to accomplish their designs ) would much facilitate Commerce ; the transporting of Commodities sucking up the main of the profit , by reason of the Exactions of Inns , which laugh at the regulated Rates of Provisions , for want of an Eye to keep them up . All which might be remedied by an able Company , by appointing places of baiting and lodging for their Factors , to be kept by some of the Associates , who being thereby interessed in some portion of the profit , would look more narrowly to the security of the High-ways ; for want of which care , the most famous Messengers are often rob'd . It would be of great use also to have good and certain Intelligence of the Affairs of the world in general , especially of the inclining to ruine , delays and failings of Bankrupts , who oftentimes break in one place whilst their Factors are taking up Commodities in others ; as also of the besieging and taking of Cities by an Enemy , or their danger of being so ; in which Case the Merchant will hasten to with-draw his stock from thence , and hinder others from sending thither to trade ; there being no Sympathy between War and Merchandize . But above all , in this Occurrence 't is necessary for him to know the certain prizes of the Commodity he intends to deal in : Which hath gain'd great Credit to this Assembly , by the printed Bills it hath sometimes sent abroad , containing the currant prizes of all Wares for every week , in imitation of the City of Amsterdam . For by this means , the Merchant needs only discount the charges of transportation , and make a Reduction of Weights and Measures , to see his evident profit ; yet alwayes carefully observing to draw a line with some imaginary summ for hazards and contingences which may happen unexpectedly ; it being impossible , what-ever care be us'd , to regulate exactly the gain of Merchandize , as depending , partly , on Chance , and , partly , on the Will and Phansie of Men ; so that a Commodity , which , for being to day in fashion , or otherwise in credit , would yield twenty in the hundred profit to the Owner , sometimes leaves him a loser , or he is forc'd to keep it long in his Ware-house . CONFERENCE CLXXIX . What are the most common Causes of Law-suits ; and why they are more now than heretofore . PLato designing a Common-wealth , whose Citizens might live in good intelligence , justly excludes out of it the words of Mine and Thine ; conceiving , that so long as there was any thing to be divided , there would ever be Male-contents ; because Self-love ( the root from whence the too great desire of keeping and acquiring arises ) acts variously in Men ; by main force and strong hand in time of War , and in Peace by Law-suits . Now the desire of Getting , having never been so great as at this day , nor so much countenanc'd and rewarded , ( since in consideration of wealth most Offices are dispos'd of ) 't is no wonder if Law-suits be more numerous at this day than in times past . The Second said , That Community of Goods , feign'd by the Poets , and exemplifi'd in the Primitive Church , ( bating the Charity which produc'd it ) would cause as many mischiefs , and , consequently , Law-suits , as there are at present . For every one would endeavour to appropriate what should be common , and despise it if not able to compass it ; as we see common Causes are neglected , and commonly lost , for private interest . Whence appears the impertinence of some Legislators , and of the Nicolaitans , who , that the Children might be lov'd the more , would have Wives common ; for common Wives and Children would be own'd by no Body ; and if such Women as belong but to two or three , keep them alwayes in jealousie , and many times ingage them in a Law-suit , what would those do that belong'd to all the world ? Wherefore , I conceive , that if contrary Effects have contrary Causes , 't is Plenty , and its Daughter , Pride , that causeth Law-suits ; and Poverty and Humility makes Peace and Agreements . Which the French Democritus intimates , where he introduces an old man reconciling two Adversaries , but 't is after they are both undone . Thus also the Circle of Humane Life represents Labour holding Wealth by the Hand , Wealth holding Pride , Pride holding Contention , which causeth Poverty ; this , Humility ; which again produces Labour ; that , Wealth ; and so round again . For of fifty Law-suits , not one would begin between the parties , ( or at least it would soon be determin'd ) if either would humble themselves as much one to the other , as they do to their Judges ; yea , oftentimes to their Council . Wherefore Vanity being greater in this Age than ever it was , ( although with less reason in most ) 't is no wonder if our times abound more with Law-suits than the former . The Third said , That such as are at their ease have no mind to Law-suits ; and therefore 't is not Plenty that begets them , but Necessity , yet not an absolute one ; for he that hath nothing cannot go to Law ; but such , that the one cannot pay what he owes , and the other cannot be without it : In every other Case , Accommodements are possible . 'T is from this Source that so many Seisures and Sentences proceed , which the indebted would never suffer , had they wherewithall to pay , considering that the whole charges must fall upon themselves . Now as there were never so many rich , so there were never so many poor , as there are at this day in France ; because every body labours out of the vanity above-mention'd , to disable themselves every day more and more , laughing at the Constitutions which are made to reduce us to frugality , and ascribing all inconveniences both publick and private to any other Cause but themselves . The Fourth said , That though the Ages past having had the same vicissitudes of Peace and War , and of Poverty and Riches , yet had they not so many Law-suits as there are at present ; and therefore some other Cause thereof must be sought , which possibly is this ; That the Spirits of Men are become more refin'd and subtle in the several Ages of the world , and consequently , advanc'd to a higher pitch of maliciousness , whence many difficulties and contest arise in such matters , wherein the goodness and simplicity of our Ancestors found none at all . Nor hath the multitude and diversity of Laws been a small occasion of this bad event . For ( besides the Roman Laws which lay long in oblivion , and were restor'd to light by Veruher , in the year 1127. and the Canons compil'd by Gratian , ( whence came the judicial formalities ) our Customs and our Ordinances ; and amongst others , those made since Charls VIII . with long preambles and reasonings in imitation of Justinian , have stirr'd up more Law-suits , than there were in a thousand years before . So that hath been good work for such as were minded to draw profit thereby , to make so confus'd and intricate an Art of the Law , that there is almost no Case wherein they cannot find some trick to multiply a Suit , and render it immortal ) Moral Reason ( the foundation of the Law ) admits a thousand different faces , not only in circumstances of Fact , but also in matter of Law ; whence there are few Laws but have their contraries . The Fifth said , That the multiplicity of our Law-suits is to be attributed to the humor of the French Nation , which is desirous of change , and naturally subtle and eloquent . Whence a Latine Poet stills France the Nurse of Lawyers . Likewise the improvement of Learning in this last Age , hath contributed much thereunto : And the sight of great Estates gotten by the Law , hath induc'd many Parents to put their Children to that profession , as the readiest way to advancement . Such as could not be Counsellors , have been made Attornies , Solliciters , Sergeants , and this great number of people employ their inventions to get a livelyhood , which they cannot do without Law-suits . And therefore 't is no wonder if they advise , continue , multiply , and eternise them as much as they can ; egging on the Plaintiff by the motive of Profit , and the Defendant by that of Self-preservation ; and refusing to the more simple their writings and other such helps as might bring them to accord . The Sixth said , That Law-suits increase or diminish according to the diversities of proportions kept in the Administration of Justice . For some measure them by the Law of Nature , ( whereby all Men are born equal ) and proceed by Arithmetical Proportion . Thus the Medes turn'd Justice into Equality ; whereas ( as Xenophon told Cyrus , reproving him for awarding the coats to his Companions , according to their stature , and not according to the right and propriety ) the Persians made Justice equal . This Arithmetical Proportion was observ'd by Draco , Solon , Lycurgus , and all popular States ; where every thing was put to the balance . Such also was the Law of Retaliation among the Jews ; Eye for Eye , and Tooth for Tooth . But this equality having so many inconveniences , that many times the highest Justice is the highest Injustice ; Plato made Justice arbitrary without any other Laws but those drawn from the proportion of the great to the small , and other circumstances , which he call'd Equity , or Geometrical Proportion . Yet this Justice being also too vagous , and left to the discretion of Magistrates , who are subject to corruption ; therefore Aristotle chose a middle way between those two Extreams , regulating Commutative Justice , which judgeth of the right of private Men by Arithmetical Proportion ; and Distributive , which is for publick Affairs , by Geometrical Proportion . And our usage hath approv'd an Harmonical proportion ; the Supream Magistrate using both Law and Equity , and tempering the too great strictness of the former , and the much liberty of the other ; which course is observ'd in good Monarchies , where the Chief Courts being above the Law , and yet having Equity in their Power , make an agreeable Temperament of Justice with Reason , being impower'd to reverse the Sentences of Subordinate Judges , who are ty'd to the Letter of the Law ; as the Royal Authority is above both . Whence it results , that there are few Law-suits where Arithmetical Justice , that is , the inflexible rigor of the Law is exercis'd ; somewhat more , where Geometrical Proportion hath place , because 't is requisite to use Reasons ; which being alwayes the same , cannot be alter'd , as it happens in Harmonical Proportion , in which the point of right ( which is indivisible in it self ) being variously balanc'd between Law and Equity , and drawn from each side according to the interest of the parties , the Decisions of some Cases cannot be wholly suted to others , by reason of the diversity of circumstances . But as Diametrical Proportions having no connexion of their quantities together , though they quiet private Contests , yet they cause a dangerous reflux into the body of the State , by the indignation of the Nobles against the Commonalty , and the People's Envy against the Nobility ; so Harmonical Proportion , such as ours , is much more prejudicial to private persons , which it entertains in Suits , than to the State , wherein it employes turbulent Spirits to discharge their Choler upon paper against their Adversaries . But in Answer to the Question , Why we have more Law-suits now-a-days than formerly , I believe the Reason is , because the common-people have got too much Knowledg of the Laws and Statutes , and Legal Pleadings ; for whilst these remain'd in Latin and were not understood , Men were not so apt to commence Litigious Suits one against another . CONFERENCE CLXXX . Whether more hurt or good hath proceeded from sharing the parts of Physick between Physitians , Apothecaries , and Chirurgions . THis Question being of the greatest moment of any that hath been discuss'd in this Company , requireth also most caution ; because there is none of us knows how soon he may come to be at the Mercy of some one of that Profession which his Sentence shall disoblige . Now all the parts of Physick were practis'd of old by one person ; yea , in Aegypt it was no set Profession , but the Priests of Memphis were bound to write in the Temples of Vulcan and Isis such Remedies as any Man came and declar'd to them , that himself had found benefit by ; to the end others might use the same . So likewise the Greeks writ in Parchment , and hung at the Porch of the Temples of Apollo and Aesculapius , those Receipts that had cur'd them ; which the Priests took from thence to pronounce to others , as if they had been Oracles ; authorizing Medicine by Religion . Afterwards , this Science augmenting by degrees , ( as all things do ) some were found that reduc'd those Experiences to an Art ; the ancientest of whom was Aesculapius the Son of Apollo and Ariadne , to whom in time suceeded another Aesculapius , the third of that name ; who ( as Cicero , Lib. 3. de Natur. Deor. ) was the first Tooth-drawer , and undertook first to loosen the belly , leaving for his Successors his Children , Podalirius and Machaon , who were at the siege of Troy , the former of whom profess'd the curing of Inward Diseases , the other of Outward by manual operation ; from which time , the Art of Physick began to be divided into Pharmacy and Chirurgery , which were practis'd joyntly by Chiron , who took his Name from the dexterity of his hand in operations , and was feign'd a Centaure , because he was always on Horse-back to relieve remote Patients . And for that the operations of Chirurgery are more apparent than those of the other parts of Physick ; Plato saith , that the ancient Physick was only Chirurgery . Hippocrates , who first spoke worthily of Medicinal Matters , exercis'd the three parts of Physick conjunctly ; and so it was practis'd till Galen's time , to wit , 600. years after . Moreover , 'T is an Argument , That Chirurgery was exercis'd by the Physicians , That they were expell'd Rome , because one of them had cut off a Roman Citizen's leg with bad success . So also Darius's foot dislocated by a fall from his Horse , and restor'd by Democedes a Crotonian Physician , then his Prisoner at Sardis , ( after the vain attempts of his Aegyptian Physician ) and is an evidence that he was both a Chirurgion and a Physician . But since , Physicians have done like the heirs of Merchants , they have thought fit to avoid the pains , and enjoy both the honor and the profit ; they have reserv'd solely to themselves the authority and power of prescribing , and left to the Apothecarie's honesty and skill , the choice , dispensation , preparation , and composition of medicaments ; and to the Chirurgion , all manual operations : Nay , many of these too , out of heedlesness , have left to Barbers and Stews-keepers the Art of triming the Hair ; to others , the dexterity of drawing Teeth ; and again , to others the Reduction of Luxations and Fractures ; all Appendances of Physick . Now to determine , Whether this Division hath done more good or hurt , seems to me to depend upon the capacity of those employ'd in this Art. . For if the Physician hath not skill enough , or strength of Body to attend all those functions , he ought not to undertake them . But he that judges himself able to discharge them all , will be very heedfull , when he sees the whole honor or blame must fall to himself alone ; whereas the division of success amongst many , makes each person more negligent : Besides that , every one can answer better for his own deed , than for another's ; and agrees better with himself , than with a second or third ; between whom 't is seldom but some Clash happens , and that to the detriment of the Patient . Lastly , the Physician represents the Intellectual Faculty , the Chirurgion the Animal , and the Apothecary the tal ; so that to divide them , is as much as to separate the Liver , Heart , and Brain of one and the same Man ; and Theory being never well understood without practice , 't is no wonder if their dis-union hath occasion'd the setting up many Ignorants and Empericks . The Second said , If Man's Life be short , in respect of the Art of Physick ( according to the saying of Hippocrates the Prince thereof ) then 't is the way to shorten it more , even by two thirds , to assign it three Arts and Exercises , each of which requires the whole Man. The Egyptians were of another Judgment , not only distinguishing Physicians from Operators and Preparers of Medicaments , but also having particular Physicians for each considerable part of Man ; as for the Eye , Ear , &c. which render them more expert ; because we do nothing well , but what we do often ; and what difference there is between one that exercises more Arts , and him that is contented with one , appears by comparing Country-Apothecaries and Chirurgians , who practise all three parts of Physick , and those of great Cities . Moreover the alliance between the Body and the Soul is such , that while the one is employ'd about some work , the other cannot intend its cogitations else-where , as it ought to do in this Case . And therefore to require a Physician to let blood , set a bone , or prepare a medicine , is all one as to expect that a General should both give Orders , and perform the Office of a common Souldier . For if the Mind that is at rest be esteem'd the more wise and capable of reasoning , ( whence our Judges sit , Physicians consult , and the Greeks would have adoration perform'd in that posture ) what good advice can be expected from a Physician who is always out of breath with his preparations and operations ? Besides , 't is not seemly for a Physician to visit his Patient with his Hands smelling and dy'd with drugs , and the confidence of the Patient in him being much conducive to the Cure , it cannot but be better trusting to three persons than to one . And indeed , supposing a Physician were so wicked as to have ill intentions against his Patient's Life , ( which yet is hard to imagine , and there are very few Examples of such ) it would be harder for him to execute them when others prepare his remedies , than when he prepares them himself . As likewise the Apothecary may play the Villain more securely , when he hath not the inspection of the Physician over him . Wherefore 't is best that Physick remain distributed into three Professions , which , like an Harmonious Trade , assist and uphold each other ; the Physician being as the Head , and the other two as his two Hands . All the business , is , that this Harmony and Proportion be so well observ'd , that the Hands think not themselves to be the Head ; which happens but too frequently , to the great dishonor of Physick , and damage of the sick . CONFERENCE CLXXXI . Whether there be any Real Evil besides Pain . THings have either an absolute Essence , or a Relative ; the former are Real , as to be a Man ; the latter which have no Being but from the Respect they have to our Phansie , depend upon the same , as to be glad or troubled at certain News . These two Heads contain all Entities ; but because the weakness of Humane Judgement often confounds them , taking an imaginary thing for a real , hence the inquisition of their difference hath furnish'd the Schools with various Questions . That of the Stoicks was so far from admitting any other Real Evil besides Pain , that it allow'd not Pain it self to be an Evil. On the contrary , Epicurus held , there was no other Evil but Pain ; nor any other Good but Pleasure , its opposite . Indeed by adjoyning Vertue to that Pleasure , and assigning the pre-eminence to the pleasure of the Mind , it will be easie to make Good and Pleasure convertible : whence it will also follow that Evil and Pain must be reciprocal . The Third said , That Evil being the Privation of Good , and Privation no real Entity ; to enquire whether there be any real Evil , is the same as to ask whether a Privation be a Habit. But to comply with the terms of the Question , which seems to be , Whether there be any other sufferings of that kind which the Vulgar calls Evils , causing sensible displeasure in us as necessarily as bodily Pain doth ? In answer whereunto , I say ; First that there is both a spiritual and a corporeal grief or pain ; of either of which some persons are more or less sensible then others . Secondly , That all people desire pleasure as a good , and shun pain as an evil ( for even the inflictions of some Religious persons upon themselves , are done in hope of a future good ) and lastly , that both the one and the other are excited by several and oft-times contrary ways and means . For as the bitterness of Succhory , hurts and displeases some but is agreeable to others ; so also the same accident may cause pleasure in some minds and sadness in others ; this variety proceeding from the different temper of Minds . Besides , corporeal and spiritual pain differ , in that every one is a capable judge of the former , but not of the latter ; whence , as Aristotle saith , all run after pleasures of the Body , because they ignore those of the Soul ; and so likewise most only reckon their bodily pains true Evils , because they have no experience of griefs of the Mind . But he that well weighs how infinitely the Intellect excels the Body , easily finds that the evils that attaque the same are also far greater ; since 't is that by which the Body is render'd susceptible both of pain and pleasure , and receives impressions of both upon the countenance ; wherein particularly the Eye is term'd the Mirror of the Soul , for no other reason but because it represents her Passions and Affections . And to shew how much grief and displeasure of Mind surpasseth that of the Body , we see some redeem the loss of their Honour with that of their Lives , which cannot be without suffering the pain of death . The Third said , 'T is not the Question , whether the griefs of the Body or the Mind be greatest since every one judges variously thereof according to his humor . As the Miser prefers his profit before the pains of Hunger and Thirst ; and the Ambitious person ventures his life in the Field rather than endure the Lye. But the Question is , Whether there be any reality in the Evils which the Mind of man undergoes besides Pain , of which alone we see all other Animals are sensible , Nature teaching Man thereby that she hath left it to his own conduct , how much his natural condition is worse then theirs , whilst he is not only lyable to the same bodily evils , but becomes ingenious to his own hurt , and an expert Artificer of his own bad fortune . An instance whereof we have in the Swine that was eating his food peaceably in a Tempest , whilst all the Passengers fearing every moment to split against the Rocks , dy'd as often of apprehension as they thought of that sad fate . Which fear ended with the Swine's meat , and the Ship 's arrival at a safe Port ; where it appear'd that that vile Animal had felt none of that trouble which the Tempest had caus'd in the more unhappy men ; and consequently that their Imagination was the sole cause of it . The like may be said of all other afflictions which men give themselves , call'd therefore deservedly by the Wise-man , Vanity and vexations of spirit . For most of the inductions and consequences which the Mind draws from events prove false , and nevertheless they give us real sorrows ; we see frequently that a great Estate left by a Father to his Children makes them debauch'd and worthless , and degenerate from the vertue of their Parent , who having receiv'd no inheritance from his own was constrain'd to labour , and by that means attain'd Riches and Honour : Whence it appears that the trouble of a Father leaving a small Estate to his Children at his death hath no foundation in the thing but only in his abus'd Imagination , and consequently cannot be a real Evil , and yet this is the most general Evil of all with the Vulgar . Thus two men , lodging under the same roof lost both their Wives not long ago : one of them was so afflicted therewith that he dy'd of sorrow ; the other receiving the consolatory visits of his friends , could not so well dissemble his joy but that it was perceiv'd ; and yet their loss was equal . So that the sadness of the one , and the joy of the other depended only upon the different reflection they made upon this accident . Thus also the same affront that made one of Socrates's Disciples draw his sword , made the Philosopher himself laugh at the sottishness of his enemy : and every thing which the Vulgar calls Good or Evil , ( Pain excepted ) is a Medal , which hath its right side and its reverse . CONFERENCE CLXXXII . Whether Man be the most diseas'd of all Creatures , and why ? A Disease being a preternatural disposition hurting the Functions , every living Body capable of action may become sick by some cause impeding its actions . Hence not only Men but also Animals , and even Plants have their Diseases , which Theophrastus diligently describes . Amongst Beasts , though some are subject to particular Diseases , as the Dog to Madness , the Swine to Leprosie , the Goat and Lyon to Fevers ; yet there is none so invaded with all sorts of Maladies as Man , who is not exempt from any ; the least of his similary parts that is nourish'd being subject to twelve sorts of Diseases , namely , when they attract their aliment , either not at all , or but weakly , or otherwise then they should , or when they are defective either in retaining or concocting it , or in voiding superfluities . But if such part have sense too , it may have fifteen ; if motion also , eighteen : And if it not only be nourish'd it self but labours also for the publick , 't is lyable to twelve more , according to the three ways that its Functions may be offended , in attraction , retention , concoction and expulsion . The Eye alone is subject to almost 200 infirmities ; and , as if there were not ancient Diseases enough , we see daily new ones unknown to former Ages . Now the reason hereof lyes in the nature of Man , who being the most perfectly temper'd and best compounded of all Animals ( because design'd to the greatest actions ) is therefore apt upon the least occasion to lose that evenness of proportion , which as it requires a great train and concurrence of many things , so also there needs but a little thing to subvert it by defect of the least of those requisites . Indeed , there are but two causes of Diseases , to wit , Internal and External ; and man is alike subject to both ; to the former , by reason of his hot and moist temper which is prone to putrefaction , and the more upon account of his variety of Food ; whereas other Animals never change their Diet ; which is the most probable cause of their health and good constitution : For diversity of aliments incommodes Nature , weakens the natural heat , produces Crudities , the Sources of most Diseases ; which also are frequently caus'd in Men by the internal Passions of Anger , Fear , and Joy. The most ordinary external causes are the evil qualities of the Air , pestilential vapours and malignant influences , whereof Man's body is the more susceptible , by reason of the tenderness of his Flesh , and the porosity of his skin ; which on the contrary , in other Animals , is hard and cover'd with Hair , Feathers and Scales , and renders them less subject to the impressions of external bodies , as also to Wounds , Contusions , Fractures , and other solutions of continuity . The Second said , That such perfections or defects of things as we know most exactly , seem to us the greatest ; as the excellences and defects of Pictures are not well observ'd but by those that are skill'd therein ; and he that is unacquainted with some certain Nation cannot know its Vices so as they that converse with it do . Now Beasts being unable to signifie to us the differences of their pains and the other circumstances of their diseases , hence we judge them to have fewer , although the contrary appears in the Horse , in whom observant Farriers remark a great number of Diseases , to which we are not subject . So that other Animals may have as many , or more than Men , who being less concern'd therein , less understand them . 'T is true , the parts of Animals resemble ours , saving what serve to distinguish their outward shape ; as appears by the Dissection of Apes , whereby Galen learnt Anatomy ; and no difference is found between the Ventricles of a Man's and a Calfe's brain . If their blood and other humors differ , so do those of one Man from those of another . Moreover , Beasts have the same inward Causes , Fear , Anger , and the other Passions ; in short , all the other Non-natural things , and not at their discretion as Man hath . If a Dog hath the harder skin , yet man is less lyable to blows , and the injury of the Air. In fine , who knows but it may be with these Animals as 't is with rusticks , who , though Men as well as we , and subject to the same inconveniences , yet all their Diseases are reduc'd to a few Heads ; since the true and spurious Pleurisie , the Asthma , the Cough , the Palsie , and other Maladies , whereof we make so many branches , are all reckon'd by them only for a hot or a cold Rheume . The Third said , The nearer Nature promotes Bodies to their utmost perfection , the more frail she renders them . And as in Mixts , Glass , which is her utmost atchievement , is weaker and brittler than Stones ; so in Animals , Man the most excellent and perfect , is the most frail and weak , by reason of the part wherein he abounds more than they , and which advances him , to wit , the Brain , the root of most Diseases . And as the most noxious Meteors , are form'd in the coldest Region of the Air , so those that have a moist Brain are soft and less vigorous , as Women and Children ; whence amongst the old Spartans , and at this day amongst the Aethiopians , ( as Alvarez reports ) 't is a shame to blow the Nose or spit , because it signifies Effeminacy ; and the Thracians , ( as Pliny records ) freed themselves from many Diseases , by cutting the Nerves behind the Ear , whereby all fluxions from the Brain were stopt . On the contrary , Animals having a dry and less Brain , sleep in the open Air without inconvenience . The Fourth said , That as Man exercises the greatest variety of Actions , so he is liable to most Diseases . Animals which reason not , have no Delirium ; those that speak not , are not subject to be dumb . But the truth is , Men consider not remote things further than their interest reaches . Hence more Diseases are observ'd in the Bee and Silk-worm , than in the Elephant . Unless we had rather say , that there being so great a variety of dispositions and tempers requir'd to the Health of all the parts , humors , and faculties of a humane body , it happens very rarely that they are all as they should be . As 't is harder to make good Musick with a Lute , or other many string'd Instruments , than with one that hath fewer strings and accords , as Animals have in respect of Man. CONFERENCE CLXXXIII . Of the Greenness of Plants . COlours being the illuminated surface of Mixt Bodies , alter according to their various mixture ; and because the less a body is distant from its simplicity , it partakes the more of light ; hence as soon as water becomes consistent and solid , it puts on Whiteness , which is so near akin to Light , that the latter cannot be painted but with the former . For this reason new-sprung Plants , issuing out of the Womb of their Elements , retain a White Colour ; till having thrust their stem out of the Earth , the nourishment they attract adding to their composition , they assume a new Colour , which sutably to the Temper of the Compound , ( whose upper part is heated by the Sun-beans , and lower part nourish'd with the juice and vapors of the Earth ) becomes Green , upon the same reason that Blew and Yellow make a Green ; the Blew proceeding from condens'd Moisture , ( as appears in deep Seas ) and the Yellow from the Sun-beams . Hence a Plant depriv'd of the Sun's aspect , looseth its verdure , and remaining Colour-less by the privation , which is always Harbinger to some ensuing Generation , it appears white ; as we use to make Succhory and Thistles white by burying them , or covering them in a Vessel whereinto no Air can enter . Greenness therefore is the first mixture of the Sun-beams with corrupted humidity , ( as putrid waters wax green ) and the first assay of the Vegetative Soul , and consequently , an evidence of their Life ; as , on the contrary , Yellowness shews that the Sun hath dry'd up the humidity wherein the life resided , and left only the Colour of Feüille-morte . But when this humidity is so unctuous and adherent to the compact and solid body of a Plant that it cannot be exhal'd , ( as Oyle is not evaporated by the Sun ) than the outward Cold shutting the Pores , retains the Greenness longer and brighter , whilst other Herbs and Trees are despoil'd of their verdure . And therefore 't is no wonder if the leavs of such Plants , as the Laurel , Holly , Box , Ivy , and many others , feel no injury from great Cold and great Heat . The Second said , That the production of Vegetables proceeding from the resolution of Minerals , ( as appears , not only in the order of Generations , which proceed from simple to organick bodies , but also in the sympathy of the Oak with Copper , of the Beech with the Load-stone , of the Hazel with Gold and Silver ) 't is probable that Vitriol , ( the commonest of Minerals , and found in most grounds ) gives Plants their Verdure ; which many of them also testifie by their acidity . For I cannot attribute the Cause to Light , which is indifferent to all Colours , and hath none in it self ; the Gold Colour of the Sun not inhereing in him , but proceeding from the reflexion of bodies he irradiates . But if we are to find some mixture of Yellow and Blew to make this Green , I should rather assign the Yellow to the Earth , which is most commonly of that Colour ; as the Air and Heaven are Blew . And perhaps too , this Greenness is but a sign of imperfect Generation , since 't is lost when Plants are mature ; and we find it again in mouldy Bread , which is in a tendency to corruption . The Third said , That all Bodies must have some Colour or other , and a Plant being the first living thing , ought to have the most agreeable , as being equally temper'd of the two Extreams , Black and White ; for at its first issuing out of the Earth , whilst it is yet full of earthy humidity , it is of a dark Green , which becomes lighter as the Plant shoots higher ; till at length the more volatile particles are excluded in a Flower which borrows its Colour from the various qualities of the sap ; then comes out the fruit , which keeps its verdure till the Sun have fully concocted its juice . The Fourth said , That 't is not possible to give the reason of Colours , since we see Tulips change theirs almost every year ; and there are Black , White , Red , and other colour'd grapes , equally sweet , and good for Wine ; as also Apples , Pears , and other fruit . Nor is Greenness inseparable from the leavs of Plants ; for we have not only red Coleworts , but also Roots , and some leavs of Rapes , Purple , Violet , and of other Colours . All that can be said in this matter , is , That Colour is nothing but a resultance of the External Light from the Surface , whose Particles are so , or so modifi'd and posited . Hence Blew appears Green by Candle-light ; the necks of Doves seem of divers Colours by diversity of situation ; and Wool appears whiter when compacted together , than whilst it was in flocks ; whereas Water , which hath no Colour , shews white when Particles are divided by Air , and reduc'd into Snow . So also when Humidity is digested by Heat , ( which is inseparable from Light ) it puts on the first of Colours , which is Blew ; ( of which Colour thickned Air appears to us ) and the prodominant earthiness of Plants , makes that Blew incline to a darker degree , thence ariseth Green ; which is the general Colour of all Plants . The Temperament contributes least to this Colour ; for we see Sempervivum , which is cold , of the same Colour with Leeks and the Aloë-Plant , which are Hot. Just as Sugar and Salt are both White , and yet differ much in Taste and other qualities ; so are Chalk and Snow ; Honey and Gall are Yellow , the juice of Aloes and that of Liquerice black . Yea , in Animals too , the diversity of their Colour , Hair , and Plumes is deceitful ; whence came the Proverb , Of every Hair a good Grey-hound . And whereas Physicians reckon the Colour of the Hair a sign of the Temper , 't is not always true ; since we see persons of the same Hair totally different in Manners and Humors ; and others of different Hair , perfectly agreeing in temper ; wherein consequently we must not seek the reason of colours . CONFERENCE CLXXXIV . Of the Cold of the middle Region of the Air. THe common Opinion attributes the coldness of the middle Region to the Antiperistasis of the heat of the upper and lower Regions , which streightning the cold on either side leave it no other place but the middle , whither the vapors rais'd by the Sun-beams ascending , and no higher by reason of their weight and the thinness of the air there ; it comes to pass that the neighbourhood of these vapors returning to their natural cold , encreases that of the middle Region . But many inconveniences invalidate this Opinion . First , if this Element were hot and moist , as is suppos'd , it would shew some effects thereof ; but 't is quite contrary . For he were a fool that should go into the Air to warm himself ; and the Air hath so little humidity , that it dries all Bodies . Secondly , many Mountains surpassing the middle Region of the Air , and retaining figures describ'd in the ashes of a Sacrifice for a whole year , which shew that in all that time no Wind or Rain was rais'd there to deface them ; it would follow that such Mountains reflecting the Sun-beams by their solidity , should cause heat in the middle Region of the Air , and yet they are commonly cover'd with Snow . Lastly , this Antiperistasis being only in Summer , not in Winter when the cold of the lower Region symbolises with that of the middle , this reason should then cease ; and yet 't is in Winter-time that cold Meteors manifest themselves . Wherefore we must recur to some other cause ; which Cardan takes to be the natural coldness of the Air , not regarding the combination of the four first qualities . For if cold be natural to the Air , it will be easie to conclude , that it must be coldest in the middle , which is less alter'd by the contrary quality of heat ; being most distant from the Element of Fire ( if there be any ) and from the heat which necessarily follows the motion of the heavenly Sphears . The Second said , That Cold being no positive Quality , but a bare negation , it follows that Bodies destitute of Heat are necessarily cold . Now the Air cannot have heat or any other quality , because 't is to serve for a medium not only to all sublunary Bodies , but also to the heavenly influences , whose nature would be perverted and alter'd by the qualities of the Air ; as a colour'd medium imparts its colours to objects . It happens therefore that vapours cool not but are cooled by the Air , so that they become colder in the middle Region then whilst they were in their natural seats . Yea they are so far from rendring the Air cold that they abate its sharpness , which is never greater then in clear weather ; cloudy and misty weather being always more warm and accompany'd with less piercing cold . For being rais'd rather by the subterraneous heat then by that of the Sun , they warm our air ( which reaches not above a league from the Earth ) ; then being gradually deserted by the heat which carry'd them up they meet in those higher spaces which are void of all heat , and begin immediately to condense and congeal them . What people talk of the higher Region of the Air is very doubtful , because the Element of Fire being but an Opinion cannot counter-balance the report of Acosta , who affirms that divers Spaniards were kill'd by the cold in their passage upon the Mountains of Peru which he judges the highest of the World and within the upper region . The Third said , That if we were to be try'd by experience alone , the Earth ( which in Winter is hot at the Centre , and in Summer on its Surface ) would not be judg'd cold and dry ( as it is ) no more then the Water always cold and moist , since the Sun's heat warms it , and the saltness of the Sea renders it heating and drying . But accidental qualities must be carefully distinguish'd from essential ; because these latter are hard to be discern'd when any impediment interposes . As the sight cannot judge of the straitness of the stick in the water but by having recourse to reason ; which teaches us that all light Elements are also hot . Now the lightness of the air is indisputable ; and its heat is prov'd by its subtlety , whereby it penetrates bodies unpassable by light it self . Yet this heat is easily turn'd into cold ; because the air being a tenuious body and not compact , retains its qualities no longer then they are maintain'd therein by their ordinary causes . So that 't is no wonder if not being hot in the highest degree ( as Fire is ) but in a remiss and inferior degree , it easily becomes susceptible of a more powerful contrary quality . For the Sun-beams , which some hold to be the true Element of Fire , heat not unless they be united by reflection ; and this reflection being limited cannot reach beyond our first Region ; the higher Regions must necessarily remain cold ; unless upon further inquiry it be thought that the motion of the air carry'd about with the Sphear of the Moon and the Element of Fire plac'd under the same , are capable to heat it . The Fourth said , That if we may judge of those higher Regions of the Air by those of the Earth and Water which we frequent , each of these Elements hath three sensible differences ; its Surface , Middle and Centre . Those that frequent Mines , tell us that the heat which succeeds the exterior cold of our earth penetrates not above a quarter of a league in depth ; about the end of which space , cold begins to be felt again , and encreases more and more towards the Centre . In like manner 't is probable that the Water follows the qualities as well as the declivity of the Earth . That it is hot at the bottom ( whither therefore the Fish retire in Winter ) proceeds from the nearness of that middle Region of the Earth . So that it being proper to these Elements to have different qualities in their middle from those of their extremities , the same may be true also of the Air ; possibly because a perfect identity of temperature would not have been convenient for the generation of Mixts , to which end all the Elements were destinated . And it being the property of cold to close and re-unite the looseness and dissipation of the Air , it was therefore highly necessary to be predominant in the middle Region thereof . CONFERENCE CLXXXV . Of the Generation of Males and Females . DIstinction of Sex is not essential , but consists only in the parts serving to Generation ; Nevertheless Aristotle makes Male and Female differ , as Perfect and Imperfect ; and saith , That Nature's intention is always to make a Male ; and that only upon the default of some requisite condition she produces a Female , whom therefore he calls a Mistake of Nature , or a Monster . Galen likewise acknowledging no other difference styles Man a Woman turn'd outwards , because Woman hath the same Organs with Man , only wants heat and strength to put them forth . Now indeed this heat and strength is manifestly greater in Males then Females even from the first conception ; for the former are compleatly form'd by the 30th day , the latter not before the 40th ; the former move in the third moneth , the latter not till the fourth ; those are born in the ninth moneth , these some days after ; and besides live not if born in the seventh moneth , as Males do , whose periods are therefore reckon'd by Septenaries , and those of Females by Novenaries . After birth , we see the actions of Males are perform'd with more strength and vigor then those of Females , who are actually colder and suffer more inconveniences from cold . They are never ambidexters , because they have not heat enough to supply agility to both sides ; and their right side is peculiarly destinated to the Generation of Females , because the Spermatick Vessel on that side derives blood from the hollow Vein which is hottest by reason of the proximity of that Vein to the Liver ; whereas the left Spermatick draws from the Emulgent , which carrying Serose humors together with the Blood , 't is no wonder if the Seed of that side be crude and cold , and consequently fitter for generating Femals then Males : Hence Hippocrates saith , that if as Peasants tye a Bull 's left Testicle when they desire a Bull-calf , and the right when a Cow-calf , the same be practis'd by Man , the like effect will follow . Whereby 't is manifest that whatever makes the Seed more hot and vigorous both in Male and Female , furthers the Generation of Males , and contrarily ; and consequently that the Morning , when 't is best concocted , is more proper then the Evening , for begetting Boys ; and the Winter then the Summer ( at least on the man's part . ) The Second said , That as to the production of Males rather then Females , or on the contrary , no certain cause hath hitherto been assign'd thereof ; since we see that the same man , in all likelihood without alteration of his temper , hath only Girles by his first Wife , and only Boys by the second , and on the contrary ; and some that could get no Children at all in their youth have had only Boys in their old Age. Others have Males first , others Females , and others have them alternatively . Whereof no other reason can be assign'd by Chance , or rather the Divine Pleasure alone , in the impenetrable Secrets whereof to seek for a cause , were high temerity . If heat and strength caus'd the difference , young marry'd people would not have Girles first , as it happens most often ; and decrepit old men should never get Boys , as daily experience shews they do . Moreover , some men depriv'd of one of their Testicles , have nevertheless begotten both Sons and Daughters ; which could not be , if the faculty of begetting Children of one determinate Sex were affix'd to either of those parts . And as from a false Principle nothing can be drawn but false Consequences , so also is it in the opinion of Aristotle , That Woman is but an occasional Creature . For then Nature should produce far greater abundance of Males then of Females , or else she would erre oftner then hit right ( which is inconsistent with her wisdom ) , and yet in all places more Girles and Women are found then Men ; as appears in that we every where see plenty of Maids that want Husbands , and in Countries wherein Polygamy is lawful , there are Women enough to supply ten or a dozen Wives to each Man. And indeed , Nature's design is mainly for preserving the Species ; as that of every individual is to preserve it self ; and the bare degree of heat or cold in the Seed being but an accident of an accident cannot effect a formal change in the substance . Only defective heat may occasion an effeminate man , and abundant heat a Virago . Besides this Opinion destroys the common and true one , viz. That Generation is one of those actions which proceeds from a just proportion and temperature of the humors ; whence excessive or feverish heat destroys the Seed in stead of furthering Generation , and is an enemy to all the other functions . Wherefore 't is best to say that the same difference which is observ'd between the Seeds of Plants , is also found in that of Animals , though not discernable therein but by the effects : and as the exactest prying cannot observe in the kernel of an Almond or Pine any difference of the Trunk , Leaves and Fruit of those Trees , although these parts be potentially contain'd therein , so also the Seed of an Animal contains in it self even the least differences of Sex , albeit imperceptibly to the eye . Which the Rabbins being unable otherwise to comprehend , conceiv'd that our first Parent was created an Hermaphrodite , because both Sexes came from him , his own and that of Eve. The Third said , That the sole ignorance of things occasions the ascribing of them to Chance , which hath no power over the wise , because they understand the reasons thereof . As for universal causes , as the Divine is , they concur indeed with particular ones ; but as they are becoming in the mouths of Divines and of the Vulgar , so Naturalists must not stop there , since by the right use of external causes the internal may be corrected ; by which correction not only Seeds formerly barren , or which fell in an ingrateful soil , are reduc'd to a better temper and render'd prolifick , but such as were destinated to a female production through defect of heat , are render'd more vigorous and fit to generate Males . Now that young married people hit not sometimes upon this latter Sex , 't is because of their frequent debauchery , which cools the Brain , and consequently the whole habit of the Body . Which happens not so frequently to men of more advanc'd age , who use all things more moderately . The Fourth attributed the cause to the Constellations and Influences of the Stars which reign at the time of Conception ; Males being generated under Masculine , and Females under Feminine Signs . CONFERENCE CLXXXVI . Whether the French Tongue be sufficient for learning all the Sciences . A Language is a Multitude or Mass of Nouns and Verbs which are signs of Things and Times , destinated to the explication of our thoughts . There are two sorts ; the one perfect , call'd Mother-Languages , the other imperfect . The Mother-Languages are the Hebrew , Greek , and Latine ; the imperfect those which depend upon them . Now the French being of this latter sort , we cannot learn the Sciences by it alone , because being particular , and the Sciences general , the less is not capable to comprehend the greater . Moreover , our Language being not certain in its Phrases , nor yet in its Words ( not only Ages , but also a few Years changing both ) whereas the Sciences are certain and immutable , it will follow that they cannot be taught by it . Besides , there may be Inventions for which our Language hath no expression , or at least not so good as others ; and to busie our minds in the search of words is more likely to retard the mind in the acquisition of Sciences then to further it . The truth is , 't were well if things were generally express'd by the most proper and significant words , but they are not so in any Language much less in the French , which is so far from being rich enough of its self that it borrows from the Greek and Latine to express the most common things , and consequently is not sufficient to teach all the Sciences . The Second said , The French Tongue is deriv'd from the Greek , Latine , and Gothick , which are Languages much more copious then it ; and therefore they that will recur to originals will find those Tongues more adapted for teaching the Sciences then the French , and yet not any single one of them sufficient for it ; since the Romans , to become and deserve the name of Learned , were oblig'd to learn Greek . Moreover , since Books are the chief instruments for attaining the Sciences , the ancient Latine and Greek ones ( which yet were not sufficient for it ) are much more numerous than the French , and by consequence the French Tongue is not capable to teach every Science : and had it more Translations then it hath , yet these are but small Rivulets deriv'd from that grand Source of Sciences which is found in the original Languages . The Third said , If we regard the order of times and particularly that of the Creation when all things were in their perfection and purity ; 't is most likely that , that Language which took birth with Adam , and all the Sciences , is more fit to teach them then the much more Novel French , and since there must be a proportion between Instruments and the Matters upon which they act ; and this proportion is not found between the French Tongue lately invented and the Sciences which are as ancient as the World , who can think it sufficient to teach them ? and the Cabalists hold that the Language fit to teach the Sciences perfectly , must have words adapted to signifie the Vertues and Properties of things , which ours hath not . The Fourth said , That all the Language of Adam , who gave names suitable to the nature of every thing being lost except the the name of God ( for that reason so much esteemed by the Jews ) ; The Cabalists in imitation of that Tongue , invented one whereof I shall give you a taste . It hath five Vowels E , A , V , I , O , which answer to the Elements and the Heaven ; E , to Earth ; A , to the Water ; V , to the Air ; I , to the Fire ; and O , to Heaven . E , produceth in pronunciation c , d , f , g , l , m , n , p , r , s , t , z ; forasmuch as these Consonants cannot be produc'd without it ; A , produceth h , and k ; v , produceth q ; I , produceth nothing , because pure and single Fire doth not . O , likewise produceth nothing , because the Heaven only moves and excites Generations : whereas E produceth abundance of Letters , resembling the Earth which produceth every thing in its bosom , being the Centre of Heaven and the Matrix of the Elements . Now , to form words according to the Elementary Qualities , they will have the Vowels which compose such a word answer to the Elements which compose such a mixt body . And to specifie degrees , because the Vowels , whereby they are denoted meeting together would spoil the pronunciation , therefore they make foure orders of the sixteen Consonants , viz. b , c , d , f , denote the four degrees of Fire ; g , l , m , n , those of Air ; p , r , s , t , those of Water ; x , z , ss , st , those of Earth . Upon this foundation they build the composition of all their Words , which they compose of Vowels according to the Elements predominant in things , and of Consonants according to their degree . But who sees not the absurdity of this invention , which by this means would extend only to corporeal mixts , whereof the quality and very degree is known : Concerning which Naturalists are so far from being agreed , that many attribute most natural effects to other causes , as to Occult Properties , so call'd in opposition to the Elementary . 'T is best therefore not to rove from the common tract which teaches us the Sciences by real Languages ; amongst which those call'd Dead ones , to wit , the Hebrew , Greek , and Latine , and others now disus'd , suffice not for teaching the Sciences , because they are not pronounc'd well , and the learned agree not about the importance of many Letters and Syllables . Besides , the most eloquent express not themselves so naturally in those antick obsolete Tongues as in their own . And all confess that in order to obtain the perfection of a Science , too much plainness cannot be us'd , either on the Teacher's part in establishing their Rules and Precepts , or on the Learner's in propounding their difficulties for resolution . CONFERENCE CLXXXVII . Of diversity of Colours in one and the same subject . THe diversity of Colours is commonly deduc'd from the mixtion and proportion of the Elements ; but more truly from the several degrees of Sulphur , which produces them , as Salt doth Sapors , the most certain indications what degree the quality of a Plant is of : For if Colours had relation to the Elements , then all red things should be hot , and white things cold ; which is not true in Poppy , and Roses , on the one side , nor Orange-flowers and Jasmin on the other . So also green things should be always moist , because this colour proceeds from an indigested humidity mixt with a part of putrifi'd earth ; as appears in standing waters ; and yet the greenness of Lawrel and Mint hinders them not from being hot and dry , nor that of Ranunculus from burning . But Colours are either natural , or artificial ; which latter as we find it in Stuffs and Silks , is neither the cause nor the effect of their temperament . But natural colour , such as that in the parts of living Animals , is an effect of their Life , and alterable after their death . Wherefore I conclude , that colour and its varieties proceeds from the different degrees of Sulphur in the subject ; but that one and the same subject is of several colours , the causes may be : First , for that some of its parts are more compact ; others , more loose , and so differently receive the impression of the Sulphur and the Internal Fire . Secondly , the Sun shining more upon one part than another , draws the internal colour from the Centre to the Circumference ; as Apples are colour'd on the side next the Sun. Thirdly , the same difference which is found between the Root , Trunk , Leavs , Flower , Fruit , and other parts of Plants and Animals , is also found in each portion of those parts ; as the lower part of the Rose is green , the middle part whitish , and the top red ; and the Tulip variegated , is compounded of as many several particles ; which variety of places and matrices , serves to determine the colour which Sulphur paints thereon , being guided by the pencil of Nature . The Second said , That this diversity of colours proceeds only from the divers aspect of light which varies the colours of certain Bodies to our Eye , as in the Rain-bow , the Camelion , and the necks of Pigeons , in things expos'd to the Sun , which seem far brighter than before : To which you must add the distance and station of the beholders ; so water seems black or blew afar off , but near hand colourless ; Turpentine , Crystal , and the whites of Eggs in several situations do the like . The Third said , That there are four colours answering to the Elements , viz. Black to Earth , White to Water , Yellow to Air , and Red to Fire . For discovering the Causes of whose diversities , the ancient Philosophers prepar'd a Matter , which by the degrees of fire , they pass'd through all the colours of Nature , and perceiv'd sometimes in their vessel what they call'd the Peacock's tail , representing all colours in one single Matter ; whence they concluded the variety of colours to proceed from that of External Fire , moving the Matter less in one part than in another . Thus Antimony , which is at first Black , is rais'd into White , Yellow , Red , and mixt Flowers , according as they are sublim'd more or less . But you can draw no consequence from hence to the Colours of Plants , since redness , which , in works of Art , argues perfect Digestion , and Fire predominant , doth not so in Simples . CONFERENCE CLXXXVIII . Whether we are more perspicacious in the Affairs of others , or our own , and why ? IT may seem superfluous to make this a Question , since by the enumeration of all sorts of Affairs , it appears that we are Moles , yea , perfectly blind in the Judgement we make of our selves , and more clear-sighted than the Lynx in those we make of others . Which also the Gospel testifies , by the comparison of a mote which we espy in the Eye of a Neighbour , not seeing the beam which is in our own ; for , ( according to the direction of the Lawyers , who are to be believed in point of affairs ) in the first place in reference to persons , every one understands himself much less either in Mind or Body than he doth another ; most esteeming themselves more capable and worthy of praise for Witt than they are ; and ( as the Eye sees not it self , but every other visible thing so , ) he that hath any perfection or imperfection , cannot consider the same in its true Latitude , but easily adds something to the first , or diminishes from the second ; whilst the various bent of our Passions always exalts and depresses the balance , and keeps it from that aequilibrium which is necessary to a right Judgement . Hence Physicians , although they ought to know themselves better than they can be known by others , yet , when sick , permit themselves to be treated by their Companions ; and never succeed so well in the Cure of themselves or their domesticks , as they do abroad elsewhere . In the second place , we are less quick-sighted in things that concern our selves , than in those of others : whence commonly the greatest Lawyers leave the affairs of their own Houses more imbroiled than others . Which was the cause that the Wife of Pacius , the famous Lawyer of our time , sent to him to ask his Advice concerning his own affairs under fancied names , making him pay a Solicitor with his own Money . In the third place , Actions are in a very evill hand when they are to be managed or defended by their Authors ; either Modesty on the one hand extenuating them , or Thrasonical pride dilating them , and adding thereunto more than is fit . Lastly , the Laws shew sufficiently what hath been the opinion of Legislators upon this matter , when they forbid Advocates and Procurators to plead and practise in their own Cause ; and when they injoyn Judges to forbear , not only their own , but also from all those wherein their kinred or alliances may have any interest . Thus much for the first Head of the Question . The Reason , which is the second , ariseth hence ; That the Eye as well as all other Organs of External and Internal Senses ( such as the Judgement is ) must be serene , and not prepossessed by any tincture or Prejudice . Now to require this serenity and indifferency in our own affairs , is to demand an impossibility . The Cause whereof may come from the pureness and subtilty of the Humane Spirit , above that of other Animals , compared to the Elements of Earth and Water , which contracting themselves round about their own Centre , move not but in quest of their food ; others more ayerious , rise a little higher , but yet have a bounded Region ; such are the spirits of Women , whose Knowledg and Curiosity is limited to the affairs of their houswifrie , or at most to those of their neighbourhood . But the Mind of Man resembling Fire , which hath no other bound but Heaven , penetrates even to the Centre of the Earth , carries its point every where , and is like flame in a perpetual agitation , oftentimes resembling our natural heat in Summer , which abandons the Internal parts to carry it self to the extremities . The Second said , There is as great diversity of Judgements and Witts , as there is of Eyes amongst Men. As there are some blind ; other Eyes from which the Objects must be set at distance to become visible ; some also to which they must be approached ; and , lastly , others which require a moderate distance between the Visible Object and the Organ : Iin like manner , there are some Judgements absolutely blind ; others , which judge not things too near , but require to have them removed , or set at a middle distance ; there are others also , which judge them better near hand than a far off ; and this truly is the custom of the best Judgements , and of such as least suffer themselves to be prepossess'd . Indeed , what is more absurd than for us to remove far from Objects in order to judging of them , after the manner of old men , and of those that are short-sighted ; and if the saying of Aristotle be true , The Species of the thing to be known must be not only introduced into , but also made like the Mind ; Is the divesting our selves of it away to know it well ? By this reckoning we shall never see clear in any affair : not in our own , because 't is ours ; nor in those others , in regard of the Envy Men bear to the prosperity of their Neighbours , which makes them think that their Vines are more fruitful , and their afflictions less severe . If some Physicians resign themselves to the cure of others of the same profession , 't is because they believe them as able as themselves , or , perhaps , because their own Judgement is disturbed by the disease ; otherwise , since the particular Knowledge of every one's Temper is the condition most requisite to a good Physician for curing his Patient , and every one knowing his own better than another can in along time , none can be a better Physician of another than of himself ; and if domestick cures be effected with less notice , yet they are not less sure and remarkable to him that would consider them . That Lawyers are not admitted to plead in their own Case , is rather from their too much , than too little Knowledge ; the Court foreseeing that they would be too prolix and hot in the prosecution thereof , besides the greater temptation to dishonesty in disguising their own actions . Nor is exception against Judges in the case of their kinred allowed , because they see not clear enough into the affair in question ; but because interest , which is inseparably fixed in humane minds , might lead them to relieve their Relations to the prejudice of a third . Which yet hath not place in all , there being found good Judges who would condemn their own Child if he had a bad Cause . But to attribute to self-love , the defect of clear-sightedness , is to speak too Poetically ; since the Prince of Poets believes it not possible to deceive a Lover ; and the knowledge we have of others affairs , hath no other foundation but that which we have of our own , just as self-love is given us for a rule of that of our Neighbour . The Third said , That which happens most frequently being the rule , and the rest the exception ; and the greatest part of Men resembling that Lamia , who being blind at home , put on her Eyes when she went abroad ; it must be agreed , that we are less clear-sighted in our own than in others affairs : Which is the meaning of the Proverb of the wallet , in the forepart of which the bearer puts other Mens matters , casting his own into the part behind upon his back . Moreover , to see clear , is to see without clouds or mists , such as are those of the Passions , Fear , Hope , Avarice , Revenge , Ambition , Anger , and all the rest which suffer not the Species to be calmly represented to the Intellect , which receives the same as untowardly as stirred water , or a Looking-glass sullied with incessant clouds , or vapors receive an Image objected to them ; 't is true , the Passions have some effect upon it in affairs without ; but as themselves , so their trouble is less , and he is the best Judge who gives them no admittance at all ; which cannot be in our own affairs , where , consequently , we are no less clear than in those of others . CONFERENCE CLXXXIX . Of the Original of Mountains . GOD having created the world in perfection , it was requisite there should be Plains , Mountains , and Vallies upon the Earth , without which agreeable variety , there would be no proportion in its parts , wherein nevertheless consists its principal ornament , which hath given it the name of world ; no other beginning of Mountains seems assignable but that of the world . Nor is there any possibility in attributing another Cause to those great Mountains , which separate not only Provinces and States , but the parts of the world ; all the Causes that can be assigned thereof , being unequal to such an Effect : Which the discovery of the inequalities of the Celestial Bodies , observed in our dayes by Galileo's Tubes in some sort confirmed ; for by them Mountains are discerned in some Planets , especially an eminent one in the Orbe of Mars ; which Mountain cannot reasonably be attributed to any cause but his primary construction . The same may likewise be said of the Mountains of the Earth , which besides having necessarily its slopenesses and declivities which are followed by Rivers and Torrents , there is no more difficulty to conceive a Mountain then an elevated place in the Earth ; so that to say , that from the beginning there was no place higher in one part of the earth then in another is to gain-say Scripture which saith that there were four Rivers in Eden , each whereof had its current ; which could not be , unless the place of their rise were higher then that whereunto they tended . The Second said , That the proportion from which the ornament of the World results is sufficiently manifested in the correspondence of the four Elements with the Heavens , and of the Heavens with themselves , yea in all compounds which result from those Elements moved by heat and the Celestial influences , without fancying a craggy Earth from the beginning , to the prejudice of the perfection which is found in the Spherical Figure , which God hath also pourtray'd in all his works , which observe the same exactly or come as near it as their use will permit ; as is seen particularly in the fabrick of Man's Body , his master-piece , whereof all the original parts have somewhat of the Spherical or Cylindrical Figure , which is the production of a Circle . And if the other Elements of Fire , Air , and Water , are absolutely round and cannot be otherwise conceived , though their consistence be fluid , and as such more easily mutable in figure ; 't is much more likely that the earth had that exactly round figure at the beginning ; otherwise the Waters could not have covered it as they did , since not being diminished from the beginning of the World till this time , they are not at this day capable of covering it . 'T is certain then that God gave the Earth that Spherical form , it being to serve for the bulk and Centre to all the other Elements , by means of which roundness the Water covered it equally , but when it was time to render the Earth habitable to Animals , and for that end to discover a part of it , it was to be rendered more hollow in some places and more elevated in others , since there is no Mountain without a Valley , nor on the contrary . Afterwards it came to pass that the Rain washed away whatsoever was fat , and unctuous in those higher places , and carrying it into Brooks and Rivers , and thence into the Sea , this Sea by the impetuosity of his waves makes great abyffes in some places and banks of sand in others ; but the great and notable change happened in the universal Deluge when the many Gulfs below and Windows on high , as the Scripture speaks , overflowed the whole Earth for forty days and forty nights together ; the Earth being thus become a Sea was in a manner new shaped by the torrents of the waters , and the violence of the same waves , which made Abysses in some places and Mountains in others , according as the Earth happened to be more or less compact , and apt for resistance . Which is yet easier to be conceived of Rocks which being unapt to be mollified by either that universal rovage of waters , or torrents superven'd in four thousand years since , they remain intire and appear at this day as supercilious as ever over the more depressed parts round about . The Third said , That some Mountains were produced at the Creation , others since , partly by Rains and Torrents , partly by Winds and Earth-quakes , which have also sometimes levell'd Hills and reduced them into Valleys ; so that you cannot assign one certain or general cause of all . For there is no more reason to believe that the ravages of waters have produced Mountains , then that they have levell'd and filled Valleys with their soil ; as 't is ordinarily seen that the fattest portion of Mountainous places is washed away by Rain into Valleys , and fertilizes the same . And the smallness of the Earth compared to the rest of the world permits not its inequalities to make any notable disproportion in it , or hinder it from being called Round ; as appears in Eclipses caused by the shadow of the Earth , which she sends as regularly towards Heaven as if she were perfectly round . The Fourth said , That the waters of the Sea , from which , according to the Scripture , all waters issue and return thither , impetuously entring into the caverns of the Earth go winding along there till they find resistance , whereby their violence redoubled makes the Earth rise in some places and so forms Mountains ; which therefore are more frequent on the Sea-coasts then elsewhere , and seldom further from the same then a hundred and fifty Leagues . Now that the Sea is higher then the Earth the Scripture notes , and those that travel upon the Sea observe the truth of Genesis which saith that the waters were gathered together on a heap . For being remote from a Port at such distance as would otherwise suffer the same to be seen , the rising of the interposed waters intercepts the view thereof . The Fifth said , 'T is easie to conceive how waters running underground make breaches and abysses , such as that at Rome , into which Q. Curtius cast himself , and also in many other places even in our time wherein a Town of the Grisons was totally involved in the ruines of a neighbouring Mountain , whose foundations the torrents had undermined . And what is found in digging up the ruines of Buildings , paved streets , and other footsteps of mens habitations so deep that the cause thereof cannot be attributed to a bare raising of the ground in building by some humane artifice , shews that these changes happen'd by the depression and sinking of the ground whereon such Towns stood , and by the overturning of neighbouring Mountains , which in this case turn Plains into Valleys and Valleys into Plains or else into Mountains , as also these Mountains into Levels : all these changes which to us seem prodigious , being no more so to Nature , whose agents are proportional to their effect , then when we cover an Ant-hill with a clod of Earth . But 't is not likely that subterranean waters , whose violence is broken by their windings can raise Mountains , or so much as ordinarily Hills ; much less can they raise higher the cavities of Rocks which are the ordinary Basis of such Mountains ; since our Vaults are ruined by the sole defect of one cliff or stone which joyns and knits the rest together ; the sand Hills which the winds heap up in Lybia , as the waves do the banks in the Sea , pertaining as little to the Question as they deserve the name of Mountains . Wherefore 't is probable that Mountains are as old as the Earth , which was formed uneven by Gods command , that so its declivities might serve for assembling the waters together ; for to say that the situation of the Sea is higher then the Earth , is not only contrary to the experience of Dreiners who find the declivity of the Land by no more certain way then by the inclination of the waters , but also to the belief and manner of speech of all the world , who use the term of going downwards when people pass along with the stream of Rivers , which run all into the Sea whose surface must therefore necessarily be lower then that of the earth . Whereas it is said that all waters come from the Sea , this is meant of vapors exhaled from it and converted into Rain and Springs , from whence arise Rivulets , Brooks , and at length Rivers , which terminate again in the Sea. The Sixth said , In pursuance of Copernicus's opinion which makes the earth turn about the Sun , that the several concussions it receives from that motion may possibly elevate one place and debase another . CONFERENCE CXC . Whence proceed good and bad Gestures , Gracefulness and ill Aspects . THe Soul being the principle of all the actions , we need go no further to find the cause of Gestures , and Postures . 'T is true , that as this Soul is but a general cause , being according to the opinion of most Divines , alike in all men , it must like melted Metal borrow its form from the Mould whereinto it is infused ; so the Soul follows the model of the Body and as she formed it , so in some sort be modified by it exercising her functions variously according to the diversity of its Organs . Whereunto also the humors and their mixture or temperament contributes very much . Hence a man of small stature and cholerick hath quick and hasty motions ; the tall and phlegmatick , more heavy and slow ; the Sanguine and middle-sized , between both . Nevertheless the principal reason is drawn from the conformation of the parts ; whence , the Lame halts ; he who hath the Muscles and Ligaments of the hinder part of the Neck too short , holds his Head too upright ; He who hath a great Mouth and a large Breast is a great talker ; and so of all the other parts , from the diversity whereof even that of Languages is said to have come . These Gestures are either universal , as we see some gesticulate with the whole body ; or particular , one contracting his Forehead , another shrugging his Shoulders , beating of measures with his Foot like a good Horse , rubbing his Hands as if they were scabby or to be washed , not being able to speak to any one without touching him , pulling his Button , or pushing him upon the Arm or Breast . Where also is but too observable the troublesome way of some , who never end their discourse but by an Interrogatory , whether you hear them ? or at least by an hem ! which they continue till you answer them ; yea , others interlard their speech with some word so impertinent that it takes away the grace from all the rest : all Gestures words and vicious accents , to which may be opposed others not affected or repeated too often , because 't is chiefly their frequent repetition which renders them tedious and as blamable as the saying over and over the same word : as on the contrary , their seldomness serves for an excuse to those who have no other . Above all it must be endeavoured that the Gestures suit , or at least be not wholly opposite to that discourse which they accompany ; as that ignorant Comedian did who pronouncing these words , O Heaven ! O Earth ! look'd downward at the first , and cast up his Eyes at the last . Whence one and the same Gesture may be good or bad in respect of the subject whereunto it is applied , and according to its seldomness or frequency . As for ill looks , they are always disagreeable , disfiguring the proportion of the countenance and proceeding also from the first conformation of the parts , For as the Arm is bowed only at the Shoulder , Cubit and Wrist , and the Leg at the Knee and Ancle , though the Soul which makes the flection be alike in all other parts , but the articulation is only in those parts : so the motion is carried alike to all the Muscles ; but only those disposed by their conformation to receive the figure of such grimaces , are susceptible thereof . They likewise sometimes happen upon Convulsion of the parts , which cause the strange bendings we observe therein , though never without a precedent disposition which may be called their antecedent cause . The Second said , That we ought to ascribe to the Imagination all the Motions and Gestures of the Body , which are agreeable or displeasing according as they suit with that of the beholder . Hence Fools and Children whose judgment is irregular , are pleased with seeing such gesticulations and the grimacies of Jack-puddings , which displease the more judicious . So that as there is one beauty absolutely such and another respective and in comparison of those who judge differently thereof according as they find it in themselves ( whence the Africans paint the Devil white because themselves are black , and the Northern people paint him black because themselves are white : ) so there are Gestures and Motions purely and simply becoming , honest and agreeable ; others such only by opinion of the beholders , as are the Modes of Salutation ; and lastly , others absolutely bad as Frowning , Winking , biting the Lip , putting out the Tongue , holding the Head too upright or crooked , beating of measures with the Fingers ; in short , making any other disorderly Gesture . All which defects ( as they are opposite to perfections which consist in a right situation of all the parts without affectation ) proceed from the Phansie either sound or depraved . Which happens either naturally or through imitation . The first case hath place in Children who from their birth are inclined to some motions and distortions of their Muscles ; which being double , if one become weaker and its Antagonist too short it draws the part whereto it gives motion out of its natural seat , as is seen in those that squint . The second is observed in Children somewhat bigger , who beholding some Gesture repeated , render the same so familiar to themselves , that at length it becomes natural to them . Hence the prohibition of Mothers give their Children not to counterfeit the vices their companions bodies , is not void even of natural reason ; because the Phansie is stronger in a weak Mind , and when the Memory is unfurnished or other species ; whence the Phansies of Women are more powerful then those of Men. The Minds of Children being weak , and residing in soft pliant Bodies , more easily admit any idea's once conceiv'd : And as a Language is more easily learn'd by Use then by Precepts , so example is Extreamly prevalent , and sweetly insinuating into the Phansie by the Senses diffuses its influence over the whole Body . The Third said , That if the Soul be an harmony as the pleasure it takes therein seems to intimate , we need seek no other cause of the several motions and cadences of the Body which it animates . 'T is the Soul which moves all the Nerves of the Body and carries to all the parts such portion as she pleases of Spirits proper to move them , whereby like a player upon a Lute or some other Instrument she makes what string sound she pleases , stretching one and loosening another . And as Musick is such as the Quirrester pleases to make it , delighting the Ear if it be proportionate thereunto and procuring the Musitian the repute of skilfulness ; if not , the contrary happens : so the Soul imprints upon the Body one figure or another which make a good or bad grace , insomuch that oftentimes gracefulness is more esteemed than Beauty , unless it may be better said to be part thereof ; for want of which , beautiful persons resemble inanimate Statues or Pictures . But as true Beauty is wholly natural , and an Enemy to Artifice , so the Soul ows to its original and first temper , the good or posture which it gives its Body ; and there is as much difference between natural gracefulness and affected postures , as between the Life and the Picture , truth and appearance ; yea , the sole suspicion of affectation offends us . Moreover , a Clown seldom becomes Courtly , and whatever pains be bestowed in teaching him good Carriage , yet still his defects appear through his constraint ; as on the contrary , amongst Shepherds most remote from the civilities of the Court , we see gentileness and dexterities ; which manifest that good carriage , or Gestures are purely natural . The Fourth said , That in the Gestures and Motions of the Body , two principles must be acknowledged , one natural and the other accidental . The former is founded in the structure and composition of every one's Body , the diversity whereof produceth , with that of the spirits , humors , and manners , all the Actions and Passions which depend thereon , the true motive causes of our Gestures and Carriages . Hence he that suffers pain frowns , he that repents bites his Lip or Fingers ; he that admires something , and dares not express it , shrugs his shoulders ; he that muses deeply turns his Eyes inward , and bites the end of his Pen or Nails . The accidental principle is imitation , which , next to Nature , is the most efficacious cause , and acts most in us ; Man being born for imitation more than any other Creatures , as appears in that scarce five or six Species of Birds imitate our Language , the Ape alone our Gestures ; we , on the contrary , imitate not only the voices of all Animals , but also all their Actions : And therefore as it cannot be denied that Nature contributes to our Gestures , so neither can it be doubted that Imitation hath a power therein . CONFERENCE CXCI. Which is most proper for Study , the Evening or the Morning . IF Antiquity had not had Errors , the cause of those who prefer the study of the Evening before that of the Morning , would be very desperate . But Reasons having more force here than the Authorities of Pedagogues , who hold Aurora the friend of the Muses , only to the end that their Scholars rising betimes in the Morning , themselves may have the more time left after their exercises ; I conceive the Evening much more fit for any Employment of the Mind , than any other part of the day ; the Morning leaving not only the first and more common wayes full of Excrements , but also all the Ventricles of the Brain wherein the Spirits are elaborated , and also the Arteries and Interstices of the Muscles full of vapors ; whence proceed the frequent oscitations , contortions , and extension of the members upon our awaking , to force out the vapors which incommode them . On the contrary , the Evening even after repast , finds those first wayes full of good Aliments , which send up benigne and laudable vapors which allay and temper the acrimony of other more sharp and biting , found by experience in Men fasting , who for that reason are more prone to Choler . Moreover , Study consisting in Meditation , and this in reflection upon the Species received into the Phansie , 't is certain that the report of these introduced all the day long , serves for an efficacious Lesson to the Mind , when it comes to make review of the things offered to the Intellect , for it to draw consequences from the same , and make a convenient choice : but in the Morning all the species of the preceding day , are either totally effaced , or greatly decayed . Moreover , the melancholy humor , which is most proper for Study , requires constancy and assiduity , which ordinarily accompanies this humor ; and it is predominant in the Evening as Bloud is in the Morning , according as Physicians allot the four humors to the four parts of the natural day ; as therefore the Sanguine are less proper for Study than the Melancholy , so is the Morning than the Evening . Hence the good Father Ennius never versified so well as after he had drunk , which seldom happens in the Morning ; and the conceptions of fasting persons are commonly more empty , and less agreeable than those of Authors well fed . For the Spirits repaired by Food are carried much further , as being more vigorous when their continual flux and deperdition finds matter proper for their restoration , as they do after Supper , having then the same advantage that an Army hath , which sees at its back another Auxiliary one ready to recruit it . On the contrary , in the Morning nothing remains in the Body of all the Aliments of the foregoing day , but only a mass of liquid blood , which is presently distributed into all the parts , having its self need of restoration : Whence the other animal-functions are performed less vigorously in the Morning than in the Evening , especially after Supper ; Which is justifi'd also by the experience of those who when they would learn any thing by heart , study it in the Evening and sleep upon it , committing the same to those vigorous Spirits newly produc'd by the food , to be more deeply engraven in the Memory . And your nightly Students sleep commonly in the Morning , which is the fittest time for it , and best refreshes the forces both of Body and Mind ; whereas Evening sleep is lyable to musings and tumults . Which also is confirm'd by the practice of Courtiers , who best of all Men understand the delights of Life ; especially Ladies , who by long sleeping in the Morning , preserve themselves fair and in good plight ; which is an infallible sign of health , without which , the functions of the Mind cannot be rightly perform'd . The Second said , That a vessel which is to be fill'd , must first be empty'd , and the Organs of Sense must be free from all Species , that they may be susceptible of those whereof we desire to inform them . For which purpose , the Morning is far fitter than the Evening , when all the Idea's of the day past , throng into the Phansie , and shut the door to new Objects . The Spirits likewise are then more pure from the vapors , which arise from meats while undigested ; which vapors are very prejudicial to the Spirits , as appears in those that have drunk too much , who reason but very ill ; and they that apply themselves to study after Supper , find a manifest difference in themselves from what they were before it ; their Animal Spirits being clouded by multitude of vapors which fill their Heads , and leave no longer free passage to the Spirits : Besides that , Attention hurts Digestion , calling the Spirits to the Brain from the Stomack , where they should be to concoct the food ; whence follows imperfect sanguification , testified by paleness of Complexion of hard Students . Moreover , the Soul being Light , delights more to exercise its functions in the day than in the night , whose darkness saddens it , and represses its beams ; whence our conceptions are much more dull in the night , whose coldness is an Enemy to all Actions , as heat ( which is greater in the day ) is a friend to them . And the Custom of the most studious is back'd with Reason , which requires that the Soul , Man's chief part , begin to take its food of Knowledge at the chief and first part of the day . And our ancient Laws seem to favor this Opinion , whilst they prohibit the judgement of Criminal Causes after dinner , as requiring more attention than Men are commonly capable of at that time ; and certainly they must be much less capable thereof after Supper . The Third said , That the Question cannot be determin'd but by distinguishing of Complexions , Ages , Customs , and different Studies . The Cholerick commonly find themselves fittest for study in the Evening , when the Acrimony of their predominant humor is allay'd by the recent vapors of meat . On the contrary , the Phlegmatick must not sleep much , and to be early is both most healthful for him , and the fittest time for his study ; but the Sanguine requires more sleep . And for Customs , though bad ought to be reform'd , yet if an Evening Student changes for the Morning , or on the contrary , it will be with less success . If it be asked , What Custom then is best to be contracted , we must come to the consideration of Ages ; wherein , Children after seven years old , when they begin to be capable of regular discipline , must not be confin'd to less than eight or nine hours sleep ; after the Age of Puberty , Morning Studies are most profitable for them . The Evening is fittest for the Studies of Youth and Manhood , in whom Choler predominates , as less disturbing their Morning repose , which is necessary to repress the boylings of their hot Blood ; whence if they rise too early , they are commonly troubled with the Head-ach . Lastly , Old-age being more phlegmatick , and its humors sharper , 't is good for them to go to bed betimes , to the end to temper that Acrimony by the gentleness of the vapors rising from the lately taken Supper ; and also 't is most profitable for them to rise early , whereunto they are guided by Nature , awaking sooner than any other Age. CONFERENCE CXCII . Who are the most Ingenious of the World. BY Ingenious are meant inventive , subtle or acute persons ; He that understands , discourses and exercises the functions of the Soul more subtly then another is styl'd Ingenious . Thus Apelles when disguis'd was discover'd by a third line which he drew upon two others , so small , that none but he could have drawn it : And in a dispute , he that best distinguishes a term confounded by the Antagonist , passes for the most subtle and ingenious ; so also doth an Artificer that makes the most subtle pieces of work , as chains for Fleas , Nine-pins with a Bowl extreamly small , Knives and other Instruments , not weighing above a grain of Wheat . For as they that can perceive the least objects are the most clear-sighted , so minds not contented to conceive common and gross things , are the most ingenious . This being premis'd , I conceive that the Cholerick are such ; and for the same reason Southern people , whose Climate produces that humor most . Hence those that govern people in those parts trouble not themselves to reason with them , because having to do with refined spirits , it were to no purpose ; there being no reason so good but a contrary one might be invented amongst them : But they relye upon nothing more then Faith and Religion , whereby they accomplish their ends upon their people , who elsewhere are govern'd by force of Reason . The Second said , That if Ingenuity consisted only in subtlety , there would be none in making Colossus's and great Piles of Buildings , wherein nevertheless there is far more then in little Trinkets , which like some Iron mechanick-Instruments are useless by being too fine . And as he that distinguishes pertinently in a Dispute is reputed ingenious , so is he no less who entangles the respondent by confounding things which ought to be separated . In the practise of Affairs , things too subtle pass for Chimera's , and are never put in execution ; nor is he accounted the best Painter that draws the finest strokes . Moreover , the Eyes that discern the least object are not always the best ; but 't is a sign of weakness of sight to see things out of their proportionate distance . Much less probable is it that the Cholerick are more ingenious then the Melancholy , since reflection is necessary to the making of a solid conclusion , which the impatience of Choler cannot endure ; and indeed , never was there seen a man of great parts who was not pensive . And accordingly , Northern people , being more cold and reserv'd , will carry it above other hotter Nations . The Third said , That as to Nations , he conceiv'd that as not only the Plants , but also the Pearls and Jewels of the East , are more excellent and purer than those of other parts of the world , so also are their Witts : The Reason whereof , is , That the Sun coming from the East bestows the First-fruits of his own and other Celestial Influences upon the Orientals ; which Influences , like the impression of Perfumes , are most vigorous in their beginning . Moreover , we see that God made use of the excellence of the spirits of those people to make the first and greatest Law-givers and Sages . If Authors of new and untrue Religions have been found there , this fortifies rather then destroyes this Opinion , more Witt being requisite to maintain a bad than a good cause . As for Temperaments , the Sanguine hath the advantage . First , because 't is the most healthful Complexion , and Health is the principal condition of a good Witt , which cannot display it self perfectly in a sick body . Secondly , because Blood is the proximate matter of spirits , and he that hath good Blood must have plenty of spirits . Thirdly , because this is the Complexion of the amorous , who are the most ingenious people of the world . Whence the Poet said , Quis fallere possit amantem ? But if the Question be , What Exercise or Employment hath the most ingenious people , 't is harder to be detemin'd ; so great Witts being found at this day of all sorts of professions , that 't is difficult to judge , of which there are most . Some will prefer the Scholastick Devines for their subtle disputes and nice distinctions ; others , the Rational Physicians , for their discourses and conjectures upon the causes of hidden diseases , others , the Mathematicians for their curious searches into Heaven it self ; or the Lawyers who manage their affairs so advantageously above others . The Fourth said , That , absolutely speaking , there is no quarter of the world more Oriental or Occidental than another ; these words having been invented only in respect to Men themselves , to some of whom one and the same people is Oriental , and yet Occidental to others ; since the world is round , and all the parts of a Sphere are of the same Nature . What differences there are , must be taken from something else than the four parts of the world , and , particularly , from Cold and Heat . Thus those that live under the Poles , are of a different Complexion both of Body and Mind , from those that are between the Tropicks . According to which difference , the Inhabitants of the temperate Zones must be the most ingenious : Cold being too much an Enemy to Life , to advance the Wit ; and excessive Heat burning the Humors no less within than without , as the woolly hair and black skin of the Nations expos'd to it , manifest . So that 't is no presumption in the French and other Nations under the same Climate , to award the preheminence to themselves in this matter . For the operations of the Mind , as well as the digestions and other natural operations of the Body , require a temperate , not an excessive Heat . And the levity imputed to our Nation is a proof of it , since commonly the most ingenious are least stedfast in executing the things they have devis'd . But amongst the French , I account none more ingenious than the Lawyers , who confute the Philosophical Maxim , which saith , That whatever hath a beginning hath also an end , since they render Suits immortal . Instead of the four causes taught by Naturalists , they create others without number ; and in spight of the Maxim , which saith , There is no Vacuum , they make one at length in the purses of their Clients . The Fifth said , That since there are good and bad , ingenious and sots in all Lands , to be the one or the other , dependeth not upon the Climate ; Heaven , from whence the Soul descends , being alike in all places . Nor is it likely that professions render Men more or less ingenious , since those to which people are lead by natural inclination , are rather Effects than Causes of good or bad parts . As for those to which we are perswaded or forc'd , nothing can be inferr'd from them , having no affinity with our Nature . Lastly , nor doth Temper always contribute to render Men ingenious , since there are some so of all Tempers , Ages , and Sexes . The true Cause is the proportion which happens to be between the Soul and the Body at the first conformation . Whence the surest signs of good parts , are taken from the figure of the Body , and chiefly of the Head , which if sharp , never makes a wise man ; as on the contrary , great Heads , and broad Fore-heads , are always ingenious , of whatever Country , Vocation , and Temper they be . CONFERENCE CXCIII . Of the Fraternity of the Rosie-Cross . I Find that these Brethren being associated in Germany two or three hundred years ago , sware mutual Fidelity to observe the Laws of their Fraternity ; the chief of which was Secrecy , never to speak or write but in the Allegories of their Cabal , whose pretension is to re-establish all Discipilines and Sciences , especially Physick , which , they say , is ignor'd and ill practis'd by all others ; themselves alone having the Knowledge of so many Secrets that they hold the Philosopers Stone for one of the least , and professing to imitate sundry other Societies of ancient time ; as first , that of the Kings , Priests , and Philosophers of Aegypt , under the names of Isis , Osiris , Apis , Anubis , and Mercury , the mysteries whereof they hid under their Hieroglyphical Letters , leaving the use of the common way of writing to the vulgar : For proof whereof they alledge , that the first Priest of this Fraternity being urg'd by Alexander to discover to him the Secret of Isis and Osiris , told him for the whole Secret , that they were not gods but men whom they worshipt . With which Answer , Alexander was so well satisfied , that he writ word thereof to his Mother Olympias , desiring her to burn his Letter as soon as she had read it , for fear of Scandal . The second Society which they alledge , is , the College of the Eumolpides , so called from Eumolpus its Author , an Eleusinian Priest at Eleusis in Athens , in imitation of that instituted in Greece by Orpheus , to the honor of Baochus ; of which Eumolpides , the supream Sacrificer carry'd a golden key in his mouth to mind him of keeping the Secret , which was not communicated to all the initiated in this Order , but only to such as were of approv'd discretion . The Third ( they say ) was that of the Samothracians , who were never troubled with sickness or poverty , the two grand scourges of Life ; maintaining themselves in perpetual Health by repairing the radical humidity , and by Astrological Application of Specifical Remedies deriv'd to them from their Predecessors ; and having by their great work secret means of supplying the common necessities of their Confreres and Associates . Then follow the Magi of Persia , where , Cicero saith , it was required as a Condition of admitting any to be King , that he were skill'd in natural Magick , that is , in the most profound and admirable secrets of Nature ; to learn which , Empedocles and Plato , purposely sail'd into Persia . Of this Magick they make Zoroaster the Author , who liv'd six hundred years before Moses , and spent twenty years in a Desart in studying the works of Nature , trying the Effects ensuing upon the Application of Actives to Passives ; whence he got the name of Necromancer , as if he invok'd Devils . Next they quote the Chaldaeans in Babylon , and the Brachmans in India ; both sorts visited by Apollonius , to whom Hyarchas the Moderator of the East shew'd a Well four paces broad , by which they swore , having near it a Cup full of fire , which perpetually burning , never surmounted the brims of the Vessel , and two Hogsheads , the one of wind , the other of rain , both which infallibly follow'd upon opening the same . They bring in likewise the Gymnosophists of Aethiopia , who assembled under an Elm , and saluted the same Apollonius by his name , without having ever known him . Pythagoras also , they say , profess'd the Secret , trying his Disciples taciturnity by five years silence , and hiding his mysteries under Numbers . They tell further of one Aucarsus who did many wonders , appearing in several places at the same time , killing with one word a Serpent that destroy'd a whole a Country ; and lastly , they mention a Colledge of Arabians in the City of Damcar , where the Author of this Brotherhood of the Rosie-Cross had his Academy , after the establishment whereof he went to Fez to instruct the Moors , where his progress was such , that the Society came to be diffus'd into Germany , Poland , and Hungary . The Second said , That the rise of this Fraternity is by Mayerus referr'd to the year 1378 , when a German Gentleman ( the initial Letters of whose name were A.C. ) of the Age of fifteen years , was shut up in a monastery , where having learnt Latine and Greek , in his seventh year he began to journey to the Holy Land ; but falling sick at Damas , he heard so much talk of the Sages of Arabia , that recovering , he went to Damcar the City of these Sages , who saluted him by his proper name , and telling him that they waited for him a long time , discover'd to him many Secrets ; after he had learnt their Language and the Mathematicks , he travell'd into Aegypt and Spain ; then return'd into Germany , defraying his expences by the invention he had of making Gold , with which he built and liv'd magnificently for five years ; afterwards be thinking himself of reforming the Sciences , which he had design'd from the beginning , he associated to himself three Brothers to whom he communicated his Secrets . These four not sufficing for the great number of Patients which flockt to them from all parts to be cur'd , they took four more who enacted among themselves these Rules of their Society . I. None shall make other Profession but of curing the sick gratis . II. None shall be ty'd to any particular Habit , but left to conform therein to place and time . III. Every Brother shall assemble once a year on a set day , in their House call'd the House of the H. Ghost , or signifie the cause of his absence . IV. He shall choose a worthy and fit person to succeed him after his death . V. These two Letters R. C. shall be their Symbole , Signet , and Character . VI. The Fraternity shall be kept secret for a 100. years . These Articles being sworne to , he retain'd two of the Brothers with him , and sent the rest about the world . This founder , they say , liv'd 106. years , was buryed secretly by his Confreres in the year 1484 ; after which time , these Brothers succeeded one another , every one of them living no less than a 100. years ; and in the year 1604. one of them finding a stone in a wall pierc'd through with a nail , which denoted something more than ordinary , pull'd it out with great difficulty , and discover'd a Vault ; wherein , amongst other strange things , he found the Sepulchre of this Founder with this inscription in Latine , I shall be manifested after six score years : And at the bottome , A , C , R , C , In my life time I made this Abridgment of the Universe for my Sepulchre , with many devises , one a side , and four in circles . The Body held in its Hand a parchment-book written with Golden Letters , at the end of which was his Elogium , containing among other things , that after having heap'd up more riches than a King or Emperor , of which he judg'd his own Age unworthy , he left them to be sought for by posterity , and built a little world answering to the great one in all its motions , by which he had compendiously acquir'd the Knowledge of all things past , present , and to come ; and after he had liv'd above a 100. years , he render'd his Soul to his Creator amidst the embraces and last kisses of his Brethren , not by reason of any disease , ( which his own Body never felt , and he permitted not others to suffer ) but God with-drew from his Body the illuminated Soul of this most beloved Father , most agreeable Brother , most faithful Master , and intire Friend . The same Mayerus saith , that the place of these Rosie-Crucians Colledge is still unknown , but yet they repair to it from all the parts of the world . In the year 1613. News came that one of these Brethren nam'd Mulley om Hamet , having assaulted Mulley Sidan King of Fez , and Marocco strongly arm'd , defeated him with a handful of unarm'd men , and seiz'd his throne ; from whence these Conquerors were to go into Spain , where at the same time some Spaniards taking upon them the title of Illuminati , fell into the hands of the Inquisition . This report oblig'd the Society to publish two Books , intitul'd , Fama & Confessio , wherein , after refutation of wrongful reputations , they set down their Maxims , and say , That the great Knowledge of their Founder is not to be wonder'd at , since he was instructed in the Book M , which some interpret the Book of the World ; others , the Book of Natural Magick , which he translated out of Arabick into Latine : out of which , they affirm , that Paracelsus afterwards learnt all his Knowledge ; which being new , 't is no wonder , they say , that both he and they be derided and hated by the rest of men . And that the above-said Founder caus'd to be collected into another Book for his Disciples all that man can desire or hope , to wit , both Celestial and Earthly Goods ; these last consisting chiefly in Health , Wisdom , Riches , to acquire all which , they shew the means . In brief , that their main end is , by Travells and Conferences with the Learned , to obtain the Knowledge of all the Secrets in the World , and relate them to their Society , and to none else . The Third said , That there have ever been spirits extravagant , irregular , and incapable of all Discipline both Political and Ecclesiastical . Hence have risen in the Church Heresiarchs and Schismaticks ; in the State , Rebels and Mutineers ; in the Sciences , Innovators and presumptuous persons , who wanting Ability and Constancy to undergo the pains of Study necessary for obtaining the skill requisite to the right exercise of the least Disciplines and Professions , take upon them to blame what they understand not ; and as the vulgar easily close with Calumnies , to which the faults of the Professors , not the Professions , give but too much occasion ; so they readily prepossess the Understanding of their Hearers . For which there is more matter in Physick than there is in any other Profession , because the vulgar , who judge thereof , consider only events , which are not in our power but only the application of causes ; the rest being the work of Nature . Hence Paracelsus , and others of that gang , started up in the world , establishing new Principles , and vaunting themselves upon the authority of imaginary antiquity . And as no Opinion is so erroneous but hath its followers ; so there have been found people enough of that sort to make a Colledge , who forgetting that one of the faults they charg'd upon the Rational Physicians , was , that in their prescriptions they made use of a strange Language and Cyphers unknown to the vulgar , have imitated those above-mention'd Priests of Aegypt , who made an outside shew of brave Ornaments , which being lifted up , you see nothing but a Cat , or an Ox at the stall . Thus all their discourse is only of Aurum Potabile , Mercurius Vitae , Magistery of Pearls , Quintessences , Spirits , Extracts , which they denote by Cyphers invented at pleasure , and apply ( as they say ) only according to the mind of Heaven , all the cadences whereof they observe and measure for that purpose : But if you look to the bottome of all , you will see their Hands foul'd with coals or dung , their Faces discolour'd by the Arsenical Exhalations of the Minerals they prepare in their furnaces ; and yet the most pitiful wretch of them all will swear that he knows the great work . Indeed , this were no great matter , if the success of their Practise made amends for the defects of their Theory . But seing chief remedies consist in vomiting or purging violently , whereof few Bodies are capable ; no wonder if people use them only in desperate cases . Nor is their impertinence sufferable , whilst , to credit themselves , they pretend to be descended from the Gymnosophists , from whom , 't is to be fear'd , they inherit at last nothing else but their nakedness . For what better title have they for their succeeding to all those ancient Societies , ( I mean such as were commendable and worthy of imitation ) than our Faculties have , which are authoriz'd by the Laws of the Prince , by possession immemorial , and a conformity of all Nations , which renders their right as strong as that of Nations . Wherefore I advise these Brethren , if they will not betake themselves to study as as others do , to render themselves altogether Invisible , ( as they pretend to be ) withdrawing from the Commerce of the rest of Mankind . The Fourth said , Who openly profess'd himself one of this Fraternity , said that Doctor Flud of England had ingeniously interpreted these three Letters ; F. fide , R. religione , C. charitate , though the common opinion prevails , which will have them signifie , Fratres Roseae Crucis . But neither of these interpretations can pass for a great Secret ; wherefore it appears upon further search , that the Cross is truly significative there , but in another sense , which is , that in this † the word LVX is included , whence some think that these Brothers took in Spain the title of Illuminati : I shall venture further , and add that Ros ( Dew ) which is the most powerful dissolver of Gold amongst natural and not corrosive Bodies , is nothing else but Light condens'd and render'd corporeal , which being concocted and digested artificially in convenient time in its proper vessel , is the true Menstruum of the Red Dragon , i. e. of Gold , the true matter of Philsophers . Of which Secret , this Society desiring to leave Posterity intimation in their Name , styll'd themselves Brethren of the Rosie Cross . Thus Jacob's blessing upon Esau , contain'd only these two matters , De Rore Coeli , & pinguedine Terrae det tibi Deus . Whereas this Society is charg'd with pretences of being invisible , they mean only that it hath no visible marks to distinguish it from others , as other Societies have , namely , several colours and fashions of habits , but 't is known and visible only to those of the Society it self . CONFERENCE CXCIV . What Paracelsus meant by the Book M. I Shall not stand to consider whether it be true , as some say , that more persons besides Theophrastus ab Ohenheim bore the name of Paracelsus ; my present purpose is only to consider a passage lately recited here out of his Archidoxa ; Atque haec omnia ( saith he there ) parùm vulgaria de Medicina supernaturali & Magica , ex libro secreto ex Arabico idiomate in Latinum verso qui pro titulo habet Literam M. In which words we may observe how remote this Author's manner of Writing is from that of the Doctors of these times ; yea , and of former too , ( if you except the Chymists ) who mainly aim to speak clearly , and to render themselves intelligible , many of them professing to wish that things themselves could speak . From which practise this Author is so far , that he conceals even the Book 's name wherein he studied , by a kind of Plagium , hiding his Theft , lest others should trap him ; and the same Jealousie runs through all his Works . However , for Curiositie's sake , let us consider what Titles will sute to this Letter . Me-thinks the fittest is Mundus , that great Book , open to all that are minded to read in it ; that to which Job , David , and many other Authors sacred and profane so frequently refer us ; each Element whereof is a Tome , every Compound a Book , and every part thereof a Letter . All other Books are only Copies of this Original , to which if they happen to have conformity , they pass for good ; if not , they are meer Chimera's , having no foundation in the thing . Hence ariseth that so remarkable difference between the Theory and the Practise of Arts ; for almost all Books being false Copies of this of the World , no wonder if Book-doctors are most commonly ignorant of Things , whose solid Contemplation produces other satisfaction in the informed Intellect , than do the empty Phansies of those who either never understood what they writ , or had not the gift of right expressing it . And certainly we may have more exact and natural information from the species of things themselves , than either the Writing or Speech of another person can give us . The Second said , That this Book M. is the Book of Magick ; whence many have believ'd Paracelsus a Magician , and the rather in that they find him teaching in many places of his Books to cure diseases by words , and to produce men by inchantment in a great bottle , with other such abominable proposals , not to be accomplish'd but by Diabolical assistance . Moreover , we seldom see any persons so bold as to attempt to overthrow so ancient an Institution as Physick , both in Theory and Practise , but who are led to that enterprise either by God or the Devil : And the continual calumnies and detractions , whereof this evil spirit is the Author , and for which Paracelsus and his followers so signalize themselves , give farr more probability of the latter than of the former . Whence , possibly , to disguise the matter , most Magicians pretend to have learnt their Characters out of some Book , as , particularly , that which they call Clavicula Solomonis . The Third said , That it may be Magick , and yet lawful , to wit , true and Natural Magick , such as was profess'd by the Indian Magi , three of whom having discover'd our Saviour's Birth , came to worship him ; the other black and infamous Magick , no more deserving that name , than Empiricks and Mountebanks do that of Physicians . Now Natural Magick is the knowledge of the nature and properties of all things hidden to the vulgar , who take notice only of manifest qualities , and reduce all to generalities , to avoid the pains of seeking the particular virtues of each thing ; and therefore 't is no wonder if they see only common effects and successes from them . Thus Plants bearing the signature or resemblance of a disease , or the part diseased , as Lungwort , Liverwort , Pepperwort , cure by a property independent on the first qualities , though few understand so much . Of this kind are many excellent Secrets , whose effects seem miraculous , and as much surpass those of ordinary remedies , whose virtues are collected only from their appearing qualities , as the Soul doth the Body , and Heaven Earth . The Fourth said , That by the Book M. cannot be meant Mundus , since the World cannot be turn'd into Arabick and Latine ; and 't is not a Secret but a Figure and Metaphor to call the World a Book . If it be lawful to admit a Figure in it , I think 't is more likely that this Book is nothing else but a Talismanical Figure , or Character engraven in a Seal , and employ'd by the Rosie-Crucians to understand one another ; and call'd the Book M , because it represents an M cross'd by some other Letters , from whose combination results the mystery of the Great Work , designing its matter , vessel , fire , and other Circumstances ; the first whereof is Dew , the true Menstruum or Dissolver of the Red Dragon or Gold. In brief , so many things are compriz'd in this figure , by the various combination of the Letters represented therein , that it deserves well to be term'd a Book . The Fifth said , If this be the Secret of the Brethren of the Rosie-Cross , they are Invisible in all their proceedings ; because no Secret is seen in it , but only many absurdities . As , amongst others , to call that a Book , which is neither Paper , nor Parchment , nor Leaf , but a Figure ; in which 't is no wonder if they find what they please , since in these three Letters Sic , variously interlac'd one with another , you may find not only all the Letters , but also by their combination all the Books and all the things which are in the World ; and it requires no more industry than to found all sorts of notes upon a Flageolet . Let us therefore rather say , That Authors who puzzle their Readers minds with such Figures , are as culpable as those are commendable , who feed them with true and solid demonstrations ; and whereas we thought that this M signifi'd Mons , we now see that it signifies no more than Mus ; according to the ancient Fable of the labouring Mountains , out of which upon the concourse of people to the spectacle , issu'd forth nothing but a Mouse . The Sixth said , That high Mysteries have alwayes been veil'd under contemptible , and oftentimes ridiculous Figures ; as if the wisdom of the sublimer Spirits meant to mock those of the vulgar , who judge of things only by appearance . Which may have place in common effects ; but as for extraordinary things , their causes are so too , whereof we have experiences in Nature sufficiently manifest . There is no affinity between a word and the death it gives to a Serpent ; yet the Poet attests the thing in this Verse , Frigidus in pratis cantando rumpitur Anguis ; between the sight of a little bird call'd a Wit-wall , and the Jaundies , which it cures ; between the Figure call'd Abacus Lunae , and the Meagrim , which is also cur'd thereby ; between a point ty'd , and the Generative Power which it hinders . In brief , the most excellent effects are of this kind , and deserve not the name of admirable , unless when our mind finds no connexion between the effect and the cause that produceth it . Why then may not the same reality be admitted between this Character and the effects pretended by those Brothers of the Rosie-Cross ? CONFERENCE CXCV. Of the Art of Raimond Lully . SOme Wits are fitter for Invention than Imitation , and so was that of Raimond Lully , who invented an Art how to find many Attributes , Propositions , Questions , and Means of speaking to any Subject propounded , to the end to be never surpriz'd , but to be and always appear ready . By this Art , which upon account of its use , and because it pretends to shorten vulgar studies he stiles Great , he endeavors to out-do Aristotle , who having reduc'd all Logick to Definitio , Proprium . Genus , and Accidens ; and in his Books of Topicks , set down some few places out of which to draw Mediums for arguing ; Lully hath propos'd others , not only drawn from all the preceding , but increas'd with many others invented by himself . This Art he divides into two parts . The first treats of simple terms , which he calls Principles , whereunto he hath joyn'd general Questions ; and this part he calls the Alphabet , because it comprizes each of those terms , reduc'd to nine by as many Letters of the Alphabet . The second treats of the connexion of these Principles , and makes Propositions and Syllogisms of them : this part he intitles De Figuris , either because , 't is illustrated by Tables or Figures representing the combination of those Principles , or because Arguments are compos'd of them as the Celestial Figures are of Stars . His Alphabet is thus delineated by Pacius . b Goodness . Difference whether it be ? 1 c Greatness . Concordance what it is ? 2 d Durātion . Contrariety whence and from whō ? 3 e Power . Principle or beginning why ? 4 f Wisdom . Middle how much ? 5 g Appetite . End of what quality ? 6 h Virtue . Majority when ? 7 i Truth . Equality where ? 8 k Glory . Minority how ? 9 This Table , as you see , contains three Columns , each of which hath Nine Squares , and every one of these a word . The first Column contains Absolute or Transcendent Principles ; the second , Relative Principles ; the third , Questions . On the side of these Squares are set the nine first Letters of the Alphabet , namely , from b to k , because Lully reserv'd a to denote the first Figure or Connexion of these Squares ; and he employ'd these Letters alone instead of Words , which they denote , for brevitie's sake . Thus bb signifies the goodness of the difference , or the difference of good things ; bc the goodness of greatness , or the goodness of Concord ; bd , the goodness of contrarieties , or things contrary , and so of the rest ; for he ties not himself solely to the word of each Square , but extends it to all its Conjugata , or Derivatives , Species , and Contraries . As the Conjugata of Goodness are Well , Good , Bonificative , ( or , that is able to make something good ) Bonificent , ( that makes a thing actually good ) Bonificable ( that may be made good ) Bonified , ( that hath been or is made good ) to Bonifie , ( to make good ) and Bonification ( the action whereby a thing is made good . ) The Species of Goodness are , 1 , Permanent Good , as To be ; Transient Good , as To act . 2. Honest , Profitable , and Delightful : the Contrary of Good is Evil ; of Honest , Base ; of Profitable , Damageable ; of Delightful , Troublesom . — Greatness transcendent and not categorical is that , by reason whereof it is term'd great , and acts very much ; it s Conjugates are Great , Grandifying , or Magnifying , Magnificative , Magnification , and to Magnifie , whose definitions may be understood by what is said of Goodness ; its Species are Finiteness and Infinity , length , breadth , heighth , multitude , production , dilatation , multiplication , and their conjugates ; its contraries , smallness , shortness , narrowness , and their Conjugates . — Duration is that , by reason whereof a thing endures and is permanent . Its Conjugates , are enduring , durable , &c. its Species , Eternity , Time , and their Conjugates ; its contraries , Change , Privation , &c. with their Conjugates . — Power is that whereby a thing can exist and act ; it s Conjugates are potent , possible , to be able ; its Species , Omnipotence , ( which is in God alone ) simple power , ( which is in Creatures ) strength , masterdom , authority , jurisdiction , empire ; its contraries , impotence , imbecillity , impossibility , and their Conjugates . — Wisdom is that by reason whereof any one is wise ; its Species are Science , Intelligence , Prudence , Art , Prophecy , Conscience , and their Conjugates ; its contraries , Ignorance , Imprudence , Error . — Appetite , is that by reason whereof a thing is desirable ; its Species are Instinct , Cupidity , and Will ; its contraries , Hatred , Malevolence , Horror , &c. — Virtue is here that which unites and contains a thing ; its Species are , Perfect ( in God ) imperfect ( in Man ) its contrary . Vice , &c. — Truth , is that by reason whereof things are true ; its speech are verity of the thing , ( so God is Truth it self ) Verity of the Intellect ( as when we conceive that Man is an Animal ) and Verity of Speech ( as in this Proposition , Homo est Animal ) its contrary is Falsity ; its Species , those opposite to the former . Truth is again divided into Necessary and Contingent , Simple and Conjunct . — Glory is the supream and utmost perfection of a thing in the enjoyment whereof it acquiesces , being unable to wish ought more ; such will be the Glory of the Blessed ; its Species are Honour consider'd in it self and call'd by the Latins , Decus ; and Honor receiv'd from others , which they properly call Honor. Thus much for the first Column . The Second is of Relative Terms , which agree not to all things in general as the former do , but are three Ternaries , one of the three whereof necessarily agrees ; for every thing either differs , or agrees , or is contrary to another ; is at its beginning , middle , or end ; is greater , equal , or less ; and is extended likewise to its Conjugates , and divided into its Species : but they have no other contrary but themselves consider'd one in respect of another . The Third Column is of Questions , whereof the first is , Whether the thing simply exist , as , Whether there be a Phoenix ; or , Whether it be some other thing ; as , Whether the Moon be greater than the Earth . The second is , What the thing is ? To which it is answer'd by the Genus or Difference , and consequently , by a Definition or Description ; or else , What the word signifies ? The third hath two branches ; the former demands , Whence a thing took its Rise , as in this Question , Whence comes Original sin ? From that of our first Parents . The latter asks , To whom the thing belongs , as , Whose book is this ? The fourth Question inquires the Cause ; as , Why a stone always tends towards the Centre ? The fifth concerns either continu'd Quantity ; as , What magnitude the Sun is of ? or disjoynted Quantity ; as , How many several magnitudes of stars there are in Heaven ? The sixth is concerning Quality ; as , Whether Opium be hot or cold ? The seventh is of Time ; as , When is there an Eclipse of the Moon ? The eighth is of the means by which one thing is in an other ? as , The Earth in its Centre , the Part in its Whole , the Accident in its Subject , Wine in its Cask . The ninth asks ; How any thing is done ? As , How do the Intellectual Species act upon the Intellect ? How do the Sensible Species act upon the Senses ? The Use of this Art , ( styl'd also by its Author Cabalistica , because 't is learnt better by Cabal , or Tradition , than by Rules ) consists in Terms , Questions of the Alphabet , and Figures , which are Combinations or Conjunctions of two or three of those Terms ; to the end it may be easie for any one to examine the Question propos'd by all the wayes resulting from these Combinations or Conjunctions of Terms . For Example , if you desire to prove that the Intellect is immortal , you must run over the Terms by themselves , and examine the goodness of the Intellect , its Greatness , Duration , Power , and other following Terms ; first , each apart , and afterwards joyning two or three together . And if you would not forget any Medium of proving , carry the Question through all the squares resulting from the Combinations of these Terms , which , indeed , are so numerous , that the most judicious restrain themselves only to the principal and most suitable to the Subject ; it being not the multitude but the goodness of proofs that perswades . CONFERENCE CXCVI. Why a Needle touch'd by a Loadstone turns toward the North ? TO omit Preface in this Question , There are two sorts of Load-stones ; the black , distinguisht with little lines , which draws flesh ; and that which is of the colour of Iron . This latter is call'd Lapis Herculeus , perhaps , upon account of its great virtue ; and Sideritis , from Iron which it attracts . Cardan mentions a third sort , with which a Needle being rub'd , enters into the flesh without being felt . We here consider the second sort , which turns it self towards the tail of the lesser Bear. And since nothing is done in vain , the Loadstone must be mov'd thither by some Cause , which also must be either in Heaven or on Earth , the Poles of both which are fixt . I am of their opinion , who say , that under the Northern Pole there is an Island call'd Ilva , wherein there are high Mountains of Loadstone , towards which , ( the stronger prevailing over the weaker ) both our lesser Loadstones and Needles toucht therewith turn ; because those vast heaps of Loadstone diffuse their virtue over the whole Earth , and so draw all Loadstones , and what-ever Iron is rub'd with them towards themselves . The Second said , That the Cause of this Motion ought rather to be ascrib'd to some thing in Heaven , because in Ships that approach that Island of Loadstone , the Needle still tends towards the North , and not towards that Island . The truth is , there is a Sympathy between some parts and things of the world ; the Female Palm bends towards the Male , Straw moves to Amber , all Flowers , and , particularly , the Marigold and Sun-flower incline towards the Sun , the Loadstone towards the Iron and the tail of the little Bear , which if we conceive to be of the Nature of Iron , there is no more inconvenience therein than in the other Properties attributed to the rest of the Starrs and Planets . The Third said , That ( to wave what other Authors have said ) this inclination of the Loadstone proceeds from the great humidity of the North , which is the Centre of all waters , towards which they tend . For the Loadstone being extreamly dry , and oblig'd to tend some way , when it is in aequilibrio it veers towards that quarter to seek the moisture which is wanting to it ; as also doth Steel heated red hot , and suffer'd to cool of it self , if it be lay'd upon a piece of the wood floating gently in water . The Fourth was of Cardan's Opinion , who conceives , that stones are animated , and , consequently , that the soul of the Loadstone carries it to the search of its food and its good ; as the the Eye affects Light , a Whelp is carry'd to his Dam's teat , and a Sheep naturally eschews a Wolf. For it matters not whether we hold , That the touch'd Load-stone moves towards the tail of the little Bear , which is distant five degrees from the Arctick Pole ; or , Whether it flie and recoil from the part of Heaven diametrically opposite thereunto ? Now that the Loadstone is animated , appears by its being nourisht with , and kept in the filings of Steel , by its growing old , and by the diminishing of its attractive virtue with age ; just as the virtues of other bodies do . Wherefore , 't is probable , that the Loadstone's soul either with-draws it from that part which is contrary to it , or else leads it towards its good . Indeed two different inclinations are observ'd in this Stone , depending upon the situation it had in the Mine ; one Northwards , whither it turnes the part that once lay that way ; the other Southwards , whither it turns its opposite part . But the Experiment of Iron loosing its attraction by being rub'd on the Loadstone the contrary way to which it was rub'd at first , is an evident sign of such a soul in it , which makes it thus vary its actions . The Fifth said , That all these accounts leave many difficulties to be resolv'd ; for if the Loadstone mov'd towards those great Adamantine Mountains of Ilva , then they would draw only that and not Iron ; if Iron too , why not before 't is rub'd with a Loadstone ? Nor doth this inclination of the Loadstone proceed from its dryness , for then plain Iron , ( which is as dry ) Pumice , Lime , and Plaster , ( which are dryer ) should have the same effect : Besides that , there is not such want of humidity as that this stone should seek it Northwards , the Mediterranean and the Main Ocean being nearer hand . As for Heaven , the Cause is no less obscure there , and the terms of Sympathy and Antipathy differ not much from those which profess naked Ignorance . The second Opinion hath most probability ; for since the two pieces of a Loadstone cut parallel to the Axis , have so great a community of inclinations , that a Needle touch'd with one piece , is mov'd at any distance whatsoever , according to the motion of another toucht with the other piece ; why may we not admit that the tail of the little Bear , or its neighbouring parts , are of a Magnetical Nature ; and have the same community with our Terrestrial Loadstone ; according to that Maxim in Trismegistus's Smaragdine-Table , That which is above , is as that which is below . CONFERENCE CXCVII . What Sect of Philosophers is most to be follow'd . ALl the Sciences confess Obligations to Philosophy . Divinity draws Ratiocinations from it ; Eloquence is diffuse Logick ; and Rhetorick is not to be learnt but after Philosophy . Civil Law , being wholly founded upon Morality , is nothing but an effect of it , whilst it teaches us to do voluntarily what the Laws makes us practise by force . Physick supposes excellent skill in Philosophy , since the Physician begins where the Naturalist ends . Now there are so many Sects of Philosophers , that to follow them all , is to fall into manifest contradictions ; and to adhere to one alone , is to be in great danger of mistaking the worst . That which keeps us from being able to make a good choice , is the little knowledge we have of these Sects , and the Probability each seems to have ; and therefore 't is requisite to examine them in general , in order to drawing a general conclusion . And because Saint Augustine cites almost three hundred Opinions touching the Supream Good , and as many may be brought touching other points of the Sciences ; I shall only take notice of the famousest Sects , as seeming the most rational , and most follow'd . And let us compare the always contentious Peripatericks , and the Stoicks together : The end of the former was to contemplate and understand things ; the latter , aim'd more to do good than to know it ; their design was Speculation , the scope of these Practici . I side with the former , because that Science which embellisheth Man's noblest part , his Understanding , is the most sublime , and consequently , the most considerable . And as the Understanding is more excellent than the Will , so is Theory in matter Science than Exercise , Acts of Virtue depending on the Acts of Reason , and those of Reason not depending on those of Liberty . Besides , that is most to be esteem'd , which must render us blessed ; and that is the knowledge of God , and of the Creatures in God and in themselves , which is to constitute the Beatifick Vision . The Second said , That Men ought not to get knowledge only to know , but to operate comformably to their knowledge . Truth would be either useless or dangerous , if it lead us not to practise . And though the Will is one Sense subordinate to the Understanding , yet it commands the same in another . To know how to do well , and yet to do ill , is a double crime . And if knowledge alone could make happy , the Devils would be soon in Heaven ; since Divines tell us , the least of them , hath more natural knowledge than all Mankind together . Now the Opinion of the Stoicks regulating the Acts of our Wills , and composing our Manners suitable to Reason , seems to place the steps which must raise us to the highest pitch of Felicity . Wherefore I conclude , that the Curious may follow the first Sect of these , namely , the Peripateticks ; but good men must necessarily adhere to that of the Stoicks . The Third said , That there are three other Sects which seem to comprize all the rest , and therefore not to be omitted in this important choice : First , the Pyrrhonians , who doubt of all things , and say , There is no knowledge of any thing . Secondly , Those that doubt of nothing , but think they know every thing . Thirdly , Those who are neither in doubt , nor in perfect certainty , but in search of Truth . The first do found their Opinion upon this receiv'd Maxim , That there is nothing in the Understanding but what pass'd through the Senses ; and these being fallacious , our Notions must be so too ; That being we perceive not the essence of things , we cannot say that we know any thing . But these people may be answer'd , That since they have not so much as a knowledge of their doubts , they cannot make the same pass for a demonstrative maxim ; if they think they have such a knowledge , they must grant that there is knowledge of some thing ; and if of doubts , why not of certainties . Moreover , if the Senses be always fallacious , it will follow that there are Powers , which acting without impediment , never attain their end ; and if our Understanding be always abus'd , 't is in worse case than the faculties of Brutes , who acquiesce in embracing their Objects . In brief , these dreamers cannot be ignorant that themselves exist , because they act , and that existence is the foundation of all action . Nor are those that think they know every thing much more intelligent ; the former offend against Truth , by denying it ; these , by thinking it their sole Mistress . They argue , that since the Understanding is the Subject of the Intelligible Species , which contain ( they say ) either actually or potentially the impressions of all Objects , it follows that as soon as we frame a Notion , we know all things . But I ask these Knowing Men , What Truths they know so easily , which other Wits hold so difficult to be known , Whether created or uncreated Verity ? The former is knowable only to it self ; we may demonstrate , That it is , but not What it is in its own Nature . And how many errors have there been concerning the Nature of that Sole , Necessary , and true Being ? And as for the latter , we know not the Truth of Essences , but by their Accidents ; and these by Species which are very often perverted , either in the Medium , or the Organ . But how can we know other things perfectly , whereas we know not our Selves ? We know that we act , but we know not how ; so that the Opinion of those that profess only to seek Truth , is the best and surest , though it ingageth us to continual labour ; and be the punishment said by the Holy Scripture to be inflicted upon Men , both to satisfie and chastise their Curiosity . Now Action is the Life of the Soul , and that Science which keeps the Mind always awake , is justly preferrable before that which renders so good an Agent idle , and impoverishes it by perswading it that it hath riches enough already . Besides , all Men are of this Opinion , either directly or indirectly : And Dissenters themselves , seek Reasons every day to maintain it . Astrologers still endeavor to discover new Stars , Chymists new Secrets , Physicians new Remedies , and Philosophers new Opinions . CONFERENCE CXCVIII. Why Mules breed not . THe First said , That Mules are barren , because every perfect Animal can produce only its own like by univocal Generation , defin'd , The production of a Living Thing descending from another Living Thing by a conjoyn'd Principle , in order to similitude of Species . But Mules cannot generate thus , because being produc'd by a Horse and an Ass , they are neither the one nor the other , nor yet both together ; but a third Species retaining something of both . So that after what-ever manner they joyn together , they cannot make their like , that is , produce an Animal part Horse , and part Ass ; If a Mule could generate , it must be by coupling with a Species different from its own , as with a Horse or an Ass ; whence infinite several Species , partaking more or less of the nature of Horse or Ass would arise , and so Forms being increas'd or diminish'd , Substance should receive degrees of More and Less , contrary to the Maxim of Philosophers . And in this matter , Nature's Wisdom and Providence is observable , who rather suspends her Action , than suffers any inconvenience to come by it . The Second said , That there are particular as well as general causes of the Sterility of Mules . As first , they want distinction of Sex , that between them being only similitudinary , and the parts they have answering to the genitals of other Animals , having only the outward figure , not the internal form and energy thereof : Just as the Teats in Men , Dogs , Swine , &c. signifie nothing as to any use , but serve only for correspondence with the Female and Ornament . The Third said , That the Sterility of Mules cannot be design'd by Nature only to avoid multiplication of Species in infinitum ; since this consideration hinders not but that Leopards and other Mixt Animals generate , and Plants ingrafted upon others of different Species bear fruit . But the cause hereof must be sought in the divers Temperature and Complexion of the Ass and Horse ; the former being very melancholy , that is , Cold and Dry , as appears by his slowness ; the other Hot and Dry , as he testifies by his nimbleness ; their two seeds mingled together compose a third , which indeed , hath Natural Heat and Radical Moisture enough for making an Animal : but Nature having brought her work to this point , can go no further ; because she spent all the Radical Moisture and Natural Heat she had in the first production ; whereby Mules have the Courage of the Horse , and the Laboriousness of the Ass . But the Mule having only Heat and Radical Moisture enough for it self , and not enough for the production of another , the same cannot be produc'd . The Fourth said , That the Number of Forms and Species of things being limitted , 't is not in the power of Art and Nature to multiply them . And though it be easie to multiply them in the family of Plants , which are but of one Sex , ( though some are distinguisht into Male and Female , upon account of some small differences ) ; Yet 't is not in the Gardener's power to ingraft all sorts of Fruits one upon another . For ( excepting the Colewort , in whose foot , when 't is become hard and ligneous , one may ingraft some shrubs ) Plants of divers kinds mingle not one with another , as trees with herbs or shrubs , and herbs with trees . Nor will the Pepin admit insition into the Nut-tree , or on the contrary : Nature differs from Art in this chiefly , that she hath her work bounded and determin'd ; but Art counterfeits what the Artist pleases . Whence Painters oftentimes draw fine Pictures , and beget deform'd Children . Every mixture of Perfumes is not pleasant , nor of Medicaments effectual ; nor do our Sawces admit of any ingredients , but only of some that are suitable and proper . So also two several grains mixt together produce nothing , because Nature hath temper'd seeds in such degree , that nothing can be added or diminisht from them , but deprives them of their efficacy . If such unnatural Mixture make any productions , the same is prodigious , and amongst Animals is call'd a Monster : But being an Error of Nature , she returns to her old way as soon as she can , and rather ceases to generate , than produces second Monsters of those first . And this in Mules rather than other Species , because the Equine and Asinine Natures are no less contrary than Fire and Water . So that if they happen to be conjoyn'd , and make one Compositum , the Generative Virtues then existent in their seeds make an Animal indeed ; but , in producing the same , they extinguish one another , as Fire doth Water ; and so what is generated of them , hath no power of Generation . The Fifth said , That this Sterility being suppos'd , ( although Aristotle relates , that in Syria-Mules commonly generate ; and Theophrastus , Varro , and others affirm the like of those in Cappadocia and Africa ) Democritus in Aelian , attributes the cause thereof to the ill conformation of their genitals , particularly , of the womb , which is unapt to retain and quicken the seed , because through the excessive heat deriv'd from the Horse , the passages serving to those parts in either sex are too much dilated ; besides that , the same are very laxe in the Shee-Ass ; whence Naturalists and Experience tells us , that she conceives not , unless after covering she be well cudgel'd , that so the pain thereof may make her constringe her womb , and retain the seed which otherwise would slide out again . Now this over great dilatation of the genitals appears by dissection ; and 't is found by Experience , that the Beasts themselves are unwilling to such an unnatural copulation ; so that in some Countries people are fain to feed Asses with Mare 's milk , and cover the Mares sometimes with Cloaths of the colour of an Ass , to beguile them into the same . Add hereunto that both the Species , of which Mules are generated , are very subject to Sterility . For the Ass is of a cold temper , and particularly , its seed is so cold , that unless it begins to generate at the first casting of its Teeth , it remains barren for ever . Yea , if an Ass couple with a pregnant Mare , the coldness of his seed makes her cast her Foal . The Horse likewise , by Ar●stotle's report , is very little fruitful ; whence his seed being further refrigerated by that of the Ass , they produce an Animal indeed , but altogether improlifick . CONFERENCE CXCIX . Of the Mandrake . SInce of the three Conditions of Curing , to wit , pleasantly , speedily , and safely , this latter pertains chiefly to Plants ; it were good that a little more curious search were made into the treasures hid in the Plantal Family of Remedies , whereof Nature hath provided above three thousand several Species , which are many more than are in those of Animals and Minerals . And as Nature hath ( instead of the Instinct bestow'd on other Animals to guide them to their good ) given Man Reason , whereby he may proceed from things known to things unknown ; so , besides the manifest and occult qualities of Plants , from whence their uses may be inferr'd , she hath markt those which are most useful to us with certain Signs and Characters : Amongst these , Mandrake is the most famous , representing not the Eye as Eye-bright doth ; nor the Lungs , as Lungwort ; nor the Liver , as Liverwort ; nor the Rupture , as Solomon's Seal ; nor the Hemorrhoids , or Orpment ; nor an Ulcer as spotted , as spotted Arsmart ; but the Figure of an entire Man : And as the eminent Virtues of Ancient Heroes being too great to be comprehended by the Wits of these Ages , gave occasion to fabulous Romances ; so the Wits of Botanists that have been capable to write the Virtues of other Simples , have not been sufficient to speak of these of Mandrakes , leaving the vulgar the liberty to attribute Supernatural Virtues to them . Which made some Rabbins say , that the Teraphins of Jacob's Father-in-law , were the roots of Mandrake , which render'd him Answers ; and for the loss of which he fell into such Passion ; and Pliny ascribes to the Mandrake the name of Osiris , which was that of an Aegyptian Idol . Our Histories report , that in the year 1420. a certain Cordelier , nam'd Frier Richard , was so perswasive in his Serm●ns , that in two dayes the Parisians publickly burnt all the instruments of voluptuousness and debauchery , and , particularly , the Women their Images ; and Mandrakes which they kept wrapt up in their attires , upon a belief that as long as they had Mandrakes , they should never fail to become rich : which Mandrakes , gave them Answers by shaking the head , or else by speech . And there are not only true , but also counterfeit ones , such as were made by an Italian Mountebank , ( as Matthiolus relates ) who carv'd the root of Pyony , or of a great Reed in the shape of a Man , and sticking Millet or Flax seed in the places where hair should grow , bury'd the same for twenty dayes ; at the end whereof , fine small threads appear'd in those places , and a skin over all the rest , which represented and pass'd for a true Mandrake . Belleforest also relates , that the Maid of Orleans was calumniated for having acquir'd the valour she testifi'd against the English by the Magical Virtue of a Mandrake . And Henry Bouquet , a modern Author , affirms , that Thieves steal the Goods out of Houses , and Children from their Mothers Breasts by help of it ; those that behold them being unable to defend themselves , because this Plant stupifies their Hands . So likewise Levinus Lemnius tell us , that 't is employ'd with great effect in Philtres and Amorous Potions : Upon which account , Natalis Comes , thinks it was an ingredient in that which Circe gave Scylla , whereby she became so desperately in Love with Glaucus , that , being unable to enjoy him , she cast her self headlong into the streight of Messina . Some think , 't is the same Plant that Josephus lib. 7. cap. 25. de bello Judaico , calls Baaras , from the valley wherein it grows ; which , he saith , shines in the night like fire , and is pluckt up by a hungry Dog ty'd to the top of the root , after the same hath been softned with the Urine of a Woman ; because upon its plucking up , 't is said to send forth a shreek which is mortal to the hearer , and so the Dog dyes after his work is done . Others conceive , that this root cannot be found except a little before the rising of the Pleiades , which is about the beginning of September . Which is no more incredible , than that the seed of Fearn springs but at a certain prefixt time , before and after which , it appears not . 'T is likewise thought particular to Upper Hungary , and to be pluckt up only by certain Sorceresses , and that in the night ; whence also they sell the same secretly , for fear of being punish'd by Justice ; as it happen'd Anno 1630. at Hamburg , where the Senate caus'd three Women who exercis'd this trade to be whipt . Moreover , they hold that this Plant , ( call'd Mandrake from a German word which signifies to bear the figure of a Man ; for Man hath the same sense in that Language as in ours ; and Dragen , is to bear or carry ) comes from the seed of Men hanged on Gibbets , or broken on the Wheel , which dropping upon the ground , already fat and unctuous by the multitude of hanged Bodies , produceth this Anthropomorphite-Plant , so term'd by Pythagoras , and alledg'd as an Instance to prove his Metempsychosis . Which Conceit is also strengthened by the production of Beans , which the same Pythagoras and many others hold , to be produc'd of dead Bodies ; for which reason he not only abstain'd from eating them , but had them in such reverence that he suffer'd himself to be kill'd in a field of Beans , through which he might , have escap'd , but would not , for fear of hurting them . So likewise of the Urine of a Dog is produc'd the Herb Orrach ; of an Elephant's Blood , suckt and vomited by a Dragon , Sanguis Draconis ; of the Bodies of Serpents , Serpentana ; and of the seed of Stags , the Mushroms , call'd Boleti Cervini . So that though this Plant be not seen , it doth not follow that there is no such thing ; it being no more absurd to credit the voice of the vulgar in this matter , than in many others . The Second said , There are three sorts of Plants that bear the name of Mandrake , the Etymologie whereof may be taken from the Latin word Mandra , which signifies a Cave or a shady place ; because this Plant loves to grow in the shadow , and cannot long endure the heat of the Sun. The first sort is call'd Mandragoras mas , or white Mandrake ; hath on the top of its Root great leavs , spread on the ground like those of broad-leav'd Lettice , but somewhat long , shining and smooth , in colour resembling those of Bete , to wit , of a pale green ; the Flower is likewise pale , whereunto is annexed a round Apple of the bigness of a small Lemon , of a pale Saffron colour , and full of a succulent pulp , wherein are pale or blew kernels , like those of a Pear , saving that they are not pointed , but flat like a kidney . It s root is lasting , and dyes not yearly as most others do ; long , and so thick , that it can scarce be grasp'd with one Hand . 'T is usually divided into two ; of colour outwardly , between white and red ; within , white ; carnose , juicy , and of taste between sweet and bitter . The whole Plant sends forth a strong smell , especially the Apples , whose juice is som what vinous , but bitterish ; and burdens the Head both smelt and tasted . The second sort call'd Mandragoras niger , or Female Mandrake , hath leavs like the Male , but less and straiter , like those of small-leav'd Lettice , of a dark green , bearing Apples as big as our little Medlars : Its root is less , but otherwise in smell , taste , and figure , like the former ; only 't is black without , and white within , and sometimes divided into three . The third kind is call'd by some Herbarists , Morion , or Mandrake of Theophrastus ; touching which , though all agree not , yet the opinion of Codrus , whom we follow here , is , that it hath great roots , a high stalk , and leavs of a middle size between Solanum and Female Mandrake ; its Flower is black , and so also is its Fruit ; equal to a big Grape , and of a vinous juice : which Plant some call Solanum Mortiferum , the Italians Bella Donna , which grows likewise in shadowy places ( as the former also do ) in many parts of Italy , especially in Apulia , and sometimes is set in Gardens : the Apples are ripe in August . Galen accounts them cold in the third degree , and all Authors agree that they are very moist . All their parts are somniferous , and of great use in Physick , according to Dioscorides . The most active is the bark of the Root : The ancient way was to peel the root , press out the juice , and thicken it in the Sun ; or else to boil the root in new Wine till a third part were consum'd , or to infuse it without coction : of this liquor they administred one or two glasses to such as could not sleep , and three to such as were to have a limb cut off . They us'd it likewise in inflammations of the eyes , some feminine diseases , and to suppurate Phlegmons ; having such a mollifying faculty , that in six hours boiling the Root with Ivory , ( they say ) the same becomes plyable , and apt to take any impression . At this day scarce ought but the leaves and roots are in use , ( except that the apples are sometimes boil'd in oil ) but all externally , not by the mouth . 'T is also thought alexipharmacal against Serpents , and good to cure Tetters , being bruis'd and apply'd with vinegar . All which effects have made it admir'd ; but ( as humane Nature is prone to Superstition ) though this Plant be indu'd only with Vertues common to other Plants , ( the soporiferous Quality being found in Lettice , Poppy , Henbane , and more eminently in Opium ; and that of being proper to Women , in the Aristoloches ) yet because its root resembles a man's legs , and its trunk in some sort his body without arms ; hence Mountebanks have by their frauds and tricks brought people to believe their strange Stories of it , even that it eats like a man , and performs his other natural functions . Which imposture , though less prevalent upon strong minds , becomes less credible by the prodigious manner they relate it to be produc'd : for 't is impossible to imagine that any generation can proceed from sperm destitute of spirits , and out of the proper natural subject destinated to its reception . The Third said , That indeed no Univocal Generation can be made after the loss of the spirits of Sperm ; but equivocal , such as this is , may : whereunto Nitre contributes very much ; which salt not being lost by death , nothing hinders but , a fertile soil being determin'd by some form or other , a Plant may arise out of it ; to which production fewer conditions are requisite than to that of an Animal . And 't is the less incredible , if the Experiment deliver'd by some Authors be true ; That the salts of Rosemary , Sage , Mint , and some other strong-sented herbs , being extracted according to Art , and frozen in a Glass , exhibite the image of those Plants , therein ; and , if sown in well-prepared earth , produce the Plants of same Species . The Fourth said , That not only the means of the production of this imaginary Plant are so too , but also the supernatural vertues ascribed to it are ridiculous ; yea , those said to be natural to it are very hard to be justifi'd : for to be soporiferous , and to promote Procreation in Men and Women of several tempers is inconsistent , because these things require Simples of very different Qualities ; and also are the causes of Sterility . This error of its being prolifick , , proceeds from a false supposition taken out of Genesis , where 't is said , that Reuben , the Son of Leah , one of Jacob's Wives , having brought Mandrakes to his Mother , her Sister Rachel could not obtain them of her but upon condition that Jacob ( who despis'd her for Rachel the fairer of the two but barren ) should lie with her that night : which bargain was made between them . Now because Rachel had Children afterwards , hence some Interpreters infer , that she eat those Mandrakes , and that they render'd her fruitful : which is not at all in the Text ; and her Fruitfulness might proceed from the favour of God , or some more fit means than that Herb. Nor is it an edible fruit , neither did all the Women in the Scripture , who of barren became fruitful , eat Mandrakes . 'T is therefore probable , that this Plant hath neither the Form , nor the Properties which vulgar and vain Antiquity attributes to it . The fifth said , 'T is easier to overthrow , then to establish a Truth , when the question is about things apparently repugnant to Reason , which many times agrees not with our own experience , whereby we see several contrary effects of one and the same Plant. As the pulp of an Orenge cools , the peel heats , and oil of the seeds is temperate : The like may be said of Mandrake , which according to the diversity of its Species and Parts may produce the different effects , which are attested by Antiquity ; Apuleius , in his Metamorphosis relating , That a Physician deluded the malice of a Servant and a Stepmother , by giving them the juice of Mandrake instead of poyson ( which they desir'd of him to kill a young man ) which caus'd them to think him dead when he was only in a deep sleep : and Columella speaking of the soil where it grows ; Quamvis semihominis vesano gramine foeta , Mandragorae pariat flores . Moreover since there are middle Natures compos'd of two extremes , as your Zöophytes between Plants and Animals , to wit , Spunges and Coral ; between Brute and Man , the Ape ; between the soul and body of Man , his Spirits : why may there not be something of a middle Nature between Man and Plant , to wit , the Mandrake , a Man in external Shape , and a Plant in Effect and internal Form. In brief , we believe there is an Unicorn , though no man of this age hath seen it ; why therefore may we not believe , that there is such a Mandrake as most describe , who affirm that they have seen one , as I my self have also , though I cannot affirm whether it were a true or false one . CONFERENCE CC. Of Panick Fear . THe Species conceiv'd in the Phantasie representing to the Intellect some future Good , they beget Hope ; when Evil , Fear . 'T is not very hard to comprehend the way , nor how he , that sees himself pursu'd by a potent enemy , betakes himself to flight , by the Instinct of Nature , which avoids what ever is destructive to her : But the Mind is puzled to find the cause it sees not , as of groundless Fear ; which nevertheless sometimes befalls the most resolute , yea whole Armies , which fly without any pursuer . The Vulgar of the Ancients , ( who made Deities of every thing , especially of what they understood not ) thought Pan the God of Shepherds put this sudden Passion into the minds of men ; because oftentimes it happens to flocks of Sheep , over which he is said to preside ; though there be no appearance of any Wolf to fright them : whence they call'd it a Panick Terror . Unless you had rather interpret Pan to be the Universal and Supreme Deity , who giving the success of Battels , sometimes immits such a fear into the hearts of those men whom he intends to deliver into the power of their Enemies . The second said , That Pan was an ancient Warrior , who invented the ranging of Soldiers in order of Battel , and distinguish'd them into Wings , call'd by the Latins , Cornua ; whence he was pictur'd with Horns . He also first devis'd Strategems ; so that one day , having sent out his Scowts , and understood that the Enemies were lodg'd in a desert place full of resounding caverns , he order'd his Soldiers , that as soon as they approach'd the Enemy , they should make a great shout ; which , multiply'd by the Echo of those neighbouring caverns , so frighted them , that before they could understand what it was , they betook themselves to flight , conceiving they had to do with a far greater multitude of Enemies than there was : Whence the Fable of this God Pan adds , that the Goddess Echo was his Mistress . From this , Groundless Fear , as others of the like nature , came to be call'd Panick Terrors . Such was that which seiz'd the Soldiers of Marc Antony in the War against Mithridates ; that of the Gauls under Brennus , when they were ready to sack the Temple of Delphos ; that of Hannibal , when he approacht the walls of Rome to besiege it ; and that of Macedonians under their King Perseus , who so lost their courage upon sight of an Eclipse of the Moon , that it was easie for the Romans to overcome them . The Third said , That Plutarch , in his Treatise of Isis and O●●ris , relates another cause of this Appellation ; namely , That when the latter of them reign'd in Aegypt , Typhon surpris'd him by a wile , and cast him in a chest into Nilus ; which News arriving amongst the Pans and Satyrs , it put them into an astonishment ; from which all other sudden frights took their name . But leaving apart conjectures of words , let us consider the thing , and examine , Whether it be not a mistake , to think that there can be terrors without any cause ? I think , There cannot ; because 't is as true in Moral as in Natural Philosophy , That nothing produceth nothing . But as an even balance is sway'd either way by the least blast , and ( the cause being imperceptible ) seems to incline of it self ; so when Men are ready for a battel , and every one thinks of the doubtful event thereof to himself , the least external cause hapning to make never so little impression upon their Spirits whilst they are in this balance , is enough to move them either way ; the first object that occurs , yea , the least word , being of great efficacy . And because Fear is found more universally imprinted in Mens minds than Courage ; hence there needs less subject to produce it , than to animate them . Thus at the battel of Montcontour , this single word , Save the Princes , spoken either accidentally , or by design , made them lose the day . Thistles being mistaken for Lances , gave a great terror to a whole Army ; and an Ass or a Cow in the Trenches , hath sometimes given an Alarm to considerable Garrisons . The Fourth said , That Fear caus'd in an Enemy being one of the surest means to conquer him , Generals have not been more careful to animate their own Souldiers , than to terrifie their Enemies even by vain affrightments ; as showts , extravagant arms , and habits . For this reason the Germans were wont to paint their Faces with several colours , that they might seem terrible ; some think our Poictevins had their name of Pictons from this custom : So Gideon by Gods command employ'd Trumpets and earthen Pitchers with fire in them to terrifie the Amalekites . Yet none of these Inventions , no more than that of Elephants , Chariots of fire , and other Machins , can cause a Panick Terror , because it ceases to bear that name when 't is found to have some manifest cause . So that to ask , Whence Panick Fear proceeds ? is to ask , What is the cause of that which hath none ? If there be any , I think 't is from some hideous Phantasms irregularly conceiv'd in the Brain as a Mola , or a Monster is in the womb ; which Phantasms arising from a black humor , cause Sadness and Fear ; a Passion easily communicable , because conformable to the Nature of Man ; who consisting of a material and heavy Body , hath more affinity with the Passions that deject him , as Fear doth , than with those which elevate him , as Hope and Ambition do . The moral cause of Panick Terror is Ignorance , which clouds and darkens the light of the Soul ; whence the most ignorant , as Children and Women , are most subject to this Fear ; and Souldiers , who are the more ignorant sort , being taken out of the Country , and from the dregs of the people , become easily surpriz'd with it ; and by the proneness of Men to imitation , upon the least beginning it finds a great accession and familiarity in Humane Nature . The Fifth said , That the cause of this Terror may be a natural prescience our Souls have of the evil which is to befall us ; which is more manifest in some than in others ; as appear'd in Socrates , who was advertis'd of what-ever important thing was to befall him by his familiar Spirit , or good Angel. Now if there be any time wherein those Spirits have liberty to do this , 't is when we are near our End , our Souls being then half unloos'd from the Body , as it comes to pass also at the commencement of a battel , through the transport every one suffers when he sees himself ready either to die or overcome . CONFERENCE CCI. Of the Water-drinker of Germain's Fair. THis Person is of a middle Stature ; hath a large Breast , as also a Face , especially his Fore-head ; very great Eyes , and is said to be sixty years old , though he appears to be but about forty . He was born in the Town of Nota , in the Island of Maltha , and is nam'd Blaise Manfrede , They that have observ'd him in private Houses , and upon the Theatre , relate that he makes his experiment not only every day , but oftentimes twice in one afternoon . Moreover , vomiting so freely as he does , he is always hungry when he pleases . His Practise is very disagreeing from his publish'd Tickets , wherein he promises to drink a hundred quarts of water ; but he never drinks four , without returning it up again . His manner is thus : He causes a pail full of warm water , and fifteen or twenty little glasses , with very large mouths to be brought to him ; then he drinks two or three of these glasses full of water , having first washt his mouth , to shew that there is nothing between his teeth : Afterwards , for about half a quarter of an hour , he talks in Italian ; which time being pass'd , he drinks three or four and twenty more of the said glasses , and thereupon spouts forth of his mouth with violence a red water , which seems to be wine , but hath only the colour of it . This water appears red as it comes out of his mouth , and yet when it is spouted into two of his glasses , it becomes of a deep red in one , and of a pale red in the other ; and changing the situation of his glasses , on the left side of his mouth to the right , and of those on the right to the left , these colours always appear different in the same glass ; namely , the one of a deep red , and the other yellow , or Citron-color . Some of the water is of the color of pall'd wine ; and the more he vomits , the clearer , and less colour'd the water is . He hath often promis'd to bring up Oyl and Milk ; but I never saw nor heard that he did it . This done , he sets his glasses to the number of fifteen or sixteen upon a form or bench , to be seen by every one . After which , he drinks more water in other glasses , and brings it up again either clear water , or Orenge flower water , or Rose-water ; and lastly , Aqua Vitae , ( which are manifest by the smell , and by the burning of the Aqua Vitae ) having been observ'd to keep this order always in the ejection of his liquors , that red water comes up first , and Aqua Vitae last . He performs this Trick with thirty or forty half glasses of water , which cannot amount to above four quarts at most ; then having signifi'd to the people that his Stomack , although no Muscle , ( which is the instrument of voluntary motion ) obeys him , he casts the same water up into the Air with its natural colour so impetuously , that it imitates the Casts of water in Gardens , to the great admiration of the Spectators , who for six we●ks together , were seldom fewer than three hundred daily . For my part , I find much to admire in this action . For though men's Stomacks be of different capacities , and some one person can eat and drink as much as four others ; yet I see not , possibly , where this fellow should lodge so much water . And again , he seems rather to powr water into a Tun than to swallow it , though the conformation of the Gullet doth not consist with such deglutition . Besides , vomiting is a violent action , and yet most facile in this Drinker . And as to the order of this Evacuation , 't is certain , that all things put into the Stomack are confounded together therein , so that Concoction begins by Mixtion ; and yet this fellow brings up what-ever he pleases , as 't were out of several vessels ; so that he undertakes to eat a Sallad of several sorts of Herbs and Flowers , and to bring them up all again in order . Moreover , what can be more prodigious , than this mutation of Colours , Smells , and Substances ? And , indeed , they say , he hath sometimes fear'd to be question'd for Sorcery . But the greatest wonder is that smartness and violence wherewith he spouts out water from his Stomack , not laterally , which is the ordinary manner of vomiting ; but upwards , which is a motion contrary to heavie bodies , as water is . Some speculative person that had read in Saint Augustin , that a Man's being turn'd into a Horse by the power of Imagination , might refer the cause of all these wonders to that faculty ; which daily producing new shapes upon the Bodies of Children in their Mothers womb , may with less strangeness , produce in this Man the above-mention'd alteration of one colour into another . And as for his facility of bringing up what-ever he hath swallow'd , I can find no better Reason for it than Custom , which in him is turn'd into Nature . The Second said , That Ignorance being the Mother of Admiration , we begin less to admire as we proceed to more Knowledg . Now if this Maltese were a Magician , he would do more marvellous things , and of more than one sort ; whereas all his power is confin'd only to the vomiting up of liquors which he drunk before ; and the faculty of his Stomack being determin'd to this single kind of action , the same must be natural ; because that is the definition of natural powers . Moreover , no action ought to be accus'd of Magick , till good Reasons have evinc'd it to surpass all the powers of Nature ; which is very hard to prove , because we know not how far they may reach : And should we accuse of Magick every thing when we understand not the Causes , almost all Natural Philosophy would be turn'd into superstition . Again , a Man that promises more than he can perform , drinking but the twentieth part of what he boasts of , and who can make but one sort of colour issue out of his mouth , though he exposes several others to the Spectator's Eyes , cannot pass for a great Sorcerer , or refin'd Magician . As for the easiness and violence where-with he casts water out of his Stomack at pleasure , it cannot be either from Artifice or Custom alone , which cannot put free and voluntary motions into parts wherein there is none , nor procure new Organs necessary to this action ; and no Man being able to accustom himself to move his Ears at his pleasure , unless the same be naturally dispos'd thereunto , as Manfrede's Stomack is . Now natural dispositions are only of two sorts ; some depend upon the Temperament , which is incapable of this effect ; others , belong to the Stomack , as it is an Organical part ; namely , a particular Conformation , which may be easily conjectur'd from the example of ruminating Animals , who when they list , bring up their food out of their Stomack into their mouth : An action not impossible to Men ; since Nature oftentimes by error gives one Species such a Conformation in some parts , as is of right peculiar to another ; and accordingly the faculty of ruminating is found in divers Men. Aquapendens saw two to whom this action was more voluntary than that whereby we void our excrements , when they importunately solicite us ; observing expresly that they were not constrain'd to it , but by the pleasure which they took in it . And the same Author likewise records , that opening the Body of one that ruminated , he found one Membrane of his Stomack more fibrous and strong than ordinary . And the same is probably so in that of this Maltese , since this voluntary motion can proceed only from such a Conformation . In like manner these persons that have been able to move their Ears , have been observ'd to have the Muscles behind them more fleshy than other Men. And our Conjecture is further confirm'd by the Instance of the Bladder , whose Excretion is perform'd by the Pyramidal Muscles , which oftentimes are deficient ; and in that case their office is supply'd by the carnous Membrane of the Bladder which is valid , and performs the motions of a Muscle , according to the opinion of the greatest Anatomists of this Age. So that what is so ordinary in the Bladder , is not to be admir'd in the Stomack : Besides that , Custom may have much increas'd the strength and dexterity of this faculty ; and although it have not otherwise conduc'd in the least to the effect , but only as founded upon a natural Disposition . That all ruminating have not been able to do the like , is , because they neglected to increase the natural Disposition by use and practise ; and as to the diversity of colour and smells , there is nothing therein but artifice and fallacy . The Third said , That what is here thought most admirable , the drinking of a great quantity of Water , is seen every day at Pougues and Forges , where you shall have one Person drink sixty glasses : and those that have seen the Stomach , that hangs up in the Anatomical Theater of Leyden , and is capable of seven quarts , will not think it strange , that this Maltese drinks much less : As for the diversity of Liquors , which he brings up , discern'd by their several colours , smells , and the inflammability of the Aqua vitae , I attribute it to the perfection of the reasonable soul , which , as well as all other forms , imprints Dispositions in the matter ; this being universal , that , besides the Properties common to the whole Species , there is a particular one in every Individual which distinguishes the same from others , and comes from the last Character of the form . That of the Maltese , is to turn common Water into Wine , Orenge-flower-water , Rose-water , and Aqua vitae . For the diversity of matter , and its dispositions , signifies nothing as to the mutations introduc'd therein by the Forms ; though one may say , that in common Water , especially that of the Well , all the Elements , and the three Principles of Chymistry are found , having its Salt from the Earth , its Sulphur from the Bitumen and Naphtha , wherewith the Caverns of the Earth , and especially Wells abound ; and , as for Mercury , 't is nothing but water it self . No wonder then , if since every thing may be made of every thing , by the Maxim of the most ancient Philosophers , our Maltese fetches what he pleases out of his Stomack . The Fourth wonder'd , if this Maxim were true , That every thing is made of every thing in the Maltese's Belly , even without any distinction or preparation of the matter , why this Water-drinker fetcht so great a circuit to get money , since 't would be a shorter way for him to make it , and even Gold it self by the same reason ; or at least he would make sale of his sweet Waters , and not suffer the Perfumers to be at such charge in fetching them from far . If he make it his excuse , that he would not get vent for such an abundance , why , if there be no cheat in the thing , hath he not taken occasion of the dearness of Wine in France this year , to sell the Wine he makes in Paris ? But Experience renders it manifest , that the Wine he promises is nothing but water , and consequently , he is less able to make Aqua vitae , into which water cannot be turn'd but by first taking the nature of Wine ; and indeed there needs more wine to yield the quantity of Aqua vitae he pretends to bring up , then he drinks water before he ejects it . Besides , Chymistry manifests , that Aqua vitae is not made , but only separated . Nor can this change be a Property in the Malteses Stomack , because all Properties are specifical , and belong to all the Individuals of the same Species , there being nothing peculiar in any man , but a certain degree of indivisible temperament , call'd Idio-syncrasie . And , if his temper be so hot as to turn common water in an instant into Aqua vitae , 't is impossible to be cold enough to make Rose-water at the same time : if it have any transmuting vertue , it ought to turn all into one sort of Liquor ; because the same Agent never makes but the same Effect , unless the Subject be diversifi'd by diversity of matter ; whereas here 't is all water from the same Spring . Neither could this Drinker drink Well-water without intoxication , because , being turn'd into Aqua vitae , the vapors thereof would mount up into his brain ; and so to prescribe him water in a Feaver , would be no more refreshment to him then if one gave him Aqua vitae . The fifth said , That the diversity of colours and odors of the Liquor he ejects , proceeds from the tincture of some mass of Essence extracted from the same materials , which those Liquors represent ; which Masses he holds between his teeth incorporated with some gum which fastens them there ; so that , as the Water he drinks , passes impetuously between his teeth , it derives colours and odors from the same : Which is the reason why the water he first casts forth , is most colour'd ; whereas , if the Dye proceeded from his Stomack , it would be deeper at last of all , as having acquir'd more digestion by a longer infusion . The Sixth said , That Histories are full of several particular Constitutions of the Natural Parts ; witness the example of the Maid mention'd by Cardan , who drinking but two pints of water a day , piss'd twenty ; and that of the Emperor Maximinus , who commonly eat forty pound weight of meat , with proportionable drink , and sweat so abundantly , that he fill'd — 'T is said , That Theagenes the Thasian eat a Calf for his dinner ; and Milo , the famous Wrastler of Croton , devour'd a 100. pound of Flesh , a Hogshead of Wine , and Bread proportionable . Such was that Parasite , who one day at the Table of the Emperor Aurelius , eat a Boar , a Sheep , a Pig , and an hundred Loaves , and drunk half a tun of Wine . All which stories render less strange the quantity of this Maltese's Drink , whose colour possibly afterwards he disguises with powders hid in his Handkerchief which he handles so often , or by the help of a double Glass , of which his Vessels are made , or by some other trick whereto he ha's inur'd himself for many years . The Seventh said , That mineral waters are usually drunk with more ease in great quantity by half than common water can be , because their tenuity makes them pass immediately into the habit of the Body . And if you consider that this fellow drinks only out of small vessels , and those not always full ; as also with what nimbleness he dispatches his work , you will much abate the opinion that he drinks so much as is generally believed . Besides , though his pail be of a middle size , yet 't is never quite full ; and he spends much water in washing his mouth and his glasses , and some too is left behind . Nor is it absurd to think , that before his shewing himself to drink , he swallows a bolus of Brazil , or of Alkanet , or Fearn Root , or of red Sanders , or Indian Wood , or some such other thing in powder ; after which drinking two or three glasses of water , he interposes some interval , that the same may be the better tinctur'd in his Stomack ; which time being pass'd , he drinks about two quarts of water , which soon after he brings up red , appearing so both in the Air and in the glasses : Which colour being weak for want of time to be well imbib'd by the water , is wholly lost when the same is powr'd into a vessel , wherein there is a little Verjuice , Vinegar , juice of Citron , Spirit of Vitriol , or other such acid liquor , which is proper to consume the said color . And 't is observable , that the last water he vomits , is continually paler than the first , the tincture being diminisht by the quantity of water . Add hereunto , that 't is likely his glasses are smear'd with some essences , which seem transparent to the Spectators ; for though he makes shew of washing them , he only passes the brims dextrously over the water , and lets none of it enter into them . As for the violence wherewith he spouts forth the water , it must be confess'd , that the fellow hath a great natural propensity to vomiting , which by frequent repetition , is become habitual to him : Custom being capable to produce such effects , that I have seen a Beggar about fifty years old , by being exercis'd thereunto , piss as high as a pike . CONFERENCE CCII. Why dead Bodies bleed in the presence of their Murderers . HOnest Antiquity was so desirous of knowing the Truth , that when natural and ordinary proofs fail'd , they had recourse to supernatural and extraordinary . Such was the Jews water of Jealousie , which made the otherwise undiscoverable Adulterer burst in sunder ; the innocent Vestal's Sieve , in which being accus'd of Incest , she carry'd water without shedding . Such also were the Oaths made upon Saint Anthonie's arm , of so great reverence , that 't was believ'd the perjur'd would burn a year with the fire of that Saint ; and in our time the excommunication of Saint Geneviesue , which those that incurr , are commonly reckon'd not to out-live a year . In like sort the zeal of Men against that horrid crime of Murder , hath made them cherish a perswasion , that a Carkase will bleed before its Murderers ; ( though most slain Bodies bleed when they are stirr'd ) that so the Conscience of the Actors being disturb'd , they might either by word or gesture be brought to make discovery of themselves . For , indeed , the Blood which was congeal'd in the Veins presently after death , becomes liquid again after two or three dayes , when it is in its tendency to corruption ; which Liquefaction , and the Inquisition after the Murderer , hapning commonly at the same time , 't is no wonder if the Body bleed in the Murderer's presence , since it doth so frequently when he is absent . Yet because this false perswasion from the co-incidence of times , ceases not sometimes to have its effect , and to discover Truth ; therefore Legislators have thought fit to authorize it , and to use it as an Argument at least to frighten the Murderer ; though , indeed , 't is no conclusive one to condemn him . The Second said , That 't is not credible that Courts of Justice who often admit this proof to good purpose , could so continue in ignorance of Natural Causes , as not to discern the effusion of Blood ensuing upon its putrefaction in the Veins , from that which happens upon confrontation of a Murderer . 'T is better therefore to seek further for the cause , than to question the effect ; which some attribute to some secret Antipathy of the murder'd person's blood to that of his Murderer ; or else to their mutual emission of spirits , which still seeking the destruction of each other's person , those of the Murderer being the strongest , because still living , cause a commotion in the Blood of the dead , which thereupon breaks forth at the out-let of the wound ; Campanella attributes it to the sense where-with all things are indu'd , and which still remains in these dead Bodies ; so that having a sense of their Murderers , and perceiving them near hand , they suffer two very different motions , Trembling and Anger , which cause such a commotion in the Blood , that it flows forth at the wound . For the spirits , which during life had such perceptions as were necessary for their receiving and obeying the Soul's commands , retain somewhat thereof after death , and are capable of discerning their friends and their enemies . The Third said , If this opinion concerning the emanation of spirits , whether by Sympathy or Antipathy , be true , it will follow , That one who hath done a Murder with gun-shot , cannot be discover'd by this sign ; and that one slain in his Wife's arms , and in a crowd of his friends that endeavor'd to defend his life , will bleed rather in the presence of his friends than of his Murderer , whose spirits are more inwardly retir'd through fear of punishment ; whereas those of his friends are sent outwards by Anger and desire of Revenge : Yea , if the Murderer had been wounded before , he should rather bleed than the dead , because his Blood is more boyling , and capable of commotion by the spirits issuing out of the Carkase . And had they any Sympathy , they could not discover the Murderer for want of sense , which they never had ; for the spirits which are in the Blood scarce deserve that name , being purely natural , and void of all sense even during life , and specifically different from the animal spirits . The vital spirits which are a degree above them , vanish together with life , whence the Arteries that us'd to contain them are empty . And those that serve for Sensation cannot remain in a dead Body , because they are easily dissipable , and need continual reparation ; whence we see all the senses fail in a swoon , because the Heart recruits them not by a continuity of their generation : Besides , should they remain after death , they would be unactive for want of fit dispositions in the Organs . Moreover , natural causes act necessarily when their object is present ; but sometime t is known , that Murderers have thrust themselves more diligently into the crowd of Spectators than any other persons , for avoiding suspition , and no such bleeding hath hapned in their presence ; and that Executioners take Criminals the next day from the Gallows or the Wheel , and not a drop of Blood issues from their wounds . And why should not a dead Sheep as well fall a bleeding afresh in the presence of the Butcher that kill'd it ? Or a Man mortally wounded , when he that did it is brought unknown into his Chamber ? For 't is hard to imagine that we have less sense and knowledge whilst life remains than after death , that a wounded person must die that he may become sensible . In short , t is easie to see that this effect is not like other wonders which have a cause in Nature ; because though we cannot assign the particular causes of these , yet they are prov'd by some demonstrative , or at least some probable reasons . And as for Antipathy , it should rather concenter all the dead person's Blood in his Murderer's presence , and make it retire to the inward parts . Wherefore , I conclude , that not only the causes of this miracle are not yet found , but also that 't is impossible there should be any natural one of it at all . The Fourth said , That according to the opinion of Avicenna , who holds , That the Imagination acts even beyond , and out of its Subject , this faculty may cause the effluxion of Blood ; the Criminal's Phansie working mightily when the person slain by him is objected before his Eyes ; And the nitrous vapors arising out of the Earth upon digging up the Body , together with the heat of the Air greater than that of the Earth , and increas'd by the conflux of Spectators , may in some measure contribute to the new fermentation of the Blood. But the truth is , after all our inquiries , this extraordinary motion cannot be better ascrib'd elsewhere , than to God's Providence , who sometimes performs this miracle for the discovery of Murder , which would otherwise be unpunisht , but not always . And 't is no less impiety to deny , that Divine Justice comes sometimes to the aid of that of Men , than 't is ignorance and rusticity to be satisfi'd in all cases with universal causes , without recurring to particular ones ; which God employes most ordinarily for the Production of Effects , yet does not so tye his power to the necessity of their operations , but that he interrupts the same when he pleases , even so far as to give clay power to open the Eyes of the blind . CONFERENCE CCIII . Of the Vnicorn . THere are no greater impostures in the Art of Physick than those which relate to Antidotes and Preservatives from Poyson , such as the Unicorn's Horn is held to be : And I am mistaken , if it be not a popular error . First , because the opinions of all Authors are so contrary concerning it . Philostratus in the life of Apollonius saith , that the Animal of this name is an Ass , and is found in the fenns of Colchis , having one single horn in the fore-head , where-with he fights furiously against the Elephant . Cardan , after Pliny , saith 't is a Horse , as 't is most commonly painted ; only it hath a Stag's head , a Martin's skin , a short neck , short mane , and a cloven hoof , and is bred only in the Desarts of Aethiopia amongst the Serpents , whose Poyson its horn which is three cubits long resists . Garsius ab Horto saith , 't is an Amphibious Animal , bred on Land near the Cape of good Hope , but delighting in the Sea , having an Horses head and mane , a horn two cubits long , which he alone of all Authors affirms to be moveable every way . Most agree that it cannot be tam'd ; and yet Lewis Vartoman saith , that he saw two tame ones in Cages at Mecha , which had been sent to Sultan Solyman . Almost all confess it very rare , and yet Marcus Sherer , a Renegado German , afterwards call'd Idaith Aga , and Embassador from the same Solyman to Maximilian the Emperor , affirms that he saw whole troops of them in the Desarts of Arabia ; And Paulus Venetus the same in the Kingdom of Basman ; where they are almost as big as Elephants , having feet like theirs , a skin like Camels , the head of a Boar , and delighting in mire like swine . Nor are Authors less various concerning its manner of eating ; some alledging , that being unable to feed on the ground by reason of his horn , he lives only on the boughs and fruits of Trees , or on what is given him by the hands of Men , especially of fair Virgins , of whom , they say , he is amorous ; though others think it fabulous . Some believe that there was once such an Animal , but not now ; the whole race perishing in the Deluge ; and that the horns we find now , for the most part in the earth , have been kept there ever since . And if there be such variety in the description of this Animal , there is no less in the horns , which they tell us are those of the Unicorn . That at Saint Dennis in France , is about seven foot high , weighs thirty pound four ounces , being wreath'd and terminated in a point from a broad base . Yet this is not comparable to that Aelian mentions , which was so thick that cups might be made of it . That at Strasburg hath some conformity with this of Saint Denis , but those of Venice differ from both , as that describ'd by Albertus Magnus doth from all . For 't is , saith he , solid like a Hearts horn , ten foot high , and very large at the base . The Swisses have one , which was sometimes found on the bank of a River near Bruges , two cubits long , yellow without , white within , odorous , and apt to take fire . That at Rome is but one foot high , having been diminish'd by being frequently rasp'd in order to be imploy'd against Poyson ; 't is also smooth and shining like Ivory . Aldrovandus who writ a Treatise of this Subject , saith , he saw one so big at Niclasbourg , that it resembled the rib of a Whale rather than a Horn. Becanus the Queen of Hungarie's Physician , speaks of one at Antwerp seven foot high , so fastned to the skull of the Animal , that it was bow'd backwards along the back bone , and could not serve to trouble the water for repelling its venenosity , ( as Authors say it doth ) nor yet be of any defence , which is the use of horns , except by bowing down the head between the fore-legs , as Bulls do in their fights . It was also white ; and yet Aelian saith , it must be black : And Ctesias , Physician to King Artaxerxes , represents it but one cubit high , purple towards the point , and black at the base . Which variety makes some believe , that all these are the horns of Fishes , or Sea-monsters , there being no Element susceptible of more varieties : Whereunto that Fish is to be referr'd which Albertus Magnus calls Monoceros , from its having one horn in the Fore-head ; the opinion of those that think the Unicorn was the Rhinoceros . Pliny , after Ctesias , affirms , that some Oxen in India , have but one horn , and are not cloven hoof'd . Aelian and Oppian report the like of others in Aonia ; and Caesar of others in the Hercinian Forest ; and Lewis Barthema , that he saw such Cows in Aethiopia . In brief , as 't is agreed that there are Animals with one Horn , so 't is impossible to know which is that whereunto Antiquity gave the Appellation of Unicorn by way of excellence ; which incertainty , those Kings and States that have them testifie , by keeping them in their treasures for shew only , not for use , and not making them into drinking vessels , which ( according to Aelian ) retun'd the hurtfulness of all Poysons . Add hereunto , that 't is not credible the Romans who subdu'd most of the accessible world , and were very careful to delight their people with spectacles of the rarest beasts , would not have forgot to shew them Unicorns , if there had been any . But were there a Unicorn , I should not esteem its virtues such as they are describ'd , being countenanc'd by the authority neither of Galen nor Hippocrates . So that Charles the Ninth's Physician said , he would have taken away the custom of putting a piece of this horn into the King's Cup , but that it was good to leave an opinion of its virtue in the minds of the vulgar . Moreover , the marks given of it are like all the rest , equivocal , incredible , and ridiculous . For they say , a true is discern'd from a false by the ebullition the true one causeth in water when cast thereinto ; which nevertheless all porous Bodies do , as burnt bones , lime , brick , and such other things wherein there are many cavities . Others discover it by giving some of it in powder after a dose of Arsenick to a Cock , or a little Dog ; whom it will not only secure , but almost revive when dead , and yet all that can be gather'd upon trial , is , that we see those Animals that have taken this antidote , die more slowly than others . Which is suppos'd to happen by the astriction that all horn causeth in the mouth of the Stomack , and the other Vessels , whence the exhalation of the Spirits is retarded . The trial of some Empericks is yet more ridiculous ; they boast , that if a Circle be describ'd with a piece of this horn upon a Table , and an Adder or Spider laid in the middle of it , they can never come out of it ; and , that these Animals die , if only held a quarter of an hour under the shadow of this Horn. Some add , that this horn sweats in the presence of poyson , which seems absurd : because in this case the counter-poison suffers from the poyson , which consequently , must be strongest and most active of the two . In brief , these numerous Contradictions , Impossibilities , and Incertainties make me conclude this Story of the Unicorn a meer Fiction . The Second said . If the Verity of things were shaken by the false conceits others have of them , there would be no Physitians , because there are oftentimes ignorant ones ; no point of Right , because many know it not ; no true Deluge , because the Poets feign'd that of Deucalion and Pyrrha ; no true Religion , because the Pagans and others have had false ones . On the contrary , as the Romances , concerning Charlemagne , were built upon the truth of his admirable exploits , so 't is credible , that the marvellous effects of the Unicorn's Horn have given both great and small occasion to speak of it , and out of ignorance of the Truth to feign much more then the Truth concerning it . The objection taken from the verity of descriptions of the Unicorn , and from that which is observ'd in several Horns , ( of about twenty whereof found in the treasures of Princes and States of Europe there are not two altogether alike ) is not concluding ; since the same may be said of most other Animals , who according to the diversity of Climats change their colour , and oftentimes shape too , yea , in one and the same place , they differ according to their Ages . Moreover , the Error is very excusable in Authors that have treated of the Unicorn , in taking ( as Aristotle doth ) the Greek name Monoceros , and the Latin Vnicornis , for a Noun Adjective applicable to every sort of Animals that have but one Horn , as many have not . Some indeed have confounded Rhinoceros with Monoceros through the resemblance of their cadence , which Rhinoceros the Romans had in their Spectacles or Shows , and is describ'd by Martial so furious , that he threw a Bear up into the Air , as one would do a Ball : But it follows not , that they had no Unicorns in their Amphitheaters , because there is no mention made of any ; an Argument drawn from Negative Authority not being demonstrative : and , granting it was unknown to them , it follows not thence that there is no such thing in Nature ; not only because they knew not the greatest part of the World , but also , because this Animal is represented so furious , that it cannot be taken alive ; especially in its perfect Age , being fierce even to those of its own Species of either Sex , and only accostable at the time of their Copulation . Philo after Aelian saith , That the Brachmans call it Cartazonon , that 't is of the bigness of a Horse , of a bay colour , very nimble of body , especially of the legs , though without joints ; that it hath the tail of a Boar , one horn between the eyes , black , streak'd like a Snail , and ending in a very sharp point , two cubits long ; that it hath a hoarse voice , is less furious towards other Beasts , than to those of its own Species , with whom it fights incessantly , unless when they are at rut . There are also ancient Medals representing this Animal putting his horn into a Cup ; which 't is thought were Alexander's . Aeneas Sylvius , and Paulus Venetus affirm , That Unicorns are found in the Mountains of India and Cathay ; though the marks this latter give them , agree better to the Rhinoceros : But these Authorities are not considerable in respect of that of the H. Scripture , wherein 't is said , Deut. 28. His horns shall be like that of the Vnicorn : and Psal . 22. Deliver me , O God , from the Lion's mouth , thou hast heard me also from among the horns of the Vnicorns : and Psal . 29. He maketh Lebanon and Sirion to skip like a young Vnicorn ; and Psal . 92. My horns shalt thou exalt like the horn of an Vnicorn ; and Isaiah 34. The Vnicorns shall come down with them , and the bullocks with the bulls . Job also speaks of it , chap. 39. Add to these Authorities the experience and example of so many Kings and States , who would not think their treasure well furnish'd , unless they had an Unicorn's horn . For , the matter that makes teeth , being transferr'd to the generation of horns , and so further sublim'd ; 't is certain , that all Horns have an Alexiterical Vertue , by which they resist Feavers , cure Fluxes of the belly , kill Worms , and serve for many other Remedies to Man : but when this already great Vertue comes to be united into one single Chanel , as it happens in the Unicorn , the same is mightily augmented . And 't is too much detraction from the power of Nature , to deny such Vertue to be found in inanimate Bodies , as in the Serpentine Tongues found in the Caves of Malta , sealed Earths , and Minerals , such as those they call for that reason Vnicornu minerale , not because taken from Unicorn's bury'd under ground ever since the time of the Deluge , but because of their Resemblance in Vertues , Properties , and outward Figure : and indeed there is so much of this Mineral Unicorn's horn , and Mineral Ivory found , that 't is not credible it ever belong'd to any Animal . Nor is this truth prejudic'd by [ the ] tricks of Impostors , who make counterfeit Unicorn's horns of Ivory , or other horns , or the bones , of Elephants , and other Animals kept for some time under ground , whereby they acquire more solidity , and some transparency , by means of the salt of the Earth , which insinuates thereinto , as it doth to Porcellane , which for that reason is bury'd a whole Age : nor by the ebullition that some other natural and artificial bodies cause , or by the sweating of some Stones upon the approach of poyson , which proceeds from the poyson's inspissating the Air , which thereupon sticks to the next solid body . Nor is the colour material ; since process of time may alter it ; besides that , the Ancients attribute blackness only to the horns of the Indian Ass , and the Rhinoceros : And , as for the smell found in the Unicorn's horn in Suizzerland , 't is an argument , that the same is either adulterate , or a Mineral one ; the texture of the horns being too close to evaporate any thing ; and those that have distill'd them by fires , find , that they abound with an inodorous Salt , and a stinking Sulphur . In short , 't is not credible , Clement VII . Paul III. and divers others , would have taken this Animal for their Arms , if there were no such ; nor do Popes so much want understanding men , that Julius III. would have bought a fragment of it for 12000. crowns ; whereof his Physitian made use successfully in the cure of Diseases that had any thing of venenosity . Marsilius Ficinus , Brassavola , Matthiolus , Aloisius , Mundela , and many other Physicians , recommend it in such diseases , especially in the Pestilence , the Biting of a mad Dog , Worms , Falling-sickness , and other such hideous Maladies . To conclude , I conceive , that effects which depend upon occult Properties , as this doth , ought not to be rashly condemn'd ; being mindful that our knowledg is limited , and therefore , the Authorities , Reasons , and Experiences , which establish the Unicorn's horn , and its wonderful Effects are to be yielded to ; only with exception to Imposture . CONFERENCE CCIV. Of Satyrs . NOvelty and extraordinary things have such power upon our Minds , that they not only render us attentive when they are present , but remain longer imprinted in the Memory ; as those , that teach the Art of Memory truly observe . This oblig'd many Poets and Historians to speak of Hydra's , Chimaera's , Basilisks , Satyrs , Centaurs , and other such Fictions . For those that have most exactly examin'd the power of Nature , find the mixture of these Species impossible , not only on the part of the Matter which is to receive the Soul , to which it is determin'd by a certain proportion , but also in respect of the Form , which is indivisible , especially the Rational Soul. To which purpose the Poet Lucretius speaks very learnedly , and maintains , that there can be no Centaurs ; and the reason he alledges , holds as well against the possibility of Satyrs : Because , saith he , if this mixture of the humane and equine Nature had place , Horses being in their full strength at three years old , at which time children scarce leave sucking the breasts of their Nurse , how is it possible this monstrous Animal should be in its tender age and full growth both together ? And again , a Horse growing , when the Man enters into the prime of his youth , how can the one dye , when the other is in the state of its greatest vigour ? Now Goats live less time than Horses , and so there is less probability for an Animal compounded of the Nature of a Goat and a Man. Hence Pliny , in the seventh book of his Natural History , saith , That a Hippocentaur being bred in Thessaly , it dy'd the same day , and was afterwards preserv'd in honey , which is an excellent bawm . Virgil places them at the entrance of Hell , because things against Nature cannot subsist . And S. Hierom in the life of S. Paul , the Hermit , relating how a Centaur appeard to S. Anthony , doubts whether it were a true Centaur , or the Devil under that shape ; and indeed seems to infer it an Evil Spirit , because it was driven away by the sign of the Cross . So that Satyrs are to be attributed only to the liberty Poets have ever taken , as well as Painters of daring and attempting every thing , without observing the Rule Horace prescribes them not to conjoyn Natures totally disagreeing and opposite ; for , by these mixtures they intended only to represent very nimble , lascivious , rustick , and perhaps abusive men ; ( whence came their Satyrick Poems . ) The second said , That 't is as dangerous to conclude all impossible that we have not seen , as to be credulous to every thing . But when Reason , and the authority Experience carries with it , are of a side , our incredulity , hath no excuse . Now the case of Satyrs is such ; for they may be as well produc'd by the mixture of the Seeds of two Species , as Mules are . Besides , were not the Imagination of Mothers capable of imprinting this as well as any other change of Figure in a Child's body , whereof we have daily examples ; yet the wild suckling and course of life some Children may have had amongst Goats ( as Romulus and Remus had from a Wolf ) may in process of time have begot some resemblance of shape in them . As for Lucretius's Reason , we see that Plants are ingrafted into others , not only of the same , but also of a different Species , as the Apple-Cyon on a Colewort ; which Plants being of different durations , the graft becomes of a middle duration between them , namely longer-liv'd then a Colewort , and shorter then another Apple-tree . And S. Hierom is not positive , that the Centaur , which appear'd to S. Anthony , was an illusion , but doubts whether it were a true Centaur such as Antiquity spoke of , or whether 't was not the Devil appearing in that shape to frighten that holy Person . And , Plato , in convivio sapientum , relates , That a Shepheard having presented to Periander a Foal born of a Mare of his , that had the head , neck , and hands of a Man , the rest of an Horse ; and the voice of a Child , Diocles affirm'd , that this Prodigy presag'd Seditions and Divisions of Minds : But Thales reply'd , 'T was a natural thing , and , for preventing the like again , advis'd him to have no other Hors-keepers but what were married . Pliny , likewise in the seventh Book of his Natural History , saith , That in the Country of the Cratadulones , amongst the Indian Mountains , Satyrs are found ; very swift Creatures , running sometimes on two feet , sometimes on four , and having the shape of a Man. And Plutarch tells in Sylla's life , That , as he return'd into Italy , a Satyr was brought to him like those describ'd by ancient Authors , half-man , and half-goat ; and being askt what he was , answer'd nothing that resembled a humane voice , but with a tone mixt of that of Goats , and the neighing of Horses . Whereupon , Sylla , having compassion on him , appointed guards to carry him back . S. Hierom in the above-mention'd place describes another Satyr , which , he saith , was of a middle stature , having a crooked Nose , horned front , and Goats feet , and brought Dates yet hanging on a Palm-branch , to S. Paul the Hermit . The Saint askt him what he was , and he answer'd , that he was a Mortal , one of the Inhabitants of that Hermitage , whom the abused Pagans adore , for Fauns , Satyrs , and Incubes ; and I come ( saith he ) as deputed to you from our Company , to desire you to pray for us to your and our God , whom we know to be come into the World , for the common Salvation . After which words , this light Animal took its course and fled away . And lest this Relation might seem strange , I shall add , That under Constantine , a living one was brought to Alexandria , and shewn there to the People ; afterwards , being dead , it was called and carried to Antioch to be seen by the Emperor . Pausanias records also , That he was inform'd by one Euphemius , who , ( he saith ) was a man worthy of credit , how that sailing into Spain , he was driven by storm into certain Islands full of savage Men , having hairy bodies , long tails , like those of Horses , and red hair ; whom they could not keep off from them , but by blows ; and a Woman being expos'd on the shore by the Mariners , these Satyrs abus'd her with all outrages imaginable . So that to doubt of the existence of Satyrs after so many Testimonies , is , to ascribe too much to our own senses , and too little to the witness of the Ancients . CONFERENCE CCV . Of the Phoenix . IF ever there were cause to admire the simplicity and credulity of the Ancients , 't is the story of the Phoenix , which is feign'd a Bird that lives many ages , after which repairing to the City Heliopolis in Aegypt , it builds its nest , or rather funeral pile , there of aromatick wood , which , by reason of its high situation being fir'd by the Sun-beams , she dyes , and immediately another arises out of her ashes ; it being as impossible for Nature to be without a Phoenix , as the Phoenix to have a Companion . In which Relation the Historians have imitated the Poets , and chosen rather to tell strange things than true . For , first , this Nativity of this imaginary Bird is a manifest impossibility ; because nothing is more abhorr'd by Nature than voluntary death , and that orderly Governess would rather have given the Phoenix a Female , as well as to all other Creatures , than have put her self thus upon the necessity of a miracle . Nor can any thing be more contrary to the generation of Animals than ashes , which , are dry ; dryness being altogether opposite to life , and to the corruption which is antecedent to every generation . Next , its progress is equally absurd . For , they say , this little Bird no sooner attains its just bigness , ( which is equal to that of an Eagle , having its head cristed with divers colours , the neck gold-colour , the rest of the feathers purple saving that the tail is mixt of scarlet and sky-colour ) but it prepares it self to pay the last duties to the bones of its deceased parent . ( But how consistent is this with the Bird 's being reduc'd to ashes ? ) Which bones she lays upon her back , and flyes from Aegypt with them to Arabia , where she places them upon an Altar dedicated to the Sun ; upon which the same Bird before her death had made an offering of the Neast , which was to be her fatal pile . After these funerals it flies towards Heaven , where 't is fed with dew , and the fumes of Incense and Amomum ; and instead of drink , makes use of the vapors which arise from the Sea , abhorring all kind of grain and food common to other Birds . According to Aelian , it lives five hundred years , according to others six hundred , and according to others more , in places apart from the commerce of Men ; but so highly reverenc'd by all other Birds , that they follow it with great respect and admiration , insomuch that Birds of rapine forget their prey , and others the fear of being taken . As many fictions as words , even if Lucretius's opinion be true , who admits not , that any single Animal can generate . Wherefore 't is not without reason , that to avoid rendring account of the many absurdities arising from these false suppositions , the Historians make it to be hid from our sight so many Ages ; foreseeing that if there was but one Woman found that had danc'd twice at Rome in the secular Playes , there will be no witnesses found to attest the nativity , life , and death of this Animal . The Second said , That we ought not to condemn the absent under pretext that they are unknown ; for the Nativity of this Bird is defended by that of Barnacle , which is bred of the putrefaction of a Ship ; and of another call'd Ephemeron , which by Aristotle's report , is produc'd of the leaf of a Tree near the River Hippanis . If the duration of its life be uncertain , so likewise is that of all Animals with which we converse not . And were the authority of Betonius suspected , who confounds it with the Manucodrata , yet that of Tacitus in the fourteenth Book of his Animals is authentick . P. Fabius , and L. Vitellus , ( saith he ) being Consuls . the Bird call'd a Phoenix after many Ages appear'd in Aegypt , and gave occasion to many Greeks and other personages of the Country to discourse of the miracle ; concerning which they relate many doubtful things , but worthy to be known . They say , this Animal is devoted to the Sun , and that its beak and variety of plumes , is wholly different from other Animals . Most affirm , that it lives five hundred years ; others , that it attains to one thousand four hundred sixty one : and that the first were seen under Sesostris and Amasis , Kings of Aegypt ; next , under Ptolomy , who reign'd the third of the Macedonians . It came then into the City of Heliopolis , accompany'd with a great number of other Birds , who seem'd as well as Men amaz'd at the new spectacle . But because ( saith he ) there were but two thousand five hundred years from Ptolomy to Tiberius , under whom this appear'd ; this made some doubt it was not the true Phoenix , and came not from Arabia , whence it ought not to come till its life were near an end , to build its neast in Egypt ; wherein he leavs a genital virtue whereby his Successor is produc'd , who as soon as come to full vigor , prepares to pay the funeral duty to its parent ; which it doth not , lightly , but after it hath try'd by carrying an equal weight of Myrrh , whether it be able to carry that of its parent's bones . However , saith he , 't is a certain thing that this Bird is seen sometimes in Aegypt . And , indeed , its existence is prov'd by the Authority of Orus Apollo in his Hieroglyphicks ; Manilius , Pliny , Ovid , Athenaeus , Albertus Magnus , yea , by the publick voice which uses this word , to signifie a rare thing , and singular in its Species : Which were not much indeed , if Lactantius , Tertullian , and many other Fathers had not often employ'd it to convince the Pagans who question'd the Resurrection . Moreover , Aelian in his History of Animals , presupposing this too well known to be particularly describ'd , only blames the broking Misers of his time , who prefer their affairs before the wonder of this Bird , which is so well skill'd in calculation , that it fails not to repair to its fatal neast at the prefixt time . In short , we may doubt of some circumstances , but not of the truth of its existence ; its renovation is prov'd possible from the re-animation of a drown'd fly by the Sun ; and since hard to give a satisfactory account of common generations , we may therefore forbear to reject this , which , though extraordinary , may yet be maintain'd by Chymists , who lay the foundation of generation in Salt , the sole permanent principle , and not volatile as the two other are . The Third said , That the Fathers in using Comparisons from this Bird , had regard to the common belief , as God accommodates himself to the Language of Men , attributing Passions to himself , though he hath none . And for the Authors that speak of it , 't is always upon the credit of others . Even Herodotus and Pliny , the first whereof , ( if you will believe him ) saw almost every thing however strange and unheard of ; and the second affirms almost every thing ; ( so far as to say , that certain Birds lay their Eggs in a Hare's skin , which they afterwards hang upon a Tree ; and that others carry theirs upon a stick lay'd over the shoulders of two ; besides infinite other things no less incredible and ridiculous ) yet speak but doubtfully of this Bird. So that we have great reason to do the like , yea , to esteem it a Fiction . CONFERENCE CCVI. Of Sensitive Plants . SEnse and Motion are in some sort observ'd in all Plants , which incline towards the Sun and Light , and attract their aliment at distance ; particularly , the Vine , which seems to act with choice , twining about the next Tree that may support it , not once , as might be by chance , but twice or thrice . But with much more reason may we attribute Sense to the Helitropium and Marygold ; as also to Tulips , which shut up themselves at night , and open again in the day . Pliny attributes a yet more admirable property to the Lotus , saying , that it sinks and hides it self totally at night in the River Euphrates near which it grows , so that 't is not to be reach'd by one's hand , then rises out of the water again at Sun-rise ; and that , in places where it grows remote from water , in the Evening it wraps up its Flower and Fruit in its leavs , and discovers them afresh next Morning . The Tree call'd Arbor Tristis , seems also to have much Sense , its leavs resemble those of the Sloe-Tree ; its Flowers open at night , and in the day are all languid , though of so good a smell , that the Inhabitants of Malaca , and Goa in the East-Indies , distill an odoriferous water from them , and make use of their red stalks to colour meats , as the Europaeans do of Saffron . So likewise do those Trees of the Islands Hebrides , the wood whereof being rotted in the Sea is turn'd into Birds like our Ducks ; and that mention'd by Ruellius , l. 12. ch . 38. of his History of Plants , which bears Cockles , of which Birds are produc'd ; and those said by Munster in his Cosmography , to grow in Vomonia near Scotland towards the North , whose Fruit falling into the water is turn'd into a Bird , call'd a Tree-Bird . Guadaguigna , an Italian Author , affirms the like of the leavs of another Tree . Add to these those which Cardan saith , grow on the bank of a River in Ireland , of whose leavs those that fall into the water become Fishes , and those that fall upon the land Birds ; as also those which Pigafetta saith , he saw in the Island of Cimbubon , near Borneo in Oriental Asia , which falling to the Earth , walk'd upon four sharp and short feet , whereof he kept one eight dayes , which mov'd when it was touch'd , and liv'd , in his judgement , of Air alone . Of this sort are likewise all Sea Vegetables , such as the Sea-Star , Sea-Nettle , Oysters , which have a very dull Sense , are immoveable , and oftentimes fastned to the Rocks , and from the midst of whose shells sometimes springs a shrub call'd Sea-Oak , which grows also upon stones and potsheards , having no root but a thick purple leaf , as Pliny and Theophrastus witness . But all this is nothing in comparison of what Scaliger saith of the Scythian Lamb , nam'd Borrametz . They affirm , that in Zalvolha a part of Tartary , the Inhabitants sow a grain like Melon-seed , saving that 't is not quite so long ; from which issues a Plant about five spans high , having the feet , hoofs , ears , and whole head of a Lamb , ( saving the Horns , which are represented by one tuft of Hair ) and being cover'd with a hairy thin skin ; its flesh is very sweet , and like that of Crevishes ; and which is more strange , it bleeds when it is wounded , and is much desir'd by Wolves , but not by other Animals that live on flesh . It adheres to the Earth by the Navil , and cannot live unless grass be sown about it ; which withering , or being purposely destroy'd , the Plant dyes : Which Plant-Animal , Sigismond Liber , a Pole , saith , is also call'd Smarcandeos by the Musulmans , who wear the skin of it upon their breasts and shaven heads for warmth . And there are seen at this day in the King of France's Garden in the Fauxbourg of S. Victor at Paris , three sorts of Plants , to which cannot be deny'd the name of Sensitive , since being toucht , they flag their leavs , one sooner , another more slowly , and the third very leisurely ; which leavs return to their place after the Sun hath warm'd them again with his rayes , Garsias ab Horto speaks as much of certain anonymous Plants growing in the Province of Malabar , which as soon as they are toucht , shrink and contract their branches by a motion contrary to the former ; and he adds , that their leavs resemble those of Polypody , and the Flowers are yellow . Theophrastus in Book 4. Chap. 3. of his History of Plants , attributes the same faculty to a Spinous Plant like Fearn , ( according to Gaza's Translation ) or Feathers , ( according to that of Pliny ) the leavs or boughs of which Plant being toucht , become arid and languid , close , and compress themselves , and after some time turn green again , and resume their first vigor : He saith , This Plant grows at Grand Cairo , and is so big that three men can scarce fathom it . Apollodorus , the Disciple of Democritus , ascribes the like virtue to an Herb which he calls Aeschinomene , or Chast-Herb , because it shuns the hand of any that offers to touch it , shrinking its leavs up into an heap . Pliny speaks of another in the Islands of the Troglodites like Coral , call'd Charito-Blepharon , which seems to be sensible of the approach of him that comes to cut it , becomming then as hard as horn ; and , if he wait some time , like a stone . The Portugals tell in their Navigations of an Herb that grows with small roots in hot and moist places , putting forth eight little branches two fingers long , furnisht with leavs on each side , as green as Tamarisk , but resembling those of Polypody . From the middle of the roots arise four small stalks , each of which bears a yellow Flower like that of Cloves , but without smell ; which being never so little toucht , languish and flag , but resume their first vigor upon the removal of the hand . Of which Marvail , a Philosopher of Malabar being unable to find the cause , became a fool . Monardes a Physician of Sevil , having describ'd a sort of Barly in new Spain , call'd Gayatene , or Cevadilla , ( wich falls flat as soon as it is toucht ) makes mention of another Species of the same Herb , which lying spread upon the ground , upon touching , folds it self like crisped Colewort . Lastly , Nicolas Conti says , that in the East-Indies between the Cities of Bisnagar and Malepur , there grows a Tree without Fruit three yards high , call'd Arbor Pudica , which retracts its branches when any Man or Beast approaches it . By all which Relations , it is manifest that there are Sensitive Plants . The Second said , That since 't is not possible to imagine Sensitive Life without Organs , these motions must not be attributed to Sense , but to other Causes ; as to the attractive heat which is in all Plants , which makes them fold up themselves according to the figure of the Body near which they are . Some Animals , as Oysters , have indeed a more imperceptible degree of Sense , yet are not they therefore Plants ; those whereof that have any local motion , have it , perhaps , from the concussion of the Earth caus'd by the approaching person , or from the stirring of the Air ; which though imperceptible , drives along the Ignis Fatuus : And , perhaps , these Flowers and Herbs are of a very rare and subtle texture . Unless you had rather recurr to the Antipathy which is found between these Plants and Man , which causes the skin and fiddle-strings made of Sheeps guts , to break at the noise and sound made by those of a Wolf , with which they will never be brought to be harmonious . For this is a better way than to multiply Species without necessity , as they do who establish a middle Nature between a Plant and an Animal . And as for those which remove from one place to another , they may , perhaps , find the same account of them upon inquiry that Aeneas Sylvius did , who ( as he saith in his Description of Europe , Chap. 46. ) asking James VI. King of Scotland , touching those Tree-Birds reported to be bred there , learnt from the mouth of that learned King , that those famous Trees grew not there but in the Orcades . Whereupon Aeneas truly and handsomely reply'd , Miracula fugiunt . CONFERENCE CCVII. Of the Bezoar . THis word some think is deriv'd from the Hebrew Bel , which signifies King , and zaars Poysons , as if it were the King or Master of Poysons , which are subdu'd more powerfully by this than any other remedy . According to Scaliger , Bezohard is taken by the Arabians for that which preserves life , and so the Stone will have borrow'd its name from its effect . Cardan saith , there is a poysonous root of this name , which bears a fruit call'd Niraebri , which is an Antidote to it . This stone is divided into Natural and Artificial . The Natural is of two sorts , viz. Animal and Mineral ; yea , Plants and every thing good against Poysons is commonly term'd Bezoardical , But the Name primarily belongs to a stone found in an Animal , called by the Persians Pasan , or Pasar ; which Animal , Monardes saith , is of the bigness , and almost of the shape of a Stag , having two Horns large at the base , pointed at the top , and bowed over the back like those of a Goat , which it resembles in the feet , and something too in the form : Whence some term it Trag-elaphos , i. e. a Goat-Deer , though this be a different Animal , having short Hair , and a skin between grey and red , and sometimes of other colours . The Indians take them in nets for the stone's sake , which they sell to Merchants . For though the Beast is so furious that it breaks any other link but those of Iron , yet the price of this stone is so great that it makes the danger despicable . He adds , that it is so nimble that it casts it self down from an high Rock , and lights upon its horns without any hurt ; and that its pace is leaping and bounding like a foot-ball . All agree not in what part of the Animal the stone grows . The Arabians write , that this and all other sorts of Deer finding themselves old and sick , by their breath draw Serpents out of their holes and devour them , that so thereby they become young and well again ; after which finding themselves heated by this food , they run into the water , and stay there without drinking till their heat be over ; during which stay in the water , this stone is bred in the corners of their Eyes , whence it is taken for the uses abovesaid . But Monardes more probably learnt from the Inhabitants of the Mountains of China , that in the Indies near the River Ganges , these Goat-Deer after their eating of Serpents go about the tops of the Mountains feeding on such Herbs as Nature hath taught them resist Poysons ; of the quintessence whereof mix'd with that of the Poysons , the Bezoar is by some particular virtue produc'd in some cavity of their Bodies ; Garsias ab Horto , and Acosta say , in their stomack ; particularly in that reduplication by which they ruminate : others , as Fragosus , in the kidneys , because some stones have the figure of that part , which also is the most lapidifick of the whole Body ; and others too , as Rabbi Moses the Aegyptian , in the Gall ; which opinion Monardes himself is of though he admits too that it is found in the Ventricle , Intestines , and other cavities of the Body : As , indeed , there is no place in the Bodies of Animals , but stones may be generated in them . However , 't is universally acknowledg'd so useful , that the hunters are expresly commanded to carry them all to the King , who buyes them at a great rate , and they are not transported elsewhere but clandestinely . Amatus Lusitanus saith , that one of the richest Presents which Cochain King of the place sent in his time to the King of Portugal , was one of these stones , a little bigger than a Hazle-nut ; of which having observ'd the great effects , he procur'd others to be brought from that Country . These effects are the curing of Pestilential Fevers , the Leprosie , Small Pox , Epilepsie , Worms in Children , bitings of venomous Beasts , and generally against all Poyson ; particularly , 't is very proper for faintings , — and other effects of Melancholy . Whence 't is us'd in Quartan ; Agues to appease the Symptoms thereof , and Charles V. took it often ; yea , 't is observ'd in some Hospitals , that the bare powder of this stone temper'd in water , communicates its virtue thereunto , so that it hath cur'd the Purples and other Epidemical Maladies . The Second said , That such as design'd to get themselves Reputation in Physick , finding many Diseases unconquerable by common Remedies , that they might not remain idle , and suffer the defect of curing incurable , and rebellious Maladies to be imputed either to their Art or their Ignorance , have had recourse to the Foxe's skin , proposing the use of Remedies so rare and hard to find , that their Imposture might not be discover'd . Hence , some have so highly extoll'd precious Stones and Gold , which not fifty years ago the poor were perswaded , cur'd them by being boil'd in Restoratives , though the rich , who made use of the traud , found their gold Chains as heavy afterwards as before , ( in case they lookt well to them , in the boiling ) and consequently , that no Vertue was deriv'd from them . Of this kind is the Bezoar-stone : touching the Original whereof we see how Authors differ , and a few moneths ago an Animal was shewn in this City very different from that above-describ'd , which they term'd Pucos , and affirmed to be that which bred the Bezoar . Besides , the difficulty of discerning the true Stone from false , which probably are the most numerous , must needs render the use of it suspicious ; since even in the time of Serap on it was sold falsifi'd , which , he saith , was unprofitable , but I think rather mischievous . And Clusius complains , That the Merchants of Lisbon would not suffer the usual trial to be made for distinguishing the true from the adulterate . Neither do Authors agree about those trials ; some accounting it a sign of Goodness , if the Stone hath nothing but a little dust in the Center ; whereas the falsifi'd ( say they ) have some Seed , or other solid body there , upon which the other Materials were superinduc'd : others think , the right hath always a straw in the middle . Wherein we may observe , that the several scales or folds it hath one over another , like those of an Onion , or the Stone of a man's Bladder , which are made by new apposition of matter , agree not with the above-mentioned manner of its being made all at once . But in whatever manner and place it be produc'd , I think it can act only by its manifest Qualities which alone are active ; the Effects of occult Qualities being as hidden as themselves . Besides , how could these Treasures and Presents of Kings to be so common at this day , in all Shops , if they had such great Vertues too as are attributed to them . Wherefore 't is most likely , that the Avarice of Men hath added this to other popular Errors . The Third said , That as no Sect is more easie than the Pyrrhonian or Sceptick , which doubts of every thing ; so 't is a very obvious Invention for such as are willing to decline inquiring into that vast treasure of Remedies , which are dispers'd from the Concave of the Moon to the Center of the Earth , and into the trials which may be made by their almost infinite preparations and mixtures , to reject all upon pretext of Incertainty in Philosophical accounts . But though the shortest , I doubt whether it be the best way ; since Experience shews us many Effects which depend not upon Qualities ; and , they that decry the Bezoar , because it acts not by manifest Qualities , admit others which do as little , viz. Elective Purgers , Splenetical , Hysterical , and other appropriate Remedies , though in some cases even of a contrary temper to the parts they are apply'd to . Which error happens , from our always making Qualities Causes ; whereas oftentimes they are Effects . Besides , 't is great pride to deny whatever we understand not ; since the most knowing agree that they see only through a cloud , and the chief effect of Beatitude will be , To be ignorant of nothing . And why should the faculties of Antidotes depend more upon first Qualities than those of poysons do ? since they ought to be contraries , and contraries are under the same Genus . Wherefore it sufficeth to recur to Authority and Experiment . Indeed Hippocrates and Galen knew not Bezoar ; yet neither do wee reject Sena which they knew not , and which is one of the commonest and best Medicaments we have . But all the Arabian Physicians concurr in this point , and Serapion particularly affirms , that this Stone is a potent Antidote against all poyson in the bitings of venemous Beasts ; and so efficacious , that not only three or four grains of it held in the mouth , enervate poysons ; but the powder apply'd to a venemous Animal , stupefies it , and takes away its power of hurting ; so that some parts already begun to corrupt by their biting , have presently been restor'd to their first estate by its single application . Avicenna , in the fourth Chapter of his second Canon ranks it with Treacle , amongst Alexipharmacal Remedies which preserve health , and strengthen the Spirits . Rhasis , in his Continent , affirms , That he found more admirable Faculties in Bezoar , than in all other Antidotes ; and in his book to Almansor , he saith , That Remedies for resisting poyson , that assault the heart , and offend by their whole substance , are in vain prepar'd , if Bezoar be left out ; which alone , he saith , resists the poyson of Napellus or Monks-hood the most pernicious of all . Avenzoar , in his Theyser , writes , that a man given over for dead upon taking of poyson , was cur'd by three grains of Bezoar . Peter de Abano ( call'd the Conciliator ) affirms , That Edward I. King of England , being wounded with a poyson'd sword in the war against the Sultan , and ready to expire , was cur'd by some of this stone given him by the General of the Templars : and that the bare wearing it resists poyson . Monardes affirms , That with this Stone in less than a quarter of an hour he cur'd a certain Licentiate , whose body was already all swell'd by having once drunk , and another time eaten poyson ; and that a poyson'd Maid , after the useless tryal of all other Counterpoysons , was presently cur'd by this . The same Author produces a great number of Syncopes , Pestilential Feavers , Vertigoes , Epilepsies , and other Diseases cur'd by this Remedy ; which is the more excellent in that it is insipid and void of all the bad taste which accompanies most other Remedies . These Examples are further authoris'd by the publick voice , which cannot be easily outweigh'd by the few persons that undertake to bid defiance to Antiquity , and to accuse it of ignorance or fraud , though it be not wholly destitute of Reason . For since 't is granted , that Viper's flesh is necessary in Treacle to render the same efficacious against the bitings of that Animal , ( it being necessary , that something intervene of a middle nature between ours , and that of the Viper , as its flesh , is being void of venom , but susceptible of it ) why should it be deny'd , that Bezoar which is produc'd of something that hath poyson , and something that resists it , may serve for a medium to subdue the same in our bodies . The objections to the contrary are either general or particular . The former concern only Mountebanks , who are left to answer them ; it being incredible that a good man , much less a Christian , would deceive in a matter so important as Life ; which yet may be as often indanger'd by rejecting good remedies upon vain Argumentations , ( to say no worse ) as by prescribing those that are unprofitable . The Objection against Gold and precious stones makes as much against the Confection de Hyacinthis , and others , whereof they are ingredients ; but they that have well consider'd those rich Bodies , find virtues to issue from them which impair not their weight ; as is observ'd in Quicksilver , the decoction whereof kills worms , though its weight remain the same ; and in the Regulus of Antimony , a cup whereof renders liquors purgative in infinitum , without any diminution of its substance . As for the diversity of Opinions touching the generation of this Stone , this difficulty is found almost in all forreign remedies ; and though 't is not known , Whence Amber comes ? yet we find its perfume excellent , and its use profitable in Physick . Nor is Adulteration proper only to Bezoar stones , but common to Balm , Civet , Storax , Rhubarb , and , in a word , to all other remedies ; and the abuse ought not to prejudice the use , since the same Authors that have observ'd these impostures , teach us also to avoid them . Clusius makes tryal of them , by passing a poyson'd thread through a Dog's Leg , and when the Symptoms of the Poyson have made him fall down as dead , if upon taking a little of the powder of this Stone , he revives , 't is right ; if not , 't is falsifi'd . Monardes's tryal is by breaking the stone , which ought to appear made of several films thicker or thinner according to its bigness , which is commonly equal to that of an Olive , and almost of the same colour , though some are found to weigh two ounces , and the biggest are the best ; but the Surfaces must be all smooth , the inward more than the outward , in the middle of which is a powder of more efficacy than the outside , or a straw or little piece of dry'd Herb , not a seed as there is in the fictitious ; those that are vers'd therein know how to avoid being abus'd , and adjudge the Oriental better than the Occidental , which are darker and weaker . It matters not as to the truth of the effect , in what manner this stone is generated ; though 't is not impossible for several Tunicles to be produc'd together , as those of the Onyon are . In fine , such may the rarity of Bezoar have sometimes been , that only great persons made use of it ; but its admirable effects have made men curious to procure store of them , which they may the more easily do even by their means who decry them , the Apothecaries thereby having always some left in their shops . The Fourth said , That in order to know well the benefits of Bezoar , 't is requisite first to be agreed What it is ; which point is not yet determin'd . Scribonius Largus conceives it the hardned tear of a Stag a hundred years old : Others , think it a Mineral ; others , a stone bred in an Animal , so contrary to Nature that the Animal that breeds it is exceedingly tormented with it , especially if be big ; which the hunters guess by seeing them go with pain , as Men do that have the stone in the Bladder . Yea , 't is not agreed in what part of the Body 't is found , though this indication be necessary towards the discovery of its virtue ; since stones found in the Gall are of another Nature and Properties , than those of the Reins or Bladder . Moreover , the colour of these stones is extreamly various , not to mention the difference which proceeds from that of Climates ; the Occidental being almost without virtue in comparison of the Oriental . Whence it follows , that no certain unquestionable property can be assign'd to this stone as to other Remedies , which act always in the same manner ; otherwise there would be no Science . But should the Bezoar have an Alexipharmacal Virtue , yet it could be but like that of other Bodies , which act proportionally to their bulk . Now what proportion is there between three grains of an insipid powder which causes no evacuation , or other sensible action ; and a mortal poyson , whose cruel Symptoms discover themselves as speedily as fire doth when put to matter susceptible of combustion ? And I appeal to the testimony of all those that have made use of it in our Age , whether they ever found the effects that are attributed to it . Whence it follows , that it is doubly to be rejected ; First , because 't is of great cost to the Patient ; Secondly , it takes up the place of some other good Remedy , causing loss of time which might otherwise be profitably employ'd in relieving the sick . The Fifth said , That Poysons and Epidemical Diseases hurt not by their manifest qualities , nor by the quantity of their matter ; as appears in the biting of a Scorpion , which casts forth an imperceptible quantity of venom . And therefore 't is not to be expected that their Remedies should act either by such qualities , or by their quantity . Nor are we to doubt of the effect of Bezoar , under pretext that 't is given in few grains , though some have given twenty and thirty grains ; and that the ordinary dose is about nine or ten grains . Neither is it material whether it be the stone of the kidneys of a Goat , Deer , or the tear of a Deer , provided it have the Virtues ascrib'd to it , which is no more incredible than that which Scaliger affirms , himself try'd in the Stag's tear , which , he saith , so melts Men's Bodies that are either poyson'd or infected with the Pestilence , that they seem turn'd all into water , and thereby are cur'd . To which Experience , there are few well employ'd Physicians but can add many more . Nor is any thing said against Bezoar , but what may be objected against all other Antidotes , as Sealed Earth , Unicorn's Horn , and all Cordial Remedies , whose Virtue may as well be question'd as that of Bezoar . CONFERENCE CCVIII . Whence proceeds the sudden Death of Men and Animals upon descending into certain Pits . ON the sixteenth of June last , an Inhabitant of the Town of Tilliers , two Leagues from Virruel , perceiv'd a goodly Pigeon , which he took to be one of his own , fall down into a Well hard by his House ; whereupon he call'd his Son , and , to draw it out , they let down a basket with a rope to the bottom of the Well , into which the Pigeon presently entred ; but as oft as they lifted it up from the water , it fell back again thereunto : After their design had fail'd , the Son tyes a cudgel to the rope , and being let down by his Father , endeavors to take the Pigeon . The Father ask'd him , Whether he had her ? He answer'd thrice , No ; and after some sighs falls , having lost both Speech and Life . The Father troubl'd at so strange an accident , resolves to go down himself , and accordingly without any help descends into the Well , where he remain'd as his Son. The Neighborhood advertised of this dysaster repair'd thither , and , amongst others , one who had not long before cast the Well ; He ascribing all to the weakness of those who were dead , presently betakes himself to go down ; but he was scarce come within two foot of the water but he fell down dead without making any complaint . A strong and vigorous young Man upon the belief that the company conceiv'd that those persons were not dead , but only needed help , undertakes to go down likewise ; he did so , but suddenly fell backwards with a little Convulsive Motion which made him cast up his head . Hereupon , notwithstanding the disswasions of the Curate of the place , who began to suspect some mortiferous causes of this effect , a fifth descended after he had caus'd the rope to be fastned to his middle ; he was no sooner in the middle of the Well but he was pull'd up again upon the Gestures which he made , with a livid Countenance , and other signes fore-runners of Death , which he escap'd by being presently succoured with Wine and Aqua Vitae . Being recover'd , he affirm'd ▪ that he had perceiv'd no hurt but only a certain faintness upon him . This last attempt cool'd all assistance , so that there was no more talk of going down , but only of getting the Bodies up ; which was done : and 't was observ'd that none of them had any signes of Life saving the Son , in whom were seen some small tokens which presently vanish'd . The wonderment of all this was greatly increas'd , when a Gentleman of the Country , curious of seeing what was reported , let down a Dog , who continu'd there a quarter of an hour , and was pull'd up again safe and sound . This Well twenty five foot deep , and of water but two , is inclos'd with a very ancient Wall at the foot of a good high Hill , whereon stands the Castle of Tilliers : And which help'd not to diminish the wonder , it had been cleansed by two men who found no hurt , nor any thing extraordinary in it , saving an odour stronger than elsewhere ; the water being as clear as that of the Spring , and without any sediment . Now if it was mineral and malignant vapors that suffocated those that descended , the same might have done the like upon those that first gave them vent . The Second said , That this Effect cannot be attributed to vapors barely venomous , and of the nature of ordinary Poysons , which corrupt our humours , sometimes after Applications , as the Plague and other Epidemical Diseases do ; but this steam is so opposite to Life , that it destroyes the same in an instant ; which we cannot imagine to proceed from any other cause but a mineral , which is far more active . The escape of those that cleans'd the Well , may be attributed to the mud which smeared the sides of the Well , and so kept the vapor in ; till growing stronger by that restraint , it made way for its self through that remaning crust , and produc'd the above-mention'd dismal effects ; emitting its Poyson in a strait line , according to the rectitude of the Well , which weakned the Pigeon in such sort , that it was unable to rise again ; as 't is reported that Birds fall down as they fly over the Mare Mortuum , or Lake of Sodom , in Judea . The Third said , 'T is not probable that any such slimy crust hindred this Effect at first , since the Dog let down afterwards found no hurt ; unless you think a new crust arose in that little time which pass'd between the death of the Men , and the descent of the Dog. This Effect therefore may probably be attributed to the Archaeus , or Central Fire , that Motor of Nature , which dries all the vapors of the Elements from the Centre to the Circumference , subliming the principals of minerals , in order to make its Productions ; and as the several mixtures of these elevated vapors are in some places wholsome , to wit , in Bathes and mineral waters ; so there are others destructive of our Nature . But because such elevation is not continual , but only at certain times , according to the motion of that grand Motor , and , particularly , of the Sun ; hence Arsenical vapors have produc'd such Effects at one time , and stifled those that descended into a Well filled with them , which they have not done to those that clean'd it , nor to the Dog ; in as much as those vapors were not rais'd at this time . And , perhaps , these mineral vapors are not always sublim'd in such a degree as to be mortiferous ; otherwise it would follow that none could ever labor in mines with safety , by reason of deadly fumes . The Fourth said , That such expellations could not extinguish the Fire of Life in so short a time , without some fore-running signes . But 't is more probable , that this Effect proceeds from some venomous Animal infecting the Air , which being confin'd in a place incapable of evaporation , and suckt by those that descend down the Well , they can no more save themselves from Death , than in a pestilent Air. Nor are they Fables which History records of certain Grottoes , in which Basilisks and Serpents residing , infected not only the place , but also the whole Country ; as Philostratus relates in the Life of Apollonins , how a Dragon carry'd the Plague into all places where-ever he went. Now as to the particulars of the Story , what is difficult in them I thus resolve . Those that cleans'd the Well open'd the passage to the Basilisk , who by degrees creeping forth out of his hole into the Well , there darted forth his mortal rays upon what-ever was presented to his Eyes ; which done , he retir'd into his hole again ; so that the Dog let down into the Well after the Basilisk's retirement , could not be hurt : For that the spirits issuing out of the Eyes of this mortiferous creature , are harmless to dogs , and deadly to Men , is not warranted by any Example ; Antiquity , whose Judgement is venerable even in doubtful things , allowing this Beast capable of doing mischief only in the place where he resides . CONFERENCE CCIX. Whether a Dead Body can be preserv'd naturally many years . THis Question is divided in two points ; First , Whether a dead Body can be kept without art ; Secondly , Whether it can be so by art ; Nature being here oppos'd not to Art , but to what is supernatural . The first is hard , every Carkase having in it self the principles of Coruption ; because the harmony of qualities which caus'd to subsist being dissolv'd , it advances of it self to an annihillation : And Nature should cease her continual motion , if her subject depriv'd of animal life should always remain in one and the same state . Yea , if Nature should stop her course in dead Bodies , and not be able to resolve them into other works , the Influences of the Heavens would be useless in respect of them , as also their motion , which is in order to generations , which would cease if there were no more corruption ; whence the destruction of the Universe in its parts would follow . Nor would the Elements act any more one against another , remaining pure and simple , and incapable of any generation , since siccity could no more act upon humidity , nor heat upon cold . It remains to enquire , Whether a dead Body may be preserv'd by art ; which seems possible , because we may by art destroy the activity of the Elements , and reduce them to a just and equal temperament capable of long preservation . For if impurities and superfluities lead mixt Bodies to Corruption , 't is easie to separate them by Chymistry ; otherwise this art would be incapable of reducing them as it doth every day to a just Temperament : Yea , if we consider the Principles of Preservation , it will appear , that those of Art are more powerful than those of Nature , in regard of the means and Instruments it employs to separate them which Nature cannot do , because She mixes things without choice and depu●ation : and consequently , since Art hath so much power in so many Agen●s , 't is possible to preserve a dead body for many years . Moreover , our own Experience ▪ and that of Antiquity teach us , that Balms are able to preserve bodies a long time ; as appears in the Mummies of Aegypt , and in some Embryo's , which ●re preserv'd long in spirit of Salt , and other Liquors repugnant 〈…〉 . The second said , That a dead body may be preserved long , not only by 〈◊〉 , but also naturally ▪ as that of a Lady deceased fifty six years ago , which was found lately intire , and gave occasion ●o this Conference ; Whence it may be presum'd , That Women are not so easily corruptible , because their bodies are made of flesh more elaborate then that of man , which was immediately taken from the dust , and consequently is more prone to return into its first Original . Now the way to preserve dead bodies from corruption , is , to prevent the dissolution of their parts ; which is done by maintaining the connexion of humidity with driness ; to which end all extrinsical heat and moisture must be kept from them as much as possible . Hence it is , that dead bodies are plac'd in subterraneous places , and inclosed in leaden Coffins , to the end , the cold and dry vapours symbolizing with the qualities of Saturn , ( which the Chymists make as justly preservative as the Poets make it destructive ) may withstand extrinsecal heat and moisture , and maintain the marriage of 〈◊〉 with humidity ; which is also the scope of the Gums and Spices we employ to imbalm bodies ; which having some heat with a certain Unctuousness suck up the superfluous moisture , and preserve the Natural . Moreover , the Sex , Age , and Temperament , are considerable in this matter . A Habit of body moderately fleshy , ( which Galen accounts the most laudable , and which denotes a good Constitution ) is fittest for this purpose ; and 't is probable , that the bodies of those that die of a sudden death , resist putrefaction longer than those that have been extenuated by a longer Sickness , or brought to the Grave by a Feaver ; because in these cases the body is in a great tendency to putrefaction even before Death . CONFERENCE CCX . Of the Remora . T Is a small Fish , half a foot long , called by the Greeks , Echeneïs , and , by the Latins , Remora ; because 't is thought to stop the motion of Ships , by means of two scales wherewith it closely imbraces the keel . This common belief is founded upon many experiences reported by Authors , worthy of Credit . Pliny writes , That Periander , having sent a Ship to Gnidos , with orders to castrate all the principal Children of that Island , it was stopp'd in the main sea so long time as was requisite to send for other Orders contrary to the former by another Ship ; and that in remembrance of this happy retardment , the two scales of this little fish were in his time seen hanging up near the Altar of Gnidia and Venus . The like happen'd to a Pretorian Ship of Anthony at the battel of Actium , so that he could not advance to give Orders to his Naval Army . The Emperor Caligula , having set sail from Asturia , with a Gally of five banks , was likewise constrain'd to stay by the way with his Vessel , the other Ships not suffering the same obstruction ; at which this Prince was so incens'd , that he presently commanded divers to seek out the cause , who at length found this Fish sticking to the helm of the Vessel which they shew'd him about the bigness of a Snail ; and he was more surpris'd when he saw that it had not the like effect within the Ship as without ; as 't is said , the foot of a Tortoise being in a Vessel , makes it move slowly . Plutarch , in the second book of his Symposiacks , affirms , That this Fish was found sticking to the Ship which he hired , to sail into Sicily ; and Rondeletius saith . That the Cardinal of Tourain being imbarked for Rome , in a Vessel of three banks was a long time stopp'd in a place at Sea by this little Fish , which being taken was serv'd up to his table ; though others write , that it is not fit to eat . But what they add , That its vertue of retarding is such , that it is made use of to hinder the Judgment of a Law-suit whereof the issue is fear'd ; and also in filtres to retain a Lover that despises his loving Mistris , is as hard to believe , as 't is to find considerable reasons for it , without having recourse to the ancient asylum of those who despair to find any , which is the specifick form of this Fish , which hath the same faculty of stopping Ships , that a Diamond hath of retaining the Vertue of the Loadstone , and Garlick of hindering it to act : as the Ship appeaseth the fury of the Elephant ; the Fig-tree , that of the Bull ; and many other such things , which though small in bulk , are yet very great and virtuous ; as they make appear in their Qualities , which are as sensible in their Effects , as they are occult in their Causes . The Second said , That the Remora worketh the same Effect upon the Ship , that the Torpedo doth upon the hand of the Fisher , which becomes stupid , when he toucheth the same with a long pole . Now of this effect of Remora is not hard to be accounted for , if we follow the Principles of Campanella , and those who allow sense to all , even the most gross corporeal things . But this opinion being little received , 't is better to say , that whereas all natural things subsist only by the vicissitude of motion and rest ; wise Nature , who is the principle of both , hath judiciously dispenc'd them that they are found differently in some things , and in others , and that for the good and ornament of the Universe , which requires , that as they are bodies immoveable by reason of their scituation or use , to wit , the Earth , and the Poles of the Heavens ; others always in motion , to wit , the Heavens , Rivers , Air , and Fire ; and others , endued with an attractive vertue , as the Loadstone and Amber ; so She hath given others a Quality contrary to this . Namely , the Remora , that of stopping the motion of a Ship : and because motion and rest are contrary one to the other , their principles are no less , as well those that are effective of motion , as those which cause rest ; but 't is better to explicate them by their sensible and indubitable effects , than by reasons ordinarily frivolous and impertinent . The Third said , 'T is no rare thing for Ships to be staid in the main Sea , whatever pains the Mariners take to make them go forward ; and how favourable soever the Wind may be , the cause whereof is no other but the contrary motion of the waves of the Sea , especially in streights and narrow places where there are strong Currents , which probably . stopp'd Caligula's Ship , and those other mentioned in History , rather than this little Fish which 't is credible can send so strong a Vertue from its small body , as to fix and check the far greater , and oftentimes irresistible force of the Winds and Sea. Unless you had rather attribute this retardment to the mucosity and other foulnesses wherewith Ships are crusted in long Voyages , which hinder their advancing ; and this Fish being sometimes found in those mucous humidities , people mistake it for the cause , though it no wise contributed thereunto . The Fourth maintain'd , according to the opinion of Francastorius , That 't is not possible for so small a Fish as the Remora , to stop a great Ship at full sail ; but that this Effect is occasion'd by Rocks indu'd with a Quality like that of the Loadstone ; upon which this Fish using to reside , when a Ship passes near them , their Adamantine Vertue attracts the same towards them ; whence the same thing happens by these two violent motions , viz. that wherewith the Vessel is driven along in the main Sea , and the attraction of these Rocks , as when two equal forces draw a weight two several ways , the thing remains unmov'd ; so that this fish is not the cause , but only the sign of this retardment . The fifth said , That if there were any such magnetical vertue , in this case the nails and iron-works of the Ship so stay'd , would rather be taken away , than its course stopt , the latter being more hard to do than the former ; since a little force sufficeth to pull a nail out of a Ship , whose impetuous motion , 't is not possible to withhold ; whence Archimedes's his drawing of a Ship out of the Port into the Market-place by his endless serue , pass'd for one of the goodliest secrets of the Mechanicks , though indeed it be nothing to the present enquiry . And the truth is , this strange effect may best be attributed to a hidden property , and singular quality of this Fish , which being always found sticking to the stopped Ships , is more probably the cause of that impediment , than any unknown Rocks , which ought to do the like to all Vessels that approach them , if there were any such : For t is a vanity condemn'd by the most intelligent in the secrets of Nature , to presume to give valid reasons thereof , whilst we have none for the most sensible and ordinary effects , for want of knowing the last and proximate differences which constitute every thing in its Essence , and distinguish it from others ; it being easie to know , that the Remora , after the example of many other which act by a propriety of their form , produceth this effect , without being needful to trouble our selves to find out the means it imploys in order thereunto . CONFERENCE CCXI. Of Negroes . NAture loves variety so well that she is not contented with producing a great number of Species of all sorts of Animals differing chiefly according to the Climates which produce them ; but she hath also pleas'd her self in an innumerable diversity of individuals especially as to colour , as cannot be call'd an Accident in Blackamores , but an inseparable property , which distinguishes them from other men , and constitutes the nature of Negroes , in whom the Sun's heat produceth an effect contrary to that of his light ; this brightning , the other obscuring the subject upon which it acts . Yet it acteth not alike upon all Subjects , since the same Star ( Aethiopian ) whitens linnen and wax ; but this blackness happens to the Aethiopians because moisture exceeds , and in a manner extinguisheth heat ; just as we see it come to pass in Charcoals , Gangreens , and the parts of man's body when struck with Lightning . For , if the first Quality would take colours , no doubt cold would be white as we may judg by Water , Ice , Snow , Gray Hairs , and the Animals that live under the Artick Pole which are all white , though of the same Species with ours of another colour ; as Bears and Hares . Which is further prov'd by Herbs which grow white under ground , and lose as much of their heat and bitterness , as they partake of such whiteness , witness the stalks of Hartichoaks and Savoury . Hot things would be red , and of the colour of Fire , which we see gives that colour to faces formerly pale , to hot Iron and burning Wood ; but a superfluous humidity supervening stifles , and extinguishes this heat , and leaves behind it the colour of corruption ; as we see the whitest skin grows black by heat upon travelling Southwards ; the contrary happening to those that go Northwards . The Second said , That , if heat alone made Blackamoors , those that are most expos'd to the Sun-beams should be the blackest ; but they are not so , there being many Nations of the New World , where it is so hot , that they go all naked , of an olive colour ; whereas in Guiney , Aethiopia , and other places inhabited by Moors , they are cloth'd and feel more cold . And because this colour may be ascrib'd to the reciprocation of heat and cold , which is more likely to alter men's bodies in all other qualities , than in a permanent one ; there are found both black and white people under the same parallels and elevation of the Pole ; as in the Isle of Sumatra , where the Inhabitants are white . Wherefore this colour must not be attributed to the Heaven but to the Earth , which produceth all other varieties of Animals , especially of men , as is observ'd in the Patagons , who are Gyants : To whom are oppos'd the Pigmies which their soil likewise produceth . And to shew that the tincture of the skin is not the only particularity observable in Negroes , they have many other Properties whereby they are distinguish'd from other Nations ; as their thick lips , saddle-noses , coarse short hair , the horny tunicle of the eye , and the teeth whiter than the rest of men . Besides , they are not only exempted from the Pox and other Venereous Maladies , but their Climate alone airs the same . Not to mention the Qualities of their minds , which are so ignorant , that though they have plenty of Flax , yet they want Cloth , because they want skill how to work it ; they abound with Sugar-canes , yet make no trade of them , and esteem Copper more than Gold , which they barter for the like weight of Salt ; and are wholly ignorant of Laws and Physick . Which ignorance renders their spirits more base and servile than those of other Nations ; and they are so born to slavery , that even free men among the Abyssins ( the most considerable people of all Aethiopia ) when they are employ'd by any one , take it not ill to be lash'd with a Bull 's Pizzle , provided they be paid ; and when their Priests exhort the people , they whip them till the blood comes , for the better inculcating of their Instructions , those being held in most reverence , who whip them most severely ; though they were the first Pagans who were converted to the Faith by Queen Candace's Eunuch , who was instructed by S. Philip. And as pusillanimous persons are commonly the most treacherous , ( these two vices having both the same principles ) and presupposing ignorance of the point wherein true Honour consists ; so the Moors are ordinarily base and unfaithful to their Masters , as is verifi'd by abundance of Histories ; which meanness and poorness of Courage , reaches from the second next the King's person to the most inferior amongst them ; all bowing down and touching the ground with their hand when they hear the name of their King Prete-Jun , before whose Tent they make a Reverence though he be not there , and flatter him so excessively that if one of their Kings happen to lose an Eye or other member , they deprive themselves of the same too . Moreover , they are so credulous that they perswade themselves that this King is descended in a direct line from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba , ( who , they say , was nam'd Maqueda ) when she came to see him , as they report , for some other cause besides admiring his Wisdom . The Third said , That the case is the same with the Negroes , in respect of the color of their skin , and the other above-mention'd particulars , as with the long heads of the Children of Paris , which Nature produceth at this day of herself , ever since the Midwives had form'd the first after that manner , upon a belief that this figure was more becomming and suitable to the functions of the Soul than roundness . So likewise the heat of the Sun first blacken'd the skin of the Moors of either Sex by little and little ; amongst whom , the blackest hides , the thickest lips , and most evers'd being in esteem , every Mother endeavor'd to make her Childrens lips and nose of that figure ; and Nature , helpt by their Imagination mov'd by the occurrence of like objects , hath produc'd such ever since . But 't is no wonder if the people of some Countries , under the same parallels and latitude indeed , but defended from the heat of the Sun by opposite Mountains , are exempt from the effect of that heat ; as there are places in France , where upon the same reason fruits are a month or two later in ripening than those of their Neighbors . Moreover , the frisl'd short hair of Negroes is an effect of the same heat , as also their being exempted from the Pox , which being a phlegmatick cold poyson , as appears by its invading the spermatick parts , and the encreasing of its pains in the night more than day , 't is more reasonable that the Temperaments opposite thereunto , such as theirs whose flesh is very dry and void of Phlegm , be free from the same . Now that Negroes abound not in Phlegm and Moisture , appears in that they never spit in their Churches , not only out of custom , but express Law , which would never have been made if it had not been easie to observe . Moreover , the whiteness of their teeth is augmented by the blackness of their faces : And as for their wits , Scaliger thinks them not really dull , but only out of design and craft , which always argues wit. Whence Geographers , who reckon Southern people amongst the most ingenious , say , They could never be brought to their duty by Reason , but suffer themselves to be rul'd only by Religion : Because where Humane Reason holds not , as in matters of Faith , there the greatest wits are oblig'd to become subject to the less , when they speak to them as from God. Besides , their Characters are handsomer and more agreeable than either the Arabick or Turkish . They are addicted to Navigation , and have a Military Order under the protection of Saint Anthony , to which every Gentleman is bound to design one of his three Sons , except the eldest , which serves for their King's Guard , and amounts to 12000. Horsemen . And if there be no other reason to esteem them ignorant but their having no wrangling Lawyers , many other Nations would be happy if they had none neither . And though Physick be not reduc'd to an Art , nor taught by a Method amongst them , ( as neither was it of old amongst us ) yet they want not Remedies useful for health . Their want of Linnen proceeds from their abundance of Cotton ; and the comparison of Gold and Copper depends upon Phansie : And , lastly , the paucity of the people finding food enough at home , have less cause to be eager upon Trade abroad . CONFERENCE CCXII. Of Ecstacies . THough the union between the Body and the Soul be so strict , as to serve for a model to all other unions observable in Nature , yet is it not so strong but that sometimes it admits of a dissolution , which the Philosophers conceiv'd possible , both those parts continuing entire . This separation is call'd an Ecstacy , wherein the Platonists , who first brought it into Vogue , plac'd the Summum Bonum , or greatest Felicity , inasmuch as they pretended , that mens minds were thereby disengag'd from all material things ; nay , from their very Bodies , by the clouds and humidities whereof they imagin'd , that the mind was disturbed in its functions , which , being equally spiritual , are the more compleatly perform'd , the more the Understanding whereby they are produc'd , is disengag'd from this corporeal mass . Whence it comes , that old men , especially such as are near death , or in their sleep , have clearer visions , and more certain predictions than young men , and those who are in perfect health , of a moist Temperament , who are waking , and perform all their other functions . And whereas there is no great road between the highest wisdom and the greatest extravagance , it may be further inferr'd , that those who are of a more dry Temperament , whereof it is as likely that fools as well as wise men , may be , frequently have such visions , and fall into those Ecstacies ; and upon this account , that they mind not their own thoughts , are easily susceptible of external impressions , and the first objects which present themselves to them . So that we may make a distinction of Ecstacies into two kinds . The former is to be attributed only to great and contemplative persons , and may be said to be only a disengagement of the mind , which is so taken up with the apprehension of an object , that it quite forgets all its other functions . For the case is the same with the Vnderstanding , in reference to its object , which is Truth ; as it is with the Will , in respect of its proper object , to wit , Good , which it so passionately affects , that it is not so much where it lives , as where it loves . In like manner , the Understanding being forcibly engag'd to a taking object , whereof it makes a particular observation of all the differences , is so transform'd into it , that it ceases to act any where else . Now the reason of this , is , that knowledge or apprehension , as well as all the other functions , is wrought by a concourse of spirits , which being by that means , in a manner all employ'd in that transcendent action , there are not enough remaining for the performance of other actions , the small portion that is being wholly employ'd about respiration , nourishment , and the other actions necessary for the Conservation of Life . Accordingly , this kind of Ecstacy , or cessation of the functions is not only observ'd to happen in that conflict and contention of the mind , when it is wholly bent upon the examination of some object , but also in all the other actions which are perform'd with excess : such as for example , the Passions are , the extraordinary violences whereof occasion Ecstacies , an extream grief casting a man down so much , that he becomes as it were stupid and insensible . The same thing happens also through joy by a contrary effect , as well as in Anger , Fear , Audacity , and the other perturbations of the irascible and concupiscible Appetites , by reason of the great diffusion or concentration of the spirits . Whence it follows , that it is not more strange to see a man ravish'd and fallen into an Ecstacy as it were out of himself , in the contemplation of some object , than to see some persons so over-joy'd , as to die out of pure joy . For Knowledge being an action of the Understanding , whereby it raises and elevates to a spiritual and incorporeal Being things that are most material , which are advanc'd in the Understanding to a new and more perfect Being , than that which they had of their own Nature , the Understanding renders them like it self , and is so united to them , that there cannot be a greater conformity than what is between the object and the power whereby it is known . When therefore that object is of its own Nature spiritual and immaterial , the Understanding having disengag'd it self from every other Subject , is so over-joy'd at its own knowledge , that it forgets all other actions of less consequence . The other Ecstacy is properly attributed to Lunaticks and distracted persons , and is by Physicians plac'd among the highest irregularities , caused by black Choler in the minds of such as are much inclin'd to Melancholy ; in whom it causes an alienation of Spirit , which inclines them to imagine , speak , or do things that are ridiculous and extravagant ; sometimes with fury and rage , when that humor is enflam'd , and converted into black Choler , and sometimes with a stupid sadness , when it continues cold and dry . The Second said , That the Greek word signifying an Ecstacy , is ordinarily taken for every change of condition whatever it may be ; sometimes for a transportation and elevation of mind , whereby a man comes to know things absent , as it was explicated in the precedent part of this discourse . Such peradventure was the taking up of Saint Paul , even while he liv'd , into that blisful Seat of the Blessed , which he calls the Third Heaven , allowing the Air to be one , and the starry-sky to be another : And that of Saint John the Evangelist , which he speaks of in the Revelation ; Nay , before them , such were those of the Prophets , and , after them , those of many other persons , if we may give any credit to Historians . Such was that of the Abbot Romuald , who , finding a great difficulty to read the Psalms of David , became , in an Ecstacy he had as he was saying Mass , so learned , that he was able to interpret the most intricate passages of them . Such was that of Saint Francis , the Founder of the Order of Franciscans , who , in a ravishment , receiv'd upon his body the marks of our Saviour's Passion . Such was Saint Thomas Aquinas , who frequently fell into such an Ecstacy , that he seem'd dead to all that were about him . Such was John Scot , commonly known by the name of the subtle Doctor , to whom the same thing happen'd so often , that his most familiar friends seeing him as he sate reading or writing , found him many times immoveable and without sentiment , insomuch that he was carry'd away from the place for dead ; and yet these two last , were rais'd up so illuminated from that Philosophical Death , that they have left but few imitators of their great Learning . The same thing is affirmed of a certain Virgin , nam'd Elizabeth , whose Senses were sometimes so stupifi'd , that she continu'd a long time in a manner dead ; from which kind of Trance being come to her self , she fore-told some things , which afterwards came to pass according to her predictions . To be short , there are few Monasteries of either Men or Women , but affirm as much of their Founders . And that it may not be imagin'd , that such a separation of Body and Soul happened during this Life only to Enthusiasm , or a highly-contemplative meditation of divine things , which nevertheless must be acknowledg'd the common cause of it ; we read of Epimenides of Creet , and Aristeas the Proconnesian , eminent Poets and Philosophers , that sometimes they left their Bodies without Souls ; which , having taken their progress about the world , return'd after a certain time , and re-animated their Bodies . Nay , Pliny hath a pretty remarkable Story , how that the Soul of this Aristeas was many times perceiv'd to take her flight out of his Body , under the form of a Crow ; and that his Enemies having observ'd it , and on a time met with his Body in that posture , burnt it , and by that means disappointed the Bird of her nest . Apollonius relates a Story yet much more prodigious , of Hermotimus the Clazomenian , to wit , that his Soul made Voyages of several years ; having left his Body , during that time , without any sentiment , while she went up and down into divers parts of the world , fore-telling Earth-quakes , great Droughts , Deluges , and such other remarkable Accidents . And further , that this thing having several times happen'd to him , he had given his wife a strict charge that no Body should touch his Body during his Soul's being abroad upon the account aforesaid ; but some persons of his acquaintance bearing him a grudg , having with much importunity obtain'd of her the favour to see his Body lying on the ground in that immoveable posture , they caus'd it to be burnt , to prevent the Soul's return into it ; which yet it being not in their power to do , and the Clazomenians being inform'd of that injury done to Hermotimus , built him a Temple , into which Women were forbidden to enter . And Plutarch , in his Book of Socrates's Daemon or Genius , confirming this Relation , and allowing it to be true , affirms , that those who had committed that crime , were then tormented in Hell for it . Saint Augustine in his Book of the City of God , Lib. xiv . relates , that a certain Priest , named Restitutus , when-ever , and as often as , he was desir'd to do it , became so insensible at the mournful tone of some lamenting voice , and lay stretch'd along as a dead Carkase , so as that he could not be awak'd by those who either pinch'd or prick'd him ; nay , not by the application of fire to some part of his Body , inasmuch as he could not feel any thing while he continu'd in the Ecstacy , only afterwards it was perceiv'd that he had been burnt , by the mark which remain'd upon his Body after he was come to himself ; before which time be had not any respiration , and yet he would say , that he had heard the voices of those who had cry'd aloud in his Ears , calling to mind that he had heard them speaking at a great distance . The same Author in the xix . Book of the same Work , affirms , that the Father of one Praestantius was apt to fall into such Ecstacies , that he believ'd himself chang'd into a Pack-Horse , and that he carry'd Provisions upon his back into the fields with other Horses , when all the while his Body continu'd immoveable in the House . Among other Examples of this kind of Ecstacy , Bodin in his second Book of his Daemonomania , chap. 5. relates a story of a certain Servant-maid living in the Danphine , having been found lying all along upon a dung-hill , in such a dead sleep that all the noise made could not awake her ; nay , her Master 's banging her with a switch not prevailing any thing , he ordered fire to be set to the most sensible and tenderest parts of her Body , to try whether she were really dead or not . Which being upon tryal believ'd , they left her in the same place till the morning ; and then sending to look after her , she was found very well in her bed . Whereupon the Master asking her , What she had been doing all the night before ? Ah , Master , said she , how unmercifully have you beaten me ? Upon that discovery she was accus'd for a Witch , and confess'd it . To be short , Cardan in his eighth Book of the Variety of Things , affirms of himself , that he fell into an Ecstacy when he pleas'd ; insomuch that he sleightly heard the voices of those who spoke to him , but understood them not ; Nay , what is more , was not sensible of any pinching , nor yet feeling the exquisite pain of his Gout , whereto he was much subject ; as being not sensible at that time of any thing but that he was out of himself . He afterwards explicates the manner how that Ecstacy is wrought , affirming , that he felt it begin at the Head , especially in the hinder part of the Brain , and thence spread it self all along the Back-bone . He affirmed further , that at the very beginning of it he was sensible of a certain separation about the Heart , as if the Soul with-drew at a kind of wicket , or sally-port , the whole Body concerning it self therein ; and adds , that then he sees what-ever he would with his Eyes , and not by the strength of the Understanding , and that those Images which he sees are in a continual transiency and motion , in the resemblance of Forests , Animals , and such other things : The Cause whereof he attributes to the strength of the Imagination , and sharpness of the Sight . He further relates of his Father such things as are much more miraculous , and occasion'd the suspicion of his being a Magician . Now from all these Sacred and Prophane Histories , it may be inferr'd that of Ecstacies , some are miraculous , and others natural . The former not submitting to ordinary Causes any more than all the other things do that concern Religion , which stands much upon the preheminence of being above Reason . The latter proceeding from the great disproportion there is between the Body and the Mind , the one being extreamly vigorous , the other extreamly weak . Whence it follows , that there are two sorts of persons subject to Natural Ecstacies , to wit , those transcendent Minds which are dispos'd into weak Bodies , and weak Minds in strong and robust Bodies ; inasmuch as there being not a perfect connexion and correspondence between them , the Soul finds it no great difficulty to disengage her self from the Body , or the Body from the Soul , which by that means obtains a freedom in her operations , it being supposd that they do not all at depend one upon another , as may be seen in the Formation of the Embryo , wherein . the Soul making her self a place of aboad plainly shews , that she is able to act without it , as also in swoundings and faintings , during which , the Body continues so destitute of sense , that no active faculty , at least no operation of the Soul , is observable in it . The Third said , That the Vegetative Soul , which is without motion , being the first whereby we live , it is not to be much admir'd , if the other two Souls , to wit , the Sensitive and the Rational do sometimes separate themselves from it ; and this is that which they call Ecstacy : whereof we have a certain instance in all the faculties , wich are in like manner separated one from another , without the loss of their Organs . Accordingly , he who is most sharp-sighted as to the Understanding , hath commonly but a weak corporeal sight ; the most robust Body is ordinarily joyn'd to the weakest Mind : Those persons who walk and talk in their sleep , do also shew that the Rational Soul does quit the Government of the Body , and leaves it to the direction and disposal of the sensitive ; and the same thing may be also said of the Vegetative exclusively to the other two . To come to Instances : we have at this day the experience of some , who continue a long time in Ecstacies , and that not only in matters of great importance , but also in some things of little concernment , which they are not able to comprehend ; nay , there are some have the knack of falling into Trances and Ecstacies when they please themselves . And this hath been affirm'd to me of a certain person who was able to do it , without any other trouble than this : He caus'd to be painted on the wall a great Circle all white , in the Centre whereof he set a black mark , and after a long continu'd looking upon it , the Visual Spirits being by degrees dissipated , brought his Soul into a Vertigo , or Dizziness , which occasion'd the Ecstacy . The Fourth said , That the opinion of Bodin , which allows a separation between the Souls and Bodies of Witches and Sorcerers , having been invented only to render a reason of what they affirm they had seen , during the time their Bodies had been immoveable , is not to be believ'd without some further proof ; since it is impossible even by that to explicate the Relations which they make of those places , where they say they had been , and the things they had there done ; inasmuch as they positively affirm , that they had made those progresses with their Bodies and all their members , and that they had made use of them in eating , drinking , and performing such other actions as are purely corporeal , and cannot be imagin'd done in a state of separation , as being not compatible to separated Spirits , which being immaterial , stand in need of Bodies to assume corporeal affections , and perform those beastly Actions whereof Sorcerers talk so much . To this may be added , that this separation cannot be wrought without death , and , that suppos'd , it were impossible the Souls should re-enter into their Bodies otherwise than by a real resurrection , which is an act that God hath so reserv'd to himself , that the Devil is not capable of doing it : Nay , though it were in his power , it is rather to be imagin'd that he would be far enough from taking souls out of their bodies , and disrobing them of their sensual inclinations , inasmuch as he does all lies in his power , to involve the Souls of Men more and more ▪ into their Bodies , and make them wallow in sensuality , and render all their affections corporeal . Accordingly , great and generous Souls , such as are most disengag'd from the Body , are not fit for that purpose ; since Agrippa , and all the other Masters of that detestable profession , require Simplicity in those who would be Sorcerers , as a necessary and previous disposition . So that if the Souls of Sorcerers , which are at first engag'd , and afterwards continu'd in the Devil's service , only in prosecution of the concerns of the Body , came to be devested of that heavy mass whereby they are encompassed , and stripp'd of the inclinations of the Body , no doubt they would break off so disadvantagious a bargain , at least they would not find any delight in the divertisements where-with the Devil does amuse them . It is therefore more probable , that the Devil should sometimes cast Sorcerers into a certain sleep , and bind up their common sense , so as that they are rendred incapable of receiving external impressions , and that in the mean time , he should joyn together the different species of Memory , and raise in the Imagination such representations thereof as are conformable to the truths which are made else-where . So that the Understanding not receiving any thing from without , which might undeceive it , is wholly taken up with the species it hath within ; the apprehension of Sorcerers being much like those of some persons , who having their brains either weakned by Diseases , or naturally receive such an impression from their dreams , that when they awake , they are hardly able to distinguish them from the things they have seen . That therefore which is commonly called a Diabolical Ecstacy , deserves not the name , since it is only the casting of one into a dead sleep . Those Diseases which Physicians call Ecstacies , as Catalepsies and Madness , are only such improperly ; and the same thing is to be said of those kind of swoundings , which have frequently been taken for Ecstacies in some persons , who having continu'd their Contemplations beyond the strength of their Bodies , and thereupon swounded out of pure weakness , have upon the recovery of themselves , imagin'd , that their Minds had been transported into real Ecstacies , and yet can give no account of what had pass'd during the time of their Trance . The precedent stories , and those which may be thereto added , of Socrates , Archimedes , and some others , do not prove that , naturally , there can be any Ecstacy ; for either those stories seem to be palpably fabulous , or only shew that the Souls of those Ecstatical Persons had not broke off all correspondence with the Body , nor quitted the assistance of the senses and their Organs , that they might be wholly involv'd in themselves , and so resign themselves to Meditations purely Intellectual . For he who shall examine the example of Socrates , as it is related in Plato , will look upon that action rather as a tryal , which Socrates made of his own Patience , than as a real Ecstacy , especially since Socrates is imagin'd standing ; a posture requiring the motion of the Muscles , which presupposes sentiment in the exterior parts . Accordingly , dead bodies , as also those wherein the action of the Soul is check'd and hindred , are not found standing , though the Athenians have shuffled in , among their stories , a tale of one of their men who stood upright after he had been kill'd . The other Instances are of persons who meditated with such earnestness and attention on their own thoughts , and directed their minds with so much violence towards that sense , whereof they had most occasion , that the other senses were destitute of Spirits and without action , not discerning their own proper objects if they were not extreamly violent , which is no real Ecstacy , inasmuch as otherwise we must call Sleep an Ecstacy . And , indeed , the most refin'd and subtilest Meditations , which we derive from those Ecstacies , smell so strong of the Body and Matter , that it is probable , they were not the pure productions of the Soul , no way diverted by the disturbances of the Body and the internal senses , on which she objectively depends , even in the inorganical actions she does ; it being a thing impossible for her to meditate alone , since that in her direct actions she stands in need of the Imagination , and must be excited by Phantasms ; but above all , she cannot be without Memory , which always furnishes her with the matter of her speculations , and reserves the species of them . Besides , those who are of opinion , that all the faculties of the Soul while she is in the Body are organical , cannot imagine any Ecstacy wherein the Soul meditates by her self , without any commerce with the Body and its sentiments ; and those , who conceive , that the faculties of the Understanding and Will borrow nothing of the Organs but the objects of their actions , do nevertheless inferr , that the Soul stands in need of the senses , in order to the doing of her actions , and is not over-earnest in the doing of them , but when she is excited by the Phantasms , for the stirring whereof the Animal Spirits are absolutely necessary , which takes away all conceit of Ecstacies . And those who imagine , that in Ecstacies the Soul hath no correspondence with them , and makes no use of them in her actions , do , by that means , instead of establishing destroy the Ecstacy ; since it must be inferr'd , that the Soul during the time of those retir'd meditations , leaves the Spirits in the Organs , whose function it is in the mean time to receive the impressions of the external objects , and convey them into the common Sense , and thence into the Imagination and Memory ; whereas 't is expected , that the Ecstacy should leave the Body without action . Whence therefore , I conclude , that there is not any at all , in regard that an Ecstacy signifying a state of the Soul , besides that which is natural to her , and besides the natural consequence there is between the actions of the senses , and those that are proper to the Rational Soul ; it may be affirm'd , that such a state never happens , and that the Soul shall not be absolutely freed from the incumbrances and distractions of the Body till after Death . And this hath been sufficiently acknowledg'd by Socrates in Phoedon , notwithstanding all the Ecstacies attributed to him ; and Aristotle , whose thoughts were more abstracted , and transcended those of all others , would not by any means admit of Ecstacies from a natural cause , but attributes them all to God. Which procedure of his hath been approved by Scaliger and many others . CONFERENCE CCXIII. Of the Cock , and whether the Lyon be frightned at his Crowing . THe Germans being engag'd upon an expedition of War had some reason to carry a Cock along with them , to serve them for an incitement and example of Vigilance . Thence haply proceeded the custom , which some Mule-drivers and Waggoners still observe of having one fasten'd to the leading Mule or Horse ; and sometimes for want of that , adorning them with a plume of his or some other feathers . 'T was upon this account , that Phidias's Minerva had a Cock upon her head-piece , unless it be attributed to this , that the said Goddess had also the presidency and direction of War , where there is no less need of Vigilance than Industry ; though that Bird belongs to her sufficiently upon the score of his other qualities , as being so gallant and courageous , as many times rather to lose his Life upon the spot , than quit the desire of victory ; and when he is engag'd , fighting with such fury , that Caelius Aurelian relates that one who had been peck'd by a Cock in the heat of fighting , grew mad upon it . For the Passion of Anger being a short fury , 't is possible it may extreamly heighten the degree of heat , in a temperament already so highly cholerick , that in time the body of the Cock becomes nitrous ; and upon that consideration , is prescrib'd to sick persons for the loosening the belly , and that after he hath been well beaten with a wand , and the feathers pluck'd while he is alive before he is boyl'd . It may be further urg'd , that this Courage of the Cock was the motive which inclin'd Artaxerxes King of Persia to grant him , who kill'd Prince Cyrus , the priviledge of carrying on his Javelin a little Cock of Gold , as a singular acknowledgement of his Valour . Whereupon the Souldiers of the Province of Caria , whereof he who had the aforesaid priviledge of the Cock was a Native , in imitation of him , instead of Corslets wore Cocks upon their head-pieces ; whence they had the name of Alectryons , or Cocks , in Latin Galli , which possibly is the reason that gave the French that name : And whereas the Cock commonly crows after he hath beaten another , it came also to be the Hieroglyphick of Victory , and that haply gave the Lacedaemonians occasion to sacrifice a Cock when they had overcome their Enemies . This Creature was also dedicated to Mars , and the Poets feign , that he had sometime been a young Souldier , whom that God of War order'd to stand sentinel when he went in to Venus to give him notice of Vulcan's return ; but he having slept till after the Sun was risen , and by that neglect of duty Mars being surpriz'd with her , he was so incens'd that he metamorphos'd him into a Cock ; whence it comes , say they , that being ever since mindful of the occasion of his transformation , he ever crowes when the Sun approaches our Horizon . This fable , how ridiculous soever it may be thought , is as supportable as that of the Alcaron , which attributes the crowing of our Cocks to one which it saies there is in Heaven ; a Cock of such a vast bulk , that having his feet on the first of the Heavens , the head reaches to the second ; and this Cock crowing above , awakens and incites all those upon Earth to do the like , as these last set one another a crowing , as if they all crow'd at the same instant all over the world . The Cock was also dedicated to the Sun and Moon to the Goddess Latona , Ceres , and Proserpina ; whence it came that the Novices , and such as were initiated in their mysteries , abstain'd from the eating of it . It was also the same to Mercury , in regard that vigilance and early rising are requisite in Merchants . And thence it came that he was painted under the form of a Man sitting , having a Crest or Comb on his Head , Eagle's claws instead of Feet , and holding a Cock upon his fist . But there was a particular consecration made of him to Aesculapius , which oblig'd Socrates at his death to entreat his Friends to sacrifice a Cock to him , since the Hemlock where-with he was poyson'd had wrought well . The Inhabitants of Calecuth sacrifice him to their divinity under the form of a he-goat : And Acosta , after Lucian , affirms , that anciently the Cock was ador'd as a God ; which Christianity not enduring , hath order'd them to be plac'd upon Churches & on the tops of steeples , and other very high structures , that by their turning about they might tell the beholders which way the Wind blew ; unless haply some would refer it to the repentance of Saint Peter , at the second crowing of one of them . As concerning the crowing of this Creature , it is commonly attributed to his heat , and may be a certain discovery of his joy at the approach of the Star of the same temperament with him . And whereas he is more susceptible than any other of the impressions of the Air , ( whence it comes that being moisten'd by the vapors , he crows with a hoarser voice , which Labourers look on as a prediction of Rain ) it may be thence consequent , that he is the first sensible of the coming of the Sun. Moreover , whereas there is a Solar Animal , such as is also the Lyon , but in a lower degree than he , the species of Birds being hotter and dryer , as being lighter than that of four-footed Beasts ; it thence follows , that the Cock hath an ascendent over the Lyon , which no sooner hears his crowing , but it awakens in his Imagination those species which cause terror to him : Unless we would rather affirm , that the spirits of the Cock are communicated to the Lyon , by that more than material voice ; and as such more capable of acting , than the spirits issuing out of the Eyes of sick persons , which nevertheless infect those who are well , and look on them ; nay , if we may believe the Poet , bewitch even innocent Lambs . The Second said , That this error of the Lyon's being terrifi'd at the crowing of the Cock , was to be added to the number of all those vulgar ones , which had occasion'd so much beating of the Air in the schools and pulpits about Maxims which are discover'd to be absolutely false in the Practick ; it being a thing not impossible , that some Lyon which had been tam'd , and by change of nourishment become cowardly and degenerate , had been a little startled at that shrill crowing of the Cock , grating of a sudden upon his ears . And this conjecture will not be thought strange by those , who , about the beginning of March last , 1659. were present at an engagement which had been appointed between such a Lyon and a Bull in a Tennis-Court at Rochel : The Lyon was so frightned at the sight of the Bull , that he got up into the Lights precipitating the Spectators , who had planted themselves there in great numbers , as esteeming it the safest place of all ; and thence he slunk away and hid himself , and could never afterwards be gotten into the lists . It may also be imagin'd , that the strangeness and novelty of that Crowing might surprize some Lyon that had never heard it before , by reason of his living at a great distance from Cities and Villages , where those Creatures are commonly bred , and that thence it came the Lyon was startled at that first motion . Moreover , 't is possible , nay , it may be more than probably affirm'd , that some have taken that startling out of indignation , observable in the Lyon when any thing displeases him for an argument of his fear , whereas it was a discovery of his being incens'd . For to imagine a real and general fear in that generous Creature , upon so sleight an account as the crowing of a Cock , I cannot see any probability for it , in regard that correspondence and conformity which is attributed to them , should rather occasion a Sympathy in them , than any thing of aversion , which being fully as great as that which the Sheep hath for the Wolf , should no more frighten the Lyon , than the bleating of the Sheep does the Wolf. Nor is it so much out of an aversion and Antipathy which the Wolf hath for the Sheep , that he devours and converts it into his substance , as out of kindness and love to his own preservation ; and there are commonly seen about those houses , where Lyons are kept , several Cocks and Hens , and yet the Lyons never make any discovery of their being frighted at their crowing or crakling . Nay , for a further confirmation hereof , it comes into my mind , that I have seen a young Lyon devour a Cock , which , I must confess , crow'd no more than those of Nibas , a Village of the Province of Thessalonica in Macedon , where the Cocks do not crow at all . But if there were such an Antipathy between them , as some would have imagin'd , the Lyon would have thought it enough to tear him to pieces , and not eat him as he did . And therefore it is to be conceiv'd , that what hath given occasion to this error , is the moral sense , which some would draw from it ; to shew , that the strongest are not free from a certain fear , which they conceive of those things whence they should least expect it . So that , to put this Question , Why the Lyon is frightned at the crowing of the Cock , is , to enquire for the cause of what is not . The Third said , That we are not to make so sleight an account of the authority of our Ancestors , as absolutely to deny what they have affirmed to us , and seems to be sufficiently prov'd by the silent acquiescence of so many Ages , under pretence that we are not able to resolve it : Which were to imitate Alexander , in cutting the Gordian knot , because he could not unty it . It were much better to endeavor to find out in the nature of the Cock and in his crowing , the cause of the Lyon's being frightned thereat . Let it then be imagin'd , that the Lyon being an Animal always in a Fever through an excessive choler , whereof his hair and violence are certain marks ; the same thing happens to him as to sick and feverish persons , to whom noise is insupportable , especially to those , in whom a cholerick humor enflam'd causeth pains in the Head : Nay , there are some kinds of sounds which some persons are not able to endure , yet so as that they cannot assign any cause thereof , and so as that we are forc'd to explain it by Specifick Properties and Antipathies ; such as we may imagine to be between the crowing of a Cock and the ear of a Lyon. And that is much more probable then the stopping of a Ship by the Remora , when she is under all the sail she can make , and a thousand other effects imperceptible to reason , and such as whereof only Experience can judge ; and therfore that terror which the Lyon is put into at the crowing of the Cock , is not so irrational ; that Sovereign of Animals having just cause to admire , how from so small a Body there comes a voice so shrill and strong , as to be heard at so great a distance , considering with himself what mischief he does with so little noise ; and this terror of the Lyon is increas'd if the Cock be all white , inasmuch as that colour promotes the diffusion of his spirits already dispers'd by the first motion of his apprehension . CONFERENCE CCXIV. Of the Sibyls . THough it be generally acknowledg'd that there were Sibyls , yet as to their Names , their Number , their Country , and their Works , nay , the whole story of them , all is full of doubts and uncertainties . The Etymology of the Greek word signifies as much as the Will or Counsel of God ; the Aeolick Dialect saying Siou instead of Theou . The Chaldeans call'd them Sambetes . They are cited , and consequently acknowledg'd by Justin Martyr , Theophilus of Antioch , Athenagoras , Clemens Alexandrinus , Tatian , Lactantius , and other ancient Authors . Varro , and Diodorus Siculus , call them Women fill'd with divinity , fore-telling things to come , whence they came also to be call'd Prophetesses . Some conceive that they were before the War of Troy , and referr all their predictions only to one of them , imagining that the same thing happen'd to them as had done to Homer , who , for his great reputation , gave occasion to several Cities of Greece , to attribute his birth to them : in like manner as a great number of Cities and Countrys ; as for instance , Erythrae , Cumae , Sardis , Troy , Rhodes , Libya , Phrygia , Samos , and Aegypt , desirous to attribute to themselves the Birth of that Sibyl , it came to be believ'd , that there were many of them . Amongst whom , Martianus Capella , grounding his assertion upon very probable conjectures , acknowledges but two , Erophila , the Trojan Sibyl , whom he affirms to be the same that others call the Phrygian and Cumaean , and the others Symmagia , call'd also Erythraea , at the place of her birth . Pliny affirms , that there were at Rome three Statues of the Sibyls , one erected by Pacuvius Taurus , Aedile of the people ; the other two by Marcus Valerius Messala , the Augur . The first of these three , according to the relation of Solinus in his Polyhistor , was call'd Cumana , who prophesy'd at Cumae in the fiftieth Olympiad , and had still her Temple at Pouzols , about a hundred years since , but was burnt in a general conflagration that happen'd there in the year MDXXXIX . under the ruins of which it was then buried ; so that there remains now only some subterraneous places , into which a man cannot go upright , yet still express a certain divinity , inasmuch as those reliques of a vast and spacious structure , seem to be all cut out of one stone . The second was call'd the Delphick Sibyl , and liv'd before the Wars of Troy. The third is that Eriphyla of Erythrae , who prophesy'd at Lesbos . Aelian affirms , that there were four , to wit , the Erythraean , the Samian , the Aegyptian , and that of Sardis . To that number others add two , the Judaick and the Cumaean ; but Varro , desirous to have yet more of them , adds four , and makes them up ten ; of which opinion is also Onuphrius . They are dispos'd into this order . The first and most ancient is the Delphick , of whom Chrysippus speaks in his Book of Divination , by the Ancients called Artemis , born at Delphi , and it is conceiv'd that Homer inserted many verses of this Sibyl in his Works . Diodorus Siculus calls her Daphne , and sayes she was the Daughter of Tiresias , of whom she had not learnt the Art of Divination , when the Argians having taken the City of Thebes , sent her to Delphi to pay their vows , where having learnt to divine by the inspiration of Apollo , she spoke Oracles to those who consulted her . The second is the Erythraean , as is affirm'd by Apollodorus , a Native of the same Country : And yet Strabo sayes , that she was a Babylonian , and had only given her self the name of the Erythraean , whom Eusebius affirms to have liv'd in the time of Romulus . The third is the Cumaean , or Cimmerian , so call'd from the Cimmerian Town near the City Cumae in Italy , whom some call Deiphobe ; to this Sibyl it was that Aeneas address'd himself when he made his escape from Troy. The fourth is the Samian , otherwise called Phyto , of whom Eratosthenes sayes , that she was mention'd in the Annals of the Sam●ans . Eusebius is of opinion , that she flourish'd in the time of Numa Pimpilius , and that she was called Heriphila . The fifth is the Cumaean , otherwise Amalthaea , or Demophila , and called by Suidas , Hierophila . Of this Sibyl is related the story of the nine Books , and according to others of the three , ( not of the Cumaean , whom some unadvisedly confound with this , though they were different ) which she presented to Tarquinius Superbus , as it is affirmed by Varro , Solinus , Lactantius , Servius , Suidas , and several others . And Solinus gives this further account of her , that , in his time , her Sepulchre was shewn in Sicily . The sixth is the Hellespontick , born in the Trojan Country , at the Town of Marmissus , near the City of Gergithium , whom Heraclides of Pontus affirms to have liv'd in the time of Solon and Cyrus , that is , in the L X. Olympiad . The seventh is the Lybian , of whom Euripides speaks in the Prologue before Lamia , which he writ in the LXXX . Olympiad . The eighth is the Persian , of whom there is mention made by Nicanor , in the History of Alexander the Great . Justin Martyr calls her also the Chaldaean , in his Admonition to the Gentiles ; and she is conceiv'd to have been the Daughter of the Historian Berosus , and Erimantha . She liv'd in the CXX . Olympiad . The ninth is the Phrygian , who prophecy'd at Ancyra . The tenth is the Tiburtine , called Albunea , who was worshipped as a Goddess on the shores of the River Anienus , in which her Statue was found . All these ten Sibyls are represented by a Picture hanging up as it were in the Clouds , having their Heads encompass'd with Light , as our Saints commonly have . But the first holds a Hunter's Horn in his right Hand ; the second , a Sword ; the third , a Torch ; the fourth , a Cross ; the fifth , a pair of Gloves in the left Hand ; the sixth , a Cradle on her right Hand ; the seventh , holds a Lanthorn ; the eighth , a branch of a Rose-bush ; the ninth , hath a loaf of Bread on one side of her ; the tenth , hath a small Wand or Rod. The Painters have presum'd to add two others , to wit , the Europaean , holding a Crown of thorns ; and the Agrippinean , who holds a banner fasten'd to a Cross ; but they do it not by any other Authority , than that They and the Poets assume to themselves to attempt any thing . According to which priviledge , there are yet divers others , to wit , one named Elissa , who prophesy'd in verse : Whereto may be added Cassandra , the Daughter of Priamus , the Epirotick Sibyl , the Thessalian Manto , Carmenta the Mother of Evander , Fatua the Wife of King Faunus , Sappho ; and , upon a better title than any of the precedent , Deborah , Miriam , the Sister of Moses , and the Prophetess Huldah . The most famous of all , and she to whom the Ancients gave greatest credit , was the Cumaean , who , under the form and habit of an old woman not known to any , came to Tarquinius Superbus , to whom she presented nine Volumes of Oracles , which she said he should have for three hundred philippus's ; whereat the King took occasion to laugh , as if the old woman were grown a child again , to ask so great a summ for such inconsiderable Books : Which she perceiving , went away and burnt three of them ; and coming again to make him a second proffer of the six remaining , demanded the same price she had ask'd for all the nine ; and the King having laugh'd at her as before , and being confirm'd in his conceit of her being distracted , she burnt three more of them ; but returning the third time , and asking of him the first mention'd summ for the three that were left , Tarquin astonish'd at that perseverance , consulted the Augurs what he should do ; whereto their Answer was , that , in all liklihood , they were some Counsells sent by the Gods to the City of Rome for the wellfare of it , which he should not any longer refuse . Accordingly he order'd her to have what she demanded ; and having advis'd him to be very careful in the keeping of those Books , she vanish'd , and was never after seen either in that King's Court , or any where else , which much heightned the opinion already conceiv'd of her Divinity . Tarquin recommended these Books to the keeping of two persons of good repute , which number was afterwards mutiply'd to ten , elected one half out of the people , the other out of the Senate : And afterwards it came to fifteen , and so increas'd till it rose to sixty , but still kept the name of the Quindecim viri , which receiv'd their period with all the other heathenish ceremonies in the time of Theodosius . Only those persons were permitted to read the Books of the Sibyls , and their superstition came to such a pitch , that there was not any thing so holy and sacred in Rome , as those Books ; insomuch that when any thing occurr'd , wherein the Roman State was highly concern'd , as the Pestilence , civil War , or when their forreign Wars were not carry'd on with the success they had promis'd themselves ; their recourse was to those books of the Sibylls , whence they pump'd out the remedies and advices which they had to give the Senate and People . This was observ'd till the time of the Social War , when , Cains Norbanus and Publius Scipio being Consuls , the Capitol was burnt , and with it all the sacred things , and among them the Books of the Sibylls . But soon after the reparation of the Capitol , Scribonius Curio and Cneus Octavius being Consuls , there came out an Edict from the Senate , that three Deputies should go , as they did , to Erythrae , and other Citties of Italy , Greece , and Asia , whence they brought to Rome about a thousand Verses written by divers persons , with the names of the Sibylls to whom they were attributed . And it is from the ignorance of so many hands , as had been employ'd in the writing of those Verses , that the many faults found therein proceeded ; as being such as oblig'd Tiber , to correct those errours , and distinguish the supposititious verses from the true ones , to order that every one should bring in to the Praetor , of Rome whatever he had of them , with a prohibition that any should retain Copies thereof save only the Quindecim viri , whose Office and Name receiv'd its period at the last conflagration of the Sibylline Books made by the command of Stilico , Father-in-law to the Emperor Honorius , thinking by that means to raise a sedition against his Son-in-law , and so to transfer the Empire to his own Son Eucherio . And this is all we have of certainty concerning the History of the Sibylls , who may be probably conjectur'd to have prophecy'd by a certain Enthusiasm and divine inspiration , which was granted them according to the acknowledgment of the Fathers , as a reward of their Virginity ; it being not imaginable , that the many noble things they have foretold , even to the highest mysteries of our Salvation , should proceed from the evil Spirit , much less from the motion of Nature , the strength whereof is not able to come up to Prediction . The Second said , That the vain desire , which men of all times have been inclin'd to , of knowing things to come , having put them upon an unprofitable consultation of Heaven , Earth , and Waters , to find out whatever might bring them any tidings thereof , they have not let slip any occasion which they conceiv'd might inform them ; their superstition being come to that height as to draw consequences and presages from all things , and oblige them to search into the very entrails of Beasts , and the sepulchres of the Dead : Nay , what is yet more , if they have deriv'd a certain divination from the very chirping of Birds , whence their Augurs receiv'd their name , it is not to be wondred , they should give credit to the Discourses and Songs of young Maids and Women . For , among those who were called Sybills , there were some married , especially she who writ the first book of the Oracles attributed to them ; which Sibyll says she had been in Noah's Ark , with her Husband , her Father-in-law , her Mother-in law , her Brothers-in-law , and her Sisters-in law , who consequently had not the gift of Prophecy bestow'd on them , upon the account of their Virginity : And though , according to the testimony of Eusebius , and most of the other Ecclesiastical Authors , there was not any Sibyll more ancient then Moses ; yet does the Sibyll before-mentioned foretell the coming of Moses , and the Deluge , at which by that means she could not have been present ; for things present are never fore-told . But what brings the credit of their Works into greater suspicion , is , that those Verses do themselves discover , that they were written fifteen hundred years after the beginning of the Grecian Empire , and consequently , whatever they tell us of Moses , the raign of Solomon , and the Empire of the Lacedaemonians , all which preceded that time , are Histories , which they obtrude upon us for Prophecyes . And all the Mysteries of our Salvation contain'd in the Sibylline Verses , are , in all probability of the same Nature . And , in the fifth Book of the Sibylline Writings , the Sibyll says , that she had seen the second conflagration of the Vestal's Temple ; which , according to Eusebius , happen'd in the year of our Lord CXCIX . under the Emperour Commodus . And then it was indeed , that those Verses first appear'd in the World , nor were they seen before , nor cited by any one , and the Prophecies contain'd in them , have not ought to say of what should come to pass after that time , inasmuch as they could not have done it with any certainty . As to her saying , That there should be three Emperours after Adrian , to wit , the two Antoninus's , Pius , and the Philosopher , and the Emperor Commodus , and then the times should end , being found false in respect of what was to happen afterwards , as being things absolute besides her knowledg , it was not to be imagin'd , she should set down the names of the Emperors , or given the first Letters thereof , as she had done those of the fifteen , who preceded , of whose History she gives as particular an account as those Authors who speak affirmatively thereof , and with all circumstances after their death . Add to this , the erroneous opinions of some Christians of that time , which are inserted into their Works ; as for instance , that the damned should be deliver'd after certain Ages ; and that Nero should remain conceal'd to be Antichrist in the last times . Besides , the too exact observance of order in those Writings , is an argument that they were not the productions of persons subject to Fanaticism , such as some would have the Sibylls to be , who writ upon the leaves of Trees , the Verses which their Enthusiasm dictated to them . And to conclude , there is no probability , that the Prophet Esay , who hath spoken more clearly of the Incarnation than any other , should think it enough to say , A Virgin should bring forth a Son ; and that the Sibyll should say , before the thing came to pass , The Virgin Mary shall bring forth a Son named Jesus in Bethleem : there is no probability , I say , that God should bestow greater illuminations on those Women , whom Antiquity ranked among the Priestesses of Bacchus , than on the most inspir'd among his Prophets . Whence it is to be justly imagin'd , that some Christians were the Authors of those Verses , who piously thought to make some advantages thereof against the Pagans , who gave credit to other Writings which were then in vogue and repute under that name : as there are some in our days who father on Nostradamus such things as he never thought of , and that after they are come to pass ; under pretence that there is some mention made thereof in that confusion of matters , whereof he treats . This will not be thought strange by those , who considering the multitude of accidents , which that Author hath shuffled into his Centuries , whereof the varieties are so great , that it is no hard matter to find therein most occurrences of humane life ; as we see that in syllables diversly transpos'd and put together , all things in the world may be found . The Third said , That the Ancients are not be thought so credulous , as to attribute such authority to the Sibylls , if there had not been some young Maids and Women , who had effectually fore-told things to them . True it is , chance may be fortunate in one or two cases , as a blind Archer may casually hit the mark ; but it is very unlikely , that one who cannot shoot at all , should have the reputation of a good Archer all the world over . And yet Authors are full in asserting the authority , wherein the answers made by those women were . Virgil grounding his discourse on that common perswasion says , Vltima Cumaei venit jam carminis aetas : And the Satyrist confirms what he had said , with another verse , to wit , Credite me vohis folium recitare Sibyllae . And it was ordinary to inscribe on Monuments the names of those who were appointed for the keeping of those books of the Sibylls and took care for the Sacrifices , which the Romans offered up , to appease the wrath of the Gods , according to the counsel , which , as occasion requir'd , they took from their verses . Nay , there was such a strict prohibition that any should have them in their private Libraries , that one of those who were entrusted with the custody of the Sibylline Books , named Marcus Atilius , was sown up in a bag , and cast into the Sea , for lending Petronius Sabinus one of those Books to be transcrib'd , or , as some affirm , only their simple Commentary , containing the secrets of the Sacrifices which were made according to them . Upon the same consideration that it pleas'd God to sanctifie Job , though out of the Judaick Church , the only one wherein salvation was then to be found , I may say , there is no inconvenience to imagine , that he might as well bestow the Spirit of Prophecy , on those Virgins at least commonly accounted such . And consequently , what is said to the contrary , deserving rather to pass for adulterate and supposititious , then that there should be any question made of what divers of the holy Fathers have affirmed of them : the gift of Prophecy having been communicated also to Balaam , and God having miraculously opened the eyes , and unloos'd the tongue of his Ass . What remains to this day imprinted in the minds of a great number of persons , concerning Merluzina , and other Fairies , contributes somewhat to the proof of what hath been said ; some illustrious Families deriving their origin thence . For , as to the inserting of some supposititious verses into the body of their Works , it should be no more prejudice to them , then it is to those of the most excellent Authors , among which the spurious productions of others are sometimes shuffled in . And if it be true , that Homer's Verses were at first confusedly pronounced by him , and that it hath been the employment of others , to reduce them into that noble order , wherein we read them , Why should the same observance of order be censur'd in the disposal of the Sibylline Verses ? Plato , in his Theagines , affirms , That Socrates acknowledged them to be Prophetesses ; and in his Phoedon , the same Socrates shews , by their example , That extravagance or distraction of mind does many times bring great advantages to Mankind . Aristotle , in the first question of the thirtieth Section of his Problems , affirms , That Women become Sibylls , when the brain is over-heated , not by sickness , but through a natural distemper . And elsewhere he describes the subterraneous Palace of a Sibyll , whom he affirms , according to the common report of her , to have liv'd a long time , and continu'd a Virgin. Plutarch , in his Treatise , Why the Prophetess Pythia renders not her Answers in verse , affirms , that , by a particular favour of God , a Sibyll had spoken things during the space of a thousand years ; and elsewhere , that she foretold the destruction of several Cities that were afterwards swallow'd up , the fire of Mount Gibel , and divers other things , setting down near the time when what she had said should come to pass . Pausanias affirms , that the Sibyll Herophila , had certainly foretold the bringing up of Helen at Sparta , and that it should occasion the destruction of Troy. Justin , having related what account Plato made of persons who foretold things to come who he says , deserve the name of Divine , though they do not themselves comprehend the great and certain things which they predict , says , That that is to be understood of the Sibylline Verses : the Writers whereof , said he , had not the same power as the Poets have , to wit , that of correcting and polishing their works ; inasmuch as the inspiration ceasing , they do not so much as remember what they had said , though some have been of opinion , that the agitation of Mind , wherewith they have prophesy'd , seem'd to be the Effect of the evil Spirit ; producing , as a confirmation of this opinion , one of the Sibyls , who sayes of her self , that , for her enormous crimes , she was condemn'd to the fire . Yet allowing these Verses to be ranked among the supposititious , there is still a greater probability inclining us to judge otherwise of them , when we consider the good instructions given us , and the mysteries of our Salvation contain'd therein ; it being not the function of Devils and evil Spirits to encourage us to piety . But however it be , this is clearly evinc'd , that there have been Sibyls , and that they fore-told things to come . CONFERENCE CCXV . Whether of two Bodies of different weight , the one descends faster than the other , and why ? OF Natural Bodies , some move from the Centre to the Circumference , as Fire ; others , from the Circumference to the Centre , as the Earth ; others , are in the mean between both , as Air and Water , the latter whereof inclines downwards , but both of them are principally design'd to fill the Vacuum . Whence it comes , that the Air descends as much , nay , faster to the bottom of a Well when it is dry'd up , than the Water had done before ; which consideration , hath given occasion to some to attribute a mean , or circular Motion to those two Elements , as they have done a direct Motion to the two first . And whereas these two kinds of Local Motion , to wit , the direct and the circular , are the Principles of the Mechanicks , the most profitable parts of the Mathematicks , and that among the said Motions , that which tends downwards , which proceeds from weight , is the most ordinary Agent , and such as is the most commonly us'd in Machins or Engins , where it is the most considerable , either for the assistance it gives to fixt and setled instruments , or for the obstruction it gives those which are moveable ; thence comes that famous dispute there is , concerning the causes of Motion from above to beneath . Which since it must needs proceed from one of these three , to wit , the weight of the Body descending , and lightness of the mean through which the descent is made ; or from the impulsion of the said mean : Or , lastly , from the attraction made by the Centre ; the Question is , To which of those three Causes that Motion is to be referr'd ? If it be attributed to the weight , it will follow , that the heaviest Body shall descend soonest ; if to the impulsion , the celerity or slowness of the Agent shall accordingly render that Motion swift or slow ; but , if only the attraction made by the Centre be the Cause of it , the lesser weight shall descend as fast , nay , faster than the greater , upon the same account as that the same piece of Loadstone more easily draws a small needle than it does a great key . Nor can Experience always assist us in this case , in regard the different composure and form of heavy Bodies , as also the diversity of the means , and the variety of the Agents , whereby they are thrust forwards , will not permit us to make an allowable Comparison between them . Thus a ball of Cork , which descended as fast in the Air as one of Lead , shall not do the like in the water , to the bottom whereof the Lead shall fall , but not the Cork . And again , the same Lead being put into the form of a Gondola , or other hollow vessel , shall swim on the water , which it could not before : A Cloak , folded close together into a bundle , shall have a speedy descent in both Air and Water ; but let a Man fasten the same Cloak under the arm-pit , so as that it may spread into a circle , it shall so sustain him the Air , that he shall fall very gently , and receive no hurt by his fall . Hence it also comes that many Women have been sav'd , when , falling into the Water , their Clothes were spread all abroad . The same thing may also be observ'd in those frames beset with Feathers , or cover'd with Paper , which Children call Kites , and sustain in the Air , and suffer to be carryed away with the Wind , giving them ever and anon little checks or jerks by drawing the pack-thread to them whereby they are held , imitating in that action the beating of the wings in Birds . In fine , the different manner of giving the first shock to weighty Bodies , does accordingly diversifie their Motion towards the Centre . For as the impulsion made downwards hastens its bent towards the Centre ; so when it is forc'd circularly , it is retarded . Whence it comes that a glass so cast down that it hath certain turns by the way , does sometimes fall to the ground without breaking . But to speak absolutely , all conditions being suppos'd equal , it should seem that the more weighty a Body is , the sooner it falls to the Centre : And this is made good by daily Experiences , as may be seen in the weighing of Gold and Silver in the balance , which hath a speedier and shorter cast , when the piece is much weightier or lighter , than it hath when there is but half a grain difference between both the scales . The Second said , That the Nature of weight or heaviness was to be number'd among the occult things . Aristotle defines it to be a Quality inclining Bodies downwards and towards the Centre . Others would have it to be an Effect of density , which proceeds from the great quantity of Substance and Matter , comprehended and contracted in a small room . There are yet others , who would have it to be an impulsion or fastning of one Body upon another , in order to Motion downwards : But , to come nearer the business , it is only the relation or report there is between a Body and its mean , and its comparison with another Body . According to this account of it , the same piece of Gold is said to be light in respect of one weight , and heavy in respect of another ; Wood is heavy in the Air , and light in the Water ; Tin is light in comparison of Gold , though very weighty in respect of Wood. Whence it follows , that weight hath only a respective being , and such as depends on some other thing , and not on it self : The Cause of it therefore is not to be sought in it self , but else-where ; as must be that of the recoiling of a Tennis-ball , which is not in the Ball , nor in the arm of him that playes , nor yet in the walls of the Tennis-Court , but resulting from all these three ▪ together . And whereas Experience seems to decide the Question propos'd , 't is fit we should refer our selves to it . Now it is certain , that of two Bodies of unequal weight , and of the same Figure and Matter , equally forc'd , or suffer'd to fall , the one will as soon come to its Centre as the other ; as those may see who shall let fall at the same time from the top of a Tower , two leaden bullets , one of two pounds , and the other of a quarter of a pound , both which will come to the ground at the same instant ; the reason whereof is , That the stronger impulsion in the bullet of two pounds , meets with a stronger resistance of the Air to break through as it falls , than that of quarter of a pound . Whence we are to make a distinction between the greater impulsion which the weightier Body makes upon another Body , and the celerity or slowness of the Motion wherewith it descends ; a hundred weight being heavier on the shoulders of a Porter , than one pound , but not coming sooner to the ground than it . In like manner , a stone descending so much the more swiftly the nearer it comes to its Centre , clearly shews , that it derives the force of its Motion from the Centre , as its principle ; as we conclude , that the strength of a bullet is spent , and the Motion of it grows fainter , the further it is at a distance from the arm and gun from which it came , and which we hold to have been the cause and principle of it . The Third said , That the weightiest Bodies make the more haste to their Centre , the nearer they approach it ; for their weight is increas'd by their approaching of it ; gravity , in the scent of weighty Bodies , increasing by the continuance of Motion , quite contrary to violent Motion , which admits of remission thereby ; artifice , it seems in this point giving place to Nature , so as that the latter never grows weary , nay , is infallible in all her Motions , and that such a propension of weight to the centre , is the only certain rule to draw direct lines to that centre ; and which is yet the more certain , the greater the weight is . And whereas the Mind of Man judges the better of things when they are oppos'd one to the other , behold one of those little Atomes which dance up and down in the beams of the Sun striking in at a window , it is a Body sustain'd in the Air only by its smalness , and requires a long time to make an impression in that part of the Air which is under it , which thing cannot be said of a Musket-bullet : It is therefore deducible thence , that the heaviest Bodies descend fastest to the Centre . The Fourth said , That we are not to seek for any other reason for the speedier descent of heavy Bodies , than there is in all the other Motions of Nature , which proceed from the instinct imprinted by her in all things , of loving their good , which is their rest and natural place , which till they have attain'd , they are in perpetual disquiet ; and whereas the heavier a Body is , the more parts there are in it , concern'd in the pursuance of that good , it is not to be wonder'd if it happens to them as to divers sollicitors in the same cause , who press it more earnestly than one alone would do . We may therefore say , that the same natural instinct that makes the Mulberry-tree expect till the cold weather be over before it buds ; and the Halcyons till the tempests be past , before they build their nests , and makes them to secure their young ones before the Rain , may much rather cause the most massie and weighty Bodies to make more haste . For these , fore-seeing that the Centre is not able to lodge all the Bodies tending thereto , endeavour to get to it as soon as they can , adding to their haste the nearer they approach it . But the most certain reason of this speedier Motion , is the general rule , that the more the Cause is increas'd , the more is the Effect augmented ; whence it follows , that if weight be the Cause of Motion downwards , the greater the weight is , the more intense ought to be the Motion . CONFERENCE CCXVI . Of the Silk-worm . THe use of Silk was brought over from the East-Indies into Europe above a thousand years since , and was particularly introduc'd into Italy by two Religous Men , who brought thither the grain of it somewhat above three hundred years since ; in which Country of Italy , that commodity hath been much cultivated , and that upon several accounts ; as , the preciousness of it , the easie transportation from one place to another , by reason of its lightness : And , lastly , for that it is one of the principal instruments of Luxury , which never wanted Partizans and Abettors in any Age , not to mention the great advantages and wealth attending the manufacture of it . The Latine word Sericum , is receiv'd from that of Seres , an Oriental people , who were more sedulous in the cultivation of it than any other : and the same thing hath happen'd to this , as to many other excellent productions deriv'd from mean and despicable Principles . For the Animal , from whose labour we have the silk , is an Insect , as are all those which spin , to wit , the Spider and the Caterpillar , and it differs in nothing from this latter , save that the Caterpillar hath a little hairiness , and the silk of the Silk-worm is stronger than the web of the Caterpillar , and of another colour , but as to figure and bulk there is little difference between them . Whereto may be added , that their production is much at one , as being as it were hatch'd of certain eggs , living on leaves , enclosing themselves in certain webs , out of which they make their way , after they are become a kind of Butterflies , by a strange Metamorphosis , which forces them from one extremity to another , that is , from the nature of Reptiles to that of Volatiles : which transformation is such , as , were it not for the frequency of it , might be plac'd among the greatest miracles of Nature , considering the great difference there is between those two forms . And that indeed is such as hath given some occasion to doubt , whether the Silkworm becoming a Butterfly did not change its Species , as it would be true , were it not that every thing produces its like ; and the Silkworm deriving its birth from the seed of the Butterfly , it is an argument that both are of the same Species . Thus much as to their progress . The Kingdom of Spain commonly furnishes us with the best grain or seed of these worms , which are like heads of pins , but black , or resembling Rape-seed somewhat flatted on both sides : This grain , sometime in the Month of April , being put between two warm pillows , or expos'd to the Sun , enclos'd in the linings of ones cloaths , or otherwise chafed by a moderate heat , but without any moisture , there are produc'd of it little certain worms of the same colour , that is , black at their first coming forth , which by reason of their smalness , as resembling the points of needles , pass through certain little holes made in a paper , wherewith they are cover'd , and fasten themselves on the Mulbery-leaves , which are also placed on the said paper full of little holes , upon which leaves all the best grain being hatch'd , within five or six days , goes creeping after the first worm that gets out of her shell ; all that is hatch'd afterwards never coming to any good . These worms are thence transported , with the leaves laid upon little boards or hurdles , into a temperate place , and dispos'd in a lightsom and spacious room , where they are entertain'd with fresh leaves twice a day , among which those of the white Mulbery makes finer silk than those of the black ; for want whereof the leaves of the Rose-bush , Lettice , and some others may be used : but though the Worm makes a shift to subsist by that nourishment , yet either it will not spin at all , or the Silk will be like the web or clue wrought by the Caterpillars . Thus it feeds for the space of forty days , during which it becomes grey , and changes its colour four times , not eating for some days before each change , by reason of the fulness it is then sensible of . The Worm is subject to certain diseases ; and those oblige such as have the care of them to remove them out of one room into another , and that even when they are dying in great quantities ; Perfume , Incense , Benjamin , Vinegar , and Wine recovering and comforting them ; as also the smell of broyl'd Bacon . To prevent which Diseases , and the assaults of Flies and Pismires , who will make havock among them , they are very carefully to be kept clean , the boards on which the leaves lie to be rubb'd with wormwood , or sprinkled with Wine , which must be well dry'd up before they come near them , all moisture being hurtful to them , as also salt , or the hands that have handled it . All harsh sounds , as those of the discharging of Muskets , Bells , and Trumpets , destroys them ; nay , the strong breaths of those who come near them , especially such as have eaten or handled Garlick or Onions , are very prejudicial to them . When their time of spinning draws nigh , which is about six weeks after their being first alive , at which time they are about the bigness of a man's little finger , more transparent than they use to be , and the little snowt so lengthen'd as that it represents the form of a Nose , the Animal by an extraordinary motion , expresses the inconvenience it endures by reason of its burden : Then is it cleans'd oftner , and there is so much the less given it to eat , and afterwards they set on the boards some dry'd branches of Heath , Broom , or Vines , and above all of Birch , as being the most delicate and least prickly , least it should prick the Worm , or entangle the Silk . Then you shall see them fasten their first threds , and casting out of their mouths a kind of coarse sleeve silk , and afterwards that which is finer and more perfect , in one continu'd thread , accompany'd by a gum , which makes it stick one to another , so that the worm does encompass it self with that silk , which is commonly yellow , very seldom greenish or white , and being come to the end of the clue , hath only so much room as it takes up . Then , for the space of fifteen days , it remains immoveable , and is cover'd with a skin or film like that which covers the fruit of the Pine-tree , under it● shell , and which appears not till after that is broken . But these fifteen days being over ( of which those will abate some , who are desirous to make advantage of the Silk , and trouble themselves not what becomes of the grain ) the Silkworm , though it seem'd to have been dead , breaks through its web , and comes out in the form of a white and horned Butterfly , bearing a certain image of the Resurrection ; then coming together , the Male , which is smaller coupling with the Female that is bigger , the latter sheds her seed upon a clean paper , spread under her for the reception of it . The seed being carefully put into a box is either kept for the next year , or sold by the ounce ; they commonly keep as much as comes from a hundred Males , and so many Females ; the grain or seed whereof before their copulation is barren . Now if they be desirous to get silk out of it , which is the principal advantage , in order to which the Worms are kept , about fifteen days after they are compleated , these webs are cast into water , somewhat better than luke-warm , and the Women and Children employ'd about that work , stir the water with an handful of Birch , till they have fasten'd on seven or eight ends of silk , which having done , they wind it up into skains , and that is the raw silk . The Second said , That it is to be imagin'd the use of Silk was absolutely unknown to the Jews , especially when we consider , that in the works of that magnificent Temple of Solomon , wherein they spar'd not any thing of what they thought most precious , there is no mention made of Silk , instead whereof they made use of Goats-hair , and other precious Fleeces . But it was no strange commodity to the Greeks and Romans ; not to the former , since that Parisatis , the Mother of Cyrus , was commonly wont to say , that Kings were always to be spoken to in silken words ; nor yet to the latter , inasmuch as they had some garments all of Silk , which they call'd Vestes holosericas . Which is the more creditable , in regard that the Inhabitants of China who made use of it above a thousand years before us , have very ancient Books , whereof the paper is made of Silk . In the interim , through the revolution of times , which makes that unknown in one age , which was familiar in another , it hath happen'd , that Pliny , never having seen any , relates strange stories of it , calling the Silk-worm a Fly , though it be not transform'd into a Fly , as was said before , till after it hath finish'd its working of Silk . He further affirms , that this worm makes its nest in dirt , or clay , and that so hard , that instruments of iron cannot penetrate it ; that in the said nest it makes more wax , then Bees do , and leavs in it a Worm , bigger than the other Flyes . Afterwards not being satisfi'd with himself , he brings in a discourse , which shews indeed that he had heard some talk of our Silk-worm , but that he had never seen any , nor met with any certain account thereof , when he says , That Silk came from a Worm that had two horns , which worm brings forth certain Caterpillars , which engender that which is call'd Bombylius , out of which comes the Worm , which produces that , which makes the Silk , and all these productions , and the making of the Silk perform'd in six Months : the last Worms , saith he , making a web of silk like that of a Spider , and that the first who ever found out the invention of unweaving and unravelling that web , that so some use might be made of the Silk , was Pamphila , the Daughter of Latona , of the Island Coos . In fine , to make the story yet more fabulous , he says , that in the Island of Lango , the Silkworms are engendred of the Flowers , which the Rain causes to fall from Turpentine-trees , Ashes , Oaks , and Cypress Trees , enliven'd by the vapours which exhale out of the earth ; being at first little naked Butterflies , which afterwards get a little hairiness , to sesecure them from the cold , and their feet are so rough that they fasten on all the Cotten they meet upon the leaves of Trees , and make their silk of it ; then they break it with their feet , card it with their claws , and having reduc'd it to silk , hang it up between the boughs of Trees , where they comb it , to make it the finer , and that done , they wind themselves within it , as within a botom of silk ; and then are they dispos'd into earthen pots to be kept warm , and are nourish'd with noise , till they are renew'd again , and re-assume their wings , as they were before they had done their work . So pitiful a thing is a deviation from Truth , and so hard is it for a man to meet with her , when he is once got out of her own path . CONFERENCE CCXVII . Why Ice being harder than Water is yet lighter . IN this Question , there are several others comprehended ; the first , Why Ice is harder than Water ; the second , Why it is lighter , inasmuch as lightness is an inseparable accident of softness , as this latter is an inseparable accident of lightness . On the contrary , density , hardness , and compaction is a sign , or rather a cause of weightiness , as it is observable in Meal , Ashes , and other Bodies of the like Nature , which weigh heavier , when they are close thrust together in the Bushel . Nay further , this Question comprehends in it self the Efficient Causes of Ice , which is the coldness of the Earth , the Water , or the Air. It is not the first , because , if it were , Rivers and Lakes would be frozen at the botom , which , on the contrary , is most temperate , and serves for a retreat to the Fish , while the surface of the Water is frozen up , which freezing if it be so violent as to reach the Center , it is communicated by degrees from the surface . Now that Rivers begin to freez on the sides , does proceed hence , that the Water there moves more slowly ; the channel , or current of the Water , which is rougher in the midst , being interrupted by the inequality of its course . For motion prevents congelation ; not upon the account that it warms , inasmuch as that effect happens not to it , otherwise then by the collision of two or more solid bodies , but because there is no change made , but upon some solid foundation , which cannot be imagin'd in Water , as long as it is in motion . Nor is the Water congeal'd by that Cold , which is Nature to it self ; for that which is in Caves and places under ground , where it continues in its own nature , is not frozen . Nor yet that which lies expos'd to the influence of a cold air , especially when it may easily insinuate it self into it . Whence it comes , that to cause water to freeze in a short time , it must be warm'd before it be expos'd to the Air , which , finding its pores open by the heat , so much the more speedily insinuates it self into it . For as to what is maintain'd by some Physicians , to wit , that the Air is hot and moist , seems to have been advanc'd by them , rather to make a correspondence of the four possible combinations of qualities to so many Elements , than for any convictive reason ; since the Air is never hot if it be not warm'd by some other heat then it hath in it self , such as is that of Fire or the Sun-beams , and these too must be reflected by the Earth . On the contrary , when it continues in its own nature , as it does in the night-time , during the absence of the Sun , it is actually cold : nay , even in the greatest heats of Summer , it keeps its coolness , provided there be no application made to a hot body , as may be seen in our Ladie 's Fanns , who forcing away the Air from their hot faces , are refresh'd by its coolness , which then cannot proceed from any other principle than the proper nature of Air , inasmuch as motion would be more likely to imprint heat on them , then cold . And this is further confirm'd by the Air we breathe , the reciprocation whereof cools our Lungs , whereas it should warm them , if it were hot , as the Peripateticks would have it . It happens therefore that the Air , for that reason call'd by some Philosophers primum frigidum , the first cold , insinuating it self into the Water , produces therein the effect which Aristotle attributes to it , to wit , that of congregating all things as well of the same as of several kinds . And whereas our common water , what simplicity soever there may be in it , consists of all the Elements , especially Earth and Air , the Air joyning it self to what it meets withal of its own Nature , does in the first place render that cold ; and being by that means united to the other parts , viz. to the Earth unperceivably intermixt with the Water , and to the Water it self , contracts and compresses them so as that they take up less space then they did before ; as may be seen in a Bottle fill'd with water , and frozen up , which though it had been full , is nevertheless found to contain air in its upper part . And yet this compression cannot be so well made , but that there remain several particles of Air enclos'd in the Spaces of the Ice , which , were it not for that air , would be vacuous ; and this , by reason the surface , as was said before , freezing up first , it from thenceforward hinders from making their way out , those parts of air , which either were got in before , or caus'd by the avoiding of vacuity , when the Center and other parts of the Water are forc'd by the Cold to take up less place then they did before . We conclude therefore , and say , that though the Ice be dense and hard , by reason of that compression of all its parts , yet is lighter than Water , because there is air enclos'd within it , which cannot return to its sphere , as that does which gets into the Water , which by reason of its liquidity makes way for it . So that it is no more to be wondred at , why Ice is lighter than Water , then that cork , being harder , is lighter than the same water . Otherwise , had the Ice no Air inclos'd within it , as it happens to that engendred in Mines , which in process of time comes to be Crystall , it would fall to the bottom of the water as the other does . The same thing may be instanc'd in porous wood , which swims upon the water ; whereas Ebony , by reason of its solidity and want of pores , will sink . The Second said , That whether the Air be granted to be light , or not , or that it pass only for a body less weighty than the water , as this latter is less heavy than the earth , certain it is , that the intermixt Air , not that comprehended within the concavities , but that diffus'd through the least parts of the Ice , is that which makes it lighter ; inasmuch as it augments its sinnuosities , as may be observ'd in a bottle fill'd with water , which breaks when the water is congeal'd , in regard that being converted into Ice , the bottle cannot contain it . So that , as Snow is lighter than Hail , so this latter is lighter than Ice ; and this last is lighter than water , in regard it contains less matter in an equal space : Accordingly , it is the Air that freezes the water , yet dos it not follow thence , that it should be the primum frigidum ; as the Iron which is red hot burnes more vehemently than the elementary fire , yet is not that red hot Iron the primum calidum ; that distinction proceeding from the difference of matter , which as it must be the more compact in order to a greater burning ; so the cold , for its better insinuation into all the parts of the water , requires the conveyance of the Air. As to the lightness of Ice , it seems to be the more strange upon this consideration , that Physicians explicate lightness by heat , as they do heaviness by cold . But the fiery vapors which are in the water , as may be said of that which hath been warm'd , contribute very much to that lightness , it being not incompatible that these contrary qualities should be lodg'd in the same Subject , considering the inequality of the one in respect of the other ; and it is not to be thought a thing more strange , that there should be potentially hot Exhalations in the water , than that the Nile should abound in Nitre , which is of an igneous nature . Now from what matter soever the cold proceeds , 't is evident by its action that it is not a privation of heat , as some Philosophers would have maintain'd ; since that which is not , as privation , cannot have any effect . But those who have referr'd freezing as well as thawing to the Constellations , seem to have come near the mark , in as much as those making certain impressions in the Air , which serves for a mean , to unite the Influences of the celestial bodies to the inferior , diversly affect them , one while contracting , another , dilating them , according to the diversity of matter ; there being some not susceptible of congelation , as the Spirit of Wine and Quintessences , either upon the account of their heat or simplicity . The Third said , That if the first qualities of cold and heat were the Causes of freezing and thawing , they would always happen accordingly ; the former , when it is most cold ; and the other , when the cold diminishes . Now many times we find the contrary , there being some dayes without any frost , on which thaws , we are more sensible of cold ; and sometimes we perceive it yet without any perceivable remission of the cold . Whence we may well take occasion to attribute both to the Influences , which , coming to meet with , and possibly to introduce also into the water the conditions requisite , such as is cold in respect of ice , do insinuate themselves into the water . And whereas there is in these Influences somewhat of a celestial nature , and that they are rather spiritual than material Quintessences , the same thing happens to them as to Spirits , which make those Bodies which they animate , lighter , than they would be if they were inanimate . CONFERENCE CCXVIII . Of Masks , and whether it be lawful for any to disguise themselves . THat the wearing of Masks , and other ways for people to disguize themselves , is of great Antiquity , is apparent by the prohibition which God made to his own people , that the man should not put on the habit of the woman , which is a disguise commonly made with the Mask , in regard that otherwise the hair and beard of the man would discover his Sex. So that the Question seems to be already decided , and that it follows from this prohibition , that Masks are not to be allowed . But however , we may enquire , What repute they were in among other Nations . And we find , that they were frequently us'd among the Romans , who , about the beginning of the Spring , celebrated a Feast in Honor of the Mother of the gods ; in the pomp of which solemnity , it was lawful for any one to mask and disguise himself , and to represent what person or part he pleas'd , which was done bluntly enough , as the French Comedians were heretofore content to have only a certain powder or meal cast over their faces , as they still have in the Farce . To shew the viciousness of that posture , we need only urge the indecency of it , and alledge that the use of it ought not to be allow'd , in regard that all Dissimulation and Hypocrisie is a great sin in the sight of God and men : Now the Mask is so hypocritical , that the very word it self is commonly taken for Hypocrisie . Thence it comes that Seneca , defining the masked or hypocritical person , gives him this Character , Cum prae se fert aliquis quod non est , When any one would seem , or appear to be what he is not . Besides , if Painting be forbidden , and be accounted a capricious humour so prejudicial to decency and good manners , that there is no Maid nor Woman , but thinks it an injury to be reproach'd with painting her self , what opinion ought we to conceive of those who disguise themselves ? For it is imagin'd done out of no other end than to cloak their lewd actions , who make use of it ; as we frequently find in the informations for Murthers and Felonies , that they are committed by disguis'd persons , who thereby would prevent the discovery of their crimes . Let therefore the use of the Mask be utterly discarded , as a thing which is contrary to that uprightness of disposition , the signs whereof are modesty and shamefastness , and by a prevention of blushing , ushers in impudence , abusiveness , and a contempt and falsification of God's Image imprinted on the face of man. The Second said , That in times of War , the Horsemen , who are commanded out against the Enemy , having close head-pieces over their faces , seem to be so mask'd and disguis'd that they are not to be known ; not so much to prevent their being wounded in the face , as to elude their Enemies , so as that they may not discover the Commanders and persons of quality , upon whose safety the gaining or loss of a battel depends . And this Dissimulation hath sometimes been practis'd with great advantage , when some private Souldier hath put on the armour , and rid the horse of the General of the Army , so to draw the Enemies Forces from that side , while they unexpectedly charge him on the other . And whereas he is commonly the Master of his desires , who can discover the counsels of his Enemy , and those cannot be known otherwise than by Spies , who would never be admitted either into Cities or the Enemy's Camp , if they did not in their habit and demeanour imitate him ; what Question is to be made , but that it is lawful to put on disguises upon such a design , to get the more certain intelligence ? To divert from Military Affairs to Merchandize , it is the safest way for him who would travel to dissemble his condition ; and whereas Poverty is that which is least of any expos'd to dangers , unless a man will follow the example of Vlysses , who counterfeited himself a Beggar or Pedlar , of which profession all are not equally capable , it will not misbeseem a great Lord to demean himself as an ordinary Gentleman , and sometimes to avoid surprizes , to act the part of his Servant , while the Servant acts that of a Prince . Let us divert thence , and make our appearance before the Courts of Justice ; and we shall there find , that Attorneys and Lawyers , when they speak , are ever mask'd & disguis'd in laying open the Causes of their Clients , who on their side are also apt enough to dissemble & conceal whatever they think might prejudice them . So that the Painters had much more reason to represent the Lawyers , Attorneys , and their Clients , with a veil over their Eyes , then Justice ; since that among them , he hath the reputation of the bravest man , who is the greatest Orator , and hath the best Lungs ; and according to their saying , who have best defin'd the Art of Oratory ; It is the Art of perswading people to what they please , by making great things little , and little things great , which , in other Language , is for a man to disguise all things , and himself into the bargain , inasmuch as he seems to believe the contrary to what he sayes and knows , and that among the rules of Oratory , this is one , that the Orator is to personate even to his voice and gesture , and accommodate himself to what he sayes , which is properly to mask himself , and that not only the face , but also the feet , the hands , the tongue , and all those parts of the body which are employ'd in pronunciation , elocution , and the gestures suitable to the thing treated of . Nor is it to be expected that Divines and Physicians are absolutely exempted from these kinds of disguises , since that , the better to insinuate into the affections of their Penitents and Patients , which is the way to gain their hearts , and by that means to Convert and Cure them , they ought to be very complaisant towards them , comply with their infirmities , and accommodate themselves to their humors in all things indifferent , that they , on the other side , may submit to their advice in those things which are necessary . And not to descend to particular Instances which might be made in all other Professions , this will be the result , that those who will find fault with Masks and Disguises , must , with the same breath , cast an aspersion on all humane society , which , as Augustus said at his departure out of this world , is nothing but a Comedy , wherein every one acts his part under a disguise . The same thing was said by one of the Satyrists , but much more pleasantly ; for being , as we say here , upon the Save-all , that is , ready to give up the last gasp , he cry'd out to his friend , Draw up the Curtain , the Play is done . For the greatest part of our Complements being only so many fictions and flatteries , Traffick and negotiations being so many disguises , and humane life consisting in those actions , the consequence is , that all the world is under a Mask , and that the less dangerous , since there are some make it their Profession to be mask'd , as do also Ambassadors and other persons of quality in some places of Italy when they have a desire not to be known . And as to what hath been said against Painting , it seems to be a little too severe to blame that pardonable curiosity , which the women are only guilty of , to preserve and heighten their greatest Treasure , that is , their Beauty , upon the account whereof they are principally recommendable to men ; who , were it not for that , would be apt to sleight them much more than now they do . For what do the poor women do more in that than is daily done in Medicine , whereof one part treats of Cosmeticks , that is , of Painting , and is brought in for the reparation of the defects and deformities of Nature . The Third said , That the Mask or Vizzard , by the Latines called Persona , either upon this consideration that it changes the condition of the person , causing him to be taken for some other ; or haply à per-sonando , by reason of the new sound he gives the words pronounc'd through the Vizzard . This invention of Vizzards , as also that of speaking Prologues before Playes , is by some attributed to one Thespis , an Athenian Poet , of whom it is said , — Et plaustris vexisse poemita Thespis Quae canerent agerentque peruncti foecibus ora . By others , to Aeschylus the Tragidian , Post hunc personae pallaeque repertor honestae Aeschylus . — At first they painted with divers colours the faces of those Comedians , who were carry'd about the streets in Chariots ; but that humour not taking so well , because the same Actor by that means found it very troublsome to act several parts , they found out the convenience of Masks and Vizards , made as near as they could like those whom they were to represent , till such time as the Macedonians became formidable in Greece . For these meeting with some persons in Vizards who resembled them , the Actors were somewhat at a loss how they should handsomely come off : whereupon the business being taken into deliberation , it was resolv'd , that those made thence forward should be for the representation of extravagant or ridiculous persons , or such as might frighten the Spectators ; such as were those which the Greeks called Mormolycea , bug-bears , and Oxyodontas , and the Latines , Larvas , ( wherewith the Mothers threatned their little Children ) Gumias , Lamias , Sillos , &c. These last represented the countenances of ridiculous and abhominable women , — Cum personae pallentis hiatum In gremio matris formidat rusticus infans . She was also — Magno manducus hiatu . They were at first made of the leavs of the Fig-tree , then of a certain herb that had large leavs , and , from its being us'd upon that occasion , called personata . Afterwards the said Vizards were made of the bark of Trees ; whence came this expression , Oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis . And at last they came to be of wood , whence this other , Vt tragicus cantor , ligno tegit ora cavato . Whence it may be inferr'd , that the design of using Masks and Vizards upon the Stage , where it is most us'd , is in order to imitation , and to heighten the confidence of the Actors , who by that means are not known . And the convenience and decency of that custom is such , that one of the greatest reproaches lying on the memory of Nero , is , that having brought some persons nobly descended upon the Stage for to be Actors , he caus'd them to put off their Vizards while they play'd on the Flute , and forbad the Comedians to appear vizarded upon the Stage . To this may be added , that , according to the Counsel of the Holy Fathers , women and young maids , when they walk abroad , nay , when they go to Church , ought to be not only mask'd , but also veil'd , to prevent the temptations which the full sight of them might cause in men , and the destraction of their own and the others devotion . Now the female sex making up above one half of the world , we cannot , upon any rational grounds universally find fault with that thing or custom , the use whereof is allow'd to the greater part . CONFERENCE CCXIX. Of Fables and Fictions , and whether their conveniences or inconviences be greater ? OF all the flowers of Rhetorick , lying is one of the worst , and withal so much the more pernicious , the more full it is of artifice . For if the saying of Aristotle be true , That the lyar always deserves to be blamed , there is a certain resemblance between him who simply tells a lie , and him who simply takes away another man's life by poyson ; inasmuch as the latter infects the Heart , and the former viciates and corrupts the source of our Ratiocination ; the end whereof is only to come to the knowledge of Truth . As therefore the poysoning of a man is always a heinous and punishable crime ; but that Steward who should poyson his Master , when he gave somewhat to eat or drink , when the other pretended to be exteamly hungry or dry , would be the greatest villany in the world , and deserve a far greater punishment : So he who simply tells a lie is not so much to be blamed , as he who covers and disguises his lie under the appearance of some probable history , which is clearly receiv'd by our understanding ; and this thus drawn in by the liklyhood of the relation , grows less distrustful of it , than of the other kinds of falshood , which are deliver'd without any artifice . So that lying , and consequently Fables , and all the species thereof , have the same proportion to our Understanding , as Monsters have to Nature ; our Understanding cannot endure them , whereas Truth is its sustenance . Thence it comes that those Fables which are destitute of the ornament of Truth , which is probability , are not heard with any patience , such as are old Wives Tales , and the like absurd relations , which are so ridiculous , that only the ignorance of Children is capable of entertaining them with any pleasure ; but with so much the greater danger to themselves , in regard that those tender Tables receiving the impression of some false perswasion , will not afterwards so easily part with it ; nay on the contrary , it commonly continues there to the end , at least some part of it , as if Time were not able so fully to eat it out , but there may be seen some lines of the first draught . Whence it comes that some eminent persons do account it a great oversight in the education of Children , to entertain them with Tales and Stories : instead whereof , those weak minds , wherein , as in soft wax , a man may easily imprint what he pleases , should rather be acquainted with History , which , by reason of its variety and truth , would be equally delightful , but much more advantageous . And indeed those who make use of Fables , thinking by them to teach truth , take a very preposterous way to do it . For all the advantage which may be deriv'd from Fables , is only to draw on mens minds with greater delight to the knowledge of true things : and it is easily found to be a way as unlikely to prevail , as if a man should make use of some place infamous and notorious for lewdness , as a School wherein he should read Lectures of Chastity to young Men and Maids ; or lodge a Fuller or Whitener of Cloth with the Collier , one soyling all that the other had cleans'd . The second said , that Man's understanding h●ving its distasts and humoursomness , as well as his body , and Content being equally requisite for the sustenance of both , in regard that a coarser dish of meat taken with a good stomack is preferr'd before better chear forc'd down against Appetite ; it is but necessary , that the same remedies should be used to recreate our minds , when they are wearied , and out of humour with an over-earnestness of study , as are us'd to retrive and sharpen the languishing appetite . This latter is recover'd by feeding on some dish excellently well-order'd , such as by its haut-gousts , and picquancy will rather excite , then satisfie the Appetite . Such is the bitterness of the Olive , Vinegar in Sallets , and the like ; which have the same effect as the stepping back of such as leap , or the appearance of a Fly on a face of an exquisitely fair complexion . These Fables are invented to reduce the wandring and wearied Understanding to its former interrupted pursuance of Truth . There are two kinds of them : One may be called a simple Fiction , such as are old Wives Tales , which deserve not the name of fabulous Relations , unless it be upon the account of their absurdity ; and yet it ought to be season'd with something that is miraculous and delightful . The other is Mythological , which may be divided into four kinds . First , the Poëtical , in one continu'd Relation , such as are the Metamorphoses of Ovid ; or Drammatick , and accommodated to Persons , such as as are Comedies and Tragedies . Secondly , the Emblem , or Device , which is a real explication of some feigned thing , painted , or otherwise represented . Thirdly , the Apologue , such as are the Fables of Aesop ; and these are divided into three sorts , the Moral , the Rational , and the Mixt. The Moral , are those , wherein irrational things are introduc'd , such as is the Fable of the two Pots , the earthen and the brazen ; or that of the distribution of the prey between the Lyon , the Ass , and the Fox . The Rational are only of Men , such as is that of the Satyr and his Entertainer , whom he leaves , because he blew hot and cold out of the same mouth . Of the Mixt , we have an example in the Fable of the Fowler , and the Stork , taken in the net with the Cranes . The fourth kind is the Romance : The benefit and advantage of all which kinds of Fable is notorious to all : For besides that they comprehend that common recreation , which is opposite to the conflict of Mind , and serious occupation produc'd by the reading of Histories , the Poetical kind of Fable , I mean that of the continu'd Relation , where the Poet speaks alone , does make extraordinary discoveries of the old Pagan Antiquities , whereof a man cannot be ignorant without a great defect . The Dramatick , where Persons are introduc'd speaking , when it is represented by good Actors , makes a prevalent impression on the minds of the Spectators and Auditors , and hath nothing comparable to the other kinds of writing and expressing : so that it is the most efficacious instrument to move and work upon the Passions . There may also be very great advantages made of the other fore-mentioned kinds of Fable , especially of the Romance , which hath the same effect on our minds , in order to their instruction in goodness and vertue , as well-proportion'd Pictures have to teach us the art of Drawing . For , as there are not to be seen now any Pictures comparable , in point of body , to that of the so much celebrated Venus , which consisted of whatever was handsom in any Woman or Maid , and borrow'd the hair of one , the complexion of another , the neck of a third , and the breast and other members of others ; so is it impossible that History should ever come up to the noble height and delight of the Romance . For , History , though it be not absolutely true , yet being oblig'd to represent things past with as much likeness as a picture is taken according to the face of him who is to be drawn , the consequence of that obligation is , that however it may embellish things and actions , yet is it still engag'd to expose them to the eye of the Reader as they are , or at least as they are conceiv'd to be . Now the number of unjust things much exceeds that of the just , and consequently the bad and sad examples will much shorten the Reader 's delight . Whence it follows , that History wants those two principal ends , for which it ought to be sought after , to wit , content and advantage : whereas the Romance brings both along with it , as being commonly full of the rewards obtain'd by vertue , whereof one is , that a sincere and constant Love should at last be crown'd with the greatest of worldly enjoyments ; and on the contrary , there are not wanting the punishments and executions of lewd and vicious persons ; whereto add the strange variety of the accidents , represented therein , which being carried on with nobler and more unexpected intrigues , extreamly heighten the satisfaction of the Reader . The Third said , That for any man to endeavour the discovery of Truth by its contrary , to wit , Fables , is to look for light in the midst of darkness ; and as a certain Musician among the Ancients demanded a double reward , for teaching those who had been instructed amiss in that Art , for this reason , as he said , that there was a certain time requisite for the forgetting of what they already knew , and as much for learning how to play well : so that Child , who shall have heard of the universal Deluge by the Fable of Deucalion and Pyrrha , will find more difficulty to disengage his mind of those stones , which , they having cast behind them , became men and women , then he will have to imprint in it the natural Story of Noah and his Ark. The same thing may be said of all the other Fables , out of which there is any truth to be deriv'd , to wit , that it is like the ordering of Crabs , where there is much more to be picked away , then there is to be eaten . Nay the Romans themselves , who seem to be more instructive , may be reproach'd with this , that they have not represented to their Readers , the State of life and civil Conversation , as it really is , but have entertain'd them with a Platonical Commonwealth . And that discourages men very much , when they find the course and customs of the World to be contrary to what they had taken so much pains to read : Whereas the young man will be the less startled to find himself hiss'd by his Auditors , when he speaks well ; and slighted by Fortune , when he does well ; while the ignorant and the wicked are her greatest Favourites , after he hath read in History of many Persons of worth so treated ; than he would be , if he thrust himself into affairs , having never seen any thing but examples of Vice punish'd , and Vertue rewarded . CONFERENCE CCXX . Whether it be better to go to bed late , and rise betimes in the Morning ; or do the contrary . THough it be a kind of recession from the common opinion , to prefer going to bed and rising late , before the opposite ; yet is it to be noted by the way , that most Persons of great affairs , and the more judicious sort , observing that course of life , are of that judgment ; since that to approve a thing is to do it . Now we see that all the great Lords and Ladies about the Court , the most refin'd spirits , and such are best able to judge of all things , nay most men who have any thing more than an ordinary burthen of affairs , for the most part go to bed late , and rise late ; whereof several Reasons may be assign'd . The first and most ordinary , me-thinks , are the affairs themselves , which insensibly steal away the time from us ; and that the more unperceivably , the more delightful that business is , about which we are employ'd ; the time sliding away faster from him , who takes a pleasure in the doing of a thing , then it does from another who is in some trouble of mind or body . Whence it comes , that a tedious Tale , and a bad Book , are ever thought too long . They therefore are to be thought the happiest , who , if they had their own wills , would go to bed latest ; not only for that reason which made a certain King of this part of the World say , That he would be King as long as he could , inasmuch as when he slept , there was no difference between him & the meanest of his Subjects : but also for this , that night surprizing them before they had done all their business , the Supper or Collation must be the later , and consequently the going to bed . The second reason is deduc'd hence , that there ought to be a correspondence between the tranquillity of the mind and that of the body . It being therefore necessary , that he who would take a good sleep should not be subject to any disturbance of mind , & that indisturbancy being procured only by that order which every one hath taken in his affairs , it is to be imagin'd , that the later a man goes to bed , the more business he hath dispatch'd , and consequently there remains the less to be done . Upon this score is it , that Merchant's Suppers are accounted the most quiet , for having spent the whole day in trudging up and down about their Trade , they then enjoy themselves with greater serenity . In the third place , a man should not go to bed , till digestion be pretty well advanc'd ; from the want or slowness whereof , hideous Dreams , Crudities , Ventosities , nay sometimes Apoplexies , do proceed . Now this digestion is so much the more advanc'd , the later a man goes to bed : which difference will be best observ'd by those , who go just from the Table to their beds , and lie down as soon as the meat is out of their mouths . Fourthly , that Custom is ever the best , from which it is in a man's power most easily to wean himself , and in the change whereof he will be subject to least inconvenience . Now he who hath contracted a habit of going to bed late , will find it a less inconvenience to go to bed betimes , that so he may rise betimes , or upon some other Motive , then he shall , who hath accustomed himself to go to bed betimes , for he will be sleepy , and unfit for the doing of any thing , as soon as his bed-time is come . Fifthly , Hippocrates would not have a man enslave himself to an over-strict course of life , grounding his advice on this , that such regular persons find it the greater difficulty to support the miscarriages which oftentimes cannot be avoided in the ordinary course of life ; as those who walk upon ropes are more apt to fall , at least find it a harder matter to keep on , then those who walk on the plain ground . Now those who go to bed betimes are commonly more regular in the hours of Supper , and all the other actions of the day , upon the exact observance whereof that of their bed-time does depend . Now it is obvious to any one , who shall consider the difference of professions , that there are but few that leave a man at liberty to observe so exact a rule as this is . So that being sometimes necessitated to make a breach of it , the consequence will be , that those who have the more strictly engag'd themselves to the observance of the rule of going to bed betimes , must needs receive a far greater inconvenience from the neglect of it , than they ordinarily do who go to bed late . Sixthly , the same reason that obliges phlegmatick persons , and such as are subject to Catarrhs , to content themselves with little sleep , which is this ; that their humidity , joyn'd with that of sleep it self , augments their distemper ; besides , that Sleeping which moistens and cools , is not so well procur'd in that part of the day which is most cold and moist , that is , from nine at Night till three in the Morning , but rather towards the Morning , at which time the Blood begins to be predominant , inasmuch as in so doing he abates somewhat of its Heat , and being to dilate it self till ten in the Morning , at which time Choler begins to be predominant , moderates its acrimony ; as all those will acknowledge , which Sex soever they be of , who are subject to the Megrim , who find very great ease by that Morning sleep , which accordingly is found to be the most delightful ; and hath this further advantage attributed to it , that the Dreams thereof are prophetical , and will come to pass in a short time ; whereas the others are accounted superfluous by those who have been Professors in that Art. Moreover , those who rise too early in Morning are subject to the Headach in the Afternoon , and more easily transported with Anger all the rest of the day ; to effect which , the consideration of the Temperament does very much conduce . For , as sleeping in the day time is born with in Old Men and Children , and that in both , by reason of their weakness , and for the recruit of their Spirits , and , particularly in Old Men , to take off somewhat of the acrimony of that serous phlegm which is predominant in them ; so , the greater part of Men being subject to Choler , ( whence haply proceeded the error of some Physicians , who talk of nothing but refrigeration in all diseases ) and the coolness and moisture of the Night correcting that hot and dry distemper , it is the more convenient , that Sleep should do as much in the Day time , by taking off then somewhat of their Choler . The Second said , That the retrival and restauration of the Spirits obliges the Animal to sleep , which ought to continue at least for such a space of time as amounts to the third part of that a man hath been waking , and should never exceed the one half of it . Far is it therefore from being imaginable , that Nature should be able to endure what is affirmed of the seven Sleepers , or the long nap of Epimenides , which lasted fifty years . Nor are we to give any more credit to what is related to us concerning a Plant in the Low-Countries , which will keep people waking many nights and dayes together , without any inconvenience ; but the time when we should begin or end our sleep , being left to our own discretion , 't is requisite we should accommodate our selves to the order prescrib'd by Nature , which hath appointed the day to labour , and the night to rest in : Nay , it is also the advice of Hippocrates , Galen , and all Physicians , who think it not enough to direct rest in the night , and waking in the day , but also conceive very great hopes of those , who , in the time of their sickness , are so irregular therein . Add to this , that darkness , silence , and the coldness of the night being fit to recruit the Spirits , and promote their retirement within ; whereas light , noise , and the heat of the day , are more proper to occasion their egress for the exercise of actions ; which granted , he who observes not this rule charges Nature with an erronious proceeding . And that this is her way , is apparent hence , that those Animals which are guided only by her motion , ( which is as certain as our reason is ordinarily irregular ) go that way to work . Cocks and other Birds go to their rest , and awake with the Sun ; if any of our Domestick Creatures do otherwise , our irregularity is the cause thereof and that perversion is of no less dangerous consequence than that of the Seasons , which is ever attended by diseases . And who makes any doubt but that the greatest perfection of the Heavens consists in their regular motion , the principal cause of their duration ? Which order since we are not able to imitate , it is but requisite we should come as near it as we can in our actions , among which sleeping and waking , being the hindges on which all the others of our life do hang , if there be any irregularity in these , confusion and disorder must needs be expected in all the rest , as may be seen in the lives of Courtiers of both Sexes , who turn night to day , and day to night , a course of life much different from that which is observ'd by the Superiours and Members of regulated companies . Besides , it is the Morning that not only holds a stricter correspondence with the Muses , but is also the fittest time for the performance of all the functions of Body and Mind . Then is it that Physicians prescribe exercises , in regard that the Body being clear'd of the Excrements of the first and second concoction , is wholly dispos'd for the distribution of Aliment , and evacuation of the Excrements of the third . So that he who spends that part of the day about his affairs , besides the expedition he meets with , does by that means maintain the vigour of his Body and Mind , which is commonly dull'd by sleeping in the day time , which fills the Head with vapours , and when exercise comes to succeed it in the warmest part of the day , the heat which is then commonly greatest makes it less supportable . Therefore Nature , who is a sure guide , inclines us to sleepiness in the Evening , there being not any thing but the multiplicity and distraction of Civil Affairs , which , depriving us of that Function , as it does of divers others , makes the Life of Man so much the less certain , the more he is involv'd in Affairs ; whereas the duration of that of Animals , and , next to them of Country-people , and such as comply with the conduct of Nature , is commonly of a greater length and more certain . CONFERENCE CCXXI . Whether the Child derives more from the Father , or the Mother . IF our Fore-fathers may be conceiv'd wise enough to have known the nature of things , it is to be acknowledg'd , that the Child derives most from the Father , since that they thought fit to bestow on him his name rather than that of the Mother ; and that the name is the mark and character of the thing . Besides , the Male being more perfect , larger and stronger than the Female , which indeed is an imperfection and default of Nature , whose constant design it is to make a Male , and is not disappointed ; but through want of heat , vigour , and temperament ; it is but rational , that what proceeded from these two , should have the denomination from the more perfect of them . Thus a Regiment is known by the name of the Colonel ; a City , by that of its Founder ; a Law and Ordinance by that of the Law-giver ; and a Receipt , the Composition whereof consists of two simple medicaments , hath most of the nature of the stronger , and that which is of greatest virtue . This is further confirm'd by the common Comparison , which is us'd to express the difference there is between the Father and the Mother in the business of generation . For the Mother , and particularly , the Matrix , is compar'd to a field , and the paternal seed to the grain which is sown in that field , which serves well enough in order to its sprouting and shooting forth , but supplies it only with matter , which is determinated by the form of the grain , from which the Plant produc'd of it receives its being . So that the present Question amounts to no more , than if a Man should ask , Whether an ear of Wheat deriv'd more from the ground , or from the seed that had been sowne in it ? A further proof hereof may be deduc'd from the instruments of generation , which being more apparent in the man than in the woman , are a silent insinuation , that the former contribute more thereto than the latter . And the greatest and most remarkable difference that there is between the Children being that of the Sex , the experiment alledg'd by Physicians , that if the right Testicle be bound , Males will be produc'd , as Females will if the contrary , clearly shews that by the Father's part the Sex is determinated , and consequently , it is from him that there do also proceed the least individual differences and circumstances , wherein the likeness or unlikeness of Children to their Fathers and Mothers , either in Mind or Body doth consist . For if the Males especially should retain more from the Mothers than they do from the Fathers , that proverbial saying would prove false , which affirms , that Fortes creantur fortibus — in regard that most women are chargeable with a want of Courage . And daily experience makes it apparent , that one of the greatest and most common causes of Valour is deduc'd from the Fathers side : Upon which principle is grounded the account we make of Nobility , which comes seldom but from the Father's side , whereas the want of Nobility on the Mother's side , does not make the Child less a Gentleman . Nay some have made it a Question , whether the Mother did contribute any thing to the formation of the foetus , or only found it nourishment . But those who have treated more nicely of this matter unanimously agree , that the Woman's Seed is much weaker , and more watery than that of the Man , serving only to qualifie it , as Water does Wine , yet so as that the Water is converted into the nature of the Wine , and is call'd Wine as soon as it is mixt with it . As to those Children who chance to be more like their Mothers than their Fathers , 't is to be conceiv'd one of Nature's fagaries , who delighting in variety cannot produce many children , but there must consequently be a great diversity of Lineaments in their faces , and figures in their members ; among which the idea of a Woman imprinted in the imagination of the Father may be communicated to his Seed , which consequently expresses that figure . The second said , That there were three kinds of resemblances , to wit , that of the Species , that of the Sex , and that of the Effigies , as to the Body , and that of manners , as to the Soul. or The resemblance of the Species is , when a Man begets a Man , a Woman proceeds from the material Principles of Generation which the Mother contributes more plentifully then the Father : the proof whereof may be seen in the copulation of Animals of different Species . For if a Hee-goat couples with a Sheep , he shall beget a Sheep , which shall have nothing of the Goat in it , save that the fleece will be a little rougher then it is wont to be . And if a Ram couples with a She-goat , the production will be a Goat , whose hair will be somewhat softer than otherwise . But as to what is related of Aristo's , having had a Daughter by an Ass , who for that reason was called Onoscele ; of Stellius's , having another by a Mare , who was thence called Hippona ; and of a Sheep , which brought forth a Lyon ▪ in the pastures of Nicippus , to whom it presaged Tyranny ; of Alcippa , who was deliver'd of an Elephant , having been impregnated by an Elephant , are to be look'd on as monstrous , and possibly fabulous Productions . The resemblance of the Sex depends on the temperature and predominancy of the Seeds . For if the seed of both Male and Female be very hot , Males will be engendred ; if cold , Females ; and both of them will be either vigorous or weak , according to the predominancy of heat or cold . Whence it follows , that this resemblance does not proceed more from the one then the other , of those who are joyn'd together : but the resemblance of Effigie , and the other accidents of the Body , and of the manners is more hard to resolve , there being a secret vertue in both the Seeds , which , as Aristotle affirms , is continu'd in it to the fourth Generation , as may be confirm'd by the story of Helida , who having lain with a Negro , brought forth a white Child ; but her Grandchild by that was black . Plutarch affirms the same thing to have happen'd in the fourth Generation of a Negro . And yet this resemblance proceeds rather from the Mother's side than the Father's ; for if the causes , which communicate most to their effects , imprint most of their nature into them ; by that greater communication , those effects accordingly retain so much the more of their Causes . Now the Mother communicates more to the Child then the Father does , for she supplies him with Seed , those who have maintain'd the contrary being persons not much skill'd in Anatomy , and after she hath contributed as much as the Father to that Generation , she alone nourishes the foetus with her menstrual blood , which then begins not to follow any longer the course of the Moon , whereby it was regulated before . Besides , coming thus to furnish the said foetus with nourishment , for the space of nine Months , it is no wonder she should absolutely tranform it into her own nature , which is thence accounted but one and the same , in respect of both Mother and Child . Now there is not any thing liker , or can retain more of it then the thing it self ; which cannot be said of the Father , who is not only different from the Embryo , whom he hath begotten , but also hath not any thing common with it , after that first action . So that there are many Children posthumi , and born long after the death of their Fathers , which thing never happens after the death of their Mothers ; nay it is seldom seen that a Child taken out of the body of a Mother ready to dy , ever thrives much afterwards . Though we shall not stick to acknowledge , that what is related of the first person of the race of the Caesars , from whom that Section was called the Caesarean , might possibly happen , according to the Relation ; yet is it done with this restriction , that most of the other Stories told of it , are fabulous . But if the Mother comes afterwards to suckle her Child , as Nature and the Example of all other Animals teaches her , which is haply the reason of their being more vigorous , and of a continuance of life more regular than that of the man , that second nourishment added to the former , being drawn from her milk , which derives the quality of the mass of blood , from which it is extracted , makes him absolutely conformable to the Mother . For if nourishment may , as we find it to be true , change the Temperament of Persons well advanc'd in years , with much more reason may it work a remarkable alteration in the Body and Mind of a Child newly come into the World , who is as it were a smooth Table susceptible of any impression . Whence it is to be concluded , that they proceed very rationally , who are so careful of the well-fare of their little ones , ( when the Mothers , either by reason of sickness , of upon some other account , are not able to bring them up ) as to be very inquisitive about the Nurses they put them to , and the quality of their Milk. Nay , what is more ; are not the changes caus'd by Nurses in the Body of the Infant as considerable , as that which happens to the two seeds of Male and Female mixt at the Generation , which recover their increase by the irroration of the Maternal Blood which flows thereto ; and , if it be impure , does communicate its impurity to it ; as , on the contrary , being pure , it is many times able to purifie the corrupted seed of the Male. Whence Physicians have observ'd , that sound Children have descended from Fathers subject to the Leprosie and such diseases . Add to this , that the safety on the Mothers side is greater than on the Father's . Moreover , they are the Mothers , from whom proceeds the Imagination , which acts upon their Embryo all the time they are with Child ; and thence it comes , that they are much more fond of their Children than the Fathers ; which fondness is a sign that there may be more of the Mothers observ'd in the Children , than of the Fathers . For the love we have for our selves is so great , that God would have it to be the measure of that which we ought to bear unto our Neighbour ; and that which we bear to God himself hath some reference to his affection towards us . Those therefore who would insinuate themselves into the favour of any one , have no surer way to do it , than by complying with his humor , and as much he can become conformable to him . CONFERENCE CCXXII . Whether is harder , for a Vertuous Man to do that which is Evil ; or for a Vicious to do that which is Good. BEfore we come to the Resolution of this Question , we are to consider two things ; the former , that Man consists of two parts , the Superiour , which is the Soul ; and the Inferiour , which is the Body ; and whereas these two parts have different objects , and such as which contradict one the other , there happens to be a great Conflict ; the body being strongly inclin'd to sensuality , and the Soul endeavouring to raise her self up to spiritual things . But in regard the Organs she makes use of are material , such as are also the Senses , which assist her in her operations , it is not to be thought she can overcome without great pains ; inasmuch as the instruments which she stands in need of , for the exercise of Virtue , hold a greater correspondence with the Body ; and as they derive their Being from matter , so they betray the Resolutions of the Soul , reducing her under a Tyrannical Subjection . Whence it follows , that the wicked or vicious person finds it the greater difficulty to do well ; inasmuch as being enslav'd to vice and sin , he cannot shake off that yoke , as having a constant inclination to evil . The Second thing to be consider'd , is good and evil in it self ; for , according to Nature , there is no evil in Humane Actions , inasmuch as in appearance they are all good ; otherwise the Will , the object whereof is that which is Good and pleasing , would not be inclin'd thereto , since good is that which all things desire . There are therefore two sorts of good , and as many of evils , one Natural , and the other Moral ; the Soul is easily enclin'd to the Moral good , and the Body to the Natural ; and , consequently , it is much more easie for the Vicious person to do a Moral good , than it is for the Virtuous Man to do a Moral Evil. The Second said , That it is harder for a good Man to do evil , in regard that to the virtuous man Virtue seems so fair and taking , that he finds it the greatest difficulty in the world to forsake her , and so to embrace Vice , which he looks upon as a hideous Monster , inasmuch as Beings and Substances are more amiable than Privations are odious ; in regard that as Love respects the things that are amiable , and aversion is not extended to that which is not ; in like manner , Vice is not so much shun'd , as Vertue is belov'd : Whence it follows , that it is a greater trouble for the good man to do that which is evil , in regard he knows the perfection of good , as much as the vicious person is ignorant of it ; and , from that ignorance , there must needs proceed a difficulty and backwardness of embracing it . The Third said , That the vicious person finds it a harder task to do well , in regard that Nature is strongly bent towards that which is evil ; and , consequently , the virtuous person , when he does that which is evil , easily falls down into the bottom ; according to the descent of humane inclinations ; and the vicious person , when he does that which is good , climes up a high Mountain full of Rocks and Precipices , and engages against Nature her self , being in open hostility against the sensual Appetite , and , according to the Scripture , We do not the good which we would do , but the evil we would not do , that we do : To shew that the difficulties men find in the pursuance of good are so great , that Saint Paul himself complains of his having a Law within him which rebelled against the Law of God. This Nature of ours being full of the imperfections conceiv'd in Original Sin , hath so great a repugnance to good , that there was a necessity of a Law of Grace to regenerate it , in order to the pursuit of good , a complyance with the true sentiments of Religion , and the knowledge of God ; not to urge , that Pleasure hath so great attractions and charms , that it is almost impossible to over-master them . Thence it came that Vlysses order'd himself to be bound to the mast of his Ship , and caus'd his ears to be stopp'd , that he might not hear the harmonious voices of the Syrens ; otherwise his Reason would not have been so strong as to over-master his sensual Appetites , which must be either destroy'd , or so fetter'd , that the Soul may not be drawn away by pernicious temptations . The Fourth said , That Virtue was natural to Man before Adam's Transgression , and , from the time of his rebellion against God , Vice hath seated it self in her place ; so that when Innocence forsook our first Parent , all vices and imperfections possess'd themselves of his Mind , and are become so naturaliz'd there , that it begat a necessity of establishing Divine and Humane Laws : whereof some were for the eradication of Vices ; others , for the punishment of Crimes ; all which trouble might have been spar'd , if there had not been so much difficulty in the doing of that which is good . The Fifth said , That it being suppos'd , ( as indeed it is true ) that Humane Nature is more inclin'd to Vice than to Virtue for the reasons before alledg'd , yet is there a certain means to frustrate and destroy that Inclination , and advance the Soul to a sovereignty over the Body , by abolishing and destroying the Senses , and those intellectual powers whereby the Organs are govern'd . For if the Body have the Mastership , the Soul will be forc'd to obey ; but if the Soul commands , she will bring the Body into subjection to all the vertuous actions she pleases her self . And then the Vertues will be naturaliz'd in man , and the Question propos'd will meet with a contrary Solution ; for in that Case , it will be much more hard for the vertuous man to do that which is evil , than for the vicious to do well ; inasmuch as the virtuous person by that mortification of the Senses , will be in a manner reduc'd to the state of original innocence , and restor'd to the glorious condition Man was in before the Fall. The Sixth said , That such a moral regeneration is a great Cabalistical Secret , unknown to all the learned ; that such a mortification and destruction of the Senses as was propos'd , is a work not yet well discover'd to the Curious , as transcending all common rules . For , if the Soul acts not without the assistance of the Organs , and the interior and exterior Senses , the weakning or destroying of these will contribute to the weakning of the Soul ; and instead of making a Prophet , the transformation will be into some Hypochondriack , or extravagant Phanatick , as it happens to those who macerate their Bodies by an indiscreet zeal ; insomuch that having not the perfect knowledg of that Science , it were more expedient that men had a recourse to the ordinary means of Morality , to regulate the Passions of the Soul , and bring her to the pursuance of Virtue . Now according to the rules of Morality , even those who are good , are much inclin'd to evil , and find it no easie matter to oppose it . The Seventh said , That it is as hard a matter for the vicious person to do well , as it is for the virtuous to do ill , in regard that the inclination , which the good man hath to do good and eschew evil , is equal to that of the wicked person , which is always bent to do evil , it being very difficult for him to embrace Virtue by shunning Vice , by reason of the aversion which he hath to that which is good . And to make this the more clear , we commonly find some persons so naturally addicted to the exercises of Virtues , that what they do seems to be without any study . Whence it may be deduc'd , that the first seeds of Virtue and Good proceed from those natural Dispositions , which are called Inclinations , and , consequently , the difficulties in both are concluded to be equal . And that may also be observ'd in Socrates , who himself acknowledg'd , that his natural Inclinations were so bent to Vice , that if the dictates of Philosophy had not wrought things in him beseeming the person , whom the Oracle had declar'd wise , he would have been carry'd away with sensual Appetites , according to his natural Inclinations ; there being some Natures truly Heroick , and ever doing well ; and others brutish , and always inclin'd to evil . To this we are to add the consideration of the persons , their qualities , and age ; inasmuch as there being somewhat particular in any of these circumstances , it changes the resolution in the general proposition , which being universal , and of a large extent , it were necessary , in order to the finding out of the Truth , that we confin'd our selves to these circumstances , yet still following the forementioned opinion . For as fire finds no difficulty to ascend , no more than the water does to flow downwards and make towards its centre ; so every one complying with his own Inclinations , stands in an equal bent towards good and evil , without any trouble or difficulty ; but to proceed contrary to that motion , the virtuous person finds the trouble attending the doing of a evil action , equal to that of the vicious in doing a bad one . The Eighth said , That this bent of the Inclinations ceases in those who are one while inclin'd to the doing of that which is good , another , to the doing of that which is evil , as may be observ'd in Nero , who , during the first five years of his Government , was the mildest of any of the Emperours , yet afterwards gave himself over to all manner of Cruelty . For what can be said of this alteration , and if a man be naturally inclin'd to good , Why is not the same inclination continued in him ? Does this inconstancy proceed from the mind or from the body ? If it proceeds from the mind , since the powers thereof have a certain knowledge of the Good , Why does it not embrace that which is good , answerably to its knowledge of the same ? If it proceeds from the body , since this hath a dependance on the mind , why does it not follow the impressions which it derives from the other ? The Professors of Astrology , who give so much credit to their Influences ; affirm , that these diversities proceed from those Constellations , whereby that change is caused , and by which the Will is moved , and receives a bent either to good or evil ; but if Reason have the sovereignty , it ought to be conformable , and produce such effects as are answerable thereto . There is therefore a great probability , that the causes of good and bad actions are to be referr'd to the regeneration of the Elect , and the reprobation of the wicked , who are left to the pursuance of their sensuality ; and thence it will follow , that it shall be as hard for a truly-devout person to sin , as for a reprobate to do well ; and so the Question is to be referr'd to the decision of Theology . CONFERENCE CCXXIII. Whether a piece of Iron laid upon the Cask prevents Thunder from marring Wine contain'd within it , and why ? SInce we are always to begin with that which is undenyable in matter of fact , whereby we are assur'd , that a piece of Iron laid upon a vessel full of Wine , prevents its being corrupted by Thunder , which , without that precaution , would cause it some prejudice ; which precaution hath also the same effect in preserving the Eggs which the Hen sits upon , and in keeping Milk from turning ; all the difficulty of this Question is only in the latter part of it , and that is , to find out the reason thereof , which must either be referr'd to some occult vertue in the Iron , or to some of its manifest qualities . If it be said that this is wrought by the manifest qualities of that metal ; it seems requisite that the Iron should be within the vessel with the Wine , that so it may oppose the poyson of the Air whereby it is infected . But on the other side , to alledge those occult vertues , is an argument of humane ignorance , inasmuch as they are to act by the interposition of some means : So that , all things considered , it is more rationally affirm'd , to be an effect proceeding from the manifest qualities of the Iron , which prevent and hinder that bad impression of the Air. But to give a more evident reason hereof , we are to consult Astrology . That Science teaches us , that Mars , by which Planet Iron is designed , hath its House in Aries , which is the sign of the Ram ; and the Naturalists observe , that the Sun entring into that House , causes the sap and moisture of the Vine to ascend , an evident sign that there is a correspondence between Wine and Iron , and that the one preserves the other by the natural Sympathy there is between them . And to make it appear that the Influences exercise their vertues even upon things inanimate , yet deriv'd from the root of what had been Vegetable or Animal , we find that Wine , though it be carried ever so far , is subject to an observable alteration , when the grapes of the same Vine are near their maturity ; that distance of Places and Climates not obstructing the Union and Correspondence which there is between the whole and its part , which cannot be joyned together save only by means of the Celestial Influences . The Second said , That the foremention'd reason deduc'd from Astrology was not evident , and that there is more subtilty in it than Truth , and , consequently , that it is to be sought with greater probability to find it out of Natural Philosophy , which treats of Meteors , where the greatest difficulty is to know whether that effect is produc'd by the expulsive , or by the attractive and retentive vertue . That we should affirm it proceeds from the expulsive vertue , cannot with any probability be done , inasmuch as expulsion is to be wrought by somewhat that is more powerful and more subtile . Now there is not any likelyhood , that Iron should be more powerful and more subtile than Air , inasmuch as the Iron is of a more weighty matter , passive , earthy , and hath somewhat of the nature of that Passive Element . We may therefore rather affirm , that this effect is wrought by the attractive and retentive vertue ; which opinion is prov'd , in regard there is but one humid matter , which the central fire forces from the deepest part of the Earth ; and of the more unctuous and weighty part of this matter Metals are made ; of the less weighty , Minerals and Salts ; from the subtiler part Vegetables and Animals derive their nourishment ; of the most subtile are produc'd the Winds , Thunder , and all the Meteors , which participate of Heat and Drought , which make several combinations in the Air. Now whereas it is from the most imperfect part of this unctuous matter that Iron is made , of an earthy and impure Sulphur , it is deducible thence , that there is a Sympathy between Iron , and the gross vapours of Thunder and Lightning : To make which out a little more clearly , we find that the places through which Thunder hath pass'd , smell of Sulphur ; nay , there is fram'd in the Air that which is commonly called the Thunderbolt , which somewhat resembles Steel , as it were to shew the correspondence there is between Iron and Thunder . So that the Air , being impregnate by those noisome terrestrial vapours , which are of the same nature with Iron , meeting with some piece of it laid on a vessel , is joyn'd to the Iron by Sympathy , makes a sudden stop there , and puts a period to its operation ; and the Iron by its attractive vertue receives them , as by its retentive it retains them , and by that means prevents their effect . The Third said , That though that opinion were probable , yet doth it require a more ample discussion , and we are to examine how this attractive vertue operates . Now there are four Natural Vertues which govern all the operations of Nature and Art ; the Attractive , which is now under consideration , acts by heat and a temperate drought ; the Retentive , by drought and cold ; the Expulsive , by moisture and heat ; the Digestive , by heat and a temperate moisture . The Iron then which is said to attract these vapours , hath indeed those qualities of heat and drought ; yet can it not be easily conceiv'd , that a little piece of that mettal can check the malice and infection of a great quantity of Air , spread all over a spacious place ; besides that it is also necessary , that the Iron should send forth out of it self the effects of its qualities , that so the attraction might be made , the marks whereof are neither seen on the Iron , nor the effects of the qualities out of the Subject , inasmuch as mettals being quench'd in cold Water , are not evaporated but by a violent fire . So that it may as well be said , that the attraction is wrought by some occult vertue , which draws ; yet so as that neither the attraction nor the manner of it can be observ'd . The Fourth said , That the operations of Nature are not like those of Art ; her ways and contrivances are more obscure , and the causes of things are occult ; as for example , the Load-stone draws Iron , yet so as that there cannot be any thing perceiv'd of any body of air and smoak issuing out of the Loadstone . And the magnetical Balsom , or Weapon-salve , cures a wounded person , though at a great distance ; having only some part of his Cloths , yet can there not any thing be observ'd on the Subject which receives the Plaister ; so secret and silent is Nature in her Operations . On the contrary , the designs and contrivances of Art may easily be discover'd , as those of a Clock or Watch. But the reason of this diversity of operations between Art and Nature , is , that Art goes to work publickly and before the Senses , and Nature does her business within doors and secretly ; the latter works in the Centre , the other in the Circumference ; one produces the seed of the combination of the Elements , whereof she keeps an exact account of the weights and proportions ; and the other can neither make nor produce any thing , as being only in a capacity of making use of the substance and materials of Nature , in order to their joyning together , after she had prepar'd and purify'd them . But on the other side , Art hath this advantage , that her works are much more perfect , inasmuch as she makes use of purify'd essences , and the other of accidents and superfluities , having not instruments fit for the purifying of her Materials . So that there are some who doubt of the reality of the effect now under consideration . And therefore , ere we proceed any further to the finding out of the causes and reasons thereof , it were requisite a strict enquiry should be made , whether it be certain that Iron prevents the effects of thunder , by preserving Wine and Eggs under a Hen that sits , from receiving in any prejudice . The Fifth said , That what was confirm'd by general experience was not any longer to be question'd , and that whoever stood upon the Negative betray'd his own ignorance ; that for us to think to find solutions for all the possibilities of nature , were an attempt somewhat like that of exhausting the Sea ; That there are certain secrets in Nature of things dreadful to humane Reason , incredible , according to the principles of Art and of our Knowledge . That Nature is the great Circe , the grand Sorceress , That the Load-stone draws Iron to it ; That there is a certain Stone called Pantarbe which draws gold to it ; That dead Arse-smart being laid under a Stone , cures the wound on which it shall be rubb'd , sooner or later according as the Herb putrifies ; That the hair or wool of a mangy beast being thrust in , for a certain time , under the bark of an Aspen-tree , cures the beast of vermine ; That the Menstrua of Women trouble Springs , spoyl Looking-glasses and Powdering-tubs ; And if there be some things that corrupt them , it is not to be imagin'd that Nature is so cruel a Step-mother , but that there may be others whereby they are preserv'd , and so the Remedies may come from the same hand as caus'd the disease ; That the Hazel-tree discovers hidden Treasures and Mines ; That Talismans are made against Serpents and Insects , nay against some Diseases ; That there is a mutual friendship between the Olive-tree and the Myrtle , whereof it would be as hard a matter to give any reason , as it would be to give any , of the enmity between the Vine and the Laurel , and the inclination which the Male-palm hath towards the Female ; That the crowing of the Cock frightens Lyons , and that that Bird should be so exact a Fore-teller of the Sun's approach ; That the Fish called a Remora , stops Ships under sail ; That the eye of a Dog prepar'd after a certain way keeps others from coming near the person that hath it ; That the powder of Crab-shells prepar'd , draws out Arrows and Bullets shot into the Body ; That there is a certain Stone got out of the Snake , which cures such as are subject to the Dropsie ; That Serpents are not found within the shade of Ash-trees ; That the Marygold follows the motion of the Sun ; That the precious Stone called a Topaze put into seething water , immediately stayes the seething of it ; That the Emerald , the Saphire , the Turqueis Stone , and Coral , change their colours , upon the happening of certain accidents to those who have them about them ; That there are certain Herbs which chase away spirits , as well as Musick does ; and that the dispositions of a black and adust choler invite and entertain them . Now from all these instances it may be deduc'd , that , as it is a great presumption to think to give reasons of all things , so does it argue a certain weakness of mind to doubt of all that hath been alledged ; so great are the abysses and inexhaustible treasures of Nature , whose operations transcend humane belief , in thousands of other things , as well as in the Question now under dispute . CONFERENCE CCXXIV. Of Stage-Plays ; and whether they be advantageous to a State , or not ? HUmane Life is travers'd by such a vicissitude of distractions and disturbances , that not only the Civil , but also the Ecclesiastical Magistrates have unanimously concluded it necessary , that men should have some divertisements , whereby their minds and bodies , not able to undergo continual labour , might receive some relaxation , for want whereof they would be crush'd under the burthen of their affairs . Now among those relaxations , there is not any brings greater delight with it , then what is perform'd on the Theatre , that is , Plays ; which represent unto us things past , heighten'd with all the circumstances they are capable of , which cannot be done by History , as being a thing dead , and not animated by Voice , Gestures , and Habits . But if we add thereto , that this innocent divertisement is attended by those advantages which may be deduc'd from excellent Sentences and Instructions , we must conclude him who finds fault with it , to be of a more than Timonian humour , and a profess'd enemy to civil Society . The proof hereof is deriv'd from the Use of it , the true Touch-stone , whereby good and profitable things are to be distinguish'd from such as are hurtful and unprofitable . For there have been an infinite number of things taught by Men , which have been smother'd as soon as brought forth ; and there are others also , which the Inventors of them have out-liv'd ; but when an Invention finds a kind entertainment through many Ages , it is the best argument that may be of its goodness . And such is that of Comedy , which ( how weak or ridiculous soever it might be at the beginning , at which time Thespis got himself drawn through the Streets in a Chariot , as he recited his Poems ) presently met with those who made it their business to cultivate and heighten it to that pitch of perfection , whereto it is now come , which is such that it is no wonder the greatest minds should yield to the charms of it . For as those things that are sensible , are more apt to move and make impressions on the spirits of men , then such as are purely intelligible ; so Plays , exposing to our eyes all things with a greater circumspection , decorum , and order , then is observable in the actions of men commonly disturbed by unexpected emergencies , and the unconstancy of their passions , accordingly raise in us a greater aversion for crimes , and greater inclinations to vertue . Nay , these cause more apprehensive emotions in our souls , than they are apt to receive from any other representations whatsoever , not excepting even the precepts of Philosophy it self , which are weak enough when they are destitute of their examples , imprinting in us such Characters as can hardly be blotted out , in regard they force their passage into our Minds through several of our senses ; and as History prevails more by its Examples than the reason of its Precepts , so Playes have the advantage of History in this regard , that in the former , things act upon us with greater efficacy . This Influences it hath on us in captivating our Senses and Understanding , is the more remarkable , in that the greatest Witts are incapable of other reflections , while they behold what is represented on the Stage . Besides , if the great business of the world be truly consider'd , it is but a Stage-Play , wherein every one acts a part ; he who would avoid Plays , and not see the vanity of humane actions , must find out some way to get out of the world . Nor are all persons in a capacity to learn how they should demean themselves by Books and Precepts , but all are susceptible of some instruction by Playes ; since that in these , there are such sensible Lessons , that the most ignorant may find in them certain encouragements to Vertue , which on the Stage appears to them in her lustre , and attended by those honourable rewards which the Poets bestow on Heroick Actions . And as Geographical Maps cannot so well acquaint those who study them with the dispositions of people , together with all the circumstances of places , as Travels and Relations may : In like manner , Philosophy smites not the Senses , as those passages do which are represented on the Theatre , where such as are in Love ( the ordinary subject thereof ) may observe their own Adventures personated , and take notice of their vain pursuits , and the unhappy events of those which are carried on by unjust wayes . In fine , if immortality flatters ours labours with promises to transmit our Memory to Ages ; yet at a great distance from us , what greater satisfaction can there be , than to hope that our noble actions shall be represented on Theaters before Princes and Magistrates ? The Second said , That Humane Nature being more enclin'd to evil than to good , those confus'd representations which are made on the Stage , of all sorts of good and bad things , are more likely to make impressions of evil in the minds of men , than to render them more inclinable to that which is good . Whence it is to be inferr'd , that the danger and inconveniences of Plays will outweigh their advantages . This consideration occasion'd the banishing of them out of several States . And whereas the Subjects of them are commonly taken from the Loves of some extravagant persons , and the crimes attending them , the end thereof must be answerable to the means , which are lewd Artifices , whereby it is compassed , and where-with mens minds are imbu'd , and so inclin'd to wicked actions , and such as are most likely to promote the execution of their pernicious designs ; which would not happen , were they ignorant of them . Nay , to go to the original of this kind of entertainments , the most ancient of them , acted in the time of Romulus , was contriv'd for the surprizal and carrying away of the Sabine Virgins ; it being easily inferr'd , that what produc'd so bad an effect must of necessity have been a bad cause . The Third said , That Playes consider'd in themselves were indifferent , but that according to the diversity of their Minds who frequent them , they have a different operation ; as Wine excessively taken besots and layes some asleep , and enlivens others , according to the difference of their Temperaments . For if they meet with weak Minds , they imprint in them the Passions of the things that are represented , much more easily than Books usually do . But if they are persons of a strong Constitution of Intellectuals , they consider what they see as a pure Fiction , and a draught of Painting , in the intrigues whereof they find a certain divertisement , much like that of excellent P●inters in their Perspectives ; they are pleas'd to see a mist cast before the eyes of the vulgar , while they themselves are sufficiently satisfi'd , that what others think represented to the life , is only perform'd by the interposition of Scenes : So that , from this diversity of operations , this only can be inferr'd , that Playes and Opera's are advantageous and innocent divertisements to such as are well-vers'd in the affairs of the world , who , being over-press'd with a continu'd earnestness in the prosecution of their more serious concerns , find a certain relaxation therein ; not in a melancholy sloath , such as is inconsistent with the activity which is natural to them , but in those less serious employments ; as on the contrary , those persons who are already too much enclin'd to idleness , vanity , and effeminacy , ought not to be admitted to Plays , in regard they can have no other effect on them , than to make them more effeminate . The Fourth said , That as Women are justly forbidden the use of the Sciences , so ought they also to be forbidden the sight of Plays ; inasmuch as it is not expedient , in order to frugal House-keeping , that that Sex should be allow'd an acquaintance with those curiosities which might divert them from the care they ought to have of their domestick affairs . For , besides the loss of time , idleness is extreamly prejudicial to that Sex , whose portion should be assiduity in labour , frugality , and a constant keeping of the House , which is not consistent with the frequenting of Shews and Play-houses , and seeing the representations made there : Which , the more instructive they are , and the more likely to fill Womens heads with new things , the more ought they to be forbidden the sight of them ; there being not any thing a Husband should fear so much in his Wife , as an excess of Wit , upon the conceit whereof she assumes to her self a certain authority over him , contrary to the Institution of Matrimony , or at least thinks her self equal to him , which is not much less to be fear'd , inasmuch as it is a great disturbance to the domestick tranquillity . This may be the better apprehended by the example of two Men equally learned , who disputing one against the other , seldom come to any agreement , as a knowing and an ignorant person many times do ; for if the latter chance to contradict himself , he is easily convinc'd , and acquiesces . And though the Greeks sometimes admitted Women in their Academies , to execute the functions of Professors and Regents , yet are not those examples to be introduc'd into this Age , whereof the corruption is such , as is able to change Vertues into Vices . But , from this general Rule we are to except such Heroina's , as are the great Exemplars of all Vertues , who surpassing the greatest part of Men in Wit and Intellectuals , it were injurious to think them susceptible of those bad impressions , which the Men are able to resist . The Fifth said , That the example of the Romans who gave extraordinary salaries to Comedians , as Cicero assures us they did to Roscius , sufficiently shews the advantages of publick representations . And indeed , if there be any thing to be blam'd in Plays , it is this , that they are too Pathetick , that is , too apt to raise and express Humane Passions . For as an Oration measur'd in Verse , is more elaborate than Prose ; so Verses , dispos'd by a sound Judgement for the Stage , are extreamly beyond those of Exegematick Poems , wherein only the Poet speaks himself . Moreover , the observance of Time , whereto all the Acts are confin'd , and the other Laws of Dramatick Pieces , discover their excellency above all others . So that to question , Whether they are advantageous , is to bring into doubt , Whether the Master-pieces of Poets , Orators , and Historians , are advantageous to a State. CONFERENCE CCXXV. Whether that Temperament of the Body which conduces most to Health , be also the most convenient for the Mind . I Shall not here insist on the division of the Temperaments , as for instance , into Simple , to wit , when one Quality is predominant over its opposite , the other two remaining equal , as we affirm him to be of a hot Temperament , who shall be more hot than cold , humidity and drought remaining in an aequilibrium ; and Compound , to wit , that which is the result of the same combination of qualities , which makes the four Elements : into the Vniversal , to wit , of the whole Body ; and Particular , viz. that which is proper to each part : into that which is of Weight , wherein all those qualities are as it were in a balance , one not exceeding the other ; and that of Justice , wherein those qualities bear a certain proportion one to the other : Not insisting , I say , on these Divisions , but presupposing them as common doctrines ; I shall here think it sufficient to examine , in the first place , Which of all these Temperaments is most convenient , in order to health , and in the second , whether the same will also be most convenient for the acquisition of a good mind , that is , for the better exercise of the functions of the rational Soul ; in a word , whether the most healthy person shall always be the most wise ? Galen hath writ an express Treatise , to prove that the Manners follow the Temperament of the body , and therefore since those manners are the effects of the Will , the noblest of all the faculties of the Soul , in regard it hath a Soveraignty over all the others , it should seem that the affirmative is to be maintain'd , especially if we lay this for a ground , that those persons who are subject to Melancholy are the most ingenious , forasmuch as they are the most healthy ; cold and drought making up a more solid and firm mass , then any other two qualities ; and heat and moisture being too variable , and too much subject to corruption . Upon which consideration , Galen , in his first Book of the Temperaments , chap. 4. denies , That the Spring is hot and moist ; on the contrary , saith he , it is the worst of all the Temperaments of the Air whereby we are encompass'd , and that is commonly the constitution observable in sickly and contagious seasons . In his eighth Book of the Method of curing Diseases , chap. 7. he adds , That a hot and moist distemper makes our health incline to corruption . The hot and dry is also too easily inclinable to be enflam'd , as the cold and moist is too much subject to defluxions ; and withal to sharp Diseases , such as are putrid Feavers , for the first ; Burning Feavers , for the second ; and Apoplexies , Palsies , and Dropsies , for the last . On the other side , cold and drought are enemies to corruption , and by those very qualities which are contrary thereto , they more powerfully oppose external injuries , by reason of the solidity of the skin , and the density of its parts ; as the dispositions of melancholy persons are not subject to the passionate disturbances of the Cholerick , the inconstancy of the Sanguine , the slothfulness of the Phlegmatick ; and communicate the same Stability which is in them to the Spirits , which act answerably thereto . Of this Constitution were all those laborious and studious people , and all the great Persons , whose assiduous employments have made them famous in their own and subsequent Ages . The Second said , That if we may believe the same Galen , in the sixth Book of the preservation of Health , the hot and moist Temperament is the most healthy , as being the most proper to man's nature ; and he-further writes , That those who are very moist , are long-liv'd , and when their bodies are come to their full strength , they are more healthy then others , and are more robust and hardy then other men of the same Age , and so continue till they grow old . And thence it is , saith he , That all the Physicians and Philosophers , who have diligently examined the Elements of man's body have commended that Temperament . For , as Aristotle affirms in his Book of a long and short life , Our life consists in heat and moisture , as cold and drought dispose us towards death , and the sooner the animal grows cold and dry , the sooner it grows old and dies . But these two contrary sentiments of Galen may be reconcil'd well enough , by affirming his meaning to be , that exrernal heat and moisture are enemies to health ; whereas on the contrary , the natural heat and radical moisture are friends to it ; inasmuch as these are never chargeable with excess , but always moderate , one serving for aliment to the other ; and they are so far from being capable of receiving any distemper , that , what results from them , serves for a rule whereto all the other Temperaments are referred ; which the Vulgar improperly calls by the name of the four Humours , that are predominant in them ; but that abuse being fortify'd by custom , we must follow it , though for no other reason then that we may be the better understood . Whence it follows , that the Sanguine Temperament is the most healthy , as being the most conformable to life . This Temperament is also the likeliest to produce a good Wit , inasmuch as it exercises better then any other the functions of the Rational Soul , which being distributed between the natural , vital , and animal Faculties , and these being better exercis'd when they most abound with clear and purify'd spirits , it is certain , that the Sanguine Temperament , the only treasury of the Spirits , supplies more plentifully , and with such as are more pure , those in whom it is predominant , then it can be imagin'd to do others , in whom that blood is either puffed up by an excessive froath of Choler , or drown'd in the waterishness of Phlegm , or bury'd in the mud of Melancholy . And this may be observ'd in the gentileness , and the singular sleight , nay the easiness , wherewith persons of a sanguine Constitution demean themselves in all things they undertake , betraying such a smiling chearfulness in their eyes and countenance , as discovers their interiour joy and satisfaction ; and is no less delightful to those that are present , then the impetuous sallies of the Cholerick give distate , the sluggish delays of the Phlegmatick are tedious , and the profound reveries of the Melancholy hateful and importunate . But as for the inconstancy , the only Objection , which the other Temperaments make against the Sanguine , it is not to be accounted vicious in them , but look'd on as a divertisement , wherewith they are pleas'd , and which they put themselves upon , only that their labours may , by that ohange , be the more delightful to them . Which change is so much the more excusable in them , that they court it not , to the end they should be idle , but they may apply themselves to some other employment , which suits better with their humour , such as the over-long contemplation thereof might not dry up that noble blood which runs in their veins , and , by converting it into dregs , turn the sanguine into a melancholick Constitution , to which the obstinacy , wherewith it persists a long time in the prosecution of one and the same design , is a greater discommendation , than the inconstancy imputed to the sanguine is to that , inasmuch as the latter makes advantage of it , to wit that of attempting , and many times executing several designs together , especially when it undertakes such as it is sure to master , such as may be Dancing , Musick , Courtship , well-concontriv'd Stories , and such other pleasant things . And indeed , it is impossible to exercise the functions of the mind well , when the body is indispos'd ; as on the contrary , when the body is in perfect health , the mind acts its part so much the better . The Third said , That it were very unjust to deprive of the honour due to them , the Heroes and Worthies of the World , whose temperament must needs have been cholerick , by attributing to any of the others the great and noble actions of the mind , which belong to them . Now to demonstrate that the temperament of the Heroes consisted of heat and drought , we need bring in no further evidence , than the suddenness and expedition wherewith they undertake and execute all their designs , as it were complying with the activity of Fire , which hath the supremacy among the Elements , as they have the preheminence amongst men . Nay it may be urged , that great enterprizes would never be executed without some degree of choler , which serves as it were for salt to all humane actions . This premis'd , as out of all dispute , we now come to consider whether the hot and dry Temperament be the most consistent with health . I affirm then , that it is more consistent with it , than the Phlegmatick , which abounds in excrements ; then the Sanguine , which easily admits of alterations ; nay also then the Melancholick , whose gross humours are more subject to obstruction , then Choler is , the vivacity whereof is to be seen upon all occasions ; those of the Cholerick Constitution having always their Vessels large , and , as such , much more unlikely to be stopp'd up . The Fourth said , that so far as the soul and body are different , so far are also their qualities such . From which consideration Aristotle took occasion to affirm , That robust bodies are design'd to obey , as the weak are to command , inasmuch as commonly they are the receptacles of a stronger soul . This rais'd a persuasion in some , that the most imperfect bodies have commonly the most perfect souls , alledging to that purpose , the example of the crooked and ill-shap'd Tree , which supplies us with the best of Liquors , Wine ; whereas the strait and fair-spreading Oaks , bear nothing but acorns , for the feeding of Swine . Besides , as the word spirit or mind is sometimes taken for the Invention which principally consists in the Imagination ; sometimes for the Judgment , or Understanding ; and might be also taken for the Memory , among which this last requires a hot and moist temperament , as the first is pleas'd with a hot and dry ; and the second , to wit the judgment , consists in the dry and cold , which makes men staid and settled : so is it accordingly requisite , that we should distinguish , of which of these three faculties the question is to be understood . But generally speaking , it is not easily imaginable , that there should be a well-fram'd mind in a much-indispos'd body , inasmuch as there is the same proportion between them , as there is between the mold and the figure cast in it ; a Palace , and him who dwells in it . The same thing may much more rationally be said of the humours , from which the spirits being drawn bring their quality along with them : so that the Temperament which is most convenient in order to health , will also be the most convenient for the functions of the Soul. CONFERENCE CCXXVI . Whether it be more expedient for a Man to have only one Friend or many . SInce Man is no further to be called so , then as he is sociable , and that there is no Society more delightful then that of Conversation , which cannot be better maintain'd then by the relation and correspondence there is between such as are of a like disposition , which presuppose a Friendship ; it should seem , that it is not grounded only on Reason , but also on Nature her self , which subsists altogether by that Union , as she is absolutely destroy'd by discord . And this is principally made apparent in civil life , wherein Friendship is so powerful , that , being religiously observ'd , there will be no need of Justice , since every one would voluntarily render that to another which is due to him , which is the proper Work of that Vertue : which being in like manner well administred , that of Fortitude would also be unnecessary ; and it would be superfluous to use the rigour of the Laws , to oblige men to the doing of a thing which they exercised without any compulsion . Hence it came that the wisest Law-givers , as Aristotle affirms in his Ethicks , took more pains in establishing the Laws of Friendship among their Citizens , then those of Justice ; inasmuch as these latter take place , only upon the non-observance of the former , which are so much the more durable , in regard they are grounded upon the pure freedom of the Will , without any other obligation , then that which our own choice hath impos'd on it self , of its own accord , in a legal friendship . It s nature also is as much conceal'd as its effects are manifest , which are so convincing , that those , who have spoken most advantageously of them , affirm that to take away Friendship were to deprive the World of the light of the Sun ; and that humane Society may as well be without it , as want the use of Fire and Water . Nor is it their meaning to speak of that irregular Passion , produc'd by the motion of the concupiscible Appetite , which is inclin'd towards a delightful good , and which only flattering the Senses , those who are carry'd away with it are called amorous Persons , and not Friends ; but , of that Queen of Vertues , which is enthron'd in the rational Appetite , excited by a vertuous Good , which being conceiv'd as amiable , and proportion'd to the Will , she loves and strictly embraces it , causing such a perfect union between him who loves , and him who is belov'd , that they are but one heart and one soul , which , for that reason is said to be rather where it loves then where it lives . So that it being not to be imagin'd , that such an union can be among many , neither can true friendship be among many , but only between two , whose mutual correspondence being the greater , their Friendship is consequently more firm and durable . And it is more compleat between these two Relatives , then it can be among many , whose correspondence being more difficult , for want of the conditions requisite to Friendship , which are not so easily met with in a greater number , it is possible they may have a certain kindness and good-will one towards another , but not a solid and sincere Friendship , which looks on a friend , as a second Self , a relation that hath place only between two , whom Antiquity , for that reason , order'd always to go by Couples . The Second said , That Friendship could not continue long only between two friends , in regard that there being not any one but is chargeable with some imperfection , it is impossible but that it should produce some coldness and indifference , in his apprehensions who takes notice of it , and that in time will come to an alienation , as it commonly happens in Friendship . And this is yet the farther from being wel-setled , upon this accompt , that continual familiarity coming to discover the weaknesses of one or the other , it can never be long without some punctilio's and disputes , which are many times advanc'd to such a height , that there is a necessity of a third person to compose their differences . Now this must be done by one who is a common friend to both , and consequently , to establish a permanent friendship , it is requisite there should be three , a number the more highly to be esteemed , in that the Graces consist of it ; without which , Friendship will be but of a short continuance . Upon that accompt it was that the Tyrant Dionysius wish'd that he might make up the third , with those two intimate , friends Damon and Pythias . The Scythians also , as Lucian affirms , to make up a perfect friendship , requir'd that there should be three persons , who drunk together out of a Vessel , into which they had spilt some drops of their blood , wherewith they dy'd the points of their swords . The Third said , That Friendship , in respect of our Will , was as Science in respect of our Understanding . For as this latter hath a natural inclination to Knowledge , so the Will is endu'd with such another to Love , inasmuch as in it she finds her soveraign good . Thence it comes , that as there are some spirits so sublime , that , not content with one only knowledge , they embrace several , whereas there are others so circumscrib'd and confin'd , that only one Science wholly takes them up so , as that they are not able to make any progress into others ; so are there some Souls so limitted in their affection , that it can be dilated but to one object , which checks , and makes them incapable of loving any more , as those generous and heroick hearts do , which have so strong a bent to do well and to love ; that , not satifi'd with one object , they diffuse their affections to all those whom they think worthy thereof . And so the decision of the question should depend on the Capacities of those who love , since that , considering the amiable objects , whether they be such , and , consequently , there be cause for the loving of them , or are not really such , but only so conceiv'd by the apprehensive faculty , they are equally fit to move the Will to love them , and to gain its affections ; and they ought to be the more agreeable to it , in that it finds in them its perfection and the accomplishment of its desires . And so the plurality of Friends is so far from being any prejudice to Friendship , that it sets a greater esteem upon it , as also on him who loves . The Fourth said , That Friendship , taken generally , is a mutual Good-will between those who are desirous to do one another some reciprocal kindness ; but taking it more precisely , it may be defin'd a Vertue , by means whereof vertuous persons are so united in Affection and Will , that they become absolutely like one another , through a hearty good Will , Concord , and good Turns mutually done and receiv'd . The former resides particularly in the interior motions of the mind ; the second , in words and discourse ; the third , in effects . These are the three essential marks of a vertuous Friendship ; which , not regarding its proper interest , as those do , who love upon the account of pleasure or profit , courts not the objects it loves , out of any other consideration than that of the Vertue or Science which render it recommendable . Now these qualities being seldom found among many , who ought to be equally furnish'd therewith , that the Friendship may be reciprocal , it is very hard to meet with so many Subjects capable of so sublime a Vertue as that ; which , besides that combination of Vertues , requiring much experience , and a great process of time that we might not be deceiv'd in the choice of Friends , ( with each whereof a Man , according to the common saying , should eat a bushel of Salt before he contracted a Friendship ) it will be found a much harder task to make such a strict examination of the qualities and dispositions of many , than it will be to do it of one alone ; with whom , consequently , it is more safe to enter into Friendship , than it can be with many . The Fifth said , That Friendship being grounded on conversation , and there being not any more divertive and delightful than that between those who eat and drink together , the Case is the same with friends as it is with guests , which ought not to be under the number of three , nor exceed that of nine ; whence came the ancient Proverb , that a well-ordered Feast should not be under the number of the Graces , nor transcend that of the Muses . In a word , since conversation is the ground-work of perfect Friendship , as the former cannot be pleasant among less than three , and must be confus'd and wearisome among above nine ; but is most divertive , when five or six persons well-qualifi'd , and perfectly understanding one the other , fall into mutual discourse ; so Friendship cannot be of long continuance between two , but there must be a third to encourage it ; yet with this further caution , that it is better maintain'd among a greater number of persons equally vertuous , provided nevertheless it exceed not that of nine , to prevent the confusion and inconvenices attending a greater . The Sixth said , That though there be an absolute necessity of Friendship , in all he transactions of humane life , in order to the more pleasant expence of it , yet are there principally two certain times , wherein its necessity is more apparent , to wit , those of Prosperity and Adversity . In the former , our friends participate of our happiness , in the latter , of our misfortunes ; and whereas these last are commonly more frequent than good successes , the plurality of Friends , who are our second-selves , making the burthen the more supportable by the part every one takes in our misfortunes ; it is much more expedient that a Man should have many , then content himself with a small number , which being not able to bear the brunt of so violent an assault , he would be in danger of being overcome thereby . Nay , though all things should happen according to our wishes , yet were it convenient to have a considerable number of Friends , the more to congratulate our good fortune , which will make the greater noise in the world , the greater their number is who approve and applaud it . The Seventh said , That the plurality of Friends was equally inconvenient , as well in good as bad fortune . For , in the latter , it must needs trouble us very much to give occasion of grief to a great number of Friends , who though they bemoan us ever so much , yet are we still in the same period of misfortune ; nay , our unhappiness is the greater , in that it is contagiously communicated to so many persons at the same time . In the former , there cannot be any thing more troublesom then that great number of people who love , or pretend to love us in our prosperity , it being then impossible for us equally to satisfie them all , as we might easily do one single Friend , from whom we may also derive greater comfort in Adversity , than from many addressing themselves to us at the same time ; to whose humours to accommodate our selves well , we must study an unconstancy equal to that of Proteus , and put on as many Countenances as they have different Inclinations . The Eighth said , That since a good thing is so much the more excellent , the more it is communicated and diffus'd several ways , Friendship ought to derive its esteem from that communication , which the greater it shall be , the more recommendable shall it make the Friendship , which , consequently , is the more perfect among many , to whom it is always advantageous , since it comprehends the three kinds of Goods , the profitable , the pleasant , and the vertuous . For , is there not much to be gain'd in a society , which the more numerous it is , the greater advantages and assistances may be deriv'd from it ? There is not any thing so highly delightful as to love and to be belov'd of many . But whereas Friendship is the Livery of Vertue , whose inseparable attendant she is , Can there be any thing more vertuous and commendable then after that manner to love several others who love us , and by that reflux of mutual kindness give assurances of our Vertue , answerable to the acknowledgements we had made of their merit ; the multitude of Friends not abating any thing of the esteem of civil Friendship , no more than the great number of charitable persons does prejudice Charity which is a consummate Love , and equally embraces all ? CONFERENCE CCXXVII . Of Oracles . THere is not anything disquiets the Spirit of Man so much as the desire he hath to know things to come ; and whereas he cannot of himself attain thereto , by reason of the weakness of his knowledge , which he derives from , the Senses and other corporeal powers ; he will needs try what he can do out of himself , and there is no place into which his curiosity hath not found a way to discover what he so much desir'd . But in fine , after he had to no purpose sought this knowledge in the Elements and all Natural Bodies consisting of them , superstitious Antiquity be thought it self of another way to gain it , which was to address it self to those counterfeit Divinities , whom the Holy Scriptures assures us have been no other than Devils , whom it elsewhere calls the Gods of the Gentiles . For these , after they had , by sin , lost the gift of Grace , having conserv'd that of a most perfect Science , and so general , that there is not any thing in all Nature which they know not , and cannot foretell ( excepting only such effects as are purely free , which are known only to God ) those ancient Idolaters have oftentimes been inform'd by them of things to come , consulting them to that purpose , when they were upon the undertaking of some Affair of great importance , the success whereof was doubtful , resolving upon the prosecution thereof , according to the Answers of those false Gods called Oracles , in regard they were pronounc'd either by their mouths , or those of their Ministers . The manner of declaring them was two-fold ; one , by Dreams , or Nocturnal-Visions ; the other , by an express Voice , which was distinctly heard by those who came to consult them . The Oracles , which were deliver'd in Dreams , though they were not so clear as those receiv'd by the Voice , were nevertheless considerable proportionably to the esteem made of the persons who were the Interpreters of them , and the places where they were deliver'd . That of Amphiaraus was the most remarkable of any ; in which , after the accustomed expiations , those who came to consult him , laid themselves down on the ground upon the skins of such Rams as had been sacrific'd to the Gods , whose names were written upon the Altar , and were in that posture instructed in what they desired to know . The same Ceremonies were heretofore used among the Aegyptians and the Greeks , in the Temples of Serapis and Aesculapius , where those mute Divinities return'd their Answers only to such as were asleep , who consulted them principally for the cure of their Diseases . The second way , which was by express voice , was either perform'd by the whispering-places of certain Grots ; or by the mouths of such Statues as were dedicated to the said Divinities ; which Statues , for that reason , had their mouths always open , and ready to speak ; , or by the mouths of the Priests and Sibylls , who being seiz'd by a sacred fury pronounced the Oracles with a certain impetuousness of voice , and violent contorsions of the countenance , not unlike those of distracted people among us ; or lastly , by the mouths even of brute beasts , which the stupidity of those poor blinded people also made use of to that end . Thus the Aegyptians worshipped and consulted an Ox , under which figure they represented their God Apis , whose Oracles were accounted favourable , when he chearfully receiv'd the fodder presented to him , but it signify'd the contrary , when he refused to open his mouth to receive it ; and this was interpreted a presignification of the death of Germanicus . The Tenedians observed the same Ceremonies towards a Cow , big with Calf ; the Nubians , a people of Aethiopia , the same towards a Dog , and the Persians towards a Cock , the different accents of whose crowing distinguish'd their Oracles . Among these , the Oracles which some went to hear in the vast deserts beyond the Country of the Garamantes , at the Temple of Jupiter Ammon , though they were the most venerable of any , as being the most ancient , were nevertheless as ridiculous as any of the rest , being grounded only on a simple motion of the body , a bowing of the head , a wink with the eye , which those that were present imagin'd they had observed in the Statue of that Controller of the Gods , ador'd in that desolate place , with the head and horns of a Hee-goat . He was a little more familiar in the City of Dodona in Epirus , where he had also a very magnificent Temple , taking the pains to pronounce his Oracles sometimes with his own divine mouth , and sometimes using those of two Virgins , whereof one , called Peristera , which signifies a Dove , gave occasion to the Fable , wherein it was reported , that , in the Temple of Jupiter at Dodona , there were Doves that spoke , as well as Oaks , which answer'd the questions that had been put to them . The manner thus ; those high Trees being shaken by the ordinary Winds of those Countries made a great noise there , which was encreas'd by that of a great number of Brass-kettles fasten'd to the branches of them , amidst the sound whereof those Oracles were deliver'd , that they might be receiv'd with greater reverence . But whereas the Art of Divination was by a special priviledge reserv'd to Apollo among all those Gods , his Oracles were accordingly look'd upon as the most certain . Thence it also came , that he was worshipped , upon that account , in several parts of the World , especially in the Island of Delos , one of the Cyclades , the place of his Birth , where there was an Altar built of horns taken from the right side of the heads of several Animals , neatly laid one upon the other with incomparable dexterity ; the horns of the left side being not it seems so proper for Divination . He there return'd his Answers under a humane shape , as in Lycia he did it under that of a Wolf : But in his Temple at Delphi , a place remarkable for its scituation , as being in the midst of the World , whence it was conceiv'd to be as it were the navel of it , he made his Answers sometimes through the throat of a Dragon , under which form he was there honoured , sometimes by the mouths of his Priestesses , who , after they had been shaken for a certain time by a violent wind , which issu'd out of a deep and obscure cave , whereby they felt themselves animated and agitated into a more then natural motion , pronounc'd their Oracles , sometimes in Prose , sometimes in Verse , according to the impressions of that Divinity whereby they were inspir'd . But to render these yet more Majestick , those Priestesses affected certain precise days , as for example those of the Calends and Ides , and requir'd certain particular dispositions , that they might the more insolently impose upon the more credulous : And these consisted in certain expiations and preparations , in order to their being more worthily susceptible of that divine inspiration , which the Pythian Priestess pretended her self fit to entertain , after she had drunk of the Water of the fountain of Delos ; as another , who serv'd the same God at Colophon , imagin'd her self worthy of it , when she had drunk of a neighbouring Spring , the Water whereof put her into an immediate fury . At Argos there was a necessity of drinking the blood of a Lamb , and at Aegira , that of a Bull , ere the Oracles could be gotten out of them . But what most discovers their vanity , is , that even those who consulted them ( which they did only to comply with the weakness of the people , and gain reputation among the simple ) if they found them not favourable , either went on nevertheless in the prosecution of their designs , or forc'd them to pronounce such as should be to their advantage . This course was taken by Alexander the Great and Cleomenes ; by the former , when he consulted the Pythian ; by the other , when he consulted the Delphick Oracle , both which they forc'd to say what they pleas'd themselves . Thence it came , that most of the ancient Philsophers exclaim'd against them , and the Platonists , who made a greater account of them then any of the other Sects , acknowledge , that they are no other then the most despicable Devils , and those of the lowest rank , who engage themselves in that employment , which they must needs practise in desert and dreadful places , to the end there might be fewer witnesses of their weakness and impostures . These are apparent in their very Answers , which , if not false , were so ambiguous , or at least so obscure , that many times there needed another Oracle to explain them . Nor were they in vogue , but during the darkness of Paganism , which being dispell'd by the light of the Gospel , those Oracles never durst appear in that glorious day , which would have discover'd their lying and falshood . The Second said , That the Art of Divination being conjectural , and grounded on experience , as well as several others of that nature , it is not to be admir'd , that the Answers of those who heretofore made profession thereof were not always true : and therefore it is as irrational a procedure to draw any consequences thence to its prejudice , as to infer , that the Precepts of Medicine are false , because the Physician does not always make his Prognosticks aright . The General of an Army may sometimes proceed upon wrong grounds ; and the expert Pilot may run upon those shelves and rocks which he most endeavours to avoid . True it is that the subtilty of the Devil , and depravedness of Mankind have foisted abundance of abuses into the business of Oracles , especially in the erecting of those Statues to those fabulous Divinities , which they commonly made of Olive-tree , Lawrel , Vine , Cedar , or some such kind of wood , full of unctuous moisture , which they said were the tears or sweat of their false Gods ; as also in the pompous Ceremonies , wherewith they amused the credulous Vulgar . Such were those of Trophonius among the Thebans , who answer'd only those who being clad in white descended through a hole of the cave into his Temple , and there offered cakes to the Spirits which inhabited it ; after which they were convey'd out at another place of the cave , where they drunk the Water of the Fountain of Memory , which caus'd them to remember whatever they had heard ; as they had drunk that of Lethe before they had entred into it , which had caus'd them to forget all affairs of the World. But we are not hence to conclude , that all Oracles were false , nor doubt of the validity of that sublime Art , upon its being disparag'd by those who have profess'd it , since it hath its grounds , not only in the inclination of mens minds , who having an extraordinary earnestness to know things to come , there must needs be some Science for the attaining of that Knowledge ; otherwise Nature , who had imprinted that desire in him , should , contrary to her custom , have done something in vain ; but also in the dispositions of that Temperament which is subject to Melancholy , or black Choler . For , the former of these is the Temperament of the more ingenious sort of people , according to the Philsopher in his Problems ; and the other , being more resplendent , is that of persons enclin'd to Divination , occasion'd by the clear representation of the Species in that humour , which being bright and smooth as a Mirrour , cannot so well be discover'd by those who are not of that Constitution ; to which Plato in his Memnon attributes the cause of Apollo's Priestesse's pronouncing the Oracles in Hexameter Verse , though she had never learnt Poesie ; and Pompanatius in his Books of Enchantments , affirms , that it caus'd a Woman , who never was out of Mantua , where she was born , to speak several strange Languages . The Third said , That Divination being above the reach of our Understanding , as much as this latter is below the Divinity , which hath reserv'd to it self the priviledge of a distinct knowledge of things to come , it is to no purpose to seek for the true causes of it in our selves , but we are to find them in the Heavens , whence , if we may believe the Professors of Astrology , that quality of Divination or Prediction is communicated to Men by the interposition of the Intelligences , whereby those vast Bodies are moved , and that Science taught , by making it appear how great a correspondence there is between the effects of the sublunary Bodies , and the superior causes on which they depend , and wherein they are potentially comprehended , even before they are actually existent . Whereto if you add the concourse of the Universal Spirit , which equally animates the whole world , and the parts whereof it consists , and which meeting with convenient dispositions in the minds of men , and the several places where Oracles have been given , inspir'd those extraordinary motions , which have rais'd the Spirit of man , and open'd its way into effects the most at a distance from his knowledge : Admitting , I say , such a concourse , there may some probable reason be given of these Predictions , not only of things , whose causes being natural and necessary , their effects are infallible , such as are Eclipses , the Rising , Setting , and Regular Motions of the Planets ; or of those whose causes are only probable , as it is reported that Pherecydes foretold a dreadful Earth-quake , by the boyling up of the water in his own Well ; and Thales foresaw the scarcity of Olives in the Territories of Athens : But also of effects , which having only contingent or free causes , lie not so obvious to discovery ; and yet these being denoted by the general causes , such as are the Heavens and the Universal Spirit , those persons who have clear-sighted and illuminated Souls may perceive them therein , even before they happen . The Fourth said , That there are three general causes of Oracles , one Supernatural ; another , Artificial ; and the third , Natural ; and that , not to speak any thing of the Supernatural , whereof the Devils were the Authors , and made use of it to continue still in their first Rebellion , when they attempted to ascend into the Throne of God , and be like him ; nor yet of their Artificial Cause , which was certain persons devoted to their worship , who retiring into Caves and Subterraneous places , were incited by those evil Spirits to that sordid Ministry , that so by that means they might lay snares for the simple , who were easily drawn away by these false Lights . The Natural Cause of those Oracles , especially such as were pronounc'd out of the celebrated Caves and Grots of Antiquity , was a subtile Exhalation rais'd out of those places , which , fastening on the Spirits of the Prophet or Prophetess already dispos'd to receive that impression , had the same Influence on them as the fumes of Wine have on those who drink it to excess ; whether that evaporation be caus'd by the quality of the Earth or Waters , or proceed from the Metals , Minerals , and other Fossile Bodies , contained within their entrails . For if it be acknowledg'd , that the waters passing through them , derive certain particular qualities , Why may not as well those vapours do the like , nay , haply in a greater measure , and , consequently , work those extraordinary effects ? Nay , upon consideration , they will not be found more miraculous than what is related of an Exhalation which issues out of a Cave near Hieropolis , which , as it is affirm'd , is fatal only to Men , and not to those who have not lost their Virginity ; nor yet than the water of a Fountain in Boeotia , which causes Mares to run mad , as that which was in the Temple of Bacchus at Andros , had the taste of Wine ; that of Delphi lighted those Torches which were within a certain distance of it , and extinguish'd those which were thrust into it . Now such qualities as these are , depending on the properties of the places ; it may be as easily conceiv'd , that those , where such Answers of the false Gods were given , had the like : and thence it is to be imagin'd , that those having ceas'd by the ordinary vicissitude of all things , the said Oracles accordingly receiv'd also their period . CONFERENCE CCXXVIII . Of the Tingling of the Ears . AS the Ear is the Instrument of that Sense which is called the Sense of the Disciple , and is more serviceable to us in order to Instruction , than all the rest put together ; so is it not to be wondred , the Ancients should be of Opinion , that it contributed so highly thereto , that the most inconsiderable motions of it advertise us of things which seem to be farthest from our knowledge . Thence it came that they deduc'd certain conjectures of things to come from the tingling of the Ears , which they held to signifie good luck when it was on the right side ; and the contrary , when it happen'd on the left Ear : which is to represent enemies , as the former does friends ; yet with this provision , that nothing contributed thereto from without , as for example , noise might do , or some other agitation of the air , stirr'd by some external cause , but the tingling must proceed from within ; sonitu suopte tinniunt aures , without which condition it signifies neither good nor bad luck , that is , nothing at all . And what seems somewhat to confirm this observation , is , that it hath not been cast out among all the other rubbish of superstitious Antiquity , but reigns even in the present Age , wherein not only many among the Vulgar commonly say , that they are well or ill-spoken of , when their ears glow or tingle , but also some of the better sort are also of the same perswasion . They ground this belief on the Sympathy or Antipathy there is between Friends and Enemies , which are such , that not being confin'd by the distance of places , which yet according to their opinion ought not to be too great , they force the species of voice and words towards the organs of Hearing , which are thereby excited , through the communication of those Magnetick Vertues , and these are not less sensible then those which the objects direct towards the same instruments in ordinary sensation ; though they be more delicate and subtile . As the Lynx , the Eagle , and other sharp-sighted Animals see the species of visible objects far beyond their reach who are shorter-sighted ; and the Birds of prey smell carcasses though they are very far from them . The Second said , That it was a little too far fetcht , to attribute those Effects to Sympathy , which being as abstruse as what some pretend to deduce from it , amounts to as much , as if one would prove one obscure thing by another which is yet more obscure . As therefore there is no action done beyond the limits appointed to every Agent , which comprehend the sphere of their activity , so can there not be any such between the sonorous Species , and the Hearing of him who feels this Tingling , unless it be within the reach of his ear ; which since it cannot be , when , for example , we are spoken of in our absence , it is impossible the Hearing should receive the impression of the voice pronounc'd in a place at too great a distance to be conveyd to it , inasmuch as it is necessary in all sensation , that , besides the good disposition of the sensitive Faculty and the Mean , there should be a proportionate distance between the sensible object and the organ , ere it can judge well of it . So that those who imagine they hear what is said of them afar off upon no other reason then that their ears tingle , have not their Hearing more sensibly , but , on the contrary , worse qualifi'd then others , through the disturbance caus'd therein by gross humours , which occasion the same disorder in the Ear as suffusions do in the eye , when it sees the Objects in the same colour and figure as the vapours or humours , whereby it is clouded , though they be not effectually so . In like manner , the sound or noise , heard by those whose ears tingle , though it makes them conceive the species of such a sound proceeding from without , is only illusory , and caus'd by the disorder of the ill-affected organ , but it communicates its irregularity to the Imagination , when it frames to it self favourable consequences from such a humming in the right Ear , and some misfortune from the like in the left , there being not any reason , by which so fantastick and chimerical an opinion can be maintain'd . The Third said , That it is injuriously done to deny Man that advantage which we find by experience , that some , not only brute Beasts , but also Plants have , to wit that of having a previous feeling of the good or evil which are to happen to them by a property bestow'd on them by Nature for their conservation . Thus we find Rats forsake the house which will soon after fall down ; Lice take leave of one that is dying ; Birds of prey come from far distant places to their food ; the Swallow comes to give us a visit in the Spring , and spends that delightful season with us ; which once past , she goes to find out other Springs in unknown Countries . The Ox gives us notice of an approaching shower , when , having lifted up his head very high , and breath'd withall , he immediately falls a licking his thighs ; The Cat makes the same Prognostication , when she combs her self as it were , with her paws ; The same thing is done by the Water-fowl called the Ducker , and the ordinary , Drake , when they settle their feathers with their beaks ; The Frogs do the same by their importunate croaking ; The Ants , by the extraordinary earnestness they express in hoarding up their corn ; and the Earth-worms , when they appear above ground ; Nay , the poor Trefoyl will close it self upon the approach of a Tempest , as do also most Plants in foul weather ; which being over , they spread abroad their leaves and flowers , and seem newly blown , as it were to congratulate the return of the Sun , as is done , among others , by the Marigold , which for that reason is called Heliotropium ; for the great correspondence there is between it and that all-enlivening Star. Nay , that correspondence is also so remarkably obvious in the other Plants , that those who have observ'd them most exactly , affirm , that there is not any herb so despicable , but it hath an interiour character , answerable to that of some Star , which communicates its vertues and qualities to it , and thence it comes to be called a terrestrial Star. Why therefore should it come into dispute , whether Man hath such a Priviledge , as that he may be sensible of what is prejudicial or advantageous to him , by that tingling of the Ear , which may well be the sign thereof though the cause be not absolutely manifest ? For , experience it self and the effects consequent to the observation do very much confirm it , for those being commonly answerable to what had been conceiv'd by those to whom that kind of Divination by the Ears had happened , there is as much ground to give it some credit , as there is to deduce any thing from some other less considerable accidents , from which the like conjectures are made ; such as are , for example , among others , the twinkling of the Eyes , sneezing , the meeting of something extraordinary , especially a Negro , an Eunuch , or some other defective person ; and the striking of ones feet against the threshold of his own door , which prov'd fatal to C. Gracchus , who was murther'd the very day that such an accident had happened to him ; as also to Crassus , the day he was defeated by the Parthians . In all which signs there is much less likelihood of declaring the accidents , which some would attribute thereto , than may be imagin'd in the Tingling of the Ear , as being the seat of the Memory , which the Ancients for that reason were wont to stir up , by plucking the tip of it ; and if it be true what Plato saith , that all our Knowledge is but Reminiscence , and that we only remember the Species of things , which had been before in our Understanding , it will be no hard matter to find out some ground for this praesension . The Fourth said , That there was no other conjecture to be drawn from this Tingling of the Ear , than that the Person subject thereto , hath a weak and ill-dispos'd Brain , which breeding abundance of ill humours , if they come to make any stoppage in the passages of the Ear , its action is vitiated and obstructed by that Tingling , which is a symptom of a deprav'd Hearing , and causes the party to hear an importunate sound or noise , though there be not any made without , and that there be not any application of the hollowness of the hand to the Ear , in which case it hears some such noise . 'T would therefore be ridiculous to look after any other causes thereof than what may be in the disposition of the Brain , and the excrements it produceth , on the diversity whereof as also on that of their Motion in the Ears , that Tingling depends ; as do also the Breathing , the Ringing , the Buzzing , and the Swimming of the Ear , which are Symptoms of a deprav'd Hearing ; the breathing or blowing being done by a little blast which gets out gently ; the Tingling by the interruption of its motion ; the ringing proceeds from a more gross vapour , and such as blows more strongly ; as the resounding does from an impulsion yet more vehement ; and lastly , the Swimming is caus'd by the agitation of these as well vaporous as spirituous matters , which being different and differently moved , produce those different sounds . And therefore it is absurd , to derive any other marks of what should happen to us , then those laid down in Medicine , which teaches us , that they who are subject to these frequent tinglings and ringings of the Ears are in their way to Deafness , by reason of the danger there is , that these vaporous humours should make so strong an obstruction in the organs of Hearing , that the auditory air cannot get into it , to make sensation : and if this happen in a burning Feaver , together with dimness of the eyes , it is a certain presage of the distraction or madness , which ordinarily follows that noise of the Ear. CONFERENCE CCXXIX . Of Philtres , and whether there be any proper Remedies for the procuring of Love. THere is not any thing so pleasant and delightful as to be belov'd ; To procure that , it is requisite there should be some perfection , which being conceiv'd such by the person whose favour is courted , it prevails so far upon his Inclinations , that he cannot forbear being in Love with it . Thus is it that a known Truth doth so fully satisfie our Understanding , that it cannot deny its consent thereto : Thus is the Will so strongly engag'd upon the pursuance of a Good which seems delightful to her , that it is hardly in her power to gain-say it ; nay , she is of her self inclin'd thereto , not needing any other Charms to induce her thereto , than those she meets with in the goodness of the Object which she loves . These are real Philtres which never fail to raise Love in those that have them ; there is no necessity of looking after other Remedies , all which are us'd either to a bad end , or to none at all . Deianira , desirous to make use of them , in order to her being better belov'd by her Husband Hercules , prov'd the occasion of his death , by the means of a garment , which she sent him dy'd with the Blood of the Centaur Nessus . Another Woman , as Aristotle affirms in his greater work of Ethicks , brought her Husband to the same Fate , after she had made him take a Medicine of that kind . Lucilia administring such a Philtre to the Poët Lucretius her Husband , put him into such a distraction that he kill'd himself . The like was done by the Emperour Lucilius , after he had taken such a one from the hands of Callisthenes ; as also by Caligula , after he had drunk off one of these potions into which there had been put a piece of that flesh which is found on the fore-heads of young Colts as soon as they are cast , called in Latine Hippomanes , an ingredient particularly recommended among these Medicaments . In which Receipts , we find also the brains of Cows when they would go to Bull , and those of young Asses , the bones of a green Frog , the little Fish called the Remora , the Matrix of the Hyaena , and the little Bird call'd Motacilla , the Wagtail , from its continual wagging of the tail , which it seems is so effectual a Remedy for the procuring of Love , that Pindar , in his fourth Ode of the Nemaea , acknowledges that his Heart was so strongly drawn away and charm'd by the means thereof , that he could not forbear Loving . But though it were granted , that these Remedies had some particular Vertues to excite Love in those to whom they had been administred , yet would it not follow thence , that they should make that Love mutual , by obliging them to love those by whom they are belov'd . For those to whom they are given commonly not knowing , nay , many times having an aversion for the others , it is impossible that these Philtres should be able to force People's Wills and Inclinations , which are always free to love what they know not ; or if they know it , have a horrour and aversion for it . Otherwise it would amount to as much , as to give them a certain Sovereignty over a free power ; such as the Will is , which it cannot endure , as being above all Corporeal Agents , such as these Medicaments are . Among which , as there are some have the vertue of extinguishing the flames of Concupiscence and Carnal Love , by correcting the heat of the Blood , diminishing the quantity of the Seed , and dispersing the Spirits whereby it is raised ; so on the contrary , there are others , which as it were awake and excite that Passion , by the production they make of abundance of good and spirituous seed , and , consequently , may indeed invite those who use them , to that base and unbridled Love , but not to a mutual Love , such as is particularly directed to him , who finding his affection sleighted , is forc'd to give these Remedies that he may be belov'd by the person whom he courts . The Second said , That Love and the Graces , if we may credit those Authentick Authors the Poets , always kept company with Venus , whereby they would signifie to us , that the most effectual means which any one can use to insinuate himself into the Love of another , was , to become himself amiable and agreeable ; and that those who pretend to do it by other wayes , do many times come short of their intentions ; or if they at last come to be lov'd , it is by such a perversion of the party's imagination whom they court , that , instead of framing a rational and well-regulated Passion , they raise therein that fury and rage , which the Physicians call Erotomania . Thence it comes that to accomplish their des●res , besides such means as are natural , they also make use of all the diabolical Artifices and Inventions that Magick can furnish them withall , to compass that piece of Witchcraft . To that purpose , they make use of Mandrakes , wherewith the women prepare a certain Drink for the men , administring the female to procure themselves to be lov'd by them ; and the men cause them to take the male , that they may belov'd by the women They assign the same properties to the Herb Calamint , affirming , that it gains the Heart , and raises it into such a heat , that it is inclin'd to love him who gives it , and the same thing is said of several other odoriferous Herbs , which seem to have a stricter connexion with the effect they promise themselves from them , than an infinite number of other impious and absurd things , whereof they make an extraordinary account . As for instance , among others the Menstrua of Women ; the Navel-string of a Child newly born , reduc'd to powder , and taken in a potion ; as also the skin of such a one where-with they make their Virgin-parchment , on which they write their Characters ; Eggs dipp'd in the Blood of a Toad ; a certain bone taken out of the throat of a salt Bitch ; the feathers of a Scrich-Owle ; and especially the parings of the Nails , together with the Hair of the Head , or of any other part of the Body ; and for want of those , some small thread of the person's garment whom they would engage to love , which these impious Ministers of Sathan hide under her bolster ; or if that cannot be done ▪ under the threshold of some door through which she is to pass , adding thereto , according to their common practise , certain words and figures , forg'd by the old Spirit of Lying . Nor are they content with all these palpable fooleries , but they must add thereto some enormous sacriledges , by their abusing the most sacred Mysteries of Christian Religion , profaning not only the Olive-Branches and hallow'd Palms , the holy Oyls , the Habits and Ornaments of Priests , whereof they make use of some parcels , as they do also of the scrapings of the hallowed stones of our Altars , but also the sacred Host it self , on which they grave certain Marks and Characters with Blood ; and having reduc'd it to powder , put it into the meats of such as they would bewitch with those Love-Sorceries . There are also others who pretend to do the same things by Images of Wax , made like the persons whose Love is desir'd , which they melt at a fire made of Cypress , or some rotten pieces of wood taken out of Sepulchres , imagining that by vertue of the words which they pronounce during that Ceremony , the Heart of the person belov'd will be softned and grow more tender , the hardness whereof if they cannot overcome by simple melting , they prick the waxen figure with the points of needles , presuming that the thing which it represents , will be sensible of the like treatment . There are others yet who content themselves with this Ceremony , that is , to burn the leavs of Lawrel , or the stones of Olives , used anciently , according to the testimony of the Prophet Baruch , by Women , to reproach their gallants with their neglect towards them . But the famous Sorceress Canidia , makes it her boast , in Horace , that she had wrought this effect with the marrow of the Bones and the Liver of a young Child , which she had taken out of his Belly , after she had starv'd him to death buried in the ground up to the chin ; promising her self , by means of this powerful Philtre , so far to recover the affections of her Gallant Var●s , who had been debauch'd from her , that she would enflame and make him burn more violently than pitch set on fire . So certain is it , that there is not any crime , how heinous soever , which this furious Passion will not inspire into those , who so earnestly endeavour the satisfaction of it , which for that reason the Laws punish with so much severity . Nor do they less condemn the superstitious remedies which some others propose for the prevention of them , as being such as are no less dangerous than the mischief they would hinder , of which kind are these , to carry about one the privy parts of a Wolf , a Secret recommended by Pliny and Pompanatius ; to drink of the Urine of a Hee-goat ; to cast on himself the dust of the place where a Mule had wallowed ; and such other unlawful and suspitious means . CONFERENCE CCXXX . Of Atoms . IT is a Truth not question'd by any of the Philosophers , what Sect soever they were of , that there must be certain Principles , whereof Natural Bodies consist . Their Generation and Corruption confirm it ; since that according to the former , there being not any thing made of nothing ; and according to the latter , it being not imaginable that any thing can be reduc'd to nothing , there must be some first Principles , from which , primarily , and of themselves natural things do proceed , and whereto they are at last resolv'd . But it hath not yet been fully decided , to what this prerogative is to be granted . Heraclitus would bestow it on Fire ; Anaximenes on the Air ; Pherecydes , to the Earth ; Thales , on the Water ; Xenophanes , on the two latter , joyntly ; Hippon , on Fire and Water ; Parmenides on Fire and Earth ; Empedocles , and most of the other Naturalists , on those four Elements together ; which yet , as some affirmed , could not execute the function of Principles without the assistance of other Superiours , such as Hesiod maintains to be Chaos and Love ; Antiphanes , Silence and Voice ; the Chaldaeans , Light and Darkness ; the Mathematicians , Numbers , and among others the Tetrad , which the Pythagoreans affirm to be the source of all things ; the Peripateticks Matter , Form , and Privation ; Anaxagoras , the Similar Parts ; and Democritus , his Atoms , so called by reason of their smalness , which renders them invisible , and incapable of being distinguish'd and divided into other lesser Particles , though they have quantity , and are of so great a bulk as to be thereby distinguish'd from a Mathematical Point , which hath not any ; as being defin'd to be what hath not any part , and what is so imperceptible and small , that it can hardly fall under our External Senses , but is only perceivable by reason . The same thing may also be said of the other qualities of these Atoms , which Epicurus , who receiv'd them from Democritus , as he had the knowledge of them from Leucippus ; and he again from one Moschus , Phoenician , who liv'd before the Trojan Warr , made it not so much his business to lay them down for the first Causes and general Principles of Natural Things , as to take away the four common Elements , since he does not deny but that these are constitutive parts of the world , and whatever is comprehended therein . But his main work is to maintain , that they not the first seeds and immediate Principles thereof , as consisting themselves of Atoms or little Bodies so subtile and small , that they cannot be broken or made less , and being the most simple and next pieces , whereof mixt bodies are made up , and whereto they are afterwards reducible by dissolution , there is some reason to give them the denomination of the first material and sensible principles of natural bodies . The Second said , That if these Atoms be allow'd to be the principles of natural bodies , these last will be absolutely unknown to us , as being made , up of infinite principles , which being incapable of falling under our knowledge , it will be impossible for us to come to that of the mixt bodies which are to consist of them . Whence it will follow , that though the Atoms should be such as the Philosophers would perswade us they are , yet would not our Understanding , which cannot comprehend any thing but what is finite , be ever the more satisfy'd , since it would not be able to conceive them , nor consequently the things which should be produc'd of them . Nor is it to be imagin'd that those things would differ among themselves , since that , according to their sentiment , those little chimerical bodies are not any way distinguish'd , but all of the like nature , and of the same substance . The Third said , That though there be not any essential difference in the Atoms , yet is it certain , That they make remarkable diversity in the production of things , by the properties and different qualities that are in each of them , whereof there are two kinds , Common and Proper . The proper are , Largeness of Bulk , Figure , Motion , and Resistance ; the common are , Concourse , Connexion , Situation , and Order , which are generally competible to all Atoms , as the four others are proper and particular to them . Their bulk is not to be consider'd as if they had any considerable quantity ; there being no Atom , how great soever it may be , but is infinitely less then the least body in the World , being for that reason so imperceptible , that it is impossible for the sight to distinguish it . Yet does not that hinder but that they are bodies , and consequently have quantity , which is a property inseparable from bodies ; as Mites , Hand-worms , and such other little Animals , which by their extreme litleness elude our sight , do nevertheless consist of diverse parts , miraculously discoverable by Magnifying-glasses , nay to the observance of Veins , Arteries , Nerves , and such like obscure parts , answerable to those which reason obliges us to admit , though our senses cannot attain thereto . It being the property of figure to follow quantity , which it determinates and qualifies , it is necessary , that if the atoms are different as to bulk , they should be the same also as to figure : which being observable when bodies are broken into great pieces , and those appearing with superficies , angles , and points diversly figur'd , they must still retain some figure even after they are pounded in a mortar into small parcels and particles , though our senses by reason of their weakness , are not able to comprehend it . To the same weakness it is to be attributed , that we are not able to discern the diversity of figures in grains of corn and other seeds , which seem to be in a manner alike , though they are not such , no more than the leaves of Trees and Plants . Nay even in Drops of water and Eggs , though in appearance there is a likeness so great , that it is come into a Proverb ; yet is there so remarkable a diversity , when it is strictly observ'd , that there were heretofore in the Island of Delos certain people so expert , that , among several Eggs , they would tell which had been laid by such or such a Hen. The hair of our heads ( a thing , to some would seem incredible ) have particular figures whereby they are distinguish'd one from another . The figures of Atoms are of that rank , as are also those of the Moats which are seen playing and dancing up and down in the beams of the Sun , when darted in at a narrow passage : for though they seem to be all round , yet examin'd with that instrument which magnifies the species of things , we find in them an infinite number of other figures . In like manner is it requisite , that the Atoms should have the same difference of figures , that they may the more fitly concur to the mixture and generation of Bodies . To that end , the maintainers of this opinion affirm , that some are round , some oval , some oblong , some pointed , some forked , some concave , some convex , some smooth and even , some rough and rugged , and of other such like figures , as well regular as irregular , in order to the diversity of their motions . Of these there are three kinds assigned ; according to the first , the Atom moves downwards by its own weight ; according to the second , it moves upwards ; and according to the third , it moves indirectly and from one side to another . These two last are violent motions , but the first is natural to the Atom ; to which Epicurus attributes a perpetual motion , which causing it to move incessantly towards the lowest place , it still makes that way of its own nature , till such time as in its progress it hath met with other Atoms , which coming to strike against it , if they are the stronger , they force it upwards , or of one side , according to the part of it which had receiv'd the shock ; and so clinging one to another , they make several mixtures , as , when they come to separate after their union , they are the causes of the corruption of mixt bodies . And these bodies have so much the more Resistance , which is the last property of these Atoms , the more dense and solid these last are ; as on the contrary , when they are less dense and solid , by reason of the vacuity there is between their parts , the bodies consisting of them have so much the less vigour and force to oppose external injuries . The Fourth said , That there is not any better instance , whereby the nature of Atoms can be explicated then those little Motes , which move up and down the air of a Chamber , when the Sun-beams come into it at some little hole or cranny . For from this very instance , which is so sensible , it may easily be concluded , not only that they are bodies , which have a certain bulk and quantity , how little and indivisible soever it may be , but also that they are in continual motion , by means whereof , as those little corpuscula , or Motes , incessantly move and strike one against another , and are confusedly intermixt one among another ; so the Atoms , by their perpetual agitation and concourse , cause the mixtures and generations of all natural things . So that , all consider'd , it is as ridiculous on the other side to affirm , that they are only imaginary principles , because they are not seen , as to maintain , that those little Motes are not in the air , because they are not perceiv'd to be there in the absence of the Sun-beams , which we must confess renders them visible , but with this assurance , that they are nevertheless there , even when they are not discern'd to be there . The Fifth said , That it is certain , there are abundance of bodies in Nature , which are in a manner imperceptible to our senses , and yet must be granted to be real bodies , and consequently endow'd with length , breadth , profundity , solidity , and the other corporeal qualities . Such as these are , among others , the sensible Species , which continually issue out of the Objects , and are not perceiv'd by the senses , but only so far as they are corporeal and material , especially the Odours , exhaling from certain bodies , which after their departure thence , in process of time , decay and wither . Of this we have instance in Apples , and other Fruits , which grow wrinkled , proportionably to their being drain'd of those vaporous Atoms , ( whereof they were at first full ) which evaporate in a lesser or greater space of time , the more closely those little bodies stick one to another , or the more weakly they are joyned together . Nay , the intentional Species , how sublimated soever they be , by the defaecation made by the agent Intellect , are nevertheless bodies , as are also the Animal Spirits , which are charged therewith , and the vital and natural , whereby the former are cherish'd . In like manner , Light , the beams of the Sun and of other Stars , their Influences , their Magnetick Vertues , and other such Qualities , observable in an infinite number of things , between which there is a mutual inclination and correspondence , or antipathy , cannot be imagin'd to act otherwise then by the emission of certain little bodies ; which being so small and subtile that they are incapable of further division , may with good reason be called the Elements and material Principles of all Bodies , since there is not any one but consists of them . The Sixth said , That the concourse of these Atoms being accidental , if we may credit Epicurus , we cannot attribute thereto the causes of the generations happening in this World ; inasmuch as an accidental cause not being able to produce a regular effect , such as is that of Nature in Generation , it is ridiculous to attribute it rather to these Atoms , than to some other cause , which is such per se , and always regular in its operations , such as is Nature her self . But what further discovers the absurdity of that opinion is this , that it thinks it not enough to refer the diversity of the other effects , which are observ'd in all natural bodies , to that of the Atoms , whereof they consist ; but pretends also by their means , to give an account of that of our Spirits , which those Philosophers would represent unto us made of those orbicular atoms , and accordingly easily mov'd by reason of that round figure , and that those in whom it is most exact , are the most ingenious and inventive persons , as others are dull and blockish , because their Spirits have a lesser portion of those circular Atoms . But this speculation may be ranked among pure chimaera's , since that the functions of our Understanding , being absolutely spiritual and immaterial , have no dependence on the different constitutions of those little imaginary bodies ; nay though there were any correspondence between them and the actions of our minds , their round figure would not be so much the cause of our vivacity , as might be the pointed or forked ; as being more likely to penetrate into , and comprehend the most difficult things than the circular , which would only pass over them , without any fixt fastning on them . CONFERENCE CCXXXI . Whether the King 's Evil may be cur'd by the touching of a Seventh Son , and why ? THough this noisom Disease sometime fastens on several parts of the body , yet is there not any more sensible of its malice than the neck , which by reason of its being full of glandules , is extreamly troubled therewith , which happens as well by reason of their thin and spongy constitution , as their nearness to the brain , from which they receive the phlegmatick and excrementitious humours , more conveniently , than any of the other parts can be imagin'd to do , which are at a greater distance from it . And yet these last , notwithstanding that distance , are extremely troubled therewith , nay sometimes to such excess , that , if we may credit Johannes Langius in the first Book of his Medicinal Epistles , a Woman at Florence had the Evil in one of her Thighs , which being got out weigh'd sixty pound ; and a Goldsmith of Amberg had another of the same bigness in a manner , neer his Knee . And what is much to be observ'd , is , that though the Evil seems to be only external , yet is it commonly preceded by the like swellings , which ly hid within , and whereof those without are only the marks : which observation is confirm'd by the dissections made of those who are troubled with it , in whose bodies , after their death , there are abundance of these Evils , whereof the Glandules of the Mesenterium and the Pancreas , which is the most considerable of any about Man's Body , are full , and which are commonly produc'd by Phlegm , the coldness and viscosity whereof do indeed contribute to their rebellion ; but it is very much augmented by the external and common Causes , such as are Air , Aliment , and Waters infected with some malignant qualities , which render it Endemious and peculiar to certain Nations ; as for instance , the Inhabitants of the Alps , and the Pyrenean Mountains , especially the Spaniards , who are more infected with this foul disease than any others , which is also communicated by succession , as most of the other diseases , which become hereditary by means of the Spirits , employ'd by the Formative Faculty in Generation , and carrying along with them the Character of the parts and humours of him who engenders , and imprinting them on the foetus . Hence it comes that for the curing of it , there is more requir'd than to administer the remedies commonly us'd in the cure of other tumours , which must be dissolv'd or softened , that so they may be brought to suppuration , unless they can be consum'd and extirpated ; but in this there must be some particular means used . And , not to mention that which is generally known to all , to wit , the touching of those who have this Evil by the King of France , and his Majesty of Great Britain , whom they heal by a miraculous vertue , and a special priviledge granted those two great Monarchs by God himself ; it is commonly affirmed , that the seventh Male-child , without any interruption of Females , hath the same advantage of healing this disease , by a favour which Theology calls gratia gratis data , and whereof many affirm , that they have seen the effects . These are attributed to the vertue of the Number Seven , so highly esteem'd by the Platonists , as consisting of the first odd Number , and the first even and square number , which are Three and Four , and are by them called the Male and Female , whereof they make such account , that , according to the Opinion of these Philosophers , the Soul of the world was made up of those two Numbers ; and it is by their means that whatever is comprehended in it subsists . It is also for this Reason , that Children born in the seventh month , live as those born in the ninth ; whereas such as are born in the eighth die . To this may be added , That the most considerable Changes of Man's Life happen in these several Septenaries , which number does not only contribute to his Conception , which is not perfect till the seventh day , after the Matter hath receiv'd the Virile Sperme , and to his Birth in the seventh month ; but also to all the other accidents which happen to him in all the several Septenaries . For the Child begins to have some appearance of Teeth in the seventh month ; at twice seven months he makes a shift to stand alone ; at three times seven his Tongue is so far loos'd , that he speaks with some Articulation ; at four times seven he goes steadily and confidently ; at the age of seven years he acquires new forces , and renews his Teeth ; at twice seven he is of ripe age , and capable of engendring ; at three times seven he gives over growing , but becomes still more and more vigorous , till he hath attain'd to seven times seven , that is , to the forty and ninth year of his age , by some called the little climacterical year , as being the most compleat of any , in regard it consists of a perfect number multiply'd by it self , and in which there always happens some accident proceeding hence , that Nature being not able to forbear the doing of something , when she hath attain'd that sovereign degree of perfection , is forc'd to decline . It is therefore to be attributed to this compleat number , ( which is called by the Greeks by a term which signifies Venerable ) that the seventh Son cures the Evil , the cause whereof being malignant , and , indeed , having something in it that is obscure , which Hippocrates calls Divine ; it is not to be admired , that the curing of it should depend on a Cause equally obscure , and at so great a distance from our knowledge . The Second said , That without having any recourse to so abstracted a Cause , as that of the vertue of the number Seven , which , being a discrete quantity , is incapable of action , which is reserv'd to such qualities only as are active ; Nor yet to the Stars , which are at a greater distance from us ; Nor yet to the force of the Imagination , which many think may produce that effect : Waving all recourse to these , I am of Opinion , that it is rather to be referr'd to the Formative Faculty , which producing a Male when the Seeds of the Parents are so dispos'd , as that what is more vigorous and strong hath a predominancy over the other which is less such , that is , when it continues still in the getting of a Male without any interruption to the seventh time , the reason of it is , that these Seeds are still so strong and spirituous , that a Male is gotten instead of a Female , which is the production of those Seeds that are weaker and colder than the Masculine . Now the heat and spirits whereby Males are procreated , may communicate to them some particular vertue , such as may be the Gift of healing the Evil ; which may be affirm'd with as good ground , as that the spittle of a Man fasting being well-temper'd , kills Serpents ; and that it is held , many have heretofore had such a prerogative for the healing of certain diseases , by some particular qualities , depending either on those of their Temperaments , or of their whole substance . Thus Vespasian , as Tacitus affirms in the fourth Book of his Histories , restor'd his sight to a blind Man. Adrian , as Aelius Spartianus relates , healed a Man born blind only by touching him . And Pyrrhus , King of the Epirotae , if we may believe Plutarch , in his Life , heal'd all that were troubled with the Spleen in his time , by touching their Spleen with the great Toe of his right Foot ; of which Toe there was a far greater Opinion conceiv'd after his death , in that it was found intire , and not consum'd by the fire , as all the rest of his Body was . This vertue of healing thus after an extraordinary manner , hath been deriv'd into some whole Families . There are to this day many in France , who affirm themselves to be of the Family of Saint Hubert , and have the gift of healing such as are bitten by mad Dogs . In Italy there are others , who make it their boast that they are of the Families of Saint Paul and Saint Catharine : whereof the former are not afraid of Serpents , which , for that reason , they bear in their Coat ; no more than these latter are of burning coals , which they handle without burning themselves . In Spain also , the Families of the Saludatores and the Ensalmadores , have the gift of healing many incurable diseases only by the Touch. Nay , if we may rely on common Tradition , we have this further to add , that it holds for certain , that those Children who come into the world on Good-Friday have the gift of healing several sorts of diseases , especially Tertian and Quartan Agues . The Third said , That if the gift of healing the Evil depended on the vigour of the Principles of Generation , which meet in the seventh Male-child , it would follow that the eighth or ninth coming into the world consecutively , should more justly pretend to that priviledge ; inasmuch as the generative faculty discovers a greater vertue and vigour in that production of a ninth Male-child without interruption , then it might do in that of a seventh . Which being not found true , it were absurd to look for the Causes of it in Nature , whose forces are not able to attain an Effect so transcendent , and so much above her reach . It must therefore be a supernatural gift , which God bestows on certain persons , out of a pure gratuitous favour , and more for the ease and comfort of others , than out of any advantage to those who receive it ; as are also the gifts of Prophecy and doing Miracles . For it is a demonstration of God's Omnipotence , not to heal diseases only by ordinary means , the dispensation whereof he hath left to Physicians , who to that end make use of natural remedies , but to do the same thing without any assistance of Nature by extraordinary and supernatural means , in the application whereof , he sometimes uses the Ministery of Angels , as in the curing of Tobit , and those sick people who came to the Pool at Jerusalem , after the water had been stirr'd by the Angel ; sometimes by the Saints , of whom it is written , that the very shadow of their Bodies hath many times been effectual to that purpose , as was that of Saint Peter ; and oftentimes those of other persons , to whom he had communicated the gift for reasons unknown to us ; as he granted that of Divination to the Sibyls , though they liv'd in Idolatry . The Fourth said , That Man was , potentially , all things ; and that consisting of a Body exactly temperate , and of such a Soul as is the most perfect of forms , he comprehended in an eminent degree within himself all the vertues of things as well corporeal as animate . Whence comes it then , that he shall not have the vertues and properties which are observable not only in stones , wherewith he participates Being , but also in Plants which are capable of Vegetation as well as he ; Animals , with whom he hath motion , sense , and life ; and lastly , in the separated Spirits , as having , answerably to them , certain powers that are spiritual and remov'd from materiality ? And so , since the Vertue of healing Diseases is found in most Beings , which are of some nature with Man , it is but reasonable he also should have the same one , such as is the gift of healing the Evil , which happens principally in the Seventh Male-child , by reason of the perfection of his nature , which performs all the most compleat functions in that number , which Hippocrates upon that occasion affirms to be the dispenser of life . Nay if there have been some who have had the Vertue of communicating several Diseases , by their sight and touching , as it is related of the Psylli , Tribales , Illyrians , and other Nations , who bewitch'd those whom they touch'd ; and of him , whom Philostratus makes mention of in the life of Apollonius , who kill'd with his very aspect , as the Basilisk does ; far greater reason is there that there should be some to communicate health . For though this latter , requiring more preparations and conditions , is so much the more difficultly transferr'd from one Subject to another then sickness is , yet the reason of contraries will have it so , that if the one is , the other may be communicated , and that with the greater justice , inasmuch as health , participating of the nature of good , ought to be more communicative from one subject to another then sickness . CONFERENCE CCXXXII . Of Conjuration . THere is as much fault to be found with the excessive curiosity of those , who would know all things , as there is with the unsufferable stupidity of some others , who are not any way touch'd with that natural desire of Knowledge : for as these latter , by renouncing that accomplishment , deprive themselves of the greatest satisfaction of life ; so the others , being transported beyond the limits prescrib'd to the mind of Man , wander they know not which way , and precipitate themselves into the abysses of errours and impieties . That of the Necromancers , who make it their boast , that they can command out of their Tombs the Souls of the deceas'd , that they may be , by them , inform'd of what they desire to know , is so much the more enormous , in that they have made an Art of it , call'd by them the Black Art , or the Art of Conjuration , a name as ridiculous as the precepts whereof it consists ; which having no ground but what they derive from the capriccio's and fantastick extravagances of those Impostors , they sufficiently destroy themselves ; so as there needs nothing else to discover their palpable vanity ; no more then there is to make appear the errour of those , who , to confirm that diabolical invention , maintain , that there are abundance of effects above those of Nature , which are to be attributed to those souls separated from their bodies , especially that of foretelling things to come , and informing those thereof who consult them ; it being consider'd , that , besides the gift they have of Science , which is common to them with all spirits disengag'd from matter , they have a particular inclination of doing good to men , by advertising them of those things which so much concern them . But this is not only absurd in it self , but also impious , and contrary to Christian Faith , which teaching us that there are but three places , where these souls have their abode , to wit , Paradice , Hell , and Purgatory , it is to be believ'd , that those which are confin'd to the last never come out thence , but upon a special permission of God , which he sometimes grants them , that they may sollicit the suffrages of the Living ; those of the damned are further from being in a capacity to get out of that infernal prison , to which Divine Justice hath condemn'd them , to be there eternally tormented ; And the Blessed Spirits are yet more unlikely to quit their blissful State and the joys of Paradice , wherewith they are inebriated , to satisfie the vain curiosities of those who invocate them , and for the most part make use of them rather to compass the mischievous Sorceries and such like Crimes whereof that Black Art makes profession , then to procure good to any one ; or if it happen that at any time they do any , 't is in order to the doing of some greater mischief afterwards , such as may be that of Superstition and Idolatry , whereto these spirits inclining those who invocate them , and requiring of them such Sacrifices and Adorations as are due only to the Deity , it is more then a presumption , that they cannot be the souls of the Blessed , but downright Devils , who , transform'd into Angels of Light , impose upon those who are so willing to be seduc'd . The Second said , That as the employments of the Devils are different , so is there also a remarkable difference in their natures , which depends principally on the places of their abode , according to which , if we may believe Orpheus , some of them are Celestial or Fiery , some Aery , some Watery , and some Terrestrial and Subterraneous ; and among those the Aerial , to whom Plato attributes the invention of Magick , are by the Students of that Art , accounted to be the most ingenious to deceive men , by reason of their more easie putting on of the grosser parts of the air , and their appearing under what forms they please ; and consequently , it will be no hard matter for them to assume that of the bodies of deceas'd persons , and , by that counterfeit appearance , to deceive the credulity of those , who are perswaded , that , by this art of Conjuration , they may be oblig'd to make a particular discovery of themselves ; and it is an observation of Ananias , in the third Book of the Nature of Devils , when a dying person presented his right Hand to some other , who thereupon joyn'd Hands with him . Nor is this any thing less superstitious than for the said two persons to make a mutual promise one to the other , that he , who shall die first of the two , shall appear to the survivor , to give him an account what condition he is in ; since that , in these Apparitions , it is always to be fear'd , that they are the Evil Spirits , whose main design is to seduce them that assume their places , and do appear instead of those whom we think we see . The Third said , That he thought it not very strange that the Souls of the deceas'd , having still a certain remembrance of those with whom they convers'd in this Life , and to whom they are still oblig'd by some tie of affection , such as was that of the Rich man in Hell towards his living Brethren , should also have an Inclination to assist them as much as they can . It may therefore be inferr'd , that , with the permission of God , they do appear , when they are earnestly intreated to do it . For , not to speak of Moses and Elias , who appear'd on Mount Thabor , the day of the Transfiguration ; the Prophet Jeremy and Onias appear'd to Judas Macchabaeus , as the Soul of Samuel did to Saul ; to whom the Holy Scripture attributing the gift of Prophecy , that apparition was not illusory , nor procur'd by the Devil assuming the shape of that Prophet , but certain and real , in which that Holy Man presented himself , and , out of the desire he had to bring that King , for whom he sometime had a great affection , into the way of salvation , he remonstrated to him the judgments of God , which would fall upon him , if he turned not from the evil of his wayes . The Fourth said , That though there be nothing but confusion among the Evil Spirits , yet is there to be imagin'd a certain Order in their Nature , and such a Subordination among them , that there are Superiours and inferiours , whereof some have a sovereignty over others . Thence it comes , that among the Magicians , who have unhappily ingag'd themselves in their service , those who have given up their Names to a Devil of a superiour Hierarchy , force the others to obey them , and may exercise the same superiority over the Spirits of a lower Class , as their Master can . It is to these Regent or principal Magicians , that some would attribute the priviledge of calling up the Souls of the dead , and , for want of them , the Evil Spirits of an inferiour Order , whom they shew to those who consult them ; or when they cannot do that , they think it enough to procure an appearance of Spectres and Shades , by that cursed Art of Conjuration , distinguish'd for that reason into Necromancy and Sciomancy , whereof the former makes the dead appear , or rather Devils , with their very Bodies , and their Clothes and other marks , which they had during their being here : The other shews only Phantasmes , which have some resemblance of them , yet make a shift to answer their Questions who come to enquire of them . And whereas the whole mystery is full of impostures , they omit nothing that may cause terrours , that so mens spirits being prepossess'd , they might give the greater credit thereto . It was the opinion of ancient Paganism , which first exercis'd this Art , that the Souls of the dead might be evocated , by pouring on the ground Wine , Milk , and Honey , and mixing it with the blood of certain Animals newly kill'd , the entrails whereof , being still hot , were afterwards carried three several times about two Altars , garnish'd with three black or blew fillets , and a Cyprus . But when they were perswaded that those Souls of the deceas'd , which they call'd Manes , were incens'd against them , they appeas'd them with black Victims , casting their entrails dipp'd in Oyle , into a fire laid on their Sepulchres made of such Trees as bear no fruit , gave them Incense , cast Wine with the hollow of the Hand , and exercis'd such Ceremonies for the most part ridiculous ; which also were commonly perform'd at mid-night , and in Caves and subterraneous places , there being not any thing they thought more contrary to those Spirits of darkness , than the light of the day , and especially the rising of the Sun. Thence it proceeded , that Homer sends his Vlysses into obscure places , there to consult the Soul of Tiresias ; and Virgil makes Aeneas descend under ground , to learn of the Sibyl what he had to do . The Poets also have feign'd that Orpheus descended into Hell , to fetch thence his Wife Eurydice ; and the History of Pausanias tells us , that , to appease the Ghost of Cleonica , whom he had kill'd , by mistake , and for which act he was continually tormented in the night time , he offer'd some such sacrifices to it in an obscure place call'd Heraclea , where having appear'd to him , she told him , that he should be deliver'd out of all his sufferings as soon as he were return'd into Lacedaemonia ; as accordingly he was , having been there starv'd to death with hunger in the Temple of Pallas , where he had taken Sanctuary , to avoid the fury of his Fellow-citizens , by whom he was pursu'd . CONFERENCE CCXXXIII . Of Natural Magick . NAtural Magick hath degenerated extreamly in these last Ages , wherein it is grown as execrable , even to the very name of it , as it was honourable at the beginning , as those of Tyrant and Sophist were heretofore denominations generally esteem'd , but now they are abhorr'd . The ill use which some have made thereof , is , the true Cause of this treatment of Natural Magick , which they have fill'd with vanities and impostures , whereas it is in it self not only the noblest , but also the most ancient of all the Sciences . For it is conceiv'd to have begun above four thousand years since in Aegypt , under Zoroaster the Grandson of Noah , whence it was spread among the Babylonians , the Chaldaeans , and the Persians , among whom the Magi were in so great authority , that , with the Mysteries of Religion , they were intrusted with the Civil Government and the conduct and tuition of the Kings , who were never admitted to the Crown , till they had been fully instructed in that Discipline . By this it was that Orpheus and Amphion came to be so powerful , as to draw brute beasts and stones after them ; and hereby King Solomon came to be the wisest of all men ; and , lastly , by the study of this , Apollonius Tyanaeus , Pythagoras , Socrates , and the other Sages of Antiquity acquir'd the esteem they were in . But what adds much to the recommendation of it , is , that by its means the three Magi , or Wise Men in the Gospel , who were Kings , came from the East , where this Science flourished , having found out that the Star which they saw , being different from all the others , yet no Meteor kindled by some Natural Cause , was an extraordinary sign which God had been pleas'd to make appear unto them , to give them notice of the Birth of his Son ; there being no rational ground to imagine they were down-right Magicians , as Theophylact conceiv'd in his Commentaries upon Saint Matthew ; at least this is certain , that , after the adoration of our Saviour , they absolutely renounc'd that Diabolical Magick , if it be suppos'd they had any tincture of it before . For as to this latter , which is grounded upon some compact with the Devil , who thereby obliges himself to do transcendent things for him with whom he hath contracted , being a kind of Idolatry it is generally abhorr'd and condemn'd by all , since it makes use of pernicious means to attain its end , which is ever bad . But such is not the other , whose end , and the means it employes to compass it being good and lawful , there is no doubt , but it may be lawfully used . Besides , as Psellus and Proclus , two persons well skill'd in these matters , have very well observ'd this last kind , call'd Natural Magick , is only an exact and perfect knowledge of the secrets of Nature , by means whereof , consequently to the Observations which some eminently-curious persons make of the motions of the Heavens , and the influences of the Starrs , with the Sympathies and Antipathies which are almost in all sublunary bodies , they apply things so justly one to another , and with such an exact consideration of time , place , manner , and proportion , that they work prodigious effects ; which , the more credulous , and such as are ignorant of the correspondence there is between these Effects and their Causes , look upon as Miracles and Enchantments . Such as were those of the Magicians of Pharaoh , who could turn their Rods into Serpents , make the Rivers of Aegypt red as blood , and fill the whole Country with Froggs , but were not able to go any further , to imitate the other Miracles of Moses , which they were forc'd to acknowledg wrought by the Finger of God. Nor are the Effects of Artificial Magick less wonderful , not only in respect of its Predictions observable in Judiciary Astrology , Agriculture , Medicine , the Art of Navigation , and others , grounded upon very probable Conjectures , but also of its operations , as well true as false , or illusory . The true ones are grounded on the Principles of the Mathematicks , especially on those of the Mechanicks , which are the noblest and most necessary part thereof , and on which do depend all the Water-Engines , Machins moving of themselves , and other Inventions wherewith the Ancients wrought such Effects as were accounted miraculous . Such were , that Man's Head of brass made by Albertus Magnus , which fram'd an articulated Man's Voice , in imitation of that of Memnon ; the glazen Sphere of Archimedes , the motions whereof naturally represented those of the Celestial Orbes ; his Burning-glasses , wherewith he burnt the Fleet of the Romans , who besieg'd the City of Saragossa where he then was ; the wooden Dove of Archytas , which flew up and down with the other Doves ; as did the little Birds of Boëtius made of Copper , which had this further advantage , that they could sing melodiously ; as could also those which the Emperour Leo caus'd to be made of Gold ; Malleable Glass , and such other admirable Effects of this Art , for that reason called by Hero , Thaumaturgica . Those which it produces by illusion and jugling , depend on some sleightness of hand , and cousening tricks , such as are us'd by the Professors of Legerdemain , to delude our Senses , and make things appear otherwise than they are . Such a performance was that mention'd by Josephus , in the xviii . Book of his Antiquities , used by that false Messias , Barchochabas , who to gain himself the esteem of the true one , had the knack of vomiting flames of Fire out of his Mouth as he spoke , by means of a lighted piece of Towe , which he could order as occasion serv'd ; which trick , such another Impostor shew'd more cleverly , by means of a nut-shell fill'd with Brimstone and Fire . And it is a thing now generally known , that , by certain Artifices no way diabolical , one may make a company of people sitting at the Table look as if they were dead , or like so many Tawny-Moors ; nay , if we believe Pliny , in the xxviii . and xxxv . Books of his History , they may be made to look as if they had the Heads of Asses or Horses . The Second said , That , according to the Doctrine of Paganism , re-advanc'd since the Light of Christianity by the Marcionites and the Manichees , as there were two Gods , one called Oromazus , the Author of all good , who was the Sun ; the other , Arimanes , Authour of all mischief ; so there were two kindes of Magick whereof one , consisting of an exact knowledge , and application of things in order to a good end , is commendable , and known by the simple denomination of Magick , which they affirm to be an invocation of those Genii , who are our Guardians and Benefactors , in order to the procuring of some good either to our selves or others : The other called Mangania , which they exercised by the invocation of the bad Genii or Daemons , was ever condemn'd as pernicious , as having no other design then to do mischief by Sorceries and Witchcraft . And though the grounds of that Doctrine are contrary to the Truth of Christian Faith , yet since it assures us that there are good and bad Angels , which were the Genii of Paganism ; there is some probability , that as these last incline us to Idolatry , Superstition , and other Impieties , to divert us from the worship of the true God , by the study of the Black Art ; so is it the main business of the former , by a discovery of the Secrets of Nature , which is the White and Natural Magick , to incline us to an acknowledgement of the Author of it . In like manner , as we find , according to the Apostle , that , in the order which God observes for the good of his Church and the furtherance of our Salvation , there are divers Gifts , such as are those of knowledge , healing , working of miracles , prophecying , speaking of strange languages , and the like ; all which do notwithstanding depend on the same Spirit of God , who dispenses them according to his good pleasure : So the Devil , who endeavours to imitate the Works of God , does the like , in the distribution of those Talents , which he communicates to his instruments , to employ them upon different occasions , the better to accommodate himself to the diversity of their inclinations , whom he would abuse , which is his principal design . He furnishes those whose restless curiosity will needs know things to come , with Oracles and Predictions ; he entertains the vain with impostures and illusions ; the envious with Charms and Sorceries ; the revengeful , and such as are inclin'd to such implacable passions , are suggested with all the mischievous contrivances , which that perverse Spirit is at all times ready to teach any who are desirous to be his Disciples , to whom the practice of his instructions prove as fatal , as they are intended , to be to those , against whom they are employ'd . CONFERENCE CCXXXIV . Of the Moles and Marks appearing in the Face . AS the Face is the highest part of the Body , as to scituation , and the most delicate , as being the mansion of the external Senses , which cannot act without the assistance of the Spirits , whereby that delicacy is imprinted in it ; so does it accordingly lie more expos'd to as well internal as external injuries , then the other parts , which are not so much in sight , nor of so exquisite a complexion . And as the least flaw in a Diamond , or a fair Looking-glass is soon perceiv'd by such as look attentively on them , so these Marks are so much the more observable in the Face , then in any other part of the body , the more susceptible it is thereof , by reason of its clearness and delicacy . I may add to this a thing which would be very improbable , if we had not the assurance of experience for it ; to wit , that there is not any mark though ever so little , in the face , but doth denote some other , which though not apparent , it is nevertheless easie for such as are expert to conjecture whereabout it is , by the inspection of those that are manifest . Thus if there be a mark in the midst of the Fore-head , it shews that there is such another in the midst of the breast ; but it will be towards one side or other of this latter , inclining towards one of the arms , if the mark in the Forehead be not exactly in the middle of it , that is , incline any thing to the right or left side : as it must be on the brisket or lower part of the breast , if it appear at the extremity of the forehead towards the root of the nose , between which and the parts devoted to generation , there is such a correspondence , that the simplest sort of people draw consequences of their good or bad disposition , from the length or figure of the nose . But the more intelligent , not contenting themselves with this conjecture , affirm , that , according to the different scituations of those marks , there are the like correspondent to them in those parts , as well of the Man as of the Woman ; for whether those on the former be in the middle , on the right side or the left , those on the other parts are exactly answerable to them . The several observations which have been made of these correspondences of marks in the Women we shall leave to the examination of the Female Physiognomists , so far as the parts before-mentioned are under consideration , and confine our selves to the Men. In these , the mark which is apparent on the highest part of the nose towards the root , as we call'd it before , where the space is between both eyes , always denotes another at the bottom of the Yard , near the Testicles ; between which and the Ey-lids there is so great a correspondence , that those little specks or warts which are many times to be seen on the latter , are the significators of the like in the former ; even with that observance of proportion , that if it be on the upper-lid , those marks will be on that part of the Cods which is nearest the Yard ; if it be on the lower , they shall be on that part which is nearest the Fundament . Moreover , from the appearance of one of these marks upon one of the Ey-brows , it is concluded , that there is as much on the shoulder on the same side , which is at a greater or lesser distance from the Back-bone , the nearer to or further off the other is from the space which is between both the eys . There is the like correspondence between the Cheeks and the Thighs , for if they have a mark just in the middle , the thigh shall be marked just in the same part , and on the same side ; if they be near the nose , the thigh shall be marked near the groin ; if they incline towards the ears , the correspondent marks will be towards the buttocks . The mark appearing between the Eye and the eminent part of the Cheek , discovers one under the Arm-pit ; that on the tip of the Ear , shews there should be one on the upper part of the Arm. It is inferr'd also from the mark upon the upper lip adjoyning to the Nose , in that space which makes a separation been the Nostrils , that there is another answerable thereto in the Peritonaeum , betwixt the Fundament and the Cods ; and from those on the Chin and the lower Lip , that there are others about the bottom of the belly . But though these rules are grounded on rational conjectures , yet are they not infallible , no more then those of Phystognomy , whereof they are a part ; as is also Metoposcopy , which judges of the secret inclinations by the inspection of the Face . The second said , That , as Man comprehends in himself an abbreviation of all the rarities of the World ; so does his Face comprehend all those of his body , whereof it is an extract . So that as the greater world is known by Man's body , which is the lesser , it is no hard matter to make a discovery of this last by the face , which indeed is less as to volume , but so well compos'd and proportion'd , that it may well be look'd upon as the most accomplish'd Master-piece of Nature , who in the structure thereof hath imitated Geography , which , not able to shew us all the inhabitable Earth , presents us with an epitom of it in a Map ; or behaves her self like a Whole-sale-Merchant , who does not expose all his commodities , but thinks it enough to shew patterns thereof , whereby a judgment may be made of their value . Thus it is that there may be a discovery made of the most secret motions within , by the figure and composition of the parts of the face , inasmuch as those of the other parts of the body depending on them , there is a judgment made of the one by the other , and consequently of the actions and inclinations , which are commonly answerable to the constitution and temperament of the parts . But it is somewhat hard to make this judgment by the simple marks of the Face , whether they proceed from Nature , as those do which Children bring along with them into the World , and depend on the imagination of the Mothers , which is an external cause ; or from some other Causes , as the heat of the entrails , the abundance of gross and terrene humours , and the density of the pores of the skin , which , checking them in their way , makes them appear in freckles , specks , and other kinds of spots in the face ? For , these causes never being constant , but subject to much variety , according to the several occurrences which either augment or diminish them , it is impossible to make a certain judgment of a thing , which is in a continual change . The Third said , That the said Art of guessing at the marks of the most secret parts of the body by the inspection of those of the face , is so ancient , that the Physician Melampus , cited in Homer , Odyss . lib. xv . deliver'd certain precepts of it , above three thousand years since ; and after him , Avenzoar , Septalius , Taxilius , and several others have cultivated it , and endeavour'd to shew the probability of certain reasons , which they ground principally upon the correspondence there is between the face and its parts , and all the other parts of the whole body of Man. It consists in two heads , to wit , in the proportion of greatness or measure , or in the resemblance of colour , consistency , figure , scituation , number , or such other condition , which may be common between them . The first correspondence between the face and the rest of the body , consisting in greatness , which comprehends the three dimensions , length , breadth , and profundity , is so sensible , that those who have exactly measur'd all the parts of it , have found , that the face is the ninth part of the greatness of the body , making the distributions of those spaces so just that no one exceed another ; provided that the body be well compos'd , and that there be no defect in the conformation , nor any considerable disorder in the temperament of the whole , or its parts . The first of these spaces comprehends the face it self ; the second is from the throat to the brisket , where the xiphoidal Gristle is ; the third reaches below the Navil ; the fourth passes by the groin to the beginning of the haunches ; the fifth and sixth comprehend the whole extent of the thigh ; at the end whereof is the seventh , which with the eighth take up the whole space from the knee to the heel , as the ninth does that of the whole foot : wherein as there are three new regions called Tharse , Metatharse , and the Toes , so are there as many in the Face . The first whereof , which is the mansion of wisdom , is from the beginning of the hair to that of the nose , where there is an interval between the Eye-brows . The second , which is that of beauty , comprehends all from that interstitium , to the end of the nose ; and the third , where the seat of goodness is , reaches to the lower part of the chin . Now these different intervals are in like manner observable in the other spaces , with so exact a proportion , that the countenance is not only answerable to any one of those spaces , which , with it , make up the whole greatness of man's body ; but there is also a correspondence between every part of it , and those of each of the said spaces , as between the highest , the midst , and the lowest part , and that which is in the same scituation , as between right and right , and left and left . So that as the face is not only the measure of the whole body , being repeated nine times , but also the least parts of the face bearing the same proportion to those of the rest of the body , it should seem , that rational consequences may be drawn of the marks of those parts that are out of our sight , by those of the Face which are apparent to us . For if it be consider'd , that , besides the correspondence there is between them as to quantity , there is yet another , which we said was that of resemblance , which makes a strict affinity between them , and such as is particularly observable between the Forehead and the Breast ; the Ey-brows , and the Shoulders ; the cavities of the Ey-brows , and the Arm-pits ; the Ears , and the Arms ; the Chin , and the Groin ; the Cheeks , and the Thighes , and so of the rest ; those who have this knowledge , may easily ghess at the Warts , the Moles , and marks that are out of our sight , by those which are apparent to us ; it being probable , that as Nature hath mark'd the one with one sign , which is as it were the Seal she hath set to her work , it must needs be found after the same manner in that counter-part , between which and the other , there is an alliance , not only by reason of its substance and composition , but upon the account of several other Accidents , which make them alike . Thus the Fore-head by reason of its plain figure in the middle , and circular towards the extremities , and by its solidity is a sufficient representation of the Breast . The eminent scituation of the Eye-brows discovers the correspondence there is between them and the shoulders , which are the most elevated parts of the Body ; and the cavities of the Eyes which is under the Eye-Brows , have some alliance with those of the Armpits , which are under the Shoulders . The Cheeks , by reason of their fleshy and musculous composition , have a relation to the Thighs , and particularly , to the Buttocks , which are situated in the midst of the Trunk , as the Cheek is in the Face , between the Fore-head and the Chin. The Mouth and the Chin have also a great proportion with the Belly and the Groin , the former being situated in the lower part of the Face , and the latter at the lower part of the Belly ; as also upon this account , that they are equally fleshy , and soft in their superiour parts , and , in their inferiour parts , bony and hard . But this correspondence is yet more sensible between the Mouth of the Woman and her secret parts , and between the Lips of both those parts , which for that reason have the same name ; as there is the like between the Nose , the Eye-brows , and the Eyes , and the Genitals of a Man , the Testicles and the Cods . Nor can there be any sign more manifest , than such as appear in those places ; whence there may be inferr'd the marks of those which Nature hath so much conceal'd ; which though so far out of sight , are nevertheless manifest to such persons as have the curiosity to study this correspondence . But there is such an association between the Hand and the Foot , as well in regard of their composition and structure , as for the employments they are both put to ; that the marks about the Hand and Fingers , have others answerable to them on the same parts of the Foot , in a correspondent order and disposition one to another . The Fourth said , That to find out the reason of this Proportion and Sympathy , we must not confine our selves to sublunary Causes , but attribute an Effect so well order'd , and so regular to a Cause answerable thereto . For my part , I cannot assign any but what is derived from the Heavens , whose motions and influences being the general Causes of what-ever happens here below , that is constant and regular , it is to them that we ought to attribute an exactness , which is so certain , that it very seldom miscarries . Thence it comes that the Professors of Astrology , with some ground of reason , affirm , that as there is no Plant so inconsiderable but hath its signature imprinted on it by that Star , which hath a predominancy over it ; so is there a far stronger reason , than Man should have his signature , which , as they maintain , is set upon him as a seal , by the Star on which he hath a dependance ; it being certain that the seven Planets have an Empire over every part which they govern . Thus Ptolemy assignes to Saturn the right Ear , the Spleen , the Bladder , and the Bones ; to Jupiter , the Hands , the Lungs , the Liver , the Blood , and the Seed ; to Mars , the left Ear , the Reins , and the Testicles ; to the Sun , the Brain , the Eyes , and the Nerves ; to Venus , the Nose , the Mouth , and the Genitals ; to Mercury , the Tongue , the Understanding , and Ratiocination ; to the Moon , the Mouth of the Stomack , and the Stomack it self . But they attribute these marks of the Face to the motion of the Stars of the eighth Sphere , which are as it were expressions of the different Inclinations , which every one naturally hath , and which are bestow'd on him at his Nativity ; but with this Caution , that it is hard to explicate them , unless a Man can decipher those Characters , and find out the true signification thereof , which is the chiefest of all Sciences . CONFERENCE CCXXXV . Of Auguries and Auspices . THere never was any Opinion so erroneous , but it met with some Abettors ; nor any thing in point of practise so extravagant , but was in some measure authoriz'd . Of this quality is that of Auguries . For , though Cicero , when he was Augur , said somewhat on the behalf of them , yet in his second Book of Divination , he could not forbear discovering their absurdity , and charging them with vanity and foolery . And yet this Opinion was in such veneration among the Romans , who were otherwise the most prudent of any Nation in the world , that they sent yearly six Children , Sons of the most eminent Senators , into Tuscany , to learn of the Inhabitants thereof ( who it seems were well skill'd in it ) the Science of foretelling things to come by the flight , singing , or chirping of Birds , since generally known by the name of Augury . Nay , this veneration is the more remarkable in this respect , that they would not undertake any thing of importance , till they had first consulted the Colledg of Augurs , which was first establish'd by Romulus , who had also been instructed therein , having order'd it to consist only of three persons , according to the number of the Tribes . But that number was afterwards increas'd to 24. who were consulted about what-ever concern'd that great Empire , and they continu'd till the time of the Elder Theodosius ; when it was suppress'd , having till then been so considerable by the nobility and merit of those whereof it consisted , that they were the Arbitrators of all Counsels and Deliberations , which were not taken , till their judgements had been first had . Nay , they had this further advantage above all other Magistrates , that they could not be put out of their places upon any account whatsoever , but continu'd during their lives in that dignity , as Fabius Maximus did , who was Augur sixty two years . Nor was it only requisite that that they should be free from crimes , but also from all bodily imperfection , the least defect of Body being accounted a lawful Cause , to hinder an Augur from taking place among the rest ; it being , as Plutarch affirms in his Problems , an undecent thing for any one to present himself before the Gods , and to treat of the Mysteries of Religion , with anything of uncleanness or imperfection about him . Nay , they thought any thing of that kind so contrary to the said Ceremony , that , to be the more successful in the performance thereof , it was requisite that the Birds and other Creatures whereof they made use in their Auguries , should be as free from any defect as the Augurs themselves . In the mean time , they requir'd so much respect from the people , that , not thinking it enough to have the Lictors march before them with the Fasces , as was done before the chiefest Magistrates , they had for a further badge of their dignity , a stick crooked at one end , call'd Lituus , which was that of Kings . And indeed , they assum'd to themselves so great authority , that they confirm'd the Elections of Dictators , Consuls , and Roman Praetors , whom they many times took occasion to depose , under pretence that they had been elected contrary to the will of their Gods , whereof they pretended to be the only Interpreters . They took upon them also the knowledge and discovery of things to come , by carefully observing certain extraordinary accidents , which surpriz'd all others by their sudden and unexpected coming to pass , and which , by a certain Science and long Observation , they affirm'd to be the significators of what was to come . And this they derived principally from the Heavens , and the different Apparitions of the Air , especially from Thunder and Winds ; then from Prodigies and miraculous effects of Nature ; and afterwards from four-footed Beasts , but especially from Birds , from which comes the name to that kind of Divination , called Auspicium & Augurium , wherein those Divinators fore-told things conceal'd , and such as should come to pass by the singing and flight of Birds . They also made the same Predictions by observing how the young ones , being taken out of a cubb , where they had been kept , took the food laid before them . For if these devour'd it with a certain greediness , so as that some fell to the ground , the Omen was fortunate , and signifi'd all happiness to the Consulter ; whereas , on the contrary , it signifi'd ill-luck , if they would not meddle with it at all . And this Opinion was so strangely rooted in the Minds of some superstitious people , that Titus Livius , and Valerius Maximus attribute the Cause of two signal defeats of the Romans ( one under the Command of Publius Claudius , in the first Punick War ; and the other under that of Flaminius , in the second ) to their contempt of these Auguries . The Second said , That of all the several kinds of foretelling secret things , he thought not any more rational than that which was done by the means of Birds , called Ornithomantia ; the Nature of which Creatures being very ancient , and in a manner celestial , they seem to be more susceptible of the impressions of the Heavens , whereof they are the Inhabitants , and which are the true Causes of what-ever happens here below , than any other Animals which have their abode either in the Earth or Waters . Thence it comes , that the Eagle which soars up higher than any other of the Volatile Common-wealth , hath been the most esteem'd in the business of Auguries , by the Professors of this Art , who also give him the preheminence , as to the constancy and vivacity of his Sight , taking it for a signification of good luck , when he began his flight on the right side ; and that especially , if it were so violent , that the noise of his wings might be heard . Thus Aristander , having seen an Eagle flying from the Camp of Alexander the Great towards that of his Enemies , deriv'd thence an Augury of his Victory ; as Tarquinius Priscus did the like of his coming ( as he afterwards ) did to the Crown from this accident , that an Eagle came and took his Cap off his Head , and set it on again , after he had kept it a good while in the Air. But Tarquinius Superbus had for an Augury of his exile and the loss of his Kingdom , the violence done by some Vultures to some young Eagles , which they cast down out of their Nest . Such another Augury had Dionysius the Tyrant , when , in his presence , an Eagle , having snatch'd away with his beak a dart out of the hands of one of his Guard , cast it into the Sea ; soon after which accident , he was shamefully unthron'd , and forc'd away . Yet does this Bird always denote happiness , and good-luck , as do also the Vultures ; to twelve whereof , which were seen by Romulus , while he was laying the foundations of Rome , it is conceiv'd , that that Metropolis of the world ows it fortune and continuance . Darius , having seen two of them torn to pieces by so many Hawks , conceiv'd a hope of enjoying , as he did , the Kingdom of Persia ; but he lost it , together with his Life , after his meeting with a great number of Swallows , as he march'd in the head of his army to engage against the Scythians . And it is believ'd , that they had been also fatal to Pyrrhus King of the Epirotae , upon whose Tent those troublesom Birds were seen ; as they had also been on the Ship wherein Mark Anthony was , before his dysaster . The greater kind of Owl hath always been accounted so unlucky , that one day , being got into the Capitol , under the Consulship of S. Papellius Ister , and Lucius Pedonius , there was a particular solemnity perform'd , for the expiation of the City , which the Augurs affirm'd to have been polluted by that unlucky Bird : which yet was not such to Agrippa , of whom it is oft related , that the said ill-look'd Bird having appear'd to him in prison , it prov'd an augury of his restauration to the Kingdom of Judaea , whereof he had been dispossess'd . The ordinary Owl is also of ill presage ; for having one day pearch'd on the top of Pyrrhus's Lance , in his expedition against the Argians , it was his misfortune to lose the battle . The Ravens are no less unlucky ; for they were the fore-runners of the bloody civil War between Sylla and Marius ; and their crokings foreshew'd death to Alexander the Great , when he made his entrance into Babylon , and did the like to Cicero , while he was avoiding the Ambushes of his inveterate enemy Antony . The Madge-howlets , the Scritch-owls , the Cormorants , and other such mournful and melancholy Birds , make a sufficient discovery of their fatal predictions , by the death of those who hear them . The Pilots fear nothing so much as to see the Cranes flying towards them , and returning back the same way again ; that return advertising them , that they are threatned with some extraordinary tempest . The Stork hath always been favourable to Auspices , and look'd upon as a Messenger of Concord , as the Hawk , and the Buzzard , especially where there was any thing done in order to marriage , or about the acquisition of riches , which the Falcon , whereof the latter is a Species , was conceiv'd to presage with so much certainty , that the Thuscans built the City of Capua only upon their perceiving of one of them during the time of their Augury . The Wood-pecker and the Hern have also made so happy presages , that every one reassum'd new courage in the heat of a battel , when they appeared in sight of the Souldiers . The Nightingal , which having pearch'd on the lips of Stesichorus whilst he was yet a Child in the Cradle , sung there , was a presignification of that sweetness , which was afterwards to flow from his delightful Poems ; as the Bees which made hony on those of Plato were a presage of his Eloquence . Though it must be acknowledg'd concerning these last , that the Augurs were otherwise conceited of them ; for having observed great numbers of them in Brutus's Camp , they oblig'd him to quit it , so to avoid the misfortune that threatned him , and which happen'd to the Great Pompey , in whose Ships these Bees were seen in excessive numbers before the Pharsalian defeat . But these observations are not so constantly certain , but that there may be much diversity among them by whom they have been made . Hence is it that Homer , among all the good Auguries , gives the precedence to the Dove , which others will not have to be such , but only when she is accompany'd , otherwise being alone they hold that she boads some ill luck ; as the Swan does to all but Mariners . But among the rest , the ordinary Hen , when ever she makes a noise somewhat like the crowing of the Cock , foretells some signal misfortune , though that of the Cock himself be numbred among those auguries that denote good success , as having foreshewn victory to Themistocles , the night before he gain'd the battel against Xerxes , and been reputed a Solar animal , from the correspondence there is between him and the Sun , whose motions he declares by his crowing , which upon that account is formidable even to Lyons . The Third said , That there are two kinds of Auguries , the Natural , and the Artificial : The former depends on the connexion there is between the Effects and the Agents whereby they are produc'd ; which connexion being known , it is no hard matter to give a conjecture of things to come , whereof such as are clear-sighted observe the necessity of their coming to pass , by reason of the strict connexion there is between them , and the causes whereby they are produc'd . This is confirm'd by the infallible predictions which are made not only at Sea by Pilots , who foresee Tempests and winds by such signs as seldom fail ; but also by simple Labourers and Husbandmen on the Land , who do the like in the changes of weather . Now this kind of Augury is as rational as the other is absurd , as being a frivolous invention , grounded on certain observations , which are for the most part vain and impertinent . Such among the rest , is the division it hath made of the Heavens into its twelve Houses , which are the Regions or Spaces whereto those Augurs confin'd the extent of their predictions , which they made with their Augural staff , without which the Auguries , according to their judgment , were of no validity , nor was there any more account to be made of them , then of what might be deriv'd from such accidents as happen without or besides expectation , or rather present themselves , whence they were commonly called Oblative Auguries . But those which happen'd conformably to the circumstances of time and place , which those Divinators had limited , and when they thought of them , were called Impetrative . And this is one of the conditions observ'd in their discipline , wherein there was no account made of what the Augur affirm'd that he had not particularly observ'd , no more then then there was of any , thing that pass'd beyond the compass of the places design'd to that function . For the better observance of the ceremonies thereof , the Augural House was not cover'd but lay open to the air , which , for the better carrying on of the work , should be clear and serene , out of a fear that the rain or wind might hinder their making an exact observation of the flight and different motions of the Birds ; in the choice whereof they were so hard to please , that they employ'd them not in their presages , but only towards the Spring . After which , especially towards the month of August , they made no account of them , in regard they were not then in so much vigour , nor in so good case , yet did they appoint such a dependance among them , that the Auguries taken from those that were inferiour , gave place to the others of a higher quality . So that if a Crow chanced to pass by , while they were attentively divining by the flight of a Dove , this lanter auspice was to no purpose , no more then would be that of other Birds upon the arrival of the Eagle , which also would signifie nothing upon the fall of a thunderbolt , which disturbed all their mysteries , with much more reason then a Rat might do , which had no sooner appear'd in the Assembly , but the whole Ceremony was put off to another more convenient time . True it is then , that some advantages may be made of Birds , in order to the drawing of auguries and presages of natural effects , such as are rain , thunder , tempests , winds , heat , drought , cold , frost , snow , hail , and other changes of weather , produc'd by the impressions of the Heavens , the Elements , and other Causes , as well general as particular ; but not to make any predictions thence of such events and accidents as depend on an infinite number of circumstances of time , place , and persons , who being purely free agents , their actions are wholly voluntary , and consequently impossible to be predicted , what artifices soever may be us'd to do it . Whereto we may add this Remark , that those artifices being full of abundance of vain and pernicious observations , the sentence of condemnation past against them is just , not only that of the Canon and Civil Laws , which severely punish such as make use thereof , but also that pronounc'd by the mouth of God , who expressly forbids his people in the twentieth chapter of Leviticus , to make their souls abominable by beast or by fowl , threatning with death the Wizard , and him that had a familiar Spirit . CONFERENCE CCXXXVI . Whether those Children who are born with Cawls about their whole or some parts of their Bodies are always fortunate , and why ? CHildren do ordinarily come naked out of their Mother's Wombs , when , after their struggling with Nature , they begin their entrance into the World with crying and tears , acknowledging their weakness , and the miseries they are likely to be expos'd to in the sequele of their lives . Yet there are some Children excepted from this general Rule ; and thence is it that some would have them exempted from the misfortunes common to all the rest , upon this accompt , that they are born with cawls about them , that is , are encompass'd by a membrane , which comes over their heads and their shoulders , call'd by the Greeks Amnios , which is the innermost of the three membranes , wherein the wombe-lodg'd infant is enwrapped , called by some Midwives the Coife , or Biggin of the Child , by others the Childs shirt , and in some places known by the name of the Silihow , by reason of its tender and delicate intertexture , which other Children quit in their Mothers wombs , before they come out thence , with the other Membrane called Chorion , of which together with that mass of flesh which had serv'd them for a cushion and support during the time of the praegnancy , are fram'd the Secondines or After-burthen , so called , because it comes not out till after the Child is born . And as these Children born thus cawl'd and coif'd with this tunicle ( which like a large Hood or Capouch covers their heads and necks ) seem not to participate of the nakedness of the others , who bring nothing into the World ; so is it to be imagin'd , that they are not so much subject to the miseries and calamities inseparable from the common life of other men , inasmuch as their beginning being different from that of others , who come after the ordinary way into the World , upon the score of this special priviledge , of having their heads furr'd and cover'd , the consequence of it ought in all probability to be extraordinary , and full of happiness , whereof if this coif be not the cause , yet have some at least observ'd that it hath always been the sign , and that all those who have been born after that manner have been very fortunate . The History of Antoninus , sirnamed Diadumenus , related by Aelius Lampridius , in his Life , confirms this observation : For being born with such a coif , he afterwards came to the soveraign dignity of the Empire , in the management whereof all things succeeded according to his wishes . Nay , it hath been generally believ'd , that good fortune was so constant an attendant of this Coif , that all those who were desirous to compass their affairs carry'd it about them , especially Advocates , who made use thereof , to gain reputation in their publick pleadings , being to that end very careful to buy them of the Midwives , who , knowing the excellency thereof , sold them at a very dear rate , after they had surreptitiously got them away from the children , they had received into the World. For those who have made it their business to enquire more strictly into this observation , maintain , that he who brings this natural coif with him into the world is to expect all manner of good fortune , even so far as to be invulnerable , provided he be careful to have it always about him , or , ( what contributes more to that effect ) to eat it , as is over-superstitiously done by some . But the contrary will happen to the Child , if he be robb'd of that precious exuvium or coat , or it be secretly taken from him , to be given to another , who , by that translation thereof , will receive the whole benefit of it . The Second said , That though the foresaid perswasion sufficiently destroy'd it self , there being no connexion or correspondence between the accidents of humane life and that shirt , which sometimes comes over the whole Body of the Child , commonly falls not much below the Shoulders , and many times does only cover the Face like a Mask ; yet have many been of Opinion , that it contributed much to happines and the advantage of good fortune ; insomuch that Saint John Chrysostome , in several of his Homilies , speaks against those of his time , who made use thereof to gain esteem ; which a Clergy-man named Praetus , being desirous to acquire , by the means of such a Coif , bought of a Midwife , he was very highly censur'd , as Balsamon affirms in his Commentaries upon the Canons of the Apostles . And Paulus Jovius , an Author of great repute , observes , on the Nativity of Ferdinand Daval , that the Coif he brought with him from his Mothers Womb , contributed much to his being happy and belov'd of all . From all which we may make this inference , that there is nothing so extravagant , but may meet with Favourers and Abettors . For I may lay it down for certain , that this Opinion hath no other ground than what it hath found in the weak Brains of those Midwives , who having nothing in them but the name , have insensibly scatter'd these errours into the Minds of the vulgar , with whom the wisest being oblig'd to comply in matter of Language , it comes to pass at last , that what was before but a common saying , finds a degree of assent among the most considerate . Nay , what is not any longer to be endur'd , they think it not enough to maintain this groundless perswasion , but there are some so ridiculous , as to derive a new kind of Divination from it , which they call Amniomantia , whereby they promise to foretel what-ever happiness or unhappiness should befall a Child newly born , by the colour of that Membrane , whereof they affirm that the redness signifies good success , and that the blackness or blewness of it denotes the contrary . To which they add another kind of Divination , call'd Omphalomantia , which teaches them to judge by the knots of the string , whereby the Child is fasten'd to the After-burthen , how many Children more the Mother shall have ; who , according to their judgement , will be Males if those intersections be of a colour inclining to black , and Females if they be white ; which Observations are not only impertinent , but also impious and superstitious . The Third said , That the common perswasion , of the happiness attending Children born with these Coifs , is well-grounded , provided that it be taken in the sense wherein the Physicians , who , in all probability , are more likely to be the Authors of it , than those simple Women who receiv'd it from them , would have it to be understood ; to wit , that those who thus born cover'd with that fortunate Membrane , ( in regard they are not put to so much trouble , nor suffer so great violence in the passage , by reason of its being open and easie ) come forth cloath'd out of their Mothers Wombs , without being oblig'd to leave behind them the Membranes , wherein they had been enclos'd in the Matrix ; whereas most other Children are forc'd to quit them at their coming into the World , by reason of the Obstructions they meet with in their passage through those narrow streights , which consequently , is so much the more painful and laborious to them , than it is to such as are coifed , who are not to be imagin'd ever the more happy , as to the remainder of their lives , whereof the good or bad conduct are the true Causes of their happiness or unhappiness , and not that Coif , which can neither produce nor signifie them . The Fourth said , That those Children , who are born thus coifed , are not only more happy in their Birth , but they are also such in all the actions of their lives , as being commonly more peaceable , and of a more quiet Constitution , than such as leave that Membrane within their former lodgings ; who are accordingly more turbulent and restless , and , for that reason , have not those insinuations ; whereby the former are recommended . For in these , the moderation of their manners and demeanour consequent to that of their humours , gaining the hearts of all those with whom they converse , raises them into the general esteem of all , and so facilitates their accession to Honours and Employments ; it being certain , that there may be some judgment made of the course of Life a Man is likely to take , by the deportment of his Child-hood ; so is it no hard matter to give a ghess at the same , by that of the Infant , when he makes his first sally out of his Mothers Womb , which is one of the most remarkable transactions of his Life . Whence it may be inferr'd , that that first coming abroad being free from the trouble and agitation , whereof all others are sensible , and which makes them forget their Vesture which is left behind by the way , they ought accordingly to be dispenc'd from the misfortunes incident to others , and enjoy a particular happiness . The Fifth said , That the most restless and most turbulent persons , are commonly the most happy in this world , whereas those who endeavour to walk according to the strict rules of Modesty and Reservedness , do not carry on their business so well , as the former do , who confidently attempt any thing , and imagine themselves the favourites of Fortune . And thence it is that she , on the other side , is so assistant to them , that though it be granted the Children born cloth'd are more meek and moderate than those who come into the World after the common rate , yet would the clean contrary to what is pretended follow from it . For , instead of being cherish'd by Fortune , it is seldom that she smiles on them , but is much more kind to those stirring and tumultuary Spirits , who many times obtain greater favours of her than they durst hope for , had they demean'd themselves towards her with less earnestness and importunity . The Sixth said , That if every Man be the Artizan of his own Fortune , those who are of the best Constitution and strongest Temper , ought to be more happy than others , whose irregularity of humors does manifestly cause that of their Actions and Fortunes . Now the Children born with Cawls and Coifs about them , seem to be less vigorous , and of a weaker disposition than those who come into the World without any ; inasmuch as the latter , being more earnest and violent , are no sooner sensible of the time of their Deliverance , but they courageously break through the Chains whereby they are detain'd , the Membranes whereby they are encompass'd , which those others having neither the Strength nor Courage to do , it gives a great presumption , that they will express but little upon other more pressing occasions , and consequently , they will content themselves with the mediocrity of their Conditions , and not aspire to any thing extraordinary . CONFERENCE CCXXXVII . Of Antiperistasis . SO great is the Indulgence of Nature , that she thought it not enough to bestow Being and Existence on the things she hath produc'd ; but she hath also imprinted in them a strong Inclination to preserve it , by fortifying them against the assaults of their Contraries , the presence whereof sets them on such an edge , that they become so much the more active . And this is not only confirm'd in Animate Beings , such as are Plants and Animals , which vigorously oppose what-ever is hurtful to them , by so powerful a Vertue , that Men have been forc'd to find out a particular name for it , to wit , Antipathy ; but also in other Inanimate Bodies , which generously stand upon the defensive , when they are set upon by External Agents , whose contrary qualities coming to engage against them , they redouble their Forces , and rally all together as it were into a Body , the better to receive the Charge . This is that which the Philosophers call Antiperistasis , which is a vigorous resistance of the Subject , caus'd by the contrariety of an Agent , which encompasses it of all sides , purposely to destroy or corrupt it . It will be to no purpose to enter into any Dispute concerning the Existence of that which we call Antiperistasis ; but we shall lay it down for granted , though it be contested by Cardan and some other Philosophers , who maintain , that Water , Air , and the other Subterraneous Bodies , are not actually colder at one time than at another , but only seem to be such to our Senses , which , though they should be destitute of all qualities , are then endu'd therewith , so that the same Well-water which seems to be hot in Winter , by reason of the coldness that is in the Touching , seems cold in Summer , by reason of the heat of the same Organ , which judges of it comparatively . For the contrary is seen , in that Well-water , in Summer , being transported into a hot place , is there nevertheless cold ; and the fumes and hot vapors which exhale from Springs and Wells in Winter , do sufficiently demonstrate , that , during the said season , the water is endu'd with a true and real heat , too sensible to be accounted imaginary . But this Antiperistasis is further more solidly confirm'd by Experience , whereby we see that fire burns more violently , and is more sparkling in great Frosts , or in the shade , than in hot weather , or when it lyes expos'd to the beams of the Sun. In like manner , a little Water cast upon a great Fire , makes it more violent than it was before ; and the Ventricles of our Bodies , according to the Opinion of Hippocrates , in his Aphorisms , are hotter in Winter than in any other season of the year ; whence it comes that we are apt to feed more plentifully , and Digestion is then better perform'd . Nay , if we but go down into our Cellars , we shall find that the heat is more sensible there in Winter ; but in Summer , when all things are scorch'd and burnt up on the surface of the Earth , all Subterraneous Places are so much the colder , the deeper they are , and the nearer they approach to the Centre ; towards which , Cold , which is one of the natural qualities of the Earth , gathers together , and reunites it self thereto , that so it may be secur'd from the heat , whereby it is encompass'd of all sides . And as it is to this , that the generation of Metals in the entrails of the Earth is principally attributed ; so most of the Meteors which are fram'd in the two Regions of the Air , owe theirs to this same Cold , which coming to encompass , and as it were to enclose the hot and dry Exhalation which makes the Winds , Lightning , Thunder , and Thunder-bolts , as also that which makes the Comets in the Middle Region of the Air ; these unctuous and easily-enflam'd vapors , being encompass'd of all sides , by the extream coldness of that Air which encloses them , they , in order to their Conservation , re-unite , and take fire , after the same manner as the Rayes of the Sun darted against some Opake Body , or reflected by Burning-glasses , set on fire the most solid Bodies , on which they are repercuss'd ; as it is related of Archimedes , who by such an Artifice , consum'd the Ships of Marcellus , who besieg'd the City of Saragossa in Sicily . Which instance serves as well to prove Antiperistasis , as the manner whereby it is wrought , to wit , by the repercussion of the intentional Species of the Subject caus'd by its contrary . Thus then it comes , that the Water of Springs and Wells is cold in the Summer , in regard the Species of the cold , forc'd by the Water towards the heated Air which is all about it , are darted back again by that opposite heat to the place whence they came ; whereupon being thrust closer together , they there re-inforce and augment the Cold ; which happens not so in Winter , when the Species of the coldness of the Water , meeting with no Obstruction in the Air , endu'd with the like quality , insinuate themselves into it without any resistance ; and so not being reflected nor forc'd back towards the Water , it is not then so cold as in Summer . The Second said , That the intentional Species , being not design'd to act , but only to make a discovery of the beings from which they flow , as may be seen in those of all sensible Objects , which these Species represent to the Organs that are to judge of them , cannot contribute any thing to the vigor of the action observable in the Antiperistasis ; which he conceiv'd should rather be attributed to the simple form of the Subject , which having an absolute sovereignty over the qualities employ'd thereby , in order to Action , renders them more or less active , according to the need it stands in of them . And as seething Water taken off the Fire becomes cold of it self , without any other assistance than that of its proper substantial form , which hath the property of re-instating it self in that degree of Cold , which is naturally due unto it ; so ought it with greater reason to have an equal right of preserving that same quality , when it is assaulted by its contrary , Heat ; without having any recourse to those Emissions of Species , which , though we should grant the Tactile qualities ( what is much in dispute ) yet would not be able to cause an Antiperistasis , inasmuch as being inseparable from them , if the intentional Species of the coldness of Well-water were directed towards the warm'd Air , it should take along with it the coldness , and , consequently , it should be so far from acquiring any new degree of coldness thereby , that it would lose much of that which it had before . For since it is the Nature of these Intentional Species to be otherwise incapable , by reason of their immateriality , of producing any Corporeal and Material Effect , such as is the augmentation of the degrees of any active quality , as Heat and Cold are , there being not any contrariety between the Species thereof , no more than there is between those of ●ll other Bodies , whereof they are the Images , there is not any reason that obliges the Intentional Species of the Cold to retreat and close together , when they come to meet with those of Heat , or Heat it self ▪ no more than there is that the Species of this latter quality should make the other more vigorous by their reflection . The Third said , That it must be acknowledg'd , that the Species of Cold and Heat , and the other first Qualities were not contrary among themselves , as being in their own Nature inalterable and incorruptible , as the other Intentional Species are , which come near the Condition of Spirits : Yet does it not follow thence , that these Species cannot be reflected , inasmuch as the Visible Species , Light and Voice , which also have no contraries , are not for that the less re-percuss'd by Mirrours and other solid Bodies , or those hollow places which make Echoes . The Fourth said , That it is not sufficient , in order to the giving of a reason of that effect , to attribute it to the substantial form of every Agent , but it is to be referr'd to a superiour cause , such as is the Soul of the world ; whose function it being to preserve every thing in its intireness , and to be assistant thereto , when it comes into any danger , as it happens when it is assaulted by its contrary , then bent upon its destruction , there lies a certain engagement on this first cause , to relieve it in so great an extremity , by supplying it with new forces to help it out of that oppression . Thence it comes that our Cellars are warm in Winter , and cool in Summer , as are also all other ground-rooms and low places ; That Water shrinks up and frames it self into little drops , when it is spilt on dry ground , whereas it spreads abroad and is diffus'd in moist places ; That Lime is set on fire by the casting of water upon it ; That the fire burns better in frosty than in hot weather ; That Wine drinks more cool out of a Glass that had been warm'd ; That the coldness of Snow causes an extraordinary heat in their hands who handle it ; and , That generally all tactile qualities are rendred more active , by the opposition of their contraries , by reason of the concourse , and the assistance they then receive from that general Cause , which concerns it self in their preservation . Of this we may give an instance in Politicks , affirming , that the procedure of the forementioned Cause is much like that of great Potentates , who , in a war between some petty Princes or neighbouring States , if they find one party ready to be absolutely ruin'd , supply it with such forces as shall enable it to recover it self , so to bring the several interests into an Aequilibrium , whereof there is as great a necessity in Nature , which is kept up by that proportion , wherein all things find their subsistence , as their destruction proceeds only from their disproportion and inequality . The Fifth said , That we are not to look for the reason of Antiperistasis any otherwhere , than in the Subjects themselves , wherein we find the action , whose intenseness and augmentation are to be referr'd , not to that of the degrees of the active qualities , but to their compression and reinforcement , which renders them more sensible , in regard they are more material , as may be seeen in a red-hot iron , the heat whereof burns much more violently , then that of a fire of Straw or Aqua-vitae . The sixth said , That according to the principles which allow all things to participate of a certain degree of sentiment , this condensation , or compression of the degrees of heat or cold , ought to be the effects of a sensitive Agent , which having a knowledge of what may be hurtful or beneficial to it , withdraws within it self the qualities which preserve it intire , when it is press'd upon by others that are more violent , and such as the meeting whereof might be prejudicial thereto , which it forces from it , in order to Action . And herein it is that the good of every thing consists ; inasmuch as every thing hath being only so far as it hath action , when it is assisted by friendly qualities , and the like ; and by this means it is that Cold and Heat act more vigorously , when they are oppos'd one to the other ; and that our cavities are hotter in Winter , by reason of the compression of the Spirits and the natural Heat ; which are the more diffus'd in Summer , in regard this latter goes to meet with its like , as a little fire is put out by a great one , and a weaker light obscur'd by a clearer . CONFERENCE CCXXXVIII . Of the Sympathetical Powder . THough this Powder be now as much out of esteem as it was in vogue , soon after the first finding of it out , for the expeditious curing of wounds : yet will it haply be a business of some advantage to examine their Motives , who first made , and publickly sold it ; as also those of such as have sometimes made use of it with good success . And whereas novelty procures a certain esteem to Remedies as well as to other things , so this Sympathetical Powder found so great belief at its first coming abroad , among Persons addicted to a military life , who were immediately flatter'd with a speedy and easie curing of their most mortal wounds by the means thereof , without any trouble of making incisions or dilatations , many times more painful then the hurt it self , that we have had some persons these last Campagnes , though destitute of learning and experience , who had the subtlety to raise such a mist before the eyes of the generality with this Powder , that they concluded this remedy to be true balm , and the only Panacea , or All-heal of all wounds . But time having discover'd the vanity of it , as also the impostures of those by whom it was so highly recommended , it hath been clearly found out , that there are few people in this age , but are either deceiv'd themselves , or make it their main business to deceive others . For in fine , this Powder is as much cry'd down at present ▪ as ever it was cry'd up ; and there is nothing left of it , but the insolent name of Sympathetical , impos'd upon it by the Authors thereof , in imitation of the Unguent of the same name , wherewith Goclenius , and some other Physicians , endeavour'd to make good the Magnetick cure of wounds , wherein they only dress'd the arms or other instruments , by which they were given , and apply'd the convenient remedies thereto . But in regard they could not always come at the arms , which had done the mischief , to keep up their practise , and to make the cure yet more easie , these upstart Doctors be thought themselves some years since , of another expedient to compass their designs , that is , found out a remedy , wherewith they make it their boast , that they will cure all sorts of hurts , only by applying this powder to some piece of Cloth , which had been us'd either to bind up , or make clean the wounded part . And whereas there are two kinds of wounds , one simple , which makes a solution of continuity in the soft and fleshy parts of the body , such as are the veins , the arteries , the nerves , and the muscles ; the other , compound , which happens ih the solid parts , especially where bones are broken ; these Gentlemen have accordingly two different kinds of Sympathetical Powder ; to wit , a simple , and a compound . The former is made with Roman Vitriol , which is our green and transparent Coppress , which they beat or pound not over small , and disposing it upon papers , in such quantities as they think fit , lay it in the Sun , when he makes his entrance into the first degree of the Sign Leo , and leaving it there for the space of three hundred and sixty hours , which make just fifteen days , answerably to the like number of degrees , which that Planet travels over , in the space of a year in the Zodiack . During this time it is calcin'd into an exquisite whiteness , and then they take it in , and keep it carefully in some temperate place , that is not too moist , that is , such as may not be likely to melt it , for fear it should by that means lose its vertue ; for which reason also it is taken in during its calcination , in the cool of the evening , and in the night-time , and when the air is inclinable to rain , or over-moist . But there must be a great care taken , that it be not stirr'd with any instrument of iron , when this powder is either in the preparation , or ready made up ; these Authors affirming , that it takes away its vertue , instead whereof they order , that the Artist should make use of a little Willow-stick , which is of great efficacy in these magnetick cures . The compound Sympathetical Powder is made of the same Vitriol , prepar'd after the same manner , and the Gum called Tragacantha , exactly pulveriz'd , mixt together in equal quantities ; instead whereof , others put Gum-Arabick , Sarcocolla , the roots of the great Comfrey , and the five-leav'd Tormentile , or such other vulnerary and astringent Plants . However these kinds of Sympathetical Powder may differ , as to the composition of them , yet in the use of them , they observe the same circumstances . For though the simple wound require the powder of the same name , and the compound , where there is any fracture , requires the compound powder , yet is the manner of employing them still the same . And to that end , as well in wounds newly receiv'd , as those that are of some standing , and degenerated into ulcers , they apply a clean cloth made of hemp or flax , to receive the blood from them , or the matter , wherewith being imbibed , they cast the powder upon it , then fold up the cloth , inclosing it in another ; and being thus wrapp'd one in the other , they are laid up in some temperate place , unless it be when the wound is extreamly enflam'd , or very cold . If either of these happen , they remove the cloths from the place where they were first laid , disposing them into some cold place , such as may be a Cellar , or some other cool room ; if the part affected be excessively hot ; and on the contrary , into an Oven or Stove , if it be threatned with a Gangrene , or the extinguishing of the natural heat ; and they dayly continue the dressing of these wounds after the same manner , till they are perfectly cur'd ; till which time they carefully preserve all the cloaths imbu'd with the blood or matter that came from them . But what palpably discovers the vanity of this practice , is , that they affirm the wound to be perfectly cur'd by this means , how great a distance soever there may be between the wounded part , and the Sympathetical Powder , which , they say , equally produces its effect afar off as near at hand . Which is contrary to Reason , whereby we are instructed , that every agent being confin'd to certain limits in its action , beyond which it can do nothing ; it is impossible that this powder should at so disproportionate a distance , produce the effect which they would attribute thereto , nay though it were granted it might , if it were immediately apply'd to the place affected . The Second said , That if all Agents were oblig'd to follow that general Rule , whereby they are restrain'd from acting otherwise then upon the Subjects they touch , either by themselves , or by some vertue issuing from them , it would be a very hard matter to give a reason of the action of that Sympathetical Powder upon the wounds it cures , without making use of the assistance of common Surgery , which are many times more insufferable then the hurts about which they are employ'd . But since there is a great number of the like instances in Nature , it will be no harder task to find satisfaction in the causes of this , then in those of all the rest , which act at a distance , without any sensible transmission from the Agent to the Patient ; as for instance , of the Loadstone , which draws iron to it ; of the North-Star , which does the same with the Loadstone ; of the Moon 's causing the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ; of the Sun 's concocting Metals and Minerals in the bowels of the Earth ; and of an infinite number of others , which act upon subjects at a distance , by certain occult qualities . Which qualities , in regard they are manifest and sensible in the Loastone , are commonly call'd Magnetick ; such as is also the cure consequent to the application of this powder on the blood , or matter taken from the wound , which is thus treated sympathetically , and whereof the action is withall animated by that universal Spirit , whose general interposition and concurrence being requisite to all Agents , in order to the prosecution and advancement of their operations , it may be concluded , that he does express it in this Powder , whose vertue he conveys to the wounded part , by means of the blood , which issu'd from it , which though separated from the body , there is however some conformity and correspondence between it and its whole . The Third said , That he thought it a very strange humour , to attribute to Roman Vitriol , and the Gum Tragacantha the vertue of curing that at a distance , which they cannot do near at hand , and that , being apply'd to the wounds about which they are employ'd . True it was that they were sometimes cur'd by that kind of procedure ; but that it was not to be look'd on as a miracle wrought by the Sympathetical Powder , but as a pure effect of Nature ; on which the curing of maladies principally depending , as Hippocrates affirms , there needs no more for the effecting that of a wound , then to take away all heterogeneous bodies , to reunite the gaping of the wound , and to keep it clean and at ease ; for the natural heat , with its balm , the radical moisture and the Spirits , will advance the cure in that condition , more then all the suppurating , mundifying , cathoeretick , and epuletick medicines , which Art commonly makes use of . Thence it comes , that the Masters of this new doctrine give a great charge , to those who would make use of their Sympathetical Powders , to keep the wounds very close , after they have wash'd them with Urine , Sal-water , or Wine , and to take away the splinters of the broken bones , as also the clotted and congeal'd blood , and the other heterogeneous bodies which might hinder the re-union . And this indeed is no hard matter for them to do in the simple fleshy wounds ; but they never could do it in those which are accompany'd with fractures , openings of great Vessels , hurts in some considerable part of the body , or such other extraordinary accidents . Otherwise that effect being above the reach of the remedy , which is incapable of producing that cure , if it happen by that means , and after that manner , it cannot be wrought otherwise then by vertue of a secret compact with the evil Spirit , who will be forward enough to promote the welfare of the body , in those who should make use of this remedy , conditionally that they may run the hazard of destroying their souls . CONFERENCE CCXXXIX . Whether there be any such Creatures as the Ancients conceiv'd the Satyrs to be ? NOvelty and things extraordinary , if we may credit the Professors of Artificial Memory , have so great a power and influence over our minds , that they do not only force them to attention , when the objects are present , but do also much more excite , and better conserve the species then ordinary things can . This it was that oblig'd diverse Poëts and Historians to speak of Hydra's , Chimaera's Basilisks , Satyrs , Centaurs , and several other things invented out of pleasure or wantonness , such as have no ground in truth , and are pure poetical fictions . For those who have endeavour'd a more strict examination of the power of Nature , have found the intermixture of these species a thing impossible , not only in respect of the matter , which was to receive the Soul , whereto she is determinated by a certain proportion , but also in respect of the form which is indivisible , especially the Rational Soul. Whence it comes , that the Poet Lucretius speaks very learnedly , and affirms , that there cannot be any Centaurs , whereof the reason is the same with that of Satyrs ; nay the Generation of Satyrs , according to the reason alledged by him , is much more impossible than that of Centaurs . Because , saith he , if that intermixture of a Man's and Horse's nature were admitted , and it be withall suppos'd that Horses are come to their full strength in three years , at which period of time Children are hardly taken from their Nurses breasts , how is it to be imagin'd , that monstrous Animal should be in its beginning and vigour at the same time ? Besides , a Horse being accounted old , when Man enters into his youth , how should the one come to dye , when the other were arriving to his greatest vigour ? Now Goats being shorter-liv'd then Horses , there is yet less likelihood of feigning an Animal , consisting of a mixture of such a nature and Man's . For which reason , Pliny , in Book 7. of his Natural History , affirms , that a Hippocentaur being foal'd in Thessaly , died the very same day , and for the continuation of the miracle , was kept in hony ( which is acknowledg'd to be an excellent Balm ) and publickly expos'd to the view of all . Virgil places them at the entrance of hell , upon this reflection , that such things as are contrary to Nature cannot subsist . And St. Hierom , in the Life of S. Paul the Hermit , relating how a Centaur had appear'd to S. Anthony , questions whether it were a real Centaur , or the evil Spirit , under such a form , and in the prosecution of his discourse , seems to conclude it a pure illusion of the Devils , since he drove it away with the Sign of the Cross . So that we are not to attribute these Satyrs to any thing , but the licentiousness which the Poëts have always assum'd to themselves , as well as the Painters , to dare and undertake any thing , without any regard to the rule given them by Horace , not to make an intermixture and coincidence of strange and opposite nature ; and that Satyrs , that is , half-men , half-goats , were to be dispos'd among the Hydra's and Chimera's , in as much as by them they would only represent men that were very active , lascivious , clownish , and much inclin'd to railery : and thence also the Satyrical Poëm came to have its denomination , as being a composition or farce of a Kitchin , whence some would have it to descend . Which fiction is sufficiently justify'd by the divine Nature which they attributed to those Satyrical Animals , and by the other fabulous stories of Pan , whom they affirm to be the god of those Satyrs , as also of the Shepherds . We are therefore to make no other account of this invention , then of all the other productions of their Imagination , what root soever they may have taken in the minds of the Ancients ; in regard that being throughly examin'd it may be ranked among those senseless Old-wives tales , wherewith they amuse little Children . Unless we would rather refer these Satyrs to the illusion of Devils , who assume their shapes , to abuse silly Women . And thence it is that they are , by some , called Incubi . The second said , that it was as dangerous for us to involve in impossibilities whatever we have not seen , as to be over-credulous in believing all . But when Reason and Authority , which bring experience with them , and assure us of a thing , appear of any side , our credulity may well be excus'd . And this is the case , in the question concerning Satyrs , inasmuch as the concurrence of the seeds of those two species , whereof they consist , may as well produce them , as the Mule is engendred of an Ass and a Mare . Whereto may be added this , as a general acknowledgment , that Nature hath not omitted any thing of that which might compleat her power , as having produc'd from Nothing , even to the most excellent Beings , whatever was to come into the mean between both . Besides , though the Imaginations of Mothers were not capable of all things , and cannot imprint that figure and change of body on the Infant , nay to make what they pleas'd of it , whereof there are daily instances , that sometimes they do ; yet the commonage of fields and forrests , and such nourishment as the Children might have taken from Goats , as well as Romulus and Remus did it from a She-Wolf , might , in process of time , incline them to such or such a form . Whereto it will signifie little to oppose the reason of Lucretius , since it seems erroneous , by what is commonly done in the ordering of Trees , which are promiscuously engrafted in different kinds , as for example , an Apple-tree may be in a Cabbadge-staulk . By which intermixture , the Apples growing on such a Tree , shall not only have a little scent of the Cabbadge , but also , that which is worse always prevailing over that which is better , whereas the Apple-tree should last many years , and the Cabbadg is but of one , from these two extremities there arises a mean , to wit , a Tree which lives longer then a Cabbadge , and not so long as an Apple-tree should : Which thing is also to be observ'd ingraffing upon different kinds of Tree . Thence it comes that S. Hierom , in the life of St. Paul the Hermit , speaking of the Centaur that appear'd to S. Anthony ( for it is true , that the subsistance of one of these Monsters proves that of the other ; as the one being destroy'd , the other cannot subsist ) does not affirm it to be a pure illusion , but doubts whether it were a real Centaur , such as those spoken of among the Ancients , or a Devil that had assum'd that form . But S. Anthony , took him for a Man , and not for a Devil whom he knew to be a Lyar , since he ask'd him where the Servant of God , whom he sought for , lodged . Whereto the Centaur reply'd but in a savage voice , and such as could not be understood , whereupon he drew near to S. Anthony , and with his hand shew'd him the way he should go , which done he ran away . Whence Saint Hierom concludes , that it is a hard matter to know , Whether the Devil had not appear'd under that Figure to frighten that holy person ; or that the Desart , fruitful in Monsters , had produc'd that Beast . And Plato , in the Banquet of the Wise-men relates , that a certain Shepherd having presented Periander with a Child , brought forth at his house by a Mare , having the Head , Neck , and Hands like those of a Man , in all the other parts resembling a Horse , and having the voice of a Child ; Diocles propos'd , that such Prodigies were the fore-runners of Seditions , and Distraction of mens minds . Whereto Thales reply'd , that it was a natural thing , to prevent which for the future , he advis'd him to keep no Grooms but such as were married . 'T is also the advice of Pliny , who in the seventh Book of his Natural History , affirms , that in the Country of the Cartadulones , among the Mountains of the Indies , there are Satyrs , a sort of very swift Animals , running sometimes on two feet , sometimes on all four , having a humane shape , and such as by reason of their activity are never taken , till they are old or sick . Plutarch also affirms , in the Life of Sylla , that in his return from Italy , there was brought him a Satyr , like those describ'd by the Ancient Authors , half-man , and half-goat , which had been taken sleeping . Being ask'd who he was , his Answer was in such a Dialect as favour'd nothing of Man's Language , but in an articulate voice , between that of Goats , and the neighing of Horses ; and the result was , that Sylla taking compassion of him , sent a Guard to conduct him to the place from whence he had been brought . The same Author makes mention of the death of the God Pan , who was a Satyr . Saint Hierom in the place before cited , affirms , that another Satyr spoke ; and he gives a description of him , saying , that he was of a middle stature , having a crooked Nose , hornes on his fore-head , and feet like those of a Goat ; and that he brought Saint Paul the Hermit some Dates , not taken off the bough on which they had grown : Which kindness obliges the Saint to ask him , Who he was ? Whereto he made Answer , that he was a mortal , and one of the Inhabitants of that Hermitage , whom the abus'd Pagans adored for Fawnes , Satyrs , and Incubi . I come to you , continu'd he , as a Deputy from the rest of our Company , intreating you to pray for us to your God and ours , whom we acknowledge to be come into the world for the common salvation of all . Having with those words concluded his Embassie , the light-footed Animal ran away . And that this Relation may seem the less strange , we have this further to add , that in the time of Constantine , there was one of them brought alive to Alexandria , which was expos'd before the people at the publick Shews , and afterwards dying , his Body was salted , and transported to the City of Antioch to be shewn to the Emperour . Pausanias also relates , that he had heard it of one Euphemius , who , he sayes , was a person worthy of credit , that sailing into Spain , he was hurry'd by a Tempest to certain Islands full of a savage kind of men , who had their bodies all over hairy , long tails like those of Horses , and red hair , which they could not force away from about them , otherwise then with blows ; and that one of the Women-savages having been left upon the shore by the Mariners , those Savages abus'd her with all imaginable violences . So that , to doubt whether there be any Satyrs , after so many Testimonies that there are , were to have too great a complyance for our own Senses , and too little for the Testimonies of the Ancients . CONFERENCE CCXL . Whether it be better to bury or to burn the bodies of the Dead ? ALL the World seems to be very much concern'd in this business , inasmuch as there being not any man but his coming into this world necessarily infers his departure out of it ; and that consequently , a separation of Body and Soul , every man ought accordingly to consider , what will become , after death , of that other part of himself , unless he hath discarded all sentiments of humanity , and hath assum'd the humour of the Cynick whom his friends having asked , where he would be dispos'd after his death , he desir'd they would leave him in the place where he died , without troubling themselves any further . Whereupon they demanding of him whether he was not afraid his body might be devour'd by Dogs , he answer'd , that he should be no more sensible of their bitings then of the gnawings of worms , if he were put into the earth ; but however they would do well to lay his staff by him , to frighten those Dogs that should come near his body . There are whole Nations who have made choice of the bowels of these Animals for their burial , especially the Hyrcanians , who kept Dogs purposely that they might be devour'd bp them after their departure . The like was done heretofore by the Medes and Parthians , who thought it less honourable to be interr'd , then to be devour'd by Dogs and Birds of prey , especially Vultures , to which the Inhabitants of Colchos and Iberia expos'd the Carcases of those who in their life-time had done gallant actions , but always burnt those of the cowardly . Nay , what is absolutely inhumane , ( though Chrysippus , an ancient and eminent Philosopher , approves it in a discourse upon that Subject ) some were so barbarous , as to eat the flesh of their Fathers , and Mothers , and best Friends , out of a perswasion , that it was one of the greatest demonstrations of piety , to give their nearest Relations a burial in their own bellies . The Persians religiously preserv'd them in their Houses , after they had enclos'd them in wax , to prevent putrefaction : which was better done by the Aegyptians , with honey , salt , bitumen , rosin , cedar , aloes , myrrh , and such perfumes , which have preserv'd their Mummyes to this time . The Scythians did the same with ice and snow , wherewith they cover'd the bodies of the deceas'd , to secure them from corruption . The Pythagoreans us'd , to the same purpose , the leaves of Poplar , Myrrh , and Aloes , wherewith they cover'd their dead ; after which manner M. Cato desir'd to be buried , as Lycurgus was , in Olive-branches . The Aethiopians inclos'd theirs in Glass ; the Thracians and Troglodites put theirs under heaps of stones ; the Hyperboreans and Icthyophagi buried them in the waves of the Sea ; the Poeonians , in Lakes ; and the Inhabitants of Caria though no Sepulchre more honourable for those who died for their Country , then that of their own Arms , wherein they buried them ; as they did Persons of Quality in the High-ways , that they might be the more conspicuous , and especially in Mountains which were only for the burial of Kings ; whence came the custom of erecting Obelisks and Pyramids on their Tombes . But though there were a great diversity in this kind of burying , yet it consisted principally in this , that some made choice of the Earth , others of the Fire , for their sepulture . The former is not only more natural and more rational , but also more advantageous than the latter , since there is nothing more consonant to natural reason , then to return to the earth those bodies ; which having been fram'd thereof , cannot be better consign'd then to the bosom of that Mother ; wherein being once enclos'd , they infect not our Air with corruption and malignant exhalations , as they may when cast into the fire , the heat whereof forcing the fumes and infected vapours of those Carcases to a great distance , they may corrupt the purity of the Air , and prejudice their health who are present at those funeral Piles , which , for that reason , the Law of the Twelve Tables expressly forbad to be set on fire within the City of Rome , lest the corruption might be communicated to the neighbouring Houses , but provided it should be done without the walls . The Second said , That though the general way of burying the dead now is to enterre them , yet methinks that of burning them , and preserving their ashes , is more noble and honourable , in regard the Fire excells the Earth in purity , as far as it transcends it in its vicinity to Heaven , the qualities whereof it communicates to the bodies it consumes , purifying and preserving them from all putrefaction , and making them so clear and transparent , that , according to the common opinion of Theology , in the general conflagration , the World and all bodies comprehended within it , will be vitrify'd , by means of the fire . It is therefore more honourable to have our bodies consum'd by that Element , then to have them devour'd by Worms and Putrefaction ; whereof fire being an enemy , and the Embleme of Immortality , there can be no better expedient to secure our deceas'd Friends from oblivion , then that of burning their bodies , whereof we have either the bones or ashes left , which may be preserv'd whole Ages ; there being yet to be seen the Urns of the ancient Romans full of such precious deposita , as those who put their Friends into the ground can never see . Add to this , that it is a rational thing to make a distinction between Man Beast , which they do not , who , burying both , treat them after the same manner ; whereas if Man's body were burnt , and that of the Beast left to rot in the ground , it would serve for a certain acknowledgment of the disproportion there is between them ; and that as the latter is of a mean and despicable condition , it is accordingly dispos'd into the Earth , which is under the other Elements , and as it were the Common-shore of the World ; whereas the former being design'd for Immortatality , Fire , which is the most sensible Hieroglyphick thereof is more proper for it then the earth ; ( wherein if we were not carry'd away rather by opinion than reason , and that Tyrant of three Letters in the Latin Tongue , as a learned Author calls Custom , did not corrupt our judgment ) it were more rational to bury the bodies of Malefactors , then to burn them as is commonly done . The Third said , That if we may judge of the goodness of a thing by its Antiquity , the way of interring the dead will carry it , as having been from the beginning of the World. Holy Scripture tell us , that Abraham bought a Field for the burial of himself and his ; and that a dead body having been dispos'd into the Sepulchre , where the bones of Elizeus were , was rais'd to Life . In other Histories we find , that most Nations practis'd it , especially the Romans , till the time of Sylla , who was the first whose Body was burnt at Rome ; which disposal of himself he order'd , out of a fear he might be treated as Marius had been , whose bones he caus'd to be taken out of the ground , and cast into the River . From that time they began to burn the Bodies of the Dead , which continu'd till the Reign of the Antoninus's , when the Custom of burying them came in again , and hath since been us'd by all Nations , whose universal consent gives a great presumption , that this manner is to be preferr'd before any other . Add to this , that our Saviour would have his precious body so dispos'd , and the Holy Church , which is divinely inspir'd , seems to mind us of the same thing , when , upon Ash-wednesday , she tell us , that we are dust , and that into dust we shall return . The Fourth said , That there were five ways of disposing the dead . One is , to put them into the ground ; another , to cast them into the water ; the third , to leave them in the open air ; the fourth , to burn them ; and the last , to suffer them to be devour'd by Beasts . This last is too inhumane to find any Abettors , but among Barbarians ; Men are more careful to prevent the corruption of Water and Air , without which they cannot live , then to suffer carrions and dead carkasses , which would cause infections and insupportable stinks ; so that the contest is only between Fire and Earth . For my part , I give the precedence to the former , whose action is more expeditious than that of the other Elements , which require a long time to consume dead bodies ; whereas Fire does it in an instant . Whereto I may add this , that there cannot be any other more likely expedient , whereby men may secure themselves from those contagious infections , which many times occasion diseases , especially when they are attended by Malignancy . Nay however , it is to be wish'd , whether dead bodies be buried or burnt , that it should be done out of the City , and that the Law of the Decemviri , to wit , Hominem mortuum in urbe ne sepelito , neve vrito , were still punctually observ'd . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69471-e4980 Of Sleep , and how long it ought to be . Which is the strongest thing in the World. Notes for div A69471-e5400 Of the Gowt . Which Condition is most expedient for the acquisition of Wisedom , Riches or Honour ? Notes for div A69471-e5860 Of Glass . Of Fucusses , or Cosmeticks . Notes for div A69471-e6480 Of Tobacco . Whether the Invention of Guns hath done more hurt than good . Notes for div A69471-e7120 Of Blood-letting . Which is the most excellent of the Souls three Faculties , Imagination , Memory , or Judgment ? Notes for div A69471-e8080 Of Dew . Whether it is expedient for Women to be Learned ? Notes for div A69471-e8550 Whether it be good to use Chymical Remedies ? Whether the reading of Romances be profitable . Notes for div A69471-e9290 Of Talismans . Whether a Country-life or a City-life is to be preferr'd ? Notes for div A69471-e10430 Of Volcano's . Which Age is most desirable ? Notes for div A69471-e11190 Of Mineral Waters . Whether it be better to Give than to Receive ? Notes for div A69471-e12190 Of Antidotes . Which is most communicative Good or Evil ? Notes for div A69471-e12640 Why Animals cry when they feel Pain ? Whether it be expedient to have Enemies ? Notes for div A69471-e12910 Of the Rain-bow . Whether the Reading of Books is a fitter way for Learning than Vocal Instruction ? Notes for div A69471-e13730 Of the Milky-way . Which is most powerful , Gold or Iron ? Notes for div A69471-e14300 Of the cause of Vapours . Which is less culpable , Rashness or Cowardice ? 
A41659	----	The court of the gentiles, or, A discourse touching the original of human literature, both philologie and philosophie, from the Scriptures and Jewish church. Part 2, Of philosophie in order to a demonstration of 1. The perfection of Gods word and church light, 2. The imperfection of natures light and mischief of vain philosophie, 3. The right use of human learning and especially sound philosophie / by Theoph. Gale ... Court of the gentiles. Part 2 Gale, Theophilus, 1628-1678. 1670 Approx. 1609 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 248 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41659 Wing G138 ESTC R11588 13798125 ocm 13798125 101864 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41659) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101864) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 454:41) The court of the gentiles, or, A discourse touching the original of human literature, both philologie and philosophie, from the Scriptures and Jewish church. Part 2, Of philosophie in order to a demonstration of 1. The perfection of Gods word and church light, 2. The imperfection of natures light and mischief of vain philosophie, 3. The right use of human learning and especially sound philosophie / by Theoph. Gale ... Court of the gentiles. Part 2 Gale, Theophilus, 1628-1678. [42], 448 p. Printed by Will. Hall for Tho. Gilbert, Oxford : 1670. Paging irregular. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible -- Criticism, interpretation, etc. Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COURT OF THE GENTILES : OR , A Discourse touching the Original of HUMAN LITERATURE , both Philologie , and Philosophie , from the SCRIPTURES , and JEWISH CHURCH : In order to a Demonstration , OF 1. The Perfection of Gods Word , and Church Light. 2. The Imperfection of Natures Light , and mischief of Vain Philosophie . 3. The right Use of Human Learning , and especially sound Philosophie . PART II. Of Philosophie . By THEOPH . GALE , M. A. late Fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Philosophis Ethnicis ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Orig. cont . Cels. lib. 6. Philosophia Mosaica omni Sapientia Vetustior . Aug. Steuch . Eugub . de Peren. Phil. lib. 7. cap. 11. Eam ( Christianam intelligit ) veram , perfectamque probari Philosophiam , quae supra caeteras omnes ostendit Deum ; clariusque Principia , Causasque omnes ad hunc suum revocat Fontem . Idem l. 10. c. 9. OXFORD : Printed by WILL : HALL , for THO : GILBERT . 1670 THE PREFACE . PHilosophie was in its first descent , a generous , Noble thing , a Virgin-beautie , a pure Light , born of the Father of Lights , in whose Light alone we can see light . But , alas ! how soon did she lose her original Virginitie , and primitive puritie ? how soon was she , of an Angel of Light , transformed into a child of darknesse ? Adam no sooner fell , but Philosophie fell with him , and became a common Strumpet , for carnal Reason to commit follie with . And oh ! how have the lascivious Wits , of lapsed humane nature , ever since gone a Whoring after vain Philosophie ? But such was the infinite Benignitie , and Condescension of Soveraigne Light , and Love , as that he vouchsafed to Irradiate a spot of the lapsed world , even his Holy Land , and Elect Seed , with fresh , and glorious rayes of the Light of Life , conveighed in , and by Sacred Revelations . And oh ! how beautiful , how ravishing were those bright beams of Divine Light , which shone on Judea ? Were not all the adjacent parts illuminated hereby ? Yea , did not Greece it self ( esteemed the eye of the World ) light her Candle at this Sacred Fire ? Were not all the Grecian Scholes hung with Philosophick Ornaments , or Contemplations , stollen out of the Judaick Ward-robe ? Were not Pythagoras's College , Plato's Academie ; Aristotle's Peripatum , Zeno's Stoa , and Epicurus's Gardens , all watered with rivulets , though in themselves corrupt , originally derived from the sacred Fountain of Siloam ? Whence had Phaenicia , Egypt , Chaldea , Persia , with our Occidental Parts , their Barbarick Philosophie , but from the sacred Emanations of Sion ? The Demonstration of this is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the original Idea of this Discourse . But yet , notwithstanding those rich , and resplendent Derivations of Divine Revelation , how much did the Gentile world solace it self in its own native darknesse ? what mixtures of vain Imaginations with Judaick Traditions ? what muddie , dirtie phantasmes did they mingle with those broken Traditions , they received from the waters of the Sanctuarie ? Neither was this the crime of the Pagan world only , but also of the Church of God ; which has in all Ages , so far as the spirit of Apostasie prevailod , been greatly fond of vain Philosophie : And ( which is a prodigious matter of astonishment ) those very Philosophick Traditions , which the thirstie greedie Grecians imbibed , originally from the sacred Fountain in Judea , and afterwards , by many successive Metamorphoses , adulterated with their own fabulous , and ridiculous infusions , I say , these very Philosophick Traditions , thus Sophisticated , both Jews , and Christians , have in their declined state , drank in , with as much greedinesse , as the Minor Poets did Homer's Vomit . And hence indeed , even from this bitter Root of Vain Philosophie , have sprung all pestiferous , and noxious Heresies , and Idolatries , which have caused such miserable Declensions , both in the Judaick , and Christian Churches . The Demonstration hereof is the ultimate , and supreme end ( next to the Glorie of God ) I have had under Intention , in the composure of these Philologick , and Philosophick discourses . And albeit I can promise nothing , whether ever , or when such an undertakement may see light , yet take this ensuing Specimen , or Abstract Idea of what is designed herein . 1. The Vanitie , and manifold defects of Pagan Philosophie may be demonstrated from its Causes : For the Effect cannot be more perfect , or noble than it's Cause : If the Spring-head be poisoned , the Streams must needs have the same tincture and taint . What were the main springs of Pagan Philosophie , but some broken Judaick Traditions adulterated , and poisoned with their own ignorant Inventions , Curiositie , Pride , Presumption , Confidence , Contentious Disputes , Opinionativenesse , Dogmatisings , Carnal Policie , Idololatrick Inclinations , and fabulous Imitations ? were not these the great Prolisick principles of all Pagan Philosophie ? And may we expect a wholesome Issue , or Progenie , from such envenomed Parents ? 2. The various defects of Pagan Philosophie , may be measured by its Matter , and Parts . How full of contentions is Logick ; especially as delivered by Zeno , and Aristotle's Commentators the Arabians ? what grosse mistakes are there in ( the greatest among Pagan Philosophers ) Aristotle in his Physicks ? Not to mention any lower , and lesser ones against Reason only , which some quarrel him for ; as namely , touching the first Principles of Bodies ; his making I know not what Chimerical first Matter a Principle of real , and even Privation it self of positive Bodilie Beings , and the like : I shall instance only in that his great Signal Contradiction to Faith , and Reason together , the Eternitie of the World ; to Faith , Heb. 11.3 . and very many other Scriptures : and to Reason ; since that very same Argument of his ( drawn from that grand absurditie of the Part being equal to the Whole ) whereby he disproves the possibilitie of its Infinitie in Extension , would give as clear baffle to the possibilitie of it's Infinitie in Duration also . Besides , how extreamly defectuous are the Pagan Ethicks , both as to Matter , End , Rule , and Principles ? Are not also their Oeconomicks , Politicks , and Mathematicks , greatly defective , and vain ? But that , which gives us a more black Idea of the Vanitie of the Grecians Philosophie , is their Metaphysicks , or Natural Theologie . It 's true , Pythagoras , and Plato , had clear Traditions of the Deitie , and Divine Perfections ; but yet what a masse of fabulous narrations , and phantasmes of their own do they contemper therewith ? How superstitious , yea ridiculous , are their Daemon-gods , and Worship ? Yea , what a Monstrous Satanick spirit of Hell inspired their whole Systeme of Divination , by Dreams , Maladies , Animals , Plants , Men , Elements , Stars , and things Artificial , as Glosses , &c. 3. But nothing affords us a more evident Demonstration , of the defects , and vanitie of Pagan Philosophie , than the monstrous , mischievous effects it has produced among men . Not to mention the pestiferous Influence it had on the Pagan world , for the Improvement , and propagation of Atheisme , Polutheisme , Superstition , and Idolatrie : We shall begin with the malignant Contagion , which the Judaick Church received from vain Philosophie . So long as the Judaick Theologie continued under it's own native , simple habit of Divine Revelation , without commixtures of vain Philosophie , it retained its primitive Puritie , Beautie , and Glorie . It 's true , there was a great Declension , and Apostasie , as to Worship , even shortly after their establishment in Canaan : But whence sprang this , but from the Phenician , and Chaldaick Philosophie , touching Planetarie Deities , and Daemons , called by the Phenicians Baalim ? Yet still the Judaick Doctrine continued entire , and pure ; till some time after the Babylonish Captivitie , the Grecanick Philosophie began to incorporate therewith . And the Rise hereof was this ; when the sacred Garden of Judea was laid waste , and the Grecians became Lords of the Oriental parts , the carnal Jews , out of a fond compleasance , began to plant this Garden of the Lord , their Scholes , and Church , with Grecian Sciences ; which proved the fatal subversion of their Sacred Theologie . Neither were the Godly Reforming Jews , without a prevision of the cursed Effects , which would follow on this commixture of Pagan Philosophie with their sacred Oracles : and therefore in the time of the Hasmoneans , or Macchabees , there was a constitution made , That whosoever taught his Son the Grecian Philosophie should be anathematized . But yet , as the Judaick Reformation begun by Ezra , and others , degenerated into Formalitie , and Superstition , the Jews more and more imbibed the Grecanick Philosophie , which proved the Foundation of their chiefest Heresies , and Superstitions . For we no way doubt , but ( in it's time , and place ) to demonstrate , that the main Errors of the Pharisees , Sadduces , and other Judaick Hereticks , received their first Formation , Lineaments , and Improvement from Grecian Philosophie , especially the Pythagorean . Yea , we doubt not , but to ●vince , that the chief of the Jewish Talmud , or Systeme of their Oral Traditions , which the Pharisees call the Traditions of the El●ers , Mark. 7.3.5 . were no other than Pythagorean Dogmes , and Institutes ; and thence stiled by our blessed Lord , The Doctrines and Traditions of men , Mark 7.7 , 8. The first great Errors that infested the Christian Churches , were those of the Gnosticks ; who pretended unto a very sublime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Mystick Theologie ; which was no other than a corrupt complexum of Orphaick , Pythagorick , and Judaick Infusions . For whence borrowed they their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Conjunctions , and Genealogies , namely , touching the conjunction of one thing with another ; and thence the generation of a third ; as they say , [ out of the conjunction of Night , and Silence , was generated the Chaos ] but from the Mythologick , and Symbolick Philosophie of the Pythagoreans , &c. Again , it seems very probable , that all their Will-worship , and voluntarie humilitie , mentioned Col. 2.18 . were but corrupt Imitations of Pythagorean Dogmes , and Institutes , as Col. 2.8 . Neither want we sufficient evidence to evince , that vain Philosophie was the chief Seminarie , and Nurse of the main Errors broached in the four first Centuries after Christ . This Tertullian was greatly sensible of ; and therefore he stiles the Philosophers , the Patriarchs of Hereticks . Yea , a French Author informs us , That Tertullian did puissantly Combat the Vanitie of Philosophie , which he had formerly so much affected ; because he knew full well , that it was the principal foundation of Superstition , &c. Ir is not difficult , from an enumeration of particulars , to demonstrate , that the most malignant Heresies , which so greatly infected the primitive Churches were fermented in , and breathed from the Schole of Alexandria , which was then the Source , and Fountain of Gentile Philosophie . Whence had Paulus Samosatenus his Blasphemous Infusions , but from Plotinus ( successor to Ammonius in his Schole of Alexandria ) who Philosophizing here , of the Eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Word , ( and that according to the Platonick Mode ) Samosatenu● , his Auditor , drew hence his Grand Impostures , that our blessed Saviour was only Man ; and that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , John 1.1 . We may not understand any subsistent person , but only the manifestative word of promise . And did not Arrius in like manner derive his blasphemous Persuasions touching Christ , from the very same poisoned Fountain ? For he being a Presbyter in the Church of Alexandria , and too much drenched in those Platonick speculations , touching the Divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made it his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Samosatenus before him ) to reconcile John's explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Word , with that of Plato . So a great French Divine informes us , That the Arrian Heresie had it's rise from the particular Conferences of learned Men in the Citie of Alexandria . And had not the Pelagian Heresie the same pestiferous root ? This is incomparably well demonstrated by Janseniu● , in his Augustinus , Tom. 1. lib. 6. cap. 13. where he shews , how Origen ( Scholar to Ammoniu● , in his schole of Alexandria ) by mingling Platonick Contemplations with Scripture-Revelations , gave Matter , and Forme to the chief Pelagian Dogmes . Yea , it is generally confessed , that Pelagius himself visited this schole of Alexandria , and other parts of Egypt , where gaining intimate familiaritie , & conversation with the Origenistick Monks , successors of Origen , he had thence huge assistance for the formation of Pelagianisme : Not to mention what advantages , and aides he received from other of the Greek-Fathers , who followed Origen , as the Latin Fathers Augustine . Having explicated the black Character , or heretical Impresses , which the Gentile Philosophie left on the primitive Churches , we now proceed to the bodie of Antichristianisme , ( which is a Complexum of Heresies , and Apostasies ) to discover what prodigious , and venemous Influences it received from Pagan Philosophie . The first Lineaments of this Mysterie of Iniquitie , were formed out of a Mystick Theologie , composed by the Alexandrine , and other Egyptian Monks , successors of Origen , out of that Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie , which flourished in this Schole of Alexandria . For that the chiefest parts of that Mystick Theologie , which gave the first lines to the bodie of Antichristianisme , were formed out of Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie , seems most evident , both from the Matter , Forme , and first Formers thereof . What are the chief materials of this Mystick Theologie , but Pythagorean , and Platonick speculations ? An Egge is scarcely more like an Egge , than those Mystick contemplations coined by Origen , and his successors , are like Pythagorean , and Platonick Infusions . Neither do they agree only in Matter , but in Forme also . For as the Pythagoreans , and Platonists delighted much to wrap up their philosophizings in Symbolick , Parabolick , Aenigmatick , and Allegorick Modes : just so those Monkish Divines their Mystick Theologie . Lastly , that this Mystick Theologie , which gave the first formation to Antichristianisme , was but an Ape of Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie , is very evident from the first formers thereof , who were the Origenistick Monks , successors of Origen ; not only as to their manner of Life , but mode of Theologie also ; which they endeavoured to render Conformable to the Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie . Yea , not only their Theologie , but also their monastick Life , and Discipline , seems to be no other than a corrupt Idea borrowed from the Pythagorean College , which will appear to any , that shall compare them together , according to the account we have given of the Pythagorean College , Book 2. Chap. 6. Thus learned Bochart , in his Treatise against Veron ( Part. 3. Chap. 25. § . 4. Art. 1. ) proves at large , That the Injunction of Celibate , and Monastick Life , was one of the Superstitions brought out of Egypt by Pythagoras ; who forbad Marriage to those of his Sect , and erected a Cloistre , &c. Another vital part of Antichristianisme consists in Scholastick Theologie , as it hath long flourisht in the Papacie , and been for many Ages the Main of their Divinitie ; so formed , and calculated , as might be most advantageous for the confirmation of the Doctrine of Antichrist , and that in Imitation of , and Derivation from Aristotle's Philosophie , though not simply , and as delivered by him , yet as explicated , and taught by the Arabians , Averroes , and Avicenna his Commentators ; who as much corrupted his Sense , as they little understood his Language . For look as the first Monks were wholly drencht in Platonick , and Pythagorean Philosophie : so the Scholemen gave up themselves to Aristotle thus corrupted into an Artificial kind of contentious Disputation , as that which best suited with their Designe ; which was to support the Papal Empire by force of Argument , and wrangling Dispute ; the cunning contrivers of the Antichristian Religion , first forging the Doctrines , and then committing them to the subtile Scholemen to be maintain'd , & defended . The last Branch of Antichristianisme , I shall here mention , is the Canonists Theologie , touching the Canonization , & Worshipping of Saints , which stands in such a Compliance with the Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Daemonolatrie , as seems not to have been accidental , and casual , but studied , and contriv'd : The very Popish Directorie of the Inquisitors sticks not to call the Canonization of Saints their Apotheosis , i. e. Deification : And that the whole Papal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Saint-Worship , is but an Imitation of the Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Daemon-Worship , is excellently explicated , and demonstrated by Judicious Mede , on 1 Tim. 4.1 , 2. touching the Apostasie of the latter times . This we may ( perhaps in due time , and place ) demonstrate by a parallel 'twixt the Papal Saints , and Pagan Daemons . 1. In their Origine ; 2. In their Formal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 3. In their Mediatorie Offices ; 4. In their Festivals ; 5. In their Images , and Reliques ; 6. In the Offerings made to them ; 7. In their Exorcismes , and Miracles ; 8. In the Invocation of them ; 9. In the sacred Rites , and Ceremonies performed to them ; 10. In that Hierarchie , and Supremacie assumed by the Pope , that great Demonarch . In all these regards there seems to be an intimate Symbolization between the Papal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which was the great figment of the Philosophers , as we may hereafter demonstrate . Thus we have given a concise Idea of what is intended touching the defects , vanitie , and mischiefs of Pagan Philosophie . But now to disabuse the minds of any such , as may ungroundedly conceit , that all Philosophie is uselesse , as also to lay a foundation for a Systeme of sound Reformed Philosophie , we are not without some formed Intentions ( if Providence favor the same ) to make an Essay , for the casting of the whole body of sound Philosophie into one Systeme , whereof Logick must be the Key . At present it must suffice to hint , that he , who will imbue his mind with a true Idea of Philosophie , must — Nullius jurare in Verba Magistri : must not tenaciously adhere to the stiffe Dogmes of any particular Sect of Philosophers whatsoever ; which is usually the way to prepossesse the Mind against more of Truth , than it possesseth it of : but he must keep his Judgment free , and apt to receive any Impressions of Truth , from whatsoever objects , or persons they flow . He that is inclined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to serve an Hypothesis , will never be brought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to sacrifice to Truth . And therefore the Designe of the New Platonists in the Schole of Alexandria , who called themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( of whom see B. 3. C. 4. § . 15. ) was thus far honourable , in that they espoused not any one Sect , but endeavoured to Cull , what was most Eligible , out of every Sect. It is good advice , which Grotius ( Epist . 16. ) gives a Student in Philosophie , to observe ( especially in Ethicks ) the differences of the Sects : what were the Sentiments of Pythagoras ; what those of the severe Stoicks ; what those of the Old , and New Academie ; and what those of Epicurus . For these being unknown , there ariseth a great Darknesse , &c. This is one great Inducement , which drew us to fill up this whole Discourse with the Historick Narration of Philosophie ; that so young Students might have a more free , and open air of Philosophie to breath in ; and not be tied up to the confined Dogmes of any one Sect ; which has proved a great detriment not onely to Divine , but also to humane Wisdome . In Opus hoc Eruditione pari , ac Industria Elaboratum . SInceros Ignes Coelesti ex Arce Prometheus Vafra in Terrenum transtulit Arte Focum . De Sacris furtim accendit Sophia Ethnica Flammis , Hebraeorum Arae queis caluere , Faces . Utque solent Fures gnari celare , Figuris Assumptis , nunc Se , nunc sua Furta , novis : Cantatus sic hinc Sophos Ethnicus , inde Poeta ( Nam pariter Plagii est hujus uterque Reus ) Surripit è priscis , Artis Monumenta , Sepulchris Funera post Veterum vivere digna Patrum . Sacrilegove Ausu Sacram Salomonis in Aedem Involat , & Ritus abripi● inde Sacros . Quin Coelum imperitur ; Cooloque Augustior ipso Gentili , lacera est Pagina Sacra , Manu . Omnis at , in Vario Fabellae tincta Colore , Asservanda aliis clam sua Furta putat . Haecque Sibi Authori tribuit , cui nescio Divûm , Illa ( decet fictum Fabula ficta Deum ) Hujus enim Aegyptis Author Ter Maximus Hermes , Istius Serapis , illius Isis erat . Nocturnae Interpres Josephus Imaginis , idem Naturae Mystes maximus , atque Dei , Tanto erat his Hermes Titulo insignitus Honoris , Et , Fidei ut Nobis , his Pater Artis Abram . Sus Agri hos Artem docuit lutulenta Colendi ( Arte hac Discipulis digna Magistra suis ) Sus lutulenta ; Agrum Rostro dum Sulcat Aratro ; Puraque mox facta est Sus lutulenta Dea. Sed pronam in Terras ad Coelos tollere Mentem ; Ducere per , Coeli Machina , quicquid , haber ; Naturam Astrorum , Numerum , Motumque docere ; Haec Ars in Coelos ut vehit , inde venit . Sanctae Orbi Gentis , Genti Coelestis & Author Artis Abram , hanc didicit primus , & hanc docuit . Appulit huc Oculos , Mentem huc , ubi Sidera jusso Ut numeret , dictum est , Sic tibi Semen erit . Nec solùm ad Sanctam traducta Scientia Prolem Stellarum ad Numerum quae numeranda fuit . Sedes nempe aptas Aegyptum Nube Serenam Seligit haec , apta in Sede potita Throno . Et Patriarcharum Primum sibi nacta Magistrum , Rege & Discipulo Nobilitata suo . Evchit h●c Abram Pharetatem ad Sidera , Vulgo Dum Sus Culturam soetida grunnit Agri. Ars media has artes inter Geometria Regem Cultores medios Vulgus & inter , habet . Istamne hos Artem Numen docuisse Suillum ; Et Sulco ut Rostrum , Metro habuisse Caput ? Qui Terram in terrae sundavit Pondere , justos Mensurae & Fines jussit habere suae . Hic nullo discit Lancis tentamine Pondus ; Metrica Mensuram Virga nec ulla docet . Pondere , Mensuraque Opifex , qua fecit , ●adem Mensurat Terras , Ponderat atque Manu : Metitur facilis totas Divina Potestas : Sudat in exiguis Partibus Artis Opus . Prima per Aegyptum transivit Metrica Virga : Verùm in Josephi Metrica Virga Manu . Nec prius Aegypto succurritur Artis egenti , Hebraeo Primus quàm foret Artis Honos . Discretis fines Nili Vis eripit Arvis : Ars hos Confuso reddit Hebraea Solo. In totum Commune ferunt , Mare qua patet , Orbem Phoenicum Naves Mercis , & Artis Onus : Laudum & plena vehit Phoenices Bucca Magistros ; Quaquà Ventorum Carbasa plena Rates . Hinc Sanchoniathon docto audit Magnus in Orbe ; Hinc Magnus docto Mochus in Orbe sonat . Multa petunt à Mose ambo sibi Dogmata ; si non Alter & a Mosis Nomine Nomen habet . Quae prius in tenues prolata evanuit Auras ( Nunc mera nil nisi Vox , nunc & inane nihil ) Vox stetit in Graecis Magica Cadmi Arte figuris Firma ; Sonusque Oculis excipiendus erat . Aegyptum Virtute Magum qui praestitit Omnem , Phoenicem hunc picti praevenit Arte Soni : Ipso ex Ore Dei quàm plurima Verba loquentis Excipit , è Manibus primaque Scripta Manu . Quae. Cordi indiderat , jam pene Erasa , Columnis Instaurat primus Jura notata Deus . Signata Hebraeas dant Voces Marmora ; Moses Hoc juxta Exemplar Scriba Secundus erat : Quisve huic Discipulus , quove Ordine , nescio , Cadmo Hac Praeceptoris praestitit Arte Vices . Nec Graiis prius iste docet Signare figuris , Quàm suit Hebraeae nota figura Scholae . Hac notâ , Nemo quantillae , nesciat , Artis Sit variare Notos , non variare Sonos . Antiquas Babylonis Opes miramur , & Artes ; Supremum domiti dum Caput Orbis erat . Omnis Opes , Gens una Artes invexit Hebraea : Captivi Dominos erudiere suos . Forsan & Artis Abram Chaldaeae Elementa reliquit Tum post Se , Secum cum tulit inde Fidem . Nec stetit in triplici furandi Gente Reatus : Docta iterum furtim Graecia Furta rapit . Dividit at plures inter sua Furta Latrones ; Fraus ist● melius posset ut Arte tegi . Primum hoc Pythagorae Inventum , primum idque Thaletis , Istud Anaxagorae , Socratis illud erat . Multa Sagax cudit Xenophon , Diûs Plato plura ; Plurima dat Magno parva Stagira Duce . Ut sua nempe crepant aliorum Inventa , tenobris Abdita Figmenti , pristina Vera , novi . Nil non acceptum , Nil quicquam ferre videri Acceptum Antiquis Turba novella ferent . Multi hinc multa Dei Afflatu Dignissima ducunt : Hujus Apollo , hujus Pallas & Author erat . Re tamen apse sua ( furtiva scilicet ) Arte Istis Mercurius paginam utramque facit . Quin ipse Afflatus , vero ex Afflamine fictus , Furti in se Culmen Mercurialis habet . Falsum istum retegit , ficta è farragine Divûm , Verus nunc Christi de Grege Mercurius . Authorem en gnarum , Vestigia nota legendo , Hanc Furum turmam docta per Antra sequi . Hic Spolia a victis Raptorum amplissima Castris , Antiquis Dominis restituenda , rapit . Ethnica furtivis nuda est Cornicula Plumis : Formosa est Plumis Sancta Columba suis . Fabellae longum putidae Conclusa Palude , Sacrum iterum Fontem , Dogmata Sacra , petunt . Post iter emensum longum , multumque Maeandrum , Sic Flumen refluas in Mare volvit Aquas . Idem de Opere , & Authore iisdem . Una ( Volente Deo ) Divinae Ecclesia Mater , Humanae Sophiae Mater & una fuit . Nata est Gentiles regat haec , ut Luna , Tenebras ; Gentis Sanctae , instar Solis , at ●lla Diem . Inque Domo Domini hac , illi data Summa Potestas ; Haec Servum An cillae dum sibi Munus habet . Hanc neque Splendidior mirere quòd ornet Amictus ; In morem Ancillis hoc abiisse palam est . Illius sed pura , gravis , Venerandaque Vestis ; Quaeque revelante est undique digna Deo. Nec Sancto Soli insinuat se Lumine Menti , Intima vel penetrat Corda Calore Sacro . Gentilis Lumen Sophiae ( Lampyridis illi Haud impar ) Lumen , praetereaque Nihil . Lumen , & Influxum geminum Foetum ( aemula Phoebi Mate● ) Scripturae parturit Omne Jubar . Quin Mentem & Renovans primum sensim indit Acumen : Imbuit & Summi Cognitione Dei. Res hinc rimandas melius descendit ad Omnes : Naturam noto , nesciat illa , Deo. Terna Dies olim Noctem mutatur in unam ; Fitque ex Compactis Noctibus una tribus . Afflictam Aegyptum Spissae invasere tenebrae , Palpari facili quae potuere Manu . Interea Sancti minime interrupta Popelli Lux fulget laetis alma Domiciliis . Gens & in Aegypto haec Goshen invenit , in Orbe Lucis & haec Goshen Gens melioris erat . Ut Tenebris Numen secrevit Lumina primis : Atque alternantes jussit habere Vices . JVSTITIAE sic SOLI olim Communis Horizon Judaeaeque , Deo sic statuente , fuit : Hanc extra , praeter Tenebras , & Opaca Locorum , Haec Mundi exhibuit tetrica Scena Nihil . Linea mutata est dudum hic Ecliptica ; Signa Zodiaci nec bis Sex , velut ante , Tribus . Cursus abhinc idem , quamvis non passibus aequis U●rivis Soli perficiendus erat . Solem Evangelicum sed quem videt Ethnicus Ortum , Occiduum mox hunc Israelita videt . Sic erat irriguo sicca olim Vellere Terra : Sic Terr● Siccum Vellus & irrigu● . Judaeae quin una Fidem Nox vidit , & Artem Occiduas , Ortas vidit ut una Dies . Lux gemina haec Geminis impar Coelestibus ; Alter Ortum ubi Suspensum , dum Cadat alter , habet . Tyndareis impar Geminis ; dum scilicet alter Horum absque alterius vivere Morte nequit . Lux gemina Hippocratis Geminis par haec ; ubi Risus Alter in alterius Solvitur , & Lacrymas . Ut quo laetifico ridet Sol blandior Ore , Hoc illi arridet laetior alma Soror . Ille aliò offensum si quando vertat Ocellum ; Indutis luget Vestibus ista nigris . Sic Sacra quò proprior Lux est , ur Culminet Orbe , Ingenuae magis hoc Eminet Artis Apex . Ad quem deprimitur Scriptura Lumen , eundem Ars & confestim verg●t ad usque Gradum . Quando super Gibeone ( Diem ut produce●et Hostis Excidio ) tutilos Sol ●etinebat Equos : Et ( Fratri contenta Vices concedere ) Valle Vicina albidulas Luna repressit Equas . Dum bis quinque Gradus Hez'chiae tempore Phoebus Regreditur , Phoeben tot retroire putes . Sese inter Servant sic Progressusque , Regressusque Atque Moras dubias Arsque , Fidesque pares . Procreat hinc ●lures Meretricia Roma Sophistas : Casta Agni plures dat tibi Sponsa Sophos . Selecta in Terris Genti ( Sic Fata volebant ) Ars primae , sol● Gratia danda fuit . Ars Sancto quaevis accepta ferenda Popello ; Sanctorum ut Virtus est referenda Deo. Accep●á à Virtute Deo est Ecclesia grata , Mu●do etiam cur non esset ab Arte data ▪ Scilicet Ars hujus fuerat gratissima Mundo ; Ni fuerat Mundo Gratia grata minus . Dum tamen ignaro Lucem Artis foenerat Orbi , Vel sic est Lucis , Filia grata , Patri : Gratiae & ingratum Lumen sparsura per Orbem , Humana Munus si foret illud Opis . Ad Vivum Pictura resert , cum ducitur ipsa A Facie Artifici , Linea quaeque , Manu : Sapius Exemplar ducatur ab Exemplari , Hinc minùs evadet Prototypo simile . Sic quo Judaeae Gens ulla propinquior olim , Longius aut fuerat dissocia●a Loco ; Illius hoc veras edocta fidelius Artes , Figmentisve magis falsa erat ipsa suis . Unde Salutari magis & Phoenicia Verax , Audire & Mendax Graecia jure potest . Haec ita Figmentis scater undique , ut Vrinator Vero expiscando Delius esset Opus . Doctae autem Genti● si quilibet alter , habendus Hic meritò Vere Delius Author erit . Figmenti in fundum se immergens eruit Indis Majores Gemmis , * Indus ut alter , Opes . Nec Soli Sapuit Sibi , Sudavitve ; fr●endas Has aliis Gazas exhibuisse juvat . Unde feret Laudes OPIFEX Artisque , Laborisque , Aut Grates meritas Vtilitatis OPUS ? Nempe iterum , ut Sileant , Oracla Profana jubentur ; Ore licet Sacris Liberiore loqui . THO : GILBERT . Ad Authorem , de Opere hoc utrisque jam partibus , numerisque Omnibus Absoluto . GAllia Visa parum tibi ; Colloquiumque BOCHARTI , Quo Galli majus nil habuere , parum est . Res Asiae , Aegyptique , & Romae , sedulus Author , Doctaque perquiris Graecia quicquid habet : Supremus labor est Solymarum visere sedes ; Nec prohibent adytis te sacra Templa suis . Imò tibi SANCTUM SANCTORUM , haud Atria solum , Gentibus antiquis quae patuere , patet . Abdita Judaea pandis Mysteria Gentis ; Exuis & Velum Ritibus omne Sacris . Dura Vrim Vexent , Thummimque Vocabula Mystas ; Responsum potius tu mihi , Gale , dabis . Non ego , * Literulis Responsa micenine , morabor : Haec modò Luce tua consuluisse licet . Aegyptus tenebras , rerumque Aenigmata jactet ; Dum Goshen Scriptis fit mihi clara tuis . OUENUS PRICAEUS . A. M. On the Second Part of this Learned WORKE . 1. THough beauteous Nature , with her numerous Race , Does still replenish this unbounded Space ; Is still in vigor Seen , Of all harmonious things the Queen : Has nothing of her strength by Age , or Labours spent , Throughout the teeming Earth , or Rolling Firmament : But still in numbers smooth and fleet , With as●ery all and silent feet , Holds on the mighty Dance , Her Maker bad her first advance : Though too as he of old throughout the forming Masse , Whilst in the boundless womb of Nothing 't was , Did strength , and beauty sow : Shee yet retains them both , and with eternall love Payes gratefull homage to the King above : And usefull Tribute to the Prince below . 2. Yet strange it is Philosophie alone , For Natures prospect borne , and contemplation ; Should not so constant , and so faithfull prove ; Should the disease of age , not reason have : Not nakedness of truth , but shadows love : And seem so neer her grave : That in the World 's great Room when sett , Her selfe , and setled business should forget : Her self in learned Mazes loose ; Some pretty Scheams of things , not the supream Idea choose , Which was intire and bright , In the Original light ; But rather will descend the vast Abysse , Where darknesse is , With rocks of horrid Termnes , and hard Hypotheses ; Where all the Arts , like the fal'n Angels , lye In chains of darkness bound : The worse because so knowing Miserie : And still with dreadful noise doe sound . Thus with dejected Eye In standing pooles we seek the skye : To find the milkie way , Not only lose the day : But down to Caverns , and vast tracts of night Go to improve the sight . Mean while neglect the glories , and the gentle influence Of all the wide and faire Circumference ; Losing both God , and his Intelligence . 3. Were 't not a too unkind Relief To present griefe , Our blisse to think upon , That 's past and gon ; I 'd blesse the day , when Arts proportion'd right , Fram'd more for use , then wild delight , Did not some Private Patron raise , But solemniz'd their greater Authors praise ; Large as his Works , unbounded as his Rule , That 's founder of the Vniverse his Schoole . When none of numbers made this mighty Frame , Pythagoras did find In 's Arithmetick mind , Those we may Cyphers name . Arts did not then designe to dwell In some inglorious Cell : The Rigours of the Stoa , to maintain ; Or from Stagira date their Reign ; Nor from the Gardens shade , Which Epicurus made : As if the Tree of Knowledge were Replanted , and to flourish there . 4. 'T was never thought of then , Des-Cartes pride Should over Schooles , and God in triumph ride ; That e're from matters liquid bowles should fall This Universal greater Ball ; Or from his Whirle-pooles should e're ehbe , and flow All this vast Tyde of things below . At first there was no place for Fancies stage ; Or the wild images of learned rage : Arts close to things , and natures businesse sit , Shēw'd then the Strength , and Innocence of witt . But Knowledge like a River in its Course ; Making to its Original sourse ; Its purity does lose , and to the spring In foaming Torrents filth does bring . 5. Thanks to this Learned Authors pen , Truth now appears in Innocence agen ; Through all the Vailes of things , and Men. Sure he came from the Holy Place , So bright is all the Face : And in his Gentiles Court so Sacred is the view , We lustre find , and Inspiration too . He doth with Rods correct the Heathen School : As the great Saviour did in 's Temple rule . Truth now extends her Conquest far , The Heathen Oracles struck dumb , and Authors are . They to so just a Triumph their submissions owe , And now congratulate their overthrow . Dethron'd they are , yet Priviledge enjoy : Highly promoted while they bow I th' House of God so low ; As he was deem'd , who so himself demean'd In Rimm●n's House , while on his hand his Master lean'd How great then our Triumphal joy ! When that proud Empire of the Arts we see A tributary Province to Divinitie . The Heathen Authors are corrected so , Their poyson now for Antidote may goe . Through their profane we see Diviner Theames , Since thus our skilful Joseph has explain'd their Dreams . To the Author on both Parts of this Learned Work. 1. HE 's a wise Master of a Feast , And bravely treats the Guests he did invite , Who first presents unto their sight That Food whose gratefull tast Will edge the Appetite , And with a pleasing Sharpness still Prepare the Stomach it does fill : Reserving that till last Whose more substantiall Good Deserves the name of Satisfying Food ; And is besides the Choicest Dish of all the Rest . So prudently have you Contriv'd the Learned Banquet here Set out and offer'd to our view ; In that you first excite And whet the Mind's delight , And in the Rear , Vouchase to Entertain it with the daintiest Cheer . From your first great Performance we can tell Where Letters , Words , and Languages Began , and how they did increase : By whom the Infant World was taught to spell , And Lisp a Syllable : By what Gradations then it grew In Age , and Learning too ; Untill with times , and pains expence At length it came to Read , and Write in sense . 2. First Historie presents us in her scene The brave Atchievements of Heroick men , Whose deathless Actions rightly claim To them a never dying Name : Their praises with their Better Parts do crave A just exemption from the Grave , And out-live all transactions that have been , Since Chance upon our rowling Orb a sporting sate , And laugh'd to see , A Mimick Ape , that shee Made all things suhject unto Change like that . Next sprightly Poetrie took birth , That fair Minerva of the Brain , Which is the only Child on Earth , Since heavy Curses taught it how to mourn , And Mourn in Vain , That ever yet was Born Without the Parents groans and Pain . She on impolish'd Natures homely Face Stroak'd the rude Features into fair , And many a Beauteous grace She lively painted there , Where before dull , and Swarthy Colours did appear . The Last in Time , not Dignity or Name , Smooth Oratorie came By Nature smooth , by Culture gay , Since she has got the Artful trick To Cloath her self in the Array And Trappings of Trim Rhetorick , And all her gracefull Colours to display : These little Arts that we were taught before ; Branches of Knowledge and no more , Refresh'd our Minds ; how ravish'd shall we be Now you produce Philosophi● , Which to these frugall Branches is the well grown Tree ? A Tree whose Heavenly Fruit The Worlds sunk vigour does recruit ; Forces those Spirits briskly to advance That soaking lay in sottish Ignorance ; A Tree that 's pleasant to the eyes , Like that which grew in Paradise , And much to be desired to make one wise : Onely in this their Difference does appear : Not Touch , not Taste , not Eat Was written on the Fruit of that , 'T was fruit indeed , but not for meat , And onely to be fear'd , and Wonder'd at : Each man from this , that will , May pluck , and Eat , aed eat his fill ; Nothing but Abstinence alone forbidden here . 3. While man was yet so just and good , That nothing he of evil undestood , The very Deitie Took pleasure in his Companie , Came often from his Paradise above Where Everlasting pleasures flow , Drawn by the Cords of Love To visit that below , And read his Adam Lectures of Philosophie . But he with knowledge sated wanton grew , And his Proud Will Would know not onely Good , but Ill ; And would indeed be God-like too : Complain's his Stock is scant , and small , And by a reach at more he forfeits all : All but enough to make him see From whence he fell , and so bewayl his Miserie Then not without Industrious Pain Some Scraps of what was lost he did regain , In Equal sweat of the same Brow Both eat his Bread , and earn'd his Knowledge too : By piece-meal seruing from his Memorie , What blur'd , and blotted there did lie . So little the Philosopher Did in his Judgment Erre , That sayd Mans Learning is no more Then to Remember what he knew before . From the First Parent of Mankind Sin , and Philosophie . Was all the Patrimony left behind For bank erupt Posteritie Thus he together to his tainted Blood Transmits so great an Ill , so great a Good. Dealing with us as one who brought A deadly Poyson , and an Antidote . From Adam Seth , to thee ( Thou worthy Grand-child of the Deitie ) descends Philosophie : She with thy Learned Pillars stood , Ma●gre the Envious washings of rhe Flood : Those Pillars as a stable Ark she found To keep her too from being Drown'd . But the greatest Danger that she er'e was in The mighty Deluge was of sin , Where sadly she , as justly did complain That a lewd Pagan train Debauchd her with slight Sophistrie , With superstition , and Idolatrie : Whence she became more frothy , and more vain , Then very Ignorance could be : Best things abus'd prove worst of all : So he That scoffs at Scripture , fall's to Blasphemie : But was she no where pure ? no where Allow'd her Virgin-Garb to wear ? Of all the Earth Iudea's little spot Defil'd her not : There she reign'd Queen , and had the chief Command , Next Holinesse , the Empresse in that Holy Land. 4. No sooner was she seated on the Throne , But winged Fame flew out , Informing all the Neighbours there about : Phenicia first ; Phenicia first went down Pretending to congratulate Iudea's blissful State ; But her design was to improve her own : Nor were her thoughts without success , and vain , Fot fraighted well with Knowledge she made back again : Hence was it first Phenicia knew What fruit on Palm-Trees grew : Palm-Trees she had before , which stood An Idle , and an Useless Wood , Barren as Females , whe●●he Male's not by : 'T was now they did begin t'o increase and multiply . Next up does Aegypt come And all she finds she carries home : 'T was here Philosophie a Goddesse prov'd Enjoy'd her Temple , and her Shrine , Egypt , that worship'd what she feard , or lov'd , L●v'd her , and then adord her as Divine , Then to Chaldea was she Captive lead , And tempted there to sin ; She that above 3 thousand years had been Modest , and Humble , now perks up the Head ; For in Chaldea did she find Sparks of the old Ambitious mind , Of reaching Heaven , and scorning odds To live Inferiour to the Gods. Go too , say they , What though our Fathers Babel-plot Succeeded not , But in their Tower's Confusion ruin'd lay ; Howe're 't was nobly don , And the Design was Generous , and High ; Let us their Children try : The Father he may creep on earth , whilst the bold son With more of Scorn , than Pitie views , him from the distant sky . Then up she got amongst the Stars , And sate her down by Destinie There learn'd of her the lower world's affairs ; Common concerns she did reveal , But the great Business of the world conceal , And bid her there less eagerly to pry : But as the Destinie did look , And turn'd the leaves that were Writ in a dismal Character , She slily peep'd into the Dooms-day Book , And whisper'd down the Fates Of slaggering Kingdoms , and declining States . 5 When Learning thus in th' East grew great , and when Philosophers as common were as Men , Then first Adventurous Greece In little ships swom or'e the Main , In quest of This fam'd Golden Fliece , More rich then that their Jason did obtain , With much more Danger , and with much less Gain . Some to Phenicia sayl , and some Down into Egypt , and Judea come ; Where straight they found That Truth out-did Fames Trumpet 's sound : For every common Merchant there Vented his Learning with his ware , Both kept enough , and had enough to spare . Had not the far fam'd Samian Peer Been Tutour'd , & Instructed here , His Transmigrating Soul had been In Speculation Weak , and Thin Voyd of it's Learned Superstition It might to Greece , and us unknown Have fitly pass'd into the silly Ass agen . Here was the soaring Plato taught Each lofty , and refined Thought ; Diviner Notions fram'd to raise Man above Dreggy Matter , and Whatever does deservedly command As much our Admiration , as our Praise , Was all made his at second hand . His Honey'd Eloquence , In which he 's yet alive , Was all transported hence , With greedy Lips suck'd from the sacred Hive : So much he does to Moses owe For what we thought in his own Mouth to grow . Nor must we him of all forget , Whom Learning's Jaded Children yet Grace with the Character , And swelling Stile of the Philosopher . He to the learn'd Nilean strand , If not ev'n to the Holy Land With his victorious Scholar went , ( More likely Jove's then Philip's son Who conquer'd Earth , as he the Heavens had done ) The Learned world to subjugate intent As he the whole to overmaster meant : Accordingly they carryed it ; That a Monopoly of power , and this of wit : This in a proud design to raise Eternal Pillars to hi's immortal Praise , He plunders all the Learning of the East , Rifles each famous Librarie , Each Treasurie of Learned pains , Dragging old Authors from their Rustie chains Into a worse Captivitie : But still reserving to himself the Best , He cruelly condem'd to fatal flames the Rest , So did the Aged Asian Phoenix burn , And to the Stagirite that European Phoenix turn . 6. Thus have we seen thee Greece assume , And put on wisdome , as a borrow'd plume : W' have seen thee in thy Ruffe , and Pride , When as thou didst not onely those Flout , and deride , From whom thy Greatness rose , But stamp'dst Barbarian the whole world beside . We see thee now of all thy Braverie bereft , Quite strip'd , and naked left , Thy selfe at Length inheriting that Name Thou others proudly gav'st , and well deserv'st the same . And now thou glorious Light , Since Greece is wrapt in gloomie Night , ( For 't is thy absence makes it so ) Tell me , next whither didst thou go , Freely to scatter , and Dispence Thy Blessed Influence ? This Sun below , like that above , Was surely born in th'e East , And does with that the same way move , Still travayling on tow'ards the West . And here could I but have my will , That which has parallel'd the Sun before , Should do the same in one thing more ; As that has done , Once or'e the Plains of Gibeon ; This Radiant Illustrious Light should or'e the West stand still : Should or'e the West In full Meridian Lustre stand , And there the lesser Lights not darken , but command ; That so they jointly all In smooth , and equall Harmonie may fall , And prove officious Handmayds to the best , The best , and clearest Light that does adorn Our Hemisphere ; who to give proof that she Was Heaven-born , Wears no less Stile then of Divinitie ; And while preserv'd in her bright Puritie Will in the British Firmament No less be our defence , then Ornament : Here fixing her own Tutelarie God , Who in the floating world hath so long settled her Abode . On the Parts of this Learned Work THE COURT OF THE GENTILES . Of LEARNING if you 'd have the Total , add Together Things with Words ; th●t Total's had . Of Learning Words challenge but for their Share The surface ; Things the Solid Bodie are . Bodies their Surface offers to our Eys ; Our Mind by Words ( their Surface ) Things descries Words without Things a Parot's Learning give : Things without Words make grown Men Infants live . Learning of Words and Things compos'd is then It Self made perfect , and makes perfect Men. PHILOLOGIE of Words the Knowledge brings ; PHILOSOPHIE's the higher Schole of Things : But Scholars both , to SCRIPTURE , and the JEW , For what in either Kind is rare , if true . The Jews now Cruel once were Kind ; when they Both Treasures lent , both without Vsurie , To Stranger Gentiles ; who yet prov'd to be As unjust Debtors , as the Jews were free And friendlie Creditors ; and having gain'd Their Goods in hand ; in hand their Goods detaind : At length denie the Principal ; and plead Their Stock of Learning all of their own Breed . A COURT erected ; th' AUTHOR to extract A fair Confession of so foul a Fact , Puts them upon the Learned Rack ; and shows The Jewish Book for all the Gentile ows . In all finds for the Jew : and was 't not fit , The Author JUDGE in his own COURT should sit ? Where both he so performs , you 'l doubt , which he Better PHILOLOGER , or PHILOSOPHER he ? Favour in one were in the other Spite : BOTH BEST conclude him , and you do him Right . A Synopsis of the Contents . Book I. Of Orientall and Occidentall Barbarick Philosophie . CHAP. I. Of Philosophie in General ; and Sacred Philosophers . THe Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Hebrew Sophim . 12 Philosophie so called from Love of Wisdome . 3.4 . Philosophers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. from the Jewish Mysteries . 4. God the first Idea , and Efficient of Philosophie . 5. Philosophie sprang from Admiration . Ib. The first Institutors of Philosophie Divine . 6 Adam the greatest human Philosopher . 7 The Philosophie of Seth , & Enoch . 8 Abraham's philosophie . 9 10.11 . Joseph's philosophie . 12.13 . Moses's philosophie . 14.17 . Solomon's philosophie . 17.18.19 . The Jewish Scholes , and Philosophie . 19.20.21 CHAP. 2. Of Egyptian Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Scriptures &c. THe Egyptians repute for Philosophie . 22.23 24 The Egyptians Mathematicks from the Jews 24 1. Their Astronomie , its rise &c. 24 2. Their Geometrie . 25 3. Their Geographie . 26 The Egyptians Natura Philosophie 26 Their Medicine . 27 Their Moral Philosophie , and Politicks . 28 The Egyptian Laws , and Politicks from the Jews . 28.29 The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph . 29 Egyptian Rites Imitations of the Jewish . 29.30 Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks , their origination from the Jewish Symbols . 32.36 Testimonies to prove the Traduction of Egyptian Philosophie from the Jews . 36.37 How Sacred Dogmes were traduced to the Egyptians from the Jews . 38 Joseph's care to instruct the Egyptians . 39 The original of the Schole of Alexandria , and the Advantages it had from the Jews . 40 The Derivations the Schole of Alexandria received from the Gospel , and Christian Church . 41.42 CHAP. 3. Of the Phenician Philosophie , its Traduction from the Jews , and Scriptures . HOw the Phenicians traduced their Philosophie from the Jews . 43.47 The Phenicians skil in Navigation , Geographie , Arithmetick , Astronomie &c. 44 45 Their skill in Mathematicks in general . 45 The Grecians borrowed much of their philosophie from the Phenicians . 45.46 Farther evidence , that the Phenicians received their Philosophie from the Jews . 46.47 Of Sanchoniathon his origination . 47.48 His skill in Philosophie , and Mythologie , 48.49 Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from Taautus , who possibly was Moses . 49 The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church proved . 50.58 1. From Testimonies of Philo , and Porphyrie . 50 Jerombalus , from whom Porphyrie makes Sanchoniathon to have derived his Philosophie , the same with Gideon . 51 2. From Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of Philosophising , which is Judaick . 52 3. The matter of Sanchòniathon's Philosophie Hebraick . 1. his Metaphysicks . 53 His Theogonie of Hebraick origine - Ib. Beelsamen , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. Eliun from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 14.19 54 Ilus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Eloeim from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. Betylia from Bethel . Ib. Sanchoniathon's imitation of Abraham's offering up his son Isaac . 55 Of Angels , and the human Soul. Ib. 2. Sanchoniathon's Physicks . 56 His Chaos from Gen. 1.2 . Ereb from Gen. 1.5 . Ib. His Mot from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mod , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 56.57 3. His Chronologie , & Geographie . 57. Of Mochus his Origination &c. 58.59 . Mochus's Philosophie Physiologick , or a natural Historie of the Creation . 59 60. Mochus the first that philosophised of Atomes , which he had by Tradition from Gen. 1.60 . A general proof of the Traduction of the Phenician Philosophie from the Iews . 60.61 The Gospel vouchsafed to the Phenicians . 61. CHAP. 4. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie , and Philosophers . THe Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian . 62. The Chaldaick Philosophie its rise &c. 63.64 . The Chaldeans famous chiefly for Astronomie 64 How Astronomie was communicated to the Chaldeans , by the Patriarchs , and holy seed . 65. The first Patriarchs much versed in the contemplation of Celestial Bodies &c. 66 How natural Astronomie , and Astrologie degenerated into Judicial Astrologie . 66 67 The Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answerable to the Jewish Teraphims . 67. The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabij , with their original , and Rites . 68. One Rite of Zabiisme Job . 31.26.27 . Ib. Another , piece of Zabiisme consisted in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned Lev. 26.30 . 69. Why the Sun was worshipt under Fire . Ib. Other Sects of the Chaldeans . 70 The Chaldeans instructed by the Jewish Scholes . 71 CHAP. 5. Of the Magi , Gymnosohpists , Druides , And other Barbarick Philosophers . THe original of the Persian Magi. 72· The Magi instituted by Soroaster , and their correspondence with the Zabij . 73 The Indian Philosophers , Gymnosophists , Germanes , Brachmanes . from Manes . 74.75 . The African Philosophers , 1. Atlantick 75.76 2. Ethiopick , whose Divinitie came from the Iews . 76. European Philosophers . 1. Scythian , 76. 2. Thrachian , 3. Spanish 77. 4. Druides , their original . 78 The Druides first in Britannie , and thence in Gallia Ib. Their Academies , Privileges , Degrees &c. 79. Their Philosophie Natural , Moral , Mathematick . 79. Their Rhetorick , Theologie , and Discipline . 80. The Druides Worship , and Sacrifice , &c. 81 The Druides called also Saronides Ib. Their Distribution into Bardi , Evates &c. Ib. The Druides Oke-Religion from Abraham's Oke of Mamre , and worship there 82 BOOK . II. The Original of the Ionick , but Chiefly of the Italick , or Pythagorick Philosophie . CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philosophie from the Patriarchs , and Iewish Church proved by Universal Consent THe Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt , & Phenicia . 83 That the Grecian Philosophie was derived from the Iews is proved by Testimonies of 1. Heathen Philosophers viz. Plato , Numenius , Hermippus , Aristotle , & Diogenes Laertius . 84.85 . 2. Iews , Aristobulus , & Josephus . 85.86 3. Christian Fathers , Tertullian , Clemens Alexand Iustin Martyr , Eusebius , Minucius Faelix , Theodoret , Ioannes Grammaticus , 86.87 4. Moderne Papists , Steuchus Eugubinus , Justinian . 87.88 . 5. Protestants , 1. Forrain , Melancthon , Serranus , Julius , & Ioseph Scaliger , Vo●sius , Heinsius , Bochart , Grotius , Hornius , Amirault . 89 2. English , Jackson , Usher , Richardson , Preston Ralegh , Owen , Stillingsleet , Selden . 90 CHAP. 2. Of Mythologick Philosophie , & its Traduction from the Jews . OF Mythologick Philosophie in general 91. Mythologick Philosophie first seated among Poets , Orpheus , Homer , Hesiod , &c. 92 93 How these Poets disguised Oriental Traditions . 94. The use , & abuse of Mythologick Philosophie . Ib. Symbolick , and Enigmatick Philosophie from the Jewish Types , & Enigmes . 95 Metaphorick , & Allegorick Philosophie from the Iews . 96 The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred Works , & Truths . 97.98 . The Causes of Mythologick , Philosophie . 98. 1. Ignorance , ( 1. ) of the Hebrew Idiome . 98. ( 2 ) of the matter of Judaick Traditions . 99 ( 3 ) of the Judaick forme of Doctrine . 99. ( 4 ) from the Imperfection of Judaick Traditions . 100. 2. Admiration another Cause of all Mythologick Philosophie , with Aristotle's account . 100.101 3. Imitation a cause of Mythologick Philosophie . 102.103 . Plato's Imitation both Theoretick , & Practick . 103.104 . 4. Curiositie , & Affectation of Noveltie another Cause of Symbolick Philosophie . 104.105 . 5. Pride - 6. Idolatrie . 7. Carnal Policie . 105 CHAP. 3. Of Ionick Philosophie begun by Thales & its Iudaick Origine . THe first Distribution of Grecian Philosophie into Ionick , & Italick . 107. Ionick , and Italick Philosophie received its first impressions and lines from God's Church . 107.108 . Thales's extract from Phenicia . 109. The Seven Wise men , and their Philosophie . 109.110 . An Abstract of Thales's Philosophie . 110 Thales's Philosophie from the Egyptians , & Phenicians immediately , but Originally from the Scriptures , and Iudaick Church . 110. Thales's great Principle , That Water was the first Matter of all things ; immediately from the Phenicians , but originally from Gen. 1.2 . &c. 111.112.113 . Thales's Metaphysicks of God , &c. 115.116 . Thales's Scholars , & Successors . 116.117 Empedocles , Heraelitus , Democritus , Hippocrates . 117 CHAP. 4. Of Pherecydes's Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Iews . PHerecydes's original from Syrus . 118 Pherecydes's Parents , and Birth . 119 Pherecydes's philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews . Ib. Pherecydes the first , that writ Philosophie in Prose . 120 Pherecydes's philosophie Mythologick . 120 Pherecydes's Heliotrope from the Jews . 120 Pherecydes's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Theologie . 121 Pherecydes held the Souls Immortalitie . 126 CHAP. 5. Of Pythagoras , and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Iews . THe severall Sects of Philosophers . 123 That Pythagoras traduced the main of his Philosophie from the Scriptures , and Iews , is proved by Testimonies : 1. of Pagans , and Jews . 124 2. Of Christian Fathers . 124.125 3. Of Modern Papists , and Protestants . 125 Pythagoras's extract from the Phenicians . 126 Pythagoras's Praeceptors in Greece . ●27 Pythagoras's Travels into Phenicia ; and converse with the Successors of Mochus , and Priests there . 128 Pythagoras his Travels into Egypt , and correspondence with Jews there . 128.129.130 Pythagoras his Travels to Babylon , and converse with the captive Jews , who inhabited there . 130.131.132 Pythagoras his coming to , and abode in Italie . 133.134 Pythagoras his character by Jamblicus , Diog. Laertius , Apuleius , and Justin . 134.135.136 CHAP. 6. Pythagoras his College , and Discipline from the Jews . PYthagoras his twofold Schole , and Disciples . 137.138 1. His Homoco●ion , or common Schole . 137 2. His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ●ollege . 137.138 Pythagoras his Scholes from the Jews . 138.139 The Pythagorean 5 years Probation , and Silence from the Judaick Church . 139 140 . 141· The Discipline of Pythagoras his schole . 142 Pythagoras his College , and Confederation from the Jewish Church . 142 143.144 Pythagoras his Symbol of Salt , an imitation of God's , Covenant of Sal● , Levit. 2.13 . 144.145.146 The Idea of Pythagoras his College from the Essenes . 14● 148 The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , great Separatists . 148 . 149· 2. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , shunned Pleasures . 149. 3. The Pythagoreans , & Essenes injoyed all things in common 149 4. The Pythagoreans Celibat from the Jews , & Essenes . 150 5 Pythagorean Abstinences from the Jews , & Essenes . 151 6 The Pythagorean Purifications . 7. their Festivals from the Jews . 152. 8. The Pythagorean white distinctive Vestements from the Jews . 152. 9. The Pythagorean Silence from the Jews . 153 , 154 10. The Pythagoreans Reverence to their Doctors . 154 11. Their owning Providence ; and their Devotion . 154 13. Their daily Studies . 14. Their daily Exercises , Inspections , and Examens of their Actions . 155 15. Their zele against Apostates . 156 16. Their Excommunication . 156 17. A general Parallel betwixt the Essents , and Pythagoreans . 156 CHAP. 7. Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natural , and Moral ; with its Traduction from the Jews . THe Distribution of Pythagoras's Philosophie . 157 The several parts of Pythagoras's Philosophie ; both what he received from Orpheus , Egypt , Chaldea , and Phenicia , from the Jews originally . 158 , 159. Pythagoras's Mathematicks . 159 Pythagoras's Arithmetick from Phenicia . 160 Pythagoras's Musick . 160 Pythagoras's Astronomie . 161 The Earth's Motion . 161 Pythagoras's Geometrie , and Measures . 161 Pythagoras's Physicks : 1. Contemplative . 162 The Origine of the Universe . 162 The First Matter , and Form. 162 Pythagoras's notions of Fire . 163.164 2 Pythagoras's Medicine from the Jews . 165 Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie . 165 1. His Ethicks , Dogmatick , Exhortative , and Characteristick . 166 , 167 , 168. 2. Pythagoras's Politicks . 169 , 170. CHAP. 8. Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Iewish Church . PYthagoras's Theologie was the Center of his Philosophie . 172 , 173 Pythagoras's Tetracty from the Judaick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 173 Pythagoras's Metaphysick contemplations of God's Being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Exod. 3.14 . 174 , 1●5 Pythagoras's Scriptural Tradition of God's Vnitie . 176 Pythagoras of Gods Simplicitie . 177 Pythagoras his Divine . Idea's the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees . 178-183 Parmenides his opinion of Idea's . 179 , 180 Timaeus Locrus his Doctrine of Idea's . 181 Divine Idea's either primarie , or secondarie 181 All things made according to God's Exemplar . 182 Pythagoras , of God's Providence over all . 183 Pythagoras's Model of Divine worship . 184· 187 1. Against all Images in Divine worship . 184 2. That God is to be worshipped by Rites of his own Institution . 185 3. Pythagoras his exactness in Divine worship . 186 Pythagoras his Daemons , their office , and nature , in Imitation of the Messias . 187 , 188 Of the Pythagorean Aeones . 188 Pythagoras his Metempsychosis a corrupt tradition of the Resurrection . 188 , 189 A general Idea of Pythagoras's Philosophick , Mystick Theologie . 189 , 190 Pythagoras his Divination . 190 CHAP. 9. Of Pythagoras's Symbols , and their Judaick Original , &c. PYthagoras his Mode of Philosophizing Judaick , and Scriptural . 191 , 192 An enumeration of Pythagoras his Symbols , which proves their Judaick original . 193 1. Give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans . 194 2. Abstain from things dead . 194 , 195 3. Set down Salt , a Symbol of Amitie . 195 Pythagoras his Ethick Symbols . 196 Pythagoras his Metempsychosis Symbolick . 197 Nebuchadnezar his Metempsychosis . 198 Pythagoras his Abstinence from flesh Symbolick . 198 , 199 Pythagoras his Abstinence from beans Symbolick . 199 , 200 Numbers Symbols of things Divine . 200 Pythagoras his Symbols of Divine Worship , of Judaick extract . 200.201 Of Pythagoras's Works . 201 Pythagoras his Sectators , and their destruction . 202 The Pride of the Pythagoreans , and all other Philosophers congenial . 204 CHAP. 10. Of the Eleatick Philosophie , &c. XEnophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. 205 Parmenides his Philosophie . 206 Zeno the Eleatick , Inventor of Logick . 206 Leucippus his Doctrine of Atomes . 207 Democritus , with his opinion of Atomes . 207 His skill in Experimental Philosophie . 208 His Ethicks , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 208 Of the Heraclitians , Epicureans , and Scepticks . 209 BOOK III. Wherein briefly of the Socratick , but more largely of the Platonick Philosophie . CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie , its Original , &c. SOcrates the Author of Moral Philosophie . 212 Why Socrates applied himself chiefly to Moralitie . 212 , 213 Socrates an Universal Scholar . 213 Socrates his Metaphysick contemplations , and their Judaick Origine . 214 , 215 That all Virtue comes from God. 215 That all true knowledge is by Divine Infusion . &c. 215 Socrates his Daemon , his office , &c. 216 Socrates his Active Philosophie , how far contemplative , and wherein not . 217 , 218 All Philosophie ought to end in Virtue . 218 , 219 To know our selves , the first principle of Socrates his Philosophie . 220 His advice for the Government of the Tongue . 221 Socrates his Mode of Philosophizing natural , and familiar , answerable to the Jewish . 221 His Rhetorick mode Ironick . 221 His Dialectick by Induction , and Interrogations from the Judaick Scholes originally . 221 , 222 The occasion , and Instruments of his Death , &c. 223 Socrates his Character . 224 His Scholars , and their different perswasions . 224 , 225 CHAP. 2. Of Platonick Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Iews . THat Plato borrowed his choicest notions from the Jews , is proved 1. By Testimonies . ( 1 ) of Pagans . 226 Plato his own confession hereof . 227 , 228 Plato his ●henician fables Judaick . 228 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some Judaick Tradition . 228 , 229 Plato his Divine Word Judaick . 229 Plato h●● probable Fables Jewish . 229 , 230 Why Plato conceled the name of the Jews . 230 The Testimonie ( 1 ) of Numenius . 231 ( 2 ) Of Jews , Aristobulus , and Jose● 231 ( 3 ) Of Christians , more Ancient 〈◊〉 Martyr , Clem. Alexandrinus , Ambrose , A. 232 , 233 ( 4 ) Of Modern Christians , Lud●es , Luther , Selden , Cudworth , Stillingfleet , Hornius , &c. 233 , 234 , 235 CHAP. 3. Of Plato's Life , and Travels for the procurement of Oriental Traditions . THe Historie of Plato's Life . 236 Plato his Ancestors , and first Instructors . 236 , 237 Plato his Travels into Italie , and his Instructions from the Pythagoreans . 237 , 238 Plato his Travels into Aegypt , where he informed himself in the Jewish wisdom . 239 Plato , whilst in Aegypt , learned from the Jewish Doctrine ( 1 ) the Origine of the Universe . ( 2 ) the Fall. ( 3 ) of God , &c. 240 How Plato might receive Information from the Jewish Records , whilest in Egypt . 241 Plato's skill in the Egyptian , and Phenician Languages , gave him advantage to read the Scriptures . 241 , 242 Plato his collections from the Phenician Theologie , and Philosophie . 243 , 244 Of Plato his Academie . 244 , 245 Plato his Character , and Works . 245 , 246 CHAP. 4. Of the Academicks , and New Platonicks of Alexandria . THe Old Academie , and its difference from the New in point of suspension . 247 , 248 Whether Plato dogmatized ? 248 , 249 Plato his Successors in the old Academie . 249 The New Academicks , and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with its origine . 249 , 250 The difference between the New Academicks , and Scepticks . 251 The original of the New Platonists , and their Schole at Alexandria . 251 , 252 Of Potamon , Ammonius , Plutarch , Philo. 252 Of Ammonius the head of the sacred succession , his borrowing his choicest notions from the Scriptures . 253-255 Of Plotinus , and his Character . 255 Of Porphyrie , his origination , &c. 256 Jamblicus , Syrianus , Proclus . 257 , 258 Of Johannes Grammaticus . 258 , 259 Maximus Tyrius , Alcinous , Apuleius . 259 These New Platonists , called Electicks ; because they chose out the best of all Sects . 260 , 261 The general designe of these New Platonists to reform Philosophie . 261 , 262 The defects of this Platonick Reformation , begun by Ammonius . 262 , 263 Too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie even above the Scriptures . 263 Particular evils , that followed upon this Platonick Reformation . 264 1. As to the confirmation of Paganisme . 264 2. As to the corruption of Christianisme . 265 CHAP. 5. Plato's Pythagorick , and Socratick mode of Philosophizing ; with the original of both from the Jewish Church . PLato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , and its various uses . 266 , 267 How Plato his Symbols ought to be regulated . 268 Plato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews . 268 , 269 Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philosophizing , y●● with some differences . 270 , 271 Plato his mode of reasoning by Dialogues , of Jewish origine . 272 CHAP. 6. The several distributions of Platonick Philosophie . THe Distribution of Plato his Philosophie , as to its matter , into Pythagorick , Herachtick , Socratick . 274 Plato as to Theologicks , Pythagorizeth 274 , 275 As to Sensibles , Plato follows Heraclitus . 275 As to Morals , Plato follows Socrates . 275 , 276 A second Division of Platonick Philosophie , into Contemplative , and Active . 276 A third distribution of Plato his Philosophie into Moral , Natural , and Rational . 277 , 278 A fourth distribution of Platonick Philosophie into Organick , and Essential . 278 The last distribution of Platonick Philosophie into Organick , or Rational , Natural , Moral , and Supernatural . 279 , 280 , 281 Plato his Natural Philosophie . 280 Plato his Mathematicks . 281 Plato his Moral Philosophie . Ibid. Plato his Metaphysicks . 281 , 282 CHAP. 7. General Idea's of Platonick Philosophie , and Philosophers . PLato his Idea of Natural Philosophie . 283 , 284 The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition . 283 The object of this Appetition , Sciences . 283 1. Intelligence , the knowledge of first Principles . 284 2. Science , or Demonstrative Discourse . 284 3. Faith. 4. Imitation . 285 The Simple object of Philosophie . 285 The Specifick Act , contemplation . 285 The Qualities of this contemplation . 286 The Effect , and end of this contemplation , Truth , as Truth . 286 Plato his Idea of Moral Philosophie . 287 The Genus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Prudence . 287 The ultimate end of Moral Philosophie , humane Beatitude . 287 The Intermediate object , Agibles . 287 , 288 The offices of Moral Prudence . 288 The parts of Moral Prudence , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Providence . 288 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dexteritie , or Sagacitie . 288 , 289 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Experience , or Sensation . 289 , 290 The subject of Moral Prudence Conscience . 290 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Seat of Principles . 291 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Reflective light of Conscience . 291 , 292 The Rule of Moral Prudence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 292 Subjective Fight Reason , What ? 292 , 293 Plato his Divine Philosophie in the contemplation , affection , and Imitation of God. 294 , 295 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 294 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 295 , 296 Plato his character of a Philosopher . 296 1. A Philosopher must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 296 2. Well instituted . 296 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Lover of Truth . 297 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie . 297 5. Not covetous . 6. Nobly disposed . 297 7. Couragious . 8. Not Morose . 298 9. Of an harmonious , Musical nature . 298 10. Virtuous . 299 , 299 CHAP. 8. Of Plato's Logick , and its derivation from the Iews . PLato his forme of Logick , Dialogick . 299 , 300 The original of this Dialogizing mode from the Pleatick Schole . 300 , 301 Plato his Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews . 301 The Scriptural mode of disputing by Dialogues . 302 Logick a Key , or Organ for the Disquisition of Truth . 303 Plato his Logick Precepts for the Disquisition of Truth . 304 1. A Logician must be of mature Age , grave , moderate , not vain-glorious . 304 How far the old Academie was guiltie of contentious Disputes . 304 , 305 2. The matter of Logick Disputes momentous . 305 3. Lay good foundation-Principles . 305 4. A methodick procedure from particulars to generals ; from the part to the whole . 306 5. The use of Exemplifications . 306 , 307 6. Distinguish well 'twixt Truth , and Falsehood . 307 7. State the Affirmative well . 307 8. In the Definition of things , expect not more of certaintie than the matter will bear . 307 , 308 9. Libertie in our examens of Things . 308 10. Value Reason , more than Autoritie . 308 11. Modestie , and Moderation in Disputes . 309 Alcinous of Plato's Dialectick . 309-311 CHAP. 9. Of Plato's Physicks , and their Traduction from Sacred Storie . PLato's Physicks , the storie of the Origine of the Vniverse . 313 That Plato had his Storie , concerning the Origine of the Vniverse , from Moses , is demonstrated ; 1. From his own confession . 2. From the Testimonie of others . 313 , 314 Plato follows Moses , Gen. 1.1 . in asserting the beginning of the Vniverse . 314 , 315 How Plato affirmes the World to be Eternal . 315 God the first cause of all things . 316 God 's Ideal Efficience . 316 Plato his Intelligible World. 316 , 317 The difference betwixt Plato his Ideas , and Exemplar . 317 God's Energetick Efformative Efficiencie . 318 , 319 Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Soul of the Vniverse , what it imports . 319 Plato his Vniversal Spirit exactly answers , 1. To the Spirit 's Efformative Virtue . 319 , 320 , 321 2. To the Spirit 's Conservation , and Providence . 321 3. To the Harmonie of the Universe . 322 4. Plato h●s Ignisick Virtue : how far it may be stiled the Vniversal Spirit . 322 The Bodie of the Vniverse , and its original Matter . 323 The Parallel betwixt Moses , and Plato in the Description of the first Matter . 324-326 Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 324 Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the origine of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 324 Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Moses , Gen. 1.5 . 325 Gen. 1.2 . Moved on the face of the Waters . 326 The Bodie of the Vniverse is composed of the four Elements . 326 , 327 , 328 Plato received this distribution of the Vniverse from Moses . 328-330 The form of the Universe , its Order . 330 , 331 The Affections of the Universe . 331-336 1. It s Perfection . 332-334 2. It s Vnitie . 3. It s Finiteness . 334 4. It s Figure . 5. Its Colors . 335 6. Time. 7. Mobilitie . 8. Generation . 9. Duration . 336 The particular part of Physiologie . 337 The Creation of Angels . 337 The Creation of the Heavens , their nature Ignite , or Waterie . 337 That the Sun , and Stars are composed of Fire , demonstrated largely . 338 , 339 , 340 , 341 , 342 Of the Wind , Air , Water , &c. 342 , 343 Of Active Physiologie , touching Plants , and Animals . 343 Of Man's Original , and Formation , according to the Image of God. 344 The Soul 's Divine origine , Immortalitie , &c. 344 , 345 The Humane Intellect , and its Sciences . 345 The Will its Definition . 346 Plato his Notions about the Soul from Scripture . 346 Physical Aphorismes for the conservation of human health . 346 Of Prophylactick Physick . 347 1. The Causes of Diseases to be avoided . 347 , 348 2. Nature must be maintained in her due offices , and exercises . 349 , 350 1. Excretion . 2. Perspiration . 3. Activitie of Spirits . 4 Respiration , &c. 349 3. Rules for Aliment . 350 Of Therapeutick Physick . 350 , 351 The Character of a good Physitian . 351 , 352 CHAP. 10. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral , and Metaphysical Philosophie . PLato's Ethicks , 1. Of the chiefest good . 354 2. Of Virtue . 3. Of Sin. Ibid. 4. Of the Affections , their Moderation . 354 , 355 5. And particularly of Love. 355 6. Of Justice . 355 Plato his Oeconomicks , and Politicks . 355 Plato his Metaphysicks . 355 1. Of God , his Essence , and Attributes . 355 , 356 2. Of the Humane Soul. 356 BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick , Cynick , Stoick , Sceptick , & Epicurean Philosophie . CHAP. 1. Of Aristotelick , or Peripatetick Philosophie , its Traduction from the Jews . THe Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews , proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus , Clearchus , Steuch . Eugubinus , and Selden . 358 , 359 Rational Arguments to prove , that Aristotle traduced the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jews . 360 , 361 Aristotle his first Mover , God. 361 The Soul's Spiritualitie , &c. 361 Aristotle his Metaphysicks . 361 , 362 Why Aristotle rejected the more sublime Judaick Traditions . 362 Aristotle his Ethicks , and Politicks . 363 Aristotle his Life . 363 , 364 Aristotle his Character . 364 , 365 A comparison betwixt Plato , and Aristotle , as to Rhetorick , Logick , & Metaphysicks . 366 Aristotle his Doctrines Acroatick , or Exoterick . 367.368 Aristotle his Works , what genuine . 368 , 369 Aristotle his Books how conveighed to Posteritie . 369 , 370 Aristotle his Successors , Theophr●stus , &c. 370 Aristotle his ●ommentat . Aphrodiseus , &c. 371 Arabian Comment Averroes , & Avice●na . 373 A general Idea of Aristotle's Philosophie by Ammonius . 374 , 375 The end of Aristotle's Philosophie to know God. 375 Aristotle his mode of Philosophizing . 375 The Characters of a genu●ne Auditor , and good Expositor of Aristotle . 376 The distributi●n of Aristotle his Philosophie . 3●6 , 377 Aristotle his Logick . 377 383 A Scheme of Logick . 378 , 379 Aristotle of Method . 380 , 381 A Scheme of Ramus his Logick . 382 , 383 Aristotle his Ethicks . 383 1. Characters of the chiefest Good. 383-386 2. Of Mans formal Beatitude . 386 ( 1 ) Its formal Reason in Operation . 386 ( 2 ) Its proper subject , the human Soul. 387 ( 3 ) Virtue the Soul's Qualification . 387 ( 4 ) The state of human Beatitude is a perfect Life , Intensively , and protensively . 387 , 388 The principles of human Acts. 389 1. Practick knowledge . 389 , 390 2. Volition , its end , and object . 390 , 391 , 392 Consultation : 1. its Object ; 1. Things Practick . 2. In our Power . 3. The Means . 4. These Finite . 5. Things Parmanent . 6. Things Contingent , yet in our Power . It s main Work to find out means most conducible . 393 , 394 2. The Subject ; He who hath his Wits about him . 395 3. The Act , Practick Disquisition . Ibid. Election . 1. It s Difference from Consult . & Volition . 2. Object , the Means . 3. Subject , Rational Will. 4. Act ; 1 Rational . 2. Determined , and fixed . 396 5. Difficultie . 6. Effect as to Virtue . 7. Definition . 397 Essential Adjunct of Human Acts , Voluntarinesse , or Libertie : Voluntarie defined . 398 Coactive Necessitie alone exclusive of Libertie . 399 Indifferencie , and Contrarietie , unessential to Libertie . 400 Libertie Essential to the Will. Ibid. God's Necessitating Concurse destroys not Libertie . 401 God's Predetermination of the Will , makes him not the Author of Sin. 402 Touching the Moralitie of Human Acts. Ibid. 1. Of Moral Good , or Virtue . 403 1. Virtues not Passions ; 2. Not Powers . 404 3. Virtues Habits ; what an Habit is ? 405 Formal Nature of Virtue in Mediocritie . 406 How Virtue consists in Mediocritie . Ib. 407 Mediocritie of Virtue , Harmonie . Ibid. The Rule , or Measure of Mediocritie , Right Reason , or the Law of Nature . 408 , 409 , 410 Idea , or Definition of Moral Virtue . 411 1. Virtue consists in the best End , and Work. 412 2. All Virtues have the same general Idea . Ib. Wh●t Vice is ? Ibid. 413 Aristotle his Physicks . 413 1. God's General Causalitie as the first M●ver . 414 2. That Man's Soul is Incorporeous , and Immortal . Ibid. Aristotl● his Metaphysicks , called by him the first Philosophie , or Theologie . 415 A Character of his Sapience ; the Object whereof 1. Things most Vniversal , 2 M●st Difficult , 3. The first Causes . Ibid. It Self , 1. Most desirable for it self . 2. Architectomical , and Principal , &c. Ibid. Aristotle his Sapience applicable only to God , and things Divine . 416 CHAP. 2. Of the Cynicks Sect , and their Philosophie . CYnicks Original from Antisthenes , his Schole the Cynosarges . 417 Cynicks why so called . 418 Professors , Antisthenes , Diogenes , Crates , Demetrius . Ibid. Affinitie 'twixt Cynicks , and Stoicks . 419 Principles of Cynicisme . 1. Virtue our Chiefest Good , 2. External Goods not desireable . Ibid. A Wise man enjoys all in God. 420 Cynicks abhorring Flatterie , bearing Reproaches . Ibid. Cynicks affected a kind of Impudence , great Reprovers of Vice , especially Pride . 421 Rejected all Philosophie besides M●ral . 422 Their Religion without Superstition . Ibid. Their Justice , and Faithfulnesse . 423 Their esteem of Libertie . Ibid. Virtue with them teachable . Ibid. Cynick Philosophie from the Jews . Ibid. CHAP. 3. Of the Stoick Sect , and Philosophie its Original . ZEno his Original , and Instructors . 424 His Instituting the Stoick Sect , and his Character . 425 His Successor Cleanthes , his Character . 426 Di●g . Babyl . Antipater Sidon . Possidonius . 427 Roman Stoicks , Cato , Varro , Antoninus , Tullie , Seneca . Ibid. Christian Stoicks , Pantaenus , Clem. Alexand. Ib. Stoick Philosophie , from Jewish Theol●gie . 428 Stoicisme in general , its combination with other Sects . 429 Agreement with Cynicks , Difference with Peripateticks , and Contests with New Academicks . Ibid. Particular Dogmes of Stoicisme . Ibid. 1. Comprehension , 2. Of God , and his Nature , 3. His Creation , and Providence , 4. Of Fate , 5. God's Providence over Mankind . 430 , 431 Stoicks Physicks ; 1. Of the Soul , 2. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. Their Ethicks , 1. Appetition , and that firstly of Self-preservation , 2. That Passions are Irrational . 432 , 433 Stoick Philosophie , its contradiction to Christian Religion ; a cause of Pelagianisme , Ib. & 434 CHAP. 4. Of Scepticisme . THe Scepticks several Names . 435 Pyrrho their Founder , his Character . Ibid. His chief Dogme , that nothing could be known . 436 Formal Idea of Scepticisme , the Scepticks businesse to overthrow all Dogmes of other Sects . Ibid. Sceptick suspension how far it extended . 437 It s Original from Heraclitus , and Plato his Schole . Ibid. Plato , and the Old Acad. Dogmatick , not Sceptick . 437 New Acad. wherein differing from Scepticks . 438 Scepticks avoided all Dogmatizing . Ibid. Scepticisme a great Enemie to Christian Religion . 439 CHAP. 5. Of Epicurisme . EPicurus his Original . 440 His Institution of his Sect , and Character . His Pride , and Contention . 441 Temperance , as reported by his friends . 442 His Industrie , Works , and Disciples . Ibid. Epicurus's Physicks ; 1. of Atomes . 443 His Canon , Contempt of Logick , Rhetorick , Mathematicks . Ibid. His Ethicks ; 1. Pleasure the chiefest Good , 2. this Pleasure Mental , in Virtue . 444 Maximes touching Pleasure , and Pain . Ib. Atheistical Conceptions of God , his Providence , &c. 446 How he undermin'd God's Providence . 447 He denied the Soul's Immortalitie . Ibid. Pagan Philosophie determin'd in the Epicureans . Ib. & 448 Index of Scriptures explicated . Genesis . Ch. 1. Ver. 1 page 314 , 316 Ch. 1. Ver. 2 page 56 , 111 , 164 , 119 , 324 , 326 Ch. 1. Ver. 3 page 338 , 342 Ch. 1. Ver. 5 page 56 , 114 , 325 Ch. 1. Ver. 9 page 332 , 343 Ch. 1. Ver. 16 page 53 Ch. 1. Ver. 26 , 27 page 344 Ch. 1. Ver. 31 page 113 , 182 Ch. 2. Ver. 19 , 20 page 6 Ch. 2. Ver. 21 , 2● , 23 page 344 Ch. 13. Ver. 18 page 82 Ch. 14. Ver. 19 , 22 page 54 Ch. 18. Ver. 17 , 19 page 65 Ch. 44. Ver. 5 page 1● Ch. 47. Ver. 22 page 39 Ch. 50. Ver. 2 page 27 Exodus . Ch. 3. Ver. 5 page 201 Ch. 3. Ver. 14 page 174 , 175 Ch. 19. Ver. 5 , 6 page 143 Leviticus . Ch. ● . Ver. 13 page 144 Ch. 26. Ver. 30 page 69 Numbers . Ch. 6. Ver. 6 page 194 Ch. 18. Ver. 19 page 144 , 146 Ch. 23. Ver. 14 page 2 1 Samuel . Ch. 1. Ver. 1 page 2 Ch. 19. Ver. 18 , 19 page 2 1 Kings . Ch. 4. Ver. 30 page 23 Ezra . Ch. 4. Ver. 14 page 144 Job Ch. 4. Ver. 3 page 19 Ch. 31. Ver. 26 , 27 page 68 Psalmes . Ch. 105. Ver. 22 page 13 Ch. 135. Ver. 4 page 143 Ecclesiastes . Ch. 5. Ver. 1 page 186 Ch. 9. Ver. 8 page 152 Daniel . Ch. 4. Ver. 32 , 33 page 198 Matthew . Ch. 2. Ver. 1 , 2 page 68 Ch. 7. Ver. 6 page 149 , 194 Ch. 8. Ver. 22 page 194 , 195 Ch. 13. Ver. 3 page 97 Marke . Ch. 8. Ver. 11 page 1●● Ch. 9. Ver. 49 page 145 Luke . Ch. 11. Ver. 53 page 222 , 273 Ch. 13. Ver. 26 page 144 Ch. 14. Ver. 34 page 145 Ch. 15. Ver. 24 page 167 Acts. Ch. 7. Ver. 22 page 23 Ch. 14. Ver. 5 page 12 Ch. 17. Ver. 21 page 104 Romans . Ch. 1. Ver. 21 page 98 Galatians . Ch. 2. Ver. 9 page 148 , 194 Philippians . Ch. 3. Ver. 12 page 141 Ch. 3. Ver. 15 page 141 Colossians , Ch. 2. Ver. 16 page 151 Ch. 2. Ver. 21 , 22 page 151 1 Tim. Ch. 3. Ver. 6 page 141 Ch. 4. Ver. 3 page 152 1 Peter . Ch. 2. Ver. 9 page 143 The Court of the Gentiles . Part II. Of Philosophie . Book I. Of Oriental , and Occidental Barbarick Philosophie . Chap : I. Of Philosophie in General , and Scripture Philosophers . The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Hebrew Sophim i. e. Watchmen . Pagans defined Philosophie a Love of the highest and best Wisdom , answerable to the Scriptures Phrasiologie . Philosophers called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the Jewish Mysteries . God the first Exemplar , Matter , and Efficient of all Philosophie . Of the first Divine Philosophers , Adam , Seth , Enoch , Abraham . Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians . Moses's Writings , the Source of Phenician , Egyptian , and Grecian Philosophie , viz. Physicks , Metaphysicks , Mathematicks , and Politicks . Solomons Philosophie ; also Jobs ; and of the Jewish Scholes . § . 1. WE now proceed to discourse of Philosophie , its Original and Traduction from the Jewish Church . And before we engage in the formal Explication ; and Demonstration hereof , we shall first give a more general Idea , or Notion of Philosophie , ( both name and thing ) and then proceed to its original causes , &c. Philosophie , in its first Introduction amongst the Grecians , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Philosophers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Heinsius ( exercit . Sacr. lib. 1. cap. 2. ) presumeth , from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophim Watchmen : thence 't is said Numb . 23.14 . that Balak brought Bâlam into a place , on the top of Mount Pisgah , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the English Version , printed at Geneva 1560 , renders Sede-Sophim , the Seat of the Watch men . And that the Greeks derived their Sophi from this Sophim , Heinsius affirmes it without a peradventure ; because the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophi were wont , on such high hils , to observe the course and motions of the Heavens . That the Hebrews , as well as Phenicians , called their Wise men or Prophets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophim , Watchmen , is most evident to any that observe the Scripture Phrasiologie . So 1 Sam. 1.1 . we read of Ramathaim Sophim of Mount Ephraim : on which the Geneva Annotators observe , That in this Citie , in Mount Ephraim , were Sophim , that is , the Learned and Prophets . Thence the Syriack Version renders it , the hill of the Watches , or Watchmen . Yea , more particularly , that this Ramathaim Sophim was the chief Academie of their Wise men , or Scholes of their Prophets , is apparent from 1 Sam. 19.18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. v. 18. It is said , that David dwelt with Samuel , at Najoth in Ramah . Najoth , say the Geneva Annotators , was a Schole where the Word of God was studied . Thence v. 20 , &c. it is said , there were a Companie of the Prophets there . And what more common in the Scripture Dialect , than the stiling the Hebrew Prophets or Wise men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophim , i. e. Watchmen ? Hence it is most likely ( if not without doubt as Heinsius will have it ) that the Greeks derived their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who were also stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Speculatores , Watchmen ; and thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wisdom , or Philosophie , is also called , by some of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Speculation : Whence that common division of Philosophie , into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speculative and practick Philosophie . Others derive the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Punick Sufes , which in that Language signifies a Magistrate . So Hornius . Historiae Philosoph . lib ▪ 1. cap. 1. We will that the original of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be fetcht from no other than the Punick Sufes , who , as 't is well known , drew their tongue from the Syrophenicians or Cananites . And he gives this account of the Origination : In times past , saies he , none but Wise men were admit●ed to the dignitie of Magistrates . Such Sufes , in the daies of old , were Charondas , Solon , Lycurgus , and other Legislators , who were both wise men and Magistrates . So that there is no doubt to be made of it , but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 descended ence . This being granted , yet it contradicts not the former Origination of Heinsius : for Hornius seems to grant , according to that of Scaliger in Festum , that Sufes was deduced from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an accurate speculation or contemplation , and so is the same with the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 't is used in Scripture for the Contemplation of sublime matters . Camero Myroth cap. 2. Math. derives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to cover , or hide , and so answers to the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and differs but little from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is of the same import . And that which makes for this origination is Joseph's Egyptian name , who was called by Pharaoh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an Interpreter of Secrets . Hence also the Persian Kings are , even to this day , caled Sophi , which signifies Interpreters of the Gods and Wise men . So amongst the Arabians Sophus imports a Religious and Wise man , as Horn. Hist . Philos . lib. 1. cap. 4. So much for that proud title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § , 2. But Pythagoras ( as it is conceived ) judging the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too proud and swelling for degenerate nature , stiles his wise man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a friend of wisdom , as Solomon , almost every where , in his Proverbs , describes his wise man , a Lover of wisdom , &c. whence Christ cals his wise men friends and children of wisdom . Thus Plato also defines a Philosopher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : A Philosopher is a friend to nature and a Kinsman of truth . And elsewhere he cals Philosophers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sincere and friendly Contemplators of truth . Answerably whereunto Philosophie is by him stiled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 love of truth : on which , in his Cratylus , he gives this glosse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , q , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a Divine evagation , or wandring of the mind after the first Wisdom and divine Truth . Whence he asserts , that a true Philosopher has the true Knowledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of things : thence he defines him thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Philosopher is one that covets all wisdom : and so true Philosophie is by him stiled , the Knowledge of the fairest and choicest good , and not only of its picture : Which in his sixth Book of his Common Wealth , he tells us plainly is no other than the Knowledge of God , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Idea of the chiefest good , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the highest Discipline , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the genuine Philosophie ; namely because it is ( saies he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Introduction of the Soul from a certain night-day , to the true discoverie of the first being . Whence he addes , that his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consists , not only in the contemplation of some lower objects , and Arts ; but it is conversant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the true being of beings , and the first beautie : thence ( saies he ) he that contemplates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many beauties , but not the one first , and chiefest beautie , is not a Philosopher , but a dreamer , one that has only an opinionative knowledge of things . So Aristotle in his Rhetorick , speaking of true knowledge , saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Knowledge or Philosophie is the erection and elevation of us into our natural state . And Cicero defines a Philosopher one that studies to know the causes and natures of all things Divine and human , &c. and Philosophie he termes the contemplation of death . So Plato in Theage , defines Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a contemplation of death , And Pythagoras made Philosophie to be the contemplation of Truth ; which Architus understood of the Principle of Principles , and Plutarch of the Divine Majestie : Whence a Philosopher , in the Pythagorean estimation , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lastly Plato in Phaedone , cals Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an assimilation to God so far as 't is possible for man. Whence the same Plato defines Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the knowledge of Divine and human affairs , with their causes : which agrees with that of Cicero lib. 2. Offic. Philosophie is the knowledge of Divine and human things . Lastly Plato assures us , that to philosophize , is to know , love , and imitate God : which he makes to be the summe not only of speculative and moral Philosophie , but also of Politicks : for ( saies he ) that Common-w●alth is most happy in which Philosophers are Kings , or Kings Philosophers . § . 3. Hence also the Greek Philosophers , especially the Pytha●oreans , when they came to the perfect comprehension of their mysteries and principles , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect , in opposition to their Novices or learners ; which phrases and custom they seem to have borrowed from the Jewish Scholes , and Colleges , wherein there were divers orders ; & the highest therein were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect : whereunto the Apostle Paul seems ( unto some ) to allude Phil. 3.12 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and v. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect , of which more hereafter when we come to treat of the Pythagoreans ; who were also called by the latter Philosophers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mythologists and Philomythists ; because of their great imitation of , and symbolizing with the Jews , in mysteries and wisdom , from whom they borrowed the most of their Discipline and Philosophie . From these general hints and intimations we may easily collect , what cognation the Pagan Philosophie had with the Jewish Wisdom : neither can we imagine how those dark capacities of Heathen Philosophers , should come to be informed with such clear contemplations of God , and Jewish mysteries , but by some derived traditions , and fr●gments borrowed from the Scriptures and Jewish Church , as hereafter· § 4 , But to run up Philosophie to its first source and spring head ; we must remember that God ( who is the original Idea of all truth , the eternal wisdom and fountain of all light ) is the first Exemplar , and Efficient of all Philosophie . For as God made all things according to the eternal universal idea of his own Wisdom and Decrees , so likewise has he stamped , and deeply impressed , on the very beings and natures of all things made , certain characters or intelligible ideas and resemblances of his own divine wisdom , which the Scholes usually terme the light and law of nature ; which is nothing else but those created emanations , or rayes of light and order stamped on the beings of things , and scattered up and down in the Universe , which offering themselves to the human understanding , become the objective matter of Philosophie . So that it is apparent , Philosophie , as all other Sciences , owes its original to the Divine Intellect and Wisdom ; which beaming it self forth on the works of its hands , and diffusing some derivation of wisdom , light , and order into every creature , for the government and direction thereof unto its respective ends , becomes the objective idea , or matter of all Philosophie ; and then the same Divine Wisdom irradiating the mind of man , to contemplate those bright Ideas of created wisdom , which lie hid in the creature , and enabling it to gather up the same into several branches or Sciences , it becomes the prime efficient of all Philosophie . So that whether we consider Philosophie objectively , as lodged in the natures of things , or formally , as brancht forth into several sciences , it all owes its original to the bosom of Divine Wisdom . § . 5. Hence it follows , that the original impulsive cause of all Philosophie , was Admiration of the admirable Wisdom , Power , and Goodnes of God shining in his works of Creation and Providence , as Rom. 1.19 , 20. So Plato in his Theaetetus tels us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The great Pathos or affection of a Philosopher is to admire : neither had Philosophie any other original than this . The like Aristotle asserts , in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks , ( which Stobaeus Serm. 3. cites ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Men now , as formerly , begin to Philosophize from admiration : for men first began to admire things lesse wonderful , then proceeding thus by degrees , they doubted of greater matters , as of the origine of the Vniverse , &c. whence he concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherefore a Philosopher seems to be , in some sense , a Philomythist : ( or Mythologist , i : e : a relator of Fables and wonders ) for a Fable consists of things wonderful . The same see Arist . Metaph. lib. 2. cap. 2. In which words Aristotle gives us an exact and full account , of the original ground and impulsive cause of all Philosophie , both Mythologick and Simple . For , whence was it that the Phenicians , Egyptians , and their Apes the Grecians , so much delighted themselves in their Philosophick contemplations of the origine of the Vniverse , &c. but from some fabulous narrations , or broken traditions which they had traduced to them , from the Jewish Church , touching the wonders of God which appeared in his works of Creation and Providence , especially towards his Church which these purblind Heathens greatly admired , though they understood them not , and so mixed their own Mythologick or fabulous conjectures with them . And that this was the true Origine of all the Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 night Philosophie ( which is Plato's own phrase ) will be more evident hereafter , when we come to treat of the Grecian Philosophie . § . 6. As for the created causes of Philosophie ; they may be reduced to these two common heads , 1. Its first Institutors or Authors . 2. It s constitutive principles both material and formal , or the essential parts thereof . We design some discourse on both , thence to make good our Demonstration touching the Traduction of all Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church . And to proceed methodically herein , We shall begin with the first human Institutors , or Authors of Philosophie ; who were indeed Divine , and divinely illuminated ; so that the wisdom we find scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers , was but borrowed , and derived from these Divine ●ights , who were inlightned by the Divine Word , that life and light of men , which shined in the darknes of the Pagan World , but the darknes comprehended it not . as John 1.4 , 5. the light , &c. The first created Divine Institutor of all Philosophie was Adam , who , without all peraduenture , was the greatest , amongst meer mortals , that ever the world possessed ; concerning whom the Scripture tels us , G●n . 2.19 , 20. That he gave names to every living thing , &c. which argues his great Sagacitie and philosophick penetration into their natures . For look a● our conceptions , if true , so also names , if proper , should be , and , as we may presume , at first were no other than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , images of things : So both Aristotle and Plato cal names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imitations of things . Adam could , by his profound Philosophie , anatomize , and exactly prie into the very natures of things , and there contemplate those glorious Ideas , and Characters of created Light and Order , which the increased Light and Divine Wisdom had impressed thereon ; and thence he could by the quicknes of his apprehension immediately collect , and forme the same into a complete system● or bodie of Philosophie ; as also most methodically branch forth the same into particular sciences , &c. whereas all Philosophers since Adam , having lost , by his fall , this Philosophick Sagacitie , of prying into the natures of things , they can only make some poor conjectures ( in comparison ) from some common accidents , and the external superficies , or effects of things ; and therefore cannot receive conceptions , or give names exactly suited to the natures of things , as Adam before them did . And that Plato had received some broken tradition touching this Philosophie of Adam , is evident from what he laies down in his Politicus , ( and elsewhere ) touching the golden Age , or the state of Innocence , wherein , saies he , our first parent was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the greatest Philosopher that ever was . And Bal●us ( de Script . Brit. cent . 10. praesat . ) tels us , That from Adam all good Arts and human Wisdom flowed , as from their Fountain . He was the first that discovered the motions of the celestial bodies ; the natures of Plants , of Living , and all other creatures ; he first published the formes of Ecclesiastick , Politick , and Oeconomick Government . From whose Schole proceeded whatever good Arts and Wisdom were afterward propagated by our Fathers unto mankind . So that whatever Astronomie , Geometrie , and other Arts contain in them , he knew the whole thereof· Thus Baleus . The like Hornius Hist . Philosoph . lib 1. cap 2. Adam therefore being constituted in this Theatre of the Universe , he was ignorant of nothing , that pertained to the Mysterie of Nature . He knew exactly , and that without error , the Natures of all Animals , the virtues of Herbes , and the causes of things . The Light of Reason , which we now call Logick , altogether unspotted , and without cloud , overcame the obscuritie of things , and dispelled darknes , if there were any . Now there was the highest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exactnes of Oeconomicks , and Politicks ; for man was never so much as then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sociable creature . Which the ancient Mythologists are wont to adumbrate under the Golden Age , wherein Sponte sua sine lege fidem , rectumque colebant . The seat of this most noble Philosophie is , in the sacred Scriptures , stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Garden of Eden . For there is nothing more excellent given , by the great God , to mankind than that pleasure , which ariseth from the contemplation of things . The Chaldees cal this Garden of Pleasures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Greeks following them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Paradise . Thus Hornius , who , cap. 11. repetes the same in these words , All Arts , as mankind , had their beginning from Adam , who among the pleasures of Paradise , learned Philosophie even from God himself . And K●ckerman , Tract . 2. Praecogn . Logic. cap. 2. saies , that he doubts not , but that our first Parents delivered over to their Posteritie , together with other Sciences , even Logick also , especially seeing they , who were nearest the Origine of all things , had an intellect so much the more excellent than ours , by how much the more they excelled us in length of life , firmitude of health , and lastly in air , food , &c. § . 7. From Adam sprung Seth , who , according to Josephus lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 3. followed his father in the pursuit of wisdom , especially that part thereof which concernes the Celestial bodies , their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in which kind of Philosophie he proved a very eminent Doctor , as Josephus . So Hornius Hist. philos . l. 7. c. 2. The first mentition of Letters fals upon Seth's times ; who being mindful of his Fathers Prophesie , foretelling the Universal Dissolution of things , the one by the Deluge , the other by fire , being not willing to extinguish his famous Inventions of Astrologie ; he thought upon some monument , to which he might concredit these Mysteries : At length it seemed good unto him to engrave Arts and Disciplines on two great pillars of Brick , thereby to preserve them from destruction . And that this Tradition is not vain , is proved by the Autoritie , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Josephus ; who witnesseth , that one of these pillars remained in Syria even to his time , and was seen by him . § . 8. The learned also reckon Enoch amongst the first Divine Philosophers , especially for his supposed skil in Astrologie and Astronomie : so Eusebius de praepar . Evang. lib. 9. and out of him Bochart Phaleg . lib. 2. cap. 13. fol. 101. I cannot but adde ( saies he ) what is found concerning the same Enoch in Eusebius , out of Eupolemus , of the Jews . He saies that Abraham , when he taught Astrologie and other Sciences at Heliopolis , af●irmed , that the Babylonians attributed the invention of the same to Enoch , and that he was the first inventor of Astrologie . It follows , not far after , that the Grecians attribute the invention of Astrologie to Atlas ; and that Atlas was the same with Enoch , &c. In which words we may note that Enoch and Atlas are reputed for the same . Perhaps from hence , that as Atlas by the Carthaginians is called Duris , and Dyris , so Enoch by the Arabians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idris : thus Bochart . How far these Traditions deserve assent , as also those other of Enoch's engraving his Prophecies and Astrologie on pillars , which , they say , continued after the sloud , it concernes us not to debate : only thus much we are assured by Jude 14 , &c. That Enoch had certain Prophecies touching the worlds dissolution by fire , and the last judgement , &c. And that the Stoicks derived their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or purification of the world by fire , from some broken tradition of this Prophecie of Enoch , is not without ground conjectured by Grotius & other Criticks . Baleus ( de Script . Brit. cent . 20 fol. 3. ) tels us , that Enoch , a man famous for Prophecie , is supposed to have written before the floud of Divine matters , &c. § . 9. Another Scripture Philosopher is Abraham , who is supposed , even by Pagan Historians , to have taught both the Chaldeans , where he was first seated , and also the Egyptians , Knowledge in Astronomie . So Lud. Vives , in August de Civit , Dei lib. 18. c. 2. Not only sacred , but also many of the prophane Writers have mentioned Abraham : as Hecataeus , who writ a Book particularly of Abraham ; so Eusebius de praep . Evang. Also Alexander the Polyhistorian ; who saies , that Abraham , born in the tenth generation after the Floud , was the Inventor of Astrologie amongst the Chaldeans , &c. Damascenus Hist . lib. 4. writes , that Abraham coming from Chaldea with an Armie , reigned at Damascus . Hence he passed into Canaan , leaving a great memorie behind him at Damascus . But when Canaan was prest with famine , he travelled thence into Egypt , and entring into debates with those Priests , he much profited them both in the Knowledge of things , & also for pietie , & the ordering of their manners , and life . Alexander reports that he lived some time in Heliopolis , neither did he professe himself to be the Inventor of Astrologie , but to have received it from his Ancestors , by whose hands it was conveighed unto him , even from Enoch . Artapanus reports , that the Hebrews were so named from Abraham , who lived twenty years in Egypt , where he taught Pharetates the Egyptian King the Knowledge of the Stars , and thence returned into Syria , So Lud. Vives . Baleus ( de script . Brit. cent . 10. fol. 3 ) tels us , out of Phil. Welphius of the lives of learned men , that Abraham found out the Syriack and Chaldee Letters , also many principles of Astrologie ; for he was a prudent and holy man , and excellently learned as to human matters . And after his abode amongst the Egyptian wise men , he was the first that instructed them in Astronomie and Arithmetick : for before his coming into Egypt , the Egyptians were altogether ignorant of these Sciences . So B●l●us , G●r . Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 8. § . 7 , 8. gives us this account of Abraham's Philosophie : But whether ( saies he ) Abraham the Patriarch drew his Astrologie from the Chaldeans , or rather the Chaldeans received it from Abraham ; this Science came by Abraham first to those of Palestine , or the Canaanites , and afterwards to the Egyptians . That Abraham passed from Vr of the Chaldeans into Palestine , is sufficiently known by Scripture : and that he was also skilled in Astrologie , Berosus shews in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the tenth Age after the Floud , there was among the Chaldeans a just and great man , and well skilled in the Knowledge of the Heavens . J●se●hus Antiquit. l. 1. c 7. cites this passage of Berosus , and addes , that Abraham , who was the tenth from Noah , was signified by it . And this is confirmed by what is said of Abraham by Eupolemus , in Eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was the Inventor of Astrologie , and the Chaldaick Art of Divination . Which is an evident confession of an Heathen . It is also enough credible that the Canaanites , and amongst them the Phenicians learned much touching the Natures of things from Abraham , who sojourned amongst them . Moreover it is well known , that when Canaan was prest with famine Abraham went into Egypt ; where he said his wife Sarah was his sister , whom the King had abused , had he not been admonished by God. But being taught who Abraham was , ( as Josephus lib. 1. cap. 8. relates ) he gave him power of conversing with the most excellent and the most learned of the Egyptians . Then Abraham ( saies he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bountifully communicated unto them Arithmetick and Astronomie , for before the coming of Abraham , the Egyptians were ignorant of these Sciences : for they came from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians and from them to the Grecians . This Philosophie of the Jews derived from Abraham was two fold , partly natural , whereof Astrologie was a part ; and partly Divine , of God and his works , &c. How far these reports touching Abraham may deserve credit , I shall not contend . I find a great confirmation of what has been mentioned touching Abraham's Philosophie in Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 2. c. 10. Amidst these darknesses ( speaking of Nimrod's Apostasie ) of depraved Philosophie , shone forth , as an hopeful star , Abraham , a person of a famous ingenie , who was contemporarie with Ninus , Semiramis , and Zoroaster , as Euseb . He was a man renowned not only among sacred , but also prophane writers ; namely of whom Hecataeus writ a whole book : and Berosus , Nic. Damascenus , Alexander , Eupol●mus , M●la , with many others cited by Eusebius l. 9. praepar , c 4. make mention of him . He being in his first years educated in the Institutes of the Magi , or Chaldeans , Jos . 24.2 . drank in a corrupt Philosophie from his Parents , in which notwithstanding he made a better proficience than all others . For he being a very wise and eloquent person , as also invested with a great sagacitie , observed from natural things , that there was a God , and that he was to be worshipped by us ; as Josephus lib. 1. Ant. c. 8. and Philo teach us ; But his mind being not as yet irradiated with any Divine Light , it was envelopped in the darknesses of many errors ; which , so soon as he was commanded by God to depart out of Chaldea , he exchanged for a more bright Light , and so of a Magus he became an Hebrew , or Christian Philosopher , studious of sacred wisdom . In whose familie there was a famous Academie and seat of Philosophie . For Abraham had a great name for wisdom , not only among his own , but thorowout all the East . Josephus , out of Berosus , attests , that he communicated to the Egyptians the science of Numbers , or Arithmetick ; and that of the Stars , called Astronomie , of which sciences the Egyptians were then very ignorant . And Alexander tels us , that the Heliopolitan Priests , and others made use of his Institution in Astrologie , Arithmetick , Geometrie , and other parts of wisdom . And who can doubt of his skill in Astrologie , seeing he drew his original from Chaldea . VVhence what Orpheus sung , that God of old reveled himself to one Chaldean only , they suppose to be meant of Abraham : when therefore he came into Canaan , it may not be doubted , but that the Phenicians drew from him the rudiments of purer wisdom ; for he was much in favor with the Princes of that Countrey , and venerable among their Kings . Thence , whilest his children dispersed Golonies into diverse Regions , his more pure Philosophie was communicated together therewith ; which was soon contaminated by the errors of Cham's Posteritie . This wisdom his son Isaac receiving from him , as an inheritance constantly to be reteined , according to the example of his Father , propagated in Canaan , and in Egypt . The same may be said of Jacob , whose great sagacitie and experience in Natural Philosophie , is sufficiently discovered in the wonderful artifice he used for the conception of the Cattel Gen. 33.37 , &c. There is also in his Historie , some mention made of the Astrologie of the Syrians , &c. Thus Hornius more largely . § , 10. Amongst the Divine Philosophers we must not omit the mention of Joseph , who is said , and that upon solid Scripture grounds , to have instructed the Egyptians in their wisdom , and Philosophie ; and in after Ages passed amongst them under the name of Hermes , or Mercurius Trismegistus . Thus much is asserted by Cluverus in his Historie of the world pag. 12. Joseph , saith he , having attained to a mesure of wisdom , as it seemed above human , he obtained the whole administration of Egypt , and a dignitie the next to the Regal . Hence the common sable , that Hermes , that is , Interpreter , was the first inventor of Arts and Sciences amongst the Egyptians . For the wisdom of the Egyptians owes its self unto Joseph , who by the Kings authoritie taught them both divine and human Arts. So Cl●v●rus . The name Hermes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies an Interpreter , seems to be given , and that most properly unto Joseph , because of his Divine Art in the interpreting of Dreams . And that he was esteemed by the Egyptians , as a person endowed with an extraordinary facultie of divining , and interpreting Dreams , or things secret ▪ is most evident from Gen. 44.5 . where they mention his divining , &c. Though they knew not the Divining power by which he was inspired , but imputed it to his cup , yet the thing it self was manifested by his interpreting the Dreams of Pharaoh , his Butler , &c. That this Art of Divining , or interpreting things was also attributed by the fabulous Pagans to Mercurie , is apparent from Act. 14.12 . where Mercurie is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Interpreter . The Egyptians called their Hermes Theuth , and supposed him to be the inventor of all their Arts and Sciences . That Joseph was indeed the Instructor of the Egyptians , and that by the Kings appointment , is most clear from Psal . 105.22 . where he is said to be appointed by the King to teach his Senators wisdom : but the old Geneva Edition ( an 1560. ) renders it more properly : and teach his Ancients Wisdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to instruct their Elders , that is , their Priests , &c. That Joseph took a particular care of the Egyptian Priests , not only by instituting a College for them , and making provision accordingly , as Gen. 47.22 , but also by instructing them in the Knowledge and service of the true God , the motions of the Heavens , and other parts of sound Philosophie , will afterward appear , when we come to treat of the Egyptian Philosophie . At present it shall suffice us to give his character , as drawn by Hornius Histor . Philos . l. 2. c. 10. Joseph , saies he , was of a great name ; who after various Vicissitudes of Providence , was at length , after having happily interpreted the Kings Dream , by the publick suffrage of the King and people reputed , as indeed he was , the most wise of all the Egyptians , and so honored with that splendid Title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i e. an Interpr●ter of secrets ( Gen. 41.39 , 45. ) Neither may we in any measure doubt , but that , whatsoever there was of Truth agreable to Scripture , to be found among others , especially the Egyptian Philosophers , that they received it from the Hebrews , among whom they frequently and long conversed , even from Abrahams times . But especially from Joseph they received much of their Wisdom , whom , seeing he was next the King , no one of them durst contradict . Whence there are not wanting some who write , that there were Scholes of Wisdom and Virtue erected by Joseph in Egypt . And indeed that there were such , appears , from the Historie of Moses , whom the Scripture makes to be learned in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians , Which seems to be made good by what David notes Psal . 105 22. that Joseph was commanded by Pharaoh , to teach his Princes according to his pleasure , and to instruct his Elders in Wisdom . For so the Vulgar renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which version , seeing it is most plain , we may not recede . For it may be deduced as well from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying as well to instruct as to chastise . Whence I wonder , what came into their minds , who contend , that Josephs Doctrine was not publickly approved . For seeing it was publickly delivered in their Scholes and Academies , who can denie , that it was publickly authorized by the King , and Nobles of the Kingdom ? His Placits were so far from being contradicted , as indeed no one durst murmur against him Gen. 41.39 , &c. They do ill allege the event . For the Egyptians after the death of Joseph , and their King , who favored him , returned again to their Vomit , and abrogated the true Philosophie . This is well observed by Philip in Chronico l. 2. Not long after the death of Joseph , the Egyptian Kings , rejecting his Doctrine again worshipped Idols , and embraced Magick Arts. Yet there remained some rudiments , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of truth . For , that the ancient Egyptians held the world to have a beginning , and that they thought the year to begin from Libra , which they supposed also to be the beginning of the World ; these Traditions they drew from no other fountain than Joseph , as Jos . Scaliger ad lib. 1. Manil●i admonisheth . From the same Joseph also they learned the Souls immortalitie , which presently was changed into that monstre of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As therefore the Egyptians owe not the least part of their wisdom to the Hebrews , so also they participate with them in many names , which is even yet discovered , in many of the names of their Gods , as we have before often demonstrated . See Part 1. Book 2. c. 7. of Egyptian Gods. § . 11. But amongst all the Divine Philosophers , there was none that opened a more effectual door , for the propagating of philosophick principles and light , than Moses ; who by his writings , contained in his five books ( besides his personal Conferences ) laid the main foundations of all that Philosophie , which first the Phenicians and Egyptians , and from them the Grecians were masters of . Whence was it that Sanchoniathon , and the Grecian Philosophers after him , had such clear notions of the original of the world , the first Cha●s or Matter , out of which God framed all things ? Was it not from Moses's descriprion of the Creation Gen. 1.2 ? Lud. Vives de Veritate fidei , speaks thus ; The Creation of the World was so described by Moses , that the greatest Philosophers admired the depth , and embraced the truth of the narration ; especially the Pythagoreans ( whom Plato in his Timaeus follows ) who expressed the said production of the world , sometimes in the very same words . Plato ( in his Timaeus fol. ●9 . being to treat of the origine of the Universe , acknowledgeth , this could not be known but by some probable fable or Tradition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which came originally from Moses's Historie of the Creation . This will be evident by the enumeration of particulars . 1. How came Sanchoniathon , that great Phenician Philosopher , to the Knowledge of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cauth Ereb , but from Gen. 1.2 . & darknes , &c. only the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from v. 5 Hence all the Poetick fictions of the first Chaos , & the philosophick contemplations of the first matter , privation , &c. Hence also Mochus , another Phenician Phisiologist , received his traditions about Atomes , which he makes to be the first principles of the world , &c. Whence also drew the Egyptians their philosophick persuasions of the worlds beginning , &c. if not from this Mosaick Fountain ? How came Plato to discourse so accurately of the order , beautie , harmonie and perfection of the Vniverse , the contemplation whereof ( saies he ) was exceeding pleasing to its maker ? Could he possibly have discoursed of these things in such Scriptural Phrasiologie , had he not received some Traditions from Moses Gen. 1.31 , & c ? Whence came his conceptions of Anima mundi , the Soul of the world , but from Jewish Traditions touching Gods framing and governing the world by his Spirit and Providence ( which Plato cals 〈◊〉 ) in the most perfect harmonious manner , as the soul governes the bodie Gen. 1.2 ? Hence Plato ( according to his Allegerick manner of discourse ) supposeth the world to be an Animal , yea a visible image of the in●isible God ; that is , saies Johannes Grammaticus ( that excellent Christian Philosopher ) what Moses affirmed properly of man , Gen. 1.27 . that he was made according to the image of God , Plato transfers to the wh●le Vniverse . Yea indeed the whole of the Grecian Physiologie , touching the Origine of the world , its first matter , privation , and forme , &c. in all likelyhood , owes its original to some Mosaick tradition from the first chap. of Genesis , &c. 2. As their Physicks , so also the Metaphysicks , laid down by the Grecian Philosophers , seem evidently to be derived , and borrowed from Moses's sacred Philosophie . We read Ex●d . 3.14 . of Gods name I am , whence Austin puts it beyond all doubt , that Plato traduced his notions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he ascribeth to the first and most perfect Being . From the same Scripture Fountain also came his contemplations about his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as Gen. 1.2 . whence the Platonicks generally assert a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trinitie answerable to the Scriptures : and , in sum , never Heathen Philosopher treated more distinctly , yea divinely of God , his Nature , and Attributes , as also of the Soul , its spiritualitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , &c. than Plato : which , according to the common vogue of the Learned , he received , by conference with some Jews , or by tradition from Moses's writings : of which more else where . 3. Farther , that the Pagan Geographie had its original from Moses's Narration Gen. 10. how the world was peopled by Noahs posteritie , is asserted and made evident by the Learned Bo●haert , in his Phal●g ; where he demonstrates , that the Pagan Geographie exactly answers to Moses's description . The like may be affirmed of the Pagan Chronologie , and Historie , of which before part 1. book 3· chap. 2. § . 6 7. So in like manner , that the Heathen Politicians , or Lawgivers , viz. Lycurgus , Solon , Minos , Draco , Plato , &c. received the chief , if not the whole of their Politicks from Moses's Laws , is generally affirmed by the Learned , and will be made farther evident by what follows . We find a good Character of Moses , and his Philosophie in H●rnius Hist . philos . l. 2 c. 13. Moses , saies he , had a mind most capacious for all things : who being educated from his childhood among the Egyptian Priests , drew from them all their wisdom , even their most abst●use mysteries : which seems to be the cause why he is reckoned by the Grecians among the Magicians . Plinie l. 10. c. 10. There is another faction of Magick , which sprang from Moses . And Moses indeed has obtained a great name even among profane Writers . Eupolemus saies , that Moses was the most wise man ; and that he delivered Letters first to the Jews , and that the Phenicians received them from the Jews , as the Greeks from the Phenicians . Artapanus relates , that Moses was called by the Grecians Musaeus ; and that Orpheus learned many things from him . Some conceive that Moses is mentioned in that of Orpheus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For that Moses was thence so called , because drawn out of the water , is the persuasion of Learned men . Others make Moses the same with the Egyptian Mercurie , to whom they ascribe the Invention of Letters : of which see Part 1. B. 1. C. 10. § , 4. That Moses arrived unto the top of Philosophie , and by the Inspiration of God , was taught the secrets of Nature , is affirmed by Philo in Euseb . praepar . l. 8. c. 5. And the same Eusebius in Chronico writeth , that Moses philosophized in the Desert 40 years ; namely being a wise man he spent his time in Contemplation of things Natural and Divine . Origen and Austin ( lib. 2· Quaest . in Gen. ) prove that Moses being skilled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians , could not be ignorant of Geometrie . Some also suppose him to have been a Chymist , which they collect from his exquisite skill in reducing the Golden Calf into Ashes . That Orpheus , Pythagoras , Plato , Homer , and others borrowed many of their choicest notions from Moses , is shewn by Justin Martyr , in his Exhortation to the Gr●eks , of which hereafter . To conclude this discourse touching Moses's Philosophie , It is apparent from Scripture that he was not only skilled in sacred Philosophie , but also excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians : as Act. 7.22 . Now the Egyptians ( as Macrobius and others tell us were the Parents of all Philosophie ; to whom the Grecian Philosophers had recourse , age after age , for their Philosophie ) who without doubt received great improvement in their Wisdom by Moses , and his writings : for hence they received their Hieroglyphicks , &c. ( as hereafter ) . Though the Egyptians , being unwilling to seem beholding to the Jews for their wisdom , pretend they received it from Hermes , &c. We find Moses mentioned amongst the Egyptians under the fable of Typhon , &c. § . 12. Another great ( yea the greatest next to Adam in innocence ) Divine Philosopher was Solomon , of whom God himself gives this Character 1 Kings 3.12 . that he had a wise , and understanding heart ( or as the Hebrew , an amplitude of heart , so that there was none before , or after , like unto him . And more particularly 't is said 1 Kings 4. from v. 29. to 34. That Solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the East Countrey , and all the wisdom of Egypt : For he spake 3000 Proverbs , &c. & v. 33. he spake of Trees from the Cedar , to the Hysop : also of Beasts , Fowls , Creeping things , and Fishes , &c. Moreover that Solomon committed this his Philosophie to writing , is affirmed by the Learned out of Eccles . 12.10 , 12. and the Wisdom of Solomon ( Apocrypha ) ch . 7.13 . Thus Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 1. c. 13. In the Book of Wisdom cap. 17.17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. the Amplitude of Solomon's wisdom is egregiously expounded . For he was the greatest Contemplator , especially of things Physick , and admirable , a Disputer of the most acute Questions with the Tyrians , and the Queen of Sheba . For having contracted a great friendship with the King of Tyre , ( whom Eupolemus cals Syros ) it came to passe that they often conferred of the most subtile points . ( For the Tyrians , among whom the Phenician Theologie resided , were famous in this Age. ) Josephus makes mention of the Tyrian King , and Solomon their provoking men to the Studie of Wisdom , by great rewards ; and that Solomon on that occasion joined some Cities , belonging unto the Kingdom of Tyre , unto his own . And Josephus in his Antiquit. lib. 8. writeth , That Solomon composed Books of Songs 1005 ; of Parables and Similitudes 3000 Books ; and that he disputed of every kind of Plant , as in like manner of Beasts , Fishes and all other living creatures , &c. for he was not ignorant of , neither did he leave unexamined any Being or Nature , but philosophized of all things , eminently expounding their natures and proprieties , &c. so Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civit. De● , l. 17. c. 20. And Eusebius writes , that these Books of Solomon's Proverbs , and Songs ) wherein he discoursed of the nature of Plants , and of all kinds of Animals ; as also of Medicine or the curing of diseases ) were removed out of the way by Hezekiah , because the people did thence seek the curing of their diseases , without recourse to God for the same . See Wendelin in his Preface to his Physicks . Solomons Wisdom is farther evidenced by the Queen of Sh●ba her Addresses to him , and his Responses to her , mentioned 1 Kings 10. And some relate , that the Sabeans reteined the Books of Moses , brought to them by the Queen of Sheba , even from Solomon's time : Josephus also indeed reporteth , that this Queen , upon Solomon's permission , carried with her , into her own Countrey , a Colonie of ten thousand Jews . Which if granted , will give us some account how the Zabii , and Chaldean Philosophers came so well acquainted with Jewish Dogmes , even before the Babylonian Captivitie . This Concession of Solomon some gather from 1 Kings 10.13 . And that the same of Solomon's Philosophie ( as also its main principles ) was diffused not only Eastward , as 1 Kings 4.34 . but also Westward , amongst the Grecian Philosophers , is very probable . For certain it is , that Solomon had great correspondence both with the Phenicians , and Egyptians ; by whom , we may presume , his wisdom was communicated to the Grecians Have we not sufficient ground to conjecture , that Pythagoras , and Plato traduced much of their Symbolick and Parabolick Philosophie hence ? Also the Stoicks their Moral Philosophie ; and Hippocrates his Medicinal Science ; and even Aristotle his Historie of Animals ; as his Scholar and Successor Theophrastus that of Plants : which have all great Affinitie with Solomon's Philosophie . As for the Writings of Solomon , especially such as were Philosophick , the Jews say , that they were lost in the Captivitie . There are some , who say , that what was more useful therein was , by the Spirits Dictate , collected ; and is now extant under the Title of Solomon's Proverbs , which contein the Ethicks of Solomon , Euseb . praepar . l. 2. c. 2. § . 13. We might also mention here amongst the Divine Philosophers Job , who has many accurate philosophick discourses touching several parts of Natural Philosophie ; the Meteors , &c. But I shall content my self with the character given him by Hornius and others . Horn. Hist . philos . l. 5. c. 9. saies , That Job was a famous Doctor of Philosophie , than whom there was not a more ancient , more learned , and more sublime to be found throughout all Antiquitie . Lipsius cent . 1. ep . 99. saies ; Behold amongst the most ancient Job , whom they conceive not to be of the elect Nation , and yet he writ all select or choice matters . His Book , addes Hornius , is Dialectick : For , as Jerom to Paulinus saies , He determines all according to Dialectick Laws ; by Proposition , Assumtion , and Conclusion . Moreover he shewes the manner how to solve fallacious Arguments . His friends also , who were very learned in Philosophie , and without peradventure proceeded from Job's Schole , when they sport themselves with perpetual Paralogi●mes , are egregiously convinced by Job . Who not only propagated this wisdom among his own , but also opened publick Scholes , as Job 4.3 . Eliphaz the Temanite testifies : where among other Elogies he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou hast taught many . Neither have we more ancient Disputations than those which occur in his admirable Book . His friends are the Opponents , and he Respondent : which mode of Disputing was invented by Job , as Ambrose . l. 1. de officiis c. 12. It is commended in Plato , that , in his Politie , he brings in him , who disputed against Justice , craving leave to oppose what he approved not , &c. By how much more ancient was Job , who first found out these things . § . 14. We shall conclude this chapter , with a brief account of the Jewish Academies , or Scholes , of which we find frequent mention in the Scriptures ; as 1 Sam. 1.1 . we read of the Citie of the Sophim or Learned , so 1 Sam. 10 10 , 11. and 1 Sam. 19.18 , 24. where we find Societies of the Prophets or Students , of whom the more ancient were called Doctors or Rabbies , perfect , and Prophets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Samuel : but the younger students were called Novices , or Sons of the Prophets , &c. We find a good account of these Scholes of the Prophets in Hornius Hist . philos . lib. 2. c. 13. Samuel revived the pristine fame of wisdom among his Countrey men : for there were then erected Scholes of the Prophets , unto which the Jews sent their Children for Institution : Which Custom continued long after . Some one of the Prophets , more conspicuous for wisdom , and pietie , presided over them . Among these Scholes , Ramatha in Gilead was mostly celebrated : where there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an Academie , as the Chaldee intimates . Thence those most eminent Wits David , and Solomon , were given to the world ; both egregious Candidates of Divine , and Human Wisdom : both excellent Doctors of the Mosaick Sapience . And that the Jews had Scholes in Babylon , Diodati proves , and observes on Psal . 137.1 . After the Captivitie those who instructed the Youth were called Scribes , as it appears out of Esdras , and Nehemiah ; and in Christ's time , Doctors , Luke 2.46 . Amongst whom there were none more famous , than the Essenes , who had their Colleges and Philosophie , which was principally Medicine ; with whom the Pythagoreans did greatly symbolize , as hereafter . Viret , in his Interim , pag. 122 , treating of the Essenes saies , That they retired from the croud of Politick and Ecclesiastick affairs ( wherein the Pharisees , and Sadducees were plunged ) into certain Colleges , where they addicted themselves to Gardening ; but principally to the Studie of Medicine : And for the better ordering of their Studies , they divided the day into times for Prayer , Reading of Lectures , Private Studies , Labors with the hand , and for Refreshments of Nature : in such sort , that all things were transacted amongst them with very good order . And as they lived in common , so had they all one common purse . In sum ; their state , at that time , was an excellent Schole of Medicine , of Doctrine , and of examples of Virtue : and , I suppose , the first Christian Monks took their patterns from them . Thus Viret . That the Pythagoreans had a great affinitie whith them , see Book . 2. Chap. 6. § . 7. &c. Ger Voss . de Philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 1. § . 8. tels us , That the Philosophie of the Jews , which they derived originally from Abraham , was two fold . For it was partly natural , whereof Astrologie was a part : and partly Divine , or of God , his works , and will. The latter Jews named their Philosophie from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to receive , Cabala : because it was received from God. This they divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beresith : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mercacia . The former treated of celestial , and elementary bodies , in which Solomon excelled ; the latter treated of God , and his worship . Johannes Picus Mirandulanus was an admirer of this Cabala , who gloried that he had LXX . books of it , which he bought at a vast price ; and that he found in them the Religion delivered by Moses , and Christ , &c. Thus Vossius . But Bishop Vsher judged all these Rabbinick and Cabalistick writings as cheats , and not ancienter than 600 years , &c. Touching the Jewish Scholes after the Babylonian Captivitie , Hornius Histor . philos . l. 7. c. 3. writes thus : The Jews , after their returne from the Babylonian Captivitie , erected many Scholes , both at Jerusalem , and elsewhere . Before the Destruction there were reckoned in the Hierosolymitan Academie , Synagogues , or Colleges more than 40. in each whereof were two Scholes : one was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the Book , wherein the written Law was read : the other , wherein the Misnajoth , or Traditions , and exegeses of the Ancients , the received Sentences , the forensick decisions , and other things of that sort were taught . This was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of Doctrine . All these were destroyed by Vespasian , as Rab. Phinees in Gem●ra Hierosol . I shall conclude this Chapter of Divine Philosophie , with that of Hornius Hist philos . l. 2. c. 10. Wisdom , as we know , began first in Paradise , and was afterwards cultivated by the sacred Fathers , and propagated to Posteritie . For God alwaies raised up some , who , relinquishing the errors of profane men , endeavored , even by the studie of Wisdom , the restauration of the Image of God. Such were , after Noah , the Hebrews , as Abraham of the Posteritie of Sem , a man of a Divine Ingenie , and famous for his admirable Knowledge , &c. of which see what precedes § 9. Of the Jewish Scholes in Babylon , &c. see what follows C. 4. § . 8. CHAP. II. Of the Egyptian Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Scriptures , &c. The Egyptians great repute for wisdom : Their Skill in the Mathematicks , Astronomie , Geometrie , Arithmetick , Geogrophie , &c. Their Natural Philosophie , Medicine , &c. Their Moral Philosophie , especially their Politicks , both Legislative , and Administrative , from the Jewish Church . The Egyptian Theologie , and Gods from Joseph , &c. Of their Hieroglyphicks , and other waies of expressing things . The Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , proved both by Testimonies , and Artificial Demonstration . Joseph's Provision for the College of Egyptian Pri●sts : His informing them in the Knowledge of God and true Philosophie . The Advantages which the Schole of Alexandria received from the Jews , and Scriptures , translated into Greek by Ptolomie's request . Of Ammonius , the great master of the Alexandrian Schole , his mixing Scripture Notions with his Philosophie . The Christian Church at Alexandria , its influence on , and advantages from the Schole . § 1. BEing now to enter on the Easterne Pagan Philosophers , we shall begin with those of Egypt , who were exceeding famous , even to a superlative degree , for being the first Parents of Philosophie , and conveighers of it unto the Grecians . We find mention in the Scriptures of the Egyptian Wisdom , and wise men , so Gen 41.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 7.11 . And Apulcius 6. Florid. gives this as the peculiar Character of the Egyptians , that they were wise . So Gellius lib. 11. cap. 8 , saies of the Egyptians , that they were very exquisite in the finding out of Arts , and endowed with a peculiar sagacitie for the Disquisition of things . So Macrobius tels us , that the Egyptians were the Parents of all philosophick Sciences , and Arts. And that a great part of the Grecian Learning was originally borrowed from the Egyptians , is very evident by the Confession of the Greek Philosophers ; as also from matter of Fact. Thus much is confessed by Plato ( in his Timaeus fol. 22. ) who making mention of Solon , his Kinsman's travels into Egypt , to informe himself about the ancient pieces of Learning , he saies , that one of the Egyptian Priests told Solon , that the Grecians were but children , as to the true Archaeologie ; but the Egyptians were Masters of the most Ancient Wisdom , &c. Of Solon's being in Egypt , and getting VVisdom thence , see Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 2. § . 3. Diodorus Siculus Biblioth . l. 1. tels us , that all those , who were renowned amongst the Greeks for Wisdom and Learning , did , in ancient time , resort to Egypt ; and that not only the first Poets , Homer , Orpheus , &c. but also the first Lawgivers , Lycurgus , and Solon , as also Philosophers , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. gained most of their Knowledge out of Egypt . And indeed we need go no farther than the Scriptures , to evince the great repute the Egyptians had for human Wisdom : for in 1 Kings 4.30 . it is said , that Solomon's Wisdom excelled all the Wisdom in Egypt . By which it is evidently implied , that the Egyptian Wisdom was very considerable , in that it is made the measure of Solomon's Wisdom . We have the like honorable mention of the Egyptian wisdom Act. 7.22 . where 't is said , that Moses excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians . Without doubt , had not the Egyptian Philosophie been very considerable , the spirit of God would not have made such use of it , to adorn Moses's Character , who was otherwise sufficiently accomplished with many eminent qualities . Vossius de philos . sectis l. 2. c. 2. § . 4. tels us , that in ancient times the fame of the Egyptian Priests was very great : Yet in Strabo's time they were of no repute . See Strabo l. 17. where he saies , That when he was in Egypt he saw vast houses , which the Priests in times past inhabited , who were both Astrologers , and Philosophers : but these Sciences were in his time so defective , that there was scarce one to be found skilled therein . All that their Priests could do , was , to enumerate to strangers the Rites of their Sacreds , &c. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us , That the Egyptians had 42 books , which belonged to their Priests , written by their Mercurie , whereof 36 conteined the whole of the Egyptian Philosophie , their Laws , their Gods , and the discipline of their Priests ; wherein their Cantor , sacred Scribe , Astrologer , Curator , and Prophet ought , each according to their respective Offices , to be vers'd . The other 6 Books belonged to such as were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. who wore the Cloke , which conteined their Medicine , &c. see Vossius de phil . sect . l. 2. c. 2. The Egyptian Philosophie lay amongst their Priests : so Strabo Geogr. l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their Priests embraced Philosophie and Astronomie &c. § . 2. But to treat a little more particularly , and distinctly of the Egyptian Philosophie , and Wisdom . Vossius de philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 2. § . 8. gives us this general account of the Egyptian Philosophie , and its extent : How large the Egyptian Philosophie was , is known by this , that it comprehended the Liberal Sciences , the Hieroglyphick mode of writing , the Knowledge of the Stars , and of Universal Nature , the Situation of the earth , and particularly of Egypt ; and of the increases of Nile , the Discipline of Virtues , and of Laws , the Nature of the Gods , and the mode of worship by Sacrifices , and various ceremonies , also the whole of Medicine both Prophylactick , for the preservation of health ; and Pharmaceutick , for the restauration of health ; as also Chirurgick . Yet notwithstanding , all these were not required in all Philosophers ; but the Cantor , or Musician , took one part to him ; and the sacred Scribe another ; the Horoscope , or Astrologer assumed other parts ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Curate of the sacred Rites , others ; the Pastophori , and Prophets others . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. delivers , concerning the Egyptians , that they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain peculiar or mystick Philosophie , which , saies he , appears by their sacred ceremonies , &c. Diogenes Laertius , and others , divide the Egyptian Philosophie into four parts , Mathematick , Natural , Divine , and Moral . We shall speak something of each , and endeavor to shew , what advantages , and assistances they had from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , for their improvement thereof . As for the Mathematicks , the Egyptians were reputed to be well skilled in Astronomie , Geometrie , Geographie , Arithmetick and Musick ; for the improvement whereof they had considerable helps from the Jewish Church , and Patriarchs . As to their great insight into Astronomie , it is asserted by Strabo , Herodotus , and Diodorus ; and it is sufficiently manifest , in that they , as it is generally affirmed , were the first , who found out the course of the year by the Sun's motion , which , as it is supposed , was the invention of the Priests of Heliopolis . Thence saies Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians were , of all , the first , who found out the Course of the Year ; distinguishing it into twelve Months , which they gathered from the Stars . This Calculation of the year , Thales ( who was the first amongst the Grecians that distinguished the seasons of the year ) seemed to have learned in Egypt . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us , That the Egyptian Horoscope , or Astrologer , carried in his hand an Horologe , and Palme , the Symbols of Astrologie , who had alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes , whereof one treated of the five Planets , the second of the Sun and Moon , the third and fourth of the rising and setting of the Stars : see Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 2. By reason of these their Astronomick observations and experiments , the Egyptians fell into a superstitious admiration of these glorious celestial Bodies , and thence into an opinion that they were Gods. Thus Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. tells us , that the ancient Inhabitants of Egypt , contemplating the Celestial World , and the Nature of the Superior World ; they , with great stupor , admired the Sun and Moon , esteeming them as the first eternal Gods ; whereof the Sun they called Osiris , and the Moon Isis . The same Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 2. observeth . And this Idolatrous persuasion , that the Stars were Gods ( which sprang from natural Astronomie ) was the original of all Idolatrous worship , especially that we call Zabaisme , or the worship of those planetary Deities , so much in use amongst the Chaldeans ; whence also sprang judicial Astrologie , as it will evidently appear in our Discourse of the Chaldaick Philosophie , chap. 4. § . 4. As for the occasion , which the Egyptians had for the improving of Astronomie , even unto Idolatrie ; we have it well described by Eus●bius praepar . l. 1. c. 6. They report that the Egyptians were the first , who lifting up their eyes to Heaven , and admiring the mode , order , and quantitie of those celestial bodies , thought the Sun and Moon to be Gods. So Lactant. lib. 2. Inst . cap. 14. The first of all , those , who possessed Egypt , began to contemplate and adore those cel●stial bodies . And because they lived , by reason of the Qualitie of the air , without covered houses , they thence had opportunitie to note the Courses and Defects of the Stars ; and thence fell into the admiration , and adoration of them . As for the Egyptians skill in Geometrie , Porphyrie assures us , that they have been for a long time very studious therein . And Proclus in Euclid . 2.4 . faith , that Geometrie was invented by the Egyptians , taking its beginning from measuring of fields ; it being necessary for them , from the inundation of Nilus , which washed away their bounds . Austin de Civit. Dei l. 18. c. 39. gives us a clear account of the whole : The Wisdom of the Egyptians , what was it ( saies he ) but principally Astronomie , & c ? Ludovicus Vives on this place ▪ gives this account : The Ancient Egyptians much exercised themselves in Astronomie , Geometrie , and Arithmetick . As for Geometrie , necessitie taught them that , which they greatly needed , when the bounds of their fields were broken down by the overflowing of Nilus ; neither could they , any other way , divide their grounds &c. Whence Geometrie is so termed from measuring of the earth . As for Astronomie , the commodiousnes of their situation gave them great advantage for improvement therein , they , having their nights alwaies clear , and serene , and the Heavens lying open to them without clouds , could easily contemplate the risings , and settings , of the Stars , with their progresses , and regresses , &c. Then to these two , Arithmetick was added , as subservient , without which the former could not be attained . Thus Lud. Vives . And that our Astronomie came much of it , if not the whole , from the Egyptians , and those Eastern parts , seems very probable from those Hypotheses , or Hieroglyphick Signes , which are used by Astronomers in the Zodiack , and other parts of the Celestial Globe , to expresse the Celestial Bodies , and their motions by : which way of expressing things was in much use amongst the Egyptians , and by them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which they derived ( as 't is supposed ) from the Jewish Church , their Rites , and Ceremonies . Neither were the Egyptians unacquainted with Geographie ; as it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus ( Strom. l. 6. ) his description of the sacred Scribe , in the solemn procession ; of whom it was required , that he should be skilled in Hieroglyphicks , Cosmographie , Geographie , the motions of the Planets , the Chorographie of Egypt , and the description of Nile . Eustathius , in his Notes on Dionysius , attributes the invention of Geographick Tables to Sesostris , who caused the Lands he had conquered , to be described in Tables , and so communicated it to the Egyptians , and from them to others , as Stilling . Orig. Sacr. Book 2. c. 2. Vossius de phil . sect . lib. 2. c. 2. § . 8. We find a good general account of the Egyptians skill in Mathematicks , given by Hornius Hist . philos . lib. 2. c. 7. They so handled the Mathematick Sciences , that if they be compared with other Nations , they may be said , not so much to perfect , as invent them ; which they affected out of a humor of vain glorie . Especially there were famous among them Petosiris , and Necepson : by whose Prudence ( they are the words of Julius Firmicus ) there was an accesse made to the very secrets of Divinitie . They vindicated to themselves the invention of Geometrie , Astrologie , and Astronomie . § . 3. That the Egyptians had in like manner the Knowledge of Natural Philosophie , especially of Medicine , and Anatomie ( which are but branches thereof ) is generally affirmed by the Ancients . It s true their superstition kept them from dissecting , and prying into the natures of those creatures , to which they attributed a Deitie , yet were they not without many choice experiments , and curious observations , even in the experimental part of Natural Philosophie : for Blinie ( Hist . l. 19. c. 5. ) tels us , that it was the manner of their Kings to cause dead bodies to be anatomized , to find out the Structure , or Composition of Man's bodie , with the causes , and nature of Diseases . Besides they were exact in making philosophick observations touching any curious natural events , or their irregularities . For when there happened any prodigie , or irregular thing in nature , they did , saies Strabo , with much curiosity , lay i● up amongst their sacred records ; and Herodotus addes That more things of this nature were observed by them , than by any other Nation ; which , saith he , they not only diligently preserved , but frequently compared together , and , from a similitude of Prodigies , gathered a similitude of Ev●nts . Thus much also Plato in his Timaeus fol. 22.33 . observes concerning them , in his relation of S●lon's Conference with the Egyptian Priest : where Solon , having a curiosity to find out the truth , and original of those ancient great events , touching Phoroneus , Deucalion , and Pyrrhus , &c. the Egyptian Priest unfolds these mythologick fabulous narrations , by an historick relation ; wherein he seems to reduce the Storie of Deucalion to that of Noahs Floud ; and that of Pyrrhus his wife , to the Burning of Sodom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying fire : as also that of Phoroneus to the drowning of Pharaoh in the Red Sea : Phoroneus , and Pharaoh being according to the Hebrew , and so the Egyptian tongue ( which differed little from it ) conjugates , And that the Egyptians had some natural historie of the first Creation , ( which could not be traduced to them by any hand , save that of Moses , originally , Genesis 1. ) is apparent out of Diogenes Laert. ( proem pag. 7. ) where he saies ; that the Egyptians did constantly believe that the World had a beginning , and was corruptible ; that the Stars were of the nature of Fire ; and that the Soul was immortal , &c. But that , for which the Egyptians were most famous abroad , was their skill in Medicine ; which is so much spoken of by Homer , Plato , Herodotus , Plutarch , Diogenes Laertius , &c. Plinie tels us , lib. 29. c. 1. that the original of Physick , or Medicine amongst the Egyptians , was from the relations of those , who by any remedy were cured of any Disease ; which for a memorial to posterity were recorded in their Temples . The Egyptians had also excellent skill in the embalming of dead bodies , for their conservation ( which appertaines to Medicinal Philosophie ) as it appears from Scripture : Gen. 50.2 . where Joseph commands the Physicians to embalme his Father . Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. treating of the Egyptian Philosophie , conteined in 24 books written by their Mercurie , tels us , that 6 of these Books concerned Medicine , which were studied by their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. those who wore the Cloke ) wherein was distinctly handled the Fabrick of Mans Bodie , the Nature of Diseases , and Medicaments ; and particularly the Medicine of the Eyes , and of Womens Diseases , &c. Diodorus makes the Egyptians the first Inventors of Medicine . And what their dexteritie in Anatomie was , is evident by that of Gellius lib. 10. Noct. Att. cap. 10. Appion , in his Egyptian Books , saies that Human Bodies being dissected , and opened , according to the Egyptian mode , it was found out , that there was a certain most tenuous Nerve , which passed from one singer to the heart of man. Farther , how much the Egyptians were verst in Medicine is discovered by that pleasant Character of Homer ( who conversed much with them ) Odyss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 7. The Egyptians greatly studied Natural Philosophie , wherein how much they excelled appears from Medicine it self , which they strenuously exercised . See Vossius de Philos . sect is l. 2. c. 2. § . 8. § . 4. Neither were the Egyptians defective in Moral Philosophie , especially as to Politicks , for which they had a great repute amongst the ancients , both for their excellent Laws , and also for their good Administration , and execution thereof . As for their Laws , they are highly commended by Strabo , and Diodorus ; and so greatly esteemed by Lycurgus , Solon , and Plato , as that they were not ashamed to borrow many of their Laws , and politick Constitutions from them . It is most certain , saies Stillingfleet , that those who formed Greece first into civil Societies , and well ordered Common Wealths , were such as had been Traders for Knowledge in other parts . To which purpose Diodorus Siculus ( Biblioth . lib. 1. ) informeth us , that Lycurgus and Solon , as well as the Poets , Orpheus , Musaeus , Melampus , and Homer ; and the Philosophers after them , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had gained most of their Knowledge , and Wisdom out of Egypt : nay he saith in general , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : All those who were renowned amongst the Greeks , for Wisdom and Learning , did in ancient time resort to Egypt , there to participate of Learning , and Laws , &c , And as the Grecians received their Learning , and Laws from Egypt ; so we need no way doubt , but that the Egyptians received the best part of their Laws from the Mosaick Constitutions , besides what they had immediately from Joseph their great Legislator , as hereafter . As for the Egyptians Wisdom , in their politick Administration , or Government of State , it is evident from Esa . 19.11 , 12. where the King of Egypt is stiled the Son of the Wise . Besides the continuance of their State so long in peace , is a sufficient demonstration of their State Policie , or prudent management of State Affairs ; for the improvement whereof , we have reason enough to judge , they received much light from the Mosaick judicial constitutions ; as also from Solomons Politicks , with whom they had great affinitie ( by reason of Solomon's Wife ) and commerce , or correspondence : Though indeed they owed much of their Politie and Government to Joseph ; who passeth amongst them under the names of Hermes , Apis , Serapis , &c. as in what follows . § . 5. We now come to the Egyptian Theologie , for which they were greatly reputed ; the original wherof they owe to Joseph , and Jewish Traditions , as it will appear by the parts thereof . Clemens Alexandrinus ( so called by reason of his same in the Church , and Schole of Alexandria in Egypt was greatly versed in Egyptian Rites , and Worship , whereof he gives us this account , lib. 6. The Egyptians , saies he , have a proper , or mystick kind of Philosophie , which appears from their sacred Ceremonies . For first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Cantor precedes with a Musick Symbol , and those 2 books of Mercurie , the one containing the Hymnes of the Gods , the other an account of the Kings life . After the Cantor follows the Horoscope , with an horologe , and palme , the Symbols of Astrologie in his hand . This has alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes . The Horoscope is received by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sacred Scribe , carrying in his head Feathers , and in his hands a Book with a ruler , wherein is an inkhorn , and pen to write . This person ought to be skilled in Hieroglyphicks , Cosmographie , Geographie , the order of the Sun , Moon , and 5 Planets , the Chorographie of Egypt , and the Description of Nile , and all sacred Rites , and Places , with their Dimensions ; and whatever belongs to Sacreds . After the sacred Scribe follows the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Ornator , who hath the Cubit of Justice , and the sacrisicing cup. This person is instructed both in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. such things as conduce to Learning , and the Liberal Sciences ; and also in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the Doctrine of the Sacrifices of Calves , and the Ceremonies appertaining thereto . All these things the Egyptian Religion conteined , Prayers , Pomps , Festival daies , Sacrifices , first Fruits , Hymnes , and other things like hereunto . In the last place goes their Prophet , who carries in his bosom a Water pot , and is followed by those who carried the panes emissos , i. e. bread set forth . This person is the Governor of the Sacreds ; and he learned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 42 Sacerdotal Books , written by their Egyptian Mercurie , which treated of Laws , Gods , and the whole Priestly Discipline . In all of which this Prophet is to be versed , because he is also to oversee the distribution of Tributes , &c. So Vossius de philos . sectis l. 2. c. 2. That the chief of these Egyptian Ceremonies were borrowed from the Jewish Rites will be evident to any , that consider , how parallel they are . The Egyptian Cantor to the Jewish Singer ; their sacred Scribe to the Jewish ; their sacrificing Cup to that , wherein the Jews offered their Libamina , or Drink-Offerings ; their panes emissi , or bread set forth to the Jewish panes propositionis , shew bread ; their Calve-Sacrifices to the Jewish ; as their Prayers , Festivals , Sacrifices , first Fruits , Hymnes to those amongst the Jews . Philip Melancthon , in his Chronichon lib. 2. concerning Abraham , tels us , that Joseph setling the College of Priests in Egypt , informed them with the Knowledge of God , and planted a Church amongst them , which pious Institution of his , in after times , degenerated into Superstition and Idolatrie , &c. As for the Egyptian Gods , it is evident , they are all younger than the Patriarchs ; and , as it is supposed , had their original from them , especially from Joseph . Melancthon makes Osiris , which signifies auxiliator , or a blessed man , to be contemporarie with Abraham ; but I should rather judge him an Hieroglyphick of Joseph , who helped them in their famine . That the memorie of Joseph was preserved amongst them under the Egyptian Apis , Vossius ( de Idol . lib. 1. c. 29. ) makes very probable , from the testimonies of Julius Maternus , Ruffinus , and Suidas , as also from the great advantages , which the Egyptians received from Joseph , which no Hieroglyphick could expresse more emphatically , than the Egyptian Apis , which resembled the fat and lean Kine . 2. It was the manner of the Egyptians , to preserve the memories of their great Benefactors , by such Symbols , which were at first designed only for civil use . 3. He proves it also from the names of Apis and Serapis . Apis he conceives to be the sacred name of Joseph , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 father ; so Gen. 45.8 . Joseph himself saies he was a father to Pharaoh . And Serapis , as Suidas , and Ruffinus tels us , had a bushel on his head , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sor , a Bull , and Apis. Yea that the Egyptian Demons had their rise from Joseph , whom they esteemed as one of their chiefest Demons , and Heroes , is very probable : so Mr Bochart , in a Sermon at Caen , affirmed , that the Egyptians had a Citie , which they stiled the Citie of their Heroes , as some think , from Joseph , whom they accounted amongst their Heroes , or Demons . That the Egyptians had their Demons is asserted by Iamblicus , &c. As for Orus ( which signifies Light , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or ) who is said to have taught the Egyptians their Wisdom , Melancthon ( chron . l. 2. ) thinks that he was instructed by Abraham , and thence instructed the Egyptians in the Knowledge of the true God , as also in the Motions of the Heavens , &c. But may not this name be more properly applied to Joseph ; who is expressely said Ps . 105.22 . to teach them Wisdom ? Whence he was by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : to which the Egyptian , or Hebrew Orus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or , exactly answers . Isis was later , and ( as Learned Bochart told me ) the same with Pharaoh's Daughter , who adopted Moses : so the name Is●ha signifies Virago . as Melancthon . As also Busyris , which , according to Melancthon , signifies Munitor , and is supposed to have built the Egyptian Pyramids , by the hands of the Children of Israel . See more of the Egyptian Gods. Part 1. B. 2. C. 7. § . 10. of Egyptian Gods. Yea not only the matter of Egyptian Theologie , but also the Instruments , and Promotors of it , seem evidently of Judaick , sacred Extract . For look , as the Jewish Theologie was seated among the Priests , and Prophets : so also the Egyptians had , in imitation of these , their Priests , and Prophets . Thus Diogenes Laertius lib. 1. tels us , that the Egyptian Philosophers were stiled Priests , and Prophets . So Apulcius de Dogm . Plat. saies , that Plato went to Egypt , that he might learn there the Rites of the Prophets . This also gives us the reason , why their chief Philosophers were called Priests ; namely because the chief Matter of their philosophizings was Theologick . Thus Hornius Histor . philos . l. 2. c. 7. They were called Priests by reason of their ancient Philosophie , which was joined with Theologie . For they discoursed of the Gods , their Natures , and Worship ; and of things natural , which they esteemed also a● Divine , because Nature was with them as a God. The like he addes 〈◊〉 what follows : The Philosophie of the ancient Egyptians took in al● as has been said , Theologie it self , which they who mostly studied , for distinction sake , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Priests : Which is the very ●otion by which the Jewish Priest is expressed . Some distinguish their Egyptian Priests , and Prophets thus : the former they make to be imployed about Sacreds , the latter about Oracles , and the prediction of futures . Which also answers to the Jewish Distribution . Touching the Egyptian Mysteries , or Mystick Divinitie , it was couched under Hieroglyphicks ; of which we are now to treat . § . 6. We have done with the matter of the Egyptian Philosophie , both Mathematick , Natural , Moral , and Theologick . We now proceed to their manner of philosophizing , which was by Hieroglyphicks , or Symbols answerable unto , and , as it is very probable , derived from those in use amongst the ancient Hebrews and Jews . So Lud. Vives , on Austin de civitat . Dei. l. 18. c. 39. Artapanus ( saies he ) reports that Moses gave Letters to the Egyptians — and if any shall inquire in what letters that Wisdom of the Egyptians , in which we read Moses was instituted , was conteined , he will find , peradventure , it was wont to be traduced and received by vocal Tradition , and so conserved in the memorie of the Teachers , and of the Hearers : if they had any formes of letters , they were no other than Images of Animals , or other Creatures , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Letters engraven in Sacreds , &c. The same Ludovicus Vives tels us , that we find some mention of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hieroglyphick Letters ( which were the formes , or images of beasts engraven on their Sacred Symbols ) in the fragments of Orus , that ancient Egyptian Writer , &c. Vissius de philos . sectis l. 2. c. 2. § . 7. saies , that the Egyptian Philosophie , for the most part , was couched under Allegories : which way of philosophizing ought not to be rejected : For every where in the Old Testament we find Allegories . And Christ himself in the Evangelist saies , I will open my mouth in parables , and in dark sayings will I speak of the ancient matters . Also the Evangelist saies , that Christ spake to the people in parables . Athanas-Kircherus Oedip. Aegypt . Tom. 3. cap. 1. gives us this Origination of an Hieroglyphick . An Hieroglyphick derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. from sacred Sculpture , is nothing else but a Symbol of a sacred thing engraven on stones . It 's called a Symbol , to indicate the reason of its mysterious sense . It is said to be of a thing sacred , thereby to constitute the difference 'twixt sacred , and profane Symbols . For there was a two ●●ld kind of Egyptian Parables , the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which comprehended vulgar similitudes ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , drawn from their Sacred Doctrine . Clemens Alexandrinus Strom 5 , saith that they who are taught by the Egyptians , learn first of all the method of the Egyptian Letters , called Epistolographick ; secondly the Hieratick , used by those , who write of sacred things ; the last , and most perfect , called Hieroglyphick , whereof there is one Curiologick ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) another ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Symbolick : of the Symbolick also there are three sorts , the one is spoken properly , by imitation ; the other is written as it were tropically ; another , on the contrary , doth allegorize by Enigmes . As for instance ; in the Curiologick way to expresse the Sun , they make a Circle , to expresse the Moon , a Crescent . Tropically they , by resemblance , traduce , transfer , and expresse , by changing some things , and variously transfiguring others . Thus , when they deliver the praises of Kings in Theologick Fables , they write by A●aglyphicks ▪ In the third kind , by Enigmes , they liken the Sun to a B●●tle , because they say , this Creature liveth six Months under ground . see Stanly of Pythag. We have an instance of their Hieroglyphick Mysteries in that famous Hieroglyphick of Diospolis , of which we find so much mention amongst the Ancients ; where , to expresse our coming into the World , they used a child ; and to notifie our going out of the world , an old man ; they expressed God by an Hawk ; hatred by an Hippotamus ; Impudence by a Crocodile . And all this to expresse this pretty Apothegme . O ye that come into the world , and go out of it , God hates Impudence . so Stilling . orig . sacr . book 2. c. 2. Vossius de philos . sect . lib. 2. c 2. § . 5. tels us , that the first Discipline of the Egyptians consisted in their threefold Scripture : one vulgar or common , which was used in writing Epistles , another sacred which they used in writing sacreds ; and a third Hieroglyphick , or the Sculpture of sacred Images , &c. These sacred Hieroglyphicks are called by Apuleius lib. 11. Pictures and Images , which saies he , they used to preserve their Philosophie from contempt , and oblivion by . Benjamin Tudelensis in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acquaints us , that at Alexandria , on the shore , there was to be seen a Marble Sepulchre , whereon all kind of Birds , and other Animals were engraven . Whence it is conceived , that these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks were not so much letters or words , as some conjecture , as intire sentences , ye complete Discourses , for the more easie preservation of the memorie of things . So under the forme of a Bee making hony , they expounded the office of a King. Lucan wittily stiles these Hieroglyphicks , Magicas Linguas , Magick Languages , because they denoted not single letters , or words , but intire orations ; as Hornius Hist philos . l 7. c 6 § . 7. This Hieroglyphick and Mystick way of philosophizing , though it has little of substance in it , yet did it make a great noise , and was exceeding taking in the infant state of the world ; as it is the property of children , to be taken more with sensible formes , shadows , or pictures , which please the fancie , than with solid reason . So the Gymnosophists , and Druides were wont to wrap up their Philosophie in obscure and enigmatick sentences , as Laert. lib. 1. The like is said of Ta●utus the Phenician , as Sanchoniathon in Euseb . praepar . l. 1. c. 7. For the first Philosophers delighted to concele their more hidden Mysteries , from the Vulgar ; whence they bound their Auditors by an oath o● secrecie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words are taken out of a famous formule of the oath , whereby Vettius Valcus the Antiochene Astrologer bound his reader , as Seld●● Prol. 3. de Diis Syris & Synt. 1. c. 1. H●rnius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 6. This kind of philosophizing , Pythagoras translated immediately from the Egyptians , but originally from the Jews , into Greece . Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras tels us , that it was permitted unto Pythagoras , when he was in Egypt , to acquaint himself with all the Studies of the Egyptian Priests at Thebes ; which was never granted to any Forreigner besides . Diogenes saith , that whilst he lived with these Priests , he was instructed in the Learning , and Language of the Egyptians , and in the three modes of writing , Epistolographick , Hieroglyphick , and Symbolick , whereof the one imitates the common way of speaking , the rest are Allegorick , by Enigms , &c. as Clemens Strom. 5. Plato also took up the same mode of allegorick , or symbolick philosophizing , though not so expresly , as Pythagoras . And indeed this kind of philosophizing was extremely pleasing to these first Ages , and Philosophers ; as Amyraldus well observes in his Salmurian Thes●s de Imaginibus . In the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks ( saies he ) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , manners and passions were figured by the shapes of Animals , and other creatures . which were very delightful to sense ; &c. Athan. Kircher . Oedi●s Aegyptiaci tom . 2. part . 1 , cap. 1. saies , that the Egyptians were the first amongst men , who insisted on this mode of philosophizing by Symbols . For they , being of an acute , and subtile ingenie ; as also continually vers'd in a certain profound contemplation , and disquisition of Truth , delighted themselves in these mystick expressions , &c. And the same Kircherus , in what follows cap. 2. gives us the Origine of this Symbolick Doctrine . It stands thus ( saith he ) with human condition , that if men have any thing that is pretious , rare , and beautiful , they not only hide it under secret formes , but also concele it under enigmatick and mysterious words , that none but the more wise , and quicksighted , may come to the manifest notice thereof . VVhich , as it has been the custom of all times , so especially amongst the ancient wise men . For seeing they had , as it was most meer , so high an esteem , for those great secrets of Divinitie , communicated , by successive Tradition , from the Patriarchs , as conteining the in exhausted treasures of eternal felicitie ; they thought it dangeorus to expose these rich treasures , to the ignorant people , and dull ingenies . VVherefore they endeavored , by all means possible , to couch them under such symbolick coverts , that vulgar capacities might penetrate only the bark , or outside of the words ; the marrow , or sense , being still hid from them . And then in what follows cap. ●3 . the same Kircher . gives us the Interpretation of many Hieroglyphick Symbols , out of Zorcaster . Moreover cap. 4. he interprets many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Orpheus . And cap. 5. The Symbols of Pythagoras are interpreted by him , VVhence he proceeds cap. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , &c , to explicate many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Plato , Proclus , Picus Mirandulanus , and others . Thence in the second part of his second Tome , he interprets many Mathematick , Mechanick Medicinal , Chymick , Magick , and Metaphysick Hieroglyphicks : from Classis 7. to 12. This ancient mode of expressing things worthy of memorie , by certain hieroglyphick formes , or symbols , was very common amongst the ancients , both Poets , and Philosophers : For in this infancie of the world , knowledge being impolite and imperfect , they took delight to shaddow forth their highest mysteries , and contemplations , by terrene Images , and sensible formes ; which way of conveighing , and preserving knowledge is not only helpful to the memorie , and delightful to the fancie , but also very efficacious , as to the moving of Affections ; and therefore the wise God made use of this familiar way and method , for the instructing of his own people , in the non-age of his Church , shadowing forth , and signifying to them , the most sublime heavenly mysteries of his Gospel , by earthly Symbols , or Types . VVhence that great maxime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensible formes are imitations of Intelligible things . Thus were the greatest pieces of Jewish wisdom couched under the covert of Symbols , or Types . VVhence the Egyptians , as the other Easterne Philosophers borrowed their Hieroglyphick manner of philosophizing by fables , &c. which will more fully appear hereafter , in the life of Pythagoras , and Plato . See more of these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks in Athan. Kircher . O●dipi Aegyptiaci Tom. 3. cap. 1. § . 8. Having given some account of the Egyptians Philosophie , both as to the matter , and manner of their philosophizing , I shall now proceed to give a more particular demonstration , that the chiefest parts , if not the whole thereof , descended originally from the Jewish Church , or Scriptural Tradition . I shall begin with Inartificial Arguments , or Authentick Testimonies of such whose skill in Antiquitie , and faithfulnes in their relations thereof , is generally acknowledged , and received . VVe gave some Testimonies hereof afore in our account of Abraham , Joseph , and Moses , their Philosophie ; to which we shall adde , 1. that of Ludovicus Vives on August . de Civit Dei lib. 8. cap. 9. The Philosophie of the Egyptians ( saies he ) is very ancient , but for the most part derived from the Chaldeans , especially from Abraham ; though they , as Diodorus writes , refer it to Isis , Osiris , Vulcan , Mercurie , and Hercules . Thus Lud. Vives . First this old Tradition , that the Egyptian Philosophie , and thence the Grecian sprang from the Chaldeans is , and that not without great probabilitie , by the Learned interpreted of the Hebrews : for Abraham their Ancestor was a Chaldean : and the Hebrews themselves lived under the Chaldean Empire , at that time when this old saying began amongst the Grecians , mentioned by Plato , &c of which more hereafter . 2. Lud. Vives expresly saies that the Egyptian Philosophie came principally from Abraham ; for which he has much of Pagan Antiquitie on his side , as we mentioned on Abraham ▪ Josephus A●tiquit . sud lib. 1. cap. 16. judgeth that the Egyptians learned their Arithmetick , and Astrologie from the Patriarch Abraham , who brought these Sciences from Chaldea . But the Egyptians are wont to refer their Philosophie to Isis , Osiris , Vulcan , Mercurie , and Hercules ; as Diodorus Siculus . The Doctors of this wisdom are , by Clemens Alexandrinus , called Prophets , by Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as amongst the Ethiopians ) by Eusebius , in an Egyptian name , Arsepedonaptae . These drew their wisdom from Abraham , as before ; and perhaps from Joseph also , who first taught the Egyptians the use of Geometrie , as Artapanus in Josephus testifies . And this opinion , as some think , may be founded on Psal . 105.22 . It is credible also , that they got some things from the Israelites , who also descended from Abraham ; and hence Aristophanes , in Avibus , cals them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which Suidas also observes . Thus Ger. Vossius de philosoph . sectis . l. 2. c. 2. § . 2. 3. The Confession of the Egyptians themselves related by Diodorus , seems clearly to intimate , and prove our Assertion . For in that they refer their Philosophie originally to Isis , Osiris , Mercurie , &c. it is very probable that these feigned names were originally given to the Patriarchs , especially to Joseph , by the Egyptians , who being unwilling to own the Hebrews , as Authors of their Wisdom , gave these borrowed names unto Joseph , &c. according to the custome of that infant Age. Athan. Kircher . Oedipi Aegypt . Tom. 3. c. 1. makes Herm●s Trismegistus the Author of the Egyptians Hieroglyphick Philosophie . Yet so , as that we received the first Lineaments thereof from the Patriarchs . His words are Hermes Trismegistus contemplating this world composed of so great varietie of things , as a Scene distinguisht with most polite Images , he rightly supposed , that these creature-images were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Symbols of God , &c. And hence the first rudiments of Hieroglyphick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proceeded ; which being adumbrated by the first Patriarchs , Adam , Enoch , Noah , C●am , and perfected by Hermes , sprang up unto the forme , by the stupendious architecture of Hieroglyphicks . That Mercurie called by the Grecians Hermes , could be no other than Joseph , has been already proved in the Storie of Joseph's Philosophie : as also Part 1. Book 2. Chap. 7. § . 10. of the Egyptian Theogonie . But Serranus ( that great Philologist ) in his Preface to Plato , speaks more fully and expresly touching the traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Scripture Revelation . His words are these , That the Egyptians retained many things from the Traditions of the Patriarchs , the ancient Historie of Moses demonstrates : & that they derived many things from the clear fountains of the Scriptures , which yet they contaminated by their own mud ( or fables ) is no way to be doubted . Thus Serranus : but of this more hereafter in the life of Pythagoras , and Plato . The like Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 10. which see in what precedes of Joseph chap. 1. § . 9. § . 9. To make good yet farther our assertion , touching the Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , we now shall endeavor to give some Artifiicial Argument , or Demonstration , from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or cause ; by shewing what influence the Patriarchs , and Jewish Church had on the Egyptian Wisdom , as well in its first rise , as after improvement . First , that the Egyptians were no way famous for Wisdom , or Philosophie , before the abode of the Patriarchs with them , is evident by their own concessions : for they confesse they owe all their wisdom to their Gods ; Isis , Osiris ; but principally to Mercurie , or Theuth , whom they call Hermes , &c. So Plato in Phaedro brings in Socrates relating , that the Egyptians worshipped a certain God whom they called Theuth , who found out , and taught them all Arts and Letters , in that time , when Thamus held the Empire of Egypt . This Theuth is the same with the Egyptian Mercurie , of whom Iamblichus ( most skilful in the Egyptian Theologie ) lib. de Myster . Aegipt . cap. 1. thus writeth : The Egyptians report Mercurie to be the M●derator , and God of Wisdom , and Eloquence ; and they declared that by him not only Letters were found out , and reduced into order ; but also that the principles of all Learning were collected , and published , in many thousand books by him , Now that all the Egyptian Gods were younger than the Patriarchs , or at least but borrowed names given to them , is generally asserted by the Learned ; especially that Mercurie , or Hermes was Joseph , or Moses . Carion in his Ch●oni●on lib. 2. of Abraham , tels us , that after the great Famine in Egypt , Joseph altered the constitution , or forme of the Egyptian Kingdom ( he having bought in all the Land , that belonged to the people ) and erected a College for the Priests which was endowed , &c. His words are these , After the Famine the forme of the Egyptian Kingdom was constituted , and Tributes appointed , and Revenues for the College of the Priests ; that so they might be conservators of Learning ▪ And although the Knowledg of God was , after Joseph's death , changed , yet the Knowledge of the Celestial motions , and of the nature of things , was conserved in Egypt , throughout all the four Monarchies of the Assyrians , the Persians , the Greeks , and Romans , even unto the Barbarians of the Mahometans , almost 3000 years . Jacob saw the flourishing state of this Kingdom , which then had a pious King , with whom he had frequent conference , and who took care , that the true Doctrine should be propagated far and near , and in the famine afforded relief to many neighboring Nations . Thus far Carion , or Melancthon . By which we see what care Joseph took , for informing the Egyptian Priests , in the Knowleedge of the true God , and sound Philosophie . The Scripture also makes an honorable mention of Joseph's care of , and provision for the Priests ; as Gen. 47.22 . by assigning them Portions , and setling their Lands . And as he took this care for their Bodies , and Succession in following Ages ; so we cannot conceive , but that he took much more care for their Souls , and the Souls of the whole Kingdom , with which they were entrusted . Can we imagine that Joseph made such large provision for these Egyptian Priests , that so they might be the better qualified to serve the Devil , and Idol Gods ? no ; without doubt , his great designe was to lay a foundation , for the Knowledge and Worship of the true God , as well as , and much more than , for human Philosophie , and other ingegenious Sciences ) for the accomplishment whereof , he had an huge advantage , in that , having been an instrument to save the Nation , he had thereby gained the King's Ear , and Heart , who , if we may credit Carion , was piously inclined : and we may also , not without good ground , conjecture as much from Joseph's Instructions of , and Jacob's Conference with him . And indeed the unparalleld kindnesses he manifested to Joseph , his Father , and Brethren , argues some pious inclination in him . But this holy and great design of Joseph , in erecting a College for the Egyptian Priests , and making such ample provision for their Instruction in the Knowledge of God , and human Philosophie , after his decease determined in miserable superstition , and Idolatrie : so also Carion lib. 2. of the going out of the children of Israel out of Egypt , saies , That Egypt excelled in Arts , and Laws , and other Learning : Joseph had planted a Church there ; but after his death the Kings turned aside to Idols , and in the following times Egypt was full of Idols , and Magick Arts. Thus Carion : so Hornius as before Chap. 1. § . 9. Thus we have seen what foundation was laid by Joseph , and the rest of the Patriarchs for Divine and human Philosophie , and its improvement in Egypt : unto which we have ground enough to conjecture , that Moses , by his writings , and Solomon by his , gave no small additional advance , as it has been already observed in its place . § . 10. We now proceed to demonstrate , what improvement the Egyptian Philosophie , and Wisdom received from the Jewish Church , after the Babylonian Captivitie . When the Jews were carried captive to Babylon , we find that many remainders of them fled to Egypt , where we may presume they had their Scholes , as in Babylon ; or at least some way of communicating their Knowledge to the Egyptians , who , without doubt , would be very inquisitive into their mysteries . And when Alexander upon personal conversation with the Jews , and observation of their Institutes , and Solemnities , began to have a kindnes for them , multitudes of them were , by Alexander's favor , setled at Alexandria ; where they had huge advantage to season that Fountain of Learning with Scripture Light , which immediately after their settlement , began to flourish ; and being afterwards abundantly supplied with the Waters of the Sanctuarie , I mean with the sacred Fountain of the holy Scriptures translated into Greek , this Schole of Alexandria proved the most flourishing in the world . For the greatest advantage that the Egyptians , and Grecians had , for improvement in Divine , and human Philosophie , was the Translation of the Hebrew Testament into Greek by the appointment ; as it is supposed , of Ptolomeus Philadelphus King of Egypt ; whereof Carion Chron lib 2. of the Kings of Egypt after Alexander , gives us this account . Ptolomeus Philadelphus ( saies he ) reigning with peace in Egypt , and finding the profession of Sciences confined to the Priests , and the Egyptian Tongue , and Letters ; he caused Learning to be translated into the Greek Tongue , and instituted Studies ( or Colleges ) at Alexandria ; where it was , thence forward , common for all that would , to studie and learn : and the King called thither from all parts Learned men ; he erected a copious Librarie , and searched after ancient monuments , amongst divers Nations . Wherefore Callimachus writ a book of the origine , and migrations of the Nations , and of the Builders of the ancient Cities , and their Laws ; which book being lost , is of great detriment to Antiquitie . But when Ptolomie understood that the Jews had the ancient series of the Fathers , and saw that the Law of the Jews did mostly accord with reason , touching the unitie of God , and right manners he took care to have the books of the Jews translated into the Greek Tongue . By the labor and bountie of this King Ptolomeus Philadelphus , the Studies of Sciences were restored to mankind , and largely propagated . And it is written , that he was moved by the Counsels of the most learned Aristas , Strabo , and Demetrius Phalerensis , Callimachus , Apollonius , Aratus , Bion , Theocritus , Conon , and Hipparchus the Mathematician , who resided with him , &c. The Studies of the Sciences , instituted in the reign of Philadelphus , flourished greatly at Alexandria , in the reign of Eu●rgetes his son ; who also was very bountiful towards the Jews . In his time Jesus the son of Syrach , being in Egypt , gathered his sentences ; which are yet extant ; which ( saies he ) were written by his Grandfather , but augmented by himself , and translated into Greek . The reading of which is most profitable and sweet , &c. Thus Carion ( or Melancthon , who added to him ) by which it's apparent , what great advance the Egyptian Wisdom , and the Schole of Alexandria ( which henceforward became the seat thereof ) in its first constitution , received from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church . § . 11. This Schole of Alexandria grew exceeding famous for its Librarie ( wherein was treasured up this rich Jewel of the Old Testament , in its Greek Version ) whereunto Mark Antonie , out of Love to Cleopatra , afterwards added the famous Librarie of Pergamus ; so that this Schole was the great Nurserie of all Philosophie , and ingenious Sciences , in the first dawnings of the Christian Religion . For the sacred Scriptures , as well as the Egyptian Philosophie , being translated into Greek , it proved an efficacious attractive to draw all the Candidates of Learing , and Philosophie hither . The head of this Schole in Origens time , was that great , and so much renowned Philosopher Ammonius , from whom all those Platonick Philosophers , who were stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the sacred Succession , derived their notions . Such were Herennius , Origen , and Plotinus , who were his Scholars ; and Porphyrie , who was Scholar to Plotinus , as ●amblichus the disciple of Porphyrie . This Ammonius , if we may believe Eusebius ( Eccles . Hist . l. 6. c. 9. ) and Jerom , lived and died a Christian , though Porphyrie endeavors to confute this opinion . Certain it is , that his Philosophie which he communicated to his Scholars , had much of the Scripture revelations mixed with it : so that the Platonick Philosophie , which we find in Plotinus , Porphyrie ; Proclus , Hierocles , and the latter Platonists , owed not its original , as they would persuade us , so much to Plato , or Pythagoras , as to the Divine Revelation , which Ammonius was well versed in , and made the foundation of his Philosophie . Take this in the words of Dr. Owen , in his learned Treatise of Theologie lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 204. After Ammonius Alexandrinus the Coryphaeus or head of the Philosophers of his Age ( whose Scholars were Origen , Herennius , and Plotinus the praeceptor of Porphyrie , as he of Iamblichus ) had sowen in the minds of his Auditors , some seeds of the heavenly Doctrine , they , who , by reason of their own inveterate prejudices , and the Worlds enmitie against the Christian Religion , would not receive the same , desisted not however to manure and improve those seeds they had received , but mixing of them with Plato's muddy Philosophie . Adde hereto , that some of them by reading our books , drew forth many no●io●s from those hidden mysteries of the Gospel . Of this number were Numenius , Proclus , Amelius , Plotinus , Herennius , Porphyrius , Iamblichus , Hierocles , Marinus , Damascius , and others ; who , though they quitted not the curious speculations of the Platonicks , nor the Magick Inchantments of the Pythagoreans , yet they mixed many sparks of the heavenly Truth with them . More of this hereafter . Book 3. ● . 4. § . 5. § . 12. There was also , in the first planting of the Gospel , a famous Church of Christ in this Citie of Alexandria , whence this Schole , as we may justly presume received much Light , &c. To which purpose , Morelius in his Treatise of Church Discipline Lib. 3. c. 14. pag. 260. St Mark , saies he , having performed the office of a Teacher in the Church of Alexandria , the charge of the Schole was afterwards given first to Panthenus , then to Clemens Alexandrinus , and after him successively to Orig●n , Heraclus , Dionysius , Athen●dore , Malcion , and Didymus , who reached to the year 350. The which Doctors gave an admirable advance to the Church . The Towne was for this reputed as the universal Schole of the Church . The truth is , Philosophie and Curiositie corrupted this Schole , and by consequent the Church , which is greatly to be heeded , because these two evils are natural to Scholars , who contenting not themselves with the simplicitie of the Gospel , would fain adorne it with the ornaments of human Eloquence , and Philosophie ; and from a rage to learne , would faine mount higher than their Teachers , &c. Hence the same Mor●lius lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 87. shews how the Arian , and Pelagian Heresies were hatched out of the vain philosophizings in this Schole of Alexandria , which at last proved the dissipation and ruine of the said Schole , and Church . Thus have we gone thorough the whole series of the Egyptian Philosophie , with endeavors to demonstrate , that it received not only its Primitive Foundation , but also its continued advance and improvement in all Ages from the Divine Oracles seated in the Jewish , and Christian Churches . CHAP. II. Of the Phenician Philosophie , its Traduction from the Jews . The Phenicians traduced Philosophie themselves , and deriv'd it into Greece , and other parts , from the Jews . Of the Phenician Philosophie , and its propagation to the Grecians . Of Sanchoniathon , and the original of his Philosophie from the Jews . Porphyrie's Testimonie of Sanchoniathon's traducing his Philosophie from Jerombalus , Priest of the God Jao , i. e. Gideon ; or some Jewish Priest . Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church . The Matter of his Philosophie from the Jews : His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theogonie , or Genealogie of the Gods. Beelsamen from heb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.16 . Eliun from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ilos from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Eloeim from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Baetulia from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Israel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of Angels , and the Soul from Gen. 2.7 . Sanchoniathon's Physiologie : His Chaos from Gen. 1.2 . Ereb . from Gen. 1.5 , &c. Mot , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Gen. 1.2 . The Greek Philosophers concurrence herein . Sanchoniathon's Geographie . Sanchoniathon's Natural Historie continued by Mochus the Physiologist , who was the first Founder of the Doctrine of Atomes , which he makes to be the first principle of all things ; which he received by some Jewish tradition from the Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. of Addomenus . Vossius's account of the Traduction of Phenician Philosophie from the Jews , as the Ionick and Italick from the Phenicians . § . 1. WE now proceed to the Phenicians , their Philosophers , and Philosophie ; with its Traduction from the Jewish Church , &c. And to make the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , , or way to our demonstration more clear , we must reflect on some considerations , laid down in our former Discourse of Philologie , touching the Origination of these Phenicians from the old Cananites , who , being expelled Canaan , by Joshua , came and seated themselves on these Maritime Coasts of Palestine ( called by them afterwards Phaenicia ) West of Judaea : whence , being too populous for this narrow Countrey , they transplanted Colonies , and with them Human Philosophie , and other Sciences , into Greece , Africa , Spain , and the chief parts of Europe ; especially such as bordered on the Midland Sea , of which see more Part 1. of Philologie B. 1. chap. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. I shall only adde a Quotation , or two , out of the Learned Ludovicus Vives , and Bochart , which will greatly conduce to the confirmation , and illustration hereof . Lud. Vives speaks though in a few words , fully to our purpose ) thus . The Phenicians , saies he , for lucre's sake , passed in their Ships thorough the whole world , whither they traduced Knowledge , and Philosophie from the Jews . This great Bochart does more copiously explain , and demonstrate in the Preface to the second part of his Geographie , stiled Canaan fol. 9. From what we have said , it clearly appears , that the Grecians were greatly exceeded by the Phenicians , as well in the skill of Navigation , as of Geographie . For the Phenicians began long before the Grecians , to view the world . And indeed , this was almost the only Studie , which was innate to this Nation , even from their Origine , to sail throughout all parts of the world , and plant Colonies ; whereunto they were incited , either from the thirst of Glorie , or the irksomnes of their own Countrey , or the desire of Empire , or Curiositie ( the ●nquisitor of natures secrets ) or the unsatiable desire of Lucre. Thence they , amongst them who first ventured their persons at Sea , were so much admired by posteritie , that they were , for this noble exploit , numbred amongst their Gods. Such were Saturne , and Astarte ; whom Sanchoniathon describes , circuiting the Earth , &c. The like the same Bochart mentions fol. 6 , 7. Therefore , saies he , if these monuments of the Phenicians were now extant , there would thence accede great light to sacred and profane Historie ( we might adde also Philosophie ) and that great hiatus , or gap , which is betwixt Moses and the Grecians , would be made up : We should also learn many things touching the ancient Inhabitants of the Earth , and the migration of the Nations . But time having long since consumed , to the great dammage of Learning , these Monuments we have nothing remaining of the Historie of the Phenicians , but a few fragments scattered here and there in the writings of the Grecians , and Romans , &c. § . 2. And more particularly touching the Phenicians skill in Philosophie , especially the Mathematicks , we have a good account in Bochart , part 2. of Canaan cap. 8. fol. 410. thus . This was peculiar to the Phenicians , to direct their course by the inspection of the Stars . So Strabo lib. 16 , The Sidonians are reported to be Masters of many , and of the best Arts : moreover they were skilful in Astronomie , and Arithmetick , which they acquired at first from the Art of Calculation , and Navigation . Plinie lib. 5. cap. 12. saies , That the Nation of the Phenicians gained a great glorie for their invention of Letters , Astronomie , Navigation , and Militarie Arts. Thence the Cynosura was so called by the Phenicians . And that Arithmetick was greatly in use amongst the Phenicians , by reason of their Merchandise , and traffique , is generally affirmed by the Learned . That they were also well skilled in Natural Philosophie will hereafter appear , in what is mentioned of Sanchoniathon , and Mochus the Physiologist . But the greatest excellencie of the Phenicians consisted in their Mechanick Arts ( which belong to Experimental Philosophie ) of making Glasse , mixing Purple , weaving fine Linne , &c. Whereof we have a full account in Bochart his Phaleg . lib. 4. cap. 35. His words are these : God indulged the Inhabitants of Tyre , and Sidon ( the chief Cities of Phaenicia a sharpe vivid ingenie , flexible to all things : Arithmetick , and Astronomie flowed from them to the Grecians . And ( not to mention the modern Phenicians ) Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon before the Trojan Wars , And Abdemonus the Tyrian was bold to provoke , or engage King Solomon by his questions proposed to him . But their chief repute was for Mechanick Arts. At Tyre the mixture of Purple , at Sidon Glasse making , and the Texture of fine Linnen ( thence called Sindon ) of the smallest thread , are reported to be first invented . And Solomon , in his Epistle to Hiram King of Tyre , greatly commends the skill of their Carpenters 1 Kings 5.6 . For thou knowest that there are none among us , that can hew Timber like unto the Sidonians . Hence it is , that Homer cals them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , manifold , or universal Artists . And if there were any thing more excellenly wrought in garments , or vessels , that was usually attributed to the industrie of the Sidonians . Thus Bochart of the Phenician Learning . § . 3. The Phenicians being thus renowned for ingenious Arts , and Philosophie , the Grecians were very ambitious of commerce , and correspondence with them : For besides the Phenician Colonies , and with them the Alphabet translated into Greece by Cadmns , and other Phenicians ( of which before Part 1. ) the first and chiefest of the Grecian Philosophers had recourse to Phenicia , to furnish themselves with Philosophick Principles , and Contemplations : Vossius ( de Hist. Graec. l. 3. pag. 375. edit . 2. ) proves that Thales was ( though a Milesian by birth ) originally a Phenician ; who is said to have learned Astrologie from the Phenicians , especially the Cynosura ( or constellation of the lesser Bear ) which was first observed by the Phenicians , who sailed thereby ; and thence Vossius derives Cynosura from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a collection of light . Also that Thales received his opinion , of water to be the first matter , from the Phenician 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies Slime , will be evident hereafter . That Pherecydes was in like manner of a Phenician extract ( though born at Syra , one of the Cyclades ) and much versed in the Phenician Mysteries ; from whom he borrowed his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Generation of the Gods ( conteined in 10 books ) also his invention of the Heliotrope , and Mythologick Philosophie , will appear in the Storie of his Philosophie . So likewise Pythagoras , the Disciple of Pherecydes ( as it is generally supposed by the Learned ) borrowed his Symbolick Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Egyptians . Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras cap. 13. tels us , that Pythagoras made a voyage to Sidon , where he conferred with the Prophets , the Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , and with the Phenician Priests ; and was initiated into all the Mysteries of Byblus , and Tyre , &c. And Grotius on Mat. 7.6 assures us , that Pythagoras brought his Symbolick Philosophie , either out of Egypt , or Syria , where his Master Ph●recydes was , and as some think , Pythagoras himself . The like will hereafter be evinced of Plato , who makes frequent mention of his Phenician 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or fables &c. I shall adde for the Confirmation hereof the Testimonie of Learned Bochart in his Preface to Canaan fol. 12. That I may ( saies he ) adde to these somewhat of the Sciences , and Arts which flourished amongst the Phenicians , in that age , in which the Grecians were Barbarians , or very little instructed : whence it came to passe , that the most ancient Grecian Philosophers had Phenician Masters ; neither have a few of Phenician words both Philosophick and Mechanick crept into the Greek Tongue . That Democritus , and after him Epicurus received their Philosophick Contemplations of Atomes from Mochus the Phenician Philosopher , will appear in his Storie . § . 4. As the Grecians derived the choicest parts of their Knowledge , and Philosophie from the Phenicians ; so these , as it is more than probable , received theirs from the Jewish Church : For indeed , Phenicia was but the great Mart , which receiving Philosophick Traditions from Judea , transported them into Greece , and other parts . Thus much has been already hinted out of Ludovicus Vives , whose words are these , Phaenices quaestus gratia totum orbem navigiis peragrabant , unde scientiam , & philosophiam traduxerunt a Judaeis . And Grotius , in his Annotations on Mat. 24.38 . speaks fully to this purpose thus , Quod ex Phaenicum Theologia veteres Philosophi hauserunt , & ex illis Poet● , Phaenices ab Hebraeis hauserant . What the ancient Philosophers drew from the Theologie of the Phenicians , and the Poets from them , the Phenicians drew from the Hebrews . Yea we are not without probable grounds for this conjecture , that whereas the ancient Grecians , Plato , and others , mention the Phenicians , and Syrians as the Authors of their Mythologick Traditions , they , under these titles , comprehended also the Jews . For it is apparent ( as was before mentioned ) that the Jews were , by reason of their vicinitie , often stiled Phenicians , and Syrians . So in Herodotus , those Ph●nicians , who were circumcised after the Egyptian manner , are the same with the Hebrews , and Lucian does use the Phenician , and Hebrew names promiscuously . Yea in the Scripture Dialect , the Hebrew is called the Language of Canaan , or Phaenicia : so Esa . 19.18 . which proves that there was a great affinitie , and correspondence betwixt the Phenicians , and Hebrews , both in Names , Language , and Sciences , as before Part 1. B. 1. C 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. § . 5 But to proceed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the manner how , and chief Instruments , by whom the Jewish Mysteries , and Philosophie were traduced into Phaenicia . How near neighbors the Phenicians were to the Hebrews , what a great cognation , or rather Identitie , there was betwixt their Languages , and what constant commerce there was betwixt these two nations , even from their first constitution , not only in external , but also mental commodities , is sufficiently known to all , who are verst in the first rudiments of Antiquitie . Yea the Scriptures fully informe us , touching this great affinitie , and correspondence 'twixt the Phenicians , and Jews , not only in Solomon's Reign , but before , and after . Our main work will be to treat particularly of the two great Phenician Philosophers , Sanchoniathon , and Mochus ; with some inquirie , and discoverie , how they traduced their Philosophie , which was chiefly Mythologick , and historick , from the Historie of Moses , or some Jewish Traditions . § . 6. The first great Phenician Philosopher ( from whom the Grecians traduced their chiefest philosophick Traditions ) we shall mention , is Sanchoniathon , a person indeed of great Antiquitie ; who , as Bochart conceives , writ before the Trojan War. P●rphyrie , and Suidas make him contemporarie with , if not more ancient than , the Tr●jan War. Ger. Vossius tels us , that Greece had no Writer , but who was much younger than Sanchoniathon . Theodor●t , out of Porphyrie , explains his name thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sanchoniathon , who according to the Phenician dialect , is Philalethes , i. e. a l●ver of truth , or a Philosopher ; for so Plato defines his Philosopher to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philo cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the learned , and curious Inquisitor , &c. The Learned Bochart ( in his Canaan lib. 2 c. 17. ) gives his name this Phenician , or Hebrew origination ; viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanchoneatho , which , word for word , signifies , the Law his Zele ; or a Zelot of true Learning . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 San , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curtaild , signifies , amongst the Phenicians Doctrine , Law , or Canon Law. Hence the same Phenician Citie is sometimes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Judg. 1.11 , 12. Josh . 15.15 , 16. Kiriath Sepher i. e. the Citie of Learning , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Citie of Learning , or of the Law , as Jos . 15.49 . Kiriath Sannath . The Chaldee renders it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Citie of the Archives , where their Learning was lodged : answerably whereto , the Greeks translate it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Citie of Letters . The radix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 firstly signifying to whet , or sharpen ; thence in its borrowed notion , to teach exquisitely . So that Sanchoniathon seems to have received his Name , or Sirname rather , from the time , wherein he began to applie his mind to Learning , thereby to signifie that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Candidate of Truth . So in like manner Roman . 16.15 . we read of one called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phil●logus , which , as Grotius on the place supposeth , was a Sirname given him , from that he addicted himself to the Studie of Philologie , or human literature . § . 7. That Sanchoniathon was a person greatly versed in the Philosophie , or rather Mythologie , of those Ages , is generally concluded by the Learned , both Ancient , and Moderne . Philo tels us , that Sanchoniathon was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , learned , and curious , and above all things , most greedy to know , what were the first Originals , and Principles of all things . This inquisitive humor has put him upon prying into Moses's Historie , whence he traduced the best part of his Historick Narrations , of the Originals of things ; which he clothed with many fabulous formes , and shapes , ( according to the custom of those childish Ages ) thereby to disguise the truth , and concele its parentage . That Sanchoniathon was Master , and Professor of Philosophie , as well as Theologie , we have assurance from Suidas : He writ , saies Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the Physiologie of H●rmes : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Egyptian Theologie ; which , saies Bochart , without doubt , he took out of the books of Taautus . So Philo assures us , that , with great diligence , he searched into the books of Taautus , who is said to be the first , that found out the use of Letters . Philo oft cites him , and in the beginning of his book , whatsoever he has of the Creation of the world , he saies , he found it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Cosmogonie of Taautus . This Taautus , whom the Greeks call Hermes , is said to have written 42 books as Astrologie , of Geographie , of Medicine , of Politicks , of Th●ologie , of Religion , &c. The Catalogue of which Books is given us by Clemens Alexandrinus Strom , lib. 6. The great difficultie will be , to discover who this Taautus , or Hermes was , whence Sanchoniathon received his Physiologie , and Theologie . That the Egyptian Hermes is originally applicable to none more properly than to Joseph , has been already made probable . So in like manner , we are not without probable conjectures , that this Phenician Taautus , or Hermes , whence Sanchoniathon traduced his Physiologie , or Philosophie , might be Moses . For it is well known , that it was very common in those Ages , for differing nations to give the same Titles of Honor to differing persons , suitable to their own humors , and interests . Hence it is , that we find mention of so many Jupiter's , and Hercules's , &c. So that those blind prejudiced Heathens , being unwilllng to be thought so much obliged to Moses , that servant of the true God , for their Learning , ascribe it to , I know not what , Hermes . That , de facto , the chief matter , and parts of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , and Theologie were but corrupt fragments of , and derivations from the Historie of Moses , will be hereafter manifest by particulars . At present that Sanchoniathon had a general Vogue amongst the Ancients , for a great Philosopher , as well as Historiographer , is confirmed by the Learned Isaac Casaubon , in his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Thus of Sanchoniathon , that ancient Historian , is mention made in many places by Philo , Josephus , Porphyrius , and others : some call him a Berytian , as Porphyrius ; others a Tyrian , as Athenaeus ; Suidas saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sanchoniathon the Tyrian Philosopher writ memoir●s of the Tyrians in the Phenician dialect . Thus much also has been asserted by Porphyrius ( who was a Tyrian ) in his second book of Abstinence , Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion : and amongst the Modern Philologists by Ger. Vossius de Hist . Graecis lib. 1. cap. 1. pag. 3. and Learned Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. fol. 856. as anon . § . 8. We now proceed to the main of our demonstration : to prove , that Sanchoniathon traduced the bodie of his Philosophie ( which laid the foundations of the Grecian Wisdom ) from some Scriptural , or Jewish Traditions ; which we shall endeavor to make good . 1. From the confessions of his friends , and followers . 2. From his manner of philosophizing ; and 3. From the matter of his Philosophie . First touching the original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , Philo tels us , that he gathered it out of the hidden Learning , or Mysteries of the Ammoneans . These Ammoneans Heb : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ammanim , Aben Ezra on Lev. 26 30. expounds Temples made for the worship of the Sun. And so indeed amongst the Hebrews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amma signifies the Sun. 'T is possible under this disguise of the Ammoneans , were originally intended no others , than the Ministers of the true God , expressed under these borrowed appellations . That Sanchoniathon did indeed derive the best part of his historick Philosophie , or Mythologie from some Jewish Priest , or Minister of the true God , is openly acknowledged by Porphyrie , who was his own Countrey-man , a Tyrian ( being called in the Tyrian Tongue Malchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and therefore best able to know ; as also a great admirer of Sanchoniathon , but bitter enemie of the Christians , and so , as we may presume , would not mention willingly any thing , that might tend to the honor of the Christians God. Yet this Porphyrie plainly confesseth ( in his lib. 4. against the Christians ) That Sanchoniathon , besides the help he had from the Commentaries of the Cities , and from the monuments or memoires of the Temples , had for his assistance in the composing of his historie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Euseb . Praeparat . Evang. lib. 10. cap. 3. and Bochart Can. l. 2. cap. 17. Ger. Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. gives it us in these words , Greece has none , who is not much younger than Sanchoniathon . Porphyrie saies , that Moses , and Sanchoniathon give the names of persons , and places alike ; and that Sanchoniathon drew his Historick Observations , partly from the Annals of the Cities ; partly from the books kept in the Temple , which he received from Jerombalus , Priest of the God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That this can refer to no other , but some Jewish Priest seems most evident . 1. If we consider who this Jerombalus was , by whose memoires , or Traditions Sanchoniathon is said to have so much profited himself . I am not ignorant , that the Learned differ in their conjectures hereabouts : but none seems to me more probable ( whatever Dr Stillingfleet objects to the contrary out of Jos . Scaliger ) than that of Learned Bochart , who by Jerombalus understands Gideon . His words are these , Jerombalus is the same with Jerubbaal , as the Learned have formerly observed . Now it is most known , that Jerubbaal is the Sirname of Gideon . as Judg. 7.1 . compared with Judg. 8.35 . Suidas saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which is expresly mentioned Judg. 6.32 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let Baal plead against him . Gideon might be called the Priest of Jao , because he was Prince , or Judge of those , by whom Jao , the true God , was worshipped . That which augments the suspicion is , that presently after Gideons death , the Israelites worshipped Baal Berith , or Beryti , from the Citie called Berytum , whence Sanchoniathon sprang . So Judg. 8.33 . and made Baal Berith their God. The like Judg. 9.2 , 4. i. e. the Idol of Berith , or the Berytian Citie . Whence it is most likely , that Gideon making a League , or having frequent Commerce with some Berytian person of great fame , it gave the occasion of this piece of Jewish Idolatrie , otherwise unknown : for we find not the name Baal Berith mentioned elsewhere . Nonnus teacheth us , that this Town of Beryth or Berytum , received its name from Beroe , the Daughter of Venus , and Adonis , who was worshipped in those parts for a Goddesse . Thus Bochart . Certain it is , from the Scriptures above mentioned , that those of Berith or Berytum , where Sanchoniathon lived , had a great commerce , or correspondence with the Jews , in , or immediately upon , Gideon's time : and as the Jews received from those of Berith their Idol Baal Berith , so we may also suppose , that they communicated to these Phenicians , some of their own Scriptural Traditions , out of which Sanchoniathon composed his Historie . Lastly the Transmutation of Jerubbaal , Gideons name into Jerombaal , or Jerombalus ( from whom Sanchoniathon is said to receive the cheif materials of his Historie ) is most easie , by the exchange of one of the B● into M , viz : Jerobbaal into Jerombaal . 2. Whoever this Jerombalus was , from whom Sanchoniathon is said to have borrowed the chief materials of his Historie , yet certain it is , if we may credit Porphyrie , he was a Priest of the God Jao . i. e. of Jehovah the true God. For the Greeks seldom expresse the ineffable name of God , by any other word . So in the Oracle of Clarius Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let him be thy greatest God , whose name is Jao . So Diodorus lib. 1. saies that Moses amongst the Jews owned the God called Jao , as the Author of his Laws . And the Gnosticks in Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 34. reckon up seven names of God , whereof Jao is the second And Jerom in his commentaries on . Psal . 8. reads it Jaho ; which seems little differing from the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jehovah , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jah ; as Bochart Can. lib. 2. c. 17. see more Part 1. B. 2. C. 1. § . 8. § . 9. Farther , that Sanchoniathon traduced the main of his Philosophie from the Jews will be evident , if we consider the manner of his philosophizing ; which was Historick , or rather Mythologick , answerable to Moses's manner of philosophizing . For the whole of his Historie seems to be but some mythologick fragments , or fabulous traditions of what Moses more nakedly , and purely laid down , as it will be more fully evident , when we come to treat of the Matter of his Philosophie . Touching Sanchoniathon's Historick manner of philosophizing , we find a good account in Bochart Can. lib : 2. cap. 2. fol. 783. Sanchoniathon writ , before the Trojan Wars , his Historie of the Phenicians , even from their first Origine , in the Phenician Tongue . Philo Byblius , who lived under the Emperor Adrian , rendred the same Historie into Greek . Eusebius has preserved for us a famous fragment of this Version ; wherein many Phenician things occur , not unworthy of our commentation . Thus Bochart . Suidas , who makes Sanchoniathon to have lived about the time of the Trojan War , speaks to the same purpose . So Porphyrie lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; speaks thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Phenician Historie is full of those who sacrificed ; which Sanchoniathon writ in the Phenician Tongue . And Philo Byblius interpreted him in 8 books . As Sanchoniathon's mode of philosophizing was historick , correspondent unto Moses ; so likewise mixed he many mythologick , or fabulous Stories , and Symbols with his writings ; wherein he seems to affect an Imitation of the Jewish manner of expressing their mysteries , by Types , and figurative Symbols . And indeed this ancient symbolick , mythick , or fabulous mode of philosophizing , so common not only amongst the Egyptians , and Phenicians , but also amongst the first Grecian Philosophers , Thales , Pherecydes , Pythagoras , and Plato , seems to be wholly taken up by Tradition from , and in imitation of the Jewish Church , their manner of expressing their Rites , Mysteries , and other pieces of Wisdom . So Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The ancient manner of philosophizing was , as the Hebraick , and Enigmatick ; for they chose a short manner of speech ( by Symbols ) which is most apt for admonition , and most profitable . In this mythick , symbolick mode of philosophizing , the Phenicians ( as the Egyptians ) those Jewish Apes , couched not only their Secrets of Nature , and Theologick Mysteries , but also their Moral Precepts , and Examples of Prudence , Justice , Fortitude , and other Heroick Virtues . Hence the Greek Poets first , as Homer , Orpheus , &c. and then their chief Philosophers , both of the Ionick , and Italick Sects , derived their mythologick , and symbolick mode of philosophizing , as hereafter . § . 10. We proceed now to the matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , which will give us a farther demonstration , that it was traduced from some Scriptural , or Jewish Traditions . Touching his Metaphysicks , and Theologie ; Sanchoniathon treats of God , his worship , &c ; of Angels , and of the Soul. That Sanchoniathon writ of the Phenician Theologie , Theodoret Therapeut . Serm. 2. assures us , out of Porphyrie , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ the Theologie of the Phenicians . And Porphyrie greatly admires Sanchoniathon , &c. Suidas also tels , that besides the Institutes of the Phenicians , Sanchoniathon writ also of the Theologie of the Egyptians . Now this Theologie , of which he treated , consisted chiefly in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or origination of the Gods , and the Sacrifices , or worship they gave unto them . As for his account of the original of their Gods , it is evident , that they received their Names , and Attributes , the chiefest of them , from some Scriptural Relation , or Tradition of the Jews , which will easily appear by a brief enumeration . The chiefest of the Phenician Gods , was the Sun , called by Sanchoniathon Beelsamen : in the Phenician , and Hebrew dialect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , the Lord of Heaven . So Philo Byblius , out of Sanchoniathon's Theologie of the Sun ( Euseb . praepar . lib. 1. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This they say is God , whom they repute the only Lord of Heaven , calling him Beelsamen , which is amongst the Phenicians Lord of Heaven . This seems to be but a corrupt Tradition of Gen. 1.16 . where 't is said , that God made the greater Light to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the night : whence the Phenicians stile the Moon Belsisama , the Queen of Heaven : because , as the Sun rules by day , so the Moon by night . But Sanchoniathon ( in the fore quoted Euseb . praep . lib. 1. ) proceeds to give the extract of his Gods , in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by these was produced Eliun called the most high . Eliun in the Phenician , and Hebrew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elion , is one of the names the Scripture gives unto God , and signifies the most high : So that we cannot rationally doubt , but that Sanchoniathon borrowed this Iaol-God from some Scriptural relation . Then he addes that this God Eliun begat the Heaven and Earth ; which seems evidently to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 14.19 , 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To the most high God , that produced the Heaven . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies also to produce , as the LXX renders it Zach. 13.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so it is rendred Gen. 4.1 . Then Sanchoniathon proceeds thus , The first born of the Sons of Heaven , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was Ilos , who also was called Kronos , or Saturne . Ilos is apparently from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El , a name of God , which the Phenicians gave to their Idol Saturne . So Damascius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Phenicians , and Syrians name their Saturne El. Whence the Grecians call the Sun ( which was the Phenician Saturne ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Then it follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The companions of Ilos ( Phaen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eloah ) i. e. Saturne are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elohim , as if one should say the Saturnes . Thus Sanchoniathon . By which it seems evident , that he had not only some Tradition of the God of Israel , his several names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also some broken fragments of the Trinitie , which he here seems to expresse under his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Hence the Platonists seem to have traduced their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hereafter . It follows ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The God Vranus ( i. e. Heaven ) excogitated or imagined the Baetulia , when he framed the living stones . That these Baetulia , or stones , which the Phenicians worshipped , were taken up by them in imitation of Jacob's anointing the stone , and consecrating the place , where he had received a vision , is very probable , if we consider Gen. 28.18 . where 't is said , he called the place Bethel , and Gen. 31.13 . I am the God of Bethel , where thou anointedst the stone . And if Bochart's conjecture hold true ( as it seems probable ) Sanchoniathon's original of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i , e. anointed stones . So that the Translaror transporting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anointed , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 living . That these Baetulia , which the Phenicians worshipped , had their rise from Jacob's consecrated stone at Bethel , is generally asserted by the Learned Jos . Scalig●r on Eusebius , &c. as elsewhere . Part 1. B. 2. C. § . 11. To these pieces of Sanchoniathon's Theologie , translated by Philo Byblius , Eusebius addes a place , or two , out of Porphyrie , his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in which the same Saturne is , by the Phenicians , called Israel . His words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Saturne , whom the Phenicians call Israel , &c. This Saturne is said also to have an only son by the Nymph Anobret , whom he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jeud , and sacrificed . So Sanchoniathon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He sacrificed his only son , speaking of Saturne . And that all this is but an imperfect Tradition of Abraham his resolution to sacrifice his own son Isaac , is evident . For the name Jeud , Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jehid , is the Epithet given to Isaac Gen. 22.2 . So Anobret is properly given to Sarah : for the Phenician , and Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anobret or Annobret signifies one conceiving by grace , which is rightly said of Sarah Heb. 11.11 . only what Abraham did in intention only , Porphyrie and Sanchoniathon make Saturne to do actually : which 't was the policie of Sathan to make them believe , thereby to induce following Ages to offer their sons to Molech , or Saturne ; which was the great Idol of the Phenicians . Porphyrie in his lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tels us , that the Phenician Historie , composed by Sanchoniathon , was full of such kind of sacrifices , &c. which , it is very evident , the Phenicians at first traduced from the Jews , as the J●ws not long after received the same Idolatrous , and inhuman mode of sacrificing their sons to Molech , from the Phenicians . So much for Sanchoniathon's Theogonie , and Theologie , which gave foundation to the Grecian Mythologie about their Gods. § . 12. Sanchoniathon ( according to Philo Byblius's Version cited by Euseb . praep . lib. 1. ) has other pieces of Metaphysicks , which seem to be borrowed from Scripture relations . He makes mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which Bochart interprets of the Creation of the Angels . Also the first men are by him said to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Colpia , which he attributes to the wind , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Col-pi-jah , the word or breath of Gods mouth , according to Gen. 2.7 . and breathed into his nostrils ; and Psal . 33.6 . by the breath of his mouth . As Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2. § . 13. But one main piece of Philosophie , which Sanchoniathon is most famous for , is his Physiologie , or Natural Historie of the worlds origine , and its first matter ; whence the Poet , Hesiod , and his followers , received their first Chaos , and the Philosophers their Materia prima ; which all originally descended , by some corrupt derivations , from the first Chapter of Genesis ; as it will appear , if we consider the particulars of Sanchoniathon's reports . In the beginning of his Historie ( according to the Version of Philo Byblius , quoted by Eusebius ) we find , in the beginning of things there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a spirit of dark air , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. according to the Phenicians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chauth Ereb , night , or evening darknes : which seems to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . and there was darknes , &c. The word Ereb is taken from v. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it was Ereb ; i. e. evening . Whence H●siod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Varr● thus imitates , Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox , te invoco . That the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies sometimes the same with the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evening ; see Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 2. Or it is possible , that Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be borrowed from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bohu Gen. 1.2 . ב being easily turned into ב ; whence also we may suppose the Greek Philosophers traduced their Physick privation ; which they make one of their first principles . It follows in Sanchoniathon thus : From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos , there arose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( as B●chart conjectures ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos , was produced Mot , which some call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , matter , or slime : what Philo Byblius translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Phenicians write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 M●d : it being very common with the Greeks to change the Hebrew ד into τ so in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by them derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Hebrews , and Phenicians signifies that matter , out of which all things were at first made : which the Arabians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whence 't is possible the Latin materia came ) from the root 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Therefore Sanchoniathon , having called that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slime ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first matter ) addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of this [ matter ] was produced the whole seed of the Creation , and the generation of the whole : which is as as much as if he had said , This Mot was the first Matter of all things . For although the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mod be not found in Scripture , yet we have the thing fully expressed Gen. 1.2 . and 't is possible also the Jewish Philosophers might use the same word , and so the Phenicians by Tradition from them , though Moses , writing for the peoples sake , in the plainest termes , did purposely abstain from all philosophick termes . That Sanchoniathon traduced these his coutemplations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the spirits mixing with them , from Gen. 1.2.5 . I conceive , is sufficiently evident : whence H●siod's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Plutarch , and Or●heus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( slime ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; also Thales his opinion of water being the first matter . And Plato's first matter , which he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , as Aristotle's first matter being ingenerable , incorruptible , indefinite , without forme , but capable of all formes , &c. which are but broken fragments of Gen. 1.2 . § . 14. That Thales , Pythagoras , and Plato concur with Sanchoniathon , and they all with Moses , about the first matter of the World , will be farther evident , if we consider their several expressions , with their agreement amongst themselves , as also with Moses's words . Thales held water to be the first matter of all things ( whence Pindar's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. mixture of mud , and water together : which Orpheus also makes to be the Principle of the Universe , and it is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Philo Byblius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Mot , or Ilus of Sanchoniathon i. e. mud , slime , or fluid matter , which Thales cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , water , Pythagoras , and Plato call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( by ● inversion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , matter : all of which agrees with Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters : i. e. all at first was but mud , slime , and water , or fluid matter . So Paulus Fagius , from Kimchi , renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matter , which fluid matter was agitated , or moved by the Spirit of God ; so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from this mixing of the spirit with the Chaos , was begotten Mot , which some call slime , or watry mistion , which was made the seed of all creatures , &c. This the Stoicks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a vivifick energie ; according to Psal . 33.6 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence Plato , Thales , Pythagoras , Heraclitus ascribe the Original of Individuals , to the various agitations , or motions of this fluid matter , viz : as moved by the spirit of God , so the Phenicians called this motion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dark , and blustering wind , or spirit : see Stillingf . Orig , Sacr. book 3. cap. 7. § . 15. Sanchoniathon also was not a little versed in the Chronologie , and Geographie of those times and places , wherein likewise he accords with Moses , from whom , we may presume , he received both the one and the other . So Eusebius praepar . Evang. l. 10. c. 3. out of Porphyrie lib. 4. against the Christians , makes Moses , and Sanchoniathon to give the same names to Persons , and Places : as Ger. Vossius de Histor . Graec. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3. § . 16. Sanchoniathon's Natural or Mythologick Historie was continued by others , some in the Phenician , some in the Greek Tongue , Of the Phenicians , there were Theodotus , Hypsicrates , and Mochus ▪ whose books Chaetus translated into Greek . Tatianus , the Assyrian , in his Orat. against the Grecians , speaks thus . The Phenician affairs proceeded thus ; there were amongst them three persons , Theodotus , Hypsicrates , and Mochus , whose books were translated into Greek by Chaetus In Euseb . praep . Evang. l. 10. ( where Tatian's place is cited ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodotus's Phenician name , as Bochart conjectureth , was Elnathan or Nathaniel . But the most renowned of these three was Mochus , whom Bochart conceives to be , in the Phenician stile , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maacha , taken from Compression . Josephus Ant. l. 1. cap. 4. shuts up his Historie touching the long-lived Antidiluvians , with this Epiphonema . And Mochus , and Hestiaeus , and Hieronymus the Egyptian ( who prosecuted the Egyptian storie ) consent to these things I affirme . Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17. § . 17. Concerning Mochus we find this mention in Is . Casaubon his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Mochus , saies he , is named amongst the Authors of the Phenician affairs by Tatianus , in his last book , which place it is worth our while to transcribe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ger. Jo Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. Addes to Casaubon thus : Mochus the Phenician committed to writing the affairs of his Countrey in the Phenician Tongue . Athenaeus in lib. 3. makes mention of him ; where Cynulcus thus bespeaks Vlpianus the Tyrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to their Citizens Syniaethon ( i. e. Sanchoniathon ) and Mochus , who writ of the Phenician Affairs . Casaubon lib. 3. Anima●v . in Athen. cap. 36. saies , I remember not that Mochus is to be found elsewhere : and peradventure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the name of some Tyrian , who in his own Countrey was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mosche , or according to the custome of writing Moses . Thus Casaubon . And truly that Moschus is a Phenician name I learnt also one of Strabo lib. 16. where he makes men●ion of Moschus a Sidonian , and that he was the Author of the opinions of Atomes ; also that he was more ancient than the Trojan War. Neither is any thing in Athenaeus to be changed , for ( which occurred not to that excellent man Casaubon ) there is mention made of this Author , not only once , amongst Ecclesiastick writers : as in Josephus lib. 1. Antiqu ▪ cap. 8 ( or according to others 50 ) where you read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Also Manetho the Egyptian writer , and Berosus the Chaldean Historiographer , and Mochus , Hestiaeus , and Hieronimus the Egyptian , who prosecuted the Phenician Affaires , consent with us . Also we have a famous place touching Mochus , in Tatianus his oration against the Pagans pag. 217. in Orthodoxogr . which is also cited by Eusebius lib. 10. de praepar . Evang. ( pag. 289 Edit . Rob. Steph. ) And Georg : Cedrenus transcribing Josephus ( almost in the beginning of his Compendium pag. 10. ) does in like manner make mention of Mochus amongst the Phenician Historiographers . Thus Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 3. pag. 30. § . 18. And that Mochus was a famous Philosopher , as well as Historiographer , is evident , from the mention we find concerning him in lamblichus , of the life of Pythagoras cap. 13. where he saies , that Pythagoras , being at Sidon , conferred with the Prophets , Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , &c. By which also we see what piece of Philosophie Mochus was chiefly verst in , namely in Physiologie , or Natural Philosophie , which was the main Philosophie , these first Ages , and Philosophers thirsted after . This Thales brought out of Phenicia , &c. And in brief , this kind of Physiologie , which the Phenicians , and the Grecians so much delighted in , was indeed no other , than a Natural Historie , or some broken fragments of the Historie of the Creation , delivered by Moses Gen. 1 , &c. Thus much I was assured of by learned Bochart , upon oral conference with him , to whom proposing some Queries , touching this Mochus , he answered me , that Mochus lived before the Trojan War , and was contemporarie with Sanchoniathon , as Strabo affirmes ; calling him upon a mistake , Moschus ; and that his Philosophie was nothing else , but the Historie of the Creation , the same with that of Sanchoniathon . As for other particulars touching Mochus , the original of his name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maacha , &c , he referred me to his Canaan lib. 2. c. 17. Strabo lib. 16. and Athenaeus l. 3. c. 36. with Casaubon . That Mochus did really traduce his Physiologie , or natural Historie from the Historie of the Creation , written by Moses , will be farther evident , if we consider the main Principle for which he was renowned amongst the Ancients , viz. the doctrine of Atomes . So Strabo lib. 16. makes mention of Moschus the Sidonian , who was the Author of the opinion of Atomes , &c. The same B●chart Phaleg . lib. 4. cap. 35. having made mention of Arithmetick , and Astronomie , being derived from the Phenicians to the Grecians , addes thus : that I may be silent as to latter Philosophers , Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon , before the Trojan War , &c. Hence Democritus borrowed his Notions of Atomes , as Epicurus from him ; and that the whole Doctrine of Atomes to be the first principles of the Vniverse came from Moses's Historie of the Creation , see Comenius's Physicks , of Materia prima . cap. 2. § . 19. Bochart Phaleg . lib. 4. c. 35. makes mention of another Phenician Philosopher , Abdomenus the Tyrian , who , by his questions , was so bold as to provoke King Solomon to disputation , &c. But I shall confirme this discourse of the Phenician Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Jewish Church with the observation of Learned Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 10. § . 24 , &c. The Philosophie of the Phenicians ( saies he ) is very famous : and in as much as that Nation was most like to Judea , they had a mighty advantage of Learning many things from the Jews : some things also they gained by Tradition . For the Phenicians springing from Sidon , the son of Canaan , the Nephew of Cham , descended also from Noah . They used the help of their Priests in writing Historie , as Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion . Who also quotes some things out of the Annals of the Tyrians . Concerning their Theologie , Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ in the Phenician Tongue , who was more ancient than the Trojan War , as Porphyrie lib. 4. contra Christ . &c. Thence § . 25 , &c. he addes , To this Nation the Grecians owe their Letters : whence they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Also they attribute Arithmetick to these Phenicians , because they excelled in Merchandise ; to which the Knowledge of Numbers is greatly necessary . Ochus the Persian Philosopher was also a Phenician . Thales likewise , who was the first founder of the Ionick Philosophie , had his original from the Phenicians . Also Pherecydes the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , who was Contemporary with Thales , and Author of the Italick Sect , drew his contemplations from the hidden books of the Phenicians . Also Zeno , the Prince of the Stoick Sect , was of a Phenician extract : for Cittium a Town in Cyprus , where he was borne , was peopled by a Phenician Colonie . Then he concludes § . 31. But if we acknowledge the Phenician Philosophie , how much more justly must we Christians acknowledge the Jewish ? especially seeing the Phenicians , without all peradventure , traduced many things from the Jews their neighbors , as also the Egyptians . And hence it is apparent why the most Ancient Philosophers delighted so much in brevitie , and symbolick Learning . The Ancient mode of philosophizing was Hebraick , and Enigmatick . Thus Vossius . We may adde hereto that of Hornius Hist . philos . l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus makes Plato to speak many things , which he understood not , drawn out of the Phenician Theologie . So Scaliger Exer. 61. § . 3 , which opinion seems very probable to me . For as to the Phenicians , they were given to Mercature , familiar to the Grecians : and they sent frequent Colonies into various parts of the world . Also their Theologie was well known : from which Musaeus , Linus , Orph●us , and other old Theologists drew most of their notions . Nothing hinders therefore , but that Plato might attain to a more intimate Knowledge of their Theologie , whereunto Pherecydes had before opened the door , who also , as they say , brought some of their commentaries into Greece . But now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews , drawn either from daily conversation with their Ancient Fathers and their Posteritie , or else from the inspection into , and reading of Moses ; whereof they , being not ignorant of that tongue , might partake . Thence therefore Plato drew those things which rendred him so admirable to all Posteritie . § . 20. And as there were some broken beams , or Traditions of the Law , and Old Testament Light conveighed from the Jews to the Phenicians , and thence to the Grecians ; so in like manner the Gospel in the first publication thereof , shone , with bright raies on Phaenicia : For the Woman of Canaan , whose Faith Christ so much applauded , was a Phenician , And , upon the dispersion 't is said Acts 11.19 . They which were scattered abroad upon the persecution , that arose about Steven , travailed as far as Phenice , and Cyprus , and Antioch , preaching the word to none , but the Jews only . By which it is apparent that there were Jews inhabiting amongst the Phenicians ( and it is not improbable , but that there were some scattered thither even at the first Babylonish Captivitie ) as also in Cyprus ( where were Colonies o● the Phenicians and Jews ) to whom God in his Providence ordains the Gospel first to be preached ( as the Jewish Traditions of old ) that so it might thence receive the more speedy conveighance into the Westerne parts , Greece , Italy , Spain , France , Britannie , &c. with which parts the Phenicians had frequent Commerce , and Trading ; as it has been largely proved Part 1. of Philologie book 1. chap. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. CHAP. IIII. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie , and Philosophers . The Advantages the Chaldaick Philosophie might have from the Church of God , Noah and his family , Shem , Abraham , &c. The Chaldeans famous for Astronomie , which was communicated to them , by Church Tradition delivered by Abraham , &c. Gen. 1.16 . The People of God much taken up in contemplation and admiration of the glorie of God , shining in the Heavens , Ps . 136.4 , 5 , 6 , 7. This gave foundation to Astronomie . How Natural Astronomie degenerated into Judicial Astrologie , from an Idolatrous admiration of the Celestial bodies , as Gods , Rom. 1.19 , 20 , 21. The Jewish Teraphim , and Popish Agnus dei answered to the Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Images dedicated to the Sun Judg. 17.5 . The Chaldaick Theologie lay chiefly amongst the Zabii , or Sabeans . Balaam one of the Zabii . The wise men , or Magi Mat. 2.1 . of these Zabii . Many Zabian Rites mentioned in Scripture , as Job 31.26 . beholding the Sun , thence Sternutation a Pagan Rite . So Job 31.27 . kissing the hand , is bowing unto , and adoring the rising Sun , The Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eternal fire , which was a Symbol , whereby they worshipped the Sun , as Lev. 36.30 . from the opinion that the Sun was fire . The Judaick Scholes in Babylon , and other parts of Chaldea . § . 1. THe Ancients were wont to distinguish Philosophie into Barbabick and Grecian : by Barbarick , is usually understood that , which was taught out of Grece , and Italie , in Egypt , Phaenicia , Judea , Chaldea , &c. This by general vogue is held to be the more Ancient . Thus Diogenes Laertius prooem ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is affirmed by some that Philosophie had its beginning from the Barbarians . Which Isaac Gasaubon in his Notes on this place thus explaines , And of the Grecians , those who were best natured , and most ingenuous have alwaies thus thought . And those Ancient defenders of our Religion against the Gentiles , have so defended the truth on this part , and so broken the pride , and arrogance of those who were otherwise minded , that none may doubt of it . There are at hand those who have written on this Argument , Tatianus , Clemens , Theophilus , Eusebius , and others . So Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophie a thing variously useful , in times past flourished amongst the Barbarians , shining from Nation to Nation , till at last it came to the Grecians . Austin lib. 8. de civit . Dei cap. 9. gives us an account of these Barbarian Nations , who were reputed skilful in Philosophie ; where having made mention of the two great Sects of the Grecian Philosophers , the Ionick and Italick , he addes , And if there be found any others of the other Nations , who are reputed wise men , or Philosophers , the Atlanticks , Lybicks , Egyptians , Indians , Persians , Chaldeans , Scythians , Gauls , Spaniards . Here Augustin makes no mention of the Phenicians , and Jews , who , I think , were mainly understood by the Ancients , under the name of Barbarick Philosophers . But of this we have already discoursed ; as also of the Egyptians : we shall proceed therefore to those , who remain of the Barbarick Philosophers ; and begin with the Chaldeans , who were greatly famous for their skill in Astronomie , and Astrologie ( which as the Learned suppose , they were masters of , before the Egyptians ) for their improvement wherein , they had great advantages , not only from the situation of their Countrey , which lay plain , but also from the Church of God ; which after the Floud was first planted , and seated amongst them ; and furnished not only with Divine , but also Human Knowledge . For Noah and his familie , which was then the seat of the Church , living before the Floud , had the advantage of gathering up all the Wisdom of the old World , and conveighing of it , by Tradition to their Posteritie , especially to such as were of the Holy Seed , who , as we may presume , would be most curious in searching into , and inquiries after the great works of God , both as to Creation , and Providence : amongst whom we may reckon Abraham , who is said to teach the Chaldeans Astonomie . § . 2. But to proceed gradually in our Discourse : First that the Chaldeans had a great reputation for the Antiquitie of their Philosophie , we have the Testimonie of Cicero lib. 1. de Divinat . Where he saies , that the Chaldeans were the most ancient kind of Doctors . And particularly , that they taught the Babylonians , and Assyrians Philosophie , we have for it the Autoritie of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of Sotion , in his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if we may credit Laertius . So Diodorus tels us , that the Egyptians received their Philosophie from the Chaldeans . Now the great piece of Philosophie the Chaldeans were at first famous for , was Astronomie , and Astrologie . So Strabo lib. 12 , and 15. Hence Pythagoras is said to derive his Knowledge of the Stars from the Chaldeans , as Porphyrie , in the life of Pythagoras . Whence also the name Chaldeans passed in the Roman Empire for Astrologers . And Quintus Curtius lib. 5. tels us , that Alexander entring Babylon , whereas others approving themselves otherwise , the Chaldeans shewed the motions of the Stars , and the stated vicissitudes of times . Wherefore as Simplicius in Arist . lib. 2. de Coelo affirmes ) Aristotle , that great Inquisitor of Nature , gave it in command to Callisthenes his Kinsman and Disciple , who travailed with Alexander into Asia , that he should send him Commentaries of such things , as the Chaldeans had observed touching the Celestial Bodies . And Callisthenes sent him observations of two thousand years . Tullie tels us , they had much convenience for such Astronomick observations by reason of the plain situation of their Countrey . So Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 1. § . 9. Neither is it to be wondred , saies he , if persons , so ingenious , were so well skilled in the Knowledge of the Stars , who inhabiting a large , and even Countrey , could alwaies behold the face of the Heavens : neither is it more to be wondred if those first Chaldeans observed so many things , who in Aristotle's time gloried in the experience of 2000 years . § . 3. But though it may be granted that these Chaldeans had some advantage for the improvement of their Astronomick Skill from the convenience of their Countrey , which lay on a level ; yet have we both Authoritie and Reason to judge , that the original of this their Art was more Divine . That the Chaldeans received their skill in Astrologie from Abraham was afore ( chap 1. § . 8. of Abraham ) asserted , and proved out of Berosus , Eupolemus , Josephus , and Vossius : so Lud. Vives on Aug. de civ . Dei l. 8. c. 9. asserts the Traduction of Philosophie from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians , by Abraham . The truth of which assertion will be more evident , if we consider the original causes of this Astronomick Science . We need no way doubt , but that Noah had been fully instructed by Church-Tradition , from his Godly predecessors Methuselah , Enoch and Seth , touching the Creation of the World by God ; and particularly touching the excellent fabrick of the Heavens , the Nature of those Celestial Bodies , their Harmonious Order , and Motion ; that the Sun was made to governe by Day , and the Moon by Night , as Gen. 1.16 . and Psal . 136.7 , 8. that these Celestial had a mighty influence on all Sublunarie Bodies , &c. These and such like considerations , which greatly conduced to the enhanceing the Wisdom , Power , and Goodnes of God , in his works of Creation , and Providence , we may not doubt , were very frequent , by Church-Tradition , in the Hearts and Mouths of those Sons of God , before and after the Floud . And it is the opinion of some , ( which is not without probable grounds ) that the whole storie of the Creation , written by Moses , was conveighed down even from Adam to his time , by a constant uninterrupted Tradition to the Holy Seed , and Church in all Ages . And indeed if God vouchsafed to any the manifestation of his glorious works of Creation , and Providence , to whom can we suppose it should be , if not to his darlings and friends , the faithful and holy Seed ? who both could and would best improve such contemplations , for their Makers glorie , and most faithfully hand them over to posteritie . Thus God himself gives Abraham this Character Gen. 18.17 . Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do ? 19. For I know him , that he will command his children , & c· God gave Abraham the Knowledge of things not only past and done , but to come ; because he knew Abraham would make the best improvement , and conveighance thereof to his posteritie . And thus we may conceive how Abraham having the Knowledge of Gods glorious works of Creation and Providence , especially as to the Celestial Bodies , their Natures , Order , Harmonie , Government , Motions , Influences ( which takes in the whole of true Astronomie , and Astrologie ) communicated to him partly by Church-Tradition , partly by the blessing of God upon his own meditations and contemplations ( if not also from some Divine Inspiration even of this Natural Knowledge ) could not but conceive himself in dutie obliged to communicate the same , not only to his own Posteritie , but also to his Kindred , and Countrey men the Chaldeans . That the people of God were , in the infant state of the Church , much ravished with holy contemplations of the Glorie of God , that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies , their Order , Government , Motion , and Influence , is evident , by many Philosophick , yet gratious Meditations we have to this purpose in the Psalms : as Ps . 19.1 . The Heavens declare the glorie of God , &c. to the end . So Psal . 136.4 . To him who alone doth great wonders : and v. 5. To him that by Wisdom made the Heavens , &c. 7. To him that made great lights . 8 , 9. The Sun to rule by day , the Moon and Stars to rule by night , &c. So it is said of Isaac , he went out into the field to meditate ; where he could no sooner open his eyes , but contemplate the wonders of God , in those Celestial Bodies . Thus were these holy men Abraham , &c. ravished with the admiration ( which as Plato , and Aristotle assure us , was the first cause of all Philosophie ) of the Glorie of God , that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies , the Sun , Moon , and Stars , their admirable natures , positions , conjunctions , regular motions , and powerful influences , which is the summe of Natural Astronomie , and Astrologie ; which was , as we have endeavored to prove , communicated to the Chaldeans , by Abraham or Shem , &c. § . 4. This Astronomie , and Astrologie , which the Chaldeans ( according to the common presumption ) received from Abraham , did soon by their holding the truth in unrighteousnes ( as Rom. 1.18 , 19 , 20 21 , 22. ) degenerate into that Black Art ( deservedly so called , because from Hell ) of Judicial Astrologie , or Divination ; which was thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Chaldaick Art : the original of which was this ; ( as we find it Rom. 1.20 , 21. ) These Chaldeans , besides the Traditions they received from Abraham , and the rest of the Patriarchs , touching these Celestial Bodies , their glorious natures , order , situations , regular motions , and governments , as Gen. 1.16 . they themselves , by their own Astronomick observations and experiments , contemplating a mighty Beautie , and Ornament in the Heavens , a regular course in the Motions of the Stars , an excellent Harmonie and Order in the distances and conjunctions , and a powerful influence descending from them on sublunarie Bodies , the more they contemplated these glorious creatures the more they admired them ; 'till at last their admiration determined in adoration of them , as Gods. Thus was that Scripture fulfilled Rom. 1.21 . they became vain in their imaginations , and their foolish hearts were darkned . That this was the original of their Zabaisme , or worshipping the Celestial Bodies , is gathered from Deut. 4.19 . And lest thou lift up thine eyes to Heaven , and when thou seest the Sun , &c , shouldst be driven to worship them . When they grew vain in their imaginations , no wonder if such a glorious sight of their eyes , was followed with the Idolatrie of their foolish hearts . Now this Phaenomenon being granted , that the Stars were Gods , the Hypotheses of Judiciarie Astrologie easily followed . So Maimonides More Nevoch . p. 3. c. 29. speaking of these Chaldeans , saith , that they had no other Gods but the Stars , to whom they made Statues or Images , which derived an influence from the Stars , to which they were erected , and thence received a facultie of foretelling things future . These images the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and were much the same with the Teraphim , they being both exactly made according to the positions of the Heavens . So Grotius saies , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teraphim Judg. 17.5 . were Images made with figures ; according to the position of the Stars ; which also the Idolatrous Jews made use of for divination , as Zech. 10.2 . whence the Ephod accompanies the Teraphim Judg. 8.27 . And this Idolatrous mode of Divination continues yet to this very day amongst some , who are pretenders to this Judicial , or rather Satanick Astrologie . For they make Figures , and Images , which they pretend to answer to the forme of the celestial bodies : thence they persuade the foolish people , that these Images receive influence , and virtue from the Celestial Figure . ( near of kin whereunto is the Agnus Dei amongst the Papists ) All of which Magick trumperies are but imitations of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Talismans , so much in request amongst the Chaldeans , and other Idolaters : of which see Plotinus Enead . 4. lib. 3. cap. 11. where he unfolds the whole Mysterie of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Images , and their manner of Divination by them ; which , upon the supposition of the Chaldeans , that the Stars are Deities , might admit of some probable pretext , but without this Hypothesis of allowing a Divinitie to the Stars , I cannot see what shadow of Reason those pretenders to Judiciarie Astrologie can have to salve their Phaenomena . See more of this Owen de Idololat . l. 3. c. 7. § . 5. This leads us to the Theologie of the Chaldeans , which comprehended a chief part of their Philosophie . So Diodorus Siculus lib. 3. tels us , That the Chaldeans were most skilful in Astronomie , Divination , and sacred Offices . This their sacred Philosophie , or Divinitie was chiefly studied by , and preserved amongst their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zabii , who , according to Scaliger's account , were the most Easterne Chaldeans : which he gathers from the origination of the word Zabii from Saba the Son of Chus . Salmasius thinks these Zabii were the Chaldeans , inhabiting Mesopotamia . If so , it is very probable that Balaam that famous Magician , or Diviner , was one of these Zabii . For Mesopotamia seems to be Balaam's Countrey , thence Numb . 22.5 . Pethor , where Balaam lived , is said to be by the river , i. e. saies the Chaldee Paraphrase , Euphrates . That Balaam was a Magician , or Conjurer is evident from the whole of the Storie . Thus Stillingfleet Orig. sacrar . lib. 1. chap. 3. To which he addes these words , Hence we may conclude , that these Zabii were the same with the Persian Magi instituted by Zoreaster : which farther appears from the Magi , that were guided by the Star unto Christ , who are said to come from the East ( i. e. Sabea , or Arabia Foelix ) with presents , which are peculiar to that Countrey . That Balaam was a Zabean , and of these Zabii , or wise men mentioned Mat. 2.1 , 2. may be gathered from what Deodate observes on that place v. 2. viz. that this Star was the signe that the King of the World should be born in Judea , which perhaps might come to their notice , by the Prophecie of Balaam Numb . 24.17 . continued amongst them , &c. § . 6. Concerning these Zabii , Maimonides tels us , that the understanding their Rites would give light to many obscure passages of Scripture : I suppose he means such as relate to the Original of Idolatrie or the Worship they gave to those Planetarie Deities : for , saith he , they had no Gods , but the Stars , to whom they made Statues ( or pillars which the Greeks stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and Images 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We find one Rite or Ceremonie of this Zabaisme , or Planetarie Worship Job . 31.26 , 27. If I beheld the Sun when it shined , &c. This holy man ( who , as 't is supposed , lived amongst these Zabii about Joseph's time ( as Jerome ) when this their Idolatrie was come to some maturitie ) speaks openly of this Planetarie Worship , then so common . And the first part of this Zabaism , he so industriously a moves from himself , is Beholding the Sun when it shined : Not the simple beholding of it , that 's only a Natural Act of our Natural Sense , and hath no more of Moral Evil in it , than the Natural Shine of the Sun beheld by it : But beholding it with such an Eye , as secretly steals away the heart from the Worship of the Creator , affecting the Soul with , and carrying it out in an Idolatrous Adoration of that so glorious a Creature ( as in some it did , to such an height , that Plato saies Socrates underwent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Exstasie in worshipping the Sun ) for so it follows Job . 31.27 . And my heart hath been secretly enticed . Job shews here that the original Seat of this Zabaisme was the Heart : for by long contemplation , and admiration of the eyes the heart was drawn away to worship those Celestial bodies as before . So it followes , or my mouth hath kissed my hand , i. e. adored the Sun : for kissing the hand and bowing to the Sun was a main ceremonie they used in their worship . So the worship of Christ the Sun of Righteousnes is , under that ceremonie of kissing , commanded Ps . 2.12 . And Hos . 13.2 . the worship of the Calves expressed by that ceremonie reproved . There were other parts of Zabaisme , or Star-worship , namely Images and Fire ; of which we find some mention in Scripture : so Lev. 26 30. God threatens to destroy their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Images of the Sun , as some , but rather their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their hearths where they kept their perpetual fire , for these are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies both the Sun , and Fire . Hence from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( q. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the Latin Caminus a Chimney , or Furnace ▪ So in like manner the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies the Light of the Sun , is used also for fire ( as the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Plato used for both fire and light ) whence some derive Vr in Chaldea , which was the Seat of this Idolatrous worshipping the Sun by Fire , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Light. Now the reason of this piece of Zabaisme , or worshipping the Sun by Fire , seems this . These Zabii , or Chaldean Philosophers were possessed with this opinion ( which afterward was taken up by many of the Greek Philosophers ( that the matter of the Sun was Fire , which 't is possible they might take up from some broken Tradition , touching the Creation of those greater Lights , as Gen. 1.16 . And the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that signifie the Sun , and its Light are used also to expresse Fire . Plato in his Timaeus cals the Sun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an heavenly Fire : and Job . 31.26 . cals the Sun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which also signifies Fire , thence Vr in Chaldea was so called because it was the Seat of their eternal fire , and the Stoicks of old held that the Sun was Fire . So Grot. on 2 Pet. 3.7 . and Comenius in his Physicks . Thus the French Conferences , par les beaux exsprits tom . 1. conf 6. so Willis de febribus saies the Light is but a greater flame more dilated . And Ames . Medul . Theol. l. 1. c. 8. thes . 50. Subtilissima illius massae parte sursum evocata , facta suit lux i. e. ignis lucens . That the Sun is of an ignite fiery nature was generally believed amongst the ancient Philosophers ; particuarly by Thales , Plato , Heraclitus , Anaximenes , Xenophanes , Theophrastus , Anaximander , Anaxagoras , Philolaus , Empedocles , Democritus , Cleanthes , Zeno , Chrysippus , and others , as we intend to prove in what follows of Plato's Physicks , of which see more Part 1. B. 3. C. 3. § . 9. And that the Sun , and Fire agree , not only in name , but also in nature , I am apt to think , is the more probable conjecture , if we compare their properties , influences , and effects , which are very near akin , if not the same . However we have sufficient ground to conclude this to be the reason why these Zabii worshipped the Sun under this Symbol of Fire . Moreover Maimonides tels us that Abraham had his conversation amongst these Zabii . That he lived in the Countrey of Vr in Chaldea , the Scripture assures us ; whence he wanted not opportunitie of communicating Knowledge in these and other things , to these Chaldeans as before . Batricides attributes the original of the Religion of these Zabii to the time of Nahor , which disagrees not with what has been laid down . I shall conclude this with the words of Learned Owen de Ortu Idol . l. 3. c. 4 , pag. 187. Sabaisme consisted in the worship of the Sun , Moon , and Stars : Hellenisme added the Daemon-worship ; the adoration of Images [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and pillars [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] was common to both : the beginning of Idolatrie was in Sabaisme or the worship of celestial bodies . § . 7. Besides the Zabii , there were other Sects of these Chaldeans : for some were called Orcheni , others Borsippeni . They were also distinguished by other names , as it often happens among Sects who have different apprehensions of the same things : of which see Strabo lib. 16. Amongst the Chaldeans , who writ in Greek touching Astrologie , Berosus gained the greatest repute , especially amongst the Greeks . Of whom Plinie lib. 7. cap. 37. gives this character . Berosus was famous for Astrologie ; to whom , for his Divine predictions , the Athenians gave a golden tongue , which was placed publickly in their Schole , as Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 1. § . 8. Besides the advantages , which the Chaldeans had from the first Patriarchs , Abraham , &c. without doubt , they received many Scripture Traditions , and much light touching the origine of the Universe , &c. from the Jewish Doctors , and Scholes , which were setled at Babylon , in the time of their Captivitie . That the Jews had Scholes in Babylon , Deodati has well observed on Psal . 137.1 . according to the French thus , Being near the Rivers of Babylon ] He has regard to certain Townes in Chaldea , mentioned in Histories , which were assigned to the captive Jews for their abode , in the which they had their Synagogues , Scholes , and places for the service of God ; which were nigh the River Euphrates , &c. thus Deod . To which Stillingfleet orig . sacr . l. 1. c. 3. addes , that In order to the spreading of sacred Scripture Traditions , the Jewish Church , which before the Captivitie was as an enclosed Garden was now thrown open , and many of the plants removed and set in forrain Countries , not only in Babylon , where even after their returne were left three famous Scholes of Learning Sora , Pompeditha , and Neharda , &c. By which it is evident what mighty advantages the Chaldeans had from the Jewish Church and Scholes for improvement in their Philosophie , at first received from the Patriarchs , Abraham , &c. And indeed whereas it 's said that Pythagoras , and Democritus , with others travelled into Chaldee , to acquaint themselves with the first principles of Philosophie , and that they received much of their Philosophie from the Chaldeans , why may we not by the Chaldeans understand the Jewish Church , and Scholes which were then setled in Chaldea , and under that Empire . CHAP. V. Of the Magi , Gymnosophistae , Druides and other Barbarick Philosophers . Of the Persick Philosophie preserved by the Magi , who were instituted by Zoroaster , with the origination of his name , &c. Of the Indian Gymnosophists , both Brachmanes , and Germanes . The Phrygian Philosophers . The African Philosophers , both 1 Atlantick or Lybick . 2 Ethiopick . The European Barbarick Philosophers , 1 In Scythia . 2 In Thracia . 3 In Spain . 4 Britannie , and Gallia , who were called Druides from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Oke ; in the Celtick Tongue deru , and in the Brittish drew . The Druides first in Britannie ; thence they translated their Sect and Discipline into Gallia . Their Academies , Degrees , Priviledges and Studies . Their Philosophie Natural , Moral , Medicine , Geographie , Astronomie , Magick , Their mode of philosophizing symbolick ; which they learned from the Phenicians , with their distinctive habits . Their Theologie , touching God , and the Souls immortalitie . Their Ecclesiastick Discipline , and Worship , by human sacrifices . Their names Taronides , Bard , Euates . Their Oke Religion from Abraham , &c. § . 1. HAving dispatched the Jewish , Egyptian , Phenician , and Chaldean Philosophie , we now proceed to the remaining Sects of the Barbarick Philosophers , both Easterne and , Westerne ; and shall begin with the Persians , who had a considerable repute for their Philosophie , from whom the Grecians received many things , especially such as referred to their Gods. Thus Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , tels us , that as Pythagoras received his Arithmetick from the Phenicians , his Geometrie from the Egyptians , his Astrologie from the Chaldeans , so also what appertained to the worship of the Gods , and to other Studies , which regard conversation , he learned from the Magi , or Persick Philosophers . So Plinie lib. 34. c. 37. testifies , that Democritus had recourse to them . Laertius tels us that Pyrrhus , the head of the Scepticks , and companion of Anaxarchus , had conversation with them . And Philostratus 5. de vita Apollonii informes us , that Apollonius Tyanaeus ( that great Magician , who is by the Heathens extolled above Christ for his miracles ) in his travels into India , made some stay in Persia , partly to visit the King , and partly to consider their Wisdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , studied by their Magi : with whom he conversed twice every day ; and being asked his judgement concerning them , he answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are wise men , but comprehend not all things . So Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 1. § . 7. These Magi were the Interpreters of Human , and Divine Laws ; and of so great reputation among the Persians , that as Cicero lib. 3. de Nat. Deor. writes , no one could attain to the Persian Empire , but he , who had been instructed in the Science , and Discipline of the Magi ; who taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and instructed their Kings in the mode of Government . So Apuleius , Apolog. informes us , that Magick is taught among the chief Regal Affairs ; neither was it permitted to any among the Persians rashly to undertake the office of a Magus , no more than that of a King. Neither were these Magi lesse prevalent in the Affairs of their Gods. Plato joins both their politick , and sacred capacitie together , Alcibiad . 1 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ sc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magick is a Ministerie of the Gods : it teacheth also things that appertain to the Regal Office. Lucian de Longaevis , saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Apollonius Tyanaeus Epist ad Euphrat . saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Magus is a Minister of the Gods ; which Porphyrie interprets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wise about sacreds , and ministring in the same . To which agrees that of Laertius lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Among the Persians the Magi , were Authors of Philosophie , who imployed themselves about the worship of the Gods. The like Suidas , who cals these Magi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 2. That the Magi were the Authors , and Preservers of the Persick Philosophie , is affirmed by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Sotion in his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As Laertius . These Magi are said to be instituted by Zoroaster . So Lud. Vives in Aug. civit . l. 8. c. 9. Thus Hornius Histor . philos . lib. 2. c. 6. Zoroaster therefore was the first most illustrious Doctor of Magie in Persia : neither did he deliver this Art by oral Tradition only , but also in large Writings , according to Plinie , and Aristotle . For he writ concerning it an hundred thousand Verses ; which Hermippus is said to illustrate by his Commentaries . There are yet extant certain , Geek Poems , which passe under the Inscription of Zoroaster's Chaldaick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are not unlike to Theognes's Sentences , yea in many things they resemble much the Sacred Scriptures . But Beza , and others justly suspect that these are but the spurious Comments of some Semi-Christian . Concerning the origination of Zoroaster's name , there are various opinions , but none more probable than that of Learned Bochart , who derives the name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contemplari and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Astrum , q. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for which Dinon in Persicis cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Soroaster , who is reputed the Founder of the Persick Philosophie , and Worship , was indeed but the Promoter of it : for the main of the Persian Rites and Wisdom , wherein their Magi were instructed , were traduced from the Zabii , or Chaldean Philosophers , with whom they agreed in the chief points of their Idolatrie , viz. in the worship of the Sun by Images , and kissing their hand , as Job 31.26 , 27. also in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or hearths , where they preserved their eternal fire , the Symbol of the Sun , Lev. 26 , 30. as before chap 4. § . 6. So Stillingfleet orig . sacr . book 1. c. 3. Hence probably the Rites of the Zabii are the same with those of the Chaldeans and Persians , who all agreed in this worship of the Sun , and of Fire , &c. Neither had the Persians only their Magi , but also the Medes , Parthians , and other neighbor Nations ; as Lucian de Longaevis , and Plinie cals the Arabian wise men Magi. One chief Philosopher amongst the Persians was Ochus the Phenician , who , as we may presume , instructed them in the Phenician , and so in the Jewish Wisdom . See Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 3. Austin , de civ . l. 8. c. 9. makes mention of the Indian Philosophers , and Lud. Vives on that place addes thus , The Indians had their Philosophers , whom they called the Brachmanes , of whose Life , and institutes Philostratus , in the Life of Apollonius , has given us many things , as Strabo , and such , who have written of the things done by Alexander . So Apuleius Florid. 15. The Brachmanes are the Wise men among the Indians . And Bardisanes Syrus in Euseb . lib. 6. praepar . Evang. cap. 8. gives us a more full account of them thus : Among the Indians , and Bactrians there are many thousand of men called Brachmanes· These , as well from the Tradition of their Fathers , as from Laws , neither worship Images , nor eat what is animate : they never drink Wine , or Beer : they are far from all Malignitie , attending wholly on God. These Brachmanes some derive from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Barac , he praised , or worshipped : Others make the name to be compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab rec the Father of the young King , as Onk●los and Rabbi Judas . Some of the Ancients make several Sects , or Societies of these Indian Philosophers , namely the Brachmanes , Gymnosophistae , Samanaei and Calani . The chief of the Brachmanes , and Samanaei is by Philostratus lib. 3. de vita Apollon . Tyan . called Iarcha . The Head of the Gymnosophists is , by Hieronymus , contra Jovin . named Buddas . But Vossius de philos . sectis l. 2. c. 1. tels us that the common Appellative of these Indian Philosophers was Gymnosophists , as Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Sotion in libris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Laertius ; as also Strabo , Clemens , Apul●ius , Solinus , &c. These Indian Gymnosophists were of two sorts some were called Brachmanes , as before , others Germanes . And amongst the Germanes some were called Hylobii , because they lived in Woods , for that 's the import of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To these the name Gymnosophists properly belonged . See Strabo l. 15. and Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Amongst the Brachmanes there was one named Buddas Preceptor to Manes the Persian , who was the Founder of this Sect , as Suidas , &c. These Brachmanes held a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Transmigration of Souls into Beasts , especially into Oxen. They held also the worlds Creation by God , and his Providence in governing of it . So Strabo lib. 15. of these Brachmanes saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. They agree with the Grecians in many things viz. touching the worlds production , and destruction , and that God is the Creator and Governer of it : which opinions of theirs , Owen questions not , but they had , by ancient Tradition , from the Church of God. Owen Theol. l. 1. c. 8. Hence , as we justly conjecture , from this cognation 'twixt these Indian Philosophers , and the Jews in some Divine Dogmes , sprang that mistake of Clearchus the Peripatetick , and Megasthenes , who thought the Brachmanes and Calani to be the same with the Jews . Of which see Euseb . l. 9. praep . c. 3. Amongst the Greeks , who resorted to these Indian Philosophers , we may reckon Democritus , so Aelian lib. 4. Var. Histor. and Laert. Also Pyrrho the Head of the Scepticks is said to have conversation with the Gymnosophists in Indiae as Laertius . Apollonius Tyanaeus , that great Pagan Antichrist , is said to have spent much conversation among these Indian Philosophers . Eusebius contra Hieroclem l. 5. brings him in thus characterizing of them : The Indians , contracting Philosophie for the greatest advantage , comprehend it in the Divine and sublime Nature . These truly I have greatly admired , and esteem them blessed , and wise . By which it appears that their Philosophie was mostly Theologick . Apulcius Florid. l. 5. saies , that the Philosophie of the Brachmanes was composed of many severals : viz. what were the documents of Souls , what the exercitaments of Bodies , what the parts of the Mind , what the turnes of Life , and what were the Torments , and Rewards , which the Gods appointed to all , according to their Merits . § . 4. Amongst the Asiatick Philosophers we might reckon the Phrygians , who had also their Philosophie , which had been better known to us , if Democritus's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Laertius makes mention of lib. 9. were extant . Concerning their Theologie see Diodorus Siculus , and Eusebius : so Vossius . § . 5. We now proceed to the African Philosophie ; and passing by the Egyptian , of which we have already treated , we shall begin 1. with the Atlantick or Lybick Philosophers , of which Lud. Vives , in August . civ . l. 8. c. 9. thus speaks ; The Atlanticks inhabit the places in Africa bordering on the Ocean , whose ancient King was Atlas , the brother of Saturne , and son of the Heaven , who being a great Astronomer ( whence he was said to bear up the Heavens ) taught his son Hesperus , and others of his kindred , and people , the same Art : from whom this Science of Astronomie crept into the inner Lybia ; where also Hercules philosophized . By which it seems most probable that the Atlanticks , and Lybicks received their Philosophie from the Phenicians ; for Hercules , as it s well known , was a Phenician ; and so , I doubt not , was Atlas . Also Laertius , in his Preface makes mention of Atlas the Lybian , amongst the ancient Philosophers . And Diodor. Siculus l. 4. reckons up some fables concerning the Gods , which these Atlantick Philosophers held . Atlas is said to bring Astronomie out of Lybia into Greece , whereof Orion is said to be the first Author in Baeotia , whence the Star Orion received its name : so Carion . Chron. lib. 2. But Bochart makes Atlas the same with Enoch as before chap. 1. §. 7 . V●ssius tels us ( de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 2. ) That the Lybick Philosophie came from Atlas , especially Astrologie , whence Atlas is said to hold up Heaven with his shoulders , and the mountain called Atlas received its name from him , &c. Plin. l. 7. c. 56 , 2. The Ethiopians also had their Philosophers called Gymnosophists , so Jerom l. 4. in Ezech. cap. 13. makes mention of these Ethiopian Gymnosophists , who received both their Name , and Philosophie from India , as Philostratus in the Life of Apollonius lib. 6. Touching the Ethiopick Philosophie , and its Traduction from the Mosaick , we have this particular account in Hornius , Histor . Philosoph . lib. 2. c. 8. Touching the Philosophie of the Ethiopians , little is mentioned by Antiquitie ; and what has been mentioned , is well nigh all lost , by the iniquitie of the times . But this is certain , that they received all their Divine , & Human Dogmes from the Egyptians . Whence their very names were confused . For the Romans called the Ethiopians Egyptians ; because indeed they descended from Egypt . Moreover there is no doubt to be made of it , but that they drew somewhat of more sound Wisdom from Moses . § . 6. Amongst the European Barbarick Philosophers we shall first mention the Scythians ( who according to their ancient bounds lay partly in Asia , partly in Europe ) of whom August . Civit. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention , and Lud Vives on that place speaks thus . The Scythians in times past philosophized and contended with the Egyptians touching their Antiquitie . They are a people stout , simple , and just , ignorant of vice , and malice , and got that by their natural ingenie , which the Grecians could not attain unto by all their magnifick and illustrious Sciences : see Justin l. 2. § . 7. But we passe on to the Thracians , who had anciently a great repute for Philosophie , which some think , they owed to Zamolxis a Thracian ( whom some make the servant of Pythagoras ) but others derive their Philosophie from the Grecians , as Laertius lib. 8. What the Philosophie of the Thracians was , may be known by the Doctrine of Orpheus , who was a Thracian . Many Anciently writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Poems according to the Doctrine of Orpheus , of which see Suidas in Orpheus's Philosophie ( delivered in Poesie ) which was chiefly Moral , and Theologick ; for by his Musick , and Rhetorick , he had so great a power on the Thracians , to civilize them , as that he was said to have drawn Trees and Beasts . Justin Martyr cals him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first master of Polytheisme , or multiplicitie of Gods ; which he brought from Egypt , with many superstitious Ceremonies and Vsages , and set them up amongst the Thracians , and Macedonians , &c. see more in our relation of Orpheus Part 1. B 3. C. 1. § . 5. § . 8. But to come to our Westerne Philosophers ; and firstly the Spaniards ; of whom Aust de Civ . Dei l. 8. c 9. makes mention ; and Lud. Vives on him speaks thus . In Spain , before the veins of Gold and Silver were found out , and Wars begun , there were many Philosophers ; and the people lived holy and quiet lives , being every where governed by such Magistrates , as were men most excellent for Learning and Probitie : Their affairs were transacted according to Justice , and Equitie , not by the number of Laws : and if any were written , 't was principally amongst the Turdetans , in the most ancient times . There were scarce any quarrels or controversies amongst the people : and all the disputes were touching Emulation of Virtue , the nature of the Gods , the reason of Nature ( or Natural Philosophie ) of good manners ( or Morals ) which their Learned men , on stated daies , publickly disputed of , the women also being present . But when the mountains , bigge with metals , brought forth Gold , and Silver , men began to admire this new matter . Hence the Phenicians , who sailed far and near , for lucre sake , traded here , and drew multitudes of men , from Asia and Greece hither , who taught us the Grecian , and Asiatick Vices : there remain yet some few fragments of our Antiquities in Greek and Latin , whence I hope in time to illustrate the Origine of my Nation . Thus Lud. Vives . That the Phenicians brought into Spain , with their Colonies , not only the Phenician Letters , but also Sciences , and Philosophie , we have reason to believe by what has been before asserted out of Bochart , &c. Part 1. B. 1. C. 5. § . 9 We shall conclude this Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie with that in use among the old Britains , and Gauls , whose Philosophers are by Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 12. reduced to two Sects , the Bardi , and Druides . The Bardi were an inferior sort of Philosophers , and for the most part Poets , according to that of Lucan . l. 1. Plurima securi fudisti carmina Bardi ! Who notwithstanding , as the ancient Greek Poets , arrogated to themselves no smal reputation for Wisdom . But the Druides were accounted the more worthy , yea almost Divine Philosophers , and obtained no small Autoritie among the people . These Druides , who in ancient times philosophized amongst the old Britans and Gauls , and were indeed a peculiar and distinct Sect of Philosophers , differing from all the world besides , both in their mode of philosophizing , as also in their Religious Rites , and Mysteries : yet we may not doubt , but that they received much of their Philosophie , as well as Theologie from the Ph●nicians , who traded amongst them , as before . As for the name Druides , Plinie l. 16. c. 44. deduceth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from an Oke : For , saith he , the Druides have nothing more sacred than an Oke . Even now , they of themselves chose groves of Okes ; neither do they performe any Sacreds , without that leaf ; so that hence they seem to be called , according to the Greek interpretation , Druides . Bochart ( Canaan lib. 4. c. 42. ) assents to this Origination of Plinie ; to which he addes Neither is it to be wondred that the Druides were so called from this Greek name , when as an Oke amongst the Celtae , was called Deru . The Britains in England write drew ( so Drewstenton in Devon ) and our Countrey men deru . That Drewstenton , and names of like sound , came from these Druides , 't is not without probabilitie Vossius de Orig. & Progr . Idolotr . l. 1. c. 35. thinks that the name Druides ought rather to be fetcht from the Celtick name deru . So Dickins●n . Druidum origo p. 35. I assent most to them who fetch the Druides from the Celtick name Deru , i. e. an Oke ; which the Cambro-Britains or Welch to this day call Drew . And I am so far from believing that the Druides were so called at first from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that I rather think 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was formed out of the Celtick deru . § . 10. This Sect of the Druides began first in our Countrey of Britannie ; and hence it was translated into Gallia . Thus Caesar de Bello Gall. lib. 6. Their Discipline , saies he , was first found out in Britannie , and thence translated into Gallia , according to the common opinion . The like Bochart acknowledgeth . Can. l. 1. c. 42. These Druides instituted their Academies , for the promoting of Learning , in Groves ; in which tbey had their Scholes filled with studious youth ; so Caesar , also Mela l. 3. c. 11. They spent twenty years , before they were admitted to the degree of Doctor . That which allured them to studie , was the many privileges of their Students , and the great Authoritie their ancient Doctors obtained . So Caesar lib. 6. tels us , that the Druides were exempted from War , and paying Tribute . The which privileges are still continued in our Vniversities . As for the method of their Studies , the same Caesar tels us , they were wont to get by heart a great number of verses . They affected various , and almost all kinds of Philosophie . Strabo l , 4. relates , that , besides the Science of natural causes , they were also exercised in Moral Philosophie . And Plinie lib. 3. c. 1. makes them to be skilled in Medicine , and Magick . Touching their Skill in Moral Philosophie or Ethicks , Diogenes Laertius , in the Proeme to his Book , gives us this account ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · And they say the Druides were wont to philosophize enigmatically , that the Gods were to be worshipped , that no evil was to be done , that fortitude was to be embraced . By which also we learn , that the mode , or manner of their philosophizing was symbolick , or enigmatick ; which , we need no way doubt , they learned from the Phenicians ( as these had it from the Jews ) . Hence their famous symbolick Image of Hercules Ogmius , who was a Phenician , as Bochart proves at large Can. l. 1. c. 42. The Gauls , saies he , called Hercules Ogmius , as Lucian in Hercul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ogmion , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agemion , a stranger , so in the Arabick : Namely because Hercules came from Phaenicia , or Africa , or the Gades , and after his many and great Labours arrived amongst the Gauls ; thence his picture in Lucian Hercul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. a decrepit bald old man , Gray , and wrinkled , as old Mariners , &c. Farther , that these Druides were skilled in Geographie , Astronomie , and Natural Philosophie , we have the testimonies both of Caesar , and Mela. Caesar Comment l. 6. speaks thus of them : They dispute , and teach their Scholars many things touching the Stars , and their motion ; also concerning the Magnitude of the Vniverse , the nature of things , the force , and power of the Immortal Gods. Mela lib. 3 , cap. 2. saies , that the Gauls have their Masters of Eloquence , and Wisdom from the Druides . These professe they know the magnitude , and forme of the earth , and world ▪ they teach many Noble persons of their Nation privately . One thing which they commonly teach is , that Souls are eternal . As for their habit , it was ( as in our Universities ) distinctive and peculiar , thereby to gain the veneration of the people . In their sacred Offices they used a white Vestment ( answerable to the Jewish Ephod ) as we are informed by Plinie lib. 6 cap. ultimo . They also gave themselves to the studie of Eloquence ▪ so M●la l. 3. as before . Caesar addes farther concerning these Druides , That they learnt by heart a great number of Verses : Therefore some of them continued twenty years in studie . Neither did they conceive it meet , to commit their studies to writing , whereas in other affairs , both publick , and private , they used the Greek Letters . § . 11. But these Druides had a special vogue for their Theologie , wherein they taught many things peculiar , and some things excellent , as Owen Theol l. 3. c. 11. particularly they asserted the immortaltie of the Soul ▪ so Strabo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the like Caesar . The Druides held also a Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls , which some conceive they received from the Pythogoreans , as these derived it from the Jews , as Selden Jan. Anglor . l. 1. p. 22. Strabo also tels us , that they held the World should be at last destroyed by Fire : which , without doubt , they had from some Jewish or Phenician Tradition . They taught also that one God was to be worshipped , as Origen on Ezech. 4. This one God was the Sun ; to whom the Moon was added , which was worshipped by the Women . § . 12. As for their Ecclesiastick Discipline ; they being many , reduced themselves unto a Hierarchie , under one President , who ruled them all . So Caesar , and out of him Selden Jani Anglorum l. 1. p. 18. The Druides have one presiding over them , who holds the supreme Autoritie amongst them . This being dead , he that excels most , succeeds in his Dignitie ; but if there be many equal , they choose by suffrage . And to strengthen this their Imperial Autoritie , they made use of a politick religious excommunication , as Caesar , and Grotius , de Imper. summ . p●test . of excommunication . Thus Selden , Jani Angl. p. 17. ( out of Caesar ) If any private person or people amongst them ▪ submit not to their Decree , they excommunicate him from their Sacrifices . This is amongst them the higehst punishment . They , who are thus interdicted , are esteemed in the number of the most impious , and wicked ; all separate from them , they avoid any conversation , or discourse with them , lest they should receive dammage from their Contagion . Neither is the Law open for such , neither is any Honor given to them . The same Caesar tels us , that they had so much Autoritie amongst the people , that they determined almost all controversies , both publick and private . So Selden Jan. Angl. lib. 1. They determine all controversies , both publick and private . If there be any crime committed , if any murder done , if there be any controversie about inheritance , or bounds , the same decree , and constitute rewards and punishments . Hence we may gather whence the mysterie of iniquitie gathered much of its power . § . 13. As to Rites and Worship , the main Sacrifices of the Druides was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Human Sacrifice : whereof there were 2 sorts , the one private ; when any sacrificed himself , or another , for some others safety : the other publick , not unlike that which the Phenicians offered to their Molec ; from whom , we have reason enough to persuade us , these Druides received this , as other Rites . By reason of these cruel inhuman human Sacrifices the Romans endeavored , though in vain , to take away all their superstitious worship ; as Strabo de Gallis lib 4. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11. We have a good , though brief account of these Druides in Lud. Vives on August . Civ . l. 8. c. 9. There were , saies he , amongst the Gauls , the Druides , as Caesar l. 8 , who were Priests , Poets , Philosophers , and Divines ; whom they called Saronides , as Diodorus l. 6. They had also their Diviners , to whom the people referred their affairs . Neither was there any Sacrifice performed without a Philosopher , i. e. one skilled in the Divine Nature : by whose advice all things , at home and abroad , were administred . That the Druides were Philosophers , Strabo l. 4. relates . That the Saronides were the same with the Druides Bochart ( Can. l. 1. c. 42. ) proves out of Diodorus l. 5. These Philosophers , and Divines , saith he , were in great veneration amongst them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom they call Saronides : which name has the same origination with that of the Druides , namely from an Oke ; which anciently was by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus Plinie lib. 4 : c. 5. And Hesychius cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Okes having an hiatus , by reason of their antiquitie . So Callimachus in his hymne on Jupiter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where the Scholiast renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Okes. Caesar l. 6. comprehends all the wise men of the Gauls under the name of Druides : so Cicero 1. de Divinatione . But Strabo divides them into 3 sorts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Bardi , the Euates , and the Druides : the Bardi , addes he , were Singers , and Poets : the Euates , Priests , and Physiologists : the Druides ( especially so called ) to Physiologie added Moral Philosophie . The like Marcellinus lib. 15. as Vossius de Philos . sect . l. 2. c. 3. § . 6. § . 14. Now that the Druides derived much of their Philosophie from the Mosaick Historie is farther evidenced from that of Learned Dickinson , Druidum Origo ( at the end of his Delphi Pheniciz . ) pag. 36. Farther , thou mayest demand whence this Oke Religion ( of the Druides ) sprang ? namely from the Okes of Mamre : under which , in times past , those holy men ( in whose hands the administration of Divine Service and Worship was ) lived most devoutly : the shadow of which Okes afforded an house to Abraham , and a Temple to God. This I sucked from the Dugs of Truth , namely from the sacred Scriptures ▪ Abraham dwelt ( saith the Hagiographer Gen 13.18 . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in , or ( as the Arabick has it ) among the Okes of Mamre . Which the Lxx renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ch . 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Under which Oke he fixed his Tabernacle , erected an Altar , and offered to the Lord Calves , Goats , Rams , and other Sacrifices of like kind ; and performed all Sacerdotal Offices . Yea under this tree he entertained God himself , together with Angels . He here had conference with God , and entred into covenant with him , and was blessed of him . These are indeed admirable praeconia of Okes. Lo the Oke Priests ! Lo the Patriarchs of the Druides ! For from these sprang the Sect of the Druides , which reached up at least , as high as Abraham's time ( for they report that the Druides Colleges flourished in the time of Hermio , who was King of the Germans , immediately after the death of Abraham ) . For because this holy man and Priest , Abraham lived under Okes , and enjoyed God for his companion , performing worship to him , our Divines ( the Druides ) from this so famous example , chose Groves of Okes for their Religious Services , &c. See more of the Druides , their Doctrine , and Rites , Caesar Com. l. 6. Strabo l. 4. Diodor. l. 5. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11. BOOK II. The Original of the Ionick , but chiefly of the Italick , or Pythagorick Philosophie . CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Jewish Church proved by Universal Consent . The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia . That the Grecian Philosophie was originally traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , is proved by Testimonies . 1. Of Heathens , and Grecians themselves , Plato , Numenius , Hermippus . 2. Of Jews , Aristobulus , Josephus . 3. Of the Fathers , Tertullian , Justin Martyr , Minucius Foelix , Clemens Alexandrinus , Eusebius , Theodoret ; as also Joh : Grammaticus . 4. Moderne Papists , Steuchus , Eugubinus , Justinianus on Joh. 1.1 . 5. Forreign Protestant Divines , and learned men , Serranus , Julius and Joseph Scaliger , Vossius , Heinsius , Hornius , Bochart , Grotius , Diodate . 6. The Testimonies of English Writers , Jackson , Usher , Richardson , Preston , Sir Walter Raghley , Owen , Hammond , Stillingfleet , Mede , Cudworth , Selden , Dickinson , &c. § . 1. HAving finished our Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie , and Philosophers , we now proceed to the Grecian ; which owes its original to the former . So much Plato in his Cratylus ( and else where ) acknowledgeth , that they received their Learning from the Barbarians , and Ancients ▪ who lived near the Gods , &c : so Clemens Alexandr : lib. 1. saies , that Philosophie , a thing variously useful , in times past shined from Nation to Nation amongst the Barbarians ; whence afterward it came into Greece . What these Barbarick Nations were , from whom the Grecians received their Philosophie , has been already B. 1. Ch. 4. § . 1. demonstrated : and it will be farther evident by what follows in the enumeration of particulars ; how Thales had recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia for his Philosophie , Ph●recydes to Phaenicia for his ; Pythagoras to Phaenicia , Egypt , and Chaldea for his ; Socrates and his Scholar Plato , traduced theirs from Egypt , and Phaenicia : Solon his Laws from Egypt , and Zeno his Morals from Phaenicia : As Democritus , and Epicurus their Atomes from Mochus : And Aristotle his Natural Philosophie of the first principles , matter , forme , and privation , &c. from Sanchoniathon's Historie of the Creation : of each whereof in its respective place . At present , we shall only endeavor some general demonstration , that the Grecians traduced the chiefest part , if not the whole of their Philosophie originally from the Scriptures , either by personal conversation with the Jews , or Traditions from them ; which they gleaned up in Egypt , Phaenicia , and Chaldea , &c. § . 2. That the Egyptians , Phenicians , and Chaldeans received their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures ; we have , in the former Book , endeavoured to prove , both as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which might suffice to make good our position , on this supposition ( which is universally granted , and shall be hereafter proved ) that the Grecians received their Philosophie from these aforementioned Egyptians , Phenicians , and Chaldeans . But to make our demonstration more valid , we shall give some more immediate ( though at present only general and inartificial ) proofs , that the Grecian Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Church and Scriptures . And we shall begin with the Testimonies of the Grecian Philosophers themselves , Plato , with others . Plato in his Gratylus tels us plainly , that they ( the Grecians ) received their Learning from the Barbarians , who were more ancient than themselves . These Barbarians , Clemens Alexandrinus , Justin Martyr , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus understand to be the Jews ( as before ) whose name Plato conceled , thereby to avoid the envy of the people ( who were professed enemies of the Jews , and their Religion ) as also to gain the more credit to himself . But Plato , in his Philebus , speaks more plainly to this purpose , acknowledging , that the report or tradition he had received of the Vnitie of God , as to his Essence , and pluralitie of persons , and Decrees , was from the Ancients , who dwelt nearer the Gods , and were better than they ( the Grecians ) . Who certainly could be no other than the Patriarchs , and Jewish Church , from whom all those Traditions , touching the Vnitie of God , and Pluralitie of persons , and Decrees , were traduced . Whence also Plato acknowledgeth , that the best , and surest course to prove the immortalitie of the Soul was by some Divine Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in his Phaedo . The like he acknowledgeth elsewhere , that he received his knowledge of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or providence governing the World , from the wise , i. e. as 't is conceived , the Jews . And Serranus , in his Preface to Plato does confidently affirme , that Plato received his symbolick Philosophie from the Jews , i. e. from the Doctrine of Moses , and the Prophets ; as all the learned , and ancient Christian Doctors have judged ; though he industriously avoided the naming of the Jews , which was odious . We have also the Testimonies of other Pagan Philosophers concurring herein ; as that famous saying of Numenius the Pythagorean , what is Plato , but Moses Atticizing ? Also that of Hermippus , a most diligent , and ancient Writer of Pythagoras's Life , who plainly affirmes ( as Josephus contra Ap. lib. 1. ) that Pythagoras translated many things out of the Jewish Institutes , into his own Philosophie . So Aristotle , in his Books of Politicks , makes mention of many things taken out of the ancient Lawgivers , which exactly suit with Moses's Laws , as Cunaeus observes . Thus Diogenes Laertius in his Proeme to the Lives of the Philosophers begins with these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Some affirme that Philosophie had its origine from the Barbarians . That by the Barbarians must be understood ( inclusively , if not exclusively ) the Jews , is affirmed by Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , and others , as in what immediately precedes § . 2. Thus Steuchus Eugubinus de peren . Philosoph . l. 1. c. 12. whence it is manifest that the Philosophers thought , and spake those things , which they had learned from the Barbarians . The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans , Egyptians , and , whom we ought to place in the first rank , the Hebrews . § . 3. We may adde hereto the Testimonies of Jews ; as that of Aristobulus , the Egyptian Jew , affirming , that Pythagoras translated many of his opinions out of the Jewish Discipline . The like he affirmes of Plato , as Euseb praep . Evang. l. 9. c. 6. and Clemens Alexand. Strom. 1. who also Strom. 5. saies , that Aristobulus affirmed the same of the Peripatetick Philosophie , viz. that it depended on Moses's Law , and other of the Prophets . Josephus l. 1 contra Apion . saies of Pythagoras , that he did not only understand the Jewish Discipline , but also embraced many things therein ; Whence he gives this character of him , out of Hermippus , who writ his life , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was an Imitator of the Jewish Opinions . So the same Josephus Antiq. l. 11. c. 2. brings in Demetrius Phalereus , commending the Law of Moses , and giving this reason , why their Heathen Poets , and Historians made no mention of this Law ; because ( saith he ) it being holy , ought not to be delivered by a profane mouth . It s true the Jews mixed with these their relations many sigments , yet this notwithstanding is sufficiently manifest hence , that they had a strong and fixed persuasion , that the Grecanick Philosophie was traduced from them and their Sacred Oracles ; as Learned Selden has observed de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. c. 2. § . 4. If we consult the Memoires of Christians , both Ancient , and Moderne , we shall find abundant Testimonies conspiring to make good this Assertion , that the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church . Amongst the Ancients we have Tertullian Apol. c. 17. who of the Poets , saies he , who of the Sophists was there , who did not drink of the Prophets fountain ? Hence therefore the Philosophers quenched the thirst of their ingenie . Thus Justin Martyr in his Paraenesis to the Greeks , sheweth , how Orpheus , Pythagoras , Plato , Homer , &c. borrowed many things from Moses : and he does industriously prove the Noveltie of the Grecian Philosophie , out of Polemo , Apion , Ptolemaeus Mendisius , Philocrates , and others . So Minucius in Octavius : The Philosophers , saies he , have imitated some shadow of interpolated Truth from the Divine predictions of the Prophets . So Clemens Alexandrinus , in his exhortation to the Gentiles , speaks thus : O Plato what ever good Laws are afforded thee of God , &c. thou hadst from the Hebrews ; and else where Strom. 1. he cals Plato the Philosopher , who derived what he had from the Hebrews , and he speaks this universally of the Philosophers , that before the coming of Christ , the Philosophers took part of the truth from the Hebrew Prophets , though they acknowledged not the same , but attributed it to themselves as their sentiments or opinions ; and thence some things they adulterated ; and other things they did by a needles diligence unlearnedly , yet as seeming wise , declare ; but other things they invented . Thus Clemens . Eusebius tels us , that Pythagoras , and Plato translated the Learning of the Jews , and Egyptians into Greek . The like Euseb . praepar . l. 9. c. 1. The most Illustrious of the Greeks , were not altogether ignorant of the Judaick Philosophie : some by their Writings , seem to approve their manner of life , others followed their Theologie , so far , as they were able . Thus again Euseb . praepar . l. 10. c. 2. & praefat . in lib. 5. The Grecians like Merchants fetcht their Disciplines from else where . So Theodoret l. 2. de Curand . Graec. affect . saies that Anaxagoras , Pythagoras , and Plato gathered many riddles , or dark sayings of God , from the Egyptians , and Hebrews . The like is affirmed of Justin Martyr , Ambrose , Augustin , and Jerom , as Justinianus in 1. Joh. 1.1 . and Selden de Jur. Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. have observed . And Johannes Grammaticus ( called otherwise Philoponus ) speaks affirmatively to this point : so de mundi Creatione lib. 1. cap 2. pag. 4. he tels us , that Plato , in expounding the production of the world by God , imitates Moses in many things . The like he affirmes de mundi creatione lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 24● . what Moses , saies he , said of Man , that God made him after his own image , Plato translates to all things in the world , whence he stiled the world a sensible Image of the intellectual God. But of this more in its place . § . 5. As for Moderne Writers we have a cloud of witnesses , and those of the most Learned , and that both of Papists , and Protestants , who have given assent and consent to this our conclusion , touching the traduction of Grecian Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . Amongst the Papists we might mention Brietius , in his Geographie . Mariana on Genes . 1. also Ludovicus Vives upon August . de civ . Dei , & de veritate , &c. of whom else where : we shall at present content our selves with the Testimonie of one or two of the most learned amongst them . August . Steuchus Eugubinus , De Peren. Philosophia lib. 1. cap. 1. treating of the Succession of Doctrine from the beginning of the world , begins thus : As there is one Principle of all things , so also there has been one and the same Science of him at all times , amongst all , as both Reason , and Monuments of many Nations , and Letters testifie . This Science springing partly from the first origine of men , has been devolved through all Ages unto Posteritie , &c. Thence he proceeds to shew the Modus , how this Philosophie was derived from hand to hand , in all Ages . The most true Supputation of Times proves , that Methusalem lived , and might converse with Adam , as Noah , with Methusalem . Therefore Noah saw , and heard all things before the Floud . Moreover before Noah died , Abraham was fifty years aged . Neither may we conceive , that this most pious man , and his holy Seed would concele from Abraham ( who they foresaw would prove most holy , and the Head of the pious Nation ) things of so great Moment , & so worthy to be commemorated . Therefore from this most true cause it is most equal , that the great Science of Divine and human Affairs should be deduced unto following Ages greatly overcome with Barbarisme , &c. Thence having explicated how Philosophie was handed down even to Moses's time , the same Eugubinus addes : Therefore that there has been one , and the same Wisdom alwaies in all men , we endeavor to persuade , not only by these reasons . but also by those many , and great examples , whereby we behold some Vestigia of the truth scattered throughout all Nations , which Moses in his books long since held forth to be beheld as in a glasse a far off . So in what follows he saies , That Sapience also , besides what the ancient Colonies brought with them , passed from the Chaldeans to the Hebrews , except what Moses writ , which passed from the Hebrews to the Egyptians , from these to the Grecians , from the Grecians to the Romans . For Abraham was a Chaldean , in whose family the ancient Theologie , and the Traditions of the Fathers , whereof he was Heir ( as it was most equal ) remained . All these things being reteined by Noah , and his Sons , were seen and heard by Abraham : he declared them to his Son , & Grandchild : from Jacob they passed unto posteritie . Whence also flowed the Pietie , and Sapience of Job , who in no regard came short of the Pietie , and Sapience of the Hebrews . Canst thou conceit , that he , who was most ancient , even in Abraham's daies , saw not Noah , and heard him not discoursing ? Hence the same Eugubinus cap. 2 having divided Philosophie into 3 parts , the first conveyed by Succession from Adam to Moses ; the second corrupted by the Philosophers , the third restored by the Sacred Scriptures : of this last he concludes thus : At last the third kind of Philosophie shone forth , scattering by its Brightnes all the darknesses of the former , not conteining it self in one place , but by its beams filling the Universe , &c. Justinianus on the first Epistle of John c. 1. v. 1. having given us a large account of the Jewish Traditions , scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers , touching the Divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Word , concludes thus : Truely many things have been taken up by the Philosophers , and Poets from Moses's Law , which they depraved , changed , and wrested : as touching the Chaos , the Giants War , the Floud ; and many other things , as we learn out of Augustin de civ . dei l. 8. c. 11. and lib. 18. c. 37. And it is likely that in the same manner they corrupted those traditions , they had received touching the Divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his generation , & so taught , that those Persons differed in nature , which ( according to the word of God ) differ only in Hypostasis , or manner of subsisting , &c. § . 6. But none have given a more full Explication , and Demonstration of this our Assertion , than the learned Protestants , as well Divines as Philologists , of this last Age. Amongst whom we may mention P. Melancthon in his Preface , and additions to Carion . Serranus ( that learned Philologist , as well as Divine ) in his Preface to , and Annotations on Plato almost every where asserts our conclusion ; as we shall have frequent occasion to shew . The like doth Julius Scaliger , that great Philosopher , as well as Critick ; and Joseph Scaliger his Son more fully in his Notes on Esebius's Chronicon , gives testimonie to , and proof of this Assertion . The same does learned Vossius in his excellent Treatise of Idolatrie ; as also in that de Philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 1 , &c. as hereafter . Heinsius has a Discourse professedly on this Subject . But Learned Bochart ( that rich Antiquarie , and Philologist ) has given an incomparable advance , and light to this Notion , from whom , I thankfully acknowledge , I have received great assistance in this undertaking , both by personal conference with him , and also from his elaborate Works ; especially his Geographia Sacra . Grotius also ( from whom I received the first hints of this Assertion ) doth positively affirme the same ; as on Mat. 24.38 . but especially in his book de Veritate Religionis , as else where . Hornius Hist . Philos . lib. 3. cap. 1. speaks categorically thus : The most famous of the Grecians deliver , that Philosophie flow'd from the Barbarians to the Grecians . Plato in Epinom . Cratylo , Philibo . Manetho in Josephus against Apion . Whence they so frequently , and so honorably mention , the Phenicians , Chaldeans , Egyptians , who were all instructed by the Hebrews . Whence also it was so solemne a thing for the most ancient Grecian Philosophers to travel into the Oriental parts . Whence sprang the mutual commerces , and common studies betwixt the Grecians , and Egyptians . Whence he concludes , that Philosophie was not borne but educated in Greece : for the most ancient wise men of Greece brought Philosophie thither from the East , &c. We have also the Testimonie of Dioda●e , Amirault , and Daillè , &c. of whom in their place . § . 7. To come to the Testimonies of our English Divines and learned men . Jackson of the Authoritie of the Scriptures ( last Edit . in Polio ) pag. 27 , 34 , 47 , 49 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , &c. largely proves this our Assertion , touching the Traduction of Philosophie from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church . And withall gives account of the manner , how it was traduced ; of which else where . Learned and pious Vsher asserts the same of Pythagoras his Philosophie , as it will appear in his Life , &c. Thus great Richardson , in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables , Table 5. MSS. treating of the first Matter saies , that Aristotle received it from Plato , and he from the Egyptians , as these from the Jews . Preston makes use of this Principle as a main Argument to prove the Divine Original , and Authoritie of the Scriptures , as before . Sir Walter Ralegh , in his Historie of the World ( Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 6. § . 7. ) affirmes Categorically that the wiser of the ancient Heathens , viz. Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had their opinions of God from the Jews , and Scripture ; though they durst not discover so much : as in what follows , of Platonick Philosophie . Owen in his learned Discourse of Gentile Theologie ( which I must confesse , has given me much light , and confirmation herein ) does frequently assert the same Conclusion . The same is often , and strongly maintain'd by the Learned Stillingfleet in his Origines Sacrae , it being indeed one chief medium , he much insists on , to prove the Autoritie of the Scriptures . We have also the Testimonies of Mede , Hammond , and Cudworth for confirmation hereof ; as good Essayes , and Discourses on this subject , by Duport on Homer , Bogan's Homerus Hebraïzans , and Dickinson's Delphi Phoenicizantes ; &c. But amongst our English learned Men , none have given us more ample Testimonies to confirme our assertion , than famous Selden , in his elaborate book de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. cap. 2. where , saies he , Touching the famous custome of the ancient Philosophers before Christ , to consult , and hear the Hebrews , we have many Testimonies , both of Jews themselves , of Christian Fathers , and of Pagan Writers ; which he cites at large in what follows . CHAP. II. Of Mythologick Philosophie its Traduction from the Jews . Of Mythologick Philosophie in general , and 1. particularly of the Poetick , and fabulous . How the Greeks disguised Oriental Traditions by Fables . Of the use and abuse of Fables and Parables . 2. Of Symbolick or Enigmatick Philosophie , and its traduction from the Jewish Types , Symbols , and Enigmes . 3. Of the Metaphorick , and Allegorick mode of philosophi●ing by Plato , and its descent originally from the Jews . Mat. 13.3 . The Matter also of Mythologick Philosophie from Gods sacred Word , and Works . The Causes of Mythologick Philosophie . 1. Ignorance of the Hebrew . 2. Of the Matter of their Traditions , or Jewish Mysteries . 3. Of the Forme of Jewish Doctrines . 4. Of the Traditions . 2 d Cause was Admiration of the wonders of God brokenly reported to them . 3. Imitation another cause , concerning which Plato has excellent Discourses touching the Subject , Object , Effect , Uses , and Abuses of Imitation in Symbolick Philosophie . 4. Curiosity , and affectation of Novelty Act. 17.21 . 5. Pride , and self advancement . 6. Inclination to Idolatrie . 7. Carnal Policie to avoid the peoples hatred . A general Conclusion that all Philosophie , even Aristotle's it self , as to its Matter , was traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . § . 1. THat the Grecian Philosophers received the choisest of their Philosophick Contemplations from the Jewish Church , and Divine Revelation , we have already endeavored some inartificial demonstration , as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thereof : we now proceed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to demonstrate the same from the several causes from whence ; and wales by which the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures . And to make this good , we shall first run thorough the sundry kinds and modes of Grecian Philosophie , and thence proceed to their several Sects of Philosophers . The first great mode or way of the Greeks philosophizing was Mythologick and Symbolick , of which we are now to treat , with endeavors to demonstrate how , that both as to matter and forme , they traduced it from the Jewish Church . § . 2. That the first Grecian Philosophie was Mythologick and Symbolick , will be easily granted by any versed in those Antiquities . So Diodorus Siculus lib. 4. makes mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ancient Mythologie , which he also calls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , old fables ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mythick Historie . This Aristotle , in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks , cals Philomythie : for , saith he , a Philosopher is in some sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Philomyther , or Lover of fabulous Traditions . Strabo lib. 11. makes mention of this ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that which gained little credit in the world . Which Proclus on Plato's Theologie l. 1. c. 4. cals Symbolick Philosophie . But to speak distinctly and properly , we may distinguish Mythologick Philosophie ( or Philosophick Mythologie ) into these severals , 1. Mythologick strictly taken , or Parabolick . 2. Hieroglyphick , Symbolick , or Enigmatick . 3. Metaphorick , and Allegorick : The difference betwixt these several modes of philosophizing is this : The Mythologick ( which the Scripture cals the Parabolick ) is the couching of Philosophick Principles , and Mysteries under some fabulous narration , or feigned storie : the Symbolick is the wrapping up of Natural Principles , or Moral Precepts under certain Symbols , Hieroglyphicks , sensible Images , or obscure Enigmes and Riddles : Metaphorick , and Allegorick is the expressing things , either under a naked single Similitude , which belongs to Metaphors ; or by a Series of Metaphors , which belongs to Allegories , &c. see Diodate on Mat. 13.3 . § , 3. To begin with Mythologick Philosophie , strictly so taken , called , in Scripture Phrasiologie , Parabolick , which was , as to order of time , the first , taken up by the Grecian Poets , and after embraced by some of their Philosophers . The chief Grecian Poets who traded in this kind of Mythick , or Fabulous Philosophie , were 1. Orpheus ; who is supposed to have been the most Ancient of the Poets , and equal with their Gods ; insomuch as he is said to have sailed among the Argonats , with Hercules , and the Tyndarides ; as Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. They say he was a Thracian by birth ; but his Philosophie he gained in Egypt as Euseb . l. 2. praep . c. 1. They report also , that he was very famous for Musick , wherein he so greatly excelled , as he mollified not only Men , but the brute beasts also by his singing . But others give a more rational account of this fable , namely , that congregating men , who were dispersed here and there , and lived as beasts in the fields , he drew them to a more civil forme of life . so Horat. in Arte Poetica . Sylvestres homines , sacer , interpresque Deorum , Caedibus , & Victu faedo deterruit Orpheus , Dictus ob hoc lenire Tigres , rapidosque leones . There were Contemporaries with Orpheus , Musaeus , Arion , and Amphion . Of Amphion 't is said , that having received an Harp from the Muses , he fitted his verses , composed with great suavitie so exactly thereto , as that the stones ran 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their own accord , &c. Which Thucydides lib. 1. thus unriddles : Orpheus and Amphion a little before the Trojan War , drew men out of the Wood , unto Humanitie , or a more civil conversation . By which it appears , that Orpheus's Phhilosophie was , as to the Matter of it , chiefly Ethick , and Theologick . Thus of Orpheus himself . Orpheus's followers writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poems according to Orpheus's Doctrine , which were partly Moral , partly Theologick ; but wholly Symbolick , or Fabulous , so Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Orphicks delivered their Philosophie by Symbols or Fables . 2. Homer also was a great Inventor , and Propagator of this Mythologick Philosophie . So Democritus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Homer having obtained a nature inspired by a Divine Afflatus , or Spirit , framed a beautiful Structure of divers verses . Plutarch l. 2. de Homero , sheweth , how the seeds of all Arts , Physicks , Medicine , Politicks , Ethicks , Eloquence , Militarie Discipline , &c. are to be found in Homer , Alcidamus , a noble and ancient Orator , cals Homer's Odyssea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good glasse of human life . These Poemes of Homer were in great estimation with many of the latter Philosophers , who received much of their Philosophie thence . So Zeno , the Head of the Stoick Sect , writ five books of Homerick Questions : Yet some of them were not so well pleased with Homers mode of philosophizing , in as much as it had so many Fables , and so much obscurity mixed with it . Thence Plato in his Alcibiades , concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Novices in Philosophie ought not to fall upon Homers Poems , least they should fancie this Hero writ fables . The Egyptians say , that Homer was in Egypt : others suppose him to have been born in Egypt : and that he imbibed there his choicest Notions , from the Jewish Doctrine originally , if not immediately , we have proved Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. § . 6. of Homer . 3. Hesiod philosophized much in Oeconomicks , as also in Natural Philosophie ; as of the first Chaos , &c. We find this character of him in Velleius lib. 1. Hesiod lived about 120. years after Homer . He was very famous for his elegant Wit , and the most soft sweetnes of his Verses . He was most desirous of ease and quiet , &c. see more of him , and the Traduction of his Philosophick Poems from the Jewish Church , Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. § . 7. of Hesiod . 4. Phocylides , Theognes , Museus , and Pythagoras writ much in Moral Philosophie . 5. Empedocles , Nicander , Aratus philosophized in Naturals . As 6. Solon and Tirtaeus in Politicks . But all the ancient Poesie was fabulous , & obscure , so Maximus Tyrius orat . 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because all Poesie does obscurely hint a thing . § . 4. These ancient fabulous Greek Poets having received from Egypt , and else where , many broken Traditions , touching the several Names , and Works of God , the Origine of the World , with other Mysteries , wrapt up in the bosome of the Scriptures , and Jewish Church , they made it their busines to disguise these oriental Traditions , by clothing them with a new Grecian dresse , of many fabulous narrations ; with which they were so disfigured , as that they could never recover their old face . Thus Jackson on the Scriptures folio 29. continually , saith he , whilst we compare ancient Poets , or Stories , with the book of Genesis , & other Volumnes of sacred Antiquitie ; these sacred books give us the pattern of the waking thoughts of ancient times . And the Heathen Poems , with other fragments of Ethnick Writings ( not so ancient as the former ) contain the Dreams , and Fancies , which succeeding Ages , by hear-say , and broken reports , had conceived concerning the same or like matters . For any judicious man from the continual , and serious observation of this Register of truth , may find out the Original at least , of all the Principal Heads , or Common Places of Poetick Fictions , or Ancient Traditions , which cannot be imagined , they should ever have come into any mans fancie , unles from the imitation of some Historick Truth , or the impulsion of real events stirring up admiration . Thus Jackson . § . 5. This Mythologick Philosophie begun by the Poets , and after taken up by the most Ancient Philosophers , had it not been mixed with so many ridiculous , and Idolatrous Fables , might have been of much use in those first Ages , even amongst the Heathens , as well as in the Jewish Church , whence it received its origination . For under these sensible Formes , and Images ( suited to that infant state of the world ) were conteined many lively examples of , and strong incentives unto , Virtue : Hence Basil saies of Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. all Homers Poesie is but the commendation of Virtue , &c. Of the same use were Esep's Fables , and the Fables of Philostratus . Only the Elder Poets of Greece had such unworthy Fables of their Gods , as also so much obscurity in their Traditions of Natural Experiments , and Moral Precepts , as that the Wiser Philosophers , who followed , thought it most expedient to reject this mode of philosophizing , and to begin upon a new foundation , namely , some more immediate Traditions from the Easterne parts , with which also they mixed some Fabulous , or Symbolick conceits of their own . §. 6 . After the Mythologick , followed the Symbolick , or Enigmatick mode of philophizing amongst the Grecian Philosophers , especially those of the Italick Sect , Pythagoras , &c. who , though they rejected the multitude of obscure and absurd fables , taken up by the Elder Poets ; yet , were they not without their Symbols , Enigmes , and Emblemes , or Corporeal Images , which are but branches of Mythologie considered in its general Idea . Such were the Enigmes , and Fables so common among the Ancients , whereof we have a collection extant ascribed to Esop , which yet were not ( at least ) originally his , as Quintil. lib. 5. cap. 11. These Fables ( which albeit they received not their origine from Esop ; ( for Hesiod seems to have been their first Author ) yet are they celebrated chiefly under his name ) are wont to lead the minds of rustick , and unskilful persons , who are more easily taken with things feigned , and finding a pleasure in them , do more easily assent , and consent to them . Dius in the Phenician Historie relates that Salomon proposed Enigmes to the King of Tyre , which could not be solved , but produced many concertations ; till at length he found Abdemon a Tyrian young man , who solved many of them Josephus Ant. 5. c. 2. We read also of Amasis an Egyptian King , who disputed by Enigmes with the Ethiopian King. Also in the Oriental parts it was a received custom among the Nobles , having staked down their wager , to contend by Enigmes or Riddles ; and he that could not solve what was proposed , lost his wager . Which custom Plutarch , in Convivio Sapient . mentions ; and we have some Vestigia of it , in the Historie of Sampson , and Salomon : Whence even in the Sacred Scripture we find the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Enigmes , attributed to such Philosophick Placits , of which of old the most Learned among the wise men oft disputed , as Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c 6. This mode of philosophizing Pythagoras principally addicted himself unto . So Porphyrie , and Iamblichus attributed unto him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Symbolick mode of teaching , or as Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. observes in general of the Pythagoreans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Pythagoreans study to deliver Divine things by Images , i. e. by corporeal Images ; Emblemes , and short Enigmatick Symbols , or Sayings , whereby they shadowed forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Affections and Morals of the Soul. Neither did these Pythagoreans only expresse their moral precepts thus , but also couched their most sacred mysteries both of God and Nature under these , and such like figures , numbers , and enigmatical propositions , which they all founded on these Principles : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensible Formes are but Imitates , or Images of Intellectuals : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , man is the most imitating creature . That Pythagoras traduced these his Symbols ( if not immediately , yet ) originally from the Jewish Church , we need no way doubt . So Clemens Alexandrinus l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the old mode of philosophizing was Hebraick and Enigmatick . This way of philosophizing by Enigmes and Problemes was common among the Jews in the time of the Judges , as Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 2. c. 13. observes , They were exercised , saith he , now and then in the solution of hard Problemes , such were those which Sampson in his Nuptials proposed . It is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which you may translate either an Enigme , or Probleme : of which see more what precedes B. 1. C. 2. § . 7. Such also were Salomon's Proverbs , for the most part , and all the Jewish Types , which indeed were but Symbols , or corporeal Images of things spiritual . Or if we will not grant , that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Jews , yet we may without danger conclude he had them from the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks : as hereafter . § . 7. Another mode of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was Metaphorick , and Allegorick ; which also is a Species or kind of Mythologick Symbolick Philosophie . For , as Aristotle in his Rhetorick observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Metaphor is but an Image , or shadow of a thing ; And an Allegory is but a continued metaphor , or taking the figure of a true Historie , but in a metaphorick sense , to represent things moral or spiritual ; whereby it is differenced from a Parable or Fable , which is but a feigned storie , to represent something moral ; as also from a Symbol and Enigme which is more short , and obscure ; yet do they all accord in the general Idea or Notion of Mythologie . Now this Metaphorick Allegorick mode of philosophizing , was chiefly embraced by Plato , who conceled the most of his more sublime Traditions , and contemplations under Metaphorick , and Allegorick Shadows , and Figures , with w ch he likewise mixed many Fables , and Parables . So in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Dialogue of Love ( which seems to be an imitation of Salomon's Song ) we find many Allegorick Figures ; as that of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is conceived to be but a Symbolick Tradition of Adam and Eve , & their Creation ) &c. And that Plato received this Allegorick mede of philosophizing from the Jewish Church , Serranus ( in his Preface to Plato ) makes to be the common persuasion of all Learned Christians , of which more in the storie of Plato's Philosophie . That the Spirit of God makes great use of Parables , Symbols , Enigmes , Metaphors , and Allegories for the unfolding of Heavenly Mysteries , any , that acquaints himself with the Scriptures , cannot be ignorant , as Mat. 13.3 . 't is said , Christ spake many things to them in Parables , &c. where Diodate asserts , that this was a fashion of teaching used amongst the Jews , followed by our Lord , and very profitable to make the truth to be understood , and to insinuate the apprehension thereof into the mind of the Auditors , by a well appropriated similitude , taken from a feigned story , &c. And as this parabolick , symbolick mode of expressing heavenly Mysteries was so frequent amongst the Jews , so we may , on good grounds , conclude , that the Grecian Philosophers traduced their like mode of philosophizing , from this sacred fountain originally , if not immediately . § . 8. Having demonstrated , how the Mythologick and Symbolick mode or form of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was derived from the Jewish Church , their Parables , Types , Allegories , &c. we now proceed to the matter of the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie , to demonstrate its traduction from the Jewish Church and Scriptural Traditions . And to make this evident , we must recollect ( what has been oft hinted ) that the Elder Poets ( as well as Philosophers ) had generally recourse to Egypt , and Phaenicia , for the matter also , as well as for the forme , or mode of their Philosophick Mythologie . So Diodorus Siculus bibl . l. 1. tels us , that the Poets , Orpheus , Musaeus , Melampus , and Homer , and the Philosophers afterwards , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. had gained most of their Wisdom out of Egypt . And Carion , in his Chronicon lib. 2. touching the ancient Learning of the Jews ; saies , that men write , that Linus brought Learning from Phaenicia into Greece : for the ancient Learning of Greece was some part of the Law touching Morals , known partly by Nature , partly by Tradition from the Fathers , as also the inquisition of herbs , and remedies , the consideration of the Stars , and the description of the year ; and in these Sciences he ( Linus ) received the chiefest part , from the Phenicians , and Egyptians , &c. The same he affirmeth afterward of Orpheus , Homer , Hesiod ; as also of Thales , and Pythagoras . Now this being granted , it is not difficult to conceive how these first Mythologists gained the chief materials of their Philomythie , or Symbolick Philosophie . For here it was , in Egypt , and Phenicia , that these Grecian Philomythists got the skill of coining Wonders , and Fables in imitation of , and by Tradition from the wonders of Creation , and Providence mentioned in the sacred Scriptures , and vouchsafed to the Jewish Church . For the report of Gods miraculous works in creating the World , and governing of it , especially his miraculous preservation of the Jewish Church , being by tradition , soon communicated to the Phenicians , and Egyptians , who were next neighbors to the Jews ; hence the Grecians derived the principal heads , or first lines of their Philosophick Philomythie ; wherein , although by successive artificial imitation , the varietie grew greater , and the resemblance of Divine truth lesse , yet there still remained some characters , and footsteps of those Divine truths , and sacred Oracles , from whence they originally were traduced ; as Jackson on the Script . fol. 57. § . 9. This Demonstration touching the Traduction of Mythologick Philosophie , both as to Forme , and Matter , from the Jewish Church , will be more evident , if we shall take a more particular view of the causes of it , which were very many , and great ; as 1. Ignorance was a pregnant , and great cause of all that Mythick Philosophie , which gained so much upon the Grecians , as well as on the Egyptians , and Phenicians . For when these dark , and purblind Heathens had received any broken Traditions touching the glorious Works , Wonders , Mysteries , and Truths of God reveled unto , and in his Church ( the seat of his glorious presence ) they being not able to apprehend , much lesse to comprehend the same , grew vain in their imaginations , and turned the glorie of God into a Lye , by mixing their own Fables with those fragments of Divine Revelation , which , by imperfect Tradition , were delivered over to them . Thus were their foolish hearts darkened , as Rom. 1.21 . Now this their Ignorance of these Divine Mysteries was much greatned , 1. from want of skill in the Hebrew Tongue , and Idiome ; whence they gave words of ambiguous Interpretation a sense far differing from what was intended : also some words they understood in a literal , and proper sense , which , according to their genuine mind , and sense , ought to be taken improperly ; of which many instances might be given , as that of Gen. 46.26 . whence Bacchus was feigned to be born out of Jupiters thigh , &c. 2. Another thing , which greatly fed , and nourished the Ignorance of these Mythologick Philosophers , was the sublimitie and greatnes of the Matters , concerning which they philosophized . So great was the confidence , or rather ignorance , of these first Grecian Sophists , as that they durst adventure to philosophize on the deepest Mysteries of the Jewish Religion ; which being not able , in any measure , to apprehend , they turned them into meer Fables . This might be largly exemplified in all parts of their Philosophie : as , 1. In their Theologie ; whence came their mythologick contemplations of their Gods. Jao , Adonis , Saturne , Jupiter , &c. but from Hebrew Traditions of the true God , & c ? Whence the Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trinitie , but from some imperfect Scripture Traditions ? whence Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from that essential name of God Exod 3.14 ? as Austin long since observed : whence his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from the Scripture Relation of Christ , if not Gen. 1.1 . yet Prov. 8. where he is called Wisdom ? hence also that Poetick Fiction of Minerva the Goddesse of Wisdom being produced out of Jupiters head : whence also Plato's Fable of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moving on the Waters ? whence also the original of their Demons , and Demon worship , but from some broken Traditions touching the Jewish Messias , his Nature , and Offices ? as elsewhere . 2. And as those fabulous Grecians were ignorant of the sublimer matters of the Jewish Religion , so also did they discover much Ignorance in Natural things ; concerning which they had received some traditions . As Plato , having had some broken relation of Eve her being taken out of Adam's side , coined from hence , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lastly whence all those Poetick and Fabulous Narrations of the first Chaos , the Golden Age , &c. but from corrupt traditions from Gen. 1 , & c ? 3. Another spermatick principle , which bred , or Root , that nourished this Grecian Ignorance , and consequently their Mythologick Philosophie , was the peculiar mode , and hidden forme , under wdich the Jewish Mysteries were couched . For God condescending to the Childish capacity of that Infant Church , clothed the sublime Mysteries of Salvation with terrene habits , sensible formes , and Typick shadows , or shapes , which the carnal Jews themselves could not understand ; much lesse could those blind Heathens , who received only some broken traditions of them , penetrate into their Spiritual sense , and marrow ; whence they turned all into Fables . All Types , Symbols , and Parables , though never so lively Images of things Spiritual , to those , who have Senses spiritually exercised in Converse with them , are yet but Riddles , and dark sayings to such , as have not a capacitie to dive into their Spiritual import : whence Christ is said Mat. 13.13 . to speak in Parables to the obstinate Jews , that so they might not understand . 4. The last thing I shall name , as that , which added to their Ignorance , and thence encreased their Philosophick Philomythie , was the imperfection of those traditions which originally descended from the Jewish Church . For as Rivers the farther they are from the Fountain , the lesse they have of its original puritie , and favor ; or as it is fabled of Argos's ship , that through long absence it passed under so many emendations , and alterations , as that at last there was no piece left of the old bulk : The like usage did these Jewish traditions find amongst those fabulous Grecians . For they passing from one Age to another , through the various Imaginations , Inclinations , Humors , and Interests of men , received such strange alterations , and disfigurations , as that it was at last difficult to find any certain piece , or footsteps of the original Tradition . This is well observed by Learned Selden de Jure Nat. Hebrae . lib. 1. c. 2. fol 26. Neither , saies he , is it a wonder , that we find not in the writings of the Greek Philosophers more expresse footsteps of the Jewish Doctrine , yea that there is scarce any thing occurring in them , which retaines the pure nature of the Hebrew originall : for the Sects of Barbarick Philosophers were so mixed in the Greek Sciences , as also the Greek Philosophie it self torn into so many pieces , and fractions , as that it was wholly disguised , &c. § . 10. A second cause ( or prolifick root ) of Mythologick Philosophie was Admiration , and this indeed follows naturally upon the former : for what is admiration , but the Souls contemplation of some novel , and rare matter , proposed to it , with desire to know the cause ? or as others describe it , the state and disposition of the Soul towards things , that are new , and rare , and strange , of which we can give no reason : for wise men wonder not , because they see a reason , and have a comprehension of things . I hence Plutarch in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saies of Pythagoras , that he affirmed of himself , that he gained this by Philosophie , not to admire any thing : for Philosophie takes away wonderment , and admiration , which flows from Ignorance . So Aristotle Eth. l. 1. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · He , that is conscious of his own ignorance , admires what seemes above him . Now this being the genuine notion , and Idea of Admiration , to contemplate overmuch things above our capacities , especially if they are strange and rare ; hence we may easily gather , how soon those Grecian Mythologick Philosophers fell in love with the contemplation of those wonderful Experiments , and Issues of Divine Creation , and Providence , which were handed over to them by some broken Traditions . We have already shewed , how Egypt , and Phaenicia with other parts bordering on the Jewish Territories , had received many imperfect fragments , or broken Traditions touching God his Names , Attributes , and Works both of Creation , and Providence ; especially of the wonders he wrought for his Church in Egypt , at the Red Sea , in the Wildernes , and after they came to Ganaan : also that they had some , though very obscure , notices of the Messias , and his work of Redemption , &c. Now the Grecians travelling into those Oriental parts , to acquaint themselves with these hidden Mysteries , and Wonders , at first fell into a great Admiration of them , and anon set themselves to philosophize upon them in a mythologick mode , according to the fashion of th●se first Ages , Oriental parts . And this kind of Admiration was a genuine , yea the main , cause of all Philosophie , both Mythologick , and Simple , as is confessed by the chiefest Philosophers , Plato , and Aristotle ; so Plato in his Thaeetetus informes us ; that this is the great Affection of a Philosopher to wonder , neither had Philosophie any other origine but this : the like Aristotle in his lib. 11. Metaphys . cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. by reason of admiration men both now , and in times past began to philosophize . But Aristotle , in the Pro●me to his Metaphysicks , gives us a full and excellent account of the mode , or manner how all Philosophie , especially Mythologick , sprang from Admiration ; which because it is so much to our purpose , I shall first give it at large : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Both now , and in old times men began to philosophize from admiration ; at first indeed admiring the more easie wonders , thence proceeding by little and little , they began to doubt of greater matters , as concerning the Origine of the Universe , &c. wherefore also a Philomyther ( or Mythologist ) is in some sense a Philosopher , for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a fable is composed of things wonderful , wherein we have an admirable account : 1. How all Philosophie sprang from admiration , first of the lesser works , and wonders of Providence [ perhaps he means the wonders which God wrought in Egypt , the Wildernes , Canaan , and Babylon , which were of latter date , and so yet fresh in their memories ] . 2. Then saies he , they proceeded by little & little to doubt of greater Matters , a● of the original of the Vniverse , &c. Namely of the Creation of the World out of no preexistent Matter ; of the first Chaos ; of mans first Production , and state in Innocence ; of the Fall ; of Noahs Floud , which they call Deucalions , &c. All which particulars are largely philosophized upon by Plato , in his Timaeus , of the Origine of the Vniverse . 3. Aristotle concludes , that every Philomythist , or Lover of Fables , is in some sense a Philosopher ; for a fable is made of wonders . That is , as Jackson on the Scriptures ( fol. 34.47 . and elsewhere ) well observes , All the principal heads of Mythologick Philosophie , entertained by the elder Poets , and Philosophers , came not into their fancies by meer accident , but from the impulsion of real events , and wonders of God , which being delivered to them by tradition ( originally from the Jews ) stirred up Admiration in them . For the traditions of God's miracles being far spread , when Greece began to philosophize , they could not but admire the Wisdom , Power , and Majesty of God , that shone so greatly therein , which yet being no way able , for want of Divine Revelation , to apprehend , they turned all into Fables , and vain Philosophie . § . 11. A third Mother root , or cause of Mythologick Philosophie was Imitation ; which indeed was the great sovereign principle that ruled and governed those Infant Ages , but its influence appeared in nothing more powerful , and particular , than in the Philomythie , and Symbolick Philosophie of the first Poets and Philosophers ; who having had some broken Relations of the great Works of God in Creating ▪ and Governing the World , were not only taken up in the contemplation , and admiration of them ; but also grew ambitious of coining the like ; which by an artificial kind of Imitation they were dexterous in , as Strabo observes , and Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 49. From this vicinitie of true wonders in Jury , or thereabouts , were the Medes , Persians , and Syrians so much addicted to fabulous narrations , and coining of Wonders . And Greece , as it received artificial Learning first from Asia , so did it drink in this humor with it . For the traditions of Gods Miracles in Jury , and the Regions about it , having been far spread when Greece began first to tattle in artificial Learning , the Grecians , as Children in true Antiquitie ( as the Egyptian Priest told Solon ) were apt to counterfeit the forme of ancient truthes , and misapply it to unseemly matters , or purposes , as Children will be doing in homlier stuff , which they see their Elders do better in . Finally the same humor , which yet reigns amongst men , might possesse most of them : There is no famous event which falls out though it be but a notable jest ) but in a short time is ascribed to a great many more , than have affinitie with it . In like manner did the reports of sundry events , which either fell out only in Jury , or upon occasion of Gods people , fly about the world , some with cut , and mangled , but most usually with enlarged artificial wings ; as if the same had been acted every where , or the like invented on every occasion . And fol. 57. he concludes , that the principal , or first heads of the Grecian invention were derived , for most part , from the Hebrews ; although , by successive artificial imitation , their variety grew greater , and their resemblance of Divine truth lesse . Thus Dr Jackson . And that the main , if not the whole , of Mythologick , and Symbolick Philosophie was but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or reflexe Image of Jewish Mysteries , and Discipline , traduced by Artificial Imitation , has been sufficiently proved by what was mentioned touching the matter , and forme of Mythologick Philosophie : Namely , as to its forme : Whence sprang the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks ; the Phenician , and Grecian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Fables ; Pythagoras's Symbols ; and Plato's Allegories ; but from the Jewish Types , Allegories , Enigmes , and Parables ? and both the one , and the other founded upon that great Oriental Maxime , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Then if we consider the matter of Symbolick Philosophie , it seems plainly to be taken up by traducti●n from , and in imitation of , some Divine work , or truth . Whence can we imagine that Pythagoras should receive his Institutes , and Ceremonies of Purifications , Washings , White Vestments , Sacrifices , with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or School ▪ wherein were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect , as well as novices ; but from the Jewish Ceremonies and Scholes , which he affected , to the utmost of his skill , to imitate ? whence he was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Jewish Imitator , or Ape . And as for Plato , Johan . Grammaticus de Creat . Mundi l. 1. c 2. tels us plainly , that he imitated Moses in his exposition of the World's Origine , as in many other things . And indeed none of the ancient Philosophers was better skilled in this kind of artificial Imitation than Plato ; who had a luxuriant , pregnant Fancy ( which is the proper seat of Imitation ) and a great dexterity , backed with much affection , yea ambition , to imitate the Easterne , particularly the Jewish , Wisdom . Neither was he only versed in the Practick part of this Art , but also in the Theory . For we find in his Works ( and no where else , that I know of ) excellent discourses professedly treating of Imitation , 1. its subject , which he makes to be the Phantasie , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Touching the power of the imagination in order to imitation , see Les Conferences par les Beaux esprits Tom. 1. Confer . 5. de la ressemblance : 2. its object , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. se●sible Formes , or Images , representing some thing Moral , or Spiritual : 3. its effect , which he makes to be a shadowy dark truth . For , saies Plato Reipub. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. an Imitator is but a Coiner of Idols , or Images : and these Images , he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Shadows of Truth ; whence he addes , that imitation [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an imperfect representation of Truth ; wherefore he adviseth those , who would studie with advantage the Symbolick Philosophie ( which he , and others before him had taught ) not to fasten on the Fables , Allegories , or Symbolick Images , wherewith Truth was clothed , but rather to attend unto the Truth it self couched under these Images , Shadows , or imperfect notices : 4. whence he laies down the great Benefits of Imitation in Natural , and Moral Philosophie , for the colouring , and shadowing forth of Truth ; as also in Oeconomicks , and Politicks : Examples and Patternes being the most powerful , because visible precepts : lastly he shews the sad abuse of it , by the fabulous Poets , in their feigned St●rie● , or Romances , and blasphemous Figments of their Gods ; which gives us a clear Demonstration , what a mighty influence Imitation had upon the Grecanick Philosophie ; Symbolick , and what followed : of which see more Plato Reipub. lib. 6. also lib. 10. and Serranus thereon . § . 12. 4. Another Seminal Principle , which had an influential Causality on this Mythologick , Symbolick Philosophie , was the Itch of Curiosity , or an eager inquisitive humor innate in those first Grecian Philosophers , which made them restles in their Inquisitions after some Knowledge , touching the first Principles of things , and the Supream Vniversal First Cause . This indeed was one first moving impulsive Cause of all Philosophie , whence it received its name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so it 's defined by Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. an Appetition of Wisdom . For the Oriental parts , Phenicia , and Egypt ( which bordered on Judea ) having first had some tasts of the Knowledge of God , the first Cause , his Names , Perfections , and Works , both of Creation , and Providence , by some imperfect Traditions from the Jews ; this awakened the inquisitive Grecians ( who alwaies labored under an itch of curiosity , even unto Pauls time , as it appears Acts 17.21 . ) to make farther Search into these dark Mysteries concerning which they had received some very broken , and imperfect notices . This inquisitive curious humor put Thales , Pythagoras , Solon , and Plato , with the Poets before them , upon their travels into the Oriental parts , to get more exact information touching the first principles of Wisdom . § . 13. 5. Another Master vein , which fed the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie , was Pride , in appropriating that to themselves which was done by , or belonged unto , others ; thus did they appropriate the chief of God's names to their own Gods , Jupiter , Jao , Adonis , &c. so in like manner Noahs Floud was attributed to Deucalion , with multitudes of the like Instances ; and to make these their assumings authentick , they disguised the traditions , they received in the Oriental parts , with many Fables , and Symbols , thereby to make them passe for their own . 6. Another fountain of their Philomythick Philosophie was the natural propension , and inclination of their hearts to Idolatrie . Hence sprang the Grecian Polytheism , Hellenism , and much of their vain Philosophie , for their imaginations being vain , and their foolish hearts darkned by Idolatrous opinions , and persuasions ; hence they convert all those imperfect Traditions , they had received , touching the true God , and his Works , into fabulous narrations , which they appropiate unto their false Gods , &c. 7. We might also mention the Carnal Policy of the first Greek Philosophers , as another spring of their Mythologie . For seeing the people too much resolved to maintain these fabulous Gods , the Poets had commended to them , they conceived it their wisest course , to darken those traditions , they had received touching the true God , his Vnity , Nature , and Works , by Fables , Symbols , and Allegories ; thereby to avoid the envy , and hatred of the people . And thus much indeed Plato seems ingenuously to confesse : for , saith he , to assert many Gods is without shew of reason . Only we embrace them being impelled thereto , though without shadow of reason , by the Autoritie of our Fathers , and the severity , of Laws , &c. Plato Timaeo . It seems he had not so much courage as his Master Socrates , who notwithstanding these Obstacles declared himself plainly enough in the case . § . 14. By all that has been mentioned touching the Matter , Forme , and Causes of Mythologick , or Symbolick Philosophie , I conceive we have given ( so far as our Matter will bear it ) a sufficient demonstration of its traduction originally from the Jewish Church , and Scripture Revelation : And what has been affirmed of Mythologick Philosophie , and its Causes in particular , may also be applyed to all the Grecian Philosophie in general ; which , as it is evident , had the same Causes ; namely Ignorance , Admiration , Imitation , Curiositie , Pride , &c. Moreover it i● evident that all the first Philosophers , Thales , Pherecides , Pythagoras , Socrates , and Plato , did more or lesse exercise themselves in this Mythologick , Symbolick mode of philosophizing . Aristotle was the first , who rejected this fabulous Symbolick manner of philosophizing , and clothed Philosophie in a more native , and simple dresse , the materials of whose Philosophie were notwithstanding taken up from Plato his Master , and the more ancient Symbolick Philosophers . So that what has been said of Symbolick Philosophie will serve also to demonstrate that Aristotle's more simple Philosophie , as to the Matter of it , was derived originally from the Jewish Church . CHAP. III. Of the Ionick Philosophie by Thales , and its Jewish Original . Of the first distinction of Philosophers , into the Ionick , and Italick Sects . Both the Ionicks , and Italicks derived their Philosophie by Tradition , immediately from the Egyptians , and Phenicians ; but originally from the Jews . Thales of Phenician extract , the first that brought Philosophie into Greece : his Philosophie traduced originally from the Jews . His Natural Philosophie plain . His great Principle , that Water is the first Matter of the Vniverse , derived immediately from Sanchoniathon his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which descended originally from Gen. 1.2 . His other principles of Physiologie , viz. touching the Worlds production by God , by its Beautie ; and the precedence of the Night before the Day from Gen. 1.5 . Thales's Astronomie ; his Invention of the Cynosure from the Phenicians ; his Calculation of the Year from the Egyptians : his Geometrie , and Arithmetick . Thales's Divine Philosophie , or Natural Theologie from the Jews . His Demons thence also . His Scholars , and Successors , &c. Anaximander , Anaximenes , Anaxagoras , Empedocles , Heraclitus , Democritus , Hippocrates . § . 1. HAving discoursed at large of Philosophie in general , especially of Symbolick , and its Traduction from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , we now proceed to the several Sects of Greek Philosophers , and therein to demonstrate , that the chief Heads ( at least ) of each Sect , traduced their philosophick notions , and contemplations from some Scriptural , or Jewish Tradition . As for the several Sects of Grecian Philosophers ; there were at first but few , but in after times they grew very numerous . Varro in August . de Civit. Dei l. 19. c. 1. tels us , that in his time , there were found in the Books of Philosophers , no lesse than 288. different opinions ( which made so many different Sects ) concerning the chiefest Good. For that Doctrine was , at that time , the touch-stone , whereby the different Sects of Philosophers were distinguished . Themistius acquaints us , that there came under his examen , near 300 several Sects . The first , and most Ancient Division of the Greek Philosophers was into the Ionick , and Italick Sects : as for the Eleaticks ( which Vossius addes as a third Sect ) they were but a branch of the Italicks . Now touching the chief Heads , and first Founders of these two Sects , we have this good general Account in Carion's Chronicon l. 2. of the Studies of Learning in Greece . The first Doctors , saies he , in Greece were the Poets . Thence other Doctors sprang up , who embraced all Arts : Arithmetick , Geometrie , Astronomie , Physicks , and Medicine . Part of these Sciences the ancient Iones ( as it is likely ) received from their Parents , Japhet , and Javan . But yet as for Arithmetick , Geometrie , Astronomie , and Medicine , the Egyptians , and Phenicians were more skilled herein . By conversation with whom Thales , and Pythagoras being instructed ( about the time of Craesus & Cyrus ) by the exāple of their Ancestors raised up the Studie of these Sciences in Europe ; and taught them familiarly in the Scholes of their Disciples . From these two then arose two Kinds of Philosophie : the Ionick from Thales , which was lesse obscure , & mostly Natural The Italick from Pythagoras , which was more obscure , and full of Enigmes , &c. And that these two Founders of the Ionick , and Italick Sects received the first Principles of their Philosophie by tradition , rather than from any natural improvement , or Theories of their own , we have a good Demonstrative account in Stillingfleet Orig. Sacrae Book 3. Chap 2. Sect. 2. which is worth our transcribing . It is a matter of some inquirie ( saith he ) whether the first principles of Philosophie amongst the Greeks , were not rather some traditional things conveighed to them from others , than any certain Theories , which they had formed from their own Experiments , and Observations . The former is to me far the more probable , on many accounts , but chiefly on this ; that the first principles of the two Founders of the two chief Sects of Philosophers , viz. the Ionick , and Italick , did come so near to that , which we have the greatest reason to believe to have been the most certain account of the Origine of the World. For this opinion of Thales , viz. that Water was the first Matter , seems to have been part of that universal Tradition which was continued in the World , concerning the first Principles . This I suppose is evident ; that those Philosophers of Greece , who conversed most abroad in the world , did speak far more agreeably to the true account of things , than such , who only endeavored by their own Wits to improve , or correct those principles which were delivered by their other Philosophers . Which I impute not so much to their converse with the Mosaick Writings , as to that universal Tradition of the first Ages of the World , which was preserved far better amongst the Phenicians , Egyptians , and Chaldeans , than among the Greeks . For Greece from its beginning shined with a borrowed Light , &c. Thus Stillingfleet . Wherein he fully grants , and proves , that the first principles of the Ionick , and Italick Philosophie were received by Tradition : only he seems to dissent from such , who derive their Tradition from Moses's Writings , or the Jewish Church ; rather inclining to believe , that the Tradition was universal from Noah's Sons , &c. which , if we grant , will not overthrow our Hypothesis , that the Grecian Philosophie descended by tradition from the Church ( for Noah's family was the Church ) of God. Yet I conceive ( with submission ) that ( as it hath been already proved ) the Egyptians , and Phenicians ( if not the Chaldeans ) received their traditions of the Creation , &c , not from their Ancestors , Cham , and his Posteritie ; but from Moses's Writings , and the Jewish Church : and I think we shall hereafter give most probable ( if not certain ) conjectures , that the chief principles of Thales , and Pythagoras their Philosophie were traduced from the Writings of Moses , or the Jewish Church . Yea Mr. Stillingfleet himself , in what follows in this same Section 3. gives us this ingenuous Concession . I will not deny but that Pythagoras might have had converse with the Jews , who it is most probable was in Chaldea after the Captivity , &c. § . 2. But to begin with Thales the Head of the Ionick Philosophie who was born at Miletus , the chief City of Ionia in the 31 Olymp. as Laertius informes us out of Apollodorus : yet others make him to be not a Milesian , but Phenician by birth . Pliny l. 2. saies , that he lived in the time of Alyattis ; and Cicero lib. 1. de Divin . tels us , that he lived under Astyages : both of which Relations agree ; in as much as these two Kings waged war , each against other : as V●ssius de Philosoph . Sectis l. 2. c. 5. Hyginus , in his Poetico Astronomico , treating of the lesser Bear , speaks thus : Thales , who made diligent search into these things , and first called this [ lesser Bear. ] Arctos , was by nation a Phenician , as Herodotus saies . Which well agrees with these words of Herodotus Halicarnassensis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · This was the opinion of Thales the Mil●sia● , by his Ancestors a Phenician : i. e. he was born at Miletus , but his Ancestors were Phenicians . So Vossius de Hist . Graec. l. 3. That Thales was of a Phenician extract , is also affirmed by Diogenes Laertius , and Suidas . So in like manner Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. lib. 2. cap. 1 § . 28. Thales also , saies he , who founded the Ionick Philosophie , drew his original from the Phenicians : Whether he travelled from Phenicia to Miletus , with his Father N●leus , and there was made a Citizen , as according to Laertius , some would have it ; or that he were born at Miletus , but of Phenician Parentage , as others rather incline . By which it is evident , that he was of a Phenician Extract ; whence he had no small advantages fully to informe himself in the Phenician , and Jewish Philosophie . Some say that Thales travelled into Phanicia , and brought thence his Knowledge of Astronomie , particularly his observations of the Cynosura , or the lesser Bear , as Plinie lib. 5. c. 17. That Thales travelled into Asia , and Egypt , to informe himself in the Oriental Wisdom , he himself affirmes in his Epistle to Pherecydes . § . 3. That the Grecian Philosophie owes its original to Thales is generally confessed . For he , travelling into the Oriental parts , first brought into Greece Natural Philosophie , and the Mathematicks , Geometrie , Arithmetick , Astronomie , and Astrologie . Whereupon he had that swelling Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. wise man , conferred on him . About which time the same title was bestowed on six others , for their more than ordinary Skill in Moral Philosophie , and Politicks , viz. on Chilo Chilo the Lacedaemonian , Pittacus the Mitylenian , Bias the Prienean● Cleobulus the Lindian , Periander the Corinthian , & Solon the Athenian ; who with Thales made up the seven wise men of Greece , of whom see Diogenes Laertius . The Wisdom of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was for the most part Moral , tending to the Government of Human Conversation , which they wrapped up in certain short Aphorismes , or Sentences , as it appears out of Quintil. l. 5. c. 11. The Precepts of those seven men , may we not esteem them as certain Rules of Life ? For the Art of Disputing obteined not as yet : but couching their Placits , under a few round words , they commended them as so many Religious Mysteries . Which at first began to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they conteined the Sentences of Wise Men touching the Precepts of Life , and Manners . The like Euseb . 10. praepar . cap. 2. These Sentences , that they might have the greater Autoritie , and seem to be derived from God , rather than from men , were ascribed to no certain Author . Whence that famous Sentence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was attributed by some to Chilo , by others to Thales . Concerning Thales , Apuleius 18. Flor. gives this honorable Character . Thales the Milesian , of those seven wise men mentioned , will easily be granted to have the preeminence . For he was the first Inventor of Geometrie amongst the Greeks , and the most certain finder out of the nature of things , and the most skilful Contemplator of the Stars ; by small lines he found out the greatest things , the Circumferences of Times , the Flatus , or blowings of winds , the Meatus or small passages of the Stars , the miraculous Sounds of Thunders , the oblique Courses of the Stars , the Annual Returnes , or Solstices of the Sun , the Increases of the New Moon , as the Decreases of the Old , and the Obstacles which cause the Eclipse . He truely , in his old Age , found a Divine account of the Sun ; how often ( i. e. by how many degrees ) the Sun , by its magnitude , did measure the Circle it passed thorough : thus Apulcius : see more in August . de Civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2 and Lud. Vives . § . 4. Now to come to the particulars of Thales's Philosophie , thereby to demonstrate , that the main therof was traduced immediately from the Phenicians , and Egyptians , but originally from the Jewish Church . The chief of Thales's Philosophie was Natural ( which the Greeks called Physick ) and that not obscure ( as Aristotles ) but plain , and familar . Hence Thales's Followers in the Ionick Schole were in a peculiar manner stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naturalists , because quitting the mode of philosophizing in use among the other Wise Men , which was chiefly Ethick ; as also that in the Italick Sch●le which was Theologick , they wholly busied themselves in the Contemplation of things sensible & natural . In brief ; Thales his Natural Philosophie was indeed no other than a Natural Historie of the Origine of the Vniverse , or ( as Divines phrase it ) of the Creation of the World , which , as we have sufficient reason to judge , he received from the Phenician Sophists , Sanchoniathon , and Mochus , their Physiologie , which originally was derived from Moses's Writings , and the Jewish Church . And to make the Demonstration hereof firme , we must consider that in Thales's time , when Philosophie began to take place in Greece , the main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first great principle of Natural Philosophie , then in question , was touching the first matter of the Vniverse . For that the World had a beginning ; and that this beginning was from God , all the Philosophers , till Aristotle , generally asserted . So that this being a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a thing taken for granted ; the great Inquirie was , about the first matter , out of which the World was formed . Concerning which Thales delivers his Judgement , that Water was the first Matter of all things . So Tullie de nat . Deorum lib. 1. c. 25. saies that Thales affirmed Water to be the Beginning of things , and that God out of Water framed all things . So Diogenes Laertius of Thales . Thus Steuch . Eugub . de peren . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. Thence Thales the Milesian , according to the Theologie of Orpheus , and the Egyptians , pronounced , that Water was the principle of all things . And according to the affirmation of Homer , this opinion was delivered by other Grecians before Thales . Pherecydes also held the same opinion , that Water was the first Matter of the World , which , as 't is most p●bable , was traduced immediately from Sanchoniathon's Physiologie ; for in the beginning of his Natural Historie ( cited by Eusebius praepar . Evang. l. 10 ) he saies there was in the beginning of things a spirit of dark Air , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an evening chaos , or darknes . And that Thales's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Water , was the same with Sanchoniathon's Chaos , we have the Testimonie of Plutarch , who produceth the Authoritie of Hesiod touching his Chaos ; & addeth , that the greater part of ancient Philosophers called water chaos , from diffusion ( a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sundo ) which will farther appear , if we compare it with what follows in Sanchoniathon : From the conversion of the Spirit with the chaos , there resulted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( according to the Phenicians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifies matter , which he interprets by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mud , or slime , or watery mistion , which indeed was but the effect , or grosser part of that Water , which Thales makes to be the material principle of all natural bodies . So Orpheus , speaking of the first matter of the Vniverse saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of water slime was made . Which is a full explication of what Thales understood by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , water ; and the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i e. slime , or mixture of mud , and water . And we have a good explication of the whole by the Scholiast , on these words of Apollonius : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Earth of slime was made ; where the Scholiast affirmes that the Chaos , whereof all things were made , was Water , which setling became Slime , and the Slime condensed into solid Earth . Thus we see how that Thales's Water , which he makes the first material principle of all things , was indeed the same with , or immediately derived from , Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. slime , or mixture of water and mud together , from which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Plato , and Pythagoras , seems little to differ . Now that Sanch●niathon , and Thales , who followed him , traduced these their sentiments of the first matter out of Moses's Historie Gen. 1.2 . we have already demonstrated ( Book 1. Ch. 3. § . 13 , 14 , 15. ) out of Learned Bochart , and others . But because Learned Stillingfleet ( as before § . 1. ) inclines rather to believe , that these first Philosophers received these their principles by universal Tradition from the first Ages , and not from the Jews , or Mosaik Writings . I shall adde farther . 1. The Confession of Sanchoniathon , who said , that he received the materials of his Hist●rie , from Jerombalus the Priest of the God Jao : who certainly was some Jewish Priest ( as before Book 1. Ch. 3. § . 8. ) 2. Sanchoniathon makes mention of Sydic , &c. which , without doubt , he received from the Jews . 3. Numenius an ancient Philosopher cites for this opinion of Thales , that water was the first matter , the very words of Moses Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters ; as Porphyrie de Antro Nymph . Of which see Stanley on Thales . 4. That Thales received these Traditions of the Creation from Moses's Writings is affirmed , and demonstrated by Steuchus Eugubinus . de peren . Philosoph . l. 7. c. 12. where he shews how Thales subcribed to Moses , in his notions of the Worlds Creation , as in what follows , § . 5. 5. Yea Stillingfleet himself , in the following Section ( Orig. Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 2. Sect. 3. ) has these very words : And thus we see , these 2 renowned Founders of the Ionick , and Italick Societies , both giving their concurring testimonie with Moses , as to the true Origine of the World , and not at all differing from each other . Thales meant by his Water , the same with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or mixture of mud , and water , which Orpheus , &c. speak of , as the principle of the Universe . And the Successors of Thales , Anaximander , and Anaxagoras expresse themselves to that purpose , which is the same with the Phenician 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some mud , or slime , which they say was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus we see , how Thales with the Phenicians , from whom he was derived ( as Laertius tels us ) and Pythagoras with the Egyptians , and others concur with Moses , not only in the Production of the World , but in the manner of it , wherein is expressed a fluid matter , which was the material principle , as Gen. 1.2 . upon the face of the waters : that is , all at first was but fluid matter , &c. Thus Stillingfleet , which , I conceive , fully proves our Assertion ; and overthrows his foregoing Hypothesis . That Thales , &c. received not these traditions from Moses's Writings , or the Jewish Church originally . 6. Vossius de Philos . Sect. l. 2. c. 5. § . 3. seems to refer this principle of Thales , that water was the original of all things , to the words of Moses Gen. 1.2 . upon the face of the waters , which , saies he , perhaps he learned from the Egyptians , and they from the Jews : even so plainly asserting our conclusion : Yet I should think it most probable , that Thales had it from the Phenicians , and they from the Jews . 7. Lastly , Mariana in his Annotations on Gen. 1.1 . assures us ; that from this place the Ancient Poets derived their chaos , and other like things . § 5. Thales held also many other philosophick opinions touching the Worlds Origine , and perfection , which seem to be but traditions originally taken from Moses's Historie . 1. He held there was but one world , and that made by God the spirit , out of the foresaid Water . So Montaigne Essay l. 2. c. 12. Thales , qui le premier s'enquesta de telle Matiere estima Dieu un esprit , qui sit d' ●au toutes choses . This great Fundamental Principle , that the world was made by God , was generally received , and asserted by all the Philosophers before Aristotle , who was the first that opposed it , because seemingly contradictory to his Phaenomena , or purblind principles , as we are told by Plutarch de philosplacit . 2.1 . and Johan . Gram. de Creat . Mundi . 2. Thales held ( as Diogen . Laert. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the world being God's workmanship , was exceeding beautiful , or good , and perfect ; as Gen. 1.31 . This beauty or perfection of the world , he made to consist in the admirable disposition , and harmony , or order of every part , wherein he was followed by Pythagoras , who for this reason called the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and Plato , who saies , that God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. beautified , and orderly disposed every part of this Universe , with great symetry , and proportion answerable to his own eternal Idea , or forme , as in his Timaeus , of which hereafter . That Thales received this contemplation from Moses , is affirmed by Steuch . Eugub . De Peren . Philosophia l. 7. c. 2. To which it is to be refer'd , that according to Laertius the same Thales pronounceth : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The world is most beautiful because the workmanship of God. Doest not thou think that he subscribeth to the Mosaick Theologie ? Moses saies , In the beginning God created . Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made : which Thales expresseth by the substantive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , designing thereby the same which Moses does by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. Thence Thales asserted the world was Animate , or a Living Creature : which also Plato held , calling the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Moses's words Gen. 1.2 . supposing this world to be animate , or vivified by the Spirit , or Providence of God called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. Thales said , the night was elder than the day , according to the Scripture Phrasiologie Gen. 1.5 . Thus Steuch . Eugubinus , de peren . Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thales being asked , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what first existed night or day ? The night , saith he , was before any one day . Thou maiest not judge that he conceived any thing else hereby , than what Moses before delivered , and what the Latin Poet heard , from the same Grecians : but Thales , who , according to Laertius , went to the Egyptian Priests , to be instructed by them , had this passage from them . This circumstance of the Creation was held also by Orpheus , and Hesiod , who ( as Stanley affirmes on Thales ) had it from the Phenicians : I suppose from Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in all likelyhood was traduced from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.5 . as Bochart Can. l. 2 c. 2. § . 6. Thales was in like manner well instructed in the Mathematicks , especially in Astronomie , which he is supposed to have gained , partly from the Phenicians , and partly from the Egyptians : From the Phenicians he received , as 't is said , the Invention of the Cynos●ra , or the Constellation of the lesser Bear , which he first brought into Greece . For that the Phenicians were the first Inventors , or observers of this Constellation , Vossius endeavors to make good , from the word Cynosura , which he makes to be Phenician from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a collection of light , that they were the first , that found out the use of this Constellation , to saile by ( which has been ever since of great advantage to Mariners in their Navigations ) I think , is generally granted . Yet it cannot be denyed , but that Thales received much emprovement , in his Astronomical Contemplations , from the Egyptians . For he himself in his Epistle to Pherecydes confesseth , that he travelled into Egypt to confer with the Astronomers . This Journey of his into Egypt is supposed to be the last he made ; where having studied Philosophie , he returned to Miletus . That Thales was the first that brought Astronomie into Greece , we have the affirmation of Eudemus to confirme us . Laertius tels us , that Thales was the first amongst the Grecians , who found out the calculation , or distinction of the year into its seasons , calling the last day of every moneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 30 th day , which we have good ground to persuade our selves , he learned in Egypt ; for there it was first in use , according to Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians , saies he , were the first , that found out the year , distinguishing it into 12 moneths , this they gathered from the Stars . But I think we have more probable conjectures , that the Egyptians received their distinction of the seasons of the Year , from the Jewish Church their Institutes , touching the Calculation of the Year , which I conceive were more ancient , than those of the Egyptians . Thales also brought out of Egypt the Science of Geometrie , which took its beginning there , from the constant occasions the yearly overflowing of Nile gave them of renewing the bounds of their Fields : Proclus on Euclia . 2.4 . As in like manner he brought his skill in Arithmetick out of Phoenicia , which was found out there , in order to their Traffick . § . 7. Thales also was the first of the Grecians , who made any Philosophick Inquiries into the Nature , and Perfection of God. 'T is true Orpheus , Homer , Linus , and Hesiod had gotten from Egypt , and Phaenicia , some cloudy , and very obscure traditions of God , which they made much more dark , by the many fabulous , and unworthy narrations , they mixed with them . But Thales delivered those traditions , he had received in the Oriental parts , touching God , in a more Philosophick , naked , and simple mode . For as Diogenes Laertius informes us , he held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · That God was the most ancient of beings , because without generation . 2. That the World was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Work of God. 3. He asserted that God by his immutable Decree , and Providence governes the World ( as Stobaeus ) whence his opinion that the World was animated , i. e. by the Spirit , or Providence of God acting therein ; as Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit , &c. 4. Thales also ( as Pythagoras , and Plato after him ) held the Doctrine of Daemons ( mentioned Psal . 106.24 . 1 Tim. 4.1 . ) which he asserted to be Spiritual Natures , or Substances , and a kind of midling made Gods , betwixt the immortal Gods , and mortal men : which traditions , some conceive , he had from Egypt : for that the Egyptians held these Daemons in the same manner , Iamblichus de myster . Aegypt . acquaints us . So Mr. Bochart , in a Sermon at Caen , affirmed , that Joseph was reputed the first of these Egyptian Daemons . But I should rather think , that Thales had his Traditions of these Daemons , from Phaenicia , where they mostly abounded , under the common name of Baalim , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Belus one of the first Phaenician Kings , whence Jesabel , &c. and that the Phaenicians had their Baalim from some broken tradition , and in imitation , of the Jewish Messias his Mediatorship , &c. as elsewhere . That Thales the first of all the Grecian Philosophers , was of all the first , that treated Philosophically of God , and heavenly things , we are assured by Tully ; and so Minucius in Octavio saies , that Thales the Milesian was the first of all , that disputed of heavenly things . Which Philosophick Traditions , we need no way doubt , came ( though immediately from the Egyptians , and Phenicians , yet ) originally from the Jewish Church . § . 8 Amongst the Disciples of Thales , we may reckon firstly Pythagoras , the Institutor of the Italick Sect , who , being but 18 years old , addressed himself to Thales , at Miletus , from whom he received the first Rudiments of his Philosophie , especially his Mathematicks ; with instructions to addresse himself to Egypt , for farther progresse therein . But he that suceeded Thales in his Schole , was Anaximander the Milesian , who in some things differed from his Master . For he held an Infinity of first principles , yea of worlds , and Gods born , &c. as Laertius in his Life , Plutarch de philos . placitis , Eusebius , &c. The Successor to Anaximander was Anaximenes the Milesian , who dyed the same year that Croesus was taken captive by Cyrus , as Laertius . Anaxagoras the Clazomenian succeeded Anaximenes , whom Justin Martyr cals the Atheist , following herein the Judgment of his adversaries , Cleon , &c. who thought him so , because he denyed the multiplicitie of their Gods. This Anaxagoras translated the Schole from Asia to Athens ; where he taught Socrates , Euripides , and Pericles : his Successor was Archelaus the Athenian : as Vossius . § . 9 Among those of the Ionick Sect , Chrysyppus , Empedocles , Heraclitus , Democritus , Protagoras , Polemon , Epaminondas , Hippocrates , are by some reckoned . Empedocles was a person of a sharp Ingenie , but mighty greedy of fame ; for he affected not only Adoration while living , but after death also : wherefore , that he might be thought to have his abode among the Gods , he cast himself into the furnace of Etna . Heraclitus was of a great A●umen , but cloudy ; whence he is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : He seems to have borrowed many things from the Jews , as elsewhere . Democritus glorieth in this , that he learned many things from the Barbarians , ( by whom , as we have often hinted , we are principally , if not only , to understand the Jews ) as Euseb . praep . l. 10 c. 2. Out of Democritus's Schole proceeded Protagoras , who turned ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as also to make Sale of Philosophie for money , which was of ill fame among the Ancients . Epaminondas , the Th●ban , is by Austin lib. 7. de civ . Dei , called the chief Philosopher , and Emperor . But none gained a greater name among the Ionicks after Thales , than Hippocrates ; a person of a stupendous Acumen , and erudition . He it was , that first made that happy conjunction 'twixt Philosophie , and Medicine . The manner how he attained unto his Medicinal Science , they make to be this . There was in the Iland of Cous , where he lived , the Temple of Aesculapius , wherein were laid up the Cures of Diseases engraven on tables ; as also rare Monuments of Wisdom collected by former Ages : all these Hippocrates transcribed , examined , and perfected , so that the praise not only of the Restitution , but also of the Invention of Medicine is given to him . Although these all are by some reckoned Ionicks , yet some of them may be reduced to more particular Sects : as hereafter . CHAP. IV. Pherecydes his Philosophie traduced from the Jews . Pherecydes born at Syrus , was of Phenician original . The original of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews . He was the first that writ Philosophie in Prose : He yet retained the old Symbolick mod of Philosophizing : His Natural Philosophie , and Astronomie : His Invention of the Heliotrope from the Phenicians . His Theologie was chiefly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he received from the Phenicians , as also the immortality of the Soul. § . 1. HAving dispatcht the Ionick Philosophie , as founded by Thales , we now come to the first foundations of the Italick , began by Pherecydes ; who , though he had not a Schole in Italy , yet in as much as he was the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , and led him the way to that Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , he afterwards taught in Italy ; he may justly claim some commemoration amongst the first founders of the Italick Sect. So Vossius de philosoph . sect . l. 2. c. 1. § . 29. cals Pherecydes the Author of the Italick Sect. This Pherecydes is by Strabo lib. 10. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so Laertius , and Suidas ) a Syrian , which is differently understood by the Learned . For some make him to be a Syrian , i. e. a Phenician : but others , and that upon more probable grounds , call him a Syrian because born in the Iland Syros , or Syrus , one of the Cyclades , those lesser Ilands in the Egean Sea , near Delus . So Apuleius , and Suidas ; whence Cicero 1. Tuscul . Quaest . cals him Syrus . This opinion I was confirmed in , by a conference with learned Bochart ; who also gave me the ground of the difference ; with this reconcilement , viz. Syra , or Syrus , where Pherecydes was borne , received both its name , and people originally from the Phenicians , or Syrians ( Phenicia being a part of Syria ) whence Pherecydes might justly be reputed a Phenician , if we regard his Ancestors ; or perhaps he might be so esteemed by reason of his Philosophie , which he drew from the hidden Books of the Phenicians , as Suidas : of which hereafter . § . 2 Pherecydes's fathers name was Badys , as Diogenes Laertius l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or rather as Vossius will have it Babys : for so Strabo , and Suidas write it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He was borne , according to Suidas , in the 46 th Olympiad , who also distinguisheth him from Pherecydes Lerius the Historian , who lived in the 75 th Olympiad . So Vossius de Histor . Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. Some , saies he , confound Pherecydes the Historian , with Pherecydes the Physiologist , and Theologue : This latter was of Syrus , one of the Cyclades , as Strabo lib. 2. Hesychius , and Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Laertius makes this our Pherecydes , the Philosopher , to have flourished about the 69 th Olympiad . Others make him more ancient . Tzetzes , Chil. 2. Hist . 55. saies , that he lived in the time of the Rich Croesus , about the 59 th Olympiad , and that he was Praeceptor to Thales the Milesian . But this account has no likelyhood ; for Thales seems , at least , contemporary to , if not more ancient than Ph●recydes . Cicero 1. Tusc . quaest . saies , he lived in the Reign of Servius Tullius his Country man , &c. That Thales was more ancient than Pherecydes , Vossius de philosoph . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 1. proves from this , that Thales , according to Laertius , dyed in Olympiad 58 , whereas Pherecydes flourished in Olympiad 60. § . 3. As for the original of Pherecydes's Philosophie , some say he heard Pittacus , so Laertius : others , that he had no Praeceptor , but drew his Philosophie from the secret Books , and hidden Mysteries of the Phenicians : so Suidas in the Life of Pherecydes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The same goes , that he was Praeceptor of Pythagoras , but he himself had no Instructor ; but that he exercised himself in the hidden Books of the Phenicians , which he was possessor of . Thus Vossius de philosoph . sect . l. 2. c. 1. § . 19. Pherecydes also the Praeceptor of Pythagoras , who was contemporary to Thales , and the Author of the Italick Sect , drew his Philosophie from the hidden Books of the Phenicians . Yea some think him to be a Syrian , not from Syrus , one of the Cyclades , but from Syria , a famous Countrey of Asia , whereof Phenicia is part . Yea Ambrose lib. 1. Epist . 6. of Pherecydes speaks thus : seeing he drew his pedegree , as some conceive , from the Jews , from their Discipline also he derived his Magisterial Precepts . That he traduced his invention of the Heliotrope , and other parts of his Philosophie , from the Phenicians will be hereafter evident . § . 4. Touching the mode or forme of his Philosophie , it was delivered in Prose , but symbolick , and mystical . That Pherecydes was the first that delivered his Philosophie in Prose , we have co●curring Testimonies from the Ancients , Strabo lib. 1. tels us that Cadmus , Pherecydes , and Hecataeus were the first that writ in loose Oration , or Prose : and so Porphyrie , as Suidas testifies , made this Pherecydes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Author of loose Oration , The like Apuleius in Floridis ; Moreover , saies he , Pherecydes , who sprang from the Iland Syrus , was the first , who rejected Verses , and attempted to write in words at large , loose Discourse , and free Oration . The like Theopompus , Laertius , and Suidas affirme , that Pherecydes was the first that treated of the Gods , and the Natures of things in Prose , for the former Philosophers were Ports , &c. § . 5. Notwithstanding Pherecydes rejected the ancient mode of delivering his Philosophie in Poems , yet he still retained the old Mythologick , and Symbolick mode of the Poets , in mixing many Fables with his Philosophie . So he himself confesseth in his Epistle to Thales , thus : Whatsoever the Theologist ( speaking of himself ) saith , you must understand otherwise ; for I write in Fables . And this is sufficiently evident from the Matter of Theologie ( which contained the most of his Philosophie , and was written in 10 books ) which , saith Dr. Owen ( in his Theol. l. 1. c. 1. ) was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , symbolick , and cryptick , or enigmatick ( wherein he was followed by the Pythagoreans ) whence he was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the darke cloudy Divine , as anon . § . 6. Pherecydes , as to Natural Philosophie , differed in some things from Thales ; yet he agreed with him in that great , and first principle , that Water was the first Matter all things ; which they both received from the Phenicians , as these had it from Genesis 1.2 . by some Jewish Tradition . Pherecydes was very famous amongst the Ancients for his Astronomical Invention of the Heliotrope : whereas yet he was not indeed the first Inventor , but only a great Emprover of it , as great Bochart in a Conference informed me ; viz. That this Astronomical Experiment was brought into Syra ( or Syrus ) where Pherecydes lived , by the Phenicians , who had a Colony there ( of which Homer makes some mention : ) and that Pherecydes only emproved this same invention of the Heliotrope ; the original patterne , as some conceive , was taken from the Jews , or Asa's Dial. The said Bochart referred me , for more information herein , unto his Canaan l. 1. c. 14. That Pherecydes was the first of the Grecians , that found out the Eclipses , and periods of the Moon , Tzetzes Chil. 2. Hist . 55. gives us to understand : as Vossius . § . 7. But the main of Pherecydes's Philosophie was Theologick . So Laertius out of Theopompus acquaints us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was the first amongst the Grecians , who writ of Nature , and of the Gods. Whence he was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Theologist : which Title Pythagoras , and Plato also obtained . For amongst the Greeks , who ever discoursed accurately of God , was stiled the Theologist , and their Science 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theologie , as Arist . Metaph 3. Pherecydes is supposed to be the first , that handled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theologick Mysteries in Prose . This Theologie of his consisted in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a description , and exposition of the Generation , and Succession of the Gods. For the Grecians , after the introduction of Hellenism , supposed all their Gods to be generated . This his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Theologie , Pherecydes comprized in 10 books : enigmatick , and cloudy Discourses , full of Fables , and Allegories ; which Isidore , cited by Clemens Alexandrinus , supposed to have been taken from the Prophecy of Cham : but it s much more probable , he traduced them from Sanchoniathon's Mythologick Theologie , touching the Origine , and Succession of the Gods : for it is the common opinion of Suidas , and others , that he derived this his Mystical Theologie from the abstruse , and darke books of the Phenicians . Pherecydes , in the beginning of his book , affirmes that Musaeus the son of Eumolpus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the first that made Poems of the Generation of the Gods , which others ascribe to Orpheus , others to Homer . § . 8. Concerning Pherecydes his Books of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there passeth an Epistle under his name written to Thales , which Montaigne Essais livre 2. c. 12. gives thus . Pherecydes one of the Seven Wise men ( that is a mistake ) writing to Thales , as he expired ; I have , saies he , appointed my friends , after they have enterred me , to bring unto thee my Writings : if they content thee , and the rest of the Wise men , publish them ; if not , suppresse them . They containe not any thing certain , that gives me satisfaction : so that I professe not to know the truth , nor to have attained to it . I start many things , that I cannot discover , &c. Though it is likely this Epistle is as fabulous , as the Matter of his Books ; yet we may suppose it to be Ancient ; and so to give us some account , how much unacquainted these fabulous Mythologists were with the materials of their own traditions . Touching this mystical Theologie of Pherecydes , see more in Diogenes Laertius of his Life , Ger. Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. pag. 443. Edit . 2. Dr. Owen Theol. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3 , &c. § . 9. Though Pherecydes's Philosophick Theologie was fabulous , and mystical , yet , as it is generally conceived , he did clearly , and plainly assert the Soul's Immortality . So Cicero lib. 1. Tusc . quaest . Pherecydes Sy●us was the first that asserted the Souls of men to be immortal . Thus Tullie , which Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 8. quotes . Also Austin Epist . 3. to Volusianus , thus writeth . What Idiot now , what abject woman is there , who believeth not the Immortality of the Soul , and a future Life after Death ? which in old times Pherecydes , first disputed for , amongst the Grecians , and Pythagoras the Samian being much moved by the novity of this Dispute , was transformed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher : so Montaigne Essais livr . 2. cap. 12. The opinion of the Immortality of the Soul , Cicero saies , was first introduced by Pherecydes ; but others attribute it to Thales . Who ever were the first traducer of this opinion into Greece , we have sufficient reason to conclude it was originally traduced from some Scripture , or Jewish Tradition . CHAP. V. Of Pythagoras , and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Jews . Of the sundry Sects of Philosophers . Testimonies proving , that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church . The Story of Pythagoras's Life . His extract from Phenicia . Pythagoras flourished about the 60. Olymp. when the Jewish Garden was laid open to the Grecians . Pythagoras his Preceptors in Greece , and how he was first converted from a Pugil , to a Philosopher . His first travels into Phenicia , and conferences with the Successors of Mochus , Phenician Priests , and Jews . His travels into Egypt , familiar conversation with the Priests , as also with the Jews in Egypt : and the motives inclining him thereto . Pythagoras's travels into Babylon , and converse with their Wise men , as also with the Jews under Chaldean titles , Zabratus , &c. The advantages he had for converse with the Jews , and their Writings from his skill in the Egyptian , and Chaldee Tongues , &c. His Returne to Samos , and Voyage to Cre●e . Pythagoras's coming into Italie , and restoring many Cities to liberty , and unity by means of his Scholars ; by whom he gave Laws to Italy . His Character , wherein appears his many eminent qualities , Natural , and acquired : his freedom from undue passions : his moderation in use of Creatures , care for his health , and husbanding his time : his aweful presence , and Severity , his contempt of honors , and contentation . §. 1 . THe first Distribution of Philosophers into the Ionick , and Italick Sects , has already passed under some general consideration ; with endeavors to demonstrate , that Thales , and Pherecydes , the two Heads of these first Sects , received the main of their Philosophie by tradition originally from the J●wish Church . But we now proceed to a more particular reflexion , on the Italick Sect , in regard to its more proper , and immediate Founder Pythagoras , who had his Schole in Italy ( that part which was called Magna Graecia ) where he vented his Phil●sophie , which consisted mostly of Jewish Mysteries , and Traditions , as it will be evident by what follows . His Adherents were termed Pythagoreans , as those who followed Plato's Philosophie Platonicks : whence also there sprang up many other Sects of Philosophers , which gave occasion to a second Distribution of Philosophers into their several Sects , as we have it excellently laid down by Ammonius ( not he , who was head of the Alexandrian Schole , but the Scholar of Proclus ) on Aristotles Categories pag. 9. in these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · We must know that the Sects of Philosophers had a seven fold Denomination ; either from the Head of the Sect , as the Platonicks , and Pythagoreans ; or from the Heresiarchs Countrey , as the Cyrenaicks from Aristippus , and the Megaricks from Euclid ; or from the place , wherein they taught , as the Academicks from Xenocrates , a●d the Stoicks from Zeno the Citiean ; or from their Judgment in philosophizing , as the Scepticks ; or from their manner of life as the Cynicks , of whom Antisthenes was Head : or from the End of their Philosophie , as the Voluptuous Epicureans : or from some Accident , as the Peripateticks , from Aristotles walking , &c. Thus Ammonius : of which Sects we shall discourse in their order , beginning with the Pythagoreans . § . 2. As for Pythagoras ( the Heresiarch of the Pythagoreans , as also the chief Founder of the Italick Sect ) that he traduced the main , or choicest parts of his Philosophie originally from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures , is a persuasion generally received by the Learned , both ancient , and modern , as well Pagans , as Jews and Christians . As for Pagan Testimonies , we have a famous Concession of Hermippus ( quoted by Josephus lib. 1. against Apion ) a most ancient , and diligent Writer of Pythagoras's Life , who , in his first book of Pythagoras , affirmes plainly , that he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , translate many of the Jewish Laws into his own Philosophie : and he gives a particular mention of some Jewish opinions , which Pythagoras taught , viz. of the Soul , of Purification , of Excommunication , &c. to which he subjoynes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he was an Imitator of the Jewish , and Thracian opinions . Diogenes Laertius also affirmes , that he went to the Hebrews , as hereafter . So Strabo , that he went into Judea , and inhabited Mount Carmel , where the Priests shewed Pythagoras's Walks , even in his time . And Malchus ( otherwise called Porphyrie ) who writ also the Life of Pythagoras , saies that he went to the Arabians , Hebrews , and Chaldeans , and that amongst the Chaldeans he had converse with Zabratus : whom Selden makes to be Ezekiel , as hereafter . Amongst the Jews we have the Testimonie of Aristobulus , a Jew of Egypt , who is supposed to have been the Master of Ptolemeus Philometer mentioned in the Maccabees ( 2 Mac. 1.10 . ) who saies expresly of Pythagoras ( as Clement Alexendrinus lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) ( or as others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pythagoras has translated many things from us , into his own Traditional Dogmes . So also Josephus ( contra Apion . l. 1. ) speaking of Pythagoras , saies , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only well skilled in our Discipline , but also embraced many things greedily . Amongst the Fathers , we have this Testimonie of Origen ( lib. 1. contra Celsum ) . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It 's said , that Hermippus in the first of his Legislators reports , that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jews unto the Greeks ; we have also concurring Testimonies of Modern Learned . Thus Aug. Steuch . Eugub , de peren . phil . l. 2. c. 2. We have the Testimonie of all , that Pythagoras travelled into Egypt to hear their Priests : The like is said of Solon , Eudoxus , Plato : Strabo writes , that in his time the Priests could shew their very Walks . It is reported , that Pythagoras brought his Symbols from them , and that he was circumcised after the Egyptian ( which we must understand of the Jewish ) manner . That he was in Judea , and that he dwelt in Mount Carmel , is the report of Iamblichus ; also that he travelled 22. years in Egypt , embraced their manners , and the Institutes of the Egyptian Priests , and desired Polycrates the Tyrant , that he would write to his friend Amasis King of Egypt , that he might participate of their Discipline , &c. To Steuchus Eugub . I subjoin our learned and pious Vsher in his Annals fol. 151. It may be proved ( saies he ) that Pythagoras conversed with the Jews , at Babylon ; for as much as he transferred many of their Doctrines into his Philosophie , as Hermippus declareth in his first book of things concerning Pythagoras , cited by Josephus , and in his first book of Law givers , cited by Origen ; which is likewise confirmed by Aristobulus the Jew ( a Peripatetick ) in his first book to Philometer ; who moreover was induced by the same reason to believe , that the Books of Moses were translated into the Greek Tongue before the Persian Empire ; whereas it is much more probable that Pythagoras received that part of his Learning from the Conversation he had with the Hebrews , thus Vsher . Lud. Vives that learned Philologist supposeth , that Pythagoras might have , whilst in Egypt , conversation with Jeremy the Prophet : That he traduced many things originally from Moses his Writings ( as Plato after him ) he affirmes with some confidence , in his notes on August . Civ . lib. 8. c. 11. Selden de Jure Nat. Hebr. lib. 1. c. 6. § . 5. proves this at large . Cassander in his Consult . on Art. 21. asserts the same . Grotius on Mat. 10.29 . saies , that many of the Hebrews held Gods Providence about men , but not about Beasts ; which Pythagoras may seem to have learned from the Hebrews , and to have taught the Grecians . And in his Votum , pag. 124. he saies , that Pythagoras lived amongst the Jews , as Hermippus testifieth ; and that he drew many of his Symbols from the Jews he affirmes very positively , in his Annotations on Mat. 7.6 . and Mat. 8.22 . as hereafter . Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 5. proves at large , that Pythagoras owes much of his Philosophie to the Jews . And Mr. Stillingfleet himself ( the only learned man that I have met with seemingly contradicting our Hypothesis ) saies I will not deny , but that Pythagoras might have had converse with the Jews in Chaldea , &c. Orig. sacr . book 3. c. 2. sect . 2. But we shall endeavor to make good our Assertion [ that Pythagoras traduced the main Principles of his Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures originally ] from the ●rie of his Life , his Institutes , and Philosophie , both as to Matter , and Forme thereof . § . 3. We shall begin with the Storie of Pythagoras's Life , who is said to be a Samian ; but whether he were born there , or elsewhere , is not certainly determined . Cleanthes ( as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag. ) saies , he was a Syrian of the Citie of Tyre in Ph●nicia ( a part of Syria ) whence making a Voyage to Samos ( before Ionia ) for traffick , at such time , as the Samians were much prest with famin , he supplied them with Corne ; in acknowledgement whereof they made him free of their Countrey . Suidas saith , Pythagoras was a Samian by education , but a Tyrrhenian by Birth , brought over young by his father to Sam●s . So Aristoxenus makes him to be a Tyrrhenian , as Lud. Vives in August . Civ . l. 8. c. 2. and Grotius on Mat. 7.6 . Many , saies he , make him to be a Tyrrhenian ; others a Tyrian , &c. But the more general , and approved opinion is that of Iamblichus ( de vita Pythag. cap. 2. ) that Pythagoras's Father was a Samian , descended from Ancaeus , who first brought a Colony into Samos ; and that Pythagoras his Son was born at Sidon in Phenicia , but educated at Samos . Which ever of these accounts we fix upon , it is evident , Pythagoras had a very great affinity unto , and so advantage from , the Phenicians , whereby to acquaint himself with the Jewish Learning , and Mysteries . § . 4. Pythagoras is supposed to have been borne about the 3. year of the 53. Olympiad , and he flourished , as some think about , the time that Nebuchadnezar besieged Jerusalem an . mundi . 3360. or according to Laertius , about the 60. Olympiad . About which time the Jewish Garden , which had been before enclosed , was thrown open , and many of the Plants thereof removed and set in forrain parts ; in Babylon , Egypt , Phenicia , &c. By which means Pythagoras and the rest of the inquisitive Grecians had a mighty advantage to informe themselves in the Jewish Wisdom , and Mysteries , touching God , his Names , and Attributes ; the Production , or Creation of the World , and its first principles , and all the Jewish Ceremonies . That Pythagoras went to Phenicia , and thence into Egypt , where he stayed 22. years , and afterward into Babylon , where he continued 12. years , and had conversation with the Jews in those parts , I now proceed to make evident . § . 5. Iamblichus ( Vit. Pythag. cap. 2. ) tels us , that Mnesarchus , the Father of Pythagoras , returning from Syria to Samus , brought up his Son in many excellent Sciences , committing him sometimes to Creophilus , sometimes to Pherecydes of Syrus . Diogenes Laertius saies , that Pythagoras's Father dying , he was committed by his Uncle Zoilus to Pherecydes the Syrian , &c. Augustin . Epist . 3. ad Volusianum saies , That Pythagoras , hearing Ph●recydes disputing amongst the Greeks of the immortality of the Soul , was so moved with the novity of this Dispute , that he was changed from a Pugil , or Wrestler into a Philosopher . That Pythagoras first was a Pugil , Laertius lib. 8. relates , as Vossius de philosoph . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 8. The same Laertius ( in the Life of Anaximenes ) reckons Pythagoras amongst the Disciples of Thales . For ( saies he , out of Anaximenes's Epistle to Pythagoras ) Pythagoras , being from his youth greatly enclined to an inquisition into Religious Rites , and Mysteries , addressed himself to Thales at Miletus , as to one , that could most advance him in this Enterprize . From Thales he received the first Elements of his Philosophie . So also Iamblichus ( de vita Pythag. lib. 1. c. 2. ) tels us that Thales entertained him very civilly , with admiration of his excellent naturals , which surpassed other Youths ; and after he had given him such instructions , as he could , in the Mathematicks , he advised him to have recourse to Egypt , there to converse with the Priests of Memphis , especially those of Jupiter ; from whom he himself had obtained those pieces of Knowledge for which he was accounted Wise . Amongst other things Thales advised him to emprove his time well , by reason whereof he abstained from Wine , and Flesh . See more Stanly on Thales . Whence we may collect how Pythagoras came by the first rudiments of his philosophick inclinations , and principles , namely from Thales , and Pherecydes ; from the former we may suppose he received his Natural Philosophie , and Mathematicks ; from the latter his mystical and symbolick Theologie , as also his notions of the Souls Immortality , &c. which were derived originally from the Jewish Nation , as before ▪ Vossius de philos . l. 2. c. 6. § . 9. saies , that Pythagoras heard in Greece , besides Pherecydes , Hermodamas , and Anaximander the Physiologist . § . 6. Pythagoras having learned of Thales to emprove his time , and inure himself to temperance , both as to the quantity , and quality of meats , whereby he acquired an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good habitude , and clearnes of mind , and an exact constant health of Body , he resolves upon travelling into the Oriental parts ; thereby to informe himself touching the first principles of Wisdome , and sacred Mysteries . And the first Voyage he made , was unto Sidon in Phenicia ; whereunto he was enclined , as well from a natural desire he had to the place , which he supposed to be his own Native Countrey , as also that he might satisfie himself touching their Mysteries , and Philosophie . Here he had conference with the Prophets , Successors of Mochus the Physiologist , with the Phenician Priests , and others ; and was initiated in all the Mysteries of Byblus , and Tyre , and sundry of the chief sacred Institutions in other parts of Syria , not undergoing these things out of superstition , but from his natural inclination and love to Wisdome , and fear , lest any thing worthy to be known , which was preserved amongst them , in the Mysteries of the Gods , might escape him . Thus Iamblichus c. 13. and Stanly out of him . That Pythagoras , whilst he was in Phenicia , had conversation with some Jews , is not unlikely ; for their own Countrey being depopulated , many of them fled for refuge to their neighbours the Egyptians , Phenicians , &c. Yea that Pythagoras visited Judea , is affirmed by Strabo , who affirmes that Pythagoras visited not only the Egyptians , Arabians , Chaldeans , but also penetrated into Judea it self , and inhabited Mount Carmel , where the Priests even in his time shewed the Walks of Pythagoras . So Hornius Hist . philos . l 3. c. 11. That Pythagoras , saies he , penetrated into Judea it self is affirmed by great Authors , though all agree not to it . However Iamblichus openly informes us , that he had conference with the Successors of Mochus , who , as has be●n already proved , had his Philosophie from the Jews . § . 7. From Phenicia Pythagoras passed into Egypt , with recommendation from Polycrates the Tyrant , to Amasis King of Egypt , who gave him Letters to the Priests , to whom he had recourse . In the first place he went to those of Heliopolis , who sent him to the Priests of Memphis : from Memphis he was sent to Thebes , where he was permitted to acquaint himself with all their Learning , which was never granted to any stranger before , as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag. p. 5. So Vossius de philos . sect . lib. 2. c. 2. § . 2. Pythagoras ( saies he ) was sent by Thales into Egypt , to confer with the Priests of Memphis , and Diospolis where he arrived in the Reign of Semneserteus , as Plinie , or of Amasis , to whom he was recommended by letters from Polycrates the Samian Tyrant , as Laertius : Plutarch saies , he heard Oenuphis the Heliopolite , &c. Diogenes saith , whilst he lived with these Priests , he was instituted , and informed in the Language , and Wisdom of the Egyptians , and in their threefold kind of Writing , Epistolick , Hieroglyphick , and Symbolick ; of which see Clemens Alexandr . Strom. 5. as before . Laertius also addes , that while he was in Egypt , he entred into the Egyptian Adyta , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and was instituted in things unexpressible touching the Gods. Perhaps he means the Tetracty , and the other Jewish Mysteries , in which Pythagoras was instructed , of which hereafter . Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. saies , he was Disciple to Sonchedes , a chief Prophet , or Priest of the Egyptians ; Diog. Laertius saies , that he learned the Egyptian Tongue . And Iamblichus ( l. 1. c. 4. ) saies , that being thus acquainted with the Learning of the Egyptians , he gained the observations of many Ages ; and , whilst he lived amongst them , was admired , and beloved of the Prophets , and Priests , with whom he conversed ; by which means he gave himself exact information concerning persons , and things ; not omitting any person eminent a● any time for Learning , or any kind of Religious Rites ; neither leaving any place unvisited , wherein he conceived , he might find somewhat extraordinary . Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews , is more than probable . Some incline to think he might have conference with Jeremy . So Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civ l. 8. c. 11. tels us , that Jeremy went with the Tribe of Juda , and Benjamin into Egypt , and dyed at Tanis ; where he was worshipped by the Natives , for a present remedy against the stinging of Serpents . Eusebius placeth the beginning of Jeremy's Prophecie in the first year of the 36. Olympiad . Then afterwards making mention of sundry Platonick Mysteries of God his infinite Essence , and Idea's traduced from Exod. 3.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he concludes thus : Although I do no way doubt , but that Pythagoras himself learned these Mysteries in Egypt from the Sacred Volumnes ; and the conference with Jeremy , rather agrees to him , than to Plato . Though it is possible , Jeremy might be dead before Pythagoras came into Egypt . Yet we need no way doubt , but that his fame was then living , which together with the great repute the Jewish Nation had for ancient Wisdom , Records , and Mysteries , could not but prove a prevailing motive , and quickening of Pythagoras's inquisitive humor , to make some inquisition into the Jewish Records , Rites , Wisdome , and Mysteries , contained in the sacred Volumnes , according to this positive affirmation of Lud. Vives . And indeed how can we rationally imagine , that Pythagoras , who was so greedy after oriental Traditions , Wisdome , and Mysteries ; and so curious to pry into every corner of Egypt ( where he staid 22. years ) to examine all persons , and things , especially such as pretended to any ancient Records , Religious Rites , or Mysteries ; I say , how can we imagine , that he should passe by those multitudes of Jews , he met with in Egypt , without enquiry into their ancient Wisdom , and Records , which infinitely excelled those few broken Traditions , and corrupt derivations , which the Egyptians had extracted from their sacred Fountains ? Yea Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. tels us , that Pythagoras , to satisfie his curiositie in these his enquiries in Egypt , suffered himself to be circumcised , and so learned things not usually communicated , concerning the Gods , and their Mysteries . Now we know this Rite of circumcision was proper to the Jews , not used by Egyptians . § . 8. Pythagoras , quitting Egypt , went to Babylon ; of which Voyage Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. gives this relation : that Cambyses having ( in the 63. Olympiad ) conquered Egypt , Pythagoras was taken prisoner by him , and sent to Babylon , where he conversed with the most eminent amongst the Chaldeans ( I suppose the Zabii ) as also with the Persian Magi , who entertained him very curteously , and gave him insight into their more hidden Mysteries , and Religious Rites of worship performed to their Gods , as also in the Mathematicks . Thus Vossius de philosoph . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 4. treating of Pythagoras , saies , out of a desire to get Learning , he was conversant with the Persian Magi , and with the Assyrians , or Chaldeans ; as , besides others , Laertius testifieth , who saith , that he was initiated in all the Grecian , and Barbarian Mysteries ; and that he learned the Egyptian Tongue , and thence had conversation with the Chaldeans in Assyria , and the Magi in Persia . The same Vossius saies ( de philos . l. 2. c. 1. ) that from the Chaldeans he learned Astronomie . Laertius saies , that he was most conversant with these Chaldeans . Now that by these Chaldeans , with whom Pythagoras was so intimate , we may justly understand inclusively ( if not exclusively ) the Jews , I think , will be pretty clear , if we consider that the Jews having lost their own visible state , and Nation , lived now under the Chaldean Government , and State ; and so might passe amongst the Grecians for Chaldeans . And this will be farther evident , if we reflect on what is mentioned by Diogenes ( cited by Porphyrie ) of the Chaldeans , with whom Pythagoras conversed in Babylon ; amongst whom he particularizeth one Zabratus , by whom he was cleansed from the defilements of his Life , and informed in many things concerning Nature , and the first principles of the Vniverse . This Zabratus ( Selden de Jure Nat. Heb. l. 1. c. 2. ) enclines to believe was Ezekiel : for he takes notice that Ezekiel , and Pythagoras flourished about the same time , betwixt the 50. and 52. Olympiad . The like is mentioned by Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. Truely the most accurate Chronologie teacheth us , that Pythagoras , and Ezekiel flourished together , between the L. and LII . Olympiads . Therefore the account of time hinders not , but that Nazaratus ( who is said to be Pythagoras's Master ) should be the same with Ezekiel . He also is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zabratus , who by Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras is called his Master , &c. Godefred Wendelin asserts , that Pythagoras derived his Tetractie from the Jews ; and particularly from Daniel , the chief of the Magi , who was then , when Pythagoras lived in those parts , about 70. years old . So Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. affirmes , that Pythagoras had some rude notices of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Gods name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jehovah , which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tetracte . That Pythagoras had conversation with , and some traditions from , the Jews , whilst he was in Babylon appears farther , by what Diogenes in his Treatise of incredible things beyond Thule ( quoted by Porphyrie pag. 8. ) affirmes of Pythagoras ; that he went also to the Hebrews , &c. That Pythagoras visited Egypt , and Babylon , at those very times , when the Jews had their abode there , is affirmed by Eusebius lib. 10. praepar . c. 2. They report , that Pythagoras was an Auditor , not only of Pherecydes Syrius , but also of the Persian Magi , and of the Egyptian Divinators , at that very time , when some of the Jews went to Babylon , and others of them to Egypt . That there were a quantity , or great number of Jews in Babylon , when Pythagoras was there , is most evident : for suppose we fix the time of his being in Babylon after the Captivity of the Jews , and their Returne to Judea ; yet it is certain , there were great numbers of them never returned , but continued in Babylon , where they had 3. famous Scholes , or Vniversities , Sora , Pompeditha , and Neharda ( as has been afore observed ) which we cannot conceive , that Pythagoras , so curious an Inquisitor into Antiquity , would passe by , without observation for 12. years space , for so long he continued in Babylon , according to Iamblichus . That , which gave Pythagoras the greatest advantage , and encouragement to converse with the Jews in Babylon , was his skill in the Egyptian Tongue ( as Diogenes , and others assert ) which indeed differed not in Substance , but only in Dialect , from the Hebrew , and Chaldee , as we have endeavored to prove out of Bochart , and others ; so that we need not , with Aristobulus , suppose the Translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Monarchie ; for Pythagoras being skilled in the Egyptian , and , I suppose , also the Chaldean Tongue , having lived in Chaldea 12. years , might without difficulty , read Moses's Writings , at least have conversation , and conference with the Jews , who could , without doubt , ( having lived so long in Chaldea ) speake the Chaldean Tongue , &c. That Pythagoras really had conversation with the Jews at Babylon , and translated many things out of their Doctrines into his Philosophie , has been already proved by sundry Testimonies collected by Learned Vsher , as also by the concession of Stillingfleet ; of which see § . 2. of this Chapter . § . 9. Pythagoras having spent 12. years at Babylon , in conversation with the Persian Magi , Chaldeans , and Jews , about the 56 year of his age he returned to Samos , where hee endeavored to instruct the Samians in that Symbolick mode of philosophizing , he had learned in Egypt , and other oriental parts , but the Samians , not affecting his obscure , and enigmatick Philosophie , did not give him any great encouragement to continue long with them , as Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 5. Laertius informes us , that the occasion of his departure from Same 's , was the Tyranny it lay under by reason of Polycrates his usurpation . So Vossius de phil . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 1. That Pythagoras was a great assertor of the peoples Liberties ( as Plato ) but an inveterate enemy of Tyranny , will appear in its place . § . 10. Iamblichus also ( cap. 5. ) acquaints us , that , before his going into Italy , he went to Crete to acquaint himself with the Laws of Minois , as also to Sparta , to gain Knowledge in those of Lycurgus , which then had the Vogue for great Legislators . Laertius tels us , while he was in Crete , he had conversation with Epimenides , with whom he entred the Idean Cave . This Epimenides is by Apuleius in 2. Florid , stiled the famous Diviner , where also he addes , that Pythagoras made use of one Leodamas the disciple of Creophilus for his Master ; but Laert. l. 8. and Suidas call him Hermodamas . Casaubon thinks , that he might have heard Solon also , but Vossius gainsays it , Vossius de phil . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § 4. § . 11. Pythagoras , quitting Greece , went into Italy ( that part which was called Magna Graecia ) and first arrived at Croto , where , by his graceful presence , Rhetorical Orations , and friendly complaisance , he gained the affections of the Citizens , both Magistrates , and others ; as Iamblichus cap. 8. The same Iamblichus ( cap. 6. ) tels us , that , at the first Speech he made in Croto , he attracted many followers , in so much that in a short time he gained 600. Disciples . And that he had a general esteeme amongst the Romans , is evident by the Statue , they erected to him , at Rome ; of which Plinie lib. 34. cap. 6. thus speaks : I find Statues erected to Pythagoras , and Alcibiades in the hornes of the Comitium . see Vossius philos . l. 2. c. 6. § . 28. &c. And indeed no wonder , that the Italians had so great an esteeme for , and affection to Pythagoras : for he had been a great Instrument of delivering them from Oppression , and Sedition amongst themselves , as also of communicating to them Good Laws ( which he had from the Jews ) and such a constitution of their Common Wealth , as tended most to the preservation of Libertie , and Vnitie ; the main pillars of any State. So Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , pag. 14. and Iamblichus out of him l. 1. c. 7. informe us , that whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie , and Cicilie found in subjection one to another , he instilled into them , by his Disciples , a principle of Libertie . Thus he freed Crotona , Sybaris , Catana , Rhegium , Himera , Agrigentum , and other Cities where his Disciples prevailed . Yea indeed many of the most eminent Rectors of the Italian common wealths proceeded from Pythagoras's Schole , as Zaleucus , who gave Laws to the Locrians , and Charondas the Catanaean , who gave Laws to the Thurii , with other Legislators , of whom see Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 30. By means of which Pythagorean Laws , and Governors , these Cities were a long time well governed . Pythagoras wholly took away dissention . So Iamblichus . Some also say , that Numa Pompilius had his Laws from Pythagoras ; but of this more hereafter . § , 12. From Pythagoras's settlement , and Schole in Italie , the Italick Sect received its denomination . That part of Italie , wherein Pythagoras taught , was called Magna Graecia , which comprized Tarentum , Metapontus , Heraclea , Croto , and the Thurii . Pythagoras having lived at Croto 20 years , dyed in the last year of the 70. Olympiad , as Eusebius will have it . He had indeed an universal esteeme amongst all : but a particular reverence from his Scholars , who , as long as he lived , were wont to stile him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Theologue ; but after his death they called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the man. Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 2. gives him this honorable character . Pythagoras ( saies he ) after the death of his Father , grew up in Wisdome , and Temperance , being even from his youth generally honored by the most ancient . His graceful presence , and taking Discourse drew all persons to him ; in so much that many affirmed him to be the son of some God. He being thus confirmed by the common vogue of all men concerning him , by the education given him in his youth , and by his excellent Naturals , made himself dayly more deserving of these advantages ; adorning himself with Religious Exercises , natural Sciences , exemplary conversation , stability of mind , grave deportment , and with an amiable imitable serenitie . He was never transported by unlawful passion , laughter , emulation , contention , or any other disorder . He lived like some good Genius comeing to converse in Samos , whence he was stiled the Samian Comet . Iamblichus ( chap. 13. ) gives us a farther account of his Moderation in the use of creature comforts , and refreshments ; of his exact Wisdome , and diligence to preserve a good habitude , and disposition of body , and mind : as also of his great care in redeeming , and emproving his time . Pythagoras ( saies he ) having learned of Thales above all things to husband his time well , he did for that reason abstain from Wine , and Flesh ; having before abstained from eating much , and accustomed himself to such meates , as were of more easie digestion ; by which means he acquired an habit of watchfulnes , serenity , and vivacity of mind , and an equal continued health of body . § . 13. To give a brief Abstract of what Diogenes Laertius does more at large relate touching Pythagoras . He was ( saith he ) the first Institutor of the Italick Sect ; all the others were called Ionick from Thales . Pythagoras , when young , was committed by his Uncle Zoilus to Pherecydes a Syrian . When he was young , and most studious of Learning , he initiated himself in the Barbarian , and Grecian Rites ▪ and Mysteries . At length he went to Egypt , with commendatory Letters from Polycrates , where he learned the Egyptian Tongue ; but he was most conversant with the Chaldeans , and the Magi. After that he went to Crete , where he conversed with Epimenides . In Egypt he entered the Adytum , and was instructed in the ineffable mysteries of the Gods. At his return to Samos , finding his Countrey under Tyranny by Polycrates , he went to Croto in Italie : where he gave Laws to the Italians ; and was honored by his Scholars . He is reported to have been of a most awful majestick presence , which made so deep an impression on such , as had conversation with him , that a young man being severely rebuked by him , immediately hanged himself ; whereupon Pythagoras ever after forbore to reprove any : thus Laertius . We have a good evidence of Pythagoras's contentation , and contempt of wordly grandeur by his Epistle to Hiero , in answer to an invitation he made him , to come and live with him . My life , saies Pythagoras , is secure , and quiet , but yours will no way suit with me : a moderate , and self denying person needs not a Sicilian table . Pythagoras , wheresoever he comes , has all things sufficient for the day ; but to serve a Lord is heavy , and intolerable for one unaccustomed to it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self sufficiency is a great , and safe thing ; for it hath none , that envyeth or conspires against it . Whence that life seemeth to come nearest to God. Therefore write not to Pythagoras to live with you : for Physicians will not fall sick , to bear their patients company . Stanlie Life of Pythagoras chap. 22. § . 14. Apuleius Florid. 15. gives us this brief account of Pythagoras's Travels , Instructors . and Philosophie : The common fame goes , that of his own accord he sought after the Egyptian Sciences , and learnt there of the Priests the incredible efficacies of their Ceremonies , the admirable changes of Numbers , the most exact formules of Geometrie : but his mind being not satiated with these Siences , he thence goes to the Chaldeans , and hence to the Brachmanes , and Gymnosophists . The Chaldees teach the Sideral Science , or Astronomie , the stated ambitus of the wandring Stars , and the various effects of both in the Genitures of men ; also Medicine , &c. The Brachmanes also contribute much to his Philosophie . Moreover Pythagoras embraced Pherecydes , who sprang out of the Scyran Iland , for his Master . It is said , that he studied Natural Philosophie with Anaximander : also that he followed Epimenides of Crete , that famous Prophet , and Poet , for Science sake : also Leodamas , the Disciple of Creophilus , &c. To which we may adde that of Justin Hist . lib. 20. He went first to Egypt , then to Babylon to learn the motions of the Stars and the Origine of the Vniverse . Whence returning he came to Crete , and Lacedemon , to understand the Laws of Minos , and Lycurgus , at that time most famous . With which being instructed he came to Croto , where , by his Authoritie , he reduced the people fallen into Luxury , to the use of frugality . He enumerated the ruines of the Cities , which had been destroyed by the pest of Luxurie . He frequently taught the Women apart from the Men , and the Children apart from their Parents . And he gained thus much by his continual Disputation , that the Matrones laid aside their golden garments , and other ornaments of their Dignitie , accounting Chastitie , and not fine Clothes , to be the true ornaments of Matrones : Thus Justin . Pythagoras , the more effectually to forme , and shape the Manners of the Citie , frequently explicated the practick part of Wisdom . Pythagoras leaving Croto went to the Metapontines , who had him so greatly in admiration , as that after his death , they made his house a Temple , and worshipt him as a God. Justin lib. 20. CHAP. VI. Pythagoras's College , and Discipline from the Jews . Pythagoras's 2. Scholes 1. common . 2. His private College , wherein were 1. Novices , their examen , and probation . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Intrinsicks , Phil. 3.12 , 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. Tim. 3.6 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Discipline of Pythagoras's College . Their consociation founded on Virtue as Exod. 19.5 , 6. set forth by Salt , from Lev. 2.13 . Numb . 18.19 . Covenant by Salt what ? Luke 13.26 . Ezra 4.14 . Mark 9.49 . Of the Essenes , their Collegiate Life , and the Pythagoreans Symbolizing with them in 16 Particulars . The Pythagoreans a sort of Separatists Gal. 2.9 . Their shunning worldly Pleasures , and Company : their Celibat , and Abstinenoes , as Col. 2.16 , 21 , 22. 1. Tim. 4.3 . Their Purifications and Festivals . Their white Vestments from Eccles . 8. Their perpetual Silence , and their concealing Mysteries . Their reverence towards their Elders . Their owning Providence , with their Devotion . Their dayly exercises , with morning premeditation , and night examination . Their Constancie , with their excommunication Mat. 8.22 . § . 1. HAving given the Storie of Pythagoras's Life , and Travels , and some account of his Conversation with Jews therein ; we proceed to his Schole , Institutes , and Discipline ; wherein we doubt not , but to make discovery of many Jewish Institutes , & traditions . Iamblichus , lib. 1. cap. 6. tels us , that Pythagoras , upon his settlement at Croto in Italy , drew unto him , by his perswasive Orations , many followers even unto the number of 600. persons , who were by him won , not onely to the embracing that Philosophie he professed ; but also to submit to his Rules of Discipline , and that Collegiate mode of life , which he prescribed to them . For the more full understanding whereof , we must know , that Pythagoras had two severall Scholes , and thence two sorts of Disciples , as Porphyrie , Iamblichus , and Clem. Alexandr . have observed . For 1. he had his Homocoeion or common Schole , for all ; which Clemens Alexandrinus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. ) enterprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church , where all sorts of hearers were admitted : where the Disciples that belonged to this Schole were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Auditors , or Pythagorites , these learned only the chiefe Principles of Philosophie , without more exact explication . For these being either of more dull capacities , or else ingaged in civill affaires , had not Abilities , or leisure to addict themselves wholly to Pythagoras , and his Philosophie ; wherefore he expounded to them only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or naked Heads of Philosophie . Among these common hearers there were of all sexes , ages , and conditions : men , women , adult , youth . The Citizens , and men of Croto he exhorted daily , and apart with a great splendor of Oration , to the study of Vertue . The Matrons also , who were thence stiled , Pythagoricae , he instructed frequently , and apart in their duties , as also the children apart from their parents , as Laert. lib. 8. and Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. 2. Pythagoras also had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coenobium , which Laertius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Systeme ; and Cassiodorus his College , as others his Family , and the Disciples , that belonged to this Schole , or College , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Genuine , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mathematicians , because they being generally young , of quick apprehensions , and as willing , as also able , to devote themselves to the study of Philosophie , Pythagoras expounded to them not onely the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Causes , and Reasons of things ; why it was so , and so , and why it could not be otherwise . These Mathematicians being of Pythagoras's College , Covent , or Family , and by him instituted in the more full , and exact Reasons of things , and deeper points of Philosophie , were only esteemed and called genuine Pythagoreans : the former acoustiques , or common hearers , being called only Pythagorites . To these two sorts of hearers Gellius l. 1. c. 4. addes a third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of naturalists . Yea the Author of the Pythagorean life addes more : of which see Photius cod . 249. Clemens Alexand. lib. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 V●ssius de Philos . Sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 18. Stanly of Pythag. Discip . Chap. 1. § . 2 In Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Convent , College or Family there were also two sorts of Disciples ; some were only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exoteriques , Novices or Probationers . Others were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intrinsiques , or Perfect . As for the Probationers or novices , Pythagoras , to render them capable of Philosophy , prepared them by a most severe Discipline , and made them passe a very strict examen . For Pythagoras studied very much to know , and understand men ; what every mans Disposition was , what his natural capacity for Philosophy , and what his inclinations thereto were : neither would he admit any into his College , or Family , before he had made some Physiognomicall observations concerning the man ; If upon exact observation of all circumstances , he found the person to be of good naturals , and of an awakened understanding , then he brought him under an Examen touching his morals ; whether he were of good manners , and had affectionate inclinations to Philosophy , &c. The person thus examined , and approved by Pythagoras , was admitted into his Society , or College as an Exoterique , or Probationer ; as Iamblichus cap. 20. and Stanly of Pythagoras's Discipline chap 2. § . 3. Now that Pythagoras traduced this part of his Discipline , as also the former relating to his Acoustiques , or Common auditors from the Jewish Church , seems very probable . For who knows not , that the Jewes had two sorts of Proselites ? 1. Those of the Gates , i e. such as lived within their gates , and partaked of some common privileges ; unto whom Pythagoras's common Disciples seem to answer : but secondly , there were Proselites of the covenant , or of Righteousnesse , i e. such as were incorporate into the Jewish Church , and so made partakers of all their privileges . Now in the admission of these , Maimonides tels us , the Jewes were very strict and severe , as Ainsworth out of him on Gen. 17.12 . [ Bought with money . ] when a man or woman cometh to joyne a Proselyte , they make a diligent enquiry after such , lest they come to get themselves under the Law , for some Riches , they should receive , or for Dignitie they should obtain , or for Fear . If he be a Man , they enquire whether he have not set his affection on some Jewish woman ; or a Woman her affections on some Young man of Israel . If no such like occasion be found in them , they make known to them the Weightinesse of the Yoake of the Law , &c. to see if they will leave off . If they will take it upon them , and withdraw not , and they see , that they come of love , then they receive them as its written Ruth . 1.18 . &c. Thus Ainsworth . By which we see , how near Pythagoras comes to the Jewes in his strict , and severe examen , as to the Admission of Disciples , from whom we have some reason to perswade us , that he tooke the whole Idea , or Platforme of his Schole and College . Yea if we may believe Clemens Alexandrinus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. ) Pythagoras himself was circumcised ; and if so , we may suppose he was admitted as a Proselyte , to partake of the Privileges , and Mysteries of the Jewish Church . And Porphyrie ( pag. 2. ) tels us , that he was cleansed from the pollutions of his life past by one Zabratus , who according to S●lden was Ezekiel . Or if not a Proselyte of the Covenant ; yet we may with safety suppose him to be a Proselyte of the Gates ; that is , one that heard amongst them , and so acquainted himselfe with their Discipline , and Mysteries , and affected an imitation thereof , particularly in this rite of admitting his Disciples and Probationers . § . 4. Pythagoras appointed his Exoteriques under Probation many Exercises for the purification of their minds , as also many Abstinences from wine , flesh , and other meats obstructing the clearnesse of understanding , with many other probationarie exercises : which probation or preparative Discipline they underwent usually five yeares before they were admitted to be Intrinsiques , or compleat Pythagoreans . But the main Injunction , which Pythagoras laid on these Exoteriques , or Novices , was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quinquenniall , or 5 years silence . The cause of which silence was to inure his Disciples to the right government of their Tongues , which of all things is most difficult , and yet the most usefull , and necessary for Novices in any science . Thence Iamblichus lib. 1. c. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ The Government of the Tongue is of all most difficult . So Apul. Florid. 15. The first Founder of Philosophie first taught his Disciples to hold their peace , and his first mediation , in order to the procuring Wisdome , was to bridle the Tongue , and keep our words within the wall of our teeth ; for he forbad not speech altogether , but loquacitie ; requiring that they spoke more rarely , more submissively , more modestly , which is a great vertue , though very difficult in Scholars : according to that of Quintilian , Decl. 19. I thinke there is no virtue more difficult , than that of Silence . This Pythagorean silence answers that of Job ch . 6. v. 24. Teach mee and I will hold my tongue . Others make the reason of this silence to be that the soule , turning inward to her selfe , might be diverted from externall objects , and all irregular passions . Hence his silence was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ( saies Aulus Gellius lib. 1. c. 9. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as Hesychius , and out of him Suidas from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conteining within himselfe his speech . This Probationary silence of these Novices , Laertius lib. 8. calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a quinquenniall silence . Laertius saies , that the Pythagorean Novices kept silence 5. years , only hearing Pythagoras's discourses , but not seeing him , till they were fully approved , & then they became of his Family , which he cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 systeme . So Servius on Virgil , Aen. 10. yet Aulus Gellius l. 1. c. 9. informes us , that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 yeares silence was not required of all , but of some more , of some lesse ; but none were enjoyned lesse than two yeares silence , as none more then five yeares . The like Apuleius in floridis tels us , that some were silent for a lesser space , especially such as were more grave : but those who were more pratling , were enjoyned a quinquenniall silence . The Pythagoreans for this their silence continued in great honour even to Isocrates's time , who in his Busiris saies , that men more admired the Pythagoreans , who held their peace , than others , who had obtained the greatest glory by speaking . Yea Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples some kind of perpetuall silence , for he taught 1. That we ought to be silent , or to speake things better than Silence . 2. to comprehend many things in few words , not few things in many words , whence Zeno blamed such as instead of being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of learning , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of words . 3. Pythagoras forbad his Scholars declaring his mysteries to others . Those who after their five years preparative Discipline , and Probation , appeared by their moderation , commendable conversation , and other qualifications fit to participate of Pythagoras's more secret Philosophie and Mysteries , were made Intrinsiques , being admitted to hear Pythagoras within the screen , and to see him , and henceforward were accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. perfect , which privileges the former Probationers , or Novices were not made partakers of . But if these Novices , after the time of their Probation , were not judged worthy to be received to the condition of the perfect , or compleat members of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Covent , then were they rejected , & a Coffin was made by the Disciples of Pythagoras , & placed in their room , as a lively symbolique image of a person morally dead : so Iamblichus cap. 17. and Grot. on Mat. 8.2 . as Hammond on Luke 25.24 . of which hereafter in the Pythagorean Excommunication Par. 9. § . 5. That Pythagoras took the Idea , and Platform of his probationary examen , Discipline , and preparative exercises from the Jewish Church the Learned assure us ; and that upon more than conjecturall grounds . So Daillé in his Sermon on Philip. 3.12 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] This term [ perfect ] saies he , is taken from those ( viz. the Pythagoreans ) amongst the Pagans , who after many preparations and purifications rendred themselves capable of the view , and participation of certaine great Idololatrique mysteries , which in those times were had in great veneration , &c. Now that this mode of initiating Novices by such preparative exercises , after which they became 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or perfect , does originally belong to the Jewish Church , the same Daillé affirmes on Phil. 3.15 . Parfaits perfect . The ancient Greek Pagans had in their Religion certain mysteries , & sacred ceremonies , to the view , & participation of which they received not their Devoto's , till they had been prepared for the same by diverse Disciplines , calling them perfect , who were admitted thereto , and holding the others for Novices or Apprentices only — But these words were taken originally from the fashion of the Jewish Church , in the Scholes whereof there were divers orders : some were more low , others more high , in which were taught the most sublime mysteries : and this last part of their Theologie was called by a word , that signifies perfection , because they held it for the top of their Discipline : and in like manner they , who had been instructed in this their sublime Theology , were called The perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus likewise the Levites ( as some observe ) had their quinquennial , or five yeares probation and preparation , by preparative Exercises , before they entred upon their compleat office : whence we see what affinity there is betwixt Pythagoras's Probationers , or Novices , and those in the Jewish Church , and Schole . Paul also 1 Tim. 3.6 . makes mention of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a Novice in the Christian Church , which Oecumenius enterprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one newly initiated in the faith , a Catechumen , and Theophilact 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one newly baptized , and admitted into the Church , answering to the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which the LXX . render Job . 14.9 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and as we may presume with allusion to the Novice in the Jewish Church . And this very custome of initiating Novices by preparative Discipline the popish Monks , such as are Regular , universally retain to this very day ( both name and thing ) in the admitting persons into their Covents ; which , we need no way doubt , they at first took up in imitation of , and compliance with the Pagans , especially the Pythagoreans , and the Jewish Church ; as also their whole Monastique Life , and Institutes , of which hereafter . Lastly , we should be perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and without blemish ; such were the Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and Plato's Priest , whom he requires to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perfect and genuine . § 6. We have spoken of Pythagoras's Disciples in common , as also of those who belonged to his coenebium , or College , both his Novices , and perfect , with their cognation to , and derivation from the Jewish Church , and Scholes . We now proceed to treat of the Discipline Pythagoras exercised amongst his Scholars , especially those of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or College , wherein we doubt not , but to discover many remarkeable , and evident footsteps of Jewish discipline , and Traditions , whence we may suppose it was traduced . The first thing considerable in the Discipline of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or College was the Confoederation , League , or Covenant betwixt all those , who were Members thereof . For as we have already proved , Pythagoras was very severe and strict in the admission of Members into his Systeme or College . He judged , and that rightly , there could be no fraternity and lasting friendship , but what was grounded on Likenesse ; and no true proper Likenesse , but what was founded in virtue , or resemblance of God. Whence saies Iamblichus of the Pythagoreans , Their study of friendship by words and actions , had reference to some Divine temperament , and to union with God , and to unity with the Divine soule . So Stanly of Pythag. Philos . ch . 2. By which it is plain , that Pythagoras asserted both in Thesi , or Opinion , and in Hypothesi , and Practice , that there could be no Consociation , or friendship worthy of that name , but what was founded on Virtue , and Likenesse to God. This also was sufficiently couched under two of Pythagoras's Symbols according to the explication of Iamblichus , as that Symbol 28. [ Lay not hold on every one suddenly with your right hand ] i. e. sayes Iamblichus , give not your right hand , or draw not easily to you into your society persons not initiated ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i. e. such as have not been long tryed by Doctrines and Disciplines , nor are approved as worthy to participate , &c. Another of Pythagoras's Symbols , whereby he signified to us , that Virtue , or Likenesse to God , was the onely solid and genuine foundation of strict Friendship and Society , was this , Symbol . 35. [ set downe salt ] that is , saith Iamblichus Justice , of which salt is an embleme . This also Plato ( Pythagoras's imitator ) does much insist upon , especially in Lysis ( this Lysis , whom Plato makes to be the subject of this discourse of friendship , was Pythagoras's Scholar ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Friendship , proving first that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Likenesse was the ground of all Friendship . 2. Thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. that good men only were alike , and Friends , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that wicked men had no likenesse , &c. Whence he concludes 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is no conjunction , or stable union amongst wicked men . § . 7. Now that Pythagoras took this Foundation , Constitution , or Idea of his Cellege from the Jewish Church their holy confederation , I thinke we have good conjectures , if not demonstrative Arguments to prove it . For we know , the Jewish Church was by virtue of Gods Covenant , and gracious presence with them a separate , select , peculiar , and holy people : Exod. 19.5 . — and keep my covenant , then shall ye be a peculiar treasure to mee above all people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth ones owne proper good , which he loveth , and keepeth in store for himselfe , and for peculiar use : 1 Chr. 29 3. Here it is applyed to Gods Church , and translated by the LXX . a peculiar people , and St Peter expresses it by a word , that signifies a people for peculiar possession 1 Pet. 2.9 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] i. e. as Camero observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies primarily abundance , thence excellency , as choice , select jewels , &c. Therefore God , though he were the Rector of all the earth , yet the Jewish Church was his peculiar treasure , or possession , as the Diademe on the head , or the seale on the hand : so Exod. 34.9 . and take us for thine inheritance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we find the same Psal . 135.4 . For the Lord hath chosen Jacob to himselfe , and Israel for his peculiar treasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is the same word with Exod. 19.5 . and so rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such a separate , peculiar , and holy relation had the Jewish Church by virtue of Gods Covenant , and their owne stipulation unto God. In imitation whereof , we may safely conjecture , Pythagoras framed his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Covent , or College , which was to him as a peculiar Family , or Church ; and therefore look as Salt was of great use in the Jewish Church , and Sacrifices , as that which did lively , though but Symbolically , represent their holy friendship , and communion with God ; so in like manner Pythagoras makes great use of this same Symbol [ set down salt ] to expresse the holy Friendship and Communion there should be amongst his Collegues . And that Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt , by which he signified that Covenant , and Friendship , which ought to be betwixt his Collegues , had its first rise from the parallel use of Salt in the Jewish Church , will I thinke appeare very probable , if we consult the Scriptures , where we find this Symbol mentioned , as also its use amongst the Ancients . It is said Lev. 2.13 . Thou shalt not suffer the Salt of the Covenant of thy God to be lacking ; with all thine offerings thou shalt offer salt . So Numb . 18.19 . we read of a Covenant by Salt. The like 2. Chron. 13.5 . where the salt , that was cast upon all the Sacrifices , is called the Salt of the Covenant , because the Covenant of God with his people was confirmed by Sacrifice , as Psal . 50.5 . Gather my Saints together unto mee , those who have made a Covenant with me by Sacrifice . The original of which Covenant by Sacrifice we find Gen. 15.9 , 10. which was afterwards imitated by the Heathens in the confirmation of their solemn Covenants : so that this Covenant by Salt is the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice , because these Covenants by Sacrifice , both in the Jewish Church , and also amongst the Greeks , were solemnized by Eating , and drinking the Sacrifices , whereunto Salt was alwayes a necessary appendix . For God by these feastings upon the Sacrifices , wherein Salt was used , did confirme his Covenant with those , who did participate of them ; in as much as they did in some sort eat and drinke with God : as Luke 13.26 . We have eaten and drunke in thy presence . i. e. we have eaten and drunke together with thee of thy Sacrifices , or at thy Communion Table , for the ratifying our Covenant , and in token of our friendship with thee . And , that Salt was alwayes accounted by the Ancient Jewes , as an essentiall concurrent of their feasts , especially such as were for the confirmation of Covenants , Love , and Friendship , appears by that common proverb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every feast wherein is not some salt , is no feast . We have a great instance , and proofe of this Jewish custome to make use of Salt for the confirmation of their Covenants , in Ezra 4.14 . where the original Chaldee ( different from our version ) runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because we have eaten of the Kings salt . i. e. because we have engaged our selves in a Covenant of Friendship to him , by eating of his meat . So that we see this Rite of making Covenants by Salt was fresh amongst the Jewes even then , when Pythagoras flourished , and lived amongst them in Chaldea . Hence learned Cudworth ( in his Discourse of the true notion of the Lords Supper pag. 68. ) having shewen how Salt was used amongst the Ancients as a Symbol of Covenants , and friendship , addes , Thus I understand that Symbol of Pythogoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to set downe Salt for Friendship , and hospitality . — Because Covenants and reconciliations were made by eating , and drinking , where salt was alwaies used . Salt it selfe was accounted amongst the Ancients a Symbol of friendship , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Salt , and the Table was used proverbially amongst the Greeks to expresse friendship by : thence Origens quotation out of Archilochus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to transgresse the Salt and Table , was to violate the most sacred league of Friendship . Aeschines in his Oration de perperam habita Legatione hath a passage very pertinent to this purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For he saith , that he ought greatly to esteem the Salt , and common Table of the City . Thus Cudworth , &c. By which we see how , and why the Ancients both Jewes , and Greekes made Salt a Symbol of their Covenants , and friendship . But yet I conceive there was something more couched under this Symbol of Salt , than learned Cudworth hath taken notice of , which will give further illustration , and proofe to our Assertion , that Pythagoras traduced it from the Jewish Church . For God instituting Salt , as a Symbol of his Covenant , to be eaten with the Sacrifices , as Lev. 2.13 . did thereby represent to the life that sanctity , or holinesse , which he required , and expected from such , as entered into Covenant with him : For who knows not , that Salt , as it gives a savour , and relish to meats , so its chief use is to preserve from putrefaction : this explication Christ himself gives of this Symbol , Marke 9.49 , 50. Every one shall be salted with fire , and every Sacrifice salted with Salt , &c. Salted , i. e. purifyed , and preserved by Grace , as flesh by Salt : the like Symbolique usage of Salt is given by Christ Mat. 5.13 . Yee are the salt . So Luke 14.34 . Coloss . 4.6 . seasoned &c. That this was a main use of Salt amongst the Heathens , and that they traduced this usage from the Jewish Church , is asserted and proved by Francis Valesius de Sacra Pholosophia , cap. 16. on Levit. 2.13 . It is a wonder ( saith he ) that it was a solemn Rite , not only in the Sacrifices of the true God , but also in those of the false gods , to use salt , as you may understand by Pliny lib. 31. cap. 7. where discoursing of the praises of Salt , he saith , that its autority is much understood in Sacreds , seeing no Sacrifices are performed without Salt. Whence I conjecture that this custome was derived from the first Sacrifices of the infant world , which were offered to the great God. And that it was thence derived into the Sacred Rites of all the Gentiles : for we have much reason to judge , that those false Ministers of Sacreds , received this custome from the true Priests , according to the Devils institution , thereby to have the Divine Sacrifices offered to him . Plato in his Dialogue of Natures saies , that Salt is a body friendly to God , which accords with this present text : for God requires every Sacrifice to be seasoned with Salt , as that which was gratefull and friendly to him . — Namely Salt seems to be a Symbol of Integrity , and Incorrupti●n , and thence of Innocence . For Salt , as t is manifest by experience ( and from Aristotle Problemat . 26. Sect. ) dries , and thence preserves things from Corruption . Deservedly therefore is Salt made a Symbol of Justice , and so commanded in the Sacrifices . To which belongs that Numb . 18.19 . It s a covenant of salt for ever . He calls it a covenant of Salt. i. e. a covenant of Sacrifices , &c. Here Valetius seems to take in both notions : namely , as salt signifies an inviolable covenant of friendship , and moreover Integrity and Holinesse , both which are couched under this borrowed Symbol of Salt , and both conveighed from the use of Salt in the Church of God to the like usage of it amongst the Pythagoreans , and other Heathens . And thus much indeed Pythagoras understood by this Symbol of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to place salt . i. e. saies Iamblichus in his explication , as a signe of Justice , Righteousnesse or Holinesse . Thus also Diogenes explaines this Symbol of Salt as preservative of meats , &c. For Pythagoras conceived there could be no right consociation or friendship , but what was founded in virtue ( as before ) and therefore was he so strict in the examen or tryall of his Probationers , and so severe in the whole Discipline of his College , which that it all sprang from the Jewish Discipline , and his affectation thereof , will farther appeare by what follows . § . 9. As Pythagoras tooke the Idea or platform of his Systeme , and College from the Jewish Church in general , that holy , and peculiar relation they had to God , and to each other , by virtue of that mutual confederation or covenant betwixt them and God. So I conceive he had a peculiar regard , in framing this his College , to the particular Confoederation , or Monastique consociation of the Essenes , with whom he does in the chiefe parts of his Collegiate Discipline Symbolize , as it will appear , when we descend to particulars . Now here to make the way to this demonstration clear , we are to consider the Rise , constitution , and Discipline of these Essenes . As for the origination of their name they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. according to the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and according to our English Dialect Pure . Now the Origination or Rise of these Essenes I conceive ( by the best conjectures I can make from Antiquity ) to be in , or immediately after the Babylonian Captivity , ( though some make them later ) and the occasion of their separation , or consociation , seems this . Many of the carnall Jewes defiling themselves either by beeing too deeply plunged in Worldly Affaires , even to the neglect of their Religion , or , which was worse , by sinfull compliances with their Idolatrous Lords , thereby to secure their carnall interests , these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Essenes to preserve themselves from these common pollutions separated , and retired themselves from the croud of worldly affaires into an holy solitude , and private condition of life ; where entering into a strict confederation , or consociation , to lead together a Collegiate devout life , they 1. shunned all carnall pleasures , which might entice them from their Devotion . 2. They avoyded all profane company , and conformity to the world , as also all affectation of Secular dignity , applause and honour . 2. They engaged in a strict fraternal communion amongst themselves , professing a community of goods , &c. 4. They did in time of persecution , so far as they were able , lead a Monastique life , forbearing marriage , &c. 5. They were very abstemious and moderate in the use of creature comforts ; forbearing wine , drinking water , &c. 6. They had their Distinctive garments , or white vestments . 7. They used Ceremoniall purifications , according to their Law ; as also moral mortification of sin . 8. They enjoyned silence on their Novices , and were all studious for the right government of their speech , &c. 9. They forbad Oathes . 10. They had their Elders in great esteem . 11. They acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular over-ruling Providence . 12. They did in a peculiar manner devote themselves to the worship of God by Prayers , and Sacrifices , especially of manimates . 13. They divided their Lives , and Studies into two parts , 1. contemplative . 2. active : they spent their time most in Action , besides what they employed in their Devotions ; the principal study they addicted themselves unto was Medicine : they gave themselves also to gardening , and other labours of the hand . 14. They distributed the Day into times for Prayer , for Reading , for Study , for labour with their hands , and for naturall Refreshments . 15. They endeavoured much exactnesse in their Morals , to lead an exemplary Life . 16. Such as prov'd Apostates , or Scandalous , they excommunicated by the common consent of all the Fraternity , or Society . And to conclude with the character of Viret . ( in his interim pag. 122. ) In summe their Estate was in their first constitution an excellent Schole of Medicine , of Doctrine , and of Examples of virtue : all things were done amongst them in good order , and I thinke the first Christian Monks took their pattern from these Essenes . But the later Monks have rather followed the example of the Sadduces , and Pharises . Thus Viret . Indeed the Sadduces , and Pharises seem to be orders of much later constitution , and but a spurious degenerate off-spring of the ancient devout 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Essenes . For although they both affected the opinion and esteem of eminent Saints , or Separatists ( for so their name Pharisee imports ) yet all their pretended sanctity was but apparent hypocrisie , as far short of the sanctity and devotion of the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Essenes , as the pretended Popish mortifications of the later Monkes comes short of the sanctity and devotion of the first Christian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Puritans . He that will see more of these Jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Essenes may consult Drusius de 3. sectis Judaeorum , &c. Having laid downe the original of the Essenes , their Collegiate Constitution , Order , and Discipline , I shall now proceed to shew , how much the Pythagorean College , or Systeme did Symbolize , and agree therewith : which will give a great confirmation to our Hypothesis ; that Pythagoras traduced the Idea of his College , and its Discipline from the Jewish Church , &c. 1. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , separated themselves from the rest of men , whom they accounted Profane ; not at all regarding their Riches , Honours , or Pleasures . Hence that great Law amongst them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to give the Right hand of fellowship to none but to Pythagoreans : i. e. saies Iamblichus , to have communion with none , who are not initiated , or tryed by Doctrines , and Disciplines , &c. The same phrase was used in the Jewish Church , to denote communion . So Paul speakes of the Right hand of fellowship given to him by Peter , James , and John. Gal. 2.9 . according to the Jewish Dialect . And as the Jews accounted all , that were not of their Church , as dogs , profane , without , &c. So likewise the Pythagoreans , called all those , who were not of their Society 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not initiated ; & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those without , profane , &c. So Grotius on Mat. 7.6 . [ cast not what is holy to dogs ] observes this Symbolick mode was brought by Pythagoras out of the Oriental parts . Yea Iamblichus tels us , that the Pythagoreans excluded all , save their Parents , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from their conversation ; hence those verses touching Pythagoras . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Associates he esteemed equall to the blessed Gods : but as for others he esteemed them not either in speech , or number ; Iamblichus lib. 1. cap. 35. This Pythagorean separation ; and contempt of all others , but their own Collegues , gained them much envie , so that as some observe , they being once assembled in their College , or the place where they were wont to meet , some ill-willers accused them of a conspiracie against the City , which caused them to be almost all massacred , of which see Vossius de Philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. par . 26. This is most probable , that the Pythagoreans were strict and severe separatists , as the Essenes , and Jews before them . 2. The Pythagoreans , as well as the Essenes , shunned all carnal pleasures , all mundane Honours , Riches , and Grandeur , affecting an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a mental self-sufficiencie . Thus Pythagoras in his Epistle to Hiero ( of which before chap. 5. ) pretends to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a self-sufficiencie , which made him scorne the Honours , Pleasures , and Pomp of Hiero's court . Herein the Pythagareans were followed by the morose Cynicks , who affected a great aversation from all worldly pleasures , dignities , and conformities : as also by the Stoicks , who placed happinesse in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a self-sufficiencie , thence Epictetus begins his Enchiridion with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 3. The Pythagoreans made not only a separation from the world , both persons and things ; but also a strict Consociation , or Confoederation amongst themselves ; professing a community of goods , or enjoying all things in common ; wherein they did exactly imitate the Collegiate Discipline of the Essenes . Thus Iamblichus ( cap. 17. ) Pythagoras , saies he , appointed a Community of Estates , & constituted an inviolable Confederacie , and Societie as being that ancient way of consociation ( perhaps he meanes in the Jewish Church , which was most ancient ) which is truly stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Covent or College . This was agreable to the Dogmes of Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all things ought to be common amongst Friends , And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Friendship is an equality : whence his precept , Esteem nothing your own . So Diog. Laër . saies , the Pythagoreans put their estates in one cōmon stock , &c. Thus Vossius de Phil. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. § . 25. The Pythagoreans , saies he , maintained the strictest conjunction amongst themselves ; also a communion of Goods . But as for the Friendships of other men , they no way esteemed them , albeit they abounded with Riches , and Honours . And Plato proceeding upon the very same principles with Pythagoras , viz : That all things must be common among friends , &c. enjoynes a Community of all things in his Common-wealth : of which hereafter . 4. As the Essenes , and devout Jewes did , if they had ability , forbear marriage in times of persecution , especially thereby to avoid many snares , and encumbrances ; so likewise the Pythagoreans , who did not only look on Celibate , or single life as expedient for some times , and conditions ; but enjoyned it in their sect , as a thing sacred , and holy . This learned Bochart . proves at large in his excellent Treatise against Veron . part 3. chap. 25. sect . 4. Art. 1. ( in French pag. 1338. ) where he shews , that the Injunction of celibat , or Monastique life , was one great part of the doctrine of Daemons ( mentioned 1. Tim. 4.1.3 . ) which , saies he , was one of the superstitions Pythagoras brought out of Egypt , when he returned into Greece . For ( as Clem Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. ) he forbad marriage to those of his sect , and erected a Cloyster of Virgins ( or Nuns ) the charge of which he gave to his Daughter . Plato held the same sentiment , and Heraclitus , and Democritus , and Zeno the Prince of the Stoiques , who never touched a Woman . Thus Bochart . But 't is possible , Pythagoras might take up this his injunction of Celebat from the Jewish Priests , who at some times were enjoyned abstinence from Women . So Grotius on Colos . 2.21 . having shewne how these Injunctions did not refer to the Jewish Law , but to some Traditions of the Jews , and Dogmes of Philosophers , especially the Pythagoreans , he concludes thus , This last phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 handle not , refers to separation from Women , which the Jewish Priests at some certain times were enjoyned , but the Pythagoreans alwaies , &c. Hammond on 1. Tim. 4.3 . [ forbidding to marry ] shows , how the Gnosticks received this part of their character forbidding marriages , &c. from the Pythagorean Philosophers , as Clemens Alexandr . Strom. lib. 3. &c. 5. As the Essenes had their particular Rules for Abstinences from wine , &c. And the Jews in general had their Abstinences from severall meats , and at several times . So also the Pythagoreans in imitation of them . Thus Jerom tels us , that the Essenes abstained from flesh : whence some conceive Pythagoras brought this superstition into Greece , as Horn. Hist . Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thus also Stanley of Pythagoras's Discipline , ch . 5. out of Iamblichus . Moreover Pythagoras commanded his Disciples to abstain from all things , that had life , and from certain other meats , which obstruct the clearness of understanding : likewise from wine , also to eat , and sleep little . So Diogenes Laertius tels us , that Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy , and so not to be used for common uses : thence that fishes were not to be eaten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And Grotius on Col. 2.16 gives us a full account hereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in meat , or drinke . ] In one clause , saies Grotius , he comprehends both those , who Judaized , and Pythagorized . To abstain from wine was not a perpetual Jewish Institute , but in some [ persons and Times ] but amongst the Pythagoreans it was frequent . The Jewes abstained from some meats ; the Pythagoreans from many more . Thus Grotius . The like he addes on vers . 20. To the rudiments of the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saies Grotius , Rudiments , &c. every institution , Gal. 4.3.9 . where you 'l see why they are called rudiments of the world , namely because they were common to the Jewes with other Nations . There was nothing in these Rites proper to the Jewes , &c. The same he addes on vers . 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Here is , saies Grotius , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the note whereof the Syriack has placed here . For thus these masters spake . Tertullian against Marcion 5. denyes that this belongs to the Law of Moses . He seems to mee to have used common words which should comprehend both the Jewes and Philosophers , especially the Pythagoreans . And these first words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , touch not , tast not , chiefly belong to meats : the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 refer to Women , &c. So again , v. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] This , saies Grotius , refers to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 20. These things were invented by men , they came not primarily from God. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precepts were such as were commanded by mens Laws : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such things as were enjoyned by the Pythagoreans , as before . Thus likewise Hammond in his Paraph on 1. Tim. 4.3 . Forbidding to marry , and commanding to abstain from meats affirmes that the Gnosticks had these Doctrines from the Pythagorean Philosophers . And Mede in his Apostacie of the latter times , on these words 1. Tim. 4.3 . forbidding to marry , &c. proves at large that these Monkish Abstinences were but imitations , and branches of the Doctrines of Daemons ( mentioned v. 1. ) brought into Greece by Pythagoras , Plato , and other Philosophers . 6. The Jewes in general , but more particularly the Essenes had their Purifications , or Purgatories , both Ceremonial , and Moral . So in like manner the Pythagoreans . Thus Iamblichus of Pythagoras . He said ( quoth he ) that purity is acquired by expiations , and bathings , and sprinklings , &c. So Diogenes Laertius in his life . Pythagoras , saies he , held , that cleanesse is acquired by expurgations , washings , and sprinklings , with separation from all that defileth . And Justin Martyr . Apolog . 2. gives us this general assertion , that all these washings , which the Heathens used in their sacreds , had their original , though by a Diabolique imitation , from our Sacred Scriptures , &c. 7. The Jewes in general , and the Essenes in particular , were very exact in their observation of their Festivals . So likewise were the Pythagoreans . For , saith Iamblichus , Pythagoras commanded that upon holy dayes we cut not our hair , nor pair our nailes : See Stanley of Pythag.'s Discipline , chap. 3. fol. 92. 8. Again the Pythagoreans , as well as the Jewes and Essenes , had their white distinctive vestments , or garments . So Iamblichus ( cap. 20. ) speaking of Pythagoras's Disciples , saies , They wear a white , and clean garment : So Diogenes Laertius saies , that Pythagoras held the Gods to be worshiped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a good conscience ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used by Plato ) and white Vestment , &c. as Eccles . 9.8 . Let thy Vestment be alwayes white , &c. Hence I suppose the Pythagorean white . P. Virgil quaest . 4 , de Inv. Rer. 7. supposeth that the Hebrews borrowed their white Garment from the Egyptians , whence also Pythagoras received the same : for Herod . l. 2. acquaints us , that the Egyptian Priests used a pure white Vestment , and rejected the Woollen , as profane . But it seems evident , that both the Egyptians , and Pythagoreans traduced their white Vestments from the Jewes , who received them from sacred Institution . 9. As the Essenes , so the Pythagoreans enjoyned silence , and that not only on their Exotericks , or Novices ; but also on their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Intrinsicks : for besides the five years silence which Pythagoras prescribed his novices , he had another called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a continual silence , which properly belonged to his perfect Disciples , who were enjoyned secresie , or concelement of the Pythagorean mysteries from all those who were not of their societie , whom the Pythagoreans termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , uninitiated , prophane , &c. therefore not meet to have notice of their mysteries . Thus Iamblichus , speaking of the Pythagoreans , saith . That the Principal , and most mysterious of their Doctrines they reserved amongst themselves unwritten , as not fit to be published , but to be delivered by oral tradition to their Successors , as mysteries of the Gods. To which that of Cicero lib. 1. de nat . Deor. refers . Thou maist not concele it from me , as Pythagoras was wont to concele his mysteries from aliens . Thus Vossius de Philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 24. having spoken of the Pythagorean quinquennial silence saies , They had another silence , which was perpetual : by which it was unlawful for the Pythagoreans to discourse ( not amongst themselves , but ) with strangers of those mysteries , which they had received . This indeed exactly answereth the Jewish silence , or secresie in conceling from the Gentiles their mysteries . viz. the name Jehovah , which they ( as 't is said ) would alwaies pronounce by the other more common name Adonai , thereby to concele it , &c. For the Jews accounted the Gentiles , but as profane , and Dogs ; therefore not fit to be made partakers of their mysteries . To which Christ seems to allude Mat. 7.6 . give not what is holy to Dogs . Yea indeed the Pythagoreans were not without some kind of silence amongst themselves , for they esteemed the right government of our speech , one of the hardest , and therefore best governments ; as Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 31. Thence Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples , 1. Perpetual silence , unless they could speak somewhat more profitable than their silence . 2. When they did speak , to utter many things in few words , nor few things in many words : For Pythagoras was a professed enemy to tatling ; thence that Symbol of his : Receive not a Swallow into your house , i. e. saies Vossius , admit not of tatlars . So Zeno , the Prince of the Stoicks , when he heard any talk much , was wont to say . That man's ears were fallen down into his tongue . 3. Pythagoras enjoyned his scholars not to speak rashly without premeditation . 4. Not to discourse of Pythagorean mysteries without Light : For , saies Iamblichus , it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without Light. 5. Pythagoras required a particular silence , or right ordering of speech in speaking of , or drawing near unto the Gods. So Iamblichus on Pythagoras's Seventh Symbol . [ Above all things govern your tongue in following the Gods. ] The first work of wisdom ( saith he ) is to turn our speech inward upon our selves ( by meditation ) for nothing does more perfect the soul , than when a man turning inward upon himself followeth the Gods. 6. And touching the Pythagorean silence in general , Apuleius in floridis tels us , That the first thing Pythagoras taught his Disciples , was to hold their peace ; and the first meditation of him who would be wise , should be for an universal bridling of his tongue ; and having clipped the wings of his words , which the Poets call birds , to shut them up within the walls of his white teeth . 7. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , forbad Oathes . 10. The Pythagoreans in imitation of the Essenes , and Jews , had their Elders in great esteem . They never made mention of Pythagoras , without some note of reverence , calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Theologue &c. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he said it , had with Pythagoras's Disciples the same authoritie , as a first principle with other Philosophers , or a Scriptural testimony with a Jew , and Christian . This is observed by Laert. l. 8. Cicero l. 1. de . N. Deor. Quint. l. 11. c. 1. and others ; who tell us that Pythagoras's Authoritie answered all objections : for when he spake , he was esteemed as the Pythian oracle : so that the solemn formule was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And 't is not unlikely , but this title also he borrowed from the Sacred Records : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or thus saith he , is a title given to God in Scripture ; as Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an honorable appellation is attributed not only to Prophane , but also to Sacred Writers ; so that it is not given to any , but the most excellent , yea to God himself : for so He more easily gain'd credit to his Doctrine , and Authoritie to Himself . 11. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular providence , which they called Fate . 12. The Jews , and particularly the Essenes , did in a peculiar manner , especially in times of Persecution , and captivity , devote themselves to the worship of God , by prayers , &c. in order whereto , they had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praying houses . So likewise the Pythagoreans were generally Devoto's , or much addicted to devotion : of which hereafter . 13. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , divided their life , and studies into Contemplative , and Active . In their studies they much addicted themselves to Medicine ; in their bodily exercises to Gardening , &c. 14. The Pythagoreans , in imitation of the Essenes , distributed the day into several parts , for Devotion , Study , Labour , &c. So Iamblichus of Pythagoras cap. 20. Those who were taught by Pythagoras , spent their morning walk alone , and in such places , where they might be most retired , and free from disturbances . After their morning walk , they met together in the Temple , or place of Devotion . After that , having spent some time in their studies , they went to their morning Exercises . At Dinner they used ( mostly ) bread and honey . Their afternoon they employed in Political affairs . All the actions of the day they contrived in the morning before they rose , and examined the same at night before they went to sleep . A Pythagorean rose not out of his bed , before he had called to mind the Actions of the day past , which recollection he performed in this manner . He endeavoured to call to mind what he had heard , or done in the first , second , third place ( and so in order ) after his rising : And then after his going forth , whom he met with first , whom next , &c. and what discourses he had with the first , what with the second , &c. for he endeavoured to keep a Diarie , Journal , or memoires of all that happened throughout the day ; and so to repeat every thing in order as it happened . Thus they cheifly exercised their memories ; for they conceived nothing conduceth more to knowledge , experience , and wisdome , then to remember many things . He taught his Disciples to do nothing without premeditation ; nor any thing whereof they could not give a good account ; but that in the morning they should consider what they were to do ; and at night make a recollection thereof : so Porphyrie on the life of Pythag. pag. 26. saith , That Pythagoras advised his Scholars , to have regard chiefly to two things . 1. The time of their going to bed . 2. The time of their rising : at each of these to consider what actions are past , and what to come : of the past to require from themselves an account ; of the future to have a Providential circumspection , and care . So Virgil ex Pythag. inter Epigr. Non prius in dulcem declinat lumina somnum , Omnia quam longi reputaverat acta diei ; Quae praetergressus , quid gestum in tempore , quid non : See more Stanly , of Pythagoras's discipline cap. 9 , 10. 15. The Pythagoreans , as the Essenes , affected a great constancy in their principles , and morals : in order whereto they had many cautionary precepts against Apostacy . So Iamblichus explaines that 15th . Symbol of Pythagoras . [ Travelling from home turn not back , for the Furies go back with you . ] i. e. saith Iamblichus after you have applyed your self to Philosophie , turn not back , &c. Which also was a Proverbial Symbol amongst the Jews ; to which our Saviour seems to allude , when he giveth those cautions against Apostacie : viz. Remember Lots Wife : and He that puts his hand to the Plow and looketh back , &c. 16. As the Essenes were severe in their Excommunication of Apostates , and Scandalous persons , so the Pythagoreans . Thus Iamblichus cap. 17. Those , who were cast out of Pythagoras's Schole , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a coffin made by his Disciples , placed in their room , as if they had been dead : for all , that were about Pythagoras , spake of them as dead ; and when they met them , behaved themselves toward them , as if they had been some other persons ; for the men themselves they said were dead , &c. That Pythagoras traduced this Symbolick Embleme , of persons dead in sins , from the Jewish Church , is well observed , and proved by Grotius on Mat. 8.22 . Let the dead bury their dead : and Hammond ( out of him ) on Luke 15.24 . of which hereafter . 17. As the Pythagorean Novices had their probationarie year , or years ; so the Jewish Essenes . Thus Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 15. The Essenes , who alone are worthy the name of Philosophers among the Jews , did not presently admit their Disciples , till after one year , ( or more ) they had probation of their behavior , &c. I have in these severals drawn the Parallel betwixt the Jewish Essenes and the Pythagoreans : and for the farther conviction , that all this was not a meer figment of mine own , without foundation , or prescript , see something of this Parallel in Godwins Jewish Antiquities l. 1. c. 12. of the Essenes , whom he makes to symbolize with the Pythagoreans . 1. In that both professed a Communion of goods . 2. Both shunned pleasures . 3. Both wore White garments . 4. Both forbad Oathes . 5. Both had their Elders in singular respect . 6. Both drank Water . 7. Both asserted Fate . 8. Both enjoyned silence , &c. Now that the Pythagoreans derived these parts of their Discipline from the Essenes , and Jews , will be further evident by what follows . CHAP. VII . Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natural , and Moral , &c. The Original of Pythagoras's Philosophie , from the Jews , &c. 1. His Mathematicks . 1. Arithmetick . 2. Musick . 3. Astronomie . 4. The earths Motion , &c. 5. Geometry . 6. Weights , and Measures , from the Jews . 2. Pythagoras's Physicks . 1. Contemplative , The world 's origine , its first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. It s Form , Gen. 1.13 . Fire the great active principle in all things , from Gen. 1.2 . 2. Medicine from the Jews . 3. Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie . 1. Ethicks , Dogmatick , Preceptive , and Characteristick Ethick , Characters Jewish . Death a Character of a wicked state , as Luk. 15.24 . Salt of Grace , &c. The Summe of Pythagoras's Ethicks in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Pythagoras's Politicks from Moses's Politie : The Pythagoreans great Politicians . Their two great Maximes to preserve 1. Liberty against Tyranny . 2. Vnity against Faction . § 1. HAving gone thorough the story of Pythagoras's life , as also the Discipline of his Schole , and College , we now proceed to his Philosophie ; wherein we doubt not but to discover many Jewish Traditions , and Foot-steps . And to proceed methodically , we shall begin with the matter of his Philosophie , and thence pass on to his Form , or mode of Philosophizing ; each whereof will afford us very strong Presumptions ( though not Physical demonstration ) that he traduced both the one , and the other from the Jewish sacred fountaines . Some distribute Pythagoras's Philosophie into two parts . Theologick , and Ethick : By Theologie , they understand that , which we usually call Physicks , namely the knowledge of God , as the first cause of all things . Thus Danaeus in cap. 9. August . ad Laurent . and Hornius Histor . Philos . l. 3. c. 11. But we shall follow the usual Distribution thus . The matter , or body of Pythagoras's Philosophie may be distributed into Natural , Moral , o● Supernatural . 1. His Natural philosophie conteines , 1. His Physicks , or Natural philosophie properly so called . 2. His Mathematicks . His Physicks were either , 1. Contemplative , which was nothing else but the story of the Creation ; or 2. Active consisting in Medicine . 2. His Moral philosophie consisted , 1. in Ethicks , or moral precepts , 2. in Politicks . 3. His Supernatural philosophie was 1. Diabolick , or Magick divination . 2. Theologick , and Divine : Pythagoras usually began with the Mathematick Sciences , as preparatives to the contemplation of things more sublime : So Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras pag. 31. He is said to be the first , that changed the proud title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdom into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Love of Wisdome as Austin . de civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2. They report , that the name Philosophie sprung from Pythagoras , whereas before they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wise-men , &c. § . 2. Now that Pythagoras traduced the main parts , if not the whole , of this his Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally , may in the general be demonstrated from what we find in Iamblichus , and other Historiographers , concerning the original of Pythagoras's Philosophie . Iamblichus saies , that Pythagoras drew his Philosophie , and the several parts thereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. He saies , That Pythagoras drew part of his Philosophie from the Orphicks , i. e. Doctrines of Orpheus . So elsewhere , he tells us , That Pythagoras derived much of his Theologick Science from Orpheus . That Orpheus's Theologie was symbolick , and mystical , much the same with that of Pythagoras , we have already proved , out of Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. Also , that Orpheus had his Theologie originally from the Jews : which is farther evident by that famous fragment of the Orpheick Doctrine in Justin Martyr ; wherein we find mention of Abraham , and the Mosaick tables , or Decalogue . 2. Iamblichus informes us , That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Egyptian Priests . The like he affirmes lib. 1. cap. 5. Pythagoras , saies he , owes to the Egyptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. his symbolick mode of learning . So , Clemens Alexandrinus . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is storied that Pythagoras was instructed by Sonchedes the Egyptian Arch-prophet . That the Egyptians had their Philosophie from the Jews , we have before proved book 1. chap. 2. Besides we have shewen ( book 2. chap. 5. § . 7.8 . ) That Pythagoras , while in Egypt , had immediate conversation with the Jews , ( who resorted thither in great numbers ) by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian tongue , which was but a different Dialect of the Hebrew , so that he was thereby capacitated to read , and enquire into the Sacred Scriptures and Jewish bookes , without supposition of their being translated into Greek , which was not till after times . 3. Iamblichus acquaints us , That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Chaldeans . Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews , whilest in Chaldea , by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian , and Chaldean tongues ( which differed from the Hebrew only in Dialect ) yea that the Jews themselves , frequently past amongst the Greeks , under the name of Chaldeans , because they lived under their government , we have endeavoured to prove in chap. 5. § . 8. of this second Booke . 4. Iamblichus , together with Hermippus , tell us , That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Thracians , so Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion . That the Thracians had their Philosophie originally from the Jews has been proved Book 1. chap. 5. parag . 7. 5. Porphyrie p. 4. acquaints us , That Pythagoras had part of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , who had theirs from the Jews , as before . 6. Porphyry pag. 8. and Clements Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. assure us , That Pythagoras learned the most excellent parts of his Philosophie from the Barbarians . That by these Barbarians must be understood the Jews , in the first , and cheifest place , we have Testimonies of Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus on Plato's , Cratylus fol. 426. 7. What Pythagoras learned from his Preceptors , Thales and Pherecydes , owes its original to the Jews , as before , chap. 3.4 . of this second Book . § . 3. Having given a general Demonstration touching the traduction of Pythagoras's Philosophie from the Jews ; we now proceed to its Particulars , and shall begin according to Pythagoras's own method , with his Mathematicks : So Porphyrie in his Life , pag. 31. The Mind ( saies he ) being purified by Disciplines , ought to be applied to the most useful : These Pythagoras procured by certain methods , and gradual mediums , bringing the mind by degrees to the contemplation of Eternal , Incorporeal , Real Beings . To this end , he first used the Mathematicks , as degrees of preparation to the contemplation of things that are , &c. This Pythagorean method of beginning with the Mathematick Sciences has been greatly applauded by some of our New Philosophers ( and that perhaps not without sufficient grounds ) as a method most proper for the fixing the Volatile vagrant spirits of young Students , in their entrance on Philosophie . And this is much practised by the French Nobles , who studie little else of Philosophie besides the Mathematicks . § . 4. Amongst the Mathematick Sciences , Pythagoras firstly entered his Scholars in Arithmetick , So Stobaeus in Ecl. Phys . lib. 1. c. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pythagoras seems of all Sciences to have esteemed mostly of Arithmetick , and to have brought it in use from Mercature ; he compared all things to Numbers . That Pythagoras made great use of Numbers , is apparent , in that he does symbollically set forth , and describe his chiefest mysteries by numbers , as hereafter . This part of his Mathematicks Pythagoras learned from the Phenicians , who by reason of their merchandizing made much use of Arithmetick . § . 5. Pythagoras having laid a foundation in Arithmetick , proceeds to other parts of the Mathematicks , especially to Musick , of which also he made a very great symbolick use in all other parts of his Philosophie : So Iamblichus de vita Pythag. cap. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Of the Sciences , they say , the Pythagoreans did not a little esteem of Musick , &c. Thus Apuleitus Florid. 15. and Quint. l. 1. c. 16. tell us , that Pythagoras was a great esteemer of , and very well skilled in Musick , which he commended to his Scholars daily . This they practised morning , and evening : in the morning after sleep to purge their minds from stupor , and impure imaginations ; at evening to allay their more disturbed affections by this kind of Harmonie , as Plut. de Iside . and Horn. Hist . Phil. l. 7. Thence Pythagoras gives symbolical descriptions of the Heavens , of the Soul , and of other of the mysteries by Harmony , &c. This his Science of Musick , I suppose he might receive from the Egyptians , who greatly affected Musick , or rather immediately from the Jews , who were the first , and most skilful musicians ; receiving their Musick by Divine Institution , and Inspiration , it being prescribed them by God , as a medium , or Ceremonial Rite of his worship , and practised by them in Moses's time , long before Orpheus , who ( next to their Idol god Apollo ) was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 6. Pythagoras also was skilled in Astronomie , or the Science of the stars , which Porphyrie in his Life tels us , he received from the Chaldeans . That the Chaldeans at first received this Science of Astronomy from the Patriarchs , See Book 1. chap. 4. Paragr . 3. One great Astronominical Paradox , which the Phythagoreans maintained was , That the Earth moved , and the Heavens stood still . This was also the opinion of Aristarchus the Samian , who whether he were more ancient or latter then Pythagoras , is not determined . This likewise was the opinion of Gleanthes the Samian , Leucippus , Heraclides , and Ecphantus . That the Pythagoreans generally affirmed , That the Earth was not immovable , but moved in a circle about the fire : Plutarch in the life of Numa informes us . For they held , that Fire being the most excellent of creatures , was placed in the midst of the world , which moved round about it . They asserted moreover , That the Sun was composed of Fire , &c. Which opinions , that they were from Jewish traditions , we shall hereafter prove : Laertius acquaints us , that Philolaus the Pythagorean was the first , who openly taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Earth moved in a circle . Cicero in his 4 o Academ . Qu●stion , attributes the same opinion to Hicetas the Syracusian . Plutarch in Numa saies , that Plato in his old age asserted the same . The like is said of Seleucus . This Hypothesis of the Earths moving , has been since revived by Cardinal Cusanus , lib. 2. c. 12. Doct. ignorant : but more professedly defended by Nicol. Copernicus , who about the year 1540 , writ a Book concerning it , which is Dedicated to Pope Paul 3d. who was followed herein by Joannes Keplerus , Mathematick Professor to Rudolphus , Matthias , and Ferdinand the Emperours . Also by Christopher Rothmannus , Michael Maest●inus , David Origanus , Mathematick Professors . Lately , Patricius Galilaeus , Hoscarius Italians , with , William Gilbert , our English Physician , famous for his Book de Magnete ; wherein he asserts this Hypothesis , having all maintained the same opinion : which albeit it was condemned by the Cardinals at Rome , Anno 1616 , yet is it still defended by many of the New Astronomers : Ticho Brahe , the famous Danish Astronomer went a middle way : affirming , that both Earth , and Heavens moved , though in a differing manner : See Vossius sect . Phil. l. 2. c. 6. s . 41. § . 7. Pythagoras was also skilled in Geometrie , which I suppose he learned from Thales , or immediately from the Aegyptians , who were the first , amongst the Nations , that practised this Art. Diogenes Laertius also tels us , that Pythagoras was the first , that brought Measures , and Weights into Greece ; which also belongs to the Mathematicks ; and as we have good reason to judge , he received them from the Jewish Weights , and Measures . To conclude this , as we began with Pythagoras's Mathematicks in the general : Iamblichus l. 1. c. 2. tels us , he was first initiated therein by Thales . And Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras ( pag. 4. ) saies , that the Mathematick Sciences he learned from the Egyptians , Chaldeans , and Phenicians . Now that these Nations received their first Rudiments from the Patriarchs , and Jews , has been already proved . § . 8. Another branch of that Natural Philosophie , which Pythagoras professed was that , which we properly call Physicks , or Natural Philosophie : Whereof there are two par●● . 1. Contemplative . 2. Active . As for Pythagoras's skill in Contemplative Physicks , or Natural Science , it was indeed nothing else but the Historie of the Creation , with some Experimental Observations and Conclusions , which we need no way doubt was traduced to him from the Jewish Church , and Sacred Fountaines originally . For Diogenes tels us , That Pythagoras whilest he was in Babylon , had familiar conversation with one Zabratus , by whom he was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past , and learned this Science concerning Nature , and what are the Principles of the Universe . That this Zabratus was a Jew , we have endeavoured to prove afore , chap. 5. § . 8. And whether we affirm that Pythagoras received his History of Nature , and of the principles of the Vniverse , from his Masters , Thales , and Pherecydes , or from the Egyptians , or Phenicians , yet that it came originally from Moses's storie of the Creation , I think will be prettie evident from a consideration of Particulars . § . 9. First Pythagoras held Positively that the World was made by God , and by Him adorned with an excellent Order , Harmonie and Beautie , as to all its parts , whence He was the first that called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to Adorn , or Beautifie , answerable to Gen. 1.31 . Very good . &c. 2. Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first matter , was the same with that of Plato ; concerning which he treats so largely in his Tima●s , proving that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. without Forme &c. This Timaus the Locrian , whom Plato here brings in , thus discoursing of the Origine of the Vniverse , its first Matter , &c. was indeed a Pythagorean , from whom Plato borrowed much of his Natural Philosophie , as Hieronymus in his Apologie against Ruffinus assures us . And that Plato's Timaeus , or discourse of the Origine of the Universe was traduced from the first chap. of Genesis , and other parts of the Mosaick historie , I conceive will receive a strong probabilitie , from what shall be laid down in the original of Plato's Philosophie . At present let any but compare this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or first Matter , asserted by Pythagoras , and Plato , with Sanchoniathons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or slime , and Thales's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 water , they will find all to answer exactly to Moses's description of the first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. &c. 3. As for the Forme of the Universe , Pythagoras , Plato , and the foregoing Philosophers , dreamt not of any such Forme , as Aristotle invented to be educed out of the passive power of the Matter : no ; all the Forme they asserted , was the Harmonie , Beautie Order , and Perfe●●ion of the Universe , and all its parts , resulting from that Law of Nature , which Divine Wisdom stamped on the Beings of all Things , together with that Divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Providence , which Inspired , and Influenced the whole Creation ; Governing and Directing all things to their proper Offices , Functions , and Ends , which they stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the soul of the world . From this Order , Beautie , or Perfection of things , the word Forme had its original ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beauty , by an easie transposition of φ into the place of μ , on which account Pythagoras called the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before . Yea Pythagoras made Harmonie the Forme , and Soul of all things , as Gen. 1.3 . § . 10. But the main Active principle of all things in the Universe , according to the Pythagorean Philosophie , was Fire . So Aristotle , lib. 2. de Coelo , cap. 13 , tels us , That the Pythagoreans placed Fire in the middle of the world , as that which was the most excellent Principle , and preservative of all things : he addes also that Fire was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jupiter's custodie . This also was the opinion of Numa Pompilius , as Plutarch in his Life affirms : whence it is generally thought , that Numa had conversation with Pythagoras ; but this cannot be , because Numa was more ancient : only we may suppose they both had their perswasion from the same original , namely the Mosaick Institutes , by the hands of the Phenicians , or some other . The same Plutarch tels us , That Numa caused the Temple of Vesta to be made round according to the Figure of the World , in the midst whereof was placed the eternal Fire ( preserved by the Vestal Nuns ) as a symbolick image of the Sun. That the main Ceremonies of this Temple were instituted by some Pythagorean Prescript , in imitation of the Jewish Temples , we shall endeavour hereafter to prove , both from the name Vesta , which comes from the ●reek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and this from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Es Jah the Fire of Jehovah , according to Lev. 6.12 , 13. where the Priests are commanded to preserve the Fire on the Altar , &c. as also from the Vestal Nuns , and Priests , &c. At present , it may suffice to shew , that the Pythagoreans had a great reverence of Fire , as that , which being the most active , and noble principle of all things , diffuseth it self thorough out the whole Universe ; and therefore they placed its main seat in the midst of the World , whence it might , as the Heart in mans body , shed abroad its natural vivifick heat , and influences into all sublunarie bodies , for their nourishment , and conservation . Plato speaks to the same purpose of a Fire that diffuseth it self through the Vniverse , for the production of diverse effects , which agrees exactly with the words of Moses , Gen. 1.2 . according to the interpretation of Beza , and Serranus out of him , on Plato's Timeus , fol. 10. The element of Fire , saies Serranus , was nothing else , but that fiery spirit , or efficacy , which is variously diffused , in the Symmetrie of the Universe , for the nourishing and somenting all things according to their respective natures . Which vivifick natural heat Moses , Gen. 1.2 . calls the Spirit of God : and Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , effective Fire . And whereas it is said , this sacred Fire , which the Pythagoreans so much adored , was a Symbol of the Sun ; I suppose , this sprang from that common opinion amongst the Ancients ( especially the Chaldean Philosophers ) that the Sun was a fierie bodie : which how far it is consonant to truth , and Mosaick Tradition , we intend hereafter to examine , when we come to the Philosophie of Plato ; who also affirmed the same . To conclude ; This Pythagorean principle , That Fire is the great Active principle of all things ; was also held by Heraclitus the Founder of the Heraclitian Sect , which was but a branch of the Pythagorean : Also Xenophanes the Colophonian , the Founder of the Eleatick Sect ( another branch of the Pythagorean Sect ) held the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires ; &c. Plato also held the Heavens to be Fire , as August . lib. 8. c. 11. which seemes most consonant to Scripture story ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies both Light , and Fire : as also the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Fire , as well as Light ; so Mark. 14.54 . of which more in Plato's Philosophie where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The Stoicks also made Fire the chief Principle of all things . § . 11. Pythagoras and his followers were much versed in Medicine , or active Physick . So Iamblichus ( de vita Pythagorae cap. 20. ) saies , That amongst the Sciences , which the Pythagoreans were versed in Medicine was one of the chief : then he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The chiefest part of their Medicine consisted in an exact Regiment , or right order of Diet. Where Iamblichus subjoynes many other particulars of the Pythagorean Medicine . So Cornelius Celsus in Praefat. amongst the famous Professors of Medicine reckons up Pythagoras for one , who flourished under Cyrus , Cambyses , and Darius : as Laertius , Solinus , Eusebius , and Vossiu● . That Pythagoras was very severe in his Prescripts , or Rules of Dyet , both to himself and his Followers , we have already shewn : how that he Prescribed to himself , and his Followers , Abstinence from all Meats , that might too much heate the bloud ; as from Flesh , and Wine : also from such meats as did load the stomack , and were not easily digested ; likewise from such as were obstructive , and bred ill humours ; as Beanes , &c. Lastly from all such meats as might bring a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ill habitude of bodie , or mind . For the great end , and scope of all the Pythagorean Prescripts , and Abstinencies , was to preserve an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good Healthfull Complexion of Bodie , and cleannes of Mind . As for the original of Pythagoras's Medicinal skill , Apuleius tels us , That he received it from the Chaldeans ; i. e. as I concieve the Jews ; who in Pythagoras's time lived amongst , and were subject to the Chaldeans ; and therefore might well passe under their name ; as before : Neither do we find any considerable mention of the Chaldeans , their skill in Medicine ; but that the Jews were excellently versed therein , we have sufficient proof , both from what is mentioned of Solomon , 1. Kings 4.3 , 4. touching his skill in Plants , and Animals , &c. Also by Eusebius , who saies he was excellently skilled in Medicine , and curing of Diseases , &c. ( as book 1. cap. 1. par . 11. ) Likewise from what Cunaeus ( de repub . Jud. ) relates of the Jewish Physicians , that belonged to the Temple for curing the sick Priests , and Levites . But amongst the Jews none more famous for skill in Medicine than the Essenes , who had a particular inclination , and devotion to this Studie , whom the Pythagoreans affected an imitation of , in this , as in other parts of their Discipline , as before . § . 12. As Pythagoras was well skilled in Physicks , or Natural Sciences , both Contemplative , and Active ; so was he likewise no lesse versed in Moral Philosophie ; which according to the Third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Relation of men· 1. To Themselves , or , 2. To their Families , or , 3. To the Cities , or Common-wealths they live in , admits of a Three-fold Distribution . 1. Into Ethicks , 2. Into Oeconomicks , 3. Into Politicks . The Pythagoreans were skill'd in all these . 1. As for that part of Moral Philosophie , the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ethicks , which concerns the right government of man's self , Pythagoras , and his Adherents were much in the Studie , and Practice thereof . Yea indeed Pythagoras esteemed all Philosophie but Vain , which did not some way conduce to the m●liorating , or bettering of a man's self . Thus Stobaeus Serm. 80. brings in Pythagoras thus Philosophizing : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That discourse of a Philosopher is Vain , which cures not some passion of a man : For look as that Medicine is uselesse , which frees not the bodie from diseases , so likewise Philosophie , which drives not away evil from the soul . The Learned divide Ethicks into 3 parts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dogmatick . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Exhortative , or Preceptive . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Characteristical . Pythagoras , and his Disciples were versed in each of these . Concerning the Dogmatick part of Ethicks , the Pythagoreans laid down many wholesome Principles relating to the Object , Subject , and End , &c. of Moral Philosophie , viz· That the Souls happines lay only in God its chiefest Good : That the proper Subject of Ethicks was the Humane Soul , as capable of the chiefest Good : That its chief End was to cure the Soul of its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it s sick diseased passions , and to bring it to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or good healthie complexion , which consisted in vittuous Dispositions , and Acts. These Dogmes , albeit they were not Formally , and Methodically treated of , according to that accurate Method of Definition , Division , &c. to which Aristotle reduced them , yet were they all seminally , and virtually comprised in the Pythagorean Philosophie . And particularly Pythagoras expresly asserted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. That virtue consisted in Harmonie ; yea that all health of bodie , and minde , yea all good , yea God himself , and so all things else consisted in Harmonie , as Diogenes Laertius informs us . Pythagoras farther taught his Scholars 3 Mediums , by which they might become Masters of Philosophie , and better themselves : 1. By conversation with the Gods. 2. By Well doing , for that is proper to God , and therein they were imitators of God. 3. By Death , whence he affirmed , that the most considerable of all things , is to instruct the Soul aright , touching Good and Evil : and that men have perfect felicitie in having a good Soul , as Iamblichus , and Stanly out of him of Pythagoras's Philosophie , part . 3. chap. 1. fol. 83. And as the Pythagoreans held many useful Dogmes of Moralitie ; so were they not lesse versed in the Hortative , and Preceptive part of Ethicks ; as it appears by the model of their Discipline before mentioned ; as also from that great Apothegme of Pythagoras , which he frequently inculcated on his Disciples , as the summe of his Philosophie , viz. That in all things they should endeavour to avoid excesse , &c. of which hereafter . § . 13. But the chief part of the Pythagorean Ethicks was Characteristical : for Pythagoras taught moralitie mostly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Ethick Characters ; i. e. Lively descriptions of Virtues , and Vices , by Symbols , Fables , Emblems , Images , or Signes , and Effects , answerable to Aesops-Fables , Philostratus's - Fables , and also the Scriptural Types , and Parables . Pythagoras also exhorted his Scholars to Virtue under that Symbolick letter Y , as Lactant. l. 6. c. 3. which was thence called Pythagoras's Letter ; not that he was the first Inventor of it , as some conceive ( for it was found out 600 years before his time , by Palamedes ) but because he was the first , that applied it to this Mystical . sense , as Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. Thus Pythagoras expressed to the Life , the condition of a Debauched Profligate Wretch , by his Symbol of a Coffin , which signified his being dead in sin , exactly answerable to the Jewish , and Scriptural Phrasiologie ; whence we need no way doubt , but that Pythagoras borrowed this Symbolick Image . Thus the Father of the Prodigal speaks , Luk. 15.24 . [ This my Son was dead . ] where Hammond ( out of Grotius ) observes , That this is according to the ordinarie Notion of Pythagoras , who for any , that had forsaken his Schole , i. e. refused to live according to his Rules of Philosophie , had a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an emptie Coffin set in his place , to signifie him to be morally dead . This was a common Symbolick manner of speech amongst the Jews , to expresse a wicked state of Spiritual , or moral death . So Philo defines this Moral death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the soul is dead as to the life of Virtue , and lives only the life of sin , as elsewhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wicked men are dead in their souls . And that this Symbol was by Tradition from the Jews universally received amongst the Oriental Barbarick Philosophers , and thence traduced into Greece , appears by what follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For in the Barbarick Philosophie ( which takes in also the Jewish ) they call men fallen from their Principles dead ; as such also , who subjugate their Minds to their Sensual passions . But more of this , when we come to discourse of Pythagoras's Symbols . 2. Another Ethick Character , or Symbol , which Pythagoras used to express his Moral Precepts by , was that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to set down Salt : by which he signified , that Holy , and Intimate Communion , and Friendship , which ought to be amongst all those of his Society . For Salt was used first in the Jewish Church , and thence in the Pythagorean College , as a Symbol , 1. Of Confederation , or Covenant , 2. Of Communion , and Friendship , 3. Of Sanctitie , as we have proved already , and shall give farther proof thereof . 3. Another Characteristical Symbol , under which Pythagoras couched a reproof against Sloathful , or Pratling Scholars was this . [ Receive not a Swallow into your house ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , Admit not a sloathful person unto your Philosophie , which requireth great industrie , and unwearied patience . The Swallow comes but in one season , and staies not long ; but sleeps a good part of the year . Others by Pythagoras's Swallow intend a great pratler , or babler . This Ethick Character against sloath , and vain discourse , doth Symbolize with many of Solomons Proverbs , against sloathful persons . 4. Under this Symbolick Character , [ Turn away from thy self every edge . ] Pythagoras exhorted men to the use of prudence , rather then passion , as Iamblichus . 5. By this Symbol [ Stir not the Fire with a sword ] Pythagoras advised his Disciples not to provoke the passions of Potent men ; as Diogenes understands it ; or not to provoke a man full of Fire , and Anger , as Iamblichus . 6. Pythagoras's Ethick Character , or Symbol , by which he dehorted men from Covetousnes , was this , [ Breed nothing that has crooked Talons , ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , be not tenacious . 7. Pythagoras taught his Disciples Patience , and Fortitude , &c. by this Symbol , [ Help to lay on a burden , but not to take it off . ] This saith Iamblichus , teacheth Fortitude , &c. 8. Pythagoras taught his Scholars to avoid anxious heart-distracting cares by this Symbolick Character , [ Eat not the heart . ] i. e. Consume not thy heart by cares , &c. answerable to that of Chirst , Mat. 6.27.31 , 32.27 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 9. Pythagoras exhorted men to Justice under that lively Symbol [ Passe not over the ballance ] This , saith Iamblichus , commands to do justice , to observe equalitie , &c. which agrees exactly to that Ethick Character , or Proverb , used frequently by Solomon , as Prov. 11.1 . A false ballance is an abomination to the Lord ; but a just weight , &c. The like Prov. 16.11 Prov. 20.23.10 . And lastly Pythagoras to draw his Scholars to a chearful embracing of Virtue , was wont to give it many amiable , and lively characters under the Symbolick Images of Bodilie Health , Sanitie , and Beautie ; but principally under the Symbol of Musical Harmonie ; for what ever was excellent he compared to Harmonie ; which suites very much with the Characters of Grace in Scripture , which stiles it the Beautie , Health , and Harmonie of the Soul. But more of these Symbols hereafter . § . 14. We have now dispatched Pythagoras's Ethicks , which may be summed up in these two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. forbear moral evils , or the evils of action ; and bear physical natural evils , or the evils of passion : for all Ethicks , or morals are comprehended under active , and passive moralitie , or under Abstinence , and Tollerance . i. e. forbearing what is evil in manners , and bearing ( which implies doing also , as well as suffering ) what is evil to nature . § . 15. Pythagoras taught not only Ethicks , but also the two other parts of Moral Philosophie ; viz. Oeconomicks , which regard the Government of Families ; and Politicks , which respect the Government of Cities , and Nations . This latter Pythagoras , and his Followers , were greatly versed in : for 't is said that Pythagoras had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , book of Politicks , which he composed , and gave to his Scholars , as Laertius relates . Iamblichus saies , That Pythagoras used to say , that amongst Being's , nothing was pure , but every thing partaked of some other , as Earth of Fire , &c. farther , That there was a friendship of all to●ards all , answerable to that saying , man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on which he grounded his Politicks . Iamblicus saies also That men hold Pythagoras was the first Inventor of all Politick Science . 'T is true there were Lawgivers more ancient , as Minos of Crete , and Lycurgus of Sparta , whose laws Pythagoras consulted ( as Iamblichus cap. 5 , ( but yet we read not ( as I conceive ) of any publick Professor of the Science of Politicks more ancient than Pythagoras , who made it a main design of his Travels , & Studies to informe himself , touching the ancient Laws , and the best Maximes of Politie ; this put him upon a journie to Crete , to consult Minos's Laws ; and upon another to Sparta to informe himself in the Constitutions of Lycurgus . But amongst all the Constitutions , Laws , and Maximes of Politie , he met with none afforded him greater light , and assistance , for the framing his Bodie of Politicks , than the Mosaick Laws , and Politick Constitutions . And that Pythagoras did in truth traduce the best of his Laws , and Principles of Politie from Moses's Laws , and Politie , will be more evident hereafter , when we come to treat of the traduction of all Humane Laws from the Divine Mosaical Law. At present take only this proof hereof : It is well known , that Zaleucus , the great Founder of the Locrian Laws , was Disciple to Pythagoras , from whom we may presume he received the Bodie of his Politie , now that the Locrian Laws were many of them of Jewish extract , and original , is evident . I shall only mention one , which Aristotle in his Politicks takes notice of , telling us , that the Locrenses were forbid to sell their Ancestors possessions : which was plainly a Mosaick institute . I might instance in the Roman 12 Tables , the Agrarian Laws , and others , which , were traduced originally from the Mosaick Laws , by the hands of Pythagoras , or some other . § . 16. Pythagoras , as he had an high esteem of this Science of Politicks , so it was the last piece of Philosophie he acquainted his Disciples with ; as Varro , and out of him Augustin in his last Book de ordine . Iamblichus ( cap. 20. ) tels , That the Pythagoreans imployed their time after Dinner in Political affaires . And that the chief Politicians of Italie proceeded from Pythagoras his Schole we are assured by Iamblichus , ( l. 1. c. 29. ) and by Vossius , de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 27. This , saies he , was the great glorie of Pythagoras , that in Italie so many excellent Rectors of Common-wealths proceeded out of his Schole . Amongst these the most famous were 1 , Zalencus , who gave Laws to the Locrenses , and is supposed to have been the first , who committed his Laws to writing . For Strabo saies of the Locrenses , That they are beleived to be the first that enjoyed written Laws . As for the Laws of Lycurgus , he forbad the writing of them . 2. Also Charondas the Catanean another of Pythagoras's Disciples , who gave Laws to the Thurii , &c. § . 17. The great Maximes of Politie , or Reasons of State , which Pythagoras instilled into his Disciples , as the main Foundations of Human Politie , and Government , were these Two : 1. The extirpation of Tyrannie , and Preservation of Libertie . 2. The Prevention , and removing of Dissentions : These Principles he endeavoured to put in Practice , where ever he came . So Porphyrie pag. 14 , and Iamblichus cap. ● . informe us . That whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie , and Sicilie found subjected one to the other , he instilled into them Principles of Libertie by his Scholars , of whom he had some in every Citie . Thus he freed Croto , Sybaris , Catana , Rhegium , Himera , Agrigentum , &c. To whom he sent Laws by Charondas the Catanean , and Zaleucus the Locrian ; by means whereof they lasted a long time well governed . He wholly took away dissention : for he did frequently utter his great Apothegme , ( which was a kind of abstract of his Philosophie ) That we ought to avoid with our utmost endeavour , and to cut off even with Fire , and Sword , from the Bodie Sicknes ; from the Soul Ignorance ; from the Bellie Luxurie ; from a Citie Sedition ; from a Familie Discord ; from all things Excess . Which Apothegme comprehends the summe of all his Morals , both Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks : of which see Stanly of Pythag. cap. 17. CHAP. VIII . Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Jewish Church . Pythagoras's Theologie the center of his Philosophie : his Tetractie from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Exod. 3.14 . His Scriptural notions of Gods Unitie , Simplicitie , &c. His Divine Ideas the same with the Scripture descriptions of Gods Decrees ; and founded on that Oriental Maxime , All things are one , and many . Parmenides's opinion of Ideas . Timaeus ●oc●us of Ideas . His primarie Idea the same with Gods Idea of things possible . His exemplar answers to God's Decree of things future . Gen. 1.31 . With Timaeus's Tradition thence . Of Gods Creation , and Providence . Of Divine Worship against images , Exod. 20.4 . That God is to be worshipped according to his own Will. Their exactnes in Divine Worship , Eccles . 5.1 . Pythagoras's Damons , their Nature , and Office according to Plato's description . Pythagoras's Aeones . His traditions of the Soul , its Immortalitie , &c. His Metempsychosis . The Pythagorean Theologie mystical , &c. § . 1. HAving finished Pythagoras's Philosophie , both Natural , and Moral ; we now proceed to his Supernatural , or Metaphysicks , which is either Theologick , and Divine ; or Magick , and Diobolick : We shall begin with Pythagoras's Theologie , which indeed comprehended the best part of his Philosophie , and gave foundation to Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Natural Theologie , as also to Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Metaphysicks . That Plato received much of his Natural Theologie from this of Pythagoras is generally granted , and shall be hereafter proved : our present work is to shew , what Pythagoras's Theologie was , and how he traduced it from the Jews , and Scriptures . That Pythagoras received the choicest of his Theologick contemplations immediately from the Jews , while he was in Judea , Egypt , and Babylon , I conceive may be groundedly conjectured by what has been before laid down , chap. 5. § . 2. & 6. But supposing this be denyed , yet I suppose no one can rationally denie , that he received his Theologie from the Phenicians , Egyptians , Chaldeans , Pherecydes , and Orpheus , who had theirs origionally from the Jews , as before . He is said to have a particular affection for , and inclination unto Orpheus's Theologie , whose Philosophie , if we may believe Iamblichus , he had continually before his eyes . § . 2. Pythagoras according to Iamblichus's relation ( chap. 29 ) made Theologie , or the Knowledge of God the first , most universal Being , to be the Center of all his Philosophie ; for , saies he , Pythagoras , who first gave the name to Philosophie , defined it ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Plato termes it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a friendship , or love to Wisdom . Wisdom is the knowledge of the truth of things that are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Things that are , he called immaterials , eternals , and Sole Agents . Other things are equivocally called such by participation with these ; For Corporeals indeed are not further then they depend upon incorporeals , &c. Hence Pythagoras defined Philosophie , The knowledge of things that are , as things that are : again , the knowledge of things Divine , and Humane : also the meditation of Death , daily endeavouring to free the soul from the Prison of the bodie ; Lastly he defined it the resemblance of God , &c. Which Definitions are properly applicable to no part of Philosophie but Metaphysicks , or Natural Theologie ; whence Pythagoras judged the supreme end of all Philosophie to be the contemplation , and knowledge of Vnitie : which Architas interprets , of the Principles of all Principles ; and Plutarch of the Intelligent , and Eternal Nature : and Simplicius , of the Divine Majestie i. e. God. Hence we see the reason why Pythagoras was by way of Eminencie called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and his Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theologie , namely because he treated chiefly of God , his Nature , and Worship , and delivered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Science of the worship of God ; which is properly the office of a Divine . So greatly was the Idea and perswasion of Divinitie impressed on his minde , as that without it he judged there could be no true Philosophie . Yea Aristotle himself . 10 Metaph. cap. 6. and elsewhere stiles his Metaphysicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Theologick Science . The Rabbins call the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wisdom of the Deitie . The Author lib. de Mundo saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which Cicero lib. 1. de Leg. expresseth thus : A man by Philosophie , undertakes the worship of the Gods , and pure Religion . By which it appears , the Ancients , especially Pythagoras , made Knowledge , and Worship of God the chief part of their Philosophie . Plato in his Definitions of Philosophie follows Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making its Object to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which truely is ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Being it self , or the most independent Being , &c. Yea Aristotle himself comes not much behind in making the object of his Metaphysicks to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ens or Being in its universal latitude ; & its Affections 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bonitie , which Notions , I presume , he had from Plato , as he received the same from Pythagoras , or from the Jews . § . 3. Pythagoras's Natural Theologie , as to its Object or Matter , comprehended , 1. the Knowledge of God , his Names , Nature , Decrees , Providence , and Worship , &c. 2. The knowledge of the Aeones , or Angels . 3. The knowledge of the Daemons . 4. The knowledge of Human Soul , &c. Concerning the knowledge of God , his Names , Attributes , Acts , and Worship ; we find manifest footsteps of scriptural , and Jewish Traditions in Pythagoras's Theologie . For First , as to the Names of God ; that Pythagoras received some broken tradition , touching that Essentials Name , of God Jehovah , seemes manifest . For this Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being sacred amongst the Jews , they endeavoured , what they could , to concele it from the Gentiles : whence instead of pronouncing of it , they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Four Lettered Name of God , and in imitation of the Jews , Pythagoras called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tetractie . This Godefrid Wendelin in his Epistle to Erycius Puteanus Dissertations of Pythagoras's Tetractie : where he shews , That the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Four Lettered Name of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was signified : Moreover , that Pythagoras traduced this Tetractie from the Jews and particularly from the Prophet Daniel , the Prince of the Magi , who was then , when Pythagoras visited Babylon , about 70 years aged , as Vossius Philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 5. That Pythagoras had clear notices of the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jah , which is but the contract of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jehovah , is evident from all his Metaphysick Contemplations about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being , truely Being , Self-Being , &c. as in wh●t follows . § . 4. Neither could Pythagoras content his Curious Inquisitive Humor with some imperfect notices of Gods Name , but makes some farther Inquiries into his Essence , or Nature , concerning which he gained his best notices , and satisfaction from the Mosaick Descriptions of God. For the best discoverie , that ever was given of the Divine Essence , or Nature , is that , which God himself gives , Exod. 3.14 . I am , that I am , — and I am hath sent me . Which the LXX renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] As if he had said I am He that is . For the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Participle , which the Latins knew not how to express in one word better than by calling it Ens , Being , which Caesar derived from Sum , I am , as potens from Possum . It here signifies , That God alone is the First , Eternal , Infinite , most Simple , most Necessarie , most Absolute , most Independent , yea only , truely , properly , and purely Being . For all Beings else have much of not-Being , or nothing ; yea much more of Nothing than of Something mixed with them : yea all things else , if compared with God , they are but meer Metaphors , or Shadows of his Being , or rather pure Nothings , or lesse than Nothings , as Esa . phraseth it , Esa . 40.17 . And Job speaketh in the same Dialect frequently . Now that Pythagoras traduced his Contemplations of God hence , is to me , and I think , to any other that shall duely consider it , most apparent . For whence could Pythagoras , and his followers Timaeus , Parmenides , and Plato out of them , traduce their Metaphysick Contemplations of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being , Self-Being , Very-Being , &c. but from this Scriptural Definition of God. For we must remember , that the Pythagoreans , and Platonicks from them , when they discourse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. of Being , or that which is truely Being , they understand it of God , the most Vniversal , Infinite , and only true Being : They accounted all derived , temporal , lower Beings , but as Beings by accident , or to speake in Aristotle's phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beings of , or from Being , they judged nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , properly , and truely Being , but what was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very Being , or self-Being : and first-Being . Thus Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos . l. 4. c. 7. The Ancients called God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Being it self , that which only , and principally exists , which never was not , never shall cease to be . Other things sometimes have been , and sometimes have not been . As therefore the Divinitie is stiled with an article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnitie it self , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bonitie it self : so by a manner of eminence it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being it self . And because Being is ascribed principally to God , it seems to denote , that he alone is Essence , and that he alone is ; so that in comparison of Him , other things exist not . By Three Testimonies it appears , that the Divine Nature is Being it self , by the Testimonie of the Ancient Theologie , by the Testimonie of Plato , who is as it were the Interpreter thereof , lastly by the Testimonies of the Heavenlie Philosophie , the mistress and guide of the other . For the Sacred Name Jehova , being as it were , the Third person of the Verb Substantive future , Jod being turned into Vau , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hence this most ancient name of God was translated to the Greeks ; ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ only in Gender . ) Thence in what follows he adds It is true , we may doubt , what Plato meant by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unlesse we call to witnes the Superior Divines , and the heavenlie Philosophie it self , with which Plato differs not , save in the variation of the Gender , so that he who is stiled in the Sacred Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Gen. 3.14 . ) Who am , is called by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being . Which variation was duely made , for two causes , both because the Hebrews have no Neuter Gender , and also because it seemes more full to say , God is Being it self , as that comprehends the whole plenitude of Existence , than to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Existing . For Names of the very Natures , or Essences , import more than Derivatives from them : As Life signifies more than Vital . And God is rightly exprest by the present , who is , because with him there is neither past , nor to come , but the very Eternal Presence alone . Pythagoras , when he defines Philosophie a Love to the Knowledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Beings . ] By Beings , saith Iamblichus , he understood ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sole , and self Agents , Immaterials , and Eternals , other Beings indeed are not Beings , but yet are equivocally called such by participation with these Eternals , Iamblichus cap. 29. So Plato in his Parmenides ( who was a Pythagorean ) treating of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being , and Unitie , which he makes the First Principle of all things , thereby understands God : so in his Timaeus , Locrus ( who was also a Pythagorean , from whom he received much of his knowledge of God , and of the origine of the Universe , as hereafter ) he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Being is alwaies , neither hath it beginning . So again in his Timaeus ( edit . Stephan . fol. 37 , 38. ) he proves nothing properly is , but God the Eternal Essence , to which , saies he , we doe very improperly attribute those distinctions of time Was , and Shall be ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , properly , and truely , only belongs to this Eternal Essence . These Contemplations , as 't is supposed , he received from this Timaeus the Locrian who was a Pythagorean ; yet we need not doubt , but that originally they were traduced from Exod. 3.14 . for the Greek participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there used signifies properly the present time only , as the Hebrew , excluding from God erat , and erit , was , and shall be , past , and future ; denoting that God only is , according to the description of the Pythagoreans , and Platonicks . Phutarch saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The true Being is Eternal , Ingenerable , and Incorruptable , unto which no time ever brings mutation . Hence in the Delphick Temple among other Rarities , which might please the greater wits , there was engraven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies ▪ Thou art . And indeed of God alone it can be truly said He is , without mutation . That Pythagoras did really traduce these Metaphysick Notions of Gods Essence from Moses , see Lud. Vives on Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 11. where he concludes thus . I doubt not but Pythagoras was taught these mysteries in Egypt , and that from the sacred Volumnes , of which more hereafter . § . 5. Pythagoras seems to have had some Scriptural , or Jewish tradition touching the Vnitie of Divine Essence . So Diogenes Laertius informes us , that Pythagoras asserted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnitie to be the principle of all things , from which proceeded indefinite Dualitie , which was as matter subject to Unitie , it 's essential cause . We have a good explication on this mystical Pythagorean Unitie by Learned Reuehlin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine è Cabala lib. 2. The Divine Essence ( saies he ) the preexistent Entitie , and Unitie of Existence , Substance , Essence , Nature , was by Pythagoras called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is the Super-Essential Unitie and Being , from which , and by which , and in which , and through which , and to which all things are , and are ordered , & persist , and are comprehended , and converted , &c. Thus also Parmenides ( who followed Pythagoras ) herein is brought in by Plato Philosophizing on that old axiome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One , and many , and Determined thus , That God as he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. One Divine Essence , 1. Was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Many . 2. That he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One immutable Being . 3. That he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . One Eternal Being , &c. This also Plato in his Philebus fol. 17. discourseth of at large , shewing how this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and how these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. How this one Divine Essence was many , as to the Divine Idea's , or Decrees , and how the Divine Ideas were one in the Divine Vnitie , and Essence , This Doctrine , saies he , seemes strange , but yet the Gods , as they say , have thus delivered it to us , to learne , and to teach it others , though some wise men now ( perhaps he means his Scholar Aristotle ) teach otherwise , &c. By which he seemes to confess that these Contemplations of God's Unitie came originally from the Jews , as hereafter . § . 6. Pythagoras seems also to have had some Jewish , if not Scriptural tradition of God's Simplicitie . This is apparent from Iamblichus's interpretation of that great Fundamental Symbol of Pythagoras , [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. Philosophize , and above all things , think that the Gods are incorporeal . This Symbol is beyond all others the Seminarie of the Pythagorean Doctrines . Think not , that the Gods use formes that are Corporeal , neither that they are received into material substance fettered to the bodie , as other animals . Thus Iamblichus on Symbol 24. Thus also Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius informes us , That the Pythagoreans thought , the God's were Invisible , Incorruptible , and only Intelligible , wherefore they forbad the Framing Images , or Formes of them . And Diogenes Laertius gives us a prettie Romance of Hieroninus , who , saith he , affirmes , that Pythagoras descending 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into Hell , saw there Hesiods soul bound to a Brazen pillar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making a lamentable noise : and Homer's Soul hanging upon a tree , and Serpents about , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for those things they feigned of the Gods , which storie , though but a Fiction , yet it is sufficient for our present purpose , to shew that Pythagoras was , according to the common Vogue , a professed enemie to all those Mythologick , & Poetick Fictions of the Gods. The same dislike we find in Plato against Homer for his monstrous fictions of God. So also Parmenides , ( who did much , Pythagorize ) is brought in by Plato discoursing of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or one Divine Being . 1. As one that was neither the whole , nor had he parts . 2. Neither had he beginning , nor end , therefore was 3. Infinite , and without termes . 4. Without Figure either round , or streight . 5. Neither in himself , nor in any thing else , nor any where , 6. Neither like , nor dislike ; neither equal , nor inequal , because without all termes , or composition . So Plato Parmenide , pag. 136 , and 140. Edit . Stephan . And Plato in his Repub. saies , God continues , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , simply in the same Forme &c. as hereafter . We find the simplicitie of the Divine Essence thus described , according to the Pythagorean Doctrine , by Reuchlin , ( and Stanly out of him , cap. 3. ) The Pythagoreans , saies he , assert three worlds , the Supreme , Intelligible , and the Sensible . The supreme world being that of the Deitie , is one , Divine continual constant Essence of Sempiternitie , poized as it were with immoveable weight ; not unfitly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the all governing Throne . It is not confined to genus , Place , Time , or Reason ; but is the free unlimited President over all these ; infinitely supreme in place , power , possession , excellence , above all Essence , Nature , Aevum , Age , &c. See Stanly , fol. 138. § . 7. That Pythagoras received by tradition from the Jews , if not immediately from the Scriptures , some notices , touching the Divine Idea's or Decrees ( which were the first original Archetype , or Universal exemplar of all things made ) seemes very probable . Thus August . Stouch . Eugubinus , de Peren. Philos . l. 1. c. 12. It is very observable , and worthie to be known , what Plutarch mentions , that the Divine mind , and Ideas , ( which Philo , and Plotinus taught ) are the same : and that his Wisdome , is the Nature and Substance of all Ideas : and that the whole series of Ideas is the same with the immense Sapience of God. It is also to be observed , that this Mind , was according to the Sentiment of all the Philosophers , the Creator , because they attribute unto him Ideas as the Origines of things . Whence it is manifest , that they thought , and spake , what they learned from the Barbarians . The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans , Egyptians , and , whom we ought to set in the first place , the Hebrews , &c. That Pythagoras asserted the Doctrine of Ideas before Plato , or Parmenides , is evident , as Reuchlin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine shews us , that the Pythagoreans reduce all beings Subsistent , or Substant immediately to Ideas . And to prove , that Pythagoras , and his followers , Parmenides , Timaeus Locrus , and Plato by their original Ideas understood nothing else , but that which our Divines call the Divine Ideas , or Decrees of God , it will be necessarie to examine a little their Doctrine of Ideas , its Original , &c. The great foundation of all this Doctrine of Ideas was that famous Oriental Tradition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That all is one , and many . This Axiome Plato expounds at large , out of Parmenides , and Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean , shewing how , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One was many , and many one : which ctrine , saies he , we received from the Ancient Philosophers , ( i. e. from Timaeus the Locrian , and Parmenides immediately , but from Pythagoras originally ) and they originally from the Gods who taught them thus to Philosophize , and teach others . What Plato's opinion of Ideas was , we shall reserve for its proper place ; we are now to treat only of the Pythagorean Doctrine concerning Ideas founded on this great Axiome , That all is one , and many . This Pythagorean Principle Parmenides ( who was of the Eleatick sect , a branch of the Italick , and Pythagorean ) much Philosophized on , as the foundation of his Ideas . Him therefore we shall chiefly follow in the explication of this ●ythagorean Doctrine , as we find his opinions explained by Steuch . Eugubinus , by Ludovicus Vives , and Serranus . Steuchus Eugebinus , de Peren. Philos . l. 3. c. 8. saies , That the Vnitie , and Being was stiled by the Ancients , with a certain great and deep mysterie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very Vniverse . Aristotle in his first Book of the Principles of Philophie , delivers , that the Ancients affirmed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That one was all . Therefore they said , God was that All. This in what follows he applies to Empedocles , Parmenides , &c. Lud. Vives in August . civit . Dei l. 8. c. 1. gives us this general account of Parmenides's ( and so of Pythagoras's ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One , &c. There are not wanting some ( saies he ) who conceive that Parmenides himself in his Poems , in which he comprized his Philosophie , affirming all things to be One , understood that One to be God ; of which number is Simplicius . Neither is it likely that Parmenides an acute , and wise man could be ignorant of the Division , and Multiplicitie of things , which in plain words he asserted in his Poems . For when he had versifyed much , and enough on that One first Being . Hitherto saies he of these true , and supreme Beings ; now of Mortals , and confused Beings , &c. But Serranus does more fully , and clearly expound unto us this Doctrine of Parmenides touching Ideas ( in Plato's Parmenides fol. 124. ) This saies he , was the opinion of Parmenides concerning Ideas . In the Vniverse of things there is nothing that happens unadvisedly , or by chance ; but all things depend on the force , and efficacie of their Ideal causes . Of these Ideas he makes two sorts . 1. One he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Infinite , Immovable , Eternal , Simple , and Causative of all things . This he calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The primarie Idea , which being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gives being and virtue to all things . 2. As for the Secondarie Ideas , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gods works , or second natural causes depending on God. He denies therefore that any thing happens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it self , without the Divine mind influencing it . The same Serranus ( in Plato's Parmenides , fol. 130. ) Parmenides , saies he , teacheth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all is One , and that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Archetype Idea , and thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That one is many , and many again one . Where he notes the power , and force of the One in the Ideas , in which it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The proper forme , or exemplar , and thence to know the nature of any intelligibles , we must reduce them to the Unitie of Idea . Thus Serranus of the original of these Ideas . The plain mind of this dark Oriental Tradition is this ; That the Divine Essence , which in it self is but one ; in respect of it's Divine Ideas , or Decrees may be looked on as many ; and thus one becomes many , and many one . Thus Plato , and Serranus on him ( fol. 134. ) explain Parmenides his Ideas . Parmenides saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That God has the most accurate Knowledge ; and that this Knowledge he has by his Ideas ; and that these Ideas arise not from us , ( i. e. external objects ) but from Himself , from his own Infinite Essence , ( the glasse of all those Ideas which represent things Possible ) and from his Sovereign , Absolute will , ( which is the glasse wherein he contemplates the Ideas of things Future ) for otherwise , saies Parmenides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Gods would not be our Lords , neither would they know Humane affaires , should their Ideas or Knowledge arise from us , and not from themselves . How Divinely does Parmenides here Philosophize on the Absolute , Independent , Sovereign Ideas , or Decrees of God , to the confusion of that great Jesuitical Idol of Scientia Media , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all Pelagianisme : of which more when we come to Plato , &c. § . 8. Besides Parmenides , there were other Pythagoreans who Philosophized largely on this Doctrine of Ideas : as Epicarmus , or Cous , and Timaeus Locrus , both famous Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect , from whom Plato , as 't is conceived , received much of his Philosophie touching Ideas . So Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Alcimus , saith he , in the Books which he writ to Amynthas , teacheth us , that Plato borrowed his Opinion of God being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as also that of Ideas from the Books of Epicarmus , who was Cous a Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect most famous : Timaeus also the Locrian has writ of Ideas in his Book of the Universe . But all these things , Plato being of a more accurate Wit , and assisted with a deeper , and more Divine Doctrine , has more largely , and clearly explained . Though I doubt not , but Pythagoras had before learned these things from the Sacred Scriptures , &c. As for Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean , we have his opinion of Ideas laid down at large by Plato in his Timaeus , or Dialogue of the Origine of the Universe , which , I presume he calls Timaeus , because he received the main Principles , and Materials of it from this Timaeus the Pythagorean . The summe of this Discourse in Plato's Timaeus , about Ideas , may be reduced to this Scheme . God in the Production of the Universe acted as a skilful wise Artificer , according to the Ideas of his own eternal Wisdom . These Ideas existing in the mind of God , he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-subsisting , or independent , eternal , indivisible , immaterial , and simple . These first original Ideas seem to answer to those Divine Ideas , w ch the Scholes suppose in the Divine Essence , and Power , w ch is the glasse of things possible , the object of Gods simple Intelligence . Besides this original simple Idea , Plato brings in Timaeus discoursing of another kind of Idea , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an exemplar , or image , which he makes to be the first foetus , impress , or off-spring of the former original Idea . This Exemplar , or Image , as it is conformed , and exactly answerable to the first original Idea ; so likewise is it a lively delineation or representation of the future work or thing to be made , whence the Divine Agent , having got his Exemplar , proceeds to the production of his work answerable thereunto . His words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he distinguisheth his Idea from his Exemplar , making the former to be first , and productive of the latter . Unto this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Exemplar , or Image , the Divine Idea's of things future , or the Decrees of God , which the Scholes suppose to be seated in the Will of God , the object of Gods Science of Vision , seem to answer . Laertius saies , that Plato makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idea , and Exemplar Synonymous , I conceive he is mistaken . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Exemplar , or intelligible Image . Timaeus ( Edit . Steph. fol. 30. ) calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the Animal , Living , Intelligible World , which is elsewhere called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ideal World , the self Liver , the alwaies Liver ; and by the Pythagoreans it is generally stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intelligible World , which they place in the middle , betwixt the Supreme World or the Divine Essence , and the Sensible World , or Universe . This Exemplar Serranus ( on the fore-cited place of Timaeus , fol. 30. ) makes to be that eternal Image , or Exemplar in the mind of God , delineated , or drawn according to the Idea of his eternal Wisdom , according to which all things are produced . Yea , thus Plato seems to express Timaeus's mind , fol. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If the World be beautiful , and it's Maker good , it is evident , that he eyed some internal Exemplar , &c. So before ( Timaeus fol. 28. ) Wherefore , saies he , if he that undertakes to effect any thing , regards this unvariable Exemplar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. it cannot be but that the work should be exactly formed . Thus Timaeus the Pythagorean in Plato's words , which indeed seems exactly to answer that of Moses , Gen. 1.31 . and God saw every thing that he made , and behold it was very good . So saies Augustin ( de Civit. Dei. l. 11. c. 21. ) on this place , hereby is understood God's approbation of his work made according to Art , which is the wisdom of God. Yea Timaeus , according to Plato's relation , ( fol. 30. edit . Steph. ) speakes more fully and openly the sense ( almost in the very words ) of Moses , Gen. 1.31 . Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. For God willed , that all things should be good , and nothing bad , neither is it lawful , saies he , to suppose that God , who is best , should make the World but in the best and most beautiful manner : then he concludes , fol. 37. Thus , after the Father of the Universe had beheld his Workmanship , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the framed a visible Image of the eternal invisible Gods , he recreated and reposed himself therein , i. e. God was delighted in his own works , because they were exactly conformed to , and so sensible Ideas , or visible Images of that eternal Exemplar , and those invisible Ideas , or Decrees lodged in his own sovereign Will , and Essence . Does not Plato here speak plainly , not only the mind of Timaeus , but of Moses also ? This is not mine own conjecture only , but Philoponus ( otherwise Johannes Grammaticus ) also that great Christian Philosopher has long since observed the same , in his Book of the Worlds Creation , lib. 7. c. 11 , 12. Moses therefore concluding the production of the World , saies rightly ( Gen. 1.31 . ) God saw , &c. Moreover Plato in this again imitating him , and shewing how the Vniverse was made by God , saies , That the Father when he beheld this moveable and living Image of the eternal Gods , which he had made , he rejoyced and recreated himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so much the more when he considered , that it was made according to that great Exemplar of his own Idea's , or Decrees . Thus Philoponus , who was well skilled in the mind of Plato , as well as of Moses . But of these things more in their place . § . 9. Pythagoras held Gods production of , and providence over all things . So Timaeus ( in Plato fol. 12. ) saies , that God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. adorned and disposed the World into the most perfect Forme and Order ; whence it was by Pythagoras called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Order , and Beauty . Diogenes tells us , Pythagoras asserted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that Vnity ( by which he understood God ) was the principle of all things . He held also God only to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the animation and vivisick principle of all things ; according to Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters : whence Pythagoras defined God a mind , which communicateth , and diffuseth himself through every part of the Vniverse , from whom all Animals receive life , &c. which accords with Plato's Anima mundi . He also called God one entire Being within himself , in a complete Circle , i. e. shedding abroad the influential lines of his Providence throughout the Universe . The Pythagorean Conception ( as Iamblichus ) touching the Providence of God in general , was this , That we have need of such a Government , as we ought not in any thing to contradict , which alone proceeds from the Deitie , who deservedly may challenge a soveraign Dominion over all . For man being , say the Pythagoreans , shamefully variable , and fickle in his appetites , affections , and other passions , needs such a Government , from which proceeds moderation , and order . But Pythagoras affirmed the Gods to have a peculiar Providence towards Men , such as were at Friendship with them . So Diogenes Laertius saies , Pythagoras held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That Men are ak●● to the Gods , and therefore God has a special Providence over us , as Gen. 1. 26. so saies Iamblichus , Pythagoras demonstrated there is a friendship of the Gods towards men , &c. Grotius on Matth. 10.29 . tells us , that some of the Hebrews held Gods providence about men , but not about beasts : which Pythagoras seems to have learned from them , and to have taught the Grecians . § . 10. Hence Pythagoras was a great Devoto , or Advocate for God , his Worship , and sacred Institutes . So Iamblichus tells us , That Pythagoras proposed , that all things we resolve to do , should tend to the solemne acknowledgement of the Divinitie ; that the whole of mans life should consist in the following God , which is the ground of all Philosophie . For since there is a God ( saies he ) we must acknowledge it is in his power to do us good . Now all give good things to such as they love , and delight in : therefore it is manifest that such things are to be performed , in which God delights , from whom alone good is to be sought for . The like foundation of Divine Worship Plato ( who did in this point greatly Pythagorize ) asserts , of which in it's place . And as to the Mode of Divine Worship , Pythagoras and his Adherents , give us many wholesome Institutes , such as these . 1. That God being an Incorporeal , and Spiritual Being , should not be Worshipped under any Corporeal Forme , or Visible Likenes . Thus Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius , tells us , That Numa forbad the Romans to believe , that God had any Forme , or likenes of Beast , or Man , which is agreeable to the Pythagoreans , who thought the Gods Invisible , Incorruptible , and Intelligible Beings only : so that in these former times there was in Rome no Image of God , either painted , or graven for 170 Years , &c. Some think that Numa had this Institute from Pythagoras ; but Ludo. Vives ( on August . Civit. l. 7. c. 35. ) refutes this ; shewing , that Numa dyed many Years before Pythagoras was born . We may therefore more fitly with Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. and out of him Selden ( de Jure Gent. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. ) affirm , That Numa received this by Tradition originally from the Jews , though perhaps immediately from the Phenicians , who frequented Italy in , and before his time . That Pythagoras had it immediately from the Jews , and particularly from that great Moral Command , Thou shalt not make any graven Image , &c. is most likely . Conformable whereto is that great Pythagorean Symbol [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , Philosophize , and above all things conceive that the Gods are incorporeal . This Symbol is ( saith he ) above all other the Seminarie of the Pythagorick Doctrines , &c. 2. Hence Pythagoras instituted , that God should be Worshipped with a pure mind ; and such decent Ceremonies , as were by him appointed . So Diogenes Laertius : Pythagoras , saies he , held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That honors are to be performed to the Gods according to their own appointment , with a white garment , and chaste bodie , and soul , which purification is acquired by expurgations , washings , sprinklings , and separation from what ever is unclean , &c. I know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by the Latin Version cum laudibus , with praises ; which agrees well enough with our present designe : but yet that it signifies in this place such a Worship , as was appointed by the Gods , I gather by the like usage of the Word in Plato his Alcibiades , fol. 149. where bringing in the Athenians complaining to Ammon their Oracle , that their Enemies the Lacedemonians , who offered few , or no Sacrifices , should prevail against them , who offered such costly Sacrifices : The Oracle makes answer , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the plain simple instituted worship of the Lacedemonians , was more acceptable to the Gods than all their pompous will-worship . This we need not doubt , but that Pythagoras learned from the Jews , as Plato also , who in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fol. 6. tells us , that all Divine Worship must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. saith Serranus , measured by the will , and good pleasure of God. And whereas Pythagoras required his Followers to worship in a white Garment , that is apparently a Jewish Rite , answerable to the Ephod . Such were also all those ●urifications , Washings , Sprinklings , and Separations from all unclean things , which Pythagoras enjoyned . This likewise is affirmed of Iamblichus , that Pythagoras said Puritie is acquired by Expiations , Bathings , Sprinklings , Abstinences from the flesh of things , that dye of themselves , and viperous Creatures , &c. which were all Jewish Ceremonies . Laertius also informs us , that Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy , and not to be used for common use : thence he forbad the eating of Fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in as much as they were holy : for it was not meet that what was proper to the Gods should be common to Men. Farther Vossius de Philos . sect . l. 2. c. 6. § . 5. tells us , it appears out of Clemens Alexandrinus , that Pythagoras was circumcised , &c. which if true , gives us a great demonstration , that he was initiated in the Jewish Ceremonies , which agrees with what was before mentioned out of Diogenes Laertius , that Pythagoras , whilst he was in Babylon , was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past , by one Zabratus , who according to Selden ( de Gente Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. ) was Ezekiel . See more of this in chap. 6. § . 6 , 7 , 8. of Pythagoras's symbolizing with the Jews in Rites . 3. Pythagoras required of his Disciples a very great exactnes , and solemnitie in the Worship of God. This is evident by many of his Symbols , and Iamblichus's explication thereof . As Symbol 1. [ When you go to the Temple to Worship , neither do , nor say any thing concerning life ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , Worship the Deity after such a manner as is most pure , and immixed . He takes care , that no worldly affairs insinuate into Divine Worship . So Symbol 2. [ If a Temple lye in your way , go not in : No , though you pass by the very doors ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , the Supreme Being ought to have the Principal Worship : but if any Man doth it upon the occasion of any other thing , he makes that the second , which is the first , and chiefest of all ; and by that means he subverts the whole order of Worship . The most excellent Good ought not to be ranked in the latter place , as inferior to humane Good. Again Symbol 3. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sacrifice and Worship bare-foot . ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , serve the Gods 1. decently , and orderly . 2. Being free from fetters : this is to be observed not in the Bodie only , but in the acts of the Soul also . Now that this Pythagorean exactnes in Divine Worship had its original from the Jewish Church , is observed by Mr. Mede ( on Eccles . 5.1 . of the reverence of Gods house , pag. 104. ) where citing this very Symbol of Pythagoras , [ offer Sacrifice and Worship with thy shoes off . ] This , saies he , alludes to the Jewish Custom of Discalceation , which was used by the Jews in going to the Place of Worship , and from them derived to the Gentiles , when they worshipped their Gods. We might adde to these Pythagoras's seventh Symbol , [ Above all things , governe your tongues following the Gods. ] i. e. saith Iamblichus , nothing renders the mind so perfect , as when a Man in following the Gods reflects in upon himself by serious Meditation . The whole of which Symbolick Doctrine , touching the Worship of God , seems very correspondent with Scripture Precepts , touching God's Worship ; especially Eccles . 5.1 . § . 11. Another part of Pythagoras's Theologie consisted in the knowledge , and worship of the Daemons . For the understanding whereof , we are to remember , that as Augustin ( de Civit. Dei , l. 6. c. 5. ) hath long since observed , out of Varro , and Seneca ; the Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was three-fold . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mythick . or fabulous , which was that of the Poets . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Politick , or Civil , which was ( as is supposed ) taken up , and imposed by their Law-givers , and Politicians , and so followed by the Priests , and People in their worship . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Natural Theologie , which the Philosophers taught , as that , which suited best with the Light of Nature , and Principles of Reason , in distinction from the two former . For the wiser of the Philosophers , Thales , Pythagoras , Plato , &c. utterly rejected the fabulous Theologie of the Poets : Neither did they generally approve of that Politick Theologie , which States-men had invented , and the Priests with the People embraced , in order to the promoting their Politick Interests . But these Philosophers , by what Oriental Jewish Tradition they had received , together with the Improvements of their own Reason thereon , found out a more Natural , & Rational kind of Theologie ; which was briefly this . They held only one Supreme , Eternal Being , which they called God : This God the Phenicians called Saturn , or Molech , from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King ; but the Grecians generally stiled him Jupiter , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Father Jah , which was one of God's names . Now this supreme God Jah the Father , Saturn , or Molech , was , as they supposed , at such an infinite distance from poor Mortals , and Sinners , as that there could be no approach to Him , or communications of good things from Him , but by some Mediators , or midling Gods. These middle Gods , or Mediators , were no other than their great Heroes , or Persons , who had been greatly famous in their Age for some noble Exploits , or virtuous Acts , and after their Death were by common consent Deifyed , or made Gods , and called by some from their office Medioxumi , from the place of their main residence ( which was supposed to be in the Stars ) Deastri , from their relation to the superior God , the lesser Gods , the made Gods ; from their knowledge of humane Affairs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Daemons ; also from their sovereigntie over Men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Baalim Lords . Who was the first of these Daemons , is not determin'd : some think 't was Joseph , whom the Egyptians worshipped under the Symbolick names , and Images of Apis , Syrapis , Hermes , &c. Others make Belus a Phenician King , the first of them ; whence they were by the Phenicians called Baalim : who ever was the first , it matters not , so long as we have such probable conjectures , yea strong presumptions , that their original Idea , or Exemplar , was conveighed by some imperfect Tradition from the Jewish Messias . This seems evident by that account we find of these Daemons in Plato , who discourseth professedly , and at large concerning them , in his Politicus ; but more particularly in his Symposium , as also de legibus , where 1. Touching their Natures , he terms them to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. made Gods visible Gods : Idols , and Images of the great God , who was Maker of all things . Plato de Legib. 13. 2. Touching their Office , he saies , they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. placed in the middle 'twixt the great God , and man , to be Mediators , or Porters , for the conveighing the Sacrifices , and Prayers of men to the Gods ; as also for the transmitting guifts , and all good things from God to Men ; together with an Interpretation of the mind , will , and precepts of God to men : Whence 3 ly , says he , by the mediation of these Daemons there is a communion , and friendship maintained betwixt God , and men , which otherwise could not be : so Plato , Sympos . fol. 202 , &c. 4. As to the dignitie of these Daemons , he makes them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Co-rulers with the great God : so Plato , Politicus fol. 251. By all which I think , it plainly appears , that these Daemons had their original from some Scriptural Tradition of the Messias , unto whom Plato's Characters of them seem fully to answer . That Pythagoras held these Daemons , we are informed by Diogenes Laertius , who tells us , that Next to the supreme God , Pythagoras , and his followers placed Daemons , and Heroe's : see more of these Daemons in Lud. Vives , in August . Civ . Dei , lib. 8. cap. 14 , &c. § . 12. Another piece of the Pythagorean Theologie , is that which treats of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aeones , who were distinct from their Daemons , and much the same with our Scripture Angels , for they looked upon these Aeones , as Divine immortal Powers , amongst whom there were divers degrees ; some inferior , some superior , who had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their conjunctions , and Genealogies , &c. These Aeones the Gnosticks ( who much imitated the Pythagoreans ) transmitted into their mystical Divinitie , applying them to the Angels : of which see more in our account of the corruption of the Pythagorean Philosophie . § . 13. Another part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks concerned the humane Soul , which ( saies Stobeus ) Pythagoras defined a self-moving number : who held also , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was induced into the Soul from without , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by a Divine efficacie ( so Plato understands this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) delibated of the universal mind , whence also she became immortal . Diogenes Laertius likewise acquaints us , that Pythagoras held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that the Soul was immortal , because that , whence it was derived , was immortal . And this some give as the genuine import of Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Metempsychosis , which by some was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Laertius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of the Soul from one Bodie to another , was also asserted by Plato , and , as it is supposed , taken up both by him and Pythagoras from some broken Tradition they had received from the Jews , touching the Resurrection . This is observed by Serranus in Plato , Repub. lib. 10. Plato , saies he , teacheth us , that the Bodies of the Pious , should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be raised again to life . And the Comment , or Invention of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Transmigration of Souls , was but a corrupt derivation from this Truth of the Resurrection . That the Jews had the like perswasion touching the Transmigration of Souls , appears from that of Herod , who thought that John Baptist's Soul revived in Christ . That the Pharisees held this Opinion , is affirmed by Josephus , l. 18. Antiq. c. 2. and 't is possible the more ancient Jews held the same , and Pythagoras from them , though Vossius denies it . That Pythagoras's , and Plato's Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of the humane Soul after death , was by them taken up , to signifie the Souls first infusion into , and thence by death separation from , and at the Resurrection re-union with the Bodie , is asserted by John Reuchlin , Art. Cabal . l. 2. This is ( saies he ) the meaning of Pythagoras concerning his Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Souls after death , and their descension into life . Others thought the Soul educed out of Matter : Pythagoras thought it infused by God into the Bodie , and therefore before it , not in time , but in dignitie , and puritie : This infusion he termed the descent of the Soul , &c. or if he meant historically , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Soul separate from the Bodie , may by the power of God be brought the same , into the same bodie ; whence he acknowledgeth God only to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the animation of all things . God infuseth the soul into every man , and being infused taketh it away , and being taken away restoreth it , when , and as oft as he pleaseth . Thus he ; some understand this Pythagorean Metempsychosis , Symbolically , with relation to the several passions , dispositions , and morals of men , as hereafter . § . 14. Lastly , To give a general Idea of Pythagoras's Theologie ; we must know , that it was Mystical ; much the same with that of Pherecydes his Master ; as also with that of Orpheus , from whom he borrowed much of it : who all affected a mystical mode of Theologizing , partly from their own Ignorance , being unacquainted with the true import , or meaning of those Jewish Traditions , which were very imperfectly delivered to them ; and partly from an affected Singularitie , they being unwilling that any should be acquainted with their Mysteries , but such as were of their own Tribe , and Sect. This is the meaning of many of Pythagoras's Symbols , whereby he strictly enjoyned his Disciples not to communicate his Mysteries to Strangers , and those without ; as before from Grot. Matth. 7.6 , &c. That Pythagoras , and his Adherents , were generally sensible of their great Ignorance of Divine Mysteries , appears by several of his Symbols , as that [ Look not in a Glasse by Candle-light . ] i. e. saies Iamblichu● , Philosophize , pursuing not the fantasies of sense , which gives a kind of light to comprehensions , like a Candle , neither natural , nor true , &c. This answers to Prov. 13.9 . Thence another of his Symbols runs thus , [ Discourse not of Pythagorean things without light . ] i. e. ( saies Iamblichu● ) because it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without light . But that which was the foundation of all the Pythagorean mystical Theologie , and a great argument of their sense of Ignorance in Divine things , was their credulous inquisitive humor , which inclined them to receive ev'ry Tradition , though never so broken , or corrupt , touching Divine things . This is fully expressed by that great Symbol of Pythagoras , viz. [ Concerning the Gods dis-believe nothing wonderful , nor yet concerning Divine things ] This ( saies Iamblichus ) declareth the superlative Excellence of God's instructing us , and puts us in mind , that we ought not to estimate the Divine power by our own Judgement : which Comment of Iamblichus , if applyed to Divine Revelation , is excellent , and excellently useful ; the same with what the Scripture universally teacheth us ; viz. that concerning God , and Divine things , we should dis-believe nothing though never so wonderful , if we have a Divine word for it . But the Pythagoreans stretched this excellent Scriptural Rule beyond the line of Divine Revelation , even to the belief of every corrupt Oriental Tradition , as hereafter . § . 15. We should now proceed to the black , and Satanick part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie , namely his Magick , or Art of Divination : But this we shall refer to Chap. 10. Touching the Vanitie , or corruptions of the Pythagorean Philosophie . Only in general : that this black Art of Divination , wherein the Pythagoreans were greatly versed , had its original from Satanick imitation of God's sacred Oracles , and the various ways of his revealing himself in the Jewish Church , I think will be very evident , when the parallel is drawn betwixt the one , and the other : For as God revealed his Oracles by Dreams , and Visious ; so the Devil 's were frequently delivered in the same manner . Of which more in its place . CHAP. IX . Of Pythagoras's Symbols , and their Jewish Original , &c. Pythagoras's Symbols from the Jews . 1. Give thy right hand to none but Pythagoreans ; as Gal. 2.9 . Abstain from the dead , Matth. 8.22 . Set down Salt , Lev. 2.13 . Ethick Symbols Jewish . Pythagoras's Metempsychosis Symbolical , from Dan. 4.32 , 33. Pythagorean Abstinences from Jewish Symbols . Pythagorean Numbers Symbolical . Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Worship of Jewish extract ; particularly that Worship bare-foot , from Exod. 3.5 . Eccles . 5.1 . Of Pythagoras's Works , that he left nothing in Writing . The Pythagorean Sect , their ruines . Pythagoras's Followers , and their Writings . Pythagorizing Philosophers , ●lato , &c. The pride of the Pythagoreans , and all other Sects . §. 1 . HAving finished our Discourse touching the matter of the Pythagorean Philosophie , we now proceed to its Forme , or Mode , together with its Traduction from the Jewish Church . Porphyrie , in the Life of Pythagoras , informes us , that he used a two-fold Forme , or manner of Philosophizing : the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was more open , and easie : the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was mystick , and obscure . The choicest parts of Pythagoras's Philosophie , especially his Theologie , was wrapped up , and expressed in a Symbolick Forme , or Mode . Thus Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras , l. 1. c. 29. Pythagoras ( saies he ) used by short sentences to express various significations to his Disciples , after a Symbolick Mode , as Apollo by short enigmatick Oracles , vaticinated many abstruse things , and Nature by little seeds exhibits difficult effects . the same Iamblichus , lib. 1. cap. 5. Thus also Clemens Alexandrinus , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . attributes to Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Symbolick Mode of teaching . So Justin Martyr , in his cohortation to the Greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchus , who delivered the Dogmes of his Philosophie Mystically by Symbols , as the Historiographers of his Life manifest . § . 2. That Pythagoras traduced this his Symbolick Forme , or Mode of Philosophizing originally from the Scriptures , or Jewish Church is not without good grounds affirmed by the Learned , and will farther appear by inquirie into particulars . We find a rational affirmation hereof in Learned John Reuchlin his Explication of Pythagorick Doctrine , Artis Cabal . lib. 2. The way of teaching ( saies he ) by Symbols , and Silence ( as other things ) Pythagoras brought into Greece , from the Hebrews , with whom it was the custome , that the Disciple being to ask some sublime questions , should hold his peace , and being questioned should only answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus the Cabalists answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wise said . Moreover all the Pythagorick Philosophie , especially that , which concerns Divine things , is mystically expressed by Enigmes , and Symbols , because 1. The Ancients used to deliver Wisdom by Allegories : all their Philosophers , and Poets are full of Riddles , avoiding by obscuritie contempt . 2. It oft happens that abstruse things are best expressed by such short Enigmes . 3. As Generals use watch-words to distinguish their own Souldiers , so the Pythagorean Symbols were as distinctive marks of their Societie . 4. They used Symbols also as Memorial notes . For in treating of things Divine , and Humane , the vastness of the subject require● short Symbols , as conducing much to memorie . So Stanly of Pythag● fol. 136. wherein we have a full account of the original of Symbols as also of their proper use , both amongst the Jews , and also the Grecians . As for the Jews it's evident , that God made use of this Forme or Mode of teaching them Heavenly , sublime Mysteries by terren● Figures , Symbolick Images , Types , or Shadows out of condescentio● to their Infant State ; which manner of teaching continued even to our Saviours time , who delivered the chief of his Doctrine concerning Heavenly Mysteries , under Earthly Parables , and Symbols , thereby to render them more plain and familiar ; as he himself signifies , John 3.12 . If I have told you Earthly things , &c. The Jewish Types , and Symbols were also as distinctive marks of God's People , and Church , whereby they were distinguished from all the world besides , ( so the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Symbol signifies a distinctive mark , or watch-word ) which I suppose made Pythagoras the more ready to embrace the like garbe , as that , which was of Divine original , and so most honorable : The great Maxime , on which the Pythagorean , as well as the Jewish Symbols were founded , was this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Things corporeal are imitates ( or images ) of spirituals . That Pythagoras received this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing originally from the Jewish Church , is farther confirmed by Serranus , who on Plato's Symposium speaks thus : It was the manner of the Ancient Philosophers to shadow forth the truth by Symbols . These Plato followed , as it appears by this disputation . And this mode of Philosophizing was accurately framed by the Pythagoreans , the whole of whose Philosophie was couched under the covert of Symbols , and Allegories , &c. But more particularly Serranus in his Preface to Plato's Works , laies down this general assertion , That it is the opinion of all Learned Christian Antiquitie , that this Symbolick manner of Philosophizing came originally from the Jewish Learning , delivered by Moses , and the Prophets , though whether immediately , or mediately by the Egyptians , is not determined . Clemens Alexandr . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . enclines to the latter , namely that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Egyptians , though originally from the Jews . We have the Testimonie of Grotius to the same purpose , on Mat. 7.6 . and on Mat. 8.22 . § . 3. The full proof of our assertion touching the Traduction of the Pythagorean Symbols from the Jewish Church , depends upon the consideration of particulars , and their parallel with Jewish Symbols of like import . Pythagoras's Symbols related either to such , as were aliens and strangers to his schole , and Philosophie , or to such , as were within , and Disciples thereof . As for those , who were without , and Forreiners , Pythagoras had many Symbols to express their state , and to prohibite his Disciples conversation with them . For Pythagoras esteemed all that were not of his College as profane , wicked , dogs , &c. whence that Symbol , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans . Which Symbol was plainly of Jewish extract . For amongst the Jews , to give the right hand was an ordinarie Symbol of Friendship , and Communion , as Gal. 2.9 . therefore they esteeming the Gentiles as Profane , and Vnclean , would not salute them with the right hand of fellowship , i. e. they would not have Communion or Friendship with them . Hence also it followed , that the Pythagoreans forbad the Revealing of their Misteries to such Profane Dogs ; which also was of Jewish extract , as it appears by that Jewish Symbol , cited by St. Mat. 7.6 . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] where Grotius observes , that amongst the Chaldeans , Hebrews , and Egyptians , their ancient Professors of Wisdom , delivered their Precepts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Symbols , as Clemens Alexand. teacheth us . Pythagoras brought this mode into Greece , either from Egypt , where he lived some while , or from Syria , whence his Master Pherecydes was , and as some think Pythagoras himself . For that he was a Tyrrhenian many have affirmed : others say , he was a Tyrian . And indeed the Tyrrhenians , as we have said , were originally Tyrians . But moreover he went to the Jews , as many writers have reported . Thus Grotius . See more of this Symbol , chap. 6. parag . 8. § . 4. But the most livelie Symbol , which Pythagoras had to express the Wicked , and Miserable state of profane sinners , was That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To abstein from things Dead , or Mortal . By which Hierocles saies , Pythagoras called off his Disciples from things dead , or mortal . Iamblichus also tells us , that Pythagoras said puritie was acquired by absteining from things that dyed of themselves . This Symbol , we need not doubt , was of a Jewish origination . For we know the Jews in general were forbid to eat the flesh of any creature , that dyed of it self . And particularly the High Priests , and the Nazarites were forbid to come near , or touch a dead bodie , as Num. 6.6 . Lev. 20. And the proper import of this divine Symbol seems this ; That Sacred , and Holy persons , are not to have Conversation , or Communion with persons , or things spiritually deadly , or dead . That it was common amongst the Jews to look upon wicked men as dead in sin , is evident from what has been observed from Luke 15.24 . ( chap. 7. § . 13. ) Thus also Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wicked men are dead in their souls . And that Pythagoras did really traduce his Symbol , of absteining from the dead , from this Jewish Symbol is positively affirmed by Grotius on Mat. 8.22 . [ Let the dead burie the dead . ] This also , as other Symbols , Pythagoras drew from the Oriental Philosophie , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an imitator of Jewish opinions , as Hermippus writes of him . For Pythagoras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , went to the Hebrews , as Malchus ( i. e. Porphyrie ) writes out of Diogenes . Whence it was the manner , that such who were expelled out of the Pythagorean Schole , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Coffin made , and placed in their room , which we read was executed on Hipparchus . Arrianus in Epictetum 4.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Jewish , and Pythagorean Symbol , of absteining from the dead , we find in the Books of Chrysippus thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 5. As Pythagoras had Symbols to represent the Spiritual death of Wicked men , and the Dutie of his Scholars , to separate from them . So likewise to represent the strict , and holy communion which ought to be amongst his Collegues , he made use of this lively Jewish Symbol 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , set down Salt. We have already proved that Pythagoras traduced this Symbol from the Jewish Church , ( chap. 6. parag . 6. ) where it has been shewn , how Salt was by God's institution , a Symbol of their Holy Confederation , and Communion with God , and amongst themselves , as Numb . 18.19 . 2 Chron. 13.5 . &c. And to make this a little more evident , we must know ( according to L' Empereur of the Jewish Temple ) the Jews had their Store-houses of Salt in , or about , the Temple , for the seasoning of their Sacrifices . We find frequent references in the New Testament to to this Symbol , as before ; and Luke 14.34 . Lev. 2.13 . And as in God's Sacrifices there was ever Salt to be used , so the like was usually observed in Heathen Sacrifices , as appears by that of Plinie The great authoritie of Salt is discovered by the Sacreds of the Ancients , amongst whom there were no Sacreds performed without Salt. And that Salt was used in those federal Sacrifices , as a Symbol of Friendship appears by that Proverbial saying of Tullie , There must be many Bushels of Salt used before there can be a full friendship completed . To the same purpose is that of the Scholiast on Homer Iliad . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because Salt is a Symbol of friendship . Lastly that this Pythagorean Symbol of Salt implies farther an Holy Confederation , or , according to the scripture Dialect , a Communion of Saints , is manifest by Laertius's interpretation of this Symbol . Pythagoras , saies he , bid men make use of Salt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a memoire of righteousnes , for Salt preserves all things . This was the proper signification of this Symbol of Salt in the Jewish Church , unto which Christ alludes in Mark 9.49 , 50. Mat. 5.13 . and we have sufficient evidence from what has been observed , that Pythagoras traduced this his Symbol from the Jews , and used it in the same sense that they did ; namely to express that holy , and strickt confederation , and Friendship , which ought to be amongst his Collegues . § . 6. Pythagoras had some Symbols relating to his Philosophie in general , especially his Theologie , it 's mystical nature , and difficultie to be understood , without some Interpreter , or Divine light : Such were those Symbols forementioned . [ Discourse not of Pythagorean things without Light. ] [ Looke not into a Glasse by Candle light . ] [ Concerning the Gods disbelieve nothing wonderful . ] all which , according to the Interpretation of Iamblichus , seems to be of Jewish original , as has been observed ( chap. 8. § . 14. ) I shall adde only one more , which seems to be the Foundation of all Pythagoras's Symbols , according to Laertius's interpretation , thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To have Tapestrie alwaies bound up , i. e. saies Laertius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man's speech should not be alwaies spoken out , so as to have the meaning , and forme of it fully appear , but like Tapestrie when rolled up , the Forme , and Figure of it should be conceled . This Pythagoras seems to have learnt from the Jews , who rolled up all their mysteries under Symbolick Types , and Figures , as before . § . 7· As to the Matter of Pythagoras's Philosophie , he had many Ethick Characters , or Symbols of Moralitie , whereby he excited his Scholars to Virtue , and discouraged them from Vice. Such as these , [ Receive not a Swallow , ( i. e. a sloathful person ) into your house . ] [ Stir not the Fire with a Sword ] i. e. provoke not a wrathful , or potent person . [ Eate not the heart . ] i. e. by distracting cares . [ Passe not over the Ballance . ] i. e. do justice . Pythagoras also called Virtue harmonie , which is a symbolick image of its Beautie , Order , Amiablenes , &c. as before chap. 7. § . 13. There were other Ethick Symbols , by which Pythagoras allured his Disciples to the embracing of Virtue , as that , [ Eate not the Brain . ] i. e. saies Iamblichus , destroy not your principal instrument of Wisdom . Agen , [ Sleep not at noon . ] i. e. ( according to Iamblichus ) Shut not your eies against the light , when it is most manifest ▪ Farther , [ When it Thunders touch the earth . ] i. e. ( saies Iamblichus When a King is angrie humble thy self . Agen , [ Pluck not a Crown ] i. e. Offend not the King. Lastly Pythagoras said , [ Declining high waies , walk in path waies . ] i. e. ( as Iamblichus will have it ) Leave the popular course of life , and pursue that , which is separate , and divine , answerable to that of Christ , Mat. 7.13.14 . That all these Pythagorean Symbols have their parallel in the Scriptures , and Jewish Doctrine , might with ease be proved . § . 8. Yea some make the Pythagorean Metempsychosis to be but a Symbolick Image , or Ethick Character . Thus Velcurio in his Physicks , lib. 4. cap. 38. I would think ( saies he ) that Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Metempsychosis , and Redintegration of the soul , did belong to the Variable morals , Affections , and Habits of the Soul. For as a man is variously affected , or moralized , so he acts the part of a Lyon , of a Bear , of a Wolf , &c. according to the varietie of his conditions . Thus is Ovid's Metamorphosis referred to Morals . Yea Plutarch gave this Interpretation of Pythagoras's Metempsychosis , and out of him the French Montaigne Essaies livre 2. chap. 11. Pythagoras emprunta la Metempsychose &c. That is in English , Pythagoras borrowed his Metempsychosis from the Egyptians , but since it has been received by other Nations , and particularly by our Druides . The Religion of our ancient Gaules supposed the Soul to be Immortal , and thence , that it never ceased to move from one bodie to another . If it had been Valiant , it moved to the bodie of a Lyon : if it had been Voluptuous , it then creeped into that of a Swine : if Timerous , into that of an Hart , &c. And the Interpretation , which Plutarch gives to this Errour , is very apposite : for he saies , that it was not the Cat , or the Oxe ( for example ) that the Egyptians adored , but some images of Divine powers which they conceived to lodge in these beasts , as in the Oxe they adored Divine patience , and Vsefulness , as in the Cat vivacitie , &c. Thus Flutarch , and Montaigne . That the Egyptians were the first , that taught this Doctrine of Metempsychosis , is affirmed by Herodotus in Enterpe . Where he addes , That the Greeks ( meaning the Pythagoreans ) first received it from Egypt , though they delivered it as their own dogme : So Vossius de Philos . sect . lib. 2. cap. 6. § . 3. That Pythagoras took up this Metempsychosis only as an Ethick Symbol , is the judgment of John Reuchlin Artis Cabalist . lib. 2. where he tells us , That Pythagoras in affirming that the Soul of a Timerous person went into a woman , and of a Cruel man into a Lyon , and of a Libidinous man into a Sow , and of a Vaine , Light person , into a Bird , as of a Sloathful person into a Fish , , from their resemblance in manners ; he did not speak thus , as if he thought so , but only to affrighten the vulgar sort , by such kind of Fables , from Vice , as we were wont to affright Children by Bugbears . That the Egyptians ( from whom Pythagoras is said to have received this Symbol ) understood their Metempsychosis in a Symbolick , Hieroglyphick sense , seems very probable : and that they traduced it originally from the Jewish Church , appears as likely . For that the Pharisees asserted this Metempsychosis , is affirmed by Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. 2. cap , 8. And we may presume the Jews before them held the same . Yea some , and that not without probable conjectures , make the whole storie of Nebuchadnezzar's being Transformed into a Peast , &c. Dan. 4.32 , 33. to be Symbolical of his Brutish life , separate from humane societie . For that he was not really transformed into a Beast , is most likely . And hence it is supposed , this Egyptian Pythagorean Metempsychosis had its original , even from Nebuchadnezzar's Symbolical Transformation into a Beast : and that which gives this conjecture the more likelyhood ; is that this Transformation of Nebuchadnezzar into a Brutish condition was but just before , if not at the very same time , that Pythagoras lived at Babylon . For whether it were in Ezechiel's time , as Selden , or in Daniel's time , as Wendelin ( of Pythagoras's Tetractie ) that Pythagoras was in Babylon , yet it could not be long after this Metamorphosis , or , as we may truely stile it , Metempsychosis of Nebuchadnezzars . Neither can we imagine that Pythagoras , who was so curious an Inquisitor into all the works of Divine Providence , should let passe this stupendious , and amazing Providence of God on Nebuchadnezzar ( which made all the Empire ring of it ) without observation . Why therefore may we not conclude , that both Pythagoras , and the Egyptians derived their Symbolical Metempsychosis from this Metempsychosis , or Transmigration of Nebuchadnezzar into the Symbolick Forme of a Beast . Or , if we had rather , we may suppose Pythagoras's Metempsychosis to be a Symbolick image of the Souls Divine Original , and Infusion into the bodie by God , as also of it's Separation by death , Reunion at the Resurrection , and immortal estate : so Plato , Serr●nus , and Reuchlin seem to encline , as before , chap. 8. parag . 13. § . 9. We have also good conjectures to perswade us , that Pythagoras's precepts touching Abstinence from Flesh were muchly Symbolical , and that his followers did not abstein from all kinds , or all parts of Flesh , but only from such as were of Sacred use , or of Symbolical signification , answerable to the Jewish Abstinences . For first , That Pythagoras himself absteined not wholly from Flesh , we have for it the Testimonie of Aristoxenus the Musician , Disciple of Aristotle , quoted by Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. That Pythagoras ( saies he ) did eat of young Pigges , and tender Goates is affirmed by Aristoxenus , which he seems to have learnt from Xenophilus the Pythagorean , his familiar , and from some others more ancient , who lived not much distant from Pythagoras . And that Pythagoras ate of Animals , Alexis the Poet teacheth in the Comedie of Pythagoras's Life . Thus Gellius , who , in what followes , relates , that Aristotle affirmes , the Pythagoreans absteined not from all Flesh , but only from some parts , namely the Heart , Brain , &c. which were of Symbolick use . And Porphyrie in his first Book of Abstinence from Animals , saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. They say , that the Pythagoreans themselves absteined not from all Flesh , when they sacrificed . So Athenaeus lib. 7. saies , That the Pythagoreans eat but moderately of some flesh , and some they sacrifice , but of Fishes they taste not , &c. and he gives a Symbolick reason why they eat not of Fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For silence , which they esteem as Divine . Diogenes Laertius gives the like Symbolick account of their absteining from Fishes . And we need not doubt , but that the main of their Symbolick Abstinences from Flesh , and Fish , had it's original from the Jewish Symbolick Abstinences from things unclean , &c. Though we may not denie , but that Pythagoras , and his Followers were very abstemious as to Flesh , upon a Medicinal , and Natural account , thereby to keep their mind , & bodie , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good Habitude , and disposition of Health , as before . § . 10. The like Symbolick account some give of Pythagoras's precept for Abstinence from Beans ; the which we find mentioned in Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in this verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is an equal crime to eat a Bean , as to eat the heads of Parents . This Lucian brings in Pythagoras asserting in Hell , and Chrysostome in his 1. Homil. on the Gospel of St. John , attributes the same to Pythagoras . Gellius , lib. 4. chap. 11. cites a Verse , which is supposed to be one of Empedocles's ( who was a Pythagorean , and Auditor of Pythagoras ) to the same purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , O ye miserable wretches touch not Beanes with your hand . Yet some think this Pythagorean prohibition against eating Beans , ought to be understood Symbollically , and Enigmatically only ; in as much , as some of great authoritie affirme , that Pythagoras himself absteined not from Beans . Thus Aristoxenus the Musician in his Book of Pythagoras , as Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. and Voss . de Philos . l. 2. c. 6. § . 39. Others by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand the Testicles , and so by Pythagoras's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conceive the illicite use of Venerie to be forbid ; as Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. 'T is possible it was both Physical , and Symbolical , as the former of these . § . 11. As Pythagoras had many Ethick Symbols to express his moral Precepts by ; so also his Theologick Mysteries were in a more particular manner couched under , and expressed by Enigmatick , Symbolick Images , especially by Numbers , and Figures , which , as he conceited , had an Analogie , and consent with all things : Whence he expressed Apollo by Unitie , Diana by the number Two , Minerva by the number Seven ; and Plato in his Timaeus seems to imitate him . That Pythagoras expressed God by Unitie , appears by that of Laertius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Unitie is the Principle of all things . Whence the Pythagoreans accounted the number of Two accursed , because it was the first departure from Unitie . And the reason why Pythagoras expressed God by Unitie , is given us by Reuchlin ( Art. Cabal . lib. 2. ) thus , The Divine mind , the receptacle of Principles , Pythagoras Symbollically calls Number , saying , Number is the principle of all things . So Plutarch , de Philosoph . Placit . By Number Pythagoras understands the mind ; a very proper Symbol : for in Incorporeals nothing more Divine , than the mind ; in Abstractions , number is most simple : thus he . All this was couched under that great Pythagorean Maxime , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one and many ; of which before . § . 12. The Symbols , whereby Pythagoras expressed that Spiritual Divine Worship due to God , were such as these [ Grave not the Image of God in a Ring ] i. e. worship not graven Images . Agen , [ When you go to the Temple-worship , neither do , nor say any thing concerning this life . ] i. e. let not the world mix with your hearts , &c. of which see Chap. 8. § . 10. And more particularly that great Pythagorean Symbol , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ Sacrifice , and Worship bare-foot ] which was but an imitation of the Jewish Custom of Discalceation , when they went to worship ; as Mede on Eccles . 5.1 . or else 't is possible Pythagoras might derive this Symbol immediately from God's command to Moses Exod. 3.5 . Put off thy shoes from off thy feet , &c. For Pythagoras ( as we have before observed , Chap. 5. § . 8. ) having acquired the Egyptian , and as we may presume the Chaldean Languages , was thereby enabled not only to converse with the Jews , but also to read the sacred Scriptures in their Original , the Egyptian , and Chaldean Tongues differing only in some Dialect from the Hebrew . And this may serve us as a Key to this whole Discourse touching Pythagoras's traduction of his Philosophie , both Matter , and Forme from the Scriptures , and Jewish Church : Namely , his skill in the Oriental Languages , especially the Egyptian , and Chaldee , which gave him an huge advantage for his more thorough searching into the Sacred Oracles , and Jewish Doctrines . § . 13. Having discoursed of Pythagoras's Philosophie , both as to Matter , and Forme , its traduction from the Jewish Church : before we shut up this Chapter , we shall a little touch on his Works , and Disciples , which gave foundation to most of the following Sects , and their Philosophie . Touching Pythagoras's Works , it is a great controversie amongst the Learned , whether Pythagoras left any thing in Writing . Laertius makes mention of three Pieces of Pythagoras : his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heraclides in Sotion's Epitome , attributes more to Pythagoras , as Laertius affirmes , who also upbraids those , as Fools , who think that Pythagoras left no Works behinde him , whom he confutes out of Heraclitus the Physiologist , who quotes some things out of Pythagoras's Works . Yet Augustin ( lib. 1. De Consensu Evangelist . cap. 7. ) denies that Pythagoras left any Writing behinde him . Cedrenus makes mention of an Historie compiled by Pythagoras , touching the War betwixt Cyrus , and the Samians his Country-men , but this is rejected by Vossius , de Histor . Graec. l. 4. As for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Golden Verses which passe under Pythagoras's name , Laertius assures us , that they were not made by him , but by Lysis the Pythagorean . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. As for the Golden Verses which passe under the name of Pythagoras , they are Lysis's a Pythagorean of Tarantum . This also is affirmed by others . We have an excellent Comment on these Golden Verses of Lysis , by Hierocles , who though a Stoick , yet exactly expresseth the minde of the Pythagoreans . That Pythagoras indeed left nothing in Writing behinde him , is also asserted by Lucian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Divine Pythagoras vouchsafed not to leave behinde him any part of his Doctrine in Writing . So Josephus , lib. 2. Ant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There is no Writing of Pythagoras owned ; of which see Vossius , de Histor . Graec. lib. 4. pag. 435. As for Pythagoras's Symbols , which contained the choicest part of his Philosophie , there have been Collections , with Interpretations made of them by many ; particularly by Laertius in his Life ; by Iamblichus ; by Plutarch ; and amongst Modern Writers , by Erasmus in the beginning of his Chiliads ; especially by Lilius Gyraldus , who has written an accurate Treatise of Pythagoras's Symbols . Touching Pythagoras's Philosophie , Eusebius on Hierocles tells us , that Philolaus had committed his chiefest Dogmes to Writing . 'T is said also , that Aristotle , Androcydes , Antiphanes , Alexander , Didymus , and Mederatus Gaditanus , writ professedly of Pythagoras's Philosophie : but the most that we have now extant of it , is in the Historiographers of Pythagoras's Life , Diogenes Laertius , Porphyrie , and Iamblichus , besides what is mentioned by Cicero , and Plutarch . That Aristotle writ a Book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as also another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is affirmed by Laertius . Porphyrie , in the Life of Plotinus , tells us , that Plotinus did more clearly explicate the Principles of the Pythagorick Philosophie , as well as of the Platonick . Of which see more , Vossius de Philos . l. 2. c. 6. § . 12 , 44. § . 14. As for Pythagoras's Schole , and Disciples , there succeeded him , Theano his Wife , and Telauges with Menaxarchus , his Sons , as Euseb . lib. 10. praepar . cap. 3. There flourished of his Disciples , Ocellus , Architas , Philolaus , Parmenides . Ocellus was the glorie of Italie : whose Book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , full of ancient mysterious erudition , is yet extant : out of which Aristotle borrowed not a little . Architas the Tarentine was also one of the most ancient Philosophers of Italie . 'T was he , who by Mechanick Art , made the volatile or slying wooden Dove , as Gellius , lib. 10. cap. 12. Parmenides is said to spend 18 whole years in a Rock , feeding his minde with Logick Contemplations . As for Philolaus , of what great repute he was , is evident by the esteem Plato had of him , who purchased his Books at 10000 Denaries ; as Gellius , lib. 10. c. 17. Diogenes saith , that his College continued for nineteen Generations . Yet Moderatus Gaditanus saith , that the Pythagorick Sect was extinguished for the obscuritie of their Philosophie . Justin . lib. 20. tells us , that 300 Pythagoreans being under a strict Confederation , and Separate Life , were accused of a secret Conjuration against the Citie , and thence , when they were met in their College , 60 of them were destroyed , and the rest banished . Porphyrie , and Iamblichus mention the same , & say , that there sled only two , Archippus , and Lysis the Preceptor of Epaminondas . And Iamblichus addes , that when the Innocencie of the Pythagoreans appeared to others of the Citie , they stoned those who destroyed the Pythagoreans . We find both these reasons joyned together by Carion , in his Chronicon , l. 2. The Italick Philosophie , saies he , being obscure , and full of Enigmes , and the Pythagoreans having their private Meetings , and peculiar Rites , they were destroyed upon suspicion of the Tyrants , &c. § . 15. Although Pythagoras left nothing in Writing behinde him , yet what his Philosophie was , may be gathered by those of his Sect , who followed , of whom we have many things extant . As Hippodamus the Thurian his Tract of Felicitie . Euryphamus of Life . Hipparchus of the minde's Tranquilitie . Archytas of a good Man , and of the Doctrine of Moralitie . Theagis of Virtues . Clinias of the causes of Virtue . Crito of Prudence , and Felicitie : with Polus of Justice . Besides , we have Lysis's Golden Verses , who slying to Thebes , was Preceptor to Epaminondas the most famous of his Age. We must reckon also amongst the Pythagoreans , Epicarmus , otherwise Cous , who for his repute amongst the Philosophers , was esteemed as the Sun amongst the Stars . He writ of Being , of Ideas , and of the nature of Things . Also Timaeus the Locrian was a Pythagorean , who writ a Book of the Universe , of Ideas , &c. as Lud. Viv. in Aug. l. 8. cap. 11. We may adde to these the two great Law-givers , Zaleuchus who gave Laws to the Locrians ; and Charondas to the Thurians : both Pythagoreans . Lastly , Sextus the Pythagorick Philosopher , who writ an Enchiridion of Sentences , which Ruffinus translated into Latin. § . 16. There were other Philosophers , who did very much Pythagorize , although they were not altogether Pythagoreans . Of this number was Parmenides of the Eleatick Sect , who did Pythagorize in the Doctrine of Ideas , for which he was so eminent , though some make Parmenides a more complete Pythagorean , as before § . 14. Also Empeodocles the Agrigentine Disciple of Pythagoras , and Parmenides wh● Symbolized with Pythagoras in the Doctrine of the Metempsychosis , the prohibition of Beans , &c. and is by Laertius supposed to be the first Inventor of Rhetorick . But amongst the differing Sects , there was none that did Pythagorize more then Plato , especially in Divine matters , as Aristotle , and Laertius have observed . Yea the choicest of his Metaphysick Contemplations seem to be traduced from Pythagoras , and his Followers ; besides what he brought out of Egypt . Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. his Ideas , his Discourse of the Universe , his Metempsychosis , and Daemons , were all asserted by the Pythagoreans . Yea many of the Hellenistick Jews did greatly Pythagorize , as Philo Judaeus the Alexandrine , who ( saith Euseb . Hist . l. 2. c. 4. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greatly burning with love of Platonick , and Pythagorick Philosophie , &c. § , 17. Lastly , Albeit the Pythagoreans were thus famous for Judaick mysterious Wisdom , and many Moral , as well as Natural Accomplishments , yet were they not exempted from Boasting , and Pride , which was indeed a Vice most Epidemick , and as it were Congenial among all the Philosophers ; but in a more particular manner among the Pythagoreans : so Hornius , Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 11. The manners of the Pythagoreans were not free from boasting : They were all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as abounded in the sense and commendation of their own Excellences , and boasting even almost to the degree of immodestie , and impudence , as great Heinsius ad Horat. has rightly observed . Thus indeed does proud Nature delight to walk in the sparks of its own fire . And although many of these old Philosophers , could , by the strength of their own Lights , and Heats , together with some common elevations , and raisures of Spirit ( peradventure from a more than ordinarie , though not special , and saving assistance of the Spirit ) abandon many grosser Vices ; yet were they all deeply immersed in that miserable cursed Abysse of Spiritual pride ; so that all their Natural , Moral , and Philosophick Attainments , did feed , nourish , strengthen , and render more inveterate this hell-bred pest of their Hearts : Yea , those of them that seemed most modest , as the Academicks , who professed they knew nothing ; and the Cynicks who greatly decried , both in words , and habits , the pride of others , yet even these abounded with notorious , and visible pride . So connatural , and morally essential to corrupt Nature is this envenomed root , fountain , and plague of Spiritual pride , especially where there is any Natural , Moral , or Philosophick Excellence to feed the same : whence Austin rightly judged all these Philosophick Virtues to be but splendid Sins . CHAP. X. Of the Elatick Philosophie , &c. Of the Eleatick Sect , and its first Institutor Xenophanes . Of Parmenides , and Zeno the first Inventor of Logick . Leucippus his Dogmes of Atomes , and Democritus's emproving the same . Democritus's skill in Physicks , Medicine , Ethicks , Mathematicks , and all the Liberal Sciences , with Mechanick Arts. His Travels , and Conversation with Egyptians , Chaldees , Jews , &c. Of the Heraclitians , Epicureans , and Scepticks . § . 1. THe Pythagorick Sect , termed Italick , included under it the Eleatick , the Heraclitian , the Epicurean , and the Sceptick . The Eleatick Sect had for its first Founder Xenophanes the Colophonian ; but its denomination , and name , it had from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elea , or Velia , a Town of the Lucans in Magna Graecia , of which Parmenides , Zeno , and Leucippus were ; who being eminent persons of this Sect , from them the Sect it self was termed Eleatick . Thus Cicero , lib. 4. Acad. Qu●st . I find that Xenophanes was the Prince of this Noble Discipline : him Parmenides , and Zeno followed ; from them this Sect was termed Eleatick , &c. § . 2. Xenophanes lived about the time of Hieron King of Sicily , and of Epicharmus the Poet ; namely , about the LX Olympiad . Some affirme , that he had no Praeceptor ; others say , he heard Boto the Athenian , or Archelaus the Master of Socrates : or as others , Parmeniscus , and Orestades , Pythagoreans . He approved not fully of the Ionick , or Italick Sect , but delivered many Dogmes contrary both to Thales , and Pythagoras : Yet his Disciples Parmenides , and Zeno , did in many things Pythagorize , and the whole Sect is reckoned but a Branch of the Italick , or Pythagorick Sect. Xenophanes writ his Philosophie in Verse ; yet was he a professed Enemie to the Mythologick Philosophie of the Poets . For he writ against Homer , and Hesiod , and derided them for uttering such Fables of the Gods. He held , First , all things to be incomprehensible , wherein he agreed with the Scepticks . Secondly , That God is one , Incorporeal , Eternal Being , having nothing common with Men , yet all-seeing , all-hearing , all-wise , &c. Thirdly , He held also the Soul to be of a Spiritual Nature . Fourthly , That the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires , &c. see more of his Dogmes in Sextus the Philosopher , and Athenaeus . § . 3. Parmenides was the Disciple of Xenophanes , who yet differed from his Master in some things ; and in many things Pythagorized . For he held only two Elements , Fire , and Earth , whereof the former he made to be the Active , the latter the Passive , or Material principle of all things . By the Fire Vossius supposes he meant the Sun , and Stars , which have an Active Influence on all Generations , wherein he symbolized with the Pythagoreans , who held Fire to be the active , productive cause of all things ; and that the Sun and Stars were of a Fierie Nature , as before , chap. 7. § . 10. Parmenides asserted also , that the first Principle of all things is One , and that this One is immoveable , and that this One is all : which assertion was the foundation of all his Dogmes concerning Ideas , for which he was so famous : the summe whereof was this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all is one , and many : which Principles , and Opinions were evidently Pythagorean , and originally Scriptural ; as before , chap. 8. § . 7. That Parmenides by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one , meant God , is affirmed by Simplicius , and others , as Lud. Viv. in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. His Philosophie was delivered in Verse , yet not Mythick , &c. § . 4. Zeno the Eleatick was Disciple of Parmenides , but originally of Tarsis , or according to others of Sidon , as Suidas : whence we may presume , he could not but have some Traditions or Notices of the Jewish Mysteries . This Zeno is said to be the first that Invented Logick : So Aristotle in Sophista , and Laertius in Zeno the Eleatick ; so Galen , or Aëtius in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zeno the Eleatick is reported to be the first Author of Contentions , or Dialectick Philosophie : Yet others make Euclid the Megarick , ( Scholar to Socrates , and first Institutor of the Megarick Sect ) to be the Author of Eristick , or Dialectick Philosophie : But the Reconcilement is easie . For although Parmenides , and his Scholar Zeno the Eleatick , were the first who brought up Dialectick , or Logick Disputations ; yet Euclid , who ( as Diogenes reports ) was much versed in Parmenides's Books , might much improve the same , and commend it to those of his Sect : so Voss . de Phil. l. 2. c. 11. Parag. 3. § . 5. Next follows Leucippus Disciple of Zeno the Eleatick , whom some make to be an Eleatick , others a Milesian , others an Abderite . He is said to be the first amongst the Grecians , that asserted Atomes to be the first principles of all things . So Laertius in Leucippus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Leucippus first laid down Atomes as the Principles , &c. where Laertius more fully explains this Doctrine . Thus also Galen , or Aëtius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having spoken of Zeno the Eleatick , addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of this man Leucippus the Abderite being hearer , first conceived the Invention of Atomes . Clemens Alexandrinus calls him a Milesian , and saies , that he placed , as first Principles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphanes , saies he , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lactantius lib. 3. Institut . makes him the first that dreamt of Atomes , from whom Democritus received them , as Epicurus from him . Yet Aristotle , lib. 1. de Generat . saies , that Empedocles ( Disciple of Pythagoras , and Parmenides ) held the same Opinion of Atomes . The same is affirmed by Plutarch . de Placit . Phil. l. 1. c. 24. Laertius also tells us , that Anaxagoras asserted the same . And 't is probable that Pythagoras , and Parmenides ( Empedocles's Preceptors ) held Atomes to be the first Principles : which Dogmes they received ( as we may presume ) from Mochus the great Phenician Phisiologist , who was the first among the Pagan Philosophers , that asserted this Doctrine of Atomes , which he received by Tradition from Moses's storie of the Creation , as before , Book 1. chap. 3. parag . 18. § . 6. Democritus the Abderite ( as to Physicks ) Disciple of Lencippus , followed him in this Doctrine of Atomes : for he held , there was an infinitie of Atomes scattered up , and down the Vacuum ( which the Phenicians called Chaos ) which being coagmentated , or semented together , were the material Principle of all Bodies , yea of the humane Soul ; and that all Motion was caused by these Atomes : to which he ascribed three Properties . First , Magnitude , though the least , yet some . Secondly , Figure , which was various , and infinite . Thirdly , Pondus , or impetus , which caused their swift Motion , Lud. Vives in August . Civit. l. 11. c. 5. gives this account of these Dogmes . Democritus , saies he , affirmed , that the first Principles of Nature were little Bodies flying up , and down through the immense Vacuum , which had Figure , and Magnitude , yet were indivisible ; wherefore he called them Atomes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epicurus followed him , who added to them Pondus , weight ( or impetus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Thus these small individuous Bodies , being endowed with various Figures , or Formes , Magnitudes , & Pondus's extreamly divers , as also by a fortuitous agitation tossed up & down through the immense Vacuum , were by various chances mix'd together , and coagmentated into infinite Worlds , produced , increased , and destroyed , without any certain Cause , or Counsel . Thus Lud. Vives . Of which more hereafter in Epicurus . § . 7. Democritus writ also , according to Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the greater World its Government , &c. ( but this Piece Theophrastus ascribes to Leucippus ) Likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Tract of the nature of the World. Laertius addes , amongst the genuine Works of Democritus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his little Government of the World. He had an excellent skill in the Experimental part of Natural Philosophie . Plin. lib. 21. c. 11. saies , he left behind him many things of Plants . Petronius Arbiter , saies of him , That he drew forth the Juices of all Herbs ; neither was the virtue of Stones hid from him . That he was an excellent Anatomist , appears by Hippocrates's Character of him , who being sent for by Democritus's Friends to cure him of a Frenetick Distemper , which they fancied him , by reason of his continual Smiling , to labor under : Hippocrates found him busied in the Anatomizing of Animals , and skilful therein , so that ever after they contracted an intimate Friendship , and correspondence by Letters . Democritus was exactly skilled in Medicine also , wherein he writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an order for Diet , and Cures . For which skill Democritus is greatly extolled by Celsus , lib. 2. cap. 5. what his opinions were see Laertius , Sextus Empericus , but principally Stobaeus in his Physicks . § . 8. Democritus was in like manner skilled in Ethicks ; wherein he made the end of humane life to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tranquillitie , which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good , perpetual state of things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , See Hesychius , and Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yea Democritus seems to be well skilled in the whole Encyclopaedia , or bodie of Philosophie . Laertius saies , he was accounted in Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as having joyned together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Physicks , Ethicks , Mathematicks , the Circle of the Liberal Sciences , & all Mechanicks . He was a great Traveller in the Oriental parts ; He went to Babylon , and there conversed with the Chaldeans ( and as it 's likely , also with the Jews , who were called Chaldeans ) as Aelian . Var . Hist . lib. 4. c. 20. from whom he learned Theologie , and Astrologie . He is said to have written a book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sacred letters in Babylon ( perhaps from Jewish traditions ) and another called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Laertius . He was also in Egypt , whence he had his Geometrie , and as we may suppose , many Jewish traditions also , especially concerning Solomon's experimental Philosophie , wherein Democritus excelled . He flourished about the LXXV . Olympiad ; and was contemporarie with Socrates . § . 9. There were other branches of the Italick , or Pythagorick Sect ; as the Heraclitian instituted by Heraclitus an Ephesian , a person of a great spirit , who flourished about the 69 Olympiad , and was famous for his skill in Natural Philosophie , from whom Plato is said to have derived his Physicks . He in some things Pythagorized , especially in that great Pythagorean Principle , That Fire is the Principle of all things . They reckon also as branches of the Pythagorick Sect , the Epicurean , which sprang immediately from the Eleatick : and so originally from the Italick : as likewise the Sceptick , which had its foundation in the Eleatick Schole from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the contentious dialectick disputations of Parmenides , and Zeno , which were taken up , in the old Academie , instituted by Plato , and called therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Probationarie , or Problematick Disputations ; wherein the Matter being only things dubious , they disputed pro , and con . as they listed . Which way of dubious Disputation , was so well improved in the New Academies , and by Pyrrho , and his followers , as that they came to denie that any thing was certain , or knowable ; whence they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But of these in their places . BOOK III. Wherein more breifly of Socratick , more largly of Platonick Philosophie . CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie , its Original , &c. Socrates brought in Moral Philosophie , and why : His Metaphysicks from the Scriptures , viz. That Virtue and Knowledge of God comes by Divine infusion : His Daemon , &c. Socrates's Philosophie how far Contemplative : All true Philosophie Active : His Moralitie , particularly his endeavours to strip men of vain conceits touching their own knowledge , & to reduce them to the Knowledge of themselves . The Forme of Socrates's Philosophie was partly Rhetorical by Ironie , partly Dialectical , by Introduction , and Interrogation , according to the Jewish mode of Disputing , Mark. 8.11 . Luk. 11.53 . Socrates's Death , and Character : the many Sects , that sprang from his Schole , and their differences about the chiefest Good , &c. § . 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Italick Philosophie founded by Pythagoras , and its ●raduction from the Divine Oracles : We now return to the Ionick , and its Advances under Socrates , and by his Scholars , Plato , &c. We have afore in the Storie of Thales , shewn how he , who was the Founder of the Ionick Sect , traduced the Choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jewish Church . We are now to demonstrate , what emprovment the Ionick Philosophie received from the said Jewish Philosophie , and Sacred Oracles . The Ionick Schole ( as we before hinted ) was Transplanted from Ionia in Asia , unto Athens by Anaxagoras . as Vossius will have it ; or by his Successor Archelaus , as Ludovicus Vives . Socrates was Scholar to both : First to Anaxagoras , and after his departure from Athens to Archelaus , who was called the Physiologist , or Naturalist , because he ( as all his Predecessors of the Ionick Schole ) wholly addicted himself to Natural Philosophie . § . 2. But Socrates , being disgusted at the vain Ph●losophizings of these proud daring Naturalists , considers how he might reduce Philosophie to a more Practical usage . For observing what small advantage Contemplative Philosophie brought to Human Life , he reduced her to a more Active Science ; and so pared off in every Science what he conceived lesse useful , , valuing Speculation no farther , than it conduced to Action . Thus Cicero Acad. Quaest . 1. Socrates ( saies he ) seems to me , as it is manifest to all , to be the First , that called off Philosophie from occult things , and such as were involved , in Nature , in which all the foregoing Philosophers were Versed , and to reduce her to common Life , that so men might enquire about Virtue , and Vice , and altogether of things Good , and Evil. As for Celestial bodies , he judged them altogether above the knowledge of Nature , or if they might be never so well known , yet did they no way conduce to our well living . Thus Cicero . We find the like account in August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 3. Of Socrates's Philosophie . Socrates ( saies he ) therefore was the first , who is mentioned to have turned the whole of Philosophie , for the correcting , and composing of manners : whereas before him all employed their chiefest endeavours in Physicks , i. e. in natural Enquiries . Thus we see , that Socrates was the first , who rejecting Astronomical , and Physick Contemplations , brought in Moral Philosophie into the Scholes : whence he is said to call down Philosophie from Heaven to Earth . § . 3. August . also ( de Civ . l. 8. c. 3. ) enquires into the reasons , which might enduce Socrates to reject the Speculative Disquisitions , which were then most in vogue , and to turne his Philosophizing wholly to Moralitie . And he concludes that 't is not clear , whether it proceeded from an irksome sense he had of the obscuritie , and uncertaintie , which attended such Natural Philosophizings : or ( as some more favourably judge ) whether it were , that he judged men not fit to meddle with such sublime Mysteries , before they had gotten minds purified , and clarified from terrene affections , &c. So Lactant. lib. 3. I grant ( saies he ) that Socrates was a little more discreet than the rest , who fancyed , they could comprehend the Nature of things by their Ingenie , wherein I conceive them to be not only foolish , but impious , in that they dare thurst in their curious eyes into the secrets of that Celestial Providence : yea I count them much more wicked , who seek to prophane the secrets of the World , and this Heavenly Temple , by their impious disputes , than he that would endeavour to enter into the Temple of Vesta , or Ceres , &c. Put the genuine account seems this ; that Socrates having enquired into all kinds of Philosophie then in vogue , he found little of certaintie , and lesse of usefulnes therein ; whereupon he made it his designe to reduce speculation to practice , &c. The like inducement drew Padre Paul that Venetian Reformer to quit speculative Philosophie , and turne to Moralitie , as it 's well observed by the Author of his Life ( English , pag. 69. ) About that time ( saies he ) Father Paul changed the qualitie of his studies ( excepting Ecclesiastical , and Prophane Stories ) to the studie of Moral Philosophie . Peradventure that which is written of Socrates is no singular , or voluntarie Act , but is , as it were natural to all those understandings , which have any thing of transendent , who , after they have made a discoverie of what they can arrive to upon Universalities , transport themselves totally to Moralitie ; which studie ( as to inferior things ) is the only speculation of Humanitie . This ariseth either from a desire more intense to better it self , or from some incomprehensibilitie , or from a solid judgment of the vanitie of Sciences , &c. § . 4. Though Socrates addicted himself chiefly to Moralitie , yet was he not without skill in other parts of Philosophie , and Learning . Plato in his Epistles Attributes some parts of Natural Philosophie to Socrates . Xenephon his Scholar ( as also Cicero ) affirms , that he was excellent in all kind of Learning , as well in Wisdom , Acutenes , Politenes , and Subtiltie ; as in ●loquence , Varietie , and Copiousnes : to whatsoever piece of Learning he addicted himself ; he was without exception Prince of all . So much also is expressed in that answer , which the Oracle made to him , who enquired who was the wisest m●n ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Of all men Socrates is the wisest , said the Oracle . He made man the entire subject of his Philosophie . For , according to the twofold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or regard of man , 1. To Divine Contemplation , or , 2. To Human Conversation , he divided his Philosophie into Metaphysick or Contemplative , and Moral or Active . 1. As to his Metaphysicks , or Divine Contemplations , he took it for granted , whilest man was subject to , and under the impression of corporeal Images , sensible Formes , and terrene Affections , he was not rightly disposed for Divine Contemplation , which required a mind defecated , and separated from corporeal Phantasmes , and Passions . This some give as the reason , why in his Philosophick Institutes he so much addicted himself to moralitie ; because he found his Scholars not capable of those more sublime Metaphysick Contemplations , therefore he endeavoured to prepare them for the same by Moral Institutes . This he made the chief subject of his last Philosophick Lecture to his Scholars , after he had taken his Poyson , immediately before his Death , as we find it related at large by Plato in his Phaedo ; where he gives us Socrates's Dying Philosophizings touching the souls immortalitie , and separate state ; and particularly , that none could rightly Philosophize of these Divine Mysteries , but such as had their souls stripped of , & abstracted from all Corporeal images , impresses , and affections : for 'till the soul was loose from the prison of the bodie it could not be free for the Contemplation of God &c. Whence he defines Philosophie a mediation of death i. e. of the separation of the soul and bodie , in which state the soul being purged from those corporeal dregs , by which it was contaminated , whilest confined to the bodie , it is rendred capable of contemplating God , and Divine things . For ( saies he ) it is great impietie to suppose that the Most Pure Divine Truth , and Being , will be touched by an impure mind . Thence he judged , that the Friends of God knew more of him , and his Divine Mysteries , than impure souls , who followed not God. And Plato in his Cratylus brings him in affirming , that only Good men were Wise , and skilful in Divine Mysteries , &c. So August . de civit . Dei l. 8. c. 3. giving a reason , why Socrates Philosophized so much on Moralitie , he saies , Socrates would not , that minds clogged with terrene passions , should extend themselves to contemplate Divine things , which he conceived could not be comprehended but by a refined judgment : and therefore he thought men should be very intent on getting a reformed Life , that the minde being exonerated of its depressing Lusts , might by a natural vigor , lift up it self to Eternals , and by that puritie of Intelligence contemplate the Nature of that Eternal , Incommutable Light , where the causes of all created Natures live in stabilitie , &c. Thus August . Whereby we are informed , why Socrates was so sparing in communicating his Divine Contemplations to his Scholars : though it seems to me very evident by what I find ascribed to him by Plato , that of all the Grecian Philosophers ( Pythagoras not excepted ) Scocrates had as ( if not more ) clear Notions as any touching God , his Nature , Vnitie , and other sacred Mysteries , which he could never have attained unto , but by some borrowed Tradition originally Jewish , or Scriptural . Particularly Socrates asserted . 1. The Spiritual , Infinite , Eternal Nature of God , and his Vnitie , which was the great Article , for which he suffered a kind of Martyrdome . 2. The cor●uption of Humane Nature , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 3. A Native blindnes , in which all men were inveloped &c. 4. That Virtue was not teachable , and acquitable by Nature , or Art , but the product of Divine inspiration . Thus Plato in Meno . fol. 89. brings in Socrates thus discoursing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Having therefore often sought if there were any Praeceptors of Virtue , after all my endeavours I could find none : so , fol. 99. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is neither teachable , neither gained by science . Then he brings in Socrates concluding more positively , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue then is neither from Nature , nor Teachable ; but it comes by a divine inspiration , without the concurrence of humane understanding in those to whom it is communicated , &c. Thus Plato . Yea he adds ( in the same fol. 99. ) That God useth the most unskilful instruments , in communicating this Grace to men , &c. 5. When also Socrates asserted , That all true knowledge of God came by Divine Infusion . So Plato in his Alcibiad . fol. 124. brings in Socrates thus bespeaking Alcibiades , We have need of a Common Council , by what means we may become best . Neither doe I affirm this only of thee , Alcibiades , that thou wantest Discipline , but that I my self , mostly need it . Neither doe I at all differ from thee , this one thing being excepted ; ●hat my Tutor , namely God is better , and Wiser than thine , viz. Pericles . So again Plato Alcibiad . fol. 135. brings in Socrates thus Dialogizing with Alcibiades . Socrates : Dost thou know by wh●● me●ns thou mayst avoid this inordinate motion of thy mind ? Alcibiades : Yes : Soc. How ? Alcib . If thou wilt Socrates . Socrat. Thou speakest not rightly Alcibiades . Alcib . How then must I speak ? Socrat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , If God will , &c. Again , Plato in his Theaet . fol. 151. brings in Socrates alluring Theaetetus ( a young man of an happie ingenie ) to his Philosophie : in order whereto he affirms , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. endowed with a Midwifes facultie to draw forth the conceptions of mens minds . But withall he adds that God alone was the Efficient , and he only a Midwife employed by God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God has compelled me to play the Midwife , but forbad me to generate . and fol. 210. he expresly saies , I and my Mother received this Midwifes facultie from God , &c. 6. Hence Socrates pretended to have a familiar Daemon alwaies attending , and inspiring of him . So Plato Theagnes . 128. brings in Socrates thus discoursing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. There is by Divine Grace a Daemon , which has follo●ed me from my Childhood . This Daemon , is a voice , which signifies to me what I must doe , yet it does not compel me to do every thing : But if any of my friends communicate somewhat to me , and that voice d●hort me me from the same , it also suffers me not to doe it , &c. So it 's said of Socrates that when one of his Scholars offered him Money for instructing him , he refused it , saying , his Daemon would not permit it . And Plato in his Symposion , brings in Socrates discoursing at large of this Daemon , his Office , &c. And Serranus in Plato's Apologie for Socrates tells us , That Socrates called his Divine Inspiration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Daemon , a Voice , and a Signe . And by the assistance of this tutelar Daemon Socrates affirmed , that he instituted his whole life even from his childhood . Wh●t this Daemon was , whether a good , or bad Angel ( whereof the latter is most probable ) it concerns us not to debate : only this is evident from the whole , that Socrates acknowledged a necessitie of a supernatural , Divine , assistance for instruction , and direction &c. 7. Socrates acknowledgeth a necessitie of some Divine Purgatorie , or purgation to expel all noxious humours from the soul : So Plato Charmides 154. Socrates artificially feignes himself ( saies he ) a Physician ; and testifies , that his Medicament would be ineffectual unless there preceed some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preparatorie Pill , or enchantment , by the words whereof the disease may be driven out . This he illustrates by an excellent similitude drawn from Medicine , which teacheth that general purgatives are to precede particulars : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. So agen fol 157. he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Socrates said , that the soul was to be purged by certain Epoda's , or preparatories , and these Epoda's were Good , and Divine words . 8. Socrates seems to have some imperfect notices of Faith , and Prayer , according to the Scriptures notion thereof . So Plato Epinom . fol. 980. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Trust on the Gods , and pray unto them , that meet apprehensions of the nature of the Gods may come into thy minde . 9. Lastly that Socrates had very clear apprehensions of the soul's immortalitie , and it 's separate state , will be evident to any , that views his dying discourse of this Theme , as related by Plato in his Phaedo . By all which laid together it's evident : that Socrates had very Metaphysical contemplations of Divine Mysteries , and that originally from the Jewish Church , § . 5 Though Socrates was not without sublime , and deep contemplations of Divine things , yet the most of his Philosophical discourses in his Schole concerned Morals , and that for the reasons afore mentioned . So August . Civit. l. 8. c. 4. In as much as the studie of wisdom consists in Contemplation , and Action , Socrates is said to excel most , in Active Philosophie , whereas Pythagoras , insisted more upon Contemplative , &c. Not but that Socrates spent much time in Contemplation , as well as Pythagoras , for so Plato lib. 7. de Repub. brings in Adimantus thus speaking unto Socrates , Thou hast consumed thy whole life in nothing else but Speculation ; &c. Only herein lay the difference : Socrates made all his Contemplations subservient unto Action , and valued not speculative sciences farther then they conduced to practice : for he made Man the whole subject of his philosophie . So Plato in his Apologie for Socrates , tells us , how much time he spent in Contemplative Inquisitions ; but only so far , as they referred to Action : whereas Pythagoras , & so Plato in many of their inquiries made Truth the ultimate Object or End of their Contemplation , or Motion . Now it 's well known , that the specifick differrence betwixt Contemplative , and Active Philosophie ariseth not so much from their different Acts , as Objects , and Effects ; for Active Philosophie supposeth some Contemplation of Truth , as well as Contemplative ; only in the latter , Truth is the ultimate Object , and sole Effect ; whereas the former considers Truth only as influential on Practice , according to that ancient determination , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth . Thus we see how Socrates's Philosophie may be termed Active , though not exclusive of Contemplation . Namely as it is not only speculative , and apprehensive of Truth , but also practick , and causative of Virtue : wherein he was followed by the Cynicks , and Stoicks , who acknowledged a Fraternitie , as being both descended from Socrates's schole , and herein agreed with him in making the chief end of Philosophie to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To live according to Virtue . So Plato , who according to vniversal consent , received his Morals from Socrates , follows his Master therein , telling us , that Philosophie is the way to true Felicitie , which has chiefly these two Offices , to Contemplate God , and to sever the minde from Corporeal Phantasmes . So agen Plato in his Euthydemus tells us , that Use in things holds the principal place , and the possession of any thing , & therefore of science it self , which without the use thereof , is vain : So that if there could be a science , which should give us Immortalitie , yet were it of no value , if we understood not how to use it : whence he concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wisdom therefore alwaies makes men to live happily . Agen he saies , That he deserves very ill of Philosophie , who lives not Philosophically . i. e. according to the precepts of Philosophie . And elsewhere he give us this principally as the spirits of all his Philosophie , To Philosophize is to know , to love , and to imitate God. Yea Aristotle his scholar who abounds in speculation , does yet herein symbolize with him , and Socrates his Master : affirming that he alone is a true Philosopher , who lives Philosophically : So Arist . Eth. l. 2. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Many doe not these things , but flying to their reason they think to Philosophize , and so to be virtuous , doing like to sick men , who hear their Physitian diligently , but yet doe nothing of what he prescribeth . As therefore these playing thus the Physicians , will never cure the bodie , so the other , thus Philosophizing , will never cure the soul . But the Stoicks ( as it has been already hinted ) follow Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , foot by foot reducing all Philosphie to Moralitie . So Epictetus bid his Disciples Not to tell the world they were Philosophers by words , but by deeds : to act as Philosophers , As ( saies he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. The sheep do not bring their grasse to the shepherd to shew how much they eate , but digesting their food within , they bring forth a good Fleece , and Milk. And so do you ; don't teach men , how they ought to eate , but eate as you ought , &c. So Seneca Epist . 75. He is not blessed , who knowes these things , but who does them . Epist . 94. What else is Philosophie , but a law of Life ? The like Seneca Epist . 90. Wisdom sets deeper , neither does she teach the hands , but is the Mistress of Minds : she is a Queen , and Governess , Arts serve , but wisdom governs the life , Seneca Epist . 117. The minde is wont to delight , rather then to heal it self , and to make Philosophie a Recreation , whereas it ought to be a Remedie . &c. To which we may adde that of Plutarch de placit . philos . l. 1. It behoves ( saies he ) a man ( truly wise & ) blessed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , To be not only Theoretick of Beings , but also practick of things wanting as to well-being . By all which we see what a general reception this active , and moral Philosophie , which Socrates first brought into the Scholes , found amongst all the following Sects , especially the Stoicks . That Socrates reduced the whole of his Philosophie to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtuous operation , is evident , by what is mentioned of him in Stobaus Serm. 1. fol. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Some one asking Him ( i. e. Socrates ) what seemed to him the best instruction ? He answered Eupraxie , or Well-doing — For he said they were best , and most grateful to God in husbandrie , who transacted their husbandrie affaires well ; In Physicks , who acted as good Physicians ; In Politicks , who dispatched the Politick concerns well . But he , that does nothing well , said he , is neither profitable , nor ( Theophiles ) grateful to God. Thus Stobaeus , who also in what follows , serm . 1. fol. 29. ) tells us out of Xenophon , lib. 2. de Secrat . that Socrates made this his practice wheresoever he came to do Good , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus Socrates was in every affair , and according to every respect useful , wherefore nothing was more beneficial than to have conversation with Socrates , and conference with him in every place , and matter : for he profited those , who conversed with him , no lesse in recreation , than in serious studies , and conferences : Thus Stobaeus . So Plutarch acquaints us , that Socrates taught not only in the Chair , but even in his recreations , in his eating , in the Field , in the Market , finally , when he was in Prison ; thus he made every place a Schole of Virtue , &c. As for the severals of Socrates's Moral Philosophie , we have no exact account thereof , because he left nothing in Writing ; only we may look upon most of Plato's Moral Philosophizings as extracts ( though with some flourishes , and intermixtures of his own ) of Socrates's Principles ; for it is a received opinion amongst the Ancients , that Plato owes the original of his Moral Philosophie to Socrates , as Augustin . &c. But yet we shall give one or two particulars of Socrates's Morals , &c. 1. He made it a great part of his design to strip men of their affected conceited opinions of their own wisdom . He seemed to have some kind of feeling sense , how apt men are to be their own flatterers , to abound in the sense of their own parts and sufficiencies , and therefore he laies this as the first principle , and foundation of all Philosophie Know thy self : So Plato ( Alcibiad . 24 ) brings in Socrates advising Alcibiades to the studie of himself thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But believe me , and the Delphick Oracle , Know thy self . He tells us ( fol. 134 ) that they who know not themselves , know nothing of their own goods , or ills , nor of any such thing , that belonged to them , yea that they knew nothing of other affaires ; and therefore could never make good Politicians , or Governours of Families . He also affirms , that all sin proceeds from a conceited ignorance , which makes men presume they know , what indeed they are ignorant of . He shews how many have erred from the best Marke , because they trusted to their own opinion ; whereas those , who are conscious of their ignorance , will commit themselves to the teaching of others . He saies this is the best Modestie , and Wisdom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to know a man's self . He gives us the root of this Self-knowledge , namely the knowledge of God , &c. He also informs us touching its true Object , and Act : viz. that it is a reflex knowledge of the soul , its Habits , Acts , &c. And the more effectually to convince Alcibiades of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and proud arrogance , Socrates draws a parallel 'twixt him , & the Persian Monarchs thereby to shew him how inconsiderable he was : so Plato Alcibiades , fol. 102. 2. Socrates gave many excellent precepts for the government of the Tongue as Stobaeus Serm. 3.44 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be a lover of hearing , more than a lover of speaking . Agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Seal thy words with silence , and thy silence with opportunitie , wherein he Pythagorized . Lastly , albeit Socrates gave many excellent Moral Institutes , yet was he greatly defective both as to Principles , and Practice : as hereafter . § . 6. As for Socrates's Mode , or Forme of Philosophizing , it was in the general suitable to his matter , natural , familiar , and plain , not artificial . He suited his Forme to his Matter , according to the method of Nature , not his Matter to his Forme , as the scholes now doe . For the matter of his Philosophie being chiefly Moral , he fitted his forme thereto . In particular , the Socratick Mode , or Forme of Philosophizing was Twofold , 1. Rhetorical , or Suasive , 2. Dialectick , or Persuasive . 1. As to Socrates's Rhetorical mode of Philosophizing , it was by Ironie : and indeed his whole life was but a kind of Ironie , or dissimulation , whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. One that acts the part of a Fool , though most Wise . Cicero ( de orat . 2. ) tells us That Socrates exceeded all men in this Ironical dissimulation , mixing a sweet Urbanitie , and pleasantnes with his discourses : so Stobaeus saies , that his Jests were instructive . 2. As for Socrates's Dialectical Demonstrative , and Persuasive Mode of Philosophizing , it was also Natural , and Familiar , not Artificial , as that in Aristotle's schole . In brief , Socrates's natural Logick consisted in Induction ; which Cicero [ de Iuvent . 1. ) defines a Discourse , that gains assent to things doubtful , by the assent which is yeelded to things not doubtful . Lud. Vives ( in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 7. ) acquaints us , that this Socratick Induction is of all most powerful ; which none used more happily than Socrates ; whence Quintilian commends it to his Orator ; whence also Plato borrowed his Mode of Dialogizing , &c. This kind of reasoning Socrates affected , because he would not himself use any arguments of persuasion , but rather work somewhat out of what was granted . This is discursive Induction Socrates formed into , and expressed by Interrogations , as it 's evident to any , that shall consider his discourses in Plato . So Hornbeeck summa Controvers . pag. 56. Alwaies ( saies Hornbeck ) approved the Socratick mode of Disputing , wherein , by continued , & pressing interrogations , and answers , the truth at last is so certainly gathered , and concluded , that it easily gains an assent from all ; which as elsewhere , so especially in Plato's Hippia he observes , &c. Socrates made use of this kind of Argumentation by Interrogations , thereby to draw forth the conclusion he aimed to prove , even from the gradual concessions of his opponents : for he was wont to say he knew nothing himself , only like a barren Midwife he was endowed with a particular gift for the assisting others to bring forth their own conceptions . So Plato Theaet . fol. 210. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This Midwifes Art , I , and my Mother received from God , &c. In these Dialogizing disputes Socrates attributed more to his opponents , detracting from himself , for he pretended still to know nothing , and therefore refused to take Money of his Scholars . Thence Aristotle , 2 Elench . Sophist . cap. 8. saies . That Socrates alwaies interrogated , but never replied , because he professed he knew nothing . This Natural and familiar mode of reasoning by questions and answers used in Socrates's Schole seems an exact imitation of , and derivation from the Jewish mode of Disputation . So Mark 8.11 . 'T is said the Pharisees came forth , & began to question with him , &c. 't is so in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dispute with him by questions : So Grotius on this place : The ancient manner of Disputing , saies he , was by Interrogations . But more expresly Luke 11.53 . 'T is said the Scribes , and Pharisees began to urge him vehemently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by Interrogations , unto which they required an extemporary answer , so it follows , and to provoke him to speak of many things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This word ( saies Grotius ) was taken from the Scholes , where the Masters were wont to set the riper Scholars to pose the younger by Interrogations , whence in the New Testament the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usually signifie to dispute , i. e. by Dialogues , or questions , and answers , which was the mode of disputing in the Jewish Scholes , and thence traduced unto the Grecian , and continued amongst them till Aristotle reduced this natural Logick to an Artificial way of Syllogizirg in Mode and Figure , of which more hereafter , in Plato's mode of Philosophizing . In these disputations of Socrates , he intends more the drawing forth , ●nd revincing the opinion of his Opponent , than the delivering and establishing of his own . For he conceived it not his concern , who affirmed he knew nothing , to assert any thing , as he himself declareth in Plato's Theaetetus . And this his modest suspension , or conceling his own opinion , laid the Foundation of those differing Sects , which sprang from him ; especially of the Academical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension : of which hereafter . Howbeit Socrates's modestie would not permit him to assert , and confirme his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Hypotheses , yet was he very bold , and Ironical in refuting the proud assumings of such as pretended they knew all things . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 3. It is apparent ( saies he ) that Socrates did in his very Moral questions , whereto he seems wholly to addict himself , either by his confessed ignorance , or dissembled knowledge , with an admirable pleasantnes , and most acute urbanitie agitate , and overturne the follie of unlearned persons , who thought they knew somewhat , &c. All these Philosophick Contemplations of Socrates laid together , sufficiently argue their original to be Divine , and Sacred . Yea Justin Martyr , and other of the Fathers , conceived , that he lived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & that he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in part acknowledge Christ . So Justin Martyr Apol. ad Senat. & Anton. Hornius Hist . Eccles . l. 3. c. 13. 'T is possible that Socrates's Daemon might be no other , than the Divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Spirit of God. § . 7. This fervor of Socrates mixed with an Ironical facetiousnes in overturning the proud conceited ignorance of some , who fancyed they knew all things , is supposed to give the occasion of his condemnation , and death . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 3. ) in what follows saies , that from these endeavours of Socrates to discover the follie of these ignorant Sophists , enmities being stirred up , he was by a calumnious crimination condemned , and punished with death , &c. Plato in his Apologie for Socrates affirmes , that these odiums , and feudes befel Socrates by reason of his disputations against these proud Sophists . The same Laertius : There were three , that accused Socrates Anytus , Melitus , and Lycon the Orator , who was the Actor ; whereas Anytus defended the rout of Artificers , and the rest of the Athenians , whom Socrates often derided ; and Melitus defended the Poets , when Socrates had condemned , and judged to be expelled the Citie . The main crime they accuse him of was his denying a multiplicitie of Gods &c. for which he was condemned by 281 suffrages . Immediately before his death , after he had taken the poyson , he makes a learned , and undaunted discourse about the immortalitie of the Soul , and its state in separation from the bodie &c. and when he felt the paines of Death growing upon him , he takes his leave of his Scholars , enjoyning them to go , and Sacrifice a Cock to Esculapius the Daemon-god of Medicine , as a thankful acknowledgement for so sweet , and noble a death : of which see Plato's Phaedo about the end ; also his , and Xenophon's Apologies for Socrates , with Diogenes Laertius , where we find Socrates pleading , that his Enemies overwhelmed him not with Crimes , but envie only , &c. And the Athenians were so greatly affected with the injurie done to Socrates , that a little after they caused all their Scholes to be shut , and punished Melitus with death , Anytus with banishment , erecting a brazen Statue to Socrates , as Austin : and Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 2. gives him this great Character . This is that Socrates of whom nothing can be sufficiently said for his Dignitie , who , as it 's manifest , was the wisest of all the Gentiles , and came nearest of all to the Christian Wisdom : He was borne at Athens , Sophroniscus being his Father , &c. He was a Man temperate , chast , just , modest , patient of injuries ; not greedie of riches , pleasures , no nor yet of glorie , for it 's certain he writ nothing . He was the first , who whilst others professed to know all things , professed himself to know nothing . Thus Lud. Vives . To which may be added that of Hornius , Socrates erat vir acutus , festivus , laborem tolerans , non tam praeceptis quàm exemplo docens : quem , & Lactantius caeteris non paulo cordatiorem fuisse concedit . Socrates was eminent for his Acumen , Eloquence , Diligence , Instructing , as well by his Example as Precepts ; and such as Lactantius also acknowledgeth to have far surpast others ( Heathen Philosophers ) for Wisdom , Horn. Hist . Phil. lib. 3. cap. 13. Yet some say , Socrates was not exempted from that great Gentile uncleannes , which the wisest and best of those Gentile Philosophers were guiltie of , mentioned Rom. 1.21 , 27. as elsewhere . § . 8. Though Socrates writ nothing himself , yet his Disputes were committed to Writing by his Scholars : amongst whom Xenophon was the first , and most punctual ; for Plato useth a great libertie in interlining his own Sentiments with his Masters Dogmes . And albeit Socrates confined himself to Morals , and in his Philosophizings thereon used a plain method , yet after his death , his Scholars fell into several Factions , and Sects , which sprang from their differing Apprehensions about the chiefest Good , and the chiefest Evil. So Austin ( Civit. l. 8. c. 3. ) Therefore Socrates by reason of his so great Fame , both living , and dead , left behind him many Sectator● of his Philosophie , whose Eristick studie was to be versed in the Controversies of Moral Questions , wherein the chiefest Good consisted ? which not evidently appearing in Socrates's Disputes , whil'st he started , and asserted , and destroyed every thing , every one formed such a chief Good , as seemed most pleasing to him . Thus had these Socraticks differing perswasions about this last end ; some placing the chiefest Good in Pleasures , as Aristippus ; some in Virtue , as Antisthenes , &c. Indeed all the Sects of the Ionick Philosophie , seem to owe their Original to Socrates's Schole , especially the Cyreniack , Cynick , Eleatick , Megarick , Academick , Platonick , Stoick . 1. Of Socrates's Scholars , Xenophon , and Aeschinus , the Socratick clave fast to their Master , without founding a new Sect. 2. Aristippus the Cyrenian , another of Socrates's Scholars founded the Cyreniack Sect , whose main Principle was , that the chiefest Good lay in Pleasure , whence the whole Sect was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Epicureans after them . 3. Antisthenes another of Socrates's Scholars , founded the Cynick Sect. His chief Position was , that Virtue was the chiefest Good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein he was followed by Zeno his Scholar , who was the Founder of the Stoick Sect , which as to Morals held a great communion with the Cynicks , and they both with Socrates , &c. 4. Another of Socrates's Scholars was Euclid the Megarick , whose Followers were thence called Megaricks , and afterwards Eristicks ; and by some Dialecticks , because they exercised themselves chiefly in Dialectick Questions , which humor Euclid suckt in , not from Socrates , but Parmenides , and Zeno the Eleatick . 5. Phaedo of Elia , another of Socrates's Scholars , established the Eleatick Sect. He writ many of Socrates's Elegant Speeches . 6. But the most renowned of all Socrates's Scholars , was Plato , that famous Founder of the old Academie , whence the new Academicks descended ; as the Platonists : as it follows . CHAP. II. Of the Platonick Philosophie , its traduction from the Jews . That Plato borrowed his Philosophie from the Jews , proved by the universal consent , 1. of Pagans . Plato's own Confessions , that he received his choicest Principles from the Barb●ri●ns , Phenicians , and Syrians , i. e. the Jews . Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some Jewish Traditions : His Traditions of the Divine Ideas , Providence , Immortalitie of the Soul , and Origine of the Universe from the Jews . The Testimonie of Numenius . 2. The Testimonies of Jews , Aristobulus , Josephus . 3. Testimonies of Christians . 1. More ancient , as Clem. Alexandrinus , Just . Martyr , Jo. Grammaticus , Ambrose , Austin . 2. Moderne , Lud. Vives , Selden , Jackson , Cudworth , Stillingfleet , and Hornius . § . 1. HAving given some cursorie account of the Socratick Philosophie , we now proceed to the Platonick ( the main Branch of the Socratick ) to demonstrate its traduction from the Jewish Divine Oracles . And herein we shall take up the same method we laid down in our Discourse of Pythagorick Philosophie ; namely , first , to give that , which the Scholes terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Demonstration that ' t is so ; and then to proceed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the several Causes , Methods , and waies by which Plato traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Oracles . As for the first Branch of our Demonstration , to prove the quod sit , that Plato indeed borrowed the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jews , and sacred Scriptures ; we shall endeavour to make it good by an universal consent , or Testimonie , w ch though but ( as they phrase it ) an inartificial Argument , yet will it prove strong , and binding as to our present design : For we shall produce Testimonies from all parties , both Pagans , Jews , and Christians , and those most able and faithful Recorders of , and Searchers into Antiquitie : so that there will not be place left for doubting ; so far as such an humane Faith will reach ; that parties so diametrically opposite in their inclinations , perswasions , humors , principles , spirits , and interests , should universally conspire to impose a cheat , and falsitie , on all their posteritie in a matter concerning which they had sufficient advantages to satisfie themselves , and their posterities . That Grecian Philosophie in general was traduced from the Jewish Church , we proved by universal consent , Book 2. Chap. 1. which might serve as to our particular case . But we shall now give you some particular Testimonies to prove , that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews , and Scriptures . And amongst those from Pagans , we shall begin with some Confessions dropt from Plato's own Pen , which seem to give some grounded evidence , if not full conviction to our Conclusion . 1. Plato confesseth ingeniously , that he , together with the rest of the Grecians , received their choicest Traditions , and Learning , from certain Barbarians more ancient than themselves . So in his Cratylus , fol. 426. ( edit . Steph. ) Plato acknowledgeth , That the first Institution of Letters was from the Gods , by certain Barbarians , &c. so in his Epinom . Plato saies , What the Greeks received , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they put into a better mode , that is , they cloath'd in a Greek fashion , thereby to disguise it . That by Barbarians can be meant no other than the Hebrews , we have endeavoured to prove out of Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Epiphanius , Nicephorus , and Serranus , before Part. 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. This is farther evident by what we find in Tatianus ( contra Graecos Oratio . ) thus translated . It becomes not you , O Grecians , to prosecute the Barbarians with so much enmitie , and to be so invidious against their Placits : For what is there of Studie among you , which drew not its Origine from the Barbarians , &c. Then having largely explicated the chief parts of the Grecian Learning , he proceeds to demonstrate , that the Mosaick Wisdom , which he calls Barbarick , was most ancient . Therefore , saith he , I have bid adieu to the vain Glorie of the Romans , to the frigid Eloquence of the Athenians , and their contentious Studies : and have embraced our Barbarick Philosophie , which how it is more ancient than your Disciplines , I now proceed to explicate . This he demonstrates very accurately , by evincing , that Moses was more ancient than Berosus , who writ the Chaldean Annals , yea then Cadmus , &c. whence he concludes thus . Hence it appears , that Moses was more ancient than those ancient Heroes : and it is but equal , that we give credit to the elder , rather than to the Grecians , who drew their Dogmes , not rightly understood , from the others Fountain . For many of the Grecian Sophists , being induced by a certain Curiositie , indeavoured to deprave , and pervert whatever they learned from Moses , or the like wise Men ; which they did partly , that they might make that their own , which they drew from others ; partly , that under a feigned Composition of Speech , conceling what they understood not , they might corrupt the Truth by their Comments . Thus Tatianus . 2. Plato makes mention of certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Syrian , and Phenician Fables , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ineffable , &c. So Plato ( de repub . l. 3. fol. 414. ) tells us , of a Phenician Fable touching the Fraternitie of all men made out of the Earth , &c. where Serranus observes , that this Fable is but a foot-step of the Primitive Truth , touching the formation of Adam out of the Earth , and that by the name of the Phenician Doctrine is noted the Jewish . So Plato in his Symposium , speaks of a Phenician Fable touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or man , and woman conjoyned ; which Cudworth , with others , makes to be but a Jewish Tradition of Eves formation out of Adam : Yea , the Jews themselves had this Cabbalistick Fable of an Androgynon common amongst them , as Grotius has observed on 1 Tim. 3.4 . as afore . And Hammond , on Matth. 15.22 . tells us in express termes , that when the Heathens speak of the Original of their Literature from the Phenicians , they mean the Hebrews . Bochart ( Phaleg . l. 4. c. 34. ) tells us , that Herodotus calls the Jews Phenicians . So Xenophon tells us , the Jews were called Syrians , as before , Part 1. Book 1. Chap. ● . Parag. 9. 3. Plato makes mention of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ancient Discourse , o● Tradition , which he elsewhere calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Divine Word , o● Tradition , received from the Ancients who lived near the Gods , &c. which cannot be understood of any more probably , then of some Jewish Traditions , as appears by particulars . 1. Plato in his Philebus , fol. 17. confesseth , that The knowledge of the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) one infinite Being was from the Gods , who communicated this knowledge to us by a certain Prometheus , together with a bright Fire : and then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. This Storie of One , and many is a Tradition , which the Ancients , who were better , and dwelt nearer the Gods than we , transmitted to us , &c. This Tradition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . One , and many was Originally traduced from the Jewish Church , and the Scripture account of God ; the Unitie of his Essence , and the Pluralitie of his Decrees , which Pythagoras first brought into Greece , and after him Parmenides assumed the same , as the foundation of his Metaphysick Philosophizings about the Divine Ideas : as before , Part. 1. B. 1. C. 2. § . 6. 2. Plato , de leg . l. 3. makes mention of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Ancient Tradition , which affirmed God to be the beginning , the end , and middle of all things , &c. This Plutarch calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the old Faith ; which surely could be nothing else , but the old Jewish Tradition , which they had received touching God's Creation of , and Providence over all things . Thus Steuchus Eugubinus , de Peren. Philos . l. 2. c. 2. Justin Martyr conceiveth , that where you find in Plato , or other Philosophers , mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ancient Fame , they meant it of Moses . The like Plato in his Philebus affirmes , that all wise Men grant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Divine mind is to us King both of Heaven , and Earth ; neither does any thing happen fortuitously . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he elsewhere calls the Soul of the World , informing , and governing all things , as the Soul the Bodie : which the Learned suppose to be but a Tradition , from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit , &c. 3. Plato , in his Phaedo ( fol. 85. ) treating of the immortalitie of the Soul , confesseth , that the safest , and most certain way to prove it , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by some Divine Word , or Tradition . Now what this Divine Word should be , if not some Jewish , or Scriptural Tradition , cannot be imagined . This Divine Word he elsewhere calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Traditional Knowledge , &c. Of which see more , Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. § . 5. 4. Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 29. being about to treat of the Origine of the Universe , laies down this preliminarie Conclusion : It is just that both I , who discourse , and you , that judge , should remember , that we have but humane nature , and therefore receiving 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the probable Fable , or Mythologick Tradition , it 's meet , that we enquire no farther into them . That this probable Fable was some Jewish , or Scriptural Tradition of the Origine of the Universe , will be sufficiently evident , when we come to prove , that all Plato's Philosophizings , touching the Origine of the Universe , were but Traditions from Moses's description of the Creation . 5. Plato in his Politicus , fol. 272. gives us a large account of Adam's state of Innocencie , under the Symbolick Image of Saturn's Golden Age : he tells us , the Fruits of the Earth grew of their own accord , without labour ; that Men were naked , and had conference with the Beasts . And then he concludes , But these things we must omit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , until there appear to us some fit Interpreter . Serranus on these Words , fol. 251. tells us , that Plato acknowledgeth , he received this Narration from elsewhere , in that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Fable ; for the unfolding whereof , he expected a fit Interpreter . Wherefore he signifies , that the truth hereof was delivered to him by Tradition from the Primitive Times , &c. And I think it will appear very evident to any , that considers the whole Storie , that Plato refers to some Jewish Records , or Traditions , whence he traduced these his Notions about the Golden Age. So in like manner Plato in his Symposium , describes the fall of Man under the Fable of Porus , &c. And I conceive , whereever we find Plato making mention of any Barbarick , Egyptian , or Phenician Fables handed over to him from the Ancients , especially if they relate unto any Scripture Narration , we may safely conclude , that by these Ancients he meant the Jewish Church , or Patriarchs , whose names he conceled ; as also clothed those Jewish Traditions with a Grecian Mythologick habit , thereby to avoid that odium , which lay upon the Jewish Nation ; as also to gratifie the curiositie of the Fabulous Greeks , and render himself more esteemed amongst them . That this was the reason why Plato disguised his Jewish Traditions , and conceled the names of the Jews , whence they came , is asserted by Origen against Celsus , lib. 4. of which hereafter . Thus Sir Walter Raleigh , Hist . Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. § . 7. But whether it were out of the same vanitie , which possest all those Learned Philosophers , and Poets , that Plato also published not under the right Authors names those things , which he had read in the Scriptures ; or fearing the severitie of the Areopagites , and the example of his Master Socrates , by them put to death by Poyson , I cannot judge . Justin Martyr ( as it seemeth ) ascribeth it wholly to Plato's fear , whose Words are these : Plato fearing the Areopagites , thought it not safe for him among the Athenians to make mention of Moses , that he taught there is but one God. But for that Divinitie , which he hath written in Timaeo , he discoursed , and taught the same of God ( saith Justin Martyr ) which Moses did . 6. Yea farther Plato seems to use the very same expressions ( though in another Tongue , that Moses does in his Description of God : For whereas Moses describeth God , Exod. 3.14 . I AM , Plato termes him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which differs only in Gender , not really from Moses's description . Whence the Learned , both Moderne , and Ancient have concluded , that Plato drew this Notion of God out of Mose● . So Justin Martyr , and Ludovicus Vives after him ; as also Raleigh , Hist . Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. § . 7. For where it pleased God , by his Angel to answer Moses , Ego sum existens , which is , I AM ; and existens misi● me ad vos , I AM hath sent me unto you , herein did Plato , saith Justin Martyr , no otherwise differ , than that Moses used the Word [ Qui ] and Plato the Word [ Quod ] Moses enim qui existit ( inquit ) Plato quod existit . For Moses saith , He who is : Plato , That which is , &c. 7. To these tacite acknowledgements of Plato , we may adde the full Testimonie of Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher , quoted by Clem : Alexandrinus , lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher plainly Writes : What is Plato , but Moses Atticizing . § . 2. Amongst the Jews we have the testimonie of Aristobulus , who flourished about 200 years after Plato , cited by Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( as also by Eusebius Praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6. ) where he brings in Aristobulus thus speaking of Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He followed our Law , or Institution , and diligently inspected , or searched into all those things mentioned therein . The same is mentioned by Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Aristobulus the Jew to Philometor lib. 1 , as Eusebius cites him , saith , that Plato in many things follow'd our Law ; for he seems in many things to have diligently examined every particular . For Moses's books were translated before Alexander , and before the Persian Empire , whence this Philosopher , as well as Pythagoras , received many things . Thus Ludov. Vives . I am not ignorant , that his opinion about the translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Empire , is rejected by some Learned men , therefore I shall not lay much stresse on it , yet why may we not assert with Eusebius , that Plato ( as Pythagoras ) might have a sight of Moses's writings ( not as translated into Grerk , but ) by reason of his skill in the Oriental Languages , especially the Egyptian , which was but a Dialect of the Hebrew , as has been before mentioned Book 2. ch . 5. § . 8. of Pythagoras , of which more hereafter . To this testimonie of Aristobulus is consonant that of Josephus the Jew , as Selden de jure Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. § . 3. To these Testimonies of Pagans , and Jews , we may adde many of the learned Christians , both Ancient , and Moderne . As for the Ancients Clemens Alexandrinus does once , and agen inculcate , that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1.5 . and he expresly calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Hebrew Philosopher : and in many places he does affirme this , That the Greek Philosophers generally were Thieves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That they took the choicest of their Dogmes from Moses , and the Prophets without thankful acknowledgement . So Justin Martyr Apol. 2. ( and after him Theodoret ) assimeth that Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drew many things from the Hebrew Rivulets ; yea , and that whatsoever he said devoutly of God , or of his Worship , he stole from the Hebraick Philosophie . The same Johannes Philoponus frequently asserts . So of the Creation of the world , l. 6. c. 21. pag. 249. he tells us , that what Moses affirmed of man , that he was made after the Image of God , Plato transferred to the whole visible world , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a visible image of the invisible God. The like he mentions lib. 7. c. 11 , 12 , where he shews , how Plato imitated Moses , Gen. 1.31 . in bringing in God rejoycing , and recreating himself in the works of his hands , as very good , &c. Eusebius lib. 2. praep . Evang. conceives , that Plato learned from the Mosaick doctrine , both the Transmutation of the world , and the Resurrection , and the last Judgment , &c. Amongst the Latine Ancients Ambrose gives a full Testimonie hereto , who affirmes , that Plato for Learning's sake took a journie into Egypt to informe himself touching the things done , and written by Moses , the Oracles of the Law , and the sayings of the Prophets , &c. of which see Selden de Jure Nat. l. 1. c. 2. But amongst all the Ancients , none speaks more fully to this , than Augustin de Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 11. Some saies he , joyned to us in the grace of Christ , wonder when they hear , and read , that Plato conceived such things of God , which they acknowledged are most congruous to the truth of our Religion . Whence some have thought , that he , when he went into Egypt , heard the Prophet Jeremie , or that he read in his peregrination the Prophetick Scriptures , whose opinion I have laid down in some of my Books : But the account of times being diligently computed according to the Chronick historie , it appears , that Plato was born almost 100 years after Jeremy prophecyed ; wherefore Plato in that his pergrination could neither see Ieremy , who dyed so long before , nor yet read the same Scriptures , which were not as yet translated into the Greek Tongue : unlesse peradventure in as much as he was of a sharp judgment , he by an Interpreter learned , as the Egyptian mysteries , so the sacred Scriptures , not that he did by writing translate them , as Ptolomy by the LXX , but by conference he understood what they conteined , so far as his capacitie would reach . That which enclines us to this persuasion , is , that the book of Genesis begins ( chap. 1. v. 1. ) In the beginning God made Heaven and Earth &c. which Plato in his Timaeus also declares . God saith he , in that work , first joyned Earth , and Fire . For it 's manifest that by Fire he understands the Heaven : Thence those two middle Elements , which by their interposition joyn together with these extreams , he calls Water , and Air ; whence t is thought he understood this from what is written , Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . For he little attending in what manner the Scripture was wont to style the Spirit of God , and because the Air is called a Spirit , he thought that the Four Elements were mentioned in that place . Agen , in that Plato saies a Philosopher is a lover of God , nothing is more manifest in the sacred Scriptures . And especially that which has almost brought me fully to assent that Plato was not without those sacred books , when it is said to Moses ( Exod. 3.14 . ) I am that I am . He that is has sent me , &c. This Plato vehemently held , and diligently commended , &c. Thus August . By which it 's evident , what a full conviction he had of the truth of our conclusion . As for the particulars , of these Platonick notions , we shall hereafter , we hope , examine them , and prove that they were traduced from the sacred scriptures . As for Moderne Christians , we have the most learned of these last Ages of this persuasion , that Plato derived the choicest of his Contemplations , both Physical , and Metaphysical from the sacred scriptures , & Jewish Church . So Lud. Vives on this text of August . Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Justin Martyr ( saith he ) in paraclesi ad Gentos , & Euseb . in praeparat . evang . ; and Theocritus of the Greek affections write , that Plato translated many things out of the Hebrew books into his own . Hence Numenius the Philosopher said , what is Plato , but Moses Atticizing ? &c. The same is affirmed by Steuchus Eugubinus on Plato's Timaeus , and Selden de jure Natur. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2. Where he proves our conclusion at large . Thus Luther , Tom. 1. Genes . 1. a. in cap. 1. Plato , saith he , while he was in Egypt Collected as it were some sparks out of the Speeches of the Fathers , and Prophets , therefore he comes nearer ( than Aristotle ) as to the Origine of the Universe , &c , Also Dr. Jackson of the Scriptures fol. 55. speaketh thus . That Plato had either read , or been instructed by some , who had read the books of Moses , will easily appear , &c. The like we find asserted by Cudworth in his Discourse of Union with Christ pag. 22. I cannot ( saith he ) consent with Eusebius , that Plato had seen Moses his works , but that he certainly received by Tradition many things , when he was in Egypt , or some other of those Oriental parts bordering upon the Jews , &c. But Sir Walter Raleigh . Hist . of the World part 1. Book 1. c. 6. § . 7. speaks more Categorically thus . As for Plato , though he dissembled in some things , for fear of the Inquisition of the Areopagites , yet Saint Augustine hath alreadie answered for him as before , Et mirificè iis delectatus est , quae de uno Deo tradita fuerant , And he was greatly delighted in the Doctrine of one God , saith Justin Martyr . Now howsoever Lactantius pleased to reprehend Plato , because ( saith he ) Plato sought knowledge from the Egyptians , and the Chaldeans , neglecting the Jews , and the Books of Moses ; Eusebius , Cyrillus , and Origen find reason to believe the contrarie , thinking that from thence he took the grounds of all by him written of God , or savouring of Divinitie : the same opinion had Saint Ambrose of Pythagoras . Thus Stillingfleet Orig. Sacr. Book 3. chap. 3. pag. 502. The Platonists of Alexandria ( saith he ) stole their choicest Notions out of the Scriptures , but would not acknowledge it : which was the grand artifice of their Master Plato , who doubtles by meanes of his abode , and acquaintance in Egypt , about the time when the Jews began to flock thither , had more certain knowledge of many truths of grand importance concerning the Deitie , the nature of the Soul , the Origine of the World , then many other Greek Philosophers had ; but yet therein lay his great fault , that he wrapped up , and disguised his Notions in such a fabulous , and ambiguous manner , that partly it might be lesse known , from whence he had them , and that they might find better entertainment amongst the Greeks , than they were ever like to do in their plain , and Native dresse , which Plato himself seems to intimate , when he saith , that what the Greeks received from the Barbarians , they put into a better fashion , i. e. they disguised it by a Greek habit , that it might never be suspected for a Forreigner , &c. The Testimonies of Origen , and Vossius , see § . 4. of this next Chapter . I shall conclude this Argument , with a pregnant Testimonie of Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 14. It was an ancient opinion , and now very much inveterated , that Plato drew many things out of Moses , and inserted them into his Writings . For Numenius of greatest Authoritie amongst the Pythagoreans , saies that Plato stole out of Moses's Writings , whatsoever he has of God , and the Vniverse . To whom the more sage Fathe●s giving heed , hence it came to passe , that the Platonick Philosophie was of highest Authoritie among them . For it was the common vogue , that it differed little from Moses . Yea Caelius Rhod. l. 16. cap. 65. thinks , that Plato differs little from Christ's Placits . And Eusebius lib. 13. praep . c. 1. writes , that the Platonick Philosophie was as it were translated out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek . Justin Martyr , in Apol. ad Anton. will needs shew , that Plato borrowed , whatever hath any verisimilitude , or shaddow of t●uth , from the sacred Scriptures . The same Eusebius attempts in his book against the Philosophers . Thus Hornius . As for the manner how Plato transferred his Jewish Traditions from Hebrew into Greek I shall shew in the following Chapter , § . 4. &c. CHAP. III. Of Plato's Life , and Travels for Oriental Traditions . Plato's Original , and Instruction under Socrates : his travels into Italy , to acquaint himself with the Pythagorean Philosophie , which he was instructed in by Archytas the Tarentine , Timaeus the Locrian , Epicarmus , &c. Plato's travels into Egypt where he informed himself in the Jewish Wisdome , and Mysteries , viz. touching the Origine of the Universe , the Immortalitie of the Soul , the Fall ; also concerning God , his Nature , Ideas , Providence , &c. That Plato might receive information from the Jews , and Jewish Oracles , whilst in Egypt , by reason of his skill in the Egyptian tongue , or by some Interpreter . What emprovement Plato received as to Jewish Traditions from the Phenicians , their Theologie , and Philosophie , &c. Plato's Academie , his Character , and Works . § . 1. WE have in the foregoing Chapter by inartificial Demonstration , or Testimonies proved , that Plato traduced the choicest of his Contemplations from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . We now proceed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to demonstrate the same from the causes , means , and wayes by which Plato gained these Jewish traditions . For the clearing whereof we shall give some brief historical relation of Plato's Life , Praeceptors , and Travels , whereby it will be manifest , what advantages he had to acquaint himself with the Jewish Philosophie , and Mysteries . Austin de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. gives us this good , though short account hereof . But amongst the Disciples of Socrates , Plato indeed , who altogether obscured the rest , deservedly shines with most excelling glory . Who being an Athenian of a good familie , & of an admirable ingenie , far excelled his Condisciples : yet counting his own capacitie , & endeavours , with the emprov●ment of Socrates's Instructions insufficient for the perfecting of Philosophie , he travelled far , and near , whereever the fame of gaining any noble Science led him . Therefore in Egypt he learned whatever was greatly esteemed , and taught there ; and thence coming into those parts of Italy where the fame of the Pythagoreans was celebrated , he learned there the whole of Italick Philosophie , which then flourished , having heard the most eminent of the Doctors thereof , &c. Thus Austin , wherein he gives us a full relation of Plato's travels , though he differs somewhat from Laertius , and others , as to method , &c. as hereafter we shall consider this general storie in it's severals . § . 2. Plato was born at Athens in the 88th . Olympiad ( as Ludov. Vives in August . l. 8. cap. 4. ) Apuleius l. 1. de Dogm . Plat. tells us , That Plato was so Sirnamed from the large habitude of his bodie ( which was the common opinion ) for he was at first called Aristocles , though some think , he was called Plato from the amplitude of his Speech , and Eloquence . His Parents were Arist . and Perictione , his Fathers stock related to Codrus the last King of Athens , his Mothers to Solon , that famous Athenian Legislator , whence Plato ( as I take it in his Timaeus ●peaking of Solon , calls him his Kinsman , &c. Plato's first Praeceptor was Socrates with whom it 's said he lived Eight years , in which time he committed the substance of Socrates's discourses to writing , but with great mixture , and addition of his own ; which gave much offence to Xenophon his condisciple , who in an Epistle to Aeschines Socraticus ( mentioned by Eusebius Praepar . Evang. l. 24. ) upbraids Plato for corrupting Socrates's Philosophie by Pythagorean , Barbarick , Egyptian , and his own intermixtures . And Diogenes lib. 3. writes , that there was little friendship , but much emulation 'twixt Plato , and Xenophon . For they both writ their Symposium , their Apologie for Socrates , and their Moral Commentaries . Plato in his books of Laws saies , that Xenophon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was fictitious . Though they both greatly extol Socrates , yet they make little mention each of other . From Socrates it was , that Plato received the chiefest of his Morals , as 't is generally confest ; and shall be hereafter mentioned . After Socrates's death Plato applyed himself to Cratylus , the Diciple of Heraclitus , from whom we may presume he received good instructions , for he makes him the chief subject of one of his Dialogues . Plato primitus Heracliti secta imbutus , postea vero Socratis Disciplinae traditus , Clarissimus omnium Philosophorum evasit . Plato being first of all of the Heraclitian Sect , and afterwards determining to be of the Socratick Discipline , became the most famous of all the Philosophers . Apul. l. 1. de Philos . Plato afterward addresses himself to Hermogenes , who followed Parmenides's Philosophie , from whom we may suppose he borrowed many of his Metaphysick Contemplations about Divine Ideas , of which he discourseth at large in his Dialogue called Parmenides . After these Plato had recourse to Euclid the founder of the Megarick Sect : whence he went to Cyrene to be instructed by Theodorus the Mathematician , &c. § 3. Plato having a natural affection , and strong inclination unto the Pythagorick Philosophie , as that which carried with it most of Divine Mysteries , & therefore suited best with his luxuriant Phansie , he travels into Italie , that part which was called Magna Graecia , where Pythagoras had Philosophized , and left behind him many Admirers , and Sectators of his Discipline . Amongst these Pythagoreans Plato heard at Tarentum Archytas the Elder , and Euritus . Amongst the Locrians he heard Timaeus the Locrian , from whom he is supposed to have borrowed many of his traditions touching the Origine of the Universe , its parts , &c. So Ludov. Vives on Aust . in Civ . lib. 8. c. 11. Speaking of Plato's Timaeus , saies he , called this book so , because Timaeus the Locrian is induced disputing of the Universe , whom he heard in Italie , who also writ in the Dorick tongue of the Universe , from which Book Plato borrowed many things . Thus Ludov. Vives . Yea indeed Plato's very Dialect in his Timaeus is Dorick , ( differing from his other Dialogues ) which argues , that not only the matter , but also the very words , and style were taken from Timaeus his Book of the Universe . So also Jerome in his Apologie against Ruffinus tells us , that Plato was instructed in the Pythagorean Learning by Archytas the Tarentine , and Timaeus the Lorian . Farther , at Croto Plato heard Philolaus the Pythagorean . Besides , Plato received light , and instruction from other Pythagorean Authors , namely , Lysis the Pythagorean , whom he makes the subject of his Dialogue called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : also from the Books of Epicarmus , alias Cous that famous Pythagorean Philosopher . So Lud. Vives in Austin Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Alcinus ( saies he ) in his books , he writ to Amynthas teacheth , that Plato borrowed his opinion of Ideas out of the Books of Epicarmus , who was Cous a Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect , whom in times past they make to excell others of the Learned , as the Sun amongst the Stars , and the Sea amongst the Rivers : He writ of the Nature of things , &c. From Plato's great affectation , and imitation of the Pythagorean Philosophie it came to passe that in the writings of the Ancients , the Names of Platonists , and Pythagoreans are oft confounded . So Eusebius lib. 14. Praecep . ca. considering Plato himself in himself , we call him a Pythagorean . The like Apuleius Flor. 15. Plato differing little , or nothing from this Sect does Pythagorize . And the same Apuleius lib. 1. de Philos . gives this account of Plato's diverting from the Socratick Philosophie to the Pythagorean . When Socrates had bid farewel to Human affairs , Plato deflected from the Socraticks , whose affaires were then doubtful , to the Pythagoreans , seeking what proficience he might gain among them . And he went twice into Italie , where he heard the Pythagoreans Euritus , and Archytas the Senior . Thus Hornius Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 14. And that Plato indeed greatly valued Pythagorean writing , is evident by what Laertius relates , namely that three Pythagoreans Books cost him no lesse than One Hundred Attick Pounds , i. e. 3000. Karoles ; for an Attick pound consists of 20 Karoles , as Vossius de Philos . Sect. cap. 12. § . 3. As for the time of Plato's abode in Italie , Cicero in Catone writes , that Plato came to Tarentum when L. Aemilius , and Ap. Claudius were Consuls : though according to Livie this account will not hold . Now that the Pythagorick Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Oracles we have before sufficiently proved , Book 2. chap. 5. § . 2. § . 4. But the greatest advantage , that Plato had to informe himself in the Jewish wisdom , and mysteries , was his travels into Egypt , which Laertius makes to have been after his departure from Italie , though Austin in what was before cited , supposeth him to have travelled from Egypt into Italie : Others reconcile both , by affirming that Plato went first unto Italie , thence into Egypt , from whence he returned back again into Italie . Plato non contentus disciplinis quas praestare poterant Athenae , non Pythagoraeorum , ad quos in Italiam navigaverat , Aegypti quoque Sacerdotes adiit , atque eroū arcana perdidicit . Quincil . lib. 1. cap. 19. Plato not satisfied with what Learning Athens could afford , nor yet with that of the Pythagoreans , to whom he had made a Voyage into Italie ; had recourse also to the Priests of Egypt , and became throughly acquainted with their Mysteries , Thus Quintil. But the account of Laertius seems most probable , ( which Vossius adheres unto ) who supposeth , that Plato's last Voyage was into Egypt , wherein he was accompanied with Euripides , or , as Vossius , with Eudoxus , where he had 13 years conversation with the Egyptian Priests , as Strabo lib. 17. Cicero tells us , that Plato's design in Travelling to Egypt , was to informe himself in Arithmetick , and the Celestial Speculations of the Barbarians , &c. That under this notion of the Barbarians must be understood , if not exclusively , yet , inclusively , the Jews , is a common received persuasion of the Learned , both Ancient , and Moderne , as Justin Martyr , Clemens Alexandrinus , Origen , Epiphanius , Serranus , &c. And this is most certain , that about the time of Plato's abode in Egypt , there were great numbers of the Jews who resorted thither , and we may no way doubt , that he , who had such an unsatiable thirst after Oriental Traditions , and Mysteries for the satisfying whereof he left no Persons , Places , or Records unexamined , would let passe such a considerable partie of men , as the Jews were , who pretended unto , and that upon good grounds , the most ancient Records , Traditions , and Mysteries . Surely we cannot rationally judge , that Plato's curiositie , or humor so greedie after mysterious wisdom would neglect so great opportunitie , as he had for the instructing himself in the Jewish Wisdom , whilst he was in Egypt . Besides , we have before , ( Book 1. Chap. 3. ) proved , that the choicest parts of the Egyptian Philosophie , were of Jewish extract ; so that what Plato gained here , may well be reckoned to be of Jewish Original . This will be farther evident , if we take a view of some particular Collections which Plato made whilst he was in Egypt . We are told . 1. ( Epist . Socrat. 26. ) that Plato having taken a view of the chief parts of Egypt , at last setled himself in the Province of Sais , where he was instructed by the Wise men , touching their Opinions of the Universe , whether it had a beginning ? &c. Now that all Plato's Traditions about the Origine of the Vniverse were of Jewish Origination , we shall hereafter prove . 2. Pausanias affirmes , that Plato learned also from these Wise men of Sais , the immortalitie of the Soul , &c. which was evidently a derivation from the Jewish Oracles . 3. Origen ( against Celsus , lib. 4. pag. 189. ) conceives , that Plato , by converse with the Jews in Egypt , received some notices of Adam's fall , which in his Symposiacks , he Symbolically sets forth under the Fable of Porus ( i. e. Adam ) his being Drunk with Nectar , and going into Jupiters Garden , ( i. e. Paradise ) &c. This he conceives more probable , because of Plato's manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to hide his great Phaenomena's , or Dogmes , under the Figure of some Fable by reason of the vulgar . And in what follows , he makes mention of Plato's Artifice in discolouring , and disguising those Traditions he received from the Jews , lest by owning them , as the Authors of his Learning , he should disgust the Fabulous Greeks , who had no respect for the Jews , &c. 4. Yea , indeed the chiefest part , if not the whole of those Divine Mysteries touching God , his perfection , and unitie ; his Divine Ideas , and Providence ; also concerning the Universe , its Origine from God , its formation , and animation by the Spirit of God , which he calls Anima Mundi : in like manner , touching the Soul , its Nature , Perfection , in Innocencie , and corruption by the fall , and such like Divine Traditions , which Plato pretends to have learned from the Egyptians , &c. are plainly Jewish , as hereafter . Plutarch de Iside , & Osiride , tells us , that Plato , whilst in Egypt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is said to have heard Chonuphis the Memphite . Clemens Alexandrinus saies , that he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use for his Praeceptor Sechnuphis the Egyptian , perhaps the same with Plutarch's Chonuphis , and both one and t'other refers to some Jewish Master he found in Egypt , Austin lib. 2. de doct . makes mention of Plato's converse with Jeremie , the Jewish Prophet in Egypt , where he went with the Tribe of Juda , and Benjamin , &c. but this Opinion he in his de Civit. l. 8. c. 11. refutes , for that Jeremie dyed before the Persian Empire began , whereas Plato's being in Egypt , was about the end of the Persian Empire . Yet we need no way doubt , but that the memorie of Jeremie , who was so famous a Prophet , and had foretold such great events of Providence , even the destruction of his own People , &c. could not but remain very fresh and illustrious , even to Plato's time : especially if that storie prove true , that Jeremie being buryed under a heap of stones at Tanis in Egypt , was worshipped by the Inhabitants for a present remedie they found at his Sepulchre against the biting of Serpents . Eusebius refers the beginning of Jeremies Prophecie to the 36 th Olympiad ; and Plato's birth to the 88 th Olympiad : so that we may better , with Lud. Vives , suppose Pythagoras whilst in Egypt , to have had conference with Jeremie , as before . Yet may we safely conjecture , that Plato , whilst in Egypt , received some notices of Jeremie his Fame , and Prophecie , which might engage him to inquire thereinto , as also into the Mosaick Books . So Learned Vossius , de Philos . sect . par . 2. cap. 2. § . 3. having shewen the invaliditie of that Opinion touching Plato's personal Conference with Jeremie , addes thus : Plato might notwithstanding read Moses , if there were any Version of him before that Translation of the LXX : of which we have elsewhere debated . And although this might not be , yet it is granted , he might have conference with the Hebrews , and be taught by them ; which is made very likely by that Agreement there is of Plato with Moses in many things : whence that of Numenius the Philosopher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Thus Vossius . 1. We shall not insist upon any Version of Moses's Books into Greek as ancient as Plato , though Lud. Vives asserts it , as before , chap. 2. § . 2. yet may we , and that upon warrantable grounds , suppose , that Plato , ( as Pythagoras before him ) had some sight of , and capacitie to read Moses's Books , with Jeremie's Prophecie , &c. not by means of any Greek Version , but by virtue of the skill he had in the Egyptian Language , which differed from the Hebrew only in some Dialect , as has been before once , and again asserted , and proved . Neither can we well imagine , that Plato , who is said to have continued in Egypt 13 Years , could be unacquainted with the Egyptian Language : who knows not , but that a Scholar when he Travels for Learning , the first thing he does , is to get the Language of the Countrey ? Thus , as we afore observed , Pythagoras did in his Travels into Egypt , and Chaldea ; and this we need no way doubt , Plato made his first busines after his coming into Egypt . 2. Yea , it seems to me somewhat probable , that Plato wanted not skill in the Hebrew Tongue : For in his Cratylus , where he gives us the Origination of many Greek Words , he saies such , and such came from the Barbarians , implying ( as before ) the Jews . Amongst many others , he mentions these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies darkness , and is evidently derived from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.2 , 5. for so Plato useth the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to express the Chaos by . The like he saies of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which came from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exploration : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as Serranus in his Preface to Plato's Cratylus . Now how could Plato so exactly know , that these , with other Greek words , were of Barbarian , or Hebrew origination , if he had not some skill in the Hebrew Tongue . This is the Opinion of Augustin , de Civit. Dei , l. 8. c. 18. where he shews , that Plato , while he was in Egypt , learned the Hebrew Tongue . But this is refuted by some , as Hornius , Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 14. 3. Farther , there is very great ground to think , that Plato had skill in the Phenician Tongue , by those many Fables , and Traditions he quotes thence . Now the Phenician Tongue was evidently the same for substance with the Hebrew , as before . That Plato drew much of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , is the Opinion of Scaliger , Exer. 61. sect 3. and of Serranus , according to the Citation of Hornius , Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus will have it , that Plato spake many things , which he understood not , drawn out of the Theologie , and Commentaries of the Phenicians , which seems most probable to me . For as to the Phenicians , they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , given to Mercature , familiar to the Greeks : also they sent several Colonies into various parts of the World. Nothing hinders therefore , but that Plato might attain to a more intimate Knowledge of their Theologie . Now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews , &c. see more of this , Book 1. Chap. 3 , § . 19. That Pythagoras was rendred capable of understanding the sacred Scriptures , by reason of his skill in the Egyptian Language , see Book 2. Chap. 5. § . 8. which is also applicable to Plato ; or else , if this may seem to bold , because a novel Assertion , 4. We may with Austin , and other Learned , both Ancient , and Modern , groundedly conclude , that Plato , whilst he was in Egypt ( amongst those many Jews who had recourse thither ) learned by an Interpreter , or by personal Converse with the Jews , many of their Divine Doctrines , and Mysteries , though he understood not the genuine import thereof : as in the fore-going Chap. § . 3. This is the Opinion of Learned Serranus , in his Preface to Plato , Truly ( saies he ) Plato , while he was in Egypt , might have conference with the Jews , who were there in great numbers after their dissipation , and transmigration , &c. Though he conceives , that Plato could not read the Scriptures in his own Greek Idiome , into which they were not Translated , till after Alexander's time : of which more hereafter . § . 5. Though we find no express mention of Plato's Travelling to Phaeniciae , yet that he visited that Countrey also , either in his Travels to , or from Egypt , seems very probable . For the Phenicians being every way well furnished with Jewish Traditions , and Mysteries , we cannot conceive that Plato , who was so great an Admirer thereof , would let passe such an opportunitie for satisfying his Curiositie therein : At least , that he had some view of Traditions from the Phenician Philosophie , and Theologie , seems more then probable from Plato's own Confessions ; for he oft makes mention of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Syrian , and Phenician Fable or Tradition , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ineffable , because he neither understood , nor could express the mind thereof . These Syrian , or Phenician Fables , which Plato gathered out of the Phenician Theologie , I have before prov'd to be of Jewish extract , and therefore unintelligible by the wisest Heathens ; and thence 't is no wonder , that Plato calls them ineffable Fables . Indeed , the most of his Jewish Traditions , which he gleaned up in those Oriental parts , especially such as referred to the Jewish Mysteries , and Divine Worship , were to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ineffable , and unintelligible , and therefore he calls them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fables : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to its Philosophick notion , signifies some Philosophick Mysterie traduced from the Ancients , the reasons whereof were conceled , or hidden ; and because the first Philosophers , especially Pythagoras , and Plato , were great admirers of these Oriental 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fables , they are called by Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philomythists , Lovers of Fables , or Mystical Traditions , which Aristotle rejected , because his Reason could not comprehend them . These Phenician Fables Plato much studied , and recreated his curious humour withall , which gives us some ground to conjecture , that he was not without skill in the Phenician Tongue , and so by consequence in the Hebrew , which differs only in some Dialect therefrom . That Plato took many things out of the Phenician Theologie , which he himself understood not , is an assertion of the learned Julius Scaliger , Exercit. 61. I suppose he means out of the Theologie of Sanchoniathon , and Mochus the Physiologist , wherein he follows the steps of Pythagoras ; as before , Book 2. Some tell us , that Plato had designed a journey to visit the Persian Magi , and Chaldeans ( as Pythagoras before him did ) but was prevented by the War , which happened betwixt the Grecians , and Persians . By all which it is most evident , what an infinite thirst Plato had after Oriental Wisdom , and Traditions originally Jewish : also , what an huge advantage he had for the gratifying his Curiositie herein , first , by his Travels into Italie , and conversation with Pythagoreans there ; and thence into Egypt , and as we may presume into Phaenicia also , where he met with many Jews , and Jewish Records , or Traditions touching Divine Mysteries , which he greedily embraced , without any real understanding of their genuine import and sense , whence he turned the glorie of God into a Fable , as he calls his Traditions : or as the Scripture termes them , a lye , Rom. 1.25 . who changed the truth of God into a lye . We have a brief Synopsis of Plato's Travels , and peregrinations , given us by Hornius , Hist. Philos . l. 3. c. 14. out of Madaurensis , thus : Plato went to Theodorus Cyrenes to learne Geometrie ; and he went so far as Egypt to fetch Astrologie , as also to learne the Rites of the Prophets . He came again into Italie , and followed Euritus , and Archytas the Pythagoreans . He had also bent his mind towards the Indians , and Magi , had not the Asiatick Wars hindered him . He also went some time into Sicilie , to understand the cause of Aetna's Fire , and to learne their Laws § . 6. Plato having collected what stock he could of Oriental Wisdom , and Jewish Traditions , he returnes home laden ( as a Bee with thyme ) to Greece , where he institutes his Schole in a Village near Athens , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Academie , which was , as Laertius tells us , a woody , and marshy place , and so very unhealthie ; in former times possessed by one Ecademus an Heroe , who after his death became a Daemon , for Eupolis Comicus calls him a God. Plutarch in his Chesew , tells us , that this Ecademus was the first who made discoverie of Castor , and Pollux , of Helena stolen away by Theseus , whence the Lacedemonians had him alwaies in great honour . From him this Place was called first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Laertius , Hesychius , and Stephanus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whence afterward , by the change of a Letter , it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Academie ( though Hornius derives it from Cadmus . ) Here Plato sounded his Schole , which after the new Academie was raised , received the stile of the old Academie , as hereafter . Laertius writes , that Plato was honorably Buried in this Academie , and that Mithridates King of Pontus , when Athens came under his Jurisdiction , dedicated Plato's Image to the Muses in this place . And Aelian , lib. 3. saies , That the ancient Philosophers so reverenced this place , as that they counted it not lawful to laugh here , because they would have it kept pure from all dissolution of mind . There were at Athens besides the Academie , other Scholes , the Lyceum , Prytaneum , Canopum , Stoa , Tempe , Cynosarges , &c. as Lud. Vives , in August . Civit. . l. 8. c. 12. Athens was indeed the Eye of Greece , thence called by Euripides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Greece of Greece ; by Diadorus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by Thucidides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by Strabo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. § . 7. As for Plato's Character , we find him greatly , and I think too greatly extolled by some : Lud. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 4. saies of Plato , that many have written his Life , and famous Acts : many place him for his Wisdom and Morals , above all humane elevation ; but truly I would count them so far short in their Estimation , and love of him , as that if I were not assured they were greatly addicted to him , I would suspect they envyed his praises . He is deceived in my ●pinion , whosoever he be , that counts Plato not something more than a Man , or truely not of the best and rarest so●t of Men. Thus Lud. Vives . So again , in Aug. Civi● . l. 22. c. 28. There are three things ( saies he ) which gained not only Greece , but the whole World to Plato ; namely , his Integritie of Life , his Holie P●ecepts , and his Eloquence . Seneca , Epist . 44. gives Plato this concise Character , Platonem non accepit nobilem Philosophia , sed fecit . Philosophie found not Plato noble , but made him so . Eusebius lib. 10. praep . c. 3. saies , that Plato excelled all that went before him in Philosophie , also in Eloquence , and in Prudence . The usual Title they gave him , was the Divine , which was the highest Honour . Others there are , who depresse him as much . But it is most certain , Plato was a Person of vast Naturals : he had a Spirit sublime , penetrant , and comprehensive , even to marvel : a Phancie most luxuriant , and pregnant ; a Conception readie , and vivid ; a Discourse mature , yet weightie ; a Reason harmonious , and masculine ; a Pen polite , and flourishing . In brief , his Natural Capacitie seems cloathed with many eminent Qualities , seemingly opposite with great Lights and heats , force and stabilitie , moderation and promptitude , extention and profoundnes , &c. Yet was he not , as to Morals , without great Blemishes , which stained all the Glorie of his Intellectuals . Pride , which is the Philosophers Original Sin , had a great predominancie on his Spirit : whence Antisthenes , seeing a Vessel wherein Plato's Vomit lay , said , I see Plato 's bile here , but I see not his pride ; meaning , that his pride stuck too close to him to be vomited up . So Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole , tramples upon his Bed , saying , here I trample on Plato 's vain-glory &c. He seemed also addicted to covetousnes , which he is accused of for receiving 80 talents from King Dionysius ( contrary to the practice of his Master Socrates ) which occasioned that question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whether a wise man should study gain ? &c. § . 8. Touching Plato's works they are common , and well known . There are ten Dialogues in which the whole of his Philosophie is thought to be comprehended . In which we must distinguish bewixt Plato's proper opinion , and the opinion of others . His own he layes down in the person of Socrates , Timaeus &c. other mens opinions he layes down in the person of Gorgias , Protagoras &c. Amongst these Dialogues some are Logical , as his Gorgias , and Eutydemus . Some are Ethical , as his Memnon , Eutyphro , Philebus , Crito : some are Political , as his Laws , and Common-wealth : some are Physical , as his Timaeus : some are Metaphysical , as his Parmenides , and Sophista , which yet are not without somewhat of Logick . His Epistles are by some thought spurious . The Platonick Definitions , adjoyned to his Works , are supposed to be compiled by his Successor Pseusippus : of which hereafter . CHAP. IV. Of the Academicks , and New Platonicks of Alexandria . The difference 'twixt the Old , and New Academicks , as to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 limited to matters only doubtful . Whether Plato Dogmatized ? The New Academies , and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The difference betwixt the New Academicks , and the Scepticks , &c. The Original of the New Platonists , and their famous Schole at Alexandria . Of Potamon , Ammonius , Plutarch , and Philo the Jew . Of the great Ammonius , the head of the sacred Succession at Alexandria . How he borrowed the choicest of his Platonick Notions from the Scriptures , and the advantages he had for such a design . Of Plotinus , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Syrianus , Proclus , Johannes Grammaticus . These New Platonists chose out the best of all Sects , & were thence called Electicks . The general design of these New Platonists to reforme Philosophie . Ammonius the head of these Reforming Platonists . The defects of this Platonick Reformation , with its evil Effects . 1. In delivering Scriptural Mysteries , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. under a conceled Forme of Platonick Traditions . 2. Too great Idolizing Platonick Philosophie more particularly . The sad Effects of this Platonick Reformation . 1. As to the strengthning of Paganism . 2. As to the corrupting of Christianitie . § . 1. HAving given some relation of Plato's Travels , and the various waies by which he informed himself touching the Jewish Wisdom , and Mysteries ; we now proceed to his Schole , Disciples , and Successors , and the waies by which they gained further information in the Jewish Doctrine , and Institutes . The Schole where Plato Philosophized , was , ( as we have observed ) stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Academie ; whence his Sect was called Academicks : amongst whom there was a considerable difference , which arose from the firmnes of their Assent , or Suspension , as to the truth of things . The Original of this difference was laid in Socrates's Schole , who out of his modestie , pretending to know nothing , would not in matters dubio● assert any thing peremptorily , but left his Scholars to dispute pro or contra , as they listed . This Problematick mode of Philosophizing , was followed by Plato in his Academie ; yet with a considerable difference from the New Academicks . For in Plato's Academie they affected not an universal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suspension , but limited the same to things disputable , and dubious . Plato ( and the Old Academists ) held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That Being was always one and the same without generation , and that therefore it was truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , knowable . In which rank he placed all notions of God , of happiness , of the other Life , wherein there is a discrimination of good from evil Men. Of these matters Plato allowed not a libertie of Disputing pro and contra ; but either laies them down peremptorily as certain , and indubitable Principles , or else from infallible Principles proves the same infallibly , whence he draws down true and eternal Conclusions . But as for things natural , and sensible , wherein there was little Certaintie , or Evidence , he taketh , and alloweth his Scholars a Latitude of asserting , and denying things ; which laid the foundation of the Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension . And that Plato made this difference betwixt assent to things certain , and things dubious , is evident from his distinction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of Opinionative , and Demonstrative Character . He held , that all things were not to be believed , not all things to be disbelieved ; but that things certain were certainly to be believed , and things dubious to be left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , undetermined ; wherein he allowed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Problematick Libertie of disputing pro or contra . This gives us a good decision of that great question amongst the Ancients : Whether Plato Dogmatized ? By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they mean to impose a Dogme , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to impose a Law : in which sense 't is used , Col. 2.20 . where it signifies not only a Dogme decreed , but the Decree it self , and its imposition . Laertius lib. 3. gives us a good solution hereof . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those things Plato comprehended , he asserts ; those things which are false , he refuted ; and about those things which are uncertain , he suspended . We find much the same mention'd by Sextus Empericus the Sceptick , cap. 31. Some saies he ) hold Plato to be Dogmatick : others conceive him to be Aporematick , or suspensive : others think him in some things Dogmatick , in some things Aporematick : For in his Gymnastick Discourses , where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists , they affirme , he has a Gymnastick , or Aporematick Character ; but when he declareth his own opinion , he is Dogmatick , &c. We have this more particularly expressed by Diogenes Laertius lib. 3. where he distinguisheth betwixt what Plato asserted as true ; and what he left uncertain by the persons whom he brings in disputing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Concerning the things , which he asserted , he produced his opinion by four persons , Socrates , Timaeus , his Aethenian Host , and his Eleatick Host . But in the refuting of falshood he introduceth Trasymachus , Callicles , Polus , Gorgias , and Protagaras : adde moreover Hippias , and Euthydemus , &c. By all which we see , how far the Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspension was allowed in the Old Aecademie instituted by Plato , who was succeeded therein by Speusippus his Sister Potona's son , who taught in the Academie 8 years , but for Hire , contrarie to the practice of Socrates , and Plato , for which he was upbraided . This Speusippus is supposed to be the compiler of the Platonick Definitions subjoyned to , and ( as I gather by comparing them ) abstracted from Plato's Works . After Speusippus succeeded Xenocrates the Chalcedonian , who was of a dull wit , wherefore Laertius tells , that Plato should say , Xenocrates wanted Spurs , but Aeristotle a bridle . Unto Xenocrates succeeded Polemo , who was followed by his Disciples Crates the Aethenian , and Crantor , who is said to be the first , that Commented on Plato : so Proclus in Timaeus l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And thus far continued the Old Aecademists , who insisting on Plato's steps , neither asserted , not denyed all things ; but what they comprehended , they affirmed , and what they found uncertain , they left so , without any peremptorie definition . § . 2. After Crantor succeeded Arcesilaus , or ( as the Latines ) Arcesilas who founded the second Academie , wherein they maintained an universal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incomprehension , and suspension . The ground , which Arcesilas proceeds upon to defend his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or cohibition of assent , was indeed originally laid in Socrates's Schole , and therefore he makes use of Socrates's Authoritie to defend himself , who affirmed he knew nothing , that so by this his modest concession , he might refute the immodest , and proud assumings of his Adversaries , who pretended to know all things . So Lud. Vives in August . de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 12. This ( saies he ) is the old Academie which by Polemon the disciple of Xenocrates was delivered over to Arcesilas , who essayed to reduce the mode of disputing to the Socratick manner , to affirme nothing himself , but to confute what others maintained : which was called the New Academie ; whence the name Academick was appropriated to Arcesilas , &c. It cannot be denyed , but that Socrates ( and Plato after him ) especially in his Gymnastick disputes used , and allowed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a probationarie mode of diputing , for , and against both parts ; but yet his designe was not to introduce an universal suspension in things certain , but only to beat out Truth in things uncertain . For it is most certain that Socrates , and Plato both asserted , and determin'd many things , whence they are generally accounted Dogmatick , though in things doubtful they used to suspend , and allow a Libertie , as before . But now these New Academicks Arcesilas , and his adherents asserted , that all things were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incomprehensible , and therefore , that there was no room for a firme assent , but that we ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to suspend in all things ; wherein they differed greatly from the old Academicks instituted by Plato : though it must be still confessed , they received their original from them , as it is well observed by Serranus in his Preface to Plato . There is no doubt , saies he , but that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and dubitations of the New Academicks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and corruptions of the old opinion , &c. This Old Opinion he elsewhere acquaints us withall , shewing how it was the mode in Plato's Academie , in matters sensible , such as were only probable , and doubtful , to give , and take a Libertie of disputing for either part , the Affirmative , or Negative , so that the Position was still left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 undetermined , whence by these , and such like Quodlibetick Disputes , or Sceptick Questionings of every thing , men at last began to believe nothing : for nothing is more natural , saith Jansenius , than for men from Peripateticks ( i. e. contentious disputers ) to become Academicks . But that which superadded much strength to this Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension , was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eristick Logick , founded in the Eleatick Schole , and assumed by the New Academicks , of which before . Unto Arcesilas succeeded Laeys his Disciple , who had for his successors , Telecles , Evander , and Hegesippus , the last of this second Academie . For Carneades the Cyrenean , who succeeded , is made the Institutor of a Third Academie , which differed from the Second Instituted by Arcesilas in two Points : 1. In that Carneades , acknowledged something true and something fals , only he affirmed there was not in us a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or skill to difference the truth from falshood . 2. Carneades though he asserted an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet he denyed not , but somewhat was probable , or not . Others there be , who adde a Fourth , and Fift Academie . We have a good account of all in Sextus Empiricus Pyrrhon . Hypotyp . lib. 1. cap. 33. There were Academies , as they say , more than Three . The first , and most Ancient of Plato : the second , and middle of Arcesilas : the third , and new of Carneades , and Clitomachus . There are who adde a fourth of Philo , and Charmidas , and a fifth of Antiochus , &c. As for Philo's Academie , it came near the old , in that it allowed a Wise man to Opine or Entertain some opinions , which Carneades denyed . And Antiochus Philo's hearer , who lived about Cicero's time , seemed wholly to restore the old Academie save only in this , that as to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or facultie of Judging , he enclined to the Stoicks . But these four last Academies are usually comprized all under the stile of the New Academie ( though some came nearer to , and some were more remote from the old ) which some confound with the Scepticks : but Sextus Empiricus ( cap. 13. ) gives us this difference . Those of the New Academies ( saies he ) though they affirme all things are Incomprehensible , yet they differ from the Scepticks , perhaps in saying , that all things are Incomprehensible ; for they assert this : but the Scepticks admit it possible , that they may be Comprehended . We differ also from the New Academie as to what belongs to the end . They use in the course of life what is credible : we following Laws , Customes , and Natural affections , live without engaging our opinion , &c. § . 3. After various transformations of the Academie , those who adher'd to Plato's Dogmes , rejected the name of Academicks , and espoused that of Platonicks , so that the stile of Academicks was confined to the Sectators of Arcesilas , who maintained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Incomprehension , and Suspension : thus Lud. Vives on August . Civ . l. 8. c. 12. Arcesilas who attained to bring in the Socratick mode of disputing , to affirme nothing , but to refute the affirmations of others , constituted the New Academie . Hence they , who illustrated things , and asserted certain Dogmes which they conceived to be the opinions of Plato , these were called Platonicks , not Academicks ; for I conceive , the name Academick stuck too fast in the Schole of Arcesilas : thus Lud. Vives . The first revivings of the old Academie , or Platonick Philosophie seems to owe it's original to the famous Schole of Alexandria in Egypt , instituted by Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , who out of his great zeal for the advancing of Learning , caused the Egyptian Wisdom , which had been before confined to the Egyptian Priests , and Language , to be translated into the Greek tongue , to which he added the Greek version of the sacred Scriptures , commonly called the LXX , which rendred this Schole of Alexandria most renowned . He also called hither Learned Men from all parts , as well Jews , as Grecians , erected a famous Librarie ; searched farre and near for Learned Records to adorne the same withall , and instituted Colleges for the encouragement of the Learned Professors , & Students . This same design was carried on by his Son Euergetes , who gave great encouragement to the Jews , and others to resort hither , to this famous Schole of Alexandria which proved the most flourishing , that ever was before or since , especially for Platonick Philosophie , which revived , and flourished here for many generations , as has been before observed , Book 1. chap. 3. § . 10 , 11. of this second part . § . 4. The first famous Platonist ( according to what observation we have made ) that flourished in this Schole of Aelexandria was Potamon , who lived in the times of Caesar Aeugustus , and Tiberius ; as Laertius in his Preface : So Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ' Potamon the Alexandrine Philosopher , who was before , and after Aeugustus , &c. The same Suidas tells us that he left behind him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Commentarie on Plato's books of Common-wealth ; and we may presume he writ other pieces , though he has nothing extant at present . To Potamon , we may adde Ammonius ( not the famous Master of Origen , and Plotinus but ) the famous Master of Plutarch , who lived in the time of Nero , and Vespasian . Yea Plutarch himself , who had his education in this Schole of Alexandria , and flourished under Domitian , was not only famous for Philologie , and Historie , but also for Philosophie , and principally the Platonick , as appears by his Writings , &c. To whom we may subjoyn Philo the Jew , who was of this Schole of Alexandria and drencht in Platonick Philosophie , as it appeares by his works : So Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 17. cap. 20. This book ( saies he speaking of that Apocryphous Book called the Wisdom of Solomon ) is thought to have been composed by Philo the Alexandrine Jew , who lived in the times of the Apostles , and was a Friend to them , and was so much adorned with the Greek speech and Eloquence , as that the Greeks said of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either Philo doth Platonize , or Plato doth Philonize . § . 5. But Platonick Philosophie never flourished more than under Ammonius , that famous head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sacred succession of this Schole of Alexandria , continued by Origen , Herennius , and ●lotinus , &c. This Ammonius is supposed to be different from Ammonius the Praeceptor of Plutarch , as well as from Ammonius the Monk , Disciple of Proclus , and Interpreter of Aristotle , as Vossius de philos . sect . cap. 21. § . 6. There was a great Controversie betwixt the Learned Christians , and the latter Platonists , whether this g●eat Ammonius dyed a Pagan , or Christian . Eusebius Eccles . Hist . l. 6. c. 19. and Jerom. assure us he was a Christian , though Porphyrie denies the same . Thus much is generally confessed , that he borrowed the choicest of his Contemplations from the sacred Scriptures , which he mixt with his Platonick Philosophizings . And indeed he had a mighty advantage to informe himself , not only in the sacred Scriptures , of the Old Testament translated by the LXX , but also in the New Testament Records , and Doctrines propagated by the Disciples , and Apostles of Christ . For without doubt Philo , that learned Jew bred up in this Schole of Alexandria ( & as Lud. Vives tells us , a friend to the Apostles ) with the rest of the Jews there , could not but have a full relation of Christ , his Acts , and Doctrine . Besides there was in this Town of Alexandria a famous Christian Church , and Schole setled by Mark the Evangelist , and continued by Panthenus , Clemens Alexandrinus , &c. whose Doctrine , Discipline , and sacred Mysteries , we cannot conceive such a person as Ammonius would let passe unexamined . Yea farther , so glorious , and ravishing were the first dawnings of Gospel light , which brought such glad tidings of Salvation to Mankind , as that not only the Jews , but also some sober minded , inquisitive Gentiles rejoyced in this Light for a season ( according to that Observation John 5.35 . ) who yet never had a through work of Conversion on their hearts : amongst this number we may reckon Seneca ( whom some think to have had conference by Paper with Paul ) Epictetus , Plinie the younger ( who Apologized unto Trajan in the behalf of the Christians ) & this famous Ammonius of Alexandria with some others . Yea I see no reason to the contrarie , but that we may allow these , and some other unprejudiced Noble Gentiles , as well as the unbelieving Jews , to have had some common irradiations , and illuminations of the Spirit over and above that objective Light , and Revelation of the Gospel , which shone so brightly round about them . He that shall read the Works of Seneca , Epictetus , Hierocles , and these latter Platonists of Alexand●ia , who had the glorious beams of Gospel Light waiting on them , will find their Philosophizings about Divine Mysteries to be of a much higher Elevation , and Raisure , than any of their Predecessors ; which we may impute not only to the objective Revelation of Gospel light externally communicated to them , but also to some internal subjective , though but common , and transient irradiation of the Spirit , which usually attends in some degree the external Revelation of the Gospel , especially at the first publication thereof in any place . That it was thus with many carnal Jews at the first publication of the Gospel by John , & Christ , is most evident : and why may we not affirme the same of many Gentiles , who being of more raised , and generous spirits , could not but make some inquisition into those stupendious Miracles , and Reports , touching Christ , and that Redemption brought to light by him ; which Enquiries of theirs , being attended with some Common Light , and Heat of the Spirit , raised their Spirits , and Philosophick Contemplations to some higher Elevation , than what their Predecessors attain'd unto . And that which might animate the latter Platonists to such Enquiries , into those Divine , and Sacred Mysteries , was their correspondence , and agreement with the choicest of their Master Plato's Contemplations , who treated much ( though without understanding rightly the matters he treated of ) concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The very Being , Self-Being , Word , Mind , Idea of the choicest Good , Soul of the World , Chaos , &c. And the latter Platonists Ammonius , &c. finding these their Masters Notions so fully , and clearly explicated in sacred Revelations , both of the Law , and Gospel ; this made them more affectionately inquisitive thereinto , and after their curious inquisitions , finding a great Symbolization , and Harmonie betwixt many of their Platonick Principles , and the Divine Scriptures , they made what use they could of the Latter to Reforme , Refine , and Strengthen the Former . This designe was first set on foot by Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession , who if he were not a real Christian , yet he seems to have had , with Agrippa , some almost persuasions , and affectionate inclinations to the Christian Religion ; the Principles whereof he does incorporate so far as he durst with his Philosophick Notions , with endeavours to infuse the same into his Scholars , Origen , Herennius Plotinus , with the rest . Some conceive that Ammonius imparted those more divine Mysteries , which he collected out of Sacred Revelations into his Platonick Philosophizings , with an adjuration of Secrecie to his Scholars . How far this design of Ammonius to reforme Platonick Philosophie by mixing Divine Revelations therewith took place , and what emprovement Platonisme received hence , together with the poysonous influences it has had on the the Christian faith , we shall hereafter shew . What we have alreadie mentioned sufficeth to prove , that Platonick Philosophie received a mightie elevation , and advance in this Schole of Alexandria under Ammonius , by virtue of his affectionate searches into , and Collections from the Sacred Scriptures , attended with some common illuminations , though perhaps without any saving light of Life from the Spirit of God. Whence also his Scholars , Origen , Herennius , and Plotinus together with their Successors in this sacred Schole of Alexandria , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , &c. received their choicer , and more sublime contemplations , albeit they concele the same , pretending , these more refined Notions to have been derived to them from the Pythagorean , and Platonick source ; whereas they were indeed no other than derivations from the sacred fountain of Divine Revelation , communicated by the hands of Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession , as they call it . § . 6. To Ammonius Succeeded Plotinus , born at Lycop●lis a Citie of Egypt , and instituted in the Platonick Philosophie at Alexandria under Ammonius . He left behind him , besides other things , 54 Books divided into Enneades , which though obscure , and cloudie according to the Platonick mode , yet are they esteemed the most exactest model of Platonick Philosophie extant : so Aeugust . de Civit. l. 9. c. 10. Truly Plotinus who lived near to the times of our memorie , is extolled for his understanding Plato more excellently than others , &c. So agen , Austin lib. 3. Acad. writes , that Plato seemed to be revived in Plotinus . Thus was he Plato's most refined , and lucid Mouth in Philosophie , and abstracting the Clouds of error , Macrobius makes him the Prince of Platonick Philosophers , next Plato , as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . lib. 9. cap. 10. Plotinus had for his Disciples Amelius , and Porphyrie . He lived under the Emperours Galienus , and Probus . His Life is writ by his Disciple Porphyrie , and premised to his works . Porphyrie gives him this Character . Who , saies he , expounded the principles of Pythagorick , and Platonick Philosophie , more clearly , as it seems , than all ●hat went before him : neither do the Writings of Numenius , Cronius , Moderatus , and Thrasyllus come near unto the accurate diligence of Plotinus , &c. § . 7. Porphyrie Disciple first of Plotinus , and then of Amelius , was Born at Tyre , and according to the Language of the Tyrians was called Malchus after his Fathers name , which signifies a Prince , or King : so Suidas : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Porphyrie was properly called Basileus . He was a Tyrian Philosopher , Disciple of Amelius the Scholar of Plotinus , but the Master of Iamblichus . He lived in the times of Aurelianus , and reached even to the times of Diocletian the Emperor . Suidas here rightly translates Porphyrie's Phenician name Malchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a King , for so in the Hebrew , ( from which the Phenecian Language differs only in some Dialect ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , as Vossius . Yea Porphyrie himself in the Life of Plotinus gives us the reason , why he was called a King. Amelius , saies he Dedicated his Book to me , and in the Inscription named me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King : for that was my Name : and in the Language of my countrie I was called Malchus , by which Name my Father was also called . And Malchus translated into Greek signifies a King : thus he . Eunapius in the Life of Porphyrie gives us an account , how his name came to be changed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. According to the Syrian tongue , he was first called Malchus , which word signifies a King , but afterward Longinus named him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Porphyrie . He was called Porphyrie , from Purple , which is the colour of Kings , as Vossius ; or perhaps because Purple was the great Commoditie which Tyre afforded . Austin de Civit. Dei hints , That this Porphyrie was first a Christian , but afterwards apostatized , and a bitter Enemie of the Christians . He was a great admirer of Apollonius , Tyanaeus , that Pythagorean Sorcerer , and endeavours to make him equal in point of Miracles unto Christ ; wherein he was refuted by Eusebius . Ludov. Vives in August . lib. 8. cap. 12. doth thus Characterize him . Porphyrie was a person of an unsound bodie , and minde , of a judgment unconstant , and of an hatred sharpe , and cruel , even unto madnes . He had notwithstanding the name of a great Philosopher , or Sophist , as well as Historian . He writ the Lives of the Philosophers , whereof there is extant only the Life of Pythagoras , which was at first published under the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Book Cyril cites against Julian , and ascribes to Porphyrie . Concerning Porphyrie see more largely Lucas Ho●stenius , and Vossius de Histor . Gracis lib. 2. cap. 16. Edit . 2. pag. 244. § . 8. After Porphyrie , succeeded Iamblichus his Disciple , who was born at Chalcis in Syria , and flourished in the times of Constantine the Great , and his Sons ; as also in Julian's time : He was , saith Lud. Vives ▪ of a better natural Disposition , and Manners , than his Master Porphyrie . Vossius calls him a Platonick Philosopher , though Lud. Vives saies ( according to Jerom ) he was not so much a Platonick , as a Pythagorean : Yet he confesseth , that as to Divine matters , all the Platonists did Pythagorize . There are extant two of his Protreptick Orations for Philosophie ; also his Historie of Pythagoras's Life , wherein he follows his Master Porphyrie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; out of whose Book he transcribes many things with very little , if any alteration of the words . There are three Epistles of Julian the Apostate to Iamblichus yet extant , which argues a Friendship betwixt them , and 't is likely the same continued even whilst Julian made some profession of the Christian Religion . Suidas tells us out of Damascius , that Isidorus esteemed Iamblichus the most excellent of Writers after Plato . We have Iamblichus's Life described by Eunapius , also by Vossius , Hist . Graec. l. 2. c. 10. p. 208. August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 12. saies , that amongst the Platonists the Grecians , Plotinus , Iamblichus , and Porphyrie , were greatly noble , &c. § . 9. Syrianus Alexandrinus , Fellow-Citizen , and Sectator of Iamblichus , follows next in this Sacred succession of Platonick Philosophers . He lived about the Year , 470. and writ four Books on Plato's Common-wealth ; also on all Homer , with other things , as Suidas relates . Isidorus the Philosopher had a great esteem for him , who after Plato , next to Iamblichus , placeth Syrianus his Sectator as the most excellent of Writers . So Suidas out of Damascius . § . 10. Proclus Lysius , Disciple of Syrianus , succeeded him in this famous Platonick Schole . This Proclus flourished about the Year 500. as 't is evident , though some , upon a great mistake , make him to have lived almost 300 Years before . Suidas calls him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Platonick Philosopher . He was usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diadochus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of his succession in the Platonick Schole . He writ many things ; as ten Books of the Agreement betwixt Orpheus , Pythagoras , and Plato in Oracles ; also six Books of Platonick Philosophie , which are yet extant : likewise a Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus , and on his Books of Common-wealth , yet extant also ; with other Pieces lost , of which Suidas makes mention . Proclus's Life was writ by his Scholar , and successor Marinus , who tells us , that he had some taste of Aristotle's Philosophie from Olympiodorus , which he cursorily ran thorough in two Years space . The same Marinus tells us also , that he was accurately skilled in Grammar , Historie , and Poesie , in the Mathematicks perfect , and well versed in Platonick Philosophie . His Mode in Philosophizing is cloudie , and obscure ; as that of Plotinus , and the rest of the New Platonists : He endeavours , according to the Symbolick mystical manner of Platonists , to reduce all things to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trinities . He took ( as Vossius thinks ) the occasion of heaping up so many Trinities , from Plato's lib. 2. de Repub. where he treats of those three Types of God , Bonitie , Immutabilitie , ( or Unitie ) and Veritie . Whence Aristotle also received his three affections of Eus , Bonitie , Unitie , and Veritie . This Proclus was a bitter enemie to the Christians , and the first after Porphyrie , that turned his Pen dipt in Gall against the Christians . He is answered by that great Christian Philosopher , Johannes Grammaticus , as hereafter . Proclus in his Platonick Theologie , lib. 1. cap. 1. gives us some account of this Sacred Succession in this Platonizing Theologick Schole ; how that after many Ages , Plotinus the Egyptian succeeded therein , who was followed by Amelius , and Porphyrie his Disciples ; as also these by Iamblichus , and Theodorus their Successors , &c. § . 11. We may not omit here the mention of Johannes Grammaticus , alias Philoponus , that famous Christian Philosopher , who , though the most of his Works extant are Commentaries on Aristotle's Text , yet it 's evident , that his Spirit was deep drencht in Platonick Philosophie , especially as it was refined by Ammonius that famous Head of the sacred succession at Alexandria : For so the Title of his Commentaries runs , Extracts out of Ammonius , &c. Indeed most of those Greek Philosophers , who take Aristotle's Text for their subject ; namely , Porphyrie , Proclus , with his Scholar Ammonius , and Simplicius , were in their Spirits Platonists . For Aristotle came not in to be Master in the Schole , till Abenroes , and the rest of the Arabians advanced him in Plato's Chair . Such was this Johannes Grammaticus , who for his unwearied Studies , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philoponus . He follows exactly the Design of Clemens Alexandrinus , Origen , Eusebius , and more particularly of the great Ammonius ( whom he owns as the source of his Philosophie ) in endeavouring to prove , that Plato borrowed his choicest Notions touching the Origine of the World , &c. out of Moses , and the Prophets : he gives sundry Instances herein , as that of Plato's calling the World a visible Image of the invisible God , which , saies he , was but a mistaken Tradition of Gen. 1.27 . Also he makes Plato's Discourse of God's beholding the Works of his hands as very perfect , and rejoycing therein , &c. to be taken from Gen. 1.31 . This Johannes Grammaticus , in his excellent Treatise of the Soul ( proaem . ad Arist . de anima ) endeavours to prove , that Aristotle asserted God to be the first Mover , and Cause of all things , &c. Also he proves out of Aristotle's Canons touching the Soul , its immaterialitie , spiritualitie in operation , and immortalitie , &c. Proaem . fol. 6. &c. In his choice Piece of the Creation , he proves the World's Origine by God out of Plato , &c. And whereas Proclus endeavours to reconcile Plato with Aristotle , shewing how Plato , when he treats of the World's Origine , meant it not as to time , but Causalitie , &c. This Learned Philoponus writes two Books against Proclus , confuting these his false Impositions on Plato , &c. § . 12. To the fore-mentioned Greek Platonists , we may adde Maximus Tyrius , who flourished in the time of Commodus the Emperour , as Suidas , and was well versed in Platonick Philosophie , as it appears by his Writings , wherein we have many of Plato's choicest Notions delivered to us more clearly , and nakedly , than in other Platonists of greater vogue . § . 13. Neither must we let passe Alcinous , another Greek Platonist , who hath left us a short Abstract of Platonick Philosophie , on which Jacobus Carpentarius , that Claromontane Professor ( an inveterate Enemie of Ramus , and , as it 's said , the Original of his being Massacred ) hath given us a good Commentarie . In what Age this Alcinous lived , it 's not certain . Eusebius de Praeparat . Evang. lib. 11. cites a good part of this Alcinous's Epitome , under the name of Didymus : whence it is conjectured , that Didymus Alexandrinus was the Author of this Book ; or that he transcribed that place quoted by Eusebius out of Alcinous : so Vossius de Philos . sect . cap. 16. § . 5. § . 14. Amongst the Latin Platonists , we may reckon Apuleius , whose Book de Dogmate Platonis , is yet extant , August . de Civit. Dei , l. 8. c. 12. tells us , that Apuleius the African Platonist , grew very famous in both Tongues , &c. Augustin often quotes him , and makes much use of his Notions , and Testimonie to confirm the Christian Religion . To him we may adde Chalcidius , another Latin Platonist , whose Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus is yet extant . Neither should we forget Marsilius Ficinus , who though but a Moderne Author , and Roman Catholick , yet deserves praise for his elaborate Studies , and endeavours to explicate Platonick Philosophie , especially for his Treatise de Immortalitate Animae , of the Soul's Immortalitie , which he proves by strong convictive Arguments , wherein he takes occasion to illustrate the chief Points of Plato's Philosophie . § . 15. Thus we see how the Old Academie or Platonick Philosophie was revived by the New Platonists , especially those of the Sacred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria , where the Platonick Philosophie was mostly in vogue , though not exclusively , as to the other Sects . For we must know these New Platonists did not , at least the most of them , wholly devote themselves to Plato , so as to exclude all other Sects ; but made it their busines to choose what they found excellent in any other Sect : whence they were called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Elective Sect ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Electicks , because , saies Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , They chose out their Placites from every Sect. Thence Festus Pompeius calls them Miscelliones . Potamon Alexandrinus is said to be the first of this Sect. So Diogenes Laertius in his Preface , There is , saies he , of late an Elective Sect , introduced by Potamon Alexandrinus , who chose what he pleas'd out of every Sect. Sotion , Seneca's Preceptor , was of this Sect , who , though he past under the name of a Stoick , yet was he a great Admirer of Pythagoras , &c. as Seneca , Epist . 58. I am not ashamed to confesse , what a love of Pythagoras Sotion infused into me , saies seneca , who was also of this Sect. The like may be said of Hierocles , who though mostly Stoick , yet was he a great esteemer of Pythagorean Philosophie , as appears by his Commentarie on Lysis's Golden Verses , which passe under the name of Pythagoras . Ammonius , Plutarch's Master , is said to be of this Elective Sect. That Plotinus affected an universal mixture of all Philosophie , is evident , partly by what was before mentioned , § . 6. how he mixed Platonick , and Pythagorick Philosophie , &c. as also by what is mentioned of him by Porphyrie in his Life , That he mixed in his Writings the secret Dogmes of the Stoicks , and Peripateticks . So Iamblichus mixeth Pythagorean , and Platonick Philosophie . Porphyrie , Proclus , Johannes Grammaticus , and Symplicius , mix Platonick , and Aristotelian Philosophie . And it is an Assertion generally owned by the Learned , that all those New Platonists of this Alexandrine Schole , did , as to Theologie , Pythagorize ; wherein they did no more than their Master Plato : for Proclus spends ten Books in drawing a parallel betwixt Plato , Pythagoras , and Orpheus , as to Divine Oracles , &c. This Elective Sect of Philosophers , is mostly approved by Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I call Philosophie not the Stoick , neither the Platonick , or the Epicurean , and Aristotelick , but whatever is said to be taken from each of these Sects rightly , teaching righteousnes with pious Science , this altogether selected , I call Philosophie . Origen also seems to have been of this same perswasion : And that , which made these generous Spirits to keep themselves disengaged from any particular Sect , was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love to Truth , commended so much by Plato . So Ammonius on Arist . Categor . pag. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It was Plato's Speech : Socrates truly is dear , but truth is dearer to us : And elsewhere , we must regard Socrates in some things , but Truth much more . Thence Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras , tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Truth only can make men near to God. So Iamblichus , expressing the mind of the Pythagoreans , saies , that next to God , Tru●h is to be worshipped , which alone makes men next to God. Yet in as much as they thought Truth was no where so fully , so lively represented to them , as in Plato's Works , they judged it their interest , and honour to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philoplatonists ; wherefore they usually passe under the name of the New Platonists , though indeed their Principles were not so clung , but that they could embrace Truth , where ever they found it amongst any of the other Sects ; especially the Pythagoreans , with whom they ever held an intimate Fraternitie , or Consociation . See more of this Elective Sect in Vossius de Philos . sect . cap. 21. § . 16. What has been mentioned gives us some discoverie of the general Designe of these New Platonists ; which was not to espouse any particular Sect so far as to exclude all the rest , but to make an universal Inquisition into all Opinions , which carried a shew of Wisdom . This Noble Design , had it been as nobly managed as they pretended , without prejudice , and private affection , it had led them into higher discoveries of Truth , than ever they attained unto . For they had the greatest Advantages that might be ( as before § . 5. ) to informe themselves fully touching the great Doctrines , and Mysteries of Sacred Philosophie , or Wisdom , that shone so brightly in the Christian Churches : but this was too glorious , and dazling an object , for their carnal and weak mindes to gaze long upon : only some of the more Noble , and Ingenuous of that Sacred Succession at Alexandria , seemed pretty willing to be dis-abused from some of those grosser Conceptions they had sucked in together with their Platonick Infusions : in order whereto , after enquirie made in the Sanctuarie of Sacred Scriptures , they find a necessitie of Reformation . The head of these Reforming Platonists was that great Ammonius , Master of Plotinus , and Origen , who if he were not really , and altogether a Christian , yet certainly he had a great kindness for those of the Profession , and a particular affection for their Sacred Oracles ; which put him not only upon the studie of the same , but also on this great designe of Collecting what he could out of these Holy Scriptures , and incorporating , or contempering the same Collections with the Systeme , or Bodie of his Platonick Philosophizings . And certainly these endeavours of his could not but give a great sublimation , refinement , and advance to Platonick Philosophie , though all proved but a bitter , yea poisonous root of those dangerous Errors , and Apostacies , which have ever since befell the Churches of Christ ; besides the advantages , which those of that Alexandrine Succession , who continued Pagans , got hence to refine , and strengthen Paganisme . The evidence both of the one , and the other , will follow upon some particular reflections on this Platonick Reformation . § . 17. First , Ammonius the great Promoter of this Platonick Reformation , if he were really a Christian ( as Eusebius , and Jerome affirme him to be ) was in this greatly blameable . 1. That he durst not make open Profession of the Christian Religion , which he believed to be the true . But more particularly , 2. For bringing the Sacred Scriptures into one , and the same contemperament , or composition with Platonick Philosophie , whereby the former was greatly adulterated , though the latter received a great emprovement . This Tertullian takes special notice of , with complaints , that such stript Christianitie of her mantle , to cloath Philosophie therewithall ; or plundered Divine Truth , to maintain , and enrich Philosophie ; with such like Expressions . 3. But Ammonius was yet farther blameable , in that he following Plato's steps , conceled , at least from his Pagan Disciples , and Successors , the Sacred Fountain , and Original from whence he derived his more sublime , and choicer Notions , which he delivered over unto them as Platonick Derivations ; whereas they indeed owed their Original to the Divine Scriptures . 'T is possible , his designe in thus conceling the Sacred source of his Philosophizings , if it proceeded not from carnal fear , might be pretty tolerable , though the effects of it were very sad . For hereby , First , Many of those more sublime , and mysterious Revelations , which he got from the Sacred Scriptures , and foisted into his Philosophie , passed for Platonick Contemplations . In this series , I presume , we may rank the Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trinitie , on which Plotinus his Scholar , and Proclus after him , spend such Mystical , and sublime Discourses . It 's confest , that Plato gave some foundation for such an imaginarie Trinitie : for he makes mention of , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The Father , the Word , or Mind , and the Universal Spirit , or Soul. Also in his Rep. l. 2. he speaks of Bonitie , Immutabilitie , and Virtue , as before ; which Mystical Contemplations I have elsewhere proved were traduced to him originally from the Jewish Church . But yet I cannot remember , that I ever met with , in any part of Plato's Works , any particular express mention of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trinitie , in such a sense as Plotinus , and the rest of the New Platonists Philosophize thereon ; and therefore we have ground sufficient to conclude , that this Platonick Trinitie was traduced to these latter Platonists , not from Plato , but from Ammonius their more immediate Master , who had it from the Sacred Scriptures ; though conceling the same , and finding some imaginarie Conceptions thereof in Plato , he delivers it over to his Disciples as a Platonick Tradition . The like may be said of many other of those more refined , and raised Notions , which we find amongst the New Platonists , which were communicated to them by Ammonius under the forme of Platonick Derivations , though they were Originally Christian Traditions . 2. Whence followed another general Evil of this Concelement , which Ammonius made touching the Sacred Fountain of his choicest Notions ; namely , hereby Platonick Philosophie , being cloathed in the beautiful dresse of Divine Revelations , and Mysteries , grows more desirable in the eyes , not only of Pagans , but also of some carnal Christians , than her Mistress the Divine Scriptures , cloathed only in her own naked garb of Gospel simplicitie . And in truth , this Idolizing humour of crying up Platonick Philosophie , and making it equal to , if not above the Scripture , did not only diffuse it self amongst the Pagan Platonists , but had too great influence on many of those whom we count Christian Fathers , especially Origen ; and does continue to this very day among many Platonists , who finding many excellent Notions amongst those Alexandrine Platonists , Plotinus , &c. and some affinitie betwixt their Philosophick Contemplations , and Scripture Revelations , are very apt , at least in their inward esteem , to equalize , if not prefer their Platonick Philosophie to the Sacred Scriptures , as it has been excellently well observed by Learned Stilling fleet , Origin Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 3. § . 13. § . 18. We have shewen what are the general Evils , that attended this Platonick Reformation , begun by Ammonius in the Schole of Alexandria : we shall proceed to Particulars , with endeavours to demonstrate what sad Effects this mixture of Divine Revelation , with Platonick Philosophie , had both on Pagans , and Christians . First , as for Pagans , Plotinus , Amelius , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Hierocles , Syrianus , Proclus , Marinus , Damascius , and the rest of that Sacred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria , all the use they make of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius , is , First to enhance , and greaten the value of Platonick Philosophie . 2. To cast the greater slur , and contempt on the Christian Religion , and Scriptures , as wanting those Flourishes which their Philosophie was adorned withall . 3. Following Ammonius's steps , they pick out of the Christian Faith what ever might suit with their Platonick Contemplations , or any way serve their turnes : and to concele their stealth , they artificially disguise their stol'n Notions , by wrapping them up in a cloudie Symbolick Forme , after the Platonick mode ; as also by professing inveterate prejudices against , and opposition to the Christian Religion . 4. But the worst use they made of this their Platonick Reformation , was thereby to refine , and reforme their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Natural Theologie , commended to them by Pythagoras , and Plato ; especially their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Daemon Worship . For these New Platonists of the Alexandrine Schole , observing upon daylie contests with the Christians , many things in their Natural Theologie grosly absurd , and contradictorie to the remainders of Natures Light , they endeavour to remove these prejudices by some gradual refinement , or partial reformation of their Daemon-Worship , which carried in it the Spirit of their Natural Theologie . Hence they contract the infinitie of their fictitious Gods unto a small number ; asserting but one supreme God , whom they make to be the Sun ; which seemed to them the most glorious Being , and that which influenced all lower affairs , as it appears by Julian's Oration to the Sun. As for all other Gods , they esteemed them no other , than the Papists do their Saints , Daemons , or Mediators betwixt them , and the Supreme God , &c. Thus they pare off many luxuriant branches , which their Natural worship had in the course of time produced , and reduce it to a more natural , and as they conceive , rational account , and all this by virtue of that Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius , &c. § . 19. Neither did the noxious influences of this Platonick Reformation seize on Paganisme only , but also on the whole bodie , yea ( may we not say ) on the vitals of Christianitie . For Origen , Scholar to this famous Ammonius , though a professed Christian , yet he followes his Master's steps , in mixing Platonick Philosophie , and the Doctrines of the Gospel together , hoping thereby to gain credit to the Christian Religion , though indeed it proved only the sophistication thereof , and an effectual door to let in all the great errours , and Antichristian Abominations , which have layen in the bosome of the Church ever since . For so long as the Christian Religion kept her self in her own native beautie , and virgine Simplicitie , she was not troubled , with these great errours , which befell her upon this cursed mixture of Platonick Philosophie with Christianitie . Had these Christian Platonists Origen , and his followers , made it their designe to reduce their Platonick Notions unto , and reforme them by Scriptures , they might have proved useful ; but on the contrarie they rather affected to reduce the Scriptures , and make them stoop to Plato's Dogmes , and Schole , which proved a mighty honour , and emprovement to Platonisme , but a reproach , and corruption to Christianisme , of which see Stillingfleet's Orig. Sac. book 3. c. 3. sect . 13. The full demonstration hereof is a main subject of the following book , where we endeavour to prove , First that the great corruptions amongst the Fathers , had their original from this Platonick Schole at Alexandria , as Book 5. chap. 5. sect . 8. 2. That Samosetanus received his poison from Plotinus's Philosophizings in this Schole about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Arrius his . Book 5. chap. 5. sect . 9. 3. That all Pelagianisme had it's rise from this Schole . Book . 5. c. 5. § . 10. 4. That all Antichristianisme received it's rise from this Schole , as c. 6. 1. Monastick Life , and Institutes , as chap. 6. § . 1.15 . 2. All their Mystical Theologie Ib. 3. All Antichrists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Daemon , or Saint-worship . chap. 6. § . 4 , &c. 4. All Popish Abstinences , Satisfactions , Merits , &c. chap. 6. § . 16. 5. Purgatorie . chap. 6. § . 17. 6. All Papal Hierarchie had it's foundation here . chap. 6. § . 18. By all which we see , what cursed fruits followed this un-Christian design , of drawing the Christian Religion into one Systeme with Platonick Philosophie . CHAP. V. Plato's Pythagorick , and Socratick mode of Philosophizing , with the Original of both from the Jewish Church . Plato's Pythagorick , and Symbolick mode of Philosophizing : The advantages of Symbols , as well for the illustration of truth , as for the delighting of phansie , and fixing the memorie . The regular use of Symbols , not so much for pleasure , as truth . Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews . How far Plato affected the Socratick mode of Philosophizing , with his differen●e there-from . 1. Plato was more Dogmatick than Socrates . 2. Plato's mode of Dialogizing was more Symbolick , and Metaphorick than that of Socrates . Plato's mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues of Jewish original . Luke 5.21.22 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luke 6.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Luke 11.35 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to dispute by Questions . Luke 22.68 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if I propose any Arguments , &c. § . 1. HAving given some Historical account of the Platonists , both Old , and New , with the particular advantages they had to acquaint themselves with Jewish , and Christian Mysteries , we now proceed to the Essential parts of Platonick Philosophie , and their traduction from the sacred Scriptures . First , as for the Forme , or Mode of Plato's Philosophizings , it is partly Pythagorick , or Symbolick ; partly Socratick , with somewhat peculiar , and proper to himself : Of each distinctly . 1. That Plato abounded much in the Pythagorick , or Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , is evident to any , that is verst in his Philosophie . So Vossius de philos . sect . cap. 12. § . 16. . Plato according to the Pythagorean mode , very oft abounds in Symbolick Philosophie . The like Cael. Rodig . lib. 9. cap. 12. He is no Platonist , who thinks that Plato must not be understood Allegorically , unless he will with Aristotle triumph over Plato 's words , and not regard his profound sense . So Serranus on Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 symposium , or Dialogue of Love. It was ( saies he ) the mode of the Ancient Philosophers to represent Truth by certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Symbols , and hidden Images . That Plato followed these , is put beyond doubt by this his Symposiack Disputation , in which he makes express mention of Hesiod , and Homer , with whom we find the first true rudiments of Ancient Philosophie . And truly this mode of Philosophizing was accurately polished by the Pythagoreans , the whole of whose Philosophie was wrapped up in the covert of Symbols , or Allegories . The like he mentions in his Preface to Plato , where he also gives us the advantages of this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing . It was ( saies he ) the Ancient manner of Philosophers , to set forth Truth by Symbolick Images . That Plato followed this custome is no way to be doubted , whilst he discourseth of Learning received from them . Neither are there wanting reasons which encline unto such a method of teaching : For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such a Symbolick Image of things , is exceeding efficatious to strike mens minds , who are greatly moved with such Images . For seeing the truth of things lies wrapt up in much obscuritie , we more compendiously , and safely arrive unto it by such Corporeal gradations ; she lying couched under these shadows , does more powerfully insinuate into mens minds . Neither is there wanting pleasure ( the guide , and promotor of Disquisition ) in such Symbolick studies , and indagations . These Corporeal Images , and designations of things by their Notes , doe very much conduce in like manner to Memorie , which being excited by the Novitie , Beautie , and matter of admiration which it finds in these Symbols , receives a more deep , firme , and constant impression of these things wrapped up therein . The like he mentions again in Plato's Symposium , fol. 167. shewing how this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Image-coyning Philosophie , leads men gradually , and sweetly , yet most powerfully towards the contemplation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First Being , &c. And indeed Plato himself gives us the best account of the many excellent advantages , which accrew by this Symbolick imitation , if duely regulated , and managed : so Plato Phaedr . fol. 229. tells us , that under the covert of his Fables , Ttuth lay wrap'd up , and therefore we must not acquiesce in the Symbol , or Fable , but make enquirie after that truth , which lay hid under it . So in his Repub. 6. fol. 510. Plato , admonisheth us so to read his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Allegorick Images , as not to terminate in the Images themselves , but to penetrate unto the things couched under , and represented by these Symbolick Images . But more fully in his Repub. 10. fol. 598 , &c. he acquaints us that this his ●ymbolick imitation did only represent the Image , or Shadow of the thing which is far remote from the truth , as a Limner gives the Picture of a man ; and therefore he , that would get the true knowledge of the thing , must not acquiesce in the Symbolick Image , but search after the thing it self . The same he inculcates often ; as in his de Legib. 2. fol. 669. where he laies down , and insists much upon , this general Principle , that in such Symbolick Imitations , Truth , not pleasure , or delight must be the measure of our disquisitions , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , All Imitation must be judged not by pleasure , or opinion , but by Truth . So in his de Legib. 5. as elsewhere , &c. § . 2. That Plato , as Pythagoras before him , traduced this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jewish Church originally , is a general presumpion of the Learned . So Serranus , in his Preface to Plato's Images , addes : All which Plato uttered not from himself , or his own humane reason , but from the more happie doctrine of Moses , and of the Prophets , &c. And more particularly he concludes thus ; That Plato drew these Symbols from the doctrine of the Jews , i. e. from Moses , and the Prophets , all Antiquitie of Christian Doctors hath judged . But that he absteined industriously from nameing the Jews , because their name was odious among other Nations . Although he sometimes makes mention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a Syrian , and Phenician fable , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an ineffectual Mysterie , to shew , that he designed not the Egyptians only , but also their neighbours the Jews . Truely Plato might , when he was in Egypt , have conversation with the Jews , of whom there were great numbers in Egypt after their dissipation , and transmigration - . Lastly , whereas in those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ineffable Mysteries he recites , there lies some footsteps of truth mixt with many trifles , who would not judge , he derived them immediately from the Egyptians rather than from the Jewish Monuments ? But that the Egyptians retained many things received by tradition from the Patriarchs , Moses's most ancient Historie demonstrates . Neither is it to be doubted , but that they drew many things also from the clear fountains of the Sacred Bible , which yet they Contaminated with their own muddie mixtures . Hence Plato acquired the name of the Allegorick Philosopher , because he used that peculiar way of teaching by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Symbols , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idols , and from their more abstruse doctrine asserts many Paradoxes . Thus Serranus : wherein he fully grants , that Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing came originally from the Jews , though immediately from the Egyptians . And the reason he gives , why Plato could not derive them immediately from the Jews , is because the Scriptures were not translated into Greek 'till after Alexander's time . But this being granted ( which Lud. Vives denies ) why might not Plato by reason of his skill in the Egyptian , and Phenician tongues understand the Scriptures , as well as the Egyptians ? or else might he not understand them by an Interpreter , as Austin seems to grant , as before chap. 3. § . 4. That Plato , as Pythagoras , received this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Oriental parts , is well observed by Cudworth , Union of Christ pag. 28. The Oriental Nations were wont to couch their greatest Mysteries , and pieces of Wisdom , which they conveighed by tradition one to the other , in the covert of some Fables , & thence Pythagoras , & Plato afterward brought that manner of Philosophizing into Europe , &c. And the same Cudworth elsewhere gives some particular Fables , which Plato traduced from the Jews , as that of his Androgynon , or Conjunction of man and woman , as one flesh , which he makes to be but an imitation of Eve's being taken out of Adam's side , and joyned to him in Marriage , &c. Yea Serranus is enclined to think that Plato's whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Love Dialogue , was but an imitation of Solomons's Song . So Serranus on Plato's Symposium fol. 176. Hence ( saies he ) as the holie Writer had his Epithalamium , namely his Canticles , so Plato his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Love Dialogue , not that I would seem willing to compare Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Love Songs with Sacred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Love Songs , but I am only willing to shew , that this manner of Teaching things otherwise true , and certain by Symbols , and Mysteries , was not unusual , &c. See more of this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , and it's traduction from the Jewish Church , Book 2. chap. 9. § . 2. touching Pythagoras's Symbolick Philosophie , &c. Only there lay this difference betwixt Pythagoras and Plato , as to their use of Symbols . Pythagoras's Symbols were for the most part Enigmatical , answerable to the Egyptian Hierogliphicks , and the Jewish Enigmes , or Riddles : But Plato's Symbols are not so Enigmatick , and obscure as those of Pythagoras ; but only Metaphorick , and Allegorick , answerable to the Jewish Types , and Parables . See more of this difference Book 2. chap. 2. § . 6 , 7. § . 3. Plato abounds also much , yea mostly in the Socratick mode of Philosophizing . So August . de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. And because Plato loved his Master Socrates with such a singular affection , he brings him in speaking almost in all his Discourses : yea those very things , which he had learnt from others , or had acquired by his own intelligence , he tempers with , or wraps up under his Master Socrates's Ironick mode , &c. Thus Austin ; and more particularly , some few lines after he addes ; And seeing he affects an observation of his Master Socrates's known mode of dissembling his own knowledge , and opinion , because this manner pleased him so much , hence it comes to passe , that it is very difficult to perceive Plato's opinion even concerning the most Weightie matters . Touching Socrates's Dissimulation in conceleing his own sentiments , without positive affirmation , or Negation , under pretence of knowing nothing , thereby to draw forth ( in an inductive way ) and to confute the opinions of his oponents , see what precedeth touching the Socratick Philosophie , chap. 1. § . 6. This Mode of Discourse Plato very much affected , as it appears in his Dialogues , where he brings in Socrates discoursing after his o●n forme , yet not without a considerable difference from , or superaddition to his Masters Method : For first Socrates in his own Schole very seldome , or never asserts any thing Dogmatically ; but under a modest pretension of ignorance he conceles his own judgment , with endeavours to evince , and confirme the Hypotheses he designes to prove from the concessions of his Opponents , which he draws forth by a powerful Induction . Hence Arcesilas the founder of the New Academie defends his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Authoritie of Socrates , as before chap. 4. § . 2. But now Plato , though he allowed in many natural , and abstruse Questions , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension , and thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a probationarie mode of disputing pro , & con . yet he greatly asserted some things , and strongly proved others , as necessarily true ; whence the New Academicks , and the Scepticks ever reputed Plato , and his Successors of the old Academie , as Dogmatists , as before chap. 4. § . 1 , 2. Yea Ammonius on Aristot. Categor . tells us , that Plato himself confuted this Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that , which was most irrational , and absurd : of which else where . Secondly , Socrates's mode of Philosophizing was more plain , and familiar . 'T is true , it had much of Ironie mixed with it , especially as to moral conversation , yet it did not render it cloudie , and obscure . But now Plato , though he imitates his Master in Dialogizing , yet he mixeth therewith so many dark Symbols and Poetick Metaphors , as that he seems to act the part of a Poet , or Orator , rather than of a Philosopher . 'T is confest , such Poetick , and Metaphorick flourishes , wherewith Plato's Dialogues so much abound , are extream useful to illustrate , and brighten Truth , yet it cannot be denyed but that Aristotle's Syllogistick , naked , and closer mode of Disputing more conduceth to the Conviction , and Demonstration of Truth . Whence that old saying , Plato Teacheth , and Aristotle Proves . Hence also the Greeks usually stiled Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Divine , and Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Daemon . And they say , if Jupiter had been minded to discourse in Greek , he would have used Plato's tongue ; so eloquently , and floridly is he conceived to have Philosophized . Yet learned Vossius de philos . sect . cap. 12. § . 15. gives him this dash . Mean while ( saies he ) the discourse of Plato is lesse proper for Philosophie , For he fails in this ( some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must pardon me ) that he much delights in Metaphors , and those not beseeming , but presumptuous , and altogether Poetical , whereas a discourse more proper , or Metaphors more received , and common , agree better with Philosophie , &c. But to give a just Character of Plato's mode of Philosophizing . It 's evident , he had a most prodigious , and luxuriant Phansie , which could not confine it self to the severe Rules of artificial Logick , and method ; neither indeed was it the mode , or fashion of those times to dispute in Mode , and Figure ; for this Forme of Syllogizing owes it's original to his Scholar Aristotle , that great artificial Methodist . Before Aristotle , the great Logicians were those of the Eleatick Schole , Zeno the Eleatick , and his successors , whose mode of Disputing was by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Answers , as it is evident by the Dialogues , which Zeno the Eleatick writ . This mode of Disputing was followed by Plato ( who derived much of his Logick from the Eleatick Schole ) only to render his Philosophie more Beautiful , and grateful , he clotheth her after the Oriental fashion , with many Metaphorick Images , and Symbolick shaddows . For that this Symbolick way of Philosophizing was most in fashion amongst all the Oriental Philosophers , especially the Jews , Egyptians , and Phenicians has been before proved . This garbe Plato ( as Pythagoras ) most affected , as that , which suited best with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Pregnant Mimetick Phancie , which greatly recreated it self in those Jewish Mysteries , he had gleaned up in his Oriental travels , but not throughly understanding the same , he wraps them up under Symbolick , and Metaphorick shadows , thereby to render them more intelligible , and delightful . That , which made Aristotle reject this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , was the humour of rejecting all Oriental Jewish Traditions , which his discursive reason could not comprehend . To conclude , we have a full , though but brief Character of Plato's Philosophick mode given us by Jerom. lib. 1. advers . Jovin . where he stiles Plato's works Divine , Profound , yet not easily to be understood by Raw , young wits , &c. Though Plato's Mythologick , Symbolick , and Allegorick Images render his Notions to such , as do not understand them , more cloudie , and dark ; yet when they are understood , they give a very beautiful glosse , or amiable face unto Truth : answerable to Christ's Parables , which to the unbelieving Jews were but Riddles , yet as he explained them to his own Disciples , they were very lively , and significant . § . 4. That this Socratick , Platonick mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Answers was exactly the same with , and , as we may presume , originally from the Jewish mode of Ratiocination , is evident by what footsteps we find hereof in the sacred Scriptures , where we find the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frequently used to express the Jewish mode of Disputation : so Luke 5. 21. Luke ( who was exactly skilled in the Greek Dialect ) expresseth the Scribes , and Pharisees their disputings against Christ by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Dialogize , or to reason by Interrogations , and Answers . So agen v. 22. 'T is said that Jesus knowing their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reasonings by Dialogues , he said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , why doe you Dialogize , or reason by Dialogues , &c. The like we find Luke 6.8 . He knew that thoughts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their reasonings , or conferences , &c. We might produce Multitudes of Scriptures of the same import , which clearly discover , that the Jewish mode of Disputing was by Dialogues , or by Interrogations , and Answers . This is farther confirmed , not only from the import of words , but also from the thing it self . For we find those Disputes which were betwixt Christ , and the Jewish Doctors , to be carryed on by way of Dialogue , or conference , by questions , and replies . So in that famous Disputation betwixt Christ , and the Pharisees , Luke 11.53 . 't is said the Scribes and Pharisees began to urge him vehemently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. to urge him vehemently for an extemporarie replie to their interrogations . Thence it follows [ and to provoke him to speak . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This word , saies Grotius , is one of those wherein Luke discovers his intimate skill in the Greek : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word evidently taken from the Scholes , where the Masters mere wont to place their riper Disciples over the younger , that so the former might pose the latter by Interrogations , which was stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Therefore Luke does Learnedly use this word to shew , that the Pharisees used all endeavours to draw from Christ's Mouth many replies . The Syriack does rightly express the sense by a word that signifies to Ensnare , and the Arabick by a word that imports to make one Dispute . What they designed thereby is evident by what follows , verse 54. Laying wait for him , and seeking to catch ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) something out of his mouth . By which it 's apparent , this their dispute was managed by Interrogations . So agen Luke 22.68 . saies Christ , If I ask you , &c , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which Grotius renders [ If I propose any argument ] For ( addes he ) the Hebrews , as well as the Greeks , were wont to dispute by Interrogations . But more of this , when we come to Plato's Logick . CHAP. VI. The several Distributions of Platonick Philosophie . Platonick Philosophie , as to it's Matter distributed into 1. Pythagorick . 2. Heraclitick . 3. Socratick . 2. Into Contemplative , and Active . 3. Into Moral , Natural , and Rational . 4. Into Theoretick , and Practick . This distribution suits not with Plato's Philosophie . 5. The Adequate division of Platonick Philosophie , 1. Into Organical , which is Logick , and 2. Essential , which is 1. Natural , wherein is comprized 1. Physicks , both Contemplative , and Active , and 2. Mathematicks . 2. Moral , which is either Ethick , Oeconomick , or 3. Politick . 3. Supernatural , or Theologick . § . 1. HAving discoursed of Plato's Forme , or Mode of Philosophizing ; we now proceed to the Matter of his Philosophie , with it's traduction from the Jewish Church , and sacred Scriptures . Plato's Philosophie , as to it's Matter in general , admits of sundrie distributions . 1. As to it 's Original , it was reduced by the Ancients unto the Pythagorick , Heraclitick , and Socratick . So Laertius in the Life of Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He mixed the Discourses , or Reasons of the Heracliticks , Pythagoricks , and Socraticks . For in sensibles he follows Heraclitus , in Intelligibles Pythagoras in Politicks , Socrates . 1. That Plato collected the choicest materials of his Philosophie , especially of his Theologie , out of the Pythagorean , has been before demonstrated chap. 3. sect . 3. where we have shewn , how he was instructed by Archytas the Tarentine , Timaeus the Locrian , Epicarmus , and other Pythagoreans , whilst he had his ●bo●e in Italie ; besides the Instructions he gain'd from Pythagorean Books . Aristotle in his Metaph. lib. 1. cap. 6. stiles the Platonick Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in many things conformable to the Pythagoreans . And Lud. Vives tells us , that the Platonists , as to Theologicks , doe generally Pythagorize . More particularly ; Plato Symbolizeth with , and therefore seems to have derived from Pythagoras these following Notions : namely , 1. That God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. according to his description , Gen. 3.14 . 2. That God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnitie , &c. 3. That God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One , and many ; One in Divine Essence , and many as to his Divine Ideas , or Decrees . 4. That all things are made , Governed , and Ordered by God. 5. Plato follow 's Pythagoras exactly , as to the constitution of Divine Worship , and its Regulation by the Divine Will , and Rites , against all Images , Superstition , or Will-worship . 6. Plato Symbolizeth with Pythagoras in Daemons , and Daemon-worship . 7. Plato held also with Pythagoras the Soul's Immortalitie , Metempsychosis , with other opinions , of which see Book 2. chap. 8. Now that all these Pythagorick Principles were of Jewish origination has been sufficiently proved . 2. As to Sensibles Plato is said to follow Heraclitus , whose Philosophie , as we may presume , he suckt in from Cratylus , Heraclitus's Disciple , whom Plato after Socrates's death heard . The maine Principles , that Plato imbibed from the Heraclitick Philosophie , referred to the first Principles of the Universe , especially touching Fire , which Heraclitus made to be the first great principle of all things : wherein Plato very far Symbolized with him , asserting , that the Heavens were Fire ; of which hereafter . Now that Heraclitus was ( according to Aristotle's Character of those Ancient Philosophers ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that greatly affected , and admired Oriental , Jewish Traditions , touching the first Origine of the Universe , is evident by what Plutarch in the Life of Coriolanus reports of him ; where , having discoursed of Gods Omnipotencie , and man 's Incredulitie thereof , he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Many of the Divine operations , or traditions , according to Heraclitus , flie from our notice by reason of unbelief . By which it seems evident , that Heraclitus had some notices of , and great reverence for the Oriental Jewish Traditions , which I suppose he received , if not immediately from these Oriental parts , or persons , from the Pythagoreans ; for he was but a branch of the Italick Sect , with whom he Symbolized in many principles , especially in that of Fire to be the great principle of all things : as before chap. 7. sect . 10.3 . Laertius tells us , that as to Politicks , Plato followed his Master Socrates . Apuleius de dogm . Plat. addes , that Plato received not only Moral , but also Rational Philosophie from Socrates's fountain . Yea Plato himself in his Dialogues , attributes unto Socrates some of his Natural Philosophie . By which it 's evident , that this Distribution of Plato's Philosophie is not to be taken strictly , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for it 's evident , that he received also from the Pythagoreans not only Theologick , but also some Politick , and Natural Principles , as his Communitie from the Pythagorean Schole ; his Notions about the Origine of the Universe from Timaeus Locrus , of which more hereafter . Yea in all these , both Sensibles , Intelligibles , and Morals , Plato received much emprovement from Egypt , &c. as before . § . 2. A Second Distribution of Platonick Philosophie is into Contemplative , and Active : so Austin de Civit. Dei. lib. 8. cap. 4. Therefore ( saies he ) seeing the studie of Wisdom consists in Action , and Contemplation , hence one part thereof may be said to be Active , the other Contemplative , whereof the Active appertains to the government of Life , i. e. the institution of Manners , but the Contemplative to the inspection of Natures causes , and the most sincere Truth . Socrates is reported to have excelled in the Active , but Pythagoras to have insisted , so far as his Intelligence would reach , on the Contemplative . Thence Plato joyning both together , is commended for having perfected Philosophie : thus Austin . Indeed this Division of Philosophie into Contemplative , and Active , seems to have had it's foundation in the Jewish Scholes under their Babylonian transmigration , especially amongst the Essenes , who seeme to bave been the first , that addicted themselves to Monastick life ( occasioned from their persecution ) which drew on this distribution of their life into Active , and Contemplative , whence Pythagoras traduced the same ; as before Book 2. chap. 6. § . 7.8 . Though we must confesse that none of the Ancients treat so fully , and distinctly of Contemplative , and Active Philosophie as Plato . So in his de Repub. 2. he distributes Discipline into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gymnastick , or Active , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musick , whereby he expresseth Contemplative Sciences . Under the Gymnastick , or Active Discipline he rangeth such virtues , as conduce to practice , or moralitie ; as Temperance , Fortitude , Justice , &c. Unto Musick , or Contemplative Discipline he reduceth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musical Theoretick virtues , which consist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Contemplation ; and the Queen of all he makes to be Religion , whence he calls the Contemplation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Idea of the chiefest good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the highest Discipline , &c. Philo Judaus that great Platonist discourseth at large partly on Jewish , partly on Platonick principles , touching Contemplative , and Active Philosophie : Aristotle also seems to approve of the same distribution , though under different termes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Practick , and Theoretick Philosophie . The Original of this distinction came from the different products , and objects of the one , and other , according to that famous Maxime , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Practick philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth . As for the subdivisions of this distribution , they are comprehended in what follows . § . 3. But the chief Distribution of Platonick Philosophie in regard of it's matter , is into Moral , Natural , and Rational : which also comprehends the foregoing , of Contemplative , and Active : so Austin de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4. Having spoken of Contemplative , and Active Philosophie . Thence ( saies he ) Plato by joyning both together , is said to have perfected Philosophie , which he distributes into three parts ; One Moral , which chiefly consists in action , another Natural , which is deputed to contemplation , and a third Rational , whereby Truth is differenced from falshood ; which though it be uncessary both for Contemplation , and Action , yet Contemplation chiefly appropriates to her self the consideration of Truth , wherefore this threefold partition of Philosophie is not contrarie to the foregoing , whereby it is distinguished into Contemplative , and Active : thus Austin . That this partition of Platonick Philosophie was of Jewish origination , is affirmed by Eusebius , l. praeparat . Evang. where he tells us , That this Section of Plato's Philosophie had it's derivation from the Hebrews ; for the proof whereof , he brings the opinion of Atticus a Philosopher , who opens this division more fully , and shews how Plato connected all the parts of Philosophie into one bodie , which lay before dispersed , like Pentheus's Members . For Thales , and his Disciples addicted themselves wholly to Physicks : the Six other Wise men to Ethicks , Zeno the Eleatick , and all his adherents , to Logick . Plato collected all these together , and brought forth to men a Philosophie not broken , but intire , and absolute . Whereunto accords Aristotle himself , lib. philos . Laertius in Plato . Philosophie in times past was employed only about Physicks : Socrates came , and added Ethicks ; Plato added a third part to Philosophie , namely Logick , whereby he gave a full consummation thereto . Apuleius ( in Dogmate Platonis ) speaking of Plato , saies , wherefore he exactly enquired into the inventions of Parmenides , and Zeno : thus he filled his Books with whatever was singular , and admirable , so that he was the first , who connected a threefold Philosophie , & shewed that these parts , so mutually necessarie each to other , did not only not differ amongst themselves , but also afforded mutual assistance each to other . Thus he ; as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 4. after him . This distribution of Plato's Philosophie seems very natural , and comprehensive of all parts of Philosophie , as it is easie to demonstrate : for Natural Philosophie takes in Physicks , and Mathematicks , ( or else we may reduce the Mathematicks to Rational Philosophie ) Moral Philosophie comprehends Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks , Rational Philosophie according to Plato takes in , not only Logick , but Metaphysicks , or the Contemplation of the first truth , and principle , &c. § . 4. Ammonius ( the Disciple of Proclus ) in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories pag. 11. distributes Philosophie in general into Organick , and Essential , or Principal . By Organick Philosophie , he understands Logick , or ( as he stiles it from the principal part ) Demonstration , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , , a Diacritick , or discretive Organ , whereby Truth is severed from Falshood in Contemplatives , and Good from Evil in Actives , As for the Essential , or principal Members of Philosophie , he divides it first into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theoretick , or Contemplative ; and Practick , or Active . Theoretick Philosophie he makes to be that , which regards Truth , and Falshood ; Practick that which considers Good , and Evil. 1. Theoretick Philosophie he subdivides into Physiologick , which is the Contemplation of Sensibles , not in their Individuals , but as they lye in their abstract specifick Idea , or univocal common nature , and principles . 2 Mathematick , which is the Contemplation of Sensibles in their Quantitie chiefly , and as abstracted from their Materialitie . 3. Theologick , which is the Contemplation of Beings Metaphysical , and purely abstracted from all Corporeitie , and Matter . 2. As for Practick , or Active Philosophie ; he subdivides it into , 1. Ethicks , which respects men in their single capacities , or personal Morals . 2. Oeconomicks , which respects mens Morals , as in Familie consociation , or capacitie . 3. Politicks , which considers men under Citie , or National confederation . This Distribution of Philosophie , though it seem more Comprehensive , and Artificial , yet it suits not so well with Plato's Philosophie , as the forementioned , but seems rather to be calculated for Aristotle's method as hereafter . For Plato though he makes use of this Distribution of Philosophie into Contemplative , and Active , yet he seems to make these members , thus distributed to be as Disparates only , not as diametrically opposites , i. e. he makes Contemplation though different from , yet not opposite unto Action . Yea following the designe of his Master Socrates ( of which before chap. 1. § . 5. ) he reduceth all Contemplative Sciences unto a subordination , and subserviencie unto Active : he accounts no speculation regular , but what ends in practice ; no Contemplation legitimate , but what ends in the admiration , affection , and imitation of God : whence he calls the knowledge of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme Discipline , and his Logick he stiles the Introduction of the Soul , from it's night ignorance to the knowledge of the first Being , as Repub. 7. Hence also he makes the end of his Philosophie to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assimilation to God , so far as 't is possible : This he makes the Forme , Spirit , Soul , and Measure of his Philosophie , which ought to informe , and influence all matters , parts , and things , as the Soul the Bodie . So Ammonius in Arist . Cat. pag. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Matter of Philosophie is things , but the end is assimilation to God. By which it 's evident , that the common distribution of Philosophie into Theoretick , and Practick , as understood by Aristotle , and the Scholes for a division of the whole into opposite parts , is no way agreeable to Plato's Philosophie , who following Socrates herein , makes Contemplative Philosophie subservient unto Active , especially to Divine affection , and assimilation to God. And thus indeed Grotius in Epist . 16. ad Gallos pag. 39. giving his advice about the studie of Philosophie , addes this caution : Whereas Philosophie is divided into Contemplative , and Active , you ought chiefly to studie the latter ; and the former no farther than it subserves this latter . The common Instrument of both is Logick , with which you are to begin , &c. A Golden Rule indeed for young students . § . 5. Having laid down these Four Distributions of Philosophie , we shall take up the Fifth , which seems most Platonick , and native , as the frame of this discourse , yet not without some addition from the ●est , so far as it may conduce to our more methodical procedure . For whereas Plato seems to reduce the contemplation of God , &c. to Dialoctick , or Rational Philosophie , we shall give it a distinct place of it 's own , confining rational Philosophie unto Logick . And so Platonick Philosophie may be distributed into Organick , or Rational , and Essential , or Real . 1. Organick Philosophie is Logick , which Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dialoctick ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dialogize , which was his mode of disputing ) and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the manuduction of the Soul , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a way , or method , with other such expressions ; which supposes it to be a rational organ , or Key to all other parts of Philosophie , whence it is rightly stiled by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Logick , Diacritick , or discretive organ . 2. As for Essential , or Real Philosophie , it may be according to Plato's mind , distributed into Natural , Moral , and Supernatural . § . 6. As for Natural Philosophie , it either regards things Natural , as Natural , under that reduplication , or mode of consideration ; or else it regards things natural , as abstracted from their naturalitie , materialitie , or sensibilitie , with respect only to their Quantitie . 1. Natural Philosophie , that considers things Natural as natural , i. e. under that reduplication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or mode of considering , it may be subdivided into Contemplative , and Active . 1. Contemplative Natural Philosophie is commonly stiled in the Scholes Physicks , or Physiologie ( from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nature ) whereof they constitute two parts , one General , which treates of Natural Bodies in general , their first Principles , Affections , Generations , and Corruptions ▪ another particular ; which discourseth of particulars , as 1. touching the Heavens . 2. The Inferior World. 3. The Meteors . 4. Inanimates , as Minerals , &c. 5. Animates , or Vegetables , which have a growing Life , but no sense , as Plants , &c. 6. Animals , which have not only growth , but also Sense , and Motion , though without Reason . 7. The Rational Soul , and humane Bodie , their nature , parts , affections , and operations . There are the particulars which come under Contemplation in Physiologie . Though Plato seems to make the main of his Physicks to be no other than a Natural Historie of the Creation , or Origine of the Vniverse , as it appeareth by his Timaeus , which is the seat of his Physiological Philosophizings . As for the Humane Soul , that is reduced to his Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie . Active , or Operative Natural Philosophie ( which is the end of Contemplative ) refers either to Plants , and Animals , and thence is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agriculture , &c. or else to the Humane bodie , and so 't is stiled Medicine , whereof Plato does much Philosophize . 2. Natural Philosophie , as it considers Naturals , under an Abstraction from their Naturalitie , and Materialitie , with respect only to their Quantitie , is commonly stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mathematicks , which regard , 1. either the corporeitie , Dimensions , and Figures of Bodies , and so 't is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Geometrie , from the measuring of Grounds at first in Egypt : 2. or the description of Countries and Places , and so 't is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Geographie : 3. or the account of Numbers , and so 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arithmetick : 4. or the Situations , Constellations , Motions , Conjunctions , Influences , and Effects of Celestial Bodies ; and so they call it Astronomie , or Astrologie . 5. Opticks , which regards Vision . 6. Musick , which refers to sounds . 7. Navigation . 8. Tacticks , or Militarie Discipline . 9. Architecture , with other Mathematick Sciences : Plato studied the Mathematicks under Euclid , and Theodorus , &c. § . 7. Moral Philosophie respects Men : 1. in their individual , personal capacitie , in relation to their Morals , and so 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ethicks : or 2. it considers Men in their Familie - relation , and thence 't is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Oeconomicks : or 3. it refers to Mens Politick capacitie , as under civil combination , and confederation , and so they call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Politicks . Plato discourseth of each , but most largely of Politicks . § . 8. As for Supernatural Philosophie , commonly called Metaphysicks , or Natural Theologie , Plato abounds mostly herein . 1. He treats very Metaphysically of God , whom he termes , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. according to Exod. 3.14 . 2. He asserts also the Unitie , Simplicitie , and Immutabilitie of God. 3. He proves likewise the Eternitie of God from this , that he was the first Principle of all things . 4. He demonstrates the All-sufficiencie of God from his being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. Whence also he stiles God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Superessential ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Infinite . 6. Hence also he demonstrates the Incomprehensibilitie , and Omnipresence of God. 7. He also clearly proves the Holynesse , Justice , and Faithfulnesse of God. 8. He makes some mention of God's Omnipotencie , as also of his Goodnes , &c. 9. He treats very largely , and Metaphysically of the Divine Ideas , and Decrees of God , with his prevision of all things resulting thence . 10. He discourseth very Divinely of God's production of , and Providence over all things ; as also of his particular regard to good Men. 2. Plato seems to have had very great notices of Religion , and Divine worship , according to the Scripture notion . He positively affirmes , 1. That the Divine Will ▪ and Pleasure , is the only rule and measure of Divine Worship . 2. Hence that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Worshiping of God accordingly is more acceptable to God than all the pompous inventions of Men , whereby the superstitious ( Heathen ) endeavoured to pacifie the angry Deitie . 3. That none can worship God aright but the pure , and holie . So in his Book de Legibus , Parmen . &c. 3. Plato Philosophizeth very Metaphysically of the humane Soul , its resemblance to God , immaterialitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , and perfection : likewise of its faculties , offices , objects , acts , &c. 4. Plato in like manner seems to discourse , though imperfectly , and under Symbolick Images , of the state of Innocencie ; the fall of Adam ; the restauration of Mankind by Daemon Mediators ; the infusion of Divine knowledge , and Grace , against Free-will , &c. 5. Yea , Plato seems to give some hints of the Divine Scriptures , which he expresseth by Divine Oracles , Enthusiasmes , Traditions . 6. Lastly , Plato is supposed also to discourse of the last Judgement , and future state , which he expresseth under Symbols . CHAP. VII . General Ideas of Platonick Philosophie , and Philosophers . Plato's Ideas of Natural Philosophie . 1. It s Genus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. The object 1. Complex Science . 1. Intelligence , 2. Science , 3. Faith , 4. Imitation . 2 Simple . 3. The Act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. The End , Truth . 2. Of Moral Philosophie . 1. It s Genus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which connotes Prudence : wherein consider , its Objects , Offices , and Acts , which are , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dexteritie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sagacitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. The subject of Moral Prudence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and particularly the Conscience : Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Law of Conscience . 1. In the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a seat of Principles . 2. In Syneidesis , which is a reflective Light , and springs from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensation . 3. The Rule of Moral Prudence is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is either subjective , or objective , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what Rom. 2.14 , 15. James ● . 8 . 3. Plato's Idea of Divine Philosophie , in the contemplation of God , &c. which he stiles , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which is , 1. The supreme , 2. most ravishing , 3. genuine , 4. affective , 5. transformative . Characters of a Philosopher . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. good institution , 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 4. devotion to Philosophie , 5. Liberal . 6. Musick , &c. § . 1. BEfore we enter upon the Severals of Platonick Philosophie , we shall give some general Characters of Philosophie , and Philosophers , according to what we find laid down in Plato . Philosophie , according to Plato's mind , has not one and the same Idea , but may be distributed according to its object into Natural , Moral , and Divine . The Idea of Natural Philosophie , is thus given us in the Platonick Definitions : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophie is the appetition of the Science of Beings always the same , Theoretick ( or contemplative ) of Truth , as Truth . In which Definition we find as Considerables , a Generick Notion , an object , a Specifick Act , and a Terme , or End. 1. The Generick notion of Philosophie is an appetition , &c. and so much the very Notion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imports ; as also that other Terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby Plato expresseth it . This Plato in his Parmen . stiles a Divine impetus , or impulse , towards the studie of Sciences , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · There is a beautiful , and Divine impulse , by which men are impelled towards reasonings . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , appetition , is well defined by Simplicius , in Epict. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the extension of the Soul towards its object desired ; which , as applyed to our present purpose , implies the natural inclination of the mind to knowledge . For the mind , as 't is observed , has it's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , extension , or inclination to its object , as well as the Will : Yea , as Aquinas notes , every Forme has some inclination appendent to it ; and by how much the more perfect the Forme is , by so much the more impetuous , and strong is the inclination : whence the mind , which is a Rational Forme , must needs have a very strong impulse , or inclination to its object , which is the knowledge of things . § . 2. The object of this appetition appendent to Philosophie , is [ the Science , or knowledge of things always the same ] wherein we have somewhat complex , or notional ; and somewhat simple , and real . The complex notional object of Philosophie , and its appetition , is expressed in that notion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of Science , or Knowledge . Now the Sciences , which Philosophie is conversant about , are either contemplative , or active . So Plato acquaints us , that the mind's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefest incorruptible beautie consists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Theorie , and Practice , Theoretick , or contemplative Sciences are such , as properly refer to Truth : whereof Plato , de Repub. 6. fol. 511. gives us these four Species , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And take from me these four affections in the Soul : give to Intelligence the supreme place : the second to Discourse or Science ( properly so termed ) the third to Faith : and the last to Imitation . 1. The first piece of Knowledge Plato here mentions , is Intelligence , which in the Platonick Definitions is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the beginning of Science , i. e. ( as Aristotle interprets his Master's mind ) The Knowledge of first Principles : These first Principles are called by Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hypotheses , which he makes to be certain indemonstrable Principles , on which Sciences are founded : So in Platon : desini● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . An Hypothesis is an indemonstrable Principle , or the summe of an argument , i. e. it is a first Principle , which gives evidence to all following Conclusions , but receives evidence from none , being in its self most evident , &c. 2. Next after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to Plato's order , follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Discourse , or Science , properly so called , which he thus describes , de Repub. 6. fol. 510. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Science is that , which proceeds from simple Principles , &c. Plato here makes Science , or Discourse , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Demonstrative Philosophie , which proceeds from firme , and immobile Principles , to the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indemonstrable principle , which no way depends on the foregoing Hypotheses , &c. This is well explained by Johan . Grammaticus , in Arist . Anim. proaem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Discourse is a progress from Principles to Conclusions , whence the very name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , q. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , passing through the understanding . Then he gives us the office of this Discourse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By this Discourse our Soul is raised up to the contemplation of In●ligibles , which is the Souls perfection . 3. Next to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Plato adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Faith , which is an assent to a Conclusion upon the Testimonie , and Authoritie of some person ; whereby 't is differenced from the fore-going Science , which is an Assent to a Conclusion , as grounded on some certain immobile Principles . 4. Lastly , after Faith follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fantastick ▪ Imagination ( which elsewhere Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Imitation ) which is nothing else , but the lively representation of notions , or things , by sensible Formes , visible Images , or any other Symbolick shadows , whereof Plato discourseth at large in his de Repub . 6.510 , &c. also de Legib. 2. fol. 669 , &c. as elsewhere . But so much for the complex Object of Natural Philosophie . 2. As for its simple real Object , 't is expressed under the notion [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] of things always the same : whereby we must understand , 1. That Philosophie is employed not only about the shadows of things , but about the things themselves . This Plato every where inculcates ; namely , that the Object of true Philosophie , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which truely is : wherefore he stiles those , who are verst only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about that , which is not , or the shadows of things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , false Philosophers . 2. Whereas these real Beings , as the object of Philosophie are said to be [ always the same . ] Hereby we must understand them as existing in their specifick Nature , not as subsisting in their Individuals , for so they are variable . § . 3. Having finisht the Generick Notion , and Object of Philosophie , we now proceed to its Specifick Act , expressed under the notion [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Theoretick , or Contemplative : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to contemplate , according to its native origination , imports steadfastly to behold . Plato discourseth very much of Contemplation , which he makes to be the proper Motion , as Truth is the proper food of the Soul : so in his de Repub. 2. he divides Disciplines into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gymnastick , or Active ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Musical , or Contemplative . These Musical Disciplines , he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theoretick , whereof he makes Religion the head ; whence he affirmes , that the Contemplation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the chiefest Idea of Good is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme Discipline . Agen he tells us , that God is the first Beautie , the Contemplation whereof makes us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , friends to God. Yea , he saies , that by Contemplation a man makes God familiar to , and in-dwelling in him . And lastly , he saies , the best Exemplar of Contemplation is in Heaven . As for the Qualities of this Contemplation , it must be according to Plato's Doctrine , and mind . 1. Congenial , and Natural , not forced , or strained : whence he stiles a Philosopher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one akin to Truth : for ( saith he ) as there is in our Eyes a congenial kind of cognation , or similitude to the Light , which renders the Contemplation thereof very pleasing ; so 'twixt the Mind , and Truth , &c. 2. This Contemplation of Truth must be distinct , and evident : so in his Rep. 6. fol. 504. Plato tells us , that a dark adumbration of things may not suffice , but there must be a perfect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or exact Forme , and Image of the thing impressed on the mind . 3. This Contemplation must be firme , and stedfast . This follows upon the former : for what is pleasing , and distinct , is not soon worn off . Thence , saies Plato , Rep. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Science forced upon the Soul is no way permanent . Hence also in his Meno , fol. 98. Plato makes this difference 'twixt Scientifick , and Opinionative Contemplation ; that the former is fixed , and permanent , whereas the later is only fluid , and transient . Fourthly , This Contemplation must be intuitive , and not only abstractive , i. e. a true Philosopher contemplates the things themselves in their proper existences , not only their abstract Species , Formes , or Images . § . 4. As for the terme , end , and effect of this Contemplation , it is Truth , as Truth [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] under that reduplication whereby 't is differenced from active Philosophie , which also contemplateth Truth , yet not as Truth , but as conducing to Action . That the great scope and designe of Philosophie is to discover , and contemplate Truth , is evident from the whole of Plato's Philosophizings . So in his de Repub. 6. fol. 490. Plato tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Truth the mind truly lives , and is nourished : whence he calls Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a love of Truth ; and a Philosopher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a friend and kinsman of Truth : also he makes this the main office of a Philosopher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to serve Truth . Hence also Plato Timaeus , fol. 9. calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Philomathist , or Philosopher , one that burnes with impetuous desire after Truth , having this pettie god indwelling in him , which renders him happie . Whence he concludes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The universal Medicine of every thing is only this , to render to all their proper foods , and motions : the proper food and motion of the soul , whereby it most resembles the Divine Being , is the contemplation of Truth , &c. This ( addes he ) we lost in our Head ( I suppose he means Adam ) but we have it restored by Intelligence , or Divine Wisdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to our old nature . Yea Plato ( de Repub. 5. fol. 475. affirmes , that those only are true Philosophers , who are versed about the contemplation of the highest Truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thence he makes the mind to labour under an infinite thirst after Truth , which is never satisfied till it arrive to the contemplation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of very Being , or the supreme Truth : as in his Phaedr . fol. 251. and in his Sympos . fol. 206 , &c. Thus much for the Definition of Philosophie , as it regards natural contemplative Sciences . § . 5. We find another Idea of Philosophie , as it relates to Morals , and active Sciences in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 414. thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philosophie is a prudent , or studious consideration of the Soul according to right reason : wherein we may consider . 1. The Genus . 2. The Subject . 3. The Measure , or Rule . 1. The Genus in this Platonick Definition of Moral Philosophie , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a prudent Inspection , studious Consideration , or sollicitous Care , commonly stiled by Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prudence , or Moral Wisdom , which we have thus copiously described in the Platonick Definitions : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · Prudence is a facultie of it self effective of humane happines . Wherein we have , 1. The Specifick reason , whereby it is differenced from Contemplative Science , expressed by that notion Effective . 2. It s Vltimate End , which is to make men happie . Again , Prudence is defined in the same Platonick Definitions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Science of Good , and Evil. Agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Disposition whereby we judge what is to be done , and what is not to be done . In all which Definitions laid together , we have these Considerables . 1. The Vltimate End , and supreme object of moral Prudence , or Philosophie , namely humane Happines , which is the measure of all moral Acts , and the first thing treated of in moral Philosophie , according to that of Aquinas : The end of moral Virtues , is the chief principle of Prudence , as Luke 10.41 . 2. We have here the intermediate Objects of moral Prudence , which are in general all Agibles , or Practicables ; that is , 1. Singulars . 2. Things present . 3. Things in our power . 4. Things good , or evil . 5. The subjects of good , and evil ; the Affections . 3. Here is also considerable the proper Exercises , or Offices of Prudence , which are according to Plato ( in his Charm. ) 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to do what belongs unto us . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to understand a mans self . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to use all things well , i. e. with respect to our supreme end . 4. Rightly to distinguish 'twixt good and evil . 5. To conserve the rectitude of the will. 6. To moderate the Affections . 7. To governe the whole Life . 4. This moral Prudence may be considered in its Integrals , which are according to the Platonick account three ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Providence , which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 414. is thus described , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Providence is a preparation ( or provision ) for somewhat future : which implies , 1. An universal Comprehension of all Circumstances , means , difficulties , encouragements , which may make for , or against our End. 2. Serious consultation about , and prudent determination of what is to be done . 3. Prudent precaution of what may impede , &c. this is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caution , according to that of the Stoicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a wise man ought never to fear , but always to use caution , &c. 2. Another part of moral Prudence , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dexteritie , or sagacitie in judging things , which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 413. is thus defined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , facilitie of judgement is a connate abilitie of reasoning , or discerning . And Plato , de Repub. 4. fol. 428. saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , facilitie of judgement is certainly some kind of Science , &c. This perspicacitie of finding out things , Plato makes to be an excellent kind of Prudence , or a natural Invention , which directs the Reason to find out things wrapt up in Nature : which he elsewhere calls a sagacitie of Nature : so in his Epino . fol. 976. There remains ( saies Plato ) a marvellous facultie , whereby we easily , and expeditely learne any thing ; and having learnt it , can faithfully commend it to memorie , and , as occasion serves , by an happie celeritie recall it , which some call Wisdome , others good Nature ; but others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sagacitie of Nature . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or natural sagacitie , Plato makes to be the same with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good nature : So Plato , Defin fol 412. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sagacitie is a natural generositie of mind , whereby a person is enabled happily to conjecture what ought to be done : agen 't is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acumen of Judgement . This Natural Sagacitie , Plato Repub. 2. fol. 376. makes very essential to a Magistrate , in order to his more exact judging of persons , and things , and final decision of Controversies . Solomon we know was endowed with this Natural sagacitie , even to admiration ; which discovered it self in the decision of that arduous case between the two Harlots , 1 Kings 3.23 , 24 , &c. as also in resolving the Queen of Sheba's Questions , 2 Chron. 9 1. which kind of sagacitie Politicians call King-Craft . This Natural sagacitie is elsewhere stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a facilitie of Judgement , which in the Platon . Definit . fol. 414. is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good judgement apprehensive of what is most eligible . Agen , this Natural sagacitie passeth sometimes under the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is defined ( Platon . Defin. fol. 412. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an habit elective of what is best . One great office of this Natural sagacitie , consists in the knowledge of Men their several Humours , Inclinations , Designes , Interests , and Combinations , &c. 3. Another part of Moral Prudence is Experience , which Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and makes very essential to a true Philosopher . So Plato , Rep. 9. fol. 582. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The experienced person , endowed with Prudence , is the only true Philosopher : then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thence ( in the same Book , Rep. 9. ) he joyns Prudence , and Experience together with reason , which he makes the best Judges of humane Affairs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , We rightly judge by Experience joyned with Prudence , and Reason . And Plato in his Gorgias gives us the reason , why Experience is so essential to Prudence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Experience makes our life to passe away according to rules of Art , whereas inexperience makes us live casually . Then again ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , There are many Arts experimentally found out among men , from several Experiments , &c. And because Experimental Prudence is gained by sense , and sensible observation : thence Plato Timaeus , fol. 103. defineth it a subtiltie of sense , or good sensation of the Soul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Experience is indeed the main Seminarie of humane Prudence . 1. In that it furnisheth us with the choicest Observations of past and present times , whereby we are capacitated to make some prudent conjecture of what is likely to succeed . 2. Experience draws down general Rules , and Precepts of Wisdom , to particular , and proper use . 3. Experience gives men a more inward feeling , and lively apprehension of themselves , and others . Thence Plato makes this self-knowledge the highest piece of Prudence , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good sensation . 4. Experience does much greaten , and adde to the quantitie of our knowledge , by furnishing the mind with fresh Observations ; whence Plato brings in Solon speaking thus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The longer I live , the more I know , and teach . 5. Experience addes not only to the quantitie , but also to the qualitie of our knowledge , by rendring it more clear , and distinct . For experience reduceth particular Observations in themselves confused unto a regular Series , and Order , whence general Rules are framed , which makes our knowledge more distinct , and certain . 6. Experience greatly fixeth , and confirmeth our Notions of things . § . 6. Having finished the Generick Notion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which connotes Moral Prudence , we now proceed to the subject thereof , expressed in the Platonick Definition by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Soul : for indeed Moral Prudence moveth , and influenceth the whole Soul , and therefore it is not unjustly seated therein ; though the proper seat thereof be the Practick Judgement , which Divines terme Conscience , which is as a Pettie God , or God's Vice-gerent , and Vicar in the Soul , to command , or threaten ; to accuse , or excuse ; to justifie , or condemne . This Vicarious Divine office of Conscience , Plato seems to have had some Traditional Notices of , whence he termes Conscience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fame , and makes it to be a kind of Daemon , or Pettie God in Men. So Plato , de Leg. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Law of Fame partakes of a marvellous facultie , seeing no one durst to breath otherwise , than according to the Dictates of her Law. Serranus here acquaints us , that Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his Law of Fame , that Imperial power of Conscience well known to all ; which comprehends those common Principles , that God is to be feared , &c. This Law of Conscience he saies is unwritten , yet notwithstanding there is in all Mens minds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Sacred Law , whose force , and efficacie tames ev'ry Soul , and compels it by few to obey positive Laws . From the authoritie of this Law it is , as the Philosopher teacheth , that Men come to understand the difference of good , and evil . Again Serranus addes , Our Philosopher calls this Divine Law of Conscience , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Law of Fame ; and saies , that it is connate in all Men , it being a Science that teacheth the difference of good , and evil ; and the conservator , and vindictor of all Laws ; and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Praecursor of that most excellent Chorus of Virtues : whose admirable faculties , and actions , slow from no other Fountain , then the sparks of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. This Law , or Light of Conscience is twofold . 1. Habitual , which is called in the Scholes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Synteresis . 2. Actual , which is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Syneidesis . 1. The Synteresis , or habitual Light of Conscience , is defined in the Scholes a natural habit of active Principles . For as speculative Reason discourseth of Speculatives , so Practick Reason of Practicks : as therefore there are naturally implanted in us certain speculative Principles , which appertain to Intelligence , so also are there certain active Principles , which belong to that natural habit of Conscience , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Synteresis , as Aquinas , Part. 1. Q. 79. And this habitual Light , or Law of Conscience , is the same with Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Law of fame , which is elsewhere by him termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Right reason , as anon . 2. The Actual Light , or Law of Conscience called by the Ancients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is Conscience strictly taken . So So Aquinas part 1. Quaest .. 79. Art. 13. Conscience taken properly is not a power , but an Act , whereby we applie our Science to what we undertake ; which application is followed by Testification , or Ligation , or Excusation , and Accusation . By which it appears , that the proper office of this Syneidesis is self reflection , whence follows accusation , or excusation , &c. as Rom. 2.15 . And because this Reflexive Light of Conscience does necessarily suppose inward sense , hence 't is oft called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sensation , also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 synesis , or sensate judgment : So Aquinas , Synesis , or sensate judgment imports a right judgment about particular operables . So Plato in his Th●aet . makes all true Science to be a kind of Sensation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and more particularly ( in his Timaeus fol. 103 ) he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prudence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good sensation : which exactly answers to the Scripture Phraseologie , which sets forth this reflexive act of Conscience by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Phil. 1. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and thence Heb. 5.14 . we read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The life of the new Creature , as well as of the old , , consists in these self-reflective Acts of Conscience which spring from inward sense , and feeling . And Plato in his Alcibiad . fol. 133 , 134. tells us That he , that reflects upon himself , his own Soul , and Wisdom , thereby becomes as it were omniscient ; whereas they , who know not themselves , know not what is good , or evil for them , nor yet what belongs to themselves , or to other men : such therefore can never make good Politicians , or Oeconomicans , &c. In brief ; Self-reflexions , or our actions upon our selves , are of all the highest , and noblest , and those by which we live , and work as men , and perfect that part of the Soul called Conscience , which directs all we doe according to Right Reason , &c. Thus much for the Subject of Prudence . § . 7. As for the Measure , or rule of Moral Prudence , we find it expressed in the forementioned Platonick definition under this notion [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] according to right Reason . This Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is asserted in like manner by the Stoicks , and others ) right Reason is the same with the Light , or Law of Nature , which is twofold . 1. Subjective . 2. Objective . 1. As for Subjective Right reason , Light , or Law of Nature , it is no other , than those common Principles of Moralitie seated in that part of Conscience , which they call Synteresis , of which in the foregoing § . 6. This seminarie of engrafted active notions , or moral Principles is stiled by the Stoicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Common Law , also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right Reason , against which , say they , nothing is to be done ; As Diog. Laert. in Zeno. 't is termed by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Law of Being : so Plato Minos fol. 315. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] where saies Serranus , by this appellation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Plato understands the Eternal law of Nature , which amidst the various laws of Nations , and their vic●ssitudes continues uniforme , and the same ; and thence is truely termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Being ; therefore he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the right Reason of the Eternal Law : and because our actions are to be measured by the Rule of these common notions , therefore Plato names this Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Royal Law. So agen , Serranus in Plato de Legib. 8. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delineation of this Eternal Law is this . There is in the minds of all , as soon as they are borne , a certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacred Law. 2. He , that consecrates this law in his mind as a certain sacred , is thereby furnished with an excellent remedie aganst the insolence , and impotence of human lusts , as it was said of the Tyrant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These Active principles , contained in this internal law of conscience , are generally stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common notions : they were named by Zeno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Comprehensions , because they comprehended the first seeds , or principles of knowledge . Cicero tells us , that Epicurus called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Anticipations ( as he translates the word ) because they supposed a Previous formation of things in the soul . The Stoicks used the same terme likewise . Chrysippus defined this natural law , or conservatorie of common principles , a natural Intelligence of those things , which vniversally are . Cicero stiles these common notions , Inchoate Intelligences , of which see Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 8. cap. 7. The Scripture also stiles these Common principles fixed in Conscience , a Law ; so Rom. 2.14 , 15. where the Gentiles are said to be a Law to themselves , &c. And indeed these common seeds of natural light are a private Law , which God has deeply engraven on mens Consciences , and is vniversally extensive unto all , though with a latitude of degrees ; it being in some more , in some lesse , but in all in great measure obliterated , and defaced since the fall . It is also by Divines generally termed the Light , or Law of Nature , because it slows in , and with , and from Human Nature , either immediately , or mediately . 2. As for the Objective 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Right Reason ( which Plato seems to have had some traditional notices of ) it contains those broken traditions of the Moral Law , which were scattered up and down amongst the Gentiles . That Plato had received some fragments of Gods Law ; and that by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Right Reason , he does import the same , seems very probable , both from that expression in his Minos fol. 315. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Law of Being , i. e. of the first Being , as he usually stiles God : as also from that other expression of his , Minos 317 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Right Reason is the Royal Law , i. e. Gods Divine Law , which is so stiled Jam. 2 8. In this sense Right Reason may be said ( as the Scholes will have it ) to give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse morale , or moralitie to human Acts : so Stobaeus de Virtu Sera . fol. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Virtue is a conformitie according to Right Reason , and Sin is a transgression against Right Reason . Where by Right Reason we must understand not the subjective light , or Law of Conscience , which is imperfect , but the objective light of Nature comprized in the Moral Law. In this sense we must understand that Principle in the Scholes , that Right reason gives the esse morale to moral Beings . Thus much for the Platonick Definition of Philosophie relating to Morals . § . 8. But if we will have the Genius , and Spirit of Plato's Philosophie , it seems evidently resolved into the Contemplation , Affection , and Imitation of God : for saies Plato to Philosophize , is to know , to love , to imitate God. This affectionate active knowledge of God Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Idea of the chiefest Good , also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme Science : and more particularly he stiles it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the genuine Philosophie , which he thus describes , Plato Repub. 7. fol. 521. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The traduction of the soul from a kind of twilight ( or natural darknesse ) to the true knowledge of the first Being ( or God. ) This genuine Divine Philosophie Plato supposeth to be affective , effective , and transformative of the Soul into the image of God , which renders men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophilos , or friends to God , and so 't is opposed to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Je●ne , emptie Speculations , as also to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twilight Philosophie of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Divine Philosophie Plato sometimes stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dialectick , because it does by a Divine kind of Ratiocination , or Discourse reason men out of their dreaming ideas , or apprehensions into clear discoveries of God : So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 521. Plato tels , that those , who are bound in the chains of their native ignorance , contemplate only the shadows of things , whereas his Dialectick is a Science , that leads men from their night dreaming knowledge , to the contemplation of the First Being . Agen , Plato sometimes terms this his Divine Philosophie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intelligence . So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 513. he makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intelligence , to be the supreme Science , which is conversant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the First Being , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 namely from firme , and eternal principles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having banished the Ministrie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Idols , it quits not it's contemplation , until 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it graspe by its Intelligence the chiefest Good. Serranus on this place observes , that Plato makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intelligence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most perfect , and supreme Science , which is conversant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about Being it self , and all other Arts , even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Science it self , are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subservient thereto . Hence Definit . Platon . fol. 513. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intelligence is the Principle of Science . Agen , sometimes Plato makes his Divine Philosophie the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prudence ; so Plato Repub. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Art of Prudence has of all the most Divine nature , which never loseth it's efficacie . But the most proper notion , whereby Plato expresseth his Divine Philophie , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wisdome , which in the general is thus defined . Defin. Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wisdom is an indemonstrable Science : agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Science of things alwaies the same , and Lastly 't is desined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Theoretick Science of the causes of Beings , i. e. of God. And Plato treating of the One Infinite Being , tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He that once has tasted of this one Infinite Being , having got a Treasurie of Sapience , is filled with joy . Hence also de Rep. 5. fol. 475. Plato defines a Philosopher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that thirsts after Sapience , i. e. addes he , not of any particular , but of Vniversal Sapience , which he makes chiefly to consist in the Contemplation of God , which ( saies he Phileb . 16. ) gives light , and evidence to all other Arts , and Sciences . Agen , Plato termes his Divine Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the knowledge of the First Being , i. e. God , as he explains it , Thaeet . 176. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The knowledge of this first Being God is Sapience , and Virtue , &c. And he gives this reason why true Philosophie is most conversant about God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as very Being , because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which alwaies is , is alwaies most knowable ; and therefore addes he , they who contemplate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Many Beauties , but not this first Beautie , or supreme Being , they can be said only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to dream about all things , but to know nothing ; whereas a true Philosopher contemplates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first Being , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not by opinion only , as other Arts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but essentially ; that his Soul may be converted to , yea transformed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Idea of chiefest good . This Divine Wisdom , consisting in the contemplation of God , Plato calls , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supream Science . 2. Agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the best of all Exstacies . 3. Farther he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that genuine law , which leads the Soul to true Felicitie . 4. Agen , Plato Repub. 9. fol. 586 acquaints us , that this contemplation of God brings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the proper , best , and truest pleasures . 5. Lastly he affirmes , that this Divine Philosophie makes men not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophilos , lovers of God , but also one , and the same Idea with God so Rep. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Philosopher contemplating on this Divine Beautie , becomes , so far as man is capable , Divine , and Beautiful . And then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he becomes an imitator of , and alike to those things Divine . whence Ammonius in Arist . Categ . pag. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The matter of Philosophie is things , but the end is assimilation to God. § . 9. Having given some general account of Platonick Philosophie , in regard of its Natural , Moral , and Divine Idea's ; we now proceed to Plato's Character of a True Philosopher , his Qualities , and Offices . 1. Plato requires , that a Philosopher have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good natural ingenie , which in the Platonick Definitions is thus defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Good nature is a quicknesse in learning : agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a natural virtue , which is also stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a facilitie in learning , which is defined thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Plato Rep. 6. fol. 486. tells us , that a Philosopher must not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , un● but prompt to learn. This good natural ingenie , or promptitude of nature to learn , Plato makes to consist in a natural acumen , or sagacitie of judgment , & a good memorie . So Plato Epino . fol. 976. There remaines an admirable facultie , which some call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nature , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sapience , which consists in this , that a man learns with facilitie and expedition , faithfully committing to memorie what he has learned , and as occasion serves recalling it again with an happie promptitude ; all which some call wisdom , some nature , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sagacitie of nature . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sagacitie is defined , defin Plat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good nature of Soul , &c. also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acumen of judgment . And touching the pregnancie of memorie requisite to a Philosopher , Plato tells us , Repub. 6. fol. 547. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Plato requires in a Philosopher good Institution . So de Repub. 6. reckoning up the causes whence Philosophie comes to be corrupted , he mentions this as the maine , viz. evil Institution of youth For ( saith he ) by how much the more generous their naturals are , by so much the worse Philosophers are they , if ill instituted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may we not therefore say that the best natur'd Souls by reason of ill institution become most wicked ? 3. Plato will have his Philosopher to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philalethes , a lover of truth . So Rep. 6. fol. 485. This ( saith he ) is the nature of Philosophers , that they hate falshood , but love Truth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And it being natural to him that loves , to love all that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 akin , & proper to what he loves ; and because nothing is more proper to wisdom than Truth , it is therefore impossible , that the same should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Philosopher & yet a lover of falshood . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He therefore , who will be a true Philosopher , ought even from his youth greatly to thirst after all truth . And Plato in what precedes Rep. 6. fol. 484. limits this love of Truth to such Truths as are invariable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . True Philosophers are conversant about things alwaies the same . i. e. about first truths . whence Plato makes his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philalethia to consist not in any lower Acts , or Contemplations , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in Contemplating very Being , and the first Beautie . Thence , saies he , they who contemplate beautiful Pictures , and shadows of truth , but delight not in Beautie , and Truth it self , such are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of opinion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of pleasure , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pseudophilosophers , not true Philosophers . 4. Plato requires in a Philosopher , that he devote himself to the studie of Philosophie , so Rep. 6. fol. 485. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that wholly gives up himself to discipline , and is conversant about the pure pleasures of the soul , being abstracted from corporeal pleasures , he is truely a Philosopher , &c. 5. Another Character of a Philosopher is , that he be not covetous , &c. so Plato Rep. 6. fol. 485. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for addes he , when the affections are vehemently carryed to one thing , they are more infirme in other . 6. Plato will have his Philosopher to be of a Noble , not Sordid , Servile disposition : so Rep. 6. fol. 486. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Servilitie , and Sordidness is contrarie to the Soul , that would contemplate , &c. 7. Plato requires in a Philosopher Courage ; that he be not timorous , or fearful of Death , &c. so de Rep. 6. fol. 486. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Therefore this Philosopher must not count death terrible ; for a timorous , and servile nature never , as it seems , partakes of true Philosophie , whence Philosophie is made a Contemplation of Death . 8. Plato in the same place requires that a Philosopher be not morose unsociable , unjust , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 9. Plato will have his Philosopher to be a good Musician , of a Musical , Harmonious nature , thereby to allure men to the contemplation of the first Being , &c. so Rep. 6. fol. 486. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He must not be of an Immusical , in●e●ent nature , and he gives the reason because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Truth is akin to ●mmetrie ; whence he concludes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We seek for one , that is harmonious , and compleasant to win others to the contemplation of the first being . This he explaines more fully in his Timeus , fol. 104. where he makes Philosophie to be the Musick , and Harmonie of the soul , appointed by God for its emendation , which sweetly compels the irrational part to obey the rational , so that the affection ; neither move , nor stand still , but according to the dictates of reason , whence follows a Divine Chorus of Philosophie , and Virtues . Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the soul's traction , &c. 10. Lastly , Plato makes this an essential Character of a Philosopher , that he be Virtuous : so de Repub. 6. fol. 489 , &c. Plato examining the ground , why Philosophie proved so uselesse , and even ●nxious , resolves all into some defect , not of Philosophie , but of the Philosopher . Wherefore fol. 490. Plato requires , that a Philosopher be pious , and good : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Truth must first lead the way , which the Philosopher must follow step by step , till he arrive to goodness : for he that is vain , and futile can never be partaker of true Philosophie . Whence he addes ; that every one , who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a true Philosopher , must affectionately aspire to the knowledge of the first Being ; neither must he acquiesce in mere opinions , but with a courageous mind pursue truth it self ; neither must he desist from such a famous enterprize , until he has arrived to the same , &c. Whence he concludes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Truth leading the way , we cannot conceive , that the Chorus of evils will follow , but wholesome regular manners , &c. And fol. 492. he makes Virtue requisite to true Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( sc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whence he concludes , fol. 494. that there are very few , who are conversant in Philosophie , as they ought . CHAP. VIII . Of Plato's Logick , and it's derivation from the Jews . Plato's forme of Logick consisting in Dialogues : their use in the Eleatick Schole , but their original use amongst the Jews . Scripture Logick in Dialogizing , as in Job , the Prophets , Mark 8.11 . Luke 22.68 . Rom. 11.1 . Luke 11.53 , 54. Logick an Organ , or key to all Sciences . Plato's Logick precepts . 1. A Logicia● must be grave , and moderate , not contentious . Contentious Disputes the cause of Scepticisme . 2. The Matter of Disputes must be weighty . 3. To lay down good principles . 4. To proceed Methodically from particulars to generals , &c. 5. To illustrate by examples . 6. To distinguish duelie 'twixt Truth , and falshood . 7. To State will the affirmative . 8. Not to expect more exactnesse , than matters will bear . 9. To keep the Judgment free . 10. To make Reason , not Authoritie the measure of Truth . 11. Modestie , and Candor in Disputes . 12. In refuting Errors to reduce to absurditie . 13. To shew the rise of Error . Alcinous of Plato's Logick . § . 1. PHilosophie may be considered in it's Essential constitutive particulars ; or else in its introductorie universal Organ· The Introductorie universal organ , or key to all Philosophie is Logick ; which Plato makes much use of in all his Philosophizings , though not according to the mode , as now it is in use in our Scholes . For Plato imitating his master Socrates ; and those of the Eleatick Schole , Parmenides , and Zeno ( who are supposed to be the first Inventors of Logick ) affect a natural , plain , and familiar mode of Disputing by Dialogues , or Interrogations , and Responsions , much like the Scriptural , and Jewish way of Disputation . That the Mode , or Forme of Disputing in Plato's Academie , was not by way of Syllogisme ( which Aristotle brought in ) but by Interrogations , and Answers , is apparent to any vers'd in Plato's Philosophie , which is wrapt up in Dialogues beginning with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or such like Interrogations . This is farther evident from the Origination of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which Plato useth for the most part , if not altogether , to expresse Logick by ) Dialectick , which is apparently derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the primarie notation whereof is to Conferre , or Dispute by Dialogues , or Colloquies . Thus Alexander 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dialectick makes discourses consisting of Interrogations , and Responses : for from these it wholly derived it's name . So Laertius l. 3. saies , That a Dialogue is an Oration composed of Interrogation , and Responsion , concerning matters relating to Philosophie , or Republick Affairs . As for the Original of this Dialogizing Mode , 't is not certainly determined whence Plato had it . Some say he himself was the Author of it ; others derive it from Zeno the Eleatick , others from others . So Lud. Vives on August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 7. There are some , who refer this kind of Dialectick oration to Plato , as the Inventor thereof ; as Favorinus : others to Alexamenus Teius , as Aristotle : there are not wanting some , who refer it to Zeno the Eleatick . Truly it is evident , that Plato polished , and adorned this mode of Dialogizing ( or arguing by Dialogues ) which he fils with all kind of neatnesses , and learning , wherein if the artificial formules of Dialectick ( or Logick ) are not delivered , yet all the precepts of this Art are really expressed , as also the method , how to use them . Plato gives us Demonstration in his Timaeus : the specimens of Sophistrie are delivered in his Eutydemus ; whence Aristotle translated not a few of his Sophistick Elenches , or Fallacies : Plato's Socratick Induction is of all most potent , &c. Thus Lud. Vives : wherein he gives us a good account of Plato's Logick , and its original ; which as it seems most probable , was by him , or by his Master Socrates derived immediately from the Eleatick Schole , from Parmenides , and Zeno : for the same Lud. Vives ( in August . Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 4. ) tells us , that Plato diligently examined the Inventions of Parmenides , and Zeno the Eleaticks . And Aristotle in Sophista , as also Laertius in Zeno acquaints us , that Logick was first found out by Zeno the Eleatick . So Vossius de Histor . Graec. lib. 4. cap. 2. agen , Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. lib. 2. cap. 11. § . 2 , 3. And Hornius who succeeded him in his Professorship , agrees with him in his Opinion hereabout : Plato primus Dialogos introduxit non quod ipse primus invenerit , ( ante eum enim Zeno scripsit ) sed quod expoliverit . Hornius Histor . Philos . l. 7. c. 8. Dialogues are said to have been first introduced by Plato , not as if he had been the first Inventor of them ( for Zeno writ in that way before him ) but because he very much polished , and perfected that way of Arguing : to this purpose Hornius . But whence ever Plato derived this Dialogizing mode of Logick , that it came originally from the Jewish Church , and Sacred Scriptures , we shall endeavour to demonstrate both by Artificial , and Inartificial arguments . § . 2. First , Suppose we grant , that Plato , and Socrates received this forme of Dialogizing Logick from Parmenides , or Zeno the Eleatick ; yet that these had their choicest notions from the Jews , we have afore , in our discourse of the Eleatick Philosophie , endeavoured to prove : and particularly that Zeno the Eleatick ( who is supposed to be the Inventor of Dialectick Logick ) was originally of Tarsis , or as others of Sidon , and so a Phenician , and borderer on the Jews , &c. 2. But to come to Plato's own confession : In his Thaeetetus , fol. 210. Plato brings in Socrates stiling this Art of disputing by Dialogues a playing the Midwife : The true way of teaching ( saith he ) is by apt Interrogations , and Answers to bring forth the faetus , i. e. the sense of our minds into light : which is in regard of Discipline a commodious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obstetrication , or doing the office of a Midwife . This art of playing the Midwife , or Dialectick Logick , Socrates ( in the same place confesseth ) that he received from God , his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This Midwife art I , and my Mother received from God. i. e. the true God of Israel ( of whom he seems to have had some notices ) by some Jewish Tradition , as we may presume . 3. That this Platonick mode of Disputing by dialogues , or interrogations , and answers , exactly answers to ( and therefore as we may justly presume was derived from ) the Jewish mode of disputing , will be more than probable to such , as shall consider such disputes as are mentioned in Scripture . We find in the book of Job ( one of the most ancient pieces of Scripture ) several Disputes 'twixt Job , and his Friends carried on in a Dialectick mode , by questions , and answers . So in like manner , in the Prophets , God ( condescending to the Jewish manner of reasoning ) frequently argues , and debates matters with his people in a way of dialogue , or interrogation , &c. Yea this manner of disputing , or debating matters , continued amongst the Jews 'till our Saviour's time , as appears by his Disputes with the Jewish Doctors , Scribes , and Pharisees , as also their reasonings with him , which were for the most part , if not altogether , managed by questions , and answers ; not by Syllogismes . So Mark 8.11 . The Pharisees are said to dispute with Chri● : where Grotius on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observes , that the most ancient mode of Disputation was by Interrogations . Thus in like manner on Luke 22.68 . Grotius renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ if I shall propose any arguments . ] for addes he , the Hebrews , no lesse th●n the Grecians were wont to dispute by Interrogations . So agen , on Rom. 11.1 . He with whom Paul disputes proposeth a question , to which Paul a●swers , &c. as Grotius . So on Luke 11.53 , 54. Grotius observes , that the wo●d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken from the Scholes , & signifies to pose by questions , &c. as before in Socrates's mode of Philosophizing . Lastly , That the Ancients generally , before Aristotle , disputed by Interrogations is evident by what is observed by Aristotle in his Sophistick Elenches , where he makes mention of a Fallacie amongst the Ancients called a Fallacie of many Interrogations . By all ●hich it manifestly appears , that the mode of disputing amongst the An●ients , particularly in Plato's Schole , was by Interrogations , and Responsions , conformable unto , and therefore , as we may justly presume ▪ in derivation from the Jews their mode of ●ialogizing . Thus was Logick amongst the Ancients clothed in a more natural , familiar , simple dresse , suitable to things , without those cloudie Niceties , and dark crabbed Termes , which serve only to breed needlesse , and endlesse contentions , as it has been well observed by Jackson on the Scripture , fol. 57. as all the principal heads of the Grecian invention were derived for the most part from the Hebrews ; although by successive artificial imitation , their varietie grows greater , and their resemblance of Divine Truth lesse , so likewise were Logical conceits first clothed like Natures Children , &c. Thus much for the Forme of Plato's Logick , and it's cognation with that in use amongst the Jews . § . 3. We shall proceed to make a more particular distinct inquisition into Plato's Logick , which he makes to be a key , or induction to all Philosophie : so in Repub. lib. 7. fol. 518. Plato calls his Dialectick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an introductorie Art. So agen fol. 532. he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the way to other Sciences : & fol. 533. he stiles it a method , wherein by certain steps we at last ascend to the highest principles . Whence Plato makes his Dialectick but a gradation to his Metaphysicks , and therefore he oft confounds them , and mixeth them together in his Discourses . So in his Pa●menides , and Sophista he mixeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his Metaphysicks , and Dialectick discourses together , as 't is well observed by Lud. Vives ●n August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4 o. And herein Plato is follo●ed by his Scholar Aristotle , who calls his Logick also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Organ , or Instrument for the discoverie of other Sciences ; only with this difference , whereas Aristotle seems to make Logick an organ , but no part of Philosophie , Plato 〈◊〉 it to be both . So Ammonius on Aristotle's Categor . pag. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Amongst the ancient Philosophers , some made Logick to be a part of Philosophie as the whole Chorus of the Stoa : others made it an Organ , as all those of the Paripatum : but Plato makes Logick both a part , and organ of Philosophie , &c. The Ancients were wont to distribute their Sciences into three parts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Dogme , or Principle , the Method , the Praxis . The Method of all Sciences belongs to Logick , for so Aristotle , as well as Plato defines Logick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Method for the right disposing of every Probleme proposed : only Aristotle calls this Method 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syllogistick , whereas Plato makes it to be Dialectick . So then we may according to Plato's mind , define Logick , an organ , meanes , way , or method for the disquisition , and finding out of the Truth . This fully agrees with the definition Plato gives of a good Logician . Plat. Repub. 7 fol. 537. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou callest a Logician him who penetrates the essence of things . For a Logician is a very accurate Inquisitor , or Inspector . This being the nature of Logick , and office of a Logician to make a serious Inquisition into the nature of things , in order to the disquisition of Truth , we shall endeavour to pick up such Methodical precepts , and Rules as lye scattered here and there in Plato's Philosophie , and seem to comprize the chief of his Logick , or Method for the finding out of Truth . § . 4. First , as to the qualification of Logicians , and their regular procedure in Logical studies , and debates . Plato requireth , that a Logician be of a mature , and ripe judgment , moderate , and calme as to his passions , modest , candid , and ingenuous in all his disputes ; not vain glorious , not contentious , but grave , and moderate in the whole of his deportment . Thus Plato de Repub. 7. ( fol. 539. Edit . Stephan . ) That the miserable issue of vain contention may be avoided , be it provided that no one under 30 years of age shall taste of Dialectick Ratiocination ; and then not without great caution , and circumspection . Thus Plato ; who in what follows gives his reason of such his Institute : Because young men , when engaged in Dialetick disputes doe rather aime at Victorie , and vain glory , than the discoverie of Truth ; and thence abusing this Art of Logick unto needlesse contradictions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , using it alwaies for contradiction , they like young Puppies often overcome , and are oft overcome again , so long 'till at last they come to believe nothing at all . But ( addes Plato ) your grave person of mature judgment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. would not willingly be partaker of this madnesse , because in his disputing he seeks rather Truth , than Victorie , or Glorie , which is the proper effect of Childish Contentious Disputes . Agen he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Ancient Person is more moderate , or regular , and so adorneth his Province with gravitie , candor , and moderation , &c. Albeit Plato is thus severe against Contentious wrangling Logick , yet it cannot be denyed , but that there were , at least after his death , many vexatious questions , and contentious disputes in his Old Academie , which laid the foundation of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension of judgement in the New Academie . For we must remember there was allowed by Plato in his Academie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a peirastick , or probational mode of disputing : the Laws whereof allowed , that in some dubious points it was free for any to dispute pro , or contra , for , or against the position , and at last to leave it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , undefin'd , or undetermined . And that which gave an occasion to this Sceptick mode of disputing was this , that although Plato held some things certain , and infallibly true , which ought to be certainly assented to , as the Existence of God &c. yet he held also many other points , especially in Physicks , to be very dubious , and uncertain , wherein he presumed there might be a Libertie granted of disputing pro , or contra , without prejudice to Truth : whence sprang many contentious disputes , which at last determined in the New Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspension , or disbelief of every thing . So Serranus in his Preface to Plato : It is no way to be doubted , but that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and dubitations of the New Academicks were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and corruptions of the old opinion : for Plato in some Arguments disputes both waies , &c. And indeed nothing is more natural than that from disputes , & contentions pro , and contra , if not well mannag'd , Assent to Truth should be much weaken'd . This contentious kind of Logick made the Stoicks , & Cynicks ( 'twixt whom there was a great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or symbolization ) reject rational , & natural Philosophie , because it was man's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and chief end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live virtuously , as Diog. Laertius . § . 5. Secondly , Another Logick Precept laid down by Plato , is this ; That the matter of Logical discussions be weightie , and useful , not frivolous , or unnecessarie : So in his Phaedrus fol. 277. Plato compares a Logician to a skilful Seedsman , who soweth such Dialectick artificial notions , and discourses , as will bring forth the best fruit for use and advantage . This is the more diligently to be heeded , because in Dialectick Debates nothing is more easie to be found , than an occasion of disputing about Chimera's , &c. This Rule follows on the foregoing , and therefore needs not farther illustration . 3. A Third Rule given by Plato , in order to a Logical disquisition of Truth is that we be sure to lay down sound , and substantial Principles , as the foundation of all following discourse , and conclusions . Thus Plato in his Philebus , being about to dispute , he will have them first lay down by common consent some few foundation Principles : His own words are fol. 20. these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let us lay down a few confessed principles before us : and then addes the reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principles fairly granted are immoveable . So agen Plato in Cratylus fol. 436. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every man ought about the first Principle of any undertaking to discourse much , and to consider much whether it be rightly laid or not . This is of great moment , because according to that measure of strength , or weaknes which is in the Principles , such will be the strength , or weaknes of the Conclusions . Whence that old maxime quoted by Aristotle , The Principle is half the whole . i. e. Lay a good Principle , and your work is half done . The first Principle gives light to all following Principles , but receives none from them . 4. Rule for Dialectick discourse is this , That there be a methodick procedure from certain plain Hypotheses , or evident concessions , to those things , which are more general , obscure , and of an higher contemplation . Thus Plato Repub. 7. fol. 533. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where Plato makes Logick to be nothing else than a Method , whereby we proceed from some certain , and plain Hypotheses , by certain medium's or assents , to the highest , and first Principle , or Truth . This Method which Plato commends , whereby we proceed from the particular to the general , from the effect , to the cause , and from the end to the beginning , is usually stiled in the Scholes Analytick method , whereof ( as 't is said ) Plato was the first Inventor . Certainly such a procedure from effects to their causes , and from particulars to generals must be of great use for the discoverie of Truth . For there is nothing can be rightly known , 'till the first causes , whence it sprang , be made manifest . Particulars receive strength and certainty from generals , out of which they grow , and generals receive light , and evidence from particulars . In all parts of knowledge things most general are most firme , on which the certaintie of particulars depends . See les conferences par beaux Esprits . Tom. 1. Conf. 1. This also is commended by Ammonius in Arist . Categ . pag. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole , must exactly consider its parts . 5. Rule . Plato prescribeth the use of Examples , and clear illustrations , as necessarie in Logick discourse for the evidencing of Truth . So in his Politicus fol. 277. It is very hard ( saies he ) to demonstrate any thing , that is great , or transcendent without Examples : for every ones knowledge seems to be but dreaming : we are indeed ignorant of every thing . And Serranus on this place Comments thus , Plato wils , that in our inquisitions into the natures of things more obscure , we place before our understanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the exemplars , and adumbrations of things more known , thereby to make our investigation more facile , and speedie . Therefore in searching into the natures of great things we are to make use of the examples of the least things . Neither was this Plato's advice only , but his practice also . For none of the Ancients ( yea may not we say of the Moderns also ? ) may be compared with him as to the use of proper , and accurate examples , and instances for the illustration of Truth . Whence that Proverbial speech , Plato teacheth , Aristotle proveth : § . 6. Rule for Logical disquisitions is this ; 'To distinguish well betwixt Truth , and Falshood . So Plato in his Gorgias , fol. 507 tels us , that we must be exceeding exact in severing Truth from Falshood ; for the better performing whereof , he acquaints us ( Repub. 7. fol. 537. ) that a Logician must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an accurate Inquisitor : and elsewhere he laies down this as requisite for one , that would exactly difference Truth from Falshood , that he have Sagacitie , good Disposition , and libertie of Judgment . Calvin tells us , this is the best method for avoiding Errour , to consider well the danger imminent on both sides . And Beza in the life of Calvin gives him this Character : That amongst other excellent graces these Two shined most brightly in him ; viz. 1. A singular vivacitie to discover where the difficultie of matters lay : and 2. A marvellous dexteritie to couch his responses without losing one word . 7. Rule , In order to the right distinguishing 'twixt Truth and Falshood , it 's necessarie to state the affirmative well in some Theses , or Suppositions . So Plato tells us , 't is but one and the same labour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to establish the Truth , and revince the Errour : So agen , in his Sophist . Plato acquaints us , that he who will understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Negative , must well understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Affirmative . And the reason is evident : Because no Negative hath in it self the cause of it's Truth , but it is so by the Truth of the Affirmative ; neither was there ever any proposition false , but because some other was true : nor can the falsitie of the one be known , but by the Truth of the other . 8. Rule . In the Definition , or Description of things we may not expect more certainty , or exactnes than the matter affordeth , or requireth . So Plato ( in Critias , fol. 107. ) When Painters ( saith he ) endeavour to Limne forth to us Divine things , we find our selves abundantly satisfied , if they expresse but some small image of those things . So Arist . Ethick . lib. 1. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is the office of a learner to seek after so much exactnes in every kind , as the nature of the thing admits . For ( addes he ) you must not put an Orator to demonstrate by Logick , or a Mathematician to persuade by Oratorie , &c. in Divinis , & maximis minimum investigare maximum est , In great , and Divine matters to find out the least apex of Truth is of greatest moment : as Plato . It is a Ridiculous superstition ( saith Cunaeus ) to be alwaies sollicitous about definitions : for some things will not admit them . 9. Rule . In the examination of things there must be used Libertie of judgment , without partialitie or prejudice : So Plato de Repub . 6. fol. 494 , Truth is acquired by none 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but such as , give themselves up as slaves to be possessed thereby . Hence that great saying ; it becomes a searcher after Truth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sacrifice to Truth , not to be enslaved to an opinion . Whence Aristotle gives this good Character of a true Philosopher , That he must yeeld himself up a captive to Truth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the extirpation of his own Phaenomena . Libertie ( saith Cunaeus ) is an inestimable treasure , which some make to be the Soul of a true ●udgment . Indifferencie of judgment ( saith Mede ) without prejudice is sufficient to discover much Truth with little diligence , and without much Learning . but the miserie is , the world loves to be deceived , rather than to be taught ; addes another : and yet another , Cujus animo semel sedet pervicax opinio , definit res vere discernere , he , whose mind is prepossest with a pertinacious Opinion , ceaseth to be in a Capacitie for discerning of Truth . 10. Whence it follows , that the Authoritie of Persons is not so much to be valued , as the weight of their Reasons : So Plato Phaed. 91. brings in Socrates advising his friends Simia , and Cebes , not to give credit to him with the losse of Truth . But doe ye ( saith Socrates ) give credit to me only thus far , as to be sure ye make very much account of Truth , but very little of Socrates . Agen , Plato tells us , that a man is soon deceived by Authoritie of others : there is but one good Authoritie , and that is of Reason . 11. Disputes must be managed with Modestie , Candor , and Moderation . So Plato Protag . fol. 337. They must debate things with an amicable familiaritie : the opinions , and reasons of Adversaries must be related bona fide : neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must they rail , &c. There must be modestie used , which Plato defines thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a voluntarie yeelding to what is best . 12. For refuting Errors Plato gives this Rule ( Hippias , fol. 362. ) This is a commodious way of refelling Sophisters , to reduce them to absurd Consequences , whence the falsitie of their Antecedents will appear . 13. To which adde this . In confuting Errors , we must shew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first rise , and spring of the Error . § . 7. If any one expects , or desires a more artificial account of Plato's Dialectick , the best , that I have met with , is that of Alcinous ( a great Platonick Philosopher ) in his Institution to Plato's Doctrine , where having ( cap. 3. ) distributed Philosophie ( according to Plato's mind ) into Contemplative , Active , and Rational ; and ( cap. 4. ) explicated the foundation of Dialectick which has it's seat in Nature , he proceeds ( cap. 5. ) to discourse of the proper Elements of Dialectick , which he reduceth to these 5. heads ; Definition , Division , Analysis , or Method , Induction , or Dijudication , & Ratiocination . In the Elements of Dialectick ( saith Alcinous ) this was principally Plato's sentiment ; that Firstly the nature of every thing should be considered , and then it's Accidents . What the Nature of every thing is , he searcheth out either from Superiors , by Division , and Definition : or from Inferiors , by Analysis , or resolution . As for Accidents , which inhere in Essences , he seeks them out , either from the Contents by Induction , or from the Continents by Ratiocination . So that Dialectick Reasons are deservedly comprehended under Division , Definition , Analysis , Dijudication , and Raciocination . Division it is either the Distribution of the Genus into it's Species , or the Section of the whole into it's parts , or the partition of the word into it's significates . Agen , Division is either of the Accidents into their Subjects , or of the Subjects into their Accidents . The Division of Genus into it's Species is useful for the finding out the Nature of every thing , which belongs to Definition . Now Definition springs from Division thus . The Genus of the thing to be Defined must be taken , as Animal of Homo . Hence this Genus must be divided by it's next difference , 'till we descend to the Species . And then by adding the next difference to the Genus , the Definition of the Species is constituted , as Homo est Animal Rationale . Analysis has Three Species : the one whereby we ascend from Sensibles to first Intelligibles : another whereby we proceed from Demonstrates , and Sub-demonstrates to first Propositions , which want a Medium : the Third whereby we passe from a Supposition to those Principles , which are taken for granted , without a Supposition . The First kind of Analysis is thus exemplified : as when we passe from the beautie of the Bodie to that of the Mind : from this , to that which appears in men's Morals , or conversations ; and from this to that , which shines in Politick constitutions , and Administrations : from which at last we arrive to that immense Ocean of the first Beautie . See the other Two Species of Analysis in Alcinous . § . 8. Thence Alcinous proceeds to Induction which ( saies he ) is a rational procedure from Like to Like , or from Singulars to Vniversals . This is most advantageous to excite Notions implanted by Nature herself . As for that piece of Oration which we call Proposition , it has Two Species : the one is Affirmation , the other is Negation . In Affirmations , and Negations some are Universal , as All evil is base , &c. some are Particular , as Some pleasure is not good . Of Propositions some are Categorical , some Hypothetical , or conditionate . The Art of Ratiocination is used by Plato in Arguing , and Demonstrating . He Argues , and Confutes what is false by Interrogations : but he Demonstrates by teaching what is true . Ratiocination is an Oration in which some Propositions being laid down a conclusion by force of those Propositions is drawn . Of Ratiocinations some are Categorical , some are Hypothetical , some Mixt , which have a complexion of both . Plato useth Demonstrative Ratiocinations in those Dialogues , wherein he explicates his own opinion : but against Sophisters , and young men he makes use of probable arguments : and against those , who were properly contentious , he useth Eristick argumentation ; as against Euthydemus , and Hippias . As for Categorical Ratiocination ( which has Three Figures ) Plato Interrogates in each Figure . As in the First Figure thus , ( in Alcibiades ) Just things are they not beautiful ? and beautiful things , are they not good ? therefore are not just things good ? So in the ●econd , and Third Figure Plato Interrogates in his Parmenides , &c. Touching Hypothetical Ratiocinations , we find many delivered by Plato , though by Interrogations , especially , in his Parmenides . He also gives some hints of Mixt Ratiocination — If we look for some account of Sophismes , and Fallacies , we shall find it in Plato's Euthydemus . Also he has given us some adumbration of the Ten Categories in his Parmenides , as in like manner in his Dialogues . He has comprehended the universal Forme of Notation in his Cratylus . And truely this man was admirably perfect in defi●ing , and dividing : which declareth that he had the chiefest force , or spirit of Dialectick . In his Cratylus he queries , whether names signifie from Nature , or from Institution ? And he determineth , that what is right in names comes from Institution , yet not casually , but so as such Institution must be consentaneous to the nature of the thing it self . For the rectitude of names is nothing else but an Institution convenient to the Nature of the things . This also belongs to Logick to use names aright : Thus Alcinous . Albeit we may allow this learned Platonist , that some vestigia of these several parts of Dialectick are to be found in Plato's writings , yet 't is most certain , that Plato never intended to deliver over to posteritie any such artificial mode , or forme of Logick . All that he designes is , to give us some general Canons for a more methodical Inquisition into the nature of things , and for regular Disputation , or Ratiocination . The first , that gave us an artificial Systeme of Logick separate from the Praexis , was Aristotle ( as hereafter ) Plato affected a more natural , familiar , and simple method of Ratiocination ( as before ) yea so far is he from delivering any exact artificial forme of Logick , as that he confounds his Dialectick with Metaphysicks , and other contemplations ( as else where ) Yet as to the Praxis of Dialectick , Plato abounds with accurate Definitions , and Divisions : also he gives an excellent Idea of Analytick method , whereof he is said to be the first Inventor . And as to Dijudication , and Argumentation , he seems very potent in the use of the Socratick Induction . And all this with much harmonie , simplicitie , and plainnesse , without that Artifice which Aristotle introduced . Amongst our Moderne Writers , no one seems to have made a better emprovement of Plato's Dialectick Precepts , and Praxis , than Peter Ramus , who ( notwithstanding the contumelies cast upon him by his bloudie Adversarie Carpenter ) seems to have had a thorough insight into Plato's mind , and to have reduced his principles to the best method for the Disquisition of Truth . The Abstract of his Logick we intend to give , when we come to Treat of Aristotle's Logick . CHAP. IX . Of Plato's Physicks , and their Traduction from Sacred Storie . Plato's Storie of the Origine of the Universe , from Gen. 1.1 . &c. Plato asserted the Eternitie of the world , only in regard to Divine Idea's . Plato own 's God as the first efficient , according to Gen. 1.1 . Gods Ideal efficiencie .. Plato's intelligible World. God's energetick efficiencie . Of Plato's Universal Spirit , or Spirit of the Universe , from ●en . 1.2 . [ Spirit . ] It 's various regards . The bodie of the Universe , and its first matter , from Gen. 1.2 . The Parallel 'twixt Moses , and Plato's first matter in Six particulars . Of the Four Elements which immediately constitute the Vniverse , and their traduction from Moses . Gen. 1.1 . with it's analysis . Plato's Forme of the Universe consists in Harmonie , and Order . Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Universe . 1. Perfection , from Gen. 1.31 . How Plato calls the Universe the Image of God , from Gen. 1.27 . 2. The Unitie of the Universe . 3. Finitenes . 4. Figure , Round . 5. Colour . 6. Time. 7. Mobilitie . 8. Generations . 9. Duration , &c. 2. Of the Parts of the Universe 1. Angels . 2. The Heavens their substance : Fire , or Air , or Water . That the Sun , and Stars are fire , from Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Fire , as well as Light. Arguments proving the Sun to be Fire . Of Light , and Darknes . 3. Of the inferiour world , Wind , Air , Water . Gen. 1.9 . Meteors , &c. Of Active Physicks , Plants , Animals , &c. Of man's Original , and Formation according to the Image of God , Gen. 1.26.27 . Of the humane Soul , it 's Original , Nature , ●apacitie , Jmmortalitie , Perfection , and Faculties ; the Understanding , &c. Medicinal Canons . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. For conservation of health . 1. The causes of diseases . 2. The exercises of Nature . 3. Rules for Diet. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or curative Medicine , with Plato's Canons , and Character of a Physician . § . 1. The first great piece of Philosophie in vogue amongst the Ancient Grecians , especially such as were of the Ionick sect , was Physicks , or Physiologie , commonly called Natural Philosophie . For Thales and his Successors wholly busied themselves in Natural Inquisitions , and Disputes . Though Socrates perceiving the vanitie of such Physiologick speculations , wholly addicts himself to Morals ; Plato affecting an universal perfection in Philosophie joyns both Contemplatives , and Actives together . And thence his Physicks may be distributed into Contemplative , and Active . Plato's Contemplative Physick , or Physiologie is nothing else , but a Natural Historie , or Historical account of Nature , i. e. the Vniverse , it 's Origine , Principles , Constitution , Affections , and parts ; of all which he discourseth most amply , and Philosophically in his Timaeus ( the chief seat of his Physiologick Philosophisings ) and that in imitation of , and by tradition from Moses's Historical Narration of the Creation , as we no way doubt it will manifestly appear by these following Demonstrations , as well artificial , as inartificial . § . 2. That Plato derived his Physiologick Philosophizings , touching the Worlds Origine , &c. from Moses's Historie of the Creati●n seem very probable by his own confession : for in Timaeus , fol. 29. being about to treat of the Worlds Origine &c. he makes this Prologue , It is meet ( saies he ) that we remember that both I who discourse , and ye , who judge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That we have human nature , so that having received some probable Fable , or Tradition concerning these things , it becomes us not to enquire farther . Here Plato acknowledgeth , that concerning the Origine of the Vniverse , all the Notices they had were but some probable Fables , or Traditions ; which without all peradventure were derived to them , if not immediately , yet originally from the Sacred Historie . This is farther confirmed by what we find in Johannes Grammaticus , alias Philoponus , of the Worlds Creat . lib. 1. cap. 2. pag. 4. It is no wonder ( saies he ) that Moses , who was most ancient being about to draw men to the knowledge of God , institutes a discourse touching the Creation of the World , in this manner . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas Plato discoursing concerning the production of the Universe by God , imitates him in this , as also in many other things , &c. Thus Philoponus : who frequently inculcates the same , as hereafter . Thus also Ludovicus Vives , de Ves rita●e fid . pag. 157. The Genesis , or production of the world ( saies he ) is so described by Moses , that thence the greatest wits have both admired the profunditie thereof , and also embraced the truth of the Narration . The Pythagoreans , and their follower Plato in his Timaeus have imitated that Mosaick Description of the Worlds procreation , sometimes almost in the same words . So in like manner that great French Divine Mestrezat in his excellent Treatise de la vertu , de la foy on Heb. 11.3 . [ Through faith we understand that the worlds were made ] observes thus , Those extravagancies of the Philosophers , even of the principal of them , Aristotle , and the Stoicks concerning an eternal first matter , give us sufficiently to understand , that they , who have spoken more Orthodoxly of the Creation , as Plato did , took what they knew thereof from those raies , which Divine Revelation had scattered in the world , by the Children of Noah , or by Abraham , and his posteritie , amongst the Syrians , and Egyptians . Thus Mestrezat ; where he also gives us some artificial Dem●●stration of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or manner how Plato received these his traditions of the Worlds Origine from Sacred Revelation ; to which we may adde those Notices Plato received hereof from the Pythagoreans ; especially Timaeus the Locrian , who writ of the Origine of the Vniverse ; from whom we need no way doubt , Plato received many of his Philosophick traditions delivered in his Timaeus , as before chap. 3. § . 3. Now the Pythagoreans were generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ affecters of Oriental , Jewish traditions . The same may be said for such Physiologick traditions , as Plato derived from Heraclitus , who was also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before chap. 6. § . 1. Yea 't is not without probabilitie , that Plato might have a sight of Moses's own Historie , and read the same by vertue of his skill in the Egyptian , or Phenician tongue , or at least that he might understand the same by an Enterpreter as before , chap. 3. § . 4. That Plato's Physiologick discourses touching the Vniverse , it's Principles , Affections , and Parts , were really deductions from , and imitations of Moses's Historie of the Creation , will more evidently appear from the following enumeration , and explication of particulars , and the parallel 'twixt the one and the other resulting thence . § . 3. First that Plato followed Moses , Gen. 1.1 . [ In the Beginning ] in asserting the beginning of the World , &c. is most evident to any that reads his Timaeus , fol. 28. &c. where he , ( according to the Socratick mode of disputing by Interrogations ) puts this question , whether the World had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a beginning of Genesis , or creation , yea or no ? To which he reply's that the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was made ; and he gives the reason thereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for it is Visible , tangible , and Corporeal . And he afterwards saies more Categorically , that the World was made by God , &c. And that this was Plato's mind is evident by Aristotle ( who knew well his masters sense in this particular ) his warme disputes against him , for the Eternitie of matter . I am not ignorant , that many of the New Platonists , namely Plotinus , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Apuleius , Alcinous , and more particularly Taurus , and Proclus in their Commentaries on Plato's Timaeus , did all endeavour to prove with Aristotle , an Eternitie of Matter , thereby to disprove the Christians Historie of the Creation . And being urged with these , and such like expresse quotations out of Plato for the Origine of the Universe ; they replie , that when Plato discourseth of the Worlds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Genesis , or beginning , he meant it not of a Principle of Duration , but of causalitie . So that the world though eternal , might be said to be from God by Emanation , as light from the Sun. Thus they endeavour to reconcile Plato with Aristotle , for the defence of the worlds Eternitie , wherein they are learnedly refuted by Johannes Grammaticus in his defence for the Christians against Proclus ; as also in his Book of the Worlds Creation . And whereas Vossius de Philosoph . sect . c. 12. § . 7. blames Plato for asserting , that the World was made by God out of a coeternal matter , it seems evident , that Plato by his Eternal Matter , or World understands only that eternal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exemplar , Idea , or Platforme in the Divine Decrees , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the intelligible world , which he opposeth to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sensible . So in his Timaeus , fol. 97. Plato tells us , that this Sensible Universe was created according to the patterne of the Intelligible , as time according to the exemplar of Eternitie . By which it 's evident that he calls the world eternal only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to some proportion , or relation to the Divine exemplar , or Decrees , not absolutely , and simply , as hereafter . Yea it seems evident by Aristotle's own confession , that all the Philosophers before him held the world to have had a beginning ; his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they all say , that it was made . Johannes Grammaticus of the Creation peremptorily asserts , that all the Philosophers before Aristotle held the beginning , and framing of all things to be from God. Mr. Bochart asserted the same in a Sermon at Caen , March 2. 1664. That which made Aristotle oppose this generally received tradition was his Philosophick humour of opposing everie thing , that would not lye level with his Reason . § . 4. Hence Plato asserted God to be the first Effector , Composer , or Creator of the Vniverse , according to Moses's description , Gen. 1 , 1. God Created . So in his Timaeus , fol. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We say , that whatever is made , must necessarily have some cause : but here lies the difficultie to find out , who this Creator , and Father of the Universe is ; and having found him out , to discover him to vulgar capacities , is altogether impossible . So in his Sophista , fol. 215. he saies , that natural things could not spring up of themselves , but that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The products of Gods efficiencie , whence he makes God to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most Sovereign cause , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cause of causes . But to treat somewhat more distinctly of this Divine Efficiencie ; which according to Plato's mind may be distributed into Ideal , or immanent , and executive , 〈◊〉 ●●a●sient . As for 1. Gods Ideal efficiencie , it 's well known , that none treats more professedly , and fully thereof then Plato . I shall not enter into a discourse of Platonick Idea's in general , because they properly appertain to Metaphysicks , and are therefore more amplie treated or by Plato in his Parmenides , which is the seat of his Metaphysick Philosophizings . I shall at present discourse of these Idea's , only as they relate unto Divine Efficiencie , exerting it self in the worlds Creation , according to what I find of them in Plato's Timaeus , where he discourseth more particularly of these Idea's , as they are the great exemplar , according to which God framed the Universe . So Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 49. Having discoursed of the Universe , he distributes it thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , There are two sorts of Worlds ; one that has the forme of a Paradeigme , or Exemplar , which is an intelligible subject , and alwaies the same in Being . But the second , which is the imitate of the exemplar had a Genesis , or beginning , and is visible : where it 's evident , Plato distinguisheth the Intelligible world , which he calls the exemplar subsisting in the Divine mind , from the sensible , which is but the imitate of the former . And it seems evident that Plato by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Intelligible World , which he here calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Exemplar , as else where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ideal , self-living , alwaies-living world ( I say by these he ) meant no other , than that Divine Idea , Image , or Exemplar inherent in the Divine Essence , according to which the whole Universe was delineated , and fashioned . For the more full understanding whereof , take these propositions . 1. Plato supposeth , that God , who is the most wise Agent , acted not rashly , but as a skilful Artificer , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some most beautiful End , or Design , which was the measure , rule , or square in this great work of Creating the World. 2. Hence the infinite Wisdome of God , which the Scholes call His Simple Intelligence , having a full comprehension of all possible meanes , which might any way conduce to the promotion of Divine Glorie , the supreme end of this undertaking , and the Divine Sovereign Will , or Pleasure Decreeing what it judged most expedient in order hereto , seems to pass according to Plato's mind , under the Forme , or Notion of Divine Ideas , which he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immaterial , Eternal , Immixed , and the original Prototype of the Universe . 3. These original Idea's which comprehend the Divine Wisdome , and Decrees , Plato makes to be productive of a Secondarie Idea ( yet still immanent in the Divine Essence ) which he calls sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Exemplar , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Image . The original Idea he supposeth to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the self-subsistent , indivisible , and eternal efficient of the Second Idea , or Exemplar , which he makes to be the more immediate Delineation , or Image of the whole work . For thus his words run , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making use of this Exemplar he frames the Idea , and Power , i. e. the sensible World. So that 't is evident he distinguisheth his original Idea from his Exemplar , making the forme● to be first more Noble , and Causative of the l●tter : this seems to be much the same with that , which the Scholes call Gods Science of Vision , whereby he contemplates things Future , which is the result of his Decrees , and so differing from his Simple Intelligence , whereby he contemplates things Possible . I find all this excellently explicated to us by Learned Serranus in his Comment on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 12. whence , saies he , the first , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sovereign cause of this whole worke , which existed in the Divine mind , was his supreme End. For the effecting this end , there was an Idea , i. e. an Eternal Decree : This Idea delineated to it self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Exemplar of the future work , which was various according to the varietie of the work . Or else we may , if we please refer this Original Idea of Plato to Gods Simple Intelligence , and his Exemplar to Gods Science of Vision , of which see Book 2. chap. 8. § . 8. of Pythagorick Idea's . This gives us a more full account what Plato meant by his Intelligible , Ideal , and Eternal World , which he so stiled analogically only with relation to Divine Decrees . The foundation of these Divine Idea's Plato seems to have taken from Moses , Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , that he had made , and behold it was very good . ] i. e. answerable to his own Divine Exemplar , or Platforme . Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 37. speaks almost in Moses's words , thus . After the Father of the Universe had beheld his workmanship , the framed image of the Eternal Gods , he recreated himself , and rejoyced therein . That Plato herein imitated Moses , see Joannes Grammaticus of Creation , lib. 7. cap. 11 , 12. of which more hereafter . This gives to understand how unjustly Aristotle , and his followers , have with so great heat contended against Plato's Universal Idea's , as though they were but Brain-sick figments , no where existing , but in Plato's vain imagination : whereas it seems evident that Plato by these Vniversal Idea's , understood no other ( though more darkly ) than what our Divines generally understand by the Vniversal Idea's inherent in the mind of God as the Exemplar of all things created . Thus much for Gods Ideal Efficiencie . 2. As for Gods Executive , or Productive Efficiencie ; according to Plato's Philosophizing , he is in general stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supreme Fabricator , Perfecter , and Essentializer of things . The notions , by which Plato sets forth this Divine Efficiencie , are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He adorned , ordered , figured , constituted , framed all things , &c. And more particularly as to the mode , or manner how God framed all things , we are told 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ev'ry thing was Essentialized by certain Prolifick , or Efformative words . This seems exactly to answer to that of the Psalmist , Psal . 33.6 . By the word of the Lord were the Heavens made , and all the Host of them by the breath of his Mouth : which the Author to the Hebrews , chap. 11.3 . more fully explains [ The worlds were framed by the Word of God ] i. e. Gods Fiat , or word was the Seminal prolifick principle of all beings , as Gen. 1.3 . So the Stoicks reducing the whole of the Universe to two principles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the efficient , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the matter : as to the former , they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this being the Spermatick , or Seminal Word of the Universe , which formes , and shapes it , as the Seed the Faetus . Which suits well with the Scripture account hereof : or else we may reduce this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spermatick Word , which the Platonists , and Stoicks speak so much of , to Christ , who is by Solomon stiled Wisdom , Prov. 8.27 , 28. and by John 1.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Essential word , and made Coeffector with God the Father in the Creation of the Universe , though the former seems more adequate to the Platonick mind . § . 5. We may reduce also to the foregoing Divine Efficiencie , that which Plato stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the soul of the Vniverse , or the Vniversal spirit , which is so much spoken of , but as little understood in the Scholes . For the full understanding whereof , we must remember that Plato , according to his Allegorick humour , fancies the Universe to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a living , and intelligent creature , composed of bodie , and soul . As for the bodie of the Vniverse , what he means thereby is evident , for he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the visible , and tractable matter . All the difficultie lies in stating what he intends by the soul of the World. For the understanding whereof we are to remember ( which is a general Clavis to Plato's Philosophie ) that Plato affected an Allegorick mode of Philosophizing ; wherefore his sense is more to be attended , than his words , as Caelius Rhodig . l. 9. c. 40. hath well observed . And this discovers the great injustice of Aristotle , and his Adherents in their Disputes against Plato in that quarelling with , and triumphing over his words , they regard not his sense , or mind wrapped up under those Symbolick , and Metaphorick Notions . Thus here when Plato Philosophizeth of the soul of the Universe , or the Universal spirit , that animates this Universe , no● minding his hidden sense they cavil against his Notion , as if he did indeed make the Universe a Monstre . But to come to the right understanding of this Notion : We shall endeavour to draw forth Plato's mind in these Propositions . 1. The original , and primarie notion , or mind of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vniversal spirit , or soul of the Universe , seems to be but a broken Tradition from Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters ; and so an imperfect reference to the third person in the Trinitie , whom Moses makes to be the more immediate fomenter , and influencer of all things . Hence the Platonists in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Trinitie , make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Universal spirit to be the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or person . That Plato by his Spirit of the Vniverse , or Vniversal spirit , meant the Spirit of God , or God , is evident by his description thereof in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 896. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Soul , or Spirit of all things is most ancient , and the principle of motion , and of all good : this Soul also is the cause of all things , honest , and evil , of all things just , and unjust ; and of all contraries . This is a full description of the spirit's operation , and influx on all things both good and evil materially considered . But Plato discourseth more fully , & particularly concerning this Universal Divine Spirit , his Prolifick Seminal Efformation of the Universe in what precedes , fol. 395. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Soul or Spirit perme●ting , and enhabiting all things , &c. Plato here proves , that God is the Soul of the World , from the Analogie , or Proportion he bears to the living Soul. For look as the Sensitive Soul conveighed from the Pa●ent , together with , and in the Seed , does by its Prolifick Efformative Virtue forme , and shape the faetus , till it be perfected : So God , whom he here stiles the Vniversal soul permeating , and enhabiting all things , is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ( as before ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first fashi●ner , or the Efformative , and Spermatick principle of the Vniverse . Or look as the humane spirit , though precedent to , and no way depending on the bodie , is notwithstanding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Aristotle phraseth it ) the perfection , or perfective principle of the man ; so Plato's Universal Spirit , or Spirit of the Vniverse , though it be precedent to , and independent on the said Universe , yet is it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Efformative , and perfective principle thereof . This Plato's indwelling soul of the Universe is the same with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Plastick , Efformative , Power , Spirit , or Principle , which our Chymists take to be the Vniversal spirit , informing all things . And that all these Platonick ●otions of this Soul , or Spirit of the Vniverse were but broken traditions derived originally from Gen. 1.2 . The Spirit of God moved , &c. will I think , be evident to any , that shall consider , how parallel they are . For whereas 't is said Gen. 1.2 . the Spirit moved ; some will have the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to imply such a motion , or agitation as carries with it an Efformative fomentation , like to that of a Broodie Hen , fomenting her Egges ; The Spirit of God as it were ( to speake with Reverence ) set abrood upon the Waters , till it be Hat●hed , and brought forth the Vniverse . To which Plato's Spermatick , Efformativs spirit of the Universe exactly answers , as also to that Psal . 33.6 . By the breath of his mouth● Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the Spirit of his Mouth . Neither is this only a Novel Observation : for Ludovicus Vives , who was well veri● in Plato , is fully of this persuasion , as he layes it down in his Comment on August . Civit. lib. 10. cap. 23. If we will ( saies he ) more exactly follow Plato , its easie to defend , that the Soul of the world is that spirit which moved upon the Waters , Gen. 1.2 . which they seem to make imparting life , and essence to all things through the masse of the Universe . Thus he ; who gives us a good explication of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 2. Plato's Soul of the Universe seems to refer sometimes to the Divine Spirit , his Providential influence on , and concurse with all things . This indeed follows upon , and differs not really from the foregoing notion of Plato's Universal spirit . For look as the spirit of God was the first Fomenter , Framer , and Perfectioner of the Universe , so does he still continue the supreme Governour , Orderer , and Influencer of it , and of all its motions , &c. Parallel hereto does Plato make his Universal spirit to be not only the first Composer , but also the Disposer , and Orderer of the Universe , and all its Motions : so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 897. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; It 's manifest , that we must confesse , the supreme soul provides for the whole world , and acts it , &c. This is another reason , why Plato stiles the Universe a living Creature , as he himself acquaints us in his Timaeus , fol. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we ought to say , that this world is truly a Living , and Intelligent Creature , because it comes under the Providence of God. Hence Plato stiles this Universal Divine spirit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for that he does most wisely , and methodically dispose , and order all Providential occurrences , and natural affairs . So in his Phileb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All wise men agree that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Divine mind is King to us , both of Heaven and Earth . So agen Phaedo , fol. 97. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : And we judge , if it be so , that the Divine Mind adorning adorneth all things , and placeth ev'ry thing in the best forme , and station that may be , which is more briefly , yet fully , in the Platonick Definitions thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Divine Mind is that , which adornes , and is the cause of all things : we have all this fully expressed by the Stoicks according to the relation of Laertius in Zeno , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; The world is enhabited by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Divine Mind , and Providence ; the Mind dispensing , administrating , or ordering every part thereof , as the Soul in you , which is a full Explication of Plato's Universal spirit , and doth exactly answer to the Scripture's relation of the Spirit of God , his preservation of , and providence over all things , as Psal . 104.30 . Thou sendest forth thy spirit , &c. So that we need no way doubt , but that Plato traduced this second Notion of his Universal spirit from the Sacred fountain . 3. Plato seems also sometimes under the Notion of his Universal spirit , or Soul , to comprehend that Universal Symmetrie , Harmonie , Order , Beautie , and Form● which appears in the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The bodie of the Vniverse is framed by proportion , and friendship of the Four Elements , &c. where he makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , analogie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 symmetrie , the bond of Union , Universal spirit , or forme by which all the parts of the Vniverse , in themselves opposite , & contrarie , by a friendly kind of discord are conjoyned , and agree together . This piece of Plato's Vniversal Spirit is but the result of the former . For the Spirit of God having at first framed , and still ordering the Vniverse , and all its parts according to Eternal Wisdome , Law , and Contrivement , hence flows the most exact Order , Beautie , and Harmonie , of all parts ( though never so contrarie ) mutually conspiring , and moving according to that Law of Nature imprest upon their beings , and the particular conduct , or disposition of the Divine Providence to their appointed ends ; so that Plato here puts the Effect for the Cause , namely Order for the Divine Spirit who is the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Orderer , Collector , and Conjoyner of all these parts in the Vniverse . But of this more , when we come to Plato's Forme of the Vniverse . 4. Some by Plato's Universal Spirit understand that Ignifick virtue , or Vivifick natural heat , which in the first Creation was infused into the Chaos , and afterward diffused through ev'ry part of the Universe for the fomenting , and nourishing thereof . This say they , Plato cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fire , or an Ignifick Spirit , which fashioneth divers Effects , which Moses calls the Spirit of God , Gen , 1.2 . Thus Beza , and out of him Serranus on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 10. But though Plato seems to own such a prolifick fire , or ignifick spirit diffused through the Vniverse , yet his Universal spirit , or chief Soul of the Universe seems distinct here-from , as much as the cause from its effect . Of this more hereafter . § . 6. Having endeavoured to explicate Plato's Universal Spirit , or the Spirit of the Universe , we are now to proceed to its bodie , and material Principle . The proper bodie of the Universe , according to the mind of Plato , is composed of the Four Elements , Fire , Water , Earth , Air : but the original matter of these Elements he makes to be the Chaos , which being first in order of Nature , and existence , ought firstly to be discoursed of . It was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or principle universally granted by all the Ancient Philosophers before Aristotle , that the Universe had an origine ; and that this Origine was from God : So that the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or question was , what the material principle , or first matter of the Universe was ? We find the several persuasions touching this matter distinctly , though concisely , given us by Clemens Romanus Recognitionum lib 8 o Pythagoras said , that the Elements , or principles of all things were Numbers ; Callistratus Qualities ; Alcmaeon Contrarieties ; Anaximandrus Immensitie ; Anaxagoras Similarie of parts ; Epicurus Atomes ; Diodorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Impartibles , or Indivisibles ; Asclepias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we call Tumors , or Elations ; Geometers Fines , i. e. Bounds ; Democritus Idea's ; Thales Water ; Parmenides Earth ; Plato Fire , Water , Air , Earth ; Aristotle also a fifth Element , which he named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Unnameable . Thus Vossius de Philos . part . 1. cap. 5. § . 13. Although this relation needs some emendation , yet 't is the best I have met with in this kind , and therefore it must passe . Only as to Plato , we must know , that though he made the Four Elements before named , the compleat bodie , yet he made them not the first original matter of the Universe . For Plato in his Timaeus describes his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first matter thus : It is , saies he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Genus , or Species out of which ev'ry thing is composed ; and he expresly saies that it is neither Fire , nor Water , nor Earth , nor Air , but the Common Mother , and Nurse of all these , which effuseth its seed , and virtue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Watrie , Firie , and receptive of the formes of Air , and Earth . And indeed this Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first matter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chaos seems exactly the same with , and we need no way doubt but was originally traduced from that of Moses , Gen. 1.2 . And the Earth was without forme , and void . Thus Richardson in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables , Table 5. MSS. Materia ] This the Philosophers did find , stumbling upon it , but mistaking it very much . Aristotle had it from Plato ; he had it from the Egyptians , they from the Jews . This will easily appear by parallelizing the affections of the one and the other : which we shall endeavour in these following Propositions . 1. Moses makes Divine Creation the original of his First Matter , or Chaos , Gen. 1.1 . So does Plato , as before , § . 4. answerable to that of Hesiod , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , First of all the Chaos was made , That Peripatetick dream of an Eternal first matter never came into Plato's head , though some impute it to him , as before § . 3. 2. Moses calls his First Matter , Gen. 1.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without forme , which P. Fagius renders out of Kimchi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very same word , which Plato useth to expresse his First Matter by ; and little different in sound , but lesse , or nothing at all , in sense from Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , slime , which Philo Byblius stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Great Bochart conceives from the Phenician , and Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mod , which signifies Matter , as before , Book 1. chap. 3. § . 13 , 14. Aquila on Deut. 32.10 . renders this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confused , or without order , and Plato describes his first matter by the same word , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confused , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , namely because it was without any substantial forme , order , or perfection : yea Plato expresly stiles his first matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without forme , as Moses . Hence those Peripatetick descriptions of this first matter , that it is nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum , indefinite , and informe , yet capable of any forme , which have caused so much dispute in the Scholes . 3. Moses makes his First Matter to be Gen. 1.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and void , whence some conceive , that Plato with the rest of the Greeks traduced their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for by an usual change of ב into ב , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Bochart makes the original of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chaos . But if we cannot argue fully from the Names , yet as to Things we may draw an exact Parallel 'twixt Moses , and Plato as to this particular . For Plato , as well as Moses , makes his first Matter to be void of any Forme , or perfect principles , but yet the Seminarie , or Masse , out of which all things were framed : So Plato tells us , that this Chaos was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The receptacle , and as it were the nurse of all generations , though it were nothing perfectly . So again in the same Timaeus he acquaints us , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i.e. that it was a kind of anomalous thing , not clothed with Essence , yea little better than nothing , yet the common subject out of which all things were formed . In summe , this first matter is according to Plato stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Seat , Receptacle , Mother , and Nurse of the Universe , proportionable to that of Sanchoniathon ( quoted by Eusebius ) who treating of the Chaos , saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of this came all the seed of the Creation ; and the Generation of the whole . So Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 95. saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Matter is as the Female , and Mother , and Nurse ; but the Forme , is as the Male , and Father of the Universe . Thus we see how Plato in imitation of Moses describes the first matter as void of all substantial forme , and perfection ; yet the seed , and receptacle of all things . Hence also we learne , whence Aristotle had his Physical Privation , which he makes one of his Principles necessarily antecedent to the production of Bodies . Hence also he calls his first matter a passive power , or Principle void of all formes , but inclinable to , or receptive of any forme . These Peripatetick notions , which make so great noise in our Scholes , were evidently but fragments of Plato's Mosaick traditions . 4. Moses describes his First Matter , or Confused Masse to be , Gen. 1.2 . Darknesse , &c. Hence Plato , in imitation of him , stiles his first Matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tenebrous , obscuritie . The like we find mentioned in Hesiod , and by him applyed to the Chaos , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From the Chaos sprang the Erebo , and the dark night . And indeed both Plato , and Hesiod seeme to have traduced this affection of the Chaos from Sanchoniathon , who calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tenebrous Chaos , which Learned Bochart supposeth to bave been in the Phenician tongue ( in which Sanchoniathon writ ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Evening darknesse , which he proves was taken from Gen. 1.2 . but the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Gen. 1.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it was Eber , or Evening : this ( saies he ) Varro thus imitates ; Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox te invoco : So Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2. fol. 783. 5. Whereas Moses saies Gen. 1.2 . [ Darkness was upon the face of deep ] Plato also seems to comprehend the same under his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first matter , which , as we have before mentioned , is the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 waterie mistion , or slime : so Orpheus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hilus , or slime was made out of water . This slime , or fluid watrie matter the seed of all Creatures , is the same with Thales's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , water , which he made the first principle , or matter of all things : and all but broken traditions of Moses's description , Gen. 1.2 . as we have proved at large , Book 2. chap. 3. § . 4. 6. Lastly , Moses saies , Gen. 1.2 . [ The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters ] i. e. The Spirit of God by a Divine fomentation , agitation , or motion on this fluid matter , commonly called the Chaos , formed , and shaped every Creature , and brought it to that forme , and perfection as was appointed for it , by the Sovereign Eternal Idea , Wisdome , and Pleasure . And does not Plato also give us a description hereof much to the same purpose ? when he saies as in his Timaeus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is ( as some render it ) by an importune motion fluctuating , and not quiescing . This Divine fomentation , and agitation of the spirit on this fluid matter in order to the formation of every Creature , is by Sanchoniathon stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the spirit of dark air , or a blustering wind . To conclude ; Plato in his Timaeus tells us , that God out of this first matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disorderly , and irregularly indigested , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beautified , ordered , and configured , or formed the Universe . Yea he undertakes to expound the mode , or method , which the Divine Spirit took in thus fashioning , and reducing every Creature to it's proper Forme . The matter , saies he , of all things being substracted , the mind of the Divine Opisicer by a prudent kind of persuasion compelled the same , which otherwise was tenebrous , fluid , inordinate , and informe , to passe into light , and order , &c. of which see Serranus on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 12. By all which laid together , I think 't is very probable , that Plato traduced these his Physiologick Philosophisings touching the First Matter , or Material Principle of the Universe , if not immediately , yet originally , from Moses's description of the Creation , Gen. 1.2 . § . 7. Having dispatched the Original , and First Matter of the Universe , we now proceed to it's compleat Bodie , which Plato stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the visible , and tangible . This bodie of the world he makes to consist of the four Elements , Fire , Water , Air , Earth conjoyned together by a friendly proportion , or harmonie . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. saies Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ sc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By these , and of these Four Elements the bodie of the Universe is composed with an harmonious proportionable friendship , &c. Yea Plato undertaketh to give us some account of the necessitie , and mutual combination of these four Elements . 1. He tells us , that the Earth is the most ponderous , least mobile , and the most impertransmutable of all the Elements , and therefore the basis of the rest . So in his Timaeus , fol. 98. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The earth is most ponderous , and leastly mobile , & a bodie impertransmutable into others , by reason of its being incommunicable , &c. Then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Fire , by reason of its tenuitie , penetrates through every thing : Air through every thing save Fire : Water through the Earth : by means whereof all things being filled there is nothing left vacuous . Whence Plato in the same Timaeus , fol. 99. concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Of these Elements God composed the world , which is tangible by reason of the Earth ; but visible by Fire ; which two extreams are connected together by Air , and Water , with Proportion , that excellent bond . Tullie interprets Plato's words thus . It 's necessarie , that the world should be corporeal , and visible , as also touchable : Moreover Fire penetrates all things , and nothing can be touched , which wants a solid basis . Now nothing is solid but what partakes of Earth : wherefore God being about to make the world , first joyned Fire , and Earth together , &c. Lud. Vives in August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 11. gives us Plato's mind touching the Combination , and Proportion betwixt these Elements thus . To make a coherence 'twixt Earth , and Fire there is necessarily required a Bond ; wherefore they needed two other Elements , which of themselves , and of the other Elements , they connected , might make up one Composite , or Bodie . Such are Air , and Water , 'twixt Fire , and Earth . For the same Analogie , or Proportion that Water has to Earth , Air has to Fire : the same also Water , and Air have amongst themselves ; which as ●onds doe so copulate the extreme Elements , Earth , and Fire , that by the almost imperceptible variations of Nature , either ascendent , or descendent , there may be supposed to be one bodie , which waxeth hard in Earth , or is rarifyed in Fire . Plato also makes each of these Four Elements to have various ●pecies , and properties . So Timaeus , fol. 99. he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Fire has flame , light , and splendor , by reason of the inequalitie of the Triangles which are in each of these . Air is partly pure and drie , partly humid , and cloudie . Water also is either fluid , or congeled , as Snow , Hail , Ice . Humor is either fluid , or compact : Fluid as Honey , Oil : Compact , as Pitch , Wax . Compact humor , is either fusile , as Gold , Silver , Brasse , Tinne , Led , Iron ; or fragile , as Sulphur , Bitumen , Nitre , Salt , Alume , and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Stones Homogeneous . Also in the same Timaeus , fol. 99. Plato acquaints us that heat has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a disgregative faculty of the most tenuous parts , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , frigid is constrictive , and complicative of the Pores . Lastly Plato informes us that the more Noble parts of the Universe , as the Sun , &c. are composed of Fire , of which hereafter . § . 8. That Plato received this distribution of the Vniverse it 's bodie composed of the 4. Elements from the Jewish Church , and particularly from Moses's description of the Creation , Gen. 1.1 . &c. is acknowledged , both by Ancient , and Modern Writers . So Austin de Civit. Dei , lib. 8. cap. 11. Plato ( saies he ) in his Timaeus affirmes , that God in the first Creation , first joyned Fire , and earth together . It 's manifest that he gives to Fire the place of Heaven . Therefore this opinion has similitude with that , which is said Gen. 1.1 . that In the Beginning God made Heaven , and Earth . Thence those two middle Elements by the interposure whereof these extremes are copulated , he calls Water , and Air : whereby he is conceived to understand what is written , Gen. 1.2 . And the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . For little heeding in what manner the Scripture stiled the Spirit of God , because the Air is also called a Spirit , he imagined the Four Elements might he commemorated in that Place . Thus Austin . That Moses in this Gen. 1.1 , 2. describes the Creation of the Four Elements , and that Plato speaks conformable thereto , is affirmed by learned Serranus in his Notes on Plato his Timaeus , fol. 10. thus . This is the common opinion of our Divines , that Moses in verse 1. of Gen. 1. teacheth , that the first matter was created by God : and that in verse 2. he describeth the same by certain Notes . Yet as to the genuine , and plain interpretation of this place , the opinion of Theodore Beza my most Reverend Parent and Praeceptor doth mostly please me , who supposeth , that Moses in this place doth not treat of the first matter , but simply teacheth , that the Four Elements , viz. Earth , Water , Fire , Air , were in their order Created of God : and he gives these Reasons of this his opinion : First that Moses was wont so to propose things Physical , that he might wholly accommodate his speech to the Vulgar Capacitie : neither does he treat of them subtily , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sensibly , that they might be more comprehended by the ruder sort ; wherefore the plain , and true sense of this place seemed to him this . In verse 1. Moses proposeth after this manner , a summe of the whole Historie of the Worlds Creation , and that in an Analytick order , which truly is a forme of Demonstration most apt for the teaching of Sciences . Moses therefore teacheth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summarily , that in the beginning God created the Heaven , and the Earth , i.e. Gen. 1.1 . When yet nothing existed God created this Universe , and what ever is comprehended in its compasse : which according to the common manner of speech is understood by the termes of Heaven , and Earth . Moses having laid this summary Substratum of his whole discourse , he then proceeds to persue each part thereof , and Firstly to treat of the Elements : because they are the basis of the Universe , and the Matter which the Vulgar might comprehend as being discovered by certain effects . Therefore he affirmes that Moses in verse 2. teacheth the Creation of the Elements Earth , Water , Fire : but the Creation of the Air in verse 6. These Elements he describeth as Created 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by themselves , before their entering into the composition of Animants . Thus therefore Moses explains those first bodies , as that he first treats of the Earth ; affirming that the Earth was informe , &c. Therefore there was not yet extant any certain Disposition of things ; neither was there any certain forme in that tenebrous Masse of the Elements : which notwithstanding God conserved by an infused natural heat , which was as it were the Seminarie of all things , and nothing else but the Element of Fire . For the Element of Fire in this first Creation was nothing else but that ignifick force , and efficacie , which is variously diffused in the symmetry of the Vniverse for the fomenting , and nourishing of things according to their nature . This Natural , and Vivifick heat dispersed in things after their mode , even in Animants themselves , is by Moses properly called the Spirit of God , Gen. 1.2 . Truly Plato calls this Natural heat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the Opificer of various effects . Thus , saies Beza , Moses shews , how the Earth , Water , Fire , were Elements Created by God the first day . That therefore the Air was Created the second day , which Moses calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Expansion . Truly Plato makes mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expansion , as I conceive , in the same sense ; which word is well accommodated to express the nature of the Air which is most liquid , and expansive , &c. thus Serranus . Which accurate Analysis of the first Creation , though it has something novel , and disputable , yet it gives us a good account of the Cognation betwixt Moses , and Plato , in their description of the first Elements , which constitute the Systeme or bodie of the Vniverse . § . 9. As Plato makes the bodie of the Universe to be composed of the Four Elements , so also the Forme thereof , according to his persuasion , is no other than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Analogie , and Symmetrie , or harmonious contexture , and friendly conjuncture of these Elements , whence results the Order , Beautie , and Perfection of the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. Plato saies , that the Bodie of the Universe is constituted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the Friendship , and Analogie 'twixt these Elements , &c. Plato here in pursuit of his former Allegorie supposeth , the Universe to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a living intelligent thing consisting of bodie and soul : the Bodie he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the visible , and tractable part , or the Elements themselves ; but the Soul he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Analogie , and Symmetrie by which things in themselves contrarie are friendly ; and by a kind of agreeable discord conjoyned together in the masse of the Universe . This Harmonie , Proportion , and Consent , which is found amongst the parts of the Universe , Plato makes to be the effect of the Divine Spirit , his Disposition , & Providence , which is by him on the same account , but in a more eminent manner stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Soul of the World ( as before § . 5. ) But here we are to take notice , that Plato make a twofold Forme of the Vniverse , the first Intelligible , inhering in the Divine mind : the second Sensible , infused into singulars consisting in their proportion , order , &c. So in his Timaeus , fol. 49. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato here asserts a Twofold Forme of the Vniverse ; the One Intelligible , which is that Idea , or Paradeigme subsisting in the Divine mind proportionable whereto all things were framed : the other , Sensible , consisting in that Proportion , Harmonie , and Order , which God has put into every Creature , and their mutual combinations . This he more fully expresseth in the same Timaeus , fol. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . These Elements lying confusedly together , God inspired into each of them , both in regard to themselves , and to other things a Symmetrie , so that they are so far as 't is possible Analogous , and Symmetrous . These Platonick notions of the Forme of the Vniverse seem very proportionable unto , and therefore but derivations from Gen. 1.31 . where 't is said , that God saw all things that they were good , i. e. Harmonious , and proportionable amongst themselves , as also exactly proportionable to their Divine Idea , and Exemplar . So Austin de Civ . Dei , lib. 12. cap. 5. All Natures , saies he , because they are , therefore also have they their Measure , Beautie , or Forme , and a certain peace amongst themselves , wherefore also they are good , &c. Hence the Ancients made Love to be the bond of the Vniverse , namely because it's Perfection , and Goodness proceeded from the Harmonie Order , and Beautie of the parts . All which is fully comprehended under Plato's Forme of the Vniverse , whereby he understood no other , than the Harmonie , Beautie , Order , and Perfection of the Universe , and its parts , though never so contrarie amongst themselves , answerable to Gen. 1.31 . which is also Essentially couched under the notion of Forme : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by an easie transposition of φ , and μ , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies Beautie , &c. Plato never dreamed of that essential Forme which Aristotle introduced as educible out of the passive power of the first matter , &c. No ; he conforming himself to Moses's stile by Forme understands nothing but that Beautie , Perfection , and Goodness , which was in things resulting from their Order , Proportion , and Harmonie amongst themselves ; as also from their conformitie to the Divine Exemplar , and original Idea . § . 10. Having discoursed of the Principles of Natural bodies , both Effective , and Constitutive ; we now proceed to their Adjuncts , or Affections , which essentially , and naturally flow from their Principles And the first great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Affection which Plato attributes to the Universe , and it's parts , is Perfection , So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. discoursing of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Affections of the Universe he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first is that the whole Universe , because it is an animal greatly perfect , consists of perfect parts . This Perfection of the Vniverse he had before given some intimation of under the notion of Goodness : So Timaeus , fol. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . God would , that all things should be good , and nothing evil : For 't was never , neither is it now lawfull for him , who is the best Good , to make any thing but what is most beautiful , and perfect . Plato here sheweth , how God of the first confused matter , and Elements efformed a most Beautiful World ; the words he expresses this by is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he beautifi'd , adorn'd the world ; whence 't was called by the Ancients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Agen he saie● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shaped , configured , or conformed the Universe , i. e. made it conformable to the Eternal , and most perfect Exemplar of his own Decrees : whence we read 1. Cor. 7.31 . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Scene , Figure , or Forme of this World. Farther , Plato saies , that God did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accurately dispose , order , or methodize the Vniverse , placing each part in it's proper place , and rank , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reducing every Creature from that Ataxie , or disorder it lay under in the confused Chaos , unto an admirable order , and goodness , which he elsewhere stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the good order , or right disposition of every thing . Lastly , he saies , that God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constituted , or gathered into one Systeme each part of the Creation : whence Aristotle ( his Scholar following his Master herein ) defines the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. a Systeme , or ordinate compages of natural bodies , &c. By all these expressions Plato sets forth to the life the incomparable Structure , and admirable perfection of the Universe , as it came forth of the hands of God , and that exactly conformable unto , and , as we have reason enough to judge , by traduction from Moses's description thereof , Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , that he had made , and behold it was very good : i. e. most perfect . Indeed Plato gives us an excellent comment on these words of Moses , wherein we have Moses his sense fully , and that almost in his own words laid open to us : So in his Timaeus , fol. 37. Therefore ( saies Plato ) after the Father of the Universe had animadverted , or considered his work [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the made image of the Eternal Gods ( or Trinitie ) he rejoyced , and recreated himself therein . Thus Plato , who does here , as the Learned conclude , speak by tradition from Moses . So Jo. Grammaticus Of Creation , lib. 7. cap. 11 , 12. Rightly therefore does that great Moses concluding the Creation of the world say Gen. 1.31 . And God saw every thing , &c. And Plato here agen does imitate him , who speaking of Gods making the Universe , saies , that when the Father beheld this Mobile Animal , the image of the Eternal Gods , which he had begotten , he rejoyced , and was recreated . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and by so much the more , when he considered that it was made exactly conformable to it's Paradeigme , or Eternal exemplar . Thus Jo. Grammaticus touching the parallel betwixt Moses , and Plato . Austin de Civit. Dei. lib. 11. cap. 21. enterprets Moses in the same manner , that Plato does . In that ( saies he ) 't is said Gen. 1.31 . God saw all things that they were good . We must understand the approbation of his work made according to Art , which is the Wisdom of God , &c. God's seeing all things to be Good implies their Conformitie to that Original Idea , or Eternal Platforme of Divine Wisdome , and Decrees : Whence also Plato stiles the Universe a visible image of the invisible God ; namely by reason of it's exact conformitie to it's Original Forme , or Idea in Divine Decrees : So in his Timaeus , fol. 92. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Taking Animals both Mortal , and Immortal , and commixing them together , this world , thus constituted , becomes a Visible Animal comprehending things Visible , a Sensible image of the Intelligible God the greatest , and best , and most beautiful , and most perfect , &c. Plato here calls the Universe a Sensible Image of the Intelligible God , in that it was made exactly conformable to Gods Eternal Exemplar , which in his Timaeus , fol. 69. he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Intelligible Forme , or Exemplar , as elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Intelligible Ideal World : according to which Exemplar , or Platforme he reacheth this sensible world was made , whence it became a reflex image thereof , and so a sensible image of the insensible Deitie : Or else we may refer this Platonick description of the Universe to Moses's Character of Man , Gen. 1.27 . And God created him in his own Image , &c. So Johan : Grammaticus of the Worlds Creation , lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 249. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. whereas Moses spake properly of Man , that he was made after the Image of God , and according to his likeness : Plato translates this to all things in the World. Thus Philoponus . And indeed it 's evident , that Plato comprehendeth under his notion of the Universe , as well Rationals , as Sensibles ; and therefore from Man it s more noble part he stiles the whole , the Image of God according to , and in derivation from Moses's description , Gen. 1.27 . We may take it either way , and yet no way doubt , but that Plato had this , as the former Notions touching the perfection , goodness , order , beautie , and exact proportion , or conformitie of the Universe , from the Mosaick description . This perfection of the Universe Plato makes to be the immediate product , and first issue of its formal constitution ; namely , the result of that friendly proportion , sweet harmonie , and beautiful order , which is between all the parts of the Universe , though in themselves never so disagreeing . This is fully expounded by Austin , ( who did mostly Platonize ) de Civit. lib. 11. c. 18. the Antitheta , or opposites ( saies he ) are accounted most decent in the ornaments of Elocution : as therefore those Contraries do give a beautie to Speeches , so the Beautie of the Universe is composed of a certain Eloquence not of Words , but of Things resulting from the opposition of Contraries . Thus much for the perfection of the Universe . § . 11. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or affection , which Plato gives the Universe , is Unitie : So in his Timaeus , fol. 33. having discoursed of its perfection , he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To these we may adde that 't is one . So in his Parmenides , fol. 144. Plato having distinguished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one , into infinite , and finite : As for finite unitie , he makes it to be a proper affection of his sensible Idea , whereby he means the Universe . And the reason he gives why the Universe should be one , is this ; because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the singulars conteined therein are all determinately reduced to their proper Classe . Aristotle also asserted the same . 3. Another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or affection , which Plato gives the Universe is Finitenes ; so in his Parmenides , fol. 145. having spoken of his sensible Idea , and its Unitie , he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Must not one be universally finite ; or must not the parts be comprehended of the whole ? Yes certainly . Therefore what is comprehended must be finite : ( though infinite in multitude ) and because finite , therefore it has extremes : If it be a whole , it must have a beginning , and middle , and end , &c. Thus also Aristotle , &c. 4. Thence follows another affection of the Universe , which Plato calls Figure . So in his fore-cited Parmenides , fol. 145. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this one being such , must also partake of Figure . And in his Timaeus , fol. 33. he speaks more particularly , and fully , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And he has given to it ( i. e. the Universe ) a Figure most becoming , and most congenial . For it is meet , that he should shape it into such a Forme , or Figure , as might comprehend all other Figures . For which c●use the World is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , round , so that its whole circum●●rence is touched with Rayes equally distant from the Centre : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This being the most perfect , and most like to it self , of all Figures . Thus Plato , wherein he fully informes us touching the Worlds Rotunditie , and the reasons thereof : namely , because it ought to comprehend all Animals . Now a round Figure is , ( saies he ) of all 1. most capacious , and perfect , 2. most like to it self , or uniforme : 3. most content with it self , and without need of other . Aristotle also follows him , in asserting the Worlds Rotunditie . 5. Another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or attribute , which Plato gives natural Bodies , is Color , which in his Timaeus , fol. 67. he thus describes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We call Colors a flame , diffusing it self from particular Bodies , having parts symmetrous to the sense . By Flame he means Light , which he elsewhere termes a Flame : and so Plato is herein followed by the New Philosophers , who make Colors to be nothing but the various mixture of Light , and Darkness . He does farther in his Timaeus , fol. 101. give some distribution of Colors , with their proper effects , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . White Color disgregates the sight , whereas black does congregate it . To which the Peripateticks assent , &c. 6. Plato also makes Time another special propertie , or Affection of the Universe , and all natural Bodies . So in his Parmenides , fol. 151. treating of the Universe under the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , One , he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. One partakes of Time , and it is younger , and elder than it self ; and than other things , and it is , and it was , &c. His meaning is , that all natural Bodies admit of variations , and differences of time , &c. And in his Timaeus , fol. 13. he describes time to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moveable Image of Eternitie . Agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the definition , or boundarie of day , and night . So agen in his Timaeus , fol. 97. he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. God has framed Time together with the World : for it is an Image of the ingenerable time called Eternitie : for look as this Universe is created according to the exemplar of the Intelligible Ideal World , so is this Time composed in some sort according to the exemplar of Eternitie . Thus Plato . Lastly , as to the formal measure , and product of Time , we find a good description thereof in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 411. thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Time is the motion of the Sun , and the measure of motion ; which agrees well with Moses's description in Gen. 1.14 for seasons , and for days , and years , &c. 7. Hence follows another Affection , which Plato attributes to the Universe , and natural Bodies , namely Mobilitie . So in his Parmenides , fol. 145. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus therefore is it not necessarie , that One ( i. e. the Universe ) be capable both of Motion , and Rest , &c. Herein also Aristotle follows him , making Motion , and Rest , affections of natural Bodies . 8. Hence also follows Generation , which may be ranked amongst the Affections , which Plato gives to natural Bodies , and is thus described , Platon . definit . fol. 411. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Generation is a motion to Essence . Agen 't is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a participation of Essence , &c. 9. Whence lastly follows Duration , which Plato makes another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or affection of the Universe . So in his Timaeus , fol. 32. having spoken of the Worlds perfection , and unitie , he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It must also continue without old age , and sickness , &c. He persues his Allegorie , wherein he stiles the World a Living Creature , which ( saies he ) must continue in youthful vigor , and healthie . His meaning is , that though Individuals , and Singulars decay daily , yet the Species , and whole of the Vniverse is continued durable , and vigorous , by means of successive generations . For they are Individuals only , not the Species , that dye : thus according to Aristotle's Maxime , the Corruption of one is but the Generation of another . Thus much of the affections of the Vniverse . § . 12. The parts of Physiologie are either General , or Particular : the General part of Physiologie treats of the first Principles , and Affections of Nature , which we have dispatched . Physiologie in particular discourseth of the Severals , or Particulars of the Vniverse , which make up the whole of Nature . Now of these in their order , so far as they come under Plato's Philosophizings . And here we may begin with Angelick Beings , who are called the first-born Sons of God , and are indeed the most noble Pieces of the Universe , which Plato makes the first-fruits of Gods Creation . So Lud. Vives , in August . Civit. Dei , lib. 11. c. 9. The Greek Divines ( saies he ) will , that Spiritual Beings precede Corporeal , and that the great Parent of the Vniverse used them , i. e. Angels , as Ministers for the procreation of other things : which Opinion Plato follows in his Origine of the Universe . So Sanchoniathon sets forth the Creation of the Angels under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Contemplators of the Heavens . Whence also Aristotle's conceit of the Heavens being moved by Intelligences , seems to have had its origination . All which Contemplations about Angelick natures , and their production , seem to have been but corrupt Derivations from Job 38.7 . When the morning Stars sang together , &c. But , because the Discourse of Angels belongs not properly to Physicks , but to Metaphysicks , we shall engage no farther on it at present . To descend therefore to the material , and more natural parts of the Universe : and first to the Heavens , which Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 36. describes after his Metaphorick mode , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Bodie of the Heavens is visible , but the Soul of these Intelligences partakes of invisible reason , and harmonie . Thus Plato : whence , I presume , Aristotle derived his Celestial Intelligences , which he presumed to be the first movers of the Celestial Spheres . But as to the Matter , and Nature of the Heavens what Plato's Opinion was , is somewhat difficult to conjecture . Austin affirmes peremptorily , that Plato made the Heavens to be of an ignifick , or fierie nature , and that herein he followed Moses , Gen. 1.1 . So Aust . de Civit. Dei , lib. 8. c. 11. Plato in his Timaeus affirmes , ( saith he ) that God in the first Creation joyned the Earth , and Fire together . It 's manifest that he attributes to Fire the place of Heaven . This Opinion therefore has some similitude with what is said Gen. 1.1 . In the beginning God made heaven , and earth . Thus Austin . And Ludo. Vives on these Words addes , that Plato thought the Heavens to be fierie , ( though the Stars to be composed of the four Elements , because they seemed more solid ) Not that the Heavens were of the same nature with our Culinarie fire , for he supposeth there are several sorts of Fire . So Lud. Vives . And indeed that these Celestial Bodies ( at least the more lightsome , and glorious , namely the Sun , &c. ) are of an ignite , or fierie nature , seems probable from the very origination of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heaven , which is apparently derived from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our , or Ur , which signifies both Light , and Fire , as hereafter . I am not ignorant , that some make the Heavens to be of a fluid , waterie ( as others of an aerial ) nature . So Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1. tells us , that amongst the Hebrews the Heaven is called from its extension , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Firmament , and from its Waterie matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Waters there , which he also gathers from Gen. 1.6 . a Firmament in the midst of the Waters , &c. But this being granted , that the Firmament is of a waterie , or fluid matter see Wendeline , de Coelo ; ( which is also the Opinion of some New Philosophers ) yet it followeth not hence , but that the Sun , and those other more lightsome , and glorious Celestial Bodies ; may be composed of a fierie substance ; which seemeth to have been the Opinion of the Jews , whence Plato , and other of the Greeks derived the same , and that on these Probabilities . 1. That the Sun , and Stars are composed of Fire , appears first from the very Text , Gen. 1.3 . Let there be Light : where the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our , whereby the Sun is expressed , Job 31.26 . signifies as well Fire , as Light. This we have proved at large out of Richardson , and others , in our former part of Philologie , Book 3. C. 3. § . 9. So Amesius , in his Medulla Theol. lib. 1. cap. 8. Thes . 50. treating of the Creation of this Light , saies that Light , namely lightsome Fire , was made out of the most subtile part of this Mass taken up , &c , So Grotius in his Annotations on 2 Pet. 3.7 . The Fire ( saies he ) was not in that first humid Mass , but afterward created by God , which Moses calls Light , because Light , and Heat are one , and the same . Out of this Light compacted were the Stars composed , whence they diffuse Fires upon the Earth , whence also Fires are generated under the Earth . From these Celestial , and subterraneous Fires meeting together , shall that great , and last fatal conflagration of the World arise , as the former Deluge from the conjunction of the Celestial Waters with those of the deep . Caecilius in Minutius Foelix affirmes , that these Fires threaten conflagration to the whole World , yea to the Stars themselves . Thus Grotius , who in what precedes , tells us , that besides the Sibylles , Sophocles , Seneca , and Lucanus ; the Astrologers ( particularly Copernicus , Revolut . lib. 3. cap. 16. ) have observed the same , and that from the daily appropinquation , or nearer approaches of the Sun towards the Earth . Indeed I find this to have been the firme perswasion of the Pythagoreans , as before in the Pythagorean Philosophie , Ch. 7. § . 10. Heraclitus also received the same by Tradition from the Pythagoreans , affirming , that the World , as it was made of Fire , so it should again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be burnt by fire . It was the common perswasion of the Platonists , that the more noble parts of the Universe , namely the Sun , and Stars , were Celestial Fires ; whence also they asserted the last conflagration of the World by fire , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato's own Words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In a short time there shall be a destruction of all things on the Earth by much fire . The Stoicks held the same , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Grotius in the fore-cited place , on 2 Pet. 3.7 . saies , That these Traditions came originally from the Jews . For there is mention made hereof in the Book called Cedrus Libani , that as God in times past let loose the reins to the Waters , so he shall again to the Fire , &c. But to returne to our Argument . 2. That the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.3 . may be rendred Fire as well as Light , is evident from the use of the word else where . So in Gen. 11.28 , 31. we read of Vr of the Chaldees , which is of the same origination , and signification : this place being ( as 't is conceived by the Learned ) called Vr , from their Sacred Fire [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] worshipt here , as a Symbol of the Sun : of which see more of the Chaldee Philosophie , Book 1. Chap. 4. § . 6. Hence also we may adde . 3. That the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies Fire , owes its origination to the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vr ; for cast away only π , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or as it was perhaps at first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And indeed , I find Plato making use of the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promiscuously to express Light as well Fire by ; so in his Timaeus he saies , the World was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , visible , or lightsome by fire , or light : and in what follows he expresly saies , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fire has flame , and light , and splendor , which is every way as applicable to the Celestial , as Terrestrial Fires ; especially if that be true which some New Philosophers , and those of greatest repute , affirme , that Light is but a flame , &c. yea indeed Plato calls the Sun in express termes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fire ( as hereafter . ) 4. The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heaven , seems also to owe its derivation to the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our , whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before . 5. Whereas 't is said Psal . 104.2 . God covered himself with Light , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is elsewhere expressed by Fire . 6. But to argue not only from Names , but from the thing it self , we find frequent mention in Scripture of Fire coming down from Heaven . So in the burning of Sodom , but more particularly in that saying of the Disciples , Luke 9.54 . That we command fire from heaven : which though it implie a Miracle , yet it argues they conceived the heavens to be the proper seat of fire , the like Revel . 20.6 . fire out of heaven . It seems to have been a fixed opinion amongst the Jews , that the heavens were the Seat of fire . 7. Yea , Mark 14.54 . Fire is expresly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which properly signifies Light of the Sun , whereby it seems evident that Mark , with the rest of the Jews ( as well as the ancient Grecians ) judged Fire , and Light equipollent , or convertible , and therefore promiscuously used those termes . 8. Farther the Scripture , and Hebrews call the Sun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which properly signifies Fire , whence we read , Lev. 26.30 . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which properly denotes those Hearths whereon these Idolaters preserved their Sacred Fire as a Symbol of the Sun , which they worshipped after the Zabian mode : whence the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latin Caminus , a Chimney , or Hearth : as before , Book 1. cap. 4. § . 8. 9. That Plato held the Sun to be a Celestial Fire is evident from his Definitions ( Collected by his Successor ) where we find the Sun thus defined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The Sun is an Heavenly Fire . So also Xenophanes ( the Founder of the Eleatick sect ) held the Sun to be a collection of little Fires : the like was asserted by Heraclitus , who both had these traditions from the Pythagoreans , as these derived them from the Jews , according to Grotius , &c. Neither are there wanting some of great vogue amongst the New Philosophers , who defend this Platonick persuasion ; that the Sun is Fire , &c. So Dr. Willis in his Treatise de Febribus saies , Light seems nothing else but a flame kindled into a greater dimension , &c. And Comenius in his Physicks makes the first Light , Gen. 1.3 . to be no other than Fire . 10. That the Sun , and the Stars are of a fierie nature was the common persuasion of the Ancient Philosophers , so Stobaeus Eclog. Phys . lib. 1. cap. 25. gives us a large account , touching the Ignite nature of the Stars . He saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thales supposed the Stars to be Terrene , but Ignite . And he addes the same of Empedocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Empedocles also held the Stars to be Ignite , &c. Empedocles also affirmed that the Heaven was compacted of Air , and Fire , i. e. Air in regard of the Firmament , and of Fire , as to the Celestial Lights , as Stobaeus Eclog. Phys . p. 52 , 53. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The like is said of Anaximander , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Anaximander said , that the Stars were Globes of Air full of Fire , breathing out flames on one side ; and that the Sun was seated in the supreme place ; The same is said of Parmenides , and Heraclitus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And Posidonius defined a Star 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Bodie Divine , Ethereous , Splendid , and Ignite , &c. But more particularly touching the Ignite Nature of the Sun , Anaximenes affirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Sun is Ignite , or Fierie . Anaxagoras , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Sun was an Ignite Iron , or Stone . The same was affirmed by Democritus . Zeno also held , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Sun , and Moon , and each of the Stars were an Intelligent , Wise , and Ignite Fire . The like Chrysippus asserted . Neither was this the persuasion only of the Wiser Philosophers , but also of many of the Ancient Greek Poets ; Euripides , in Phaenissis saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Homer though he saies not positively that the Sun is Fire , yet he makes it to be of like nature , as Stobaus Eclog. Phys . fol. 57. 11. Thus also Shepherd in his parable of the Ten Virgins , chap. 8. § . 2. It is ( saies he ) a question whether the beams of the Sun are Fire which some demonstrate thus . Take a Glasse , and gather together the beams and it burnes : and indeed this argument from the Ignifick virtue of Beams contracted in a Burning-glasse gives us a great probabilitie of the Ignite nature of the Sun : at least , it may suffice to ballance all the seeming probabilities of other opinions . Neither may we expect in matters of this nature more than conjectures , and probabilities . But to return to , and conclude this with Plato ; he frequently calls Light , Fire . So in his de Repub. 6. speaking of the Natural Cognation which is 'twixt the Eye and Light , he addes , that when the Eye comes into darkness it looseth , or falls from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it 's cognate Fire , Light. Hence Night is defined in the Platonick definitions thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Night is darkness , contrarie to the day : the privation of the Sun. As also Light is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Light is contrarie to darkness , which answers unto Moses's description , Gen. 1.5 . And God called the Light Day , and Darkness Night . § . 13. As for Plato's sentiments touching this Lower World I find little therein but what is common , and therefore not worthie of any particular remark , only he seems somewhat to differ from the commonly received opinion about the Nature of the Wind , which in the Platonick Definitions , fol. 411. is thus described , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Wind is a motion of the Air round about the Earth . As for the Air , Serranus ( on Plato's Timaeus , fol. 10. ) supposeth , that Plato made it the same with Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Firmament , Gen. 1.6 . which he expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word most proper to expresse the Nature of the Air by , which is most liquid , and expansive . Plato's contemplations about the Waters , and Sea , with those miraculous bounds given thereto by Divine Providence , I no way doubt , had their original from the Sacred Storie ▪ This we find well set forth by Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1.9 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let the Waters be gathered . The Ancients ( saies he ) have derived this word from the Noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies a Perpendicule , Square , or Rule used by Masons , &c. As if God should have said Let the Waters be gathered together unto one certain place , as by Measure , and Rule , according to the manner of Architects , who in the building of Houses , to the intent that they may bring the parts to a close , and firme consistence , and uniformitie , measure all by their Perpendicule , or Directorie . Therefore Moses seems not without great Emphasis to make use of this word , thereby to expresse the Infinite power of God , whereby he compels that fluid , and boundlesse Element , possessing the whole superficies of the Earth , even as it were by a Measure , or Rule into one place . This the Scripture alludes unto Job . 26.10 . He hath compassed the Waters with bounds , &c. Psal . 104.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Thou hast set a bound . Psal . 33.7 . He gathereth the Waters as an he●p , &c. so Job 12.15 . Behold he withholdeth the Waters , &c. which certainly is matter of infinite admiration , that an Element so ponderous , and boundlesse , should be confined against its proper Nature , within such exact bounds , and measures . Farther what Plato's apprehensions were about Exhalations , such as received some accidental impression , or Forme , are commonly called Meteors , namely concerning Comets , Thunder , Lightening , Clouds , Rain , Snow , Hail Earthquakes , &c. is uncertain ; yet we need no way doubt he might have ( if he had not ) the best information , he could expect , concerning these Mysteries of Nature , from Job , or Solomon , or such like Jewish Philosophers . § . 14. Another , and indeed the most Noble , because most experimental , part of Physiologie , or Natural Philosophie regardeth Plants and Animals , wherein Plato seemeth to have had very good skill , which we have reason enough to induce us to believe he received , by tradition from the Jewish Church , especially from Solomon's Writings . For it s very evident by Sacred Relation , that Solomon was the prime , and best Philosopher , after Adam's fall , that engaged in those Philosophick contemplations , as before in the Jewish Philosophie , book ● . chap. 1. § . 11. And I think it is also evident that the choicest parts of Democritus's Natural Experiments : of Hippocrates's Medicinal Aphorismes , and Observations ; together with Plato's Physiologick Experiments : Aristotle's Historie of Animals , and Theophrastus his Scholar's of Plants , owe their original , and first Idea's to Solomon his Natural Experiments , and Philosophizings on Plants , Animals , and Humane Nature . And because this is the most noble , and useful part of Natural Philosophie , we shall endeavour to produce some of the choicer Experiments , Observations , and Principles laid down by Plato , with others , for the Conservation of Humane Nature in health , & vigour ; which indeed is the main end , and emprovement of Physiologie commonly called Physick , or Medicine : But before we engage herein we shall give some Historical account of Mans Original , & that according to Plato's traditions originally Jewish . § . 15. The Chiefest , though last part of Natural Philosophie respects Man his two constitutive parts , Bodie , and Soul. Plato Philosophizeth on both , and that as well apart , as in Composition , and Conjunction . As for the Original of Man , Plato tells us in positive termes , That he made Man after the Image of God. So in his lib. 7. de Legib. Plato saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Man is a kind of imitation of God , and his master-piece . So in his Timaeus what he mentions in general of the whole Vniverse , he , without doubt , more properly understood of Man , namely that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the best , and greatest image of the intelligible God , which description of Man , without all peradventure , was originally traduced from Gen. 1.26 . Let us make man after our Image , &c. v. 27. Yea Plato seems to have had some Scriptural notices of Adam's first Creation , and Eves formation out of his side ; which in his Symposiack Dialogue he expresseth under his Cabalistick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Man woman , which answereth unto Gen. 2.21 , 22 , 23. Yea farther Plato seems to have had very considerable hints , and traductions touching Adams happie state in Innocencie , which he describes under his Mythologick Cabale of the Golden Age , and Saturne's Reign therein : thus in his Politicus , fol. 272. where he saies our First Parents lived in the Golden Age partaking of the fruits of the Earth without toyl , or labour , or Apparel , having conference with the beasts , &c. All which were but Fables , or traditions he had received from the Ancients , whereby he means the Jews , or their neighbours the Phenicians , &c. For so Sanchoniathon expresseth the Creation of mankind to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. saith Bochart according to the Phenician , and Hebrew expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Col-ri-jah the breath of Gods mouth , as 't is expressely ment●oned Gen. 1.7 . breath of life . As Plato had these great traditions or notices touching man's Creation , and happie Estate in general , so particularly touching the Soul of man its Divine original , immaterial , infinite capacitie , activitie , immortalitie , and perfection . As to the souls Divine original , &c. he saies in his Phaedrus , fol. 245 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the Soul is ingenerable , immortal and living , &c. because it is a self-moving principle . In his Phaedo , he calls the soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immortal . In his lib. 10. de Repub. he saies , the soul is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incomposite , or simple ; and in his Epinom ▪ he calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incorporeal . As to the souls capacitie , Plato proves in h●● Phaedo , fol. 79. That it was infinite , or boundles● , never satisfied with any thing but the first Truth , and chiefest good . The soul , saith he , contends towards that which is ●ure , and alwaies the same , & most akin unto it : so in his Protag . fol 322. he makes the soul to be nearly allyed to God , the like in his Phaedo fol. 80. Plato saith , It becomes the body to serve , but the soul to rule , because it is most like unto the Divine , Immortal , Intelligible , most uniform and first Being ; he also proves the immortality of the soul , from its 1. incorruptibilitie , 2. sollicitude , 3. innate appetite , 4. uniform self motion , 5. connate Idea of God. Thus Plato in his Phaedo fol. 55.81 . speaking of the souls disunion with , and dislodging from the body , saies , That it returns to that original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idea to which it is akin , i. e. to God , as elsewhere . Hence Plato concludes the dignitie and perfection of the soul ; so in his Phaedo fol. 55. he gathers up this conclusion , That the soul is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , akin & homogeneous , or alike in nature to God , and that it does in a sober sense participate of a self-goodness , and self-beautie with God. So again fol. 56. he saies , That the soul being allyed to God , becomes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a partner of the Divine Nature , whence it is , in its manner , and according to its capacity , as God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incomposite , infinite , incorruptible , immortal ; and thence de Leg. 5. fol. 726. Plato concludes , that of all possessions next to God , the soul is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most Divine and peculiar : Plato gives us also a good account of the Faculties of the Rational Soul : 1. he treats accurately of the humane understanding , which he stiles our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Daemon , whereby we are elevated from earth , to an heavenly alliance and conversation . He makes the mind to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plant of the supream Being , not earthly but heavenly . The proper object of the mind Plato makes to be Truth , which he calls the life , and food of the mind : so de Repub. 6. fol. 490. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by truth the mind truly lives , and is nourished . As for the manner , how truth is conveighed to the understanding , Plato tells us , 't is by assimilation , i. e. there are certain Ideas , images , or notions imprest upon the understanding , conformable to those natural Ideas , which exist in the things themselves which we know . He gives us also a particular account of the several sorts of knowledge . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wisdom is by him defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a knowledge of Beings Eternal , &c. 2. Intelligence is a knowledge of first principles . 3. Science is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a demonstrative knowledge . 4. Opinion is intermedious 'twixt Science , and Ignorance ; or a conjectural assent . 5. Imitation is an image-framing Art. 6. Faith is an assent grounded on Authority , &c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prudence is a power effective of happiness , ●he parts whereof are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. Conscience he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fame . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Art is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 2. Plato also discourseth of the Will which Definit . Platon . fol. 413. is thus defined : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a rational desire , &c. That these Platonick contemplations about the Soul , its original , immortalitie , &c. were derived originally from the Scriptures , or Jewish Church , seems probable by Plato's own words in his Phaedo fol. 85. where having proved the Souls immortalitie by many demonstrative arguments , he concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we might proceed herein by a more firm & Divine word : what this more firm and Divine word should be , if not sacred Divine Scriptures traduced to him , we cannot imagine . Thus Plato received these , and such like divine contemplations , touching the Soul , by some Oriental tradition derived originally from the sacred Fountain , as he himself seems to acknowledge ; and I conceive it cannot rationally be denyed ; or if it should , 't will not be difficult to prove the same in its proper place , when we come to treat of Plato's Metaphysicks , whereunto these speculations about the Soul , its original , &c. belong . § . 16. Having given these brief touches of mans original , & main constitutive part , his soul ; its nature , &c. we now proceed to the humane bodies , to lay down such physick or medicinal Aphorisms and praescripts , as are given us by Plato and others , for the conservation thereof in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good temperament , and habitude of health and vigour . That the Ancients reduced Medicine to Physicks or Natural Philosophie , is evident both from name , and thing . Hippocrates the great Master of Medicinal Wisdom , stiles Medicine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the natural Science . And indeed there seems such an essential connexion 'twixt Medicine and Natural Philosophy , as that they cannot without violence offered to both , be disjoyned each from other , which Aristotle and others acknowledge . Whence it is , that those great Philosophers , Plato , Aristotle , & Theophrastus , with others , mix so many Medicinal Aphorisms with their Natural Philosophizings . Hence also , saies Apuleius in Apol. Let men cease to wonder , if the Philosophers have in their very Doctrine , discoursed of the causes and remedies of diseases . To speak a little of Medicine in General ; which is usually described a practick Art of conserving , or restoring health ; whence it is distributed by some into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , others add to these parts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : but I should rather close with that common distribution of Medicine in●o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conservative , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 curative . As for Prophylactick , or conservative Medicine , we have many excellent Praescripts and Rules given us by Plato , Hippocrates , and others , for the right management and improvement thereof . Plato informs us , that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good habitude and Crasis of bodie , is extreamly advantagious for the due motions and exercises , both of body and soul : So in his Timaeus fol. 88. he tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , There is one preservation to both : for neither is the soul moved without the body , nor yet the bodie without the soul . So again in his Timaeus fol. 103. Plato assures us , That the beginnings of all evils , are from inordinate Pleasures , Griefs , Desires , and Fears , which are kindled from the ill habitude and temperature of the bodie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the ill Crases of the bodie produce these , &c. but to descend to particulars . 1. One Rule given us for the conservation of health , is to consider well , and diligently , to avoid the causes of diseases . Plato in his Timaeus , fol. 102. tells us , what are the principal causes of all diseases . First , saies he , The primarie and principal cause of all diseases is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an assymmetrie or disproportion of the first qualities ; namely , if they are either redundant , or defective : This others term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 2. Hence follows another cause of diseases , which Plato calls , The mutations , or alterations of the blood , by reason of some corruption , or preternatural fermentation : for hence , saies he , springs bile , and pituite or flegme , as all other sick humours . 3. The last cause of diseases he here mentions , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Ataxie , or disorder of humours ; namely , when choler or bile , flegme or melancholie , admit any extravasasion , or flowing forth from their proper seats , into any other parts of the body , where fixing their seat , they cause a solution , and dissolution . To these causes of diseases , mentioned by Plato , we may add others , as 4. That of Hippocrates , Aphorism . 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all excess is destructive to nature . This regards all excesses in repletions , or evacuations ; sleep , or watchings , &c. 5. Sudden mutations are apt to produce diseases . This is im●lyed in that Canon of Hippocrates , Aphoris . 51. Sect. 2. Nature makes no sudden changes , and every sudden change is dangerous . 6. Another cause of diseases , is an ill stomack , or concoction , accord●ng to that Canon , an errour in the first concoction , is never cured in the rest . 7. Whence also follows another pregnant cause of diseases , namely cruditie , according to that great Aphorisme , Cruditie is the Mother of all diseases . For indeed almost all diseases , under which men labour , ordinarily spring from repletion , and indigestion ; when more food is taken in than nature requires , or the stomack can digest : Yea , Physitians say , That a Plethora , or full estate of bodie , even though it be without impurity of blood , is dangerous as to health , because nature , if weak , cannot weild it . But they make cruditie the seminarie of all diseases . For , say they , health consists in two things . 1. In the due proportion of the humours , as well in quantitie as qualitie . 2. In a certain spongious habitude of the whole body free from all obstructions , that so the spirits and blood , may have a free circulation throughout all parts . Now cruditie obstructs both of these . 8. Hence follows Obstruction , which is reputed another seminal parent , or cause of Diseases ; especially if the obstruction be seated in any principal part , as the head , heart , liver , spleen ; whence flow Convulsions , Apoplexies , & Epilepsies , if the obstruction be in the head , Jandise , if in the liver , &c. 9. Catarrhes also are judged another fountain of diseases , &c. 10. A dislocation , or solution of parts , tends much to the impairment and affliction of the whole : according to that Physical Canon ; all grief ariseth from the solution of the Continuum . 11. Lastly , the weakness of any part tendeth greatly to the decay of the whole : for as Physicians observe the stronger parts thrust their superfluities on the weaker . Thus much for the causes of Diseases . § . 17. A second great Prophylactick Canon for the conservation of health , is this , To maintain nature in her due functions , exercises , and operations . This is laid down by Plato in his Timaeus fol. 90. where he tells us , that Medicine chiefly consists in this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to render all their due operations . This is more fully exprest by Hippocrates 6. Epid. Comm. 5. Tit. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Natures are the Physicians of diseases : whence Physitians are stued the Ministers of Nature , id est , to assist her in the exerting her proper offices , and exercises ; which are these . 1. One great and proper exercise of Nature , is a natural excretion of humours , which is usually accomplished by perfective fermentation , or ebullition of the blood , whereby the excrementitious parts are severed , and the whole masse of blood purified : besides natural fl●xes of the haemorrhoides , and haemorrhages , &c. 2. Another great office , or exercise of Nature is Perspiration , ( insensible , or sensible ) which requires a spongious habitude of body , free from all obstructions . And indeed no one can duly apprehend the sovereign influence natural perspiration has , for the conservation of health , as also for the expelling all noxious humours and malignant vapours . That which assists nature herein , is the keeping the bodie under exercises , & motion in the open air , whereby the pores are kept open , &c. 3. Another office of Nature , is to keep the spirits , both natural , vital , and animal , in their due vigour , activity , and exercises . For it 's well known , that the spirits are the great fabricators , and opificers of whatever is transacted in the bodie . Now the spirits are fed , and conserved by a regular commixture of radical moisture , and congenial heat : for bodies frigid , have but a jejune and slender spirit ; whereas things moderately hot , are spirituous . Also things grateful to the spirits , do most foment and emprove them . 4. Another exercise of Nature , consists in the due evacuation of excrements , which requires that the body be soluble , and laxe , not costive ; for costiveness of bodie breeds many diseases , &c. 5. Another office of Nature , is to keep the bodie , and all parts thereof permeable , which is necessarie , in order to a due circulation of the blood . 6. Another office of Nature , is to keep the Lungs in their due crasis and exercise ; whence that Canon , to live well , is to breath well . § . 18. A third Canon for the conservation of health regards the Non-naturalls , as they call them , namely Aliment , Air , Exercise , &c. 1. As for Aliment or food , Plato ( as Pythagoras before him ) layes much stresse on a good regiment , or government in diet . Plato seems to make the whole of Medicine to consist in allowing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proper or due food . For the ordering whereof he tels us : 1. that by how much the more simple diet is by so much the better : so in his de Repub. 3. fol. 404. he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diet must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simple , not of differing sorts . So agen he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simple diet , & Exercise are of great moment , as to the conservation of health . 2. In the ordering of diet there must be due regard had both to the quantitie and qualitie thereof , for saies Plato , many diseases , which are instigated , and provoked by Medicaments , are cured by orderly diet . 3. In all alimentation , and nutrition there is required a due attraction , concoction , and Extrusion . For all aliment moving from the center to the circumference , requires a regular course in all these regards , Especially as to the first , viz. concoction ; for as Sir Francis Bacon observes , the head ( which is the source of animal spirits ) is under the tuition of the stomack having a great Sympathie there with , and all crudities have their rise usually from too much repletion . Secondly , as for Air , and Exercise they greatly conduce to the conservation of health . § . 19. 2 Plato also discourseth well of Therapeutick Physick in these particulars . 1 He makes a Physician to be but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Minister of Nature to assist her in her proper offices , and operations . 2 Hence also he asserts that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Medicine by how much the more simple , and Connatural it tis , by so much the better and more commodious : For those are the best Medicaments , which work with , not against Nature ; we are religiously to observe the footsteps of Nature . And therefore mild Catharticks , which relieve , are more eligible than violent . 3. Hence addes Plato ( Timaeus 89. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The best purgation is by Gymnastick exercise . 4. Hence also in the same Timaeus fol. 89. Plato addes that Purgation by pharmaceutick , or purgative medicaments is only then Expedient , when necessarie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Diseases are not to be irritated by Pharmaceutick medicaments , unless they are very dangerous ; for all constitution of diseases is somewhat like to nature . So Hippocrates Sect. 2. Aphorism . 50. diseases contracted by long custome are oft better kept , than cured . 5. Whence also follows another excellent prescript of Plato wherein he Praefers a good diet , and exact regiment of the diseased , before all Cathartick or purgative medicaments . So in his Timaeus fol. 89. If any ( saies Plato ) shall contend to hasten the cure of diseases before they have had their fatal course , there usually follows of small , great , and of few , many diseases : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore all such diseases must be gently corrected by diet , neither must an infest ill be instigated or Exasperated by purging medicaments . Thus Plato . Hence that of Seneca . In diseases nothing more dangerous , and pernicious then an unseasonable Medicine . 6. But Plato's great and main Canon , which takes in the summe both of his Prophylactick , and Therapeutick medicine is laid down in his Timaeus fol. 90. thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all medicine for every disease is one , to render to every one his proper diet , and motions . Hippocrates in his Aphorismes expresseth this medicinal canon thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , healthfull exercise , moderation of diet , activity of labours . This great Physick Canon of Plato and Hippocrates is comprehensive of all other medicinal Rules : but particularly of these . 1. That the best purgation is by exercitation , or natural motion . 2. That simple medicaments ( which we call kitchin Physick ) are best . 3. That strong , and violent catharticks or purging medicaments are seldome or never to be used , but in cases of absolute necessitie . 4. That diseases acquired by repletion or fulnesse are to be cured by evacuation . Hippocrates . Sect. 2. Aphor. 22. i. e. by fasting , perspiration , Sweating , &c. All this is comprized in the advice of Sir Theodore Myron a great French Physician on his death-bed to a Noble friend who demanded his advice for the preservation of health , to whom he replyed Be moderate in your diet , use much Exercise , and but little Physick . § . 20. Lastly because the cure of the patient depends much on the qualitie of the Physician , we shall give a brief character of an able , faithful physician , and that according to Plato's mind , with others . 1. Plato requires in a Physician great skill both speculative , and Experimental : and the reason hereof , he gives us in his Gorgias fol. 464. Some ( saies he ) seem to have an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good habitude of bodie , who indeed have not . Which infirmitie none 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but a skillful experienced Physician can discerne . He also Supposeth a great measure of skill as requisite to sever noxious humours from what are good : so in his lib. 8. de repub . fol , 567. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Physicians purging out what is worst leave what is best behind . 2. Besides habitual Skill Plato requires an actual application of the same to particular cases with an universal circumspection , and inspection into all accidents though never so inconsiderable : so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 902. what ( saies he ) when a Physician is both able and willing to cure the whole bodie ; if he only considers greater matters , but neglects smaller , will there be an happie successe of that cure ? No , &c. This rule of Plato regards not only skill but also faithfulness , and diligence , which implies . 1. That Physicians use not unknown remedies , when known and approved are a● hand ; which is too common amongst many , thereby to make new experiments , or for some other ill end . 2. That Physicians may not cure one disease by causing a greater , which is too frequent . 3. That Physicians are to endeavour the removal of the cause , and not only the curing of a symptom of the disease : not to imitate him who in an hectick bodie endeavoured to cure the itch . 4. A faithfull Physician will endeavour to cure a disease , not to deferre it only : as many . 3. Another quality eminently requisite in a good Physician is meekness , tenderness , and condescension to the patients condition . So Seneca speaking of a good Physician saies , that he will not refuse the most servile offices , nor yet be moved at the impatience of his patient for his good , i. e. he will not make his own humour or will , but his patients good the measure of his practice . 4. Lastly ; every man of judgment , and experience might be his own best Physician would he heed it ; for there are but 3 things made essentially requisite to a good Physician , that is , 1. Judgement 2. Institution . 3 ▪ Experience , &c. CHAP. X. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral , and Metaphysical Philosophie . I. Plato's Moral Philosophie : I. Ethicks ; where 1. of the chiefest Good ; 2. of Virtue ; 3. of Sin ; 4. of the Affections , and their Moderation ; particularly the Affection of Love ; the Virtue of Justice . II. Plato's Oeconomicks ; where touching Imitation , Education . III. Plato's Politicks ; where 1. of right Constitution , and Administration ; 2. Laws , the Rule of such Administration ; 3. Magistrates , the Instruments of Administration according to Laws . II. Plato's Metaphysicks ; 1. of God , and his Essence ; 2. his Attributes ; 1. Vnitie ; 2. Simplicitie ; 3. Immutabilitie ; 4. Eternitie ; 5. Omnipresence ; 6. Justice ; 7. Veracitie ; 8. Puritie ; 9. Bountie ; 10. Omniscience ; 11. Incomprehensibilitie ; 12. the Divine Will the Cause of all things . 2. the Humane Soul , its Original , Immaterialitie , Capacitie , Immortalitie , &c. § . 1. HAving dispatcht Plato's Rational , and Natural Philosophie ; we should now proceed to that which is Moral , and Supernatural ; wherein indeed his excellence seems to consist . But upon Reflection , considering that this undertakement would swell this discourse before us , beyond the bounds of an Historie , and especially make this third Book big , and bulkie , much beyond the proportion of the rest : I have waved it at present , though not without some thoughts of reassuming the same , in an intended Systeme of sound Philosophie . Only for the present take this abstract Idea of Plato's Moral , and Supernatural Philosophie . As for his Moral Philosophie , it may , according to the different 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or regard it has to its object , be distributed into ( 1 ) Ethick , which respects personal Gubernation and Morals . ( 2 ) Oeconomick , which regards the Regiment of Families . ( 3 ) Politick , which comprehends the Government of Cities and Nations . As for Plato's Ethicks , we find in him excellent Contemplations and Discourses ( 1 ) of the chiefest Good , which he stiles ( 1 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , altogether true . ( Rep. 9. ) i. e. most real ▪ substanti●l , and so●● . ( 2 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most proper , Rep. 9. ( 3 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-sufficient ( 4 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●●mply good . ( 5 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the cause of all good ( 6 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most necessary good . ( 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supream idea of all good . ( 8 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Infinite . ( 9 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eternal , and mo● living . ( 10 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , uniform . ( 11 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pure , immixed , without sorrow . ( 12 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , opp●r●unc . ( 13 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Divine , and god-like good . All which contemplation of the chiefest Good , are applicable to none but God : neither may we presume , that Plato could receive them any way , save only by some scriptural Tradition of God. § . 2. Plato Philosophizeth very morally of Virtue , its Divine Infusion , Nature , and Excellencie . ( 1 ) Touching the Divine Infusion of Virtue , Plato Meno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fol. 99. proves at large that Virtue came not by Institution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a Divine Infusion ; which he proves from this , that God oft useth the most unkilful instruments in the production of Virtue . ( 2 ) As for the Nature of Virtue , Plato stiles it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Harmony of the s●ul ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Musick of the soul : And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the symmetrie , and good order of the soul , whereby every facultie keeps its due place and motion : whence ( 3 ) follows the Excellence of Virtue ; which Plato placeth in this ; that it gives Health , Amplitude , Libertie , Nobilitie , Firmitude , and perfection unto the humane So●l . § . 3. Plato Philosophizeth very notably of Sin , both ingenite , and acquisite . He makes sin to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an excess , or transgression of the Law : also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acting against right reason : whence he makes it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as Epinom . fol 978. ) an irrational , confused , irregular motion , &c. And particularly , of irregular inordinate pleasures , he proves , Repub. 9. That they are the greatest Tyrants ; for the more indulgent the mind is to them , the more tyrannick , and insolent they are . § . 4. Plato discourseth even to admiration , of that Temperance , and moderation , which ought to be in the Affections , and sensitive appetite . He makes Temperance to consist chiefly in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a certain Symphonie , and Harmonie of the Affections , as Rep. 4. whence he makes the temperate man to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stronger than himself : whereas the intemperate man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , weaker and worse than himself , i. e. than his sensitive , animal part . § . 5. Plato Philosophizeth very Divinely of Love , its soveraign Throne in , and Influence on the Soul , together with its proper Acts. This he discourseth of at large in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is wholly sper● in the Explication of this soveraign Affection . And more particularly , Plato hath admirable discourses of Amitie , or Friendship as in his Lysis ; where he professedly sets himself to Philosophize on this Theme , which the Title of this Dialogism stiled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of friendship , plainly enough imports . § . 6. Lastly , Plato discourseth most accurately of Justice , in its Vniversal Idea and Notion ; especially in his Repub. 4. where he explicates its nature , and influence in all affairs . So again in his de Leg. 12. We find many other great Ethick contemplation● , and characters , as in other his Dialogues . § . 7. As for Plato's Oeconomicks , he philosophizeth incomparably of Imitation ; which he makes to be the most efficacious principle of paternal Government . So in his de Leg. 5. as else where , he demonstrates , that the best institution of youth is by example , & conversation . He treats also of Education more largely in his Repub. 4.7 . De Leg. 1 , 5 , 7. § . 8. But that which renders Plato most famous as to Morals , is his Politick discourses , which may be reduced to these three Heads , 1. Such as relate to the constitution , and due Administration of a Republick . 2. Such as treat of Laws both humane and Divine . 3. Such as give us the Character of a good Magistrate , to administer according to such Laws . Of each of these he philosophizeth at large in his Books de Republica , and de Legibus , &c. § . 9. Touching Plato's Metaphysicks , or Supernatural Philosophie , we are not without great notices thereof , 1 He seems to have had great notions , or rather Traditions ( originally Judaick ) of Gods Essence , as described , Exod. 3.14 . whom , in imitation of Moses , he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 2. His Attributes , and 1. his Vnitie ; that there is one , and but one true God : he demonstrates at large against the Atheists , and Polytheists of his Age , in his de Repub. 10. fol. 886. and that ( 1 ) From the nature of Visibles , and the most harmonious varietie of Times . ( 2 ) From Vniversal Consent . ( 3 ) From Motion , and the first Motor , ( 4 ) From the Soul of the Vniverse , or the providence of God Inspiring , and animating all things , fol. 895. 1. From that great innate Idea of God in the soul , 899 , &c. 2. Plato discourseth very Divinely of the simplicitie of God , whom he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without mixture , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to remain simple in his own form . 3. He av●wedly owns Gods Immutabilitie . So in his Parmenides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one first Being is immobile , and the same . Again he saies , that God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 4. Plato also demonstrates the Eternitie of God. So Timaeo fol. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is alwayes the same , can have no beginning . The same he insists on in his Phaedrus . 5. Plato Parmen . 1 , 8. proves the omnipresence of God , from his Simplicitie , and immensitie : for that which has no bounds , cannot be confined . 6. Plato vindicates the Justice of God. Parmen . 134. With God there is the most exact Government , &c. So de Leg. 3. He saies , That Justice follows God , as the vindicator of his Law , so de Leg. 10. 7. He philosophizeth also accurately of God's Fidelitie and Veracitie ; he saith , God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Truth it self , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first Truth . 8. He greatly defends the puritie of God , Rep. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. God can do no Evil , neither is he the Author of Evil. 9. He makes mention of the Benignitie of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not God good ? &c. 10. He mentions also the Omniscience of God , and demonstrates the same at large , Parmen . fol. 134. &c. where he treats at large of Divine Ideas ; as also in his Timaeus . 11. He discourseth also of God's incomprehensibilitie , Parmen . 134. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 12. He makes God's will to be the Original , Vniversal , Soveraign , and first cause of all things , as also of their futurition , Repub. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 13. Farther Plato treats largely , and accurately of the providence of God , of Religion , of the puritie and simplicitie of divine Worship , &c. Lastly , Plato philosophizeth very sublimely of the Human Soul , its divine origination , immaterialitie , infinite capacitie , immortalitie , perfection , and Activity . These , with many other Metaphysick contemplations , Plato philosophizeth much of , which greatly demonstrate his acquaintance with , and derivations from Judaick Traditions , as it may hereafter farther appear . BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick , Cynick , Stoick , Sceptick , and Epicurean Philosophie . CHAP. I. Of Aristotelick , or Peripatetick Philosophie , it 's Traduction from the Jews . The traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews , proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus , Clearchus , Clemens , Eusebius , Steuch . Eugub . Selden . 2. By rational Arguments ; 1. Aristotle's converse with Jews , or , 2. with their books ; 3. his chief notions from Plato . 1. His Physicks : touching the first matter from Gen. 1.2 . Gods being the first mover : the souls spirituality . 2. His Metaphysicks , object . Adequate ens , Principal God ; Gods providence , and the Souls separate state , why Aristotle rejected some Traditions of Plato . His Ethicks , and Politicks Jewish . Aristotle's Life , and Character ; his Parallel with Plato . His Doctrines Acroatick , and Exoterick . His Works , which genuine , &c. His Successor Theophrastus . His Interpreters , Aphrodiseus , &c. The Arabian Commentators followed by the Scholemen . The general idea of Aristotle's Philosophie , and particularly ; 1. Of Aristotle's Logick . 2. His Ethicks . 1. of mans happiness , both objective and formal . 2. of the principles of humane Acts. 1. of the practick Judgment , or Prudence . 2. of Volition . 3. of Consultation . 4. Of Election . 3. Of Voluntariness and Liberty , their identitie and combination with voluntarie intrinsick necessitie , &c. 4. Of Moral Good or Virtue , its genus , habit ; its form , mediocritie ; its rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Law of Nature ; its definition , &c. Of Sin , its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anomie , &c. 3. His Physicks . 4. His Metaphysicks . § . 1. NExt to the Platonick , we shall mention the Peripatetick , or Aristotelick Philosophie , which received no small advantage , and improvement , from the Jewish Church , and Scripture ; as we may both from Autoritative , and Rational Arguments justly conclude . As for Autorities , we have first that of Arist●bulus , a sectator of Aristotle's Philosophie , mentioned by Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. who brings in Aristobulus affirming , that Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , depended much upon Moses's Law , and the other Prophets . So again , Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. and Eusebius Praep. Evang. lib 9. Make mention of one Clearchus Solens●s , a Disciple of Aristotle's , who testifieth , that he saw a certain Jew , with whom Aristotle had conversation . Eusebius's words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Clearchus a Peripatetick Philosopher , in his first Book of Sleep , &c. In what follows Eusebius , ( quoting Clearchus's own words ) shews us , That whilst Aristotle lived in the maritime Regions of Asia , amongst other Students of Philosophie , there associated himself to him a certain studious Inquisitive Jew , who conversing familiarly with Aristotle , and his Disciples , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which according to Clearchus's relation , are Aristotle's words ) he communicated more than he received . Then Eusebius addes : Honored Clemens makes mention also hereof in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 1. concerning which , he thus speaks : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clearchus the Peripatetick , saies he , knew a certain Jew , who had conversation with Aristotle . Thus Euseb . Praep. l. 9. f. 240. Edit . Paris 1544. August . Steuch . Eugub . abounds much in this argument ; Namely , that the best parts of Aristotle's Philosophie were derived originally from the Mosaick Theologie . Thus de Perenni Philosoph . lib. 4. cap. 1. Eugubinus gives us Aristotle's confession , That there was one God , who overraled not only heavenly Motions , but also the whole world , answerable to Moses's Theologie . The same he confirms cap. 7.8.9 . The like he proves of the Divine Beatitude , consisting in contemplation , as cap. 11.12.19 . But more particularly cap. 20. he demonstrates , how Aristotle confessing , that God created man and woman for the preservation of man-kind , marvellously accorded with Moses herein . For Aristotle in Oeconomicis , de Conjugio , shewing how necessarie Marriage is , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It was thus provided by the Divinitie itsel● , or God , that there should be a Nature both of Male and Female for communion . Whence Eugubinus collects , That as Moses saith , He created them male and female : so thou hearest Aristotle in this place ( which is a wonder ) saying , That the Divinitie provided that there should be Male and Female for communion , to the intent that Nature , which cannot subsist in one Individual , might be propagated by the succession of species : Thou shalt see therefore in Aristotle , and wonder at the same , the same Theologie which is in Moses , touching the creation of man , &c. Thus Eugubinus ; who lib. 9. cap. 7. thoroughout Demonstrates more fully , That Aristotle marvellously accorded with the Mosaick Theologie , touching mans creation by God , the formation of the bodie , the difference of Sex , and the Infusion of the Soul from without . And in what follows cap. 8.9 . He proves that Aristotle conceived the same , touching the immortalitie of the Soul. To which we may add the Testimony of Selden , ( de Jure Nat. Gent. Hebraeor . lib. 1. cap. 2. fol 14.15 . ) where , having cited the Authoritie of Aristobulus , for Aristotle's traducing much of his Philosophie from the Jews , he addes : And certainly there is yet extant an old comment of some Hebrews , affirming , That Aristotle being about to die , instructed his Disciples touching the immortalitie of the Soul , also of its punishment , and reward , according as he had been taught by the peculiar Posteritie of Shem , id est , by the Jews : al●o that having been admonished by Simeon the Just ( High Priest ) he changed his old Opinions , in all points , wherein he had formerly held against the Law , and Doctrine of the Hebrews , and was transformed into another man. MSS : in the Library at Oxford . But albeit there is no ground , why we should believe these Figments ; yet hence it is sufficiently evident , that there prevailed an opinion even amongst the Hebrews themsel●es , of a singular communion , and commerce 'twixt them and the ancient Greek Philosophers , as to the Traduction , and Reception of Sciences , whereunto the Christian Fathers , Clemens Alexandrinus , Justin , Theodoret , Ambrose , and others , are Consonous . Thus Selden ; who fol. 23. addes more of like import . § . 2. But to come to some rational conjectures , whence we may with great probabilitie conclude , that Aristotles Philosophie , as to its purer , and more Orthodox parts , was very much traduced from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures . If that prove true , which was even now mentioned , that Aristotle was in Asia , yea in Syria , and Judea , ( as we may presume with Alexander ) then we may easily be satisfied , how he came to acquaint himself with the Jewish Learning , and Records . For if Aristotle attended Alexander unto Phenicia , and Judea , we cannot rationally conceive he would let pass such a people as the Jews were , so renowned for ancient Records and Wisdom , without acquainting himself with their Principles and Doctrine , especially they being those , from whom his Master Plato received his choicest contemplations . 2. But on supposition , that Aristotle was not in Judea with Alexander , yet 't is credibly said , that Alexander furnished him with all the choicest Books ( yea , whole Libraries ) that he could meet with in his Eastern Expedition : amongst which , we may rationally conjecture the Jewish Records , and Books were not omitted : especially if that be true , which Josephus mentions of Alexander's coming to Jerusalem , and vouchsafing particular honours and favours to the Jewish Nation , &c. But 3. This is certain , that Aristotle received the more choice parts of his Philosophie from his Master Plato , as we could easily demonstrate , by multitudes of particulars , both in his Physicks , Metaphysicks , Ethicks , and Politicks , wherein Aristotle follows Plato in many of his choicer Notions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he cloaths them in his own Method . Now that Plato received his Philosophie , both matter and form , for the chiefest part , from the Jews , and sacred Scriptures , has been proved in the former Book . § . 4. But to give a more full Demonstration of the Traduction of Aristotles Philosophie from the Jewish Church , and Scriptures originally , we shall give some brief touches on some of the more principal materials thereof . As 1. whence sprang the choicer parts of Aristotle's Physicks , but from some Traditions imparted to him by his Master Plato . Thus Aristotle's notions about the first matter of all things , and its affections are evidently nothing else but some broken fragments of those Traditions , which Plato had received originally from the Jewish Church , touching the first Chaos , or rude Mass , out of which all things were at first created , as Gen. 1 , 2. Hence it was that Aristotle stiles his first matter Informe , yet capable of any form ; indeterminate , and indigested , a meer passive power , &c. which are notions exactly conform to the Mosaick description , Gen. 1.2 . as we have before demonstrated . The same may be said for Aristotle's two other principles , privation and Forme , of which we have before treated in Plato's Physicks . Again Aristotle in his Physicks lib. 1. cap. 1 ▪ 2.3.6.7 . as lib. 8. cap. 6.7.10 . is very copious in his Philoso●hizings on the first Mover ; proving , that he is immoveable , one eternal indivisible Being , void of all quantity , &c. wherein he exactly follows Plato , and the Scripture Revelation of God , as Joh. Grammaticus in Aristot . de anima . As to the humane Soul , ( which takes up a good part of Physicks ) Diogenes Laertius , in the life of Aristotle , assures us , that he held with Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the soul was spiritual , &c. The same is mentioned by Johan Grammaticus in his Preface to Arist . de Anima . This Plato received originally from the Jewish Church , as we have before proved , &c. Farther Aristotle seems to have had some Notices of the Soul's creation and infusion by God. Thus Steuch . Eugubinus de Pereu ▪ Philosoph . lib. 4. cap. 24. As Moses said , God breathed into his Nostrils the breath of life , Gen. 2.7 . So Aristotle , in libris de Generat . Animal . saies , that the mind came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from without . So Aristot . de Anima , having proved that it is imp●ssible that the sensitive Soul should come from without , because it is conteined in the seed : he concludes of the mind . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It remains that the mind alone be infused from without , and that it alone be Divine , whose operation communicates not with corporeous action . Whence the same Aristotle calls the mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most ●kin to God. Yea , de Anima , lib. 1 ▪ text . 4. He makes the soul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be impatible , and im●●ixt , i. e. simple and incorruptible . So text 7. he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the mind is separable from the bodie , i e. incorporeous . See more Part. 1. B. 3. c. 7. § . 6. Yea , why may we not safely conjecture , that Aristotle received the chief Ideas of his Historie of Animals ( which is his Master-piece ) from Solomon's Books , which he writ of the Nature of Animals ? 2. But we pass on to Aristotle's Metaphysicks , which indeed seem nothing else but some fragments , or miscellaneous collections he had gathered up out of Plato's Philosophie . For the chief object of his Metaphysicks , he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ens quatenus ens ; which is the proper notion whereby Plato ( as Pythagoras before him ) expressed God , traduced originally from Exod. 3.14 . as we have fully proved afore in Pythagoras's Metaphysicks , chap. 8. § . 4. The simple affections of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ens , Being , Aristotle makes to be Vnity , Verity , and Bonity , which are the Affections , which Plato attributes unto God , and that in imitation of Jewish and sacred Tradition as before . B. 2. C. 8. § . 4.5 . Farther , that Aristotle had much knowledge of God , his spiritual Nature , and Providence , and that from his Master Plato's Philosophizings , we are informed by Diogen●s Laertius in his Life ; where he tells us , that Aristotle conformable to Plato , defined God thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God is a spirit . He also tells us , that Aristotle held Gods Providence to reach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even to Celestials , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was immoveable , b●t ordered earthly affairs , according to that sympathie , or congr●ence they had to Celestials . Another piece of Metaphysicks regards the Soul in its separate State , whereof some think Aristotle had some notices . So Sir Kenelm Digby , in his discourse of the Soul , fol. 431. first Edit . Eng. ) If we ( saith he ) had Aristotle's Book , which he wrote of the Soul , upon the Death of his Friend Eudemus , it 's very likely we should there see his evident assertion of her immortalitie , &c. This some gather also from that passage , which is said to drop from him whilst he lay a dying , viz. O Being of Beings have mercy on me . But to speak what seems to be the truth in this matter : Though Aristotle was ready to entertain such notions of God , and his Providence , as were agreeable to the model of his Reason , yet such as depended purely on Tradition he rejected , as not agreeable to a Philosopher . Hence , whereas Plato ( as Pythagoras , and all the Philosophers before Aristotle ) held the production of the first matter by God ; he asserted an Eternitie of Matter : and whereas Plato asserted that all things were made conformable to the exemplar of Divine Ideas , or Decrees ; Aristotle not fully comprehending what Plato imperfectly received , and imparted , touching those Divine Ideas , utterly expungeth them out of his Philosophie . This therefore seemeth to be the genuine reason why Aristotle embraced not more readily those greater , and more Divine mysteries of Jewish Wisdom , as well as his Master Plato , and Pythagoras ; because they were matters of pure belief , above the reach of his natural Reason . Plato , as Pythagoras , conversing much in the Oriental parts , and ( as we have endeavoured to prove ) with many Jews in Aegypt , &c. They much recreated themselves with any ancient Records , Traditions , or Reports of Divine matters , though never so mysterious , and above their capacities : But Aristotle giving himself up wholly to the government of his Reason , he confined himself to such Tradit●ons , as would suit therewith , rejecting all other , which his corrupt Reason could not comprehend , or reduce to demonstration . And he himself seems to give this as a reason , why he discoursed no more of things future , and Divine ; because ( saith he , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what is future , is to us uncertain . He so much idolized his own Reason ( which was indeed very Masculine and Nervous ) as that he slighted all Traditions , which carried not with them evidence , and Notices of their Truth . ( This made him either wholly to reject , or else miserably to adulterate the more sublime , and Divine of Plato's Traditions ) . But 3. As to Aristotle's Ethicks , there seems to be more evident Characters of their Traduction from the sacred Jewish fountain originally , if not immediately , for all the Characters , he gives ( Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 1.2 . &c. ) of the chiefest good , are the same , which Plato laies down : so also his Character of Friendship , Justice , Temperance , and other Virtues , are for the main ( though not in the same method ) derived from Plato , and we need not doubt , but originally from some sacred Author , Solomon , or some other . 4. As for Aristotle's Politicks , great part of them seem to have much cognat●on with the Jewish Institutes , and we may rationally conjecture , had their derivation thence : So Cunaeus ( de Repub. Hebr. p. 21. ) tells us , That Aristotle in his Books of Politicks , recites certain Edicts , composed by the most ancient Legislators , which are very like to the Mosaick In●titutes . For Oxylus , King of the El●ans , forbids his Subjects to Morgage their Fields for mony And the Locrenses were forbid to sell the possessions of their Ancestors , &c. And in our former discourse of Philologi● , touching the Original of Pagan Laws , we have proved their Traduction from the Institutes of Moses , &c. § . 4. But to proceed to somewhat a more general account of Aristotle , his Life , and Philosophie , which peradventure may add some strength to our particular Hypothesis . Aristotle was born at Stagira , ( belonging sometimes to Thracia , but at Aristotle's birth under the Macedonian Empire ) his Parents were Nicomachus , and Phaestis , according to that Greek Hexameter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Nicomachus was Physician to King Amyntas , who was Father to Philip , and Grandfather to Alexander the Great . Aristotle in memory of his Father , called his Son Nicomachus , to whom he writes his Ethicks , which were thence called his Nicomachia , to difference them from his Eudemia , and Magna Moralia . For Aristotle left three sorts of Ethicks , as Vossius . Albeit Cicero doubts , whether these Ethicks were not writ by Nicomachus himself : that this Nicomachus writ Books of Ethick● , is the affirmation of Suidas . Aristotle in the sevent●enth year of his age went to Plato , whom he heard twenty years . After Plato's death , which was in the first year of 108 Olympiad ( Speusippus his Nephew succeeding in the Academy ) Aristotle went to Hermias the Eunuch , King of Artana of Mysia , with whom he lived three years . After the death of Hermias , upon the request of Philip , Aristotle came to Macedon , where having lived eight years with Alexander , he returned to Athens ; And the Academic being praepossessed by Xenocrates , Aristotle made choice of the Lycëum ( a place in the Suburbs of Athens , built by Pericles for the exercising of Souldiers ) where he taught Philosophie , walking constantly every day 'till the hour of Anointing , whence his Sect was called Peripatetick . Thus Laertius . So also Hesychius in Aristotle : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Peripatetick Philosophie was so termed from Aristotle , who began it in the Peripatum , or Ambulatorie . So Cicero Academ . 1. Those who were with Aristotle , were called Peripateticks , because they dispated walking in the Lycëum . Aristotle taught Philosophie in the Lycëum twelve years . But after the death of Alexander , who upheld him , some of his Emplators conspiring against his Life , he left Athens , and went to Chalcis . He lived after the death of Plato 26 years , and died 63 years aged : Whereof see more in Laertius of his life , &c. § . 5. As for Aristotle's Character , we find him greatly applauded by the Ancients for his Vniversal skill in Sciences . Plato himself ( who is sometimes invective against Aristotle ) stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Intellect of his Schole ; as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Philosopher of Truth . Laertius lib. 5. saies , That he was a person of great Study , and incredible Invention . It is said also , That he was the first that collected the dispersed members of Philosophie into one bodie , and Systeme : he prescribed in his Logick a certain form of Argumentation : he perfected Ethicks begun by Socrates : of Physicks he discoursed so accurately , as that he left all , even Plato himself behind him : he bestowed most profitable indeavours in searching into the Historie of Animals , of which he writ almost 50 Volumns : as Pliny lib. 8. cap. 16. Quintil. lib. 12. cap. 11. & Hornius Hist . Philos . lib. 3. cap. 15. Quintilian lib. 10. cap. 1. makes this honourable mention of him : Why should I mention Aristotle ? whom I doubt , whether I should account more famous for his knowledge of things , or for his copiousness of writing , or for his s●avitie of speech , or for his Acumen of Invention , or for his variety of Works . Plinie stiles him the Co●yphaeus in all Sciences . Arnobius lib. 3. advers . Gent. tells us , That Aristotle was a person of an excellent ingenie , and surpassing in Doctrine : Nay , is bold to stile him , One of an Vniversal knowledge ; yea , the measure or end of humane understanding . Hieronymus in Reg. Monach cap. 11. saies , Aristotle was the Prince of the Wise men , a Prodigie , and the grand Miracle in all Nature , who seems to have had infused into him whatever the humane ingenie was naturally capable of . And in cap. 3. Ionae , he attests , that there w●re certain honorarie pieces of brass mony , stampt on the one side with Aristotle's Image , and on the other , with this Inscription , Naturae Miraculum , the Miracle of Nature , as Hornius Hist . Philos . lib. 3 , cap. 15. See a more ample Character of Aristotle's glorie , that he was too invective , and invidious against such as differed from him , and not so candid in relating their opinion , as he ought to have been . This is evident from his smister treating Democritus , Parmemdes , yea , and his own Master Plato , who felt the strokes of his censorious Rod , whence Laertius brings in Plato , complaining against Aristotle , that he was like a young Colt , that kicked against its Dam , &c. Indeed we have a just , and exact Character of Aristotle , in Cas● speculo Moral . Quaest . lib. 1. cap. 6. I conceive ( saies he ) Aristotle to be in refuting others a Camel , in Philosophizing the Prince of all . I call him a Camel in refuting , because he strikes them with the heels of Envy , from whose dugs he sucked the Nectar of Philosophie . In Philosophizing , I call him a Prince , because he discourseth so of the secrets of Nature , as none more acutely , he demonstrates so , as none more accurately ; he defends so , as none more stoutly . Wherefore , as in ref●ting others , he is scarcely to be saluted : so in his demonstrating of things , I would have him to be embraced with both arms . If he refels ( if I mistake not ) he doth either change the word , or invert the sense , or feign a new one : and as Hercules with the Pygmeys , so Aristotle with a shadow , contends de lana caprina . § . 6. If we consider Aristotle , comparatively with Plato , we shall find the learned very differing in their comparisons 'twixt the one , and the other . Some there are , who place Aristotle in many degrees of Preeminence above Plato , as the Scholemen universally do : Others there are , who give the Precedence to Plato , as some Fathers did . But if any degree of comparison be lawful , I think that of Ludovicus Vives is most agreeable , who gives them each , though in different regards , a preeminence over the other . So Lud. Vives in August . Civ . lib. 8. cap. 12. The Greeks stile Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Divine , Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Daemon , or Intelligent . Aristotle , I had almost said , excels Plato in the Science of Rhetorick , albeit Plato , without peradventure , surpasseth Aristotle in the exercitation and use thereof . For Aristotle alwaies loved brevity , both of things , and sentences : therefore his great care was to admit of no supervacaneous word , Plato said , that Xenocrates wanted spurs , but Aristotle his condisciple a bridle , &c. As for Plato's Eloquence , it is thus characterized by Quintilian , lib. 10. cap 1. Plato was invested with a kind of Divine , and Homerick facultie of Orating : He swells much beyond Prose , and that which the Greeks call Pedester Oration ; so that he seems to me to be inspired not with the ingenie of a man , but with a certain Delphick Oracle . Aristotle used an elegant Oration , but acc●rate , nervous , strict , and next to an obscure mode of speech as Horn. Hi●t . Phil. lib 7. cap. 14 If we compare Aristotle and Plato in point of Logick , and method of Philosophizing , it is evident that Plato's Logick , or me●hod of Rat●●cination , was more plain and familiar , mixed with many elegant illustrations and examples whereas Aristotle's method was more artificial , and accurate , consisting of more exact definitions , divisions , and demonstrations . Whence that Famous saying , Plato teacheth , Aristotle proves . Thus Keck . Tract . 2. praecogn . Logic. cap. 2. God has honoured the Peripatetick Sect only with this glory , that what Plato , and others handled , and delivered confusedly , and imperfectly , without Method , and order , under the shadows of Metaphors , and Fables , the same things Aristotle first delivered unto mankind , under the form of a dext'rous Method well regulated , and whose parts are full , and complete . But if we compare them in regard of Metaphysicks , and divine contemplations , its evident , yea , confest , that Aristotle was far inferiour to Plato herein : And the reason is as apparent ; for Plato delighting himself much in Jewish Traditions , which he had imbibed partly from the Pythagorean Philosophie , and partly by means of his own personal conversation in the Oriental parts , he thereby obtained great notices of Divine Mysteries , especially of such as related to the origine of the Vniverse , the spiritual nature , and perfection of God , the Immortality of the Soul &c. But Aristotle , as Simplicius observes of him , confining himself to the sphere of his own Reason , would needs examine Divine matters by Nature , and admit nothing but what was grounded on Natures Light , or rather on his own corrupt Reason . Whence he rejected all such Oriental Traditions , as would not stoop to his proud Ratiocination , as before . § . 7. Aristotle's Philosophizings were ( as 't is presumed ) by himself distributed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Acroaticks , or Acroamaticks , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exotericks ▪ his Acroatick Doctrines he taught in the morning wa●king in the Lycëum , whereunto he admitted none but the choicer wits , or genuine Disciples whence 't was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Exotericks he taught in the evening , whence it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : these were more common . His Acroaticks contain his more subtile Philosophie namely his Physicks , and Logick Disceptations : his Exotericks comprehend his more vulgar Philosophizings , and other Discourses ; as his Politicks , Ethicks , Rhetorick , and such like . Thus Gellius , lib. 20. cap. 4. Aristotle ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were those his Comments , which conduced to Rhetorick meditatations , the Facultie of wrangling , and the knowledge of Politicks . His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were those , in which more remote , and subtile Philosophie , was agitated , and which appertained to Physick Contemplations , and Dialectick Disceptations . His Acroamaticks he read in the morning to h●s more ripe and choice Wits , but Exotericks promiscuously without choice : whence the former were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ according to Horn. Hi●t . Philos . lib 7. cap. 9. Lucian in his Dialogue inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , divides Aristotle's Writings into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exotericks , & Esotericks ; whereof the latter are the same with his Acroaticks , which Amm●nius ( in Aristotelis Categ . ) saies , were so called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he therein discoursed with his genuine and proper Disciples . These Acroaticks , he farther acquaints us , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delivered in his own person , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In which he teacheth in his own proper person , his own Phaenomena , the which he endeavours to prove by the most exquisite arguments , beyond vulgar Capacities . Plutarch in the life of Alexander tells us , that the Peripateticks called these more Mystick , and weightie Doctrines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acroamatick , and Epoptick : namely in allusion , unto the Eleusinian Sacreds ; wherein those who were initiated were for the first four years called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 My●ticks : who stood on the threshold before the Sacrarie , but in the fifth year they had the privilege of being admitted into the inner Sacracy , there to contemplate the hidden Sacreds , whence they were stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contemplators . So in like manner the Secrets of Philosophie which Aristotle delivered to his genuine Disciples were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epopticks . As for Aristotle's Exotericks , we have them thus explicated by Clemens Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Dialogicks are such , as he writes not in his own person , but , as Plato , induceth other persons speaking ; which are also called Exotericks because they were written for the benefit of the vulgar sort . See Vossius de Philos . Sect. cap. 17. § . 9. § . 8. By what has been mention'd of Aristotle's Dialogicks as also by Laertius's Catalogue of his Works , we may judge how many of his books have perished . For amongst all Aristotle's Works we fi●d none written in a Dialogick Style , though it be generally confest , he writ many Dialogues : so Cicero to Lentulus saies , that he had polished his 3 books of an Orator in a Dialogick Strain , after the Aristotelick mode . Such also were Aristotle's Sophista , & Menexenus , which treated of Morals , and are mentioned by Laertius ; likewise his Nerithus , and Gryllus which treated of the Oratorian Art : also his Eudemus or Dialogue of the Soul. All Which Dialogick Discourses , referred by Cicero , and others to Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exotericks are not now to be found . Yet we may not conclude with Caelio Eurio the Second , that there remain extant only three genuine pieces of Aristotle , viz his Historie of Animals , his book of the World , and his Rhetorick to Alexander : For there are many other pieces of Aristotle , which carry with them evident notices of his spirit ; as his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , also his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both the one and the other ; his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and those of the Soul , &c. Yet 't is very probable , that the book of the Vniverse , reckoned amongst Aristotle's Works , was not his , because it has too orthodox sentiments of God , his Providence , and Gubernation , which Aristotle seems not to approve of . Also that other piece of Rhetorick to Alexander , mentioned by Caelio Curio , is supposed not to be Aristotle's but Anaxamines Lampsacenus's who also was master to Alexander the Great , as Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. cap. 17. § . 13. § . 9. Aristotle dying left his Librarie of books to Theophrastus his successor : Theophrastus leaves them to Neleus who was also Disciple of Aristotle , as Laertius tells us . Neleus sells them to Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , who transferred them into his Alexandrine Librarie , as Athenaeus lib. 1. Thus Is . Casaubon . in Athen. lib. 1. cap. 2. Aristotle's Librarie was first possessed by Theophrastus : whence it by Testament descended to Neleus . The story is known out of Strabo , Plutarch , Diogenes . You may learn out of Strabo , how true it is , that Ptolomie bought the books of this Philosopher from Neleus , or his posteritie , &c. Thus Casaubon . we have the words of Strabo lib. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aristotle was the first , that we know of , who collected books , and taught the Kings of Egypt to erect a Librarie . That Aristotle was a great affector of books , appears by an observation of Gellius lib. 3. cap. 17. who tells us , that Aristotle paid 3 Attick talents for some few books of Speusippus the Philosopher , &c. What is said of Ptolemie's buying Aristotele's books of Neleus some understand of his Library onely : For those books , which Aristotle writ himself , 't is reported , that Neleus retained them for himself , and transmitted them to his posteritie , who being not learned kept them under keys , without use . Hence Strabo calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , books lockt up . Yea , 't is said , that they , fearing least the Kings of Pergamus ( who erected a great Librarie , which was afterwards by Cleopatra's means transferred to Alexandria ) should take them away , hid them long under ground , which brought no small damage to these Books ; for hereby they grew mouldy , worm-eaten , moth eaten , &c. After this Apellico Teius buyes them , who being as Atheneas characterizeth him * more bookish then learned , causeth these worm-eaten books of Aristotle to be transcribed and made publick , but without judgement , or fidelity . After his death Sylla ( about 200. years after Aristotle's death ) possessing Athens , takes these Books , and sends them to Rome ( as Plutarch in Sylla ) where Tyrannio Grammaticus , a great Student in Aristotle , obtained from the Keeper of the Librarie , the use of them . And the Bookselle●s got these books transcribed , but by unmeet Librarians , and such as would not so much as compare their Transcripts with the Original Exemplar . Whence Aristotle's Books received farther detriment . This Tyrannio delivered over these Books to And●onicus Rhod●us , who was the first that took care for the more exact transcribing of Aristotle's Books into many Exemplars ▪ in order to the publication of them . Thence men began to dispute more about Acroaticks , whereas in the foregoing time , even from the decease of Theophrastus ( by reason of the scarcitie of Aristotle's choicest pieces ) they were wont to dispute onely about Exotericks probably , &c. As Vossius de Philosoph . Sect. cap. 17. § . 11. Though indeed to speak the truth , Aristotle came not to be in so general repute till Alexander Aphrod seus began to enterpret him ; as hereafter . § . 10. Aristotle's Successor was Theophrastus Eresius , who was first called Tyrtamus , but afterward , by reason of his ( as they phrased it ) Divine Eloquence , was by his Master Aristotle named Theophrastus . Thus Strabo lib. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophrastus was first called Tyrtamus ; for Aristotle first called him Theophrastus , both to avoid the asperity of his former name , as also to signifie the excellence of his eloquence : for Aristotle made all his disciples eloquent , but Theophrastus most eloquent . See the same in Diogenes Laertius , Hesychius Illustris , and Suidas . Theophrastus being a person greatly esteemed for his Learning , and Eloquence , had a huge confluence of Disciples , at least Auditors , to the number of 2000 , as Laertius , and Hesychius . He does in some things differ from his Master Aristotle : as in Meteors , touching the efficient cause of the Rains ; also concerning the cause of the Oblique Winds , the matter of hot and dry Exhalations , the original of the saltness of the Sea , &c. Theophrastus seems to write of some things more exactly than Aristotle ; as of other things , which are not mentioned by Aristotle . He has excellent Physick discourses of Plants , of the Winds , of Fire , besides many choice Moral characters . The greatnesse of his worth , is sufficiently discovered in Aristotle's choice of him for his ●uccessor . For Gellius lib. 13. cap. 5. tells us , That Aristotle about the time of his departure , being demanded whom he would have for his Successor , whether Theophrastus Lesbius , or E●demus Rhodius ? commanded them to bring him two sorts of Wi●e , the Rhodi●● , and Lesbian ; and having tasted of both , he replye● the Rhodian wine was very good , but the Lesbian was sweeter : by which lepid , and pleasant answer , he discovered his pre●●● on of Lesbius Theophrastus , before Eudemus Rhodius . The Auditors of Theophrastus were Strato Lampsacenus , and Demetrius Phalereus . Strato was succeeded by Lycon Troadensis , Lycon by Aristo Ceius , Aristo by Critolaus Phasilites , Critolaus by Diodorus , and he by Neleus . § . 11. Amongst the Commentators on Aristotle , Alexander Aphrodiseus has the precellence given him by the Learned , and that both for his Antiquity , th●re being none of Aristotle's Enterpreters more ancient ( save Herminus , whose Commentaries are all , except a few fragments , lost ) as also for his intimate acquaintance with Aristotle's mind , and firm adherence thereto . For as for the other Commentators , they either take part with Plato , wherein he differs from Aristotle , as Simplicius ; or else they endeavour to reconcile Aristotle with Plato , as Ammonito , &c. whereas Alexander Aphrosideus follows Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and defends h●m stoutly against the Stoicks , and other Sects . Whence it was , that Plotinus was wont for the understanding of Aristotle , to consult Alexander , as Porphyrie in his Life : and the Greeks call him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the great Enterpreter . Cyril also against Julian , stiles him the Lover of Aristotle , and the most diligent , and most acute of all the Philosophers . Whence also the Arabian Commentators , Averroes , Avicenna , &c. make most use of him in their Illustrations , and Commentaries on Aristotle : Yea , to give him his just praise , Aristotle came not upon the Stage to be Master of the Scholes , till this Alexander , by his learned Commentaries , advanced him into the Chair , as it is well observed by Lud. Vives in August . Civit. lib. 8. cap. 10. From the times of Plato and Aristotle , even to Alexander Aprodiseus , who lived under the Emperors , Severus , and his Son ( about 210 years after Christ ) Aristotle was named , rather than read , or understood by the Learned . This Alexander was the first that attempted to enucleate , and enterpret Aristotle , who greatly promoted others in their Studies of , and Inquisitions into Aristotle . Yet all this while Plato continued more frequent in the hands , and more understood by the minds of men . But here we must know , that many of those Commentaries , that pass under Alexander's name , are spurious . His genuine Comments are on Aristotle's Meteors , &c. § . 12. There were also amongst the Greeks others , who Commented on Aristotle : as ( not to mention Porphyrie his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on Aristotle , because he was a Platonist ) 1. Themistius Sirnamed by reason of his Eloquence , Euphrades : who lived in the times of Constance , Jovinian , Valens , and Valentinian the Emperors , to whom he dedicated several Orations yet extant ( Augustin calls him his Master ) 2. Olympiodorus the Alexandrian Philosopher , who flourished about the year 480 , and was , according to Suidas , Praeceptor to Proclus Lycius , and Auditor to Syrianus , &c. 3. Proclus Lycius Sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who succeeded in the Platonick Schole , and was ( as Porphyrie before him ) a bitter Writer against the Christians . 4. Johannes Grammaticus Sirnamed Philoponus , who answered Proclus , and was a great propugnator of the Christian Religion , as well as an excellent Commentator on Aristotle . 5. Ammonius ▪ who was a Disciple of Proclus Lycius , and a clear Commentator on Aristotle , though he does oft Platonize . 6. Simplicius , who flourished under Justinian the Emperour , and was very invective against Johannes Grammaticus , yet an excellent Interpreter of Aristotle , albeit he doth Platonize . We find a good , though concise character of these Commentators on Aristotle in Pici Mirandulani Apologia 90. Philosophie among the Grecians remains very beautiful and chast ; She is in Simplicius very rich , and copious ; in Themistius elegant , and compendious ; in Alexander , constant and learned ; in Theophrastus greatly elaborate ; in Ammonius clear , and gratious . § . 13. After the Grecians followed the Arabian Commentators on Aristotle ; amongst whom the principal place is given to Aven-rois , or Averroes , who flourished in Spa●n , an . 650. and had undoubtedly proved a better Commentator on Aristotle , had he been better acquainted with the Greek Tongue . He was also a Famous Physician , as well as Philosopher , but no friend to the Christians ; yet have the Scholemen made his Comments on Aristotle , the foundation of all their Schole-Divinity . Hornius Histor. Philosoph . lib. 5. cap. 10. gives us this account of these Arabian Commentators on Aristotle . We will begin with Avicenna , who attained unto so much by his labour , that he alone may carry the bell among Aristotle's Commentators : neither does any seem to reach the mind of the Philosopher , as Avicenna , whom his diligent translator Andr. Alpagus calls Ebeusina . He was so addicted to Aristotle , that many relate he got all his Metaphysicks by heart . He had for his Contemporarie Averroes the Arabian , who lived at Corduba in Spain , and had great contests with Avicenna , and albeit both professed themselves Sectators of Aristotle , yet they thought nothing true , which each other affirmed . Averroes writ of many parts of Aristotle , and that with so great an acumen , that he hath obtained the repute of the most learned Interpreter , and the title of Commentator , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From whom the latter Scholemen have borrowed many things . That the Scholemen extracted the most of their Philosophick notions and distinctions ( which they make the foundation of their Scholastick Theologie ) not immediately out of Aristotle , but out of the Arabians , Averroes , Avicenna , &c. his Commentators , is evident to any that acquaints himself with the original of Schole Divinity , which began in the Parisian Scholes about the twelfth and thirteen Centuries , by Albertus Magnus , Thomas Aquinas , Scotus , &c. amongst whom Averroes was greatly in repute . Verulam in his Novum Organum speaks truely ; that these Schole-men , besides their reduction of Theologie into an order , and forme of Art , have over & above caused Aristotle's Eristick , and spinous Philosophie to have been , more than it ought , incorporated into the bodie of Religion . And in all Aristotle's name is pretended , albeit they rather follow his corrupt Interpreters and Commentators . For the Arabians , from whom the Schole-men drew all their subtilties being wholly ignorant of the Greek , and well nigh of the Latin , were fain to make use of Versions very short of , and in many points quite differing from the original sense of Aristotle , &c. § . 14. Having given this general Idea of Aristotle his Life , and successors , we shall now treat somewhat more distinctly and particularly of his Philosophie , according to that reduction and account we find thereof in Ammonius , Jo. Grammaticus , and others . Ammonius in Arisiot . Categor . pag. 6. treating of Aristotle saie● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus Ammonius which we may English thus . This Aristotle was in his Morals exact even to an hyberbole ; In Philosophie he exceeded humane Measures , leaving no part thereof untouched , but adding much thereto from his own sagacitie , he reformed the whole of Philosophie , for he added unto Logick by differencing , or separating the Canons from the things , as also by framing Demonstrative Method . For those , who preceded him , knew how to demonstrate , but how to frame Demonstrations they knew not ; as it is with those , who cannot make shooes , yet can use them when made . To Physicks he added the fifth Essence . As for Theologie , albeit he added nothing thereto , yet left he nothing unattempted therein . For he knew not terrestial things only , as some conceit , but also supernaturals , as it appears by his fifth book of Physick Acroaticks , where he saies that the first Cause is not moveable either by it self , or by Accident : whence he demonstrates that the Divine Being is neither a bodie , nor passible . This last expression of Ammonius , touching Aristotle's owning God to be the first immobile cause of all things , is confirmed , and explicated more fully by Johannes Grammaticus in his Proaem . in Aristot . de Anima fol 10. as hereafter . § . 15. Hence Ammonius makes this the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie to lead men to the knowledge of the first cause , God , &c. so Ammon . in Arist . Categor . pag. 11. treating of Aristotle's Philosophie he demands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; what is the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie . To which he replies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we say , that the end of his philosophie is to know the principle of all things , the productive cause of all things , which is alwaies the same ; for he demonstrates that the principle of all things is incorporeal , by which all things are produced . Thence Ammonius demands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; what are the means that conduce us to this end ? to which he answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We say the means conducing to this end is the doctrine or knowledge of things existing in time and mutation : for by these things , together with the Mathematicks , we lead our selves into the knowledge of the first cause of all things . § 16. Thence Ammonius passeth on to discourse of Aristotle's mode of Philosophizing . pag. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The forme of Aristotle's writings is every way exact as to phrase . For the Philosopher ever avoids Rhetorical flourishes , and wholly endeavours to set forth the nature of things only . Aristotle being resolved to reduce Philosophie to rules of Art , and reason , utterly rejects that Mythologick , Symbolick mode of Philosophizing , which his Predecessors Thales , Pher●cydes , Pythagoras , and Plato had introduced ; confining himself to a more succinct , and accurate method . Whence also he rejects all those more obscure Jewish Traditions , which Pythagoras , and Plato so much delighted themselves in , with resolution to admit nothing but what he could make stoop to evident reason , or clear Testimony . So in his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we ought in matters doubtfull to use clear testimonies : whereby he cuts off all those obscure , and broken Traditions , which his predecessors admired , and together with their traditions their Symbolick mode of Philosophizing also . § . 17. The same Ammonius gives us ( pag. 12. ) a good character of such , as are genuine Auditors , and Expositors of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The genuine Auditors of Aristotle ought by how much the more obscure the things spoken are , by so much the more earnestly to contend , and search into the depth thereof . An Auditor ought to be just ; of a good natural capacitie for ratiocination ; virtuous in his Discourses ; Exact in his morals ; and in all things very well adorned . Thus Ammonius , who proceeds to give his character of a good Expositor of Aristotle : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He , that will expound the things spoken by Aristotle , must not through too favorable inclination , undertake to commend things ill spoken , and receive them as from a Tripos or Oracle ; neither must he receive things good in an ill manner , after the Sceptick mode ; but as to the things spoken he must carry himself as a Judge without Passion ; and first of all he must explicate the mind of the Ancient , and expound their proper sentiment : afterward he must bring his own judgement concerning the same . § . 18. But to come to the Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie ; which Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 11. gives us thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophie is divided into two parts , Theoretick , and Practick . As for Theoretick , that is such , wherein he inquires concerni●g Truth , and Falsehood : Practicks are such , wherein he considers concerning Good , and Evil. And because there is a great dispute amongst men touching Good , and Evil , as also touching Truth , and falsehood ; it seemed good to him ( viz. Aristotle ) to give us a Diacritick or Discretive Instrument to measure these things by , which is Demonstration . Now Demonstration is nothing else but a demonstrative Syllogisme . For as the Carpenter useth his Rule as an Instrument , whereby to discerne what timber is crooked , and what streight , and as a Builder useth his Square , to discover what wals are right , what not : so Philosophers , make use of Demonstration as a Rule , whereby to discerne things . Ammonius having thus distributed Philosophie into its general parts , Theoretick and Practick , and laid down the Vniversal Instrument of both , which is Logical Demonstration , he thence proceeds to distribute these Generals into their Severals thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They distribute Theoreticks into Physiologicks , Mathematicks , and Theologicks . As for his Theologicks , they are such , as he writ after his Physick Exercitations , which he undertook after his Physicks , because it is proper to Theologie to teach things above Nature ( whence his Theologicks are termed Metaphysicks ) and these Natural Sciences are accordingly called Physicks . Mathematicks are of a middle nature being in some regard separate from matter , and in some regard inseparate . As for Practicks , they are distributed into Ethicks , Oeconomicks , and Politicks . Thus of the Parts of Philosophie . § . 19. Having gone through the general Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie , it may not be amisse to touch a little on the Severals , and such observables therein , as may deserve a more particular remark . We shall begin with Aristotle's Logick , which he makes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Discretive or differencing Organ to all the parts of Philosophie ; so Ammonius in Arist . Categ . pag. 8. The Stoicks , saies he , make Logick a part of Philosophie , whereas all those of the Peripate make it an Organ , &c. Aristotle in stiling his Logick an Organ , means nothing else , but that it is a method , or a key to all Sciences : so Ammonius in Arist . Categ . pag. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dialectick as Aristotle defines it , is a Syllogistick way of Procedure about whatever Problem proposed , from probable Topicks . What Ammonius here appropriates to Dialectick , which the Peripateticks make but a Part of Logick , is equally applicable to the whole thereof . But we have a more full , though concise , account of Aristotle's Logick given us by Ammonius in Arist . Categor . pag. 15.16.17 . Which , because the Book is very rarely to be found , and the Author scarcely known to young Students , we may not deem it lost labour to give them his own words , which are as follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As the carpenter useth his Rule , and the Mason his Squares to distinguish what is right , and what is not : so the Philosopher useth Demonstration for distinguishing of Truth , and Falsehood , Good , and Evil. Now Demonstration is a Scientifick Syllogisme . But it is impossible to treat hereof , unlesse we first declare what a Syllogisme is ; neither can we understand , what a Syllogisme is , unlesse we learne , what a proposition is : For Propositions are certain words ; and of these words a Syllogisme is but a collection . So that it is impossible to know , what a Syllogisme is , without understanding propositions : for of these it is composed . So neither is the Proposition to be understood without understanding the names , and words of which every discourse consists . Neither are the Names , and words without simple voices : for each of these is a Significative voice . It is therefore necessary in the first place to treat of simple voices ; of which Aristotle discourseth in the Categories . Thence of names and words , and propositions , as in Aristotle's book of Interpretation . After this of Syllogism simply considered , as in his first Analyticks : then of Demonstration , as in his latter Analyticks . Now the order of this Disposition is manifest from the scope : for things simple ought to precede things compound : and the Doctrine of the Categories is of all most simple , because as 't is said , it treats of simple voices , signifying simple things , by means of simple notions intervening . Thus Ammonius of Aristotle's Logick . § . 20. We may reduce the whole to this Scheme . Logick may be considered , eith●r in regard of its object , or formal parts . As for the object of Logick , 't is either material , or formal : The material object of Logick , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every Intelligible , which is either simple , or complexe . The simple object of Logick , are all those Notions , both first , and second , treated of by Aristotle in his Praedicaments , and by Porphyrie in his Praedicabiles . The Complexe object of Logick is composed either of simple notions , and terms , as a Proposition , or of Propositions as a Syllogisme . As for the formal object of Logick , or the mode under which it considers all Intelligibles , it is as they are means to direct the understanding in the disquisition of Truth , whence result the formal parts of Logick , which may be reduced to these four general Organs . 1. Definition , which takes away the obscuritie of our simple apprehension , by directing the understanding to penetrate into the essences and natures of things . 2. Division , which removes that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or confusion , which our compound understanding labours under , by reducing all things to their proper Genus , species , and formal differences , &c. 3. Syllogisme , which clears the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or discurs●ve Intellect from those errours , and hesitations , which remain thereon . 4. Method , which directs and facilitates the understanding in all the foregoing parts ; and therefore 't is made by some of the Ancients to comprehend all Logick , &c. So Aristotle : 't is not our work to discourse accuratelie on these parts of Logick . It may suffice to give some glances , and that not from Aristotle's Organ ( where he discourseth professedly of these Logick Instruments ) but from other of his Works , especially his Rhetorick , wherein we find some oblique reflections hereon . And to begin first with Definition ; Aristotle Rhetor. lib. 2. cap. 13. ( pag. 218. ) tells us in general ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what is not defined , is fallacious , and in his Ethicks , lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. They must take care , that they define accurately , for this has a great influence on what follows . 2. The like Ammonius ( in Arist. Categor . pag. 13. ) teacheth us , as to Division . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole , must exactly examine it's parts by division , &c. As for Syllogisme , Aphrod●seus tells us , that Aristotle was the first , that reduced Syllogismes to mode , and figure , &c. But that which we shall chiefly fix our eye upon , is Aristotle's method ; whereof we have some general account in his Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 13. pag. 217. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A discourse has two parts ; first it is necessarie to declare the matter , of which we discourse ; and then we must demonstrate the same . Thus Explication , and Demon●tration seem to take in the whole of method , according to Aristotle . 2. As for the kinds of method , we have an account thereof given by Aristotle in his Ethicks lib. 1. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Discourses begun from Principles , differ from such as tend to Principles . By discourses begun from Principles , he denotes Synthetick method , which begins with Principles : by discourses tending to principles he intends Analytick method , which proceeds from the end to Principles . This he seems to explain more fully in his Ethic. lib 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , What is last in the Analysis , is first in the Genesis ; i. e. the Principle , which is first in the Synthetick method , is last in the Analytick . Thus for the kinds of method . 3. As for the Principles of a discourse , Aristotle tells us , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : We must begin with Principles most known , which are two-fold , either in regard of us , or simply . By things more known , in regard of us , he means such as we know by the effect , more obscurely : by things more known simply , he understands such as are known from their causes , which give a more distinct knowledge . 4. As to our methodical procedure in the handling of any Theme Aristotle ( in his Eth. lib. 1. ) gives us this good Canon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We ought in the first place to give an Hypothesis , or obscure adumbration of the thing , and then a more lively delineation . His meaning is , that when we treat of a point of great moment , we may not presently fall upon the thing it self , but by little and little prepare the minds of the Auditors , thereby to render them more capable to attend unto , and receive the head of the matter . Hence in points of great moment , he allows of a Proeme , so Arist . Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 14. pag. 220. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The most necessarie and proper work of a Proeme is this , to discover the end of a discouse : wherefore , if the matter be evident , or small , there is no need of a Proeme . 5. But one of the best rules , that I have observed in Aristotle , in order to a Methodical procedure in the handling of any point , is that in Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We must remember that in all things we may not seek after the same exactness ; but in every thing we must content our selves with such a method , as the subject matter will bear . Neither may we in like manner search after the cause in all things , but in some things it may suffice , that we well demonstrate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the thing is so ; as in first principles ; for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is first , and a Principle , and of Principles , some are discovered by Induction , some by sense , some by some other usage and way , &c. This golden Rule strikes at the bold assumings of those , who expect the like certaintie , and fulness of demonstration in all subjects , though never so sublime . It gives also a sharpe rebuke to Scholemen , who generally bring all matters to their forme ; whereas Aristotle here ( as nature ) teacheth us to suit our forme , or method to our matter . 6. But then Aristotle proceeds to another Canon , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And we must take diligent care ▪ that we define exactly : For accurate definitions give an huge advantage to what follows . This beginning therefore being well laid , it seems more than half of the whole work , and there is by it a great discovery made of the things we inquire into . 21. If any expect a more full Scheme of Aristotle's Logick , the best , at least most useful , I meet with , is that of Ramus , who , albeit he does in many things oppose Aristotle , yet he seems to have done it not without grounds , but with designe to render Aristotle's Logick more useful . This will appear by the following Scheme of Ramus's Logick . As Grammar ( saith Ramus ) has two parts , Etymologie , which treats of single words , and Syntaxis , which is of words conjoyned : so Logick consists of two parts , Invention , and Judgment . 1. Invention is a part of Logick which instructs us in the mode of finding out Arguments . An Argument is that , which is affected , or assumed to argue somewhat by , which is Artificial , or Inartificial . An Artificial Argument is that , which argues from it self ; which is either first , or secondarie ; an Inartificial argument is that , which argueth from Autoritie . 2. Judgment is the second part of Logick , which consists in the right disposement of Arguments , in order to a right judgment of things : for every thing is judged by a certain Rule of d●sposition , whence judgment , and disposition passe for the same . And as Invention treats of single Arguments , so Judgment of conjoynd . Now judgment is either Axiomatick , or Dianoetick . 1. Axiomatick Judgment is the disposition of an Argument with an Argument , whereby we judge , that something is , or is not ; which by the Latins is called an Enuntiate , Pronuntiate , Effate . 2 Hence followeth Dianoetick judgment . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discourse consists in the deducing one Ax●ome from another , which is either Syllogisme , or Method . Syllogisme is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a discourse , wherein the Question is so disposed with the Argument , as that the Ante●edent being rightly placed , the conclusion necessarily follows . For when the Axiome is dubious , the Question is put , and to confirm the same , we make use of an Argument , which is collated with the Question . The Antecedent of a Syllogisme has two parts ; a Proposition , and Assumption . The Proposition is the first part of the Antecedent , wherein ( at least ) the consequent of the Question is disposed with the Argument . The Assumption is the second part of the Antecedent , which is assumed out of the proposition . The consequent of a Syllogisme , is that part which comprehends the Question ▪ and concludes the same ; whence 't is called the Conclusion . If any part of the Syllogisme be wanting , 't is called an Enthymeme . A Syllogisme is either simple , or Compound , &c. Method is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Discourse composed of various homogeneous Axiomes proposed according to the evidence of their Nature whence the convenience of all amongst themselves is judged , and comprehended in memorie . And look , as in an Axiome Truth and Falsehood is regarded , and in a Syllogisme the Consequence and inconsequence : so in Method it is considered , that what is more clear does precede , and what is more obscure follows ; so that Order , and Confusion is wholly the object of this judgement : as Aristotle . By how much the more general any Rule is , by so much the more it ought to precede . The most general Rule must be first , because it is first in regard of Light , and knowledge . Whence the most general Definition must be first , and then the Distribution must follow ; which if it be various ; the partition into Integral parts must precede , and then the Division into the species must follow . The Perfect Definition consists of Essential causes , namely of the Genus , and Form. Thus Ramus of Logick . § . 22. Having finisht Aristotle's Logick , we now Proceed to his Ethicks ; the first part of Practick Philosophie ; wherein making use of an Analytick Method he begins with mans chief end , or happinesse : so Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Every soul desires some chief good , or last end , &c. Aristotle makes two chief parts of Human happinesse , Objective , and Formal . He begins with man's Objective happinesse , and proves first , that there is one chiefest Good , and then gives some Characters of this chiefest Good , which may be all reduced to these several particulars . 1 Aristotle makes the chiefest good to be that , which is most Ancient , or the first principal of all things . So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. treating of the degrees of goodnesse he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That which is the principle of all things is better than that , which is not the principle . 2. He placeth the chiefest Good in the last End of all things . Thus Arist . Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And the End is alwaies better than that , which is not the End : for this is alwaies for another's sake , whereas that is for its own sake . So agen he tels u● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That which is nearest the end is best . 3. Hence it follows , that the Chiefest Good is that , which is desired for it self . So Aristotle in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. defines the chiefest good , thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The chiefest good is that which is desired for it self , and for whose sake we desire all other things . Then he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is most desireable for it self , is be●t . This he stile● in what followes the Last End. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the End is that , for whose sake we desire other things . 4. Hence it follows , that the chiefest good is simply , absolutely , and necessarily good . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist . lib. 5. cap. 2. Thence Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. saies , that t is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simply , and of it self desirable . 5. Whence he makes the Chiefest Good to be the measure , and Standard of all good . Thus Arist . Ethic. lib 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of other Goods some exist necessarily , but others are only naturally subservient to Happinesse . This necessarily follows upon the former . For what is the Last End , and desireable for it self , must necessarily be the measure of all other goods , which are desirable only Servato ordine sinis . 6. Whence he makes the Chiefe●t Good , to be our most proper and connatural Good. So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefest good is proper . And in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. Aristotle making a comparison 'twixt lesser and greater goods , saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which is connatural , and proper is more Eligible , then that , which is adventitious . 7. The chiefest Good must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communicative , and diffusive to all . Thence Aristotle addes Rhetor. lib. 1 cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those things are best , which are most usefull in our greatest need ; as in old age , and Sicknesse . Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the chiefest good which all desire . The Chiefest good though it be proper to every one , yet is common , and diffusive to all : communitie with proprietie is peculiar to the chiefest Good , that is best which all need , and all may have Vniversal diffusiveness with Proprietie speaks the object Vniversally good , as God is . 8. That is the best Good , which is most Rare , and Choice : So Aristot . Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which is more rare is better than that , which is more common , for its possession is better because of the difficulty in attaining it . 9. The chiefest Good , albeit it be rare , yet it must be possible : So Arist . Rhetor. lib. 1 , cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that , which is possible , is better than that , which is impossible . 10. In Degrees of Goodnesse that is best , which is the most Real , Substantial Good. So Arist . Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Those things , which are really good , are better than things which are so in opinion only . Again he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 11. That is the choicest good , which is most immobile , stable , and durable . So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chiefest good is immobile . Again in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Things , that are more durable , are better than things lesse durable ; and things more firm , than things lesse firm , &c. In the series of good things , that is best , which is most Influential , and Effective of Good. So Arist . lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that , which effects the greatest good , is best ; and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13. Aristotle saies that is our chiefest good , which admits of no excesse in the enjoyment thereof . So Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that , which admits of no excesse , must needs be our chiefest good . Then he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which may have somewhat more than it ought , that is evil . His meaning is , we can never exceed in the enjoyment of the chiefest good , though we may in others . 14. Aristotle's main Character of the chiefest Good , is , that it be perfect , and self-sufficient . So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is best , is perfect , and simply desirable ; that is perfect , which is desirable for it self . So again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that , which is perfect , seems self-sufficient . Farther he saies , this chiefest good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i● in nothing defective , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for whatsoever is added , is but superfluous . Again he saies , this only enjoyed , makes the man happy . So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is best , which least needs one or other things ; for this is most self-sufficient . So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; we call that self-sufficient which alone renders the life eligible , and defective in nothing . This Plato calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sufficient Good , ( which he makes God to be ) calling his chiefest good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a good connatural , uniform , infinite , eternal , ever-being , and everliving , opportune , pure , immixed , and without sorrow . Yea , he saies , this his chiefest Good , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very Divine , and Godhead Good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the supream beautiae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only shining beautie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , very-self-good , &c. § . 23. As for Ari●totle's notions of formal happinesse , he tells us first , that it is the gift of God. So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If the Gods vouchsafe any other gift to men , it is c●ns●●taneous to reason , that happiness should be a gift of God , and especially because it is the highest of humane perfections : And he gives a farther reason hereof in what follows , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To ascribe the greatest , and most beautiful gift to fortune , is no way rational . Having given this general account of the original of humane happinesse we now proceed to Aristotle's specifick Idea of mans Formal happinesse , which is thus defined by him , Ethic. l. 1. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Beatitude is the operation of the rational Soul , according to the best virtue in a perfect life . In which definition there are four considerables . 1. The formal nature of humane happiness , which consists in Operation . 2. The proper subject of this operation , which is the rational Soul. 3. The qualification of this subject , which is perfect Virtue . 4. The state wherein this happinesse is to be enjoyed , that is a perfect life . 1. The formal reason of man's formal happinesse , is by Aristotle placed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 energie , or operation . This Aristotle proveth at large in his following Chapter , Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The goods of the Soul w● stile the highest , and most sovereigne , which are the Souls operations , and energies . This he explains more fully in what followeth in the same Chapter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To live well , and to act well , makes an happie man : for a good life is commonly stiled Eupraxie , or good action . Thence he proceeds to demonstrate that Beatitude , consists not in an habit , but action ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. There is a vast difference 'twixt having that which is best in possession , or use , in habit , or operation ; for a good , so long as it exists in habit only , is never perfected , as it appears in him that sleepeth , but 't is the exercise , that perfects , &c. Then he addes , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. That these Actions proceeding from Virtue , are proper to happinesse , as hereafter . This is well explicated by Stobaeus de virtute Serm. 1. fol. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Beatitude consists not in the possession of Virtue , but in the exercise thereof ; for he that has sight does not alwayes see . So the Scholes tell us , that every Forme is perfected by its Act ; and every Facultie and Habit is ordained to its Act , as to its perfection . So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All things are perfected by operation : the more active things are the more perfect . Whence again Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 8. tells us , that virtuous actions are of themselves sweet , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 self-sufficient ; as in its place . 2. As for the proper subject of this operation , Aristotle tells us , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rational soul . Thence in his Eth. l. 1. c. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : It seems we may not stile an Oxe , or Horse , or any other Animal happy ; the reason is , because they are meerly passive , not active in their reduction to their la●t end . The two main acts of the soul , which formalize humane happiness , are Vision , and Fruition . The Scholes place formal happinesse chiefly in the Vision of the mind &c. 3. The qualification of the Soul , and its operation , in order to humane happinesse , is expressed under that notion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the best Virtue . This is excellently explicated by Aristotle , Eth. l. 1. c. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Operations according to Virtue , are proper to beatitude ; but the contrarie ( Vitious ) actions to the contrarie , ( Miserie ) and then he addes the Reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The reason he gives , is because these Virtuous actions are more stable , and sweet so that a good man is truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immoveable , &c. This is farther evident by what follows . 4. As for the state of humane happiness , it is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a perfect life . This connotes perfection both extensive , intensive , and protensive . 1. formal happinesse in a perfect state denotes perfection extensive , i. e. of parts , or kinds ; a perfect exemption from all evil , with a perfect enjoyment of all good . Thence Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Neither can a child be happie , because he cannot by reason of his age practise such things . This is more fully explicated in definit . Platon . fol. 412. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Beatitude is a good composed of all goods . Again 't is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a facultie self-sufficient to live well . 2. This perfect life denotes a perfection Intensive , or of degrees , i. e. every part of this happie life , is in its highest degree of perfection , without the least mixture of any degree of miserie . So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Beatitude is of things precious , and perfect : for we all undertake every thing in order hereto ; and that , which is the principle , and cause of all good , we account precious and Divine . Thence in the Platonick Definit . fol. 412. Beatitude is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a perfection according to virtue , a self-sufficient provision of life , &c. 3. This perfect life imports also a perfection protensive , or of duration . So Arist. Eth , lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . An happie man is not variable , or easily changeable . For he cannot easily be removed from his Beatitude . So again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. A blessed man is not so for a short time only , but for a long and perfect time . Farther he saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a blessed man can never become miserable . Thus much for Aristotle's definition of humane happinesse , which he himself , Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. thus explains : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Humane happiness is the operation of the Soul , according to the best , and most perfect virtue : also in a perfect life ; for one swallow makes not a summer . These his contemplations about humane happinesse , agree to no state of life , but that of the glorified Saints , which yet Aristotle seems to have had no belief of , at least he seems 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to haesitate touching this future state of the Soul , as 't is evident from what he laies down , Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. where teaching that men should endeavour to live thus happily here , and die , according to reason ; he gives this as a reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because what is future is to us very obscure , but Beatitude is alwaies the end , and alwaies perfect . Aristotle dreamed of enjoying this happinesse here , but Plato seems to refer it to the souls future state . § . 24. Having done with Aristotle's first Ethick-head , touching humane happiness , we now proceed to his Philosophizings about the internal principles of humane Acts , which may be reduced to these four particulars : 1. Vniversal prudence , or practick knowledge in general . 2. Volition . 3. Consultation . 4. Election : Of each of which in the●r order , and place . The first great principle of humane Acts laid down by Aristotle , is universal prudence , or practick knowledge in general . So Arist . Eth. lib. 1. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is very profitable for such , as would mannage their affections , and actions , according to reason , to know what belongs to these things : and Aristotle farther informes us , that this knowledge of things practick , must be not only speculative , and apprehensive , but also practick , and causative , whence saith he , Eth. lib. 2. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Many there are , who do not these things , yet flying to their reason , they would needs seem to philosophize , and so to approve themselves virtuous . These act just like some sick people , who diligently hearken to their Physicians , but follow nothing of what they prescribe . As therefore those , who thus use the Physitians , never cure their bodies : so these who thus Philosophize , never cure their Souls . Hence that of Ammonius ( in Arist . Categ . pag. 15. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the end of contemplation , is the beginning of practice ; and Plutarch . lib. 1. de Placit . Philos . tells us , that a blessed man ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; To have not only a Theoretick knowledge of beings , but also a Practick of what is needful . For speculative reason is only apprehensive of things , but practick is causative ; according to that Philosophick distinction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue , but Theoretick of Truth only . This practick knowledge is so termed , not because it immediately acts , but because it is directive to action . Aristotle makes this practick dictate of the understanding to be a kind of practick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 discourse , which he supposeth to precede either actually , or virtually every Act of the w●ll : as for example , he that will be happie must act virtuously : I would be happie , ergo . Therefore saies Aristotle Incontinent persons have knowledge only in the habit , not actually discursive : for albeit they assent to the major , which is universal ; yet there is some defect in their assent to the minor , & thence they assent not practically to the conclusion , &c. This practick discourse , or knowledge , which necessarily precedes the wills motion , is in the general stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prudence , which in the Platonick Definitions , is thus defined , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Prudence is a Science effective of Beatitude . So Plato Meno . fol. 88. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Prudence conducting effects the duties of the soul , but folly the ills . We have a good account of this Moral Prudence , and its influence given by Alexand. Aphrodiseus ( the chiefest of Ari●totle's Commentators ) as Stobaeus de Virtut . Ser. 1. fol. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Seeing moral virtue is effective of such things , as are determined by prudence , and right reason , it 's necessar●e , that he who has prudence , has also moral Virtue : for it is the office of Prudence to enquire by what means it is possible to attain a right Intention , which to determine , is the office of moral Virtue : for it is the virtue of the elective facultie . And this is the difference 'twixt moral prudence , and craft . Prudence searcheth out , what things are most conducing to a right Intention , whereas craft relates to any , though false , &c. Aphrodiseus gives us here ( besides other characters ) a full Idea of the proper office of moral Prudence , which is to direct the Intent●on of the Will as to its end , which follows . § . 25. The next principle of humane action is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Volition , or Will , strictly so termed , which properly refers to the end , and so 't is differenced from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Election , which respects the means . So Arist. Eth. lib 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Volition rather respects the end , whereas Election respects the means conducing to the end . So Plato in Gorg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is willed for the sake of which men act ; whereby he intends the end . We have a more large explication of the difference 'twixt Volition , and Election , given by Joh. Grammaticus in Arist. de Anima Proaem . fol. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Gno●tick , or knowing faculties of Rationals being distributed , the practick are Volition , and Election . And Volition is only of what is good ( i. e. the end ) but Election inclines both waies ( i. e. to good , or ev●l as means ) Again , Volition belongs to the Rational Soul as such ; whereas Election has some commixture with the irrational . By all which it 's evident , that Volition is an Act of the Will , whereby it is extended , or carried forth to its object , beloved for it self , without respect to a farther end : so that the end , which is amiable for , and of it self , is the alone proper object of Volition . Yea , Aristotle makes this extension of the Will towards its last end to be connatural , or as he termes it , Physical ; whereas its extension towards the means by Election , is with indifference . So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where Lambinus on this notion [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] thus Comments . We must know that in practicks , the end has the place of the principle ; because on it depends the necessarie formation of all such things , as belong to the action . Therefore as in Mathematicks there are certain indemonstrable principles laid as the basis of all Demonstration : so in practicks , the end is fixed as a principle supposed not to be deliberated about ; for a principle as well in practicks , as speculatives , admits not of Demonstration , but of supposition only . So again , Arist. Eth ▪ lib. 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The desire of the end is not elective , but natural , &c i. e. the Appetite of every thing does naturally tend to some end connatural thereto , which is the measure of all things conducing thereto So Arist . Eth lib. 3 cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Every thing is measured by its end . But Aristotle Eth. lib. 1. cap. 2. speaks more fully thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The end is of things practick , which we will for it self , but other things for it . Neither do we choose all things for some other ( without some term ) for so there would be an infinite progresse . It is manifest therefore , that this end is the Good , yea the best Good. Wherefore the knowledge hereof has great influence on the life : and as Archers , who have the mark in their eye ; we do hereby obtain , what is most needful . So again , Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a virtuous man is naturally carried towards his end , but towards other things voluntarily , or indifferently : then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as every man is , such is his end . Whence that Maxime in the Scholes , as the forme is in Naturals , such is the end in Morals , By all which 't is apparent , what the proper object of this Volition is , namely the end , to which it naturally extends it self , as the measure of all its acts , and lower ends . Hence also 2. we gather , that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or volition of the will , is not distinct from that Act of the Will , which the Scholes call Intention . For they make Intention to be an efficacious willing of the end , together with the means conducing thereto : which is formally , or at least virtually denoted in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Volition , according to that common rule in Logick . He , that effectually wills the end , wills also the means . 'T is true , there is an imperfect velleitie , or faint Volition , which respects the end , without means ; but a compleat Volition comprehends both . I know the Scholes make Volition , and Intention , different Acts ; and the former to relate to the end simply considered , but the latter to the end in connexion with the means . But I find no ground for this distinction in Aristotle , or Nature . 3. Hence also we may farther collect , that the end is first in Intention , though last in Execution ; and therefore ought to be greatly heeded , and made the measure , or square of all . So Ammonius in Arist. Categ . pag. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that is ignorant of his mark , or end , is like a blind man , that shoots at randome ; and he does in vain consider all things tending to his end . But the consideration of an useful end gives much diligence , and alacritie ▪ For every one , that will undertake any designe ought first to learn its usefulnesse , &c. § . 26. We now proceed to the third principle of humane acts , called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consultation , which respects the means , and so is distinguished from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prudence , or the practick Judgement in general , which respects both end , and means ; and primarilie the end , and the means only in the second place . This Consultation is stiled sometimes by Aristotle , but often by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Counsel , which Plato in Cratyl● deduceth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a ca●ting , so Lambinus in Arist . Eth. l. 3. c. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Metaphor taken from Archers , who are said to cast , or shoot their Arrow towards the scope , they aim at . This Consultation is stiled in the Platon . ●●finit . fol. 413. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good advice , which is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a connate virtue of reasoning . Again 't is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Consultation , which is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an exhortation to another , before he acts , how he ought to act . But there is no definition , that suits better with the nature of Consultation , than that Definit . Platon . fol. 414. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Consultation is a consideration of things future , so far as expedient , i. e. for our end . For a wise man first proposeth , and wills his end , and then makes use of Consultation , as an instrument to find out means expedient for this end . We are to take diligent heed , that things passe not suddenly from Imagination into Resolution , Affection , and Action , without asking advice of the judgement , and serious consultation . A wise man , when he hath made a judgement about his end , weigheth exactly all , that followeth from such a Judgment , as also all the Antecedents , that lead to the obtaining of it . What men unadvisedly undertake , they advisedly recal . Consultation ought to be the door to all great resolutions , and undertakings . This Consultation is thus defined by Arist . Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is a virtue of the discursive facultie , whereby men are enabled to consult of good , and evil , in reference to happinesse . But the proper Seat of this discourse about Consultation , is Aristotle's Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 5. where he discourseth at large of the Object , Acts , and Effects of Consultation . As to its Object , he laies down these Rules to judge it by . 1. Consultat●●n is not of things speculative , but of practick . So Art. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Consultation is not about the first Elements of Sciences , &c. The same he addes Art. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Especially 't is not about Arts , or Sciences . Yea , he saies expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Consultation is about practicks . 2. Consultation is not of things impossible , but of things in our power . So Art. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if the thing be possible , men undertake it ; and more expresly Art. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we consult of Practicks in our power . This he explains more fully in his Rhetorick , pag. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We consult about things , which appear to happen either way , not of impossibilitie , &c. ● . Consultation is not about the end , but the means , so Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We consult not of ends , but of things conducing to their ends : for Physicians consult not whether they shall cure , but taking their end for granted , they consult how , and by what means to cure . So Art. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Consultation is about things to be done by us : Now our actions have respect to some end , wherefore the end comes not under consultation , but the means . 4. Consultation is not about an infinite , but finite number of means . So Art. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . No man consults of things infinite , because unmeasurable . 5. Consultation is of things permanent , not of things in continual motion , so Art. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We consult not of things in perpetual motion . The reason is , because such fluid things cannot be brought under any regular order , or subserviencie to our end , &c. 6. Consultation is of things contingent , not of necessaries . So Art. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Consultation is of things doubtful , contingent , and indefinite : For such the means usually are ; whereas the end is definite , necessarie , and more evident , &c. 7. Yet Consultation is not of things fortuitous , or casual , but of things in our power , which come under the conduct of humane Prudence . So Art. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We consult not about the things of fortune , as touching the invention of a treasure , &c. 9. Amongst the means , the main work of Consultation is to find out such as are most conducible to the end . So Art. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If the means be many , the best are to be chosen out . This supposeth an universal comprehension of , and inspection into all the means ; according to that of Stobaeus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consider the whole : for qui ad pauea respicit facilè pronunciat , he that considers , but a few things rashly determines . 9. Consultation supposeth a methodical procedure from one to another 'till we come to the first cause : So Art. 40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The first cause is first in intention , but last in execution . 10 If the things we consult about , be arduous , and difficult , Aristotle requires consultation with others : So Art. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In great matters we must take unto us Counsellers , distrusting our selves as not sufficient to penetrate , or d●ve into the things . Thus much for the object . 2. As for the subject of Consultation Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 2. ) tells us , that none are fit to consult , but he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who has his wits about him ; whence he excludes fools , and mad men from this work . And upon the same account in his Rhetor. lib. 2. cap. 14. he excludes young men from any competent abilitie for consultation , because first they have great passions . 2. and are very unconstant . 3. and have strong wills . 4. also too credulous , and not cautelous , for want of experience of evills . But ( addes he ) old men , having virtues contrarie to those vices of young men , viz. suspension of judgement , caution , experience , and command of passions , &c. are most fit for consultation . 3. As to the Act of Consultation , Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 42. ) thus differenceth it from disquisition : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Every Disquisition is not Consultation , as it appears by the Mathematick Disquisitions ; but every Consultation is a Disquisition : wh●re he makes Disquisition more generick , and Consultation to be a practick Disquisition , or Inquisition into means conducing to our end . 4. The main effect of Consultation , is Election , as it follows . § . 27. Consultation being finisht ▪ Election , which is the proper effect thereof , begins . So Arist. Eth lib 3. cap. 5. Art. 68. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The thing consulted a● out , and elected , is the same : for that which is prejudged by consultation , is elected . For every one ceaseth to enquire , how he shall act when reduced to his first principle , &c. As for the difference 'twixt Election , and Volition , we have it in Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ &c. The thing willed is the end , but things consulted about , and elected , are the means referring to the end , &c. So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Volition is of the end , but Election of the means referring to the end . By which we see , that the proper object of Election is the means , not the end . 2. Aristotle tells us , that Election is not of Impossibles , but of things in our power . So Eth. lib 3. cap. 4. Art. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Election is not of things impossible : whereby he distinguisheth it from imperfect Volition , or Velleitie , which may be of things impossible . So again Art. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It seems most likely , that Election is of things in our power . 3. As for the subject , or seat of Election , it belongs to the rational Appetite : thence saies Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 9. Election is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of irrational appetites ; whence 't is differenced from Concupiscence , which belongs to the Irrational appetite . So Art. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concupiscence is contrarie to Election , because 't is common to Irrationals , as well as to Rationals , whereas Election is proper to Rationals . So that the proper seat of Election is the Will ; whence Aristotle makes it inclusive of Voluntarie ▪ though it be not sully extensive thereto : Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Election seems to be Voluntarie , though with some difference 4. Hence follows the Act of Election , which according to Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a consulted , or judicious appetition . Thence Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Election is not a meer opinion , or imagination ; and more fully Art. 53. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Election proceeds from reason , and discourse . Neither is it sufficient , that this act of Election be rational , but it must also be determined , and fixed ; whereby the object of Election seems somewhat differenced from that of Consultation , which leaves the determination of the object to Election : So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 63. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The thing consulted , and elected , is the same , but the thing elected is more determinate , or fixed : for what is judged by consultation is elected , and so fixed . Lambinus here on this notion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comments thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to determine , and define : when we consult , we have as yet nothing certain , or determined : but the end of Consultation , is a definite , certain Election . As therefore in Theoreticks , Aphorismes are said to be certain determinate conclusions , or sentences , whose truth is both by reason , and long experience evident ( as Hippocrates's Aphorismes ) so in Practicks ▪ Aphorismes may be stiled Counsels drawn forth after long consultat●on . Thus Lambinus , who yet hath not fully hit the mind of Aristotle , who by Aphorisme understands the object , or means determined by Election . Whence Aristotle tells us , that 't is not a meer fluid volition , or Vel●●itie , th●t will make a vit●ous man virtuous , but there must be a dete●mined Will , or Election of all means , &c. Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 43. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If an unrighteous person have some imperfect velleitie of righteousn●sse , he does not presently cease to be wicked , and become righteous : as a sick man is not presently healed , so soon as he is wills it , &c. 5. Hence we may collect w●th Aristotle , that it is very difficult to make a right Election . So Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap ▪ 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is very difficult to judge , what is to be chosen before another thing , and what is to be preferred before another : and yet 't is more difficult to cleave to what we know is best . 6. Albeit it be very difficult to make a right Election , yet when 't is made , it has a Sovereigne influence on Virtue : So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It follows , that we passe on to Election , which seems to be most proper to Virtue , and that whereby moral actions are mostly measured , &c. 7. Hence we come to the definition of Election , which is thus laid down by Ari●totle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 68. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Election is a consulted , or judicious appetition or things in our power . And he ●dde● this as the reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for from consulting , judging , we choose according to that Consultation made . This Election is term●d by the Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heresie , which Platon . Definit . fol. 413. is defined thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Election is a right Probation . Under Election is comprised Consent , ( albeit the Scholes distinguish them ) whence follows Vse , and Fruition . Consent , and use of the means , are called by the Platonicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , alacritie , which Platon definit . fol. 413. is defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A discoverie of a practick Election , &c. 2 Cor. 8.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , v. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 28. Having go●e through the principles of human Acts , we now proceed to their main essential Attribute , or adjunct , which is Voluntarinesse , or Libertie ; we make Voluntarinesse , and Libertie the same ; because we find no rational ground either in Aristotle , or Nature , to distinguish them ; for every human Act that is voluntarie , is also free ; and every Act that is free , is likewise Voluntarie . Farther , they both partake of one , and the same Essential Idea , or Definition . Thence Aristotle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. Art. ●0 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Those things are said to be Voluntarie , whose principle is in him , that does them , who has a ( radical ) power of acting , or not acting . This definition of voluntarie is the same , which the Scholes give to Libertie . But we have a more adequate , and proper definition of Voluntarie , given by Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Voluntarie seems to be that , which has its principle in him that acteth it , who also understandeth the particulars of what he acts . This definition of Voluntarie seemeth to connote nothing but a rational spontaneitie , which is the same with humane Libertie . Hence Ari●totle , Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. makes Involuntarie Acts the same with forced , or not free : Art. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Involuntarie acts seem to be such , as are done by force ▪ or ignorance . A forc't act is that whose principle is Extrinsick , it being such , whereto he that suffers , or acts , confers nothing . Here Aristotle makes Involuntarie the same with forced , or not free ; and forced or not free , that which has not its principle in its s●lf : whence it necessarily follows , 1. That Voluntarinesse is the same with Libertie . 2. That Voluntarinesse , and Libertie exclude not all kind of necessitie , but only such as is coactive . 3. That Voluntarinesse , and Libertie , include no more in their essent al Idea , but a rational spontaneitie . This is farther evident by Plato's Ideas of Voluntarines , and Libertie . Platon . defin . fol. 415. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Voluntarie is that which moves it self according to judgment , &c. which is the same with the following definition of what is free , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That is free , which acts from it self . This rational Spont●neitie , or Libertie , is stiled by Plato sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Soul-duction ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-service , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-action . Thus also Libertie is defined by the Stoicks , Laert. in Zeno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Libertie is a power of self-action . Whence the Greek Fathers , Basil , &c. call free-will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-power , and the Scripture useth a word of the like import , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-Election , 2 Cor. 8.27 . This self-moving power , which is alone essential to Voluntarinesse , or Libertie , is expressed by Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. under this notion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is in our power which we use , so or so , for which we are said to be voluntarie , or free . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he makes only Essential to Libertie , and Voluntarinesse , is excellently well expressed by Epictetus , and Simplicius , on him : Epict. Ench. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The things in our power are the conception , impetus , appetition , and extension ( of the Soul ) and in one word , all our acts . Simplicius here speaks forth Aristotle's mind , as well as Epictetus's fully thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He saies those things are in our power , of which we are Masters , and of which we have power . Such are the internal motions of the Soul , proceeding from our own judgment , and Election . So again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . When the Soul acts according to its own nature , then it is moved freely , and voluntarily , internally from it self ; and from this ( spontaneitie ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what is free , may be well defined . Thus Simplicious , who makes here all the natural acts of the Soul to be free . 2. This freedom to consist in a rational spontaneitie , or voluntarie motion of the soul . Hence he proves at large in what follows ( p 23.24 . Edit . Salmas . ) that all Necessitie is not contrarie to Libertie , but only that , which is Extrinsick , Coactive and Compulsive , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Therefore we are to say , that there is a twofold necessitie , one contrarie to Libertie , another consistent therewith . Wherefore external necessitie destroyes Libertie ( for no one externally compelled , is said to do , or not to do any thing freely ) but all internal necessitie , necessitating to act according to their own nature , this does the more preserve Libertie . For a self-moved , according to the nature of a self-moved , is necessarily moved by it self : neither is it for this ( said to be ) moved by another ; for the necessitie is not external , but complicated with the nature of the self-moved , yea preservative thereof , and conducing to its proper operations . Thus Simplicius , who gives us here an excellent description of humane Libertie , and its Combination with internal voluntarie necessitie , which , if well understood , and embraced , would put an end to all those Scholastick clamours of the Pelagians and Jesuites , against God's necessitating , determining , efficacious concurse , which puts only an internal voluntarie , not external coactive necessitie on the will ; and therefore is no way destructive to its Libertie . But then Simplicius proceeds to demonstrate , that a Libertie of Contrarietie ( as the Scholes term it ) or an Indifferencie to this , or that , is not essential to humane Libertie . Take his own words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Neither must we needs say , that in all things free-will ▪ & Libertie supposeth a power of acting contraries : for Souls , which allwa●es adhere to good , and choose good , have both Free-will , and Election ( for Election is not forced ) of that good , without Ind●fferencie to the contrarie , &c. By which he fully proves , that actual Ind●fferencie is not Essential to Libertie . Thence he proceeds to prove , that Libertie is essential to the will , and an unseparable adjunct of every vital humane Act. So pag. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore they , that destroy Libertie destroy the natural extension and constitution of the Soul , &c. So that nothing destroys Libertie , but what destroys the natural inclination , or Voluntarinesse of an human act . This is farther evident by the following definition he gives of a free act . Simp. in Epict. cap. 2. pag. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is free , which has the self-power , and dominion of its own exercise . This he farther explains in the same page thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is manifest , that the things in our power are our proper acts : and things not in our power , but in the power of others , are other mens acts . Whence it apparently follows ; 1. That every human act of the Soul is in the Soul 's own power , and so free , albeit it be necessarily predetermin'd , and act●ated by God's Efficacious concurse . 2. That this Libertie of human acts implies nothing more as essential thereto , but a Rational spontaneitie , or voluntarie self-motion We have insisted the more largely on these notions of Simplicius about human Libertie and its identitie with Voluntarinesse ; because he seems , of all Aristotle's commentators the best to understand his mind . Farther that Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is in our power , whereby he expresseth Libertie , imports no more than voluntarinesse , or Rational spontaneitie , is evident from that excellent determination of Greg. Ariminensis in Sent. lib. 1. Dist . 17. Q. 1. That an action be in the power of an Agent , it is not necessarie , that every principle be the forme of the Agent : for then no act of the will , whether good , or evil , would be in its power ; because God is the productive principle of every act . Therefore I say , that there is nothing more required to bespeak an action to be in the power of the Agent , than that the action flow from his own will. So also Austin : That is in our power which willing , we do . The contemperation , and consistence of God's Efficacious necessitating concurse with human Libertie is excellently set forth by Plutarch , in the life of Coriolanus fol. 193. thus . But in wondrous , and extraordinarie things , which are done by secret inspirations , and motions . Homer . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Doth not make God to take away human Election , and Libertie , but to move it , and then he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In which God makes not the action involuntarie , but openeth the way to the will , and addes thereto courage , and successe . For ( addes he ) either we must say , that the Gods meddle not with the causes , and beginnings of our actions , or else , that they have no other way to help , and further men by . Thus Plutarch . And whereas 't is object●d that thus to ascribe unto God a predetermining , particular immediate Influence upon , and Concurse with the will , to every ●ct thereof , is to make him the Author of Sin , &c. Plato Repub. 10. gives us a good solution to this objection , in saying . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ll blamable Ca●salitie belongs to the particular Agen● , which ch●●seth 〈◊〉 God is a blamelesse cause . Agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In all Evils , God workes what is righteous , and good only . This is more fully explicated by Simplicius in Epict. Enchir . cap. 1.24 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . God is no way the cause of sin : for he being in himself good , Acts the Soul in sinning only according to its own nature ( i. e. voluntarilie ) out of the riches of his goodnesse : but he do●s not concurre to its sin otherwise , than as the Soul it self wills it . His meaning is , that God concurreth to sin , only as the Vniversal cause of Goodnesse ; so that God's Concurse thereto does not at all hinder , but that the Soul voluntarilie chooseth it . Neither is the qualitie of the effect to be ascribed to the Vniversal cause , but to the particular , which is the alone Moral , and therefore culpable cause of Sin : whereas God 's Vniversal causalitie thereto is only Physical , or natural , and therefore not morally Evil. That the Souls Voluntarie agencie is sufficient to render its act Morally good , or Evil ( albeit we allow God a predetermining Influence , and Concurse thereto ) is evident from that of Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in things voluntario praises , and dispraises have place , i. e. in virtues , and vices : so agen Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is voluntarie , and sin nothing lesse is likewise voluntarie . Whereby 't is evident , that Aristotle requires nothing more on the part of the Soul to render its acts Morally good , or Evill , but that they be voluntarie . § . 29. Having dispatcht Aristotle's contemplations about the Wil's Voluntarinesse , and Libertie , which is the Essential adjunct of every humane act ; we now proceed to his speculations about the Moralitie of humane Acts , or their mora clonstitution as good , or Evill . This moralitie of human acts in general according to Aristotle , has for its foundation , or basis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a voluntarie free agent ( as before ) but the chief measures thereof are , 1. the End : so Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every thing is defined or measured by its end , i. e. the End has the same place in morals as the forme in Naturals , or as the first principles in speculatives . 2. Not only the End , but also the Law of Nature , ( which Aristotle stiles Right reason ) has an essential influence on the moralitie of human Acts : according to which they are denominated morally good , or Evill : for by conformitie thereto they become morally good , and by difformitie morally Evill : so Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. stiles a Virtuous act , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That which moves according to the disposition , or order of Right reason , &c. We shall begin with Aristotle's notions about things , and Acts morally good , which he stiles Virtues , whereof we have this general account in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is , as it seems , a power conquisitive , and preservative of goods : also a power well-productive of many , and great matters , yea of all things , about all . But this definition of virtue being too general , & that which agrees as well to Natural , as moral Virtues , we proceed to that , which is more special . The great seat of Aristo●e discourse about moral virtue is his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 3.4.5.6 . cap. 3. he gives us this general Idea of Ethick or moral virtue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is supposed therefore , that virtue is such , as being conversant about pleasures , and griefs , is productive of that which is best . But sin is the contrarie . Aristotle Eth. l●b . 2. cap. 4. b●gins to discourse more distinctly of moral virtue , and its Genus , whether it be a Power , Affection , or Habit of the Soul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Seing there are in the Soul these three ; Affections , Powers , Habits ; which of these must virtue be ? so Plutar de Virtut Mor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There are these three in the Soul , a Facultie , an Affection , and an Habit : A Facultie is the Principle , and matter of an Affection ; an Affection is the motion of a Facultie ; an Habit is the strength , and conformitie of a facultie gained by custome . Arist· demonstrates . 1. That Virtue cannot be an Affection , or Passion ; because Affections are good or bad only from good or bad Habits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Our passions are well , or ill disposed from those Habits , which possesse them : therefore our Passions are in themselves capable neither of virtues , nor of vices : whence it follows , that virtues , and vices , are habits . 2. He demonstrates that Virtues are not Passions ; because they are Elections , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtues are certain Elections ; or at least not without Election . 3. He demonstrates the same from the different motions of Passion , and Virtue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To these we may adde , that we are not said to be moved , but to be disposed according to Virtues , or vices : but we are said to be moved according to passions . Lambinus on this text of Arist . Eth. lib. 2 cap. 4. [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] Comments thus . Every thing so far as it is moved , so far it is said ( pati ) to suffer . Thence amongst the Greeks our Affections are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Passions ; and so are opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to practice . For the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Affection , which is moved , is moved by External objects : and the Passive power , as it is moveable , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But in the Action of Virtue ▪ albeit External objects concurr , yet a good man is not absolutely moved by them , as in the Affections , but according to the dictate of right reason . Therefore in the Affections the principle moving is External ▪ and the principle moved internal viz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But in Virtues the object is External , which of it self has no efficacie , but as it is admitted by right reason . The principle moved is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the passive power : but the prinple Acting , and moving , is some good habit or Virtue . And for this cause we are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to be moved ( for we consider not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the passive power in virtues , but by Accident ) but we are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be disposed by Virtues , i. e. we are in some sort so framed , that we may with facilitie act Virtuously . 2. Hence Aristotle proceeds to prove , that Virtue is not a power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For the same reasons also virtues may not be said to be powers : for we are not said to be good , or Evill simplie because we have a power of suffering : neither are we praised , or dispraised . Again we are said to have a power by nature , but we cannot be said to be good , or Evil by nature : Lambinus on this saies , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 powers are here called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affective or passive qual●ties , i. e. qualities , wherein there is a certain affective efficacie . 3. Aristotle having proved , that virtue is neither a passion , nor a power , he there proceeds to prove , that 't is an Habit. Thus Ethic. lib. 2. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We are to say therefore , that all virtue does perfect , and well habituate the subject , whereof it is a virtue ; as also render its work good : as the Virtue of the eys renders the eye good , as likewise its work . Hence he concludes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If so ; then humane virtue must be an habit by which a man is made good , and by which also he makes his work good . What an habit is , and what is its difference from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Disposition , we may learn more fully out of Aristotle's Commentators , Ammonius , and others . Ammonius in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories makes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an habit to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more lasting , and more permanent than a disposition or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a disposition becomming by length of time , connatural , or implanted . Galen makes an habit to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a lasting , and hardly d●ssoluble disposition . So Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Qu●nt●lian termes an habit a firme facilitie , i. e. an habit is deeply radicated in its subject , whereby 't is enabled to act with more facilitie . Aristotle Eth. lib 4. cap. 4. saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . An habit is defined by its act , and object . Agen Eth lib. 5. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Oft times a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie , oft times also habits are known by their Subjects From which Aristotelick notions about habits we learn. 1. That an habit in Morals has much the same place , and influence as a forme in Naturals . For by how much the more noble ▪ and perfect the habit is , by so much the more noble , and perfect will the subject , and facultie , which it informs , be . 2. That every habit ( as a natural forme ) is ordained for , and perfected by its proper Act. 3. That the Nature of an habit is very congruous to , or agreeable with the nature of its object ; whence that determination in the Scholes : That Habits are known by their subjects , the mode of their in-being , their objects , and their Acts. § . 30. Aristotle having discoursed of the generick nature of Virtue , and proved ▪ that it is not a passion , or power , but an habit ; he thence proceeds to discourse of its Formal nature , or reason , which he places in mediocritie ; so Arist . Eth. l. 2. c. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is imployed about the affections , and actions , wherein the excesse is sinfull , and the defect also blameable : but the mean is praised , and held Right . Therefore Virtue is a Mediocritie aiming at the mean , or middle . This Mediocritie of Virtue Aristotle ( Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5. ) applies to , and makes the measure of not only the matter of our actions , but also every circumstance . His words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This mediocritie of Virtue directs when we ought , and in what , & with whom , & for whose sake , and how we must act , &c. Whence he conlcudes , that sin being multiforme , and various is very easilie committed ; but Virtue by reason of its mediocritie being uniforme is very di●ficult , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . One may erre many waies ( for sin has a kind of infinitie , whereas good is bounded ) but what is right is Simple , or uniforme . Wherefore 't is easie to erre , but difficult to hit the right , for 't is easie to erre from the mark , but difficult to hit it . The like Aristot . Mag. Moral . lib. 1. cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is uniforme , but Vice is multiforme . That this uniformitie , or mediocritie is Essential to Virtue , and that which gives its formal constitution , Aristotle Eth. l●b . 2. cap. 6. demonstrates by comparing it with A●t . For ( saith he ) if excesse , and defect do corrupt , but Mediocritie conserve the perfection of Arts , must not moral Virtue which is more excellent than any Art 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 collime , or aim at the Mean , as at its mark ? But for the more full Explication of this mediocritie , we are told , that Virtue may be considered either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in regard of its Essence ; and so 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Mean 'twixt defect , and excesse , which are the extreams : or else Virtue may be considered in regard of its perfection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 't is good , and best , and so it is an extream , which admits of no Excesse : for Virtue can never be too good , or perfect , as Ari●t . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. where we have also the matter , which this mediocritie refers unto , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Affections , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our actions ; in all which there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Excesse , defect , and equalitie . Now the mediocritie of Virtue consists in the latter viz. in observing that equalitie , or proportion , which is due to all our affections , and actions , to render them morally good . Whence this Equalitie , uniformitie , or mediocritie due to our actions , and affections , is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a symmetrie ; as Eth. lib. 2. cap. 3. we find all this excellently explicated to us by Stob●eus Serm. 1. of Virtue , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is an habit , that keeps a decorum ; a decorum is that , which becomes us , and 't is both an extream , and a medium , or mean : an extream , as it admits neither of ablation , nor addition , but a medium or middle as 't is betwixt excesse , and defect . Whence he concludes against the Stoicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We may not therefore cut off the affections of the Soul , but harmonize them according to the decorum , and measure of reason . Hence , else where he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Mean is be● . This symmetrie , or mediocritie of Virtue is stiled by Pythagoras , Harmonie . So Laertius tels us , that Pythagoras held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtue to be Harmonie ; yea that all things consisted of harmonie . So Polus the Pythagorean in his definition of Justice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Justice is the Harmonie , and peace of the whole Soul with uniformitie ; as Stob. Serm. 9. which is thus explicated by Plato , Protag . 3. fol. 326. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole life of man should be composed of Vniformitie , and good harmon●e . Whence ●e cals Virtue the Musick of the Soul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and Temperance he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the harmonie of the affections ; and Justice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a consent of Virtues : and he gives this general Idea of Vice , and Virtue Phaedo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vice is a disharmonie , but Virtue an harmonie . This harmonie , or mediocritie of Virtue he makes to be also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good order , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Symmetrie : yea he makes the Virtue , not only of the Soul , but also of the bodie and of every thing else to consist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in order , and rectitude ; whence he supposeth Eutax●e , symmetrie , and harmon●e to be the forme of the Vniverse ; Socrates also expressed this mediocritie of Virtue by harmonie as Stobaeus Ser. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The life being like a musical Instrument harmonized , by intension and remission becomes sweet . So agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The harmonized life is most pleasant . These several Ideas of Virtue are all comprehended under , and expressed by Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mediocritie , which implies the Eutaxie , Symmetrie , Vniform●tie , and harmon●e of Virtuous affections , and acts : or if we would have all these notions of Virtue resolved into one , we may take that of Plato calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectitude . For indeed the harmon●e or mediocritie of Virtue is nothing else , but a rectitude of principles , and acts . This seems fully expressed by Aristotle Eth. lib. 4. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · all rectitude is from Virtue , and all Virtue implies a Rectitude as 't will appear by and by . § . 31. As Aristotle placeth the forme , and essence of Virtue in the mediocritie , or Rectitude of principles , and Acts ; so the formal measure or Rule , by which this mediocritie , and Rectitude must be regulated , he makes to be Right Reason , or the Law of Nature . For every Act is denominated good , from its conformitie to the Law of nature both in matter , End , measures , and all circum●tances . So Arist . Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. speaking of Virtue and its mediocritie saies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so as right reason dictates , or regulates . So agen Eth. lib. 4. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is not only consentaneous to right reason , but also an habit measured by , and conjoyned with Right reason . So Stobaeus Serm. 1. de Virtut . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is a Syntaxe , or regular disposition according to right Reason . So agen Arist . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whereby it 's evident , Aristotle makes Right Reason the measure of Virtue , and its mediocritie : So Amyraldus in his Theses Salmuriens●s expounds Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Right Reason ( saies he ) is the only ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Criterion of Virtue 's mediocritie . So Parker Thes . 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason ( as it is the same with the Law of Nature ) gives the forme to a moral act . But now all the difficultie is to state what Aristotle meant by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason . For the clearing whereof , we are to know , that Aristotle took up this notion from his Master Plato , who by Right Reason understood the Law of Nature , as we have proved in Plato's Philosophie , Chap. 7. § . 6. Whence this Right Reason is by him stiled the Royal Law. So Plato Minos fol. 317. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason is the Royal Law , i. e. The Law of Nature , which received a new edition by Moses , called the Moral Law , ( i. e. as 't is the measure of moral good , and Evill ) whereof Plato received many notices , and traditions : as else where . This Right Reason is stiled by the Stoicks the common Law. So Diog. Laert. in Zeno saith , that the Stoicks held nothing should be done , but what was agreeable to the Common Law , which is Right Reason : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Common Law , which is Right Reason , yea Aristotle himself seems to Enterpret his Right Reason so , as that it can be understood of nothing more properly , than of the Law of Nature Common to all men : So Arist . Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. There is a twofold Law , one private , another common . The Common Law is that , which is according to Nature , for it is that , whereby all men learn by Nature , what is just , and what is unjust , without any particular consociation , or covenant amongst themselves . Thus Aristotle : wherein he distinguisheth the private Laws of particular Nations , or Societies from the Common Law of Nature , which he makes the measure of Moral good , and Evil. This Common Law of Nature Aristotle makes the Source of all private Laws ; and that which gives check unto them when in Excesse , or defect : so Arist . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all private Laws need to be corrected by the Vniversal Law. Whence this Law of Nature is made the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law of Equitie , which is to give check to all private constitutions . And that Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason is the same with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature , 't is evident by the definition he gives of Justice , or Righteousnesse . Arist . Rbet . lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Justice or Righteousnesse is a Virtue , by which every one has what is his own , and as the Law dictates to them , who are subject to it . Whereby he makes the Law the measure of what is Righteous . So in his Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a just man is he , that lives by Law , and Equitie , i. e. according to that Law of Equitie , or Nature , which is common to all . Whence Aristotle Rhet. lib. 3. cap. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law is the standard , or measure in all Judicial proceedings , i. e. all moral good , and Evil is measured by some Law of Nature Common to all , as civil good ▪ and Evil by civil private Laws . Thence Aristotle Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 2. saies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is just therefore , which is according to Law , and Equitie . What Aristotle attributes to Justice is by a paritie of reason applicable to all moral good , or virtue . By all which it 's evident , that Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason ( which he makes the measure of moral good and Evil ) is the same with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature , which gives the forme , and measure to Common Justice , and all other moral Virtues . Whence that of Plato Repub. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is greatly distant from Right reason , which is distant from Law , and order . Hence again Plato , Gorg. 504. tells us . That as health , beautie and other Virtues of the bodie proceed from the regular order or exact temperament thereof ; so the health , beautie , and other virtues of the Soul from its regularitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence the Soul's actions are regular , and beautifull . Such is Righteousnesse , Temperance , &c. So that we may conclude that 't is not any subjective Right Reason , or Light of Nature , which is the measure of moral good , and Evil ; but an objective Right reason , or the Common Law of Nature , which is the same with God's Law called Moral , because it gives Forme and measure to all moral good . So that Aristotle's Right reason , which he makes the measure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the rectitude , and mediocritie of Virtue , must be resolved into God's moral Law ( which is but a new promulgation of the Law of Nature ) as the alone adequate Rule , and measure of all moral good and Evill . Thence the perfection , or defect of all goodnesse , or Virtue must be measured by its accesse , and conformitie to , or recesse and difformitie from this first moral Rule , or Law : for moral goodnesse being nothing else , but a relation or conformitie to the Rule of moralitie , it necessarily follows , that every moral being is so far morally good , or Evil , as it conformes to , or difformes from this moral Rule , or Law. And albeit the least declen●ion , or aberration from this moral Law will denominate an humane act morally Evill ; yet there is required a perfect concurrence of all causes , or an entire conformitie to this Rule , to bespeak an act morally good : according to that approved maxime in the Scholes ( founded on the light of nature , and general consent ) Good requires all its causes , but Evil springs from every defect . Hence also it follows , that this moral Law must necessarily be most perfect : For otherwise it cannot be the first measure or Rule of moral goodnesse , according to that of Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A defective measure is not a measure : for what is imperfect cannot measure any thing . This perfection of the natural , or moral Law consisteth in two things . 1. In the perfection of its End. Plat. Legib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. All Laws must tend to the best End. 2. In its amplitude or Extention to all objects : a●l Lawgiver , saies Plato , must regard all virtue as Psal . 119.96 . § . 32. Having gone thorough all the causes of moral virtue ; which are first its subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a voluntarie Agent , and Act. 2 it s Genus , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an habit . 8. It s Forme , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mediocritie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rectitude . 4 the Rule , and measure of this Forme , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Common Law of Nature ; it is easie hence to forme a Definition of moral Virtue , which Aristotle has done to our hands . Arist . Eth. l. 2. c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is an Elective habit consisting in mediocritie of things relating to us , defined by reason , and so as a wise man defines . In which definition are these observables , 1. The Genus whis is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an habit not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a power , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a passion . 2. The specifick difference , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elective ; whereby moral habits , or Virtues are distinguished from Intellectual Arts , and Sciences , which are also habits . 3. Here is the subject matter , or object of moral virtue expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what relates to us , or is in our power , which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what is voluntarie . 4. Here is the Forme of Virtue , which consists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in mediocritie or re●●itude ▪ 5. Here is the formal measure of this mediocritie , expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ight ●eason ; ( as before ) We find the same repeated more particularlie though not so exactly , by Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We have said of Virtues , that they are mediocrities ; and that they are habits , and that they are of themselves desireable ; and that they are of things in our power and voluntarie ; and so as right reason prescribes Wherein we have all the several ingredients of Virtue enumerated . We find a definition of Virtue much the same for substance given by Plato Meno . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is an habit of the Soul , by the concurrence of the natural power , working that which is best , according to reason , and tending to the best End. From these Essential Ideas of Virtue we may draw these conclusions . 1. That true Virtue requires not only a good work , or matter , but the best End , which must informe this matter , as the Soul the bodie . 2. Hence also it follows , that all Virtues have one and the same uniforme , harmonious , simple Idea ; in that they proceed all from the same divine habits , or principles , and tend to the same divine End. Thus Aristotle Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Good men act simplie and uniformelie , but wicked men variously . Whence he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For sin is infinite , but good is definite , and uniforme . So Plato Protag . fol 379. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Virtue is one , but its parts are Righteousnesse , temperance , and holinesse . So Plato Rep. 4. fol. 445. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to me the face of Virtue seems to be one ; whence virtue is stiled by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Concent , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 symmetrie , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 harmonie . Whence also the Stoicks held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all virtues are equal , or alike . § . 33. Having given a full Idea of Virtue , and that according to Aristotle's mind , we need not spend time in extracting his Idea of Vice or sin : for he himself acquaints us Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie . As in Logick the affirmative being well stated , the negative is easilie discovered ; so in Morals , virtue being well explicated , the Idea or face of vice is soon unmask'd . Thus as virtue requires an integritie of causes , and full concurrence of all circumstances : so Aristotle tels us , that vice proceeds from any defect of either moral cause , or circumstance , as Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. Art. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vices arise either when men do what they ought not , or as they ought not , or when they ought not , or the like , i. e. when there is any defect in matter , or forme and manner , or time , or such like . Agen , Aristot . Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5. tels us , as good is bounded by mediocritie , and Right Reason , and therefore uniforme ; so Evil , is boundlesse and infinite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sin is various ; for Evil is infinite . Agen , wh●●eas he defines Virtue a mediocritie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to Right Reason ; he tels us Eth. lib. 1. cap. 13. that Vice is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , somewhat besides , or beyond Reason . So Stobaeus Ser. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sin is a transgression besides right reason . Farther , Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 5. tels us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Just is lawfull , and equal , but unjust , illegal , and unequal ; according to the Scriptural definition of sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sin is an Illegalitie , or a transgression of the Law. This Aristotle Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transgression of the Law. So Art. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an unjust man therefore seems to be a transgressor of the Law. The like Art. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is unjust is a transgressing of the Law , and unequal . Yea Ari●●otle concludes Art. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Transgre●●ion of the Law comprehends all injustice , and is common to all iniquitie . The like Aristotle layes down in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. where , having defined Righteousnesse to be a Virtue according to Law , he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Unrighteousnesse is that , whereby we invade other mens rights , against Law. So Arist . Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to act unjustly is Voluntarilie to hurt again●● law And in his Eth. lib. 2. cap. 1. he saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Will of every Lawgiver is such as that they , who act not according to it , sin . Thus also sin is stiled by his master Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ataxie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 asymmetrie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleonexie , or Exorbitancie , opposite to the Eutaxie , symmetrie , and mediocritie of Virtue . So Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vice is an Exorbitancie , or intemperate Excesse : a metaphor taken from the su●●rabundance of any humour in the bodie called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thence defin . Plat. fol. 416. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sin is a practice against right reason . So Agen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injustice is an habit , overlooking or neglecting Laws . Whence sin also is held by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But thus much for Aristotle's Ethicks in general . § . 34. We now proceed to Aristotle's Physicks , wherein he asserts , and demonstrates 1. God's universal Concurse the first mover in all motions ; so Johan . Grammat . in Arist. de Anima proaem fol. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aristotle in his Physicks about the End , disputing of Motion , & in quiring into its cause , elevated himself to the first cause , and priple of motion . And he said , that the first mover ought to be immobile : for if he also should be moved , the things moved would not continue in motion , as if there were things alwayes mobile , it necessarily follows , that their mobile would be immobile . Thence Aristotle extolling the first mover , that he was incorporeous , eternal , and omnipotent saies , that on such a principle depends the heaven and world . For it behoveth a perfect Physiologist , after he has handled the natural causes , not to rest in these , but to ascend to the separate or supernatural : thus Aristotle has done in his book of Generation , and Corruption . The same is mentioned by Ammon●us in Arist . Categ . as before § . 14. see Simplicius in his comment . on Arist . Phys . lib. 8. large here about . 2. Aristotle asserts also in his Physicks the immortalitie , and immaterialitie of the humane Soul. So Joh. Gramm . in Arist . de anima proaem fol. 7. Aristotle , saith he , delivered a Canon proving the Soul to be immortal . The Canon is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We ought , saies he , by the operation to judge of the Essence , because everie Essence has an operation suited to it . Agen another Canon is this every Essence , that has an operation separate from the bodie , must of necessitie be separate from the bodie ; For otherwise the effect will be more noble than the cause Then he proves the minor , that the Soul has operations separate from , and independent on the bodie , as the contemplation of God , it self , and other spiritual objects . And Diogenes in Aristotle saies , that Aristotle held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Soul is incorporeous . § . 35. As for Aristotle's Metaphysicks , Ammonius stiles them his Theologicks . So Ammon in Arist. Categ . pag. 11. Aristotle's Theolologicks are those he writ after his Physick Exercitation , which he calls Metaphysicks , because it is proper to Theologie to treat of things above Nature . Hence Aristotle's Metaphysicks passe in the Scholes under the splendid title of Natural Theologie , though indeed it contains nothing , but a few fragments , he procured from his master Plato , and the more ancient Philosophers ( who traded much in Jewish traditions ) touching God , his Vnitie , Veritie , Bonitie , &c. also the Angels ( which Aristotle cals Intelligen●es ) and of the Soul in its separate state , concerning which Aristotle sometimes seems 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hesitate ; saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as before § . 3. But to come to the generick nature of Aristotle's Metaphysicks , which he makes to be Sapience , whereof he discourseth at large in the Proëme to his Metaphysicks as 't is well observed by Stobaeus , Serm. 3. of Wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 'T was Aristotle's custome to call the same Science , both Wisdome and the first Philosophie , and Metaphysicks , and Theologie . Then ( Aristotle addes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. First we conceive a wise man knows all things so far as 't is possible yet so , as that he has not a particular ( but only universal ) knowledge of them . ( 2. ) Thence we count him a wise man who is able to understand things difficult ; not only such as are easie ( 3 ) farther we judge him most wise in all Science , who most exactly considers , and understands the first causes . ( 4. ) And of Sciences , that which is eligible for it self , and for its own knowledge is rather Wisdome , than that , which is desireable for its effect . ( 5. ) And that Science which is more principal comes nearer Sapience , than that which is subordinate : for it becomes not a wise man to take precepts from others , but to give precepts . ( 6. ) And for the most part things most Universal are most difficult to be known by men ; for such things are most remote from sense . ( 7. ) Those also are the most accurate of Sciences , which are of things mostly first . Thus Aristotle in his proeme to his Metaphysicks , and Stobaeus out of him . Wherein we have a full character of Sapience or Metaphysicks , which is here described both in relation to its Object , and Nature . 1. As for the object of Sapience , Aristotle saies it is 1. of things most Vniversal , and remote from sense . 2. Of things most difficult , and excellent or rare . 3. Of the first principles , and causes of things , as of God , &c. 2. As for the Nature of Sapience , Aristotle tels us , it is 1. most desireable for it self , and for its own knowledge , not for any effect , that flows from it . 2. It is the Architectonick or principal Science , not ministerial , or Subordinate , &c , Whence also Aristotle addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As we say a man is free , who is su●juris , for himself , and not for another : so this Sapience is the most free , and noble of all Sciences ; for it alone is for it self , and not for any other Science , whence also it appeares to be divine , and the most excellent of all Sciences . These Characters , which Aristotle gives to his divine Sapience , or Metaphysicks , are applicable to no Science but the Contemplation of God , and things Divine . For God alone is the First , and most excellent being , the first principle , and cause of all things : and therefore the knowledge of him is the only true Sapience , desireable for it self , and most principal , divine , and excellent . This farther appears by the object of Metaphysicks ; Now though Aristotle makes the Adequate Object of Metaphysicks to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ens , Being in its most Vinversal latitude ; yet the Principal Object he makes to be the Prime Being and Universal cause of all other Beings , God himself , as did Plato his Master before him , calling God sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very being , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truely Being , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first Being , and most frequently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Be●ng , clothed with Vnit●e , veritie , Goodnesse , &c. whence perhaps Aristotle also made Vnitie , Veritie , and Goodnesse Affections of his Ens , in Genere . CHAP. II. Of the Cynicks , their Sect , and Philosophie . I. Antisthenes the father of the Cynicks , and his Schole the Cynosarges . II. Whence they were called Cynicks ? viz. from their severitie against vice , &c. III. The Professors of Cynicisme , Antisthenes , Diogenes , Crates , Demetrius , &c. IIII. The Genius of the Cynicks , and their affinitie which the Stoicks . V. Their principles . 1. To Live according to Virtue . 2. That External goods , as Riches , Pleasures , Honors , are not desireable , because a wise man enjoys all good in God. 3. They disliked flatterie , and bore reproaches with patience . 4. They affected impudence . 5. They were great reprovers of Vice , especially of pride , yet guilty of the highest pride . 6. They rejected all conjectural Science , and Philosophie , Except moral . 7. They were Religious , but not so superstitious as others . 8. Their Justice , and Fidelitie . 9. Their prizing Libertie . The Cynick Philosophie originally from the Jews . § . 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Platonick , and Aristotelick Philosophie , we now proceed to the Cynick , which had its foundation also from Socrates's Schole by Antisthenes the Disciple of Socrates , who being greatly pleased with those Discourses of his Master , which treated of Tolerance , and Labour , instituted this Sect ; This Antisthenes the Head of the Cynicks ( being by Countrie an Athenian , but by his Mothers side , a Phrygian ) after the death of his Master Socrates made choice of the Cynosarges , a Schole at Athens , just without the Gates ; as the fittest place to Philosophize in ; so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Temple of the White , or swift Dog. The origination of this name is well given us by Hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The Cynosarges is a sacred place so called for this cause . They say when Diomus sacrificed to Hercules , there came a Dog , and Snatching away a legge of the Sacrifice , ran away therewith ; others following him ; and the place was so called from the whitenesse , or Velocitie of the Dog. Suidas has much the same in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § . 2. From this Schole the Cynosarges some conceive Antisthenes , and his followers were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cynicks , and Antisthenes himself termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sincere Dog. So Hesych us Illustris . Others , ill wishers to the Cynicks , will have them to be so called from their Doggish impudence . Empiricus ( in Pyrrh . l. 1. c. 14. ) supposeth them to be called Cynicks from their defending good men , but barking at the wicked . This is the most probable conjecture . So Ammonius in Categor . pag 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Cynicks are so called for their Libertie in reproving Vice , and encourageing Virtue : For they say a dogge has somewhat of a Philosophick sagacitie , or discretion discovered in his barking at strangers , and shaking his tail in a tawning manner on Domesticks . So these Cynicks smile on , and salute Virtues , and those , who live according to Virtue ; but they avoid , and barke at passions , and those who live according to passion , albeit they be Kings . Thus Ammonius : The like Diogenes Laertius ; who makes them to be so called , because they were sharpe reprovers of Vice , not regarding the taunts , and abuses put upon them ; as hereafter . § . 3. Theopompus commends Antisthenes above all the Disciples of Socrates , as one endowed with a great acumen of judgement , and sweetnesse of discourse ; by means whereof he could lead any man to what he would . See his Character at large in Diogenes Laertius , and Hesychius Illustris . Next unto Antisthenes , Diogenes Sinopensis , his Auditor , is of most repute amongst the Cynicks ; who was indeed a person of prodigious Wit , as will appear by his following sayings , and greatly admired by Alexander the Great , as also by Basil in his book Of reading Gentile books . Diogenes the Cynick had for his Disciples Monimus Syracusanus , Onesicritus , and Crates the Theban . This Crates had for his Auditors , his wife Hipparchia , her brother Metrocles , Menippus the Phenician , and Zeno the father of the Stoicks , whence sprang a great fraternitie and communion 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks ( as else where ) The●e followed also Demetrius Cynicus , who flourished in the time of Domitian the Emperor , at Corinth ; and drew into one Systeme all the Philosophie of the Cynicks . Philostratus of the life of Apollonius , lib. 4. cap. 8. saies of him ; that for Learning's sake he followed Apollonius , as Antisthenes Socrates , &c. Seneca gives this Demetrius a very large Character : So lib. 7. de Benef. cap. 1. Demetrius , saies he , was very great , if compared with the greatest . Agen cap. 8. he was a man of exact Wisdome . Also Epist. 62. He was the best of men : I admire him , why should I not admire him ? I have seen nothing wanting in him . Tacitus likewise Annal. 16. cap. 34. gives an honorable mention of him . § . 4. As for the Genius of the Cynick Sect , it is greatly extolled by Arrianus in Epictet . lib. 3. Dissert . cap. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; where he sets forth the Cynick Philosophie as masculine , and generous . And indeed there was a very great Cognation betwixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks . So Laertius lib. 6. having mentioned the agreement 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks as to their sentiments of the chiefest Good , he addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There is a certain communion betwixt these two Sects , whence they ( the Stoicks ) said Cynicisme is a short way to Virtue . Laertius here points at Zeno , who honored the Cynick sect with this Elogie : And indeed no wonder , seeing he himself , who was the head of the Stoicks , sucked in a main part of his Philosophie from Crates the Cynick . Yet the Stoicks differed from the Cynicks not only in external habit , but also in Modestie ; which was the main motive , that enduced Zeno to quit the Cynick Sect : for being commanded by Crates to do some unbecoming acts , his modestie made him refuse , and quit Crates's Schole ; as hereafter . The Affinitie betwixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks will farther appear by their Principles , and Practices . § . 5. The first main principle of the Cynicks was , that our Chief End is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to live according to Virtue ; which was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or first principle of the Stoicks also . And indeed th●re were scarce any of the Wiser Philosophers , but embraced this Principle ; for they were all convinced of a vanitie , and vexation , that attended sensible enjoyments ; as also of a more than ordinarie beautie and sweetnesse , which was appendent unto Virtue ; only herein they greatly abused this common principle ; in that they made Virtue desireable for it self , and so their God. § . 6.2 . Hence also the Cynicks affected a mean obscure , yea in-indeed sordid kind of life . Wherefore ( saies Laertius in Antisthenes ) they lived meanly , contemning Riches , Glorie , Nobilitie : Their Food was herbs , and cold Water , their houses obvious , and tubs , &c. All which Cyn●ck Mortification was sounded on that Principle of Diogenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It s proper to the Gods to want nothing , and to those , who are like to the Gods , to make use of but few things . Whence also they asserted , that a Wise man enjoys all th●ngs in God : so Diogenes the Cynick ( as Laertius tels us ) affirmed , that Wise men enjoyed all things ; because all things belonged to the Gods ; and the Gods were friends to wise men : now among friends all things are common . Hence likewise they held , that Riches , Honors , Pleasures , and whatever the world admired should be contemned . Wherefore Crates Thebanus , a noble man of great wealth , sold his patrimonie , and betook himself to Cynick Philosophie upon the persuasion of Diogenes ; and notwithstanding the importunitie of his friends to the contrarie , he abode fixed in that opinion of the Cynicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That Philosophers have need of nothing . Hence also they delighted much in frugalitie , according to that of Greg. Nazianzen . Orat. 23. touching Hero Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the Cynick Sect he accused their impietie , but praised their frugalitie . Lastly ; upon the same account they disliked all publick Games , shews , or pass-times . So Diogenes the Cynick said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Olympick games were but great miracles of fools . § . 7.3 . Hence also the Cynicks abhored flatterie , and bore reproaches with much patience , and constancie . Thence Antisthenes being commended , said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; what ill have I done ? meaning it was an ill thing to be commended . Again being much applauded by a wicked man , he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I am in an Agonie , least I have done ill ; And Diogenes being asked , what beast bit most perniciously ? replyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of wild beasts the Sycophant , and of tame beasts the flatterer bites worst . He had also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a flattering oration is but an honey snare . As for bearing of reproaches , the Cynicks were very eminent , as Diogenes Laertius acquaints us . Orates was wont industriously to rail at whores , thereby to exercise himself for to bear railing : and when others Scoffed at the deformitie of his face , holding up his hands he was wont to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Be confident , Crates , for thine eyes , and the rest of thy bodie , for thou shalt see Scoffers punished , though now they blesse themselves . Diogenes the Cynick being told , that many mocked him , he replyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I mock not aga●n . § . 8.4 . Hence the Cynicks affected a kind of impudence , and immodestie even in things dishonest . So it 's said of Crates , that he lay with his wife , and had to do with her in open place . So Diogenes the Cynick did many things very unbeseeming , which rendred him among many very ridiculous , but Diogenes Laertius gives this favorable interpretation of this his seeming excesse : Laert. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Diogenes said , that he imitated the Masters of the chorus , who admitted some excesse in their tone , that so others might be reduced to a Concent . So that , according to Laertius , these extravagant excesses , and exorbitant impudencies of the Cynicks were assumed only to shame others out of Vices ; but this their designe being not understood by the vulgar , hence their Sect became contemptible , and exploded . Thence Cicero de Officiis 1 o. saies , that , The Nation of the Cynicks is wholly to be expelled , for it is an enemie to Modestie , without which nothing can be right , nothing honest . Whence Sidomus tels us , that in his age there scarce remained any of the Cynick Sect. § . 9.5 . The Cynicks were severe censors and reprovers of Vice ; whence some will have them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before . And Diogenes the Cynick being sensible of this imputation , that he was esteemed of a currish biting disposition , said wittily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I bite only Evil men . And as they were great reprovers of vice in general ; so in a more special manner of Pride . Thus Antisthenes seeing a Vessel wherein Plato had vomited ▪ said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I see his choler here , but I cannot see his pride : meaning Plato had not vomited that up as yet . And Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole , he goes and treads upon his bed , or Philosoph●zing seat , with this expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I tread here on Plato's vain studie , or proud Philosophie ; to which Plato replies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; O Diogenes , how much of pride dost thou manifest , whilest thou seemest not to be proud ? And indeed Plato spake truth : for Diogenes , and the rest of the Cyn●cks under their external , and seeming self-denial concealed much of real pride , and self-advancement . For the highest self-advancement is that , which ariseth from a pretended self-abasement . Thus the Cynicks in words cry down pride , though in deeds they cry it up . So Demetrius the Cyn●ck said ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The height of Pride should be taken away , but the sense of it left . § . 10.6 . The Cynicks rejected all conjectural Sciences ; as Astrologie , and Divination by dreams , &c. Whence Diogenes the Cynick blamed the Mathematicians , who looked into the Moon , and stars , but overlookt the things under their feet : He said farther to one discoursing about Meteors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; when camest thou out of heaven ? Also to some affrighted at their dreams , he said Those things you do waking , you consider not , but those things you imagine in your dreams you curiously inquire into . Yea they rejected all Learning and Philosophie , except moral ; holding that our End is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live according to Virtue . Hence they required in their Disciples pure , and Chast minds . So Anti●henes to a youth abused unto Sodomie , but willing to be instructed by him , and demanding what was needful for him in order thereto , replyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a new book , a new pen , and a new table : meaning a new mind is necessarie for a Disciple : as Diogen . Laert. in Antisthenes . § . 11.7 . The Cynicks were very religious towards the Gods , yet not so superstitious , as the Pythagoreans and othe● Sects . Thence Diogenes the Cynick supping in the Temple , the Offalls , that were left , he took away , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nothing that is sordid , must enter into the Temple . Yet were they not superstitiously conceited about ceremonies of Religion : wherefore Ant●sthenes , after he had initiated himself at the Orphean Oracle , to studie those my●teries , a Prie●t telling him , that those , who were initiated in those Rites should partake of many things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after death ; he replyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; why then dost thou not dye ? intimating that those ceremonies , and outward formalities were not a good foundation to rely upon . § . 12.8 . The Cynicks were great admirers of Justice , Faithfulnesse , &c. So Diogenes was honored by Xeniades his Master , who had found him very faithful , with this Character 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a good Daemon has entred mine house . And the same Diogenes being upbraided by one for stamping money falsely , replyed , Time was , when I was , as thou now art ; but such as I now am , thou wilt never be . Meaning that he was now quite another man. Whence also he said touching living well 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; why livest thou , if thou hast no care to live well ? § . 13.9 . The Cynicks were great Esteemers of Libertie , as all the Philosophers generally were ; whence that saying touching Diogenes the Cynick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He preferred nothing more than Libertie . § . 14.10 . The Cynicks held also with the Stoicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Virtue was teachable ; wherein they differed from Socrates . More concerning the Cynicks , their Dogmes , and Institutions . See Diogen . Laert●us in Anti●henes ; Augu●t . Civit. Dei. lib. 14. cap. 20. and lib. 19. cap. 1. with Lud. Vives thereon . § . 15. That the Cynicks traduced the main of their Dogmes , and Institutes originally from the Jewish Church may appear . 1. From what has been demonstrated touching Socrates , and his Philosophie being derived from the Jewish Church . 2. From the original of some of the Cynicks , who were of Phenician extract ; as Menippus the Phenician , &c. 3. From the Cognation 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks , who received their Philosophie originally from the Jews , as it will appear in the following Chapter . § . 8. CHAP. III. Of the Stoick Sect , and Philosophie , its original , &c. § . I. Of Zeno his Original , and Praeceptors . II. Zeno's Schole the Stoa ; his institution of the Stoick Sect , his Charactor . III. Cleanthes his Character . IIII. Chrysippus his repute amongst the Stoicks . V. Diogenes Babylonius , Antipater , Possidonius . VI. Roman Stoicks , Cato , Varro , Antoninus , Tullie , Seneca . VII . Christian Stoicks . VIII Stoick Philosophie was but a corrupt derivation from the Jewish Theologie . IX . Of Stoicisme in general , and its combination with Socratick , and Cynick Philosophie , with its difference from the Peripatetick , and New Academick . X. Particular Dogmes of Stoicisme . 1. of the Stoick Comprehension . 2. The Stoick Metaphysicks ; of God , his Names , Nature , and Attributes , of God's works of creation , and Providence , of fate , and God's providence over Mankind . 3. Of the Stoick Physicks , the Soul ; the Stoick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. the Stoick Ethicks . 1. Appetition , and self-preservation , with tolerance , and abstinence . 2. That passions are irrational 3. that the wise are only free . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. Virtue desirable for it self . § . 15. The corruptions of Stoicisme , and its opposition to Christianitie . § . 1. NExt to the Cynicks follow the Stoicks , who received their original from them , by Zeno the founder of their Sect , who was sometimes Scholar to Crates . This Zeno was borne at Cittium , a Greek Sea-town in the Isle of Cyprus . So Strabo lib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cittium has a port , which may be shut ; hence sprang Zeno the prince of the Stoick Sect. This Cittium was planted , and enhabited by a Colonie of the Phenicians , whence Zeno was by some stiled the Phenician ; Thence Crates cals him the little Phenician ; as Suidas in Zeno : Zeno being according to Laertius about 17. years of age ( or as Persaeus 22. ) took a voyage to Athens , whither he was inclined , as well by his particular propension to Philosophie , as by his businesse , which was to sell some purple , which he had brought out of Phenicia , as some will have it . Though Laertius seems to make the only ground of his voyage into Greece to be for traffick ; but being robbed by Pirats , or shipwrackt , he thence took occasion of going to Athens ; where consulting the oracle , how he might live best ? answer was made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If he should joyn himself to the dead , &c. which understanding of studie , he betook himself with great diligence to read the books of the Ancients , and so came into familiaritie with Crates the Cynick , but being , as Laertius tels us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , too modest for the Cynick Impudence , leaving Crates , he applied himself to Stilpo the Megarick Philosopher ; From him he betook himself unto Zenocrates : He heard also Polemo the Academick as Cicero lib. 1. Quaest. Acad. § . 2. Zeno having been long an hearer of others ; endeavoured to correct what was amisse in them , and at length thought good to institute a new Sect : for which purpose he made choice of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the painted Porch , so named from the Pictures of Polygnatus , otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where in the time of the 30 Tyrants near 1400. Citizens were put to death . So Laertius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here Zeno walked , and Philosophized , whither resorted many Disciples , who ( as Laertius addes ) were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from this Stoa called Stoicks . Zeno was indeed a person of great Intellectuals , and naturals ; as it appears by the opposition made against him by Carneades , who was fain in his engagements against Zeno to purge his head with white Hellebore . And as his worth was great , so his reputation amongst the Athenians was not little : For by the Philosophie , which he taught , and by the practice of his Life conformable to that Doctrine , Zeno gained so high an estimation amongst the Athenians , that they deposited the keys of their Citie in his hands , with their Liberties . His name was also much honored by his own Country-men , as well at Cyprus , as at Sidon . See Stanley of Stoick . Philosophie ; and Diogenes Laertius of Zeno , who farther addes , that Zeno being sensible , what gain he had by Philosophie , was wont to say touching his losses at Sea , which were the occasion thereo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I made a prosperous voiage , when I suffered shipwrack , &c. § . 3. Zeno of Cittium was succeeded by Cleanthes Assius his Auditor , who by reason of his unwearied labour and indefatigable studie was termed another Hercules ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because he imployed himself in drawing water by night that so he might by day imploy himself in his studies . Thence that of Arrianus in Epictetum , lib. 3. cap. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Where is Cleanthes , who together followed his studies , and drew water ? Tullie gives him an high Character , calling him the father of the Stoicks , as lib. 3. de Natura Deorum . And Simplicius commentar . in Euchirid . Epicteti tells us , that he was so far honored by the Roman Senat , that they appointed his Statue to be erected at Assum , a Citie of Eolis , where he was born . And certainly the Fragments of his Workes , which yet remain , argue him to have been a person of great worth as to Philosophie . We find 37. Heroick verses with an Hemistich of his in Stobaeus's Physick Eclogues : also 5. Jambicks turned into Latin in Senecae Epist . 107. likewise 4. Heroicks in Clemens Alexandr . lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . besides Proses in Sextus ; and Jambicks in Plutarch , and Galen , with others . § . 4. Cleanthes's Auditor , and successor was Chrysippus , who was borne at Sole , a Town of Cilicia ( whence came the name Solaecisme ) and of great repute amongst the Stoicks , according to that old saying of Laertius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse there had been a Chrysippus , the Stoa had not subsisted . So Tullie lib. 1. de Finibus : Nothing ▪ saies he ▪ belonging to the Stoick Philosophie was pretermitted by Chrysippus . He writ an excellent Discourse of Providence , out of which Aulus Gellius ( lib. 6. cap. 2. ) has collected some heads , of which yet Laertius , who has writ his life , makes no mention . § . 5. Chrysippus was heard , and succeded by Diogenes Babylonius : Diogenes by Antipater : and Antipater by Possidonius . We find all these mentioned together by Galen , or who ever else were the author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , initio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This man was heard by Zeno of Cittium , who invented the Philosophie of the Stoicks , whose mode of Philosophizing was followed by Cleanthes ; of whom Chrysippus was an auditor , who followed the same Institution : of this man Diogenes Babylonius was Auditor , as also Master of Antipater ; of whom Possidonius was Auditor . Diogenes Babylonius was he , who in the Second Punick War ( P. Scipio and M. Marcellus being Consuls ) was together with Carneades the Academick , and Critolaus the Peripatetick sent by the Athenians to Rome on Publick Embassage , as Cicero lib. 4. Tuscul . Diogenes , Laertius ( in Diogenes the Cynick ) tels us , that he was borne at Seleucia , and called Babybonian from the vicinitie of Place . The Disciple of this Diogenes Babylonius was Antipater Sidonius , whom Cicero de Officiis lib. 3. cals the most acute person . Seneca Epist . 92. reckons him amongst the famous Heroes of the Stoick Sect. He was of Sidon , and thence termed Sidonius . The Disciples of Antipater , were Panaetius , as also Possidonius . This Possidonius was Originally of Syria , though he chose rather to passe for a Rhodian , as Strabo , and Athenaeus . Strabo lib. 16. saies he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most learned of his Age. Also lib. 14. that he had the Administration of the Rhodian Republick . § . 6. Besides these there are several others amongst the Romans , who may justly be reputed of the Stoick Sect , as Tubero , Cato , Varro ; and after them Thraseus Paetus , Helvidius Priscus , Rubellius , Plautus , with M. Antoninus the Emperor , in whose time no Sect flourished so much as the Stoick , according to Sextus Empiricus : Tullie seems mostly in love with this Sect ; as in Tuscul . 4. where he seems to make them almost the only laudable Sect. How far Seneca was enclined to this Sect is evident enough by his Epistles : Epistol . 83. he cals it the the most valiant and holie Sect ; and de Const. Sap. cap. 1. he saies There was so much difference 'twixt the Stoicks , and other Professors of Wisdom , as there was 'twixt men , and women . Seneca received the Principles of Stoick Philosophie from Sotion , whom he acknowledgeth to be his Praeceptors So Epist . 49. and 58. § . 7. Yea not onely amongst the Gentiles , but even amongst Christians many were much drencht in Stoick Philosophie . So Pantaenus Bishop of Alexandria , who as Jerom acquaints us , i● was sent to the Indian Brachmans , to preach Christ among them , that so , if it might please God , this Christian Philosopher might convert those Pagan Philosophers . Disciple to this Pantaenus was Clemens Alexandrinus , who oft discovers his affection to the Stoick Philosophie . That which made this Sect so pleasing to many Christians , as well as Pagans , was the gravitie of their conversation , their contempt of terrene good , their moderation in the use of creature-comforts , and patience in the want of them : Hence Jerom on Esa . 10. saies , the Stoicks do in many things agree with our Dogmes . § . 8. And indeed no wonder , if the Stoicks agreed very far with the Chri●tian Religion as to morals ; seeing the choicest of their notions were but corrupt derivations and traductions from the Sacred fountain of Israel : which will be evident from these particulars . 1. The Stoicks Morals were but rivulets streaming from the Socratick Philosophie , which , as we have before demonstrated , had its original from Jewish Morals delivered by Solomon and others . 2. Zeno the Founder of the Stoick Sect was ( as we have before shewen § . 1. ) Native of Cittium , a Phenician Town in Cyprus , and so of Phenician extract . Now ( as we have else where demonstrated at large ) the Phenicians had familiar conversation with the Jews , & great notices of their Doctrines , especially such as were moral . That Zeno traduced the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews is well observed by Hornius Hist . Philos . lib. 3. cap. 16. It is easie for any to understand whence Zeno attained to so great Sapience . For seeing he had his original from Cittium , which received Phenician Colonies , we need no way doubt , but that he drew from their Monuments , and Mysteries , those his contemplations , which do so much accord with Divine Veritie ; Especially such things , as de delivered touching Providence . Cyprus is near Palestine and Aegypt , yea enhabited by Colonies from both ; &c. 3. Yea in Cyprus , where Zeno sucked in his first breath , and institution , there were many Jews , as Grotius on Math. 22.23 . In Cyprus ( saies he ) whence Zeno was , there were ever many Jews . 4. Antipater a great Master of the Stoick Philosophie was also of Sidon , a Phenician town bordering on Judea ; and thence had great advantage for the acquainting himself with the Jewish Institutes , and Morals , as . § . 5. 5. Lastly many of the Stoick Dogmes are apparently of Jewish origination ; as the Stoick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spermatick word , whereby the Vniverse was framed ; which is evidently a derivation from Gen. 1.1 . Also the Stoick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or final conflagration , and purification of all things by fire is evidently no other , than some broken tradition of Enoch's , or some Jewish prophecie of the last conflagration ; as else where we may prove . The truth of this position will farther appear from the following Dogmes of Stoicisme . § . 9. First that Stoi●isme was but a branch of the Socratick Philosophie is sufficiently apparent both from their agreeme●t in matter , and also from the assistance Zeno had from Socrates's Disciples . The Stoicks also held a very good correspondence and accord with those of the old Academie . But their chiefest communion was with the ●ynicks . For Zeno their founder was first instituted in Cynicisme under Crates , whence there sprang a great fraternitie 'twixt the Cynicks and Stoicks , as in the former Chapter . § . 4. The Stoicks stood at a great di●tance from , and Contest with the Peripateticks about the agreement of Natural , and Moral good . The Stoicks held that things hone●t were disjoyned from things Commodious toto genere , in their whole Nature : The Peripateticks h●ld their difference to be only gradual . Some thought this Controversie 'twixt the Stoicks , and Pe●ipateticks to be only verbal : So Antiochu● , Varro's Praeceptor , who composed a book of the Concord 'twixt the Stoicks , and Peripateticks . But Cicero , lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum , contradicts him thus . I wonder that Antiochus a person so greatly acute saw not , that there was an huge distance 'twixt the Stoicks , who disjoyned things hone● from things commodious , not only in name , but toto genere ; and the Peripateticks , who compounded thi●gs hone●t w●th things commodious so as they should differ amongst themselves in magnitude , and degrees only , not in kind . For this is not a small dissension of words only , but a very great difference of things . Yet in some things the Stoicks and Peripateti●ks agreed ; as that they both made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , right reason , the measure of good , and ●vil● they both made Virtue desirable for it self , &c. The Stoicks also differed much from those of the New Academie , who stiffely asserted an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or incompreh●nsion . For Zeno had sharp , and perpetual conflicts with Arcesilas , who instituted the Second Acad●mi● , and the Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whence also Ca●n●ad●s , who was the In●itutor of the third , or New Acad●mie , writ sharpely aga●nst Zeno the Stoick his b●oks , as Aul. Gellius lib. 17. cap. 15. § . 10. As for the particular Dogmes of Stoicisme , the Stoicks held 1. That there are certain , common principles , or Ideas in men , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Comprehensions , in opposition to the Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incomprehension , introduced by Arcesilas . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was first used in this sense by Leno ; and that in a sense Metaphorical , and borrowed from things apprehended by the hand , which allusion he expressed by action : for shewing his hand with the fingers stretched forth , this he made the image of fancie : then bending them a little , this he made a symbol of assent : then compressing them , and closing his fist , this he made to be comprehension ; which according to the Stoicks is a firme , and certain knowledge . For , say they , whatsoever is understood , is comprehended by the mind one of these two waies : either 1. by evident incursion which Laertius stiles a knowledge by sense , or 2. by transition from Ev●dence , termed by Laertius collection by Demonstration , of which they make 3. kinds . 1. Assimilation : So a person is comprehended by his picture . 2. Composttion as of a Goat and an Hart is made Hirco-cervus . 3. Analogie , which is either by Augmentation , or Diminution . Thus of Stoick comprehension . § . 11. 2. As to Metaphysicks ; the Stoicks held , as Laertius tels us , 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That God was but one called by several names viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mind , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jupiter , &c. 2. They define God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That God is a Living , Immortal , Rational , Perfect Being , or intellectual in happinesse , void of all Evil , providential over the world , not of human forme , maker , and , as it were , parent of the Universe . According to Plutarch . Philos●ph . Placit . 1.6 . The Stoicks define God , A spirit full of intelligence , of a fierie nature , having no proper forme , but transforming himself into whatsoever he pleaseth . So Laertius acquaints us , that they held God to be the first , most pure being , whose essence was comprehensive of , and diffused through all beings . 3. The Stoicks asserted likewise , that God was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ingenerable , and incorruptible . We understand by God , saith Antipater , a living Nature , or substance , happie , incorruptible , doing good to mankind , &c. § . 12. Touching God ●s Works of Creation , and Providence , Laertius informes us , that the Stoicks held God to be the first Cause of all things , and as the faetus is conteined in the Seed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So also God was the Spermatick Word of the Vniverse , according to Joh. 1.12 . They affirme also ( addes Laertius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Universe was framed according to infinite Wisdome , prevision , or Providence : according to Gen. 1.31 . God saw . Touching God's Providence over the World , the Stoicks assert ( as Plutarch . Placit . Philos . ) That God is an operative artificial fire , Methodically ordering , and effecting the generation of things , comprehending in himself all that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prolifick Virtue , whereby every thing is produced according to fate . This seems the same with the Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vniversal spirit traduced from Gen. 1.2 . which is farther evident from their notions of Fate , which Zeno makes not to differ much from Nature , and Providence . Chrysippus defines Fate , a spiritual power governing the world orderly , or an eternal indeclinable series of things commixing , and implicating it self by eternal orders of consequence , of which it is composed , and connected : or the reason of the world , or the law of all things in the world governed by Providence . Panaetius the Stoick expressely asserts Fate to be God. Though many of the Fathers , as Ju●tin Martyr . Apol. 1. Ireneus , Epiphanius with others dispute vehemently against this Stoick Fate , &c. The Stoicks held also , that the Gods had a more particular providence over mankind , which is manifested by this , that all things in the world were made for the use of Man. Hence also they held with Pythagoras , Socrates , Plato and the rest , certain Daemons , which had inspection over , and compassion for men : So Laertius in Zeno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That these Daemons were but Satanick Apes of the Jewish Messias , we have else where demonstrated . § . 13. Touching Natural Philosophie , the Stoicks held . 1. The Soul to be a spirit connatural , and immortal : So Laertius in Zeno , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. They asserted also the final conflagration of the World by fire , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and traduced originally from the Jews , though immediately from the Phenicians , as Grotius affirmes . This ( saies he ) Zens received from the Phenicians , &c. § . 14. But the Stoicks chief excellence consistes in Moral Philosophie ; the first part whereof they place in Appetition , and their first appetition ( according to Laertius ) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to preserve self , for , say they , it is not lawfull for any to be so proper to any , as to himself , and because nothing conduceth so much to self-preservation , as tolerance , and abstinence : thence some comprehend the whole of their Morals in these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bear , and abstain . 2. The Stoicks held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Passions were irrational : whence they defined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Passion is the irrational , and preternatural motion of the Soul : again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an inordinate impulse : and thence they concluded all wise men were austere , not indulging themselves , or others , in pleasures , grief , or other passions . They held also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Will was contrarie to concupiscence . Whence they assert also , that there were 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or good affections in wise men : namely Will , Joy , and Caution : but 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or perturbations in fools , Cupiditie , Gladnesse , Fear , and Sorrow : as Lud : Vives in Aug. Civ . lib. 14. cap. 8. § . 14.3 . The Stoicks held also ( as Diogen . Laert. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the wise man was only free , but wicked men slaves . This Libertie they defined thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Libertie is a power of self-motion . 4. They affirmed likewise , that there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a right reason not only Objective , but also Subjective , and innate in human nature , which being improved might bring men to a state of happiness . So Laertius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. Hence also they held , that there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good nature , or seeds of Virtue in nature , and Free-will to good . Whence likewise , contrarie to Socrates , they asserted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Virtue was teachable . So Zeno , in an Epistle to Antigonus , saith , that a generous nature with indifferent exercise , & the assistance of a Praeceptor might easily attain to perect Virtue . 6. Some of them held , that Virtue might be lost ; others that it could not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of those firme principles . Cleanthes said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That a righteous man was such by Nature , not by institution . 7. They held also , that Virtue was desirable for it self , and that our Objective happinesse lay in Virtue , &c. 8. They thence affirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That friendship was to be found only amongst virtuous persons , by reason of their likenesse . 9. They held likewise , that holie persons only could Worship God aright , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that devout , and just persons only were skilful in such Rites , as belonged to the Gods. 10. Lastly they affirmed that a virtuous man affects not monastick life , but active . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Virtuous person is communicative by nature , and active . See these Dogmes of Stoicisme more largely in Laertius on Zeno , where he gives us a brief account of the whole bodie of Stoick Philosophie . The same , as to morals , is laid down more fully by Epictetus in his Enchiridion , as also by Simplicius in his annotations thereon , & yet more amply by Arrianus , who collected Epictetus his Stoick Discourses delivered at home , or abroad , & digested them into a systeme . But none has given us a more perfect Idea of Stoick Philosophie , than amongst the ancients Lucius Seneca , and Amongst the moderne Lipsius in his Manuduct . to Stoick Philosophie . § . 15. Albeit the Stoicks , as to Morals , came the nearest of any to Christians , yet were they of all Sects of Philosophers the greatest Enemies to the Christian Religion : and indeed no wonder ; seeing their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or whole designe was to attain unto Happinesse by their Virtuous Works , and so to make that of their own Carnal Wisdome , and Free-will to all good , which we do of Christ . Hence they asserted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a right reason , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Free-will to all good , with seeds of Virtue in human nature . Whence Austin affirmes , that the Stoicks as well , as the Epicureans , come under that condemnation of the Apostle Rom. 8.5 . &c. They that are after the flesh , &c. For indeed to make our own Wisdome , and Free-will , our God , as the Stoicks did , is the most cursed piece of our Carnal-mindednesse , and Idolatrie . Now that the Stoicks made their own Wisdome , and Virtues their God , is very evident from that of Grotius in Act. 17.18 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] who there saies , that the Stoicks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vessels filled with vain presumption , and most averse from the Christian Religion ; they denyed , that their Wise man came short in any thing of Jupiter ; that he owed nothing to God for his Wisdome ; That Jupiter could not do more than a good man ; that Jupiter was for a longer time good , but that a wise man esteemed never the worse of himself , because his Virtues were shut up within a narrower compasse of time : which you find in Seneca Epi●t . 73. that a man should kill himself , rather than endure servitude , contumelies , or great diseases . Thus Grotius . And indeed Stoick Philosophie , albeit it give us an excellent Idea of Moralitie , yet falling upon our nature as degenerate , and corrupt , it has hitherto been of little use , save to feed spiritual pride , and turn off men from the Covenant of Grace to live upon the old Covenant of Works . This is sufficiently evident from that poisonous influence which Stoick Philosophie has had on Pelagianisme : For the chiefest of the Pelagian infusions received their first ferment from the Stoa ; Whence sprang the Pelagian Right Reason ; Free-will ; Seeds of Virtue ; Impeccancie , or perfect state , but from the Stoick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? as we shall else where , God willing , demonstrate fully . That Stoick Philosophie is very apt to puff up , and swell proud corrupt nature , Plutarch himself seems to confesse in Cleomene , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Stoick Philosophie , if it fall upon great , and acute natures , proves lubricous , inordinate , or doubtful ; but if it be tempered with a grave , and meek , or humble mind , it confers much to true , or proper good . This great , or proud nature , which receives so much dammage by Stoick Philosophie , is common to all men naturally : and the truely humble , and Meek spirit ( which Plutarch makes the only sit subject for Stoick Philosophie ) is no where to be found , but in the Schole of Christ , namely among such , who being stript of their own Wisdom , Free-wil to all Good , and other legal sufficiencies , know how to improve those Stoick Principles of Moralitie on Gospel motives or grounds , with Gospel dependance on Christ , and unto Gospel Ends , viz. the exaltation of Christ his free Grace , and the Glorie of it . This is the true Christian Stoicisme . CHAP. IIII. Of Scepticisme . I. Of the Scepticks , their several names . II. Pyrr●o his Character and chief Dogme , that nothing was knowable . III. The formal Idea of Scepticisme . IIII. The main designe of Scepticks to overthrow the Dogmes of other Sects . V. Scepticks denyed any thing to be just , or unjust . VI. The original of this Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Heraclitus's , and Plato's Schole . VII . Plato , and the old Academicks not Sceptick , but Dogmatick . VIII . Wherein the New Academicks differed from the Scepticks . IX . The Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing . X. Scepticisme a great enemie to the Christian Religion . XI . How far 't is commendable , and useful . § . 1. NExt to the Stoicks we shall mention the Scepticks , who were also stiled Pyrrhonians from Pyrrho their chief Coryphaeus . Laertius in Pyrrho informes us , that they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Scepticks , because they alwaies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consider a matter , but never determine any thing : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aporeticks , because they always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doubt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ephecticks , because , after all their long , and tedious inquisitions , there follows no assent , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an hesitation , and suspension of judgement , or retention of assent . Lastly they were stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zeteticks , because they were ever seeking , but never sound the truth . § . 2. The Head of this Sect was Pyrrho , who flourished in the time of Theophrastus , and Epicurus , about the 109. Olympiad ; for he heard Dryso the Son of Stilp● , and Anaxarchus the Abderite ; whom also he accompanied into India , in the Expedition of Alexander the Great , yea was present , when the Indian upbraided Anaxarchus , that he followed the Court of Kings , but taught no one Virtue : As Laertius in Anaxarchus : who also brings in Ascanius affirming of Pyrrho , that he seemed to have sound out a noble way of Philosophizing by introducing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incomprehension , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspension : for he asserted nothing : and truely ( addes Laertius ) Pyrrho's life was agreeable to his opinions ; for he shunned nothing , nor took any heed to his waies . We find the like mention of Pyrrho , and his incomprehension in Ammonius ( Comment . in Arist . Categ . pag. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pyrrho the chieftain of this Sect said , that Beings had an incomprehension , &c. § . 3. Hence the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or chief Dogme of the Scepticks is , that nothing could be known , and therefore nothing might be affirmed , or denyed . So Anaxarchus Pyrrho's master held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither did he know this , that he knew nothing . So Zenophanes said that , no one certainly knew any thing : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for truth lieth in an abysse . Whence Sextus Empiricus cap. 4. dennes Scepticisme a facultie opposing Phaenomena's or apparences , and intelligibles all manner of waies , whereby we proceed through the equivalence of contrarie things , and speeches , first to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspension , then to indisturbance . Thence those expressions of the same Sextus Empiricus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not more this , than that : agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every reason has a reason equal opposed thereto ; also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I define nothing : Lastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I persevere a Sceptick , or considering , &c. § . 4. Whence the Scepticks made it their main businesse , to overthrow all the Dogmes of the other Dogmatick Sects , not by affirming , or defining any thing ; but by producing the opinions of all other Sects , and shewing their invaliditie or weaknesse . They instanced ( saith Laertius ) in ten waies , by which things became doubtful to us : as from the difference 1. of Animals , 2. of men 3. of Senses 4. of Affections , and their vicissitudes 5. of Educations , Institutions , Laws , and Customes , &c. Thence they denyed , that there were any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common principles known of themselves , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprehensions ; and so all Demonstration was by them taken away ; concluding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the whole is indemonstrable . They also denyed , that there were any infallible signes , &c. This their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they termed also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because their opinion held in bivio , without encl●ning to this , or that part : They named it also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because there was nothing affirmed , or denyed : for they durst not affirme that they were borne , or so much as that they were men . § . 5. Yea the Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension reach'd so far , as that they asserted nothing to be Good , or Evil ; just , or unjust ; but that men passed their judgement according to the institution of Laws , and Custome ; not that one thing was in it self more just , or unjust than another . Yea at last they came to affect an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the very senses were not to be credited . So Anaxarchus being carried against his will to Cyprus , where he was thrown into an hollow rock , and command given , that he should be beaten with iron hammers ; he seeming not to regard his pain said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beat Anaxarchus's Vessel , but Anaxarchus himself thou canst not break . Lastly we find the whole mysterie of this Sceptick Hesitation well expressed by Aristocles in Eusebius Praepar . Evang. lib. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Things are equally indifferent , and uncertain , and undeterminable ; wherefore neither can our senses , or opinions speak truth , or falshood ; wherefore neither ought we to believe them , but leave them void of opination , and without inclination , or motion ; declaring concerning every thing , that it neither is , nor is not ; also that it is , that it is not , neither is it not . § . 6. As for the Original of this Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incomprehension , it seems to be more ancient than Pyrrho , or Anaxarchus ; for Heraclitus laid a great foundation for it , by asserting all things to be in m●tion , and nothing certain : So Ammonius ( in Ari●t . Categ . fol. 9 reckons Heraclitus among these Pyrrhonians because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heraclitus said , that all things were in motion and fluxe , wherefore they are called Ephecticks from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suspending their judgement of things . Yea this Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspension had a considerable room , and foundation in Plato's Schole , the old Academie , wherein there was allowed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Problematick kind of disputation pro , and con , for , and against the question , with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or libertie of suspending their judgements as to conclusions , about things dubious . For the old Academicks held two sorts of things some certain , and unquestionable , others doubtful , which might be affirmed , or denyed : As for things certain they held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some things are alwaies the same , without generation , whence they concluded , such things were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , truely knowable and certain : in which rank of things they placed our notions of God ; of the Soul ; of happinesse ; of the other life , &c. concerning these things Plato ( and the old Academicks ) allowed not any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , problematick disputation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suspension ; but he laies them down as certain , and indubitable , or proves them to be such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from indubitable principles indubitably . But Plato laies down some sensibles , which are only Probable , or dubious ; and of these he discourseth more freely , allowing an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suspension of judgement concerning them ; whence his difference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a Probable and demonstrative character . From this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Plato's Old Academie sprang the New Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension of judgement , which differs little from the Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or suspension . § . 7. Albeit Plato , by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Probationarie disputes pro , and con , about sensibles , laid a considerable foundation for the Sceptick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet he seems professedly to dispute against this Sceptick Incomprehension , or suspension ; discovering himself to be rather Dogmatick , than Sceptick . Laertius tels us , that it was much controverted whether Plato doth Dogmatize , or not ? and he seems to conclude the question in the affirmative , that Plato did Dogmatize ; because he expounds those things , which he conceived true , and confuted those things which were false ; though he suspended his judgement in things doubtful . So Sextus Empiricus c. 31. Some ( saith he ) hold Plato to be Dogmatick , others Sceptick , others , that he was in some things Sceptick , in some things Dogmatick : for in his Gymna●tick Discourses , where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists , they say , he hath a Gymna●tick , or Sceptick Character : but when he declareth his own opinion , he is Dogmatick . But Ammonius ( in Arist . Categ . pag. 9. ) gives us a more full account of Plato's judgement against this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incomprehension . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato in many discourses confuting this opinion ( about incomprehension ) after many things addes this also to them . When , Sirs , ye say there is an incomprehension , ye comprehend there is an incomprehension , or not ? if ye comprehend it , there is then a comprehension : if ye comprehend it not , we have no reason to beleive you , because you comprehend not , that there is an incomprehension . By which argument Plato efficaciously overthrew the Sceptick incomprehension . § . 8. But the●e seems to be a greater affinity betwixt the New Academicks , and the Scepticks in so much , that they are often taken for one and the same Sect. So Seneca Epist . 88. The Pyrrhonians , and Megaricks , and Eretriacks , and Academicks , who introduced a new Science , namely that nothing could be known , are verst almost in the same things . So Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But Sextus Empiricus cap. 31. gives this difference 'twixt the Sceptick , and New Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Those ( saith he ) of the New Academie , though they say all things are incomprehensible , differ from the Scepticks perhaps in saying all things are incomprehensible : for they assert this ; but the Sceptick admits it possible that they may be comprehended , &c. Again ( addes Sextus ) we differ also from the New Academie , as to what belongs to the End : for they use in the course of life what is credible ; we following Laws , Customes , and natural affections , live without engaging our opinion . Lastly Sextus seems to observe this difference , that the New Academicks , Arcesilas with others , affirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suspension to be Good , but Assent to be Evil , and that according to Nature : But Pyrrho judged these things to be so , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not according to nature , but apparence . By all which it appears , that the Academicks held this common first principle , that all things are incomprehensible , might be comprehended : wherefore they accordingly determined , that nothing could be determined . But the Scepticks durst not affirm , or denie any thing , not so much as their own first Principle , viz. that all things were incomprehensible . § . 9. By which it appears , that the Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing , as well that of the New , as that of the old Academie , and of all other Sects . So Sextus Empiricus Chap. 6. We say the Sceptick doth not Dogmatize : not understanding Dogme , as some do , in the general acceptation , for an assent to any thing ; for the Sceptick assents to those affections , or impressions which are necessarily induced by fancie , or sense ; but we say he doth not Dogmatize in their sense , who takes a Dogme for an assent to any of those inevident things , which are inquired into by Sciences . For a Sceptick Philosopher assents to nothing , that is not Evident ; neither doth he Dogmatize , when he pronounceth the Sceptick Phrases concerning things not manifest ; as I assert nothing , &c. Thus Sextus Empiricus , who treats more fully of Scepticisme in his books against the Mathematicians , &c. § . 10. This Sect of Scepticks is very contradictorie to the Christian Religion as it appears by the confession of Nicetas In Epitom . Clement . Roman . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have accurately inquired into those things , which are delivered by the Philosophers ; Especially those things , which are greatly repugnant to Piety towards God : namely the Dogmes of Epicurus , and Pyrrho , that so we might be the better able to refute them . And indeed Scepticisme is but a door to Atheisme : for by questioning every thing men at last come to believe nothing , though most certain , even the Being of a God. § . 11. Albeit Scepticisme be a thing of dangerous Consequence , yet is it not wholly to be condemned in things naturals and as it was used , in its first original : for although there are many things certain , which ought not to be called into question , yet there are , especially in naturals , many more uncertain things , in such things , if we will not precipitately erre , we must not precipitately Judge . but in things of this kind it is most agreeable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to suspend our assent ; which was the practise of Plato , and his successors in the old Academie , whence sprang the Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thence Tullie in Lucullo brings in the Academicks speaking thus : We are not those , to whom nothing seems true ; but we say that there are some falsehoods mixed with Truths , and that under so great similitude , as that there remains in them no certain note of discretion , or difference . Agen saies Cicero : what can there be more rash , and unworthie the gravitie , and constance of a Wise man , than to yield a false assent ; or to defend without hesitation that , which is not sufficiently perceived , or understood . This modest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or suspension was greatly affected by Socrates , who in things uncertain , or dubious gave himself , and Scholars a liberty of suspending ; though in things necessarie , certain , and Moral he was very tenacious , and Dogmatizing . CHAP. V. Of Epicurisme . Epicurus his original , His Institution , Sect , and Character . His Pride , and contention . His temperance according to the Character of his friends . His Industrie , and Disciples . His Philosophie . 1. Physicks , of Atomes , &c. 2. His contempt of Logick , and Rhetorick . 3. His Ethicks : of Pleasure , and Passion . That Pleasure is the chiefest Good. That this Pleasure consists in Virtue : Epicurus's Atheistick Conceptions of God's Providence , &c. His denying the Immortalitie of the Soul , what opposition Christianitie found from the Epicureans . § . 1. HAving taken some View of all other Sects , we shall conclude with the Epicurean , which was but a branch of the Eleatick Sect ; and received its Institution from Epicurus , who was born in the third year of the 109 Olympiad , seven years after Plato's death , and 341 before the birth of Christ . He was borne at Gargettus a Town belonging to the Egean Tribe ; and was bred up at Samus till the 18 year of his age ; at which time he went to Athens , Xenocrates living in the Academie , and Aristotle at Chalcis . About the 23 year of his age , he went to Colophon to his Father ; and from the 32 year of his age , to the 37 he lived partly at Mitylene , partly at Lampsacum , where he instituted a Schole , as Suidas observes , and Gassendus after him ( Chap. 5. of Epicurus ) Epicurus returning to Athens about the 37 year of his age , he a while discoursed of Philosophie in publick with others , but after instituted a Sect in Private denominated from himself Epicureans . At first indeed admiring the Doctrine of Democritus he professed himself a Democritian , or of the Eleatick Sect , unto which Democritus appertained . So Cicero de Nat. Deorum . Democritus was a very great Person , from whose fountains Epicurus watered his Garden : meaning his Schole , which was in a Garden . Yet afterwards , out of a spirit of Pride , and contention Epicurus rejects Democritus , and changeth many things in his Dogmes ; Thence ( saith Cicero ) he was very ungrateful towards Democritus , whom he followed . Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 1. and others report Nausiphanes the Pythagorean , Disciple of Pyrrho , to have been master to Epicurus . Laertius affirmes , he was chiefly addicted to Anaxagoras . He also admired the Conversation of Pyrrho , as Gassendus in his Life cap. 4. By which it appears , that Epicurus first embraced Scepticisme , whence he fell into Atheisme , and Epicurisme ; and indeed no wonder , for the Sceptick is the fittest matter to forme an Atheist , and sensualist out of , as hereafter . § . 2. Epicurus having imbibed what he thought agreeable to his designe , both from the Eleatick and Sceptick Scholes , he formes and shapes his own Ideas into a peculiar Sect of his own , called from him Epicureans ; and Pleasure being his main End , he purchaseth at Athens a very Pleasant Garden , where he lived with his friends , and discoursed of Philosophie . Apollodorus in Laertius tels us , that this Garden cost him 80. Pounds . We find this Encomium , of him in Petronius Arbiter , who followed this Epicurean Sect. Ipse Pater veri doctis Epicurus in hortis Jussit , & hanc vitam dixit habere Deos. Epicurus the Father of truth dictated in the learned Garden , and he said the Gods led this life . Lucretius the Epicurean l. 3. gives him the like Character . Tu pater , & rerum inventor , tu patria nobis Suppeditas praecepta , tuisque ex , inclyte , Chartis , &c. Agen speaking of Epicurus . Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , & omnes Restinxit Stellas , Exortus uti aethereus Sol. Lactantius lib. 3. Instit . producing the●e verses , subjoyns ; Truely I can never read these verses without smiling : for he spake not this of Socrates , and Plato , who were as Princes among the Philosophers : but of a man , than whom no sick man ever dreamed , or talked more foolishly . Indeed the Disciples of Epicurus extolled him ( as some now adaies ) to the Skies , as if he only of all the Philosophers had found out the Truth , and all others had embraced Shadows : Yea his adherents were so ravisht with the admiration of him , as that every moneth they Sacrificed to his birth day , and that on the 20. day ; whence they called those holie daies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And they burned with so great love to their Master , as that they carryed his Picture engraven on a Ring as a luckie fortune wherever they went. § . 3. But notwithstanding the great esteem Epicurus's Disciples had concerning him ; others were not a little offended at him ; especially for his Pride , Vanitie , and Contentious spirit . As for Epicurus's Pride , and Vanitie , Plutarch in his book against Epicurus acquaints us , that he had so proud , and swelling an opinion of himself , as that he would call no one learned , but himself , and those , who proceeded from his Schole . And touching his contention , Cicero . 1. De Nat. Deor. relates , that Epicurus did most contumeliously vexe Aristotle : he did most shamefully rail against Phaedo the Socratick : he did by several volumnes oppose Timocrates the brother of Metrodorus , his companion ; because he in some small matters differed from him in Philosophie : he was very ungrateful even to Democritus himself , whom yet he followed : he never stiled Chrysippus by any other name than Chesippus , &c. As for Epicurus's Conversation ; those , who differed from him suppose him to have been immersed in all manner of sensual , and brutish pleasures . But those , that conversed with him , and adhered to his Sect , make him to be very pious towards the Gods , his Parents , and Countrie : also very bountiful towards his Brethren , friends , and servants : grave , and temperate , contenting himself with most simple , and mean diet ; likewise sparing in Wine , yea living on bread and water only ; So that he accounted it a great feast , if he had a little cheese . They make him also to be very studious , and industrious ; which they argue from the multitude of volumnes he writ , beyond any other of the Philosophers , to the number of 300. All which books are perisht , excepting three Epistles given us by Laertius in his 10. book , who has also given us a compende of his Philosophie . Epicurus lived 72. years ; and died ( as Laertius ) of the stone stopping his urine , in the second year of the 127. Olympiad . § . 4. Among the Disciples of Epicurus , the first rank is given to Mus his servant , who Philosophized together with his master , and after him became the head of the Epicurean Sect , as Diogen . Laertius lib. 10. Also among the Sectators of Epicurus is reckoned Hermannus mention'd by Porphyrie lib. 1. de Abstinentia . Also Lucian was an Epicurean , and friend of Celsus the Epicurean , who writ against the Christians , and is answered by Origen . This Lucian is by some stiled the Atheist , because of his blasphemie against Christ , so Suidas : but herein he is vindicated by Vossius ) de Philos . Sect. cap. 8. § . 24. ) who shews , that Lucian no where speaks Evil of Christ , save in the person of a stranger , where he cals Christ a Sophist , a title of no ill import amongst the Philosophers , only he speaks unworthily of God , on which account I suppose he was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Atheist . There were also many of the Romans , who adhered to this Epicurean Sect , as Lucretius , Cassius : also Maro , who dedicated the latter part of his life to the Epicurean Philosophie ; as in like manner , Petronius Arbiter ; with others . And indeed there was no Sect continued so long , as the Schole of Epicurus , which when all other Sects failed , persisted in continual succession , as Laertius boasts of it ; and Lactantius lib. 3. Institut . easilie grants ; giving this reason thereof . The Discipline of Epicurus was alwaies more famous than that of other Philosophers ; not that it brought any thing of reason with it , but because the popular name of Pleasure invites many : for all are prone to V●ce . Nazianzen Orat. 23. on the praise of Hero Alexandrinus joyns these 3. in Epicurus as containing the chief of his Philosophie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epicurus's Automatum together with his Atomes , & Pleasure . § . 5. As for Epicurus's Philosophie , the best thereof consisted in Physicks , wherein he chiefly embraced the Dogmes of Anaxagoras , yet he differed from him in many things . Touching the Origine of the Vniverse . Epicurus held , that all things were composed of Atomes . Thence that of Au●tin de Civit. Dei. lib. 11. cap. 9. Epicurus held , that there were innumerable worlds produced by the fortuitous confluxe of Atomes . See Lud. Vives on the text . Epicurus's Hypothesis is supposed to have been this : viz. that before the world was brought into that forme , and order it is now in , there was an infinite emptie space , in which were an innumerable companie of solid particles , or Atomes of different sizes , and shapes , which by their weight were in continual motion , and that by the various occursions of these , all the bodies of the Universe were framed in that order , they now are in . These his sentiments of Atomes Epicurus is said to have traduced from Leucippus , and Democritus ; especially from the latter , as before ; though indeed the first great assertor of Atomes was Mochus , that famous Phenician Physiologist , who traduced them from the Jews , as has been proved in the Phenician Philosophie . The whole of the Epicurean Physicks is comprehended by Lucretius the Epicurean in 6. books . § . 6. Epicurus contemned Logick , Rhetorick , and the Mathematicks . His contempt of Logick is mention'd by Laertius in Epicurus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They rejected Logick , as that , which perverts mens minds : for they say , that simple words suffice for Physicks . Yea Cicero lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum , brings in Epicurus denying , that either part of Contradictorie Propositions were true . In the room of Logick Epicurus introduced his Canonick Ratiocination : whence he composed a book styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was ( as Laertius tels us ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concerning the Rule of judgement , and Principle ; also a Work , that delivered the first Elements . This Canon , or Criterion of judgement Epicurus made to be not Reason , but sense . So Cicero de Nat. Deor. lib. 1. Epicurus said , that the senses were the messengers , or judges of truth . As for Epicurus's contempt of Rhetorick Laertius gives this account thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he used a proper kind of speech , such as was accommodated to things , which because it was simple or plain , Aristophanes the Grammarian reprehended . So Cicero de Finibus lib. 1. acquaints us , that Epicurus neglected letters , and ornaments of Speech . Epicurus's contempt of the Mathematicks is mentioned by Plutarch in his book against Epicurus . § . 7. In Epicurus's Philosophie nothing was more pleasing to corrupt nature , than his Ethicks especially touching the chiefest good , which he placed in Pleasure : so that he made the first , and last cause of all human actions to be Pleasure , or Delight arising from that good , which the minde enjoys . His Canons of Pleasure , and Passion ( according to Gassendus de Epicuri Philos . Morali , cap. 3. ) are these : 1. All Pleasure , which hath no pain joyned with it , is to be embraced . 2. All pain , which hath no Pleasure joyned with it , is to be shunned . 3. All Pleasure , which either hindereth a greater Pleasure , or procureth a greater pain , is to be shunned . 4. All pain , which putteth away a greater pain , or procureth a greater Pleasure , is to be imbraced , &c. Epicurus's Canons touching Pleasure , as the first and last good , were ( according to Gassendus cap. 3.4.5 . ) these . 1. That pleasure , without which , there is no notion of Felicitie , is in its own nature good . 2. That Felicitie consists in Pleasure , because it is the first Connatural Good , or the first thing agreeable to nature , as also the last of expetibles , or End of good things . 3. That Pleasure , wherein consists Felicitie , is Indolence of bodie , & Tranquillitie of mind : for herein the absolute good of man is contained . The Indolence of the bodie is preserved by the use of temperance . The health of the mind is preserved by Virtues provided , and applied by Philosophie . Diogenes Laertius gives the like favorable interpretation of Epicurus's Pleasures , in his Vindication of him against the imputations of Diotymus the Stoick . Epicurus ( saith Laertius ) held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That the chiefest happinesse was in God. 2. Hence he placed happinesse in the Pleasures of the mind , and reflexion on former enjoyments . 3. Laertius also tels us , that he held there was an unseparable connexion 'twixt Virtue , and true Pleasure : whence he said , that Virtues were naturally conjoyned with a pleasant life : agen , live thou as God in immortal Virtues , and thou shalt have nothing common with mortal . Ammonius in Aristot . Categ . pag. 9. gives the like account of the Epicurean Pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Epicureans are called Hedonici , because they make Pleasure the last End ; Pleasure ; not that of the bodie , but the tranquille , and indisturbed constitution of the Soul , following a Virtuous life , but they mistake saying 't is the Carkasse of Virtue , or the shadow , seeing they make it the last End. Seneca affirmes , that Epicurus complained , men were very ungrateful towards past enjoyments , because what ever good they enjoy , they reflect not again upon it , neither do they reckon it among pleasures : where as there is no pleasure so certain as that which is past , because it cannot be taken from us . Present goods have not yet a compleat solid being : and what is future yet hangs in suspence , and is uncertain , but what is past is most s●t● . Yea Epicurus himself in his Epistle to Idomeneus , speaking of the torments , he was then under , being ready to dye , saies , that the joy , which he had in his mind upon the remembrance of the reasonings , which he had in his life time , stood in battail of array against all those torments ( as great as could be imagined ) of the strangurie he laboured under . According to these accounts , Epicurus's Pleasures were not so grosse , as is generally conceived , yet sufficiently blame-worthy ; in that he placeth mans objective , and formal happinesse in Pleasure , which is but a consequent thereof . § . 8. But whatever Epicurus's opinion was about Pleasure ; certain it is , he was fouly mistaken in his Metaphysical Philosophizings about God , his Providence , &c. It s true ; Epicurus ( according to Laert●us ) denyed not the Being , and spiritual nature , of God : for he held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that God was incorruptible , and most blessed , &c. Yet he denyed the Providence of God wherein he discovered the absurdnesse of his reason : for take away the belief of Divine Providence , and the notions of a Deitie , though never so excellent , will have no awe upon the spirits , and lives of men ; and therefore soon be rooted out of men's minds . Wherefore some Ancient Philosophers supposed , that Epicurus's designe in acknowledging a Dei●ie which he really believed not ) was only to avoid the censure of downright Atheisme : assuring himself , that albeit he asserted one most excellent Being , which he called God , yet so long as he denyed his Providence , he sufficiently served his own Interest ; which was to root out all common foundations of Religion , and so to establish a practical Atheisme . Thence Tullie de Nat. Deor. 1 o. tels us , that Epicurus extracted Religion by the roots out of mens minds , seeing he took from the immortal Gods both assistance , and Grace . For albeit he affirmed the Nature of God to be most excellent , and best , yet he denyed Grace in God ; and so took away that , which is most proper to the best , and most excellent Nature . For what is better , or more excellent , than bonity and beneficence ? which if you take from God , you make no one dear to God , and no one beloved of him , &c. Epicurus's great Canon , whereby he destroyed the Providence of God , was ( according to Laertius lib. 10. ) this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The blessed , and immortal being neither hath any affairs of his own , neither doth he h●ed other mens . His great argument to defend this his Hypothesis was , that it was beneath the Majestie of the Divine Being , to condescend so far , as to regard and mingle with the affairs of this lower world . Whence he placed all Religion in the adoration of the Divine Being , abstractly for its own excellence , without any regard to his Providence ; which is indeed to destroy all Religion . This Atheistical perswasion makes Tullie , Plutarch , and the other Great Moralists degrade him from the title of a Philosopher . § . 9. Epicurus also denyed the Immortalitie of the Soul , which indeed was but the consequent of his foregoing Atheistical persuasion ; and both , as I presume , imbibed together with his Sceptick Infusions from the Sceptick Schole : for Scepticisme naturally degenerates into Atheisme , and this into Sensualitie . Likewise Epicurus's Dogmes touching Atomes gave a great foundation to his Atheisme : For his Hypothesis being granted , that the first production of the Vniverse , and all successive generations proceed from a Casual combination of Atoms , it is easie to salve all the Phaenomenas of Nature without a Providence . § . 10. What opposition the Christian Religion found from this Epicurean Sect is evident from Act. 17.18 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] He mentions ( saith Grotius ) two Sects of Philosophers most opposite to the Christian Religion . For the Epicureans believed that the world was not created by God ; and that God regarded not human affairs ; that there were no Rewards or punishments after death ; that there was no Good , but what was sensible : § . 11. Campanella in his Politicks seems to make the Scepticisme , Atheisme , and sensualitie of the Epicureans the occasion of their Ruine . The Philosophers ( saies he ) passed not from opinion to opinion , beyond Epicurus ; under whom denying God , and Providence , their Sects were destroyed . He makes this the curse of all that kind of Philosophie , which degenerating first into Scepticisme , and from thence into Atheisme , was then rooted out of the World. And no wonder , God blasted Philosophie , when Philosophie dar'd so highly to blaspheme God : No wonder God should root that Philosophie out of the World , which in Epicurus , and his Sectators ( the Swine of that Stie ) became so debaucht , and vain , as to attempt the eradicating of the Notion of a God , or at least his due Fear , and Reverence out of the World. But the Mischief of all such Vain Philosophie , to , and the Vsefulnes of sincere sound Philosophie in the Christian Religion , may be the matter of an other Undertakement ; if this Historical Account now finisht ( and mainly design'd in Order thereunto ) find any such Reception , and Entertainment , as may give Encouragement to such a Worke. FINIS . The considerable Errata to be thus corrected . Page 13. Line 5. Read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 16. l. 30. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 33. l. 21. for pretty r. petty l. 29. dele by p. 37. l. 11. for we r. he p. 38. l. 32. for Barbarians Barbarisme p. 48. l. 33. dele has p. 61. Title for , from , r. vouchsafed to p. 66. l. 35. r. Esprits p. 81. l. 10. r. Sacrifice p. 86. l. 16. r. c. 47. p. 94. l. 32. r. Tables of Philostratus . p. 93. l. 15. After Homer a period p. 99. l. 24. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 101. l. 16. after Ages adde , and p. 101. l. 19. r. Theaetetus l. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 106. Contents l. 10. dele by p. 113. l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 14. after Hypothesis a comma p. 136. l. 15. for Justin r. Apuleius p. 142. l. 11. for , we should , r. The Jewish Priests were to p. 165. l. 36. for Third r. Threefold p. 166. l. 13. After likewise inserr that p. 167. l. 13. After Philostra●us , for Fables r. Tables p. 172. l. 36. for the first Principles r. Principle p. 173. l. 3. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 174. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 175. l. 24. before that insert he p. 179. l. 6. for C●rine r. doctrine p. 211. l. 8. Contents , for Introduction r. Induction p. 215. l. 28. for when r. whence p. 254. l. 21. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 265. l. 33. for Book read Part p. 266. l. 6. by Papal Hierarchie , understand the whole Series of the Ruling Clergie under the Pope p. 268. l. 32. for ineffectual r. ineffable p. 272. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 283. in the lowest note dele the 3 first words p. 285. l. 17. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 312. l. 26. before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. Medicine p. 338. l. 23. before see adde ( and dele ( l. 24. l. 20 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 343. l. 17. after forme , adde and p. 344. l 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for Col-ri-jah , r. Col-pi-jah p. 351. l. 32. for Myron r. Maherne p. 356. l. 2. for 1 , r. 5 , p. 365. l. 28. After 15 , insert where l. 29. after Glorie a period l. 31. after been , a comma and dele this p. 380. l. ult . For Hypothesis r ▪ Hypot●posis p 384. line 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 385. l. 10. after &c adde 12. p. 431. l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 433. l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the Style of the last paper of Verses r. the second word both . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A41659-e310 The Vanitie of Pagan Philosophie , from it's Parts . The sad effects of Pagan Philosophie . 1. In the Judaick Church . Grotius ●u Colos . 2.8 . 2. In the primitive Christian Churches . The Gnostick Errors . A Giry , Apologetick . Tertul. Preface . Samosatenus his Errors . Arrianisme . Morel . Discipl . Libr. 2. cap. 4. fol. 87. Pelagianisme . Antichristianisme from Pagan Philosophie . 1. Mystick Theologie . 〈…〉 The Canonists Theologie . The Directorie of the Inquisitors calls the Canonization of saints , their Apotheosis , i. e. Deification . Bochart . cont . Veron . pag. 815. Sound Philosophie . Notes for div A41659-e5510 Aegyptus . Phoenicia . Chaldae● . Graecia . * Indi urinandi longe peritissimi ad Montium in Mari delitentium Radices usque penetrantes pretiosissimas inde extrahunt Gemmas . Notes for div A41659-e11610 * V. Schiekardum c. 1. Mispat hammelech . Notes for div A41659-e14310 Historie Poetrie Oratorie Philosophie Phenicia Egypt Chaldea . Astrologie . Greece . Notes for div A41659-e39810 The Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Hebrew Sophim . Num. 23.14 . 1 Sam. 1.1 . 1 Sam. 19.18 , 19. Philosophie so called from the love of wisdom answerable to the Scripture Phrasiologie . Cum majus homine Sapientis nomen esse deprehendisset , ( Pythagoras ) coram Leonte , Phi●asiorum sive Sicyoniorum Tyranno , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h. c. ut veteres explicant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , professus est . ●●c● . lib. 8. Horn●us Hist . Philos . l. 3 c. 11. Philosophum oportet nihil sic agere , quam ut semper studeat animam corporis consortio separare , & ideo existimandum Philosophiam esse mortis affectum , co●suetudinemque moriendi , Apuleius lib. 2 de Philosophia . Philosophers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dailie on Phii. 3.12 . & 15. of which see Book . 2. chap. 6. par . 5. God the first efficient and examplar of all Philosophie as well as its first object , or matter . Philosophie from Admiration . See Vossias de Philosophia l. 1. c. 2. §. 6. & Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 1. c. 10. Eus●b . l. 1. Praep. c. 6. scribit , Aegyptios ferunt primos omnium cum oculos in caelum sustulissent , modum , ordinem , & quantitatem corporum caelestium admiratos , Solem & Lunam Deos p●tasse . Haec nimirum illa admiratio fuit , quam inter Philosophiae caussas antiqui retulere Horn. Hist. phil . l 2. c. 5. That all heath●n Philosophie sp●ung from admiration of Gods wonders in nature o● in his Ch●rch see Dr. Jackson on the Sc●●ptures fo●o 47 la●● Edition The first Institutors of Philosophie Divine Adam the great● human Philosopher Gen. 2.19 , 20 Seths Philosophic . Enochs Philosophie . Ab Enoch se Astrologiam accepisse professus est Abraham teste Alexandro , ac Euseb . lib. 9. praepar . c. 5. De Mathusalah Artabanus apud Eusch . l. 9 praepar , c. 5. cum ab Angelis multa cognovisse , quae cae●eros docuerit , Hornius Histor . Philosoph . lib. 1. cap. 11. Abrahams skill i● Astronomie . See mo●● of this chap. 4. Sect. 3. of Abrahams communicating Astronomie to the Chaldeans . Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians and by them stiled Hermes or Mercurius . Gen. 44.5 . Act. 14 5. Psal . 105.22 . That Joseph taught the Egyptians Geometrie , &c. see Vossius de Philos . Sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. as hereafter in the Egyptian Philosophie . Of Moses's Philosophie . Cumque Mo●es tot cum Deo ipso colloquia habuerit , tot leges conduderit , rerum ipsam natur●m primigeniam descrips●●t , d●bium non est , quia profundissima sa●●entia praeditus fuerit . Qua etiam apud G●atile●●●heme●ter incla●●it . Qui , ut de aliis antiquis patribus pauca , ita de M●se plurima cogno ●runt . Ho●●ius Hist . Philos . l , 2. c. 13. Sand oniathon & Mochus their Philosophie from Gen. 2. Anaxago●as pron●ncia●●t omnii● verum principium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. mentem — Eidem menti omnia dabat Anaxago●as a●● . M●ses apud Hebraeos St●uch ●●gub●a de pe●● . ●hil ● . l. 1. c. 4. Joh. Grammat . de mundi Creat . lib. 6. cap. 21. Plato's M●taphysick contemplations of God and the Soul from Moses's Philosophie . Pagan Geographie and Politiks from Moses . Part 1. B. 3. C. 9. Of Solomon his Philosophie . Superavit ●m●ium mortalium ingenia Solomon . In quo D●us , quid in maxima Rege summa sapientia posset , ostendit : De cujus capacissima sapientia ita scriptura s . loquitur 1. Reg. 4.29 , 30 , 32 , 33 , 34. & cap. 10. Hornius Histor . Philos . l. 2. c. 13. Solomo primus subtilissimam Philosophiam posteritati literis consecravit . Inde Graeci caeperunt id , velut proprium sibi , vendicare scribendi munus Hornius Hist. Philos . l. 7. c. 2. Of Job . Of the Jewish Colleges and Academies . Of the Pythagoreans symbolizing with the Essenes see Godwins Jewish Antiquities of the Essenes . Eusebius , praepar . Evang. lib. 11. de morali , naturali , rationali , & intellectuali Philosophia Hebraeorumlate agit . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 13. Judaei dispersi duas celeberrimas Academias , Pumpedunthanum , & Tibericusem erexerunt . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 7. c. 3. The great repute the Egyptians had for Wisdom and Philosophie . Jamblicl●s asserit Pythago●am & Platonem dogmata sua ex Columnis Trismegisti exscripsisse Hornius Hist . phil . l. 2.6 . Sane Sacerdotes Aegyptiorum in sacris libris scriptum inveniunt , Orphea , Musaeū , Melampoda , Daedalum , Homerū , Lycurgum , Solonem , Platonem . Pythagoram , Eudoxum , Democritum , Enopidem Chium , Aegyptium petiisse . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 3. c. 1. Agyptii Philosophi Sacerdotes ac Prophetae appellabantur . Laertius l. 1. de vitis . The Egyptians skill in Philosophie . The Egyptian Philosophie comhrehended the liberal Sci●nces , Hieroglyphicks , Mathematicks , Physicks , Ethicks , Politicks , Theologie ▪ Mathematicks . Astronomie . The rise of Planetary Deities & judicial Astrologie from Astronomie . See more of this in Dr Owen De Ortu Idolol . lib. 3. cap. 4. Geometrie . Cumenim Nilus , subinde exuadans , agrorum limites confunder●● , quidam sagaci ingenio Geometriae rationes invenerunt , quarum indicio , sua cuique portio , bona side restitueretur , Inde res in immensum excrevit . Horn. Hist . philos . l. 2 c. 7. Touching this serenitie of the heavens , Bochart informed me , That it is only in the upper part of Egypt , where the heavens were alwaies clear : but in the lower parts they had not these advantages . Geographie . Their Natural Philosophie . 1. Experimental . 2. Their Natural Historie . See Stillings . Orig . Sacrae Book 3. ch . 2. Their skill in Medicine both conservative , purg●tive , and Chirurgick see Vossius de sec●is Ph●los . l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. & Still●● . Orig. sacr . book 2. c. 2. Their embalming Gen. 50.2 . Their Moral Philosophie and Politicks . The Egyptians Laws the Source of the Grecian . Stilling . Origin . sacr . Book . 3● ch . 2. The Egyptian Laws from the Jews . The Egyptian Politic , or Government of State from the Jews . The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph . 1. Their Cantor . 2. Their Horoscope , or Astrologer . 3. Their sacred scribe . 4. Their Ornator . 5. Their Prophet . These Egyptian rites but corrupt imitations of the Jews Their Gods Osiris , Apis and Serapis Symbols of Joseph . Stilling . Orig. sacr . B. 3· Ch. 5. Their Demons from Joseph . Orus Joseph . Psal . 105.22 . Isis . Busiris . Of these Egyptian Gods see Kircher . O●dip . Ae●gypt Tom. 1. Syntag . 3. cap 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. Distincti autem fuerunt Sacerdot●s , & Prophetae . Illi enim praecipue sacra curabant , h● vero oraculis praeerant ; edisser●bant quoque res divinas , quod nunc Doctores Academiarum sacere solent . Quae omnia lucem ca●ient ex Exod. 7.1 . Horn. Hist . Philos . l. 2. c. 7. Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and their original from the. Jews . Primi Aegyptii per siguras animalium sensus effingebant , & antiquissima monumenta ingeaii humani impressa saxis cernuntur . Tacitus lib. 11. The sundrykinds of expressing things amongst the Egyptians . Of the three fo●d manner of writing among the Egyptians vulgar , sacred and Hieroglyphick . A●gyptii ad hoc denotandum , Sphi●gem ante sua templa constituere soliti sunt , innuentes sua placita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . esse Horn. Hist . philos . l. 7. c. 6. De opertis adyti pro●ert quosdam l b●os literis ignorabilibus praenotatos , partim figuris cu●uscemodi animalium , concepti sermonis compendiosa verba suggereates , partim nodosis , & in modum rota●●ortuosis capreolatimque condensis apicibus , à curiosa profanorum lectione munitos . Apuleius lib. 11. Hieroglyphick Philosophie translated by Pythago●as from Egypt into Greece . Eum modum ( Symbolicum ) ex oriente in Graeciam Pythagoras tulit , cujus Philosophia nil nisi arcana mysteria erant . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 7. c. 6. The extent and benefit of this Hieroglyphick way of philosophizing : and of its traduction from the Jews . That the Egyptian Philosophie was traduced originally from the Hebrews & Scriptures . Lud. Vi●es's Testimonie . The Confession of the Egyptians . A nonnullis Aegyptiorum Sacerdotibus , quidisciplinam nostram altius considerarunt , Dei homines Gens nostra est appellata . Eleazar . Pontifex ad Ptol. 2. apud Euseb . praepar . l. 8. c. 3. Serranus's Testimonie . Neque ullo modo dubitari potest quin , quaecunque vera & Scripturae consentientia cum apud al●os , tum imprimis , Aegypti●s Philosophos inveniuntur , ea omnia ab Ebraeis , quibuscum jam à temporibus Abrahae frequenter , & diu ●onversati sunt , acceperint . ●●primis à Josepho , pl●rima , cui , cum proximus à Rege esset , con●●adicere ●●mo ausus est . Ho●nius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 10. Alii s● ri●sisse de sapientia Mercurium non negant , sed haer , quae hodie circumferuntur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mercurii esse , id vero pernegant . Olim enim Librarii , ut quaestum uberiorem ex suis nugis co●raderent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 libros lectoribus obtrudebant . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 6. Mr Bochart in a conference told me that none of the Egyptian Gods were more ancient than the Patriarchs . Josephs provisib● for the College of Egyptian Priests , and his instructing of them as also of th●ir King in the knowledge of God , &c. of which see more in what precedes ch . 1. §. 9 ▪ of Joseph . Gen. 47 , 22 ▪ The advantage the Egyptians received from the Jews as to Philosophie after the Captivitie by the Greek version , or LXX . The beginning of the Schole at Alexandria . The fame of the Alexandrian Schole for its Librarie wherein were treasured up the sacred Oracles . Ammonius the great Master of the Alexandrian Schole his mixing Scripture with Platonick Philosophie . What advance the Schole of Alexandria received from the Church there . Of the Phenicians their traducing Philosophie into Greece , and other parts f●om the Jews originally . The Phenicians skill in Geographie and Navigation , &c. The Phenicians skill in Astronomie and Arithmetick . The Phenicians skill in Mechanicks . 1 Kings 5.6 . The Grecians borrowed much of their Philosophie from the Phenicians . The Phenicians received their Philosophie from the Jews . The manner how Philosophie was traduced out of Judea into Phaenicia . Of Sanchoniathon his origination . Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. G. Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. Sanchoniathon's skill in Philosophie , Mythologie , and Natural Historie . See more Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. Of Taautus his origine , &c. Taautus the same with Moses . The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church . Porphyrie's tessimonie to prove that Sanchoniathon derived his Philosophie from some Jewish Priest . Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17. Sanchoniathon's receiving the chief materials of his Philosophie from Gideon . Jerombalus Priest of Jao , i. e. the God of Israel . Sanchoniathon's mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church . Euseb . praep . Evang . lib. 1. The matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie . His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. his Theologie & Generation of the Gods. Of Beelsamen frō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.16 . Gen. 1.16 . Eliun from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gen. 14.19 . Gen. 14.19 , 22. Ilos from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Elocim from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . B●tulia from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bethel . Of the Phenician Sacrifices , &c. Israel from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anobret from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Angels and the human Soul. Sanchoniathon's Physiologie or Natural Philosophie . His Chaos from Gen. 1.2 . Ereb from Gen. 1.5 . Mot from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Est enim humida natura , quod apud Antiquos Chaos , a fusione , humiditate , terra , aqua , commista , hyle , id est literis inversis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , limus , humus . Steuchus Eugu . de peren . Philos . l. 1. c. 10. Gen. 1.2 , 5. Thales , Pythagoras , Plato concur with Sanchoniath● : , and they all with Moses . Gen. 1.2 . Sanchoniathon's Chronologie and Geographie . Of other Phenician writers especially Mochus . Vossius de Hist . Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. edit . Ludg. 1651. These words which Vossius cites out of Casaubon , I could not find in Casaubons animadversions , but found the contrary : namely his citing of Tatianus touching Mo●h●● as also Euseb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Mochus his Philosophie . Prima mundi materia fuit disperforum Atomorum chaos , nulla sua parte coharens . Comen . physic . c. 2. Of Abdomenus . Vossius's account of the Phenician Philosophie its traduction from the Jews , as the Grecians from them . As the Law , so the Gospel shone in its first promulgation , or dawning on the Phenicians . The Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian . Teslantur autem non modo s . literae Graecos a Barbaris natos , ut supra , sed ipsimet Graeci , se juniores Barbaris esse , & doctrinam , sermonemque ab illis acceptum ▪ Omniumque est testimonium , Pythago●ā in Aegyptum , Solonem , Eudoxū , Platonem accessisse , ut andi rent corum Sacerdotes . Steuch . Eugub . De peren . philos . l. 2. c. 2. The Chaldaic● Philosophie , and its advantages from the Church of God in Noahs familie . The Chaldeans famous for Philosophie . Vossius de philos . sect . l. 2. c. 1. Their main Philosophie consisted in Astronomie . Chaldaei in Astrologiae studio sibi pa●es non habuere . Nam ut ex Simplicio Comment . 46. in Aristo●clem l. 2. de Coelo constat , Callisthenes Aristotelis rogatu , in Graeciam misit observaiones Chaldaeo●um , ab annis 19●3 . ante Alexandri tempora , i. e. ducentis circiter ante natum Abrabamum annis . Has observationes se vidisse Porphy●ius testatur . Hornius Histor. philos . lib. ● . cap. 3. How Astronomie and Astrologie were communicated to the Chaldeans by Abraham , &c. The Historie of the Creation and Providence conveighed down by Church-Tradition . Gen. 1.16 . Ps . 136.7 , 8. Sapientes ex Noachi schola viri , in campis Babyloniae Senaar , Philosophiae dediti , imprimis Astrologiam excolebant . Quod praeter Mosem , etiā Gentilium eruditiores , ex Chaldaeorum traditione , non ignorarunt . Hornius Histor . philos . lib. 2. c. 2. Gen. 18.17 , 19. The people of God much taken up in the contemplation , and admiration of the glorie of God shining in those celestial bodies which gave foundation to Astronomie . Ps . 136.4 , 5 , 7. How natural Astronomie and Astrologie , degenerated into Judicial . Rom. 1.19 , 20.21 . See more of this in our account of the Egyptian Astronomie . chap. 2. §. 2. Rom. 1.21 . Deut. 4.19 . See more of the original of this Zabaisme in Dr. Owen de Idolelat . lib. 3. c. 4. p. 117 , &c. See Stilling . Orig . sacr . book 1. chap. 3. The Heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answerable to the Jewish Teraphims Judg. 17.5 . and the Popish Agnus Dei. The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabii . See Stilling , Orig . sacrae book 1. chap. 3. Numb . 22.5 . Balaam one of these Zabii . Mat. 1.2 . These wise men Zabii . The Rites of the Zabii mentioned in Scripture . Job 31.26 , 27. Beholding the Sun a piece of Pagan Worship . Job . 31.27 . Kissing the hand bowing to or adoring the Sun. Lev. 26.30 . Why they worshipped the Sun under the Symbol of Fire . The Pagan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from that opinion that the Sun was Fire . The Sects of the Chaldeans . The Chaldeans received much light from the Jewish Scholes . Of the Persick Philosophie . The chief Philosophers among the Persians called Magi. The Magi instituted by Soroaster had many rites from the Zabii and Chaldeans . Magia sine dubio orta in Perside a Soroastre Plin. hist . lib. 3. cap. 8. Salmasius Magos dictos vult a Zoroastre , cui cognomen Mog fuerit , unde Magus factum Hornius philos . lib. 2. c. 3. Plutarchu de Isid . tradit Zoroastrem apud Chaldaeos Magos instituisse , quorum imitatione etiam Persae suos habuerint . Horn. l. 2. c. 5. Vossius de philo . sect . l. 2. c. 1. Of the Indian Philosophers viz. the Gymnosophists , Germanes , and Brachmanes so called from Manes . Horn. Hist . phil . l. 2. c. 9. Indi nihil antiquius habuerunt , quam sapientiae , neglectis caeleris rebus , operam dare Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 9. The Brachmanes The Phrygians . The African Philosophers . 1. Atlantick Philosophers . 2 ▪ Ethiopick Philosophers . European Philosophers . The Scythians . Thracian Philosophie . Spanish Philosophie . Of the Druides . Primus Romanorum J. Caesar Druidun Ritus , Leges , Philosophiam mandavit Scriptis . Selden . Jani Anglor . p. 16. Of the Phenicians trading with the Britains and Gauls , see part 1. book . 1. chap. 7. The Druides so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Oke , thence deru and drew . The Druides first in Britannie . Their Academies and privileges . Their Degrees . Druides à bello abesse consueverunt , neque tributa unà cum reliquis pendunt , mi●itiae vacationem , omniumque rer●m habent , immunitatem . Caesar l. 6. Selden Jan. Ang. l. 1. Their skill in the chiefest parts of Philosophie natural , Moral , Medicine , Magick . Their symbolick mode of philosophizing from the Phenicians and Jews . Their skill in Geographie , Astronomie , &c. Their distinctive babits . Their Rhetorick . Their Theologie , the Souls immortality . Caesar l. 6. dogma boc iis tribuit : non interire animas , sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios , hinc animosi in praeliis Luc. lib. 1. Vossius de philos . sect . lib. 2. cap. 3. §. 7. Their Ecclesiastick dignities , power and discipline . Their worship and sacrifices . Vtut se ●eshabet , constat hinc liquido vetustissimos inter Gentium Philosophos , antiquissimos inter corum LL. Custodes suisse Druidas . Seld. Jani ! Anglor . p. 22. A brief account of the Druides their Philosophie . They were called Saronides from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Oke . ●numeras quercus liquidus producit Jaon Desuper . The Bardi , Euates , and Druides . The Okes of Mamre the original Idea of the Druides Oke religion . Gen. 13.18 . Gen. 14.13 . Gen. 15.9 . Ad sacros Druidum Ritus , & doctrinam quae ulterius attinent , praeter Caesarem , Strabo , Plinius . Diodorus Siculus , Lucanus , Pomponius Mela , Ammianus Marcellinus ; Heurnius in Barbariae Philosophioe Antiquitatibus , alii satis explicate tradiderunt . Selden Jani Anglor . l. 1. The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt and Phoenicia . That the Grecian Philosophie was derived from the Jews . The Testimonie of Heathen Grecian Philosophers Plato , &c. Numenius . Hermippus , Testimonies of Jews . Aristobulus . Josephus . Testimonies of the Fathers . Tertullian . Clement Alexand . De quo argumento praeter Eusebium , prolixe agunt prisci patres , Cl. Alexand . passim , imprimis lib. 1 & 5. Strom. Theophilus lib. ad Autolycum . Tatia● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Hornius Hist . philos . l. 2. c. 2. Eusebius . Theodoret. Jo. Grammaticus . Testimonies from moderne Papists . Aug. Steueq . Euguhinus . Justinianus . The Testimonie of Protestant Writers . Melancthon . Serranus . Julius and Joseph Scaliger . Vossius . Heinsius . Bochart . Grotius . Hornius . Testimonies of the English . Jackson . Usher . Preston . Sir Walter Ralegh . Owen . Stillingfleet . Selden . Of the Grecian Philosophie its traduction from the Jews . Of Mythologick Philosophie in general . Mythologick Philosophie strictly taken first seated amongst the Poets . How these Greek Poets disguise the Traditions which originally came from Scriptures . The use and abuse of Mythologick Philosophie . Symbolick Philosophie from the Jewish Types , Enigmes , &c. Erat adhuc alia species Mythicae Philosophiae , & ea uti etiam ex sacris apparet , praesertim libro judicum , omnium antiquissima . Nam fabulae artificiosè compositae rudibus popu is proponebantur , quae sub imagine brutorum , aut aliarum rerum instituendae Vitae rationem ostenderent . Quae fabulae postea collectae uni A●sopo , quia is maximè excelluit , adscribi coeperunt . Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 7. Metaphorick & Allegorick Philosophie from the Jews . Taautus Theologiae suae mysterta non nisi per allegorias tradebat : teste Sanchoniathone , Euseb . l. 1. Praep. c. 7. Mat. 13.3 . The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred works , and truthes . The causes of Mythologick Philosophie . 1. Ignorance . 1. Ignorance of the Hebrew Idiome . Gen. 46.26 . 2. Ignorance of the matter of their traditions . 1. In Theologie . 2. In Natural Philosophie . 3. Ignorance of the Jewish form , or mode of Doctrine . Mat. 13.13 . 4. Ignorance from the imperfection of Jewish traditions . 2. Admiration the cause of all Mythologick Philosophie . Aristotles account how admiration was tbe cause of all Philosophie , especially Mythologick . 3. Imitation a cause of Mythologick Philosophie . Plato's great skill in imitation both as to the practice , and Theory thereof . 4. Curiosity and affectation of Novelty . Act. 17.21 . Some new thing . 5. Pride and self advancement . 6. Inclination to Idolatrie . Rom. 1. 7. Carnal policie to avoid the peoples envy and hatred . A general conclusion that all Philosophie , even Aristotles , as to us matter , was traduced from the Jewish Church . The chief heads of the Ionick & Italick Philosophie from Egyptians , Phenicians and Jews . Succedunt Ionicî illi , qui primi sectae nomen dedere . Nam aliàs certum est nullibi antiquiores Philosophos quam in Ionia suisse . Horaius Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 12. Of this first division of the Greek Philosophers into the Ionick and Italick Sects , see August . de civit . Dei lib. 8 cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon . Of Thales his extract from Phaenicia . Multi tamea Thalem non Milesium , sed I hoenicem fuisse putant , t●s●e Euseb . lib. 10. P●aep . cap. 2. Hornius Histor . Philos . l. 3. c. 12. Thales quoque sapien●iae amore sa●cius , in orientem abiit , ibique Aegyptiis sacerdotibus familiariter adhaesit . Laert. lib. 1. Thales his Wisdom and Philosophie . The seven wise men , and their Philosophie . Lud. Vives , in Aug. Civ . Dei l. 8. c. 2. saies , that Thales was the first in Greece , that began to philosophize of things natural , being born Olympiade 35. as Laertius . Thales's Natural Philosophie from the Phenicians immediately , but originally from the Scripture relation of the Creation . Thales's great prinicple , that Water was the first matter of all things , immediately from Sanchoniathon's Philosophie , but originally from , Gen. 1.2 . Thales's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with Sanchoniathon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. slime , or a mixture of mud and water , the same with Thales's water , That Sanchoniathon and Thales received these their principles not by universal Tradition but originally from Gen. 1.2 . Other principles of Phisiologie asserted by Thales . The origine of the world by Gods spirit Gen. 1.2 . The beauty and perfection of all things . Gen. 1.13 . Gen. 1.5 . Thales's Matheticks . 1. Astronomie . Laertius l. 1. Thales's Geometrie from Egypt , and his Arithmetick from Phenicia . Thales the first of the Grecians , that philosophized of God , his nature , &c. Iamblichus de Vita Pythag. c. 12. Of the Scholars & Successors of Thales , see more August . de civit . Dei lib. 8. cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon . Vossius de Sect. Philos . l. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. Danaeus ad enchirid . Laurent Hora. Hist . phil . l. 3. c. 12. Empedocles . Heraclitus . Heraclitus sententiarum sua●● nuhilus . Apul. de Mundo . Babylonem , etiam & Persas , & Egyptum , ut disceret , pet●it Democritus . Hor. Hist . phil . l. 3. c. 12. Epaminondas . Hippocrates . Hippocrates non tantum omnia priscorum Philosophorum ad unguem tenuit , sed & om●ium judicem egit , primus hic ipsis Aegyptiis palmam praeripuit : qui medicinam cum philosophia ita junxit , ut dubium sit , maiorne Philosophus , an Medicus suit . Certe cius placitis summa semper autoritas , & quasi sacra fuit . Hornius Histor . philoso , h. lib. 3. cap. 12. Pherecydes his original from Syrus . Pherecydes his father Babys , his birth , &c. The original of Pherecydes's Philosophie from the Phenicians , and Jews . Pherecydes the first that writ Philosophie in Prose . His Philosophie Mythologick . Pherecydes's Natural Philosophie . His Astronomie , and invention of the Heliotrope . Mar. 27 , 1664. Pherecydes's Theologie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Phenicians . Pherecydes's ten books of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pli● opinion of the Souls immortality . Pherecydes Pythagorae praeceptor fuit , multaque●●tilissima , imprimis animarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Graecos primus ●do●uit . Hornius Hist . philos . l. 3. c. 12. The 2. distribution of Ph●losophers into Sects . 1. Pythagorea●s . 2. Platonicks . 3. Cyrenaicks . 4. Megaricks . 5. Acad●micks . 6. Sce●ticks . 7. Stoicks . 8. Cy●ic●s . 9. Epicurean● . 10. Perip●t●t●cks Pythagoras's Philosophie traduced from the Jews , proved by Testimonies . Of Pagans . Jews . Aristobulus Pythagoram ex Mos●s lege multa didicesse non dissitetur . Clemens . l. 1. Strom. Euseb . praep . l. 9. c. 3. Joseph . l. 1. contra Apion . Fathers . Modern Learned . Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 11. Pythagoras's extract and original from the Phenicians . Pythagoras Mnesarchi sil●us , ut Apuleius Flo●id . 15. vel Demarati Samii , ut Justinus l. 20. vir suit ingenio acer , indust●ia singulari● promptus simul & admirabundus . Horn. Hist . philos l 3. c. 11. Mnesarchus . Pythagoras flourished about the 60. Olympiad an● . 3360. Pythagoras's Preceptors in Greece before his Travels . Pythagoras how he was first changed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher . Pythagoras's travelling into Phenicia . His conference with the successors of Mochus . And with Jews . His travels into Egypt and conversation with their Priests , etc. see more chap. 7. §. 2. Venit & ad Aegyptios Pythagoras , & Arabas , & Chaldaeos , à quibus rationem insomniorum edidicit , vaticinioque , quod sit thurc , primus usus est , & in Aegypto cum Sacerdotibus est versatus , sapientiāque Aegyptiorum & sermonem didicit . Sic Porphyrius , Steuch . Eugub . de peren . philos . l. 2. c. 2. See Stanly of Pythagoras ch . 4. His conference with the Jews in Egypt . The motives which might enduce him to enquire into Jewish Mysteries . Pythagoras's travels unto Babylon , &c. See Stanly of Pythagoras ch . 5. Pythagoras's converse with Jews under the name of Chaldeans , Zabratus , &c. The advantages he had for conversation with the Jews , f●om his skill in the Egyptian and Chaldee tongues . His returne to Samos , and departure thence . His going to Crete and Sparta . Pythagoras's coming into Italy , and restoring those Cities to their liberty , and unity , by communicating good Laws , &c. Pythagoras's character by Iamblichus . His eminent qualities both natural and acquired . His freedome f●om irregular passions . His care of his health , moderation in use of the Creature , & diligence in emproving time . His aweful presence & rebukes . His contentation and contempt of honors . Pythagoras's 2. sold Schole and Disciples . 1. His Homoco●ion , or common Schole where were his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hearers . Pythagoras's College or Co●vent , where were his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or genuines . Habebat ( Pythagoras ) domi suae plurimos jutenes , quos ex collatis opibus alebat ; corúmque conversatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta est . Gellius l. 1. c. 9. quod omnia iis communia essent . Laërt . lib. 8. Hora. Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. In Pythagoras's College or Covent , 1 were his Novices or Probationers . Pythagoras's ●mitting his Scholars after examen &c. from the Jewish rite of admitting Proselites . Probationary Discipline , and Exercises . The Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Silence . Finis autem silentis bujus alius non erat , quam ut discentes initio intra modestiae terminos se continentes discerent diligenter voci praeceptoris auscul tare . Horn. Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. The Pythagorean distinction of Disciples into Novices and perfect , from the Jews meerly . Phil. 3.12 . Phil. 3.15 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alludes to the Jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect . 1 Tim. 3.6 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Novice . The Discipline of Pythagoras's Schole and College . The confoederation or consociation in Pythagoras's College founded in virtue . See Stanly of Pythag. Symbols fol. 120. Pythagoras's College from the confoederation of the Jewish Church . Exod. 19.5 , 6. peculiar treasure . Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt as a sign of confoederation and covenant from the Jewish use of this type . Levit. 2.13 . Salt of the Covenant . Numb . 18.19 . Covenant of Salt. The Covenant by Salt the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice . Luk 13.26 . Salt used as a Symbol of Covenants and friendship . Ezra . 4.14 . Salt also used as a Symbol of Sanctitie . Marke 9.49 . Pythagoras drew the pattern of his Collegiate life from the Essenes . The Discipline of the Essenes . The Pythagoreans imitation of the Essenes . 1. The Pythagoreans great Separatists from all that were not of their Societie . Gal. 2.9 . See Chap. 9. Parag. 3. Mat. 7.6 . 2. Their shunning worldly pleasures , &c. 3. Their strict consociation & community of goods . Inter Pythagoraeos col●batur societ as inseparabilis , quod à communione appellabatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hunc morem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Judaeos imitati sunt Essenes , qui omnia communia habebant . Horn. Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. Their Celibate from the Essenes , or Jewish Priests . Pythagorean abstinences from Jewes and Essenes . Col. 2.16 . Pythagorean Praecepts . Col. 2.21.22 . Pythagoras's Dogmes . 1. Tim. 4.3 . Commanding to abstain from meats . 6 Their purifications both Ceremonial and Moral . 7. Their observation of Festivals . 8. Their white distinctive vestments from Eccles . 9.8 . Let thy garments be white . Their perpetual silence , or conceling their mysteries from strangers . Their Revere●ce towards their Elders . They own Fate . Their Devotion . Their studies , Contemplative , Active . The Pythagorean dayly exercises , with their morning Premeditations , and evening Recollection of all . Pythagoraei exercendae memoriae causa , singulis diebus quid egissent , quid legissent , quid profecissent , in Vita , in Doctrina , vesperi commemorabant : benefacta laudem , malefacta vituperium merebantur . Hornius . Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. Constancie , and against Apostacie . Their Excommunication . A general Parallel 'twixt the Essenes & Pythagoreans . A distribution of Pythagorean Philosophie Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie . 1. from Orpheus . 2 part from Egypt . 3 From the Chaldeans . 4 From the Thracians . Pythagoras begins with the Mathematicks . Pythagoras first entred his Scholars in Arithmetick . 2. His skill in Musick . Pythagor●is certe moris f●it , & cum evigilassent animos ad lyram excitare , quo essent ad agendum erectiores , & cum somnum peterent , ad eandem lenire mentes , ut si quid fuisset turbidiorū cogitationum , componerent . Quintil. l. 9. c. 4. 3. His skill in Astronomie . The Earths motion . Geometrie . His Weights , and Measures of Jewish original . Pythagoras's Physicks . 1 Contemplative , which was the Historie of the worlds origine 1. The world made by God. Gen. 1.31.2 . The first Matter , Gen. 1.1 , 2. 3. The Forme of the World , its Order , &c. Gen. 1.13 . The main Active principle Fire . Gen. 1.2 . Pythagoras's Medicine . Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie . 1. Ethicks . 1. Pythagorean Dogmes relating to Moral Philosophie . 2 Their pathetick precepts , and exhortations to virtue . Characteristical Ethicks . A wicked state represented by a Coffin , and Death . Virtutis studium litera Y. significabat Lactant. Luk. 15.24 . 2. Salt a Symbol of holie Communion . 3. The Swallow a Symbol of a s●loathful Student . 4. Against Passion . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Diogen . is for Patience . 6. Against Covetuousnes . 7. Fortitude . 8. Against distracting Cares 9. Justice . 10. Virtue expressed by Harmonie , Health , &c. The summe of Pythag.'s Ethicks . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pythagoras's Politicks . The original of Pythag.'s Politicks from the Jewish & Mosaick Laws . The Pythagoreans greatly verst in Politicks . The two main Pythagorean principles of Politie , were 1. For Libertie , 2. against Faction . Pythagoras's great Apothegm . Platoni disciplinam Pythagoricam diligenti et magnifica opera instructam visam fuisse : eumque ab ipsis intellectualem Philosophiae partem accepisse . Apuleius de Philos . Pythagoras . made Theologie the Center of his Philosophie . Philosophie properly only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . August . Steuch . lib. 10. d● Per●n . Philos . cap. 10. Pythagoras's Tetractie from the Jewish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Haec omnia funt nomin● Naturae Divinae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnitas , ipsum esse , ipsa Immobilitas Steuch . E●g . Peren. Philos . l. 3. c. 7. Pythagoras 's Metaphysick contemplations about Gods Essence from Mosaick Descriptions of God. Exod. 3.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genere tantum d●fferunt . Steuch . Eugub . Paren . Philos . Dico ●andem rem ab cis ( scil . Philos . ) nuncupatam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsum Ens , ipsam Infinitatem Steuch . Eugub . Peren. Philos . lib. 3. c. 7. Jambl. c. 29. Pythagoras 's Scriptural tradition of the unitie of God. Empedocles autem , et Parmenides , autore Aristotele , appellabant Deum nomine Vnitatis : ergo idem est apud eos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsa Vnitas , er unum Principium Steuch . Eugub . Peren. Philos . l. 3. c. 7. Celebre est dictum apud Platonicos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omninum rerumradix , & principium unitas Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos . l. 3. c. 5. Pythagoras's Jewish Tradition of Gods Simplicitie . Pythagoras's Divine Ideas the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees . The Foundation of the Pythagorean Ideas , that famous oriental tradition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Parmenides his opinion of Ideas . Timaeus Locrus his opinion of Ideas . The primarie Idea of things possible seated in the Divine Essence . The secondarie Exemplar of things future , the same with Gods decrees . The difference 'twixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The goodness of all things consists in their answering to their Original Exemplar in Gods Decrees . Of Gods Creation & Providence . See Stanly of Pythagoras 's Philosophie , chap. 3. Pythagoras's Model of Divine Worship . 1. Against all Images or visible formes in Worship . Exod. 20.4 . 2. That God is to be worshipped by Rites of his own appointing . The Pythagorean exactnes in Divine Worship , from Eccles . 5.1 . Pythagoras's Daemons , their nature , and office . A three-fold Theologie , Mythick . Politick , Natural . Of the Aeones . Of the Soul. Pythag.'s Metempsychosis a corrupt tradition of the Resurrection . That Pythagoras's Metempsychosis was Symbolical , see c. 9. paragr . 8. See more of this , Stanly cap. 7. fol. 145. A general Idea of Pythagoras's Theologie . Pythagoreans acknowledge their Ignorance . Of Divinati●● . Pythagoras's mode of Phil●sophizing Symbolick . Pythagoraei sapientiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibusdam , & integumentis repraesentabant , quae ipsi Symbola appellant . In quibus ita Philosophiae praecepta comprehens● erant , ut vel ambitionis dissuasionem , et otii sugam , vel pravorum sodalium declinationem contine●ent . Plut. l. d● edu● . Laert. l. 8. Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 12. Pythagoras's Symbols from 〈◊〉 Jews . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Symbol amongst the ancients signified a Scar● , or other mark , whereby Souldiers were distinguisht from their ene●i●s : thus the 〈◊〉 castles Creed was called ● Symbol of Faith. An enumeration of Pythag. Symbols , which he received from the Jews . 1 Symbol . Give the right of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans . Gal. 2.9 . To abstein from things dead Mat. 8.22 . Numb . 6.6 . Salt a Symbol of Covenants , Friendship , & Sanctitie , according to the Jewish rite . Symbols relating to the Forme of Pythagoras's Philosophie . Ethick Symbols . Pythagoras's Metempsychosis Symbolical of Morals &c. Nebuchadnezzars Metempchosysis , Dan. 4.32 , 33. The rise of the Pythagoreans . The Pythagorean Abstinence from Flesh Symbolical in imitation of the Jews . Abstinence from Beans Symbolical . Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suis dicebat & à venere illicita abstinendum docebat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim notabant vasa seminaria sive testiculos . Horn. l. 7. c. 12. Symbols of things Divine . Numbers Symbols of God , &c. Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Worship of Jewish extract . Pythagoras's Works , whether he left any thing in Writing . The Pythagorean Sect destroyed , and why . Hornius Philos . Hist . l. 3. c. 11. Pythagoras's Followers , & their Writings . Pythagorizing Philosophers . The Pride of the Pythagoreans , and all other Philosophers . The Eleatick Sect. Xenophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. Parmenides's Philosophie . Zeno the Eleatick . Logick invented by Zeno the Eleatick , Vossius Hist . Graec. l. 4. c. 2. p. 437. Leucippus his Dogmes of Atomes . Democritus's Opinion of Atomes . Democritus's skill in Natural Philosophie , Experiments , & Medicine . Branches of the Italick sect . The Heraclitian . The Epicurean The Sceptick . Vossius de Philos . Sect. part . 2. cap. 5. paragr . 7. Lud. Viv. Aug. Civ . l. 8. c. 2. Socrates the Author of Moral Philosophie . Galenus initio libri de Sectis Philos . S●crati inventionem Ethicae , et Logicae tribuit . Hornius Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Why Socrates applyed himself wh●lly to Moralitie . Socrates a● Universal Scholar . Socrates junior adhuc incredibili cupiditate naturalis Scientiae arsit , uti de se apud Platonem , lib. de anima testarur : Senior factus cam Philosophiae partem , ut dubiam , incertam , inutilem , prorsus repudia●it . Hornius Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Socrates's Metaphysicks . Socrates hi● Metaphysick Contemplations from Scripture traditions . 4. That Virtue comes from God. 5. That all true knowledge of God is by Divine infusion . Socrates's Daemo● . Socrates utebatur Daemone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive domestico , & familiari ; ex cujus pr●scripto omnia agebat : de quo integro libro de Deo Socratis Madaurensis agit . Hornius i Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 13. 8. Of faith , and Prayer . 9. Of the Soul it 's immortalitie , &c. Socrates's Active Moral Philosophie how far contemplative . All Philosophie ought to determine in Virtue and Action . Socrates's Moralitie . 1 His Institutes against self conceitednes , and flaterie , with advice to studie our selves . 2. For the government of the tongue . Socrates's mode , or forme of Philosophizing , Natural , and familiar . 1. His Rhetorick mode Ironical . 2. His Dialectick by Induction , which consisted of Interrogations . These Dialectical interrogations of Jewish original . The occasion and instruments of his Death . Tandem cum nonnullorum odia in se concitasset , accusatus quòd corrumperet javentutem , et novas superstitiones induceret ad cicutae forbitionem condemnatus est Socrates . Quint. l. 4. c. 4. Apul. 10. miles . Hornius , Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Socrates 's Character . Of Socrates's Scholars , and their different persuasions about Morals , the chiefest Good , &c. whence they fell into divers Sects . Xenophon . Aristippus Founder of the Cyreniack● Antisthenes of the Cynicks , and Stoicks . Euclid of the Megaricks . Phaedo of the Eleaticks . Plato of the Academicks . That Plato borrowed the choicest of his Notions from the Jews , proved by Testimonies of Heathens . 1. Plato himself . 2. Plato acknowledgeth his choicest Traditions to be from the Barbarians , by whom he means the Jews . Testatus Plato Graecos à Barbaris didicisse , sed ab eis accepta meliora fecisse . Steuch . Eugubinus de Pere● . Philos . l. 2. c. 2. Plato's Syrian , and Phenician Fables Jewish . Plato's ancicient Traditions Jewish . Plato's Tradition of the Ancients . Plato's ancient Tradition . Plato's Divine Word . Plato's probable Tradition , or Fable . Plato's Fable of the Golden Age. Why Plato conceled the Jewish name and Traditions . Numeni●s . Testimonies of Jews . Aristobulus . Josephus . Testimonies of Christians more Ancient , and Moderne . Clemens Alexandr . Just . Martyr . Jo : Grammaticus . Ambrose . Augustin ▪ Cudworth . Stillingfleet . The Historie of Plato's life . Plato's original . His institution under Socrates Platos's travels into Magna Graecia & instructions from the Pythagoreans . Plato Pythagoricae , praeter caeteras omnes disciplinae particeps est . Eus . contra Hieroc . Plato's travels into Egypt , where he informed himself in the Jewish wisdom . Quae ejus p●regrinatio omnium celeberr●ms fuit . Nam in Aegypto Praecipuum Sacerdotem Sech ●●phim Heliopolitanum , ut Conuphim , Eudoxus audivit Hornius Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 14. Plato whilst in Egypt learned from the Jewish Doctrine . 1. The Origine of the Universe . How Plato might receive information from the Jewish Records whilst in Egypt . Plato's skill in the Egyptian Language , gave him advantage to read the Jewish Records . Plato's Collections from the Phenician Theologie , and Philosophie . Plato 's Academie . Academia à Cad ●o nomē accepit non ab Academo : Erat Aedificiū nobile , amplū , amaenum , multis arboribus consitum , umbram praebentibus , Hornius Hist . Philos . l. 7. c. 3. Mortuo ( Plato ● ) summus ac pene Divinus honor à Discipulis habitus . Singulis annis ejus memoriam tanquam Herois celebrabant , teste Eusebio , l. 10. praep . c. 1. Horn. Hist . Philos . l. 3. c. 14. Plato ' s character . Philosophorū quis dubitet Platonem esse praecipu●● sive acumine disserendi , sive Eloquentiae facultate divina qu●dā & Homerica ? Fabius , l. 10. c. ● . Plato's Works . Of the old Academie , and its difference from the new in point of Suspension . Whether Plato D●gmatized ? The New Academicks , and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with it's original . This is but that one Doctors Opinion . The difference 'twixt the New Academicks , and Scepticks . The original of the New Platonicks , and their chief Seat , or Schole at Alexandria Arcesilas recte aliorum sustulit disciplinas , sed non recte fundavit suam — Quid ergo promovit Arc●silas nisi quod confectis omnibus Philosophis seipsū quoque eodem mucrone confixit ? Gladium igitur habebat , non scutum . Lact. de Ira Dei l. 3. c. 3.4 . Potamon . Ammonius . Plutarch . & Philo Judaeus . Ammonius the Platonist . His borrowing the choicest of his Notions from Scripture . Of Plotinus his Character . In Plotino privatum quicquam non est quod admireris , qui se undique praebet admirandum , quem de D●vinis divine , de Humanis humane longe super hominem docta sermonis obliquitate loquentem sudantes Platonici vix intelligunt , Pic. Mirandul . in Apol. 90. thes . Of Porphyrie . Iamblichus . Lud. Vives , on Aug. de Civi● . l. 8. c. 12. Voss . de script . Graec. lib. 2. c. 10. p. 208. Syrianus . Proclus his succession . See Suidas . Johan . Grammaticus . Maximus Tyrius . Alcinous . Apuleius . Chalcidias . Mars . Ficinus . These New Platonists called Electicks , because they chose out the best of all Sects . The general design of these New Platonists to reforme Philosophie . The defects of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius . 1. In Conceleing the Original of these Scriptural Notions . 2. The too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie . Particular Evils , that followed upon that Platonick Reformation . 1. As to Pagans . The sad effect . of this Platonich Reformation in the Christian Churches . Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing . How Symbolick Philosophie ought to be regulated . Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews . Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philosophizing yet with some superaddition of his own . Wherein Plato differed from Socrates , as to his mode of Philosophizing . 1 Socrates was more Aporematick , but Plato more Dogmatick . Plato's mode of Philosophizing different from Socrates i● point of Symbols , and Allegories . This Platonick mode of reasoning by Dialogues of Jewish origin . The distribution of Platonick Philosophie as to its Matter into 1. Pythagorick . 2. Heraclitick . 3. Socratick . 1. Plato as to Theologicks Pythagorizeth . 2. Plato as to Sensibles follows Heraclit . 3. As to Morals Plato follows Socrates . 2. Division of Platonick Philosophie into Contemplative and Active . Plato's 3d distribution into Moral , Natural , and Rational . This division of Jewish extract . Ammonius's distribution of Philosophie into Organick , Theoretick , & Practick . The imperfection of this distribution as to Plato's notion of Philosophie . The Distribution of Platonick Philosophie . 1. Logick . 2. Natural Philosophie . 1. Philosophie , 1. Contemplative . 2. Active . Moral Philosophie . Plato's Metaphysicks . Plato's Idea of Natural Philosophie ▪ The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition . Knowledge of things , object of the inclination of the mind , knowledge of things invariable . 1. Intelligence the knowledge of first Principles . 2. Discourse , or Science demonstrative . ● Faith 4. Imitation . The simple Object . 3. The Specifick Act. Theoretick , or Contemplative . The Qualities of his Contemplation . 4. The Terme , or effect of Philosophers Truth . The Idea of Moral Philosophie . 1. It s Genus . Moral Prudence . Prudence what ? Its Objects . Its Offices . The parts of Prudence . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Providence . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Dexteritie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sagacitie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Experience , its use as to the production of Prudence . 2. The subject of Moral Prudence the Soul , and particularly the Conscience . Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Conscience's Law. 1. Synteresis , or habit of principles 2. The Syneidesis , self reflexion . The Rule of Prudence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason . Right Reason is 1. Subjective . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. The Object . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Law of Nature . 3. Plato's Divine Philosophie in the contemplation , affection , imitation , of God. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Divine Philosophie is 1. The Supreme Science . 2. Affective and sweet . Plato's Characters of a true Philosopher . 1. Philosopher . must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Well instituted . 3. A lover of Truth . 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie . 5. Not Covetous . 6. Nobly di●posed . 7. Courageous . 8. Not Morose . 9. Of an Harmonious Nature . 10. Virtuous . Plato's mode , or Forme of Logick consisting in Dialogues . The original of this Dialogizing mode , from the Eleatick Schole of Zeno. Plato's Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews . The Scripture mode of disputing by Dialogues . Logick a Key , Organ , or Method for the disquisition of Truth . Plato's Logick Precepts for the disquisition of Truth . 1. A Logician must be of ripe age , Grave , Moderate , not vain glorious , or contentious . How far the old Academie was guiltie of contentious Disputes , which gave rise to the new Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . See more of this Academick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in what precedes of Plato's Academie . 2. R. The matter of Logick debates must be momentous and useful . 3. Rule for the laying good foundation Principles . 4. R. A methodical procedure from particulars to generals , from part to the whole . 5. R. The use of Examples . 6. R. To distinguish rightly 'twixt Truth , and Falshood . 7. R. To state well the Affirmative , and Truth . 8. R. We may not expect more exactnes than the matter will afford 9. R. Libertie of judgment . 10. R. Reason more to be valued than Authoritie . Non inventionum acumen , sed rerū ponde●a am●mus . 11. R. Modestie , Candor , and Moderation to be used in Disputes . 12. R. Of the manner of confuting Errors , See Hoonrb . Sum. Controv. p. 30 , 31.54.56.13 . R. Plato's Dialectick according to Alcinous , cap. 5. The Elements of Dialectick 5 Division . Definition . Analysis . Induction of judgment . Proposition Affirmative , or Negative , Universal , or Particular . Ratiocination . Ratiocination Categorick . Hypothetick . Mixt. Categories . Notation . Plato's Physicks , a storie of the worlds Origine . That Plato had his Storie concerning the Origine of the Universe from Moses's Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. Plato follows Moses , Gen. 1.1 in asserting the Worlds begining . How Plato affirmes the world to be eternal . God the first cause of all . Gods Ideal Efficiencie . Of Plato's Intelligible World. The Difference 'twixt Plato's Ideas , and Exemplar . Gods Energetick Efformative Efficiencie . Of Plato's Anima Mundi or Universal Spirit . Nunquam futurus est Platonicus , qui allegoricè Platonem non putat intelligendum : nisi forte Aristotelico more in Platonis verba , non in sensum opertum , & profundiorem figna inferre velit . Cael. Rhodig . l. 9. c. 12. Plato's Universal Spirit exactly answers to the Spirit 's Efformative Virtue , Gen. 1.2 . Moved , &c. Plato's Universal spirit refers to the spirit's preservation , and Providence . 3. Plato ' Soul of the world taken for its Harmonie , and Order . 4. Plato's ignifick virtue how far it may be ●ited the Universal spirit . The Bodie of the Universe , and its original matter . The Parallel 'twixt Moses and Plato in description of the First Matter of the Universe . 1. In it's Creation . 1. Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Moses's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the origine of Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . l. 1. c. 10. Plato 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Moses , Gen. 1.25 . 5. Gen. 1.2 . Face of the deep . 6. Gen. 1.2 . Moved on the face of the waters . The bodie of the Universe , and its constitutive parts the 4. Elemen . Plato received this distribution of the bodie of the Universe into 4. Elements from Moses , Gen. 1.1 . &c. Serranus his Analysis of Gen. 1.1 , 2. out of Beza . The Forme of the Universe , its Harmonie , Order , and Beautie . The Affections of the Universe 1. Perfection . 2. Affecti●n of the Universe is its Unitie . 3. Finitenes . 4. The Universe has a Figure round . 5. Color . 6. Time , another Affection of Bodies . 7. Mobilitie . 8. Generation . 9. Daration . Second part of Physiologie , of the parts of the Universe . 1. The Creation of the Angels . 2. The Creation of the Heavens , their matter Fire . That the Sun and Stars are Fire , Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fire as well as Light. Gen. 1.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the same with Ur , Gen. 11.28 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fire , the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gen. 1.3 . Of Light , and Darkness , Gen. 1.5 . Of the Lower World. Wind. Air. Water . Of Meteors . Of Active Physiologie touching Plants , and Animals . Of Man's Original & Formation according to the Image of God. The Souls perfection . The understanding . The will. Plato's notions about the Soul from Scripture . Physical Aphorisms for the conservation of mans body in health . The advantages of a good habitude of body . 1. The causes of diseases to be avoided . 1. Disproportion of first qualities . 2. Alterations 3. Ataxie of humours . Cruditie the Mother of diseases . Nature is to be maintained in her due offices and motions . Natura est morborum medicatrix : medicus naturae minister eamque recte agentem imitari debet Sennert . med . 1 Excretion . 2 Perspiration 3 Spirits . Bene vivere est , bene aspirare , respirare , & perspirare . Rules for Aliment . Bene vivere est bene ingerere , digerere ; & egerere . Therapeutick Physick . The character of a good Physician . Plato's Moral and Metaphysick Philosophie . 1 Plato's Ethicks . 1. Of the chiefest good . 2. Of Virtue . 8. Of Sin. 4. Of the Affections , their Temperance & Moderation . Particularly of Love. Of Justice ▪ Plato's Oeconomicks . Plato's Politicks . Plato's Metaphysicks . 1. Of God , his Essence , and 2. Attributes . 1. Vnitie . Of God's Simplicitie . Gods Immutabilitie . God's Eternitie . God's Omnipresence . God's Justice . Of God's Veracitie . God's Puritie . God's Benignitie . God's Omniscience . God's incomprehensibilitie God's Will the cause of all things . 2. Of the Human Soul. The Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews proved , 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus . Of Clearchus Aug. Steuch . Eugubinus . Rational Arguments . 1. From Aristotle's converse with Jews . 2. Alexander's procuring him all Oriental Books . 3. Aristotle's Philosophie from Plato . 1. Aristotle's Physicks from Plato , and both from Gen. 1.2 . &c. Aristotle's first matter . Aristotle's first mover from Plato's description of God. Of the Soul its spirituality Aristoteles mirifice consentit cum Theologia Mosaica , hominem à Deo conditum , formatumque corpus , datamque sexus varietatem ▪ animam autem exterius inspiratam . Steuch . Eugubin . de Peren. Philos . l. 9. c. 7 2. Aristotles Metaphysicks from Plato . Principal object of Metaphysicks from Exod. 3.14 . The Affections of Ens , Vnity , Veritie , and Bonitie . Aristotle's knowledge of God. Touching Aristotle's Notions of God , and their conformitie to Moses . See Steuch . Eugubinus de Peren. Philos . l. 4. c. 1.7.8.9 . &c. The Soul separated . A rational account why Aristotle rejected some of the more sublime , and Mystick Traditions of Plato . 3. Aristotle'● Ethicks . 4. His Politicks from the Jews . Aristotle's Life . Peripatetici a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nominati sectae suae conditorem & caput agnoscunt Aristotelem , qui in Xysto seu horto ambulationi accommodato docebat . Laert. lib. 5. Hornius Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 15 Aristotle's Character . A comparison 'twixt Plato , & Aristotle . 1. As to Rhetorick . Plato omnium Philosophorum praecipuus uberē , amplam , uno verbo Ulys●eam orationē affectabat . Horn. Hist . Phil. l. 7. c. 14. 2 As to Logick . 3. As to Metaphysicks . Aristotle 's Doctrines either Acroatick or Exoterick . Aristoteles horis matutinis legebat ea , quae subtilioris erant indaginis , sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; à meridie Exotericis dabat operam . Gell. l. 20. c. 4. Hornius hist . Phil. l. 7. c. 4. Illud non est praetermittendum , circa Aristotelis tempora , Grammaticam , quae vocatur Methodica . Philosoph●ae adjunctam esse . Horn. Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 15. Aristotle's works what genuine , what not ? Aristotele's books how conveighed to posteritie . Hornius Histor . Phil. l. 3. c. 15. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plutarch . in Sylla . Aristotle 's Successors , Theophrastus , &c. Apud Theophrastum graviter elaborata est Philosophia . Pic. Mirandul . in Apol. 90. Thes. Alexander Aphrodiseus the chief commentator on Aristotle . Greek Commentators . Themistius . Olympiodorus . Proclus . Philoponus . Ammonius . Simplicius . Arabians . Averroes , &c. Which are followed by the Schole-men . Est Arabica gens , uti patrii soli , ita & linguae suae amans . Igitur cum incidissent in scripta Aristotelis Graeca , jam pene apud ipsos Graecos ignota , caeperunt inde qu●dam , mox pleraque vertere in Patriam linguam . Hornius . Hist . Philos . l. 5. c. 10. A general Idea of Aristotle 's Philosophie . The end of Aristotle 's Philosophie the knowledge of God. Aristotle 's mode of Philosophizing simple . The Character of a genuine Auditor . The Character of a good Expositor . The Distribution of Aristotle 's Philosophie . Aristotle 's Logick and it 's distribution by Ammonius . A Scheme of Logick . The parts of Logick . We may not expect the like exactnesse in all matters . The parts of Dialectick . 1. Invention . Ram. Logic. lib. 1. 2. Judgment . Ram. Logic. lib. 2. cap. 1. 1. Axiomatick Judgment . Cap. 2. 2. Dianoetick , or discursive judgment , which is , 1. Syllogisme , therein is , 1. The Antecedent , wherein is , 1. A proposition . 2. An Assumtion . 2. The consequent , or Conclusion . Cap. 9. Cap. 10. Method c. 17. Cap. 18. Aristotle's Ethicks . 1. of human Happinesse . 1. Objective . Characters of the chiefest good which must be 1. The first principle . 2. The last End. 3. desireabl● for it self . 4. Simply good . 5. The measure of all good . 6. Most proper , & connatural . 7. Most communicative . 8. Most rare . 9. Possible . 10. Real . 11. Most permanent . 12. Most effective of Good. 13. Which admits no excess . 14. Self-sufficient , and perfect . Of Man's formal happiness . 1. It s original from God. 2. It s formal Idea , or definition . 1. The formal reason of formal happiness in operation . 2. The proper subject , the whole Soul. 3. The qualification of the Soul , and its act Virtue . 4. The state of humane happinesse is a perfect life , which connotes perfection . 1. Extensive , or of parts . 2. Intensive , or of degrees . 3. Protensive , or of duration . The principles of humane Acts. 1. Practick knowledge . Of Volition , or the will strictly taken . The end , the proper object of Volition . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consultation . Quod inconsul to fecimus , consulto revocamus . The Object of Consultation . 2. The Subject of Consultation . 3. The Act of Consultation . 4 Of Election . first its difference from Consultation , and Volition . 2. It s object the means . 3. The Subject of Election the rational Will. 4. The Act of Election . 1. 'T is rational . 2. Fixed , and determined . 5. It s difficultie . 6. It s effect as to Virtue . 7. It s d●finition . Approbation . Of Voluntarinesse , and Libertie . The definition of Voluntarie . Coactive necessitie alone excludes Libertie . Libertie of contrarietie , or Indifferencie not Essential to Free-will . Libertie essential to the will. Est in potestate naturali , quod cum volumus sacimus . August . God's necessitating concurse destroyes not Libertie . God's predetermining concurse to the wil 's 〈◊〉 makes h● not the Author of sin . Touching the moralitie of human acts . 1. Of Moral good or virtue . 1. Virtues are not Passions . 2. Virtue not a power . 3. Virtue an habit . What an habit is . The formal nature of Virtue in Mediocritie . How Virtue consists in Mediocritie . The mediocritie of Virtue harmonie . The measure or rule of this mediocritie is Right Reason , or the Law of Nature . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est unicum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtutis . Bonum ex causis integris malum ex quoliber defectu . The Idea o● definition of moral Virtue . 1. Virtue consists of the best End and best work . 2. All Virtues have one and the same Idea . What Vice is . Aristotle 's Physicks . 1. Of God 's universal causalitie as the first mover . 2. That the Soul is incorporeous and immortal . Aristotle's Metaphysicks . Aristotle's metaphysicks called by him the first Philosophie , or Theologie . A character of Aristotle's Sapience the object whereof is . 1. Things most universal . 2. Things most difficult . 3. The first causes . 4. Sapience is desireable for it self . 5. Sapience is architectonick and Principal . 6. Sapience is of things most universal and immaterial . 7. Of things first , and most excellent . Sapience or Metaphysicks The most noble , divine , and excellent of all Sciences . Aristotle 's Sapience applicable to none but God , and things Divine . The original of the Cynicks from Antisthenes , and his Schole the Cynosarges . Why called Cynicks . The professors of Cynicisme . Antisthenes . Diogenes . Crates . Demetrius . The affinitie 'twixt the Cynicks , and Stoicks . The principles of Cynicisme . 1. That Virtue is our chiefest End. 2. That External goods are not desireable . That a wise man enjoys all in God. 3. Their abhorring flatterie & bearing reproaches . 4. The Cynicks affected a kind of impudence . 5. Cynicks great reprovers of Vice , especially of pride . Diogenes Laertius . 6. They rejected all Philosophie , but moral . Diogen . Laertius . 7. Their Religion without superstition . 8. Their justice & faithfulnesse . 9. Esteem of libertie . 10. Virtue teachable . The Cynick Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally . Chap. Of Zeno his original , and Instructors . Zeno 's institution of the Stoick Self , with his Character . Zeno in tant● apud Athenienses aestimie fuit , ut coronae aurea donarent : ipsi aram consecrarent : dubiisque temporibus claves urbi● apud eum deponerent . Certatim igitur undique juventus non Artica solum , sed & totius Graeciae ad eum confluebat . Hornius , Hist . Phil. l. 3. c. 16. Zeno 's successor Cleanthes his Character . Of Chrysippus . Reliquit discipulum Chrysippū , acutissimum omnium Philosophorum ; unde Chrysippeū acumen , ● qui tamen primus corrupit virilem Sectam Spinofo accumine Quaestionū . Lipsius l. 1. de Const . c. 10. Of Diogenes Babylonius . Antipater Sidonius . Possidonius . Roman Stoicks . Cato . Varro . Antoninus . Tullie . Seneca . Christian Stoicks . That the Stoick Philosophie was but a corrupt derivation from the Jewish Theologie . Of Stoicisme in general , and its combination with other Sects . The Stoicks conspire with the Cynicks . Their difference with the Peripatetick . Their contests with the New Academicks . The particular Dogmes of Stoicisme . 1. Comprehension . 2. The Stoicks notions of God , and his nature . God's creatition and Providence . Of Providence . Of Fate . God 's providence over Mankind . Stoicks Physicks . 1. Of the Soul. 2. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Stoicks Ethicks . 2. That passions are irrational . Diogenes Laertius in Zeno. The corruptions of the Stoick Philosophie , and its contradiction to Christianitie . Rom. 8.5 . Stoick Philosophie , a cause of Pelagianisme . Of the Scepticks their several names . Of Pyrrho , his Character . his chief Dogme that nothing could be known . The formal Idea of Scepticisme . The Scepticks made it their businesse to overthrow the Dogmes of other Sects . The Sceptick Suspension reached even to the denying any thing to be just , or unjust , or that sense was to be credited . The original of this Sceptick Suspension from Heraclitus and Plato's Schole . Plato and the old Academie not Sceptick but Dogmatick . The New Academicks differ from the Scepticks , and wherein . The Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing . Scepticisme a great Enemie to the Christian Religion . How far Scepticisme is commendable . Of Epicurus his Original . Epicurus 's institution of his Sect , and Character . Epicurus 's Pride , and Contention . Epicurus's temperance according to the relation of his friends . His industrie , and Works . The Disciples of Epicurus . Epicurus 's Philosophie . 1. Physicks of Atoms . Stillingf . Orig. Sacr. l. 3. c. 2. Epicurus his contempt of Logick . His Canon . His contempt of Rhetorick , and Mathematicks . Epicurus's Ethicks . 1. That Pleasure is the chiefest Good. Of Pleasure , and Passion . That Pleasure is the chiefest good . That this Pleasure is in Virtue , and Mental . Epicurus 's Atheistical conceptions of God , his Providence , &c. How Epicurus undermined the Providence of God. He denyed the immortalitie of the Soul. 
A70920	----	A general collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France, upon questions of all sorts of philosophy, and other natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris, by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 1-100. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) 1664 Approx. 1756 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 299 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70920 Wing R1034 ESTC R1662 13172967 ocm 13172967 98322 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70920) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98322) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 412:11 or 1192:18) A general collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France, upon questions of all sorts of philosophy, and other natural knowledg made in the assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris, by the most ingenious persons of that nation / render'd into English by G. Havers, Gent. Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse. 1-100. English Bureau d'adresse et de rencontre (Paris, France) Havers, G. (George) Renaudot, Théophraste, 1586-1653. Renaudot, Eusèbe, 1613-1679. Renaudot, Isaac, d. 1680. [15], 580 p. Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey, and are to be sold at their shops ..., London : 1664. Running title: Philosophical conferences of the virtuosi of France. Wing lists title as: A collection of discourses of the virtuosi of France. Ms. note concerning Renaudot filmed opposite first prelim. page. A translation of the first 100 conferences of the "Recueil général des questions traitées és conférences du Bureau d'adresse," 5 v., Paris, 1638-55; the compilation by Théophraste Renaudot and his sons Isaac and Eusèbe; originally issued as "Première [quartiesme] centurie des questions traitées by conférences du Bureau d'adresse." Larousse and others list the original collection under Eusèbe Renaudot, the elder. Cf. BM; Brunet, Manuel du libraire. This work appears as Wing C5142 (entry cancelled in Wing 2nd ed.) at reel 412:11 and as Wing R1034 at reel 1192:18. Reproduction of originals in the Bodleian Library and the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Simon Charles Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Simon Charles Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , November 20. 1663. WILLIAM MORICE . A General Collection OF DISCOURSES OF THE Virtuosi of France , Upon Questions of all Sorts of PHILOSOPHY , AND OTHER Natural Knowledg . Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris , by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation . Render'd into English by G. HAVERS , Gent. LONDON , , Printed for Thomas Dring and John Starkey , and are to be sold at their Shops , at the George in Fleet-street neer Clifford's-Inn , and the Miter between the Middle-Temple-Gate and Temple-Bar . 1664. To the Honourable ANCHITELL GRAY , Esq IF it be compliance with Custom that induces me to a Dedication of the ensuing Discourse , 't is obedience to Reason that moves me to inscribe them to your Honourable Name . They are the ingenious Productions of the most accomplish'd Gentlemen of our Neighbour-Nation , and so could not be more fitly presented then to One of our Own , who to the advantages of a most Illustrious Descent , hath conjoyn'd whatever is particularly excellent in Many . That celebrated Aphorism of Plato , which pronounceth Felicity to that State wherein either the Philosophers are of chief dignity , or those of chief dignity are Philosophers , holds no less true in the Commonwealth of Learning then in Political Governments . Arts and Sciences , when cultivated by Persons of quality , not only derive lustre from the rank of their Professors , but acquire enlargement of Territory by their Conduct : Heroick souls disdaining the enslaving formalities practis'd hitherto by the Sovereigns of the Schools , and by the restauration of Freedom , laying open the way to Conquest . I shall not undertake to determine whether the restitution of Philosophical Liberty began first by the French , or by some great Personages of our own , particularly the renowned Lord Bacon ( from whom 't is said , not improbably , their Des-Cartes took the grounds of his new Theory ) but 't is certain that his way of Experiment , as now prosecuted by sundry English Gentlemen , affords more probabilities of glorious and profitable Fruits , then the attempts of any other Age or Nation whatsoever . But as it would be a fault in me to insist upon Comparisons , so it will be an injury in such as shall think you , Sir , any way concern'd in these Discourses , either upon the account of their Matter or Translation . 'T is true , they are extreamly well fitted both for Instruction and Pleasure , they handle weighty Questions with great facility ; and what would be a load in the ordinary modes of Writing thereupon , is here as fully and substantially deliver'd , and yet with exceeding Elegancy and perspicuity ; but however commendable in themselves , 't were criminal to think that you need them ; but , on the contrary , I well understood that the Book needed you ; and therefore I must humbly beg your pardon , if I have herein been too forward for its Interest by this Dedication , as also for my own in taking upon me so publickly the quality of , Sir , Your most humble and obedient Servant , G. HAVERS . The Publisher of the Ensuing Conferences , THinks it his Duty to advertise the Ingenious Readers , I. That they are the Productions of an Assembly of the Choicest Wits in France , whose design it was to rescue the Liberal Sciences from the bondage of Scholastical Obscurities , and to render Things intelligible without obliging the studious to the unpleasing and perpetual Task of first surmounting the difficulties of Exotick Words . To which purpose they judg'd fit to establish this as a principal Law of their Discourses , That onely the French Language should be us'd therein , in order to cultivate and improve the same ; and this , in imitation of the Greeks and Romans , whose writings are abundant evidences of the same Practice . II. That amongst the Arguments for the several Opinions upon each Question , it was thought fit to wave the alledging of Authorities , except upon some very special occasion . It being observ'd , that the heaping Testimonies together serves commonly for Ostentation rather then Strength ; and , ( to omit the consideration of Brevity ) if any man speaks Reason , it ought to suffice without anothers Authority to recommend it . Besides , that Nothing hath been found more prejudicial to the Improvement of Philosophy , then the attributing too much to the Magisterial Sayings of an Author of Great Name . In which regard likewise , these Virtuosi have acted with no less Prudence then Modesty , in leaving the Determination of each Question to the judgement of the Reader , who is made the Arbiter of the Dispute , and may , in the grateful Variety of Opinions , freely give his suffrage to That which shall seem to him founded upon the most convincing Reasons ; or else having them all before him , establish a better of his own . III. That these Gentlemen , leaving the way of arguing by Mode and Figure to Colledges , have chosen to propose their sence in the freest and most natural form of Speech , as being most sutable to Conferences , and less subject either to the captious fallacies , or pedantical janglings and heats , resulting from Disputes by Syllogism . To avoid which also the better , care was taken that every one might have this Perswasion , That he was no-wise interessed to maintain his Sentence upon any Point ; but being once produc'd , it was as a thing expos'd to the company , and no more accounted any mans Property , then Truth it self , the common subject of all their Inquiries . IV. That , as to the Promiscuous Variety of the Questions discuss'd in each Conference , and the immethodical series of them all , if it be not excuse enough that the Discoursers were French Gentlemen , and besides , willing in civility to gratifie one another by leaving the choice of Subjects free , the Reader is desir'd to believe , that there wanted not particular occasions for every one , though they appear not upon the paper . Besides , that it seemed most expedient not to be confin'd to the Laws of Method , since the Complyance therewith in comprizing the Sciences in Systems and Bodies , ( as they call them ) would have requir'd the intermixture of many Questions less considerable and delightful ; and indeed is found by Judicious Men to have been a great Obstacle to the Improvement of Philosophy . V. Lastly , The Publisher craves Pardon of the Readers that he hath forborn to divulge the Names of the Persons of Honour , who held these Conferences weekly on Mondays at Paris , it being the principal condition which they requir'd of him ; Some , that the judgement of their opinions might be left free to every one , which the knowledge of the Authors commonly prepossesses ; and Others , out of desire secretly to discover what Sentiment the publick would have of theirs ( like the Knights Errant of old , who sought under borrow'd Arms ) leaving their Names to be conjectur'd by such as found any thing in them for which to desire it : but All , through a Modesty as commendable in respect of themselves , as injurious to the Publick . EUSEBIUS RENAUDOT , Counsellor and Physitian in Ordinary to the King of France , Doctor Regent of the Faculty of Physick at Paris . THE CONTENTS . CONFERENCE I. I. OF Method . II. Of Entity . Page 1 CONFERENCE II. I. Of Principles . II. Of the End of all Things . Page 5 CONFERENCE III I. Of Causes in general . II. Whence it is that every one is zealous for his own Opinion , though it be of no importance to him . Page 12 CONFERENCE IV I. Of the First Matter . II. Of Perpetual Motion . Page 18 CONFERENCE V I. Of Resemblance . II. Whether it behoveth to joyn Armes to Letters . Page 24 CONFERENCE VI I. Of Fire . II. Of the Vniversal Spirit . Page 31 CONFERENCE VII I. Of the Air. II. Whether it be best for a State to have Slaves . Page 38 CONFERENCE VIII I. Of Water . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . Page 44 CONFERENCE IX I. Of the Earth . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . Page 51 CONFERENCE X I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . II. Of two Monstrous Brethren , living in the same Body , which are to be seen in this City . Page 57 CONFERENCE XI I. Of the little Hairy Girl lately seen in this City . II. Whether it is more easie to resist Pleasure then Pain . Page 64 CONFERENCE XII I. Of three Suns . II. Whether an Affection can be without Interest . Page 71 CONFERENCE XIII I. Whether Melancholy Persons are the most ingenious or prudent . II. Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . Page 77 CONFERENCE XIV I. Of the Seat of Folly. II. Whether a Man or Woman be most inclin'd to Love. Page 83 CONFERENCE XV I. How long a Man may continue without eating . II. Of the Echo . Page 89 CONFERENCE XVI I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . II. Whether is more powerful Love or Hatred . Page 95 CONFERENCE XVII I. Of the several fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather then any other colour . II. Why people are pleas'd with Musick . Page 103 CONFERENCE XVIII I. Of the Original of Winds . II. Why none are contented with their Condition . Page 109 CONFERENCE XIX I. Of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. II. Of the Point of Honour . Page 115 CONFERENCE XX I. Of the Original of Fountains . II. Whether there be a commendable Ambition . Page 121 CONFERENCE XXI I. Of Dreams . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then Virtue . Page 127 CONFERENCE XXII I. Of Judiciary Astrologie . II. Which is least blameable , Covetousness or Prodigality . Page 133 CONFERENCE XXIII I. Of Physiognomy . II. Of Artificial Memory . Page 139 CONFERENCE XXIV I. Which of the Five Senses is the most noble . II. Of Laughter . Page 144 CONFERENCE XXV I. Of the Diversity of Countenances . II. Whether Man or Woman be the more noble . Page 150 CONFERENCE XXVI I. Whether it be lawful for one to commend himself . II. Of Beauty . Page 157 CONFERENCE XXVII I. Whether the World grows old . II. Of Jealousie . Page 163 CONFERENCE XXVIII I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. II. Of Cuckoldry . Page 169 CONFERENCE XXIX I. Whence the saltness of the Sea proceeds . II. Which is the best Food , Flesh or Fish. Page 174 CONFERENCE XXX I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . Page 180 CONFERENCE XXXI I. Whether the Life of Man may be prolong'd by Art. II. Whether 't is better to be without Passions then to moderate them . Page 185 CONFERENCE XXXII I. Sympathy and Antipathy . II. Whether Love descending is stronger then ascending . Page 191 CONFERENCE XXXIII I. Of those that walk in their sleep . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue . Page 197 CONFERENCE XXXIV I. Of Lycanthropy . II. Of the way to acquire Nobility . Page 203 CONFERENCE XXXV I. Of feigned Diseases . II. Of regulating the Poor . Page 209 CONFERENCE XXXVI I. Of the tying of the Point . II. Which is the greatest of all Vices . Page 214 CONFERENCE XXXVII I. Of the Cabala . II. Whether the Truth ought always to be spoken . Page 220 CONFERENCE XXXVIII I. Of the Period , called Fits of Fevers . II. Of Friendship . Page 226 CONFERENCE XXXIX I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . II. Whether Permutation or Exchange be more commodious then Buying and Selling . Page 230 CONFERENCE XL I. Of Prognostication or Presaging by certain Animals . II. Why all men love more to command then to obey . Page 238 CONFERENCE XLI I. Of Comets . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . Page 244 CONFERENCE XLII I. Of the Diversity of Languages . II. Whether is to be preferr'd , a great stature or a small . Page 251 CONFERENCE XLIII I. Of the Philosophers stone . II. Of Mont de piete , or charitable provision for the Poor . Page 256 CONFERENCE XLIV I. How Minerals grow . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing exactly . Page 262 CONFERENCE XLV I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . II. Whether it be harder to get then to preserve . Page 268 CONFERENCE XLVI I. Of Vacuity . II. Of the Extravagance of Women . Page 274 CONFERENCE XLVII I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . II. Of the Visible Species . Page 280 CONFERENCE XLVIII I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have life . II. Of Courage . Page 286 CONFERENCE XLIX I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . II. Whether Tears proceed from Weakness . Page 292 CONFERENCE L I. Whether Colours are real . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . Page 298 CONFERENCE LI I. At what time the year ought to begin . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . Page 309 CONFERENCE LII I. Of a Point . II. Whether other Animals besides Man have the use of Reason . Page 315 CONFERENCE LIII I. Whether there be more then five Senses . II. Whether is better , to speak , or to be silent . Page 319 CONFERENCE LIV I. Of Touch. II. Of Fortune . Page 325 CONFERENCE LV I. Of the Taste . II. Whether Poetry be useful . Page 331 CONFERENCE LVI I. Of the Smelling . II. Of Eloquence . Page 337 CONFERENCE LVII I. Of the Hearing . II. Of Harmony . Page 343 CONFERENCE LVIII I. Of the Sight . II. Of Painting . Page 349 CONFERENCE LIX I. Of Light. II. Of Age. Page 355 CONFERENCE LX I. Of Quintessence . II. Which is the most in esteem , Knowledge or Virtue . Page 361 CONFERENCE LXI I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . Page 367 CONFERENCE LXII I. Of Time. II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force , or otherwise . Page 373 CONFERENCE LXIII I. Of Motion . II. Of Custome . Page 379 CONFERENCE LXIV I. Of the Imagination . II. Which is most powerful , Hope or Fear . Page 384 CONFERENCE LXV I. Of the Intellect . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humour . Page 390 CONFERENCE LXVI I. Of Drunkenness . II. Of Dancing . Page 396 CONFERENCE LXVII I. Of Death . II. Of the Will. Page 402 CONFERENCE LXVIII I. Of the Magnetical Cure of Diseases . II. Of Anger . Page 408 CONFERENCE LXIX I. Of Life . II. Of Fasting . Page 414 CONFERENCE LXX I. Of Climacterical Years . II. Of Shame . Page 419 CONFERENCE LXXI I. Why motion produces heat . II. Of Chastity . Page 425 CONFERENCE LXXII I. Of Thunder . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . Page 431 CONFERENCE LXXIII I. Of the Earth-quake . II. Of Envy . Page 437 CONFERENCE LXXIV I. Whence comes trembling in men . II. Of Navigation and Longitudes . Page 441 CONFERENCE LXXV I. Of the Leprosie , why it is not so common in this Age as formerly . II. Of the ways to render a place populous . Page 447 CONFERENCE LXXVI I. Of Madness . II. Of Community of Goods . Page 452 CONFERENCE LXXVII I. Of Sorcerers . II. Of Erotick , or Amorous Madness . Page 457 CONFERENCE LXXVIII I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . II. Whether Speech be natural , and peculiar to Man. Page 461 CONFERENCE LXXIX I. What the Soul is . II. Of the apparition of Spirits . Page 466 CONFERENCE LXXX I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling-sickness . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . Page 471 CONFERENCE LXXXI I. Of Chiromancy . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . Page 475 CONFERENCE LXXXII I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter , or in Summer . Page 480 CONFERENCE LXXXIII I. Of Baths . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . Page 485 CONFERENCE LXXXIV I. Of Respiration . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . Page 489 CONFERENCE LXXXV I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . II. Of Sights or Shews . Page 495 CONFERENCE LXXXVI I. Of the Dog-days . II. Of the Mechanicks . Page 500 CONFERENCE LXXXVII I. Whether the Souls Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an Ingenious Man. Page 505 CONFERENCE LXXXVIII I. Which is the best sect of Philosophers . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper Names . Page 512 CONFERENCE LXXXIX I. Of Genii . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . Page 517 CONFERENCE XC I. Of Hunting . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . Page 522 CONFERENCE XCI I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . II. Who are most happy in this World , Wise Men or Fools . Page 527 CONFERENCE XCII I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the Contemplative Life or the Active . Page 531 CONFERENCE XCIII I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. II. Whether 't is best to use severity or gentleness towards our dependents . Page 536 CONFERENCE XCIV I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . Page 544 CONFERENCE XCV I. Of the diversity of Wits . II. Of New-years Gifts . Page 548 CONFERENCE XCVI I. Of Place . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . Page 554 CONFERENCE XCVII I. Of Weights , and the causes of Cravity . II. Of Coat-Armour . Page 559 CONFERENCE XCVIII I. Of the causes of Contagion . II. Of the ways of occult Writing . Page 566 CONFERENCE XCIX I. Of Ignes fatui . II. Of Eunuchs . Page 571 CONFERENCE C I. Of the Green-sickness . II. Of Hermaphrodites . Page 575 THE First Conference . I. Of Method . II. Of Entity . I. Of Method . EVery one being seated in the great Hall of the Bureau , Report was made , That the Resolve of the last Conference was , to Print the Matters which should be propos'd henceforward , and the Disquisitions upon them which deserv'd it ; As also that for the bringing in of all the most excellent Subjects that are found in the Sciences , and for the doing it orderly , the Method requisite to be observ'd therein should this day be taken into consideration : The practice of which Method was likewise thought fit to be begun upon the most Universal Subject , which is , Entity . Wherefore every one was intreated to set cheerfully about opening the way in this so pleasant and profitable an Enterprize . The first Speaker defin'd Method [ The succinct order of things which are to be handled in Arts and Sciences ] and said that it is of two sorts ; One , of Composition , which proceedeth from the Parts to the Whole , and is observ'd in Speculative Disciplines ; The other , of Resolution , which descendeth from the whole to the parts , and hath place in Practical disciplines . He said also , that hereunto might be added the Method of Definition , which is a way of defining a thing first , and then explicating the parts of its definition : but it participateth of both the former . The second said , That besides those two general Methods , there is a particular one , which is observ'd when some particular Subject is handled ; according to which it behoveth to begin with the Name ( or Word ; ) Distinguish the same by its divers acceptations ; then give the Definition , assign its Principles and Causes , deduce its Proprieties , and end with its Species or Parts . After this some dilated upon the Method of Cabalists , which they begin with the Archetypal World , or Divine Idea ; thence descend to the World Intellectual , or Intelligences ; and lastly , to the Elementary , which is , Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . That of Raymond Lullie follow'd next . And here the Difference of humane judgements came to be wonder'd at . Most other Nations could never fancy this Art which he calls Great and Wonderful , and yet the Spaniards profess it publickly at Majorca , in a manner ingrossing it from all other places . He maketh the same to consist in thirteen Parts . The first of which he calleth the Alphabet , from B to K ; to each of whose Letters he assigneth , 1. a Transcendent after his mode , 2. a Comparison , 3. a Question , 4. a Substance , 5. a Virtue ; and 6. a Vice ; as to B 1. Goodness , 2. Difference , 3. Whether a thing is ? 4. Deity , 5. Justice , 6. Covetousness . To C , 1. Greatness , 2. Agreement , 3. What it is . 4. Angel , 5. Prudence , 6. Gluttony , and so of the rest . The Second Part containes 4. Figures ; The Third Definitions . Then follow Rules , Tables , containing the several combinations of Letters : The Evacuation , Multiplication , and mixture of Figures ; The 9. Subjects ; The Application ; The Questions ; The custome and manner of teaching ; which I should deduce more largely unto you , but that they require at least a whole Conference . In brief , such it is , that he promiseth his disciples that they shall be thereby enabled to answer ex tempore ( yet pertinently ) to all questions propounded unto them . The fifth said , That there was no need of recurring to other means then those of the Ordinary Philosophy , which maketh two sorts of Order , namely , one of Invention , and another of Disposition or Doctrine , which latter is the same thing with the Method above defined . And as for the Order of Invention , it is observed when some Science is invented , in which we proceed from Singulars to Universals : As , after many experiences that the Earth interpos'd between the Sun and the Moon caus'd a Lunar Eclipse , this Vniversal Conclusion hath been framed , That every Lunar Eclipse is made by the interposition of the Earth between the Sun and the Moon . An other alledg'd that Method might well be call'd a Fourth Operation of the Mind . For , the First is the bare knowledge of things , without affirmation or negation ; The Second is a Connexion of those naked Notices with Affirmation or Negation . The Third is a right disposing of those Propositions and their Consequence ; which if it be necessary , it is call'd Demonstration . And the Fourth is the Series of those Demonstrations , in such manner that those on which others depend are the first : as it is seen in the Elements of Euclide . Also the Lord Montagne's Method was alledg'd , who learnt the Latine Tongue from the Cradle , no person speaking to him but in that Tongue . So was the Cyropaedia of Xenophon , where the Lessons are the Practice of Political and Military Vertues , which serve more to form the Judgement of Children then the Memory . II. Of Entity . The First Hour being spent in these Remarks , the Second was imploy'd in discoursing concerning Entity , which was explicated by this Series , so much the more agreeably to the Company , for that they observ'd such a Contrivance of it that the end of the preceding Period is the beginning of the ensuing . All Power requires to be reduc'd into Act ; Act is a Perfection ; Perfection is the accomplishment of that which is wanting ; There is wanting to Man Felicity ; Felicity is , to be united to his Principle ; He is united to his Principle when he is made like unto it ; He is made like unto it by Science ; Science is acquir'd by Demonstration ; Demonstration is the knowledge of a thing by its cause ; To know a cause , it is requisite to seek it . It is sought when we admire it . We admire that of which we are ignorant . We are ignorant because of difficulty . Difficulty , among other causes , ariseth from Disproportion . Disproportion procedeth from hence , that our Mind is one and finite , and the things which it ought to know are various , yea infinite . Wherefore it ought to reduce all things to one general , which is Entity , called by the Latines Ens ; Which being known and subdivided imparteth to us the distinct knowledge of all things which depend thereon . The second added , That Entity is that which is . For the knowing of it , 't is requisite to consider its Principles , its Proprieties , and its Species . Principles are of two sorts , viz. Either of Cognition ; or of the Thing . A Principle of Cognition is , That which causeth us to know a thing ; As , That the Whole is greater then it's Part. The Principle of a thing is that which constitutes it ; as the Rational Soul , and the Humane Body , are the Principles of Man. The Principle of the Cognition of Entity ( which is the sole Principle in Metaphysicks ) is this ; It is impossible for one and the same thing to be and not to be at the same time . The Principles of the Thing are Essence and Existence . Essence is that which causeth a Thing to be that which it is ; As , Reasonable , Animal , ( or Living-creature ) is the Essence of Man , because it causeth a Man to be a Man. Existence effecteth that a Thing exists forth of its causes . The Proprieties of Entity are Three ; One , True , and Good. One , that which is not divided in it self , but is different from every Thing else . True , is that which falleth under knowledge . Good , that which is convenient or sutable to each thing . Entity is divided into Real and Imaginary . Real Entity is either actually , or in power . Actual Entity is either Increated or Created . Created Entity is either Substance or Accident . Substance is that which subsisteth by it self . Accident that which cannot be naturally , but in another . Substance is either Incomplete , which is but a part ; or , Complete , which is a Whole . The Incomplete are the Matter and the Form ; The Complete , that which is compounded thereof . As the deduction of each of the above-mention'd points was going to be made , it was Remonstrated , That these Matters being not easie to be apprehended , nor otherwise express'd then in Scholastick termes , ( which we would avoid ) it seem'd meet to pass to things more pleasant , running over the rest as lightly as possible ; And yet to pursue both the Methods above mention'd . The Company therefore concluded to treat Of Principles , and Of the End of all things , in general , at the next Conference . At the hour of Inventions one presented himself and made this overture . I offer to cause any one whatsoever , Man or Woman , of competent age , to comprehend in eight hours , ( viz. one hour a day , for avoiding the ryring of the Mind ) a perfect Logick , wherein shall be contained all the Precepts of well Defining , Dividing , and Arguing ; All the kinds of Arguments , and the places from whence they are drawn ; Namely , the Definitions and Divisions of the Vniversals , of the Causes , of the Opposites , of the Whole , &c. Their Axiomes , and the limitations of the same , with an Abridgement of Categories . I offer likewise to teach perfectly the Sphere , and all the Principles of Geophraphy , in two hours ; so that afterwards the person shall be able to make use of Maps and Books for knowing the Circles , Zones , and Climates ; besides the Parallels and Meridians for finding the degrees of Longitude and Latitude , and other things pertaining to Geography . I will also teach Moral Philosophy in twelve hours ; Metaphysicks in ten ; but for Natural Philosophy , I ask four times as much time . Another said , That to let pass these Undertakings ( which he judg'd very daring ) there is a great difference between VVisedom and Knowledge ; Memory principally contributing to the Latter , as Judgement to the Former . That he propos'd a Method to instruct a Child in Wisedom , the Guide and Sterne of Humane Actions . That all things in the World are either Necessary or Contingent : The former are immutable , the Rules concerning them few , the seeds of them within our breasts , consequently soon learnt and easie to retain : Provided the unconstant and irregular multitude of contingent things come not to interrupt the Production and Growth thereof ; As it happens by the thornes of Sciences which Solomon , for this reason , saith were invented to serve for a vain Labour to Men. Sciences , in which there is alwayes room for disputing ; because if you except their Principles which they borrow from that Wisedom , all the rest in them is but probable and problematical . I conceive therefore that the true Method of Instructing a Child is to begin by informing his Judgement with the Rules of things Necessary . For which purpose , he must be taken void of all bad impressions ; between six and seven years is a fit Age. In the smooth Table of this Mind is to be written , in good order , the service of God and the King , Honour , Justice , Temperance , and the other Virtues . When this Mind hath been educated in the Maximes appertaining to each of those Heads ; As , That nothing is hidden from God ; That 't is better to dye then to revolt from the service of the King ; That after Honour there is no more loss ; It will be requisite to draw for him out of History Examples of such as have been rewarded for performing the same , and punish'd for failing therein . In the mean time , care must be taken that no evil or dishonest thing be spoken or done before him ; if it happen otherwise , chastisement and blame ought to follow the Offenders . This being done , then onely when the precepts which were necessary to his education shall have taken such deep root in his Mind as not to be stifled by the multitude of others ; My Method proceeds to furnish him with those of the Liberal Sciences . But with this order again , that ( for the same reason ) the Rules be not confounded to him with Exceptions ; but that these latter be then onely taught him after he ha's well comprehended the former . For conclusion , there was an overture of a Way to teach by Playing , from the A B C to the sublimest Sciences . The Proposers reason was , that the best Method of Sciences is that which takes away Difficulties , the principal of which is , The tediousness of Study . That there is nothing less tedious then Play , for the sake of which both great and small oftentimes lose their rest and food . That 't was the intention of the first Authors , that Children should learn as it were playing , instead of the great rigors which cause them to study against their inclination , with the loss of time , and other inconveniences observ'd therein . That hence the Place of Learning retains still in Latine the name of the Play of Letters , and the Regents Masters of the Play. Then he desired of the Company of Commissioners to receive their Judgement upon the Book which he had made upon this Subject ; and the same was deliver'd into their hands for them to make their report thereof , that day seven night . After which all were desired that they would please to report there at the following Conferences the Inventions which they conceiv'd likely to profit the publick , with assurance that the honour and benefit thereof should be secur'd to themselves : and so the Company was dismiss'd . CONFERENCE II. I. Of Principles . II. Of the End of all Things . I. Of Principles THese five several acceptions of Principle were first considered . I. As it is taken for a Cause , especially the Efficient , even that of all Things , and which hath no Beginning , namely , God ; who also being the End of all , is upon that account called Alpha and Omega . II. For the beginning of quantity ; as a point is the beginning of a Line . III. For the beginning of some Action ; as the first step is the beginning of the race . IV. For that which is not made of it self , nor any other ; but of which all things are made . V. For that of which a thing is made , is compos'd , and is known . Which definition comprehendeth the Principles of Generation , Composition , and Cognition . For according to the Order of Nature a thing is made before it is and it is before it is known . The Second said , That the Principles of Entity and Cognition are the same . For in that they constitute the thing , they are called the Principles of Entity ; and inasmuch as Conclusions are drawn from them , they are called Principles of Cognition ; Nevertheless deriving their original the one from the other : As from this Principle of Cognition , Nothing is made out of nothing , it is concluded , That then there must be a First Matter . The Third said , That that distinction of the Three Principles of Generation , viz. Privation , Matter , and Form , ( whereof the first and the last are contraries , two onely of Composition , viz. the two last ) do's not signifie that there are three Principles of the thing which is made ; Seeing that in the instant that a thing is made , to be making ( fieri ) and to be made ( factum esse ) are the same . Since then the thing made hath but two Principles , that which is in making hath no more : Privation being but a Condition requisite to Generation , as the Agent , the End , and some other External Principles are . The Fourth said , That our Mind alone doth not make distinction between those three Principles , but they differ in reality . Those who say Privation is more a Principle of Generation then the rest are mistaken , in that they make Generation participate more of Non-entity then of Entity . But it is not , seeing it ariseth out of the former to tend to the latter , being in truth neither the one nor the other . He added , that the Principle of Cognition is either First , or Second . The First proves all , and is prov'd by none ; 't is the basis of all Sciences , and hath two conditions ; namely , that it can neither be deny'd nor prov'd . As it cannot be deny'd , That of two Contradictories one is true , and the other false . Neither can the same be prov'd , because there is nothing beyond it , or more clear and evident . The Second Principles are those of the Sciences , which they prove , as themselves are prov'd by the first Principle . For example , That Principle of Physick , Contraries are cured by their Contraries , proves this , Evacuation cureth the diseases caused by plenitude ; and it self is proved by that other Principle of Natural Philosophy , to which it is subordinate , that Action is onely between Contraries ; which is again prov'd by this , That Action tendeth to render the Patient like to the Agent . Which if it be deny'd , 't is answer'd that if the Agent do not render the Patient like to it self , then this latter would not be altered , and so not be a Patient : Which cannot be , by the first Principle of Knowledge ; That a thing cannot be , and not be , at the same time . The Fift divided Principles into those of Logick , which constitute a Definition , viz. The Genus and the Difference ; into those of Physicks , which constitute corporeal things , viz. Matter and Form ; into those of Metaphysicks , which are Act and Power , Essence and Existence , and the Nature and Inherence in all Accidents ; And lastly , into Principles Mathematical , which are a point in continu'd quantities , and an Vnite in Numbers . The sixth fram'd this Question , Since every thing that hath a Beginning hath also an End , how is Number , which hath a Unite for its Beginning , Infinite ? It was answer'd by another , That that infinity of Number is not in Act , as its Beginning is , but onely in Power . For when 't is said , That there is no Number so great , but may be made greater to infinity , this ought not to be accounted more strange then that other Proposition , which is also true , viz. That a Quantity which hath a Beginning may be divided without End ; There being no Body so small but may be divided again into a less : For that some thing cannot be resolv'd into nothing , as of nothing cannot be made some thing naturally . This matter was ended with another division of Principles into General and Particular . The General ( said they ) are some times , but indiscreetly , confounded with Causes and Elements . For every Principle is not a Cause , nor every Cause an Element , nor any Element a Principle : Although every Element be a Cause , and every Cause be a Principle , External or Internal . That every Principle is not a Cause , appears by Privation , which is a Principle ( notwithstanding what hath been otherwise argu'd ) by the Maxim above alledg'd ; That Action is onely between Contraries . Principles then must be such . Now the Matter is not contrary to the Form ; Therefore Privation must . That every Cause is not an Element , is clear by the Final and the Efficient , both of them being extrinsical to the Thing ; And nevertheless an Element is the least part of the Thing in which it is in Act or in Power . It is also manifest that an Element is not a Principle , for it is compounded , and corporeal ; which a Principle is not . Particular Principles are as various as there are several things in the world . So the Principle of Divinity is the Faith ; Of Physick , to preserve the Man and destroy the disease ; Of Law , that which is according to Nature , Reason , and Custome : The Principle of Understanding is Natural Evidence ; those of Oeconomy , lawful acquisition and use of Goods ; Of Politicks , Policy , Prudence applyed to right Government ; Of Prudence , that which is expedient to do or avoid , The Principles of Mathematicks are its Axiomes ; As if , of two equal tfiings , you take away from one as much as from the other , the remainder shall be equal . The Principles of History are Experience and Humane Faith : Of other Arts and Disciplines , their Rules and Precepts . The Principles of Man as Man , are the Body and the Soul ; as a mixt Substance , the Four Elements ; as a Natural , the Liver ; as Vital , the Heart ; as an Animal or Sensitive , the Brain ; as Reasonable , the Intellect . The Principles of an Argument are the Major and the Minor. The End is the Principle of rational Actions ; as the Matter in things Natural , and the Idea in Artificial . II. Of the End of all Things .. The Second Hour was imploy'd in discourse touching the End ; concerning which it was said , First , that End may be taken as many wayes as Beginning ; Improperly , for the corruption of some thing ( therefore , saith Aristotle , Death is not an End , but a terme ) Properly , 't is the Good whereunto all things tend ; and 't is either first ( as , to make a medicine ) or last ( as to cure . ) Things which can tend to this End are divided into four Classes . Some are furnish'd with Reason , but not with Sense ; as the Angels or Intelligences : Others have Reason and Sense , as Man : Others have Sense without Reason , as Brutes : Others have neither Sense nor Reason , as all the rest of the Creatures . Onely the two former Agents , namely , Angel and Man , act formally for some End ; because they alone have the four conditions requisite for so doing ; viz. 1. Knowledge of the End ; 2. Knowledge of the Means which conduce thereunto ; 3. A Will to attain it ; And 4. Election or Choice of those Means . Others act indeed for it , but improperly ; as the Spider and the Swallow , though they frame onely by a natural Instinct , the one its Web , the other its Neast , yet attain their End ; and the Stone is carried by its own weight to its Centre , which is its Good ; but without the above-mention'd conditions . The Second went about to prove that some of those Animals , which we account void of Reason , Act formally for their End. For , said he , not to mention the Elephant , recorded by Plutarch , who divided his Oates in his Master's presence , as to shew him that he had but half his allowance usually given him ; or that other who carried his Kettle to the River , and fill'd it with water , to try whether it had not a hole in it ; Nor the Ox , who never went beyond the number of buckets of water which he was wont to draw ; Nor the Fox , which layes his Ear to the Ice to listen whether the water moves still underneath , before he trust himself upon it ; Nor the Hart of Crete , which runs to the Dittany , and , as they say , with that herb draws the Arrow out of his flesh : Is it not for the good of its young that the Swallow distills into their Eyes the juice of Celandine , with which she recovers their sight ? From whence Men have learnt to make use of that herb against the filme of the Eye . Have we not Horses which let themselves blood ? Ha's not the Dog election of all the wayes , whereof he chooses onely that which his Master went , who ( with all the goodly prerogatives that he ascribes to himself above him ) cannot do so much as his Dog ? And though the Example be familiar , do we not see Domestick Animals whom the Apprehension of beating keeps often from doing the mischief to which their natural inclination leads them : Which is , not onely to know an End , but amongst many to choose the best . The Third reply'd , That these Examples evidence the dexterity of Man's wit ; who knows how to apply them to his own purposes : But , in reality , it belongs not to a Brute , what ever advantage it may get by commerce with Man , to know its End as an End : Because the End is that which measures the Means ; a Mean ( Medium ) being not the better for that it is greater , but for that it is fitter proportion'd to its End. So when Hippocrates cures the Cramp with cold water , the Cure is not less excellent then if he did it with potable Gold. Now this Comparing and Measuring is a work of the Understanding . The Fourth said , As all other Lights disappear at the Sun 's , so all the other Ends must give place to the Last , which is the Supreme Good , or , Felicity : Which being either Natural or Supernatural , and this latter inexpressible ; It seems that the present Exercise ought to terminate in the former , namely , Natural Felicity . This Beatitude , in what ever thing it is found , ( for Saint Augustine reckons above eight hundred Opinions about it , and yet more may be added to the number ) consists in the most excellent Action of Man , which cannot depend but upon the noblest Faculties , the Understanding and the Will. The Action of the former is to Vnderstand ; That of the Latter is to Will. The Felicity then of Man consists in Vnderstanding well , and in Willing well , or Loving ; For the pleasure of Enjoyment is but the relishing of this Felicity , not the Felicity it self , as some have thought , with Epicurus , who is to be blam'd onely in this regard : For it is neither true , nor credible , that a Philosopher could so much forget himself as the vulgar imputes to him , to place the Supreme Good in Pleasures , even the foulest and grossest . The Fifth maintain'd , That it was unprofitable to speak of a Thing which is not ; Meaning , that pretended worldly Felicity which Men onely fancy ; and to that Induction which Solomon makes of all the things in which Men seek their contentment in vain , he added Authorities holy and profane ; to shew that there is nothing happy on all sides ; and that Solon had reason to say , That Felicity is not to be found in this Life . The Sixth reply'd , That what is said of the Miseries of this corruptible Life , compar'd with the beatitude of the other eternal , ought not to be confounded and taken absolutely . That the contentments of the one cannot be too much vilifi'd , in respect to the ravishments of the other ; of which the Pagans themselves had knowledge enough ( though under several names ) by the sole Light of Nature , to cause them to make the Fiction of the Elizian Fields ; in comparison of which they held that there was nothing but unpleasantness in this world . But as the barbarousness of some Ages past is not to be compar'd with the Politeness and Learning of this ( and yet there was alwayes some or other amongst them that pass'd for an accomplish'd Man ) so because there is a great Felicity in Heaven , it is not to be infer'd that there is none at all upon Earth . Besides , we might ( contrary to the receiv'd Maxime ) accuse Nature of having made some thing in vain , by Imprinting in Man that desire of becoming happy in this world , if he cannot be so . The Seventh said , That a Man is not happy by possessing some Excellent Thing , but by the satiating of his desire . And therefore if ( which is impossible ) a happy Man should desire some greater Good , he were no longer happy . As on the contrary , he who can satisfie himself with the least Good , is nevertheless happy . For 't is the correspondence or sutableness which makes a Good to be estemed such . A Good may content the Appetite without reflection ; but ifthe conditions of the Enjoyment be reflected upon , it will suffice for the rendring it perfect , that the Imagination exempt it from all imperfection , and attribute all the Prerogatives to it which the Will desires in it ; although it deceive it self . The Eight defined , The Supreme Good , ( after Aristotle ) The Action of the most perfect Virtue , ( which is Wisedom and Prudence ) in a perfect Age and a long Life , accompani'd with the Goods of the Body and of Fortune , viz. Health , Beauty , Nobility , Riches , and Godly Children . Not that the Felicity which is call'd Formal consists in these Goods ; but they serve for instruments and ornaments unto it , as 't is hard for a sick Man to become Learned , and for a poor to exercise the Virtues of Liberality and Magnisicence . The Ninth said , That in Morality the General Propositions are easier to be assented to , then the Particular ; Yea , that there are many to which all the world assents in general termes ; As , That Virtue ought to be Loved . For then we willingly embrace it wholly naked . But by reason of the difficulties which accompany it , Opinions become divided . The Prudent , who knows how to moderate his Passions , willeth it ; The Incontinent , who pleaseth to let himself be hurried by the torrent , willeth it not ; And denying in the retail what he before approv'd in the gross , contradicts himself . Another willeth and willeth it not , because he willeth it too faintly , or doth not sufficiently avoid the occasions which lead to Vice. Thus all the world agrees , That it behoveth to render to every one that which belongs to him ; but in the Application , the honest Man doth so , the dishonest doth the contrary . There is not the Man but confesseth , That the End ought to be prefer'd before the Means which conduce to that End ; But one takes for an End that which another takes for a Means . The Covetous ( and indeed most Men ) take Riches for the End , and Virtue for the Means . On the contrary , the Good Man takes Riches for the Means , and Virtue for his End. In my Judgement , the true Felicity of Man in this world comprehendeth the Goods of the Mind , as the End ; the Goods of the Body and Fortune onely as the Means . There was none in the Company but seem'd to have a Mind to speak something to this great Question ; of which , out of this Conference , even every particular Man daily passeth Judgement without speaking . For he who forgets all things else , for the acquiring of Honour or Riches , or for the taking of his Pleasure , doth he not imply that he maketh the same his Supreme Good ? He that entreth into a Religious Order , doth he not seek the same in Religion ? And so of others . But for that the Second Hour was slipt away , the Company proceeded to determine the matter to be treated of at the next Conference ; which was , for the First Hour , Of Causes in General . And because there is observ'd in some , even the most equitable , an ardour in maintaining their Judgements , though every one was sufficiently warn'd that this place is to have no disputings , and that none is oblig'd to uphold what he hath said with new Reasons , ( our sentiments here being all free ; ) It was propos'd , for the second point , to be particularly inquir'd , Why every one desires to have his own Judgement follow'd , though he have no interest therein . The Hour design'd for Inventions began with the Report made by the Commissioners nominated at the last Conference for examining the Book containing the Method of Teaching the Liberal Disciplines by Playing ; The Report was , That the Author seem'd very capable of performing it , the Discourse being written in a good stile ; That he evidently prov'd that the thing is Practicable ; as well in respect of the Method it self , which seemes feasable , as the Masters of the Play , and the Disciplines . But for that he discover'd his meaning onely in the Art of Teaching to read and write , and not in the other Disciplines , they could not give their Judgements upon more then what appear'd to them ; and so much they lik'd and approv'd . Then an Other presented a Latine Poem , Entitl'd , Fulmen in Aquilam , containing , in Twelve Books , Twelve Thousand Heroick Verses , in which was compriz'd the Life , Atchievments , and Death of the King of Sweden ; Having first Remonstrated to the Company that the great reputation of these Conferences brought him from his own Country to this City , that he might correct , refine , and polish his work , by the censure of so many great Wits as met there ; Conceiving there is no better way to write things for lasting , then to pass them under the Judgements of many . Whereupon Commissioners were assigned to him for that end , into whose hands he deliver'd his Work. After which , to shew that something has a Beginning , and yet no End ; Another offer'd to make appear the Experiment of a Perpetual Motion , if the matter could be kept from decaying . A Third answer'd , That making it of Glass , the matter would be Eternal , Glass being the last Product of Nature ; And that thence the Conjecture is probable that the Earth will be vitrifi'd by the last Conflagration , and by that means become diaphanous and resplendent . And thus ended this Conference . CONFERENCE III. I. Of Causes in General . II. Whence it is that every one is zealous for his own Opinion , though it be of no importance to him . I. Of Causes in General . HE who spoke first , said , That the word Cause must not be confounded with that of Reason , though it seemes so in our manner of Speech ; because an Effect serves sometime for a Reason to prove its Cause . As when I am ask'd the reason by which I know that Fire is Light ; I Answer , By its ascending upwards ; which is the Effect of Fire , and the proof but not the Cause of its lightness . Cause also differs from Principle , because every Cause is real , and imparts a being different from its own ; which Privation ( being a Principle ) hath not : And so every Cause is a Principle , but every Principle is not a Cause . Now a Cause is That which produceth an Effect . There are Four ; Matter , Form , the Agent , and its End. Which Number is not drawn from any real distinction between them ; Seeing many times one and the same Thing is Form , Agent , and End , in several respects . So the Rational Soul is the Form of Man , the Efficient Cause of his Ratiocination , and the next End of the Creation . But it is drawn from the four wayes of being a Cause , which are call'd Causalities ; whereof one susteineth the Forms , to wit , the Matter , An Other informeth that Matter , and is the Form ; A Third produceth that Form , and uniteth it to the Matter , and is the Agent , or Efficient Cause ; The Fourth by its goodness exciteth the Agent to act , and is the Final Cause . The Second said , That the Causes are handled diversly , according to the diversity of Sciences . The Logician speaks of them so far as he draws from them his Demonstrations , Definitions , and Probable Arguments : The Natural Philosopher , inasmuch as they are the Principles of all kind of Alterations hapning in natural bodies : The Metaphysitian , as Cause is a Species of Entity , which is generally divided into Cause and Effect : In which consideration Supernatural Things have also some Causes , but not all . Wherefore , in my Judgement , said he , Cause taken in general cannot be divided into the Four Species above mention'd ; because Spirits have no Material Cause : but it ought to be first divided , in reference to Immaterial things , into Efficient and Final ; and into the four abovesaid , in respect of Material . That Efficient Cause is the first principle of Motion and Rest , and is of two sorts ; viz. Vniversal or Equivocal , and Particular or Vnivocal . The former can produce several effects of different Species , whether it depend not on any other , as God , and is then call'd the First Cause ; or depend on some other , and is call'd a Second Cause ; As the Sun , which together with Man generates Man. The Particular ( otherwise , Univocal ) Cause is that which produceth one sort of effect alone ; As Man generateth Man. The Material Cause is that of which something is made . The Formal Cause is that which causeth the Thing to be that which it is , whether Essentially , as the Soul makes the Man ; or Accidentally , as a round form makes a Bowle . The Final is that which incites the Agent to act : as Gain doth the Merchant to Traffick . The Third said , Matter and Form being parts of the whole cannot be Causes thereof ; because then they would be Causes of themselves ; which is absurd . Neither is the End a Cause , but onely the term and rest of the Cause ; Besides , there are some Ends which are impossible to obtain , and are nothing of reality , such as a Cause ought to be ; as when Heliogabalus propounded to himself to become a Woman , others to fly , to become invisible , and the like absurdities . So that there is but the Efficient Sole Cause of all Things , which is the Internal Idea in God , which is nothing else but that Fiat which created the World. 'T is that very Cause which produceth all things in all different times and places , and acts upon Art , Nature , and Nothing ; whence it is that All Entity , conformable to that Increated Exemplar , beareth those three Characters , Truth , Goodness , and Vnity , which all things are bound to represent , under the Penalty of becoming Nothing , out of which they were produced . 'T is a Circle ( according to Trismegist ) whose Centre is every where , and Circumference no where ; which possibly mov'd Galen to term Man the Centre of Mixt Bodies ; and all Antiquity , a Little World ; and made Saint Thomas say , that Man hath been united hypostatically to God the Son , who is the Idea of the Father , for the rejoyning of all the productions of the world to their first Principle . Here he fell into Divinity , but he was admonish'd to observe the Rules appointed by this Assembly , to keep as far off as possible from such Matters ; and so he ended , when he had mention'd the order that is observ'd in the actions of that Idea , ( which said he ) acteth first upon the Intelligences as nearest approaching to its pure Nature ; they upon the Heavens , these upon the Elements , and these upon mixt bodies . The Fourth added , That that Idea is a Cause not onely in Natural Things , but also in Artificial . As in the building of a House , the Idea which the Architect hath in his Mind excited his Will , and this commands the Motive-faculty of the Members , or those of his Laborours , to dispose the Stones , Timber , and Morter ; which entring into the Composition of the Building , cannot ( for the Reason above-mention'd ) be Causes of it , as neither can the proportion and form . An Other said , That if the Idea be a Cause , ( which cannot be but in Artificial Things ) it must be the Formal , and not the Efficient ; since it is nothing else but an Original , in imitation of which the Artificer labours ; and since the work derives its form from that Idea which is the Copy . It was added by a Sixth , That the Idea is not Cause , but the true Essence of Things , and the first objective Verity which precedes all Knowledge Humane , but not Divine ; and is onely hereby distinct from Nothing , in that it is known by God : which suteth not with Nothing , from which any thing cannot be distinguish'd ; but it must be , if not in Act , at least in Power . The Seventh , amplifying touching Ideas , said , That upon the Knowledge of them depend all Sciences and Arts , but especially all what Men call Inventions , which are nothing less then such ; because 't is no more possible to invent some thing new , then to create some substance , and make some thing of nothing . But as all things are made by Transmutation , so no Novelty is produc'd by Imitation , either of things which are really existent , or which our Mind frames and connects ; as of a Mountain and Gold , it makes a Golden Mountain . Thus the four most Excellent Inventions of the Modern Ages ; The Compass , the Gun , Printing , and Perspective-glasses ; the two former were deriv'd from Experiments of the Load-stone , from the effect of shooting Trunks and Fire . As for Printing , what is the Matrice wherein the Founders cast their Characters , or those Characters compos'd in a flat Form , as also Copper-cuts , but a perfect Exemplar and Idea , which is communicated fully to all its individuals ? And Perspective-glasses are nothing but ordinary ones multiply'd . Another said , That Causes cannot be known at all ; whence it comes to pass that we have no certain Knowledge ; Now to know , is to know a thing by its Causes . For the Vniversal Efficient Cause is above us , and surpasseth the capacity of our Understanding ; and hence all the other inferiour and subordinate ones are unknown , because their Cause is not known . The Final is not in our power , and being not so cannot be known , because knowing presupposeth being . Formes and Specifical Differences are hidden to us . The Matter is so unknown , and so little a thing , that even Aristotle could not define it , saving by what it is not , or by Analogy and Proportion to other things ; But since Proportion cannot be but between two things equally known , and the First Matter being not so , ( so much as the Wax , to which , for Example , it is compar'd ) our Mind cannot comprehend that Analogy . The Ninth said , That the Elements ( which he held to be the First Matter ) are ingenerable and incorruptible ; Mixt Bodies being nothing else but those Elements united in sundry fashions . That this Harmonical Vnion and Symmetry is the form of Mixts , which is nothing but a certain Mode or Fashion of Being : Whence in all kind of Generation , there being no Substantial Mutation , but onely a Conjunction and Separation of the Elements , there is no other Cause but their Matter . Which is thus prov'd to be the First ; because if there be a second granted , then as Brass , being the Matter of a Statue , that Brass must have another Matter , and this is a Third , and so to Infinity ; unless one First be acknowledg'd . The Tenth said , That if a Material Cause be admitted , the Three other must be admitted also . For Matter naturally desiring Formes , it is alter'd from one into another , and that Alteration cannot arise from it self : For Nothing is altered by it self but by an other . It comes then from some Agent which moves that Matter , and which is the Efficient Cause ; which cannot do any thing in vain , but for some End , and this is the Final Cause . This End is in Natural Things the same with the Form , and differs not from it but according to our manner of Understanding . For the End of Generation is the Form of the Thing generated ; and that very Formis the End of Generation . Wherefore , admitting the Matter , the other Three cannot be excluded . II. Whence it is that we are zealous for out own Opinions . Here they pass'd to the Second Point design'd for this Conference , upon which many Opinions of divers Authors were alledged ; Some attributing the Zeal for our own Judgements to the Antipathy which is found in contrary Humours , caus'd by the diversity of Temper , and these by the opposition of the Heavenly Bodies : Especially when Saturn , that obstinate and melancholly Planet is predominant there . Others refer'd it to Ambition , following the conceit of those who think there is a Heap of Honour in the world , to which every one hath his right , and of which there is less left to others when some are suffer'd to take a great deal . One ascrib'd it to the subtilty of the Mind , which seeks to sport it self in new conceits , and having produc'd them will not seem to want means to defend them . And he observ'd that this Cantharides of Opinastry adheres usually to the goodliest flowers , there being otherwise nothing more necessary to the evidencing of Truth then contest in which we propose to our selves to find it . After this , One explicated that which gave occasion to the Question , in this manner . Men desire nothing but Good , distinguish'd into Honour , Profit , and Pleasure . None of which Three are gotten by obstinacy in an erronious conceit , especially when it is known for such ; But , on the contrary , there is shame in it , one loseth his credit by it many times , but alwayes the time , and renders himself unacceptable to the hearers , as 't is seen in Scholastick Disputes . Whence it comes to pass that a Scholar brought up in these wranglings never begins to be esteem'd in company till he has laid aside that ill quality of Never-yielding . Whereas , on the contrary , the more Ingenuous decline those Asperities by words of yieldance even in things wherein they have apparently most of Reason on their side . And whon they are mistaken , as a metled Horse rather rids himself out of the Plough then stayes there ; So 't is proper to a strong Mind to betake to a better Sentiment then its own , without sticking at the fear which the weaker are possess'd with , lest they should be blam'd for having been subject to err either in fact or in right : Remembring that 't is incident to Humanity to err , but Diabolical to persevere in a fault . Hippocrates hath freely told his own . St. Augustin hath made a Book purposely of his Retractations , and after him Cardan , and many other great personages . Every one knows this , every one commends it rather then Opiniastry ; but when it comes to the effect , very few people practise it . Which might be excus'd by the strong Passion for particular interests , if Men gave their Opinions in a Matter which concern'd their or their Friend's Estate , &c. But I account it strange in a Question which imports no benefit at all to any person , as in that about the Idea's which we were newly speaking of . The next found some scruple in the Thesis : for that it seem'd impossible to him for a Man not be concern'd for his Good ; Now his Good is that his judgement be alwayes esteemed . Nor matters it that he may be mistaken in his conceit of that Good ; for it sufficeth that he judge it such : Objects of the Will being to the Understanding , as Colours are to Light ; this doth not give them their Essence of Colour , but they hold that from their own Principle ; but it imparts the being visible , or visibility , to them : So the Understanding gives not to the Objects of the Will that sutableness wherein the Nature of Good consists , they have that from their own stock and Nature ; but it gives them Amability or Appetibility , or , to speak better , the being amiable or desirable . For knowing such convenience or sutableness , it judgeth the sutable thing amiable ; So that as soon as 't is judg'd such , 't is desired as a Good. Now Man judging it a Good to have his Opinion follow'd , willeth it as such ; and as a thing wherein he hath the highest interest . For Man , as Man , hath no Good more Eminent then to Know , Judge , and give his Sentence of Things ; 't is his utmost Natural End. Moreover , Truth which is the Result of that Good , is defin'd a Measure , Adequateness , and Correspondence of our Understanding and the Thing known , attributing to it nothing Extrinsical , and abstracting from it nothing that is its own . Now a Man that hath judg'd and given his advice , at least according to his Apprehension , seeing that advice rejected , falls into a double interest ; One arising from the charitable inclination which he hath for the good of him that consults him , whom he seeth likely to miscarry by not following his advice ; The other being his own proper interest , for that the sleighting his advice is a tacite accusing him of failing in a Thing Essential to his End , and calling him a Monster , or Fault of Nature . For as a Monster is call'd a Fault of Nature , because the Agents producing it have slipt and gone awry out of the way which she had prescrib'd and scored out to them : So Man not judging as he ought , deviates out of the way which leadeth to his End. This is it which makes him so sensible of the sleighting of his advice , which sleighting seems to conclude that he hath ill judged , and is a Lyar in his Knowledge . And hence it is said that our French cannot endure a Lye , by which a Man is imply'd to have no Understanding nor ability to judge ; seeing a Lye is opposite to that Truth which I spoke of . For the same Reason a Man is ossended with being called Fool , that is , stupid and unable to judge ; in Revenge of which Injury , and to render the like , he often gives a Cuff , which stricketh upon the Seat of Wisedom , the Face ; for according to Solomon , the Wisedom of a Man shineth in his Countenance : Therefore our Lord saith in the Gospel , that he who calleth his Brother Fool is liable to Hell , for that he impeacheth the goodly lustre of Gods Image , which consisteth in Judgement and Knowledge ; which he who calleth Fool , obscureth and bringeth in doubt . The Third said , That the Reason why we are so zealous for our Opinions , is , For that we love all that proceedeth from our selves , and particularly our Children , in whom we see pourtray'd somewhat of our own Images ; So our Opinions and Conceptions being the fruits of our Mind , we love them with Passion . Whence also Men are more lovers of the wealth which they have acquir'd themselves , then of that which they inherit . But the Reason why we are so zealous of our opinions , though we know they are false , is , That the more false Things are , the more they are their own . For a true Opinion is ours indeed , but not altogether , for it is also in the Thing ; Whereas that which is false is onely ours , since it hath no foundation in the Thing , but meerly in our Mind which imagines it to be , though it be not . Whence it is that there is no Religion nor Heresie so false , but have had their Authors and followers , Yea , 't is chiefly in this kind of Judgement that we will not be controll'd ; But Authorities , Reasons , Experiences , and also punishments being ineffectual , cause it to be conjectur'd that there is something more then Humane therein . For our Mind , which of it self is pleas'd with sublime Things , such as they are which concern Religion , is the more zealous of them the more false they are , as being altogether our own . The following Speakers refer'd the Cause to the difficulty of defacing that which is engraven in our Understanding ; To our being grounded in Different Principles , to the habit which some have of contradicting all proposals of others ; like the Woman of whom Poggio the Florentine speaks , who being drowned , her Husband went to seek her up the stream , because she fell into the River far below ; and to those who advertis'd him to seek her downwards , he answer'd ; That they did not know his wives Humour : For since others floated down according to the current of the River , she would infallibly ascend against the stream of the water . The Third Hour was spent in the Report of the Poem deliver'd to be examin'd in the preceeding Conference ; the Author of which was the more commended for so great a Performance , in that there hath not appeared in our Age so long-winded a Poem : Whereof the fault was attributed to the niceness of the Witts of these Times , impatient of long reading , and the too exact manner of writing wholly turn'd into points , the continuation of which is next to impossible . Amongst other Inventions , was offer'd that of an Instrument which so magnifieth a species , that a Flea appears in it of the bigness and form of a Rat , and the little wormes which are found in all kinds of good Vinegar , of the bigness of Eeles . For that One had spoken otherwise of the First Matter then they do in the Schools , and there had not been sufficient Information of the Proposal made in the last Conference touching a Perpetual Motion , they were appointed for the Subjects of the next . CONFERENCE IV. I. Of the First Matter . II. Of Perpetual Motion . I. Of the First Matter . THe Entrance into the former of these Subjects was made in this manner . We should be too sensual Philosophers , if we believ'd nothing but what we see ; though also we see the First Matter ; but 't is as the Ancients said Proteus was seen , namely , in so many formes that there was not one of them his own , and yet he was never destitute . So I see the First Matter under the form of a Man , a Horse , a Tree , a stone , and yet the stone , Tree , Horse , Man , are not the Form of that First Matter , for it hath none : Otherwise , if I conceive it cloth'd with one single Form , 't is then call'd Second Matter . Nevertheless they differ not really one from the other ; no more then a Man naked , and afterwards clothed . The First is the common Subject of Substantial Formes , and remaineth both before and after Corruption . The Second said , That as God is Incomprehensible , by reason of his exceeding Grandeur ; so is this First Matter , by reason of its baseness and lowness ; which makes it of all Things of the world neerest to Nothing , conceivable by its obscurity alone , as the night which we begin to see when we no longer see any thing else . Whence it followes that we cannot say what it is , but onely what it is not . The Third said , That as Inachus , Father of Io , seeking his Daughter , found her Name written every where : For being turn'd into a Heifer , whose Foot is cloven , with the Pastern she grav'd an O , and with the cleft an I , and so form'd Io. Nevertheless her Father knew her not ; for she was under a form which cover'd and hid the shapes and lines of her visage : Just so is the First Matter found written every where . For of it ( better then of Jupiter ) we may say that it is whatsoever thou seest , and whatsoever is mov'd is Matter : But being cover'd with a form , and involv'd with the attires that follow it , it cannot be seen in the pure and naked Nature of First Matter . And just as in a loaf of Bread , the Leven which fermented it is there , though kneaded and temper'd in the mass of Meal , in which it seemeth lost : For being dissolv'd it turnes to it self , and into its own Nature , the whole Mass wherein it is incorporated : And as in Cheese , the Rennet ( though dissolv'd and mixt in the Milk ) ceases not to be there ; yea , draws to its Nature the substance into which it was liquifi'd : So the First Matter , though it seem to have lost its being by entring into the Compound , retaines the same notwithstanding , and also draws all to it self , rendring material what ever it is joyn'd to . And although it be not visible or perceptible when 't is alone , yet it is real in the Compound , in which it puts off the Name of First , and takes that of Second . We prove this First Matter from the Necessity of a Common Subject in all Mutations , out of which the Agents , which destroy the formes opposite to their own , may draw forth those which they will produce ; which is the term of their Action : Otherwise Things must become nothing , to pass from one being to another ; which would presuppose Creation , and destroy those Two Maximes , That a Thing cannot be reduc'd into Nothing ; and Of Nothing is not made something . It is defin'd An Imperfect and Incomplete Substance , the First Subject of Natural Things , which are compos'd of it as an Internal and Essential part , not by accident . It s quality is to be a pure Passive Power , which is nothing distinct from it self , but is taken for a Thing begun and not perfected ; yet design'd to be finished by the Supervening of the Form , and the interposing of Agents , who by their activities drawing the Form out of the bosome of it , perfect and accomplish it . It serves for two purposes : First , To give durance and Consistence to all Things , which last so much the longer as their Matter is less compounded ; That is to say , less alienated from its naked and pure Nature of First Matter : As it appears in the Heavens and the Elements , which I conceive are not changed one into another . In the Second place it serves Agents for to act , and Patients to resist . Whence it comes to pass , that the more compact and close their Matter is , the more powerfully they resist : As appears in a hot Iron which burnes more then common flame ; in Water which moistens more then aire , though it be less humid ; and in Steel , which resists more then Lead . The Fourth said , That to know what this First Matter is , it behoveth to proceed thereunto by the way of the Senses , and then examine whether Reason can correct what they have dictated to us . Now our Senses tell us that most part of mixt Bodies are resolved into Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury ; And the Chymists affirm , that these Three Bodies cannot be reduced into any other Matter by any Artifice . But Reason correcting Sense teacheth us , that though these Three Bodies are Chymical Sensible Principles , yet they are not First Principles , nor the true First Matter ; for that all Bodies are not made of them ( as 't is seen in the Coelestial ) and they may yet be reduc'd into another Matter , viz. into the Elements . For in Sulphur there is Fire , seeing it is inflamable ; And it hath also some Aqueous or Terrestrial Substance which makes visible that Fire . Likewise there is Fire in Salt , seeing it is tart and biting , and according to the Chymists , the subject of natural heat : There is Water too , for it melteth , and it extinguisheth Fire : There is also Earth in it , for it is dry , fixt , compact , and weighty . Wherefore Reason leading us as far as the Elements , it remaineth to consider whether we must stop there , or go yet further , to find out a Matter into which these are reduc'd . But not finding any , I conceive they must be the First Matter . The Fifth reply'd , That the Elements being complete Substances , and consequently compounded of Matter and Form , we must not stop there , but go further in search of that first and ultimate subject of all Natural Mutations ; it being inconsistent , that a Compound of Matter and Form should be but one of those Two. The sixth held , That Water is the First Matter , if not the Elementary , at least the Aethereal Water , which was for that purpose created first : The Holy Scripture witnessing , that In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth : Where the Hebrew word that is render'd Heaven signifie The Waters ; and 't is added That the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters . Moreover , our Life consisteth solely in Humidity ; which failing , Death ensueth . The Seventh said , That the First Matter being a Thing most imperfect , and least active , such as the Earth is too , she ought rather to bear that Name then any of the Elements . To shew further that the Elements are the First Matter , it was alledg'd that they are not transmuted one into another , but are ingenerable and incorruptible ; that consequently in every kind of Generation or Corruption there is not made any Substantial Mutation , but only an Vnion or Separation of the Elements ; And therefore it is not needful to recur to another First Matter that may be Permanent under all Mutations , since Entities are not to be multiply'd without necessity . For as to the former , They are not transmuted one into another , because , before the Transmutation , or Substantial Generation of a Thing , Alteration is requisite , that is , the Introduction of Quality and Dispositions sutable to the Form which is to be produc'd . For Example , before Fire be turn'd into Water , Air , or Earth , it must first receive Cold , Moisture , and Gravity , which are the Qualities sutable to those Formes which it is to receive ; but this is impossible : For Fire , while it is Fire , cannot be Cold , Moist , and Heavy . As for the Second , viz. That the Elements are ingenerable and incorruptible , he shew'd it by this other Example . From Wood that burnes proceed the Four Elements , or Four different Natures correspondent to them , viz. Flame , Smoke , Liquor , and Ashes , but they were in it before ; because they could not be produc'd out of Nothing ; And in the Conflagration of this Wood there is onely the Fire that Acts , which being Hot , Light , and Dry , cannot produce such Things as are contrary to it self . Here Experience was alledg'd against him ; which evidenceth that Water upon the Fire is turn'd into Vapour , and then into Air , that Air is turnd into Fire ; and so of the other Elements . But he reply'd , That the Water is not turn'd into Vapour , or into Air ; but the Fire insinuating and joyning it self with the Water , frames that Vapour , composed Actually of Water and Fire . Whence when you put a Cover upon a Dish of hot Viands , the Particles of Fire which are in those Vapours , being subtle , pass through the Pores of the Cover , and sever themselves from those of the Water ; which being unable to pass through too , by reason of their grosness , they adhere to the upper part of it . In like manner , said he , when the Air seemes set on fire , 't is not chang'd or turn'd into Fire , but onely the Particles of Fire which were dispers'd here and there in the Air , become collected and united together . And when the Fire disappears , it proceeds from its Particles being diffus'd amongst the other Particles of Air , Water , and Earth . The Last strengthned this Opinion , saying , That the pure Elements have the same Proprieties that are attributed to the First Matter ; and ( amongst the rest ) fall not under the perception of Sense . Yea , that 't is as hard to see a pure Element , as to see the First Matter . For the Elementary Fire ( ex gr . ) cannot be expos'd to the Air , nor the Air to the Water , nor the Water to the Earth , ( and much less those which are contrary to one another ) without being alter'd by their mutual contract , that is to say , without losing their Nature of Element ; which , moreover , cannot be known by the Senses , unless by its Second Qualities ; which arising from the mixture of the First , it follows that the Elements which have no other cannot be the object of our Senses . For the First Qualities would not be perceptible by our Senses , if they lodg'd in a Simple Element . As it appears by the flame of Aqua Vitae , which burnes not by reason of the thinness of its Matter ; By Ashes , which while it is making , is more Light then heavy ; By the Aire , which dryes instead of moistning , and yet is call'd the First Humid Body ; And by Water , which following the qualities of the Neighbouring Bodies , shews that it cannot be term'd of it self either hot or cold . II. Of Perpetual Motion . At the Second Hour it was said , That the Perpetual Motion to which this Hour was design'd , is not meant of Motion to Substance , which is Generation and Corruption , by reason of which Compounded Bodies are in Perpetual Motion ; For in Corruptible Things , every Moment is a degree of Corruption . Nor is it meant of Motion to Quantity , which is Augmentation and Diminution ; nor of that which is made to Quality , which is Alteration , but of Local Motion . And again , the Inquiry is not about the possibility of Local Motion in Animals , nor about running-water , or Fire , to whom it is natural ; as appears in Mills which are upon Rivers , and Turn-spits , or Engines , which the Smoke causeth to turn about . Wherefore his Invention who exactly fastned a Girdle to his skin , which rising and falling as he took his breath , serv'd for a perpetual spring to a Watch that hung at it , ( which by that means needed not winding up ) was not the Perpetual Motion which we mean. No more was that which proceeded from the wings of a little Wind-mill , plac'd at the mouth of a Cave , which the Vapour continually issuing forth , caus'd alwayes to move . But it must be in a subject naturally unmoveable , made by Art to continue its Motion : And this is prov'd possible , I. Because , as Hermes saith , That which is below is as that which is above ; Now we see above the Perpetual Motion of the Heavenly Bodies , by example of which it is certain that this Motion must be Circular . In the Second place , Nature hath not given us a desire of Things impossible . Now , an infinite number of good wits shew by their search the desire which they have of it . Thirdly , it is held that Archimedes had it , whence it was feign'd that Jupiter was jealous of him . In the Fourth place , it seems that if a very uniform Circle could be put exactly upon a Pivot or Spindle , and were set in Motion , it would never stop any more then the Heavens , because it doth not poise or gravitate upon its Centre , so long as it is turning , ( as it appears by a Stone , which poiseth not in the Circle made on high in turning it round ) and so nothing resisting the external Agent , the Motion must last as long as the impression lasteth ; and the impression must last alwayes , because nothing resists it ; but on the contrary , the Agitation continues it . Thus of all the Models of Engines , contriv'd to move perpetually , we see not one that makes so much as one turn ; Whereas a plain wheel makes above a thousand , though it be not exactly plac'd upon its Centre , and the Poles be not two simple points as they ought to be , if that Art could come to perfection ; in which Case the effect of Perpetual Motion would follow . The Second said , That he held it for impossible , for that it is repugnant , not onely as to the Efficient Cause , which being limited and finite cannot produce an infinite Effect ; but also as to the very form of that Motion , which must be either Direct , Circular , or Mixt. If it be Direct , it will be made from one term to another , in the one of which its Motion ending , it cannot be perpetual . And because the most certain Principle of this Direct Motion cometh from Gravity , which tendeth from high downwards ; when it shall be arriv'd there , nothing will be able to mount it up again , Gravity having found its Centre and place ; or if the Motion be violent , the impression being ended , it cannot re-produce it self of its own accord in the Engine ; ( otherwise , it would be animated ) and therefore it will cease from Motion . If the Motion be Circular , ( as in this effect it would be the most proper in imitation of that of the Heavens ) this moving Circle shall be in all parts either of equal , or different weight . If it be equal throughout , it shall not turn at all of it self , one part having no advantage over another ; If it be unequal , and there be put ( for example ) four pound to raise up three , it will happen that when the greatest weight hath gotten the lowest place , the lighter parts will not be able to raise up the heavier ; and so the Motion will have an End. Now if the Direct and Circular Motion are incapable of this perpetuity , the mixt or compounded of both shall be so too . So that it seemeth impossible , by reason of the gravity of the matter ( not to mention its corruptibility ) to compose a Machine or Engine that moves alwayes . And were there any ground to think of it , some have conceiv'd it might be done with the Load-stone , which hath a Virtue of attracting to it self on one side , and driving away on the other , and so by continuing this little Motion ( which would be of no great benefit ) it might render the same perpetual . But you ordinarily see that they who make these inquiries , onely find rest in their Engines and Motion in their brains , whereas they hop'd the contrary . The Third said , That it appears by that which they call the Roman Balance , that the same weight hang'd neer the Centre , weighes less then when it is more distant from it . Consequently that disposing the weights which shall be round a wheel , so as to be neer the Centre about one half thereof , and distant from it the other half , you shall have a Perpetual Motion , which ought not to be accounted the less such , though the Matter should last but a year , yea but a day ; it sufficing for a night to that name , that it lasts as long as its Matter ; as 't is seen in the Vice of Archimedes , termed without End , though it be made but of wood ; not by reason of its lasting , but because the Vice being apply'd upon an indented wheel , instead of entring into a screw , there is no raising or letting it down , as is practis'd in those of Presses . He prov'd it further , For that it is seen that by the help of that Vice without End , by the instrument term'd Polyspaston , and others of the like Nature , a Child may easily lift up a weight of 10000 pounds ; Yea , even to Infinity , could the strength of the Cordage and the Instruments bear it . For it follows that if a less weight can lift up a greater , this greater will lift up a less ; which will be the Perpetual Motion which we inquire after . The Fourth reply'd , That this Motion seemed to him impossible to find , not for its being unprofitable ( for it would be one of the greatest helps that Art could afford Man , to ease him in his labours ) but because there is in all Arts some thing of impossibility ; as the Quadrature of the Circle in Geometry , in Rhetorick the perfect Orator , the Philosophers Stone in Chymistry , the Common-wealth of Plato in Polity , and in the Mechanicks Perpetual Motion . And whereas it is said that a less weight or less strength can lift up a greater , this is to be understood in more time : So that what is gotten in strength is lost in time ; which comes all to one . For Example , one Man , or one hundred weight , shall raise as high in one hour , as much weight as four Men or 400. weights shall raise in a quarter of an hour by any Mechanick Invention whatsoever . The Last Hour was imployed in the mentioning of some Engines which had some likelihood of moving themselves endlesly ; And amongst others , it was propos'd , That a Wind-mill having a large wing , which the wind should alwayes drive behind , as it doth weather-cocks , and by that means alwayes present its four ordinary sails to the wind , might lift up so weighty a burthen whilst the wind blows , that the same burden coming to descend while the wind ceaseth , would cause a Motion of Continual Duration . Which also may be more easily practis'd in a Perpetual Fountain , by help of a Great Reservor which should be fill'd by help of the wind , and be emptying it self all the time that it bloweth not . One Demanded , Whence it cometh that some are inclin'd to Mechanicks , others onely to Contemplation and Literature . It was answer'd , that this proceeds from the Resemblance which their Mind hath with the Things which they affect . The time being past for this Conference , this Question afforded the Subject to the next , for the first point concerning Resemblance , and chiefly that of kinred one to another ; And for the Second , Whether Letters ought to be joyn'd with Armes . CONFERENCE V. I. Of Resemblance . II. Whether it behoveth to joyn Armes to Letters . I. Of Resemblance . UPon the First , It was said , That there are Three Sorts of Resemblance , viz. Of Species , of Sex , and of Aspect . The Resemblance of Species comes from the Univocal Cause determined to produce an Effect like to it self . That of Sex comes from the Predominancy either of the Masculine or Feminine Geniture , or from the weakness of both : The End of Nature being alwayes to make a perfect work , viz. a Male ; to which if she cannot attain , she maketh a Female . The Resemblance of Aspect , ( or individual ) which is that we are speaking of , comes from the Formative Virtue inherent in the Geniture , which being like a Quintessence or Extract not onely of all the parts which contribute to its Generation , but also of the Spirits which accompany , move and inform it in some manner ; it is not to be wonder'd if what is produc'd thereof bear their image and likeness , as the Visible Species representeth the luminous or coloured Thing from whence it proceedeth . To which if the Imagination also concur , it sends still to the Faetus more Spirits then there were before ; which being the Principal Artificers in Formation , imprint a shape or figure upon it like the Body from whence they streamed , and of which themselves partake in some sort ; As the Water which issueth out of Pipes , though it spout far , retaineth the form thereof . The strength of which Imagination is too great to doubt of ; being such as it is able to change the colour of a Child , and to cause some to be born all hairy , by the sight of the like Objects : Of which the marks which are imprinted on the Bodies of Infants in the womb of their Mothers , through some such Imagination are sufficient proofs , and that in Brutes too . The Second said , That indeed this is an Effect of the Imagination , seeing Galen having caus'd the picture of a white Child to be hang'd at the beds-feet of a Moor-Lady , she brought forth a Child of the same colour . And besides the Example of Lahan's sheep , which brought forth streaked young , by reason of the Rods of that colour plac'd in their drinking-troughs ; Experience of Hens , who bring forth white Chickens if they be cover'd with Linnen while they brood , verifieth the same . The way that that Faculty produceth such an Effect is thus . The Animal Spirits which reside in the Brain slide thence into the whole Body , but especially into the Matrice , by reason of the near Sympathy which is between them by the Nerves of the Sixth Conjugation which unite them , and render Women subject to so many several accidents , whereof the field of Nature is too fertile . The Spirits then imprinting their qualities into that solid part , it serves as a mould for the forming of the tender Embryo . Which is not to be understood of Simple Imagination , but of those upon which the Mind maketh a vehement and constant reflexion . The Third said , That if the Imagination contributed any Thing to the Resemblance , we should see no unhandsome Children . For could a Man beget what he would , he would alwayes make it resemble some fair Idea in his Imagination . Besides , this Faculty can have no influence , saving at the moment of the Act , or during the bearing . Not in the former , for nothing acts upon that which is not . Now the Parts exist not yet during that Act. Not the latter , for the parts are then already form'd . It will then be demanded in what time of the bearing this Imagination hath power . If it be said in the former part , it is held that the parts expos'd to our view are not then form'd , and yet 't is in those that Resemblance is observ'd : But in those first dayes onely the Principal pars , viz. The Liver , the Heart , and the Brain are form'd . If you will have it to be in the latter dayes , the Soul being by that time introduc'd , which is its true form , and imprints upon the body the traces of the Inclinations , it cannot thence forward be susceptible of alterations by a meer fancy . Now that the manners of the Soul follow the External Form of the Body , appears by Physiogmony wholly founded upon that Principle . The Fourth argued that the Geniture is the superfluous aliment of the Third Concoction , which proceeding from all the parts of the Body retaines the Characters of the same , and imprints them upon the Body of the Embryo ; And hence come hereditary diseases , as also the usual Resemblance of Twins : And such is the Law of Nature , that Children resemble their Fathers and Mothers just as Plants do the Plants which produce them . As for the unlikness , it comes usually from the diversity of the Genitures of Father and Mother , which make a Third Temperament ; as of the colours yellow and blew mingled together is made a green . The Fifth attributed the Cause to the divers Constellations ; because seeing all the alterations which happen here below cannot , said he , proceed but from Heaven or the Elements , there is no probability in attributing them to these latter ; otherwise they would be both Agents and Patients together : And besides , if the Elements were the Efficient Cause of the Mutations which come to pass in Nature , there would be nothing regular , by reason of their continual Generation and Corruption . Wherefore 't is to the Heavens that it ought to be ascrib'd : And as the same Letters put together in the same order make alwayes the same word ; So , as often as the principal Planets meet in the same Aspect , and the same Coelestial Configuration , the Men that are born under such Constellations , are found alike . Nor is it material to say , ( though 't is true ) that the Heavenly Bodies are never twice in the same scituation ; because if this should happen , it would not be Resemblance longer , but Identity , such as Plato promised in his great Revolution after six and forty thousand years . Besides , there is no one so like to another , but there is alwayes found more difference then conformity . The Sixth affirm'd , That the same Cause which produceth the likeness of Bodies is also that which rendreth the inclinations of Souls alike , seeing the one is the Index of the other . Thus we see oftimes the manners of Children so expresly imitate those of their Parents of both Sexes , that the same may be more rightfully alledged for an Argument of their Legitimacy , then the External Resemblance alone , which consists onely in colour and figure . This makes it doubtful whether we may attribute that Resemblance to the Formative Virtue : Otherwise , being connex'd as they are , it would be to assign an Immaterial Effect ( as all the operations of the Rational Soul are ) to a Material Cause . The Seventh ascrib'd it to the sole vigour or weakness of the Formative Virtue , which is nothing else but the Spirits inherent in the Geniture , and constituting the more pure part of it ; The rest serving those Spirits for Matter , upon which they act for the organizing it , and framing a Body thereof . Now every Individual proposing to himself to make his like , he arrives to his End when the Matter is suted and possess'd with an Active Virtue sufficiently vigorous ; and then this likeness will be not onely according to the Specifical Nature and the Essence , but also according to the Individual Nature , and the Accidents which accompany the same . This seems , perhaps , manifest enough in that First Degree of Children to Fathers ; but the difficulty is not small , how a later Son that hath no Features of his Fathers Countenance comes to resemble his Grand-father or Great Grand-father . The Cause , in my Judgement , may be assign'd thus . Though the Geniture of the Ancestor was provided with sufficient Spirits to form a Son like himself , yet it met with a Feminine Geniture abounding with qualities contrary to its own , which infring'd its formative vertue , and check'd the Action thereof , hindring the Exuberance of its Spirits from attaining to frame such lineaments of the Countenance as Nature intended : or else it met with a Matrice out of due temper by some casual cold , though otherwise both the Genitures were laudably elaborated . For when those Spirits , or Formative Virtue , become chil'd and num'd , they shrink and retire into their mass ; as he that is cold to his bed ; and wanting heat , in which their Activity consists , they remain in a manner buried , and without Action , in reference to this Resemblance : And nevertheless there is left enough to make a Male like to the Father , as to the species . This Son thus form'd comes to Age to Generate , and meeting with a Feminine Geniture proportion'd to his own in vigour and strength , and a Matrice proper to receive them , those Spirits of his Father , which till then lay dormant , are awaken'd to Action ; and concurring from all parts of the Body suddenly impregnate the Geniture of the Immediate Father , having by their long residence in the corporeal mass been recruited , refined , and elaborated : And as old Wine surpasseth new in strength and vigour of Spirits , because it hath less Phlegme ; so those Spirits of the Grand-father having digested all the superfluous Phlegm wherewith those of the Father abound , are more strong then they , and win possession in the Geniture , for the forming and organizing of it according to the shape of the Body from whence they first issued . The Eighth said , That he was very backward to believe that any Thing of our Great Grand-fathers remaineth in us , seeing it is doubted , upon probable grounds , whether there remaineth in our Old Age any thing of our Child-hood ; and that the Body of Man , by the continual deperdition of its Three-fold Substance , Spirits , Humours , and solid parts , is like the ship Argo , which by the successive addition of new matter was the same , and not the same . That he conceiv'd not yet how the Geniture can proceed from all the parts ; seeing Anatomy teacheth us , that the Spermatick Veines derive it immediately from the Trunk of the Hollow Vein ( Vena Cava ) and the Emulgent ; and the Arteries from the great Artery , ( Aorta ) conveying it to be elaborated in the Glandules call'd Prostatae ; from whence it is set on work by Nature . The solid Parts can have no Influence upon it ; for what humour or juice is brought to them for their nourishment goeth not away naturally but by sweat , insensible transpiration , and the production of hair . The Spirits are too subtle and dissipable to preserve in themselves a Character , and imprint the same upon any Subject . That Resemblance , in my Judgement , proceedeth from the natural heat which elaborateth and delineateth the Body of the Geniture , and by it the Embryo ; First with the general Idea of its species , and then with the accidents which it hath , and which it borroweth from the Matrice , from the menstruous blood , and the other Circumstances requisite to Generation ; and when chance pleaseth , there is found a likeness to the Father , Mother , or others . Which Circumstances being alike in the Formation of Twinns , cause them to resemble one another ; unless when the Particles of the Geniture ( which is sufficient for two ) are of unlike Natures , and are unequally sever'd by the natural heat : So that ( for Example ) the milder and more temperate Particles are shar'd on one side ; and on the other , the more rough and bilious ; As it hapned in Jacob and Esau , the former of whom was of a sweet , and the other of a savage humour , and then Bodies as different as their Manners . One the contrary , many resemble one another in Countenance , who are nothing at all related ; as Augustus and that young Man , who being ask'd by the Emperour whether his Mother had never been at Rome , answer'd , No , but his Father had ; And the true and false Martin Guerre , who put a Parliament , their Wife , and all their kinred , to a hard task to distinguish them . II. Whether Letters ought to be joyned with Armes . The Second Hour , design'd for treating of the Conjunction of Armes and Letters , began with this discourse . That Armes seem not onely unprofitable , but contrary to humanity , since their End is the destruction of Man. That among the rest , the Gun , invented by a Monk nam'd Bertol , in the year 1380. hath caus'd the death of too many persons , not to be in horrour to the living ; from which the most valiant cannot secure himself : And if they be compar'd to the studies of humanity , they are so far distant from them , that the Beginning of the one is the End of the other ; The clashing of Armes , as Sylla said , hindring attenion to Lawes . And comparing them together , that French Hercules who drew men to him with chains of Gold , subdu'd them much better , winning their Bodies and their Hearts , then that other subduer of Monsters whose victory extended but to the one half . That Archimedes defending Syracuse by his skill against the Army of Marcellus , seemes to void the Question . But on the other side , since the point of Wit wins not the Victory now a dayes , unless it be joyn'd with that of the Sword ; And that , on the contrary , Armes command over all ; it is certain that a City full of Philosophers , that knew not how to help themselves with Armes , would be taken by a Regiment of Souldiers ignorant of Letters ; and that of all the Lawes there is none more peremptory then the Gun : Which is signifi'd by that Devise which our Cannons of the new casting have graven upon them , Ratio ultima Regum . Moreover , we see that the Turks ( whose Political Maximes are as good for the preservation and increasing of their Empire , as their Religion is bad for the attaining to that of Heaven ) excepting what little needs to instruct the few Fryers they have in their Mosquees , and less the Judges in their Tribunals , scorn all Learning , and teach their people no other Science but Obedience and Contempt of Death . While the Greeks and the Romans did the same each of them got and kept a Monarchy : As on the contrary , their declining hapned when their skilfulness in all Sciences was risen to the highest point : Having ceas'd to do well , when they addicted themselves too much to speak well . So greatly doth Literature intenerate and soften Hearts , effeminating those that apply themselves thereto ; whether by their Charm , or by the too great dissipation of Spirits requir'd by the assiduity of Study and Contemplation ; which almost draws the Soul out of the Body , and notably weakneth its ordinary functions . Whence it comes to pass that studious Men have not onely their Sight and all other Senses , but also the Members of their Body , more weak , how good soever their natural temper be ; which is strengthened by the exercise to which they are oblig'd who practise other Arts , and especially that of War , an Enemy to Sedentary Life . Nevertheless coming to consider the Advantages which Alexander drew from the precepts of Aristotle ; Caesar from his own Eloquence and the Mathematicks , for the making of Speeches to his Souldiers , building of Bridges , and besieging of places ; That without Astrology , which inabled Christopher Columbus to foresee an Eclipse of the Moon , in the year 1492. whereof he made use to frighten the Americans extremely , his Enterprize had perish'd : In brief , that that brave King of Sweden , Conquerour during his Life and after his Death , so happily joyned Letters to Armes ; I conclude for their Conjunction , authoriz'd by that excellent Sentence , That the Nations are happy whose Philosophers are Kings , or whose Kings are Philosophers ; and confirm'd by the Example which the admirable Government of this Kingdom affordeth . The Next said , That if it behoveth to marry the Sciences to Armes , it must be because Learning maketh the Souldier either more honest , or more valiant and couragious , or more dextrous and warlike . Now they have none of these Effects ; not the former ; For , on the contrary , the most favourable Sentence that can be pass'd upon Learning , is , to say that it is neither good nor bad of it self , but leaves the Will of the possessor in the same posture that it found it . The most moderate Detractors alledge that Knowledge puffeth up ; Now Presumption conduceth not much to the Amendment of Life . Others go so far as to maintain , That Simplicity and sweetness of Manners is not found usually with great Learning ; according to that Sentence which the Company will permit me to alledge in its own Language , Postquam docti prodierunt boni desunt . Moreover S. Paul disswades us as much as possible from Philosophy , which he calls vain , adding that such as would know too much must be rejected from the Church : And as the Shoo-makers are commonly the worst shod , and the richest the most covetous ; so they that know the most good are willing to do the least . Now if this be true in persons of the highest form , is it to be hop'd that a Souldier whose inclinations are usually not too devout , should become an honester Man after he has studied ? But besides , he will become as little valiant and couragious thereby ; Reason requiring , that the more a Man knows dangers and inconveniences , the more shy and backward he is to venture amongst them ; And Experience shewing that the softness of studies is incompatible with the warlike ardour and martial humour . Of which Marius , and other Roman Captains , not ignorant ( no more then those at present ) did not go to the Schooles to choose their Souldiers , but into the Shops and Villages : Which caus'd Licinius and Valentinian , Emperours of Rome , to say , That their State had no Poyson more dangerous then Learning . The Greeks by being too much addicted thereunto , were easily subdu'd by the Goths , who understood nothing but to kill and burn ; and yet were not so ignorant as to take from the Greeks , overcome by them , the use of Learning : for fear lest coming to themselves they might easily shake off their yoke . They left them their Libraries entire , to continue their exercise therein peaceably . So long as the Spartans flourish'd , they had no other Academies but of Valour , Prudence , and Justice . The Persians had no other Schooles but the practice of Vertue , whereof onely the name and definition is known in ours , which afford nothing but unprofitable tattle . Lastly , Study , as 't is vulgarly practis'd at this day , instead of rendring a Man better behav'd , imprints upon him the manners of the Colledge , insupportable to all the world , and rendring the name of Scholar odious . Few people have less discretion then they ; most beggars ask Almes in Latine ; and this Language is more common to Bedlam then to any other place . The multitude and earnestness of those who vigorously maintain'd the Cause of Learning , hindred the distinct Recollection of all their Reasons ; but they may be reduc'd to these . Armes destitute of Letters , have more of the Brute then of the Man : the ignorance of danger not deserving the Name of Valour , but that onely which sees the danger , and despises it in comparison of the honour which it expects from victory . What a glory would be added to the Gown , if , in imitation of those brave Roman Consuls and Senatours , a President or Counsellor were seen carrying the Flower de Luce beyond our Frontiers in the head of an Army , and the other Officers by their Example ? Armes making Laws respected , and Laws polishing Armes . The Inventions were very different , yea , diametrically opposite ; one amongst the rest propounding a way to build an impregnable Fortress , another an Engine to which nothing could resist : And the Matters of the next Conference were the Vniversal Spirit and Fire . CONFERENCE VI. I. Of Fire . II. Of the Vniversal Spirit . I. Of Fire . UPon the First Subject it was said , That there is no Elementary Fire , and that this Opinion doth not destroy the Four First Qualities ; Seeing Heat may be without that Fire , as in the Sun. Moreover , that supposed Elementary Fire cannot be under the Moon . For if it were , the Refraction , or Parallax caused by it , would cause the Stars to be seen in another place then they are , and of different Magnitudes ; As the Opticks clearly demonstrate to us , and justifie by the experiment of a piece of Money put into a Basin , which we behold not , by reason of the interposition of its sides ; and yet it appears when you put water into the Vessel : Because the Visual Ray is alwayes broken , and makes an Angle when it passeth through a Medium of differing thickness , as the Air and the Water are ; and as the Air and the Fire would be , through which the Stars must be seen ; and consequently we should not see them in their true place , when they are out of our Zenith ; in which alone the Visual Ray is not broken . But this the Prediction of Eclipses to a set moment , convinceth to be false . In the Third Place , That Fire , being but an Accident cannot be an Element . That it is but an Accident , appears by a combustible Body ; in which , for the kindling of Fire , there is nothing else introduc'd but a great heat . In the Fourth Place , This same Fire being produc'd by an Accident , as by the Motion of some Body , cannot be a Substance ; For Accidents do not produce Substances . Lastly , we are compos'd of the same Things by which we are conserv'd , and yet there is no Animal that lives of Fire , as of the other Elements ; that which is said of the Flies called Pyraustae being but a Fable . Besides , 'T is hard to conceive how Fire being in that High Region could concur to all kinds of Generation . And therefore , if there be any Fire that enters into the Composition of mixt Bodies , 't is onely the heat of the Sun which quickens and animates all things . As for our common Fire , they say it is light and dry . But for the former , as they do not prove it but by the Sight , which beholds it ascend ; so the same Sight sees it descend in a Candle , in Wood , and other Matters , which the Fire consumes from the top to the bottom : And therefore of it self it is indifferent to all Motion , and follows its Aliment upwards , when it mounts thither by its rarefaction , and downwards when the same is detain'd there by the gravity of its Matter . And though it should ascend above the Air , yet would it not follow from thence that it is light , but onely less ponderous then the Air which thrust it out of its place ; as the Earth doth the Water , and the Water the Air. Besides , whereas the Fire imparteth ponderosity , as is seen in Calcined Lead , it cannot be said to be Light. Next , to say that Fire is dry , I account not less strange . For it cannot have Siccity , since it introduceth it not actually into Bodies ; but when it drieth any humid Body it doth nothing else but take away its humidity , which being separated from that Body , it remains in the Siccity which was there before , ( but appeared not by reason of the predominancy of its humidity ; ) and consequently is not introduc'd anew by the Fire . Besides , by the definition which Aristotle gives of Humid , ( viz. That it is that which is easily containd'n in an other , but hardly in it self , ) the Fire should be more humid then the Air , yea , then water it self . The Second said , That Fire is neither Element nor Substance . For Qualities are perceiv'd by every Thing 's manifesting those of the Element predominant in it , and whereof it is compos'd . Terrestrial Bodies , as Stones , Metals , and Minerals , are actually cold and dry to the touch . Aquatick , as Fish and Fruits , are cold and moist . Aerial , as Oyle and Wood , indifferent , sometimes hot , sometimes cold , according to the disposition of the place where they are . Animals alone are actually hot , but they derive that heat solely from the Soul. We see nothing in the World actually hot of its own Nature . Why then should we establish an Element , of which we can have no tidings ? As we have of the other Elements , of which some would make it a companion ; contrary to the Maxime , which alloweth not , That Entities be multiply'd in Nature without Necessity . 'T is of no validity to object the actual heat of Mineral Waters . For the least Curious know the cause thereof to be this ; that those Waters passing through Mines of Sulphur or Bitumen , imbibe the Spirits thereof ; which by the Motion of the Water are heated accidentally : As appears in that being taken out of their own place , they presently lose that heat ; which shews that this heat is no part of them , but is derived elsewhere . Moreover that Sublunary Fire would be to no purpose . For either it would descend to enter into the composition of Things with the rest , or not . If it descend , that is against its Nature , which is ( as they commonly say ) light , and alwayes tending upwards ; besides it would consume all by its great Activity . If it descend not , it would be unprofitable to the World , and so not Element . For neither Man , nor the other mixt Substances which are generated , go to seek it in the Circle of the Moon . Besides , Generations are made without it by the heat of the Sun. For , in the First Place , Humidity is requisite thereto , for the uniting and binding together of the Matter , which otherwise would be dust ; and that Humidity the Air or the Water affordeth . In the Second Place , such Matter , united by Humidity , is made close , firm , and compact , by the coldness of Water , the propriety of which is to congeal . In the Third Place , the driness which the Earth contributes gives it a consistence and permanent hardness ; And , lastly , the heat alone of the Sun digests all this together , and unites it very perfectly without need of any other Fire . I confess , indeed , that we have Fire , but it never enters into the composition of Natural Things ; nor ever was it a Substance , because Two Substantial Formes cannot be in the same Subject ; and yet the true form of Fire is in a hot Iron , together with the Substantial Form of the Iron : Which shews that Fire is but an Accidental Form , which is consistent with the Substantial , as the Servant with her Mistress . Moreover ( according to Aristotle , l. 2. Of Generation and Corruption . ) Fire is nothing else but an execess of heat , which is a meer Accident , as well in its little degrees , as in its excesses ; More and less making no change in the species . Our Fire then is an excessive heat , which adheres to Things that have some crass and oleaginous humour in them , and continues there by a continual efflux and successive Generation , without any permanence , like the Water of a River ; which Heat lasts so long till that humour be consumed . If it be said that it ascends upwards seeking its own place , I answer , that 't is the Exhalation that carries it up ; yea , that it descends too ; as we see in a Candle blown out , and still smoaking , if it be held beneath another burning one , the flame descendeth along the smoak , and lighteth it again ▪ So that the Fire is indifferent of it self where it goes , for it lets it self be govern'd and carry'd by the Exhalation . And it appears further , That Fire is less subtile then Air ; for flame is not transparent , and it engendreth soot , which is very gross . The Third added , That indeed Fire cannot be a Substance , because it hath a Contrary , viz. The Water . Besides , every Substantial Form preserves its own Matter , and acts not against it ; but Fire destroyes its own . Moreover , a certain degree of some Quality is never necessary to a Substantial Form ; as the Earth ceaseth not to be Earth , though it be less cold or dry ; and so of the rest : But Fire cannot be Fire , unless the supreme degree of heat be in it . Add hereunto , that Fire may be produc'd in a Substance without corrupting it , as we see in a Flint , or a burning Bullet : Now a Substantial Form is not produc'd in a Subject , till the preceding be destroy'd ; the Generation of the one being the corruption of the other . Lastly , Every substance produceth , by way of Generation , an indivisible substantial Form ; But Fire produceth a divisible Quality : For that which was cold becometh first warm , then hot , and by degrees becometh Fire ; which cannot be with a mixture of cold , non consist therewith , unless as degrees of qualities . The Fourth said , That Fire is a most perfect Element , hot and dry ; according to Aristotle , of the most perfect form and activity of all the Elements ; according to Plato , the principal instrument of Nature ; according to Empedocles , the Father of Things . Whence it was that the Assyrians ador'd it . The Persians carry'd it out of Honour before their Kings , and at the head of their Armies . The Romans made so great account of it , that they assign'd it to the care of certain Virgins to be kept immortal . Pythagoras believ'd it to be an Animal , because it is nourish'd as Animals , and for want of Aliment dyes ; And because a lighted Torch being cast into the Water , the Fire extinguishing , sendeth forth such a noyse as Animals do at the gasps of Death . But he esteemed its natural place to be the Centre of the Subterranean World. Whence it is ( said he ) that we see so many Volcanoes , and other Fires issue out of the entrals of the Earth ; as those of Monte Vesuvio , in the Kingdom of Naples , Monte Gibello , ( formerly Aetna ) in Sicily , and Monte Hecla in Iseland , and so many other burning Mountains . The Fifth said , That as the Sea is the Principle from whence all the Waters come , and the end whether they return ; So the Sun is the Element of Fire , from whence all other Fires come , and whether at length they reascend as to their Source . 1. For that all Effects , Qualities , and Properties of Fire , agree particularly to the Sun ; seeing he heats , burnes , dryes , and is the cause of all the Generations that are made here below . 2. Because the Elements stay in their natural places . Now the Fire not onely ascendeth from the Subterraneous places where it is detain'd , by reason of a sulphureous and bituminous Matter which serves it for food , but it passeth also beyond the Heavens of the Moon , Mercury and Venus , as appears by Comets which are igneous , and particularly by that which appear'd in the year 1618. acknowledg'd by all the Astronomers , upon the reasons of Opticks , to have been above the said places . The Sixth denyed , That the Sun can be the Element of Fire . 1. Because 't is a Coelestial and Incorruptible Body , and by consequence not Igneous or Elementary . 2. If all Fires come from the Sun , it will follow that all his rayes are Igneous Bodies ; for there cannot be imagin'd other Fires to come from the Sun hither , but his beams . Now the Sun-beams are neither Bodies nor Igneous . Not Bodies , since Illumination and Eradiation being made in an instant , it will follow that a Body cometh from Heaven to Earth in a Moment : Which is absurd , because No Motion is made in an instant . Besides , being those Rayes penetrate Glass , and such other solid and diaphanous Bodies , there would be a penetration of Dimensions , which is impossible . Nor are they Igneous , seeing Fire being of its own nature light , descendeth not ; but the beams of the Sun descend down hither . Moreover , Fire is actually hot , but the Sun-beams are onely so in power , viz. when they are reflected by an opake body ; as appears in the Middle Region of the Air , where it is colder then upon the Earth , though its beams are nearer . Wherefore it is more reasonable to hold to the common opinion , which placeth the Fire immediately under the Heaven of the Moon . For there is no fear , that that Fire , how great soever , can burn the World , it s hear being allay'd and dull'd by the extreme humidity of the Air its Neighbour , and by the great coldness of the same Air , which is in the Middle Region ; and counter-checketh that heat , which on one side hath already lost its violence and acrimony by its natural Rarity . Nor is there any trouble to be taken for its nourishment ; for being in its own Centre and Empire it hath no enemies nor contraries , and needeth no food for its support , as our common Fire doth . What if we behold it not ? 'T is not because there is none , but because it is so rare and so pure that it cannot fall within the perception of our Senses : As there is such a thing as Air , though we see it not . How many Colours , Odours , Sapours , and Sounds are there which we never knew ? And as for what is observ'd in a Candle newly put out , it is clear that the Fire descendeth not to it , but inflameth the unctuous Matter which it toucheth , and this the next , even to the Candle from whence that Matter proceedeth . II Of the Vniversal Spirit . Upon the Second Point , it was said , That it must First be known what is meant by Universal Spirit . 2. Whether there be one . 3. What it is . As for the First , By the word Universal Spirit , is understood some universal cause and principle of all the actions and motions which are made in Generation . Just as they assign one same First Matter , for the Subject of all Formes , so they speak of an Vniversal Form , which containes all the rest in it self , and causes them to act and move in the Matter rightly dispos'd . As for the Second , Like as they argue , that the world is finite , round , and corruptible , because its parts are so ; So also it may be said that the world hath a Spirit which enlivens it , since all its principal parts have a particular one for their Conservation , Action , and Motion ; the parts being of the same Nature with the whole . This Universal Spirit is prov'd by the impotency of the Matter , which of it self having no activity or principle of Life and Motion , needeth some other to animate and quicken it . Now particular Forms cannot do that , for then they would be principles of that Virtue , that is to say , principles of themselves , which is impossible . Wherefore there must be some Superiour Form , which is the Universal Spirit , the principle of Action and Motion , the Uniter of the Matter and the Form , the Life of all Nature , and the Universal Soul of the World. Whence it may confidently be affirm'd , that the World is animated ; but with what Soul or Spirit is the difficulty . For if we prove by Local Motion , or by that of Generation , that a Plant or Animal are animated , why may we not say the same of all the World , since its more noble and principal parts afford evidence thereof ? As for the Heaven and the Stars , they are in continual Motion , which the more ●ober Opinion at this day confesseth to produce from their Internal Form , rather then from the Intelligences which some would have fastned to the Spheres , as a Potter to his wheel . The Sun , besides his own Motion , which some call in controversie , gives Life to all things by his heat and influences . The Air , Water , and Earth , afford also instances of this Life in the production and nourishing of Plants and Animals . Thus the principal parts being animated , this sufficeth for the Denomination of the whole ; seeing even in Man there are found some parts not animated , as the Hair and the Nails . As for the Last Point , which is to know what this Universal Soul is , there are many Opinions . The Rabbins and Cabalists say that it is the RVAH ELOHIM , that is , the Spirit of God which moved upon Waters . Trismegistus saith , that it is a Corporeal Spirit , or a Spiritual Body ; and elsewhere calleth it the Blessed GreenWood , or the Green Lyon , which causeth all things to grow . Plato affirmeth it to be the Ideas ; The Peripateticks , a certain Quintessence above the Four Elements . Heraclitus , and after him the Chymists , that it is a certain Aethereal Fire . For my part , I conceive , that if by this Spirit they mean a thing which gives Life , and Spirit , and Motion to all , which is found every where , and on which all depends , there is no doubt but 't is the Spirit of God ; or rather God himself , in whom and through whom we live and move . But if we will seek another in created Nature , we must not seek it elsewhere then in that corporeal creature which hath most resemblance with the Deity ; The Sun , who more lively represents the same then any other , by his Light , Heat , Figure , and Power . And therefore the Sun is that Spirit of the World , which causeth to move and act here below all that hath Life and Motion . The Second said , That that Soul is a certain common Form diffus'd through all things which are moved by it ; as the wind of the Bellows maketh the Organs to play , applying them to that whereunto they are proper , and according to their natural condition . So this Spirit with the Matter of Fire maketh Fire , with that of Air maketh Air , and so of the rest . Some give it the name of Love , for that it serves as a link or tye between all Bodies , into which it insinuates it self with incredible Subtility ; which Opinion will not be rejected by the Poets and the Amorous , who attribute so great power to it . The Third said , That the Soul being the First Act of an Organical Body , and the word Life being taken onely for Vegetation , Sensation , and Ratiocination , the world cannot be animated ; since the Heavens , the Elements , and the greatest part of Mixed Bodies want such a Soul and such Life . That the Stoicks never attributed a Soul to this world , but onely a Body , which by reason of its Subtility is called Spirit ; and for that it is expanded through all the parts of the world , is termed Vniversal , which is the cause of all Motions , and is the same thing with what the Ancients call'd Nature , which they defined the Principle of Motion . The reason of the Stoicks , for this Universal Spirit , is drawn from the Rarefaction and Condensation of Bodies . For if Rarefaction be made by the insinuation of an other subtile Body , and Condensation by its pressing out , it follows that since all the Elements and mixt Bodies are rarifi'd and condens'd , there is some Body more subtile then those Elements and mixts , which insinuating it self into the parts rarifies them and makes them take up greater space ; and going forth is the Cause that they close together , and take up less . Now Rarefaction is alwayes made by the entrance of a more subtile Body , and Condensation by its going out . This is seen in a very thick Vessel of Iron or Brass , which being fill'd with hot Water , or heated Air , and being well stop'd , if you set it into the cold , it will condense what is contain'd therein , which by that means must fill less space then before : Now either there must be a Vacuum in the Vessel , which Nature abhorreth , or some subtile Body must enter into it , which comes out of the Air or the Water which fills that space ; Which Body also must be more subtile then the Elements which cannot penetrate through the thickness of the Vessel . There is also seen an Instance of this in the Sun-beams , which penetrate the most solid Bodies , if they be never so little diaphanous , which yet are impenetrable by any Element how subtile soever . And because a great part of the Hour design'd for Inventions was found to have slip'd away , during the Reciprocation of other reasons brought for and against this opinion ; some curiosities were onely mention'd , and the examination of them referr'd to the next Conference . In which it was determin'd , first to treat of the Air , and then to debate that Question , Whether it is expedient in a State to have Slaves . CONFERENCE VII . I. Of the Air. II. Whether it be best for a State to have Slaves . I. Of the Air. THe First said , That he thought fit to step aside a little out of the ordinary way , not so much to impugne the Maximes of the School , as to clear them ; and that for this end he propros'd , That the Air is not distinguish'd from the Water , because they are chang'd one into the other . For what else are those Vapours which are drawn up from the Water by the power of the Sun , and those which arise in an Alembic , or from boyling Water , if we do not call them Air ? Now those Vapours are nothing but Water rarifi'd and subtiliz'd by heat ; as also when they are reduc'd into Water by condensation , this Water is nothing but Air condens'd : And so Air and Water differ not but by Rarefaction and Condensation , which are but Accident ; and consequently cannot make different species of Element . Both the one and the other may be seen in the Aeolipila of Vitruvius , out of which the heat of Fire causeth the Water which is therein to issue in the form of Air and an impetuous wind ; which is the very Image of that which Nature ordinarily doth . I conceive also that the Air is neither hot , nor moist , nor light , as Philosophers commonly hold . For as to the First , the Air is much more cold then hot , and for one torrid Zone there are two cold . Besides , Heat is but Accidental to it , being caus'd by the incidence and reflections of the rayes of the Sun ; So that this cause failing in the night , when the Sun shines not ; or in Winter when its rayes are very oblique , and their reflection weak ; or in the Middle Region , whether the Reflection reacheth not , the Air becometh cold , and consequently in its natural quality , since there is no External Cause that produceth that coldness . As for the Second , The Air dryeth more then it moistneth ; and if it moistneth , it is when it is cold and condensed , and consequently mix'd with many particles of Water ; and when it dryeth , it is by its own heat . For the Definition which Aristotle giveth of Humid and Moist , is onely proper to every thing which is fluid and not stable , and in this respect agrees to the Air which is fluid , and gives way to all sorts of Bodies . As for the Last , which is its levity , the harmony of the world by which all things conspire to union , and so to one common Centre , seemeth to contradict it . For if the Air hath its Motion from the Centre , the parts of the world might be disunited ; For the Air would escape away , there being no restraint upon it by any External Surface . Moreover , if we judge the Air light because we see it mount above water , we must also say that Wax and Oyle are light , since we observe the same in them . But that which they do is not mounting above the Water , but being repell'd by the Water : And so the principal of Motion being External , the same is violent and not natural . Whereas when the Air descends into the Well , it descends thither naturally , there being no External Cause of that descent . For Vacuum , not existing in Nature , cannot produce this Effect ; Since , according to the received Maxime , Of a Thing which is not there can be no Actions . Besides it would be it self-cause of its own destruction , and do contrary to its own intention , preserving Nature by this Action ; whereas it is an Enemy to it , and seeketh the ruine thereof . Lastly , Since many Particles of Air being condens'd and press'd together , give ponderosity to a thing , as is seen in a Baloon or foot-ball , it must needs be ponderous it self ; for many light Bodies joyn'd together are more light . The Second said , That the difference between Water and Air is as clear as either of those Elements ; For that the Vapours which arise from the Water by means of the Suns heat , and the wind which issueth out of the abovesaid Vessel full of Water , and placed upon the Fire , cannot be call'd Air , saving abusively : But they are mixts , actually compos'd of Water and Fire . For the rayes of the Sun entring into the Water , raise it into Vapour ; And the Fire infinuating it self by the Pores of the Vessel into the Water which it containeth , causeth the same to come forth in the form of wind , which is compos'd of Fire and Water ; Of Fire , because the property of Fire being to mount on high , it lifts up that subtiliz'd Water with it self ; Of Water , because this Vapour hath some coldness and humidity ; whence meeting with a solid Body it is resolv'd into Water , because the Fire alone passeth through the Pores of that Body . Besides , Water being moist , and Air on the contrary dry , as the precedent opinion importeth , they cannot be the same thing . And since all Alteration is made between two different things , Water and Air , transmuting one into another , as it hath been said , cannot be the same . Lastly , as there are two Elements , whereof one is absolutely light , as the Fire , the other absolutely heavy , as the Earth ; So there are two which are such , but in comparison with the rest . The Water compar'd with the Earth is light , because it floateth above it : The Air in comparison of the Water is light too , because it is above it . So that when it descendeth lower then the Water into the Caverns of the Earth , 't is Nature that obligeth it to renounce its proper and particular interest for preserving the general one , which is destroy'd by the Vacuum ; not that the Vacuum is the Cause thereof , for it hath no existence . And the Air wherewith the Baloon is fill'd rendreth the same more heavy , because it is impure and mixt with gross Vapours ; Which it would not do , were it pure and Elementary , such as is that of which we are speaking , which is not to be found in our Region . The Common Opinion hath also more probability , which holdeth that the Air is hot and moist ; Hot , because it is rare and light , which are effects of heat ; Moist because it is difficultly contain'd within its own bounds , and easily within those of another ; Thence it is that the more Bodies partake of Air , the more they have of those qualities ; As we see in Oyl , which is hot , being easily set on flame ; And Moist , in that it greatly humecteth , and easily expandeth it self on all sides . But if the Air seemes sometimes to be cold , 't is by accident , by reason of the cold vapours wherewith it is fill'd at that time . The Third said , That he conceiv'd that contrarily the Air is cold and dry . 1. Because it freezeth the Earth and Water in Winter , and therefore is colder in either of them . 2. Because it refresheth the Lungs , and by its coolness tempereth the extreme heat of the Heart and of the other parts : which it could not do if it were hot . 3. Inasmuch as hot things expos'd to the Air are cooled , which they would not be , but at least preserve their heat being in a place of the same Nature . 4. The more it is agitated the more it refresheth ( as we see by Fans ) because then the unessential things being seperated from it , it is more close and united ; quite contrary to the other Elements , which grow hot by being agitated . 5. In the night time , the more pure and serene and void of mixtures the Air is , the colder it is . 6. Thence it is that flame burnes less then boyling water or hot Iron , because in flame there is a great deal of Air , which being colder then Water and Iron represseth more the strength of the Fire . Lastly , since , according to Aristotle , Air doth not putrifie , ( what is said of its corruption , being taken improperly ) it is for that it is cold and dry ; both these qualities being Enemies to putrefication ; As , on the contrary , Hot and Moist are friends to it , and the usual wayes that lead thereunto . Wherefore , if the Air were hot and moist , it would putrifie incessantly . Besides it would be easily inflam'd being so near Neighbour to the Elementary Fire , which could have no food more proper then it . The Fourth said , 'T is true , all Antiquity believ'd the Air supremely , moist and moderately hot . 1. For salving the Harmony of the Universe , the Air becoming symbolical with the Fire by its heat , and with the water by its moisture . 2. Because we see Heat produceth Air , which thence must have affinity of Nature with its progenitor . 3. It is light , and by consequence hot . 4. Experience sheweth us this in Winter time in subterraneous places , where the Air is hot ; because the external cold , stopping the pores of the Earth , hinders the spirits of the inclosed Air from evaporating , and so it remains hot . But to the First Reason it is answered , That the Air , without being hot , sufficiently maketh good its party in the Harmony of the Universe ; for by its humidity alone it symbolizeth with the Water and the Coelestial Heat , as is seen in Animals , wherein Moist and Hot make so useful a Mass. To the Second , That Heat produceth vapour too , which is cold . To the Third , That this cold vapour is light as well as a hot exhalation . To the Fourth , Experience is oppos'd to Experience . For in Summer the Air is cold in the Cavities of the Earth , as well as hot there in the Winter : Which proceedeth not from the Air , but from the sense ; which whereas it ought to be void of the qualities of the object , is here preposses'd therewith . The Moderns affirm with more probability that the Air is cold . 1. Because in the Middle Region ( where it is left in its proper Nature ) it is such . 2. In the Northern parts remote from the Sun , its rigor hath such effect as to freeze the Sea , and even in our Countries we are sensible in Winter of the Sun , and yet in clear weather of great Frosts ; To which it is answer'd : 1. That the Middle Region of the Air is not so cold of its own Nature , but by reason of the vapours which refrigerate it uniformly every where , though those vapours ascend not equally from the Water , but more in one place then in an other ; just as the heat of the Fire which is directly under the middle of the bottome of a great Caldron , yet heats it on all sides equally and uniformly . Also the coldness of the Air in the Northern parts , and in our Countrie , must necessarily be ascrib'd to a Constellation which is made when some Star exerteth a cold influence , and is not repress'd by the Sun , who then emits his rayes slopingly , and hath not reverberation strong enough from the Earth . This is prov'd by the Thaw , which is from the influence , ( not of the Sun , for he is too weak ; and it sometimes happens when he is less elevated above our Horizon , but ) of some hot Star , which gaineth the ascendant over the cold . And indeed we see a Frost and a Thaw happen without any foregoing mutation in the Air , at least , that is sensible . I conceive then that the Air is neither hot nor cold , but indifferent to both . What it hath actual is its humidity , from whence it deriveth its great mobility . The reason is , for that the Air is the Universal Medium of all natural Actions , and the general interposer in all the transactions of Agents and Patients ; for which office it ought not to be an Enemy to any of them . Now of Agents the most powerful are Heat and Cold. When Heat acts it consignes its impression to the Air to transfer the same by Propagation to the subject upon which it acts . But if the Air were Cold , instead of faithfully keeping and delivering the impression of Heat , it would abate and destroy it . On the contrary , if it were Hot , it would destroy the Cold Body which acteth , instead of assisting it in its action : Just as the Crystalline humour which serves as a Medium to the sight , hath naturally no colour , lest otherwise the Case would be the same as in colour'd glass , through which all objects that are seen borrow its colour ; Or as in the Tongue , whose Taste being deprav'd , it judgeth all things bitter . But the Air being onely Humid , is the common friend of both parties ; For Moist symbolizing both with Hot and Cold , fights against neither . The Air then is that Humid Substance which taketh no other figure , bounds , or inclosure , then that of the Bodies which environ it ; for the becoming most obedient , to which it hath an incomparable Mobility , Fluidity , and Flexibility ; Which being consistent onely in a Humid Substance , it is by Humidity alone as its essential propriety actuated and informed . II. Whether it is best for a State to have Slaves . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Servitude is opposite to Dominion , which is of Two sorts ; Despoti●al or Sovereign , and Political or Civil . The former is absolute , and with pure and full Authority commands without being liable to be ask'd a reason ; For the pleasure of the Commander is one . The Latter oft times receives check in its course by the right which inferiours have to remonstrate , and also in certain Cases to declare to the Command . Such is that of a Master over a workman , or a hired domestick that is voluntarily subject for certain wages and time ; and of this the Question now is not . The former is contrary to natural Law , introduc'd onely by that of Nations : For all Men being equal by Nature , there is no Natural Reason for rendring one person slave to an other . Nevertheless Servitude may be term'd Natural , being founded upon the inequality of the sufficiencies and abilities of Men ; Some being born with Organs so nimble and pliant , that their Mind acts almost Divinely ; Others are so dull , that the Soul seemes mir'd in a slough . Moreover such as are made to obey have usually robust Bodies ; And others born to command have weak and tender , as more sutable and fit for the functions of the Mind . This being premis'd , There is furthermore an Absolute Good , and a Relative . The Absolute is such in it self , and of its own essence , without borrowing elsewhere the reason of its goodness . The other is Derivative , and hath nothing but by relation to some other . Extreme Servitude or Slavery cannot be an Absolute Good , since it is contrary to Natural Right . But it is a Relative Good , in the first place , to the Slaves : For 't is an exchange , made by the Conquerours Clemency , of Death into Servitude , to the benefit of the Captives ; whose condition is better in living Servants then in dying Free-men . 2. 'T is a Good to the Common-wealth ; For as God draws Good out of Evil , so doth the Publick Service from those whom it might have put to death , and would not . 3. Their Example , and the terrible prospect of their condition , holds such in duty as Vice would otherwise drive on to the perpetration of mischief . An other said , That Slavery is an Institution of the law of nations , by which one is , contrary to Nature , subjected to the Dominion of another ; Which Dominion , before the Emperour Antoninus Pius , extended to Life and Death ; But since that power hath been restrain'd , so that he that grievously outraged his Slave was forc'd to sell him . But if he kill'd him he incurr'd the same penalty as if he had slain the Servant of another : It being for the good of the Common-wealth , that none abuse even what belongeth to himself . Since that time the Master had absolute Power over his Slave , to employ him in all kind of work , as he pleased , to hire him forth and draw profit by him ; and in case of non-obedience to chastise him more or less according to the attrocity of his crime ; Provided that there follow'd not thereby mutilation of Members . He hath also Power to alienate him , and that Power is extended likewise to the Children which happen to be begotten by him during the servitude . The Slave also cannot acquire any thing , but it is his Master's . Nor can he complain of his master , or forsake him for having been lightly punish'd : But he may for mortal Hunger , or grievous Contumely ; as if the Master offer to force his Slave , in which case the Slave [ of either Sex ] running to the Temples , Sepulchres , and Statues , which serv'd them for Sanctuary , ought to be sold , and his price paid to the Master . Now there are Four sorts of Slaves : The First and most ancient are such as have been taken in war , who of Free-men , ( as they were before ) being conquer'd become in the power of the Conquerours . The Second are those who having deserved Death are condemned to the punishment of the Gallies , Common-shores , and publick works , and anciently to the Mines and Mills : ( in which Mines the Spaniards at this day employ the Americans ) And they are called Forcats , or Slaves of punishment . The Third are those who being unable to satisfie their Creditors by reason of their poverty , are sold with their own consent , and pay the price of their liberty to be acquitted by them , that so they may avoid the cruelty of the said Creditors , who had to dismember them . These three sorts of Servants became such , having before been free-men . But the Fourth sort is of those that are such by Nature , and are born Servants , being descended from a Slave . Now , in my Judgement , 't is fitting to introduce and retain these four sorts of Servitude in a State , since they are very natural and reasonable . For besides that there are Men who are born to command , others to obey ; It seemes that Servitude having been from the Beginning of the World , and presently after the Deluge , when Noah cursing Canaan his younger Son , pronounc'd him Servant of the Servants of his Brethren : And being as ancient , yea ancienter then the foundation of States and Empires ; and having been approv'd by ancient Law-givers and wise Politicians , and by God himself , it cannot be esteemed but reasonable and natural . For in the First Place , What is so just and so sutable to the Law of Nature , [ The First , containing onely Marriages , Procreation , and Education of Children ] as to give life to him whom you may justly deprive thereof , to feed him and cloath him ; And in exchange for so many benefits to make use of him and of all that he can earn , and to make him return to his duty by some moderate punishments in case he recede from it ? Which is the advice of Aristotle in his Oeconomicks , where he saith , That a good Father of a Family ought to give Three Things to his Servants , viz. Work , Food , and Discipline . I conceive it also less unsutable to Nature , yea to Christianity , to make use of Criminals then to put them to death ; If Example , for which principally they are punish'd , will permit : And also instead of sending so many stout men to the Gallows for common crimes , or putting them to the Sword ( as they do in War ) to put them to the chain for the service of the publick , either for labouring in Buildings , Cloysters , and Fortificatlons of Cities , repairing of wayes , cleansing of Streets , Towing of Boots , drawing of Charriots , labouring in High-wayes , Mines , and other publick works , after the Gallies are furnish'd them . Possibly too , it would not be unmeet that he who is so endebted that he cannot satisfie his Creditors , should instead of suffering himself to lie rotting in Goal , pay with the Service of his Body what he cannot in Money : But it would be fit to use a difference therein . And as for those that are born of Slaves , is there any thing more ours then such fruits grown within our walls and sprung from our own stock ? The Last opposed , that it is difficult for an Absolute Dominion to keep any measure . Witness Quintus Flaminius , a Roman Senator , who kill'd his Slave to content the curiosity which a Bardash of his had to see what aspect a Man hath when he is dying . Besides , if there be any place where Liberty ought to carry the Cause , ( were not Christian Brother-hood alone sufficient , ) it is France , of which the priviledge is such , that the Slaves of any part of the world , onely setting their foot therein , obtain their freedom immediately . The Inventions propounded were the Experiment of Vitruvius's Aeolipila , that of walking under the Water ; and the Subjects of the next Conference ; The First , Water ; the Second , Wine , and Whether it be necessary in War. CONFERENCE VIII . I. Of Water . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . I. Of Water . THe Discourse upon the First Point began with the division of the qualities of Water into First and Second ; alledging that the First , viz. Cold and Moist , are so manifest that it is difficult to deny them : Cold , because Water being heated returns presently to its natural coldness ; Moist , because it moistneth more then any other Element , and is not contained within its own bounds . But its Second , and the proprieties resulting from them , are so numerous , that they justly administer ground to the doubt which is raised ; Whence proceedeth the cause of so many Varieties in Colour , Taste , Odour , and the other Objects of the Senses . Possibly one may assign the cause of the Waters Whiteness to the Mines of Plaster ; Of its Blackness to those of Iron or Stones of the same colour ; The Red , to those of Cinnabar ; The Green , to those of Copper ; The Blew , to those of Silver ; The Yellow , to those of Orpiment ; The Hot , to Sulphur ; The Acid , to Vitriol ; The Stinking , to Bitumen . But that some parts of the Sea and Rivers abound with Fish , and that with certain kinds , and others not ; That the Water of some Springs is converted into Stone , and all that is cast thereinto ; Others , ( as they say ) make Women fruitful or barren ; Some , as it is reported of the Fortunate Islands , cause weeping ; Others , dying with laughter : That some pass through others without mixing therewith ; That others are so ponderous , that no Body whatsoever can sink to the bottome ; Some , on the contrary , are so light , that nothing can swim upon them ; and infinite other such proprieties : 'T is that which seemes to surpass ordinary Ratiocination . Of this kind is that which is said of a certain River in Sicily , the Water whereof cannot be brought to mingle with Wine , unless it be drawn by a chaste and continent Woman . To which was added , for a conclusion , that if the Water of Seine had this property , we should be many times in danger of drinking our Wine unmixt . The Second said , That nothing could be more natural and methodical then to treat of Water after Air. For as in the Composition of a Mixt Body , the moisture which is predominant in the Air unites and knits the matters which are to be mixed ; So the Cold which predominates in the Water closes them and gives them consistence . And as in Drawing and Painting , the Embroiderer and Painter passeth not from one light colour to another without some intermediate one , but he loseth the same insensibly in another more duskish ; out of which the bright breaketh forth again by little and little to the middle of his ground : So Nature doth not pass immediately from the extreme humidity which is in the Air , to the extreme coldness which is in the Water ; but causeth that the moisture of the former abateth its great vigour at the approach of the moisture which is in the Water in a weak and remiss degree , before it meet with the Cold of the Water whereunto it is to be joyned ; Without which humidity of the Water in a weak and remiss degree , the Cold could not compact the parts which the moisture united . So that this humidity is found in two Subjects , one subtile , which is the Air , the other more gross , which is the Water . As it happens also in the Fire , which is partly in a rare Subject , namely the fat and unctuous vapour , whereby it flameth , and ( partly ) in another solid and gross , which is Wood , Iron , or Coal . As Flame , it is more apt to shine and burn , penetrating the pores of the wood to find its Aliment there , which is the interior Oyle ; As Coal it acts more powerfully , and is more durable . So if there were in the Mixt Body no other humidity but that of the Air , the same inconvenience would befall it that doth a Conquerour , who having subdu'd a Country reserveth no place of Retreat for the keeping thereof ; For at the first opposition which he meeteth he is constrain'd to let go his hold : So if moisture were not in the Air , it would indeed penetrate the Compounded Bodies still , as it doth as readily ; but it would , suddenly dislodge again , if it had not its refuge in the Water which is more proper to preserve it . The Third said , That Water cannot be cold in the highest degree . First , because if it were so , it could generate nothing ; Cold being an Enemy to all Generation , because it locketh up the particles within ; As , on the contrary , Heat is the Proximate Cause thereof , by the extension and attraction which it causeth outwards . Nevertheless , we see Plants and Animals in the Waters . Secondly , If it were so cold , being moist too , it would be alwayes frozen ; since according to Aristotle , Ice is nothing but an excess of coldness with moisture . Thirdly , Those qualities which are attributed to Water are common to many other things besides ; As to the Air , when it is cold : and do not necessarily belong to it , but may be separated from it ; since , remaining Water still , it may become hot by the Fire , and frozen by the Air , and so be found destitute of its fluidity and humidity . If it be said , That it loseth not its qualities but by accident , and that of its own Nature it is cold ; I answer , That the Natural and Necessary Proprieties of Things , proceding immediately from their Essence , ( such as those of Water are held to be ) cannot be taken from them but by Miracle : And on the contrary , That it is not cold but by the vicinity of the cold Air which encompasseth it , and not of its own Nature ; Whence the surface of the Water is cold in Winter , and sometimes frozen , the bottome remaining warm . And therefore the Fish do not come much to the upper part of the Water in Winter , but stay below , where it is in its own Nature , and is not so easily alter'd with forrein qualities . Moreover , since we know the Qualities of a Thing by its Effects , the Effect of Water being , even in the Judgement of Sense , to moisten more then any of the Elements , it ought to be held the Chief or First Humid Body . If it be said that it moistneth more then the Air , because it is more gross and compact ( as hot Iron burneth more then flame ; ) I answer , That although it may owe that humidity to the thickness of its Matter , yet the same is not the less essential to it , since Matter is one part of the Element ; And besides , it proceedeth from the Form too , since it can never be separated from it ; Water alwayes necessarily moistning whilst it is Water . Which cannot be said of its coldness : for when it is warm it doth not lose its name of Water , though it be no longer cold ; but it is alwayes moist . The Fourth said , That , to speak properly Water , is never hot in it self ; but 't is the Fire insinuating and mingling it self with the little Particles of the Water that we feel hot ; and accordingly that Fire being evaporated , the Water not onely returneth to its natural quality , but also the Fire leaving its pores more open renders them more accessible to the Air , which freezes the same in Winter sooner then it would do otherwise . And this is no more then as Salt and Sulphureous Waters are made such by the Salt and Sulphur mingled therewith ; Which being separated from them , they lose also the taste thereof . And as Wine mingled with Water is still truly Wine , and hath the same Virtue as before , though its activity be repress'd by the power of the Water ; So Water mingled with Salt , Sulphur , and Fire , is true Water , and hath intrinfecally the same qualities as before that mixture ; though indeed its action be retarded , and its qualities be checked and rebated by the other contraries which are more powerful . In like manner , Water is not cold of it self , but by the absence of Fire ; As it happens in Winter , that the igneous beams of the Sun not staying upon the Water , it persisteth cold , and so that coldness is but a privation of heat ; As appears in the shivering of an Ague , which proceedeth from the retiring of the natural heat inwards , and deserting the external parts . But if there happen a total privation of those igneous parts , which are infus'd into it mediately or immediately by the Sun , then it becometh frozen : And because those fiery Particles occupied some space in its Body , it is now straitned , and takes less room then before . Whence Water freezing in Vessels well stopp'd , the same break for the avoidance of Vacuum . Moreover , Humidity is not one of its essential proprieties , because it may be separated from it , as we see in frozen water , which is less humid then when it was cold . It followes then , that Second Qualities being Tokens of the First , and the goodness of Water requiring that it have the least weight that can be , as also that it have neither Taste nor Smell ; the most pure , ( i. e. the Elementary , of which we are speaking ) is without First Qualities ; having been created by God onely to be the band or tye of the other parts of a mixt body . The Fifth said , That the Scripture divideth the Waters into those which are above the Heavens , and those upon the Earth ; as if to teach us that Water is the Centre , the Middle , and the end of the Universe . Which agrees with the opinion of those who establish it for the Sole Principle of all things . Those Supercoelestial Waters are prov'd by the Etymology of the word for Heavens , Schamaim , which signifies in Hebrew , There are Waters : Because 't is said that God divided the Waters from the Waters , and placed them above the Firmament : Which Supercoelestial Waters are also invited by the Psalmist to bless the Lord : And lastly , because it is said that at the time of the Deluge the windows of Heaven were opened . The Sixth said , That the gravity of those Supercoelestial Waters would not suffer them to remain long out of the place destinated to that Element , which is below the Air ; And therefore it were better to take the word Heaven in those places for the Air , as 't is elsewhere in the Scripture , which mentioneth the Dew , and the Birds of Heaven : Since also the Hebrew word , which there signifies Firmament , is also taken for the Expansion of the Air , and those Supercoelestial Waters for Rain . II. Of Wine , and whether it be necessary for Souldiers . Upon the Second Point it was said , That if we speak of Wine moderately taken , the Sacred Text voids the Question , saying , that it rejoyceth the Heart . Which it performeth by supplying ample matter to the Influent Spirits , which the Heart by the Arteries transmitteth to all the parts ; and which joyning themselves to the private Spirits , strengthen them , and labour in common with them ; And so the Souldier , entring into fight with a cheerful Heart , is half victorious . Yea , the greatest exploits of War are atchieved by the Spirits ; which constitute Courage , the Blood heated by them over-powring the coldness of Melancholy and Phlegme , which cause backwardness and slowness of Action . For it is with the Virtues as with Medicines , which become not active ▪ and pass not from power into act , but by help of the natural faculties ; So the Virtues do not produce their effects but by the Spirits . But Wine taken in excess is wholly prejudicial to the Valour of a Souldier ; who hath need of a double strength ; One of Mind , to lead him on valiantly to dangers , and keep him undaunted at dreadful occurrences ; The other of Body , to undergo the long toiles of War , and not draw back in fight . Now Wine destroyes both of these . For as for the former , Valour or Fortitude is a Moral Virtue , which , as all other Virtues its companions , acteth under the conduct of Prudence , which alone ruleth and employeth them , and knoweth where and how they ought to act ; So that what assists Prudence assists Valour too ; and that which hureth the one hurteth the other also . Now excessive Wine hurteth the former very much . For by its immoderate heat it causeth a tumult and disorder in the humours , it maketh the Brain boyle and work , and consequently embroyleth and confoundeth the Phantasines which are imprinted in it , ( as it happeneth in sleep or in the Phrensie ) and by its gross vapour it obstructeth all its passages . So that the Understanding cannot take its Survey there , having no free access to come and form its judgements and conclusions upon the Ideas and Phantasmes ; And although it should have its Avenues free , yet the Phantasmes being in confusion , like Images in stirred waters , it would be impossible for it to judge aright , and prudently to discern what fear or what eagerness ought to be check'd and repel'd . For all Fear is not to be rejected , no more then 't is to be follow'd ; nor is the bridle to be let loose at all adventures , nor alwayes restrain'd . The strength of the Body is also impaird by Wine . For though Galen and others will have it Hot and Dry , yet it being so but potentially , 't is as subject to deceive us , as that Dutchman was , who hearing that Cresses were hot , commanded his Man to fill his Boots therewith , to warm him . For the truth is , Wine is moist and vapourous , and that to such a degree , that by reason of its extreme humidity it cannot be corrupted with a total corruption ; For this happeneth when the external heat hath wholly drawn out the moisture of the corrupted Body , and so dissolved the Union of all the dry parts which moisture keeps together ; So that the Elements flying away , there remains nothing to be seen but Earth alone . Which cannot come to pass in Wine , by reason of the little dry substance in it , and of its great humidity , which cannot be wholly separated : In which regard it is never corrupted but in part , viz. when the external heat draws away the more pure substance , and the better Spirits ; as we see when it grows sour , thick , or turbid . Being then humid to such a degree , and our parts partaking of the nature of their food , if Souldiers nourish their Bodies excessively with Wine , they must retain the qualities thereof , viz. softness and weakness which follow humidity . Whence possibly came the word Dissolute , for such as addict themselves to this debauchery , and the other which follow it . Therefore the Souldier would be more robust if he never drank Wine ; because he would eat the more , and produce the more solid substance , which would make him more vigorous , less subject to diseases , and more fit to indure in sight , and undergo the other toils of War. The Second said , That it belongs to the prudent States-man to weigh the benefit and the mischief which may arise from his orders ; So that he alwayes propose to himself that he hath to do with imperfect men , and who incline rather to the abuse , then the right use of things . This holds principally in War , Souldiers willingly aiming at nothing else but pleasure and profit : Even in this Age , wherein we are past the Apprentisage of War , except some constant Regiments : Souldiers are tumultuously chosen almost alwayes out of the dregs of the people ; of whom to require the exercise of Temperance in the use of that which ordinarily costs them nothing , were to seek an impossibility . Such is Wine , that though it makes the Souldier sturdy , yet it makes him unfit to govern himself , much less others ; Whereunto notwithstanding he oftentimes becomes oblig'd by the various contingencies of War , when the Leaders miscarrying , or being elsewhere employ'd , the Souldier must supply the place of Captain to his Companions and himself . This hath mov'd almost all the Oriental Nations , and particularly the Turks to abstain from Wine , though they also adjoyn reasons for it drawn from their false Religion , to confirm their Minds more in conformity to this piece of Policy . Therefore Mahomet , to induce them to it by their own experience , invited the principal Persons of his Army to a Feast , where he caus'd them to be served with the most exquisite Wines . First they all agreed upon the Excellency of Wine ; but having taken too much of it , there arose such a tumult amongst them , that he took occasion thence , the next morning , to represent to them that Wine was nothing else but the Blood of the first Serpent , whose colour it also beareth ; as the stock of the Vine which produceth it retaineth the crooked form of that vile Animal , and the rage whereinto it putteth those that use it , doth testifie . And to content them that still lov'd the taste of it , he promis'd them that they should drink no-nothing else in their Paradise , where their Bodies would be proof against its violence . Which Prohibition hath been the most apparent cause of the amplification of his Empire , and propagation of his Sect ; not onely because Wine was by its acrimony dangerous to the most part of his Subjects of Africa and Arabia , where such as are addicted to it are subject to the Leprosie ; and that his people who cultivated Vines might employ themselves more profitably in tilling the Earth , but principally it hath been more easie for him and his successors to keep 200000 men of War in the field without the use of Wine , then for another Prince as potent as he to keep 50000 with the use of Wine ; which besides is difficult to transport , and incumbreth the place of Ammunition which is absolutely necessary . The Third said , That Mahomet was not the first that prohibited Wine ; for before him Zaleucus forbad the Locrians to drink it upon pain of Death . The Lacedemoniaus and the Carthaginians , as Aristotle reporteth , had an express Law by which they forbad the use of it to all people that belong'd to War. And the wise man counselleth onely the afflicted to drink it , to the end to forget their miseries . But for all this he conceiv'd that it ought not to be prohibited now to our Souldiers , since it augmenteth Courage , envigorateth strength , and taketh away the fear of danger ; though indeed it is fit to forbid them the excess thereof , if it be possible . In Conclusion , It was maintain'd that Wine ought to be forbidden not onely to Souldiers , but to all such as are of hot and dry tempers , and use violent exercises ; because it hurts them , as much as it profits weak persons . Wherefore Saint Paul counselleth Timothy to use it for the weakness of his stomack . But God inhibited it to the Nazarens , and to those which enter'd into his Tabernacle , under pain of death . Moreover , you see that Noah , who us'd it first , abus'd it . And anciently it was to be had onely in the shops of Apothecaries ; because 't is an Antidote and most excellent Cordial , provided its continual use render not its virtue ineffectual ; our Bodies receiving no considerable impression from accustomed things . Therefore Augustus gave ear to all the other complaints which the Romans made to him ; but when they mention'd the dearness of Wine , he derided them ; telling them that his Son in Law Agrippa having brought Aquaeducts to the City , had taken care that they should not dye of Thirst. At the Hour of Inventions , amongst many others , these two were propos'd . The first to prepare common Water so that it shall dissolve Gold without the addition of any other Body , &c. The second , to make a Waggon capable to transport by the help of one Man who shall be in it , the burdens of ordinary Waggons in the accustomed time : of which the Inventers deliver'd their Memories , and offer'd to make the experiments at their own charges . These Subjects were propounded to be treated of at the next Conference . First , The Earth . Secondly , What it is that makes a Man wise . CONFERENCE IX . I. Of the Earth . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . I. Of the Earth . UPon the first Point it was said , That the Earth is a simple Body , cold and dry , the Basis of Nature . For since there is a Hot and Moist , it is requisite for the intire perfection of Mixts , that there be a Cold and a Dry to bound them , and give them shape . This Earth then upon which we tread is not Elementary ; for it is almost every where moist , and being opened affordeth water : which was necessary to it , not onely for the union of its parts , which without moisture would be nothing but Dust ; but also in regard of its gravity , which I conceive cometh from humidity ; because as the lightest things are the hottest and driest , so the heaviest are usually the coldest and moistest . Besides , gravity proceeding from compactedness and compactedness from moisture , it seemeth that moisture is the cause of gravity . Which is prov'd again by the dissolution of mixt Bodies , whereby we may judge of their composition . For the heaviest Bodies which are easily dissolvable , are those from which most Water is drawn ; whence it is that there is more drawn from one pound of Ebeny , then from twenty of Cork . From this gravity of the Earth its roundness necessarily follows . For since 't is the nature of heavy things to tend all to one Centre , and approach thereto as much as they can , it follows that they must make a Body round and spherical , whereof all the parts are equally distant from the Centre . For if they made any other Figure , for Example , a Pyramide or a Cube , there would be some parts not in their natural place , i. e. the nearest their Centre that might be . Moreover , in the beginning the Earth was perfectly spherical , and the Waters encompassed it on all sides , as themselves were again encompassed by the Air. But afterwards , these Waters , to make place for Man , retiring into the hollows and concavities made for that purpose in the Earth , it could not be but that those parts of the Earth which came out of those cavities must make those tumours which are the Mountains and Hills for the convenience of Man. And nevertheless it ceaseth not to be Physically round , although it be not so Mathematically ; As a bowle of Pumice is round as to the whole , though the parts are uneven and rough . They prove this roundness , 1. By the shadow of the Earth ; which appearing round in the Eclipses of the Moon , argueth that the Body whence it proceedeth is also round . 2. Because they who travel both by Sea and by Land sooner discern the tops of Mountains and the spires of Steeples then the bottome ; which would be seen at the same time if the Earth were flat . 3. Because , according as we approach , or go farther from the Poles , we see the same more or less elevated . 4. Because the Sun is seen daily to rise and set sooner in one place then in another . Lastly , it is prov'd by the conveniency of habitation . For as of all Isoperimeter Figures the Circle is most capacious , so the Sphere containeth more then any other Body ; and therefore if the Earth were not round , every part of it would not have its Antipodes . So that I wonder at the opinion of Lactantius and Saint Augustine , who denyed them : For as for that story , that in the year 745. by the relation of Aventinus , Virgilius a German Bishop was deprived of his Bishoprick , and condemned as an Heretick by Pope Zachary , it was not onely for maintaining this truth , which experience hath since confirm'd , but because he drew conclusions from it prejudicial to Religion . Now whereas it may be doubted , whether as there are uneven parts in the Earth some higher then other , so there be not also Seas , some of whose waters too , are more elevated then the rest ; I affirm , that since all the Seas ( except the Caspian ) have communication amongst themselves , they are all level , and no higher one then another . And had they no such communication , yet the Water being of its Nature fluid and heavy , flowing into the lowest place , would equal its surface with the rest , and so make a perfect Sphere . Whence it follows that they were mistaken who disswaded Sesostris King of Aegypt from joyning the Red Sea with the Mediterranean , for fear lest the former , which they judg'd the higher , should come to drown Greece and part of Asia . For want of which demonstration several Learned Men have been mistaken , and no less then the Angelical Doctor . The Second said , That the Earth is very dry , not for that it dispelleth moisture as Fire doth , but for that it receiveth and imbibeth it into it self . But it cannot be cold of its own Nature ; if it were it could produce nothing . It is cold onely by the Air , as 't is sometimes moist by the Water , and hot by the Fire which insinuateth into its cavities . It is also very heavy , since it holdeth the lowest place in the world , and hath its motion from the circumference to the Centre ; which is the progression that Aristotle attributeth to heavy Bodies . Whence for being the lowest stage , it is called the Foot-stool of God. But this heaviness seemeth to me not to proceed from humidity , as was urged . For though the Water and Earth joyn'd together seem to weigh more then Earth alone ; 't is not that they weigh more indeed , but this Earth which was imagined to be alone is fill'd with a quantity of Air ; and the Water coming to succeed in its place , it appeareth more heavy . For Earth and Water joyn'd together weigh more then Earth and Air so joyn'd in like quantity ; because Water is heavier then Air. And to justifie that Earth is heavier then Water , a bucket fill'd with sand , weighes more then an other fill'd with Water . For , that sand is Water congealed is as hard to prove , as that Earth is Water . The Third said , That Earth composeth a Mixt Body by a double action , viz. from its coldness , and of its driness . As for the former , it secondeth the Water , compacting by its coldness the parts which are to be mix'd , and which moisture hath united . For the Second , it giveth hardness and consistence , imbibing and sucking up the superfluous moisture after the due union of the parts made thereby . It cannot but be cold ; for as good Polititians willingly reconcile two great Families at Enmity by their mutual alliances so all the strength of the mixture consisting onely in the union of Dry and Moist , and its destruction coming from their disunion , and the Dry and Moist being wholly Enemies and contraries in the highest degree , Nature reconciles them together , and brings them into union by the mediation of Water . For this being ally'd to Air by the moisture which it hath in a remiss degree ; and Earth being ally'd to Water by the coldness which it hath in a less degree , it becometh ally'd to the Air and its humidity : Since according to the maxime , Things which agree in the same third agree among themselves . Thus you see coldness is necessary to the Earth , to cause a lasting composition amongst them . Earth hath also this advantage by its siccity , that as the same is less active then heat , and yieldeth thereunto in vigour of action , so heat yieldeth to it in resistance . For the dryness inducing hardness resisteth division more powerfully , and consequently better preserveth the mixt Body in being , resisting the Agents which are contrary to it . Whereto its gravity serveth not a little , it rendring the Earth less managable by the agitations of the agents its Enemies ; So that gravity by this means assisteth the hardness and consistence of the dryness ; like two Kinsmen uniting together to keep off the affronts of their Enemies . The Fourth said , That the gravity of the Earth , and of every other Body , yea that of Gold too , the heaviest of all mixt Bodies , dependeth onely upon its Figure ; since not onely a Vessel convex on the side toward the Water sinketh not , but also a single leaf of Gold swimeth upon it . Which is seen likewise in Tera Lemnia , or Sigillata , which sinketh not in the Water ; so that there is no probility in that decuple proportion of the Elements ; according to which , Earth ought to weigh ten times more then Water , and Water onely ten times more then Air ; and supposing one were in the Region of Fire , and there weigh'd the Air , as we do here the Water , he would find it likewise ten times heavier then the Fire . This is more certain , that the proportion of the weight of Earth to that of Sea-water , is as 93. to 90 ; that of Sea-water to fresh , as 92. to 74. But that which makes more for those who hold Water more heavy then Earth , is , that the proportion of Earth to Salt is found to be as 92. to 106. In fine , It was remark'd that though the Earth is consider'd by Astronomers but as a point in respect of the vast extent of the Coelestial Orbs ; yet no Man encompas'd it round before the year 1420. when Jean de Betancourt , a Norman Gentleman , by the discovery of the Canaries trac'd out the way to the Spaniards , who attributed the honour thereof to themselves ; though they began not till above fourscore years after . Moreover , it is 15000. leagues in circumference , of which there is not much less Land uncover'd then there is cover'd by the Water . But if you compare their greatness together , there is far less Earth then Water . For 't is held that there is no Sea that hath a league in depth , there is little without bottom , many to which the Anchors reach , yea several places not capable of great vessels for want of Water . On the other side , There are Mountains upon which you still ascend upwards for many dayes journey ; others inaccessible even to the sight : In a word , where ever there is Sea there is Land , but not on the contrary . So that taking the sixt part of the compass of the Terrestrial Globe for its Semidiametre , according to the ordinary proportion of the circle to its ray , the Earth will be found several times greater then the Water ; the Springs that are found in opening it , being not considerable in comparison of the rest of its bulk . II. What it is that makes a Man wise . He that spake first upon the second point , said , that he wonder'd not that Wisedom was taken for a Subject to be treated of in so good company , since 't is the point which all desire most , not onely in themselves , but also in others with whom they are to converse . But it behoveth to distinguish the same according to its several acceptions . For anciently Wisedom was taken for the knowledge of things Divine and Humane , before Pythagoras call'd it Philosophy . At present it is confounded with Prudence , and is either infused or acquired . The former , which springeth from the knowledge and fear of God joyn'd with a good life , is obtain'd by begging it of God , and rendring one's self worthy to receive it : Such was that of Solomon , which brought to him all other goods . The latter , of which we now speak , is obtain'd by Precepts , Experience , or both . Whereunto Travel is conceiv'd greatly to conduce , according to the testimony of Homer , who calls his wise Vlysses a Visitor of Cities ; and according to the opinion of the ancient French Gentry , who would not have had a good opinion of their Children , unless they had seen Italy and other forreign Countries . It is also divided according to Sex , Conditions , and Age. For there is difference in the Wisedom of a Woman , of a Child , of a Man grown , and of an Old Man ; and so there is in that of a Father of a Family , of his Domestick , of a Captain , of a Souldier , of a Magistrate , of a Citizen , of a Master , of a Varlet , and of infinite others , who may become wise by several , yea , sometimes by contrary means . For Example , a wise Souldier ought to expose himself to all dangers and events of War ; quite the contrary to a wise Captain , who ought to preserve himself the most he can . A Prince , a Magistrate , a Master , a Father , are wise , if they command as is fitting : Whereas a Subject , a Burgess , a Servant , and a Child , are esteemed such in obeying them . Besides Precepts and Experience , Example serves much to the acquiring of Wisedom ; whether the same be drawn from the reading of Books , or from converse and conference with wise persons ; or sometimes too from the sight of undecent things : As of old the Lacedemonians taught their Children Sobriety , by shewing their Helots drunk . The Example of Animals is not useless thereunto ; and therefore Solomon sends the sluggard to the Pismire ; and Lycurgus taught the same Lacedemonians , that Education alone made the difference between Men , by shewing them two Dogs of the same litter run , one after a Hare , the other to his Meat . Fables likewise have many times their use . But true it is , that Nature layeth the great Foundations : Whence Cold and Dry Tempers , such as the Melancholly , have a natural restraint which participateth much of Wisedom ; Whereas the Sanguine , by reason of their jollity , and the Cholerick , in regard of their hastiness , have greater difficulty to attain the same , as Socrates confessed of himself . The Second said , That the true Moral Wisedom of a Man , consider'd alone , consisteth in taming his Passions , and subjecting them to the Command of Reason ; which alone serveth for a Rule and Square to all the Actions of Life ; whereas the common sort leave themselves to be govern'd by the Laws : And the ancient Philosophy had no other aim but that Apathy . That of a Master of a Family consisteth in the management of the same : That of a Polititian in the Administration of the State , punishing the evil-doers , and recompencing the good , establishing wholesome Laws , and maintaining Trade . The Third said , That He alone deserves to wear the name of Wise , who seeketh and embraceth the means whereby to be in favour with him who is the Chief Wisedom . Those means are two . First , That his Understanding be duely inform'd of what he ought to know , and what he ought to be ignorant of . Secondly , That his Will be dispos'd to what he ought , either to love or hate . As for the first , he must be ignorant of Humane Sciences , since they shake and undermine the foundations of true Wisedom ; their Principles being for the most part opposite to the Articles of our Faith. For of the ancient Philosophers , the Pythagoreans are full of Magical superstitions . The Platonists hold a Matter coeternal to God. Democritus and all the Epicureans have thought the same of their Atomes , not to mention their Voluptuous End. The Stoicks have made their Sage equal , and sometimes superiour to God , whom they subjected to their celebrated Destiny or Fate . The Pyrrhonians have doubted of every thing , and consequently of the truth of Religion . The Cynicks publickly made Virtue of Vice. The Peripateticks are as much to be fear'd as the former , with their Eternity of the World , which destroyeth all Religion , and gave occasion to Saint Ambrose , to say in his Offices , That the Lycaeum was much more dangerous then the gardens of Epicurus . Moreover , the Principles of the Sciences do not accord with those of Faith : And Saint Thomas said with good right , that Humane Reason greatly diminisheth it . And that happens oft times to those who busie themselves about those goodly principles which the Poets relate fabulously of Bellerophon , who attempting to fly up to Heaven , Jupiter angry at him , sent onely a Fly , which overturned the winged Horse-man ; So those vain-glorious wits puff'd up with some Humane Knowledge , venturing to hoise themselves into Heaven , and penetrate into the secret Cabinets of the Divine Providence ; it gives them up to a thousand dubious Controversies , which precipitate them into the darkness of Confusion and Errour . Moreover Solomon , the pattern of Wisedom , saith , that after having lead his Mind through all Nature , he perceiv'd that all was nothing but vanity and vexation of spirit ; And Saint Paul saith , that Knowledge puffeth up and swelleth with Pride ; that this Humane Wisedom is nought but Folly before God ; by which he admonisheth us to beware of being deceived ; and that if any one will be wise , let him profess Ignorance , and become a fool , since the Folly and Ignorance of the world is the true Wisedom and Knowledge in the sight of God , who loveth the poor of spirit , that is , the simple , ideots , and ignorant . As for what our Understanding ought to know , for becoming wise , 't is , To know that Chief Wisedom , and the Christian Doctrine , by the example of the same Saint Paul , who would not know any thing besides Jesus and him crucisi'd . For the Second means , which regardeth the Will of Man , it will be disposed to that which is to be lov'd or hated , when it hath submitted it self entirely to the Will of God , who is its Supreme Good ; who saith to it , Eschew Evil , and Follow Good. The Fourth said , That by the word Wisedom , is generally understood all that which contributes to perfectionate a Man according to the rational part ; as by the word Faith we understand Christianity , and a Summary of all the Christian Virtues . Now it is hard to prescribe a way to such Wisedom , seeing it requireth two points , namely , The Knowledge of Things , and Moral Habits , both which are infinite . For all which is Sensible is the Object of our Senses , and enters not by one , but by all ; That which is Intelligible , is the Object of our Understanding . Moreover , all the Good in the world is under the notion of Convenience ( or sutableness ) which gives it Amability , the Object of our Sensitive appetite , which is guided in this acquitst by the knowledge of the Senses ; If it is Spiritual , it is the Object of the Will which pursues it by the light of the Understanding . And for the eschewing of Errour in the search of those Goods Prudence intervenes , which hath at its service an infinite of habits of the Mind ; yea the whole troop of Moral Virtues , in the exercise of which there is always something to be got , as there is always to be learnt in the knowledge of things . Therefore every Man being fully furnish'd with what is needful to be wise , he is not excusable if he become not so . For he hath the seeds of Wisedom in as many manners as there are wayes to obtain it . In the Understanding he hath , from the Cradle , Intelligence , which is the Habit of first Principles , and Maximes , which he knoweth by the Induction of the Senses ; by the help of which he attaineth Science . In the Will he hath the Synteresis or Conscience , which is an Habitual Cognition of the Principles of Moral Actions , by which he easily proceedeth to the exercise of Virtues , and to the acquisition of them . And further , these pure Natural Principles may be assisted and reliev'd by good Instructions ; and especially , if they who learn have Organs well dispos'd , and a temper proper for becoming wise . At the Hour of Inventions , one undertook the proof of Archimedes's Proposition , To move the Earth from its Centre , if he had assign'd elsewhere a solid space , and instruments proportion'd thereto in greatness and strength . And it was prov'd , that the Centre of Magnitude is different from that of gravity , by many Mechanical Experiments . After which it was resolv'd to treat , at the next Conference . First , Of the Motion , or rest of the Earth . Secondly , Of two monstrous Brethren living in one Body , to be seen at present in this City . CONFERENCE X. I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . II. Of Two Monstrous Brethren , living in the same Body , which are to be seen in this City . I. Of the Motion , or Rest of the Earth . HE that spake first to this Point , Said this Question had been in debate for more then two thousand years ; and the reasons brought on either side seem'd to him so strong , that he knew not which to embrace . That the most common opinion was that of Aristotle , Ptolomy , Tycho Brahe , and the greatest part of Philosophers , namely ; That the Earth is unmoveable , and plac'd in the midst of the World. Which Scituation is prov'd , I. Because the Decorum and Symmetry of the Universe requires that every thing be plac'd according to its dignity . But the Earth being the ignoblest and meanest of the Elements , all which yield in point of dignity to the Heavens , it ought consequently to be in the lowest place , which is the Centre of the World. II. The Gravity of the Earth inferreth both the one and the other ; namely , its being in the Centre , and its Immobility ; The former , because the heaviest things tend toward the lowest place ; and the latter , because by reason of their gravity they are less apt for motion then for rest , whereunto the lowest place also contributeth . For in a Circle the Centre remains unmoveable , whilst the other parts thereof are mov'd . III. In whatsoever place of the Earth we are , we can alwayes discover one half of the Heaven , and the opposite signes of the Zodiack ; as also experience witnesseth , that when the Moon is at the Full , we behold her rise just at the same time that the Sun sets . Whence it followeth that the Earth is at the Centre , and as it were a point in comparison to the Firmament . IV. We alwayes see the Stars of the same magnitude , both when they are directly over our heads , and on the edge of the Horizon , unless there be some hindrance by the refraction of Vapours and Clouds . All which things would not be thus , unless the Earth were in the midst of the World. Now they have concluded the Rest and Immobility of the Earth from the following Reasons I. It is the nature of Simple Bodies to have but one Sole and Simple Motion . For if two contrary Motions were in the same Subject , the one would hinder the other . Wherefore the Earth having , by reason of its gravity , a Direct perpendicular Motion of its own , cannot have also a Circular : and by reason of the same gravity it must needs be firm and stable , not moveable . II. If the Earth were mov'd , then a stone or other heavy thing cast upwards , would never fall down at the foot of the caster , but at distance from him ; for during the short interval of its being in the Air , the Earth will have made a great progress ; as it happens when one in a boat that passeth swiftly upon the Water , casteth any thing upwards , the same falleth a far off , instead of falling into the boat . III. If the Earth turn'd round , then a Bullet discharg'd out of a Cannon from the West towards the East , would not fly so far from the piece , as one discharg'd from the East towards the West ; because the Earth will in the mean time by its Motion have carried the Cannon forwards to the former Bullet , and remov'd it backwards from the latter . IV. We should never see the Clouds unmov'd , nor going towards the East ; but as for them that move Westward , they would seem to fly as swift as lightning . V. Cities and all kind of buidings would be shatter'd , the Surface of the Earth would be disunited , and all its parts dissipated ; being not so firmly link'd together , as to endure such a Motion . Lastly , did the Earth turn round , and the Air with it ( as is alledg'd in answer to the former reasons ) the Air would have been so heated since its Motion with that swiftness , that the Earth would have been uninhabitable ▪ and all Animals suffocated ; Besides that the violence of that could Motion not have been supported by Men so long time ; for it is acknowledg'd that Daemons themselves cannot carry a Man from one Climate to another remote one , within that short time , that some Magicians have phanci'd ; because he would not be able to resist the violence of the agitation of the Air. The Second confirm'd this Opinion , alledging , That such Motion would be violent in respect of the Earth ; which for that it naturally tendeth downwards cannot be hois'd towards Heaven , but against its own Nature ; and no violent thing is durable . He added also the testimony of the Scripture , which saith , God hath establish'd the Earth that it shall not be moved ; that it is firm or stable for ever ; that the Sun riseth and setteth , passing by the South toward the North : And lastly , it relateth the Joshuah's word , as one of the greatest Miracles . On the other side , it was affirm'd , That the Opinion of Copernicus is the more probable , which Orpheus , Thales , Aristarchus , and Philolaus held of old , and hath been follow'd by Kepler , Longomontanus , Origanus , and divers others of our times , viz. That the Earth is mov'd about the Sun , who remaineth unmoveable in the Centre of the World. Their Reasons are , I. The middle , being the most noble place , is therefore due to the most noble Body of the World , which is the Sun. II. It is not more necessary that the Heart be seated in the midst of Man , then that the Sun be plac'd in the midst of the Universe , quickning and heating the greater , as that doth the lesser World. Nor do we place the Candle in a corner , but in the midst of the Room . III. The circular Motion of the Planets round about the Sun seemes to argue that the Earth doth the same . IV. It is more reasonable that the Earth which hath need of Light , Heat , and Influence , go to seek the same , then that the Sun go to seek that which he needeth not ; Just as the Fire doth not turn before the Roast-meat , but the Roast-meat before the Fire . V. Rest and Immobility is a nobler condition then Motion , and ought to belong to the visible Image of the Deity , viz. the Sun , who in that regard hath been adored by sundry Nations . VI. We see heavy things kept up in the Air onely by virture of Motion ; For instance , a stone plac'd in a sling , and turn'd round about . VII . They who deny the Motion of the Earth , by the same means deny its aequilibrium , which is absurd to do . For if a grain of Wheat laid upon a Sphere exactly pendulous upon its Poles causeth the same to move , the like ought to come to pass in the Terrestrial Globe when any heavy Body is transported upon it from one place to another : Seeing the greater a circle is , the less force is needful to move it ; and there is no impediment from the Air , much less from its Centre , which is but a point . The same comes to pass when a Bullet is shot out of a Cannon against a Wall. VIII . If both the Direct and the Circular Motion be found in the Load-stone , which tendeth by its gravity to the Centre , and mov'd circularly by its magnetick virtue , the same cannot be conceiv'd impossible in the Earth . IX . By this Simple Motion a multitude of imaginary Orbs in the Heavens , without which their Motion cannot be understood , is wholly sav'd ; and Nature alwayes acts by the most compendious way . X. It is much more likely that the Earth moves about five leagues in a minute , then that the eight Sphere in the same time moves above forty Millions , yea infinitely more , if it be true that the extent of the Heavens is infinite , and that beyond them there is neither time nor place : So that to have all the Heavens move round in four and twenty Hours , were to measure an infinite thing by a finite . II. Of two Monstrous Brethren living in the same Body . He who spoke first to the Second Point , said , That in his judgement the Anger of God is the true cause of Monsters , since the Scripture threatens to cause the Wives of those whom God intends to punish , to bring forth Monsters . The same is the universal conceipt of the vulgar , who are terrifi'd at the sight of such prodigies , which are termed Monsters ; not so much because the people shews them with the finger , as for that they demonstrate the Divine Anger ; whereof they are always taken for infallible arguments . Upon which account the Pagans were wont to make expiation for them with sacrifices . And most Writers begin or end their Histories with such presages . The Second said , That as it is impious not to ascribe the Natural Actions on Earth to Heaven , so it seem'd to him superstitious to attribute the same to the Supreme Author , without seeking out the means whereby he produceth them : For though they may be very extraordinary in regard of their seldomness , yet they have their true causes as well as ordinary events . Which doth not diminish the Omnipotence of the Divine Majesty , but , on the contrary , renders it more visible and palpable to our Senses : As the Ministers , Ambassadors , and military people employ'd by a great King for the putting of his command in execution , are no disparagement to his Grandeur . That he conceiv'd the cause of such Monsters was the quantity of the Geniture , being too much for the making of one Child , and too little for the finishing of two , which the Formative Virtue designed to produce ; as also the incapacity of the Womb , which could not receive its usual extension , and that by reason of some fall or blow hapned when the parts of the Embryo's began to be distinguish'd , and separated one from the other ; whence an Abortion would have follow'd , had not there been a great vigour in the two faetus , which was sufficient to retain their internal formes , namely , their Souls ; but could not repair the defects of the external formes , at least in that wherein the matter hath been most deficient : As the Founder , how excellent an Artist soever he be , makes an imperfect Image , when his material is defective . The Third said , That for the passing of a certain Judgement upon the present subject , he conceiv'd fitting to make this description of it . The greater of this two-fold body is called Lazarus , and the other John Baptista , Son of John Baptista Coloreto , and Perigrine his Wife , of the Parish of Saint Bartholomew , on the Coast of the Seigniory of Genua . They were born in the year , 1617. between the eleventh and twelfth of March , about mid-night ; and baptiz'd by Julio Codonio , Curé of the place by direction of the Abbot Tasty , Vicar general of the Archbishop of Genua ; and three moneths after confirm'd by Pope Paul V. Their Mother dy'd three years after their birth . The first is of low stature , considering his age of more then sixteen years ; of temper very melancholly and lean : Both the one and the other have brown chestnut hair . They are united together by the belly four fingers above the Navel , the skin of the one being continu'd to the other ; and yet their feeling and motion are so distinct , that the one being prick'd , the other feeleth nothing . The first ( saving this conjunction ) is well proportion'd , and furnish'd with all his Members . The other who came into the world with a head much less then his Brother , hath one at the present twice as big ; which greatness seemes to proceed from an Oedema or Inflation , occasion'd by the posture of his head , which is alwayes pendulous and supine ; and this defluxion of humours , joyn'd with his Brother's negligence , hath caus'd some sores upon him . He hath the countenance of a Man , but a most dreadful , one by the disproportion of all its parts ; He is deaf , blind , dumb , having great teeth in his mouth , by which he casts forth spittle , and breathes very strongly , rather then by the nose , which is close stop'd within . His mouth is otherwise useless , having never drunk nor eaten ; nor hath he any place for evacuation of excrements . His eyes are alwayes shut , and there appears no pupil in them . He hath but one thigh , one leg , and one foot , extremely ill shap'd , and not reaching to the knee of the other . But he hath two armes , very lean and disproportionate to the rest of the body ; and at the end of each of them , instead of hands , a thumb and two fingers , very deformed too . At the bottome of his belly there is a little membranous appendix without a passage . His pulse is manifest in either arm , as also the beating of his heart , though the external figure of his breast , and the divarication of his jugular veines have very little of the ordinary structure and situation . Whereby it appears that each of them hath a brain , heart , and lungs distinct ; but they have both but one liver , one stomack , and one set of Intestines . For one of them sleepes sometimes while the other is awake ; one hath been sick while the other hath been in health . The greater hath been blooded above twenty times in three grievous diseases ; but no Physitian hath ventur'd to purge him , lest the purgative medicament passing through those unusual windings should produce unusual effects to his prejudice . He lives after the common manner , exercising all his rational , vital , and natural faculties in perfection . And they who have been to see him in this City , ( as almost every one runs to see this Wonder of Nature ) may judge of his management and conduct of his affairs . Yet the negligence of the greater in supporting the less , and holding him in a convenient posture , is not to be pass'd over without notice ; for though he breathes , as I said above , yet he alwayes keeps his head cover'd with a double linnen cloth , and his cloak ; and although by his great weight he continually stretches the skin of his belly , yet he endeavours not to ease either his Brother or himself . Yea , the custome of carrying this load hath render'd it so light to him , that he performes all ordinary exercises , and playes at Tennis , like another Man. All which consider'd , it seemes this Monster is one of the most notable Errours of Nature that hath appear'd in this Age , and perhaps in any preceding . Besides the causes alledg'd above , some extraordinary conjunction of the Stars happening at the time of his conception , may have had some influence in this irregular production . Moreover , it appears that the less draweth nourishment from the greater by the Anastomosis , ( or Insertion ) of his Vessels with those of his Brother , as the Child sucks the Maternal Blood by the Vmbilical Vein ; there being in both but one principle of sanguification . But it is otherwise as to Life , Motion , and Feeling , which being distinct in them , cannot proceed from one and the same principle . The Fourth said , That it may be doubted whether this be a Monster or no , their union being not sufficient for that denomination . For we frequently see two trees grow together in the middle ; and otherwise separate . Nor is the deficiency of parts in the one any more monstrous , then if one single man should be born without Armes and Legs . Moreover he inherited the same from his Father , which doth not come to pass in Monsters . The Fifth said , That according to Plato , the case is the same with Nature as with Virtue : All that exceeds their ordinary rules is called monstrous . As deformity of the Mind is Vice , so is also that of Nature ; That the cause of this instance is like that of an Egg with a double yelk , out of which , the pellicles being broken that separated them , are produc'd two Chickens joyn'd together , or else one with four wings , four feet , or other such irregularities . So these Twins having been divided in the Womb at the place where they co-here , either by the acrimony of humours or some other violent cause , Nature which loves nothing so much as Union , forthwith assembled its spirits and humours to unite that which was separated . Which design of Nature is apparent in the cure of wounds and burnes , the fingers and other parts uniting together one to the other , contrary to its first intention , the figure , and use of the same parts . But the difficulty is , whether there be two Souls in these two Bodies . For my part , considering that they have two Brains , ( wherein the Soul is held to reside ) and the external humane shape , they may be rightly call'd two Men , who consequently have two Souls . Now if that which is in the less doth not exercise its functions , the reason is , because the Organs are not fitly dispos'd and proportion'd , no more then those of little Children , Ideots , and Mad men , and through this Nature's having been hinder'd by the rebellion of the Matter to receive such dispositions from the Agents , which are Heat and the Spirits : which also being too languishing , have not been able to impart to their subject all the degrees of necessary perfection . The Sixth said , That he compar'd the framing of this Monster to the Workmanship of a piece of Tapistry , upon which two persons are imploy'd . The more diligent of the two finishes his task first ; the more slothful finding all the material spent , is constrain'd to leave his business imperfect , and fasten it to the other as well as he can . So the spirits being in too great abundance to attend the fabricating of one single Child , undertook two , and began each from the Head : The more vigorous had done first , and the other finding no more stuff made but half a Man , who by reason of the continuity of the Matter , became connected to the first . Now whereas it may be said that the Definition of Monsters brought by the Civilians doth not appertain to it , the answer is , That the same thing may be a Monster Physically , inasmuch as it deflecteth from the Laws of Nature , as this doth , though it be not one Politically , in that it is capable to make a Will , Inherit , Contract , and to do all other Actions civil . The Hour of Inventions was spent in Replies and Comparisons of other Monsters , particularly that of mention'd by Buchanan in the fifteenth Book of his History , born in Northumberland with two heads , four armes , two breasts , and onely two leggs ; It was instructed in Musick , so that each head sung its part melodiously , and discours'd together pertinently . They dy'd , one fifteen dayes before the other , the latter by the putrefaction of his inseparable Companion . At length these two points were chosen . First , Of the Hairy Girl seen in this City . Secondly , Whether it be more difficult to resist Pleasure then Pain . CONFERENCE XI . I. Of the little Hairy Girl lately seen in this City . II. Whether it is more easie to resist Pleasure then Pain . I. Of the Hairy Girl . THe First said , That this German Girl , born at Ausperg , called Barbara Vrsine , ( the Name and Sir-name very well suting to the person , if they were not invented purposely ) is no Monster . For a Monster is desin'd , a Natural Effect , degenerating from the right and usual frame or perfection essential to its species . But the same holdeth not in this person , who is onely an extraordinary effect of Nature , whereof two causes may be assign'd . First , the prevalence of internal heat , which more powerfully drives outwards the steames ( or exhalations ) that serve for the matter of Hair , and is also the cause that Children are sometimes born with Teeth . Whence it comes to pass , that Hair grows in more places , and more plentifully in those which are hot and dry . In like manner it hath been observ'd , that some notable Warriours and Pirats have had their Hearts hairy . The Second Cause is the strong Imagination of the Mother during her conceiving , or in the dayes near it ; when the Embryo being like soft wax , is capable of every impression never so little proportionate to its subject ; yea , sometimes it is so extravagant , that the effect cannot be attributed to any other cause . Such was that young Girl mention'd by Marcus Damascenus , and presented to the Emperour Charles IV. which , besides that she was all hairy like this , had the feet of a Camel ; her Mother having too wistly consider'd the Image of Saint John Baptist clothed in Camel's hair : And this consideration satisfi'd the Father , who at first disown'd her . The same was the Opinion of Hippocrates , when he sav'd the Honour and Life of a Princess who had brought forth an Aethiopian , through the too attentive minding of the picture of a Moor hanging at her beds-feet . Which mov'd Galen to advise such Ladies as would have fair Children , to behold those that are such frequently , at least in picture . The Second said , That this Hair being an Effect against the Intention as well of Vniversal Nature , which could not design any profit from a bearded Woman , as of the particular Agents , which designed to produce an Individual like to one of themselves , according to the ordinary course ; it follows that the Girl must be termed a Monster . The Cause whereof cannot be the indisposition of the Matter , nor its too great quantity or deficience ; since all the parts of this Child being well proportioned , and her colour native , conclude and argue the same as to the humours of her Body . Yet it may well proceed from some exorbitance in quality , not caus'd by the formative virtue , but by the Imagination of the Mother . For that of the Father contributes nothing hereunto . That the Formative Virtue doth not the business , is prov'd , because the Hair is a fuliginous vapour arising from the more dry and earthy parts of the residue and excrement of the third Concoction , which is made in the parts , and the Expulsive Faculty casteth forth as useless and unsutable ; the same arriving at the skin is imprison'd thereby the Cuticle ; And Nature , which hath no further need of it , hinders its return . Now this Matter is forc'd to abide thus , till it make it self way through the Pores fram'd by its heat rarifying the skin . During its stay there it is concocted , incrassated , hardened , and puts on the figure of the Pore through which it issueth ; As the soft Matter of Glass is incrassated by the heat , and takes the form of the mould in which it is formed . Hence it is , that they whose skin is tender have very soft Hair. For their skin being by reason of its great rarity unable to resist the least heat , easily opens its Pores , which thereby become very small to give the vapour passage ; which vapour because it stay'd not long enough to be concocted and hardned , produceth very soft , gentle , and loose Hair. On the other , side in those whose skin is hard and dry , the resistance of the same causeth the inclosed heat to act more vehemently , and consequently to make greater Pores ; through the which those vapours passing after a longer inclosure produce a Hair thicker , dryer , and harder , as having been more parched and adur'd . For the vapour is by this means thickned and hardned , like the smoak which is condens'd into soot in the Chimney . Now the Formative Virtue cannot be the cause of this production of Hair in all parts of the Body of this person . First , because heat , the cause efficient , is at that time too weak , through defect of which we see that a dozen or fifteen years after the birth , Hair is not produc'd even in Males . Secondly , the Matter of this little Body is too soft to furnish stuff dry enough for the making of that fuliginous vapour . It remaineth therefore that it be ascrib'd to the Imagination of the Mother ; who being a Superior Agent , many times hinders the Formative Virtue from doing what it designeth . That she is Superior , it is true . For the Formative Virtue belongeth to the Vegetative Life ; Man begetting onely as he is Vegetative ( God alone begetteth by the Vnderstanding ) but the Imagination is a Faculty of the Sensitive Life , and so subjecteth the less to it self ; as the Agent which operateth by the Understanding makes use of that which operateth by Nature . So the Smith , though a mean Artisan , yet makes use of Fire , the most noble Elementary Agent , as a Slave . Now the Imagination acteth in this manner : It presents to the Woman some pleasing object , this object excites her Appetite ; the Appetite by its dominion and command moves the Motive Faculty the performer of its pleasure . This Motive Faculty discharging its Office by the Spirits , which it sets in Motion , and sends forth as it lists ; And these Spirits having their Source and Original in the Brain , upon which the Phantasmes of the Imagination are imprinted , it comes to pass that when a Child-bearing Woman hath a lively representation or Imagination of the thing which she desires ; those Spirits upon which the Image is imprinted , coming to be sent forth by the Motive Faculty , and separating from the rest of their troop which is in the Brain , carry along with them the said Image or Effigies . The same hapning in the Brain that doth in a Looking-glass , which being intire sheweth but one Object , but broken into a hundred pieces , every piece representeth the same whole . For the Nature of Species is of it self indivisible , and is not divided but because of the subject in which they are . So the Phantasme being in the Brain representeth but one and the same thing , but a part of the Spirits ( upon which it is engraven ) separating from thence carry the same along with them ; And arriving with the blood and humours at the faetus , which incessantly draws them from the Mothers Body by the Umbilical Veins , engrave upon it the Image configur'd to them . The Third said , That he could not ascribe this Effect to the Imagination , no more then all other Monsters ( because the Girl resembling neither Father nor Mother , seem'd to him by this uncouth and strange hairiness , to deserve the name of a Monster . ) For : First , The Imagination cannot produce any real Effect , the Intentions of Men produce nothing such ; this belongs onely to the Deity . Secondly , All the Animal Faculties being almost intercepted in Generation , how can the Formative Faculty , which , according to Erastus , is the sole Agent , conceive and apprehend those Images and Representations ? For there is little appearance that the formes of the Imagination are engraven upon Aerial Spirits in the same manner , that these of the Formative Faculty of the Heavens , or Vniversal Spirit , are imprinted in the Air , for the production of Mixt Bodies . For if it were so , then Children would have upon their Bodies marks or tokens of every thing that their Mothers had ardently desir'd and imagin'd , ( and in their Imagination and desires they have no commendation for Constancy ) by reason of the continual Agitation of their blood , which is incessantly attracted by the Foetus . So that we should see strange portraits of the Mothers Phancies upon the Infants Body ; whereby would be sav'd much of the pains that Baptista Porta , takes in his Natural Magick , to teach how to produce Monsters . Moreover , as the Common Sense judgeth of the difference of Objects which it carrieth to the Imagination ; so the Imagination retaineth not those Species , saving to present them to Reason , which judgeth and determineth upon them . Wherefore , if , for example , the Common Sense represents to the Imagnation a Centaur , or some other Monster , and the Imagination represent the same to Reason , this Reason of ours will never allow or consent that the Formative Faculty attempt to bring it to effect . The Fourth said , That he did not think this Girl ought to be termed a Monster , unless in the large signification of the word , as it comprehends every thing that is contrary to the intention of the agent , or is extraordinary . Thus Aristotle calls a Woman a Monster , and a fault of Nature , which always designes the making of a Male as the more perfect ; which being unable to do , either in regard of the disposition of the Agent , or of the Matter , she makes a Woman . And for the same reason he calls a Child , which doth not resemble its Father , a Monster , because the Father design'd to beget a Man like himself . But this person is not truly such , since she is faulty onely in the excess of superfluities or excrements , not of any part that varies the species : As one that voideth more excrements then others , or hath greater Nails then usual , cannot be stil'd a Monster . Besides , what we account monstrous in this person , we have the same our selves . For were our Sight acute enough , we might see that there is no part of the Body but is cover'd with Hair , and perhaps not so fair and soft as hers ; in which we find nothing extraordinary but in the length . For whereas she hath a light-colour'd beard of four or five fingers length , the cause thereof is , because the Hair is carefully shav'd off the rest of her countenance , which otherwise would be all of the same length . This Hair proceedeth from extreme Moisture , and Moderate Coldness ; the former supplyeth the matter for its Generation , and the latter helpeth the Action of Heat , by the occlusion of the Pores which it causeth . So that if among Children , which ( according to Hippocrates ) are more humid then those who have attain'd to Adolescence , there be found any who have such a degree of Coldness as is able to support the root of the Hair by condensing the skin , it will grow in all parts of the Body , though unequally , according to the difference of humour . The Fifth said , That besides the Imagination already alledg'd , ( which caus'd Perfina Queen of Ethiopia to bring forth a white Daughter , and a Woman in our time to bring forth a Child like a Frog , by having held a Frog in her hand for some disease ) this Hair proceeds from a certain temper proper for producing the same ; which temper is found in this little person , as it is in other persons in some places onely , and at a certain Age. This temper seemes to be cold ; for we see that Men and other Creatures are most hairy in the coldest Countries , and cold hath a great influence upon Hair ; some persons having in one night had their Hair extremely grown and chang'd through an excess of fear , and consequently of cold ; for fear causeth all the heat of the external parts to retire inwards . As it hapned to a Gentleman of twenty eight years old , who being condemned to death for an Adultery committed in the Palace of Charles V. the next morning was found all white in the Prison ; whereupon the Emperour granted him his pardon : As the Grandfather of the same Emperour did formerly upon the same account to a Spaniard nam'd Osorio . The like hapned to an other in shorter time , who found the rope begin to break by which he was let down by the side of a steep rock to get an airy of Hawks . Now this great abundance of Hair cannot proceed from extreme Humidity ; for then it must either be radical , and consequently mild , and no sit Matter for Hair ; or else adventitious , sharp , and corroding , which would destroy their root . Besides , it is not credible that so little a Body as this can afford so much excrementitious matter . Nor can it proceed from excess of Heat ; for we see heat makes Hair to shed in those that have a burning Fever or a Hectick , and the Hair and Nails grow in dead bodies which have no natural heat . II. Whether it be harder to resist Pleasure then Pain . Upon the Second Point , it was said , That if Pleasure be consider'd as a Good , and Pain as an Evil , it is not to be doubted but that the latter is as insupportable to our Nature , as the former is agreeable to it . But there are two sorts of Good and Evil , of Pain and Pleasure : One of the Mind , and another of the Body ; and many times the pains and sufferings of the Body are the joyes of the Mind ; and the pleasures and the gratifications of the flesh , the crosses and torments of the Spirit . Now there are scarce any pure and unmixt pleasures or pains in the world , but they are usually mingled one with the other : And if they could be separated , Pain would turn the scale , as being the more heavy and difficult to be supported . In reference to which mixture , the Greek Poet judiciously feigned , that there are two vessels at the entrance of Heaven , one full of Honey and sweetness , the other of Gall and bitterness . Of which two Liquors mingled together Jupiter makes all men to drink , and tempers with them every thing that he pours down here below . So that the Pains and Pleasures of the Mind or the Body , being moderate and indifferently temper'd with each of those Liquors may be supported by Men ; Pleasure and Good , ( as the more natural ) much more easily then Evil and Pain , which are destructive to Nature . But when both of them are extreme , and the sweetness of Pleasures and contentments is not abated by some little gall , nor the bitterness of displeasures sweetned by some little Honey , then Men cannot rellish this Potion ; because they are not accustom'd to things pure and sincere , but to confusion and mixture ; and cannot bear the excess of Grief or Joy , the extremities of which are found to be fatal . As first , for Grief , Licinius finding himself condemn'd for the crime of Cheating the publick , dy'd with regret ; Q. Fabius , because he was cited before the Tribunes of the People for violating the Law of Nations : Caesar's Daughter , at the sight of the bloody garments of her Husband Pompey ; And in the last Age , one of the Sons of Gilbert Duke of Montpensier , going into Italy , dy'd with resentment at Puzzole , upon the Sepulchre of his Father , whom he went thither to see . Then for Joy , Diagoras Rhodius , seeing his three Sons victorious in one day at the Olympick Games , dy'd with Joy. The same Fate befell Chilo the Lacedemonian , upon the same victory of one of his Sons . Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily , and the Poet Sophocles , having heard that they had won the bayes for Tragedies , dy'd both immediately ; And so did the Poet Philippides upon winning that for Comedies . The Painter Zeuxis having made the portraiture of an old woman very odly , dy'd with laughing at it . To which Paulus Jovins produces two like examples of later date ; one of Sinas , General of the Turk's Gallies , upon the recovery of his onely Son whom he accounted lost , and the other of Leo X. upon the taking of Milain , which he had passionately desir'd ; both of which dy'd for Joy. Thus each of these Passions have great resemblance in their excesses . They equally transport a Man beyond the bounds of Reason ; The one by its pleasingness makes him forget himself , the other by its bitterness leads him to despair . Grief destroyes Life , either by the violent agitation of the Spirits , or by their condensation , which stopping the passages hinders respiration ; From whence follows suffocation and death . Pleasure and Joy produce the same effect by contrary causes , namely by too great a dilatation of the Spirits , which causes weakness , and that weakness death . It may be doubted under which rank they ought to be plac'd who dye for Love : But the sweetness of this kind of death is too much extoll'd by the Poets , that being to choose ( said he ) I should prefer it before the others . The Second said , They who dye for Joy are of a soft temper and rare contexture , and their Hearts being too easily dilated and expanded by it , the Spirits evaporating leave the same destitute of strength ; and so the Ventricles close together , and they perish under this Passion . On the contrary , they who dye with grief and sadness have the Pores more closed , but are of a very hot temper , which requires room and freedom for the dilatation of the Heart , which becoming compress'd by sadness , ( which , like Fear , stops and refrigerates , and renders the Spirits too much throng'd ad condens'd among themselves ) the Spirits having their avenues obstructed , and their commerce with the Air hindred , stifle the Heart . That nevertheless the Passions of Joy are much less then those of Grief , because Evil more vehemently moves the Appetite then Good. For Grief destroyes the simple and absolute Existence of a thing . Pleasure brings onely a transient and casual effect , and is but a redundancy or surplusage . An Animal hath its perfect essence without it , but Grief puts its Being into evident danger , and changes it essentially . II. The preservation of an Animal , for which Nature endu'd it with the Passion of Grief , is the highest internal end ; whereunto also Pleasure is ordain'd as a means ; the pleasure of the Taste for the preservation of the Individual ; that of the Touch , for the preservation of the species . In fine , Delectation is a Female Passion , or rather but half a Passion ; for when its Object is present , it is languid and asswag'd , and hath no more but a bare union with the Object , that is , the present Good , which is rather a Rest then a Motion of the Sensitive Appetite : Whereas Grief , which respects a present Evil , is not onely redoubled by the presence of the same , but summons all the other Passions to its Relief , Anger , Audacity , Courage , and all the Faculties to revenge it self . The Third said , That if we consider these two Passions , as streams running within their ordinary channels , and do not respect their inundations , then Grief seemes to be more powerful then Joy ; for it causeth us to break through all difficulties that might stop us , it rallies the Forces of Nature ( when there needs any extraordinary performance ) gives Armes to extremities , and renders Necessity the Mistress of Fortune . On the contrary , Pleasure and Joy abate the greatness of the Courage , enfeeble a Man by exhausting his Spirits , and emptying his Heart too much thereof . The Fourth said , Pleasure and Grief are two Passions of the Concupiscible Appetite , the former of which is the perception of an agreeable Object , the latter of a displeasing one . For all Sensation is made by a Mutation , and that either from Good to Evil , ( whence ariseth Grief , and if it persisteth , Sadness ; ) or from Evil to Good , whence springeth Pleasure , which if it be lasting , causeth Joy : which are to be carefully distinguish'd . They easily succeed , set off , and give conspicuousness one to the other . Socrates would never have found pleasure in scratching the place where his fetters fastned his Legs , if he had not borne those shackles a long time in Prison . Their vehemence hath commonly reference to the Temper . Pleasure hath more dominion over the Sanguine . The Melancholy Man makes more reflexion upon Grief . But considering them absolutely , it seemes to me more difficult to support Ease then Disease , Joy then Sadness , Pleasure then Grief . First , because Hope , the harbinger of good and contentment , hath greater effects then Fear which fore-runs Evil , and causeth to undertake greater things ; for all glorious and Heroical Actions have Hope for their impulsive cause ; whereras , commonly , Fear produceth none but servile Actions . Secondly , a Passion is term'd strong or violent , when by the impression of the species of the Object first upon the Senses , and then upon the Phancy , it becometh so much Mistress of Reason that it hinders the Man from freely exercising the functions of knowing aright and doing aright . Now Pleasures and Contentments cause Men not to know themselves , but to forget God , and run into Vices ; whereas Grief and Afflictions usually retain them within their duty , in the Fear of God , and in the exercise of the Virtues of Patience , Obedience , and Humility . Many persons have bravely and couragiously resisted torments , and yet yielded to Pleasure . And that Emperour of whom Saint Hierome speaks in his Epistles , desiring at any rate to make a young Christian sin , that he might afterwards avert him from the true Religion ; and finding that he had to no purpose employ'd tortures and other cruelties upon him , at length shook him by the allurements of two immodest Women ; whose embraces he being unable longer to resist or fly from , because he was bound with soft fetters , he had recourse to grief , biting his Tongue in two with his Teeth , which were alone at liberty , to moderate the excess of pleasure by that pain . In fine , as Enemies hid under the mask of Friends are more to be fear'd then open Enemies ; So Grief , though a manifest Enemy to our Nature , yet is not so much to be dreaded as Pleasure , which under a false mask and pretext of kindness , insinuates its sweet poyson into us ; And ( as of old the Psylli poyson'd Men by commending them ) becomes Mistress of the Man , and blindes his Reason . Wherefore Aristotle considering the power of Pleasure , counsels him that would resist it , not to behold its fore-part as it presents it self to us , but the hinder-part when it parts from us , and for all recompence leaves us nought but a sad repentance . At the Hour of Inventions many wayes were spoken of conducing to the production or hindrance of Hair , as also to the changing of its colour ; and some of the chief stupifyers were mention'd that serve to asswage Grief or Pain . After which these two Points were chosen for that day seven-night . First , Of three Suns appearing at the same time . Secondly , Whether it be possible to love without interest , and without making reflection upon one's self . CONFERENCE XII . I. Of Three Suns . II. Whether an Affection can be without Interest . I. Of three Suns . HE that spake first , said , That the occasion of this Discourse of three Suns , was the report that in August last , upon the day of our Ladies Assumption , there appeared three in a Village within two Leagues of Vernevil in Normandy . But lest any should attribute the cause thereof to what Virgil saith made two Suns , and two Cities of Thebes appear to Pentheus ; we read in the first book of the fifth Decade of Livius's History , that there appear'd three Suns of Rome , during the War against Perseus King of Macedonia , and the night following many burning torches , ( Faces Ardentes , a kind of Meteor ) fell down in the territory of Rome , which was then afflicted with a raging Pestilence . The same hapned again when Cassius and Brutus were overthrown , when the Civil Wars were between Augustus and Antonius ; and under the Emperor Claudius . But the most remarkable were those two which appear'd under the Empire of Vitellius ; one in the East , and the other in the West . I come now to inquire into the Causes . For if it be true that Man alone was created with a Countenance erected towards Heaven , on purpose to contemplate its Wonders ; I conceive there are none more admirable then Meteors , so nam'd by reason of the elevated aspect of Men when they admire them : and amongst those Meteors there is none more excellent then that Triple Sun , if the Copies resemble their Original , the most admirable of all the Coelestial Bodies . Nevertheless , Reason given Man by God to render the most strange things familiar to him , finds more facility in the knowledge of these , then of many other things which are at our feet ; and that by Induction , which it draws from Examples . The Sun , as every other Body , fills the Air with its Images or Species , which pass quite through the same , unless they be reflected by some Body smooth and resplendent in its surface , but opake at the bottome ; Such are Looking-glasses , and Water , whether it be upon the Earth or in the Clouds . Now when a smooth Cloud that is ready to fall down in rain , happens to be opposite against the Sun , ( being terminated either by its own profundity , or some other opake body ) it represents the figure or image of the Sun ; and if there happen to be another opposite to this first , it reflecteth the figure in the same manner ; As a Looking-glass opposite to that wherein we look receives the species from the former , and represents the same ; And if we believe Seneca , there is nothing less worthy of admiration : For if no body wonders to see the representation of the Sun here below in clear Water , or any other resplendent body , it ought to be no greater marvel that the same Sun imprints his image as well on high as below , not in one Cloud , or two onely , but also in many , as Pliny affirms that himself beheld . This multiplicity of Suns ( which are call'd Parhelij ) happens usually but either at the rising or at the setting of the Sun. First , because the Refraction , which is necessary for seeing them , is not so well made to our eyes , which is more remote when the Sun is in the Meridian . Secondly , because when the Sun is in the Meridian he is more hot , and allows not the Cloud time to stay , but dissolves it as soon as it becomes opposite to him ; which he doth not at his rising or setting , being then more weak . The same Cause that shews us three Suns hath also represented three Moons under the Consulship of Cn : Domitius , and C. Faminus ; as also three other which appear'd in the year 1314. after the death of S. Lewis , three moneths together . Which impression is called Paraselene , and cannot be made but at full Moon . The Second said , That Parhelij do not onely appear upon the Clouds , or at Sun-rise and Sun-set , as the common opinion importeth ; for in the year 1629. on the twentieth of March , the day of the Vernal Equinox , four Parhelij appear'd at Rome , about the true Sun , between Noon and one a clock , the Heaven being clear and the Sun encompass'd with a double Crown , of a deeper colour then those which are seen sometimes about the Moon , and are found in the circumference of a Rain-bow whose Circle is perfect . Two of those false Suns occupi'd the intersections of the Solary Crown and the Iris , and two others were opposite to the former in the same circumference of the Iris. Yet , in my judgement , this cause may be rendred of these five Suns . As in the Night , when the Air appears serene , we many times see that the Moon radiating upon the Air of the lower Region , which is more thick then the superior , by reason of vapours and exhalations , formes about it self a great bright Crown of about forty five degrees diametre ; which space is fit for the reflecting and uniting of the Lunar rayes to the Eye , and by such reflection and union to cause the appearance of that Crown : So also when the lower Region is full of vapours and exhalations , which have not been dissipated by the Sun , either because of their great quantity or viscosity , or else of the coldness of the Air , they render the Air more dense , though serene in appearance , and so more proper to receive the like impressions of the Sun. In the same manner were the Crown and the Iris produc'd ; for they were form'd by a reflection and refraction of the Solar rayes , and consequently at the intersection of the Iris , and the Crown , there was a double reflection and refraction . Whence at the the said intersection appear'd two false Suns sufficiently bright , by the new reflection of which upon the same circumference of the Iris , were formed two other Suns of less brightness . The Third said , That this plurality of Suns ought to be attributed to a reflection of the species of the true Sun receiv'd in some Stars so oppos'd to him that they send back his light and species , and the concurse of those reflected rayes , causes those masses of light to appear in the centres of concave bodies that reflect them ; which cannot be Clouds , because they are neither smooth nor opake , nor void of colour ; the three accidents necessary for reflection . Moreover , the Clouds cannot receive his species upon their uppermost surface , for then they could not reflect it ; nor upon their lowermost or interior surface ; for this cannot receive it , unless it be reflected from the Water , and then we should not see those Suns in the Air , but in the Water : Nor lastly , upon one side , because then the Spectator must not be upon the Earth , but in a line perpendicular to the diametre of the side of the Cloud ; according to the doctrine of the Catoptricks . The Fourth said , That the Clouds being polite or smooth when they are turn'd into Water , and their profundity serving instead of opacity ( as we see in deep Waters , which our sight is unable to penetrate ) they remit the species presented to them ; And the same may happen in the Air when it is condens'd . Whence , as Aristotle reports , many have seen their own Images in the Air ; and some affirm , that they have seen whole Cities so , particularly Avignon . The Fifth said , That the Viscosity into which the aqueousness of those Clouds had degenerated when those four Parhelij appear'd at Rome , was the cause not onely of their appearance , but also of their subsistence at mid-day . To the which also , more concocted and condens'd , must those three Suns ascrib'd which were observ'd in Spain , Anno 753. for the space of three years ; and the three others that appear'd over the City of Theodosia , on the twenty ninth of October , 1596. from Sun-rise to Sun-set . The Sixt said , That all these difficulties inclin'd him to attribute Parhelij to one or more Clouds round and resplendent like the Sun. For what unlikelihood is there that an unctuous exhalation may be elevated in the Air in a round figure , which being inflam'd on all sides , equally may represent by its light that of the Sun ; seeing Nature is much more ingenious then Art , which represents him at pleasure by artificial fires ; and we behold even from the surface of the Earth , up to the Orbes of the Planets igneous bodies of all figures and colours , and those of very long continuance . II. Whether any Love be without self interest . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That 't is not without a mystery that Plato in his Convivium , makes two Cupids ; one the Son of Venus Coelestial , the other the Son of the common or Terrestrial Venus ; intimating thereby that there are two sorts of Love ; one vile and abject , which is that of Concupiscence , whereby a Man loves that which is agreeable to him for his own interest , the other divine and perfect , wherewith we love a thing for it self : which kind is very rare . And therefore Hesiod makes it to be born of the Chaos and the Earth , to intimate that it is difficult to meet any that is pure and without any interest . The Ancients have also made two Loves ; one of Plenty , Abundance , by which the Perfect loves the Imperfect , to communicate thereunto what it wanteth ; the other of Indigence , which the Defective hath towards the Perfect , that it may be made perfect by it . The former is that of God towards his Creatures ; the latter , that of Creatures towards God. And as for that which is found between Creatures , it is more or less excellent according as it partaketh of the one or the other . But to speak generally , it is more noble to be lov'd then to love , as it is more excellent to be sought to then to seek to another , to give then to receive . The Second said , That there are two sorts of Love , the one of Friendship , the other of Desire . The former causeth us to love things , because they are worthy of it ; the latter , because they are convenient for us . The first is not onely possible , but more natural then the second . For the Love of Friendship is direct , that of Concupiscence is onely by reflection . Now that which is direct is in the date of Nature before the reflected , the stroke is before the rebound , the voice before the Echo , and the Ray before the reverberation . For Reflection is a re-plication or re-doubling of a thing . That the Love of Desire is such , I manifest . It is with our Knowledge as with our Love. A Man knows himself less easily then he doth others , because he knows all things else by a direct action , and himself by reflection . He sees every thing directly , but he cannot see himself saving in a Looking-glass . And for that nothing enters into him but passeth through the Senses , it is requisite that that which is in him come forth to re-enter again by the Senses , and pass into the Mind . For all Knowledge is by Assimilation ; as , that I may see , the pupil of my Eye must have the Image of the thing which I would see , and so become like to it . Now all resemblance is between things that are distinct . So that if the Mind of Man is to know any thing of it self , that thing must be abstracted and sever'd from him , that it may be made like to him , and consequently cannot enter into his Knowledge but by reflection , in which the species loseth of its virtue ; as we see in the Echo , which is never so natural as the voice which it imitates , nor the Object in the Looking-glass as the first Object . The case is the same in Love : For by it we love things before we desire them . Which is evident both in respect to the Object , and also to the Act of Love. Its Object , Good , includeth two things ; First , its Nature of Good , which is an Entity consider'd in it as conducing to the perfection of the thing wherein it is ; And Secondly , its communicability , or relation to other things capable of receiving its diffusion . The former is the foundation and efficient emanative cause of the other , which is onely a Propriety , and consequently less natural ; because posterior and subservient to the former . Moreover , Love taken as an act of the Will hath the same effect ; according to which it is defin'd an adequateness , conformity and correspondence of our heart to the thing , and an approbation and complacency in the goodness which is in the Object ; which our Mind judging good in this manner ; First , Loves it in it self with a Love of Friendship , and then afterwards judging it amiable , applies it to it self and desires it . So that there is a two-fold convenience or agreableness in every thing that is lov'd , even with the Love of Concupiscence . First , the convenience of the Good with its proper subject : And Secondly , the convenience of the same Good with the thing or person whereunto it is desired . The first convenience excites the Love of Friendship : The second that of Concupiscence . Wherefore it is more natural to Love without Interest , then for it . Besides , Love follows Knowledge , and we know things simply and in themselves , sooner then such as are compounded and refer'd to another . Lastly , the Love of Friendship is the end of the motions of our Hearts which acquiesce and stop there . The Love of Concupiscence is for the means which are posterior in the intention of Nature , and as servants employ'd for the End. The Third said , That Love being one of the most noble acts of the Will , or rather of the Soul , which is created after the Image of God , it hath some lineaments of that Divine Love. Now God loves all things for his own sake . In like manner we see all reasonable Creatures have an instinct and sympathy to such as are convenient to themselves , and an abhorrence or antipathy to their contraries . Moreover , the Nature of Good , which is the Object of Love , shews that Love always precisely regards him that loves ; there being no Absolute Good , but all is with convenience or relation , without which it would not move us to affect it . For no Love can be assign'd , how perfect soever , in which the person that loves hath not some interest . Q. Curtius deliver'd Rome from an infection of the Pestilence , by plunging himself into a great Vorago in the Earth ; but it was with a desire of glory , and to be talk'd of . A Father loves his Children , but it is that he may perpetuate himself in them . We love Virtue for the sweetness and delectation which it brings with it ; yea , even Martyrs offer themselves couragiously to death , that they may live eternally with him for whose sake they suffer . And if seeing two Men play at Tennis , both of them alike unknown unto me , I yet wish that one may win rather then the other ; this proceeds from some convenience or agreeableness between us two , though the reason of it be not then manifest to me . The Fourth said , That Disinterested Love , which is the true , intirely terminates in the thing lov'd purely and simply for the natural and supernatural goodness which is in it . But that which reflects upon the person who loves for his Honour , Profit , or Pleasure , is false and vicious . Now although since the depravation of our Nature by sin the former sort of Love be very difficult , yet is it not impossible . For since there is a Relative Love , there must also be an Absolute , which serves for a contrary to the other . It is much more hard to love an Enemy ( a thing commanded by God ) then to love another with a Disinteressed Love. And though it be true that Pleasure is so essential to Love that it is inseparable from it , ( whence one may infer that such Pleasure is an interest ) yet provided he who loves doth it not with reflection to his Pleasure , or for the Pleasure which he takes in loving , his Love is pure and simple , and void of all interest . So , though he who loves , goes out of himself to be united to the thing lov'd , ( which is the property of Love ) and becomes a part of the whole which results from that union , and consequently interessed for the preservation of the same : Nevertheless , provided he do not reflect upon himself , as he is a part of that whole , his love is always without interest . The fifth said , That as Reflex Knowledge is more excellent and perfect then direct ; So reflected Love , which is produc'd by knowledge of the merits and perfections of the thing lov'd , is more noble and judicious then that which is without any reflection and interest . Gods Love towards Men ought to serve them for a rule . Therefore Plato saith , that when God design'd to create the World , he transform'd himself into Love , which is so much interessed , that he hath made all things for his own Glory . The Sixth said , That true Love is ( like Virtue ) contented with it self ; and he that loves any thing for his particular interest doth not properly love that thing , but himself , to whom he judgeth it sutable . In which respect Saint Bernard calls such kind of Love mercenary and illegitimate ; because true and pure Love is contented simply with loving ; and though it deserves reward , yet that is not its motive , but the sole consideration of the excellence and goodness of the thing lov'd . Nor is this true Love so rare as is imagin'd , there being examples of it found in all conditions of Men. Cleomenes King of Lacedaemon disguis'd himself on purpose to be slain , as accordingly he was ; thereby to expiate to the Fate which was destinated to the loss either of the Chiestain or his Army . Gracchus dy'd that his Wife Cornelia might live . The Wife of Paetus slew her self for company , to sweeten death to her Husband . Histories are full of Fathers and Mothers that have prefer'd their own death before that of their Children . At the Hour of Inventions , One offering to speak of Amulets , Philtres , and other means to procure Love , and mentioning the Hippomanes , or flesh which is found in the fore-head of a young Colt ( whereof Virgil speaks ) he was interrupted by this intimation ; That the two most effectual means for causing Love were the graces of the Body and the Mind , and to love those by whom we would be lov'd . And these two points were propounded . First , Whether Melancholy persons are the most ingenious . Secondly , Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . CONFERENCE XIII . I. Whether Melancholy Persons are the most ingenious or prudent . II. Which is most necessary in a State , Reward or Punishment . I. Whether Melancholy Men are the most ingenious . THe First said , That ( according to Galen , ) Humane Actions ( to speak naturally ) depend on the complexion or composition of the Humours . Which Opinion hath so far prevail'd , that in common Speech , the words Nature , Temper , and Humour , signifie not onely the Inclination , but the Aptitude and Disposition of persons to any thing . So we say Alexander the Great was of an Ambitious and Martial Nature , Mark Anthony of an Amorous Temper , Cato of a severe Humour . Of the Humours , Melancholy ( whereof we are to speak ) is divided into the Natural , wherewith the Spleen is nourish'd , and that which is Preternatural , called Atrabilis , or black choler . The one is like to a Lee or Sediment , the other to the same Lee burnt , and is caus'd by the adustion of all the Humours , whereof the worst is that which is made of choler . Again , it is either innate , or acquir'd , by abuse of the six things which we call Non-natural , as Imprisonment , solitary and gloomy places , immoderate watchings , Agitations and Motions of Body and Mind , especially Sadness and Fear , immoderate fasting , the use of base and black Wines , gross food , as Pulse , Coleworts , Beef , especially salted , and Animals that have black hair , such as are the Stag , the Hare , and all Water fowle . Aristotle conceiv'd that this Natural Melancholy was the fittest humour to make Men ingenious ; as he treats at large in his Problemes , and shews that the greatest persons that have excell'd in Philosophy , Policy , Poetry , and other Arts , have partaken most of it ; yea , of the atribilarious Humour , as Hercules , Ajax , and Bellerophon . And before him Hippocrates , in his Book De Flatibus , saith , That nothing contributes more to Prudence then the blood in a good consistence , as the Melancholy Humour is . Galen will have Dexterity to proceed from Choler , Integrity and Constancy from Melancholy . The first reasons are taken from the similitude which Melancholy hath with Wine I. First , as Wine is stronger upon its Lee , and keeps longer ; so is the blood upon Melancholy . II. The Spirit which is drawn from Wine mingled with its Lee , is far better then that which is drawn from Wine alone . So the Spirits which proceed from blood joyn'd with Melancholy , are much more vigorous thereby . III. As it easier to leap on high when one hath his foot upon firm ground , then in a fluid place ; So Melancholy being more firm then the other Humours makes the Spirits bound the higher , and they are also better reflected ; as the rayes of the Sun are better reflected by the Earth then by the Water . IV. Melancholy persons have a stronger Imagination , and so more proper for the Sciences ; because Knowledge is acquir'd by the reception of Phantasines into the Imagination . V. Old Men , who are prudent , are Melancholy . Whence came that saying , The prudent Mind is in a dry Body . And the blood of studious and contemplative persons becomes dry and Melancholy by study . Therefore Plato said , That the Mind begins to flourish when the Body is pass'd its flower . In fine , the Melancholy are very patient , and are not discourag'd by any obstacles which they meet with : And as they are very slow in taking resolutions , so when they are once taken , they perform them notwithstanding what ever difficulties they encounter therein . The Second said , He could not conceive how this Humour which causeth the greatest diseases in the Spleen , and in the Veins , the Hypochondriacal Dotage , and the Quartan Ague ; in any part the Scirrhus and the Cancer ; and in the whole Body the Leprosie and other incurable diseases , should increase Wit and contribute to Prudence . For considering it even in its natural constitution , it renders those in whom it predominates , of a leaden colour , pensive , solitary , slow in motion , sad and timerous ; and causes them to have a small Pulse , which is an argment of the weakness of their Spirits . On the contrary , the Sanguine Humour , opposite to it , hath none but commendable signes and effects ; a rosey colour , a cheerful aspect ; a sociable humour , an active promptitude ; In brief , all actions in perfection . Whence it follows that the Humours of a well temper'd Man being more exquisite , the Spirits which proceed from purer blood must be also more more refin'd . The Third Said , That to know whether the Melancholy Temper be most proper for Prudence , it behoveth to consider the nature both of Prudence and of Melancholy , and see how they agree together . Prudence is the Habit of acting according to Reason : Whereunto is requisite a clear Knowledge of the End of Man and of his actions , as also of the Means which conduce to that end , together with an integrity and firmness of Mind to guide a Man in the election and practice of those means . Wherefore it is not without good reason that Prudence is accounted the Queen and Rule of all Virtues , and that all of them are but species or kinds of Prudence : Whence he that hath all the Virtues , and hath not Prudence , cannot be said to have any Virtue . For indeed it is to Action , what Sapience or Wisedom is to Contemplation . Melancholy not-natural , which becometh such by adustion of the natural , of the Blood , Choler , and salt Flegme , is easily inflam'd , and being inflam'd renders Men furious ; and so is very contrary to Prudence , which requires a great tranquillity and moderation of Mind , for right judging of the End of things , and of the Means to attain thereunto . Choler indeed makes good Wits capable of well judging of the End and the Means ; yea , it gives Courage for the execution : But the bilious Spirits are usually fickle , and want constancy in resolutions , and patience in executions ; which defects are very remote from Prudence . The Flegmatick have , as we say , ( ny bouche ny esperon ) neither counsel nor dispatch : They are dull both of Body and Mind , and incapable of understanding and performing well . The Sanguine have Wit good enough , and gentle qualities ; but they they are too sensual and tender , by reason of the softness and mildness of the numour , which ought to be moderated in a Prudent Man. But Natural Melancholy gives a solid Judgement , Gravity , Constancy , Patience and Temperance , which are the principal pillars of Prudence . So then , the Melancholy Temper alone is proper for it , and of the rest that which nearest approacheth it , namely the Sanguine . Now every Temper being compounded of the Four Humours , that in which Blood and Natural Melancholy predominate , will be the most proper of all for Prudence . For these two Humours make a very perspicacious Wit , and a profound and solid Judgement . Melancholy when moderately heated by the Blood and Choler , carries a Man to undertake and execute boldly and confidently , because it is with knowledge of the End and Means . Thus I have given you the Common Opinion . But I esteem it absurd to believe that the Elementary Qualities cause such noble Effects as the Inclinations to Prudence , Magnanimity , Justice , and other Virtues . For they are caus'd by the Influence of the Stars , as is found most evidently in Nativities , by which , without seeing the person or his temper , one may tell his Inclinations . But because in every Generation the superior and inferior causes concur together , and the temper almost alwayes corresponds to the Influences ; thence Aristotle and Galen ( who understood not the true Science of Coelestial Powers ) have affirm'd , ( the former in his Physiognomy ) That the Manners of Man follow his Temper ; And the latter , That the Temperament is by it self the first and true efficient cause of all the actions of the mixt Body , and consequently of the Manners of a Man : Whereby they ascribe that to the Temper which ought to be attributed onely to the Influences . And indeed , the Hermetick Philosophy assignes to the Elementary Qualities no other Virtues , but of heating , cooling , moistning , drying , condensing , and rarifying . Now according to Astrologers , Prudence is from the influence of Saturn and Jupiter , ( who preside over Melancholly and Blood ) according as those Planets reign , or favourably regard all the points of the Ascendant and the Middle of Heaven in the Nativity ; which are the principal significators of the inclinations and actions of a Man. The Fourth said , That to attribute that property and Virtue to the Humours to make Men wise and intelligent , is to prejudice the Rational Soul , which being immaterial needeth no material instrument for the performing of its actions ; but as it is wholly Divine and the Image of God , it is perfectly intelligent of its own Nature , and by Reason the noblest of its Faculties , of it self knows what ever is most hidden in Nature . For if the actions of Knowledge and Prudence depend on the Temper of the Humours , then that which now produceth ratiocination in me should have been the food which I took yesterday : And so those things , which , whilst they were alive , had no other actions but vegetative or sensitive , should , when they are dead , produce intellectual . The Spirits alone put our Humours in motion and action ; and when those fail , these remain without any Virtue . Nevertheless those Spirits ( onely the vehicles of the Rational Soul ) are not the Cause either of Knowledge or Prudence , but onely of Life : much less can those excellent Qualities be attributed to the Humours . II. Whether is more necessary in a State Reward or Punishment . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That Reward and Punishment are the two pillars of a State ; one for the satisfying of Merit , and encouraging Men to Virtue ; the other for restraining Malefactors , and turning them from Vice. That consequently they are both necessary , and almost inseparable . Nevertheless Reward seemes to have some degree of necessity above the other ; because though Punishment , with its eight species , ( which are Fine , Imprisonment , Stripes , Retaliation , Ignominy , Banishment , Servitude , and Death , ) serves for Example and for satisfaction to Distributive Justice , ( whose end is to extinguish Crimes and reform them ) and secure the Good against the Bad ; ( whence the Wise-man commandeth Magistrates to break off Iniquity , and govern with a rod of Iron ) yet is it not good in all times , nor in all places . And Sylla did prudently in not punishing his Souldiers , who slew the Praetor Albinus in a Sedition . On the contrary , Reward is alwayes necessary , and every where welcome , being the wages of Virtue , as the other is of Vice. 'T is for that the Labourer cultivates the Earth , that the Souldier goes to the War , and that good Wits employ their time in excellent and profitable inventions . Darius preserv'd his Kingdom by having rewarded Zopyrus ; And on the contrary , Philip lost the City of Damas for want of gratifying Milesius , by whose means he had won it . So that it is with good reason that Pliny saith , in his Panegyrick , That the recompences of good and bad deeds make Men good or bad . The Second said , That in the beginning of the World , when our Nature was created in the perfection of a lust Aequilibrium , we had on the one side the inferior part of the Soul wholly subject to the superior ; and on the other this superior Soul absolutely submissive to the Divine Will. But the first Man having broken that Aequilibrium by his sin , and turn'd the balance towards the side of Evil ; this Counterpoise , which like infectious Leven is left in the flesh of Adam , hath given us all a tendency and inclination to Evil. Hence it is that Men are lead into all sorts of Vices ; and because 't is the property of sin to blind the Mind , and cloud the Memory with the Reason ; they have also forgotten the way which they ought to keep , that they might live like reasonable Men. For remedy whereof , not onely God , who from all Eternity purposed our Reparation , but also Men most vers'd in the knowledge of Good and Evil have establish'd Laws , to restore Man to his Aequilibrium , and contain him in his duty both towards God and Humane Society . But because Original Sin powerfully inclines us to Evil from our Nativitie , and it is very rare , if not impossible , to find any one that erres and perseveres so wilfully without fear or hope ; therefore God and Kings have appointed two powerful counterpoises , Rewards and Punishments ; the former , for good and virtuous actions , the latter , for the Transgression of their Laws . Since then Punishment is onely for Transgression of Laws , and Reward for those who besides observing them , proceed further to virtuous actions and such as are profitable to the publick ; It is certain , the former of the two is most necessary in a State , as that to which Men are most prone . For it is most true , that Men are naturally more inclin'd to Evil then to Good , because they are corrupted by Original Sin ; and we know the most part would willingly desire to grow great by the loss of others , and to plunge themselves in Pleasures and Riches , if they were not restrain'd by the rigor of Laws . This is further confirmed , because the Laws of Men are better observed then the Divine Laws ; not but that Men are as ready to infringe those , as these of God , who forbears and is patient after the sin of Man ; but because the penalties of Humane Laws are appointed for this Life , and we behold Criminals publickly executed . Wherefore Punishment is the most necessary in a State. Nevertheless Reward is not unprofitable , because it serves to excite to well doing , and is frequently propos'd in the Divine Laws ; the corruption of our Nature not permitting us to be lead to do good , for the sake of good alone . Moreover , our own necessity constrains us to seek the support of our Life by our Labours , and to eat our Bread in the sweat of our Countenances , as our Sentence importeth . But to determine whether it be alwayes fit to reward or punish , when there is occasion , this depends upon many circumstances of Times , Places , and Persons : wherein a good part of the skill of a States-man consists . Yet when Reward or Punishment tends to the good of the publick , or the honour of the Prince ; neither the one nor the other ought to be omitted , in my opinion , so far as is possible . The Third said , That the Distick which imports , That the good hate sin out of the love of Virtue , and the wicked out of the fear of Punishment , voids the question . For since the good have nothing to do with any other Reward but what they find in their own satisfaction , knowing otherwise that they are oblig'd to do well ; and the wicked need no other salary but the Punishment due to their Crimes ; it seemes Punishment is not onely necessary , but alone necessary in a State. Not but that Reward serves for ornament , and for its better being , as Sauces do to raise the languishing Appetite ; But in reference to absolute necessity , no person can say that they are to be compar'd together . For although Plato calls Reward and Punishment the two grand Daemons of Humane Society , yet it is not thence to be infer'd that the one ought to be parallel'd with the other , which is better understood by experience . For compare an Inter-regnum , wherein Crimes are not punish'd , with a conjuncture wherein no persons are rewarded ; this latter indeed will discontent those that have a good opinion of their own merit ; but the former will be so destructive that no Man can be secure of his Goods , Honour , or Life . On the contrary , phancy a State willing to reward all that do well , it cannot be done by Honours , but the same will be vilifi'd by their multitude ; nor by money , without ruining some to enrich others . Wherefore Reward is much less necessary then Punishment . Which I affirm in behalf of truth , and not in complyance with my particular opinion , being no more void of Appetite then others ; but the experience of the ancient Greeks and Romans , and of the Spaniards and Portugals , ( the former of which had all the spoils of other Nations , and the latter all the Gold discover'd in the Indies ) shews us that Reward doth not hinder discontents and revolts : Yea , it is found that the Reward given to one ( unless it be accounted just by all the world , which is a rare thing ) contents less , and for a less time him that receives it , then it excites discontents in all others that cannot get as much : Like a Mistress , who for one favourite makes a thousand jealous and desperate . Whereas the Punishment of one single person serves for an example and powerful lesson to all others . Add hereunto , that Reward being the sweetest when it is least expected , good people who alone deserve it , are forward to believe and to publish that they meant none at all . CONFERENCE XIV . I. Of the Seat of Folly. II. Whether a Man or Woman be most inclin'd to Love. I. Of the Seat of Folly. HE that began upon the first point said , That this Question is not unprofitable , because it concernes the original and place of the greatest evil that can befall the more noble part of Man : The decision of which will teach us to avoid the assaults of this Enemy the more easily , when we know where it is lodg'd . Nor is it new ; for the Abderites having sent for Hippocrates to cure Democritus of the Folly which they impertinently conceiv'd him guilty of , sound him busier after this inquiry by the dissection of many Animals . But it is very difficult to comprehend , for a thing ought to be introduc'd into our Phancy that we may reason upon it , and Folly is a perversion of that Ratiocination . Now Folly is taken either relatively or absolutely . In the first acception , he that doth any thing contrary to the common opinion is call'd a fool . So 't is proverbially said , Chacun à sa marotte , Every one hath his bable . One is accounted foolish for being too much addicted to meddals , another to Pictures , Flowers , or some such thing , of more curiosity then benefit . Yea one and the same person will sometimes say , I am a great fool for having done this or that . That which seemes Wisedom to one , is oftentimes Folly to others . Thus ought that to be understood which S. Paul saith , The Wisedom of Men is Folly before God. Absolute Folly is Absurdness , consisting in the privation and depravation of the action of reasoning . So that me-thinks it may be answer'd to the present Question touching the seat of Folly , that the laesion or abolition of any action being in the same organ in which it is exercis'd well , ( as blindness in that part wherewith we see ) the seat of Folly must be the same with that of Reason ; which is therefore to be inquired by us . But because Ratiocination cannot injure it self , ( for the Intellect useth no Corporeal Organ to understand , but onely the Memory , the Imagination , and the Common Sense , without which it cannot apprehend , nor they without the Corporeal Organs which are in the Brain ) some have held that the Soul performeth not its reasoning with one single Organ , but with many together . Others have ventur'd to assign some particular place thereunto . The former opinion is founded : I. Upon the Maxime , That the whole Soul is in the whole Body , and the whole Soul is in every part , and consequently she perform es her actions in the whole Body . II. That 't is the temperature of the Humours which are throughout the whole Body , that serves for an instrument to the Soul. III. That the animal spirits are made of the natural and the vital ; and so all the parts together contribute to Ratiocination , and not the Animal alone . Consequently , also , the whole Body , and not the Brain alone . IV. That the Brain in other Animals is perfectly like in structure to that of Man , having the same membranes and medullous substance , the same sinuosities , ventricles and veins ; yet he differs from a Beast in the whole form and figure ; and therefore must be consider'd intire , and not in one part alone . Lastly , that as God is most eminently in Heaven , yet acts no less upon Earth ; So Reason , which is his image , discovers it self best in the Brain , yet ceaseth not to display it self in the Heart and other parts , which are not moved , and perform not most of their actions but by Reason , and the Will which is subject to it . The Second Opinion is , That the Judgement is made in one of the four ventricles of the Brain , which most account to be the third , as the fourth is attributed to Memory , and the two first or interior to the Imagination : Whence it is that we scratch the hinder part of the head , as if to chafe it , when we would remember any thing : that we lift up the head when we are about to imagine , and hold it in a middle situation when we reason . Which is further confirmed , for that they are wounded or hurt in those places , respectively have those faculties impaired or abolish'd . Now to find the causes of such Laesion of the faculties , we must consider what is necessary for the exercising of them . Three things are so , the Agent , the Organ , and the Object . The Soul which is the Agent , admitting ( neither magis nor minus ) no degrees , being immortal and in no wise susceptible of alteration , cannot be hurt . The Brain , which is the Organ , being well or ill dispos'd , either by distemper , or ill conformation , or solution of continuity , may help or hinder the Memory and the Imagination . The Object also may be fallacious , and represent to us that which is not . The Second said , Folly comes either from the Nativity , as some are born deaf and dumb , or after the birth . From the Nativity , when the natural heat is deficient ; as in small heads , which have too little quantity of Brain , or those that are flat-headed , or of some other bad figure containing less then the round , and discomposing the Organs ; Or on the contrary , in great heads which are said to have little Wit , because the Spirits are too much dispers'd and humid , as we see in Children . After the Birth , as it happens to decripet Old Men , to such as live in a thick Air , or through watchings , fastings , excessive afflictions , diseases , falls or blows , especially if an Impostume follow . For in such cases there are instances of great forgetfulness or Folly , as Gaza forgot even his own Name : It is divided into Deliration , Phrensie , Melancholy , and Madness . Though the word Deliration be taken for all sorts of Folly , yet it more strictly signifies that which is caus'd by rising of the hot humours and vapours to the Brain , and frequently accompanies Fevers and Inflammations of the internal parts . Phrensie is an Inflammation of the membranes of the Brain , caus'd by the bilious blood or humour , usually with a Fever , and a languid Pulfe , in regard such phrenctick persons are intent upon other things , whereby their respiration is less frequent . Melancholy ( both the Ideopathical , which is in the Vessels of the Brain ; and the Sympathetical , or Hypochondrical , which ariseth from the Liver , the Spleen , and the Mesentery ) ariseth from that humour troubling the Brain ; and by its blackness making the patients sad and timerous ; or as Averroes will have it , by its coldness , because Heat emboldens , and Cold makes fearful , as we see in Women . As this humour causeth Prudence and Wisedom when it is in its natural quality , so when it is corrupted it produceth Folly ; there being as little distance between the one and the other , as between the string of a Lute stretch'd up to the highest pitch , and the same when it is broken : Which made Montaigne say , That there is but one turn of a peg between Wisedom and Folly. If this Melancholy humour be moveable and bilious , it will cause imaginations of various absurd things , like to those of Dreams . Wherefore Aristotle compares the fame to waters in motion , which alwayes represent objects ill . If it be more fix'd , it causeth insuperable Opiniastry . As is observ'd in those who phancy themselves Pitchers , Cocks , Geese , Hens , Glass , Criminals , Dead , Damned , and so in infinitum , according to the diversity of Phancies , Conditions , and Inclinations . The Folly of Love is of this kind , which hath caus'd desperation and death to many . Lastly , Mania , or Madness , is an alienation of the Mind , not mingled with fear and sadness , as Melancholy is , but with boldness and fury , caus'd by the igneous and boyling Spirits of the other Choler , which possessing the Brain , and at times the whole Body , by their immoderate heat render Men foolish , furious , and daring . Such a heat , that they are insensible of cold in mid Winter , though stark naked ; sometimes so excessive that it degenerates into Lycanthropy , rage , and many other furious diseases . By the induction of all which species of Folly , it appears , that whence soever the matter which causeth Folly ariseth , it makes its impression in the Brain . For though the Soul be as much in the heel as the head , yet it is improper to place Wisedom in the heel , but it may reasonably be assign'd to the Brain . Yet to circumscribe it to a certain place , excluding any other , me-thinks ought no more to be done , then to assign some particular corner of a Chamber to an Intelligence , of the Nature of which the Soul participates . The Third said , Melancholy is the cause of Prudence onely by accident , hindring by its dryness the too great mobility of the Blood , and by its coldness checking the too impetuous sallies of the Spirits ; but it is by it self the cause of Folly , and also of the two other Syncopies , Eclipses , and Alienations of the Judgement which are observ'd in the Apoplexy and the Epilepsie , or Falling-sickness . If Melancholy abound in the Brain , it either possesses its ventricles , or predominates over its temper . If it be in the ventricles , it either molests them by its malignity and acrimony , and causeth the Epilepsie ; or else it fills them , and causeth the Apoplexy . For as we put Oyl upon a piece of Wine that is prone to decay and sowre ; which Oyl being aerious , and consequently humid , by its subtile and unctuous humidity keeps its particles so united , that the Spirits of the Wine cannot penetrate through it ; and so being cover'd by it , they are restrain'd and tarry in the Wine : In like manner Melancholy by its tenacious and glutinous viscosity , like black shining pitch , keeps its particles so conjoyn'd , that the Spirit contain'd in the ventricles , cannot issue forth into the Nerves to serve for voluntary motion and the functions of sense ; whence followes their cessation . But if the Melancholy Humour presseth the ventricles by its troublesome weight , then they retire , and by their retiring cause that universal contraction of the Nerves . If this Humour prevail over its temper , then it causeth deliration or Dotage , and that in two manners . For if it exceed in dryness , which is a quality that admits degrees , then by that dryness ( which is symbolical and a kin to heat ) it attracts the Spirits to it self , as it were to make them revolt from their Prince , and to debauch them from their duty ; employes them to fury and rage , and causes madness , making them follow its own motions , which are wholly opposite to Nature . For being cold , dry , black , gloomy , an enemy to light , society and peace , it aims at nothing but what is destructive to Man. But if the cold in this humour exceed the dry , then it will cause the disease called Melancholly , which is pure Folly , and makes the timerous , trembling sad fools ; for cold not onely compresseth and incloseth the Spirits in the Brain , and stupifies them so as to become unactive , but hath also a back blow upon the Heart , the reflux of its infection exhaling even to that seat of life , and streightning it into it self , whereby its Spirits become half mortifi'd . Moreover , this Humour sometimes piercing through the Brain comes about with a circumference , and lodges amongst the Humours of the Eye , placing it self before the pupil , and the Crystalline , under the Tunicles which cover it : by which means the Melancholy persons seem to behold dreadful Objects abroad , but it is within his Eye that he sees them . As for the same reason they who have the beginning of a suffusion imagine that flyes , flocks of wool , or little hairs , because of the Humour contain'd there ; which if it be Blood , they seem red ; if Choler , yellow ; if Melancholy , black . But in all the cases hitherto alledg'd , me-thinks , the Seat of Folly is the same with that of Imagination , which is the Brain , and not any of the ventricles in particular : for since the Intellect acteth upon the phantasmes of the Imagination , this upon the report of the Common Sense , and this upon the information of the External Senses , which are diffus'd throughout all the Brain , and each possesseth a part of it , the whole Brain must necessarily contribute to Ratiocination . II. Whether Women or Men are more inclin'd to Love. Upon the Second Point , the First said , Women are of a more amorous complexion then Men. For the Spirits of Women being more subtile , ( according to Aristotle's Maxime , That such as have more tender flesh have more subtile Spirits ) they are carri'd with more violence to amiable Objects . And Love being , according to Plato , the off-spring of Plenty and Indigence ; that of Women arising from Indigence and Necessity , moves them more powerfully to obtain what they need , then that of Men , which proceedeth from Plenty and a desire to communicate . And therefore the Philosopher saith , the Woman desires the Man , in the same manner that the first Matter doth new forms , wherewith it is insatiable . The little knowledge they have of the goodness of what they affect causeth them also to love with greater ardour . Moreover , the Restraint which they ought to observe , with shame and fear , makes the inward motion more violent , and the inquietudes greater ; And , like Fire cover'd with ashes , they preserve their Love under a honest modesty much longer then Men , who discover theirs undiscretely . The Hysterical Fits , Jaundies , Green-sicknesses , and other dangerous symptomes which Love produces in them , even to Erratical Fury , evidence that this Passion is much more violent in them then in Men , since it is able so notably to alter their natural constitution . Wherefore if we believe the Sooth-sayer Tiresias , Nature has in requital advantag'd them above Men in the enjoyment of the fruits of that Love. The Second said , That the Woman is more inclin'd to Love , and also loves more constantly then the Man , because of the weakness of Knowledge . For proof of which it must be observ'd that Knowledge gives the condition to Good , which is the Object of the Will , and the reason of Amability . Good hath from it self and its own principles the nature of goodness , which consists in a two-fold convenience ; the one absolute , in reference to the thing which it accomplishes and perfectionates ; the other relative , in regard to other things to which that Good may be refer'd , and by which it may be participated under the notion of Honour , Profit , or Pleasure . But the being amiable , it derives from the Knowledge . As Colours have from their own principles , ( which are the four First Qualities blended in the Mixt Body ) their being of Colour , but not their being visible , which they derive from the Light ; without which Scarlet is indeed , in the night , Scarlet , but not visible . So the being amiable is deriv'd to the Object by the light of our Knowledge . Whence we see , that many times evil is lov'd , because it is judg'd good . This being premiz'd , it followes , that Man who knows more clearly loves more sleightly . He knows better , because he hath more heat , and consequently a more quick Imagination , and so a stronger Knowledge . For Minds are equal , and differ not but by reason of the Phantasmes . Moreover , he is more dry , which hinders his Knowledge from being obscur'd with the clouds of Humidity . On the contrary , the Woman being colder hath less vigour in her Imagination ; and being more moist , hath her Phantasmes more thick by the vapour and inundation of humidity ; and consequently hath a weaker reflection . For the driness in Man is that which occasions the reflection of his Knowledge ; because it doth not so easily obey the motion of heat , and follow it , as humidity doth ; and so the heat being active is constrain'd to reflect to take and carry along with it the driness which remains behind ; and thus being forc'd to stay , and being incapable of idleness , it employes it self upon the Phantasm already form'd , and contemplates it better then before . On the contrary , the Woman pursues her point and goes forward , because her moisture follows what heat she hath . Thence it is that her first thoughts prevail over her second . For having but few reflections , the vigour of their Knowledge , being almost alwayes direct , languisheth in a little time . Moreover , the Man being more perspicacious , knoweth better then the Woman that all visible Good is frail and inconsiderable , and mingled with much impurity and imperfection . Which the Woman cannot judge so well . Yea , I say , 't is a sign of a very good Spirit to be inconstant in Love. For Good ▪ in general , being the Object of the Will , every particular good is but a parcel of it . The strong Mind hath no sooner tasted one Sensual Good but it despises it , as not containing the amplitude of its Object , and therefore goes to seek others . The Third said , That indeed the less we know imperfect things , the more we love them . Whence they who are short-sighted are soonest taken with the first Objects : But , on the contrary , perfections the greater they are , the more exactly they require to be known ; as the work of an excellent Painter cannot meet with Eyes too piercing , nor persons too skilful , to make known its excellence . But the Knowledge alone of what is lovely is not enough to excite us to love it ; for Eunuchs and impotent Old Men want not Knowledge , but that inward ardour is excited by the abundance of Spirits that kindle Love ; which their coldness is no longer fit to produce . Which being granted , Men will then have more Love then Women for Objects , which deserve it , because they have more Knowledge ; and also they will have more for those which do not deserve it , because they abound more with those Spirits . CONFERENCE XV. I. How long a Man may continue without eating . II. Of the Echo . I. How long a Man may be without Eating . UPon the First Point all agreed , though in several words , That if Definitions are dangerous in Law , they are no less in Physick ; and the more a Man knows , the more he finds himself deterr'd from establishing Maximes : which is principally true in the present Subject , the great diversity of circumstances not permitting a limitation of the time . For the understanding whereof , it is to be observ'd that our Body is like a Lamp , to which the natural heat is instead of Fire , and the radical moisture of Oyl . An Embnyo would be as soon dead as form'd , if the Blood of the Mother who gave him life did not serve for Oyl and Matter to entertain the natural heat which consumeth part thereof , concocteth and disi●●●teth the rest , and by little and little extendeth what the genitures have contributed into Bones , Nerves , Veins , Arteries , Muscles , and Skin ; till the House becoming too little for the Inhabitant , and he a greater Lord then at his first entrance , and too burthensome to his Landlady , his Harbingers take up a lodging for him elsewhere . And whereas before he liv'd in common , and with the life of his Mother , he thenceforth begins to keep his ordinary apart , yet so regular , that he needs no more for day and night but his two bottles . Now if we speak of these , it is certain that a new-born Child hath been frequently seen two or three dayes without sucking , and continually to reject the Milk which the Nurse offer'd to distil into his Mouth : The nourishment which he had drawn by the Navel in too great abundance supplying that defect , as the yelk of the Egg doth in the Body of the Chicken newly hatch'd . But when he begins to suck , the fluidity of Milk doth not afford him nourishment solid enough to serve all that time . And therefore the Cynick Cratippus was ridiculous when he writ a Letter to his Son's Nurse to make him fast , that he might be accustom'd to abstinence betimes ; that Age being no more capable of a Habit then of Discipline . Do Children use more solid food ? Hippocrates saith , they bear fasting more uneasily then grown Men , and these then Old Men , because they abound more with natural heat , especially they , saith he , who have the best Wits . Moreover , Tempers , Seasons , Countries , different exercises , diversity of Food , Custome , and the disposition of Health , and the Organs , make a notable difference herein . Of Tempers , the Cholcrick is the most impatient of fasting . They cannot sleep unless their Belly be full , and by its mild vapours temper the acrimonious exhalations of their Choler ; which otherwise causeth the exasperated Spirits to move in the Arteries and in the Organs of the Senses ; instead of filling them with the benigne vapours which cause sleep . Hence the Proverb , Choler and Hunger make a Man fretful ; and , the Hungry Belly hath no Ears . Likewise the Sanguine is not very fit for long abstinence . The Melancholy bears it better , but above all , the pituitous and Flegmatick . To these one day's fasting is no more trouble then to the others to want a Break-fast . Yea , should no other consideration lead them to fasting , they would be sick unless they sometimes debar'd themselves from a meal or two a day . Examples of fasting are afforded by Bears , Sea-calves , Dormice , Snailes , Serpents , and other Insects , which remain for several Moneths hid in their Cavernes using rest instead of food ; their natural heat being then so weak , that the fat or viscous flegme wherewith they are provided , suffices to support them all that time . Of the Seasons , Winter causes such as fast to think the dayes longer then the Sun makes them ; because the natural is then most vigorous . Next Winter , Autumne is least proper , for the same reason ; and because the Spirits need reparation of the loss caus'd to them by the Summer . The Spring is more fit , in regard of the plenty of Blood which then boyles in us . But Summer most of all , because there needs less fewel for a less fire , as our internal heat is at that time . Of Regions , the cold and Northern are less compatible with abstinence , the hot and Southern more , but the temperate most of all . Whence we see that the Orientals fast more easily for many dayes together , then we one single day . Of Exerises , as the more violent disturb the digestions , ( as we see in those that ride post ) the moderate promote them , and make room for Aliments ; so they who use little or none at all , need the less food . Solid Victnals are longer before they be subdu'd in the Stomack then liquid ; the fat and of oiley , afford most nourishment . Therefore Bread hath a great stroke in digestion , as being all Oyle . As is seen in the correction of some Medicaments which is done with burnt Bread ; for a piece of Bread as big as ones thumb being set on flame will burn as long as the same weight of Oyl . Whence Abstinence is more supportable after such kind of food , then after broth or potch'd eggs . But Custome is so considerable in this matter , that those who are us'd to make four meals a day , are no less troubled with intermitting them , then others are one of their two ordinary repasts . And experience shews , that if you take up an ill custome of drinking at bed-time without necessity , you must use violence to your self to break it off . Yet the disposition of the Body is the main matter , whether we consider the diversity of Organs destinated for nutrition ; whence those that have large stomacks and Livers sooner yield to hunger , or whether we divide Bodies into such as are healthy , ( which dispense with less eating ) and such as are distemper'd with diseases , the actions whereof are depraved . Amongst which we should speed ill if we look'd for abstinence in those who have a Boulimie , or Canine Hunger , proceeding either from the too great suction of the Mesaraick Veins , of which the Stomack is made sensible by the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation ; or because the Melancholy humour design'd to stimulate the stomack , and provoke Appetite by its acrimony , continually flows thither , and not after the concoction is perfected : The cure of which Malady consists in eating , and chiefly in drinking pure Wine , which is distributed more speedily then any nourishment . But when those Mesaraick Veins suck no more Chyle , either because their passages are stop'd , or for that the above mentioned acide liquor is diverted elsewhere , then ariseth a disease call'd Anorexie , or Nausea , whereunto the abstinence of those must be referr'd who have continu'd some weeks , yea moneths , and years , without eating and drinking . For we may well wonder at that Hydropick Person , to whom his Physitian having forbidden drink , he went to him at the years end to ask him whether it were time to drink . But we may wonder more at what we find in Histories , ( even of our own time ) which are full of relations of persons of either sex , that lived some years without taking any Aliment . M. Cytoys ( Physitian to the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu , a Learned Man , and who needs no other Elogium but the choice of such a Master ) publish'd a very ingenious treatise above twenty years since , concerning a young Maid of Confoulans in Poictou , which liv'd many years in that manner . And lately there was such another in the Province of Berry . Some have conceiv'd such persons to be nourish'd with thick Air by the Lungs , taking that for a Maxime which is not agreed upon , That Inanimate things ( and much less the Elements ) can nourish . Some ascribe the cause to the relaxation of the Nerves , which hinders the stomack from being sensible of the suction of the Mesaraick Veins . But in my conceit , the reason is , because their Bodies are almost indissoluble , and so compact that nothing exhales from them . Whereunto adding a viscous and tenacious flegme , a very small heat , and no exercise , the case will be the same as 't is in a fire-brand of Juniper . So we see fire lasts not so long in fifty faggots of straw as in an Arm-full of Match . Yea , not to detract from Miracles , whereby God so reserves to himself the doing what he pleaseth , that he doth not forbid our inquiring into Natural Causes ; since it is held that there have been found sempiternal lamps and other lights , the oily humidity not exhaling out of the vessel , the same may seem more possible in the proportion of our natural heat with its radical moisture : For besides those Examples , we have that of some Animals , and Butter-flies flie , engender , and live a long time without nourishment . Which is also seen more particularly in Silk-worms , the most exquisite Emblem of the Resurrection that is in Nature . From which disproportion , which appears so great between those who cannot bear one day's fasting , and others who pass years without eating ; we may easily conclude ( to the end where I began ) that there is no limited time as to the question propos'd . For though it be ordinarily bounded within seven days , yet a certain person having been cur'd by a fast of that duration , it cannot be said that all dye of that wherewith some are cur'd . II. Of the Echo . Upon the Second Point it was said , The Echo is a reflected , multiply'd , and reciprocal sound , or a repercussion of sound made by hollow rocks or edisices ; by the windings of which it comes to be redoubled , as the visible species is reflected in the Mirror . It is made when the sound diffus'd in the Air is driven into some hollow , smooth , and solid Body , which hinders it from dissipating or passing further , but sends it back to the place from whence it came , as the wall makes the ball rebound towards him that struck the same against it . According as the sound is violent , and the space little or great , it returns sooner or slower , and makes an Echo more or less articulate . It may be hence gather'd , whether Sound is produc'd by the Air or some other Body , since fish have the use of their Ears in the Water , and the voice passeth from one end of a Pike to the other , without resounding in the Air. And which is more strange , strike as softly as you please with your singer upon the end of a Mast lay'd along , he that layes his Ear to the other end , shall hear it better then your self ; and a third that doth the like at the middle , shall hear nothing at all . In the Church de la Dorade , at Tholouze , he that whispers at one end of the wall , is heard , at the other by reason of its smoothness . On the contrary , it is reported that in Scotland there is a stone call'd the Deaf-stone , because they which are on one side of it hear not the noise , no not of Trumpets sounding on the other , the stone sucking up the sound as a sponge doth Water . The Second said , That the Image which we see of our selves in a Looking-glass , being as it were alive and yet dumb , is less admirable then the Echo which we hear not , and yet hear , complain , sing , and talk with us , without Body and without understanding . This Echo is not onely a resilition or reflexion of the sound or voice , or rather the voice it self so reflected and sent back by the opposition of some solid Body , which makes it return whence it came , and stops its course and flux . For then it would follow , that as often as we speak we should hear Echoes ; seeing we never speak but there is made some resilition of our voice , by means of the opposition of solid Bodies near us , and encompassing us on every side . And yet we seldom hear any thing but our bare voice or some confus'd murmur ; as it happens in new houses , in Churches , under a vault , before a wall , and other such places , in which we ought to hear a very articulate Echo , since the voice is reflected better there then elsewhere . I think therefore then the Echo is made in the same manner as the reflection of the Sun 's light ; or of the rayes of any other fire whatsoever , by hollow mirrors , which unite that light and those rayes , and so produce another fire . For as fire cannot be produc'd by plain or convex mirrors , which reflect but one ray in one and the same place , and all sorts of concave or hollow mirrors cannot be proper for it , because it is necessary that the cavity be dispos'd and made in such manner that it may be able to reflect a sufficient quantity of rayes in one and the same place ; which being conjoyn'd and united together , excite again and re-kindle that fire from which they issu'd , which seem'd vanish'd by reason of the dissipation of its heat and rayes : So the Echo , ( which is nothing but the same voice reanimated and reproduc'd by the concourse and reunion of several of its rayes dissipated , and afterwards reflected into one and the same place , where they are united and recollected together , and so become audible a second time ) cannot be produc'd by bare walls and vaults , which do not reflect and recollect a sufficient quantity of those rayes into one and the same place , but onely resemble many of them near one another , whence ariseth a murmuring or inarticulate Echo . Now as Art imitates Nature , and sometimes surpasses her , so we find there are Burning Mirrors which re-unite the rayes of fire ; and in like manner there may be made Artificial Echoes without comparison more perfect then those wherewith chance and the natural situation of places have hitherto acquainted us . Whereunto , beside what I have already mention'd , the Hyperbole , the Parabole , and chiefly the Oval greatly conduce , with some other means which are treated of in the Cataptricks . The Third said , The Echo , the Daughter of Solitude , and Secretary of weak Minds , ( who without distrusting her loquacity , fruitlesly acquaint her with their secret thoughts ) teaches us not to declare our secrets to any person , since even stones and rocks cannot conceal them , but she especially affords entertainment to Lovers ; possibly because she ownes the same Father with Love , namely , Chance . For as no Love is more ardent then that which arises from the unlook'd for glances of two Eyes ; from the collision of which issues a spark , little in the beginning , but which blown up by the violence of desires , grows at length into a great flame ; so though Art studies to imitate the natural Echo , and the pretty conceits of that Nymph , yet it never equals her graces which she borrows onely from the casual occurrence of certain sinuosities of Rocks and Caverns in which she resides ; the rest of her inveiglements remain unknown to Men ; The Cause why Antiquity made her a Goddess . All which we can truly say of her , is to define her a reflection of the voice made by an angle equal to that of incidence : Which is prov'd , because the Echoes in narrow turnings are heard very near him that sings . 2. Nature always works by the shortest way , which is the streight ; therefore Reflection is made by the same . 3. When the voice is receiv'd in a streight line it formes no distinct Echo , because it is united with the same direct line whereby it was carry'd , which by that means it dissipateth and scattereth . The same happens in a convex line . But if the Body which receives it be concave , it will recollect it from the perpendicular of the speakers mouth towards that Body , and 't is by the concourse of the voice reflected in that line that the Echo is form'd . 4. The Body which receives the voice must be sonorous , which none is except it be hollow . From which four propositions I conceive , the way may be deriv'd to imitate the Echo , and tame that wood-Nymph in some manner . The Fourth said , Vitruvius was not ignorant of this Artifice , having very dextrously imitated the Nature of the Echo , by the convenient situation of some earthen vessels , partly empty , and observing a proportion of plenitude to vacuity ; almost like that which some Musicians make use of to represent their six voices . And that which hath been made in the Tuilleries justifies him . Yet Art finds a greater facility in this matter , near Lakes , Hills , and Woods , naturally dispos'd for such a re-percussion . But which increases the wonder of the Echo , is its reduplication , which is multiply'd in some places seven times and more ; the reason whereof seemes to be the same with that of multiplication of Images in Mirrors . For as there are Mirrors which not onely receive the species on their surface so plainly as our Eye beholds , but cannot see the same in the Air , though they are no less there then in the Mirror ; so there are some that cast forth the species into the Air , so that stretching out your arm , you see another arm as it were coming out of the Mirror to meet yours . In like manner it is with the voice . And as a second and a third Mirror rightly situated , double and trebble the same species ; so other Angles and Concavities , opposite to the first , cause the voice to bound , and by their sending it from one to another multiply it as many times as there are several Angles ; but indeed , weaker in the end then in the beginning , because all Reaction is less then the First Action . CONFERENCE XVI . I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . II. Whether is more powerful , Love or Hatred . I. How Spirits act upon Bodies . IT is requisite to understand the Nature of ordinary and sensible actions , that we may judge of others ; as in all Sciences a known Term is laid down to serve for a rule to those which are inquir'd . So Architects have a Level and a Square , whereby to discern perpendicular Lines and Angles . Now in Natural Actions between two Bodies there is an Agent , a Patient , a Contact , ( either Physical or Mathematical , or compounded of both ) a Proportion of Nature and Place , and a Reaction . Moreover , Action is onely between Contraries ; so that Substances and Bodies having no contraries , act not one against the other , saving by their qualities : Which , nevertheless , inhering in the subjects which support them , cause Philosophers to say , that Actions proceed from Supposita . Now that which causeth the difficulty in the Question , is not that which results from the Agent ; for the Spirit is not onely a perpetual Agent , but also a pure Act ; nor that which proceedeth from the Patient ; for Matter which predominates in Bodies , is of its own Nature , purely Passive . But 't is from the want of Contact . For it seemeth not possible for a Physical Contact to be between any but two complete substances . And if we speak of the Soul which informes the Body , it is not complete ; because it hath an essence ordinated and relative to the Body . If we speak of Angels or Daemons , there is no proportion of Nature between them and Bodies , and much less resemblance as to the manner of being in a place . For Angels are in a place onely definitively , and Bodies are circumscrib'd with the internal surface of their place : How then can they act one upon the other ? Nor can there be reaction between them . For Spirits cannot part from Bodies . But on the other side , since Action is onely between Contraries , and Contraries are under the same next Genus , and Substance is divided into Spiritual and Corporeal , there ought to be no more true Action then between the Soul and the Body , both Contraries ; not onely according to the acception of Divines who constantly oppose the Body to the Spirit , and make them fight one with the other ; but speaking naturally , it is evident that the proprieties of the one being diametrically opposite to those of the other , cause a perpetual conflict with them ; which is the same that we call Action . Contact is no more necessary between the Soul and the Body to infer their action , then it is between the Iron and the Load-stone which attracts it . What Proportion can be found greater then between Act and Power , the Form and the Matter , the Soul and the Body , which are in the same place . As for Reaction , supposing it to be necessary ( whereof yet we see no effect in the Sun , nor the other Coelestial Bodies , which no Man will say suffer any thing from our Eye , upon which nevertheless they act , making themselves seen by us : And Lovers are not wholly without reason when they say a subject makes them suffer , remaining it self unmoveable . ) It is certain that our Soul suffers little less then our Body , as is seen in griefs and corporal maladies , which alter the free functions of the Mind , caus'd by the influence of the Soul upon the Body through Anger , Fear , Hope , and the other Passions . The Soul then acts upon the Body , over which it is accustom'd to exercise Dominion from the time of our Formation in our Mothers womb , it governs and inures it to obey ; in the same manner as a good Rider doth a Horse whom he hath manag'd from his youth , and rides upon every day . Their common contentment facilitates this obedience ; the instruments the Soul makes use of are the Spirits , which are of a middle nature between it and the Body . Not that I fancy them half spiritual and half corporeal , as some would suppose , but by reason they are of so ▪ subtile a Nature that they vanish together with the Soul : So that the Arteries , Ventricles , and other parts which contain them , are found wholly empty immediately after death . The Second said , That if we would judge aright what ways the Soul takes to act upon the Body , we need onely seek what the Body takes to act upon the Soul. For the lines drawn from the centre to the circumference are equal to those from the circumference to the centre . Now the course which it holds towards the Soul is thus . The Objects imprint their species in the Organ of the outward Sense ; this carries the same to the Common Sense , and this to the Phancy : The Memory at the same time presents to the Judgement the fore-past Experiences which she hath kept in her Treasury ; The Judgement by comparing them with the knowledge newly arriv'd to it by its Phantasmes , together with its natural habit of first principles , draws from the same a conclusion which the Will approves as soon as Reason acquiesseth therein . According to the same order the Will consignes the Phantasmes in the Memory and the Phancy , this to the Common Sense , and this to the Organs of the Senses . For Example , as soon as my Judgement hath approv'd the discourse which I make to you , and my Will hath agreed thereunto , she consign'd the species to my Memory , that it might remember to reduce them into this order , according to which my Memory distributed them to my Imagination , this to my Common Sense ; this to the Nerves appointed for the Motion of my Tongue , and the other Organs of Speech , to recite the same , and now into those of my hand , to write them down to you . The Third said , That the clearing of the Question propounded depended upon two others . First , what link or union there may be between a Spiritual and a Corporeal thing . Secondly , ( supposing that of the six sorts of Motion the Spirits can act onely by the Local , how they can touch a Body to remove it locally ; since there is no Contact but between Bodies . To the first I answer , that there is no need of union , such as that which joynes the Soul to the Body , for joyning the Act with its true Power ; if there be any in us , it must be that which we see is necessary for the communion of Action . For when Actions cannot be exercis'd but by two parties of different Nature , there is found an Union between those different Natures , which is very natural , and founded upon the necessity of such Action . Wherefore I am so far from thinking the union of the Soul with the Body a strange thing , that I should wonder more if there were none . For the better understanding whereof , it is to be observ'd that our Soul hath two sorts of Actions ; one peculiar to it self , as to Will , and to understand ; the other common with the Body , as to See , Hear , Feel , &c. These latter are as much natural as the former . And as , if it were in a State in which it could not exercise the former , that State would be violent to it , and contrary to its Nature ; so it is equally troublesome to her while she cannot exercise the latter . Since therefore it is a part of the Nature of the Soul to be able to exercise its functions , it is consequently natural to it to be united to the Body ; seeing without such union it cannot exercise those functions . Now I am no more solicitous to know what this union is , then to understand what that is which unites one part of an essence with the other ; since the Body is in some manner the essence of the Soul , making one suppositum and individual with it , and the Soul hath not its Nature intire , saving when it is united with the Body . I pass to the Second , and say , that , supposing two sorts of Contact , one of a suppositum , the other of Virtue ; the Spirits touch the Body , which they move locally , by a Contact of Virtue ; by impressing the force of their motive faculty upon the Body which they will move ; as my hand impresseth its motive virtue upon the ball which I fling ; which virtue , though extrinsecal , persists in the ball as long as it moves , even when it is distant from my hand . And although there is some disparity , inasmuch as the hand and the ball are both corporeal , which a Spirit and a Body are not ; yet since our Soul applyes its motive virtue to the Body which it animates , it is probable there are many qualities common both to Spiritual and Corporeal Substances ; as is the power of acquiring habits . And it is also likely that the power of moving from one place to another , which is in a Spirit , is not different in specie from that which is in a Horse , although their Subjects differ . If therefore the motive faculty of Bodies is that of the same species with that of Spirits , why should we account it strange that that of a Spirit should be communicated to a Body ? The Fourth said , That the Example of our Lord carried by the Devil to the top of a Mountain and of a pinnacle of a Temple , shews sufficiently that Daemons can act upon Bodies , and that all natural things falling under the cognisance of Sense are moveable in their activity ; yet not at once , and in gross , but one thing after another . For an Angel not being an Informing Form , ty'd and connected to any particular sensible Nature ( as the Rational Soul is ) but an Assisting Form , that is , an External Agent which moves and agitates it to pleasure , it is indifferent , and can determine , to move what Body , it pleases . But sensible things are not subject to Spirits , saving so far as Local Motion . For the Devil acts either upon the Body , or upon the Soul , as it is in its Organs . If upon the Body , he either doth it alone , or by the intervention of another Agent . If the latter , then there must be a Local Motion to apply the same to the Body upon which he causeth it to act for the tormenting or moving of it . If he doth it by himself immediately , and causeth pain in the parts , it is either by solution of continuity , or by distention of those parts , or by compression of them . All which is no more but dislocating them , and moving them out of their right situation . If he causes a Fever , it is either by collecting the humours from all the parts ; For Example , Choler , which congregated together in too great quantity , distempers the Body ; or else by restraining the perspiration of the fuliginous vapour , which is the excrement of the third Concoction ; and being with-held within causeth the putrefaction of the humours : and all this is local motion too . By which also he produceth all the diseases which he is able to cause , inspiring a putrid Air , which like Leven sowers and corrupts the humours . If he acts upon the Senses and the Passions , he doth it either outwardly , by some mutation of the Object , or inwardly , by some alteration of the Faculty . If the former , it is because by a Local Motion he formes a Body , heaping together , uniting and adjusting the materials necessary thereunto ; as the Air , an aqueous vapour , a terrene and unctuous exhalation , and the heat of the Sun , or some other , which he employes artificially ( according to the experience which he hath acquired throughout so many Ages ) till he make them correspond to the Idea of the Body which he designes to form . All the Actions of Men are perform'd in like manner , by putting together , conjoyning , or retrenching , or separating things : In one word , by apposition or separation . If he acts internally upon the Faculty , 't is either upon the Phancy , or the Appetite , or the External Sense . Upon the Phancy , either by compounding one Phantasm of many , as it happens in sleeping , or else by acting upon a single one , to make it appear more handsome or ugly ; More handsome , by the concourse of many pure , clear , refin'd Spirits , which enliven and embellish that Phantasm ; as we see a thing appear more handsome in the Sun ; More ugly , by the arrival of certain gloomy and dark Spirits , which usually arise from the humour of Melancholy In the Appetite , if he excites Love there , 't is by the motion of dilatation expanding the Spirits , and making them take up more room ; If Hatred or Sadness , it is coarcting the same Spirits by compression . He can also cause a subtile mutation in the outward Senses internally , especially upon the sight . As we see those that have a suffusion beginning , imagine that they see Pismires and Flyes , which others besides themselves behold not . Moreover , Melancholy persons often terrifi'd with various frightful representations ; the cause whereof is an humour extravasated between the Tunicles of the Eye under the Cornea , before the Crystalline which disturbs the sight with various shapes by reason of its mobility ; as the Clouds appear to us of several figures . Thus and more easily can the Devil trasfer the humours , and , managing them at his pleasure , make them put on what figure he will , to cause delusion . In fine , all this is perform'd by the Local Motion of the parts , humours , or Spirits . The Fifth said , That the foundation of doubting , is , that there is requir'd proportion between the Agent and the Patient . Which is prov'd , because it is requisite that the patient which is in Power be determin'd by the form receiv'd ; and it seemeth that a spiritual thing cannot produce a form that may determine a material thing . That it produceth nothing material , is evident , because the action and the product are of the same Nature . Now the action of a Spiritual Entity cannot be material , to speak naturally . Yet it is certain that God acts in corporeal things , though he is a pure Spirit . But it may be answered , That an Infinite Power is not oblig'd to the Rules of Creatures ; Besides , that his Ubiquitary Presence sufficeth to impart Motion to all ; as also that he containing all things eminently is able to produce all things . But if to contain eminently is to have a more perfect Being , capable to do what the lesser cannot ; this is not satisfactory . For the Question is , How that more perfect Immaterial Being can produce that which Material Beings produce . To which , the saying that it is a more perfect Being , doth not satisfie . For then an Angel should be naturally able to produce all the perfections which are inferior to him ; which is absurd . It followes therefore , that the Cause must contain the Effect , that it may be able to produce it ; and that , since a spiritual Being doth not contain material things , either those which we call Immaterial , are not so at all ; or else God immediately produceth in them the effects which we attribute to them . For I see not how immateriality is infer'd from immortality , since there may be an incorruptible matter , such as that of the Heavens is . Which nevertheless is spoken rather to make way for some better thought , then that I hold it as my own . The Sixth said , That there may be some Medium serving for the union between the Body and the Soul , beside the Animal , Vital , and Natural Spirits ; to which Medium , the many wonderful effects which we are constrain'd to ascribe to Occult Qualities ought to be referd'd . For as they who know not that the Ring which Juglers make to skip upon a Table , according to the motion of their fingers , is fasten'd to them by the long Hair of a Woman , attribute that Motion to the Devil : So they who cannot comprehend the subtility of the Medium , uniting not onely the Body with the Soul which informes it , but also the other Spirits with the Body which they agitate , find no proportion therein , and are constrain'd to let experience cross their reason . Now to understand the Nature of this uniting Medium , I conceive is as difficult as to give an account of the Sympathies and Antipathies of things . II. Which is more powerfull Love or Hatred . Upon the Second Point , the First said , That E●pedocles had reason to constitute Love and Hatred for the two Principles of Nature : which though Aristotle endeavours to confute , yet is he constrain'd to acknowledge the same thing , though disguis'd under other words . For when he saith , that two of his Principles are contraries and enemies , namely , Form and Privation ; and nevertheless that they are united in one common Subject which is the Matter ; what is it else but to confess that all things are made and compos'd by the means of Love and Hatred ? They who own no other Principles but the Four Elements , are of the same opinion , when they say that all Mixt Bodies are made with a discording concord , and a concording discord . For as the Elements united together will never compose an Animal , unless they be reduc'd to a just proportion , and animated , by rebatement of some little of the vigor of their active qualities ; so if there be no kind of War and Amity between them , if the Hot act not against the Humid , the Animal will never live : since Life is nothing but the action of Heat upon Humidity . However , Amity hath something more noble , and excites greater effects then Enmity . For the former is the cause of the Generation and Preservation of Mixt Bodies , and the latter of their dissolution and corruption . Now it is much more noble to give and preserve Being , then to destroy it . Whence God himself found such perfection in his Creation , and was so pleas'd with his Divine Work , that though it frequently deserves by its crimes to be annihilated , yet his Punishments have not hitherto proceeded so far . This is no less true in Spiritual and Intellectual Substances then in Natural . Gods Love hath more noble effects then his Hatred . For ( to leave to Divines the consideration of that Love which had the power to draw the Second Person of the Trinity from Heaven , with that which produces the Third ▪ as also to leave them to proclaim that God loves Good Actions , and that the effect of this Love is Eternal Bliss ▪ that he hates Sins , and that the effects of this hatred are the punishments of Hell ; that it is manifest that the glory of Paradise is much greater then of those Chastisements ; since what ever penalties God inflicts upon Man for his mis-deeds , he renders Justice to him , and do's not reduce him into a state inferior to or against his Nature ; but when he rewards with Eternal Glory , he exalts our Nature infinitely higher then it could aspire ; ) let us consider Love and Hatred in Men , and particularly as Passions , ( according as the Question propounded seemes principally to be understood , ) and no doubt Love will be found more violent then Hatred . To judge the better whereof , we must not consider them nakedly and simply , as Love is nothing else but an inclination towards Good , and Hatred an Aversion from Evil ; nor yet as such Good or Evil is present : For in these two manners they have no violence , nor any Motions , since according to the receiv'd Maxime ; When the End is present , all Motion and Action ceaseth . But to know which of these two passions acts with most force and violence for the attaining of its end , we must contemplate them with all the train and attendance of the other Passions which accompany them ; not as the one is an inclination to Good , and the other an Aversion from Evil , present ; For in this sense , no doubt , a Present Evil which causeth Grief , is more sensible and violent then a Present Good which causeth Pleasure ; but as the one is a Desire of the Absent Good which is propos'd , and the other a Flight from an Absent Evil which is fear'd ; I conceive the Passions excited by an Absent Evil have no great violence , but rather partake of heaviness and stupidity , as Fear and Sadness ; which render us rather unmoveable and insensible , then active and violent in our Motions . The Passions which lead towards an Absent Good are otherwise : For Hope , which is , by the testimony of Aristotle , a species of Love , contemnes and surmounts all difficulties which hinder its attaining to its Good. Here one objecting , That Anger , which arises from Hatred and inward Grief hath more violent effects then Hope and the other Passions ; It was answer'd , that Anger consists of a mixture of Love and Hatred ; therefore Homer sayes , that to be angry is a thing more sweet then Honey . For Anger tends to Revenge , and ceaseth when we are reveng'd for the wrong we apprehend done to us . Now Revenge seemes a Good and delectable thing to the person that seeks it ; and therefore all the great Ebullitions and Commotions observ'd in Anger ought to be referr'd to the Love and Desire of Revenge . Besides , the Motions which attend Hatred are Motions of Flight , as those which accompany Love are Motions of Pursuit ; and Anger being rather a Pursuit and seeking of Revenge , then a Flight from any evil , it is more reasonably to be rank'd under Love then under Hatred . Again , we see amorous persons are more easily put into heat , then even those which are drawn up in battalia , and ready to kill one another . In fine , if Hatred and all the Passions attending it , have any force and violence , Love is the prime cause thereof ; we hate no thing but because we love some thing , and that more or less , proportionably as we love . Wherefore the Philosophers who would introduce an Apathy , and banish all the Passions , should have done well rather to extinguish Love. For he who loves no thing , hates no thing ; and when we have lost any thing , our sadness and resentment is proportionable to the Love we had for it . He that loves no thing , fears no thing ; and if it be possible , that he do's not love his own life , he do's not fear death . It is not therefore to be inquir'd , which excites the greatest Commotions , Love or Hatred ; since even those which Hatred excites proceed from Love. The Third said , That the Acts or Motions of the Appetite are called Passions , because they make the Body suffer , and cause an alteration in the Heart and Pulse . Such as aim at Pleasure enervate the Motion of Contraction ; because they dilate the Spirits , and augment that of Dilatation . Whereas , on the contrary , those which belong to Sadness diminish the Motion of Dilatation , because they further that of Contraction . We may consider the Passions either materially or formally ; the former consideration denotes the Impression which they make upon the Body ; the latter , the relation to their Object . So Anger consider'd materially is defin'd , An Ebullition and Fervour of the Blood about the Heart ; and formally , A Desire of Revenge . This being premiz'd , I affirm , That Hatred is much more powerful then Love ; if we consider them materially , not as alone , but as leaders of a party , viz. Love with all the train of Passions that follow the same towards Good , and Hatred , with all its adherents , in reference to Evil. For either of them taken apart , and by it self , make very little impression and alteration in the Heart . Love is a bare acknowledgement of , and complacency in good , and goeth no further as Love. Hatred is nothing else but a bare rejection , disavowing , and aversion of Evil. In verification of which conception of the Nature of those Passions , it is evident that the Effects ascrib'd to Love , as Extasie , Languishing , are the Effects not of Love , but of Hope , weary and fainting through its own duration . Now these Passions being thus taken , Love causeth less alteration upon the Body then Hatred . For its highest pitch is Delight , which is materially an expansion of the Spirits of the Heart towards the parts of the whole Body ; wherein appeareth rather a cessation from Action , then any violence . But Hatred which terminates in Anger makes a furious havock . It dauseth the Blood to boyle about the Heart , and calls to its aid the same Passions that are subservient to Love , as Hope and Boldness , conceiving it a Good to be reveng'd on the present Evil. The Case is the same also , if they be consider'd according to their formality . For the Object of Love is a Good , not absolute but according to some consideration ; seeing the good of an Animal is its preservation , to which that kind which is called Delectable Good , or the Good of Delight , is ordain'd as a means to the end . But the Object of Hatred is the Evil which destroyes an Absolute and Essential being of an Animal . For which reason it moves more powerfully then Good. The Fourth said , That for the better judging of the Question , we must suppose that these two Passions are two Agents , which tend each to their different End. For the end of Love is a good Being ; That of Hatred , which repels what destroyes our Being , is the preservation of Being simply . Now Being is much more perfect naturally then better being , though morally it is not so perfect : and the preservation of Being is of the same dignity with Being . On the other side , it is true that Love is the cause of Hatred , and that we hate nothing but because we love . Yet it doth not follow that Hatred is not more powerful then Love ; seeing many times the Daughter is more strong and fair then the Mother . Now if they are brutish Passions , they must be measur'd by the standard of Brutes . But we see a Dog leave his Meat to follow a Beast , against which he hath a natural animosity . And Antipathies are more powerful then Sympathies ; for the former kill , and the latter never give life . Nevertheless , sometimes Love prevailes over Hatred . For a Man that loves the Daughter passionately , and hates the Father as much , will not cease to do good to the Father for the Daughters sake . The shortness of the dayes , and the enlargements upon this Subject , having in this and some of the former Conferences , left no room for Inventions ; every one was entrealed to prepare himself for the future ; and these two Points were chosen for the next day seven-night . CONFERENCE XVII . I. Of the several fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather than any other colour . II. Why people are pleas'd with Musick . I. Of the severall fashions of wearing Mourning , and why Black is us'd to that purpose rather then any other colour . THe First said , That the greatest part of Man-kind , excepting some Barbarians , lamented the death of their friends , and express'd their sadness by external Mourning , which is nothing but the change of Habit. Now they are observ'd to be of six sorts . The Violet is for Princes . The weeds of Virgins are white in reference to purity . Sky-colour is in use with the people of Syria , Cappadocia and Armenia , to denote the place which they wish to the dead , namely , Heaven . The Yellow , or Feuille-morte , among those of Aegypt , to shew ( say they ) that as Herbs being faded become yellow ; so Death is the end of Humane Hope . The Grey is worne by the Aethiopians , because it denotes the colour of the Earth , which receives the dead , and into which they return . But the most common , and us'd throughout all Europe , is Black , which also was always worne by the Romans when they went into Mourning , except during sixty years that they wore white . The wearing of Mourning continu'd ten moneths at Rome ; the Athenians wore it but one moneth ; the Spartans no more but eleven dayes . The reason why they have all chosen Black for denoting Sadness , is , because Black is the privation of White , and proceedeth from the defect of Light ; so Death is the privation of Life and Light. Possibly too , the reason why the Cypress Tree was esteem'd a Funeral Tree , was , because the leaves were of a dark Green , and the Nutts tincture Black , and being cut it never puts forth again ; as also Beans were , in regard of the blackness which appears in them and their flowers . The Second said , That Experience shews us sufficiently that the Black colour doth not onely put us in Mind of our griefs and sadnesses pass'd , but also is apt excite new . This is known to the Senses , and unknown to Reason , by a certain Divine Appointment , which hath caus'd that what is manifest to the one , is hidden to the other . As appears , for that nothing is so natural to the Sense of Seeing as Light and Colours . But yet there is nothing in which our Mind sooner finds its weakness , then in the enquiry into the Nature and properties of Colours and Light. Now there are two sorts of blackness , the one Internal , when the Soul turning it self towards the Images , upon report of which a judgement is made , if that Image is Black and deform'd , the Soul must conceive that the Objects represented by it , are so also , and thence ariseth horror and sadness ; the other external , for the explicating of which , I must crave leave to deflect a little from the ordinary opinion touching the Nature of Colours . I affirm , that Colour and Light are one and the same thing , and differ onely in regard of the Subject ; so that the lustre of a simple Body is Light , but the lustre of a mixt Body is call'd Colour . By which account , Light is the Colour of a simple Body , and Colour is the Light of a mixt Body . Whence Mixts approaching nearest to the simplicity of the Element predominant in them , are all Luminous ; as precious stones , which are a simple Earth , and without mixture of other Element ; and rotten Wood , which having lost the little Air and Fire it had , its humidity also being absum'd by the putrefaction , and there remaining nothing almost but Earth , you see how it keeps its splendour amidst the darkness of the night . And this , in my conceit , is the meaning of what Moses saith , when he saith , that God created the Light before the Sun. For God having created the Elements in their natural purity , they were sometimes in that state before mixture ; the Earth appeared not , but the Water cover'd its whole Surface . Every Element was in its own place , and the purity of its Nature : for which reason they had then their first Colour , which is splendour . But as soon as God had mingled them for the forming of Mixts , their Light became clouded and chang'd into Colour . And hence it was necessary to form a Sun in Heaven , far from all sort of mixture and composition ; to the end he might alwayes preserve his Light , and enlighten the world therewith . The Fire preserves it self the most of all in its purity , by reason of its great activity which consumes what ever approaches near it . The other Elements would do so too , if they could preserve themselves in their purity as well as the Fire . But because they would be unprofitable should they remain such , it is necessary that they be mingled one with another , as well to serve for the production of Compounds , as for their Aliment , and several uses . Hence their Light becomes chang'd into Colour , which is nothing else but a Light extinguish'd more or less ; and , accordingly , we see some Colours more luminous then others . The White is still wholly luminous , the Red wholly resplendent , the Green less , and the Brown begins to grow dark . Lastly , the Black is nothing but Light wholly extinct , and a kind of darkness , and consequently hath nothing of reality , but is a pure Privation which our Eyes perceive not . As our Ear discerneth or perceiveth not silence , but onely by not hearing any sound ; so neither doth the Sight behold Black and darkness , but when it sees neither Colour nor Light. So that to hear Silence , and see darkness , is ( to speak properly ) a vain attempt of the Soul , which would fain exert its action of seeing and hearing , and cannot . Hence ariseth the sadness and terror which a deep silence , and the sight of extreme blackness and darkness excites in the Soul. For the Soul knows well , that Life is nothing else but Exercise of its Faculties , of which as soon as any thing is depriv'd , there remains nothing to be expected but death . She would fain exert her action and cannot ; she distinguishes not whether it be through default of the Object , or whether her Faculty be lost , but she finds a privation of her actions , and represents to her self to be in the state of Death ; whence ariseth Sadness and Fear . For as our Soul dreadeth nothing so much as Death , so the least suspition , the least sign and umbrage of Death , is apt to put her into great dejection . And this makes way for the Second Reason , why the Soul becomes sad at the sight of a black Colour , namely , because it never appears in the Body , but Death is at hand . For this Colour is produc'd by the mortification and extinction of the Spirits , as a Gangrene , which is either caus'd by Adustion , ( whereby Coals become black ) or by extreme coldness ; thus Old Men are of a leaden Colour tending to blackness . Now the excess of heat and coldness is equally contrary to Life . Wherefore as often as the Soul perceives blackness , either in her own Body or in another , she remembers the Qualities which produc'd it , and are contrary to Life which she loves ; hence ariseth sadness . And hence also it is that we naturally love a Countenance well proportion'd with an agreeable Colour , wherein there is found a redness mingled with whiteness , bright and lively with Spirits ; which is nothing else but an effect of the Love which our Soul bears to Life . For knowing this to be the Colour of Health , it affects the same even in another , as , on the other side , it abhorreth Death . Look upon a living Body , it is full of brightness ; but a dead one is gloomy and dismal ; and at the instant that the Soul parts from the Body , a dark shade seemes as it were to veil the Countenance . Now that the Soul may understand , it must become like to its Object . Whence Aristotle said , that the Intellect is potentially all things , forasmuch as it can form it self into as many shapes as there are Objects . So then , it will perceive blackness , it must become conformable to Black , which it cannot be without great resentment of grief and sadness ; since its natural Colour is its brightness ; and to deprive the Soul of brightness and splendor is to deprive it of Life . II. Why Men love Musick . Upon the Second Point the First said , That if Musick be not natural to the Heavens , considering the regularity of their Motions , which the custome of alwayes hearing hinders us from perceiving ; yet it is so to Man , since he takes such Pleasure therein , that Nurses quiet the frowardness of their Children in the Cradle by their Songs ; the Devotion of grown persons is increased by singing of Psalmes ; the Pipe and the Drum animate the Souldier to War , and even Horses become more courageous by the sound of the Trumpet ; Not to mention David's Harp , which drave away the evil Spirit from Saul , nor the cure which Hoboys effect in those that are stung with the Tarantula , causing them to dance till they sweat , by which means they are cur'd of what otherwise would be mortal . All which seemes more to be admir'd then explicated . The Second said , That the Solution of the present Question depends upon this other ; namely , why certain Objects excite Pleasure , and others Grief ? The truth is , Nature hath joyn'd Grief with Hurtful Objects , and Pleasure with profitable . For otherwise having plac'd Living Creatures amidst Life and Death , it might have hapned that through want of knowledge , or else through intemperance , some Creature might neglect the things which are profitable to it , or made use of such as are hurtfull . It is not to be fear'd that an Ox will eat Worm-wood , or that an Animal will not pluck its leg out of the fire : For Pain admonisheth both the one and the other to abstain from those Objects , as on the other side Pleasure attracts us to those which preserve our Nature . This Pleasure is not onely in the Object as it is suitable to our Nature , but also in the Action it self . As it is a very sweet thing to live , so it is a great pleasure to exercise the Actions of life , more or less , according as the same are noble or necessary . Whence it is that Nature hath placed more Pleasure in the Action which tends to preserving the species of Men , then in that which preserves every individual in particular , and yet more in this latter , then in that of Seeing , Tasting , and the rest ; because that which regards the preservation of the individual , namely , Eating and Drinking , is considerable in reference to Life and Being which it preserves ; but the rest are onely for well-being . But in the Sense of Hearing there is not observ'd any Pleasure or Pain arriving by reason of the Object ; because in Hearing , as well as in Seeing , the Objects act onely intentionally not really and corruptibly . Now Pain and Pleasure are not excited on the part of the Objects , but by real Actions , which cause alteration in their subject . But the Hearing is capable thereof , because it is a Natural Action , and every Natural Action is perform'd with Pleasure . Whence then cometh the Pain which our Ear receiveth with the sound ? It must be observ'd that the Sense of Touching is diffus'd through all the Body , and every sensible part admits Pain , which is an Accident of Touching . Upon which account the Ear is endew'd with Two Senses ; it receives not onely sounds , but the Tactile qualities . Sounds of themselves excite neither Pain nor Pleasure ; but if together with sound the Air enters into the Organ , and strike it too vehemently , or stretches the Membrane more then its Nature is able to bear , Pain is excited in the Ear , not as it is the Instrument of Hearing , but as it is endew'd with the Sense of Touching . Moreover , Pain may be excited in the Sense of Hearing , another way . For the understanding whereof , it is to be noted , that it is not sufficient that the word of him that speaks be formed and articulated in his Mouth by the help of the Teeth and the Tongue ; but the Ear must form it anew that you may hear it . For which end it is contriv'd in form of a Snail-shell , at the bottome whereof is plac'd a Drum , an Anvil , and a Hammer , for the formation of sounds anew . Now as we see the Organs which form words one after another , are troubled and discompos'd when they are to form certain sounds which have any Cacophonia or uncouth sound amongst them ; as when I say , il alla à Alenson , I feel a certain unaptness in my Organs of speech ; and the reason of this unaptness is , because the sequel or coherence of those sounds together , doth not well sute with the manner of the Organs operation ; in regard it is natural to shut the Mouth after wide opening it ; as we do in the pronuntiation of A. Now if another A must be pronounc'd immediately after , there is need of more force , which is troublesome , or else time must be allow'd between both , to shut the Mouth without speaking a word ; which is also tedious to the Organ of speech , which hastens as much as he can to pronounce the words intended . So when the Ear comes to form the sounds anew , ( as I said it doth ) if two or more happen together , which require to be formed at once , as they do which have the same tone , or which gives not the Organ leisure to rest from one end to the other , it resents the same unaptness and inconvenience . Hence certain Concords in Musick please the Ear , and others displease it . This is seen ordinarily , that it is displeasing to the Ear to form many sounds at a time , as when two persons speak together ; or if it happen that the two sounds presented together to be formed are wholly opposite one to the other , as one grave , and the other sharp ; the Organ cannot form them both at once , because they require two different wayes of operation , to which the Ear cannot attend at the same time . For it operates otherwise in forming a sharp sound then a grave , and they both strike the Organ and rend , it each after its own mode . Whereby it is constrain'd to form them ; but as it is by force , so it is not without Pain . But when those two sounds , the grave and the sharp , are united in one proportion , so that the sharp serves as it were for salt to the other , and they are blended together ; this conjunction makes them consider'd but as one sound , which the Ear finds very agreeable , because it formes the same not onely without difficulty , but also with Pleasure . Hence the good Concord of Musick delights our Ears so much . The Third said , We have suffer'd under the Tyranny of the Peripateticks too long , whereas the other Philosophers afford us excellent reasons . Plato and Pythagoras will have all things to be Number , or at least a participation and similitude of Numbers . Aristotle agrees too , that Musick is Number . Now the perfect Number , according to Pythagoras , is that of Ten ; seeing all other Numbers are but repetitions of the first Ten. Of these Numbers the first pair is Female and imperfect ; and so is a second in Musick . Three is the first Male , and the first degree of perfection ; hence a Third is agreeable to the Ear. The Fourth is so likewise , because it makes up the Ten. Add 1 , 2 , 3 , and 4 , and you have the grand Number of Ten , the Father of all others . Also a Fifth pleases the Ear wonderfully , because it is an Abridgement of the grand Number , and the marriage of the Male and the first Female . The other Numbers are useless , except the Eighth , because Musitians call it Identity , or Unity , which is a Divine Number , or rather no Number ; nor is the Eighth as delightful as it is , accounted by Musitians amongst their Concords . The Fourth said , That the Reason why some Notes are agreeable , and other unpleasing , in Musick , is , because the former move the Faculty of the Soul after a manner sutable to it , and the latter do not ; as we see an Example of it in Ballads and Dances , where when the Violin or Minstrel hath sounded a braul which goes well to the cadence , not onely the Members of the Dancers comply therewith and follow the same readily , but also the Souls seemes to dance with the Bodies ; so great Sympathy have they with that Harmony . But if , on the contrary , the power of the Soul be otherwise agitated at the same time , that Harmony , how regular soever , will displease us . Witness the displeasure taken at cheerful aires by those who are in Mourning , to whom doleful notes better agree , which , on the other side , are disagreeable to such as are merrily dispos'd . Add hereunto the humour of the Phancy , which hath an aversion to some sounds , as well as to some smells . For as for Discords , janglings , and other troublesome sounds , no other cause of their general inacceptableness ought to be sought , then that disproportion and deformity which is sound in things Natural and Artificial , the former being more intollerable then the latter ; because the Eye is not struck with the visible species , as the Ear is with sound , and can turn away from the Object which displeaseth it , which the Ear cannot , and is clos'd with much more difficulty . CONFERENCE XVIII . I. Of the Original of Winds . II. Why none are contented with their Condition . I. Of the Original of Winds THere is more resemblance then one would imagine between these two poynts , The Wind of the Air , and that of Ambition , to which the discontent of Men with their condition is commonly ascribed . As for the First , Some have held that all Wind , even that which blows upon the Sea , comes from the Earth ; and that the first conjecture which was entertain'd of the Region of the West Indies , was taken from the Wind perceiv'd to come from that quarter . But the History of Christopher Columbus , attributing the discovery to Chance thereof , cannot consist with that opinion . There is no Meteor whose effects have more of Miracle , which is defin'd , An Effect whereof no Natural Cause is seen . For even the Lightning is seen by the brightness of the fire which accompanies it . But the effects of this aim at the highest things , which it overthrows , and you neither see the Agent nor understand it . Yet the Sagacity of Humane Wit is admirable . Sins have serv'd to clear Cases of Conscience . Arsenick , Sublimate , and other poysons , are converted by Physick into Cauteries and other profitable remedies . The Civil Law hath by occasion of evil manners receiv'd addition of good Laws . The Winds , which drown Ships , are so managed by the Art of Navigation ( which divides them first into four principal , North , East , South , West , and then into eight , by the addition of four half points , and hath at length subdivided them into 32. ) that by their help Men sail upon the main Sea , and provide forreign remedies for Physick ; Sugar and spices for Kitchins , and employments for many other professions . The Second said , That though many causes may agitate the Air , yet all of them are not sufficient to raise a Wind ; but the Air must be agitated by some Fume which is raised either from the Earth , and is called an Exhalation , or from the Water , and is called a Vapour ; either of which partakes of the Nature of the Element from whence it proceeds . A Vapour is moist , an Exhalation dry . An extrinsecal Heat which predominates in them gives them all their motions , and makes them mount on high . And because it is the property of Heat alwayes to move and act , therefore these Fumes are so long in action as the Heat lasts . They arise in company together , and are carry'd upwards ; but are presently separated . For the moisture of the Vapour quencheth the Heat which animated it ; so that the sole absence of the Sun , or the occurse of the least Cold , depriving the Vapour of the little Heat which was left in it , and made it still ascend upwards , it becomes more condens'd , and falls down in Rain . But an Exhalation hath a greater degree of Heat , which is render'd more active by the driness and tenacity of the matter . Therefore it ascends till it meets with the Air of the Middle Region , which is thick and congeal'd , by which being hinder'd ●o pass further , it seeks a passage on one side or the other . Many times when it strives to rise higher , it becomes engag'd among Clouds which inclose it on all sides . Being thus inclos'd and straitned , it becomes united together , and thereupon being inflam'd , breaks the Clouds , and causes Thunder ; or if it ●ind less resistance towards the Earth , it descends with violence to the place from whence it arose , and makes Whirl-winds . But if such Exhalation have not time enough to mount as far as the Middle Region ( as it happens most frequently ) but as soon as it is drawn up be hinder'd and inclos'd by the Vapour turn'd into thick and cold Air in the Lower Region of the Air , then Winds are produc'd in this manner . This Exhalation being unable to mount upwards , because the whole Region is full of thick Air which resists it , it must go either on one side or other ; wherefore it tends that way where it meets least resistance . And whereas there are certain seasons wherein the Air is sometimes less thick towards the South ; others , wherein it is so towards the North , and the other quarters of Heaven ; thence it is that the Winds blow there most usually . Moreover , the reason why the Wind hath a kind of whistling , is , because the Exhalation clasheth with violence against that thick Air. Hence also it is , that Winds are more ordinary in the Night , and about Evening ; because in those times the Vapour looseth its Heat through the Suns absence ; and so being become a thick Air , better incloseth the Exhalation , and resisteth the same with more force . But as the Air which issueth out of our Lungs is hot ; yet if it be sent forth with some little violence it becometh cold : So though the Exhalation which causeth Wind be never without Heat , yet we never feel the Wind hot . Not that the Air loseth its Heat by motion , as Cardan conceiveth : ( For , on the contrary , all things become Hot by motion ; the Lead upon Arrows is melted , and the Wood fired , Water becomes thinner and hotter . ) But the cause thereof is , for that a strong Wind or Hot Air driven violently draws all the neighbouring Air after it , which Air is Cold , and we feel the coldness thereof . Whence all strong Winds are alwayes cold . The Third said , We ought not to seek other causes of Natural Winds then those we find in Artificial Wind ; because Art imitates Nature . Artificial Winds ( such as those of our Bellows , the most common instruments thereof , are caus'd by a compression of the Air made by two more solid Bodies then themselves , which thrust the same thorow a narrower place then that of their residence . For the Bellows having suck'd in a great quantity of Air , when it s two sides draw together they drive out the same again with violence ; And this is that which they call Wind. In like manner , I conceive , two or more Clouds falling upon , and pressing one another impetuously , drive away the Air which is between them . So we blow with our Mouths , by pressing the Air inclos'd in the Palate , and shutting the Lips to streighten its eruption . Hereunto they agree who desine Wind to be Air stirr'd , mov'd or agitated . But if it be objected that the Clouds are not solid enough to make such a compression , the contrary appears by the noise they make in Thunder-claps . The Fourth alledg'd , That Winds are produc'd in the World as they are in Man ; namely , by a Heat sufficient to elevate , but too weak to dissipate Exhalations ; whether that Heat proceedeth from Coelestial Bodies , or from Subterranean Fires . Wherefore as Hot Medicaments dissipate flatuosities , so the great Heat of the Sun dissipates Winds . The Fifth added , It is hard to determine the Original of Winds , after what our Lord hath said thereof , That we know not whence they come , nor whither they go , and what David affirmeth , That the Lord draweth them out of his Treasures . NevertheIess , I conceive , that different causes ought to be assign'd of them according to their different kinds . For although Winds borrow the qualities of the places through which they pass ; ( whence the Southern and Eastern are moist and contagious , because of the great quantity of Vapours wherewith they are laden by coming over the Mediterranean Sea and the Ocean ) yet some Winds are of their own Nature Hot and Dry , making the Air pure and serene ; being caus'd by an Exhalation of the like qualities . Others are so moist that they darken the Air , because they are produc'd of Vapours . Some places situated near Mountains and Rivers , have particular Winds . But as for those which blow at certain Periods , either every year , or every second year , or every fourth year , ( as one that blows in Provence ) I refer them to the Conjunction of certain Plants which reign at that time . The Sixth said , That Air hath a natural motion of its own , as the Heavens have , otherwise it would corrupt ; but meeting some streights , and finding it self pen'd up , it rallies and reunites its forces to get forth , ( as it doth ) with violence , and set it self at Liberty ; And this with so much the more vehemence as the places through which it passeth are streighter . Whence it is that we alwayes perceive a Wind near a Door or Window half open ( or the mouth of a Cave ) which ceaseth when they are set wide open . The Seventh continu'd , That which is most difficult to conceive , in reference to the Wind , is its violence , which I hold to proceed from the Rarefaction of a matter formerly condens'd , and from the opposition of a contrary . For the place of the Generation of Wind being either the Cavernes of the Earth , or the Clouds , the vaporous matter becoming rarifi'd so suddenly that it cannot find room enough to lodge in , breaks forth impetuously ; as we see the Bullet is by the same reason violently driven forth by the Air enflamed in the Cannon . Some think that Winds arise also from the Sea , because a Wave is alwayes seen , upon the changing of the Wind , to rise on that side from whence it is next to blow . The Eighth said , That their motion is a direct line , because it is the shortest way , but not from below upwards ; by reason of the resistance they meet with in the coldness and thickness of the Middle Region of the Air , whence the same thing happens to them that doth to smoak or flame ; which arriving at a ceiling or vault , is constrain'd by the resistance it finds thereby to decline on one side . Also their violence is increas'd by the adjunction of new Exhalations , as Rivers augment theirs by the access of new streams . II. Why none are contenteà with their own condition . Upon the Second Point it was said , That since the inferior World follows the course of the superior and Coelestial , it is not to be wonder'd if the latter being in continual motion and agitation ; the former , whereof Man makes the noblest part , cannot be at rest . For the Starrs , according to their several Positions , Aspects , or Conjunctions , move and carry us to desire sometimes one thing , sometimes another . The Ambition and Ignorance of Man are of the party too . The former makes him alwayes desire to have the advantage above others , to pursue Honours and Dignities , and to think that to acknowledge a greater then himself , is to own fetters and servility . The latter represents things to him otherwise then they are , and so causes him to desire them the more , by how much he less understands their imperfections . Whence many times , by changing , he becomes in as ill a case as Aesop's Ass , who was never contented with his condition . But the true Cause , in my opinion , is , because we cannot find in this World a supreme temporal Good , whereunto a concurrence of all outward and inward goods is requisite ; and were a Man possess'd thereof , yet he could have no assurance that he shall enjoy it to the end of his Life ; whence , living in fear of losing it , we should be prone to desire something that might confirm it . The Dignity of the Soul furnisheth me with another reason of our discontentment . For she being deriv'd from Heaven , and knowing that this is not her abiding City , she may taste of terrene things , but findeth them not season'd to her gust , as knowing that frail and mortal things are not worthy of her , nor sutable to her eternity ; And as a sick person that turns himself first on one side , then on the other , to take rest ; so the Soul finds her repose in motion . And as morsels swallow'd down have no more savour , so the present goods which our Soul possesseth give her no pleasure ; but like a Hunter she quits the game which she hath taken , to pursue another . The Second said , Though , by a wise Providence of Nature , every one loves his own condition as much or more then another doth , yet there being alwayes some evil mix'd with , and adhering to , the most happy state in the world , that evil is the cause that we are never contented therewith . I add further , If it were possible to heap all the goods of the world into one condition , and all kind of evils were banish'd from the same ; yet could it not fill the Appetite of our Soul , which being capable of an infinite Good , if she receive any thing below infinite she is not fill'd nor contented therewith . Nevertheless , this dissatisfaction doth not proceed from the infirmity and ignorance of the Humane Soul , but rather from her great perfection and knowledge , whereby she judging all the goods of the world less then her self , the goods intermingled with miseries serve her for so many admonitions that she ought not to stay there , but aspire to other goods more pure and solid . Besides these , I have two natural reasons thereof . First , Every Good being of it self desirable , every one in particular may desire all the goods which all Men together possess : Yet it is not possible for him to obtain them ; wherefore every one may desire more then he can possess : Whence there must alwayes be frustrated desires and discontents . Secondly , The Desires of Men cannot be contented but by giving them the enjoyment of what they desire . Now they cannot be dealt withall butas a bad Physitian doth with his Patients , in whom for one disease that he cures he causeth three more dangerous . For satisfie one Desire , and you raise many others . The poor hungry person asketh onely Bread ; give it him , and then he is thirsty ; and when he is provided for the present , he is sollicitous for the future . If he hath money , he is troubled both how to keep it , and how to spend it : Which caus'd Solomon after he had deny'd his Soul nothing that it desir'd to pronounce , That All is vanity and vexation of Spirit . The Third conceiv'd , That the Cause of this Dissatisfaction is , for that the conditions of others seem more suitable to us , and for that our Election dependeth on the Imagination , which incessantly proposeth new Objects to the Soul , which she beholding afar off , esteemes highly ; afterwards considering them nearer , sees ( as the Fable saith ) that what she accounted a treasure is but a bottle of Hay . The Fourth said , That because every thing which we possess gives us some ground of disgust , and we do not yet perceive the inconvenience of the thing we desire ; therefore we are weary of the present , and hope to find less in the future : Whence we despise the one , and desire the other . The Fifth added , That Man being compos'd of two parts , Body and Soul , which love change , it is necessary that he love it too . Choose the best posture , and the best food you will , it will weary you in a little time . Let the most Eloquent Orator entertain you with the most excellent Subject , suppose God himself , you will count his Sermon too long if it exceed two hours , or perhaps less . Is it a wonder then , if the Whole be of the same Nature with the Parts ? The Sixth attributed the Cause of this Discontent to the comparison which every one makes of his own State with that of others . For as a Man of middle stature seemes low near a Gyant ; so a Man of moderate fortune , comparing his own with the greater of another , becomes discontented therewith . Wherefore as long as there are different conditions , they of the lowest will always endeavour to rise to the greatest ; and for the taking away of this Displeasure , Lycurgus's Law must be introduc'd , who made all the people of Sparta of equal condition . If it be reply'd , that nevertheless they of the highest condition will be contented ; I answer , that our Mind being infinite , will rather fancy to it self Epicurus's plurality of worlds , as Alexander did , then be contented with the possession of a single one , and so 't will be sufficient to discontent us , not that there is , but that there may be , some more contented then our selves . The Seventh said , That the Cause hereof is the desire of attaining perfection , which in Bodies is Light , ( whence they are alwayes chang'd till they become transparent as Glass ) and in Spirits , their satisfaction , which is impossible . For Man having two principles of his Actions , which alone are capable of being contented , namely , the Vnderstanding and the Will ; he cannot satiate either of them . One truth known makes him desire another . The sign of a moderate Mind is , to be contented with it self ; whereas that of a great Mind is , to have alwayes an insatiable appetite of knowing ; Whence proceedeth this ? It is for that it knows that God created every thing in the world for it , and that it cannot make use thereof unless it have an exact and particular knowledge of the virtues and properties of all things . It knows also , that it self was created for God , and the knowledge of the Creatures is nothing but a means to guide it to that of God. So that if it take those means which lead it to the end for the end it self , it deceives it self and finds not the contentment which it seeks , and will never find the same till it be united to its First Principle , which is God , who alone can content the Vnderstanding . His Will is also hard to be satifi'd . The more goods it hath , the more it desires . It can love nothing but what is perfect : It finds nothing absolutely perfect but goodness it self . For the Light and knowledge wherewith the Understanding supplieth it , discover to it so many imperfections and impurities in the particular goods it possesseth , that it distasts and despises them , as unworthy to have entertainment in it . Wherefore it is not to be wonder'd , if Man can never be contented in this world , since he cannot attain his utmost End in it , either for Body or Soul. CONFERENCE XIX . I. Of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. II. Of the Point of Honour . I. Of the Flux of the Sea. THe First said , That if there be any other cause of this Flux then the heaping together of the Waters from the beginning , under the Aequinoctial , by Gods Command , whence they descend again by their natural gravity , and are again driven thither by the obedience which they owe to that Command ; ( which is so evident , that they who sail under the Aequator , perceive them selves lifted up so high by the currents that are usually there , that they are many times terrifi'd thereat ) there is none more probable then the Moon , which hath dominon overall moist Bodies , and augments or diminishes this Flux according as she is in the increase or the wane . The Second said , That the Moon indeed makes the Flux and Reflux of the Sea greater or less , yea , she governes and rules it ; because being at the Full she causeth a Rarefaction of its Waters . But this doth not argue that she is the Efficient Cause of the said Flux . The Sea rises at the shore , when the Moon riseth in the Heaven , and retires again when the Moon is going down , their motions are indeed correspondent one to the other ; yet I know not how that of the Moon is cause of that of the Sea : For if it were , then , when the Moon is longest above our Horizon , as in long dayes , the ebbing and flowing would be greatest ; but it is equal and regular , as well when the Moon is below the Horizon as above it . And why also doth not she move the other Seas , and all sorts of Waters , as well as the Ocean ? The Third said , That there are two sorts of Water in the Sea , one terrene , thick , and viscous , which contains the Salt ; the other thin , sweet , and vaporous , such as that which Aristotle saith enters through the Pores of a vessel of wax , exactly stop'd and plung'd to the bottome of the Sea. This thin Water being heated is rarifi'd and turn'd into vapours , which consequently require more room then before . They seek for it , but being restrain'd and inclos'd in the thick and viscous Water can find no issue ; and therefore make the Water of the Sea to swell and rise , till that Exhalation be disengag'd from those thick Waters , and then the Sea returnes to its natural state , by falling flat , and becoming level . This is abundantly confirm'd by the Tydes ; which are alwayes greater in March and August , then at other seasons ; because at that time more abundance of vapours is drawn up . But why have not Lakes also an Ebbing and Flowing ? Because their Water being more thin le ts pass those vapours which the Sun hath stirr'd ; and so not being hinder'd from going away , as those of the Sea are , they do not make the Water rise and swell . So Heat having subtiliz'd and converted into vapours the most tenuious parts of the Milk upon the Fire , the thicker parts of the same coming to enclose them , are the cause that it swells and rises up : But when it is remov'd from the fire , or its vapours have gotten passage by agitation , it takes up no more roome then it did at first . But it is not so with Water plac'd upon the Fire , the rarity of its Body giving free issue to the vapours which the Heat excites in it . The Jewish Sea is bituminous , and therefore no more inflated then pitch ; possibly because the parts thereof being Homogeneous , cannot be subtiliz'd apart . For as for the Mediterranean Seas , having no Flux and Reflux , I conceive it is hindred by another motion , from North to South ; because the Septentrional parts being higher then the Austral , all Waters by their natural gravity tend that way . The Fourth said , I acknowledge , with Aristotle , that 't is partly the Sun that causes the Flux and Reflux of the Sea ; because 't is he that raises most of the Exhalations and Winds , which beating upon the Sea make it swell and so cause the Flux ; and soon after failing , the Sea falls again , which is the Reflux . Nevertheless , because this cause is not sufficient , and cannot be apply'd to all kinds of Flux and Reflux , which we see differ almost in all Seas ; I add another thereunto , Subterranean Fires , which sending forth continually abundance of Exhalations or subtile Spirits , and these Spirits seeking issue , drive the Water of the Sea which they meet , till it overflows ; and thus it continues till being deliver'd from those Spirits it falls back into its channel , till it be agitated anew by other Exhalations , which successively follow one another ; and that more or less , according to the greater or lesser quantity of those Spirits . The Tydes which happen every two hours are an evidence of great quantity ; those which happen every four hours of less , and those which happen every six , of least of all . So there is made in our Bodies a Flux and Reflux of Spirits by the motion of Reciprocation , call'd the Pulse , consisting of a Diastole and a Systole , ( or Dilatation and Contraction ) caus'd by the Vital Faculty of the Heart , the Fountain of Heat . Moreover , as the Pulse is ordinarily perceiv'd better in the Arms , and other extreme parts , then in the rest of the Body ; So the Flux and Reflux is more evident at the shores then in the main Sea. Therefore Aristotle proposing the Question why , if some solid Body , as an Anchor , be cast into the Sea when it swells , it instantly becomes calm , answers ; That the solid Body cast into the Sea makes a separation in the surface thereof ; and thereby gives passage to the Spirits which were the cause of that Commotion . Now if it be demanded , Why such motion is not so manifest in the Mediterranean Sea , and some others , as in the Ocean , it is answer'd , that the reasons thereof are : 1. Because Nature having given sluces to the Mediterranean higher then to the Ocean , it hath not room wherein to extend it self so commodiously . 2. Because the Subterranean Fires , being united and continually vented forth by the Out-lets , which they have in Aetna , Vesuvius , and other Mountains within or near that Sea , there remains less then is needful to make a rising of the Waters . The Fifth said , I conceive there is as little cause and reason to be sought of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea , as of all other motions proceeding from Forms informing or assisting the Bodies which they move . As it would be impertinent to ask what is the cause of the motion of a Horse , seeing the most ignorant confess that it is from his Soul , which is his Form : So there is more likelihood of truth in attributing the motion of the Sea to its Form then to any other thing . Yet because they who assign a Soul to the World and all its parts cannot make out such a proportion therein as is requisite to the parts of an Animal ; I think more fit to affirm , that the Sea hath a Form and Intelligence assisting to it , which was assign'd to it by God from the beginning , to move it in the same manner as the Intelligences , according to Aristotle , are assistant to the Coelestial Orbes , and continue their motion . II. Of the Point of Honour . It was said , upon the Second Point , That since Contraries give light to one another , we may better understand what Honour is , by considering the Nature of Dishonour . For where ever there is Blame , there is also Honour opposite to it . Now there is no Man that sees a vile action , ( as amongst Souldiers , Murder , or Cowardice , Collusion , or Perfidiousness in Justice ) but he blames the same , and judges the Author thereof worthy of Dishonour . On the conrary , a brave Exploit and a Courageous Action is esteemed by Enemies themselves : The incorruptible Integrity of a Judge is oftentimes commended by him that ●oses his Suit ; and the Courageous Fidelity of an Advocate , in well defending his Client , receives Praise even from the Adversary ; so odious is Vice , and so commendable is Virtue . Wherefore every one abhorring Blame and Dishonour , doth so vehemently hate the memory and reproach of any thing that may bring it upon him , that many imitate what the Fable telleth of Jupiter , who going to shake off the ordure which the Beetle had laid upon the skirt of his garment , by that means shook out the Eggs which the Eagle had laid in his lap ; that is , by thinking to repel a small Blame , they incur a greater , and oftentimes with the prejudice of another : As it is manifest in the rage and wildness of Duels , when for the repelling of a small injury , a Man engages the life of a Second , who usually becomes involv'd in the same destruction with himself . It is not my purpose to declaim further here against that Madness ; for the Folly of Men is come to such excess , that they who go most unwillingly to the field , considering that they are going possibly to destroy both their Bodies and their Souls , yet dare not seem to obey the injunctions and prohibitions against the same by the Laws both of God and Men. A brutishness worthy of Admiration , as it would be of Pity , were it not voluntary among those who value themselves above others . But to leave them to themselves , let us onely consider what a strange Power the Point of Honour hath , which is able to carry before it all the torrent of Arguments and Reasons which disswade a furious Resolution . Now it is as various , as the Humours and Conditions of Men. Not that I think it imaginary , but as there are actions of themselves honest or dishonest , which are the real foundation of this Point of Honour ; so it is of the same Nature . And although Diogenes accounted nothing dishonest ( i.e. unbecoming ) which is lawfull ; yet it cannot be believ'd by any but a Diogenes . So that the Ingenuous Youth , upon whose shoulder that Cynick laid a flitch of Bacon , and lead him about the City in that equipage , to accustome him to put off all shame , obey'd Reason and not his Caprichio , when he cast the same down and ran away . When the Executioner causeth a Criminal to make an honourable amends , ( by which understand a most ignominious punishment inflicted upon an extreme Offender , who must go through the streets bare-foot and bare-headed , with a burning link in his hand , unto the seat of Justice , or some such publick place , and there confess his Offence , and ask forgiveness of the party he hath wrong'd ) he many times endures no other evil but that of shame ; and yet I would not blame him that should prefer a natural death before such a dishonour . It may be said that the Point of Honour reacheth not so far , but is onely an image and shadow , since words are but the images of things ; and that a Man will fight a Duel when another hath reproach'd him for a fault , either of his own , or of some other for whom he is concern'd . But I answer , that Men fight oftner for actions and bad offices , then for words . And although they commonly reflect thus , what will people say of me , if I put up this ? Yet the truth is , 't is out of fear lest one contempt making way for another , might give occasion to effects not onely prejudicial to our Reputation , but also to our Fortune ; which we know in these dayes depends upon our Reputation . A Captain known for a Coward will be cashier'd . A Souldier that doth not defend himself will be beaten . A Gentleman that doth not swagger when he is affronted , he will be abus'd not onely in his Honour , but also in his goods , by all his Neighbours . So that the Point of Honour is not so little real as it is imagin'd , since it hath an influence not onely upon a Mans Honour , but likewise upon his goods and life . In brief , we may consult those who deny the Point of Honour to be a real thing , by all this Honourable Assembly , and especially by the many excellent Wits , who are excited by Honour to appear therein , and acquire ( what they may justly expect ) the commendation which is due to their merits . The Second said , That he found some difference between being an Honest Man , and a Man of Honour ; for that , to be an Honest Man , it is requisite onely to possess the Honest Good ( Bonum Honestum ) which is Virtue : But to be a Man of Honour , besides that , the world must know that we possess the same , and give us the reputation of being virtuous . For 't is stupidity , not to care what opinion Men have of us . Which caus'd the Wise-man to pronounce a Curse against those who neglect a good Fame ; which is so natural , and so neerly alli'd to Virtue , that she seems not to have her utmost perfection when she is separated from it ; and a Prudent Man desires equally to be virtuous , and to be esteemed such : Now if Honour consist in the possession of Virtue thus accompani'd , the Point of Honour will be the Point of Virtue , that is , the perfection thereof ; or rather , Virtue most perfect , accompani'd with a compleat Reputation . This perfection , in my Judgement , is the War-like Virtue , call'd by the Greeks , by way of excellence , The Virtue of Man ; and so esteemed by all the world , that no people , however otherwise barbarous , ever deny'd it the Title of Nobleness . It is not then to be wonder'd if Men of Courage think that the Point of Honour consists in preserving to themselves the Reputation of being Valiant , and endeavour by all means to make it appear to every one that they are endew'd with this War-like Virtue . Whence most Quarrels are occasion'd by Mens accusing one another of want of Courage , or other appurtenances of that Virtue . The Third said , That which we call the Point of Honour , is nothing else , in my Judgement , but the desire of being esteem'd more honest persons then we are . For Man being the greatest dissembler of all Creatures , endeavours to make himself thought what he is not ; because it being essential to him to desire Good , and his perverse Inclination not leading him to the true , therefore at least he desires the apparent . This is seen in all his actions , which aim onely at three kinds of Good ; namely , the Honest , the Profitable , and the Delightful . Now of these three , onely the Honest is called the Good of Man ; because the two latter usually corrupt him , the former preserves him . And nevertheless , many addict themselves to Pleasures , more run after Profit , but very few , comparatively , follow the Honest Good for its own sake , unless it be joyn'd with one of the other . In the mean time there is none but would perswade others that he is passionately in love with the latter , and not anxious for Honour . But , I conceive , we may know persons of Honour , by the little account they make of injuries which seem to tend to their disparagement , especially when they think the same do not belong unto them ; and they who are worthy of Honour seek it least , and are not troubled so much as others at the injury which any one thinks he doth them . So we see a Prince will not be so sollicitous to employ his qualities in a publick act , as a Man of low condition newly exalted . An Honest Woman will not be so much troubled at an injury offer'd to her Honour , as she that is of an evil Life ; because the former hath true Honour , which the latter hath not : As we see paltry Pedlars , that have all their shop in a pack hanging about their necks , make ten times more noise then the best whole-sale Trades-men , whose store-houses are fill'd with all sort of wares . And amongst all Nations , they who lie most , are most offended with the Lie. They who drink most , are most offended with the name of Drunkard . Wherefore since , according to Aristotle , 't is the truth and not the number or quality of the honourers , which constitutes the true Honour , which they arrogate most in whom the substance is least found ; it follows that what we call the Point of Honour is nothing but the appearance or shadow thereof . The Fourth said , The Point of Honour is nothing but a Desire we have to make our selves esteem'd such as we are . Wherefore when a quality which belongs not to us is taken from us , we are far from being so much concern'd , as if it pertain'd to us . So a Gentleman who makes profession of Valour will be offended if he be called Poltron ; but a Capuchin will not , knowing well that that Virtue is not necessary to Christian Perfection . The Fifth said , That Honour , according to the common opinion , being the testimony which Men give us of our virtuous actions , the Point of Honour is that conceit which our Mind proposes and formes to it self of that opinion . Whence it follows that the Point of Honour thus taken , being an Abstract which our Mind draws from things , and not the things themselves , there is nothing of reality in it , but it is a pure Imagination , which alters according to the diversity of times , places , and persons . Such a thing was anciently honest ( i. e. laudable and becomming ) which is not so at present : Whereof the Modes and Customs of the times past , compar'd with those at this day , are a sufficient evidence . It was honourable at Rome to burn dead Bodies , and shameful to all others , ( saving to the single family of the Cornelii ) to bury them . At this day to inter them is honourable , but to burn them the most infamous of punishments . It was in Lacedaemon an honourable thing to steal dextrously ; and now the reward of the craftiest Cut-purse is a Halter . One thing is honest , ( i. e. seemly ) in one age ( as for Children to blush ) which is dishonest ( i. e. unseemly ) in another , ( as for old Men to do so . ) Yea , one Man will sometimes construe a thing within the Point of Honour , which another will not . And we sometimes conceive our selves interessed in one and the same thing , and sometimes not . Moreover , though the Point of Honour should not admit all these mutations , yet depending upon the imagination of another , there can be nothing of reality in it . And therefore the true Point of Honour consists not in the opinion which others have of us , but in the exercise of honest and virtuous actions , whether acknowledg'd for such , or not ; yea , though they be despis'd or punish'd , it is sufficient to render such actions honourable , that the Conscience alone judge of their goodness . CONFERENCE XX. I. Of the Original of Fountains . II. Whether there be a commendable Ambition . I. Of the Original of Fountains . THe First said , That Springs and Rivers come from the Sea , otherwise it would receive a great augmentation by the daily addition of their streams , if it should not suffer an equal diminution by their derivation from it . Therefore the Wise-man saith , All Rivers go into the Sea , and the Sea is not increased thereby ; and afterwards they return to the place from whence they came , that they may go forth again . Yea , it would be a perpetual Miracle , if after about six thousand years since the Creation of the World the Sea were not grown bigger by all the great Rivers it receives , seeing the Danubius alone , were it stop'd but during one year , would be sufficient to drown all Europe . But how can the Water , of its own nature heavy and unactive , especially that of the Sea , be carried up to the highest Mountains ? As we see the L' Isere , and the Durance , and other Rivers , descend from the tops of the Alps , upon which there are Lakes and Springs in great number , as in Mont-Cenis , Saint Bernard , and Saint Godart . This proceeds from the gravity of the Earth , which alwayes inclining towards its own centre , bears upon the Sea , and so pressing upon the Water , causeth it to rise up into the veins and passages of the Earth ; ( a resemblance whereof is seen in Pumps ) by which passages it is strain'd and depriv'd of its saltness . Which quality is easily separable from Sea-water ; for upon the shores of Africa there are pits of fresh Water , which cannot come from elsewhere . And if Water mingled with Wine be separated from the same by a cup made of Ivy wood , why not the saltness of the Water too ? Thence also it is that Springs retain the qualities of the places through which they pass , having put off those which they deriv'd from their Original . The Second said , That the Waters are carried upwards by the virtue of the Coelestial Bodies , which attract the same without any violence ; it being in a manner natural to Inferior Bodies to obey the Superior , and follow the motion which they impress upon them . Unless we had rather ascribe this effect to God , who having for the common good of all the world caus'd the Water in the beginning to ascend to the highest places , it hath alwayes follow'd that same motion by natural consecution and the fear of that Vacuity . And of this we have a small instance in the experiment of Syphons . The Third said , He conceiv'd , with Aristotle , that Springs are generated in cavities and large spaces of the Middle Region of the Earth , which Nature ( who abhorreth Vacuity ) fills with Air , insinuated thereinto by the pores and chinks , and condensed afterwards by the coldness of the Earth : Which coldness is so much the greater as that Region is remote from all external agents which might alter it . This condensed Air is resolv'd into drops of Water , and these drops soon after descending by their own weight into one and the same place , glide along till they meet with others like themselves , and so give beginning to a Spring . For as of many Springs uniting their streams a great River is made , so of many drops of Water is made a Spring . Hence it comes to pass that we ordinarily find Springs in Mountains and high places , as being most hollow and full of Air , which becomes condens'd and resolv'd into Water so much the more easily as the Mountains are nearer the Middle Region of the Air , apt by its vapourous quality to be turn'd into Water , as well in those Gavities as in the Clouds ; or else because they are most expos'd to the coldest Winds , and usually cover'd with Snow . The Fourth said , That there is no transformation of Elements , and therefore Air cannot be turn'd into Water . For whereas we see drops of Water fall from the surface of Marble or Glass , 't is not that the Air is turn'd into Water , but this moist Air is full of damp vapours , which are nothing but Water rarifi'd , and which meeting with those cold and solid Bodies , are condens'd and return'd to their first Nature . Wherefore the Air is so far from being the cause of so many Springs and Rivers which water the Earth , that on the contrary , all the Air in the world ( provided it be not mixt with Water ) cannot make so much as one drop . It is more probable that in the beginning of the world , when God divided the Elements and the Waters from the Waters which cover'd the whole surface of the Earth , he gather'd the grossest and most unprofitable water into one mass ▪ which he called Sea , and dispersed through the rest of the Earth the fresh Water , more clear and pure , to serve for the necessities of the Earth , Plants , and living Creatures . Moreover , the Scripture makes mention of four great Rivers issuing out of the terrestrial Paradise , and a Fountain in the middle of it , which water'd the whole surface of the Earth from the Creation . In not being possible that Air resolv'd into Water could make so great a quantity of waters in so little time . The Fifth added . That those Waters would soon be dry'd up without a new production , for which Nature hath provided by Rain , which falling upon the Earth is gather'd together in Subterraneous Cavernes ; which are as so many Reservers for Springs , according to Seneca's opinion . This is prov'd , 1. Because in places where it rains not , as in the Desarts of Arabia and Aethiopia , there is scarce any Springs ; on the other side , they are very frequent in Europe which aboundeth with rain . 2. Waters are very low in Summer when it rains but little ; and in Winter so high that they overflow their banks , because the season is pluvious . 3. Hence it is that most Rivers and Springs break forth at the foot of Mountains , as being but the rain water descended thither from their tops . The Sixth said , That it is true that Rivers are increased by Rain , but yet have not their original from it . For were it so , then in great droughts our Rivers would be dry'd up as well as the Brooks . As for Springs , they are not so much as increas'd by Rain ; for we see by experience , that it goes no deeper into the earth then seven or eight feet . On the contrary , the deeper you dig , the more Springs you meet with . Nor is the Air , in my judgement , the cause thereof , there being no probability that there is under the earth cavernes so spacious and full of Air sufficient to make so great a quantity of Water ; since there needs ten times as much Air as Water to produce it . Neither can the Sea be the cause of Springs ; since , according to the Maxime of Hydraulick , Water cannot ascend higher the place of its original , but if Springs were from the Sea , then they could not be higher then the level thereof ; and we should see none upon the tops of Mountains . Now that the Sea lies lower then Springs and Rivers , is apparent , because they descend all thitherwards . The Seventh said , That Waters coming from the Sea , and gliding in the bowels of the Earth , meet with Subterranean Fires , which are there in great quantity , whereby they are heated and resolv'd into Vapours . These Vapours compos'd of Water and Fire , mounting upwards , meet some Rocks or other solid Bodies , against which they stick and are return'd into Water ; the Fire which was in them escaping through the Pores of those Bodies , the Water trickles forth by the clefts and crevisses of the Rocks , or other sloping places . The Eighth said , That as Art can draw forth Water by Destillation , Expression , and other wayes taught by Chymistrie ; so by stronger reason Nature cannot want wayes to do the same , and possibly in divers sorts , according to the various disposition of places , and of the matter which she employes to that use . II. Whether there is any Ambition commendable . Upon the Second Subject it was said , That there is some correspondence between the two Questions ; for as Water serves for a Medium of Union in natural Composition ; so Ambition serves to familiarise pains and dangers in great enterprizes . For it makes Children strive to get credit in little exercises ; and Men think nothing so high but may be soar'd to by the wings of Ambitior . Juvenal indeed gives Wings to necessity , when he saith , A Hungry Greek will fly up to Heaven if they command him ; and Virgil saith , Fear adds Wings to the heels of the terrifi'd ; but those of Ambition are much more frequent in our Language . 'T is true , Ambition may many times beat and stretch forth its Wings , but can no more exalt it self into the Air then the Estrich . Sometimes it soars too high , as Icarus did , and so near the light that it is burnt therein like Flyes . For the ambitious usually mounts up with might and main , but thinks not how he shall come down again . This Passion is so envious , that it makes those possess'd therewith hate all like themselves , and justle them to put them behind . Yea , it is so eager that it meets few obstacles which yield not to its exorbitant pertinacy ; insomuch that it causeth Men to do contrary to do what they pretend , and shamefully to obey some , that they may get the command over others . The importunateness of Ambition is proof against all check or denyal ; and the ambitious is like the Clot-burr , which once fastned upon the clothes is not easily shaken off . When he is once near the Court , neither affronts nor other rubs can readily repell him thence . And because his Essence consists in appearance , he many times wears his Lands upon his back ; and if he cannot at once pride himself in his Table , his Clothes , and his Train , yet he will rather shew the body of a Spaniard , then the belly of a Swiss . At his coming abroad , he oftentimes picks his teeth while his gutts grumble , he feeds upon aiery viands . When he ha's been so lucky as to snap some office , before he ha's warm'd the place , his desires are gaping after another : He looks upon the first but as a step to a second , and thinks himself still to low , if he be not upon the highest round of the ladder ; where he needs a good Brain lest he lose his judgement , and where it is as hard to stand , as 't is impossible to ascend , and shameful to descend . Others observing , That Honour is like a shadow , which flyes from its pursuers , and follows those that flie it , have indeed no less Ambition then the former , ( for I know no condition , how private soever , that is free from it ) but they artificially conceal it ; like those who carry a dark Lanthorn in the night , they have no less fire then others , but they hide it better . They are like Thieves that shooe their Horses the wrong way , that they may seem by their steps to come from the place whither they are going ; or else like those who hunt the Hyena . This Beast loves the voice of Man so much that she trusts in it ; and ( say the Historians ) she understands it so well , that when the Hunters would take her , they must cry , I will not have her , I will not have her . But when once they have obtain'd the Honour at which they thus aim'd , by contrary pretensions , they shew sufficiently that they desir'd it . The Second said , That Ambition is a desire of exalting our selves , and over-topping the common sort . The Object of it is Honour , in the pursuite of which three things are consider'd ; namely , the Mediocrity , the Excess , and the Defect . The Mediocrity is call'd Magnanimity , or greatness of Courage , by which we seek the great Honours which we merit . The Excess is called Vanity , when we pursue great dignities which we deserve not . The Defect is called Pusillanimity , when a Man hath so little Spirit that he deprives himself of Honours , though he is worthy of them . Now as Liberality answers to Magnificence , so to Magnanimity answers another Virtue which hath no name in Aristotle , and differs from it but in degree . For that hath regard to great Honours , and this to moderate ; and , as all other Virtues , it hath its two vicious Extremes , its Excess , which is call'd Ambition , and its Defect , which is want of Ambition . Moreover , there are two kinds of Ambition . One which is bounded within the limits of each condition , whereby every one desires to become perfect in his Art , and to excell others of the same condition ; which is very laudable , and argues that he whom it possesses hath something more excellent in him then the vulgar . The Other is that which carries us to Honours , which greatly exceed the bounds of our condition , and are not due to us . This is very blameable and dangerous , because it causes great confusion in Mens Minds , and consequently in States . For what is more absurd , then for a Citizen to act a Gentleman , or a Gentleman a Prince ? Yea , even this last ought to set bounds to his Ambition . The Third added , That things are to be judg'd of by their Effects ; and we see most of the mischiefs which come to pass now in the World are caus'd by the Ambition of those who weary of their condition , in which if they continu'd they would be happy , by all means seek after others which seem higher : Ambition making them prefer before the good which they know an evil which they know not ; because this Passion represents the same to them under the semblance of a greater good . Wherefore the Julian Law was introduc'd with good reason , to check and moderate this exorbitant appetite of Honours . The Fourth said , That indeed extreme and immoderate Ambition is a perpetual rack and torture to the Soul , and begets an Hydropick Thirst in it , which all the waters of the World cannot allay . But that which is moderate , in my judgement , is not onely unblameable , but very praise-worthy ; since it is a desire of perfection , and never any person was ambitious in this manner , but he was either virtuous , or in the way to be so . For this Ambition proceeds from a desire of glory , and being accounted better greater , and wiser then others ; and it is grounded upon the knowledge we have , and would derive to others of our peculiar merit . And though the Man be not virtuous , yet there is nothing more proper to render him so then such Ambition ; one of the most powerful spurs to encourage a well-temper'd Soul to Virtue . 'T is an Instrument that smooths all its rough paths . 'T is a flame that enkindles generous purposes in the Soul to surmount all kinds of obstacles . Would you see its excellence ? Compare this Ambition , from whence sprang those brave thoughts which brought so great glory to Alexander , Caesar , and all those other Heroes of Antiquity , with the shameful sloth of the infamous Sardanapalus , Heliogabalus , and other Epicures buried in the ordures of their vices , for want of this noble desire of glory . But it is most remarkable , in reference to Ambition , that they who blame it are themselves ambitious ; for they do so , onely to ostentate themselves ; and they who have written Books against Vain-glory , have yet set their Names in the frontis-piece ; and wherefore , but to be talk'd of ? The Fifth said , That the Goodness or Badness of all Actions , depending onely upon their good or bad End , it must be affirmed likewise , concerning Ambition , that it is blameable or commendable ; according as he who seeketh Honours hath an honest or dishonest End , and pursues the same by lawful or oblique courses . The Sixth said , It is so true that there is a laudable Ambition , that not ouely all that is rare in Arts and Sciences , but also all the bravest Heroick Actions owe their being to it . 'T is one of the most commendable Virtues naturall to Man , and inseparable from a gallant Spirit ; It is so much the more excellent , in that it hath for its Object the most excellent of all external Goods , namely , Honour , which Men offer to God , as the most precious thing they have , and which Legislators ( finding nothing more valuable ) propose for the guerdon of Virtre . This may serve to explain what is commonly said , That Virtue is a reward to it self : Legislators having determin'd that Virtuous Men should find the recompence of their brave Actions , in that noble desire of the glory which they deserve . So that he is no less blameable who deserving Honours and Dignities , and being able to support and exercise them worthily and profitably to the publick , doth not seek them , then he that strives for them and is unworthy thereof . Yea , the former seems to me much more blame-worthy then the latter , whose Ambition , though immoderate , denotes greatness of Spirit ; whereas the former , too much distrusting himself , and not daring to attain or reach forth his hand to what appertains by right unto him , shews abundantly the lowness of his Mind , or the little account he makes of Virtue , by sleighting Honour which is the shadow and reward of it , and depriving himself of the means to perform Virtuous Actions , which he may better exercise in Offices and Dignities then in a private life : And which is more , he sets a pernicious example to his fellow-citizens to neglect that Recompence of Virtue , which costs the State less then any other . CONFERENCE XXI . I. Of Dreams . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then Virtue . I. Of Dreams . IT is no wonder that Men seek the interpretation of Dreams . For having from all times bent their Minds to foresee the Future , ( as the Desire of becoming like God by the Faculty of Divining hath been transmitted from the First Man to all his Posterity ) it seems the Images of things presented to them in the night are unprofitable to any other end besides this . And truly since the highest pitch of every Faculty consists in Divination , and the Holy Scripture hath nothing so wonderful as its Prophecies ; Physick , nothing so admirable as the Prognostication of diseases ; Civil Law , then the Resolution of the good or bad success of an Affair ; Yea , since the in extinguishable thirst after the Future hath induc'd all Ethnick Antiquity to feed Fowls for Augury , to immolate Sacrifices for presaging their good or bad Fortune ; there is some ground to pardon them and all others who seek some glimmerings of the future in Dreams . I conceive , the most Incredulous , reading in the Scripture that seven lean kine devouring so many fat ones presag'd seven years Famine which consum'd all the store of seven other fertile years ; and moreover , the truth confirm'd by the event of the Dreams of so many others , cannot but have them in some reverence . But on the other side , when every one considers how many Phancies come into our heads in sleep , both sick and well , the truth whereof is so rare that it may be compar'd to that of Almanacks , which setting down all sorts of weather , sometimes happen right upon one ; or to those bad Archers , who shooting all day long , glory if they once hit the mark ; he presently concludes that credit is not lightly to be given to them . Wherefore I think after explication how Dreams are caused , it will be fit to examine whether there be any connexion or affinity between the things which we dream and those which are to come to pass , as there was between the Aegyptian Hieroglyphicks which the things signifi'd by them , and as there is at this day in the Characters of China , and in the Signatures observ'd by some Physitians between some Plants and the Parts or Diseases to which they are proper . For it is not without some hidden reason , that Experience hath caus'd so many persons to take notice , that as ( for example ) Death and Marriage make a great stir and alteration in the house where they happen , so the one is usually the indicatour of the other ; that because the Hen makes a cry when she layes her Eggs , from whence is produc'd a Chicken that cryes too , therefore Eggs signifie brawls or quarrels ; that Pearls signifie Tears , because they resemble them ; that as the Serpent is alwayes mischievous , and moves along with little noise , so he denotes secret Enemies ; and the cutting off his head , the getting the better of one's Enemies ; that as our Teeth are not pluck'd out without pain , so to dream that they fall out , prefigures the death of a Relation ; and other such things which cannot be number'd but by a Calepine , much less the interpretation thereof unfolded . The Second said That Dreams are caus'd by the rising of vapours from the Stomack to the Brain , by whose coldness they are condens'd ; and then falling like a gentle dew upon the Nerves , and stopping the passages by which the Animal Spirits issue to the outward senses , the species of objects which we receiv'd awake , and were then confus'd and agitated by heat , settle by little and little , and become as clearly discern'd as when we were awake : Or else , our Imagination , which ( as Aristotle saith ) is like a Painter who makes a mixture of divers colours ) joyning several of those species together , formes chimera's and other strange images which have no antitype in Nature . Just as a Child drawing accidentally certain Letters out of a heap mingled together , joynes them and formes words of them which have no sense . And as dirty or stirred waters doth not represent any Image , or very badly ; so the Imagination being embroil'd and agitated by the gross fumes of the meat which arise after the first sleep , represents ill , or not at all , the images of things which it hath in it self . Hence it is that Drunkards and Children dream little or not at all , and that the Dreams of the first part of the night are turbulent , and those of the morning more tranquil and quiet , to which alone therefore credit is to be given . So that Interpreters of Dreams account the same nearer or farther from their Effect , according as they more or less approach the day-break . The Third said , That Dreams are different according to the different Causes whence they proceed ; which are either within us or without us . That which is within us is either Natural , or Animal , or Moral ; from which arise three different kinds of Dreams . The Natural are usually suitable to the complexion of the Body , and constitution of Humours . Thus the Bilious or Cholerick , dreams of fire and slaughter : The Pituitous , or Flegmatick dreams that he is swimming , fishing , or falling : The Melancholy sees sad and dismal things in his sleep : The Sanguine hath pleasures and jollities in his Phancy . The Animal proceed from our ordinary employments , and cause the actions on thoughts of the day to be represented again to the Imagination in the night . The Moral follow the good or bad inclinations of every one . Thus the Voluptuous person dreams of Delights , and the Ambitious of Honours . The external cause of Dreams is either God or Angels , and these either good or bad ; and they either imprint new species upon the Phancy , or dispose those which are in it before , so as thereby to advertise us of things which concern us . These alone , in my opinion , are those that are to be taken notice of . The Fourth said , That besides these causes of Dreams , there are also some corporeal causes , as the temper of the Air , or the constitution of the Heavens , and the nature of places ; to which is to be refer'd the relation of Ammianus Marcellinus , That the Atlantick people have no Dreams ; as also the common report , that they who lay Lawrel-leaves under their heads when they go to sleep have true Dreams ; together with the Observation of Aristotle , that if a Candle cast the least glimpse before the Eyes of such as are a sleep , or a little noise be made near them , they will dream that they see Lightning and hear Thunder ; it being proper to the Soul when we are a sleep to make an Elephant of a Flie. The Fifth said , That the chief inquiry in this matter , is , How any Dreams can signifie that which is Future , and what connexion there is between the figures which Dreams represent to us , and the thing signifi'd to us by them . For it is certain , in the first place , that Dreams have some affinity and conformity with our Temper ; This with our Manners ; our Manners with our Actions ; and finally , our Actions with the Accidents which betide us . Whence it appears , that according to this series , Dreams have some great correspondence with those Accidents . For the Soul , which knows our Temper , and by necessary sequel our Manners and Actions , beholds in those three together the Accidents of our Life ; which are annex'd , represented , and contained potentially in them , as Fruits and Trees are in Flowers and Seeds . But as Flowers and Seeds are very different in Figure from the Fruits and Trees which they produce ; so the Characters of the Accidents of our Life being contained , or rather produced by our Temper , our Manners and Actions are represented to the Soul under the various species of things which are to befall us ; because being linked by a streight bond to this corporeal mass , it cannot judge before-hand of things to come , nor admonish us thereof but by the representation of certain Images which we have some resemblance and agreement with those Accidents . These Images are different in all Men , according to their several Sympathies and Antipathies , Aversions and Complacencies , or according to the different beliefs which we have taken up by a strong Imagination , or by hear-say , that such or such Figures represented in a Dream signifie such or such things . For in this case , the Soul conjecturing by those impressions which are found in our Temper , is constrain'd to represent the same to us by the Images which our Imagination first admitted and apprehended either as unfortunate , or lucky and of good Augury . But if there be any Dreams which presage to us Accidents purely fortuitous , and wholly remote from our Temper , Manners , and Actions , they depend upon another Cause . The Sixth said , That as during sleep the Animal and inferior part of Man performs its office best , concocting the nourishment more succesfully ; so his superior part being then ( according as Trismegistus saith ) more loose and unlinked from the Body , acts more perfectly then during the time we are awake . For being freed and loosned from the senses and corporeal affections , it hath more particular converse with God and Angels , and receives from all parts intelligence of things in agitation . And , according to Anaxagoras , all things bear the Image one of another ; whence , if there be any effect in Nature which is known in its cause , as a tempest in the Sea , a Murder in the Woods , a Robbery or other accident upon the High-way ; the Power , which is to be the original thereof , sends a Copy and Image of the same into the Soul. The Seventh said , That he as little believ'd that the Species and Images of things come to the Soul , as that the Soul goes forth to seek them during sleep , roving and wandring about the world , as it is reported of the Soul of Hermotimus the Clazomenian . Aristotle indeed saith , that there are some subtile natures which seem to have some pre-science of what is to come ; but I think it surpasseth the reach of the Humane Soul , which being unable to know why a Tree produceth rather such a Fruit then another , can much less know why those species are determin'd , rather to signifie one thing then another . The Eighth said , He could not commend the superstitious curiosity of those who seek the explication of Dreams , since God forbids expresly in the Law to observe them ; and the Wise-man assures us , that they have caus'd many to stumble and fall . And why should the things which we fancy in the right have more signification then if we imagin'd them in the day ? For Example , If one dream in the night that he flyes , is there any more reason to conjecture from thence that he shall arise to greatness , then if the thought of flying had come into his Mind in the day time ; with which in the dayes of our Fathers an Italian had so ill success , having broken his neck by attempting to flie from the top of the Tower De Nesse in this City ; a fair Example not to mount so high . II. Why Men are rather inclin'd to Vice then to Virtue Upon the Second Point , it was said , That our Inclinations tend rather to Vice then to Virtue , because Delight is alwayes concomitant to Vice , as Honesty is to Virtue . Now Delight being more facile , and honesty more laborious , therefore we follow rather the former then the latter . Moreover , the Present hath more power to move our Inclinations , because it is nearer then the Future , which as yet is nothing . Now Delight is accounted as present in a Vicious Action , and the reward of Virtue is look'd upon as a far off and in futurity . Whence Vice bears a greater stroke with us then Virtue . If it be objected that a Virtuous Action hath alwayes its reward inseparable , because Virtue is a Recompence to it self ; I answer , that this is not found true , but by a reflection and ratiocination of the Mind , which hath little correspondence with our gross senses ; and therefore this recompence , which is onely in the Mind , doth not gratifie us so much as the pleasures of the Body , which have a perfect correspondence with our corporeal senses by whom the same are gusted in their full latitude . But why doth Vice seem so agreeable to us , being of its own nature so deformed ? I answer , that it was necessary that it should be accompani'd and sweetned with Pleasure ; otherwise the eschewing of Evil , ond the pursuing of Virtue , would not have been meritorious , because there would have been no difficulty therein . Moreover , Nature hath been forc'd to season the Actions of Life with Pleasure , lest they should become indifferent and neglected by us . Now Vice is onely an Excessive or Exorbitant exercising of the Actions of Life which are agreeable to us ; And Virtues are the Rules and Moderators of the same Actions . But why are not we contented with a Mediocrity of those Actions ? 'T is because Life consists in Action , which is the more such , when it is extended to the whole length and breadth of its activity , and ownes no bounds to restrain its liberty . The Second said , All would be more inclin'd to Virtue then to Vice , were it considerd in it self , there being no Man so deprav'd but desires to be virtuous . The covetous had rather be virtuous and have wealth , then be rich without Virtue . But its difficulty , the companion of all excellent things , is the cause that we decline it . And we judge this difficulty the greater , for that our Passions carry the natural and laudable inclinations of our Soul to Vice , which is much more familiar and facile to them then Virtue . Wherefore Aristotle saith , all Men admit this General Proposition , That Virtue ought to be follow'd ; But they fail altogether in the particulars of it . Besides , Man is able to do nothing without the Ministry of his Senses ; and when , in spight of difficulties , he raises himself to some Virtuous Action , presently the Sensitive Appetite repugnes against it ; and as many inferior Faculties as he hath , they are so many rebellious and mutinous Subjects , who refuse to obey the Command of their Sovereign . This Intestine Warr was brought upon Man as a punishment for his first sin ; ever since which , Reason , which absolutely rul'd over the Sensitive Appetite , hath been counter-check'd and mast'red by it . The Third said , As there are a thousand wayes of straying and erring from the mark , and but one , and that a strait , line to attain it ; so it is possible to exceed or be deficient in Virtue infinite wayes , but there is onely one point to acquire its Mediocrity . The Fourth affirmed , That the way of Vice being more spacious then that of Virtue , yea , Evil ( according to Pythagoras ) infinite , and Good bounded ; it follows that there are infinitely more Vices then Virtues ; and therefore is not to be wondered if there be more vicious persons then virtuous . The Fifth said , We are not to seek the cause of our vicious inclinations other where then within our selves ; it being deriv'd from the structure and composition of our Bodies . For he who hath not what to eat , and wherewith to defend himself from cold , or who fears distress , finds the seeds of theft in his natural inclination of self-preservation . The same Fear makes him become covetous . When any thing obstructs the accomplishing of his wishes , if he be weak , he becomes sad thereupon ; if strong , he falls into Choler . This Passion leads him to revenge , the height of whose violence is Murther . If the enjoyment thereof be free to him , the pleasure which he takes therein produceth Luxury and debaucheries ; and thus 't is with all Vices . On the contrary , poor Virtue meets with nothing in us but opposition : The Stomack , the Intestines , and all the natural parts revolt against Temperance and Continence : The Cholerick Humour fights against Clemency : Covetousness inciteth to Injustice ; the Comparison of our condition with that of our betters , to Ambition and Envy ; with that of our Inferiors , to Pride and Disdain . In brief , Virtue finds nothing in us that makes for her interest , which seems to me the reason why it is less familiar to us then Vice. The Sixth said , No person is either vicious or virtuous of his own nature , but he becomes so by Instruction and Custome . Instruction is so powerful , that it makes even Beasts capable of Discipline . Custome is of such influence , that it is rightly term'd an other nature . Wherefore our being rather vicious then virtuons , is not from any natural inclination . For , on the contrary , we have the seeds and sparks of Virtue within us ; and I almost believe , with Plato , that when Men become vicious , it is by force and against their nature . But the fault proceeds from our bad Education and corrupt Customes , which become yet worse by the conversation of vicious persons , who are very numerous . The Seventh said , Though we consent more easily to Virtue then to Vice , yet the number of the good and virtuous being less then that of the wicked and vicious , hath caus'd the contrary to be believ'd . The reason whereof is not the difficulty of doing well ; but because Vices are esteem'd and rewarded instead of being punish'd , and Virtue instead of Recompence receives nothing but Contempt : So the Exorbitancy of Clothes , instead of being punish'd , causeth him to be honoured who is unworthy to be so . Wherefore if there were a State in which Reward and Punishment were duly dispens'd from the Cradle , it would be a rarer thing to see a wicked man there then a black Swan ; because the good which we love , and the evil which we hate , would be inseparably joyn'd together , the one with Virtue , and the other with Vice. CONFERENCE XXII . I. Of Judiciary Astrology . II. Which is least blameable , Covetousness or Prodigality . I. Of Judiciary Astrology . THe weakness of our reasoning is a strong argument to abate the presumption of our being able to judge of the power of the Stars . For if we are ignorant of the nature of the least Herb we tread upon , we must be more so of that of the Celoestial Bodies which are so remote from us and our knowledge , that the greatest masters of this Art dispute still , whether every Star be a several world , whether they are solid or not , what qualities they have , and which are the true places . Besides , the local motion of Animals may wholly frustrate the effect of their influences . And if Xanthus hindred the Sun from making his head ake when he walk'd abroad , and the Moon doth not chill those that are in the house , certainly the effects of less active and remoter Stars may be declin'd by the same wayes ; since Fire , the most active thing in nature , doth not burn if the hand be mov'd swiftly over it . And what more was to be fear'd by Americus Vesputius , Ferdinand Magellan , and others , who sail'd round the Earth one way , whil'st the Heaven turn'd the other ? Why should we seek in Heaven the Causes of Accidents which befall us , if we find them on Earth ? And why should we look so far for what is so near ? Is it not more fit to refer the cause of Knowledge to study ; of Riches and Honour , to Birth , Merit , or Favour ; of Victory , to the dexterity and diligence of the General , who cast his contrivance well to surprize his Enemy , then to attribute these Events to the Planets ? If experience be alledg'd to manifest the effect of many Predictions ; I answer , ▪ that as the Animal which is said to have made a letter by chance with its Hoof in the dust , was no Scribe for all that ; so though amongst a thousand false predictions , one by chance proves true , yet is not the Art ever the more certain . Yea , I will urge it against themselves ; for it is not credible that we should see so many unfortunate Astrologers , if they could fore-see their own infelicity ; or else they must acknowledge themselves fools ; since they grant that the Wise-man rules over the Stars . The Second said , That every thing here below suffers mutation , and nothing is able to change it self ; whence it follows that that which is the cause of Alteration must it self be exempt from the same . Whence consequently the Heavens which are the sole Body that suffer no change , must be the cause of all mutation . For the Elements are the material cause thereof , and therefore cannot be the Efficient . And as the Stars are the thickest and onely visible part of Heaven , so they have most light and influence , by which ( assisted with their motions ) they communicate their qualities to the Air , the Air to the Bodies which it toucheth , especially to the humours in Man , over which it hath such power , that its diversity diversifyes all the complexions of Man-kind . Now our Humours model our Manners , and these our most particular Actions . They may talk that the Wise-man over-rules the Stars , but Experience shews that the Stars guide the Will , not by compelling it , but by inclining it in such a manner that it cannot resist ; because they subminister to it the means determined to the End whereunto they incline it ; whence it is as hard ( yea , impossible ) for it to draw back , as for a Drunkard to forbear drinking when he is very thirsty and hath the bottle at his command . The Impostures which are affirm'd of the Casters of Nativities , can no more prejudice or disparage Judiciary Astrology , then Mountebanks do Physick . Yea , though the state of Heaven be never twice the same , yet is it not so in the subjects of all other Disciplines . Never were two diseases found altogether alike in Physick ; nor in Law two Cases alike in all their circumstances ; yet the Precepts of thse Sciences are nevertheless true ; because it sufficeth that the principal conditions concur , as it is also sufficient that the same principal aspects and situations of the Stars be found in Heaven , for the making of Rules in Judiciary Astrology . The Third said , Every Effect followeth the Nature of its Cause , and therefore the Actions and Inclinations of the Soul cannot be ascrib'd to a corporeal cause , such as the Stars are ; For if all were govern'd by their influences , we should see nothing but what were good , as being regulated by so good causes . I acknowledge but two virtues in the Heavens , Motion and Light , by which alone , and not by any influences of occult qualities , they produce corporeal effects . Thus ought Aristotle to be understood , when he referreth the cause of the continual Generation of Inferior things , to the diversity of the Motions of the First Moveable and the Zodiack ; And Hippocrates , when he foretelleth the events of Diseases by the several Houses of the Moon . The Fourth said , It is impossible to make an Art of predicting by the Celoestial Motions , for five reasons , besides the dominion which our Will hath over Effects ; without which it were free . 1. The Connexion that is between the Celoestial Bodies and the Sublunary is unknown to Men. 2. The diversity of the Celoestial Motions causeth that the Heaven is never in the same posture as it ought to be , for the making of a sure and certain Art grounded upon many repeated Experiments ; according to which , like Effects are to be referr'd to like Causes . 3. The extreme rapid and violent turning about of the Heavens doth not afford to find the precise minute of a Nativity , for drawing the Theme or Figure of the true state of Heaven , which they say is necessary . 4. As of sixteen Consonants joyn'd with five Vowels are made words without number ; so of a thousand and twenty two Stars and more , with seven Planets , may be made Conjunctions and Combinations to infinity , which surpass the comprehension of humane wit ; there being no Art of things infinite . 5. Two persons , or more , born at the same time under the same Elevation of the Pole , and disposition of the Heavens ; ( as they speak ) yea , two Twins , as Jacob and Esau , are found oftentimes different in visage , complexion , inclination , condition , and end . But is it probable that a hundred Pioneers stifled in the same Mine , or ten thousand Men dying at the same battle have one and the same influence ? The Fifth said , God having from all eternlty numbred the hairs of our Heads , that is to say , foreseen even the least Accidents which ought or may befall Men , he hath establish'd an order for them in the Heavens , disposing the course , aspects , and various influences of the Stars , to draw out of Nothing those accidents at the time that they are to happen to Men , whom they incline to meet the same ; yet so as to leave it in the power of their Free-will to avoid or expose themselves unto them without any constraint . This truth is sufficiently confirm'd by the exact and admirable correspondence which is found between the most signal accidents of our lives , and the hour of our Nativities ; so that Astrologers not onely conjecture by the time of the Nativity what is to come to pass , but they also come to the knowledge of the true minute of the Nativity , by the time at which accidents arrive , and take this course to correct Horoscopes , and Figures ill drawn . And although long Experience may attest the certainty of this Art , yet I confess , since the faculties and qualities of the Stars are not perfectly known to us , and we cannot alwayes precisely know the disposition of Heaven ▪ much less all the combinations of the Stars ; Astrology , in respect of us , is very uncertain and difficult , but not therefore the less true and admirable in it self . It is like a great Book printed in Hebrew Letters without points , which is cast aside and sleighted by the ignorant , and admir'd by the more intelligent . So the Heavens being enamel'd by Gods Hand with Stars and Planets as with bright Characters , which by their Combinations figure the various accidents which are to befall Men , are never consider'd by the ignorant , to dive into their Mysteries , but onely by the Learned ; who themselves many times commit mistakes when they go about to read them , because those shining Characters have no other Vowels , or rather no other voice , but that of God , who is the true Intelligence thereof . The Sixth said , Three sorts of persons err touching the credit which is to be given to Astrological Predictions . Some believe them not at all , others believe them too little , and others too much . As for the first , since they cannot deny that the Stars are universal causes of sublunary effects ; that such causes are of different natures and virtues , and that their action and virtue is dispens'd by the motion which is successive and known ; they must of necessity confess , that knowing the disposition of sublunary subjects , the nature of the Stars , and their motion , many natural effects may be fore-seen and fore-told from them . The Devil himself knows no future things certainly , but by foreseeing the effects of particular causes in their universal causes , which are the Stars . They who believe too little confess that the Stars act upon the Elements and mixt Bodies ; for very Peasants know thus much , besides many particular effects of the Moon . But as for Man , whose Soul of it self is not dependent upon any natural cause , but free , and Mistress of its own actions , they cannot , or for Religion's sake , dare not affirm that it is subject to Coelestial Influences , at least , in reference to manners . Yet it is no greater absurdity to say , that the Soul is subject to the Stars , then to say with Aristotle and Galen , that it is subject to the Temperament of the Body , which also is caus'd by the Starrs ; from the influence and action whereof the Soul cannot exempt its Body , nor the Temperament thereof by which she acts . Lastly , they who give too much credit to the Stars hold that all things are guided by a fatal and irrevocable order of Nature ; contrary to Reason , which admits the Author to be the Master of his own work ; and to Experience , which assures us of the standing still of the Sun for Joshuah , of his going backward for Hezechiah , and of his Eclipse at full Moon during the Passion . The Fourth Opinion is certain , that there is truth in Astrological Predictions ; but it behoveth to believe them onely in a due measure , since the Science of it self is but conjectural . II. Whether is less blameable , Avarice or Prodigality . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Avarice is less blameable then Prodigality . For the latter is more fertile in bad actions then the former , which though otherwise vicious , yet refrains from the pleasures and debaucheries in which the Prodigal usually swims . The Holy Scripture intending to set forth an example of Infinite Mercy , relates that of the Prodigal Son , who obtain'd pardon of the sin which is least worthy of it . Moreover , Prodigality doth far less good then Covetousness , for this always looks at its own profit , and takes care for its own benefit , and the preservation of its dependents ; so that it exerciseth at least the first fundamental of Charity , which is , to do well to those who are nearest us . On the contrary , Prodigality ruines and perverts the Laws of Nature , leading a Man to the destruction of his relatives , and the undoing of himself ; like Saturn and Time , it devours its own issue , and consumes it self , to the damage of the Common-wealth , whose interest it is that every Man use well what belongs to him . Therefore all Laws have enacted penalties against Prodigals , depriving them of the administration of their own Estates ; and the most Sacred Edicts of our Kings aim at the correcting of the Luxury of Prodigality . But never were any Laws , Punishments , or inflictions ordained against Covetousness , because Prodigality causeth the down-fall and destruction of the most Illustrious Houses ; which cannot be attributed to Covetousness , for this seemes rather to have built them . The Second said , That , according to Aristotle , amongst all the virtuous , none wins more Love then the Liberal , because there is alwayes something to be gotten by him ; as amongst all the vicious none is more hated and shun'd by all the world then the covetous , who doth not onely not give any thing , but draws to himself the most he can from every one and from the publick , in which he accounts himself so little concern'd , that he considers it no farther then how he may make his profit of it . He is so loath to part with his treasures when he dyes , that he would gladly be his own Heir ( as Hermocrates appointed himself by his Testament ) or else he would swallow down his Crowns ( as that other Miser did , whom Athenaeus mentions . ) But the Prodigal ( free from that self-interest , which causes so great troubles in the world ) gives all to the publick , and keeps nothing for himself . Whence , according to Aristotle , the Prodigal is not so remote from Virtue as the Covetous , it being easier to make the former Liberal then the latter . The Third said , These two Vices are equally oppos'd to Liberality , and consequently one as distant from it as the other . For as the Covetous is Vicious in that he receives too much and gives nothing ; so is the Prodigal in that he gives too much and receives nothing at all , or receives onely to give . But Covetousness hath this priviledge , that it finds a Virtue from which it is very little distant , namely , Frugality , or Parsimony , to which Prodigality is diametrically oppos'd . Nor is it of little advantage to it , that it is ordinarily found in Old Men , whom we account wiser then others ; for having learn't by the experience of many years , that all friends have fail'd them in time of need , and that their surest refuge hath been their own Purse ; they do not willingly part with what they have taken pains to gather together , which is another reason in favour of Covetousness . For Virtue and Difficulty seem in a manner reciprocal . But Prodigality is very easie and usual to foolish Youth , which , thinking never to find the bottome of the barrel , draws forth incessantly , and gives so freely , that being over-taken with necessity , it is constraind to have recourse to Covetousness , which sets it upon its leggs again . Nor ever was there a Father that counsel'd his Son to be prodigal , but rather to be thrifty and close-handed . And yet the Gospel and Experience shew , that Fathers give and advise what is most expedient to their Children . The Fourth said , As Rashness is much less blameable then Cowardice , so is Prodigality then Avarice . For the Prodigal holding it ignominious to receive , and glorious alwayes to give , likes rather to deprive and devest himself of his goods , then to deny any one whatsoever . On the other side , the Covetous doth nothing but receive on all hands ; and never gives any thing but with hope to receive more . Now it is much more noble to give then to receive ; for Giving supposes Having . The Prodigal knowing well that goods and riches are given by God , onely to serve for necessary instruments to the living more commodiously , and that they are not riches if they be not made use of , employes them , and accommodates himself and others therewith ; but the Covetous doth not so much as make use of them for himself , and so destroyes their end . The Fifth said , If the Question did not oblige us to compare these two Vices together , I should follow Demosthenes's sentence which he gave in the quarrel of two Thieves that accus'd one another , which was , that the one should be banish'd Athens , and the other should run after him . I should no less drive out of a well-policy'd State the Covetous and the Prodigal . The first is Aesop's Dogg , who keeps the Ox from eating the hay , whereof himself tasts not ; like the Bears who hinder Men from approaching Mines of Gold , and yet make no use thereof . The other is like those Fruit-trees which grow in Precipices , of which onely Crows and Birds of prey eat the Fruit ; vicious persons alone ordinarily get benefit by them . But yet this latter Vice seemes to me more pernicious then the other . For whether you consider them in particular , The Covetous raises an Estate which many times serves to educate and support better Men then himself : But Prodigality is the certain ruine of their Fortunes who are addicted to it , and carries them further to all other Vices , to which Necessity serves more truly for a cause then reasonably for an excuse ; or whether you consider them in general , 't is the most ordinary overthrow of States . And possibly he that should seek the true cause of publick Inconveniences , would sooner find it in Luxury and Prodigality , then in any thing else . Therefore Solons's Law declar'd Prodigals infamous , and gave power to their Creditors to dis-member them and cut them in pieces . Our Ordinances , in imitation of the Roman Law , which ranks them under the predicament of Mad-men , forbids and deprives them of the administration of their own goods , as not knowing how to use them . The Sixth said , Avarice is like those Gulfes that swallow up Ships , and never disgorge them again ; and Prodigality like a Rock that causes shipwracks , the ruines whereof are cast upon the coasts of Barbarians ; and therefore both of them ought to be banish'd , and I have no Vote for either . Yet Prodigality seemes to me more fair , and Covetousness more severe . CONFERENCE XXIII . I. Of Physiognomy . II. Of Artificial Memory . I. Of Physiognomy . THeophrastus accusing Nature for not having made a window to the Heart , perhaps meant ; to the Soul. For though the Heart were seen naked , yet would not the intentions be visible ; they reside in another apartment . The Countenance , and amongst its other parts , the Eye seemes to be the most faithfull messenger thereof . It doth not onely intimate sickness and health , it shews also hatred and love , anger and fear , joy and sadness . In short , 't is the true mirror of the Body and the Soul , unless when the Visage puts on the mask of Hypocrisie , against which we read indeed some experiences ; as when Vlysses discover'd the dissimulation of Achilles , disguis'd in the dress of a Damsel , by the gracefullness wherewith he saw him wield a sword ; but there are no rules or maximes against it , and never less then in this Age of counterseits ; in which he that is not deceiv'd , well deserves the name of Master . For security from it , some ingenious persons have invented Rules whereby the inclinations of every one may be discern'd ; as Masons applying the Rule , Square , and Level upon a stone , judge whether it incline more to one side then the other . For you see there are many different species of Animals , every one whereof is again subdivided into many others , as is observ'd in Doggs and Horses ; but there are more different sorts of Men. Whence the Philosophers of old took up the opinion of Metempsychoses , or Transanimations , imagining there could not but be ( for example ) the Soul of a Fox in those whom they found very crafty ; and that the Soul which delighted to plunge it self in filthiness and impurity must needs have been heretofore in the Body of a swine . And though the outward shape of Man puts a vail upon all those differences , yet they are visible through the same to those who have a good sight ; as we may distinguish Ladies through the Cypress with which they vail themselves at this day , it we take good heed , otherwise we may be mistaken . We must therefore inquire , here , whether through the external figure common to all Men , what every one hath peculiar be not the sign of his inclinations ; either as the Effect , or as the Cause of the same : As redness of the Cheeks is usually an argument of the disposition of the Lungs . Nor is it material to know why it is a sign , it sufficeth to me to know that it is so . To which the variety of Bodies , and especially of Faces , affords great probability , because Nature hath made nothing in vain ; and why this variety , unless to serve for a sign , since it serves to distinguish them ? The Second said , Physiognomy is the knowledge of the inside by the outside , that is , of the affections and inclinations of the Mind by external and sensible signes , as colour and Figure . It is grounded upon the correspondence of the Soul with the Body , which is such that they manifestly participate the affections one of the other . If the Body be sick , the Soul is alter'd in its operations , as we see in high Fevers . On the contrary , let the Soul be sad or joyful , the Body is so too . Therefore the Sophisters of old purg'd themselves with Hellebor when they would dispute best . For though in its essence the Soul depends not on the corporeal Organs , yet it depends upon the same in its operations , which are different according to the divers structure of the Organs ; which , if they were alike dispos'd , their actions would be alike in all , and at all times . Whence , ( saith Aristotle ) an old man would see as clear as a young man , if he had the Eyes of a young man. The Third said , To make a certain judgement upon external signes , heed must be taken that they be natural . For 't is possible for one of a Sanguine Constitution to have a pale and whitish colour , either through fear , sickness , study , or some other accident . The Phlegmatick when he hath drunk to excess , been at a good fire , is in anger , or asham'd of something , will have a red Face . And yet he that should argue from these signes would be mistaken . The Fourth said , Since Physiognomists grant that their Rules are not to be apply'd but to Men void of all Passions , which so change the Body that it seemes another from it self ; I conceive , this Art is altogether impossible . For I would know in what moment we are to be taken without Sadness , Joy , Hatred , Love , Anger ; in short , without any of those Passions so inseparable from our Life , that Xanthus found no better way to be reveng'd on Aesop , then to ask him for a Man that car'd for nothing ; such as he would be that should have no Passions . What then will become of the goodly Rules of Physiognomy , after that Education of Youth hath corrected perverse inclinations , that Philosophy hath given the lie to the Physiognomists of this Age , as it did heretofore to Zopyrus , when he pronounc'd his opinion upon Socrates ; or that Piety , as is seen in so many holy personages , hath reform'd the Will , evil habits , and Nature it self ? The Fifth said , As there is nothing more wonderful then to judge of a Man's manners at the first sight , so there is nothing more difficult . It is endeavour'd four wayes . First , By the structure of each part of the Body . So the great Head and square Fore-head , denote Prudence and good judgement ; the small Head shews that there is little brain , and narrow room for the exercise of the internal senses ; the sharp Head denotes impudence . The Second way , is , by the Temperament . So the ruddy countenance , yellow hair , and other signes of the Sanguine Humour , shew an indifferent Spirit , pleasant , and inclin'd to Love. A pale complexion , fat Body , clear voice , slow gate , which are the characters of Phlegme , denote cowardice and sloth . Soft and tender flesh is a token of subtlety of the Senses , and consequently of the wit ; hard flesh , of dulness . Whence Man , the wisest of all Animals , hath a more delicate flesh then any of them . The Third way , is , by comparing the external signes of every one with those which are observ'd in Men when they are in Passion . So because he that is in Choler hath sparkling Eyes , hoarse voice , and the jugular veins turgid ; we conclude that he who hath all these signes naturally , is naturally inclin'd to that Passion . But as for the Fourth and last , which is , by comparing Man with other Animals , heed must be taken how we credit such a sign alone . For as a single letter doth not make a discourse , so an external similitude alone with an Animal doth not infer the resemblance of our Nature to that of that Animal . There must be a concurrence of many of these signes together . As if I see a Man with a neck moderately fleshy , a large breast , and the other parts in proportion , as the Lyon hath ; harsh hair , as the Bear ; a strong sight , as the Eagle ; I shall conclude that this Man is strong and courageous . The Sixth said , That the reason why Physiognomists choose irrational creatures , to signifie the inclinations and manners of Men rather then Men themselves , is , because Man is a variable Animal , and most commonly useth dissimulation in his actions ; Whereas Animals , void of Reason , less conceal from us the inclinations of their Nature , by which they permit themselves to be guided . So we see the same person will sometimes do an act of Courage , sometime another of Cowardice ; sometimes he will be merciful , at another time cruel . But other Animals are uniform in all their actions . The Lyon is alwayes generous , the Hare ever cowardly ; the Tyger , cruel ; the Fox , crafty ; the Sheep , harmless . So that a certain judgement may be pass'd upon these , but not upon Men. The Seventh said , That as the accidents superven'd to our Bodies after our Birth afford no certain judgement , but onely the signes which we bring from our Mothers Womb ; so the natural inclinations and habits may be well judg'd of by exact inspection into the constitution on which they depend ; but not those which are acquisitious , whereof no certain judgement is to be had . Yet this inspection of the Temperament is very uncertain too , by reason it is extremely difficult to understand the constitution of every one ; so that Galen confesses , that after fifty years study in Physick , he could not attain a perfect knowledge thereof . The Eighth said , It is a groundless thing to make our manners depend upon the colour which the Excrementitious Humours produce in the skin ; much less do they depend upon the shape of the Muscles , which alters when a Man grows fat or lean , and followes the conformation of the Bones ; and yet less upon the Lineaments , which have nothing to do with our internal disposition ; what ever Experiences Spigelius alledgeth , of having observ'd in his dissections , that all those who were executed for Crimes prepens'd long before , had the two lines which are upon the uppermost part of the Nose , crossing one the other when they knit their brows . II. Of Artificial Memory . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the Art of Memory invented ( as 't is reported ) by Simonides , is a company of Rules , by help of which the species of things dispos'd in the treasure of the Memory are reviv'd . And the action of this Faculty consisting in a certain temper of the Brain , which may be preserv'd and amended by the right use of external things ; they deny the sensible effects of Physick , who question , whether the Memory may be perfected , and consequently , whether there may be an Art of it . Raymond Lullie hath compriz'd his in a Categorical or mystical Order ; Rombertio , in his memorable Reductions ; Gesualdo the Neapolitan , in certain Characters ; all , in Places , Images , and Order . First for Places , as in passing near a place , it puts you in mind of what you have seen or done there ; so taking a certain place so well known to you that it cannot escape you , as your lodging , or the four walls of your Chamber ; it will faithfully return to you the things that you shall consigne to it . Secondly , for Images ; as it is impossible but I must remember my friend when I see his picture ; so when I look upon certain Images which shall signifie to me the things whereof I am to treat , ( with which consequently they must have correspondence ) I easily remember those things . These Images must either be without us , as Statues or Hangings of Tapistry are to a Preacher ; or else within us , and so effectual and known that they alwayes come into our Minds , as the red and pimpled Face of a known person doth , to signifie Choler and Drunkenness ; a pale face , for fear ; and so of the other points of the discourse . Thirdly , for Order , it is by consent of all term'd the parent and guardian of Memory . The Second said , That to question the benefit of the Art of Memory , which makes Rules for the same , is , to be an Enemy to Order . And because we cannot judge better of one contrary then by the other ; the good thereof is best apprehended by considering the evils which arise from confusion . For as we know nothing but what we have in our Memory , whence the words of knowing and being mindful are very fitly taken by the vulgar for the same thing : So as Man may have abundance of motions , yet if he know not how to use them in a ●itting occasion , or if his knowledge be confus'd , he deserves rather the name of a shufler then of a knowing man ; and this for want of the Order which the Art of Memory teacheth us . For all things have some connexion among themselves , either Natural or Artificial . The former is found in Tree of Substance and Accidents . Plants have their rank , Animals theirs ; and amongst Men , Time , Place , Dignity , and some circumstances supply the like to them . As Cyrus was before Alexander , he before Caesar ; and again , he before Cicero in dignity , and Cicero before Roscius . But the Memory is chiefly troubled to retain the artificial connexion of things and words , assign'd to them by our own disposal , especially when the same is remote from the natural . 'T is here that the wonders of this Art are particularly discover'd ; by help whereof Seneca , in his Declamations , glories that he learnt the names of two thousand persons , and repeated them in the same order wherein they were pronounc'd to him . Cardan confesses that he ow'd all he knew to this Art. And Cardinal Perron knew how to use it so well before Henry III. that he caus'd himself to be taken for the Author of an Heroick Poem , which he repeated , word for word , after hearing it once read . The Third said , That seeing Memory hath oftentimes fail'd great personages at need , as Demosthenes before Philip , Budaeus before Charles V. and many others ; it is as profitable to strengthen it , as the Rules are difficult which conduce thereunto . Some phancy to themselves five chambers , in each corner whereof , they place a Man of their acquaintance , and in their Minds apply to his Head the first word or thing which they would remember ; upon his right arm , the second ; the third , upon his left arm ; the fourth , upon the right foot ; and the fifth , upon the left ; ( the number five seeming to them the most easie for Multiplication ) If the thing be not corporeal , they conceive it under some species representing the sound of the word ; or else of two they make one , or divide it ; proceeding thus from corner to corner , and from chamber to chamber , and adding five more to the former , if need require . Others compose a word of the first letters or syllables of the names which they would repeat ; as if I would speak first of Augustus , then of the Emperours Rodolphus , Matthias , Valentinian , and lastly , of Solon ; I take the word Armus , in which I find their first letters , which guide me to the rest . The same they do at the beginning of periods , which some others make to begin where the preceding end . The Fourth said , Memory is an Internal Sense , which ( as the other two , Phancy and Common Sense ) depends onely upon Nature . And as the fabulous Salmoneus was struck with Lightning for having imitated Lightning ; so they who go about to alter by their artifice this Divine Workmanship , find themselves rewarded with the utter loss of their natural Memory . Moreover , the softness of the Brain is the cause of a good Memory , and the hardness thereof of its weakness ; whence Children have better Memories then grown persons . Now we cannot change the consistence of the Brain , and they who have us'd Balm-water and other remedies for that purpose , have found that they more weakned their Judgements then strengthened their Memories . From whence ariseth another reason to shew that those two Faculties being for the most part equally balanc'd , it is no easier for him that hath a bad Memory to make it better , then to procure a good Judgement in him which wants it . The Fifth saith , He conceiv'd it no less difficult to remember the Places , Images , and odd precepts of this Art , and apply them to the subject , then to learn by heart at first the things themselves , or their words ; which also when learnt by this Art are soon lost , as being found upon chimeraes , of which the Mind cannot alwayes so thorowly clear it self but there will be left some Idea thereof ; more apt to trouble the Memory then to assist it alwayes . However , I had rather learn a little , labouronsly , with the profit and impression ordinarily accompanying my pains , then feed upon those vain pictures . Wherefore I am prone to think , that either there is no Art of Memory , or else that it is unprofitable or mischievous , and as such to be rejected by all the world . The Sixth said , Since where ever there is defect , there is need of some Art to correct the same , and remove from the Faculties the obstacles which they meet with in the exercise of their Offices ; why should Memory alone be destitute of this succour ? Considering it hath wayes so various , that not onely words which signifie something , but those which signifie nothing are of use to the Memory . Therefore Aristotle saith , He who would remember must make barbarismes . And to six a name or word in the Mind , a Man will utter many which come near it . But as this Art is not to be despis'd , so neither is it alwayes to be made use of , much less in things which have some order of themselves ; as , Anatomy , Geography , Chronology , and History ; or in which a good natural Memory can contrive any . They who have this Faculty vigorous from their birth , or made it such by exercise , wrong themselves in employing the precepts of this Art for that purpose ; as a Man of five and twenty years old should do if he made use of spectacles ; having no need thereof . But it is onely fit for those who having a weak Memory would remember many barbarous names or some coats and numbers , the variety whereof many times breeds confusion ; for the recollecting of which , this Art teaches to remember certain shapes , figures , or species , sometimes the most uncouth that can be excogitated , to the end the Phancy may be more effectually moved by the same . CONFERENCE XXIV . I. Which of the Five Senses is the most noble . II. Of Laughter . I. Which of the five Senses is the most Noble . AS he who hath the present sense of any Disease , accounts that the greatest ; so they who exercise some one of their Senses more then the rest , who get profit by it , or are delighted in it , willingly award the preceedence to the same . Take the judgement of a Perfumer , he values nothing but Odors and the smell , which judgeth thereof . He will tell you , that if we had the perfect knowledge of Aromatical Compositions , they would ravish all our Senses ; that Perfume must needs have something Divine in it , because God so lov'd it , that he particularly reserv'd it to himself , and forbad all others to use a certain Composition , under pain of death . The same is also argu'd from the offence we take at the evil scent of any stinking thing , that so the very name of it passing onely through our ears displeases us in such sort , as to disparage the truth of the Proverb , that Words do not stink ; as , on the contrary , the name alone of the Rose , Violet and Jasmin , seemes to recreate the smelling by the Ear. Poets and Lovers will be for the Eyes and the Touch. They who understand Opticks will hold that 't is the seeing which affordeth the greatest wonders ; Whence Comical Representations move so powerfully , and Sight hath more influence upon us then Hear-say . If you will take the judgement of Musitians , the Hearing shall carry the Bell from the other senses ; and this Position is back'd with the experience of Melody , Perswasion , and the Art of Oratory ; which caus'd Antiquity to feign two sorts of Hercules , the one who subdu'd monsters with the blows of his club , and the other who captivated his Auditors with chains of Gold , reaching from his Tongue to their Ears . Philoxenus , who wish'd a Crane's neck , and they who live onely to drink and eat , ( whereas we drink and eat to live ) will give the preheminence to the Taste . Wherefore , in my Opinion , this Question is hard to be decided , because it requires impartial Judges , whose number is very small . The Second said , That for the right judging of the Cause , all parties ought to be heard . As for the Sight , the fabrick of its Organ , so artificially compos'd of Humours and Tunicles , and guarded with Eye-lids and Brows , as so many ramparts for its preservation , sufficiently plead its excellence . But that , of the six Couple of Nerves , ( for so many onely there are ) in the Brain , the first and the second are peculiarly destinated to the Eyes ; this shews how highly Nature tenders them above all other parts . Moreover , Vision is perform'd in an Instant , and makes present to us those things which are as remote from us , as Heaven is from Earth , and this by spiritual qualities ; ( for the Actions of Bodies are not expedited but in Time ) this is an other argument of its Excellence . Further , since nothing is more goodly then Light , it seemes to follow that nothing is more excellent then the Sight , whose Object it is . Whence some Philosophers conceiv'd the Soul to have chosen the Eyes for its Mansion . Next then for Hearing ; this Sense seemes to feed the Soul , or rather to give it birth . For if the Soul be consider'd naturally , its food and life is to understand , reason , and discourse ; to which purposes the Hearing alone is serviceable , being for this cause term'd the Sense of Discipline . If the Soul be consider'd as it enjoyes a life more noble then the natural , namely , that of Grace ; the Sense of Hearing seemes the Author of this Life . For , the Just lives by Faith , saith the Holy Scripture . Now this Faith comes from Hearing , as the Apostle testifies , and not from Seeing ; For it is the evidence of things not seen ; and where we see , there is no longer Faith. As for the Smelling ; indeed good Odors recreate the Brain , repair the Animal Spirits , purifie and fit them to assist the Soul when it exerciseth its most noble operations ; but the weak Title of this Sense seemes to need a better Advocate then all the rest . The Senses of Tasting and Touching remain , but both in the same degree , because one proceeds from the other ; Gustation being a sort of Contact . In considering of these two Senses , me-thinks , I hear them complain of the ingratitude of Men for placing them in the lowest form , notwithstanding their great service in the birth of Mankind , by Generation , which is a kind of Touching , and in the subsequent preservation thereof incessantly by the Sense of Tasting . And yet since all the commendation of an Instrument is to be measur'd by its end and benefit , ( as the praise of a Knife is to cut well ) therefore of the Senses , which are the Instruments of the Body and the Soul , the most beneficial ( as the Touch and Taste are ) must be the most noble : For they are absolutely necessary to our Being , but the other three onely to our Well-being , and that we may live more pleasantly . Moreover , Nature hath so highly esteemed the Sense of Touching and its actions , that she hath found none of them bad or useless , as there is in the other Senses . Pain it self , which seemes the chief Enemy of it , is so necessary , that without the same , Animals ( as Aristotle testifies ) would perish like Plants ; for it is like a Sentinel , taking heed that no mischief befall them . The Third stood up for the Hearing . Sounds ( said he ) are of that efficacy and power , that amongst the Objects of the Senses , they alone make the Soul take as many different postures as themselves are various . The sound of the Trumpet , or a warlike Song , animates and puts us into fury ; change the Tune , and you make the weapons fall out of the hands of the most outragious . Devotion is enkindled by it , Mirth increas'd ; briefly , nothing is impossible to it . It s action is so noble , that by it we receive the notices of all things ; in which regard the Ear is particularly dedicated to the Memory : Hence also speech is more efficacious , and makes greater impression upon the Mind , then converse onely with dumb Masters , or the contemplation of things by help of the Sight . And the structure of its Organ , both internal and external , contriv'd with so many Labyrinths , a Drumb , a Stirrup , an Anvil , a Hammer , Membranes , Arteries , and Nerves , and so many other parts fortifi'd with strong battlements of Bones , is a sufficient evidence of its nobleness . The Fourth fell into commendation of the Eyes , which are the windows at which the Soul most manifestly shews her self , and is made most to admire her Creator ; but he added , that many times they serve for an in-let , at which the Devil steals the Soul ; which a great person complains that he lost by his Eyes . I should therefore attribute ( said he ) the preeminence to the Touch , as more exquisite in Man then in any Animal , and consequently most noble , because found in the most noble substance . For 't is probable Nature gave Man , by way of preeminence , the most noble Faculties not onely in the Soul , but also in the Body . Now other Animals excell us in the other Senses ; the Dog , in Smelling ; the Ape , in Tasting ; the Hart , in Hearing ; and the Eagle , in Seeing . The Fifth argu'd , in favour of Hearing , alledging that a Man may attain Knowledge without Sight ; and that upon observation , Blind people have better Memories and Judgements then others , because their Souls being less taken up with external actions , become more vigorous in internal operations , for that their Spirits are less dissipated . Upon which consideration , a certain Philosopher thought fit to pull out his own Eyes , that so he might be more free for contemplation , and the study of Wisedom . But without the Hearing , it is impossible to have the least degree of Knowledge in the world , not even so much as that of talking familiarly to little Children . For one deaf by Nature is likewise dumb , and by consequence altogether useless to humane society ; yea , if we take Aristotle's word for it , he is less then Man. For Man ( saith he ) deserves not that name but inasmuch as he is sociable ; and such he is not , if he be unable to express his conceptions , which cannot be done without speech . Of which speech the Hearing being the cause , the same is also the cause that he is capable of the denomination of Man. And being thereby differenced from Brutes , it follows that it is the most noble piece of his accoutrements . The Sixth said , If Nobility be taken for Antiquity , the Touch will be the noblest of the Senses ; because it appears the first and the last in an Animal . Moreover , it is design'd for the noblest End , to wit , Propagation , by which the individual makes it self eternal ; and which is more , it comprehends under it the Taste , the Hearing and the Smelling : For we cannot Taste , Hear , or Smell , unless the species actually touch the Tongue , the Drum of the Ear , and the Mammillary Processes . Add hereunto , that Utility being the Note of Excellency , as is seen in State Policy , and the Art Military , the Touch must be the most excellent ; since it serves for Eyes not onely to the Blind who guide themselves by groping , but also to some Animals , as Snails , Moles , and also all Insects , who make use of their hornes and feet as dextrously as others of their Eyes . II. Of Laughter . Upon the Second Point it was said , We here wanted some Priests of that God of Laughter , to whom , as Apulieus ( in his Golden Ass ) relates , the Inhabitants of the City of Hypate celebrated yearly a Feast , at which himself was made a Victim . There are few but have read what Laughter he caus'd , when defending himself against the charge of Murther he found that the three Men whom he thought he had slain were three leathern bottles ; and for his reward he receiv'd this promise , That all should succeed to his advantage . Indeed Fortune seems to favour Laughers ; whereas here accusers and male-contents readily find new causes of dissatisfaction and complaint . Whence possibly arose the Proverb , which saith , That when things go well with a Man , He hath the Laughers on his side . This Goddess Fortune seems to be of the Humour of Women , ( in whose shape she is pourtray'd ) who rather love merry persons then severe . Yea , generally , all prefer a jolly Humour , and a smilling Face , before the solemness and wrinkled brow of the Melancholy ; which you may daily observe from Children , who avoid the latter , and readily run to the former , as it were by instinct of Nature . The Latin Distick saith , That the Spleen causeth Laughter ; possibly because it serves for the receptacle of Melancholy which hinders it ; just as white Wine , having more lee or sediment at the bottome then Claret , retaineth less thereof in its substance , and is consequently more diuretical . The second said , That the first rise of laughter is in the Phancy , which figuring to it selfsome species not well according together , represents a disproportion to the Intellect , not wholly disagreeable , for then it would displease , but absurd , new , and unordinary . Then the Judgement coming to conjoyn those disproportionate species , makes a compound thereof ; which not agreeing with what was expected from them , the Judgement cannot wholly approve of the same by reason of the disproportion , nor yet wholly reject it , by reason of something which pleases it within . From this contest ariseth a sally of the Faculty , which during this contrariety , causeth contraction of the Nerves . Which if it be but small , it produceth onely smiling ; but if it be violent , then by the confluence of the Spirits it causeth loud laughter . Now that Laughter is seated in the Imagination appears hence , that if we have heard or seen some ridiculous thing , we many times laugh at it , though the Object be not present . 'T is also Disproportion that makes us laugh , for we do not so when we behold a great Beauty ; but we do so when we look upon some odd ill-contriv'd countenance , or when we find little sutableness between the Objects which are represented to us ; as an Old-man making Love , a huge Hat upon a small Head , one intending to make a graceful Reverence , or cut a fine caper and falling all along ; in brief , every thing that is said or done incongruously besides our expectation ; especially if no other more violent Passion interpose , as Fear , Respect , and Pity , which suppress Laughter . We laugh at a Man that falls down , but should he break his neck with the fall , our Laughter would give place to Compassion . In fine , it appears that there is made a retraction of the Nerves during Laughter ; for we see a Convulsion causeth the same motion of the Muscles of the Face that Laughter doth ; whence cometh that malady which is called Risus Sardonicus , in which , by the retraction of the Nerves towards their Original , the Patient seemes to laugh as he dyes . The Third said , He knew not whether of the two had most reason , Democritus the Laugher , or Heraclitus the Weeper . For though the Faculty of Laughing be peculiar to Man , and inseparable from Reason , yet immoderate Laughter is as unacceptable as continual Tears . And whereas we read in the Holy Scripture that our Lord sometimes wept , but not that he ever laught ; this may be resolv'd , That nothing was new to him : The same being recorded of Heathens , so stay'd and reserv'd that they were never seen to laugh ; as Crassus , Cato the Censor , Phocion , and some others . There is more difficulty in stating the Cause of Laughter . Aristotle attributes it to the Diaphragme which is dilated by heat . But seeing we laugh less in a Fever when the Diaphragme is most heated , it is certain , either that every heat of the Diaphragme doth not produce this effect , or some other cause must be joyned with it . Which I conceive to be an impression made in our Senses , and by them in our Phancy , of some agreeable , unusual , and un-foreseen Object , when the same slips into it unawares . Which Object , exciting Joy in us by the Dilatation of the Spirits , which is made first in the Arteries of the Brain , and thereby insinuated into these of the Heart which opens to that Joy ; those dilated Spirits swell the Blood in the Veins which accompanies them ; so that not being containable in their own place , the Veins and Arteries swell till they make a reflux in the Brain , Diaphragme , Lungs , Face , and all the parts of the Body , where they cause the concussion and agitation observ'd in excessive Laughter , and sometimes Tears , by the compression of the Brain ; whilst it is not possible for any to check the eruption , what ever respect be presented to them ; yea , sometimes the Spirits are so rarifi'd that they evaporate , whence follows sudden death ; as it befell Chrysippus of old , who seeing an Ass eat figgs at the end of his table , fell into so vehement Laughter that he dy'd immediately . The Fourth said , Laughter is a motion of the Body which follows that of the Soul. Its Object is a sudden Joy surprizing us , as a pleasant word after a serious discourse . The scorn we make of any one causeth Laughter likewise ; because Contempt is a kind of Anger made up of Pleasure and Grief . When the Pleasure happens to be greater then the Grief , ( as it happens when our Enemy is so weak that we can be reveng'd on him when we list ) this contentment causeth us to laugh . And hence it is that Sleighting is more offensive then Hatred alone . Joubertus thinks , Laughter is excited when Pleasure expands the Heart , which by that dilatation gives motion to the Diaphragme , and this consequently draws the Muscles of the Lipps . Aristotle saith , that by tickling a motion is caused in the Spirits , which go and come to the place where the Man feels the Pleasure ; which Spirits passing and repassing light upon the Nerves , who being too sensible and sollicited by the continual motion and agitation thereof , endeavour to drive the same away ; and to that purpose contract themselves , and draw unto themselves the parts into which they are inserted . Hence , in a great Laughter , a Man is forc'd to compress himself , and the sides ake with much laughing , by reason of the tension of the Muscles and Nerves , which are most agitated in that place . Wherefore , in my judgement , Laughter is caus'd in this sort . The sudden Pleasure or Titillation excites a motion of the Spirits , which being very subtile are easily carry'd up to the Head ; there their agitation and motion importunes the Nerves and the Brain , so that in the midst of this Pleasure there is caus'd a kind of Convulsive Motion . And for that this agitation is chiefly inward , therefore the internal parts first feel the effects of that gentle Convulsion : the Diaphragme being more pliant , and receiving more Nerves of the sixth Conjugation , is agitated the most vehemently . In profuse Laughter the Nerves of the whole Body sympathize with this disposition of the Brain , their Common Original ; which being importun'd by those Spirits , ( who , though but natural , are yet able to incommode the same by their too great agitation ) it contracts it self to be discharged of them , attracting the Nerves to it self as much as it can ; whence proceeds this kind of Convulsion . The Fifth said , That the cause of Laughter is two-fold , namely , its Object which is of great latitude , as good news , unexpected joy , which it is impossible to receive without laughing ; and its Subject , which is indeed the Diaphragme ; for they who are wounded in that part seem to dye laughing , as Hippocrates , in the seventh of his Epidemicks , observes to have befallen one Plychon for the same cause : And this is no otherwise then as a certain kind of Ranunculus , ( an Herb , we call Crowfoot ) being eaten causeth loss of the Spirits , and by the contraction of the Lips represents the Convulsion which is made during Laughter . CONFERENCE XXV . I. Of the Diversity of Countenances . II. Whether Man or Woman be the more noble . I. Of the Diversity of Countenances ▪ IDentity is so disagreeable , that in all the objects of the Senses it displeases us . Our Taste is glutted with alwayes eating the same Bread. The most excellent Odour , at length , causeth the Head-ake . To look too wistly upon the same object , or to be too long together beheld by the same Eye fixed upon us , is troublesome . The Ear is tyr'd with twice hearing the same Tune , and being continually struck upon by one and the same discourse , how excellent soever it be . The Touch , the grossest of all the Senses , is weary of one and the same temper of Air ; whence is drawn a certain consequence , That the people under the Equinoctial , or other Climate alwayes like to it self , are sooner weary of living , then others who have not leasure to be tyr'd with one season because another soon succeeds it . On the contrary , we see variety of Food raiseth the languishing Appetite ; the diversity of Odors which succeed one another , delight the Smelling . Nothing is more acceptable to the Sight then a Meadow checker'd with several colours , or a garden variegated with Tulips and other Flowers , of all sorts and hues which the Spring discloses . Harmony proceeds from the variety of Notes ; and the Orator who would move his Auditors must not speak too long upon the same thing in the same words ; he must alter his gesture and voice , and the pauses which distinguish his action are very serviceable to that purpose . But as there is nothing more swift then the Sight , so no Sense is sooner weary with the semblance of its objects . The reason whereof is this , being a most active sense , its operation doth not make it self perceiv'd by the Eye , but by the changing of the object . So that when it beholds alwayes the same thing , it seemes to it self as if it beheld nothing . Look upon the Earth all cover'd with Snow , or a Chamber wholly hung with Black , or some other single colour , the Sight is offended therewith : If Green offends us less , it is because it is compounded of Yellow and Blew , and the best blended of all the Colours , and as such reunites the visual rayes between its two extremes ; yet it affordeth nothing near the delightfulness that ariseth from the variety of Tapistry . I conceive therefore that the chief end of the diversity of Countenances , is Distinction , and lest the same thing should betide Women that did Alcmena , in Plautus , who suffer'd Jupiter to quarter with her , because she took him for her Husband Amphitryo . But the subordinate end is the Contentment which Man finds in this variety . As for other causes , the Efficient indeed doth something ; for Children commonly resemble their Fathers and Mothers : But the Material contributes very much hereunto ; so that they who ( for example ) are begotten of a Masculine and Feminine Geniture , wherein the sanguine temper is equally prevalent , resemble one another , and have a ruddy and well shap'd Countenance . But because 't is next to impossible , that the said temper should be equally found in two different subjects , thence ariseth the variety of Complexions and Lineaments . The Second said , There is as great variety in all natural things as in Faces , though it be not so remarkable to us . For we see Birds and Beasts distinguish one another very well . Now the Final Cause of this Diversity seemes to me to be the ornament of the World , which otherwise would have nothing less then the importance of its name . Musick and Painting receive graces from things which in reality are nothing , namely , Pauses , which are onely privations of Notes ; and shadows , which are defects of light . This diversity of Visages , which ariseth from that of the persons and their inclinations , is as well contributary to the splendour and beauty of a state as of nature . For if all things were alike , there would be a confus'd identity and general disorder , not much different from the ancient Chaos . Nothing would be acted in Nature ; for action is not between things like , but between things contrary . Nor would there be Beauty in the Countenance , if there were not diversity in the parts ; but all the Face were Eye or Nose . For Beauty ariseth from Proportion , and this from the correspondence of many different parts . Very little would there be amongst Men , if all were alike ; there being no Beauty when there is no deformity whereunto it may be compar'd ; and who so takes away Beauty takes away Love , of which it is the foundation . This divine link of humane society would be destroy'd ; for Love is a desire to obtain what we want , and another possesseth ; and therefore it cannot exist but between persons unlike . Nor could a State consist longer ; because all Men being externally alike , would be so internally too ; all would be of the same profession , and no longer seek to supply one anothers mutual necessities . Now this diversity of persons proceeds from the divers mixture of the four Humours ; which being never found twice temper'd in the same sort , ( each one having his peculiar constitution , which the Physitians call Idiosyncrasie ) they never produce the same person twice , nor consequently one and the same surface , or external shape , alike . If the Matter design'd to constitute and nourish the bones be in too great quantity , the Man is born robust , large , and bony ; if it be defective , he becomes a dwarf and a weakling . Again , this Matter , according as it carried to every bone in particular , gives a differing conformation to the same , which is also derived to the Muscles spread over those bones from which they borrow the external figure which they communicate to the skin . The Third said , He found two Causes of the Diversity of Countenances : One in Heaven ; The other in the Heads of Women , namely , in their Imaginations . Heaven is never found twice in the same posture , by reason of the manifold Motions and Conjunctions of the Planets , and yet 't is the Sun and Man that generate a Man ; and what is said of the Sun , ought likewise to be understood of the other Coelestial Bodies . It is necessary then that this variety in the Cause produce also variety in the Effect . Hence it is , that Twins have so great resemblance together , as having been conceiv'd and born under the same Constellation . As for the Imagination , 't is certain , that of the Mother which intervenes at the time of Conception , more powerfully determines the shape and colour of the Foetus then any other Cause ; as appears by the marks which Infants bring with them from their Mothers Womb ; who well remember that such things were in their Phancy , and that they had a vehement apprehension of the same . So that as many different Imaginations as Women have when they conceive , make so many Countenances and other parts of the Body different . II. Whether is the more noble , Man or Woman . Upon the Second Point it was said , That in times of old there was found at Rome a Widower that had buried two and twenty Wives , and at the same time a Widow that survived her two and twentieth Husband ; these two the people of Rome constrain'd to marry together , after which , both Men and Women awaited which of the two would dye first ; at length the Woman dy'd first , and all the Men , even to the little Boyes , went to her interment , every one with a branch of Lawrel in his Hand , as having obtaind the victory over that Sex. This Question of the nobleness and dignity of the one above the other , is of greater consequence then that other , in which not onely Women very frequently get the better , there being more old women then old men , through the sundry dangers whereunto men are expos'd , and from which women are exempted ; but also Stags and Ravens , which live hundreds of years , much surpass either of them . But one of the greatest difficulties arising in the discussion of this Controversie , is , that there is no Judge found but is interessed in the Cause : Do not think that the determination of this Point is of little importance . For we should have none of those dismal feuds both in high and mean families , did not women go about to command over men instead of obeying them . Now whether the business be fairly arbitrated , or whether it be yielded , out of complacency to that Sex , which loves to be commanded , and out of pity its frugality and weakness ; upon examination of the reasons of either side , I find it safer to suspend my judgement , that I may neither betray my own party , nor incense the other ; which , they say , is not so easily reconciled as it is offended . The Second said , That the courtship and suing which Men use to Women , is a tacite but sufficient argument of the esteem wherein they hold them ; for we do not seek after a thing which we under-value . But the praecellence of Women above Men is principally argu'd from the Place , the Matter , and the Order of their Creation . For Man had not the advantage to be created in the Terrestrial Paradise , as Woman had , who also was produc'd out of a more noble matter then he ; for he was made out of the Earth , and she out of one of the Man's ribbs . And as for the Order of the Creation , God , in the production of Mixt Bodies , begun with the meanest things , and ended with the noblest . He first made the Earth and the Sea , then Plants , Fishes , and the other Brutes . After which , he created Man , as the Master of all things ; and lastly , Woman , as the Master-piece of Nature , and the Model of all Perfections , Mistress of Man , stronger then he , as the Scripture saith ; and consequently Mistress of all the Creatures . Moreover , there is no sort of Goods but are found in a higher degree in Woman then in Man. For as for the Goods of the Body , the chief whereof is Beauty , Men have therein utterly lost the cause ; which they will be as little able to carry in reference to the Goods of the Mind : For the same are found more vigorous , and attain sooner to maturity in Women , who , upon that account , are by the Laws adjudg'd Puberes at twelve years of age , and Boyes not till fourteen . They commonly perform more actions of Virtue then Men ; and indeed they have more need thereof , to with-stand the assaults continually made upon their Chastity , which is not too often found in the other Sex. They are acknowledg'd by all , to be more merciful , faithful , and charitable then Men ; so Devout , that the Church ( which cannot err ) termes them by no other name ; and so patient , that God hath judg'd them alone worthy to carry their Children nine moneths in their bellies ; no doubt , because Men had not Virtue and Resolution enough for that office . The Poets never feign'd but one Jupiter , that was able to bear an Infant in his Body , though it were but for a few moneths . In fine , there is no Science or Art in which Women have not excell'd ; witness the two Virgins , Desroches , and de Gournai , the Vicountess of Auchi , and Juliana Morel , a Sister Jacobine of Avignon , who understands fourteen Languages ; and , at Lyons , maintain'd Theses in Philosophy at the age of thirteen years ; so also of old , Diotima and Aspacia were so excellent in Philosophy , that Socrates was not asham'd to go to their publick Lectures ; in Astrology , Hipatia of Alexandria , the Wife of Isidore the Philosopher ; in Oratory , Tullia , the Daughter , and doubly heiress of Cicero ; and Cornelia , who taught Eloquence to the Gracchi her Sons ; in Poetry , Sappho , the inventress of Saphick Verses ; and the three Corynnae , of whom the first overcame Pindar , the Prince of Lyrick Poets , five times ; and in Painture , Irene and Calypso , in the dayes of Varro . If there have been Prophets , there have also been Prophetesses and Sybils ; yea , they were Virgins , of old , that render'd the Oracles at Delphos . In brief , if there have been war-like Men , there have been Amazons too , who have shew'd that Valour is not solely Masculine . And , in our dayes , there have been found Maidens that have fought very courageously , whose Sex was not known till they were stript after they had been slain in battle . But these Feminine Virtues are not so much celebrated as those of Men , by reason of the Envy which they bear to the Sex , having subjected the same to such a pass , that they are enforc'd to support all our defects . Though indeed , Women may say to Men as the Lyon did to a Man , who shew'd him the picture of a Man killing a Lyon ; If Lyons ( said he ) were addicted to painting , you would see more Men kill'd by Lyons , then Lyons by Men. If Women had had the making of Laws and Histories , you would see more Virtues exercis'd by Women then by Men. The Third said , That although none but Men are at the ventilating of this Controversie , yet Women ought not to alledge that it is easie to commend the Athenians in the City of Athens ; since God himself hath pass'd a Decree upon them in these words , The Woman shall be subject to the Man. And 't is to no purpose to say , that it was otherwise before the first sin ▪ and that subjection was impos'd upon the Woman for a punishment ; seeing the punishment of the Serpent , That he should creep upon the Earth , doth not presuppose that he had feet before he caus'd Man to sin by the intervention of his Wife ; but indeed , God converted that into a penalty which before was natural unto him . The same ought to be said concerning the Woman , who was no less subject to the Man before then after his sin . Moreover , after God had taken the Woman out of Adam's side , ( whence , they say , it comes that their heads are so hard ) he did not say that she was good , as he had pronounc'd all the rest of his Creatures . And to get Adam to marry her , there was no other expedient found but to cast him into a sleep ; no doubt , because , had he been awake , he would have been very much puzzl'd to resolve upon it . So that they who considering , on one side , the usefulness of that Sex for the preservation of the species of Men , and on the other , the mischiefs whereof it is the cause , have not ill determin'd when they term'd Woman a Necessary Evil ; to which Men are addicted , by natural instinct , for the general good , and to the prejudice of the particular ; just as Water ascends upwards , contrary to its own nature , for the eschewing of Vacuity . Woman is an imperfect Animall , whom Plato doubted whether he should not rank amongst the irrational , and whom Aristotle termes a Monster ; they who treat her most gently , stile her a simple Error of Nature ; which through the deficiency of natural heat , could not attain to the making of a Male. Women big with Female Children , are more discolour'd , have their taste deprav'd , and usually lift up their left leg first , as it were for an evidence of that sinister conception . In the Old Testament they who were deliver'd of a Female were unclean for sixty dayes ; but if of a Male , but thirty . The Male is fully form'd in thirty dayes , but the Female onely in forty two . The Males have life at the seventh moneth , but Females not till the ninth ; as if Nature hid her fault as long as she could . The Females have less vigour in all their actions , because less heat ; which appears in that they are never ambidextrous , as Men oftentimes are . Now , if in some species of Animals , the Females have the advantage above Males , as Tygresses , Lyonesses , and She-wolves , it is in fierceness ; and therein we also yield to Women . But what more competent Judge amongst Men can they find , then he who try'd so many , Solomon , who inquires , Who can find a Wise Woman ? And who , after he had compar'd them to the bottomeless pit , concludes that all wickedness is supportable , provided it be not the wickedness of a Woman ; yea , that the wickedness of a Man is better then the goodness of a Woman . The Fourth said , Every thing is esteemed according to its Author , Structure , and Composition , the means it makes use of , the manner how it employes the same , and its end . Now Man and Woman having the same Author , namely , God ; and being compos'd almost of the same parts , it remains to inquire what means both the one and the other makes use of for attaining their end , which is Happiness . It is certain that the being either Man or Woman doth not make either of them good or bad , handsome or deform'd , noble or infamous , happy or unhappy . There are found of both sorts in either Sex. As , to begin in Paradise , the eleven thousand Virgins alone shew that the Feminine Sex hath as good a share therein as Men. In Thrones , Semiramis , Thomiris , many Queens and Emperesses have manifested , that Women as well know how to command as Men. Judith cutting off the Head of Holofernes ; and the Maid of Orleans , in the dayes of our Fore-fathers ; have shewn that Men alone were not courageous , and fit for Martial Atchievements . In brief , there is no kind of performances , in which examples are not to be found both of Men and Women , that have acquitted themselves happily therein . In Oeconomy , or the management of a Family , if some Men are the Masters , there are found Women too that have the supremacy , and that in such sort , that the Men dare not complain . Wherefore they who seek the cause of the nobleness or abjectness of Man and Woman in the Sex , seek a cause where it is not . 'T is not the being a Man or a Woman that makes noble or ignoble ; 't is the being an excellent Man , or an excellent Woman . For as they are mistaken who impute some Vice or Virtue to a whole Province , because to be vicious or virtuous are personal things ; the same ought to be said concerning Man or Woman , who are Citizens of the whole world ; either of whom taken in general hath nothing in themselves but what is very decorous , Good and perfect , and consequently very noble ; as proceeding from an Author who communicated to them what perfection and nobleness was respectively requisite . If there be any defect , it proceeds from the individual person , and ought no more to be attributed to the Sex then to the Species . CONFERENCE XXVI . I. Whether it be lawful for one to commend himself . II. Of Beauty . I. Whether it be lawful for a Man to commend himself . IF things could speak , or if Men spoke alwayes of them as is fitting , the Question would be needless ; but for that neither the one nor the other are to be expected , it is reasonably demanded , whether ever it be lawful to supply this default our selves . Three sorts of persons there are , each of a different opinion touching this Subject . The first prize and respect themselves so highly , that as one of the great Wits of these times said to a certain Author , who would have had more praise had he given himself less ; They catch cold with too much speaking to themselves bare-headed . The Second , having heard that Glory is a shadow that follows those that flie it , affect blame with so palpable design , that it is plainly seen that they fall down onely to be lifted up ; like those brides who would not hide themselves , if they knew that they should not certainly be found out . The Third observing how odious self-praise is to all the world , never attribute any to themselves , and cannot so much as endure to hear themselves commended , accounting it no other then flattery . The first maintain , that they who say that a Man must not praise himself , establish a Maxime , to which none obey . Do not great Captains , say they , succesfully animate their Souldiers by their own commendations ? Doth not the expert Physitian preserve his own good reputation together with the health of his Patient ? Do not they who make Panegyricks for others , find their own in the same ? Doth not the Excellent Preacher preach his own Doctrine and Eloquence together with the Gospel ? Doth not the acute Advocate argue as well for his own reputation , as for the carrying of his Clients Cause ? Then for Arts and Trades , we see he is accounted the best Trades-man that ha's the nimblest Tongue in commending his own wares . Moreover , he that asks an Almes by a sign , asks it no less then if he spoke ; and consequently as many wayes as there are to signifie any thing , the same are as so many words ; and although the one are vocal , and the other mute , yet they equally signifie : Whence it follows that a Man is as little to blame in speaking well as in doing well . He that hangs a bush at his door doth no less say , I have Wine to sell , then if he proclaim'd it . A fair Woman who exposes her self to the view of every one , and a Painter who hangs forth his pieces to sell to passengers , prize and commend themselves more then if they spoke ; and yet neither is censur'd for so doing . In brief , as we may blame our selves without speaking , by doing some evil action ; so Men , in effect , commend themselves by performing virtuous actions . The Second , who contemn themselves incessantly , that they may be the more esteem'd by others , find nothing that more removes the mask of their Hypocrisie , then the assent of others to what they say ; and indeed they are no less unacceptable and tedious then the former . But the last please much more ; justifying their Principle by the enumeration of all Professions , in which all that excell abhor this vanity , which is odious to all the world . War requires great deeds and few words . Humility , the prime Virtue in Divinity , cannot consist with boasting . A good Physitian cannot hear the relation of his great cures without blushing ; and 't is the property of a Mountebank to publish his own Atchievements in that kind . Plutarch , in an express Treatise , renders the reasons hereof . 1. Because a Man must be impudent that can commend himself , instead of being asham'd to hear his own praises . 2. Because it is injustice for a Man to give that to himself , which ought to be expected from others . And , 3. Because self-praise exercises a kind of Tyranny over the hearer , and is without effect , not obliging him to belief . The Second said , Two things displease us in the praise that any one gives himself . First , the seeing a Man prefer'd before , or at least equaliz'd to , our selves , whom we alwayes account most worthy of praise . And Secondly , the seeing a Man make himself judge in his own cause . And hence arose a common Proverb , Praise hath an ill savour in a Man 's own mouth . And when the Comoedian would decypher the two most ridiculous personages of his Scene , Chremes and Thraso , he makes them weary the hearers with repetitions of their own commendation ; which ought to have no other end but the Reward of him to whom it is given , or the exciting of others to Virtue by his example . Now it is depriv'd of both these effects , when it proceeds from our selves . For that which comes from our selves cannot be call'd Reward , and consequently others can draw no example from it which may excite them to Virtue . If Poets praise themselves , they are excus'd by the Poetical Licence which gives them permission , as well as Painters , to feign and attempt what ever they please ; and yet the Prince of Poets , Virgil , never commended himself . It was not by the praise which he gave himself that Cicero acquir'd the title of Father of Eloquence ; on the contrary , his Consulship , so often depredicated in his writings , is with some reason term'd the Spot or Blemish of his works . In brief , they who commend themselves seem to fore-judge that they look not for commendation from others ; either for that they deserve none , or else for that they accuse the rest of Men of ingratitude towards them . And in either case , 't is no wonder if they be sleighted and ill will'd by others . The Third said , That he who commends himself is not to blame , provided he say nothing but what is true ; because words being the images of actions , it is unjust to require a man to make the original , and then forbid him to draw copies of it , such as are the commendations which typisie vertuous actions . And it seems to be the property of the vicious to bear envy against them thereupon , because they cannot attain to the same perfection ; as an old woman beholds with jealousie the exquisite portraict of some young Beauty . True it is , as Alexander said , it was a great happiness for Achilles to find a Homer to commend him . But when the unhappiness or ingratitude is such , that a goodly action falls into oblivion unless it be recounted by its author , who knows it better then any other ; it is not reasonable for virtue to be depriv'd , through such defect , of its only guerdon and aliment , which is praise . So a Father wonderfully extimulates his children to virtue by representing to them his own brave actions past . Yea it seems , that being his children have an interest in his reputation , he cannot omit the recital of what he hath done praise-worthy , without wronging them . The fourth upheld the same Opinion , by alledging that a wise man may commend himself without blame , since he is so impartial that he doth not consider himself as himself , but as he would do another man , whom he could not without injustice deprive of the commendation merited by him . And this is agreeable to a percept of nature , which enjoyns the rendring to every one what appertains to him . The Fifth said , to commend one's self meerly for the sake of self-praise is a vicious extremity ; but sometiemes to commend one's self in another , or to make use of the relation of our own commendable actions , as an Apology to oppose to the contempt , or detraction of our enemies , is a thing not only allowable , but also practis'd by the most eminent and holy personages . so S. Paul finding himself despis'd , boasted that he was noble , and a Citizen of Rome , that he had studied much , and that God had imparted to him his highest mysteries . For in this case we are in a manner oblig'd to praise our selves , by the Law of Nature , which renders our defence just . Therefore as he were a fool that should fence all alone in the open street , and a coward that should not defend himself when provok'd ; so he that defends himself well when he is assaulted , doth not only provide for his own safety , but gets the reputation of a man of courage , as he also doth who commends himself when he is despis'd . Yet I would require thus much moderation in the praise which an injury extorts from our own lips , that it extend no further then what is needful for the repelling the offer'd outrage . I would by no means have it affected , as it uses to be by some men , who are glad when they are blam'd , for that they may take occasion to expatiate upon their own praises . For the equitable hearer is indeed on our side , yet he is tacitely disgusted with our vauntings ; because men are naturally addicted to contradiction , whence their belief ( the freest of all the mind's actions ) is always less carried thither whither it is endeavour'd to be carri'd with most eagerness and violence . So an honest woman shall by a grave deportment , and a single gesture of slighting , sooner quash an injurious word then another can do by a long Apology of her whole life past . Saving in this case and manner , our proper commendations are no less unacceptable then the blame which we attribute to our selves . He that praises himself is like a painted Face set out to the sight of every one ; and he that blames himself resembles a sick person that takes pride in his infirmities true or imaginary , with which himself ought to be concern'd enough , not to trouble others who have nothing to do therewith . II. Of Beauty . Upon the second Point , it was said that Beauty may , with as much reason , be placld among the Transcendents , as ( besides Goodness and Verity ) Greatness , Duration , Power , Vertue , Knowledge , the Will , and Glory , are plac'd in that rank by Lullius and his Disciples . For speaking of accidents , we say a fair largeness , a goodly quality , a handsome resemblance , a graceful action , a becoming endurance or sufferance ; and so of the other Categories , which result from Place , Time , and Habit. But it is particularly attributed to Substance . The Angels , Heavens , Elements and mixt Bodies , have all beauty , and so much the more as they are more perfectly mixt ; as appears in Gold , Pearls and Jewels , in Flowers , Animals , and principally in Man ; who again participates thereof variously according to Sex and Age. For the beauty of a man is other then that of a woman ; of a child and a young man then that of an old man. Artificial things have likewise their share therein , when our eyes and judgements are pleas'd with their proportion , or find them conformable to the Model which the Workman propounded to himself . And as in most Sciences and Arts men have phancied to themselves Prototypes and Parallels , to serve instead of patterns and models ; in Policy , an accomplish'd Commonwealth , such as Plato , Sir Thomas More , and some others have delineated ; in Physick , a Temperament most perfect and exquisite to a grain [ call'd temperamentum ad pondus ] in Eloquence , a perfect Orator : so they who have undertaken to speak of Beauty have imagin'd a perfect one , which ( leaving women to set down the conditions which they require in handsome men ) we will make to consist , as to them , in thirty one particulars , which go to the making up of a handsome woman . The 1. of those Points is Youth , which renders even the coursest animals agreeable . The 2. is a Stature neither too large nor too small . 3. A middle size of corpulency ; because too fat or too lean are counted amongst imperfections . 4. Symetrie and proportion of all the parts . 5. Long , fair , and fine hair . 6. A skin soft and smooth , through which appear small veins . 7. A lively whiteness of Lillies blended with Roses . 8. A smooth forehead , pleasingly arched , and always serene . 9. Temples not hollow . 10. Two black lines arch-wise , in stead of Eye-brows . Two blew eyes well set in the head , well open'd and fix'd with a sweet glance . 12. A nose well shap'd and rightly set on . 13. Cheeks a little rounded , making a dimple . 14. A graceful smile . 15. Two lips of Coral . 16. A little mouth . 17. Small Pearls smooth and well ajusted in stead of teeth . 18. A sweet breath . 19. A well tun'd voice . 20. A chin dimpled , somewhat round and fleshy . 21. Ears small , ruddy , and well joyn'd to the head . 22. A neck of Ivory . 23. A bosome of Alabaster . 24. Two snow-balls . 25. A hand white , something long and plump . 26. Fingers ending by little in a Pyramide . 27. Nails of mother of Pearl turn'd into an oval . 28. A gesture free and not affected . 29. Soft and smooth flesh . 30. A modest gate . The last point may be more easily imagin'd then honestly nam'd . The second said , that Beauty hath no more but an imaginary Being , or , at least , is more in the phansie then in Nature . Which they acknowledge who set conditions for it never to be found in any subject whatever . Moreover , every real Entity , if it fall under the cognisance of the Senses , is conceiv'd in the same manner by all people in the earth , when the Organ is not hurt , the medium alike , and the distance equal , and all other circumstances are found the same . Thus Honey is every where acknowledg'd by the same sweetness , and the Sun by the same light . But one and the same Beauty is not conceiv'd in the same fashion , nor esteemed such by all the people of the world ; for the judgements thereof are found different , not only according to the diversity of Nations , but also in reference to the same people , yea the same person , at several times . Our ancient Gaules wore large foreheads , because in those days they accounted the same handsomest , and we see also to this day old Pictures representing handsome women in that sort ; whence arose the reproachful word , Effrons , Frontless , denoting one that hath no forehead or shame . At this day women think they cannot have too little , they take so much pains to hide the same with their head-tire , and men , after their example . Much hair is at present recommendable in many places , especially in France . The handsomest of the Pagan Deities was call'd Intonsus Apollo : And the Scripture principally sets forth the beauty of women by their long hair , without which the comeliest would be terrible . Nevertheless , in the latter ages in France , 't was a shameful thing for men to have much hair . In New France , the greatest past of the people wear no hair but on one side . The women of Camboya cut off theirs close to their ears . The Perusians have none but a lock on the top of the head ; and the Romans of old ador'd Venus Calva : Our Ladies shape their Eye-brows into arches . The Africans paint theirs into the figure of a Triangle . Some , like an Aquiline and rising Nose ; yet the flattest are counted most graceful amongst the Abyssines . Here eyes pretty prominent and of a middle size are esteem'd ; in China little eyes are most priz'd . The Lybians love a large mouth , and lips turn'd backwards ; here little ones are the most commendable . 'T is one of the most agreeable parts that our Ladies shew ; and yet the Arabians , esteeming the same indecorous , cover it as carefully as their backside . The Japonnois black their teeth ; and every where else the whitest are most valued . Our Virgins streighten their bosomes the most they can ; on the contrary , the Aethiopian women account those the most graceful breasts which they can cast over their shoulders . Youth is elsewhere lov'd ; yet in the West Indies the oldest women are the handsomest . In Aethiopia and many other places the blackest are counted the handsomest ; and in painting a Devil they make him all white , as we do black . In brief , there is not one of the assigned Characters of Beauty which is not controverted by some Nation ; and therefore there is no reality in it , but it depends upon our Phancie , as Fashions do . What is beauty then ? 'T is ( in my judgements ) what pleases us . For whatever deformity or defect there be in the thing we love , yet we account it handsome : Et quae Balbinum delectat Polypus Agnae . The third said , 'T is too great a disparagement to the Goods of Nature , to say that Beauty , which is the most excellent of them , is only imaginary ; its admirable effects being such that it perswades whatever it pleases ; 't is the surest commendatory Letter , and hath influence not only upon rational souls , but even Elephants are transported with joy ( as Aelian saith ) when they meet a fair woman . And reason tells us that every thing which is goodly is good ; because it is desirable , which is the essential qualification of good things . The beauty of the body is not only the token of that of the soul , which seems to be ill lodg'd , when it is found in an ugly body , but 't is also a sign of the body's health and good constitution . Yea the very beholding of Beauty conduceth to health , and continues it ; whence it is that handsome Nurses and Governesses are assigned to Children ; because the soul even from the cradle ( being a Forreigner and retaining in it self the idea of its Creator's beauty ) is marvellously pleas'd at the sight of every thing that approaches that beauty and harmony , and rejoyces at its meeting , acknowledging it her kindred and alley . Moreover , Plato saith , that Beauty is produc'd when the Forme predominates over the Matter , which is of it self foul and deformed . Which he affirmeth to have place also in the beauty of the soul ; which he makes to consist in the advantage of the Intellectual part , which holdeth the place of Forme in man , over the Sensitive , which correspondeth to Matter . Aristotle will not allow it possible for Felicity to be perfect without the beauty of the Body , which hath sometimes conferr'd the Scepter in elective Kingdoms . And our Saviour , amidst all the infirmities of our nature , caus'd to shine in himself the most perfect beauty that ever was in the rest of mankind . Now several beautiful things gratifie variously . White is esteem'd amongst Northern Nations , because there issues out of white bodies a certain brightness or light agreeable to the eyes of those people . But the same colour loseth that pre-eminence proportionably to a nearer approach toward the South . CONFERENCE XXVII . I. Whether the World grows old . II. Of Jealousie . I. Whether the World grows old . WEre we in those Commonwealths where the voice of the people is admitted , this Question would be very easie to resolve ; there being no body but proclaims that the world is declining , and thinks that we are now in the very dregs of Time. 'T is the ordinary discourse of old men . But possibly herein they resemble the old woman , who when she was grown blind , said the Sky was overcast ; or those who sailing from the shore think that the earth retreats back , while 't is themselves that are in motion . These good people no longer finding the same gust and pleasure in the delights of the world , that they found in their youth , lay the fault upon the world instead of imputing the same to themselves . Indeed their accusation is too old to be receivable , having been from all time , which made Horace say , that to represent an old man right , he must be introduc'd praising the time past . Yet we may give their reasons the hearing . They affirm that every thing which hath had a beginning , and must have an end , grows old . That since all the parts of the world are variously corrupted , the same ought to be believ'd of the whole . That as for the Heavens , all the observations of Ptolomy are found at this day false , unless they be rectifi'd by the addition of certain motions of Trepidation which cause all the rest to vary . In the Air , the inconstancy of it , and the irregularity of the Seasons makes us not know when we are sure of any ; the Spring sometimes appearing in Winter ( as at present ) and Winter in Autumn . In the Sea , you see it dismembers Provinces , gains and loses whole Countries by its inundations and recessions . And as for the Earth , it is very probably shown that in time it must naturally return to its first state in which it was all cover'd with water , and consequently void of men and most part of animals and plants , which make the three noblest parts of the Universe . For they who endeavour the raising of low grounds know that the same is accomplish'd by giving entrance to the slime which the water brings thither , and which gathers together at the bottom ; whence it comes to pass that Valleys through which torrents and brooks of rain-water pass , grow hollower daily ; the impetuousness of the water sweeping the surface of the earth into rivers , and thence into the Sea. Wherefore though the world should not end by Conflagration , as it must do ; since all the rain-waters , those of rivers and brooks go into the Sea , and carry thither with them the upper parts of the Earth , which is that that makes the waters so troubled and muddy , it is necessary that this earth in time fill up the cavities of the Sea , and reduce it to exact roundness ; and then the water having no longer any channel must as necessarily cover the whole surface of the earth , excepting perhaps some points of rocks , which will decay and fall down in time , as about fifteen years ago a mountain in Suizzerland by its fall crush'd under its ruines the Town of Pleurs , which by that means made good the importance of its name . And although this may not come to pass till after divers thousands of years if the world should last so long , yet it is not the less feasible , since it is a doing at the present , though by little and little . The second said , That since the end of the world is to be supernatural , it shall not proceed from old age ; that though the earth were all cover'd over with waters , yet the world would not perish for all that , since the Elements would subsist ; yea the same earth and the winds by succession of time would come to imbibe and dry up those waters , and so again discover the face of the earth . That if one of the Elements be diminish'd , another increases ; if the water evaporate , the air is augmented ; if the air be condens'd , it addes to the water , and so the world cannot fail by all the alterations and changes which happen in simple and mixt bodies . For its order consists in the alternative succession of various dispositions ( and not in one sole disposition ) like a circle which being finite in its parts is infinite in its whole . Moreover , if the world perish , it must be either by the annihilation of its whole , or of its parts ; or else by their transmutation into some matter which cannot be part of the world . Not the first ; for there needs no less a miracle to annihilate then to create ; and therefore nothing is annihilated . Not the second ; for mixt bodies cannot be chang'd but either into other mixt bodies or into the Elements ; now these are transmuted one into another ; wherefore in either case they are still parts of the world . The most active of the Elements , Fire , without the miracle of the last conflagration , if you consider it in the Sphere which some have assign'd to it , it cannot burn the rest ; for should it act in its own Sphere , which it doth not , it would at length be extinguish'd for want of air , into which consequently part of it would be converted : or if you place it in the subterranean parts , the vapours and the exhalations which it would raise from the Sea and the Earth , being resolv'd into water and air , would always preserve the being of those Elements . Moreover , the world would not serve at the day of judgement ( as Philo the Jew saith ) for a Holocaust to its author , if it were then found defective in any of its parts . The third said , If you take the world for all the inferiour bodies contain'd under the concave of the Moon , it is certain that it changeth . For the Heavens are not alter'd according to their substance , though they be according to their places . But it is impossible that the Elements acting so powerfully one against another by their contrary qualities be not at length weakned , and their activities refracted and impair'd , and particularly the earth wherein those subterranean fires do the same thing that natural heat doth in animals when by the consumption of their radical humidity it makes them grow dry and old . External Agents ( as the Air , and the Celestial Bodies , which in time undermine Palaces of Marble , Brass and other bodies ) contribute greatly to this alteration of the earth , which is the mark and but of actions of the superiour bodies , by whom it suffers incessantly . This declination is observ'd in Plants , which had greater vertues in times past then they have at the present ( as it is found , amongst others , in that Antidote made of tops of Rue , a Nut and a Fig , wherewith Mithridates preserv'd himself from all poysons , and which is now out of credit ) but much more in man then other animals . For besides the diminution which befalls him as a mixt body , because he draws his nourishment from the substance of plants and animals , he hath besides in himself a double ground of this decay of his strength , every thing partaking of nature and its food . Hence it is that we are much more short-liv'd then our fathers of old , who in the flower of the world's age ( to speak with Plato , who makes it an animal ) liv'd almost a thousand years ; and since the Deluge by the corruption which its waters overflowing the earth caus'd in the whole Universe , they liv'd six hundred years , but at present few attain to eighty : Nor do we see any Gyants now a days , though they were very frequent in old time . Men's minds likewise have a great share of this deterioration , in the exercise of vertues and arts . Besides , that there was never so great a multitude of Laws and Ordinances , which are certain evidence of the depravation of manners . The fourth said , Besides that 't is dubious whether the years of our first Fathers were of equal length with ours , the cause of their long life may be attributed to a special priviledge of God , to the end they might by their long experience invent Arts and Sciences , and people the world . Moreover , 't is above 4000 years since the term of 70 and 80 years became the common standard of humane life . Our age is not more corrupted then the first , made infamous by Fratricides , Sodomites , Incests , Treasons , and such other enormous sins , so much the more detestable in that they had no example of them , as their posterity hath had since . And as for the inferior bodies , since their actions are at present altogether the same with what they perform'd in the beginning of the world ; the Fire ( for example ) not burning less , nor the Water cooling less , then in Adam's time ; it must be concluded that they are not chang'd , but remain always in the same state . The Fifth said , That as in the Microcosme we may judge of the corruption of the Body by the least alteration of its parts , and fore-tell its death by the disorder observ'd in the most noble ; so we may make the like Judgement in the Maerocosme , in which we see no Mixt Bodies , but what are corruptible . For things are no longer then they act , action being the measure of their being . And therefore seeing nothing can act perpetually , because the virtue of every thing is bounded and finite , nothing can be perpetual . As Knives , and the like instruments , are blunted with much cutting ; so the qualities incessantly acting must of necessity be weakned , and at length become impotent . But the surest sign of the worlds corruption is the annihilation of corporeal formes , the noblest parts of the universe . For as for spiritual formes , when they are separated from the Body they are no longer consider'd as parts of the world . The Sixth confirm'd this opinion by the abundance of new diseases sprang up in these last Ages , and unknown to the preceding ; as the Neapolitane Malady , the Scurvy , and sundry others , which cannot proceed but from the corruption of Humours and Tempers , and this from that of the Elements . The Seventh said , That the world is so far from growing worse , that on the contrary it becomes more perfect ; as 't is proper to things created from a small beginning , to increase , and at length attain their perfection ; which the world having attain'd doth not decline , because it is not an organiz'd body , whose property it is to do so after it hath attain'd its State. This is visible in Metals , and particularly in Gold , which the longer they remain in the Earth the more concoction and perfection they acquire . Moreover , the Wits of Men are more refin'd then ever . For what could be more ignorant then the Age of our first Parents , for whom God himself was fain to make Clothes ; those of their own making being onely fig-leaves . In the Ages following , you see nothing so gross as what was then accounted the highest degree of subtlety , as the Learning of the Rabbins among the Jews , and the Druids among the Gauls ; the best skill'd of whom might come to school to our Batchelors . But their gross ignorance in Handy-crafts appears , amongst others , in our Flowers de Luce , the figure whereof , stamp'd on their Coin , resembles any thing rather then a Flower de Luce. II. Of Jealousie . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Jealousie is very hard to be defin'd . If you rank it under the Genius of Fear , how comes it to make Rivals so venturous in attempting and executing ? If 't is a sort of Anger and Indignation , whence do's it make them so pale ? If you assign this Passion to Man alone , how do's it metamorphose them into beasts ? taking from them all exercise of reason . If you admit it in beasts too , how do's it render Men so ingenious ? I think they should speak best who should term it a Rage , since the most Tragical Histories are fullest of its actions . Yet you shall meet with some that make a laughter of it ; and if a Mistress changes them , they also change their Mistress ; who when they are marry'd alwayes knock at the door though it be wide open , for fear of finding what they do not seek : Whereas others are jealous even of the sheets of their own bed . Let us therefore rank it amongst the caprichious Passions ; or rather let us do like the Physitians , who having given names to all the Veins and Bones , term some ( which they know not how to call otherwise ) Innominate and sine pari . So this Passion shall be the nameless and peerless Passion . The Second said , This Passion seem'd to depend on the Climates , Northern people being very little subject to it ; whereas they of the South cannot hear Mass or Sermon , unless there be a wall between the Men and the Women . And Bodin saith , 't was one of the things which Mendoza ( Gondamor ) the Spanish Ambassador wonder'd at most in France and England , why Men went with Women into Churches . Likewise , Caesar saith of the English , that twelve of them were contented with one Woman , and agreed peaceably ; whereas the Indians and Africans have troops of Wives ; and yet Puna King of the Indians did not think his secure amongst his Eunuchs , till he had disfigur'd them , and cut off their Arms. The Third said , that Jealousie may be compar'd to the Syrian Cow , of whom the Proverb saith , that indeed she fill'd the pail with her Milk , but presently overturn'd it with a kick . It gives Love , and it gives Ruine . And yet this Passion is so inseparable , and so necessarily a companion of Love , that it do's the same office to it which the bellows do to the furnace which it kindles . For imagine a friendship in which there is no fear of Rivals , it will soon be extinguish'd , because the possession is accounted sure ; and our affection is not carry'd violently , but where it finds resistance . The Fourth said , Jealousie is a fear lest another injoy the Good which we challenge or possess . 'T is the more dangerous in that it puts on the mask of Love , whereof nevertheless it partakes but little . The Poets represent Love to us like a Child full of joy and liberty ; whereas Jealousie resembles an old , sullen , and distrustful Woman . Love proceeds from knowledge , ( for we desire not things unknown ) on the contrary , Jealousie , being a distrust either of our selves or the thing lov'd , or of both , presupposes a deficiency of knowledge , and consequently of Love. Whence Women having less knowledge then Men , are likewise more ready to entertain this Passion ; and sometimes to such a degree , that those of the Isle of Lemnos kill'd all their Husbands upon it , excepting one . The Fifth said , Jealousie is a sort of Indignation against one who intrencheth upon the honour which we account particularly due to our selves , or some other whom we love . Thus God is jealous of his glory , and good people likewise of the same . Brethren are jealous of their Father's Love. Those who seek the same office are jealous one of another . Rivals are so of the favours of their Mistresses . The first kind of Jealousie proceeds from the good opinion which every one hath of himself , of being more capable then any other , and better answering to the merits of the thing belov'd . And although it presupposeth Love , yet many times 't is changed into Hatred , as Choler into Melancholy . In its beginning it makes use of Anger and Revenge ; if it continue , of Sadness and Discontent ; and afterwards of Fear , which sometimes tends to Despair . The Sixth said , That this Passion was a Grief for that another invades what is ours . For Grief , as the other Passions , changes its name according as it is determin'd and restrain'd to a particular object . It serves to preserve and increase Love , and therefore is not absolutely to be decry'd . It enkindles in us a desire to please , for fear the person lov'd prefer another , in whom appears more perfection , before us . In some cases a Man shall deserve the name of Paltron if he shews not Jealousie ; since Justice allows not that what belongs to one should be common ; for what is every bodie 's is no bodie 's . Wherefore onely excessive Jealousie is blameable , being a mixture of many Passions , and the strongest and most violent affection that can seize upon the Mind , which it leaves no longer master of it self . It infuses distrusts and suspitions , and consequently to these , most inquieting curiosities to know the truth of what it seeks , but would not find ; and which being found produces insupportable torments . The ill opinion which the Jealous hath of the person whom he pretends to Love causes him to misinterpret its best actions . Thus disturb'd Waters never represent well the species of Objects which they receive ; and Eyes distemper'd with a suffusion judge things to be of the same colour wherewith themselves are tinctur'd . The Seventh said , That Love is not of the nature of those Goods which the more they are communicated the more excellent they are ; But 't is a Union of Wills , and so loses its name when divided ; as the Sun-beams being dispers'd are weak , but burn when re-united by a Burning-glass . Jealousie , which is the fear of dis-union , springs from the merits of the thing belov'd , and from a suspition lest its perfection attract others besides our selves , to love it ; especially when we acknowledge less of merit in our selves then in our Rivals , knowing that the most perfect things are most lov'd . CONFERENCE XXVIII . I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. II. Of Cuckoldry . I. What is the greatest Delight of Man. THe Rejoicings of this Season seem to have been appointed at the end of Winter , and entrance of Lent , two times equally sad , though upon different accounts ; the one Natural , and the other Canonical . Because Joy is destinated to dilate the Trees , which Sadness shuts up . 'T is caus'd several wayes . For nothing is pleasing but according to the correspondence which it hath to our Phancy ; as Pictures and Musick delight not but by the proportion which they have with the Sight and Hearing . Whence of the two Painters who contended together about the excellence of their skill , he carry'd the prize who before he set to his work took heed to the place from whence it was to be seen . Now the phancies and opinions of Men being so different , it is hard to know what is the greatest Joy , considering that the same thing may have correspondence to the Imagination of one , and repugnance to that of another . If a Musitian delights you , you should but ill requite him if you took his instrument and play'd him a lesson ; 't is Money which rejoyces him . He who could not drink his Wine , how excellent soever , unless it were carry'd to him to the Tavern , would have accounted all other delight empty without it . They who at present enjoy their Liberty in the Sea-ports , shew sufficiently what pleasure they take in play . In brief , as many different humours and inclinations as there are , so different will the judgements be upon this question : For even amongst those who place delight in Meats , you will scarce find three together whose Appetites agree . Besides , that who so would judge aright in the case must have tasted of all sorts of delights ; yea , of each in its full extent , and with all its conditions requisite . The Second said , Delight seemes to be the repeated sense of some joy , such as is seen in publick and solemn jollities ; as heretofore in the Lupercalia and Saturnalia of the Romans , and now in our Carnival . Now Joy is a Passion so lov'd and cherish'd by Man , that we may thereby judge of its value . For as some Men are curious of rarities in Ebeny , others of Sea-shells , some of Antiquities of Marble , Flowers and Pictures , but all generally desire Gold , and like it well ; so you see some valiant ; others , studious ; others , amorous ; many , Sons of the bottle ; briefly , this addicted to one action , and he to another ; but you see none but loves Joy , what ever shew they make ; and those pretended Cato's , each wrinckle of whose Faces is an obelisk , every word a censure , yet become tickled within themselves at the occurrence of pleasant objects , notwithstanding the blame which they seem to lay upon them : Like those Stoicks who durst not sit down to Dinner , for fear it should be believ'd that they took Pleasure in it , and nevertheless lik'd the Wine as well as others . Observe how Children , even from the cradle , caresse with their Head and Hands those that make Mirth , and decline the sower and severe . Nor is the fear of Correction sufficient to keep them from running after all pleasant objects , which they will invent among themselves rather then want . Old men , as they most need , so they receive the greatest benefit from it ; in this ( perhaps ) more unhappy then others , that having more knowledge by experience of what is pass'd , it is harder to delight them ; Pleasure most easily arising from novelty . Since therefore all sorts of conditions and ages sacrifice to Joy , and Philosophers have judg'd nothing more proper to Man then Laughter ; I conceive , 't is a kind of inhumanity to forbid commerce to this inseparable companion of Man ; and although some may abuse it , yet it would be worse to interdict it , then to take away the use of Wine under pretext that some people sometimes take too much of it . The Third said , Some contentments belong to the Mind , others to the Body . Not that the Body is capable of any Passion without the Minds help ; nor that the Soul , while it informes the Body , can apprehend any without its corporeal organs : but they borrow their name from the part which they chiefly affect . Thus , I can neither love nor hate , without having seen or heard the subject of my hatred or love ; and yet 't is the Soul , not the Body , which loves or hates : The Body can neither drink nor eat without the Soul , and nevertheless 't is not the Soul that drinks or eats , 't is the Body . This suppos'd , me-thinks , the greatest delight of the humane Mind consists in being lov'd , and this is the end of all its actions . Whence those words , Let Men hate me , provided they fear me , were taken to be rather the voice of a savage beast then of a Man. This appears , because all from the highest to the lowest , endeavour to gain the good-will of every one . 'T is this which makes Men so desirous of Praise , because the same renders them amiable ; one for the excellence of his Mind , another for the beauty of his Body . Moreover , compare the misery of a Timon hated by all the world , with the contentment of a Titus , Vespatians Son , surnamed the Delight of Mankind ; and you will see that to be lov'd surpasses all the Pleasures of the world , as much , as 't is unpleasing to be hated . For the love which is borne towards us supposes some perfection in us , which being known , esteem'd , and prefer'd above that of others , produces the great contentments which we find therein . But as for those of the Body , Pani and all Greece too well found the ill consequence of adjudging the golden apple to the Goddess , whom Luxury made him prefer before the others , to encourage us to follow his example . Demosthenes had reason when he refus'd to buy at too dear a rate the repentance which ordinarily follows this Pleasure ; the corners which it seeks , and the shame which accompanies it , together with its little duration , allow it not to be equall'd with other Passions compatible with Honour , and practis'd in the sight of all the world ; as feasts , dances , shews , sports , merry words , and the like , all which , I conceive , ought to be added together to make perfect Delight . But since 't is requisite to prefer one , and punctually satisfie the question , I shall affirm , according to the liberty allow'd in this company , that nothing seemes to me more capable to delight a Man then Good Cheer ; there 's no better friendship then that which is acquir'd by cracking the glass ; friendships proceeding from sympathy of humours , and this from the same viands . And , in brief , if this receipt did not serve better to exhilarate Men then any other , you should not see it so diligently practis'd in these dayes by all the world . Alexander the Great , and the Famous Marius , took no greater pleasure then in drinking great draughts . And the tediously-severe humour of the Catoes was not sweetned but at the table , where they ordinarily continu'd seven or eight hours . Moreover , Old-age , which we ought to follow for its great experience , after having pass'd through all the pleasures of life , fixes at last upon that of the Table , as the surest and most lasting ; others sliding away so fast , that they give not our Senses time to taste them , ( which word testifies that 't is the Taste which ought to judge . ) And if it be said that their bodies are not capable of other contentments , I answer , that the Organs of all the faculties are in them equally debilitated . II. Of Cuckoldry Upon the Second Point , it was said , That to judge well of it , it is requisite to understand all the cases which make Men Cuckolds . Some are so , and know nothing of it . Some think they are , but are not ; and these are more miserable then if they were , and knew it not . If we believe Histories , some are so without their Wives fault , who have mistaken others for their own Husbands . Some are so , and half see it , yet believe nothing of it , by reason of the good opinion which they have of their Wives . Further , some know they are so , but do all they can to hinder it . Such was P. Cornelius , and Corn. Tacitus . In fine , some know it and suffer it , not being able to hinder it ; And I account these alone infamous . The Second said , That the word Cuckold , deriv'd from Cuckow , is Ironically us'd ; for this Bird layes her eggs in the neast of others ; or else , because they who frequent other Mens Wives are oftentimes serv'd in the same manner ; or else for the reason upon which Pliny saith Vine-dressers were anciently called Cuckows , ( that is to say , slothful ) who deferr'd cutting their Vines till the Cuckow began to sing , which was a fortnight later then the right time : And thus the same name may have been given to those who by their negligence or sloth give their Wives so much liberty that they abuse it . Unless we had rather say , that this Bird , being ( as Aristotle saith ) cold and moist of its own nature , and yet so prudent , as knowing it self unable to defend and feed its own young , it puts them into the neasts of other Birds , who nourish them as if they were their own ; thus timerous , soft and weak Men , have been call'd Cuckolds , because not being able to support their own families , they cause the same to be maintain'd by others with the loss of their credit . They who derive it from the Greek word Coccyx , which signifies the rump , are not much out of the way . In brief , some go so far as to derive it from the Latine word Coquus , because those people lodging and feeding their Wives , and taking care of their Children , do like Cooks who trust out victuals to others . The Third said , That Cuckoldry was but an imaginary thing ; that the unchastity of the Wife could not dishonour the Husband , considering that what is out of us and our power do's not any wayes concern us ; and it being impossible for the wisest Man in the world , by the consent of all , to hinder the lubricity of an incontinent Woman . Now no body is oblig'd to what is impossible ; and as a vicious action ought to be onely imputed to its author , so ought the shame and dishonour which follows it ; and 't is as absurd to reflect it upon him who contributed not at all to the crime , as 't is to ascribe the glory of a virtuous action to him who not onely did nothing towards it , but with-stood it as much as he could . The Lawyers hold that a Contract made in secret , and without calling all the parties who have interest in it , cannot prejudice them ; so neither can what Wives do without privity of their Husbands be any thing to their prejudice . Besides , if the dishonour were real , it would be so every where , and to all Men ; but there are whole Nations who account not themselves dishonour'd by the business . The Abyssines take it not ill that their High Priest lyes with their Wives on the marriage-night , to purifie them . The people of the East Indies permit the injoyment of their Wives to those who give them an Elephant , being proud of having a Wife valu'd at so high a price . The Romans , though the most honourable of their time , were so little sollicitous what their Wives did in their absence , that returning out of the Country , they alwayes us'd to send some body to advertise them of their arrival ; so afraid they were to surprize them . And indeed , Pompey , Caesar , Augustus , Lucullus , Cato , and many other great personages , were not the less esteem'd for having the Bulls feather given them by their Wives . The Fourth said , Horns are not alwayes imaginary , since Histories assures us that they have really gor'd some persons , as M. Benutius Cippus , Praetor of Rome ; the Ignominy likewise of them is real , and to say otherwise , is to go against the common opinion . For since Honour is in him who honours , not in him who is honour'd ; ( the reason of contraries being alike ) dishonour shall consequently come from him who dishonours . Now 't is certain , most agree in this that Cuckolds are derided , though they know nothing of it . For as true honour may be given to one who deserves it not ; so may he be really dishonour'd who deserves nothing less . A good man publickly punish'd is truly dishonour'd , though he be innocent ; for 't is requisite that the Sovereign Courts take away the infamy which he has incurr'd . A Virgin unwillingly deflower'd is yet dishonour'd by it ; and the vicious deportments and ignominious deaths of men derive shame to their relations . Much more , therefore , shall the shame attending the disgraceful lightness of a wife reflect upon her husband ; for being two in one flesh , that which touches one touches the other also , the innocence of the husbands ( who are also usually styl'd good ) remaining intire . So that one may be dishonour'd and yet be vertuous ; as also a Cuckold and an honest man together . 5. The Fifth said , That he counted it strange that Horns were the sign of infamy and ignominy in Marriage ; considering that otherwise they were always badges of grandeur and power . When one dreams that Horns are upon his forehead , 't is always a presage of dignity . Thus , at the birth of Cl. Albinus , a Cow of his Father's having brought forth a Calfe with two red Horns , the Augurs foretold the Empire to him ; which accordingly came to pass . And to honour those horns which had been the omen of his grandeur , he caus'd them to be hung up in Apollo's Temple . The Majesty of Jupiter Hammon , Bacchus and Pan , is represented by horns . Plenty also is signifi'd by a horn fill'd with all sort of fruits . The Sixth said , Though every one's honesty and vertue depend on himself and not on the actions of another ; yet the point of his honour and esteem is drawn from divers circumstance and conditions of things neerly pertaining to him ; which the tyranny of common or rather phantastick opinion have establish'd as marks either to raise or blemish the lustre of his reputation . Hence we value those most who are descended of an illustrious Family , though they have no other mark of it but the name . Because , to speak after the common rate , our happiness or infelicity , and the compleat degree of our reputation , are the effects or consequents of what we call ours . Now our Kindred are not only ours , but are accounted to be our own blood , and our other selves ; and wives are not only so much to their husbands , or part of them , but they are the half of whatever they are . But if a part resent alteration by the affection of a part , 't is impossible but the one half must be infected with the ignominious impudicity wherewith the other is contaminated . 'T is true , all crimes ought to be personal ; but because men have mistakingly plac'd their happiness in external things ( instead of establishing it in vertue which they ought to have in themselves ) 't is not to be wonder'd if having made the principal of the accessory , they bear the punishment of so doing . Besides , for chastisement of this folly , their felicity is never perfect , because they constitute it in that which is without their own power . Let it not be said , that since women derive all their lustre and splendor from their husbands , they cannot either increase or diminish the same ; for the Moon receives all its light from the Sun , nevertheless when she is ill dispos'd , or looks with a bad aspect , or is in conjunction with him in the Nodes , and especially when she is apply'd to some infortunate Planet , she covers his face with darkness and clouds , at least to our view , though indeed he loses nothing of his clearness or light . A comparison the more sutable to a woman of bad life , in that the one and the other shine and rejoyce most at distance from him of whom they receive their light , and in that they do not approach neer him but to make horns ; and lastly , in that they are never so sad as when they are with him . In brief , a Cuckold cannot avoid blame , either of defect of judgement in having made so bad a choice , or of indiscretion , weakness and want of authority , in not being able to regulate the deportment of his inferior ; or else of little wit in not discovering her artifices to remedy the same . And should he always avoid them , yet he will still have the name of unhappy ; and in the Age we now live in , unhappiness or misery draw shame and contempt along with them . CONFERENCE XXIX . I. Whence the saltness of the Sea proceeds ? II. Which is the best Food , Flesh or Fish. I. Whence the Saltness of the Sea proceeds . ALthough the water and other Elements were in the beginning created in their natural purity , and without mixture of any forreign quality , such as saltness is to the water , which covering the whole surface of the earth would have made the same as barren as the Sea shores , yet it seems that in the separation of things , every one going its several way , God assign'd its peculiar qualities not only for its own preservation , but for the general benefit . Thus the water being retir'd into the Ocean receiv'd saltness , lest that great humid body , coming to be heated by the Sun , might putrifie ( its flux and reflx , and its motion much slower then that of rivers , not being sufficient alone to hinder it ) if the salt did not preserve it from corruption , as it doth all other things ; and to the end that its waters being salt , and by that means more terrene and thick , might bear not onely Whales and other Fishes of enormous bignes , but also the great Ships necessary for the commerce of distant Climates , and the mutual transportation of commodities wherewith each Country abounds ; whereby the life of men is render'd far more delightful . For experience teaches that an egge will swim in a Vessel of water sufficiently salted , but sink in fresh . And the Chirurgions have no surer way then this , to know whether the Lixivium ( or Lee ) wherewith they make their potential Cauteries , be strong enough . Now the Ocean imparts its saltness to all Seas which have communication with it . Whence the Caspian Sea is fresh , because 't is separated from it . And 't is no more strange that saltness is natural to the Sea , then that many other bodies , amongst Plants and Minerals , have a measure of it . The earth is almost every where salt , as appears by Salt-peter , Vitriol , Alum , and other kinds of Salt , which are drawn out of pits little deeper then the surface and crust of the earth , which is incessantly wash'd and temper'd with water . And amongst Plants , Sage , Fearn , and many other , taste of salt , which being augmented turns into the bitterness and acrimony which is found in Wormwood , Spurge , and many other Herbs : all which , yea every other body , partake thereof more or less , as Chymical operations manifest . The Second said , Being we are not to recur to supernatural causes unless natural fail us , methinks 't is more fit to refer the Sea's saltness to some natural cause then to the first creation , or to the will of the Creator . I conceive , therefore , that the cause of this Saltness is the Sun , who burning the surface of the earth leaves , as 't were , hot and dry ashes upon it , which by rain are carried into the rivers , and thence into the Sea. Besides , the Sun elevating continually from the Sea by its heat the freshest parts of it , as being the lightest and neerest the nature of air , the more terrestrial and salt remain in the bottom : or else the Sea-waters gliding through the bowels of the earth , to maintain springs , leave thicker parts , as those dry and acid ashes behind , which by their mixture produce this saltness and bitterness in the Sea. Nor is it to be wonder'd that the heavenly bodies draw so great a quantity of waters out of the Sea ; for though the Vessel be very large , yet is the heat of the Sun able to heat it , since it reaches so deep as to concoct Metals in the entrails of the earth . And if it were not thus , all the rivers disgorging themselves into the sea , it would long ago have overflown the earth . But to know how nature makes the saltness of the Sea , let us see by what artifice Salt is made in our Pits . 'T is made by the same activity of the Sun which draws up the sweet parts of the water and condenseth the salt . Whereby it appears that it is but a further progress of the first action of the same Sun , who dispos'd the Sea-water to become the matter of such Salt. The Third said , A thing may become salt two ways ; either by separation of the sweetest and subtilest parts , and leaving only the earthy , which come neer the nature of salt ; or else by mixture of some other body , either actually or potentially salt . The Sea acquires saltness by both these ways . For ( first ) it hath two sorts of water , the one subtile and light , the other thick and terrestrial ; after the Sun hath drawn up in vapour the more subtile of these waters , and by its continual heat concocted the thick and terrene remainder , which having not been able to ascend by reason of its ponderosity , remains on the upper part of the water , and gives it that saltness ; which is again remov'd when the sea-water being strain'd and filtr'd through the earth , or by other ways ( formerly mention'd in this Company , in discourse concerning the original of waters ) comes forth in springs and rivers ; which no longer retain the nature of their source , because they bring not along with them the earthy part , in which the saltness consists . Now that the salt part is more gross then the fresh , appeares , in that the former becomes thick , and the latter not . Thus , the freshest things become salt by the fire , whose heat separates the subtile parts from the thick . As for the second way , as the waters carry with them the qualities of places through which they pass ( whence they are mineral , or metallick ) and as in a Lixivium , fresh water passing through ashes becomes salt ; so the sea-waters acquire and increase their saltness by mixture of salt bodies , such as are the Hills of salt ( as Cardan holds ) which are produc'd anew , like Sulphur and Bitumen in burning Mountains . Now this saltness is caus'd either by rains full of mineral spirits which abound in acrimony ; or by the cinereous parts of the earth scorch'd by the Sun ; or lastly , as things pass'd through the fire taste always of an Empyreuma ( or turning-to ) so the subterranean fires , likely to be as well in the bottom as in the middle and borders of the Sea ( as they are ordinarily ) impart bitterness and saltness to it . For as for those who say 't is nothing else but the sweat of the earth , they speak ( saith Aristotle ) more like Poets then Philosophers . And this metaphor is more proper to explain the thing then shew its true cause . The Fourth said , That all secrets consisting in the salt ( if we believe the Chymists ) 't is not to be wonder'd if it be difficult to find the cause of it ; it being the property of secrets to be hid . And to practise the Rule which injoyns to credit every expert person in his own Art , I shall for this time be contented with this reason , drawn from their Art : They hold the Salt to be the balsam of nature , the connecter of the body with the spirit ( for they alot spirits to all bodies ) so that every body lasts more or less according to the salt which it hath , and the salt in like manner remains longer or shorter according as it is fix'd or volatile . This being premis'd , I should think that this great compounded body , the World , needing a great quantity of Salt , answerable to its vast bulk , Nature could not find any other sufficient receptacle for it but the Ocean . II. Whether is the better Flesh or Fish. Upon the second Point , it was said , The word Best is taken , at the table and amongst food , with reference to the Taste : in Physick , for most healthful or wholsome : In Divinity , for , most conducible to salvation , and proper to the soul : In Policy , for , most commodious to the publick . For as the word good is a Transcendent , passing through all the Categories of substances and accidents , its comparatives also do the like . Leaving to Divines the considerations which pertain to them in this matters , in which they are much puzzled to apply a Rule to so many different Climates , Seasons and Persons ; we may here make comparison of Flesh and Fish in the other three Cases ; In regard of the state , of Physick , and the Table . All which have this common , That it cannot be pronounc'd , as to one of them , which of the two is best , Flesh or Fish ; because 't is requisite to have regard to places and persons . To begin with Policy . 'T is true , a time must be left to fowls to lay their egges , hatch and bring up their young ; to other animals , to suckle theirs ; otherwise the earth and the air would soon be depopulated ; which time is usually the spring . But being this season and all others follow the course of the Sun in the Zodiack , which renders it various according to the diversity of Climates , we cannot find a time equally and universally proper for that release of Animals . Besides , there are Countries , as England and Holland , so abounding with fish and persons addicted to fishing , that nature offering them fish of her own accord , and their land not producing enough of other food for its inhabitants , the meaner people could not live of their industry , unless they were oblig'd by political Rule to live a certain time with Fish , and abstain from Flesh. As on the contrary , there 's such a defect of fish in the middle parts of Spain , that they keep fast with the least nutritive parts of Animals , Feet and Entrails . Wherefore a general political rule cannot be establish'd ; but , as in most other things of the world , we must make use of a leaden Rule , and conform it to the stone . Secondly , for Physick ; the Case is much the same . For by reason of the variety of Tempers , fish will not only be wholsome , but also appointed by the Physitians to some persons , as to the Cholerick , whose stomacks need refreshment . True it is , there are found more to whom Fish do's hurt , then otherwise . But this proceeds from satiety and too great repletion , which would not be so frequent if we liv'd in the ancient Frugality : For we see , they who eat no supper receive less hurt from fish then others do . But 't is always true that fish cannot be absolutely pronounc'd wholesome or unwholsome . As for the goodness of Taste , that is yet more controverted , as depending on the several phancies of men . The Second said , That to judge this Question well , the same conditions are to be observ'd as in Juridical Sentences ; in which alliances or friendships are allowable causes of exception , and credit is not given to those whose converse and particular inclination to one of the Parties renders their judgements suspected . No doubt , he who had been fed with Stock-fish from his youth , and lov'd it so much that being arriv'd to the Pontifical Dignity , even then made his most delicious fare of it , would have concluded for fish . On the contrary , most others , whose stomacks agree not so well with fish , will give the advantage to flesh . 'T is true , If it be here as 't is in petty Courts , where he who cries loudest carries the Cause , then fish , to whom nature has deny'd the use of voice , must lose it , unless we maturely weigh their reasons . 1. The value and delicacy of Meats is usually rated according to their rarity and the scarcity of getting them ; and therefore Heliogabalus never ate flesh but on the main Sea , nor fish but when he was very distant from it . Now Nature has separated fish from the habitation of men , and divided the one from the other as much as the water is from the Earth . 2. There 's no kind of taste upon land which is not found in the water ; nor any terrestrial animal but hath its like in the Sea. But we cannot say the same of Fishes , that there are terrestrial animals which have all their several tastes ; and this proceeds from the almost infinite number of Fishes good to eat : whereas the Kinds of land-animals serviceable for man's food are very few . To that we may answer such as ask whether there be more delicacy in Flesh or Fish , as those who should ask whether Table is more delicious , that of a Citizen cover'd only with his ordinary fare , or that of Lucullus abounding besides with all imaginable rarities . You have some fishes who have nothing of fish but the name , having the consistence , colour , smell and taste of flesh ; and the Hashes and Bisques made of them differ not from others . But you have no flesh which hath the taste of fish . 3. Animals more subject to infirmities and diseases ought less to delight our taste , and make us more afraid of them . Now land-animals are more sickly then fish , whose healthiness occasion'd the Proverb , As sound as a Fish. 4. Our taste is chiefly delighted in variety . Now there is not only incomparably more sorts of Fishes then of other Animals , but each of them is prepar'd after many more fashions then Flesh ; there being some Fish which is dress'd five several ways : whereas when you have roasted a Partrich , or made a hash , Capilotade , or the Cook is at the end of his skill . 5. That which cloyes most is less delicate , as we see the most delicious things are those which whet instead of satiating the Appetite presently . Now Fish fills less then Flesh. 6. 'T is a more friable food , and easier to be grownd by the teeth then the flesh of land-animals ; and consequently more delicate . 3. The Third said , There 's no flesh , how delicate soever , which comes neer the odour and savour of the little Pulpe , the fish Spaga taken in Sicily , the Tunny and Atolle of Phrygia , of those little fishes call'd Cappes found in the stones in Marca d' Ancona , and infinite others so esteem'd by the ancients , that they reckon'd amongst their greatest Delights , Ponds and Conservatories of Fish , which they nourish'd even with the bodies of their Slaves , to the end they might be more tender and delicate : as 't is reported of Lucullus and Pollio who caus'd theirs to be devour'd by Lampreys . Nor is fish less nutritive then flesh , seeing there are whole Nations , as the Ichthyophagi , which have no other bread but fish , of which dry'd in the Sun and reduc'd into powder they make a bread as nourishing as ours . By which means Fish serves both for bread and for meat ; which Flesh cannot be made to do . The Fourth said , That the more affinity food hath with our nature , the more agreeable it is to us , it being the property of aliment to be like the thing nourish'd . Now 't is certain , there 's more resemblance between our bodies and those of land-animals , then those of fish ; considering that the former breathe the same air with us , and are nourish'd with the same things . Besides , aliment , the more concocted and digested , is also the more delicate : raw flesh is not so delicate as dress'd , nor boil'd as roast , upon which the Fire acts more : and the parts of animals neerest the heart or which are most stirr'd , as in Sheep the breast and shoulder , are the most savoury . Now Fish have much less heat then terrestrial animals , as appears in that 't is scarce perceivable ; and consequently are less concoct and savoury , but fuller of excrementitious and superfluous humidity , which renders them more flat and insipid then the flesh of animals , call'd Meat by way of excelience . Whence also all hunted flesh or Venison are more delicate then domestick food , because wild animals dissipate , by the continual motion wherewith they are chafed , the superfluous humours , which domestick acquire by rest . But experience alone and the Church's command are reasons sufficiently strong to establish this truth . For experience ( the mistress of things , always causing the most to seek the best ) shews us that more people eat flesh then fish . And the Church doth not forbid us flesh , and injoyn fish , but to mortifie us . The fifth said , That the Flesh of Animals is the rule of the goodness of Fish , which is the better the nearer it comes to Flesh ; whence arose the Proverb , Young Flesh , and old Fish ; because in time it acquires the consistence of Flesh. Now that which serves for a rule must needs excell the thing to be judged of by it . Nor doth the variety of sauces wherewith Fish is prepar'd make more to its advantage , then the goodness of the heaft doth to prove that a knife is very sharp . CONFERENCE XXX . I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . I. Of the Terrestrial Paradise . THe existence of the Terrestrial Paradise cannot without impiety be doubted , since the Scripture assures us that it was in the Eastern parts towards Eden , which place Cain inhabited afterwards , and is design'd by Ezechiel , cap. 27. neer Coran in Mesopotamia . But though 't is not easie to know its true place , yet I am of their mind who hold that it was in the Mountain Paliedo in Armenia , the four Rivers mention'd to water Paradise issuing out of that Mountain ; to wit , Lareze and Araxes , Tigris and Euphrates . Lareze running towards the West falls into Palus Maeotis , or the Mar del Zabac . Araxes going towards the East discharges it self into the Caspian Sea , or Mar de Sala . Tigris and Euphrates run into the Mar de Messedin , or Persian Gulph . And so Lareze and Araxes will be the Pison and Gihon mentioned in Scripture , not the Nile and Ganges , as some have thought ; for the head of Nile being distant from that of Ganges 70 degrees , which make 1800 Leagues , how can they come from the same place ? Nor is it to be wonder'd if those Rivers have chang'd their names , it being ordinary , not only to Rivers , but to Seas , Cities , and Provinces . Thus the River Tanais is now call'd Don ; Ister is nam'd Danubius ; Eridanus , Padus , or the Poe ; Pactolus , Tagus ; and almost all others . The second said , 'T is with this delicious place as with Illustrious Persons , whose Country being unknown , every one challenges for theirs . Thus after Homer's death seven Cities fell into debate about his birth , every one pretending to the glory of it . And thus the place of terrestrial Paradise being unknown to men , many have assign'd it to their own Country ; but especially the Orientals have right to appropriate the same to themselves , having a title for it . Some have conceiv'd , That before the Deluge it took up the most fertile Regions of the East , namely , Syria , Damascus , Arabia , Aegypt , and the adjacent Provinces ; but the Waters having by their inundation disfigured the whole surface of the earth , and chang'd the course of the four Rivers , there remains not any trace or foot-step of it . Many believe that it was in Palestine , and that the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil was planted upon Mount Calvary , where our Lord was Crucified , to the end the sin of our first Father might be expiated in the same place where it was committed : For they who place it under the Equinoctial Line may find some reason for it as to the Heaven , but not as to the Earth : But they who assign it to the concave of the Moon had need establish new Principles , to keep themselves from being ridiculous . They best excuse our ignorance who say , That 't is indeed in some place upon the Earth , but Seas , or Rocks , or intemperateness of Climate , hinder access to it : Whereunto others add , That when God punish'd the sin of man with the Flood , his Justice left the place where the first was committed still cover'd with waters . The third said , What is commonly alledg'd , That the way to Paradise is not easie , though meant of the Coelestial , may also be applied to the Terrestrial ; for it is amongst us , and yet the way which leads to it cannot be found . The diversity of opinions touching its true place hath given ground to some Fathers to take this History in a mystical sence , and say , That this Paradise was the Universal Church ; That the four Rivers which watered it and all the Earth were the four Evangdlists , their Gospels ( which at first were written for the benefit of the faithful ) having resounded through all the corners of the Earth ; That the Trees laden with good Fruits are the good Works of the many holy Personages ; the Tree of Life , our Lord Christ ; the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil , our Free-will ; Adam , our Soul ; Eve , our Senses ; the Serpent , Temptation ; the banishment of Adam out of Paradise , the loss of Grace ; the Cherubim wielding his flaming Sword , the Divine Anger and Vengeance ; and the leaves of the Fig-tree , the vain excuses of our first Parents . But some Geographers having taken notice of a place not far from Babylon where the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris joyn together , and afterwards are divided again , and change their names , one of the Arms ( which descends into the Persian Sea ) being call'd Phasis , which is Pison ; the other ( which is Gihon ) passing through Arabia Deserta , and Aethiopia , which is neer it , have conceiv'd that the Terrestrial Paradise was at the place of the Conjunction of those four Rivers between the Caspian , Persian , and Mediterranean Seas , towards Mesopotamia and Arabia . And consequently it seems best to take this History according to the Letter , there being a place still which agrees with the truth of that description . Nevertheless the Objection , [ That the small portion of Land which appears between those Rivers would not have suffic'd to lodg and feed Adam and his Posterity , as would have been necessary in case he had not finn'd . ] makes me rather incline to their opinion who think that the Terrestrial Paradise was all the habitable Earth , such as it was before sin ; the four Rivers , the four Seasons of the Year , or the four Cardinal Winds , or the four Elements ; which is manifested in that the Scripture doth not set down that Adam went to Travel into any other Land after he was driven out of Paradise . 'T was enough for him that this Earth was no longer a Paradise to him , but produc'd nothing but thorns and thistles , instead of the fruits and flowers which it afforded before God had curs'd it , and so inseparably connected man's labour with those fruits , that now a days to express a hundred acres of Land we commonly say , A hundred acres of Labour . And as a place ceases to be the Court when the King is no longer in it , so the Divine Benediction withdrawn from the Earth , it ceas'd to be Paradise : Yea , Adam having ceas'd to be King of it , and by his sin lost the Dominion which he had over all , even the fiercest Creatures , the Earth became no longer a Paradise to him . But if I be requir'd to assign a particular place to this Paradise , leaving the description of places which I never saw to the belief of Geographers , I find none more fit for it then France : Its Climate is temperate , especially towards the East and South : It hath four Rivers , which bring into it Gold , and all the other Commodities attributed unto Paradise by the first Historian : It so abounds with all sorts of flowers that it hath taken three Lillies for its Arms ; And with fruits , that it hath for it self and its Neighbours ; yea , above any other , it produces every Tree fair to look upon , and good for food ( to use the Scripture-words ) . One interpos'd , That he should think 't was Normandie , so fruitful of goodly Apples , were it not that no Vines grow there , whose fruit is so pleasant to behold . The fourth said , As there is no great certainty in the consequences drawn from Allegories , so neither are Allegories very successfully drawn from Histories , and substituted in their places . I know not what History is , if that of our first Father be not ; nor where to stop , if people will subtilize upon the first circumstance of his Creation , and what he did afterwards . But if we find difficulty in according the Geographical Tables of the present time with the truth of that , why do not we likewise make Allegories of the Creation , and all its sequels , which are so many Miracles ? If we see no Angel that guards the access to it , no more did Balaam see that which stood in his way , though visible to his Asse . And being the space of the Garden of Eden is not determinately set down , nothing hinders but that it might be of very vast extent ; and this takes away the scruple of those who object the distance which is between all those great Rivers . Besides , being Enoch and Elias were since Adam's fall transported into this Paradise , where they must be till the coming of Antichrist , 't is a certain Argument of its real subsistence . II. Of Embalmings and Mummies . Upon the second point it was said , That the Ancients were much more careful then we , not only to preserve the Images of their Fore-fathers , but also to keep their Bodies , which they variously embalmed . The Grecians wash'd them in Wine mingled with warm Water , and then put them them into oyl of Olives , Honey , or Wax . The Aethyopians first salted them , and then put them into Vessels of Glass . In the Canary Islands they season them in the Sea , and afterwards dry them in the Sun. The Scythians place them upon Mountains cover'd with snow , or in the coolest Caves . Indeed every one knows there is a Cave at Tholouze which hath a particular virtue to preserve carkasses from corruption , and in which is seen at this day the entire body of the fair Saint Baume , and many others , dead above 200 years ago . The Indians cover'd them with ashes . The Aegyptians conceiving that bodies corrupted rose not again , and that the Soul was sensible of the Bodies corruption , did not yield to any people in curiosity of preserving them ; they fill'd with Myrrhe , Cinamon and other Spices , or with Oyl of Cedar ; then they salted them with Nitre , whose aerimony consumes all the superfluous humidities which cause putrifaction . 'T is from these bodies that we have that excellent Mummie , whose admirable effects I ascribe to sympathy . But concerning what is affirm'd , that being transported by Sea they cause tempests and strange agitations in the Ship ; 't is an effect which is to be attributed to a more occult cause . The Second said , Man is so admirable an Edifice , that even his Ruines have their use . His Fat is one of the most excellent Anodynes . His Skull serves against the Epilepsic . This liquor which is drawn from his Tomb hath several vertues : and the reasons of the great and admirable effects imputed to it , as the healing of inwards Ulcers ; and Contusions of Blood arriving to such as have fallen from on high , seem to me imputable to three Causes ; a Spiritual , a Celestial , and an Elementary . The first ariseth hence , that so perfect a Form as the reasonable Soul , having inform'd part of this Compositum , which by the mixture of some Ingredients , as Myrrhe and Aloes , hath been preserv'd from corruption , the same thing arrives to it which the Chymists say doth to their white Gold when they have extracted its Sulphur and Tincture . For being re-joyn'd to other Gold , it easily resumes the same form , and is sooner and more inseparably combin'd with it then any other thing , as having been of the same species . So when you put Mummie into a body of the same species , it takes part with the nature whence it proceeded , and siding with it incounters the disease and its symptomes : like Succour coming to relieve a besieged City with provisions and ammunition . The Celestial cause is drawn from the Heavens ; for that the light and influence of superiour bodies act upon all the sublunary ; but , by the consent of all , none is so susceptible of their actions as man ; and if his soul be not subject thereunto , yet his body is , undoubtedly ; to each part of which each part of Heaven not only answers , as some hold , but the whole to all . Whence is seen the diversity of disposition , inclinations and manners , such and so great , that 't is a palpable mistake to attribute the same to the meer mixture of the Elements . Now Mummie , having receiv'd , not only while it was animated ▪ but afterwards , all the influences whereof the humane body is susceptible , it becomes , as it were , the abstract of all the Celestial powers ; and better then Talismanical figures , communicates the same to him that uses it . The last reason , drawn from the mixture of the Elements and their qualities , might suffice alone without the preceding . For Man being the abridgement of the world , ought also to contain all the faculties of it ; and his Mummie being inanimate , but having liv'd the life of a plant , an animal and a man , it contains all these natures eminently . The Third said , That Man affecting nothing so much as immortality , because he fears nothing more then death ; and being unable to secure himself from it , do's all that he can to perpetuate himself in some fashion , since he cannot wholly . The desire of supporting his Individual person , and defending it from all inconveniences which may abridge his life , makes him count nothing difficult . In Propagation he seeks the eternity of his species . And though he is assur'd , by Reason , of his soul's immortality ; and by faith , of his body's resurrection , yet he seeks all ways he can imagine to render the memory of all his actions perpetual . 'T is this desire of getting a death-less fame , which causes us sometimes to dye immaturely by watchings and study , and so cheerfully undergo hazards , to eternize the memory of our names . Anciently this desire of perpetuation was most visible in the care to keep the life-less body , even amongst the vulgar ; and hence the Mummies of the Egyptians and other Nations remain to this day , after three or four thousand years . At present , through the ignorance of Times , this care is practis'd only amongst great persons ; and yet the effect answers very little to their intention . For the Chirurgions do not Embalm a man now a days , but only the bones and skin , after they have taken away his principal parts , the heart , liver and brain , which constituted him a man , and not the rest ; the cause whereof must be attributed to defect of Invention and means fit to dry up the superfluous humidity which causes the corruption of body ; for that alone will keep them which can dry them with the moderation requisite to the preserving of their Colour and Figure . The Fourth said , There 's a resemblance of these Mummies in bodies struck with thunder , which are free from corruption ; the Sulphur consuming the humidity , and introducing dryness to resist putrifaction , as Fire , Salt , Vitriol , Nitre , Chalk , Alum , Vinegar , and Aqua-vitae , do by their desiccative and astringing virtue . Some poysons also do the same . As Placentinus reports of a Venetian Lady , who having been poyson'd , her body became so stiff , that it seem'd to be petrifi'd . But the particular temper of every place is of great moment . They who inhabit the Southern Countries are so dry that their bodies keep intire eight days after death . And they have so little humidity , that 't is no less a shame amongst them , then of old amongst the Lacedemonians , to spit or blow the Nose . The Fifth said , That the same natural inclination of men to preserve themselves the longest they can , which heretofore instigated them to erect proud Mausolaeum's , Pyramids and Marbles , for eternizing their memory ; put them also upon the invention of Embalming their bodies ; which is a refuge after shipwreck , a little way after death . But as 't is a general law that all things which took their being by generation must lose it by corruption ; indeed by some artifice we may retard dissolution for a time ; but perfectly to hinder it , is impossible . For Heat determin'd to a certain degree by Cold , is the Agent which mixes the Humid with the Dry , and retains them in that mixture as long as it self remains intire and strong . But if this Heat receive any diminution , either being suffocated and inclos'd , or or else drawn out by a greater Heat of the Air encompassing us , ( the less Heat alwayes yielding and serving for Aliment to the greater ) this natural Heat being thus weakned , presently the Humidity leaves the Dryness , and carries away with it self that little Heat which remain'd ; whence this Humidity is heated it self , and excites a stink , and at last vanishing away , the remainder turnes to powder . Wherefore the moistest bodies are most easie to corrupt , excessive humidity more easily extinguishing the Heat which retain'd it in its duty . And the most solid bodies , as Gold and Silver , corrupt difficultly , because they have very little Humidity ; and that little which they have is greatly incorporated and united with the Dryness . But there are two sorts of Humidity ; One , excrementitious and also alimentous , which by the least defect of Heat is easily turn'd into putrefaction , because it is not yet united and assimilated to the Body wherein it is found ; whence it is that foul Bodies , Trees cut at Full Moon , being full of their sap , and Fruits gather'd before their maturity , very easily corrupt . The other is an Humidity already assimilated , which links all the parts together ; and being substantial , is not so easily corrupted as the other . Wherefore they who would embalm Bodies well , having two Humidities to repress , must make use of several means . The former Humidity must be absum'd by Hot Drugs , amongst which , Wormwood and Scordium hold the first place ; experience manifesting the one , and Galen observing that the Bodies of the Graecians slain in a battel , which touch'd Scordium , were found intire many dayes after . The latter Humidity must be preserv'd by Balsames Cold , Dry and penetrating , which may preserve the figure , colour , and consistence in the dead body . CONFERENCE XXXI . I. Whether the Life of Man may be prolong'd by Art. II. Whether 't is better to be without Passion then to moderate them . I. Whether the Life of a Man may be prolong'd by Art. THe duration of a motion or action cannot be known , unless the measure of it be known ; nor can they be measur'd unless they have known bounds . Whence neither can it be known whether the Life may be prolong'd , without knowing before-hand how long it lasts . Now 't is impossible to know this duration . For , not to mention the long lives of the Fathers in the two first thousand years of the world , God told Noah , that the age of Man should be no more then but sixscore years . Moses and David restrain it to seventy or eighty . And yet as there are at this day some who come near a hundred , so there are a hundred times as many who do not attain thirty . And whereas no body can speak of Death by experience , because they who speak of it have not felt it , and they who have felt it cannot speak of it more ; the case is the same concerning Life . Let a Man , by good order , or the use of remedies , live as long as he will , it will not be believ'd that his life ha's been prolong'd ; but , on the contrary , that his hour was not yet come . Nevertheless 't is no less consistent with reason , to say , that he who would infallibly have dy'd of a Gangrene which invaded his Legg , and thereby the rest of his Body , hath had his life prolong'd by cutting off his Legg ; or that he who was wounded in the crural vein , at which all his blood would have soon issu'd forth , ha's been secur'd from death by the Chirurgion , who stop'd the blood ; then to believe , as we do , that a Rope-maker lengthens his rope by adding new stuff to that which was ended ; that a Gold-smith makes a chain of Gold longer by fastning new links to it ; that a Smith causes his fire to last more by putting fresh coals to it . And as , in all this , there is nothing which crosses our Reason ; so if a sick man , who is visibly going to dye , receives help , and escapes , do's he not owe the more glory to God for having not onely cur'd him by the hands of the Physitian , or by spiritual Physick alone , but also prolong'd his Life , as he did to King Hezekias , whose Life was lengthened fifteen years , and of which our age wants not example ? If it be objected that this may hold in violent deaths , whereof the causes may be avoided , but that 't is not credible that a decrepit old man , who hath spun out his Life to the last , can continue it ; the nature and Etymology of the radical moisture not admitting a possibility of restauration ; I answer , that reasons taken from the original of words , are not the strongest ; and that besides there are roots which endure more , and others less , according as they are well or ill cultivated . And if the reason drawn from contraries be considerable , being many poysons are so quick that they corrupt the radical moisture in an instant , ought we to conceive Nature so much a step-dame as that she hath not produc'd something proper to restore it ? And that Humane Industry is so dull and little industrious in the thing which Man desires most , which is long Life , that it cannot reach to prepare some matter for the support , yea , for the restauration of that Original Humidity ? Considering that we are not reduc'd to live onely by what is about us , as Plants and Plant-animals do , but all the world is open and accessible to our search of Aliments and Medicines . Moreover , we have examples not onely of a Nestor who liv'd three ages ; of an Artephius who liv'd as many , and many more ; and the Herb Moly , the Nectar and Ambrosia of the Poets , which kept their gods from growing old , may well be taken for a figure of the Tree of Life , which was design'd for separation of this Humidity , but also of compositions proper to produce that effect . Yea , were it not actually so , yet 't is not less possible ; and God hath not in vain promis'd as a Reward to such as honour their Superiors , to prolong their dayes upon the earth . The Second said , If Medaea found Herbs , as the Poets say , to lengthen the Life of Aeson the Father of Jason , the Daughters of Aelias miscarried of their purpose . Indeed every thing that lives needs Heat for exercising its Actions , and Humidity to sustain that Heat ; the duration of this Heat in the Humidity is Life , which lasts as long as the one is maintain'd by the other ; like the lighted wiek in a Lamp. Now Nature dispenses to every one from the Birth as much of this Heat and Moisture as she pleases , to one for fifty , to another for sixty , seventy , eighty years or more ; which ended , the stock is spent . Physick may husband it well , but cannot produce it anew ; Aliments never repair it perfectly , no more then Water doth Wine , which it increases indeed , but weakens too , when mingled therewith . The Third back'd this Suffrage with the opinion of Pythagoras , who held that our Life is a strait line ; that the accidents which disturb it , and at length bring Death , constitute another ; and accordingly ( saith he ) as these two lines incline less or much towards one another , Life is long or short ; because the Angle of their incidence , and at which they cut , which is our Death , happens sooner or later ; and it would never happen , if these two lines were parallel . Now the meeting of these two lines cannot be deferr'd or put off . The Fourth said , 'T were a strange thing if Humane Art could repair all other defects of the Body and Mind , excepting that whereof there is most need , and all Ages have complain'd , Brevity of Life . For our Understanding hath much less need of an Art of Reasoning , our tongue of an Art of speaking , our legs of dancing , then our Life of being continu'd , since 't is the foundation of all the rest . Besides , Physick would seem useless without this . For though it serv'd only to asswage the pains of diseases , ( which is a ridiculous opinion ) yet it would thereby protract the time of Death , to which pain is the way . The Fifth said , That for the preservation of Life , 't is requisite to continue the marriage of Heat and moisture , Death alwayes hapning immediately upon their disjunction , and leaving the contrary qualities in their room , Cold and Dryness . Now to know how Heat must be preserv'd , we must observe how 't is destroy'd . And that is four wayes I. By Cold , which being moderate , fights with it ; but violent , wholly destroyes it . II. By suffocation , or smothering , when the Pores are stop'd , and the issue of fuliginous vapours hindred : Thus Fire dyes for want of Air. III. By its dissipation , which is caus'd by hot medicaments , violent exercise , and immoderate heat of the Sun or Fire : Whence proceeds a Syncope or Deliquium of the Heart . IV. By want of Aliment , without which it can no more last a moment , then Fire without wood or other combustible matter . All agree that the three first Causes may be avoided , or at least remedied . And as for the Fourth , which is doubled of , I see nothing that hinders but that as the spirits of our bodies are perfectly repair'd by the Air we incessantly breathe ; so Aliments , or some Specificks , as , as amongst others , Gold dissolv'd in some water not corrosive , may in some manner restore the fewel of our Heat . And seeing there are found burning Mountains , in which the Fire cannot consume so much matter apt for burning , but it alwayes affords it self other new , which makes it subsist for many Ages : Why may not a matter be prepar'd for our Natural Heat , which though not neer so perfect as that which it consum'd , ( for were it so , an Animal would be immortal ) yet may be more excellent then ordinary Aliments , and by this means prolong our Lives . And this must be sought after , not judg'd impossible . The Sixth said , That Life consisting in the Harmony and proportion of the four first qualities , and in the contemperation of the four Humours ; there 's no more requir'd for the prolonging of Life , but to continue this Harmony . Which may be done , not onely by a good natural temper , but also by the right use of external things ; as pure Air , places healthful and exposed to the Eastern winds , Aliments of good juice , sleep sufficiently long , exercises not violent , passions well rul'd , and the other things ; whose due administration must prolong Life by the same reason that their abuse or indiscreet usage diminishes it . The Seventh said , That Life consists in the salt which contains the Spirit that quickens it , and is the preservative Balsame of all compounds . The vivifying Spirit of Man is inclos'd in a very volatile Armoniack Salt , which exhales easily by Heat , and therefore needs incessant reparation by Aliments . Now to preserve Life long , it is requsite to fix this volatile salt ; which is done by means of another salt extracted by Chymistry , which is not onely fix'd , but also capable to fix the most volatile . For the Chymists represent this salt incorruptible in it self , and communicating its virtue to other bodies : Upon which account they stile it Quintessence , Aethereal Body , Elixir , and Radical Balsame , which hath a propriety to preserve not onely living bodies many Ages , but dead , from corruption . II. Whether 't is better to be without Passions then to moderate them . Upon the Second Point , it was said , Tranquility of Mind , the scope and end of Moral Philosophy , is of three sorts . The I. is call'd Alaraxic , and is in the Understanding , whose judgement it suspends , and is not mov'd with any thing ; which was the end of the Scepticks . The II. is in the Reason , which regulates the Passions of the Sensitive Appetite , and is term'd Metriopathy , or moderation of the Passions . The III. is the Apathy of the Stoicks , in which they constituted their supreme Good ; which is an Insensibility , Indolence , and want of Passions , attributed by the envious to a Melancholy Humour , or to Ambition and Cynicall Hypocrisie . For the Melancholy Man seeking solitude as the Aliment of his Phancy , and the Element of his black Humour , ( which is the step-dame of Virtues ) by thinking to avoid external Passions , remains under the Tyranny of internal , which he dares not vent , but covers like Fire under ashes . This mask'd Sect shuts the fore-door indeed to the Passions , but opens the postern . They passionately desire to shew themselves without Passion . And their vanity appears in that they affect to appear unlike the rest of Men , by casting off humane sentiments and affections , as Charity and Compassion , which they account vitious . But instead of raising themselves above Men , they degrade themselves below beasts , by depriving themselves of the indifferent actions which are common to us with them : Actions which Reason ought to regulate indeed , but not wholly reject . And as the supreme Region of the Air receives Exhalations to inflame them , and make shining Comets , but is free from Hail , Thunder , Winds , Rains , and other Meteors which are made in the Middle Region ; so Reason ought to receive the notices of the Sensitive Appetite which are called Passions , to make use of them ; but 't is to moderate them , and hinder the disorder caus'd by them in the Sensitive Appetite , which is the Middle Faculty of the Soul. In fine , as Eagles and Dolphins , which are in the tempests of the Winds and Sea , are yet more to be esteem'd then Moles , Wormes , and other creeping things which live in holes ; so he who is agitated with Passions much surpasses him who hath none at all . Nor is there any body but desires rather to be froward then stupid and insensible . And if Insensibility be a Virtue , then stocks and stones and inanimate bodies would be more happy then we . The Second said , Since Passion is an irregular motion of the Sensitive Appetite , call'd therefore Perturbation , it alters the state of the Soul : Whence Anger and Fear hinder us from perceiving what is visible , and Hatred or Love pervert the Judgement ; for which reason we desire that a good Judge be without Passion . What a disease is to the Body , whose actions it hurteth , that are the Passions to the Soul. Wherefore to ask whether the Soul is happiest without Passion , is to question whether the Body is most at ease without sickness ; and , to moderate instead of extirpating them , is to palliate a disease instead of curing it ; and to inquire of a Pilot whether a Tempest be more proper for Navigation then a Calm . Moreover , the happiest condition of Man is that which comes nearest Eternal Bliss , in which we shall have no Passions ; the superior and rational part having subdu'd the inferior or sensitive . And Aristotle holds , that the Heroes or Demi-gods are exempted from them . The Third said , 'T is to derogate from our Senses , to say , with the Stoicks , that the Passions which we feele proceed onely from the depravation of our judgements . For what they call diseases of the Mind , is meant of those which are inordinate , and not of those which are moderate and fram'd by the level of Reason . 'T is therefore expedient to moderate , them , but not wholly extinguish them , though it were possible . Now that it is impossible , appears , because they are appurtenances of our Nature , and the actions of the Sensitive Faculty , which is part of our selves . And our Lord not having renounc'd these appendances of our Humanity , hath thereby manifested that they are not vicious . Besides , the first motions are not in our power , and therefore 't is impossible totally to extirpate them . But though we could , we ought not , because they are altogether necessary ; as appears in that , I. Without the Passions there would be no Virtues , for the Passions are the Objects of Virtues ; Thus Temperance moderates Pleasure and Pain , Fortitude regulates Boldness and Fear . II. They sharpen them . Thus Anger serves to heighten Courage , and Fear augments Prudence . III. They preserve an Animal . Thus Pleasure incites Animals to feed and generate , and Grief makes them avoid what is noxious , and recur to remedies , even in spiritual distempers ; in which to be insensible of Grief is to be desperate . The Fourth said , If Men were void of Passions , they might be lead to Virtue with much more success and less trouble . For they would not be averted from it by the contrary motions of their Passions , which hurry them with so great violence , that all that the most virtuous endeavour to do , is , to swim against the Torrent , and repress its impetuous course : Upon which they unfruitfully spend their time , which might be farr better employ'd in performing virtuous actions , when the rebated Passions ( introducing an agreeable evenness in their Humours , with a firm Constancy in their Manners , accompany'd with a laudable indifference in their Desires ) would allow reason more means to incite them to the exercise of Virtues . For Men having their Eyes unvail'd of the sundry affections which blind them , would more perfectly know the True Good , and consequently pursue it by a shorter and surer way . And though they were not lead to Sensible Good with so much ardour , nor decline Evil with so much horrour , yet they would do both with more reason . So that , what Men do now by a motion of the Sensitive Appetite , they would do then by a principle of Virtue . For the difficulty found in attaining a total privation of Passions seemes indeed to surpass our strength , yet thereby sets forth the excellence of the Atchievement . The Fifth said , He that were exempt from all Passions , would be as unhappy as he that should always endeavour to bridle them . But the former is impossible , and the latter no less difficult then to walk upon a rope , where the least false step procures a dangerous fall . For we quit our passions , but they quit not us ; as the thought of young maidens follow'd a good father even into his Hermitage . And he that goes about to tame them , is the true Sisyphus , upon whom the stone which he thrusts away incessantly revolves . The first would be without joy , without which nevertheless a man cannot be happy . The second would be without rest , because he would be in perpetual combat and inquietude , wherewith felicity cannot consist . I conceive therefore ( morally speaking ) there 's more felicity in gently giving the bridle to one's passions , and following his inclinations : although this opinion may well consist with Christian Philosophy in good-natur'd persons , or such as have acquir'd a good temper by good examples , who may innocently follow their inclination , because it will lead them only to vertuous , or , at least , indifferent things . And for the vicious , 't is certain the evil which they do not by reason of the repugnance which they have to it , and the fear of punishment , cannot be imputed to them for vertue , nor consequently make them happy . CONFERENCE XXXII . I. Sympathie and Antipathy . II. Whether Love descending is stronger then ascending . I. Of Sympathy and Antipathy . WHat a Father once said , That the first , second , and third Point of Christian Philosophy was humility ( meaning that it all referr'd thereunto ) the same may be said of Sympathy and Antipathy , which is the Similitude or Contrariety of Affections . For the generation and corruption of all things is to be referr'd to them . The sympathy of the simple qualities , and the Elements wherein they are found , are causes of the temperament of mixt bodies , as the antipathy is of their dissolution . 'T is they who unite and dis-unite those compound bodies , and by approximating or removing them one from another cause all their motions and actions . When these causes are apparent to us , and may be probably imputed to qualities , we recur to them as the most easie , general and common . But when we find bodies , whose qualities seem alike to us , and nevertheless they have very different effects , we are then constrain'd to seek the cause thereof elsewhere ; and finding none , we call it an Occult Propriety , whose two daughters are Sympathy and Antipathy . For Man , being a reasonable creature , is desirous to know the reason of every thing ; and when he cannot attain to it he becomes as much tormented as a Judge whose Jurisdiction is retrench'd : and this through want of apprehending that what he knows hath no other proportion to what he ignores , then finite , yea very little , hath to infinite . And being unable to find the true reason of an infinite number of effects which ravish him with admiration , yet resolving to have some one , he feigns one under these names of Sympathy and Antipathy ; those two Hocus Pocus's , to which he refers the cause why Corral stays bleeding , Amber draws straw , the Loadstone Iron , which the Theamede rejects ; why the Star-stone moves in Vinegar , the Cole-wort is an enemy to the Vines , Garlick a friend to the Rose and Lilly , increasing one the others ' odour ; why a man's fasting-spittle kills the Viper , why Eeles drown'd in Wine make the drinker thenceforward hate it ; why Betony strengthens the Brain , Succhory is proper to the Liver , Bezoar a friend to the Heart ; and infinite others . But because general causes do not satisfie us no more then Definitions whose Genuses are remote , and the Differences common , it seems we are oblig'd to a particular inquisition of their causes . The Second said , The Subjects in which Sympathies and Antipathies are found must be distinguish'd , in order to assign their true causes . For in things alike , we may refer their effects to the similitude of their substances and accidents . Thus the Lungs of a Fox are useful to such as are Phthisical ; the intestine of a Wolf is good for the Colick ; Eye-bright for the Eye , Solomons's-Seal for the Rupture , the black decoction of Sena for Melancholy , yellow Rhubarb for choler , white Agaric for Flegm . Yet 't is not requisite that this resemblance be total ; for then a man's Lungs should rather be serviceable to the Phthisical , then that of a Fox , and the Load-stone should rather draw a Load-then Iron , which yet do's not hold , because there 's no action between things perfectly alike . Antipathy also arises from the contrariety of Forms , their qualities and other accidents . Now we are much puzzl'd to assign the causes of this Sympathy and Antipathy in things which have nothing either of likeness or contrariety : as when I see two unknown men play at Tennis , the one with as good a grace as the other , I have a kind of desire that one may rather win then the other . Is it not rather chance which causes this ? Our will , though free , being always oblig'd to tend this way or that way , and cannot chuse the worst ; or else , all things being made by weight , number and measure , those affect one another most who have the same proportion in their composition ; or who had the same configuration of heaven at their birth . Or every thing naturally affecting to become perfect seeks this perfection in all the subjects which it meets ; and when the same disposition is found in two several bodies or minds , if they would arrive at that perfection by one and the same way , this meeting serves for the means of union , which is our sympathy ; and their different disposition or way , the contrary . The Third , amongst sundry examples of Antipathy , said , That if we believe Apuleius , the Look-glassing us'd by an incontinent woman spoils the visage of a chast ; that it is manifest between the horse and the Camel , the Elephant and the Swine , the Lyon and the Cock , the Bull and the Fig-tree , the Adder and a naked man , the Ape and the Tortois , the Serpent and the shadow of the Ash. For that which is observ'd amongst Animals who devour and serve for food to one another , as the Wolf and the Sheep , the Kite and the Chicken ; or amongst those who always offend and hurt one the other , as Man and the Serpent , deserve rather the name of Enmity , whereof the causes are manifest . But , to speak truth , all these effects are no more known to us then their causes are unknown . He who endu'd them with Formes having annex'd Proprieties thereunto , both the one and the other , impenetrable to humane wit. The Fourth said , That for a lasting order amongst the creatures , it was requisite that every one were naturally lead to its own preservation by adhering to what was conducible thereunto , and eschewing the contrary . Now , to do this , they needed instruments whereby to act , which are their qualities , either manifest ( which proceed from the Temperament , and are either First , or Second , or else occult ( which proceed from every form and substance ) to which the Sympathies and Antipathies , correspondences and contrarieties of all natural , Bodies ought to be referr'd , from whence issue some spirits bearing the character and idea of the form from which they flow . These spirits being carried through the air ( just as odours are ) if their forces and vertues be contrary , they destroy one another : which is call'd Antipathy . If the same be friendly , they unite and joyn together , the stronger attracting the weaker . Hence Iron doth not attract the Load-stone , but the Load-stone Iron . So when a Wolf sees a man first , the man loses his voyce , or , at least , becomes hoarse ; because venomous spirits issue out the Wolfe's eyes , which being contrary to those which issue out of the man , inclose the same , and by hindring them to flow forth hinder them from forming the voyce . But when the man spies the Wolf first , his effluvia being foreseen hurt less , and have less power upon him , because the man encourages himself against them . The Fifth said , 'T is more fit to admire these secret motions , ( which depend only on the good pleasure of Nature , who alone knows wherein consists the proportion & correspondence which makes bodies symbolize one with another ) then to seek the true cause of them unprofitably . And Aristotle himself confesses that he knew not whereunto to refer the Antipathy which is between the Wolf and the Sheep , so strange , that even after their deaths , the strings of Instruments made of their guts never agree together : as the feathers of the Eagle consume those of other Birds . Likewise , the subtile Scaliger , after much time unprofitably spent , acknowledges that he understands it not . They who go about to give reasons of it are not less ignorant , but more vain then others . The Sixth said , Words are frequently abus'd ; as for example , when 't is attributed to Antipathy , that the Dog runs after the Hare ; whereas 't is for the pleasure that he takes in his smelling , which is an effect of Sympathy . But they who refer almost every thing to Occult Proprieties are like the Country-man , who not seeing the springs of a Watch thinks it moves by an occult vertue ; or who being ask'd , why it thunders , answers , simply , because it pleases God. Wherefore instead of imitating the ignorant vulgar ( who are contented to admire an Eclipse , without seeking the cause ) the difficulty ought to inflame our desire ; as we use more care and diligence to discover a hidden treasure ; nothing seeming impossible to the Sagacious wits of these times . The Seventh said , That , according to Plato , the reason of Sympathies and Antipathies is taken from the correspondence and congruity , or from the disproportion which inferior bodies have with the superiour , which according as they are more or less in terrestrial bodies , and according to the various manner of their being so , the same have more or less sympathy . For as inferior things take their source from above , so they have one to the other here below the same correspondence which is common to them with the celestial bodies : according to the Axiom , that things which agree in one third , agree also among themselves . Thus , amongst stones , those which are call'd Helites and Selenites ( Sun-stone , and Moon-stone ) are luminous , because they partake of the rayes of those Luminaries ; and the Helioselene imitates by its figure the Conjunction of the Sun and Moon . Amongst Plants , the Lote or Nettle-tree , the Mari-gold and the Heliotrope or Sun-flower , follow the motion of the Sun. Amongst Solar Animals , the Cock and the Lyon are the most noble ; and the Cock more then the Lyon ; he alwayes gives applauses to the Sun when he perceives him approaching our Horizon or Zenith . Whereupon the Lyon fears and respects him : because things which are inferior to others in one and the same degree , yield to them , though they surpass them in strength and bigness ; as the arms which fury hath put into the hands of a mutinous multitude , fall out of them at the presence of some man of respect and authority , though they be a thousand against one . II. Whether Love descending be stronger then ascending . Upon the second Point it was said , Although this be a common saying , and it seems that Love ought rather to descend then ascend , yea that Fathers are oblig'd to love their children even with the hatred of themselves ; yet I conceive that the love of children towards their fathers surpasses that of fathers towards their children ; inasmuch as the latter proceeds from the love which the fathers bear to themselves , being desirous to have support and assistance from those whom they bring into the world , and in them to perpetuate their names , honours , estates , and part of themselves . But the love of children to Fathers is pure and dis-interested ; as may be observ'd in many who , having no hope of a patrimony , love and honour their parents with most respectful kindness . Moreover , the supream authority and absolute power of life and death , which the Romans and our ancient Gaules frequently us'd against their children , shows their little affection . For , not to speak of those Nations who sacrific'd theirs to false gods , nor of Manlius , Mithridates , Philip II. King of Spain , and infinite others , who put them to death ; Fathers anciently held them of worse condition then their slaves . For a slave once sold never return'd more into the Seller's power ; whereas a son sold and set at liberty return'd thrice into the power of his Father . As also at this day , in Moscovia , Russia , and particularly in Cyprus , Rhodes , and Candia , where 't is an ordinary thing for fathers to sell their sons to marry their daughter , which made Augustus say , having heard that Herod had kill'd his own son , that it was better to be the Swine then son of a Jew . But Patricide was unknown to ancient Legislators ; and Lycurgus never ordain'd any punishment against such criminals , not imagining that such a crime could come into the mind of a lawful child , whom the Persians conceiv'd to declare himself a bastard by such an action . For that foolish custom which reign'd some time at Rome of precipitating men of sixty years old from the bridge into Tyber , is no sign of the cruelty of children towards their fathers , since they imagin'd that they did an act of piety and religion therein , by delivering them from the miseries of this life . The Second said , None can know how great a love a father bears his children , but he that hath been a Father . Paternal tenderness is so vehement that all the passions and affections of the soul give place to it . Prudence and Philosophy may preach to us restraint and moderation ; but a father's love , admitting no rule , caus'd a King of Sparta to run with a stick between his legs , a Grand Cosmo to whip a top , and the wisest of all the Grecians to play at Cob-nut , to make pastime to their children : experiences sufficient to gain the cause to paternal love , though it were not back'd by these reasons . 1. That love being the issue of knowledge , the more there is of knowledge the more there is of love . Therefore fathers having more knowledge then their children , have also more love . 2. As man desires nothing so much as immortality , so he loves that thing especially which procures the same to him ; and hating death more then any thing in the world , extreamly loves what seems to keep him from dying , as his children do , in whom he seems to revive . Whence also the Pelican feeds its young at the expence of its own blood . On the contrary , Man being the most ambitious of all creatures , hates nothing so much as to see himself subjected to another . Wherefore children , that the benefits which they receive from their fathers may oblige them to gratitude and subjections they perform the same indeed , but with much less love then their fathers . 3. God ha's given no commandment to fathers to love their children , knowing that they lov'd them but too much ; but he hath to children , to love and honour their fathers , as having need to be invited thereunto even by promise of reward . 4. We naturally love that which proceeds from us , be it the most imperfect in the world . The Workman loves his work more then that loves him ; as the Creator loves his creature better then he is lov'd by it . Moreover , we find in Scripture fathers who desir'd and obtain'd the raising of their children from the dead , but no child that pray'd God to raise his father ; yea , one that desir'd leave to go and bury his . To conclude , our will is carri'd to an object by the opinion , true or false , which it conceives of it ; and accordingly we see that a man's only believing himself to be a father inspires this paternal love into him , though he be not . The Third said , In this sweet debate between fathers and children , I conceive the former ought to yield to the latter , as in all other cases the latter to the former . And as the whole goes not to seek its part , but the part its whole ; so the child , who is part of his father , loves him more tenderly , and is more willingly lead towards him then the father towards his child . If fathers love their children because they resemble them , the resemblance is common to both , and so children shall love them as much for the same reason . And the being which fathers give their children is as much an effect of the love which they bear to themselves as of that which they bear to their children . Indeed , if love be a fire ( as the Poets say ) it must , according to its natural motion , rather ascend then descend ; and if , in humane love , the lover is less perfect then the loved , the child who hath less perfection then the father , must be the lover , and the father the subject of his love . And this the examples of Filial love sufficiently manifest . For not to speak of Aeneas who sav'd his father from the fire and sack of Troy , nor of Amphinomus and Anapias who went to draw theirs out of the midst of Aetna's flames ; nor of Cimon the son of Miltiades who sold his liberty to redeem the dead body of his father ( which was retain'd for debts ) and to give it an honourable burial ; nor of Athamanes King of Crete , who voluntarily brought death upon himself that he might prolong his fathers life , according to the answer of the Oracle ; Appius alone decides the question . He had the choice of leaving either his father or his own family in evident danger , he chose rather to be a good son then a good father and husband , abandoning his wife and children to the proscription of the Triumvirate , that he might secure his father from it . The Fourth said , It seems that Filial love is rather a payment of a debt , an acknowledgement of a benefit , and shunning of ingratitude , then a free and natural affection , such as that of the father is . Besides , he who gives loves more then he who receives . Yea it seems that he who began to do good is oblig'd to continue it , that his work be not imperfect . Now fathers give not only being , which nevertheless is the foundation of well-being , but also usually education , and their riches acquir'd by their labours ; induc'd so to do by the sole consideration of honesty , upon which their love being grounded is much more noble and admirable then that of children , which is commonly establish'd upon the profit which they receive from their fathers . The Fifth said , 'T is not so much the being a father or a son that causes the amity , as the being a good father or good son : otherwise all fathers should love their children in the same manner , and all children their fathers ; which do's not hold . Nature casts the seeds of it , co-habitation cultivates it , custom cherishes it , example fashions it , but above all , compassion enforces it . Thus fathers , seeing the weakness of their children ha's need of their aid , love them the more . And for this reason Grand-fathers love their Nephews more tenderly then their own children . And when fathers through sicknesses or decrepit age become objects of compassion to their children , their kindness is redoubled ; bur 't is not usually so strong as that of fathers towards them . CONFERENCE XXXIII . I. Of those that walk in their sleep . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue . I. Of those that walk in sleep . SLeep-walkers , call'd by the Greeks Hypnobatae , are such , as , rising out of their beds in the night , walk about in their sleep , and do the same things as if they were awake ; then return to bed again , and think not that they were out of it unless in a dream . This affection is rank'd under the symptomes of the animal faculty , and particularly of the common sense ; and though it be not a disease , yet it seems in some sort to be against nature . For since men sleep for the resting of their senses and motion , and wake to exercise the same , whatever hinders and alters the one or the other , as to move when we should rest , is against nature . And if it be strange persons remain stupid when they are awake , as Exstaticks do , 't is no less to see a man in sleep do as much , or more then if he were awake . I ascribe the natural causes hereof , 1. To the Imagination which receives the impression of objects , no less during sleep then waking ; yea it represents them to it self much greater then they are ; as it hapned to him whose leg being become paralytical in his sleep , he dream'd that he had a leg of stone . Now these species being strong act so powerfully upon the Imagination of the Hypnobatae , that they constrain them to move and go towards the things represented therein . For though sense be hindred in sleep , yet motion is not , as appears by Respiration , which is always free ; and by infants who stir in their mothers belly though they sleep continually . For the hinder part of the head , destinated to motion , is full of abundance of spirits , especially at the beginning of the Spinal Marrow , where there is a very apparent Cavity which cannot be stop'd by vapours , as the anterior part of the head is , in which the organs of the senses are , which being stop'd by vapours can have no perception during sleep . Wherefore 't is groundless to say , with Aristotle , that sleep-walkers see as well as if they were awake ; for 't is impossible for one not awake to see , because visible objects make a more lively impression in their organ then any other ; and a man asleep is not distinguish'd from another but by cessation of the sense of seeing . For one may Hear , Taste , Smell and Touch , without waking , but not See. 2. The thick and tenacious vapours seising upon the brain , and obstructing its out-lets , contribute much to this effect . For since the smoak of Tobacco is sometimes kept in our bodies two whole days , the same may happen to the gross and viscous vapours rais'd from the humours or aliments ▪ 3. The particular constitution of their bodies is of some moment towards it , as an active , hot , dry and robust temper , a great quantity of subtile and brisk spirits , quickness of wit , a habit & custom of doing some action ; as the Postilion who sadled , bridled , and rid his horse , asleep , and after making some careers brought him back to the Stable . The Second said , Though , according to , Aristotle in the 5. Book of the Generation of Animals , there is some difference between a dream and this affection which causes men to walk in their sleep ; because ( saith he ) a dream is when the sleeper takes that for true which is presented to him , though it be not so . But when one dreams that he is in a place , and is there indeed , and doth really that which he imagines ; 't is rather a vision then a dream . Nevertheless methinks their extraordinary motions may as well be referr'd to dreams as any other motions which are made in sleep , considering that they come from the same cause , are made by the same organs , and differ not but in degree . The one being made by a bare representation of the species , and the other by a strong impression . So that 't is no more wonder to see a man rise out of his bed , walk , get upon the ridge of a house , climb a tree , and do other like things without waking ; then 't is so see another dreamer speak in his sleep , laugh , cry , stir his arms and legs ; both of them being led thereunto by the same means . The Third said , He wonder'd not so much to see a man walk in his sleep , considering that 't is ordinary enough to those which travel , provided they walk in a plain and even way ; as Galen records to have hapned to himself , he having gone almost a league in that manner , and not waking till he stumbled at the foot of a tree . But he wonder'd ( indeed ) how they perform'd their actions better in the night then in the day , and with more courage , and wake not during those violent motions and stirrings . The cause whereof is , as I conceive , that being awake they have a Reason which contradicts their Imagination and Appetite , and which having an eye over all their actions , the same are not so sure because they are less free in sleep , at which time the faculties of the Understanding being , as 't were , consopited , the others are carried towards their objects with more certainty then when they are controll'd and restrain'd by that superior faculty ; as we see servants are more brisk in their motions when they are out of their masters presence . They act also with more boldness , because having no knowledge of the present dangers they do not apprehend the same . Which is observ'd in fools and children , who do themselves less hurt in dangers because they apprehend them less . Lastly , the cause why they wake not during those great motions , although they swim over rivers , proceeds from the great quantity of those thick and glutinous vapours which stop the pores serving to the commerce of the spirits during the long time that they are dissipating ; according as 't is observ'd in drunkards or those that have taken somniferous medicaments , who by reason of the excessive vapours of the wine or drugs awake not , whatever be done to them . Whence the melancholy temper is most prone to this affection ; because black choler which hath the consistence of pitch , sends its gross vapours up to the brain , and they are the most difficult to be resolv'd . The Fourth said , If men left themselves to be conducted by their natural inclination without making so many reviews and reflections upon what they do , their actions would be much better and surer . For as where two Masters are , neither is obey'd ; so both the superior and inferior appetite striving to command in man , neither the one nor the other is perfectly master . Besides , 't is an establish'd order of nature , that things which have most proprieties and faculties have less certainty ; those which have most certainty have fewest proprieties . Thus the Swallow makes its nest with more certainty then the Architect doth a house . The Vine more assuredly makes the Grape then the Swallow its nest ; the stone more infallibly descends towards its centre then the Vine-makes the Grape ; because a stone hath only the first step of being ; the Vine besides hath a Vegetative being , and the Swallow a Sensitive ; but Man , who besides all these degrees hath Reason , endeavours to make use of all these several Utensils , and consequently makes use of none imperfection ; as he who is skill'd in sundry Crafts discharges not any so well as he who addicts himself but to one . Now whilst a man is awake , the variety of objects and of the powers which are mov'd in him hinder him from performing so perfect an action ; as when all the other faculties are bound up by sleep , the sensitive alone remains mistress . The Fifth said , As there is but one straight line , and infinite crooked , so there is but one right manner of acting , and infinite oblique . The right line is , that a man perform all his animal functions only awake , the vital and natural as well asleep as awake . Deviation from this rule happens a thousand several ways . One is asleep when he should wake , another is unquiet when he should sleep . In a third , inquietudes are only in the spirits , the body remaining asleep . In some both the spirits and the body are agitated , only the judgement and reason are bound up . Some Morbifick causes go so far as to inflame the spirits , whence comes the Ephemera ; others more vehement alter and corrupt the humours , whence the diversity of Fevers , and amongst them , Phrensies , in which you see bodies scarce able to turn in the bed , cast themselves out at a window , run through the streets , and hard to be restrain'd by the strongest . So great a force hath the soul when she gets the head of Reason , which serv'd as Bit and Cavesson to her . Indeed if Naturalists say true , that a spirit is able to move not only a Celestial Sphere , but the whole world it self , were it not restrain'd by a greater power ; 't is no wonder if the same spirit have a great power over a body which it informs , when it hath shaken off the dominion of Reason , as it happens in sleep-walkers . The Sixth said , 'T is probable that the more causes contribute to one and the same effect , the more perfectly it is done . Man being awake , hath not only the action of all his parts , but that of all his senses strengthned by the concourse of spirits renders his parts much more strong and vigorous then when his is asleep . Reason assisted by daily experience avoucheth that he acts better waking then sleeping : and yet we see the contrary in the persons under consideration . Wherefore their agitation cannot be attributed to the soul alone which informs the body , but to some spirit good or bad , whether such as they call aerial Hob-goblins , or others ; which insinuating into the body , as into a ship whose Pilot is asleep , governs and guides it at pleasure ; and as a thing abandon'd to the first occupant , carries it where it lists , and then returns it to its former place . Witness the man mention'd by Levinus Lemnius , who walk'd with his feet against the Rafters , and his head downward , in his sleep : the cause of which cannot , with likelihood , be attributed to our spirits how light and aerial soever they may be . II. Which is the most excellent Moral Virtue Upon the Second Point it was said , That they who speak best in all professions , do not act alwayes so ; saying and doing seem to be so balanc'd , that the one cannot be lifted high without depressing the other . Which was the cause that the Architect who spoke wonders was pass'd by , and he chosen who onely said that he would do what the other had spoken . Hence it is we so often desire that things could speak of themselves . Justice would come in another garb then as she is painted , blind-fold , with her scales and sword . Fortitude would display other effects then that pillar which she is made to carry upon her shoulder ; and Temperance other examples then that of pouring Water into her Wine . Prudence would have other attire and allurements then those which her Looking-glasse represents . In brief , the whole train and Court of the four Cardinal Virtues , Magnificence , Liberality , Patience , Humility , Obedience , Friendship , and all the other Moral Virtues , would set forth all their attractives , and make it confess'd that they are all charming and so link'd together , that who so would be happy must be possess'd of them all . But since I am oblig'd to give the preheminence to one , I shall prefer Liberality , which wears the Epithete of Royal , and is the aptest to win the hearts of all the world . The Second said , All the Virtues here in question touching their preheminences , accepting you for Judges of their Controversie , in hope you will do them Justice , seem already to condemn themselves , by giving their voice implicitely to Justice , whom they implore as their Sovereign . Moreover , in the Scripture the name alone of Justice comprehends all the other Virtues , and he is term'd Just who is possess'd of them all . Aristotle stiles it , All Virtue , and saith , with his Master Plato , that 't is more bright and admirable then the Day-star . T is the more excellent , for that it especially considers the good of others , and not its own particular . For 't is defin'd , and a constant stedfast will of rendring to every one that which belongs to him ; not that 't is the Will , which is a Faculty , and being capable of contraries , can do well and ill ; but because 't is the noblest habit of this Faculty , therefore it retains its name . So the most excellent habit of the Understanding , whereby to know the first Principles , is call'd Intellect . Pythagoras compares Justice to the number of Eight . For as this is the most perfect number , and hath most equality , all its parts being equal ; so Justice is the perfectest of all Virtues , because it gives them their equality and measure in which their perfection consists . And like as the most perfect state of our Health consists in the perfect equality of our Humours , which for this reason is call'd , the temperament according to Justice ; so the most perfect state of the Soul consists in this habit which gives equality and mediocrity to all our virtuous actions . But though Justice be the ornament of Virtues , yet it is particularly so of Kings , and therefore ours , among all the Virtues whereof he hath taken possession , ha's particularly reserv'd to himself the title of JVST . The Third said , I account Prudence not onely the most excellent but the sole Virtue ; yea , the condition without which all other Virtues lose their name . The Philosophers were not contented to establish it for one of the Cardinal Virtues , they make it the salt which preserves and gives taste to all the rest , without which they would be disagreeable , yea , odious to all the world . For too exact Justice carries the name of highest Injustice ; Fortitude becomes Violence , and Temperance applies it self ill , without Prudence . Hence it hath chosen for its Object Reason alone , which it divides to the other Virtues . So that a Man who do's all his actions , having Reason alone for his guide , shall be call'd prudent ; but other Virtues do not regard reason further then as it leads them to a particular thing . Now when Reason renders to every one what pertains to him , this Prudence is call'd Justice : When the same Reason moderates the Passions , this Prudence is called Temperance ; and when it passes above all dangers , 't is called Fortitude . So that the Objects of the three other Virtues being good , onely as they partake of that of Prudence , this must be without comparison the most excellent . The Ancients for this purpose represented it by an Eye , to shew that this Virtue hath the same preheminence over the rest , which the Eye hath among the parts of the Body . The Fourth said , If place makes any thing for the nobleness of Virtues , Prudence will have the advantage , since it resides in the noblest Faculty of Man , the Understanding . But if we regard the end of Moral Virtues , which is civil felicity , and from whence alone their nobleness is to be measur'd , as the means by their end ; t is certain that an honest Friendship founded upon Virtue is the most noble , because more proper then any other to procure that felicity , yea , alone sufficient to obtain it . For if all were perfect Friends , Justice would not be needful , none denying to another what belong'd to him ; and if all were just , there would be no necessity of using force . Moreover , of all the Virtues , there 's none but Amity alone which hath no Excess ; this shews that it is wholly excellent . How much ought we to love ? infinitely if it be possible . Justice hath an excess , which is severity ; but because it follows it in dignity , 't is no Vice. Prudence , Temperance , and the other Virtues which come after , have their vicious excesses . This Virtue of Friendship is the most rare , being found onely amongst good people , who are so few , that all Antiquity scarce affords ten couple of perfect Friends . A scarcity which attests its value . For we must beware of comprizing under the name of this Friendship the Passion of Love , or profitable and delightful Friendship , which have nothing of it besides the name . Because true Friendship considers onely another , but the other virtues have onely self-reflections , though they make shew otherwise . CONFERENCE XXXIV . I. Of Lycanthropy . II. Of the way to acquire Nobility . I. Of Lycanthropy . THere is a sort of Wolves call'd by the Greeks Monolyci , and by Aristotle , Monopiri , that is to say , solitary , never preying but alone , great lovers of Man's Blood ; we call them Garoux , possibly because they wander and roame about the fields , as the Greeks name those Lycanthropi who are possess'd with that kind of Madness which makes them do the same as if they were Wolves indeed . Such is that people of Livonia , which , as Olaus in his Northern History relates , change themselves into Wolves , and on Christ-mass day exercise many cruelties even upon little children ; and those who , in our time , confess that they have put on the shapes of Wolves , Lyons , Dogs , and other Animals , that they might exercise their cruelty upon Men with impunity . For I am not of their mind who think such transformation is made by natural causes . To which neither can that be attributed , which the Scripture relates of Nebuchadonozor K. of Babylon , who became an Ox , and ate the grass of the field for the space of nine years , and afterwards resum'd his former shape ; that the rods of the Aegyptian Magicians were turn'd into Serpents , as well as that of Moses ; that Lot's Wife was chang'd into a Statue of Salt ; no more then the most fabulous metamorphoses of Niobe into stone , Lycaon , Demarchus , and Moeris , into Wolves ; the companions of Vlysses into sundry Animals by the Enchantress Circe , those of Diomedes into Birds , Apuleius into an Ass ; that an Aegyptian Lady became a Mare , and was restor'd into her former shape by S. Macarius the Hermite , as the Historian Vincent reports in his 18. Book . Seeing a Rational Soul can not naturally animate the Body of a Wolf. The least distemper of our Brain suffices to hinder the Soul from exercising its functions , and can it exercise them in that of a Beast ? 'T is more credible that some evil Spirit supplies the place , and acts the part of the Sorcerer who is soundly asleep in his Bed , or in some other place apart from the commerce of Men. As it happen'd to the Father of Praestantius , mention'd by St. Augustine in his Book , De Civitate Dei , who awaking out of a long and deep sleep , imagin'd himself to have been turn'd into a Horse , and carry'd provisions upon his back to Soulders ; which he obstinately believ'd , though his Son assur'd him that he had not stirr'd out of bed . Nevertheless the thing was verifi'd by witnesses ; but it was done by an evil Spirit , who on the one side personated him abroad , and on the other so strongly impressed those species upon his Phancy , that he could not be disswaded from the error . For otherwise , how should the Sorcerer reduce his Body into so small a volumn as the form of a Rat , Mouse , Toad , and other such Animals into which it sometimes is turn'd . Now if it happens that the wound which the Devil receives under that form , is found upon the same part of the Sorcerers Body ; this may be attributed to the action of the same evil Spirit , who can easily leave his blow upon such part as he pleases of the Body which he possesses . For want of which possession , all his designes upon those whom he would injure become ineffectual notwithstanding the imposture of all their waxen Images . But if 't is the Sorcerer himself that hath the form of a Wolf , either he clothes himself in a Wolf's skin , or else the Devil frames a like Body of Vapours and Exhalations , and other materials ( which he knows how to choose and can gather together ) with which he involves the Sorcerer's Body , and fits the same in such manner , that the Eye of the Beast answers to that of the Man ; and so the other parts , according to the measure requisite to represent a Wolf. Or else that subtile Spirit deludes our Eyes . The Second said , If the Proverb be true , That one Man is oftentimes a Wolf to another , we need not recur to extraordinary causes to find Men-wolves . Now the word Wolf is here taken for mischievous , because the wealth of the first Ages consisting in Cattle , they fear'd nothing so much as the Wolf. As for the causes of this brutish malady , whereby a Man imagines himself a Wolf , or is so indeed , they are of three sorts ; the biting of a mad Wolf , the atrabilarious humour , or the Imagination perverted . It seemes at first very strange , that a drop of foam entring into the flesh of a Man at an orifice made by the point of a tooth , should have the power to convert all the humours into its own nature . But seeing the stroke of a Scorpion which is not perceivable to the sight , kills the strongest person , that admiration ceases at the comparison of a thing no less marvellous . For 't is no more wonder that the humour which issues from an Animal imprints its Image other where , then that it kills an other . When the foam drop'd from a mad Wolf produces its like with its furious spirits , it doth nothing but what other animate bodies with other circumstances , do . Thus the kernel of the Pear or Apple , which subverts our Senses , ( call'd therefore malum insanum ) so well containes in power the Pear or Apple-tree which produc'd it , that it reproduces another wholly alike ; yea , the salt of Sage , Marjoram , Baum , and some others being sown , produces the like Plants without slip or seed . The atrabilarious humour sending up black and glutinous fumes into the brains of melancholy people , not onely make them to believe that the species represented thereby to them are as true as what they see indeed , but impresse an invincible obstinacy in their Minds ; which is proof against all reasons to the contrary , because Reason finds the Organs no longer rightly dispos'd to receive its dictates . And if he who sees a stick bow'd in the water can hardly rectifie that crooked species in his Common Sense , by reasons drawn from the Opticks , which tell him that the visual ray seemes crooked by reason of the diversity of the medium ; how can he whose Reason is not free be undeceiv'd , and believe that he is not a Wolf , according to the species which are in his Phancy ? But can the Phancy alone do all this ? He who feign'd , and frequently pretended that he was one-ey'd , by the power of Imagination became so indeed ; and many others whom Phancy alone makes sick , and the fear of dying kills , sufficiently shew its power , which causes that these distracted people perswading themselves that they are Wolves , do the actions of Wolves , tearing Men and Beasts , and roaming about chiefly in the night , which symbolizes with their Humours . Not but that a fourth cause , ( namely , evil spirits ) interposes sometimes with those natural causes , and particularly with that gloomy black Humuor , which for that reason Saint Jerome calls Satan's bath . The Third said , That besides those causes , the food taken from some parts of Aliments contributes much to hurt the Imagination of Men in such sort , that they account themselves really brutes . Thus a Maid of Breslaw in Silesia having eaten the brain of a Cat , so strongly conceited her self a Cat , that she ran after every Mouse that appear'd before her . A Spaniard having eaten the brain of a Bear , thought himself to be one . Another that had very often drunk Goats milk , fed upon grass like that Animal . Another who had liv'd long upon Swines blood , rowl'd himself in the mire as if he had been truly a Hogg . And 't is held , that especially the arterial blood of Animals , as containing the purest of their Spirits , produces such an effect . But to believe that these changes can be real , is repugnant to Reason , and the order which God hath establish'd in Nature ; in which being nothing can act beyond its bounds , 't is impossible for Devils to have the power to make a transmutation of substances . For though they have some power upon natural bodies , and even upon Men , to try the good , and punish the wicked ; yet the same is so limited that as they cannot create a Hand-worm , so much less can they change substances and transform them into others , which were to annihilate and create both together . Besides , 't is repugnant in regard of the Form , which cannot inform and actuate any matter but that which is prepar'd and dispos'd for it . Wherefore these transformations are either to be attributed to the Phancy alone , which being perverted makes some conceit themselves not only beasts , but glass , earth , & other absurd things ; or else they are to be deduc'd from the depravation of manners . For , as in the Heroical State Men approach'd the Deity , so in that of ferity they come near to the nature of beasts , differing therein according to each Vice. In regard of their voluptuousness the Companions of Vlysses were accounted Swine ; for his Cruelty , one Lycaon a Wolf ; for their voices and thieveries , the Companions of Diomedes transform'd into Birds ; the Learned taking that metaphorically which the vulgar doth literally . II. Of the means to acquire Nobility . Upon the Second Point it was said , There are as many wayes of acquiring Nobility as there are several kinds of it . That which comes by descent , and is called Civil , is not acquir'd , but onely preserv'd and upheld by the resemblance and correspondence of our laudable actions with those of our Fore-fathers : It begins in him who is ennobled , encreases in the Children , is perfected in the Nephews , and lyes in the common opinion , that the generous beget a generous off-spring . That which comes from Riches is acquir'd by industry and good husbandry . That which attends Ecclesiastical Dignities comes from Learning , Piety , and Favour . Thus the Cardinals are Princes , and the Nephews of Popes are Sovereigns , in Italy . The Doctoral , which extends to Physitians and Lawyers , the Body of whom the Emperours call the Seminary of Dignities , ( declaring them Counts , that is , Counsellors and Assessors of Kings ) after exercising their charge twenty years , comes from study , knowledge , and experience . The Military , from Courage and Valour . That which is obtain'd by the grace or favour of a Prince , whether it be by granting a Fief or Mannor , which alone ennobles its possessor , or not , is acquir'd by merit , and the services done to him . They who desist from all mechanick and sordid action may become noble by virtue of the Prince's Letters . That which comes from the Custome of places is obtain'd by administration of the chief Magistracies in a City , to which the Officers are admitted by Election , as the Capitouls or Sheriffs at Tholouse , and at Poictiers , and Maires ; and Scabins were ennobled by the priviledge of King Charles V. where we must not confound the ancient Chevalry , which are the Gentlemen , with the newly ennobled , who may indeed be call'd Nobles , but not Gentlemen . The Second said , The Sacred History gives the first Nobility to Hunters , when it saith that Nimrod , who was the first King upon Earth , was a mighty Hunter . Aristotle gives it to such as excell in any Art or Exercise , whom he saith are so many Kings in their profession . Many , to the Inventors of things profitable to Humane Society ; and indeed Antiquity plac'd such in the number of the gods . Experience causes us to add a fourth sort of persons , whose Bodies , or Minds , or both , are endu'd with such gentle and winning perfections , that in what ever condition they be , even the meanest , that they discover a connatural Nobility through it , and differ as much from the vulgar , as precious stones from others ; ( to use Ronsard's comparison ) who saith , that when Deucalion and Pyrrha repair'd mankind they threw precious stones to make the Nobility , and common stones , to re-people the world with the vulgar . The Fifth said , That true Nobility cannot be acquir'd but by arms , which are the only original of ancient Nobility . For since more hazards are to be undergone in war then in time of peace , it was necessary to sweeten the toil of arms by annexing Nobility more inseparably to them then to any other exercise : to the end , that the life of Warriors being usually shorter then that of others , by reason of the dangers whereto it is subject , they may , in recompence , live with more honour . Otherwise there 's none but would prefer the shadow and ease of Cities before the travels and hardships of the Campaigne : whereas the most desirous of honour prefer above any thing that guerdon of warlike vertue which is in the hand of Sovereigns , who , as Solon saith , hold the life , honour , and estates of men , of whom they make some Deniers , others Millions , according as they dispose the same . The Fourth said , There 's no true Nobility besides that of extraction , this being unanimously receiv'd in all States , yea amongst the most barbarous Nations . 'T is for this reason desin'd by the Civilians , an Illustriousness of Lineage , and splendor of Ancestors , with succession of Coat-Armour and Images , confer'd upon some person , and through him to his Family , by the Prince , Law or Custom , in reward of Vertues which are serviceable to the State and humane Society . And although such vertues are proper and particular to their Possessor ; yet as the dishonour and infamy which follow Vices and Crimes reflect upon Descendants : so the Nobility which follows those vertuous actions , and is nothing else but the honour and reward which accompanies them , is diffus'd also to Posterity , and like the streams of Springs ( less considerable in their original ) is increas'd by time ; and the more remote it is , the more it is esteem'd ; the highliest priz'd being that which is like Nilus , whose rise is unknown . Thus , the Athenians glory'd that they were Autocthones , or sprung from the Earth ; because their Nobility was so ancient , that they affirm'd it impossible to assign the first Author of it : for which reason they wore golden Cockle-shells at their hair , because these Insects never relinquish the place of earth whence they took birth . As the Arcadian Nobles wore Moons in their Hats , and the Romans Crescents upon their shooes , but for several ends ; the former intimating thereby that they were a people as old as the Moon , and the latter denoting , by this figure of the changeable Moon , the inconstancy of Woman , which sometimes abases the most illustrious , and raises the most abject Families . The Fifth said , That Nobility depends not only on opinion , as they seem to conclude who have no other ground of it ; but it hath its foundation in a solid and real cause , namely , in the proper merit and peculiar actions of every one . So that , to speak accurately , 't is no more in the power of any one whatever to ennoble an unworthy and undeserving person , then to make a Heroe illustrious in vertue of a vicious man , or a wise man of a fool . Nor doth it arise from riches , which though the ornament yet are not the cause of Nobility . For whereas a rich Yeoman is admitted to publick Offices rather then a poor Gentleman ; 't is because the former having more to lose then the latter , hath also more interest in the preservation of the common good , and consequently is presum'd more careful that all go well with it . Ease and occupation are of no more moment . For our first Father , from whom we derive our Nobility , and his Children , were Labourers ; Noah was a Vine-dresser ; Saul and David Kings of Israel , Shepherds ; and at Venice , Florence , Genua , Luca , and other places of Italy , the Nobles are for the most part Merchants ; though in other Countries that imployment is derogatory to Nobility . For as 't is not in our power to be born either of noble or mean Parents ; so ought not either be imputed to us as commendable or blame-worthy ; since praise and dishonour are rightly attributed to us only for what lyes in our ability , as our good or evil actions do . For being 't is no advantage to a blind man to have quick-sighted parents , or to a gouty son to have a father of sound limbs , why should it be any to a wicked son to have an honest man to his father ? on the contrary , it ought to turn to his reproach , that he hath not follow'd the way which he found already beaten . For as good wheat is oftentimes chang'd into Darnel , so the children of illustrious men are ordinarily lewd slip-strings ; witness the children of Cicero , Aesop , Cimon , Socrates and Alcibiades . On the contrary , many times the greatest personages are the issues of the most infamous and abject . Wherefore the seeds of Nobility ( namely our actions ) being in our selves , the most certain way of acquiring is to do such as are good and vertuous . True it is , those of war are most in esteem , because most persons are capable of them . Yet excellent civil actions ought to be accompani'd with the good hap which may make them known and recommendable to the Prince ; otherwise they are as a light hid under a bushel . But if all these conditions meet in any one whom the vertue of his Ancestors hath dignifi'd to be of an illustrious Family ; this excellency of descent renders his vertue more acceptable ; and this Gentleman's condition is like that of a child upon a Gyant 's shoulders , who sees all that the Gyant sees , and also over his head . He hath all the Nobility of his Fore-fathers , and besides , that which is properly his own . To conclude , if the blood of our Ancestors is the body of Nobility , our vertue is the soul of it . CONFERENCE XXXV . I. Of feigned Diseases . II. Of regulating the Poor . I. Of feign'd Diseases . AS man is the most wilie of all creatures ; so he best knows how to dissemble and represent another personage then what he is indeed . But external signs accompany and follow their effects as necessarily as they are preceded by their causes ; he cannot so artificially cover his duplicity but it will appear , and his retentions betray themselves . It is as difficult to him to dissemble fear , anger , hatred , envy , and the other passions , when they are real , as to counterfeit them when they are not . The same may be said of Diseases as of the passions of the body . As 't is almost impossible to dissemble a true Gout or a Fever ; so 't is very hard to feign a Disease when one is in perfect health . They who counterfeit the same are of two sorts . People of quality , and Beggars . Of the first order are many Generals of Armies , who have feign'd themselves sick , that they might surprize their enemies who supposed them in bed ; and such as cover with malady that of cowardize ; or do it to avoid being present at Assemblies . Thus Demosthenes pretended a Quinzy , that he might not plead against one accus'd of Defrauding the State , by whom he was corrupted with presents . Of the second sort are they who to avoid the labour common to others , or to cause themselves to be pitied , make semblance of having , one a Leprosie , another the Falling-sickness , a third the Jaundies , and infinite other maladies which they have not , or having some light ones amplifie and continue the same . Such was the invention of an Italian Souldier of late years , who feign'd himself troubled with certain fits caus'd by the biting of a Tarantula , crying out of extraordinary pain , except when the Musitians play'd ; for then he fell to dancing after the same manner as he had heard those use to do who have been hurt by that creature . Physick , to which alone pertains the discerning of these feign'd Diseases , imploys , to that end , this maxime of Geometry , that a right line serves for a measure not only of straight things , but also of oblique . So the perfect knowledge of real Diseases enables us to find out counterfeit . 'T was by this means Galen discover'd the imposture of a Slave , who to excuse himself from following his Master in a long Voyage , because he was loath to leave his Mistress who was at Rome , made his cheeks swell with the root of Thapsia , and pale with the fume of Cummin . For Galen seeing no other signs agree with these two , cur'd him only with a Refrigerative , whereas a true defluxion requir'd other remedies . The Second said , Maladies of body or mind are feign'd by people , to decline some burdensome charge and commission , or some evident danger . Thus Vlysses counterfeited himself foolish , to avoid going to the Trojan war ; and David being pursu'd by Saul made himself appear distracted to King Achish . The young wife mention'd by Martial , being married to an old man , counterfeited the Hysterical Passions which she found a way to deceive her jealous husband . Such pretences are sometimes us'd to retard an execution of death , or else in a civil matter to be freed from prison ; and many times those things which afford signs to the Physitians are so exquisitely order'd , that the most subtle are over-reached . One makes his Urine black with Ink , or red with Oker , or yellow with Saffron ; another applies the root of Ranunculus to his groyn , or some other Emunctory , to counterfeit a Carbuncle ; another provokes vomiting by some Emetick , which by that means will cause extraordinary agitation in his Pulse , and give appearences of a pestilential Fever ; or else make so streight a ligature on the upper part of his arm that his Pulse will not beat at all ; as Matthiolus reports an ancient Physitian serv'd to confirm the fraud of a Mountebank who us'd that trick to make people believe that being almost dead he was revived by his Antidote . But the most ordinary impostures of this kind are those of Beggars ; some of whom fume their faces with Brimstone that they may appear pale . Others rub themselves with the flower of Broom , or the seed of Carthamus , to seem yellow ; or else black themselves with Oyl and Soot , to appear struck with Lightning . Which disguisements are easily discover'd by rubbing them with Sope ; for it takes off all the superficial colours , and leaves none but the natural caus'd by the humours . Others get some body to make a hole neer their ears , or some other place , and blow strongly thereinto between the flesh and the skin , that so being pussed up they may be taken to have a Dropsie . One of the hardest cheats to be discover'd was that of a Jugler of Flanders , who every morning , having first stopp'd his fundament very exactly , swallow'd down half a pound of Butter and some Quicksilver after it : which put him into such hideous motions and gestures , that every one judg'd him possest . At night he unstop'd himself , and voided his Devil backwards . The Third said , That a Fever may be caus'd by rubbing the Pulse with Oyle in which the horned Beetle hath been boil'd , or by applying Garlick to the fundament . And that the Herbs , Spear-Crowfoot , Bryony , Turbith , the juice of Tithymal or Spurge , Yew , and many other caustick simples , serv'd them to make Ulcers , which are easily discernable to be artificial . But of all feign'd maladies , the hardest to be known , and the easiest to counterfeit , is Folly , like that of Solon , Brutus and many others ; for the most incurable folly is that which imprints fewest signs upon the body ; and there are stark fools who have intervals , during which their minds are as clear and serene as the wisest . The Fourth said , 'T is usual for those who complain of one another , after a scuffle , to pretend themselves not only more injur'd then they really were , but also wounded when they are not ; but especially women big with child are apt to be guilty in this kind . He said , that a certain lewd fellow having outrag'd one of his companious almost unto death , yet so that there appear'd no wound or impression of cudgel or other weapon upon his body ; for that he had beaten him with a long sack fill'd with gravel ; which not making the contusions suddenly apparent , he caus'd him to be visited and search'd immediately , and himself made greater complaints then he . So that had it not been for the wile of the Surgeon who silene'd this bawler by threatning to trepan his head for the easing of these pains whereof he complain'd , the Judges were hugely at a loss whom to charge with the wrong . Which shews how difficult it is to distinguish true maladies from feigned . II. Of regulating the Poor . Upon the second point , it was said , That there are three sorts of poor , some really are , and so call themselves ; others call themselves so but are not ; and others who though they are so yet do not speak of it . The first are the poor , become infirm through disease , age , or other inconvenience ; for whose relief and support Hospitals are design'd . The second are the strong , who cannot be term'd poor so long as they have arms to gain their livings . The third are the bashful poor . Their disorder is general ; but that of the strong hath most dangerous effects . And inasmuch as an evil must be known before remedied , it may be said that these Beggars are the most dangerous pest of States ; whether they be consider'd in reference to God , us , or themselves . They speak not of God but to blaspheme him ; they abuse his Sacraments , and are profess'd breakers of his Commandments . For God said to man , Thou shalt eat thy bread in the sweat of thy countenance ; but they devour the bread of others without doing any work . There shall be no Beggar amongst you , saith God ; but they make a trade of it , and come even to the Altars , to interrupt people's devotions . In respect of us , they are the ordinary Seminary of the Plague , by their nastiness and infections , which they bring even to our doors ; of war too , it being always easie , upon the least discontent , to list such people , who are ready to do any thing you will put them upon , without fear of punishment , from which poverty is exempted ; of Famine also , these idle bellies , and unprofitable burthens of the earth , being as unapt to cultivate it and other arts which bring good things to men , as they are insatiable in devouring them . Yet they do less hurt to others then to themselves , leading a dead life , yea a thousand times worse then death , through the miseries into which their idleness involves them . Now it imports the publick no less to remedy their slothfulness , then it doth the humane body to suffer a paralytical member , under pretext that it is less noble then the rest . I conceive therefore that 't is fit to constrain sturdy Beggars to work , by keeping them close , and chastising them ; yea , to send them to the Gallies , according to the Ordinance of Francis I. rather then suffer their disorders . The Second said , That Hospitality towards the poor hath been ever in so great esteem , that Pagan antiquity made a principal title of it to the greatest of their Gods ; and conceiv'd them parallel crimes , to cast the Altar out off the Temple , and to remove mercy out of man's breast , it being so proper to him that it is therefore term'd Humanity ; as inseparable as his very being . Nor is there any thing in the world but invites us thereunto by its example . The Guardian Angels and Celestial Intelligences take care of men ; the soul immediately sends an affluence of blood and spirits to a wounded part ; the principles of nature , how incompleat soever they be , cannot endure privation , which is the image of Poverty : and the Celestial bodies include in their circumference , warm by their motion , enliven by their light , and adorn by their influences , all the inferior bodies . The Principal amongst them , the Sun , the poor-man's fire , and the type of charity , communicates his light and his heat indifferently to all the world . The Elements use violence , and destroy themselves , rather then endure a vacuity in nature . Metals , the richer they are , the more they are dilatable . Plants which cannot uphold themselves are propt up by others more robust . In brief , all Beasts are frighted at the sight of those of their kind , if they be dead or in any misery . Suidas tells us that there is a bird called Cyncle , which being unable to build a nest by reason of its weakness , is welcome into those of others . But though every thing should not preach this doctrine to us , yet seeing men , how different soever in their belief , all agree in having care of the poor ; that Charity is to out-live all other Christian vertues ; and that our Lord in his sentence of eternal life and death was pleas'd to use no other reason then this of having given or deny'd alms to the poor , whom he calls himself ; all this would sufficiently manifest that no greater care ought to be had in any case then in this . The Third said , that the point in hand was not so much to commend as to determine Charity , and to know whether of the two sorts of Alms ( mention'd by S. Austin ) Bread , or Discipline , is to be given to every poor person , the latter being oftimes more profitable for them then the former , which , as a Lacedemonian told Diogenes , frequently do's hurt in stead of good ; for the giving to a stout Beggar encourages him to accustomed laziness . But on the other side , being Charity is not suspicious , it seems that it ought to be little material to the giver of an Alms , whether the receiver be worthy of it or no , provided he give it with a good intention , according to his power , and without vanity , so highly blamed by our Saviour . The Fourth said , That the poor ought to be left as they are ; and 't is enough for us that we relieve them with our Alms , according to our ability . Experience shews that it has been a fruitless attempt in our days to confine and discipline them ; whatever care could be us'd by such as were intrusted therein . But since Poverty is no vice , why should it be punish'd with imprisonment ? Besides , our Lord having told us that we shall always have the poor with us , implies that there will always be poor . Zea , were the thing possible , yet it ought not to be put in execution , since charity will become extinguish'd by losing its object . For present objects have most power upon us in all cases , and 't is not credible that he who scarce feels himself touch'd with compassion at the sight of a wretch languish at his door , would think of the poor when they no longer occurr'd to his view . The Fifth said , That although we are always to have the poor with us , yet 't is not thence to be inferr'd that Begging ought not to be restrain'd , should the one include the other , as it doth not ; no more then 't is a good consequence that because scandal must necessarily come to pass , therefore 't is not lawful to hinder it ; or that because the good designs of pious persons which have labour'd in this godly work , have not succeeded in one time , therefore they cannot at another . But to shew how easie it is to take order for the regulation of the poor , 't is manifest that almost all forreign Countries have made provision therein ; many whereof , when they come to fetch away our corn , justly wonder how we suffer such a multitude of Beggars , considering what order they take with them in their publick penury . Yea , the City of Lyons , whose territory is none of the most fertile of France , and by its example divers other Cities , have already made provision for them . I conceive , therefore , that 't is easie not only for this populous City of Paris , but for this whole Kingdom , to do the same . Now that may be apply'd to this regulation which Aesop said to those with whom Xanthus laid a wager , that he would drink up the whole Sea ; namely , that he could not do it , unless they first stop'd the course of all the rivers which empty themselves thereinto : so neither is it possible ever to regulate the flux and reflux of poor which come by shoals from all parts of France into this gulph , or rather Parision sea , without prohibiting them entrance into the same ; which cannot be done Christianly , nor indeed politickly , without taking care for redress of their miseries , in those places which they abandon . To effect which , we must imitate Physitians , asswage the most urgent symptomes , and remove the concomitant cause , yet not forgetting the antecedent , nor the general remedies ; since , as Aristotle saith , he that would purge the eye must purge the head . The robust poor must every one be sent to the place of his birth , if he knows it , or will tell it : by which means the burden will become lighter being divided : there they must be distinguish'd according to sex , age , conditions , ability of body and mind , capacity and industry , that so they may be distributed into the several imployments whereof they shall be found capable ; with absolute prohibition not to beg or wander from one place to another without permission in writing from him who hath the charge of them , under the penalty of the whip ; as also the people being forbidden , under a fine , to give Alms elsewhere then at the places appointed for that purpose . The children of either sex must be put out for some certain number of years to Masters and Mistresses that will take charge of them . Likewise such fellows as understand any Mystery or Craft shall be dispos'd of to Masters ; to whom , upon that account , and to all those who shall have the care of such poor , shall be granted the most priviledges and immunities , both Royal and Civil , and of Communities , that the rest of the inhabitants of the place can allow . Out of the body of which inhabitants shall be chosen , from time to time , the most considerable persons to govern them , who shall not be admitted to the highest Offices without having first pass'd through this . Such as are able to do nothing else shall be imploy'd in publick works , repairing of Bridges , Banks , Causeys , or Buildings , at the charge of the Proprietors . And , to the end , that all these poor may find a livelihood , they shall buy all their Victuals one of another , and have certain Counters instead of money peculiarly current amongst themselves . Aged persons incapable of labour shall have the care of the little children . Such as are fit to travel shall be sent to the Plantations of New France . But all this with such restrictions and modifications as the circumstances of each place shall require . This design will be much further'd by new inventions , by working at Mills , by combing old wool and stuffs ; by cleansing the streets by night , and many other occupations . CONFERENCE XXXVI . I. Of the tying of the Point . II. Which is the greatest of all Vices . I. Of the tying of the Point . THis obstacle , proceeding from the jealousie of Corrivals , or Covetousness of Parents , is a Ligature , by which , with certain words pronounc'd during the nuptial benediction , a man becomes incapable of rendring to his wife the legitimate duty of Marriage . This kind of enchantment is , as all others , of the Devil's invention , who bearing an irreconcilable hatred to man , endeavours all he can to hinder the fruit of generation and of the Sacrament of marriage , by which man acquires that immortality in his species and his successors , which that evil spirit caus'd him to lose in his individual . 'T is one of his old impostures . Virgil speaks of it in his eighth Eclogue , where he makes mention of three knots made with three ribbands of different colours , and of certain words of enchantment . S. Augustine , in the second Book , and twentieth Chapter , of Christian Doctrine , declaims against these Sorceries . Our Salick Law , tit . 22. sect . 4. makes mention of some Sorcerers who hinder issue by ligatures . In our time this kind of Maleficium hath been so common that it would be ridiculous to call the experience of it in question . But since the author of it is the spirit of darkness , 't is no wonder that we see not a whit in the inquiry of its causes . The Second said , That he could not attribute this impediment of generation to charms and enchantments , but rather to the power of the Imagination , which is of great moment in this case ; as we see also in Love or Hatred , which , though by several ways , render a man incapable of this action . For if one be sollicited by a woman whom he thinks unhandsome and hates , he cannot satisfie her , because sadness makes his spirits to retire . Another being surpriz'd with the enjoyment of some rare beauty , becomes alike impotent , because joy dissipates the same spirits . The desire of doing well , and the fear of failing , are also frequently obstacles to it ; witness the impotence of Ovid , Regnier , the man mention'd in Petronius , the Count spoken of by Montague , and many others . Now these passions making an impression in the Phancie , disturb and hinder it from moving the Appetite , and consequently the motive faculties , depriving them by this means of their ordinary functions . The Third said , There are two sorts of Impotence , one natural , and the other supernatural . The first happens two ways ; either through want of matter , which is the geniture and spirits , or through defect of emission . The former ( not to mention the parts serving to generation ) happens through the extinction of virility , and that by reason of old age , sickness , violent exercises , aliments or medicaments cold and dry , and generally by all causes which dissolve the strength , and dissipate the spirits and flatuosities , as Rue , according to Aristotle . The second defect proceeds from the obstruction of the Vessels , or from a Resolution or Palsie befalling the foresaid parts . That which is supernatural is acknowledg'd according to the Canon by the practise of the Church , which ordains the two parties to be unmarried , if at the end of three years they cannot undo this Gordian knot in the presence of seven witnesses . It is made by Sorceries and charms ; which indeed have no action of themselves ; yet when men make use of them , the Devil ( according to a compact either tacite or express ) acts with them imploying to that end the natural things whereof he hath perfect knowledge , and hinders generation in two manners ; either by disturbing the phancie with some images and species of hatred and aversion ; or else by suspending the generative faculty by the dissipation of flatuosities , retention of spirits , and concretion of the geniture . Now natural impotence is discern'd from supernatural , because the first is alwayes alike towards all sort of persons , but the second is onely in reference to some particular Woman , the Man being well enough dispos'd for all others . But change is to no purpose , when the impotence is natural . The Fourth said , That Ligature is a subverting of the order establish'd in order , by which all things are destinated to some particular action , and are lead to what is sutable for them . 'T is an impediment whereby the actions of agents as it were repress'd and restrain'd , and 't is either Physical or Magical . The former proceeds from a particular Antipathy between two Agents , the stronger whereof by some occult contrary property , extinguishes and mortifies the virtue of the weaker . Thus Garlick or a Diamond hinder the Loadstone from attracting Iron ; Oyle keeps Amber from drawing straw , and the spirits of the Basilisk fix those of a Man. The second , of which kind is the tying of the Point , is done by Magick , which thereunto employes certain words , images , circles , characters , rings , sounds , numbers , ointments , philtres , charmes , imprecations , sacrifices , points , and other such diabolical inventions ; but especially barbarous names without signification , yea , sometimes to that degree of impiety as to make use of sacred things , as the divine appellations , prayers , and verses taken out of the Holy Scripture , which it prophanes in its charmes and fascinations . Because , as Saint Augustine saith , the Devils cannot deceive Christians , and therefore cover their poyson with a little honey , to the end that the bitterness being disguis'd by the sweetness , it may be the more easily swallow'd , to their ruine . These Magical Ligatures , if we may credit those who treat of them , are almost infinite . For there are some particularly against Thieves , restraining them from carrying away any thing out of the house ; others that hinder Merchants from buying or selling in certain Faires , and retain ships in the Port so that they cannot get out to sea either by wind or oars ; or keep a mill from grinding , the fire from burning , the water from wetting , the Earth from producing fruits and upholding buildings , swords and all sorts of weapons , and even lightning it self from doing mischief , dogs from biting or barking , the most swift and savage beasts from stirring or committing hurt , and the blood of a wound from flowing . Yea , if we believe Virgil , there are some which draw down the Moon to the Earth , and effect other like wonders , by means , for the most part , ridiculous , or prophane . Which nevertheless , I conceive , are to be referr'd either to natural causes , or to the credulity of those who make use of them , or to the illusions of the Devil , or to the hidden pleasure of God , sometimes permitting such impostures to deceive our senses , for the punishing of the over-great curiosity of Men , and chastising of the wicked . For I see not what power of action there is in a number even or odd , a barbarous word pronounc'd lowdly or softly , and in a certain order , a figure square or triangular , and such other things , which being onely quantities have not any virtue , power , or action ; for these belong onely to Qualities . The Fifth said , That we ought not to do as the vulgar do , who refer almost every thing to supernatural causes . If they behold a Tempest , or Lightning fall down upon any place , they cry the Devil is broke loose . As for effects which are attributed to Occult Properties , 't is Sorcery , as they say , to doubt that the same are other then the works of Sorcerers . But we must rather imitate true Philosophers , who never recurr to Occult Properties but where reasons fail them ; much less to supernatural causes , so long as they can find any in nature , how abstruse soever they may be . Those of this knot or impotence , are of three sorts . Some proceed from the want of due Temper , as from too great cold or heat , either of the whole constitution , or of the parts serving to generation . For a good Temperature being requisite to this action , which is the most perfect of any Animal , immoderate heat prejudices the same as much as cold , because it dries the Body , and instead of producing consumes the Spirits . The Second Cause is in the Mind ; for the Body is of it self immoveable , unless it be agitated by the Soul which doth the same office to it that a Piper doth to his instrument , which speaks not a jot if he blow not into it . Now the Phancy may be carri'd away else where , or prepossess'd with fear , or some other predominant passion : Whence , he that imagines himself impotent , and becomes so indeed ; and the first fault serves for a preparatory to the second . Hereupon ariseth , first , displeasure , then despifing of the Women , and so their common hatred augments the evil , and makes it last , till the conceit which produc'd it be cur'd by a contrary one . So Amasis King of Egypt being unsatisfactory to the fair Laodice his Wife , was restor'd in Nature by sacrifices offer'd to Venus . And he of whom Galen speaks , having his whole Body rub'd with Oyle of Sesamum , in which the gall of a Crow had been boyl'd , was cur'd of his impotence . And indeed those untyers of poynts make use of extravagant and uncouth things , affording the Mind more ground of admiration then ratiocination ; As they advise the Man to make water through a wedding ring , to be smoak'd with the burnt Tooth of a dead Man , to pass over the threshold of a door , or to sleep upon a pillow under which is plac'd a quill or hazle stick fill'd with quicksilver , and steep'd with new wax , to eat a Bird call'd a Wood-pecker , to be unwarry'd and marry'd again to the same Woman ; and other such trifles . Now every thing that can trouble the Phancy , can also bind it and make the Man impotent ; as every thing that can content and rectifie it , may again unbind it ; there being examples of many , who though ignorant of this wickedness have really bound it , because the Husband onely saw them use the same gestures as those do who intend it ; as also of others who without any skill have unbound it . But when a Man is rightly dispos'd in all his parts , and his Imagination not perverted , and yet he finds himself impotent ; then , and in no other case , may we attribute the cause thereof to damnable Sorceries ; which , as we must not alwayes credit , so neither can we sometimes question . The Sixth said , That indeed the near commerce of the Mind with the Body causeth that the one communicates its passions to the other . The Cholerick is easie to be displeas'd ; and he who is froward oftentimes acquires much Choler into his temper . Sadness increases the Melancholy Humour , and this again causeth sadness . The Patients good opinion of his Physitian , and of the success of his malady , helps to cure him ; as the fear of Death oftentimes brings it , and the apprehension of the Pestilence hath produc'd it . And in this case the indocility and the obedience of this Part ( which seemes a Province disjoyn'd from the State , constituted by the three principal parts of the individual ) is less to be wonder'd at then the repugnance of his other members ; inasmuch as this concerns onely the species , and denyes its use to Man during one part of his Life , namely , from his birth to his puberty , and ordinarily in the latter years of his old age . But Fear hath oftentimes ty'd the Tongues of the ablest Men at such times as they have had most need of them . Yet this reason holds onely in such as are afraid of the tying of the point ; and many are found impotent who distrust nothing less ; and therefore all that can be said , is , that perhaps some other passions supply its room . II. Which is the greatest Vice. Upon the Second Point it was said , There is but one goodness absolutely such , namely , God. All other things are term'd good by the participation and respect which they have to the divine goodness , or by the comparison made of one with another , and according to the different estates and professions of Men. Thus , amongst Divines , he is call'd a good Man who hath most Piety ; amongst Merchants , he who hath most credit . But when a Captain bids his Souldiers behave themselves like gens de bien , good Men , his meaning is , that they defeat the Enemy , and not give ground . Even the lowest rank of actions have their kind of goodness . So we call him a good Man who leaves his Wife to do all . Since therefore Evil or Vice is nothing else but the privation of goodness and Virtue , the reason of either is the same , and the word Great , in the question , shews that 't is onely comparison intended in it ; nothing being great but in comparison of something less . Wherefore this question ought to be resolv'd severally in each profession , and according to the different estate of persons . Thus taking the word Vice lagely for Evil , the greatest in Divinity is Atheisme ; and the next , Heresie ; the first rendring a Man a beast , the second making him shake off the yoke of the Church . The greatest Vice of a States-man is Imprudence ; of a Souldier , Cowardice ; of a Friend , Treachery ; of a Physitian , playing the Mountebank or Cheat ; of a Lawyer or Procurator , Prevarication , and when he sells the Cause of his Country ; of a Judge , Injustice ; of a Merchant , false Weights and Measures ; of a Notary , Falsification or Forgery ; of a Labourer , purloining the Seed ; of a Father , forgetfulness of his Family ; of a Wife , Adultery ; of a Child , Disobedience ; of a Servant , Domestick Thieft . The Second said , That the different inclination and judgement of Nations is solely of consideration herein . 'T was no Vice at Sparta to be a subtle Thief , nor at present among those roamers who take upon them the name of Egyptians ; but amongst people of Honour , 't is one of the most ignominious . And as for Drunkenness , the Northern Nations and we do not agree about it . Yet if Vices be consider'd in general , some one may be assign'd greater then all the rest in Humane Society . For of corporeal things which we call great , there are some which are so onely in comparisons of individual of the same species ; so the same size which denominates a Dog great , denominates a Horse small . But some are greater then all others , namely , the highest of the Heavens . So likewise there are some Vices greater , and some less , compar'd one with another ; as Theft with Sacriledge . But there is also some one greater then all others , which I conceive to be Pride , not onely in comparison of Humility , its contrary , the foundation of all Christian and Moral Virtues , but also because all Vices take their original from it . 'T is that which caus'd the fall of Angels and the first Man , which hath caus'd and continu'd all the mischiefs which befall us . Yea , 't is not onely the greatest , but also the most odious . As is prov'd , in that if you see a Prodigal , a Miser , a debauch'd person , a Thief , or a very Murtherer pass by , you are not mov'd to so much hatred against them , as against some proud fool ; who beholding others disdainfully , knows not in what posture to put himself . Of those which spoke afterwards , One said that he distinguish'd Vice from Sin , and Malice , or Enormity . The first being an habitude to evil , the second the act thereof , and the third the deformity which follows them both . Another held Atheisme to be the greatest Vice. Others said , it was the sin against Nature . One assign'd Philautie , or the inordinate love of ones self , as being the impulsive cause of all other Vices , to Ingratitude , Covetousness and Idleness ; each maintaining the same to be the root of all other evils . Injustice was also instanc'd to comprehend all Vices , as Justice contains in it self all Virtues . For he who is proud , covetous , prodigal , or a Murtherer , would not be so if he were not unjust , whilst he attributes more to himself , and less to others , then is due . And for conclusion it was said , That as of the diseases of the Body , those are term'd the greatest which invade the most noble part , or have the most dangerous symptomes ; ( as the prick of a pin in the heart is more mortal then the cutting off of an arm , and the same puncture is more perillous when Convulsions thereupon befall the whole body , then a wound with a sword in some fleshy part without any accidents ; ) so Ignorance and Imprudence are the greatest vices , because they possess the most noble Faculty of man , the Understanding , and produce all the rest . At the hour of Inventions , a Proposition was reported to draw Smith's-coal out of the lands of this Kingdom , and in so doing to cut channels for the draining of Marshes , and making rivers Navigable , in order to the conveniency of transportation , sacilitation of commerce , feeding of Cattel , and preservation of Forests . This Invention , besides the advantage it will bring to the meaner sort of people , in reference to their domestick fuel , is of much benefit for the making of Brick , Tile and Lime ; as much of which may be made thereby in three days as is made in eight or nine with wood , which is the ordinary fashion . It will be a matter of great saving to the whole Kingdom , especially to the abovesaid Artists , who are here in great number , and are forc'd to buy such Coal from England at dear rates . The Proposer offer'd to continue the experience which he had made thereof , at his own charges , for satisfaction of the curious . CONFERENCE XXXVII . I. Of the Cabala . II. Whether the truth ought always to be spoken . I. Of the Cabala . THat which hath hapned to many other words , as Tyrant and Magician , which at their first institution were taken in a good sense , but have abusively degenerated into odious significations , is found likewise in the word Cabala , which ( according to its genuine importance ) signifies nothing else but Tradition , and comes from the Verb Cabal , denoting with the Hebrews to give or receive . 'T is a mystical doctrine concerning God and the creatures , which the Jews receiv'd by tradition from Father to Son. If we may give credit to them , it Began in Adam , who had a perfect knowledge not only of the whole nature and property of things corporeal ; but also of the Divine nature , of the mysteries of Religion , and of the redemption of mankind , which his Angel Raziel assur'd him was to come to pass by means of a just man whose name should consist of four letters [ which is the cause , say they , that most part of the Hebrew names are of four letters in their language , wherein the vowels are no letters ] Adam taught these mysteries to his children ; they to their successors until Abraham and the Patriarchs . But , they say , Moses learn'd it anew from the mouth of God during the forty days that he was in the Mount , where he receiv'd two Laws , one written with the hand of God , compriz'd in the two Tables of stone ; the other not written and more mysterious : the former for all in general , the latter for the learned and skill'd in mysteries of Religion : which is that which Moses taught the seventy Elders of the People , chosen by himself according to the counsel of Jethro his Father-in-law ; and they transfer'd the same to the Prophets , Doctors of the Law , Scribes , Pharisees , Rabbines , and Cabalists . The Second said , That in order to judge of the Cabala , 't is requisite to know what the Philosophy of the Jews was ; as the Stoicks , Peripateticks , Pyrrhonians , and other Philosophers , had their peculiar Sects . 'T is divided commonly into that of things , and that of words or names . The first is call'd by the Rabbines Bereschit , the second Mercana . That which treats of things , by the Cabalists call'd Sephiroch , that is to say , numbers or knowledges ( for with them , to number and to know are almost synonymous ) is either Philosophical or Theological . The Philosophical comprehends their Logick , Physicks , Metaphysicks , and Astronomy . In Logick they treat of the ten lesser Sephiroth ; which are so many steps or degrees for attaining to the knowledge of all things , by means of Sense , Knowledge , or Faith ; and they are divided into three Regions . In the lowest , which is made by the sense , are ( 1 ) the Object , ( 2 ) the Medium or Diaphanum , ( 3 ) the External sense . In the second and middle region are , ( 4 ) the Internal or common Sense , ( 5 ) the Imagination or Phancie , ( 6 ) the Estimative Faculty or inferior Judgement . In the third and supream ( 7 ) the Superior and Humane Judgement . ( 8 ) Reason . ( 9 ) The Intellect ; ( 10 ) and lastly , the Understanding or Mens ; which performs the same office to the Soul that the Eye doth to the Body whom it enlightens . For example , when I hear a Cannon discharg'd , the sound comes to my ears by the medium of the air , then the Common Sense receiving this species of the sound transmits the same to the Imagination , and the Estimative Faculty judges thereof simply , as beasts would do ; afterwards the Judgement apprehends the essence of the sound , Reason searches the causes thereof , and the Intellect considers them ; but lastly , the Understanding or Mens , call'd by the Cabalists Ceter , that is , a Crown ( by way of excellence ) receiving light from on high irradiates the Intellect , and this all the other Faculties . And these are the degrees of Cabalistical knowledge . In the other parts of their Philosophy they treat of the fifty gates of light . Whereof the 1. is the Divine Essence , the Symbol of which is the Tetragrammaton and ineffable name of God ; The 2. gate is the Archetypal World ; the knowledge of which two gates , they say , was hid even to Moses . The 3. is the Earth ; 4. Matter ; 5. Vacuum or Privation ; 6. The Abysse ; 7. The Fire ; 8. The Air ; 9. The Water ; 10. The Light ; 11. The Day ; 12. Accidents ; 13. The Night ; 14. The Evening ; 15. The Morning . And after many other things they constitute Man for the 50th gate . To arrive to the knowledge of these 50 gates , they have invented 32 Flambeaux or Torches to guide them into the secrets contained therein , which they call the paths of Wisdom , namely the Intelligence miraculous or occult , Intelligence sanctifying , resplendent , pure , dispositive , eternal , corporeal , &c. The Theological Cabala treats of God and Angles . Of God , by expounding the names of 12 and 42 letters , yea they attribute seven hundred several ones to him ; and particularly the ten Divine Attributes , which they term the grand Sephiroth , namely , Infinity , Wisdom , Intelligence , Clemency or Goodness , Severity , Ornament , Triumph , Confession of praise , Foundation and Royalty , whereby God governs all things by weight , number , and measure . Of Angels , namely of the 32 abovesaid Intelligences , call'd by them the paths of wisdom ( for they make them so many Angels ) and of seventy two other Angels ; the names they compose of the 19 , 20 , and 21. Verses of the 14. Chapter of Exodus , in each of which there being 72 letters , they form the name of the first Angel out of the three first letters of each Verse ; the name of the second , out of the three second letters of the same Verses ; and so the rest , adding at the end of every word the names of God , Jah or El , the former whereof denotes God as he exists , and the latter signifies Mighty or Strong God. The Cabala which treats of words and names is nothing else but the practice of Grammar , Arithmetick and Geometry . They divide it into three kinds . The first whereof is called Notarickon , when of several first or last letters of some word is fram'd a single one ; as in our Acrosticks . The second , Gématrie , when the letters of one name answer to the letters of another by Arithmetical proportion ; ( the Hebrews as well as the Greeks making use of their letters to number withall . ) Whence some Moderns have affirm'd that Christianity will last seven thousand years , because the letters of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the same value in number with those of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The third is call'd Themurath , which is a transposition of letters , like that of our Anagrams , the most common way of which is to change the last letter of the Alphabet into the first ; and on the contrary ; to which kind are referr'd the words and verses which are read backwards , such as this : opus l I. Deus elati mutatum Itale suedi . l supo Thus , they prove by the first word of Geneses , which is Bereschit , that the world was created in Autumn , because in this word is found that of Bethisri , which signifies Autumn : And that the Law ought be kept in the heart , because the first letter of the Law is Beth , and the last Lamed , which two letters being put together , and read after their mode , which is backwards , make Leb , which signifies the heart . The Third said , If the word Cabala be taken for a tradition , that is to say , the manner in which the Jews made their sacrifices and prayers according to the instruction which they had from Father to Son concerning the same , it deserves to be esteem'd for its antiquity , although it be abolish'd . And the more in regard of the Hieroglyphical and mysterious names of God and Angels which it contains ; and whereof whosoever should have a perfect and intire knowledge would find nothing impossible . 'T was by this means , say they , that Moses divided the waters of the Red Sea , and did so many other miracles , because he had written at the end of his Rod the name of Jehovah . For if it be true that black Magick can do wonders by the help of malignant spirits , why not the Cabala , with more reason , by means of the names of God , and the Angels of light , with whom the Cabalists render themselves friends and familias ? Our Lord seems to confirm the same , when he commands his Apostles to make use of his name for casting Devils out of the possessed , and to heal diseases , as they did , and the Church hath done , after them , to this day . The victory of Judas Maccabaeus against the enemies of his Religion , hapning by means of a sign of four letters ; that of Antiochus over the Galatae , by a Pentagone ; that of Constantine the great , by the sign of the Cross ; and the Thau wherewith the Scripture arms the foreheads of the faithful , demonstrate that figures are not wholly inefficacious . The Critical days of Diseases , and the practice of Physitians , who administer their Pills in odd number , which the Pythagoreans call the masculine number , shew likewise that all kind of vertue cannot be deny'd to number , and consequently that the Cabala is not to be blam'd for making account of numbers , names and figures , the knowledge whereof would undoubtedly be most excellent did it not surpass the reach of humane capacity , which cannot comprehend the connexion which there is between the name and the thing which it denotes , the number and the thing numbred , and figure and the thing figured . For since the external figure of a man or other animal gives me to know his substance which I see not , and the species of this figure entring into my senses suffices to make me conceive the thing without its stirring out of its place ; why shall not the names , and particularly those impos'd on things by our first Parent in the Hebrew language , have as necessary a signification and connexion with things as the other accidents which are the objects of our senses ? And why shall we not believe the same of the letters which represent those names in the same language ? The Fourth said , That the Cabala was either Allegorical or Literal . The former was more conjectural ; but if there be any vertue in characters which signifie nothing , with more reason the words , syllables and letters , which are the visible names of things , shall not be without . This gave ground to the Cabalists to consider in letters not only their number and Arithmeticall value ; but also their order , proportion , harmony , magnitudes and Geometrical figures , observing whether they be straight , crooked or tortuous , closed or not ; thus in one passage where the Messiah is spoken of , some have concluded from a Mem which is found closed in the middle of a word , contrary to custom , that this Messiah should come out of the closed womb of a Virgin , contrary to the course of the ordinary birth of men . Thus , Rabbi Haccadosch , in the first letters of these three Hebrew words of Genesis 49. v. 10. Jebo Scilo Velo , found those wherewith the Hebrews write the name of our Saviour , namely JSV. The Fifth said , That we ought to govern our selves in the reading of the Cabalists , as Bees do , who gather only the good and leave the bad , which is more plentiful ; and above all avoid the loss of time which is employ'd in turning over the tedious volumns of the Thalmudists , which are either so unpleasant , or their sence so much unknown to us through the envy which they bore to their successors , that we may with more reason tear their Books in pieces then a Father did the Satyrs of Perseus , saying that since he would not be understood by the surface and out-side , like other Writers , he would look within , whether he were more intelligible . II. Whether Truth is always to be spoken . Upon the second Point it was said ; Truth and Justice being reciprocal , and the former , according to Aristotle , a moral Duty , it much imports the interest of Government that it be observ'd and kept inviolably , not only in contracts and publick actions , but also in private discourses ; and 't is a kind of sacriledge to go about to hide it . Moreover , 't is one of the greatest affronts that can be put upon a man of honour , to give him the lye . For as 't is the property of an ingenuous man to avow the Truth freely , and not to dissemble ; so Lying is the sign and consequent of a servile spirit . Hence the Persians were not contented to cause the children of their Kings to be instructed above all things , always to speak the truth ; but they erected Temples and Altars to this Vertue as to a Deity , and ador'd it under the name of Oromagdes , which signifies the God of Truth . And therefore 't is my judgement that truth ought always to be spoken although it be to one's own damage . The Second said , If it be necessary always to speak truth , and that it be the conformity of our words with our thoughts , mine is , that it is not always to be spoken . This Nature teaches us , whilest she discovers to us only the surface of the earth , but hath hid all the treasures of it , as all the parts of man , especially the more noble are conceal'd under the skin . That which vilifies mysteries is the publishing of them , call'd Prophanation . That which hinders the effect of State-Counsels , whereof secrecy is the soul , is the letting of them be discover'd , which is Treason . That which takes away the credit from all arts and professions , is the rendring them common . And Physick ( amongst others ) knows the advantage of concealment , whilst the welfare of the Patient many times depends upon his ignorance . Would you see what difference there is between a wise man and a fool , a Civil Man and a Clown ? it do's not consist in knowledge ; for they oftentimes have the same thoughts and inclinations ; but the Fool speaks all that he thinks , the Wise man doth not ; as the Clown will declare by Gesture and ( if he can ) do every thing that comes into his phancie , but the better bred man uses restraint upon himself . The Comoedian therefore wanted not reason , to say that Truth begets Hatred ; and the Scripture teaches us that God built houses for the wise Egyptian women who ly'd to Pharaoh , when they were commanded to murther the Hebrew children at the birth , but obey'd not . For though some hold that God pardon'd them the lye in regard of the good office which they render'd to his Church , and that 't was for this good office that God dealt well with them ; yet , leaving this subtilety to the Schoolmen , 't is evident that their dissimulation was approv'd in this case . The Third said , There 's great difference between Lying and not speaking all the truth which is expected from us ; the former being vicious , the other not ; whence S. Athanasius being ask'd by the Arrians who pursu'd him , whether he had seen Athanasius , told them that he went that way a little while since , but did not tell them that himself was the person . And S. Francis being ask'd whether he did not see a robber pass by , shew'd his sleeve , and said , that he did not pass that way . The Fourth said , As only weak and distemper'd eyes are unable to bear the light of the Sun , so none but weak and sickly minds cannot suffer the lustre of truth . All men are oblig'd to speak it , but particularly that which is dictated from God's mouth ; and we ought rather to choose Martyrdom then renounce the belief of it . Less ought they to conceal it who are bound to it by their condition , as Preachers and Witnesses ; provided they have regard to place , time , and persons . Without which circumstances 'tis as inacceptable and absur'd as to carry a Queen to an Ale-house . Yet in two cases particularly the telling of truth may be dispens'd with , I. when the safety of the Prince or good of the State is concern'd , for which , Plato in his Commonwealth saith , it is lawful to lye sometimes ; and the Angel Raphael told Tobias that 't is good to hide the secrets of Kings . II. When our own life is concern'd , or that of our Father , Mother , and Kindred , against whom , although we certainly know them guilty of a Crime , we are not oblig'd to declare it ; provided , nevertheless , that it be with the respect due to the Magistrate , and that we beware of speaking lyes whilst we intend onely to decline discovery of the Truth . 'T is the opinion of the Civilians , and amongst others , of Paulus , in l. 9. ff . de Test. that a Father cannot be constrain'd to bear witness against his Son , nor a Son against his Father , except in the case of High Treason . The Fifth said , That these three things must not be confounded , To lye , To speak or tell a lye , and to do or act one . To lye is to go against our own meaning ; as when I know a thing , and not onely conceal it , but speak the contrary . This action , according to some , is alwayes evil , inasmuch ( say they ) as 't is never lawful to do evil that good may come of it . According to others , 't is qualifi'd according to the diversity of its end . For he who tells a lye to save a Traveller's life who is pursu'd by Thieves , seemes to do better then if he expos'd him to their Cruelty by his discovery . The Physitian who dissembles to his Patient the danger of his disease , and thinks it enough to acquaint his domesticks therewith , do's better then if he cast him into despair by a down-right dismal prognostication ; and when he chears him up in fitting time and place by some pleasant made Story , what he speaks can scarce be reckon'd amongst idle words . But he who lyes for his Profit , as most Trades-men do , sins proportionably to the deceit which he thereby causes ; but he is most culpable who lyes to the Magistrate . One may tell or speak a lye without lying , namely , when one speaks a false thing conceiving it to be true . To do or speak a lye , is to lead a life contrary to ones profession ; as he who preaches well and lives ill . Whence I conclude , that many precautions are requisite to lye without committing an offence , that a lye is to be spoken as little as possible , and never to be done or acted at all . CONFERENCE XXXVIII . I. Of the Period , called Fits of Fevers . II. Of Friendship . I. Of the Fits of Agues . A Fever is a Heat contrary to Nature kindled in the Heart , and from thence sent by the Arteries and Veins into the whole Body , with a manifest laesion or disturbance of the action . It is so inseparable from the Heart in case of any injury , that being we cannot dye without the Heart be mis-affected ; therefore many have thought that we cannot dye without a Fever , though 't were of a violent death . And for that there are three subjects which receive this Heat , viz. the Parts , the Humours , and the Spirits ; thence ariseth the distinction of Fevers into three kinds , the Hectick , the Humoral , and the Ephemera , or One-day Fever . The first is in the solid parts , and is call'd Hectick or Habitual , because it resides in the whole habit of the Body , and is of very long continuance , yea , ordinarily lasts till Death . The second , call'd Humoral , is , when the Humours are enflam'd , either through a bare excess of Heat without other alteration in their substance , or with corruption and putrefaction , which happens most frequently . The third kind is when onely the Spirits are enflam'd , and 't is call'd Ephemera , because it continues but one day ; unless the Humours too become of the party , as it falls out usually ; and it admits of three differences , according to the three sorts of Spirits , Animal , Vital , and Natural . The Humoral Fever is either Simple or Compounded . The Simple is either Continual or Intermitting . The Continual is caus'd when the putrefaction of the Blood possesses the great Vessels , or some noble Part. The Intermitting , produc'd by the three other Humours putrefying out of the Veins , is either Quotidian , which is produc'd by Phlegme ; or Tertian , by Choler ; or Quartane , by Melancholy . The Compounded ( or complex ) Humoral Fever is caus'd by the mixture of those Humours , which then cause a double Quotidian , double Tertian , and double Quartane , yea , sometimes , but very rarely , a Quintane , and others of longer interval ; which may be attributed to all the different from which Fevers arise . The Efficient , causes is , in my opinion , the strength of Nature , and every one's particular Temper ; as he who is more robust , and upon whom the disease is more violent , will have longer Fits , ( the Fight of Nature with the Malady being more stoutly maintain'd by the parties ) and consequently shorter intervals , because that which increases to the one decreases to the other . The Cholerick will have longer Fits of a Tertian Fever , and shorter of a Quotidiane . The Material Cause contributes very much herein , being that which supplies Ammunition to this intestine War , which is continu'd or discontinu'd according to the proportion and quantity of the Matter . 'T is more easie to name the Formal Cause then to understand it . But as for the Final , 't is certain that Nature makes the intervals of Fevers purposely to rally and recruit her strength ; as truces and cessations of Armes use to be made when the Country is almost spent , or the Souldiers too much harrass'd and out of heart . The Second said , That the Periods of Fevers have been matter of torture to the best wits , who could not without admiration consider , how , ( e. g. ) one sick of a Quartan , and appearing to day at the point of Death , should nevertheless for two days together perform all his actions perfectly ; and then upon the fourth , many times too at the same hour ( in more contumacious Fevers ) become in the like pitiful condition again . Now the Cause hereof is commonly attributed to the time which is requir'd for producing the matter of the Fever , and consuming it . They hold that it is so long in consuming as the Fit lasts , the the end whereof is the Crisis ; like as the ancient water-clocks of the Romans did not signifie nor strike the hour till the vessel was full . Some have imputed the cause to the motion of the Humour , and believ'd that as the humid mass of the Sea hath its flux , reflux , and interval , so have the Humours of our Bodies , when the natural heat which regulated them , being disorder'd , and its effect suspended by the disease , governes the same no longer , but abandons them to their own Capricio . Of which motion 't is no easier to render a reason then of that of the Sea , the Load-stone , and all other occult motions . Hence many have recurr'd to the Asylum of Last Differences , the knowledge whereof is interdicted to Humane Capacity . And therefore they have ventur'd to assign no other cause , saving that the Interval of these Fevers being their most proper Difference , it must not be wonder'd if we understand their nature as little as those of all other things in the world . The Third said , That the time which is requisite for generating the Humour cannot be the cause of these Intervals , since the Fits of a Fever are longer or shorter , though the Fever change not its Nature ; yea , it will become double or trebble sometimes , and still keep the name of a Quartan . As , on the contrary , when there is so little matter left for it that it is almost quite gone , yet it alwayes returnes on the fourth day , although the Fit lasts a shorter time . Yea , it comes to pass oftentimes , that he who hath had a Quartan , and is cur'd of all other Symptomes of his Ague , yet for a long time after feels the chilness and weariness at the same day and hour that his Disease was wont to seize upon him : In the mean time while 't is manifest that the Fever being gone , the Melancholy Humour is no longer gather'd together in sufficient quantity to produce it ; and therefore the cause cannot be attributed to the Melancholly Humour , since it no longer causeth the fever . Whereby we may judge that the quantity of the matter contributes to the lengthening or diminishing of the fit , but gives not the fever its name or form . Now as for the motion which they attribute to the Humour , like that of the Sea , and their calling this Interval the form of the Fever , 't is a confession of their Ignorance , but not a solution of the Question . Galen , in the second Book of the Differences of Fevers , and the last Chapter , refers the cause of these regular and periodical motions to the dispositions of the parts of the whole Body , which being distemper'd cease not to transmit or receive , generate or attract superfluous and excrementitious humours ; and he holds that so long as the cause of these dispositions lasts , so long the circuits continue ; and consequently , the reason why a Tertian which is caus'd by Choler returnes every third day , is , because the distemper'd parts transmit , or receive , or generate bilious humours and excrements every other day . But the question remains still , whence it is , that these parts are affected in such manner that they cause such just and regular periods ? For though it be true that the parts , by reason of pain or heat , ( e. g. ) yellow putrid Choler ; nevertheless this doth not infer that they attract the same rather the third day then the fourth or every day , as they ought to do ; since the cause being alwayes present , viz. the pain or heat which incessantly attracts this humour , the effect should alwayes follow and make a Quotidian circuit ; although indeed 't is but , once in three dayes . The Fourth said , That as Physitians refer the unusual motions of Epileptical , and the violent sallies of the Frantick , not barely to the phlegmatick or atrabilarious humour , but to a certain quality of it ; so ought we to do touching the periodical motions of Fevers , which proceed not simply from the humours corrupted , but from a particular condition and virtue of each humour , whereby it is that putrifying Phlegme makes its approaches every day , Choler every third , and Melancholy every fourth day . And as these humours , so long as they retain their natural constitution , have a regular motion which carries one into the Bladder of Gall and the Guts , the other into the Spleen , and the other into the Stomack ; so being corrupted , each acquires a certain new quality and putrefaction , which is the cause of other periodical motions , namely , those of Fevers . The Fifth said , That as health is a Symmetrie and fit proportion of all the humours while they continue in society one with another ; so a Fever is a discomposure thereof when some one comes to infringe the obedience which it owes to the laws of the Compositum , and to usurp a Tyranny over the rest . In which case , they do as States who apprehend their own ruine by the too great increase of a potent neighbour ; they unite against it , and go to assail it all together . Upon this shock , the natural heat retires to the Heart which is the centre of the Body , as if it call'd its Councel ; hence proceeds the cold fit of the Fever , during which the extreme parts , destitute of their ordinary heat , fall into trembling , shivering , and chattering ; as it comes to pass upon the Earth , when the Sun is very remote from it : But Nature at length getting the mastery , is not contented to return the Blood to the parts who were depriv'd thereof , in the same condition that they lent it to her ; she drives it into them with a new heat acquir'd by the vicinity of the Heart , which is the source thereof , and augmented by the reciprocation of its motion . But as no violent thing is of long continuance , this heated Blood causing its sharpest serosities to pass through the skin by sweat , becomes asswaged , and ( as water remov'd from off the fire ceases to boyle ) it no longer extends the Veins , nor stimulates the Arteries , whether this Crisis perfectly terminates the disease , as in Continual Fevers , or the Fit onely , as in Intermitting ; which leaving a leven of the Fever , how little soever , in the humours and an empyreuma or combustion in the parts , the best Aliments , yea , the most laudable humours , if any such remain in the Body , are as easily turn'd into the matter of the Fever , as the best Wine is spoyl'd when it is pour'd upon a corrupted lee in a musty vessel . And 't is not so much to be wonder'd that this corruption is made regularly in the time of half a day in Quotidians , of one day in Tertians , and of two in Quartans , as that the Periods of Fevers are sometimes irregular , as is seen in Erratical Fevers ; considering that all generations and corruptions are reciprocal and have their limited time . Thus 't is a less wonder that Women are ordinarily deliver'd of Children likely to live , in the ninth and seventh moneths , then if they were deliver'd so in all the other moneths indifferently ; which hath place in all other motions of Nature , who doth every thing according to number , weight , and measure . II. Of Friendship . Upon the Second Point the First said , Friendship is a powerfull and streight Union which conjoynes the lover and the loved party together , making one whole of these two parts ; like that bond which in Nature unites the Matter and the Form , the Accident and the Substance . The cause of it is Goodness , which being proportionate to the Body , produceth a natural Amity ; to the Passions , an Animal Amity ; to the Understanding , a Rational one ; to the Laws , a Political or Civil ; to Religion , a Divine one . This Goodness consisting in a Proportion and Symmetry is not different from Beauty ; and therefore we apprehend Beauty in good things , and goodness and convenience in such as are handsome and gracefull . The Second said , besides goodness which is the cause of Friendship , and towards which our will is as necessarily carry'd as the Intellect is towards Truth , and all the Senses towards their proper objects ; Resemblance and Friendship it self are the causes of Friendship . The first is founded upon the Love which we bear to our selves . For as we love our selves above any thing else in this world , so we love those who resemble us , and symbolize with our humours and inclinations . Hence it is that one of the most common courses to please , is , to conform our selves to those by whom we desire to be affected ; we never contradict their Judgement , we have no other Will but theirs , we frame our selves to their gestures and actions , without excepting those which are imperfect . Then Friendship , the second means of acquiring Love , is no less effectual ; it being almost impossible not to love them who love us . Whence the Ancients feign'd Love to be the most ancient of all the gods , intimating that Love hath no other Principle or Origine but Love it self . And they who assign'd him a Companion which they styl'd Anteros , signifi'd thereby , that Friendship cannot last unless it be mutual . The Third said , That Friendship must be distinguish'd from Love. For Love is a Passion of the Concupiscible Appetite , arising from the imagination of a sensible good , and is found even in brute beasts . But friendship is one of the most excellent vertues , or rather the fruit of accomplish'd and perfect vertue ; 't is indeed very rare , because it hath place only amongst excellent persons ( who are very few ) uniting and making them conspire together in the exercises of vertue . But being once establish'd , it is very durable , inasmuch as its cause and foundation , Vertue , always remains , and may be exercis'd . Therefore Seneca pronounces , that the friendship which knows an end was never true . Some friendships there are ( indeed the most ) whose foundation is Profit and Pleasure , but they are always imperfect . Whence it is that old men and young men are ordinarily accounted incapable of true friendship ; the former , because they scarce regard any thing besides Profit ; and the latter , because their minds are more set upon what is pleasant and agreeable then upon what is honest or vertuous . Nor is it ever found amongst wicked persons . For 1. a perfect friend must love another as much as himself . And although the affection we bear to our selves be not true friendship , because this must always have reference to another , yet it is the most certain , yea the measure of perfect friendship , and God hath appointed it as the rule of our love to our Neighbour . Now how can he be a perfect friend who doth not love himself ? How can he agree with another who accords not with himself ? and how will he do good to another , who doth none to himself ? for a vicious man is his own chiefest enemy , whilst he pursues the false and imaginary good in stead of the true ; vice , instead of vertue ; the shadow , for the body ; and many times he becomes his own murderer by intemperance and other vices . He hath always a civil war within himself ; his Reason is never at peace with his Appetite ; what one desires , the other rejects . Consequently , he hath never any inward joy , but he is greatly displeas'd with being alone , and for that reason always seeks the company of those like himself , to divert his sad thoughts . The Fourth said , There is nothing comparable to Friendship , which is the salt and seasoning of humane life , the presever of societies , and the most agreeable and sweetest consolation that persons of vertue and honour can have ; by help of which a man finds another self , to whom he may entrust his most secret thoughts . This consideration mov'd Archytas the Tarentine to say , That he who should ascend into the Heavens and attentively survey the beauty of the Stars and all the Celestial Orbes , would have no pleasure if he found no person to whom to recount those wonders , and communicate his felicity . 'T is therefore one of the greatest contentments to have a friend , whom you may make partaker of your felicity , which is so much the greater when it is communicated to others without being diminish'd to your self ; and in case adversity befall you , the same is sweetned by the relation you make thereof to him who shares this burden with you , and so renders it more supportable . True it is , that although a friend be necessary in either fortune , yet he is of more advantage to us in adversity ; in which a friend supplies his friend with help and counsel , and is thereby distinguish'd from a false one , who loves only for the sake of his own pleasure and profit . Now whatever is excellent hath most of Unity . And as a River divided into several streams is more weak ; so friendship shared amongst many is always languid and impotent . Besides , a friend should be complacent to his friend in every thing , and they ought to be but one soul living in two bodies . Now 't is as hard to please many , as 't is impossible to please all the world . And should two friends at the same time implore the succour of a third , he could not betake himself to both together , nor consequently satisfie the duty of friendship . The Fifth said , That Friendship is either Natural , Spiritual , or Moral . The Natural is between Father and Children , Brethren and Sisters , Husband and Wife , and between Kindred or Alliance . The Spiritual is between those who profess the same Law and Religion , such as is that of Christians and Monasticks . The Moral is between such as are united together upon the account of Vertue ; such was that of Theseus and Pirithous , Orestes and Pylades , Damon and Pythias , Aeneas and Achates , Achilles and Patroclus , Jonathan and David , and so few others , that many have conceiv'd perfect Friendship but an Idea , a mark to be aim'd at , but never hit ; much like the description of a perfect Orator . It consists only in the union of Wills , not of Understandings ; for I may have an opinion different from that of my friend without prejudicing our friendship , but not a different Will. And as honesty doth not take away piety , nor piety honesty ; so spiritual and moral friendship do not destroy one the other . For I may love one morally whom I love not spiritually ; that is , I may conspire with him in the exercises of honesty or vertue , though I differ in those of piety . CONFERENCE XXXIX . I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . II. Whether Permutation or Exchange be more commodious then Buying and Selling. I. Why all men naturally desire knowledge . ARistotle rightly teacheth that the first Question ought to be whether the thing be or exist ; because 't is in vain to seek the causes of that which hath no being . 'T is therefore first to be inquir'd , whether it be true that all men have a natural desire of knowing ; and then the causes thereof must be sought . That which is natural must be found in all ; so we say 't is natural to a stone to tend downwards , because all of them do so . But 't is so far from being true that all men are desirous to know and learn , that for rectifying the defect of such desire we see Teachers sometimes arm'd with the rod , sometimes forc'd to use allurements and rewards , and employ all artifices they can devise to excite a desire of learning in such as want it , the number of whom is always greater then of others . Hence it is that in a School of five hundred Scholars you shall scarce find fifty that have well profited in learning ; and amongst a hundred Masters of a Trade , scarce ten good workmen . Moreover , there are some men who have not much less of the beast then of the man. And as the greatest Clerks ( according to the Proverb ) are not always the wisest men , so neither are they the most happy . The best and most knowing Philosophers are not the men that do their business best now-adays . 'T will be said , that to understand the means of advancing one's self is a sort of knowledge , and they who have not a genius for learning have one for other things , and profit therein as well as in the Sciences . But I answer , that Philosophy being the key of all other Disciplines , 't is a sign that they will not open the chest , when they refuse the key of it . Besides , we see some persons so stupid , that they interpret the curiosity of knowing a trouble to themselves , and a vice in others : and not only some Philosophers have disclaim'd to know any thing except that they knew nothing ; but there have been found many holy personages who made profession of ignorance . The Second said , All naturally desire to know , but not all things , nor at all times , nor by all the ways that are prescrib'd them ; every one would learn after his own mode , and things proportional to his reach : and as when these conditions meet together , they excite the desire ; so when any one is wanting , they cause disgust . Thus one is passionately affected to Algebra , which deterr's the wit of another : One matter may please at the beginning , and become distastful into the continuance ; and the same subject being treated in familiar discourse will render you attentive , yet displeases you in a more lofty style , which , on the other side , would content some other ; wherefore 't is not to be wonder'd if some minds have reluctancy against the constraint which is offer'd to be laid upon them ; as the stomack rises when a food which it loathes is tender'd to it , though the appetite of knowing be , in the mean time , no less natural to the soul then that of eating is to the body . The Third said , That supposing this desire of knowledge not general , it is demanded whence it comes to pass that it is so great in many persons , that some have relinquish'd all their fortunes for it , others have spent their whole age in attaining it , others have put out their own eyes the better to attend it , and some lost their lives for it . It seems to me that all of them do thus for some good . Now good is divided into its three kinds ; and correspondently , some do it for profit , fitting themselves to gain themselves a livelihood ; others for honour , and to enjoy the prerogatives which knowledge procures to the most learned ; others again do it , only for the pleasure which they find in study , and not for the sake of knowledge it self : for when we once have attain'd the knowledge of a thing , it affords us delight no longer ; whence it is that excellent workmen are always poor ; because so soon as they have arriv'd to a perfection of skill they leave all further search to others ; their only pleasure was in the acquisition . This pleasure herein resembling all other sorts , which consist only in action , and not in acquiescence or satisfaction . But may not it also be thus , because our soul being a Number always desires and aimes to perfectionate it self ? And as no number can be assign'd so great but that some others may be added to it , even to infinity ; so our soul is capable of receiving new light and new notions , to infinity ? Or else , as every thing tends to its natural place , so our soul being of celestial original aspire to the infinite knowledge of God by that of finite things . The Fourth said , That the reason why both young and old desire to know , is , because of the extream pleasure which they take in knowing things . But if some be not inclin'd thereunto , 't is in regard of the difficulties , which abate indeed , but cannot wholly extinguish their natural ardour . This pleasure is apparent , in that we take delight to know not only true things , but such as we are conscious to be notoriously false ; yea sometimes we are more delighted with the latter then the former provided they have some pretty conceits , as with Stories , Fables and Romances . For there is nothing so small and inconsiderable in nature , wherein the mind finds not incomparable divertisement and delight . The Gods , saith Aristotle , are as well in the least insects as in the most bulky animals ; and to despise little things is , in his judgement , to do like children . For , on the contrary , as in Art , the less place a Picture takes up , the more it is esteem'd ; and the Iliads of Homer were sometimes the more admir'd for that they were compriz'd in a Nut-shel : so in Nature , the less volumn things are in , the more worthy they are of admiration . Now if there be so much pleasure in seeing the figures and representations of natural things , because we observe the work-man's industry in them ; there is much more contentment in clearly beholding those things themselves , and remarking in their essence , proprieties and vertues , the power and wisdom of Nature far transcending that of Art. But if the knowledge of natural things affords us such great delight , that of supernatural ravishes us in a higher measure ; and 't is also much more difficult , because they are remote , from our senses , which are the ordinary conveyances of knowledge : Wherefore there being pleasure in knowing both great things and small , natural and supernatural ; 't is no wonder if man , who usually follows delectable Good , takes delight in knowing . The Fifth said , The Philosopher in the beginning of his Metaphysicks proves this Proposition , 1. By Induction , from the senses , which are respectively delighted in their operations ; whence we love the sense of Seeing above all the rest , because it supplies us with more knowledge then any one of the rest . 2. Because Man being mindful of the place of his original , desires to raise himself above Plants and the other Animals . By Sense he advances himself above Plants ; by Memory above certain Animals who have none ; by Experience above them all ; but by the use of Reason , from which proceedeth Science , Men excel one another . For there are Animals which have some shadow of Prudence , but not any hath Science . And , as Seneca saith , men are all equal in their beginning and their end , that is , as to life and death , not differing but in their interval , whereof Science is the fairest Ornament . The cause of this desire of knowing proceeds then from the natural inclination which every thing hath to follow its own good . Now the good of Man , as Man , is to know . For as a thing exists not but so far forth as it acts , the Rational Soul ( the better part of us ) cannot be term'd such , saving inasmuch as it knows ; yea Action being the measure not only of being , but also of the perfection of being ( whence God , who is most perfect , never ceases to act ; and the First Matter which is the most imperfect of all entities , acts either little or nothing at all ) therefore the Reasonable Soul being the most noble and perfect of all formes , desires to act and employ it self incessantly in its action , which is the knowledge of things . Indeed every thing strives after its own operation . As soon as the Plant is issu'd out of the earth it thrusts forward till it be come to its just bigness . The Eye cannot without pain be hindred from seeing ; Silence causes sadness . And as we see the Boar and the Bull , by an admirable instinct of Nature , the one oppose its forehead , the other its mouth , against such as provoke them , though the former as yet wanteth teeth , and the latter horns ; so the reason and desire of knowing appears very early in children , even before they are capable of much . The Sixth said , That the Intellect becometh each thing which it understands . Hence Man , the most inconstant of all creatures , is carri'd so ardently to the knowledge of all things , which finding not worthy of him he relinquishes , till he be arriv'd at the knowledge of his Creator , to whom conforming himself he desires to know nothing more , but acquiesces , contemplating in him , as in a mirror , all other things of the World. The Seventh said , All things were made for the use and behoof of man , and therefore he has reason to desire to know every thing , to the end he may make use of it . The Eighth said , We have the seeds and treasures of Knowledge hidden in our selves ; which longing to be exerted and reduc'd from power into act , incessantly sollicite us to put them forth . Hence comes the desire of knowing , or rather awakning these species which are perfected in us by use , and in time wholly display'd . In which respect Teachers are with good reason compar'd to Mid-wives who do not produce the Infant in the Mother's womb , but lend a helping hand to its coming forth . For Teachers do not infuse knowledge into the children whom they instruct , but only assist them to produce it out of folds and recesses of the mind , in which otherwise it would remain unprofitable , and like matter without form ; as the Steel doth not give fire to the Flint , but elicits the same of it . So those natural lights and notices being at first invelop'd with clouds , when their veil is taken away , and they are loosned , as the Platonists speak , from the contagion of the senses , they extreamly delight those who bore them inclosed in their breast , and needed help to exclude them . II. Whether exchange be more convenient then buying and selling . Upon the second Point it was said , As Unity is the beginning of Numbers in Arithmetick , and of causes in nature ; so community of goods was no doubt at first amongst men . But because 't is the occasion of negligence , and cannot continue long , in regard some are better husbands , more easie to be contented , and need less then others ; hence arose the words of Mine and Thine , which are more efficacious then Ours and Yours ; since even Monasticks take it for a mortification , and children cry when any thing proper to them is taken from them . In old time , when one had eaten or spent what was his own he repair'd to his neighbour for more , accommodating him with some other thing whereof he stood in need , by way of exchange , the respective value of the things being limited according to their estimation of their goodness and scarcity , in the first place , and then of their beauty or comeliness . And because Oxen and Sheep afforded them the most commodities , as their skins for clothing , and their milk and flesh for food , besides other uses to which they were serviceable , they made all their traffick with Cattle , in which all their wealth consisted . But because 't was too troublesome a thing for a man to drive always a flock of Sheep before him , or lead a Cow by the horn , for making of payment ; the industry of men increasing , they cast their eyes upon that which was in the next degree of most use to them , and most durable ; and finding that 't was Iron and Copper , and especially that the latter was the fairest and easiest to be melted and cast into Kettles and other domestick Utensils , they made choice thereof , mutually giving and receiving it , by weight , for other things they needed , and divided it by pounds , which word still remains amongst us , to signifie twenty shillings , which is very neer the just value that a pound of Copper had in those days . And to save the labour of weighing this pound and the parts of it , they stamp'd upon one side the figure of a ship , with the weight and value ( because Saturn , the inventer of money in Italy , arriv'd there in a ship ) and on the other side the pourtait of one of those beasts which are design'd by the word Pecus , whence Money came to be call'd pecunia . Afterwards the Arms of the Prince were substituted in stead of the Ship , and Constantine put a Cross in place of the Beast . Now because , in old Gaulish , a Ship was call'd Pile ( whence the word Pilote remains to this day ) the side of the Coin on which the Ship was is still call'd Pile , and the other Cross , how different stamps soever have succeeded since . Nevertheless exchange is more universal then buying and selling , particularly between State and State , transportation of money being generally forbidden , and only the carrying away of Merchandize for Merchandize allow'd . Moreover , there are more Nations who exercise Commerce by trucking , then there are that make use of Money . It seems also to be more convenient for particular persons , it being more difficult for him that is in necessity to sell what he hath , many times , at a low rate in money , and to buy dearly what he wants , then to give out of his abundance to him that needeth , and receive from him in consideration thereof what himself wanteth . The Second said , That Exchange being founded upon Commutative Justice , and introduc'd by the mutual necessities men have of one another , consists in the comparing of things between themselves ; so that according as one thing exceeds another in price and value , or else is exceeded by it , the excess or defect of the one side or the other must be equally compensated . To which purpose men make use of two measures , the one natural , and the other artificial . The natural measure is the scarcity of things compar'd with their publick use . Whence it comes to pass that the less there is of a thing which is greatly us'd , 't is the dearer ; and , on the contrary , the price is diminish'd according to the greater plenty thereof . For 't is not barely the goodness of the thing , nor its rarity or its necessity , that is the cause of its value ; but all these together referr'd to its use . So water , which is better and less hurtful to man then wine , is nevertheless of less price . Corn is more necessary then Sugar , yet not so dear ; and the rarest Plants , which are no ingredients into the compositions of Physick , scarce find buyers . Now Money is the artificial measure , invented by men , for measuring the price and value of all things , both real and imaginary , moveable and immoveable . These two measures are different , in that the abundance of things diminishes their price ; scarcity and defect augments it : but contrarily , the plenty of money enhances the price of things , and its scarcity diminishes it : whence the more money there is in a State , the dearer every thing is ; as appears by comparing our Age with that of our Grand-fathers before the discovery of the West Indies ; when they were richer and had more Merchandize with a thousand Crowns then we have now with ten thousand . And on the contrary , the more things there are to exchange , the truck or traffick is the easier ; although that 's the happiest Country from whence more is exported then imported into it . But because many times the parties could not agree , he that needed an Oxe possessing nothing that lik'd the owner , and some things of too great value being withall uncapable of division , as a House or a Ship ; therefore they invented money to supply all these defects . This money , in some Countries , consisted of Shells ; in others , of precious Stones ; elsewhere , of other things ; but most commonly of Metal . And although it be not absolutely necessary , yet it is much more convenient then Exchange ; for by means thereof a man may do every thing that can be done by permutation , and some thing more . Whence it is , that Princes always prohibit the transportation of it , but that of other things only upon some occasions . For money is , with good reason , said to be every thing potentially . The Third said , That as it was sometimes doubted whether Caesar's birth were more happy or fatal to the Roman Empire , which he on one side adorn'd with glory and triumphs , and on the other desolated by Civil Wars : so 't is hard to judge whether the invention of Gold and Silver Coin hath been more beneficial or pernicious to mankind . For 't is true , it greatly facilitates Commerce amongst men ; but it likewise brings along with it covetousness , and the desire of having it . For whereas at first the most avaritious were forc'd to set bounds to their covetousness , when their Granaries , Sellars and Houses were full ; and also when Iron money came in use , it took up almost as much room as the things themselves ; now , since the invention of Gold and Silver Coin , men have begun to reckon by Millions , which give less content to the possessors then pains to acquire , solliciotousness to preserve , and trouble to lose them . CONFERENCE XL. I. Of Prognostication or Presaging by certain Animals . II. Why all men love more to command then to obey . I. Of Divination by some Animals . MAn is affected to nothing more passionately then to the Faculty of Divining . Upon this account he paints Prudence , the most necessary of the Cardinal Vertues , with a double countenance , one whereof speculates futurity . And because this knowledge of things to come would rid him of the two most violent passions which perplex him , Fear and Hope , therefore he spares nothing to attain the same . To this end he employs not only the four Elements , but makes a distinct art of the ways of Prediction by each of them . He makes use of all mixt bodies too , and searches even the bowels of living creatures , yea the very Sepulchres of the dead , in quest of Presages of the future . And although , speaking absolutely , such inventions are more capable to attract the admiration , and consequently the money of credulous persons , then to instruct them ( unless perhaps , in prudence , to take care of being so easily deceiv'd afterwards ) yet there seems to be a correspondence and connexion between present and future things , as there is between the pass'd and the present ; for as he who perceives the corruption of unburied bodies after a Battle to have infected the air , and begotten the Pestilence , may certainly refer the cause of such Contagion to the War ; so he that shall behold a furious War in which great Battles are fought may conjecture an approaching Pestilence . Possibly , if we were as careful to contemplate the changes of all other bodies , Minerals and Vegetables , we should remark therein Presages as much more infallible then those of animals , as their actions , being more simple , are likewise more certain ; as may be instanc'd in the Mulberry-tree , which buds not till all the cold weather be pass'd ; but because the Local Motion which is proper to animals , affects us more , thence it becomes also more remarkable . The Second said , That man must not be forgotten in this Disquisition . For not to speak of Prognostication in his diseases , by means whereof the Physitian gets the esteem of a God , we see old men and other persons so regular in the constitution of their bodies , that they will tell you , beforehand , better then any Almanack , by a Tooth-ach , a Megrim , or a Sciatica , what weather is approaching , whether rain , frost or snow , or fair . This is commonly attributed to the rarefaction or condensation of the peccant humours in their bodies , the same discharging themselves upon what part they find weakest ( as the weakest are commonly the most oppress'd ) and there making themselves felt by their acrimony : but the parties are no longer sensible thereof then that intemperate weather continues , a new disposition of the air causing a new motion and alteration in the humours . When Cats comb themselves ( as we speak ) 't is a sign of rain ; because the moisture which is in the air before the rain , insinuating it self into the fur of this animal , moves her to smooth the same , and cover her body wherewith , that so she may the less feel the inconvenience of Winter ; as on the contrary , she opens her fur in Summer , that she may the better receive the refreshing of the moist season . The crying of Cats , Osprey's , Raven's , and other Birds , upon the tops of houses , in the night-time , are observ'd by the vulgar to pre-signifie death to the sick ; and those creatures are thought to know the approach thereof by their cadaverous scent , which appears not to us till after their death , by reason of the dulness of our senses ; it being no less admirable that such carrion Birds smell better then we , then 't is to see a dog distinguish by his smelling the traces of a Hare , which are imperceptible to us . But it may as well be , that these Birds cry by chance upon the first house where they light , and are heard onely by such as watch in attendance upon persons dangerously sick ; they being likewise Birds of but a weak sight , and therefore flying abroad most commonly in the dark . As for the fore-sight of fertility , by the Honeton , and of a calm , by the Halcyon or Kings-fisher , these ought to be referr'd to the same instinct of Nature , which guideth the Spider to weave her nets , and the Swallow to build her neast . The Third said , There is a close connexion between the superior and inferior bodies , the chain whereof is to us imperceptible , though their consecution be infallible . This was signifi'd by Trismegistus , when he pronounc'd that that which is below is like that which is on high , and therefore 't is not to be wonder'd if one be the sign of the other . The Fourth said , Certain Animals are found under the domination of one and the same Starr , of which subjection they have some character either external or internal . And 't is credible that all bodies , especially Plants , have figures or characters of their virtues , either within or without . Thus , they say , those Plants which are prickly , and whose leaves have the shape of a spears poynt , or other offensive armes , are vulnerary ; those which have the spots or speckles of a Serpent , are noted to be good against poysons ; and all are serviceable for the conservation of such parts , and cure of such diseases as they resemble in figure . In like manner , 't is probable that the Cock hath a certain internal character which particularly rank him under the dominion of the Sun ; and that this is the cause that he crows when his predominant planet possesses one of the three cardinal points of Heaven , in which the same hath most power , namely , in the East , when the light thereof is returning towards him ; in the South , at which time he rejoyces to see it at the highest pitch of strength ; and at mid-night , because he feels that it is then beginning again to approach to our Hemisphere . But he crows not at sun-set , being sad then for its departure , and for that he is deprived of its light . And , for this reason , in my opinion , the Romans chiefly made use of young Chickens , from which to collect their auguries ; because they conceiv'd that being Animals of the Sun , and more susceptible of its impressions , by reason of their tenderness , they were more easily sensible , and consequently afforded more remarkable tokens by their motions and particular constitution , of the various dispositions of the Sun , in reference to the several Aspects of good and bad Planets , especially of Saturn their opposite . Whence judging , by the dulness and sadness of the Chickens , that the Sun was afflicted by a bad Aspect of Mars or Saturn ; they drew a consequence , that since this Luminary , which besides its universal power , was the Disposer of their fortune with Mars , was found ill dispos'd when they were projecting any design , therefore they could not have a good issue of it . Thus people prognostice a great Famine or Mortality when great flocks of Jayes or Crows forsake the woods ; because these melancholy birds , bearing the characters of Saturn the author of famine and mortality , have a very early perception of the bad disposition of that Planet . The Fifth said , Thence also it is , that if a flie be found in an Oak-apple , 't is believ'd that the year insuing will be troubled with wars , because that Insect being alwayes in motion , and troublesome , is attributed to Mars . If a spider be found in the said Excrescence , then a Pestilence is feared , because this Insect hath the characters of malignant Saturn ; if a small worm be seen in it , then , this Insect being attributed to Jupiter and Venus , plenty is prognosticated . Now , did we know all the internal or external characters of Animals , we might by their motion and disposition obtain some knowledge of that of their Star , and thence draw some conjectures of futurities . But this cannot be done by the deportments of Men , because these are varied by a thousand businesses , imagination and troubles , and especially by their free Will and Dissimulations ; the latter whereof puts them upon outward motions contrary to their internal , and the former carries them , by the sway of their wills , against the course of coelestial impressions . II. Why Men love more to command then obey . Upon the Second Point it was said , Man is one of the weakest , but the most ambitious of all Creatures . He accounts himself worthy to command , not onely over all that is below him , but also over all his equals . And did not shame restrain him , he would willingly give his own suffrage for himself , when the person of greatest sufficiency were to be nominated . Hence it is , as I conceive , that we have as many Enemies as Servants , if the Proverb be true . For the Servant accounting himself equally or more able to command then his Master , believes that Nature of Fortune do's him wrong in leaving him in that condition , and therefore he aspires to change it . The opposition of Contraries contributes also thereunto ; for observing the evils which attend such as are reduc'd under the will of another ; and on the other side , the content which Masters seem to have while they live at their own discretion , and more easily suffer any evil of their own doing , because every Man can better bear with himself then with another ; hereupon they as much desire command as they detest obedience . Now besides all this , the reason why we are so enamor'd of command , is , for that every thing desires to be in action , because all being consists primarily in action . Our Will , accordingly , is forward to exert the act of volition ; but it willeth onely by halves , when it is controll'd ; and nothing offends us more then when we command , and no body stirs to obey us ; so that some are impatient of being gain-said , even in things notoriously impertinent or unjust . Witness Philip of Macedon , who having unjustly condemn'd a poor woman , chose rather to pay her condemnation for her to her Adversary , then retract his own judgement . 'T will perhaps be objected , that there are good Fryars and Nuns , who love better to obey then to command . I answer , that in this act as well as in other mortifications of their appetites , they acknowledge that they under-go very great difficulties ; and these prove the truth of the Proposition . Yea , obedience and the resignation of our own will is more hard to observe then Poverty and Chastity ; inasmuch as the goods of Fortune and the Body are inferior to those of the Mind . The Second said , This Question hath no difficulty in the general , since all they who are contented with a servile condition , make their obedience subservient to their desire of raising a fortune , which may one day enable them to command . Nor is the reason of it less easie . For since no motive is more powerfull to incline the Will of Man then Delight and Profit , no other reason of this desire need be search'd , since superiority affords such sensible pleasure , and conspicuous advantage ; command being , to speak truth , nothing else but an effective power of applying what means we please wherewith to compass our Profit or Delight . But seeing Nature hath establish'd this Law , that Inferior things ought to obey the Superior , the less worthy the more worthy ; so that Obedience and Command are the different consonances which compose the Harmony of the world ; Whence is it that Man alone raising up the Tones or Notes of his Ambition interrupts the Consort of the Universe , and makes Discord amongst this agreeable Musick ? The reason hereof is , that as Nature gives no desires but she also gives power , so she gives no power without desire . Wherefore having made Man free by a power , to wit , a Will most free and independent , she ha's also made him free by Inclination and Desire . Now forasmuch as Obedience is the restriction and modification , or rather an annihilation of , and contrary motion to this Will and desire of freedome , 't is no wonder that Man so abhors servitude and desires command ; because in doing so he most powerfully exercises his will in all its extent . The Third said , The Will of Man being alwayes mutable , and in perpetual motion , 't is no marvel if it abhors Obedience which checks its course , deprives it of the means of change , and usually carries it by a retrograde motion against its own inclination . Yea , 't is an ordinary thing for Men to be averse to do or abstain from any matter whatsoever , onely because it is commanded or forbidden ; although we had a desire to do it before , or at least it was indifferent to us . Whence arose the Proverb , That Forbidding inflames Appetite ; and the more , for that the order which is given us introduces into our Will another strange Will , which , though like and conformable to ours , yet displeases us , as it is forinsecal ; as the motion which would have been natural to the stone , if it had been barely let fall from on high downwards , becomes violent to it when it is cast down . The Fourth said , This desire proceeds from the love which we bear to our selves , so natural to Man , that it lives first , and dyes last in him . Now Man loving himself more then any else , and love having for its foundation the perfection and merit of the thing lov'd ; hence he esteemes himself more perfect , and consequently more worthy to command then any other . And this causes him to desire a thing which he accounts due to him . The Fifth said , That as some Men are naturally lead to command , so others are inclin'd of their own accord to obey and serve . The former are call'd , by the Philosopher , Lords and Masters by Nature , having an Heroick Spirit , and capable of governing not themselves onely , but others too ; their Bodies being usually weak and delicate , hair fine , and skin smooth and thin . Others are servants by Nature , being strong and sturdy , fit to carry burthens , to undergo labour , and such incommodities as attend those who are subject to another's Will ; they have also , many times , so little capacity , that they have more of the beast then of the Man ; and this by the ordering of Divine Providence , lest having good judgements and quick wits , they might reflect upon the equity or injustice of their Masters commands , and so not execute them as they ought ; or lest the consideration of their misery , being thereby alwayes present with them , might render them more unhappy . The Sixth said , That Man having been created by God for command , as holy writ attesteth , he alwayes retaines the remembrance of his original , and would be Master every where . For though the Creatures upon which the dominion given him by God extends , seem to have been refractory to him ever since his sin ; yet the most part still acknowledge in him some tokens of their ancient Lord. The otherwise most unruly Horse suffers himself to be manag'd by him , and a troop of Oxen is driven by a Child . The most furious Animals become gentle , and tremble at the occurse of Man's Countenance , because they find therein the characters of Divinity . But as 't is natural to other Animals to obey Man more perfect then themselves , so it seemes to Man a thing against Nature for the more perfect to obey the less . The Seventh said , That the desire of commanding hath not place in all , nor at all times . The Master of the Ship willingly resignes the management of the helm to an experienc'd Pilot , and disbanded Souldiers readily suffer themselves to be rally'd and conducted by those whom they judge the most worthy to command them . Others , farr from this desire , submit and tye themselves , by natural inclination , to the pleasure of an other . Moreover , some Virtues are so heroical and eminent that they win hearts , as it were , by violence , and constrain the most refractory and ambitious to confess that they ought to be obey'd . By this means a multinous multude , impatient of all command , hath been brought to lay down their Armes . But we see some Spirits so free , that nothing can reduce them to obedience , neither Promisings nor threatnings . They have so high and extraordinary a genius , that they will prefer poverty and misery , yea , beggary and torments themselves before obedience , and never stoop to the pleasure and will of any other , although they be but little befriended by Fortune or Nature . Whence is this ? Why , sometimes from greatness of Spirit , and oftentimes from a disorderliness of Mind which breaks forth , and is not capable of restraint . The Eighth said , That in the whole Universe the more noble commands the less , the more potent quality predominates over the rest ; In Animals the Soul commands the Body , as the Master his servant , makes it move and act as it pleases ; and Man exercises sovereignty over beasts ; amongst Men , Reason commands the Appetite ; in Oeconomy , the Male , as the more perfect , commands the Female ; and , generally , the wise , learned , and virtuous , ought to have the command over the foolish , ignorant , and vicious . For I speak of things as they ought to be . But 't is otherwise if we consider things as they are . Many times the Appetite over-masters Reason ; usually fools and ignorants are the strongest . Wherefore if there be found any one amongst Men that differs as much from others as the Soul from the Body , Man from beast , Reason from the Appetite , the Male from the Female , he ought to command . For , according to Aristotle , Every Man who commands must be of a different Nature from him who obeyes . And as the Shepherd is of another and more excellent Nature then his flock , so he that commands over Men ought to be a God , or at least a Heroe . And can you wonder now that every one would have a good opinion had of himself , and be accounted a Heroe or a God ? CONFERENCE XLI . I. Of Comets . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . I. Of Comets . THe deceitfulness of our senses causes the difficulty of understanding the nature of Comets . For as some Colours , so some Lights are true , others apparent . Who would not affirm , at a distance , that Gloe-wormes , some kind of rotten wood , the scales of certain Fishes , and the eyes of Cats are real fire ? And to get to further then Heaven , who would not believe that the Moon and other Planets have a true light , were it not for the reasons of Astronomy ? Nevertheless , Experience convinces us of the contrary on Earth , as well as Reason doth in Heaven . Yet because , in doubtful matters , 't is best to keep to the common opinion ; I concur with that which holds a Comet to be a hot and dry Exhalation inflam'd in the highest Region of the Air , if the Heaven be solid ; and amongst the coelestial orbes , in case they be liquid : which Exhalation resembles the unctuosity of a torch newly extinguish'd ; which serving for fewel to the fire , which the reflection of the Sun-beams , or the violence of motion excites there , represents the figure according to which the matter is dispos'd to burn , and appears so long to us till its matter be consum'd , unless more be carry'd up which is proper to succeed it . The Second said , There is little probability that so thin and subtile matter as the afore-mention'd can burn for several moneths together . Considering that the fires of our furnaces consume themselves in less then a day , unless they be recruited with new matter ; and that the vast bulk of these Meteors allows us not to imagine that enough can be found for the sustenance of so great a flame . For that which appear'd in this City in November 1618. occupied forty degrees of the Firmament , notwithstanding its remoteness from our sight , which alwayes makes things appear less then themselves . And the matter which should be lifted up from the Earth to succeed that which is first consumed would not be inflamed , because it could not arrive to the burning Comet in its first place , by reason of its circular motion , contrary to that of Exhalations which is made in a strait line . Nor is this opinion less inconsistent with the place which they assign , namely , the Heaven ; inasmuch as many have been above the Planets , as is evidenc'd by their Parallax . For the Heavens being incorruptible , 't is impossible to phancy any corruption in them , since that which is Eternal cannot but be incompetible with that which is corruptible . Now that they are Eternal , the regularity of their motions domonstrates . And although the Apogees and Perigees of the Planets , which are the points of their greatest and least distance from the Earth , are , according to the affirmation of some Astrologers , chang'd above twenty six degrees since Ptolomy's time ; yet this permutation of place induces no mutation of substance . Nor can a Comet be the reflexion or occurrence of the light of some Planets , as those Meteors are which we call la Rose and le Soldat ; for then no Comet could last longer then such occurse , which is but momentaneous , by reason of the continual motion of the Planets ; besides that they might be as certainly prognosticated as Eclipses . But forasmuch as there are some things which we know no further then by negation , I conceive it more easie to say what a Comet is not , then to determine what it is . The Third said , A Comet is onely an appearing , not a real light ; and 't is produc'd by the darting of the Sun-beams through an Exhalation , which is fit for this purpose by its substance somewhat thin in the surface for intromitting the beams , and dense within for reflecting them , and giving them the colour of fire ; like as when the Sun casting his rayes upon the clouds , at Morning or Evening , gives them a ruddy colour . And according as those are united or compacted , enlighned by the Sun , or regard several quarters of the world ; so the Comets have different shapes or figures , which ought no more to astonish us then these of the Clouds ; which according to their conjunction together represent innumerable formes ; or at least then those of other fiery Meteors , variously figur'd according to the casual occurrence of the matter which composes them . Therefore Scaliger in his Exercitations holds that Comets are neither signes nor causes of the events which follow them , and derides those who believe that they fore-shew the death of Great Persons , or that destruction of Nations and Kingdomes ; alledging that many great Great Men have dy'd , yea , many Illustrious Families and States been destroy'd , without the appearance of any Comet ; and , on the contrary , that many Comets have appear'd , and no such accidents ensu'd . The Fourth said , That Comets are certain Stars whose motion is unknown to us , and who being rais'd very high in their Apogaeum , remain for a long time invisible . This is of no unfrequent observation in Mars , who , as many Astrologers affirm , is at some times lower then the Sun ; and at other times so high above the rest of the Planets superior to his sphere , that his body remains hid when his opposition to the Sun ought to render it most conspicuous . In like sort , those Stars which God reserves as instruments of the greatest events , which he hath fore-ordain'd to come to pass in the Universe , remain a long time elevated in their Apogaeum , till they come at length to descend towards the Earth ; from whence , as soon as they begin to manifest themselves , they attract great quantity of vapours ; which receiving the light variously , according to the nature of the places whence they were rais'd , represent to us sundry shapes of hairy and bearded Stars , or in form of a Dart , Sword , Dish , Tub , Horns , Lamps , Torches , Axes , Rods , and such others , as it falls out . And although those Stars incessantly act , yet coming to be produc'd anew , and being nearer the Earth , their effects are augmented and become more sensible . As the Fish ceases neither to be nor to move when it is in the bottome of the Sea , yet it appears not to us to have either existence or motion , unless when it comes near the surface of the Water . The Fifth said , that Comets must needs be some extraordinary things , since they alwayes presignifie strange events , especially in Religion . Histories observe that of sixty six Comets which have appear'd since the Resurrection of our Saviour , there is not one but hath been immediately follow'd by some disorder or division in the Church , caus'd by Persecutions , Schismes or Heresies . That which Josephus relates to have appear'd over the Temple of Jerusalem , and lasted a year ( contrary to the custom of others , which exceed not sixty days ) was follow'd by the ruine of Judaism . That of which Seneca speaks to have appear'd in Nero's time , was the forerunner of the Heresies of Cerinthus and Ebion . That of the year 1440 foreshew'd the Heresie of Nestorius . That of the year 1200 , the division caus'd by the Waldenses and Albingenses . And lastly , those which have been seen since the year 1330 have sufficiently manifested the truth of this effect by the multiplicity of Sects wherewith Christendom abounds at this day . But especially , the thirty Comets which have appear'd in France since the year 1556 ( four of which were in the same year , namely , in the year 1560 ) but too well witness the verity of their presignifications , which ( as S. Augustine saith ) are ordinarily fulfill'd before the same are known by men . The Sixth said , That as in all things else , so in Comets , the magnitude demonstrates the vehemence and considerableness of the future event . The colour signifies the nature of the Planet under whose dominion it is . The splendor or brightness shews the quick and effectual activity thereof , as its less lively colour testifies the contrary . The Form is a Celestial character or hicroglyphick , denoting an effect in the earth ; as if God spoke to us by signs , or writ to us after the mode of China , where the figures of things stand for letters , not contenting himself to destinate to this purpose the combinations of the Planets with the other Stars , which are the next causes of all natural effects here below . The place of the Air , or of Heaven , namely , the sign of the Zodiack wherein the Comet is , serves to design the Country which is threatned by it ; and if it be in a falling House , it signifies sudden death . It s motion from West to East indicates some forreign enemy , whose coming is to be fear'd . If it move not at all , 't is a sign that the enemy shall be of the same Land upon which the Meteor stops ; so likewise if it goes in twenty four hours from East to West ; because this motion is imputed to the first mover which hurries along withall the other Celestial Bodies . Their effects also belong to the places towards which their hairs or tails incline . Those which appear at day-break , and continue long , have their effects more sudden ; those of the evening , and of less continuance , later . They are especially of great importance when they are found with any Eclipse : and the Precept which Ptolomy and his Interpreters enjoyn principally to observe , is , that those are deceiv'd who believe that every Comet signifies the death of some great person ; but they only hold , that as when the fiery Planets rise at day-break , as so many attendants on the Sun , he that is then born shall be a King ; so when a Comet is the fore-runner of the Sun at day-break , it signifies the death of some great person . The Seventh said , That Comets do not so much foretel as cause Dearths and Famines , Wars and Seditions , burning Fevers , and other diseases , by the inflammation which they impress upon the Air , and by it upon all other bodies , and most easily upon our spirits . For seeing , twinkling , and falling Stars , are signs of great drought and impetuous winds , when they shoot from several parts of Heaven ; how much more are those great fiery Meteors which we contemplate with such sollicitude , and which act no less by conceit upon our souls then by their qualities upon our bodies . Which being found to have place in those of delicate constitutions , as great persons are , occasion'd the opinion that those grand causes exercise their effects most powerfully upon people of high rank ; besides , that the accidents which befall such persons are much more taken notice of , then those of the vulgar . But herein there is found less of demonstration then of conjecture . II. Whether Pardon be better then Revenge . Upon the second Point it was said , That there is none but prizes an action of clemency and forgiveness more then an action of vengeance . But all the difficulty is to distinguish what is done through fear from what proceeds from greatness of mind . Thus , when a Lyon vouchsafes not to rise for a Cat or little Dog that comes neer him , but employs his strength only against some more stout creature , this disdain is not call'd cowardize . But , when a man doth not revenge himself , if it be through inability 't is prudence ; if through fear , 'ts pusillanimity . Yet Alexander was deceiv'd herein ; for when two Dogs of extraordinary stature were presented to him , by a person who made great account of their courage , and he saw that one of them did not defend himself against other Dogs , he commanded him to be kill'd ; and would have done as much by the other , had not he who presented them alledg'd that the Dog's neglect of revenging himself proceeded from eontempt of his opposers . Whereupon the King caus'd a mad Bull to be turn'd loose to the other Dog , who finding a subject fit to shew his courage upon , flew upon him and tore him in pieces . It appears therefore that there is some resemblance in the action of him who forbears through poorness of spirit to revenge himself , and of him who doth it through greatness of courage . The sole difference consists in the power which the latter hath to vindicate himself , and the others wants . 'T is demanded which of the two is most honourable in him who is able to do either ; I conceive Pardoning the more honourable ; not only , because it includes in it self the power of revenge ; but because it shews a greater strength to overcome one's self then the strongest things in the world , and so become master , generally , of bodies and minds together . The Second said , That although at the first view it may seem that a man ought rather be inclinable to Pardon then Vengeance , because Nature hath for this purpose furnish'd him with Reason as his principal weapon , to which Forgiveness is an action particular , as proceeding from ratiocination , or , at least , from humanity ; yet the desire of Revenge hath not been given us by Nature for a useless faculty , and such as ought not to be reduc'd into act . For this Desire is so great in us that it extends even to inanimate things . And to pass by the follies of Xerxes who caus'd the Sea to be beaten with stripes , and writ a challenge to mount Athos , in revenge of the fear which they had given him , and that of Cyrus who amuz'd his whole Army a long time , about the river of Gnidus , for the same cause : do we not see that little children are pacifi'd when the table which hurt them is beaten , and that Gamesters many times tear the Cards in pieces with their teeth , and cast the Dice out of the window , to be reveng'd of their loss ? Hence Anaxagoras said that even they who pardon always revenge themselves , because the satisfaction given them , or their remission of an offence , supplies the place of punishment . The Third said , 'T is indeed natural to man , with all other living creatures , to preserve himself ; which cannot be done but by repelling the injuries which are offer'd to us ; nor this , but by revenge : For an injury is like fire which burns and reduces all into ashes unless it be timely remedied ; one tolerated produces another , and by degrees brings us into the scorn of the world . Therefore the Divine Law agrees with the Lex Talionis , or Law of Requital , eye for eye , tooth for tooth . And as this vengeance is one of the principal qualities which God reserves to himself , so it is one of the chief parties both of publick and private justice . He who is remiss in revenging affronts done him , is injust ; first to himself , in being careless of maintaining his honour ; and then to others , in that he suffers the respect to be violated which men owe one to another ; yea , to him too who offends him , because he gives him encouragement to do as much to others , while he findes he may do so without impunity . The Fourth said , That Revenge is an encroachment upon the Authority of Laws both Divine and Humane ; God hath reserv'd it to himself , wherewith to defend us ; and yet himself revengeth no further then to four Generations , and pardons to a thousand . He hath as strictly bound us to forgiveness as to our own safety , since he permits us to pray to him daily for no more pardon then what we grant to those who offend us . Moreover , he who takes satisfaction in stead of executing it cannot more palpably declare the ill opinion he hath of the Laws under which he lives , and which he annihilates as far as lyes in his power . 'T is this accursed Mis-conceit which hath opened so wide a door to our duels and re-encounters , as can hardly be shut at this day by many Ordinances and Edicts . And if it imports the publick , as the Lawyers hold , That no man abuse his own goods ; how much less his life , whereof he hath but the use , and which is due to the service of his God and his King. Add hereunto , that as every thing which is violent is an enemy to Nature , and of no long duration ; so people seldom find constraints and rigours to answer their purpose ; Man never suffers himself to be wholly subdu'd and bound , no more then the Oxe , saving by the strongest part , the one by the horns , the other by the will. Which caus'd Livia , the wife of Augustus , when she saw that the more he punish'd those who conspir'd against him the more new enemies he procur'd to himself , to advise her husband to try upon Cinna , one of them , whether pardon would not have better effect then Proscription . He did so , and this Conspirator became thereby so great a lover of the Emperour , that he afterwards merited by his services to be made his heir . The Fifth said , That there ought to be made a distinction of conditions ; because 't is as dangerous in a publick person to be gentle and merciful , as 't is commendable in a private . The mildness of a Judge towards a Robber is cruelty to the publick ; impunity being the Nurse of Vice. Moreover , among private persons too , their several professions are considerable . Socrates purposing to make himself an example of moderation had reason to slight the kicks that were given him , as he would have done the winsings of an Ass. But the Captain that should suffer so much must have otherwise given the world such testimony of his valour , as to avoid the imputation of cowardize . And , therefore , that man had no bad conceit , who seeing his friend perplex'd for that he understood by the Horoscope of his two children , that one of them would be the greatest coward , and the other the greatest thief in the world , counsell'd him to make the one a Church-man , and to put the other to a profession whereunto the word Larron is an Epithete , being the latter would thereby turn the prediction into a mockery ; and the defect of courage in the other would be attributed to the gentletleness whereunto Ecclesiasticks are more oblidg'd then any others . The Sixth said , That without some vengeance we should not understand what Forgiveness means , as God's justice is that which sets off his mercy . Wherefore being these two actions mutually contribute to either's lustre , it cannot be known which of the two is absolutely to be preferr'd before the other ; but it lies in the power of prudence to determine according to the variety of cases . CONFERENCE XLII . I. Of the Diversity of Languages . II. Whether is to be preferr'd , a good stature or a small . I. Of the diversity of Languages . WE have two notable examples in the Scripture ; one of God's displeasure , when the Builders of the Tower of Babel were separated by the confusion of their Language ; the other of his favour , when the Apostles were at the feast of Pentecost , as it were , united and incorporated into all Nations by the gift of Tongues . Here we only adore Mysteries but fathom them not ; we seek the natural causes of the variety of speech , and whether , as there was but one at the first , so the same may be recover'd again , or any other found that may be universal to all people . As to the first , the variety alone of the Organs seems sufficient to diversifie speech . Those Nations whose wind-pipes were more free easily retain'd the Hebrew aspirations , if so be this Language were the first , and not the Syriack , as some hold , alledging that its characters speak greatest antiquity ; or the Samaritane , because the Thorath , which is the law of God , was written in it , as also the most ancient Medals found in Palestine were stamp'd with it . They whose breasts were more robust fram'd the German and other Languages , which are pronounc'd with greater impetuosity : the more delicate made the Greek Tongue ; the middle sort , the Latine ; and their posterity , degenerating , the Italian , which is pronounc'd only with the outer part of the lips : and so of all the rest . Whence it is that strangers never pronounce our Language perfectly , nor we theirs ; which caus'd Scaliger to tell a German who spoke to him in Latine , but pronounc'd it after his own way , that he must excuse him , for he did not understand Dutch. Now every one of these Original Languages was chang'd again proportionably to the distance from its centre , as circles made by a stone cast into the water lose their figure as they become wider . Afterwards hapned the transplantations of Nations , who with the confusion of blood and manners brought also that of speech ; for the Conquerours desiring to give Law to the vanquish'd as well in this as in all other things , and the Organs of the people being unapt for the pronuntiation of a forreign tongue , hence of the mixture of two arose a third . Thus much for the first point . But as for the second , which is to reduce all Languages to one , I hold the thing impossible . For all things which are meerly of humane institution , as Language is , are as different as opinions are . And if one and the same Tongue hath sundry very different Idiomes and Dialects , as the French hath the Breton , the Gascon , the Poitevin , the Parisian , and many others , as different as the French from the Italian ( which hath in like manner the Roman , the Tusean , the Neapolitan , and the Sicilian , all very differing ) with much more reason shall Nations divided by Seas and Climates speak diversely . The opinions of men , even of Philosophers themselves , touching the same subject , could never be reconcil'd ; and can it be imagin'd that all tongues should ever agree ? Nature affects nothing so much as variety , which serves for discrimination of individuals . Two men never writ or spake alike ; and we see that even the gestures and postures of others cannot be perfectly imitated by those who use their utmost care therein ; how then shall conformity be found in the expression of our thoughts ? besides , there being no connexion or affinity between things and words , which not onely signifie several things in several Languages , but have different acceptions in the same Language , witness Homonymous words , 't is loss of time to think of such a designe . The Second said , That to judge of a River , it must be taken at its source . Languages are the several ways of interpreting or declaring our conceptions ; and these are the means which our mind makes use of to conceive the species or images of things . It knows them according as they are represented to it ; and they are represented to it according to the truth of the object , when the conditions requisite to sensation or perception by sense concur , namely , a due disposition of the object , medium , and Organ . As therefore when all these conditions are right , it cannot be but all persons of the world must agree in one and the same judgement , and all say ( e. g. ) that this Rose is red , and that other white ; so it may seem that men should agree together in the copy and transcript , since they do so in the Prototype ; that is , have one and the same Language , since they have one and the same conception . Otherwise , as to this communication with his own species , man will be inferior to other animals , who signifie their passions and inclinations so plainly and intelligibly among themselves that they answer one the other afar off ? Moreover , abundance of words are the express and natural image of the things designed by them , as Taffata , to hisse , to creak or clash , to bounce , to howle or yell , and many others . There are words which keep the same number of letters in all the learned Languages , particularly the name of God ; which holds also in some modern , as in the French , Dutch , &c. but not in ours . There are others , which vary not at all , but are one and the same among all Nations ; as the word Sac. Many things express'd by the same characters in writing are read by each people in their own Tongue , as Figures , or Cyphers , which are read and pronounc'd otherwise in Hebrew , and Greek , then in Latine or French , and yet they are taken by all to signifie the same thing . The same may be said of the Hieroglyphicks and letters of China , yea of all the figures of the Mathematicks . For every one knows a Circle , a Triangle , and a Square , although each Nation denominate the same diversly . What hinders then but as all Nations have conspir'd and agreed together in those visible words , so they may do too in those which are pronounc'd ? The Third said , That to the end words may make things understood by all the world , they ought to be signs of them ; either natural , as smoak is of fire , or by institution , depending upon a very intelligible principle or occasion , as when a Bush denotes a Tavern . As for the first , many dumb persons express their conceptions so genuinely by signs that all the world understands them ; and the Mimicks and Pantomimes of Rome were so excellent in this kind , that Roscius ( one of them ) sometimes bid defiance to Ciero , that he would express as perfectly by his gestures and postures , whatsover he pleas'd , as that incomparable Orator could do by his words . And as those who are not given to writing have the best memories , so those who have not that use of speech are more excellent then others in speaking by signs and understanding them ; there being seen in our days a dumb man who answer'd pertinently to all that was spoken to him , only by beholding the motion of the speaker's lips : which is also the reason why blind men , attending only to improve the sense of Hearing , best observe all differences of speech . Whence I draw this consequence , that the same may be practis'd in all other things which signifie by humane institution , and so there may be an universal Language . But the easiness every one finds in making himself understood by the Language and Writing which is familiar to him , renders men careless of advancing this excellent Design , which would be a means to spare the best time which our youth spends in learning the words of strange Tongues , instead of applying themselves solely to the knowledge of things . The Fourth said , That the possibility of this Project appears , in that there is an order in nature , or , at least , consequent to the very nature of things , according to which we may place , next after the Creator the created spiritual substances , then the corporeal ( one after another , according to their dignity ) particularly the corporeal according to their place , as the Heavens first , and in them the Stars , according to their dignity ; the Earth and its Animals , the Sea and its Fishes ; the Plants according to their magnitudes ; those which are equal therein , according to their vertues , and other accidents : doing the same , with Metals , Minerals , bodies perfectly and imperfectly compounded by nature and by art , and with the Elements : then we may come to the Categories of accidents to which every thing in the world may be reduc'd and put in its right place . Whereby it is evident that not only all things have their order but also that he who learns them according to this order , easily avoids confusion , the mother of ignorance . It remains , now , to find out an order of words too , which answers to that of things ; the first to the first , and the second to the second ; which order is so natural to them , that children make use of it to find out every thing which they seek in Dictionaries and Lexicons according to the order of the Alphabet . And I know not whether we ought not to begin this handsome gradation and situation of all things in their rank , correspondent to the order of the letters , with the style that God gives himself , Alpha and Omega . But it cannot but be admir'd that the first combination of the letters makes Ab and Aba , which signifies Father , the first place being due to the Author and Father of all things . II. Whether is to be preferr'd a great Stature or a small . Upon the second Point , it was said , That largeness of body seems to be preferrable , as well because the word Magnitude or Grandeur always includes some perfection in it self , as because the Gods were anciently represented of a size exceeding the ordinary . Which made Aristotle say , that not only the greatness of the Heroes render'd them famous of old , but that their Figures and Statues are venerable at this day . Moreover , we see that Saul , the first King chosen by God for his own people , was taller by the head then all the rest of the Israelites . And amongst the conditions of Beauty , magnitude so universally holds the first place , that women advance themselves upon high Shooes , and Patins , that they may seem the handsomer . How well shap'd soever a little man be , he is never of so majestical a presence as one that is taller . Whence you see little men affect to seem greater , but never any tall men desire to be less . Now the same Proportion which is between a Man and his habitation , is found between the soul and the body which is its Mansion . For as he who hath the largest house will be accounted to be better lodg'd then he who dwells in a Cottage , though they be persons otherwise of equal condition ; so 't is probable , that souls ( which are all equal ) find themselves better lodg'd in a great body then in a small , and exercise all their functions with much more freedom . The Second said , That if magnitude put the value upon men , the same should hold in animals : nevertheless , the Elephant yields to the Fox , yea to the Pismire ; the Estrich to the Nightingale ; and the Whale is the most stupid of all Fishes . Moreover , nothing hinders the divine operations of the soul but the load of the body , whereby the imperfection of our nature places us below the wholly incorporeal Intelligences ; and therefore the less the body is , the neerer we approach the Angelical nature , and our spirit is less impeded by the matter . Hence little men are not only the most quick-witted , but also the most active and nimble ; for that the strength is more united in them , and diffus'd and dissipated in others . Great and robust bodies , as being fitter for labour , were made to obey the small and tender , which have more spirit then flesh . Whence the Romans gave the Civil and Military charges to little men , and sent the greater to guard the Baggage , as those who gave the enemies more aim then the less . Nor are the greater more proper for other Arts ; which made the Poet say as a thing impossible , Sambucam potiùs caloni aptaveris alto . — And Samuel was reprov'd by God for offering to prefer the tall Stature of the eldest son of Jesse before the small size of David his youngest , as if the Israelites had been displeas'd with the large body of Saul . The Poets could not represent an enraged Cyclops , and furious Ajax , but under great bodies , as , on the contrary , they made Vlysses very small . And indeed natural Reasons agree well herein . For amongst the causes of the bodie 's growth , the material is a slimy or viscous humidity ; whence Fish grow most , and in shortest time . This Humidity is , as it were , Glew or Bird-lime to the soul , hindring it from exercising its functions freely : and therefore women , being more humid , have less wit then men ; and Fish are less disciplinable then the rest of animals . The efficient is a very gentle heat ; for were it too great it would consume the matter in stead of dilating and fashioning it , and dry the solid parts too much , upon the increasing of which depends that of the rest of the body . This is the reason why all gelt animals grow most , and amongst Birds of prey the females are always greater then the males ; the excess of their heat being temper'd by the humidity of their Sex ; and young persons are found to have grown extraordinarily after Quotidian Agues which are caus'd by Phlegme ; so that it is not hard for such pernicious causes to produce a good effect . The Third said , That every thing is to be commended and esteem'd according to the use for which it is appointed . Now Man being born for Reason and the functions of the Mind , and having receiv'd a Body to be an instrument to him of Knowledg by making a faithfull report to him of what passes without , by means of the species convey'd through the senses into the phancy : Upon which the Intellect making reflection formes the like in it self , and thus all Notions are produc'd ; it follows that neither the great stature nor the little are to be esteem'd . But 't is demanded , Which of the two is the less evil ; I conceive , with the Physitians , that the great is less incommodious in youth , as being then more proper for exercises , whose toyle it can better under-go , especially those of Warr. And therefore when Marius levy'd Souldiers , he suffer'd none to pass the Muster but such as could not walk under a measure rais'd six foot from the ground . But in old age , when the natural heat is more languid , and consequently less able to discharge all its functions in a large Body , the small size is best : And little old men are never so crooked as others ; besides that their coldness serves to moderate the ardour of the choler which is attributed to little men , because their spirits having not so much room to run about , agitate them sooner , and more violently then others . The Fourth said , As every living thing hath bounds of its perfection , so it hath of its greatness or smallness ; which , if it exceeds or falls short of , 't is held monstrous and besides Nature , as Gyants and Dwarfes . But because this term of magnitude hath a great latitude , 't is hard to know , precisely , which is the least or greatest stature whereunto Man may naturally attain ; and which is the middle , and consequently who deserve the name of great or little ; considering that the same is various , according to places and climates , and according to every one's particular temper or first conformation , which ordinarily follows the proportion which the seed of the Father and Mother bears with the Idea of their species , if the too great or too little quantity of the matter , or the capacity of the place permit . For the Northern people are large , the Southern small . Those between the 28. and the 38. climate are of middle stature ; and one that would be call'd a tall person among the little , will be accounted little among the tall . Constitutions likewise contribute very much hereunto . Those who are dry by Nature are usually small . Such as are too moist grow more in thickness then in the other dimension ; it being the property of humidity not to mount easily upwards , unless it be accompany'd with heat ; for then the Agent and the Patient being rightly dispos'd to extend every part , the whole is augmented . Therefore as the Phegmatick temper is most prone to fatness , so the sanguine contributes to tallness ; especially if the persons live idly and feed well . Hence it is that the men before the Deluge are noted by the Scripture to have been Gyants , because they lead idle , and voluptuous lives . As , on the contrary , Fasting , Watching , and immoderate Labour in the time destinated for men to grow , which reaches not much beyond twenty five years of age , hinder the attaining of the just measure intended by nature ; which Divines refer to that of Adam and our Saviour ; as their bodies were also the rule of the proportion which our members ought to have one to another , and the temper of their humours the standard of ours : whence they were the healthfullest and goodliest of all men : but they were of tall stature . CONFERENCE XLIII . I. Of the Philosopher's stone . II. Of Mont de piete , or charitable provision for the Poor . I. Of the Philsopher's stone . THe Poets , not without reason , feign'd that the gods left hope to men in the bottom of Pandora's box , after all their other goods were flown out of it . For nature being unwilling to shew her self a Step-mother to man hath made such provision , that the almost infinite unhappy accidents of life cannot so much cast him down on one hand , as hope raises him up on the other . And , not to speak of that first of Christian virtues , which accompanies him even in death , and serves him for an Anodyne in all his miseries ; is he under the rod , he comforts himself with hope to get free from it ; is he of mean extraction , he hopes to ennoble himself by his exploits ; is he poor , he encourages himself to labour with the possibility of becoming rich ; is he sick , the hope of recovery supports his fainting Spirits ; yea , when ordinary means fail him , he is not out of heart . But if there be any thing worthy of laughter to those who cannot apprehend it , or of admiration to him that will further philosophize about the odd motions of humane minds , this is one , how 't is possible that an old , decrepit , poor , diseased person , should nevertheless not despair of having the train of a Prince one day ; and not onely hope to be cur'd , but to become a young man again . Yet all this is phancy'd by the seekers of the Philosophers stone , which is the grand work , the Panacea , the Elixir , and the Universall Restaurator . Now this most extravagant conceit , joyn'd to the other absurdities of that Chimerical Art , makes me believe that it is good for nothing but to serve for imaginary consolation to the miserable . The Second said , That the Chymists who exercise it , are of two sorts . Some by their sophistications give tinctures to Metals which they promise to transmute by their mixture , fixation , cementation , and other operations . Others , who are call'd the true Sons of Art , do not amuse themselves about particular things , but solely about the grand work ; at which they all aime , though by several courses . Some think to attain it by blowing , and usually make a mixture of Quick-silver and Gold , which they keep nine moneths in a small furnace over the flame of a lamp . Some conceive , that 't is a very plain operation , ( terming it Children's work ) and that there needs onely the knowledge of the matter , the fire , the vessel , and the manner ; the rest being done of it self . Yet others attribute this work onely to Revelation , saying that the Artist must onely pray to God ; and they believe it is mention'd in the Holy Scripture , where it is said , That much clay is requisite to the making of pots , but onely a little dust to the making of Gold ; that 't was this Wisedom which made Solomon so rich , that , by the testimony of Scripture , Gold was common in his dayes as stones ; that the Gold of Ophir was that which this Philosophical stone had transmuted , far more excellent then the natural ; and that the ships he set forth to fetch it were onely parables and figures ; like the golden fleece , which was nothing but a parchment wherein this secret was written . But most hold an opinion compos'd of these two , saying , that the Manual operation must be assisted by extraordinary favour from Heaven . I conceive , with them , that there is such a thing as the Philosophers stone , or , at least , that it is possible ; that Salt is its matter , and Motion its fire . For since these two are found every where , this property agrees very well to them ; Salt being extracted out of all Bodies , and Heat proceeding from their friction one against another , in imitation of that which the Heavens excite here below . The Third said , The Philosophers stone is a Powder of Projection , a very little of which being cast upon imperfect Metals , ( as all are , except Gold ) purifies and cures them of their Leprosie and impurity , in such a manner , that having first taken away their feculency , and then multiply'd their degrees , they acquire a more perfect nature : Metals not differing among themselves , but in degrees of perfection . It is of two sorts ; the white , which serves to make Silver ; and the red , which being more concocted is proper to make Gold. Now to attain it , you need onely have the perfect knowledge of three things , to wit , the Agent , the Matter , and the Proportion requisite to the end the Agent may educe the form out of the bosome of that Matter , duly prepar'd by the application of actives to passives . The first two are easie to be known . For the Agent is nothing else but Heat , either of the Sun or of our common fire , or of a dunghill , which they call a Horse's belly , or of Balneum Mariae , ( hot water ) or else that of an Animal . The patients are Salt , Sulphur , or Mercury , Gold , Silver , Antimony , Vitriol , or some little of such other things , the experience whereof easily shews what is to be expected from them . But the Application of the Agent to the Patient , the determination of the degrees of Heat , and the utmost preparation and disposition of the Matter , cannot be known but by great labour and long experience : Which being difficult , thence we see more delusions and impostures in this Art then truths . Nevertheless Histories bear witness , that Hermes Trismegistus , Glauber , Raimond Lully , Arnauld , Flamel , Trevisanus , and some others , had knowledge of it . But because for those few that are said to have it , almost infinite others have been ruin'd by it , therefore the search of it seemes more curious then profitable . The Fourth said , That as Mathematicians have by their search after the Quadrature of a circle arriv'd to the knowledge of many things which were before unknown to them ; so though the Chymists have not discover'd the Philosophers stone , yet they have found out admirable secrets in the three families of Vegetables , Animals , and Minerals . But it not the less possible , although none should ever attain it , not onely for this general reason , that Nature gives us no desire in vain , but particularly because all Metals are of the same species , being made of one and the same Matter , ( Sulphur and Mercury ) and concocted by one and the same celestial heat ; not differing but in concoction alone , as the grains of the same raisin do , which ripen at several times . This is evident by the extraction of Gold and Silver out of all Metals , even out of Lead and Iron , the most imperfect of them . So that the Art ought not to be judg'd inferior in this matter to all others which it perfectionates . Moreover , the Greek Etymology of Metals shews that they are transmutable one into another . The Fifth said , That as in the production of Corn by Nature , the seed and the fat of the Earth are its matter , and its efficient is partly internal , included in the grain , and partly external , viz. the heat of the Sun , and the place in the bosome of the Earth ; so in the production of Gold by Art , its matter is Gold it self and its Quick-silver ; and the efficient cause , is partly , in the Gold , partly in the external heat ; the place is the furnace , containing the Egg of Glass , wherein the matter is inclos'd , dissolve'd and grows black , call'd the Crowes head , waxes white , and then is hardned into a red mass , the hardness whereof gives it the name of a stone ; which being reduc'd into powder , and kept three dayes in a vessel hermetically seal'd upon a strong fire , acquires a purple colour ; and one dram of it converts two hundred of Quicksilver into pure Gold ; yea , the whole Sea , were it of like substance . The Sixth said , That Art indeed may imitate , but cannot surpass Nature . But it should , if we could change other metals into Gold ; which is impossible to Nature it self , even in the Mines , in how long time soever ; those of Iron , Lead , Tin , or Copper , never becoming Mines of Gold or Silver . Therefore much less can the Alchymist do it in his furnaces , no more then he can produce some thing more excellent then Gold , as this Philosophical stone would be ; Gold being the most perfect compound of all mixt bodies , and for that reason incorruptible . And indeed how should these Artists accomplish such a work , when they are not agreed upon the next matter of it , nor upon the efcien tcause , time , place , and manner of working ; there being as many opinions as there are different Authors . Moreover , 't is untrue that all Metals are of one species , and differ onely in degree of concoction ; for Iron is more concocted then Silver , as also more hard , and less fusible ; and their difference was necessary in reference to humane uses . Now perfect species which are under the same next genius , as Metals are , can never be transmuted one into another , no more then a Horse into a Lyon. Yea , could this Philosophical stone act upon Metals , yet it would not produce Gold or Silver , but other stones like it self , or onely imprint upon them its own qualities , according to the ordinary effects of all natural Agents . And if it were true that the powder of Gold produc'd other Gold , being cast upon Metals , as a grain of wheat brings forth many others being cast into the Earth ; it would be requisite to observe the same order and progress in the multiplication of Gold which Men do in that of grains of Wheat . Yet the Chymists do not so , but will have their multiplication to be made in an instant . The Seventh said , That since Art draws so many natural effects out of fitting matter , as Worms , Serpents , Frogs , Mice , Toads and Bees ; although the subject of these Metamorphoses be much more difficult to be dispos'd and made susceptible of a sensitive soul then insensible metal is to receive a Form divisible like its matter ; he saw no absurdity in it , but that at least by the extraordinary instruction of good or bad spirits some knowledge of this operation may be deriv'd to men ; considering , that we see other species naturally trans-form'd one into another , as Egyptain Nitre into stone , a Jasper into an Emerald , the herb Basil into wild Thyme , Wheat into Darnel , a Caterpiller into a Butter-fly : yea , if we will believe the Scotch , they have a Tree , whose fruit falling into the water is turn'd into a Bird. II. Of a Mont de Pieté or Bank for lending to the Poor . Upon the second Point it was said , That Charity toward our Neighbour being the most certain sign of Piety towards God ; and Hills having been chosen almost by all Nations to sacrifice upon , as neerest to Heaven ; upon these accounts the name of Mont de Pieté hath been given to all institutions made for relief of the poor ; whereof lending money for their necessity being one of the principal effects , the publick places establish'd for that use retain this name in sundry parts of Italy , Flanders , and many other States ; and some have been erected in all Cities of this Kingdom , by the King's Edict of February 1626. and the more willingly because Popes were the first Institutors of them ; as that at Rome was instituted by Clement VII . in the year 1526. and increas'd by Paul III. and Sixtus V. that of Avignon by Paul IV. and others by Pius V. and Julius III. Now because it is not reasonable to lend without security , and the poor ordinarily give not any but their moveables , therefore the name of Mont de Pieté is attributed only to the lending upon Pledges or Pawnes . But to the end this Institution might merit the name bestow'd upon it , it were to be desir'd that this loan were gratuitous and free , according to the Gospel precept , Lend , hoping for nothing again ( Luke 6. 35. ) conformably to the ancient Law of God , which forbad the Jews to take any thing of their Brethren , besides the principal sum . But to make even for this , they have every where practis'd such excessive Usury towards all other Nations , that the same is turn'd into a Proverb , to denote such exaction as is unmeasurable , and odious to all the world . The Second said , That it hath always been the intention of Legislators to forbid Usury , call'd by the Hebrews with good reason Neschech , Biting ; which always hurts , how little soever it be . And forasmuch as the avarice of men hath continually withstood that natural Law , which allows not fruit to produce other fruit , nor yet the principal sum any interest , silver being barren of it self ; therefore Usury was limited by the Law Duilia to a Denier in two hundred ; and the Usurer was more severely punish'd then the Thief ; the latter being condemn'd but to pay double , and the other quadruple . The reason of which seems to be , for that it is requisite in a State that the rich help the poor ; and because the harmony of a society ceases when some one part is swell'd beyond measure while the others pine and languish ; Hence it was that God instituted Jubilees , which re-establish'd the Jews every fiftieth year in the inheritances of their Fathers ; and elsewhere that was introduc'd which they call'd the new Tables , being a general discharge of all debts without payment . Now what hath been practis'd since to the contrary is a meer toleration , of which heed must be taken , that it become not a Law , no more then other unjust things ; which yet are suffer'd for the eschewing of worse inconveniences . The Third said , Charity hath three degrees . The first is of those who give . The second of those who lend freely . But because these two are very rare , and besides imply some disparagement to the receiver , the third degree is , to lend upon moderate profit : which loan ceases not to retain the Epithete of charitable , if the Creditor exact not his debt too severely , but allow for the default of time and other circumstances . And the humanity of those who promote lending upon pledges is very beneficial to the poor , who for the most part not having immoveables enough , clear from mortgage , to secure their Creditors , deprive them of the means to relieve themselves by their moveables without selling them ; which sundry considerations oftentimes hinder them from doing . Besides , 't is the opinion of many Lawyers , that the whole estate of a man taken in gross is in the eye of the Law accounted immoveables , although he have only moveables . The Fourth said , That unless a new world were fram'd , and every particular person inspir'd with charity towards his Neighbour equal to the love which he bears to himself , 't is impossible to bring men to lend freely one to another . This is verifi'd by the Law of the Locrenses , which strictly forbidding them to lend upon Usury , they forbare not to pervert this Law publickly , the Borrower feigning to steal the Creditor's money , who thereupon took witness of it , and in case the Debtor fail'd to pay him his interest , caus'd him to be condemn'd as a Thief . From which corrupt practice the inventions of our changes and rechanges , loans upon Obligations and Pawns , are not much different ; saving that these latter , being us'd ordinarily with persons whose necessity is most urgent , are likewise more unequitable . So that the same may be said concerning this kind of lending , which a Turk said once to Mahomet when he forbad the use of Wine to that Nation , Thou canst not , said he , keep us from drinking Wine , since we shall always drink it in secret ; but thou maist keep us from violating and transgressing thy Law , by permitting the same to us . Thus , being experience hath manifested to Legislators that it is impossible to hinder lending upon profit ; even Charity ought to induce them to take away the prohibition of it , to the end men may offend no longer . Moreover , he that would otherwise remain idle , by this means finds wherewith to exercise his Art or Trade ; and money , which would be unprofitable to all such as have only personal estates , affords profit to the owners : besides that 't is of great advantage to persons under age , many of whom having their fortune in money would otherwise devour the main stock , in stead of finding it increased by their thriftiness in their nonage . Besides that estates in land being already very dear , would become beyond all value , and by that means scarce be of any benefit , considering their excessive price . The Fifth said , that the principal difficulty to erect a Mont de Pieté , or Bank for the poor , consists in such conditions as are much more tolerable then the ordinary lendings upon Pawns . Now those conditions concern two sorts of persons , namely , those who put money into the Bank , and those who borrow thence . Now 't is fit to make as good composition as can be had with the first ; according to what is practis'd in Italy , there may be found persons , who having not a stock of money sufficient to maintain them in case they should take no more then the interest allow'd by the Làws of their Country , put their principal into the Bank , on condition to receive a Pension or Annuity for life above the ordinary interest . Others put a small sum in upon the birth of a child , on condition that the child shall receive a considerable one ( agreed upon between them ) at his marriage ; which sum , in case of death , accrues to the Bank or Mont. But the same license must not be given to the Creditors , to extort the best terms they can from their Debtors , whose necessity many times receives any Law they please to prescribe them . I conceive , therefore , that there ought to be made faithful supputation of what the interest of the principal ( at the lowest rate it can be had ) the wages of Officers necessary for prizing , keeping , receiving and delivering of Pawns , and selling the same in case of need , will amount to : that so what this charge comes to may be taken for profit upon the Pawn , and added to the principal ; but the remainder restor'd to the owner . And nothing above this is to be suffer'd . CONFERENCE XLIV . I. How Minerals grow . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing exactly . I. How Minerals grow . UNder Minerals are comprehended , Metals , Stones , and all sorts of Fossilia , or things dig'd out of the earth . The causes of their growing or augmentation are here inquir'd . All the world agrees that they grow , excepting those who hold that God created them at the beginning together with the earth . But they who have kept a stone in water for a long time , and find the same increas'd in bigness , will confute that opinion by this experiment ; as also the experience of Miners doth , who having exhausted a Mine of its Metal find more in it after some years ; and when they discover Mines , as yet imperfect , they cover the same again with earth , and after some space of time find them fit to be wrought upon , and , as it were , arriv'd to their maturity . This is also verifi'd by that Chymical operation , call'd vegetable Gold ; and pieces of Cinnabar ( or Quick-silver mingled with Sulphur ) melted and put amongst the filings of Silver , being set over a furnace in a well luted Vessel produceth pure Silver , though of less profit then curiosity . For this visible artifice seems to prove the invisible one of nature , according to the opinion of Philosophers , who hold that all Metals are made of Quick-silver and Sulphur . So that we must not seek other causes of their generation and increasing then a new accession of that matter , either gliding along the veins of the earth , or reduc'd first into vapour by heat , and then condens'd by cold . The Second said , That he was of Cardan's opinion who assigns a particular vegetative soul to all Minerals as well as to all Plants , whereunto they have great resemblance , not only in that they have some virtues and faculties alike ( yea far more excellent ) which cannot come but from a principle of life ( since action is the indication of life ) but also because they grow according to all their dimensions , as Plants do ; have a conformation and configuration , which is common to Plants with them ; attract , retain and concoct the nourishment which they receive from the earth by their veins and passages , and have also an expulsive faculty which is not in Plants , casting forth their dross , and exhaling their superfluous vapours . They have also roots and barks as Trees have ; their substance is of parts organical , and really dissimilar , though in appearance some of them seem to be similar and homogeneous ; and Lead , out of which are extracted Salt or Sugar , Quick-silver and Sulphur , is no more a similar body then Ebeny , Box , and Milk , out of which such different substances are drawn . The Third said , That before we can know whether Minerals live , we must first understand how life is caus'd in man , who is to be as the rule of all living things . It consists but in one sole action , to wit , that of Heat upon Humidity , which it rarefies and subtilizes , causing the same to ascend by little and little out of the intestines through the Mesentery to the Liver , Heart and Brain ; in each of which it casting off its excrementitious parts , it acquires a new perfection , the utmost in the Brain , where it becomes a very thin spirit capable of receiving any form , even that of light , as appears by the internal splendor of our sight , and that brightness which is sometimes seen outwardly upon some Bodies . In Plants are found the like cavities destinated to receive and prepare their nourishment which heat attracts into them ; and their knots are so many repositories , wherein that heat is re-united and takes new strength , till being arriv'd at the top of the Plant , according to the rectitude of the fibres , it circulates the matter so carried up that it spreads into branches , leaves and fruit . For as humidity is of it self immoveable , and incapable of any action , so being accompani'd with heat it moves every way ; and there is no need of admitting an attractive faculty in each part , since it is carried thereunto sufficiently of it self . Natural heat indeed drives it upwards , but all unusual heat makes it break out collaterally , as is seen in sweat ; for no eruption of humidity is caus'd but by the excess of some strange heat , not proper or natural . Now we may observe these tokens of life in the production of Minerals ; their vaporous matter being first sublim'd and purifi'd by heat , and then incorporated with themselves . But because all Natures works are occult , and the instrument she uses ( to wit , natural heat ) is imperceptible , 't is no wonder if it be hard to know truly how Minerals hid in the earth grow , since we are ignorant how the accretion of Plants expos'd to our view is made ; we perceive them to have grown , but not to grow ; as the shadow on on the Dyal is observ'd to have gone its round , yet appears not to move at all . Nevertheless , the Arborists would have us except the Plant of Aloes out of this number , whose flower and trunk at a certain time shoot forth so high , and so speedily , that the motion thereof is perceptible to the eye . The Fourth said , That the generation of some Minerals is effected by heat , and of others by cold ; the former , by coction , and the latter by concretion or co-agulation ; which two agents are discover'd by the dissolution of Metals : For such as are made by cold are melted by its contrary , Heat ; as Lead , Silver , and other Metals ; and those which are made by heat , dissolve in water , as all Salts ; provided , neither the one nor the other be so compact and close that they admit not the qualities of their contraries ; for which reason Glass which is concocted by fire is not dissolv'd in water ; and the Diamond , Marble , and some other stones , congealed by cold , are not melted by fire . But their accretion is not made by any vital principle , but only by a new apposition of matter . Moreover , they have no sign of inward life , as nutrition , equal and uniform augmentation in all their parts ( which should be distinct and organiz'd ) certain constant terms and limits of magnitude , and resemblance of figure and conformation , both internal , and external between all individuals of the same species . For Minerals having no cavities cannot receive aliment inwardly . They grow as long as matter is supply'd to them , and that inequally . Their figure is indeterminate and various , according to the casual application of their matter in the veins of the earth ; and their parts are all alike . The barks , roots , and veins attributed to them have nothing but the shape of those things , not the use , no more then the paps of men . Nor do they bear flowers , fruits or seeds , nor produce or multiply themselves any other way , as Plants do . The Fifth said , We give appellations or names to things from their external form , because their internal is unknown to us . Now divers Minerals have the same proportion that Trees have ; and the cause why Mines are larger , is because they are not agitated by winds , nor in danger of falling , as Trees are , to whose magnitude , for that reason , Nature hath been constrain'd to set bounds ; and although Minerals grow much more then they , yet it do's not follow that they have not certain terms prefix'd to their quantity . If they bear neither flowers nor fruits , 't is so too with some Plants upon which the Sun shines not , as the Capillary Herbs which grow in the bottom of Wells , and some others also , as Fern. And the case is the same with this common Mother the Earth , as with Nurses ; for as when they become with child the infant whom they suckle dyes ; so where there are Mines under the Earth , nothing grows upon the surface . The decaying and old age of stones is also a sign of their being vital , as appears by the Load-stone , which loseth its strength in time , and needs filings of Iron to preserve its life . All which being joyn'd to what Scaliger relates , that in Hungary there are threds of gold issuing out the earth , after the manner of Plants , perswades me that Minerals have a particular soul besides that universal spirit which informs the world and its parts ; but this soul is as much inferior to that of Plants , as the vegetative is below the sensitive . II. Whether it be best to know a little of every thing , or one thing perfectly . Upon the second Point , it was said , Sciences are the goods of the mind , and the riches of the soul. And as 't is not sufficient to happiness to have riches , but the possesser must be able to preserve and enjoy them : so 't is not enough to have a great stock of notions , but they must be brought into the light and put in practice . Now this is done better by him who understands but one single thing perfectly , then by him who knows a little of all , ordinarily with confusion , which is the mother of ignorance . This is what they call knowing a little of every thing ; and of all , nothing . For being our mind is terminated , the object of its knowledge ought to be so too ; whence it is that we cannot think of two thing , at the same time . Thus , of all the world mine eye and my mind can see but one thing at one time , one single Tree in a Forest , one Branch in a whole Tree ; yea , perfectly but one single Leaf in a whole Branch : the exception of the mind , like that of the eye , being made by a direct line , which hath but one sole point of incidence . And the least thing , yea the least part is sufficient to afford employment to the humane soul. Hence the consideration of a Fly detain'd Lucian so long ; that of a Pismire exercis'd the wit of a Philosopher three and forty years . That of the Ass sufficiently busi'd Apuleius . Chrysippus the Physitian writ an entire volumn of the Colewort ; Marcion and Diocles of the Turnep and Rape ; Phanias , of the Nettle ; King Juba , of Euphorbium ; Democritus , of the number of Four ; and Messala made a volumn upon each Letter . Even the Flea hath afforded more matter to sundry good wits of this age , then they found how to dispose of . How then can man , who is ignorant of the vilest things , be sufficient to know all ? The Second said , If the word knowledge be taken strictly for a true knowledge by the proper causes , 't is better to know a little of every thing then one thing alone . If for a superficial knowledge , 't is better to know one thing solidly then all superficially ; that is , a little well , then all badly . For 't is not barely by action that the Faculty is perfected , but by the goodness of the action . One shot directly in the mark is better then a hundred thousand beside it ; one single Science which produces truth is more valuable then all others which afford onely likelihoods , ( and all conjectural knowledge is no more ) wherewith nevertheless almost all our Sciences overflow ; out of which were all that is superfluous extracted , it would be hard to find in each of them enough to make a good Chapter : as appears by the small number of Demonstrations which can be made in any Science ; yet those are the onely instruments of knowledge . Hence it is , that he who applyes himself to many Sciences never succeeds well in them , but loses himself in their Labyrinth ; for the Understanding can do but one thing well , no more then the Will can . Friendship divided , is less ; as a River which hath more then one Channel , is less rapid ; and he that hunts two hares catches none . Of this we have many instances in Nature , which ennables the Organs to perform but one action , the Eye to see , and the Ear to hear ; and one tree brings forth but one kind of fruit . In well govern'd Families each officer discharges but one employment ; In States well order'd no Artificer exercises above one Trade , whereas in Villages one work-man undertakes five or six Mysteries , and performes none well ; like the knife or sword of Delphos , spoken of by Aristotle , which serv'd to all uses , but was good for none . The Third said , The Understanding being a most subtile fire , a Spirit alwayes indefatigably moving , and which hath receiv'd all things for its portion ; 't is too great injustice to retrench its inheritance , to clip its wings , and confine it to one object ; as they would do who would apply it but to one single thing , not considering that the more fewel you supply to this fire , the more it encreases , & is able to devour . Moreover , it hath a natural desire to know every thing ; & to go about to confine it to one , were to limit the conquests of Alexander to an acre of Land. And as every Faculty knows its object in its whole latitude , and according to all its species and differences ; the Eye perceives not onely green and blew , but all visible , colour'd , and luminous things ; the Touch feels cold , hot , soft , hard things , and all the tactile qualities ; the Phancy is carry'd to every sensible good , the Will loves all that is good and convenient : In like manner the Understanding , which is the principal Faculty of Man ; and though it be most simple , yet comprehends all things ( as the Triangle , the first and simplest of all figures , containes them all in it self , since they may be resolv'd into , and proved by it ) ought not to be in worse condition then the others its inferiors , but must be carry'd towards its object in the whole extent thereof , that is , know it . If sundry things cannot be conceiv'd at a time , that hinders not but they may successively . Besides that the variety of objects recreates the Faculties as much as the repetition of one and the same thing tires , enervates , and dulls it . The Fourth said , All things desire good , but not all goods . So , though Men be naturally desirous of knowing , yet they have a particular inclination to know one thing rather then another , infus'd into every one for the preservation of Sciences . Which end of Nature would be frustrated , should we run to the inquisition of new Sciences before we have attain'd the first , considering the brevity of our lives compar'd with the amplitude of Arts. Wherefore it were more expedient not onely that every one apply'd himself to that whereunto he finds himself inclin'd , but that there were as many distinct Artists as the Art hath principal parts ; and that , for example , as Physick hath been commodiously divided between Physitians , Chirugeons , and Apothecaries , which were anciently but one , so their functions were again subdivided . Because by this means every one of them would attain a more perfect knowledge of his Subject . Therefore Plato instead of cultivating , as he could have done , the spacious field of Philosophy , apply'd himself onely to Metaphysicks , Socrates to Morality , Democritus to Natural Philosophy , Archimedes to the Mathematicks . For they who would possess all the parts of a Science at once are like those who should try to pluck off a Horse's tail at one pull , instead of doing it hair by hair . Whence it was said of Erasmus , that he had been greater , if he had been contented to be less . The Fifth said , That determination of the question depends upon the capacity of wits . For as in a poor little Mansion where there is not room enough to place all necessary moveables , 't were impertinence to desire to place such as serve onely for luxury and ornament : So mean wits , yea , the indifferent , such as most are , take safer course in keeping to those few things of which they have most use , then if they embrac'd too many , for fear of verifying the Proverb , He that grasps too much holds nothing . But there are some Heroick Spirits , capable of every thing , and of which , comparing them to others , that may be said which a Father once said of the different degrees of bliss , comparing the Souls of the blessed to vessels of several sizes , all fill'd from the same Fountain . There are little vulgar capacities , which the initiation of a Science , or the Etymologie of a word satisfies , and they never get beyond the Apprentiship of the least trade . Others are so transcendent , that they go , like the Sun , into all corners of the world without being wearied or contaminated with several objects . Nothing tires them but rest . They draw every thing to themselves , become Masters of what ever they undertake , and reduce all Sciences to their principal study . Thus , the Divine , the Physitian , and the Lawyer , will make use of History : The first , to enrich a Sermon , or raise a Soul dejected by the consideration of its miseries , whereunto it believes none equal : The Second , to divert his Patient , whose Mind ha's no less need of redress then his body : The Third , to shew that the same judgement ha's been given in a parallel case . They will call in the demonstrations of the Mathematicks to back their own , and the experiments of other Arts to serve for examples and similitudes . To these , Nature , how vast soever it be , seemes still too little , and they would complain upon occasion , like Alexander , that there were not worlds enough . Such were of old Hippocrates and Aristotle ; and in the time of our Fathers the Count of Mirandula , Scaliger , and some others , who though they writ and spoke of all things , did nevertheless excel in all . Besides , nothing can be known perfectly , without knowing a little of every thing , and this by reason of the Encyclopaedie , or Circle of Arts ; as we cannot understand a particular map without having some knowledge of the general , and also of the neighbouring Countries . CONFERENCE XLV . I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . II. Whether it be harder to get then to preserve . I. Whether the Heavens be solid or liquid . WHen the proportion requisite to the necessary distance between the sense and its object fails either in excess or defect , there is no more credit to be given to Sense . That which we look upon too near , and which is apply'd upon the Eye , appears greater then ordinary , as that which is too remote seems very small , and diminishes commensurately to its distance . By which also the figure or shape of the object becomes chang'd to our apprehension ; and we are apt to mistake a square Tower to be round , one colour for another , nothing for a body , a tree for a living creature , a beast for a man , one face for another . Some things likewise deceive us near hand , as the certain of Timanthus . But if we are abus'd in objects , which are terminated by an opake surface , capable of bounding our view , and reflecting our visual rayes ; the same happens , with more reason , in diaphanous and transparent bodies , as Light , Fire , Air , Water , Glass , and every thing of that nature . The two last especially , have such conformity that they have divers effects alike , as to serve instead of burning-glasses to recollect the Sun-beams , and represent the species which are opposite to them . For , fill a viol with water , and set it in the Sun , his beams will produce the same effect with it as with a burning-glass . Now by reason of the possibility that our Sight may be mistaken , we are many times forc'd to have recourse to some other Sense , as to that of Touching ; to the end the one may be back'd with the testimony of the other . But this cannot be practis'd in the present Subject ; and therefore I conceive that the Heavens , taken for the Celestial Orbes , and not for the Air , nor the third or Empyrreal Heaven , are neither solid nor liquid ; because solidity is an effect of dryness , and liquidity of moisture , which are Elementary Qualities ; but the Heavens not being compos'd of the Elements cannot partake of their qualities . But as they constitute a Fifth Essence , of no affinity with that of the Four Elements , so the accidents which belong to them are wholly different from ours , and can no more be conceiv'd then those of glorifi'd bodies ; which if you imagine solid , you can never think how they should bow the knee , or exercise any the like function . If they be imagin'd rare and liquid , and consequently penetrable , they will seem to us divisible ; qualities contrary to their immortality . Wherefore I conclude , that the things of Heaven are not to be measur'd by the standard of those on Earth . The Second said , That when things are remote from our external Senses , we must joyn the internal in their disquisition ; now reason requires that there be some utmost solid surface , serving as a boundary and limit to the Elements ; otherwise the same thing would happen to the Air or the Elementary Fire , ( if there be any such above the Air ) that doth to the Water and the Earth , which exhale and evaporate their more rare and subtile parts into the Air ; for so would the Air exhale its vapours into the Heavens ; and the Fire ( whose Nature is alwayes to mount directly upwards , till the occurse of some solid body checks its course and make it circulate ) would mingle it self with the substance of the Heavens ; which by this means would be no longer pure , and free from corruption , nor consequently eternal ; yea , it might happen that such Meteors as should be form'd in the Heavens would disorder the motions of the Planets which we behold so regular . And besides , 't is not possible that the Stars of the Firmament should not have come nearer one another in these 6000. years ; and the Planets have been so exact in their wandrings , unless the Heavens were solid . The Third said , That because the weakness of our reasoning cannot conceive how the creatures obey the Creator , otherwise then by such wayes as Artificers use , who fasten nails in wheels to make their motion regular ; therefore Men phancy the like in Heaven . As if it had not been as easiy to God to have appointed a Law to the Stars to move regulary in a liquid space , ( as fishes do in the water ) yea , in a Vacuum , ( if there were any in Nature ) as to have riveted and fix'd them to some solid body . For 't is true , we cannot make a durable Sphere but of solid matter . But if Children make aiery spheres , or balls with water and soap , could not God , who is an infinitely more excellent work-man , make some of a more subtile matter ? Moreover , The supposition of liquid Heavens serves better to interpret these openings of Heaven mention'd in the Scripture , then if they be suppos'd solid . The melted brass to which Job compares the Heavens , proves the contrary to what is usually inferr'd from it ; for immediately after this comparison made by one of Job's friends , God reproves him , and taxes his discourse of ignorance . Whereas it is said , that Heaven is God's throne , which is stable , and which God hath established in the Heavens ; and also that it is called a Firmament , the same construction is to be made of these expressions as of that in the beginning of Genesis , where the Sun and the Moon are styl'd the two great Lights of Heaven , not because they are so in reality , but because they appear so . But that which to me seemes most conclusive for the liquidity of the Heavens , is , That Comets have been oftentimes observ'd above some Planets , which could not be , were the Heavens solid . Besides that all the Elements are terminated by themselves , and need no vessel to be contain'd in . The Fourth said , If the matter of the Heavens were as firm as glass or crystal , or onely as water , our sight could no more perceive the Stars , then it doth things in the bottome of a deep water , how clear soever it be ; for the visual rayes or species of things cannot penetrate so thick a medium . But although the Stars are exceedingly remote from us , yet our eyes discern their different magnitudes , colours , and motions , and distinguish such as twinckle from others . Besides , those who should behold the same Star from different places would perceive it of different magnitudes , as it happens to those who look upon the same body through water or glass , in regard of the diversity of the medium , which is thicker in one place then in another . Nor is it harder to conceive how the Stars hang in the Air , then to imagine the same of the Terr-aqueous Globe . The Fifth said , Liquid is defin'd that which is hardly contain'd within its own bounds , and easily in those of another , ( which is the true definition of Liquid , and not of Humid ; since Quick-silver , Lead , and all metals melted , are difficultly contain'd in their own bounds , and easily in those of another ; yet are not humid ) the Heaven must be solid and not liquid ; for it is contain'd within its own bounds ; yea , according to the Scripture , it upholds the Supercelestial Waters . The Sixth said , The great diversity found in the motions of the Celestial Bodies , and especially in the Planets , makes very much for the Fluidity of the Heavens . For Astronomers observing that the Planets not onely go from East to West by their diurnal motion , common to all the celestial bodies , but have a particular one of their own , after a sort contrary to the former , which makes them stray from their situation , whereunto they return onely at a certain time ; therefore they will have them to be turn'd about by a Heaven , term'd by them , Primum Mobile , but add that each of the Planets hath a sphere of its own , which is the cause of its second motion : Moreover , observing the Planets to be sometimes nearer , and sometimes further off from the Earth ; therefore they assign'd them another sphere , call'd an Excentrick . But what needs this multiplication of spheres , when as it may reasonably be affirm'd , that God hath appointed to every Star the course which it is to observe , ( as he hath assign'd to every thing its action ) what ever variety be found in Planetary bodies , there being more in other Bodies . If it be said , That the wonder lies in their Regularity , I answer , There is nothing here below but ha's and keeps a rule . Whence Monsters are so much wonder'd at . Nor is there less wonder in the natural instincts of things , and all their various operations which they alwayes inviolably observe , then in Uniformity , which hath much more ease in it ; as it is a more facile thing for a stone to move alwayes downwards , then for an Animal to move according to all the diversities of place and exercise , so many several actions . The Seventh said , The matter of the Heavens ( if they have any ) is , according to Empedocles , a most pure and subtile Air ; and that of the Stars , is Light. Wherefore they cannot be either solid or liquid . Moreover , the Centre of the World is most compact , and it grows more and more subtile still towards the Circumference , which therefore must be immaterial , as Light is ; Now the Stars are onely the thicker parts of their Orbes , like the knots in a Tree ; which density renders them visible to us , multiplying and fortifying the degrees of Light by this union ; as , on the contrary , the rarity of the intermediate space between the Stars doth not terminate or bound our sight , either because the species which it sends forth are not strong enough to act upon the Eye , and cause perception ( which is the reason why we see not the Elementary Fire , though we see the same Fire when it comes to be united and condensed into an igneous meteor , or into our culinary flames . The Heavens therefore may be more or less dense , but not solid in that sence as we attribute solidity to Crystal , Diamonds , or other hard bodies which resist the touch . But indeed we may call them so , if we take the word solid , for that which is fill'd with it self , and not with any other intermix'd thing ) all whose parts are of the same nature ; according to which signification , not onely the Water , but the Air , yea , the Light it self , if it be material , may be said to be solid . II. Whether is it easier to get or to keep . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the difficulty of acquiring and preserving is equal . The reason is , because all the world is eager to get , and therefore 't is a trouble to a Man to keep what he hath . For the profit of one not arising without the dammage of another , ( as there is no generation without corruption ) nothing accrues to one but what the other loses . Wherefore the striving of every one to get , shews the pains there is in gaining something from another ; and again , being every one gapes after another's goods , it is difficult to preserve the same ; as a beast after which all the world is in chase , can hardly save it self . Hence Diogenes said , that Gold might well be pale , since every one layes plots to entrap it . The Second said , That as for the guarding of a Place it is requisite that the same be fortifi'd on all sides , whereas there needs but one breach , or one gate open'd , for the surprizing of it ; so it seems there is more pains requir'd to keep then to get . Besides , the ways of losing and spending are almost infinite , and far easier then those of gaining or acquiring , which are very few . To get , 't is sufficient to have strength ( common to Men and Beasts ) but to preserve , there needs Prudence , ( not onely peculiar to Man , but with which very few are well provided . ) This is prov'd also by Nature , which acquires new formes by one single action , but cannot preserve the same without many . For Conservation is the duration of the existence of a thing , and this duration a continual production of it , and consequently more difficult then Acquisition , which is dispatch'd by one simple generation . The Third said , States and Families are increas'd by acquiring , and upheld by preserving what they acquir'd . Both the one and the other are very difficult , as Experience teaches us ; for we see but few Families and States advanc'd ; and , on the contrary , many others fall to decay . Nevertheless it seemes more painful to get then to keep . For if he who possesses much is troubled to preserve it , he that hath nothing is much more troubled to get something ; it being far easier for him who hath a stock already , not onely to preserve but increase it , then for him who hath nothing at all to become Master of any thing ; as there is more of miracle in Creation then in Conservation of the Universe ; and as 't is harder to make leven out of nothing , then to make new paste with the leven which one hath already . Therefore the Latin verse tells Aemilian , that if he is poor , he will alwayes be so , because no body gives any thing but to the rich , as too many examples evidence . The Fourth said , As 't is the same virtue in the Load-stone which retains , and which attracts the Iron , and that which preserves is the same with that which produces ; so to keep and to get , are but one and the same thing ; since he who by his good management preserves his goods , continually makes them his own . But as the harder a weight is to be lifted up , 't is the harder to be held up ; so the more labour there is in acquiring , the more there is also in preserving the thing acquir'd . Hence those who have undergone hard toyle to get an estate are more busied in keeping it , then they who receive one from another without pains . And upon this account 't is that Aristotle saith Benefactors love those they do good to , better then they are belov'd by them , because 't is more pains to oblige then to be oblig'd ; and women love and preserve their children so tenderly and dearly , because of the pain which they undergo in bringing them forth . Yet because this Sex is designed to look after the goods of the family , and men to procure them , it may seem thereby that 't is harder to get then to keep ; otherwise the strongest should not have the more difficult task , as equity and justice require . The Fifth said , The Question is resolv'd chiefly by considering the diversity of times , inclinations , capacities , and things . In Seditions or Wars 't is hard for a man to keep his own , the stronger dispossessing the weaker , and the Laws being little heard amidst the clashing of Arms. In Peace , when justice secures every man's possession , 't is easier to preserve . In Youth acquisition is more facile , yet keeping is not so easily practis'd then as in old age . The Prodigal does violence to himself , when he finds a necessity of saving , and thinks nothing more difficult . The Slothful man knows not how to get any thing . The Covetous finds difficulty in both , but the greatest in keeping ; and therefore apprehending no security amongst men , after having experienc'd the trouble of securing his wealth by the honesty of others , from the frauds of Debtors , the subtlety of Lawyers , the violence of Thieves , he is oftentimes reduc'd to hide his Treasure under ground . Persons of courage and great vivacity of spirit , but defective in discretion , are more in pain to keep then to get . As it was said of Alexander , Hanibal , and many other great Captains , that they knew better how to overcome then to make use of their Victory . And indeed these two qualities seem inconsistent ; for Conquerors have almost always been so magnificent as that they have given away with one hand what they acquir'd with the other , reserving nothing to themselves but hope and glory ; whereas preserving seems proper to the Magistrate and civil Judge . Lastly , some things are acquir'd with great facility , but difficulty kept , as Friendship , which oftentime is gotten in an instant , but more difficult , yea almost impossible to continue . The favours of Lovers are ordinarily of this rank , being more easily gotten then kept . On the contrary , Knowledge is kept with more ease then it is gain'd , because ignorance must first be remov'd out of the Understanding , and this is a matter of difficulty ; whereas to preserve knowledge , the species need only be stirr'd up again , and the more they are excited they become the more strong and vigorous ; contrary to other things which perish in the use . For the same actions which produc'd the habit preserve it , but with much less difficulty then it was acquir'd . The same may be said of Vertues ; for 't is harder for a bad man to become good then for one of this latter sort to continue in the exercises of vertue . As for the goods of the Body , Beauty , Strength and Health ; as they are frail , so they are easie to lose ; the Jaundise , the small Pox , the least disorder in our humours are sufficient to alter or destroy them utterly . The goods of Fortune ( so call'd because they depend upon so incertain and mutable a cause , that he that hath them can searce call himself master of them ) as riches and honours , are hard to get and easie to lose , inasmuch as a man must perform an infinite number of vertuous actions to obtain promotion , but a single bad action is enough to ruine him . It having pleas'd God , in order to keep every one within their duty , that in this world as well as in the other our felicity should be wrought out with fear and trembling . CONFERENCE XLVI . I. Of Vacuity . II. Of the extravagance of Women . I. Of Vacuum . THe Vulgar call that empty which is not fill'd with some visible body . But the Philosophers give this name to a place destitute of all corporeity whatsoever , yet capable of being fill'd ; at least , if any such can be in nature . For it cannot be understood of those imaginary spaces beyond the heavens ( which , Pythagoras said , serv'd for their respiration ) whereof he conceiv'd they stood in need , as animals do . Democritus and Leucippus admitted a two-fold Vacuum ; one in the Air , serving for local motion ; the other in all mixt Bodies , requisite to the internal growth , and also to the lightness of things ; alledging that according as their atomes are closely or loosely connected , and of various figures , so bodies are light or heavy . But these Opinions being antiquated , I adhere to the common one , which admits no vacuum at all . The Second said , Since Nature abhors vacuum , there must be such a thing ; for of two contraries the one supposes the other . And indeed 't is impossible for any local motion , condensation , or rarefaction , and inward augmentation , to be made without admitting vacuity . For , as for local motion , when a body removes out of a place , that into which it enters is either full or empty : not full , for then it could not receive a new body without penetration of dimensions ( which nature cannot suffer ) therefore it must be empty . For this reason Melissus affirm'd that all things are immoveable . For being unable to comprehend how motion could be made without , and unwilling to admit vacuity , therefore he deny'd both . To say that bodies give way one to another , is to increase the difficulty instead of resolving it ; for the body which gives place to another must displace a third , and this a fourth , and so to infinity . So that , to avoid admitting little pores or interstices in the air , into which it may be compacted , we must affirm that the air of our Antipodes is agitated at every the least motion of a finger here . Moreover , Vacuum is prov'd by condensation and rarefaction . For the former being made , when a body is reduc'd into a lesser extent , and its parts approach neerer one another without loss of any ; either these parts penetrate one another , or else there was some void space , which is possess'd by themselves when they are thrust together : seeing , if they had been so contiguous as that there were not any empty pores between them , they could not have come closer together . Likewise , rarefaction being caus'd when the parts recede one from another , if no other body interpose , there must needs be a vacuum between the parts ; or else they must have been one within another . If it be said , that proportionably as one thing is condens'd in one place , another is as much rarefi'd somewhere else , to fill up the vacuum , and so on the contrary ; this is harder to be conceiv'd then a vacuum . Lastly , accretion or growth , which is caus'd by the reception of aliment in the body , could not be made , if three were not some void passages to receive this aliment . And , to conclude , experience shews us , that a pail of water will receive its own measure of ashes or lime which it could not do , if there were no vacuity . The Third said , That every thing affects unity , not only because God who is the universal cause of all is one , and most simple ; and every thing ought to be like its cause ; but for that all things find their good and conservation in unity , as they do their ruine in dis-union . Wherefore every thing in the world is so united that there is not any empty space between two ; and contiguity is as necessary in the parts of the world as continuity in those of a living creature . For if there were a Vacuum in the world , the Heavens could not transmit their influences into the Elements and their compounds , for the preservation of which the same are absolutely necessary ; considering that whatever acts upon a distant thing must do it by some medium uniting the agent and the patient . The Fourth said , Since Nature offers violence to her self , to prevent inanity , and all things quit their particular interest for that of the publick , undoubtedly , there is no such thing as vacuum in Nature . For we see that she makes heavy things to ascend , light things to descend , and breaks the solidest and strongest things without any external violence , only to avoid the inconvenience of vacuity . If bellows be compress'd and the holes stop'd , no humane force can expand them without breaking ; a bottle ( of what material soever ) fill'd with boiling water and stop'd , and put into cold , immediately flies in pieces . You cannot draw Wine out of a vessel , unless you give entrance to the air at the bung-hole . A vessel being full of heated air , and its orifice apply'd to the water , sucks the same upwards . A Cupping-glass , when the heated and subtile air in it becomes condens'd and takes up less room , attracts the flesh into it self . Syphons and Pumps , by which the water is made to ascend higher then its source , are founded wholly upon this eschewing of vacuity . Our own bodies also afford us an instance , for the aliment could not be assimilated in each part without the suction and attraction which is made of it to supply the place of what is consum'd by exercise or heat , otherwise the blood and nourishment would tend only downwards by their own weight . And what makes the effects of blood-letting and purgation so sensible , but this very flight of Vacuum ? The Fifth said , A notable vacuity and of great extent cannot be without miracle , but some small interspers'd inanities may be between the particles of the Elements and Compounds , like the pores of our bodies : for Nature abhors the former , and can do nothing without the latter ; it being impossible for Qualities to be transmitted to any subject through a great vacuum , which would hinder the perception of our senses , and the fire it self from heating at the least distance . There could be no breathing in it , Birds could not fly in it ; in brief , no action could be exercis'd in it but those whereof the principle is in the thing it self , and which need no medium , as local motion , which would be more easily made , because there would be no resistance . The Sixth said , Nature doth what she can to hinder a vacuum , yet suffers one when she is forc'd to it . For if you suck out all the air out of a bottle , then stop it exactly , and having put it under water with the mouth downwards , open it again , the water will immediately ascend to fill the vacuity left by the exsuction of the air . And if with a Syringe you force air into a vessel strong enough to endure such violence , when the pores of the air which were empty before come to be fill'd , it will of its own accord drive out the water very impetuously which was put first into it . Likewise , though the air naturally keep up above the water : yet by enclosing it in some sort of vessel you may violently make it continue under the water . II. Of the capricious or extravagant humours of women . Upon the second Point , it was said , It is not here pronounc'd that all women are capricious ; but only the reason inquir'd of those that are such , and why they are more so then men . To alledge the difference of souls , and suppose that as there is an order in the Celestial Hierarchies , whereby the Archangels are plac'd above Angels , so the spirits of men are more perfect then those of women ; were to fetch a reason too far off , and prove one obscure thing by another more so . Nor is the cause to be found in their bodies , taken in particular , for then the handsome would be free from this vice ; the actions which borrow grace from their subject appearing to us of the same nature ; and consequently their vertues would seem more perfect , and their defects more excusable ; whereas , for the most part the fairest are the most culpable . We must therefore recur to the correspondence and proportion of the body and the soul. For sometimes a soul lights upon a body so well fram'd , and organs so commodious for the exercise of its faculties , that there seems more of a God then of a man in its actions ( whence some persons of either Sex attract the admiration of all world : ) On the contrary , other souls are so ill lodg'd that their actions have less of man then of brute . And because there 's more women then men found , whose spirits are ill quarter'd , and faculties deprav'd ; hence comes their capricious and peevish humour . For as melancholy persons , whose blood is more heavy , are with good reason accounted the more wise ; so those whose blood and ( consequently ) spirits are more agile and moveable , must have a less degree of wisdom , and their minds sooner off the hooks . The irregular motions of the organ which distinguishes their Sex , and which is call'd an animal within an animal , many times have an influence in the business , and increase the mobility of the humours . Whence the health of their minds as well as that of their bodies many times suffers alteration . A woman fallen into a fit of the Mother becomes oftentimes enrag'd , weeps , laughs , and has such irregular motions as not only torment her body and mind , but also that of the Physitian , to assign the true cause of them . Moreover , the manner of living whereunto the Laws and Customs subject women , contributes much to their defects . For leading a sedentary life , wherein they have always the same objects before their eyes , and their minds being not diverted by civil actions , as those of men are , they make a thousand reflections upon their present condition , comparing it with those whereof they account themselves worthy : this puts their modesty to the rack , and oftentimes carries them beyond the respect and bounds which they propos'd to themselves . Especially , if a woman of good wit sees her self marri'd to a weak husband , and is ambitious of shewing her self . Another judging her self to merit more then her rival , not knowing to whom to complain of her unhappiness , does every thing in despight . And indeed they are the less culpable , inasmuch as they always have the principles of this vice within themselves , and frequently find occasions abroad . The Second said , that the word Caprichio is us'd to signifie the extravagant humour of most women , because there is no animal to which they more resemble then a Goat , whose motions are so irregular that prendre la chevre signifies to take snuffe without cause , and to change a resolution unexpectedly . For such as have search'd into the nature of this animal , find that its blood is so sharp , and spirits so ardent , that it is always in a Fever ; and hence it is that being agitated with this heat which is natural to it it leaps as soon as it comes into the world . Now the cause of this temper is the conformation of the Brain , which they say is like that of a woman , the Ventricles of which being very little are easily fill'd with sharp and biting vapours , which cannot evaporate ( as Aristotle affirms ) because their Sutures are closer then those of men : those vapours prick the Nerves and Membranes , and so cause those extraordinary and capricious motions . Hence it is , that women are more subject to the Meagrim and other diseases of the head , then men . And if those that sell a Goat never warrant it sound as they do other animals , there is no less excuse in reference to women . Which caus'd the Emperour Aurelius to say , that his Father in law Antoninus who had done so much good to others had done him mischief enough in giving him his daughter , because he found so much bone to pick in a little flesh . Moreover , the Naturalists say that the Goat is an enemy to the Olive-tree especially , which is a symbol of peace , whereunto women are not over-well affected . For , not to mention the first divorce which woman caus'd between God and man by her lickorishness ; her talking , her ambition , her luxury , her obstinacy , and other vices , are the most common causes of all the quarrels which arise in families , and in civil life . If you would have a troop of Goats pass over any difficult place you need force but one to do it , and all the rest will follow . So women are naturally envious , and no sooner see a new fashion but they must follow it . And Gard'ners compare women and girles to a flock of Goats , who roam and browse incessantly , holding nothing inaccessible to their curiosity . There is but one considerable difference between them ; the Goat wears horns , and the woman makes others wear them . The Third said , There is more correspondence between a woman and a Mule , then between a woman and a Goat : for ( leaving the Etymology of Mulier to Grammarians ) the Mule is the most teasty and capricious of all beasts , fearing the shadow of a man or a Tree overturn'd more then the spur of the rider . So a woman fears every thing but what she ought to fear . The obstinacy of the Mule , which is so great that it has grown into a Proverb , is inseparable from the whole Sex , most of them being gifted with a spirit of contradiction . Mules delight to go in companies ; so do women ; the bells and muzzles of the one have some correspondence with the earings and masks of the other ; and both love priority . The more quiet you allow a Mule , it becomes the more resty ; so women become more vitious in idleness ; neither of them willingly admits the bridle between their teeth . The Mule is so untoward that it kicks in the night time while 't is asleep ; so women are oftner laid then quiet . Lastly , the Mule that hath seem'd most tractable all its time , one day or other pays his master with a kick ; and the woman that has seem'd most discreet , at one time or other commits some notorious folly . The Fourth said , That those who invented the little Medals representing the upper part of a woman , and the lower of a Mule , commend this Sex whilst they think to blame it . For there is nothing more healthy , strong , patient of hunger , and the injuries of seasons , or that carries more , and is more serviceable , then a Mule. Nature shews that she is not satisfi'd with her other productions whilst she makes other animals propagate by generation ; but when she has made a Mule , she stops there , as having found what she sought . Now if certain actions of women seem full of perverseness and capricio to some , possibly others will account them to proceed from vivacity of spirit , and greatness of courage . And as the Poet , in great commendation of his black Mistress , chanted her cheeks of Jet , and bosom of Ebeny ; so whatever some people's mistake may say to the contrary , the most capricious woman is the most becoming . Nor is this humour unprofitable to them ; for as people are not forward to provoke a Mule for fear of kicks , so we are more shie of women then otherwise we should be , for fear of capricioes , well understanding the difference which the Proverb puts between the van of the one , and the rear of the other . Yet some hold that this capriciousness of women follows the Moon no less then their menstruosities do . Others , that the flower of beans contributes very much to it . The Fifth said , That if credit is to be given to experience , Solomon who had experience of a thousand women , compares an ill capricious woman to a Tygress and a Lyoness . Such were Medea , Xantippe , and many others . Moreover , the Poets say that the Gods intending to punish Prometheus for having stoln the celestial fire , gave him a wife . And when Satan afflicted Job he depriv'd him of his flocks , of his houses , and of his children , but had a care not to take his wife from him , knowing that this was the onely way to make him desperate , as it would have done without God's special grace . The Rabbins say , three sorts of persons were exempted from publick charges , and could not be call'd into judgement , to wit , the Poor , the Nephritick , and he that had a bad wife , because they had business enough at home without needing any abroad . The Laws likewise exempted new marry'd men from going to the wars the first year of their marriage , allowing them this time , which is the roughest and most important , to repress their quarrelsomeness , and reduce their fierce Spouses to duty . Which if the Husbands could not effect , a little bill of Divorce ( appointed by God , and the Laws for putting an end to the poor Man's miseries ) did the business . Though the Chaldeans us'd not so much formality , but onely ▪ extinguish'd the domestick fire which the Priest kindled at the marriage . Yet the priviledge was not reciprocal , neither Divine nor Humane Laws having ever allow'd women to relinquish their Husbands ; for then , being as capricious and inconstant as they are , they would have chang'd every day . For the same reason the Laws have alwayes prohibited to women the administration of publick affairs . And the Religion of the Mahumetan Arabians assignes them a Paradise apart ; because ( say they ) if the women should come into that of the men they would disturb all the Feast . CONFERENCE XLVII . I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . II. Of the Visible Species . I. Of the Virtue of Numbers . THe Mind of Man resembles those who make the point of their tools so small that they spoil them with too much sharpning ; and in the contemplation of natural causes there is more then enough to satisfie his desire of knowledge , were it not that he will attempt every thing . Hence it is that the causes of different effects here below are sought in things the most remote , and no otherwise appertaining to them then that as accidents and circumstances . Of these accidents some have action , as Quality ; others have none , as Quantity ; under which are comprehended Number , Figure , Lines , Surface , and its other species ; which are consider'd either in some matter , or else abstracted from it ; in the former of these wayes , they have some virtue in regard of their matter , but not in the latter . An Army of fifty thousand Men is potent , but the number of fifty thousand can do nothing , yea , is nothing , if taken abstractedly . Wherefore as reasonable as it is to seek the virtues of simple and compound bodies in their qualities , and to say , e. g. that Pepper bites and alters the Tongue , because it is hot and dry ; so absurd it seemes to think that five or seven leaves of Sage apply'd to the Wrist have more virtue then six or eight . The Second said , Nothing includes more wonders in it self then Number ; and if our Reason cannot penetrate their cause , they ought to be the more esteem'd for being unknown . This is the universal opinion of all Antiquity , both Jewish and Pagan , which otherwise would not have made so much adoe with them . Yea , there 's [ divine ] authority for it , contain'd in the eleventh Chapter of Wisedom , God made all things in number , weight , and measure . Experience justifies their Energy , teaching us that certain numbers are to be observ'd in cases where we would have the like effects , which possibly is the canse why the operations of one and the same remedy are found so frequently different . We see Nature so religious in this observation , in all her works , that she never produces an Animal , but the proportion of seeds is adjusted most exactly ; that in Plants , their grains and all other parts have the same taste , colour , and virtue , ( whence it is that simple medicaments are alwayes more certain then compound ) because Nature either produces them not at all , or makes them with the same number , weight , and measure of matter and qualities . 'T is through the virtue of number that such a Plant , as Coloquintida , is mortal when it grows alone ; and medicinal , when many of them grow together . The Third said , The Pythagoreans and Platonists ascrib'd so great power to numbers , that they thought all things were compos'd of them , and more or less active according to their several proportion . Of which they made four sorts . First the Poetical , or Musical , the virtue whereof is such , that it gave occasion to the Fable of Orpheus , who is said to have drawn even beasts , trees , and rocks , by the harmonious sound of his Harp. 'T was by the cadence of the like numbers that David chas'd away Saul's evil spirit ; and Poetry , which differs from Prose onely by its numbers , hence derives the power it hath over mens souls . The Second sort is the Natural , and is found in the composition of all mixt bodies . The Third is Rational , peculiar to Man , whose soul they term'd a moving number , the connexion whereof with the body they said , continu'd so long as the numbers which link'd them remain'd united together . The Fourth Divine , upon which and the Natural the Cabalists and Magicians have founded their profoundest secrets , and Agrippa his Occult Philosophy . But above all others , they particularly esteem'd the odd number , styling it perfect and Masculine ; as , on the contrary , the even , imperfect and Feminine . Indeed we observe that the Birth of Man happens , for the most part , in an odd moneth , to wit , the seventh or ninth ; in the rest , the Infant seldome comes forth alive . Also most of the alterations of our bodies happen according to the septenary number ; whence the number 83. call'd for this reason the grand Climacterical , is so greatly fear'd , because 't is produc'd by seven multiply'd into nine . Physicians never appoint Pills in an even number . Good Crises alwayes happen on an odd day ; and he that loses his Ague at an even fit necessarily falls into a relapse . Which cannot be attributed to any thing but number . For such effects as are produc'd by the quality or quantity of the matter appear with it ; and therefore if these caus'd the Crisis , it would not be wholly at once , but begin and proceed by degrees according to the augmentation of the matter ; as fire is increas'd by new wood cast upon it . But the motion of Crises is alwayes sudden , and many times against all appearance . The Fourth said , As the beginning of all things is a most simple essence ; so all Numbers spring from Unity , which is no Number of it self , but the beginning of Number . Osellus calls it the Symbol of Peace and Concord , because it is indivisible ; and with the Philosophers , Unity , Verity , Goodness , and Essence , are one and the same thing . Whence it follows that the Binary is the first of all numbers , wherewith Nature is so highly delighted that she ha's exactly observ'd it in the structure of Man , the Organs of whose senses , and almost all his members , are double ; and therefore 't is also so carefully observ'd by Architects . But the Ternary , concerning which Ausonius writ an entire volumne , being the first odd number , is of more efficacy , it is competent to the Deity and his works ; the world is distinguish'd into three Ages ; there are three sorts of Souls in Nature , three Faculties in Man , and three principal parts in his Body : Which caus'd Aristotle to say , in his first Book De Coelo , Chapter 1. That all things are comprehended under this Number [ Tria sunt Omnia . ] The Qaternary , dedicated to Mercury , is the first even and square number , highly esteem'd by the Pythagoreans , because it contains the grand number of Ten , ( for 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , put together , make Ten ; ) and by the Jews , upon the Art of the Divine Tetragrammaton , or Name of four Letters . Moreover , there are four Elements , four Seasons , four Humours , four Ages , and four Cardinal Virtues . As for the Quinary , we see there are five most Simple Bodies in Nature , five Senses , and five Fingers on a Hand . The Senary , according to Saint Jerome , contains the mysterie of the Creatures , because it arises from the double proportion of the quaternary to the binary . Nevertheless the Septenary ha's been accounted the most mysterious of all ; because 't is compounded of the first odd number , and first even Square , namely , three and four . And 't is held , that by virtue of this number , the seventh Son born of the same Mother , without any interposition of the other sex , hath a particular gift of doing cures . Orpheus so esteem'd the Octonary , that he swore onely by it and the Eight Deities , to wit , the four Elements , the Sun , the Moon , Light , and Darkness . This number was alwayes held for the Emblem of Justice , because 't is the first Cube , and hath a most perfect equality in all its parts . The Novenary being compounded of three Triads , ( the first odd and most perfect number ) is also of great efficacy ; whence the Heavens , the Muses , and the orders of Angels have been compriz'd in it . Lastly , the Denary , which is the first conjoyned number , includes all the preceding . By all which it appears , that there is some efficacy not onely in numbers in general , but also in every one in particular . The Fifth said , That which is most considerable in number , is , that 't is the most sensible exemplar of the Deity , of whom you cannot conceive so many perfections , but there will still remain more to be imagin'd ; as you cannot ad so many numbers together , but you may yet add more . This is peculiar to it , that there is a least number , to wit , two , but no greatest , because you may alwayes assign a greater . Yet there 's no number , how great sover , but may be expressed . For set down a thousand figures in a row , and as many below them , multiply the one by the other , the sand of the sea do's not equal this number . What will it be then , if you multiply the same again , which you may do as often as you please . Here writing will surpass speech ; for you cannot count it . It s perfection is also manifest , in that the Philosophers knew not how to express the formes and essences of things better then by comparing them to numbers . For as every number is so perfect and complete a total in it self , that you cannot add or diminish any thing from it , and it remain the same number ; so are the essences of things . Moreover , ▪ t is particular to Man ; for he alone , amongst all Creatures , reasons , speaks , and computes . Whence Amphistides was adjudg'd a fool because he could not count above five . And Pythagoras assignes no other cause of the ratiocination of Man , but this , that he understands how to compute or reckon . For Number is made by order and connexion of many unites , which actions cannot be perform'd but by the Understanding . The Sixth said , Number being nothing in it self , but a simple work of the Understanding , cannot produce any real effect . And supposing it could , yet Parity and Imparity are but accidental , not substantial formes ; and therefore incapable of rendring a number more or less active . Which made Galen doubt whether Pythagoras could attribute so much power to it , and yet be wise . For , as for Plato , 't is very probable he ascrib'd this virtue to Formes and Essences , which he termes Formal and Rational numbers , rather then to real and true numbers abstracted from Essence . Whereas some have divin'd prosperous and sinister accidents by the imparity or parity of the syllables in some person's name , or whether should live longest the Husband or the Wife , by the greater or less number of their letters ; this is rather to be referr'd to Chance then to any thing else . The Seventh said , Nature makes all her works in Number , since she makes them in Time , which is the number of Motion . Yet 't is not Number that acts , but Nature alone . For Number is incapable of all action , having no essence of it self , but by accident , and not so much as an essence of reason . For the Understanding conjoyning many unites together , which are indivisibles , and consequently negations , frames a number . And if many unites of substance cannot make a real total it self , much less can many unites of Quantities . II. Of the Visible Species . Upon the Second Point it was said , That there is nothing barren in Nature , but every thing incessantly produces its like . Which is no less wonderful then the first Creation , the power of which God seemes by this productive virtue to have communicated to Creatures . But that which surpasses all admiration , is , that even the most gross and material things incessantly emit out of themselves infinite , species which are so many pourtraitures and resemblances , more exquisite and excellent then their Original . And being every thing ha's its sphere of activity , these species are diffus'd in the Air , and other diaphanous mediums , to a certain distance , unless they meet with opake and terminated bodies , which hinder them from passing further , and interrupt their continuity with their source , either reflecting them , as it happens when the opposite body is so exactly polish'd that it equally sends back all the parts of the species without mutilation ; or onely stopping them , as all other bodies do . Our Sight goes not to seek Objects , but they insinuate themselves into it by their species ; whence it is that in a Looking-glass we behold a person that stands behind us . Moreover , all Sensation being a Passion , according to Aristotle , as Hearing is made by the reception of sounds , so must Seeing by the reception of the Visible Species ; nor must this sense be in a worse condition then the rest , who are not at the trouble to go to seek their Objects , but onely to receive them . An undoubted proof whereof is administred by the great conformity which is between the Seeing , Hearing , and Smelling , especially between the two former . The Second said , That the Visible Species are a reflection of light , which is various according to the different colour and figure of the Objects : Whence it is that a Concave glass reflects not onely the species but also light and heat , augmented by the union of their scatter'd rayes into a point . Now these Species are carry'd into the Eye ; and as one nayle drives another , and the agitated Water or Air thrusts that which is next it , so the tunicles and humours of the Eye being struck by the Species the Spirits are stirr'd by the same means , and take the form of the Species according as they arrive ; as when the Air is inclos'd in a rock is struck by the Species of some sound , it puts on the form of the Species of this sound , and issuing forth of its cavity with this borrow'd form , makes the voice which we call an Echo . These Species being receiv'd by the Spirits , are by them carry'd to the Common Sense and the Imagination ; and then , ( after the example of this Faculty ) the Intellect formes the like in it self , which are more spiritual and incorporeal then the first , and which at length it commits to the custody of the Memory , to make use of the same in fitting time and place . The Third said , That the greatest difficulty arising about these Visible Species , is , how those of each different object of the same place can fill it all , and nevertheless all these Species together not fill it more ; yea , not confound and hinder one the other from being as well seen as if there were but one Object . 'T is otherwise in sounds and smells , which being various give not a distinct perception of any one , but a medley of all . Now the reason hereof seemes to be , because the Visible Species alter not the Air , as odours which are corporeal do ; ( as appears in that they make us healthy and sick ) and 't is not needful for the Eye to paint them anew , as the Ear new frames all sounds , which cannot be done but successively ; the deep tone , ( for example ) being constrain'd to attend at the portal of the Ear , till the shrill be new form'd in it . Whence ariseth the confusion of sounds . The Fourth said , As the Visible Species are not mix'd together in a Looking-glass , but all appear distinctly , although the dimensions of the glass be very small in respect of the extent and number of the objects , because the Species concur there in a direct line , and are terminated as in a point , which is capable to lodge them , being they are immaterial : So it is with the same Species in reference to the Air , through the least part whereof 't is a less wonder that many of them pass without penetration , then to observe the actions of our Memory ; in one point of which infinite Species , not onely visible , but those introduc'd by all other senses , remain for a long time , yea , during all our lives ; notwithstanding their society seem very incompatible . But although Objects send their Images towards the Sight , yet the Eye emits the most subtile and active Spirits to receive them , which it hath for this purpose . Hence it is that to see a thing distinctly , we contract our Eyes , or shut one of them ; to the end the visual beams may be more strengthened by being more united . 'T is through the dissipation of these spirits that the Eye grows weary with seeing ; and old men , those who watch , read , or addict themselves to women too much , see not very clear ; and on the contrary , young persons , and the cholerick , whose spirits are more subtile , have a very sharp Sight . But if Sight were performed without any Emission , the Basilisk should not kill by its aspect ; the Wolf perceiving a man first should not make him hoarse ; women should not infect Looking-glasses at certain times ; those who have sore Eyes should not communicate their infirmity to others by beholding them , or being beheld by them : Lastly , old hags could not bewitch Children by the Sight , and Lambs too , by the report of Virgil , if the visual spirits which they send forth were not corrupted . The Fifth said , If the Eye send any thing towards the Object , it must be either a substance or an accident . An incorporal substance it cannot be , for then a man should emit his Soul , or part of it , which is absurd ; besides , that of other Animals , whose Souls are confessedly corporeal , some see better then we . Nor can it be a body , for no body is mov'd in an instant ; and yet as soon as we open our Eyes we behold the Stars ; yea , we see much sooner then we hear , and behold the Lightning before we hear the Thunder which preceded it . Nor is it any of the Animal Spirits that issues forth ; from whence should such a quantity be produc'd as to reach as far as the Firmament ? Neither is it an accident , since 't is against Nature for an accident to go from one subject to another . Now this difficulty may serve for an excuse to Cardinal Perron , when before Henry III , he was gravel'd with this Riddle , I am a man and no man , I have neither body nor soul , I am neither shadow nor picture , and yet I am seen ; by which was meant the species of a man beholding himself in a glass . Lastly , either these visual rayes return back to their quarters , after they have been abroad to receive the Visible Species ; ( and then Nature should labour in vain by going to seek that which comes of its own accord ) or else they return not , and so the vision should not be made in the Eye , but in the Air. CONFERENCE XLVIII . I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have life . II. Of Courage . I. Whether every thing that nourishes an Animal ought to have Life . EVery thing in the world is effected by an order and disposition of causes and means subalternate ▪ one to another . God makes himself known to Men by the marvellous effects of Nature . The immaterial and incorruptible Heavens communicate their virtues and influences here below ; first , through the Element of Fire , which is most subtile , and then through the Air which is most pure in the upper Region , more gross in the middle , and in the lower infected by the vapours and exhalations of the Water and Earth , and all compounds ; in the production whereof Nature observes such order as that she begins alwayes with the more simple , and never passes from one extremity to another without a medium . Thus the Plant springeth out of the ground like an herb , becomes a shrub , and then a tree . The Embryo lives onely a vegetable life at first , then arrives to motion , and lastly , is indu'd with reason . Even in civil life too speedy advancements are taken ill , whereas he who grows great by degrees do's not so much offend the Minds of others , and provokes less jealousie . Hence also the deaths , and especially the violent , astonish us more then the births of Men , because they come into the world , and grow up by little and little , but are cut off in a moment . So likewise the burning of Cities , and overthrow of States , cause the more admiration , because sudden vicissitudes seem less conformable to the order of Nature then their progressive erections . That which is observ'd in the composition and generation of bodies holds also in their nutrition , for both of them proceed from the same Faculty , and are almost the same thing . For to nourish , is to be chang'd into the substance of that which is nourish'd . Nature makes no change from one term to another by a violent motion and progress , but by little and little , of a matter capable of being converted into the substance of the living thing ; as onely that is which hath life , it being as impossible to make a living thing of that which never was such , and consequently whose matter hath no disposition to become such , as 't is to make a thing be which cannot be . The Second said , ( setting aside Cardan's opinion who extends life even to Stones ) as there are three orders of living things , so there are three that have need of nutrition , Plants , Animals and Men. Plants are nourish'd with the juice of the earth ; Animals , for the most part , with Plants ; and Men better with the Flesh of Animals , then with any other thing , by reason of the resemblance of their natures . The first order is not here spoken of , because Plants must needs be nourish'd with that which hath not had life , unless we will say , that the universal spirit informing the earth gives it vertue to produce and nourish them . The two latter are only in question , and I think it no more inconvenient that what hath not had life may serve for aliment , and be converted into the substance of a living creature , then that the earth and water ( simple elements in respect of a Plant ) are assimilated by it and made partakers of vegetable life . For as fire makes green wood combustible by exsiccating its humidity ; so an Animal may render such matter fit for its nourishment which was not so before . Not only the Oestrich is nourish'd with Iron which it digests , Pigeons and Pullen with gravel , the stones of which are found in their crops smooth and round ; but also men may be nourish'd with bread made of earth . And the Spaniards are much addicted to the use of an earth call'd Soccolante which they mingle with water and sugar ; its terrene consistence refuting their opinion who hold it to be the juice of a Plant. Yea , some in Sieges have supported their lives with inanimate things , as with bread of Slate ▪ as 't is reported of that of Sancerre . And , moreover , 't is manifest that some sick people are nourish'd with water alone for many days together . The Third said , Nutrition is made by the help of heat , which alters and divides the aliments , and reduces them to a most simple substance , capable of being converted into every similary part ; the property of heat being to separate heterogeneous things , and conjoyn those of the same nature . Hence , things least compounded are more easily assimilated . And as among Medicaments , so among aliments , the more simple are the best , and make fewest excrements . The air doth not only refresh the natural heat , but serves for food and aliment to the spirits , our best and noblest parts ; with which air alone , as the common opinion holds , the Camelion is nourish'd , as the Grashopper with dew which is nothing but concreted air ; and the Jews were fed fourty years with Manna , which is a kind of dew ( for the Scripture saith it vanish'd with the heat of the Sun ) yea , the Manna which is found at this day in Calabria & other places is capable of nourishing an animal , and yet it never had life , but fall's from heaven upon the stones , from which it is collected . The same may be said of hony , which is a kind of dew too falling upon the leaves & flowers of Plants , and serving for food to Bees who only gather it , without other preparation . And a sort of Flyes call'd Pyraustae live with nothing but fire , as many Fishes do of plain water , Moles and Worms of simple earth . Antimony and divers other Minerals , purg'd from their malignant qualities , serve for aliment ; and they who are expert in Chymistry make a kind of bread of them . The Magistery of Pearls and Coral , many precious Stones , and Gold it self , by the consent of all antiquity , wonderfully repair our radical moisture by their fix'd spirits ; whence they are call'd Cordials . The Fourth said , If man were homogeneous and all of a piece , he would be not only immortal , according to Hippocrates , but need no food , which is necessary only for reparation of what substance is consum'd ; now nothing would be destroy'd in man , were it not for the heterogeneous pieces of which he is made up . Wherefore since we are nourish'd with the same things whereof we are compos'd , and we are not compos'd of one pure and simple element , but of four , it follows , that whatever nourishes us must be mix'd of those four Elements ; and therefore the more compounded it is , as animate things are , the more proper it is to nourish . Otherwise were the aliment pure , it could not be assimilated . And although it could be assimilated , yet it could not nourish the whole body , but only either the terrestrial parts , if it were earth ; or the humours , if it were water ; or the spirits , if it were fire or air . The Fifth said , The life of man cost Nature dear , if it must be maintain'd at the expence of so many other animals lives . If you say , that being made for man , the greatest happiness that can befall them is to serve him in something though by the loss of their lives . But this is rather a fair excuse to cover our cruelty and luxury ; seeing Animals are no more proper then Plants to nourish man. Witness our first Fathers , before the flood , who were so long-liv'd although they liv'd not of flesh . Whence 't is inferr'd too that inanimate things may nourish us better then Plants . For the taste is an ill judge in this cause ; the Eele , amongst animals , and the Peach , amongst fruits , affording the worst nourishment , though they rellish most deliciously . The Similitude of substance is of little consideration ; for Animals live not of their like , and the Cannibals are ordinarily all Leprous . That a thing may be food , 't is sufficient that it have an humidity or substance proportionate to ours , in what order of things soever it be found . And nature has had no less care of nourishing an animal then of healing it , but she has endu'd all sublunary bodies with properties medicinal to man. Lastly , we cannot reckon among Plants those excrescenses which we call Truffes , and are held to be produc'd by thunder in some kinds of earth , whence they are gather'd ; and yet they nourish extremely . The Sixth said , When that which enters into the Stomack is alter'd by it , 't is call'd aliment ; for heat is the chief Agent by which it is united and assimulated ; whence it comes to pass that according to the diversity of this heat , Hemlock serves for nourishment to the Starlings , but kills man. Now to judge whether that which hath had life be more proper for nutrition then that which hath not ; we need only consider upon which of the two the natural faculty which disperses this heat acts most powerfully ; which , no doubt , it doth upon that which hath had life , since it hath the conditions requisite to food , being in some sort like , as having been alive ; and also qualifi'd to become so again , because when a form forsakes its subject it leaves dispositions in it for a like form to ensue ; 't is also in some sort unlike , being actually destitute of life . Wherefore as that which hath life really cannot nourish a living thing because of its total resemblance , and there is no action between things alike , otherwise a thing might act against it self , since nothing is more like to any thing then it self . So that which never had life cannot nourish an animal , by reason of its intire dissimilitude , and because between things wholly unlike there is no action . II. Of Courage . Upon the second Point ; If 't is worthy admiration that amongst Animals a little dog gives chase to a multitude of Oxen ( whence the Hebrews call a Dog Cheleb , that is to say , All heart , in regard of his courage ) 't is more to be wonder'd that amongst men who are of the same species , and fram'd after the same manner , one puts to flight three others , greater , stronger and oftentimes more dextrous then himself . The cause hereof is attributed to heat ; but ( besides that we see many sufficiently heated in every other action , but cold when it comes to fighting ; ) as they say there are good Grey-hounds of all sizes , so there are great courages of all tempers ; and although the hair , complexion , stature , and habit of body , are the most sure witnesses , yet every body knows that there are valiant men found of all hairs and statures , yea of all Ages , the seeds of courage being manifest in children , and the remainders in old men . It seems therefore that courage proceeds from the fitting and well proportion'd temper and structure of the heart and arteries ; for when these are too large , the spirits are more languid , and the actions less vigorous , either to repell present dangers , or meet those which are future . Yet the Cholerick are naturally more dispos'd to magnanimity , the Phlegmatick and Melancholy less , and the Sanguine are between both . Education also and custom are of great moment , as we see Rope-dancers and Climbers perform strange feats with inimitable boldness , because they have been us'd to walk upon Ropes , and climb the Spires of Churches , from their youth . So a child that has been accustom'd to dangers from his infancy will not fear any . Moreover , Honour and Anger are great spurs to valour , especially , when the latter is sharpned by the desire of revenge , which is excited by injury , derision , or ingratitude . Exhortations too are very effectual . And therefore when ever Caesar's Souldiers did not behave themselves well , he observes that he had not had time to make a speech to them . Nor is Necessity and the consideration of present danger to be omitted , for the greatest cowards oftentimes give proofs of courage upon urgent occasions , when there 's no hope of flight ; and one of the best wiles of a General is to take from his Souldiers all hope of retreat and safety otherwise then in victory . Example also prevails much , both as to flying and to fighting . Wherefore those that run first ought to be punish'd without mercy , as they who first enter a breach , or are farthest engag'd amongst the enemies , deserve great acknowledgement of their vertue . But particularly amongst persons acquainted and mutually affectionate , courage is redoubled by the presence of the thing belov'd ; witness the sacred Legion of the Thebans . But the desire of honour and hope of reward are the most powerful incitements to valour . Upon which account the King's presence is always counted equivalent as all his Troops together . The Second said , Courage is a vertue plac'd between boldness and fear . Yet it is chiefly conversant in moderating fear , which is an expectation of evil . Amongst the evils and adversities which cause terrour to men , some are to be fear'd by all , and cannot be slighted by a vertuous man , as ignominy , punishment for a crime , or other infamy . Others may be fear'd or despis'd without blame , if our selves be not the causes of them , as Poverty , Exile and Sickness . And yet a man is never the more couragious for not fearing them . For a Prodigal is not couragious for not fearing Poverty ; an impudent fellow that hath lost all shame may easily despise banishment , as Diogenes did ; and a Sot will be insensible of an incurable disease , which a wise man supports patiently . Lastly , some evils are to be contemn'd , as all dangers and misfortunes which necessarily come to pass in life , and death it self ; in the despising of which the greatness of courage principally appears , especially in that which happens in the wars , fighting for one's Prince and Country , as being the most honourable and glorious of all . The Third said , No vertue can keep us from fearing death , which gave so great apprehension to the most wise , and to our Lord himself , and which Aristotle deservedly calls the most terrible of terribles ; the same Philosopher also teaching us that a vertuous man infinitely desires to live , and ought to fear death ; because he accounts himself worthy of long life , during which he may do service to others , and he knows well that death will deprive him of all the goods of this world ; since well-being presupposes being . Therefore courage do's not wholly take away the fear of death , no more then the sense of pain , which is natural ; otherwise a couragious man ought to be insensible and stupid . But he governs this fear in such sort that it do's not hinder him from overcoming his enemy , although it render him more prudent and circumspect in seeking fit means to attain thereunto . Herein he differs from the rash person , who casting himself into dangers without having foreseen and maturely consider'd them , becomes faint-hearted in the chiefest of the brunt . The Fourth said , A couragious man is known by what he attempts without rashness , and accomplishes without fear ; for he always represents to himself the danger greater then it is , to the end , to arm himself with strong resolutions , which once taken 't is impossible to make him retract . His courage proceeds neither from experience nor necessity , nor desire of gain , ignorance or stupidity ; but having well consider'd the danger , and judg'd it honourable to resist it , he doth so upon the sole account of vertue , and shews himself indefatigable in undergoing toils , and invincible even in death . 'T is not enough that his cause be good , he will end it by lawful means , and had rather lose his right then attempt such as are unjustifiable and displeasing to his Prince . Therefore our Duellists must conclude that they abandon solid honour , to follow its shadow ; since honourable and just are inseparable . The sword is his last remedy , and he uses it more to defend then to assault , but always with some kind of constraint , and yet none wields it with more sureness and grace , fear not causing him to make unseemly gestures . He hates nothing so much as vice . He speaks little but acts much , liking rather to be seen then heard . He chuses not the kind of death , but receives that which is offer'd , in which nothing troubles him saving that it deprives him of the means to do his King and Country more service . If his ill fate make him a slave , he will not employ death to deliver himself from servitude , as Cato of Vtica did , shewing thereby a figure of cowardize rather then of courage ; but he will so deport himself as to seem free in his bondage , yea to have dominion over those who command him . In fine , whether he be conqueror or conquer'd , he loses nothing of his magnanimity , but remains always like himself , firm in his resolutions . To attain to which greatness of spirit 't is not enough that the structure of the body be large , or the heat of temper as great as that of Leonidas the Spartane , Matthias the Emperour , or the Pirate burnt alive at Gradisca by the Venetians , the hearts of which three were found hairy ; there must be moreover an heroick soul , informing this body . The Fifth alledg'd , that the Original of courage is to be sought in the nobleness of extraction , whether it be known or not . For though there seem to be some intervals in illustrious families proceeding from malignant influences , or other impediment ; yet there is observ'd generally no less resemblance of children with their Ancestors in mind then in body ; Eagles never producing Doves , nor Doves Eagles . CONFERENCE XLIX . I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . II. Whether Tears proceed from Weakness . I. Whether there be Specifical remedies to every Disease . MEn , in imitation of Nature , always seek the shortest way . For which purpose they have thought fit to make maximes of every thing ; whereas , to speak truth , there is no maxime of any thing ; since by the most certain rule of all , there is none so general but hath some exception ; yea some have so many exceptions that 't is dubious on which side to make the rule . Nevertheless the minde of man forbears not to make axiomes in all Sciences , especially in Physick : whose Office being to govern Nature , it involves in certain general laws all diseases , with their causes , symptomes and remedies , although as in the Law , so in Physick , two Cases are never alike . But when these rules come to be apply'd to practice , every one confesses that he finds them not wholly correspondent to what he expected . Now this is chiefly to be understood of particular Diseases and Specificks ; as the Pleurisie , Cataract , or Gout . For geral Infirmities , as simple Intemperatures , may be cur'd by general Remedies endu'd with contrary qualities . The Second said , Specifick is that which is determin'd to some one thing , and hath above it the Generick ; and below , the Individual . It is demanded , here , whether there be Remedies so determined to one species or sort of disease , as that they sute to that alone . I conceive that since there are diseases of all forms , as Pestilential , Venomous and Malignant , there are also Remedies so too : and experience shews in many admirable Cures that there are Remedies whose effects depend not on the first Qualities ; as that Rheubarb purges , that Mugwort is good for the Mother , and Bezoar a Cordial , comes not from heat and dryness in such a degree ; for then every thing that hath the same temperament should be likewise purgative , hysterical , and cordial ; which is not true . But nothing hinders but a Remedy may be specifical to one particular Distemper by its occult qualities , and yet profitable and sutable to others by its manifest qualities ; as the same thing may be both food and physick . The Third said , That this Question depends upon another , namely , whether mixt bodies act only by their temperature and first qualities , or by their substantial forms or specifick vertues . For if the action of every thing depends not on the various mixture of its qualities , but on its whole form and substance , Medicines will never cure as they are hot or cold , but by a particular specifick vertue arising from their form , wholly contrary to that of the disease . For understanding whereof , 't is to be observ'd , that as the natural constitution of every mixt body consists in a perfect mixture of the four Elementary Qualities , in the good disposition of the matter , and in the integrity of the form ; so the same may suffer mutation in either of these three manners , either according to its temperature , or according to its matter , or according to its form . Whence it follows that every mixt body , as medicaments are , may act upon our Nature , by its first , second , and third faculties . The first proceed from the sole commixtion of the four Qualities ; according to the diversity whereof , the compound is either Hot , ( as Pepper , ) or Cold , ( as Mandrakes ) or Moist , ( as Oyle , ) or Dry , ( as Bole Armenick , ) not in act , but in power . And by this First Faculty alone which follows the Temperament , a Medicament acts chiefly upon the Temperament of Bodies . Their Second Faculty arises from the various mixture of the same Qualities with the Matter . For a Hot Temperament , joyn'd to a matter dispos'd according to the degree of Heat , will be opening , cutting , corrosive , or caustick ; and so the rest , which have a great latitude according to the degrees of their mixtion , from which they are said to be attenuating or incrassating , detersive or emplastick , rarefying or condensing , laxative or astringent , attractive or repelling , mollifying or hardning . And by this Second Faculty alone Medicaments act upon the Matter . The Third Faculty of Medicaments arises not from their qualities or matter , but from their form and specifick occult virtue ; as in Sena the Faculty to purge Melancholy ; in Terra Sigillata or Lemnia , to fortifie the Heart against poysons ; as also that Scorpions kill with the tail , and certain poysons cause death without any alteration of the Temper . The Fourth said , diseases are consider'd either in their genus , in their species , or in their individuals . In the first way , as a Disease is nothing but a disposition contrary to Nature , and injuring the actions ; so it is cur'd by introducing the natural disposition . In the second , if it be a intemperature ( e. g. ) cold in the second degree , its specifick is hot in the same degree ; if it be an Organical Disease , ( as an Obstruction ) the onely remedy is to unstop the passages ; if it be solution of Continuity , all that 's to be done , is , to conjoyn that which is divided . But if a Disease be consider'd in the Individual , then particular remedies of the same nature be employ'd , which are the true specificks . The Fifth said , 'T is true of the causes of Health , as well as of those of Diseases ; that the same thing is hurtful or healthful to one but not to another , not onely amongst the different species , but also amongst the individuals of the same species , in regard of the several circumstances . A remedy that recover'd one kills another ; yea , that which not long ago was healthful to an individual person is now quite contrary . So that 't is impossible to assign any specificks for an individual person , which nevertheless is the subject on which the cure is to be done , and not the species of man. The Sixth said , Every thing in Nature is determin'd to a particular action , proceeding from its form and essence , which is more adapted to such action then to any other . So a Tree is determin'd to produce one kind of fruit rather then another . Now the same may be said of Remedies drawn from the three families ; some are proper to purge a particular humour , whence they are callld Cholagoga , Melanogoga , Hydragoga , Emeticks , Diureticks , Diaphoreticks , Discussives , Sternutatories , and Bechicks ; others strengthen a particular part , whence they are call'd Cardiacks , Cephalicks , Hepaticks , and Splenicks ; some have a faculty of resisting particular poisons ; so Treacle is specifical against the biting of a Viper , a Scorpions flesh apply'd upon its own wounds heals it ; Oyle of Pine-nuts is good against Arsenick ; Long Aristoloch , or Rue , against Aconitum or Wolfs-bane ; Citron Pill against Nux Vomica , or the Vomiting Nut ; the seeds of Winter-cherry , against the Cantharides , or Spanish Fly ; Mumie against Ulcers caus'd by Tithymal ; the flower of Water-lilly against Hellebore ; the root of Eglantine , Gentian , Bawme , Betonie , Pimpernel , are excellent against the biting of a mad Dog ; and so others of the like nature . Some Medicaments are call'd Amulets , because being worne about the neck , or lay'd to some part of the Body , they preserve from Diseases . So , by the testimony of Galen , Peony worne about the neck averts the Falling-sickness ; the dung of a Wolf eases the Cholick , and the Jasper strengthens the stomack . Trallianus affirmes , that the Eagle-stone ( Aetites ) cures Quotidian Agues ; the Beetle and green Lizard , Quartanes ; that the forehead of an Ass , and a nail taken out of a shipwrack'd vessel , is excellent for the Epileptick Fits. The ashes of Frogs is good against bleeding ; the Lapis Judaicus , and the blood of a Goat , are useful against the stone of the Kidneys ; the water of a Stag's horn , and the bone of his heart , are excellent for infirmities of the heart . Now to refer all these wonderful effects to the First Qualities , is a groundless thing : And therefore Galen derides his Master Pelops for attempting to render a reason of them . The Seventh said , That Physick , invented at first by use and experience , has nothing to do with Reason in things which fall manifestly under our senses , but onely in such as surpass their comprehension ; which being confirm'd by Reason , are much more infallible . Nevertheless when Reason seems repugnant to Experience , we must rather hold to Experience , provided the same be establish'd upon many observations . Now since Experience shews that there are Specifical Remedies , although humane wit , in regard of its weakness , cannot find out the cause of them ; yet 't is better in this case to rely upon the testimony of the senses destitue of Reason , then to adhere to Reason contradicted by Experience . Moreover , if there be Specificks for some Diseases , there are so for all ; but they are unknown to us by reason of their multitude . And who is he that can know the virtues and properties of every thing which is in the world ? The Chymists are of this opinion ; for they hold that all Medicaments have Signatures or particular marks and figures , by which they have resemblance with the parts or diseases of Man's Body , and which are , as 't were , the titles and inscriptions imprinted upon them by God's Hand , to teach Men their faculties . Hence the herb Lung-wort is very good for the Lungs ; Ceterach and Harts-tongue for the Spleen ; Poppy and green Nuts for the Head ; Satyrium for the Testicles ; Winter-cherry for the Bladder ; Birth wort for the Womb ; Madder for broken Legs ; Eyebright for the Eyes ; Solomons seal , and Thorow-wax , for Ruptures ; because the root of the one resembles a Rupture , and the stalk of the other passes through its leaf , as the Intestine doth through the Peritonaeum ; the roots of Tormentil , red Sanders , and the stone Haematites , for bleeding ; blessed Thistle , and other prickly Plants , for the pungent pains of the side . II. Whether Tears proceed from Cowardise . The Second Point may be determin'd by comparing the great and little world together . In the former , the Suns heat draws up vapours and exhalations into the Air ; if the vapours be more in quantity then the other , they dissolve into rain ; if less , then the exhalations are turn'd into winds , lightnings , and other igneous meteors . And as we cannot infer from thence , that the Sun suffers any alteration , or is colder and hotter ; for whether it rains or be fair , he is still the same : So neither must we attribute new qualities to the reasonable soul , though it finds in the brain a matter either apt to be condens'd into tears , or to be resolv'd into the blustering stormes , and other effects of Choler ; yet 't is alwayes the same soul , which , according to the various temper of the body , is easily or hardly mov'd to tears . Women , Children , and old men , are prone to weep , because their brain is more moist then that of men of middle age ; and again , those of them who are flegmatick and sanguine are more inclin'd to tears then the cholerick and melancholy ; the latter least of all , in regard of the solidity and dryness of their brain , and the thickness of their blood . Although there is a sort of melancholy not-natural , much abounding in serosities ; and for that reason styl'd Aqueous by Hippocrates . Now weeping is caus'd in this manner . A sad subject seising upon the Heart , the Arteries carry the fuliginous vapours thereof to the brain , which discharging the same into the sink , call'd the Infundibulum , or Tunnel , they seek issue at the next passages , which are the mouth , the nose , and the eyes , at the great angle or Canthus , where the Glandula Lachrymalis , or Weeping Kernel is seated , which hath a hole like the point of a needle . This Glandule is made very small , whereas the Spleen , which causeth Laughter , and the Liver , which causeth Love , are very large ; because Man might possibly want subjects for the two former , and consequently ought to be provided for , but not matter of sadness . The Second said , As amongst Animals Man hath the greatest brain , so he needs the most Aliment , and consequently makes more excrements then any other ; these are collected in the anterior Ventricles , and between the membranes , where they remain till the Expulsive Faculty , incommoded by their too great quantity , or pungent quality , expells them by the usual passages ; and thus they supply wax to the Eares , mucosity to the Nose , and tears to the Eyes . Whereby it appears that tears are not alwayes signes of Pusillanimity , since they proceed from causes which no body can avoid . Moreover , Joy , as well as Sorrow , expresses tears , though by means wholly contrary . For Joy dilating and opening the passages by its heat , causes those humidities to issue forth ; and Grief compressing the passages forces the same out ; as a spunge yields forth the water which it had imbib'd , if you either dilate it or squeeze it . Their saltness , bitterness , and acrimony , is common to them with all the serosities of the body , which they acquire by their continuance they make in the brain , as their heat by the spirits which accompany them . For the tears both of Joy and Sadness are hot , or rather tepid , though those shed in Joy seem cold , because the cheeks are warme in Joy , which draws the heat and spirits from the centre to the circumference ; and in Sadness they appear hot , because they drop upon the cheeks which are cold , through the absence of the heat and spirits caus'd by sadness to retire inward . But those Tears which proceed from a disease , as from a defluxion or distillation , are really cold , because they are caus'd by the crudity of the humours . The Third said , That Tears of sorrow come not from compression , ( for we cannot weep in a great sadness ) but from a particular virtue which grief hath to send them forth . For Nature being willing to drive away the cause of Grief , sends the heat and spirits towards it , which heating the external parts attract the humours thither . Hence it is Onyons lancinating the Eyes by their sharp spirits cause weeping , as smoke likewise doth , and the steadfast beholding of an object , and too radiant a light , by the pain which they cause to the sight . Nor do's this hold good , onely in pain but in grief , particularly in compassion , which is a grief we resent for anothers misery . For the consideration of a sad object setting the humours in motion , and attenuating them , causeth them to distill forth by the Eyes , mouth , and nose . This is also the reason why those who run impetuously on horse-back or afoot , sometimes drop rears ; for the heat excited by this motion draws sweat forth over all the body ; and tears to the Eyes , being of the same nature with sweat . Unless you rather think that this may be caus'd by the coldness of the new Air , which condenses and presses forth these humidities . Wherefore ▪ we cannot absolutely pronounce that tears are Symptomes of Pusillanimity , seeing 't is not in our power to restrain them what ever courage we have ; and oftentimes example no less invites us , then duty obliges us , to let this torrent take its course . The Fourth said , If it be true that the most couragious are of the hottest constitution , 't will follow that tears are rather a sign of Magnanimity then of Cowardice , since they are most frequent to such as abound in heat and moisture . For as water issues out of green wood heated by the fire ; so tears are forc'd out of the Eyes by the internal heat excited by Joy , Grief , Anger , or other disorderly motion . For through the immoderateness of this heat the coldness of the Brain is increas'd by Antiperistasis , and endeavours to with-stand it ; for which purpose it collects together abundance of cold vapours , which the heat over-powering causes that cloud of humour condens'd by cold to distill by the Eyes in a showre of tears . Yet if this be done too often , then the same happens to the man as doth to a stick or cudgel , which being too much bow'd one way and the other , is at length broken . In like manner , a couragious person often provok'd so farr as to weep , at last becomes relax'd and softned through the loss and consumption of his spirits , which are the instruments of Courage . Therefore to weep too often is a sign of Pusillanimity and softness ; never to weep , is stupidity ; to weep sometimes for the miserable estate whereinto this valley of tears reduces us , 't is necessity . Indeed , Our Lord wept often . Saint Peter , so courageous that he struck the onely blow mention'd in the Gospel , wept bitterly . And Alexander wept for the death of Darius ; as his own Triumphs caus'd Caesar to weep , in whom it was accounted Humanity that he wept at the sight of Pompey's head , as David did for the death of Saul . The Fifth said , That as griefs are diminish'd by weeping , so it may seem that tears should soften the courage which proceeds from anger , as most doth . And as pity is opposite to revenge , so tears seem contrary to valour , since they are so both to revenge and choler , which are the effects of magnanimity . Add hereunto , that we live by example ; and therefore seeing tears more frequent to weak and effeminate persons then to others , we easily draw a general consequence , although the same admit many exceptions . CONFERENCE L. I. Whether Colours are real . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . I. Whether Colours are real . THe knowledge of men is never compleat : what they know in one manner they are ignorant of in another . Nothing is so manifest to the sense as colour , nothing so obscure to the Understanding , which doubts whether it hath a real existence , or whether it only appears such to us , according as bodies variously receive the light . Indeed Green and Blew seem all one by a candle , and the same colour seems different from what it was by day-light ; which again makes the species vary according to its diversity ; for we judge of them otherwise in the twilight , in the Sun , and in the shadow ; otherwise beholding them slopingly , directly , or through a colour'd glass , or neer some other lively colour . Are any colours fairer then those of the Rain-bow ; and yet they are no more real then those of the Clouds . The whiteness which we behold in the milky way ariseth only from the light of many small Stars . The necks of Pigeons seem of a thousand more colours then they have . The Heavens , the Air , and the Water , have none but what we phancy , or what their depth , and the weakness of our sight , gives them . The scales of Fish , some small worms , and certain kinds of rotten wood , shining in the night , seem to us to be colour'd . And Pictures are apprehended well or ill drawn according to their situation . The Second said , The object of Vision is colour ; the Organ , the Eye ; the medium is a Diaphanous body illuminated . Provided these three be rightly dispos'd , the Organ and the medium free from all colours , and the object at a convenient distance , all men will necessarily behold colours as they are , and always alike : which would not be so if they were imaginary , or fortuitous . Besides , being the object of the sight , the surest of all Senses , they ought to have a real existence , as all the objects of the other Senses have . For the object of the outward sense must be real , otherwise it cannot act upon the Organ ; and the Agent and the Patient ought to agree in the same genus . The Third said , Colours , as all other second qualities , have a real existence , since they arise from the commixtion of moist and dry , caus'd by heat , and determin'd by cold . The first thing that happens in this mixtion is , that the humidity is thickned by the accession of some dry substance ; and of this co-agulation is made a green colour , which therefore is the first of colours , as may be observ'd in water , the grosser parts of which become green moss ; and in Plants when they first spring out of the earth . But if heat exceed in the mixtion , then ariseth the Red , Purple , and other lively and bright colours , which according as they degenerate , attain at length to Black , which is made by adustion . But when mixtions take a contrary course by cold , then arise all dead colours , which terminate in black too by a contrary cause , namely , the total extinction of heat , as 't is seen in old men and dead persons , who are of a leaden and blackish colour . As therefore green is the first , so Black is the last of colours , yea 't is properly no colour , especially when the humidity is already all consum'd , as in coals ; or is separated from the dry parts , as in things become black by putrefaction , as the gangrenous parts of an animal . Neither is white a colour , but a mean between colour and light . The rest are true colours . The Fourth said , Colours cannot proceed from the temperament or mixture of the four first qualities , because mixt bodies of different temperature have the same colour . Sugar , Arsenic , and all Salts , are white , the Crow and Raven are black ; and , on the contrary , one and the same mixt body of the same temperature in all its parts , is nevertheless of several colours , which it changes without mutation of its temper . Ebeny is black in its surface , and grey within ; Marble , Jasper , and Porphyry , delight the sight chiefly by the variety of their colours ; yellow Wax grows white , and white becomes black , in the Sun. Nor can any one say , that the part of a Tulip which differs in colour from all the rest , is therefore distinct in quality . Wherefore since colours proceed not from the first elementary qualities , they are no more real then the intentional species of the sight ; yea they are the very same thing ; for the visible species are nothing else but qualities streaming from every terminated body , which alter the medium , filling the same with their images which they diffuse even into the Organ . Now colours are the same , being qualities which actually change and alter the Diaphanous and illuminated body . The Fifth said , This argues that we are ignorant of the reason of the mixtion of every body , and why such a body hath such a colour , but not that colours are not true and real . Yet with this distinction , that the colours alone which are seen with the conditions requisite to sensation are real , that is to say , exist really , and not in the Imagination . For if it were not so , we should see them as well by night as by day , and with our eyes shut as open ; as that foolish Antiphon did , who thought he always saw his own image before him . And a sensible faculty ought to have a real and sensible object , since the object must be of the same nature with the faculty . But there are colours which are not really in the surface of bodies , though they appear so to us by reason of the divers reception of light , or of some other extrinsecal colour of a transparent diaphanous body , or some other external cause which hinders the eye from discerning the true colour of the mixt body ; which colour though appearing otherwise then it is , yet really exists , but is hidden under another apparent one , which continues as long as its external causes . And colour'd bodies are no less so by night then by day ; but because vision cannot be made unless the medium be illuminated 't is only through the want of light that we see them not in the night . For although we perceive in the dark the eyes of Cats , Toad-stools , Worms , certain horns , and rotten wood , yet 't is not their true colour , but a certain splendor different from colour ; which proceedeth either from their igneous spirits , or because they approach neer simplicity . There is , therefore , reality in colour ; but it is consider'd two ways ; either as a quality resulting from the mixture of the four Elementary qualities ; ( in which sence 't is defin'd , by Aristotle , the extremity of a perspicuum terminated ; ) or as being simply visible , and is defin'd , by the same Philosopher , a motive quality of a body actually diaphanous . In the first signification , the colours seen in the Rainbow , or the yellow colour cast upon a white wall by the Sun-beams , passing through a glass or other medium of the same colour , are no more real and true colours of those subjects , then the blackness upon Paper by reason of the ink hiding its natural whiteness . But , in the latter signification , every colour whatsoever is real , since the one is as well visible as the other . The Sixth said , Colour differs not from light , saving that colour is the light of mixt , and light is the colour of simple bodies , which the more simple they are , they are also more luminous . But if they communicate not their light , 't is for want of density , which is the sole cause of all activity . The parts of Heaven are equally luminous ; and yet only the more dense and thick , as the Stars , can diffuse their light to us . If this light grows weak , it degenerates into a white colour , as we see in the Moon and Stars ; if it be more extinct , it turns into other colours ( as the Blew which we behold in a clear Sky ) and forward into others , till it come to black , which is no colour , but a privation of it ; as darkness is nothing but the privation of light . So that to dispute the reality of colours , is to question whether the clearest thing in the world , viz. Light , be real . The Seventh said , Light and Colour differ , in that Light is the act of the Diaphanous body , inasmuch as 't is Diaphanous , and Colour the extremity of the Diaphanum , as it is terminated . For no Diaphanum , whilst it remains such , is colour'd , but colour ariseth from the condensation and thickness of the Diaphanum , which terminates our sight . And though colour be as much in the inside of bodies as in their surface , yet 't is not call'd colour , saving when 't is visible , and 't is visible only in the surface . Light is incorporeal and immaterial ; colour , on the contrary , is a material and corporeal quality . Light makes colour to be seen , but makes it self seen by its own vertue . Yet there is this resemblance between them , that every thing which we see colour'd , we see it as luminous ( whence Plato , in his Timaeus , call's colour a flame issuing out of bodies ) and every thing that we see luminous , we see it inasmuch as 't is colour'd : Whence the Stars appear to us of a pale , yellow , or red colour . And as that which is terminated is seen by means of the illuminated Diaphanum , so this Diaphanum is seen because 't is terminated . For when we see the colour of a terminated body , we judge that there must be a transparent and diaphanous body between it and our eye . Wherefore , as the Intellect doth not know it self but by another ; so the eye doth not see the Diaphanum , but by seeing that which is not diaphanous . But both the one and the other seems partly real , and partly imaginary , and arising from the various relation and proportion of the eye to the object and the medium : since , as for colours , not only some Pictures represent several personages , but one and the same Taffeta changes colour according to the divers situation of the spectator's eye . And as for light , you shall have a worm that appears great , and shines in the night , but is little , and grey , in the day . II. Whether is better , to speak well , or to write well . Upon the second Point it was said ▪ There is so great an affinity between Speech and Reason , that the Greeks have given the same name to both . As Reason is peculiar to man , so is Speech ; and therefore ( saith Aristotle ) he alone has a large , soft and moveable tongue , not only for the distinguishing of Tastes , as other Animals , but for the uttering of words , which are the interpreters of his thoughts ; call'd words of the mind , as the other are external words . 'T is this Speech which protects Innocence , accuses Crimes , appeases popular Tumults and Seditions , inflames Courage , excites to Vertue , disswades from Vice , and gives praise to God and vertuous Men. Writing it self hath not much force , unless it be animated by Speech , which gives weight and grace even to the least things . This was imply'd by the Ancients when they feign'd that Orpheus assembled even Trees and Rocks by the sound of his Harp , which is the Emblem of Speech . And , therefore , I judge Speech to have the precedence of Writing . The Second said , There are persons who speak well and write ill ; others , on the contrary , write better then they speak ; others ( but very few ) do both well . And yet , if it be not through fault of the outward Organs , it seems hard to conceive how 't is possible for a man to write well and speak ill , since 't is the same judge which dictates to both Clerks , the hand and the tongue . For though one ordinarily goes swister then the other , yet they must both express the same thought . But 't is oftentimes with Speech as 't is with faces , which seem handsome if you behold but a glance of them ; whereas fixing your eye more wistly to consider them , you discern even the least faults ; so a discourse , upon which you have not leisure to reflect , may seem elegant , yet displease you when 't is unfurnish'd of its external ornaments , Pronunciation and Gesture . Moreover , we see how little effectual a Letter is in comparison of animated words , to which I also give the precedence . 'T is of little importance to an Advocate whom his want of Eloquence causes to dye of hunger , whether his reputation be made to live after his death . Nor was it from the eyes or hands of our Gallic Hercules that our Fathers made the golden chains proceed which drew the people by the ears , 't was from the tongue . And 't was with the voice that the Father of Roman Eloquence oversway'd the mind of Caesar , and Demosthenes that of all Greece . The Third said , I much more prize Writing , which refines and polishes our conceptions , which otherwise escape from great persons but ill digested . Whence arose the saying , That second thoughts are usually the best . Moreover , Writing is of long duration , and is communicated to many how remote soever in time and place . Which astonish'd the people of the new world when they saw that the letters which the Spaniards carri'd to their comrades communicated the mind of one to another ; and they thought them to be familiar spirits . But when this Writing is well perform'd , it hath great weight with Posterity too ; whence it is that we still admire the brave conceptions of antiquity , which would have perish'd had they been deliver'd only in words , which dye as they are born . The Fourth said , Writing hath this inconvenience that it cannot be comprehended by more then one or two persons at a time ; whereas the Voice reaches to many thousand together ; without receiving any diminution ( which is some resemblance of Divinity ) and consequently is the more noble . The Fifth said , If we judge of the preeminence of Speech or Writing , by the difficulty there is in either ( according to the Proverb , which saith that the most difficult things are the most excellent ) the question will remain undecided . For there was never either a perfect Pen-man , or perfect Orator ; but if we judge of the advantage by the effects , 't is certain that Writing hath more weight then Speech , and is therefore much more considerable . And though words once utter'd cannot be recall'd ( no more then a written thing be retracted ) yet being consign'd to a very flitting and inconstant element , they are of little duration ; whereas being written they last to eternity . Which consideration so highly incens'd M. Anthonie against Cicero , for publishing his Philippicks against him ; and made Bubalus hang himself for what Hippanax had written against him , as Lycambes did upon Archilochus's Jambicks . For the benefits and mischiefs of Writing are great . Which makes for it , since the more excellent a thing is , the more hurtful the abuse of it is ; and , according to Aristotle , Men abuse every thing , except Vertue . The Sixth said , 'T is true , Speech is peculiar to man , but 't is a token of the impotence and weakness of our mind , which cannot know other's thoughts in their purity , as Angels and blessed Spirits do , who understand one another without external Speech . But the soul of man is so subjected to the Senses , that it cannot apprehend spiritual things unless they be represented to it as corporeal . Besides , Speech belongs not so to man alone , but that brutes ( especially , those who have soft , large and loose tongues , as Birds ) can imitate it , but Writing they cannot . Moreover , a thing is more excellent by how much nobler the cause is on which it depends . But to speak well depends on the Organs rightly dispos'd ; to write well , on the understanding alone . For the Air , the Lungs , the Tongue , the Teeth , and the Lips , make the Speech ; but the mind alone begets the thoughts which writing consigns to the sight , the noblest of the Senses . Eloquence is diminish'd by Diseases , old Age , or the least indisposition of the Organs ; but the style which depends on the Mind alone ( which never grows old ) becomes more vigorous as the body waxes weaker . At length it was said , That the present Question making up the Century of those propounded since the resolution of printing , it seem'd fit to make them the first Volume of Conferences ; and because this Number , the Season , the Example of others , the affairs which many have in the Country , and the necessity for minds as well as bodies to take some relaxation , require a Vacation for this Company ; it is therefore adjourn'd till Monday before the Feast of St. Martin . The End of the First Part. PHILOSOPHICAL CONFERENCES . PART II. Monday , November 6. 〈…〉 . FOr Introduction to the Ensuing Conferencs , it seems requisite that an Account be given of two things I. Of what pass'd during the Vacation . II. Of some difficulties touching these Exercises . As for the first ; The Vacation was spent in the proposal and examination of divers Secrets and Curiosities of some Arts and Sciences , a few whereof shall be summarily mention'd in the order as they were propos'd ; and most of which were found true by the person● appointed by the Company , to examine and make experiments of the same . The First was a way to describe a Circle , of what greatness soever , without knowing the Centre of it , but supposing the Centre were inaccessible . II. A way to make the Vernish of China , black and yellow , gilded . III. To make a plain Looking-glass representing the objects upon its surface , and not inwards , as they usually appear . IV. To make a Spherical Mirror , representing the Figures in their true proportion , and not corrupted , as they are in the vulgar ones . V. To make one or more very conspicuous figures appear in the Air , by the help of a Concave Glasse . VI. To cool Wine speedily in Summer , and to freeze water for that purpose . VII . To decypher all common and decypherable Cyphers . VIII . To give the Invention of almost a number of Cyphers , which cannot be decypher'd ; as , among others , to write with a single point for each Letter : with two Books , in which no extraordinary mark is to be seen . IX . To write with a Cypher , which may be read in two different Languages . X. To comprise under a manifest sense an other hidden signification , as ample as the first . XI . To write upon a body which will never perish , not even by Fire ; at which alone it is to be read , and to answer thereunto by the same way , making the Letters disappear and return again at pleasure . XII . A way of writing or impression , which represents all the properties of every thing , with as few Letters as the ordinary way of writing . XIII . A way to give intelligence in six hours at a hundred leagues distance , without Bells , Canons , or the like means . XIV . A way to give intelligence in an instant of what is done at fifty leagues distance and more , and that of a sudden accident . XV. A way whereby a person being in his Closet may make his Mind understood in a hundred places of the house , and receive answers by the same way without noise , and without notice taken thereof by those that shall be in his company . XVI . To shew and teach the true Proportions of Mans Body , in one Lecture , as exactly as Albert Durer hath done . XVII . To describe all Plat-forms , and designe all the orders of Columnes exactly , according to their true proportion . XVIII . A way to engrave very easily with Aqua Fortis , without knowing how to hatch . XIX . To cast Account without pen or counters , by a way which cannot be forgotten . XX. To learn the method of Writing in one hour , by retaining onely three letters . XXI . To keep Flowers , yea , a whole Garden , fresh , throughout the year . XXII . To learn all the tricks and subtleties of Juglers , and consequently to cease admiring them . XXIII . To make two solid bodies actually cold , which being together shall become so hot of themselves immediately , as not to be touch'd ; and to keep their heat for several moneths , and possibly for some years . XXIV . To shew in a portable Instrument , in small or greater proportion , all objects that shall be presented . XXV . To teach a Mother-language , of which all other Languages are Dialects , and may be learn'd by it : Which the Proposer affirmes so easie , that he will teach the whole Grammar of it in six hours ; but six moneths are requisite to learn the signification of all its words . XXVI . To teach all persons to argue without errour , in all kind of Modes and Figures , in a quarter of an hour . XXVII . To shew a secret , by help whereof any man may pronounce any strange Language as naturally as his own , be it Astatick , African , or American , and he an European ; or , on the contrary ; which is a way to remedy the bad Accents and pronuntiations both in strangers and natives , whereby they are so manifestly distinguish'd . XXVIII . To make a Girder or Joint broken in two or three places , to serve without pins . XXIX . To pierce a door immediately with a Candle not lighted . XXX . To make a Pistol of a foot and half in length carry three hundred paces . XXXI . To make a good quantity of fresh water speedily in the main Sea. XXXII . To measure the depth of the Sea , where the plummet cannot reach , or where it is unperceiveable . XXXIII . To shew all the feats and subtleties that are perform'd with Cards , as to make the Card you think of come at what number is requir'd ; to tell 15. persons , who have two Cards a piece , what Cards every one hath , &c. XXXIV . To draw two lines , which being extended infinitely , shall always come nearer , but never meet . XXXV . To make a light without Oyle , Wax , Tallow , Gum , or Fat , at small charge , which shall less offend the sight in a whole nights reading , then the light of an ordinary Candle doth in a quarter of an hour . XXXVI . To make Glasses , through which the Sun doth not penetrate , though his light do . XXXVII . To make old defac'd Characters legible . XXXVIII . To continue under water for some hours without a Tube . XXXIX . To make a Needle which shall always turn towards the North , though it were never touch'd with a Loadstone . XL. To make a Fire without combustible matter , portable in any place whatsoever , fit to boile withall , and which will last many hundred years , yea , as long as the world . XLI . To make a Mineral Tree , of a mixture of Metals , which shall grow in form of a Tree in a vessel of Glasse well clos'd . XLII . To turn Iron into Steel and Copper , to keep it from rusting ; and give it such a temper , that a complete sute of Armes of three quarters less weight then ordinary shall resist Musket-shot . XLIII . To encrease a Man's Pulse so that he shall seem to have a Fever ; and to diminish it so , that he shall seem a dying , yet both without prejudice to his health . XLIV . Many Secrets were propos'd for the preservation of Health , and Cure of Diseases , the mentioning whereof I defer till experience shall be made of them ; Credulity being not less excuseable , or more dangerous in any Art or Science , then in Physick ; and therefore I am the more cautious and careful to publish none but certain things , and such as deserve to be communicated . As for the second Point , which consists in the resolution of some difficulties observ'd in the course of these Conferences ; 't is true , they were not sooner publish'd but some took exception that there was not a choice made of some few persons to speak , any that seem'd of quality being admitted to declare their Sentiments ; because ( said they ) this diversity of minds , which is one of the wonders of the Universe , cannot but produce unpleasing discords and dissonances , sometimes prejudicial to the publick : or , at least , they advis'd to restrain their discourses to certain laws and modifications , and limit to a set space of time , which it should not be lawful for any to exceed : and this in order to remedy the itch of speaking , no less then of writing , in many who are so fond of being heard . On the contrary , others lik'd nothing so much in this free commerce of wits as an unconfined liberty ; conceiving nothing more advantagious for the initiation of the young , the divertisement of the old , and the honest recreation of all ; nor which more testifies to Posterity the generous proceeding of those that govern , diametrically opposite to the tyrannical slavery of some others , then this publick liberty afforded to every Gentleman to produce and speak what he thinks in these Conferences , regulated by the bounds prescrib'd by themselves , and so strictly observ'd , that the severest Censors of the host august Bodies , and Sovereign Courts , who are often present at them , have hitherto found nothing to disapprove therein , the persons nominated by the Assembly to preside in the same , having comported themselves with such civility towards those to whom they signifi'd when it was time to cease speaking , that they have had abundant cause to be satisfi'd , and the Assembly taken more content in the diversity of the Speakers opinions , then if they had been all of one mind ; as the identity of many sounds do's not make harmony . Afterwards some propounded that only two persons might speak upon a Question , one for the affirmative part , and the other for the Negative ; and in that , at most , a third might conciliate their different judgements in things wherein a third opinion might have place ; to the end the hearers might have no more to do but to assent to that which should seem best . But as this hath been practis'd sometimes , and may be continu'd in matters convenient for it ; so it seems injust to others , to stop the mouths of the rest of the company , only for the hearing of two or three ; besides the tediousness of a long discourse ; whereas the multitude of concise verdicts resembles a Nose-gay diversifi'd with many Flowers of different colour and odour : besides that there are many subjects , concerning which so different judgements arise that the number thereof cannot be limited ; our Reason being so little captivated , that it finds out new paths every day to arrive at Truth which it goes to seek beyond the Imaginary spaces . Some , to make these Conferences the more esteem'd , would have them held but once a moneth : others were so far from being weary of them , that they desir'd them every day . But to comply with both , it was thought expedient to hold them once a week . Some desir'd to handle but one Question ; others , more . Experience hath manifested , that the former course would be tedious , and the latter full of confusion , could the brevity of the time admit it . The Points pitch'd upon at the last Conference to be treated in the next , were these . CONFERENCE LI. I. At what time the Year ought to begin . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . I. At what time the year ought to begin . SInce the Year begins by a Moneth ; the Moneth by a Day ; the Day by an Hour ; the Hour by a Minute ; the Question seems to demand at what moment the Year ought to begin . A Year is a space of Time ; Time is the duration of motion ; the most perfect of motions is the local ; the most excellent of local motions is the circular and celestial , which bath something of infinity . Now , to speak generally , a Year is the revolution of some celestial Orb , and takes its name from the spherical bodies which return to the same place from whence they departed . So the year of Saturn , is of 10955 days and twelve hours ; that of Jupiter , of 4331 days , eighteen hours ; that of Mars , of 687 days ; that of the Sun , of 365 days , six hours , wanting eleven minutes ; th●se of Venus and Mercury are almost like that of the Sun ; that of the Moon is of about twenty nine days . But the longest year of all is that of the eighth Sphere , call'd the perfect or Platonick year , at the end of which all the Stars are to return to the same places and distances that they had at the Creation , which shall be accomplish'd , as the Platonists say , in 490000 Solar years , by vertue of the Septenary multiply'd seven times , according to the number of the seven other inferior Orbs ; but more probably , according to Alphonsus , in 36000 years , considering that the eighth Sphere moves but one degree in a hundred years , and so in 36000 years pervades the 360 degrees of the Zodiack . The Cynical year of the Egyptians and Babylonians was measur'd by the course of the celestial Dog , or of Orion , and consisted of 1460 years . The Sabbatical year of the Jews was every seventh year ; the Jubilary , every fiftieth , in which they rested , and the Trumpets sounded . Which minds me of the Intermission which this company made at its fiftieth Conference , after which the Trumpet animates us to a new Career . Now although civil years may be measur'd by the motion of any Celestial Body whatsoever ; yet the Sun and the Moon , the two grand Luminaries , have been by general consent taken to describe the year ; one whereof is call'd Solar , being the interval during which the Sun running through the twelve Signes of the Zodiack comes again to the same point from whence he set forth ; the other is Lunar , being the space of time in which the Moon is twelve times in conjunction with the Sun ( for otherwise the Lunar year , properly taken , is but one moneth ) which year is of 354 days , eight hours , and some minutes ; by consequence less then the Solar by about eleven days , whereof the difference and reduction is call'd the Epact . So that it must be known , in the first place , of what year the Question is to be understood . For if the Solar year be meant ( as it seems to be ) it must begin by the minute in which the Sun enters the first point of the Ram , who is for that reason said to open the year with his horns . The Second said , The Year is a Circle , for that cause hieroglyphically represented under the figure of a Serpent biting his own tail , and nam'd by the Greeks Eniautos , that is to say , In it self , and by the Hebrews Schanah , which signifies Reiteration . As therefore there is neither beginning nor end in a circle , so neither is there properly in a year , each moment whereof may be its beginning and its end . Yet God's command to the Jews to begin the year with the moneth of March , joyn'd to the probability that the world was then created , would make me to begin it so , had not Christians more reason to begin theirs by the day on which they receiv'd their most signal benefits from the hand of God , namely , our Saviours Nativity . Yet not by Christmas day , but on that of the Circumcision , ' on which the Son of God began to effect the mystery of our Redemption by the effusion of his blood ; as the same Christians compute their years , not from the Creation of the World , but from the Mystery of the Incarnation . The Third said , There are six terms , by which we may commence the year ; namely the Apogaeum , and Perigaeum , of the Sun , the two Solstices , and the two Aequinoxes . The two first cannot be proper for it , because they are not fix'd points , but moveable according to the trepidation of the Firmament . Nor the Solstices , since they are different according to the several Nations . For our Summer Solstice is the Winter Solstice to our Antipodes , who dwell in the Southern temperate Zone ; and , on the contrary , our Winter Solstice is their Summer Solstice . It follows then that the year must be begun by that of the Aequinoxes , in which the Sun first mov'd at the Creation , being the Spring-time , in which the earth , according to God's command , produc'd the Germen or tender Grass , and green Herb. And this likewise is the time when the State of Heaven is such that the Astrologers make their surest Predictions from it of the whole constitution of the year ensuing . The Fourth said , That the year may with more reason be begun at Autumn , as being rather the Season when the world was created , for that the Trees are at this time laden with fruit ; and God was no less provident to prepare food for man then he is for children new born , to whom their mothers no sooner give life but they have nourishment ready for them in their breasts . The Fifth said , That being the Aequinoxes and Seasons of the Year happen not always at the same time in respect of all people , they cannot be a general rule for the beginning of the year , which 't were more expedient to refere to the moment of the Creation . But because only he that knows the end of it knows the beginning of it , there remains nothing to men but light conjectures : The fruits which appear'd upon the Trees concluding no more necessarily for Autumn then the tender Grass of the earth for the Spring , or the nakedness of our first Parent for Summer , and the sterility of the earth immediately after his sin , for Winter . Yea , were the instant of the Creation known to us , we should be still in doubt , whether to begin the year from the day of the Creation which was Sunday , or from the fourth day which is Wednesday , on which the Sun and Moon were created ; since the year depends upon their Revolution ; or lastly , from the sixth which is Fryday , on which Adam was created , who alone was capable among all creatures to compute their motions . I should therefore judge it best to take the Apogaeum of the Sun , or the moment wherein he is most elevated above the earth , as the most noble and eminent place in which he is found during the whole course of the year , being then as in his throne , from whence he makes himself conspicuous to all the world ; rather then in any other place of Heaven , and consequently may then better serve for a signal of the end of one year and the beginning of another . And although the years would not be perfectly equal in duration , yet the difference would be but small , and they would be computed by all men after the same sort , which is the thing requir'd . The Sixth said , The commencement of the year is as various as that of the day ; which the Persians and Babylonians began at the rising of the Sun , the Arabians from one Noon to another , as the Astrologers still do , to find the Houses of the Sun and other Planets : the Jews , from Sun-set , or from one evening to another , according to what is said in Genesis , that the Evening and the Morning were one day ; which way of counting the hours is still practis'd in Italy , Bohemia and Silesia . The remainder of Christians reckon their day from one mid-night to another ; because the night was before the day , as we read , in Genesis , that in the beginning darkness cover'd the face of the deep ; but chiefly because our Lord was born at mid-night . So that 't is an indifferent thing both where the natural day be begun , provided its revolution be always of twenty four hours ; and where each people begins the Solar year , provided they agree upon the revolution of the Sun , and end it at the same point where they began it . The Seventh said , Although nothing be more certain then the measure of the Sun's course , composing the Astronomical year , which is divided into Conversional or Tropical , and Sydereal . Yet being this course is not concluded in an intire number of moneths , days , nor yet of hours ( for some minutes must be added to it ) hence ariseth the difficulty to regulate the years ; the confusion whereof has been encreas'd by the divers political and civil years establish'd by Legislators who have endeavour'd to comply in this point with the vulgar , which likes nothing but what is intire and easie to comprehend . Romulus began his year at the Vernal Aequinox , and compos'd it of 304 days divided into ten moneths . Numa observing that the course of the Sun , and the Lunations did no agree , and that the cold weather was often found in Summer , and Harvest in Winter , added January and February to it . The progress of time having shewn that this reformation was still imperfect , Julius Caesar , 670 years after him , assisted by Sosigenes a great Mathematician , corrected the defect , adding three moneths to the year in which he made this rectification , which was the 708th year of the building of Rome ; namely , two moneths between November and December , one of 29 days and the other of 30 : and another of 30 days at the end of December , to make up the days which were pass'd . So that this year Debtors had three moneths respite . Then he divided the year into 365 days , for this cause call'd from his name the Julian year . But because the Sun is neer six hours more in accomplishing his Period , he added a day every fourth year after the twenty third of February which they call'd Sexto Calendas , and because in counting it twice they said bis sexto Calendas , this year truth thence retain'd the name of Bissextile , attributed by the vulgar to sinister and unfortunate things . And to confirm the moneths to the Lunations , he was contented to observe that every nineteenth year the Moon is found in the same place ; which was the discovery of another Mathematician of Athens nam'd Meton . And forasmuch as they mark'd this number of 19 in their Kalendar with a Cypher of gold , thence it came to be call'd the Gold Number . The Christians took up this Calculation as the best of all . But because there wants eleven minutes every fourth year to make the Bissextile or Leap-year intire , it was found that from the time of Julius Caesar to Gregory XIII . the Lunations and Aequinoxes had anticipated ten days , which render'd the Golden Number useless , and remov'd Easter and other moveable Feasts out of their true place . Therefore this Pope , assisted by Doctor Lilio a Physitian , retrench'd those ten days throughout all Christendom , except in places who are not pleas'd with novelty , unless so far as it displeases the Pope . Which anticipation will always oblige future Ages to use a like reformation of the Julian year ; which we begin from the mid-night which precedes the first Sun-rise of the moneth of January . But the most sensible knowledge to be had of the duration and beginning of the Solar year is obtain'd by observing the day on which the shadow of the perpendicular needle of a Quadrant is found longest at noon , being a certain sign that the Sun is then most depress'd , and consequently that we must there set down the end of the preceding year and the beginning of the next , which is visible by the exaltation of the Sun , whose shadow will not be found equal again till after the revolution of a just year . II. Why the Load-stone draws Iron . Had Stones life , as Cardan held , the solution of the second Question would be easie . For the Load-stone's drawing Iron would be no more a wonder then an Animal's going to seek its food . Now of those things which draw others , some do it for eschewing of vacuity : so water and other more ponderous bodies ascend , air and other light bodies descend , either of them against its proper inclination , to prevent a vacuum . Others do it , out of desire to obtain what they need , as their nourishment . So Plants attract the juice of the earth ; the Gall-bladder , Choler ; the Splene , the Melancholy humour ; and every part , blood . Others do it by the mutual resemblance of the spirits issuing out of them ; such is the first motion of affection arising between two persons of the same humour and inclination . But others are mov'd locally with out any manifest and corporeal cause ; so are the vapours and the dew drawn up by the Sun ; straw by Amber ; the womb by good smells ; the Load-stone by the North-star , the Heliotrope and Selenotrope by the Sun and the Moon , whose motions they follow . Now in attraction , it is requisite that the attractive vertue be stronger then the resistance of the body which is attracted . The greatest resistance is from the ponderosity of a body ; the elevation of which without manifest cause is accounted miraculous , and attributed by Divines to the Divine Power alone ; as when our Lord walk'd upon the water . And so indeed would be the suspension of the gravity of iron attracted by the Load-stone , if it were not ordinary : the cause whereof may be ascrib'd to the meeting of spirits streaming out of the Iron and the Load-stone ; which being viscous and once joyn'd together are somewhat hard to be separated . The Second said , That as every body diffuses about it visible , odorable , and sonorous species , which appear not to us , unless they be reflected by some body proper to unite them ; the visible species , by a Glass ; odours by heat ; sound , by a hollow body , such as makes the Echo : In like manner , the Load-stone and the Iron emit attractive species round about , which are lost , unless these of the one light upon those of the other ; for then their nature is , so to conjoyn themselves that their union is indissoluble otherwise then by violence : wherein there seems to be no greater marvel then in all other motions of natural bodies , which act variously one upon another according to the disposition of the next matter . So the fire acts upon combustible matter , and not upon other ; the reason of these affects depending upon the determination of every particular cause , the chain whereof is invisible and conceal'd from men . The Third said , The Superior bodies act upon the inferior , and all motions here below proceed from those of the Celestial Bodies , which are therefore purposely contiguous . That of the Load-stone and Iron proceeds from the polar Stars , which act so sensibly upon this Stone , that being hung up in aequilibrio , it spontaneously turns one part towards the Arctick , and the other towards the Antarctick Pole ; unless in certain places where it varies between five and six degrees , because 't is drawn by a stronger magnetick virtue proceeding from the Earth . But this Stone draws Iron the more easily , because 't is almost of the same nature with it self ; and the Magnet is easily turn'd into Iron in the Mines by a coction made by the virtue of the same stars . For the liker things are , the more inclin'd they are to unite together ; so Flame unites with Flame , the drops of water joyn together , a great Load-stone draws the less , and Steel attracts the filings of steel . The Fourth said , As there is a civil converse between men , for preservation of society , so there is a natural one establish'd by God amongst the other creatures , for the support of their common being , consisting chiefly in their being mov'd one towards another : Fire attracts unctuous exhalations , and it self tends towards the Etherial fire , the Air is drawn by the Lungs , the Sea is drawn up by the Moon , which causes its ebbing and flowing ; straw and dust by the Agate , Iron by the Load-stone ; the virtue whereof , together with the occult properties of all other bodies , I attribute to that universal Spirit which carries every entity to its particular good . The Fifth said , If we would understand the causes of the motion , we must first discover their nature , which is the principle of motion . Now the particular nature of every thing is unknown to all men , as well as the proportion of the mixture of their substances , whereon their occult properties depend , as the manifest qualities do on the mixtion of their first qualities ; which we are wont to call manifest , not but that the reason of them is as difficult as of the rest , but because they are more ordinary . Which indeed has caus'd us to give them the name , e. g. of lightness to the fire , heaviness to the earth , though no person has hither to assign'd the cause thereof . Give but a name to this quality which the Iron hath of moving towards the Load-stone , it will be as manifest as the motive virtue which carries a stone towards its centre . We may indeed alledge the final cause of both , and say , in general , that 't is the good of the thing mov'd that sets it in motion , or , on the contrary , the good of the thing whereunto it tends that moves and attracts it , but the formal cause , which we here inquire , is equally unknown . The Sixth said , That Iron is carri'd to the Load-stone as to its good , and as the stone to its centre ; and hence it is that the Iron turns towards the North , which is the native place of the Magnet . For being a natural , not a violent motion , the motive faculty must be in the Iron , which moves it self ; the goodness of the object attracting only by a metaphorical motion , which supposes a motive faculty in the thing mov'd . CONFERENCE LII . I. Of a Point . II. Whether other Animals besides Man have the use of Reason . I. Of a Point . IF it be true that there are more wonders in a Hand-worm then in an Elephant , because all the faculties which are extended and have their manifest causes and instruments in the latter , are found compendiously Epitomiz'd in the former , and ( as it were ) independent of their organs ; there will be more wonders in a Point then in all the rest of the bodies which are compos'd of it . Indeed there 's nothing so small as a Point , and yet 't is the object of most Sciences . Grammar treats of the Point of distinction ; Natural Philosophy , of the Point of reflection , and that which serves for the Centre of the Earth ; Astrology of the vertical points , Zenith and Nadir , and makes use of them to compute the motions of the Celestial Bodies . Geography hath its four Cardinal Points . All Sciences and Arts borrow this word , to give some order to the things whereof they treat . Lastly , it serves for a principle to Geometry which begins its first Propositions with it . And because , if we believe Plato , every beginning is divine ; a Point which is the principle of a line ( as this is of a surface , this of a body ; an instant , of time ; and an unite , of number ) hath something of Divinity ; which Trismegistus , for that reason , calls a Centre or Point , whose Circumference is no where ; and therefore they who hear us speak of a Point must not think that it is of an inconsiderable matter . The Second said , Although much is not to be argu'd from our manner of speaking , in which the word Point ( with us French ) signifies a negation ; yet it seems to imply , that if it be something , it wants but little of being nothing . For to speak truth , a Point is the mean which is found between nothing and something . 'T is not an accident ; for it doth not betide , befall or arrive to a substance , but is before , and inseparable from the same . Nor is it a substance , since a substance is infinitely divisible , but a Point is that which hath no parts , that is to say , is indivisible . We cannot compare it to an instant in respect of time , for the time past hath been instant or present , and the future shall be so ; but a Point is not , and never shall be , a quantity , nor to a Unite , in regard of Number ; since Number is made of Unites , and an Unite added to the greatest number whatever renders the same yet greater ; whereas a hundred Millions of of Points together make but a Point , because that which hath no quantity of it self cannot give any . Nevertheless 't is most probable that a Point exists really , since 't is the foundation of all other quantities ; and two Spheres exactly round touch one another but in a Point . The Third said , As there is no mean between contradictories , so neither can there be any between nothing and something , Entity and Non entity . Now a Point being the term of a line , and every where in it , must consequently be some thing . Yea I maintain that it is a body and divisible , by this argument . One sole Being is not finite , to wit , the Creator ; all others , to wit , the Creatures , and every part of them , are finite . Every finite thing is compos'd of parts , being compos'd of ends or extremities , and a middle . For it would be as ridiculous to say that a thing is finite with out ends , as to say that a thing is long without length , or hot without heat . A mathematical point is a finite thing . Therefore 't is compos'd of parts . To say that it is finite negatively , and not positively , cannot hold . For as every mensurable solid is compos'd of and terminated by Mathematical surfaces , these by lines , and lines by points ; so a point is compos'd of and terminated by its ends , which are its parts and extremities : these again being compos'd of parts external and internal , are also finite , and consequently divisible to infinity . Therefore a Point is not finite by negation , which is nothing , since nothing is not the term of a Point . Neither is it terminated by it self , since every thing is bounded by some term which is without it ; and if nothing cannot measure it self , much less can it bound or perfect it self . For 't is so true , that every solid , how small soever , is divisible to infinity , that the Naturalists maintain that if by Divine Omnipotence ( Humane and Angelical power being too short ) a grain of Millet should be divided into a hundred millions of parts every moment from the Creation to the end of the World , the progression would never come to an Indivisible Point . This is justifi'd by the Section of a Circle or Globe . For if the Diametre of a Circle be divided into two equal parts , the Centre of it , which is a point , will be semblably into two equal parts ; for it must not be all on one side ; otherwise the division would be unequal ; nor must it be turn'd into nothing since 't is not possible for any thing to be annihilated naturally . But if those two Semidiametres were re-united as at first , the two parts of the divided Point would be rejoyn'd into one point which would make the Centre again . In like manner if a Globe perfectly round touch'd a perfect plain , all agree that it would be in a Mathematical point , which is not indivisible . For the point of the plain hath parts , since it hath all the situations of place whereunto parts answer , namely before , behind , above , below , right and left ; and the point of the Globe touches the point of the plain in the upper part ; now that which hath an upper part hath also an under part . Moreover , every point is part of the body in which it inheres ; for a Part is one finite thing united to another , composing the whole with the other parts together . But the point of the Globe is such ; else it must be said that the surface of the Globe is no part of it . Seeing there is the same proportion between a point and a line , a line and a surface , as there is between a surface and a body ; and that when a Globe rouls upon many points , it rouls also upon the surface , which therefore differs not from them but by More and Less . Whence it follows that a Mathematical , point is a small term of quantity , uniting and terminating Mathematical lines without length , breadth and depth mensurable and consequently a body . For it is compos'd of parts irrational and inexpressible ; that is , which the Mathematician cannot tell how long , broad and deep , they are . The Fourth said , Nature has hid the highest mysteries in the lowest , and seemingly vilest things ; which also are hardest to be understood ; not so much through imperfection of essence ; for an atome flying in the air is as true an essence as the whole earth : But because our senses perceive only such objects as are able to excite a motion in the Organs ; now a Point cannot do this , and so the Intellect which judges of things by the species receiv'd , cannot receive those of a Point , nor consequently have perfect knowledge of it . Therefore the Philosopher defines not a point By what it is , but By what it is not , when he saith that a Point is something imperceptible inherent in the Continuum . Yet this knowledge of a point by negation , is not by negation of essence but of divisibility , it being of its own nature an indivisible entity . For if it can be divided into other parts , 't is no longer a point , 't is a line , and must be so term'd how small soever it be . Essence not finite is incommunicable to the Creator , being a perfection of immense grandeur ; yet a Point may be of an essence not finite too , because such essence is in a Point an imperfection , and privation of greatness . Moreover , a Point is either continuant or terminant ; each of which is nothing but a mode of being , a respect and correspondence of parts one to another ; which consequently may be produc'd and annihilated without miracle , as modes , forms , and figures are . For supposing a Globe exactly divided into two parts , there 's no more inconvenience in saying that the Central point is perish'd , then that when a ball of Wax is press'd flat , the Spherical figure ceases to be . The Fifth said , That as in the Creation natural bodies were made of nothing , so the production of Mathematical bodies begins by a Point which is a nothing : And ( indeed ) a Point is so far from being demonstrated a reality by the application of a Globe upon a Plain , which cannot touch one the other but by a line , that the most slender and inperceptible point of a Needle falling perpendicularly upon the most polish'd steel , yea ( if 't were possible ) upon as small a point of another Needle , cannot touch one another but by the surface of their body : Whence it appears that a Mathematical Point is infinitely less then any material point whatsoever , which only represents the figure thereof grosly to our senses . II. Whether Brutes have Reason . The second Point was prefac'd with the consideration of the difficulty of a fair discussion , because men are parties ; and none is competent to determine the question but either he that is above both man and beast , or equally participates of both : it being as likely in the general cause , as 't is usual in all particular , that men will arrogate the advantage to their own species . Yet man's dominion over beasts , the conformation of his body , the operations of his mind , and the works of both compar'd to those of other animals , seem to decide the question . For man alone knows , not only God , and the other creatures , but also himself , by a reflection of the Understanding , which is the highest act of Reason . His body alone is shap'd so that his eyes are erected towards heaven , his members are flexible and versatile , especially his hand ( the organ of organs ; ) he sits down most commodiously and gracefully at the exercising of all Arts ; and his manifold artificial productions , perfecting and surpasing those of nature , find nothing comparable to them amongst those of other animals . And therefore I adhere to the Holy Scripture , which denies understanding to beasts ; and to what antiquity , especially Philosophy , determines , which hath found no more peculiar difference whereby to distinguish man from beast then Reason . The Second said , Since Reason is the hand of Judgement , as the speech is of Reason , and the hand it self is the instrument subservient to speech ; one of these degrees must lead us to the knowledge of the other . I mean , that since Reason is the hand of the Judgement , such animals as shall be found to have judgement can no more be without Reason then a man naturally without a hand . Now all are constrain'd to acknowledge some judgement in animals , for otherwise they could not exercise the functions of their external and internal senses , which divers have in a more eminent degree then we . They have a Common Sense ; for they distinguish the objects of the senses ; a Phancy , since they are all equally lead to sensible good ; many of them are indu'd with memory , as Dogs and Horses , which bark and neigh in their sleep ; which cannot be done but by some higher faculty , uniting and enjoyning the species drawn out of their memory : an effect not possible to proceed from any other cause then Reason . But that which removes all scruple , is , that they are capable of discipline ; and there 's no feat of activity but they learn it sooner then Man ; witness the Elephants which danc'd upon the rope at Rome , and the Goats which do as much here at this time ; not to mention Dogs , Horses , Apes , and other Creatures which are manag'd , and Birds which are taught to speak . The Third confirm'd this Opinion by the Example of the Elephant , who before the Tinker was paid , try'd whether the kettle ( wherein he us'd to have his food ) was well mended by filling it with water ; of the Ox , who never drew up above a certain number of buckets of water ; of the Fox , who caus'd the water in a pitcher to ascend by filling it with stones , and alwayes layes his Ear to a frozen river , to hear whether the water moves under the Ice , before he trusts himself upon it ; of the Dog , who having scented two paths , casts himself into the third without Smelling at all , and concludes that the tract of his game ; of the Cat , which although hungry dares not eat the meat she sees , for fear of the whip which she sees not . All which he said were so many Syllogismes , and concluded with an induction of sundry Animals , which gave Man the knowledge of building , as the Swallow ; of spinning , as the Spider ; of hoarding provisions , as the Pismire , to whose School Solomon sends the sluggard ; of presaging fair weather , as the Kings-fisher ; the downfall of houses , as Rats and Mice ; of making Clysters , as the Ibis ; of letting blood , as the Hippopotamus , or Sea-horse ; That to accuse our Masters of want of Reason , is an act of notorious ingratitude . The Fourth said , Faculties are discover'd by their actions , and these are determin'd by their end . Now the actions of Men and beasts are alike , and have the same End , Good , Profitable , Delightful , or Honest. There is no Controversie concerning the two former . And Honesty , which consists in the exercise of Virtue , they have in an eminent degree . Witness the courage of the Lyon , in whom this Virtue is not produc'd by vanity or interest , as it is in men . Nor was it ever seen that Lyons became servants to other Lyons , ( as we see Men are to one another for want of courage ) which prefers a thousand deaths before servitude . Their Temperance and Continence is apparent , in that they are contented with pleasures lawful and necessary , not resembling the disorderly Appetites of Men , who not contented with one sort of food depopulate the Air , the Earth , and the Waters , rather to provoke then satiate their gluttony . The fidelity of the Turtle , and the Chastity of the Dove , are such as have serv'd for a Comparison , in the Canticles , of the Spouse . The fidelity of the Dog to his Master exceeds that of Men. The Raven is so Continent , that 't is observ'd to live 600. years without a Male , if her own happen to be kill'd . For their good Constitution gives them so long a life , which in Men Nature or their own disorders terminate within a few years . As for Justice , the foundation of all Humane Laws is the Natural , which is common to beasts with Men. The Fifth said , Reason is a proportion , correspondence , and adjustment , of two or more things compar'd one with another ; whence it follows that being Comparison cannot be made but by Man , he alone is capable of Reason . Moreover , he alone exercises Justice , which is nothing else but the same reason which he judges to every one , under which is comprehended Religion , a thing unknown to brutes ; when Prudence , Fortitude , and Temperance , are improperly attributed , because these are habits of the Will , ( which Faculty brutes have not ) and presuppose a knowledge ( which they want too ) of the vicious Extremes of every of their actions . The Sixth said , 'T was not without Reason that the first Age of Innocence , and afterwards Pythagoras , upon the account of his Metempsychosis , spar'd the lives of beasts ; that when God sav'd but four couple of all Mankind from the deluge , he preserv'd seven of every clean Animal , and made the Angel which with-stood the Prophet Balaam rather visible to his Ass then to him ; that this Animal , and the Ox , ( whose acknowledgement towards their Masters is alledg'd by Isaiah , to exprobriate to the Israelites their ingratitude towards God ) were the first witnesses of our Saviours Birth , who commands to be innocent and prudent , like some of them . Which presupposes not onely Reason in them , but that they have more thereof then Man , with what ever cavillation he may disguise their virtues ; saying , that what is Knowledge in God. Intelligence in Angels , Reason in Man , Inclination in Inanimate Bodies , is Instinct in brutes . For since a beast attaines to his End better then Man , and is not so subject to change as he , it may seem that a nobler name should be given to that Faculty which accomplisheth its work best , then to that is for the most part deficient therein . And therefore either a brute hath more reason then Man , or that which Man calls Instinct in a beast is more excellent then his Reason , a Faculty ordinarily faulty , subject to surprize and to be surpriz'd . The Seventh said , 'T is too rustick an impiety ( to use Saint Austine's words against the Manichees , who inclin'd to this Error ) to believe that beasts have Reason , since they have not a perfect use of all the outward Senses , but onely of such as are altogether necessary to their being , Touching , and Tasting : For Smells , Sounds , and Colours , move them not , further then the same are serviceable to those two senses . Nor must we deceive our selves by their having a Phancy or Inferior Judgement ; so long as they have nothing of that Divine Piece by which Man knows Universals , defines , composes , and divides , comprehends similitudes and dissimilitudes with their causes . They have an Appetite too , by which they are carry'd towards their proper Good. But because their knowledge of this Good is neither sufficient nor intire as that of Man is , who alone knows Good as Good , the End as such ; this Appetite is rul'd and guided by a superior cause , ( as a Ship by the Pilot ) which cause necessarily leads this Appetite to good , as it also inclines the stone to its centre , which it never fails to find . So that this infallibility alledg'd in the works of brutes is rather a sign of their want of Reason , which is the cause that Man endued with sufficient knowledge , and for this reason plac'd between Good and Evil , Fire and Water , can alone freely move towards the one or the other ; whence it comes to pass that he frequently fails in his purposes , because his Reason oftentimes takes appearance for truth . CONFERENCE LIII . I. Whether there be more then five Senses . II. Whether is better , to speak , or to be silent . I. Whether there be more then five Senses . THe Maxime , That things are not to be multipli'd without Reason , is founded upon the capacity of the Humane Mind , which being one , though its faculties be distinct in their Operations , conceives things onely under the species of unity . So that when there are many in number , it makes one species of them ; of many specifically different , one Genus ; and , consequently , can much less suffer the making two things of that which is but one . This has given ground to some to affirm , That there is but one External Sense , which ought no more to be distributed into five species under pretext that there are five Organs , then one and the same River which here makes bellows blow , and hammers beat , presses cloth , and decorticates oats , or grinds flour ; For 't is one breath which passing through several Organes and Pipes renders several tones ; one and the same Sun , which penetrating through various glasses represents as many colours . Moreover , their end is to all the same , namely , to avoid what may hurt , and pursue what may profit the Creature . The Second said , This would be true , if the Soul alone were the Subject of Sensation ; but when the Eye is pull'd out , although the visual spirits remain entire ; or if the Eye being sound and clear , yet some obstruction hinders the afflux of the spirits to it , ( as in a Gutta Serena ) there is no vision made : An Evidence that seeing is an action of both , and , consequently , the Senses are as many as the several Organs which determine and specificate the same . But the Taste being comprehended under the Touch , by the Philosophers definition , must be a species thereof ; and therefore there are but four Senses , as four Elements , the Taste and the Touch ( which it comprehends ) being exercis'd in the earth gross as themselves ; the Sight in Water , in which its Organ swims , and of which it almost wholly consists ; the Smelling by the Fire , which awakens odours , and reduces them out of power into act ; and the Hearing , in the Air , which is found naturally implanted in the Ear , and is the sole medium of this sense , according to Aristotle ; the hearing of Fishes being particular to them in the Water , and very obscure . The Third said , He was of Scaliger's mind , who reckons Titillation for the sixth sense . For if the Taste , though comprehended under the Touching , ( as was said ) constitutes a distinct sense , why not Titillation , which is a species of Touching too ; considering that it represents things otherwise then the ordinary Touch doth , and hath its particular Organs , as the soles of the Feet , the palmes of the Hands , the Flanks , the Arm-pits , and some other places . Yea , Touching may be accounted the Genus of the Senses , since all partake thereof . The Fourth said , That those actions which some Animals perform more perfectly then we , ( as the Dog exceeds us in Smelling , the Spider in Touching , the Eagle in Seeing , and many in presaging the seasons and weather ) seem'd to be the effects of 6 , 7 , or 8 Senses ; there being no proportion between such great extraordinary effects and their Organes , the structure whereof is the same with those of other Animals , which come not near the same . Yea , that 't is by some supernumerary sense found in each Animal , that they have knowledge of what is serviceable or hurtful to them in particular . For example , who teaches the Dog the virtue of Grass , the Hart of Dittany ? their ordinary Senses cannot . Nor is it likely that so many occult properties have been produc'd by Nature , to remain unknown . But they cannot be understood unless by some Sense which is not vulgar , considering that all the Senses together understand not their substance . The Fifth said , There are five external Senses , neither more , nor less ; because there needs so many and no more , to perceive and apprehend all external objects : And as when one of our Senses is deprav'd or abolish'd , another cannot repair it , nor succeed it in all its functions ; so if there were more then five , the over-plus would be useless , there being no accident but falls under the cognisance of these five Senses : And although each of them is not sufficient thereunto severally , yet they serve well enough all together ; as in the perception of motion , rest , number , magnitude , and figure , which are common objects to divers Senses . Now if there were need of more then five Senses , 't would be to judge of objects wherein the others fail . So that the supernumeraries being unprofitable , 't is not necessary to establish more then five . And as for substance , 't is not consistent with its Nature to be known by the external Senses . The Sixth said , Man being compos'd of three Pieces , a Soul , a Body , and Spirits of a middle Nature between both ; the five Senses suffice to the perfection and support of these three parts . Knowledge , which is the sole Good of the Soul , is acquir'd by invention and discipline ; for which we have Eyes and Ears . Good Odours recreate and repair the Spirits . The Touch and Taste are the Bodie 's guards , the first by preserving it from hurtfull qualities which invade it from without ; and the second , from such as enter and are taken in by the mouth . And therefore 't is in vain to establish more . The Seventh said , Since , according to the Philosophers , Sense is a passive quality , and Sensation is made when the Organ is alter'd by the object ; there must be as many several Senses as there are different objects , which variously alter the Organs . Now amongst Colours , Odours , and other sensible objects , there are many different species ; and the qualities perceiv'd by the Touch are almost infinite . Nor is it material to say that they all proceed from the first qualities , since Colors , Odours , and Tasts , are likewise second qualities arising from those first , and nevertheless make different Senses . The Eighth said , Although it be true , that Faculties are determin'd by objects , yet must not these Faculties be therefore multiply'd according to the multitude of objects . So , though White and Black are different , nevertheless because they both act after the same manner , namely , by sending their intentional species through the same medium , to the same Organ , the Sight alone sufficeth for judging of their difference . The Ninth said , Since four things are requisite to Sensation , to wit , the Faculty , the Organ , the Medium , and the Object ; 't is by them that the number of Senses is determin'd . The Object cannot do it , otherwise there would not be five Senses , but infinitely more . Nor can the Faculty do it , being inseparable from the Soul , or rather the Soul it self , and consequently but one ; and to say that there is but one Sense , is erroneously to make an external Sense of the Common Sense . Much less can the Medium do it , since one and the same Medium serves to many Senses , and one and the same Sense is exercis'd in several Mediums , as the Sight in the Air and the Water . It remains therefore that the diversity proceed from that of the Organs , which being but five , make the like number of Senses . II. Whether is better , to be silent or to speak . Upon the Second Point it was said , 'T is a greater difficulty , and consequently more a virtue , to hold one's peace then to speak ; the latter being natural to Man , and very easie , when he has once got the habit of it ; but the former is a constrain'd Action , and to practise which handsomely the Mind must be disciplin'd to do violence to the itch of declaring it self ; every one conceiving it his interest that the truth be known . And there are fewer examples of those that have sav'd themselves by speaking , then of those that have lost themselves by not keeping Secrecie ; justly term'd the Soul of the State and of affairs , which once vented , of easie become impossible . Whence arose the name of Secretaries for principal Ministers and Officers of States and great Houses ; and indeed , 't is at this day a title affected by the meanest Clerks , testifying thereby in what esteem they have Silence . And the unworthiest of all Vices , Treachery , ordinarily takes advantage of this defect of Secrecie , which renders Men full of chinks , and like a sieve , so that many can more easily keep a coal in their mouths then a secret . On the contrary , Silence is so much reverenc'd , that the wisest persons , when they are to speak or write , come the nearest it they can by their brevity ; and that upon this account the fool , so long as he holds his peace , differs not from the wise . Therefore Pythagoras made it the chief point of his Philosophy , leaving his Scholars for five years to do nothing else but hear , and abstain from eating fish , out of the particular esteem he had thereof for its taciturnity . All Monastick persons account it one of their highest virtues , and the introduction to all others ; and the Pagans made a God of Silence , nam'd Harpocrates , whose Statue held a finger upon its mouth . And both the sacrifices of this god and all their other mysteries , ( which word implyes Secrecie ) were perform'd without speaking . Therefore Alexander meaning to teach Hephaestion , that he that would serve his King well must know well how to be silent , clap'd the seal of his Ring upon his lips . The greatest talkers are commonly the least actors ; God having as 't were put in balance words on one side , and effects on the other , as the leaves and flowers there , and the fruits here . The Second said , As the corruption of things is the greater by how much the more excellent they are ; so speech being the fairest ornament of Man , the abuse thereof is the most dangerous ; and the rather , for that too much speaking is an incurable malady , since it cannot be cur'd but by the counsel of those that reprehend it , whereof great speakers are incapable , it being their custome not to hear any body . In requital for which they are avoided by all the world . For every Man thinks himself concern'd to uphold the truth , and is therefore displeas'd when he meets one that would arrogate this right to himself , and frustrate all others of the glory which follows that action . But , which is worse , no credit is given to them , although belief is the end of speech . For Man affects nothing so much as to be esteem'd true and honest , because the perfection of his being consists in these two points ) and therefore he employes his utmost endeavours to make himself believ'd such ; whereas a babler finding no belief amongst Men , and goodness and truth walking with the same foot , he is acounted to have neither the one nor the other . Indeed great speakers are ordinarily great lyers ; because words are not true but so far as they are weigh'd and balanc'd in the Mind , which being finite cannot know many things at once , but successively and with time , which the talker allows not to himself . And as Truth is in Unity , so is Lying in Multiplicity , but especially in confusion , which is a diversity without order , and is almost inseparable from great discourses , and produces the like in the Minds of the Hearers , and consequently unbeliefs . The Third said , A Man should take no greater care then to govern his Tongue , because 't is a member the easilest mov'd , and never weary . Hence old men are so much delighted with talking , because they have onely this member at their devotion . Which Nature fore-seeing , and that Man would have frequent and long use of it , hath given it a strong Ligament , ten Muscles , and three couple of the seven pair of Nerves which are diffus'd through the rest of the Body . Besides , Man being a sociable Animal , is naturally much inclin'd to discourse , which is the bond of humane society . 'T is requisite therefore that Reason , which should govern all Man's inclinations , govern this of speech chiefly , to which the ought not give liberty except when the same may be beneficial to the speaker , or to the hearer , or to some other . Nevertheless , ( to speak generally ) as action is more noble then Privation , and Motion then Rest ; so to speak is a thing more excellent then to hold one's peace . The Fourth said , The moderation of speech , call'd Taciturnity , is a species of Temperance , and hath its two extremes equally vicious ; namely , immoderate talking , and dull silence , when one holds his peace , although a just cause obliges him to speak , as the acknowledgement of a truth , or of some benefit ; and when our own interest or friends is considerably engag'd , or also when an occasion makes some discourse to be expected from us , as in a publick assembly , feast , or other place of rejoycing , in which case silence is no less shameful , then too much speaking is every where distateful . This Virtue , which holds the middle , shews where , when , how , how much , we ought to speak and be silent ; what things are fit to be spoken , and to what persons . As for things , they must be true , honest , and approved by us within , before they are expos'd and lay'd abroad ; the Tongue must follow , and not go before the Mind , whose interpreter it is , as the Hand is the Tongue 's Secretary , and for this purpose is lay'd upon the Heart , out of whose abundance it alwayes speaks , unless dissimulation alter the case . And as the constitution and temper of the Tongue , is taken by Physitians for a certain signe of that of the internal parts ; so the words are of the inclinations and habits of the Soul , which has its throne in the Tongue to make it self understood , as in the Eyes to render it self visible . Now the Tongue , being the principal Organ of speech , hereby serves to put a manifest discrimination between Man and brutes ; some of which make a sound , as Grashoppers ; others have a voice , as all those that have Lungs , but none have speech . As for other circumstances , we must refrain as much as possible from speaking with fools , of wicked persons notoriously known such , and a little before persons of age and authority , or who understand more then our selvs ; as also from speaking of a serious matter amongst mirth , or of a ridiculous matter in grave and serious affairs ; we must take care to be silent in places destinated onely to hear , as in the Church , and in Judiciary Courts . Which injunction lies most upon Women , Children , and Servants . In brief , 't is one of the greatest points of Prudence to know when 't is a fit time to speak , and when to be silent . The Fifth said , The Reason of Man is that Universal Spirit which is the Soul of the world , giving activity and motion to every thing ; 't is this that turns about the Celestial Spheres , and moves the inferior Elements by an innate principle . It makes it self understood by speech and writing , the nobleness of one whereof above the other seems to determine the question . Now Reason is more in controversie between us and beasts then speech , and speech then writing ; for some admit a certain degree of Reason and Judgement in brutes ; and many of them , whose Tongues are soft , large , and free , perfectly imitate our speech ; but they have nothing that comes near writing , which is solely peculiar to Man. Moreover , by Reason we are onely wise to our selves , by speech we are so to some few others who hear us . But by writing our Wisedom is communicated to all the world , and lasts to eternity . 'T was by writing with the finger in the dust that our Lord confounded the Jews , without speaking a word ; and when he was falsely accus'd before Pilate , he open'd not his mouth to defend himself . Now this writing , free from the troublesomeness of praters , borrows all its force from silence , which is more eloquent then all the talk of Men ; but especially in respect of God , whose praise ( saith the Psalmist ) is silence , and with whom the lifting up of the Heart , and mental prayer , is more prevalent then all the voices and speeches in the world . Such was that of Moses , of whom it was said , in Exod. that he pray'd in his Heart ; and yet God saith to him , Wherefore cryest thou to me in this manner ? Such is the silence of true worshippers , who worship in Spirit and Truth . Moreover , the Prophet Jeremy assures us , That 't is a good thing to wait for the mercy of God in silence . The Angel Gabriel began his combate against the Dragon with silence . And Judith being upon the point to slay Holofernes , made her prayers to God with tears and silence . Besides , 't is a signe of Humility and Modesty amongst Men. The Sixth said , That to judge well of the Question , we must recur to Nature , who having given Man two Ears open , for one Tongue shut up , intimates plainly , that he has more need of hearing and holding his peace , then of speaking . And because the wounds of the Tongue ( compar'd by the Royal Prophet to a sharp razor , and to a consuming fire by the Apostle Saint James ) aresometimes more mortal then those of the Sword ; she is not contented to put a reine under it , call'd Froenum Linguae , to stop its intemperance , but hath also surrounded it with strong barriers , the two rows of Teeth , besides those of the Lips. But that which makes very much for silence , is , that Men oftner repent of having spoken , then of having held their peace . And 't is not said , in the Holy Scripture , that Men shall be blam'd for having been silent ; but that they shall give account even of the least idle words . Speaking therefore is more graceful , but silence is more safe ; speech is the property of Man , but silence of the wise Man. CONFERENCE LIV. I. Of Touch. II. Of Fortune . I. Of the Touch WHat the Centre is in the Earth , the Earth amongst the Elements , a Star in Heaven , Sovereignty in a State , Faith in Religion , Natural Motion in Physick , Equity in Law , Reason in Philosophy , the Body in Man , the Sense in a living Creature , that the Touch is in all the other Senses ; that is to say , 't is their foundation , and the condition without which none of them can subsist . For there are Animals which see not , as Moles ; which hear not , as the Asp , and most Insects ; which have not Smelling , as those who are troubled with rheume ; which have no Taste , as most sick persons . But if there be found any which hath not the Sense of Touching , at the same time it ceases to be an Animal , since it is not term'd such but inasmuch as it hath a sensitive life , which consists in the knowledge of good and evil , sensible by pleasure and pain , the two symptoms of the Touch , and which alone bear the sway , and turn the balance in all the actions of Man ; the scope of all which , is , either to pursue good , or to avoid evil . The Second said , That , for this purpose , as sensitive life is diffus'd throughout the Body ; so the Touch , which is inseparable from that life , hath not , as the other Senses , a particular and limited Organ , but is extended into all the parts of the Body . Because , as among the objects of the Senses , onely the tangible Qualities give being , and constitute the Animal by their proportion and temperature ; so they alone destroy it by their excess and disproportion . So that as onely a small part of the Body sees , another hears , another smells , and another tasts ; if there had been but one part of the Body that could by touching have discern'd the quality of its object , it would have hapned , that whilst this part were delighted with one of those objects , the excess of some other might have destroy'd all the rest of the Animal , without its perceiving the same ; and so it would have perish'd without knowing , and consequently being able to avoid the same , which is the principal end of the Senses ; which , for this reason , represent death to themselves so terrible , to the end that the horrour thereof might oblige them to a greater care of their preservation . The Third said , That as Man is surpass'd in other senses by brutes , so he excells them in Touching , which he hath most exquisite and perfect . He alone , of all creatures , has Hands wherewith to touch , and a smooth soft skin the better to judge of tangible qualities . For being he was made to judge of things , it was requisite that he should be provided of a faithful messenger , as the touch is , to make him a true report thereof . And because he was design'd to more sublime actions then brutes , therefore he needed a more perfect temperature ; of which the goodness of Touch is a most sure sign . Hence the Physiognomist reckons the subtlety of this sense to a most certain token of that of the Mind ; as its contrary , of stupidity ; an exquisite Touch denoting the softness and tenderness of the flesh , upon which , consequently , tangible Qualities easily make their impression ; and this tenderness denotes the good temper of the Body , which is followed by sutable actions of the Mind . Hence it is that great wits have commonly weak and delicate bodies ; but the stupid and dull the most robust and brawny . Therefore as the Touch distinguishes Men from brutes , so it does Men from one another . But the Sight and the other Senses do not so ; for , on the contrary , it frequently comes to pass that great spirits have the shortest sight , and the other Senses less exquisite . The Fourth said , That the Touch is not only the most necessary in all Animals , since it serves them for a specifical difference ; ( sensibility , which distinguishes them from Plants , being commonly taken for the faculty of Touching , witness our vulgar phrase , which calls one man more sensible then another , when he is more easily affected by the tactile qualities ) but 't is the sole sense of many Animals , especially , Zoophytes or Plant-animals , such as Spunge , Coral , and all kind of Oysters . The first of which hears not , sees not , smells not , and tastes not its nourishment ; but only dilates it self to receive it , and contracts it self to retain it as soon as it feels it neer . The second , by the relation of divers , who fetch it from under the water , averts it self by bowing the contrary way as soon as it feels the touch of their instruments . The last have no Organical parts ; and if they had , the same would be useless to them , because they are destitute of local motion , and of every other sense , except that of Touching , by which they open and shut themselves . And which Nature has given , as gross as it is , for a supplement to the subtilest sense , to wit , the Sight . The Fifth said , That the nobleness of the Touch appears , principally , in that 't is the most infallible of all the senses ; as the most honourable persons are accounted most worthy of credit . Therefore our Lord being to convince S. Thomas , at that time incredulous , caus'd him to feel his side ; and manifest things are call'd palpable , because the Touch is the last sense that is deceiv'd . Whence they who dream do not frequently find their errour , till putting forth their hands to the phantasin they begin to be convinc'd that it is nothing but air . The Sixth said , That as 't is a common vice to all the Senses to be deceiv'd , so that of Touch is not more exempt from it then the rest ; and the less , because it judges of the quality of its objects only by comparison ; according to the diversity of which one and the same thing diversly affects it , and is sometimes apprehended one way , sometimes another . A man that comes out of a hot Bath shivers in the same air which he accounted warm before he enter'd into the water ; and when he that learns to dance puts off his leaden soles he thinks his feet lighter then he did before he put them on . The Seventh said , The Touch is an external sense , terrestrial and gross ; it perceives hot and cold , dry and moist , heavy and light ▪ hard and soft , smooth and rough , or unequal , acide , viscous or slippery , thick and thin , tough and friable , or brittle , and other such tactile and earthy qualities . For , as there are five simple Bodies in Nature , namely the Heaven and the Elements , so each of the five external Senses corresponds to one of them ; the Sight to Heaven , in regard of its transparence and lucidity ; the other four to the Elements ; of which the Earth symbolizeth with the Touch ▪ because every thing that is felt must have some solidity and consistence , which proceeds from the Earth ; otherwise it could not make it self felt by it self , but only by some predominant quality , as we feel not the air when it touches us , unless it be extreamly cold or hot . The Organ of Feeling is inward skin which incompasses the whole body of a creature , by reason of its so perfect and equal temperature that it is neither hot nor cold , dry , moist , but equally partakes of all these qualities ( a requisite condition in the Organs of the senses which must be unprovided of all the qualities whereof they are to judge . ) So the Crystalline humour is without colour , the tongue without sapour , the nostrils without scent , the ears without any sound . And the skin is neither hard like the bones , nor soft like the flesh , but of a temper between both ; being therefore call'd a Nervous flesh , and a fleshy Nerve : which skin , never so little touch'd , feels perfectly ; which would not come to pass if it were not the Organ of the Touch. 'T is therefore woven of infinite nerves , terminated in it and bringing the animal spirits to it , which are the efficient causes of the Touch as well as of all the other Senses . For what the Philosopher saith , That a sensible object apply'd upon the Organ is not perceiv'd , must be understood only of the three Senses which are for the convenience of an animal , to wit , the Sight , Hearing and Smelling ; not of the other two , which are for its absolute necessity , upon which consideration Nature hath appointed them to judge more neerly , exercising these two Senses by a medium internal and inseparable from the Organ . II. Of Fortune . Upon the second Point it was said , Fortune is a cause by accident in things which are done for some end , by an Agent that makes use of Reason . So 't is fortune , when one walking for his health , or divertisement , finds a Purse : but chance , hazard , or adventure is in things which act for some end without election , as brutes , mad people and children , who are not fortunate , or unfortunate , unless in hope . The difficulty of understanding the nature of Fortune ariseth from the infinite abundance of things which may be causes of things which befall men . And as 't is proper to man to admire what he understands not , upon the observation of the many strange and unforeseen accidents in the world ; some say that they come to pass by a fatal destiny necessarily guiding every cause to its effect ; others , that they fall out by chance , to which the ancient Philosophers ascrib'd so much , that Empedocles accounted the situation of the Elements fortuitous ; Democritus and Leucippus thought the production of all things was effected by the casual concourse of their atomes flying in the vacuum : insomuch that out of a blind superstition they erected Temples and Altars to Fortune . For indeed there is nothing divine in Fortune ; since there is not any cause by it self but may be a cause by accident , and consequently Fortune . Nor is it the Divine Providence , since that which is foreseen cannot be call'd fortuitous . But we give the appellation of Fortune to any cause , which missing of its proper effect produceth another which it intended not . The Second said , 'T was the ignorance of men that invented Fortune , which hath no other existence but in their imagination . For every thing that is hath a certain cause determined to its effect . But Fortune and Chance are uncertain and indeterminate ; therefore not causes . And although the proximate cause of every thing be unknown to us , yet 't is not the less certain for all that , in respect of God , who ignores nothing . Therefore if there be a fortune in respect of us , 't is an effect of our ignorance . The Third said , We must establish in Nature either Destiny or Fortune . The former seems to fasten man to Ixion's wheel , which permits him not to do any thing of himself , and takes from him the commendation of good , and blame of evil ; rendring him by this means guiltless of whatever he do's , and laying all upon universal causes ( whatever distinction may be made of God's will , in general and particular ; it not being conceivable that two contrary wills can at the same time proceed from the same source . The second is more correspondent with the daily events , which produce effects whereof no necessary cause can be found . Indeed , if effects are to be divided according to their causes , 't is certain that some are necessary and some contingent ; whereof the latter being fortuitous cannot be referr'd to any thing but to Fortune . Yea of the things which come to pass in the world , some always arrive in the same manner , as day and night when the Sun rises and sets ; others fall out ordinarily , but not always , as that a child is born with five fingers on a hand , there being some that have six ; and others , on the contrary , arrive very rarely , as Monsters . But if this variety of causes and effects hath place in natural things , 't is found much oftner in humane actions , whose constancy is unconstancy it self ; there being not any whose effect is certain . For what man can promise himself that when he labours he shall infallibly become rich , that when he fights he shall have the victory , that when he serves he shall be acceptable , or that when he loves he shall be lov'd ? Whereas , on the contrary , we see many persons enrich'd without labour , honour'd without fighting , and acceptable without performance of any services ; and ( which is more ) many times hated by those they love , and lov'd by those they hate . Of all which we must either assign some cause , or confess that there is no other cause thereof but hap or mishap , which they call Fortune . The Fourth said , That Dionysius the younger , the Tyrant of Syracuse , was not of their judgement who disclaim Fortune , assigning the cause of his not being able to preserve the Estates of his Father , That he left him Heir of all , excepting his Fortune . Now the Ancients had Fortune in great reverence , and put her amongst their domestick Gods. And the Emperours religiously kept her Statue of gold , which they sent as a badge of Empire , to those whom they intended to design their successors . Thus Antoninus Pius , being ready to dye , sent it to Marcus Antoninus the Philosopher ; and Severus sent it to his two sons , Bassianus , and Geta. Moreover , because it visibly bears the chief stroke in gaming , even in those Games to which she gives not the addition of her name , and depend not upon skill ; there are found some , at this day , who think they can fix her to some thing which they wear about them while they are at play ; others attribute it to a particular situation of their bodies in respect of the Planets . But all agree , that Caesar ow'd more to his valour then to his fortune ; that if she could not make an Orator of a Consul , or the contrary ; yet she can make a poor man rich by play ; and he must be a great Rhetorician that can perswade those who have good or bad luck , that there is no Fortune . The Fifth said , 'T would be too much presumption in us to accuse all antiquity of ignorance , which observ'd not only certain persons and places , but some days and hours fortunate and unfortunate , noting the happy days with chalk , and the other with a black stone . Moreover , Philosophers divide goods into those of the Mind , the Body , and Fortune , comprizing under the latter , Friends , Lineage , Reputation , Honours and Riches , which are the things men make most account of in this world . And riches are so commonly attributed to her , that they are frequently denoted by the name of Fortune . So that to maintain that there is no such thing , is to go about to overthrow common sense , and to correct Calepin . But her efficiency is chiefly prov'd by the employments which happen to many , contrary to all apparence , according to the diversity of which every one makes progress , or not , in riches and honours . For he that labours in little things takes most pains , and gets least , and so , on the contrary , which cannot be attributed to any thing else but fortune , no more then the contracts , bargains , and other actions of men , which are made almost always by chance . Whence arose the Proverb , There is nothing but good luck and bad luck in the world . In War , such a great Captain is constantly unfortunate , whereas Timotheus was always the contrary , in whose Nets Cities came to be taken whilst he slept . In Physick , such a Doctor is always accounted lucky , whereas 't was enough to kill a sick man but to have seen Hermocrates in a dream ; not to mention what the Lawyers themselves call the hazard of Judgements . The Sixth said , The Ancients did like the Gouty person mention'd by Montagne , who ate Saucidges and Gammons , and drunk of the best , that he might have whom to lay the fault upon . They phancy'd Fortune , that they might have whom to blame for evil events , or rather to blaspheme against the Deity . She is a pure fiction of the Poets , who represented her upon a wheel , one half whereof always ascends , and the other descends ; to shew the volubility and continual vicissitude of humane things ; blind , to signifie that good or evil doth not always befall us according to desert , but oftentimes without distinction ; sometimes a man , and sometimes a woman , but principally the latter , to denote her inconstancy ; all this mysteriously , as all their other fables ; to take which literally , were to do worse then the learned Pagans themselves . The Seventh said , Every one is the Artificer of his own fortune , and all the Deities are present where Prudence is , though we rank Fortune among the Gods. Of whom we may say what Hercules said to the bemired Waggoner , who invok'd him , but touch'd not the wheel , Help thy self , and God will help thee ; none having ever obtain'd the title of fortunate , but by great pains , watchings and industries ; means , which the vulgar not observing so much as their effect , attribute it to a Deity . Moreover , dextrous men affect the title of lucky , because the vulgar esteems them the more for it ; and the great est States-men hiding their counsels and the instruments they make use of to accomplish their designes , give occasion to this errour . Therefore when Zeno had lost all his wealth by Shipwreck he should not have said , Fortune , thou hast done well to bring me to this short cloak ; but rather have accus'd his own imprudence in having ventur'd all his estate at sea . For since there is nothing in the world but hath its cause , and fortune is that which is done by no cause , it follows that there is no such thing as fortune . CONFERENCE LV. I. Of the Taste . II. Whether Poetry be useful . I. Of the Taste . THe right handling of a subject requiring the knowledge of its differences , an Apicius might seem fitter to discourse of Taste then a Philosopher , in whom too exact a knowledge of Sauces would be accounted blameable ; yet the word of Sapience or Wisdom , among the Latines , taking its name from Sapours , the Sages who profess it may seem oblig'd too to be expert in this matter . Besides , this Sense supplies Physitians with the surest evidence of the faculties of every medicament by their Sapours ; which are second Qualities resulting from the various mixture of the four first , whereof the Taste is an external sense , discerning Sapours by help of the moisture in the mouth , and the Nerve of the third Congjugation , which is expanded upon the tongue , whose flesh is therefore spungy and porous , the more easily to imbibe the same . Thus the object of the Taste is sapour or rellish ; the Organ is the Nerve ; the medium is the flesh of the tongue , the condition without which it is not exercis'd is the humour , either internal , as that of the mouth ( supply'd by the Tonsils or Almonds ) or external , as the moisture which all bodies have either in act or in power . Whence , they whose tongue is dry cannot taste that which is so ; nevertheless , the humidity must be moderate , since its excess no less depraves the taste then its defect . The Second said , Since the Organ ought not to be prepossess'd with the quality of its object , the Tongue which perceives Sapours which are all moist ( call'd therefore , by the Greeks , Juice ) must be destitute of all humidity : for that cannot be receiv'd which is possess'd already . And as there is in every Organ a principal part which makes the sensation more perfectly then the rest ; so the tip of the tongue is more proper to perceive tastes by reason of the Nerves destinated to the sense of tasting , which are found more soft there then its root , and of the liquor which is more retain'd , and more subtile there , and consequently makes rellishes penetrate more effectually . And although some parts of these Nerves are expanded to the palate and gullet , yet the taste is very little perceiveable there . Therefore Philoxenus went upon a mistake when he wish'd for the neck of a Crane ; for a long neck conduces nothing either to the advancing or continuing of the taste . The Third said , Most Animals have the sense of Tasting , to the end they may distinguish their food from poyson , and what food is best , as the sweetest is . For all animals , and particularly man , are nourish'd only with what is sweet . Whence children , in whom nature being neerer its original is less corrupted , desire sweets so much : and if we mix other Sapours , 't is either because sweet things glut and disgust sooner , easily filling the Stomack , in which by reason of their unctuous consistence they swim uppermost ; or else because the depravation of our temper makes us sometimes desire contrary things to correct it , and sometimes like , to preserve it . The Fourth said , Many Animals have no taste nor perception of Sapours , as , amongst others , the Crocodile , which also wants a tongue , the Organ of it ; the Estrich , when it eats Iron ; and the Wolf , earth : both which are insipid . Such was that Lazarus , mention'd by Columbus , who swallow'd glass , pitch , tallow , and other things , without disgust ; and that Maid in the King of Persia's Court , who eat all sort of poysons , how corroding soever , and was nourish'd therewith . It being observ'd , in the dissection of their bodies , that the third couple of Nerves , which serve to the Taste , was reflected towards the back part of the head . The Fifth said , Sapour is a quality of the aliment ; but nourisheth not , because 't is a meer accident ; only by it the animal judges of the qualities of its food . The matter of Sapour is humid ; because sapours are easily receiv'd and expanded in that which is humid , not in that which is dry . This humidity is not aerious but aqueous ; otherwise Sapours might be receiv'd in the air ; which cannot be , because the nature of this element is too thin and tenuious ; but Sapour being gross requires a subject that hath some consistence to receive it . Nevertheless this aqueous humidity alone , is not sapoury , because 't is a simple body , and consequently insipid . But Sapour proceeds from mixtion . It must therefore be joyn'd with somewhat that is dry , not with igneous siccity , because this makes the mixtum subtile , and apt to exhale , as odour ought to be , not sapour ; but with that of the earth , which gives a body and consistence to sapours , without which they could not be tasted . And 't is by means of this siccity with the humidity , that Mineral waters acquire the sapours of the places through which they pass , and that the liquor of a Lie or Lixivium becomes salt , by mixtion of the more dry and adust parts of the ashes . But because these dry and humid substances difficultly mix , the particles of the one being unapt to touch the particles of the other , because both are gross and terrestrial , therefore there needs some superior agent , more powerful then either , to open and penetrate them , such as heat is , which by its various coction makes a different mixtion of the dry and the moist , whence arise different sapours ; as may be observ'd in our meats and fruits of Trees , which differ in taste according to the degrees of heat . The sweet and fat taste is for the most part produc'd by a temperate heat ; the bitter , salt and acrimonious , by immoderate heat ; the acide or sharp , the austere or harsh , and the sowre , by cold . The Sweet , such as that of Honey , comes from a perfect mixture of terrestrious with aqueous humidity . The Bitter , as that of Gall , from abundance of gross siccity mix'd with little humidity . The Fat , as Oyl and Fat are produc'd by excess of humidity . The Salt hath more humidity then the bitter . The Acrimonious or biting , as Pepper , hath much of tenuity , and very little of humidity . The Sowre , as that of unripe fruits , comes from siccity and humidity equally indigested . The Austere or pontick , as the juice of Oranges , and the Acide or Sharp , as that of Vinegar , proceed from very much humidity and little siccity . II. Whether Poetry be useful . Upon the second Point it was said , This division of things into necessary , profitable and delightful , is observ'd particularly in speech , the soul's interpreter . For at the beginning Languages were only for necessity , void of all artifice , being employ'd to no other use but to make us understand one another ; which sort of Language the first Philosophers employ'd to express the essence and nature of things . Afterwards History and Oratory enrich'd it with the addition of flowers and flourishes . And , Lastly , Poetry added to those Words Number and Cadence , not barely to teach and instruct , as the other liberal Sciences , but withall to recreate and delight ; which is an excellent method to prevent the disgust which the disciplines bring even in their rudiments . I therefore compare our Language , consider'd in its original , to Gold yet in the Oar , mingled with earth ; the same Language polish'd by Rhetorick to an Ingot refin'd from its dross ; but Poetry to a goodly vessel of gold , not less rich for the workmanship then for the matter . The Second said , That which gave birth to Poetry and makes it so much esteem'd , is the desire of imitation , proper to man alone ; as he alone that understands the similitudes , correspondencies and proportions of things . Hence it is that we admire the Picture of a Serpent , a dead body , and other things whose original we have in horrour ; and we are ravish'd to hear the voice of a Swine naturally counterfeited , though we hate it in that animal . So Poetry and Painture imitate , and in some manner do every thing that is done in nature ; whence Poetry is term'd a speaking Picture , and Picture dumb Poetry . For a Poet do's not signifie meerly a Versifier , and one that relates things done , which is the property of a Historian : but as an Actor or Player by his postures do's the very things , so the Poet must both describe things and make them . And the word Poet do's not signifie one that feigns , but one that makes . When he speaks of a tempest he makes the Winds mutiny , Ships split , mountains of water clash and lose themselves in gulfes ; when of War , he makes you hear the clashing of Arms , the thundring of Cannons , and see the field strow'd with Carcases : and so in all other subjects which he treats . Wherefore , to be a good Poet , one must know every thing in perfection ; which makes Poetry so difficult , and consequently so rare and admirable that few succeed well in it . For there are many Versifiers , but few Poets . The Third said , There need no other Judges to condemn Poetry then Poets themselves , who call their highest conceits Fury , that is to say , Folly ; whether it arrive to them from their fabulous gods , or more truly from the fumes of Wine , which cause them to make the best Verses , as they tell of Ennius : the frequentation of which is one of the greatest crimes that Cato imputed to Marcus Nobilior in the survey that he made of his Province : and 't is observ'd that there is so great affinity between Poetry and Folly , that the best Poets have very odd actions and postures while they are making their works , and retain something thereof in their ordinary carriage . The Fourth said , Variety of Wit has not appear'd in any Science more then in Poetry . For it has not only different laws according to the diversity of Nations , which makes it doubted what sort of Verses those of Job are , considering that they have no resemblance with the Greek and Latine , no more then these have with ours . But neither were ours ( which consist of certain numbers of feet , and consonances or rithmes ) such as those in Caesar's time , in which he reports that the Gauls versifi'd ; and within a thousand years that our rithme began in imitation of the Prose of the Church , French Poetry hath been so often diversifi'd , that the Poets of one age would not be so in another . And yet , sometimes under the name of Rithmers , sometimes under that of Devisers and Poets , they have been always very acceptable to great persons . And Charle magne prefer'd the Poems containing the exploits of his Predecessors before their Histories . The Fifth said , That Plato and sundry other Politicians accounted Poety not only so useless , but so hurtful to their Common-wealth , that they utterly banish'd it from thence , because Poets by their shameful relations of the vices of the gods intic'd men to commit the like , conceiving they did not offend when they had the example of a god ; and for that Verses are more proper for loose loves then the Sciences , of which the confinements of Poetry are not capable ; besides that the enthusiasm of Poets cannot consist with the gravity of Philosophy ; seldom with the probity of manners , and never with a setled judgement ; the Italian Proverb being almost always found true , Di buona terra cattiva Gente , Di buon Poeta cattiva mente . Whence Aristophanes saith that when Bacchus desir'd to find Euripedes or some other good Poet , he went down to Hell , because he could not any in Heaven . Moreover , their too great liberty of Satyrical detraction , made them sometimes be driven out of Rome . Their dangerous doctrine has caus'd the reading of them to be forbidden to Christians by the Canons ; and render'd them so infamous , that Philip , the first Christian Emperour , in the third Law , at the title of Professors and Physitians in the Cade , grants no immunity to them as he doth to all others . Indeed one may get his living in all professions with honour , except in Poetry ; and if it always less fills the Poets Purses with Crowns then their heads with presumption ; so ( as it happens in all other Conceits , or Pastimes ) it may be found sometimes proper for the divertisement of those few that have leisure to read them , but 't is most unprofitable to the Authors ; for few or none are advanc'd by it , but rather many have been hindred by this art of versifying from making their fortune otherwise . Yea their profession is so vile and abject , that whereas others count it an honour to be styl'd Physitians , Advocates , or the like , these are offended with the name of Poet. And that with good reason , considering that of all other Arts Poetry alone glories in disguising the truth . For which cause it begins to be banish'd even from Theatres , to which alone it was destinated ; and Prose is come in request in sundry places , being preferr'd for gracefulness and naturalness ; by which means this Art is in danger to be confin'd to the corners of streets , to serve only for Songs and Ballad● . Hence it was that Ovid was so severely punish'd by his father , to make him leave off this Art , which prov'd so unlucky to him , that for writing his Book of the Art of Loving , he became of a rich Roman Knight a miserable exile amongst Barbarians . The Sixth said , 'T is to be a sworn enemy of excellent things , or rather , as Scaliger saith , to renounce being man , to think of banishing Poetry out of States ; which is slighted only by the ignorant , and hated by those that have irregular minds . For melody is natural , not only to man , but to all things in the world which God hath created in number and measure . Which made the Pythagoreans say , that not only the Celestial Bodies make a most agreeable consort , but also the Plants by their proportions , and the beasts by their motions chant measured Odes in praise of their Creator . Therefore with more reason must man , whose soul is a number moving of it self , be delighted with numerous language , which is Poetry , the most sensible effect of that divine Harmony which is infus'd into his body . And we may make the same judgement of good from vulgar wits by their delight or disaffection to Poetry as by the recreation which they take in Musick . Indeed , if a wise man ought to be regular in all his actions , why not in his words , the image of his Reason , as Reason is of his soul. As if you should say that the well regulated dance of a Ball ought to be less priz'd then the ordinary walk or a Country dance . Moreover , Poetry hath such power over mens minds , Tyrtaeus animated his Souldiers to fight by the rehearsal of his Verses , which was also the custom of the Germans when they were to charge their enemies ; Moses , David , and many other Prophets , accounted nothing more worthy then Poetry , to sing the praises of God. And the first Poets , as Musaeus , Orpheus and Linus , were the Divines of Paganisme . Yea the gods of antiquity affected to deliver their Oracles in Verse ; and so did Legislators their Laws , to render them more venerable . Besides , they greatly help the memory ; their cadence or measure serving as a rule to the mind to keep it from being at a loss . Poetry alone , amongst all the Arts , supplies praise to vertue ; the rampant stile of Rhetorical discourse , though it borrow its fairest flowers and square periods from Poetry , being not comparable to that of Poetry , which is far more sublime , and consequently , more fit to immortalize the memory of Heroick actions . Upon which account the Muses were believ'd the Daughters of Mnemosyne or Memory . Now if Poets have been sometimes expell'd out of States , so have Philosophers , Physitians , Mathematicians , and many other Professors of Arts , acknowledg'd nevertheless very useful to humane society . If some of them have been lascivious , others impious , others slanderous , these are the vices of the Poets , not of Poetry . And as the more delicate any Wine is , the more hurtful its excess is to the body ; so Poetry is so much the more excellent , by how much its abuse is noxious . Plato , who advis'd the banishing of it out of his imaginary Commonwealth , calling it a sweet poyson , deserv'd , more then it , to be really interdicted , there not being in all the Poets such fables , impieties and impurities as that of his Convivium , his Phaedrus , and some other pieces . In the mean time he is forc'd to admire them , to call them the sons and interpreters of the gods , yea divine , and the fathers of wisdom . For their raptures cannot be call'd folly , unless in that sence that Aristotle saith , To Philo sophize well a man must be besides himself . But their wisdom being extream , and their motions unknown to the vulgar ; therefore they call that fury which they ought to call the highest point and pitch of Wisdom ; term'd Enthusiasm or Divine Inspiration , because it surpasses the reach of man. And indeed every one acknowledges in Poetry some character of Divinity , and therefore 't is receiv'd by all the world , and serves for a guide and introducer to great personages , who otherwise would not give audience , but like that well in Verse which they would blame in Prose . Which oblig'd Sylla to reward the good that they might be encourag'd to continue their divine works ; and the bad Poets , on condition that they made no more . And 't is of these , as of some Rithmers of our time , that they speak who blame Poetry ; in whose reproaches the true Poets are no more concern'd then Physitians in the infamy of Mountebanks . The Fables of the ancient Poets are full of mysteries , and serve for ornament to the Sciences and to Divinity it self , as the gold of the Egyptians did to the Sanctuary . But if they have in all ages complain'd of not advancing their fortune , this doth not argue any demerit of theirs , but rather the want either of judgement or gratitude in others . CONFERENCE LVI . I. Of the Smelling . II. Of Eloquence . I. Of the Smelling . THis Sense , which is the perception of Odours intromitted by the Nose through the spungy bone into the Mammillary processes which are appendices of the Brain rather then Nerves , shews by the structure of its Organ that it is more particular to the Brain then any other . For the Nerves which carry the Spirits for the performance of the other Senses are communicated elsewhere too ; some of them to all the rest of the Body . Only these two nervous appendices of the Brain have nothing to do with any other part . It makes use of odours as a perfume , sometimes to redress its native coldness , as when it is pleas'd with Pomanders , Musk , L'eau d'ange ( a sort of delicate compound water ) Orange flower-water , and other Aromatical things ; sometimes to cool its spirits overheated by continual action , as by the Violet , the Rose , or Jasmin ; but always for their refreshment . For the Spirits being of an aerial nature , nothing recreates them so much as what resembles them , to wit , the Air , especially when it is tinctur'd with some friendly quality . Hence arise those different phancies upon occasion of smells . One swoons at the smell of Musk and the Rose , which others love so much . Another loves the scent of Rue and Worm-wood , so abominated by others , that some women have miscarri'd by it . And indeed of all the wonders resulting from the consideration of odours , there is none greater then the relation they have to the womb , which is known to move it self to , and approach towards , and fly away at the motion of good or bad smells ; which work upon this part by means of the animal spirits ( call'd , for this reason , Impellers by the Greeks ) which the odours powerfully move , and they all the other parts ; but especially the womb which hath a particular sympathy with the Brain , the Conservatory of the Spirits ; or else because the contraction of the Nerves , which is caus'd when an odour displeas'd drives the Spirits downwards , who by their impetuosity hurry along with them the more fluid and moveable parts , as the Matrix is , when a pituitous humour has slackned its ligaments : as , on the contrary , the spirits being dilated to receive the steam of an odour grateful to the Brain with a full torrent , they attract it upwards by the same reason . The Second said , Because Faculties cannot be understood but by the correspondenc they have to their objects ; therefore to understand the Nature of the Sense of Smelling , 't is first requisite to understand the Nature of Odour , and by what Medium it is carry'd to its Organ . Odour is a patible Quality , arising from the temperament of siccity predominant above humidity ; for though many drugs , waters , essences , and liquors , in which humidity is necessarily found , and siccity seldome , are very odoriferous , yet they borrow their smell from the dry exhalation mingled with their humid Body ; from which if the same be separated , the humour remains inodorous . Neverthelesse this exhalation is not the Odour but the subject and vehicle of it ; otherwise an Odour should be a Substance , and not an Accident , as it is . 'T is convey'd to its Organ sometimes by species call'd Intentional , when it is remote from the same ; or the Medium is so dispos'd that it cannot alter its Substance ; thus the species of the Odour of a Worm hanging upon the hook so exquisitely penetrates the water , that the fish though very remote instantly repairs to it ; and many Animals scent powder at two or three leagues distance . But when the Odour is present to the Organ of Smelling , it hath no need of species , with which the Senses have nothing to do but so far as they serve to supply the absence of their Objects . The Nose receives Odours by its two passages , and for this reason it hath somewhat a long shape ; a substance partly boney for firmnesse sake ; lest closing together the passage should be stop'd , but cartilaginous in the lower part ; for the more easie dilatation in breathing , smelling , and purging the Brain , the three prime uses of the Nose . The true seat of Smelling are two small sponges made of the anterior part of the Brain , passing through the Cuneal Bone near the cavity of the Eyes , call'd the Mammillary Processes or Productions ; spirituous and vaporous , the better to receive Odours ; and nervous , to distinguish them ; lying upon the Cribrous or spongy bone which is full of small bones , lest the Brain might be hurt by smells if they were carry'd directly and impetuously to it ; which danger is avoided by their being disunited and allay'd by this transcolation ; and these two Caruncles , like the nibbles of Womens breasts , have alone , among all the parts of the Nose , a proper figure , a certain sign for distinguishing the Organs of the Senses . For the Brain cannot do this office , because its extreme humidity would diminish the virtue of Odours . The Third said , As the Nose , the instrument of Smelling , is plac'd in the middle of all the rest ; so this Sense is of a middle nature between them . For 't is more material then the Hearing and the sight , but more subtile then the Touch and Taste ; although it hath a great affinity with this latter , by which it perceives its object , namely , Odours , which are distinguish'd by help of Sapours , and are divided according to their number , agreable and disagreeable being onely its general differences . For there are as many particular differences as several subjects . Moreover , Sapour and Odour are compos'd of the same matter , and produc'd by the same heat ; they are both qualities of food , whose good and evil faculties are discern'd by smell as well as by taste . Yet they differ in this , that some Odours are not of food but of delight , as that of Roses ; with which kind of Odour Man alone is pleas'd , amongst all Animals , who are not delighted with Odours further then they signifie to them the goodness of their food ; that which is said of the Panther , that all other Animals run after its smell , being accounted fabulous . They have also this peculiar , that Odours come from an igneous and subtile siccity predominant over humidity ; whereas Sapours reside in humidity . Hence it is that flowers have more smell then leaves , because they are made of the more tenuious parts of the Plant ; among Flowers , those that grow amidst bushes , and in other dry places , are more odoriferous ; and Roses smell sweeter about Noon when they are dry'd by the heat of the Sun , then in the Morning when they are bedew'd with the humidity of the Night . The Fourth said , Most Animals have a bad Odour , and Man the most imperfect Smelling ; partly , because Nature hath thought fit to give this Sense in a more exquisite degree to Animals that live by prey , as to the Dog and Vulture , ( and Man was to hunt otherwise then by the Nose ) and , partly , by reason of the situation of the Mammillary processes near the Brain , more cold , and moist , and large , in Man then in any other creature . Whence it is , that Men know not the differences of Odours as they do those of the other objects of the Senses . Yet as there are Animals which are driven away by certain bad smells , Flyes by that of Brimstone , Serpents by that of Galbanum , and generally all by the steam of the carcases of their own kind ; so some Odours not onely drive away Men , as the fume of an Indian pepper , but are accounted mortal , not by reason of the smell , but of the hurtful Body which it introduces into the Ventricles of the Brain . As , on the contrary , there are Odours which recreate so much that they are thought to nourish ; for they who are conversant among the smells of meat eat less ; and the sole Odour of new Wine inebriates . The Fifth said , Odour is a fumous exhalation excited by heat either internal or external . Therefore Gold is inodorous , its perfect mixtion hindring it from exhaling ; and things chaf'd or heated have a stronger smell , because the heat draws outwards those subtile parts which cold incloses and keeps from exexpanding themselves ; and odoriferous are diminish'd in time through the evaporation of their more subtile parts . So Wine , unless well stop'd , loses with its Odour its virtue and goodness , as if its strength consisted in its smell ; and Camphire exhales utterly if it be not kept close . And Perfumes have a more agreeable smell a far off then near hand , because the subtiler parts are scented at distance , and the grosser hard by . II. Of Eloquence Upon the Second Point , the First said , That if we cannot evince the Excellence of Eloquence above all other Humane Actions , we must confess that we have no Eloquence ; for this is the golden chain which our ancient Gaules fastned to the Tongue of their Hercules , and made him draw all his Auditors by the Ears . Moreover , since 't is the way to perswade , and perswasion is the way to do any thing whatever , there is no power that can equal it . Which to prove by Examples would require the transcription of all Histories . It hath disarmed Anger and Justice too a hundred times , obtain'd the Generalship to Demosthenes , notwithstanding his Cowardice and inexperience in the matter of War ; the Consulship to Cicero , bent Caesar's heart for him , which the forces of the Romane Empire could not bend , when he so ravish'd him as to make him let the book fall which he held in his hands ; so well can this Art of well speaking master Bodies as well as Souls . Therefore Conquerours authorize their Cannon shots with reasons , and employ so many Orators to justifie their exploits , and make their government acceptable ; and the Romans , though they became masters of all the world , never drew a sword out of the scabbard till they had first charg'd the fault by their manifestoes upon those whom they declar'd their Enemies . Which seems to be the onely difference between regular wars and pirates at Sea , or robbers on land . 'T is hence also that the greatest concussions of States , and revolutions of Monarchies , have proceeded from Religion , which hath also lay'd the foundation of some , bringing the Body into subjection by perswading the Soul ; ( whereas , when open force subdues the former , it loses the affection of the latter ; ) nor matters it whether the Religion be true or false , provided the people be perswaded of it . For being none are constrain'd to believe , as Theodosius the Emperour said , if the inward part be not won , people pay nothing but countenances , like bad servants ; and Man is so govern'd by phancy that good seems bad to him if it please him not , and bad good when he affects it . Indeed , all actions that a Man exercises by constraint are of the Animal , but those which he doth voluntarily are of the Man , distinguish'd for this cause from beasts by Intellect and Will ; the former of which serving for a foundation to the latter , this Will is govern'd by Reasons , as a Horse by a bridle . This is the true Magick , of which so many Impostors falsely boast , whose admirable effects appear in all conditions , sexes , and ages . Is any thing dearer to an old man then his Crowns ? Yet discourse entraps them , some under one pretext , some under another ; and which is most strange , such a one shall bereave him of his wealth , whilst he makes shew of encreasing them . Is there any thing more precious to a Woman then her Honour ? yet insinuation oftentimes prevailes upon her ; we love nothing more then life , and yet a well animated Oration will make people expose it to apparent danger . In brief , there is no kind of profession and mysterie , but owes what it hath most profitable to Eloquence . Preachers and Advocates lay the main stress upon it . Physitians , who seem to have less need of it , acknowledge its usefulness in their counsels , which were of small credit and authority without it . It is wholly necessary to Merchants for their selling . Upon which score , possibly , Mercury was made the Patron of Negotiators . For perswasion , which is the end of it , needs not alwayes an Oration complete in all its members ; the greatest pitch of an Orator is to contract himself according to time , place , and persons . A General of an Army animates his Souldiers more with three words , as he is going to charge the Enemy , then a Preacher doth his Auditors in a whole Lent. Even Gestures are sometimes eloquent , so the Curtesan Phryne carry'd her law-suit by discovering her fair bosome ; as also did a Captain by shewing his scars , to their Judges who intended to condemn them . Whereby it appears how great the power and extent of Eloquence is . The Second said , Since some were so hardy , the last Conference , as by speaking ill of Poets to disparage the language of the gods , let us examine that of men ; that Pallas may not complain of the same treatment that was shew'd to the Muses . For not to strike the same string twice , the lasciviousnesse imputed to them seems more justly to belong to Orators and Poets ; since Meroury ( the god of thieves as well as of Eloquence ) and not Apollo , was the messenger of the amours of the gods . Now 't is hard for the Disciples not to retain some thing of their Master . Moreover , Socrates and Plato define Eloquence , the art of deceiving or flattering ; and this latter banishes Orators out of the excellent Common-wealth which he took so much pains to contrive . But other real States have done them more evil , driving them effectively out of their territories , rightly judging , with Aeschylus , that nothing is more pernicious and prejudicial then an affected language embellish'd with the graces of Eloquence ; which the more florid it is , the more poyson it hides under its flowers , which have nothing but appearance . Therefore the Romans , the wisest Politicians in the world , drave them so often out of their Common-wealth ; as during the Consulship of Fannius Strabo , and Valerius Messala , when Cneus Domitius , and Q. Licinius were Censors ; and under the Emperor Domitian . And 't is one of the surest foundations of the Turkish Empire , and by which they have found most advantage ; their forbidding the having , by this means , instead of an Army of talkers , good for nothing but to multiply noises and divisions , by disguising the Truth , innumerable stout fellows of their hands , who have learn'd no other lesson but Obedience : By which , from a small beginning they have subdu'd a great part of the world , particularly Greece , which alwayes made profession of this talkativenesse . Yea , in Athens it self , the cradel of Eloquence , the Orators were forbidden the Court , the Palace , and other publick Assemblies , because they perverted Right ; and Timagoras was there condemn'd to death for having made Complements to Darius , according to the mode of the Persians . The ancient Republick of Crete , and that of Lacedaemon , ( the School of Virtue ) were not unmindfull to provide against these Sophisters ; the latter opposing their design by the brevity of its Laconick stile ; and having banish'd Ctesiphon , for boasting that he could discourse a whole day upon what ever subject were propounded to him . What then would it have done to Demosthenes , who commonly brag'd that he could turn the balance of Justice on which side he pleas'd ? Is not Eloquence therefore more to be fear'd then the musick of the Syrens , or the potions of the inchantresse Circe , being able to involve innocence in punishment , and procure rewards to crimes ? Moreover , 't is a Womans Virtue to talk . And therefore Caesar disdain'd this present which Nature had given him ; and few people value it but such as have nothing else to recommend them . Volaterranus observ'd few persons both virtuous and eloquent ; nor do we find famous Orators in Macedon , which gave birth to Alexander , and so many other great Captains . 'T was with this Eloquence that Demosthenes incens'd Philip against his own City of Athens ; that Cicero animated Marcus Antonius against that of Rome ; that of Cato was one of the causes that incited Caesar against the liberty of his Country ; and yet Cato hated this art of Oratory so much , that he once caus'd audience to be deny'd to Carneades and his companions , Critelaus and Diogenes , Ambassadors from Athens to Rome , upon no other reason , but because they were too Eloquent . And , not to speak of the vanity of Orators , a vice more incident to them then to Poets , ( witnesse the boastings of Cicero ) their art is altogether unprofitable ; since it serves onely to paint and deck the truth , which hath no need of ornaments , and ought to be plain , pure , simple , and without artifice . In a word , to represent truth adorn'd with flowers of Rhetorick , is to lay Fucus upon a fair Complexion , to paint Gilly-flowers and Anemonies , and to perfume Roses and Violets . But what may it not falsifie , since it disguises it self , covering its figures with the hard words of Metonymy , Synecdoche , and other barbarismes , to make them admir'd by the ignorant . The Third said , That there being nothinb but is lyable to be abus'd , both they speak true who commend Eloquence , and they who decry it . When this faculty of speaking well undertakes to make great things little , and the contrary , it frustrates their wish who would have things themselves speak . Nor is there any lover of eloquent discourses but prefers before elegant speaking the plainesse of a good counsel , when some serious matter is in debate , either touching health , businesse , or the good of the Soul. And therefore I conclude , that Eloquence is indeed more graceful , but simplicity and plainesse more excellent and desirable . CONFERENCE LVII . I. Of the Hearing . II. Of Harmony . I. Of the Hearing . THe Hearing is the Sense of Disciplines , the inlet of Faith , which the Apostle saith , comes by Hearing , the judge of sounds and their differences ; the cognition whereof is the more difficult , for that they are the least material qualities of all ; considering that they are neither the First , as the Tangible ; nor the Second , as Colours , Odours , and Sapours , depending upon the various mixture of the first ; but of another kind of qualities which have scarce any thing of the grossnesse of matter . The little corporeity they have not proceeding from that , but from the Air which enters with it into the Eear . Neverthelesse sound is not wholly spiritual , for it presupposes in the bodies collided together , hardnesse , smoothnesse , and such other second qualities , without which the collision of two bodies is not audible . But the chief cause of the difficult cognition of sounds , is , that they are produc'd of nothing , namely , of Local Motion , which ( by the testimony of the Philosophers ) is a pure Nothing , Motion being rather a way to being , then a true being . Not that Motion produces something that is real of it self , since Nothing cannot produce any thing , but onely by accident and by another . So by friction attenuating the parts it generates heat , and by the meeting of two bodies it makes sound , which lasts as long as its cause , and ceases when this fails ; contrary to other qualities , which have a fix'd and permanent existence in Nature . For the tingling of a bell which continues some while after the stroke , is not one single sound , but many ; the parts of the bell being put into a trembling motion by the blow , and communicating the same to the parts of the Air contain'd in the cavity of the bell , which Air is so long clash'd together till all the insensible parts of the bell be return'd to their first rest ; and therefore the laying of the hand upon it hinders this motion , and consequently stops the sound . And 't is for this reason that it resounds more when it hangs freely , then when it is held in the hand ; and some bells have been seen to fly in pieces upon the application of a piece of Iron to them whilst they were trembling . The cause whereof is this ; if while all the parts of the bell tremble , and equally move from their place , one part be check'd , it becomes immoveable , and so not following the agitation of the rest is separated from them . The Second said , Though sound , ( the object of the Hearing , containing under it Voice and Speech ) is oftentimes accompany'd with three things , the body striking , the body struck , and the Medium resounding ; yet these three do not alwayes meet in all sort of sounds , as we see in that which is made by our bellows , the noise of a Petar , Salt , Chestnuts , and other aerious and flatuous bodies cast into the fire ; because these flatuosities being rarifi'd require an outlet , and therefore impetuously break forth out of their restraint ; which eruption striking the neighbouring Air produces a sound . The same is seen also in the Voice , which is form'd by collision of the Air in the Lungs against the Larynx , the palate and the teeth . So that the proximate cause of sound is not the shock of two bodies , but the breaking of the Air when its motion is hindred . A piece of cloth makes a noise in the tearing , ( but not in the cutting , ) because of the sudden separation of the parts of the Air ; which on the other side , for fear of Vacuum , are impetuously carry'd towards the place of their separation ; and the wind whistles , by reason of the violent motion which it causeth in the Air ; sometimes driving the same before it , sometimes pressing and wracking it ; or because it meets some other wind or body that opposes its natural motion . The Third said , A perfect sound cannot be made without the encountring of two bodies , and Air between them ; for want of which , there would be local motion , but no sound in a Vacuum , and the motion of those great celestial orbes is not audible . Now these bodies must be hard and solid , either of their own Nature , as Copper and Silver , or by the union and construction of their parts , which makes them act and resist as if they were solid ; such are the Air and Water agitated . Moreover , that this sound be perfect , 't is requisite that the bodies be large and smooth ; for if they be rough and scabrous , the Air which is compress'd finds means to expand it self in the interstices of the higher parts ; if they be acute and pointed , they cut and divide , but do not break it . So a needle striking the point of another needle makes no noise , because it onely cuts the Air , but do's not compresse it . If these solid bodies be hollow and dry , the sound is made the better ; and yet more , if they be aerious . Hence , among metals , Brass , Silver , and Gold , resound more then Lead and Iron , which are of a terrene nature . Among Trees , the Sallow and the Fig-tree have a sound ; and the leaves of Laurel crackle in the fire , by reason of their aerious parts . Lastly , the bodies must be friable , that is to say , divisible at the same time into very small particles , as Air , Glass , and Ice ; or in case they break not , at least they must tremble in all their parts , as bells do . Therefore Water , not being friable , by reason of its tenacious humidity which keeps the particles together , cannot be the subject of sounds ; that of running Water being made by the occurse of the Air upon its surface , not in the Water it self , in which no sound can be made although it may be somewhat confus'dly transmitted ; as 't is to fishes , whom the noise makes to abandon the shore . The Fourth said , Hearing was given to Man , to satisfie his natural inclination to understand the thoughts of his species by the utterance of words , which would be useless to conversation , if they were not receiv'd by this faculty ; whose dignity appears chiefly in the structure of its Organ , the Ear , both external and internal , which is destinated to the reception of sounds . Therefore the Philosopher derides Alcmaeon for saying that Goats respire at the ears . The external is Cartilaginous and tortuous , unmoveable in man alone , always open , on each side the head , to receive sounds from all parts , which are carri'd upwards in an orbicular figure . The internal situate in the ( os petrosum , or ) bone of the Temples , hath four passages , viz. the auditory meatus clos'd with a membrane call'd the Drum , behind which is a cord fastned to the stirrup , the anvil and hammer , small bones as dry and big in children as in old men . 2. That which incloseth the natural and immoveable Air , the principal Organ of hearing . 3. The Labyrinth . 4. The Cochle or Shell-work . But the passage which goes from the Ear to the Palate and the orifice of the Wind-pipe is most remarkable ; by which the inspir'd air doth not only refresh the Lungs , but also the natural implanted air in the ear . Hence ariseth that sympathy of the Palate and the Ears ; and to hear well , we sometimes hold our breath , for fear of disordering the species of sounds ; and those that gape or yawn , hear little or not at all ; because the vaporous spirit which causeth oscitation so puts up the drum of the ear , that it cannot well receive sounds ; and for the same reason they that yawn dare not pick their ears at that time for fear of hurting the inflated Drum ; which if it come to be touch'd , the yawning ceaseth ; those that scratch their ears put themselves into a hawking or coughing . And lastly , 't is for this reason , that such as are born deaf are also dumb , because of the straight connexion of the auditory Nerve , being of the fifth conjugation , with the seventh , which is at the root of the Tongue . The Fifth said , Sounds are carri'd to the ear in the same manner as they are produc'd ; namely , by a fraction of the air adjoyning , which hath a sphere of activity , and is like that which is caus'd in the water by casting a stone into it ; but without any intentional species : Otherwise sounds would be heard at the same time , and in the same manner , by those that are neer , and those that are far off ; in regard the intentional species being spiritual is carri'd in an instant , being caus'd by a simple alteration which requireth not the time necessary to local motion whereby Hearing is perform'd , and by this means distinguish'd from vision ; in which at the same time the medium and the Organ are both alter'd ; whereas , in Hearing , the Organ is not alter'd till after the medium . Hence it is , that the wind helps greatly to the carrying of sounds ; which would not be , if they were only intentional species ; for visible things are seen as well in a contrary wind as in a calm air ; and that sounds seem weaker a far off then neer hand . The Sixth said , Among the objects of the Senses sounds and odours have alone had the honour to be dedicated to the Deity : Melodie and Incense having always been employ'd in Divine Service ; either because the humane soul is most delighted therewith ; or for that either of them being somewise spiritual and corporeal , God requires that we offer him both the body and the spirit ; whereas Daemons abhor nothing more then Harmony and Perfumes , as ill suting to their irregular and infected nature . And sounds have so great affinity with the soul , that according to their cadence and their tones , they excite compassion , cruelty , joy , sadness , courage , fear , lasciviousness and chastity ; whence it was said that Aegysthus could never debauch Clytemnestra till he had kill'd her Musitian . Because all our actions and inclinations depending upon our spirits , they are modefi'd and made like to the sounds which they receive by the ear . So that if the sounds be tremulous , grave , sharp , quick or flow , the spirits become so too ; and consequently the Muscles , which are instruments of voluntary motion , having no action but by means of the spirits , they impress upon them , and make them follow such cadence as they like . Hence it is , that hearing others sing , we fall a singing too without thinking of it ; with those that whisper , we whisper too ; with those that speak loud , we speak so also : that the air of the Musitian stirs our members to conform to it , and that our spirits are displeas'd with bad cadences ; as if the outward air had an absolute dominion over our spirits . II. Of Harmony . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Harmony is taken for any proportion and agreement , but chiefly for that of sounds , in which it is more perceptible ; and that even by the ignorant . It s invention is ascrib'd to Tubal the first Smith , upon his observation of the various sounds that the strokes of his Hammer made upon his Anvil ; which Pythagoras also made use of to find out the proportion of his musical numbers . Of which having elsewhere spoken , I shall only add here , that Harmony presupposes many sounds , for one alone makes but a Monotone , and two an unpleasing reciprocation : but six notes are requisite to perfect Musick , industriously compriz'd in the Hymn , VT queant LAxis REsonare fibris MIra gestorum , &c. This harmony is either vocal or instrumental ; the former whereof having graces and variations inimitable by instruments far surpasses the latter , but their mixture is most agreeable . The Second said , Nature seems to have made a show of her goodliest effects to our Senses , and conceal'd their causes from our knowledge . Musical harmony aims at the instruction of men ; that of man's body is the admirable artifice of the Formative faculty , which Galen calls divine ; but the harmony of the world puts our curiosity most to a non-plus . 'T is the cause why water , notwithstanding its fluidity , gathers it self into a heap , to leave dry land for the habitation of animals ; and that the earth , which should settle about its centre , by its equal gravity , yet rises up in mountains . The air is alter'd by all sort of qualities , that it may give a good one to the earth . The fire descends from its sphere to be captivated in Furnaces for our use , and is imprison'd in cavities of the earth to promote the generation of Metals . The Heavens move for the benefit of inferiour bodies , in a place where they might enjoy eternal rest . 'T is through this harmony that the water becomes thick at the bottom , and contracts alliance with the earth , while its surface resolves into vapours ; the rudiments of air , whose highest region likewise approaches the nature of fire ; and this has somewhat of Aethereal , and the constitution of the Heavens on which it borders and conjoyns with this inferiour world . The cause of this chain and connexion is an universal vertue comprehended in the extent of each being , besides the proper motive vertue destinated to content its appetite . The necessity of this vertue is a certain evidence of its existence ; for since every thing conspires for the general good of the world , and withstands the division of its parts , Nature must have allotted them a power which may guide them to that end ; now this power is not extrinsecal , since it resides in the subject it self . Nor is it the motive vertue ; for this and that have two different objects and ends , namely , the publick , and the particular good , which are not always contain'd one in the other . Besides , 't would be a manifest contradiction , to say that by one and the same vertue things expose themselves to the loss of their proper qualities for the publick good , and keep them when only their particular is concern'd . Wherefore there is one general law , which having authority to force all things to contract amities not sorting to their inclination , is above that vertue , which leads things directly to their own good : which is the cause of the excellent harmony observ'd in the whole world . The Third said , Indeed Harmony is every where between the Creator and his Creatures both spiritual and corporeal ; in the Hierarchies of bless'd Spirits one with another , in the assistance of the motive Intelligences with their orbs ; between the great and the little world ; in the latter of which the Scripture sets forth to us a perpetual musick of the blessed in the the Empireal Heaven ; Plato , a harmony proceeding from the motion of the Celestial bodies . Daily experience makes us hear in the air a consort of winds ; the Sea beats a measure by its ebbing and flowing ; the Birds of the air perform the Cantus ; the Beasts , the Base ; the Fishes , the Tacet ; Man , the Tenor ; who again in the structure of his body and soul is a perfect harmony . In the body , the temperature of the humours is so harmonical , that their disproportion drives away the soul , which Galen upon this account calls harmony . In the soul , so long as Reason holds the sovereignty , and constrains the murmuring Appetite to hold its base , there results from it a harmony delectable to God and Men. On the contrary , if you would apprehend its discord , do but imagine the disorderly uproar excited by choler , and the other passions get the mastery over Reason . Yea mans whole life is either a perpetual harmony or discord . In Religion , when one Head is acknowledg'd , and every one submits thereunto for Conscience sake , and keeps his station ; how beautiful are those Tabernacles of Sion , and how agreeable is this Church to its Spouse , to those that behold it in this estate , and to it self ? On the contrary , in Schism and Heresie , when every one abounds in his own sence , and will not depend upon any other , how unpleasing is this division even to those that foment it ? In the State , when a just Monarch well counsell'd holds the Sovereignty ; the Church , the Nobility , and the third Estate , the other parts ; nothing is impossible to him either within or without . He may do every thing that he will , because he will do nothing but what is just . On the contrary , represent to your self the horrible Tragedies of a Faction revolted against its Prince , or of a furious Triumvirate , and you will see the difference between harmony and discord ; whereof the difference and power is so notable , as to all our actions , that he shall speak truth who shall establish it for the cause of all that is either pleasing to us , or disagreeable . So the same materials of two buildings differently set together will render one beautiful , the other deformed . Of two countenances compos'd of the same parts , the proportion of the one will invite love , while there is nothing but hatred and aversion for the other . Yea this Harmony extends its jurisdiction even to things incorporeal . An injust action displeases though it do not concern us ; and the most peaceable man in the world can hardly forbear to interess himself when he sees a great scoundrel outrage some poor little child . The disproportion which appears in the attire of another offends us , as when we see a Porter's wife better cloth'd then a Counsellours ; of which the reason seems to me , that our soul being a harmony , is not pleas'd but with what resembles it self . The Fourth said , Effects , the surest evidences of their causes , so apparently speak the power of Harmony , that Orpheus , by the relation of the Poets , recover'd his Euridice out of Hell by it . Timotheus made Alexander leave his feast and betake himself to his Arms ; but changing his tune , return'd him again to the Table . Orators made use of it to regulate their gestures and voices ; and at this day not only the harmonious sound of Organs serves to enflame our zeal , but that of Bells is successfully employ'd to drive away the Daemons of the air when they raise tempests in it . CONFERENCE LVIII . I. Of the Sight . II. Of Painting . I. Of the Sight . AN ignorant Philosopher was he , who pull'd out his eyes that he might the better Philosophize ; since , on the contrary , 't is by the sight that we have cognition of all the goodly objects of the world , the ornament and agreeable variety of which seem purposely made to gratifie this Sense ; whose excellence and priviledge appears in that 't is free from the condition requisite to all the other Senses , viz. that their objects be at a moderate distance ; for it discerns as far as the Stars of the Firmament , knows more things then they ( there being nothing but has some light and colour , which are its objects ) and that most exactly , distinguishing even their least differences ; yea it hath this of divinity , that it acteth in an instant , being no more confin'd to time then place , and much more certain then any of the other Senses . And as if it alone were left in the free enjoyment of its own rights , there 's none besides it that hath the power to exercise or not exercise its function , as it lists ; the muscles of the eye-lids serving to open or close the curtain when it pleaseth , whereas all the rest are constrain'd to do their offices when their objects are present . Moreover , man's noblest faculty , the Understanding , is call'd the Eye of the Soul , because it performs the same , office to it that the Eye doth to the Body , which guides and governs . And therefore , in the dark , which hinders the use of this sense , the most daring are not without some fear which cannot proceed from the black colour , as some hold , but from our being destitute of our guide and conductor , which serves for a sentinel to us to discover such things as are hurtful ; for in the same darkness we are pretty confident in case we be in the company of persons that can conduct us , and supply the use of our own eyes . The Second said , Were it not for custom which renders all things common , there would be nothing so admir'd as the Eye , which , as small as it is , gives reception to all corporeal things of what magnitude soever ; yea every one is represented there in its own natural proportion , though the species of an Elephant be no bigger in mine Eye then that of a Flye ; and nevertheless the Senses judge of their objects by the species streaming from them . And the convex fabrick of the eye representing a mirror , seems to argue that we do not behold objects in their true magnitude , but very much smaller then they are . For we see things so as they are receiv'd in the eye . But they are receiv'd there as the visible species are in Looking-glasses , which if plain represent the same in their true magnitude ; if spherical , as the eye is , render them much smaller . And nevertheless we see things in their just proportion . Whence 't is to be concluded that our Sight which is the most certain of all the Senses is in a perpetuall , yea a general errour , which consequently is no longer an errour , since to erre is to deviate from rule , which is a general law . Moreover , this too is wonderful in the Sight ; that all the other Organs make several reports to the Senses ; one accounts that hot which another judges cold or tepid ; one taste seems fresh to one which another thinks too salt ; they are of one opinion in odours and sounds , and these are of another ; though their Organs be rightly dispos'd . But that which appears black to one seems so likewise to every body else . And if the Sight happen to be deceiv'd , as when we judge the Moon greater in the Horizon by reason of the vapours of the earth then when she is in the Meridian ; or when a straight stick seems crooked in the water ; the same eye which is deceiv'd finds its own errour by comparison of other objects . Hence ariseth the doctrine of the Parallaxes , and the rules of Opticks , Catoptricks , and Dioptricks , which are practis'd by the sight . So that as he doth not perfectly delire who knows that he is in a delirium , so the sense cannot be said altogether faculty when it discerns its fault . Which the other senses do not . The Third said , The excellence of the Sight will be better understood by considering its contrary , Blindness , and the misery of the Blind ; their life being an image of death , whilst they pass it in perpetual darkness . Therefore the Civilians exclude them from publick Offices ; because , say they , they cannot perceive , nor consequently esteem the badges , and ensigns of their Magistracy . Moreover , the Egyptians thought nothing fitter to represent their Deity then the figure of the Eye , which the Stoicks call a god , others a divine member , and the Luminary of the little World ; Theophrastus , Beauty , because it resides principally in the Eyes , the most charming part of a handsome face . Their colour , twinkling , fixedness , and other dispositions serve the Physiognomists for certain indications of the inclinations of the soul , which all antiquity believ'd to have its seat in the eyes ; in which you read pride , humility , anger , mildness , joy , sadness , love , hatred , and the other humane affections . And as the inclinations and actions of men are more various then those of other creatures , so their eyes alone are variously colour'd ; whereas the eyes of all beasts of the same species are alike . Yea the eyes are no less eloquent then the tongue , since they express our conceptions by a dumb but very emphatical language ; and a twinkle of the eye many times moves more to obedience then speech . Plato being unable to conceive the admirable effects of the Sight without somewhat of divinity , believ'd there was a celestial light in the eye , which issuing forth to receive the outward light , brought the same to the soul to be judg'd of ; which nevertheless we perceive not in the dark , because then the internal streaming forth into the obscure air , which is unlike to it self , is alter'd and corrupted by it . Indeed , if it be true that there is a natural implanted sound in the ear , why may there not be a natural light in the eye ? considering too that the Organs ought to have a similitude and agreement with their objects . And hence it is that the eyes sometimes flash like lightning in the night , as Cardan saith his did ; and Suetonious relates the same of Tiberius ; and that those that are in a Phrensy imagine that they see lightning . For it seems to me more rational to refer this Phaenomenon to the lucid and igneous spirits of the sight , which being unable to penetrate the crystalline or vitreous humour by reason of some gross vapours , reflect back into the eye , and make those flashes ; then to the smoothness of the eye , or to attrition of the spirits , or , as Galen holds , to an exhalation caus'd by the blood which is carri'd to the head ; though this latter may sometimes be a joynt cause . The Third said , The Eye is compos'd of six Muscles , as many Tunicles , three Humours , two pair of Nerves , and abundance of small Veins and Arteries : its object is every thing that is visible , as colour , light and splendor ; light , in the Celestial Bodies , wherein the object and the medium are the same thing , since the light of the Sun is seen by it self ; colour , in inferiour bodies , where the object and the medium are two , for colour cannot be seen without light ; splendor , in the scales of Fishes , rotten wood , the eyes of some animals , Gloe-worms and the like ; for it is different from their natural colour . It s Organ is the Eye , so regarded by Nature that she hath fortifi'd it on all sides for its safety , with the bone of the Forehead , the Eye-brows , the Eye-lids , the hair thereof , the Nose , the rising of the Cheeks , and the Hands to ward off outward injuries ; and if Galen may be believ'd , the Brain it self ( the noblest part of the body ) was made only for the eyes ; whence Anaxagoras conceiv'd that men were created only to see or contemplate . The Eyes are dearer to us then any other part ; because , saith Aristotle , they are the instruments of most exact knowledge , and so serve not only for the body but the soul , whose food is the knowledge which the eye supplies , call'd for this reason the Sense of Invention , as the Ear is that of discipline . 'T is of an aqueous nature , because it was requisite that it should be diaphanous , to receive the visible species and light ; for if it had been of a terrestrial matter , it would have been opake and dark ; if aerious , or igneous , it could not have long retain'd the species ; air and fire being thin diaphanous bodies which receive well but retain not ; for though the air be full of the species of objects which move through it from all parts , yet they are not visible in it by reason of its rarity . It was fit therefore that the Eye should be of a pellucid and dense substance , that it might both receive and retain the visible species ; which kind of substance is proper to water , as appears by the images which it represents . Moreover , the Eye being neer , and conjoyn'd to the Brain by the Nerves of the first and second conjugation , and to the membranes thereof by its Tunicles , could not be of an igneous nature perfectly contrary to that of the Brain , as Plato held it to be because of its agility , lucidity and orbicular figure , like that of fire ( as he said ) and because the Eye is never tense or stiff as all the other parts ; all which he conceiv'd could not be but from fire . For the Eyes agility or nimbleness of motion is from its Muscles and its lubricity ; its brightness , from the external light ; its round figure rather denotes water , whose least particles are so , then fire whose figure is pyramidal . 'T is never stiff , because of the fat wherewith it is stuff'd , and because it is destitute of flesh . II. Of Painting . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Painting is a sort of writing , by which many times that is express'd which cannot be spoken ; witness the story of Progne and Philomel : and as the latter represents things by letters , so doth the former by their natural figure ; so perfectly that it is understood by the most ignorant ; because it exhibits , in their proper colour , bigness , proportion , and other natural accidents : whereas Writing makes use of characters and figures which have no affinity with the things denoted by them , but only signifie the same by the institution of men , who therefore differ in Writing , but all agree in painting : Both the one and the other ( like all Arts whose scope is imitation , as Oratory , Statuary , Sculpture , Architecture , and many others ) depend upon the strength of the Imagination ; and that Painter succeeds bests who hath in his mind the most perfect idea of his work . And because a Painter is to imitate every thing , 't is requir'd to his being a Master that he be ignorant of nothing ; particularly he must know both the natural and artificial proportions and agreements of things with their several modes and uses . And where there are three ways of representing ; the first in surfaces , by flat painting ; the other in bodies themselves , which belongs to Statuary and the Plastick Art ; the third between both , as Graving and Carving : Painting is the most difficult , and ( consequently ) the most noble . For it must so deceive the sight , as to make cavities , folds , and bosses appear in a flat surface by the help of shadows ; which although a meer nothing , because but a privation of light , yet they gave all the gracefulness and value to Pictures . For the way of painting without shadows us'd in China being nothing but a simple delineation without hatchment , as it is very excellent so 't is exceeding rare ; and being not us'd amongst us cannot come into comparison with the rest . Whereas Sculpture and Statuary consisting only in paring away the overplus of matter , or , if the matter be fusible , in casting it into a mould , made from the original ( as the moulds of Plaster are from the faces of persons newly deceas'd ) need less industry . The Second said , Although Painting be sensible and visible ▪ yet it belongs to very few persons to judge well of it ; witness Alexander , who going to see Appelles , and offering to talk concerning Painting , he spoke so ill that the Apprentices of that Artist could not forbear laughing . Indeed Painting is one of the noblest parts of the Mechanicks , and ought as well to be rank'd amongst the Mathematicks as Astronomy . For if the reason of the Celestial motions gave cause for accounting this Science amongst the Mathematicks , more justly may the reason of the motions and proportions of mans body , the object of Painting , more admirable and of which more certain and real knowledge may be had then of those remote bodies , deserves to be of that rank ; considering that it makes use of the same Mathematical Rules . Proportions , whose Rules are so infallible that seven excellent Statuaries very distant one from the other , being employ'd to make a brazen Colossus , perform'd their tasks by the precepts of their Art ; and the parts which each of them made severally being put together represented a well proportion'd man. According to which proportion a mans body must be eight lengths of his head ; from the less corner of the eye to the tip of the Ear is to be twice the length of the Eye ; the Feet and Hands stretch'd forth , equally distant from the Navil ; and such other remarks . The Third said , The reason of the measures and proportions observ'd in Painting consists principally in four points , viz. in the form and figure of the thing represented , which is taken from the visual rays ; in the shadow , which is to be taken from the rays of light ; in colour , which is to imitate the natural ; and in the handsome posture or situation of the thing painted . For Painting is the imitation of the affections of bodies , with reference to the light , made upon a solid Plane . Hence a face is otherwise represented under the water then bare , distant then neer , in the Sun-shine then in the shadow , by Candle-light , or Moon-light . And though the Painter represents also the dispositions of the soul , as anger or sadness , yet he doth it always by the features and qualities of the body . The Fourth said , They who blame Painting and Statuary , because they represent unfitting objects , and gave occasion to the Idolatry of antiquity , may as justly blame beauty because 't is sometimes the occasion of sinning . Painting hath this preeminence above all Arts , that it imitates God more perfectly then they ; for God was the first Painter when he made man , the goodliest piece of the world , after his own image and likeness ; and all the bless'd spirits are but contracted copies of so perfect an original . 'T is that which frees the body from the tombe , and , like a second table after shipwrack , preserves the memory of virtuous men , renders present those who are absent , and makes almost as strong impressions upon our Soul as the thing it self ; witnesse the friendships of the greatest personages of the world contracted by its means . And as if the desire of pourtraying it self were natural to all things , there is no body but incessantly produces its own image ; which flies and wanders in the Air , till it meet with some solid and smooth body whereon to represent it self ; as we see in Looking-glasses , and polish'd marble , where the images are much more exact then those which Art draws with a pencil , yea , then their own originals , of whose corporeal matter they are wholly divested . And ( as the beginning of all Arts are rude ) this of Painting is attributed to the Daughter of Belus , who observing her Fathers shadow upon a wall , delineated it with a coal . For Pourtraiture , invented by Philocles the Aegyptian , is ancienter then Painting , invented either by Gyges the Lydian in Aegypt , according to Pliny ; or by Pyrhus , Cousin to Daedalus , according to Aristotle . The Fifth said , That in Painting , as in other disciplines , Ignorance of the principles is the cause that so few succeed well in it . These principles are the methodical proportion of Mans Body , Perspective , the reason of shadows , Natural Colours , Designing , and History , all which must be found in a good Piece ; and the defect of some of them ( as it frequently happens ) causes us to wonder , ( though we know not the reason ) that there is commonly something in all draughts that does not satisfie our Minds . For oftentimes when all the rest is good , Perspective hath not been well observ'd , or the Design is nought , or the History ill follow'd . But as things are the more to be esteem'd which are the most simple , so there is more of wonder in Painting to the life with a coal , ( as Appelles did before Ptolomy , to denote a person to him whom he could not name ) then with colours , the least part of Painting , which consists properly onely in proportion ; and this being the most divine action of Understanding , 't is no wonder if there be so few good Painters . For they are mistaken who place the excellence of painting in the smallness of the strokes ; because they fancy that Appelles was discover'd to Protogenes by having made a smaller line then he . For , on the contrary , the most excellent strokes of Masters are many times the grossest ; and that this proportion may be exact , it must imitate not onely particular subjects , but generally the species of every thing . Which Michel Caravague neglecting to do about 90. years since , and instead of following Durer's excellent Rules , addicting himself to draw onely after the life , hath lead the way to all his successors , who care not for his Rules , but give themselves onely to imitation ; and this is the cause of the defects of painting at this day . CONFERENCE LIX . I. Of Light. II. Of Age. I. Of Light. I Conceive ( with a learned Physitian of the most worthy Chancellor that France ever had , in his Treatise of this subject ) that Light is of two sorts ; one radical and essential , which is found perfectly in the Stars , the fire , and some other subjects , but imperfectly in colour'd bodies , because Colour is a species of Light ; The other secondary and derivative , which is found in bodies illuminated by the Light. Both are made in Transparent Bodies ; those of the Stars , in the Heaven , and that of flame and bodies ignited in the fire ; whiteness , in the Air ; and blackness , in the Water . But these transparent bodies must be condens'd , that those Lights and Colours may appear ; and therefore the principle of Light is in transparence alone , whereof neither purity , rarity , tenuity , nor equality of surfaces , are the causes ; but they all proceed from the quantity of matter ; some bodies having more matter then others , not by rarity alone , or local extension , but by formal extension , or internal quantity ; and consequently , that a little matter under a great internal quantity , is the principle cause of tenuity , rarity , and transparence , to which the evenness of surfaces is also requisite in gross bodies . So that Light consists in a proportion between the quantity and the matter of its subject ; and Light is great when the matter is little under a great quantity , as in the Heavens ; on the contrary , the body is dark , when a very small quantity is joyn'd to a great deal of matter ; as is seen in the Earth . To prove this , you must observe that all simple bodies are luminous , excepting the Earth , which is opake ; and we find Light in sundry animated bodies , as in the Eyes of Cats , and of those Indian Snailes which shine like torches , and in our Gloe-wormes , whose Light proceeds from their Spirits ; which being of a middle nature between the Body and the Soul , are the least material thing in the world . Whence it follows that Light is a form with the most of essence amongst sensible formes , as obscurity hath the least . The Second said , The wonder of Marsilius Ficinus was with reason , how 't was possible that nothing should be so obscure as Light. For if Transparence be the subject of it , why doth Crystal heated red hot in the fire come forth more luminous , and less transparent then it was ? The same may be said of Rarity ; for we see that Air and Aqua Vitae are well rarify'd by the fire which inflames them , but cease to be transparent as soon as they are made more rare and luminous ; which is an evident sign that rarity and transparence are not causes , nor yet conditions of Light. So the whole remainder of Heaven is lucid ; but onely the less rare parts , and such as you might call vapours in respect of the pure Air. And the light which proceeds from the Sun , the most luminous of all those celestial bodies , would never be visible , but be depriv'd of all its effects which are heating and enlightning , if it were not reflected by some solid body . Then it not onely appears , but exerts its activity . And if things be produc'd by the same causes which preserve and multiply them , the solidity of burning mirrors made of Steel , the hardest of all metals , which make the Sun-beams do more then their own nature empowers them to , shews sufficiently that their Light cannot arise from a rare and diaphanous cause . Nor may the Light of rotten wood be assign'd to its rarity alone , since many other bodies of greater rarity shine not at all ; nor that of Gloe-worms and Cats Eyes to their spirits , since the flesh of some animals shines after their death ; as 't is affirm'd of Oxen , that have frequently eaten a sort of Moon-wort ; and not onely the scales of divers fishes shine after separation from their bodies , but sparkles of fire issue from the hair of some persons in great droughts , whereunto the spirits contribute nothing . Which would perswade me to believe , that Light is a Form , to the introduction whereof several conditions are requisite , according to the diversity of subjects ; just as we see the Souls of some irrational creatures need great dispositions for their reception , a Brain , a Heart , and a Liver , with their dependances ; whereas others , as Insects , require lesse , and are contented with something that may supply this defect ; some are generated in an instant , without any apparent preparation , as Frogs in a summer showre ; and therefore to assign the cause of Light , is to seek the reason of Formes , which is unknown to us . Which similitude the vulgar speech confirmes ; for the people say , The Candle is dead when it is extinguish'd , presupposing that it had life before ; as an Animal hath so long as its form is conjoyn'd with its body . Moreover , Fire hath a Locall Motion ( as Animals have ) to obtain its food . The Third said , Light is a substance ; for it was created by God ; but 't is a Sixth Essence , more subtile then that of Heaven , which is call'd a Quintessence in respect of the Four Elements . A substance which subsisted before the Sun , having been created three dayes before it ; and nothing hinders but it may be communicated in a moment from Heaven to Earth , since the intentional species of visible things is so . Indeed , whereunto shall we attribute the effect of Light , which heats at distance , and blinds being too great , which colours and gives ornament to the Universe , if it be not a substance ? And the Penetration of Dimension , objected hereunto , is salv'd by saying that it hath no more place here , then when an Iron is red hot with the Fire , which yet none will affirm to be an accident ; and neverthelesse it enters into the whole substance of the Iron , and Light with it ; for 't is transparent and luminous at its centre when 't is throughly heated in the Fire . The Fourth said , The excellence of Light appears , in that nothing hath greater resemblance with the Deity . Which made some Heathen Philosophers say , that Light is Gods Body , and Truth his Soul. Moreover , the Scripture teaches us , that God dwells in inaccessible Light. And the blessed Spirits are stil'd Angels of Light , as Daemons Spirits of darknesse . Light enlivens and animates all things , it rejoyces all Creatures by its presence ; Birds begin to sing , and even flowers to display their beauties at its arrival . And because Nothing gives what it hath not , therefore some have conceiv'd , that Light , the enlivener of all the world , is it self indu'd with life , and that 't is the Universal Spirit , and the Soul of the whole world . Whence Plato , in his timaeus , brings no other argument to prove that Fire is an Animal , but that it is luminous . And , in the sixth Book of his Common-wealth , he makes the Sun ( who is the known Father of all living things ) the son of Light ; without which Pythagoras forbad to do any thing . Moreover , it hath no contrary ; Darkness being oppos'd to it onely privatively . For its being is so excellent that Nature found not her self so able to make any thing that might be equall'd with it , that might alter and corrupt it , as the nature of Contraries require ; whereas all Qualities have each their particular enemy . And 't is upon this very reason that Light acts in an instant ; because having no contrary quality to expel from its subject , it needs no time or successive motion , which is necessary to other qualities , as to heat , to warm cold water . The Fifth said , Light is a real form produc'd in the medium by a luminous body ; Aristotle calls it the act of the Perspicuum as it is Perspicuum . This Form is accidental , and falls under the head of Patible Qualities , because 't is sensible by it self , which is the property of accidents alone ; ( whereas substance is not sensible , ( that is , falls not under the perception of sense ) but by means of accidents ; ) and as it is the principle of action , which belongs onely to a Quality . For it cannot be a corporeal substance , and Democritus and Epicurus conceiv'd , saying , that Light is an Emanation of particles , or little bodies from a lucid body ; or as they who make it a species of fire , which they divide into That which burnes and shines ; That which burns and shines not , and That which shines but burns not , which is this Light. For no natural body is mov'd in an instant , nor in all sorts of places , as Light is ; but they have all a certain difference of position or tendency , some towards the centre , others towards the circumference , and others circularly . The Sixth said , 'T is true , Light is not of the nature of our sublunary bodies , for it is not generated and corrupted as they are . It is not generated , since generation is effected by corruption of one form , and introduction of another . But we have instances of incorruptible Light even here below ; as that in the Temple of Venus , which could not be extinguish'd nor consum'd , though neither oyle nor wick were put to it ; and that other found in a Sepulchre where it had burn'd for fifteen hundred years , but as soon as it took Air went out . And indeed the subtilety and activity of Fire is such , that it may be reasonably conceiv'd to attract the sulphurous vapours for its subsistence , which are in all parts of the Air , but especially in Mines , whose various qualities produce the diversity of subterraneal fires , as to their lasting continuance , and interval ; which some compare to the intermitting fevers excited in our bodies by a praeternatural heat . II. Of Age. Of the Second Point it was said , That Age is the measure of the Natural Changes whereunto Man is subject by the principles of his being , which are various according to every ones particular constitution ; some being puberes , having a beard , or grey haires , or such other tokens , sooner then others , according to the diversity of their first conformation : Whence ariseth that of their division . Aristotle , following Hippocrates , divides them into Youth , Middle Age , and Old Age ; or according to Galen , into Infancy or Child-hood , vigour , or Man-hood , or old age ; or according to most , they are divided into Adolescence , Youth , the Age of Consistence , and Old Age. Adolescence comprehends Infancy , which reacheth to the seventh year ; Puerility , which reacheth to the fourteenth year ; Puberty , which reacheth to the eighteenth ; and that which is call'd by the general name , Adolescence , reaching to the five and twentieth ; Youth , which is the flower of Age , is reckon'd from twenty five to thirty three years of age ; Virile , and Consistent Age , from thirty five to forty eight , where Old Age begins , which is either green , middle , or decrepit . These Four Ages are the Four Wheeles of our Life , whose mutations they denote ; the First , being nearest the original , hot and moist , symbolizing with the blood ; the Second , hot and dry , with Choler ; the Third , cold and dry , with melancholy ; the Fourth , cold and moist , with Phlegme , which being contrary to the radical humidity leads to death . Now if it be true ( that they say ) that life is a punishment , and an Abridgement of miseries , Old Age , as being nearest the haven and the end of infelicities , is the most desirable . Moreover , being the most perfect by its experiences , and alone capable to judge of the goodnesse of Ages , 't is fit we refer our selves to the goodnesse of its judgement , as well in this point as in all others . The Second said , Since to live is to act , the most perfect and delightful of all the Ages of life is that in which the functions of body and mind ( whereof we consist ) are best exercis'd ; as they are in Youth ( which alone seems to dispute preheminence with Old Age ) not onely by reason of the bodily health and vigor which it possesses in perfection , and which supplies Spirits and Courage for brave deeds , whereof that declining Age ( which is it self a necessary and incurable malady ) is incapable ; but also in regard of the actions of the mind which is far more lively , inventive , and industrious in young persons then in old , whose wit wears out , grows worse with the body ; whence came that so true Proverb , That old men are twice children . For 't is a disparagement to the original of wisdom , to deduce it from infirmity , to name that ripe which is rotten , and to believe that good counsels can come only from the defect of natural heat , since according to his judgement who hath best described wisdom , old age causes as many wrinkles in the mind as in the face ; and we see no souls but as they grow old smell sowre and musty , and acquire abundance of vices and evil habits , of which Covetousness alone inseparable from old age ( which shews its weakness of judgement , to scrape together with infinite travel what must shortly be forsaken ) is not less hurtful to the State then all the irregularities of youth . Now if the supream good be in the Sciences , then the young men must infallibly carry the cause ; since sharpness of wit , strength of phancy , and goodness of memory , ( of which old men are wholly destitute ) and ability to undergo the tediousness of Lucubration , are requisite to their acquisition . If it consists in a secret complacency which we receive from the exercise of vertuous actions , then young men , who , according to Chancellor Bacon , excel in morality , will carry it from old men ; it being certain that the best actions of life are perform'd between twenty and thirty years of age , or thereabouts , which was the age at which Adam was created in Paradise ; as our Lord accomplish'd the mystery of our Redemption at the age of 33 years , which shall also be the age at which the blessed shall rise up to glory , when every one shall enjoy a perfect youth ( such as given to the Angels ) and put off old age , which being not much different from death , may ( as well as that ) be call'd the wages of sin ; since if our first Parent had persisted in the state of Innocence , we should have possess'd the glory of perpetual undeclining Youth . Moreover , 't is at this Age that the greatest personages have manifested themselves ; we have seen but few old Conquerors , and if there be any , he hath this of Alexander , that he aspires to the conquest of another world , not having long to live in this . Wherefore in stead of pretending any advantage over the other ages , old men should rather be contented that people do not use them as those of Cea and the Massagetes , who knock'd them on the head , or the ancient Romans who cast them head-long from a Bridge into Tiber , accounting it an act of piety to deliver them from life , whose length was displeasing to the Patriarchs ; the Scripture saying , that they dy'd full of days . The Third said , That the innocence of Infants should make us desire their age ; considering that our Lord requires that we be like them , if we would enter into his Kingdom ; and the Word of God speaks to us as we do to children . Moreover , since Nature could not perpetuate infancy , she hath found no sweeter Anodyne to the miseries and sadnesses of old people then the sight of children , ( whom they extreamly love ) and then the memory of things done or learn'd in their non-age ; which the less distant it is from its source , the Deity , the more it partakes thereof . The Fourth said , Youth hath too many extravagancies , to be accounted happy ; nor can Child-hood and Old-age deserve that title , since 't would be contrary to the order of nature if the extreams contain'd more perfection then that which is in the middle , where she hath establish'd the vertue of all things . For as for Child-hood , its weakness sufficiently shews that it hath not wherewith to content it self , since it needs the help of others , and is an object of pity , a passion that never arises but from misery . There 's no commendation in its innocence , which depends upon impotence , and the imperfection of the souls operations ; and they as much want the will and power to do well as the intention and means to do ill . But true Innocence consists in the action of difficult good . If Infancy hath no apprehension of the future , it receives the present evil with much more pain , and shews it self as sensible to the least displeasures , as incapable of consolation and prudence to avoid them ; if it wants fear ( though indeed every thing terrifies it ) the hope of good to come never anticipates and prolongs its enjoyment . In a word , he cannot be happy who hath not the knowledge of his happiness , which Children cannot have while they want the use of Reason , which is peculiar to Man. Old-age , which is a second Childhood ( and the more to be dislik'd in that it always grows worse ) partakes all the defects of the first age , and hath this besides , that the desires awakened by the remembrance of pass'd conrentments are constantly jarring with his impotence ; and the ardency of getting and possessing hath a perpetual contract with the necessity of forsaking and losing ; pains and aches , the forerunners of death , daily attempt his patience , and there 's no hope of other cure but the extremity of all evils , not-being . Infancy therefore is like the Spring , which hath only flowers , and expects the fruits afterwards ; 't is an age of hope , without enjoyment ; Youth hath only Summer fruits , of little lasting ; Old-age is a Winter , without either flowers , or fruits , hath nothing but present evils in possession , is to fear all , and to lose all . But Virility or Manhood holds the middle between them both , and resembles Autumn , denoted by the horn of Plenty , possesses the happiness of life , enjoys the present goods , and by hope anticipates those to come ; the soul in this age commonly corresponds with the body ; its faculties make an agreeable symphonie with the actions hereof , and the sweet union of a reciprocal complacency . On the contrary , in childhood the soul seems not yet well tun'd to the body ; in adolescence it always jars with the appetites of the Senses ; and in old age it altogether disagrees with it self , and by a sudden departure endeavours to have its part separately . CONFERENCE LX. I. Of Quintessence . II. Which is the most in esteem , Knowledge or Vertue . I. Of Quintessence . THe mind of man , as it is the purer part of him , so it is always pleas'd with that which is most pure . In conversation it loves the most refin'd , and prefers simplicity , which is most pure , above the windings and double-dealings of deceivers . Amongst Metals it prefers Gold and Silver , which are the purest , above Lead , Iron , and other imperfect and course Minerals . In food , Physick and the stomack of the diseased chuse that which is most freed from its gross and unprofitable parts . Among sounds , the most subtile are the most charming . Among artificial things , we find more sprightliness in the gracefulness of small works then in others . In the Sciences , the more subtile a reason is , the more 't is applauded . But being health is the greatest , yea the only true good , being the foundation of all the rest ; and sickness the greatest , yea the only real evil of our life ; therefore our minds have herein most sought after subtilety , especially to subtilize aliments and medicaments ; not but that there may be a quintessence as well drawn from other things , but it would not be so useful . Now 't is to be observ'd that this word is taken either generally for any body depurated from its more course matter , as Spirits , Waters , and Oyls ; excluding Magisteries which retain the intire substance of the bodies from whence they are taken , only render'd more active by its subtilization : or else it is taken properly ; and in this acception Quintessence is some thing different from all this , and is compar'd to the soul which informs the body . The Second said , That in every compound body there is a mixture of substance , besides that of qualities ; whence arise the occult properties and forms of things , which is their fifth Essence : 't is no Body , for it takes not up place ; nor yet a Spirit , since 't is found also in inanimate bodies ; but some thing of a middle nature between both , and neither one nor the other . Of which kind we want not examples in Nature ; Shadow , the Image in a Glass , yea all intentional species , are neither body nor spirit . Now that it takes not up place , may be prov'd ; because a bottle of Wine expos'd unstop'd to the air , is not diminish'd in its quantity , yet lofes its taste , smell , and other qualities ; by which change it becomes another thing from what it was before ; an evidence that it hath lost its form , which is nothing else but the Quintessence we speak of ; and should another body receive the same it would have the qualities the Wine lost , which after separation of them is no more Wine then the carcase of a man is a man after his soul is departed . Moreover , that which nourishes in food is not a body , but the form or quintessence of it ; since by the observation of the most Inquisitive , 't is found that the excrements of all the concoctions equal the aliments both in weight and quantity , as the Urine of Drunkards is commonly as much as the Wine they have drunk , and Mineral waters are voided in the same quantity that they were taken . This fifth Essence is found every where , in the Elements and in compound bodies . In those 't is the purest of the Element impregnated with the Universal Spirit ; in these 't is likewise the purest part of the compound animated by the same Spirit . The Third said , There is no other Quintessence but the Heaven in comparison of the Elements ; in the mixtion whereof , the Heaven concurs as an universal Agent , whose influence ( which is the soul of the World ) determining the matter informs and renders it active ; thus the Stars produce Metals even in the centre of the Earth . Hence the world Heaven is taken by Chymists for Quintessence , because of the simplicity and activity common both to the one and the other . But , because it cannot fall under the cognisance of our Senses , in regard of its aethereal nature , the most searching Naturalists give its name to the most subtile extracts , especially such as are made by fire ; although the same be not eternal , as Quintessence ought to be , but only of long duration . The Fourth said , 'T is the humour of unsetled heads , instead of cultivating the precepts of antiquity , to go about to fabricate new ; and hence comes the contemplation and the extraction of Quintessences . For ( besides that 't is not certain that what is drawn out of a Plant was there before ; it being probable that the action of the fire may have introduc'd it in part , or in whole , into the compositum ) this Quintessence hath not the conditions requisite to merit that name , because it has both first and second qualities ; and consequently is not only corporeal , but also corruptible . And if it were incorruptible , it would be wholly unprofitable , yea hurtful to mans body , since it could not be chang'd or alter'd by it , and none but poysons are such . For Medicaments and aliments are alter'd by our nature . But however , the Empyrema or Adustion which these Quintessences commonly acquire in the fire renders their activity too great and disproportionate to our temper : Which is the cause that things already excessive in quality , as Salt and Vitriol ▪ are very hurtful being made into Quintessences ; because there is no more proportion between them and us . And therefore I am of the judgement of the Vulgar , who never speak of those drawers of Quintessences but with contempt , considering that they make profession of a thing which is not ; and which if there were any such , would be either unprofitable or hurtful . The Fifth said , That the Chymical Quintessence is an aethereal , celestial , and most subtile substance , compos'd of the Salt , Sulphur and Mercury of bodies dissolv'd , spoil'd of all their elementary qualities , corruptible and mortal , united to a spiritual body , or corporeal spirit , which is the medium and bond uniting bodies and spirits in nature ; and call'd by some , for its rarity , Elixir ; for its wonderful use in preserving the health of mans body , the Sovereign Medicine by which they hold that youth may be restor'd , and all sorts of diseases cur'd ; it not being requisite in its action that it be alter'd by our natural heat , which , on the contrary , it changes and perfectionates , taking the part of nature , as all poysons destroy it . And 't is certain that since there are bodies which are barely alter'd by our nature , as aliments ; others , which are alter'd by it , but reciprocally alter it , as medicaments ; others which destroy it without being alter'd by it ; so there is a fourth sort which preserves it without being alter'd by it , which is the Quintessence , thoroughly separated from the four Elements , yea from every thing that enters into the composition ; as is seen in Treacle , whose vertue proceeds from some body which is not any of all the ingredients , but results from them all together after convenient fermentation . And , possibly , they who blame this curious inquisition do it to decline the pains , or because they understand it not ; as 't is said the Fox that wanted a tail counsell'd all his fellows to cut off theirs . The Sixth said , Being all the Chymical Principles are resolv'd into our four Elements , their Quintessence which is compounded thereof will be nothing else but these Elements more pure and refin'd , and consequently no more a Quintessence then all mixts are in respect of the Elements whereof they consist . For a Quintessence must be a simple body , not any of the four Elements , much less compounded of them ; and Heaven alone is such ; whatever certain Philosophers have said , some holding it to be onely a continuation of the air ; others , that 't is of an igneous nature , because its denser parts appear such , and its name Aether signifies Fire ; some , that 't is a fluid and aqueous substance ; others , on the contrary , a pure and solid earth . For Heaven hath a simple , to wit , a circular motion , which , as the most perfect of all , ought to belong to the most noble of all bodies ; and this circular motion belongs not to any of the Elements , since each of them moves in a direct line ; two from the Centre , and two others towards the Centre . But a simple body cannot have two motions : it follows therefore that Heaven hath a motion different from that of the four Elements ; since motion , particularly local , the first and commonest of all is an effect of the nature of every thing which is the principle of motion . Moreover , Heaven alone is exempt from all elementary and corporeal qualities . 'T is neither heavy nor light , because it neither moves towards the Centre nor the circumference , but about the Centre . 'T is neither generated nor corrupted , because it hath no contrary . And for this reason it hath neither augmentation nor diminution , inasmuch as these are species of generation and corruption . 'T is not any way alter'd , since alteration is caus'd by the action of some contrary . Lastly , it cannot enter into any composition ; and , consequently , there is indeed a Quintessence , but 't is not in sublunary bodies . II. Which is most in esteem Knowledge or Vertue . Upon the second Point , it was said , That 't is first requisite to remove the equivocation of those who comprehend Knowledge under Vertue ; since by the word Vertuous we understand , here , not a Virtuoso , but a good man ; who though he deserves to be more , yet is always less esteem'd then a knowing or learned man : because every one esteems that most which hath most shew and price . Now a vertuous man is not only destitute of this , but his greatest vertue consists in not seeking vain-glory ; whereof the greatest part of manking being adorers , and every one affecting such as resemble themselves , therefore the learned is commonly esteem'd above the other . Moreover , the reasoning of man being wholly deprav'd since the Fall , he is rather for Verisimilitude then Verity . Now the learned easily perswades that he is more to be esteem'd then the vertuous , who doth good because it is good , and not to be esteem'd for it ; whereas the other is like those bad Officers who make amends for their ill deeds by fair writing . So Demosthenes having run with the first from the Battel , made such an excellent Oration , that he was commended for that which deserv'd perpetual shame . But that which makes vertue less priz'd , is , because it falls upon all sorts of conditions and sexes ; a poor man and a poor woman exercising not less vertue in supporting their misery with constancy , then a great Captain in overcoming his enemy : and learning being not so common , especially that which is sublime , 't is the more esteem'd for its rarity . They who judge of the worth of mens actions account of them according to the pains that there is in performing them . But 't is judg'd more painful to become learned then to live well . Others say , 'T is best to be vertuous for the other world , and knowing for this ; good Nature , which is no way suspicious , being ordinarily subject to the deceits of the more crafty . But I conceive , that 't is best to be vertuous both for this world and the other too . For if you be in prosperity it serves to set off and illustrate your Vertues ; if in adversity ( which nevertheless may be declin'd by the prudence whereof the vertuous is not destitute ) Fortieude and Temperance make it judg'd less ; and Justice makes us reflect upon others who are in a worse estate . And as for the other world , vertuous actions merit grace , which is the seed of eternal glory , a reward to which knowledge alone cannot intitle us ; for Solomon calls it a vain travel given to men , whilst the poor of spirit are called happy . What then ought we to know ? To be vertuous , to the end that the Sciences may be subservient to the Vertues their Mistresses . The Second said , Science is so much inferior to Vertue as the Means are to their end , since all Sciences are only in order to acquire Vertue , without which they are but troublesome talk , and dead notions ; and since such knowledge as edifies not the Conscience is but vain , Divinity , the prime of all Sciences , proposes Piety to it self ; Physick , Charity ; the Law , Justice . Yea they all seem to have no other aim but to render homage to Vertue , and cherish it with praise , its only aliment : the ordinary employment of learned persons being to extol the vertuous . If few persons embrace Vertue , 't is because they know it not ; for 't is one of those things , a sight whereof is sufficient to make it lov'd ; and were it not veil'd , or cover'd with rags , but appear'd wholly naked , its charms would attract all the world . Hence we so admire and honour the few that are vertuous , who have in all times been extoll'd above other men . Moreover , Divines hold that every sinner is ignorant ; and that a man cannot prefer Vice before Vertue without being blind of Understanding . The Third said , 'T is true , if we judge of the excellence of Vertue and Knowledge by their necessity , Vertue will carry it ; because 't is much more necessary , yea alone absolutely so to a State , which rather resembles a Cavern of robbers or wild beasts when Vertue is banish'd ; whereas whole States and Kingdoms very easily and many times profitably dispense with the Sciences . And the gross ignorance of the Ancients did not hinder , but that they left flourishing States . But because on one side the most excellent things are not always the most necessary , as appears by the Mechanical Arts , we must inquire the preeminence of Knowledge or Vertue upon another ground . They are both habits , whose excellence is taken from the subjects wherein they are ; so the habit of speaking well is more excellent then that of Painting , and Painting then Dancing ; because the Tongue is more noble then the Hand , and this then the Feet . Now Vertue is a habit of the Will ; Knowlédge a habit of the Intellect , which as much surpasses the Will as Contemplation do's Action . For whether we consider the actions and manner of acting of either of these Faculties , or their objects , the Will yields to the Understanding ; which being the Eye of the Soul governs all the Faculties , guides the Will , of it self blind , and incapable of any action without the light of the Intellect . Moreover , compare the Intellectual Vertues with the Moral , and you will see what difference there is between Sapience , which is the knowledge of the highest things by their Causes ; Intelligence , which is the intuitive knowledge of first Principles ; in brief , Science , Prudence , and the Arts , on one part ; and on the other , Temperance , Courage , Justice , and the other moral Vertues , which ordinarily have no other employment but to keep the Concupiscible and Irascible appetites within bounds , though they can never bring it to pass without Reason . The Object of the Understanding which is Entity , as such ( because in this sence 't is intelligible ) is also more noble then that of the Will , namely , Entity , as good and desirable ; because Entity , as such is first , more simple and more abstracted then Entity , as good ; which is only a passion of Entity . And this Entity which the Understanding considers is not only material and singular , but spiritual , universal , and infinite . Yea it not onely knows that which is extrinsecal to it self , but by a special priviledge it knows it self , and by an action wholly divine reflects upon it self and its own actions . And as if it were not content with its jurisdiction it knows not only that which is , but also that which is not , entities of Reason , and Possibilities . The Fourth confirm'd the preceding Judgement , because all Moral Vertues depend on the Understanding in their production and conservation . For as we are lead to good because we know it such by the Understanding , so the Virtues become vicious when they are destitute of Prudence , which is a Vertue of the Understanding , who alone gives law and weight to all the other Vertues which it guides . But what makes most for Knowledge , 't is pecular to Man , who alone of all Animals knows things by their proper causes ; whereas Vertue is common to him with brutes , from whom he many times learns a lesson . But if you deny them the title of Virtue , at least they have the shadow and image of it ; the Pismire , of diligence ; the Serpent , of prudence ; the Lion , of courage , and so of the rest ; but not any of Science , which is the onely good and difference of Man ; and once gotten is so inseparable from him , that it alone of all his good accompanies him into the other life , in which he is abandoned by all Moral Virtues , as being then unprofitable ; because they are but the means to attain beatitude , which most Divines make to consist in the knowledge of God , who alone hath an infinite knowledge of all things , but hath nothing to do with Virtue , which presupposes Vice to be subdu'd . The Fifth said , That the promise of knowledge made to the first Man by the Devil , having triumph'd over all his Virtues , shews that Science is sometimes stronger then Virtue ; but this having the promises of reward both in this and the other life ; and Knowledge , on the contrary , being often blam'd of puffing up Mens Minds and call'd vain , determines the Question to the advantage of Virtue . CONFERENCE LXI . I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . I. Which is hardest to endure , Hunger or Thirst. THe natural heat of Man , which lasts as long as his life , is preserv'd by reparation , and avoiding of suffocation ; the former by food , and the latter by the Air which ventilates it , and refreshes its ardour . The greater this heat is , the more need it hath of fewel and refreshment . On the contrary , among Animals , those that have no blood , as most Insects , and those that have but little , as Fishes , who consequently have but little heat , ( since we have as much heat as blood ) have lesse need of ventilation , and therefore are destitute of Lungs , excepting Whales and Dolphins , as having more heat . Now as the Air repairs our spirituous parts ; so Aliments , ( to wit , meat and drink ) restore our solid and liquid parts , which are in continual decay . And because their continual reparation was absolutely necessary to the conservation of the Creature , therefore Nature gave it an Appetite and desire of them ; which if it be of meats , is call'd Hunger ; if of drink , Thirst ; either of them accompany'd with pain and pleasure ; the pain , to give notice of the time to take food ; the pleasure , to make these natural actions perform'd the more willingly . All which , for the same reason , Nature ha's season'd with pleasure , so long as they are not excessive . Therefore being Pleasure and Pain stil follow one another in natural actions , it seems that the one ought to be the rule of the other : And so , since there is more pleasure in drinking then in eating , there is also more pain in thirst then in hungger . Now that drinking is more delicious then eating is manifest , because drink refreshes the body almost in an instant , without disturbing it , as food does , restoring it but by little and little , and so with less pleasure , which is again diminish'd by the agitation caus'd in the head , by the motion of the nether jaw for the grinding of the meat . Yea , if we may believe good drinkers , as experienc'd in this matter , they eat onely to irritate their thirst , to the end they may have more contentment in drinking . The Second said , The more necessary a thing is , the more painful is the want of it . Now the needs of thirst seem the more considerable , for that the absumption of humid substance is more speedy then that of dry , which consequently hath not so urgent necessity of being repair'd as the humid . Moreover , most drinks allay Hunger too as well as thirst ; and therefore there is no more excellent remedy against a Boulimie , or Doggish Hunger then Wine ; whereas , on the contrary , eating provokes Thirst instead of appeasing it . And this Thirst is not onely intollerable in health , but almost in all diseases ; for , excepting the aforesoid Boulimie , all sick persons prefer drinking before eating , as having more need of it ; yea , those to whom eating is necessary , ( for many are cur'd by abstinence ) their food must ordinarily be liquid , that is to say , of the nature of drink ; the drynesse of solid food requiring a greater strength of stomack then sick persons have , for reducing it into Chyle , whose form is liquid ; Nature being unable to accommodate it self to any other . All which evidenceth that Humidity is the more necessary , and also the more difficult to be forborn . The Third said , Experience determines the Question to the advantage of Hunger , since none of us returning home to a meal he begins it with drink , unless be indispos'd . And even they who have intention to begin it so do it in preparation to eating . Moreover , Thirst is only a mutation of quality , which is for that reason most properly call'd Alteration ; because the humidity of the superior orifice of the stomack , in which alone Thirst resides , is then found alter'd , and chang'd into drynesse : But Hunger is an inanition and defect of the substance requisite to fill the vacuities of our parts . So that Hunger surpasses Thirst , as much as substance does an Accident . For these Definitions , that Hunger is a desire of Hot and Dry , as Thirst is of Cold and Moist , seem to be defective ; not onely because Hunger ▪ would never be appeas'd by an exhalation Hot and Dry , or by any other body of the same nature intromitted into the stomack , unlesse it were proper to nourish and mix'd with the other qualities ; but also because Hunger and Thirst are pains , and particularly Hunger , a Convulsion of the stomack , and not Desires or Appetites , whose seat is in the Heart , and not in the Ventricle . And if Hunger were onely after Hot and Dry , then Purslane , Lettice , Melons , and other Cold and Moist Aliments would never satisfie it ; as likewise broths would not allay Thirst when taken ( as 't is the custom ) actually Hot , nor yet Wine which is hot in power , and heats effectually instead of refrigerating , if Thirst were onely after Cold and Moist . But that which shews Hunger to be more insupportable then Thirst , is , that many Hydropical persons , and others , have liv'd some years without drinking ; whereas no body ever could spend much time without eating , unlesse by miracle ; and Famine is often reckon'd among the scourges of God , but Thirst never . The Fourth said , Hunger is caus'd by the continual action of heat upon our substance , which , to secure it self , by help of the same heat attracts what ever is most fluid and moveable in the next part ; this again draws what it can from its neighbour , to supply fewel to this heat . And thus successively from the extremities of the body to the mesaraick veins in the centre ; which , to give supply to this continual suction , powerfully drain out of the guts the purest of the aliment , as these do from the stomack ; which being exhausted , the acide humour diffus'd in the bottom of it , whither 't is convey'd from the spleen by the Vas breve , vellicates the internal tunicle , and causes a pain in it not to be asswag'd but by the application of Aliment ; and this they call Hunger , which also is increas'd by acid things . And this pain , according as 't is more or less sensible , in regard of the acrimony or quantity of the acide humour , and according as the inside of the stomack is lin'd with natural mucosity , makes Hunger to be more easily tolerated by some , then by others . Thirst is a Desiccation , and Calefaction of the upper orifice of the stomack , greater or less according to the degrees of heat , or as any defluxion of fresh or salt Phlegme descends from the Brain upon the orifice . So that they whose natural or accidental heat is less endure Hunger and Thirst best . Which , to the end this Question , must be consider'd neither absolutely or respectively . In the first manner , since eating and drinking are equally necessary , thence Hunger and Thirst shall be equally insupportable . But comparing one Age , one Sex , and one Constitution with another ; Hunger will be more intollerable then Thirst to a Child , to a Woman , and to an Old Man , especially if they be Phlegmatick or Melancholy ; on the contrary , Thirst will be more difficult to endure by a young man if he be cholerick or sanguine . The Fifth said , That the afflux of the melancholy humour may cause the Canine , but not that natural Hunger , which is onely a suction made in the upper orifice of the Ventricle , perceptible by the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation , were the melancholy humour cannot come . Moreover , Nature , who alwayes takes the shortest way , makes the melancholy humour descend from the Spleen into the Haemorrhoidal Veins ; otherwise that impure blood , and the most malignant of all the excretions , would infect the Ventricle , and by it the Chyle . And there being no humour that causes natural Thirst , 't is not necessary there should be any to produce Thirst ; which I account more or less supportable , according to the several habits of Body ; to the fat , Thirst , and Hunger to the lean . II. Whether a General of an Army should endanger his person . Upon the Second Point , That the value which Men put upon Valour , which is nothing else but a contempt of dangers , shews that those who would partake most of honour must also have the greatest share in the danger , according to the Proverb , None triumphs without fighting ; and if we take the opinion of Souldiers , who are the best judges in this case , they never so willingly resign themselves to any Leader , as to him that freely ventures his life with them ; it being no less incompetible for a General to advance himself , and get credit and Reputation in Armes without indangering his person , then for a Pilot to saile well upon the Sea without incurring the hazard of shipwrack . So that we may say of war , what is commonly said of the Sea , He that fears danger must not go to it . The Civilians have the same meaning when they commit the charge of guardianships to those that are most qualifi'd to succeed , and there can be no honour without a charge ; whence the words are promiscuously us'd in our Language . Moreover , as no Sermon is more eloquent then the exemplary life of the Preacher ; so no Military Oration is so perswasive , or so well receiv'd by an Army , as the example of its General , when they see him strike the first blow ; as , on the contrary , if he testifies any fear , every one taking his actions for a rule , and conforming thereunto , will do the same ; he will not be obey'd but with regret , and through a servile fear of punishment , not out of a gallant sense of honour , because he that is most honor'd in the Army is most remote from blows ; at least , the other Leaders and Officers will do as much , and all the Souldiers in imitation of them . In brief , we need but consider , how not only the Marcelli , the Camilli , the Scipio's , Hannibal , and many other Generals of Armies , but Alexander , Caesar , and in our time Henry the Great , and the King of Sweden , all Sovereign Princes , were sufficiently venturous of their persons ; and that it was not by not taking part in dangers , that they triumph'd over their enemies . The Second said , That to know how to command well , and how to execute well , are two several Talents , and depend upon several abilities ; they who are born to command , being unfit to execute ; and , on the contrary , they who are proper to obey being incapable of commanding . Wherefore the Head of an Army , who gives Orders and Commands , must cause them to be executed by others . So the Judge pronounces the Sentence , and appoints Serjeants to put it in execution ; the Physitian commands his Patient , who obeys his prescriptions ; the Pilot , the Officers of the Ship , but himself Steers not . But that which should most restrain a General from acting in person , is , that he cannot in this occurrence preserve the prudence which is absolutely necessary to him . For the heat of Courage heightned by that of the Charge and the Encounter , being wholly contrary to the coldness of Prudence , which is inconsistent with the violent motions caus'd by the ardour of fury , commonly attending Valour , renders him precipitate , inconstant and incapable , for the time , to deliberate of fit means , to chuse them , and cause them to be executed . Moreover , the General being the Chieftain of the Army ought to resemble the Head ; which derives sense and motion to the parts , yet stirs not for their defence , but on the contrary , employs them for its own . So the prime Captain ought to sway and manage the body of his Army by his Counsels and Orders ; but not put his own person in danger , because upon his safety depends that of all the rest , who being destitute of a Chieftain remains like a body without a head , and an unprofitable trunk . Therefore Generals of Armies are compar'd to the heads of Cypress-Trees ; which being once lop'd off , the stem never thrives afterwards . The Third said , The highest point of judgement is to distinguish appearence from truth , and in all professions 't is very dangerous , though in appearence more honorable , to be carri'd to extreams , but especially in War , where there is not room for many mistakes . The General who exposes his life cannot be excus'd from ambition or imprudence ; from the former , if he do's it without necessity ; from the latter , if for want of having rightly order'd his affairs he sees himself reduc'd to that point . Whereas , as in Artificial Engines the piece which gives motion to the rest is immoveable ; so the General who gives order to the main of the Army ought to have the like influence upon it : as the heart in the middle of the body , and the brain in the middle of the head , to transmit life and spirits to the whole body , and to occur to accidents both foreseen and unexpected . Otherwise , should the principal parts not be contented to follow the body , but change their natural situation , all the parts would be doubly inconvenienc'd ; both because they would not know where to find them when they needed their direction ; and because the least offence of the nobler parts being mortal , their hurt would redound not only to themselves , but also to the rest of the body . Moreover , if the General act the Souldier , who shall act the Captain ? how will the Corporal and common Souldier do ? They will all think themselves become equal to their superiors , they will no longer do any thing but in their company ; and 't will be no wonder if disorder slides into all the member ; when it has begun at the head . If they be blam'd for not knowing how to obey , their excuse will be ready , That they have to do with Leaders who know not how to command . Besides , the General hath the same relation to his Army that the First President hath to a Parliament . Now what would you say if the First President should manage the cause , and undertake to plead it , although the Advocates acquitted themselves ill ? Even Domestick Government may serve for a rule in this case ; the head of a Family losing his credit among his servants , when he sets himself to do their work . For whereas almost all the affairs of men depend upon opinion , when the respect which arises from the authority of the superior over his inferiors is once shaken , as it is by the too great familiarity which the society of dangers begets , contempt will be apt to justle out duty . And the common Souldier looks upon his General but as another man when he sees him partake of the same hardships with him . Upon this account were invented the Diadems , Scepters , Crowns , and other ornaments of Sovereigns , and their Magistrates ; the meanest of which , instructed by experience , are jealous of their authority , which they keep up by separating themselves from the commerce of the vulgar ; but lose it as soon as they receive those for companions over whom they are to command . The Fourth said , That Reward and Punishment being the two Supports of all our actions ( but especially in War , where there is not time to make all the inductions requisite to a good ratiocination ) neither of them can be well administer'd without the presence of the Chieftain , who alone can judge of the merit of his Souldiers , free from all passions , especially , envy and jealousie , which are found amongst equals : for want of which both the one and the other sometimes complain with good reason , the meaner of not being seen , and the great persons of not seeing but by the eyes of others . And therefore the presence of the King hath been always of more value then twenty thousand men . The Fifth said , That in this , as in all other moral Questions , 't is impossible to give a definitive judgement , because things of this nature depend not upon certain and infallible causes ( as natural things do ) but upon free causes , which borrow their commendation or blame from the diversity of the circumstances of things , of time , place , persons , and other accidents ; which being infinite , and consequently impossible to be known , have no other rule but that of Prudence assisted by experience . So that it cannot be determin'd absolutely whether the Chieftain of an Army ought to fight or not , but we must distinguish the different occasions which oblige him thereunto , or not . When he understands himself weaker then his enemy , and sees the courage of his Souldiers low , if he cannot avoid giving battel , he must animate his Souldiers by his own example ; as also when he is oblig'd by some notable surprizal to lay all at stake ; or when he undertakes such great matters , that otherwise he can never accomplish them ; as when Alexander conquer'd the whole World , his Father Philip all Greece , and Caesar the Roman Empire . In every other case , 't is imprudence , temerity and injustice , in a head of an Army to esteem his own life no more then that of a common Souldier . Yea 't is greater courage to render himself inflexible in the exact and rigorous maintaining of his orders then to engage himself in fight . In doing which , he notoriously argues his conduct of weakness , since it hath suffer'd things to come to so ill a pass , that he is reduc'd to this extremity of hazarding the loss of his victory , which ordinarily follows the death of the General , and is much more prejudical to his Army then the example is profitable which he gives to those few that are about him , who are not always induc'd to imitate it . Like those Empiricks who employ extream remedies to common diseases , instead of reserving them only for the desperate . CONFERENCE LXII . I. Of Time. II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force , or otherwise . I. Of Time. EVery thing that hath existence hath a duration . If this duration hath neither beginning nor end , such as that of God is , 't is call'd Eternity : if it hath a beginning , but no end , as that of the Heavens , Angels and rational Souls , 't is call'd by the Latines Aevum ; if it hath both beginning and end , as the duration of all material and sublunary things , 't is call'd Time ; which , although in the mouth of every one , is nevertheless difficult to understand , the Vulgar improperly attributing this name to the Heaven or the Air , saying , 'T is a fair Time ( or Weather ) when the Air and Heaven are serene and clear . For although Time be inseparable from Heaven , yet 't is as different from it as the effect is from its cause : And Pythagoras was deceiv'd when he thought that Time was the Celestial Sphere ; as well as Plato , who held it to be the conversion of that Sphere ; and Democritus , the motion of every thing . Nevertheless , Heaven and Time may be conceiv'd distinctly and a sunder , because Time is the duration of the World , the noblest part whereof is Heaven ; and the effects of Time are not known to us but by the motion of the Heavens and the Stars , which make the Seasons , Years , Weeks , Days and Hours , with the difference of day and night . The Second said , That Time is a pure creature of our Phancy , and hath no real existence in Nature , since it hath no parts . For time pass'd is no more , the future is not yet ; the present is but a moment , which cannot be part of time ; since 't is common to every part that being taken several times it composes and compleats its total ; which agrees not to a moment , a hundred thousand moments added together making but one moment , and therefore cannot make the least part of time , no more then an infinite number of points can make the least line , because it is not compos'd of points ; as time is not compos'd of moments . For if you say Time is the flux of a moment , as a line is the flux of a point , this argues not the existence of Time , because a point leaves something behind it as it moves , but a moment doth not . Yea , if we believe Aristotle , a moment is not in Time. For either 't is one moment , or many . If one , it will follow that what is done at present , and what a thousand years ago , were done at the same time , because in the same moment . If there be many moments in time , they must succed one another , one perishing as the next arises , just as of the parts of time , the pass'd perishes to give birth to the future . But a moment cannot perish . For it must perish either in time , or in an instant . Not in time , for this is divisible , but an instant indivisible . Nor yet in an instant . For either that instant would be it self , and so it should be , and not be , together : or it would be the instant before it ; which will not hold ; because whilst that preceding instant exists , this other is not yet in being ; or , lastly , 't would be the instant after it , and then this instant would be gone before . Wherefore either Time is nothing at all , or else but an imaginary thing . And indeed it seems consentaneously call'd Number and Measure ; because neither of these hath other existence then in the mind . For if you say , with some , that time is essential to things , you may as well say that the Ell is of the essence of the cloath which it measures , and number essential to the things numbred ; so that , by this reckoning , Measure and Number should be of all sorts of Natures , because they are apply'd to all things . The Third said , That amongst real things some are momentary , being made and perishing in one and the same instant , which is the measure of their existence ; others are perdurable , amongst which as there is something that hath always been , and shall always be ; others that have not always been , yet shall always be ; so there are some that have not been sometimes , and sometimes shall be no more . Again , of these latter , some have all their parts together ; others have them one after another . The first are continuous , and their duration is their age ; the second are successive , whose duration is time . For duration follows the existence of every thing as necessarily as existence follows essence . Existence is the term of production . Duration is the term of conservation . So that , to doubt whether there be such a real thing in Nature as Time , is to doubt of the duration and existence of every thing ; although the Scripture should not assure us that God made the day and the night , which are parts of time . Moreover , the contrary reasons prove nothing , saving that time is not of the nature of continuous beings , but of successive , which consists in having no parts really present . This Time is defin'd , by the Philosopher . The Number of Motion according to its prior and posterior parts ; that is to say , by means of time we know how long the motion lasted , when it begun , and when it ended . For being Number may serve for Measure , and Measure for number , therefore they are both taken for one and the same thing . Indeed , when a thing is mov'd , 't is over some space ; whose first parts answer to the first parts of motion , and the latter parts of the space to the latter parts of the motion , and from this succession of the latter parts of the motion to the former ariseth a duration , which is time , long or short , according to the slowness or quickness of this motion . And because by means of this duration we number and measure that of motions , and of all our actions , therefore it is call'd Number or Measure ; although it be onely a Propriety of Time to serve for a Measure , and no ways of its essence . The Fourth said , That to understand time , 't is requisite to understand the motion , and two moments , one whereof was at the beginning of that motion , and the other at the end ; and then to imagine the middle , or distance between those two extreams , which middle is Time. Therefore man alone being able to make comparison of those two extreams , only he of all animals understands and computes time . Hence they who wake out of a deep and long sleep think it but a small while since they first lay down to rest , because they took no notice of the intermediate motions , and think the moment wherein they fell asleep and that wherein they wak'd , is but one single moment . The same also happens to those who are so intent upon any action or contemplation , that they heed not the duration of motions . Now not only the motions of the body , but those of the mind are measured by time . Therefore , in the dark , he that should perceive no outward motion , not even in his own body , might yet conceive time by the duration of his soul's actions , his thoughts , desires , and other spiritual motion . And as Time is the Measure of Motion , so it is likewise of rest ; since the reason of contraries is the same . And , consequently , motion and rest being the causes of all things , time , which is their duration , is also their universal cause . The Fifth said , That 't is ordinary to men to attribute the effects whereof they know not the causes , to other known causes , though indeed they be nothing less ; so they attribute misfortunes , losses , death , oblivion , and such other things , to Heaven , to Time , or to place , although they cannot be the causes thereof . Hence some certain days have been superstitiously accounted fortunate or unfortunate , as by the Persians the third and sixth of August , in regard of the losses which they had suffer'd upon those days ; the first of April by Darius and the Carthaginians , because upon the same day he had lost a Battle to Alexander , and these were driven out of Sicily by Timoleon , who was always observ'd to have had some good fortune upon his birth day . Moreover , the Genethliacks affirm that the day of Nativity is always discriminated by some remarkable accident : for which they alledge the example of Charles V. whose birth day , the 24th of February , was made remarkable to him by his election to the Empire , and the taking of Francis I. before Pavia . Such was also that day afterwards solemniz'd , in which Philip of Macedon receiv'd his three good tidings . But as there is no hour , much less day , but is signaliz'd by some strange accidents , so there is not any but hath been both fortunate and unfortunate . As was that of Alexander's birth , who saw Diana's Temple at Ephesus burnt by Herostratus , and the Persians put wholly to the rout : Yet the same Alexander , as likewise Attalus , Pompey , and many others , dy'd upon the day of their Nativity ; so did Augustus upon that of his Inauguration . Wherefore 't is no less ridiculous to refer all these accidents to Time , then to attribute to it the mutation , oblivion , and death of all things , whereof it is not the cause ; although for this purpose Saturn was painted with a sickle in his hand , with which he hew'd every thing down , and devour'd his own children . For Time as well as Place being quantities , which are no ways active , they cannot be the causes of any things . The Sixth said , Time is diversly taken and distinguish'd according to the diversity of Professions . Historians divide it into the four Monarchies , of the Medes , the Persians , the Greeks , and the Romans , and the States and Empires which have succeeded them : The Church into Working-days and Festivals : the Lawyers into Terms and Vacations ; the Naturalists consider them simply as a property of natural body ; Astronomers , as an effect of Heaven ; Physitians , as one of the principal circumstances of Diseases , which they divide into most acute , acute , and chronical or long , which exceed 40 days ; and each of them into their beginning , augmentation , state and declination , as distinguish'd by the common , indicatory and critical days . II. Whether 't is best to overcome by open force or otherwise . Upon the second Point it was said , That Force being that which first caus'd obedience and admiration in the world , the strongest having ever over-mastered others ; it cannot enter into comparison with a thing that passes for a Vice , and even amongst Women , as sleight and and subtlety doth ; and crafts in any action otherwise glorious , greatly diminisheth its lustre . So Hercules is more esteem'd for having slain the Nemaean Lion with his club , then Lysimachus for having taken away the life of another by dextrously thrusting his hand wrap'd up in a piece of cloth into his open'd throat , and so strangling him ; of which no other reason can be given , but that the former kil'd him by his cunning , and the other by plain strength . Moreover , General things are made of Particular ; duels and single fights , are little pictures of battles . Now every one knows what difference there is between him that overcomes his Enemy without any foul play , and another that makes use of some invention or artisice to get advantage of him . For though Duels are justly odious to all good men , yet he that hath behav'd himself gallantly therein , even when he is overcome gains more Honour then he that by some fraud hath gotten the life of his Enemy . Indeed , the word Virtue coming from the Latine which , signifies Man , implyes that to be virtuous , 't is requir'd to overcome as a Man , and leave tricks , sleights , and subtleties to Women , to supply their weakness ; and yet Women too , when they see the masculine vigorous deportment , and feats of Arms of a Cavalier , that has won the victory over his Enemy , will prefer him before an other who hath had the same advantage without striking a blow . Whence it appears , that in all sort of Minds , Generosity and Courage finds more favour then subtlety . The Second said , That the Emblem of the Wind and the Sun , trying which should make the Traveller quit his Cloak , ( attributing the mastery to the Sun above the Wind ) shews that Force is not alwayes the most efficacious . For he who aimes to overcome must accomplish it by the most facile way ; which being ordinarily the gentlest , because it finds least resistance , brings about its designes more easily then violence , which giving the Alarm makes every one stand upon his guard , and renders all enterprizes dangerous . Therefore the wise General who commits his affairs to Chance as little as he can , assayes all other means before he comes to open force ; imitating a discreet Master of a Family , who never falls to blows either in his house , or out of it , so long as he hath any hope from wayes of gentleness . Moreover , the means which peculiarly belong to Man ought to be prefer'd before those which are common to him with brutes ; yea , in which they go beyond him . And you see that they are not the most strong and robust that command in Monarchies and States , but the most wise and prudent , whose bodies are commonly more weak through their great watchings and toils ; and because these delicate bodies are more easie to be govern'd by the powers of the Soul , which consequently are more worthily exercis'd therein . The Third said , That Philip of Macedon had reason to compare subtlety to the Foxes skin , as force to the Lion's , saying , that the former was to be made use of when the latter hapened to be too short . For he who employes subtlety in war , thereby acknowledges his weaknesse which made an old Captain say , when he was advis'd to set upon his Enemy in the night , That he would win , not steal a Victory . For he that is vanquish'd onely by stratagem does not acknowledge himself worsted ; and they who make use of wiles , when they think they have done , they are alwayes to begin again ; as the Barretors who by some subtlety have procur'd a Verdict are never secure against new Sutes . So a little man , skill'd in wrastling , may haply trip up his more sturdy Antagonist , and so be counted more dextrous or nimble , but not more strong then he . Moreover , since all actions take their rule from Justice , which cannot consist with fraud , he is not to be reputed a Conqueror that hath gotten a Victory unjustly . The Fourth said , That if we receive the judgement of the vanquish'd , the Victors are alwayes faulty . Therefore it matters not by what means we defeat our Enemies , provided those means be lawful , and transgress not the maxime of Divines ; That evil is not to be done to the end good may come of it . This premiz'd , 't is not onely lawfull for the chief of an Army , but perfectly his duty to deprive his Enemies of all advantages before the fight , in it , and afterward besieging places , defending them , or giving them relief . So Joshuah , to encourage the Israelites to make an invasion into the land of Canaan , caus'd Grapes of prodigious greatness which grew in that Country to be shew'd them in the Desart . Cato , to animate the Romans to the Carthaginian War , let fall in the Senate some of the large African Figgs , crying , that there were but three days sail from the place where they grew . An other , by letting loose a Hare from the walls of Thebes , thereby assur'd his Souldiers that they had to do onely with cowards , since they suffer'd those Animals to come amongst them . M. Antonius , to exasperate the Romans against the murtherers of Caesar , display'd his shirt to them all bloody . And Augustus , to convince them of ingratitude , publish'd his Testament , true or fictitious ; whereby he made those very murtherers his heirs . Others , of whom Examples are infinite , by continual Alarms oblige their Enemies to watch and stand for some dayes in armes before the fight , to the end to tire them out by those toiles ; they weaken them by delights , cut off their provisions , hinder their relief , raise false reports , and intercept Letters on purpose to abate their Courage , or that of their Allies . In the fight , they strive to give their Enemies the disadvantage of the wind , dust , smoak , and Sun in their faces ; they possess the highest and most advantagious places , and drive them upon precipices , ditches , bogs , and other incommodious places ; they let loose mad beasts upon them , as Elephants of old , to break their ranks , and strike terror into them ; which others do also by their cryes , words , armes , engines , and other uncouth inventions , the strangeness whereof making a great impression in their Minds , puts them into disorder . They make shew of assailing them on one side , whilst on the other , where they are weakest , they give an assault in good earnest . Some have overcome them by their celerity , surprizing them asleep , feasting , playing , or wearied ; others , by a contrary stratagem , get the better of them by patience , undermining and consuming them by little and little . After the fight , when the Enemies are defeated , they hinder them from getting together again in a body . In brief , all the sleight and artifice that humane invention can imagine , to confound the counsels , and dissipate the forces of the Enemy , hath been in all times employ'd to that end ; and they who have best practis'd the same , have gotten the name of great Captains . Therefore Virgil had reason to say , That it was not to be consider'd , whether fraud or force were to be us'd against an Enemy ; but to conclude , both are succesfully joyn'd together . CONFERENCE LXIII . I. Of Motion . II. Of Custome . I. Of Motion . MOtion is consider'd variously in the Sciences . By Metaphysicks , inasmuch as Entity is divided into Moveable and Immoveable . By Natural Philosophy , as 't is an internal propriety of a Natural Body . By Logick , so far as 't is inseparable from Contrariety , whereof it treats amongst the Opposites . By Physick , as being comprehended amongst the six things not-natural . By Astronomy , as it is annex'd to the Heavens , and by them is the cause of all those here below . By the Mechanicks , as 't is the Agent of all their Engines . And 't were to be wish'd for the perfection of the Mathematicks , that as some of them treat of continuous Quantity permanent ; ( as Geometry ) others , of discrete Quantity , ( as Arithmetick ) considering them abstracted from their matter ; so there were some that treated purely of the nature and properties of continuous Quantity successive , which is Motion . For the doctrine of Motion is so excellent , that by its help Philosophers guided onely by the light of Nature have come to the knowledge of one Eternal God alone , and of the dependance that all beings have upon one sole cause ; because every thing that is mov'd is mov'd by something else ; otherwise , if it mov'd it self , it should make it self perfect ; since every thing that moves gives perfection , and that which is mov'd receives the same . Now this cannot be , because then one and the same thing should at the same time be both Agent and Patient , have and not have perfection , be and not be ; which is the greatest absurdity . Wherefore what ever is mov'd , 't is mov'd by some other thing , and this by some other , till you come to a First Mover , who gives Motion to all things . For otherwise there would be a progress into infinity , which cannot be admitted into causes . Likewise , that all things depend upon a Supreme Cause is prov'd by Motion ; because every thing that is mov'd depends upon that which moves it : Whereupon the Naturalists say , that it is united thereunto by a Contact either of the Suppositum , or of Virtue ; and therefore all things being mov'd by that First Cause , depend wholly upon it , and are united to it . But as excellent things are most difficult , and commonly the clearest are assaulted by the strongest objections ; so there have been some persons that have deny'd Motion , as Parmenides and Zeno , ( although it hath as true existence as Nature which is the principle of it ) because they could not answer the objections brought against it . Others , on the contrary , as Heraclitus , have conceiv'd that all things are in continual Motion , although the same be never perceiv'd by our Senses . But Aristotle , according to his wont , chusing the middle opinion , hath affirm'd , That there are some things which alwayes move ; others , that alwayes rest , and others that move and rest alternately . That which alwayes rests is the First Mover ; That which alwayes moves , is the Heavens , whose never interrupted circular Motion comes very near infinity . Things which move and rest at times , are all other simple or compound bodies , in which the Motion is either natural , as in fire to mount upwards ; or in violent , as in the same fire to descend downwards . Both which kinds of Motion admit of rest too ; the natural , when the body hath found its centre ; the violent , at the point of reflection , or when the virtue impress'd upon it by the Agent ceases . The Second said , The incessant mutation made in all things , argues that there is no Rest ; since Rest is the abiding of things in one and the same state , and nothing doth so . Nor is there any Motion , because if there were , it should be made in an Instant . But Nothing is chang'd in an Instant , being all Mutation presupposes two termes ; one , From which , and another , To which ; and there are no termes without a middle , or medium ; nor can any thing pass from one terme to another through a medium , but in time . That Motion must be made in an Instant , appears , because there is nothing between the last point of that which is to be chang'd , and the first of that which is chang'd . For in Local Motion , a stone begins to be mov'd at the same instant wherein it ceases to rest . There is therefore no intermediate space between its motion and its rest : And if two extremes which have no medium between them be together , then things which are together are in one and the same moment . This is yet further manifest in the other kinds of Motion . For in Generation there is nothing between Not-Being ; and Being , and in Corruption nothing between Being and Not-Being . Otherwise , there should be something that exists and exists not ; which is contrary to the first principle . In Alteration , as soon as the Air is illuminated the Darkness ceaseth , and there is nothing between them . In Accretion or Augmentation , the Body is still in its first quantity till it receive a greater ; as likewise in Diminution 't is alwayes in the same magnitude , till it be reduc'd to a less . For we must beware of taking the dispositions or preparations to all these motions for the motions themselves . The Third said , 'T is easier to say what Motion is not , then what it is ; since the Philosopher tells us , that it hath more of Non-entity then of Entity . Wherefore being things cannot be known but so far as they are true , and they are not true but so far as they have Being , 't is no wonder if Motion be one of the difficultest to be understood ; and 't is the more so , because we must not confound with the other things that accompany it , which are the Agent and Patient , their action and passion , it s two termes , the extent of place , time , and the subject wherein it is caus'd . Besides , every thing that is known , being so either by it self when it is real , or by some other when it is not such ; Motion which partly is , and partly is not , can neither be known by it self , nor by some thing else ; for it cannot be known by the Senses , nor , without their help , by the Intellect ; there being in Motion a something before , and something after ; and consequenly , a correspondence which falls not within cognizance of the Senses . Therefore , to supply this defect , the Philosophers have describ'd Motion , ( of it self insensible ) by things that fall under sense , saying , that it is That which is included between the term From which , and the term To which ; as the Physitians render the motions of life sensible by Dentition , Puberty , Stature , different colours of the Hair ; in short , by the vigor and inclination of actions , and by such other sensible signes which notifie the diversity of Ages : And the Astrologers , those of the Sun , and other Stars , by the houses of the Zodiack , their Oppositions and different Aspects ; as also by the dispositions of the Air which make the diversity of our seasons ; like those Travellers which distinguish the number of miles by Cities , Villages , Crosses , and other visible signes . Motion is therefore the passage from one term to the other . And so , not onely when my hand slides from one side of this paper to the other , but also when of hot it becomes cold , there is made a Motion . II. Of Custome . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Right is divided into written and not written ; the former is the Laws , the second is Custome , which is of Right us'd of long time , establish'd by little by the liking of every one , and approv'd by the tacite consent of the whole people ; and therefore more grateful then Law , which never equally pleases all ; and is oftimes form'd in an instant : But Custome , taking root by time , is not establish'd , except after long experiences . 'T is of account among Physitians , that Hippocrates commands that regard be had to it as well to the age , the disease , the country , and the season ; yea , he saith , that all things accustomed , ( although bad ) are yet less hurtful then those which are unusual , although better in themselves . Amongst Lawyers nothing is so powerful as Custome , which makes us patiently endure things contrary to the equity and nature it self ; such is the exclusion of the younger Children from a share of the inheritance , which amongst the Gentry of most Nations descends to the eldest . The variety of Custome makes some Nations prefer a supercilious gravity ; others , familiarity and courtesie : Some are commendable for sobriety , others are notorious for drunkennesse . Some people , as the Albanians , accounted it impious to speak of the dead ; and amongst us , 't is impiety not to think of them . Amongst the first , Egyptians , women went to the Tavern , and men spun at home ; as amongst the Amazons , the women alone were Souldiers . The Lacedemonians permitted Theft , provided it were committed dextrously . The Arrians , on the contrary , ston'd the most pety Thieves . Amongst the Babylonian Ladies she was held the most vertuous who prostituted her honour to most people , whereas nothing is so tenderly regarded among all other Nations . In brief , we are civil or uncivil , good or bad , foolish or wise , or any thing else , according to custom , which Erasmus calls the Monosyllable Tyrant , because 't is term'd Mos in Latine ; a Tyrant , to whom he is so distastful that doth not dress himself , make his reverences , and do every thing to obey it , that he passes for a fool in all the rest of his actions . The Second said , Custom bears such a sway over all the actions of men , that it renders all things familiar to them . The Understanding commonly embraces the falshoods which it first imbib'd , and rejects the truth ( its proper object ) whereunto it is not accustomed . The cause of which is , for that what the Intellect apprehends it so familiarizes to it self as to become conformable thereunto , and by the pattern thereof judges of all the rest thenceforward ; yea of it self , which being become like to the thing apprehended cannot approve the contrary ; every thing being pleas'd with its like . The Will , although free in all its actions , yet undergoes some sort of constraint , when it finds it self more inclin'd to persons of acquaintance then to unknown , though more accomplish'd . Moreover , we love rather by custom then by reason . Hence Mothers more tenderly affect their Children with whom they commonly converse more , then Fathers do ; and Nurses more then some Mothers . As the Memory decays through want of being exercis'd , so experience shews us that the most certain Art of it is to cultivate it . Custom hath such a power over the Imagination , that those who think frequently of any thing , dream of it likewise when they are asleep . Amongst the outward Senses , is not the Sight dazled when we come out of the dark into a bright place ? as , on the other side , we see not a jot when we go out of the Sun into a very shady place ; yet our eyes perform their office , being accustom'd to both . Those who live neer the Cataracts of Nile , the Artificers whose noise displeases us so much , and who dwell in Mills and Forges , are not disgusted with those clatters , and rest as sweetly without silence as others do with it . Neat-herds , accustomed to breathe in Stables , swoon at the smell of perfumes . The mischief arising to Infants by changing their milk as well as the manner of living to all ages , and the diversity of tolerating pains according as people are hardned to them , or not , justifie the power of custom over all our Senses . So that it is justly stil'd the Mistress of Man , stronger then Nature , which it alters and destroys , and is so powerful that it cannot be destroy'd but by it self . The Third said , That Custom is less strong then Nature , being difficult to change only because 't is some-ways like Nature . Hence 't is easier to reclaim one that is vicious by custom then by nature ; for this custom being a habit , the same actions which gave it being by their frequent repetition , destroy it likewise by their interruption . But Nature being radicated within us may indeed be encounter'd , but always holds out ; yea , according to the Proverb , it returns although you drive it away with a fork . The melancholy person cannot so well play the Greek , and be jovial in company , as not to discover some token of that sad humour , amidst his greatest rejoycing . On the contrary , you will see sanguine humours which cannot counterfeit sadness even in matters that require it most . The cholerick sometimes governs his passion well by reason ; but he can never suppress the first motions of it , because they are not in our power ; and therefore Philosophy rather masks , then amends nature . In fine , the Phlegmatick always appears slow and stupid in his most violent motions ; on the contrary , custom is easily alter'd by a good resolution ; as we see in abundance of holy and penitent souls , who forsaking the world , in an instant divest themselves of all their evil habits , and put on those of piety . And Socrates could by the precepts of Philosophy change his evil habits , not his natural inclinations , but that there appear'd sufficient tokens thereof in his countenance , to justifie the judgement of Zopyrus the Physiognomer . The Fourth said , We are beholden to custom , that every one abides in his own condition . 'T is that which makes Seamen prefer the tempests at sea before rest at land , and the laborer despise the treasures of the East , for his cart . It made Caesar go bare-headed , although bald , in all the ardours of Africk , and the coldest climates of the North. It arms the beggar to encounter with hunger , cold , and the other incommodities of the air . 'T is from hence that we see slaves sell their liberty after they have receiv'd it from their Masters ; they are so accustom'd to live in chains . 'T is this and not nature which lays shame upon the parts most necessary for conservation of the species : witness the punishment of some Indians upon such as have abus'd them ; for they condemn them to cover them , whereas others wholly discover them ; and these criminals account not themselves less punish'd hereby then those that here are pillory'd or carted ; which also is not ignominious amongst us but by custom . It likewise exercises dominion over ceremonies and civilities , most whereof are so contrary to health and seemliness . It keeps the Mint where honour is coin'd ; and that which is not register'd there passes for errour and clownishness . 'T is this which causes men to kiss one another when they salute , whereas thirty years ago they retir'd backward with many reverences which denoted respect ; yea it bears such an absolute rule over mens minds , that as the Greeks and Romans stil'd all Barbarians who follow'd not their laws and fashions , all the world n●w do's the like still , judging ancient or forreign modes and usages ridiculous . We blame the manners of the Aethiopians and Chineses as they do ours ; the visages of the people which most frighten us are best lik'd by them ; and we phancy deformity with the same lineaments and colours wherewith they paint beauty . Those Americans who kill their old decrepit Parents , instead of believing themselves parricides , call us cruel for letting ours continue so long in the miseries of age . Infinite like instances have caus'd some to say , that 't is another nature : but I hold it stronger then nature , since by it Mithridates render'd poyson innoxious to himself , and some whole Nations of India live upon Toads , Lizards and Spiders . Yea it hath made death as lovely and desireable as life amongst great Nations ; whereas Philosophy with all its pompous discourses hath labour'd much to render the same indifferent to a few persons . 'T is call'd by Pindar the Emperess of the world , and caus'd Seneca to say , that we govern not our selves by reason but by custom , accounting that most honest which is most practis'd ; and error serves us for a law when it is become publick . Lastly , 't is stronger then the laws themselves , since it gives them all the power and authority which they have . The Fifth said , That Vertue it self is nothing but a custom . For we have it not by nature , as Plato holds in his Menander , because of those things which we have by nature , the faculties are found in us before the actions . So the power of seeing , hearing , and speaking , is in man before these acts ; but we perform vertuous actions before we have the habit of vertue . Moreover , these vertues are for this reason call'd moral ; because they are implanted by custom ; and as an Architect learns his Art by frequent building , so by constant performance of acts of justice or courage men become just or courageous . Therefore the true way to become virtuous is to be accustom'd to vertue from one's infancy ; and hence Fathers are so careful to have their children well instructed , and to give them good examples . For being nothing but difficulty keeps men off from the practice of virtue ; if this difficulty were remov'd by custom , which makes the hardest things easie , vertue which seems so knotty would be delightful , and pass into nature . And 't is a token of perfect vertue when men take pleasure in exercising it . CONFERENCE LXIV . I. Of the Imagination . II. Which is most powerful , Hope or Fear . I. Of the Imagination . BEcause the knowledge of the present suffic'd not for the preservation of animals , but requir'd also that of the past and the future ; therefore Nature hath made provision for the same , giving them not only five Outward Senses whereby they know their objects present ( for every sensation is a sort of knowledge ) but likewise a Common Sense to Distinguish those objects , an Imagination to represent the same to it when they are absent , and a Memory to preserve the Species . Now as , amongst the external Senses , those are exercis'd most perfectly whose organs are best dispos'd ; so , amongst the internal , those are most vigorous which are found in a brain best temper'd for their action . If its constitution be humid , then the Common Sense acts most perfectly ; if dry , the Memory is most tenacious ; if hot , the Phancy or Imagination is strongest . But if the temper of the same Brain be cold and dry , then Prudence reigns in it , as we see in old men , and melancholy persons . For 't is more reasonable to say , that the Organ of these faculties is the whole Brain then any one part of it . And what is brought for proof of the contrary ; that oftimes one of the faculties is hurt while the rest are entire ( some having a sound Memory when their Imagination is deprav'd ) argues not that they have different seats ; but as the natural faculty in the whole Liver sometimes attracts but cannot retain , retains but cannot digest or separate excrements ; so the animal faculty equally dispers'd through the whole substance of the Brain , sometimes judges well of the difference of objects , acknowledges conveniences and disconveniences , receives the true species , but yet cannot retain them ; on the contrary , the Memory will be sometimes entire although the Imagination be disorder'd , because the constitution which is then found in the whole Brain is fit for the exercise of one of those functions , not of the other . Moreover , it happens not unusually that those faculties are wounded , although the Ventricles assign'd for their residence be not ; as in the head-ach , or distemper of the Brain , and in Phrensies caus'd only by inflammation of the Meninges without any laesion of the Ventricles . The Second said , That the Imagination is not distinct from the other faculties ; but our soul resembles the Sun , which in the continuity of the same action hath different effects , not acting in the diaphanous parts of Heaven , refrigerating the middle region of the air , heating the lower , and again herein corrupting some bodies , producing and giving life to others : The conservation of the species and their reception not being two different actions ; but rather as the wax by one and the same action receives a figure and retains it , so the Imagination which receives the species of objects must not be distinguish'd from it self when it preserves and retains them , unless by reason or mental discrimination , whereby we call Memory it self an action , although it be but the continuation and preservation of the first . The Third said , The effects of the Imagination are so marvellous , that most of those are ascrib'd to it whereof we can find no other reason . As , the likeness of Children to their Fathers , although they be only putatives ; because the apprehension of disloyal Wives of being surpriz'd by their Husbands makes them conceive them always present : the production of most Monsters , the marks imprinted upon the Child in the Womb , and the like . But that it is the Mistress of Reason and the Will , deserves most admiration . For the Soul imagining no danger , or proposing to it self a good greater then the mischief of the danger , carries the body upon the ridges of houses , upon ropes and breaches , even upon the mouths of Canons ; makes some swim cross rivers asleep , who destroy and drown themselves , and are frighted where they have least cause ; namely , when they awake or find themselves alone in the dark , so soon as their Phancy proposes some terrible object to them , how absurd soever it be . Wherefore they who desire to encourage Souldiers heat their Brains with Wine , which keeps their imagination from representing the danger to them : or raise some extraordinary boldness in them by generous discourses , whose new impressions drive their bodies upon dangers . Hence the Turks disorder the imagination of their Souldiers by Opium , the effect whereof in the quantity wherein they take it is contrary to that whereby it casts sick persons into a sleep in this climate . Reason never acquiesces in the propositions which our Imagination hath not apprehended as true ; and therefore weak minds are less capable of relinquishing an error wherewith they have been imbu'd . Offences are not such , but so far as our phancy conceives them such . For a great hurt which we have receiv'd , if an excuse follow it , offends us not ; whereas an indifferent word , a coldness , a gesture which we interpret for a scorn , even a privation of action , as neglect of a salutation , makes men go to the field . Yea all the professions of the world borrow their praise or their blame from Phancy . And who is there amongst us but would account it a grievance , and make great complaints , if that were impos'd upon him by command which his phancy makes him extreamly approve . The studious person rises in the night , to study ; the amorous spends it in giving serenades ; In brief , the Proverb , that saith , None are happy or unhappy but they who think themselves so , abundantly evidences the power of Imagination . The Fourth said , All Animals that have outward senses have also Imagination ; which is a faculty of the sensitive soul enabling them to discriminate things agreeable from the contrary : Therefore those Philosophers who deny'd this power to Worms , Flyes , and other insects , which they affirm'd to be carried towards their good by chance , and not by any knowledge of it , besides their derogating from divine providence , were ignorant that the smallest animals cease not to have the same faculties as others , at least , confused , as their Organs are , which contain the more marvels in that they serve to more several uses . Moreover , Experience shews us , that they well distinguish what is fit for them from what is not ; yea they have their passions too ; for choler leads the Bee to pursue the enemy that hath pillag'd its hive ; their providence , or fore-cast , since both that and the Pismire lay in their provisions , and observe a kind of policy among them , the former acknowledging a King ; which they could not do without the help of Imagination , although the same be not so strong in them as in perfect animals : among whom even such as have no eyes , or want the use of them , as the Mole , are much inferior to others in Imagination , which is chiefly employ'd about the Images ( whence it takes its name ) whereof the sight supplies a greater quantity then all the other Senses . So that every animal , being naturally lead to its own good , needs an Imagination to conceive it such ; but all have not Memory , which being given only to enable animals to find their abode again which they are oblig'd to quit for some time in quest of food ; those who change not their residence , as Oysters , or which carry it with them , as Snails and Tortoises , have no need of it . The Fifth said , That the Imagination is a cognition different from that of sense ; for it knows that which is not , but the Sense doth not ; from Science and Intelligence , because these are always true , but that is sometimes true , sometimes false . Nevertheless , 't is not opinion ; because opinion produces a belief in us , which presupposes perswasion , and this is an effect of Reason whereof brutes are not possest , although all of them have , more or less , some Imagination . It s object is of so great latitude that it goes beyond that of entity ; since that which is not as well as that which is , the false as well as the true , are under its jurisdiction ; for it composes , divides and runs over , all nature , and what is out of nature ; herein almost like the Intellect , which owes all its highest notions to it , since it can know nothing without the phantasmes of the Imagination , which , on the contrary , depends not any ways upon the Understanding in its operations . The Sixth said , The Imagination , although very active , and carri'd in a moment from the lowest stage of the world to its highest stories , and to those spaces which it phansies above the heavens , yet cannot comprehend where it self is lodg'd . But the quality of the Brain most proper for it , is heat . For besides its great activity , whereby it is necessarily alli'd to fire , the phanciful persons are most subject to burning Fevers , the cholerick excel in this faculty , of which , on the contrary , the phlegmatick are worst provided . Whence , perhaps , Poets , who owe their best Verses to the Phancy , heighten the heat of their Brain by drinking the best liquors . Moreover , 't is the strongest of all the Souls Faculties , and involves every thing here below . It disorders and quiets Nations , making them undertake wars and desire peace ; it awakens and stills our passions ; and as if nature were not powerful enough to produce all things necessary to the perfection of the world , it daily frames new ideas , and makes other worlds to its curiosity . 'T is this that blinded him of whom Pliny speaks , who having dream'd in the night that he had lost his sight , found himself blind when he wak'd ; 't is this that gave a voice to Croesus's son which nature had deny'd him ; which chang'd L. Cossutius from a woman into a man ; which made horns grow out of the forehead of Cippus after his dreaming of the Oxen whom he had seen fighting all the day before . In brief , 't is this that made Gallus Vibius become foolish , by having mus'd too much upon the causes of folly . But it acts not only within both upon the body and the soul ; it diffuses its power beyond its own mansion . For to it is attributed that wonder of the Tortoises and Estriches which hatch their egges by the sight ; as also that of Hens , which breed Chickens according to the colours laid neer their Nests , and sometimes of the shape of a Kite if they have been frighted by that bird whilst they were hatching . 'T is also to the power of Imagination that what my Lord Bacon affirms is to be referr'd , namely , That it is dangerous to be beheld by our enviers in extream joy , as 't is reported that certain Scythian women murder'd only with a single aspect ; and possibly to this cause better then to any other the bleeding of a murder'd body in the murderer's presence may be imputed , as also that the most vigorous have been found cold and impotent ; and other effects , the cause whereof may be better referr'd to this Imagination , and the connexion and coherence of this cause with those effects demonstrated . II. Which is most powerful Hope or Fear . Upon the second Point , it was said , That fear being of two sorts , one filial , mix'd with respect proper to the ingenuous ; the other servile , arising only from the consideration of punishment ; it appears hence that fear is more effectual then hope ; which is not often found but in good persons , whereas fear is found both in the wicked and the good . The Laws seem also to decide this question , there being none that encourages vertue to hope for any thing , but all infuse an abhorrence of crimes by the fear of punishments . Moreover , both the Indies would not suffice the least Commonwealth , if profitable rewards were to be given to every good action perform'd in it ; and honorable recompences being valu'd only for their rarity , would be no longer so if they came to be common . Therefore there is but one Treasurer of the Exchequer in office , but Judges , Counsellors , Archers and Serjeants innumerable . Moreover , there is always more to be fear'd then hop'd . For he who hath an estate and honour may more easily lose them by the underminings of the wicked and envious , who are the greatest number , then obtain new by performing as much good as he will ; either because they who are able to reward him are not always well inform'd thereof , or because they want both the means , and the will to do it . Therefore although God would have us hope for Paradise , yet he requires that we serve him in fear , and draw neer to him with trembling . So that the thing we most hope for ( eternal life ) mixing our hope with fear , 't is not credible that any other thing is exempt from it : Yet there are some fears without any hope . Now the passion which acts powerfully alone is stronger then that which acts onely in the company of another . The Second said , That if the greatness of causes is to be judg'd by that of their effects , that Passion must be strongest which leads us to the greatest attempts . And so Hope will carry it above Fear , since 't is that which makes a Souldier run up a breach , and which hath induc'd so many illustrious men , both ancient and modern , to generous actions ; whereas , Fear by its coldness chilling the spirits , and penning them within , renders them incapable of any action . For all our actions depending on the dispositions of the spirits , the instruments of all motions both Internal and External ; if these spirits be heated , active and nimble , as they are render'd by Hope , then the Mind is boldly carry'd to the most difficult actions . On the contrary , if they be cool'd and fix'd by Fear , then the soul finding her self enfeebled , can do nothing but what is mean and pusillanimous . The Third said , To examine the power of Hope and Fear aright , we must look upon them as two Champions , who are to encounter . But Fear already shews by the paleness of its Countenance , that it wants Heart , and yields to Hope , which animates it self to the pursuite of the good it aims at , by driving away all sort of Fear , which would cause apprehension of obstacles and crosses , opposing the enjoyment of that good . Moreover , Fear is contemptible , and not found but in abject spirits ; whereas Hope resides in sublime souls , where it produces actions worthy of its grandeur and original , which is Heaven ; towards which men naturally lift their eyes in their adversities ; as Fear derives its original from below , towards which it depresses the bodies and minds of those whom it possesses : So that to compare Hope with Fear , is to put Heaven in parallel with Earth . The Fourth said , That both these Passions belong to the Irascible Appetite , both of them look to the future , and are employ'd to surmount the difficulties which are presented to the Concupiscible Appetite . Hope is the expectation of a good hard to be obtain'd , yet apprehended possible . It is found most frequently in young men , because they live onely upon the future ; and 't is the Anchor of all unfortunate persons , none of which are out of Hope of being deliver'd from their miseries . 'T is Physick to all our evils , never abandoning the most desperately sick so long as they breathe ; Yea , 't is the refuge of all man-kind of what sex , age , or condition soever ; herein the more miserable , in that being destitute of real good , there remains no more for them but imaginary and phantastick . Hence the Hebrews denote Hope and Folly by the same word , Chesel . The truth is , as if the evils that oppress us were not numerous enough , our souls frame and phancy infinite more through Fear ; which dreads as well that which is not , as that which is ; being properly the Expectation of an approaching evil which gives horrour to our senses , and cannot easily be avoided . For men fear not the greatest evils , but those which are most contrary to their nature . Whence it is that they more apprehend the halter , the gallies , or infamy , then falling into vices , or losing the Grace of God. For although these be the greatest evils of the world , yet men do not acknowledge them such , but by a reflection of the Understanding . Hence also the wicked fear the wheel more then Hell ; because Gods punishments of sin are accounted slow , and those of men speedy . But to judge of the strength of Hope , and Fear , by their proper essence , we must consider that Good being much less delightful to Nature then Evil is painful and sensible , ( because Good onely gives a better being , Evil absolutely destroyes being ) Fear , which is the expectation of this Evil , is much more powerful then Hope , which is the expectation of that Good. Which appears further by its effects , far more violent then those of Hope ; for it makes the Hair stand an end , and hath sometimes turn'd it white in one night ; it makes the Countenance pale , the whole body quake and tremble , the Heart beat ; and not onely alters the whole habit of it , but perverts Reason , abolishes Reason and Memory , intercepts the use of Speech , and of all the Senses ; so that it hath caus'd sudden death to divers persons . But Hope never gave life to any . Fear adds wings wherewith to avoid an Evil ; Hope barely excites to move towards Good. In a word , Fear needs sometimes the whole strength of all the Virtues to repress its violence , and check its disorders . CONFERENCE LXV . I. Of the Intellect . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humour . I. Of the Intellect . THe Intellect is a Faculty of the Soul , whereby we understand . For of the Faculties , some are without knowledge , as the natural , common to man and inanimate bodies , and the vegetative , which he hath in common with plants , namely , the powers of Nutrition , Accretion , and Generation ; others are with the knowledge . And these ( again ) are either exercis'd without the use of Reason , as the Internal and External Senses ; or else stand in need of Reason , as the Intellect , and the Rational Appetite , which is the Will ; the former , to distinguish true from false ; the latter , good from evil . Now as the Understanding acquires its notions from the inferior powers , so it imitates their manner of perception ; and as sensible perception is passion , so is intellectual ; and the intelligible species are receiv'd in the Intellect , after the same manner that the sensible are in the organs of the outward senses . For as their organs must be free from all the qualities whereof they are to judge ; so must the Understanding which is to judge of every thing , be from all intelligible species ; yea , more then the organs of the Senses . For the Crystalline humour of the Eye hath tangible qualities , the hand visible , because the former is not destinated to touch withall , nor the latter to see . But the Intellect being to understand every thing , because every thing is intelligible , must be wholly clear of all Anticipations ; contrary to Plato's opinion , who admitting a Transmigration of souls , conceiv'd that entring into other bodies , they carryed with them the species of things which they had known before , but darkn'd and veil'd with the clouds and humidities of the bodies which recloth'd them ; and these being dissipated by age , the species put forth themselves by little and little , as Characters engraven on wood or stone , cover'd over with wax , appear proportionably as it melts off . And therefore he term'd all our knowledge a remembrance ; but although he err'd herein , yet reason'd better then Aristotle , who admitted the Metempsychosis , but deny'd the Reminiscence , both which are necessary consequents one of the other . The Second said , That the operations of the Intellect are so divine that not being able to believe the same could proceed from it self , it refers them to superiors . For it invents , disposes , meditates , examines , and considers the least differences ; it compounds and divides every thing , apprehends simple termes , conjoynes the subject and the attribute , affirms , denyes , suspends its judgements , and alone of all the Faculties reflects upon it self ; yea , by an action wholly divine produces a word . For as in speaking a word is produc'd by the mouth , so in understanding is form'd the word of the Mind . Yet with this difference , that the former is a corporeal patible quality imprinted in the Air , and not the latter ; for intellection is an immanent operation . Hence some have thought that all these divine actions were perform'd by God himself , whom they affirm'd to be that Agent Intellect , which irradiating the phantasmes , produces out of them the intelligible species which it presents to our Intellect . Others ascrib'd them to an Assisting Intelligence . Some to a particular genius . But as I deny not , that in supernatural cognitions God gives Faith , Hope , and Charity , and other supernatural gifts ; in which case God may be said to be an Agent Intellect : I conceive also , that in natural and ordinary knowledge , of which alone we speak now , no concourse of God , other then universal , is to be imagin'd , whereby he preserves natural causes in their being , and do's not desert them in their actions . ' This then the Understanding it self which performes what ever it thinks , surpasses its strength which it knows not sufficiently ; and the Agent and Patient Intellect are but one , being distinguish'd onely by reason . As it formes that species , 't is call'd Agent ; as it keeps and preserves them , Patient . For as the Light causes colours to be actually visible by illuminating them together with the Air , with their medium , so the Agent Intellect renders all things capable of being known , by illustrating the phantasmes , separating them from the grosness of the matter , whereof they have some what when they are in the Imagination , and forming intelligible species of them . Otherwise , if these phantasmes remain'd still in their materiality , the Understanding being spiritual could know nothing ; since that which is sensible and material , remaining such , cannot act upon what is spiritual and immaterial . Besides , the species of the Phancy representing to us onely the accidents of things , it was requisite that the Intellect , by its active virtue subliming and elevating those species to a more noble degree of being , should make them representative species of their own essence . Which it doth by abstraction of the individual properties of their subject from which it formes universal conceptions ; which action is proper to the Intellect . This supreme Faculty being so noble that it ennobles all beings , rendring them like to it self . The Third said , That the Intellect is to the Soul such as the Soul is to the body which it perfectionates . And as it knows all corporeal things by the senses , so it knows incorporeal by it self . This Faculty serves for a medium and link , uniting all things to their first cause ; and 't is Homer's golden chain , or Jacob's ladder which reaches from Earth to Heaven , by which the Angels , that is , the species and most spiritual notions , ascend to the heaven of man , which is his brain , to inform him , and cause the spirits to descend from thence to reduce into practice the excellent inventions of the Understanding . Now as Reason discriminates men from brutes , so doth this Intellect men amongst themselves . And if we believe Trismegistus in his Pimander , God has given to all men ratiocination , but not Understanding , which he proposes for a reward to his favourites . Aristotle saith , 't is the knowledge of indemonstrable principles and immaterial forms . Plato calls it , Truth ; Philo the Jew , the chief part and torch of the Soul , the Master of the little world , as God is of the great , both the one and the other being diffus'd through the whole , without being mix'd or comprehended in any part of it . The fourth said , That the humane is a substance wholly divine and immortal , since it hath no principle of corruption in it self , being most simple , and having no contrary out of it self : Eternal , since 't is not in time but above time : Infinite , since its nature is no-wise limited , and is every thing that it understands , changing it self thereinto ; not by a substantial mutation , but as the First Matter is united with the formes , remaining alwayes the same Matter ; the wax remaining entire receives all sort of figures : So the intellect is not really turn'd into the things which it understands , but only receives their species wherewith it is united so closely that it is therefore said to be like to them . As likewise , though it be call'd Patient when it receives them , 't is not to be inferr'd that it is material , since these species are material , and acting upon the Intellect alter it not , but perfectionate it . Moreover , it hath this peculiarity , that the more excellent these species are , the more perfect it is render'd ; whence after the highest things , it can as easily comprehend the less . An assured token of its incorruptibility , and difference from the senses , which are destroy'd by the excellence of their objects . But as the soul being freed from the body hath nothing to do with sensitive knowledg , because then it ratiocinates no more , but beholds effects in their proper causes , commanding and obeying it self most perfectly , exempted from the importunity of the sensitive appetite : so while it is entangled in the body it receives some impressions resulting from the parts , humours and spirits destinated to its service being in some sort render'd like to them . So the soul of one born blind is ignorant of colours , the cholerick are subject to frowardness , and the melancholy timerous , by reason of the blackness of that humour . The Fifth said , All actions of men depending on the temper ; those of the Understanding , so long as it is entangled in the bonds of the body , are not free from it . For as that of Plants gives them the qualities proper to attract , concoct , and convert their aliments , and generate their like ; and beasts having a temper sutable to their nature , are lead as soon as they come into the world to what is convenient for them without instruction : So men are lead of their own accord to divers things , according as their souls meet dispositions proper to certain actions ; yea they are learned without ever having learn'd any thing , as appears in many phrantick and distracted persons ; amongst whom some , although ignorant , have been seen to make good Verses , others to discourse learnedly of the sublimest matters , some to speak languages , and tell things to come . Which may naturally proceed from the souls being capable of it self to know every thing ( the past by help of the memory , the present by all the senses , and the future by the Understanding ; ) and meeting with a brain whose temperature is by disease render'd proper for such actions , the same being possible to befall it by such accidents as happens by age , which changing the temper of the body , is also the cause of the diversity of actions . Therefore children cannot perform the functions of the reasonable soul , because they are of a hot and moist temper , unapt for the actions of the actions of the Understanding , as , on the contrary , very fit for the actions of the vegetative and sensitive soul. So that if men were born cold and dry , they would come into the world perfectly wise and judicious ; but because they acquire this temperature of brain only with time , therefore they are not knowing but with time . II. Whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same humor . Upon the second Point , it was said , That it might be handled either physically or morally . If it be demanded , upon the former principles , whether the Husband and Wife should be of the same temper , 't is answer'd , that as Nature hath distinguish'd the Sex , so she hath assign'd to either its peculiar temperament ; if a woman , which should be cold and moist , be hot and dry , she is unapt for generation , as the husband also is when , being ill qualifi'd with hot and dry , he falls within the Law de Frigidis . But if it be question'd , morally , whether conformity of manners be more requisite to Matrimony then their diversity and difference ; then , since diversity of actions is necessary in a family , the office of the husband being other then that of the wife , it seems they ought to be as different in manners as they are in the temper which produces such manners , and these the inclinations and actions . The Second said , Those Philosophers who held that the Male and Female were each but one part of man , which name is common to both , would have concluded for resemblance of humours and manners ; for they said that either sought his other half till they found it . Which made the friendships so boasted of in pass'd ages , and so rare in this , and likewise marriages , of which they that take more notice find that but few married couples have no resemblance even in their countenance . Moreover , marriages being made in heaven , and the most considerable accidents of life , the same influence which makes the marriage of the husband must also make that of the wife : and if all actions here below borrow their force from the heavens , as Astrologers hold , the husband and wife having the same universal cause of so great and notable a change , whereon depends almost all the welfare and misery of either , cannot but resemble one another . And therefore those who resemble one another most will agree best with their universal cause , and consequently , the Stars will find less resistance to produce their effects upon them , and so they will live more sweetly then if by contrariety of manners they should do as the Traveller at sea , who walks in the ship contrary to its course , or who attempts to sail against wind and tyde ; or rather like those that draw several ways , whereby the cord is sooner broken then any advancement made of the load ; so during this contrariety of manners nothing can go forward in the management of domestick affairs . Hence the Proverb , that we must eat many a bushel of Salt with a man before we chuse him for a friend , is interpreted that by semblance of food a similitude of manners with him must be acquir'd : which if requisite between two friends , how much more between two married persons who ought not to have greater friends then they are one to the other ; being in society of all the goods and all the evils of this life . Imagine one of a pleasant , the other of a melancholy humour , one loving company , the other solitude ; the opposition of these contrary inclinations will render the presence of the one as insupportable to the other , as Musick and Dancing are displeasing to a sad man , or tedious complaints for one dead are to him that is dispos'd to mirth . For by this disproportion the mind receives a check , which is very disagreeable to it . If one be young , and the other old ; one handsome , the other deformed ; one of an amorous complexion , and the other not ; the mischiefs which follow thereupon are too common to be enumerated . If one be nimble and the other slow , the actions of the one will displease the other ; whereas that which pleases being or appearing good , and nothing ( next our selves ) being so acceptable to us as what resembles us ; two persons who shall agree to do something , or not to do it , shall have peace and tranquillity of mind . The Third said , That in Oeconomy as well as Policy , there ought to be a harmony , which consists in diversity , and not in unisonance or identity , which is every where disagreeable and dull . This made Aristotle desire that the man were , at least , ten years elder then the woman , the disparity of age causing that of humours ; and this makes the difference which is found between individuals , one of the greatest wonders of the world . Therefore the husband and wife ought to be unlike in their manners and actions , to the end either may keep their station , the one above , the other below , one command , the other obey . Moreover , the husband and wife that always agreed would have no matter to talk of . Be the man a great talker , and the woman too , the house will be always full of noise ; on the contrary , the silence of the one will give place to the other's talkativeness , and excuse it . If both be knowing or skilful , they will not esteem one another ; but if one admire the other , there will be greater love between them . If both be prodigal , they will quickly see the bottom of the bag ; whereas the thriftiness of the one will make amends for the expensiveness of the other . If one be sad , the other being pleasant will divert him : if not , they will both fall into the excess either of sadness or joy . If one be prophane , the party that is devout will convert him by good example . In brief , if one be severe , 't is good that the other be gentle ; if one be passionate , that the other be patient ; otherwise the house will be always in an uproar . The Fourth said , If Justinian , or rather his Wife Theodora , had not abolish'd the laudable custom of divorcing wives , introduc'd by Spurius Carrilius , to abate their pride and malice ; or , at least , if the wives of these times were of the humour of those Roman women who having displeas'd their husbands ask'd them pardon in the Temple of a Goddess , call'd for that reason Viriplaca , it would not require so much care to consider the conditions requisite to a happy wedlock . In which 't is to be observ'd that both in nature and manners there are tempers of body , and habits of soul , absolutely good ; others absolutely evil ; and others indifferent , as the passions . The husband or wife whose body is of a perfect temper should seek for the like . For temperate added to temperate changeth not its temperature : Otherwise , 't is fit that the defect of the one be amended by the excess of the other . For the production of man , being the noblest of all actions , requires a most perfect temperature of the four Elements in the seed of the two parents ; which would not be , if both of them be hot and dry , or cold and moist . The vertuous must seek his like , the vicious his unlike , for there 's no friendship among the wicked , the converse of Thieves not deserving that name . As for the passions , and the manners commonly following them , 't is fit that the husband have such as nature has most commonly given to men , and , consequently , that he be unlike to the wife , and she to her husband . CONFERENCE LXVI . I. Of Drunkenness . II. Of Dancing . I. Of Drunkenness . THe common saying , That the more excellent a thing is the more pernicious is its abuse , is verifi'd , chiefly , in Wine , which is not only the best of all aliments , turning soonest into our substance , making fewest excrements and most spirits , with which it hath great affinity ; but also the most excellent and benigne of all medicaments . For it so cheers and fortifies the heart that so long as a man is cup-shot he is never invaded by the Pestilence , the Wine being his antidote and preservative . It tempers the natural coldness of the Brain , helps digestion , begets laudable blood , opens obstructions , attenuates gross humours , and gives a good habit to the whole body . But taken in excess it produces mischiefs without number ; as the Palsy , Apoplexie , Epilepsie , Convulsions , Catarrhes , and such other cold Diseases ; the natural heat being unable to overcome the actual coldness of the Wine in regard of its great quantity . Yet this were not much , if its disorders did not reach the soul , subverting its government , and clouding its beauty , defacing the character which it bears of the Deity , and hindring those excellent functions of the Intellect and the Will. So that Mnesitheus the Physitian , with good reason , term'd Wine the greatest benefit , and the greatest mischief of man. And therefore , as the Philosopher counsell'd such as were apt to fall into choler , to behold themselves in a Looking-glass , for so the deformity of their aspect would avert them from that vice : so he that is subject to be overcome with Wine must , like the Lacedemonians , behold the turpitude of this vice in others , and so abhor it ; for behold it in himself he cannot , because drunkenness prohibits him the use of the Senses . The Second said , Man being the most intemperate of all creatures has need of vertues to moderate his irregular appetites of nutrition and generation , which nature has season'd with pleasure , as well as the other animal actions , whereof as the moderate use is agreeable to nature , so the excess is contrary to reason ; which not enduring those gross and material pleasures of the Touch and Taste , employs Temperance to repress the former by Chastity , and the latter by Abstinence and Sobriety ; the one as the rule for the eating , and the other for drinking ; both of them plac'd between two extreams ; although their defect be so rare that it hath not yet found a name amongst Philosophers . But the excess of eating is call'd Gluttony ; that of Wine , Drunkenness . Now habitual Drunkenness ( Ebriosity ) is never to be tolerated ; but Ebriety may sometimes , for health's sake , be allow'd ; yea every moneth , according to the Arabian Physitians , who maintain that it strengthens all the faculties , which a regular life renders drooping and languid . Whence also Hippocrates pronounces , in the end of his third Book of Diet , and elsewhere , that too exquisite a regiment of living is most dangerous ; those that are accustom'd to it being less able to endure any errors which they may occasionally commit in their course of Diet. The Third said , Drunkenness is a Laesion of the Animal Faculty , caus'd by the vapours of some alimentary liquor . For medicaments , or poysons swallow'd down , cannot be said the cause of drunkenness ; none ever having conceiv'd that Socrates dy'd drunk when he had taken the potion of Hemlock , though he had all the same symptomes which a drunken person hath : nor is every Laesion of the nobler faculties ▪ Drunkenness ; otherwise , the Phrenetick , Vertiginous , and such as are troubled with tremulation of their members , ought to be accounted drunk , their Reason , Memory , Imagination and Motion , being either deprav'd or abolish'd , like theirs who are intoxicated . But such Laesion is not caus'd by the fumes of Wine , which alone properly cause drunkenness ; it deserves rather to be term'd Alienation of the Mind , which may be caus'd by other vapours either internal or external , as by the smoke of Tobacco , the steam of a Cellar , or any place where new Wine is boil'd , as also that of Char-coal , which kill'd the Emperour Jovinian . The Oyl of Henbane-seed , as Pliny reports , being drop'd into the ears causes the same trouble of judgement . Matslack and Opium cause the same disorder in the Turks that Darnel mingled with bread doth in our Peasants ; and Baume , Frankincense , and the fruit call'd Anacardium mingled with food . Among Beasts , the Ass is inebriated with Hemlock ; the Swine with Henbane or the husks of Grapes ; all Fish with baits made of Oak-bark , coque de Levant ( a small medicinal shell call'd Vnguis odoratus ) yea , Aristotle saith , that Flyes are inebriated with the smell of perfumes , which therefore they abhor so much , that the laying of some neer their resort is enough to drive them away . Now drunkenness properly taken is caus'd by the hot and moist vapours of Wine , rais'd by the natural heat into the Brain , whose temperature they destroy by their heat ( which renders the motions of the soul violent ) spoil its structure by repletion of the Ventricles , distention of the membranes , humectation and obstruction of its Nerves . For Wine being hot and moist , and inebriating by those two qualities , 't is therefore more uneasily born by hot or moist Brains . Hence , the cholerick , children , women , and old men , are less able to withstand its violence , and are sooner overcome with it then those whose Brain is of a middle temper , between hot and moist ; who are therefore said to have good Brains . For which reason stout drinking hath been so much esteem'd by some Nations ; and Cyrus found no better argument to evince himself worthier of command then his brother Artaxerxes , then that he was a better drinker . Moreover , Philip , Alexander , and Mithridates , counted it a glory to drink well ; but Socrates , Plato , Xenocrates , and many other Sages of Antiquity , disdain'd not to carouse sometimes . And Homer speaking of the wise Hector , seldom forgets his great goblet . The Athenians had good drinking in such repute , that they establish'd Magistrates , call'd Oenoptae , to preside at feasts , and give order that every one did reason to his companion . The Fourth said , According as heat or moisture predominate in Wine , so they imprint their footsteps upon our bodies . The signs of heat are nimbleness of action , anger , boldness , talking , ruddiness of the countenance , a pimpled Nose , Eyes twinkling and border'd about with scarlet . Those of humidity are slothfulness ▪ numness and heaviness of the head , tears without cause , softness and humidation of the Nerves , which makes the Drunkard reel and lispe ; which effects nevertheless are different according to the qualities of the Wine and the Drinker's Brain . For if the streams of the Wine be hot and dry , and they be carri'd into a hot and dry Brain , or a small Head , they cause watchings , and render the man raging and furious . If they be more humid , as those of Wine temper'd with water ( which is held to intoxicate more then pure Wine , because the water assisted by that vehicle stays longer in the Brain ) and the Brain be moist too , they cause sleep ; and laughter , when the sanguine humour meets a more temperate Wine . For which variety of the effects of Wine , the ancients represented Bacchus mounted upon a Tyger , with a Lyon , a Swine , and an Ape by his side . The Fifth said , That to drink fasting , or when one is hot , furthers intoxication , because the passages being open'd by heat , more speedily attract the Wine , and its vapours are more easily lift up to the brain ; as also when the stomack is empty , and the fumes of the Wine are not allay'd by those of meat . But as drunkenness may be procur'd by several means , so there are others that preserve from it . Some make Wine utterly abhorr'd ; as the water that distills from the Vine , the Eggs of an Owle , or Wine wherein Eels or green Froggs have been suffocated . Others repress its violence ; as the Amethyst , ( which derives its name from its effect ) a sheep's lungs roasted , the powder of swallow's bills mingled with Myrrhe ; Saffron , bitter Almonds , Worm-wood , Peach kernels , the Wine of Myrtle , Oyle , Colworts and Cabbage ; which preservatives were more in use among the Ancients who needed them more then we ; their Wines being more vaporous and hurtful then ours : Witness Homer , who speaking of the Wine which Apollo's Priest , gave Vlysses , saith , he could not drink of it without tempering it with twenty times as much water as the strongest of our Wines can bear . The Sixth said , That Drunkenness , as vicious as it is , wants not its benefits . For besides , that 't is the Anodyne wherewith all laborious people relieve their pains ; it dispels cares , and loosens the Tongue . Whence Wine is call'd Lyaeus . Which made one of Philip's Souldiers say , when he was accus'd of having spoken ill of his Prince , That he should have spoken far worse of him , if he had not wanted more Wine . So that the Proverb may be more true , that Liberty ( rather then Verity ) is in Wine : And therefore some Lawyers advise , rather to inebriate such as are accus'd of a crime then put them to the rack ; according to the example of Josephus , who by this means discover'd a conspiracy lay'd against him by a Souldier , whom he distrusted indeed , but had not proof enough to convict him . II. Of Dancing . Upon the Second Point it was said , That Harmony hath such power over the Soul , that it forces it to imitation . Whence those that hear an Air which they like cannot forbear to chant it softly , and sometimes it makes such impression in their Minds , that they cannot be rid of it when they would ; as they experiment who fall asleep upon some pleasing song , for many times they awake repeating it . And because its powers delight not to be idle , therefore the Soul being mov'd stirs up the spirits , they the humours and the parts , constraining them to follow their bent and motion , which is call'd Dancing . This Dancing therefore is a part of Musick , which leads our members according to the cadence of the notes of a voice or instrument . It imitates the manners , passions , and actions of men ; and consequently , is of different species . But their principal division was anciently taken from their place and use . For either it was private , and serv'd at marriages ; or Theatral , which again was of three sorts ; the the first grave and serious , practis'd in Tragedies ; the other more free , in Comedies ; and the third lascivious and dishonest , f●● Satyrs . The other differences relate to the Countries where they were in request , as the Ionick ; to their Authors , as the Pyrrick , invented by Pyrrhus the Son of Achilles , or by Pyrrichius the Lacedaemonian , to their subject ; to the instrument whose eadence they follow ; to what they imitate , as that which was call'd the Crane ; lastly , to the habits and other things which were worne in dancing . The most ancient , as the easiest of all , was that which took its name from a net , whereto it resembles , which is our dance in round ; of which Thesius is made the Author , as well as of that in which the dancers intermix and pass under one anothers arms , imitating by these turnings and windings those of the Labyrinth . But the Theatral , which the Mimes and Pantomimes represented in the Orchesters , were like those of our ballads , and express'd all gestures so well , that a King of Pontus lik'd nothing so much in Rome as one of these Mimes which he obtain'd of Nero to serve him for an interpreter to Ambassadors . For gestures have this above voices , that they are understood by all Nations , because they are the lively and natural images of things and actions ; whereas the voice and writing are but signes by institution . And hence Dancing is very dangerous when it imitates dishonest things ; for it makes the strongest impression upon the Mind . The Second said ▪ That the God of Wine , sirnamed by the Ancients Chorius , which signifies Dancer ; argues the mutual relation of dancing and Wine . It hath alwayes been in so great esteem amongst warlike people , that the Lacedaemonians and Thebans went to charge their Enemies with the musick of Flutes and Hoboys ; and the former had a solemn day in which the old , the young , the middle-ag'd , danc'd in three companies , with this Ditty , We have been , we are , and we shall be brave fellows . The Athenians went so far as to honour Andronicus Caristius an excellent dancer with a statue , and to choose Phrynicus their King for having gracefully danc'd the Pyrrhick measures , which Scaliger boasts he had often danc'd before the Emperor Maximilian . Moreover , the Romans committed the charge thereof to their most sacred Pontifs , whom they call'd Salij , that is , Leapers . Lucian , in the Treatise which he writ of it , ascribes the original of dancing to Heaven , since not onely all the celestial bodies , but also the ocean , the hearts of living creatures , and other sublunary bodies imitate them , following the course of the first mover . And indeed , as if dancing had something of divine , it hath alwayes been employ'd in Sacrifices and the holiest mysteries of Religion , not onely by the Delians , who accompany'd all their prayers with dancing ; and the Indians who ador'd the Sun by dancing and imitating the course of that luminary ; but also by the Prophet David before the Ark , and by Saul , who being full of the Spirit of God fell to dancing with the Children of the Prophets ; as also did Miriam the sister of Moses , Judith when she had kill'd Holofernes , and infinite others , in testimony of their thanksgiving to God. The Muses themselves are painted by the Poets dancing about their fountain upon Mount Helicon ; Apollo is call'd dancer by Pindar ; and the Graces are represented dancing . Proteus , so celebrated by the Poets , became famous onely by this Art , and which he so excell'd , that his nimble in strange postures gave occasion to the fable of turning himself into all kind of shapes , because sometimes he counterfeited the fluidity of the water , sometimes the lightness of fire , the bending of trees , the rage of the Leopard , the cruelty of the Lyon ; and in brief , the nature of every sort of things . The Third said , That Dancing is compos'd of three parts , Motion , Gesture , and Indication . For there is first a stirring up and down , then a representing things by the Gestures of the Body , chiefly by the Hand ; which Art is call'd Chironomy ; and those which are expert in it , Chirosophers , that is , wise by the Hands . Hence Dancing is defin'd a motion of the Body , according to rule and number , imitating by gesture things or persons , either with singing or without . As Motion 't is very delightful to Nature , which is as much pleas'd therein , as rest is disagreeable to it . Nor is it less so as it includes an harmonious proportion of measure , having this correspondence with Musick , Poetry , Eloquence , Painting , Comedy , and all other Arts , whose end is the delight of man. But as it is an imitation it delights marvellously , we loving nothing so much as to imitate , or to see some thing imitated . Hence works of Art please us more then those of Nature ; because Art doth nothing but imitate her . Besides its delightfulness , 't is also profitable and honest . It s usefulness is sufficiently known to Physitians , who make it a part of their Gymnastick Physick , which treats of the exercises and motions prescrib'd in order to health , and is divided into Palestrical and Saltatory . Moreover , Galen affirms , that he cur'd many Patients by appointing them to dance , which is an exercise of all parts of the body ; whereas walking exercises onely the legs ; riding , the intestines ; bowling , the reins ; going by ship , the stomack and brain . 'T is also very honest or decorous , since it formes and fashions the body , giving it a good grace , one of the principal points of handsomeness . For the Soul having the Sciences to instruct the Understanding , and the Moral Virtues to rectifie the Will ; the body , its dear partner , needs some habit to regulate its defects , the rather because they have influence upon the Soul ; it being very difficult for the motions of the Soul to be regular so long as those of the body are not . Therefore Plato , in the seventh book of his Laws , requires that the instructers of youth have equally care of the body and the soul , and for this purpose teach them Musick to regulate the motions of the Soul , and dancing to frame those of the body , and give it gracefulness , as wrastling gives it strength . CONFERENCE LXVII . I. Of Death . II. Of the Will. I. Of Death . AS Being is the first and greatest good , because the foundation of all other goods , so ( speaking absolutely upon a natural account ) the first and greatest of all evils is the privation of that Being , which is Death ; so terrible , that not onely brutes abhor the sight of their dead fellows , through fear of the same death of which they behold an image of their carcases ; but men likewise , although their name of Mortals be a token of the necessity of their dying , yet use all the vain attempts they can to avoid that death which they fear as the most terrible of terrble things . Yea , all their great and violent actions and passions , take their source from this fear ; which is so much greater as the evil is phancy'd nearer : Whence old or sick persons have more apprehension of it then then those that are young and in health . The vulgar commonly labours onely through fear of starving . A man that is decrepit , yet , is willing to part with a limb if he may by the loss respite his death , apprehended so terrible by some , that the fear of it has kill'd some criminals before execution , and carry'd others to such madness as to kill themselves for fear of dying . Nevertheless , he that shall consider Death more nearly , will find that , being but a privation , it is nothing ; and that what we fear so much is onely the way to this death , or the sequel of it ; the former , in respect of irrational animals , and both in reference to man , who apprehends in the other life the judgement of the actions of this . Otherwise , Death being onely a poynt and a moment , which hath neither quantity nor extent , but approaches to Nothing , hath therefore nothing in it self for which it ought to be feared . For so long as the Animal hath sense it is not dead ; and so soon as 't is dead , it hath no more . And because 't is a motion and passage from Being to not Being , between which two there is no medium or middle ; therefore 't is a pure nothing , and consequently , hath no foundation saving in the troubled Phancy : Since upon due perpension of things , that which is not is no-wise to be fear'd , by those that are insensible , yea , that exist no more . The Second said , That to maintain Death to be nothing , is to accuse not onely all men of folly in fearing what exists not , and consequently , is not capable of producing any effects or passions ; but likewise , Nature of imprudence , in having imprinted this apprehension in all creatures for their preservation . As therefore Reason and Experience teach us that there are substantial generations ; so the same shew us the true and substantial corruptions of all compounds ; which corruption , in a thing endu'd with life , is call'd Death , which is the separation of the Soul from the Body . For the Platonists are ridiculous when they make two kinds of this separation , namely , that of the Soul from the Body , which they call Extasie , and that of the Body from the Soul , which alone they say is to be call'd Death : For they are both one and the same thing ; and Extasie is not a separation of essence , but of power , hapning when the Soul is so glu'd to an object , in the contemplation whereof it employes all its powers , that there remains none for corporeal functions ; the Eyes not perceiving what is then presented to them . Whence the Soul being more where it loves then where it lives , is also more where it understands . Now Death is either natural or violent . The former caus'd by the consumption of the radical moisture of plants and animals . For they alone are capable of dying , as they are of living ; what they attribute to Fire , the Load-stone , and some other inanimates , being purely Metaphorical . Violent death is produc'd either by internal causes , as diseases , or by external . 'T is caus'd by destroying the harmony of the parts and humours , which constituted life ; after which destruction , the Soul not finding the organs longer meet for exercising its functions , ( as Fire that wants unctuous and combustible humidity ) forsakes its matter to retire into its own sphere . And though the corruption of one be the generation of another , there being no matter but hath alwayes some form , as Bees are generated out of dead Oxen ; yet there is this distinction , that the progress of a form less noble to one that is more , is call'd generation or life , as when an Egg is made a chick ; but when this progress is made from a more noble form to a less , as from a man to a carcase , then 't is call'd Corruption and Death , if the form preceding were vital . Thus all are wayes of Death which lead to corruption . The first of these wayes is life , for nothing comes under its Laws but is subject to those of Death , considering the wayes that we dye as we are borne , and that our end depends on our original ; as there is no harmony but must end in discord , the latter note not being capable to accord with the first rest , which is the end or death of harmony ; whereunto our life is not onely compar'd , but may be fitly defin'd by it , that Galen , enlightned by Reason alone , conceiv'd the Soul to be nothing else . The Third said , That onely in the death of men there is a separation of the Soul from the Body ; seeing that after the death of animals and plants there still remain faculties in their bodies which cannot depend on the sole mistion of the Elements , but must be referr'd to some internal principle , which can be no other then their Soul. Yet with this difference , that as during life these faculties were as formes in their matter , so after death they are as substances in their place , though without any activity , for want of necessary dispositions ; which return afterwards by generation , or the action of the celestial bodies , producing wormes and other animals , which come of themselves , and never but from a nature formerly animated , not receiving by this new generation any substantial form , but onely making the Soul appear ; which was kept as 't were buried before this resuscitation . Thus the death of plants and beasts is the privation of their vegetative and sensitive actions , the principle of those actions alwayes remaining , But that of men , besides this privation of their actions , causes the dissolution of the Soul from the Body , which is properly death . The inevitable necessity whereof is by Avicenna deriv'd from four chief causes I. From the Air , which alters and dryes us . II. From our own heat , which by accident destroyes it self . III. The continual motion of our bodies furthers the dissipation of that heat . IV. The various Inclination of the Elements , some of which are carry'd upwards , others downwards , and so break the union which preserves our life . Albert the Great assignes a fifth cause , namely , the contrariety of forms and qualities ; death happening when humidity hath given place to drynesse . But because this excesse of drynesse might be corrected by its contrary , therefore the Moderns lay the fault upon the radical moisture . Which some of them say we receive from our Parents , and is continually impair'd , without being at all recruited from the birth . But this is absurd ; for then the Son must have infinitely lesse then his Father , because he receives but a very small portion , which ( besides ) cannot be distributed through a great body , nor afford supply to so many actions . Others , more probably , affirm , that the Humidum which is repair'd is not of the same purity with that which we derive from the principles of our birth , by reason of reaction , and its being continually alter'd by our heat . But that which indubitates this reason , is , that the Elements do not maintain themselves but by reaction , notwithstanding which they cease not to be alwayes in the same state ; Fire as hot , Air as moist as ever it was : Inasmuch as the substantial forms expell all Qualities which are not suitable to themselves , and recover their natural ones , without other assistance . Moreover , when old men beget children , they communicate to them an excellent radical humidity , otherwise there would be no generation ; and consequently , they can do as well for themselves as for their posterity . But if they give them such as is bad and corrupt , it follows that their children who live after their death re-produce much better by their nutrition then that which they had receiv'd ; and , consequently , the radical humidity may not onely be repair'd , but meliorated . And there 's no reason why an exact course of dyet may not keep a man from dying , as the Chymists promise . I had therefore rather say that as the union of the Soul with the Body is unknown to humane wit , so is their disunion ; which I ascribe rather to the pleasure of the supreme Ruler , who causes us to abide sentinel as long as he thinks meet , then to any natural thing ; which is the reason why those that deprive themselves of life are justly punish'd ; because they dispose of what is not their own , although it seemes to the vulgar that they do wrong to none but themselves , because 't is by their own will and act . The Fourth said , What is compos'd of contraries , between which there is continual action , necessarily receives sundry changes and alterations in its being , which by degrees bring it to a total corruption . This is conspicuously seen in the life of man , the ages and all other mutations whereof are as so many steps towards death . 'T is the most worthy employment of a man to consider that he dyes every day . For , as Seneca saith , that which deceives us is , that we consider death as afar off ; whereas a great part of it is already pass'd , for it already possesses all the time that we have been ; which is the cause , that instead of employing our time profitably , we consume a great part of it in doing nothing , a greater part in doing ill , and all in doing other things then ought to be ; which proceeds from not thinking often enough upon death ; as which no Preacher is so powerful . For the fear it imprints in the soul vertue it self cannot wholly eradicate ; the sole aspect of the shades of the dead , or their voices imprinting paleness upon the countenance of the most resolute . Therefore the Philosopher holds that the fear of death is not only competible with courage , but that he who fears it not at all , rather deserves the name of mad then valiant . The Fifth said , That they who have had recourse to death to deliver themselves from their miseries , as Brutus , Cato , his daughter Portia , and some others , have shew'd thereby that death is not the most terrible thing , since they embrac'd it as a remedy to their misfortunes . But that which renders our experience as well as our reasoning weak in this matter , is , that none can give account of it either before or after trial ; for while we live , it is not yet , and when it is , we are no longer . Nevertheless Plato , in his Timaeus , affirms that violent death caus'd by diseases or wounds is painful , but not that which comes of old age , which ( he saith happens by dissolution of the triangles which retain the Soul in the Body . For the former being against nature is as troublesome to it , as the other which following the course of nature is agreeable to it ; because the soul having finish'd its task begins now to resent some foretastes of beatitude ; and hence it begins also to have some knowledge of future things . At least , this sort of death is very little sensible , being caus'd slowly and equally , and by consequence without pain . Yea , if it be true that the Heart is the last part that dyes , the brain losing sense before the Heart cannot communicate the same to the whole body ; which consequently feels not the pains of death , but those which lead to it , and which make their pangs more felt by those that bear up against them ; by reason of the resistance of their strength , then when the strength is overcome and fails ; whence those that have Apoplexies endure no pain during the course of their malady . And such as have been taken down half dead from the Gallows , agree that they endur'd nothing but fear . For which cause this kind of death is accounted very easie and without any sense ; the brain being depriv'd thereof by compression of the Carotides , Arteries which carry the spirits to it , and become apoplectical by the quantity of blood which is included in it ; as also the heart being stifl'd falls into deliquium , and the principal parts are depriv'd of sense by the constriction of the Nerves of the sixth pair . Those whom a Gangrene in the leg or arm ( parts more sensible then those within ) brings to their end , affirm that oftentimes death comes upon them without pain . Indeed , since life ends as it begins , and the soul goes out of the body after the same manner that it enter'd into it ; therefore as , at its entrance , it first exercises the vegetative operations , afterwards the sensitive ; so the vegetative faculty remains last , subsists in the dying creature when all the rest are extinct , and is lost without sense , in the same manner as in Plants . For the convulsive motions of dying persons argue not their having of sense , since those that are in an Epileptical fit suffer much greater without pain . II. Of the Will. Upon the second Point , it was said , That every created thing having a tendency towards its chief natural good , hath also faculties whereby to attain the same . This chief good is the supream perfection of its being . And because that of man consists in knowing truth , loving good , and being united by enjoyment to both the one and the other , he hath been likewise furnish'd with powers for this end ; two , wherewith to know , and as many to love , according to the two sorts of goods whereof he is capable , as compos'd of a sensitive part and an intellectual . He knows sensible good by help of the Senses , which gust the same in its whole latitude , and honest good by the Understanding . He loves sensible good by the sensitive appetite , and honest good by the Will , which is a rational desire of good . For it loves not any good which hath not first been judg'd such by reason , which serves it in stead of eyes , being a blind faculty of it self , that is , without knowledge ; whence they say , knowing must go before loving . And 't is not necessary that this good be truly such of its own nature ; if it be apprehended as such , this is sufficient to render it the object of our will. Nevertheless being good but in appearance it only takes the will for a while , but do's not satiate it as honest good doth , towards which we have a natural inclination . Whence it is that such as have deviated from it , as soon as their understanding is rectifi'd , resent an inward grief thereupon , which is that dictate of Reason call'd Synteresis . The Second said , That the Will is the mistress of all the animal powers , which it causes to operate and forbear as it pleases ; exercising its dominion too over the Understanding , which it commands to take notice of , and contemplate , one object rather then another . Nevertheless as the pores subject to it are disserent , so is the empire distinct which it exercises over them . For that which it hath over the loco-motive faculty is a despotical empire , such as a Master hath over his servant ; that which it hath over the sensitive appetite and other faculties , is Political , like that of a Magistrate over his fellow Citizens , who obey him so , that yet they forbear not to do many things without him and even against his will. The motions of the sensitive appetite being herein like those of the Celestial Spheres , which follow that of their superior Sphere , and nevertheless have a contrary one of their own . And this Appetite is carri'd not only to its particular object without the command of the Will ; but also towards things wholly contrary to it ; and this , for punishment of the sin whereby the will rebelling against God deserv'd that the appetite , at first subject to it , should become rebellious to it , destroying the agreeable harmony which appear'd in the state of innocence . Which contrariety is the greater , in as much as the object of the will is honest , which is commonly difficult ; and that of the sensitive appetite delectable : which two being opposite draw it several ways ; and hence arise the conflicts of the flesh against the spirit , yea the same man at the same time , and for the same thing , feels contrary motions in himself ; a certain evidence of their real difference . The Third said , 'T is the Will alone that makes us happy or unhappy , since it makes us good or bad ; and nothing is such unless it be voluntary and free . Hence it hath so great a power that it alone over-rules the Stars which govern all ; being capable of having inclinations contrary to theirs . It is known , as other faculties are , by its actions , which are either extrinsecal , as commanding the animal faculties , or within it self , as willing or not willing , pursuing or aversion , joying or grieving . For the property of man being to know his end as such , if this end be good , he wills it ; if evil , he wills it not ; if absent , he pursues it ; if present , he enjoys it : if the evil be absent , he averts from it ; if present , he is afflicted by it . But before the will attain this end , it proposes , consults , and deliberates of the means to arrive thereunto , which it compares together in order to find which is most expedient , and is carri'd to the same with perfect freedom . CONFERENCE LXVIII . I. Of the Magnetical Cure of Diseases . II. Of Anger . I. Of the Magnetical cure of Diseases . 'T Is requisite to agree upon the Facts before inquiry into Right . Now many Authors report that wounds have been cur'd by the sole application of a certain Unguent ( which for this reason they call Armarium ) to the instrument or offensive weapon that made it . And Goclenius , a German Physitian , affirms that he saw a Swedish Lady cure one of her servants so , that had been hurt by a blow with a knife by his companion ; and that this cure is very common , having been practis'd in presence of the Emperour Maximilian . Yea , that 't is ordinary for the Peasants of his Country to cure hurts in their feet , by sticking the nails or thorns which made them in Lard or Bacon . Many Farriers cure prick'd horses by digging up as much ground as their foot cover'd . Behold the ordinary composition of the aforesaid Oyntment . Take an ounce of the unctuous matter that sticks on the inside of the Scull of one hang'd and left in the air ; let it be gather'd when the Moon encreases , and is in the Sign either of Pisces , Taurus or Libra , and as neer as may be to Venus , of Mummie and man's blood yet warm , of each as much ; of man's fat , two ounces ; of Lin-seed-oyl , Turpentine , and Bole Armenick , of each two drams ; mingle altogether in a Morter , and keep the mixture in a long-neck'd glass well stop'd . It must be made while the Sun is in the Sign Livra ; and the Weapon must be anointed with it , beginning from that part which did the mischief ; from the point to the hilt , if it be a thrust ; and from the edge , if it be a cut or blow . Every morning the Patient must wash his hurt with his own Urine , or else with warm water , wiping away the pus which would hinder unition . The weapon must be swath'd ( as the wound uses to be ) and kept in a temperate place . For otherwise , they say , the Patient will feel pain . If you would hasten the cure , the weapon must be dress'd often ; and if you doubt of the part which did the mischief , it must be dip'd all over in unguent . If the hurt be small , 't will be enough to dress the weapon every other day ; washing the hurt every morning and evening . But this is not to be practis'd in wounds of the Arteries , Heart , Liver and Brain ; because it would be to no purpose . Now by the nature of the ingredients and their conformity with us , their effect seems to be natural , and grounded upon the sympathy that there is between the blood issu'd from the wound and remaining on the weapon , and that which is left in the wounded body , so that the one communicates to the other what good or evil it receives , although it be separated from the whole . As they affirm that those whose leg or arm is cut off , endure great pains when those parts that were lop'd off corrupt in the earth . Which happens not , if they be carefully embalm'd . So the Bee , the Viper , and the Scorpion , heal the hurts made by themselves . Of which no other reason is alledg'd , but this correspondence and similitude of the parts to their whole ; the bond of which is very strong , although to us invisible . The Second said , There 's no need of recurring to these superstitious remedies , since Nature of her own accord heals wounds , provided they be not in the noble parts , and be kept clean from the impurities generated in them through their weakness , which hinder unition ; which is an effect of the natural Balsam of the blood ; and therefore not to be attributed to those Chimerical inventions , which have no affinity with the cure whereunto they are intitl'd . For every natural agent is determin'd to a certain sphere of activity , beyond which it cannot act ; so the fire burns what it touches , heats what approaches it , but acts not at any remote distance whatever . Moreover , time and place would in vain be accounted inseparable accidents from natural motions , if this device held good ; considering that contact is requisite to every natural action , which is either Mathematical , when surfaces and extremities are together ; or Physical , when the agents touch the Patients by some vertue that proceeds from them . Neither of which can be , unless the body which heals touches that which is heal'd . For all Medicinal effects being to be referr'd to Elementary qualities , there is none of them more active then heat ; which being circumscrib'd within its bounds , even in the aliment of fire , can be no less elsewhere . The Third said , That the doctrine of the common Philosophy which teacheth that natural agents always touch one the other is erroneous , or else ill explain'd and dependent upon other false principles which attribute all actions to elementary qualities , which are taken for univocal causes , whereas themselves are but equivocal effects of other supream causes , the first of which is Heaven . For when God created the world immediately with his own hands , he was pleas'd to commit the conduct of natural causes to the Heavens , that he might not be oblig'd to make every day new miracles , as were those of the Creation . For this end he fill'd them with spirits sufficient to inform all sorts of matters , whose mixture requir'd some new form and change . This made the Philosopher say , that the Sun and Man beget Man ; and Hermes , in his Smaragdine Table , that the things which are below are as those which are on high . And the Astrologers hold that there is nothing here below but hath some proper and peculiar Star , some of which appear , but far more appear not in the Heavens , in regard of their disproportion to our sight , or their neer conjunction as in the milky way . But if the respective correspondencies of all the Celestial Bodies be not so clearly evident in other sublunary bodies as that of the Pole-star is with the Load-stone , of dew with the Sun , of this and the Moon with the Heliotrope and Selenotrope , yet are they no less true . 'T is credible therefore that the Weapon-salve hath such sympathy with the Constellation which is to make the cure of the wound , that by its magnetick vertue it attracts its influence from Heaven , and reunites it ( as a Burning-glass doth the Sun-beams at as great distance ) by which means it is deriv'd to the instrument that made the wound , communicating its healing vertue to the same , as the Sun likewise communicates his heat to the earth , which heats us afterwards : and thus this instrument being indu'd with a sanative vertue communicates the same to the wound made by it ; the cure of which , besides the form and connexion of the instrumental cause with the effect , is further'd by Nature , ( which always tends to preserve it self ) and the imagination of the wounded person ( which induces Hippocrates to require that the Patient have hope and confidence in his Physitian ) for this ( as its contrary ruines many by dejecting their strength ) doth miracles towards a recovery . The contact above spoken of hath no difficulty , nor yet the objection why other wounded persons residing in some intermediate place between the anointed Instrument and the Patient are not rather cur'd then he ; considering that the same thing is observ'd in the Load-stone , which draws not the wood or stone laid neer it , but the Iron beyond them ; and the Sun heats not the Sphere of the Moon , and the other Heavens , nor yet the two higher Regions of the air , but only ours cross that vast interval of cold and humid air ; because he finds no congruency thereunto , besides the not reflexion of his beams . Wherefore the contact of the anointed Javelin and the Wound may as well be call'd Physical as that of the Sun and us , which never stirs from his Sphere . Besides that we have examples of many contacts made without manifest mediums , as those of pestilential and contagious Fevers , of blear'd-eyes , of the Wolfes aspect causing hoarsness , and the killing looks of the Basilisk . And indeed if you take away all cures that are wrought by occult and inexplicable means , there will be nothing admirable in Physick . The Fourth said , That in assigning the reason of effects , men ordinarily mistake that for a cause which is not so . The Rose is not cold because it is white , for the Red-rose is so too : Spurge is not hot because it hath a milky juice , for so have Lettice , Eudive , &c. which are cold : Aloes is not hot because it is bitter , for Opium , which kills through its coldness , is of the same taste . They also erroneously attribute the cure of diseases to sympathy , to the power of characters , words , images , numbers , celestial figures , and such other things which have no activity at all : and most extraordinary cures are effects of the strength of the Mind , which is such that where it believes any thing firmly , it operates what it believes , and that with efficacy , provided , the subject on which it acts do not repugne . But if it comes to have a firm belief of the effect , then it follows far more easily . For if the understanding is identifi'd with what it knows , why shall it not make things like to it self ? To which firm belief I refer the magnetick cure of wounds , and not to that sympathy of the blood on the weapon with that in the veins ; since if two parts of the same body be wounded , the healing of the one will not suffice to the healing of the other ; and yet there 's more sympathy between the parts of the same body animated with the same form then they have with a little extravasated blood which hath lost all the dispositions that it had like the whole mass . II. Of Anger . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Nature has so provided for the contentment of animals that she has given them not only an appetite , to pursue good and avoid evil , when both may be done without difficulty ; but also a different one , to give courage to the former , and to surmount the difficulties occurring in the pursuite of that good , and the eschewance of that evil , term'd the Irascible appetite , from anger the strongest of its passions ; which serves to check the pungency of grief , as fear and boldness come to the assistance of flight , and desire is guarded with hope and despair . This is the opinion of Plato , who makes three sorts of souls ; one which reasons , another which covets , and the third which is displeas'd ; the former of which he places in the Brain , the second in the Liver , and the last in the Heart . Anger then is a passion of the Irascible Appetite caus'd by the apprehension of a present evil which may be repell'd , but with some difficulty . It s principle is the soul ; its instrument the spirits ; its matter the blood ; its seat the heart , not the will , as Cardan erroneously conceiv'd ; for the actions of the will , not being organical , make no impressions or footsteps upon the body . It proceeds either from a temper of body hot and dry , and easie to be inflam'd , or from the diversity of seasons , times , ages and sexes . Hence the cholerick and young persons are more inclin'd to it then the phlegmatick and aged ; because they have a temper more proper to this passion : Women and children are easily displeas'd through weakness of spirit ; as 't is a sign of a sublime spirit not to be troubled at any thing , but to believe that as every thing is below it self , so nothing is capable to hurt it . Which reason Aristotle made use of to appease the choler of Alexander , telling him that he ought never to be incens'd against his inferiors , but only against his equals or superiors ; and there being none that could equal , much less surpass him , he had no cause to fall into anger . The Second said , That the Faculties extending to contraries , the eye beholding both white and black , and the ear hearing all sort , of sounds , only the sensitive appetite is carri'd both to good and evil , whether accompani'd with difficulties or not , as the will alone is carri'd towards all kind of good and evil . And as the same gravity inclines the stone towards its centre , and makes it divide the air and water which hinder it from arriving thither , so the sensitive appetite by one and the same action is carri'd to good , flees evil , and rises against the difficulties occurring in either . Thus anger and grief are in one sole appetite ; yea anger is nothing but grief for an evil which may be repell'd . For it hath no place when the offender is so potent that there is no hope of revenge upon him ; although 't is rare that a man esteems so low of himself as not to be able to get reason for a wrong done him , or apprehended to be done him ; this passion , as all others , being excited by causes purely imaginary . Thus a single gesture , interpreted a contempt , offends more then a thrust with a sword by inadvertency . And this the more if the contemners be our inferiors , or oblig'd to respect us upon other accounts . Which makes the enmities between relations or friends irreconcileable . For as a good not foreseen rejoyces more , so the injury of a friend displeases us far above one done us by our enemies , against whom he seem'd to have some reason who implor'd not so often the aid of Heaven , ( because he said Nature taught him to beware of them ) as against his friends , because he did not distrust them . The Third said , Anger may be consider'd two ways , either according to its matter , or its form . In the former way 't is defin'd an Ebullition of the blood about the Heart . In the latter , a desire , with grief , to be reveng'd for an injury done to himself , or his friends , whom a man is oblig'd to uphold ; especially if they be too weak to avenge themselves . Injury consists either in deeds , or words , or gestures . The first is the most evident , and oftimes least sensible ; for words offend more ; because , being the image of thoughts , they shew us the little esteem made of us . And as gesture is more expressive then words , so á contempt signifi'd by it touches more to the quick then any other ; because he that contemns us with a simple gesture accounts us unworthy of all the rest . Now if this contempt be offer'd in the presence of those that honour us , or by whom we desire to be valu'd and admir'd , it excites our choler the more if it be truth , which always displeases us when it tells our defects , especially by the mouth of our enemy . But none are so soon provok'd as they that are desirous of some good . For then the least things incense ; because desire being of an absent good cannot subsist with the least present evil ( the object of anger ) because of their contrariety , importuning the actions of the soul , which is troubled in the pursute of good by the presence of evil . Whence , saith Aristotle , there needs but a small matter to anger Lovers , sick people , indigent , those that miscarry in their affairs , and are excruciated with hunger or thirst . 'T is therefore an error to say , that choler is the cause of anger , and 't is vain to purge this humour in order to remedy this passion , since the cause is external , not internal ; and is form'd first in the brain by the imagination of an injury receiv'd ; after which the Soul , desirous of revenge , stirs the motive power ; this the blood and spirits , which cause all the disorders observ'd in angry persons . The Fourth said , That disorders caus'd by Anger are not to be wonder'd at , since 't is compos'd of the most unruly passions , love , hatred , grief , pleasure , hope and boldnesse . For the source of anger is self-love ; we hate him that doth the injury , we are troubled at the offence , and receive contentment in the hope of being reveng'd ; and this hope gives boldnesse . Now Anger is one of the most deform'd and monstrous passions , so violent that it enervates not onely the contractive motion of the Heart by dilating it too much , and sending forth the blood and spirits , ( which cause an extraordinary heat , and force in all the members , and sometimes a Fever ; ) but also that of dilation by shutting it too much , in case the grief for the evil present be great , and there be hopes of revenging it . The Countenance looks pale , afterwards red , the Eye sparkles , the Voice trembles , the Pulse beats with violence , the Hair becomes stiff , the Mouth foams , the Teeth clash , the Hand cannot hold , the Mind is no longer in its own power , but is besides it self for some time ; Anger not differing from Rage but in duration . Which made a Philosopher tell his servant , That he would chastise him were he not in Anger : And the Emperor Theodosius commanded his Officers never to execute any , by his command , till after three dayes ; and the Philosophers Xenodorus to counsel Augustus , not to execute any thing when he found himself in choler , till after he had repeated softly the twenty four letters of the Greek Alphabet . The truth is , if this passion be not repress'd , it transports a man so out of himself , that he is incens'd not against men onely , but even against beasts , plants , and inanimate things ; such was Ctesiphon , who in great fury fell to kicking with a mule ; and Xerxes , who scourg'd the Sea. Yea , it reduces men to such brutality , that they fear not to lose themselves for ever , so they may but be reveng'd of those that have offended them ; as Porphyrie and Tertullian did , the former renouncing Christianity , and the other embracing Montanus's Heresie , to revenge themselves of some wrong which they conceiv'd they had receiv'd from the Catholicks . And our damnable Duels , caus'd by this passion , have oftentimes to satisfie the revenge of one , destroy'd two , Body and Soul. CONFERENCE LXIX . I. Of Life . II. Of Fasting . I. Of Life . THe more common a thing is , the more difficult it is to speak well of it ; witnesse sensible objects , the nature whereof is much in the dark to us , although they alwayes present themselves to our senses . Thus nothing is more easie then to discern what is alive from what is not ; and yet nothing is more difficult then to explicate the nature of Life well , because 't is the union of a most perfect form with its matter , into which the mind of man sees not a jot ; even that of accidents with their subject being unknown , although it be not so difficult to conceive as the first . Some have thought that the form which gives life is not substantial but onely accidental , because all ( except the rational ) arise from the Elementary Qualities , and accidents can produce nothing but accidents . But they are mistaken , since whereas nothing acts beyond its strength , if those forms were accidents , they could not be the causes of such marvellous and different effects , as to make the fruits of the Vine , Fig-tree , &c. and blood in Animals ; to attract , retain , concoct , expell , and exercise all the functions of the Soul ; which cannot proceed from heat alone , or any other material quality . Besides , if the forms of animated bodies were accidents , it will follow that substance ( which is compounded of Form as well as of Matter ) is made of accidents ; and consequently , of that which is not substance , contrary to the receiv'd Axiom . Therefore Vital Forms are substances , though incomplete , whose original is Heaven , the Author of Life and all sublunary actions . The Second said , That the Soul being the principle of Life ; according to the three sorts of Souls , there are three sorts of Life , namely , the Vegetative , Sensitive , and Rational ; differing according to several sublimations of the matter . For the actions of attracting and assimilating food , and the others belonging to Plants , being above those of stones and other inanimate things , argue in them a principle of those actions , which is the Vegetative Soul. Those of moving , perceiving , imagining , and remembring , yet nobler then the former , flow from the Sensitive Soul. But because the actions of the Intellect and the Will are not onely above the matter , but are not so much as in the matter , ( as those of Plants and Animals ) being immanent , and preserv'd by the same powers that produc'd them , they acknowledge for their principle a form more noble then the rest , which is the Rational Soul , the life of which is more perfect . And as the Plantal Life is the first and commonest , so it gives the most infallible vital tokens , which are nutrition , growth , and generation . Now that all three be in all living bodies : For Mushrooms live but propagate not ; as some things propagate , yet are not alive ; so bulls blood buried in a dung-hill produces worms ; others are nourish'd but grow not , as most Animals when they have attain'd their just stature ; yea , not every thing that lives is nourish'd ; for House-leek continues a whole year in its verdure and vivacity being hung at the seeling : Nor dos every thing grow alike , for we see Dodder , which resembles Epithymum , clinging to a bunch of grapes , or other fruit hanging in the Air , grows prodigiously without drawing any nourishment from it or elsewhere . Whereby it appears that there is no Rule but has its exception , since Nature which gives the same to all things , oftentimes dispenses with her self . The Third said , The Soul is the act of an Organnical Body endu'd with Life , and the principle of vegetation , sense , and motion ; according to Aristotle , an Intellective or continual motion ; according to Plato , a Number moving it . And consequently , Life is nothing but motion ; and a thing may be said to be alive when it is able to move it self by any kind of motion , whether of generation or corruption , accretion or diminution , local motion or alteration . For the most evident sign of Life is self-motion . Whence we call such , Living Waters , which flow ; and those dead , which stand still ; although improperly , because this motion is extrinsical to them , namely , from their source , and the declivity of the earth . The Pythagoreans therefore believ'd the Heaven animated , because it is mov'd according to all the differences of place ; and that this Animal is nourish'd with the Air which it draws out of the spaces which we call Imaginary . Now as powers are known , so they are distinguish'd by their actions . So that the perfecter the motion is which denotes Life , the perfecter the Life is . Therefore , as Oysters and other imperfect Animals , endu'd with sense , enjoy a nobler life then plants , which onely vegetate ; so they are inferior to other perfect Animals , which besides sense have progressive motion ; and these , again , the slower and more impedite their motion is , the more they yield in dignity to others ; as the Snail to the Dog and Hare . In brief , these are lesse noble then Man , whose Soul is mov'd after a more admirable manner ; and who hath the faculty of Understanding , the most perfect of all ; which being found in God in a far higher degree , beause it constitutes his whole essence , being and Understanding ( being in him one and the same thing ) he hath the most perfect life of all . Which is the cause why our Lord saith , that he is the Life . Moreover , as the First Matter , which is the lowest of all things that are , ( if it may be said to be ) hath need iof all ; so the sublimest of all things , God , hath need of nothing , but includes in himself all perfections , the chiefest of which is Life , which all Creatures enjoy onely by participation from him . The Fourth said , Life is a continual action of Heat upon humidity , the periods whereof are distinguish'd by the several effects of this heat , to wit , the alterations of temper , and diversity of ages . For 't is Physically as well as Morally true , which Job saith , that our life is a warfare upon the earth , since a thing is not accounted living unless so far as it acts , Death being the privation of actions ; and there is no action but between contrary qualities , of which heat and moisture are the foundation of life , as cold and siccity are the concomitants of death , old age which leads us thither being also cold and dry . Hence they are the longest liv'd who have most heat , as Males then Females ; terrestrial animals then Fish , those which have blood then those which have not . As also those that abound with this humidity live long , provided it have the qualities requisite , namely , be fat , aerious , and not aqueous or excrementitious , because otherwise it easily cools and congeals , and by that means incongruous to life . The Fifth said , That heat being the most noble and active of all qualities executes all the functions of life , when it meets with organs and dispositions sutable thereunto . This heat must be in act , and not only in power , such as that of Lime and Pepper is . And though it be not so sensible in plants , yet it ceases not to be actually in them so long as they are alive , and to digest and assimilate the aliments which it draws for them out of the earth ready prepar'd ; whence they have no excrements as animals have . With whom nevertheless they have so great resemblance that Plato , in his Timaeus , saith , that Plants are tanquam animala ; and Pythagoras conceiv'd them to be inform'd with the souls of some men , who having liv'd in the world without exercising other actions then those of the vegetative life , addicting themselves to nothing but to feed and generate , are condemn'd to pass into the bodies of Plants ; as the souls of those who have lead a brutish life are relegated into those of Swine , Tygres , Lyons , and other brutes whose manners they had imitated . Empedocles and Anaxagoras , as Aristotle reports , attributed to Plants a perception of pain and pleasure . Moreover , they have not only their maladies , old age and death , as animals have , but some too have differences of sex , and local motion , as 't is observ'd of certain Palmes which bend towards one another ; and of divers other Plants which recoil from those that are contrary to them , and grow best neer others . The Sixth said , Life is nothing but the union of the soul with the body ; which requires a fitting temperature and conformation ; from whence afterwards proceed all actions and motions both internal and external . Wherefore life is not an action of an action ; ( which is absurd ) but hath its own actions . Nor is it the action of the soul ; for then the body could not be said to live . But 't is the act of the soul in the body ; which being finite and terminated , as heat its principal instrument is , this is the cause that all living bodies have the terms or bounds of their quantity , both as to greatness and smallness ; but bodies inanimate have not so , because they acquire their quantity only by the approximation and apposition of their matter , and not by receiving the same inwardly ; and because they have no organs which require a certain conformation and magnitude which they never exceed . II. Of Fasting . Upon the second Point , it was said , That there are many sorts of corporal Fasts ( not to speak of the spiritual , which is abstinence from sin . ) There is one of necessity , and the most intolerable of all , which made the ancient Poets declaim against Poverty , saying that it was to be cast into the sea against the rocks ; and which made so few Cynicks , in respect of so many other Sects of Philosophers . Against which evil there is no other remedy , but to make that voluntary which cannot be avoided . There are fasts of thrift for the Covetous ; and others of Policy ▪ observ'd in many States to good purpose , lest the Country be desolated of Cattle ; and would be , should men eat egges and flesh in the beginning of the Spring , when Fowls hatch and Beasts engender , at which time the flesh of animals is unwholsome because they begin then to enter into heat . There is a fast of Health , ordain'd by Physitians to such as are full-bodied , and abound with ill humours ; this is the best lik'd of all ; nothing being undertaken so willingly as for health , whereunto moderate fasting greatly conduces , as well to preserve it , ( according to the Proverb , that Gormandise hath slain more then the Sword ) as recover it , according to the advice of the Arabians , and other Physitians , who all acknowledge intemperance for their best friend , and are wont to prescribe Diet in the first place , to which belong primarily Fasting , then Medicaments , and , lastly , Cauteries . There is also a moral fast , which is a vertue which in eating observes a measure sutable to nature , and right reason , for the taming of the sensual appetite , and encreasing the vigour of mind , which is enervated by plenty of meats . A vertue which S. Austin calls the keeper of the memory and Judgement , Mistress of the Mind , Nurse of Learning and Knowledge . But the Fast of Religion is the most excellent of all , because it refers immediately to God , who by this means is satisfi'd for sins ; because it abates the lust of the flesh , and raises the spirit to contemplation of sublime things , purifying the soul , and subduing the flesh to the spirit ; but particularly that of Lent , whose sutableness is manifest , in that this time is the tenth part of the year , which we offer to God , as from all antiquity the tenths of every thing were dedicated to him . Moreover , 't is observ'd that Moses and Elias who fasted forty days ( the longest fast mention'd in Scripture ) merited to be present at our Lord's Transfiguration . The Second said , Fasting is an abstinence from food , as to quantity or quality . As to the first , some have abstain'd long from all kind of food , as Histories assure us ; and Pliny tells of the Astomi , a people of India neer the River Ganges , who have no mouths , but live only upon smells . But 't is abstinence too when we eat little and soberly , and only so much as is needful for support of life ; such as were the abstinences of the Persians and the Lacedemonians , with whom it was a shameful thing to belch , or blow the Nose ; these being signs of having taken more food then nature is able to digest . The Gymnosophists , Magi , and Brachmans , rigorously observ'd these fasts . In quality , we abstain from some certain meats . Thus the Jews abstain'd from all animals except such as chew'd the Cud , and were cloven hoof'd . And amongst them the Nazarites were forbidden by God to drink Wine or any inebriating liquor ; as the Essceans , a Sect of Monasticks , besides Wine , abstain'd from flesh and women . Pythagoras abhorr'd Beans as much as he lov'd Figs , either because the first were us'd in condemning criminals , or because they excited lust by their flatuosity . None of this Sect touch'd fish , out of reverence to the silence of this animal ; and they made conscience of killing other creatures in regard of their resemblance with us . which was also observ'd by the first men before the Flood for 2000 years together ; the Law of Nature , which then bore sway , making the same abhor'd . But this fast is much harder in our diversity of fare then when only Acorns serv'd for food to our first Fathers ; when the Athenians liv'd of Figs alone , the Argians and Tirynthians of pears , the Medes of Almonds , the Aethiopians of Shrimps , and the fruits of Reeds , the Persians of Cardamomes , the Babylonians of Dates , the Egyptians of Lote , as the Icthyophagi of Fish ; of which dry'd and ground to powder many Barbarians make bread at this day , and their meat of the fresh . For in those days people liv'd not to eat , as many do in these luxurious times , but eat to live . The Third said , That fasting is as contrary to the health of the body as conducive to that of the mind . The best temper , which is hot and moist , is an enemy to the souls operations , which require a temper cold and dry ; which is acquir'd by fasting : hence choler , being hot and dry , gives dexterity and vivacity ; blood , hot and moist , renders men foolish and stupid ; and the cold and dry melancholy humour is the cause of prudence . But this is to be understood of fasting , whereby less food is taken then nature is able to assimilate , not of that which observes a mediocrity , always commendable , and good for health . Moreover , the right end of fasting is to afflict and macerate that body by abstaining from the aliments which it naturally desires . But as in drinking and eating , so in abstinence from either there is no certain rule ; but regard must be had to the nature of the aliments , some of which are more nutritive then others ; to that of the body , to the season , custom , exercises , and other circumstances ; so they who eat plentifully of ill-nourishing meats , or whose stomacks and livers are very large and hot , or who are accustom'd to eat much , will fast longer then those that eat little , but of good juice , or who have not much heat , and use but little exercise . Growing persons , as children , though plentiful feeders , yet oftentimes will fast more then those that eat less . In Winter and Spring , when the bowels are hotter , and sleep longer , fasting is more insupportable , because the natural heat being now stronger then in Summer and Autumn , consumes more nourishment . Wherefore , only discretion can prescribe rules for fasting . If it be for health , so much must be given Nature as she requires , and no more ; the first precept of Hippocrates for health , being , Never to satiate one's self with food . If 't is intended to purge the soul , then 't is requisite to deny something to nature ; the sucking which is felt in the stomack serving to admonish reason of the right use of abstinence . For temperance must not be turn'd into murder , and fasting only macerate , not destroy the body . The Fourth said , That by fasting Socrates preserv'd himself from the Plague , against which we are erroneously taught to make repletion an Antidote : when 't is manifest man's fasting spittle is found to be an enemy to poysons , to kill Vipers , and mortifie Quick-silver . Moreover , we may impute the false consequence which is drawn from the true Aphorisme of Hippocrates ( That Eunuchs , Women and Children , never have the Gout ) and the production of so many modern diseases to gluttony , and the frequency of meals ; our fore-fathers being so well satisfi'd with one , that Plato wonder'd how the Sicilians could eat twice a day . CONFERENCE LXX . I. Of Climacterical Years . II. Of Shame . I. Of Climacterical Years . MAn's life is a Comedy , whereof the Theatre or Stage is the World , Men the Actors , and God the Moderator , who ends the Play , and draws the Curtain when it seems good to him . When 't is play'd to the end , it hath five Acts , Infancy or Childhood , Adolescence , Virility , or Manhood , consisting of middle age , and old age ; each of 14 years , which multiply'd by 5 make 70 years , the term assign'd to humane life by the Royal Prophet . These acts are divided into two Scenes , of as many septenaries , in either of which considerable alterations both in body , goods and mind , also , are observ'd to come to pass . For seeing many persons incur great accidents at one certain number of years rather then another ; and if they scape death , fall again into other dangers at certain times , and so from one degree to another , till they be come to the last step of the Ladder which is call'd Climax by the Greeks ; hence the name of Climacterical comes to be given to the years at which these changes are observ'd . The most general opinion refers them to that number of seven ; though some have attributed them to the ninth , others , to every other second year ; but especially to the product of the one multiply'd by the other , which is sixty three , compos'd of nine times seven , or seven times nine ; and therefore the most dangerous . For seven and nine , as Fermicus Maternus saith , being very pernicious of themselves , their malignity is conjoyn'd in that number of sixty three , call'd upon this account the grand Climacterical ; as 7 , 14 , 21 , 28 , 35 , 41 , 49. ( very considerable amongst them for being the square of seven ) and 56. are call'd less Climactericals ; but 126. the greatest Climacterical of all , because it contains the grand one twice , being compos'd of eighteen Septenaries . Now all these Climactericals are call'd Hebdomaticks , because they go upon seven , as those which are counted by nine are call'd Enneaticks , amongst which the less are 9 , 18 , 27 , 36 , 45 , and 54 , the grand one is again 63 , made also of nine multiply'd by seven ; the rest are 72 , 81 , ( very notable too , for being the square of nine ) 90 , 99 , and so to the greatest Climaterical 126 , made of twice nine Septenaries . Amongst all which years 't is further observ'd , that those are the most dangerous which ascend either by three weeks , or three novenaries of years , as , 21 , 42 , 63 , in the Hebdomaticks ; and 27 , 54 , 81 , in the Ennecaticks . The Second said , That as the Septenary is considerable , so is that of Nine , for the number of the Hierarchies and Celestial Spheres , together with the common number of moneths of womens pregnancy ; the time between the conception and the birth having a great resemblance with the remainder of Man's Life . Likewise the Ternary , proper to the Deity , being multiply'd by it self , must contain what ever wonder and efficacy there can be found in numbers ; since it belongs to innumerable things ; and nothing can be consider'd but with its three dimensions , and its three parts , beginning , middle , and end ; past , present , and future ; hence the assigning of three faces to Janus , three names and three powers to the Moon , according to its own , that of Diana , and that of Hecate ; together with the fiction of three Graces . In brief , as the three greatest changes came to pass in each of the three times of the world , before the Law , under the Law , and after the Law ; so it seems just that this ternary number divide the actions of the less world , as it hath done of the great . The Third said , That he accounted it more reasonable to make this division by the quaternary number , comprehended in the ineffable name of four Letters , the Elements and Humours ; to the contract or amity of which we owe our health , our diseases , death , and all the accidents of our lives . And the slowest motion of the dullest and most malignant of these humours is made in four dayes , the reduplication whereof hath given ground to the error which attributes the Crises and indications of diseases to other numbers . The fourth day is acknowledg'd the first of Natures motion , and serves for a measure and foundation of all others . The Crises of diseases are unanimously attributed to the Moon , which hath but four quarters , distinguish'd by as many faces , which being denominated from the quaternary , argue its power over that Planet ; and consequently , over every thing that depends upon it . And as there are four noble parts in Man , ( comprehending , with Galen , those which preserve the species ) so there are four in the world , East , West , North , and South ; four parts of the earth , Europe , Asia , Africa , and America ; and four Monarchies . But the considerableness of this number appears , in that our Lord having been ask'd five questions , namely , of the time of his Death , his Ascension , the Calling of the Gentiles , and the destruction of Jerusalem , they were accomplish'd in the number of four times ten . For he continu'd dead 40 hours , he ascended into Heaven at the end of 40 dayes , the vocation of the Gentiles typifi'd by the vision of unclean beasts , offer'd by the Angel to Saint Peter to eat , was at the end of 40 moneths , which are about 3 years and a half , ( so long also as Antichrist is to continue ) and the destruction of Jerusalem came to pass at the end of 40 years . Whence some suspect that the end of the world ( which was another question made to him ) will probably happen after 40 times 40 years ; which added to the preceding would fall about the year 1640. Moreover , the quaternary is not onely a square number , but causing all others to be denominated such ; the cause of the change which happens in this number , is , for that a Cube cannot be vari'd and mov'd but with difficulty ; so that great causes are requisite to produce those changes , which producing great effects , become more sensible and remarkable then the ordinary ones , which more easily cause variation in other numbers remote from the cubick figure . The Fourth said , That the Prince of Physitians having affirm'd that the Septenary is the dispenser of life , and author of all its changes , seven must be the true Climacterical . For in seven hours the Geniture receives its first disposition to conception ; in seven dayes it is coagulated ; in seven weeks it is distinguish'd into members . The Infant cannot come forth alive sooner then the seventh moneth , and anciently it was not nam'd till after seven dayes ; being not accounted fully to have life till it had attaind that periodical day . The Teeth spring out at the seventh moneth , they shed and are renew'd in the seventh year , at which time the Child begins to speak articulately , and to be capable of Discipline . At twice seven years it is pubes . At twenty one the beard sprouts forth . At twenty eight growing ceases . At thirty five a Man is fit for marriage and the warrs . At forty two he is wise , or never . At 49 he is in his Apogee , or highest pitch ; after which he grows old , and changes alwayes by Septenaries till he have accomplish'd the years of his life ; which Hippocrates , for this reason , distributes into seven Ages . The virtue of this Number appears likewise in divine things ; God having sanctifi'd the seventh day by his own rest and ours , and all Nations measuring their time by weeks . But 't is not without mystery , that Enoch the seventh after Adam , was translated into Heaven ; that Jesus Christ is the seventy seventh in a direct line from the first Man ; that he spoke seven times upon the Cross , on which he was seven hours ; that he appear'd seven times ; and after seven times seven dayes sent the Holy Ghost . That in the Lords prayer there are seven Petitions , contain'd in seven times seven words . The Apostles chose seven Deacons . All the mysteries of the Apocalypse are within this number ; mention being there made of seven seals of the Book , of seven horns of the Lamb , and seven eyes which are the seven Spirits of God sent throughout all the earth , of the seven heads and seven questions of the Dragon ; of the seven heads of the Woman , which are seven hills ; of seven Kings , seven Angels , seven Trumpets , seven vials , seven plagues . The Scripture makes mention of seven resurrections to that of our Saviours . The 1. of the Widows Son of Sarepta , by Elias . The 2. of the Shunamite's Son , by Elisha . The 3. of the Souldier who touch'd the bones of that Prophet . The 4. of the Daughter of the Ruler of the Synagogue . The 5. of the Widows Son of Naim . The 6. of Lazarus . And the 7. of our Lord. The Rabbins say that God employ'd the power of this Number to make Samuel so great as he was ; his name answering in value of the Letters to the Hebrew word which signifies seven ; whence Hannah his Mother , in her thanks to God , saith , That the barren had brought forth seven . Solomon spent seven years in building Gods Temple . Jacob serv'd seven years for Leah , and as many for Rachel . The wall of Jericho fell down at the sound of Joshuah's seven Trumpets , after the Israelites had gone seven times about it on the seventh day . Nabuchadononosor did penance for his pride seven years amongst the beasts . Moreover , there are seven Penitential Psalms . The Nile and the Danow have seven mouths . There are seven hills at Rome , Prague , and Constantinople . Noah entred into the Ark with seven persons , and seven pairs of all clean Animals . After seven dayes the waters fell from Heaven during seven times seven dayes . On the seventh moneth the Ark rested upon the Mountain of Ararat . The Ecclesiastes limits mourning to seven dayes . There were seven years of plenty , and as many of famine , in Aegypt . There were seven Lamps in the Tabernacle , typifying seven gifts of the Spirit . The Jews ate unleavened bread seven dayes ; and as many celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles . They let their land rest every seventh year , and after seven times seven had their Jubilee . The strength of Sampson lay in seven locks of his Hair. There are seven Sacraments in the Church , as in Heaven seven Planets , seven Pleiades , seven Stars in the two Bears . The Periodical course of the Moon is made in four times seven days , at each of which septenaries , it changes its face . In brief , there were seven miracles of the World , and seven Sages of Greece . There are seven Electors , seven liberal Arts , seven pairs of Nerves , seven Orifices serving for gates to the Senses : Natural sleep is limited to seven hours ; and this Number is by some justly esteem'd the knot , or principal band of all things , and the symbol of Nature . The Fifth said , It was not without cause that Augustus was so extreamly fearful of the Climactericals , that when he had pass'd his 63d year , he writ in great joy to all his friends ; but he dy'd in the second Climacterick after , his 77th year , consisting of eleven septenaries , which was also fatal to Tiberius , Severus , T. Livius , Empedocles , S. Augustin , Bessarion ; as the sixty third was to Aristotle , Cicero ( who also was banish'd in his Climacterick of 49 ) Demosthenes , Trajan , Adrian , Constantine , S. Bernard , the blessed Virgin , and many others . And the next Climacterick of 70 , to three of the Sages of Greece , to Marius , Vespasian , Antoninus , Golienus , David , who was also driven from his Kingdom by his Son , at his sixty third year ; and committed his adultery and homicide at his forty nineth ; both climactericals . And as much might be observ'd of the fates and actions of other men , were regard had of them . Our first Father dy'd at the age of 931 years , which was climacterical to him , because it contains in it self seven times 133. Lamech dy'd at 777 years , climacterical likewise , as Abraham dy'd at 175 , which contains 25 times seven . Jacob at 147 , consisting of 21 times seven ; Judas at 119 , made of 17 times seven ; the power of which Climactericals many make to extend to the duration of States , which Plato conceiv'd not to be much above 70 weeks of years . The Sixth said , That regular changes proceeding necessarily from a regular cause , and no motion being exactly regular in all nature but that of the Heavens ; supposing there be climacterical years , and not so many deaths and remarkable accidents in all the other numbers of days , moneths and years , had they been all as carefully observ'd as some of them have been ) their power of alteration cannot but be ascrib'd to the celestial bodies . That which befalls us every seventh year arises hence ; as every Planet rules its hour , so it makes every day , moneth , and year septenary ; beginning by Saturn , and ending at the Moon , which governs the seventh , and therein causes all mutations , which acquire malignity by the approach of Saturn presiding again over the eighth ; which is the cause why births in the eighth moneth are seldom vital . II. Of Shame . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the Passions consider evil and good not only absolutely , but also under certain differences . Desire hath regard to absent good , not in general , but in particular ; sometimes under the respect of Riches , and then 't is call'd Covetousness ; sometimes of Honour , and then 't is call'd Ambition ; sometimes of Beauties , and then 't is an amorous inclination . So grief looks upon present evil ; if it be in another , it causes compassion in us ; if in our selves , and apprehended prejudicial to our honour , it causes shame , which is a grief for an evil which we judge brings ignominy to us ; a grief so much the greater , in that no offence goes more to the quick then that which touches our reputation . It occasion'd the death of a Sophist , because he could not answer a question ; and of Homer , because he could not resolve the riddle of the Fishers ; and of others also , upon their having been non-plus'd in publick . For as nothing is more honorable then vertue and knowledge ; so nothing is so ignominious as ignorance and vice , nor ( consequently ) that makes us so much asham'd ; being reproaches of our falling short of our end , ( which is , to understand and to will ) and so of being less then men ; but ( as Plato said ) Monsters of nature . But amongst all the vices , Nature hath render'd none so shameful as that of lasciviousness , whereof not only the act , but also the gestures and signs cause shame . Hence an immodest or ambiguous word , and a fix'd look , make women and children blush , whom shame becomes very well , being the guard of chastity , and the colour of vertue ; as it ill becomes old men , and persons confirm'd in vertue , who ought not to commit any thing whereof they may be asham'd . The Second said , That shame is either before vice and the infamy which follows it , or after both . In the first sence , shame is a fear of dishonour . In the second , 't is a grief for being fallen thereinto . Neither of the two is ever wthout love of honesty , but lies between the two extreams , or sottish and rustick bashfulness on the one side , and impudence on the other . The former is found in those who are asham'd of vertue , or cannot deny any thing , although it be contrary to honesty , good manners , and their own will ; or in such who cannot look a man in the face , which although frequently an obstacle to brave actions , yet is a common token of a good soul , rather inclin'd to honesty then to vice ; like Edler and other wild herbs , which being good for nothing , and hindring the growth of others , are yet signs of a good soil . On the contrary , impudence is the symptome of a soul extreamly deprav'd ; the defect of inward grief , which comes from the perversion of the Intellect , and the loss of Conscience , rendring the maladies of the soul incurable , as insensibility makes those of the body desperate . But modesty and true shame fears true dishonours , and is griev'd for them ; having this of vertue , which the greater it is , the more it fears things greatly formidable and infamous , such as vice , and its concomitant , ignominy , are : but not much other things , which depend only on the imagination , and are not any way dishonest of themselves ; in which 't is poorness of mind to blush . Thus S. Paul saith he was not asham'd of the Gospel . And our Lord , that they who shall be asham'd of him before men , he will deny them before his Father . For , to speak truth , we ought not to be asham'd of any thing but vice and its effects . Before sin , our first Parents knew not what it was to be asham'd ; but after it they were asham'd of their nakedness , the same sense whereof remains to all their posterity . The Third said , As some things are of themselves shameful , because they are vicious ; so some are not shameful saving at certain times and places , to which the customs of each Country , for the most part , give Law : others are always so , although of themselves lawful , and far from being vicious ; as those things which civility and honesty forbid to do publickly ; whence Diogenes merited the name of Dog for transgressing those laws of seemliness . For as honour is drawn not only from vertue , but from many other circumstances , which for the most part depend upon the opinion of men who dispose of this honour , so doth dishonour and the shame which follows it . The Fourth said , That shame is not a passion ( as neither compassion nor emulation ) because it hath no vertue which regulates its disorders ; much less a vertue , not being firm , and constant , but a simple motion to good , and a slight impression of honesty in the will and affections , produc'd either by nature or custom , and not yet so firmly rooted as vertue ; whence it is very mutable and incertain . For we are asham'd of being too tall or too low , commended or blam'd , yea we blush no less for defects which cannot be imputed to us , as mean extraction , or some corporal imperfection which we cannot mend , then we do for being found lyars or surpriz'd in some other fault . To which inconstancy is the agitation of the blood and spirits to be referr'd , whose tincture diffus'd in the face betrays our dissimulation in spite of us . CONFERENCE LXXI . I. Why motion produces heat . II. Of Chastity . I. Why motion produces heat . LOcal motion is not only the most common , but likewise the most noble of all , since 't is not found in animals till they have acquir'd their perfection . Besides , it produces heat , the noblest and most active of all qualities ; upon this account Physians enjoyn exercise to discuss cold and phlegmatick humours ; because animal motion cannot be perform'd without spirits , and these being of an igneous nature calefie all the parts towards which they flow . But being motion produces heat in life-less things too , 't is harder to render a reason of this effect in them then in animals . Thus Arrows have been seen to become 〈◊〉 by the swiftness of their flight . Millers turn part of their 〈◊〉 upon the axle-tree of their wheel , otherwise it would be on fire ▪ and Waggoners , as well for this purpose as to facilitate their turning , grease their wheels , thereby to remedy the dryness of the axle-tree which disposes the same to ignition . Those that hold it for a Principle , That motion heats , account is as absurd to inquire the cause thereof , as to ask why fire do's so . But without ground , since every motion heats not ; that of inanimate bodies if slow , produces no heat , but only when it is swift : 't is requisite too that the bodies be solid ; otherwise we see motion cools water and air , and hinders their corruption , which proceeds from heat . This argues that it cannot be a principle ; for a principle must hold good in all subjects , and be such as no instance can be brought against it . Such heat therefore comes from the attrition of the air , which being rarefi'd beyond what its nature permits , waxes hot , and sometimes is turn'd into fire , wherewith it symbolizes upon the account of its heat ; as , on the contrary , when the same air is too much condens'd , 't is resolv'd into water , wherewith also it symbolizes by it moisture . For as there are terms of quantity in all mix'd bodies ; so in all simple bodies there are terms of rarity and density , beyond which the Element cannot preserve it self , without admitting vacuity , when it is more rare then its matter can endure ; or without penetration of dimension , when it hath more matter then it needeth . The Second said , That to ascribe that heat caus'd by motion to the air inflam'd and turn'd into fire by attrition and attenuation of its parts , is to explicate a manifest thing by one more obscure , and whereupon all are not agreed ; such is the transmutation of one element into another . 'T is Therefore more probable that this heat is not produc'd anew , but is the same which is in all mix'd bodies , wherein there is an elementary fire ; which being buri'd , and ( as 't were ) intangled in the bonds of the other Elements , appears not unless it be excited by motion . As in putrefaction the same heat being attracted by the outward heat of the air , becomes perceptible by the sense . And as those that have drawn a Landskip in distemper upon a table of oyl , coming to wash the table , make the first draught appear which before was hid ; or as the earth of a Mine which contains Gold or Silver , being wash'd , exhibites these Metals visible , but produces them not anew , because they were there before : so motion do's not make , but discover heat , introducing a disposition in the subject by friction , rarefying and drying the surfaces of two contiguous bodies ; which two qualities being proper to receive the impression of fire , are also more so to make that appear which is in all bodies not only potentially , but likewise actually . For if 't were the air included between two bodies rub'd and mov'd with violence , it would follow that every sort of body would be apt to produce fire , and especially the most aerious , as being most inflammable . Moreover , nothing hindring but that two Spheres may be so contiguous , as the Celestial are , that there can be no air between them , yet they might nevertheless be mov'd and heated , yea much more then if there were air interpos'd between them . The Third said , As a form cannot be receiv'd into any subject without previous dispositions , so when they are present they suddenly snatch the form to themselves . Those of fire are rarity , lightness and dryness ; of which the more bodies partake , the more they will be susceptible of the nature of fire . Therefore what is capable of being heated by motion must be dry not moist ; whence fire is never produced by water , any more then of air agitated , by reason of their excessive humidity , perfectly contrary to the dryness of fire . But that which is extreamly dry is half fire , needing no more but to become hot , as happens necessarily when it is rarefi'd and attenuated by motion , and consequently inflam'd ; every substance extreamly tenuious and dry being igneous , since in the order of nature all matter necessarily receives the form whereof it hath all the dispositions . For there being a separation and divulsion of parts made in every sort of motion , as is seen in water when it falls from on high , it follows that they are render'd more rare , and capable of being converted into fire . The Fourth said , That motion , rarity , and heat ordinarily follow , and are the causes one of another . Thus the Heavens by their rapid motion excite heat in all sublunary bodies ; and this heat , as 't is its property , opening the parts , rarefies the whole . Water receiving the rayes of the Sun is mov'd and agitated by them ; this motion produces rarity ; this , heat ; which makes the subtilest parts ascend upwards : as , on the contrary , heat being the most active quality , is the cause of motion ; this , of rarity , by collision attenuating the mov'd parts . So that motion is not more the cause of heat , then this is of motion . The Fifth said , That heat and fire ( which is only an excess of heat ) are produc'd four ways ; by propagation , union , putrefaction , and motion . In the first way , one way generates another fire ; a thing common to it with all other bodies in nature , which is so fruitful that even the least things produce their like . In the second manner , when the Sun-beams are reflected by bellow glasses , they burn in the point of union , provided the matter be not white , because whitenesse takes away the reason upon which they burn , which is their uniting ; whereas white disunites and disgregates the rayes . To which manner that of antiperistasis is also to be referr'd , when external cold causes such a union of the degrees of heat , that it becomes inflam'd . The third cause of heat is putrefaction proceeding from disunion of the Elements ; amongst which fire being the most active becomes becomes also more sensible to us . The last is motion , by which bodies rub'd or clash'd one against another , take fire by reason of the Sulphur contain'd in them , which alone is inflamable ; as we see Marble and Free-stone yield not fire as Flints do , whose smell after the blew seems sulphureous . For if only the air be fir'd , whence comes it , that in striking the steel the sparkles of fire fall downwards , contrary to the nature of fire , which ascends ? besides , the air would be turn'd into flames , not into sparkles , and two stones rub'd one against the other would cause as much fire as steel and the flint , or other stones , out of whose substance these igneous particles are struck . Whence , according to their differences , they make different sparkles ; If the stones be hard , and struck strongly , they render a sprightly fire ; if soft , they either render none at all , or such as is less vigorous . Moreover , the observations of fire issuing forth upon the rubbing of a Lyon's bones , as also Laurel and Ivy , and Crystal with Chalcedon ; and that which comes from stroking the back of a Cat in the dark , and from the casting a drop of rectifi'd oyl of Vitriol into cold water , evidence that this fire is produc'd out of the bosom of the matter which is more dispos'd thereunto then any other , not from the encompassing air . But that which serves most to shew that 't is from the matter this fire of motion comes , is the duration of the Heavens , which being in all probability solid , would have been set on fire , were it not that they are not of a combustible matter , nor apt to conceive fire ; for how little soever that heat were , there would be more neer the Sphere of the Moon then at the Centre of the Earth ; and nevertheless the air is frozen while heat causes corruptions and generations upon the earth , and at the centre of it ; and this heat having been always encreasing , as is that of the motion , would be insupportable . II. Of Chastity . Upon the second Point , it was said , That Reason regulates the inclinations of the appetite by the vertues , amongst which temperance serves to moderate that of eating by abstinence ; and of drinking , by sobriety ; as also the concupiscence of the flesh by chastity , which is more excellent then the two former , in that its business lies with more powerful adversaries which assail it without as well as within , by so many avenues as there are senses ; amongst which the hearing and sight receiving the poyson of glances , and words , cause chastity to stagger and languish ; but it receives the deadly blow when the touch surrenders it self to the inchantment of kisses , and the other delights which follow them . Moreover , the necessity of natural actions being the standard of pleasure , and generation which concerns the general being more necessary then nutrition which relates only to the particular , it hath also more pleasure ; and , consequently , being more hard to withstand , chastity which surmounts it , not only deserves Palmes and Triumphs in the other world , but also in this hath been rewarded by God with the gift of Prophecy in the Sibyls , and is honour'd by all , even the most wicked for its rarity ; which made the Poet say , that there was none in his time chaste but she that had not been tempted . Now Chastity is of three sorts , Virgineal , Conjugal , and that of Widows ; to which the Fathers attribute what is said of the grains of Corn , which brought forth , one a hundred ; other , thirty ; and other , sixty . For Virgineal Chastity , in either sex , consisting in integrity of body , and purity of soul , and in a firm purpose to abstain from all sort of carnal pleasures , the better to attend divine service , is more worthy then the other two , and prefer'd before any other condition by S. Paul , who counsels every one to desire to be like him in this point . Hence the Church hath chosen it , and is so immutably affected to it , to the end souls freed from worldly care might be more at leisure for divine things , from which Matrimony extreamly diverts . The chastity of Widows hath , for pattern , the Turtle and the Raven , who having lost their mates live nine ages of men without coupling with others ; and the Apostle saith , Widows in deed are worthy of double honour . The Conjugal hath also made Penelope renown'd , and hath for example the Etnaean fish , of which the male and female never part . The Second said , Virgineal Chastity is not absolutely vertuous of it self , having been practis'd by Pagans and Idolaters , who devoted themselves to their false gods , and being found in children newly born : which cannot be said of vertues , which are acquir'd by precepts and good manners , not by nature . Moreover , it may be lost without sin , as in Virgins violated , or those that are married ; yea sometimes with merit , as when Hosea the Prophet took a Harlot to wife by God's express command . And being once lost , it cannot be repair'd by repentance as other vertues may . Whence S. Jerome writing to Eustochium , saith , that God who is able to do all things , yet cannot restore virginity . 'T is therefore commendable so far as it is referr'd to God : in which case 't is a most admirable thing , and the more because 't is above nature , which by Marriage peoples the Earth , but Virginity peoples Heaven , where there shall be no marrying , but we shall be as the Angels of God , who being a pure Spirit , loves purity above all things . The Third said , That Virginity is wholly contrary to the nature of man , who desires nothing so much as immortality , which being not attainable in his own person he seeks in his successors , who are part of himself . Yea it seems to have somewhat of insensibility , the vicious excess of temperance , since it wholly abstains from all pleasures ; some of which are lawful . Therefore Plato sacrific'd to Nature , as if to make her satisfaction for his having continu'd a virgin all his life ; and the Romans laid great fines upon such as would not marry ; as on the other side , they granted immunities to those that brought children into the world ; whence remains at this day the right of three , four and five children , observ'd still amongst us , those that have five children being exempted from Wardships . Yea , among the Jews it could not be without reproach , since sterility was ignominious among them , and was accounted the greatest curse . Moreover , Marriage not only supplies Labourers , Artisans , Souldiers and Citizens to the State , but Kings and Princes to the People , Prelates and Pastors to the Church , and a Nursery to Paradise , which would not be peopled with Virgins , did not the married give them being . Whence S. Austustin justly makes a Question , Who merited most before God , Abraham in Marriage , or S. John Baptist in the Virgineal State. The Fourth said , That being things are term'd vertuous when they are according to right reason , which requires that we make use of means proportionately to their end ; therefore Virginity is a vertue , and the more sublime in that it is in order to the most excellent end , namely , the contemplation of Divine Mysteries . For amongst the goods of men , some are external , as riches ; others of the body , as health ; others of the soul , amongst which those of the contemplative life are more excellent then those of the active . As therefore 't is according to right reason , that external goods are made subservient to those of the body , and these to the goods of the soul ; so is the denying the pleasures of the body the better to intend the actions of the contemplative life : as Virginity do's , which freeing us from carnal thoughts affords us more convenience to mind the things of God , and to be pure in body and spirit . 'T is therefore the end which makes Virginity to be vertuous . Whence those Roman Vestals , and the Brachmans among the Indians , who abstain'd wholly from Marriage , nevertheless deserve the name of Virgins . And Spurina , mention'd by Valerius Maximus , so chaste that perceiving himself as much lov'd by the Thuscan Ladies , as he was hated by their Husbands , disfigur'd his face with voluntary wounds , had indeed some shadow , but not the body of this vertue . The invention of Gaila and Papa , Daughters of Gisuphe Duke of Friuli , was much more ingenious ; who at the sacking of their City , beholding the chastity of their sex prostituted to the lust of the Souldiers , fill'd their laps with stinking flesh , whose bad smell kept those from them who would have attempted their honour . The fifth said , That the excellence of Virgineal Chastity is such , that it hath no vitious excess ; for the more we abstain from pleasures , the more pure we are . And as it is blemish'd many wayes , so it is preserv'd by many others . Amongst which , is first , Employment or Business ; whence Cupid , in Lucian , excuses himself to his Mother , that he could not wound Minerva , because he never found her idle . Modesty is also the Guardian of it , as to appear seldome in publick ; whence the Hebrews call'd their Virgins Almach , which signifies Recluses . Moreover , dishonest gestures , words , and looks , are to be avoided . And amongst corporeal means , Abstinence and Maceration of the body , are very effectual ; as amongst Aliments such as are cold , as Nenuphar , or Water-lilly , ( call'd therefore Nymphaea ) and Lettice , which the Pythagoreans for this reason Eunuch , and under which upon the same account the Poets feign Venus to have hid Adonis . As likewise the leaves of Willows bruised , the ashes of Tamarisk , and the flowers of Agnus Castus , which is a sort of Ozier , so call'd by the Greeks , because the Athenian Ladies lay upon them during the festivals of Ceres , to represse the ardour of Love , whereof , they say , such are not sensible as have drunk wine wherein the fish nam'd Trigla is suffocated , or who have eaten Rue . But because these remedies are not infallible , Origen took another course , making himself actually an Eunuch , for fear of losing that rare treasure of Virginity , whose loss is both inestimable and irreparable . CONFERENCE LXXII . I. Of Thunder . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . I. Of Thunder . AS Water and Earth are the grossest of the Elements , so they receive most sensibly the actions of the Celestial Bodies , chiefly the Sun's heat ; which exhaling and drawing up their purer parts , vapours from the Water , and exhalations from the Earth , forms meteors of them . And as the cold and moist vapours make tempests , dew , and frost , in the lower Region ; and in the middle , clouds , rain , hail , snow . Exhalations , if fat and unctuous , cause Comets in the higher Region , and in the lower the two Ignes Fatui ; if dry and subtile , they make Earth-quakes in the bowels of the Earth ; in its surface , winds and tempests ; in the middle Region of the Air , Lightning , Fulgur , or the Thunder-bolts and Thunder . For these three commonly follow and produce one another . Lightning is the coruscation or flashing of the matter inflam'd . And though produc'd by Thunder , yet is sooner perceiv'd then the other heard ; because the Sight is quicker then the Hearing , by reason its object , the visible species , are mov'd in an instant ; but sound successively , because of the resistance of the Air , its medium . Thunder is the noise excited by the shock and shattering of the cloud by the inclos'd exhalation ; whence rain commonly follows it . Fulgur is the exhalation inflam'd , which impetuously breaks out at the sides of the cloud , wherein it is oftentimes turn'd into a stone of the shape of a wedge ; the celestial heat then working the same effect in the cavities of the cloud that our common fire doth in crucibles ; in which equal portions of Sulphur , Tartara , and Antimony inflam'd , turn into a very hard stone , of the colour of the Thunder-bolt , call'd Regulus Antimonii . The Second said , As fire is sometimes produc'd in the Air without noise , and noise without fire ; so a great fire is made there with little noise , as when what they call a Falling Star passes through a moist cloud , in which it makes a hissing like that of hot Iron in cold water , whence Winds proceed ; and sometimes a great noise with little fire ; as when an Exhalation inflam'd hollows and breaks the cloud which encloses it , or else impressing a violent and rapid motion upon it , makes it clash impetuously against other clouds . For impetuousness supplies for hardnesse , as is seen in Air which whistles when beaten by Winds ; there being some things which tension renders hard , as Wind included in a foot-ball . And what is reported of the Cataracts of Nile , whose waters make so vehement a noise , that it renders the people there abouts deaf , is a sufficient evidence that two fluid bodies clashing violently together , make as great a sound as two solid bodies mov'd with lesse violence . The Third said , That what is done below being the figure of what is done on high , the one may be clearly explicated by the other . Wherefore as Exhalation with vapor makes metals in the entrails of the Earth ; so in the Air it makes Thunder , whither they ascend together , the vapor being blended with the Exhalation ; or severally , this latter being set on fire in the cold and vaporous cloud ; or being no longer containable there through its great rarity , encounter'd by the coldness of the cloud and the Air , it seeks some out-let ; which not finding , 't is necessitated to hollow the bollow the belly of the cloud which obstructed it . This rarity proceeds from its heat and drynesse , which are commonly turn'd into fire by the sole motion of the Exhalation , or by the rayes of the Sun , or of some other Stars reflected by the smooth surface of an opposite cloud ; in the same manner as Burning-glasses set on fire such things as are plac'd at some convenient distance . Which should be thought no more strange then mock-suns and mock-moons , which are made in the same manner , but in a flat or plain cloud , not parabolical , such as the figure of Burning-glasses must be . Moreover , fire may be excited by the Antiperistasis of the vehement cold in the middle Region of the Air , which causes the degrees of heat to unite , ( as those of other qualities strengthen one another in an enemy country ) and become flame . Hence Thunders are more frequent in Southern then in Northern Countries , in hot seasons then in Winter , wherein the cold closing the pores of the Earth , hinders the free issue of the Exhalations , and the middle Region of the Air is found less cold . But the most sensible example of Thunder is that of our Guns ; the powder , being so suddenly inflam'd that it cannot reside in the barrel , where it takes up a thousand times more room then it did whilst it remain'd in its terrene nature , according to the decuple proportion of the Elements , violently breaks forth , and carries with it what ever resists it , breaking the Gun ( unless the mouth be open ) though much stronger then a cloud , whose spissitude nevertheless supplies for its rarity . The Fourth said , That the Nature of Thunder and Thunderbolts is so occult that all antiquity call'd them the weapons of Jupiter which he discharg'd upon the wicked , as is testifi'd by their fables of the Giants , Salmoneus , Phaeton , and some others . Nor is there any so hardned in wickedness , but trembles at the cracking of Thunder and Thunder-bolts , which Socrates , in Xenophon , calls the Invisible Ministers of God. And one Emperor acknowledg'd himself no God , by going to hide himself in a cave while it thunder'd , because Thunder-bolts are conceiv'd not to enter the Earth above five foot deep . Others have thought that there is something supernatural in it , and that Daemons have commonly a hand in it ; because its effects being unlike those of corporeal Agents seem to be produc'd by spirits , who are able to move what ever there is in Nature ; and this the more easily , being not ty'd to the conditions of the matter , but mov'd in an instant , and penetrating all bodies whatever . For Thunder hath kill'd many who had no appearance of hurt upon them ; the Hair of some hath been taken off without other inconvenience ; it hath consum'd the Tongues of some , or turn'd them downwards ; it hath melted the money in the purse , and the sword in the scabbard , without other mischief ; it sowres Wine in the vessel , spoils Eggs under a Hen , and makes Sheep abortive . Moreover , the Scripture tells us , that God hath many times us'd Thunder either to punish or terrifie men , as he did in Aegypt by the rod of Moses , who calls Thunder-bolts God's swords , as David doth his Arrows , and the Thunder his voice . The Law was given to the Israelites with Thunders and Lightnings ; and Saint John in his Revelation saith , that Thunders and Lightnings proceed from Gods Throne . Indeed nothing more visibly notifies his presence , power , and justice ; yet alwayes accompany'd with Clemency ; for he threatens by Lightning , and speaks by Thunder , before he strikes by the Thunder-bolt ; and the rumbling of this Thunder menaces a whole Region , though commonly it carries the blow but upon one person , or oftentimes none at all . The Fifth said , Fear ( which not onely sometimes made the Romans worship Famine and the Fever , but makes it self an Idol in the Minds of the Ignorant ) has perswaded men that there is something Divine in Thunder , because they dread the dismal effects of it and know not the cause , although it be as natural as that of all other Meteors . Hence some have had recourse to impertinent and superstitious remedies ; as , to pronounce certain barbarous words , to carry certain figures or characters about them , and ( according to Wierus ) to lay a Thunder-stone , call'd by the Greeks , Ceraunium , between two Eggs upon a Table in the house which you would preserve , or hang an Egg lay'd on Ascension-day to the roof of the House ; and such other absurd and prophane means . The Northern people were much more ridiculous ; who , as Olaus reports , shot Arrows up to Heaven when it Thunder'd , thereby ( as they said ) to help their Gods who were assail'd by others . The Thracians fell a howling against Heaven , struck their shields with their swords , and rung all their bells ; which latter is practis'd at this day , to the end the vehement agitation of the Air may divert the Thunder-bolt from the steeples , upon which , as upon all other high places , especially upon trees , it is wont to fall . 'T is held also that strong smells have the same virtue ; as amongst Animals , the Sea-calf and Hyaena , and amongst Plants , the Fig-tree and Lawrell , of which Caesar commonly wore a wreath , rather for this purpose then to cover his bald head . But 't is little probable what they relate of Zoroaster and Numa , as that they still'd Thunder when they pleas'd , and that Tullus Hostilius attempting to do the same was Thunder-struck . II. Which of all the Arts is the most necessary . Upon the Second Point it was said , That if we take the judgement of each Artist , there 's none but thinks himself more necessary then his companion . Whence commonly there is contention for dignity among those that profess several Arts. Which made a Physitian tell his Patient , who complain'd that his Apothecary told him he needed a medicine , and his Chyrurgion that he wanted nothing but blood-letting ; that if he took the advice of his Shoe-maker , 't was requisite for him to have a pair of boots . And even a seller of matches finding himself in danger in a boat upon the Seine , embracing his merchandize , cry'd out , Ville de Paris que tu perdes ; O Paris , what a losse wilt thou have ! But to consider things in themselves , Agriculture ( call'd by Cicero the most worthy employment of an ingenuous mind ; by Aristotle , the justest manner of acquisition , and the Mother of all the Arts ) seems to be most absolutely necessary . No private person , much lesse Republicks , ever thought of any thing so carefully as their provision , which is the foundation upon which all the other projects of Man depend ; the hungry belly having no ears , and consequently , being incapable of discipline . And good Architects alwayes build the kitching first . Our first Father exercis'd Tillage at his first going out of Eden ; and 't was from the plough that Coriolanus , Seranus , Curius , and Cato , and so many other great Roman Captains were taken . In brief , the styling of Earth Mans Mother and Nurse , argues that 't is not lesse necessary to us then a Mother and Nurse to Children , and consequently , those that till it then Fathers . The Second said , As the beauty of nature consists chiefly in the variety of Natural Agents , determin'd each to a particular work ; so that of a State appears principally in the multitude of Work-men and Artisans . And as the meanest of these Natural Agents , like small Simples , are more necessary , and have more virtue then the tallest Cedars and Cypresses ; so amongst the Arts , the basest in appearance are the most noble and necessary , as Agriculture , and keeping of Sheep , which was exercis'd by Apollo , Paris , Saul and David . Whence the Greek Poet calls Kings , Pastors of the people ; a name still retain'd by the Prelates of the Church ; and Plato conceiv'd that the daemons and happy spirits were sometimes Shepherds ; and Philo the Jew saith , that the Pastoral Art was a praelude to Royalty , as that of hunting is the apprentisage of war. Moreover , hunting , its neer sister , was much practis'd by the Persians and all warlike Nations ; and Xenophon highly recommends it , but specially to Princes , in his institution of Cyrus ; as Julius Pollex did to the Emperor Commodus , for an heroical recreation , serving to strengthen both body and mind , and rendring men vigilant , laborious and indefatigable . The Third said , That Man , sutable to his three principal Organs , the Intellect , the Tongue and the Hand , spending his whole life in reasoning , speaking , or doing , he therefore needs three sorts of Arts to serve him for rules in all his operations . The first , to form his Reason , therefore call'd Logick . The second , to regulate his words , and is either Grammar which instructs him to speak rightly , or Rhetorick to speak handsomely , or History to relate well , or Dialectick to speak of every thing probably . The third comprehends all real Arts , whose number infinitely exceeds the two other ; for Men speak and reason after the same manner , because they do it naturally ; but they operate in several manners according to the several usages and Customs of people and places . Amongst these real Arts , some are necessary to life , as Agriculture , and keeping of Cattle , which supply us with Food and Raiment from the Earth and Animals . Others are useful thereunto , as the Art of building Houses , that of Taylors and Shoe-makers , and other manufactures which we cannot want without inconvenience . Others are for ornament , as Painting , Embroidery , Dancing . Others are onely for pleasure ; as the Art of Cookery , perfuming , and all those which tickle the Ear by musical instruments . In brief , the scope of some is onely Truth , as the Art of measuring Heaven and the Stars , with some others , which as the most excellent , having Truth the divinest and noblest thing in the world for their object , so they are the least necessary ; and therefore were invented last . For the most necessary Arts are the most ancient . The use of things ( the measure of their necessity ) having constrain'd Men to make but rude Arts at the first , which they afterwards polish'd and refin'd by their industry , which is continually adding to former inventions . The Fourth said , Since Divine Authority hath commanded to honour Physick for its necessity , 't is no longer lawful to prefer any other Art before it . Agriculture should in vain help the Earth's production of fruits , did not Physick by preserving and restoring health enable Man to enjoy the same , 'T is not considerable what some alledge , That Physitians may be spar'd , because there were none in Rome for 600. together , after they had been expell'd from thence ; since to be without Physitians , is not to be without Physick . For then every one was his own Physitian . As if the Magistrates be driven out of a State , it does not follow that Justice is driven out too ; because others succeed into their places ; and the greatest Thieves keep some form of justice and laws among themselves . The Fifth said , That the onely means of keeping States being to get ( since in matters of Oeconomy , the foundation of States , not to gain and advantage is to go behind-hand ) Merchandize both in gross and retail being the surest and speediest means to enrich Cities , seems the most necessary of all Arts ; besides , it maintains society amongst Men , who could not supply one anothers needs , if there were not an Art of trafficking by Exchange or sale , which makes but one City of the whole world , both old and new . The Sixth said , That the Military Art being the sword and buckler of a State , is both the noblest and most necessary of all . 'T is in vain that Men labour , travel , plead , traffick , or heal themselves , if the Souldier hinders not the Enemies invasion , and keep not the State in liberty , by securing it both from the disturbances of Rebels , and incursiions of Forreiners . If one be the weakest , his plump and sound body being taken by Pirates will serve onely for the Galleyes of his conqueror . There remains nothing to the conquer'd but sorrow . Those goodly crops of Corn are for the Souldiers who are Masters of the campaigne . War is the fair where wares are had best cheap ; and in sack'd Cities commodities are taken without weighing , and Stuffs are not measur'd but with the Pike instead of the Ell ; if any complain , there needs no more but to imitate Brennus's treating with the Romans besiedg'd in the Capitol , cast the sword into the balance , it will carry it . Wherefore being Master of all Arts , it is more necessary then they . For he that is strongest finds sufficient of every thing . The Seventh said , As amongst the Arts , some have others subservient to them , as the Ephippians to the Military Art ; Chyrurgery , Pharmacy , the Gymnastick , and all that relate to Health , to Medicine or Physick ; Carpentry , Masonry , and others employ'd about building to Architecture ; and these Master Arts are call'd Architectonical : So there is one above all these which is Policy , the Eye and Soul of the State , which governs all Arts , gives them their rewards , and punishes their defects ; sets what price it pleases upon things ; affords convenient place for the merit of every one , sends Armies into the field , and calls them back according to the necessity of affairs ; hath care of Piety and Justice , establishes Magistracy , appoints quarters to Souldiers , and gives free exercise to all other Arts. All which considerations and accounts argue it the most necessary of all . CONFERENCE LXXIII . I. Of the Earthquake . II. Of Envy . I. Of the Earthquake . IRregular motions are as strange as regular are agreeable ; especially those of bodies destinated to rest , as the Earth is , being the immoveable centre about which the whole fabrick of the world is turn'd . For though the whole Heaven cannot rest , any more then the whole Earth move , yet the parts of them may ; the Scripture informing us , that Joshuah made the Sun stand still , that he might have time to pursue the Amorites ; and every Age having experiences of Earthquakes . To which Aristotle ascribes the appearing of a new Island in the Pontick Sea , call'd Heraclia , and of another call'd Sacrea . Many Geographers affirm , that the Islands of Rhodes and Delos were produc'd by the like cause ; and that Sicily sometimes joyn'd to Italy , was separated from it by an Earthquake ; whence the place of separation is still call'd by the Greek word Rhegium , which signifies separation and fracture . Pliny affirms , that the Island of Cyprus was by this means divided from Syria , and Euboea from Boeotia . Histories tell of some Mountains that have clash'd together , contrary to the Proverb , which saith , that they never meet ; of Towns transported to some distance from their first situation , as hapned by an Earthquake in Syria , in the ninth year of Constantinus Copronomus ; of others swallowed up , as sometimes the greatest part of the City of Sparta , upon which at the same time fell a part of Mount Taygetus , which completed its ruine ; twenty thousand inhabitants of which City were also overwhelm'd by an other Earthquake , by the relation of Diodorus , about the 78. Olympiade . Josephus reports , that thirty thousand Jews were swallow'd up by another . And Justin , that when Tigranes King of Armenia became Master of Syria , there hapned so dreadful an Earthquake , that a hundred and thirty thousand Syrians perish'd by it . Four hundred years agoe twelve thousand houses were shaken down at Lisbon . Italy was much endamag'd in the year 1116 , by one which lasted forty dayes ; principally , Tuscany , Puglia , the Territory of Venice , and Campagnia , where twelve Cities perish'd ; and that of Pompey was swallow'd up in Winter , which season , neverthelesse , is accounted free from it . Four years agoe the City of Naples was horribly shaken , especially the borders of Mount Visuvius . The common opinion , refers these effects to a dry Exhalation , which makes the same concussion in the belly of the Earth as in that of a cloud , shattering many times both the one and the other , when it cannot otherwise get free from its confinement , how hard or dense soever the bodies be that inclose it . The Second said , That the causes of Earthquakes are either Divine , or Astrological , or Physical . The first have no other foundation but the Will of God , who thereby oftentimes manifests to Men his justice and power , and sometimes contrary to the course of ordinary and natural causes . Such was that at the death of our Saviour , in the 18th year of Tiberius , which was universal , and wherewith twelve Cities of Asia perish'd ; and that mention'd by Sigonius , hapning in the year 343. under Constantine the Arrian Emperor , whereby the City of Neocaesaria was wholly swallow'd up , except the Catholick Church and its Bishop . The Astrological causes are , if we may credit the professors of this Art , the malignant influences of Jupiter and Mars in the Houses of Taurus , Virgo , and Capricorn . But as the first are too general , so these are very uncertain , being built for the most part , upon false principles ; as also those which suppose the Earth a great Animal , whose tremors are made in the same manner as those which befall other Animals . Wherefore holding to the most perceptible causes , I conceive , with Democritus , that torrents of rain coming to fill the concavities of the Earth by their impetuousnesse drive out the other waters , and that upon their motion and swaying from one side to another , the Earth also reels this way , and by and by the other ; or rather that these Torrents drive out the winds impetuously , as Air issues out of a bottle when it is filling ; which wind repells and agitates the Earth till it find some issue ; whence also come the sounds and lowings which accompany Earthquakes . As is seen in Hydraulick instruments , which by arificial mixing Air and Water when they are impell'd into pipes fit to receive the same , excite sounds like those emitted by the wind-pipe of Animals , agitated with the wind of their lungs , and moistned with the salivous liquor , or natural water . The Third said , That he could not be of their mind , who , because water is found by digging to a good depth in the Earth , therefore interpret that place literally , where 't is said , That God hath founded the Earth upon the Water upon which it floats ; and that according to their agitation , the Earth is like a Ship which fluctuates in a tempestuous Sea , and lyes even and still in a calm ; since if this were so , then the whole Earth should tremble at the same time , which is contrary to experience . The opinion of Anaximenes , is more probable , that as part of the Earth , upon a droughth after a wet season , cleaves and crackles , so the same happens to Regions and whole Countries . The Fourth said , That if this opinion were true , then they would begin , increase , diminish and cease by degrees , nor would they last long . Yet 't is observ'd , some have continu'd forty days , yea , six moneths , as that of Constantinople , under Theodosius the younger , and miraculously ceas'd upon the first singing of those words by all the people , Sanctus ; Sanctus , &c. Aristotle also makes mention of some that lasted two years ; the cause whereof depends either upon the quality or quantity of the Exhalations , which cannot all get forth but in a long time , or are not strong enough to break the gates of their prison . The Fifth said , That to move the most ponderous Body , the Earth , requires the most active of all Agents , which is fire ; whose centre the Pythagoreans therefore plac'd in the middle of the Earth ; because the noblest Element deserves the noblest place , which is the middle , and for that 't is necessary to the generations which are made there . Hence Maritime places , where most Vulcano's are observ'd , whose Fire is fed with the oylie and unctuous humours of the adjacent Sea , are more obnoxious to Earthquakes ; and the last eruption of Mount Vesuvius was preceded by a horrible Earthquake . As likewise the Island Sacrea , above mention'd , being first lifted up with a great noise and concussion , open'd it self , and cast forth flame and ashes as far as the City Lipara , and some others of Italy . Now according to the different matter of these Fires , the concussions which they produce by attenuation of the inflam'd Air are different ; if it be nitrous , they are very violent ; because Salt Petre being very Dry is suddenly fir'd in all its parts ; and being of a terrestrial nature takes up more room when inflam'd , then Sulphur which is fat and aerious , and consequently not so quickly inflameable in the whole , but only in its surface , by reason of its extreme humidity which checks the Fire ; and when it is inflam'd it takes not up so much room , being of it self aerious , and consequently needing less space when it is rarifi'd to be converted into Fire , whence the tremors caus'd by it are less : But when the matter which feeds those Fires is bituminous , the tremors are moderate , because Bitumen is of a middle nature between the two former . Now because these materials when they begin to be inflam'd have not strength enough to make the Earth tremble , till their Fire be increas'd proportionately to the enormous weight of the load which they are to move ; their first effect reaches no farther then to trouble and infect by their vapors the springs of Subterranean Waters , as most susceptible of impression . Hence , according to the different taste , smell , and consistence of the water of Fountains and Wells , some have fore-told Earthquakes ; as Apollonius saith , that Pherecides having tasted the water of a spring in Scyros , fore-told one which hapned three dayes after . Moreover , if these vapors infect the Air too , the Earthquakes are follow'd by contagions . The Sixth said , That without determining the famous Question of the Earth's Motion , it may be said that it moves about the Heaven as a stone in a circle , it would have the same tremors and titubatious as those which Astronomers attribute to the Bodies of the Planets , besides the regular motions of their spheres ; of which Agitations 't is not strange if Men who are mov'd with it discern not the differences so well as they do those of the Heavens ; since they who are in a Ship do not so well discern their own motion as that of others . II. Of Envy . Upon the Second Poynt it was said , That 't is no wonder Man is so miserable , since not onely the evil but also the good of others render him equally unhappy . For if we think them unworthy of it , it afflicts us , and raises indignation . If it begets sadnesse in us for not having obtain'd as much , it causes Emulation ; but if this good disgusts us meerly because we are sorry that another enjoyes it , it produces Envy ; and these several affections are not to be confounded . For the two former are not any wayes vicious , but oftentimes virtuous ▪ and signes of a Soul well dispos'd ; whereas the last is a grosse vice , directly opposite to Charity , which is the life of the Soul , and to Humane Society , violating virtue , which is the principal bond of it , and when the same is so bright and manifest as not to fear its assaults ; whose lustre it obscures , as much as possible , by its stinking breath , and black calumnies . Pride is the Mother of it , Self-love the Father , Treachery , Dissimulation , Detraction and Ruine , its Daughters . And as 't is the eldest of all vices , so 't is the most enormous , having cast Lucifer , and millions of Angels , out of Heaven , and by his snares caus'd the fall of Man through the perswasion of the Woman , who was ambitious to become a Goddess , and who as more weak and proud is more inclin'd to this passion then Man. Therefore Aristotle saith , that the Peacock , the proudest , is also the most envious of all Animals . The Second said , Other Vices have alwayes some sort of pretext ; Covetousnesse , the fear of want ; and Ambition , doing service to the publick ; but Envy cannot find any , because it malignes what ever is laudable and good out of it self ; herein much more pernicious then all other vices each of which is opposite but to one good , as Lust to Continence , Pride to Humility . But this sets it self to ruine , if it can , all the goods of the Body ▪ of Forutne , and of the Mind ; and so is a sworn Enemy of Mankind . Such it was in extremity , in that Man-hater Timon , who invited all his fellow Citizens to come and hang themselves upon his Fig-tree before he cut it down to build with ; in one Mutius a Roman , who being very sad , it was said of him , Either some Evill is hapned to Mutius , or some good to some other . For the Envious looks only askew upon others prosperity , the thought of which incessantly gnaws his heart , and consumes him by drying up the blood in his veins . Which made the Poets represent Envy in the shape of a squinting woman , with a dull dejected countenance , of a livid complexion ; her head wreath'd with vipers , and all the rest of the body lean and ugly . Physitians say , Melancholy persons are most subject to it , by reason of that black humour which produces and is produc'd by it . 'T was through envy that Tyberius put to death an excellent Architect , being unable to behold with a good eye a pendant Porch which he had built , and much less his invention of malleable Glass ; and it so tormented the spirit of Caligula , that he burnt all he could of Virgil's Works ; and he could not endure the sight of handsome youths , but caus'd their goodly locks to be cut off that they might become deform'd . The Third said , That envy , as vicious as it is , hath nevertheless some utility , not only amongst private persons to excite emulation amongst Artists , and make them strive who shall sell the best peny-worths ; but also for the State , it being held a political maxime , to hinder as much as possible the grandeur of neighbouring States . And the Ostracism of Athens , although a balance to preserve democratical equality , was nevertheless an effect of Envy against such as had gotten most credit and authority in the City , whom they banish'd for ten years . Yea had envy no other good in it , but to afford occasion of exercising vertue , it were not unprofitable . The attempt to blemish Cato's reputation by making him appear 46 times in full Senate to justifie himself from the accusations Envy had charg'd upon him , made him more famous . And the poyson which it made Socrates drink , kill'd his body indeed , but render'd his memory immortal . The truth is , if the Greek Proverb hold good , which calls a life without envy unhappy , Envy seems in some manner necessary to beatitude it self . Whence Themistocles told one who would needs flatter him with commendations of his brave actions , that he had yet done nothing remarkable , since he had no enviers . The Fourth said , 'T is such an irregular passion that it seems to aim at subverting the establish'd order of nature , and making other laws after its own phancy ; yea so monstrous that 't is not a bare grief for another's good , or a hatred of choler , or such other passion ; but a monster compos'd of all vicious passions , and consequently the most mischievous and odious of all .. CONFERENCE LXXIV . I. Whence comes trembling in men . II. Of Navigation and Longitudes . I. Whence comes trembling in men . THe correspondence of the great to the little world requir'd that , after the tremblings of the earth , those should be spoken which happen to men , some of which seize but one part of the body , as the head , lips , hands or legs ; some the whole body , with such violence sometimes that Cardan relates of a woman taken with such a trembling , that three strong persons could not hold her . 'T is a symptom of motion hurt , in which the part is otherwise mov'd then it ought , being sometimes lifted up , and sometimes cast down . For in trembling there are two contrary motions . One proceeds from the motive faculty , endeavouring to lift up the member ; which is done by retraction of the muscles towards their original , which by shortning themselves draw their tail to the head , and at the same time what is annex'd thereunto . This motive power serves also to retain the elevated member in the posture wherein we would have it continue ; the abbreviation of the Muscles not suffering it to return to its first situation . The other motion is contrary to the will , and to that of the motive power , the member being depress'd by its own gravity . From which contrariety and perpetual war of these two motions arises trembling ; one of them carrying the part as the will guides it , and the other resisting thereunto , which is done more speedily then the pulse , and with such short intervals , that the senses cannot distinguish any middle , and makes us doubt whether there be two motions or but one ; as a ball sometimes returns so suddenly towards him that struck it , that the point of its reflexion is not perceiv'd . The causes are very different , as amongst others , the debility of the part and of the animal faculty , as in decrepit old men , impotent persons , and such as are recovering out of long and dangerous diseases , or who have fasted long ; the weakness of the Nerve ( the instrument of the animal spirits ) its obstruction , contraction , or relaxation ; the coarctation of the Arteries which send the vital spirits to the Brain , there to be made animal spirits , and proper for motion , as in fear which puts the whole body into an involuntary trembling . An Ague also do's the same ; the natural heat which resides in the arterial being carri'd to the relief of the labouring heart , and so the outward parts , particularly the nerves , whose nature is cold and dry , becoming refrigerated , and less capable of exercising voluntary motion . The Second said , That the actions of the motive faculty , as of all others , may be hurt three ways ; being either abolish'd , diminish'd , or deprav'd . They are abolish'd in a Palsie which is a total privation of voluntary motion . They are diminish'd in Lassitude , caus'd either by sharp humors within , or by tension of the muscles and tendons , or by dissipation of the spirits . They are deprav'd in trembling , convulsion , horror and rigor , or shivering . Convulsion is a contraction of the muscles towards their original , caus'd either by repletion , or inanition . Rigor , shaking and concussion of all the muscles of the body accompani'd with coldness and pain , is caus'd , according to Galen , by the reciprocal motion of natural heat , and its encounter with cold in the parts which it endeavours to expell ; or , according to some others , by any sharp , mordicant and troublesome matter , which incommoding the muscles and sensitive parts , the expulsive faculty attempts to reject by this commotion . Horror differs not from Rigor but in degrees , this being in the muscles , and that only in the skin ; produc'd by some matter less sharp , and in less quantity . But trembling being a depravation and perversion of motion cannot be known but by comparison with that which is regular . Now that voluntary motion may be rightly perform'd , the brain must be of a due temper for supplying animal spirits , and the nerves and parts rightly dispos'd . Hence the cause of tremblings is either the distemper of the brain , or the defect of animal spirits , or the defect of animal spirits , or the bad disposition of the nerves and parts . A fitting temper being the first condition requisite to action ; every intemperature of the brain , but especially the cold , is the cause it cannot elaborate spirits enough to move all the parts . But this defect of spirits comes not always from such bad temper , but also from want of vital spirits , which are sent from the heart to the brain by the arteries , to serve for matter to the animal spirits . These vital spirits are deficient , either when they are not generated in the ventricles of the heart through the fault either of matter , or of the generative faculty ; or are carri'd elsewhere then to the brain , by reason of their concentration or effusion . As in all violent passions , these spirits are either concentred in the heart ▪ as in fear and grief ; or diffus'd from the centre to the circumference , as in joy , and not sent to the brain ; and in these cases the motive faculty remains weakned , and uncapable of well exercising its motions . Lastly , the nerves being ill dispos'd by some distemper caus'd either by external cold , or other internal causes , or else being shrunk or stop'd by some gross humors ; not totally , for then there would be no motion at all ; they cause tremblings , which are imperfect motions , like those of Porters , who endeavouring to move a greater burthen then they are able to carry , the weight which draws downwards , and the weakness of their faculty which supports it , causes in them a motion like to those that tremble . The Third said , That to these causes , Mercury , Hellebore , Henbane , Wine and Women , must be added . For they who deal with Quick-silver , who have super-purgations , use stupefactives and things extreamly cold , and Venery in excess , and Drunkards , have all these tremblings ; according to the diversity of which causes , the remedies are also different . Gold is an Antidote against Mercury , which will adhere to it ; Repletion against the second , Heat , Continence , and Sobriety , against the rest . Galen saith , that blood is sometimes to be let , by Hippocrates's example , that is , to refrigerate in order to cure trembling . Which if it come from the debility of the Brain and Nerves , they must be strengthned ; if from defect or dissipation of vital spirits , they must be restor'd by good diet ; if from plenitude , obstruction or compression of the nerves , the humour and peccant cause must be evacuated . But above all the rest the tremulation of old people is hardest to cure , in regard of the weakness and paucity of spirits , as also those that are hereditary and happen to the parts of the left side ; because trembling denotes a deficiency of heat and spirits , which yet ought to be more vigorous in the left side , then the right , as being neerer the heart , the source of life . II. Of Navigation , and Longitudes . Upon the second Point , That the invention of Navigation , as of all other Arts , is due to Chance . For men beholding great beams swim in the water , first ventur'd to get upon them , then hollow'd them , and joyn'd a prow , rudder , and sides , representing the head , tail , and fins of Fishes , as their back doth the keel of the Ship ; and this according to the different natures of seas , and divers uses of Trade and War ; both being equally necessary to render a State potent and formidable . As Solomon sometimes by this means did , sending his Ships to Ophir ( which some imagine Peru ) and Tarsis , to fetch Gold , Sweet-wood , and other rarities . As likewise did the Tyrians , Phaenicians , Cretans , Athenians , and in our days almost all Nations . Without the Art of Navigation we should want Spices , and most Drugs which grow beyond the seas ; and a great part of the world would have been unknown had it not been for the long Voyages of Columbus , Vesputius , Magellan , and Drake , who sail'd round the world . The Second said , 'T was not without reason that Cato repented of three things ; of having told a secret to his Wife , of having spent a day without doing any thing , and of having gone upon the sea ; and that Anacharsis said people in Ships are but a few inches distant from death , and therefore neither to be reckon'd among the living , nor the dead , in regard of the infidelity of that Element . Hence Seneca saith , there is nothing to which men may not be brought , since they have been perswaded to Navigation ; and Horace detests the first inventor of Ships . Nor is it less rashness to invade this Element destinated to Fish , then the Air which is appointed for Birds alone . Our fore-fathers had good reason to make their wills , when they went to sea . But since the use of the Compass it hath as much surpass'd the observation of Stars and Shores ( the sole guides of antiquity ) in certainty , as the Compass would be surpass'd by the invention of Longitudes , which would teach how to hold a course perfectly certain . The Third said , That to seek Terrestrial Longitudes is nothing else but to seek the difference of Meridians , that is , the difference between the Meridian of an unknown and a known place ; or to speak plainer , the Spherical Angle made by the Meridian of an unknown place with that of a known place . To attain which knowledge men have hitherto made use of four ways , which are all found unprofitable . The first is by an Instrument call'd a Contepas , or measure of Itinerary distance , which would be infallible if it were exact . For whoso hath the true distance between a known and an unknown place hath infallibly the angle comprehended by the Meridians of the two places . For let B be a known place , and C an unknown place ; let the distance between the place B , and the place C be the arch B C ; if the said arch B C be known , the difference of the Meridians shall also be known . For let A be the Pole of the World , and draw the arches A B , A C , which are the Meridians of the places B and C. Now since the place B is known , the height of the Pole at the said place shall be also known , and consequently its complement the arch A B. And although the place C be unknown , yet 't is easie by the ordinary methods to take the height of the Pole ; and so its complement , which is the arch A C , will be likewise known . Now the arch B C is also known , since 't is the distance of the places , and supposed known . Therefore in the Triangle B A C three sides being known , the Spherical angle B A C , contained by the said two Meridians , shall be also known . Which was to be demonstrated . But being we have no way to understand the distance of B C exactly , therefore neither have we the angle B A C exactly . The second way were also infallible if it were practicable , and 't is perform'd by a most exquisite and exact Watch. For setting forth from a known place with the said Watch , and having gone as far as you please , supposing the Watch to go equally , if you would know the difference between the Meridian of the place where you are and that whence you departed ; you need only observe the hour at the unknown place , and compare it with the hour noted by your Watch ; which if it be the same , then you are undoubtedly under the same Meridian . But if your Watch says one a clock , and at the unknown place it be two ; this signifies that 't is one a clock at the place whence you set forth ; and so you are in a Meridian differing fifteen degrees from that of the place whence you came : and so in other cases . The third way depends upon the Needle excited by the Load-stone ; for if you suppose a certain pole to which it is directed , and a regular declination , there will ( undoubtedly ) be form'd a Triangle of three known sides , and you will have the difference of any two Meridians infallibly . But because the variation of its declination is so great and uncertain that 't is not possible to assign a certain pole to it , this invention is found as faulty as the rest . The fourth way is by the Moon . Which might be as well by the Sun , or any other Planet . But because the Moon in like time makes more sensible differences of change of place , therefore it may better afford the knowledge of longitudes . Supposing then that we have Tables of the Moon which do not fail a minute ; and that 't is possible to observe the place of the Moon 's Centre within a minute where ever you be , you will , undoubtedly , have the longitude , by comparing the time , that is , the hour and the minute at which the Moon is found in that same place of Heaven in the Meridian for which the Tables are constructed , with the time when you find her at the said place in the unknown Meridian ; and then by making the Aequation of the two times . But because the Moon 's motion is swift , and that of the primum mobile swifter , 't is found that if you miss but two minutes of the Moon 's place , you will erre a degree in terrestrial longitude , which under the Aequator makes sixty English miles ; and so also if you erre four minutes of an hour either in the time of the Tables , or in the time of the observations : and if the error of time be double , treble or quadruple , the error in longitude will likewise be multipli'd . Now the Tables neither are nor can ever be exact , nor the observations made punctually enough for this operation . The reason of which latter is , that 't is not sufficient to observe the Moon , but you must at the same time with her observe one or two fix'd Stars . And , which is most difficult , you must not only observe the body of the Moon but her Centre . Now to have the Moon 's Centre , you must have her Diametre ; which appears at the same time greater to some , and lesser to others , according as the observer's sight is more or less acute . And the Parallaxes with the Refractions interposing too render this practice unprofitable ; for these parallaxes and refractions are different in the very body of the Moon , the inferior part having greater refraction and parallax then the superior . Whence we never have any sure knowledge from the said refractions and parallaxes . For as for Parallaxes , we have indeed very handsome Theories of them , but such as cannot be reduc'd into practice with the preciseness requisite for Longitudes . And , as for the refractions of the air , they are yet more incertain ; considering that we neither have , nor ever can have , any theory of them , by reason of the continual variation of the density and rarity of vapours . So that 't were requisite to have Tables for every Horizon , made by the experience of many years ; and yet they would be very uncertain , because the mutations hapning in the air would render them unprofitable . Whence not only at sea but also at land 't is impossible to have exact observations of the Moon 's Centre ; so that Cespeda , a Spanish Author , had reason to say , that this operation requir'd the assistance of an Angel. From the defect of observations proceeds in part ; the defect of the Tables of the Moon 's motion . I say , in part , for supposing the observations were exact , yet we could not have exact Tables unless we had the true Hypothesis of the Moon 's motion and course . Whence the Tables will be different among themselves , which are made upon the same observations , but several Hypotheses . Thus we see Origanus and Kepler agree not in their Ephemerides , but differ sometimes ten minutes , though both made them upon the same observations of Tycho Brahe , but upon different Hypotheses . And thus , there being no true Hypothesis of the Moon , we can never have exact Tables though the observations should be such ; and , consequently , since the ways of finding Longitudes by the Moon are Observations and Tables , and neither the one nor the other can be so exact as they ought ; men can never find Longitudes this way , unless God afford them some other light of which they have not hitherto the least glimmering . Wherefore Appian , Veret , Kepler , Metius , and many others , who have spoken of the means of ascertaining Navigation by the Moon , had reason to judge the practice thereof impossible , as was remonstrated two years ago to one that here made a proposal of it as his own ; of which we are not likely to see the execution . The most sure way we have to find these Longitudes is by help of the Lunar Eclipses . For the beginning of them being observ'd in two different places , the difference of the times of their beginnings will give the difference of the Meridians . But this is an expedient more profitable to rectifie Geographical Charts , then serviceable to Navigation . CONFERENCE LXXV . I. Of the Leprosie , why it is not so common in this Age as formerly . II. Of the ways to render a place populous . I. Of the Leprosie . FOr right understanding the nature of this disease , 't is requisite to know , that as the Brain is the source of cold diseases , so the Liver is the furnace of hot , such as this is : although its debilitation of the faculties makes some account it cold . For albeit the first qualities be rather the supposed then true parents of diseases , yet being more perceptible to us then other causes , and always accompanying them , therefore our reason more readily pitches upon them . Now the Liver , either by its own fault , or that of the preceding concoction , which it cannot correct , begets adust blood ; and this by further adustion in the Veins ( through the same excess of heat which it derives into them ) becoming atrabilarious , is as such attracted , and retain'd by every part of the body , yet not assimilated , as it ought to be , in colour and consistence , but turn'd into a scurfie , black and putri'd flesh . If that impure blood be carri'd but to one part , and make a tumour in it , it makes a Cancer in it , either open , or occult and not ulcerated ; which Hippocrates accounted so desperate an evil that he counsels not to meddle with it ; whence 't is vulgarly call'd Noli me tangere . So that what a Cancer is in some part of the body ) as in the Paps or Breasts , by reason of their spungy substance more dispos'd thereunto ) that is a Leprosie in the whole body . The Second said , No humours in the body are so malignant as to cause a Leprosie , unless they be infected with some venomous quality . The melancholy humour , in whatever quantity , causes only Quartan Agues ; or if it degenerate into black choler it causes that kind of folly which they call melancholy . The bilious humour causes Frenzy , never the Leprosie , how adust soever it be , without a pestilential and contagious quality : whence Fernelius defines it a venemous disease in the earthy substance of the body , whose nature it wholly alters . For the melancholy earthy humour having once conceiv'd this poyson derives it to the bowels and all other parts ; which being corrupted and infected with it , by degrees , turn all food into a juice alike venemous ; wherewith the whole body being nourish'd acquires a like nature , and retains the same till death ; that gross humour being more apt then any other to retain the qualities once imprinted on it . Now this disease comes either by birth , or by contagion , or by the proper vitiosity of the body . As for the first , 't is certain , if the Parents be infected with this venemous disease , they transmit the same to their children ; the formative faculty not being able to make any thing but sutably to the matter it works upon . Many hold ( but groundlesly ) that women conceiving during their purgations bring forth leprous children . As for the second , Leprosie hath this common with all other contagious diseases , to communicate it self not only by contact of bodies , but also by inspiration of the air infected with the breath of the leprous , or the virulent smell of their Ulcers . As for the third , which is the proper vitiosity of the body , 't is produc'd when a great quantity of black choler putrifies and becomes venemous . And there are several species of Leprosie , according to the humour , by adustion whereof that black choler is generated , whether blood , melancholy , yellow choler and salt phlegm . The first being less malignant makes red Leprosie , and the blood having acquir'd excessive acrimony by adustion , amongst other effects , corrodes the root of the hair , and makes baldness ; The second caus'd by torrefying of melancholy makes black , green , or livid Leprosie , which is call'd Elephantiasis , because it renders the skin rough like that of Elephants . The third , produced of yellow choler burnt , makes yellow Lepers , and is call'd Leonine , from the terrible aspect of those that are tainted with it , or from the lips and forehead which it makes them elevate like Lyons . The last , caus'd by salt phlegm , makes white Lepers . The Third said , That the material cause of Leprosie being any gross humour , and the efficient a vehement heat ; when both these causes meet in a sufficient degree , Leprosie is contracted by the ill habit of the body . Hence men are more obnoxious to it then women who have less heat ; for want of which Eunuchs are also free from it , and many have voluntarily made themselves such , to avoid it . Men of perfect age , as between 35 and 48 years , hot and dry , fall most easily into this disease . And of these Southern people more then Northern . Whence Alexandria , yea all Egypt and Judea were most pester'd with it ; but especially the latter , where even the walls and vessels contracted leprosie . Which Interpreters more admire then comprehend , and gave occasion to Manetho the Historian ( who is refuted by Josephus ) to say , that this Leprosie forc'd the Egyptians to drive the Jews out of their Country . On the contrary , Germany knew it not for a long time , nor Italy before Pompey , in whose time his Souldiers brought it from Egypt ; the Kings whereof , as Pliny relates , were wont to asswage the malignity by an inhumane and abominable remedy , a bath of little childrens blood . But the Scythians were always free from it , as well by reason of the coldness of their climate , as the familiar use of milk , whose thin and wheyie part hinders the generation of melancholy , and the other parts moisten and temper heat . 'T is also produc'd by food of gross and glutinous juice ( as Swines flesh , for this cause forbidden to the Jews ) by the Hemorrhoids stop'd , and other suppressions of blood . Now 't is not so frequent in these days as of old ; first because being brought hither by strangers , it appear'd upon them and some of their descents , but could not long consist with the mildness of our air , and so became extinct of it self by the separation of such as were most infected with it ; as Peaches are poyson in Persia , but delicious fruits amongst us . Secondly , because it being ignominious to be separated from all society , the few Lepers that remain'd would not appear , unless they were forc'd ; whilst in the mean time the revenues of Hospitals design'd for their support have been seiz'd by such as favour'd their concealment the better to enjoy the same . The Fourth said , The decreasing of this disease , as well as of other Epidemical diseases , is to be attributed to certain Constellations . Besides , perhaps the ignorance of former times took the Pox for the Leprosie ; and so not knowing how to cure the Pox so well as at this day , it was communicated to more persons . The accidents of these two diseases are almost the same , both are cur'd with Mercury , whose excessive coldness and humidity corrects the heat and dryness of the Leprosie , and by its extream tenuity penetrating the more solid parts wherein the Leprosie lies more successfully encounters this atrabilarious venome then Mithridate and Vipers do , although much commended by Galen , who relates five stories of such as were cur'd therewith , but we have experiences to the contrary in these latter ages , refrigerating and humecting Medecines having been found more profitable then drying , as Vipers are ; which , whether our climate , or some other unknown cause , occasion the alteration , rather increase then diminish this evil . Nevertheless , what is reported of the means to cure the Leprosie , especially if hereditary or inveterate , must be understood of a palliative or preservative , not of a perfect cure ; which is difficult in the beginning of this malady , when only the bowels are tainted ; very difficult in its increase , when the signs begin to appear outwardly ; impossible in its State when the members come to be ulcerated ; and desperate in its declination , when they begin to drop off . Although Paracelsus , by his great work promises to cure not onely men but also all imperfect metals , which he termes leprous . II. Of the wayes to render a place populous . Upon the Second Point it was said , All our great designes aim at Eternity , and among the means of attaining thereunto , Princes have found none more magnificient , and correspondent to their grandeur , then to build Cities after their own names . Such was that of Alexander in the founding of Alexandria , of Constantine in that of Constantinople , of the Caesars in so many Cities of their names ; and in our time , of the King of Sweden in Gustavousburg , of the King of Spain in Philippa , of the Duke of Nevers in Charle-ville , and of some others . But to accomplish this great design , 't is to be consider'd that the business is to be done with men , who are drawn by as many wayes as they consist of parts , to wit , Body and Soul. And because most men are sensual , therefore things relating to corporeal conveniences are most attractive . Amongst which , regard is principally to be had to the Air , as that which we breathe incessantly , to meat and drink , which are of daily necessity . Hence we see few healthful and fertile places desert ; whereas barren and desert places , what ever care be taken , alwayes return to their first nature . If those conveniencies be wanting in the place , they they must at least be near hand , and attainable by commerce of Seas and Rivers ; which also are advantageous for the vent of home-bred commodities . But the most necessary condition of all is safety ; which hath render'd Holland , the Adriatick Gulph , and almost all Islands populous , as it sometimes assembled many out-laws and miserable persons at the first building of Rome ; the same course being also practis'd by Timoleon to populate Syracuse . For Man being naturally a sociable creature , the cause of their assembling together was not the casual concourse of atoms , as Epicurus feign'd , nor the wonder of fire , as Vitruvius saith , nor their meeting near pits and springs , much less Musick , Eloquence , or Philosophy ; but onely their natural inclination to preserve themselves , and be secure , first , against wild beasts , and then against their enemies , who were kept off with walls . Yet as a fortress needs a strong bulwark , so a frontier Town cannot easily become populous , the guarding of it diverting its inhabitants from attending more necessary Arts , as Agriculture , Manufacture , and Trade . For most Cities are render'd populous by some Manufactures , both buyers and sellers resorting to such places where there is most plenty and most vent . Wherefore 't is one of the best expedients to invite the most excellent Artists from all parts of the world , by immunities , priviledge , and rewards . As to the Soul , Religion bears a great stroke in this matter , obliging men to Voyages , Pilgrimages , Offerings , and other devotions , in some places rather then others . And next are Academies and Universities , all sorts of Sciences and Disciplines . The Second said , That a City being an assembly and union of many persons in order to live happily , filling it with people is not so necessary as exact observation of Laws ; which consisting only in order , are commonly neglected in places where multitude causeth confusion . Hence Solon , Lycurgus , and most ancient Legislators , limited the Inhabitants of their Cities to a certain number , which Hippodamus the Milesian restrain'd to ten thousand men ; and at this day , in some Cities , as Lisbon and Naples , 't is not lawful to erect new buildings , which hath also been frequently prohibited at Paris . For the same reason many Nations have discharg'd themselves of their people by colonies , or sending them to the conquest of other Territories , as did sometimes the Gauls under Bremus ; the Goths , Huns , Alans , Hernles , and Vandals , under Attila and Alaric ; and the Swisses are at this day in the service of most Princes and States . The Third said , That the true strength of a State , both for offence and defence , consists in the number of men , and therefore a City flourishes according to its populousness . The small number of inhabitants limited by Legislators hath sometimes been the losse of their Republicks ; that of Sparta in the battle of Leuctra and Athens , in one single battle against Philip ; as it would also have been of the Roman Empire at the defeat of Cannae , where 50000. Romans dy'd upon the place , without the supply which they found in the almost innumerable multitude of the Citizens of Rome , render'd populous by the residence of Kings , Consuls , and Emperors , and the supreme Tribunal of Justice which the Senate dispens'd thence to all the world , with whose spoils it was inrich'd . Whose increase was also promoted by the rigorous laws against coelibacy , and the priviledges granted to such as had many children ; for propagating which , before Christiauity , they permitted polygamy and divorce , and authoriz'd concubinage by legitimation of natural issues . Moreover , the felicity of a City lying in the plenty and sufficiency of all things , which is not found except amongst a great number of inhabitants who interchangeably communicate their commodities ; the most populous City is the most happy . And experience manifests , that the Laws and Justice are better administred in great Cities , then in hamblets and villages ; especially when Concord , whereby small things grow , is maintain'd therein . CONFERENCE LXXVI . I. Of Madness . II. Of Community of goods . I. Of Madness . SInce Man by his treason first destroy'd the goodly order establish'd by God in nature , endeavoring to advance himself above his Creator , the beasts have , also , in just punishment of his crime , shaken off his yoke ; some offending him by their breath , others by their sight , some with the voice , most with biting ; which if venomous , as that of Serpents and mad Dogs , imprints a malignant quality in the whole habit of the Body , whose temper it destroys . That of mad-dogs , although less painful then any , yet more horrible , and so much more dangerous in that it oftentimes seizes upon the noble parts without being perceiv'd till the madness be at the height . The signes for knowing this Evil in its birth , in order to prevent it , are not taken from the wound which is altogether like other wounds , but from the dog that made it . For if he be mad , he neither eats nor drinks , although he thirst extremely ; he pants and blows , hangs out his tongue , which is yellow and tinctur'd with choler , he casts forth dry and clotted froth at the mouth and nose , hangs down his ears , looks wildly with sparkling eyes , flyes at known and unknown , and bites without barking ; he is lean , carries his tail between his legs clinging to his belly , he runs fast , and stops suddenly , hits upon every obstacle without going out of his way , and other dogs avoid him . But if the dog cannot be seen , then bruised nuts or hot bread must for some hours be lay'd upon the wound , or else meal temper'd with the blood running from it , given to a hungry dog or hen , who will dye if the wound were made by a mad dog . The Second said , Madness is a malady oftentimes with deliration , caus'd in an Animal by a particular poyson , communicated to Man , with extreme aversion against all liquors , especially water . It happens to Wolves , Oxen , Horses , Cats , and almost all Animals , but most frequently to Dogs , either by reason of their melancholy temper , or a particular inclination which they have to madness , as the swine hath to leprosie . For 't is an Evil that is not known but by its effects ; 't is a poyson particularly apt to be communicated to Man by biting , by the slaver , foam , or feeding of an enrag'd Animal , not depending on the first qualities , but acting with its whole substance : As appears in that it reigns in great colds and excessive heats , but is cur'd with medicines which act not by their first qualities , but by their whole substance , as the ashes of fresh-water Crabs , and Mithridate ; and , according to Dioscorides , 't is contracted by qualities altogether occult , as to sleep very long in the shadow of a Service Tree ; and he saith , he saw a Carder of Wool become mad onely by having long beaten his wool with a wand of Cornel Tree . The same is affirm'd of a plant call'd Dog-berry Tree . Yet the most part , with Matthiolus and Fernelius , hold , that these causes may awaken the hidden evil , and augment it , but not produce it , unless in such as have been mad before . But how comes this poyson to lie hid so long , that Fracastorius saith it seldome appears before the one and twentieth day , commonly after the thirtieth , in many after four or six moneths , and sometimes after divers years ; seeing all poysons being an enemy to the Heart , should be carry'd thither suddenly by the Arteries . This seems to proceed from the proportion of the Agent and Patient , and their several resistance , differing according to the degrees of the poyson , the diversity of tempers or food , climates , or the part hurt . For poyson being contrary to our nature by particular malignity cannot be wholly subdu'd by our natural heat , and so may preserve its malignity in the body a long while , without manifesting it self till it have first introduc'd dispositions requisite to its reception , which happens to be sooner or later according to the good or bad temper of the body ; whence in several persons bitten by the same dog , madness appears in some sooner , in others later . As some have the small pox when they are well in years , others in their infancy , though most Physitians agree that 't is an Ebullition of some venemous matter contracted by every one in his mothers womb , by impurity of the menstruous blood retain'd during the time of breeding . So the cholerick are sooner tainted with madness and all other poysons then the phlegmatick ; such as are lean and have large veins sooner then fat who have small . The skin , artery , vein , nerve and muscle , variously communicate this poyson . The power of Imagination also contributes much to it . Whence Aetius relates , that a Philosopher having by his Ratiocination concluded that the dog which appear'd to him in the water of the bath , and made him afraid , was nothing but an effect of his perverted Phancy , there being no affinity between a bath and a dog , drunk largely of it and was cur'd . The Third said , That the signs of madness are anxiety , causeless anger and fear , heaviness and griping of the stomack , the hiccock , and other convulsive motion , hoarsness of the voice , sweating of the countenance , and contraction of the whole body ; but the most certain is the total aversion from water ( although the thirst be vehement ) which is the certainest remedy in this case , whence some have been cur'd by being unawares plunged into water , and so made to drink whether they would or no. This Hydrophobia cannot be from the image of the dog appearing in the water to the patient beholding his own terrible aspect . For some have been possess'd with aversion from water without the biting of a dog ; as Platerus tells of a woman who became Hydrophobous by having abode a whole night neer a river . Much less can it come from the dryness caus'd in them by this poyson ; for then they would rather desire drink ; but it proceeds from a particular antipathy of this poyson to water , so great , that if the fresh wound of a dog's biting be with cold water , it becomes incurable ; the poyson flying water so much , that at its approach it retires from the surface inwardly , whence it cannot afterwards be expell'd . The Fourth said , That the Phancy alone was capable to cause this aversion from water , notwithstanding the natural inclination of the parts requiring humectation . For that faculty is very strong in these Patients , having the image of the dog always present , and so they imagine that they see it in the water ; as the Fool Antiphon thought he continually saw his own in the air . Yea , possibly , as a little seed is so configurated by the formative vertue that it becomes another animal , and in Plants a hundred grains are made of one : so this poyson containing the idea of the whole substance of the dog , by which alone it acts , when receiv'd into the body , and assisted by natural heat produces new species of the dog ; which being carri'd by the spirits to the Brain are so strongly imprinted in the imagination that reason can hardly rectifie them ; and being again represented in the water by emission of the animal spirits , in vision , make the patients abhor water , and all liquid things . Which will not be thought so irrational by those that maintain that the foam of a mad dog hanging on the hem of linen produces little animals of a dog-like shape ; nor by those who have observ'd the sediments of the Urines of these Patients to have the same figure , as if the whole man became dog in this malady , as he becomes all wolf in Lycanthropie . The Fifth said , The mind and body being both disorder'd in this malady , require each a distinct cure . The mind must be setled , and diverted from that sad object of dogs , and the most usual way in France is to be bath'd in sea-water . As for the body , the poyson must be drawn out of the new wound by Cupping-glasses , Scarifications , Suctions , Cauteries , and attractive Cataplasms , such as that of pitch and Opopanax dissolv'd in Vinegar , which Galen saith is infallible ; ligatures made upon the wound if the part admit them , or else incompass'd with defensatives , as Dragons blood , and Bole Armenick mingled with the white of an egge ; then some Antidotes or Alexiteries to strengthen the principal parts , and alter the malignity of the poyson ; as the Herb call'd Alyssum , because it extinguishes madness , the ashes of Crevish , Mistletoe of the Oak , Scordium , Dittany , Angelica , and blessed Thistle . Of all which remedies , as also of the purgatives , the dose must be double , and so proportionate to the greatness of the evil ; but they are unprofitable when the Patient is already averse from water and liquid things , only two , of which Themison the Physitian is one , being recorded to have been cur'd by them . II. Of Community of goods . Upon the second Point , it was said , That a City is a society establish'd in order to living well ; and amity being the foundation of society , what conduceth to preserve it in a City ought to be exactly observ'd . Such is community of goods , so much desir'd by Plato , that in his Republick he could not suffer the words Meum & Tuum , which he accounted the original of all disorders hapning in States ; and , as they say , practis'd by Pythagoras too amongst his disciples , as by our Monasticks . As also by the Garamantes , a people of Africa , as Mela reports , and by the Brachmans , Esteans , and Gymnosophists . Whilst the Lacedemonians observ'd it , their State was the most flourishing of Greece . The example of the first Christians is express , who sold all that they had , and laid the money at the Apostles feet ; and Ananias , with his wife Sapphira , dy'd for having kept back part of the price of their inheritance sold to this end . For the condemning of the Anabaptists of Westphalia under Munster , who practis'd this community , was for their Heresie which they cover'd with this specious pretext . And Diodorus Siculus relates that among the Aethiopians community of goods makes so perfect friendship , that friends not only will conform to one another by the equality of the goods of fortune ; but also when one of them becomes blind , maim'd or lame , they deprive themselves of the same members , accounting it reasonable to have community not only of goods , but also of evils , the burden being lessen'd by division , and more supportable by example . But good is greater when communicated to more ; communicativeness being a quality which belongs to the best things in the world , as to Light and the Sun , yea to God , who as he is goodness it self , so he is the most communicative of all beings , having communicated himself not only , in eternity , by the generation of the Word and procession of the Holy Ghost , but in time , by the production of all his creatures . The Second said , That indeed some goods are the more excellent by being communicated , as the Virtues and Sciences are encreas'd the more they are exercis'd and taught . But 't is not so with the goods of fortune , which diminish by communication and use . Whence men are not sparing of the first , but very much of the latter , restraining the use thereof wholly to themselves . Now although community of goods seems founded in nature , all things having been common at first , and appropriated afterwards by the covetousness of the occupants ; yet 't is directly contrary to the felicity of a City , which consists not onely in a society of Men , but of Men of different conditions , the meanest of which being commonly most necessary in a State would not be exercis'd if all were equally rich and powerful . And if the necessity of Hunger , which sometimes taught Pies and Crows to speak at Rome , had not press'd most of the first inventors of Arts , the same would be yet to discover . Nothing is more beautiful in Nature then Variety , nor yet in Cities . Besides , Men being apt to neglect the publick , in comparison of their private interest , were goods common , they would be careless of preserving or increasing them , and rely upon the industry of others . Thus this equality would beget laziness , whilst they that labour'd most could hope for no more then they that did nothing at all . Moreover , if Wives and Children were common , as Socrates , in Plato , would have them , it would be a great hindrance to propagation ; Children would not own their Parents , nor these their Children , and so there would be no paternal , filial , nor conjugal love , which yet are the surest foundations of humane society . Incests and Parricides would be frequent , and there would be no place for the exercise of most virtues , as of Chastity and Friendship , ( the most perfect of all virtues ) much less of Liberality and Magnificence , since nothing should be given but what belongs alike to all ; nor would any be capable of receiving . The Third said , That in a City , which is a society of companions , some things must be necessarily injoy'd in common , as Publick Places , Havens , Fairs , Priviledges , Walls , Town-houses , Fortresses , and publick charges . But not all things , in regard of the inconveniences which would follow thereupon ; and therefore Plato was forc'd to reform his first imaginary Republick , and make another more sutable to the humours of men ; permitting every one the possession of some goods , yet with this restriction , that he would not have any become too unproportionably rich . The Fourth said , That Plato's design , in his Republick , was , to conjoyn action and contemplation ; he would have a City first Mistress of her self , then of the world ; more venerable then formidable to its neighbours ; less rich then just , but sober , temperate , chaste , and , especially , religious . And to render it such , he conceiv'd , that by removing all impediments from within by equality of goods , he trac'd out the way to contemplation , which is the supreme good whereunto men aspire ; and therefore community of goods which is conducive thereunto , cannot be too highly esteem'd . But in this Age it would deprive all goods of that name , by rendring them common ; and there would be no common good , if there were none particular . CONFERENCE LXXVII . I. Of Sorcerers . II. Of Erotick , or Amorous Madness . I. Of Sorcerers . THe malignant Spirit 's irreconcilable to humane nature exalted above his own , is such , that he is not contented with doing all the mischief he can by himself , but imployes his Ministers and Officers to that purpose ; as God , whose Ape he is , imployes his holy Spirits in his works . These Officers are Magicians and Sorcerers . The former are such as being either immediately instructed by the Devil , or by Books of Magick , use characters , figures , and conjurations , which they accompany either with barbarous and insignificant words , or some perversely taken out of the Holy Scripture ; by which means they make the Devil appear , or else give some answer by sound , word , figure , picture , or other sign ; making particular profession of Divination . Sorcerers are their servants , aiming onely to do mischief ; and Sorcery is a species of Magick , by which one hurts another by the Devils help . And as the operation of the Devil is requisite thereunto , so is the consent of the Sorcerers and Gods permission , without which one hair falls not from our heads . This consent is grounded upon a compact , either express or tacite ; the former whereof is made by rendring homage , either immediately to the Evil Spirit , or to the Magician in his name , or by addressing a request to him . Commonly they take an oath of fidelity in a circle describ'd upon the ground ; the Devil herein , as in other things , imitating the Deity , which is represented by a Circle . A tacite compact is when one makes use of such means learn'd from a Magician or magical books , known to be such , or sometimes ignorantly . But the most ordinary means which they use in their witchcrafts , are powders , which they mingle with food , or else infect the body , clothes , water , or air . Amongst which the black powders are design'd to procure death ; the grey or red , to cause sickness ; and the white to cure ; either when they are forc'd to it , or in order to some greater mischief ; although this virtue depend not any ways upon their colour , nor always upon their qualities . Sometimes they perform their witcheries with words , either threatnings or praises . Not that these have any virtue in themselves , any more then straws , herbs , and other things wherewith they bewitch people ; but because the Devil is by covenant to produce such or such effects by the presence of these things ; shewing himself a faithful performer in certain things , to the intent he may at last deceive them in all . The Second said , That the charms of Sorcerers differ according to the end whereunto they are design'd ; some cause sleep , and that by potions , charmes , and other enchantments ; the most usual of which are pieces of a dead body fastned to the house , enchanted candles made of a particular wiek and fat , or of the feet and hands of dead persons anointed with Oyle which the Devil gives them ; these they either light up , or place candles at each finger ; and so long as this dismal light lasts , they in the house remain in a deep sleep . Other enchantments are to procure Love , some of which act either within or without the body , consisting of what is most sacred in Religion , and most filthy in Nature ; ( so abominable is this practice , and done in hatred of the Creator ) some likewise procure hatred , hinder generation , make women miscarry , increase their pains of child-bearing , dry up the milk , breed thornes , pieces of glass and iron , knives , hair , and such other preternatural things , in the body . Of all which magical effects some indeed are real , but the most part are prestigious . The real are when the Devil makes use of natural causes for such an effect , by applying actives to passives , according to the most perfect knowledge which he hath of every things essence and properties ; having lost no gifts of Nature by sin , but onely those of Grace . But when the effect is above his power , or God permits it not , then he makes use of delusions to cover his impotence , making appearance of what is not , and hindring perception of what really is . Such was Gyges's ring , which render'd him invisible when he pleas'd ; and Pasetus's feasts , from which the guests departed with intollerable hunger ; as also the money wherewith he pay'd his Merchants , who found nothing at night in their bags . And that famous Simon Magus , as Saint Clement reports , seem'd to create a man in the Air , render'd himself invisible , appear'd with several faces , flew in the Air , penetrated rocks , turn'd himself into a sheep and a goat , commanded a sickle to reap corn , as it did more alone then ten labourers , and by this means deluded the eyes of all the world , except those of Saint Peter . Such was also , in the dayes of our Fathers , one Trisulcan , who to defame his Curate , made him think that he was playing at cards , whereas he was turning over his breviary , whereupon he flung it upon the ground ; and M. Gonin being hang'd on a gibbet , the first presidents mule was seen hanging in his place . Their transports are sometimes real , sometimes imaginary , the Devil keeping them in a deep sleep all the while . The Third said , That the power of Evil Spirits , whose instruments Sorcerers are , is so limited that they cannot either create or annihilate a straw , much lesse produce any substantial form , or cause the real descent of the Moon , or hinder the Stars motion , as Heathen Antiquity stupidly believ'd . Indeed , they are able to move all sublunary things ; so they cause Earthquakes , the Devil either congregting Exhalations in its hollownesses , or agitating the Air included therein : Sopater having been put to death for so tying up the winds that no merchandize could be transported to Byzantium . And Philostratus relates , that Apollonius saw two tubs or tuns among the Brachmans , which being open'd , there arose most vehement winds and rain ; and shut again , the Air became calm and serene . Olaus also testifies the like of the Laplanders and Finlanders , who sold winds to Merchants . Moreover , the Devils are call'd by the Apostle , Princes of the Air ; they cause Hail , Thunder , Rain , and Fire , to fall where they please ; yet alwayes conditionally that God lets the bridle loose to them , as he did when he burnt Job's servants and flocks , and overthrew the house wherein his children were , with a whirl-wind . So in the year 1533. a Sorcerer burnt the whole Town of Silthoc in Sweden to the ground . And as they can obscure , so they can infect the Air , and more easily the waters , stopping them and making them run backwards , which Pliny saith himself saw in his time . They kill Animals by infecting them or their pastures , or else suffocate them , by entring into them ; as they did the swine of the Gadarenes . They can also extinguish the plenty of a Country , by transporting the fatness of it elsewhere , not by virtue of the Sorcerers words ; much lesse is it by those that they introduce flies , grashoppers , and catterpillars , or other insects , into a place , either assembling them together , or producing them out of congruous matter . The Fourth said , That the effects of Nature and Art are to be distinguish'd from those of enchantments ; for want of which satisfaction some juglers pass for Sorcerers among the vulgar , who are apt to apprehend supernatural means , when they are ignorant of the natural or artificial causes . For removing of which calumny , C. Furius Cresnius being accus'd of having bewitch'd his neighbours fields , and transported all their fertility into his own , brought his servants , his oxen , and plough , into the Senate , declaring that these were all his charms . Moreover , many times the sterility imputed to Sorcerers proceeds from Gods anger , who makes the Heaven iron , and the Earth brass , for their wickedness . So when a private person arrives to great honour or estate suddenly , though it be by his merit , yet the generality of people , the meanest of which account themselves worthy of the same fortune , attribute such extraordinary progresses to the Devil . And yet 't is a rare thing , if ever heard of , that any one was enrich'd by the Devil ; either because he reserves his riches for Antichrist wherewith to seduce the Nations ; or because God doth not suffer it , lest men should forsake his service for that of Devils , and the good should be too sorely afflicted by the wicked . II. Of Amorous Madness . Upon the Second Poynt it was said , That Love being not very wise of it self , 't is no hard matter for it to become extravagant ; for it cares not for mediocrity , and , consequently , is subject to most tragical accidents . It s Excess is call'd Erotick , or Amorous Madness , which is a species of melancholy deliration , caus'd by the continual representation of the thing lov'd , which possesses the Phancy of the poor Lovers that they can think of nothing else , and many times forget to eat , drink , and sleep , and the other necessary actions of life . 'T is different according to diversity of temper of brain and body , the degree of the melancholly humour , and the profession of those that are possess'd with it . Hence melancholy persons are fullest of flatuosities and Spirits , and the sanguine , as having most blood , are most subject to it . They are known by their hollow and languishing eyes , inequality of pulse and visage , especially when the party lov'd is spoken of or seen ; by which means Galen discover'd the Love-sickness of a Roman Lady , and Erasistratus that of Seleuous's Son , for his Mother in law Stratonice . This distemper is the more dangerous , because 't is pleasing to those that are tormented with it ; and hard to cure , because they fear nothing more then their cure , being fond of their fetters . But being a disease of the Mind , the surest remedy is to divert from the thought of what they love , and to avoid idleness , the mother of lasciviousness . The body also must be conveniently purg'd from its predominant humours , according to which these patients differ ; the sanguine are merry , and laugh continually , and oftentimes alone , love songs and dances ; the cholerick are froward , and so furious that some have kill'd themselves through the violence of their passions ; and Romances are full of such persons . The melancholy are pensive , solitary , and sad ; that dull and cold humour hebitating the souls motion . If this distemper proceed from abundance of geniture , remedies must be us'd which extinguish it , as Rue , Purslane , Lettice , Water-lilly , Willow-leaves , Coriander seeds , Agnus Castus , Camphir , and Mint . The Second said , As Love is the original , so 't is the Abridgement of all Passions . You may see these poor Lovers in the same hour love and hate , fly and desire , rejoyce and sorrow , fear and dare , be angry without a cause , and be pacifi'd again with less reason ; in brief , never to have their Minds setled , any more then their bodies , in the same posture and complexion alike . Whence many have thought this malady produc'd by enchanted Drinks or Philtres ; which may indeed make one amorous , but not determine him to a certain person ; besides that these Drinks cannot act upon our Will which is incorporeal , nor captivate its liberty to a particular object ; unless the Devil have a hand in the business . The Third said , That the famousest of all Philtres is Hippomenes , powder'd and taken knowingly by the Lover . 'T is a little black and round piece of flesh , about the bigness of a dry fig , found upon a Colt's fore-head new foal'd ; whence it must be taken betimes , else the Mare bites it off , and if she be deceiv'd of it , never affects the foal afterwards ; and therefore 't is call'd by Virgil , Matri praereptus Amor. The same effect is attributed to the seed of Mares , to a plant call'd Hippomanes , and , by Pliny , to the hair of a Wolfs tail , the fish Remora , the brain of a Cat , and a Lizard ; and by Wierus , to Swallows starv'd to death in an earthen pot , the bones of a green Frog excarnated by Pismires , the right parts of which , he saith , conciliate Love , and the left hatred . But to shew the vanity and impurity of these inventions , most Philtres are taken from Animals generated of corruption , excrements , and other filthy and abominable things ; and commonly , all rather excite Fury then Love , as appears by many to whom Cantharides have been given ; and Caligula , who was render'd mad by a drink of his wife Cesonia ; one Frederick of Austria , and the Poet Lucretius , by a Philtre given him by his Wife Lucilia . Love is free , and fixes not by constraint ; 't is not taken in at the mouth , but the eyes , the graces of the body being the most powerful charm , as Olympia Wife of Philip of Macedon acknowledg'd , when being jealous that her Husband lov'd a young Lady that was said to have given him amorous potions , the Queen sent for her , and having beheld her great Beauty , said that she had those Philtres in her self . Now if these gifts of the body be accompany'd with those of the mind , and the party endu'd therewith testifie Love to another , 't is impossible but the affection will become mutual , Love being the parent of Love ; whence the Poets feign'd two Cupids , Eros , and Anteros ; and Ovid , an intelligent person in this matter , knew no surer course then this , Vt ameris amabilis esto . The Fourth said , Love is a spiritual thing , and consequently produc'd by means of the same nature . Hence an ill report , which is a thing not onely incorporeal , but commonly phantastical and imaginary , extinguishes all Love for a person otherwise lovely as to the graces of the body . And the choice between equal Beauties shews that Love is not founded upon the outside . Wherefore they take the wisest course to get themselves lov'd who use inductions and perswasions , which are the common means to make marriages . By all which it appears , that Amorous Madness is a distemper of the mind , and as such to be cur'd . CONFERENCE LXXVIII . I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . II. Whether Speech be natural , and peculiar to Man. I. Why the Sensitive Appetite rules over Reason . APpetite is an inclination of every thing to what is good for it self . There are three sorts in Man. First , the Natural , which is in plants who attract their nourishment , and also in some inanimate things , as the Load-stone and Iron ; yea , in the Elements , as the dry earth covets water , and all heavy bodies tend to their centre . 'T is without Knowledge and Will , even in Man , for all natural actions are perform'd best in sleep . Secondly , the Sensitive , common to Man and Beast , which some erroneously deny to be a humane faculty , because 't is the seat of the Passions , the enemies of Reason which constitutes Man. But the encounter of it with Reason argues their distinction . Thirdly , the Rational , call'd the Will , which is Mistress of the former two ; and besides makes use of Reason , for the knowing of one or more things . And because desire cannot be without knowledge , therefore the Sensitive Appetite presupposes the knowledge of the Imagination , and the Will that of the Understanding ; but the Natural Appetite depends on that of a First Cause , which directs every natural form to its particular good , though it know not the same . Now 't is demanded , how the Mistresse comes to obey the Servants , notwithstanding the Maxime , That the Will tends to nothing but what is good , which cannot be without truth ; and this is not such , unless it be approv'd by the Intellect . It seems to me improper , to say that the Sensitive Appetite prevails over Reason , but rather hinders it by its disturbance from pronouncing sentence , as a brawling Lawyer doth a Judge by his noise . The Second said , That Reason is alwayes Mistress . For Men govern themselves according to Nature ( the universal rule of all things ) and , this nature being rational , they cannot be guided otherwise then the motions of Reason . But some find Reason where other finds none . The Thief accounts riches ill divided , and therefore he may justly possess himself of what he wants ; and however he sees evil in the action , yet he conceives more in his necessity , which his Reason makes him account the greatest of all evils . So that comparing them together , he concludes the less evil to be good , and wittingly attempts the crime , not owning it for such whilst he commits it . The same may be said of all other sins , wherein the present sweetness exceeds the fear of future punishment . If Conscience interpose , they either extinguish it , or else wholly forbear the action : Unless the Mind happen to be balanc'd , and then they are in confusion , like the Ass which dy'd of hunger between two measures of corn , not knowing which to go to . For 't is impossible for the Will to be carry'd to one thing rather then another , unless it find the one better and more convenient . The Third said , 'T is congruous to nature for the Inferior to receive Law from the Superior . So Man commands over beasts ; and amongst Men , some are born Masters , and others slaves ; the Male hath dominion over the Female , the Father over his Children , the Prince over his Subjects ; the Body receives Law from the Soul , the Matter from its Form , the Angels of Inferior Hierarchies receive their intelligence from the Superior ; and the lower Heavens the rule of their motions from the higher ; the Elements are subject to the influences of those celestial bodies ; and in all mixts one quality predominates over the rest . Since therefore the Sensitive Appetite is as much below Reason , as a beast below a Man , and the Imagination below the Intellect ; according to the same order establish'd in Nature , Reason ought alwayes to have the command over it ; because having more knowledge 't is capable to direct it to its end . But through the perversity of our Nature , we more willingly follow the dictates of Sense then Reason , of the Flesh then the Spirit ; because the former , being more familiar and ordinary , touch us nearer then Reason , whose wholsome counsels move not our Will so much , which being Mistress of all the faculties , according to its natural liberty , may sometimes command a virtuous action , of whose goodnesse Reason hath inform'd it ; sometimes a vitious one by the suggestion of the Sensitive Appetite , which makes it taste the present sweetness and delight , whose attraction is greater then that of future rewards promis'd by virtue to her followers . Hence the Law of the members so prevails over the law of the mind , as sometimes wholly to eclipse the same , as in those who are blinded , and hardned in vice ; sometimes it forces it to come over to its own side , and back it exorbitance with Reasons : In some others in whom Reason remains intire , and there is a clear knowledge of the turpitude of an action , yet the Will is so bound and charm'd by the vehemence of the Passions of the Concupiscible and Irascible Appetite , that it follows their motions inspight of the remonstrances of Reason . Such was Medaea , who by reason saw the heinousness of her intended murther of her Children ; but rage and desire of revenge upon their Father Jason transported her . So it was said of the Athenians , that they knew indeed what was fit to be done , but did it not . The Fourth said , They who hold that Virtues are not habits distinct from Sciences would not be of this opinion , that we can know good and do evil ; for Divinity teaches us , that there is no sin without ignorance ; and that as 't would not be in our power to sin if we had perfect knowledge of the turpitude of Vice , so 't is impossible for a man to know the beauty of Virtue without loving her ; considering too , that we have in us the seeds of Virtue to which we are naturally lead , inasmuch as it conducts us to the supreme good ; seeds which would grow of themselves , were it not for the depravation of our judgement , which being imbu'd with the false maxims of the Imaginations which governs all our actions , and judges not of the goodness of things but by sense and common opinion , according to which glory follows vice , and contempt poor Virtue ; this is the cause that these seeds of Virtue are stifl'd in the birth . Whereunto greatly conduces the example of other vicious persons , who are more numerous then the virtuous . And as Vice is more sensible , so it easily passes into habit , this habit into custom , which being another nature begets a kind of necessity to Vice , which becoming familiar , by degrees seems most agreeable in respect of the severe aspect of Virtue ; men having in this condition Appetites as irregular as those of Child-bearing women , who prefer char-coal , chalk , and ashes , before good Aliments . The Fifth said , That the contest between the Sensitive Appetite and Reason arises from the diversity of their objects , unto which either of them endeavours to draw the Will. Hence if it happen that Honesty , the object of Reason , be a sensible evil , as to fast , fight , or indure any thing contrary to the sensitive Appetite , whose object is delectable and sensual good , there arises a combat between these two Faculties , in which Reason is many times worsted for want of being well seconded . But when the object of Reason and the Appetite is the same , namely , a sensible good , there is no debate between them . For Reason proposing it to the Will , it spontaneously tends to it , being also lead thereunto by the Sensitive Appetite . Hence , in Indignation , Com-Passion , and Emulation , which are rational motions accompany'd with anger , grief , and self-love , there is no fight between the Sensitive Appetite and Reason , since in these virtuous motions Reason gives the bridle to those Passions which are the Emissaries of the Appetite . As when the commands of a Master agree with the inclinations of the Servant , he sets upon performing them cheerfully . But being it very seldome happens that what is commanded by Reason agrees with the Passions of the Appetite , but is commonly difficult and laborious ; 't is not to be wondr'd if this intestine war be frequent , and the Appetite get the better of Reason . Moreover , what is in the Intellect , being transmitted from the Senses , equally revolted against this Faculty their Princess , it still retains something of the grosness of Sensuality ; so that these notions of the Intellect , oftimes taking part with the Senses and Sensitive Appetite , Reason cares not to prevail over them ; it being also proper to inferiors to have some contrariety to the commands of their Superiors , as is seen in the Celestial Spheres which have a motion opposite to that of the First Mover . Besides that the Empire of Reason over the Appetite is not despotical , or of a Master over a Servant ; but political , such as that of a Magistrate over the Citizens , and consequently , half voluntary . II. Whether Speech be natural and peculiar to Man. Upon the Seond Poynt Plato's opinion was mention'd , that the Gods having by Epimetheus produc'd all other Animals with some particular gift , made man naked and weak , destitute of all natural aids , and subject to so many miseries that they pitied him , and thereupon order'd Prometheus to give him Reason , Speech , and Hands ; the first , to know and contemplate the marvells of the world ; the second , to express his thoughts outwardly ; the last , to put his words and thoughts in execution . Reason not differing from Speech , saving that it is internal ; whence 't is also call'd the word of the mind ; and the other external . This external Speech is so excellent , that though it consist but of wind , which is Air striking against the Epiglottis , modifi'd and articulated by the tongue , lipps , palate , and teeth ; yet 't is the interpreter of the reasonable soul , according to whose example 't is equally receiv'd into all the ears of the Auditors . When this Speech is true , 't is a sign of the mind's conception , and as natural and peculiar to man as Reason it self , one of whose goodliest priviledges it is . Besides , man being born to live in society needed not onely Reason to guide himself , but also Speech , to govern others , which likewise hath more power over Souls , inclining and turning them as it pleases . The Second said , Some Animals are perfectly mute , as worms and Snails ; others render some sound , as Flyes , Grashoppers , though 't is onely that of their wings ; and some have voice , as all perfect animals , amongst whom man hath the particular advantage of Speech . For sound is a Collision of Air between two solid bodies . Voice is a sound render'd by the mouth of an Animal to express its affections . But Speech is a voice which signifies by institution , and is call'd a verb if it signifie time ; otherwise a noun . As it signifies by institution 't is distinguish'd from the voice which is a natural sign , and hath some correspondence with the thing signifi'd . So the hoarse voice of one angry perfectly represents the inundation and tempest of the Spirits in this Passion . The lowness and mildness of a sad and afflicted mans voice represents the effect of sadness , which is to compress the Heart and Arteries ; for these organs being coarcted , the voice becomes more slender ; as appears in Women , fat people , children , and eunuchs . The Lover's interrupted speech betrayes the inequality of his mind . But words are signes without any reference to the thing signifi'd , depending onely on the Will of those who first gave names to things . For if they were natural signes , they would be understood by all the world , and be every where the same . But though 't is not natural , but acquir'd by precepts and use , specially by the hearing , whnce people deaf by nature are also dumb ; yea , 't is very peculiare to man. Wherefore Speech is improperly , figuratively , artificially , or else miraculously ascrib'd to other things ; as when The Heavens are said to declare the glory of God , one deep to call on another , &c. When Balaams Ass spoke , 't was by Miracle . But when Magus's dog spoke to Saint Peter , 't was by operation of the Devil ; as also what is reported of the two Pigeons , the Oke at Achilles's Horse , the keel of Argo , and that Elm of the Gymnosophists mention'd by Philostratus to have saluted Apollonius at his arrival , as the River Causus bid Pythagoras good-morrow . But Speech properly belongs onely to man ; other creatures are incapable of it , both because they want Reason ( which is the principle of it ) and organs , which are a tongue , a palate , teeth , and lipps , all rightly proportionated for the articulation of voice ; for man's tongue alone is soft , large , moveable and loose ; to which qualities those of Pies and Parrots come nearest . The Third said , A natural thing is either born with us , as sense and motion ; or comes afterwards of it self , as laughter , or whereof we are naturally capable and inclin'd to , as Arts and Sciences . In the first and second signification speech is not natural to man , who could not speak without learning , whence the two children caus'd by Psammetichus , King of Egypt , to be nurs'd in a Desart by two dumb Nurses pronounc'd no other word but Bec which they had heard of the Goats . But in the last signification 't is peculiar to man , who is so inclin'd to it , that were children let alone from their Cradle they would in time make some language by signs , or words . 'T is to be understood too , that 't is articulate speech , such as may be written , that is peculiar to man , not inarticulate , which though a natural sign of the affections within , yet cannot properly be called speech , because found also in beasts , whose jargon Apollonius and some others are said to have understood ; for hearing the chattering of a Swallow to her companions , he told those that were present that this bird advertis'd the others of a sack of Wheat fallen off an Asse's back neer the City : which , upon trial , was found to be true . CONFERENCE LXXIX . I. What the Soul is . II. Of the apparition of Spirits . I. What the Soul is . THe difference of inanimate , living and dead bodies , manifestly evince the existence of a soul. But its essence is so unknown that Philosophers doubt in what degree of Category to put it . For 't is of that kind of things which are not known by themselves , but only by their effects ; as local motion and substance , which is not perceptible but by its accidents . So the outward shape of animated bodies acquaints us with their inward form . For the soul shapes all the external parts after the same manner ; as Plants and Animals of the same species have commonly their leaves and members of the same external figure ; whereas you scarce find two stones , or other inanimate bodies , of the same shape . The Second said , That the soul , according to Aristotle , is the first act of a natural body organiz'd , having life in power , or potentially . Meaning by act perfection , which he expresses by the word Entellechie , which signifies to be in its end and form , which two are the same in natural things . 'T is call'd Form upon account of its beauty ; and divine , from heaven , its original ; and 't is the first of all other second acts , which are produc'd by it , such as all vital actions are . For as in the most imperfect of beings , Matter , there is a First or remote power , as in water to become fire ; another second or next , as in the same water to become air by rarefaction : so in the nature of Forms , the noblest created Beings , there is a First act , the source of all vital actions , and a Second , comprehending the faculties and functions : Now this Soul is not a pure act ( as God and Angels are ) but an act of the Body , on whom it depends either in its being , and preservation , or else only in operation . Hence Sensitive and Vegetable Souls cease to be upon the change of the dispositions which produc'd and supported them . The reasonable Soul too in some manner depends upon the Bodies disposition as to its operation , not as to its being and preservation , being immaterial and immortal . 'T is call'd an act of a natural Body , to distinguish it from Machines or Engines which move artificial and inanimate Bodies ; organical , because Organs are requisite to its action . It must also have life in power , that is , be able to exercise the vital functions . For want of which a carcase , though organiz'd , yet cannot be said to be animated , no more then Egges and Seed , for want of Organs , although they have life in power . The Third said , He was of Pythagoras's opinion who call'd it a number , there being nothing in the world wherewith it hath more correspondence and proportion . 'T is one in its essence ; it makes the binary , which is the first number , by its conjunction with the body , and division of its Faculties into the Intellect and Will ; the ternary , by its three species of soul , Vegetative , Sensitive , Rational ; the quaternary , by the four qualities constituting the temper requisite to its introduction into the body ; of which four numbers put together is form'd the number ten , whence all others proceed ; as from simple Apprehension , Enuntiation , Argumentation and Method , which are the four operations of the reasonable soul , whence all its notions proceed . The Fourth said , 'T is not enough to say , with the Philosopher , that the soul is an act or perfection , or that by whose means we live ; it must be shewn what this act is ; whether Substance or Accident . Pythagoras by calling the soul a number moving it self , reduces it under Quantity . According to Galen , who acknowledges no other Soul but the Temper , 't is a Quality ; as also according to Clearchus , who defines it harmony . Of those who believ'd the soul a substance , some have call'd it the purest part of some Element ; as Heraclitus , of fire ; Anaximenes , of air ; and Thales , of water ; none , of earth , in regard of its gross matter . Critelaus said 't was a Quintessence ; Democritus , a substance compos'd of round Atoms , and therefore easily movable . Now the soul is a substance ( not an accident ) because it composes a substance , making with the body a total by it self . Nor is it Quantity , because Quantity is not active ; much less a self-moving number , because number is an Entity of Reason , and nothing is mov'd of it self , but of some other . Nor is it any of the four qualities ; which being indifferent of themselves must be determin'd by some form ; much less a temper , which is found in all mixts , of which some are inanimate : nor a harmony , for this is compos'd of contrarieties , but the soul is simple , and consequently not susceptible of contraries . 'T is therefore an incorporeal substance ; otherwise , were the soul corporeal , there would be a penetration of dimensions in its union with the body ; consequently , 't is no Element , nor any Compound of them , as Empedocles and Plato phanci'd , upon this ground , that the soul being to judge of all things should therefore have all their principles and elements in it self . Which is absurd , for it knows divers things not compos'd of the Elements , as the Angels and Heavens . So that the soul must be concluded in the number of those things which 't is easier to affirm what they are not then what they are . The Fifth said , That the soul is a fire , whose centre is Heaven , and God the source , who is call'd by the name of fire , in the Holy Text. Hence life , an effect of the soul , is nothing else but heat , and death cold . Moreover , as fire makes bodies lighter , so living bodies are less heavy then dead . And the Hebrews call man Isch , from the word Esch fire ; as the Greeks do Phôs , which signifies light , which is a species of fire , lucid but not ardent ; which light appears upon bodies whilst living , and dis-aspears as soon as they are dead . Now the different sorts of souls are produc'd of different lights . Those of Plants are form'd of that of the air ; whence they have no sensible heat , as the sensitive have , which are generated of the Sun , which also gives them local motion : rational souls are beams diffus'd from God who inhabits light inaccessible . And as waters ascend as high as their springs , so the souls of Plants exalt themselves into the air , whose mutations they follow ; those of Beasts return into the Sun ; and those of men are reflected towards God , having this common with light , that they perish not , but return to the place of their nativity . Agreeably whereunto , Solomon saith , That there is nothing new under the Sun ; since even the forms of things are not new , but only appear in their turn one after another ; as when light forsakes our Hemisphere it no more perishes then shadow , but they both make a continual circle , which follows that of the Sun. II. Of the Apparition of Spirits . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the perfection of the Universe requires the existence of Intellectual Creatures , such as Angels and Rational Souls . A truth acknowledg'd by Aristotle , who assigns nine Spirits subservient to the First Mover , according to the number of heavens which they are to move ; although Mercurius Trismegistus acknowledges but two which hold the Arctick and Antarctick Poles . Which Avicenna also denoted by his Chain of Intelligences . Amongst these Spirits some are destinated for the preservation of men , as Guardian Angels , call'd by the Apostle ministring Spirits , which were the Genii of the ancients , by which they made their greatest Oathes . Others have continual war with mankind , as the Devils . Others animate bodies , as Rational Souls , which after the bodies dissolution are happy or miserable , according as they have done good or evil . As for Angels and Demons , History both sacred and prophane testifies their frequent apparition to men . Daily experience proves the same of the souls of the dead , though some question it . But besides that 't is presumption to dis-believe all antiquity , which tells us of a Ghost which spoke to Brutus , one which shew'd a Sceleton in chains to Athenodorus the Philosopher ; and that of Cleonice which tormented Pausanias ( who had slain her ) as long as he liv'd ; as also the Ghost of Agrippina did her son Nero. The authority of Holy Scripture instructs us of the return of Samuel , Moses and Elias ; and the same reason which makes the soul loath to part from its body argues it desirous to visit the same , or the places and persons wherewith it was most delighted . Nor is it more difficult to conceive how a separated soul can move it self , then how it moves the body which it animates , the one and the other being equally incomprehensible . The Second said , Spectres exist not saving in the Phancy , those who think they see them conceding that they are not palpable , nor beheld alike of all by standers , and men being prone to acquiesce in their own imaginations though misguided by the passions of fear , hope , love , desire ; especially children and women who are more susceptible of all impressions , because their phancies are so weak as to be no less mov'd with its own fictions then real external representations by the Senses . But strong minds are not subject to such delusions . The Third said , He is too sensual who believes nought but what he sees ; for according to this account nothing but accidents which alone fall under the cognizance of sense should be admitted . So the Saduces and all Libertines deny spirits , whilst they appeal only to Sense . Although it be an universal Doctrine of all sober antiquity that there are spirits , and that they appear oftentimes to men in cases of necessity , wherewith , according to Aristotle himself , the souls of the dead friends are affected ; a manifest argument of the soul's immortality , which he believ'd only by the light of nature . As Apuleius reports , the Platonists make three sorts of Spirits , First , Demons or Genii , which are souls whilst they animate bodies ; Second , Lares or Penates , the souls of such as had liv'd well , and after death were accounted tutelary gods of the houses which they had inhabited ; Third , Lemures or Hobgoblins , the souls of the wicked , given to do mischief or folly after death , as they did during their life . Some others , especially the Poets , conceiv'd man compos'd of three parts , Body , Soul , and Shadow , which latter appeared after dissolution of the two former , the body returning into its elements , and the soul going either to Heaven or Hell , as the shadow did into the Elysian fields , from whence it had no liberty to return , but only wander'd up and down so long as the body wanted burial . The Fourth said , We must distinguish between Vision and Apparition . The former is , when we think we behold a thing which afterwards comes accordingly to pass as it appear'd ; the latter is , when some visible forms present themselves to us either waking or asleep ; and 't is of three sorts , intellectual , imaginary , and corporeal . The intellectual is , when separated substances insinuate themselves into the mind without borrowing any external shape . The imaginary is , when they imprint some strange forms or species in the phancy , and by this means make themselves known to us . The corporeal is , when they present themselves to our outward senses . To omit the first , which is rare , and an image of the Beatifical Vision , the imaginary apparition of souls is caus'd when Angels or Demons , according to the quality of the souls , pourtray in our phancy the species and signs of their countenance and personage which they had during life , which appears sad , cover'd with black , whilst they yet indure the punishments of their sins ; but cheerful , and in white habit , when they are deliver'd from the same . And although this apparition is imaginary , yet 't is real too . Thus Judas Maccabaeus knew Onias and Jeremy ; Constantine saw S. Peter and S. Paul , and according to the opinion of many Samuel appear'd to Saul , and foretold him of things which were to befall him ; though others conceive 't was a corporeal apparition ; which also is much more certain , because souls either appear with their true bodies ( although this is very rare too , yea and unbecoming happy souls to rejoyn themselves to putrifi'd carcases ) or most commonly assume bodies of air . The cause of which apparitions is ascrib'd to the union which is between the soul of the dead person and that of the surviving to whom it appears , whether the same proceed from consanguinity , or identity of manners , great familiarity and friendship , which seems to make but one soul of those of two friends ; so that the soul finding it self in pain either through present or future evils , especially when it sees it self oblig'd to the performance of some vow neglected during life , God for his own glory , the ease of his creature , and the conversion of sinners , permits it to manifest it self by ways most convenient . CONFERENCE LXXX . I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling Sickness . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . I. Of the Epilepsie or Falling Sickness . THe vulgar Maxime is not always true , That a disease throughly known is half cur'd . For this disease , though known to the most ignorant , is of very difficult cure , and therefore was call'd by antiquity the Herculean disease , that is to say , unconquerable ; the Sacred disease , because of its dreadful symptoms ; and Lunatick , because those who are born either in the Full or New Moon , or during its Eclipse , are troubled with this malady , which hath great correspondence with the motions of the Planet ; 't was also call'd Morbus caducus , or Falling Sickness , by reason that it makes the person fall to the ground , and Comitialis , because it interrupted Assemblies ; lastly , 't is call'd Epilepsie because it intercepts the functions of the mind and senses . 'T is defin'd , the cessation of the principal actions , and of sense and voluntary motion , with convulsion , which is not continual , but by internals . The true and proximate cause of it is either a vapour or an humour pricking the membranes of the brain , which endeavouring to discharge the same contracts it self , attracts the nerves to it , these the muscles and parts into which they are implanted ; causing hereby those convulsive and violent agitations of the Epilepticks . Sneezing and the hickcock have some resemblance of it , the latter being caus'd by a sharp vapour sent from the stomack or other place by sympathy to its upper orifice which it goadeth with its acrimony , and thereby forces it to contract it self in order to expell the same ; the former call'd by Avicenna the lesser Epilepsie , differing not from the greater , saving in duration , is also caus'd by some vapours pricking the former part of the brain , which contracts it self to expell the same by the nostrils . The Second said , That the unexpectedness of this malady , and the Patient 's quick recovery , may justifie the vulgar for thinking that there is something divine in it . Since nothing amazes us more then sudden uncomprehended alterations . Therefore in Hippocrates days they us'd to make expiations and incantations for this disease , which he derides , saying that the bad Physitians promoted this false conceit , that they might get the more honour for the cure , or be more excusable for not effecting the same . The Third said , That the Epilepsie and Apoplexie differ onely in degree , both having the same cause , namely , abundance of gross humours , either phlegmatick or melancholy ; which if it wholly fills the brains ventricles , and makes a total obstruction ; so that the Animal Spirits , the instruments of voluntary motion and sense be obstructed , it causes an apoplexie , which is a total abolition of sense and motion in the whole body , with laesion of the rational faculty . The Heart continues its pulse for some time , till the consumption of what Animal Spirits were in the Nerves , serving to the Muscles for respiration . But if the obstruction be not perfect , and the crass humour over-loads the ventricles , then they contract themselves and all the Nerves which depend upon them ; whence comes that universal contraction of the limbs , as one cover'd in bed with too many clothes pulls up his legs , bends and lifts up his knees , to have more air and room under the load which presses him . The Fourth said , That as the brain is the moistest of all the parts , so it abounds most in excrements , the thinnest of which transpire by the sutures & pores , but the grosser meeting in great quantity in the brain melt its substance into water , which coming to stop the Veins and Arteries hinder the commerce of the spirits ; whether this pituitous matter be deriv'd from the paternal or maternal geniture , or whether the part of seed which makes the brain happen not to be well purg'd in the womb where the rudiments of this malady are first laid ; or whether the brain purge not it self afterwards sufficiently by its emunctories , and the scabs usual to Children . Hippocrates saith , this malady cannot begin after twenty years of age , when the constitution of body is become more hot and dry ; and many Children are cur'd of it onely by the desiccation caus'd by the alteration of age , seasons , and manner of dyet . The Fifth said , That a gross humour cannot be the cause of those quick and violent motions of the Epilepsie , nor be collected and dissipated in so short a time as the duration of a Paroxisme . Therefore the cause of it must be some biting and very subtile matter ; for no such gross obstructive matter is found in the brain of those that dye of this malady , but onely some traces or signes of some malignant vapour or acrimonious humour , as black spots , a swarthy frothy liquor , an Impostume in the brain , some portion of the Meninx putrifi'd , corrosion of the bone , and such other things evidencing rather the pricking of the brain then stopping of its passages . The Sixth said , That were the Epilepsie produc'd by obstruction , it would follow that as a total one in an Apoplexie abolishes all sense and motion , so the incomplete one of the Epilepsie should onely diminish , not deprave motion as it doth . So that the Epilepsie should be a symptom like the Palsie or Lethargy , from which nevertheless 't is wholly different . Nor can it be simply the mordacity or malignity of an humour , since malignant and pestilential Fevers , hot and dry Aliments , as spices , mustard , salt , garlick , onyons , and the lke biting things , cause not this Evil. The truth is , there is a specifical occult quality of the humours particularly disposing to this disease ; the Chymists call it a Mercurial Vapour , ( that is , an acid penetrating , and subtile spirit ) a Vitriolike Spirit , a biting and corrosive salt ; which makes not men onely , but Quailes , Dogs , Sheep , and Goats , subject to it . And as some things beget this malady by an occult Epileptical quality , as Smallage , Parsly , a goats liver roasted , and stinking smells , as horn , pitch and jet burnt , ( whence the Ancients being about to buy a slave , made him snuff up smoak of brimstone , to try whether he were not subject to this disease ) so many Antepileptical remedies cure it ; but that which proceeds by sympathie from the stomack , or other parts , more easily then that which is idiopathical , and radicated in the brain . As the shavings of man's skull not buried , drunk with water of Teile-tre and Paeony , so contrary to this evil , that it cures the same by being hung about the neck . II. Whether there be any Art of Divination . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That Man , who alone understands the nature and difference of Time , is more solicitous about the future then about the present , which is but a moment ; or the past , which concerns him only historically . Hence arises his ardent desire of presaging to satisfie which , he makes use of every thing in the world . Which is an infallible argument of the vanity of this Art of Divination ; because effects cannot be fore-told by all sorts of causes , but onely by those wherewith they have connexion , and wherein they are potentially contain'd , as leaves and fruits are in the seeds ; and 't is receiv'd a Maxime , that when an effect may be produc'd by sundry causes , none of them is the true cause ; since we cannot from such an effect proceed to the knowledge of its cause . Now Divination is not taken here , as Hippocrates speaks of it in his Prognosticks , when he saith , that nothing is makes Physitians more resemble Gods , then the foretelling of what will befall , and hath already befallen their Patients . For there he speaks of the predictions of Physick ; but here to divine , is to affirm an event whereof we see not any cause or probable sign . For if by seeing a Rain-bow I prognosticate rain , or that a tree will bear fruit when it is well blossom'd , or that a sick person that rests ill the night before the seventh day will have a Crisis , this is not Divination . But if , not knowing a prisoner nor his affairs , I fore-tell that he will be set at liberty or not ; that an unknown person will be married , and how many Children he will have , or such other things which have no necessary , nor yet contingent causes known to me ; this is properly to Divine . Whereby it appears , that there is no Art of Divination : Art being a body of precepts tending to some profitable end ; whereas were Divination certain , it would cause nothing but either despair or negligence ; and precepts being of things hapning necessarily or most commonly ; that whose cause we know not cannot be known by precepts . And therefore all your Soothsayers , Augurs , Sorcerers , Fortune-tellers , and the like , are but so many Impostors . The Second said , That Divination , which is a prediction of future things remote from our knowledge , is of three sorts . Either from God , as Prophecy ; from Devils , as Conjuring ; or from causes purely natural , which is Prognostication or Conjecture . Prophecy is a divine inspiration , whereby one fore-sees and declares remote things infallibly . 'T was exercis'd at first by the Priests of the Law , with the Vrim and Thummim , which were twelve precious stones in the high Priests Ephod ; and afterwards by the Prophets instructed in dreams or visions , whence they were call'd seers . Diabolical Divination depends upon some compact , either tacite or express , with the Devil ; who being able to declare such things as have appear'd by some outward act , as the authors of robberies , things lost , or such futurities as depend on natural and necessary causes , but not such as proceed from causes purely free or contingent ; the Soothsayers his servants can know no more concerning the same then their Master . This Divination is of two sorts . The first is call'd Daemonomancy , when the Devils themselves give answers out of Caves or Images ; sometimes by beasts , men , or most frequently by women , rendring oracles by their mouths , stomacks , or bellies , but for the most part ambiguous and doubtful , for fear of being mistaken . The other is call'd Mangania , or Goetia , the most detestable species of which is Necromancy , which draws answers from the mouths of the dead . Others , more remarkable , are , 1. Hydromancy , or Divination by water , into which they pour drops of oyle , or cast three little stones , observing the sections of the circles which they describe . 2. Lecanomancy , by a basin of water , at the bottom of which the answers are heard , after casting thereinto some plates of Gold and Silver , and precious stones , engraven with certain characters . 3. Gastromancy , by glass bottles full of water , in which a big-belly'd woman , or an innocent child , beholds images . 4. Catoptromancy , by Looking-glasses . 5. Crystallomancy , by crystal cylinders . 6. Dactylomancy , by enchanted Rings , like that of Gyges . 7. Onychomancy , by anointing the nail of a child with oyle or tallow , and holding it towards the Sun they see in it what they demand . 8. Aeromancy , by conjurations of the Air. 9. Coscinomancy , by a sieve , and sizzars . All which species of Divination presume either an express or tacite compact with the Devil . But there were three without compact , 1. Aruspices , who drew conjectures from the entrails and motions of beasts sacrificed , from the figures made by melted wax cast into water , call'd Ceromantie , or Daphnomancy , from the crackling of burning Lawrel , Omphalomancy , when by the knots and adhering to the navil and secundines , the Mid-wives fore-tell how many Children the new deliver'd woman shall have afterwards . Amniomancy , foretelling the Childs fortune from the red or livid colour of the coat Amnios . Parthenomancy , to discover Virginity by measuring the neck , or drinking powder'd Agat , which she that is no Virgin vomits up again . 2. Augures , or Auspices who divin'd from birds , beasts , prodigies , and accidents , as Pliny reports of the Servilii , that they had a piece of brass money which they fed with Gold and Silver , and it increas'd when any good was to befall their Family , and diminish'd upon some approaching evil . 3. Unlawful Lots are Cleromancy , which comprehends Homer and Virgil's Lots . Alectriomancy , by a Cock eating corns of wheat lay'd upon the Letters of the Alphabet . Oniomancy , by names ; Arithmancy , by numbers . Lastly , Natural Divination , which is Conjecture , either taken from the Stars , as Judiciary Astrology ; the Air , and its several dispositions ; the Sea , and Trees , as when a Plague is fore-told by the flourishing of Roses or Violets in Autumn . Animals also supply some presages , as Mice running away from an house presignifie its downfall or burning ; and Sparrows delinquishing a Country denote the Pestilence and infection of the Air. The Third said , That the Soul , being immortal , is also capable of knowing things after the manner of eternity , which being a total and simultaneous possession of endless life , knows all things at once , things future and past as present ; which knowledge is like that of a man who beholds a whole Army at the same time from the top of a Mountain ; and that of time , in which things are seen successively , is like that of him who through a hole sees every Souldier of his Army pass by one after another . Wherefore 't is no wonder if men who affect nothing so much as eternity , and to be like God , desire to know things as God doth , to whom the future is present . Moreover , this inclination being natural to all persons , they must have a power to exercise it in this life , lest it be in vain . Which is done principally when the Soul is loosned from the Body , as in sleep , extasie , deep contemplation , and the agonies of death , in which dying persons commonly foretell things to come . CONFERENCE LXXXI . I. Of Chiromancy . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . I. Of Chiromancy . CHiromancy is Divination by inspection of the hand , and consideration of its substance , quantity , quality , and other accidents , whereby the same affords indications of things past or to come . It was practis'd by Sylla and Caesar , this latter having by it discover'd the false Alexander , who pretended himself Herod's Son , from the true , And an old Chiromancer of Albert of Mirandola , Cousin to the great Picus , fore-told the Duke of Nevers , Nephew to Lewis XII . being at Carpi in Italy , ready to fight with the Vice-roy of Naples , that he should win the battle , but lose his own life , as it came to pass . So Paulus Jovius relates , that Antiochus Tibertus of Cesena , by this means , advertis'd Guido Balneo of the death which befell him by one of his familiars ; and that Horatius Cocles fore-told Lucas Gauricus that he should be put to death by John Bontivoglio Prince of Bononia . Many having seen Criminals lead to the gallows have observ'd that the two extremes of the line upon the last joynt of the thumb terminated at the root of the nail , which is taken for the sign of the halter ; as when this line reaches not the nail , but on one side , it presages onely danger of hanging . Now as diversity of outward shapes distinguishes species , so it doth also individuals , especially that of the hand , the instrument of every one's fortune , and the most temperate part of the Body ; whence the hollow of it is accounted the organ of Touching . The Second said , That the hand , the subject of Chiromancy , is compos'd , as all other organical parts , of three dissimular parts , the wrist , palm , and fingers . In the palm the Chiromancers consider the lines and eminences or hills . The lines are those parts which variously divide the hand , the five chief of which are , the line of the wrist , the line of life , the natural mean , the liver-line , and the table-line . The wrist-line is that which divides the hand from the arm , and is commonly double , sometimes trebble and quadruple . The line of life , or of the heart , begins at the bottom of the tumour under the fore-finger , and ends at the wrist-line , having sometimes another line paralle , call'd the sister of the line of life . The natural mean , or line of the head , begins near the line of life under the fore-finger , and passes over-thwart the hand to the hill of the Moon , or pommel of the hand , which line is thwarted by another , call'd the liver or stomack-line ; and these two lines , with the line of life , form a triangle , whose base is the liver line , call'd the triangle of Mars ; which appears not in their hands whose middle line terminates at the table line , or line of fortune , which begins under the hill of Mercury , at the bottom of the little finger , and ends under the fore-finger with one , two , or three branches . 'T is call'd the table line , because the space between it and the middle line represents the table ; whence 't is call'd the table of the hand , and line of fortune , because it affords the certainest tokens of good or bad fortune . The hills or risings of the hand are seven , according to the Planets to which they are attributed , namely , the mount of Venus , under the thumb , indicating Love ; the mount of Jupiter , under the fore-finger for Honours ; that of Saturn , under the third , or middle finger , for felicities or misfortunes ; that of the Sun , under the fourth , or ring-finger , for Riches ; that of Mercury , under the little finger , for Arts and Sciences ; that of the Moon , which is in the pommel of the hand , for afflictions and maladies of the mind ; lastly , the mount of Mars in the foresaid triangle , compriz'd under the lines of life , the middle line , and the liver line , denotes war-like exploits . And because the four principal fingers have twelve joynts which make as many sinuosities ; therefore the Chiromancers attribute to each of them a sign of the Zodiack , and to each finger a season of the year ; as to the fore-finger the Spring , and to its three joynts the three signes of that season , assigning the uppermost joynt to Aries , &c. By which signes 't is known in what moneths the effects fore-told by the lines of the hand will happen . The Third said , That Chiromancy is a Conjectural Art , not founded upon indubitable principles of eternal truth , but upon many experiences , from which the general precepts of this Art are deduc'd . The chief whereof are , that the rectitude , continuity , and lively colour of the lines , and the eminence of the mounts are good signes , as also the branching of these lines upwards towards the mounts of the fingers ; on the contrary , their obliquity , intersection , livid or blackish colour , and branching downwards , are of ill augury . The wideness of the table , and the angles of the triangle of Mars well shap'd , denote good . Many lines cutting the chief which are in the palm of the hand , shew a man intangled in affairs . The lines of the wrist signifie that the person is to live so many times twenty years . A double line of life is a sign of one very fortunate . The lines which cross it are so many misfortunes , and their breaking shews death or dangerous sickness . One o in it denotes the loss of an Eye , and two oo total blindness , which Johannes de Indagine saith he found true in many , and by his own experience . Crooked lines upon the table line threaten water . 'T is an ill sign , when one of the chief lines , especially the table line , is wanting ; and when it hath inci●ions , 't is a mark of various fortune . Lines between the table line and middle line are so many diseases , but not mortal . And infinite such other rules . The nails also are consider'd by the Chiromancers , as to their colour , shape , largeness , and little spots , among which the round and white denote friends , the others ill-willers . The Fourth said , That 't is requisite to prediction by the hands that nothing be on them but what is natural . And if the lines of one hand suffice not , recourse must be had to the other ; and if both agree , the effects signifi'd by them are less doubtful . When they differ , these of the left hand are chiefly taken notice of , both because 't is nearest the heart , and because 't is less disfigur'd by working . Yet 't is to be remember'd , that as one sign evidences not the constitution , and few diseases have one certain pathognomonical sign , so neither is an effect to be infer'd from one line so and so , but from many together ; although they are commonly fallacious too , unless the inclinations likewise be known by Physiognomy and Astrology . The Fifth said , All effects are either natural or free ; those come from a necessary and infallible , which hath no affinity with the lines of the hand erroneously alledg'd to signifie the same ; and these being from the Will cannot be caus'd by a concurrence of lines , differing either fortuitously , or according to the various situations of the bones , or several foldings of the child's hands in his mothers belly , or by different exercises , and variety of Climates ; they of hot Countries having scorch'd skins , and more lines otherwise configurated then Northern people ; and Artisans , then Courtiers and idle people . And so there would need different rules of Palmistry , according to Countries and qualities , which is absurd . The truth is , if any thing may be conjectur'd , 't is from the parts , which contribute something to what they are signes of . So a large fore-head may be the note of good capacity , because it shews that the Ventricles of the Brain are large ; and a bony and sinewy man is with reason judg'd strong . But the hand can afford no indication , if you except its largenesse or thicknesse , by proportion of which , with the other parts that are not seen , one may judge of its strength . 'T is therefore a fallacious Art which takes that for a cause and a sign which is nothing lesse . The sixth said , Chiromancy is of two sorts , Physical or Astrological . The former is grounded upon the same principles with Physiognomy , and is a part of it , discovering by the several accidents of the hand it s own temper with that of the whole body , and consequently , the manners and inclinations . Hence the Chiromancers affirm , with great probability , that those that have thick hands have the other parts which are unseen alike , and consequently , a dull wit ; and so on the contrary . But that which is purely Astrological , and is founded upon imaginary principles , seems not only faulty ▪ but very ridiculous , yea , and pernitious too ; and therefore is prohibited by Laws both Humane and Divine . II. Which is the noblest part of the Body . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That man's body being a structure compos'd of many parts , not onely similary , as in plants and stones , but organical , destinated to each action , which being their end , will also be the measure and standard of their noblenesse ; as Officers and Ministers of State or Family are esteem'd according to their imployment . Now an Animals noblest action is Life ; and therefore the Heart , the author thereof , and source of heat and spirits , is the noblest of all parts . Moreover , Aristotle sayes , it lives first and dyes last , and is in the little world what the Sun is in the great , imparting light and motion to all the parts of the body , as the Heavens do to all sublunary things . Therefore many Animals want other parts , but none a heart , which is so absolutely necessary that its least wound is mortall . The Second said , Whether Nobility betaken from Antiquity or necessity , the Liver is the noblest of all . For the Animal at first lives the life of a Plant , and so needed nourishment first , the supplying of which , being the Livers office , it is therefore form'd before any of the entrails . Nor could we exercise our senses or reasonable actions , if we were not nourish'd ; the functions of all faculties ceasing as soon as the Livers provision is spent . Yea , no animal action can be perform'd without spirits , the matter of which is blood elaborated in the Liver . Which as 't is the cause of the four humours , and consequently , of Health or Sicknesse ; so 't is the seat of Love , the noblest of all the passions . The Third said , As much nobler as the species is then the Individual comprehended under it , so much are the parts serving to its conservation nobler then others which conserve onely the particular . Therefore Galen reckons them among the principal parts . They serve to enliven the body , whose temper , colour , beauty , voice , and other qualities , their deprivation not only destroys , but also changes the manners of the Mind , and extinguishes Courage , as appears in cocks when castrated . Add hereunto , that they are hardest to be tam'd , and therefore most noble . The Fourth said , That Generation being common to men , not onely with beasts , but also with plants , being an action of the natural faculty , it cannot be the noblest action of man ; but rather the Understanding , which being exercis'd in the brain , the seat of the Rational Soul , this without dispute is the noblest of all ; whence 't is call'd Heaven by Homer , a divine member by Plato , and generally accounted the mansion of wisdom , and temple of divinity , which appears chiefly in the structure of its rete mirabile , labyrinth , and ventricles . Moreover , all the parts were made for the brain . For man was born to understand , and the intellectual faculty holds its seat in the brain . To understand well , it needed phantasmes and species , which were to be receiv'd by the senses plac'd for that purpose in the head : and to judge of the diversity of sensible objects , it ought to have local motion ; and , in order thereunto , muscles , tendons , nerves , and bones . These actions of the Understanding are perform'd by help of the Animal Spirits , the matter whereof are the vital of the Heart , as the matter of these are the natural ; whence learned men are commonly lean and unhealthy , because their natural spirits go to the brain , instead of being carry'd to the parts , in order to nutrition . The Fifth said , That ( to omit Aesop's opinion , who prefer'd the tongue before any other part , and found it most powerful to do either good or evil ) the hand seem'd to him as much more excellent then the brain , as the active is to be estimated above the contemplative . Therefore Aristotle calls it the Organ of Organs , and 't is the symbol of faith , strength , and civility ; whence remain still the termes of kissing the hands . CONFERENCE LXXXII . I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter , or in Summer . I. Which is most powerful , Art or Nature . THe power of Nature and Art cannot be better judg'd then by their opposition ; yet how should any be between them , whilst Art can do nothing without Nature ? For if the hand be off of Industry , 't was Nature that made it a hand . If the Sword be valued for the Art which fashion'd it , and brought it into a condition to give Law to him that hath none ; 't is to the Iron produc'd by Nature in the Mines that it owes its matter . And thus making the same induction through all disciplines , 't will be found that they cannot be imagin'd without Nature ; not Logick , without natural reason ; nor Grammar , without speech ; nor Speech , without a tongue ; nor writing , without ink and paper ; nor these without the matter whereof they are made , no more then a building without stones , morter , or other materials . Therefore when Art offers to compare with Nature , 't is as if a child upon a Gyant 's neck should therefore think it self taller then he ; whereas it hath no advantage but what it borrows from the Gyant which upholds it . The Second said , That actions being the rule whereby to measure the excellence of the Agents , and being themselves determin'd by their end , which alone sets value upon them ; Nature is therefore more excellent then Art in that it hath a nobler end in its actions , and ordinarily attains the same which Art can never do . For Nature , as the internal principle of motion and rest of that wherein it is , produces all substantial forms , and is the cause of all generations and natural motions ; in the continual revolution of which is seen an unparallel'd order , illustriously testifying the wisdom of Nature who governs them , and who never fails to produce a plant or an animal when the matter is rightly dispos'd . Whereas Art is only an external cause , giving nothing but shape and outward shew to its works , which indeed in some manner imitate those of Nature , which is the end of Art , but are never so perfect , no Painter having ever made a bunch of grapes , or a man , so well as Nature , because he represents only the surface and some few other external accidents , but is far from being able to express the essence and substantial forms of these natural bodies which it attempts to imitate . Moreover , Nature frames all parts of her works together ( as in the formation of man ) though grosly and in a small volume , and afterwards makes the same augment and move together ; but Art makes the parts of its work successively , the foundation before the walls , these before the roof , the rough hewing before the last hand ; and motion excited by artifice is violent , yea more in some parts of the Engine then in others . The Third said , That to doubt whether Art be more powerful then Nature , is to doubt whether two be more then one , or three then two . For Art presupposes Nature perfected . And as that is the strongest animal which can bring others under its laws , so being Art always subdues Nature , it must be the more potent . Our nature is inclin'd to evil , but the precepts of Divinity , yea , and of moral Philosophy too , have no other aim but to correct its defects , and overcome its perverseness , both which are so happily effected , that not only S. Paul professes , I live , yet not I , but Christ in me ; but also the most excellent Physiognomist was mistaken in his judgement of Socrates from his aspect . Nature leads man to follow his brutish and sensual appetite , and to make use of every thing which complies therewith ; but Art coming to rectifie it civilizes him , and teaches him to restrain his concupiscences , to fast rather , for conscience or health , then incur eternal damnation in the other life , and diseases in this . And experience shews how far Art gets the mastery of Nature , when a little man dextrous at his weapons easily overcomes a stronger who hath onely the help of nature . The horse , dog , birds of prey , and other animals capable of discipline , do every thing which man teaches them much better then they would do of themselves . Compare but the discourse of an ignorant with that of a learned person , the carriage of a Clown with that of a Courtier , the heaviness of a strong Lubber with the dexterity of a practis'd Champion . In the Mechanicks , a Child with an artificial Screw will lift up a greater burden then two Oxen can carry , and these two Oxen will draw a load by the common artifice of Carts , which ten other Oxen cannot bear upon their backs . An Army of 20000 naked Savages hath been often defeated by 200 men arm'd with Swords and Arquebushes . In brief , compare the weakness of all things at their beginning , and before time has brought them to perfection by a series of new precepts , whereof Arts are composed ; and you will see that Art as much surpasses Nature as Bread doth Acorns , or Wheat it self , before Art hath fitted it to our use . The Fourth said , That duration is the measure of every thing 's excellence ; whence the Proverb teaches us to consider the end . Bubbles of water and sope blown into the air look very handsome ; wait but a little and they are nothing . So are all artificial things compar'd to natural . As this gave them beginning , so it sees them end , overcomes and survives them ; that a thing perishes it hath from art ; that it lasts more or less , it hath from nature ; as writing engraven in Marble is of longer continuance then that which is trac'd upon sand , and yet 't is one and the same writing . But sooner or later , every thing returns to its first principles ; and what was borrow'd of nature must be paid back to her again . We raisepalaces up to the clouds ; Nature endures it with some violence , their gravity resisting the most it can , till at length she seems to yield , and to be tam'd by art . But inquire news of them in future ages , and they will tell you that Nature never rests till she hath return'd that to the ground which was taken out of it , and this without Tools or Instruments . Art squares trees which were round , whence a Spartan Lady ask'd , whether trees grew square : leave them to the air , they become round , their corners rotting first of all . Physitians observe , that simple medicaments , as the most natural , are the most effectual , and such as have least artifice are most active . Whence the most expert laugh at that hotch-potch of herbs , and other ingredients , wherewith quack-salvers fill their receipts , acknowledging that the more you have in compounding a medicine , the lesse intentions you obtain the same , one quality resisting and abating the edge of another . And , in removing of diseases , they hold for a Maxime , that 't is Nature alone which do's the cure . Moreover , the birth of a child is a pure work of Nature , and she that leaves her to do the business is the most expert to bring Women to bed . In brief , all good Crises must be natural , every thing that is artificial is directly contrary thereunto . What adoptive Son hath so tender an affection to his parents as a natural one ? or what nurse suckles anothers with so good a heart as her own child ? which was the reason of the Gardiner to the Philosopher , who ask'd him , why bad herbs grew better of themselves , then others transplanted , and cultivated by Art. When we would signifie an honest man , we say he is of a good nature ; when a knave , that he is full of artifice . Men may disguise their manners and inclinations , but cannot dissemble Nature ; a sanguine , cholerick , or melancholy person , alwayes discover their nature through all the artifices and hypocrisies of art . Preach to an intemperate , ambitious , or otherwise tainted with some vice as natural to him as to the lame to halt , he will possibly restrain himself for some time , but presently return to his first habit . The Fifth said , Nature being taken for every thing compounded of matter and form , and Art for Humane Wit , which applies them to its own use , this must be so much more excellent then that , as it gives perfection to the same , by introduction of an artificial form besides its natural . Marble , of no price in the mine , yet turn'd into the statue of an old woman becomes highly valuable . The Dragon in the Tapistry is as agreeable to behold as the natural one would be terrible . And even of things profitable , a dish of fruits well drawn is more esteem'd then a hundred natural . And who prizes not a Table , Cabinet , or other moveables , more then so much wood , a glasse then the ashes it is made of . 'T were to accuse all Antiquity of error , and unprofitably inventing and increasing Arts , to prefer the rudenesse and simplicity of Nature before them ; which teaching us from the birth to defend our selves by arts against all defects of the body , therefore tacitely yields them the preheminence . The sixth said , That the meaness and imperfection of the matter sets off the excellence of the workman , when his work borrows all its noblenesse from its form which he gives it , and not from its matter . Hence God , the most perfect of all Agents , needed no matter wherewith to make all his works ; Nothing being a sufficient material object of his Omnipotence . Nature , a subordinate and lesse perfect Agent then God , makes all her works of the First Matter , which is not a pure nothing ; nor yet a perfect Entity , but on Entity in power , and as Aristotle saith , almost nothing . But Art can make nothing but by the help of natural and perfect bodies , compos'd of matter and form , which it onely divides or conjoyns ; as when the Architect builds a House he joynes many stones , pieces of wood , and other perfect bodies together ; and the Statuary pares off the gross pieces of Marble till he brings forth the resemblance of what he would represent . Wherefore as much as God is above Nature , so much is Nature above Art. II. Whether Wine is most to be temper'd in Winter or in Summer . Upon the Second Poynt 't was said , They who impute most diseases to the use of Wine , because the Eastern people who use it not are , free or less troubled with maladies , will conclude ( as he did who marri'd a very little Woman , as the least Evil ) that Wine most qualifid is best , in case it cannot be wholly let alone . But the Question will still remain , in which season , Winter or Summer , it is most to be mix'd . Now there being less heat , and more humidity in the body during Winter , by reason of the outward cold , and closing of the pores , it seems that Wine should be taken unmixt in this season . For being heat consists in a proportion of the qualities , that which exceds must be corrected by its contrary , and the weak strengthened ; as they that would walk upright on a rope , must turn their counterpoize to the side opposite to that whereunto they incline . The Second said , That in Summer the Wine should be more temper'd , because then the natural heat is least , as Caves are cold in Summer and hot in Winter . Whence Hippocrates said , that the bowels are hotter in Winter and Spring , whence people have then better stomacks ; the capacities being enlarged by the dilatation of heat , and sleep likewise longer , through the abundance of vapours rising from the blood , which is made in greater quantity when the natural is strong then when it is weak . Moreover , bodies are more healthy in cold weather then in hot , which causing great dissipation of heat and spirits , the losse cannot be better repair'd then by unmixt Wine , whose actual coldness being overcome by our Nature , its potential heat is reduc'd into act , and fortifies ours , adding also its volatile spirits to our spirits , as old regiments are recruited by new levies . The Third said , That the best food being assimilated and least excrementitious , as Wine is in all seasons , it ought not to be mix'd either in Summer or Winter , aqueous Wine making many serous excrements which cause obstructions ; whereas pure Wine is good in Winter to assist the natural heat , assaulted by the outward cold , and to digest the crudities commonly generated during this season ; and in Summer to support the languishing spirits by supplying new matter . But if the necessity of a hot distemper require mixture of water , I would have it pour'd into the wine two hours before it be drunk , that so fermentation may in some measure turn the water into the nature of the wine , and the encounter of these two enemies may be rather in a strange Country then in ours . The Fourth said , 'T was not without mystery that the Poets feign'd Bacchus new come forth out of Jupiter's thigh with an inflam'd countenance , to have been deliver'd to the Nymphs to wash him , and that the seven Pleiades , whose rising denounces rain , had the principal charge of him ; and that the Mythologists represent this God of Wine follow'd by a company of mischievous demons call'd Cabals , the chief of which they name Acrat , which signifies pure wine ; hereby intimating the disorders it causes when its fumes are not abated with water . Moreover , when Amplychion , King of Athens , had first put water into his wine , and every one by his example , a Temple was built in the City to Bacchus erect or standing ; intimating that as mere wine causes reeling , so temper'd makes one walk upright . The truth is , unmix'd wine is always dangerous , filling the brain with hot and pungent vapours , which water allays and gives a temper to , sutable to our natural heat , which is mild and gentle ; whereas these spirits are of themselves igneous , as the burning of Aqua-vitae testifies . But 't is less hurtful to drink pure wine in Winter then in Summer , when the natural heat being igneous and encreas'd by the outward would turn into a distemper by the adventitious heat of wine , which , on the contrary , in Winter counter-checks the outward coldness of the air . The Fifth said , If we believe the Poet Orpheus , who advises to drink unmix'd wine twenty days before the rising of the Dog-star , and as many after , then wine must not be temper'd in Summer ; a custom practis'd still in Italy , where in the heats of Summers they drink the strongest and most delicious wines without water . Moreover , people eating less in this hot season should therefore drink the more pure wine , as more nourishing . Besides that the aqueous crudities of fruits eaten in Summer is corrected by the heat of wine . The Sixth said , That regard is herein to be had to every one's constitution ; phlegmatick , old men , and such as have cold stomacks , may drink wine without water , as also those that have Fames Canina : but the cholerick and young must temper it if they do not wholly abstain , yet always having regard to custom , and the nature of wines ; amongst which , if we believe the Germans , their wine cannot endure water , no more then the water of the Island of Tenos can endure wine . CONFERENCE LXXXIII . I. Of Baths . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . I. Of Baths . 'T Is not in vain that Physitians examine the nature of the places wherein man's body is contain'd . For the ambient air , water , or earth ( as in Dropsies ) hath great influence upon the same . Now Baths are either total , for the whole body , or partial , for some members , such as the Half-bath , where the head , breast , and arms , are remaining out of the water ; fomentations , pumpings , and the like . This Bath was in such request among the Romans , that their Emperors were at great care and charge in building them , not only at Rome , but even in this City of Paris , where the Emperor Julian made one . Its benefits are great when us'd in due time and place , and its effects different according to its divers composition . For it always moistens , more or less ; but it heats , cools or tempers , according as 't is hot , cold , or temperate . It opens the pores , by removing the scurfe which stop'd them , and dilating them by its heat , whereby it insinuates into the inward parts , especially the muscles , which by this means it swells up , and by colliquating the humour corrects their dryness , and repairs the emptiness introduc'd thereinto by lassitude . Whence us'd moderately it takes away weariness , and repairs strength ; but continu'd too long , and being hot , it draws forth the strength of the party too much , and causes faintings ; a cold Bath cools the parts it touches , but by accident and consequence heats them , by obstructing the pores and passages of the spirits . Hence they that come out of this Bath are very hungry ; and Hippocrates saith , that the Convulsion is cur'd by casting cold water upon the shoulders , which moves nature to expell its enemy . So in fainting nothing recovers the spirits and revives the heart more then cold water cast on the face where the skin is thinnest , and the spirits abound most . The Second said , That those at Rome anciently pass'd through three places . In the first , where the air was well warm'd , like the Stoves of Germany , they put off their clothes . In the second , a little more heated by fire underneath or on the sides , they sweat ; the water which steam'd from the heated vessels sticking to their naked bodies , and being thence gently wip'd off , all the filth was brought ▪ off with Curry-combs of Ivory . Here also they were anointed with Oyle , either before the Bath of warm water ( when they would not relax the pores , nor evaporate the spirits , as in those that newly recover a sickness , or are exhausted by labour ) or after the Bath , to hinder the sweat which follows . For the oyl stops the pores of the skin , and so hinders transpiration . In the third place was the water luke-warm , or something more , where they bath'd themselves , afterwards plung'd into cold water or a little less hot , which was on the side of the same place , to fortifie the relaxed members . Lastly , they return'd to the second place , there to sweat and be rub'd , repassing by the first , to avoid the sudden mutation from hot air to cold ; the danger of which Alexander found when being too hot he went into a river , falling into shiverings and convulsions , wherewith he had perish'd had it not been for his Physitian Philip. Whereby it appears that a Bath profits or hurts , according as it is well or ill administred , and that our wise Ancestors were more circumspect in it then we ; which possibly is the cause why it was in so frequent use , that Galen speaks of divers of his time who commonly bath'd themselves twice a day ; the good which we receive from any thing being the inducement to the frequent practice of it . The Third said , That unless upon urgent necessity and a medicinal account , bathing is not only superfluous but very hurtful to men . For besides that 't is unnatural ( not water but air being man's element ) it opens the body , and makes it susceptible of any bad qualities of the air ; for which reason 't is forbidden in time of pestilence . For as Oke lasts longer then Fig-tree , because 't is more solid , so soft bodies are more unhealthy and short-liv'd then firme , as those of peasants are , who arrive to ages , without experience of any of those delicacies . For so many conditions are requisite to a Bath , that 't is commonly more hurtful then profitable . It must be vari'd according to the diversity of seasons , and complexions , which Galen confesses he understood not . And one and the same day will be of different temper , as it happens in Autumn ; so that one and the same Bath will be proper and not proper . Besides , 't is prescrib'd to be as hot as milk from the Cow , which it cannot be for two moments , but is immediately alter'd by the ambient air . If it be said that the body suffers well the same variations of the air . I answer that it is not expos'd naked to the air , whose excessive qualities are abated by our clothes . Otherwise , every one would be inconvenienc'd therewith , unless he were accustom'd to it from his birth , as the Savages are . Besides , the air adheres not to the skin , and so makes but a transient impression . It must be us'd after digestion , & we know not when this is ended ; the body being purg'd , which it seldom is as it ought ; otherwise it excites fluxions in such as are full-bodied , and subject to catarrhs . It fills the head with vapours ; it relaxes the nerves and ligaments , so that some have never felt the Gout but after bathing , It kills the infant in the womb , even when it is too hot . 'T is an enemy to those that have Tetters or Erysipelas , to fat and full bodi'd persons , and generally to all that are not accustom'd to it ; as if this element were not innocent , but as the most mischievous things are when made familiar by custom . As for bathing in rivers , those that swim therein , as most do , strain themselves more then do's them good , besides the incommodities which they receive from the air whereunto they are expos'd . So that if you add the loss of time to the rich , the charge to the poor , and incommodity to all , you will not wonder that most men abstain from them , and that Seneca chose no fitter place to dye in then a Bath . The Fourth said , That a Bath being one of the things call'd by the Physitians not-natural , that is , whose right or ill use hurts or do's good , no more distinction need be us'd in it then there is in eating , drinking , sleeping , waking , and such other things . But the advantages of a Bath rightly us'd have none equal to them . First it cleanses the body , and gives a man a new skin ; opens the pores , to let out the fumes and steams of the vessels , which also are temper'd by the water 's sweet and mild quality . It corrects dryness , the enemy of life , which consists in humidity , reducing the same to a just temper ; whence lean and hectical persons receive more benefit from it then any others . Moreover , Nature hath provided for other habits and complexions by the various mixtures of mineral-waters , having compos'd hot baths of Salt , Bitumen , Sulphur , and other Minerals , through which they pass ; which strengthen the nerves and joynts , cure Palsies , as sea-water doth scabs : But bathing chiefly regards fresh water . It takes away weariness , tempers the heat of weather , causes sleep , and is one of the most innocent pleasures of life . But he that would know all the commodities of it must have try'd what ease it gives in the greatest pains , especially in Colicks of all sorts , whence 't is call'd Paradise by those that are tormented therewith . Wherefore to take away bathing , is to reject one of the best remedies in Physick , and one of the greatest benefits of life . The Fifth said , That the Ancients , having not yet the use of linen to free themselves from the soil contracted upon their bodies , chiefly in wrastling and exercising naked upon the sand , were oblig'd to the use of Bathes , which became so easie and of so little cost to the multitude , that they paid but a farthing a time ; whence Seneca calls the Bath rem quadrantariam . And it cost them nothing after Antoninus Pius had caus'd a stately Bath to be built for the publick , as Capitolinus reports . But at length their use grew into abuse ; after women came to bathe themselves with men , the Censors were fain to forbid them , under penalty of Divorce , and loss of Dowry . II. Whether the Wife hath more love for her Husband , or the Husband for his Wife . Upon the second Point , it was said , That the Poet of our time who said , that he would marry his Mistress that so he might love her less , imply'd thereby that we less love what is already obtain'd . But he determines not the Question , who is soonest weary of loving , or who loves most , the Husband or the Wife ; where love must be distinguish'd from friendship , being a passion of the Concupiscible appetite tending towards sensible good , apprehended such by the Phancy , whereas friendship is a most perfect vertue leading the will to honest good , known such by the Understanding ; the former many times being opposite to the latter , inasmuch as the Passions of the Appetite disturb Reason , and by excess rise up to jealousie ; whereas the latter can have no excess ; for the more it is excessive the more it deserves the name of friendship . 'T is therefore necessary that the woman , whose phancy is stronger and intellect less perfect , have more love and less friendship ; the husband , on the contrary , more friendship and less love . Which extends also to children , whom the mothers love with more passion and tendernss , but the fathers more solidly ; which affection may serve for a proof and evidence of that in question . The Second said , That the praise of constancy in love is due to man , whose mind is more perfect , and consequently less mutable . And whereas love proceeds from knowledge , it will follow that men who understand more do also love more . And want of affection would be more blameable in the man then in the woman , as presupposing his defect of judgement in being mistaken in his choice ; men usually chusing their wives , and the wives only accepting of the husbands who address to them . For there 's great difference between the liberty our will hath to be carried to what object it pleases , and only the turn of approving or rejecting what is offer'd to it . So that the woman who loves not her husband may say , that she was mistaken but in one point , namely , in accepting what she should have refus'd ; but the husband in as many as he had objects in the world capable of his friendship . Besides , 't would be shameful to the husband , the head and master of the family , to be inferior to his wife in the essential point which renders their marriage happy or unfortunate . And Gracchus's choosing death that his wife Cornelia might live , ( having slain the male of two Serpents whom he found together , upon the Augur's assuring him of the said effect , as it came to pass ) shews that we want not examples for proof of this truth ; as that of Semiramis , who having the supream authority committed to her but for one day , caus'd her husband who had granted the same , and been indulgent to her all his life , to be put to death ; and the 49 daughters of Danaus , who all slew their husbands in one night , prove the same . The Third said , That amity being begotten and encreased by necessity , the woman , as the weaker , hath more need of support and protection from the man , and so is more oblig'd to love him ; and therefore nature hath providently implanted in her a greater tenderness and inclination to love , because all her happiness depends on her husbands good or ill treatment of her , which is commonly according to her love to him . To which end also the woman is endu'd with beauty and a more delicate body , and consequently more apt to give and receive love then men , whose exercises require a temper more hot and dry , whereby to undergo the travels of life . And if examples be needful , the contest of the Indian wives who should cast her self into her husband's funeral fire , together with whatever most precious thing she hath , in testimony of greatest love , suffices to prove this conclusion ; no men having ever been seen to burn for love of their wives . Yea , when anciently one man had abundance of wives ( a custom still practis'd amongst the Turks ) 't was impossible for the husband to have as much love for his wives as they had for him , being in all ages contented with one alone , and consecrating to him their whole affection ; which the more common it is , is so much the less strong . CONFERENCE LXXXIV . I. Of Respiration . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . I. Of Respiration . ALthough our natural heat be of a degree more eminent then the elementary , yet 't is preserv'd after the same manner , namely , by addition of new matter , and emission of fuliginous vapours , ever resulting from the action of heat upon humidity : both which are done by the means of respiration , which is the attraction of air by the mouth or nostrils into the Lungs , and from thence into the Heart , where the purest part of this air is chang'd into vital spirits , which are also refresh'd and ventilated by it . For though as much goes forth by exspiration as is taken in by inspirations , yet the air we breathe is nevertheless turn'd into our spirits ; for that which issues forth is not air alone , but 't is accompani'd with hot gross vapours streaming from the heart , the furnace of our heat . And as respiration is proper to perfect animals , so the imperfect have only transpiration , which is when the same air is attracted by the imperceptible pores of the body . Which is sufficient for animals whose heat is languid , as Insects , the Child in the womb , and hysterical women , in whom also ( hereupon ) the pulse ceases for a good while . And whereas the air kills fishes when they are long expos'd to it , it cannot serve for the support of their natural heat which is very small . Wherefore they respire with water which is more natural and familiar to them , causing the same effects in them that the air doth in land-animals . The Second said , As the aliments ought to be sutable to the parts of the body which they nourish , the soft and spungy Lungs attracting the thin bilious blood , the spleen the gross and melancholy ; so the spirits of the animal must be repair'd by others proportionate thereunto and of sutable matter , for recruiting the continual loss of that spiritual substance , the seat of the natural heat and radical moisture . Wherefore animals which have aqueous spirits , as fishes , repair the same by water which they respire by the mouth , the purest part of which water is turn'd into their spirits , and the more gross omitted by their gills . But land-animals , whose spirits are aerious and more subtile , and whose heat is more sensible , have need of air to serve for sutable matter to such spirits , for which end nature ha's given them Lungs . Yet with this difference , that as some fish attract a more subtile and tenuious water , to wit , that of Rivers , and some again a more gross , as those which live in Lakes and Mud : So according as animals have different spirits , some breathe a thin air , as Birds , others more gross , as Men and most Beasts ; others an air almost terrestrial and material , as Moles ; and amongst those which have only transpiration , flyes attract a thin air , and Worms a thick . The Second said , That our natural heat , being celestial and divine , may indeed be refresh'd by the air , but not fed and supported as the parts of our body are by solid and liquid food . For food must be in some manner like the thing nourish'd , because 't is to be converted into its substance . Now there 's no proportion between the gross and impure air which we breathe , and that celestial and incorporeal substance . Nor can nutrition be effected , unless the part to be nourish'd retain the aliment for some time , to prepare and assimilate it ; but , on the contrary , the air attracted by respiration is expell'd as soon as it hath acquir'd heat within , and is become unprofitable to refresh and cool . This respiration is an action purely animal and voluntary , since 't is in our power to encrease , diminish , or wholly interrupt it , as appears by Licinius , Macer , and Coma , who , by the report of Valerius Maximus , kill'd themselves by holding their breath . The Fourth said , That Respiration being absolutely necessary to life is not subject to the command of the will , but is regulated by nature , because it doth its actions better then all humane deliberations . Nor is it ever weary , as the animal faculty is , whose action is not continual as this of respiration is , even during sleep , which is the cessation of all animal actions , and wherein there is no election or apprehension of objects ( a necessary condition to animal actions ) yea in the lethargy , apoplexie , and other symptoms , wherein the brain being hurt , the animal actions are interrupted , yet respiration always remains unprejudic'd . The Fifth said , That respiration is neither purely natural ( as concoction and distribution of the blood are ; nor yet simply animal , ( as speaking and walking are ) but partly animal , partly natural , as the retaining or letting go of urine is . 'T is natural in regard of its end and absolute necessity , and its being instituted for the vital faculty of the heart , which is purely natural ; animal and voluntary , inasmuch as 't is perform'd by means of 65 intercostal muscles , the organs of voluntary motion , whereby it may be made faster or slower . II. Whether there be any certainty in humane Sciences . Upon the second Point 't was said , That all our knowledge seems to be false . First , on the part of the object , there being but one true of it self , namely God , whom we know not , and cannot know ; because to know adaequately is to comprehend , and to comprehend is to contain ; and the thing contain'd must be less then that which contains it . To know a thing inadaequately , is not to know it . Secondly , on the part of our Intellect , which must be made like to what it knows , or rather turn'd into its nature ; whence he that thinks of a serious thing becomes serious himself ; he that conceives some ridiculous thing laughs without design , and all the longings of Child-bearing-women end where they begun . But 't is impossible for us to become perfectly like to what we would know . Thirdly , this impossibility proceeds from our manner of knowing , which being by some inference or consequence from what is already known , we can never know any thing , because we know nothing at all when we come into the world . And should we acquire any knowledge , it would be only by our internal and external senses . Both both are fallacious , and consequently , cannot afford certain knowledge . For , as for the external , the eye which seems the surest of all the senses , apprehends things at distance to be less then they really are , a straight stick in the water to be crooked , the Moon to be of the bigness of a Cheese , though 't is neer that of the Earth ; the Sun greater at rising and setting then at noon , the Shore to move and the Ship to stand still , square things to be round at distance , an erect Pillar to be less at the top . Nor is the hearing less subject to mistake , as the Echo , and a Trumpet sounded in a valley , makes the sound seem before us when 't is far behind us . Pronuntiation alters the sense of words ; besides , that both these senses are erroneous in the time of their perception , as is seen in felling of woods and thunder . The Smell and Taste , yea the Touch it self , how gross soever it be , are deceiv'd every day in sound persons as well as in sick ; and what do our drinkers in rubbing their palates with Salt and Spice but wittingly beguile it , grating the skin thereof that so the wine may punge it more sensibly . But the great fallacy is in the operation of the inward Senses . For the Phancy oftentimes is perswaded that it hears and sees what it doth not ; and our reasoning is so weak , that in many disciplines scarce one Demonstration is found , though this alone produceth Science . Wherefore 't was Democritus's opinion that Truth is hidden in a well , that she may not be found by men . The Second said , That to know , is to understand the cause whereby a thing is , and to be certain that there can be no other but that ; the word cause being taken for principle . Therefore when men know by the Senses , by effects , by external accidents , or such other things which are not the cause , they cannot be said to know by Science ; which requires that the understanding be fully satisfi'd in its knowledge , wherein if there be any doubt it hath not Science , but Opinion . This scientifical knowledge is found in no other discipline but Logick and Geometry , in regard of the certainty of their principles , which are so clear that they are alike known by all , even the most ignorant , who need only understand their terms to assent to their truth . Such as these are ; every thing which is said of the Genus is also said of the Species ; and what is not said of the Genus , is not said of the Species ; which they call Dictum de omni , & de nulle . If to equal things you add equal things , the remainder will be equal . And if to unequal things you add unequal things , the remainder will be unequal . For whereas beasts have a natural faculty which is the common sense , or estimative faculty , whereby they judge of the convenience or inconvenience of objects the first time the same are presented to them : Man , beyond this natural power , enabling him to judge of sensible objects , hath a peculiar one , which is the Intellectual , by means whereof he is said to be every thing in power , because it enables him to know every thing , and to judge of the truth or falshood of universal things , which are Principles . And as the eye beholding white or black judges sufficiently what colour it is , without seeking reasons thereof elsewhere then within it self ; so the Intellect discerns the truth of principles by it self , without the help of any other faculty , yea without the habit of any Science , because these principles being before the Science whereof they are principles must be more clear and known then it ; whence Intelligence is defin'd the habit or knowledge of such first Principles . Thus , ask a Geometrician why the whole is greater then its part , he can give you no other reason but that 't is a principle known of its own nature . The Third said , That Geometry , being the knowledge of eternal truths by infallible principles , is most certain . And 't is an evidence of its certainty that it neither proposes nor demonstrates why a thing is such , but only that it is such . As 't is propos'd and demonstrated that in the same segment of a circle all the angles are equal , but not why they are so , because 't is a truth which comes to our knowledge by certain principles , and propositions formerly demonstrated , as certain as the principles themselves . Hence this truth is demonstrated , which nevertheless hath not any cause of its existence , as frail and perishing things have ; no material being abstracted from all matter ; nor efficient , for the agent ▪ is not any way consider'd therein ; nor formal , an angle being of its own nature only the inclination of lines ; nor yet final , this being not made to any intention . In like manner 't is demonstrated that four numbers or four lines being proportional ( that is , when there is such reason of the first to the second , as of the third to the fourth ) the square of the two extreams is equal to the square of the two middlemost ; but not why 't is so , this question occurring only in dubious things . The Fourth said , That knowledge being desir'd by all men , who for this end are endu'd with an Intellect capable of all sorts of notions , it must needs be found in some subjects , otherwise nature should have given us a general desire of a thing which is not . And since there are causes of every thing , there must be a Science of those causes . But the multitude of apparent causes is the reason that we are oftentimes ignorant of the right , and take one for another , the shadow for the body , and apparence for truth . Which argues not that there is no knowledge , but rather few knowing persons . For Socrates who said he knew nothing but that he knew nothing ; and the Pyrrhonians who doubted of every thing had even a knowledge of their ignorance . Moreover , the exact knowledge men have by the senses of particular things necessarily carries them to that of universals , wherein Science consists . As he that often experienc'd in divers persons that Sena purg'd their melancholy , acquires of himself this general Notion , that all Sena purges melancholy . And , on the contrary , he who understands a general proportion in gross , may of himself apply the same to all particulars ; so great a connexion there is between things universal and particular , in which the fruit of Science consists . The Fifth said , Since all knowledge depends upon another prenotion , which is what they call principles , those which compose the Sciences must also distinguish the same . Wherefore Sciences are to be term'd certain or uncertain according as the pre-existent notions whereupon they are founded are certain or not . Now amongst those principles some are universal , common to all Sciences ; as those of Metaphysicks ; in all things either the affirmative or the negative is true ; that which is not hath no propriety . Besides which 't is necessary to have particular one 's proper to the Science , which are true , first , immediate , causes of the Conclusion , preceding and more known then it . The six conditions requisite to principles in order to a demonstration . They must be true , not false ; for that which is false exists not ; that which exists not cannot be a cause of that which exists , nor consequently a false principle be the cause of a true demonstration : First , that is not proveable by others : immediate , so enjoyn'd with the attribute that there is nothing between them two to joyn them more neerly : causes of the conclusion , that is , this principle must be the necessary cause of this truth ; and consequently precede and be more known then it . As taking this for a principle , that the interposition of an opake body between light and a body illuminated causes a shadow upon this body ; we conclude , that as often as the earth is found interpos'd between the Sun , which is the light , and the Moon which is the body illuminated , it will necessarily come to pass that there will be a shadow upon the body of the Moon , which is its Eclipse . The Sixth said , 'T was the errour of Socrates , that observing our Sciences depending on other preceding notions , he apprehended that we learned nothing new , but that Science was nothing but the remembrance of what the soul formerly knew before its being inclos'd in this body : not considering that the knowledge of principles and notions is confus'd and not distinct ; and that the knowledge of them in gross is not sufficient to denominate a person knowing ; but that we must first draw universal conclusions from them , then apply the same to particulars , without which application those principles would be unprofitable , and not produce any Science . Thus the Divine applies this general principle , that that which is contrary to the Law of God is evil , to particular conclusions , as to murder , theft and perjury . The Physitian , who holds for a Principle that Contraries are cur'd by their Contraries , draws these other conclusions from it , that a cold distemper is cur'd by hot medicaments , a hot by refrigerating ; obstruction , by openers ; which he applies again to particular subjects . The States-man , from this general Principle , That every thing that disturbs the publick quiet is to be repress'd , concludes that the Seditious are to be punish'd . So , 't is not enough for a Mathematician to know that equal things added to equal things are likewise equal , unless he apply this universal principle to particular lines , surfaces and bodies . Which is done either by the Synthetical , or by the Analytical way ( which nevertheless must be follow'd by the Synthetical . ) Now 't is in the application of these general rules to particulars , that errour is committed even in the most certain Sciences . The Seventh said , That there are few Sciences , because there are few Principles and Proposition's demonstrable : as the contingent and the absolute are not . Whence it is that the future is not demonstrable , and hence follows the incertainty of Politicks . Wherefore only necessary Propositions , whereof ( the truth is ) permanent and eternal are demonstrable ; and all these are necessarily demonstrable because they have infallible principles : yet only such of these whose principles are known by men are demonstrable by men . So 't is certain that the Inundation of Nilus , and the flux and reflux of the Sea are not demonstrable ; because men know not , the principles are not known . Whereby it appears how ridiculous they are who undertake to demonstrate every thing . CONFERENCE LXXXV . I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . II. Of Sights or Shews . I. Whether the manners of the Soul follow the temperament of the Body . THe extream variety of men's actions and manners cannot proceed from the diversity of their souls , which are accounted all equal , but from that of the bodies ; wherein according to the various tempers thereof the soul produces that variety of manners . And as , in natural and animal actions , one and the same Soul digests in the stomack , makes blood in the Liver and Veins , sees by the Eyes , and reasons in the Brain ; so , likewise , it is sometimes sad , when the melancholy humour predominates in the body ; sometimes cheerful , when blood abounds ; and sometimes also froward or angry , when the choler is agitated . The Second said , That the soul being the form , as the body is the matter , it must be the cause of all humane actions ; not the body , which receives them , since the soul informs and perfectionates the body , and begets in it the habit which produces the manners and actions . As the horse governs not the rider , but the contrary ; and 't is to the rider that the honour or blame of the course is to be imputed . And were the soul but a quality , as the most prophane have ventur'd to affirm , yet the same priviledge must be reserv'd to it which is allow'd to the predominant quality in every compound , which gives it not only the denomination but also the action : as in compound medicaments the most active simple carries the credit from the rest . Besides , if the body and the humours thereof were the author and cause of manners , an ignorant person could never become learned , and a single Lecture of Xenocrates had never made a Drunkard cast off his chaplet of flowers , and turn a Philosopher . The examples of many grand personages sufficiently ill furnish'd with graces of the body , evidence what certainty there is in arguing from the out-side of the corporeal structure to the furniture of the soul ; and that the signs of malice , remark'd in some , as in Zoilus , from his having a red beard , a black mouth , and being lame , and one-ey'd ; of Thersites , and Irus , from their having sharp heads , rather shew the malice or ignorance of such as make these remarks , then prove that these dispositions of body are the true cause of malice ; we see people of the same temper , hair , stature , features , and other circumstances , very different in their manners and inclinations . And the same is observ'd in horses . For since the Stars , the most powerful agents , do not constrain , but only incline , certainly the humours cannot do more . True it is , their inclination is so strong , that no less grace of Heaven is needful to resist the same , then strength to retain a man that is rolling down the declivity of a hill : Yet Socrates remaining unmov'd by the embraces of a Curtezan , whom his Scholars contriv'd into his bed , to try him , although he was naturally very prone to vice , justifies that how hard soever it be to stop the slipping foot when it is once going , yet 't is not impossible ; and therefore the manners of the soul do not always follow the constitution of the body . Not considering the power which the fear of God hath over our wills , the effects whereof I here meddle not with , as being supernatural , since they have sometimes destroy'd all the maximes of nature ; witness those that give themselves to be burnt for the faith . The Third said , That the body must needs contribute to the soul's actions , as being its instrument . But it contributes only what it hath , namely , its temperament , and other proprieties . Therefore 't is from this temperament that the same are diversifi'd . The soul sees no longer when the eyes are shut or blinded : 't is wise in a well temper'd brain ( not only in a dry , as Plato , in his Timaeus , conceiv'd , because he saw children grow more prudent as their brain was desiccated ) 't is stupid in a too moist brain , and foolish or furious in one inflam'd , as in deliration or madness . 'T is also forc'd to leave its body when a violent Fever hath so deprav'd the humours thereof that there remains not the temper necessary to its reception . Therefore it follows the temper of the humours . Thus , because we see fire introduc'd into any combustible subject , and extinguish'd when the same is consum'd , we say fire follows combustible matter , and becomes of the same nature , quantity , and other qualities . Moreover , Hippocrates saith , Nations are warlike or cowardly , laborious or not , of good or bad nature , according to the diversity of climates and soils they inhabit , which render them diversly temper'd . Hence , in Asia , where the air is temperate , and less subject to changes then Europe and Africa , men are more healthy and handsome , their manners more equal and laudable : on the contrary , in Countries more cold or hot , the inhabitants are either more cruel or more boisterous , more hardy or more timerous ; and Mountaineers are more industrious , as , on the contrary , those who live in a fertile soil are commonly more slothful . Hence , amongst the Greeks , the Thebans and all the Baeotians , whose Country was rich , and the air very thick , were very dull , and the Athenians very subtle : which was the cause that 't was said , people were born Philosophers at Athens : on the contrary , 't was a prodigious thing to see one wise Anacharsis among the Scythians . Hippocrates addes the seasons too , according to the change whereof men's manners are also found divers . But all these cannot act upon the soul but by the organ of the body , changing its humours , and introducing new qualities into the parts thereof . The Fourth said , Even sucking children give some tokens to what their constitution inclines them , before the contraction of any habit , vertuous or vicious ; some of courage ; others of timidity ; some of modesty , others of impudence ; and as soon as they begin to speak , some are lyers , others love truth . And of two children taught by the same Master , the hardest student is many times a less prosicient then the other , who hath a temper proper for learning , and is as inclin'd to it as another is to Merchandize , Mechanicks , Travel , War ; or this will be quarrelsome , the other respectful and discreet ; one is born to servitude , and the other prefers his liberty before a Kingdom . So that not only the moral actions of the will , but also those of the understanding absolutely depend on the body , the soul being of a spiritual nature which of it self can never produce any sensible effect without the mediation of some body , not so much as exercise its proper actions of Willing and Understanding ; both which depend on the phantasms , which are intellectual species fabricated by the agent intellect in the Patient , upon the model of those that were brought by the senses into the imagination : hence , if these be alter'd or deprav'd by the spirits or humous flowing to the brain , reasoning becomes either diminish'd or deprav'd , or else wholly abolish'd , the spirits so confounding these phantasms that the intellect cannot make its reviews , nor compose or divide them in order to elicite its conclusions , and frame its notions . For souls differ only by the spirits , the tenuity and lucidity whereof is proper for contemplation , their abundance makes a man bold , their inflammation renders him frantick , their defect causeth sloth and cowardize : and being design'd to serve equally to the actions of the soul and body they were made of a middle nature between body and spirit ; whence they are called spiritual bodies , and are the cause of union between them , and mutual communication of their passions and affections . So the bodies diseases affect the soul , and disturb its operations , the spirits abandoning the brain to succour the grieved parts : the bilious humour in the ventricles of the brain , or a tumour and a Sphacelus cause madness , the blood overheated causeth simple folly accompani'd with laughter ; melancholy produceth serious folly . In like manner , the body resents the passions of the soul ; fear causeth trembling and paleness , shame , blushing , anger , foaming : and all this by the spirits . The Fifth said , If manners depended on tempers , vertues might be easily acquir'd by the course of diet ; which seems ridiculous . For then the divine faculties of the soul should depend not only upon meats but upon all other things not natural ; which would be to subject the Queen to her servants , to enslave the will and take away its liberty which makes it to be what it is . Besides , Theology cannot consist with this conclusion , which would acquit persons of blame , and lay it upon nature as its author . For he that should commit some evil cholerick action or other sin , could not avoid it , being lead thereunto by the bilious humour produc'd by nature , whereunto 't is almost impossible to resist , and so he would seem innocent , and unjustly punish'd for what he committed not voluntarily ; though without the will there is no sin . Moreover , men would not be variable , but always the same , the bilious always angry , the sanguine ever in love , &c. and yet we see men exercise all sorts of virtues , and capable of all vices . Many beasts have not only the same constitution of brain , but also external shape like that of man , as Apes , ( whose bones are so like those of men , that in Galen's time Anatomists consider'd only their Sceletons ) yea , the same temper , and all internal parts alike , as Swine ; and there 's little or no difference between the brain of man and a calf ; and yet none of these animals have actions like those of men ; which being purely spiritual and intellectual must depend upon another cause , the rational soul , whose actions are not any way organical ; for then it should be corporeal , because proceeding from the body , and consequently mortal . II. Of Sights or Shews . Upon the second Point 't was said , That the communication of the ills and goods of the soul and body has put men upon searching what may relieve the languishing strength of either . And as the soul is delighted by bodily pleasures , so it also , in gratitude , returns the like pleasure to the body , by the contentment which it receives in acquiring knowledge , the least laborious of which is that most recreative , as that is which is convey'd by the sight . For the hearing makes us know things only one after another ; but the sight shewing them all at once , more fully satisfies our natural desire of knowing . Hence all people , from the highest to the lowest , are so delighted with shews or spectacles , that the Romans kept Actors and Comedians with publick pensions ; and Cicero publickly commended Roscius , who alone had 12000 crowns for a stipend from the Roman people . They employ'd the incomes of the woods about Rome , dedicated to their gods , for the maintaining of Theatres , Amphitheatres , Cirques , and other places destinated to shews , wherein the Senators and Knights had the fourteen first ranks or seats ; for whose conveniency Q. Catulus cover'd the Scene with veils of sine linen ; Lucius and Cinna made a versatile or shifting Scene ; P. Claudius was the first that adorn'd it with pictures and tables ; C. Antonius cover'd it with silver ; Murena made one of pure silver ; Trebonius one guilded ; others , inlay'd with Ivory : Nero sprinkled all the place of the Cirque where the horses run , with gold-sand , and cover'd it with veils beset with stars , in form of a sky : Heliogabalus made an Euripus of wine at the Circensian plays , in which he caus'd a Naval Battle to be represented ; as if the wickedest Princes could not have cover'd their enormities with a more specious liberality or more agreeable to the people . These spectacles were likewise us'd at the funerals of great Princes , and made part of their service of the gods . They divert the great , make the miserable forget their affliction , are the true physick of the soul , the book of the ignorant , and the only way truly to revive the transactions of former ages . The Second said , Nothing is so destructive to good manners as the frequentation of Theatres and most other spectacles : which is the most dangerous , for that things represented to the eyes make deeper impression in the mind then by any other sense . Which made Aristotle advise the prohibiting of Comedies , and S. Augustin declare them contrary to piety and honesty . The same is the opinion of all the Fathers , particularly Tertullian , who in an express treatise blames all sort of spectacles , as proceeding from the superstition of Paganism , causing troubles and quarrels ; yea rendring men capable of all sort of wickedness by the impression of their examples . For the sights of Mimes and Pantomimes are ridiculous ; Rope-dancers unprofitable ; Farces or Enterludes dangerous , and enemies to purity ; Comedy , the least dangerous of all sights , besides loss of time , renders mens minds soft and effeminate , and more susceptible of the passions represented therein ; Tragedy is too sad to serve for divertisement to the soul. If you proceed to Gladiators , is any thing more inhumane , and that renders men more barbarous then to see our fellow-men kill one another in cold blood , and expose themselves to wild beasts ? and 't is always a dangerous practise to accustom the eyes to murders and bloody spectacles ; nature being easily perverted by custom . Moreover , all these Mimes , Actors , Sword-players , and the like , were always held infamous , and incapable of publick charges ; insomuch that the Emperor Theodosius , Arcadius , and Honorius , in L. 4. C. de Spectaculis Scenicis , and Lenonibus , forbid to defile their sacred images by the society of those people who act upon the Theatre , ranking them with the corrupters of chastity . And the Romans , who practis'd the same more then any Nation , felt the inconvenience of them when the most potent became masters of the Commonwealth , by means of the spectacles wherewith they allur'd the people to their party ; as Julius Caesar , who being Aedile , and having given Gladiators , Huntings , Sports , Races , and sumptuous Feasts to the people of Rome , they created him Chief Pontife , although Q. Catulus , and Servilius Isauricus , two great personages , were his competitors : which was his first step to Sovereignty ; and Suetonius observes , that the conflux of people was so numerous , that many , and , amongst the rest , two Senators were smother'd in the throng . The Third said , That Spectacles or Shews are good or bad according to the things which they represent . But absolutely speaking , they ought to be permitted , not only for the diversion of men , but also for the exercising of youth , and animating them to courage by rewards for their fortitude ; as the Greeks sometimes appointed Statues , Crowns of gold , Olive , Palm , Smallage , and other such guerdons , to those who overcame in Running , Wrastling , Caestus or fighting with Whorlbats , and such exercises , carrying them in a triumphal Charriot to the Town of their Birth ; shewing themselves so careful of the Olympick Games , that they committed the charge thereof to the Sicyonians , after Corinth , the place where they were formerly celebrated , had been raz'd by the Romans , who transferr'd those Plays into their own City by the perswasion of Cato , for the same end of educating their youth . For as profit delights some spirits , so pleasure allures all ; and of pleasures none is more innocent and communicable then that of the sight . CONFERENCE LXXXVI . I. Of the Dog-days . II. Of the Mechanicks . I. Of the Dog-days . THat the Stars act upon sublunary bodies is agreed upon , but not the manner : some holding that they impress some qualities by motion , others by light , others by their influence , others by both together , producing heat by the two first , and other more extraordinary effects by influences . For every thing that is mov'd heats ; as also all sort of light united , even that of the Moon , whose rays may be made to burn with glasses as well as those of the Sun. But because natural agents cannot act beyond the natural bounds of their power , therefore heat produc'd of light and motion here below can produce only its like , heat , or such other alteration in inferior bodies , not those strange and irregular changes not only in the temper of the air , but of every other body . As that it is sometimes hotter , and sometimes colder , in the same elevation of the Sun , cannot be attributed to his approach or remotion , or to the incidence of his perpendicular or oblique rays , but it must proceed from the conjunction , opposition , or several aspects of other Stars . Amongst which the Canicula or Dog-star hath very extraordinary effects ; as to weaken mens bodies , to make dogs run mad , to turn the wine in the vessel , to make the sea boile , to move lakes , to heat the air so much that Pliny affirms that Dolphins keep themselves hid during the 30 Dog-days : at which he wonders the more because they can respire neither in the water nor upon the earth , but partly in the air , partly in the water . Moreover , Experience shews , that the Hyades or Pleiades ( stars in the back of the Bull ) have such a moist quality that they alwayes cause rain at their rising , which happens in November ; as Arcturus never rises without bringing hail or tempest ; the Moon being full , Oysters , Muscles , and the sap of Trees , are so too , and therefore being cut at this time they soon rot ; and Pliny counsels to cut them during the Dog-dayes , when the heat of the season ha's dry'd up all their aqueous moisture , which is the cause of their corrupting . The Second said , That the vanity of Astrologers , who have phancy'd monsters and sundry figures in Heaven , and attributed imaginary effects to them , the better to amuse mens minds with some resemblance of the truth , hath also feign'd two dogs there ; one less , consisting of two stars ; and another of eighteen , the the greatest of which is the brightest in our Hemisphere , and is in the tongue of this Dog , whom the Greeks and Latins call Sirius , and ascribe so much power to him , that they conceive his conjunction with the Sun in the East causes the scorching heat of Summer ; yea , the people of the Isle of Cea , near Negropont , as Cicero reports , took their presages of the whole year from the rising of this star , determining the same to be rainie , in case this star appear'd obscure and and cloudy ; and the contrary . But this cannot be true , as well in regard of the great distance of the fix'd stars , which also being of the same substance cannot have contrary qualities ; as also by reason of the retrogradation of their sphere , which hath a motion contrary to that of the First Mover , namely , from West to East ; which motion , though insensible in few years , yet amounts to much at the end of many Ages . As is justifi'd by the Dog-star , which Ptolomy in the tables of his time places at 18. degr . 10. min. of Gemini ; Alphonsus , King of Castile , at the 4. degr . of Cancer ; and now 't is found at 9. degr . 54. min. according to Tycho , and at 9. degr . 30. min. according to Copernicus . Whereby it appears , that after many years this star will be in the winter signes , and that at the Creation it was in Aries at the Vernal Equinox , and that , consequently , the Dog-dayes will be in the time of the greatest cold . In brief , were there such power in this conjunction , the Dog-dayes would be hot and burning ; and yet in some years they are cold and rainie : Which the Astrologers attributing to the several Aspects of Saturn , or other cold stars , see not that by weakning the force of some by others , they subvert all . Wherefore the Dog-star is at present the sign , but not the cause of hot dayes ; that is , the hapning of this Constellation in the Summer signes , and its conjunction with the Sun during hot weather , ha's been erroniously believ'd the principal cause thereof , which , in my judgement , is to be sought onely in the continuance of the Suns action during the Spring and half the Summer , whereby the Air is hotter then when he was neerer us . So 't is hotter at two a clock in the afternoon then at ten in the morning , although the Sun be at the same distance , yea , then at noon , although he be then nearest of all ; and we read that an Ambassador of Presbyter John dy'd with heat as he landed at Lisbone , although the heat be not so great there as in his Country , but of louger continuance . If it rains sometimes during the said season , 't is by reason of too great attraction of Vapours by the heat of the Sun ; as is seen in the torrid Zone , where when the Sun is in the greatest Apogaeum it rains continually . The Second said , That the Longitude of the Dog-star ( call'd by the Arabians Athabor ) is at this day about the 9. degr . of Cancer , and its meridional latitude 39. degr . and a half . Now the Ancients observing the greatest heat of the whole year to be commonly when the Sun is at the end of Cancer and beginning of Leo , and at the same the Dog-star to rise with the Sun , ( which the Astronomers call the Cosmical Rising ) nam'd those dayes Dog-dayes , which begin with us about the two and twentieth of July : whether they believ'd the cause of this heat to be that star assisting the Sun ; or else , according to their order of distinguishing seasons before years and moneths were regulated by the course of the Sun , they denoted those dayes by the rising of this star , conceiving that it did not change place any more then the other stars of the Firmament . As not onely the Poets , but also Hippocrates , distinguishes the four Seasons of the year by the rising and setting of the Pleiades and Arcturus . And thus the name of the day hath remain'd to these dayes , although the star be not in the same place , following Ages observing that besides the eight motions admitted by the Ancients in the Heavens , namely , of the seven Planets , and the First Mover , there 's another peculiar to the starry Heaven , which is finish'd , according to some , in 36000 years , whereby it comes to pass that the Dog-star is no longer in the same place where it was at the first observation of these Dog-dayes . For 't is about two thousand years since this star arose exactly with the Sun in the dayes which we call Canicular ; the heat whereof hath alwayes continu'd ; and yet the star hath pass'd forward , and at this day rises not with the Sun till about the eighth of August , when the Dog-dayes and strength of heat begins to expire . Since therefore the effect continues , and the pretended cause exists not at that time , as the Astronomical Tables justifie , it follows that it is not the cause of that effect . Wherefore some have conceiv'd , that the star which made the Dog-dayes , was another star , in the little Dog call'd Procyon . But this Procyon did not rise with the Sun , in the dayes of the Ancients , till about the beginning of July , which is three weeks before the Dog-dayes ; which consequently cannot be attributed to the fix'd stars , by reason of their particular motion , which causes them to vary situation ; the Dog-star by its proper motion proceeding 52. min. every year , which make about 1. degr . in 70. years , 3. degr . in 200. years , and one sign in 2000. Besides , if the stars had any force , the same would be sensible at their coming to the meridian of the place with the Sun , then when they rise with him , because their greatest strength is when they are under the meridian , being then in their greatest elevation above the Horizon and nearest the Zenith , and consequently , most active as experience shews in the Sun. Therefore the true cause of the heat of Dog-dayes , is , because the Sun being towards the end of Cancer and the beginning of Leo , we have more causes concurring together to produce heat then in any other season of the year , namely , the elevation of the Sun above the horizon , the length of the days , and shortness of the nights . For then the dayes are not sensibly diminish'd , nor the nights sensibly encreas'd ; the Sun hath not yet suffer'd any considerable change in his altitude above the Horizon ; but above all the preparation of the earth , which hath been heated during the three moneths of the Spring , and a moneth and half of the Summer , whereby all the aqueous humidity which refrigerates is dissipated , and the heat so far impacted into the earth that the night it self is less cold then in any other season . The Fourth said , As 't is absurd to seek in the stars for causes of effects when we see them manifest in the qualities of inferior bodies , and the various concourse of so many different natural causes : So 't is stupidity to deny all virtue to those great superior orbs , rejecting wise Antiquity and all the most learned judiciary Astrologers , who ascribe a particular virtue to each star , as to the Dog-star to heat and scorch the Air. Moreover , the Divine Hippocrates , lib. de Affect . inter Sect. 5. affirms , that the disease call'd Typhos happens commonly in Summer and in these Dog-dayes , because it hath a power to stir the choler through the whole Body . And in his book De Aere , locis , & aquis , he adds , that the rising of the stars is diligently to be observ'd , especially that of the Dog-star and some few others , at which times diseases turn into other kinds ; for which reason he saith , Aph. 5. Sect. 4. That purging is dangerous when the Dog-star rises , and some while before . The Fifth said , That all purging medicaments being hot , t is no wonder if they are carefully to be manag'd during very hot weather , in which there is a great dissipation of the spirits and strength ; so that our Bodies , being then languid , cannot be mov'd and agitated without danger . Not that the Dog-star contributes any thing thereunto , but onely the heat of the season caus'd by the Sun , which attracting from the centre to the circumference , and purging from the circumference to the centre , there are made two contrary motions , enemies to Nature ; which is the cause that many fall then into fevers and fainting fits . II. Of the Mechanicks . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That as the object of the Mathematicks is two-fold , either intellectual or sensible , so there are two sorts of Mathematicks . Some consider their object simply , and abstracted from all kind of matter , namely , Geometry and Arithmetick ; others consider it as conjoyn'd to some matter , and they are six , Astrology , Perspective , Geodaesie , Canonick or Musick , the Logistick and the Mechanick Art , which is nothing less then what its name imports , being otherwise the most admirable of all ; because it communicates motion , which is the most exquisite effect of Nature . 'T is divided into Organical , which composes all instruments and engines of war ; sordid , which makes utensils necessary to the uses of life ; and miraculous , which performs strange and extraordinary things . 'T is this which makes water ascend in the Pneumaticks , whereof Hero writ a Treatise rendring the same melodious , and resembling the singing of birds in the Hydraulicks . It makes use of the four Elements , which are the causes of the motions of engines , as of Fire in Granadoes , Air in Artificial Fountains , both Fire and Air by their compression , which water not admitting ▪ ( since we see a vessel full of water can contain nothing more ) its violence consists in its gravity when it descends from high places . The Earth is also the cause of motion by its gravity , when 't is out of Aequilibrium , as also of rest when 't is equally poiz'd , as is seen in weights . The Second said , The wit of Man could never preserve the dominion given him by God over other creatures without help of the Mechanicks , but by this art he hath brought the most savage and rebellious Animals to his service . Moreover , by help of mechanical inventions the four Elements are his slaves , and as it were at his pay to do his works . Thus we see , by means of the Hydraulicks or engines moving by water , wheels , and pumps , are set continually at work ; the Wind is made to turn a Mill , manag'd by the admirable Art of Navigation , or employ'd to other uses by Aealipila's ; Fire , the noblest of all Elements , becomes the vassal of the meanest Artisans , or serves to delight the sight by the pleasant inventions of some Ingineer , or employes its violence to arm our thunders more powerfully then the ancient machines of Demetrius . The Earth is the Theatre of all these inventions , and Archimedes boasted he could move that too , had he place where to fix his engine . By its means the Sun descends to the Earth , and by the artificial union of his rayes is enabled to effect more then he can do in his own sphere . The curiosity of man hath carry'd him even to Heaven by his Astrological Instrumens ; so that nothing is now done in that republick of the stars , but what he knows and keeps in record . The Third said , That since Arts need Instruments to perform their works , they owe all they can do to the Mechanicks which supply them with utensils and inventions . 'T was the Mechanicks which furnish'd the Smith with a hammer and an anvil , the Carpenter with a saw and a wedge , the Architect with a rule , the Mason with a square , the Geometrician with a compass , the Astronomer with an astrolabe , the Souldier with sword and musket ; in brief , they have in a manner given man other hands . Hence came paper , writing , printing , the mariner's box , the gun in these latter ages ; and in the preceding , the Helepoles , or takecities , flying bridges , ambulatory towers , rams , and other engines of war , which gives law to the world . Hence Archimedes easily drew a ship to him which all the strength of Sicily could not stir , fram'd a heaven of glass in which all the celestial motions were to be seen ; according to which model , the representation of the sphere remains to us at this day . Hence he burnt the Roman ships even in their harbour , defended the City of Syracuse for a long time against the Roman Army , conducted by the brave Marcellus . And , indeed , I wonder not that this great Archimedes was in so high in Reputaion . For if men be valued according to their strength , is it not a miracle that one single man by help of mechanicks could lift as much as ten , a hundred , yea , a thousand others ? And his pretension to move the whole Earth , were a poynt given him out of it where to stand , will not seem presumptuous , though the supposition be impossible , to such as know his screw without-end , or of wheels plac'd one above another ; for by addition of new wheels the strength of the same might be so multiply'd , that no humane power could resist it ; yea , a child might by this means displace the whole City of Paris , and France it self , were it upon a moveable plane . But the greatest wonder is the simplicity of the means , employ'd by this Queen of Arts to produce such excellent effects . For Aristotle , who writ a book of mechanicks , assignes no other principles thereof , but the Lever , its Hypomoclion , or Support , and a balance , it being certain that of these three multiply'd , proceed all Machines , both Automata , and such as are mov'd by force of wind , fire , water , or animals , as wind-mills , water-mills , horse-mills , a turn-broch by smoak , and as many other inventions as things in the world . CONFERENCE LXXXVII . I. Whether the Soul's Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an Ingenuous Man. I. Whether the Soul's Immortality is demonstrable by Natural Reasons . NAtural Philosophy considers natural bodies as they are subject to alteration , and treats not of the Soul but so far as it informes the Body , and either partakes , or is the cause of such alteration . And therefore they are injust who require this Science to prove supernatural things , as the Soul's Immortality is . Although its admirable effects , the vast extent of its thoughts , even beyond the imaginary spaces , its manner of acting , and vigor in old age , the terrors of future judgement , the satisfaction or remorse of Conscience , and Gods Justice , which not punishing all sins in this life presupposes another , are sufficiently valid testimonies thereof ; should not the universal consent of heathens themselves , ( some of which have hastned their deaths to enjoy this immortality ) and man 's particular external shape , infer the particular excellence of his internal form . So that by the Philosophical Maxime , which requires that there be contraries in every species of things , if the souls of beasts joyn'd to bodies die , there must be others joyn'd to other bodies , free from death when separated from the same . And the Harmony of the world which permits not things to pass from on extreme to another without some mean , requires as that there are pure spirits and intelligences which are immortal , and substances corporeal and mortal , so there be a middle nature between these two , Man , call'd by the Platonists upon this account , the horizon of the Universe , because he serves for a link and medium uniting the hemisphere of the Angelical Nature with the inferior hemisphere of corporeal nature . But there is difference between that which is , and that which may be demonstrated by Humane Reason , which falls short in proving the most sensible things , as the specifical proprieties of things ; and much less can it prove what it sees not , or demonstrate the attribute of a subject which it sees not . For to prove the Immortality of the Soul , 't is requisite , at least , to know the two termes of this proportion , The Soul is immortal . But neither of them is known to natural reason ; not immortality , for it denotes a thing which shall never have end ; but infinitie surpasses the reach of humane wit which is finite . And the term , Soul , is so obscure that no Philosophy hath yet been able to determine truly , whether it be a Spirit , or something corporeal , a substance or an accident , single or triple . The Second said , That every thing that is mortal and corruptible , is such , in that it hath in it self some cause of this corruption . All mortal bodies , being compos'd of contrary ingredients , have in themselves the principle of corruption , from which as well simple bodies , as the Elements and Heavens , as Spirits and separate intelligences , are free ; because a thing simple in its own nature cannot act upon it self by a destructive action , though even those Spirits have but an arbitrary existence from their first cause on whom they depend . But in the first sence , and of their own nature they are absolutely incorruptible ; for were they corruptible , then must some new substance be generated out of that which is corrupted , which is absurd ; because they are simple and free from composition , and , consequently , from corruption . Now were reasonable Souls , which are part of man ( who is compounded of matter and form ) again compounded of matter and form , there would be a progression to infinity in causes , which is contrary to natural reason . Moreover , nothing is corrupted but by its contrary , and therefore that which hath no contrary is free from corruption . But such is the rational soul which is so far from having any contrary , that the most contrary things in Nature , as habits and their privations , being receiv'd in the Understanding , are no longer opposites or enemies , but friends and of the same nature ; whence the reason of contraries is alike , and there is but one Science of them . The Third said , That such as a thing is , such is its action . A corporeal and material substance cannot produce an action which is not corporeal ; and an immaterial action owns no other principle but what is immaterial and incorruptible . Hence the same reasons which prove the souls of brutes mortal , because their operations exceed not the bounds of the body , and tend onely to self-preservation and sensible good , conclude also , though by a contrary sense , for the immortality of the rational soul , whose operations are spiritual and abstracted from the body . For , nutrition , concoction , assimilation , sense , motion , and other such actions , being corporeal , because terminated upon sensible and corporeal objects , must consequently be produc'd by a faculty of the same nature corporeal and material . But the reasonable soul , besides those actions which are common to it with those of beasts , hath some peculiar and much more sublime , as by the Intellect to understand eternal truths , to affirm , deny , suspend its judgement , compare things together , abstract them from matter , time , place , and all other sensible accidents ; by the will to love and embrace vertue in spight of the contrary inclinations of the sensitive appetite , to do good actions though difficult , to avoid the evil which flatters the senses , and the like ; which actions being above the body and material objects cannot be produc'd but by an immaterial and incorruptible substance , such as the reasonable soul is . Moreover , since the soul can know all sorts of bodies , it must ( consequently ) be exempt from all corporeal entity , as the tongue to judge aright of sapours must have none , and the eye to discern colours well . The Fourth said , That Nature , which makes nothing in vain , hath imprinted in every thing a desire of its end whereof it is capable , as appears by induction of all created Beings . Now the greatest desire of man is immortality , whereunto he directs all his actions and intentions ; and therefore he must be capable of it . But since he cannot accomplish this end in this life , as all other things do , it must be in another ; without which not only good men would be more unhappy then wicked , but , in general , the condition of men would be worse then that of beasts : if after having endur'd so many infelicities which brutes experience not , the haven of our miseries were the annihilation of the noblest part of our selves . Yea , if the soul could not subsist without the body , its supream good should be in this life , and in the pleasures of the body , and its chiefest misery in afflictions and the exercises of vertue ; which is absurd . For whereas 't is commonly objected , that the soul cannot exercise its noblest functions but by help of corporeal organs rightly dispos'd ; and that when it is separated from those organs it can act no longer , and consequently shall exist no more , action and subsistence being convertible ; this is to take that for granted which is in controversie , namely , that the soul cannot act without the organs of the body , when it is separated from the same ; since it operates sometimes more perfectly when 't is freest from the senses , as in Extasies , burning Fevers , in the night time , and in old age . The Fifth said , As in Architecture the principal piece of a building is the Foundation ; so the most necessary of a Science , is to lay good Principles ; without which first establish'd , all our Sciences are but conjectures , and our knowledge but opinion . Now in order to judge whether the souls immortality be demonstrable by natural reasons , 't is to be enquir'd whether we can find the principles of this truth , whose terms being known may be naturally clear and granted by all . The most ordinary are these . 1. Every thing which is spiritual is incorruptible . 2. That which is material is mortal . 3. That which is immaterial is immortal . 4. That which God will preserve eternally is immortal . 5. A thing acts inasmuch as it exists ; and some other principles , by which this so important verity seems but ill supported . For , the first is not absolutely true , since habits of grace , and natural habits , which are spiritual , are annihilated and corrupted , those by sin , these by intermission of the actions which produc'd them . Then for the second , 't is notoriously false , since not only the forms of the Elements which are material , and the Elements themselves consider'd according to their whole extent , but also the first matter , are incorruptible and eternal ; and according to the opinion of many Doctors of the Church 't is not an article of faith that the Angels are incorporeal , although it be de fide that they are immortal ; to say nothing of igneous , aerious demons , and other corporeal genii of the Platonists . As for the third , the actions of the understanding and the will are immaterial , and nevertheless perish as soon as they are conceiv'd ; and the intentional species are not incorruptible , though not compos'd either of matter or form : on the contrary , the Heavens which are so compos'd , are yet incorruptible . Whereby it appears that immortality depends on something else . As for the fourth , 't is as difficult to prove that God will eternally preserve reasonable souls , as that they are immortal . And for the last , 't is certain that many things act above their reach and the condition of their nature ; since that which exists not , as the end , nevertheless acts by exciting the efficient cause ; motion begets heat which it self hath not ; and light , a corporeal quality , is mov'd in an instant which is the property of incorporeal substances ; as also the Sun , which is inanimate , produces animals more excellent then it self . Whereby it appears that the Principle which saith , that the essence of every thing is discover'd by its operations , is not universally true , no more then all the rest , which are propos'd without explication and before defining the terms under which they are compriz'd . For as 't were ridiculous in a Geometrician to require any one to grant to him that a right line may be drawn from a point given to another point , and a circle describ'd from any centre at any distance whatsoever , or to receive for a principle that all right angles are equal ; unless he have before-hand explicated what he means by these terms of point , line , centre , circle , right angle and distance . So they are ridiculous who propose it for a principle , that every spiritual or immaterial thing is incorruptible and immortal , before having defin'd ( as they cannot do ) what is spiritual , immaterial and immortal . Yea , should these principles be granted to them , 't would lye upon them to shew by natural reasons that the rational soul is spiritual , immaterial , independent on the body in essence , and not to suppose these things as true . And though it were granted them ( which is very questionable ) that the actions of men are of a higher degree then those of brutes , it would not follow from thence , that the reasonable soul is immortal and wholly abstracted from matter , but only that 't is of a superior and more sublime order ; as the phancy is a corporeal power as well as the sight , though its actions are much more excellent in comparison of this external sense , then the actions of the reasonable soul are in respect of the phancy which yields not much to it in its manner of acting . And yet they who write of the immortality of the soul , take this for a ground , and prove it by handsome congruities and probabilities , but do not demonstrate it , because 't is a truth which though most certain is withall very obscure , and may indeed be comprehended by faith which hath reveal'd it to us , but is too remote from our senses to be demonstrated by natural and sensible reasons . II. Whether Travel be necessary to an ingenuous man. Upon the second Point 't was said , That man is naturally as much delighted with motion , as he is an enemy to rest : Because Being , which he most desires , consists in action , which is a motion ; whereas rest is the cessation of actions , and consequently an enemy of Being . 'T is no wonder then that men are so desirous to travel , which is a sort of motion , since they are lead thereunto not only by the principles of their Being , which they have common with other animals ( amongst which the most disciplin'd , as Elephants , Storks , Cranes , Swallows and Bees , change their climate from time to time ) but also by the reason of their end and supream good which they find in travels . For since man's felicity in this life consists in knowledge , as appears by the desire every one hath to know and to appear knowing ; and since the sight alone supplies more notions to the understanding then all the senses together , which were all given to man in order to knowledge ; there is no more sure means of acquiring this supream good then by furnishing the sight continually with various species , as travels do , wherein new objects always occur , which recreate the mind as much as like things disgust those that stir not from the same place ; the understanding , like a consuming fire , languishing when it wants new objects for its food . Hence the sight of the same place wearies us , and the Civilians reckon it the first degree of servitude , to hinder one's neighbour the sight of one's house . Indeed the soul is a perpetual motion ; as the heavenly intelligences are never in the same place ; but the earth , the most worthless element , remaining unmoveable is the emblem of souls , like plants , fastned to the same spot of ground where they took birth . Wherein they seem to derogate from the advantage attributed by the Stoicks to man , when they say that he is a Citizen of the world ; whence Seneca saith , Epist. 28. I was not born to abide in one corner of the earth , the whole world is my Country . The holy Scripture calls man's life a Pilgrimage , whereas he who stirs not from one place sets up his habitation in it , whom he ought to seek elsewhere . God would not have so much recommended strangers and travellers , in the old Law , which he not only forbids to use ill , but also enjoyns to love as one's self . Exod. 22. 21. Levit. 19. 33. Nor would the Church have reckon'd the entertaining of Pilgrims and travellers among works of mercy , but only the more to animate men to this honest and holy exercise . Wherefore not only , with Pythagoras , Travellers are in the guard of some God , and amongst the most barbarous Nations under the publick faith and protection ; but also all Pagan Antiquity put them in the safe-guard of Jupiter the greatest of their Gods , whom they call Hospitable . The Second said , That travels are necessary , either because they improve our knowledge or our virtues . But both these are very rare . Man's life is short , objects of knowledge are many ; and we must rely upon the unanimous testimony of others for many things . And if men became more vertuous by frequenting with sundry Nations ; then the ancient Hermits took a wrong course in hiding themselves in Desarts and Cloisters , to find virtue there . For as for moral Prudence , motion and change of place is wholly contrary to it , as rest is the cause of it , and the cube was sometimes the Hieroglyphick of it . Moreover , since the inclinations follow the temper ( which is also diversifi'd by various climates ) they who never stay in one Country , but continually change climates , acquire habits and manners , become inconstant , flitting and imprudent : were they not oblig'd to live after the fashion of the Country they reside in , at Rome as they do at Rome ; and because our nature is more inclinable to evil then to good , they suffer themselves more easily to be carri'd to vice then to virtue , of which they meet but few examples : Which mov'd Lycurgus to forbid his Citizens to travel or retain strangers above 24 hours in their City , for fear the contagion of vice should come to corrupt the good manners of the Lacedemonians , as happen'd a long time after , when forgetting his precepts they gave entrance to barbarians , and other Nations , who infected and corrupted their City . And the Laws deny strangers the power of making wills and bequests , and such other priviledges , which they seem also to have renounc'd , by separating themselves from the community of their Country-men . Yea , if we believe the Philosopher they are no longer men being separated from humane society , as a part separated from the body is no longer a part of it . And the ingratitude of these wanderers to their own Country is justly punishable , since they frustrate it of those services which they are oblig'd by right of their birth to pay to it : but in requital for the same they have a Proverb against them , That a rolling stone gathers no moss , they little improve their fortunes . The Third said , Every Nation produces not every thing ; and all climates have inhabitants excelling in some particulars . Since therefore there 's no such learning as by examples , and travels afford the most , it follows that it 's necessary for an ingenuous man to survey foreign manners , institutions , customs , laws , religions , and such other things upon which moral prudence is superstructed . Whence Homer calls his wise Vlysses , the Traveller , and Visiter of Cities . Moreover , 't was practis'd in all ages not only by our ancient Nobility under the name of Knights errant , but also by the greatest personages of antiquity , Pythagoras , Socrates , Plato , Pliny , Hippocrates : and we ow to the Voyages of Columbus , Vesputius , Magellane , and some others , the discovery of America , and other new Lands formerly unknown ; and abundance of Drugs and Medicaments , especially Gold and Silver , before so rare ; not to mention the commodities of commerce which cannot be had without Voyages . The Fourth said , That for seven vagabond errant Stars all the rest of the firmament are fix'd and stable , sending no malignant influence upon the earth as the Planets do . And the Scripture represents Satan to us as a Traveller , when he answers God in Job to the question whence he came , I come from going to and fro in the earth , and from walking up and down in it . The Fifth said , We must distinguish persons , places , times , and other circumstances pertaining to voyages . For if you except Embassies , in which the good of the State drowns all other considerations , those that would travel must be young and strong , rich , and well born , to get any good by their travels ; otherwise they will be but like sick persons who receive no ease , but rather inconvenience , by tumbling and stirring ; the injudicious and imprudent returning commonly worse then they went , because they distract their minds here and there . Of which one troubled with the same disease of travelling , asking Socrates the reason , he answer'd him that 't was because he did not leave himself behind when he chang'd place , and that he ought to change his mind and not the air in order to become wise ; it being impossible but he that is a fool in one Country , can become wise by passing Seas and running from one Province to another . As for places , 't is certain , that before the voyages of Italy , and some other climates , the disease of Naples and other worse things were not only not so much as heard ; but most contagious diseases have by this means been transfer'd into the remotest Countries . So that if ever it were reasonable for a man to be wise at another's cost , 't is in the matter of travels ; in which those that have perform'd most , commonly bring home no other fruit but a troublesome talkativeness , wherewith they tire peoples ears , and a sad remembrance of what they have suffer'd . CONFERENCE LXXXVIII . I. Which is the best sect of Philosophers . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper names . I. Which is the best Sect of Philosophers . ONe of the greatest signs of the defects of the humane mind , is that he seldom accomplishes his designs , and often mistakes false for true . Hence ariseth the incertainty and variety in his judgements . For as there is but one straight line from one point to another , so if our judgements were certain they would be always alike , because Truth is one , and conformable to it self ; whereas , on the contrary , Error is always various . This variety is of two sorts , one of the thing , the other of the way to attain it . For men were no sooner secur'd from the injuries of the air , and provided for the most urgent necessities of the body , but they divided themselves into two bands . Some following outward sense contented themselves with the present . Others would seek the causes of effects which they admir'd , that is to say , Philosophize . But in this inquisition they became of different judgements ; some conceiving the truth already found , others thinking it could never be found , and others labouring in search of it , who seem to have most right to the name of Philosophers . The diversity of the way to arrive to this truth is no less . For according as any one was prone to vice or vertue , humility or pride ( the probable cause of diversity of Sects ) he establish'd one sutable to his own inclination , to judge well of which , a man must be of no party , or , at least , must love the interest of truth most of all . But the question is , which is Truth ; no doubt that which comes neerest the Judge's sentiment , and has gain'd his favour , as Venus did the good will of Paris . And because the goodness of a thing consists in its sutableness , the contemplative man will judge Plato's Philosophy better then that of Socrates , which one delighted with action and the exercise of vertues will prefer before all others ; the indifferent will give the preeminence to that of the Peripateticks who have conjoyn'd contemplation with action . And yet , speaking absolutely , 't is impossible to resolve which is the best of all . For as we cannot know which is the greatest of two lines but by comparing them to some known magnitude ; So neither can we judge which is the best Sect of Philosophers , unless it be agreed wherein the goodness of Philosophy consider'd absolutely consists . Now 't is hard to know what this goodness is , unless we will say 't is God himself , who as he is the measure of all beings , so he is the rule of their goodness . So that the best Philosophy will be that which comes neerest that Supream Goodness , as Christian Philosophy doth , which consists in the knowledge of one's self and the solid practice of vertues , which also was that of S. Paul who desir'd to nothing but Jesus , and him crucifi'd ; which he calls the highest wisdom , although it appear folly in the eyes of men . The Second said , That the first and ancientest Philosophy is that of the Hebrews , call'd Cabala , which they divided into that of Names or Schemot , and of things call'd by them Sephiroth . Whose excellency Josephus , against Appion , proves , because all other Philosophies have had Sects , but this always remain'd the same , and would lose its name if it were not transmitted from Father to Son in its integrity . 'T was from this Cabala that Pythagoras , and Plato sirnamed Moses Atticus , took their Philosophy , which they brought into Greece ; as 't was from the Indian Brachmans and Gymnosophists that Pythagoras took his Metempsychosis and abstinence from women and animals ; and learn'd weights and measures formerly unknown in Greece . Some of these Indian Philosophers use to stand upon one foot all day beholding the Sun , and had so great respect for every thing indu'd with a soul , that they bought birds and other animals , and if any were sick kept them in hospitals till they were cur'd , and then set them free . The Persians likewise had their Magi , the Egyptians their Priests , the Chaldeans and Babylonians their Astrologers and Sooth-sayers ; the Gaules their Druyds and Bards . But the Greeks had more plenty and variety then any . Their ancientest Philosophy was that of Musaeus , Linus , Orpheus , Hesiod , Homer , who cover'd the Science of natural and supernatural things under the veil of Poetry and Fiction , till the time of Pherecydes , the master of Pythagoras , who first writ the same in Prose . Their Philosophers may be distinguish'd according to the diversity of subjects whereof they treat , whence they who amuz'd themselves about ratiocination were nam'd Logicians , the first of whom was Zeno. They who contemplated Nature , Naturalists , the first of whom was Thales ; they who soar'd to supernatural speculations , Metaphysitians , wherein Aristotle excell'd ; those who regulated manners , Moralists , of whom Socrates was the principal , who was the son of a Sculptor and a Midwise . But their principal division is of their different Sects , which , though in great number , may be reduc'd to these following I. The Academick , so called of the place where 't was taught , so famous , that all places destinated to instruction in Liberal Sciences retain the same name at this day . 'T was divided into three , namely , the old Academy , whereof Socrates and Plato were authors ; the middle , which ow'd its institution to Archesilaus , author of the famous Epoche , or suspension of judgement concerning all things , whom for that reason Tertullian calls Master of Ignorance ; and the new founded by Carneades and Lacides , who held that there is something true , but 't was incomprehensible , which was almost the same Sect with the Scepticks and Pyrrhoneans . II. The Cyrenaick introduc'd by Aristippus the Cyrenian , disciple of Socrates , who first took money for teaching others , and held it as one of his principal maximes , not to refuse any pleasure which presented it self to him , yet not to seek it . III. The Magarian , establish'd by Euclides of Magara , which proceeded by interrogations . IV. The Cynick , founded by Antisthenes , Master to Diogenes , and Menippus . V. The Stoick , whereof Zeno Cyttiensis , Auditor of Crates the Cynick , was author . VI. The Epicurean , of Epicurus the Athenian , who conceiv'd that every thing was made by chance , and that the chief good consisted in pleasure , some say of the body , others of the mind . VII . The Peripatetick , instituted by Aristotle . 'T would be endless to relate the extravagances of all particular persons . But I conceive that of the Cynicks was the most dishonest ; that of the Stoicks , most majestical ; that of the Epicureans , most blameable ; that of Aristotle , most honourable ; that of the Academicks most safe ; that of the Pyrrhoneans or Scepticks the most easie . For as 't is not very creditable ; so nothing is easier when any thing is ask'd of us then to say that we are incertain of it , instead of answering with certainty , or else to say that we know nothing of it ; since to know our ignorance of a thing is not to be wholly ignorant of it . The Third said , That the Sect of the Scepticks had more followers then any other , ( doubters being incomparably more numerous then Doctors ) and is the more likely to be true . For compare a Gorgias Leontinus , or other Sophister of old time , or one of the most vers'd in Philosophy in this age , who glory of knowing all , and of resolving all questions propounded , with a Pyrrhonean ; the first will torture his wit into a thousand postures , to feigen and perswade to the hearers what himself knows not , and by distinctions cast dust in their eyes , as the Cuttle-fish vomits Ink to soil the water when it finds it self caught . On the contrary , the Sceptick will freely confess the debt , and whether you convince him or not , will always shew that he has reason to doubt . Nevertheless , though this Sect be the easiest , 't is not in every thing the truest . For as 't is temerity and intolerable arrogance to pronounce sentence confidently upon things which are hid to us , and whereof we have not any certain knowledge , as the quadrature of the circle , the duplication of the cube , the perpetual motion , the Philosophers Stone ; so 't is too gross stupidity to doubt of the existence of things , to judge whereof we need no other help but perfect senses ; as that it is this day when the Sun shines , that the fire burns , and that the whole is greater then its parts . The Fourth said , That Philosophy being the desire of Wisdom , or rather Wisdom it self , which is nothing else but a store of all the virtues Intellectual and Moral ; that is the perfectest Philophy which renders those addicted to it , most sure in their knowledge , and inclin'd to virtue . And because there was never sect but had some defect , neither in the theory or the practice , the best of all is not to be any , but to imitate the Bee , and gather what is good of each sort , without espousing it ; which was the way of Potamon of Alexandria , who , as Diogenes Laertius records , founded a Sect call'd Elective , which allow'd every one to choose what was best in all Philosophies . 'T is also the way that Aristotle held in all his Philosophy , especially , in his Physicks and Politicks , which are nothing but a collection of opinions of the Ancients ; amongst whom he hath often taken whole pages out of Hippocrates , though he name him not . Nor are we more oblig'd to embrace Aristotle's Philosophy then he did that of his Predecessors ; it being free for us to frame one out of his precepts , those of Raimond Lully , Ramus , and all others . The Fifth said , That amongst all sects the most excellent , as also the most severe , is that of the Stoicks , whom Seneca ranks as much above other Philosophers , as men above women . Their manner of discoursing and arguing was so exquisite , that if the Gods , said one , would reason with men , they would make use of the Logick of Chrysippus the Stoick . Their Physicks treated partly of bodies , partly of incorporeal Beings , Bodies , according to them , are either principles or elements , which are ours . Their principles are two , God and Matter , which are the same with the Unity and Binary of Pythagoras , the fire and water of Thales . They call God the cause and reason of all things , and say that he is fire , not the common and elementary , but that which gives all things their being , life , and motion . And they believ'd that there is one God supremely good , bountiful and provident , but that he is single in his essence ; herein following Pythagoras , who said that God is not so much one as Unity it self . Seneca saith , that he is all that thou seest , all intire in every part of the world which he sustaines by his power . Briefly , they conclude their natural knowledge of God as the sovereign cause , by his Providence , by Destiny , which he hath establish'd in all things , and by the Genii , Heroes and Lares , whom they constitute Angels and Ministers of this Supreme Providence . The Second Principle , Matter , they make coeternal to God , grounding their doctrine upon the Maxime of Democritus , that as nothing can be annihilated , so nothing can be made of nothing . Which was likewise the error of Aristotle , who is more intricate then the Stoicks , in his explication of the first matter , which he desines to be almost nothing . True it is , they believ'd that every thing really existent was corporeal , and that there were but four things incorporeal , Time , Place , Vacuum , and the Accident of some thing ; whence it follows , that not onely Souls , and God himself , but also the Passions , Virtues , and Vices , are Bodies ; yea Animals , since according to their supposition the mind of man is a living animal , inasmuch as 't is the cause that we are such ; but Virtues and Vices , say they , are nothing else but the mind so dispos'd . But because knowledge of sublime things is commonly more pleasant then profitable , and that , according to them , Philosophy is the Physick of the Soul , they study chiefly to eradicate their Vices and Passions . Nor do they call any wise but him that is free from all fear , hope , love , hatred , and such other passions , which they term the diseases of the Soul. Moreover , 't was their Maxime , that Virtue was sufficient to Happiness , that it consisted in things not in words , that the sage is absolute master not onely of his own will , but also of all men ; that the supream good consisted in living according to nature , and such other conclusions , to which being modifi'd by faith , I willingly subscribe , although Paradoxes to the vulgar . II. Whence comes the diversity of proper names . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That a name is an artificial voice representing a thing by humane institution , who being unable to conceive all things at once , distinguish the same by their differences either specifical or individual ; the former by appellative names , and the other by proper , as those of Cities , Rivers , Mountains , and particularly those of men , who also give the like to Horses , Dogs , and other domestick creatures . Now since conceptions of the Mind , which represent things , have affinity with them , and words with conceptions , it follows that words have also affinity with things , by the Maxime of Agreement in the same third . Therefore , the wise , to whom alone it belongs to assign names , have made them most conformable to the nature of things . For example , when we pronounce the word Nous , we make an attraction inwards . On the contrary , in pronouncing Vous , we make an expulsion outwards . The same holds in the voices of Animals , and those arising from the sounds of inanimate things . But 't is particularly observ'd , that proper names have been tokens of good or bad success arriving to the bearers of them , whence arose the reasoning of the Nominal Philosophers , and the Art of Divination , by names call'd Onomatomancy ; and whence Socrates advises Fathers to give their Children good names , whereby they may be excited to Virtue ; and the Athenians forbad their slaves to take the names of Harmodius and Aristogiton , whom they had in reverence . Lawyers enjoyn heed to be taken to the name of the accused , in whom 't is capital to disguise it ; and Catholicks affect those of the Law of Grace , as Sectaries do those of the old Law , the originals whereof were taken from circumstances of the Bodie ; as from its colour the Romans took those of Albus , Niger , Nigidius , Fulvius , Ruffus , Flavius ; we , those of white , black , grey , red-man , &c. from its habit , Crassus , Macer , Macrinus , Longus , Longinus , Curtius ; we , le Gros , long , tall , &c , From its other accidents , the Latines took Caesar , Claudius , Cocles , Varus , Naso ; we , le Gouteux , ( gowty , ) le Camus , ( flat-nos'd , ) from Virtues or Vices , Tranquillus , Severus ; we , hardy , bold , sharp ; from Profession , Parson , Serjeant , Marshal , and infinite others . But chiefly , the names of places have been much affected even to this day , even since the taking of the name of the family for a sirname . And if we cannot find the reason of all names and sirnames , 't is because of the confusion of languages , and alteration happening therein upon frequent occasions . The Fourth said , That the cause of names is casual , at least in most things , as appears by equivocal words , and the common observation of worthless persons , bearing the most glorious names ; as amongst us , a family whose males are the tallest in France , bears the name of Petit. Nor can there be any affinity between a thing and a word , either pronounc'd or written ; and the Rabbins endeavour to find in Hebrew names , ( which , if any , must be capable of this correspondence , in regard of Adam's great knowledge , who impos'd them ) is no less an extravagance then that of matters of Anagrams . In brief , if Nero signifi'd an execrable Tyrant , why was he so good an Emperor the first five years ? And of that name import any token of a good Prince , why was he so execrable in all the rest of his life ? CONFERENCE LXXXIX . I. Of Genii . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . I. Of Genii . PLato held three sorts of reasonable natures ; the Gods in Heaven , Men on Earth , and a third middle nature between those two , whose mansion is from the sphere of the Moon to the Earth ; he calls them Genii , from their being the causes of Generations here below , and Daemons from their great knowledge . These Genii , whom his followers accounted to be subtile bodies , and the instruments of Divine Providence , are , according to them , of three sorts , Igneous , Aereous , and Aqueous ; the first excite to contemplation , the second to action , the third to pleasure . And 't was the belief of all Antiquity , that every person had two Genii ; one good , which excited to honesty and virtue , ( as the good Genius of Socrates ) whom they reckon'd in order of the Igneous ; and the other bad , who incited to evil , such as that was which appeard to Brutus , and told him he should see him at Philippi . Yet none can perceive the assistance of their Genius , but onely such whose Souls are calm and free from passions and perturbations of life . Whence Avicenna saith , that onely Prophets and other holy Personages have found their aid , in reference to the knowledge of future things , and government of life . For my part , I think these Genii are nothing else but our reasonable souls , whose intellectual and superior part , which inclines us to honest good , and to virtue , is the good Genius ; and the sensitive inferior part which aims onely to sensible and delightful good , is the evil genius which incessantly sollicites us to evil . Or if the Genii be any thing without us , they are no other then our good and evil Angels , constituted , the former to guard us , the second to make us stand upon our guard . Moreover , 't was expedient that since inferior bodies receive their motion from the superior , so spiritual substances inherent in bodies should be assisted in their operations by superior spirits free from matter ; as 't is an ordinary thing in Nature for the more perfect to give law to such as are less in the same kind . And not onely men , but also all other parts of the world , have Angels deputed to their conservation ; tutelary Angels being nothing but the organs of Divine Providence , which embraces all things . The Second said , That the Genii produce in us those effects whereof we know not the cause ; every one finding motions in himself to good or evil , proceeding from some external power ; yea , otherwise then he had resolved . Simonides was no sooner gone out of a house but it fell upon all the company ; and 't is said , that as Socrates was going in the fields he caus'd his friends who were gone before him to be recall'd , saying , that his familiar spirit forbad him to go that way ; which those that would not listen to were all mired , and some torn and hurt by a herd of swine . Two persons , formerly unknown , love at the first sight ; allies , not knowing one another , oftimes feel themselves seiz'd with unusual joy ; one man is alwayes unfortunate , to another every thing succeeds well ; which cannot proceed but from the favour or opposition of some Genii . Hence also some Genii are of greater power then others , and give men such authority over other men that they are respected and fear'd by them . Such was the Genius of Augustus , in comparison of Mark Antonie , and that of J. Caesar against Pompey . But though nothing is more common then the word Genius , yet 't is not easie to understand the true meaning of it . Plato saith , 't is the guardian of our lives . Epictetus , the over-seer and sentinel of the Soul. The Greeks call it the Mystagogue , or imitator of life , which is our guardian Angel. The Stoicks made two sorts ; one singular , the Soul of every one ; the other universal , the Soul of the world . Varro , as Saint Augustine reports , in his eighth book of the City of God , having divided the immortal Souls which are in the Air , and mortal which are in the Water and Earth , saith , that between the Moon and the middle region of the Air , there are aerious Souls call'd Heroes , Lares , and Genii , of which an Ancient said , it is as full as the Air is full of flies in Summer ; as Pythagoras said , that the Air is full of Souls , which is not dissonant from the Catholick Faith , which holds , that Spirits are infinitely more numerous then corporeal substances ; because as celestial bodies are incomparably more excellent and ample then sublunary , so pure Spirits , being the noblest works of God , ought to be in greater number then other creatures . What the Poets say of the Genius which they feign to be the Son of Jupiter and the earth , representing him sometimes in the figure of a serpent ( as Virgil do's that which appear'd to Aenaeas , ) sometimes of a horn of plenty , which was principally the representation of the Genius of the Prince , by which his flatterers us'd to swear , and their sacrificing Wine and Flowers to him , is as mysterious as all the rest . The Third said , That the Genius is nothing but the temperament of every thing , which consists in a certain harmonious mixture of the four qualities , and being never altogether alike , but more perfect in some then in others , is the cause of the diversity of actions . The Genius of a place is its temperature , which being seconded with celestial influences , call'd by some the superior Genii , is the cause of all productions herein . Prepensed crimes proceed from the melancholy humour ; the Genius of anger and murders is the bilious humour ; that of idleness , and the vices it draws after it , is phlegme ; and the Genius of love is the sanguine humour . Whence to follow one's Genius is to follow one's natural inclinations , either to good or to evil . II. Whether the Suicide of the Pagans be justifiable . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That evil appears such onely by comparison , and he that sees himself threatned with greater evils then that of death , ought not onely to attend it without fear , but seek it as the onely sovereign medicine of a desperate malady . What then , if death be nothing , as the Pagans believ'd , and leave nothing after it . For we must distinguish Paganisme , and Man consider'd in his pure state of nature , from Christianity and the state of Grace . In the former , I think Diogenes had reason , when meeting Speusippus languishing with an incurable disease who gave him the good day , he answer'd , I wish not you the like , since thou sufferest an evil from which thou maist deliver thy self ; as accordingly he did when he returned home . For all that they fear'd in their Religion after death , was , Not-Being what their Fasti taught them of the state of souls in the other life being so little believ'd that they reckon'd it amongst the Fables of the Poets . Or if they thought they left any thing behind them , 't was only their renown , of which a couragious man that kill'd himself had more hope then the soft and effeminate . The same is still the custom of those great Sea Captains , who blow themselves up with Gun-powder to avoid falling into the enemies hands . Yet there 's none but more esteems their resolution , then the demeanor of cowards who yield at mercy . This is the sole means of making great Captains and good Souldiers by their example , to teach them not to fear death , not to hold it , with poltron Philosophers , the most terrible of terribles . And to judge well of both , compare we the abjectness of a Perseus , a slave led in triumph , with the generosity of a Brutus , or a Cato Vticensis . For 't were more generous to endure patiently the incommodities of the body , the injuries of an enemy , and the infamy of death , if man had a spirit proof against the strokes of fortune . But he though he may ward himself with his courage , yet he can never surmount all sort of evils ; and according to the opinion of the same Philosopher , all fear is not to be rejected . Some evils are so vehement that they cannot be disposed without stupidity , as torments of the body , fire , the wheel , the loss of honour , and the like , which 't is oftentimes better to abandon then vainly to strive to overcome them . Wherefore , as 't is weakness to have recourse to death for any pain whatsoever , so 't was an ignominious cowardize amongst the Pagans to live only for grief . The Second said , That nature having given all individuals a particular instinct for self-preservation , their design is unnatural who commit homicide upon themselves . And if civil intestine wars are worse then forreign , then the most dangerous of all is that which we make to our selves . Wherefore the ancients , who would have this brutality pass for a virtue , were ridiculous , because acknowledging the tenure of their lives from some Deity , 't was temerity in them to believe they could dispose thereof to any then the donor , and before he demanded it . In which they were as culpable as a Souldier that should quit his rank without his Captain 's leave , or depart from his station where he was plac'd Sentinel . And did not virtue , which is a habit , require many reiterated acts , which cannot be found in Suicide , since we have but one life to lose ; yet this action could not pass for a virtue , since Fortitude appears principally in sufferings and miseries ; which to avoid by death is rather cowardize and madness then true courage . Wherefore the Poet justly blames Ajax , for that , after he had overcome Hector , despis'd fire and flames , yet he could not subdue his own choler , to which he sacrific'd himself . And Lucretia much blemish'd the lustre of her chastity by her own murder ; for if she was not consenting to Tarquin's crime , why did she pollute her hands with the blood of an innocent , and for the fault which another had committed ; punishments as well as offences being personal . He who kills himself only through weariness of living is ingrateful for the benefits of nature , of which life is the chief : if he be a good man , he wrongs his Country by depriving it of one , and of the services which he owes to it ; as he wrongs Justice , if he be a wicked person that hath committed some crime , making himself his own witness , Judge , and Executioner . Therefore the Prince of Poets places those in hell who kill'd themselves , and all Laws have establish'd punishments against them , depriving them of sepulture , because , saith Egesippus , he that goes out of the world without his father's leave deserves not to be receiv'd into the bosom of his mother , the earth . I conclude therefore , that the ignorant dreads death , the timerous fears it , the fool procures it to himself , and the mad man executes it , but the wise attends it . The Third said , That the generous resolution of those great men of antiquity ought rather to have the approbation then the scorn of a reasonable mind ; and 't is proper to low spirits to censure the examples which they cannot imitate . 'T is not meet , because we are soft , to blame the courage of a Cato , who as he was tearing his own bowels could not forbear laughing even while his soul was upon his lips , for joy of his approaching deliverance ; nor the constancy of a Socrates , who to shew with what contentedness he received death , convers'd with it , and digested what others call its bitterness , without any trouble , the space of forty days . Sextius and Cleanthes the Philosopher follow'd almost the same course . Only they had the more honour , for that their deaths were purely voluntary . For the will forc'd by an extrinsecal cause , performs nothing above the vulgar who can obey the laws of necessity : but when nothing forces us to dye but our selves , and we have good cause for it , this death is the most gallant and glorious . Nor is it injust , as is pretended , any more then the Laws which suffer a man to cut off his leg for avoiding a Gangrene . Why should not the Jugular Vein be as well at our choice as the Median ? For as I transgress not the Laws against Thieves when I cut my own Purse , nor those against Incendiaries when I burn my own wood ; so neither am I within the Laws made against murtherers , by depriving my self of life : 't is my own good which I abandon , the thred which I cut is my own . And what is said , that we are more the publick's then our own , hath no ground but in our pride , which makes us take our selves for such necessary pieces of the world as not to be dismember'd from it without a noble loss to that great body . Besides , were we so usefull to the world , yet our own turn must be first serv'd . Let us live then , first for our selves , if it be expedient ; next , for others : but when life becomes worse then death , let us quit it as we do an inconvenient or unbecoming garment . Is it not a sign of generosity to make Gouts , Stones , Aches and all other Plagues of life yield to the stroke of a victorious hand , which alone blow puts an end to more maladies then all the simples of Galen , and the Antidotes of Avicenna . The Fourth said , He could not approve the determination of the Stoicks , who say that vulgar souls live as long as they can ; those of the wise , as long as 't is fit , departing out of life as we do from the table , or from play when we are weary . That the examples of Priseia who accompani'd her husband in death ; of Piso , who dy'd to save his children ; of Sextus's daughter who kill'd her self for her father ; of Zeno who did as much , to avoid the incommodities of old age ( which made it pass for piety at Rome , a long time , to cast decrepit old men head-long from a Bridge into Tiber ) are as culpable as he who surrenders a place when he is able to defend it . For whereas Plato exempts such from the punishment against sui-cides who committed it to avoid infamy or intolerable necessity ; and what Pliny saith , that nature hath for this end produc'd so many poysonous Plants for five or six sorts of Corn , that there is but one way to enter into the world , but infinite to go out of it ; the imputing it to stupidity not to go out of a prison when one hath the key , adding that 't is lawful to execute that which 't is lawful to desire , as S. Paul did his own death ; yea the example which is alledged of Sampson , of Razias , and of eleven thousand Virgins who precipitated themselves into the sea to save their chastity ; in the Church are effects of a particular inspiration , not to be drawn into consequence , and out of it examples of rage and despair disguis'd with the mask of true fortitude and magnanimity , which consists chiefly in supporting evils , as the presidents of so many religious souls attest to us . CONFERENCE XC . I. Of Hunting . II. Which is to be prefer'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . I. Of Hunting . IF the least of goods hath its attractions , 't is no wonder if Hunting ( wherein are comprehended the three sorts of good , honest , profitable , and delightful ) have a great interest in our affection ; being undoubtely preferrable before any other exercise either of body or mind . For Play , Women , Wine , and all the pleasure which Luxury can phancy in superfluity of Clothes , Pictures , Flowers , Medals , and such other passions , not unfitly nam'd diseases of the soul , are divertisements either so shameful , or so weak , that they cannot enter into comparison with hunting , so honest that it hath been always the recreation of great persons , whose martial courage us'd to be judg'd of by their inclination to this sport , which Xenophon calls the apprentisage of War , and recommends so much to Cyrus in his Institution , as Julius Pollux doth to the Emperour Commodus . It s profitableness is chiefly discern'd in that it renders the body dextrous and active , preserves health , and by inuring it to labour makes a firm constitution , hindring it from being delicate , consumes the superfluous humours , the seeds of most diseases . Lastly , the pleasure of Hunting must needs be great , since it makes the Hunters think light of all their pains and incommodities . The mind has its pleasure in it by hope of the prey in such as hunt for profit , and by the contentment of possessing what they sought : besides the consideration of the subtilty of the Fox and Wolf , the trouble which the Hare gives her displeas'd pursuers . The Second said , 'T is the only pleasure which does wrong to no person , but delivers Countries from the injuries and depredations of beasts . And though 't is the most laborious of all pleasures , yet 't is least follow'd by repentance , and instead of wearying those that are once addicted to it , makes them love it in excess , for which reason 't is prohibited to the meaner sort of people . All the Heroes are represented under the form of Hunters ; as Perseus who first hunted the wild Goat ; Castor who taught the management of the horse , before wild , to chase the Stag ; Pollux who first trac'd beasts with Lime-hounds ; Meleager who invented the Spears to assault the Boar ; Hyppolytus , Toyles , Hayes , and Nets ; Orion , Kennels and Leashes ; which were so admir'd in his age , that the Poets translated him into Heaven , where he makes a glorious sign , as they put Castor and Pollux among the Gods , and feign'd a Diana the Goddess of Hunters . Moreover , the holy Scripture gives Nimrod , the first King in the world , no greater title then that of Mighty Hunter . And the good man Isaac would not give his blessing to his son Esau , till after he had brought him of his Venison . The Third said , That Man being since the loss of his dominion over the beasts , by his sin , oblig'd to defend himself against their invasion , this gave rise to hunting , which is consequently as ancient as the world . There are three sorts of it , according to the three sorts of animals which it pursues , in the air , on the earth , and in the waters ; namely , Hawking , Hunting properly so call'd , and Fishing . Hawking is the pursuit of Birds by Birds , and it s of divers kinds according to the diversity of Hawks and quarries . Hunting is the chase of four-footed beasts , which are either great , as Lyons , Bears , Stags , Boars ; or small , as Wolves , Foxes , Badgers and Hares . Both the one and the other is perform'd by Dogs , of which there are good of all sizes and colours , and some peculiar to one sort of Game . Fishing is the venation of Fishes , whereof Plato makes two kinds ; one by the Line , and the other by Nets , the more recommendable in that 't was practis'd by the Apostles , and our Lord himself , who was figur'd by the first Christians under the Hieroglyphicks of a Fish , with the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which they explicated thus by the first Letters of that Language , Jesus Christ , God , our Saviour . The Fourth said , That Hunting being as various as men's conditions , its variety makes it as agreeable as necessary ; gunning , which is the least , instructs the Souldier to shoot exactly , to be patient , and fits him for war , especially the hunting of the Badger , who makes head in his entries , then fights from trench to trench ; and at length retreats to his last fort , where he practises all the sleights of war usual in besieg'd Cities , till he be taken by the undermining of the Pioneers . For Pythagoras his prohibition to kill animals , is no less light then his Metempsychosis ; or his reason to forbear fishing , or eating of fish , out of respect to their silence . The objection , that God permitted our first Parents to eat the fruits of the earth , not the flesh of animals , and that during two thousand years none was eaten , concludes nothing from a Negative Authority ; and Abel spar'd not the life of the Lamb of his flock , which he offer'd to God , then God had done that of the beasts , of whose skins he made Coats for Adam and Eve. And God's prohibition to the Jews to eat any thing taken by a beast , as Dogs or Birds , being abolish'd together with other ceremonies . Moreover , all animals being made for man , they have no reason to complain , if they be apply'd to that end , but especially the hunting of mischievous beasts is profitable . II. Which is to be prefer'd , the weeping of Heraclitus , or the laughing of Democritus . Upon the second Point 't was said , That in this Question , to justifie weeping , we have the example of our Lord , whom we read not ever to have been seen laughing , not even at the marriage feast whereat he was present ; but he lamented the death of Lazarus , though he knew that himself was going to raise him up again . And he compares the entrance into Paradise to the gate of a Judge , which a good woman cannot get open , nor move the Judge to do her justice , but by many complaints and tears : and he pronounceth the house of mourning blessed , saying , that GOD abides there : on the contrary , laughter and rejoycing not onely were the forerunners of the Deluge , but at present occasion a thousand offences against God , our Neighbour , and our Selves . Moreover , all the Exhortations and Sermons of Preachers tend only to move tears of contrition ; and some observe , in the trial of Witches and Conjurers , that they never weep , which is a certain argument of an ill nature , especially in women and children . And Dido , speaking of the ingrateful Aeneas , more resents his not weeping when he bid her adieu , then all the rest . For we are naturally inclin'd to weeping , as being the most humid of all animals ; and nature seems to have made the brain only for the eyes , which being always moist have also a glandule in the greater corner , call'd ( from its office ) Lachrymalis , which is a spungy flesh full of little holes , serving to attract the moisture of the brain which furnishes the matter of tears , and disperses it drop by drop , lest falling too much together , the brain should be left dry , which is a temper contrary to its natural one . Now as for objects without us , 't is evident there is more cause of weeping then of laughter . For if we look under our feet , there the ground presents it self , which sooner then every one hopes is to bury every on 's ambition , and afford him but six foot of earth ; if on each side of us , there appear so many miseries , that the Spaniards , who are accustom'd thereunto , say proverbially that they who are afflicted with the miseries of others bear the whole world upon their shoulders . If upwards , what a cause of sadness is it to see that so great and vast a Kingdom is at this day in less esteem then the meanest part of this valley of tears , the earth , and to see God dishonour'd so many ways . Come we down to our selves ; the infirmities of the body , the afflictions of the mind , all the passions of the soul and the crosses of fortune , have made those that have most tasted the pleasures of this life , acknowledge that it is nothing but thorns and miseries , and with the wise man , nothing but vanity : of which not to speak a word , were to be insensible ; to laugh , impiety ; and to imitate Aesop's Snails who laugh'd at their cost . It remains , therefore , that 't is wisdom to bewail them . The Second said , There is a time to weep , and a time to laugh , as the Wiseman testifies ; so that to do either continually is equally vicious : Yet laughter being most sutable to man who is defin'd by the faculty he hath to laugh , and not by that of weeping , which is common to Harts and Crocodiles , who shed true tears , and other beasts weep after their manner , but none laughs : I conceive that the laughter of Democritus was lesse blameable then the weeping of Heraclitus ; whose tears render'd him odious and iusupportable to all the world , which , on the contrary , is greatly pleas'd with the company of laughers , and easily side with them . Moreover , their Jovial and sanguine humour is always to be preferr'd before the Saturnine and melancholy humour of weepers , who are their own greatest enemies , exhausting their moisture , and by concentration of the spirits hindring the free functions of reason . Whereas laughter which is a sign of joy and contentment dilates the spirits , and causes all the actions of life to be perform'd better . And the laughter of Democritus exciting the like motion of joy in the spectators ; their joy dilated their spirits , and render'd them more docible and capable to receive his counsels . The Third said , That as a Physitian were no lesse impertinent in laughing at his Patient , then imprudent in weeping for the malady which he sees him endure : So Democritus and Heraclitus were as ridiculous , the one as the other , in laughing at , or lamenting the misery of men . Moreover , it seems to be a sign of repentance , that he put out his own eyes , and not to Philosophize the better : otherwise he should have done as one that cut off his own legs that he might leap the better ; since the eyes are the windows of the soul , whereby it admits almost all its informations . Heraclitus therefore was more excusable ; because tears proceed from charity and compassion , but laughter is an effect of contempt , and procures us as much hatred as the other do's affection . Besides , Democritus's laughter could neither make others better , nor himself ; for what profit can be made by the ironies and gibes of a mocker . On the contrary , tears are so perswasive , that Augustus , as subtle as he was , suffer'd himself to be deceiv'd by those of Cleopatra , and believ'd her willing to live when she had resolv'd to dye . The Fourth said , That both of them had reason , considering the vanity of the things of the world , which are equally ridiculous and deplorable . For though laughter and weeping seem contraries , yet they may proceed from the same cause . Some Nations have wept at the birth of their children , whereas we make exultations . Many have laugh'd at Alexander who wept because he had no more worlds to conquer . Xerxes wept when he beheld his goodly Army , of which not one person was to be left after a hundred years , whilst a Philosopher of his train laugh'd at it . And in both passions there is a retraction of the nerves ; whence the features of the countenance of one that laughs are like those of him that weeps . Moreover , the three subjects which may oblige men to laughter , namely , the crosses of furtune , and what they call Virtue and Science , afford equal matter of laughing and weeping . When fortune casts down such as she had advanc'd to the top of her wheel , are not they as worthy of commiseration as of derision , for having trusted to her inconstancy ? When our Gentry cut one another's throats for an ambiguous word , lest they should seem cowards , are they not as deplorable as ridiculous , in taking the shadow of virtue for it self ? And as for Science , should these two Philosophers come from the dead , and behold our youth spend ten years in learning to speak , and all our Philosophy reduc'd to a bundle of obscure distinctions , would not they dye once more with equal reason , the one with weeping , and the other with laughing ? CONFERENCE XCI . I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . II. Who are most happy in this World , Wise Men or Fools . I. Whether heat or cold be more tolerable . COmparison moves us more then any other thing . And though no sense be less fallacious then the Touch , yet 't is guided by comparison as well as the rest . Thus Caves seem cold in the Summer , because we come out of the hot air ; and hot in Winter , because the same air which we forsake is cold , the Cave remaining always in the same temper , without recurring to those Antiperistases which have no foundation in the thing ; the organs of the Touch being the sole competent judges of the several degrees of tangible qualities ; the first of which are heat and cold , provided those Organs be neither too obtuse , as in the Paralytical , nor too exquisite as when the nerve lyes naked . 'T is requisite also that the man who judges be in health , for he that has an Ague thinks nothing too cold in his hot fit , and nothing too hot or so much as temperate during the cold fit ; so the phlegmatick and melancholy bear heat better then cold , the bilious and sanguine the latter better then the former , as correcting the excess of their own temper . Now at first sight heat seems more supportable , because more congruous to life , which consists in heat ( by which Galen defines the soul ) as death in its contrary , cold . Moreover nature hath made the hot Climates more large and capacious then the cold , which are two very streight ones , although she hath supply'd those Regions with the remedy of Furs : all the rest of the world is either hot or temperate , and always more hot then cold . Nevertheless , I conclude for cold , because heat joyn'd to our heat renders it excessive , whereas cold being encounter'd by it , there results a temperate third . Besides , the opposition of cold redoubles the natural heat ; whence we have greater appetite in Winter then in Summer , sleep longer , and perform all natural functions better , and are more cheerful in mind : whereas in Summer our bodies and minds are languid , and less capable of labour ; and 't is more dangerous , in reference to health , to cool our selves in Summer then to heat our selves in in Winter ; the first occasioning , the latter preventing most diseases . The Second said , That cold being an enemy to nature , it excess must be more hurtful , and consequently more insupportable then that of heat , particularly that of the Sun. For this grand Luminary , the soul of the Universe , and whose heat is the cause of all generations , must also be that of their preservation not of their destruction . Whence the excess of his heat is much more tolerable then that of cold . Moreover , hot Countries are more fertile , and the Scripture teaches us that the first Colonies came from the South : Yea , some Doctors place the Terrestrial Paradise under the Aequinoctial : whence it follows that hot Regions having been first inhabited , have also been most habitable : even the Torrid Zone , thought unhabitable by all antiquity , experience hath found very populous ; whereas the cold are but very little habitable , and not at all , beyond the 78 degree . The Third said , That the heat which preserves our lives is natural , gentle , and agreeable , not extraneous , as that meant in the question is . Therefore external cold must be compar'd with heat , likewise external and extraneous , not with the vital heat , which is of a more sublime order then these elementary qualities . Now 't is certain external heat is more powerful and active then external cold , since it consumes and dissolves Metals , which cold cannot , and is more hurtful because it dries up humidity which is the foundation of life . 'T is also less tolerable ; for we can bear the touch of the coldest body in the world , namely Ice , yea eat it without harm ; but none could ever resist flames . Whence fire is the cruellest of punishments , not cold , from which , besides , we may more easily defend our selves then from excessive heat , which may be abated a little by winds , shadows , or other artifices , but not wholly , as cold is by help of fire , clothes , and motion . The Fourth said , If it be true which Cardan saith , that cold is nothing but a privation of heat , Nature , which dreads nothing so much as non-entity , must abhor it most ; nor can it be any way active , since that which exists not cannot act . But I will suppose , as 't is most probable , that both the one and the other are positive entities , since cold enters into the composition of bodies as well as heat , the bones , membranes , skin , nerves , and all but the fleshy parts , being cold , as also the brain , the noblest part of man. And I conceive that heat and cold , consider'd either as internal principles of a living body , or as two external agents , enemies of life , cold is always more hurtful then heat . On the one side hot distempers alter the functions , but cold abolish them , depriving us of sense , motion and life , as in the Lethargy , Apoplexie , Epilepsie , and other cold diseases . And on the other , external heat indeed draws forth part of our spirits , and thereby weakens us , whence come faintings after too hot a bath , or too great a fire : but it never wholly quenches and destroys them ; as the light of the Sun drowns that of a Candle at noon , but do's not extinguish it . The Fifth said , Because , as Hippocrates saith , in his Aphorisms , some natures are best in Winter , others in Summer ; as old men are not much inconvenienc'd by the most vehement heats , whereas cold kills them ; on the contrary , young people of hot tempers endure heat more impatiently then cold ; and there is no temperament ad pondus or exact ; Reason must be call'd to the aid of our senses , not only to judge of moist and dry , as Galen thinks , but also of hot and cold : which being absolutely consider'd in their own nature , without respect to us , I conceive heat much more active then cold , and consequently , less supportable : because the more a thing hath of form , and less of matter , 't is the more active ; the one of these principles being purely active , and the cause of all natural actions , the other simply passive . Thus the earth and water are dull and heavy elements , in comparison of the air and fire , which are less dense and material : Heaven , the universal cause of all sublunary things , is a form without matter , as Averroës affirms . Now heat rarifies and dilates its subject , and seems to make it more spiritual , and so is more active then cold , which condenses and stops all the pores and passages . Which also appears , in that the hottest diseases are the most acute ; and if cold diseases kill sometimes , they charm and dull the senses , and so render death more gentle and supportable . On the contrary , the cruellest deaths , great pains , and the most violent diseases , are ordinarily caus'd by some hot humour . Hence it is that no person dyes without a Fever ; and Hippocrates affirms that the same heat which generates us kills us . In fine , God , who is the prime Reason , hath judg'd heat more active , and less supportable then cold , since he appoints fire to torment the devils and damned souls . II. Who are most happy in this world , Wise Men or Fools . Upon the second Point 't was said , As there is but one right line , and infinite crooked , so there is but one wisdom , and one way to attain it , namely , to follow right reason ; but follies are of all sorts , and of as many fashions as there are different minds which conceive things under divers apparences of goodness . So that the number of fools being greater then that of wise , men , these will always lose their cause . Moreover , if happiness be well defin'd by contentment , who is there but accounts fools more happy then the wise ? Witness he , who otherwise intelligent enough , was a fool in this only point , that he would diligently repair alone to the Theatre , and phancy that he saw and heard the Actors , and applauded them , although no body was there besides himself : but being cur'd of his folly , he complain'd of his friends in stead of thanking them , for having been too careful to render him miserable , being a happy man before . Besides , folly hath this priviledge , that we bear with that truth from the mouth of a fool which would be odious in another : and the tribe of fools is indeed exceeding great , since we are born such ; for a child is agreeable upon no other account but its simplicity , which is nothing else but folly ; by which many faults are excusable in youth , which are not to be endur'd in other ages . And those whom we account happiest , and that dye of old age , end thus ; and are therefore call'd twice children ; and folly serves to take away the sense of all the discontents and incommodities of old age . Yea he that more neerly considers the course of our life will find more of folly in it then of wisdom . For if self-conceit , play , love , and the other passions , be so many follies , who is free from it ? The Second said , That wise men alone are happy , is justly accounted a Stoical Paradox , since 't is contrary to true natural sentiments , which shew us that the happiness of this life consists only in two points , namely , in the privation of grief , and the possession of good . As for the first , not to speak of bodily pains , from which the wise are no more exempt then fools , the strongest minds are more intelligent by their more vigorous reasoning , and ( consequently ) more susceptible of inward grief and affliction , of hope , fear , desire , and as other passions ; besides that they are ordinary of a melancholy temper , and more fix'd upon their objects then fools , who are more inconstant : to say nothing of the scruples of conscience , which many times rack their spirits , of the points of honour , of civilities , nor of the knotty questions in the Sciences . As for the latter , the possession of good , fools have a better share then the wise , because there is no absolute , but onely relative , good in this world ; whence proceeded the many different opinions touching the chief good , and the saying , that none is truly happy unless he thinks himself so . And therefore there are more fools then wise happy . For the latter discerning the meaness and vanity of the goods of the world , account it no happiness to possess them , but strain their wits to find others more solid , which they will never find in this world : whereas the former live contented and happy in the quiet enjoyment of their present goods , beyond which they wish no others . Moreover , our happiness and contentment depends upon our selves , that is , upon our own imagination , as appears in the Hospitals of fools , who are so far from resenting the horror and misery wherein they really are , that , on the contrary , they flatter themselves with their agreeable phancies of being Kings , Emperors , and very gods ; from which they take more pleasure then they give to others . As also in that Athenian , who imagining all the ships in the Piraean Haven to be his , rejoyc'd for their return , and su'd his friends at Law for curing him of this agreeable folly . In fine , according to the meer sentiments of nature , the people of the world addicting themselves to all sorts of pleasures , are more happy then those who deny the same to themselves , in obedience to the counsels of the Gospel ; and yet in the judgement of God , who is the rule of true wisdom , these are wise , and the other fools . Lastly , the Law is favorable to fools in the perpetration of great crimes , their defect of will being their security . For which reason we call them Innocents . The Third said , This Question is the harder to be determin'd , because there is no judge but is a party . But if we refer our selves to the wise , as it belongs to them to determine things , they will judge it to their own advantage . And indeed , to place felicity of the mind in the total alienation of the mind , or in the several degrees of the same , is no less preposterous then to place the pleasure of the body in pain or diseases . For man's felicity or chief good consists not in opinion ; otherwise it were not true , but only imaginary , and so man alone , amongst all the creatures , could not be truly happy . But this beatitude of man consists in his end ; this end is his action ; the action of man , as man , is that which renders him like to God by contemplation and vertue , the two most perfect operations of the understanding and the will , proceeding from principles to conclusions in the theory , and from the means to the end in the practice of moral vertues , which are not without prudence and reason , because they consist in mediocrity , which cannot be understood but by the comparison of the two extreams ; which is an action of the understanding . Since therefore folly is a Laesion of the rational faculty , whether this Reason be abolish'd , deprav'd or diminish'd ( which are the several degrees of folly ) fools cannot be happy , because they cannot live according to right reason : in which the essence of this life's felicity consists . As they are exempt from vices , so they are incapable of vertues . And if it be true , that no man is happy but he that is contented , and that contentment consists in the satisfaction we have in the enjoyment of some good , which gives us rest ; fools cannot be happy , since satisfaction of mind proceeds from its reflexion upon the excellence or goodnes of the thing which we possess . Now reflexion is a most perfect act of the Intellect , which returns upon its objects and it self . So that what Civilians say of slaves , that they cannot be happy in this world , because they are not their own , nor counted for any thing , but reputed in the number of the dead ; the same may with much more reason be affirm'd of fools . CONFERENCE XCII . I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . II. Which is to be preferr'd , the contemplative life , or the active . I. Which is most healthful , moisture or dryness . THe Philosopher Thales had reason in affirming water to be the principle of all things ; whether he had learn'd out of the books of Moses , that in the beginning the Spirit of God mov'd upon the face of the waters , and so the water appear'd first of the Elements ; or else had observ'd in nature that no sublunary forms can subsist without moisture , which Chymistry teaches us to extract out of the most acid bodies , which neither can subsist without humidity tying and uniting their parts , otherwise likely to fall into dust ; as it also serves to all generations , those of Plants and Animals beginning always by humidity , which is the cause why the Sea is more fruitful in Fish ( which likewise are more sound ) then the earth in its Animals , of less bulk then the Marine . For humidity is the food of their natural heat ; it also causes Leaves , Flowers and Fruits , to grow forth in Plants upon the earth , and in the entrals thereof it forms Minerals ; the noblest of which are the most ductile and fusible , which is a sign of their abundant humidity , as the dryest and most earthy are the worst . The dews of Heaven fertilize the earth , whence God threatens his people to give them a heaven of brass , and an earth of iron ; and when he promises great blessings , he saith , he will give dew in abundance , which also was the blessing which Isaac gave his son Esau. The inundation of Nilus fattens the possessions of Egypt . The Spring , the most healthful and agreeable of all Seasons , is moist ; Autumn , on the contrary , is the producer of diseases , by reason of its drynesse . Pearls are generated in the humidity of the Sea , wherein also Venus was born . Moisture is also the cause of plumpness and beauty , which is never found in a lean face and a dry body ; and it hath so great an influence in our nature , that we call a good one a good or pleasing humour . The Moon governs all things by moisture upon which she hath a particular influence ; and the Planets are more benigne in moist Signs then in dry , amongst which that of Virgo spoils the earth of all its beauties ; and of the Planets Mars and Saturn are the destroyers of nature by their drynesse . In sine , Humidity renders the Seasons , Winds , Places , Ages more agreeable , and Women more beautiful then Men. As Children , who abound in humidity , are more agreeable then dry old men . And there 's no person but had rather live in a climate temper'd with humidity , as between 40 and 50 degrees , then in the sands and desarts of Libia , more proper for the generation of Monsters then the habitation of men . The Second said , Although dry weather , being the fairest and pleasantest , hath more patrons then moist , yet 't is more unhealthy . The temperate Zones are pluvious ; and that Autumn which is commonly rainey , is yet most unhealthy , this proceeds from the inequality of its temperature , and some other extraneous causes , as the abundance of fruits which fill our bodies with crudities . The Spring , whose temperature is hot and moist , is according to Hippocrates , most healthy , not subject to great diseases , the matter whereof is evacuated by expulsion of the noxious humours . Moreover , humidity revives Plants and Animals , and Man , Nature's perfectest work , abounds most with it ; to which cause Cardan refers his greater sagacity . And being life is nothing else but the Prime Humidity , thence thirst comes to be the greatest bodily inconvenience ; and diseases caus'd by a dry intemperature are generally incurable . Rheum is not so dangerous as an Hectick Fever , and experience shews us that land too moist may be render'd fertile , but there 's no remedy for the droughts of Africa ; humane Art being puzled to preserve a Garden during those of Summer . Lastly , Physick takes the opportunity of moist weather for purgations , as most convenient for health . The Third said , That all the first qualities are active , but heat and moisture more then the other two , whence the air being imbu'd with humidity alters our bodies more sensibly then when 't is charg'd with dry exhalations . For our radical moisture is aerious , oyly , and benigne , and the extraneous moisture is aqueous , maligne and pernicious ; a capital enemy to that balsame of life , as extraneous heat is to our vital heat , which is suffocated by abundance of excrements collected by humidity which stops the pores , but dissipated by dryness which opens them . Which made the Prince of Physick say , Aph. 15. Sect. 3. that of the seasons of the year droughts are more healthy , and less fatal , then rainy and moist weather , in which happen long Fevers , Fluxes , Epilepsies , Apoplexies , and divers others putrid maladies . Though 't is impossible to determine the question absolutely , because 't would be requisite to consider siccity and humidity separate from other qualities and in their own nature , wherein they are not to be found , being never separated from cold or heat , which render their natures , and ( consequently ) their effects various . The Fourth said , That the pleasure we take in a thing is the surest evidence of the good or hurt it does us . Hence rain is always more grateful to us in droughts , then the contrary . Besides , Death , and old age which leads to it , is nothing but a desiccation ; and dry diseases are most perillous , because they are either conjoyn'd with heat which encreases them and makes them very acute , or with cold which generates Schirrusses , and other maladies accompani'd with obstruction , which are not cur'd but by humectation . Summer and Autumn are the sickliest and dryest seasons of the year , but we are more healthy in Winter and the Spring . And do's not the humidity of the night repair the loss caus'd by the siccity and actions of the day ? as in the morning , the most humid part of the day , our minds are more serene then all the rest of the day , whence it was call'd the friend of the Muses . The Brain , the mansion of the soul and its divinest faculties , is not only most humid , but the seat of humidity ; as choler , melancholy , fear , and all other passions common to us with beasts have their seat in the Gall , the Spleen , and the heart , which are dry parts . But although humidity seems more a friend to nature , then siccity , yet the question must be voided by the distinction of temperaments , of which the melancholy and the bilious especially receive very great incommodity from droughts , and benefit from moist seasons , which , on the contrary , much torment the phlegmatick . II. Which is to be preferr'd the contemplative life , or the active . Upon the second Point 't was said , That man being born to live in society and employment , the contemplative life seems incongruous to this end ; and our first Parent was plac'd in the earth to Till it , and eat his bread in the sweat of his countenance , not to live idly , and look about him . Moreover , the end is more noble then the means which tend to it ; but we , generally , contemplate only in order to act . In Divinity we consider God's Commandments , in order to perform them ; In Mathematicks , Lines , Surfaces , Solids , Numbers and Motions , to make use thereof for Fortifications , Carpentry , and the Mechanicks ; In Natural Philosophy , its Principles and Causes , to refer the same to Medicine ; In Law , Right , to apply it to Fact ; In Morality , the Virtues , in order to exercise them . Consider what difference there is between the contemplation of an empty brain and solid action , that is to say , between theory and practice ; you will find the former only a chimera , and the other a reality , as excellent and profitable as the first is useless , except to feed the phancy with vain imaginations , and fill the mind with presumption ; there being none but thinks himself a greater master then others , before he hath set his hand to the work ; and yet 't is by their works that our Lord tells us we shall know every one , and not by their discourses , which are as much below them as effects and things are more then words . The Second said , Contemplation is as much more excellent then action , as the soul is then the body ; and to compare them together is to equal the servant with her mistress . For , not to speak of the raptures of an extasi'd soul , nor of eternal blisse , which consisting in contemplation , that of this world must do the like in reference to natural things : Nature alone teaches us that things which are for themselves are more excellent then those which are for others . But the contemplation and knowledge of truth , hath no other end but it self ; action , the common uses of life . Whence contemplation less needs external things then action , which requires the help of Riches , Honours , Friends , and a thousand other circumstances , which hinder a contemplative person more then they help him , who therefore delights most in Desarts and Solitudes . Moreover , the end is to be prefer'd before the means , and the end of active life is to bring us rest , as the military life is in order to establish , and the civil to preserve peace ; therefore the rest of the contemplative life being the end of the turbulent active life , it is much more noble then its means . As appears also by its duration , which is greater then that of transient and transitory action ; but contemplation is durable and permanent , which is a sign of the Divinity of the Intellect that produces it , infinitely more excellent then all the other inferior powers , the principles of actions . Contemplation being abstracted from matter and earthly things wearies not the body as actions do , which require corporeal organs ; and therefore the pleasure of it is most pure and simple , and constant , in regard of its object , those sublime things which wisdom contemplates ; whereas that of action is never intire , by reason of the inconstancy of its object , which are political things continually mutable . The contemplative man finds full satisfaction in himself , without going abroad to beg approbation and rewards from men , without which virtues languish and are imperfect . Moreover , the pleasure of contemplation is peculiar to men , and not competent to brutes , who have not only external actions as well as we , as Speaking , Singing , Dancing , Fighting , Spinning , Building , and other Works of Art , which we learn'd from them , for the most part ; but they have also virtues , as Chastity , Simplicity , Prudence , Piety . On the contrary , God , as the Philosopher teaches , exercises neither virtues , nor any external actions , but contemplation is his sole employment , and , consequently , the most divine of all , though it were not calm , agreeable , permanent , sufficient , proper to man , and independent of others , which are the tokens of beatitude , and the chief good . The Third said , since 't is true , which Plato saith , that while we are in this world we do nothing but behold , by the favour of a glimmering light , the phantasms and shadows of things , which custom makes us to take for truths and bodies ; they who amuse themselves in contemplation , in this life , cannot be said contented , unless after the manner of Tantalus , who could not drink in the midst of the water ; because they cannot satisfie that general inclination of nature ( who suffers nothing idle in all her precincts ) to reduce powers into act , and dead notions into living actions . If they receive any pleasure in the knowledge of some truths , 't is much less then that which is afforded by action , and the exercise of the moral virtues , of the active life , the more excellent in that they are profitable to many , since the most excellent good is the most communicable . Moreover , all men have given the pre-eminence to civil Prudence and active life , by proposing rewards and honours thereunto ; but they have punish'd the ingratitude and pride of speculative persons , abandoning them to contempt , poverty , and all incommodities of life . And since the Vice which is opposite to active life is worse then ignorance , which is oppos'd to the contemplative , by the reason of contraries action must be better then contemplation ; and the rather , because virtuous action without contemplation is always laudable , and many times meritorious for its simplicity : on the contrary , contemplation without virtuous acts is more criminal and pernicious . In fine , if it be true , that he who withdraws himself from active life , to intend contemplation , is either a god or a beast , as Aristotle saith ; 't is more likely that he is the latter , since man can hardly become like to God. The Fourth said , That to separate active life from contemplative is to cut off the stream from the fountain , the fruit from the tree , and the effect from its cause : as likewise , contemplation without the vertues of the active life is impossible : rest and tranquillity , which are not found in vice , being necessary to contemplate and know . Wherefore , as the active life is most necessary during this life , so the contemplative is more noble and divine , if this present life be consider'd as the end , and not as the means and way to attain to the other life , in which actions not contemplations shall be put to account . Contemplation is the Sun , Action the Moon of this little World , receiving its directions from contemplation , as the Moon of the great World borrows its light from the Sun : the former presides in the day of contemplative life ; the second , which is neerer to us , as the Moon is , presides in the darkness of our passions . Both of them represented in Pallas the Goddess of Wisdom and War , being joyn'd together , make the double-fronted Janus , or Hermaphrodite of Plato , square of all sides , compos'd of Contemplation which is the Male , and Action which is the Female . CONFERENCE XCIII . I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. II. Whether 't is best to use severity or gentleness towards our dependents . I. Of the spots in the Moon and the Sun. THere is nothing perfect in the world , spots being observ'd in the brightest bodies of Nature . And not to speak of those in the Sun , which seem to proceed from the same cause with those observ'd in our flame according as 't is condens'd or rarifi'd ; we may well give account of those in the Moon , by saying , with the Pythagoreans , and some later excellent Mathematicians , that the Moon is an earthly habitable Globe , as the eminences and inequalities , observ'd therein by the Telescope , the great communications of the Moon with our earth , depriving one another of the Sun , by the opacity , rotundity and solidty of both ; and the cold and moist qualities which it transmits hither , like those of this terr-aqueous Globe ; since the same apparences and illumination of the Earth would be seen from the Heaven of the Moon , if a man were carri'd thither . And because solid massie bodies , as wood and stone , reflect light most strongly , therefore the brightest parts of the Moon answer the terrestrial dense parts , and the dark the water , which being rarer , and liker the air is also more transparent , and , consequently , less apt to stop and reflect light . This we experience in the prospect of high Mountains very remote , or the points of Rocks in the open Sea , which reflect a light , and have a colour like that of the Moon , when the Sun is still above the Horizon with her : whereas the Sea and great Lakes being less capable of remitting this light , seem dark and like clouds . So that were this Globe of Ocean and Earth seen from far , it would appear illuminated and spotted like the Moon . For the opinion of Plurality of Worlds ( which can be no way dangerous of it self , but only in the consequences the weakness of humane wit would draw from it ; much less is it contrary to the faith , as some imagine ) is rather an argument of Gods Omnipotence , and more abundant communication of his goodness in the production of more creatures ; whereas his immense goodness seems to be restrain'd in the creation of but one world , and of but one kind . Nor is it impossible but that , as we see about some Planets , namely , Jupiter and Saturn , some other Stars which move in Epicycles , and in respect of their stations , and those Planets , seem like Moons to them , and are of the same substance : so that which shines to us , here below , may be of the same substance with our earth , and plac'd as a bound to this elementary Globe . The Second said , That the spots of the Sun and Moon cannot be explicated without some Optical presuppositions . And first , 't is to be known that Vision is perform'd three ways ; directly , by reflection , and by refraction . Direct Vision , which is the most ordinary , is when an object sends its species to the eye by a direct way , that is , when all the points of one and the same object make themselves seen by so many right lines . Reflective Vision is when the species of an object falling upon the surface of an opake body , is remitted back to the sight , as 't is in our Looking-glasses . Vision by refraction , is , when the species of an object having pass'd through a medium diaphanous to a certain degree , enters obliquely into another medium more or less diaphanous ; for then 't is broken and continues not its way directly : but with this diversity , that coming from a thicker medium into a thinner , as from water into air , the species in breaking recedes from a perpendicular falling upon the common surface of the two mediums ; as , on the contrary , entring into a less diaphanous medium out of one more diaphanous , it breaks , and Cones neerer a perpendicular then it would have done had it continu'd directly . Secondly , 'T is to be observ'd , that bodies which cause reflection or refraction are either smooth or unequal and rough . Smooth bodies make reflection and refraction with order ; and the reflected or refracted image resembles its object , although it may be alter'd by the various figures of the reflecting or refracting bodies , as convex Looking-glasses diminish it , hollow enlarge it ; whereas , on the contrary , convex Perspective Glasses enlarge and concave lessen the object : but both the Looking-glasses , and the other represent the Image perfect . Unequal and scabrous bodies reflect or refract confusedly without distinct representation of the Image ; because these Bodies being terminated with infinite little imperceptible surfaces looking every way , they also reflect every way , as is seen in stones , wood , and other bodies of different ruggedness , and so causing different reflections and refractions . in the third place , we must observe some prime properties of Looking-glasses ; as , That if a species fall perpendicularly upon the surface , 't is likewise perpendicularly reflected , and consequently , upon its own object ; as when the Eye beholds it self in the glass . But if the species fall obliquely upon the glass , it will be reflected as obliquely the other way , making the angles of the incidence equal to those of reflection ; as when the Eye beholds something else then it self in the glass . And an Eye constituted in the place where it may receive the reflection shall see the image of the object by help of the glass . But if the mirror reflect no species to the place where the Eye is , then the surface of the mirror shall appear so much more dark as the mirror is exact , that is , smooth ; and more opake , the greater the light is . As the Eye being in the place of reflection cannot bear the Sun-beams reflected from the mirror no more then the Sun it self ; but being in another place , it shall see nothing but darkness , and take the glass for a hole , especially if it lie upon the ground . Moreover , a Convex Spherical glass hath this property , that it represents the image very small , and more small when the Eye and object are remote from the mirror which is small , or appears such . In which glasses also the Image never takes up the whole plane of the glass , but a very small part of it . Lastly , Every object which appears lucid , and not by its own light , transmits light to us either by reflection or refraction , after having receiv'd the same from some other luminous object . From these truths here suppos'd , but clearly demonstrated in the Catoptricks , I conclude necessarily , That the body of the Moon is not smooth , but rough or scabrous . For 't is manifest by its various faces , that it borrows from the Sun the greater light of the two which appear in her , ( the least whereof , namely , that which appears in the part which the Sun enlightens not , ( in the increase and decrease ) many think to be her own : ) which borrow'd light increases or diminishes according as she removes farther from , or comes nearer to the Sun ; whence the diversity of her faces . From which diversity of faces 't is concluded further , that the figure of the face towards us is spherical , convex , either rough or smooth . But smooth it cannot be , because then it would represent the very Image of the Sun to us very small , and in a small part of its face , the rest remaining dark , by the aforesaid observations of Looking-glasses ; wherefore it must be rough or unequal , because the whole face appears lucid when 't is beheld by the Sun at the full , and no image of the Sun appears distinctly in it . For 't is certain , that the Moon sends her borrow'd light by reflection , and not by refraction ; otherwise she should be diaphanous , and would appear most illuminated when near the Sun , and be full in her conjunction , and obscure in her full ; because she 's lower then the Sun , and so in conjunction his light would appear through her ; and in her full , which is her opposition , the Sun's light would pass through her towards Heaven , not towards us . Wherefore , as to the spots of the Moon , it may be said , in general , that she is unequally seabrous , and the dark parts are nearest smoothness , and so make a more orderly reflection , but another way then to the Earth , the Angles of Incidence and Reflection being not dispos'd thereunto . But they are not perfectly smooth , because they transmit a little light to us ; which they could not do being perfectly smooth , unless at a certain time when the Sun were so dispos'd , as that his Image might be seen in those parts , as in a Spherical Mirror . The other more scabrous parts making a disorderly and irregular reflection , are seen on all parts ; as if you fasten pieces of glass , marble , or the like smooth bodies , to a wall enlighten'd by the Sun , the rough parts of the wall will appear very bright , and the smooth obscure . But because we know not truly what is the matter of the Heavenly Bodies , we can onely say , for proof of this unevenness in the Moon 's body , that the rougher parts are more hard , and the less rough are liquid ; for then the liquor surrounding the centre of the Moon , as the water doth about that of the earth , will have a surface more approaching to smoothness as the water hath ; and this , without inferring it compos'd of earth and water , but of some celestial matter like to our elementary , and whose fluidity or hardness doth not prejudice its incorruptibility ; those who hold the Heavens solid or liquid , holding them equally incorruptible . Unless we had rather say , that the body of the Moon being all of the same hardness , may nevertheless have parts unequally rough and smooth . The Third said , That he apprehended two causes of these spots . First , the diverse conformation of these celestial bodies , which being no more perfectly round then the earth ( which nevertheless would appear spherical to us if it were luminous ) make shadows inseparable from bodies of other figure then the plain . Secondly , from the weakness of our Sight , which as it phancies colours in the clouds which are not in them , ( no more then the Air is blew , though it appear to us , and we paint it such ; ) so being dazled by a luminous body , and the visual ray being disgregated , it makes sundry appearances therein , which can be onely dark and obscure in a thing which is lucid . For I would not attribute these spots , which represent the lineaments of a face , to such a phancy as that of Antiphon , who saw his own picture in the Air , since they are observ'd by all people after the same manner : but the weakness of our Sight may contribute something thereunto . For if we say that every celestial body is an earth , and that the bright part is the terrestrial mass , and the dark the water , or the contrary ; it will be necessary that this earth also have its Heaven , that its stars , and so to infinity . The Fourth said , That they who have imagin'd spots in the Sun , had them in their Eyes , it being improbable that there is any defect of light in that Star which is the fountain of it ; but they are produc'd by the vapours between the Sun and the Eye , and therefore appear not at full noon , and change with the vapours and clouds . As for those which appear in the Moon 's face , there is great diversity of opinions ; as of the Rabbines and Mahometans , of the ancient Philosophers reported by Plutarch in his treatise thereof , and of the moderns . The first are ridiculous , in believing that Lucifer , by his fall , and the beating of his wings , struck down part of the light of this great Luminary , or that the same was taken away to frame the Spirits of the Prophets . Those Philosophers who attributed the cause to the violence of the Sun-beams reflected from the Moon to our Eyes , would conclude well if the like spots appear'd in the Sun as do in the Moon ; because the rayes coming directly from the Sun to the Eyes have more brightness , and dazle more , then those reflected by the Moon . Nor can these spots be the Images of the Sea and its Streights ; for the Ocean surrounding the Terrestrial Globe , that part of it which remains in the lower part of the Globe cannot send its species so far as the Moon , whilst she enlightens the upper part ; the Moon being able to receive onely the species of that part which she enlightens , according to the principles of Theodosius , who teaches us that from the Zenith of one Hemisphere right lines cannot be drawn to the other Hemisphere , by reason of the solidity of the Globe ; the caliginous fire , the wind , the condensation of the Air , and the like opinions of the Stoicks , and other ancient Philosophers , though erroneous , yet seem to me more probable then those of some Moderns , who will have the Moon inhabited , not considering that 't is too small to make an habitable earth , her body being the fortieth part of the Terrestrial Globe , and its surface the thirteenth of that of the Earth , or thereabouts ; besides , that she comes too near the Sun , whose Eclipse her interposition causeth , They who make the Moon and the Earth to move about the Sun , may indeed , with Copernicus , explicate the most signal motions and phaenomena : But the stability of the Pole , and the Stars about it , requires a fix'd point in the Earth , with which the inequality of the dayes and seasons could not consist , if the Sun were stable and in one place . Moreover , the difference of dayes proceeds from the obliquity of the Ecliptick , which is the cause that the parallels of the Solstice are nearer one to another , and the dayes then less unequal then at the Equinoxes , which cannot hold good in this Scheme . But 't is less reasonable to say , that the hollow places in the Moon seem dark ; for by the rules of perspective , they should remit the Sun's rayes redoubled by their reflection , by reason of the cone which is form'd in hollow parts ; nor can they be eminences , which appear obscure , because in this case the spots should not appear so great , or not come at all to us , being surpass'd by the dilatation of the rayes redoubled by the conical figure of the cavities of the Moon . 'T is therefore more probable that as a Star is the thicker part of its Orbe , so the Moon hath some dense then others which are the most luminous ; as those which are more diaphanous , letting those beams of the Sun pass through them , which they are not able to reflect for want of sufficient density , seem more obscure , and make the spots . The fifth said , The spots of the Sun cannot be from the same causes with those of the Moon , which experience shews us changes place and figure , those of the Sun remaining always alike , and in the same figure ; whereby we may also understand the validity of what is alledg'd by some , That the Sun moving upon his own Centre carries his spots about with him : For granting this motion , yet if these spots interr'd in the Sun , they would always appear in the same manner , and at regular times , by reason of the Sun 's equal and uniform revolution . Nevertheless , the most diligent observers find that some of them are generated , and disappear at the same time in the Solar face . Which would incline me to their opinion who hold those spots to be generated out of the body of the Sun , in the same manner that exhalations are out of the bosom of the earth ; did not this derogate from the receiv'd incorruptibility of the Heavens . For it cannot be any defect of our sight , mistaking the vapours between the eye and the Sun for spots inherent in his body , since they are seen by all , almost in the same number and figure ; which should alter with the medium if this were the cause of them ; and 't is impossible that vapours should follow the Sun in his course for so many days together as one of these spots appears ; for it must move above 6000 leagues a day , though it were not much elevated above the earth . Nor do our Telescopes deceive us , since without them we behold these spots in a Basin of water , or upon a white paper in a close Chamber , whereinto the Sun is admitted only by a small hole . Nor , Lastly , are they small Stars , call'd by some Borboneae and Mediceae , because we perceive both their nativity and their end . II. Whether 't is best to use ●●verity or gentleness towards our dependents . Upon the second Point 't was said , That he who said a man hath as many domestick enemies as servants , imply'd that we are to use them as such , converse with them as in an Enemy-Country , and according to the Counsel of good Captains build some Fort therein for our security . Which Fort is severity , and its Bastions the reasons obliging us to this rigour . The first of which is drawn from the contempt ensuing upon gentleness and familiarity , and from the respect arising from severity and gravity , especially in low and servile souls , which being ill educated would easily fall into vice ; to which men are more inclin'd then to vertue , if they be not restrain'd by fear of punishment , which makes deeper impression upon their minds then the sweetness and love of virtue wherewith they are not acquainted . Besides that servants are apt to grow slack and luke-warm in their duties , unless they be spurr'd up by severity . And 't is a great disorder when a servant becomes equal to his master , as it happens by mildness ; nor was Paganism ever more ridiculous then in the Saturnalia , when the servants play'd the masters . It must likewise be confess'd that severity hath a certain majesty which exacts such honour and service as gentleness cannot obtain . By this virtue Germanicus became so considerable , and was so well obey'd , as , on the contrary , Nerva's mildness weakned and enervated the Roman Commonwealth . Was ever King more severe , and better obey'd then Tamberlane , or any family more powerfully establish'd then that of the Ottamans , which owes all its grandeur to severity and rigour , the sole upholder of Military Discipline , a good Captain never pardoning any in war. For the misery of inferiors , whether true or imaginary , joyn'd with the natural desire of liberty , easily carries them to rebellion , if fear and rigour tye not their hands . Thus the war undertaken by the Servants against their Masters at Rome was the effect of mildness ; nor was there any other means to repress it but by blood and slaughter ; as another Nation once routed an Army of their Slaves with Whips and Stirrup-leathers ; the sight of which reviving the memory of their former scars was more effectual then ordinary weapons . Therefore when the Law gave power of life and death over slaves , it intended not to authorize homicide , being sufficiently careful of men's lives ; but judg'd it expedient to retain these persons in their duty by the apprehension of death . The reason which once oblig'd the Senate to put 600 innocent slaves to death , for an example to others . The Second said , whatever security there may be in severity , it hath effects too violent to be durable . Man's mind is too delicate a piece ; and whatever difference fortune hath put between men , their spirit , which is the same in all , is too noble to be curb'd with a cudgel and biting of brutish severity ; which on the other side causes hatred , as mildness doth love , and is therefore to be prefer'd ; there being none but had rather be lov'd then hated , and no way to be belov'd but by loving . For the same Proverb which reckons servants amongst necessary evils , reckons a wife so too ; and the tyrannical Aphorism , So many servants so many enemies , is not true but in those who have cause given them to be so . And indeed , a Master's condition would be the worst of all , if he must live always at home upon his guard , as in a den of Lyons or Tygres . For , what is alledg'd , that servants are ill bred and ill-natur'd , and seldom acknowledge the obligations they have to their Masters , is indeed too true in the most eminent conditions : but that which we call ingratitude in them , comes especially from the rigour of our deportments , which offuscate the benefits and commodities they receive from us . Their low fortune is unpleasant enough , without making them desperate to our prejudice . And indeed , the Laws which have allow'd most severity to Masters over their slaves , have sometimes been insufficient to secure them from the fatal strokes of their discontent ; as many Histories of Roman Masters murder'd by their slaves ( notwithstanding that rigour of Silanus's Law ) and the dangerous revolts of Spartacus , and others in the Provinces , sufficiently testifie . Whence it appears , that a man must be in as much fear of his servants as he would be fear'd by them ; and that suspicion and diffidence is as well the mother of treacheries as of safety , since it seems to leave those whom we distrust to do all the mischief they can . For to pretend severity , for avoidance of contempt and too great familiarity , in my judgement speaks great weakness of mind ; and as if dominion and majesty could not be more agreeably maintain'd by clemency : and gravity affected by rigour is as ridiculous as odious ; yea 't is to fall into an extremity too vicious , to make one's self hated for fear of being sleighted , and to appear cruel to avoid being familiar . The Third said , That although gentleness be more acceptable then severity , yet 't is also more dangerous : witness that of Lewis the Debonnaire , and Eli the chief Priest , towards their children , for whom the Wiseman recommends the rod , as Aristotle doth discipline for servants and slaves : and the indulgence of good husbands to their wives is the most apparent cause of the luxury reigning in that Sex , to say no worse . A family is a kind of Republick , and the principles of Occonomy and Policy are much alike . Now we see States are preserv'd by the exact severity of Laws , signifi'd by the Rods , Axes , Maces and naked Swords , born by Magistrates , and the Scepters of Kings . But no Magistrates have Ensigns of gentleness , as being more dangerous , because directly oppos'd to justice , all whose rights and priviledges are preserv'd by severity . And hence clemency is not permitted to be us'd by inferior Judges , but that it may be more rare , 't is reserv'd to Princes themselves who are above Laws and Customs . The Fourth said , It belongs to Prudence to determine when , how , where and why , ways of gentleness or severity are to be us'd ; some minds being exasperated by severity , like those tempers on which violent medicines work least ; and others turning sweetness into bitterness , whilst they think it to proceed from timerousness or impotence , and so take license to do any thing , whom benigne medicines act not . But , to speak absolutely , the way of gentleness must always precede and be found unprofitable before coming to rigour , according to the precept of the Physitians , who use fire and cauteries only when the malignity of the malady will not yield to ordinary remedies , which the ancient Arabians never us'd till having first try'd a diet and regiment of living . Nor do's wise Nature ever use violence till she is forc'd to it by some potent cause , as the fear of Vacuity , or the penetration of Dimensions . In all the rest of her actions she proceeds with sweetness , wherewith she hath so endow'd man , that the same humour which gives and preserves his being , namely , Blood , is the cause of Clemency and Gentleness , call'd for this reason Humanity . Wherefore 't is more sutable to our nature then to lean towards its contrary ; and the way from gentleness to rigour is more rational and natural then from rigour to gentleness . For when a rough master speaks flatteringly to his servants , they are no more mov'd therewith then a Horse accustom'd to the spur is with the voice alone . Yea , a Horse that will not stir for words will go for the spur ; and Masters who incessantly rate and beat their servants , are like those ill Horse-men who have alwayes their spurs in the Horses sides , where they make by this means a callous scar , insensible to the most quick stimulations . CONFERENCE XCIV . I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . I. Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . ▪ T Is an ancient saying , that the Luminaries have never more spectators then when some Languishment befalls them ; because ordinary effects , how excellent soever , affect us less then such as are not common , whose novelty raises admiration in our minds , otherwise much delighted in considering others defects and imperfections . Those of the Celestial Bodies are deficiencies of light , call'd Eclipses , which happen by the diametrical interposition of some opake body . To speak onely of those of the Sun and Moon ; the former is caus'd by the shadow of the Moon upon the Earth , and the latter , by that of the Earth upon the Moon , by reason of their vicinity . For the Sun's course being alwayes in the Ecliptick of the Zodiack , which they ordinarily , but improperly , call a line , being rather a plane superficies , and a great circle , cutting the sphere into two equal parts , in which the Sun ascends in his Apogaeum , and descends in his Perigaeum . The Moon likewise , according to her proper motion , is found every moneth in the same sign with the Sun ; which is call'd her Conjunction , and makes the New Moon . Yet with this difference , that she is either in the South or the North , in respect of the Sun in the same sign , unless when passing from one to another she crosses the Ecliptick , wherein the Sun makes his course in the middle of such sign ; in which intersection is made the Eclipse of the Sun , the Moon being then directly between the Sun and our sight . This point of intersection is call'd the Dragon's head , when she moves from the South to the North , and the Dragon's taile when from the North to the South . Now forasmuch as the Lunar Body is less then that of the Earth , and much less then that of the Sun , scarce taking up the latitude of the pyramide form'd by the visual rayes ; hence the Suns Eclipse is never either total or universal , the Moon not being capable to hide the body of the Sun from those who behold him from the Earth in another situation . After her conjunction with the Sun , she with-draws from him by little and little , increasing in roundness and light , till she become fully opposite to the Sun , at which time half of her Globe is perfectly enlightned ; and then 't is Full Moon . Now because in this perfect opposition the Earth casts its shadow upon that part of the Ecliptick which is opposite to the Sun , if in this opposition the Moon happen to cut the Ecliptick , she enters into the Earths shadow , and becomes darkned by privation of the Suns light . So that the Moon is never eclips'd but in her opposition when she is at the Full , nor the Sun but at New Moon when she is in conjunction . Whence that eclipse of the Sun which appear'd at our Lords death was miraculous , the Moon being then naturally unable to eclipse the Sun by her interposition , because she was directly opposite to him , and at the Full. The Second said , That in this common explication of Eclipses , the Parallaxes of the Sun and Moon cause many difficulties in their calculations , being the cause that the same Eclipse is total to some , partial to others , none to others , and to some sooner and longer then to others ; besides , that 't is requisite to have as many new calculations as there are different places . But a general way whereby to explicate Eclipses so perfectly , that one single calculation may suffice for the whole Earth , and oftentimes for several Eclipses , cannot be had without knowledge of the distances , magnitudes and shadows of the Sun , the Earth , and the Moon , which are these ; the Sun is distant from the Earth about 1200. semidiametres of the Earth , which amount to almost 2000000. of our leagues . The Moon is distant from the Earth near 56. semidiametres of the Earth , making about 90000. leagues , or the two and twentieth part of the Sun's distance : Whence at New Moon the distance of the Moon from the Sun is 109000. leagues ; and so the Sun is distant from the Earth twenty one times more then the Moon . As for the magnitude of these bodies , the Diametre of the Sun is about six times as big as that of the Earth , and twenty one times as great as that of the Moon ; and consequently exceeds the one five , and the other twenty times . Whence it follows , that the length of the shadows of the Earth and the Moon being proportionate to their distances from the Sun , as their Diametres are to that Excess , the shadow of the Earth shall have in length the fifth part of its distance from the Sun , namely , 400000. leagues , and the shadow of the Moon the twentieth part of her distance from the Sun , namely , 95500. leagues . These shadows of the Earth and the Moon are of a conical figure , the base whereof is one of the circles of the Earth or the Moon , and the cusp is the point remov'd from their bases , according to the abovesaid distances . Which figure proceeds from the Sun 's being greater then the Moon or the Earth , and all three of a round or spherical figure ; and the conical shadow is a perfect shadow admitting no direct ray from the Sun ; but there is an imperfect shadow about the same , admitting rayes from some parts of the Sun , but not from all . And as the imperfect shadow diminishes conically , so the imperfect increases conically ; so that the Moons imperfect shadow reaches 90000. leagues , which is the distance of the Moon from the Earth , occupying round about the perfect shadow near 1000. leagues on each side ; because 't is in proportion to the Diametre of the Sun , as the distance of the Earth from the Moon is to the distance of the Moon from the Sun. Now since the shadow of the Moon , which is 95500. leagues , reaches further then the Moons distance from the Earth , which is but 90000. leagues , it follows that at New Moon when she is directly between the Sun and the Earth , ( which happens when the Moon is twenty degrees before or after , either the head or the taile of the Dragon ) the point of her shadow reaches to the Earth , covering sometimes near 30. leagues round of Earth with perfect shadow , which is surrounded with another imperfect one of a thousand leagues . And as the Moon by her proper motion passes beneath the Sun from West to East , so her shadow traverses the Earth from the West part to the East ; so that whereever the point of the perfect shadow passes , there is a total Eclipse of the Sun ; and where the imperfect shadow passes , the Eclipse is onely partial , but greater according as you are nearer the perfect shadow . From these consequences may be drawn , That the Eclipse of the Sun is seen sooner in the West part of the Earth then in the East , by almost five hours ; which is the time that the shadow of the Moon is crossing the plane of the Earth . That one and the same Eclipse of the Sun cannot be seen in all parts of the Earth , because , though as the shadow moves , it crosses from West to East ; yet it is not large enough to cover the whole Earth from North to South . That in one and the same year there are at least two Eclipses of the Sun visible in some parts of the Earth , sometimes three , and four at most . For every half year in which the Sun passes by the Dragon's head , if the New Moon be made at the same head , there will be an Eclipse , which will be total in the torrid zone , and partial in the temperate zones , a thousand leagues or more on either side ; and this will be the sole Eclipse for this half year . If the New Moon be made within ten degrees before the Dragon's head , there will be onely this Eclipse in this half year , which which will be total , sometimes in the torrid zone , sometimes in the southern temperate zone , and partial , a thousand leagues or more every way . The like will happen if the New Moon be made within ten degrees after the Dragon's head , but a total Eclipse will be seen in the torrid zone , or else in northern temperate . But if in the same half year the New Moon be made between ten and twenty degrees before the head , there will be an Eclipse in the cold zone , and at the extremity of the temperate southern zone : But then the New Moon immediately following will be made between ten and twenty degrees after the head , and there will be another Eclipse seen in the frigid zone , and at the extremity of the northern temperate zone ; which two Eclipses , most commonly , are but partial . The same must be said of the other half year in which the Sun passes by the Dragons tail , saving that the parts which precede the taile regard the northern part of the Earth ; and those which follow , the southern ; which happens quite contrary at the head . Which we must observe , is diametrically opposite to the taile , and that they remain not alwayes in the same place , but move round the Heaven regularly in about nineteen years , contrary to the order of the signes from Aries to Pisces , and from thence to Aquarius , backwards . As for the Eclipse of the Moon , we must consider the shadow of the Earth , which is cast into the Ecliptick in the part opposite to the Sun ; and because the same is 400000. leagues long , it follows that it crosses the Heaven of the Moon , and beyond ; so that although it be diminish'd at the Heaven of the Moon , yet in that place it hath near one degree a half diametre , the Moon not having much more then one degree . And consequently , if the Moon be at the Full , either in the head or the taile of the Dragon , or else in thirty degrees before or after , the Moon will pass into the shadow of the Earth , and be either wholly eclips'd or in part , according as she shall enter wholly into the perfect shadow . For here the imperfect shadow is not considerable , the Moon not being eclips'd so long as she receives the rayes of any part of the Sun ; whence it follows that the Moon naturally loses her light , but not the Sun , which the inposition of the Moon onely keeps from our Eyes ; that the Eclipse of the Moon is seen at the same time by all those who can see it . And that there can be but two in one year , namely , one in every six moneths ; sometimes but one in a year , and sometimes none at all ; namely , when the Full Moon happens between thirteen and seventeen degrees , before or after the head or the taile of the Dragon . II. Whether all Sciences may be profitably reduc'd to one . Upon the Second Point it was said , That the desire of knowing is very charming ; but mans life is too short to satisfie the same , unless the great number of Sciences be reduc'd into one , their multitude requiring a volumn to contain their names alone , and this with their length being the principal causes of the little fruit gather'd from them , and the distaste which they beget . The way of abridgment would be to retrench out of each all matters unprofitable , or not pertaining to the Science , as are most Metaphysical Questions which are treated of in Logick ; Natural , in Medicine ; Moral , Natural , and Juridical , in Divinity , to avoid repetitions : And thus the fifth and sixth Books of Euclid might be reduc'd into one , since in the latter he demonstrates by number what before he had demonstrated by lines ; yea , the 117 Propositions of his tenth Book might be demonstrated in another order , and compris'd in less then thirty ; as the five following Books , the three of Candalus , the Sphericks of Theodosius , the Conicks of Apollonius , the Principles of Archimedes , and others , which make above 500 Propositions , might be reduc'd profitably to less then a hundred . But above all , 't would be requisite to be careful of laying down good Principles , and teaching these Sciences with order ; and for this purpose to retrench all unprofitable Books , whose numerousness causes confusion , and is now more hurtful then their scarcity was heretofore ; according to Justinian's example , who reduc'd all the Law-books of his time into two Volumns , the Digests and the Code ; and that of the Jews , who compris'd all things that can be known in one single Science call'd Cabbala , as the Druids did their Disciplines under certain Maximes and Aphorisms ; and Lullie's Art teaches to know and speak of all things ; which might be done , if instead of spending the fittest time of our Age ( as we do unprofitably ) in learning to speak Latine and Greek , we employ'd it , by the example of the Ancients , upon the Mathematicks , History , and all Sciences depending more upon memory and phancy then solidity of Judgment , which might afterwards be form'd in a short time by Logick , in order to its being exercis'd in the knowledg of things natural , supernatural , and moral ; which might easily be obtain'd in less then five years , if all superfluities were retrench'd . The Second said , Because the possibility of a thing must first be understood , before the means of attaining it sought , 't is requisite first to agree whether all Sciences are reducible into one , before the ways to do it be inquir'd . And although at first sight it seem possible , because they presuppose one another , and there is such a connection in their principles that some depend upon the demonstration of others ; yet I conceive this re-union of all into one would seem rather a monster , or a thing like the confusion and disorder of the ancient Chaos , then a true and legitimate Discipline . For 't is easier to destroy the present method then to establish a better . Moreover , how is this union possible , since the foundations and principles of Sciences are controverted by the Masters who profess them ? For setting aside those indemonstrable principles which are very few , and need only be heard that they may be granted , and may be learn'd in less then an hour ; if we make an induction through all the Sciences , we shall find nothing certain in them . Has Morality , whose chief object is Beatitude , found one sole point wherein to establish it ? Are not part of Aristotle's opinions overthrown by Galen ? who on the other side is counter-check'd by Paracelsus and all the Chymists , who pretend to cure diseases by their likes , as the former doth by their contraries ? Law , being founded upon the instability of humane will , hath as little certainty : And Divinity it self , which is the Science of Verities , is divided by the Sects of the Nominals , of Scotus , and Thomas ; not to speak of the Heresies which incessantly assault it . And if we compare it to other Sciences , it overthrows most of their Principles , by establishing the Mysteries of Faith. This is it which made the wisest of men , and who perfectly understood all Sciences , to say , That they were but vanity : And were this union possible , he hath so highly recommended sobriety of knowing , that 't would be a kind of intemperance to desire to know every thing , no less presumptuous by exceeding the bounds set by God to each of our capacities , then ridiculous , by attempting to make a necessary and infallible thing of many contingent and uncertain , and not yet agreed upon . The Third said , That Unity , which is one of the Transcendents , co-eternal and co-essential to Good , ought to be the attribute of all good things , and consequently of Discipline , which likewise being the good of the Understanding , which is one , cannot be comprehended by it , but by their becoming conformable the one to the other . If any reply , That 't is enough that things enter into it successively , and so need not be one , ( which would be inconsistent with their nature ) ; I answer , That the series and order which is found in those things belongs to one single Science ; otherwise they would have no conection together , and by this means could not be made use of to purpose . And since all our Notions depend one of another , our Discourse being but a continual Syllogism , whose Conclusions depend upon the Premises , it follows , That the Syllogism being the subject but of one Science , they all pertain but to one Science ; whence Philosophy is defin'd the knowledge of things divine and humane ; that is to say , of every thing . Indeed , since all moral Virtues are so connected together , that 't is impossible to possess one without possessing all ; the Sciences ( which are the intellectual virtues ) must be streightly united likewise ; and the more , for that they have but one most simple subject , to wit , the Uderstanding . And since the means of Being are the same with those of Knowing , every thing that is in the world having the same Principles of existence must also have the same principles of knowledg , and so make one sole Science ; because Sciences differ only by reason of their principle ; all which too depend upon one Metaphysical principle , namely , That one and the same thing cannot be and not be ; which proves all others ; and therefore it follows , That there must be one sole Science general , comprehending all the rest . For to say , That every several manner of handling a thing makes a distinct Science , is to imitate him who would make an Art of every Simple . Lastly , Nature would not have given us a desire of knowing every thing , if this desire could not be accomplished : But it is impossible to be so , whilst the Sciences remain so diffuse as they are at present . CONFERENCE XCV . I. Of the diversity of Wits . II. Of New-years Gifts . I. Of the diversity of Wits . DIversity is found in all things , but no where more remarkably then in man ; for , not to speak now of Bodies , that of Minds is so great that none have been ever found to have the same inclinations or motions , or that have been so much as like to themselves ; the Mind being an indefatigable Agent , varying postures every moment , according to the several occurrences of new objects , to which it becomes like . But though the division of Wits be so unequal and disadvantageous to some , that there 's observ'd as great difference between one man and another as between some men and a brute , yet all are well pleas'd with their lot , and every one thinks he hath enough to spare , and to govern and instruct others ; so conceited are we of what belongs to our selves . Now the cause of this diversity of Spirits and Inclinations seems to be the various constitution of bodies , whose temper the motions and inclinations of the Soul follow ; and this temper being incessantly mutable by causes internal and external , not only in the four seasons of the year , but also in the four parts of the day , hence ariseth the diversity of the actions and inclinations of the Mind , which is so great , that the same thing pleases and displeases us in a little space of time . The Second said , That the Faculty which they call Ingenium or Genius , cannot proceed meerly from the temperament of the four qualities : For we see those that come nearest the temperament of man are the most stupid ; and Ages , Seasons , and Aliments changing those qualities continually , should also incessantly change mans wits . But 't is a quality or ray of the Reasonable Soul , which finding the four qualities variously mix'd in every one , makes use thereof in different operations ; and so this difference is only accidental , not essential . Moreover , we see , that whatever difference be conceiv'd in Minds , yet their fundamental inclinations are alike , the hatred and aversion of evil things , and the desire and prosecution of good ; if the means imploy'd to these purposes be different , this proceeds from a particular imagination caus'd by the constitution of the humours , which makes this difference appear , as through a colour'd glass . So the choler of the Souldier puts him upon seeking honour and profit in Arms ; the Advocate is mov'd to seek them in the Sciences , either by his more moderate temper , or by the example and pleasure of his Ancestors . Yet this Proportion cannot change the essence of Wits , but only the appearance ; as a Painter out of the mixture of four or five colours makes infinite others , which differ only in shew . The Third said , There are many partial causes of this variety , and they may be various to infinity , according to the various haps they meet with , like the letters of the Alphabet diversly combin'd ; yet they may be referr'd to three principal , Nature , Art , and Fortune . The Nature of Man is the Soul and the Body . Souls cannot differ specifically , as some hold ; for then a species should be part of an individual , since the Soul makes a part of man ; which is absurd , because the species must be predicated of many individuals . Yet I think there is some individual difference between our Souls , not wholly depending upon the conformation of the organs , or the temper of humours , because excellent Souls have been found to lodg in ill-made Bodies , as those of Socrates and Aesop ; and the contrary . Art may also contribute much to this diversity , especially in Youth , when wits are more flexible ; some very dull ones having been incredibly improved by study . So also may Fortune and Occasion ; amongst others , the place of residence ; as the fertility of Palestine in Pasturage made the Jews Shepherds ; and the plains of Aegypt , fitted for tillage by the inundation of Nilus , made the Aegyptians Plow-men . Those that inhabit the coasts of the Sea are Merchants , in regard of the conveniency of transportation . And necessity , which forces our wits upon sundry things , makes the Arabians , who live in an unfertile soil , for the most part Thieves ; as sterility has constrain'd others to make war upon their neighbours . The diversity of Climates , Winds , Waters , Diets , Exercises , and generally all external and internal things , making some impression upon the temper , makes likewise some diversity in Wits . The Fourth said , That diversity of actions cannot proceed but from diversity of forms ; and therefore those of men must be unequal . 'T is likely the Souls of Aristotle , Socrates , and the like great Philosophers , were of another stamp then those of people so stupid that they cannot reckon above five . And who dares say that the Soul of Judas was as perfect as that of our Lord ? Moreover the Wise man saith , Wisd. c. 8. that he receiv'd a good Soul. Plato distinguishes Wits into as many Classes as there are Metals . And experience shews us three sorts in the world ; some few are transcendent and heroical , being rais'd above the rest : others are weak and of the lowest rank , such as we commonly say have not common sense ; others are of an indifferent reach , of which too there are sundry degrees , which to attribute wholly to the various mixture of elementary material qualities , is to make a spiritual effect , as the action of the Understanding is , depend upon a corporeal cause , between which there is no proportion . And 't were less absurd to ascribe these effects to the divers aspects of the stars , whose influences and celestial qualities are never altogether alike . The Fifth said , That wit is a dexterity or power of the soul , seated in the Cognoscitive rational faculty , not in the Appetitive or Sensitive . 'T is a certain capacity of the Understanding to know things , which is done either by invention or instruction of others . Invention requires acuteness of wit and judgement . Learning , docility , and likewise judgement . Memory serves as well to invent as to learn. And thus three things are requisite to Wit , namely , Memory , Acuteness , and Judgement . The first furnishes matter and sundry things , without supply whereof 't is impossible to have a good wit. The Judgement disposes things in order , resolving the whole into its parts when 't is requisite to learn or teach , and reducing the parts to their whole when 't is requir'd to invent , which is the more difficult ; our mind finding it of more facility to divide things then to compound them . Whence Inventors of Arts , and things necessary to life , have been plac'd in the number of the gods . But , because each of these three faculties require a contrary temperature ; Memory a hot and moist , as in children ; Acuteness of wit , a temper hot and dry , as that of Poets and Magicians ; Judgement , a cold and dry , proper to old men ; hence it is that a perfect Wit which excells in all three is rarely found . II. Of New-years Gifts . Upon the second Point 't was said , That the Poet who said , that he who begins a work well hath already done half of it , spake no less judiciously of humane actions then those who advise to have regard to the end . For , as this crowns the work , so 't is not to be doubted but a good beginning makes half of this wreath , and that both joyn'd together perfect the circle , the Hieroglyphick of the revolution of years . Hence we see antiquity contriv'd to begin them with some festival solemnities , with intent thereby to consecrate their first actions to the Deity . The Hebrews had their most remarkable feasts in the moneth Nisan , the first of the year , answering to our March ; and amongst others that solemn Passover , when they invited their Neighbours to the feast of the Lamb. The Greeks began their Olympiads with Games and Sacrifices to Jupiter ; and the superstitious Egyptians not only took omens from what they first met every day , but made it their god for that day . And being next the divine assistance men value nothing more then the favour and good will of their friends , 't is no wonder if after sacrifices and publick ceremonies they have been so careful to continue this mutual friendship by feasts and presents at the beginning of the year , which some extended to the beginnings of moneths , which are Lunar years , as the Turks do at the beginning of each Moon , of which they then adore the Croissant . And if they who make great Voyages , after having doubled the Cape of Good Hope , or some other notable passage , have reason to make feasts and merriment , for joy of the happy advancement of their Navigation ; those who are embarqu'd together in the course of this life , and whom the series of years ( which may be call'd so many Capes and Points mark'd in the Chart of our Navigation ) transports into new Countries , ought to rejoyce with their friends for the dangers which they have escap'd , and felicitate them for the future by presents , and wishes , in the continuation of this journey . Or else considering the difference of years as great as that of Countries , we renew our correspondencies by presents , as hospitalities were anciently by those which they call'd Xenia , which is still the name of our New-years Gifts ; since in respect of the great alterations hapning in those years , we may be said to be new Guests , or Hospites of a New-year . The Second said , That this laudable custome was founded upon reason and example , our Druides being wont to gather with great ceremonies the Misletoe of the Oak , which they consecrated to their great Tutates , and then distributed to the people , as of great virtue . Whence our New-years Presents are still call'd in many places * Guy-l'an-neuf . But the first day of the year was not the same with all Nations ; some of our first Kings began it at Martin's day , as appears by the dates of some old Ordinances , and the yet continu'd openings of our Parliaments ; whence possibly remains the fashion of making good cheer on this day . The Romans us'd this custom , sometimes in March , which was the first moneth of the year , when the year had but ten moneths , each of 36 days ; and afterwards on the Calends and first day of January , which was added with February to the other ten by Numa . And ever from the foundation of Rome , Tatius and Romulus appointed a bundle of Verven to be offer'd with other presents for a good augury of the beginning year . Tacitus mentions an Edict of Tiberius , forbidding to give or demand New-years Gifts , saving at the Calends of January , when as well the Senators and Knights , as all other Orders brought presents to the Emperor , and in his absence to the Capitol . Of which I observe another rise in the cense or numeration of the people , which was made in the beginning of the Lustres or every five years , and began under Ancus Martius ; at which time money was cast amongst the people , as the Emperors did afterwards when they review'd their Armies at the beginning of each year , honouring the most eminent Souldiers with presents . Now reason too is joyn'd with this practise ; for as we take presages from the first occurrences of a day , week , or year , so none are more acceptable then gifts , which gratifie the more because they come without pains or expence . The Third said , That the three sorts of goods being found in the reception of presents sent us by friends ; ( for they testifie the honour which they do us ; the least present brings some profit to the receiver ; and no benefit is receiv'd without some pleasure ) 't is no wonder if men who have from all time assign'd some day to every thing which they esteem'd good , have also thought fit to solemnize the Feast of Presents or Benefits , and to testifie their esteem thereof have made the Year begin by it , for good augury . Indeed , nothing is so powerful as Presents , because they make and reconcile amity , the greatest Gift which God hath given to men . They pierce the best-guarded Gates , as Philip of Macedon said ; and Jupiter found nothing so fitting as a Golden-showre whereby to convey himself into Danae's lap . Homer with his Muses is thrust out by the shoulders if he brings nothing with him ; whereas a course Varlet laden with booty is admitted even into the Closet . Whereof men are so perswaded , that there was never a Religion but had its offerings . And God forbids any to come before him with empty hands . Especially , gifts are agreeable , when the proportion of the receiver with the giver is observ'd . So the poverty of the Greek Epigrammatist made Augustus well pleas'd with the peny which he presented to him . But the price of a thing , or ( in defect thereof ) its novelty , or the excellence of the work-man-ship , the place and time is most considerable , this latter making such things as would have no acceptance at another season , pass for courtesies in the beginning of the year . CONFERENCE XCVI . I. Of Place . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . I. Of Place . ALL created things having a finite and circumscrib'd essence , have also a proper place which serves for a bound to their nature , which is the principle of their motions and actions , which cannot be but in some place ; the six differences whereof , namely , above , below , before , behind , the right side and the left , sufficiently prove its existence , since differences presuppose a genus . But its nature and essence is no less hard to be known , then its existence is plain . To omit the sundry considerations of its several Sciences , here we understand , by place , that which contains things plac'd ; and 't is either common to more , or proper to one alone ; this , either external or internal : and generally , 't is either Physical or Mathematical , or rather the same sometimes , provided , and sometimes devested of accidents in its pure dimensions . This place cannot be the space of every body , because space is nothing else but a vacuum , which is wholly opposite to place , which being an affection ' of body must be something of reality . 'T is therefore well defin'd the first internal and unmoveable surface of the ambient body . First , that is , immediate and proximate , because it must be equal to the body which it contains ; internal , for if it were the external surface , it would be greater ; as vessels are larger then what they contain : Lastly , it must be immoveable ; which is not to be understood of the real place or real surface environing the body ( because this surface changes when the body changes place , or whilst the body remains unmov'd the ambient air is chang'd every moment ) but of that place or imaginary surface which encompasses the body on all sides , remaining always immoveable . Which is more satisfactory then to say , as some do , that the place of bodies is immoveable ; although they and their surfaces change place ; because from thence to the centre and principal parts of the world there is always the same distance and respect . The Second said , That Aristotle shew'd more subtilety then truth , when in stead of defining place internally corresponding to the extension of the parts , he defin'd it by an outward circumference ; by which account , Souls , Angels , and other spiritual substances should not be contain'd in a place , as 't is certain they are ( though definitively , not circumscriptively ) in regard they move from one place to another . Yea the whole world should not have a place , since it cannot be contain'd by any thing , but contains all . 'T is also incongruous to say , with some , that the place of the world is its centre , which is too small to design the place of so great a body ; and if a point were the place of the world , the place of a Pismire should be greater then that of the world . What others say , That place is only the extension of things , cannot consist with the place of spiritual forms , which yet have a distinct extension as other corporeal forms have ; and we change place every moment , although we have always the same extension . I conceive therefore , the place being relative to the thing plac'd ought to be defin'd by it , according to the nature of relatives ; and so place is nothing but the space occupi'd by the body plac'd , which is that long , broad and deep interval which receives the same . Moreover , space which would be void if one body did not succeed another , hath all the conditions requisite to the nature of place . For first , 't is nothing of the thing plac'd , being a pure nothing . 2. 'T is immoveable , being of it self incapable of motion . 3. 'T is equal to the body plac'd , the whole space answering to the whole body , and every part to every part . 4. It receives sometimes one body , and sometimes another . And lastly , two equal spaces contain as much the one as the other . The Third said , That place , defin'd the immoveable surface of an ambient body , cannot agree to the air , because its surface is not immoveable . But if this immobility be meant of the whole body of the air , this inconvenience will follow , that the external surface of the air is not proportionate to the quantity of the particular body which it encompasseth . The defining of place to be the space occupi'd by the body plac'd , explicates the place of bodies , but not of incorporeal things , as the Soul and Angels , which having no extension should have no space , and , consequently , be in no place . Wherefore I conceive that place being an external affection of figure and quantity , must not be taken in the concave superficies of the body which touches , it but in the convex of that which is contain'd . And so this superficies will be immoveable , since the quantity of the body remains the same ) and always equal to the body contain'd without penetration , because it hath no profundity . Likewise , every body will be likewise in its own place . And as for things incorruptible and incorporeal , the Angels and the Heavens , their place will be always the extremity of their substance . The Fourth said , That if there were any place in nature which receives bodies , it must either be a body it self , or a vacuum . A body it cannot be , for then two absurdities will follow , namely , penetration of dimensions ( one body being within another ) and a progress to infinity : for place being a body , it must be in another place , this in a third , this third in a fourth , and so to infinity . Nor can it be a vacuum which receives bodies . For either this vacuum remains after the admission of a body , and so the same place will be full and empty both together ; or this vacuum recedes to make place for supervening bodies ; which cannot be ; for then it will be capable of local motion , which is an affection and property of body . Or else , lastly , this vacuum perishes and is annihilated ; which is impossible too ; for then it should be subject to generation and corruption , which are found only in bodies . Wherefore if ever the Scepticks had reason to suspend their judgement , 't is in the nature of place , which they justly doubted whether it were something or nothing . The Fifth said , That to doubt of place is to doubt of the clearest thing in the world , nothing being so certain as the existence of things , which cannot be but in some place . And we see a thing no sooner exists in nature but it hath its place and its station , which alone made the distinction of the parts of the world from their ancient Chaos , in which things were confus'd and without order , which is not found saving when every entity occupies the place due to its nature , which is preserv'd therein . Amongst simple bodies , Heaven hath the highest place , Fire and Air the next , Water and Earth the lowest : amongst mixts , Minerals and Metals are form'd in the Entrails of the Earth ; Plants and Animals are preserv'd upon the earth and in the air ; and the centre of every thing is nothing else but its place . Wherefore as God contains in himself all the perfections of his creatures , so he is in all places by his presence , his essence , and his power . II. Of Hieroglyphicks . Upon the second Point it was said , That the Ancient Sages were always curious to hide the mysteries of their learning under some obscure things ; the Poets under the shell of Fables , ( whom Plato and Aesop imitated ; ) the Pythagoreans under their Riddles ; Solomon under Parables , the Chaldeans in the sacred Letters of their Cabala . But especially the Egyptians have observ'd this mystery . For having learn'd from the Jews and the Chaldeans the principal notions of the Sciences and the Deity , ( the Principles whereof were taken from those famous Columns which preserv'd the Characters thereof after the Deluge ) they transmitted the same to posterity by the figures and images of things engraven upon Pyramids and Obeliscks , whereof we still see some fragments in their Hieroglyphicks , which signifies sacred and mysterious figures or sculpture , not so much for the things employ'd to that purpose , which oftentimes were common and natural , as for the mystical and hidden sence which they attributed to the same . The use of these figures was the more profitable , in that having some similitude and correspondence to the quality of the thing signifi'd , they not only denoted the same , but also its nature and property . So , painting an Eye upon a Scepter , which signifi'd God , they intimated also his properties , by the Scepter his Omnipotence , and by the Eye his Providence . Another advantage of these Hieroglyphicks , is , that they were equally understood by all Nations of several Languages , as at this day the Chineses and Japoneses make use of some Letters like Hieroglyphicks , which signifie rather things then words . Which would be a good way to reduce all Tongues into one , and so to facilitate all Sciences , were not this Hieroglyphical writing too diffuse . For there must be as many Characters as there are things in the World , which being almost infinite , and every day new , would render this Art endless ; which hath made the use of it laid aside , as it would also be among the Chineses , were not honour which supports and feeds all other Arts annex'd to this knowledge of Characters , which advances those alone who are skill'd in their Letters to Magistracies and the chief charges of that great State. The Second said , That the signs for representing things are either Natural or Artificial . Amongst the natural , employ'd by men to express their conceptions , are the pictures and images of thigns ; as to represent a Man or a Tree , they paint a man and a Tree ; by which way Philomela describ'd the wrong which had been done her . The Aegyptians had the same design in their Hieroglyphicks ; but finding that it would never have an end , they in this imitated the Hebrews , who make the same Root serve to produce a great number of words , and employ'd one figure to signifie first one thing , namely , that whose image it is , and afterwards many others wherewith it hath some affinity . So the figure of a Serpent signifies a Serpent , and the Prudence which is attributed to that animal ; and because they observ'd , that the last day of the year joynd to the first , and made a continual circle , they represented the year by a Serpent with his tail in his mouth . Upon the same ground Emblems were invented . So Alciate , to represent Fortitude and Wisedom , gives the pourtraicts of Ajax and Vlisses ; to signifie a good Merchant , who trusts only to what he holds , he paints a hand with an eye in the middle of it ; the Fox signifies cunning ; the Pismire Providence ; the Bee , Policie ; an earthen pot joyn'd to an iron pot , dangerous Alliance . In brief , so many fables and phancies are so many writings after this manner ; from which , to speak truth , if you abstract the reverence which is due to Antiquity , I see nothing that comes neer the marvel of our Letters , which , in respect of other inventions , I cannot but compare to the Philosophers Stone so much talk'd of , which whoso possesses may by its projection make as much gold as he needs to travel over the world ; and those other inventions to the money , or , if you please , the provisions , which a Traveller carries with him . For these are incommodious , and serve but to one or few uses ; whereas writing , by combination of sixteen several characters , ( the rest being found superfluous ) is sufficient to represent what ever hath been , is , may or may not be . The Third said , That no doubt 't was necessity which put the Aegyptians first upon the invention of Hieroglyphicks , then which our Letters are much less significative , because they express not the nature of natural things , as their figures do , but only words . Yet the use of Hieroglyphicks was very pernicious to the vulgar , who seeing the Attributes of God represented under the shapes of Animals and Plants , took occasion to adore those corporeal things , and became the most superstitious of all Nations , going so far as to deifie garlick , onyons , rats and toads . Moreover , Mans life is too short for this Art ; his wit too weak to invent figures sutable to all the parts of speech diversifi'd by numbers , cases , persons , tenses , and other Grammatical differences of words ; and his memory too slippery , to retain all those figures , because they represented not one single thing , but many different ; and for that one and the same thing was diversly figur'd ; as God was express'd by an Eye , a Circle , and an Unite ; Prudence by a double head , a Gorgon's head , a Crane , a Dragon , a Serpent , a fish call'd Scarus , or the Gilt-head , a Mulberry-tree , a Hiacynth ; Royalty , by the reins of a bridle , an Elephant and a Dog ; Wisdom , by the breast , or the wand of Pallas ; Concord , by a Crow , a Caduceus , or Mercurius's rod , a Peacock , a Bee , and a Lute ; Fear by waves , a Dove , a Hart , a Hare , and a Wolf. All which figures signifi'd other things besides , yea , oftentimes contraries ; as the Ass is the Hieroglyphick of wisdom with the Cabalists , and with us of stupidity ; and the same wisdom was denoted among the Egyptians by a sieve , which with us is the emblem of a loose-tongu'd person that can retain nothing . In fine , this Hieroglyphical invention is good for nothing but to make the ignorant admire what they must reverence without knowing it . For that which secures all professions from contempt , is , the use of terms not understood by the vulgar . CONFERENCE XCVII . I. Of Weights , and the causes of Gravity . II. Of Coat-Armour . I. Of Weights , and the causes of Gravity . THe World is Man's Palace , whereof God is the Architect , sustaining the same with the three fingers , of his Power , Goodness , and Wisdom . And the Scripture saith , He hath hung the Earth in the midst of the Air , and ordained all things in number , weight , and Measure , which are the three pillars of this stately Edifice . Number is the cause of Beauty ; Measure , of Goodness ; and Weight , of Order ; which is not found but in the place towards which bodies are carry'd by their Gravity . A quality depending upon the four first , which by their rarefaction or condensation of things cause more or less ponderosity . For light signifies nothing but less heavy ; it being certain , that as the Earth gravitates in the Water , and this in the Air , so would the Air in the sphere of Fire , Fire in the Heaven of the Moon , this in the mixt , and so forwards till you come to nothing , which hath no weight because it hath no corporeity . The Second said , That gravity and the descent of natural bodies to the centre , cannot proceed from the predominance of terrestrial parts in mixts ; since Gold , the heaviest of metals , and Mercury , which is next it , have more humidity then siccity , that is to say , more Water then Earth , in comparison of other metallick bodies ; God being the most ductile , and Mercury the most fluid . So also Salt , which is heavier then wood or stone , is nothing but water cogeal'd , and dissolving again in a moist place . Wherefore Gravity seems rather to proceed from these three things , namely , place , comparison , and figure . Place is so considerable herein , that bodies gravitate not in their proper places , but onely when they are remov'd from the same , and more or less proportionally to their distance . Comparison makes us judge a body light , because 't is less heavy then an other . On the contrary , Figure makes heavy bodies light , causing Leaf-gold to swim , which in the same quantity reduc'd into a Globe would sink ; and an expanded body weighs less in a balance , then when it is in a less volumn . Which is also observ'd of the thinner parts of the Air , which being of a more moveable figure are seen to play therein when the Sun shines clear . The Third said , That the cause why a broader figure swims , or is upheld in the Air more easily then if it were in a Globe or other closer figure , is not , for that figure makes a thing lighter , but from the resistance of the medium , which hath more hold in one then in the other . Nor do's gravity proceed from the inclination of a thing to its Centre ; since the Centre is but a Point , wherein nothing can lodge . And if the Centre of the world were the Centre of heavy things , the stars which are the denser and solider parts of their orbs , and consequently , have more gravity , which necessarily follows the density of corporeal matter , especially the Moon which is demonstrated to be solid and massie , because it reflects the light of the Sun , should not remain suspended above the Air , which is lighter , but descend to this Centre of the Universe . For , to believe , with some , that the Moon is kept up like a stone in a sling by the rapid motion of the First Mover , is , to hold the Stars , the greatest and noblest part of the Universe , in a violent state , onely to give rest and a natural state to the least and meanest , which is the Earth . Wherefore the descent of bodies is not because of themselves they affect the Centre of the Earth , but for that they are upon a body lighter then themselves ; order obliging every thing to take its own place , and till it be so , every body being necessitated to move it self , the heaviest downwards , and the less heavy upwards . Hence water gravitates not in its channel , although it be not in its Centre ; because the upper part of the water is not heavier then the lower . The Fourth said , That Gravity is a certain quality which carries all bodies towards a common point , continuing the union of the parts of the world , hindring Vacuity by the concentration of all bodies which press one another , the heavy having more matter in less quantity . For when we see Air mount above Water , and Fire above Air , they yield and give place to heavier bodies ; as Oyle being in the bottom of Water ascends to the top , not by its lightness , but by the weight of the water which thrusts it up . So Lead , and all other metals , except Gold , swim in Mercury , to which they yield in gravity . For in equal quantities Gold weighs 19 , Mercury 13 , Lead 11 and ½ , Silver 10 and ⅓ , Copper 9 , Iron 8 , and Tin 7 and ½ . As for the cause of this gravity ( which , some say , is in heavy bodies , others in their Centre , to which they attribute a magnetical virtue ) I conceive , it consists in a reciprocal attraction of the same bodies , which draw and are drawn , and others are drawn to the inferiour body which attracts with all its parts ; so that bodies are carry'd towards the Earth , and the Earth attracts them reciprocally , as the Load-stone attracts Iron , and is attracted by it . For 't is evident that the Load-stone draws Iron ; and to prove that 't is drawn by Iron ; lay a Load-stone in one scale , and in the other an equal weight to it . If you apply Iron to the bottom of the scale where the Load-stone is , this scale will raise up the other , the Iron attracting the Load-stone to it self . On the contrary , if you approach with the Iron over the Load-stone , the scale wherein it is will ascend towards the Iron which attracts it . For whereas 't is objected , that if the Earth attracted things with all its parts , then it would follow that things let down in some hollow of the Earth , being attracted by the parts above , and those below , would not descend by reason of contrary attractions ; I answer , that those bodies being out of their Centres , the greatest and strongest part of the Earth , which is towards the Centre , would attract them to it ; the stronger prevailing over the weaker . II. Of Coat-armour . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That all Nations have been curious in inquiring into their own Antiquities , and particulars , to preserve the tokens of their Genealogy ; some by Histories , others by the Images of their Ancestors , as the Romans ; and others by conjoyning of Hieroglyphicks and Ensignes , which are our Arms , which have had the same fate as other things of the world , and from very small and plain beginnings , by increasing of Alliances , have at length compos'd those variegated Scutcheons , so variously quarter'd and counter-quarter'd , that it hath been needful to make an Art , call'd by the Latines Heraldica , and to invent new words , with particular Officers , call'd Kings , and Heralds of Arms , to regulate and display them : And so many races and marriages are crowded together in the narrow extent of these Scutcheons , that great rolls and long Histories can scarce explicate them at length . The Scutcheon which we first blazon hath six Fields , namely , two metals , and four colours . The metals are , Or and Argent ; the colours , Azure , ( which is blew ) Gules , ( which is red ) Verd , ( which is green ) and Sable , ( which is black ) some add a fifth , Purpure , being mixt of Azure and Gules , but 't is little or not at all us'd in France . The English introduce two others , Tennê which they call Orange , and Sanguine , which also are unsuall in France . Besides these colours , thereare two Furres or sorts of Fells , which adorn the Scutcheon , Ermine , of Sable upon Argent ; and Vair , or Verry , of Azure upon Argent ; and when these Colours are alter'd , then the Scutcheon must be blazon'd Verry of such colours . Some Scuctheons have neither metals nor colours , and are call'd Whiteshields , ( like those of new Knights before they have done any memorable atchievement ; of which Virgil speaks — Plamâque inglorius albâ ) wherewith the Arms of our Maidens dying unmarry'd are quarterd . Others have onely a small Scutcheon in the middle , and this Scutcheon is said to be in the fesse point . The principal parts of these Scutcheons are nine , answering to the parts of a man's face , which may be call'd every one's natural Scutcheon , whereinto are collected in several quarters all the titles of the nobility , and qualities , of the Soul. These parts are term'd , 1. The Dexter Chief , which answers to the right Temple . 2. The Middle Chief , to the middle of the forehead . And 3. the Sinister Chief , to the left Temple . 4. The Honor point , to the root of the Nose . 5. The Fesse point , to the place of the Nose . 6. The Nombril point , to the Mouth . 7. The Dexter Base , to the right Muchato . 8. The Sinister Base , to the left . And 9. The precise middle Base , to the Chin. This Scutcheon is divided sometimes into sundry sorts of colours , or metals . If it be divided in pale , or perpendicularly , 't is call'd party per pale ; if in fesse , or athwart , 't is said party per fesse ; if slopingly , 't is said party per bende . Lastly , 't is quarter'd either by crosses or gyrons , or by a Salture , which is a S. Andrews Cross ; or else counter quarter'd , when one of its quarters is again quarter'd . Next are to be considered the Ordinaries , which are , 1. The Chief , which is the highest part of the Scutcheon . 2. The Pale , which divides it from the Chief to the Base perpendicularly . 3. The Fesse , which cuts it athwart the Pale . 4. The Bende , which cuts from the right Angle to the Base , and is a Cotize if it be a third part less then the Bende , and a Battoon if it be two thirds less then a Cotize . 5. The Cheveron . 6. The Crosse. 7. The Saltyre . 8. The Gyrons , which form eight Triangles terminating in the Centre . There are other less principal parts , as the Flanks which divide it by the sides ; the Emancheures with one or more points ; the Pyle , which is a great Isosceles Triangle revers'd ; the Perle , which is a kind of Y , taking up sometimes the whole Shield ; the Gussets , Lozanges , Frets , and such other things as are better represented by figures then by words . These Armories are sometimes indented , invecked , and embattail'd at their sides ; and sometimes they are either charg'd or bruis'd with sundry figures ; the former , when there is but one in the middle ; charg'd , when they are semé all over . A Border is any thing which surrounds the Scutcheon . Some Shields are cover'd with divers things , diaper'd in form of broidery , leaves , and morisques , and fretted in fashion of Lozanges and other things . The Changes are almost infinite , there being amongst others above thirty fashions of Crosses ; the Patee , which is that of Maltha ; the Potencee , that of Jerusalem ; the fleury , or flory ; the bottony , pommettie , &c. The other more common pieces are Mascles , a sort of Lozange voided , whereof the middle is of the colour of the field ; Rustres , which are Lozanges pierced round ; Billets or Parallelograms , Fusils , Bezants , which are figures of ancient Money ; Torteuxes , which are like Bezants , but differ from them , inasmuch as Torteuxes are always of a colour , and Bezants always of Or or Argent . As for others , every thing in Nature fills the Shield , and hath its different blazons , if the colour of one of their parts be different from the whole . Amongst Fishes , the Whale with his tail and teeth different is said to be fierte ; the Dolphin is said to be hauriant . Amongst Trees the Oak , for example , whose parts have different colours , is blazon'd fuste , or branchless for the wood ; accollé , or embraced , for the Ivy , foliated and fructed . The middle of Flowers is call'd bottonie . Amongst Birds the Eagle and Gryphon are almost alone said to be arm'd , that is to say , beak'd and ungulated ; others are said to be display'd . The Cock is said to be crested and jelloped . Lyons , amongst Animals , are alone rampant ; Horses in that posture are said to be fray'd ; Bulls , furious or mad . The Lyon shews but one eye and one ear ; the Leopard two , and is always passant ; if he be rampant he is called Leopard Lyonné ; if a Lyon be passant he is called Lyon Leopardé . There are Lyons Naissant , which shew only the head and the two fore-paws ; Issuant , which shew only the hinder part ; Brochant , or spreading over all the field ; Couped , when one body is of two colours ; armed , are those whose claws are of another colour ; and langued , when the tongue is so . Blazon begins always from the dexter side of the Chief ; in those that are quarter'd saltyrewise , by the chief . If the first and last quarter be alike , they are blazon'd together , beginning always with the field . There are little Scutcheons upon the principle armories ; those which are upon the fesse point are said to be over all ; in the chief and the base , they are said to be entez or graffed ; and if there be any upon animals , as Eagles or Lyons , they are said to be charged ; and all Inescutcheons are always blazon'd last . The second said , That as Nobility is the more esteem'd the more obscure its original is ; so the first Inventors of Armes , which are the Badges of it , seem to have affected obscurity in their terms , to render the same more recommendable to the vulgar by being less understood . Armes are compos'd of Images pourtray'd upon a ground call'd the Field , into which mens ambition hath introduc'd every thing in Nature ; the Heaven , the Stars , the Air with its Birds , the Sea and its Fishes , the Earth , and whatever rarity it hath upon its surface and in its bowels ; all the parts of man , and all the instruments of Arts , especially those of War , to which Armories owe their birth : Whence the Shield or Buckler hath been chosen to receive the same , and to serve as a badge of Nobility , for the distinction of Families . And as all Nations have preferr'd Valour before the other Virtues , because 't is most useful for the preservation of States ; so they have destinated to it Palms , Crowns , Triumphs , and such other badges of Honour ; amongst which all Nations have apprehended something of Divinity in their Shields . The Getes made their solemnest Oaths upon them ; the ancient Germans ador'd every one his Shield and the Moon . The Poets relate , that the fate of Troy lay in a Buckler which was kept in the Temple of their Goddess . A Buckler sent from Heaven kept the fortune of the Romans , like to which one of their Kings caus'd 400 to be made . Two Grecian Captains disputed the possession of Achilles's Buckler . That of Aenaeas had graven upon it all the destiny of Rome . In brief , our ancient Kings were carri'd upon a great Target or Shield to the solemnity of their Coronation . The highest of our Coins bears the name and figure of an Escu or Shield ; and true gentry amongst us is that of Esquiers , a title drawn from Escu or a Shield . Which hinders not but that learning , and management of affairs , being ways of ennobling men , though less frequent and more difficult , deserve also to bear Arms ; as we read that Charles IV. granted to Bartolus , the famous Civilian , a Lyon gules , with two tails , in a field Or. The Third said , That some Armories are commonly conceiv'd to have been sent from heaven , as the Cross of Constantinople , and the Flowers de lys of France . Others are taken from memorable qualities and actions of Ancestors , as those of Austria , a Prince whereof returning out of battel cover'd all over with blood except his Belt , gave occasion to his descendants to bear a Fesse Argent on a Shield gules . Such is the Cross of Savoy , which the Christian Princes granted to one of the Amadei , for having driven away the enemies from behind the Island of Rhodes ; and the three Wings of Lorrain , because a Duke pierc'd three Birds flying with one arrow . Others have some correspondence or allusion to the name of the bearer ; as those of Castile , Leon , Galicia , and Granada , which have a Castle , a Lyon , a Chalice , and a Pomegranate . Others have distinctions for younger brothers , as a Battoon in the middle , or a Label with 2 , 3 , or more pendants in the Chief . Bastards commonly bear a Battoon in contrebende , that is , coming from the sinister point of the Chief to the dexter of the Base . Likewise other pieces distinguish younger brothers , as Mullets , Cressants , &c. plac'd in the middle of the Chief , or else at the first Quarter . But 't is remarkable in blazoning of Arms , that Metal must always be put upon Colour , or Colour upon Metal ; only Godfry of Bouillon made his Shield of argent charg'd with a Cross potencé Or , and four other Corslets of the same Metal . The Fourth said , That being the injury of times consumes all things , the Arms or Devises of Families hath been found the best monuments to preserve their memory through many ages . This gave occasion to our Gaules ( for they brought Coat-armour into greatest use , it being yet unknown to divers Nations ) to engrave upon their Gates the same badges which distinguish'd them whilst they fought arm'd cap-a-pe , and could not otherwise be known : and if it hapned that two Cavaliers bare the same Shield , the one would either have the life of the other , or make him alter his devise . Such an expedient as once agreed two Gentlemen , who were ready to fight because both of them bore a Bulls head , not always occurring ; for they were contented with this decision , that one of them should Blazon his Coat with the head of a Bull , and the other with the head of an Ox or Cow , at his choice . Because every one was suffer'd , as they are at this day abusively , to chuse Arms to himself ; which is the cause that the handsomest Arms are the worst , as being the newest ; because they are invented according to phancy . Whereas anciently , to give Arms was one of the chief rights of Sovereignty , and joyn'd with the power of conferring Knighthood ; and the advices of the noblest and ancientest Families were taken concerning the blazoning of them , as being interessed in this novelty . And as for Sovereigns , they chose the most ancient Arms they could . Those of France are found in the brain of a Cock , the Imperial Eagle in the root of Fern cut athwart . So the figure of Cheverons , Torteuxes , Lozenges , Macles , Fusils , and most other things which enter into the Field of Scutcheons , occur at every turn , and in most Trees , Stones , Fishes , and other animals : their design being that their Families should appear not less ancient then nature . It remains to give some examples of particular Blazons . The King of France bears two Scutcheons , The first is Azure , three Flowers de lys Or , two in chief and one in point ; which is France . The second is Gules , two Chains Or , plac'd in orle , pale , fesse , bende and bar , which is Navarre . The Supporters are two Angels , one on the right side cloth'd with a Coat of Arms azure , semé with Flowers de lys Or , ; the other on the left , clad with the Arms of Navarre . The Crest is a double Flowers de lys . And to speak something of strangers , without observing any order , which would be too troublesome ; Presbyter John bears azure , a Crucifix argent . The Turk bears Vert , a Crescent argent . England bears gules , three Leopards Or , armed and langued azure . Hungary bears barry , argent and gules , of eight pieces . Arragon , Or , four pales gules . Rhodes , Malta and Savoy , bear gules , a Cross argent . Flanders , Or , a Lyon sables , langued gules . Artois semé of France , a lable of three pendants , chastellated with Chasteaux Or. Leon , argent , a Lyon gules . Saxony , barry , Or and sable , of eight pieces , a Demy Crown or Crancelin Vert plac'd bend-wise . Bohemia , argent , a Lyon gules , his tail nowed and pass'd in saltyre . Lombardy , gules a Lyon Or , armed and langued sable . Florence , argent , a Flower de lys expansed gules . The great Cham of Tartary bears Or , an Owl sables . Parma , Or , six Flowers de lys azure . Sweden , azure , three Crowns Or , two in chief , and one in base . Denmark , Or , semé of Hearts gules , three Lyons Leopardez azure , langued , and armed Or. Poland , gules , an Eagle argent , beaked , membred and crowned Or. Holland , Or a Lyon gules . Bavaria , fuselé argent and azure , of twenty one pieces placed bendwise . Ireland , gules , a Harp Or. CONFERENCE XCVIII . I. Of the causes of Contagion . II. Of the ways of occult Writing . I. Of the causes of Contagion . DIseases , being accidents , must be divided , as other accidents , by their first subjects , which are the solid parts , the humours , and the spirits ; and by their several causes ; some of which are manifest , others unknown ; the malignity of the causes which produce them , and the manner whereby they act , being inexplicable . Which diversity of causes depends upon those of mixtions , which are of two sorts ; one , of the qualities of the elements , which makes the difference of temperaments ; the other of the elementary forms , which being contrary only upon the account of their qualities , when these put off their contrariety by alteration , the forms easily become united ; and as amongst qualities , so amongst forms , one becomes predominant , the actions whereof are said to proceed from an occult property , because the form which produces them is unknown to us . So Arsenick and Hemlock , besides the power which the first hath to heat , and the second to refrigerate , have a particular virtue of assaulting the heart , and killing speedily , by a property hitherto unknown . Such also are contagious and venomous diseases , some whereof are caus'd by the inspir'd air , as the Pestilence , because air being absolutely necessary to the support of our natural heat , if when it is infected with malignant and mortal vapours , it be attracted by the mouth , or the pores of the skin , it corrupts the mass of the spirits , as a crum of bread or other extraneous bodies makes milk or wine become sowre . Others infect by bodily contact , as the Itch , the Pox , the Measles , and the Leprosie . A third sort proceed from a venomous matter , either communicated outwardly , as by poyson and the biting of venomous beasts , or generated in the body , as it may happen to the blood , black choler , and the other humours being extravasated . The Second said , That diseases proceed either from the corruption and vitiosity of particular bodies , some of which are dispos'd to the Pleurisie , others to the Flux , others to the Colick ; call'd therefore sporadical , or dispers'd and promiscuous diseases ; or else from some common vitiosity , as of the air , aliments , waters , winds , or other such common cause , whereby many come to be seiz'd upon by the same disease at the same time : so , after Famines , bad nourishment gives a great disposition to the Pestilence . These maladies are fix'd to a certain Country , seldom extending beyond it ; as the Leprosie to the Jews , the Kings Evil to the Spaniards , Burstenness to Narbon , the Colick to Poitou , the Phthisick to the Portugals , the Pox to the Indians call'd by them Apua , and brought by the Spaniards into Europe ; and such other diseases familiar to some particular Country , and call'd Endemial . Or else they are Epidemical , and not ty'd to a certain region , but produc'd by other external causes , as pestilential and contagious diseases ; which ( again ) are either extraordinary , as the Sweating-sickness of England , the Coqueluche , which was a sort of destillation ; or ordinary , which manifest themselves by purple spots , carbuncles , and buboes . But as the causes of the Small-pox and Measles are chiefly born within us , being produc'd of the maternal blood attracted in the womb , and cast forth by nature when become more strong , so though the seeds of contagious diseases may come from without , yet they are commonly within our selves . The Third said , That Contagion is the communication of a disease from one body to another ; the most violent so communicable is the Pestilence , which is defin'd a most acute , contagious , venomous and mortal Fever , accompani'd with purple spots , Buboes and Carbuncles . 'T is properly a species of a Fever , being a venomous and contra-natural heat kindled in the heart , manifesting it self by a high , frequent , and unequal pulse , except when nature yields at first to the violence and malignity of the disease , and then the pulse is slow , small and languishing , but always unequal and irregular . Oftentimes it kills the first or second day ; scarce passes to the seventh , if it be simple and legitimate ; but when 't is accompani'd with putrefaction , it reaches sometimes to the fourteenth . It s malignity appears in its not yielding to ordinary remedies which operate by their first qualities , but only to medicaments which act by occult properties ; an argument that the cause of these diseases is so too . Now four things are here to be consider'd , 1. That which is communicated . 2. The body which communicates the same . 3. That to which it is communicated . 4. The medium through which the same is done . A thing communicated against nature , is either the disease , or the cause of the disease , or the symptom . Here 't is the cause of the disease , which is either corporeal or incorporeal . The incorporeal , in my opinion , are the malignant influences of the Stars , as of Mars and Saturn ▪ and during Comets and Eclipses . For since their benigne influences preserve motion and life in all things of the world ; by the reason of contraries , the malignity of the same aspects may be the cause of the diseases and irregularities which we behold in it . The corporeal cause must be moveable , an humour , a vapour , or a spirit ; which malignant evaporations kill oftentimes without any sign of putrefaction ; or if there be any , it proceeds not from the corruption of the humours , but from the oppression and suffocation of the natural heat by those malignant vapours ; and then the humours being destitute of the natural heat , and of that of the spirits which preserv'd them , turn into poyson . There must be some proportion between the body which communicates this vapour and that which receives it ; but the same is unknown to us ; and this proportion is the cause that some Contagions seise only upon some animals , as Horses ▪ Dogs , and Cattle ; others upon Men alone , Children , Women , old Men , Women with Child and their burthens ; others seize only upon certain parts , as the Itch is communicated only to the skin , the Phthisick to the Lungs , the Ophthalmia to the eyes , and not to the other parts . The medium of this communication is the air , which being rare and spongy is very susceptible of such qualities , which it easily transmits by its mobility . And these qualities happen to it , either extrinsecally , as from faetid and venomous vapours and fumes exhal'd from carrion , marshes , impurities , and openings of the ground by Earth-quakes , which are frequently follow'd by the Pestilence ; or else they arise in the Air it self , in which vapours may acquire a pestilential malignity , of which a hot and moist intemperature is very susceptible . The Fourth said , That the Pestilence is found indifferently in all seasons , climates , sexes , ages , and persons ; which argues that its proximate cause is not the corruption of the humors , and intemperature of the first qualities . Otherwise the Pestilence should be as other diseases , whereof some are hot , others cold , and be cur'd likewise by contrary qualities . Besides , the Spirits being igneous cannot be corrupted , and the corruption observ'd sometimes in the humors is not essential to the Pestilence , but onely accidental , and however but an antecedent cause . For if putrefaction were the conjunct cause , then putrid Fevers and the Gangrene , which is a total putrefaction , should be contagious . Wherefore it appears that the cause of this diseases are as occult as its effects are sensible ; and that 't is chiefly in this kind of malady that 't is to be inquir'd , as Hippocrates speaks , whether there be not something divine . Which we are not to understand , as he doth , concerning what proceeds from the Air ; seeing God threatens , in Ezechiel , to cause the third part of his people to dye of the Pestilence ; as in one night he caus'd all the first born of Egypt to perish ; and in three dayes , under David , seventy thousand Israelites . The Fifth said , That to attribute the cause of the Pestilence to putrefaction , without assigning the degree of it , is to say nothing more then to recur to the properties of substance , and less then to seek it in the divine Divine Justice ; these terms manifesting our ignorance , rather then the thing inquir'd . Moreover , the signes of this malady are all equivocal , and common to other diseases , yea , oftentimes contrary one to another ; in some a pulse is violent , bleeding at the nose , thirst , the tongue dry and black , delirations , purple spots , and buboes ; in others ▪ a small pulse , vomiting , tongue yellow , livid , and sleepiness . And some sick are cur'd by remedies which kill others , as by Vomits , Purges , and bleeding . Even of Sudorificks , the most sutable to this disease , some are temperate , and others hor. So that 't is no wonder if a disease so irregular , being known to us onely by the relation of people , oftimes ignorant , the skilful being unwilling to venture themselves , makes such havock , since the small pox and other diseases would make no less , though possibly in longer time , if they were as little understood . II. Of the wayes of occult writing . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That the Ancients deservedly reckon'd secrecie amongst their fabulous Deities , under the name of Harpocrates the God of silence , since 't is not onely , as the Poet saith , the God of the master of Gods , that is , Love , but the Governour of the mysteries of Religion , the Guardian of Civil Society ; and , as the Philosopher speaks , the God of the publick and private Fortune , which is maintain'd by secrecie , the Soul of the state and business ; whence cyphers , and occult ways of writing took their birth . The Hebrews were the first that practis'd cyphers , of which they had six sorts ; L'Etbah , by transposition of Letters ; Themurah , by their commutation ; Ziruph , by combination and changing of their power ; Ghilgal , by changing of their numeral quotitié ; Notariaszon , putting one Letter or one Syllable for a word ; and Gematry , which is an equivalence of measures and proportions . But these sorts of cyphers have been found too troublesome and equivocal , and besides , more recreative then solid . The truncheon encompassed with a thong , which was the Laconick Scytale , the cypher of the Lacedaemonians ; that of Julius Caesar ▪ who put D for A , and E for B , and so of the other Letters , and the odd figures given by others to the twenty four Letters , are too gross to be well conceal'd . The Dactylogie of Beda is pretty , whereby we speak as nimbly with the fingers as with the tongue , taking the five fingers of one hand for Vowels , and the several positions of the other for Consonants . But it can be us'd onely in presence . They talk also of the same way by bells , trumpets , arquebuses , fires , torches , and other such means ; but because they depend on the sight and the hearing , which act at a certain distance , they cannot be useful in all cases . The transmission of thoughts and spirits contriv'd by Trithemius and Agrippa , and that invention of quadrants , whereby some have phancy'd it possible to speak at any distance by help of a Load-stone , are as ridiculous as that of Pythagoras , to write with blood on a Looking-glass , and reflect the same upon the face of the Moon . For besides , that the Moon is not alwayes in a fit position , could a fit glass be found ; the writing would not be secret , because that Luminary is expos'd to the Eyes of all the world . No cypher is comparable to that of writing when 't is well contriv'd ; to which purpose they make use of keys to cypher upon the Alphabets , which are infinite , depending upon every one's phancy ; being sometimes either one Letter , or one word , or altering in the same discourse and at every word . Sometimes they divide the discourse , and one half serves for a key to the other ; sometimes they put key upon key , and cypher the key it self with other keys . They put Naughts at the end of words to distinguish them , or every where amongst the Letters to deceive the Decypherer , and under these they cypher another hidden sense by other keys ; yea , they insert other Naughts amongst them for a third sense , or to cause more difficulty . Some make use of numbers , abridge or multiply the Alphabet , and prepare tables wherein they put three Letters for one . In fine , humane wit hath left nothing unattempted for the concealment of thoughts under the veil of cyphers ; of which , the most perfect are those which seem not to be such , hiding under a known sense , and an intelligible discourse , an other sense unknown to all others besides the correspondents ; such is that of Trithemius , by those three hundred seventy five Alphabets of significative words , each expressing one single Letter . The Second said , All the several wayes of occult writing depend either upon the matter or the form . To the first belong the sending of Swallows , Pigeons , or other birds , as also the inventions of writing with Salt Armoniack , Alumn , Camphire , and Onyon , which appear onely at the fire . The formal depends upon cyphers , which are fram'd either by the fiction of Characters , or by their commutation , using three or four Letters to write every thing , with some dashes or aspirations , which yet may be easily decypher'd , by reason of the frequent repetition of the Vowels ; and those which are thought impossible to be discover'd , are commonly subject to great ambiguities , and so are dangerous . The Third said , Of the three Authors which have writ concerning this matter , Baptista Porta teaches rather to decypher then to cypher , and all his inventions are little secrets , as to write with Alumn . Those of Trithemius are very gross , of which nevertheless he hath compos'd three Books , the two first intelligible enough , but the third so obscure , and promising so many miracles , that Bellarmine , and many others thought it full of Sorceries , which yet are nothing but the same secrets mention'd in the two foregoing Books , but hid under more suspicious words ; amongst which that of the Spirit , which is very frequent , signifies the Alphabet or the Key of the Secret , and to look under a stone and take thence a charme which the Spirit left there , or to invoke the same Spirit , signifies that you must go and take from under a stone agreed upon the cypher'd letter , and decipher it by the same alphabet upon which it was cypher'd . Vigenarius spends half his Book in speaking of the Cabala of the Jews , and the Caldeans , and the other half in many Alphabets of all sorts , with Key and without : he hath indeed abundance of Cyphers which seem undecypherable , which he makes to depend on three differences . 1. On the form of Characters , which comprehends several figures , lines , and colours . 2. On their order and situation ; but changing the Alphabet almost infinite ways . 3. On their value and power , giving such signification to one letter or character as you please : All which are easily known for cyphers . The second condition of a cypher , and which follows that of secresie , being not to appear such ; the least suspicion causing the stopping of the paper , and so rendring it unprofitable to the writer ; which has given occasion to some to cover characters drawn in oyl with something that might be wash'd off , besides other such inventions to take away suspicion ; such as that of having two Books of the same impression , and under pretext of sending Tables of Astrology , or Merchants Bills , to design by cyphers the letter of the Book which you mean to express , the first cypher signifying the fourth page , the second the fourth line , and the third the fourth letter of that line , which you would denote . CONFERENCE XCIX . I. Of Ignes fatui . II. Of Eunuchs . I. Of Ignes fatui . 'T Is a question whether 't would be more advantageous to mans contentment to be ignorant of nothing , since then he would admire nothing , which is one of his greatest pleasures . Hence a Peasant beholding a flake of fire following him , or going before him in the night time , will be otherwise ravish'd with it then a Philosopher , who knows or thinks he knows the cause of it ; there being little difference herein , as to our satisfaction . They conceive it to be an unctuous exhalation , apt to be inflam'd , like the fatty steam of a Candle newly put out , which instantly conveighs down the neighbouring light to seek its aliment : But the same example shews us , that fire very suddenly devours its aliment when it is subtile and thin : So that if a fire of straw , which is much more material then an exhalation , vanishes so quickly that we express the most transient momentary things thereby , how can a far thinner exhalation keep this foolish fire so long ? which , besides , burns not , as appears by its sticking innoxiously upon the hair of men and manes of horses ; and yet Aqua-vitae never so well rectified will singe the hair , as was sometimes verified to the great prejudice of one of our Kings ; which would make me think , that as all fire is not luminous ( as a hot dunghil burns your finger , and fire excited by motion burns much more without blazing ) so there are some lights which are not igneous , as in Heaven the Stars , and in Earth some rotten woods , certain fishes , worms , eyes , flesh of animals , and other more such subjects , which cannot be more susceptible of those lights which burn not , then the Air which is the prime diaphanous body , and consequently most capable of receiving them ; although possibly we cannot truly know what temper the Air must acquire to become luminous , no more then what is fit for it in other subjects , For to attribute the cause thereof to purity or simplicity , signifies little ; for earth and ashes are more simple then the flesh , or other part , dead or living , of an Animal ; and yet this shines , and those not . The Second said , That these fires may be referr'd to four sorts . The first resemble falling Stars or lighted Torches , which Plutarch saith were seen to fall upon Pompey's Camp the eve before the Battle of Pharsalia . The second is that kind of flame which has appear'd upon the heads of some , as of Ascanius in Virgil , and of Servius Hostilius ; which was an omen to them of Royalty . The third are those which appear at Sea about the Masts and Shrouds of the Ships , named by the Ancient , Castor and Pollux when they are two , and when but one , Helena ; and by the Moderns , the fire of S. Elme . The last are those which are seen in the Country in the night time , and are thought to drive or draw Travellers into precipices . As for the first , 't is certain that the same exhalation which makes Comets in the highest Region of the Air , and Thunders in the middlemost , is also the matter of these falling Stars , and being rais'd in small quantity from the earth is condens'd by the cold of the middle Region , where finding no cloud strong enough to uphold it , 't is inflam'd by the antiperistasis of its contrary , or the swift motion of its fall , by reason of its great heat and siccity . And as they proceed from the same cause as dry winds do , so they presage winds and drought ▪ especially in that quarter from whence they fall . But as for the other sorts , I conceive they are only lights , and not fires : For the Air being transparent , and the first subject of Whiteness , as Aristotle saith , hath likewise in it self some radical light , which is sustein'd by that of the Stars which shine in the night . And this whiteness of the Air is prov'd by the appearance of it when t is enclos'd in moist bodies , as in froth , snow , and crystal ; which whitness is very symbolical to light , which it preserves and congregates , as is seen by the same snow in a very dark night : Yea , to speak plainly , whiteness is nothing else but light extinct , luminous bodies appearing white neer a greater light , and white luminous in darkness . So 't is possible that the thinner parts of the Air being inclos'd in these unctuous vapours , they appear enlightned and shining , as well by reason of the condensation of its body as the inequality of its surfaces ; like a diamond cut into several facets ; or as the Stars appear luminous only by being the denser parts of their Orbs. And this kind of light has been seen upon the heads of children , whose moister brain exhal'd a vapour proper for it ; such also as that is which forms the Will-i'th'-Wisp , which may also proceed from the reflection of the Star-light from the Sea , or Rocks : For , That two of these fires bode good to Seamen , and one ill , is but one of the superstitions of Antiquity ; unless you think that the greater number of fires argues greater purity of the Air , and consequently less fear of tempest . The Third said , He accounted the common opinion more solid , which teacheth two material principles of all Meteors , Vapour and Exhalation ; but one and the same efficient , the heat of the Sun , which lifts the thinner parts of the water in a vapour , and those of the earth in an exhalation ; the former hot and moist , the latter hot and dry , borrowing their heat from an extraneous heat ; but vapour hath humidity from the water , and exhalation siccity from the earth ; yet this siccity must be joyn'd with some unctuosity to admit the heat , which acts not upon bodies destitute of all humidity , as the driest ashes are not alter'd by the hottest fire . The driest and least unctuous of these Exhalations are in the middle Region transform'd into winds and tempests , in the entrails of the earth they cause Earth-quakes ; and if they be somewhat more unctuous they make subterranean fires ; in the upper Region they form Comets , and in the lower our Ignes fatui , which are different , according to the divers coition of their matter , in length , breadth , or circularly ; whence comes the difference of these Meteors call'd falling Stars , Flames , leaping Goats , flying Dragons , Beams , Lances , Javelins , and other like names , from the figure of their matter . Yet all these differences are chiefly taken from the magnitude , figure , colour , time , motion , and place of these fires . Magnitude , because some are large and spatious , others very small . Their figure comes from chance ; their colour from the mixture , rarity , or density of the matter . Their time is chiefly the night , being then most visible . Their place , from the Heaven of the Moon to the centre of the Earth . Their motion according to the six differences of place , and the situation of their subject : Hence they pursue those that fly them , and on the contrary fly before those that pursue them ; whereupon the ignorant vulgar takes them for evil spirits , because they drive and lead them into precipices and bogs , which is from their following the unctuous matters which they exhale from those places ; whence also they commonly appear near places of execution , and Church-yards . II. Of Eunuchs . Upon the Second Point 't was said , That the Canons make three sorts of Eunuchs ; the natural , the factitious , and the voluntary ; congruously to our Lords division in the Gospel , that some are born , others are made by men , and others make themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven ; which is no more to be taken literally then the plucking out of the eyes , or the cutting off of the hands when they offend us ; but mystically , for those who voluntarily renounce the pleasures of the flesh . Their original is as ancient as the Law of Nations , whereby the Conquerors giving law to the conquer'd chang'd the punishment of killing them into mutilation of some members , and amongst the rest of these , to make them more faithful and affectionate by depriving them of the means of getting children , and more trusty in keeping of their goods and wives . Hence they have come to be so highly esteem'd , that not only the Emperors of Constantinople , the Kings of Egypt , Persia and Chaldea , have entrusted them with the management of all their affairs ; but also , in the Roman Empire , an Eunuch Slave was valu'd at five times as much as another . Besides that their purity has qualifi'd them amongst the Heathen for Priests of their Deities ; amongst which the Goddesses Isis and Cybele admitted no other , which possibly , by antiphrasis , were call'd Galli . Even in Christianity , the Eunuch of the Queen Candace was the first Gentile call'd to the light of the Gospel ; the expressions whereof Origen understanding literally castrated himself , by an example so singular that St. Jerome chose rather to admire , then to blame the greatness of his courage . The Second said , If it be true , that good consists in the perfection of all parts , and evil in their least defect , the deficiency of those necessary to the conservation of the species is the greatest of all , since it devests us of the noble quality and character of man , which an Eunuch is no longer , nor yet a Woman , but something less then both . And as the propagation of men is an effect of the divine benediction at the beginning of the World , so the barrenness and impotence of Eunuchs , contrary to that fruitfulness , is abhorr'd by all the world , and was taken by the Jews for a curse . Moreover , Nature which is the principle of motions and generations , seems to disown those who want the parts requisite to this action . The Laws forbid them the priviledge of adoption , and most Offices and Dignities . God himself , in the old Law , prohibited them entrance into his Church ; and in the New the Church forbids them the use of her Sacraments , namely , Orders and Marriage . Nor is it any wonder , since every thing in nature is fruitful , even accidents reproducing their species , which are so many generations . Wherefore finding no place among natural things , nor in the Categories , it follows that they are monsters . The Emperor Adrian extended the penalty of the Law Cornelia against those who make Eunuchs , or consent any way thereunto , L. 4. S. ad . L. Corn. And before him the Pretors had introduc'd divers actions touching this matter ; as the action of Injuries , of the Edict of the Aediles , and of Quadruple in the Law , 27. S. ad leg . Aquil. And , lastly , the Emperor Constantine expresly interdicted Castration in all the Empire , under pain of life , and others contain'd in two Laws , De Eunuchis , in the Code . The Third said , That whether you consider Eunuchs in reference to the body or the mind , they are happier then others . They are out of danger of being gouty and bald , two maladies , whereof the one extremely torments a man , and the other dishonours him ; and it cures the most horrible of all maladies , the Leprosie . On the other side , it puts the same difference between the manners of men as it doth between untractable horses and others . Hence the Castrated are more pleasant company ; and to contribute thereunto Nature has afforded them the grace of a delicate voice all their lives , which forsakes children as soon as they come to puberty : and being exempted from the diseases which the excess of Venery brings to others they are longer-liv'd , and more easily bear the excess of wine . They are deliver'd from the cruel servitude of lust , and all the other passions which attend it . And in recompence of those parts wherewith Asses and Mules are better provided then men , they are early furnish'd with wisdom and continence , which ( as the example of Susanna's old Lovers shews ) happens later to man then grey hairs . Moreover , Eunuchs have a fit temper for goodness of wit , which , according to some , occasion'd the Greek name Eunuch , and not their charge of guarding the bed , and observing the deportments of Wives ; whole subtilty and infidelity may delude their Husbands , but could never deceive the vigilance of these Argusses ; who in this alone shew what they can do , since they have the skill to govern that sex which is indisciplinable by all other . CONFERENCE C. I. Of the Green-Sickness . II. Of Hermaphrodites . I. Of the Green-sickness . AS women have commonly more defects in mind , so their bodies are subject to more diseases then those of men ; amongst which this is call'd Love-sickness , because it ordinarily happens to marriageable Virgins , and the Green-sickness ( by Hippocrates , Chlorosis ) from a colour between green and livid , which it imprints upon the countenance . Yet , besides this change of the natural colour , which is red , it hath divers other symptomes , whereof the chief are a perverse appetite , call'd Malacia or Pica , Nauseousness , Tension of the Hypochondres , faintings and palpitations of the heart , difficulty of breathing , sadness , fear , languishing , weakness , and heaviness of all the members , an oedematous humour , or bloatiness of the feet and the whole face : of which accidents those of the alteration of colour being the most perceptible , and the pathognomonical signes of this disease have with the vulgar given the denomination to it . This malady is not to be sleighted , as people imagine ; being sometimes so violent , that the peccant humours being carri'd to the head render the Maidens distracted and mad ; yea sometimes they dye suddenly of it , the heart and its vital faculty being stifled and oppress'd by it . For this symptome hurts not only the functions of one part or faculty , but invades the whole oeconomy , causing an evil habit , which degenerates into a Dropsie ; especially , that which the Physitians call Leucophlegmatia or Anasarca , when the flesh like a spunge imbibes and attracts all the aqueous and excrementitious humidities . The antecedent and prime cause of this malady is the suppression of the menstrual blood ; the conjunct and proximate is the collection of crude and vicious humours in all the parts of the body which they discolour . Now when the blood which serves in women for the principle of generation becomes burdensom to nature , either by its quantity , or its quality ( which happens commonly at the age of puberty ) she expells it by the vessels of the womb ; which if they be stop'd , that blood mingled for the most part with many other excrementitious humours which it carries along with it , as torrents do mud , returns the same into the trunk of the hollow Vein , from thence into the Liver , Spleen , Mesentery , and other Entrails , whose natural heat it impairs , and hinders their natural functions , as concoction and sanguification , and so is the cause of the generating of crude humours ; which being carried into all the parts of the body , are nevertheless assimilated and so change their natural colour . Of which causes which beget those obstructions in the Vessels of the Matrix , the chief are , a phlegmatick and viscous blood commonly produc'd by bad food , as Lime , Chalk , Ashes , Coals , Vinegar , Corn , and Earth , which young Girles purposely eat to procure that complexion , out of a false perswasion that it makes them handsomer . Yet this malady may happen too from a natural conformation , the smalness and closeness of the aforesaid Vessels ; whence the fat and phlegmatick ( as the pale are ) are more subject to it then the lean and brown . The Second said , 'T is an opinion so universally receiv'd that the Green-sickess comes from Love , that those who fight under his Standards affect this colour , as his liveries . But 't is most appropriate to Maidens , as if nature meant to write in their faces what they so artificially conceal , and supply for their bashfulness by this dumb language . Whereunto their natural Constitution conduecs much , being much colder then that of men ; which is the cause that they beget abundance of superfluous blood , which easily corrupts , either by the mixture of some humour , or for want of free motion ( like standing waters , and inclos'd air ) and infects the skin , the universal Emunctory of all the parts , but especially that of the face , by reason of its thinness and softness . And as obstructions are the cause , so opening things are the remedies of this malady ; as the filings of Steel prepar'd , Sena , Aloes , Myrrhe , Safron , Cinamon , roots of Bryony and Birth-worth , Hysope , wild Mecury , the leaves and flowers of Marigold , Broom flowers , Capers , &c. The Third said , That the vulgar opinion , that all Green-sickness is from Love , is a vulgar errour . For though the Poet writes that every Lover is pale , yet hatred causes paleness too ; and the consequence cannot be well made from a passion to a habit . Besides , little Girles of seven and eight years old are troubled with this disease , and you cannot think them capable of love ; no more then that 't is through want of natural purgation in others after the age of puberty ; for women above fifty yeers old , when that purgation ceases , have something of this malady . Yea men too have some spices of it sometimes ; and yet the structure of their parts , being wholly different from that of females , allows not the assigning of the same cause in both . Yea did the common conceit hold good that those who have small vessels , and ( as such ) capable of obstruction , are most subject to it ; yet the contrary will follow to what is inferr'd to their prejudice . For they will be the less amorous , because the lesser vessels have the lesser blood , which is the material cause of Love , to which we see sanguine complexions are most inclin'd . II. Of Hermaphrodites . Upon the second Point 't was said , That if Arguments taken from the name of the thing be of good augury , Hermaphrodites must have great advantage from theirs , as being compounded of the two most agreeable Deities of Antiquity , Mercury or Hermes , the Courtier of the Gods , and Venus or Aphrodite , the Goddess of Love ; to signifie the perfection of both sexes united in one subject . And though 't is a fiction of the Poets that the Son begotten of the Adultery of Mercury and Venus was both male and female ; ( as well as that of the Nymph Salmacis , who embrac'd a young man who was bathing with her so closely that they became one body ) yet we see in Nature some truth under the veil of these Fables . For the greatest part of insects and many perfect animals have the use of either sex . As the Hyaena , by the report of Appian , one year do's the office of a male , and the next of a female ; as the Serpent also doth , by the testimony of Aelian ; and as Aristotle saith , the Fish nam'd Trochus ; and 't is commonly said that the Hare impregnates it self . Pliny mentions some Nations who are born Hermaphrodites , having the right breast of a Man , and the left of a Woman . Plato saith , that Mankind began by Hermaphrodites , our first Parents being both Male and Female , and that having then nothing to desire out of themselves , the Gods became jealous of them , and divided them into two ; which is the reason that they seek their first union so passionately , and that the sacred tye of Marriage was first instituted . All which Plato undoubtedly learn'd out of Genesis ; For he had read where 't is said , ( before Eves formation , or separation from Adam is mention'd ) That God created Man , and that he created Male and Female . The Second said , That Natural Reason admits not Hermaphrodites ; for we consider not those who have onely the appearances of genital parts which Nature may give them , as to Monsters two Heads , four Arms , and so of the other parts , through the copiousness of matter ; but those who have the use and perfection of the same , which consists in Generation . For Nature having never put into the same subject an internal and radical principal of two contrary desires , as that of Man is to that of Woman , ( the one consisting in action , the other in passion ; the one in giving , the other in receiving ) they cannot belong to one single individual ; which should also be both Agent and Patient , contrary to the common Axiom founded upon the first Principle , that a thing cannot be and not be at the same time . Moreover , the qualities of the Genitures being contrary , that of the Woman cold and moist , and that of the Man hot and dry , they cannot meet in the same subject in so excellent a degree as is requir'd to generation . For the strength divided is never so vigorous as united , especially when its subjects are different . No Hermaphrodites ever us'd both sexes perfectly , but at least one of them weakly and abusively ; and consequently , they are justly punish'd by the Laws . For were both parts equally fit for Generation , 't were contrary to policy to hinder them from using the same , propagations being the chief Nerves of a State. But these people are oblig'd to make choice of one Sex , that by this election it may be konwn which they exercise best , and may be prohibited the abuse of the other . The Third said , There 's nothing in Nature so disunited , but is rejoyn'd by some medium . As there are Spirits apart , and Bodies apart , so there are animated Bodies consisting of both . Amongst beasts , Leopards , Mules , Doggs , and many others , partake of two different Natures ; the Bat is between a beast and a bird , as Frogs , Ducks , and other amphibious creatures , partly Fish , and partly Terrestial Animals . The Bonaretz is a plant and an animal ; the Mushrome is between earth and a plant . So since there is Man and Woman , there may also be some nature containing both . As to the cause of them , besides nature's general inclination to reunite different things , it seems that the same which produces monsters produces also Hermaprodites , especially when the matter is more then needs a single Man or Woman , and too little for two . Nature herein imitating a Founder , who casting his metal in a mould , if there be any over-plus , it sticks to the Piece which he intended to form . Unless you had rather say , that if both the seeds be of equal power , and neither predominant over the other , the Formative Virtue then produces both sexes , which it would have distinguish'd into two Twins , had there been matter sufficient for two Twins . Whereunto also the Imagination of the Mother may also contribute . For since some have been born with Virilities sticking at the end of their Nose , and other places of the Countenance , Nature seems less extravagant when she places them in their true situation ; there being no likelyhood , in the Astrologers account , that the conjunction of Mercury and Venus in the eight house ( which they assign to births ) is the cause hereof . The Fourth said , That Hermaphrodites being of those rare and extraordinary effects , which fall no more under Law then under Reason , 't is very difficult to assign the true natural causes of them . Yea , if there be nothing less known then forms , and their original , even when Nature acts regularly , we cannot but be more at a loss in the combinations of forms and species , and coupling of sexes , which are deviations from the rule of Nature . Hermaphrodites , who have both sexes , are of four sorts ; for they have Virilities in the ordinary place , and muliebrities either in the perinaeum , or the scrotum ; or else the feminine parts being in their right place , the masculine appear above them , as is seen many times in Goats ; or lastly , the Virilities lying hid in the middle of the other , at length come forth , as ha's hapned to many Girls and Women turn'd into Men ; as to Marie Germain , by the relation of Montagne ; to Arescon , a Native of Argos , who was sirnam'd Arescusa , according to Martianus . And Hippocrates affirms , in 6. Epid. that a Woman nam'd Phaetusa , who after she had had Children by her Husband Pytheus the Abderite , this her Husband being long absent from her , she came to have a beard , and the other badges of virility . The same he also testifies to have hapned to Namysia , the wife of Gorippus , in the Isle of Thasus . Of which effects we shall easily find the reason , if we say , with Galen , that Woman is an imperfect Animal , and a fragment of Mankind ; and so 't will be no wonder to see a Woman become a Man , then to see all other things acquire the perfection due to their Nature , which they ought to attain , lest their inclination thereunto be in vain . Moreover , 't is certain , that a Woman desires a Man , as Matter doth Form ; Power , Act ; Imperfection , Perfection ; Deformity , Beauty ; in a word , the Female the Male ; Nature affording us many examples of these changes of sexes , and metamorphoses . So Metals and Elements are turn'd one into another ; Wheat into Cockle ; Rye into Wheat ; Barley into Oats ; Origanum into Wild Thyme ; Sisymbrium into Mint . Which caus'd Anaxagoras to say , That every thing is in every thing . According to which principle , the Male is actually in his Female ; and Hermaphrodites are no more , saving 't is more conspicuous . So that the Ancients left us some truths under the figures of a god Lunus and the Moon , and of a bearded Venus , to whom the Dames of Athens sacrific'd in mens clothes . The Fifth said , That the transmutation of sexes is impossible by reason of the diversity of the Genitories in Men and Women , which is greater then is here fit to be display'd . But those Maidens who have been thought to change their Sex , were Hermaphrodites , who retain'd the marks of the Feminine sex onely till a certain age , as that of Puberty , when the increased heat driving the Virilities forth did the same thing as it doth in Children , whom it enables to speak at a certain age . Unless you will say , that the Clitoris caus'd the mistake by its resemblance ; as it happens in that symptome call'd by Aegineta , Cereosis , or Cauda , which makes Tribades pass for Hermaprodites . The change of Men into Women , ( not like that of Nero , and Sardanapalus ) but of Tiresias mention'd by the Poets , is more impossible ; unlesse they suppos'd that some causes destroying the heat of the Genital parts , and weakning the strength , the Virilities came to wither and retire inwards , as the Umbilical vessels do after the faetus is born ; and that Nature conform'd to the cold temper superven'd in the whole body . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A70920-e2960 Ludus Literarius . Ludi-Magistri . Nihil est ex omni parte beatum . Jupiter est quodcunque vides , quodcunque movetur , Lucan . Id quod inserius est sicut illud quod est superius . You may see the figure of these Parhelij in Des Cartes Meteors . Splen ridere facit . — Mundus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ornatus . Eclesiasticus . Sign . Weeping . Oderint dum mutuant . Notes for div A70920-e39530 * Guy , fig. Misletoe . 
A43008	----	Archelogia philosophica nova, or, New principles of philosophy containing philosophy in general, metaphysicks or ontology, dynamilogy or a discourse of power, religio philosophi or natural theology, physicks or natural philosophy / by Gideon Harvey ... Harvey, Gideon, 1640?-1700? 1663 Approx. 1724 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 400 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43008 Wing H1053_ENTIRE Wing H1075_PARTIAL ESTC R17466 13378328 ocm 13378328 99339 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43008) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99339) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 457:11) Archelogia philosophica nova, or, New principles of philosophy containing philosophy in general, metaphysicks or ontology, dynamilogy or a discourse of power, religio philosophi or natural theology, physicks or natural philosophy / by Gideon Harvey ... Harvey, Gideon, 1640?-1700? 2 v. : ill. Printed by J. H. for Samuel Thomson ..., London : 1663. Vol. 1, 4th book has separate paging and special t.p.: Religio philosophi, or natural theology. The first part. The fourth book. By Gedeon [sic] Harvey ... Several pages are stained, print is faded, and there is print show-through. Book I: page 120--page 25 of part 2 and Book II: pages 258-91 photographed from British Library copy and inserted at end. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy. Natural theology -- Early works to 1800. Science -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Archelogia Philosophica Nova , OR New Principles OF PHILOSOPHY . CONTAINING Philosophy in general . Metaphysicks , or Ontology . Dynamilogy , or a Discourse of Power . Religio Philosophi , or Natural Theology . Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . By GIDEON HARVEY , Dr. of Phys. and Phil. Late Physician to his Majesties Army in Flanders . LONDON , Printed by J. H. for Samuel Thomson at the Bishops-head in St Pauls Church-yard . 1663. Dr. HARVEY'S NEW PHILOSOPHY . Imprimatur Geo. Stradling , S. T. P. Rev. in Christo Pat. Gilb. Episc. Lond. a Sac. Domest . Ex AEd. Sabaud . Octob. 30. 1662. To the Right Honourable THOMAS Earl of Ossory , One of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council in the Kingdom of Ireland . My Lord , ALthough the interval of several years past might easily have blotted out the memory of any Obligations , yet it is the impression of your Lordships most obliging civilities conferred upon me , when fortune had blessed me with the honour of your good company in my Travels in France , that incites me to make the least recompence ( yet the greatest within my power ) of their remembrance and acknowledgement . But what can this add ? Since Countries and Cities , that have been honoured with your abode , describe your fame with Characters of all perfections concurring in a Person of so Noble , Prudent , Valiant , Heroick , and so Affable a Spirit : Whence I cannot but be confirmed of your Lordships Candour , that encourageth me in this my enterprize of offering to you a piece of Philosophy , so much below your acceptance ; however questioning not but that your Honours endowments will raise the use of it ( if any may be made ) to the greatest height . And now being conscious of my presumption in aspiring to make choice of so eminent a Personage for a Patron , do humbly beg your Pardon , and the favour of subscribing my self Most Noble Sir , Your Honours most humble , and obliged Servant , HARVEY . TO THE READER . Reader , I Was concerned in my mind , what to call you , courteous , or kind ; But since the Scene of this our Orb represents men moving so erratically , and varying in that extremity from the Ecliptick of a fixt Judgment , certainly I should have been frustrated in wooing your candour or gentleness ; dayly converse gives me the occasion of observing the variable Fates of Authors Works , which although indited by accurateness it self , and accomplisht with Herculean labours , are oft termed stuffe by some ; and to others again , the works of a Divinity scarce seem to surpass them : But to render Lines harmonical to every Ear is one of the humane Impossibilities ; and no small difficulty to a divine Pen. However all Volumns sail through an Ocean so terrible by Oricanes from Mens Tongues , the more by reason they are tossed to and fro without the conduct of their Pilot , yet it is not this Charybdis of a carping Momus , or that Scylla of a livid Zollus shall prevail to keep these upon the stocks , but rather precipitate them upon a Voyage , with a venture of their whole lading full of Novelties , suspending my thoughts in the interim for a return : Not a recompence of vain glory , nor a reproof relished with contempt , neither being placed in one Scale of a ballance over powers the other containing no more than an empty air ; And should not that be far short of my scope , marked with a single Character of truth , and advancement of Learning , setting aside any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The faces of most things appearing yet clouded , many but partly unmask ; as many , although of themselves clear , covered under a vail of dark terms and absurd notions of Philosophers , cannot but spur any sensible Genius to discuss that muddiness of some , and redeem the light of others , in the performing whereof I have here ingaged my self in these Treatises , taking what advantage long time , hard study , and laborious experiments would contribute thereunto . The only Instruments , that I have imployed in the sounding of the natures of beings , are the external senses , assuming nothing , or concluding no inference , without their advice and undoubted assent , whether in Metaphysicks , Theology , or Natural Philosophy . Those terms or notions , that only give a confuse testimony of their being to the understanding , escaping the evidence of external sence , we have declined as rocks , whereon any one might otherwise easily make shipwrack of his sensible knowledge . Wherefore whatever subject insisted upon within these narrow Pages , doth not crave a necessary , evident , plain and demonstrable assent , as being only attempted by external sense , mediately or immediately , my desire is the Reader would apprehend it to be no part of my Book . But to give you a more particular account of my design , I shall first discover to you my intention in annexing Natural Theology : My thoughts fluctuating in a mist , astonisht at the multiplicity of all kinds of bodies moving about me , advised to stear their course to some immoveable , whereupon they might fix themselves , and thence to ponder upon others ; here they certainly concluded one universal immoveable , whereon and whereby all moveables are moved ; because there can be no moveable , but must necessarily have its respect to an immoveable , they being relations , which are constituted at the same time . My next assumption following the chorea of the first , and drawn from the relation interceding between an immoveable and moveable , resolved me , that a Moveable must necessarily be derived from an Immoveable ; whence I was soon confirmed of an universal Creator of the whole Universe : Thence I made a digression into the reason and cause of the creation of all moveables , particularly of my self , and so keeping strait on my Road , behold my steps , markt and digested in the fourth Book of my Philosophy , which by reason of their prius ought to have been ranckt in the front , all men naturally converting their first thoughts thither ; but for orders sake have inserted them elsewhere . Here I found the camp , whereon Atheism and natural Faith were to encounter each other ; but the former being intrencht within the flesh , to have much the advantage of the latter standing bare upon so slippery a ground , whence it is , that the greatest part of the World , yea , of Christendom render themselves up captives and eternal slaves to the obedience of the devil , in the service of Atheism , engaged in actions of Abomination , Horrour , and Blasphemy . Notwithstanding since the ruines of those lines of Blessedness and Innocency , yet discernable in the souls of all men , are possible to be raised up again , whence they may easily demolish and batter down those strong Bulworks of Pernicion , it is that part of fortification I have endeavoured to delineate , the knowledge whereof is absolutely necessary for Salvation , and is a Key wherewith to unlock the Mysteries of eternal happiness , revealed to us by the holy Scriptures , which being founded upon the greatest and truest reason , must certainly require a gradual ascent to it from natural Theology , being a rational discourse inferring Theorems of Salvation from Humane Reason , subordinate to the highest of the Scriptures . Wherefore all evidence doth direct us to make this our mark or circle , whence we are to run to that blessed Meta of the other . But how preposterous and rash is it for men to slip over this part , and to cast themselves without a bottom into the very depth of divine Theology ? Alas their apprehension is immediately drowned in it ; their understanding amazed at those fathomless pits of reason ; in what different and monstrous acceptions do most Divines attach the genuine sense of Scripture , through ignorance of its precedents , scope , & dependance ? And more than this , each invokes the Holy Ghost for a Witness for to attest those various Interpretations . But what is this , but their heavy dull imaginations hallucinating in the appearance of the Scriptures , like several eyes in apparent objects of the Sky , some framing this , others that likeness of them ? I am not now to be confirmed in my belief , that the worst of Atheism is latent in many supposed Divines , their sinister ends , cheats , and vile secret passions of the flesh betraying their hypocrisie . Certainly , were I put to pick ( out of any Profession ) some that were to surmount all others in wickedness , I should not need long time to ponder upon my Verdict . The cause of this perversity I can state none but presumption in those , who after a twelve-moneths dosing upon Ursin's Cat. or Ames . Medul . do apprehend they should know the whole drift and connection of the Fundamentals of Sacred Writings , which to the same appearing upon a reflection , dishering , and strange in expressions , have soon confounded their small relicts of natural faith into a detestable Atheism , however cloathed with a dissembled time-holiness under their dark habits for to feed their covetousness out of their Benefices . Had these but conferred with their innate Principles of Natural Theology , and arrived to the habit therof before they had applied themselves to the top of inspired Learning , beyond all surmising , the Fundamentals of this latter would have been evidenced to them to be the alone absolute Wisdom , plain Truth , and most certain infallibility . Notwithstanding so universal a neglect of this part , yet I question not , but many may be found so well principled in both , that their undoubted Faith , expressed in their most Holy Life and Actions , will prove a great happiness to their Followers and Hearers in such Leaders and Teachers . Next touching my Scope in the Metaphysicks , which was principally the substitution of such Theorems in them , as might be demonstrated by sense , and had their sole dependance upon it , in order to a confutation of those absurd Notions purely Logical , ( although sold for real ones , ) that Aristotle proposed in his Metaphysicks ; in the interpretation and ambiguities whereof Schollars do usually consume a whole age in vain , reaping no better fruits thence , than that after seven years study they are enabled to say Formaliter , or Materialiter to every thing . But lastly , my chiefest design ever since the seventeenth year of my age , when I had just finisht my course in Physick , and taken my last degree , consisted in elaborating such demonstrations in Natural Philosophy , as might serve to unfold the natures of Beings in relation to the Art of Physick , hitherto so uncertain , blind , and unfounded on Art , that I dare confidently assert , that the cure of many ( if not of most ) diseases is rather to be imputed to the strength of bodies , than the application of vulgar Remedies , as the precipitation of Patients to their extream Fate by the ordinary courses of Physick more than to the cruelty of their distempers , setting aside those frequent mistakes in discovering them and their causes ; All which are so much subordinated to Natural Philosophy , that whatever rare Invention in Practice , or infallible distinction of any disease , is deprehended in the Art of Medicine , must be demonstrated by Principles of Physicks . Difficulties of Nature , that formerly seemed so uneasie to be explained , I find very obvious and evident through them ; Many things that have hitherto lain hidden in the Bosome of Nature , and such , as no Philosophy could yet discover , you will meet with here . Besides these you are like to read the quotation of a Book of Souls or Psychelogia , formerly intending its insertion in the Second Part of Philosophy . But since I apprehend my self to be much scanted of my time , and that this Volumn would swell up into too great a mole , I am compelled to omit the publishing of it , although it hath been long since ready for the Press . Before I take my leave of my Reader , I must not forget to crave your permission of using some kind of terms in my Books , which although somewhat alienated from their proper signification , yet can give you a reason of their figurative or tropical acception , such are Catochization , Grove , besides many others . I must also acquit my self to you of my default in such plain and unpolisht Lines , which I have made use of ; Certainly , whoever is acquainted with Philosophy will know , that it is Philosophical so to write ; neither , had I been ingaged in any other Subject , could I have gratified your expectation herein , since it was never my fortune to read two sheets of any English Book in my life , or ever to have had the view of so much as the Title Leaf of an English Grammar . I have also varied in the Orthography both of spelling and pointing from the ordinary , and so the Printer hath varied from me ; My own part herein I can easily protect , and so I may the Printers , since his unacquaintedness with the matter and hand-writing , and the dazling of his eyes , ( which a pair of Spectacles might easily have mended , ) in the smalness of my Letters , hath set him upon the Lee shore of accurateness ; however you may prevent the danger of some mistakes ( although not of all , since I have not the opportunity of so much as casting a superficial eye over half this Volumn , ) by directing your self to the Errata , which you will find set down at the end of each Book . In fine , not to detain you longer in preambles , I shall only commend to you one of Grave Cato's Distichs thus inverted , Non hos collaudes , nec eos culpaveris ipse , Hoc faciant stulti , quos gloria vexat inanis . Condemn thou none , neither give them praise , Let fools do so , who love peoples gaze . And advise you to suspend your Verdict upon these Writings , untill you have perused them twice , and then if disrelishing , dishering , false or contradicting to give your self the trouble of letting me know my errours in the sense of them , which , since my only scope is to promote Learning , to be taught my self , and to excite others to the study of things , that are yet imprisoned in darkness , I shall take for a very friendly office , not valuing the hearing or acknowledging my mistakes ( although attended as usually with some reproof ) provided , that at the same time I may be furnished with better Principles in lieu of mine , or otherwise I shall think it much below me to take notice of such Scripts , intended for nothing more than Libels : Moreover , that my further duty may not prove a regret to me , the answering of such desires in Latine will obliege me to remain , Courteous Reader , Your humble Servant . To Momus . THou cross-grain'd Mome , 't is time forbear to squint , If not , I 'll coin and cast thee in the Mint ; Bodel be stamp a dog gnorring at a bone , More stupid , more dull than any dunghitl stone ; If now thou shouldst grow civil , beyond what I can Hope , then thou art no more a beast , but a true man. The Contents of the Principles of PHILOSOPHY . The FIRST PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of matters preceding and following the nature of Philosophy . 1. THe derivation of Philosophy . pa. 1. 2. What it was first called , and why its name was changed . ibid. 3. The original of Philosophy . The first Inventers of it . p. 2. 4. What dispositions are required in a Philosopher . The difficulty in attaining to Philosophy . The pleasure arising from the possession of it . ib. 5. The esteem and worth of Philosophy and Philosophers . p. 3. 6. The use and fruits reaped from Philosophy , and redounding in general to every one : in particular , to a Divine , Civilian and Physitian . p. 4. CHAP. II. Of the nature of Philosophy . 1. Whether Philosophy can be defined . p. 5. 2. Various definitions of Philosophy . How Plato did define it . The definition of Damascen . ib. 3. The Authors definition of it . That the Essence of God is as sensibly apprehended as the essence of his Creatures . p. 6. 4. What is implyed by Knowledge . 7. 5. The Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy . p. 8. 6. The Subjectum inhesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent . ib. CAAP. III. Of Philosophers . 1. What a Philosopher is . Four properties necessary in a Philosopher . That nothing is more hatefull , and noysom than a man but half Learned . p. 8 , 9. 2. The first Universities . The rise and number of Sects sprung from these Universities . The Fame of Socrates . p. 10. 3. What means Philosophers made use of to procure themselves a Repute and Fame . p. 11. CHAP. IV. Of the distribution of Philosophy in parts . 1. In what manner Philosophy contains its subjected parts . p. 12. 2. How Objects move the Understanding by their first and immediate Representation . ib. 3. That the Supreme and immediate Division of Philosophy , is into Practick and Theorick Knowledge . 13. 4. An Objection against the Subdidivision of Practick and Theorick Knowledge . ib. 5. How Knowledge is subdivided . ib. 6. That the Subdivision is adequate to all its Inferiour Parts . p. 14. 7. Why Practick and theoretick Philosophy are not treated of separately , their Inferiour Parts are . ib. 8. That the Common Quadripartition of Philosophy is too strict . p. 15. CHAP. V. 1. What Method is requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several parts of Philosophy . p. 15. 2. What Order is observed in the placing of the General parts of Philosophy . ib. p. 16. The FIRST PART . The Second Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Metaphysicks . 1. OF the Etymology and Synonima's of Metaphysicks . p. 17. 2. The Authors Definition of Metaphysicks . That a Being is univocal to an objective and a real Being . p. 18. 3. The true formal and adequate Object of Metaphysicks . p. 19. 4. Wherein Metaphysicks differ from Philosophy . ib. CHAP. II. Of Precision . 1. What Precision is . p. 19. 2. That a real Precision is not properly a Precision . p. 20. 3. That Precision constitutes a Positive and Negative . ib. 4. The Difference of Precision . That all Precisions are formal . ib. CHAP. III. The Manner of Precision . 1. How a more universal Being is precinded from its less universal Beings . p. 21. 2. How an universal Being is equally abstracted from an ( Ens Rationis ) Objective Being , and ( Ens Reale ) a real Being . ib. 3. How a common Concept is precinded from a Substance and Accident . ib. CHAP. IV. Of the Definition of a Being . 1. What the proper name of the Nature of a Being is . The improbation of several Definitions of a Being . p. 22. 2. Objections against the common Definition of a Being received by most late Philosophers . p. 23. 3. That there is no common Concept to a possible real Being , and an actual real Being . ib. 4. That there is an univocal Concept to all immaterial and material , Objective and Real , Substantial and Accidental Beings . p. 24. 5. The Authors Definition of a Being . That our Knowledge is comparatively as perfect as Adams was . ib. CHAP. V. Of the Formality of an Objective being . 1. The Authors Definition of a ( Ens Rationis ) Being of the Mind , or an Objective Being . Wherein a Real Being differs and agrees with an Objective Being . p. 27. 2. The Proof of the fore-given Definition . That whatever we think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is an Objective Being . That whatever we think or can think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is like to a Real Being . p. 28. 3. Another Argument to prove the Formality of a mental Being to consist in likenessto a eral Being . 30. 4. The Division of an Objective Being . p. 31 , 32. CHAP. VI. Queries concerning a Real and an Objective Being . 1. Whether an Objective Being and a Real Being differ essentially one from the other . p. 33. 2. Whether a Rose in the winter is a real Being . ib. 3. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective Being . ib. 4. Whether the Ratio formalis of an Objective Being consists in a conjunction of many Beings , which in that conjunction are impossible to exist really . p. 34. 5. That an Objective Being is not existent before it is understood . A Confutation of Smigl . ib. p. 35. 6. That an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . p. 36. CHAP. VII . The Manner of Forming an Objective Being . 1. That all Formations of an Ens Rationis are single . That the Second Operation of the Understanding , is the same in Specie with the first . A Division of an Objective Being into Single and Complexe . p. 37 , 38. 2. That a Non Ens cannot be known . Two acceptions of a Non Ens , p. 39. CHAP. VIII . Of the Formality of a Real Being . 1. What a Real Being is according to the Author . The Derivation of res and aliquid . That it is very improper to call it a real Being . The Cause of that Denomination . p. 40. 2. That the Phansie is the immediate Subject of an Ens Reale . p 41. 3. That the Understanding is only the Mediate Subject of Real Beings . ib. CHAP. IX . Of the Division of a Being into Universal and Singular . 1. A Being is divisible into Univerversal and Singular . p. 42. 2. What an universal being is according to the Author . ib. 3. What an universal Real being is . 43. 4. What an universal Objective being is . ib. CHAP. X. Of universal and singular Beings . 1. That there are no Platonick Idea 's That universal beings are not really different from their singulars . Wherein an universal is distinguisht from a singular . That singulars being abolisht , universals thence abstracted , are also abolisht with them . p. 44. 2. That universal Beings are formally distinct from singulars . p. 45. 3. Singulars are primum cognita . p. 46. 4. Universals are notiora nobis . ib. CHAP. XI . Of the Extream Division of a Being . 1. Another Division of a Being . p. 48. 2. What the greatest or most universal is . ib. 3. What the greater universal is . ib. 4. What a less universal is . ib. 5. What the least universal is . ib. 6. How the fore-mentioned Members are otherwise called . ib. CHAP. XII . Of the Modes or Parts of a Being . 1. What a Mode is . Whence a Part is named a Part. Whence a Mode is termed a Mode . The Scotch Proverb verified . p. 49. 2. The Number and Kinds of Modes . What an Essence or a whole being is . p. 50. 3. That a Mode is the Summum Genus of all Beings , and their Parts . ib. 4. The vulgar Doctrine of Modes rejected . ib. 5. That a Substance is a Mode of a Being . p. 51. 6. That a Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and an Accident . p. 52. 7. That a Substance is an Accident , and all Accidents are Substances , The difference between Subsistence and Substance . ib. CHAP. XIII . Of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Why a property is so called . p. 53. 2. The Difference which Authors hold between Passion and Attribute . ib. 3. That Passion and Attribute , as to their Names imply the same thing . ib. 4. That Attributes are really the same with their Essence . That all Attributes of a Being , as they are united , are the same with their Essence or Being . p. 54. 5. That the Attributes are formally distinct from one another . ib. 6. That that , which we conceive beyond the Attributes of a Being , is nothing . ib. 7. What an Essence is . ib. CHAP. XIV . Of the Kinds and Number of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Whence the Number of the Attributes of a Being is taken . p. 55. 2. The Number of Attributes constituting a Being . ib. 3. All Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them , and all of them in union with an Essence or Being . ib. 4. That all the Attributes of a Being are equall in Dignity and Evidence . ib. 5. That the Order of Doctrine concerning these Attributes is indifferent . ib. CHAP. XV. Of Essence and Existence . 1. That Essence and Existence are generally received for Principles . p. 56. 2. That Essence is no Principle . ib. 3. That Existence is no Principle . ib. 4. That Existence is according to the opinion of the Author . p 57. 5. That Existence is intentionally distinct from Essence . ib. 6. That Essence is perfecter than Existence . ib. 7. That Existence is formally distinct from Substance . ib. CHAP. XVI . Of Unity . 1. That Unity superaddes nothing Positive to a Being . p. 58. 2. What Unity is . That Unity properly and per se implies a Positive ; accidently and improperly a Negative . What is formally imported by Unity . ib. 3. That Unity is illegally divided in unum per se , and unum per accidens . ib. CHAP. XVII . Of Truth . 1. Why Truth is called transcendent . p. 59. 2. What Truth is . ib. 3. An Objection against the definition of Truth . That a Monster is a true being . That God although he is the remote efficient Cause of a Monster , neverthelesse cannot be said to be the Cause of evil . p. 60. 4. Austin 's definition of Truth . p. 61. 5. That Fashood is not definable . How it may be described . ib. CHAP. XVIII . Of Goodness . 1. What Goodness is . The Improbation of several Definitions of Goodness . p. 62. 2. The Difference between Goodness and perfection . ib. 3. What evil is . ib. 4. What the absolute active End of Goodness is . ib. 5. That Goodness is improperly divided , in Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness . p. 63. 6. How Goodness is properly divided . ib. 7. That the Division of Good in Honest , Delectable , &c. doth belong to Ethicks . ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Distinction . 1. The Authors description of Distinction . That the privative sense of not being moved is a Note of Distinction , whereby the understanding distinguishes a Non Ens from an Ens. That the Positive sense of being moved in another manner , than another Ens moves the understanding , is a Note of Distinction between one Being and another . p. 63. 2. How Distinction is divided . What a real Distinction is . p. 64. 3. What a Modal difference is . ib. 4. That the vulgar description of a real Distinction is erroneous . ib. 5. That the terms of a Distinction between two or more real Beings , are requisite both or more to exist . p. 65. 6. That one term of Distinction although in Existence , cannot be exally predicated of another not existent . Oviedo and Hurtado reamined . ib. 7. What a formal Distinction is à Parte actus , and how otherwise called . ib. 8. What a Distinctio Rationis is . How otherwise called . p. 67. CHAP. XX. Of Subsistence . 1. What Subsistence is . What it is to be through it self , from it self , and in it self . p. 68. 2. That a Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . That the Transubstantiation of Christs Body and Bloud into Bread and Wine , according to the supposition of the Papists , is impossible . Oviedo 's Argument against this Position answered . ib. 3. The kinds of Subsistences . p. 69. 4. What Termination is . ib. 5. What Perfection is . ib. CHAP. XXI . Of remaing modes of a Being . 1. What Quantity is . p. 70. 2. What the kinds of Quantity are . ib. 3. What Quality is . ib. 4. What Relation is . ib. 5. What Action is . ib. 6. What Paspon is . ib. 7. What Situation is . ib. 8. What Duration is . ib. CHAP. XXII . Of Causes . 1. What a Cause is . That the Doctrine of Causes belongeth to Metaphysicks . p. 71. 2. Wherein a Cause and Principle differ . ib. 3. What an internal Cause is . What Matter is . ib. 4. What a Form is , and how it is divided . p. 72. 5. What an external Cause is . ib. CHAP. XXIII . Of the Kinds of Causes . 1. The Number of real Causes That a final Cause is no real Cause . The Causality of Matter and Form. p. 73. 2. The Division of an Efficient . p. 74. 3. That an Efficient is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . ib. 4. That the Division of a Cause into Social and Solitary is illegal . ib. 5. That the Division of an efficient Cause into Internal and External is absurd . p. 75. 6. That all Forms are Material . 77. 7. That there are no assistent Forms . p. 78. CHAP. XXIV . Of the Theorems of Causes . 1. That a Cause and its Effects are co-existent . p. 78. 2. That there are but three Causes of every Natural Being . ib. 3. That there is but one Cause of every Being . ib. 4. That all Beings are constituted by one or more Causes . p. 79. 5. That all Causes are really univocal . ib. 6. That all Natural Causes act necessarily . ib. 7. That the Soul of a Beast acteth necessarily . p. 80. 8. That all Matter hath a Form. That Matter is capable of many Forms . p. 81. The FIRST PART . The Third Book . CHAP. I. Of Powers , according to the Peripateticks . 1. THe Opinion of the Peripateticks touching the Souls action . That according to the same Opinion , a Substance is said not to act immediately through it self , but through superadded Powers . p. 85. 2. That a Substance acteth through as many different Powers , as it produceth different Acts. p. 86. 3. That the said Powers are really and formally distinct from the essence of the Soul. ib. 4. That Powers are concreated with the Soul , and do immediately emanate from her Essence . p. 87. 5. That immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul , as in their Agent ; Material ones in the Matter , as in their Subject . ib. 6. That Powers are distinguisht by their Acts and Objects . The Authors Intent in treating of the Faculties of the Soul. ib. CHAP. II. Of all the usual Acceptions of power . 1. The Etymology of Power . The Synonyma's of Power . p. 88. 2. The various Acceptions of power . ib. 3. What a Passive Natural Power , and a Supernatural Passive or Obediential Power is . ib. 4. Various Divisions of Power . p. 89. CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Power according to the Author . 1. The Analogal Concept of Power as it is common to all its Analogata . p. 90. 2. Whether there be Real Powers . 91. 3. Certain Conclusions touching Powers . p. 93. 4. That all Substances act immediately through themselves . p. 95. 5. That a Peripatetick Power is a Non Ens Physicum . p. 97. 6. That all Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . ib. 7. That Powers are distinguisht modully from their Subject . p. 98. 8. How Powers are taken in the Abstract . ib. 9. The Manner of the Remission and Intention of Powers . p. 99. 10. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by a singular Substance . ib. 11. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by an Organical Substance . p. 101. 12. The Solutions of several Doubts touching Powers . ib. 13. That all Creatures have an absolute Power secundum quid of acting . p. 102. 14. In what sense Hippocrates and Galen apprehended Powers . ib. The FIRST PART . The Fourth Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Theology . 1. What Theology is . p. 1. 2. That Theosophy is a fitter name to signifie the same , which is here intended by Theology . That in knowing God we become Philosophers . p. 2. 3. What a Habit is . ib. 4. What it is to live happily . That there is a mean or middle way of living , which is neither living in happiness , or living in misery . p. 3. 5. How Theology is divided . ib. 6. What Natural Theology is . What Supernatural Theology is . The first Doubts of a Natural man. ib. 7. The Dignity of Theology . p. 4. CHAP. II. Of the end of Natural Theology . 1. Wherein Moral Philosopy differeth from Natural Theology ; and wherein it agreeth with it . That the Heathen Philosophers were no true Philosophers . Aristotle his dying words . Epicure his miserable death , after so pleasant a life . p. 5. 2. A Description of the greatest Happiness . Queries touching the greatest Happiness . p. 6. 3. Whether the greatest Happiness is the neerest and principal end of Theology . ib. 4. How the greatest Happeness is otherwise called . p. 7. CHAP. III. Of GOOD . 1. What Good is . p. 7. 2. That Aristotle 's Definition of Good is erroneous . ib. p. 8. 3. Diogenes his Definition of Good 9. 4. The Explanation of the Definition of Good. How the several kinds of Good differ from one another . ib. 5. What Moral Good is : what moral evil is . p. 10. 6. What Theologick Good and evil is . ib. CHAP. IV. Of Moral Good and Moral Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Good. What is understood by a Natural State. The ambiguity of the word Natural . p. 10. 2. What Moral Good it is , which doth respect the Body . What Moral Good it is , which respecteth the Soul. p. 11 3. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Evil. That God doth not properly bend to his creatures . p. 12. 4. The Distinction between these two predicates , to be Good , and to do Good. ib. 5. How Moral Good turns to Moral Evil. p. 13. 6. That Man , as he is in a neutral state , is in a middle state , between supernatural and preternatural . ib. CHAP. V. Of Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Theologick Good. p. 14. 2. An Explication of the Definition of Theologick Evil. ib. 3. What honest , usefull and pleasant Good is . p. 15. 4. What Natural , Sensible and Moral Good is . ib. CHAP. VI. Of the greatest and highest Good. 1. A further illustration of the greatest Good. p. 16. 2. That the highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . ib. 3. What the Summum Bonum is otherwise called . That the greatest Good is our last end . p. 17. 4. The inexpressible Joy , which the soul obtains in possessing the greatest Good. ib. 5. Two great benefits , which the soul receiveth from the Summum Bonum . p. 18. CHAP. VII . Of the false Summum Bonum . 1. The Summum Bonum of the Epicureans unfolded and rejected . p. 19. 2. That Wealth is a greater terment than a Summum Bonum . The Riches of Seneca . That we ought to follow his example . p. 20. 3. That to be taken up in merry discourses is not the greatest happiness . ib. p. 21. 4. That it is not the greatest happiness to be merry twice or thrice a week at a mans country house . p. 22. 5. That honour is not the greatest good . ib. 6. That swearing is no happiness . ib. 7. The Author's ground why he was compelled to make use of so light a style in this Chapter . p. 23. 8. That all these enumerated instances are highly to be embraced as good , but not as the greatest Good. That meat and drink are to be taken with temperance . ib. 9. That Riches are not absolutely to be rejected . p. 24. 10. That mutual converse is commendable . ib. 11. That a constant society is necessary to man. ib. 12. That we ought to give honour to whom honour is due . p. 25. 13. That we ought not to refuse an Oath tendred by the Magistrate . ib. CHAP. VIII . Of the Subject of Natural Theology . 1. Man consisting of Body and Soul is the adequate subject of Natural Theology . p. 26. 2. Reasons proving the Soul to be the original and principal subject of Theology . ib. 3. That the Understanding and Will are really and formally one . The confutation of the vulgar definition of will A full explication of the will , and the manner of its acting . What speculative and practical signifie . p. 27 , &c. 4. What the will is in a large sense . p. 34 5. What the will is in a strict sense . ib. 6. An explanation upon the first description of will. p. 35. 7. The effects of the will. Whether appetibility doth not equally imply volibility , and appetibility in a strict sense . p. 36. 8. Whether mans appetite is distinct from his will. ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Free-will by reason . 1. Wherein man doth most differ from Animals or Naturals . p. 38. 2. To what acts the freedom of man's will , in reference to its acting , doth extend . What the freedom of will is , quoad exercitium actus , and what Libertas Contradictionis is . ib. 3. What the second kind of freedom of will importeth . p. 39. 4. That the speculative understanding in the act of speculation is practick . ib. 5. That the will is not constrained to will a good thing , although present : but hath a power of rejecting it . ib. 6. That the will willeth evil for an evil end . That some men are worse than Devils . p. 40. 7. What the will 's freedom is in specifying its acts . ib. 8. What free-will is in refference to its faculty . ib. 9. Velten rejected for asserting that the will is not indifferent to each contrary . That the will is indifferent to each contradictory opposite . p. 41. 10. That the will is free to act , or not to act . p. 42. 11. That the will is free to act upon particular objects , whether good or evil . The state of the controversie . ib 12. That man as he is in a natural and corrupt state hath a free-will of doing a moral good , or a moral evil act . ib. 13. That man hath not a free-will of doing a theologick good act immediately through him self without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . p. 43. 14. Man hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . That he hath a free-will of election . ib. 15. That man , as be is in a natural state , hath a free-will , through himself , and without Gods extraordinary concurrence , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance to him in his actions . That our being and conversation in it , and all our actions depend from the ordinary concurrence of God. Reasons , why God did not conferre upon him an absolute power of acting without his ordinary concourse . The cause of man's fall . That that which is only morally good will prove theologick evil at last . ib. 44. 16. Arguments to prove a free-will in man. A reconciliation of the Calvinists with the Arminians . That man hath a rement of theologick good surving in him . The state of the controversie . The division of it . 45 , &c. CHAP. X. Of Free-will from Scripture . 1. Objections from Scripture against man's free-will . p. 48. 2. An Answer to the said Objections . p. 49. 3. Objections proving that moral good is evil . ib. 4. The first Objection answered . p 50. 5. The second Objection removed . ib. 6. Some other Texts produced against free-will in man. p 51. 7. The first Text reconciled . ib. 8. The second Objection removed 52. 9. Arguments deduced from faith . An answer to the said Arguments . ib. 10. The first Argument drawn from Scripture , to prove man's free-will to good and evil . p. 53. 11. A second Argument proving the same . ib. 12. A third Argument . ib. 13. Many other Texts inferring the same . p. 54. 14. Texts proving a remnant of good in man. ib. 15. Texts proving that a natural man cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and being only assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. ib. 16. Scriptures inferring , that a supernatural man hath no free-will to direct contraries , that is , to do theologick good and evil . An answer to some Texts produced by Bellarmin , p. 55 , 56. 17. Scripture proofs concluding , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man , and adheres to his free-will . p. 57. 18. Whether man's actions performed with God's extraordinary assistance are to be taken for the actions of God , or of man. ib. 19. A reconciliation of the ninth to the Romans . The unfolding of Predistination , or of God's eternal Decree . p. 58 , &c. CHAP. XI . Of the Command of the Will. 1. Whether the will can be forced . 64. 2. What elicited and imperated acts are . p. 65. 3. What command the will exreciseth over the inferiour faculties . What a politick and despotick command is . ib. 4. That the irascible and appetitive faculty are under a politick obedience to the will. p. 66. 5. That the locomotive faculty is not alwayes under a servile obedience to the will. ib. 6. That the will doth not command over the practick understanding . ib. CHAP XII . Of Voluntary and Involuntary . 1. That the Understanding , as it is speculative and practick , is the internal principle of the ultimate and intermediate actions . That God or Angels are improperly said to be external principles . That God is the coefficient of man's actions . How Angels , whether good or evil , Wizords and Witches concur to the specification of man's actions . p 67. 2. What a humane action is . p. 68. 3. That it is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly . ib. 4. Whether evils of omission through ignorance are to be termed involuntary . ib. 5. How humane actions are divided . p. 65 , &c. CHAP. XIII . Of Natural Faith. 1. That Faith is the sole means , through which we are to attain to our greatest good . What Faith is . The Definition confirmed by Arguments deduced from reason . p. 70. 2. The two-fold object of Faith. A proof from reason , that God is the Creator of man. That God and Nature are one . p. 71. 3. An enquiry into the end of man's creation . p. 72. 4. That man doth know the summe of God's Law through the light of Nature . A summary enumeration of the Law of God , as it is imprinted upon every man's heart . ib. 73. 5. Moral virtues compared with the moral Law. A comprehension of all moral virtues . p. 74 , 75. CHAP. XIV . Of Man's Fall , and of Atheism . 1. A rational enquiry into man's primitive estate . The manner of man's fall . p. 76 2. Grounds , whence a man may rationally collect hopes for his restoration . p. 77. 3. That Atheism is the worst of sins and that an Atheist is unable of performing the least good act . Wherein the goodness of an action doth consist . ib. 78. 4. A character of an Atheist . That confirmed Atheism is the onely sin against the holy Ghost . A full discovery of an Atheist . ib. 79. CHAP. XV. Of the Means and Manner of Man's Escape and Restauration . 1. What is requisite for a man to consider in order to his escape and restitution . p. 83. 2. How a man may naturally find out a means tending to his restitution . ib. 3. The description of God's mercy . 84. 4. The explanation of the precedent description . p. 85. 5. The act , through which God's mercy doth succour a natural soul in her contention . ib. CHAP. XVI . Of the Light and Darknesse of Man's practick Understanding . 1. That Light and Darknesse are analogal to principles of Good and Evil. p. 86. 2. Queries concerning Light and Darknesse . ib. 3. The two kinds of Light. What the first Light is , and how it produceth the second Light. ib. 4. What the Habit of Light is . That the first Man acted without Habits . How a Habit is acquired . ib. 5. That the first Man acted through a natural disposition , and not through any Habits . p 87. CHAP. XVII . Containing rational discoveries of Man's primitive and second estate . 1. That Man was created most perfect . A proof from reason , inferring God to be a most rational spirit . p 88. 2. That Man by means of his first and second Light , understood all beings perfectly in their proper natures as they were . p. 89 3. That the first man did not sleep during his incorrupt estate . ib. 4. That the first man did eat and drink . ib. 5. That the first man would have generated in the same manner , and through the same parts , as he did afterwards , but without that shame and sinfull lust . That there were no co-Adamites . The absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching prae-Adamites . ib. 6. That the first man was beyond danger of erring in any action proceeding from his soul. p. 90 7. A rational inquiry into the first sinne , and knowledg of the first Commandment . ib. 8. The manner of man's fall proved by reason . His punishment for the breach of the first Commandment . p. 91. 9. A further collection of man's pupunishment for his first sinne . That a present unavoidable temporal death was part of man's punishment , and not a present unavoidable eternal death . ib. 10 That man after his fall was not become utterly evil . p. 92. 11. An enumeration of the relicts of Good in man. p. 93. CHAP. XVIII . Of the manner of the Suppression , Extinction , Predominance and Triumph of the Habit of Good. 1. The repetition of some of the principal principles of this Treatise . 94. 2. What it is that hindreth the Habit of Good. ib. 3. How the good Habit happens to be deaded , and overcome by the evil habit . How the good Habit happens to suppresse and vanquish the evil habit . ib. 4. That we are apt to incline most to those things that are forbidden . p. 95. 5. A proof inferring darkness to proceed from the prevalence of the corporeal appetite . ib. 6. Why it is , that a man must necessarily die . The ground detected upon which the Papists were induced to state a Purgatory . Their error rejected . p. 96. 7. That the propertion of these two Habits is various in every individual subject . ib. CHAP. XIX . Of Original Sinne. 1. How it is possible for two contrary Habits to inhere in one subject . 97. 2. The absurdities that follow this Assertion , viz. That the evil habit inheres in the soul perse . ib. 3. In what manner the Habit of good is taken to inhere per se in the soul. p. 98. 4. That God created every man theologically good . Several Objections relating to the same assertion , answered . ib. 5. How the soul partaketh of the guilt of Original Sinne. The opinion of the Synod of Rochel upon this matter . p. 99. &c. CHAP. XX. Of the manner of Man's Multiplication . 1. The state of the controversie . 101. 2. That the Rational Soul is not generated , or produced by generation . That there are three kinds of productions out of nothing . ib. 3. That the Soul is not propagated either from the Father or Mother . ib. 102. 4. That impious opinion concluding the Rational Soul to be generated tanquam ex traduce , confuted . 103. 5. An Objection against the Authors opinion answered . ib. 6. That the foetus before the advent of the Rational Soul is informated with a form analogal to a sentient form . p. 104. 7. That God is the remote cause of man's generation . ib. 8. That man doth generate man naturally and perse . ib. 9. The opinion of Austin , Jerome , and others upon this matter . p. 105. CHAP. XXI . Of Practick Natural Faith. 1. What a man is to consider to prevent his downfall . p. 207. 2. Man's danger and folly : the Devils policy . A certain means whereby to be delivered from this imminent danger . The whole mystery and summe of man's salvation . ib. 108. 3. The main Question of this whole Treatise decided . p. 109. 4. Scripture proofs ( accidentally proposed ) inferring implicit faith in a natural man to be justifying . ib. 5. The general Rules of Practick faith . p. 110 6. The occasion of man's fall briefly repeated . ib. 7. Fifteen Reasons against all passions . p. 111 , 112. 8. Arguments against all bodily pleasures . p. 113. 9. The military discipline of a natural man , instructing him to warre against all his enemies that oppose him in his way to his greatest happiness . p. 114 , 115. 10. The greatest and most necessary rule of this military art . A scandal taken off from Physicians . p. 116. 11. Another great measure of the said Art. p. 117. 12. Whence a natural man is to expect assistance in case he is weakned by his enemies . p. 118. 13. Whether the soul expiring out of the body is to be an Angel , or for ever to abide without office . What the office of a separated soul is . 119. 14. How long she is to continue in office . The consummation and description of the change of the world . The resurrection proved by reason . The description of the second Paradise concluded by reason . ib. 15. To what objects the faculties of men , when possest of the second Paradise , will extend . That they shall remember and know one another . That they shall eat and drink , that they shall not generate , that the same person , who redeemed man from his misery , shall reign over him in Paradise . p. 120 , 121. CHAP. XXII . Comprizing a brief account of the Religion of the Heathen Philosophers . 1. Socrates his belief of God p. 122. 2. What God is according to Homer . p. 123. 3. What Plato thought God to be . ib. 4. Thales his saying of God. ib. 5. Instances proving the Heathens to have known Gods Attributes ; particularly , that Thales believed God's Omniscience , and God's unchangeable Decrees . ib 6. That Socrates asserted God's Omniscience , Omnipotence , his creating of the world in time , his Iustice and Mercy , God's Omnipresence . ib. 7. The Articles of Plato 's Faith , p. 124 , 125. 8. Aristotle 's Belief . p. 126. 9. Virgil's opinion of divine things . ib. 10. The divine Song of Orpheus . p. 127. 11. Trismegistus upon the Creation of the world . ib. 128. Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Philosophy . 1. THe Etymology and Synonima's of Natural Philosophy . p. 1. 2. The Definition of Natural Philosophy . p. 2. 3. An Explanation of the said Definition , ib. 4. What a Natural Being is . ib. 5. What a Natural Essence is . ib. 6. What Nature is . ib. 7. The various Acceptions of Nature . ib. CHAP. II. Comprehending an Explanation of the Definition of a Natural Being . 1. What is meant by Disposition . p. 3. 2. An Objection against the Definition of a Natural Being answered . p. 4. 3. What it is to act according to Truth . ib. 4. That the Subject of this Science is more properly named a natural Being , than a natural Body . ib. 5. Aristotles Definition of Nature rejected by several Arguments . p. 5. 6. That Nature is a property of a natural Being . p. 6. 7. The difference between Nature and Art. ib. 8. That Nature in respect to God acteth constantly for an End. p. 7. 9. The Division of Nature . ib. CHAP. III. Of the Principles of a Natural Being . 1. That Privation is no Principle of a Physical Generation , or of a Physical Being . That Union might be more properly termed a Principle , than Privation . p. 8. 2. The Principles of a Material Being stated by Pythagoras rejected . p. 9. 3. That to treat of Matter and Form is more proper to Metaphysicks . 10. 4. That the Materia Prima of Aristotle is a Non Ens. ib. 5. That the Chaos had a Form. p. 11. 6. The Authors Materia Prima . p. 12. 7. That it doth not appertain to Physicks to explain the nature of the first Matter . ib. 8. What the first Form of all natural Beings is . ib. 13. CHAP. IV. Of the Nature and Essence of the Elements . 1. The nearest Definition of a Natural Being . p. 15. 2. The Definition of an Element That all Physical Definitions ought to be sensible . The proof of the Existence of the Elements , and of their Number . p. 16. 3. An Exposition of the Definition of an Element . It s Etymology and Honomony . p. 17. 4. What Distinction the Author makes between Principle , Cause , and Element . p 18. 5. What a Natural Cause is . That the Elements are no single real Beings . That they are treated of separately and singly Ratione only . ib. 6. That there are but three Natural Causes . Their Necessity proved in particular . ib. CHAP. V. Of New Philosophy and the Authors of it . 1. Helmontius his arrogance and vainglory . How , and wherein he rejected the Peripatetick Philosophy . His own Principles . p. 19 , 20. 2. The Life and Death of the said Helmontius . p. 21. 3. A Confutation of all his Physical Principles in particular . p. 22. 4. Some few Arguments against Renè des Cartes his Principles in general . p. 23 , 24 , 25. CHAP. VI. Of the Material Principle of Natural Beings . 1. The Causes of the Elements . p. 26. 2. That the Elements are really compounded natural beings . ib. 3. That Matter and Quantity are really identificated . ib. 4. What Quantity is . What its Ratio formalis is . p. 27. 5. That in rebus quantis there is a maximum and a minimum Definitum . p. 28. 6. Experimental Instances proving that there are actual Minima's , and that all natural beings do consist out of them . p. 29. 7. The pursuit of the preceding Instances , inferring a Continuum to be constituted out of actual Indivisibles . Some Geometrical Objections answered . p. 30. CHAP. VII . Of the Natural Matter and Form of the Elements . 1. That the Elements are constituted out of minima's That they were at first created a maximum divisible into minima's . p. 31. 2. That , supposing there were a materia prima Aristotelica , yet it is absurd to essert her to have a Potentia Essentialis , or Appetitus Formae . p. 32. 3. That the Natural Form is not educed è Potentia Materiae . ib. 4. That the Actus of Local Motion is the Form of the Elements . ib. 5. The manner of knowing the first constitution of the Elements . That there was a Chaos . p. 33. 6. That there was conferred a distinct form upon every Element . Whether a Form is a Substance . 'T is proved that it is not . ib. 34. CHAP. VIII . Of the absolute and Respective Form of Earth , Water , Ayr , and Fire . 1. What Form it is the Author allots to Earth . That driness is not the first quality of Earth . p. 35. 2. The respective form of Earth . 36. 3. That Coldness is not the first quality of Water . That water is not moyst naturally , neither doth it moysten . What it is to moysten . Why water acuated with spirits of Vitriol , Sulphur , or of Salt-peter , doth moysten and abate thirst more than when it is single . ib. 4. The form of Water . What Gravity is , and what Levity . What Density is . The form of water proved . Why water disperseth it self into drops . Why Sea-men cannot make Land upon the Cap-head , when they may upon the Top-Mast-head . Why the Stars do appear sooner to those in the East-Seas , than to others in the west . p. 37. 5. That water is thick but not dense . Whence it is that water is smooth . Why Ayr makes a bubble upon the water when it breaks forth . That the least Atome of Ayr cannot break through the water without raising a bubble . Why the same doth not happen to Earth . p. 38. 6. That Moysture is not the first quality of Ayr , neither doth the Ayr naturally moysten any body , but to the contrary dryeth it . p. 39. 7. The form of Ayr. What Tenuity is . Why Feathers , Cobwebs , and other light Bodies do expand themselves when thrown through the Ayr. Why Grease , Oyl , Wax , &c. do make Splatches when poured upon the ground . Why Gunpowder , Smoak , Breathes of living Creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. do diffuse themselves in that manner . Whence it is that the least breath moves and shakes the Ayr. The relative form of ayr . Why spirits of wine mix easier and sooner with water , than one water with another . p. 40 , 41. 8. The first quality of Fire . What Rarity is . Whence it is that a Torch or Candle spreads its Beams circularly , as appears at a distance . That Fire is rough : the cause of it . Fire's Relative nature . A comparing of all the first qualities of the Elements one to the other . p. 42 , 43. CHAP. IX . Of the beginning of the World. 1. Whence the world had its beginning . What the Chaos is . That the Chaos had a form . A Scripture Objection answered . That the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters did informate the Chaos . p. 44. 2. That the Chaos consisted of the four Elements , is proved by Scripture . The Etymology of Heaven . What Moses meant by Waters above the Waters . The Derivation of the Firmament . That the Ayr is comprehended under the Notion of waters in Gen. p. 45. 3. That the Elements were exactly mixt in the Chaos . That all the Elements consist of an equal number of Minima's . p 46. 4. That none but God alone can be rationally thought to be the Efficient of the Chaos . How this Action is expressed in Scripture . p 47. 5. What Creation is . Thom. Aq. his Definition of Creation disproved . Austins Observations of the Creation . p. 48. 6. That God is the Authour of the Creation , proved by the Testimonies of Scripture , of Holy men , and of Philosophers . p. 49. 7. An Explanation of the Definition of Creation . Whether Creation is an emanent or transient Action . Creation is either mediate or immediate . Scotus his Errour upon this point . The difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherein mediate Creation differs from Generation . p. 50 , 51. 8. Of the place , magnitude , tangible qualities , colour , temperament , time , figure , extent in figure , duration , quantity , and number of the Chaos . p. 52 , 53 , 54. CHAP. X. Of the first Division of the Chaos . 1. Why the Chaos was broken . p. 55. 2. That the Chaos could never have wrought its own change through it self . The Efficient of its mutation . p. 56. 3. The several Changes , which the Chaos underwent through its Disruption . The manner of the said Disruption . ib. 4. How Light was first produced out of the Chaos . What a Flame is . p. 58. 5. A perfect description of the first knock or division of the Chaos . By what means the Earth got the Center , and how the waters , Ayr , and Fire got above it . Why a Squib turnes into so many whirles in the Ayr. ib. 6. The qualifications of the first Light of the Creation . A plain demonstration proving the circular motion of the Heavens , or of the Element of fire to be natural , and of an Eval Duration . ib. 59 CHAP. XI . Of the second Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of Effects befalling the Elements through the second knock . The proportion of each of the Elements in their purity to the Peregrine Elements . p. 60. 2. The ground of the forementioned proportion of the Elements . 61 , 62. 3. That fire and ayr constitute the Firmament . p. 63. 4. A grand Objection answered . ib. 64. CHAP. XII . Of the Third Division of the Chaos . 1. The effects of the third knock . Why earth is heavier than water . Why water is more weighty near the top than towards the bottom . Why a man when he is drowned doth not go down to the bottom of the Ocean . Why a potch'd Egge doth commonly rest it self about the middle of the water in a Skillet . Why the middle parts of Salt-water are more saltish than the upper parts . p. 66 , 67. 2. Whence the earth hapned to be thrust out into great protuberancies . How the earth arrived to be disposed to germination of Plants . A vast Grove pressed into the earth . p. 68. 3. The cause of the waters continual circular motion . ib. 69. 4. The cause of the rise of such a variety of Plants . p. 71. CHAP. XIII . Of the Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , and Seventh Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of the Effects of the fourth Division . That Nature created the first bodies of every Species , the greatest is instanced in Bees , Fishes and Fowl. That all Species are derived from one individuum That Adam was the greatest man that ever was since the Creation What those Glants were , which the Poets faigned . p. 72 , 73 , 74. 2. How the Sun and Moon were created . That a Lioness is not more vigorous than a Lion. p. 75. 3. How the Stars of the Firmament were created . p. 76. 4. How the durable Clouds of the Ayr were created . ib. 5. The Effects of the fifth Division . ib. 6. The Effects of the sixth Division . ib. 7. The Effects of the last Division . ib. CHAP. XIV . Of the Second and Third Absolute Qualities of the Elements . 1. What is understood by Second Qualities . p 78. 2. What the Second Quality of Earth is . p. 79. 3. Aristotle's Definition of Density rejected . ib. 4. The Opinions of Philosophers touching the Nature of Density . p. 80. 5. The forementioned Opinions confuted . p. 81. 6. The Description of Indivisibles according to Democritus disproved . That all Figures are divisible excepting a Circular Minimum . That Strength united proveth strongest in around Figure : and why . ib. 82 , 83. 7. What the Second Quality of Fire is . Cardan , Averrhoes , Zimara , Aristotle , Tolet , and Zabarel their Opinions touching the Nature of Rarity confuted . p. 84 85 86 , 87. 8. The Second Quality of Water . Aristotle , Joh. Grammat Tolet , Zabarel and Barthol . their sence of Thickness and Thinness disproved . p. 88. 9. What the Second Quality of Ayr is . p. 89. 10. What is intended by third , fourth or fifth Qualities . An Enumeration of the said Qualities . What Obtuseness , Acuteness , Asperity , Levor , Hardness , Rigidity , Softness , Solidity , Liquidity and Lentor are , and their kinds . ib. 90 , 91 , 92. CHAP. XV. Of the Respective Qualities of the Eements ; particularly of Fire , Earth , and Water . 1. What is meant by the Respective Qualities of the Elements . Why they are termed Second Qualities . p. 93. 2. That heat is the second respective or accidental quality of fire . That fire is not burning hot within its own Region . That fire doth not burn unless it flames , is proved by an Experiment through Aq. fort . ib. 3. That heat in fire is violently produced . The manner of the production of a Flame . What it is which we call hot , warm , or burning . How fire dissolves and consumes a body into ashes . p. 94. 4. That Heat is nothing else but a Multiplication , Condensation and Retention of the parts of fire . The degrees of Heat in fire , and how it cometh to be warm , hot , scorching hot , blistering hot , burning hot , and consuming hot . p. 95. 5. A way how to try the force of fire by Scales . Why fire doth not alwayes feel hot in the Ayr. ib. 96. 6. Plato and Scaliger their Opinion touching heat . p. 97. 7. The Parepatetick Description of Heat rejected . How fire separateth Silver from Gold , and Lead from Silver . p. 98. 8. What the second respective quality of Earth is . What Cold is The manner of operation of Cold upon our T●●ct . p. 100. 9. The second respective quality of Water . That Water cooles differently from Earth . ib. 10. Aristotle and Zabarel their wavering Opinions touching Cold. That Earth is the primum frigidum . ib. 101. CHAP. XVI . Of the remaining Respective Qualilities of the Elements . 1. The second Respective Quality of the Ayr. That water cannot be really and essentially attenuated . The state of the Controversie . 102 , 103. 2. That Ayr cannot be really and essentially incrassated . Why a man whilest he is alive sinkes down into the water and is drowned , and afterwards is cast up again . That a woman is longer in sinking or drowning than a man. The great errour committed in trying of witches by casting them into the water . p. 104 , 105 , 106. 3. That a greater Condensation or Rarefaction is impossible in the Earth . p. 107. 4. In what sense the Author understands and intends Rarefaction and Condensation throughout his Philosophy . p. 108. 5. The third Respective Quality of Fire . What Driness is . The definition of Moysture . The third Respective Qualities of water and Ayr. Aristotles description of Moysture . That Water is the primum humidum . In what sense Ayr is termed dry , in what moyst . p. 109. CHAP. XVII . Of Mixtion . 1. What Mixtion is . Three conditions required in a Mixtion . p 110. 2. Whether Mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ really . p. 111. 3. Aristotles definition of Mixtion examined . Whether the Elements remain entire in mixt bodies . 112. 4. That there is no such Intension or Remission of Qualities as the Peripateticks do apprehend . The Authors sense of Remission and Intention . p. 113. 5. That a Mixtion is erroneously divided into a perfect and imperfect Mixtion . p. 114. CHAP. XVIII . Of Temperament . 1. That Temperament is the form of Mixtion . That Temperament is a real and positive quality . p. 115. 2. The definition of a Temperament . Whether a Temperament is a single or manifold quality . Whether a complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality . p. 116. 3. VVhether a Temperament be a fift quality . A Contradiction among Physitians touching Temperament . Whether the congress of the four qualities effects be one Temperament , or more . ib. 117. 4. That there is no such thing as a Distemper . What a substantial Change is . p. 118. 5. VVhat an alteration or accidental change is . That the differences of Temperament are as many as there are Minima's of the Elements excepting four . p. 119. CHAP. XIX . Of the Division of Temperaments . 1. VVhat an equal and unequal Temperament is . That there never was but one temperament ad pondus . That Adams Body was not tempered ad pondus . That neither Gold nor any Celestial bodies are tempered ad pondus . p. 120. 2. That all temperaments ad Justiriam are constantly in changing . That there are no two bodies in the world exactly agreeing to one another in temperature . p. 121. 3. The Latitude of temperaments . How the corruption of one body ever proves the generation of another . p. 122. 4. That there is no such unequal temperament as is vulgarly imagined . That there is an equal temperament is proved against the vulgar opinion . That where Forms are equal , their matters must also be equal . p. 123 , 124. 5. VVhat a Distemper is That Galen intended by an unequal temperature . p. 125. 6. VVhen a man may be termed temperate . That bodies are said to be intemperate . ib. 126 , 127. 7. The combination of the second Qualities of the Elements in a temperature . Their Effects . p. 128. CHAP. XX. Of Alteration , Coction , Decoction , Generation , Putrefaction , and Corruption . 1. VVhat Coction and Putrefaction is . The Difference between Putrefaction and Corruption . p. 130. 2. The Authors Definition of Alteration . The effects of Alteration . ib. 3. The Division of Alteration . p. 131. 4. That the first Qualities of the Peripateticks are not intended by the acquisition of new Qualities without Matter . Wherein Alteration differs from Mixtion or Temperament . ib. 5. The Definition of Coction . Why a man was changed much more in his youth than when come to maturity . p. 132 , 133. 6. The Constitution of women . Which are the best and worst Constitutions in men . That heat is not the sole cause of Coction . p. 134 , 135. 7. The kinds of Coction . What Maturation , Elixation and Assation are . p. 136. 8. VVhat Decoction is , and the manner of it . p. 137. 9. The definition of Putrefaction . 139 10. VVhat Generation imports in a large and strict acception . Whether the Seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinguisht from a young Plant or new born Animal . That heat is not the sole efficient in Generation . p. 139. 11. VVhether the innate heat is not indued with a power of converting adventitious heat into its own nature . Whether the innate heat be Celestial or Elementary . p. 140 , 141 , 142. 12. The Definition of Corruption . Why the innate heat becomes oft more vigorous after violent Feavers . Whether Life may be prolonged to an eval duration . What the Catochization of a Flame is . By what means many pretend to prolong life . That the production of life to an eval duration is impossible . Whether our Dayes be determined . The ambiguity of Corruption . Whether Corruption be possible in the Elements . p. 143 , to 149. CHAP. XXI . Of Light. 1. VVhat Light is . The manner of the production of a Flame . p. 150. 2. The properties and effects of Light. p. 151. 3. That Light is an effect or consequent of a Flame . Whence it happens that our Eyes strike fire when we hit our Foreheads against any hard Body . That Light is not a quality of fire alone . That Light is not fire rarefied . That where there is Light , there is not alwayes heat near to it . How Virginals and Organs are made to play by themselves . p. 152 , 153. 4. That Light is a continuous obduction of the Ayr. That Light is diffused to a far extent in an instant , and how . Why the whole tract of Air is not enlightned at once . p. 154 , 155. 5. The manner of the Lights working upon the Eye-sight . That sight is actuated by reception , and not by emission . p. 156. 6. The reason of the difference between the extent of illumination and calefaction . That Light cannot be precipitated . ib. 7. That Light is not the mediate cause of all the Effects produced by the Stars . That Light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the optick spirits . How the Air happens to burst through a sudden great light . That a sudden great Light may blind , kill , or cast a man into an Apoplexy . p. 157. 8. How Light renders all Objects visible . Why a peice of Money cast into a Basin filled with water appears bigger than it is . The causes of apparent Colours . Why a great Object appears but small to one afar off . The difference between lux and lumen . What a Beam is . What a Splendour is . That the Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames are not distinguished specie . How the Coelum Empyreum is said to be Lucid . p. 158 , 159. CHAP. XXII . Of Colours . 1. The Authors Definition of a Colour . That Light is a Colour . Aristotles Definition of colour examined . p. 160 , 161 , 162. 2. Scaligers Absurdities touching Colours and Light. p. 163. 3. What colour Light is of ; and why termed a single Colour . That Light doth not efficienter render an Object visible . How a mixt Colour worketh upon the sight ; and how it is conveyed to it . ib. 164. 4. The Causes of the variations of Mercury in its colour through each several preparation . p. 165. 5. That Colours are formally relations only to our sight . That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality . That besides the relation of colours there is an absolute foundation in their original Subjects . How the same fundamental colours act . p. 166. 6. That there are no apparent colours , but all are true . p. 167. 7. The Differences of colours . What colour focal fire is of . The fundamental colours of mixt bodies . p. 168 , 169 , 170 , 171. 8. What reflection of light is . What refraction of colours is . Aristotles Definition of colour rejected . The Effects of a double reflection . The Reasons of the variations of Colour in Apples held over the water and Looking-glasses . The variation of Illumination by various Glasses . p. 172. 9. The Division of Glasses . The cause of the variation of colour in a Prism . ib. 173 , 174. 10. The Nature of Refraction . Why colours are not refracted in the Eye . p. 175 , 176. CHAP. XXIII . Of Sounds . 1. The Definition of a Sound . That the Collision of two solid Bodies is not alwayes necessary for to raise a Sound . p. 177. 2. Whether a Sound be inherent in the Air , or in the body sounding . The manner of Production of a Sound . p. 178. 3. Whether a Sound is propagated through the water intentionally only . That a Sound may be made and heard under water . p. 179. 4. That a Sound is a real pluffing up of the Air. How a Sound is propagated through the Air ; and how far . Why a small Sound raised at one end of a Mast or Beam may be easily heard at the other end . Why the Noise of the treading of a Troop of Horse may be heard at a far distance . p. 180 , 181 , 182. 5. The difference between a Sound and a Light or Colour . That it is possible for a man to hear with his eyes , and see with his ears ; likewise for other Creatures to hear and see by means of their feeding . p. 183 , 184. 6. The difference of Sounds . Why the Sound of a Bell or Drum ceaseth as soon as you touch them with your singer . Why an empty Glass causes a greater Sound than if filled with water . p. 185 , 186. 7. The reasons of Concords in Musick . p. 187. 8. The Causes of the variation of Sounds . Why celestial bodies , Rain and Hail do make but little noyse in the ayr . p. 188. 9. How Sounds are reflected . How intended and remitted . p. 189. 10. The manner of Refraction of Sounds . What an undulating Sound is . p. 190. 11. How a Voice is formed . p. 191 , 192. CHAP. XXIV . Of Tasts , Smels and Tangibles . 1. A definition of a Tast. The difference between the Tasting and Hearing faculty . The manner of a Tasts action and passion . p. 193. 2. The differences of Tasts . Whether Tasts are not communicable through a medium . p. 194. 3. What a Smell is . The manner of a Sents action and passion . ib. 4. VVhether Sents be nutritive . How many have been kept alive without eating or drinking . How Sents revive one in a swoon . The distance requisite in Sents from the faculty . That the Sent of excrements smell sweet to a Dog. How a Dog Sents a Bitch at a great distance . The manner of a Dogs winding the Sent of a Hare . That Fishes do Sent by means of their Gills or Palate . p. 195 , 196 , 197. 5. The causes of a sweet Smell . Why most Beasts are pleased with the Smell of a Panther . What a stinking Smell is . The other kinds of Sents . Whether the Plague gives a Smell , and whether perceptible by a man. Whether it be possible to poyson one by a Perfume of Gloves , or of a Letter . p. 198 , 199. 6. What the Tact is , and the manner of its sensation . p. 200. 7. The differences of tangible qualities . Whether Titillation be distinguisht from the ordinary tact . Whether man hath the most exquisite tact . ib. 8. What a tangible quality is The causes of pleasing Tangibles . Why a Kiss feels pleasing to ones lips . That a Dog takes delight in kissing . What Pain is , and its cause of Titillation . Why ones proper feeling doth not tickle , but anothers doth . p. 201 , 202. The SECOND PART . The Second Book . CHAP. I. Of the Commerce of the Earth with the other Elements . 1. The Authors purpose touching his Method in the Preceding Book , and a further Explication of some terms made use of there . p. 204. 2. That the Earth is the Center of the world . Copernicus his Astronomy examined . p. 205 , to 209. 3. The Earths Division into three Regions , and their particular extent . p. 210. 4. What Bodies are generated in the third Region of the Earth ; and the manner of their Production . That the Coldness of the Earth is the principal efficient of Stones and Mettals . How a Stone is generated in the Kidneyes and in the Bladder . A rare Instance of a Stone taken out of the Bladder . The generation of a Flint , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , Diamond , Ruby , Gold , Copper , Iron , Mercury , Silver . The places of Mines . p. 211 , to 215. 5. Of the transmutation of Mettals . Whether Silver be transmutable into Gold. Whether Gold may be rendered potable . The Effects of the supposed Aurum potabile , and what it is . p. 215 , 216. 6. Of earthy saltish Juices . The Generation of Common Salt , Salt-Gemme , Saltpeter , Allom , Salt-Armoniack and Vitriol , and of their kinds . p. 217 , 218. 7. Of earthy unctious Juices , viz. Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroyl , Asphaltos , Oyl of Earth , Sea-coal and Jeatstone ; of their kinds and vertues . p. 219 , 220. 8. Of the mean Juices of the Earth , viz. Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . Whether any of these mean Juices are to be stated Principles of Mettals . p. 221 , to 224. CHAP. II. Of Stones and Earths . 1. A Description of the most Precious Stones . p. 224 , 225. 2. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred within Living Creatures . p. 226. 3. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred without the Bodies of Living Creatures . p. 227 , 228. 4. An Enumeration of common stones p. 229 5. A Disquisition upon the vertues of the forementioned stones . An Observation on the Effects of Powders composed out of Precious stones . whether the Tincture of an Emerald is so admirable in a bloudy Flux . ib. 230 , 231 , 232. 6. A particular Examination of the vertues of a Bezoar stone , Piedra de Puerco , Pearles , &c. p. 233 , to 237. 7. The Kinds of Earth , and their Vertues . p. 237 , 238 , 239 CHAP. III. Of the Loadstone . 1. The various names of the Loadstone , and its kinds . p. 240. 2. The Physical Essence of the Loadstone . p. 241. 3. An enumeration of its Properties . p. 242. 4. The demonstration of the first Mechanick property of the Loadstone . p. 243 , 244 , 245. 5. The demonstration of the other Mechanical properties . p. 246. 6. Of its nautical property . What is intended by the Poles of the Loadstone . p. 247 , 248. 7. The division of the Loadstone into Circles . p. 249. 8. An enumeration of the nautical properties of the Magnete . p. 250. 9. A demonstration of the said nautical properties . p. 251 , 252 , 253. 10. The cause of the deviation of the Compass Needle . p. 254. 11. An Objection answered . p. 255. 12. Cartesius his Doctrine examined touching the Loadstone . p. 256 , 257 , 258. 13. The fabulous property of the Loadstone . p 259. CHAP. IV. Of Life , and living Bodies . 1. What Life is . p. 260 , 261 , 262. 2. The Form of Life . Why Vegetables are generated no where but near to the Surface of the Earth . p. 263. 3. The properties of a Vital Form. p. 264 , 265. 4. The definition of Nutrition , and the manner of it . Whether food is required to be like to the dissipated parts . p. 266. 5. What Accretion is , and the manner of it . p. 267 , 268. 6. The manner of the generation of a Plant. p. 269 , 270 , 271. 7. The manner of the germination of a Plant. A delineation of all the parts of a Plant , p. 272 , to 277. 8. What the Propagation of a Plant is , and the manner of it . p. 278 , 279. CHAP. V. Of the particular differences of Plants . 1. The differences of Roots and their vertues . p. 280. 2. The differences of Flowers . p. 281. 3. The differences of Leaves . p. 282. 4. The three cordial Vegetables . p. 283. 5. The three Cephalick Vegetables . ib. 6. The three Hepatick Vegetables . 284. 7. The three Splenick Vegetables . ib. 8. The three Pulmonick Vegetables . ib. 9. The three Stomachick Vegetables . ib. 10. The three Lithontropick Vegetables . p. 285. 11. The three Uterin Vegetables . ib. 12. The three Arthritick Vegetables . ib. 12. The specificks for the parts destined for the continuation of the species . p. 286. 14. The description of some rare Plants . ib. 287. CHAP. VI. Of Water in order to her commerce with the other Elements . 1. The etymology of water . That water naturally is hard and consistent , and not fluid . p. 288. 2. The division of water . p. 289. 3. VVhat a Lake is . The strange vertues of some Lakes . 290 , 291 , 292. 4. VVhat a Fountain is . The wonderfull properties of some Fountains . p. 293 , to 295. 5. Of Physical Wells . p. 296. Of Baths . p. 297. 7. Of Rivers and their rare properties . ib. 298. 8. Of the chief Straits of the Sea. p. 299 , 230. CHAP. VII . Of the Circulation of the Ocean . 1. That the disburdening of the Eastern Rivers into the Ocean , is not the cause of its Circulation ; neither are the Sunne or Moon the principal causes of this motion . p. 301 , 302. 2. The periodical course of the Ocean . The causes of the high and low waters of the Ocean . p. 303 , 304 , 305. 3. How it is possible that the Ocean should move so swiftly as in 12 hours and somewhat more to slow about the terrestrial Globe . p 306 , 307 , 308. 4. A further explanation of the causes of the intumescence and detumescence of the Ocean . The causes of the anticipation of the floud of the Ocean . 309 , to 312. 5. That the Suns intense heat in the torrid Zone , is a potent adjuvant cause of the Oceans circulation , and likewise the minima's descening from the Moon and the Polar Regions . p. 313 , to 316. CHAP. VIII . Of the course of the Sea towards the Polar Coasts . 1. What the Libration of the Ocean is . That the Tides are not occasioned by Libration . The Navil of the World. Whence the Seas move towards the North Polar . Why the Ebb is stronger in the Narrow Seas than the Floud ; and why the Floud is stronger than the Ebb in the Ocean . Why the Irish Seas are so rough . p. 316 , 317 , 318. 2. VVhy the Baltick Sea is not subjected to Tides . The rise of the East Sea or Sinus Codanus . p. 319. 3. The cause of the bore in the River of Seyne . p. 320. 4. The causes of the courses of the Mediterranean . The rise of this Sea. ib. 321. CHAP. IX . Of Inundations . 1. Of the rise of the great Gulphs of the Ocean . The causes of Inundations . That the Deluge mentioned in Genesis was not universal . The explanation of the Text. p 422 , 323. 2. The manner of the Deluge . That it was not occasioned through the overfilling of the Ocean . p. 324. 3. That there hapned very great Deluges since ; when and where . p. 325. 4. The effects of the first deluge . ib. 5. Inland Inundations . p. 327. CHAP. X. Of the causes of the before-formentioned properties of Lakes . 1. Whence the Lake Asphaltites is so strong for sustaining of weighty bodies , and why it breeds no Fish. The cause of qualities contrary to these in other Lakes . The cause of the effects of the Lake Lerna . p. 328. 2. Whence the vertues of the Lake Eaug , of Thrace , Gerasa , the Lake among the Troglodites , Clitorius , Laumond , Vadimon , and Benaco are derived . ib. 3. Whence the properties of the Lake Larius , Pilats Pool , and the Lake of Laubach emanate . p. 329. CHAP. XI . Of the rise of Fountains , Rivers and Hills . 1. That Fountains are not supplied by rain . p. 330. 2. Aristotles opinion touching the rise of Fountains examined . p. 331. 3. The Authors assertion concerning the rise of Fountains . The rise of many principal Fountains of the world . ib 332. 4. Why Holland is not mountanous . p. 333. 5. That the first deluge was not the cause of Hills . ib. 334 6. Whence that great quantity of water contained within the bowels of the Earth is derived . p. 335. 7. Whence it is that most shores are mountanous . Why the Island Ferro is not irrigated with any Rivers . Why the Earth is depressed under the torrid Zone , and elevated towards the Polars . The cause of the multitude of Hills in some Countries and scarcity in others . ib. 336. 8. How it is possible for the Sea to penetrate into the bowels of the Earth . p. 337. CHAP XII . Of the causes of the effects produced by Fountains . 1. Whence some Fountains are deleterious . The cause of the effect of the Fountain Lethe , of Cea , Lincystis , Arania . The causes of foecundation and of rendring barren of other Fountains The causes of the properties of the Fountains of the Sun , of the Eleusinian waters , of the Fountains of Illyrium , Epirus , Cyreniaca , Arcadia , the Holy Cross , Sibaris , Lycos , of the unctious Fountain of Rome , and Jacobs Fountain . p. 338 , 339. 2. The causes of the effects of Ipsum and Barnet Wells . p. 340. 3. Whence the vertues of the Spaw waters are derived . ib. 4. Of the formal causes of Baths . 341. CHAP. XIII . Of the various Tastes , Smells , Congelation and Choice of Water . 1. Various tastes of several Lakes , Fountain and River waters . p. 342. 2. The divers sents of waters . p. 343. 3. The causes of the said Tastes . That the saltness of the Sea is not generated by the broyling heat of the Sun. The Authors opinion . ib. 4. The causes of the sents of wates . p. 345. 5. What Ice is ; the cause of it , and manner of its generation . Why some Countries are less exposed to frosts than others that are nearer to the Line . ib. 346. 6. The differences of frosts . Why a frost doth usually begin and end with the change of the Moon . p. 347. 7. The original or rise of frosty minims . Why fresh waters are aptest to be frozen How it is possible for the Sea to be frozen . p. 348. 8. What waters are the best and the worst : the reasons of their excellency and badaess . p 349 , 350. CHAP. XIV . Of the commerce of the Ayr with the other Elements . 1. How the Air moves downwards . VVhat motions the Elements would exercise supposing they enjoyed their Center . VVhy the Air doth not easily toss the terraqueous Globe out of its place . How the Air is capable of two contrary motions . 351 , 352. 2. That the Air moves continually from East through the South to West , and thence back again to the East through the North. p. 353. 3. An Objection against the airs circular motion answered . p. 354. 4. The Poles of the Air. ib. 5. The proportion of Air to Fire ; its distinction into three profundities . p. 355 CHAP. XV. Of the production of Clouds . 1. VVhat a Cloud is , how generated , its difference . How a Rainbow is produced . Whether there appeared any Rainbows before the Floud . 356 2. The generation of Rain . p. 357. 3. How Snow and Hail are engendred . p. 358. 4. The manner of generation of winds ib. to 362. 5 The difference of winds . Of Monzones , Provincial winds , general winds , &c. Of the kinds of storms and their causes . What a mist and a dew are . p. 362 , to 370. CHAP. XVI . Of Earthquakes , together with their effects , and some strange instances of them . 1. VVhat an Earthquake is . The manner of its generation . The concomitants thereof . p. 370. 2. The kinds and differences of Earthquakes . ib. 371 , 372. 3. The proof of the generation of Earthquakes . p. 373. 4. Their Effects upon the air . p. 374. CHAP. XVII . Of fiery Meteors in the Air. 1. Of the generation of a Fools fire , a Licking fire , Helens fire , Pollux and Castor , a Flying Drake , a burning Candle , a perpendicular fire , a skipping Goat , flying sparks , and a burning flame . p. 375 , 376. 2. Of the generation of Thunder , Fulguration and Fulmination , and of their effects . Of a thunder stone . p. 377 , 378. 3. Of Comets . Of their production . p. 379 , 380 , 381. CHAP. XVIII . Of the term Antiperistasis and a Vacuum . 1. Whether there be such a thing as an Antiperistasis . p. 382. 2. Whether a Vacuum be impossible ; and why . p. 383. 3. Experiments inferring a Vacuum answered . p. 384 , 385. 4. Whether a Vacuum can be effected by an Angelical ; or by the Divine Power . p. 386. 5 Whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum . A threefold sense of the doubt proposed . In what sense Local Motion is possible in a Vacuum , in what not . ib. 387. CHAP. XIX . Of Physical Motion . 1. What a Physical Motion is . The kinds of it . The definition of Alteration , Local Motion , and quantitative motions . The subdivision of Local Motion . p. 388 , 389. 2. That all alterative and quantitative motions are direct . p. 390. 3. That all externall motions are violent . ib. 4. That all weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination or appetite they have to their universal Center . p. 391 , 392. 5. The causes of swiftness and slowness of external Local Motion . 393 6. That light bodies are disposed to be moved upwards . ib. 7. That airy bodies , being seated in the fiery Region , are disposed to be moved downwards . p. 394. CHAP. XX. Of Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent Motion . 1. How Air is attracted by a water-spout or Siphon . p. 395. 2. The manner of another kind of Attraction by a sucking Leather . 396. 3. How two slat Marble stones clapt close together draw one another up . ib. 4. How a Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of a Cask . ib. 5. How sucking with ones mouth attracts water . p. 397. 6. How a Sucker attracts the water . ib. 7. The manner of Attraction by Filtration . p. 398. 8. The manner of Electrical Attraction . ib. 9. How fire and fiery bodies are said to attract . p. 399. 400. 10. What Projection is , and the manner of it . p. 401. 11. What Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion are . ib 402. CHAP. XXI . Of Fire , being an Introduction to a New Astronomy . 1. The Fires division into three Regions . p. 402. 2. The qualification of the inferiour Region . What the Sun is . What his torrid Rayes are , and how generated . ib. 3. How the other Planets are generated . ib. 4. How the fixed Stars were generated . p. 404. 5. A further explanation of the Stars their Ventilation . That there are many Stars within the Planetary Region that are invisible . Of the appearance of new Stars or Comets . Of the Galaxia or Milk-way . p. 405. 6. That the fiery Regions are much attenuated . p. 406. CHAP. XXII . Of the Motion of the Element of Fire . 1. VVhere the Poles of the Heavens are . p. 408. 2. The Opinions of Ptolomy and Tycho rejected . p. 409. 3. That the Planets move freely and loosely , and why the fixed Stars are moved so uniformly . ib. 4. The Suns retrograde motion unfolded , and the cause of it . ib. 5. How the Ecliptick , AEquator , and the Zodiack were first found out . p. 410 6. The manner of the fiery Heavens their ventilation . p. 411. 7. Whence it is , that the Sun moves swifter through the Austrinal Medeity , and slower through the Boreal . How the Sun happens to measure a larger fiery Tract at some seasons in the same time than at others . p. 412. 8. VVhence the difference of the Suns greatest declination in the time of Hipparchus , Ptolomy , and of this our age happens . p. 414. 9. An undoubted and exact way of Calculating the natural end of the World. The manner of the Worlds dissolution . The same proved also by the holy Scriptures . The prevention of a Calumny . ib. 415 , 416. CHAP. XXIII . Of the Magnitude and distance of the Sun and Moon , and the motion of the other Planets . 1. That the Magnitude of the Sun hath not been probably , much less certainly , stated by any . The Arguments vulgarly proffered for the proof of the Suns Magnitude , rejected . p. 417 , 418. 2. That the Sun might be capable enough of illuminating the World were he much lesser than the terraqueous Globe than I suppose him to be . p 419. 3. That the shadow of the Earth is to some extent Cylindrical . ib. 4. That the Sun existing in the AEquator doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the Earth . ib. 5. Concerning the diminution or increase of the shadow of the Earth within the Polars , together with the cause of the Prolongation and Abbreviation of the dayes . That the Sun is much bigger than he appears to be . p 420. 6. What the spots of the Sun and Moon are , and their causes . ib. 7. That the Arguments proposed by Astronomers for rendring the Moon lesser than the Earth , and proving the distance of the Sun , are invalid . p. 421. 8. That the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth . ib. 9. Several Phaenomena's of the Moon demonstrated . p. 422. 10. Concerning the motion of Venus and Mercury . p 423. 11. Of the motion of the fixed Stars , and their Scintillation . p. 424. CHAP. I. Problems relating to the Earth . 1. Why two weighty bodies are not moved downwards in parallel Lines . p. 426. 2. Why a great Stone is more difficultly moved on the top of a high hill than below . p. 427. 3. Why a pair of Scales is easier moved empty than ballanced . ib. 4. Whence it is that a man may carry a greater weight upon a Wheelbarrow than upon his back . ib. 5. Why a weighty body is easier thrust forward with a Pole , than immediately by ones arms : besides 5. other Probl. more . p. 428 , 429 , 430 6. Why a stick thrust into a hole if bended is apt to be broke near the hole . What the cause of the relaxation of a bowed stick is . p. 431. 7. Whether Gold doth attract Mercury . ib. 8. Why the herb of the Sun , vulgarly called Chrysanthemum Peruvianum , obverteth its leaves and flowers to the Sun wheresoever he be . p. 432. Why the Laurel is seldom or never struoken by Lightning . b. CHAP. II. Containing Problems relating to Water . 1. Why is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? p. 432. 2. Whence is it there fals a kind of small Rain every day at noon under the AEquinoctial Region ? p. 433. 3. How Glass is made . ib 4. Whence it is that so great a Mole as a Ship yeelds to be turned by so small a thing as her Rudder . p. 434. 5. What the cause of a Ships swimming upon the water is . p 335. 6. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire . ib. CHAP. III. Comprizing Problems touching the Air. 1. Whether Air ●e weighty . p 436. 2. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind ●e heavier than when empty . ib. 3. Why water contained in a beer glass , being turned-round with ones hand , doth turn contrary against the motion of the Glass p. 437. 4. Why a breath being blown with a close mouth doth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm . ib. 5. Why an armed point of an Arrow groweth hot in being shot through the air . ib. 6. Why Beer or Wine will not run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop . ib 7. What difference there is between an O●i●●e and a Travada . ib. 8. Whether it be true that Winds may be h●red from Witches or Wizards in Iseland p 438. 9. Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? ib. CHAP. IV. Containing Problems touching the fire . 1. Why doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling . p. 439. 2. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire . ib. 3. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder . ib. 4. What are the Ingredients of Gunpowder . 440. 5. Whence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpower . ib. 6. Whence is it that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence . ib. ERRATA . PAg. 3. l. 16. r. did produce . p 4. l. 12. & p 9. l. 1. r. Properties . p. 4. l 38. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 10. l. 7. r. taught l. 36. r. others . p. 11. l. 16. r. Invectives . p. 12. l 14. r. Quadripartition . p. 13 l 37. r. into . p. 16. l 25. r. upon our senses . p. 22. l. 3 r. those beings . l 39. r. Hircocervus . p. 34. l 27 r. those . species . p. 38. l. 37. r. those two p. 41. l. 2. r. those yearly . l. 26. dele ad . p. 42 l. 2 , 10 r. into . p. 43. l. 29. r. those men . p. 52. l. 18. r. into . l. 24. r. needs p. 58. l. 37. r. into unity . p. 64. l. 20. r. transcendence Philosophy in general . The FIRST PART . The first Book . CHAP. I. Of matters preceding and following the nature of Philosophy . 1. The derivation of Philosophy . 2. What is was first called , and why its name was changed . 3. The original of Philosophy . The first Inventers of it . 4. What dispositions are required in a Philosopher . The difficulty in attaining to Philosophy . The pleasure arising from the possession of it . 5. The esteem and worth of Philosophy and Philosophers . 6. The use and fruits reaped from Philosophy , and redounding in General to every one : in Particular , to a Divine , Civilian , and Physitian . I. PHILOSOPHY is a word of a mixt signification , and thereby soundeth Love to Wisdom , both which being implied in its composition out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wisdom . II. This name was politickly framed by Pythagoras , to cover the genuine and first denomination of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to hide its secrecy and excellence , the fame of which did attract so numerous a body of Contenders ( who being ambitious to be renowned by the possession of it , before they had scarce made their first attempt , abusively stiled themselves ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Wise-men ) that through their multitude , they overclouded a few others , who might justly have challenged their title from it . Since then this new imposed word implied but little Fame or Worth , the greater part soon deserted it , whose eager pursuit being more after the shadow , than the thing it self , they freely resigned both to the real deservers thereof . III. Knowing nothing more certain , than that all , which we do enjoy , redounds to us by inheritance , we cannot doubt , but that Philosophy was also a Relict of the Forefathers , successively conveyed to us , who did attribute the original acquisition of it to the first man Adam : for he in his primitive and incorrupt state , being adorned with a full and perfect Knowledge of all Beings , it is probable , that after his Fall , he retained a measure of the same Knowledge ; which , although being different from the former in perfection , yet by his industry had much promoted it , and so having committed it to the further accomplishment of his antediluvian Successors , to wit , Seth , Enos , Cainan , Malaleel , Jared , Enoch , Methusalem and Noe ; it did attract such increase and degree of perfection from their experience that we have no great cause to admire , whence the profound Learning of the postdiluvian Fathers did arive to them ; who were either sacred , as Abraham , Moses , Solomon , &c. or prophane , as the Magicians among the Persians , the Chaldeans of Babylon , Brachmans in India , the Priests of Egypt , the Talmudists and Cabbalists among the Jews , the Druids among the ancient Britains and Gauls , with whom many of the famous Poets , Homer , Hesiod , as also the seaven wise men of Greece were coetaneous ; after which , Pythagoras flourished , who lived much about the time of Nebuchadnezzar , and spread his Doctrine throughout Italy , whence it was soon propagated through most parts of the world , and yet is over all the East-Indies . IV. As there was an apt capacity required in these lovers of wisdom to receive the Discipline of their Masters , so there was also necessary in them an indefatigable study , to add to the Inventions of their Predecessors , which to cherish and excite , they proposed the greatest pleasure and contentment of mind , thence undoubtedly resulting to themselves ( according to that trite Saying , Arduum quod pulchrum , That which is lovely , is hard to be attained unto ) which did abundantly satisfie their labours . This is verified by the Relation , which the Mathematicians give of Archimedes , who was so much enamour'd with his Speculations , that at those times which most did dedicate to the rest of their minds , and intermission from their Studies , he was most busied in his thoughts ; insomuch , that when for his healths sake , anoynting his body with Oyl ( which was an ordinary Preservative in those dayes ) he used to make Geometrical Figures with it upon his Breast , and other parts of his body , that so he might avoid the depriving of his Soul from one moments happiness , when he was inevitably forced to consult the safety of his Body . At another time sitting in a Bath , he observed the water to be much swelled through his immersion in it , collected thence a way , whereby to find a proportion of Silver to Gold , when both united in one Mass. This Contemplation did profuse such a joy in him , that he brake out into these words ( Inveni , Inveni , ) I have found , I have found : No less effect will it produce in us , when finding that in our nebulous state of Ignorance , which we lost in our perfect state of Knowledge , by falling from our Integrity . This seemeth incredible , unless attempted by the serious and diligent application of our minds to it . V. The Scales , whereby to weigh the worth of a thing , are frequently judged to be the Subject , wherein it is inherent , or the possessors of it , whose worth found , is the production of the worth of the thing proposed . The assent of this doth infer Philosophy to be the worthiest and most transcendent of all : For Kings and Princes , whose worth is not to be parallel'd to any but to themselves , have affected Philosophy , and preferred its worth above the esteem of all others . David and Solomon the greatest of Kings , extolled the Pleasure and Contentment flowing from their Contemplations , above them of Glory and Honour , and other secular Pleasures , which they enjoyed in greater measure , than any before or since . Ptolomy Philadelphus King of Africa , having weighed Triumphs , or the Glories following Conquests and Victories ( which in their splendor do overtop all other kinds of Glories , and are reputed among the greatest of Contentments and Joyes ) judged them to be more troublesom than pleasing : For he had observed them to have been attendants in their highest eminence to his late Predecessors Alexander the Great , and Ptolomy Lagus his Father , and that their Contentments and Joyes ( supposed to slow thence ) were subject to a continual Eclipse , through their immoderate aspiring to greater , and through every Alarum of an Enemy , and through the daily News of their revolting Subjects ( although but lately vanquished ) discomposing their Spirits : Wherefore he composed himself to a peace , and applied his mind to the study of Philosophy , which did so much cultivate his understanding , and please his thoughts , that he endeavoured to procure the helps of men most Renowned far and near , by an universal Invitation . VI. A man naked and unpolisht doth more resemble a Brute , than himself : What Proprieties are there in wild Beasts , but which you may find in West-Indians ? I mean , those which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Men-eaters : They slay and devour one another ; the shadow of each of them is a terrour to the other ; nothing begetteth tameness in them , unless it be the presence of a Male with a Female , which the Instinct of Nature , and not their Reason , doth compel them unto . Nothing different from these should we be , were it not , that Philosophy did rectifie and redintegrate our Understandings : To this we owe our right Reasoning , Morality , and Knowledge of all Natural and Supernatural Beings ; and without that we are nothing else but Ignorance and Barbarism . A Divine will hardly reach to Theologick Vertues , unless he be first endowed with Morals : Neither is he like to compass the Knowledge of God , unless he first admireth him in his Creatures , and natural beings . Civilians ( those who really merit that name ) grow expert in composing Differences between others , by regulating Contentions arising between their own Soul and Body . A Physitian incurreth a suspition of being a Mountebank , or Astrologick Impostor , in case he be not more than ordinarily versed in Natural Philosophy , and questionless will be frustrated in his Cures , unless he be exactly skilful in knowing the proportion of Animal , Mineral , and Vegetable Natures to the Nature of man , which is demonstratively treated of in Natural Philosophy . To this doth the great Hippocrates in his Book of Elegance , elegantly exhort his Auditors : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore we ought to apply Wisdom to the Art of Physick , and the Art of Physick again to Wisdom : for a Physitian , who is a Philosopher , is like unto God. CHAP. II. Of the Nature of Philosophy . 1. Whether Philosophy can be defined . 2. Various Definitions of Philosophy . How Plato did define it . The Definition of Damascen . 3. The Authors Definition of it . That the Essence of God is as sensibly apprehended as the Essence of his Creatures . 4. What is implyed by Knowledge . 5. The Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy . 6. The Subjectum Inhaesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent . MAny perswade themselves , that Philosophy doth not admit a Definition , that requiring an Unity in the Definitum , or thing Defined , which is not inherent in the Nature of Philosophy , but rather a Multiplicity ; wherefore it can only be described . To the contrary , all Beings have an Unity : for ( Ens & unum convertuntur ) a Being and One are identificated : so that , whatever hath no unity , is no Being : But they granting Philosophy to be a Being , cannot deny it an Unity : and if it hath an unity , it is definible . A Being may be materially manifold , and yet formally one , and of that nature is Philosophy . Philosophy is a knowledge of Beings by their Causes , which is the Modus considerandi , or Ratio formalis of it , to wit , of Philosophy : But this is one . Beings , as they are the Materia , are many ; nevertheless their universal Form in Philosophy is but one , which is to be known by their Causes . II. The Definitions of Philosophy are variously propounded by several Authors , who disagree more in terms and words , than in the thing it self . Others again , who seeming to define the Essence of a thing , rather describe it by its Properties and Effects : some of which serving to illustrate its Nature , I shall not think amiss to produce . Among these , that of Plato is most cried up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Philosophy is a Meditation upon death . This Meditation upon death , is that which goeth under the notion of a Platonick Extasie , which is nothing else , but a qualification requisite in a Philosopher , whereby he doth withdraw his thoughts from singular and material things , applying them to universal and immaterial beings : or whereby he inclineth his Reason to his Fancy , and diverteth his Mind from his senses : So that in this Rapture , a Philosopher hath his eyes open , and seeth not , and may be environed with Noyse , and hear not . Another Definition the said Divine Philosopher recommends , approaching somwhat nearer to its Essence . Philosophy is a likeness to God , in as much as it is possible for a man to be like to God. God is a Pattern to man in his actions according to the greatest perfection of vertue , and in speculation or knowledge of all natural and supernatural Beings , the habitual imitation of which is the true Philosophy . Damascen in his Dialect , Chap. 3. states this following Definition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philosophy is the Art of Arts , and the Science of Sciences , and the beginning of all Arts ; all which amounts to this : Philosophy is a comprehension of all Arts and Sciences . III. Philosophy is the knowledge of all cognoscible Beings . By Knowledge , understand a Habit of knowing a thing by its Definition or Essence , that is , by its internal and external Causes ; namely , Matter , Form , and Efficient . By internal Cause , I intend a Principle through which a Being is constituted . Some beings having only a single internal Cause , as God and Angels are constituted by their Forms * without Matter , and for that reason are nominated Immaterial . Others are constituted through a double internal Principle , and from an efficient Cause ; as all Natural Beings . Some obtain a single internal Principle , and one efficient Cause ; as Angels . God only consisteth of a single internal Principle , which is his Form , which is that which he is : Hence God declares himself , I am who I am . Here may be offered an Objection , That God cannot be known by the same Ratio Formalis cognoscendi , as Naturals are , since that these are considered in a distinct manner in their Matter and Form , the existence of which is incurrent into our Senses : Wherefore the Essences of these we may perfectly apprehend . On the other side , God is not known to us , unless indistinctly , and by his Attributes , not by his Essentials . My Answer to this , is , That our Knowledge of God is no less distinct , evident , and sensible ( I term it sensible , because according to the Dogmatical Institutions of Aristotle , the Root and Evidence of our Knowledge is , and sloweth from our Senses ) than of Naturals : and to speak truth , we neither understand certainly the Essence of God , nor of his Creatures , only their Existences , and other Accidents and Modes , under which the Peripateticks imagine the Essentials of a Being to be latent : So that only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth appear unto us . Whence my Inference is , that the Ratio Formalis of knowing immaterial and material Beings is the same , whereby we know the Essences of both in an equal manner . We doubt no less of the Being of God , than of the Being of his Creatures ; because as we know these to have a Being and Essence by their sensible operations and effects ( For Omne quod est , est propter operationem ; All which is , or hath a being , is or hath it for an Operation ) so we are also certain of the being and Essence of God by his Operation and Effects upon our Senses . We know that a material Substance consisteth of Matter , because we apprehend a trinal dimension of parts in it , which is an Accident concomitant to Matter , or rather Matter it self . We are also sensible of a Form inhering in that Matter through its Qualities and distinct moving . We gather from Experience , that ( Nihil fit a seipso ) no material Essence receiveth a Being from it self ; but from an Efficient . By which three Causes a Natural Being is generated , and from them derives its Definition . In like manner do our Senses declare to us , that God's Nature is immaterial : For we cannot perceive a trinal dimension of Parts in him , only that he consisteth of a pute , single and formal Being , because we cannot but perceive his formal and spiritual Operations , and Effects upon all material Beings . Wherefore the Knowledge of God proveth no less evident to us , and in the same degree and manner of Perfection , then of Elementary and Created Substances . IV. Knowledge in the forementioned Definition doth equally imply a Practick and Theoretick Knowledge , the ground of which Division is founded upon the Matter and not the Form of Philosophy : so that according to the same sense , the understanding is called either Practick or Theoretick ; not formally , as if the Understanding were twofold in man , but because it apprehendeth an object according to its double Representation of being Practical or Theoretical . V. Subjectum circa quod , or Object of Philosophy , are all Beings comprehending real and objective Beings , Essences , and their Modes , which latter are not specifically distinct from the former ; but identificared , and considered here as real , notwithstanding partaking of a Modal Distinction ; wherefore it makes no Formal Distinction in this universal Knowledge . In the like manner are the ( Phaenomena ) appearances in Astronomy supposed and taken for real , and move the understanding as distinctly , as if they were real Beings , strictly so termed , otherwise they could not be referred to a Science . VI. The Subjectum inhaesionis , or Subject wherein Philosophy is inherent , is the Understanding . The Understanding is either Divine , Angelical , Humane or Diabolical . In God Philosophy is Archetypick ; in Angels and Men Ectypick ; in Devils neither , they apprehending and discerning all things depravately and erroneously . CHAP. III. Of Philosophers . 1. What a Philosopher is . Four Properties necessary in a Philosopher , That nothing is more hateful , and noysom than a man but half Learned . 2. The first Universities . The Rise and Number of Sects sprung from these Universities . The Fame of Socrates . 3. What Meanes Philosophers made use of to procure themselves a Repute and Fame . I. A Philosopher , or a Wise man , is a great Artist , and all-knowing : He is an Artist , in that he can direct all his Actions to a good and true end : and All-knowing , since there is nothing existent , but which he may know definitely . Wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is well derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , clear ; because a Philosopher understandeth all things clearly , which condition makes up one of the three Proprieties of a Philosopher , which are , 1. To know all things . 2. To have a capacity of teaching all which he knoweth . 3. To teach and divulge his Knowledge liberally ( not for Loan , which is mercenary , and not suiting with the Dignity of a Philosopher ) and freely . Scire tuum nihil est , nisite scire hoc sciat alter . Alas thy Knowledge is scarce worth a Pin , If thou keep secret what thou hast within . Hence slow these trite Sayings , Libere Philosophandum . Amicus Socrates , Amicus Plato , sed magis Amica Veritas . Non est jurandum in verba Magistri . We are to deliver Philosophy freely , that is , with a Socratick Liberty , or without adhering strictly to Authorities of Wise men , since that all men are subject to Errours , and the contrary of many of their Assertions are found to be true , we have cause enough to doubt of all , which they have commended to our Studies , and not to be tied , as if by Oath and Slavery , to believe our Masters words in every Tittle : an Abuse equal to Popery , enjoyning all men , upon danger of their Soules perdition , not to question the least Sillable of the Dictates of their Priests . It is no less Errour , to reject all which wise men have Published , their Works testifying their immense Parts and Abilities . So that our securest course is , to walk in the middle Path , and close with the Body of Philosophers in this Saying , Socrates is my good Friend , Plato is my good Friend , but the Truth is my best Friend . To which this doth also allude , Plato is ancient , but the Truth is more ancient . To these three , I will add a fourth ; Philosophandum est , sed paucis . We are to prove our selves Philosophers in short , or in few words . This was one of the Famous Precepts of Ennius , whereby he reproved those disturbers of Learning , who through the abundance of their futil Arguments , aery words , and tedious Probo tibi's might have raised anger in Socrates himself , which disposition to nugation and pratling you cannot miss of in a man , who is but half Learned , who generally hath depravate Conceptions of most things which he meets withal . Such are they , who strive to defend and propagate most absurd and pseudodox Tenents , many of which do secretly contain Atheism : As Assertions of the Pre-existence of Souls ; Multiplicity of worlds ; the Souls being extraduce , and infinite others , which necessarily are Concomitants of these before-mentioned . In a word , Homine semidocto quid iniquius ? what is there more detestable and hateful , than a man but half Learned ? Which Apothegm may be justly transferred to a Physitian , Medico semiperito quid mortalius ? what is more mortal than a Physitian but half experienced ? II. The first Schooles of Fame , or Universities , where Philosophy was publickly and orderly teached , were two : The Italian and Ionick Schooles . The Italian or rather the Calabrian School was most renowned for Mathematicks , and Ethicks , where Pythagoras was Professor . In the Ionian School Natural Philosophy and Astronomy were most professed by Anaximander , a Scholar of Thales . The Italian University encreased in fame by breeding of Renowned Disciples : as Zeno , Democritus , Epicurus , and others . Anaximander's School was no less advanced by the Succession of Socrates , the Prince of Philosophers , and as the Oracle of Pythias stiles him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Socrates of all men the wisest . And to give him his due , he was the Ocean of all Humane and Divine Learning , out of which scattered these four Sects : Of Academicks , Cynicks , Peripateticks , and Stoicks ; of whom may justly be pronounced , that whatever Truth they had retained in their Doctrine , it was derived from Divine Socrates ; whatever Falshood they taught , was from their own Innovation , and depravate Judgment . The Academicks , so called from their abode at the Academy or University , next succeeded the doleful loss of great Socrates , whereby they were exposed to the Innovations and erroneous Opinions of Plato , an elder Scholar of Socrates . Plato having finished his Course of Philosophy by an untimely Death , put also a Period to the Sect , which his Doctrine had raised and fomented , and moved many to withdraw from the University , giving their minds to wandring , and divulging their Opinions or Dogmatical Dictates in their Travels : Among which Aristotle was most taken notice of , whose Scholars , to wit , which he had begot in his wandring , were thence called Peripateticks , or Wanderers , which name his Scholars still retained , although most of them received their Learning from him after his settlement in Lyceum , a School not far distant from Athens , or according to other , in Athens : The Scholars of greatest Note bred in Lyceum , were Theophrastus , who succeeded Aristotle , and Pyrrhon , the first Author of the Scepticks . The Cynicks were so called from their Master Cynosarges ; whose Scholars were Diogenes the Cynick , and Zeno ; whose Disciples afterwards were called Stoicks ; his Doctrine was for the most part Moral . To these may be added two Sects more , which these late years have produced , to wit , the Paracelsians and Cartesians . The Bombastin Sect derived their Name from their Master , Phil. Aur. Theophrast . Paracelsus , Bombast , born at Bohenheim , an obscure place in Germany , whose Doctrine treated most of Natural Philosophy , innovated by Principles drawn from the Fire ; hence he and his Followers are called ( Philosophi per Ignem ) Philosophers through the Fire . 2. The Rotarians , or Cartesians , a Sect of the latest standing , reaped their Discipline from Ren. Des Cartes , a Frenchman , whose Study was most Mathematical and Physical , or rather a Mixture of a Pythagorean and Democritean Philosophy . III. The principal Means which each of these Grandees made use of to procure a Repute and Fame to themselves , were , Invections against their Masters Dictates , and phantastical Proposals of their own , dasht over with a multitude of apparent Reasons , and probable Arguments , wherein they did not only shew their Ingratitude and vain Ambition , but their Dishonesty to the world , by commending Falsehoods under the shape of apparent Truths , harnessed by their subtil Fallacies . CHAP. IV. Of the Distribution of Philosophy in Parts . 1. In what manner Philosophy contains its subjected Parts . 2. How Objects move the Understanding by their first and immediate Representation . 3. That the Supreme and Immediate Division of Philosophy is in Practick and Theoretick Knowledge . 4. An Objection against the Subdivision of Practick and Theoretick Knowledge . 5. How Knowledge is subdivided . 6. That the Subdivision is adequate to all its Inferiour Parts . 7. Why Practick and Theoretick Philosophy are not treated of separately , as their Inferior Parts are . 8. That the Common Quadripartion of Philosophy is too strict . I. PHilosophy hath been defined , and considered as a totum universalissimum , comprehending all Sciences , and Arts , as a ( magis vel potius mexime universale ) more universal , or rather a most universal , containeth ( minus universalia ) less universals : or also , as in the manner of an ( totum Integrale ) entire integral Being , a Countrey consisteth of Cities , and Cities of Streets , and Streets of singular Houses , so is the entire Body of Philosophy constituted by its contained Parts . II. The distinct Motion or Habit of an Object sub ratione universali formali , to the Understanding specifieth the kinds of Knowledges , an Object moves the Understanding ( ut primum movens ) through its first Motion in a twofold respect : 1. As it is good 2. As it is pleasant and admirable . As it is good , it excites a desire and appetite to it in the Intellect : For the understanding conceiving an Object to be good , in that it judgeth the Objects Convenience , and sutableness to it self , and is naturally carried forth to that Object , by which natural motion wrought first upon the animal Spirits in the Phansie , it moves the other Spirits lodging in Nerves throughout the Body , by drawing of them to that Object which it draweth it self unto ; To which Attraction the other Spirits are naturally obedient , because they are a continuous Body , or joyned in continuity , and in the strongest coherence unto the first moving Spirits of the Phansie ; but of this more largely in its proper place . This motion of the Mind upon the Phansie , is called the Will. As it is pleasant and admirable , it moves the Understanding to its perserutation and Contemplation , in a double manner . 1. In a less universal , more concrete , and material manner , in which Representation it constitutes Physicks , or Natural Philosophy . 2. In a more universal , abstracted , and immaterial manner , which specifieth Metaphysicks . III. Whence we may gather the supreme and immediate division of Knowledge , as it is most universal , and is Philosophy it self , to be either Practick or Theoretick , because Practick and Theoretick are the first and immediate Habits or Respects of Objects , whereby they move the understanding . Practick Knowledge is , whereby the understanding is determined to Practise . Practise ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) denotech the production either of a fluent or permanent work : The production of a fluent work is called by the general name of Practise : The production of a permanent work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the making of a work . Theoretick Knowledge is , whereby the understanding is only moved to Contemplation , and is not determined to Practise . IV. Against this partition of Knowledge may be Objected ; that Practise is not the Object of the understanding , but of the will , which by all Peripateticks is affirmed to be materially distinct from the Understanding : Wherefore Knowledge being the Object of the understanding , is only speculative , and in no wise practick . I grant the Premises , but deny the Syllogism , there being a Fallacia consequentiae hidden in it , or particularly there is more contained in the Conclusion , then was in the Premises . Wherefore I judge it strange , that they should really divide the Will from the understanding or Mind , which of its own nature is formally indivisible : So that the forementioned Objection doth not conclude any thing against my Assertion , since it infers not the will and understanding to be distinguished formally , but to differ only in matter , from which our division is prescinded . V. Practick Knowledge is divided in Logick , Moral Philosophy , and the Art of Nature , whereby she is helped , and may otherwise be called the Art of Physick in a large sence : These tripartited Parts being less universal , and less mediate , are drawn from a triple end or effect of Philosophy , determined by a triple Object . 1. The Soul. 2. The Body . 3. The Manners . The end of Philosophy upon the Soul is to help it in its Defect , consisting in its subjection to Errours , which constitutes Logick . The effect of Philosophy upon the Body is to relieve its Defects , consisting in nakedness , want of Conveniences , and subjection to Diseases . To this the Art of Physick prescribes Remedies and Helps . 3. The Effect of Philosophy upon the Manners ( which are actions produced by Soul and Body joyned in unity ) is to regulate them in their Extravagancies and Depravations , which specifieth Moral Philosophy : Note that Logick and Moral Philosophy are here taken in their largest signification . Theoretick Knowledge is divided according to the universal formality ( I mean Formality in respect to one another of the subdivided Members , and not to Philosophy it self , to which these are only material Subdivisions ) of the speculative Object ; which is threefold . 1. A Material Object inherent in material Essences , which limits it to Natural Philosophy . 2. An Immaterial Object depending from immaterial Beings , which determines it to Pneumatology . 3. An Object communicable to both , or abstracted from each , which is a Being in general as it is communicable to material and immaterial Objects , which constitutes the Subject of Metaphysicks . VI. All inferiour and less universal Knowledges must be comprehended in some one of the divided Members of Philosophy , otherwise it would be an erroneous Distribution : wherefore some of the Liberal Arts , as Arithmetick , Grammar , Rhetorick , are reduced to the Art of Logick , as it is taken in a large sense , implying a Habit of guiding Reason being defective in its Judgment , and in Elocution or Utterance . The Arts of Musick , Geometry , Astrology are comprehended in the Art of Nature , as also the Art of Physick , strictly so called , and the servile Arts , as the Art of Husbandry , of Weaving , of Warring , &c. Likewise are Oeconomicks and Politicks referred to Moral Philosophy ; Astronomy to Natural Philosophy . VII . The most universal parts of Philosophy , namely Theoretick and Practick , are treated of inclusively , as far as their Inferior Parts do contain them : So that thereby Authors save the labour of discoursing of them separately , and of repeating the same Matters in vain . Nevertheless was that Partition necessary , because through it Philosophy is contracted to its less universal Parts . VIII . The common quadripartited distribution of Philosophy is too strict , the subjected Members exceeding its extention ; for example , to what part of Philosophy will you reduce the Art of Medicine ? possibly you may refer it to Natural Philosophy , which may not be , because the one is practick , and the other speculative . The like Question may be demanded concerning all the Servile and Liberal Arts : Wherefore it was requisite to add the Art of Nature to the practick Knowledges . Pneumatology hath been abusively treated of in Metaphysicks , because its Object , namely , Spirits , is more contracted , then a Being in general ; If you answer , that it is a part dividing a Being in general , and therefore it ought to be reduced to its whole ; then by vertue of that Argument , Natural Philosophy ought to be referred to the same Science , because that is the other opposite dividing part ; for a Being in Metaphysicks is treated of , as it is abstracted from a Material and Immaterial Substance . CHAP. V. 1. What Method is requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several Parts of Philosophy . 2. What Order is observed in the Placing of the General Parts of Philosophy . I. THe Method requisite in the Ordering of the particular Treatises of the several Parts of Philosophy is not indifferent , most preferring a Synthetick in Theoretick , and an Analytick Method in Practick Knowledges , all excluding an Arbitrary Method in matters necessary , and such are Philosophick II. The Order observed in the placing of the General Parts of Philosophy , is drawn from their Dignity , or primality of Existence . If from their Dignity , Pneumatology is the first , because of its most excellent Object . The next Metaphysicks , because of its most general Object . Moral Philosophy is the first , in respect of time , because our Will is the first Faculty we exercise next after our Production , whose first act is , to incline a Child to suck , which being subject to be immoderate in it , is learned by use and direction of its Nurse , to be better regulated in its appetite , and to know the Rule of Temperance ; Hence it is an universal saying , Disciplinae fuerunt prius in usu quam in arte , Disciplines were in use before they were in art . The Will being the first , which required the help of Prudence , and Moral Philosophy , was the only cause which moved Socrates to teach Morals first , and not because the Science of Physicks were , or seemed to be obscure , and hard to be known : for even in them he was more skilful and learned than any ever was among the Heathens . The first in Nature and respect to Knowledge , is Metaphysicks , comprehending all the others in it self . The first quoad nos , is Logick , which doth dispose our understanding for the Discipline of the other parts . Each of these Parts obtain a distinct consideration . Metaphysicks are considered as abstracted , and Immaterial , that is , most remote from Singulars ; not properly immaterial , as a Spirit , but as inherent in its less universals , and by contraction may be material . Physicks are considered as a less universal , and nearest to Singulars , which by their common habit and Representation , exhibit a common unity , which constitutes a less universal ; wherefore whatever cannot be proved by experience , that is , by our Senses , to be existent in Singulars , makes an Opinion , or Errour in the universals : So that the proof of Pneumatology , as well as of Natural Philosophy , depends from our Senses , and experience in Singulars . Wherefore every Philosopher ought to make probation of all Assertions , in whatever part of Philosophy it be , by Arguments drawn either mediately or immediately from Singulars , and especially in Natural Philosophy ; which way of Arguing produceth a Certainty and Evidence or Demonstration . Metaphysicks . The Second Book : CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Metaphysicks . 1. Of the Etymology and Synonima's of Metaphysicks . 2. The Authors Definition of Metaphysicks . That a Being is univocal to an objective and a real Being . 3. The true formal and adequate Object of Metaphysicks . 4. Wherein Metaphysicks differs from Philosophy . IT will be needless to propound any thing further concerning the antiquity , worth , and pleasure of the study of Metaphysicks , since you may justly apply the general fruits and ends of Philosophy to it in particular , wherefore I proceed to what is more requisite . I. Metaphysicks was so called from its Etymology out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Physicks , which in composition imply as much as a knowledge above Physicks , and from its transcendence it appropriates to it self the most transcendent name of the whole , namely , Wisdom , or a universal Knowledge , which it retains , although improperly ; because it is next compared in universality to Philosophy . It is called also the first Philosophy , from its nearest approximation to Philosophy , its most proper Denomination is Ontology , or a Discourse of a Being . Metaphysicks is a Knowledge of a most universal Being . Knowledge imports the unfolding of a thing by its Causes , Effects , Proprieties and Affections . By a most universal Being understand , a Being abstracted from more universal , and mediately from less universal , material and immaterial Beings , prescinded from real ( strictly so termed ) and objective Beings , or from real and modal Beings , to all which a Being in general is a Genus univocum : For were they not univocal Parts of a Being in general , they could not be treated of ( per se ) in this Science , but per accidens , which is erroneous . But suppose I granted that modal or objective Beings had their places here per accidens , to what Science are they then referred per se ? For as they are cognoscible , they come under the Notion of Philosophy , and have a distinct Unity and Essence , which must be considered per se in some part or other of Philosophy . Since then they cannot be reduced per se to any Form else , their proper place must be here . I prove that a Being in general , as it is the Subject of Metaphysicks , is a Genus univocum to an ( ens rationis ) Objective Being , and a ( Ens Reale ) real Being . All Beings are capable of being the Subject of Philosophy , so far as they are cognoscible only ; not as they are real Essences , but as they really move the understanding to their knowledge : This is evident hence , ( Quicquid recipitur , recipitur per modum recipientis , ) because knowledge in the understanding ariseth from the knowledge in the senses ; and the senses know objects by their distinct moving of the sensories ; the understanding by being moved by the sensories ; wherefore the understanding , which is the Subject of Philosophy , knoweth no things further , than it is moved by the internal and external senses . A Genus univocum is , which is equally constituted by its Species ; that is , at the same time , and in an equal manner . Univocal Species are , which constitute a Genus equally . This premised , I frame my Argument thus ; An objective Being , and a real Being do equally constitute an universal cognoscible Being . Ergo , they are univocal Parts . I confirm the Antecedent . An Objective Being doth as * really move the understanding , as a Real Being : Ergo , they are equally cognoscible Beings : So that an Objective Being is neither more or less a cognoscible being , than a Real being , and as to the understanding , they are formally one , differing only materially . If two different Essences were reduced to one Science , to wit , one per se , the other per accidens , they would constitute a formal difference in a Science , and cause a duplicity in it , which should be but one . III. The Object of this Science is a Being , as it hath a cognoscible Essence ; so that whatever hath no cognoscible being , is excluded without its denomination : Wherefore a non ens reale ( excusing the Impropriety of speech ) or that , which hath no real being or existence , may be cognoscible , provided it hath but an objective being . * But for a ( non ens objectivum ) a being , that hath no objective existence , that hath no being , and is impossible , neither can it any wise be positively considered . IV. A Being here is conceived , as it is a most universal being , and abstracted from its more and less universals ; herein it differeth from Philosophy , the formal Object of which is taken for a being as it is a most more and less universal being , prescinded from Practical and Theoretick beings , and treating of them in their most , more , and less universalities : whereas a being in Metaphysicks , is also a most universal being , abstracted from more and less universals , but treating of it only , as it is most universal . CHAP. II. Of Precision . 1. What Precision is . 2. That a real Precision is not properly a Precision . 3. That Precision constitutes a Positive and Negative . 4. The Difference of Precision . That all Precisions are formal . I. PRecision is an operation of the mind , whereby in distinguishing the Parts of a being from one another , we do apprehend them , which really cannot exist asunder , as existing separately in our minds , in such a manner , as if they were really existent out of our understandings : For example , a singular Blackness in an AEthiopian , although it cannor exist really out of that AEthiopian , yet we may conceive that blackness by it self in our minds , and the AEthiopian by himself , as if they were really and separately existent . II. Hence it followes , that properly there is no real Precision or Abstraction , as Authors generally have imagined ; for that which was really distinct from another , is so ( according to their Doctrine ) without the operation of the understanding , and therefore it is no precision ; because a precision is an operation of the mind . Where observe , that this precision superaddeth nothing to the ( Ratio formalis intelligendi ) to the understanding , but to the thing understood , or matter intelligible . Wherefore objective and modal beings are made equal objects to real beings by the forementioned precision , and move the understanding as properly as real beings . III. A Precision constitutes a Positive and a Negative : A positive unity , and a negative distinction . That same unity is not a non ens : wherefore the Negative , which is concomitant to all precisions , is not understood by us , only we judge by experience , that one being hath but one unity , and spying a being , we judge , that that being hath unity , and therefore is not a non ens . The difference arising between two real beings or essences is simpliciter called a distinction : the difference between a real being , and its Mode , or Habit , or Representation , is a formal precision : So that all precisions are formal . I call it formal , because we give it a distinct Definition , which is the Form of a being : as in an AEthiopian , we precind his blackness from his Humanity , and define it a colour , which doth concentrate our sight ; his Humanity to be a rational living substance . Which beings are formally distinct from one another , because they have distinct Definitions . IV. A Formal precision is either really modal or objectively modal . A real modal precision is whereby an accident is precinded from a real Essence . An objective modal precision is , whereby an accident is abstracted from an objective being ; an objective being is that , which doth not exist really , but in the mind only , although it is grounded upon a real being . That , which is called a formal precision of beings in the understanding , is termed a real distinction in real beings , which are not distinguisht from one another without the operation of the understanding , for it is our understanding perswades us that they are distinguisht really from one another . CHAP. III. The Manner of Precision . 1. How a more universal Being is precinded from its less universal Beings . 2. How an universal Being is equally abstracted from an ( ens Rationis ) Objective Being , and ( ens reale ) a real Being . 3. How a common Concept is precinded from a Substance and Accident . A Being in its greater universality is precinded from beings in their less universality ; when we conceive a common representation to two or more less universalities , & apprehend them united in that commonness , and distinct from each less universal , from which it was abstracted ; for example , an immaterial and material Being have each an Essence : in that , they have each an essence , they are like to another , and constitute a commonness , this commonness abstracted from each , and distinguisht from their materiality and immateriality is the formal precision of a being in its greater universality . The same Rule is also held in abstracting a common Concept from an ( ens rationis ) objective being , and a real being ; each of them having a commonness in their essence , which is , in that they move the understanding , although one existeth really without the understanding , the other only in the active understanding : the abstracting of this commonness from the objectiveness , and reality constitutes a precinded unity of an ens rationis , and an ens reale . In the like manner is a common concept precinded from an accident and substance , each of these having a commonness of moving the understanding , which abstracted from their realities , precindes a more universal unity from each . Note that the Doctrine of precision doth not properly belong to this place , which notwithstanding I thought good to insert , for to explain the specification of the Subject of Metaphysicks ; namely , how a being in its greater universality is abstracted from its lesser universalities : how it is univocal to an objective and real being ; to a substantial and accidental being ; to a material and immaterial Essence ; and summarly , how that a being precinded in the forementioned manners , and univocal to every one of them beings , is specified to the Subject of this Science . CHAP. IV. Of the Definition of a Being . 1. What the proper name of the Nature of a Being is . The improbation of several Definitions of a Being . 2. Objections against the common Definition of a Being received by most late Philosophers . 3. That there is no common Concept to a possible real Being , and an actual real Being . 4. That there is an univocal Concept to all immaterial and material , Objective and Real , Substantial and Accidental Beings . 5. The Authors Definition of a Being . That our Knowledge is comparatively as perfect as Adams was . THe Quiddity of a Being in general goeth more by the name of the Concept of a Being , that is , as it is a conceived being , or as it is an Object of our Knowledge , than the Nature and Formality of a being ; and that justly and properly , because a being is a being ( as to us ) only from being conceived by us , that is , from its cognoscibility . As the common name imposed upon the Quiddity of a Being is very proper , no less improper are the common Definitions of it , as they are rendred by most Aristotelian Commentators : Whereof some proposed this Definition : A Being is that , which is not nothing ; or ( according to others ) which is no Chimaera . The first is not so much as a Description , which is cognoscible , but nothing is not cognoscible per se , but per aliud , to wit , by a being ; if so , then a being is apprehended by a no-Being , and a no-being by a being , which runs in a blind circle , like a Horse goes round in a Mill. The latter Definition is a Description of a Real Being , and is not freed from all Objections : 1. It is described by a Negative . 2. All that , which is no Chimaera , is not a real being : for a Hircocerous is no Chimaera . But possibly by Chimaera is meant an ens rationis , in a larger sense ; which although granted , yet there are beings , which are neither strictly an objective being , neither in the same extent a real being ; such are all modal beings , which are distinguisht from a real being , as parts from their whole . II. This Definition is more generally received by most latter Philosophers . A Being is , which hath an aptitude to exist ; or to which existence is possible . This Definition is also involved in scruples and repugnances : for here a possible being is only described , and not an actual being ; wherefore it is not a general Definition of a being . Others , to clear that Objection , proposed the same Definition with a Tayle to it . A Being is , which hath an aptitude to exist , or is that , which doth exist . This is a plain division of a being existent , and possible to exist ; Where halts the Definition then ? 2. Essence is nearer to a being than Existence ; wherefore illegally defined . 3. That which hath an aptitude to exist , is no real being , because it hath no real Essence , not cognoscibility from without . 4. It is too strict : for it doth not comprehend an objective being ; wherefore we have occasion enough to doubt of the whole dispute of Smiglecius De ente rationis , since that he proceeds upon a Definition falsly supposed , and defined by existence , which is only a mode of a Being . III. There is no common concept to a possible real being , and an actual real being ; because the one is a Negative , the other a Positive , which being contrary , cannot constitute an unity , which is an effect of similitude , or commonness of Concept . A possible being is a Negative ; because it is that , which is no real being in a strict sense : For real in a large sense , is taken , for whatever doth move the Understanding . Neither can I apprehend , how a possible being may be called real , according to the ordinary acception ; which imports real to be that which doth exist without the understanding ; wherefore that which doth not exist , but only can exist , is not real . And this is past mending , notwithstanding the enlarging of it thus . Real is that , which is , or can exist without the Understanding . To define two formal Natures in one Definition , is absurd . For that which is , is one Formality , that which is not , but supposed to be in the Divine Idea , is another Formality . That these two are Contraries , is evident : because that , which is , we may perceive by our senses , that , which is not , but can be , or is in the Divine Idea , we can neither perceive by our senses , or understanding . Lastly , Possibility relates to Existence , and therefore ( if granted ) it would be but an accidental Definition , or rather a Division . IV. That there is a common and univocal Concept of God , and his cteatures , of accidents and substances , of objective and real being ( ex parte Actus ) in the understanding , is sufficiently proved , by supposing certainly , that God is as sensibly known by us , as his Creatures are , and consequently the Concept in the understanding may be univocal ; that Accidents and Substances differ modally : And , that an Objective Being is as much a being to us , as a real being ; all which hath been demonstratively proved in the precedent Chapters . Besides , the manner of Precision , which is the ground of an univocal Concept , I have so plainly and briefly set down in the two Chapters of Precision , that you have thence an easie entrance , to go through all the difficulries of Metaphysicks ( which arise from an omission of an exact Explication of Precision ) and to understand with more ease the subtilities of Suares , Arriaga and Oviedo , than they can understand themselves , and dissolve all Objections against the univocal Concept of the forementioned beings . V. A Being is that , which hath an Essence ; not that which can have an Essence ; for it hath none . To have an Essence , is to be existent ; to be existent , is to have an Essence , which Reciprocation is not the same , that hapneth to Synonima's , but to a Formality , and its propriety ; so that existence is not really distinct from Essence , but only modally . An Essence is that , whereby a being is cognoscible to be that , which it is . Where observe , that as to us , cognoscibility is necessary and formal to a being ; for a being , as to us , is no being , unless it be cognoscible . Notwithstanding this relative Essence , we do grant an absolute or fundamental Nature , whereon this relative Essence of a being is grounded . That which man never perceived by his senses , or like to any thing , which hath been perceived by him , is no being , neither objective or real . This I prove ; whatever we can say is real , can be perceived by cur senses ( or otherwise , how could we say it were real ; for saying proceeds from our Knowledge , and our Knowledge from our Senses ) and whatever is perceived by our senses , is real , that is , is existent from without . Ergo , There is no real thing , but it is perceptible by our Senses , mediately or immediately , and consequently as to us , is real from its cognoscibility . You may object , that there are many Beings existent , which an individual man cannot perceive : Ergo , by that they should not be real . I answer , That Man is taken here in the universal , for the plurality of men , and therefore I added , by our Senses ; so that whatever man in general is not capable of knowing , it is a non ens ; for otherwise , if any thing should be said to be real , and no man could perceive it , or did ever perceive it , we should say a most palpable untruth , which another would reply unto , that it was no being : because no man ever saw any such thing , or did ever hear of it . 2. According to the Supposition of the Objector , the material beings , which we may imagine to be existent without the tenth or eleventh Orb , are real ; which all confess to be imaginary , and therefore not real . It is certain , that whatever is cognoscible to man , is a being ; but whether a being may not be somthing beyond what is cognoscible , is a doubt . 2. The Subjectum in quo of cognoscibility ( viz. Man ) is differing from himself now to what he was before his Fall , and therefore he apprehending a being then further and beyond what man doth apprehend it now , seems to alter the formality of a being , which should be inalterable : Yea , let us go on and question , whether Angels do not know a thing beyond what may be perceptible to man ? If they do , then beyond all Opinion , Cognoscibility in man is not the Formality of a being . To Answer to all these , we must state , that a being is that , for which it is known to be : For it is impossible to imagine , that a being should be any thing else , as to a Rational Creature , but what it may be apprehended by him to be ; supposing a man to know certainly what a Colour , Smell or any thing else is in it self , that thing , as to , or in that man , can be nothing but what he knowes it to be : or asking a man , what such a thing is , he will answer you , it is such a thing , that is , he apprehends it so to be . Again , Suppose an Angel told you , such a thing is such ; this is no otherwise , than that he knows it to be such or such . I might almost state the same Case of God , but fearing I should offend , I rather omit it . Supposing then that that , which is cognoscible to man , is a being , I do affirm , that an infinite being , as far as it is cognoscible to man , is a Being , and is perceived by him to be a Being ; but since that being is not terminated in mans Knowledge , he cannot out of consequence but think and believe , that that being is indeterminate , or at least is more than he knows or is capable of knowing , so that this is a very palpable ground to man , to induce him to believe ( for know it he cannot , since it is beyond his Knowledge , and therefore must believe it , which is an assent beyond Knowledge ) that God is a being , because he knows him to be a being , and that he is infinite , or indeterminate , because he is not terminated within his Knowledge , and because God declares the same of himself ; wherefore it is well said , that we know God partly only , and as through a Glass . Herein is an infinite being distinguisht , and we know it to be distinguisht from a non ens , which is also ( although improperly ) termed Infinite , because we know a part of the former , but no part of the latter , and therefore we conclude the one to be somthing beyond what we know it to be , and the other to be nothing beyond what we know it not to be . Finite things , as far as they are cognoscible , are nothing beyond what they are cognoscible , and although one man may erre in his Knowledge , yet the universality of men , it is probable , do not , especially in immediately sensible Objects . In relation to the second doubt and Objection , I affirm , that man in his present state , cannot discern the Essence and Modes of a being so clearly at once , so swiftly , so certainly , and so easily as man did before his Fall , because of the depravate and contrary Habit , since befallen to man ; nevertheless his Principle of Knowledge is the same , and may through it perceive , and know the same things , and in the same degree , although with subjection to Errour , Difficulty , by length of time , Study and Experience . Wherefore if Adam knew all things as they were ( as doubtless he did ) and that cognoscibility of beings in him , were their formality , as to him , certainly the same cognoscibility must be their formality as to us . I could render this point much clearer , but this may suffice to an attentive mind , and therefore shall spend no more Time or Paper about it , deferring it until such time , which I may happily employ for the answering of such Objections , that probably others will make against it . Hence we collect one member of the division of a Being , namely a Real being , which is that , which our understanding doth apprehend to exist without , in the same manner as it doth apprehend it within . CHAP. V. Of the Formality of an Objective Being . 1. The Authors Definition of a ( Ens Rationis ) Being of the Mind , or an Objective Being . Wherein a Real Being differs and agrees with an Objective Being . 2. The Proof of the fore-given Definition . That whatever we think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is an Objective Being . That whatever we think or can think , when we do not think upon a Real Being , is like to a Real Being . 3. Another Argument to prove the Formality of a mental being to consist in likeness to a Real Being . 4. The Division of an Objective Being . 1. THat , which a man doth apprehend to be like to what he perceives by his senses , is an ( Ens Rationis ) objective being , which is like to some one , or more real Beings . And this makes the other opposite dividing Member of a ( Ens ) Being in general . An Ens Rationis or an objective being , is that , whose essence existing in the mind only , consisteth in a likeness to a real being . That an Objective being as to us , is as much a being , as a real being , it appeares hence , because a being , like to another being , is as much cognoscible in its existence , and other modes or Accidents , as a real being , to which it may be like . It is called objective , because its essence is immediately grounded upon the passive and active Intellect , which gives it to be objective or representing : So that you may observe , that the sorce of the word objective , doth confirm the truth of my Definition , which is , that an objective being is , which represents a real being , or is like to a real being . Likeness doth not imply a single or immediate Idea in the active Intellect ; for that is only proper to real beings , but a reflexe or double Idea , or the framing of another Idea , like to the single Idea of a Real being . A being conceived to be like to a real being , is partly different from it , and partly the same with it . It is the same with it , or identificated in their superiour gender , which is a being . It is different , in that it moves the passive understanding differently from a real being , that moving the understanding by its present motion through and from it self : whereas it self moveth the passive understanding through its intelligibility or internal cognoscibility , which it hath in the active Intellect . This Intelligibility is nothing else but the same Idea of a real being , conceived again in the absence of that real being , which made that first Idea by its own present motion in the understanding : In a word , it is not else , but a Recordation of a real being ; and a real being it self is nothing else , but a being apt to move the senses by its own single and present Motion . II. I prove the fore-stated Definition of an Objective being to be adequate to its Essentials . If whatever we think or can think , be only like to a Real being , and that at such times , when we are not employed in understanding a Real being , is no real being ; that Concept must be of an Ens Rationis , or Objective being : But what ever we think , or can think , is like to a real being , and that , at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being , is no real being ; Ergo , whatever we think , or can think to be like to a real being , and that at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being , must be a Concept of an Ens Rationis , or Objective being . I confirm the Major Proposition , which cortaines an Argument a necessario . The Necessity flowes from a Maxime , which is that an Objective Being and real being are contradictorily opposite ; and between Contradictories there is no Mean or Medium . But of this more hereafter . I prove the Minor , which is , that all which we think , or can think is like to a real being , at such times when we are not employed in understanding a real being . Stop your ears , and shut your eyes , or compose your self to a Platonick Extasie , and try , whether you can think of one or more beings , which is , or are not like to a real being or beings ; let that thought be of a being most impossible to exist really . I am certain , I could never . You will say , that you can think of an Atlas , or a man holding the world upon his back : I grant , that an Atlas is an Ens Rationis ; but this Ens Rationis is like to a real being : Namely , the man is like to a man , the world like to a Globe ? had we never seen a Globe , or a man , we could never have thought upon them joyntly : so is a Hirco-cervus , a Goat-stagge , an objective being , representing a Goat and a Stagge . This Axiome doth also infer the same ; Nihil est in Intellectus , quin prius fuerit in sensu ; there is nothing in the understanding , but it proceeds from our senses . If then we know nothing , but that , which we receive from our sensation , and the Knowledge in the understanding is nothing , but a Representation of what is recommended to it by the Senses , that which we alwaies think , or can think , must be like , or must represent a real being ; because we perceive nothing , but what is really existent without the understanding . Here may be Objected , that then all real beings are objective beings ; because all real beings cause a Representation or Likeness to themselves in the understanding . The Solution is easie . In a large sense all real beings are objective , if objective be taken largely , for that which moveth the understanding , as Smilec . also , Disp. 1. Q. 1. well observes , Non quaecunque existentia objectiva sufficit ad Ens Rationis ; Nam etiam entia realia existunt objective in intellectu . It is not every objective existence doth suffice to constitute an objective being ; for real beings exist also objectively in the understanding . So that I say , that it is not every Likeness in the understanding specifieth an objective being , but only a mediate and reflexe Likeness , which is formed out of the immediate or direct Likeness or Idea of a real being , by abstracting another or mediate Likeness from that first likeness . The likeness of a real being is immediate , and therefore needs its own real presence to impress this likeness upon the understanding ; whereas the likeness of an Objective being is formed mediately from the first real likeness ( as I may call it ) and is abstracted , when the real Object is absent , that is , at such a time ( as I inserted above ) when we are not employed in the understanding of a real likeness . I call it a reflexe likeness , because the understanding doth abstract it by a reflexe action upon it self . Neither is that first or immediate likeness of a real being properly a likeness , but rather an Impression made by its presential action ; whereas a likeness is properly that , which is abstracted from the Impression already made by a real being , and in the absence of it , that is , when we are not employed in the understanding of a real being . So that a proper likeness is between two beings , formally different from one another . I will illustrate this by an example : Frame a Likeness upon an Impression of a real being : as of a Dog ; as long as that Impression lasteth , you cannot make a Likeness upon it ; for we can exercise but one act of the understanding faculty at once ; For one formal power exerciseth but one formal act . It is then necessary that the Impression should be finished , by the cessation of the alteration of that real being upon the Sensories ( which I call the absence of a real being , a parte rei , or the intermission of understanding a real being a parte actus Intellectus . ) The Impression being finisht by the absence of that real being , namely , of the Dog , the understanding by a reflexe and mediate Likeness upon that Impression , may by another action relate that likeness abstracted from that Impression to that same Dog again ( which action is a distinct operation of the mind , formally differing from that first action of receiving an Impression ) and so that Dog framed in the understanding is like to the first Impression of that real Dog again . Where observe , that this Likeness is not the same Impression , which that Dog made upon the Sensories , but a being abstracted in the passive understanding , by the Active , of the same likeness to that same Impression . III. Another Argument to prove the formality of an Objective being to consist in a likeness to a real being , is this . As Beasts and Men are formally distinct in their Essence , so also they are formally distinct in their formal Operations . Hence I proceed thus . The perceiving of a real being is proper to a Beast , the perceiving of an objective being is only proper unto men . Wherefore as them two operations are formally different , so are their Acts , which is the perceiving of a real being , and of a formal being , and consequently , an Objective being doth differ from a real being . These Operations being supposed to be formally different , I say , that that which makes them formally different , is the Ratio formalis of each . That which argues or makes a being to be real , is its perception by the animal Senses . This is evident , because Beasts , who do perceive and discern real beings ( for they discern Grass from water , their own Stable from another ) which they cannot perceive , but by their senses : Ergo , the perception by animal sense is the Ratio formalis of a real being . That which makes an Objective being , is that , whereby a man is distinct from a Beast , which is a power of framing likenesses by a reflexion upon the Animal perception or Impression , and is an act whereby a man is formally distinct from a Beast : For a Beast cannot frame any Likeness : Ergo , The Formality of an Objective being doth consist in a Likeness to a Real being . You may Object , that you can apprehend a being existing in your mind , to be a real being : Ergo , Whatever is thought , is not thought to be like to a real being , but somthing may be thought to be a real being . I Answer , That that , which you think to be a real being , you think it to be like to a real being , and because of that , you say it is a real being : For example , Suppose you think the Pope to be a real man , your thinking of him to be so , is nothing else , but your thinking him to be like to a man , and therefore you say he is a man. Moreover , although an objective being consisteth in a likeness to a real being , the Conclusion thence is not , that that which is an objective being , is no real being , that is , that hath no real being for its foundation : for the definition doth imply it : neither are you to conclude , that an objective being is a contradictorily opposite to a real being : that is , that an objective being doth not respond to a real being , because a real being doth not exist in that manner of conjunction , as an objective being is somtime conceived , viz. a Dog-cat is an Ens Rationis : now the apprehending of these both together , that is , one a top the other , doth not make them formally and essentially distinct from each other , supposing them to be conceived distinctly ; for that is but accidental to them , and in effect , they are conceived distinctly in the same manner , as I have declared in the Sixth Chapter . This then being granted to be accidental to an Objective being , we must necessarily suppose each of them singly ( viz. the Dog and the Cat ) existing at present only in the understanding , to be an objective being : What , will you call them beings real beings , which now , are existent only in your understanding , and cannot move your cognoscible faculty really from without at the same time , when you know them from within ? Further , supposing , that each Component of a compounded ens rationis , is an Ens Rationis ( as formally it is , for how can a whole compounded ens rationis be said to be an whole Ens Rationis , unless its parts are likewise Entia Rationis ? ( Nihil est in effectu , quin prius suerit in causis ) there is nothing contained in the effect , but what was before existent in its Causes , and such as the effect is , such must the Cause have been ) it is impossible , that you can think or conceive any such components , but which are respondable to a real being . Neither is it proper to call that being , which you have conceived in your mind , to be like to a real being , although that real being be before you , a real being , because now it is objective , and existent in the active Intellect , moving the passive Intellect actually : But in case you leave that Objective being , and reflect your senses to that same being which is before , then that being , which doth now move your sensual cognoscibility , is said to be a real being . But here you may say , that an objective being is formally different from a real being , wherefore an Objective being ought not so much as to have a power of existing really , which according to this Discourse it hath , and therefore the fore-stated Definition of an Objective is not to be allowed . I Answer , That an Objective being is formally different from a real being , and is impossible ever to be formally a real being : For , in that I assert a being to be Objective , I assert that it is not real , neither can an Objective being quatenus objective , be real , quatenus real . Lastly , Is a Mule more or less an ens rationis , because it is generated from different Species , or constituted in unity by part● of a different Species ? Certainly no. So , neither is a ( Hirco cervus ) Goat-stagge more or less an Objective being , although consisting of Parts of different Species : and as a Mule is not termed an ens reale , because it consists of different Species ; So , neither is a Hirco-cervus an ens rationis , because it consisteth of different Species . But you reply , that a Hirco-cervus is impossible to exist really . Why ? Because it doth consist of different Species . And what doth that hinder ? That it may , is plain in a Mule. Wherefore I say again , that it is impossible for a man to think a single notion , which should be impossible to exist really . But more of this elsewhere . An Objective being is twofold , Modal , and essential Objective . A modal Objective being is , which is like to a modal real Being . An essential Objective Being is , which is like to an essential real Being . What a real Modal , and real Essential Being is , we shall deliver in the next Chapter . CHAP. VI. Queries concerning a Real and an Objective Being . 1. Whether an Objective Being and a Real Being differ essentially one from the other . 2. Whether a Rose in the Winter is a Real Being . 3. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective Being . 4. Whether the Ratio formalis of an Objective Being consists in a conjunction of many Beings , which in that Conjunction are Impossible to exist really . 5. That an Objective Being is not existent before it is understood . A Confutation of Smigl . 6. That an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . I. VVHether an Objective and Real being differ essentially one from the other . My Answer is affirmative : Because they are constituted by powers formally different from one another . Here may be objected , If a man hath powers in him , formally differing from one another , a man must also have two Forms . I answer again , That these formal powers are not called formal in respect of the Soul ; for in that respect they are all formally one ; but they are different from one another in respect to one another , and both different from the Soul materially , or , ex Parte Ob-jecti . II. Whether a Rose in the Winter be a real being . No doubt it is not ; for it moveth the understanding by a mediate and reflexe likeness . 2. It doth not move the understanding from without . For a Rose in the Winter is supposed impossible to be actually in the Winter ; Ergo , it hath only an Objective Being . III. If Impossibility be the Formality of an Objective being . Impossibility is twofold . 1. It is that , which cannot exist without the understanding . 2. It is that , which cannot exist in the understanding : That which hath no cognoscibility , is no being : Wherefore the latter of these is no being , and doth not appertain to this Query . The first kind of Impossibility is not the formality of an Objective being ; because Impossibility is a Negative , and therefore having no unity , cannot be the Form of a Positive . 2. State the Question thus ; Whether possibility in the understanding , which is a positive , is the formalis Ratio of an objective being : neither , For a possible Objective being is that , which can move the understanding , but doth not ; that which doth not move the understanding , hath no objective cognoscibility : Ergo , it is a non Ens Objectivum . IV. Whether the Ratio Formalis of an Objective being consists in a Conjunction of many Beings , which in that Conjunction are impossible to exist really . In no manner : because of the Reasons alleadged in the precedent Paragraph . Neither is an Objective Concept of a conjunction of many beings essentialy different from the objective concept of each single being . As one being is produced , so are two or more ; For example , as the Species of a mans head is conceived , in the like manner is the Species of a Drakes body apprehended ; as Union is conceived by apposing one as close as may be to another , from seeing of it done by real things ; so also doth the Species of Objective Union , appose the head of the man to the body of that Drake , and so it is a Man-Drake , which is a whole objective being . Its parts of production are three ; namely , The Species of a man , a Drake , and Union . This supposed , it followes , that they are essentially one : because all Parts united are essentially identificated with the whole . Lastly , It is not the Union which makes an Ens Rationis ; for that is ab extra to them Species , which are already conceived , to wit , from the understanding , which is distinct from the Object understood . As the mingling of Oyl with Water doth not formally alter the Essence of the Water , or the Water the Essence of the Oyl ; so neither doth the joyning of a mans head to a Drakes Body , formally alter their Essences ; if only joyned , that is , by contiguity ; but if united , which includes a continuity of Parts , then they are formally one . V. Whether an objective being may be existent before it is understood . If cognoscibility is the Form ( as to us ) of a real Being , much more is it essential to an objective being . That it is so , is already proved . 2. An Objective being as far as it is Objective , is not fundamentally before it is known ; and this is against Smigl . Disp. 1. q. 5. I prove it . If an Objective being , as far as it is so , was fundamentally , before it was formally , as to us : Ergo , A Being ( as to us ) is before it is ; but that is absurd : For Impossibile est , idem esse , & non esse . 2. To be fundamentally formal , and to be absolutely formal , are two forms different in essence : but it is impossible to a Being to have two essential Forms : Ergo , A Being cannot be fundamentally a Being , and an Objective Being at once . I prove the Major . To have a being in another , as upon its Basis or Foundation , is a relative Essence , which cannot exist separately without its Basis : But a Relative Essence is formally different from an Absolute Essence , which in a manner is the proper Essence of an Objective Being : Ergo , Essentially and Formally different . That the Essence of an Objective Being is absolute , I prove , That which doth formally exist without a real present foundation , is an absolute Being ; but an objective being doth exist without a real present foundation ; for it existeth when a real being is removed , and hidden from our Senses : Ergo , an objective being in a manner is an absolute formal Being . Nevertheless , as I asserted before , it is respondable to a real past foundation . An Objective being cannot be so much as known in its foundation , as it is so founded . I prove it . To know a being , and to know it to be in its foundation , are two distinct Knowledges at once . But the understanding cannot know two things at once . This Minor is a Maxim. Ergo. We may know an objective being to be , and to have its essence derived from a real being , as its foundation , but at distinct times , ●nd by distinct acts of the Intellect , and that but improperly . Had Smigl . said so , he would have escaped the forementioned inconveniencies . I prove the Conclusion . An objective being is a likeness in the understanding to a real being . Ergo its Essence is derived from thence : for had there never been a real being , there could not have been an Objective being . A real being is the foundation of an objective being : because it is referred to a real being . Neither is this properly a foundation ; because an objective being can exist without a real being ; so that a real being is rather to be supposed , as a conditio sine qua non , or a Pattern of an objective Being ; if a Pattern , then it is no foundation : for a thing abstracted from that Pattern doth exist , when the Pattern is abolisht : We may see the Picture or Representation of Alexander , although he hath long since quitted his real Being . According to this we may Metaphorically define an objective Being to be a Picture of a Real Being , painted in the Mind . The said Smigl . in the next Page , recals his Notion , and doth again affirm the contrary , with as little Proof , as the other was . Ens Rationis formaliter non potest esse nisi cognoscatur . Primo probatur in iis entibus Rationis , quae sine ullo fundamento finguntur ab Intellectu : ut Hirco-cervus . Mark , he allowes some Beings not to be inherent in a Basis , whereas before he granted , that all beings were fundamentally ; but he could not tell , whether their foundation was the understanding , or Realities from which they were abstracted . If he took the Understanding to be the Foundation of an Ens Rationis , then he confounds the foundation of a being , and the Subject of it , into one Notion ; for the understanding is properly the Subject of an Objective Being , and not its Foundation , which rather may be attributed to the real Impression , upon which an Objective Likeness is founded . Nevertheless supposing his mistakes to be true , and allowing either of these Acceptions , he contradicts himself . : For here he asserts , That an Objective Being cannot be formally , unless it is actually understood ; before he saith , that it can be fundamentally ( that is , inherent in the understanding , or else in the first Impression of a Real Being , take him either way ) in the understanding , before it is known , Can there be any thing in the understanding , but what is understood ? If there may , then the understanding is no understanding ; neither will this Excuse , in saying , that a Being is fundamentally one , and formally one ; for to be fundamental includes a Formality in a Foundation . 2. He affirms , That the Fiction of a Hirco-cervus hath no foundation , which is erroneous also : for it is grounded ( or doth properly resemble a real Buck or a Stagge ) upon a real Buck and a real Stagge . The like Contradictions are frequent throughout the whole Dispute . Whether an Objective Being is only proper to the understanding . If an Objective Being is a Being , because it is intelligible , it is necessarily only appropriated to the understanding . As for a being in the will or rational Appetite , it is ( as all desires or beings desired are ) appropriated to the understanding ; because the understanding and will are formally one , as to the Rational Faculty ; neither can the Will will any thing , unless it be first represented in the understanding . Sensitive Powers cannot frame an ens rationis , because their proper Object is a Real Being . CHAP. VII . The Manner of Forming an Objective Being . 1. That all Formations of an Ens Rationis are single . That the Second Operation of the Understanding is the same in Specie with the first . A Division of an Objective Being into Single and Complexe . 2. That a non Ens cannot be known . Two Acceptions of a Non Ens. ALL Formations of an Ens Rationis are from a single and first Operation of the understanding . Wherefore hereby I would infer , that the Speculation of the understanding upon these two Impressions upon the Phansie , is one formally and numerically ; but the acts of impressing of the understanding are many , differing only materially . 2. That the first Operation of the mind , which here I take for an Act or Impression of an Idea by the understanding upon the Phansie , is no wise formally different from another ( as the Second or Third may be ) succedent upon it . Hence I infer the Division of an objective Being into a single objective and complexe Objective Being . What they are may be collected from the Precedents . A Non Ens cannot be known , because it cannot be impressed : for it hath no Figure . We say It or That Quiddam is a Non Ens , not because we know that Quiddam which we speak of , to be a Non ens , for a quiddam and a non ens are Contradictories ; but because we conceive that quiddam not to be like to another quiddam , which we had expected it should have been like to , and therefore we say , it or that quiddam is a non ens ; so that a non ens in that signification is only a difference of one being from another ; and in this sense , we say one thing is not another , as a man is no Beast , or no bestial thing that is , is a nothing bestial ( non ens bestiale ) or not that , which doth represent a Beast . 2. A Non Ens is taken for that which hath no Resemblance to any thing real , nor consequently to any thing we can know ; for we can know nothing , but what hath a resemblance to a real being , wherefore we call a non ens that , which cannot or doth not move our sense or understanding . A non ens reale is that , which cannot or doth not move our cognoscible faculty from without . A non ens objectivum is , whatsoever cannot or doth not move our understanding from within . So that a non esse implies little more then ( quies ) rest of the understanding from Action , hapning through a not moving non-cognoscibility . CHAP. VIII . Of the Formality of a Real Being . 1. What a Real Being is according to the Author . The Derivation of res and aliquid . That it is very improper to call it a real Being . The Cause of that Denomination . 2. That the Phansie is the immediate Subject of an Ens Reale . 3. That the Understanding is only the Mediate Subject of Real Beings . A Real Being is that , which move ; the understanding from without . Res and Synonima's of a real being : For it is called Real from Res ; and aliquid from aliud quid . Let us enquire why Res and Aliquid should more be Synonima's to a being from without , then to an Objective being . Certainly Res and Aliquid rather imply a being in general , then any of its Species in particular . And it is probable , that Ens was framed out of Res , by leaving out the R , and placing N. between E and S. How absurd is it then to say Ens Reale , which is the same , as if you said Ens Ens. For Reale is nothing else but an Adjective changed out of the Substantive res . Aliquid might rather be called unumquid , and it is likely , that it was first so called , which others probably did change out of a wantonness of Speech , coveting new words , and rejecting old ones , as it is observable at present among most Nations , who frame new words every year , which although are but few in a year , yet all them yearly words , being retained in use for a hundred years , beget a great change of Speech , until at last , the whole Language seems to be changed : Wherefore in stead of unum , they prefixt ali - & made the word Aliquid . It may be you will divide its Etymology in aliud and quid , and then it will signifie the same with somthing else . However its intended signification was Something , which in English seems to be composed out of one and thing ? leaving the S out , and changing M in N. From which Premises it followes , that ( ens ab extra ) a being from without , would more properly denote the same which is intended by a Real being . And ( ens ab intra ) a being from within , might more properly denominate what is expressed by Objective : because Objective may as well be attributed to a Real being as to it . Nevertheless there may be a Reason given why res or a real being was imposed to denominate a being from without . That which man perceived first , was a being from without , and consequently did first impose the name of a thing or res upon it , which without distinction did then properly denote that being from without ; for the name of a Being from within was as then not yet conceived : wherefore that name was originally and immediately intended to denominate a being from without , and hath since been retained in use . II. The immediate Subject of an Ens reale is the Phansie . I prove it : that which doth distinguish real beings one from the other , is also the Subject of their inherence ( that is , quoad ad cognoscibilitatem ) But such is the Phansie : Ergo. I confirm the Minor : The immediate Subject must be either the understanding , or animal Phansie . But not the understanding , because Beasts , which are void of understanding , do distinguish Real Beings from one another . Ergo , The Phansie is the immediate Subject of Real beings . III. The understanding is the mediate Subject , because the understanding perceives the same real beings by mediation of the Phansie . I prove it : If the understanding cannot perceive a real being , when the Phansie is tied , which is , when a man sleeps , then the Phansie is the mediate cause of the perceiving of a real being . But the understanding cannot perceive real Beings , when the Phansie is tied . Ergo , the Phansie is the mediate cause , by whose mediation the understanding becomes the Subject ( Subjectum cognitionis ) of a Real Being . CHAP. IX . Of the Division of a Being in Universal and Singular . 1. A Being is divisible into universal and singular . 2. What an universal being is according to the Author . 3. What an universal Real being is . 4. What an universal Objective being is . 1. IN the foregoing Chapter hath been treated concerning the next Division of a Being ; now followeth the remote division of a being in Universal and Singular . This Division is communicable to each of the next divided Members : Thus a real being is either universal or singular . So again an Objective being is either universal or singular . The Proof of these Divisions you will read below . II. An universal being is a being common to two or more Singulars . Commonness here is a likeness in Idea of two or more beings . I prove the Definition . 1. That there are common Beings . If two or more singulars do move the understanding in likeness of Idea , and the understanding doth perceive two or more motions of singular Idea's to be one in likeness ( for a being must be one , and cognoscible in that unity ) then there are common or universal beings . But two or more beings move the understanding in likeness of Idea , and the understanding doth perceive two or more motions of singular Idea's to be one in likeness : Ergo there are common or universal beings . I confirm the Minor : Two Horses move the understanding in likeness of Idea ; they both having one shape & commonness in external habit , make a like Impression in the Phansie , & by that hoth are distinct to the understanding from other beings ; as from Fishes , Birds , &c. ergo , Two or more beings move in likeness of Idea . 2. There is not only a commonness required , but also an unity , or how could they be beings else ? Nam Ens & unum convertuntur . I prove that this commonness is one : If this commonness of Idea be indistinct from it self , and distinct from all others , then it hath an unity ; but this commonness is indistinct from it self , and distinct from all others . Ergo. The Concept or Impression of two shapes of Horses are indistinct from themselves ; for you find no distinction in a likeness , as far as they are like , otherwise they would not be alike . It is distinct from all others , because no other beings can represent the same likeness of Figure , and not be Horses . Ergo. III. A real universal being is , which moveth the understanding from without . I have proved , that there are common unities moving from without ; If so , Ergo , there are common real unities . Beasts discern common real beings . I prove it : A beast , as a Horse discernes an edible being from a non edible being : but edible beings and non edible beings are commonnesses : Ergo. The Minor is undoubtable ; for hold forth a stone and Hay to a Horse , he will refuse the stone , and take the Hay . You may say , a Horse doth not know Hay as an universal but as a singular . I deny that , for a Horse knowes Hay , because that Hay , which he takes now , is like in externals to the Hay , which he used to eat . 2. A Horse knows Oates from Hay ; for hold Oates and Hay to him , he will take Oats before the Hay : Now he doth not take Oates before the Hay , because they are such individual Oates , but because they are like to Oates , which he used to eat . You will reply again , that a Horse knowes Oates and Hay from a Natural Instinct . I deny that also : for had a Horse no senses , his Natural Instinct would not make him chuse Hay before a Stone . Besides , it is apparent in a Dog. Suppose a Dog were between a Rank of men , and a Rank of beasts , he would leave the beasts , and run to the men : Ergo , he knowes men from beasts : he runs to men in general , as they have all a commonness of men in them . The Reason , why the Dog runs to men , is , because a Dog having been accustomed to live with one singular man , he runs to all them men , because they are like to that singular man : Ergo it followes that a Dog knowes Resemblances . IV. There are universal objective beings . An universal Objective being is , which doth represent an universal real being in the understanding . If there were not universal real beings , how could we apprehend universal objective beings ? For Nihilest in intellectu , quin prius fuer it in sensibus . For example , man conceived in the understanding , is an universal objective being : because he represents a commonness of two or more men . If the understanding apprehends a man ; ergo there are objective universal beings : because the apprehension of a man in the understanding is an objective being : But the understanding apprehends a man : Ergo. By this Discourse I may seem to have mistaken my self in giving the Definition of an Objective , whose formality consisted in a likeness to a real being , whereas now again I assert , that the formality of an universal real being consists in a likeness between two or more Singulars , wherein then ( may you ask ) is a single objective being different from an universal real being ? I Answer , 1. In that the likeness of an objective being is formed by the understanding , but the likeness of real beings is perceived by the Phansie or common sense . 2. The likeness of an objective being is a single likeness compared by the understanding to a single real likeness , whereas the other likeness is a plural and common likeness . 3. The Likeness , which intercedes between real singular beings , is between beings of the same Rank and Gender , whereas the likeness of an objective being to a real being is between beings of different formalities ; the one existing without and moving from without ; the other existing within , and moving from within . CHAP. X. Of universal and singular Beings . 1. That there are no Platonick Idea's . That universal beings are not really different from their Singulars . Wherein an universal is distinguisht from a singular . That singulars being abolisht , universals thence abstracted , are also abolisht with them . 2. That universal Beings are formally distinct from singulars . 3. Singulars are primùm cognita . 4. Universals are notiora nobis . 1. THere are no universal beings really distinct from singular beings , as was the Opinion of Plato , in that he stated Idea's really distinct from singulars , because singular beings when they are abolisht , the universals are also abolisht in them . As for the Arguments of Plato against it , they are very futil ; whereof this is one of the primest . There are Sciences : Ergo , there are universals . I grant it , but not really distinct from their Singulars . You may reply , that Sciences are Necessary ; therefore their Subject , which are universals , must be necessary : But they cannot be Necessary , if inherent in singulars ; because Singulars are contingent . To this I answer , That if all Singulars were so contingent , as to alter their Habit and Shape , so as that they had one shape now , another tomorrow , I confess singulars would be contingent ; but singulars in their quidditative shape or habit are not changeable , so as to change all in singular from that quidditative shape . 'T is true , some singulars may be abolisht , yet as long as there are two left , the universality , which they did constitute , is not abolisht , but maintained by them two , There must be two at least , because if there was but one , it could have no commonness ; for commonness relates to another or more . Many Singulars may change in many Accidentals , as in one or more particular Moodes ; yet this doth not change the quiddity of a being , unless all Accidents together ( which I call a quidditative shape ) change in all Singulars . Since then that these changes are not observed in singulars , they are not to be counted contingent , but as necessary as their Sciences . Another Argument he proposes , is this : All singular men being abolisht , yet there is a Science of man , as he is an universal : Ergo. The Falshood of the Antecedent appears from the truth of the contrary ; to wit , that there is no Science of man , man being abolisht in all his Singulars ; for a Science is a Science as to us only : not but that there is also a science in spiritual beings , but that not concerning us farther than is revealed by the Holy Bible we consider all things besides only as to us . 2. Suppose that Fishes were all abolisht , yet you may say , there remains a knowledge of fishes in us . 'T is true , there doth remain a knowledge of fishes , but not of real fishes , but of imaginary fishes , like to those which have existed . 3. Universals , as they are Subjects of Sciences , are Entia Rationis , which do remain after the existence of real universals . II. Universal beings are formally distinct from their Singulars joyned all in one number , because they differ in their Definition . A singular being is that , which hath a single Essence . By single is to be understood incommunicability ( that is , quoad accidentia omnia collecta co , quo sunt , modo ) according to all its accidents collected in the same manner as they are ; for although their prime and most obvious Accidents are common to them of another being , as they are abstracted from Accidents less obvious ( which kind of abstraction constitutes an universal being ) yet the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of all the Accidents of a singular being collected , is only proper to that singular being , and incommunicable in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I cannot but strange at the Conceit of most Peripateticks , who take an universal being to be only a communicable and abstracted unity . This communicable unity is the Matter and Form of singulars abstracted from their individual Accidents . Pray , what Concept can you have of Matter and Form without Accidents ? What can you conceive the Matter and Form of an Ass to be without his Accidents , as hairy skin and long Eares , and singular figure of Body ? III. A Singular is primum cognitum , because we must know these first , before we can conceive an universal being . IV. A universal being is Notitu nobis , or is better known to us then a singular ; for we can discern the shape and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of an universal being , before we can know the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of its singular beings . For afar off we know that a man is a man , that is , is like to the universal being , before we know , what man he is , or know his individual Connexe of Accidents . 2. It is easier to know an universal being than a singular ; for oftentimes when we see a singular person , we doubt whether he be the same which we have seen before , yet at that time we know him certainly to be a man , and like to his universal being : besides , we do less forget an universal being , then a singular , and so consequently it is more known . The Reason why an universal being is more known to us then a singular , is because the Modes of an universal are the most eminent and evident Modes of singulars , abstracted from their more obscure and inferiour Modes . V. One singular is not enough to constitute an universal , because there can be no Resemblance abstracted from one . You may object , that the understanding may abstract an Idea from one singular , and frame another like to it within its self ; that granted , it could be no universal being , neither real or objective ; not real , because there is no resemblance of one real Idea to another , unless there be another existent ; but of an objective Idea to one real Idea : not objective , because the resemblance of Idea's are of different Natures . VI. An universal Nature is by meanes of Abstraction , as it doth also include Comparation . Smigl . in his 4th . Disp. Q. 8. proposes his Opinion of the manner of Production of an universal . Universale fit per potentiam abstractivam rerum , non cognoscitur nisi per comparativam . An universal being is constituted by an abstractive knowledge , but it is not known unless by a comparative knowledge , Wherein he asse t s that an universal being is capable of an essence before it is known . That this is not , is evident by what hath been proved in the 6th . Chapter . You may plainly observe a Contradiction in these words of his . Fit ( saith he ) per notitiam abstractivam : Ergo cognoscitur . Etenim quomodo potest universale dici fieri per notitiam , & non cognosci ? Quippe fieri per notitiam abstractivam , & cognosci abstractive , sunt idem re & nomine . Siquidem cognoscatur abstractive co ipso cognoscitur ; ergo cognoscitur eo ipso , quo sit puncto . To this he annexes a triple Principle , contributing to the production of an universal being , to wit , Negation of Abstraction of Unity , and of non-repugnance : which being stated , an universal is also stated . By Negative Abstraction is meant , an universal Nature abstracted from its singulars by predicating it negatively of the singulars . I wonder how a thing can be negatively predicated of another , and it not known . If known , ergo it is , before it is predicated of another . Therefore it is no Negative abstraction . Unity is inseparable from a Concept , for all Concepts are one , and of one ; so that that is implied in a Concept . His third Condition required a non-repugnance ; which is co-incident with the whole falshood of his imagined Universale . A non-repugnance is a Negative , and therefore is not essential to an Universale ; that being Positive . Ergo , It must rather import a positive relation to its Inferiours . Here again you have another Contradiction . First , he saith that an universal being cannot be known by a comparative knowledge . What is a comparative knowledge , but a common Nature actually and positively resembled and compared to its Inferiours ? This by the way , and now I return to my Proposition . By Abstraction is intended the Apprehension only of Commonnesses in singulars ; which Apprehension of Commonness doth per se only apprehend what is common in singulars , and thereby doth exclude the Apprehensions of Non-commonnesses : Wherefore 1. Abstraction doth per se imply a Positive , and per accidens a Negative . 2. Abstraction doth include Comparation , because Commonnesses cannot be abstracted unless compared to one another . CHAP. XI . Of the Extream Division of a Being . 1. Another Division of a Being . 2. What the greatest or most universal is . 3. What the greater universal is . 4. What a less universal is . 5. What the least universal is . 6. How the Fore-mentioned Members are otherwise called . I. AN universal being is either most universal , greater universal , less universal , or least universal . II. The greatest or most universal is , which is common to all beings ; as a transcendent being , or a being , as it is the Subject of Metaphysicks . III. A greater universal being is , that which is comparatively abstracted from less universals ; as a living being is abstracted from men , beasts , and Plants , because they have a Commonness of Idea , as far as they are living : This Commonness is abstracted from men , Beasts , and Plants , as they are less universals . IV. A less universal being is , which is abstracted from the least . V. The least universal is , which is immediately abstracted from Individuals . VI. Among Logicians the greatest universale is termed universale universalissimum , or Genus summum . A greater universal is called Genus intermedium or subalternum , or majus universale . A less universal is known to them by the Name of Species subalterna or media . The least universal is also named Species specialissima or infima . These Terms are of great use in Logick , and being proper to that Art , they are considered there in a different manner to what they are here ; wherefore I shall omit any further Discourse upon them . CHAP. XII . Of the Modes or Parts of a Being . 1. What a Mode is . Whence a Part is named a Part. Whence a Mode is termed a Mode . The Scotch Proverb verified . 2. The Number and Kinds of Modes . What an Essence or a whole being is . 3. That a Mode is the Summum Genus of all Beings , and their Parts . 4. The vulgar Doctrine of Modes rejected . 5. That a Substance is a Mode of a Being . 6. That a Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and an Accident . 7. That a Substance is an Accident , and all Accidents are Substances . The Difference between Subsistence and Substance . 1. IT is time I should propose somwhat touching the Modal Division of a Being , which is its partition into Modes . A Mode is that , whereby a being is incurrent into our Knowledge . I have oft told you , that a being , as to us , is a being from its cognoscibility , that is from our perceiving it to be somthing . Our Perception is either sensual or intellectual : The latter whereof is obliged to the former for all its knowledge . Wherefore a real being is a real being from its sensible cognoscibility ; and an objective being is an objective being from its intelligible cognoscibility . We know a being either in its whole or parts . The Parts are called Parts , Divisions , and Partitions ; because they are apprehended by us divisedly or parted , as they are inherent in a being ; or because they part or divide our perception , that is , move it in a distinct manner . The distinct motions , partitions and divisions of Parts are otherwise termed Modes or Manners , because they do modificate the Senses ; that is , move them in various manners . These we say are real , because we imagine them to be just so in nature , as we apprehend them to be . We must then give credit to that trite Maxim of the Northern people of this Island , who vulgarly cry out , Ouut awaa al tings ar bot nootiens . Modes are little else but the various faces of a being , through which it makes it self known to us as it were in various manners . We know a being in the whole , when we know it in all its Parts or Modes . II. As many several maners as a being doth move the senses through , so many several Modes there he . A being moves the Senses through its Unity , Truth , Goodness , Existence , Substance , Quantity , &c. Their Number you will find in the 14th . Chapt. Attributes , Accidents , Properties , and Modes are Synonima's . They are called Attributes ( a parte actus ) because our Intellect doth attribute them to the various motions of a being upon the Senses . Accidents are imposed upon a being , because they befal to it accidentally , or by chance from our understanding . Properties are so called , because they are proper to a being , and without which a being cannot consist . We cannot say , that a being is any thing else but its Modes united ; for if we say , it is something beyond them Modes , we say more then we know ; for we know a being no further then its Modes , or no further then it moves our Senses . Besides , take away unity , truth , substance , quantity and the remaining Modes from a being , what can any man imagine to be the Overplus ? even nothing . But more of this in the Next Chapter . III. Hence I gather , that a Mode in a large sense is the summum Genus of all beings , because it predicates of all beings and their Parts . It predicates of a whole being , because in a large sense it imports the manner of Representation of an entire Essence . A Mode is more or less universal , or Singular . An universal Mode is a Commonness of singular Modes . A singular Mode , is inherent in every singular being . The more and less universal Modes I have enumerated in the 14 Chap. Their Descriptions you may read in the Following Chapter . IV. The Vulgar of Philosophers state a different description of a Mode . A modal Entity or Mode ( say they ) is that , which cannot be separated through the Divine Power from that , which can be without it , in respect to which a thing is said that other thing , which is separated from it . Wherefore that , which can be separated in two Entities , but not reciprocally , is said to be a thing : and that which cannot exist without , is called a Mode . You have an Example in Matter , which is united , and in its union , through which it is united , that same Matter can through the Divine Power exist without the same Union to that individual Form , in union to another distinct Form : but that union cannot through the Divine Power exist without that very same Matter . Whence it is , that the union is said to be the Mode of Matter , and the Matter is said to be the thing in respect to that union . The same Distinction I conclude from this Doctrine to be intercedent between Action and the Agent Principle ; as also between Passion and the Patient Principle : between Subsistence and its Nature . By this they seem to suppose a real difference between a Mode and its being or Nature ; but withal they assert , that this real difference of existence is not Natural , but Supernatural . If then there is no Natural real difference between a Thing and its Mode ; Ergo , According to their own Opinion , a Mode is identificated Naturally and Really with the thing , and consequently a thing must be constituted out of the Congress of its Modes . V. I say that a Substance is a Mode of a Being . For it is evident from their own words , that it is Naturally inseparable from its Nature ; ergo , a Substance is naturally and really the same with a Nature substant or subsistent . 2. A Substance doth as much and as properly modifie its Subject as any other Mode : for by it a being appears to our sense to be subsistent or substant . 3. A Substance hath no other Subject to inhere in , then them other Modes united , but more especially it inheres in quantity : that is , a being doth become a Substant to other Accidents or Modes by meanes of its quantity : For if you take away quantity from a being , whereby shall that being become a Substant to other Modes ? 4. To subsist of it self is not the Essence of a being : For they confess that supernaturally it is separable from its Essence ; Ergo It is somwhat else , and can be nothing but a Mode . 5. A Mode is that , whereby an Essence is in part made known to us : but an Essence is in part made known to us by its subsistence or existence per se : Ergo , it is a Mode . Or thus : The Parts of an Essence are distinguished from one another by their Modes or distinct manner of Representation to sense , but a Substance is distinguished from another Mode through its distinct manner of Representation ; Ergo. 6. If a Substance agreeth in moving the Senses , in inseparability , in time or duration , with other Modes ; Ergo , it is neither more or less a Mode then they . But the Antecedence is true , Ergo the Consequence is true also . Any other Mode is as little separable from its Essence without the destruction of it as a Substance : For take away Quality or Quantity , it will destroy the Essence as much as the separation of a Substance ; the like conceive of their Quality , Duration , &c. as all other Modes are variable , so is a Substance , which may be augmented and diminished ; for a Substance sometime becomes a greater or lesser substance , from the Augmentation or diminution of Quantity . Lastly , You say that a substance is that , wherein all the Nine Accidents do inhere tanquam in Subjecto . But then tell me what that thing is wherein all the Nine Accidents do inhere ? Possibly you will say , that that wherein the Accidents are inherent is latent ; that is , is not cognoscible . But again , if it be not cognoscible , how do you know it then to be a thing ? Ergo , you speak more then you know : If so , wherein is it distinguisht from a Chimaera ? VI. A Mode is an univocal Gender to a Substance and the other Modes ; because it is equally predicated of them . VII . The Consequence of this Discourse doth infer the Division of a Being in a Substance and Accident to be erroneous ; because an Accident is affirmatively predicated of a Substance ; for a Substance is nothing else but a Notion , which accidently or by chance is attributed by us to a being . Every Mode of a being is predicable of a Substance , and a Substance of it . For every Mode is subsistent through it self , that is , it need not another to constiture its formal modality . To subsist through it self , is not to subsist through another , but every Mode subsisteth through it self , and is through it self , that which it is ; for Quality doth not owe its Subsistence to Quantity , nor Quantity to it ; but each of them subsist through themselves , and are Modes through themselves . Each singular Mode cannot subsist of it self , as needing the concurrence of all the other modes ; & therefore they subsist or depend from one another . This Dependance from one another might rather be termed Substance ( quia unum alteri substat i. e. unum alteri est fulcimento ) because the one doth stand under the other as a Pillar to uphold it . Subsistence doth more properly denote the subsistence of a Mode through it self . CHAP. XIII . Of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Why a Property is so called . 2. The Difference which Authors hold between Passion and Attribute . 3. That Passion and Attribute , as to their Names , imply the same Thing . 4. That Attributes are really the same with their Essence . That all Attributes of a Being , as they are united , are the same with their Essence or Being . 5. That the Attributes are formally distinct from one another . 6. That that , which we conceive beyond the Attributes of a Being , is nothing . 7. What an Essence is . I. A Property or Propriety of a Being is so called , because it is not the essence of a Being , but doth concomitate it , as a Proprium quarto modo , flowing from its Quiddity . These in Physicks are termed Passions , which are Properties Physically derived from their Essence , and are individually concomitants to it out of the Nature of the thing . In Metaphysicks the same are named Attributes , because they are attributed from our Understanding to a Being . II. Although Passions and Attributes do formally signifie the same thing , nevertheless have Late Authors retained a formal Distinction between them : to wit , in that Attributes are physically identificated , but formally distinguisht from their Entity ; but Passions are both Physically and formally identificated with their Entities . III. Passion and Attribute , as to their Names , are identificated , and imply the same thing ; for it is called a Passion ( a Patiendo ) from Suffering , because a Being doth suffer such a distinction from us , that is , from our Mind and Understanding . So Attribute is imposed from our understanding , because it doth attribute such a distinction from our Concept to a Being . Wherefore to be attributed unto from our understanding , and to suffer from our understanding , imply the same thing . IV. Attributes are really the same with their Essences , because they cannot exist asunder . All the Attributes of a being , as they are united , are really and formally the same with their Essences . A real Formal Distinction ariseth from a specified Concept in our minds of two or more real Entities . The understanding cannot have a formal specified Concept of two or more real Entities , unless they are really distinct , that is , move the understanding distinctly from without . Wherefore all the Attributes united , moving the understanding in the same manner as the Being or Essence it self , must be really and formally the same . That the Being it self and its Attributes move the understanding in like manner , is evident : For wherein doth a being move the understanding , but by its Attributes united ? And wherein do the Attributes united move the understanding , but by their being and Essence ? You may enquire , why then Attribute doth in its formal Concept signifie distinctly from the signification of a being ? I Answer , that a being , as to us , is an Essence composed out of the congress of all its Attributes or distinct manners of moving the understanding , which if considered separately are called Attributes , if united , a Being or Essence . V. Attributes are formally distinct from one another , because each moves the understanding in a distinct manner , which causeth a distinct Concept ; which concept ( a parte actus ) defines their Formalities or quidditative Representations distinct one from the other . Attributes are not really distinct one from the other , because they cannot exist asunder . Attributes may also be called Modes in a strict sense , as they do signifie a distinct manner of moving the understanding . VI. That which we conceive of a being beyond its Attributes , is nothing ( a non ens ) for we can neither describe or define it . VII . Hence we may conclude , that Essence ( as to us ) is a Representation of all the cognoscible Attributes of a being in unity . CHAP. XIV . Of the Kinds and Number of the Attributes of a Being . 1. Whence the Number of the Attributes of a Being is taken . 2. The Number of Attributes constituting a Being . 3. All Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them , and all of them in union with an Essence or Being . 4. That all the Attributes of a Being are equal in Dignity and Evidence . 5. That the Order of Doctrine concerning these Attributes is indifferent . I. THe Attributes of a Being are as many , as are requisite to make it cognoscible . II. The Conditions or Attributes concurring to the Cognoscibility of a Being are , Unity , Truth , Goodness , Existence , Subsistence , Distinction , Termination , Perfection , Necessity , Quantity , Quality , Relation , Action , Passion , Situation , Duration . These do all concur to the Cognoscibility of a Being , because one of them being defective , we cannot know a Being perfectly . III. All their Attributes are convertible one with the other , and each of them with a Being . Thus all , which is true , is good ; all what is good , is existent , &c. So all what hath Quantity is a being ; all , what hath Quality , is a being , &c. Wherefore one of these : Attributes being stated , they are all stated : and one being abolisht , they are all abolisht . IV. They are all of an equal Dignity and of the same Evidence , ( quoad Naturam & quoad nos ) If any may be said to be the Root or Foundation , it must be Unity ; for a thing must be one , before it can exist : But since there may be replied , that nothing can be one before it is existent ; there can be no ground stated . V. Neither is it any matter , which is treated of first , they being all of one Dignity and Evidence : Nevertheless , I shall observe the received Method in Discoursing on them . CHAP. XV. Of Essence and Existence . 1. That Essence and Existence are generally received for Principles . 2. That Essence is no Principle . 3. That Existence is no Principle . 4. What Existence is according to the Opinion of the Author . 5. That Existence is intentionally distinct from Essence . 6. That Essence is perfecter than Existence . 6. That Existence is formally distinct from Substance . I. ESsence and Existence are generallly received for the two Principles of a Being : But how they are Principles , and why so received , is not so generally explained . Principles are internal and original Causes ; namely , the first Causes of all the Passions and Attributes , which do concomitate their Position ; internal , because they through their presence constitute the whole . II. Internal Principles are constituted at the same time ; so ( materia secunda ) the Second Matter ( according to Arist. ) is constituted at the same moment of time , when the Form doth advene . But an Essence is an Essence ( according to the same Philosopher ) although Existence is not advened to it . Wherefore they are no constitutive Principles . You may say that Essence is like to ( Materia Prima ) the First Matter , and therefore may be like to it , in that it is a ( Principium generationis ) Principle of Generation , to which it is not improper to be before the advent of a Form : Wherefore Essence may be taken for a Principle of Generation . Suppose that granted , to wit , that it is like to Materia Prima , in that it can be without a Form , it is no consequence , that it should also be a Principle of Generation , because a Principle of Generation is changed into another thing , by the advent of a Form , as Materia prima is no longer a Materia prima at the Advent of a Form , but a Materia secunda . But as for Essence , although Existence is adjoyned to it , it remaineth essence still , and is in no wise changed . III. Existence is no Principle , by reason it is no original Cause through it self of all the Affections of a Being , but a concomitant affection of an Essence . You may object : That through Existence , all the other Passions are attributed to the Essence ; so that if an Essence was not existent , none of the other Passions could be related to it . I Answer : The same Objection may be applied to any of the restant Attributes : as , if an unity was not adjoyned to an Essence , the other Attributes could not be related to it . Wherefore all the Attributes of a being are equal one to the other , and all together are equal to the whole , which is the Essence . IV. Existence is an Attribute , whereby a Being is actually constituted . By Existence a Being is seated beyond Generation , and reduced to an Ens constitutum , vel generatum , so that Existence doth follow the Position of all the Attributes in union : or rather is , whereby the Position of all the Attributes in union is produced . Wherefore Essence without existence is only a Chimaera , and impossible to be . V. Existence is distinct from an essence ( intentionaliter ) by the operation of the mind ; because it moves the understanding in a manner different from the motion of an Essence . Actus Essentialis and Existence are Synonima's : for they denote the same thing , neither is there any distinction between them , either ex parte Objecti , or ex parte actus ; that is , really , or intentionally . Essence is perfecter then Existence ; because Essence comprehends in it Existence , and all the other Attributes . Existence is formally distinct from Substance or Subsistence , in that the latter is an Attribute constituting a being independing from another : but existence denotes only a Position of all the Attributes in union . This Question doth somwhat puzzle Oviedo , Fol. 286. Met. Cont. 2. Where he doubts wherein existence is distinct from a Substance . He is forced to Answer , that the existence of a Substance is a Substance , and the existence of an Accident is an Accident : although a little before he admits of a formal distinction between them . By this Answer it would follow that a Substance were an Accident , and an Accident a Substance ; because they agree in uno tertio incommunicabili : for existence is only communicable to a being ; ergo a Substance and Accident are one being . CHAP. XVI . Of Unity . 1. That Unity superaddes nothing Positive to a Being . 2. What Unity is . That Unity properly and per se implies a Positive ; accidently and improperly a Negative . What is formally imported by Unity . 3. That Unity is illegally divided in unum per se , and unum per accidens . I. UNity doth superadd nothing Positive to a Being . For Unity is essential to a being ; that is , it constitutes part of its Essence : Without which unity , a being is no being . Wherefore nothing can be said properly to be superadded to a being , unless a being were a being without it , and before it ; or unless it be no part of a being . II. Unity is an Attribute of a being , by which it is one in it self , and distinct from all others . To be one in it self , is to be not many , and to have but one Definition , or one Formality . A being may be divided into many , notwithstanding each of them many are one still after their Division : And if you proceed to an infinite Division ( as it were ) each Particle divided will be one still in it self , before its Division . Wherefore unity is inseparable from a Being . By one in it self , understand a positive unity , not negative : for a Negative is a Non Ens. Unity formally is not an indivision of a being in it self ; because indivision is accidental to it : For if Division be accidental to a being , Indivision must also be accidental to it . Unity doth rather include or imply an Identity of Parts to the whole . By unity a being is distinct from all others : that is , each being by its unity moveth the understanding terminatively , by which terminative motion one being is distinguisht from another being . By terminative understand a Positive , a Negative being incognoscible . III. Unity is illegally divided in unity through it self ( unum per se ) and unity by accident ( that is through another ) or unum per accidens : Because all real unities are one through themselves ; and consequently all formal unities ( that is , unities ex parte actus ) are also one through themselves . You may object , that a Heap of Corn , a House are unities per accidens . I Answer , That a Heap of Corn , as far as it is a heap , is one through it self ; because it doth represent it self by an unity : which representation is the ground of a formal unity , or unity ex parte actus . I prove it to be a formal unity , because the understanding can define it : Ergo , it is one : For whatever is definible , is one . Why cannot a heap of Corn represent an Object one in it self , as properly , as a Multitude or heap of Individual men represent an Universality ? Why cannot a House , although it consisteth of Parts , when divided from their whole ( namely from that House ) differing one from the other , constitute an unity in its Object , as justly , as an individual man , who consisteth also of Parts , when divided , different from one another ? Unity is either Numerical , Specifical , or Generical ; that is , more or less universal or singular . CHAP. XVII . Of Truth . 1. Why Truth is called transcendent . 2. What Truth is . 3. An Objection against the Definition of Truth . That a Monster is a true Being . That God although he is the remote efficient Cause of a Monster , nevertheless cannot be said to be the Cause of evil . 4. Austins Definition of Truth . 5. That Falshood is not definible . How it may be described . I. TRuth here is called Transcendent from its constituting a being in its Transcendence . II. Truth is an Attribute of a being , whereby it appeareth to us to answer its end , or to that , which it was intended for . To Answer its end consisteth in the Conformity of a being to the Pattern or Idea in the Divine Mind . All beings are created by the all-creating God for an end ; and therefore are necessarily true , because they must necessarily obey their end , as having a necessary Cause , which is Gods Ordination . III. Against the Definition of Truth , as it is Transcendent , may be Objected : That a Monster is a Being ; but a Monster is not answerable to its end ; because its end was to be perfect : therefore all beings are not true , that is , answerable to their end : To this I Answer , That a Monster is a true being , in that it answereth to its efficient and material Cause ; as in this case , a Child born without a head , is a perfect Natural living being , but is not a perfect Humane being that is , it is imperfect as to its humane body : Nevertheless it is perfect as to its Natural and vegetable being , which sufficeth . Here a further Reply may be made , that God did not only ordain beings to be perfect , as to their Natural Perfection , but also as to their vegetable , animal , and rational Perfection ; for his Ordination upon Herbs was , that they should encrease by bringing forth Seed of the same kind ; that Beasts should multiply after their own kind . To the clearing of this doubt , we are to observe , that Gods Ordination was related either to the Species , or to every individual future being , or to both . It is most probable it was to both , particularly to man , for whose sake the same extended also to other creatures . We are likewise to remember man in his twofold state , to wit , of Integrity and Deficience . Gods Ordination then upon man was , that he , and all other Animals and Vegetables for his sake , should encrease after their own kind , during mans Integrity . This Ordination upon Gods Creatures is answered and effected by Powers and Dispositions created by him in them : According to which Powers , all Creatures acted . All the Actions of man did therefore depend from his Powers ; to wit , his Propagation from his Generative Power , which again was subjected to his Phansie , and that to his will and understanding : Wherefore as long as his will and understanding did will and understand nothing , but what was perfect , his Phansie could receive no other Impression , but of Perfections , which could not cause any Errour in the Generative power , and therefore had man abided in his entire state , he nor any other Creatures could have generated Monsters . Man having through his deficience corrupted his Faculties , no wonder if their Acts are also corrupted , and their effects corrupted , and corruptible : Hence then it is beyond scruple , that Gods Ordination did immediately relate to the Powers of all Creatures , and herein are all beings true , and answerable to their end , and therefore perfect . You may urge an Inconvenience to follow this Solution ; because thereby God seems to be the original cause of Monsters or evil : for if God had conferred perfect powers upon man , man could not have changed them of himself : wherefore God must be supposed to alter them dispositions and faculties . I Answer , That God was not the original cause of this alteration , but man himself through his sin : which therefore was the first impulsive cause . 'T is certain , that God was the efficient cause of this Alteration of Powers ; yet Gods Act was not evil therein , but good and perfect , because his Justice did require it : for this change upon man was his punishment : If so , none can or will attribute the evil following a punishment of a Malefactor , to him that punisheth , or to the punishment it self , but to the Malefactor , whose Default and Crime was the cause of that evil , which befel him after his punishment . IV. Austin in the 5th . Chap. 2 Book of his Soliloquies states the Description of Truth . Truth is that , which it is ; and in the same Chapter openeth his meaning . Truth is that , which is so in it self , as it appeareth to him that perceiveth it , if he will and can perceive it . Hence do Hurtad . Disp. 7. Met. Sect. 1. and Soar . Disp. 7 : Sect. 5. infer the Nature of Truth to consist in a cognoscibility of a being to the understanding of that , which it is . This Opinion as it is obscure , so it is expos'd to doubts , if not to falshood . The truth of a man doth not consist in my knowing a man to be a man , and that he is no other thing but a man ; for that is a quidditative Concept of a man , namely to know him to be a man ; but to know a man to be that , which he was intended for , is the concept of his truth : Wherefore Soar . in the same Chapter , doth well recal himself , in asserting that truth is relative to created and increated Knowledge . Truth doth not superadd extrinsecally ( ex parte actus ) any denomination really distinct from a being , since it is concurrent to the constituting of the nature of a being : for take away truth , and you take away the essence of a being . V. Falshood is defined by most Philosophers to be that , which appears to be that , which it is not . It is strange that falshood , which is not in rerum natura , should be defined . It is not in rerum natura , because all beings are true . If it can be defined , it is a being , For nothing is definible unless it is a being ; had it been described by a Negative , then indeterminatively we might have perceived it ; as thus , Falshood is , which doth not appear to be that , which it is , or which it was intended for : I say indeterminatively , because we know a ( falsum ) falshood to be a falshood , because it doth not determinate our Concept through its truth ; so that this is a privative or accidental knowledge . CHAP. XVIII . Of Goodness . 1. What Goodness is . The Improbation of several Definitions of Goodness . 2. The Difference between Goodness and Perfection . 3. What Evil is . 4. What the absolute active End of Goodness is . 5. That Goodness is improperly divided in Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness . 6. How Goodness is properly divided . 7. That the Division of Good in Honest , Delectable , &c. doth belong to Ethicks . I. GOodness is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it is for an end . Many Philosophers do omit the Definition of Goodness , because they can find no distinction between Truth and Goodness . Others define it to be a convenience of a being with the Appetite ; which is erroneous , for Goodness is in a being , that is , a partial being , without the Appetite . 2. Goodness is absolute , a Convenience is relative . Timpl. Chap. 9. of his Metaph. 2 Book , defines Goodness to be an act of Good , as far as it is good ; or is a Quality , from which a being is denominated Good. This is Idem per Idem , and Obscurum per Obscurius . II. Goodness is formally distinct from Perfection , because a being , according to what it is good only , is not perfect . Wherefore Goodness is erroneously defined by some to be a Perfection . III. Evil ( Malum ) is that , which doth not appear to us to be for any End. IV. The Absolute active End of Goodness is to constitute that , which it is . The Passive is to be constitured that , which it is . V. Goodness is improperly divided into Essential , Accidental , and Integral Goodness ; because Good is that , which is essential of it self to a being , and therefore cannot be accidental , as it is opposite to Essential : It may be an Essential part , because it concurs with the rest of the Attributes to the constitution of the Essence of a Being . VI. Goodness is divisible according to the divisibility of a being , which is either Natural , Animal , or Humane . VII . The Division of Goodness into Honest , Delectable , and Profitable or Useful , doth not appertain to this Doctrine , but is referred to Ethicks . CHAP. XIX . Of Distinction . 1. The Authors Description of Distinction . That the privative sense of not being moved is a Note of Distinction , whereby the understanding distinguishes a Non Ens from an Ens. That the Positive sense of being moved in another manner , than another Ens moves the understanding , is a Note of Distinction between one Being and another . 2. How Distinction is divided . What a real Distinction is . 3. What a Modal Difference is . 4. That the vulgar Description of a real Distinction is Erroneous . 5. That the terms of a Distinction between two or more real beings are requisite both or more to exist . 6. That one term of Distinction although in existence cannot be really predicated of another not existent . Oviedo and Hurtado Examined . 7. What a formal Distinction is a parte actus , and how otherwise called . 8. What a Distinctio Rationis is . How otherwise named . I DIstinction is an Attribute , whereby a being doth terminate the understanding : Or Distinction is the termination of the cognoscent power made by the term of the cognoscibility of a being . Distinction , as it doth concomitate a Positive , is intrinsecally identificated with Unity , as it doth privatively imply a Negative , or as much as it doth imply beyond Unity , it is a Non Ens , and not cognoscible ; for example , Peter is cognoscible to me , in that I know him to be Peter : the said Peter doth terminate my cognoscible faculty by his terminated Accidents or Modes , because beyond them Accidents of Peter , I conceive either nothing , or somthing , which doth not move my understanding by its accidents , as the Accidents of Peter did : So that by not being moved in my understanding , or by being moved in another manner , I know that one being is not another , that one being is not nothing . I know that one being is not nothing , because it moves my understanding . I know that one being is not another , because it moves my understanding otherwise then another being doth ; which knowledge is called a distinction . A Distinction therefore is nothing else but a Non ulterior cognoscibilitas rei , sive ex parte Objecti , sive ex parte Actus ; or a non cognoscibilitas simpliciter . Wherefore a non ens may be properly called ex parte actus a non cognoscibilitas . Distinction here , as it is relative to a being in its transcience , is , whereby we know it not to be nothing : We know a being not to be nothing , because it moves the understanding terminatively : wherefore that , which we apprehend without , or beyond the term of the Modes of a being , is nothing . Distinction , as it is a Positive , is coincident with Unity , and is not to be referred to it as a different Mode . II. A Distinction is either Real or Modal . A Real Distinction is , whereby an entire Essence moveth the understanding differently from the entire Essence of another being . What Essence is , hath been declared at large , and thence may easily be conceived , how one Essence differeth from another . III. A Modal Difference is , whereby one Mode of an Essence moveth the understanding differently from another Mode contained in the same Essence : So that a real difference is between things and things , and a modal difference is between Modes and Modes . IV. A Real Difference is generally taken to be between two beings , which can exist asunder ; as two essences or Beings : but two Accidents or Modes of one being cannot exist asunder ; which notwithstanding are counted by them to be really different ; wherefore they must either mistake in their Definition , or in supposing two Accidents inherent in one essence , to be really distinct . Besides , this is rather a property of a real difference , and not its Description or Definition ; for were it derived from the essence of a being , it would be a Definition ; but since it is deduced from Existence , which is only a Property of a being , it is no Definition or Description . V. The Terms of a Distinction between two or more Real Beings are Requisite and Necessary both or more to exist . I prove it in this Proposition ; Bridget is not Mary : We cannot say , that Bridget is not Mary , unlesse both existent ; for the species of Bridget moving the understanding in a distinct manner , and Mary moving the Intellect in another manner , are two terms of distinction : Now how can these two terms move the understanding as two real beings , unless existent ? You may say , that although Bridget is not existent , yet she hath existed , and by that species she moves the understanding : That is impossible ; For how can Bridget move the understanding from without , and she not be existent from without ? 2. If this improper motion were granted , yet Bridget not being in existence , we cannot say , Bridget is not Mary , but we may say , Bridget was not Mary ; for is denotes a presence , and an actual existence . VI. We cannot really predicate one term of Distinction , although in existence , of another not existent : which if otherwise we do , then that term , which is not existent , is equivalent to a non ens : as is evident in this Enuntiation ; Paris is not Troy. Here Paris doth really move our understanding from without , but Troy doth not ; for it is not in rerum natura . Wherefore these two cannot be predicated really of one another . But if each considered as objective , then they may objectively be denied of one another . 2. Paris taken as a real being , and enunciated of Troy as no real being , amounts to a non ens , and is the same , as if you said , in stead of Paris is not Troy , Paris is not nothing . In the same sense is a Chimaera taken for a non ens , because it doth not move the understanding from without : as , a man is no Chimaera , that is , a man is not nothing , or a non ens . VII . Authors have involved themselves in such absurdities , and strange terms , that they do thereby render themselves and their Opinions inexplicable ; whereas there is no ordinary capacity , but may easily attain to the understanding of these Metaphysicks , which all along I have demonstrated by sense : What barbarous discourse do we find in Hurt . and Ovied . upon this very Subject ; which for to unlock , I have studied to unfold the Doctrine of Precision and Distinction , in a plainer Discourse . Oviedo makes it a great difficulty to distinguish the concept of Peter and a Horse : and no wonder , if it proveth so unto him , since he proceeds upon an obscure foundation of distinction : Neither can he light upon any at all ; For in his Met. Contr. 4. P. 1. he writes thus ; Some say , that the Objective Concept , by whose force this positive being is not another formally , doth imply a Negative : But Hurtado , and many others teach better , that the same positive essence of a being is signified in a Negative manner . I have said more of this Contr. 3. Where I have proved that or this being not to be another : as Peter not to be John , doth imply a positive Concept of a being , without importing formally any other Negative : Thus far Oviedo . Here you have the foundation of Distinction stated by the forementioned Author ; but if narrowly examined , will prove no foundation . And as to the first Opinion , which is , That the Objective Concept , &c. What force is it , which a Positive being hath , whereby it is not formally another ? This is not propounded by them , and therefore it is no Foundation . The Answer to this , I have plainly and briefly set down in the first Paragr . of this Chapt. 2. How can an objective Concept imply a Negative ? The Resolution of this is also by them omitted . The Second Opinion asserts , That the same positive Essence of a being is signified in a Negative manner . This is no ground of Distinction ; because a positive being is signified negatively : therefore it is distinct . This is Idem per Idem ; a positive being is signified negatively , therefore it is a Negative , or is distinct . Oviedo himself reaches somewhat nearer to the truth of the Matter : He saith , that for a being not to be another being , doth imply a positive concept ; and so it doth : But how , or in what manner , he omits . It is by moving the Intellect ( as I have proved before ) in a sundry manner , or by several Modes . But to return to the Resolution of the Distinction proposed : Wherein Peter is distinct from a Horse . Oviedo imagineth , that Peter is distinct from a Horse through his Unity : which doth distinguish him from another , in that it doth represent that it is not that unity . This is a Mistake ; for Peters single unity doth only make him distinct from a non ens , and not distinct from another being , unless that being moves the Intellect about the same time one after another : wherefore two unities are compared in the Intellect , which being different in their Idea , cause a distinction between themselves : For how can I deny , that one unity is not another , unless both conceived and compared to another . VIII . That , which is a Real distinction a parte objecti externi , or Rei , is named a formal distinction a parte actus : It is named formal , because the Intellect conceiveth a distinct form of each being from another , and thereby formes the Definition of it , which is nothing else but the explication of the form of a being . IX . The same , which is denominated an objective distinction a parte objecti interni , is signified a parte actus , by a ( distinctio rationis ) distinction of the mind , whereby the mind doth distinguish internal Objects otherwise , then they do exist really or without , or otherwise , then they move from without . Here I may seem to contradict my self , although I do not , in saying here , that the Intellect doth , or may understand Objects from within , different from them which move from without : and in another preceding place of this Book , I concluded , that the understanding could not understand or conceive any being from within , but what was like to beings from without . To reconcile these two places ; you are to observe , that an Objective Being may be like to a Real Being , either in some of its Modes , or in all : If in all , then the being from within is like to the whole essence of the being from without ; but if in some , then them some are unlike to the whole , in the same manner as a part is unlike to the whole . Wherefore in this , the understanding may perceive an Object from within distinctly from an Object from without . 2. The understanding cannot perceive any being , but what is like to an entire being , or one or more Modes of a being from without . 3. The understanding may also conceive some modes of one being , and some of another , which modes both united , cause a distinct objective being in that union , to what they were from without in disjunction . 4. In this example the understanding cannot perceive but what is like to Externals , for each of them modes are like to some one mode or other of beings from without , although here they are disunited , yet are united in the understanding . How modes or Objects are or may be united in the understanding , I have shewed in the 7th . Chapter of this Book . As for other divisions of Distinction may be easily collected from what is contained in the foregoing Chapter . CHAP. XX. Of Subsistence . 1. What Subsistence is . What it is to be through it self , from it self , and in it self . 2. That a Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . That the Transubstantiation of Christs Body and Bloud into Bread and Wine , according to the supposition of the Papists , is impossible . Oviedo's Argument against this Position answered . 3. The kinds of Subsistences . 4. What Termination is . 5. What Perfection is . 1. SUbsistence is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it is through it self . There are many Locutions of this Nature ; which , although they seem to be the same , yet are much different ; as , to be from it self , through it self , and in it self . To be from it self , denotes a non-dependance from any pre-existent cause : and according to this sense God is only subsistent , that is , is a Being from himself . In this Acception did Cartesius very well deny , that a Substance could not be an univocal Genus to God and his Creatures . To be through it self , expresseth a being consisting of its own parts , and not of anothers parts ; and in this sense are all beings subsistent or Substances . To be in it self , signifieth a singleness of Existence , which is to consist only of a single unity , and of no parts ; so is God said to be in himself : Did a being consist of parts , then it must be said to exist in its parts ; for it would be very improper to say , that a compound being did exist in it self : But a being consisting of no divisible parts , we are compelled to say , that it is in it self . II. A Nature cannot be conservated by God without Subsistence . It is contradictory : For take away the Subsistence of a being , you take away its parts ; for Subsistence is nothing else , but the essence of a being , through or in its Parts . This is a very necessary Tenent , for to defend this Assertion , viz. That the Subsistence of the Bread cannot be the corporal Subsistence of Christ ; and therefore it implieth a Contradiction , that Christ should be really and essentially changed in the Subsistence of Bread , and the essence of both remain . The Lutherans have stated a more probable Opinion , that Christ's Substance was united to the Substance of Bread : which is something less erroneous than the other . Oviedo strives to prove the contrary , in Contr. 6. P. 6. His Argument is this : Nature is before Subsistence in respect of causality : Therefore Nature is understood to be existent , before Subsistence is understood . I deny the Antecedence , which is palpably false ; for take away the Subsistence of a thing , and you destroy the being of it : and state a Subsistence , and you must necessarily state a being . III. Subsistence is divisible ( as all other Attributes of a Being ) in a first Subsistence , and in a second Subsistence . The first is proper to Individuals and Singulars : the Second to Universals . IV. Termination is a Property of a Being , whereby it is terminated . Termination is in all beings , in Spiritual and Natural beings : in God , and in his Creatures . Gods Termination is not to be termined , and therefore he is Infinite . A Non Ens hath no Termination , wherefore Authors say very improperly , that a Non Ens is infinite . All other beings are termined , and therefore are finite . V. Perfection is a Property of a being , whereby it is compleated with all , or in all , belonging to the Constituion of its Essence . CHAP. XXI . Of remaining modes of a Being . 1. What Quantity is . 2. What the Kinds of Quantity are . 3. What Quality is . 4. What Relation is . 5. What Action is . 6. What Passion is . 7. What Situation is . 8. What Duration is . I. QUantity is an Attribute of a Being , whereby it hath Extension of Parts . II. Quantity is either Formal and Immaterial , which is the extension of the Form , beyond which it is not , and within which it acteth : or Material , which is the Extension of a material Being . III. Quality is , whereby a being doth act ; as from a Cause . IV. Relation is , whereby one being is referred to another . V. Action is , whereby one being acteth upon another , as through a meanes . VI. Passion is , whereby one being receiveth an Act from another . VII . Situation is , whereby a being is seated in a place . A Place is , which doth contain a Being . VIII . Duration is , whereby a being continueth in its Essence . CHAP. XXII . Of Causes . 1. What a Cause is . That the Dectrine of Causes belongeth to Metaphysicks . 2. Wherein a Cause and Principle differ . 3. What an internal Cause is . What Matter is . 4. What a Form is , and how it is divided . 5. What an external cause is . I. A Cause is , whereby a Being is produced . It doth appertain to Metaphysicks to treat of Causes ; for else it would be no Science , which requires the unfolding of a being by its Causes . Ramus did much mistake himself , in denying a place to the Doctrine of Causes in this Science , and referring it altogether to Logick : 'T is true , that the Doctrine of Causes may conveniently be handled in Logick , as Arguments by which Proofes are inferred : yet as they are real , and move the understanding from without , they may not ; for Logick is conversant in Notions only , and not in Realities . II. A Cause differeth from a Principle , or is Synonimous to it , according to its various acception . In Physicks it is taken for that , whose presence doth constitute a Being ; and in that sense it is the same with an internal cause , to which a Cause in its late extent is a Genus , and consequently is of a larger signification . A Principle sometimes denotes that , whence a being hath its Essence , or Production , or whence it is known . In this sense did Aristotle take it , in the 5th . Book of his Met. Chapt. 1. Whereby he did intimate a threefold Principle ; to wit , a Principle of Constitution , Generation , and of Knowledge , or of being known . A Principle , as it is received in the forementioned sense , is of a larger signification , then a Cause . It is usually taken for a word Synonimous to a Cause . In this Acception is God said to be the Principle ( that is , the Cause ) of all Beings . III. A Cause is either Internal or External . An Internal Cause is that , which doth constitute a Being by its own Presence . An Internal Cause is twofold . 1. Matter . 2. Form. Matter is an internal cause , out of which a being is constituted . So earth is the Matter of man , because a man is constituted out of Earth . Matter is remote and mediate ; which is , out of which the nearest and immediate matter was produced or constituted ; or nearest and immediate , out of which a being is immediately constituted , For example ; The nearest matter of Glass is Ashes : the remote : is Wood , which was the Matter of Ashes . But this Distinction doth more properly belong to Logick . IV. A Form is a Cause , from which a being hath its Essence . A Form is remote or nearest . A remote form is , from which a being consisting of remote Matter , had its Form. The nearest Form is , from which the nearest Matter hath its Essence . The remote matter is either first or second . The first is , out of which the first being had its Essence . The Second is , out of which all other beings had their essence . A Form is divisible into the same kinds . The first Form was , from which the first being had its essence . The second , from which all other beings have their essence : These Divisions are rather Logical then Metaphysical . V. An external Cause is , by whose force or vertue a being is produced . The force whereby a being is produced , is from without : for a being hath no force of it self , before it is produced : therefore that force , whereby a being is produced , is necessarily from without . This Cause is only an efficient Cause . Other Divisions of Causes I do wittingly omit : because some are disagreeing with the Subject of this Treatise , and belong to another Part of Philosophy : as , to treat of the first cause , belongeth to Pneumatology : of final Causes , to Morals : Others are very suspicious . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Kinds of Causes . 1. The Number of real Causes . That a final cause is no real Cause . The Causality of Matter and Form. 2. The Division of an Efficient . 3. That an Efficient is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . 4. That the Division of a Cause into Social and Solitary is illegal . 5. That the Division of an efficient Cause into Internal and External is absurd . 6. That all Forms are Material . 7. That there are no assistent Forms . I. THere are only three real Causes of a Being ; a Material , Formal , and Efficient Cause . Wherefore a Final cause is no real Cause . I prove it : A real Cause is , which doth really effect or produce a Being : But these are only three : Ergo. 2. A Final Cause doth not cause any effect concurring to the constitution of a being , as each of them three forementioned do : for matter causeth an effect by giving her self , out of which a being may be constituted : A Form doth produce an effect , by giving through her presence unity , & distinction from all others , to Matter . An efficient Cause effecteth by educing a Form out of the matter , and uniting it to the Matter : Which three causalities are only requisite to the production of a compleat being ; and they constituted in actu , constitute a being at the same instant : If so , what effect doth a final Cause then produce ? Certainly not any contributing to the essential constitution of a being : These three being only necessary , any other would be frustaneous . Possibly you will object , that the final Cause moveth the efficient . Suppose I grant that , it doth not infer , that it concurs to the real and essential production of a being . The causality , which it exerciseth , is in contributing per accidens to the constitution of a being : which if only so , it doth not appertain to this place ; neither can it be equally treated of with Causes , which do act per se. II. An End moveth the efficient : An efficient is either Natural or Moral . Natural efficients are moved necessarily , or act e necessitate Naturae : Hence we say , a Cause being in actu ( to wit , a Natural Cause ) its effect is likewise necessarily constituted in actu . It is not so with a final Cause ; for that may exist without producing an effect . All Natural Causes move for an end per accidens , in that they answer the Ordination of the Creator , who hath created all things for an end ; which accordingly act for the same out of Necessity of Nature . Moral Efficients are moved by an end : Yet it is not the end , which produceth the effect , but the efficient it self . You may demand , to what Science or Art it belongeth to treat of final Causes ? I answer , That they are treated of in Logick , and Moral Philosophy , but in a different manner : Logick discourseth of final Causes as Notions , thereby to direct the understanding in enquiring into the truth of things : and Ethicks treats of them , as they are dirigible to Good and Happiness . III. An Efficient Cause is erroneously divided in a procreating and conservating Cause . A procreating cause is , by whose force a being is produced . A conservating cause is , by whose vertue a being is conservated in its Essence . I prove that this Division is not real , but objective only . The dividing Members of a real division , must be really distinct from one another . But these are not really distinct , &c. Ergo. The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Minor : All beings are conservated by the same Causes , by which they were procreated : Therefore really the same . I prove the Antecedence . Nutritive causes are conservant causes . But Nutritive causes are the same with Procreative causes : Ergo. The Minor is evidenced by a Maxim : Iisdem nutrimur , quibus constamus . We are nourished by the same causes , by which we do subsist , or have our Essence . Wherefore Nutritive or Conservant Causes are really ( for by Nutriture we are conservated ) or a parte rei the same ; differing only objectively a parte actus . Here you may answer , that these Instances are of material causes , but not of Efficients . To this I reply ; That no cause can be a conservative cause , but a Material Cause . As for an Efficient cause , I prove it to be no conservating cause . That , which conservateth a being , must conservate its essence : namely , Matter and Form : but Matter and Form are conservated only internally by apposition of that , which is like to what was dissipated , or which is like to themselves . Wherefore an Efficient can be no conservating cause , because it acteth only externally or from without . A being might be conservated externally , if its impairment did befal it from without , that is , from an external Agent ; which is only accidental to it . An efficient then may Logically be called a conservative cause per Accidens . IV. An Efficient is likewise divided in solitary , and social . A solitary Efficient is , which produceth an effect alone , or without the assistance of another cause . A social cause is , which produceth an effect joyntly with another : As , two Watermen rowing in one Boat , are social causes of the moving of the Boat through the water . This Division is no less illegal then the other . I prove it : All beings act alone and in unity , as far as they are Causes ; and although two or more concur to the effect of a being , yet they two act formally , but as one , and their Ratio Agendi is one ; Ergo formally they are but one , as far as they are Causes yet in the foresaid instance , as they are men , they are two , which duplicity is accidental to a cause . The same Argument may be urged against the division of a cause in a cause perse , and a cause per Accidens , in univocal and equivocal , in universal and particular . V. An Efficient is Internal , or External . An Internal Efficient is , which produceth an effect in it self . An external Efficient is , which produceth an effect in another . This division is stranger then any of the rest : The strangeness consisteth in this , that thereby a being is capable to act upon it self , and consequently upon its like : Which if so , what can it effect , but that , which was before ? It cannot produce a distinct being , because it doth not act distinctly , but identificatively : This granted , infers , That the Soul being the internal cause of its Faculties ( as they affirm ) cannot produce any thing , but what is like to it self : Consequently , that the Faculties are identificated with the soul , and thence that a Substance is an Accident , and an Accident a Substance . 2. A Substance acting upon it self , that is , upon its ( sibi simile ) like ( for what is more like to a Substance , then it self ) produceth a distinct effect , and not its like ; which is another absurdity following the forementioned Division . I● will also follow hence , that a substance doth act immediately through it self , which is against their own Dictates . To remove this last Objection , they answer , that a Substance may , or can , and doth act immediately through it self by emanation , but can or doth not act by transmutation . They describe an emanative action to be , whereby an effect is produced immediately , without the intervent of an Accident . This description doth not distinguish Transmutation from Emanation ; for transmutation is also , whereby an effect is produced without the intervent of an Accident ; and so transmutation may be as immediate to its Agent as emanation . If there is any difference , it is this , in that emanation is an action not terminating or influent upon any other being , but in and upon it self . Transmutation is the Termination of its Influence upon another being . Pray tell me , why emanation may not be as properly called transmutation , as not ? for there is no effect , but which is different from its cause , and changed by its cause : For if it is not changed , it remaines the cause still ; Ergo Emanation is also a Transmutation . The Faculties of the Soul are said to be emanative effects ; Ergo they must be its understanding Faculty only : for this only doth not terminate in any other being , but in it self : As for the other Faculties , to wit , vital and sensitive , they are effects of the soul terminated in other beings ; Ergo These are no emanative Actions , as they affirm them to be . That , which hath the most probability of being an emanative action , and distinct from transmutation , is the understanding faculty of the Soul. Neither is this action distinct from Transmutation . That , which doth change the soul , is an Object , but the soul of it self alone doth not act or cannot act upon it self , unless it be changed by an Object ; for were there no Object , the Souls Rational Faculty would be nothing and frustraneous ; wherefore it is generally held , that Angels , when created , had also notions or species ( which are objects ) concreated with their understanding ; Ergo emanative actions are also transmutative . All matter is transient : Wherefore the division of matter in transient and immanent is erroneous . Transient matter is , out of which a being is constituted by transmutation ; so bloud is the transient matter of flesh . Immanent matter is , out of which a being is constituted without any transmutation ; as Wood is the immanent matter of a Ship. Here one part of the division is referred to a Natural Production , the other to artificial . How is this then a regular distribution , since its dividing Members ought to be of one Species or kind ? The same Improbation may be applied against the distribution of matter in sensible and intelligible ; which distinctions are accidental to matter ; and therefore may be justly omitted ; for we ought to insert nothing in a Science , but what doth essentialy relate to its Subject : Hence Aristotles Precept is , in 1 B. of the Parts of Liv. Creat . C. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we ought to divide a being by them parts , which are contained in its essence , and not by its Accidents . The division of Matter in Metaphysical and Physical may be rejected upon the same ground . These divisions , as they are objective , appertain to Logick , where only second notions are treated of , and are very useful to the directing of Reason . VI. Forms are divisible in material and immaterial . If material is understood to be that , which doth inhere in matter ( which is its most frequent and ordinary acception ; for most Philosophers take it in that sense ) then all worldly beings are material ; what being is there , but which doth inhere in Matter ? You may say , mans soul. The soul of man according to this acception , is material . But if you take immaterial for that , which can or doth exist out of matter , then there are immaterial forms . Neither can this be naturally : for a Natural Form is , which giveth an actual specification and numerication to matter : If so , how can a form give an actual Specification and numerication to matter , when it is not united to it ? I prove that the Form giveth an actual specification and numerication to matter . Forma dat esse ( i. e. Specif . & Numer . ) non posse esse materiae . A Form giveth a being , not a power of being to Matter . For matter hath the power of being from it self , and not from the Form. This is true : for most Peripateticks hold , that Potentia is essential to matter . The Soul of man , when once freed from its tye to the body ; ceases to be a Form ; but therefore doth not cease to continue a being . So that I conclude , there are immaterial beings , but no immaterial Forms . It is ridiculous to doubt , whether the Soul of man , when separated , hath an Appetite or Inclination to its Body , or to that matter , which it did once informate : because the soul in its separated estate is a compleat and perfect being , and doth not need a Body : neither is the Soul a Form in that state ; Wherefore should it then have an Appetite to its Body ? Such an Appetite would be in vain . You may answer , that it wanteth a Subject to inhere or subsist in . I grant it , and therefore it subsisteth in God. VII . A Form is improperly divided in an assistent and informating Form ; because one being is satisfied with one Form ; for had it two forms , it would be a double being . 2. That , which they intend by an assistent form , is coincident with an Efficient Cause . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Theorems of Causes . 1. That a Cause and its Effects are co-existent . 2. That there are but three Causes of every Natural Being . 3. That there is but one Cause of every Being . 4. That all Beings are constituted by one or more Causes . 5. That all Causes are really univocal . 6. That all Natural Causes act necessarily . 7. That the Soul of a Beast acteth necessarily . 8. That all Matter hath a Form. That Matter is capable of many Forms . I. A Cause and its Effect are existent at one and the same time . This Theorem is received among most Philosophers , who render it thus ; Posita Causa , ponitur Effectus . The Cause being stated , that is , reduced into action , its Effect is also stated , or produced . The Reason depends upon their relation one to the other , to whose Relata it is proper to exist at one and the same time , according to that trite Maxim , Relata mutuo sese ponunt & tollunt . Relations do constitute and abolish one another . II. There are three Causes of every Natural Being , whereof one reduced to Action supposeth the others also to be reduced to action . The Proof of this is demonstrated by the same Axiom , by which the next forementioned was inferred : III. There is but one Cause of all Beings . A Cause here is taken in a strict sense , for that , which produceth an effect essentially and really distinct from it self : In this Acception is an efficient the only cause of all Beings . Matter and Form are no Causes , according to this Interpretation , but Principles ; because they do not constitute an effect essentially different from themselves . A Cause sometime is taken in a strict sense , for that , which produceth an Effect different from it self modally ; and so there are two ; to wit , Matter and Form. Lastly , A cause , as it signifieth in a middle signification , participating of each acception , comprehends a triplicity of causes ; viz. An Efficient , Matter , and Form. IV. All beings are constituted by one or more Causes . God is of himself , and not from any other , as from an efficient cause ; and consisteth of one pure formal cause . By formal Cause , understand an immaterial being . Angels are constituted by two Causes ; namely , by an Efficient and a Form. All other Beings are constituted by more . V. All Causes are univocal . This is to be understood of Efficients only . Whatever Effect a Cause produceth , it is like to its Form , and is formal only : For it cannot generate matter , that being created . Wherefore it cannot produce any thing else , but what like to it self , and consequently produceth alwaies the same effect ; whereas an equivocal cause should produce different effects . You may demand , why it hapneth , that many effects are different , as we observe in the Sun , which by its heat , doth produce Vegetables and Animals , which are different ? I answer , that the Difference doth result from the diversity of the Matter , upon which it acteth , and not from the causality ; that being ever one and the same . The diversity of Effects is accidental to the Efficient , and therefore not to be allowed of in Sciences . VI. All Natural Causes act Necessarily . Hence derives this Maxim ; Natura nunquam errat : Nature doth never erre ; because she acts necessarily . Against this Maxim may be objected , that Nature erreth in generating a Monster . This is no Errour of Nature : It might rather be imputed an Errour , if , when it should produce a Monster , it doth not . That , which acts after the same manner at all times , doth not erre ; But Nature doth act in the same manner at all times ; Ergo she doth never erre . I prove the Minor. If she acts differently at any time , it is in a Monster : But she doth not act differently in a Monster ; as in the example forenamed , of a Dog without Legs , she doth through the Efficient cause educe a form out of the matter , which she extendeth according to the extent of the subjected matter ; the matter therefore being deficient in quantity , it is accidental to Nature , if thereby a being is not brought to the likeness of its Species . The Soul of man may be considered , either , 1. As a Natural Cause ; and so it acteth also necessarily , in giving a Being and Life to the Body : For as long as it abideth in the body , it cannot , but give Life to its Parts . 2. As it is above a Natural Cause , in that it hath a power of acting voluntarily without the Necessity or Impulse of Nature . VII . The Soul of a Beast doth act necessarily , and by Instinct of Nature . This Conclusion may seem to contradict , what is set down in the precedent Paragraph ; containing , that to act necessarily , is to act alwaies in the same manner : whereas Beasts act in sundry manners , and produce various Effects : as , sometimes they feed , other times they run , or lie down ; which are all various acts , and performed in various manners . These Acts are called spontaneous , which generally are received as differing from Natural and Voluntary , and constituting a Mean between Necessary and Contingent , although improperly ; for there is no Mean between Necessary and Contingent ; because whatever is Necessary , cannot be Contingent , and whatever is Contingent , cannot be Necessary . These Acts must be either the one , or the other . They are not contingent , for then a Beast , as a Beast , could not act necessarily . Since then it is more evident , that they act necessarily at most times , it is an invincible Argument , that they do not act contingently . This by the way ; I return to the forementioned Objection , and to reconciliate them seeming Contradictions : I say , that , 1. Nature doth act alwaies in the same manner , through the same Principles , and upon the same Object . 2. Nature doth not act alwaies in the same manner , through different Principles , and upon different Objects : For example ; Opium raises fury in a Turk , and layeth it in an European : These are different Effects , because the Objects are different . Coral is heavy and weighty from its Earth , and thence proveth obstructive in the body of man : Coral is also informated by a sublime spirit , through which it is aperitive and cordial . The difference of these effects proceeds from the difference of Principles . I apply this to the Acts of a Beast , which are different , because they proceed from different Principles : Nevertheless them Acts are alwaies the same , as far as they proceed from the same Principles , although different from one another . But as for a voluntary Principle , that acteth effects different from it self , as it is one and the same Principle . The Proprieties of voluntary are , 1. To act different Effects through one and the same Principle . 2. To have a power of suspending an Action . 3. To act with Election . The Proprieties of Naturals are , 1. To act the same Acts through the same Principle . 2. To act alwaies , and withal necessarily , without having a power of suspending its Action . 3. To act through an Impulse of Nature . A Brute doth feed from an Instinct of Nature , and therefore cannot but obey it , at the same Instant of that Instinct , provided there be food for it to feed upon . Neither can it suspend that Action for a moment , but as soon as it is impelled , it moveth towards its food . This is evident in a Dog ; if he be very hungry , and have a bone in his sight , he will move towards that bone , although you beat him never so much . A Brute moveth locally either to avoid pain , or to search for food . If a Beast move after it is filled , it moveth to avoid pain , ( and in that it answereth to the Impression of Nature , whereby all natural beings move to avoid that , which is inconvenient to them , or disagreeing with them ) which it feels in lying long , through the weight of his bones , one pressing the other , and therefore moves , to else himself , either by standing , going , or running . He goeth or runneth so long until he is pained by it ; and then to ease himself , and to avoid that pain , he lieth down again . VIII . All Matter hath a Form : because it would be nothing , if it had no Form : For from thence it is thought to receive unity ; now without unity a being is no being . All Matter hath but one essential Form ; for had it two essential Forms , it would be two Beings , and consequently no Being ; because whatever is not one , or is more then one , is no Being . The Form giveth Unity , and Distinction to the Matter . Matter is capable of many Forms successively , that is one after another : as for example ; The Matter , which is in an Herb , is capable of receiving the form of Chyle , of Bloud , and of Flesh : Or if burnt , of Ashes ; if then melted , of Glass . In like manner man receiveth first the form of a Plant , afterwards of an Animal or sensible Living Creature , lastly , of a Man. A Form doth act without intermission : For should its Action cease at any time , at the same moment would the Form cease also with it . THE DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES Of POVVER . The FIRST PART . The third Book . The Doctrine and Controversies of Power . The Third Book . CHAP. I. Of Powers , according to the Peripateticks . 1. The Opinion of the Peripateticks touching the Soules Action . That according to the same Opinion , a Substance is said not to act immediately through it self , but through superadded Powers . 2. That a Substance acteth through as many different Powers , as it produceth different Acts. 3. That the said Powers are really and formally distinct from the essence of the Soul. 4. That Powers are concreated with the Soul , and do immediately emanate from her Essence . 5. That immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul , as in their Agent ; Material ones in the Matter , as in their Subject . 6. That Powers are distinguisht by their Acts and Objects . The Authours Intent in treating of the Faculties of the Soul. IT is an universal Truth , That all Essences which have a Being , have it for an Operation : Wherefore there is nothing idle within the Creation , but all its parts from the Center of the Earth , to the Circumference of the Heavens , are found to perform some Action or other without Intermission ; which ceasing , the essence , from whence it issued forth , ceaseth with it : When fire and Water cease from diffusion and concentration , then their being ceaseth withal . Hence it is evident , that the Soul of man , since it hath a being , performeth an operation , or Action , the which , according to the sense of the Peripatetick School , is impossible to be effected through the substance of the Soul ; their Reason being grounded upon that Dictate of their great Master , viz. No substance acteth immediately through it self , but by a superadded power . This they do illustrate by this Instance ; The Elements do not act through their Substance or Form , but through their heat , coldness , &c. which are qualities distinct from their Form and Substance . Hence doth Aristotle conclude , 1. That nothing is contrary to a Substance , but to its power and qualities : because a substance cannot act through it self . 2. That no Substance can be affirmed to be more or less a substance then another , that is , no substance can be either remitted or intended : for example , one fire cannot be said to be more a fire , then another , because it doth cast a greater heat , which proceedeth from its stronger power , and heating quality , and not from its being more a fire then another fire is : but one fire may be said to be hotter and greater then another , which happeneth ( as I hinted before ) through the intention of its quality , and access of quantity . II. A Substance being adorned with that variety of Accidents , it is probable , that Nature hath bestowed them for Action ( say they ) and not for nought . They do not only allow one power to a Substance , which might suffice , but a multitude ; yea , as many as there are varieties of acts , specifically differing from one another , effected through a Substance . This leaneth upon an Argument of theirs , thus framed : The Soul being indifferent to divers Acts , there must be somthing superadded , by which it is determined to produce certain Acts. Neither is this Opinion deficient in Authorities of Learned Philosophers , Averrhoes , Thomas Aq. Albertus magn . Hervaeus , Apollinaris , and others consenting thereunto : Dionysius also in his Book concerning divine Names teacheth , that Celestial Spirits are divisible into their Essence , Vertue or Power , and Operation . III. The said powers are not only affixt to the Souls Essence , but are also formally and really distinct from it . They are perswaded to a formal distinction ; because else we might justly be supposed to will , when we understand , and to understand , when we will ; or to tall , when we smell , and so in all others . They are moved to a real distinction , by reason that all powers in a Substance are really distinct from its Matter and Form. Weight and Lightness , which are Powers inherent in the Elements , whereby they encline to the Center , or decline from it , are not the Matter of Earth and Fire , nor their forms , and therefore they are really distinct from their Essence . IV. These Powers are concreated with the soul , and do immediately flow from her Essence . An Argument whereby to prove this , is set down by Thom. Aq. among his Quaest. Powers are accidentary forms , or Accidents properly belonging to their Subject , and concreated with it , giving it also a kind of a being : It is therefore necessary that they do arise , as Concomitants of its Essence , from that , which giveth a substantial and first being to a Subject . Zabarel de Facult . an . Lib. 1. Cap. 4. sheweth the dependance of the powers from the Soul to be , as from their efficient cause , from which they do immediately flow , not by means of a transmutation , or Physical Action , which is alwaies produced by motion . Others add , that the Soul in respect to its faculties , may be also counted a Material Cause , because it containeth her faculties in her self : and a final Cause , the faculties being allotted to her , as to their End. V. Immaterial Powers are inherent in the Soul as in their agent or fountain . Material Faculties , as the Senses , Nourishing Faculty , and the like , are inserted in the Matter ; yet so far only , as it is animated : Hence doth Aristotle call the latter , Organical Powers , from their inherence in the Organs . VI. Powers are distinguisht through their Acts and Objects , to which they tend , and by which they are moved to act . For example : Any thing that is visible , moveth the fight , and is its proper Object , which doth distinguish it from the other Senses and Powers , which are moved by other Objects . Thus far extends the Doctrine of Aristotle touching Powers , which , although consisting more in Subtilities , and Appearances , then Evidences and Realities , notwithstanding I thought meet to expose to your view , since most Modern Authors do persist in the same , and thence to take occasion to examine the Contents thereof , in these brief subsequent Positions . By the way , I must desire the Reader to remember , that the distinction of Powers from their Subject , is commonly treated of in the Doctrine of the Soul , and solely applied to it , there being not the least doubt made of it elsewhere : Wherefore I have also proposed the same as appliable to the Soul , but nevertheless shall make further enquiry into it , so far as it doth concern all Matters in general . CHAP. II. Of all the usual Acceptions of Power . 1. The Etymology of Power . The Synonima's of Power . 2. The various Acceptions of Power . 3. What a Passive Natural Power , and a Supernatural Passive or Obediential Power is . 4. Various Divisions of Power . I. THe unfolding the name is an Introduction to the knowledge of the thing it self : and therefore it will not be amiss to give you the Etymology of Power . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Power , is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I can , or have in my power : So Potentia from Possum , signifying the same . Power in English hath its original from Pouvoir in French , noting the like , viz. to can or be able . Power , Vertue , Might , Strength , and Faculty are Synonima's , or words of one Interpretation : Thus of ●ntimes we make enquiry , what Vertue , Strength , Power , or Faculty hath such or such an Herb ? that is , what can it effect ? II. The Acception of the word Power is very ambiguous . 1. Sometime it is understood passively , for a disposition , whereby a Substance is apt to receive the strength of an Agent . 2. Actively , for that , through which a being can act . 3. It s signification doth vary much , according to the Subject , which it doth respect : as , when we say a being in power , that is , a being , which is not actually , but yet may or can be . So likewise a Cause in power is , which doth not actually produce an effect , but which can produce one . Zabarel remarketh a double Acception of Power . 1. Improperly it is taken for a Power , which is joyned to its Act : Thus we say of a man , who actually walketh , that he can walk . 2. Properly it is attributed only to a Power , which doth precede its Act : Thus we say a man is a Logician , when he can be one . III. A Passive Power , as it is capable to receive a Natural Act , is called a disposition : As it may receive a Supernatural Act , that is , an Act from a Supernatural Cause , it is then named an Obediential Power . The Power which was inherent in Lots Wife of receiving the Form of a Pillar of Salt , was an Obediential Power . IV. Again those Powers are either Natural , Violent , or Neutral . A Natural Power is such , which is agreeable to its Nature ; as the power in Fire of ascending is Natural to it . A violent power is , which is disagreeing to the Nature of its Subject ; as , in fire , there is a violent Power of moving downward . A Neutral power is , which is neither the one or the other , but participates of both . Such is the power in fire of moving circularly . A Power may be understood either for a Logical power , which is nothing else , but a non-repugnance : or , for a Physical power , which is the same with a Natural disposition : or , for a Moral Power , which is nothing else but the Will. Lastly , in Metaphysicks it is that , which is presupposed to be in an actus entitativus . There is also mention made in Philosophy , of an Objective Power , which is not much different from a Non-repugnance , or a Logical Power , but expresly it is a Possibility of existing in a being , which the understanding doth give it before its Existence . Many more Additions of Power might be proffered : as , that a Power is either Created or Increated ; Accidental or Substantial ; Essential or Modal ; Material or Formal , &c. CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Power according to the Author . 1. The Analogal Concept of Power as it is common to all its Analogata . 2. Whether there be Real Powers . 3. Certain Conclusions touching Powers . 4. That all Substances act immediately through themselves . 5. That a Peripatetick Power is a Non Ens Physicum . 6. That all Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . 7. That Powers are distinguisht modally from their Subject . 8. How Powers are taken in the Abstract . 9. The Manner of the Remission and Intension of Powers . 10. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by a Singular Substance . 11. The Number of the Formal Acts caused by an Organical Substance . 12. The Solutions of several Doubts touching Powers . 13. That all Creatures have an absolute power secundum quid of acting . 14. In what sense Hippocrates and Galen apprehended powers . 1. TO make a safe Inroad into this large Channel of Acceptions of Power , without being misled through its Ambiguities , it is adviseable to pitch upon a single Mark , which we shall do , in stating a single Concept of Power , common to all these . Power , as it is opposite to an Act , is whereby a being can be that either in its Essence , or Accidents , which it is not . This is the first Imposition , and immediate signification of Power , from which all the others are deduced , and are so called , so far as they have a resemblance to this single and immediate Concept of Power . A Being is pronounced to be in power , in that it can be that , which it is not : so active power is conceived to be a Power , because it can act that , which it doth not act , &c. I said Essence , whereby I denote a substantial power ; by Accidents , I intend a power befalling either to Quantity , Quality , Relation , &c. For in all these there may a Like power be discovered . II. The first Doubt , which we must sound into , is , whether there is really or ab extra , and a parte rei , such a power as was before-mentioned . This is a Scruple , which possibly at first sight may seem ridiculous , especially to them , who take it for a piece of Learning , to receive with an undoubted assent , whatever is proposed by their Master . This supposed piece of Learning to me rather seemeth a piece of Ignorance : for never to doubt , is never to know : knowing is but a discerning truth from falshood , and how can this be performed without doubting ? Doubting exposeth truth and falshood equally to our view . Since then it is so , let no doubt seem ridiculous , for fear we become ridiculous through not doubting . But to the matter in hand : we must repeat some of our Principles . 1. That that is only real , which moveth the understanding from without . 2. That nothing moveth the understanding from without , but what is either an Essence , or Mode of an Essence . If then a power , whether of an Essence or Accident , moveth the understanding from without , it is to be accounted real , if otherwise , it is to be thought a non ens reale . This premised , I conclude , 1. A Power is not a Real Being , because a power doth not move the understanding from without . I confirm the Argument . Imagine your self to be alone , it is possible that a Ghost may appear unto you in your Solitude . This Possibility is the power of the Ghost its Existence , or apearance to you . Now I demand from you , whether the power of a Ghost's Existence moveth your understanding before it doth actually exist ? You will Answer me , Yes ; for you know , that a Ghost can exist before it doth exist . To the contrary , you cannot imagine or know , that a particular Ghost can exist , before you have seen its shape , figures , modes , or accidents ; but after it hath once appeared , then you may imagine or know , that a Ghost can exist in the same form and shape , as it did heretofore ; and that but dubiously neither . Now what followeth hence ? First , That a power doth consecute a real being ; for before you had seen that particular Ghost , you could not imagine or know that it could exist . This makes against the received Opinions of Philosophers , who say , that a Power doth precede all Acts. Here you may reply , that although you did not know the power of a being , before you did perceive its actual existence through your sense , yet this doth not infer , but that , when you do apprehend a beings actuation , you can think , that that being , which you perceive to be actuated , had a power of being actuated , or how could it otherwise be actuated ? So that your knowing or not knowing doth not cut off the real power , which doth precede its Act : and so you deny my supposition ; to wit , that a being is real through its cognoscibility from without . To rectifie your Judgements in this Particular , you are to observe , that it is not your particular knowing or not knowing of a thing , makes it real , but it is the cognoscibility from without makes a thing real , that is , its being in a capacity of moving mans understanding in general . That body which is existent without the world , is it a real body or not ? Probably you say it is : I ask you then what kind of body it is ? You tell me it is an imaginary body , or that you do not know what body it is . If then it is an imaginary body ; ergo it is no real body . Again , it is not an imaginary body , for you say it is an unknown body , How can you then imagine it ? But supposing you imagine Aristotle to be existent without the last Heaven ; Aristotle although existing there really , is but an Ens Rationis , or imaginary being as to you , because he is not cognoscible to you from without , but only from within . 2. He is cognoscible to be like to an actual real being ; ergo he is no more then an Ens Rationis . In the same manner , why should an Ens in potentia be accounted to be more real then Aristotle actually and really existing without the world ? Wherefore a being in power is no more then an Ens Rationis , and in no wise real . If a being in power were real , real beings would be infinite ; because beings in power are indeterminated , and consequently must be infinite . Lastly , I would willingly know wherein a being in power is distinguisht from a Non Ens , or nothing ? A being in power hath no Essence , neither is it definible , unless considered as an actual real and cognoscible being . A poor man is a rich man in Potentia , that is , he may be rich , but to may be rich , doth include a Non Ens , to wit , Poverty or no Riches . Besides , all beings act , but a being in potentia doth not act . Power , denoting an actual Vertue and Principle of acting , is proper and adhering to all beings . A Power in this sense is Synonimous to actual Strength & Force , or is an actual disposition , through which a being doth operate , and produce effects . It is the same with the first Acception of Zabarel . In this sense are the Forms of the Elements said to be Powers , which without doubt are actual . Nutritive and vital Powers are actual Vertues of nourishing and cherishing life . Obediential powers are actual dispositions , whereby beings are capable of receiving new forms from God , at ove or beyond their natural forms . That all Natural Powers are and must be actual , this ordinary Saying doth plainly infer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All things , that are made by Nature or Art , must be made from that which is Actual , that is , in Actu . Against this may be Objected , That the power of seeing remaineth in a man , who is asleep , although he doth not actually see . I Answer , That that power is as much actual from within as it was before , but its Acts depending upon Objective Motions from without , are secluded by the intervent of the Eye-lids , or retraction and incrassation of the Optick Ayr : In the same manner a Candle actually burning in a dark Lanthorn , is not abolisht in its enlightning power , by the being shut in , upon which a darkness ensueth ; for the Candle burneth actually still . The Stomach is not deprived of its actual concocting power in not seeming to concoct in the defect of Victuals , for the same Principle is stirring still in the Stomach , although there is no external Object to work upon . Wherefore Scaliger , Exerc. 325. d. 4. saith well , Non enim tollitur potentia per Objecti ablationem , quia fluit ab internis Principiis essentialibus . For a Power is not removed by the removing of the Object , because it flowes from internal essential Principles . To assert , that a Power although Actual , is the Cause of an Act , and not the Essence wherein this Power is inherent , may justly be disgusted by any Natural Philosopher , who collects his Knowledge of mixt bodies by means of his Senses , and apprehends its Affections and Properties together with the body it self , and not as if they were really distinct from it : Although in Metaphysicks a distinctio Rationis , or a distinction of the mind is allowable , by which the Notions of Partial beings are totally abstracted from one another , and from their Essence : but in Physicks it is so absurd and perillous , that the assent thereunto hath missed many Physitians into a Labyrinth of Errors , which have proved very fatal and ominous to their unhappy Patients . In an ardent Feaver , where a great Heat and Inflamation broiles the tormented body of the Decumbent , a Peripatetick AEsculapius argues thus with himself : this is not the fire kindled within the Nutritive or Vital Vessels , but its power , quality , and heat inherent in that fire : whence he is perswaded to prescribe a whole Kinderken of Ptysan and Juleps , to subdue this heat , imagining all this while , that the heat and fire are two really distinct things , omitting in the mean time such helps , which might remove the burning or flaming Essence , by substracting the entire body of fire ; which done , the heat is also removed with it ; which may be performed by Evacuations , as Phlebotomy and Purges . From this same Tenent spreads another , no less erroneous , concerning Humours : Humores peccant vel Substantia , Quantitate , vel Qualitate . Humors ( say they ) become vitious either in their Substance , Quantity or Quality . Humors become vitious in their Substance , when they variate ( tota substantia ) in or through their whole substance from themselves : as , in the Plague , where the blood is changed throughout its whole substance , and become venomous , which is , when it doth in a small quantity and short time extinguish our vital Flame . Now , whether to extinguish our natural heat , doth not proceed from a power inherent in that venomous Bloud , let them confess : How then according to their own Maximes can Bloud be vicious in its substance , no substance acting immediately through it self ; for bloud ( sanguis dicitur vitiosus , quia labem partibus inurit ) is said to be vitious , when it acts by injuring the parts . It remains then , that humors according to their own Principles , cannot be vicious in their substances , but powers or qualities . 2. Humors are pronounced to be peccant , when they do through their abundance wrong the Parts in their Functions . This is contradictory to their own received Doctrine : For whereas Quantity being an Affection and Passion of Matter , can be in no wise active , because nothing ( as they say ) is contrary to it . How then can it act , since all Action is affirmed to tend to its contrary , according to this Maxim : Nihil agit in Simile . Nothing can act upon its Like . 3. It remaines , that Humors must only be peccant in their quality . Not so neither ; for then we should only have need of alterative Medicines , and Evacuations would seem to be in vain . What numerous Absurdities do scatter from this Spring of Falshood ? A part of Democritus , and Ana of Heraclitus his Philosophy , and of Socrates his Dictates ad pondus omnium , would make a better Misce for a Recipe to introduce us unto a sound Doctrine of Physick . From all which , I Argue , That Powers are neither really or formally distinct from their Subject ; and to avoid these forementioned Absurdities , I state that , 1. All Substances act through themselves , so far as they have a power of Acting . 2. All Powers are really Identificated with their Subject . 3. Powers may be distinguisht from their Subject modally , and through operation of the mind . 4. Powers are intended and remitted through the access and detraction of Degrees of the same kind : and are facilated or retarded through Habits , or the defect of them . The first Proposal containes three Assertions : 1. That all substantial Essences do ( as they term them ) act , which is evidenced through this Axiom , All which is , is for to operate . 2. That all Substances , ( or according to my Metaph. Essences ) act immediately through themselves . 3. That Substances act through themselves , so far as they have a power of acting . IV. That all Substances act immediately through themselves , popular Speeches do testifie : as , Fire burnes , a Horse runs , &c. Certainly these Actions are predicated of the Substance or Essence of Fire , or of a Horse ; not of their powers , as if they were really distinct from them ; for then they should say , the fires power burnes , a horses faculty runs . These Predications would be absurd . How can a Power ( according to the vulgar Peripatetick Acception ) be a power , and yet be said to act ( it would be a Contradiction ) since that a Power , whilst it doth act , is no more a Power , but is changed into an Act ; hence they say , that a Power and an Act are privative Opposites , so that the one cannot be Categorically predicated of the other . Here may be replied , that a Substance acts through its power ; wherefore it is not the power that acts , but the Substance . To this I Answer , that it may be granted , that a Substance acts through its power , but then it is not to be understood , so as if the Substance acted through another thing , or being , which is superadded to its Essence , as they do vulgarly conceive ; but that a Substance acts through a Power , as one of its Parts ( for as I proved , a Power is a Mode of a Substance , or one of its Parts ) and therefore it is to be counted , as if it acted through it self immediately , because the Act of the Part is attributed to the whole . So they say , a Horse runs , because he runs by meanes of some of his Parts , namely , his Legs ; nevertheless it is attributed to the whole thing . But take it how you will , that , which a Substance doth effect through one or more of its Parts , is effected immediately through it self , because its Part or Parts are it self . Wherefore if a Substance acted through its power as a being really distinct from it self , these Inconveniences would necessarily ensue . 1. That a being should exist without an Operation ; for if a Substance did not act through it self , but only through its superadded power , then it self must exist without an Operation , which thwarts that Maxim , Omne quodest , est propter Operationem . 2. Substances would be censured less noble then their Accidents ; for that which acteth , is more noble then that which acteth not . 3. An Accident then would be supposed to be the Efficient of a Substance , which contradicts another Maxim , Qualis Causa , talis Effectus . Such as the Cause is , such is its Effect . 4. It supposeth , that a Substance should be generated for an Accident , and not an Accident for a Substance ; for since that all beings are for an Operation , it remaines , that its Operation can be nothing else , but to be a Subject to an Accident . 5. Accidents are said to be superadded to a Substance ; Ergo according to their Philosophy , its power was also superadded . The antecedence and consequence are false . I prove the falsity of the Antecedence , which supposes , that a Substance is a Substance without Accidents ; and therefore they say , that Accidents are superadded . I shew the contrary , granting their Supposition , that Accidents are superadded , there must necessarily be accidents , to wit , powers , allowed to Substances , before the superaddition of other Accidents is possible : For accidents cannot be superadded , unless a substance had a power of receiving those Accidents ; but that power is an accident ; ergo a substance is not imaginable without an accident . Hence it is , that Aristotle was forced to grant a coeval power to his Materia prima . Or lastly , thus ; If a Substance acted through its power ; ergo that Power must be either an Efficient , or instrumental Cause , or a Causa sine qua non of its acts . It is irrational to state it an Efficient , because then a Power produces a Nobler thing then it self , and an Effect different from it in Specie . It cannot be appropriated to an Instrumental , because it doth not differ really and specifically from the principal Cause ; besides , an Instrumental cause is moved from its principal , but a substance ( as they say ) doth not move . Suppose I grant it to be a Causa sine qua non , then it cannot be capable of producing an univocal Effect . V. A Peripatetick power is a Non Ens Physicum ; for it hath neither Matter or Form , and therefore cannot act physically . Hence it is shifted off to an Ens Metaphysicum , and so they say , it hath an Actus Entitativus : a plain Contradiction , What , can a Potentia be an Actus ? Aristotle teaches , that a Power doth alwaies precede its act ; which I prove to be false . The Elements acted at the same moment , when they were created ; Fire was actually light , Earth weighty , &c. Possibly you reply , that their Power was obediential to God ; that is improper , for there could be no obediential , or any other Entitative Power without a Substance , or a Subject , wherein it should in here . A substance doth act so far as it hath a power of acting . By Power understand an actual virtue , or an internal and modal Principle of a Being or Essence , from which its acts do flow . This Principle is a derived and congenited disposition and limitation of a being to action , or is a being termined and disposed to act such and such acts ; for otherwise it would be indifferent to all acts . This limitation causes every being to act within its own Sphere , beyond which it cannot naturally excur to act any acts dissentaneous and improportionate to its Nature . The forementioned disposition is the same , which in Physicks is nominated the Form and Activity of a being , and is nothing else , but a certain Temperament and proportionated mixture of the Elements in a Substance , the predominance of which doth dispose the body , constituted by their Congress , to determinated acts . But of this more at large in my Physicks . VI. All Powers are really identificated with their Subject . A Power ( as I shewed before ) is that , whereby a Substance is disposed and determined to certain acts , and is nothing but the Form exalted to a certain degree . I shall make it plain by this Example of Wine or Brandy , either having a power of heating the body , as the Sectarists of Ceres and Bacchus witness , by drinking small Beer after a Deb●uch . That , which effects their heat , is the fiery parts predominating over the others , which predominance is the power disposed to that certain act . Is then fire predominating through its Access of Parts over the other constituting Elements really distinct from it self , because it is greater ? 2. The power of moving a Leg or Arm is inherent in the Spirits disposed and determined to motion : Are these Spirits , when they do not move ( for then they are counted a power of motion ) really distinct from themselves , when they do move ? You may object : If Substances act through themselves , then alterative Medicines are exhibited in vain . A Mistake ; For although I assert , that a Substance acts through it self , I do not deny , but that it alterates , moves locally , or produceth all other acts immediately through it self . VII . Powers are distinguisht from their Subject modally and by operation of the Mind . A power may be taken in a double sense , either in the concrete or abstract . 1. If in the concrete , then it is no longer to be called a Power of a being , but a powerful being ; it proving impossible to apprehend the one without the other , unless with intention to make a Chimara of it ; for if you consider them apart , to wit , a Being , and Powerful , each by themselves , you must needs imagine an Accident denoting extrinsecally , and from its first Imposition , an actual qualification of its Subject , not to denote an actual qualification , and consequently that a concrete accident is not concrete , Powerful is not powerful , and that a being is not it self . 2. In perceiving powerful separated from its being , you do apprehend power in the Abstract ( which I grant to be possible ) but not powerful in the concrete , which is repugnant ; so that in considering Powerful in the Abstract you do absurdly confound it with Power in the Abstract . VIII . Power conceived in the Abstract is taken for an universal Entity , abstracted by the Operation of the Mind from its Singulars , and in this acception it is in no manner of a Physical , but of a pure Metaphysical Consideration . Metaphysical here I understand in the same Meaning , as it was intended in by Aristotle . The same Philosopher defines Heat , Cold , Moysture , and Dryness , by first qualities , not first Powers , because ( according to his doctrine ) they were actually inherent in the Elements at the instant of their Production ; for power with him , presupposeth a non existence of the act thence flowing . Wherefore it is apparent , that powers in the concrete are not distinguisht from their Substance either really , formally * , or by any other Operation of the mind : but if by any at all , it is ratione rationante , quae absque ullo fit fundamento . Powers in the abstract are distinguisht from powers in the Concrete , in that they offer a common Mode and manner of qualifying , and accidentally specifying their Subject in the Concrete , to the Understanding , which occasioneth a Modal Distinction . Philosophers not daring to desert the Principles of Arist. and yet finding , that Natural Substances act through themselves , and not through powers really distinct from them , are constrained to assert , that a Substance acteth and is either through or in actu signato , ( which had they rendred it otherwise , to wit , that a Substance is and acts through a power , it would have been a Contradiction ; for to act , and to be in actu signato , are opposite to being in potentia , and to act through a potentia ) or in actu exercito . IX . Powers are remitted and intended by subduction and addition of parts of the same nature , as it is evident in Canary wine , which is hotter then Rhenish , because it containes more dense and united fiery Spirits . One fire is hotter then another , because its similar parts are augmented by Access of Parts of the same Nature . That Powers are facilitated and slowed , through Habits and Defects of them , is demonstrated elsewhere . X. One similar Substance acts but one Formal Act ( per se ) through it self ; and ( per accidens ) by accident , that is , through meanes of extrinsick Causes , many . The first part of this Theorem is proved by this Maxim. Una numero efficiens producit unum tantum numero effectum . One and the same Efficient can produce but one and the same Effect at one and the same time , and in one and the same manner . But a similar substance is but one Efficient : Ergo it can produce but one and the same Effect , &c. The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Assumtion . A substance is effective through its form , which being but one , must also determinate its Efficiency to one . 2. Fire is a substance : but fire hath but one power ( per se ) Ergo . I prove the Minor. That whereby the fire doth act , is its penetrable lightness ; but that is single in fire ; Ergo. You may Object , That its heating , burning , and locomotive powers are more then one . To this I Answer , That the similar parts of fire exercises but one power naturally and in its natural place , but if extrinsecally ( that is , by an Efficient from without ) united and condensed , it becomes of a burning Nature . Pray take the paines to peruse my Positions of fire in my Natural Phil. They are satisfactory to all Objections . As for its locomotive Faculty , it is the same with its rare lightness . A Second Objection may be ; Mercury is a similar substance : but Mercury hath several powers of heating , cooling , fluxing , killing the Worms , &c. 'T is true , the Effects are various , nevertheless the power , from whence they descend , is but one , which unity seems to be multiplied materially , that is , through the variety of its Objects . Mercury cooles in laxe and weak bodies , because through its thickness and density it expels the loose heat of the said laxe bodies . It heats in hot , strong , close bodies , because it is retained in such bodies , and being retained , its parts are opened by the strong heat of the said bodies , whereby the fiery hot spirits break forth , and unite themselves with the heat of such bodies , and so it becomes hotter . In like manner Fluxing and its other Effects are wrought all through one power , their difference hapning from the difference of the Object . Obj. 3. If every similar substance obtaines one power of acting , then in every dissimilar or mixt body there should be four powers , because it consisteth of four similar substances . I Answer , That the Elements , when mixed , limit their power within one temperament , and one formal power . The latter part of this Theorem is , That a substance obtaineth many powers ( per accidens h. e. in statu violento , eâdem quidem a principio , formali , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agente , nec non a causa efficienti ab extra impulsa , plane quod rei naturae contrariatur ) by accident , that is when a substance is seated in a violent state , and although acting from its formal Principle , yet it is against its first Nature , as being opposed by an External Efficient . XI . An Organical and dissimilar substance exerciseth naturally as many formal powers , as it containes similar substances in it self , really different from one another ; and but one formal power , so far as these similar substances tend to the constituting of one formal substance . All similar substances contained within the Sphere of an Organical substance tend naturally ( e naturae quadam necessitate ) and from a certain necessity of Nature ( for they could not exist separately , because then they would be imperfect ) to its Constitution . A hand is an Organical substance : In a hand are comprehended , 1. A Locomotive power , 2. A sensitive power . 3. A Nutritive Faculty . These various powers depend from the variety of similar ( scilicet ad sensum ) parts , to wit , the first from Nerves ; the second the Membranes ; the third from the vital heat : notwithstanding all of them constitute but one formal locomotive , sensitive , and vegetative power . Actus and Potentia in the Concrete are really identificated ; for Potentia denotes an actual virtue and power in a substance . This may be called actus activus , and so Anima is defined Actus by Arist . 2. It imports Action . 3. It sometime implies an Effect , otherwise called Actus passivus . It is an Actus , because it doth act through a power , which it had from its first act , a different Effect . It is Passivus , because it receives its power from that first Actus . Wherefore you must take notice , that it is not termed Actus passivus secundum Idem ad Idem , for that would imply a Contradiction . XII . From this Discourse we may easily be resolved in these Doubts . 1. Whether it be not repugnant , that any Accidental or Substantial Power should be superadded to its Subject ? Aff. 2. Whether the volitive power in the Concrete be really and formally identificated with the Soul ? Aff. 3. Whether the Soul acteth immediately through her self , and not through super added powers ? Aff. 4. Whether the augmentative power be really and formally distinct from the Nutritive power , and the Nutritive from the Generative Power ? There is a modal distinction , or a parte rei a Material one , but none Real . XIII . Besides all this , there is an Absolute Power conferred upon Gods Creatures in general , and upon man in particular . I do not mean Absolute Simpliciter ; for that were Repugnant , as I have proved in my Theol. but secundam quid . I will further explain it to you . The Power , which all Creatures have of being and acting at that present Moment , wherein they enjoy their being , and do act , is absolute , because they cannot but enjoy that same being , and act at that Moment , wherein they have a Being , and do act , Ergo it is Absolute : but not simpliciter , for were it so , then they would obtain that absolute power of being from and out of their own Nature , which we know is dependent from Gods Power ; and according to this sense none consisteth of an absolute power , but God alone , because his Nature is alone independent . It is then absolute secundum quid , because God hath ordained that , which is , to be , and that , which ever hath been , to have been , and that which shall be , to come to pass . In short , Absolute secundum quid , I take for that , which is unchangeable , as all beings and their Actions are in that sense , as I have proposed . They are unchangeable , because Gods Ordination in Creating , Giving , Forbearing , and in all other Particulars , is unchangeable . This Distinction is of that use , that many Points in Divinity cannot be resolved , but by its being applied to them . I shall content my self with the having named it , since I have Treated of it at large in another Part of my Philosophy . XIV . The Absolute ( secundum quid ) powers , which God hath conferred upon his Creatures , are by Physitians otherwise termed Faculties ; ( Facultates ) which are derived from ( a faciendo ) doing , that is , they are actual dispositions , whereby Effects are done . Hence Galen , Lib. 1. de Natur. Facult . Par. 3. Prima euim actionis ipsius potentia causa est . The first cause of an Action ( saith he ) is the power . And in another place of the same Book , he renders himself thus : Facultatum quatuor naturalium essentia in partium singularum nutriendarum temperie est : that is , The Essence of the four Natural Faculties consisteth in the temperament of the parts , that are to be nourished : which is nothing different , then if he had said , the Faculties , ( Facultates sunt temperamenta facientia ) are temperaments actually doing effects . Now it is evident , that Galen held the Temperament of bodies to be their Forms , which if so , then questionless , his Opinion tended to assert , that Powers and their Subjects were really identificated , and that all powers were actual . Moreover we shall find throughout all his Tomes , that his sense touching powers and Faculties doth e Diametro agree with what I have set down in this present Treatise . As for Hippocrates , I cannot read a word throughout all his works , but what tends against Aristotle in every Particular , forasmuch as it relate ; to our Subject . In the Conclusion , I must remember you to observe , that many Terms , as , Formal , Substance , Accident , and divers others , I have somtimes made use of in the same sense , as I have proposed them in the Foregoing Chapters , other times I have intended them in the same Acception which Philosophers vulgarly receive them in ; But herein the Sense of the Matter will easily direct you . FINIS . RELIGIO PHILOSOPHI , OR Natural Theology . The FIRST PART . The fourth Book . By Gedeon Harvey Doctor of Physick and Philosophy . LONDON , Printed by A. M. for Samuel Thomson at the Sign of the Bishops-head in St Paul's Church-yard . 1663. TO HIS Most Honoured Mother ELIZABETH HARVEY . Dear Mother , AMong those serious Admonitions , which from your singular Affection and Care , you have so oft repeated to me , This I remember hath been one of the most earnest of them , that above all I should mind things of Eternity , such as alone can make me eternally Happy . Herein I cannot but acknowledge your greatest Love , tending to invest me with the greatest Happinesse , returning you all thanks , that so great a Benefit is worthy of . Moreover to shew my entire Obedience to so important a Command , I have here drawn up a few Heads touching the Greatest Happinesse , and the Means whereby to procure it , which I do with all humility present unto you , as a Debt due to your self , in regard I have extracted the principal Rules from the Rudiments , which your constant Practice and wholesome Precepts had in my younger years infus'd in me . The cause and object , which alone can afford us this infinite Happinesse , is the Summum Bonum , whereunto we are to direct all our aim ; which that we may with successe attain unto , are the continual Prayers of Your most affectionate and obedient Sonne Gedeon Harvey . RELIGIO PHILOSOPHI , OR Natural Theology . The FIRST PART . The fourth Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Theology . 1. What Theology is . 2. That Theosophy is a fitter name to signifie the same , which is here intended by Theology . That in knowing God we become Philosophers . 3. What a Habit is . 4. What it is to live happily . That there is a mean or middle way of living , which is neither living in happiness , or living in misery . 5. How Theology is divided . 6. What Natural Theology is . What Supernatural Theology is . The first Doubts of a natural man. 7. The Dignity of Theology . I. THEOLOGY is a habit of enjoying the greatest Good , and living in the greatest Happiness . This practick Science might from the eminence and transcendence of its end and object , crave a more excellent name : for Theology signifieth only a discourse of God , and expresseth a Theoretick Science , and therefore is too strict to adequate the whole and full concept of what is generally intended by Theology . This name is fitter to be imposed upon the Doctrine of God , as he is theoretically discoursed of in Pneamatology : The parts of which Doctrine might be aptly denoted by Theology , Angelology and Psychelogy : whereas this noble Science is better expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or wisdome of God , because wisdome comprehendeth an universal collection of all practick and theoretick Sciences ; all which we know by knowing God , and we know them to be in , and from God : For , do we not know , that all natural Beings are in and from God ? they are in God , because God comprehendeth and conserveth them in , and by his Power . Is not God the Pattern of our Actions ? And do we not know that our actions are good or evil , from knowing them to have some likeness to his Actions , or to be altogether different from them ? Do we not know our selves in knowing God ? wherefore without knowing God we know Nothing . In knowing God to be the first Cause , and Creator of all natural Beings , we know Natural Philosophy , and become Natural Philosophers . In discerning good from evil in our actions , by comparing them to the most perfect actions of God , we attain to Moral Philosophy : In knowing him to be the Being of Beings , we reach to the knowledge of supernatural Philosophy or Metaphysicks . This name doth in a large sense expresse Philosophy , and in a strict sense denotes Theology , as it is defined here above . The wise Apostle James seemeth to impose this very name , in that place of his Epistle * , Wisdome that is from above , is , &c. What is wisdom from above , but the wisdom of God ? II. The Genus of the Definition is a Habit , which is a rooted disposition , whereby we are inclined to operate with ease . It is not the enjoyment of one single happiness , which can make a man happy ; for one act is transitory , and is not at all durable : but it must be a rooted happiness , the possession of which doth make us happy for ever . Since we are to live for ever , we must either be rooted in happinesse , if we intend to be everlastingly happy , or else rooted in evil , whereby we continue in misery without end . III. The happinesse which we reap from this Philosophy is not an ordinary happinesse , but it is a happinesse in its highest degree and Perfection ; or it is a durable contentment accompanied with the greatest joy that is possible to be enjoyed by us in this world . On the other side , the misery which attends the habit of evil , is no lesse tormenting , dismall and dolefull , than the other is joyfull . IV. The Differentia of the Definition is , to possesse the greatest good , and to live in the greatest happinesse . All Practick Sciences do operate for an end , and therfore are to be defined by that End. To live happily is to live in contentment and joy . There seems to be a Medium between living in joy , and living in misery , which is to live for a Passe-time : For there are many , who do all things for a Passe-time ; they play at Cards , Dice and Bowls ; they discourse and all for a Passe-time : Some take Tobacco , and drink themselves drunk for to passe away the time . Certainly these can neither say , that they are affected with joy or misery , but seem to be in a neutral state . Of these doth Sallust justly give his opinion : Multi mortales dediti ventri , at que somno , indocti , incultique vitam , sicut peregrinantes tranfiere . Quibus profecto , contranaturam , corpus voluptati , anima oneri fuit . Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestumo : quoniam de utraque siletur . There are many men , who being given to their gut , and to sleep , continuing unlearned and rude , have passed away their dayes like unto Travellers . To whom indeed against nature their body was a pleasure , and their soul a burden . These mens life and death I judge alike ; for there is no notice taken of either . V. Theology is Natural or Supernatural . VI. Natural Theology is a natural habit of possessing the greatest good , and living in the greatest happinesse , that a natural man may attain unto in this world , and in the world to come . Supernatural Theology is a supernatural habit of possessing the greatest good , and living in the greatest happinesse , that a man may supernaturally attain unto in this material , and in the next spiritual world . It is not my drift to treat of supernatural Theology in this volume ; neither do I pretend more in that , than a Christian Disciple , and not as a Teacher , to which a special Call , and an extraordinary spiritual disposition must concur : but my chief design and aim is rationally to demonstrate a Natural Theology ; such , which a man through his natural gifts of reason and understanding , may reach unto , without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . The benefit which is hence expected , serveth to convince those desperate and carnal wretches from their affected Atheism ; yet must be lesse affected with it , than to be rooted and confirmed in it , In which , if otherwise they are , Reasoning will not take any effect upon them . The first doubt or query , which a natural man doth , or may propose is , Whether it is possible for him to know through his reasoning , if his soul be immortal : For saith he , if my soul is mortal , it will prove in vain to make further search after happinesse , then is or can be enjoyed in this world . The second scruple which a man ( or rather the Devil ) doth foolishly move to himself , is , Whether ( the soul now being demonstrated to him to be immortal ) there is a God : For whence can he expect any happinesse after death , but from God ? Thirdly , Whether it is possible to a Natural man by his own power , and Gods ordinary assistance or concurrence , to procure the possession of the twofold before-mentioned Summum Bonum . But , before I apply my self to the solving of these Doubts , I must explain what the greatest happinesse is , which I intend to perform briefly and clearly in the next Chapter . I need not adde many words to the illustrating of the eminence and worth of this Divine Science , since the name it self doth speak it . The eloquence of Cicero doth thus set forth the dignity of wisdom in his 2. Offic. By the immortal Gods what is there more to be desired than wisdome ? what is better to a man ? what is more worthy of a mans knowledge ? The same may be better applyed to the wisdome of God , that is , concerning God. God ( saith Austin ) is wisdome himself , through whom all things are made , and a true Philosopher is a lover of God , in that he is a lover of wisdom . If we are ignorant of God , we are no Philosophers , and through that ignorance we fall into great Errors . Lactantius in his third Book , doth expresse himself much to the same tenour , where speaking of Philosophers , he saith , It is true , they have sought for wisdome , but because they did not search after it , as they should have done , they fell further into such errors , that they were ignorant of common wisdom . CHAP. II. Of the end of Natural Theology . 1. Wherein Moral Philosophy differeth from Natural Theology ; and wherein it agreeth with it . That the Heathen Philosophers were no true Philosophers . Aristotle his dying words . Epicure his miserable Death , after so pleasant a Life . 2. A Description of the greatest Happinesse . Queries touching the greatest Happinesse . 3. Whether the greatest Happinesse is the neerest and principal end of Theology . 4. How the greatest Happinesse is otherwise called . 1. ONe or other may object against our Definition of Natural Theology , that I do confound it with Moral Philosophy . I answer , Moral Philosophy is taken in a large sense for a habit of living in the greatest happinesse here and hereafter , and then it is synonimous to Natural Theology . Or in a strict sense ; for a habit of living in the greatest happinesse only in this world : which may be tearmed an Epicurean Moral Philosophy , and is such whose object vanisheth with the expiration of the soul out of the body . This last is grounded upon a false maxime of its End ; to wit , that the greatest happinesse , which ●●● be enjoyed in this world , is essentially different from 〈…〉 , which we may enjoy hereafter . It is essentially different ; because , according to their folly , there is no happinesse to be expected any where else , but where we are at present . The falshood of this Theorem is evident : because that greatest happinesse which we enjoy in this world , is like ( but in an inferious degree ) to that , which we expect in the other . Neither is any happinesse to be parallel'd to the greatest , but which is a true Theologick happinesse : If so , then a Theologick happinesse must be our Summum Bonum . No wonder therefore if Philosophers being destitute of this Theologick habit were false Philosophers . This is the reason , why Aristotle , and other supposed Philosophers , never arrived to the possession of the greatest happinesse ; because they were ignorant of God. And is it not therefore unworthy of a Philosopher to be a slave to their Dictates ? which affected slavery , hath proved an obvious cause of the greatest errours in Church and State. How full of Anguish , fear , jealousle , and uncertainties were their souls through their not knowing the true God ? They could never enjoy any durable happinesse , as long as their minds were perplexed with them doubts . In what perplexity did Aristotle die ? even when his languishing soul pressed out these words : In doubts have I lived , and in more anguish do I die ; whither I shall go I know not ; wherefore thou Being of Beings have mercy upon me . What did the joys and pleasures of Epicure amount unto , when he was tormented with such miserable pains of the strangury , as chased his soul out of his body ? II. The greatest happinesse is , which of all things makes a man most happy . Happinesse is a concomitant of a joyfull thing , or an effect wrought by a joyfull object upon man , the reception of which makes him truly happy . Here we will first enquire , Whether the greatest happinesse is the neerest End of Natural Theology . 2. How it is otherwise called . 3. What it is . 4. Which is the subject of this habit . 5. How it is to be procured . In answer to the first : I say , that the greatest happinesse is not the neerest and principal end of Theology . I prove it : That which doth not chiefly and immediately move a man in Theology , is not the neerest and principal end : but the greatest happinesse doth not chiefly and immediately move a man in Theology : Therefore it is not the neerest and principal end of Theology . 2. It is the next end to the neerest , and an inseparable concomitant of the neerest end : I prove it , That which we do enjoy next after the possession of the habit of Natural Theology , and of the Summum Bonum , is the next end to the neerest : But we do chiefly enjoy the greatest happinesse next after the possession of the habit of Theology , and of the Summum Bonum : Therefore it is the next end to the neerest . There is none , which ever did possesse the habit of Theology , but confirms the truth and assurance of the Minor. 4. The greatest happinesse is sometime called Summum Bonum , or the greatest good from its causality ; because it doth through its presence confer the greatest happinesse upon that Subject , which it doth irradiate . Hence Austin . de Civ . Dei , lib. 8. cap. 3. Finis autem boni appellatur ; quo quisque cum pervenerit , beatus est . That is called the end of good , which maketh every man happy , that doth attain to it . Note that the greatest happinesse is only tropically named Summum Bonum , from a Metonomia causae pro effectu . CHAP. III. Of GOOD . 1. What Good is . 2. That Aristotle 's Definition of Good is erroneous . 3. Diogenes his Definition of Good. 4. The Explanation of the Definition of Good. How the several kinds of Good differ from one another . 5. What Moral Good is : what moral evil is . 6. What Theologick Good and evil is . BOnum , Good is that which doth make the subject , which doth possesse it perfect . Or Good : is that , which all Beings do incline unto , for to perfect themselves . The highest and greatest Good must then be that which makes a man most perfect and happy : or that which all men need to perfect themselves with the same perfection , which man had , when he was first created . I said , need , and not desire or incline into : because all men do not desire the Summum Bonum : for all men do not come to the knowledge of it : yet all men need it for to perfect themselves . II. There are many definitions of Good spread among Philophers : whereof some are false either in not adequating the whole definitum , or else in attributing falsities by it to the definitum or subject defined . Among these that of Aristotle is counted most authentick* : Good is that , which all things do incline unto , or covet . This definition must either agree with Good , as it is proper to all Beings , and Transcendent : or as it is restricted to rationals and animals , in which only there is an appetite and coveting : or as it is most limited to rationals only . If we take it according to the first acception , the definition is not formal , but only accidental : for it is accidental to beings as they are Good , to be coveted or be desired from another being . Neither doth it hold true in the last acception : because we desire many things , which are evil , and hurtfull to us . To this may be answered , that a being , so far as it is desired , is good , although it prove accidentally hurtfull . This answer is not satisfactory : for we do oftentimes desire things knowing them to be evil ; and therefore we do desire them as evil : for the will doth covet things as they are understood : if then the understanding doth understand them to be evil , the will must consequently will them as evil . Possibly some do reply , that the understanding doth conceive them very things , which a man afterwards doth covet , To be good , otherwise he could not desire them : For , Did he desire them as evil , then he would desire his own destruction , and be inferiour to all other creatures , which are onely bent to that , which doth perfect their nature : or you may return your answer thus ; that good is either apparent , or real and truly good ; and that the understanding doth understand all beings to be good apparently or really : or otherwise you may distinguish good , in good , which is honest , or profitable and usefull , or pleasant , and state that the understanding doth conceive all things either as they are honest , useful , or pleasant . This doth not remove all objections : as to the first ; The will of man is not restrained to a certain object as Naturals are , but is also extended to contrary objects ; to wit , to good and evil . Neither is it singly limited to contradictories , as to will evil , and to leave it , because to desist from an action is no action , and for that reason we cannot properly say , that the actions of the will are free ( quoad contradicentia tantum ) only in willing evil and ceasing from it . Secondly , Should God punish us for doing evil , when we cannot act any thing but evil , it would appear somewhat severe : for punishment is to punish a delict , and sinne , in doing that , which we should not do , and not doing that which we should do : if we should do a thing , it supposeth we can do it , otherwise it would seem absurd . No dispute , but we do and can will evil as evil , and consequently the Definition is erroneous . 2. The second Solution doth not clear the point , in supposing that the evil , which we do will , we will it not as evil , but as apparent good . This is futil : for what is apparent good , but a real evil ? A thing must either be formally evil , or formally good ; betwixt these there can be no Medium . The third is grounded upon a false distinction : because good , as it is good , doth not imply formally honesty , usefulnesse , or pleasure : neither is it universally coveted by all bodies , as it is affected with any of these accidents , but as it doth perfect them . So that a pleasant good is frequently not coveted , as a pleasant good , but as a pleasant evil , and we do know that same pleasant evil to be so , before we do will it . The same may be said concerning good , as it is usefull . Neverthelesse may good be also coveted sometime , as it is pleasant , or usefull , or honest , but these are only accidental to good . III. Diogenes the Stoick defines Good to be that , which is perfect in its own nature . Herein he confounds perfection with good , which are formally different one from the other , as I have shewed in my Metaphysicks . Besides Good is here considered as it is relative , or related to another Being , although in Metaphysicks it is treated of , as absolute to a Being . IV. Good is , whose end is to perfect that , which doth bend to it , all Beings bend to each other , because they perfect one another . By perfection understand the further constitution and conservation of a Being ; for all Beings are further constituted and conserved by other Beings . This end may prove frustraneous to many bodies , but that is not through the default of Good , but of that Body , to which it proveth frustraneous , although bent to it . Note , that it doth not follow , that all , which a Being is bent unto , is good for it , although it followeth , that all which doth perfect a Being ; is good . All Beings are essentially bent to what is good , but accidentally they bend also to what is evil . A depravate will is accidental to man , and therefore man doth accidentally covet evil . This evil although it is coveted accidentally by man , yet by his will it is desired formally , and per se. IV. There are several degrees of good , which do not differessentially from one another , but have a resemblance and proportion one to the other ; so that one can become the other , or change into the nature of the other . According to this , good is gradually distinguisht into Moral Good , and Theologick Good. V. Moral Good is , whose end is to perfectionate man , as he is in a natural state . Moral Evil is , whose end is to corrupt man , as he is in a natural state . VI. Theologick Good is , which doth perfectionate a man in a supernatural state . Theologick Evil is , which doth corrupt a man as he is in a preternatural state . Of these I purpose to treat of distinctly in the next ensuing Chapter . CHAP. IV. Of Moral Good , and Moral Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Good. What is understood by a Natural State. The ambiguity of the word Natural . 2. What Moral Good it is , which doth respect the Body . What Moral Good it is , which respecteth the Soul. 3. An Explanation of the Definition of Moral Evil. That God doth not properly bend to his creatures . 4. The Distinction between these two predicates , to be Good , and to do Good. 5. How Moral Good turns to Moral Evil. 6. That Man , as he is in a neutral state , is in a middle state , between supernatural and preternatural . FIrst , It is requisite to unfold the ambiguities of the terms contained in the Definition of Moral Good. What it is to perfectionate I have already declared : It remains to amplifie , how man is understood to be in a Natural State. A Natural Being is frequently taken for a Being , which is in the same state wherein it was created or produced . A man then is said to be Natural , when he is in the same state wherein he was created . There is a two-fold Creation : 1. There is an immediate Creation of man , whom God did create immediately through himself , no other mediate effect being interposed . 2. A mediate Creation of man is , whereby he is , mediately through his Parents , created by God. Man being created by an immediate creation , as long as he continued in that nature and state , wherein he was created , was natural : but having corrupted that state through his appetite after Evil , he became counter-natural , in respect to his former state . A Natural Being is also understood for that , which continueth in the same state , wherein it is , as it is produced by a mediate creation ; and in this sense we are to apprehend it here . Here may be offered an Objection , That a Being cannot be said to be created by a mediate Creation , and yet be counter-natural . Pray observe me well here in this place : I say , that man , who is created by a mediate Creation , is counter-natural ; but I do not say that God , who created him , did create him counter-natural : for he created him Natural . Of this more at large elswhere . And to return to my purpose : Man , as he is natural according to the latter acception , doth perfectionate himself by that Moral Good , which he doth bend unto , and that same moral Good doth conservate and further constitute a man in that nature , wherein he was created by a mediate Creation . Man is sometimes taken disjunctly , for his body and soul : or else joyntly and integrally , as he doth consist of both united . II. According to the first distinction there is moral Good , which chiefly concerns the Body of man : as meat , drink and cloaths . There is also a moral Good chiefly respecting the soul : as speculative and practick objects are morally good to the soul. You may demand , how practick and speculative objects do perfectionate the soul ? I answer , That they by their objectivenesse do conservate the souls action in its goodnesse ; for had the soul no moral good object to act upon , it would be without a moral good action , which is repugnant to that Maxim , Omne quod est , est propter operationem . All which is , is for to operate . In like manner do food and cloaths conservate the Body of man in its natural state . III. Moral Evil doth corrupt a man , as he is in a Natural state , and mak●● him counter-natural , that is , worse than he is in a Natural state . I am required here to illustrate two obscurities : 1. How Moral Good can be said to be good . 2. How Moral Good turneth to Moral Evil. In reference to the first , we are to call to mind the definition of Good , which is , whose end is to perfect that , which doth bend to it . If then Moral Good obtains a virtue to perfect that , which bendeth to it , it argueth that it is good . You may reject my definition of Good : because according to it , it follows , that God is conserved by his creatures , since he is known to bend to them . In no wise , for God doth not properly bend to his creatures : because he is every where with them : But Gods creatures may be properly said to bend to him : because bending doth follow a need ; and want of conservation , which need being in all his creatures , but not in God , they do bend to their Creator . IV. To avoid falsities and errors in this nice point , it will not be amisse for you , to observe a distinction between these two predicates : to be good , and to do good . These are oftentimes confounded by many Divines , and so thereby they fall into gross errors . To be good denotes a formality of good , as it doth concur to the further constitution of a Being by its modality . To do good is an action whereby effects are produced from a good Being : Now these actions are called good , because they proceed from a good Being ; and not because they are essentially good , and constitute an essential difference from its Being . So that good actions are signs of goodnesse in a Being , and not the goodnesse it self . To do good therefore is onely to act from a good principle , and to give signs of the goodnesse of a Being . This distinction proveth very usefull and expedient to the discussing of the doubts touching Free-will . Annex to this observation , that in a large sense Moral good is taken for good , as it is defined above , and extendeth to other creatures than unto man onely , for this reason : because Moral good , as it is synonimous to a mean , and inferiour good , is become so to all , in being changed from the highest good , through the deffecting of man from his highest good , to a mean or moral good . In a strict sense , it is taken for the goodnesse of man in his actions , or manners onely . V. How doth Moral Good turn to Moral Evil ? This Question may be variously understood : First , as good importeth a natural good in the second acception , and as it denotes a goodnesse in the Being , and not in its action : in this sense moral good cannot change into moral evil , because nothing doth corrupt it self , I mean its own Being and Essence . If moral good is taken for a moral good action , then it is coincident with a true action , which is such as God doth require from us , and is conformable to that action , in which God did create us : I say in which : for all beings are created to be in action ; and not through which , because that specifieth Creation . According to this acception then are morally good actions said to be such , as are true or conformable to their Pattern . If these actions are false and difformable from their Pattern , then they become evil . These actions do proceed from a free cause , and not necessary ; for then man could never have committed any evil . The freedome of this causality consisteth in an indifferency to Good and Evil. The state of man , wheren he is at present is neutral , that is , natural , which is a state neither supernatural or preternatural . I prove it ; A supernatural state is , wherein man is most good , or consisteth of good in the highest degree . A Preternatural state is , wherein a man is at the worst , or consisteth of evil in the lowest degree : But a man in a natural state is neither most good , nor worst in evil . Therefore he must needs be in a neutral state . VI. Man , as he is in a natural state , is in a middle state , between super-natural , and preter-natural . I prove , it is a property of a Middle or Medium to participate of both extreams . But man in a natural state participates of both the others , Ergo , He is in a middle state : I confirm the Minor. The good which man doth act is not the best good , neither is the evil , which man acteth the worst evil : for the Devils act worse . Ergo , It participateth somewhat of good in the highest degree , and of evil in the worst . Or the actions , which a natural man performeth , are neither the worst or the best : Therefore it participates of each . Another property of a natural or middle state , is to have a disposition or capacity of becoming to be either of its extreams . This I prove also to be in man , as he is in this present state . Many natural men are glorified , and many are damned . Ergo , A natural man hath a disposition to either . Moral Evil doth corrupt a man , in that it partially destroyeth his perfection . Moral Evil is either an Evil of the soul or body , or of both . CHAP. V. Of Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. 1. An Explanation of the Definition of Theologick Good. 2. An Explication of the Definition of Theologick Evil. 3. What honest , usefull and pleasant Good is . 4. What Natural , Sensible and Moral Good is . 1. THeologick Good doth perfectionate a man in a supernatural state only : For a natural man as long as he doth continue in a natural state , cannot be theologically good , or do a good act , that is theologically good . A supernatural state is , wherein a man is above his natural state , and is at his greatest perfection . II. Theologick Evil is directly contrary to Theologick Good , Neither is it possible that both these should be in one subject , there being no greater contraries , than Theologick Good , and Theologick Evil. They are most remote from one another : so that there is an infinite proportion of distance between them . Theologick Evil doth make a man worst ; he cannot be worse , than when he is theologically evil ; neither is there then any capacity or disposition remaining in him , whereby he may be changed into Good : So likewise a man , who is Theologically Good , hath no disposition to Theologick Evil. Theologick Good implieth a triple Good : 1. It imports a Theological good cause , or which doth make a man perfect in a supernatural state ; and so God is the only Theologick Good. * 2. It is taken for a Being which is theologically Good , or for a Being which is at its greatest perfection ; and so may man in his entire state be termed Theologically Good. 3. It may be understood for an action , which is Theologically Good , that is true and conformable to its pattern , and of this Good is man also capable in a supernatural state . The Theologick Good which is in God is called Good through it self , or Bonum per se. This Bonum is otherwise called Summum Bonum objectivum , or Beatitudo objectiva : But the joy which we receive from that objective happinesse , is called Beatitudo formalis . The Theologick Good , which was in all his creatures , is a Derivative Good , or Bonum per participationem . The Peripateticks divide Good in that , which is honest , usefull and pleasant . Honest Good ( Bonum bonestum ) is , which is agreeable to Right Reason ; and therefore they say , it is Desirable through it self . 2. Useful Good is that , which is desired for its usefulnesse and convenience . Pleasant Good is , which is coveted for its pleasure and delight , which it affordeth . These two are not to be desired for their own sake , but for their covenience and pleasure , which do accompany them . This Division is erroneous upon a double account , 1. Because Good doth not formally include in its formal concept any delight , usefulnesse or honesty , but onely a perfectionation . 2. The dividing members cannot be equally attributed to all the kinds of good , and therefore the distribution is illegitimate . IV. Good , according to the subject , wherein it is inherent , or according the appetite , through which it is coveted , is either Natural , Sensible or Moral . Natural Good is , which is coveted from a natural Being . The appetite , through which natural Beings do covet Good , is commonly called a natural Propensity or Inclination . Sensible Good is , which is coveted by living creatures . Their appetite is called a sensitive appetite . Moral Good is , which is coveted by man. His appetite is otherwise known by the word Will. Before I conclude this Chapter , I must intreat you to remember and take notice of the several acceptions and distinct significations of Natural , Supernatural , Counter-natural , Preter-natural , of Good , Moral Good , and Theologick Good. For you are to interpret their significations variously , otherwise you will much mistake my meaning . CHAP. VI. Of the greatest and highest Good. 1. A further illustration of the greatest Good. 2. That the highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . 3. What the Summum Bonum is otherwise called . That the greatest Good is our last end . 4. The inexpressible Joy , which the soul obtains in possessing the greatest Good. 5. Two great benefits , which the soul receiveth from the Summum Bonum . I. IT was necessary for you first to know , what Good was in General , before you could conceive what the highest Good is . So then , having laid down the Doctrine of Good in short , it now remains to open to you , what the greatest Good is . The greatest Good is that , which doth make us most perfect , and that is God alone . I prove it ; There is nothing can perfectionate usmost , but God alone : Wherefore he is the onely Summum Bonum . II. The highest Good is the neerest end of Natural Theology . I prove it . That which we do immediately and neerest incline unto and covet , is the neerest end : But we do immediately and neerest covet and incline unto the Summum Bonum : Wherefore the Summum Bonum is the neerest end . I confirm the Minor We do immediately covet that , which doth perfectionate us , because it is out of necessity . The necessity appears in this ; in that we must live to God ; for without him we cannot live or exist , and consequently we cannot be perfectionated without him . Now that which is most necessary , must precede that , which is lesse necessary ; for it is possible for us to live without happinesse , and only to enjoy our being , if God had so pleased . And therefore happinesse is not absolutely necessary , but is superadded to this our appetite meerly from Gods bounty . We ought first to bend and incline to God ; because he is our Summum Bonum , and doth perfectionate us ; and not only , because he doth make us happy . In this bending to God ; we answer to our end , and are true beings . The same is also witnessed by Scripture , Prov. 16. God hath made all things for himself . III. Summum Bonum is otherwise called our last End , because it is that , in which all our good Actions seem to terminate : I prove that the greatest Good and happiness is our last End. All Trades and Professions tend to make provision for mans life . This provision , as meat and drink , &c. serveth to keep the Body in repair , that so it may continue a convenient mansion for the Soul , and serve her through its organs . The prime organs are the inward and outward Senses , which are subservient to the Soul , in advertising her of all things , which may be prejudicial to man ; and in pleasing her by conveying the objects of all external beings to her ; and commending them to her Contemplation , which doth chiefly consist in the discovery of the causes of all things . The Soul , being now brought and seated in the midst of her speculations , doth not come to any rest or satisfaction there , but still maketh way , and passeth through them , untill she arrives to the last object , and its last end , which is the farthest she can dyve . This last object is God , because he is the last end of our contemplations ; for beyond him we cannot conceive , or think any thing . It is also certain , that all beings have their end , and are terminated by it . This doth infer , that the actions of man must also have their end : The principal actions of man are them of the Soul ; to wit , his understanding . The understanding is not terminated by any material substance : for it can think and understand beyond it : neither are created immaterial substances objects , beyond which the Soul of man cannot imagine : for it doth imagine , know , and understand God : but beyond God it can imagine nothing . All Beings have their causes , them causes have other causes , these other causes at last must owe their being to one first Cause : otherwise causes would be infinite , which is repugnant . Wherefore we cannot think beyond the first Cause . IV. The Soul having sublimed her self into a most sublime thought of God , there she resteth , and admireth his great power in giving a Being to all sublunary and superlunary things . She admireth his wisdome and providence in preserving them all . She is astonisht at his infinite love towards mankind , in Breathing his Essence out of his own brest . The joy and acquiessence which the Soul findeth in the contemplation of this last End and first Cause , is so great , and unexpressible , that there is nothing in this vast World to resemble it unto , but to it self . Thus I have demonstrated how all the Actions of man tend to one last End , and Summum Bonum . V. From the Greatest Good , we receive two benefits : First , it makes us most perfect and most happy : Secondly , it terminates our faculties ; for in all other Things we can find no rest , but in the Summum Bonum only . All other things can give us no rest , because they are ordained for a further end , and subject to changes and alterations every moment ; but the Summum Bonum is the same for ever and ever . As for the happiness which doth redound from the possession of the Summum Bonum , it is a Joy and contentment beyond expression . None is capable of conceiving what it is , except they who are the possessors of it . The joy is such , that if a man hapneth to it , and is confirmed in it , he can never desert it : a moments want of it , would seem to be the greatest misery . CHAP. VII . Of the false Summum Bonum . 1. The Summum Bonum of the Epicureans unfolded and rejected . 2. That Wealth is a greater torment than a Summum Bonum . The Riches of Seneca . That we ought to follow his example . 3. That to be taken up in merry discourses is not the greatest happiness . 4. That it is not the greatest happiness to be merry twice or thrice a week at a mans country house . 5. That honour is not the greatest good . 6. That swearing is no happiness . 7. The Author's ground why he was compelled to make use of so light a style in this Chapter . 8. That all these enumerated instances are highly to be imbraced as good , but not as the greatest Good. That meat and drink are to be taken with temperance . 9. That Riches are not absolutely to be rejected . 10. That mutual converse is commendable . 11. That a constant society is necessary to man. 12. That we ought to give honour to whom honour is due . 13. That we ought not to refuse an Oath tendred by the Magistrate . THe Error and mistake of the Epicureans , cannot but startle any one , who is but irradiated with the least glimpse of the Summum Bonum . They do foolishly conceit that the greatest good and happinesse consisteth in Pleasures , that are taken by these two external senses ; of tasting , and of the tact : which pleasures primarily are gluttony , and its companion . What are these pleasures but momentany ? the enjoyment of them makes a man more restless , than he was before : A gluttons stomack is no sooner filled ; but his pleasures are past and vanished : his next wish is ; that his stomack were empty again , for to enjoy new pleasures . This vice is endemick to some people , whose custom it is , to take it for an affront , if their guests rise from the Table , before they have filled their crop twice or thrice , and discharged it as often by vomiting their lading up again , which perhaps , if it light into their neighbours lap , is only taken for an act of necessity , and an endeavour to make amends to the master of the feast : for the greatest thanks he expects , is to hear a man relate the next day , that he did not spare to make himself a Beast yesterday through his noble and liberal entertainment . A man who intends to follow the mode of these treatments , is not to call simply for ( trincken ) drink at Table ; but ( zuzauffen ) for a draught , ( rather for a traffe like hogs ; ) that is as much as he can well swallow down with an open throat , or no lesse than will swell him to that bigness , as forceth him to unbutton two or three buttons of his doublet , and so drink as long , untill all his buttons are dispatcht : and by that time they are got to their greatest happiness , which is to lie dead drunk one a top the other . Wherein , are these men different from so many hogs , lying one upon the other ? they grunt in that dead sleep like hogs . They be fowl , kick and tumble over one another like hogs : were there hogs among them , they could not distinguish themselves from those hogs . And is this then a happinesse to be a hog ? they are worse than hogs , for hogs discern one another ; but they are blind , dumb and deaf : These men are more fit to receive the Devil than happiness , like unto the herd of swine which the Devil enterd . As for the other Summum Bonum of the Epicureans , it is so far from an acquiessence and Joy , that Aristotle makes a detestation of it . Look in his Probl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . II. No lesse are they mistaken , who make their wealth their god , oftentimes not regarding how they come to it , whether by craft or overreaching of others . These misers instead of imbracing a perfect Joy , they precipitate themselves into a miserable and Tanteleon covetousnesse , being tormented with insatiable pangs after more money , thirsting with a fiery drought , not to be quencht by the pouring all the West-India mines upon them . If many in their tun-bellies , were but sensible of the torments and unquietnesse , which do accompany their Summum Bonum , they would soon desist from grapling after their tuns of gold . The experience of the great Moral Philosopher Seneca , might well perswade them to imitate his dictates of competency : for he , although his estate was computed to the value of threescore hundred thousand Pounds , as Justus Lipsius recordeth of him ; yet being sensible of the great weight in keeping of it , and tormented with burning desires to increase it , did contemn it all , being fully perswaded , that contentment was of greater worth , than all his treasure . III. In some Countreys the greatest accomplishment of a Gentleman is counted to be his breeding and good behaviour , which in France is called bonne mine , wherein the more a man can please his Madame , the braver Gentleman he is accounted : so that all their education , as their dancing , their study in pleasing discourses , tends only to delight their Ladies , and themselves : insomuch that in their confabulations with them , they imagine themselves to be possest of an unparalel happinesse : which , their having a countenance marked with smiles and joy : their Eyes sparkling with lustre : their Bodies being altogether transformed into an air : the continual gesticulations of their Bodies , and trepidation of their Voices , do abundantly testifie . The plurality of the world doth unanimously agree herein , that it is a great happiness , and no lesse contentment to passe away the time in mirth and pleasant discourses , wherein a man's mind seemeth to be much satisfied , wishing the night to be spent , that his wonted mirth might be disclosed again through the presence of the ensuing day . The whole troop of Poets seem to be sworn to bend their wits only to extoll the happinesse and joys with which this Bonum is endued , and to make it analogal to the Summum Bonum ; for may they say , here are persons taken up with a contemplation , surprized by an admiration : not only so , but they receive thence great satisfaction , and joy ; whence it appeareth , that there is some resemblance , and more than there is in any other Bonum : This is the ground , why Poets descant thus upon their gods , in feigning to be ravished by one anothers discourses , and to be stupified through amorous Joys : This they assigne upon them , as being the greatest happinesse , and therefore worthy of Gods. On the other side , this Bonum may be numbred among transitory felicities , and therefore is not the greatest : for a man here is , as it were , in a dream , wherein he phansieth multiplicity of Passages , and when he awakes , all is vanished . The like is observable in this case : we talk of sundry subjects successively , which serveth only to drive away the time , and therein it pleaseth the mind , there being nothing more tedious to it , than idlenesse . This is fickle , and alterable , satisfying the soul at one time , and not at another ; for a while only , and not for always ; we may admire one person for his discourse to day , to morrow we may admire our selves for admiring the same person yesterday . The discourse being once ended the happinesse vanisheth , and is the same with a dream : for in a dream we seem to be as joyfull in discoursing with any pleasant person , as we are , when we are awake ; but the dream being discussed , all vanisheth with it . Pray , what difference is there between a joy apprehended in a dream , and a joy perceived when one is awake ? yea oftentimes the profusion of joy is greater in a dream than when we are awake . Well may we thence proclaim , that all is vanity . IV. No small number are they , who place their greatest happines in being merry once or twice a week with their Wives at their Country-houses . All their toiling and moiling tends only to procure so much wealth , as to be thereby in a capacity of purchasing themselves a Country-house , where a man may leave ' his consort , and after a few moments absence return loaden with joy , as if newly arrived from a Japan voyage . This meeting after some hours parting doth so extreamly transport him , through the sudden spying of his female second self among the green leaves and odoriferous flowers , that he imagineth himself to be no less than an Angel admitted into a Mahomets Paradice . This may be a happinesse if prudently managed ; but to compare it to a Summum Bonum , is to make it appear a Summum Malum . Assuredly that , which a man at several times doth leave and return to : doth love and hate : doth trust and suspect : doth agree and disagree with : doth esteem and revile : doth please and displease him , is far distant from a Summum Bonum , which at all seasons and minutes is * Semper Idem . That which depends upon a man's humour , being disposed to alteration , and variety every moment , cannot be the greatest happinesse , which alone lasteth to all eternity . V. What shall I say of honour ? A gift , which is at the disposal of every bumken , and sometimes a liberal bounty of the vilest persons : for it depends upon their pleasure , whether they will confer it upon a deserving person , or not . Honour is a thing , wherewith men are often clodded , and so come to loathe it . They have so much of it sometimes , that they do not regard it at any time . Men need not to make a Summum Bonum of an air , of a shaking of a hat , of a bow , of a curtzy , of a leg , of a gaze : all this is but a flash . And what are the fruits and effects of it ? Possibly they may perceive a swelling of their mind , and a puffing up of their spirit , which may put them into a Bridegroom posture , wherein he doth more admire himself , than a Bridegroom doth his Bride . VI. Many thereare , who take a wonderfull delight in swearing ; each third word must have a S'wounds , or by God , or a God damme me for its attendance , otherwise the language would seem to be imperfect , or at least to want its natural eloquence . This interjection of speech is so much practised , that some Masters of Languages in France make it the third lesson to their scholars . A Germane newly arrived at Paris , and applying his mind to the study of that language , shewed me his third Lesson , which his master had recommended to him , to learn by heart . This piece of Doctrine did contain no lesse than thirty or five and thirty oaths ; some of which he said were of the last years invention , which his Master had particularly marked . I asked the Gentleman , how he would come to know their proper places and insertions ; he answered me , that that was the first Question , he asked his Master , who resolved him , that a little converse with the French would soon make him perfect in that businesse . O Tempora , O Mores ! What is there more abominable ! How is it possible for men so to mistake , and not know , that this is Belzebubs Rhetorick , the Devils mother Tongue , Satan's mirth . This is the only language wherein the Devils and men , Wizards and their spirits understand one another . VII . I doubt not , but by this time you are better resolved , and fully perswaded , that none of these before-mentioned instances are a Summum Bonum . And before I put a period to the enumeration of the adulterin greatest Happinesse , I must tell you my scope in having declared them by a prejudicial style , or rather a style , which may seem to partake of a lightnesse , being altogether unbecoming to my intended purpose . In reference to the first , I confesse , I have a prejudice against them , as they are falsly taken and supposed to be the greatest Happinesse , and may beguile us of the true Happinesse ; and therefore I have detected and enquired into their height and highest degree of their good , delight or happinesse ; which to perform , I was compelled to make use of such kind of flashy and light expressions . VIII . As they are good , and bear onely a representation of good , they are necessarily and highly to be imbraced : because they conduce to the enjoyment of the greatest Good , and are effects , tokens and signs of it . Meat and Drink are preservatives of man , and therefore conduce to the enjoyment of the greatest Good. They are created and ordained through the goodnesse of the greatest Good , which is an effect , token , and sign of the greatest Good. To imbrace these as Good is to imbrace them with temperance ; whose potential parts are four : 1. Abstinence , which consisteth in a moderation of eating . 2. Sobriety , which consisteth in a moderation of drinking . The other two parts are Chastity and shamefac'dnesse , which do consist in moderating the affections of man and woman towards one another . IX . Riches , as they are external good things , are not to be absolutely rejected , if moderated according to the Rules of liberality . They are the necessary means , through which all humane Policy is exercised . X. Affability , mutual converse and society , conduce much to man's edification in knowledge . Hence doth Aristotle define Man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Man is a Politick living creature . Politick is to be inclinable to a mutual conversation . Were it not , that man had the benefit of converse , he might require Methusalem's years , for to furnish himself with a competent knowledge . XI . Man , as he is alone , is a melancholly creature , and therefore needs a sutable companion to cheer him , whereby he is the better disposed for to receive a greater happinesse . The sutablenesse and delight , which he findeth in his fellow , doth fix his thoughts and his actions , and thereby diverteth him from infinite occasions of falling into evil . On the other side , men , that are single , are much inclined to wandring , and exposed thereby to all manner of temptations ; to covet illegal objects ; to act unlawfull actions , to the hazard and danger of their lives ; and above all to evil thoughts , which the Devil doth suggest to them . If every man did adhere to a sutable companion , he could hardly commit evil : I mean sins of commission : for being prepossest through the pleasing fellowship of his Consort , he could not covet any thing which was illegal : for did he covet any thing else above that which he doth enjoy , it supposeth a greater convenience in that object , which he doth covet : but since that , which he hath made choice of , is , next to the Summum Bonum , most sutable to him , he cannot let his desires slide another way . The worst actions , which men do act , are either when they are alone , or when they are in other company , and absent from their partner . When they are in other company , they are apt to be drunk , to swear , and to project base designs , which a man seldome or never doth perpetrate in the presence with his mate . Or if he did , it is an hundred to one , if her fear , modesty , or some other vertue did not prevent him . Man could seldome think evil thoughts , because his companion is supposed to divert him in proposing pleasant or usefull discourses . What woman is there , which can be inordinate in any of these fore-instanced actions , if she is suted to a mate , and adheres to his fellowship onely . 'T is true , women and men , although both joyn'd in a constant adherence , have sometimes agreed in wicked designs ; but this hapneth alwayes in a couple unsutably paired , and consequently much given to wandring ; so that they did not contract that evil habit from themselves , but from others . Had the first man and the first woman continued constantly together , it would have been a far harder task for the Devil to have deluded them : but they being separated , although but for a few moments , and either of them admitting conference with the Devil , were soon corrupted . What an easie task of Government would it be , if most men were paired so , as never to be asunder from their fellow . They could hardly assent to mischief ; or if they were bent to it , Law might sooner work upon their joint-interest , than if it were single . But take this only as by way of discourse . XII . It is necessary among men to give honour to whom it is due . and to return it with thanks , when they do deserve it . Were it only to cause a distinction of persons , in respect to civil Government , it doth imply a necessity . It is proper for us to know what honour is ; for how could we else acquit our duty in this part to God , to the supream Magistrate , or to our Parents ? XIII . We are not to be over-scrupulous in taking of an oath , provided it tend to the preservation of the Commonwealth , and that the supream Magistrate ( be it the King , Prince , or plural Magistrate ) do require it . We are obliged to it upon a double consideration : 1. Because the Magistrate doth command , or imposed it , which is obliging among all Nations . 2. Because it tends to the preservation of the whole body of the people . And this common reason doth convince to be binding . CHAP. VIII . Of the Subject of Natural Theology . 1. Man consisting of Body and Soul is the adequate subject of Natural Theology . 2. Reasons proving the Soul to be the original and principal subject of Theology . 3. That the Understanding and Will are really and formally one . The confutation of the vulgar definition of Will. A full explication of the Will , and the manner of its acting . What speculalative and practical signifie . 4. What the Will is in a large sense . 5. What the Will is in a strict sense . 6. An Explanation upon the first description of Will. 7. The Effects of the Will. Whether appetibility doth not equally imply volibility , and appetibility in a strict sense . 8. Whether mans appetite is distinct from his Will. I. THe fourth Question proposed is , Which is the Subject of Natural Theology ? By Subject I mean the Subjectum inhaesionis , wherein this habit is inherent . To answer you in general , The whole man , as he consisteth of soul and body , is the subject of Theology ; for the effects of it , to wit happinesse and joy , are as sensibly received by the body , as by the soul : for the body receiveth its essence , conservation , and bodily pleasures from it * . The soul cannot alone be properly said to be the subject , because the soul without the body is not man. II. The soul is originally and principally the subject of Theology . I say originally , because the soul is the original cause of the pleasures of the body : yea , and of its constitution : for the body was created for the soul , and not the soul for the body . The soul is the original cause of the pleasures of the body , in that the soul doth make choice of them , and applieth them to the body : for example , meat , drink , and other pleasures are applyed to the body , in that the soul makes choice of them , and conceiveth them to be pleasant to the body ; otherwise the body could not attain to them . The soul can enjoy pleasures , when the body is in paine ; but the body cannot , when the soul is in paine . The soul is the principal subject of Theology , because the greatest happinesse and good is enjoyed by it , the delights of the body not being comparable to them of the soul , The soul receiveth its pleasure by instants of time ; the body onely by succession . III. The operation , whereby the soul doth imbrace the greatest good and happinesse , is from the understanding , as it is speculative and practick , and not as it is a two-fold faculty , formally distinct through the understanding and the will ; for these are not really and essentially distinct . I prove it : if the understanding cannot understand without the will , or the will without the understanding , then they are not really and essentially distinct : because it is proper to beings , which are really and essentially distinct , to operate without each other . But the understanding cannot understand without the will ; neither can the will will without the understanding . Therefore they are not really distinct . I prove the Minor : The will is primarly a bending of the understanding to an action of the mind ; but the understanding cannot understand , unlesse it bends to that action of the mind : So neither can the understanding be bent to action , unlesse it understandeth . Wherefore the one doth imply the other . The most there is between them is a modal distinction . You may object , that it follows hence , that a man may be said to will , when he understandeth , to understand when he willeth : which predications are absurd . I answer , That it includes no absurdity at all : for a man , when he understandeth , doth will every particular act of the understanding , which he understandeth , or otherwise how could he understand ? On the other side , a man understandeth , when he willeth according to that trite saying , Ignoti nulla Cupido , That which a man doth not know , he cannot desire or will. Wherefore I argue again , that the one includeth the other , the will implyeth the understanding , and the understanding the will. Possibly you may deny my supposed definition of will , which is a bending to an action of the mind . If you refuse it , propose a better . Your opinion , it may be is to wander with the multitude , and so you commend this : The will is , through which a man by a fore-going knowledge doth covet a sutable or convenient good , and shunneth an inconvenient evil . I will first account the absurdities of this definition , and afterwards prove them to be so . First , you affirm , That there fore-goeth a knowledge before a man willeth . Secondly , That a man doth alwayes covet a convenient good . Thirdly , That a man shunneth all inconvenient evil . Fourthly , That the will alwayes either coveteth or shunneth . Fifthly , The definition containeth superfluous words , as inconvenience and convenience . Sixthly , You assert that two contrary acts proceed from one formal habit . Seventhly , This definition is a division of a habit into its acts . Eighthly , You do positively affirm , That the will is really and essentially distinct from the understanding . Many more I might deduct , but these being sufficient , I shall now direct my pen to them particularly . First , You say , That there fore-goeth a knowledge before every act of the will. Upon this I demand from you , How cometh the understanding to know ? You may answer , through her self : and what is it else , to know through ones self , but to know through ones own will ? Ergo , The will is a concomitant of the understanding , and the understanding of the will , and consequently the one doth not precede the other . Or thus , Can the understanding know against her will , or without her will ? If so , then man is no voluntary creature , in that he acteth , without a will. Secondly , You declare , That a man doth alwayes covet a convenient good . Herein you contradict your self : for before you said , that the understanding did understand a volible object without or before the will : but to understand a volible object , is to will to understand it , and yet not covet it : Therefore according to your own words , a man did not always covet through his will. 2. A man doth covet evil as evil : Wherefore he doth not alwayes covet good . The antecedence I have proved above . 3. A man doth sometime covet an inconvenientgood : for he covets Arsenick to kil himself . You will answer to this , that he doth covet it as a convenient good , for to ease him from some trouble or grief . By this solution you confound your self , in taking objective good and formal good for the same thing , which according to Aristotle are different . If so , then your answer will not hold : for the Question is concerning objective good , whereas your answer relates to a formal good . The ease , which a man findeth through the removal of trouble , is the formal good ; the Arsenick is the objective good : this presupposed , the Arsenick is good in it self , but relatively it is inconvenient to that man , for it destroyeth his essence . You may reply , That a man doth not take it to destroy his essence , but to release himself from his misery . Notwithstanding I say , he knew before he took the Ratsbane , that it would kill him ; wherefore this knowledge of inconvenience fore-going the willing of inconvenience , doth according to your own definition infer that he willed it , as inconvenient , because he fore-knew it to be inconvenient . Thirdly , I say , That a man doth not alwayes shun an inconveent evil : because he doth not shun sicknesse , when he is diseased : neither can he shun all inconveniencies ; for he falleth into many . So likewise in the fore-given instance , he cannot shun sicknesse or death , although he may wish it remote from him , but that is not shunning of it : wherefore shunning is an improper term to be used in this definition . Fourthly , You conceive , That the will alwayes doth either covet or shun . This is against most Peripateticks , who say , that the will can suspend its action , which suspension is neither coveting or shunning . Fifthly , Since that good implieth convenience , and evil inconvenience , what need you to adde convenience and inconvenience : Wherefore both must be superfluous . Sixthly , To shun evil and to covet good , are two acts formally contrary : If so , How can these flow from one habit ? Possibly you endeavour to escape the force of this Objection , in saying , that the one may proceed per se , and the other per accidens from a formal habit . If I should grant this , your definition will prove illegal , because there must nothing be inserted into a Definition , but what agreeth per se with the definitum . Seventhly , This is rather an Accidental Division of a habit into its acts : Wherefore this Division is not so much as Essential ; because it is not grounded upon the form of the Divisum . Eighthly , You conclude the will to be really and essentially different from the understanding . You make too much haste ; you should first shew , that the will and understanding are Real Beings ; and how will you do that according to your own received Doctrine of Real Beings ? which teacheth , that they onely are Real Beings , which exist , or can exist without the understanding : if so , then the understanding , for to be a real being , must exist without its self ; and is not this absurd ? Having made appear to you the falsity of the common Doctrine of Will , I come now to explain , how the understanding is made practical , and how speculative . Wherefore in the first place , Mark , what the understanding is . The understanding is the discerning , apprehending , or judging faculty of all Objects , which are objected from without , or from within . The understanding judgeth of these objects according to their distinct representation . Objects represent themselves in a two-fold manner : 1. Essentially , when the essence consisting of all its modes united is represented to the understanding . 2. Modally , which is , when one mode or more , is , or are singularly represented to the understanding . You may apprehend this better by an example . The essential representation of a Bull is , wherein you perceive him by , or in all his modes united ; particularly in perceiving him in that shape , of having such a figure , of bearing horns , of being hairy and cloven-footed , of having unity , truth and perfection , &c. But when I conceive onely one of his modes , without conceiving any of the others , that is a modal representation ; as in conceiving his horns only , or the goodnesse of every mode by it self , or the goodness of the whole essence . Observe then , these several concepts are several actions , because they are of several objects : Which difference of action is called a material difference . Again , This action is but one formally , and depends from one formal power ; so that one power can promote but one formal action : as in this instance ; The power , which my hand hath of writing , fitteth it to write several letters , as I. D. &c. the writing these several letters are distinct actions , because they differ in figure , which is a material difference : but then again , the action of writing is but one formally , flowing from one formal power of writing . So likewise a knife cutteth paper , wood , &c. the cutting of these are materially distinct actions ; but again the cutting is also but one formal action ; for a knife cutteth these through one vertue of sharpnesse , and therefore its power is but one formally . In the same manner , I say , doth the soul understand or perceive several objects ; as , in conceiving the entire essence of a Being ; or its modes in particular ; as its goodnesse , unity , &c. These are all several actions differing materially one from the other ; for the conceiving of unity is not the conceiving of Good , &c. Again , The action of understanding or conceiving is but one formally flowing from one mind , or one understanding faculty , otherwise were it double , it would require a double name . Moreover , there is but one first and formal faculty of all beings ; because all second faculties are derived from one : and what is this faculty in man , but the understanding ? Whence it appeareth , that the understanding faculty is one formally , and manifold materially : or rather to speak more properly , the understanding faculty is but one , and its acts are many . According to this last Caution , the understanding cannot be said to be speculative , or practick ; but its acts are either speculative or practick . Or thus , The understanding is formally only speculative ; I mean speculative , as it is taken in an universal , indifferent and unlimited sense . Further , The understanding is materially also speculative and practick . By speculative I mean an absolute and single habit of conceiving an Essence or Mode , without any other duplicated and relative action . * Practick is attributed to the understanding , when it acteth ( that is understandeth ) upon an essence or mode by a duplicated and relative action . A relative action of the understanding is , when it considereth , and understandeth an object relatively , or related to another object , which among the most universal attributes of a being is goodness . So that to understand a being practically , is to understand it to be good , and related through that goodnesse to another being : as when I understand an Ox to be good for plowing , carrying , &c. I consider him relatively , as related to another being : Now then , this I call a practick Act of the understanding , and from such acts is the understanding termed practical . Hence let us examine , What difference there is between these two objects being variously acted upon by us , and wherein they do agree . The difference which there is between them ariseth from themselves , and is that the one is understood not to be the other : They agree in that they were apprehended or acted upon by one faculty of the mind , or that they are objects of one and the same faculty of the mind . The distinction , which there is imagined in the faculty is none , for it is the same faculty that understandeth a thing to be good , to be true , &c. A Looking-glasse is not changed from being a Glasse , because it represents several essences and modes ; as faces , hands , or legs : so neither is the understanding different or changed , because it discerns several objects . It may be one may say , that this is not the case ; but whether this practical understanding is the will , or not , is the doubt : for the will , you may imagine , is Actually to move , or to act that , which the understanding hath conceived convenient : When a man conceiveth a thing to be good ; as in the before-mentioned instance of an Oxe to be good for the plow , it is the action of the understanding , as it is practick ; and this cannot be called the will ; but the will is , when you act that , which the understanding hath conceived expedient to be acted ; as , when you put an Oxe to plow after you have apprehended him to be good for it , doth issue from the will ; and is , as it were , a command of the soul upon the inferiour faculties to do that , which the understanding hath perceived to be practick : So that practick is that , whereby we act , and not whereby we may act . The understanding is named practick , because thence the soul may act that , which the understanding apprehendeth practick . The will is more properly termed practick , because thereby the soul doth act : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth action , which ( according to Aristotle ) is either immanent or transient : so that Praxis in a large sense , is predicated of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is vulgarly referred to a transient action ) and of Praxis , as it is strictly limited to an immanent action . To remove this Objection , you must consider these notions : 1. That the soul is a single Being , and therefore hath but one formal single power , which formal power seemeth ( but really is not ) to be different from it self , in that , in the brain it understandeth ; in the Liver it sanguificateth ; in the Muscles it moveth . These are onely external and material differences ; not formal ; for it is one and the same faculty of the soul , which moveth , understandeth , &c. 2. This Question may be taken in a double meaning : 1. Whether the will and understanding , in respect to the soul , are different faculties ? That is , Whether the soul doth understand and will by two powers differing in themselves ? This is made clear in the Discourse of Powers . 2. Whether these faculties in respect to themselves are really different : to wit , Whether to refuse or imbrace an object , which are the acts of the will ; and to judge or apprehend it to be imbraced or refused , which is the act of the practick understanding , are different acts ; and consequently proceeding from habits materially different . Now , take my answer . I say , That to will and understand an object practically , are acts really identicated , and proceed from one faculty of judgement or understanding . I prove it . To make an impression from within , upon the phansie , is an act of the intelligent faculty ; but to will and understand practically is caused by an impression from within upon the Phansie . Ergo , They are caused or proceed through one and the same act , from one and the same faculty , which is the understanding . I confirm the Assumption by this instance : When a man doth will meat : 1. He makes a practical science upon it , and judgeth it to be good or convenient for his body : Next after this , he doth judge it necessary for him ; as , to eat , when his stomack is hungry : 3. He judgeth the means , whereby to procure it , to be a local motion ; as , through which a man doth move towards his meat , and moveth it unto his stomack . 4. He judgeth , That to make a motion to an object , is by moving the spirits of the phansie towards that object , which motion excites all the other spirits , contained in the external members , to move to the same object . Lastly , To judge is to be moved by an impression of any species upon the phansie , which the Agent understanding made thereon : so that these four judgements of the understanding are impressions and motions upon , and in the phansie , which being constituted , the will is also constituted . You may then observe , That the will is not a single act , but one act composed out of many single acts , and united one to the other by a subordination . All these four motions concurring to a will are effected by one faculty , and therefore are not different . These four acts are ( as it were ) parts , which constitute a will : for one being deficient , a man cannot will , unlesse he judgeth an object to be good ; he cannot covet it , neither will he covet it , unlesse he judgeth it necessary to make up a pleasure , or to supply a need ; for there are many things , which are good , and yet we do not covet them , because we do not judge them necessary for to make up a pleasure or need . These two are to no purpose , if the apprehension of means be not framed , The understanding being now bent and inclined to an object , makes an impression upon the animal spirits lodged within the feat of the phansie : for how can the understanding otherwise judge of means , unlesse it makes an impression of them upon the phansie ? which is no sooner done , but all the members move . The Phansie is like unto the spring of a Watch , which being moved , all the wheeles are moved by it . All these acts , we see proceed from one agent intellect , and are all acts of that faculty , and why should they then be counted to be really different from one another ? IV. 1. The Will is , whereby the understanding of man is inclined to action . The will , as I have shewed , is an act of the understanding , wherefore I do define it by the understanding faculty . Note that Will here is the same with the practick underderstanding . V. 2. The Will ( in a strict sense ) is an action of the understanding upon an object , as farre as it is appetible , or inappetible . Will in the first definition is supposed to be the inclination or motion of the understanding to action : That is to any action in general ; whether to good or to evil ; to a single , or reflex action ; to one single or many actions subnected to one another . The understanding , when it doth understand , it first willeth and inclineth to that action , before it can be said to understand : if then , there be any priority imaginable between the understanding and the will ( as scarce there is ) the will must precede the understanding . But , as I said , there is none : because inclining to action , and to be in action are the same thing : neverthelesse we may suppose them to be distinguisht ratione : and a parte Rei they are distinguisht materially . Here may be objected , that that , whereby the understanding is inclined to action , is the object : for it is the object , which doth incline the understanding to action : Wherefore the object is the will , which is absurd . You have almost rightly apprehended my meaning ; it is true , that through the object the understanding is moved to action : for without an object the understanding could not act : And from the object is the understanding said to act , and receiveth the denomination of acting from it : but now , it doth not follow , that the will is the object : yet materially it is in the object ; formally in the understanding . You may furnish your self with another objection , which is , That it followeth hence , that the understanding is alwayes practick , and never speculative . To this I answer , That practick either implieth action , and a bending to action , whether the object , in which that action doth terminate , be within , or without : or the Acting and bending only to an external object , which action upon an external object is not single but many ; besides it must be also related to the goodnesse of an object : according to the former implication the understanding is alwayes practick , when it doth understand ; according to the letter it is not . VI. The second definition is more strict and limited , the will here being determined either to an appetibility ( which denotech either a convenience primarly , or a farther constitution , preservation and perfectionation , pleasure , or goodnesse in the object ; secundarily and per accidens , an evil and imperfectionation ) whereby the understanding is incited to a second and farther action ; or inappetibility . Scaliger in his Cccviith Exerc. 3. D. defineth the will very consentaneous , to what it is set down for here . The will ( saith he ) is the understanding extended to have , or to do that , which it apprehendeth . By this he consenteth , that the will and understanding are the same really . That , which he intendeth by an extended understanding , is before implyed by a farther and second action of the understanding . It is a true saying of his , That the will is the understanding extended , or judgement prolonged : for when one doth ask you , whether you will go to sleep ; first , you judge what sleep is , then you prolong your judgement in judging sleep to be necessary ; thirdly , you extend your concept , untill you conclude that you will go to sleep ; and what is this , but the understanding prolonged . By a farther Action , the will is distinct from speculation , whereby an object is conceived only by a first intention , without the consequence of any farther action : By action , I intend effection , or doing . VII . The acts of will , in a strict sense , are to imbrace , or to reject an object . The object of the will is a Being , as far as it is appetible , or unappetible . This faceth somewhat against the customary speech of Philosophers , who attribute appetite primarly to animals and naturals : and secundarily to man ; if so , then appetibility is not the ratio formalis of the object of the will , but of the appetite . So that volibility ( if such a word might be suffered ) is rather the proper object of the will. Herein are two questions contained . 1. Whether appetibility be not a word equally denoting volibility and appetibility in a restrained sense . 2. Whether man's appetite is distinct from his will. To the first I answer , That appetibility is equally attributed to man , and to other creatures : I prove it : Aristotle defined Good to be that , which all beings have an appetite unto : if so , then appetability is common to man , since that man is a Being , and hath an appetite unto Good. IX . The second doubt is somewhat more involved in bryan . Scaliger in the same Exerc. alledged in the next fore-going Paragraph , states a difference between the appetite of man , and his will. For appetites ( saith he ) are propensities to natural conveniences : with which we are born , like as with our senses : wherefore the appetite is moved either from our sense , or fancy , or memory ; from which again that power is moved , which we call the will. Wherefore the appetite is before the will , that is , before that act , whereby we will a thing . Thus farre Scaliger . If this be true , it is a Paradox , that one and the same object through one formal manner of moving should move two formal powers of one Being . How can this be ? One being hath but one formal power , whereby it is distinct from all others . So man hath but one formal power , which is his power of reasoning , through which he is distinguisht from all other beings : Wherefore the appetite of man is not distinct from his will. But Scaliger saith , That the appetite is sometime checked by the will. Ergo , They are different . The Antecedence is evident in this instance : A man doth frequently long for a thing , which his will doth contradict ; as in coveting for drink , when he hath a drowth , or in longing for sack in a feaver , the will doth not alwayes assent to it : Wherefore the will is different from them appetites , because the one can be existent without the other In answer to this I say , that these are not properly appetites , to which ( namely appetites ) a knowledge doth necessarily concur ; but they are only improperly and analogically termed appetites , because they agree with a proper appetite in having an inclination to a thing . Wherefore a proper appetite being alwayes concomitated by a knowledge , these fore-mentioned instances cannot be denominated appetites , but natural inclinations and propensities : for if a man is predicated to have an appetite for any thing , it is equivalent , as if he were predicated to have a will to a thing : Wherefore there is only one proper appetite in man , as he is man , which is his will. CHAP. IX . Of Free-will by Reason . 1. Wherein man doth most differ from Animals or Naturals . 2. To what acts the freedom of man's will , in reference to its acting , doth extend . What the freedom of will is , quoad exercitium actus , and what Libertas contradictionis is . 3. What the second kind of freedom of will importeth . 4. That the speculative understanding in the act of speculation is practick . 5. That the will is not constrained to will a good thing , although present : but hath a power of rejecting it . 6. That the will willeth evil for an evil end . That some men are worse than Devils . 7. What the will 's freedom is in specifying its acts . 8. What free-will is in reference to its faculty . 9. Velten rejected for asserting that the will is not indifferent to each contrary . That the will is indifferent to each contradictory opposite . 10. That the will is free to act , or not to act . 11. That the will is free to act upon particular objects , whether good or evil . The state of the controversie . 12. That man as he is in a natural and corrupt state hath a free-will of doing a moral good , or a moral evil act . 13. That man hath not a free-will of doing a theologick good act immediately through himself without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . 14. Man hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . That he hath a free-will of election . 15. That man , as he is in a natural state , hath a free-will , through himself , and without Gods extraordinary concurrence , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance to him in his actions . That our being and conservation in it , and all our actions depend from the ordinary concurrence of God. Reasons , why God did not conferre upon him an absolute power of acting without his ordinary concourse . The cause of man's fall . That that which is only morally good will prove theologick evil at last . 16. Arguments to prove a free-will in man. A reconciliation of the Calvinists with the Arminians . That man hath a remnant of theologick good surviving in him . The state of the controversie . The division of it . I. THe chief respect , through which a man doth differ from Animals or Naturals , is his will , which is a free principle , through which he acteth freely , that is , without any irresistable impulse ; for there is no object , whether good or evil ; pleasant or sorrowfull , but it is left to the wils freedom , whether it will imbrace it , or reject it . II. The freedom of man's will , in reference to its act , is either a determination or assent , of man to act , or not to act : or else it is an assent to act upon a certain object , or not to act upon that certain object : o●to act upon a certain mode of an object , or not to act upon that certain mode : or to act upon the goodnesse of an object in common , or particular , or not to act upon the goodnesse of such objects : or to act upon the evil of an object in common or particular , or not to act upon the evil of rhat object ; or to act upon good , or upon evil . These are the particulars , whereunto the freedome of man's will doth extend . And first , A man hath freedom of acting , or of not acting , through his will. A man in willing to sleep , he willeth to will no more , before he hath refreshed himself by sleep . So that herein a man hath a will of acting or not acting indeterminately , which sort of willing freedome is termed , Libertas quoad exercitium actus . Such a freedom of will there is in man : for a man in willing to sleep willeth not to will , that is , not to act through his will. A man in willing not to sleep may will to will , or to continue in action of willing or understanding . This is a plain Libertas contradiction is ad actionem , & non actionem , sive ad agendum & non agendum : for it is between an ens and a non ens . III. The second kind of freedom in the will is to act upon an object : I mean a whole essence or object , as it doth consist of all its modes united : as for instance , a man may covet a whole Tree , or only a branch of it ; a whole house , or only a room . Now in coveting a whole Tree , or a whole house , he coveteth an entire essence with all its modes : or else a man may also reject a whole Tree or house ; and so rejecteth a whole essence . IV. Thirdly , The will may choose to act upon a particular mode , as the truth or quantity of an essence , &c. For it makes choice to act ( that is to apprehend or contemplate ) upon these modes particularly . Neither let it seem strange to you , that the understanding or will in contemplation should be termed willing or practick : for in that very contemplation the understanding is practick , for it doth both act and will that action . V. Fourthly , The will may act upon the goodnesse of an object in particular , or it may refuse it . Herein I do thwart some Authours , who strive to prove the contrary , to wit , that the will , when it doth act upon a good object , it cannot refuse it , but doth alwayes covet it . Others do with more caution assert , That the will of man cannot reject or refuse the most universal good ; for which purpose they quote Austin , 10. B. 20. Chap. of Confes. Were it possible ( saith he ) to ask all men at once , whether they would be happy ? they would answer without any further pa●sing upon it , they would . But suppose this were granted ( as really it is disputable , there being many in the world so wicked , that if they were invited to imbrace the true Summum Bonum , either for to bid adieu to their own spurious happinesse , or to wave their obstinate opinions , they would rather excuse themselves ; as I once heard a Jesuite cry out in a dispute , That he would sooner choose to be damned with St. Austin , then go to Heaven with a Protestant . ) Yet they need arguments to prove that a particular good may not be waved , although perceived by the understanding : How many are there , who neglect and revile many good things , such as are convenient for their souls and bodies ? Besides , this granted infers a necessity upon man's will , whereby he is cut off from not willing ; which implyes a contradiction in the will of not to be the will. VI. Fifthly , The will acteth upon the evil of an object , in that it can refuse or imbrace it , as it is evil , and as it knoweth it to be evil , without having an apprehension of any goodnesse in it . A man can hang himself , or kill another , without apprehending any thing good in it , and he can also refuse it . Since that all beings act for an end and purpose , it may be demanded , What end and purpose can a man have in coveting an evil object , as it is evil ? I answer , an evil end . The Devils covet evil , as it is evil ; for none can imagine the least good in Devils : if so , why may not men covet evil as evil , many among them being worse than Devils . It is worse to persevere in evil and wickednesse in the midst of the enjoyments of good things , than to affect evil without the least enjoyment of good ; but Atheists persevere in the greatest evil in the midst of good things ; wherefore they are to be accounted worse than Devils , who affect evil without the least enjoyment of good . VII . Lastly , A man may will either a good object or an evil one . This is an action of will , as it is free to contraries , and is called among Philosophers ( Libertas quoad specificationem actus ) a freedom of will in specifying an act , that is , an affecting an object in particular , as it is opposite to another appetible object in contrariety ; which is to will an object , as it is good , or as it is evil ; pleasant , or sorrowfull , &c. The preceding distinctions of the acts of will , proceed from her , as she is free Quoad contradictoria , or quoad exercitium actus . VIII . Hence you may know , that free-will ( Liberum arbitrium ) in reference to its faculty , is an indetermination or indifference in the will of man of acting or not acting , and of acting upon good or evil . Neverthelesse it is a controversie among Moralists : 1. Whether the will be indifferent to each opposite , which opposites are either between contradictories , as between acting , and not acting : or between contraries , as between acts upon good or evil . 2. Whether the will is free in all its acts . Vilsten . Cent. 1. Dec. 4. q. 6. states two conclusions for the resolving of these doubts . 1. Saith he , The will is not indifferent to each contrary , to wit , to good and evil . His reason is , because the will cannot covet evil as evil ; but when the will doth covet evil , it is rather forced than free , because it is an evil disposition doth compell her to it : wherfore that being against nature , it is rather to be accounted violent than free . First , He saith , The will cannot covet evil , as evil : Next he affirms , That the will can covet evil , but then she is forced . This is a manifest contradiction , that the will can covet evil , and cannot covet evil . Again , That the will should covet evil by coaction from within , is to contradict most Philosophers , whose tenent is , That the will cannot be forced from within : Besides , to grant this , would be to suppose that man did act necessarily , like unto naturals . Further , it would be very severe , should God punish us , for doing an act , when we cannot do otherwise . IX . His second Conclusion is , That the will of man is indifferent to each contradictory opposite : because she can act upon a good object in particular , and forbear . Herein he speaks the truth : but this is no more truly concluded , but it is as fallaciously opposed by others : Their Argument is ; because souls in Heaven cannot but love God , and the damned cannot but hate him : both these acting freely , it followeth that the will is not indifferent to contradictories . This infers nothing to the present dispute of man's will , only of souls in Heaven and Devils . But I passe to the second Doubt proposed , Whether the will of man is free in all her acts . Inorder to the clearing of this doubt , you are to observe it . 1. That the acts of the will are of acting , or not acting ; or of acting upon a particular object , so as to covet it , or to reject it . 2. That the act of the will after its whole assent or conclusion , is not the will it self , and therefore freedom is not to be attributed to the act , but to the power or faculty . This premised I po●● , X. 1. That the will is free to act , or not to act . If man is free to think , or not to think , he is free to will , or not to will ; because a man's thought is alwayes concomitant to his will. But a man is free to think , or not to think . Ergo , He is free to will or not to will. The Assumtion is confirmed in the second Paragraph . XI . 2. The will is free to act upon particular objects , as they are good or evil . By will I mean the will of man , as he is in a natural and corrupt state , not as he is in a supernatural or preternatural estate ; for in the first he cannot covet evil ; in the last he cannot covet good . Neither is it to be understood of man , as he was in an incorrupt state , most granting , that he could covet good and evil : But the Question is , Whether man as he is in a corrupt condition , and prone to evil , cannot do a good act , as much as the first man being prone to good did an evil act . Observe also that good is either theologick good , or moral good ; and so is evil . The Question here is concerning moral good and evil . Lastly , you are to understand here the freedom of man's will , as he acteth with the ordinary concurrence of God : and not , as he acteth , with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . XII . Man , as he is in a natural and corrupt state , hath a free-will of doing a moral good act , or a moral evil act . What moral good and evil , and theologick good and evil is , I have already set down in the 3d , 4th and 5th Chapters . I prove this position . What ever a man doth act with the fore-knowledge of his understanding , doth proceed from his free-will : But man acteth moral evil , and moral good , with the fore-knowledge of his understanding : Ergo , Man doth act moral evil , and moral good through his free-will . I confirm the Minor : There are none that deny , that man doth moral evil with the fore-knowledge of his understanding . That man doth act a moral good act from himself without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him , it appeareth ; In that he can and doth covet meat and drink in moderation ; and in that he can and doth help the poor and needy ; and in that he can moderate his passions : all these are moral good acts . They are good acts , in that they do perfectionate man in his Essence : They are moral , in that they proceed from man's free-will , and foreknowledge . XIII . Man hath not a free-will of doing a Theologick good act immediately through himself , and without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . A Theologick good act is such , as God doth require from us , and as he first gave man a power of acting it : since then we have not such a power , as God first gave unto man of acting good : it followeth , that we cannot act such good acts through our selves , as God doth require from us . XIV . Man hath a free-will of doing a Theologick good act with an extraordinary concurrence of God with him . If God doth concur with man in his actions in an extraordinary manner , no doubt but God can and doth make them Theologically good , that is , good in the highest perfection ; and such , as he himself doth require from us . Man , being so assisted through the extraordinary assistance of God , acteth freely notwithstanding ; for it is still in his choice , whether he will do such a Theologick good act or not . When God doth assist us in an extraordinary manner , it is not without our free-will ; for we must first will and desire it with a burning desire , before God will assist us , which burning desire doth move him to assist us ; neither will God refuse us , because he is most good , and most mercifull . Now then , when this desire ceaseth in us , then Gods extraordinary assistance ceaseth with it ; if then we can forbear this desire , and continue it , we have still our free-wils . Besides , we also have a free-will of election , that is , of making choice of one good object before another . XV. 1. Man as he is in a natural state hath a free-will through himself , and without an extraordinary concurrence of God with him , to procure Gods extraordinary concurrence and assistance with and to him in his actions . The means , whereby a natural man doth appropriate it , is by fervent prayer : so that man having a free-will of procuring Gods extraordinary concurrence , hath a free-will mediately to act a Theologick good act . Before I prove the first branch of this sub-Conclusion , you are to mark , that we can do no action at all , through our selves alone , without the ordinary concurrence of God with us : for God hath not given us an absolute power of being and acting , without the concurrence of his preservating and assisting power ; if he had , he would have given all the power over us out of his hands , which is impossible and unsuitable to the King of Kings to give away all his Glory , Honour and Dominion . Again , had he done so , we should have returned the thanks due for so great a goodness , in envying and reviling of him . Wherefore it followeth , that God hath reserved a preservating and assisting power to himself , without which we cannot continue in our beings , or do any action . If the first man could have been , and acted through himself , and that without Gods assistance , he could never have died , but since that he died , and could not maintain himself in his being , and in that most perfect Essence , wherein he was created , without adhering to Gods power ; therefore he having deserted that power but for a moment , and confiding upon his own , immediately fell , and was almost utterly corrupted and lost : if then that the first man in that perfect Essence could not subsist or act through himself alone without Gods aid , much less can we in this deflected state , and weak nature , subsist or act without Gods assistance . This assistance is Gods ordinary assistance , for were it extraordinary , we should then act as perfectly as the first man did before his deficience . 2. After the probation of the necessity of Gods ordinary and extraordinary concurrence , I come now to prove , that man , being assisted with Gods ordinary power , can and doth procure Gods extraordinary concurrence . Man , as he is in a natural state * , may and doth know , that he hath still some spark of Theologick good remaining in him ; for all men can and do know naturally , that there is a God ; that there is a Law enjoyned by God upon men , as his subjects ; that that Law is perfect ; that his actions are observed and acknowledged by him to be evil and sinfull ; that through himself , without Gods extraordinary aid , he cannot act that , which God doth require from him ; that God is Almighty , good , and mercifull , and therefore God will not deny any request of good , proceeding from a spark of Theologick good , because therein man hath still something in him , through which he resembleth God , which God will not abolish , and hath tyed himself through his bountifull promises not to destroy . All these acts and knowledges proceed from a Theologick good principle , and therefore man is partly Theologically good , to whom , if he useth that natural power and means remaining in him , God will not deny a supply against his defect . The natural power and means , which a man doth naturally and ordinarily put in action to procure Gods extraordinary assistance , is his power of praying with zeal and earnestness : for a man whenever he is in danger , great need , and intollerable pain , doth naturally beg and implore help . Therefore a zealous and earnest praying is a natural power , ( which nature doth prompt us to ) and means to procure Gods extraordinary assistance . Lastly , From all this it is undoubtedly true and evident , that man through himself , and with the ordinary concurss of God with him , doth and can procure Gods extraordinary assistance , Which having procured , he hath a free-will of acting theologick good . 3. That which is only morally good , will prove theologick evil at last . A thing may properly be said to be good , although at last it changeth into evil and corruption ; for as a Tree , which is a good natural thing , changeth to an intire corruption , when it dieth : so a natural man whilest he liveth is morally good , and doth moral good acts ; but when he dieth , he becomes entirely corrupted , and altogether evil , that is , theologically evil . XVI . 4. To shut up this succinct dispute of free-will : I say , That man without free-will is no man , but a Beast : That man might justly be excused for his evil acts : for had he no principle , whereby he acted freely , but did act necessarily and by compulsion or coaction of the Divine power , he could not act evil , it being impossible to God to act evil ; or if man did act evil , it would be without a will , and therefore it could be no sinne : that man could not be termed the cause of his moral actions , but God. Many other inconveniencies and absurdities do ensue in denying this truth , which to produce will prove tedious . By this we may easily reconcile the Calvinists with the Arminians . The Calvinists may rightly say , That man through himself cannot act a good act , that is , cannot act a theological good act , with the ordinary concurrence of God only . The Arminians may with no lesse confidence assert , That man hath a free will of doing good through himself , that is , hath a means and principle resting in him , whereby he may mediately do a theologick good act through himself , and by that means may procure God's extraordinary concurrence : but the greatest controversie , probable to arise between them , in my opinion is , Whether a man hath a free-will , or a remnant of theologick good in him , whereby he may procure God's extraordinary assistance through himself ; or whether God doth stirre up that spark of Good , being moved through his own mercy , and not by what can proceed from man : for many hold , that man hath no spark of Good remaining in him , and consequently cannot be thence supposed to have a free-will to beg God's extraordinary assistance ; but it is God , who doth out of his singular goodnesse , free-will , and pleasure , towards singular men , cast , and infuse a measure of theologick good in them , through which they are made capable of having accesse to God , and of praying to him : and this they say Scripture implies by a new creation , regeneration , conversion , or the becoming of a new man. No doubt but this latter tenent is erroneous and absurd . First , They affirm , That man hath no spark of theologick good remaining in him . This is false , as hath been proved already , and shall be demonstrated more at large elsewhere . Secondly , Hereby they imply , that man doth alwayes act evil , and consequently acteth evil necessarily without a free-will : And wherein doth he then differ from a Beast ? Thirdly , Should God cast his mercy or goodnesse upon that , which is altogether evil ; it followeth , that God should love that , which is altogether evil ; but that is repugnant to God's nature , that being most good doth necessarily reject that from it , which is most evil . Fourthly , Should God stirre up that spark of Good in man , it proveth , that that Good is of no efficacy , and for no purpose , which is repugnant to common reason , concluding , that all things , which are , are for to operate , and for an end , and are not in vain : Therefore this spark of Good doth , and can operate for an end , to save it self , and glorifie God : especially being accompanied with God's ordinary concurrence , it is directly , as by a guide , led to God's extraordinary concurrence and assistance . So then , if there be a spark of theologick Good remaining in man , as without doubt there is , it is of the same Nature with that , which was in the first man before his fall , who having a free-will to good and evil , infers , that this spark must necessarily retain the same free-will to good and evil , but in an improportionable manner , since that man's will is much more habituated to evil , which doth much dead that weak remnant of good in him . It is certain , God doth equally impart his mercy and goodnesse to natural men , because they are of an equal state : Then again I object ; If so , then all men would become theologically Good , which is erroneous : Wherefore I say , God is no more good or mercifull to one natural man , than to another , and consequently there must be somewhat in men , whereby one doth move God to mercy before another ; and what is that , but that spark of Good ? Notwithstanding this inference holds good only ordinarily , and doth not infer , but that God extraordinarily may be pleased out of his free-will and pleasure to conferre bounties and mercies upon those to whom he will be bountifull and mercifull . XVI . 5. It is a simple Question to demand , Whether the will is free at that instant , when it acteth ; which is as much , as if you enquired , Whether the act of the will were free . Certainly , there can be no freedom allotted to the act or effect of an efficient : for that followeth necessarily . Posita causa ponitur effectus . The cause being stated , the effect is also stated . By the act of the will I mean the consent of the will , or the last execution of it : which is named Actus imperatus . But if the Question be understood De actu eliciendo , then no doubt , but the will is free at the same instant , when it acteth : for when would it be free else , were it not when it acteth ? This Query may be apprehended thus , Whether the will is free : that is , Whether it doth not act necessarily è suppositione . Necessitas è suppositione is , through which the will cannot act otherwise than it acteth , when it doth act . According to this supposition it doth act necessarily : Nam impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse : For it is impossible , that a thing should be , and not be at the same instant . Neverthelesse this doth not clip any whit from the freedom of man's will : for freedom of the will is properly in actum eliciendo , and in actum imperando , but not in actu elicito , vel imperato : that is , before the act is consented unto : for the will , before she consenteth to any act , can determinate it freely to either opposite . In short , the will is free in its faculty , but its acts are necessary . CHAP. X. Of Free-will from Scripture . 1. Objections from Scripture against man's free-will . 2. An Answer to the said Objections . 3. Objections proving that moral good is evil . 4. The first Objection answered . 5. The second Objection removed . 6. Some other Texts produced against free-will in man. 7. The first Text reconciled . 8. The second Objection removed . 9. Arguments deduced from faith . An answer to the said Arguments . 10. The first Argument drawn from Scripture to prove man's free-will to good and evil . 11. A second Argument proving the same , 12. A third Argument . 13. Many other Texts inferring the same . 14. Texts proving a remnant of good in man. 15. Texts proving that a natural man cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and being only assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. 16. Scriptures inferring , that a supernatural man hath no free-will to direct contraries , that is , to do theologick good and evil . An answer to some Texts produced by Bellarmin . 17. Scripture proofs concluding , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man , and adheres to his free-will . 18. Whether man's actions performed with God's extraordinary assistance are to be taken for the actions of God , or of man. 19. A reconciliation of the ninth to the Romans . The unfolding of Predestination , or of God's eternal Decree . I. THe precedent Dispute touching Free-will , is not so much held among natural men , as between them , who conceive themselves to be gifted . As for the first , I have already endeavoured to satisfie them . And as for these last , they alledging sacred Texts for their opinions , plead with more force than the former : Wherefore it will not be amisse to examine their Arguments , and afterwards to produce such others , as most orthodox Divines do urge for the proof of their tenents . The first Scripture , which they seem to produce against us , is that in the Prov. 16. 9. A mans heart deviseth his way ; but the Lord directeth his steps . And in Chap. 21. 1. The Kings heart is in the hand of the Lord , as the Rivers of water : he turneth it whither soever he will. And in the next fore-going Chapter , vers . 24. Mans goings are of the Lord ; how can a man then understand his own way ? Jer. 10. 23. O Lord , I know that the way of man is not in himself , it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps . Phil. 2. 13. For it is God , which worketh in you both to will and to do , of his good pleasure . II. In answer to these , I confesse , they are most undoubted truths ; but they are so farre from making against us , that they prove part of what I stated in the fore-going Chapter . Without God , we cannot act , will , or live : that is , through our selves alone , and without God's ordinary concurrence with us : so that Solomon saith well , That man may devise his way , that is , God hath given man a power of Acting , But the Lord directeth his steps ; that is , he hath not given man so absolute a power , but that he needs God's ordinary concurrence . So St Paul : God worketh in you both to will and to do : that is , hath given us a will and an essence , through which we do act ; and God doth conservate us in that will and essence ; for without his continual influence we cannot abide in our being , or actions . But that , which they ought to prove , is , that God's concurrence with man in his actions taketh away his free-will . III. They may also oppose against the 1. subconclus . of the 1. conclus . in the ninth Chapter , to wit , that moral good is absolutely evil . Rom. 8. 7. Because the carnal mind is enmity against God , &c. But moral good is effected by them , who are carnally minded : Therefore it is enmity against God , that is absolutely evil . Rom. 14. 23. For whatsoever is not of faith is sin : But moral good is not of faith . Ergo , It is a sin or evil . Matth. 15. 9. But in vain do they worship me , teaching for Doctrines the commandments of men . But moral good acts are onely such , as the Doctrine of man teacheth : Therefore they are in vain , and evil . IV. I answer to the first , and except against the Major , which is , What ever proceeds from a carnal mind is absolutely evil . I distinguish , that evil is two-fold : 1. Evil in particular ( Malum in particulari ) which is effected from an evil individual , or particular man. 2. Evil in common ( Malum in communi ) or absolute evil , which is evil in it self , and is evil if performed by any man , whether good or evil . Take my Solution thus : What ever proceeds from a carnal minded man , is evil in particular relatively , as it proceeds from him , because it is from an evil man in particular : But this evil in particular doth not make that evil in common , that is , evil to all . For example : eating and drinking in an evil man , or what ever an evil man doth is evil : but because eating and drinking is evil in an evil man , it doth not follow that eating and drinking is evil to all , so as to extend also to good men ; now , eating and drinking , and what ever an evil man doth , is evil , because he eats and drinks unworthily and ungratefully , in not acknowledging God to be the Creator of the food , which is set before him , and in not returning thanks for it , 1 Thes. 5. 18. So that I say , whatever an evil man doth is evil , because he doth it unworthily . Hence I may deny the Minor , and say , That a moral good act , which is effected by an evil man , is evil in particular , neverthelesse it abides moral good , that is , good in common , Tit. 1. 15. Wherefore this concludes nothing against my assertion ; viz. That a natural man can do a moral good act ; that is , if he be a good natural or moral man : for it is possible to a natural man to be good and evil , and yet be natural . V. As to the second , I deny the Minor : Because moral good in a good natural man is of faith , yet not of entire faith : for he believeth that God gave him his being , and power of acting : He believeth in God , that he will supply him in all defects . Of this more elswhere . So that the Major is most true : for whatever is not of faith , is sin . All our actions must be good , that is , such as God doth require from us : But if we do not believe God or believe in him , we cannot perform such actions , as are pleasing to him : for in not believing him is to rob God of all his Attributes , of his Mercy , Goodnesse , Power , &c. therein they make God a liar ; and no wonder then , if men's actions are evil in God's sight , when they perform them without faith . The last Objection doth require little else for answer , than what was made to the first . VI. Further , there are other Texts offer'd , arguing that man hath no free-will to do good or evil . That he hath no free-will to do good is proved by the 6th Chapter of Gen. 5. vers . And God saw that the wickednesse of man was great in the earth , and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was onely evil continually . Gen. 8. 21. For the imagination of mans heart is evil from his youth . Rom. 7. 18. For I know that in me dwelleth no good thing . Job 15. 16. How much more abominable and filthy is man , which drinketh iniquity like water , 1 Cor. 6. 19. Eccles. 7. 20. Hence they conclude , that man doth alwayes act evil , and consequently hath no free-will to good . VII . I answer , that these Texts do not imply man in general , that is , all men , but only wicked men , or the most part of men . I prove it . Were all men implyed by these Texts , then there never were any good men : but there were many good men then , as Moses , Abraham , &c. Therefore all men are not implyed by the said Texts . 2. And particularly to the first Text : I say , that there were many men ( but they were not natural : for had they been natural they could not have been so perverse as quite to have forgotten God and to have denied him ) who were preternaturally evil : that is , confirmd Atheists , who plainly deni'd God's Essence , or Existence . No doubt these cannot doe a good act , or think a good thought ; because they act and think with an entire and absolute unbelief : Wherefore it is a certain moral saying , that none can do good without faith . Again , That man hath no free-will to evil , is inferred by that Scripture of the 7th to the Romans : For the good , that I would do , I do not ; but the evil , which I would not , that I do . Jer. 13. 23. Can the Ethiopian change his skin , or the Leopard his spots ? then may ye also do good , that are accustomed to do evil . Hence they infer , that a man acteth evil necessarily . In the first place , the Question is not of an evil action , but of a free-will to will good and evil : Wherefore the first quotation makes for us : That a man doth will good , although he doth not alwayes act it : for saith he , The good , which I would do , I do not , Here the Apostle speaks of himself , as he is a natural man , for as otherwise no question he could will good and do good . If as a natural man , then a natural man can will good , although he doth not act that good , which he willeth ; the Reason hereof the Apostle doth immediately after expresse in these words ; I find then a law , that when I would do good , evil is present with me ; and a little after : But I see another law in my members , warring against the law of my mind , &c. Which amounts to this , that man in a natural state hath a free-will to good and evil , yet much more to evil ; because the will is moved by a two-fold principle . 1. By it self , when it doth represent a certain object to it self without being moved by the inclination of the body . 2. By the inclination of the body , which is a strong appetite , which men are subjected unto through the forcible propensities of their body's : Yea oftentimes this proveth so strong , that it easily bendeth the will to its aim . Now , when the will is moved through it self without being incited by the appetite of the body , it doth and can do good , and leave it . VIII . The second Scripture proveth the impossibility of Good in Atheists , or in any without the ordinary concurss of God. IX . There may be farther urged , That a natural man naturally hath no faith , and consequently cannot do a good act . Rom. 10. 17. So then , faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of God : Wherefore a natural man cannot believe , because he doth not hear the word of God. I answer , That the Apostle speaks of the extraordinary means of faith , and not of the ordinary . A natural man then believeth naturally , or by ordinary means . Or thus , The word of God is either written , or imprinted in men's hearts : I say then , that in the first sense faith doth come by attending and hearkning to the word of God , which is imprinted in all men's hearts , except in Atheists , in whose hearts the Law of God is quite blotted out . Phil. 1. 29. For unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ , not onely to believe on him , &c. Ergo , Faith is not natural . I answer , That faith through Christ is given , and is supernatural ; but faith , whereby we believe there is a God , and that he is mercifull , and therefore will find a means to save us , is natural : Although we cannot actually know or believe the assigned means , whereby he will save us . Wherefore there is onely a partial faith in natural men , and not a compleat and entire faith : for they cannot believe naturally in Christ , unlesse it be given to them from God , as the Text doth evidently expresse . Many more are produced : as that of Acts 16. 14. Rom. 10. 9. Heb. 12. 2. All which may be easily answered from what hath been explained just now . X. It is time , that I should prepare to defend my own Positions with the same force , as was used by them of the contrary opinion . That there is a free-will of doing good and evil in natural men , I prove by the 1 Cor. 7. 37. Neverthelesse he , that standfast in his heart having no necessity , but hath power over his own will , and hath decreed so in his heart , that he will keep his virgin , doth well . First , the Apostle teacheth that a man doth not act necessarily ( having no necessity ) but contingently , that is , voluntarily . Secondly , That he hath a free will : What is to have a power over his will else , but to enjoy a freedom of will ; and that either in acting or not acting ; and not only so , but in acting good or evil , and quoad specificationem actus : as expresly in keeping of his virgin , which is a good act . XI . Acts 5. 4. Whiles it remained , was it not thine own ? and after it was sold , was it not in thine own power ? Here is particularly implyed a free-will of doing evil or good . Either Ananias might have given the whole price of the possession , or part . In choosing to give a part under pretext of the whole , he chose evil : or otherwise he might have chosen to give the whole , and so might have chose good ; for it was in his own power , as the Text holds forth . XII . Deut. 30. 11. For this commandment , which I command thee this day , is not hidden from thee , neither is it farre off . It is not in Heaven , nor beyond the Seas , that thou shouldest say , who shall go up for us to Heaven , and bring it to us ? or , Who shall go beyond the Seas for us , and bring it unto us , that we may hear and do it ? But ( saith Moses ) the Word is very nigh unto thee , in thy mouth , and in thy heart , that thou mayest do it . What is more plain , then that hereby is intended a free-will , which a man hath of doing good or evil . XIII . Prov. 6. 5. Deliver thy self as a Roe from the hand of the hunter , and as a bird from the hand of a fowler . This holds forth , that a man can deliver himself from evil , yet not without God's concurss . Psal. 94. 8. Understand ye brutish among the people : and ye fools , when will ye be wise ? Ergo , A natural man hath a power of understanding , if he will ; or else may refuse it . Or an ignorant man hath a will of being wiser and knowing ; or of rejecting wisdome and knowledge . Matth. 23. 37. How often would I have gathered thy children together , even as a Hen gathereth her chickens under her wings , and ye would not : Ergo , Man had a will of coming to God : for other wayes God would have called upon them in vain , which is impossible . The same may be inferred from Prov. 1. 24. Isa. 1. 19. If ye be willing and obedient ; ye shall eat the good of the Land , but if ye refuse and rebell , &c. Ergo , Man can will and refuse . Rev. 3 20. Isa. 65. 12. Eccles. 15. 14. Zech. 1 , &c. XIV . The next thing , I come to prove , is , that man hath a spark or remnant of good in him . Rom. 2. 14. For when the Gentiles , which have not the Law , do by nature the things contained in the Law : these having not the Law are a Law to themselves . Which sheweth the work of the Law written in their hearts , their conscience bearing witnesse , &c. What is here meant by doing by nature the things contained in the Law , but that a man naturally hath a remnant of Good in him ( for how could he other wayes do the things of the written Law ? ) through which he may know the Law , and doth what the Law commands , and hath a conscience bearing witnesse . This Text makes good my distinction , that there is a two-fold Law , one expressed or written ; and the other impressed in mens hearts , or the Law of nature . The same we have also in Ezek. 18. 21. Luc. 13. 5. Rom. 1. 19 , 20 , 21. Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them : for God hath shewed it unto them . What can be more clear ? XV. I do farther prove , That a natural man cannot do a Theologick good act through himself , and being onely assisted with the ordinary concurss of God. A theologick good act is , which doth fully and entirely satisfie and please God. There is also a partial theological good act , which differeth from the other in degree , and pleaseth or satisfieth God onely partially : as for instance , Moral good is a partial theologick good , because it doth incompleatly and partially agree with the will of God. Act. 11. 18. When they heard these things , they held their peace , and glorified God , saying , then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life . 2 Cor. 7. 10. For godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation , not to be repented of , but the sorrow of the world worketh death . Phil. 1. 6. Being confident of this very thing , that he which hath begun a good work in you , will perform it untill the day of Jesus Christ. All which allegations testifie , That man , with God's ordinary concurss only , cannot do a theologick good act . For the first Text declares , That God granteth repentance unto life to the Gentiles . The next confirmeth , That God worketh repentance to salvation . The last manifestly sheweth , That God doth begin and continue a good work in us . By good work is understood a compleat and theologick good work . If then man cannot do a theologick good act without repentance unto life or salvation , which is through God's extraordinary concurrence , he cannot do a theologick good act through himself , and by God's ordinary assistance only . Man being assisted with God's extraordinary concurrence hath a free-will of doing a theologick good act . Tit. 3. 8. This is a faithfull saying , and these things I will that thou affirm constantly , that they , which have believed in God , might be carefull to maintain good works . Here it appeareth , that to maintain good works ( which good is theologick good ) man must believe in God : and what is it else to believe in God , but to confide and hope in God's extraordinary assistance and concurss . Ephes. 2. 1. Ephes. 1. 5. XVI . I remember I asserted in the subconclusion of the first conclusion , in the ninth Chapter , that man , when assisted by God's extraordinary concurss , hath still a free-will , not to extream contraries ; but a free-will of election , that is a freedom of making choice of one good thing before another . That a supernatural man hath no free-will to extream contraries , that is , to do theologick evil and theologick good . I prove it , Heb. 6. 16 , 17 , 18. 1 John 5. 9 , 10. John 5. 24. Ephes. 1. 13 , 14. 2 Cor. 1. 21 , 22. Rom. 8. 16. John 10. 27 , 28 , 29. Matth. 24. 24. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Rom. 11. 29. Esay 42. 3. Rom. 8. 1 , 38 , 39. Phillip . 1. 6. The Texts , which are produced by Bellarmin against this position are Marc. 4. 15. Luc. 8. 13. John 15. 2. Hebr. 6. 4 , 5 , 6. Hebr. 10. 26. 2 Pet. 21 , 22. All these instances prove only that initiates , hypocrites and superficial Saints have deflected , but not that confirmed and truly profound Saints have fallen off and done the worst evil . Besides , them sins or backslidings were not theologick evils , but moral : so that , had they been confirmed Saints , it would have concluded nothing against us . A supernatural man ( supernatural is , when a man can act supernaturally through the extraordinary concurss of God , that , which a natural man cannot act naturally by the ordinary concurss of God ) hath a partial free-will to moral evil and moral good : but he doth moral evil accidentally , and moral good per se , and is more inclined to moral good , than to moral evil . Herein doth a supernatural man differ from a natural man , in that the one sinneth with a partial reluctance of his will , and accidentally through the forcible and mighty inclination or drawing of his flesh , Rom 16. 12. the other commits sin per se with his whole will , and also with a pleasure . Thus did David , Solomon , and Peter slide back , and committed moral evil ; yet it was with a partial reluctance of will , with a fear and trouble , far from doing it with a pleasure or entire will. After the same tenour are these Texts to be interpreted , Proverbs 24. 1. 1 John 1. 8. expresly Rom. 1. 32. Who knowing the judgement of God ( that they who commit such things are worthy of death ) not onely do the same , but have a pleasure in them that do them . A supernatural man hath an entire free-will of Election of doing a theological good act : for a supernatural man may pray with faith , praise God with faith , help the poor with faith , &c. All which are theologick good acts , in choosing of which a man imployeth his free-will , John 8. 31 , 32 , 36. Rom. 14. 2 , 3. XVII . After this there remaineth still to prove , that the means , whereby God's extraordinary concurrence is procured , is in man himself , and adheres to his free-will . Zech. 1. 3. Therefore say unto them , thus saith the Lord of Hosts , Turn ye unto me , saith the Lord of Hosts , and I will turn unto you . Had man not had a free-will and means in himself of procuring Gods assistance , it would have been said in vain : Turn ye unto me . But that is impossible . Ergo , A man hath a free-will and means in himself of turning unto God. To turn to God is to apply our selves to him , and to beg his extraordinary assistance ; and so I prove , that prayer is the first means , whereby we turn to God. In the first place , turning to God cannot be to believe savingly in him , or to serve God as he requireth : because we of our selves cannot believe savingly , before God doth assist us in an extraordinary manner . Therefore God by commanding us to turn to him , commandeth us to pray to him for his assistance . But this is apparent by other Scriptures , as Psal. 15. 14 , 15. Psal. 55. 23. Deut. 4. 29. Matth. 7. 7. Luke 11. 13. James 1. 5. 1 Pet. 5. 7. XVIII . Man being thus inabled by God's extraordinary concurss , the Question will be , Whether the actions , which man so performeth , are to be taken for the actions of God or of man. Divines usually say , That such actions are wrought from man , but man doth not work them of himself ; that is , man doth them actions from himself , but he doth not do them of himself alone , but by God's extraordinary assistance to him . Wherefore the actions thus effected from man are rather to be called the actions of man , than the actions of God ; because man is the neerest efficient of them actions . The sacred Texts appear to hold forth the same . Mat. 5. 16. Let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your Father which is in Heaven . Here you may observe , that good works , or actions effected from good men , are called mans good works , and not Gods. The like expression you have in 1 John 3. 3 , 10. Good actions are wrought from man , but not of man. 2 Cor. 3. 5. Not that we are sufficient of our selves to think any thing as of our selves ; but our sufficiency is of God : The Apostle saith here , That our sufficiency is of God ; that is , our power of acting is of God. Gal. 2. 20. Rom. 9. 16. So then , it is not of him that willeth , nor him that runneth , but of God that sheweth mercy . Wherefore man cannot will or do a theological good act of himself ( although he may from himself ) but of God. XIX . Before I leave this controversie , it is requisite to examine that Scripture of the ninth to the Romans , which seemeth to evert most of what hath been posed in this Chapter , vers . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. As it is written , Jacob have I loved , but Esau have I hated . What shall we say then ? is there unrighteousnesse with God ? God forbid . For he saith to Moses , I will have mercy , on whom I will have mercy , and I will have compassion , on whom I will have compassion . So then it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , but of God that sheweth mercy . 1. Hence they may argue . If God hated Esau , then he hated also all his actions , and consequently hated his prayers : Wherefore there was no means left in Esau , whereby to procure God's extraordinary concurss . Ergo , All men have not the means in them , whereby , &c. This also proveth , that Esau had no spark of good in him , and therefore God did totally hate him ; for had he had any good in him , God could not have hated that good . 2. Jacob have I loved . Ergo , Jacob had never any evil in him : for had he had evil in him God could not have loved him . 3. The Scripture makes enquiry , Whether it is unrighteousnesse with God to hate Esau and love Jacob. Ergo , It is not severe , that God should hate one , and love another ; to damn one justly , and to save another Gratis velex gratia . 4. Moses saith , that God will have mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will he hardneth . Ergo , Man hath no free-will to do good . In answer to the first inference , I deny the sequel . For it doth not follow , that God , because Esau had no good in him , or means to procure God's favour , hated Esau ; but God hated Esau for not using the means , which was in him . Rom. 2. 15. Here may be urged that God hated Esau from all eternity . Ergo , Esau could never have had the means to salvation . I deny the consequence . God hated Esau from all eternity , because he fore-knew his actions and intents from all eternity . Here may be demanded , How God can fore-know mans actions , since they are contingent ; were they necessary , he might . Let the Scripture answer you in this Rom. 9. 20. We are not to dive into God's manner of working farther , than he hath revealed to us , and nevertheless we must believe , that all things are possible to God , and that he is Elohim , Heb. 1. 3. Luc. 1. 37. Phil. 3. 21. 2 Chron. 20. 5. Matth. 19 26. Esay 9. 6. Jer. 32. 18. Gen. 17. 1. & 35. 11. Ruth 1. 20 , 21. 2 Cor. 6. 18. Revel . 1. 8. & 4. 8. 1 Tim. 6. 9. Neither is it a legal inference , that because God hated Esau ; therefore Esau had no remnant of good in him : he might have had good in him , and yet God have hated him ; not for having that good , but for not exercising it . God might also have hated Esau from all eternity for his sins and evil actions , which God foresaw from all eternity ; and yet he might have had a principle of Good in him . As for the second Argumentation , I deny the consequence : for it doth not follow that Jacob had never no evil in him , because God did love him : for God loved David , and yet it is apparent enough , that David had evil in him , Rom. 7. 24. Paul calleth himself wretched ; yet it is certain , that God loved him . God pardoneth their sins , because they are committed by them , not with an entire will , but with a reluctancy , Romans 7. 20 , 23. To the third I answer : It is no severity in God to love one and hate the other , supposing that God can fore-know all man's evil actions ; and therefore hateth him . He may also fore-know his good actions , and come to love him from all eternity : yet not because his actions are absolutely good in themselves , Luc. 17. 10. Rom. 11. 35 , 36. 1 John 1. 8. Esay 64. 6. Psal. 130. 3. but because God out of his grace and mercy doth impute his actions to him for righteousnesse , Rom. 4. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Ephes. 2. 8 , 9. Phil. 3. 9. Col. 3. 24. 2 Tim. 1. 16. But it would be severe should God hate us from all eternity , if we should falsly suppose that God did not fore-know our actions : so that herein you conclude nothing against me . If ( in the fourth place ) God sheweth mercy to those onely , to whom he will , and hardneth their hearts , whose he pleaseth to harden : it will prove in vain to man to work good works , or to will good , neither can he will or do good without God's grace and mercy . All this I grant to be a certain truth , that we can do no good work without God's grace and mercy : and no doubt but God hath also a free-will to conferre grace and mercy on whom he pleaseth , and harden those whom he pleaseth to harden , working all things according to the counsel of his own will , Ephes. 1. 5 , 6 , 11. Revel . 4. 11. Psal. 135. 6. Psal. 33. 9. Matth. 8. 2 , 3. Neverthelesse this is no ground , why we should argue , that man hath no free-will , because God hath a free-will : we rather ought to surmise the contrary ; That man hath a free-will , because God hath a free-will , Gen. 1. 26. God doth work in us to will and to do of his good pleasure or will , Phil. 2. 13. Ergo , God's will doth not abolish our wils : but his will is , that we should have a will. But possibly you do farther urge this argument by subducting Predestination from thence , thus : If man is predestinated , Ergo , He hath no free will of doing good ; for a free-will in him would be in vain . This Text doth apparently teach God's eternal Decree , Predestination or Ordination to save some , and damn others : But for what ? for to manifest his Glory , Mercy and Justice , Acts 13. 48. And as many as were ordained to eternal life , believed , Isa. 46. 10. Mal 3. 6. Hereunto I answer , that God's Predestination is in no wise coactive ; for , were it so , then Predestination and Fate of the Stoicks would not differ : What is fate , but an irresistable and forced impulse upon man , through which he doth necessarily and unavoidably perform all his actions , and especially such , which concern his life and death , his ruine or advancement in politick affairs , his marriage , or any other extraordinary change of life ; for in all these fate was most taken notice of , and therefore more particularly attributed to them cases ; Although fate in general denoted an unchangeable and necessary ordination upon all beings . Whether this ordination was imposed by Jupiter as the Poets feigned , or caused from a necessary bending and disposing of the Heavens , and its constellations , as the Chaldeans thought , doth not much concern us in this Treatise . Cicero was not a little puzzeld in expounding , how free-will might be allowed : and yet not be repugnant to Gods fore-knowledge ; for thought he , doth God fore-know our actions , then man must act necessarily , and consequently infers the truth of Fate ; but since he could not grant a Fate over men , because he saw they acted contingently , therefore he did impiously rob God of his fore-knowledge . Hence saith Austin . de Civ . D. Lib. 5. cap. 9. Atque it a , dum vult facere liberos , fecit sacrilegos , and so since he endeavoureth to make men free-willers , he makes them commit sacriledge . As for this doubt , it is little touched upon by Christians , who certainly know , that God fore-knoweth contingent things , as contingent , and to fall out contingently : Necessary things as necessary , and to fall out necessarily , Psalm 33. 14. 1 Sam. 10. 9 , 26. Prov. 21. 1. Exod. 12. 13. Prov. 16. 33. Matth. 10. This subject is very well treated of by Anselmus in his Book of God's fore-knowledge and predestination . This by the way . And now I return to prove , that God's Predestination is in no wise coactive upon the will of man : for then the will of man would be a not willing , Voluntas esset noluntas . God is most just in predestinating man through Election , and of his grace and mercy to salvation , Eph 1. 5 , 6. and in predestinating others through reprobation , and of his justice , to damnation , 2 Cor. 13. 5. Because his predestination is founded upon his fore-knowledge : God therefore fore-knowing the evil , wherein man is enhardened , doth predestinate him to damnation . This I prove . God damneth man of his justice , and God's justice hath a particular respect to man's evil actions . Wherefore it is of God's justice , and for man's sinne , or evil actions , that he is damned . That God's justice hath a particular respect to judge and punish man with damnation for his sins , the Scripture doth evidently testifie , Luc. 12. 47 , 48. Aud that servant , which knew his Lords will , and prepared not himself , neither did according to his will , shall be beaten with many stripes . Ergo , Man is punished for not doing the Lord's will : and not because he was predestinated without God's fore-knowledge of his evil and unbelief , Matth. 11. 21. Mat. 25. 41 , 42. Here Christ pronounceth the sentence of everlasting damnation against the wicked , because they had not done his will in feeding the hungry , and cloathing the naked , Gen. 2. 17. Deut. 7. 26. Exod. 32. 33. So then , if God doth damn man onely for his trespasses and sinnes , he doth also for the same reason predestinate him to damnation . Again , Were God's predestination the sole and first moving cause of mans reprobation , then Adam could have had no free-will of remaining in the state of innocency , or of deflecting to the state of sinne ; but must necessarily and coactively have deflected to the state of depravation , because God had predestinate him to it : This assertion is impious : Ergo , God's predestination is not the first moving cause of man's reprobation . What ? should God predestinate man to damnation without fore-knowing his guilt , or without being thereunto moved through the fore-knowledge of his sinne , then these Texts would be written to no purpose . Hos. 6. 6. Ephes. 4. 22 , 23 , 24 , &c. John 3. 16 , 17 , 18. John 3. 36. Rom. 9. 22 , 23. Ezek. 33. 11. As I live , saith the Lord God , I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked , but that the wicked turn from his way and live : Turn ye , turn ye from your evil wayes ; for why will ye die , O house of Israel ? Wherefore it is not of God's purpose to damn any , unlesse being moved to it of his justice through their unbelief . Likewise the Scripture doth reveal , that predestination to life eternal is of God's grace and justice , being thereunto moved by the saith of the righteous , Mat. 9. 22. Rom. 4. 20 , 21. Ephes. 3. 12. Mat. 9. 2. Gal. 2. 20. Ephes. 2. 8 , 9. First , Summarily I say , that God's Will , Decree , and Predestination , is the efficient cause of Reprobation and Election : his grace , mercy and justice , are the moving causes : Man's unbelief and belief are the objects of this motion , in which , or upon which , and by which the fore-mentioned moving causes are moved : which objects God fore-knowing determinates mans salvation or damnation from all eternity : Wherefore we may observe , that in many places of Scripture , where predestination is held forth , that God's fore-knowledge of mans belief or unbelief doth precede . Rom. 8. 29. For whom he did fore-know he also predestinated to be conformed to the image of his Son. What can be more evident ? Secondly , Faith or good works ( for saith it self is the best of works , and the fountain of all good works ) are the means , whereby we are saved ; yet it is not faith or good works , which d● meritoriously or efficiently save us , but God is the efficient cause of our salvation . Rom. 4. 6. So likewise unbelief ( which is the worst of works , and the original of all evil works and sins ) or Atheismis the means , through which we are damned ; yet it is not that , which is the principal moving cause of our damnation , but God's justice , which doth reject and predestinate man to damnation . Rom. ● . 8. Thirdly , God's will is either absolute , whereby he can will all things ; and this is concomitant to Gods absolute power , whereby he can do all things , although they never are effected ; for if he can do them , he hath also a power of willing them , although he doth not will all them things , which he can will : or his ordained will , whereby he willeth that , which he doth will. This ordained will is unchangeable : hence God is said to have loved , because he loved : that is , when God willeth to love , he cannot but love , because he willeth it ; and therefore his will is unchangeable . God's ordained will is , that man shall be saved through his belief : and therefore cannot but save a believer , because his will endureth for ever , and is unchangeable . Wherefore I said in the first Assertion , That man's belief moved God's mercy : because God hath willed it through his ordained will ; otherwise were it not for this , what could man's belief avail in meriting salvation ? for at the best , we are but unprofitable servants , Luc. 17. 10. and so man's unbelief moveth God's justice to damne him , because God willeth justice . Wherfore I conceive that belief and unbelief are remote moving causes , as from us , by which we move God's mercy and justice : And that God's mercy and justice are moving causes as from himself . Fourthly , Man hath then a power of disposing and preparing himself partially to , and for the admission of God's extraordinary concurss , and to a conversion from the state of sinne to the state of grace ; for to what effect or end would all the reachings of Ministers serve ? All their exhortations , their labour and pains would be to no purpose . 1. They strive to bend men into a care for their salvation , by working that carnal security out of them , according to that of Acts 2. 37. & 16. 33. 2. They lay the Law of God open to men , in quickning the print of it in their hearts , which was almost deaded , and exing them to examine the course of their lives , James 1. 23 , 24 , 25. 3. The immediate effect of this search is the conviction of a mans conscience , Rom. 1. 20. & 2. 1. Rom. 11. 32. 4. This conviction of conscience bringeth them to a desperation of their salvation , they finding that ●mp●●nesse and unablenesse in themselves , Rom. 7. 9 , 11 , 13. 5. This begetteth a humiliation in their hearts , grieving for their sins , fearing the guilt , and dreading the punishment , and so they are brought to a confession of their sins , Mat. 9. 12. All these effects are produced through the insight of man into his own heart , where all men contain the moral Law , and may through the light of Nature , and God's ordinary Grace , or ordinary Call unfold it in the same sense , which the quoted Texts do expresse . CHAP. XI . Of the Command of the Will. 1. Whether the Will can be forced . 2. What elicited and imperated acts are . 3. What command the Will exerciseth over the inferiour facultin What a politick and despotick command is . 4. That the irascible and appetitive faculty are under a politick obedience to the Will. 5. That the locomotive faculty is not alwayes under a servile obedience to the will. 6. That the Will doth not command over the practick understanding . I. I Have digressed somewhat beyond my bounds in the last Chapter , in alledging Scripture to prove many fundamental assertions of this Treatise ; the which although I ought to have performed by reason onely , neverthelesse to gratifie some ( whose education teacheth them not to give credit to any reason , unlesse confirmed by Scripture ) I contracted the fore-mentioned quotations in one little space . And now to keep on my road : There remains one Question more relating to the freedome of will , which I shall first endeavour to answer , and then go on in adding what is requisite . The Question is , Whethen the will can be forced . This is a strange kind of doubt , Whether the will , when it doth not will ( for when it is forced , it doth act against its will ) be a will : However this seemeth an absurd query , if understood in so many plain words ; yet supposing that act to be forced or against the will , which is willed through the will , but with a reluctancy , and fore-knowledge of inconvenience thereon ensuing ; the Question may be conceived in a safe meaning . The will is termed forced , when it doth will through compulsion or impulsion , or through a positive or privative violence ( as others explain it ) without which it would not have willed that , which otherwayes it willed . The Question might rather be proposed thus ; Whether the will , when it is forced , is free , or acteth freely : for no doubt the will of man can be forced in all her acts , whatever Authors say to the contrary . I prove it . Man can be forced in his imperated acts . Ergo , A man can also be forced in his elicited acts , because there is no imperated act , but it derives from an elicited act ; for it is the elicited act , which commandeth the other act . Here may then be enquired , Wherein a forced elicited act differeth from an absolute free act . I answer , That both these acts proceed from the will with a consent ; but that , which the will acteth with an absolute freedom , it acteth without any remorse , and with an entire consent : That , which the will acteth , when she is forced , she acts with a remorse and partial reluctancy , for to avoid a greater inconvenience or evil ; and were it not for that , she would not have acted it . The will cannot properly be said to be forced through a privative violence , because the will doth not act at all , when she is hindred . II. The acts of the will , according to Moralists , are either elicited , or imperated . An elicited act of the will is , when she doth act within her self , by proposing the goodnesse of an object , and consenteth to the covering or rejecting of it . The imperated act of the will is , whereby she doth execute that , which she had concluded and agreed to by the elicited act , in commanding the inferiour faculties . III. The command , which the will exerciseth over the obeying faculties , is politick , or controlable . The obeying faculties are the internal and external senses , the locomotive faculty , the irascible and appetible faculty . I prove it . The internal senses obey the will from a politick obedience ; for a man willeth oft-times not to think , or to remember this or that thing , which neverthelesse doth force into his mind : Besides , the phansie worketh in a dream without being commanded by the will : Wherefore the wils command is not despotick , but politick . The external senses do not obey the will from a despotick obedience , because the will frequently cannot per se hinder them in their functions : as for instance , she cannot at all times hinder the hearing from perceiving a noise , or the sent from smelling a bad sent , &c. IV. The irascible and appetitive faculty obey the will politickly , because our natures are ofttimes prone to envy , anger , or revenge , when we would not be so . So our natures * are as oft propense to covet evil objects , which our will doth contradict . V. The locomotive faculty doth frequently refuse a servil obedience to the will ; for in wearinesses and convulsions she is rebellious and unable : Besides , the locomotive faculty being in some cases more obedient to the sensitive appetite , she obeyeth it , before she obeyeth the will. Lastly , The locomotive faculty is oftentimes at work in a dream , and at other times , when the will doth not command her ; and thence it is evident , that the locomotive faculty doth not obey the will from a despotick obedience . VI. It is absurd to affirm , That the will commandeth the practick understanding ; for it is the same thing , as if you said , That the will commanded her self , the will and practick understanding being one and the same . CHAP. XII . Of Voluntary and Involuntary . 1. That the Understanding , as it is speculative and practick , is the internal principle of the ultimate and intermediate actions . That God or Angels are improperly said to be external principles . That God is the coefficient of man's actions . How Angels , whether good or evil , Wizards and Witches concur to the specification of man's actions . 2. What a humane action is . 3. That it is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly . 4. Whether evils of omission through ignorance are to be termed involuntary . 5. How humane actions are divided . I. HItherto we have declared the internal principle of man ( namely the understanding , as it is speculative and practick ) through which he acteth in order to the attaining the Summum Bonum , and arriving to his last and ultimate action , the immediate fruits of which is the greatest happinesse . Furthermore , we are not only to state the understanding to be the internal principle of our last and ultimate action , but also of all intermediate actions , and of such as are called humane , moral , or voluntary actions . We need not augment the number of internal principles , by adding Habits to them , these being supposed to alter the forestated principles accidentally only , and not essentially . How Habits ' are acquired , and how intended , remitted , and corrupted , we have set down elswhere . Neither are God or Angels properly said to be external principles , since all principles strictly are required to be internal . But God may be justly termed the coefficient of the actions of man , since God worketh in us to will and to do . Angels , whether good or evil , Wizards and Witches cannot concur efficiently to the effecting of humane actions , to which an infinite power is onely sufficient , whereas they , consisting of a limited power , are therefore render'd uncapable . They may concurre to the specification of an act , as persuasive causes in bending man's will to this or that act , by changing the phansie , in stirring up the humours and spirits of the brain , whereby it may represent objects otherwise than they are , or by presenting objects through a false image or representation , or by changing the external sensories . Whence we may observe , that it is not in the Devils power to make or force us to doe a thing against our wils , but that we may discover , resist , and refuse his deceitfull motions ; or otherwise we might be justly thought excusable ; wherefore , if we do at any time commit evil through the perswasion of an evil spirit , we must not onely accuse the wicked spirit , but our selves also . After our discourse upon the will , there remains alone to appose a word or two touching humane actions . II. Humane actions , otherwise called moral and voluntary , are such , as are effected by man , as farre as he is a man , or are produced by his will , or practick understanding . Wherefore whatever man acteth with the fore-knowledge and fore-command of his practick understanding is humane and voluntary . A voluntary action may be purely voluntary and free ; or mixt out of a Voluntas , and Noluntas , that is , willed with a reluctancy . The first acception of Voluntary , Aristotle terms voluntary strictly so called ; the latter he denominates involuntary ; but improperly . III. It is absurd to assert man to do a thing ignorantly , since it is impossible for a man to do any thing , which he doth not fore-know . Wherefore it must be an errour in the Peripateticks to affirm , that man can act an involuntarium quiddam ex ignorantia , because he acteth nothing , but what is consented unto partially , or totally by his will , which cannot will any thing ( as the Peripatetick definition holds forth ) without the foreknowledge of the understanding . Hence I conclude , that nothing is to be termed involuntary or mixtly voluntary , unlesse a man is forced to it violently , or by a cause acting from without . IV. Here may be demanded , Whether evils of omission of duties ( required by a Law ) committed by man , when he is ignorant of the said Law , are to be termed involuntary ? No certainly , for they are voluntary , in that the omission of an act is as much an act of the will as the effection of it . But whether such omissions or commissions , which a man doth will , are to be termed evil , in regard he willed them through ignorance , which had he not been ignorant of he would not have willed , is to be decided from the circumstances of such actions , and not from the imputing such actions not to be the actions of man , or not to be voluntary . Moreover I answer , That no kind of ignorance doth make an action neutral ( that is , neither good or evil ) and excusable , but an invincible ignorance . What invincible ignorance and other kinds of ignorances are , I do wittingly omit the inserting , since they are vulgarly enough known . As for such circumstances , which are required to render humane actions good or evil , I have set down in the latter end of this Book . V. The action of the will is accidentally divided in fruition and intention . Fruition is the continuated coveting and willing of an object , already before coveted and now enjoyed . Intention is a mediate coveting of means , whereby to covet an object immediately , or to arrive to the fruition of it . Intention contains in it three inferiour actions . 1. Election , whereby the practick understanding doth by a preceding deliberation covet one or more objects for a means out of many . 2. Consent , which is a further coveting of that or them objects , which it hath elected , so as to be confirmed and pleased in that election . 3. Usus , or Usance , otherwise called execution , which is the application of the means , now elected and consented unto , to a further action . CHAP. XIII . Of Natural Faith. 1. That Faith is the sole means , through which we are to attain to our greatest good . What Faith is . The Definition confirmed by Arguments deduced from reason . 2. The two-fold object of Faith. A proof from reason , that God is the Creator of man. That God and Nature are one . 3. An enquiry into the end of man's creation . 4. That man doth know the summe of God's Law through the light of Nature . A summary enumeration of the Law of God , as it is imprinted upon every man's heart . 5. Moral virtues compared with the moral Law. A comprehension of all moral virtues . I Have just now finisht my Discourse upon the subject of this Tract ; that , which fals next under our consideration , is the means , through which we are to attain to our greatest Good and happinesse . The sole means is Faith. Faith is a certain knowledge of God and the Law , and an assurance in , and of God's mercy and goodnesse . The genus proximum , and differentia proxima , are signals , that their Definitum , or thing defined is not an historical or temporary faith , or saith of miracles onely , but a justifying and glorifying faith , necessarily comprehending in it self the three other kinds , as degrees , by which the soul doth gradually ascend to an exalting faith . Among other School-Divines it goeth under the name of an explicite Faith. Fides the same with the Definitum , deriveth its denomination from fidere , a word not in use among the later Latinists , whose signification the verb confidere hath since supplied , which is to rest contented and fully satisfied : Wherefore assurance implying a certain practical knowledge freed from all doubts , and causing this rest and satisfaction , doth justly and properly deserve the place of the Genus in this Definition . The certainty , which Faith doth bring with it , depends upon the certainty and necessity of its premises , which being necessary and certain infers a certain and necessary conclusion . If God is mercifull , he will save them , that beg mercy . But God is mercifull , and I do beg mercy . Therefore God will save me . This Conclusion , as depending upon unchangeable and certain premises , holds forth , that Faith is an undoubted assurance of God's mercy , and that he will save a zealous believer . No wonder then , if Faith doth create this quietnesse , rest , and satisfaction . Austin . de Civit. Dei , lib. 19. cap. 18. tels us no lesse : To the Acadamicks all things are uncertain : but the City of God doth quite detest such kind of doubting , like madnesse : having a most certain knowledge of them things , which it comprehendeth in it's mind and reason . II. The object , about which Faith is conversant , is double : 1. God , and the Law. 2. God's infinite mercy and transcendent goodnesse . This duplicity is necessary ; because , first , we must know our present state : Secondly , how to get out of that state into a better . Our present state is made known unto us through knowing God and the Law. The way , whereby to change this state for a better , is through an assurance in God's mercy and goodnesse . A natural man , after having made enquiry , what he is , and finding , that he is a man , a Rational living creature , above all other creatures in the world , and of a most excellent and admirable essence , cannot but straight way admire and search from who , or whence , he had this noble being . Certainly although if he hath never heard of God , or attained to the knowledge of him , yet his reason will direct him to observe daily experience , which sheweth him , that every man descends from his parents , and they from their progenitours , or that man is continuated by propagation : By the same rule of experience he is also instructed , that all things in the world are finite , and have a beginning and ending : If so , then there must be one first cause , from which all Beings derive their Essence : This cause is an universal cause , by reason that all things have received their being from it : If all things are derived from this universal cause , then certainly the race of man had its beginning also thence . Some of the ruder sort may object , that all things are by nature . In answer to this , I demand , what they mean by nature ? they will reply an universal cause , which acteth most uniformly and unchangeably . Secondly , I demand through what principle all things are continued ? They say , through the same nature . Nature , say they , acteth most wisely and most providently , and hath so acted from all eternity . This is so farre from an objection against us , that it is an argument for us : For by these very words they expresse God , who is nature ( Natura naturans ) and the sole universal cause acting most uniformly , unchangeably ( secundum volunt atem ordinatam ) most wisely , providently , from all eternity , and continuating all things from the beginning , untill the ending . Let an Atheist therefore answer never so perversly concerning the first cause of all beings , yet nolens volens he doth plainly confesse , that there is a God , although under another name of Nature . III. Man knowing , that God hath created him , he cannot but wonder , for what end . For God ( thinks he ) acteth nothing in vain . He is sure , it is not for to eat , drink , and live ; for were it so , God needed not to have conferred a reasoning or understanding faculty upon him , because he could have eaten , drunk and lived without an understanding . The end therefore , for which he was created , must be that , to what his understanding makes him capable . His understanding is capable of knowing God , and his Laws , of praising , serving , obeying God , and living according to his Commandments . As for his Commandments he will find them written in his heart . IV. 1. He may easily gather , That there is but one true God , because he is Almighty , and can work all things : If then there were more Gods than one , it supposeth , that they are not almighties , but must work sociably one with the other ; or if they are almighties , that , as many as are more than one , are in vain : for one is Almighty , and can do all things ; if he can do all things , then there is nothing remaining for the others to do , who must then be in vain . But to imagine otherwise is absurd . Ergo , There is but one true God , and all the others are false gods . 2. God is a Spirit , and therefore will only be worshipped in Spirit . This was not unknown to the Heathens . Si Deus est animus , nobis ut carmina dicunt , Hic tibi praecipue sit pura mento colendus . If God a Spirit be , as most of Poets say , In purity of mind we must unto him pray . What a vain thing is it for man to worship an Image ? as if God could not perceive or know our worship without that Image ; or as if we could not know God without an Image . If we can truly make an Image of God , then God is no Spirit , but an old man , as the Papists picture him . 3. A Lord's servant seldom speaks of him , without naming of him his Lordship , or his Honour , or tho Right Honourable , and so doth reverence and homage his very name ; and no doubt , but a Lord would conceive himself much provoked , should his servant take his name in vain : much more ought man , who is the meanest servant of the Lord of Lords name his name with all reverence and humility ; for God is most highly provoked in hearing of his name taken in vain . 4. There is an ordinary manner of serving God , which ought to continue at all times in doing all things to his glory . God doth permit man to do that , which tends to his conservation ; neverthelesse at those times we ought to praise God for giving us strength and means , whereby we are preserved . There is also an extraordinary manner of serving God , when we for bear from all temporal and corporeal actions , and abide wholly in spiritual exercises for a day , a week , or a moneth . Assuredly this is acceptable to God , and therefore we ought to repeat it often . These are the duties which a man may gather are to be performed to God. But this is not all , there are other duties remaining respecting to ones self and others . Among others , some are particularly related to us , as our parents ; some in a common and general relation only , as our neighbours . 5. The Duty , which we owe to our parents , nature teacheth us , as to honour , love and obey them . 6. The Duty to our selves and others is , to do what we can to preservate our selves and our neighbours , not to injure or kill our selves or others : To do to others , as we would have other do to us . We must shun all envy , anger and hatred . 7. A man is not to defile himself or another . Modesty , unchast thoughts , carnal desires , wanton gestures are by the light of nature adjudged evil and sinfull . 8. We ought to render to every one what is his . We are not to wrong our neighbours in his goods , houses , cattel , or corn , &c. We must detest cheating , defrauding , or crafty over-reaching of our neighbours , whether by lies , false measures , else weights , or moneys , and usury , &c. 9. A false oath is unjust and injurious ; the like are slanderings , lies and backbitings , the harbouring of bad thoughts of others without a manifest cause . 10. We are not so much as to have the least desire to what is not our own , if it be to the wrong of another , unlesse we desire withall to give full satisfaction and contentment to the owner , which is only possible in unfixt and untied matters . V. I have briefly enumerated the contents of the Moral Law , according as it is engraffed upon all mens hearts . This Law is perfect and compleat , because there is no moral precept belonging to any moral virtue , but is contained herein , neither is there any vice , but is hereby checked and condemned : Wherefore I shall compare them together , to wit , moral Virtues with the moral Law. A virtue is a habit of acting good : on the other side , vice is a habit of acting evil . Virtue or vice may be termed moral or theologick according to the act , which it produceth , which is either moral good or evil , or theologick good or evil . So holinesse is a habit of acting according to the Law of God. Sin is a habit of acting contrary to the Law of God , according it is written in all mens hearts . That this Law is known to all men , it appears hence , because all men are checked by their conscience at one time or another for their sins . There are four cardinal or principal Virtues : Prudence , Justice , Temperance and Fortitude . Prudence is a habit , through which a man is directed in exercising particular virtues . It s integrant parts are three . 1. The remembrance of things past . 2. The knowledge of things present . 3. The fore-sight of things to come . Thomas Aquinas counteth eight . 1. Memory . 2. Knowledge . 3. Aptnesse to learn. 4. Cunningnesse . 5. Reason . 6. Fore-sight . 7. Circumspection . 8. Caution . The subjected parts of Prudence are four . 1. Kingly prudence , in governing his Subjects . 2. Politick prudence of the People , in obeying the Magistrate . 3. Oeconomical prudence , in governing a family . 4. Military prudence , in ruling an Army . The potential parts of prudence are three . 1. Inquiry for means . 2. Judgement concerning the means invented . 3. Command , that them things be effected , upon which judgement is past . Justice is a virtue of giving every one , what is his . It s integral parts are three . 1. To live honestly . 2. To give every one what is his . 3. To wrong no man. The subjected parts of Justice are two . 1. General Justice , through which a man deals justly with the Commonwealth . 2. Special or particular Justice , through which a man deals justly with every particular person . Special Justice is two-fold . 1. Commutative Justice , through which a man is just in his trading with others . 2. Distributive Justice , which is either recompencing every one for his good deserts ; or punishing every one for his crimes : in which there is observed a Geometrical proportion : and in commutative Justice an Arithmetical proportion Right is that , which agreeth with the Law or Justice . It is either natural , or positive : humane , or divine : Ecclesiastick , or civil : written , or not written . A Law is a rule , command , or precept of Justice containing in it , what is just , and what ought to be done . There are three conditions required to the constitution of a Law. 1. Equity . 2. Authority . 3. Promulgation , or the publishing of it . A Law is either external , or participated . The participated Law is divided in Natural , Humane , and Divine . The Humane Law is either Civil or Canonical . The Divine Law is divided into the old and new Law. Temperance is a habit of moderating the senses , particularly the senses of feeling and tasting . The integral parts are two . 1. Bashfulnesse . 2. Honesty . The potential parts are four : Continence , Clemency , Humility and Modesty . The subjected parts are Abstinence , Sobriety , Chastity , and Shamefac'dnesse . Fortitude is a virtue in attempting terrible matters . Its acts are two . 1. To uphold . 2. To go on . The integral parts of Fortitude are Magnanimity , Magnificence , Patience and Perseverance . A man must not only have a bare knowledge of God's Law , or of the moral Virtues , but also a practick knowledge , that is to know them in himself so as to practise them CHAP. XIV . Of Man's Fall , and of Atheism . 1. A rational enquiry into man's primitive estate . The maenner of man's fall . 2. Grounds , whence a man may rationally collect hopes for his restoration . 3. That Atheism is the worst of sins , and that an Atheist is unable of performing the least good act . Wherein the goodnesse of an action doth consist , 4. A Character of an Atheist . That confirmed Atheism is the onely sinne against the holy Ghost . A full Discovery of an Atheist . THe other part of the object of Faith is Gods mercy and goodnesse : how a natural man comes to find out God's mercy , I shall instantly demonstrate . Man , having compared the difficulty of the Law with his unablenesse of performing obedience to it , cannot rest satisfied or assured , unlesse relieved and assisted by these two Attributes of God : for he , being conscious of his pravity and corrupt state of nature , must imagine , that he was not so created , but good and blessed ; because the Creator is good and blessed , and being left to his free-will , knowing what was good , and what might be evil , he through a wanton curiosity and alurement of an evil spirit ( which spirits were created before man , and whose nature it hath alwayes been to tempt man and draw him into evil ; as shall be proved by reason elsewhere ) was overswayed to try evil ; one act of which , had not God through his grace prevented it , might have been valid enough to corrupt his nature in such a manner , that he would have been rendred uncapable of ever recovering his former state , or of acting a good act ; By reason that the commission of one evil act must needs have effected a privation of that habit , which he once had of working good : for they being acts proceeding from two contrary habits , the latter must have expelled the former , which would have remained unrecoverable ; because à privatione ad habitum non datur regressus . After a privation a habit cannot return : Put out your sight once , and you will never recover it . Wherefore it must have followed , that man being arrived to this depraved state of nature must have become a meer alien from God , in whose former resemblance his happinesse did consist . Furthermore , the immortal spirit , expiring out of the body in that condition , abideth eternally in absence and dissemblance from God , which two cases makes its state most wofull and dismal . Thus you may remark , that it is possible to a natural man by way of a Sorites to collect his first beatitude , deficience , guilt , and punishment . II. Is it not then a man's greatest concernment to bestir himself in this need and defect for a means of restoration ? Here may be demanded , How can a man hope for restoration , if the habit of acting good is quite extirpated , and that from a privation to a habit , there is no returning ? 2. Why may not a man have the same hopes of restoration here in this world , as well as out of it , as the Papists hold ? To the first I answer , That extirpation may be understood in a two-fold representation . 1. As it represents a total extinction and annihilation , Nihil remanente sui . 2. As it doth represent not a total , yet almost a total annihilation , there still remaining some part of the thing : thus a man saith his eye is out , when he can see but a little . It is possible for a man to be in either of these conditions : if he is in the first , questionlesse he is in a lost condition , and is uncapable of recovery , for the objected reason . The continual acting of evil produceth a total habit of evil ; wherein if a man be habituated , that small portion of the remaining good is totally extirpated : As in an Atheist , who is one , wherein the habit of Good is totally extinct , which maketh him affectately and perversly ignorant of God , and in whom the habit of evil is radicated , whereby he becometh a blasphemer against God in denying his being . III. An Atheist hath not so much virtue or power in him , as thereby to do one good action . A good action is , which doth resemble its pattern ( Bona censetur actio , quae suae ideae fuerit conformis ) and therefore must , 1. Proceed from a good principle . 2. Be imployed about a good object . 3. Be intended to a good end . A good action here taken in a moral , not physical signification , whose principle and object is right Reason and moral good : Its end is to be agreeing with a good will. So that an Atheist cannot work a good work ; his principle of Good ( to wit right Reason ) being totally depraved and corrupted ; for he in denying God denieth his right Reason , when , as I have proved in the Doctrine of Souls , right Reason cannot , but must necessarily retain an impression of God's existence , goodnesse and omnipotence , from whom she received her production : or he in denying God denieth his own being , his being consisting in a resemblance to the Image of God , the perfect pattern of his once perfect essence ; which doth argue , that his right Reason is totally extinct , and that there remaineth a plenar possession of corruption and depravation in his understanding and will , through which he judgeth of all things , otherwise than they are . And this is farther evident ; because our understanding judgeth of all things in ordination to action , all our actions are performed in ordination to our last end , which being positively denied by him , proveth the truth of the fore-stated Conclusion . The second Qualification of a good action is , That its object must be good . A mans will is carried forth to a triple object , whereof two have respect to the body , the other to the soul. Of the two respecting the body , one is desired for the conservation of the body ; the other for conservation of the species or kind . These as being Physical objects are Physically good to all natural Bodies ; for Ens & bonum convertuntur , a Being and Good are convertible . Wherefore this maxime , Omnia appetunt Bonum . All Beings covet good , and cannot covet evil , is onely to be understood of Physical good objects . The third Object relating to the soul is moral good , whose objectivenesse is only proper to rational essences . The last condition required in a good action is its direction to a good end ; which is , to God's glory and praise , to the admiration of his Wisdom , Omnipotence and all others of his Attributes . If we compare the actions of an Atheist with these three qualifications , we shall find them infinitely different , and deffective from them , they proceeding from the worst of principles , and being imployed about improportionate and bruitish objects , and directed to a wicked , malicious , and hellish end , namely to Gods greatest dishonour . IV. Summarily to give you a Character of an Atheist An Atheist is a most horrid monster ; once a man , now worse than a Brute ; a Devil in the shape of a man ; ungratefull beyond the expression of a tongue ; rigidly injurious to God and man ; a sinner beyond the worst of sinners ; a fit object for God's vengeance , and the greatest torment , that the depth of Hell and envy of Devils are able to spue out . Is there a sinne , which God , although he is infinitely mercifull , hath resolved not to pardon , it is confirmed Atheisme ; this is the only treason , which man can commit against God. The injury which he doeth unto God , is in Blaspheming his sacred Name ; robbing him of his Honour , and of all his Attributes ; and that , which doth infinitely augment his sinne , is his persistence in it after such an unexpressible indulgence . It is impossible , that all vices should lodge and center in one man : for I could never hear that any natural man was so vicious , but he had some good ( I mean good , as the vulgar calleth it ) quality in him . Many have accused such a one for being a Drunkard , another for a Robber , or a Cheat ; yet some there will be still , who you may hear say , although such a one is a Drunkard , yet he is honest , or kind , or civil , &c. or of another , although he is a Robber , yet he is no Murderer ; although a Cheat , yet he is no Drunkard : so that I say , there is no natural man so vicious , but there is something in him , which people will say is good : But an Atheist hath a nest of all vice in him ; there is not a vice so detestable or deform'd , although it be against nature , but he dares make tryal of it ; because he dreads neither God , or his Law. An Atheist will wrong , cheat , revile his own parents ; he will murder his own relations , friends , or others , if it be for his interest , or pleasure ; he will Rob , steal , defame , blaspheme , and what not ? 't is true he doth not alwayes do these acts , because he fears the Law of man , nevertheless his will is not backward , but prone to all manner of wickedness , what should hinder him ? his conscience will not , because that is deaded : but it quickneth again a little before his death , and then beginneth his rage and torment , then the Devils come about him , each busied in increasing his woe and misery , then Hell and Eternity is at hand . There are many , who seeming to judge charitably of all men , cannot be perswaded there are Atheists . In these I shall soon correct their tendernesse . There was never a subversion of a legall government , but there appeared hundreds of Atheists ; They at such times are called subtil Politicians , who finding such successe by making Scripture and Religion , or rather hypocrisie , a cloak for to cover all their wicked designs , imagin thence , that Religion and Scripture were invented for that same purpose , because it hath so well served their turns . Pray what is this but absolute atheism ? yea more than this , if they see it is for their interest , to murder an innocent person or persons , yea were it a whole Nation ; they will not stick to do it out of hand : if they stand in want of treasures , they will steal and rob it from the people , and tell them , it is for the good of the Commonwealth in general , although their intent is to make it good to themselves alone in particular . What crime is so great , but is committed at such times . There is no History that treats of Rebellion , but may be a president of Atheism . Here may be questioned , Since that an Atheist hath utterly lost his right reason , whether God cannot be moved through his goodnesse or mercy , to create a new understanding or reason in him ? The Solution of this question take out of these two subsequent conclusions . 1. There is nothing imaginable to be created , which exceed ; Gods absolute omnipotence . God as he is infinite in power , his acts are also infinite : as he is omnipotent , he is all-creating . Hath he not created Angels , men , the world , and all things therein contained ? I conclude then , that the restitution of an Atheist , is possible through God's absolute omnipotence . 2. God is infinitely perfect whose perfection is revealed to us through his most perfect attributes , which are , his omnipotence , justice , mercy , goodnesse , &c. it is certain these are all perfections in the highest degree . The concordance or agreeing of these attributes one with the other is no lesse a perfection : for should they disagree , it would be an imperfection not to be conceived in the most perfect being . This premised , I infer , That God is omnipotent according to the concordance of his attributes ; what is there but God can effect it if agreeing with his attributes ? Possibly you may object , God cannot recall a thing , which is past ; as that a man , who is now , should not have been ; or that a man , who died this day , should not have died ; or that he can not make a Devil an Angle &c. I answer , That the effecting of these acts is disagreeing with Gods attributes * namely with his unchangeable or ordained will. His ordained will is , that man should die at a certain minute , that the Devils should remain damned to all eternity , that a thing should passe without being recalled ; for should God recall his will , he would cantradict himself , and therefore such is not to be supposed . God , no question , can do greater things , and therefore his power is not to be doubted in lesser . I conclude hence , that it is disagreeing with Gods ordained will and justice to restore an Atheist , Gods profest and greatest enemy , who therefore deserveth the rigor of Gods justice ; and although God's mercy is infinite , yet it must agree with his justice . Can God's mercy extend to an Atheist , or can he have compassion with that , which is altogether evil and contrary to his nature ? No certainly , for the object of God's mercy must be good , be it never so little . An Atheist onely is a sinner against the holy Ghost , he is such whom to sanctifie is disagreeing with the nature of the holy Ghost . What shall or can the holy Ghost cast its beams upon that , which is altogether evil ? Here may be demanded , How doth the holy Spirit then manifest it self to any , since all men are sinners , and all sinners are evil ? I answer , That all men , except Atheists , have some spark of good lodging in them , upon which the holy Spirit doth work , and which it doth increase and cherish , whereby at last a man weakneth the habit of sinning . Object ▪ An Atheist may save a man from drowning , but in so doing he doth a good act . Ergo , An Atheist hath still some spark of good resting in him . I answer , That it is in no wise a good act , neither doth it proceed from a good principle , or is it directed to a good end . The ground upon which he doth it , is upon consideration , that were he in the same case , or the like , he would be glad another should do the same to him ; so that it is for his own ends ; for otherwise did he imagine , that a man's drowning might conduce to his benefit , doubtlesse he would never prevent it . The second Representation of the extirpation of a habit is , when there yet remaineth some spark of good ; which is inherent in all natural men , though in an unequal proportion , according to the prevalence of the evil habit . What soul is there so rooted in iniquity , which doth not sometimes a good act ( per se ) through it self ; and this is a sign , that there is a good disposition latent in all men . A murtherer , soon after he hath committed that hainous crime , is immediately checked through the sting and light of his conscience , reasoning that God is just , and thence dreads his wrath . Now to dread God is a good action proceeding from the instinct and remaining light of the soul , which is also a good principle , and consequently is a mark , that he is not totally evil . You may reply against the consequence , and argue , That the Devils dread and fear God ; but the Devils are unable of effecting a good act ; and therefore fear in a murtherer is not a good action . I answer , That the fear of God naked , and not cloathed with a repentance , and effluence from a good principle , doth not imply a good act , and therefore the naked fear in Devils a bateth nothing from their evil : but as to a murtherer in fearing God's justice , wisheth he had not committed the fact . Fear brings with it a great unquietnesse of mind , but a man naturally wisheth the removal of any unquietnesse of spirit , and therefore a murtherer wisheth his crime undone , with a resolution , questionlesse never to attempt the like again , which is a kind of repentance . But here you seem to charge me with a second objection , That many murtherers after so villanous an enterprise are not possest with any fear of God's justice , unquietnesse of mind , or any other kind of repentance , but persisting in their pravity and wickednesse , and affirming untill the last , that were it to do again , they should not omit the doing of it . I answer , That these wretches are in no tittle differing from Atheists , since they wilfully blot the remembrance of God and his Laws out of their consciences ; for otherwise ●● were impossible , but they must be surprised with fear . CHAP. XV. Of the Means and Manner of Man's escape and Restoration . 1. What is requisite for a man to consider in order to his escape and restitution . 2. How a man may naturally find out a means tending to his restitution . 3. The description of God's mercy . 4. The explanation of the precedent description . 5. The act , through which God's mercy doth succour a natural soul in her contention . I. IT is not enough for man to be sensible of the danger , wherein he is , but it behoveth him further to lay out for a means of escape and recovery ; wherefore it will be requisite to explain , 1. That there is a means for man's recovery . 2. How those means are to be procured . 3. The disposition of will whereby a man is to procure that means . II. Man , being awaked through the resentment of his perilous condition , makes a search ( omnibus naturaliter sui salutem molientibus . All beings naturally endeavouring their preservation , ) through a spark of that dusky light still glowing in him into all probable means , and infers from that ordinary maxime , ( Simile simili conservatur . All beings are preserved by their like ) that the soul being a Spirit , she must also expect her preservation from a spirit ; hence concludes , that the same spirit , to whom he acknowledgeth his Creation and existence , must be the onely means of his preservation and restitution . The soul having now discovered a means , she directs her next aim to a further search . How and whereby to procure the said means , she argues with her self ; God through his goodnesse hath given me a being ( Summum Bonum est sui maximè diffusivum ) And the same attribute , which moved him to confer an essence upon me , will certainly move him to preserve it from perishing , and restore it to its primitive state . This produces a hope in the soul , which is a middle passion between a certain knowledge , and an utter despair , partaking somewhat of an assurance , and as much of a Despair . During this anguish , the soul further disputes with her self , God is good , and therefore will save her ; on the other side her conscience accuseth her , in that she hath put her happinesse at a stake by offending against the goodnesse of God , and deflecting from her primitive perfection , which ( no doubt ) but God's justice will be satisfied for . God's justice is an attribute , whereby he separateth all those from his presence , that are unlike to him . The soul now in a tempest surrounded with innumerable waves of doubts and commotions of spirit , laboureth with all her strength to come to an anchor , or to make for a harbour ; here she beats against the rock of God's justice ready to founder , then beats off again to Gods goodnesse , and saves her self from danger of the first stroak ; yet the same perill being imminent upon her , she agreeth with her self to steer another course , whereby to consult her safety , at last lighteth upon an infallible Pilot God's mercy , which brings her clear off to a harbour of assurance and quietness , which is a natural faith . III. God's mercy is an attribute , through which he is moved to succour a perishing soul labouring for its own recovery . This attribute ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) according to the capacity of humane reason , is called compassion and pity . Compassion in us is an endeavouring to help a man grappling with his misery . The same compassion hath a resemblance to that , which is in God , although infinitely inferiour to it : for we spying the misery wherein a man is involved bearing down and overcoming his happinesse , do endeavour from a principle of love ( through which we incline to what ever is like to us , and reject what ever is unlike ) to support and aid him by adjoyning a force of the same nature to that , which is suppressed . But when a man is render'd altogether miserable and unsupportable , then we reject him , and our compassion towards him ceaseth , because his misery hath overcome his happinesse , or his evil hath totally expelled his good ; and so he remains in a desperate state : for instance , A man who is a going to be hanged for sacriledge , and he persisting in his crime untill the last , is desperate and quite lost , as having no good in him : now our compassion cannot be moved towards such an one , because he is totally evil , whom to pitty proveth in vain . IV. But to return to the exposition of the definition of mercy : First , I say it is an Attribute . God's Attributes are principles and perfections , whereby we conceive him ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to effect acts really distinct one from the other . They are called Attributes , because we attribute them to him , thereby to make a distinction in our understandings of the several acts , proceeding as it were from distinct powers , which really do not : for in God there is no distinction to be imagined , that supposing a composition , and a composition an imperfection : so that what ever we attribute to any of God's Attributes , is to attribute it to God himself . Nihil est in Deo quin sit ipse Deus . There is nothing in God , but what is God himself . V. The Act , which floweth from God's mercy , doth succour and strengthen the soul in this contention , by expelling the cloudinesse , which the material species and depravate appetite of the body have cast about it , whereby they draw the soul from God , and inchant her to sottish pleasures . God's mercy is distinguisht from his goodnesse , because through his goodnesse he acteth that , which is good ( totâ suâ Naturâ ) in it self , or acteth upon good having no part of evil opposing it , as to create man or the world , or to preserve man in his innocence . His mercy hath a respect to good , as it is opposed by evil ; as to redeem man is an act of God's mercy . CHAP. XVI . Of the Light and Darknesse of Man's practick understanding . 1. That Light and Darknesse are analogal to principles of good and evil . 2. Queries concerning Light and Darknesse . 3. The two kinds of Light. What the first Light is , and how it produceth the second Light. 4. What the Habit of Light is : That the first man acted without habits . How a habit is acquired . 5. That the first man acted through a natural disposition , and not through any habits . I. WE have sometimes made mention of Good and Evil , Light and Darknesse , which being in this Treadse stated the two principles of mans actions , whether good or evil , it will not be impertinent to unfold the nature of each . By the way you are to take notice , that Light is analogal to the principle of good , and darknesse to the principle of evil , which analogy containing a clear and expresse emblem of good and evil , we shall therefore the rather retaine its Analogata for to explain . II. Concerning Light and Darknesse may be inquired , 1. What Light is , or what the habit of Light is . 2. What Darknesse is , and how it is to be taken in this place . 4. How it is otherwise called . 5. How it got its first footing in man. 6. What proportion there is between the remaining Light , and this habit of Darknesse . 7. How two contrary habits can both inhere in the same subject at the same time . 8. Whether the habit of Light is a habitus per se , and the habit of Darknesse a habitus per accidens . 9 How one contrary habit doth act against the other . 10. How the one at last happens to extirpate the other . III. Light , as you may know further in the second Book , part 2. is either primitive or derivative : The first is called Lux , and through its emanative power is by some said to cause the second , otherwise named Lumen : or in English the former may be rendred a Light , the latter an Enlightning . The soul her self is the primitive Light , which irradiates or enlighteneth the whole body . This illumination is more splendid and of greater lustre in the brain and animal spirits , than in any other part , because the Lumen is reflexed through a repercussion against the arterial and membranous parts of the brain . IV. The habit of Light is nothing else , but the facility or easinesse of the first Light in actuating the second , which hapneth through a lesse opposition of the organ , and of the contrary habit of darknesse . But I shall explain my meaning more amply . The first man in the state of his integrity had no habit in him , whence his acts proceeded , but were effected through a natural disposition and principle of good , which God through his bounty had conferred upon him . This natural disposition produced its first acts as perfect , or with the same facility , as it did the following acts ; for otherwise man could not be supposed to have been created perfect . V. Hence it appears , that man at his first creation had no habit ; for a habit according to Philosophers , is ( Habitus est qualitas adventitia ad operandum cum facilitate ) an acquired quality , through which a substance is inclined to act with ease . Observe then , 1. It is an acquired quality , that is , not natural . 2. That through a habit we do operate with ease , which supposeth there was a difficulty of working before we had acquired this habit . But wherein lay the difficulty ? either in the power of acting , or in the instrument , or in the object upon which it acted . There could be no difficulty in the power , for that inhering in the substantial form is unalterable . Ergo in the instrument and object . Now then the difficulty in the instrument and object is removed by often fitting the organ to the object , and the object to the organ , and so you see a habit is acquired through many repeated acts . Wherefore the first man in his entire state needed no habit , he acting all things naturally , and with ease : His organs were all perfect , and had no resistance in them against the power , or no unfitnesse to the object ; so likewise the objects were all fitted to their several organs . CHAP. XVII . Containing rational discoveries of Mans primitive , and second estate . 1. That Man was created most perfect . A proof from reason , inferring God to be a most rational spirit . 2. That Man by means of his first and second light , understood all beings perfectly in their proper natures , as they were . 3. That the first man did not sleep during his incorrupt estate . 4. That the first man did eat and drink . 5. That the first man would have generated in the same manner , and through the same parts , as he did afterwards , but without that shame and sinfull lust . That there were no co-Adamites . The absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching prae-Adamites . 6. That the first man was beyond danger of erring in any action proceeding from his soul. 7. A rational inquiry into the first sinne , and knowledg of the first Commandment . 8. The manner of man's fall proved by reason . His punishment for the breach of the first Commandment . 9. A further collection of man's punishment for his first sinne . That a present unavoidable temporal death was part of mans punishment , and not a present unavoidable eternal death . 10. That man after his fall was not become utterly evil . 11. An enumeration of the relicts of Good in man. TO tell you how darknesse first ceased on man , it will be necessary to examine and dive into his first creation , the state and manner of it , and hence , by way of consequence , to deduct the casualties and accidents , to which he was exposed . First , Beyond all arguments Man was created most perfect in his essence and operations , because whatever is immediatly created by God must be perfect ; the reason is , in that God is a most perfect cause , and therefore his immediate effects and acts cannot but be most perfect ; and man above all , he being created according to God's own image . You may demand how I come to know that ? I answer , that man may easily apprehend , that God is a spirit , because his substance is immediatly imperceptible through any of the external senses : were he material , his body would be perceptible through its trinal dimension of parts , neverthelesse his acts upon material objects are but mediately , every minute perceived by us through the said intermediate actions upon material objects . Secondly , We know that he is most rational and understanding , because Right Reason cannot but judg all his acts to be most Rational : on the other part , the soul knoweth her self to be a spirit , because her essence is also immediately imperceptible by any of the external senses . That she is rational needs no proof . Wherefore hence it is apparent enough , that man was created after God's image . II. The first light then , being most perfect , produced also its second light in no lesse perfection ; particularly that , which is instrumentall to its Reasoning , which made man capable of understanding all things in the world in their own nature : Besides there was no resistence or obscurity in any of the objects ; because they , being all created for the service of man , had their natures ( as it were ) writ upon their breast , so that herein they were at the command of the understanding : not only so , but his will exercised a free and despotick command over all God's creatures , whether inanimated or animated , which latter , and particularly beasts , were all of a meek and obedient nature , otherwise they could not have fitted man's occasions . III. Whether man in this state naturally slept or not , is dubious : yet it is more probable , that he did not ; because sleep ariseth from an imperfection of the Body , and wearinesse of the animal spirits , which is not to be supposed in so perfect a creature . Besides sleep would have detracted part of his happinesse , because an intermission from joy is a kind of misery ; and a total abolishment of joy is a total misery . IV. Man did eat and drink ; for otherwise many parts of his body , as his stomack , gutts , liver , spleen , kidnies , bladder , &c. would have been formed in vain . V. Man , had he continued in his primitive state , would have generated , and in the same manner through the same parts , as he did since , although without that sinfull lust and shame : The reason is , Because the sparmatick parts , or genitals would else be supposed to be superadded for no end . It is probable that Adam did not generate in his incorrupt state ; for if he had , he would have begot children ( since that through his entire perfection , he could misse of no end in any of his actions ) who not participating of original sinne would in like manner have continued their race to this day , and have remained in Paradice ; but finding , that no such Paradice can at present be discovered upon earth , and that all the best parts of the earth are known ; we may justly inferre the probability of the fore-stated conclusion . Possibly you may object , That Paradise is in another material world , as supposing every Star to be a world . I answer , That your objection is absurd , and hath no apparent foundation , as I have proved in my Physicks . The same reasons do also shew the absurdity of that blasphemous opinion touching Pra-Adamites and co-Adamites . VI. There was no action or pleasure , if immediately proceeding from the soul , wherein man could erre : because the soul , having a resemblance to the Divine Nature , had in it self no contrariety or principle of error . Neither could he sinne in the pleasures of his mind , they deriving from the contemplation of his Creator . VII . It is also certain , that God , as he is Creator and King of , and over all his creatures , did require obedience from them , whereby they should expresse their subjection , humility , and love to him : Wherefore ( no doubt ) he imposed some one commandment upon them , which would be sufficient to testifie their obedience and subjection . This command did not reach to the immediate or pure object of the soul , but necessarily to the object of the Body . The command upon the object of the body must have been aninterdiction of some one of its pleasures , to which it was inclined : otherwise had there been but little difficulty in it , it would have expressed but an indifferent observance , or love . The pleasures of the body consists mainly im●ating ; so that it is probable some edible thing was interdicted , from which man was to abstain . And although this command did immediately extend to the body , yet there being that sympathy between the soul and it , the one could easily move the other , whereby it did also mediately reach the soul also . The breach of this commandment must have threatned some punishment for to imprint a fear upon man. VIII . This punishment was imposed upon that , which should be the first inticer , which necessarily was the body through its appetitive faculty . No question but man sustained also the force of the Devil ( because we are yet minutely attached by him ) who wrought upon him in a disguise ( for had he appeared to man in his own shape , man would have shunned him ) more by cunning and stratagems , than as an open enemy ; By diverting him from thinking upon God , in drawing his understanding to a sensual object , so that he wrought first upon man's body , in proposing some pleasant object to its appetite , which did soon entice the soul's will. Wherefore Man could not have deflected from God without yeelding to this attraction of the Devil , and ceasing for a while from contemplating God , to whom had he but returned in time , it would soon have recalled him from all the allurements of the evil spirit . However man went on in hearkning to the evil spirit ; And so much the more , because it is probable , the Devil appeared to him , professing an entire friendship in proposing somewhat , which might conduce to the amendment of his condition , and pleasure of his Body . This done , the Devils work was the better half finisht . Hereupon man yeelding to the Devils persuasion , and to please his lust , soon after forfeited his happinesse : His distinct knowledge of things failed him ; his fruition of God was lost ; his bodily appetite was now more increased than ever , and thence committed the same sinne a thousand times over . All God's creatures disobeyed him ; beasts grew fierce , herbs poisonous . The Elements lost their purity , the Sun yeelded of his light and brightnesse , the starres of their virtues and influences . This great alteration immediately hereupon succeeding , he soon perceived that he had sinned , and at the same instant felt the punishment for sin : he needed no trial , for his conscience yeelded . Now let us collect what man 's punishment was for this alone first sin . IX . It was not a present , unavoidable , eternal separation from God ; for then God would have cast him into hell immediately , like he did the Devil , whose crime was unpardonable , since he aspired to have been God himself , and in whom there remained not the least spark of good , but being rendred altogether evil , there remained nothing in him worth saving . Hence by the way I confirm my former proposition , that man had a principle of good remaining in him after his fall : for otherwise God should have cast him into hell immediately . 2. It was a present , temporal , unavoidable death , namely a separation of the soul from the body ; which he soon concluded from the alteration of his body and disposition to sicknesse , through which his body at last must necessarily be brought to a temporal death : yet this temporal death did not exclude an eternal one , in case he neglected the most gracious means destained for his restitution . 3. It consisted in a partial unlikenesse to God : for before he knew all things distinctly by one operation of mind , now by many , then without errour , now subject to mistakes and errours . 4. The losse of Paradise . The seat , wherein he was first constituted , was before full of all perfections , abounding of all things for the good of man : all herbs were nourishing ; flowers fragrant ; beasts of a soft , pleasant , and delightfull nature ; the Elements in their splendour ; the Earth fruitfull ; the waters sweet ; the air clear and wholsome ; the fire pure . Soon after all was changed ; some herbs became venemous , others still reserving some goodnesse in them ; some flowers changed into a stink , others retained yet some sweet odour ; so some Beasts became wild , others remaining tame ; a part of the earth remained barren , and a part fruitfull , &c. X. Had man then become quite evil through this one act , all that , which had been subservient to him before , would now have become noxious and destructive to him . His knowledge of God was not totally blotted out , his knowledge of all other things was not quite abolisht : for he knew them still , although not with the same distinction and evidence . Since then it was so , that part of mans enjoyments were yet remaining , and that part changed into crosses , it is probable , that a part of the good in man remained , and a great part of evil entred ; for had man not retained some good in him , God would have taken all good away from him . Now after the shipwrack of man's happinesse and admission of evil , let us also examine what remained in him , that might still be termed good . 1. There remained in man after his fall a knowledge of his Creator . 2. A Reasoning faculty . 3. His body as yet in health , but disposed to sicknesse and death . 4. A place wherein to live ▪ All these Relicts were much impaired to what they were ; neverthelesse God left them for some end : namely , that they might serve man as a means for his restitution . I had almost forgot to insert among man's remains his free-will : for no question the first man had a free-will to good and evil , which it is probable remained also partially in him after his fall . CHAP. XVIII . Of the manner of the Suppression , Extinction , Predominance and Triumph of the Habit of Good. 1. The repetition of some of the principal principles of this Treatise . 2. What it is that hindreth the Habit of Good. 3. How the good Habit happens to be deaded , and overcome by the evil habit . How the good Habit happens to suppresse and vanquish the evil habit . 4. That we are apt to incline most to those things that are forbidden . 5. A proof inferring darknesse to proceed from the prevalence of the corporeal appetite . 6. Why it is , that a man must necessarily die . The ground detected upon which the Papists were induced to state a Purgatory . Their error rejected . 7. That the proportion of these two Habits is various in every individual subject . I. BY what hath been proposed in the fore-going Chapter you may now fully comprehend the nature of Darknesse or habit of evil , and how man fell into it . You may further remember , that man had no habit of Good , because nothing resisted his natural powers : wherefore it is no absurdity to assert , That man acteth now good and evil through acquired or infused habits . Moreover let me desire you to take notice , how man fell into sinne : viz. That it was through the inclination and enticement of his corporeal or sensual appetite , and that thereby his reason was not drawn aside violentè or coactivè , but inclinativè and dispositivè : that through this the body , as it were , got the upperhand of the soul , insomuch that after the soul had submitted her self once to the command of the body , she thereby forfeited her superiority : that the body after the fall being corrupted and grown lesse serviceable to the soul , it had stronger influence upon the soul than ever : That the habit of the soul is nothing else , but an easinesse of working its acts , whether good or evil ; which is attained through frequent repetitions of the same acts , and through it at last makes the organs easie , and the objects fitted . II. Where as all habits presuppose a difficulty , through which the former acts have been hindred , that , which hindreth the good habit , is the forcible drawing and prevalence of the sensual appetite , whereby it is set on and inclined to sensual acts , which for the most part prove to be evil . III. Wherefore this good habit is nothing else , but the same principle of good somwhat deaded and diverted by the sensual inclinations of the body ; for as a flaming fire may be deaded and choakt through black smokes , whereby it is hindred from flaming , and yet continue a fire , and may blaze again , were the smokes but discussed ; in fire we see , when it begins to blaze a little , by degrees it blazes more and more , untill at last it gets to a flame , which keeps its life the better , and expelleth the smoke more vigorously ; but if it begins to leave flaming , and come to blazing , and from blazing return to a deadish light , then the smoke overcometh it , and deads it again : Even so it is with the habits of the soul ; man's light keeps blazing , untill it is deaded and choakt through the dark smokes of his inordinate sensual appetite ; but if it be ventilated , and stirred up by frequent repetitions of good acts , it is vivified , and lasteth . This light , if it is once come to an intyre flame , it can never be totally darkned : possibly it may now and then remit somewhat of its lustre ; but in case this light doth only blaze a little now and then , or it may be flame a while , yet if it rise not to burn clear quite through , neverthelesse it will perish , and is to be counted for a flash . IV. It is then the inordinate appetite of the body , which smothereth up the light of the soul , because through it she is led aside by harkning altogether to its motion , and suffering the understanding and will to bend to its pleasures , and especially to such which are forbden . Nitimur in vetitum semper cupimusque negata . That , which the Law doth most from us require , Is most gain-said by our perverse desire . Herein is the habit of the soul deaded and overcome by the evil habit of the body . The soul may produce good acts although with difficulty , because she is opposed by the evil habit of the body : But the oftener those acts are repeated , the more the soul doth triumph over the body , and subdueth it under her command , yet not so as to tie up its whole force ; because the body being once corrupted cannot be redintegrated in this world , there remaining a debt to be paid ; to wit , death , which was contracted , as hath been shewed , through guilt of the first transgression . You may here enquire , Why God through his infinite mercy doth not forgive man this debt of death ? I answer , That God through his justice cannot , that requiring plenary satisfaction , otherwise God's threatnings and ordinances might be supposed to be in vain . V. From all this it appeareth , that the darknesse of the soul proceeds from the predominance of the corporeal appetite misleading the soul , and consequently that the good habit of man is per se , and the evil habit : per accidens ; for the same perfections , which the soul of the first man was indued withall , are also conferred upon every individual soul , because each of these doth immediatly emanate from God , and therefore is most perfect : Ergo , the perfection or good of every soul is inherent in her per se , and the evil , which doth assault her is per accidens ; for it is from the body . By the way let me tell you in case you doe maintain originall sinne , and assert it to be propagated through infection , you must agree in this very tenent , viz. that it is propagated through the infection of the body , which is per accidens to the soul : for it cannot be propagated through the infection of the soul ; for that was created pure and perfect : or otherwise you must affirm , that the soul is ex traduce , which is impious and atheistical . VI. The body , since it is so corrupted , must be purified , which cannot be , unlesse the soul leaveth it for a while : but as for the soul , if it deserteth the body with an assurance of , and in God's mercy and goodnesse , it needeth not to die , because it was not essentially corrupted , but accidentally ; and expiring out of the body arrives to God's presence in the same purity , and perfection , as it was indued with at her first infusion . Wherefore the Papists do most heretically mistake in arguing , that the soul for to be purified must abide a while in Purgatory . Here may be objected , If the soul remaineth good per se , and the evil be per accidens , then the soul of every wretch being dissolved from the body is entirely pure and holy ? I deny the consequence ; for as long as God's justice is not satisfied for their sin committed in the flesh , both their body and soul must necessarily be damned : but as for the soul of a regenerated man , the guilt of his sins being taken away , and God's justice satisfied in this world , the soul when dissolved from the body remaineth essentially and naturally good without any further purification . VII . The proportion , which there is between these two habits , is very various and different in most persons : for we see , that some persons their bodies and appetites are more depraved than others , and consequently their good habits more deaded , and that some have much more ado to rebuke their sensual inclinations than others . CHAP. XIX . Of Original Sinne. 1. How it is possible for two contrary Habits to inhere in one subject . 2. The absurdities , that follow this Assertion , viz. That the evil habit inheres in the soul per se. 3. In what manner the Habit of good is taken to inhere per se in the soul. 4. That God created every man theologically good . Several Objections , relating to the same assertion , answered . 5. How the soul partaketh of the guilt of Original Sinne. The opinion of the Synod of Rochel upon this matter . I. NOw we may easily explain how two contrary habits can inhere in one and the same subject . No question it is impossible two contraries should inhere both per se in one subject ; for the nature of contraries is to expell one another out of the same subject : Yet it is not repugnant but that two contrary habits may inhere both in one subject , provided the one exist in it per se , and the other per accidens , or that they be not inherent in one partial subject , although they may in the total : for it is possible for a man to be afflicted with two contrary diseases in two parts of his body , yet both are sustained by one total subject . In like manner may the evil habit be principally and originally inherent in the body , and the good habit in the soul , yet both these are contained in one man. II. Notwithstanding all this , there are some , who obstinately do affirm , that the evil habit inheres in the soul per se , but how do they prove it ? Certainly upon these suppositions . 1. That the habits may be altered , and the substance remain the same . 2. That the first man acted through habits . 3. That the good habit being removed the evil habit succeeded in its steed , and consequently that an Accident doth migrate è subjecto in subjectum . which is against their own maxims . These suppositions being all false , as hath been proved at large , cannot be a firm foundation for any conclusion whatever they have built upon them . And therefore I conclude again , 1. That in the first man there was a natural disposition of acting good , but no habit . 2. That there became two habits in man after his fall , the one of good , and the other of evil . III. That the habit of good inheres in man per se ( Quatenus actionis principium dicatur anima , inest ei habitus bonus per se , aut prout habitus sit accidens , secundum istud potest animae attributi inesse per accidens , quia ipse habitus est accidens ; quae tamen mihi est in usitata locutio . ) And the habit of evil per accidens ( Non quatenus proficiscatur ab anima tanquam à mali principio , sed duntaxat quatenus sit animae instrumentum . ) Here one may object , If an evil act proceed per se from the soul , than the evil habit is also inherent in her per se. As to this , the same I may argue from a good act , and thence infer the inherence of the good habit per se. But it is certain , that two contrary opposites ( secundum idem ad idem ) cannot exist together at the same instant in the same subject ; so that the one habit must necessarily inesse per se , and the other per accidens . Before I go farther , let me tell you once for all , when I say that the good habit is per se in man , I do not imply , that it is ex se , but è Dei gratia , è voluntate & potentia divina ordinata ; to deny this is to rob God of his honour , and is no lesse than a blasphemy : wherefore it ought to be a great caution to all men , how they assert good habits per se , or good works per se , lest they offend . IV. God creates every man theologically good , that is , God infuseth the soul theologically good into the body being good also : for otherwise God would be supposed to joyn good to evil . How could the body be evil before the advent of the soul ? If it were evil , it must be morally evil ( for there is no doubt but it was and remaineth physically good ) but that cannot be admitted , because there is no moral evil without a rational will. Good and evil is taken in a double sense : 1. Good or evil is that , which is agreeable or disagreeable with the Law of God. 2. Good or evil is , which is convenient and sutable , or inconvenient and unsutable to a being . According to the first acception , The soul is infused good into a good body , because of the reason fore-mentioned . But according to the last it is not . Here may be demanded , Whether it agreeth with God's goodnesse , to infuse a good soul into an unsutable body . I answer , That it doth not detract one title from God's goodnesse : for he hath ordained , that man should multiply and increase , and therefore hath given man a power of increasing and multiplying . The power , which man exerciseth to multiply , is through propagation of his body only , and uniting the soul to it . The body being then prepared for the souls reception , the soul at that instant is raised out of the body ( è potentia materiae receptiva ) not out of it , as è materiali principio eductivo , like unto material forms , but by the divine power , which is ever present where God hath ordained his benediction : so that God doth not withdraw his power of creating a soul , when ever a body is prepared for it , although that body is generated by the worst of men , because God hath ordained it ; for God doth create a soul , not because a wicked man hath disposed a body for the reception of it , but because of his ordained blessing to mans increase . V. The soul being united to the body , immediately partaketh of the guilt of original sinne . What original sinne is , me thinks , is not distinctly expounded by our ordinary institutionists . They say , It is a natural disposition to evil , naturally descending from Adam to all men ; it is that , which is called , The sinne dwelling in man , The Law of our members , The old man , The flesh , The body of sinne , &c. First , I demand , What sinne is ? I shall be answered , That it is a breach of God's Law. Ergo , A sinne is an act : for to break God's Law is to act against God's Law. A disposition , say they , is , whereby an agent can act . Ergo , A disposition to sinne is no sinne , because a disposition is no act , but whereby we can , or do act . So that original sinne is the first act of sinne , which the first man acted , who comprehending in him whole mankind , since all men were to descend from him , the sinne , which he acted , was also acted by whole mankind , and consequently the guilt of that sinne is imputed to every man. The habit of sinne being entered through one act , whereby we are render'd prone to evil , and commit actual sinne , or do act sinne , the same habit and disposition hath also ceased on all mankind . So that original is rather the first actual sinne , after which followed the habit of sinning ; and with the original or first sinne of man , the habit of sinning is withall communicated to mans posterity . This very sense may be dtawn from their own words , although it was against their intentions . The Synod held at Rochel in the year 1607. in the moneth of March , rendreth her self in these words , as further appears by their Confession . We believe , that whole mankind , ever since Adam , is corrupted with such an infection , as original sinne is , to wit , an original defect . And in the 11th Artie We believe , that this defect is a sinne , and is sufficient to damn whole mankind from the highest to the lowest , yea moreover the Infants in their Mothers womb . What can any body apprehend by this original defect , but an actual sin , or how could Infants be guilty of it ? CHAP. XX. Of the manner of Man's multiplication . 1. The state of the controversie . 2. That the Rational Soul is not generated , or produced by generation . That there are three kinds of productions out of nothing . 3. That the Soul is not propagated either from the Father or Mother . 4. That impious opinion concluding the Rational Soul to be generated tanquam ex traduce , confuted . 5. An Objection against the Authors opinion answered . 6. That the foetus before the advent of the Rational Soul is informated with a form analogal to a sentient form . 7. That God is the remote cause of man's generation . 8. That man doth generate man naturally and per se. 9. The opinion of Austin , Jerome , and others upon this matter . 1. I Had almost in the last Chapter fallen unawares into that intricate Controversie about man's multiplication and increase , but fore seeing the extent of it , I thought it fitter to retire my self to this Chapter , and treat of it here singly . Man consisteth of body and soul : as touching the body , there is no doubt made of it , but that it is propagated tanquam ex traduce . All the stumbling is at the rational soul , whether she be infused or propagated in like manner as the body : or I may state the Question thus , Whether the soul of man is created or produced by generation ? Conclus . The Rational Soul is not generated or produced through generation . I prove it . That which is indivisible is produced in an indivisible part of time , namely in an instant . But the Soul of man is indivisible , and therefore is produced in an instant . Again , that , which is produced in an instant , is created and not generated : Because generation doth follow alteration , which is by succession . Ergo , The Soul would not be constituted in an instant , but successively , and consequently would be corporeal . 2. If the Soul had a power of generating a Soul , it had also a power of destroying it by means contrary to those , wherby she had produced it . 3. Generatio unius est corruptio alterius , & vice versa : Ergo , Quicquid est generabile est corruptibile . The generation of one form or being is the corruption of another ; and the corruption of one is the generation of the other : Ergo , What ever is generable is corruptible , and what ever is corruptible is generable : So then when ever the soul is generated another soul or form is corrupted ; And when the soul is corrupted another form or soul is generated , which may be , as the Indians hold , the soul of an horse , or of an asse , &c. and so the soul is made material . To this possibly your answer will be , That it is so in natural productions , but not in supernatural . I ask you then , Why do you object this for an argument to prove the propagation of the soul , viz. that man ( Homo generat sibi similem ) doth generate his like , otherwise he would be inferiour to a beast . Ergo , You assert that man doth generate naturally like unto other creatures . 4. If otherwise to generate its like were a property belonging to supernatural beings , then Angels would have a power of generating other Angels , which they have not . Or if this power of generating were onely superadded to one kind of supernatural beings , namely to souls , then a soul would be more noble than an Angel. 5. There are but two wayes of producing a substance , to wit ( è materia praeexistente , vel è nihilo ) out of a preexistent matter , or out of nothing . What , is the soul produced out of a preexistent matter , as out of a potentia eductiva ? If you grant this , you expose your self to be suspected for a Plinianist , and to assert the soul to be material . Ergo , It must be created out of nothing . Now there are three kinds of productions out of nothing : 1. Enihilo termini ulterioris , sed aliquo materiae . 2. Enihilo materiae , sed aliquo termini . 3. Enihilo materiae , & nihilo termini . Here you must take terminus for forma : for what is it , that doth terminate the matter , but the form ? and so the world was created ex aliquo materia , sed nihilo termini : for it was created out of the Chaos , which was a rude matter without an ulterior forma , or terminus . After the same manner was the body of man created : for neither the Chaos , or dust , out of which man was created had an ultimate form . Neither are you to imagine here , that generation , and this kind of creation is one : for although in generation there is not that form existent in the matter , which is intended in it , yet generation is ab aliquo formae ultimae in eadem materia praeexistent is . The last kind of creation is exemplified by the creation of the Chaos , of the dust , of Angels , and of Souls . This manner of production is proper only to an infinite power : But you may demand , Why cannot God invest the soul with this power ? I answer , It is impossible to God ( Non simpliciter sed secundum quid ) and to the nature of the soul. As to God it is impossible ; because should he confer his infinite power upon man , he would make him equal to himself . 2. It is impossible to the nature of the soul ; because she being limited , cannot be unlimited or infinite at the same time . Omne quod est , idem quod est , necesse est esse . IV. Were the soul extraduce , then she would be propagated either from the Father , or Mother , or from both . Not from the Father : for then the rational soul would be inherent in the geniture at the same moment of conception , which all grant is not : then from the Mother ( as James Hostius his opinion was ) which is absurd ; for all grant that the Mother is a passive , and the Father an active principle ; besides if so , men's souls would be extreamly weak : not from both ; for then the soul would be of a mixt nature , which is no lesse absurd . Give me leave here to examine Sealiger's notion , which Sennert , Kyper , and others do assume to demonstrate the manner of the souls propagation . Seal . Exerc. 6. D. 11. An anima catelli sit pars animae patris . Cur non ? dividitur ad materiae divisionem material is anima : totaque est in sui parte , quod in plant is manifestum est . Gignit autem animam anima sui promotione , eadem sanè ratione , quemadmodum à lampadis flamma flammam excipimus , illa nihilominus integra remanente . He moveth a Question , Whether the soul of a whelp is a part of the soul of the dog that begot him : And why not ? For a material soul is divided according to the division of the matter , and she is whole in its part ; which is most evident in plants . Wherefore a soul begetteth a soul by protruding her self , much after the same manner as we kindle a flame with a flame of a lamp , the which neverthelesse remaineth entire . Here Scaliger explains the propagation of beasts and plants ; and others do impiously apply the same to the rational soul , and consequently make her material . But to the point , the rational soul cannot protrude her self in this manner , because she is indivisible : As for a flame , that protrudes its self ; because it is divisible , and communicateth a part of its self to another combustible matter , and so raiseth a flame ; but this is not so in the soul. V. After the confirmation of my opinion , it is requisite I should answer to what may be objected against it . If the soul cannot generate a soul ( may one say ) or cannot generate his like , then man is inferiour to other living creatures , which do generate their like . I answer , That man doth generate his like ( for it is apparent , that the Sonne i● like the Father ) and that in a nobler manner than animals or vegetables , who do naturally generate their like as to matter and a corruptible form ; but man doth generate the matter , and disposeth it for the reception of an incorruptible form : which done , the form is immediately united to it in instanti , not from the soul singly and originally , but from the divine power , which is alwayes concomitant to God's benediction , by which he hath through his ordained will freely tied him . self . The divine power , being then alwayes present and concomitant to the generating soul , doth , as it were , give a rational soul to the plastick faculty of the genitures , when she is ready to unite it to the body : where observe , that the generating soul is a subordinate and mediate cause of the infusion of the other rational soul. The creating power of God is the primar , principal , and immediate cause of man's rational soul , and its production . It is the primar and immediate cause of the soul , because it createth her : God of his goodnesse and blessing doth give the soul now at that instant created to the generating soul , as to a subordinate and instrumental cause . VI. By the generating soul I intend a material and divisible form , inherent in the genitures mixt out of that , which is contributed from the Father , and that other from the Mother . This form is analogal to a sensitive soul ( but notwithstanding must not be counted to be of the same species ) and doth informate the body of the Infant , untill the advent of the indivisible , immaterial , immortal , and rational soul , and then it doth acquit the name of a form , and becomes a faculty , power , and instrument to the said rational soul. VII . God is the remote cause of man's generation and production , because God doth notimmediately unite and insuse the soul into the body : for were God the next cause of uniting the soul to the body , then true enough , man could not be said to generate man ; because the introduction or eduction of the form into , or out of the mattor is the generation of the whole . Now then man is the subordinate cause of the soul and its infusion , by reason his propagature receiveth the soul , which is to be infused , from God , who is the primar and original cause of it . VIII . Conclus . 2. Man doth generate man naturally and per se , although he doth not propagate the soul from himself . I prove it . He that uniteth the form to the matter , as in this instance of uniting the soul to the body , doth produce the totum compositum , as , to generate or produce the whole man : But man uniteth the soul to the body ; therefore he generates or produces the whole man. 2. Man generateth man naturally and per se , because he hath an absolute ( secundum quid ) power of uniting the soul to the body : for otherwise he were inferiour to other creatures . This power is given him in these expressed words of Scripture ( saving my purpose ) Let man multiply : How could man multiply had he not this power ? For did God infuse the soul immediately , as Divines generally hold , man could not be said to multiply , but God. The generating soul therefore is the Causa proxima of the infusion of the soul into the body . Wherefore there are alwayes souls ready ( that are created at the same moment , when needfull ) which are given to the generating soul : otherwise were its uniting power in vain . V. It is well expressed by Austin : If the soul be seminated with the flesh , it shall also die with the flesh . And by Jerome : If the soul of man and of Beasts be ex traduce , then consequently both must be corruptible . Plato in his Dialog . Phaed. infers the soul's advent from without , as an Herculean argument to prove her immortality . Coelius Rhodoginus lib. 6. Antiq. Lect. doth wittily expresse Aristotle's meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first whereof was asserted by him to be mortal , the latter to be immortal : And if I mistake not , he seems to affirm no lesse , Lib. 2. d. gener . cap. 3. viz. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is inherent in the sperm ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a divine rice , and immortal . Well may Tho. Aquinas pronounce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon all those , that should maintain the rational soul to be extraduce , since most Heathen Philosophers did believe otherwise . What ? because those dull Lutherans had not the wit to know that original sinne was propagated through the body , therefore they must revive that Bombastin opinion , concluding the soul to be propagated likewise , for to demonstrate her to participate of the said sinne . This we have shewed with more probability already ; and therefore let us henceforth beware of so dangerous and atheistical an assertion . CHAP. XXI . Of Practick Natural Faith. 1. What a man is to consider to prevent his downfall . 2. Man's danger and folly : the Devils policy . A certain means whereby to be delivered from this imminent danger . The whole mystery and summe of man's salvation . 3. The main Question of this whole Treatise decided . 4. Scripture proofs ( accidentally proposed ) inferring implicit faith in a natural man to be justifying . 5. The general Rules of practick Faith. 6. The occasion of man's fall briefly repeated . 7. Fifteen Reasons against all passions . 8. Arguments against all bodily pleasures . 9. The military discipline of a natural man , instructing him to warre against all his enemies that oppose him in his way to his greatest happinesse . 10. The greatest and most necessary rule of this military art . A scandal taken off from Physicians . 11. Another great measure of the said Art. 12. Whence a natural man is to expect assistance in case he is weakned by his enemies . 13. Whether the soul expiring out of the body is to be an Angel , or for ever to abide without office . What the office of a separated soul is . 14. How long she is to continue in office . The consummation and description of the change of the world . The resurrection proved by reason . The description of the second Paradise concluded by reason . 15. To what objects the faculties of men , when possest of the second Paradise , will extend . That they shall remember and know one another . That they shall eat and drink , that they shall not generate , that the same person , who redeemed man from his misery , shall reign over him in Paradise . I. ARt thou not stupified , or hast thou not lost thy reason through a confirmed Atheism , then what hath been hitherto delivered may take place in thee , and gain , thee a full insight into thy past , present , and future state . On the one hand , you know your misery and pravity by comparing the course of your life with that rule , which is imprinted in your heart : On the other hand you may fadom your own strength , and since that is decayed and weakned , you may spie God ready to assist and succour you in this contention and strife against your enemies , labouring all to pull him down . But how to procure God's aid and succour , 't is that , which I am about to advise you in . In the first place consider whose enemy thou art , and ever hast been , and what associates thou art adjoyned unto ; under whose banner it is thou fightest ; to what end , or what victory it is you expect . II. As to the first , thou art God's enemy , and hast been so from the minute thou wast conceived in . The associates among whose company and number thou hast ranged and listed thy self , are Infidels , Atheists , Wretches and Devils . The Banner , under which thou marchest , and fightest , is Satans , or the Prince of Devils . The end and victory , which thou fightest for , ( were it possible ) is to throw God out of his Throne : Now , bethink thy self ; art thou not a fool , that fightest against the mighty one , who is able to destroy thee in a moment ? Art thou not blinded to fight with such associates ? Were that mote but removed out of thy eye , thou wouldst soon be astonisht at their wickednesse , and detest their company . The Banner is as a vail cast before thy eyes to keep thee ignorant of the Devils aim and craft , which tends to lead thee into utter destruction . The Design , whereunto thou hast subscribed , is the greatest piece of rebellion and treachery . Now then , is it not time for thee to flie , and make thy escape ? Yet a moment and God soundeth his alarm , and so ye are all laid in the ground , and cast into an everlasting dungeon . But whither canst thou flie , but God will pursue thee ? Thou canst not cast thy self immediately upon God : for his justice doth judge thy crime high treason , and therefore unpardonable , so that thou art condemned to execution . First , satisfie God's justice , and then submit . But how may you enquire ? Certainly , O man , if thou art to satisfie God's justice and to appease his wrath , then thou art lost , and cast away for ever , and yet since man hath sinned , man must surely expect God's wrath . Now , the means for thy escape is to cast thy self upon God's mercy , which is infinite , and therefore of an equal weight to balance his justice : and believe assuredly , that God's mercy will move his infinite-wisdome to find out some way or other , whereby to satisfie his justice . 'T is true , we have all sinned in one man , to wit , the first man ; but if God doth send one righteous man into the world , who through his perfect obedience to the Law doth intirely recover God's favour , through his sufferings doth satisfie God's justice , through his death acquit us from the guilt and punishment of , and for the first or original sinne , and he afterwards rise again from the dead , as a Conquerour of Death and sinne ; this one man's satisfaction and obedience is sufficient to blot out all men's guilt , and merit God's favour and acceptance for all men ; because as the sinne of one first man is the original cause of all our sinnes , and as his sin is imputed to us , so the satisfaction of one second man ( provided he be of the same stock , that we are of ) is enough to satisfie for the sinne of that one first man , and consequently also for the sinnes , which we have committed , through the participation of that first sinne ; and his plenar obedience , if it be imputed to us , as the first sinne was , is sufficient to compleat and perfect all our imperfect good actions , and to make them theologically good . But some may reply , That it is repugnant to man's nature , if he be of the same stock , that we are of , to undergo death and rise again , or to be born without sinne , which is requisite ; for otherwise how can he be throughly righteous ? You have great reason to doubt of this ; for it is a mystery , which doth exceed man's capacity , and is impossible for a natural man to dive into , or ever come to any particular knowledg of it , unlesse immediatly revealed by inspiration to some men , from whom it should descend to us . Neverthelesse this very thing is possible with God , and therefore we ought not to doubt of it in the least , but according to that divine saying of Solon , De Deo non est inquirendum sed credendum : We are not to enquire of God , but to believe in him , and particularly in his mercy and wisdom . This is the great mystery , ground and summe of our salvation . III. But the main Question , that may be moved here , is , Whether this implicit faith may be termed justifying , that is , Whether man in believing inclusively in God's mercy and goodnesse , as including that God is most wise , and therefore can order or appoint a means for his restoration and redemption , and that he is mercifull , and therefore will order and appoint those means of salvation to such , who earnestly desire it , and believe in him . Mark I said also Goodnesse , for that is necessary to be believed into , because although that through God's mercy we are redeemed and restored to our primitive perfection , yet it is through his goodnesse , or grace as Divines usually expresse it , that we abide with him to all eternity . To this may be answered , that it is not improbable : for , since it would be impious to affirm , that all children are damned , because they have not an actual faith , we may safely suppose , that God being infinitely mercifull will save them as farre as they have an inclinative faith , or a disposition to it : an actual faith cannot be required , because of their immaturity . If then children are saved through their inclinative faith , certainly this fore-mentioned actual faith doth counterpoize that of children . Besides , man in believing according to the state of this Question , doth his uttermost , and that from a good principle to a good end , which questionlesse God will accept of . Lastly , Men's consciences are even in this faith at rest and satisfied , and their hopes are fixed : but all this cannot be in vain . Ergo. IV. I thought it not amisse ( although beyond my purpose ) to adde a Scripture or two . Ezek. 18. 21 , 22. But if the wicked will turn from all his sins , &c. Rom. 1 19 , 20. Because that , which may be known of God is manifest in them ; for God hath shewed it unto them . For the invisible things of him , from the creation of the world , are clearly seen , being understood by the things , that are made , even his eternal power and God-head , so that they are without excuse . Is not this a plain Text , testifying , that there is a natural faith in the hearts of all men , or at least may be . Luc. 13. 3 , 5. Acts 11. 18. 2 Corinth . 7. 10. Psalm 36. 40. Prov. 26. 25. John 3. 3. Galat. 5. 6 , &c. This implicit faith is generally called faith in God , Heb. 6. 1. 2 Cor. 4. 3. and many other places . Now to believe in God is to believe in him implicitly and inclusively , that he is mercifull and wise , and therefore can and will find out a means of redemption . Lastly , What was the faith of the Patriarchs in the Old Testament , but an implicit or inclusive faith ? V. This accidentally , and now I go on to finish what belongeth to practick Faith : For observe , that Faith is either contemplative , which is a contemplation or bare knowledge of the precedent , present , and future state of man , and of a means of redintegrating his nature . 2. Or Practick , when we institute , that theory in action , which doth principally consist in applying its rules and Theorems to our selves in particular . Now Faith in general and absolutely implieth both in the same manner ; as Logick , which is a practick Science comprehends theoretick Logick and practick Logick ; the first being ordinarily called , Logica docens ; the latter Logica utens ; and so we may say Fides docens , and Fides utens . The general practick rules of Faith are these : 1. By such wayes and means , as are like to those ( in matter , but not in form ) whereby man fell into evil , man is to recover himself from it . 2. A man is to recover himself by insisting in the same way , but by contrary steps , and using the same means , but in a contrary manner . 3. This contrariety of insisting and use , is a conformity to the insisting and use of means of the first man before his defect . VI. Man fell first by omitting the contemplation of God , but for a few minutes , and by yeelding to his sensual appetite , and the perswasion of the evil spirit . Pray observe here , that the condescending of the soul to the body was not a sinne : That being necessary ; for how could man have eaten else ? But the condescending of the soul to the body to a bad end , or so , as to be taken with the pleasures of it more than with its own , was a sinne and caused his fall , because the pleasures of the body , and those of the soul are contrary , the one expelling the other ; if you take delight in the meditation of divine things , then the pleasures of the body are laid aside ; or if in them of the body , then God is put by . Again , pleasures or delights of the body , when the soul is habituated to them , turn into passions : As for instance , If a man takes delight in drinking , and often repeats that act , at last he will be besotted with a doting love upon it , so as he will scarce be content , but when he is a drinking . There are some men , whom it is no easie matter to find sober although betimes in the morning ; they drink all day , and go drunk to bed ; they awake in the morning half foxed , with their brains , yet dulled , scarce being cleared of the last nights intemperance : presently after they call for a mornings draught , and drink untill noon , then sleep all dinner ●●ne , and in the afternoon go to it again , and tipple untill night , and so drink they the whole year about ; if at any time they are reproved for it , they will answer and swear to it , when ever they leave off drinking they shall die . The like turning to passion you may observe in all other pleasures . VII . A man is to return by stepping backward out of the same wayes and means : as 1. Above all things he must bridle and constrain his passions , as love , anger , hatred , &c. for by these the soul is altogether smothered up . 2. A passion seldom ceaseth on a man , but it leaveth a cindar , so that it easily blazeth again . 3. A passion is abominable in God's sight : or nothing is more agreeing with the nature of Devils , than alwayes to be in a passion . 4. A man is no lesse justly taken for a beast , than so called in the vulgar language : as when a man is taken notice of to dote upon a thing , people compares him to an asse , and say , he is a doting asse : or when he is incensed with hatred , they say , he is as full of hatred or venom as a Serpent : or when he is inflamed with anger , they resemble him to the Devil , in saying , he is as angry as a Devil . 5. The greatest advantage , which the Devil ever takes of men , is in their passions . How many are there , that hang and murther themselves in wrath , love , sadnesse , & c ? How many are there killed through jealousie , hatred , or anger ? 6. One passion seldome ceaseth on a man without being accompanied with many other vices and sinnes ; in anger , love and hatred they are apt to lye , abuse , murther , and what not ? 7. A passionate man is by wise men accounted a fool : For it was one of the tenents of the Stoicks , That no wise man was passionate ; and a very true saying it is ; for what foolish thoughts are men suggested with that are in love , sorrow , anger , & c ? You may object , That it is wisdom to love God. I answer , That that love is no passion , because it lasteth : besides , it is a necessary property inhering in the soul , whereby it inclineth to God with all her faculties : therein she answers to her end , for which she was created , which is to love God , or to be carried forth naturally to God. Neither is a Saints hatred against the Devil a passion , but a natural aversion from him . Compassion in a wise man is no passion , for it doth not alter him , it is rather a quality analogal to it , through which he succours a man in misery . A passion is violent , and not lasting ; the fore-mentioned seeming passions are natural , and therefore lasting : So that a wise man cannot be a wise man , and yet passionate , because it perverts his reason , and detracts him from his meditations ; and if at any time a wise man happens to fall into a passion , for that time he is no longer wise , but foolish , in declining towards his passions . 8. There is no passion but what is full of pain . All passions cause a violent alteration , which doubtlesse must prove painfull . Joy , which is supposed the best of passions , is painfull , it rendring a man restlesse , and full of anguish , not knowing where to bestow himself . The like may be attributed to Fear , Love , Anger , Sorrow , Hope , &c. 9. Passions are vain , fading away , and leaving no real good behind them . A man , when his passion is over , wondreth how he could have been drawn into such a passion . One that hath been lately in love with any thing , after a while , when that love to such an object is ceased in him , admireth at himself , how he could have loved it ; and so of all the rest . 10. All passions , whether good or evil , are redoubled with sorrow and melancholly . 11. All passions are hurtfull both to soul and body : to the soul , because she thereby is taken off from her Summum Bonum : to the body , because passions do dissipate or suppresse the vital and animal spirits : whence we may observe , that a passionate man is seldom long lived . 12. A passion is a great sinne . 13. Most men are apt to shun others , that are passionate , or seem to be so . For we commonly say , I care not for such a one , because he looks like an angry , or spitefull man , or he looks like a doting fool . 14. Atheism is a collection of the habits of all passions in one man. Wherefore it is necessary for a man , who endeavoureth to live eternally in happinesse with his Creatour to wean himself from all passions whatsoever , and shun them , as being most detestable . VIII . Secondly , Pleasures of the body are to be waved and contemned as much as possible : because by these man's soul was first drawn aside : Are we not apt to shun and be a verse from any thing , that offended our bodies , or caused a sicknesse ? Much more ought we to shun that , which cast our souls into a mortal disease . Pleasures of the body consist in the enjoyment of objects coveted by our sensual appetite : but these are beyond necessity , or more than our bodies require : for instance , to eat and drink of variety , or more than our natures require , is counted a pleasure ; but that is beyond necessity : So that all pleasures are beyond necessity ; Wherefore when we say such an one eats or drinks for pleasure , that is , he eats or drinks beyond necessity , or more than his nature requires . We must then also forbear going to see idle showes or playes , for they rob our souls of her pleasure , and diverts her from contemplating her Summum Bonum . Pleasures in the fore-mentioned sense differ from passions only ( Secundum magis & minus ) more or lesse , since that each of them , if often repeated may easily turn to a passion : how detestable they are hath been shewed already . The pleasures of the body destroy both body and soul : their natural effects enervate our strength ; their moral ones damn our souls . Bodily pleasures belong only to beasts , to those of the soul to men : Let us not then be so foolish as to make an exchange . Pleasure is the Devils bait , whereby he sweetly draweth us to Hell. A bodily pleasure is also a great sinne , because thereby we do not answer the end of our Creation : Had the first man not eaten more , than his nature required , or had he abstained from variety ( both which being pleasures ) he could not have sinned ; but eating beyond necessity , he fell into a pleasure , and afterwards into a passion by repeating the same over and over again . IX . Thirdly , You must resist the Devil with all your force , who , since you are fallen back from his party , will prove no mean enemy to you ; and therefore . 1. Consider where he intends to attack you , and be sure always to have a Sentinel abroad , who may give you a timely alarm , when he approaches for to make an assault upon you . Then , as a prudent Captain you are to know your strength , and view your whole Fort ; first , where you are the weakest ; 2. wherein your greatest strength lies , that so you may alwayes be in a readinesse of relieving your Fortresse . Besides , it will be a piece of prudence in you to know whence to procure assistance , if upon occasion you should be fiercely set upon . Your greatest weaknesse is in your out-works , which are your external senses , and some of your in-works , as your sensual appetite , and internal senses . Your greatest strength consisteth in your soul , namely in her reasoning faculty and will. Your aid and assistance is God , whom you are constantly to implore for succour and relief . Consider withall your enemies weapons , wherewith he intends to encounter you : And lastly , take notice of his strict discipline and policy in managing of his affairs , and therefore how much the more ought you to bestir yourself , and look about you ? Now I will take leisure to unfold your weaknesse to all . There is never a sense , but it hath its weaknesse attending it . 1. The Eyes they are apt to be inchanted with shows and playes , and especially such as are obscene : Your Ears with immodest discourse : Your Taste with gluttony and drunkennesse : Your Sent with noxious perfumes : And lastly , your other Sense with lust . All these are great and dangerous weaknesses . Are not some people so corrupt and slavishly tied to see shows and playes , that there is n●●●r a day , but they must see either a show , or a play ; they dream of playes ; they do constantly talk of playes ; and if there was but a fine show or play to be seen , the next discourse is , what have you not seen such a show , such a rare play ? Now mark the Devils policy , there is never a tempting play or show , but the Devil sets it off either by casting a lustre upon their eyes , or a pleasantnesse upon the gestures , a splendour upon the habit , and a clangour upon the speech of the Actours : You cannot imagine how dead and simple a play would seem without the Devils vernishing of it ; and this is evident , many having seen rare playes , upon whose eyes the Devils could not work , and to them they appeared as nauseous and simple , as it proved admirable and rare to others , upon whose eyes this glosse would take . The like may be said of painted or patcht faces ; how strangely are they set off with a glosse upon some mens eyes , and how ugly they appear to others , whose eyes are uncapable of a glosse ? To these they seem like a picture , or a patcht thing made up by Art ; like to a hansome doublet with a patch upon the elbow . And is not this a pretty stratagem of the Devils ? What a harmony doth an immodest tale strike upon some mens ears ? O pray , say they , tell that once over again , it is one of the best that ever I heard ! Do you not think that the Devil gives a little touch here to , to set off this melody ? To others again it proveth a harsh discord : so that while men play thus upon the Organs , the Devil he blows the Bellows . The Pallat or Taste is as ready to be enticed as any of the others . Pray listen to a Drunkards story ; I was yesterday , saith he , at such a Tavern , and there I had my fill of the best Canary in Town , and yet my head doth not ach , a sign of its excellency ; come , let us go , and have another taste of it . Surely the Devil did not neglect his opportunity in putting his paw into the cask to set off the wine with a relish ; and when he hath caught a man in drunkennesse , how doth he serue blasphemy out of his mouth ? How doth the Devil then ride him ? leads him by the nose whither he list ; it may be directs him to a ditch , and so he is drowned ; or leaves him in a dead sleep in the high-way , and there he is robbed or murthered ; or puts a sword into his hand to kill one or other , and so he comes to the gallows , and thence home ; or sends him to a naughty house , and there he is infected with the Devils leprosie . How doth the Devil perfume womens looks to enchant mens nostrils ? or what a nitour doth he overshade their faces with to raise mens lusts ? As for the weaknesse of your appetite , it is not hidden , when you do every day feel its force and bending to evil objects : and lastly , how wickedly are mens thoughts for the most part imployed ? In all these lieth your weaknesse , and there doth the Devil most attack you . Now then the defensive part of this military Art will lie in making your sallies upon the Devil , when you ever spie him moving towards you . If your eye is enticed with any thing , shut it or look another way , go from it : and so do in the case of the other senses : For a retreat in these assaults is as honourable as a resisting . Do not willingly or wittingly runne into these temptations , for your strength is but weak at the strongest . If neverthelesse thou art ex improviso encountred by any of the fore-mentioned accidents , and that thou art forced to withstand a repulse , direct your thoughts to the Summum Bonum , and so undoubtedly you are in salvo . Remember then that thou shunnest , contemnest , and goest back from all such objects , and persist in contemplating the Summum Bonum untill the last : for since the first man fell through waving this happinesse but for a moment , thou must surely he open to thy enemies , and be devoured by them , if thou settest it aside . Think that all bodily pleasures are torments in comparison to the enjoyments of the soul. X. Fifthly , We must return to our first operation of mind , which consists mainly , as I hinted just now , in contemplating God , and admiring his Attributes either immediately , or mediately through his wonderfull works : so that what ever object we behold , meditate or discourse of , we must behold , meditate , and discourse of it , as created from God , and having a mark upon it of his Omnipotence , Wisdom and Goodnesse . If we consider our selves , as first our bodies , we cannot but remark its admirable structure and variety of organs , one subserving the other , which revealeth God's Omnipotence and Goodnesse , and cannot but be a great happinesse , if we do but reflect , that this God , who is so Omnipotent , so Wise , and so Good is our God. When one heareth that another , who is his friend , and hath a kindnesse for him , is promoted to great dignity and power , how is he rejoyced at it , because now he is assured he hath a friend in power ? but how much the more ought that man to be transported with joy , who hath God for his friend , whose friendship and power is infinite beyond expression ? Are we now so much astonisht at the formation of the body , what may we then be at the soul , by far exceeding the body ? this consideration will be enough to carry forth a man into an extasie . So likewise there is nothing existent in the world , but its nature is so admirable , that we cannot but admire God in it . Here you may take notice of the erroneous and hard opinion the vulgar harbours of those , that study Nature and natural bodies , meaning only Physicians . What do they say of them ? They study Nature so much , that they imagine that all comes by nature . What a foolish saying ? They would speak truer if they said , they study nature so little , that they imagine , that all things rise from themselves , and not from Nature . So that it is not the study of Nature , but the ignorance of it protrudes them to Atheism . I have likewise ever observed , that such , as asserted that blasphemy , were rash foolish fellows , having neither skill or learning in them . This is a more frequent ignorance among Chirurgeons , who thinking they know something , yet obstinately affect ignorance . What shall I say , are there not some among them , who have not thought it a crime to speak the greatest blasphemy of God and Christ , that tongue can expresse ? Have the same Atheists spared of spitting out their venemous treason against their supream Magistrate and Countrey , although afterwards excusing themselves by pretending it was out of policy ? The pestilence of these fellows breaks out in fiery heats , and botches in their butcherly faces . But God forbid all should be so , many of that Profession being as knowing and religious as of any others . XI . Sixthly , We are to persist herein untill we are arrived to a compleat habit , for before we have attained to it , every evil act , although we have made some progresse , sets us very much back ; yea sometimes renders us in as bad a condition , as we were in before : in the same manner as when we are a rolling up a great stone towards the top of a mountain , if we slip but a little , or do not continue in our strength and roll on , the stone tumbles down again to the bottom . Wherefore think that the least evil act , which you commit , sets you back , and may endanger you of returning to your old condition ; for as a stone inclineth naturally contrary wayes to the force of the driver , so do we naturally incline contrary wayes to the motion of the good that is yet remaining in us . Be sure then to persist and persevere in your labour , lest you do labour in vain . Let what ever you think , speak , or do , have a relation or a reflexion to God , and so you shall soon come to the top of the hill , where you shall have rest enough . XII . If you perceive your strength begins to fail , which seldome is otherwise , then pray to God , and constantly implore his aid and assistance ; for without it all our labour is labour in vain . Here you may enquire , How one may know that God will be sought by prayer ? I answer , Nature doth shew us as much ; for when ever misery doth surprize us , we do naturally , as if stirred through a necessary and forcing principle , call upon God : and what is Nature but God's intended work ? 2. It is consentaneous to the nature of misery , for that needs relief and succour , which is no other way procured , than by zealous prayer : Possibly you may suggest to your self , that it is to be got by praising God. By no means God is not pleased with any praises , but of such , as are like to him ; as for others , they are an abomination to him . Praising denotes a gladnesse or joy , which cannot he in any one , who is yet detained by his original misery . We must therefore desire God to help us in striving and resisting against all bodily pleasures and passions . I say strive ; for we must labour hard , or else God will scarce help us . And this was not unknown to the worst of Heathens , as their common saying doth witnesse , Dii laboribus omnia vendunt . The gods sell all things for labour . When now you begin to feel your misery to be lessened , then praise God with all your heart , and with all gladnesse for his Mercy and Goodnesse extended towards you ; and herein you are to abide for ever ; for as God's Mercy is without end , even so must you continue in praises without end . Lastly , Beg of God to illuminate your understanding , that you may understand all things more distinctly , thereby to admire God the more . And now you do begin somewhat to resemble the first man in all his mental operations and felicities . But the body still remaining unclean , it is necessary for the soul to leave it for a while , that it may be purified through fire , with the rest of the Elements , and so be made a fit palace to receive the soul in again . The soul needs no purification , and therefore ascendeth directly to God's bosome . So that I do much agree herein , that there is a Purgatory for the body , but none for the soul. XIII . Hereupon enquiry may be made , Whether the soul expiring out of the body , and carried to God if Good , ( or to the Devil if evil ) is to be an Angel , or to live with God for ever without any office : Or , Whether she is to be re-united to the body , when purified . It is probable , that the soul deserting the body is to be immediately an Angel , and to continue in office , untill such time , that the compleat number of souls have likewise finisht their course . I prove it . It is improbable , that the soul should desist from serving God , and professing its duty , because she was created for the same end . Secondly , Her condition would exceed that of Angels , were she exempted from all duty , these being also created for God's service : for Spirits are called Angels from their Office , which is to serve God. The word is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , denoting a messenger , which again from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I send . The Office , which the separated soul is capable of exercising , is of taking care of souls yet in the body , in helping and assisting them ; for as the Devil doth seduce us by depraving our appetites and fancies , so to the contrary do Angels enlighten our understandings , and suppress our immoderate appetites . XIV . This office they shall remain in untill the consummation of the world , at which time every soul shall be re-united to its body now purified by fire , and transformed into a splendid substance . All the Elements shall then be sublimed into a pure nature , and all other things else shall return to what they were at the time of the first man's innocency . Beasts shall receive new natures , their wild ones shall become tame and obedient to man as formerly . The poisonous herbs shall be changed again into wholsome . All flowers shall re-indue their primitive fragrancy : Summarily all men , that shall escape the terrour of that great day of judicature , shall be placed in the same state and Paradice , which the first man enjoyed , and the same Law shall be imposed upon men , as before . Man shall abide eternally in Paradise : he shall eat and drink , but he shall not generate . The great instrument and cause of man's redemption shall eternally reign over him . Here I have described man's second Paradise ; there remains only the proof of its particulars . 1. That the separated soul shall be re-united to its body is apparent , because God created her at first with a natural propensity to the body , and that she should be a perfection to it , which propensity is yet remaining in her , because God doth not recall any thing , that he doth , or hath done . This propensity is a certain sign , that God will raise up its body again otherways it would be in vain . The body ( 't is likely ) will be the same ( Quoad formam accidentalem & figuram ) according to its precedent form , shape and figure , because thereby the saved souls may know one another again , when they meet in Paradise , and rejoyce together , alwayes praising God for his mercy and goodnesse . XV. The soul being now returned to its body , must be contained by a corporeal place . This corporeal place must be a Paradise upon earth , because God did first bestow it upon man , as being agreeable to his integrity and perfection ; and of the other side , as being consentaneous to God's infinite goodnesse , through which he conferred a compleat and entire happinesse upon man. The same now remaining , to wit man's perfection and God's goodnesse , it is certain , that he will conferre the same happinesse upon man , namely Paradise ; because God in his wisdom finding it to be suitable to man then , will ordain the same again now , his wisdom being the same . If God then is pleased to conferre the same Paradise upon man , it is evident , that all the Elements shall be purified , otherwayes how could it be a fit place for to imbrace so pure a substance ? The same Law , 't is probable shall continue , because the same obedience and duty will be required from man as before . Beasts , Herbs and Flowers the second Paradise shall abound with ; because God judged it convenient before , and therefore his wisdome being unchangeable will judge the same then . He shall eat and drink , because otherwayes the fruits of Paradise , and mans nutritive organs should be in vain . He shall not generate , because the number of men will be compleated . The cause and instrument of our Redemption was an entirely righteous and effentially holy man ; yet more than a man , for it was impossible , for man alone to satisfie God's justice : since then the chief instrument of our salvation was a man , his body being of the same nature with others , must require a corporeal place : but of this little can be said , since man through his reason cannot dive unto it , neither is it revealed , unlesse obscurely . * What shall I say more to you , O , that most splendid second Paradise , abounding with innumerable springs of ineffable joys ! This is the Palace , whither the victorious Soul shall be conducted by a number of glorious Angels to the greatest of Kings , attended by myriads of Cherubims , there , in the sight of them all to receive the Laurel , and to be installed into an everlasting dignity , office , and possession . Thence she takes her place among those illustrious attendants , and sings Hymns to the melodious ear of the chief Musician . O hear their sweet noise ring , Gloria , Gloria Deo in excelsis . Te Deum laudamus in aeternum . O the harmony of their quavering wings and smooth voices ! O the glorious order in their moving ! O the splendour that encompasseth them ! O the glistering of their appearances ! O those bright Stars moving swister than the Heavens ! O the ●lustery descent of the myriads of Seraphims , then of Cberubims , and of Thrones ! O but what misery is it to be shut out from this celestial consort , and have ones brains dashed against the fiery pins , and burning stakes of Hell ? Wo the most horrible sight of that monstrous Arch-devil Satan , piercing the most tender sinews of man with his serpentine tongue , haling each limb of him with so many . Drakes heads : scruing his conscience , by trusting his eyes into that dread magnifying glasse of Hell , which serveth him to shake his shattery bones , through seeing the monstrous greatnesse of his sins . Wo that multiplying Glasse expressing the vast number of his detestable wicked deeds . Wo the fearfull thunder of those innumerable legions of wretches roaring out through the most intollerable pains of their sinews , the rigid torments and the gnawing , fretting , distracting , inflaming Gangrene of their sad consciences . Wo the everlasting pricking , pinching , convulsion , rotting of their sinews . Wo the deformity of their ulcer'd , swelled , rankled bodies . Wo the fearfull spectacle and disorder of hellish monsters ! here is a fiery Serpent , there a roaring Lion ; here stands a dreadfull Drake formed out of the body of an Atheist , there a raging Crocodile grown up out of the body of a Traitor . Wo the unexpressible innumerable torments and dreads of Hell. And this you see is the end of Good and Evil , and of this Treatise . CHAP. XXII . Comprizing a brief account of the Religion of the Heathen Philosophers . 1. Socrates his belief of God. 2. What God is according to Homer . 3. What Plato thought God to be . 4. Thales his saying of God. 5. Instances proving the Heathens to have known Gods Attributes ; particularly , That Thales believed God's Omniscience , and God's unchangeable Decrees . 6. That Socrates asserted God's Omniscience , Omnipotence , his creating of the world in time , his justice and mercy , God's Omnipresence . 7. The Articles of Plato 's Faith , 8. Aristotle 's Belief . 8. Virgil 's opinion of divine things . 10. The divine Song of Orpheus , 11. Trismegistus upon the Creation of the world . AFter the proposal of a Rational Divinity , and its evidence through humane Reason , it will not a little conduce to the proof thereof , that Heathens have through the light of Nature attained to the same . I. Socrates , who might more justly be surnamed Divine , than his Scholar Plato ( who received most of his learning from him ) constantly used to say , That the only amiable wisdome was to know and understand God and Nature ; which knowledge ( saith he ) was not be got in men , but it was called to mind ; as if he would have said , the soul must needs retain some impression from whence it was derived . He asserted also , That the supream God was the Father and maker of all things . II. Homer declared God the Father of all the gods which are created , and maker of beasts , and all other things that had no souls . By gods here he meant men , who for their excellency of wit and parts , were after their death remembred with Sacrifices , and honoured with the name of gods . Neither did men really take these for gods , but only in the same manner as Papists do their Saints ; for they were not ignorant that these had been men , and could then perform no more than men . Hence Heraclitus affirmed , That this world was not made by any of the gods or men . III. Plato his assertion was , That God of all causes was the most excellent , and the first . IV. God , saith Thales , is the most ancient of things , for he never had beginning or birth . V. Now I come to produce , that they had attained a particular knowledge of God's Attributes . Thales being demanded , whether a man might do ill and conceal it from God : no nor think it , said he . Stobaeus relates of Thales , that he being asked what was the strongest , answered Necessity , for it rules all the world . Necessity is the firm judgement and immutable power of Providence . A golden saying inverting Fate into God's unchangeable Decree . VI. Socrates his knowledge of God was after this tenour : viz. That God knoweth all things , said , done , or silently desired . That God through his care sustains all his creatures , in providing light , water and fire for them . But particularly for man , for whose service and subjection he hath ordained plants and all other creatures . That God is one , perfect in himself , giving the being and well-being of every creature ; what he is I know not , what he is not I know . That the way to true happinesse is Philosophy , whose precepts are two , to contemplate God , and to abstract the soul from corporeal sense . That God , not Chance created the world and all creatures , is evident , through the reasonable disposition of their parts , as well for use as defence , from their care to preserve themselves , and continue their kind : That he hath had a particular regard to man in his body , is no lesse apparent from the excellency thereof above others ; from the gift of speech , from the excellency of his soul in Divinations , and fore-saying dangers : That he regards particular beings , from the care of their whole kind : That he will reward such as please him , and punish others that displease him , from his power of doing it , from the belief he hath ingraffed in man : That he will do it : That he is professed by the most wise and civilized Cities and Ages : That he at once seeth all things , from the instances of the eye , which at once over-runs many miles ; and of the mind , which at once conceiveth things done in the most remote places : Lastly , That he is such , and so great , as that he at once seeth all , hears all , is every where , and orders all . Plato maintains , That God is incorporeal and an unchangeable Light. That the knowledge of God was the true wisdom , and that we are render'd like to God through our justice and holinesse . What saith Austin concerning Plato ? That his followers would have been Christians , a few words and sentences onely being changed . That the greatest happinesse consisted in knowing God , and in being like to him . But possibly you may reply , That Plato ( according to what is asserted by Justin Martyr ) had read some Books written by an inspired pen , as the Books of Moses and the Prophets . Unde Plato ( inquit ) currum volantem Jovem agere in Coelo didicit , nisi ex Prophetarum Historiis , quas evolverit ? Intellexit enim è Prophetae verbis , quae de Cherubim it a script a sunt , & gloria Dom ini ex domo exivit venitque in Cherubim , sumserunt Cherubim pennas suas , & rotae eorum cohaerebant , Dominique Dei Israel eis in Coelo coharebat gloria . Hinc profectus Plato clamat his verbis : Magnus in Coelo Jupiter currum volantem incitans ; alioquin à quo alio nisi à Mose & Prophet is haec didicisset ? Whence ( saith he ) had Plato learned that Jupiter rid in a flying Chariot , but out of the Histories of the Prophets , which he had over-lookt ? for out of the Books of the Prophets he understood all those things , that were thus written concerning the Cherubims : and the glory of the Lord went out of the house , and came to the Cherubims . The Cherubims took their feathers , and they hung together in circles , and the Glory of the Lord of Israel , did abide upon them in Heaven . Hence Plato descending cries out these words : Iupiter great in the Heavens driving his flying Chariot . Otherwise from whom should he else have learned these things , but from the Prophets ? And so Clem. Alexand. lib. 1. Strom. orat . ad Gent. speaking as it were to Plato . Leges , quaecunque verae sunt , tibi ab Hebrais suppeditatae sunt . What ever true Laws thou hast set down are supplied thee by the Hebrews . To this I answer , That it is very improbable , that Plato should have collected his Divinity out of Moses or the Prophets , their writings being in his time not yet translated out of the Hebrew . I should rather believe with others , that he had sifted his divine Notions out of Hermes Trismegistus an AEgyptian , who according to Suidas , flourished before Pharho , and was called Trismegistus , because he had through a divine inspiration written of the Trinity . And Sugul saith , that he was called Ter optimus maximus , the thrice best and greatest , because of his greatest wit , or according to others , because he was a Priest , King , and a Prophet . 'T is not only thought of Plato , that he had gathered some riddles of God from the AEgyptans , but also of Theodorus , Anaxagoras , and Pythagoras . But I continue Plato's sentences . The body being compounded is dissolved by death , the soul being simple passeth into another life , and is uncapable of corruption . The souls of men are divine , to whom , when they goe out of the body , the way of their return to Heaven is open , for whom to be best and most just is most expedient . The souls of the good after death are in a happy state , united to God in a blessed inaccessible place ; the wicked in convenient places suffer condign punishment . But to define what those places are , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Whence being demanded , what things were in the other world ? he answered , Neither was I ever there , or ever did speak with any , that came from thence . VIII . We must not forget Aristotle , who lib. 3. de anim . c. 3. closes with Homer in these Verses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Homer agreed in the same , That the minds of mortal men were such as the Father of Gods and men did daily infuse into them . Moreover lib. 1. de anim . cap. 3. t. 65 , 66. he calleth our understanding Divine , and asserts it to be without danger of perishing . And lib. 2. de gener cap. 3. delivers his sense thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore it remains , that the mind alone doth advene from without , and that she alone is Divine ; for the action of the body hath not at all any communication with her action . IX . Virgil 4. Georg. wittily sets down God's ubiquity , — Deum namque ire per omnes Et terras tractusque Maris , Coelumque profundum . Hinc pecudes , armenta , viros , genus omne ferarum , Quemque sibitenues nascentem arcessere vitas . Et 6. AEneid . Principio Coelum , ac terras composque liquentes , Lucentemque Globum Lunae , Titaniaque astra . Spirit us intus alit totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . That is , For God doth go through all the earth , the tracts of the Sea , and the deep of the Heavens . Hence do beasts and men and what ever is born draw their thin breath . And in the sixth Book of his AEneids . In the beginning God created Heaven and Earth , and the melting fields , and the shining Globe of the Moon , together with the Titanian Star. A spirit doth nourish it within ( speaking of the world ) and a mind being infused through its members doth move its mole , and mingles its self with that great body . X. The admirable Poesie of that Divine Orpheus , lib. de Mundo , is worth our observation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jupiter is the first , Jupiter is the last . Jupiter is the head , Jupiter is the middle . God made all things . Jupiter is the foundation of the earth , and of the starry heavens . Jupiter is a male , Jupiter is an immortall Nymph . Jupiter is the spirit of all things , Jupiter is the mover of the unruly fite . Jupiter is the root of the Sea. Jupiter is the Sun and the Moon . Jupiter is a King. Jupiter is the sulminating Prince of all , for he covereth all , he is a lighr to all the earth , out of his breast he doth wonderfull things . XI . Trismegistus lib. 1. Pimandr . renders himself very divinely . The mind of the divine power did in the beginning change its shape , and suddenly revealed all things , and I saw that all things were changed into a very sweet and pleasant light . And below in another place : A certain shadow fell underneath through a thwart revolution . And Serm. 3. Pimandr . The shadow was infinite in the deep : but the water and the thin spirit were in the chaos : and there slourished a holy splendour , which impelled the Elements under the sand and the moist nature , and the weighty bodies being submerst under the darkness did abide under the moist sand . Empedocles defined God a sphere , whose center is every where , and circumference no where . Vincent . in spec . hist. l. 4. c. 44. Pythagoras described God to be a mind diffused throughout the universal parts of the world , and the whole nature , out of which all living creatures that are born , do draw their life . In another place he cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The soul of the universe . Heraclitus being at a certain time of the winter crept into a Cottage for to warm himself , and being enquired for by some , who were ashamed to come into so mean a place , called to them to come near ; for ( said he ) the gods are also to be found here . Athenagoras an Athenian Philosopher expresseth himself very profoundly : God ( saith he ) hath given man a judgement of reason and understanding for to know intelligible things , the Goodnesse of God , his Wisdom and Justice . ERRATA . PAg. 4. lin . 6. read of their . l. 31 wisdom it self . p. 6. l. 8. r. with those . p. 8. l. 17. r. those . l. 25. r. into good . p 13. l. 19. r. wherein . p. 15. l. 12. r. into that . l. 28. r. according to . p. 17. l. 29. r. those of the. l. 35. r. these causes p. 22. l 33. r. a man doth . p. 25. l. 32. r. impose . p. 26. l. 16. r. What is . p 32. l. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 35 l 20. r. latter . p. 41. l. 34. dele it . p 63 l 32 r. and exciting . p. 71 l 18 dele it . p. 73. l. 27. r. others . l. 29. r. Immodesty . l. 35. r. ells , weights . p. 75. l. 22 r eternal . p. 90 l. 2. r. spermatick . l. ult . dele also . p. 94. l. 14. r. coactè . p. 95. l. 16. r. forbidden . p. 98. l. 11. r. attribui . FINIS . Archelogia Physica Nova . OR NEVV PRINCIPLES OF Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . By GEDEON HARVEY , Dr of Phys. and Phil. Late Physitian to His Majesties Army in Flanders . LONDON , Printed by J. H. for S. Thomson , at the Bishops Head in St Pauls Church-Yard , 1663. Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The First Book . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Natural Philosophy . 1. The Etymology and Synonima's of Natural Philosophy . 2. The Definition of Natural Philosophy . 3. An Explanation of the said Definition . 4. What a Natural Being is . 5. What a Natural Essence is . 6. What Nature is . 7. The various Acceptions of Nature . NAtural Philosophy is so called , because it treateth of Nature , and Natural Beings . It is also known by the name of Physicks , which is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nature . Aristotle in his Metaphysicks , Book 6. Chap. 1. calleth it the second Philosophy . Cicero in his Book of Divin . nameth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a Discourse of nature . II. Natural Philosophy is a Knowledge of a Natural being . III. This Definition stateth a Natural being to be the Subject of Physicks , which is somewhat restricted from a being in general , as being less universal , and therein it is distinguished from Metaphysicks , where a being is discoursed of , as a most universal Entity ; but here , as a less . Natural in the Definition doth lay a restriction upon a being , and giveth it a specifick consideration ; and therefore it proves trustraneous to add ( quatenus naturale ) as far as it is natural : for otherwise , what need would there be to appose Natural , did it not imply the same ? Or in case you omit Natural , you may define natural Philosophy to be a knowledge of a being so far as it is natural , and so it is the same again . Here you may take Astronomy to be coincident with Physicks , because it treateth of the Heavens , which are natural beings . Herein I do resolve you thus : Astronomy is not a knowledge of the Heavens ; for a knowledge doth explain a thing through its Causes and Affections : but Astronomy doth not treat of the Causes of the Heavens ; wherefore it followeth that Astronomy is not a proper Science of the Heavens . Although Astronomy containeth the Doctrine of the Motion of the Heavens , which is only an Affection or Property of the Heavens ; yet therein it doth not constitute a Science , unless in an improper , although usual signification , wherein Science is taken for any kind of Knowledge , be it of the Causes , or Affections of a thing ; be it Theoretick , or Practick ; and according to this Acception is the Art of Grammar frequently called a Science . Astronomy is a partial Science , or it is a part of the Science of Physicks , as discoursing of one of the affections of a natural being , which is the Motion of the Heavens . But since each of these partial Sciences , if treated of all in one Volume , would grow to a vast Mole , Philosophers do therefore handle them in several Books , and Treatises . IV. A Natural being is that , which consisteth of Nature , or which hath a Natural Essence . V. A Natural Essence is that , which consisteth of Natural parts ; namely , natural Matter , and natural Form. VI. Nature is a disposition of an Elementary being , whereby it doth act according to its truth . I say it is a Disposition , and therefore no power , because all dispositions are Actual . VII . Nature is variously taken . 1. For a single Essence , exempted from all Composition , according to which sense God is only called Nature ; and for to distinguish his Nature from others , he is called ( Natura Naturans ) Nature naturating ; or nature , which giveth nature to all other natures . 2. It is also taken for a derived being , which is distinctly specified by ( Natura Naturata ) Nature naturated ; or for nature , which hath obtained its nature from the naturating nature . 3. For the Quiddity and Essence of a natural being ; and according to this last acception it is to be taken here . As God alone is called Nature according to the first acception , so are Angels and Soules , that are separated from their Bodies , called in a sense common to Elementary beings , Nature . But Nature in the third signification is only appropriated to Elementary beings . I omit the mentioning many other Acceptions of Nature , because they are inclusively contained in these before-mentioned . CHAP. II. Comprehending an Explanation of the Definition of a Natural Being . 1. What is meant by disposition . 2. An Objection against the Definition of a Natural being Answered . 3. What it is to act according to Truth . 4. That the Subject of this Science is more properly named a natural Being , than a natural Body . 5. Aristotles Definition of Nature rejected by several Arguments . 6. That Nature is a property of a Natural being . 7. The difference between Nature and Art. 8. That Nature in respect to God acteth constantly for an End. 9. The Division of Nature . I Come now to explain the Definition of Nature , which Explanation is the more necessary , because through its obscurity many doubts , and mistakes might otherwise be occasioned . The Genus is a Disposition or Vertue , which you are to take here in a concrete consideration , according to the sense expressed in the Third Chapter of Powers . By vertue I intend an actual strength and power of acting , as it is inherent in a natural subject . II. Against my Definition may be Objected , That Nature its Substance : but a Disposition or Vertue is an Accident : Therefore it cannot be the right Genus . To this I Answer , That Vertue is a Property of a being , not really distinct from it , but modally only : now since we can only know a thing by its Modes , as doth appear in my Metaphysicks ; therefore beings for the understandings sake are to be explained by them , and are to be taken to be the same really with their subject . A Disposition then is the same , as if I had said a Subject , or being disposed and powerful . Through Elementary being is meant , a being constituted by the Elements ; wherein I do distinguish natural beings , as they are the subject of this Science , from the nature of Angels and separated Souls , which are immaterial , and not constituted through the Elements , as Origen did falsly suppose . III. To act according to its Truth , is to act conformably to the Divine purpose and Idea , whereby beings do act the same , and are the same , which God did purpose they should act , and intend they should be : To be the same being , is to be that , which they are , and act that , which they do act ; Where observe , that nature is the Seal and Impression of Gods Will and Omnipotence upon every being , through which they are that , which they are . Hence Nature is called the Hand of God. Hence it is also called the Order and universal Government among all natural beings , through which one being doth depend upon the other , and is useful and necessary to the other . This is evident in many moving living Creatures , as most Cattel , whose dependance and Preservation is from and through Vegetables ; as from Herbs ; their 's again is from the juyce of the earth ; and that from a mixture of all the Elements . The same subordinate use and good is also observed among all other beings in the world . Hence nature is called the strength and vertue of a being ; for their strength and vertue is nothing else but an actual disposition and propension in beings ; In this sense we say the nature of fire is to levitate , of earth to gravitate . IV. I did rather chuse to say a natural being , then a natural body , for to avoid an improperty of speech ; because a body is properly and ordinarily taken for matter ; and so we usually say , that man consisteth of a Soul and body , and that a natural being consisteth of a form and body , or matter . Neither is it a motive , rather for to say a natural body , then a natural being : because a being is of too large an extent ; for a being is restricted from that Latitude of signification by adding natural . V. After the exposition of this Definition of nature , it will not be amiss to compare that of Aristotles to it . Nature is the Principle of Motion and rest of a being , wherein it is existent through it self , and not by accident . It was the Opinion of Aristotle , that nature was a substance , and nevertheless here he seemeth to make an Accident of it ; for that , which acteth immediately through it self , is not a substance , but an Accident , because according to his dictates , a substance doth not act immediately through it self , but through its accidents ; if then a natural being acteth through its nature , that is , its Matter and Form , then nature must be an accident , and consequently matter and form are also accidents , which he did in no wise intend . 2. Suppose that nature were a substance , it would be absurd to assert , that a natural being did act through a substance of rest and motion , which doth inhere in it self ; for then there would be a penetration of bodies , and an Identification of Subsistencies . You may reply , That nature is not a substance of motion and rest , but a substantial Principle . Pray , what is a substantial Principle but a substance ? 3. It is plainly against the Principles of Aristotle , to say , that a Principle is no substance ; for Matter and Form are Principles , but these he granteth to be substances . 4. If again granted , that these are substances , and not vertues , then it must necessarily follow , that a Form being an active Principle , doth act through it self , and thence a Form is called active . It must also follow , that Matter , which is another Principle of motion , acteth efficiently withal , because motion proceedeth from an Efficient or from a Form , and wherefore is Matter then called a passive Principle ? Your Answer to this will be , that Matter is not the Principle of Motion , but of Rest. I take your Answer , but what kind of rest do you mean ? Is it a rest from local Motion , or a rest from Alteration , or Augmentation ? It must be a rest from some of these three . It cannot be a rest from local motion , because all beings are not capable of a rest from local motion : then it must be a rest from alteration , or augmentation . Neither can it be a rest from any of these ; For all beings are constantly and at all times in alteration , and consequently are either augmented , or diminished . What rest can it then be ? It is no rest from Action , for then matter could be no Principle or cause , for all causes do act . 5. How can Matter and Form , which are Principles , before their union , be substances , since that a substance is a perfect being , which doth subsist in unity through it self , and thereby is distinct from all other beings : but matter or form can neither of them subsist through themselves , or have any unity , or distinction . 6. A Form is not a Principle of rest in all natural bodies through it self , but by accident : for all bodies are through themselves continually in motion , as will further appear in its proper place . VI. Wherefore for to avoid all these Absurdities , Contradictions , and Improperties of Speech , it is necessary to assert ; 1. That Nature is a Property of a natural being , through which it acteth . 2. That a Property is really Identificated with its subject , and consequently , that Natural is not really differing from a natural body . This property denotes a propension , or actual disposition , through which the said body is rendred active . By activeness I understand whereby all is constituted , whatever is actually inherent in a being , as , Existence , Subsistence , and all its other Properties ; so that Nature or Natural in Physicks is a Property equivalent to the Modes or Attributes of Truth , and Goodness in Metaphysicks . VII . Nature differeth from Art , in that she acteth conformably to the Divine Idea or Intention , but Art acteth conformably to the intellectual Idea : Wherefore nature is infallibly immutable , constant , perpetual , & certain , because it dependeth from an infallible , immutable , constant , perpetual , and certain Cause ; but Art is fallible , changeable , inconstant , and uncertain , because it dependeth from the humane Intellect , which is fallible , changeable , inconstant , and uncertain . As man is uncapable of acting without God , so is Art incapable of effecting any thing without Nature . Nature is infinitely beyond Art : What Art is there , which can produce the great world , or any thing comparable to the little world ? Whatever excellent piece a man doth practise through Art , it is no further excellent , then it is like unto Nature ; neither can he work any thing by Art , but what hath nature for its Pattern . What is it a Limner can draw worthy of a mans sight , if natural beauties are set aside ? VIII . Whatever nature acteth , it is for an End and Use : It is for an end in respect to God , who created all things for an end ; it is for an use , in respect to one another , because all beings are useful to one another , as I have formerly demonstrated : but we cannot properly say , that all things act for an end in respect to one another , because that , which doth act for an end , is moved by that end , and doth foreknow it ; but natural beings do not foreknow their ends , neither are they moved by them . IX . Nature is either universal , or singular . An universal nature may be apprehended in a twofold sense . 1. For the Universe or whole world , containing all singular natures within it . 2. For a nature , which is in an universal being , and so you are to take it here . A Singular nature is , which is inherent in every singular and Individual being . I do willingly pass by other Observations concerning Nature in general , because I have touched many of them in my Metaphysicks . CHAP. III. Of the Principles of a Natural Being . 1. That Privation is no Principle of a Physical Generation , or of a Physical Being . That Union might be more properly termed a Principle , then Privation . 2. The Principles of a Material being stated by Pythagoras rejected . 3. That to treat of Matter and Form is more proper to Metaphysicks . 4. That the Materia Prima of Aristotle is a Non Ens. 5. That the Chaos had a Form. 6. The Authors Materia Prima . 7. That it doth not appertain to Physicks to explain the nature of the first Matter . 8. What the first Form of all natural beings is . I. IN Metaphysicks it is made known , that all created beings consist of Parts , and that no being , except God alone , is single , but all are compounded . This is also proper to a natural being , whose composition is to consist of Matter and Form. I need not tell you the diversity of Opinions among Philosophers upon this Particular , they being fully related by Aristotle , in his Physical Auscultations ; wherefore I shall only examine his , as being thought the most Authentick by modern Philosophers . The said Philosopher states three Principles , which do necessarily concur to the Production of a natural being : namely , Matter , Form and Privation . As for two of them , no doubt , but they are principles , but the third is disputable . Privation is Logical , that is , it is imaginary , and assinged to a being by a second intention of the mind , and therefore his Commentators do generally teach , that it is to be counted no other then a principle per accidens . If per accidens , it is no part of a being : if it is any thing , it is a part of Generation , for this doth immediately presuppose a privation , but a being presupposeth it mediately only , through , and by meanes of Generation . If the , call that a principle of Generation , which doth necessarily concur to the constitution of a natural being , then that should rather be termed a principle , which doth concur to it per se , as for Instance , union . Union doth necessarily and per se concur to the generation of a natural being , but privation doth only concur to it per accidens . Union is not only necessary at the moment of Generation , but also after a being is constituted ; it is that , without which a being cannot consist . So that I say , that union is infinitely more proper to be termed a principle then privation , and why did not Aristotle dream of that ● To speak properly , neither of them can be taken for a Principle of a natural being , whereby it should be constituted to be that which it is . Union is unnecessary , because unity doth imply it ; since then that all beings are metaphysically constituted by an unity , which can be also applied to Physicks , it is needless to mention union in this Science , otherwise we might aequo jure refer all the Modes of a being to it . I much strange , why Aristotle omitted the inserting Privation in Metaphysicks among the universal causes of an universal being , and why he did not as justly refer it to that part of Philosophy , as he did Matter and Form ; it being of as large an extent and universality , as either of these . Possibly you will deny it to be of an equal extent with them , or assert , that it is of no larger universality then a natural being is . Herein I deny your denial and assertion ; for it is of a larger extent then a natural body is , since it is appliable to Angels , and Devils , who must as necessarily have had a privation for a principle of Generation as Naturals , for even they were not before they were . Wherefore since he referred Angels and Devils to Metaphysicks , he ought aequo jure to have placed privation in the same Rank . The same Argument I may use against his eight Books of Physicks , there being little else contained in them but what is as common to spiritual beings as to corporeal ; as for Instance , Time , Finiteness , Motion , &c. all which are common to immaterial beings . Wherefore had Aristotle treated of these Particulars in his Physicks , Doctrine gratia , it might have deserved an excuse , but since he t●eated of , them there per se , it can be accounted no less then an Errour . II. Pythagoras taught a Trinal Number of Principles , constituting a material being . 1. A Point . 2. A Line . 3. A Superficies , or Surface . These are rather sorts and kinds of quantity , which for that reason do more properly appertain to Metaphysicks ; for besides these , there are many others concurrent to the constitution of a material being , as hath been disputed of elsewhere . Yet this is observable in this Opinion , that Pythagoras and many other wise men did collect the principles of a being , by means of their senses ; for it is in vain to talk of Essences and Forms , in such a manner as Aristotle did , which a man cannot apprehend , what they are ; and for this reason he stated three principles of a material body , because these three could be evidently perceived by sense . III. To treat of Matter and Form doth rather belong to Metaphysicks , because they are principles remote from physical bodies ; I say they are remote , because they are applied to natural bodies by means of the Elements : for natural bodies consist of Matter and Form , so far as they consist of the Elements , and the Elements are really and properly the Matter and Form of a natural being . Now , in every Science the Principia proxima are only to be treated of , for otherwise you might draw all Metaphysicks to this Tract . Aristotle did erroneously discourse of these things in Physicks , since he had treated of them in Metaphysicks . My purpose was no other then to rehearse these matters for an Introduction , and to shew the mistakes of others herein . IV. Matter in a natural being is either first or second . The first matter is , which is not produced out of any other , and therefore is termed to be ingenerable and incorruptible . The second matter is , which is produced out of the first , and is said to be generable and corruptible . Aristotle in his 1 Book of Phys. C. 9. T. 82. defineth the first matter to be the first Subject of every thing , out of which remaining , a being is generated through it self , and not by accident . The ancient Philosophers could hardly understand , what this first matter was , because of its difficulty ; wherefore Aristotle himself was forced to describe it negatively , in the 1 B. of Metaph. Ch. 3. T. 8. The first matter is that , which through it self hath neither essence , nor quantity , nor any thing of that , by which a being is determined : which is as much as if he said , I know better what it is not , then what it is ; and this kind of knowledge is common to Fools and Wise men . So that from this Description we may collect , that it is not cognoscible , since it is not determined , and consequently it is nothing . Notwithstanding Aristotle recollects himself in his Physicks , where we have the forementioned Definition set down . The first matter , saith he , is the first subject of everything : Ergo every thing is generated out of the first matter : How can that be ? Then it followeth , that every natural being , when it is dissolved , is dissolved in its first matter ; or , how can the next being be generated out of it else ? This most of his Followers do deny , affirming the contrary , viz. That a natural being through its corruption is not dissolved into the first matter . This they prove by Aristotle his own Dictates ; the corruption of one being is the generation of another . Generation , saith Aristotle , is in an instant : that is , assoon as one form goeth out , at the same instant , another enters . 2. If a being in its dissolution is dissolved into the first matter , then it must be deprived from all its Accidents : but we observe the contrary , for when a beast dieth , there still remain Accidents in that body : Ergo a being is not dissolved into the first matter . This moved Aristotle to assert the forementioned Theoremes , to wit , That Generation is in an instant , and that the corruption of one being is the generation of another , because there are Accidents remaining at the same instant , when the precedent form is expelled ; which Accidents remaining , do necessarily suppose a form , from which they are depending . All which infers , that every thing is generated out of the second matter , and not out of the first . How then can Materiaprima be said the first subject of every thing ? The other part of the Definition is , out of which a being is produced : this is no less strange then the other . How can a being be produced , and yet the first matter be remaining ? For assoon as a being is produced , the first matter is not remaining , but it is now become a second matter with Accidents , which were not in the first . V. It is more then probable , that naturally and really there is no such first matter . 1. Because all natural beings are generated out of a pre-existent Matter ; this our sense doth testifie ; as for Aristotles first matter , that hath no Existence , but an imaginary Essence only . 2. All , that which doth really exist , is a compounded being . If there is any such single matter , how do you know it ? Sense never perceived it , how can you then tell it ? Whatever doth exist , or did ever exist , it hath , or had a Form. You may say , that the Chaos existed without a Form , because a Form doth distinguish a being from all others , and giveth it unity : Now , when the Chaos existed , there was no other being , and it was rude and without form . To this , I Answer , Although there was no other being , yet this did not hinder , but that the Chaos had its numerical and positive unity , existence , determination , goodness , truth , &c. all which Accidents could not be without a Form. 'T is said , that the Chaos had no form , that is , not its formaultima , for which it was intended , notwithstanding it had its Forma prima . It remaineth then , that the materia prima is neither an objective being , nor much less a real being : It is no Objective being , because we cannot frame an object of it , or like to it . For what can we think of it ; it is confessed it hath neither Essence , or Quantity , &c. The greatest Absurdity is , that they give it no limitation , and consequently must affirm it to be infinite , which of all absurdities is the most absurd : for nothing is infinite , but God alone . Then again , to maintain that it is ingenerable and incorruptible , is impious : for God only is ingenerable , and incorruptible . VI. There is a first matter , which was produced at first , and out of which all second matters were and are generated . This first matter had also a first Form comproduced with it . A Second matter is , which is produced out of the first . The first matter is the matter of the Elements , which are four in number . You are to note here , that by the first matter is not meant a matter formally different from the second matter , but accidentally only in respect of time : It is called first , because it was first produced . VII . It doth not ( as I hinted before ) appertain to Physicks to explain abstractly what the first matter is , that being proper to Metaphysicks : Wherefore Arist. 8 Books of Phys. Auscult . deserve rather the name of Metaphysicks . That , which is requisite in this place , is to unfold the nature of the first matter , as it is a Concrete to natural Substances , & contracted to Inferiours . In Metaphysicks it is treated of as a more universal , here as a less : for Matter and Form constitute the Elements , as more Universals constitute the lesser . Again , Matter and Form derive their Essence from the Elements ; for these being abolisht , they perish likewise with them . So that without or beyond the Elements there is neither Matter , or Material Form. VIII . The first Form of a natural being is the form of the Elements ; how they further constitute the matter and form of every body , shall be demonstrated as we go on . The Elements being produced all at once , and at the same time , it followeth , that there never was any Peripatetick first matter existent without a Form ; for their form and matter were both created together : but the alledging some Principles of the Mosaick Philosophy , will soon make this case plain . 1. God created Heaven and Earth . But how ? not separately or distinctly , at several times , but united into one , and confused , at once , by one act of his Almighty Power . Moses sets down Heaven and Earth disjunctly , not because they were constituted as distinct bodies , but because Heaven and Earth were next formed out of that confused matter , as the Text doth afterwards clearly explain . We call one part of that body , which ascended , that is , expanded or moved from the Center to the Circumference , heaven , because it was heaved up from the other remaining part , which was named Earth , or as it were Tearth , from Terre in French , which again is derived from Terra , a Terendo , quia Partes suo pondere sese invicem terant . So Coelum a cernendo quod homines intuitu coelum versus cernant . This rude Substance was hit upon , doubtless by guess , by the ancient Poets , calling it Chaos , which although rude in regard to the more express Form , which it was to receive afterwards , yet it was a perfect being consisting of Matter and Form , through which it had a positive Unity , whereby it was one in it self , and distinct from nothing . It was a true being , in that it was conformable to the Divine Idea . It was no less perfect , because God created it . It was good , for it was convenient and apt to have other beings produced out of it : So that having all the Attributes of a being , it must necessarily be a perfect being , consisting of matter and form : if then the first created being , out of which all other being were afterwards created , was a perfect being , where was then the materia prima of Aristotle ? which is said to be without any Form , and nothing but a pura potentia . You cannot reply , that the Chaos was produced out of a Materia prima ; for if I grant that , then materia prima is a ( non ens ) nothing , because the Text mentions , that God created Heaven and Earth out of nothing . The Objection , which may be offered against us from Gen. 2. And the Earth was without form , is not matterial : for by form here is meant an ulterior forma , and not a Prima Forma . IX . The F●●m , which did informate the Chaos , was that , whereby it was that , which it was , namely , a Confusion of the Elements ; This confused form , or forma confusionis being expelled , there immediately succeeded a less confused , or more distinct form , arising from a partial solution and separation of the Elements : I term it distinct , because it was distinct from that first confusion ; and a more distinct form , because the Elements were yet more separated , untied , loosened , and distinct . But as for a most distinct form , whereby every Element should exist separately one from the other , and every Element have a form of it self , whereby it is , that which now it is , namely , Earth , a weighty , dense , and massie substance : Fire , a penetrable , rare , and diffusive essence , &c. Before I sound into the depth of this Mystery , give me leave to expose to your view the admirable manner of this divine Artifice . First , God created a Chaos , or a confused mixture of the Elements , in like manner to a Potter , who , having several sorts of Earth , mixes them all together into one exact mixture , afterwards he again diducts or draweth its parts from one another , and each part again after that he draweth more and more from one another , until at last it acquires that form , which he doth ultimately intend in it . So that the more he draweth it asunder , the more compleat form it receives through each several and further Diduction : So God draweth the Chaos more and more asunder , and every drawing , diduction , expansion , or opening , giveth it another and a perfecter form . After the same manner is the production of the Foetus in the Mothers Womb perfected : where there is first a Chaos or exact Confusion of Genitures , then again its parts are more and more diducted , which finisheth it with a perfect Form. I shall therefore delineate each part of the Creation accomplisht by Gods several and distinct ( as to us ) diduction , which was performed by Gods Command upon an obediential Subject , of Let there be . The effect resulting through vertue of this Command , was immediately answered by , And it was so : The Perfection and excellency of it by , And God saw that it was good . There are two forms observable in the Elements : one absolute , which is , whence the particular force , power , and vertue of each Element derives . This is essential to every Element . There is also a respective form , which doth naturally derive from the first , and is , whereby every Element doth essentially encline to the other for its Existence and Conservation ; for without each other their absolute form could not subsist ; which flowes from their truth and goodness . Neither did they ever exist singly , but were at the same time created together . These two forms are really and essentially one : but modally distinct from each other . What Finiteness , Unity , Durability , or Place are the Elements capable of single ? The earth through its Gravity would be incited to an infinite motion , so would also fire , and consequently neither could possess any place , or be of any duration : but the Earth and Water being occurred by Fire and Ayr , their Gravities are ballanced by the Lightness of these latter : and so become withal to be terminated , and to be placed ; but of this elsewhere . CHAP. IV. Of the Nature and Essence of the Elements . 1. The nearest Definition of a Natural being . 2. The Definition of an Element . That all Physical Definitions ought to be sensible . The proof of the Existence of the Elements , and of their Number . 3. An Exposition of the Definition of an Element . It s Etymology and Homonymy . 4. What Distinction the Author makes between Principle , Cause , and Element . 5. What a Natural Cause is . That the Elements are no single real beings . That they are treated of separately and singly Ratione only . 6. That there are but three Natural Causes . Their Necessity proved in Particular . 1. I Have hitherto given you the remote Definition of a natural being , and now I state one somwhat nearer to our Senses , and such as is through it self perceptible by sense . A Natural being is an Essence constituted out and through the Elements : or thus , A natural being is that , which is constituted out and by natural Causes : but none are natural causes , but Elements only ; wherefore the former Definition being the nearer , and proved by the latter somwhat more remote ; We shall rather commend it , as being perceptible by sense ; for none can deny , but that the Elements are the sole natural causes : Shew me by any of your senses what natural being there existeth in the world , but what is Elementary . Possibly this Definition may disrelish you , as being different from Aristotle's . Let me tell you , that most part of the Perepatetick Definitions in Physicks are too remote from our senses , which causeth a difficulty of apprehending them , and proves a doubtful way for to lead us into Errour . II. An Element is an internal natural Cause out and through which a natural being is essentially constituted . In Metaph. we have defined a natural being to be internally consistent of Matter and Form , which are also called Natural Causes in general , but remotely : because we cannot apprehend Matter and Form , unless by a nearer thing representing both to our senses ; as , through the Elements we know what Matter and Form is : were it not that our sight perswaded us , that a being was produced out of the Elements , we should be ignorant what Matter were ; and so the like of the Form. Here you may take notice of the difference between a Metaphysical Definition , and a Physical one ; the latter being immediately perceptible through our Senses , and abstracted from sensibles , the former being proper to reason and the mind , which doth mediately abstract its notions from these , according to that Trite Saying : Nihilest in intellectu , quin prius fuerit in sensibus . the understanding knoweth nothing but what it hath first perceived by the senses . Now I will make clear to you , that all natural beings do ( proxime ) immediately owe their essence to the four Elements . Herbs spring forth , out , or from the Earth ; but not , where there is no Water : for there it proves sandy or barren , unfit to protrude any vegetable . 2. Although earth is sufficiently moistened by attenuated water , yet unless the Sun can or doth through its Beams cast a fire to it , or by the same fire raise and excite that fire , which is latent in the earth , it remaineth nevertheless barren . Lastly , Ayr is comprehended by water attenuated , that is , Water and Ayr mixt together in such a proportion , that the tenuity of the air may render the water attenuated and fluid , that so it may be apt to penetrate through the depth of the Mixture ; for otherwise water of it self is of that thickness , that it exceeds Ice or Chrystal . Now this Ayr incrassated , or Water attenuated doth open and expand the density of the earth , makes way for the fire to enter , and at last retaines the whole mixture in a coherence and compactness . Of this more hereafter . Again , A body consists of the same Principles or Elements into which it is dissolveable ; but all natural bodies are dissolveable into the first Elements : therefore all bodies consist of the said first Elements . I shall only instance in some few examples for proof of the Minor. Milk in its dissolution is changed into Curds , which through their weight go down to the bottom , & are analogal to earth . 2. Into Butter , which containeth in it incrassated ayir and fire , for it is also inflammable , a sign of fire . Lastly , Into Whey , which is responding to attenuated water . The like is observable in Blood , dividing it self into Melancholy , expressing earth in its weight , colour , and Substance ; for drying it , it becomes perfect Sand : into Choler , agreeing with fire in its motive and alterative qualities : into pure blood , through its gluing quality or lentor , not unlike to incrassated ayr : Lastly , into Flegm or Phlegme , resembling water . Doth not the ordinary division of mans body in spirits ( impetum facientes ) humors and solid parts , demonstrate its composition or constitution out of the Elements ? For the Spirits are nothing else but fire and ayr , Humors contain most water , and the solid parts most earth . The Spagyrick Art proves the same by distillation , through which water , Spirits and Oyl ( the two latter being made up most of Fire and Ayr ) are separated from the Caput mortuum , Sal fixum , or earth and Subsidencies . 'T is true Sal , Sulphur and Mercurius are different Names , but re ipsa are the Elements : What is Sal but Earth ? Sulphur but fire and ayr ? Mercurius but water ? Hereby I have not only proved the existence of elements , but also their Number nominatim atque in specie . III. Give me leave to expound the Definition in the first place quantum ad nomen . In the word Element is considerable its Etymology , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , capio : quod element a in sese omnia capiunt mixta . It s name is likewise homonymous , in a large sense promiscuously ( convertibiliter ) denoting a Principle , or Cause . In a strict sense , it is differing from both . Eudemus , Alexander , and Thomas Aq. opiniate , that through Principle ( Principium ) is only meant an agent cause : through Cause , a formal , and final Cause : through elements , Matter . Averrhoes and Albert. by Principles intend an efficient cause : through Causes , final Causes : by elements Matter , and Form. Generally Principles are understood to be of a larger extent then Causes , and Causes then elements : So that Aristotle B. 5. of Metaph. Ch. 1. describes a Principle to be that , from whence a thing is , is made , or is known : by this you see , that a principle is of a more large signification then either of the others : but a cause is , which contributeth to the being of a thing , either by substituting it self for a Subject , as the Matter : or through actuating and giving it an essence , and its consequence , as the Form : or by determining it to an end , as the final cause . IV. The distinction , which I have made between them , is , that cause is of a larger extent , then Principles are taken in Physicks ( but in Theology a Principle is larger then it ) these denoting the internal causes of a natural being , as matter and form , but remotely , as I have already hinted : Elements point out to sensible and immediate internal causes of a natural being . V. A natural cause is , which hath a vertue of acting naturally , or which acteth according to that power which God hath conferred upon it at its first Creation : So that Van Helmont saith well in his Physic. Arist. Dist. 3. Ego vero credo , naturam jussum Dei , quo res est id quod est , & agit quod agere jussa est . But I believe , that Nature is Gods Command , through which a thing is that , which it is , and acteth that which it is commanded to act . They are Causes , to wit , internal causes or principles of a being , because they contribute themselves to the constitution of that being . I said out of which , because they are the matter of all natural beings : and through which , because they are also the Form of all the said beings . How they are or become so , you may expect to read below . The elements are described and taken singly or separately , ratione only , or ex supposito , and not realiter : for they never did exist singly ( neither could they exist so , supposing they were created in that nature , in which they were , because of their relative forms ) but confusedly in the Chaos . Aristotle nameth the bodies constituted by those mixt bodies , as if they were different from naturals : but that was only to make good the first part of his Metaphysical Physicks , and thereby to distinguish them from the others , namely his proper and elementary Physicks . VI. Three causes do concur to the production of a natural being , whereof two are internal , to wit , natural matter and form ; the other is external , namely , the Efficient . I prove the necessity of these three : first there must be a Subject or Matter , out of which a being is produced : for ( ex nihilo nihil fit ) out of nothing nothing can be produced . But I instance in some particulars ; the good wives know , that for to make a Pudding , they need Matter ( namely Flower , Eggs , &c. ) to make it out of ; or to build a House , a Mason will require Stones for his Matter , &c. Now when they have these materials , they endeavour to make somthing of them , that is , to introduce a new thing , shape or face into it , or educe a new thing out of it ( which locution is more proper then the , former , it being the efficient doth ex intrinseco quasi formam educere ) and what is that but the Form ? And lastly , Experience tels us , that ( quod nihil fit a seipso ) nothing is produced from it self , but from another , which is the Efficient : as in the building of a house , you may have stones and Morter for your matter , yet unless a Mason ( who is the Efficient ) place them together , and introduce or rather educe the form of a House , the matter will abide matter . CHAP. V. Of New Philosophy , and the Authours of it . 1. Helmontius his Arrogance and Vainglory . How , and wherein he rejects the Peripatetick Philosophy . His own Principles . 2. The Life and Death of the said Helmontius . 3. A Confutation of all his Physical Principles in particular . 4. Some few Arguments against Rerè des Cartes his Principles in general . I. I Thought fit to make a stop in my Discourse , and before I proceed any further , to propose the Opinions of others concerning the first Principles , Elements , and Constitution of natural Bodies . Baptista van Helmont impropriating the knowledge of true Philosophy and Physick to himself alone , cals Hippocrates , Galen , Aristotle , and all other wise men Fooles , and terms their Dictates figments ; but withal propounds new foundations of Philosophy and Physick , threatning a great danger to those , who did obstinately adhere to their Tenents , and promising an infinite treasure to such , as should receive his . Wherefore I shall first contractly relate his Philosophick Principles ; then examine them . Fol. 33. of his Ort. Med. Dist. 3. He reproves the heathens for falsly teaching the Number of Elements to be four : as also for asserting three Principles , to wit , Matter , Form and Privation . All things ( saith he ) are idle , empty , and dead , and therefore stand only in need of a vital and seminal Principle , which besides life , have also an order in them . He denieth the four Genders of Causes , the first matter , the causality of a form , receiving it for an effect alone . Further he states only two causes , namely Matter , and her internal Agent , Efficient , or Archeus . In the same place he terms Matter a co-agent , not a subject , which , he saith , was improperly attributed to her by Philosophers . And in Dist. 21. he denieth the congress of the four Elements , yea not of two of them , to concur to the constitution of mixt bodies . His two Causes or Principles , he cals bodies in one place , in another ( as you may read below ) he detracts it from the latter . The first of the said Principles is called ex quo , out of which , the latter , per quod , through which . Dist. 23. he concludes water to be a beginning out of which ( initium ex quo ) and the Ferment to be the seminal beginning through which , that is , Disposing , whence the Semen ( Seed ) is immediately produced in the matter , which it having acquired , becometh through it life , or the media materia ( the middle matter ) of that being , extending to the period of the thing it self , or to the last matter . Dist. 24. The Ferment is a created formal being , which is neither a Substance or Accident : but neither , in the manner of light , fire , magnal , forms , &c. created from the beginning of the world , in the places of their Monarchy , for to prepare and excite the semina ( seeds ) and to precede them . I consider the ferments to be truly and actually existing , and to be individually distinguisht through Species ( kinds . ) Wherefore the ferments are Gifts and Roots establisht from the Lord the Creator to all ages , being sufficient and durable through their continual propagation , that they might raise and make seeds proper to themselves out of the water , to wit , wherein he gave the earth a virtue of germinating , he gave it as many ferments , as there are expectations of fruits , Wherefore the ferments produce their own seeds , and not others . That is , each according to its Nature and Properties : as the Poet saith ; For nature is underneath the earth . Neither doth all ground bring forth all things : For in all places there is a certain order placed from God , a certain manner and unchangeable root of producing some determinate effects , or fruits , not only of Vegetables , but also of Minerals and Insects . For the bottomes of the earth , and its Properties differ , and that for some cause , which is connatural and coeval to that earth . This I do attribute namely to the formal ferment , that is created therein . Whence consequently several fruits bud forth , and break out of themselves in several places : whose seeds we see being carried over to other places , come forth more weakly , like to an undercast child . That which I have said concerning the ferment cast into the earth , the same you shall also find in the Ayr and the Water . The difference , which there is between the ferment and efficient , is , that the former is the remote Principle of Generation , and produceth the latter , which is the semen , which is the immediate active Principle of a thing . Here you have a Synopsis of his Philosophy , which in the progress throughout his Book , he repeats ad nauseam usque . II. When I first took a view of the Title of his Volume , which was , The Rise of Medicine , that is , The unheard of Beginnings of Physick . A new Progress of Medicine to a long Life for the revenge of Diseases , by the Author John Babtista van Helmont , Governour in Merode , Royenlorch , Oorschot , Pellines , &c. He might be Governour of himself in those places , but not of , &c. I wonder what those places signified , since the people of Brussel admired upon what his Heir liveth . This old man in his life-time was strangely melancholy , and by Fits transported into Phanatick Extasies ; questionless had he been of a Religious House , he would much have added by help of these Raptures , to the incredible Bulk of the Golden Legends ; but his Daemon turned them to Physick : He had a great Design in Christening his Son , Mercurius , to have made another Trismegistus of him : and not unlikely , for wherever he is , he is all-knowing . I was much abused by the Title of his Tract , hoping to have found a new sound Archologia ; and lighting upon ignorance of Terms , abuse of words , but a most exact Orthography , limiting almost every second word with a Comma , or a stop , as being measured by his as●matick breathing . The Fame , which he deserved from his Countrey-folkes , was equal to a famous Mountebank : The Church-yard was the surer Register of his Patients : His Arrogance and Boastings were Symptomes of his depravate conceptions : His Cruelty fell it last upon his own bowels , through which he lost his Life for the neglect of very ordinary means . This is the account I had at Brussels of his Life and Transactions , which I thought was not unworthy of my insertion in this place , thereby to disadvise some from a rash belief to his vain words , that so they might avoid the same Dangers and Cruelties upon their own and other mens Lives . III. But in reference to his Dictates : He rejects the number of four Elements , without proposing any Argument for Confutation . He denieth the existence of a first matter , also without giving proof for the contrary . Both which we have already demonstrated . The form is an effect ( saith he ) and not a cause : this argueth his misseapprehension of a cause and effect : for most Authors agree , that a cause ( in a large sense ) is , whatever produceth an effect ; now the form produceth an effect , in giving a specification to the whole . It seems he intends nothing for a cause , unless it be really distinct from its effect ( which in a strict and proper sense may be allowed ) but if granted , nevertheless he is in an Errour , for asserting Matter and the Archeus to be causes ; neither of which are really distinct from the being constituted by them . Further , it is no reason , that , because the form is an effect , therefore it can be no cause ; for all beings in respect to their own production are effects , and yet are causes of the constitution of others . All things ( saith he ) are idle , empty and dead , without a vital principle : Judge his absurdity : What are all idle , empty and dead things without a life , but a materia prima Aristotelica ? For he himself affirms , that there are but two principles , Matter and a vital Principle : yea those very words idle , empty and dead , square with these of Arist. Materia prima est nec quid , nec quale , nec quantum . He allots only two causes , Matter , and her internal efficient to the generation of a being . First , as I have proved , it is impossible for this internal efficient to be reduced in actum , unless an extrinsick efficient , be it the Sun , or some other particular efficient , excite it by contributing some of its own virtue to it . Secondly , Would not all Philosophers deride him for saying an intrinsick efficient ? since that all have consented to term an efficient extrinsick , in contradistinction to intrinsick or internal , which is ever a part of the being constituted by it , whereas an efficient is named extrinsick , because it doth not constitute a part of that being , to whose production it was concurring . Thirdly , Wherein is his Archeus or internal efficient different from a form , which he doth so much detest ? Is not this Archeus an effect also of its preceding cause ? Doth he not affirm , that this internal efficient giveth life to its matter , and what is a form , but which giveth life or a being , distinction , and specification to its matter ? Here again he saith , that Matter is a Co-agent , and before he stated , that she was idle and dead , certainly idle and dead things do not use to act , or to be agents , or co-agents . That matter is not a subject he asserts , and before and afterwards he granted , that she contained the Archeus ; What is a subject , but that which doth contain a thing ? Here again he addes a Note of distinction to his Archeus , which is to be per quod , and is not this also an inseparable Attribute of a Form ? Dist. 23. Here again he delivers a new Foolosophy , in stating water to be the sole material Principle ( although below he adjoynes earth to it ) the ferment to be the remote efficient , and the semen to be the immediate efficient : so then , now there are three Principles , yea four ; Water , Earth , and a double Archeus ; whereas before there were but two . Besides here he vaunts out with a threefold matter , a materia prima , which is a co-agent with the fermentum , or first Archeus , a materia media , a subject of the semen , or second Archeus , and a materia ultima , quickned through life it self . So now he is got beyond the number of the Peripateticks ; three distinct matters , and three internal efficients , make up just six Principles . Surely the old man was climed up into one of his Raptures . Well let us go on in making disquisition upon the 24 h. Dist. The Ferment is a created formal being : Just now there were no forms , and now the ferment or the prime Archeus is metamorphosed into a form : Where was his Memory ? It is not a Substance or Accident ( saith he ) but neither , in the manner of Light , Fire , &c. How ? neither a Substance or Accident , neither Spirit or Body : neither quid , quale , or quantum : Ergo it is nothing , but a merum figmentum . If it be in the manner of light , or fire , it is in the manner of a quality , or substance . Now I think , I may let him run on in telling out his Tale. IV. Cartesius , a great Proficient in the Mathematicks , laboured much to reduce all Philosophical conclusions to demonstrations , depending from certain Hypotheses ; but wherein they excelled the ordinary , or Peripatetick ones , either in truth , certainty , or evidence , I have hitherto not yet learned . If they may be comprehended within the limits of Demonstrations , they must be a posteriori , concluding only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of things , or their effects by improper and affinged Causes : so that the causes remaining still under a cloud , we cannot be satisfied in any such Science . 'T is true , did those forementioned suppositions appear to us as Phaenomena ( appearances ) like unto others in Astronomy , there might thence some ground be afforded , but they being mera figmenta and entiae rationis , must necessarily prove very sandy for to build real truths thereon . Neither do his suppositions cohere in all places , he admitting many supposita non supponenda , yea contradicentia , to their number . Besides to frame , think , or imagine , that God ( like unto a Potter , turning his Wheel round with a staffe , and grinding the Clay thereon into many pieces , figures and whirles ) should grind the materia prima into several pieces , whirles , figures and shapes , is no small absurdity , especially when Scripture doth so positively teach us the contrary . Would a mans mind be carried forth to such Chimaera's , furer and evidenter Principles might be proposed by the means of Numbers . But tell me what satisfaction can any one expect , from such Conclusions , as long as their Premises are not granted , but thought figments and falsities ? For it is not the effects we enquire into , but into their real and adequate causes . Doth he make any thing more plain , or doth he thereby escape all falsities ? Certainly no ; for many of those Assertions that are thence deduced , do manifestly partake of falsities and Errours ; as , 1. That the nature of a body doth not consist in weight , hardness , colour , or the like , but alone in extension . 2. He speakes a word or two only of rarefaction and condensation , and so away : I conceive the rest did surpass his Mathematical demonstrations . 3. That a corporeal substance , when it is distinguisht from its quantity , is confusedly conceived , as if it were incorporeal . 4. He disproves a vacuum by an idem per idem , thus ; there is no vacuum , because the extension of all bodies is equal to their internal and external places . The question is the same still ; viz. Whether all external places are filled up with extensions of internal places of bodies ? 5. He denies real Atomes . 6. That motion taken properly , is only to be referred to the contiguous bodies of that , which is moved ; neither is it to be referred , but to those contiguous bodies , which seem to lie still . A fundamental errour . 7. That matter is infinite , or divisible into infinite parts . 8. That the world is of an indefinite quantity . 9. That the second matter of Heaven and Earth is one and the same . 10. That all matter is really single , and obtaineth its diversity of Forms from local motion . 11. That in one body innumerable motions are possible . 12. That the Moon and the other Planets borrow their Light from the Sun. 13. That the Earth is in nothing different from a Planet , and consequently that the other Planets are inhabitable . 14. That the Moon is illuminated by the Earth . 15. He assumes most of the erroneous Opinions of Copernicus . 16. That all the parts of the earth are light . 17. That Water is convertible into Ayr. Neither are his Definitions ( if he hath set down any ) of the Elements , as of Fire , Ayr , Water , or Earth , plainer then Aristotle hath explained them : His Demonstrations are altogether remote from sense : Besides the confusedness of his method . In fine , I cannot imagine what practick use may be made of them . As for these Particulars which I have here cited against him , I shal prove their falsities in the progress of my following Discourse . CHAP. VI. Of the Material Principle of Natural Beings . 1. The Causes of the Elements . 2. That the Elements are really compounded natural beings . 3. That Matter and Quantity are really identificated . 4. What Quantity is . What its Ratio formalis is . 5. That in rebus quantis there is a maximum and a minimum Definitum . 6. Experimental Instances proving that there are actual Minima's , and that all natural beings do consist out of them . 7. The pursuit of the preceding Instances inferring a Continuum to be constituted out of actual Indivisibles . Some Geometrical Objections Answered . SOmewhat hath been heretofore stated , touching the matter and form of Natural bodies , which being remote , we must descend lower , and adde a few notes respecting the matter and form of the Elements . Wherefore remember ; I. That the elements are natural beings , and therefore consist of natural matter and form , and are constituted from an Efficient . II. The Elements arising from the conjunction of matter and form , are not to be counted single bodies in that respect , nor in any other , but as much compounded , as any other body derived from them : that is in this Phrase : Elementa sunt majora composita , ac caetera ab ipsis orta entia , quanquam haec illis censenda sunt magis composita : So that it was an errour in Aristotle to define an element by a single body , or being . They could not be thought to be single in any other respect , but in their real separate existences ; but such they never had any * , their relative form contradicting it . III. It is a property in matter to be an internal cause , which through its quantity is capable of receiving a form : So the elements were affected with a quantity , through which they received their forms . I do here strive as much as may be , to reserve that old custom of termes and phrases in Physicks , which Aristotle hath assigned to us ; but again reflecting upon the abuse and improperness of them , I am compelled to call to mind a Rule of my Metaphysicks ; to wit , that the essence of all things are but modes united : and for that reason , counting quantity a mode , I cannot make any thing else of matter , but a mode , ( I mean matter in a concrete sense ) for what is matter really , but quantity it self , they differing only ratione ? and how that ? Thus ; Quantity is only notional , or a term assinged by the understanding to a res quanta , for to explain that a thing is made out of it ; and yet that whereout the thing is made is quantity still . So form is nothing else but a notion , whereby we express the activity and quality of a thing , and beyond that activity and quality it is nothing : Wherefore observe , Quantity and Quality being the two essential , principal , and eminent modes of a natural being , and fit terms and notions , they are usually treated of distinctly in this part of Philos. under the name of matter and form . Now do not take either of them separately for a Substance , unless they be both joyned together . You may also remember , that Quantity is the only Accident allowed to matter by the Peripateticks , but this quantity not being possible to exist through it self , others did confer a forma quantitativa upon matter : for a forma they imagined it needed , because through it quantity was distinguisht from nothing ; now that which makes a distinction is the form only . Besides , what is quantity without form ? Even nothing , because without a form it is not that which it is , as further appears by the definition of a form . Since then we have proved , that matter is primarily nothing else but quantity , we shall easily make it appear , that it cannot exist without the other modes , as place , duration , &c. IV. Quantity is a mode of a being , through which it is extended , that is , through which it hath one part existing beyond the other : or thus , Quantity is the Mole , Magnitude , or Dimension of a being . That which doth immediately follow this magnitude , is the extension of parts , and that which doth follow this extension , is internal and external place , and habit , &c. I say , these affections follow one another , not really , for they are existent all at once ; but intentionally only , because the one doth represent it self to the understanding before the other . Now , when the dispute is about the Ratio formalis of quantity , whether it be divisibility , mensurability , mole , magnitude , extension of parts , &c. it is to be understood , which of them doth primarily represent it self to the mind , not which of them is re prius ; for they are really co-existent , and identificated . In Answer to the Question thus stated , I hold , that the extension of one part beyond the other , or its repletion and possession of place , is the potissima ratio quantitatis . That which we do first conceive through the perception of a res quanta , is , its repletion of place , or extension of one part beyond the other : for at the first sight of a body , we judge it to be a body , because it appeares to us to have one part extended beyond the other , or to possess a place ; this is presently after confirmed to us , because it seems to be a bulk , mole , magnitude , or to be divisible , and by that we conclude , it is no Spirit , or nothing , and ( as I said before ) because it doth replenish that place , and is commensurated by it . As for extension of parts one beyond the other , it is the same with the repletion of an internal place : which that it hath , we come to know through its repletion of an external place . Take quantity concret● for a res quanta , or res extensa sive locata , mensurata , divisibilis ; it matters not which , as long as we agree inre , although differing in nomine . V. In Quantity or rather rebus quantis , or in materialibus , there is a minimum definitum , and a maximum definitum . Wherefore all beings must be one of those , or interjacent between them : for that , which is less then minimum , is nothing ; that which is more then maximum is infinitum ; neither of which is natural . Fire , we see , if it be less , then it can abide in its least quantity , it goeth out , and becomes nothing . So whatever is less then a Sand of earth , or the least drop of water is nothing of the said Species . That which is actu greater then the world , is infinite ; neither is there any thing bigger ( quantitate materials ) then it ; ergo there is a maximum . Further , were there not a minimum , or a maximum , there must be an infinitum actuale granted , which the finiteness of all things in the world perswades us to deny . All grant quantity to have a terminus a quo and ad quem ; and what can these termini be else , but a minimo ad maximum ? If otherwise a thing be supposed ultra minimum and maximum , it is ultra terminum , and indeterminatum , or infinitum . All quantitative beings are dissolveable into their minimum quod non , as we may observe in distillations , where water is dissolved into its least vaporous drops , beyond which it vanisheth ; and in sublimations , where the subtillest and finest points of earth are carried up to the capitellum in the least parts , that nature can undergo . Fire ascending Pyramidally , first disperseth it self into its least points , after which , into nothing . The Ayr is divided into its least parts , as it is seated within the Pores of bodies . All these Instances imply parts divided into minima actualia , realia & physica : so that they are not minima potentialia , or Negationes , as Peripateticks and Nominalists do obstinately obtrude . VI. Well then , let us pursue these Instances : Water being dispersed into its least parts in the head of a Limbeck , they come to unite again into one body ; which is a manifest Argument , that a continuum is composed out of indivisibles alone ( for minima's are indivisibles , otherwise they could not be minima ) in this following manner . When the whole head of a Still , or only part of it , is so thick and close beset with vaporous points , that they come to touch one another , then they do unite into a continuum , and make up a body of water . The same is observed in subliming earth into its indivisible points , which sticking to the Capitellum of the sublimatory , do no sooner return into a Clot of earth , then these sands come to touch one another . Is not a Line also made through union of points in the same manner ? as appeares in this Example , take a round Ball and cast it upon a plane , it first toucheth the Plane upon a point , and bending further to the plain , it makes another point close to the first , and so on many more ; all which together , describe a Line upon the said plane . Numbers are notional Characters of real beings , but they do likewise contain a minimum , to wit , one ; ergo also those real beings whereunto they are applied . Is not time composed out of instants united , and motion out of ( ex impetibus ) spurts joyned to one another ? That there are instants and spurts , the Operations of Angels do confirm to us . Divide a Line into two parts by another Line , the divided Line is divided in its least part ; where again the divided particles joyned to the dividing Line is also in their least points , or indivisibles , which three points must necessarily make up a continuum : the reason is this , because that , which through its being taken away , doth take away the continuity , must also constitute that same continuity by its re-addition . Lastly , Grind any matter upon a Porphir into an Alcool , which if you grind longer , you shall sooner grind it into clods and bigger pieces then lesser ; the reason is , because nature is irritated by the violence and heat of grinding , to call the Ayr to its Assistance , which glueth its body again together . I could adde many other Experiments confirming the same ; but to avoid prol●xity , I shall omit their Insertion . We may then without danger of any further cavil , state , that Indivisibles are actually contained in their whole , since the whole is both constituted out of them , and dissolved into them at its dissolution . 2. That there is a minimum and maximum in all natural bodies , whether animated or inanimated . I cannot but strange at the stupidness of Authors , who object certain Propositions of Euclid against this kind of Doctrine , as , 1. That of 1 El. 1 Prop. Where he teacheth , that upon every right line given there may be an equilateral Triangle described : Whence they infer , that all lines are divisible into equal parts ; if so , then it contradicts the aforesaid Positions : For ( say they ) suppose a line consisted of three points , it could not be divided but in unequal points , or parts : it cannot be divided into a point and an half , because a point according to this Definition is indivisible . 2. Euclid demonstrates in the 6 B. p. 10. that a line , be it never so little , is divisible in as many parts of the same proportion , as the greatest line may be . Now then supposing a line consisting of three points , and another consisting of ten , or more , the former line is divisible into three parts only , the other in many more . Granting the truth of these Propositions , it concludes nothing against us ; for these prove against the composition of a Mathematical line out of Mathematical points , which we all know to be infinite , and in a continuum drowning each other , they cannot make up its length ; but these are only notional , and therefore we may not thence deduct any certain Rule appliable to the natura rerum : for if we should , why might we not likewise infer thence , that the world being a continuum , consists of infinite parts , and that its duration is eternal , because that being a continuum , must in the same manner consist of infinite parts : or thus , we might infer , that the numbers framed by man being infinite , all things , upon and for which they were imposed , are also infinite : but this doth not hold in naturalibus , although in conceptibus . It is certain , that man can & doth conceit millions of Notions , especially in the Mathematicks , which never have been , or shall be ( to wit , in that same manner ) in nature . Our case at present is concerning Physical points , such as have a determinate Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , but the least . The forementioned Propositions are related to Continuities , as they contain indivisibilities potentia ; but these are contained actu in theirs . The points , which we treat of have a Magnitude and Mole , which although minima , yet apposed one to the other , constitute majora , and being augmented to the greatest number , produce a maximum . They remain divisible Mathematicè , but naturaliter indivisible . Here may be objected , if these minima are quanta , they are also divisible . I Answer , That they are divisible quoad nos , but indivisible quoad naturam : or as I said before , they are divisible Mathematicè , not naturaliter . We conceive them to be divisible , because they appear mensurable although with the least measure , they are mensurable because they are located , they are located because they have Magnitude . CHAP. VII . Of the Natural Matter and Form of the Elements . 1. That the Elements are constituted out of minima's . That they were at first created a maximum divisible into minima's . 2. That , supposing there were a materia prima Aristotelica , yet it is absurd to assert her to have a Potentia Essentialis , or Appetitus Formae . 3. That the Natural Form is not educed e Potentia materiae . 4. That the Actus of Local Motion is the Form of the Elements . 5. The manner of knowing the first constitution of the Elements . That there was a Chaos . 6. That there was conferred a distinct form upon every Element . Whether a Form is a Substance . 'T is proved that it is not . I. ANd now give me leave to apply what hath been stated in the preceding Chapter to the Elements , which as they are constituted out of Indivisibles , Points , or minima's , so they are dissolveable into the said Indivisibles . At their first Creation they were each created a Maximum . Their matter is nothing else but their concrete quantity , mole , or magnitude . Neither are we to imagine , that God did create all the minima's of the world , before he united them to one Mass , but created the whole Mass at once , divisible into indivisibilities , that so they being divided into indivisibilities might become a fit matter for mixture ; and therein he imposed an order and law upon the Elements of generation and dissolution : and without this Law , what Order is there imaginable ? II. Supposing these points coagmented into one Mass , were created before the advent of a form ( which is impossible secundum quid ) and being without any determination , figure , motion , or any thing , that descends from a form , it would be nothing differing from Aristotles materia prima : Now then I demand what Potentia essemialis , or Appetitus formae could there be rationally conceived to inhere in her ? Certainly no essential one , but obediential ; neither an Appetite to a form , for she being blind , how could she perceive a form , to covet it ? or being destitute of motion , how could she have an appetite ? since Appetite is nothing else but a natural motion , or inclination . III. Matter having brought quantity , place , habit , and duration along with her , let us further enquire what company the form hath attending it . A form , as we said before , is little else but a Mode of activity and quality : For quantity without her is nothing of her self ; it is the same that doth constitute her , and addes distinction and action to her . That , which giveth activity and quality to Matter and Quantity is an actus of Local Motion . This actus of motion is not raised out of quantity or matter , for then it would remain quantity , neither is it educed out of the disposition of matter ; for even so it could be nothing yet but matter disposed . Wherefore it is a strange saying to assert , that the form is educed out of the power of matter : Either this may be taken properly , and then it is equipollent , as if you said , the form is educed out of the matter , as she is potent , that is , as having a disposition or propension unto ; and this is impossible : or improperly , when the power of matter is taken for a being , which as yet is not , but may be ; neither can the form in this sense be educed ; for she then would be educed e nihilo , or e privatione . IV. That the actus continuus of local motion is the form of the Elements : I prove it . That , which is the first cause of all the effects acted by the Elements , must needs be their form : but such is the act of local motion . Wherefore , &c. I shall omit the proving of the Minor here in general , since I have proved it below in particular . V. The particular production of each part of the world holds forth the manner of the production of the whole , since they are all derived from one universal efficient , Nature Naturating . We observe then daily ; as for instance , in the production of Man , Beasts , Fowls , Minerals ; that these draw their first Original from a confusion of Principles of Elements , which is an assured note , or mark that the Elements of the universe were first cast into a confusion ( quia pars totius naturam aemulatur . ) 2. It is no less undoubtable , that as the activity and qualities of these fore-instanced formations were latent , and contained in their confused Elements , and gradually extracted , inacted , and exalted to their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) perfection , through the vertue of an efficient , in like manner were the activity , and qualities , or forms of the elements latent in their Chaos , and afterwards gradually extracted , expanded , divided and exalted into their fulness by the same Nature . 3. It is hence apparent , that the Elements underwent several changes , but total , not partial ones , and therefore require a particular disquisition upon each . VI. Let us imagine many millions upon millions of minima's of quantity , or matter divided into four equal parts , whereof each is set apart to be the matter and subject of every one of the four Elements . Each of these , 't is necessary should be vivified and actuated by a distinct form , for otherwise they could not in their dissolution from the Chaos , prove apt substances for the constitution of distinct bodies . Or simply , a form is needful , or how , or by what power could they act ? But the question will be , whether this form is not an incompleat Substance , as the Philosopher states . The question , me thinks , is rather , whether it is not a Bull to name a substance incompleat ? For a substance is a substance because it is compleat , and its completion or perfection gives it a subsistence : so that were a form a substance it might subsist per se : Besides , would it not according to Aristotle make an unum per Accidens , or could it be directly referred to a Predicament , were it united to another real substance ? Neither is it sufficient to distinguish it from an Accident , because it doth constitute part of the compositum : for so doth every other accident or mode , as appears in Metaphysicks : Doth it not inhere in Subjecto per modum accidentis , or can it exist out of it ? And wherein is it then different from an Accident ? 2. It is frustraneous for the form to be a substance , since that a being through its quantity only is capable of receiving quality , and activity or vertue of acting * . A form then is a power of acting in a substance , but not a substance ; it is essential to a being , but modally only distinguisht from it , not really ; for an activity in a substance is nothing else , but an active substance . The concomitants of this activity , or form are many , as alterative qualities , colour , figure , and all determination and distinction : In a word , it renders its subject hoc aliquid . Although the form is not educed e potentia materiae , it hinders not from being educed e potestate actuali Agentis , vel efficientis , as Scaliger delivers . CHAP. VIII . Of the Absolute and Respective Form of Earth , Water , Ayr , and Fire . 1. What Form it is the Author allots to Earth . That driness is not the first quality of earth . 2. The respective form of Earth . 3. That Coldness is not the first quality of Water . That water is not moyst naturally , neither doth it moysten : What it is to moysten . Why water acuated with Spirits of Vitriol , Sulphur , or of Salt-Peter , doth moysten and abate thirst more then when it is single . 4. The form of water . What Gravity is , and what Levity . What Density is . The form of water proved . Why water disperseth it self into Drops . Why Sea-men cannot make Land upon the Cap-head , when they may upon the Top Mast-head . Why the Stars do appear sooner to those in the East-Seas , then to others in the West . 5. That water is thick but not dense . Whence it is that water is smooth . Why Ayr makes a Bubble upon the water , when it breaks forth . That the least Atoms of Ayr cannot break through the water without raising a Bubble . Why the same doth not happen to Earth , 6. That Moysture is not the first quality of Ayr , neither doth the Ayr naturally moysten any body , but to the contrary dryeth it . 7. The form of Ayr. What Tenuity is . Why Feathers , Cobwebs , and other light Bodies do expand themselves when thrown through the Ayr. Why Grease , Oyl , Wax . &c. do make Splatches when poured upon the ground . Why Gunpowder , Smoak , Breathes of living creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. do diffuse themselves in that manner . Whence it is that the least breath moves and shakes the Ayr. The relative form of Ayr. Why Spirits of Wine mix easier and sooner with water , then one water with another . 8. The first quality of fire . What Rarity is . Whence it is that a Torch or Candle spreads its Beames circularly , as appears at a distance . That Fire is roof : the cause of it . Fire's Relative nature . A comparing of all the first qualities of the Elements one to the other . 1. THe Form lately mentioned may justly be surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Perfection ; because it confers a Perfection upon matter . But to return where I left : After sufficient evidence , that each of the Elements are actuated by a distinct form ; I begin first with the Earth , whose form and first quality is weight ( pondus ) with density . 1. Because through it , it performeth all its Operations and Effects . 2. The form , or first quality of a body is unremoveable ; but dense weight is unremoveable from earth ; ergo it is its form , and first quality ; whereas dryness , which is brought in competition with it by all Peripateticks , is removeable ; for earth may be moystened with water . This is an Herculean Argument , if well weighed . 3. A Privation cannot be the first quality of earth , because it is accidental to it ; but dryness is only a privation of moysture , and consequently accidental . I confirm the Minor ; had there never been any moysture , who could ever have thought of dryness ? Again , in the ordinary Ideom of speech , we say , such a thing is dry , because we feel no dampness in it : for first we feel , and gather it together to try whether we can feel any moysture ; but perceiving no moysture , or dampness , we say it is dry : Ergo , because of the privation of moysture . Further , moysture and dryness are privative opposites , because the one being removed , the other also vanishes : For take away sight , and you take away blindness ; it being improper to say a thing is blind , unless in opposition to sight . The same is appliable to dryness and moysture ; take away moysture , and then it will be improper to say dryness . Lastly , the Peripatetick description of dryness proves no less : Dryness is , whose subject is easily contained within its own bounds , but difficultly within anothers . Now unless there were water , within whose bounds it could not be contained , there could be no dryness , since that dryness is , whose subject cannot be contained unless difficultly within the bounds of water ; or Ayr either . II. All elements and each of them are actuated by a respective , or relative form , that is , their being and conservation consisteth in a relation of a dependence from each other ; for instance , the earth is inconsistent of it self ; for through its incomprehensible gravity it would move to an infinitum , which is repugnant to its truth ; so that through its pondus it inclineth to the fire ; which again through its lightness bendeth to it ; and so meeting one another , they embrace and constitute each other in their being . Well may Authors term their close and entire union a discors amicitia , or amica discordia , since their motion to each other is so fierce , and eager , that it doth as it were appear a fighting , or discord , but it tending to so mutual a good and benefit , proves the greatest friendship . But should coldness and heat be stated to be the form or first qualities of the Elements , they could not subsist one moment , because they are the greatest contraries , and therefore would not cease from their most incenst hostility ; before each were expelled from their common subject ; as we see plainly in water and fire . III. This makes way to free water from coldness , to which it is neither but a privation of heat : For suppose there were a dish of water placed without the sphear of the elements , it would be improper to say , it were either hot or cold . Neither is Moysture the first quality of water ; for water of it self ( per se ) doth not moysten any thing absolutely , that is freed from all mixture . I prove it : To moysten , is nothing else but to be thinly covered , or dasht over with water , or its vapours ; but water , when it is in its absolute state , is of so thick parts , that it is unapt to adhere to any thing . We observe that Quick-silver ( or rather quick Lead , for so it is in effect ) and melted Lead , although liquid , yet they do not moysten , because their parts are thick . By thickness I do not intend a depth of quantity , or of matter only , but such a depth of quantity that is not porous , or a crassitude , whose parts are diducted and drawn out into a continuity , and that throughout all its dimensions , and therefore through defect of tenuity doth not adhere to whatever is immerst in it : even so it is with water , which supposed in its absolute , or separated state doth by far exceed quick-Lead in thickness , and consequently is unapt for humectation : but in the state wherein it now is , which is mixed and attenuated with much fire and ayr , it doth easily adhere to whatever body , that is dipt in it . This is the reason , why water in hot Countries doth sooner quench thirst , then in cold ; or wine sooner then water ; because the watery parts are more subtilized by the indivisibilities of fire , that are dispersed through them . Now water abates drought but little , because of its crassitude . Experience tels us , that one little measure of water acuated with Spirits of Vitriol , of Sulphur , or of Salt-Peter doth moysten the body , and abate thirst in a Feaver more then a Pint of water single , because the water is subtilized by the forementioned Ingredients . But Physitians vulgarly adscribe this effect to the penetrability of the admixtures ; A blind reason : because water doth penetrate to the internals , therefore it moystens the more ; this is not all ; for suppose that water did penetrate , yet it would not moysten , because it doth not adhere to the parts , which it doth touch ; wherefore it is only to be imputed to its subtilization . All which demonstrates , that water in its purity , that is , in its absolute state , doth moysten less then Quicksilver , which is not at all . IV. The Form or first quality of water is gravity with crassitude . There is no single word I can think upon in any Language , that I know , full enough to express what I do here intend , and therefore am compelled to substitute these . I explain them thus : You must apprehend that gravity is a motion from the Circumference to the Center . Levity is a diffusion or motion from the Center to the Circumference . Now there is a gravity with density , that is , which hath density accompanying it . Density is a closeness of minima's not diducted into a continuity , but potentialiter , ( that is Logicè ) porous , and such is proper to earth . There is also a gravity with crassitude ; which is a weight , whose parts are diducted into a continuity , or I might rather express my self , whose parts do concentrate , or move from the Circumference to the Center with a continuity , that is , without any potential pores dividing its matter ; as in Quicksilver , diduct its body to the Circumference as much as you can , yet its part will concentrate with a continuity : but if you diduct earth , you will perceive its porosity , so that its body is altogether discontinuated . Water is then weighty with a crassitude . I prove it . First , that it is weighty , or that its parts move from the Circumference to the Center : Water when divided through force doth unite it self in globosity , as appears in drops , where all its parts , falling from the circumference close to their center , form a globosity . 2. Water doth not only in its divided parts concentrate , but also in its whole quantity . This is evident to them that are at sea , and approaching to the Land , they first make it from the top-mast-head ; whereas standing at the foot of it upon the Deck they cannot . The reason is , because the water being swelled up in a round figure , the top is interposed between the sight of those , that stand upon the Deck , and the Land-marks , as hils , or steeples ; but they , that are aloft , viz. upon the Yard arm , or top-mast , may easily discover them , because they stand higher then the top of the swelling of the water . The same is also remarkeable in a Bowl filled up with water to the Brim , where you may discern the water to be elevated in the middle , and proportionably descending to the Brim to constitute a round Figure . Archimedes doth most excellently infer the same by demonstration ; but since the alleadging of it would protract time , and try your patience , I do omit it . Lastly , The Stars rising and going down do plainly demonstrate the roundness of the water ; for to those that sayl in the Eastern Seas , the Stars do appear sooner then to others in the Western Ocean ; because the swelling of the water hindreth the light of the Stars rising in the East , from illuminating those in the West . The same Argument doth withal perswade us , that the earth is round , and consequently that its parts do all fall from the Outside to the Center . V. Secondly , That water hath a crassitude joyning to its gravity , sight doth declare to us ; for it is impossible to discern any porosity in water , although dropped in a magnifying Glass ; which in Sand is not . It s levor or most exact smoothness expressing its continuity , & accompanying its weight , is an undoubted mark of its crassitude , whereas roughness is alwaies a consequent of contiguity and porosity . There is not the least or subtilest spark of fire or ayr can pass the substance of water , unless it first break the water , and so make its way to get through ; this is the reason , why the least portion of ayr , when inclosed within the Intrailes of water , cannot get out , unless it first raises a bubble upon the water , which being broke , it procures its vent . Nor the least Atome of fire cannot transpire through water , unless it disrupts the water by a bubble , as we see happens , when water seeths : or disperse the water into vapours , and carry vapours and all with it . But ayr and fire do easily go through earth , because its parts being only contiguous and porous , have no obstacle to obstruct them : for sand , we see , in furnaces will suffer the greatest heat , or fire to pass through , without any disturbance of its parts . Lastly , Its respectiveness or relation doth require this form , both for its own conservation , and for others : For the earths relative form being to meet and take hold through its weight and porosity , ( this porosity is necessary for admitting the fire within its bowels ; for were it continuous , as water is , it would expel fire , and dead it ) of the fire , and by ballancing its lightness to preserve their beings mutually , it needs the assistance of water , for to inclose the fire , when it is received by the earth , and through its continuity to keep it in , otherwise it would soon break through its pores and desert it . So that you see , that water by doing the earth this courtesie , preserveth her self ; for were she not stayed likewise in her motion through the fire and ayr , she would move to an infinitum . VI. Moisture is not the first quality or form of the ayr . I prove it . Moysture ( as I said before ) is nothing else , but the adhesion of a moyst body to another , which it doth affect , or touch . Now , in this moyst body there must be a certain proportion ( or Ratio substantiae ) of quantity ; it must neither be too thick , or too thin . Water therefore in its purity is unapt to moysten , because it is too thick ; so ayr in its absolute state is too thin to adhere to any body , that it reaches unto . If ayr in its mixt nature , through which it is rendred of a far thicker consistence , is nevertheless not yet thick enough to adhere to the sides of another substance , much less in its purity . Who ever hath really perceived the moysture of Ayr ? I daily hear people say , hang such a thing up to dry in the ayr ; but yet I never heard any say , hang it up in the ayr to moysten , but wet it in the water . This drying Faculty of the ayr Peripateticks assert to be accidental to it , namely through the permixtion of exhalations with the ayr . Alas , this is like to one of their Evasions : Do we not know , that the ayr in its lowest region is rather accidentally moyst , because of its imbibition of vapours , copiously ascending with the fire or heat , tending out of the water to its element ? Is not the heat more apt to conveigh vapours , that do so narrowly enclose it , then earth , which of it self permits free egress to fire ? yea where an Ounce of Exhalations ascends , there arises a Pint of Vapours . Waving this , I state the case concerning the second Region of the Ayr , or of the top of Mountains , where according to their own judgment , neither Vapours , or ●xhalations are so much dispersed , as to be capable of drying or moystning any ex rinsick body ; even here do wet things dry quicker then below , because the ayr here is much freed from that irrigation of waterish moysture , which the vapours contribute to the lowermost Region , as impelling all extraneous vapours and exhal●tion to a body . Moreover , I will give you a reason for it . To dry is to dissipate and disperse moysture or dampishness adhering to any substance ; but the ayr being a most subtil body , doth through its subtility attenuate the water , which attenuated fals off from that body , whereunto it first hung , and is then imbibed by the ayr , which it doth afterwards detrude to its proper place . Lightness with tenuity is the form and first quality of ayr . What lightness is , I have set down before . Tenuity is a continuous exparsion and diffusion into all dimensions . As water is weighty with crassitude , so contrariwise ( as it were ) is air light with tenuity . I prove that ayr is light , because all aerial bodies , as Cobwebs , Feathers , although they are complicated , yet being cast forth into the ayr , their parts are diffused from the Center to the Circumference . Grease , Tallow , Oyl , Wax , &c. these bodies , because they do much participate of Ayr , when melted , and dropt upon the ground , do spread themselves into broad splatches , not contracting themselves like earth or water , into close round bodies , but rather contrariwise . Gunpowder , when kindled , Smoak , breathes of living Creatures , Vapours , Exhalations , Dust , &c. are all diducted from their Center to the Circumference , through the natural motion of the air inclosed within their bodies . The Ayr , if condensed ( as they say , but improperly ) is in a counter-natural state ; for then it makes use of violence ; ergo its diffusion to the Circumference is natural to it . That the air is tenuous , or confisting of thin parts expanded in continuity into all dimensions , its rupture doth signifie ; for were it contiguous , every subtil , exhalation , or wind would not move it , but might easily transpire through its porosity without concussing it ; but it being continuous , is compelled to break ; which rupture causes both its commotion , and sound . Hence it is that the least breath moves the air , and makes a sound in it . The reason why the water is moved , or at any time a sound is made in it , is , because it being continuous , is subject to ruptures , which disposeth it to both ; but neither happens to fire or earth , because they are porous , and only contiguous . Lastly , It s being and preservation is impossible without this relative form : For through it the Ayr doth moderate , balance , and is subservient to it self and other Elements . Water is weighty with crassitude , and through its so being , it compasses the earth so narrowly , that the fire is unable of striking through its continuity for to meet the earth ; wherefore Ayr being light with tenuity doth diffuse and expand the body of water , and so the fire is led to the earth by the conduct of the Ayr. Again , water being of that weight would move to an infinitum , and the lightness of fire is insufficient to stay it , because water is heavy and thick ( and therefore contrary to fire , which is light and rare ) and through that quality must necessarily expel the fire ; wherefore air is requisite for to balance its weight , and having partly the same nature with water , and partly different ( yet not contrary ) is alone capable of mixing with the water . Ayr is partly of the same nature with water , because they are both continuous , and so do thereby immediately at their first conjunction pervade each other , and come to an exact union . This I will illustrate to you by an Example . Affuse Spirits of Wine to Water , you see they will mixe exactly in a moment ; for you may presently after tast them equally at the bottom of the Glass , and at the top . Now , it is evident , that Spirits of Wine are very ayry and fiery , and therefore , because continuous , mingle instantly with the water . But fire refuseth to mixe with it , because it is contiguous and light , and altogether contrary as it were . It is different , because it moves to the Circumference , and water to the Center ; Pray observe the wisdom of Nature : this is most necessity ; for although they are both continuous , how could they mix unless the one did move to the Center , and the other from it , whereby they come to meet one another in an instant ? Did they move both to the Center , they could not mix or meet together ; for being then supposed to be of an equal weight , that , which was undermost , would remain undermost ; much in the manner of two Horses going both one pace , one before the other , about in a Mill , who will hardly meet , unless the one turnes its gate , and go contrarily to the other , and so they do immediately confront one another . Hence it is that wine mixes quicker by far with water , then one kind of water doth with another . By this you may discern the absolute necessity of these motions in the Elements , both for mixtion , and their mutual conservation . VIII . The first quality of fire is Levity with Rarity . Rarity is a subtility , or minority of parts , whereby its minima's are contiguous one to the other . Who ever doubted of the lightness of fire ; Doth not fire diffuse its heat equally from its Center to the Circumference ? Doth not the fire in a Torch cast its light circularly from its Center ? That fire abhors a continuity , we perceive by its burning ; for we see that the flames in Spirits of Wine do terminate into points , which points make a roughness , whereas were the fire continuous , its terms would be smooth , like unto those of Water and Ayr. Doth not the fire work through the smallest pores ? ergo through its contiguous points . Hence it is that fire passes , where ayr is shut out . It s relative nature is constituted by its contiguity of parts ; for through it , it is fitted for the embracing of earth ; were it continuous and light , it would shun the earth ; or if admitted into the earth , the earth would disrupt and expel it , like as it disrupts and expels Ayr. Wherefore through its porosity and contiguity it enters the earth , and the earth enters it , each opening its pores at this friendly reception : Nevertheless , supposing that contiguity had no contrariety to continuity , yet would the Ayr not be light enough to sustain the weight of the body of earth ; besides , there must be two gravities conceived for one lightness , and two or three continuities for one contiguity ; so that of absolute necessity a fourth Element must be added , that might be answering to the earths gravity and density , through its levity and rarity . That , which is light and rare , is more vibrating , and by far of greater activity and energy , then that , which is light and thin . Summarily , let us take a view of all their first qualities , and compare them together . Water and Ayr do communicate in a perfect friendship , and so doth Earth and Fire ; water and earth , ayr and water , fire and ayr , are all beholding to one another , yet not in the same respect , but divers . Water and Fire at an immediate contact are absolutely disagreeing , but mediately accompanying other Elements , prove good friends ; the same Law is between Earth and Ayr. Observe , although I have explained their forms by more words then one , yet apprehend that in their sense they move a single concept . Levity with Rarity is really distinct from Levity with Tenuity ; their operations , and manner of operating being also different ; for Levity with Rarity is more penetrating , vibrating , and of a stronger force ; and therefore Fire exceeds the Ayr in Levity . The like is to be understood of the Earth and Water : to wit , that the former is more weighty then the latter . These concur equally to the constitution of one another , of the world , and of its parts ; the one contributeth as much as the other , and therefore they are of an equal dignity , and time . CHAP. IX . Of the Beginning of the World. 1. Whence the world had its beginning . What the Chaos is . That the Chaos had a Form. A Scripture Objection Answered . That the Spirit of God moving upon the face of the waters did informate the Chaos . 2. That the Chaos consisted of the four Elements , is proved by Scripture . The Etymology of Heaven . What Moses meant by Waters above the Waters . The Derivation of the Firmament . That the Ayr is comprehended under the Notion of waters in Gen. 3. That the Elements were exactly mixt in the Chaos . That all the Elements consist of an equal number of Minima's . 4. That none but God alone can be rationally thought to be the Efficient of the Chaos . How this Action is expressed in Scripture . 5. What Creation is . Thom. Aq. his Definition of Creation disproved . Austins Observations of the Creation . 6. That God is the Authour of the Creation , proved by the Testimonies of Scripture , of Holy men , and of Philosophers . 7. An Explanation of the Definition of Creation . Whether Creation is an emanant or transient Action . Creation is either mediate , or immediate . Scotus his Errour upon this point . The Difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherein mediate Creation differs from Generation . 8. Of the Place , Magnitude , tangible Qualities , Colour , Temperament , Time , Figure , Extent in Figure , Duration , Quantity , and Number of the Chaos . THus much shall suffice concerning the Matter and Form of the Elements , as they are considered supposedly separated from each other ; but notwithstanding are the Particulars last insisted upon really in them primatio & per se. Now let us proceed . Since these Elements are perfections , and as it were forms to each other , the one being constituted , doth suppose them all to be constituted ; and but one of them being abolisht , they are all abolisht : Wherefore it is a simple question to demand , which of the Elements we could best miss , or which of them is most necessary for the preservation of life , they being all of an equal necessity ? I. The first formation of the world took its Original from the creation of a Chaos : which that it did , hath been demonstrated in one of the precedent Chapters . The Chaos is a great and vast natural body , consisting of an exact mixture of all the four Elements : It is generally explained to be a Confusion of all the Elements . Hereby confusion is not meant an imperfect mixtion ; but it is called a confusion , because it is an universal mixtion of all the Elements . The Chaos was a natural body , because it was constituted by the natural Matter and Form of all the Elements . That it had matter is little doubted of by any , all derived natural substances being thereout materiated . But a form is not so universally allowed to it ; Moses telling us in the first Chapt. of Gen. That the Earth was without form . For the reconciling of this , you must know , that a form is not alwaies taken in the same sense . A Form is somtimes taken for the compleat and last perfection of a thing ; so we say , that the confusion of genitures in matrico is rude and hath no form , that is , it hath not that compleat , further , and last perfection and shape , which is intended in it . 2ly . Form is more commonly taken for that , which giveth specification and distinction to Matter , or that , whereby a thing is that , which it is ; so as in this acception the Chaos of the Microcosmus is termed not to be without a form , neither is the Chaos of the Macrocosmus void of form ; although in the former sense it is . I prove it . The Chaos was either a thing , or nothing . It was not nothing , for the Text mentions it consisted of Heaven and Earth . Was it a thing ? ergo it must have had a form to be that thing , which it was , or to be distinguisht from nothing . It was not only distinguisht from nothing , but also from an infinitum , and from a single essence , it consisting of Heaven and Earth , which constituted both a finitum and a compositum : But all distinction derives from a form ; ergo it ha● form . Further , the Scripture doth reveal to us , that the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters , and what was the Spirit of God here , but the form of the Chaos ? Again , the Spirit of God moving upon the waters doth evidently confirm my former Assertion , namely , that the form of the Elements is nothing else , but a local moving vertue impressed by Nature , that is , God , upon their Matter . II. That the whole Clot of each Element contributed to the Matter and Form of this first created body , the same Scripture makes clear to us in enumerating them distinctly , viz. Chap. 1. 1. In the beginning God created Heaven and Earth . And the Earth was without form , and void , and darkness was upon the face of the deep ; and the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters . First , you see here is Heaven , comprehending fire and air ; for as I proved before , ayr cannot exist without fire , nor fire without air . Secondly , Both these being near companions and relations , the Text comprehends them in one : for if you observe , the Scripture doth all along in this Chapter enumerate the Elements by paires ( as it were ) under one name , because of their near affinity : So by the deep is meant Earth and Water ( strictly or properly so called ) and by waters the two fluid Elements , which are those , that before are explained to be continuous Elements . That this is the genuine Interpretation of the said divine Text , the ensuing words do clearly make it out ; for in v. 6. God saith , Let there be a Firmament in the midst of the waters , and let it divide the waters from the waters : Here the water and ayr being both alike in fluidity , and confused together , are both called water : The ayr then being light , and the water weighty , God expanding them , the ayr through its lightness heaved up from the water , and thence constituted a part of Heaven , as the Text hath it in v. 8. The water through its weight descended under the ayr , and thence it is called in v. 9. the waters under the heaven . This must necessarily be so ; for water , strictly so named , had it been heaved up , it would have been against its first nature , and been moved violently , which is improbable , since that ( nullum violentum est perpetuum ) no violent motion is lasting . The nature of air certifieth us , that it must be it , which moved above the waters under it . Lastly , The waters above the waters , strictly so termed , are called the Firmament ; from its firmness ; because they are as a deep frame , or a strong wall about the waters underneath , for to keep them together in a counterpoise , from falling to an insinitum : but it is ai● that is above the waters , and is a Firmament to them ; ergo the ayr must be comprehended under the Notion of waters . Or thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew is by the Rabbi's and Hebrews expounded , an Expansion , or thing expanded : for its Root is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to attenuate : if so , then by the waters above must be implied ayr , whose nature it is to be expanded , as I shewed before . So whether you take the word according to the interpretation of the Septuagints 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Firmament , or of the Rabbi's , Expansion , there can be nothing else intended by it but ayr . I say then , as by waters , a duplicity of Elements is implied , so by the Heavens , ayr and fire are implied : I prove it : Light is fire flaming ; but the light was drawn from the Chaos ; if from the Chaos , ergo not from the earth ; for by earth there is only meant earth single ; but from the Heaven , which imports a conjunction of Elements , viz. of Ayr and Fire . Secondly , Is light , being a flaming fire , drawn from the Heaven ; ergo there was fire , latent in it : So let this serve to answer Van Helmont his Objection , who denieth fire to be an Element , because its name is not set down in the first Chap. of Gen. neither is ayr mentioned among the Elements in so many Letters , yet it is comprehended among them . 'T is true , Fowl are called Fowl of the ayr , but what of that ? this doth not infer that ayr is an Element , because Fowl are named Fowl of the Ayr. Secondly , Earth and Water are there expressed in so many letters , ergo the Chaos was made up of all the four Elements . III. The Elements in the Chaos underwent an exact mixture ; because each being a stem and perfection to the other , they required it : for had they been unequally mixt , then that part which had not been sufficiently counterpoysed by its opposite Element , would have fallen from the whole . Hence it followeth , that they must have been of an equal extent and degree in their first vertue or quality , and not only so , but also in their quantity ; that is , they consisted all of an equal number of minima's , that so each minimum of every Element might be fitted , sustained , and perfectionated by three single minimum's of each of the other Elements . Now was there but one minimum of any of the Elements in excess above the other , it would overbalance the whole Chaos , and so make a discord , which is not to be conceived . But here may be objected , That the earth in comparison with the heavens , beares little more proportion to their circumference , then a point . I confess that the air and fire exceed the earth and water in many degrees , but again , as will be apparent below , there is never a Star which you see , yea and many more then you see , but containes a great proportion of earth and water in its body , the immense ( to our thinking ) Region of the air and fire are furnished with no small proportion of water and earth : so that numeratis numerandis , the earth and water are not wanting of a minimum less then are contained either in the fire or ayr . IV. The efficient of this greatest and universal body , is the greatest and universal cause , the Almighty God. I prove it . The action , through which this vast mole was produced , is infinite ; for that action , which takes its procession ab infinito ad terminum finitum , sive a non ente ad ens , from an infinite to a finite term , or from nothing to somthing , is to be counted infinite ; but an infinite action requireth an infinite agent ; therefore none but God , who is in all respects infinite , is to be acknowledged the sole cause , and agent of this great and miracuious effect . It was a Golden saying upon this matter of Chrysippus the Stoick , If there is any thing , that doth effect that , which man although he is indued with a reason cannot : that certainly is , greater , mightier , and wiser then man ; but he cannot make the Heavens : Wherefore , that which doth make them , excels man in Art , Counsel , and Prudence . And what saith Hermes in his Pimand ? The Maker made the universal world through his Word , and not with his Hands . Anaxagoras concluded the divine mind to be the distinguisher of the universe . It was the Saying of Orpheus , That there was but one born through himself , and that all other things were created by him . And Sophocles , There is but one true God , who made Heaven and the large earth . Aristotle , Lib. 2. De Gen. & Cor. c. 10. f. 59. asserts . God to be the Creator of this Universe . And Lib. 12. Metaph. c. 8. He attests God to be the First Cause of all other Causes . This action is in the holy texts called Creation , Gen. 1. 1. Mark 10. 6. Psal. 89. 12. Mal. 2. 10. Creation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not alwaies intended for one and the same signification ; sometimes it implying the Creation of the world , as in the Scriptures next forementioned ; other whiles it is restricted to Mankind , Mark 16. 15. Mat. 28. 19. Luke 24. 47. In other places it is applied to all created beings , Mark 13. 19. Gen. 14. 22. Job 38. 8. Prov. 20. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To create is imported by divers other Expressions . 1. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To Form , Gen. 2. 7. Esay . 43. 7. 2. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To make , Gen. 1. 31. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He hath establisht , Psal. 89. 12. Psal. 104. 5. Mat. 13. 35. Heb. 6. 1. 1 Pet. 1. 20. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To stretch or expand , Psal. 10. 2. Es. 42. 5. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To prepare , or dispose , Prov. 8. 27. Psal. 74. 16. V. Creation is a production of a being out of , and from nothing . Tho. gives us this Definition in Sent. 2. Dist. 1. Quest. 1. Art. 2. Creation is an emanation of an universal Being out of nothing . By an universal being , he intends a being , as it comprehends all material and immaterial beings . So that this is rather a definition of the creation of the material and immaterial world , then a definition of the Formality of Creation . 2. His Definition is defective and erroneous ; for he adds only out of nothing . This is not enough , it being possible for a thing to emanate out of nothing , and yet not be created : the immaterial operations of Angels and rational Soules emanate out of nothing , because they do not emanate out of matter , and yet they are not created , but naturally produced . 'T is true , although they emanate out of nothing , yet they emanate from something , to wit , from their immaterial Essence : and therefore they are not to be judged to be created . It is also possible for a thing to be created from nothing ( anihilo sui ) and yet out of something ; so are all beings created that are created by a mediate creation . Wherefore my Definition hath an immediate creation to its definitum . Now if you would define creation , as it doth in a large extent comprehend also a mediate creation , 't is only to substitute in the room of , and from nothing , or from nothing : thus creation is a production of a being out of , or from nothing , or from and out of neither . Austin , Lib. 11. de Civitate Dei , c. 21. commends a threefold Observation upon the Creation . 1. Who is the Efficient of it ; and that is God. 2. Whereby , or through what he proceeded to Creation ; through that he said , Let there be ; and all things were . 3. For what reason , because he is good . We read something not unlike to this in Diog. Laert. Lib. 7. The Stoicks ( saith he ) state two Principles of things , an Agent , and a Patient . Through an Agent they understood Matter ; and through a Patient , the Word of God , which did adorn that Matter . That God is the Author of the Creation , besides the reason fore-given , the Testimonies of the Sacred Bible , of holy men , and of Philosophers , do confirm it to us . Psal. 102. 25. & 147. 9. Mal. 2. 10. Es. 45. 6 , 7. Job 9. 8. Jer. 10. 12. & 51. 15. Job 26. 13. John 1. 3. Col. 1. 16. Rom. 13. 36. Rev. 4. 11. Heb. 1. 2. That creation is the production of a being out and from nothing , the Scripture doth also reveal to us . Gen. 1. Prov. 8. 24. Psal. 33. 9. John 1. 3. Rom. 4. 17. Heb. 11. 3. Austin Lib. 1. De Gen. contra Manich. Although all things are formed out of that unform matter , notwithstanding is this same matter made out of nothing . Lactan. Lib. 2. Cap. 9. Let none ask out of what matter God made so great and wonderful works ; for he hath made all things out of nothing . Neither are we to give hearing to Poets , who say , that there was a Chaos in the beginning , that is , a confusion of things , and of the Elements , and that afterwards God did divide all that Mass , and having separated every thing from the confused heap , and described them in order , he did build the world , and also adorn it . 'T is more credible , that matter was rather created by God , which God can do all things , then that the world was not made by God , because without a mind , reason , counsel , nothing can be made . Here our Author reasons against the Eternity of the Chaos , as the Poets feigned to themselves : whose Song was , That the Chaos being an immense , rude , and voyd mole , did fluctuate without any form from all eternity , and that God in time did confer a form and shape upon it , and brought it to what it is . Yet nevertheless he states a finite Chaos under the name of matter , created by God out of nothing . Hemingins teacheth us , That creation is the primar production or formation of things , whereby God the Eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , together with the Holy Spirit did produce and form Heaven and Earth , and the things therein contained , both visible and invisible , out of nothing , to the end that he might be acknowledged and worshipped . Hermes Trismegistus , Lib. 1. Pimandr . That ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declares himself ( seemingly ) more by inspired words then acquired ones . The mind ( saith he ) of the Divine power did in the beginning change his shape , and suddenly disclosed all things , and I saw all things changed into a light , most unspeakably sweet and pleasant . And in another place , Serm. 3. Pimandr . The infinite shadow was in the deep : and the water and thin spirit were in the Chaos : and the holy splendor did flourish , which did deduct the Elements from under the sand , and moist nature , and the weighty lay drowned in darkness under the moist Sand. The same divine Mercurius , Lib. de Piet. & Phil. renders himself thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The first is God ; the second the world ; the third man : the world for man : and man for God. Another Philosopher speaks with no less Zeal and Eloquence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is an old saying , and revealed by the ancients unto all men , that all things were constituted out of God , and through God : and that no nature can be enough accomplisht to salvation , were it committed to its own tuition without Gods help . Thales being sometimes demanded , what of all things was the most beautiful ? he answered , the World ; for it is the work of God , which nothing can exceed in beauty . Plato in Tim. attested Gods Love to be the cause of the making of the world , and of the rise of all beings . Clemens Alex. said , that the Creation of the world was Gods Hand-writing , whose Leaves were three : Heaven , Earth , and the Sea. VII . The Genus of the Definition is Production ; which is either supernatural or natural . A supernatural Production is called Creation : A Natural one is termed Generation . Observe that supernatural and natural are remote differences of Creation and Generation ; wherefore I did not appose the foremost of them to our Definition , because I substituted its differentia proxima . Whether Production , by others called Efficiency , is an emanant or transient action , is controversial . Thomas , as you have read , terms it an emanation . On the other side , why should it not be conceived to be a transient action , since it doth terminare ad extra ? But then again why so ? For all transient actions do presuppose the pre-existence of their Object , which here was not . Wherefore to avoid all scruples , I conclude it ( if actively understood ) to be apprehended per modum actus emanantis ; if passively , per modum actus transeuntis . Creation is either so called strictly , and then it imports only an immediate creation , according to which sense you have it already defined : or largely , and then it is divisible into immediate or mediate Creation . An immediate Creation is the same with Creation in a strict sense , whereby a being is produced out of nothing ; neither out of a pre-existent , or co-existent matter : but a nihilo termini , i. e. formae , vel materiae : sive e nihilo privativo , vel e nihilo negativo . Wherefore I say , that this immediate Creation is no mutation , because mutation presupposeth pre-existent matter . But it may be you will side with Dun● , who for to maintain it to be a mutation , did impiously assert the thing , which was to be created , ( res creanda ) to have had its essence pre-existent in the divine mind : so that creation must be the mutation of an Essence not existing , into an Essence existing . In the first place , Scripture doth plainly contradict him . 2. He did mistake the nature of Essence and Existence , as further apppears out of my Metaphysicks . 3. It infers an absurd Definition of Creation , to wit , that it is the mutation of a being a non esse accidentali ad esse accidentale , & consequently an accident only is produced de novo , and not a Substance . 4. That the essences of things are eternal ; a great absurdity . I grant they are from all eternity , that is , from an eternal being . 5. Did God contain the essences of things in himself , it followes , that he also contained their matter in himself ; a great Blasphemy . A mediate Creation is the production of a being a nihilo termini , vel formae , sed ex aliquo materiae : a nihilo formae , supple ultima . This kind of Creation is expressed by two different words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or making , is whereby God created a being ex aliquo materiae , sed a nihilo formae ulterioris . In this sense did God create the Fishes and Fowl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an artificial formation is , whereby God formed man also a nihilo formae ulterioris . Mediate Creation differs from Generation , through that thereby a form is introduced in an instant : hereby successively by a preceding alteration . 2. Thereby a being is constituted a nihilo formae ulterioris : hereby ab aliquo formae ultimae , tanquam a termino a quo . That is effected by the immediate causality of God , this by a mediate one . VIII . The Chaos being so equally mixed and balanced abided in one place . The place , which did contain it , was not corporeal ; because it would have been needless , since its own balance did sufficiently preserve it in its own internal place . It s magnitude was equal to the present magnitude of the world : For although through its expansion and opening , the fire and ayt were heaved up , yet they were heaved up no further then the weighty Elements descended : so that what space was left by the one , was taken up by the other : but had there been a vacuum left by any of their egressions , then indeed it must have possessed a larger place . As for the tangible quality which it had , it must needs have been soft ; because it being temperated ad pondus , could acquire no other then a temperate one , and such is soft . Colour it had none ex accidenti ; because there was no light to discern it : nevertheless that doth not hinder but that it had a fundamental colour in it self ; which must have been red , that being the only colour issuing out of a temperamentum ad pondus . Tast is also detracted from it ex accidenti , but in it self it must have been sweet for the same reason . We cannot edscribe any smell to it per se ; because being close shut , or not yet opened , none can grant that it could have affected any supposed smell , since it could not have emitted any Exhalations from it . That it had a finite time , Scripture testifieth , Gen. 1. 1. In the beginning , &c. but the beginning is a distinction , and Note of finite time ; Ergo. Reason proves no less . That which was finite in all its other modes , could not be capable of one single infinite mode : But such was the Chaos , and such is the world now ; Ergo. Whose parts are subject to a beginning and ending , its whole must also have been subject to the same : But our daily experience confirms to us , that all things are subjected to a beginning and ending ; Ergo. It s figure is round we know from the form of the Elements . Besides rotundity is a figure of the greatest , equallest , and perfectest extension ; but such is most sutable to the greatest , equallest , and perfectest body ; Ergo. The Chaos was also finite in its globosity and extent of parts . I prove it . The compleated world being finite in its globosity and extent of parts , doth necessarily infer the finiteness of the Chaos in the same particular ; because the compleated world was framed out of it . Now that the world is terminated in magnitude , the circumvolutation of the Aplane and the Planets in a finite time , to wit , in 24 hours , doth certainly demonstrate ; for were the world infinite in magnitude , they must then also require an infinite time to rowl round about it ; the contrary of which is doubted by none . Here that trite Axiom may be objected qualis causa , taelis effectus . Such as the cause is , such also is its Effect : But God is an infinite cause ; ergo his effect , namely the world must also be infinite . I answer , That this Maxim holds only in univocis , and naturalibus , but not in their opposites . 2. It is a Character of Gods infiniteness , that he can act finitely and infinitely ; for could he act only infinitely , then might he be supposed to act necessarily , which is a note of finiteness and limitation in a cause . 3. The action , whereby he effected this finite work , is infinite , as I have observed before , wherefore in this he acteth both finitely and infinitely . And since I am about answering Objections , it will not be amiss to insert some objected by Bodinus , in Theatr. Nat. and Cajetan , against the pre-existence of the Chaos before the compleated world . 1. Eccles. 18. 1. Where God is said to have created all things at once ; Ergo there was no pre-existent Chaos . I answer , that Creation here doth imply an immediate creation , through which God created the matter of all things at once . 2. They resume the words of Austin , asserting , that to God there is nothing before or after another , no past or future time , but that all things are like as it were in one moment , filling that , which hath a most perfect being . Wherefore say they , Moses did distinguish the Creation into several sections and divisions , to accomodate things created in an instant , to our capacity . I answer , That had Moses writ , that God had created all things in a moment , we could have understood him as plainly as he hath writ otherwise ; for we know that Scripture containes many harder sayings then this would have been . So that it is a great levity in them to retort the genuine sense of sacred words to their oblique brow . As for that of Austin , it hinders not , but that all things past , present , and future , are as in an instant to God , and yet to us may be past , present , and future . The Chaos is not only finite in duration and continuated quantity , but also in discrete ( as they term it ) quantity or number . It s quantity is the least and the greatest : it is the least in discrete quantity ; for there was but one Chaos . 2. But the greatest in continued quantity . The proof of these depends reciprocally from one another . The Chaos is but one , because it is the greatest ; were there then more then one Chaos , but two , three or more , or infinite , it could not be the greatest , but part of the greatest , and so the whole must be greater then the part : on the other side , it is the greatest , because it is but one . 2. Were there more then one , all the others would be created in vain , because the Chaos being the greatest , is sufficient to produce a thousand worlds ; for otherwise it could not be said to be the greatest . 3. Or thus in other terms : The Chaos is an universal quantity ; but were there more then one , it could not be universal , 4. Unity is the beginning and root of all plurality : but the Chaos is the beginning and root of all plurality of bodies ; ergo it is but one . 5. The Scripture mentions but of one Chaos , Gen. 1. 1 , 2. 6. The Chaos is eval naturally , like as the soul of man is eval , and also immortal . Eval , that is , of sempiternal duration , yet counting from a beginning . I prove it . Eccles. 12. Let the dust return to its earth , and the spirit return to God who gave it . Here the body first returns to dust , thence to earth , but not to an annihilation ; for then the Scripture would have mentioned it . Eccles. 1. 4. 2. The Chaos is to remain , were it but to retribute the matter of humane bodies , in order to their Resurrection . 3. Annihilation is the greatest defect or imperfection ; for it supposeth an imperfect Matter and Form , which cannot be imagined to be immediately created by God. 4. Goodness lasteth for ever ; but the Chaos was good , Gen. 1. 31. 1 Tim. 4. 4. Ergo. 5. Should the Chaos be annihilated , then God would have created it in vain : But that is impossible ; Ergo. CHAP. X. Of the first Division of the Chaos . 1. Why the Chaos was broken . 2. That the Chaos could never have wrought its own change through it self . The Efficient of its mutation . 3. The several Changes , which the Chaos underwent through its disruption . The manner of the said Disruption . 4. How Light was first produced out of the Chaos . What a Flame is . 5. A perfect Description of the first knock or division of the Chaos . By what means the Earth got to the Center , and how the Waters , Ayr , and Fire got above it . Why a Squib turnes into so many whirles in the Ayr. 6. The Qualifications of the first Light of the Creation . A plain demonstration proving the circular motion of the Heavens , or of the Element of Fire to be natural , and of an Eval Duration . I. IT was an Elegant Expression of Clem. Alex. Lib. 3. De Recogn . Like the shell of an Egge , although it seemeth to be beautifully made , and diligently formed , nevertheless it is necessary , that it should be broken and opened , that the Chicken may thence come forth , and that that may appear , for which the shape of the whole Egge seems to be formed : Wherefore it is also necessary , that the state of this world do pass , that so the more sublime state of the Heavenly Kingdom may appear in its brightness : The same I may aptly apply to the Chaos , that it is to be broken and opened , that so a more glorious substance may thence appear , and come forth . II. One Substance can have but one first power or vertue of acting ; and therefore the Chaos having no more , could not act any effect , but which it did act , and so had no principle of changing it self from that which it was , and consequently would have remained in that shape for ever . For this reason we must grant , that the Creative power and universal efficient wrought a mutation upon it . This mutation was gradual a perfecto ad perfectius . It was not by way of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or creation of the first manner , but of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as Moses sets down , through that he said , fiat , let there be ; and this was the Note of the mediate Creation . The manner , as we may best conceive to our selves , was by expansion , division , or opening of the Chaos . III. Through the first diduction and opening , the Fire and Ayr being light Elements , and so entirely knitted into one , must necessarily have diffused themselves above the superficial weighty Elements , these falling nearer to the Center . The fire having hereby acquired a greater liberty , and more force , by being less oppressed by the water , its contiguous parts were notwithstanding united and suppressed through the continuity of the ayr , and conveyed a great part of earth and water with them ; the ayr also could not be detracted from the universal mixture without the adherence of some water and earth ; wherefore that appeared also very thick . IV. The fire being the lightest , and of most activity towards the Circumference , must have been vented in the greatest quantity , yet not ( as I said ) without incraffated ayr , which united to the vibrating parts of the fire , were both changed into a flame : A Flame is a splendent heat ( Flamma est calidum splendens ; ) wherefore by this two new qualities were produced , to wit , heat and splendor . By ( Calidum ) heat , understand a red hot fire . ( Ignis candens ; ) Fire is named candent , quod candorem efficiat , because it begetteth a candour , that is , the brightest light . But how fire became at once through this division burning and candent , I shall distinctly evidence hereafter . The Representation of the Chaos after its first Division . V. Through this concussion the waters being also somewhat freed from the minima's of the earth , tending to the Center , were continuated a top of the earth , like unto a fleece or skin ; , for the points of the earth , which did before discontinue the water being through their more potent gravity descended , the water getting a top , must needs have acquired its continuity , which ( as you have read ●●fore ) is the first quality of water . The water therefore got above the earth , not because it is less weighty per se , but per accidens , through its continuation . The flame of the first division was yet thick and reddy , not exalted to that brightness , which afterwards it was . The heat of this division was hot in the first degree , because there was not yet so much fire drawn out as to make a greater heat . This flame I may compare to the flame of a torch or candle , which is either but newly lighted , or near upon going out ; the heats , which these flames then cast forth , are in reference to their highest state ( as it were ) but in the first degree . Their light is a dusky red . The first motion of this fire being to diffuse it self to the circumference of the ambient ayr , is there arriving , beaten back and reflected through the external surface or coat of the ayr ; not through the thickness of it ; for no doubt that was rather thinner there then below , but through its own natural motion , whereby it moves to its preservation ; for a same cannot subsist but by the help and sustenance of the ayr . It so , whither can it move ? not directly back again , retorting into it self , that being its extream contrary motion ; but rather to the sides , moving circularly about the surface of the ayr , in the same manner as fire in a rooft Furnace , where we see it first diffuseth its self directly towards the Circumference of the Furnace , and beating against the Roof of it , doth not reverberate into it self , but reflects to the sides , and so moves along circularly about the sides of the wall , which doth more evidently appear in a globous Furnace ( Fornax reverberatoria . ) The same is also manifested by the fire of kindled Gunpowder in a Squib , which thickneth the ayr by impelling the Vapours and Exhalations therein contained one upon the other , and augmenting them by its own fumes , is almost every way resisted and beaten back , whence therefore we observe it betakes it self to a circular motion : The reason is , because through a circular motion it is less resisted ; for one part of it preceding the other , doth not stop the following parts , but rather one part draweth another after it , or bears another before it , and moving alwaies round , it never meets with any other resistance ; for the one part is gone , before the other can overtake it : or what should resist it ? It is just like un to two horses going both one pace round in a Mill , the one can never be a stop to the other , but rather the one draweth the other after him , because they move both one way . Was this motion any other but circular , it would meet with resistance . This motion is , as it were , natural to the fire , and therefore is also of an eval duration ; for its nature is ever to move from the Center , which it doth in moving circularly , not primarily , but secondarily , it moving first directly to the Circumference , and thence reflecting to the sides , it creeps ( as it were ) all about the surface of the ayr , one part drawing the other after it , or pushing and thrusting it before it , or both waies . Did not the fire continue in motion , it would soon lose its flame : for the flame is continued by being united ; that which unites it , is , besides its own motion , the crassitude of the ayr , which the fire impelling one part upon the other , renders thicker , and so unites it self the more . So that in all Particulars this motion is natural to the fire , & necessarily of an eval duration , because the said motion preserves it in its being , and is its proper nature . Now were this motion the effect of heat , it must be violent , and consequently of no long duration ; for what is violent , destroyes the essence of a being . It would he violent , because heat is produced by a violent cause from without , namely the opposition of the ayr . 2. We read of no burning heat in the Mosaick Philosophy , but only of a moving spirit , which is that I call fire , or at least an effect impressed upon part of the Chaos . by which it moved to the surface ; for you read that this moving vertue was upon the face of the waters , before there was light , that is , it was drawn out from the Chaos before it could raise a flame to give light . What can be more plain ? Lastly , it was necessary that the Elements should be of an eval duration : for they were created to exist the same duration , which Adam , had he abided in his primitive state of Innocency , would have existed . By all which it appeares , that there is no other Principle , whence its eval duration is deducible , but from hence . CHAP. XI . Of the second Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of Effects befalling the Elements through the second Knock. The proportion of each of the Elements in their purity to the Peregrine Elements . 2. The ground of the forementioned proportion of the Elements . 3. That fire and ayr constitute the Firmament . 4. A grand Objection answered . I. LEt us pass to the second Division , and speculate the effects of that . Through this vibration did the earth yet more concentrate , and the waters gulped also upwards equally from all parts : for ( as I said ) the Chaos was equally mixt , otherwise how could the waters equally cover the earth , as they did ? the waters being got atop , the ayr got loose in a far greater measure then it did before , which being expanded , constituted this great tract of the air , which now we breath into . This breach , although in a manner agreeable to the absolute propension of fire and ayr , could not , since they were soexactly mixed with the weighty elements , but give occasion of conveighing a greater proportion of both with them . Neither was that little remaining bowl of the great mole , whereon we now tread , destitute of all her former adherents , there still being immerst in her the same proportion of the light Elements to the weighty , as there is a proportion of weighty elements attending the separated light ones . Consider now the proportion of each to it self . 1. Although the earth doth harbour some of the other Elements in her , yet she is triumphant over them in the fourth degree , that is , there are three parts pure earth to one part of the others ; and amongst these others , that constitute a fourth part in her own bowels , it is to be conceived , that water doth transcend the ayre , and so the ayre the fire . Supposing then the earth to-consist of 64 parts , 48 thereof are pure earth , 6 1 / ● pure water , 5 1 / ● pure ayr , and 4 1 / ● fire . Hence from its predominance it is called earth , and so the like of water , ayr , and fire : to wit , water reserves 48 parts of pure water , 5 1 / ● of ayr , 5 1 / ● of earth , 5 of fire . Ayr is called ayr also from its greater predominance over the other elements , not from its purity , as if it should be all pure ayr , that is impossible . It s purity appropriates 48. water and fire each 5 ● / ● , earth 5. Fire is pure in 48. ayr in 6 1 / ● , water in 5 1 / ● , earth in 4 1 / ● . The proportion of these forementioned elements , take thus : 64 parts is the whole , three fourths of it , which are 48 , denote the proportion of each element in its purity . Then there remains 16 , which is the last fourth , signifying the proportion of the admisted elements to the principal element , as it is considered to be in its purity . Again , there is another proportion observable among the perigrine elements , as they are sharers of the last fourth , which is 16. Wherefore in earth 6 parts and a third is taken up by water , one less , to wit 5 1 / ● by ayr , and also one less , namely 4 1 / ● by the fire . In water five and a half is equally attributed to earth and air , one less ( that is , the overplus fraction of each compleat number of earth and air makes socially one more ) to fire . The last fourth or 16 of the air is supplied in five and a half by each of the ingress of fire and water , In five by fire . Fire is tied to 6 1 / ● of ayr , 5 1 / ● of water , to 4 1 / ● of earth . II. The ground and reason of this proportion is , 1. That the least predominance , whereby an element may acquire its name , must be triple , that is , thrice as many times more in quantity , then the elements affixed to it : for did an element in its purity overbalance the others but in two parts , then it could hardly retain a form , whereby its nature might be sufficiently distinguisht from the others ; if in more then in three parts it would be apparently discernable that that element was mixed ; if so , then it must also be denominated by a mixed name ; for the cause , why men generally impose a single name upon some beings , that are mixt and compounded , is , because there is so little of the extrinsick body discernable , that it doth not deserve to be named : but if discernable , then a compounded word is applied : for instance , there is none would say , that water whereinto only a few drops of wine were instilled , was wine and water , or Oinolympha : but they would nominate it water alone , because there is so little wine in it that it is not gustable ; but supposing there were so much wine mingled with water , as to make it perceptible , either by tast or smell , then no doubt they would say it was wine and water . Even so it is here ; was there more then a fourth part of extrinsick Elements admitted to a single pure element , it would be perceptible : if so , then we should not nominate the elements by a single name , but by a compound one . Now that it is not perceptible is evident ; for who can perceive water , ayr , or fire in the earth ? or who can distinguish water , earth or air in fire ? &c. Was there less then a fourth part , it would disaptate the principal element from being an ingredient in a mixture : The reason is , because there must be some parts adhering to such an element , whereby it may be received by the other : for example , had fire no ayr affixed to it ( as I have formerly noted ) it could not be received by water , but would be immediately expelled : Neither could the earth be disposed to receive fire and ayr , but by the admisture of some parts of water , some of ayr , and others of fire ; but less then a fourth of these adherents would be insufficient . That this is really in effect thus , the separation of the elements is a testimony . Distil Sea-water , and rectifie it often , but weigh it before distillation ; the residence or fixed Salt , wherein fire , ayr and earth are contained , will in little less then a 6th . or 8th . ( considering that the water , which is separated , is not so pure yet , but that it retaines some part of the perigrine elements , and that another part is dispersed through the ambient ayr ) respond to the whole body of water . Or thus ; Weigh Sea-water with distilled water , and the one shall be a sixth part heavier then the other ; then imagine that the leasts which are evaporated of the peregrine elements are the remaining parts . Lastly , the elements being four in company , it is very consentaneous to their number that each should be separated by the others in a fourth . The reason , why water constituting part of the fourth part of earth doth superate the ayr in one degree , is , because water is more agreeing , and that immediately , with earth then ayr , because of its weight . 2. Because it is nearer to the earth then the tract of ayr . Fire is least in proportion , because it is the remorest . In the supplying the fourth of water , earth and ayr are in an equal proportion , because they are equally consentaneous to water ; for earth is agreeable to it through its weight , and ayr through its continuity , and because they are also of the same propinquity to water . Fire is less in quantity then these through its remoteness : it is more then it is in earth , because it is nearer to it . Ayr containes an equal part of fire and water , by reason they are of an equal approximation , & of an equal concord with ayr , the fire agreeing to it in levity , water in continuity . Earth is in ayr in the same proportion , that fire is in water , because they are equidistant to each of their allied elements , and retain the same degree of Concord . Fire hath the same proportion of earth , which earth in its proper Region hath of fire . It is sociated to more air in one degree then water , to more water in the same degree then ayr , to more water then earth in one degree also , because their several situation is nearer to fire in one degree . III. Summarily through this Division the Firmament was establisht . The Firmament was the circumvallation of ayr and fire about the waters , which made the earth and water firm in their present situation , that is , bound them up together , and hindred them equally from all parts , from falling from the universal Center : for the ayr and fire being both light elements , do as well diffuse themselves from their own center towards the universal Center , as above it towards the imaginary vacuum : and so by this means come to sustain the mass of the weighty elements . IV. Here a grand Objection , and no less Mystery offers it self , viz. that it is improbable , that the points of earth should be of an equal number and efficacy with the other elements , which by this section are so much expanded , that their magnitude is divisible into infinite points ( as it were ) in comparison to the points of earth , and which in respect to the minima's of ayr and fire are but as one point to a million or more . To the answering of this , call to mind that the absolute form of earth is concentration through dense weight , and the form of ayr and fire diffusion from the Center ; all these absolute forms are met and balanced ( thence seem to be checkt and obtused ) by their reciprocal relative forms . Now the more these relative forms are degraded from their related form , the more they acquire of their absolute forms , and consequently greater and stronger motions . Well then , observe this great Mystery , and the hitherto yet unknown Labyrinth of the greatest Philosophers . The earth being degraded from her respective form , through that the fire and the other elements are abstracted from her , hath acquired the more of her absolute form , which is to fall to her Center : this then being her form , no wonder if she doth come to so small a quantity . The same apprehend also of water . So on the other side , fire and ayr being also as much advanced from their relative to their absolute forms , do as much diffuse from the center , as the earth and water fall to their center : so that did not fire and ayr in diffusing from their center possess as great a place , as earth and water in moving to the center possess a little place , or the earth and water possess as little a place , as the fire and ayr a great place , it would be dissonant to their natures . Besides the little place taken up by the earth and water , is as much to them , as the great place taken up by the fire and ayr ; their activity to the center is as much , as the activity of the others to the circumference . Were the earth imagined to be pure without the admixture of any of the other elements , its supposed place would yet be one fourth less , and likewise fire and ayr would in their supposed purity possess a place , yet one fourth larger : the reason is , because the fourth part of the admisted Elements to each pure Element , doth so much the more augment or diminish its quantity , which being prescinded , must necessarily either enlarge , or lessen their places . Wherefore you see , that it doth not hinder , but that the minima's of the earth and water may be equal in number & activity to the minima's of the others . Neither doth it hinder but that the earth and water being expanded by the support of the light elements ( as appears in the Chaos ) might have constituted so great a mole as the Chaos was , notwithstanding it appeares so small now : for every natural point of water was almost half as much diducted ( violently as it were ) by the thin levity of the ayr , as such a proportion of ayr is now naturally through its absolute form expanded . So likewise was the air then half as much cohibited and incrassated through its relative form by the water , as the water is now incrassated . The like conceive of fire and earth . Through these abstractions did all the temperate qualities of the Chaos cease , each element did arrive almost to its absolute nature . The greatest commerce , which they then exercised , was with each their nearest adjacent , as the fire with ayr , ayr with water and fire , water with earth and ayr , earth with water , and fire with ayr . In this Scheme you may see the apparition of the second Division , which was the third act of Creation . The fire moves circulatly , by reason of the ayr ; the ayr is cast equally over the water ; the water over the earth , both pursuing a circular course . The Representation of the Chaos after its second Division . CHAP. XII . Of the Third Division of the Chaos . 1. The effects of the Third Knock. Why earth is heavier then water . Why water is more weighty near the top then towards the bottom . Why a man when he is drowned doth not go down to the bottom of the Ocean . Why a potch'd Egge doth commonly rest it self about the middle of the water in a Skillet . Why the middle parts of Salt-water are more saltish then the upper parts . 2. Whence the earth hapned to be thrust out into great protuberancies . How the earth arrived to be disposed to germination of Plants . A vast Grove pressed into the earth . 3. The cause of the waters continual circular motion . 4. The cause of the rise of such a variety of Plants . 1. THe third Division , or the fourth act of Creation , was whereby the most universal Nature ( naturans ) did yet more purifie , and as it were clarifie the Elements , in abstracting each element from its nearer , and congregating it to a proper place of its own . These several acts of purification and exaltation are not unlike to the operations of an Alchymist in purifying a Mineral : 1. He reduceth it to a powder , and mixeth it exactly ; and so it was with the Chaos : 2. Then it is either put into a Retort , Alembick , or a Sublimatory , whereby the light parts are separated and abstracted from the heavy ones ; this hapned also in the first Division . 3. He rectifieth the light parts in repeating the former operation and exalts it to a more sublime and pure nature , and so separates the lightest parts from the light ones ; even so it was here , God did yet more separate the fire from the ayr . Touching the caput mortuum , as the earthy parts , that he dissolves in water , and afterwards to purifie it , he coagulates the earth , and so separates it from the water ; in the same manner did God here coagulate the earth , and parted it , from the waters . Further , how this is effected I shall in brief explain to you . The water through her gravity with crassitude , doth obtain a vertue in her of squeezing , which is performed by a body that is weighty and continuous : for by its weight it presseth downwards to the center , and through its continuity it impedes the body , which it presseth , from entring into its own substance , and so forceth it to give way , which is the manner of squeezing . Now was this body weighty and contiguous only , then it would be uncapable of squeezing , but would rather press another substance into its own Pores . Through this squeezing vertue is water rendred capable of collecting her own parts , by making Groves into the earth , especially being thereunto impelled by the divine Architect . But possibly you may object , that water cannot squeeze or press the earth , because the earth is weightier then it . I answer , that earth is weightier then water ( caeter is paribus ) supposing that neither is obstructed , or violently ( as it were ) detained : for instance , imagining that the mass of earth , and of water were each of them placed in Scales , no doubt but earth would be heavier , and its parts make a greater impulse to the Center , because they are single in every minimum , and not continuated one to the other , and therefore one part doth not hinder the force of the other , but rather helpeth it : As for water , her impulse is lesser , because her parts are continuated one to the other , and so are a mutual hinderance to one another : This I prove , take an hour-glass and fill it with water , never a drop shall pass through the center-hole ; the reason is evident , because although its parts are weighty , yet their continuity hinders them from stilling through , and so one part naturally cleaving to the other , doth preclude the way ; but sand you see easily passeth , because it being weighty and contiguous only , the one part giveth way to the other , and impels the same through . Wherefore , I conclude , that ( all conditions being equal ) earth is heavier then water . But the one being violently detained , may prove weightier then the other , and so water is detained by earth ; for water is impeded from concentrating through the protuberance of the mass of earth , which therefore causeth a more forcible innixe in water upon the superficial parts of the earth . I prove it , water weigheth heavier upon the top of high mountains then in the lowermost Region of the Ayr , because there it is remoter from its center . 2. Water presseth more atop then underneath , because it is more remote from the center : this is apparent by mens experience in the water ; for if they suffer themselves to sink down , they feel the greatest force to press them from the supream parts of the water , but the lower they descend to the bottom , the less force they perceive . Also there are many things , as an Egge dropt out of the shell into the water in a Skillet , and others , go no deeper then half way to the bottom ; the reason is , because the superficial parts being most remote from the center , press more forcible then the parts under them . Men when they are drowned in the Sea , do not descend so low as to reach the ground , but so far only as the superficial parts of the Sea thrusteth them ; besides there is reason for this , a mans body , although alive , must needs be less weighty then the thick water at the bottom of the Sea. I do not speak of the Seas depth near shoars , but where it is of an ordinary profundity , as in the Ocean . Dissolve Salt into water , the middle parts shall be more saltish then the superficial parts for the same reason . Besides these experiments , the understanding affords also an argument to demonstrate the same : If the natural propension of water be concentration , then the further it is remote from its center , the more it must incline to it : But the natural propension of water is concentration , ergo . II. Since then it is yielded that water is violently detained and remote from its center , no wonder if it doth squeeze the extime parts of the earth , whereby the earth giveth way in rotundity , and is protruded either into longitude or latitude . Water having formed but a small dent into the earth , a greater quantity of water must needs depress thither , and so through a continuated force , bores a greater cavern into the earth , until at last it hath perduced into her a vast grove , whereinto the body of water did retire , and so constituted the Ocean . The earth being thus impacted by the waters , must of a necessity be protruded above some part of the waters ; and hereby was the earth disposed to germination of plants , she being now exposed to the celestial Influences , and moderately irrigated and foecundated by the remaines of the water . The Representation of the Chaos after its third Division . IV. Through this division was the earth in part detected , whereby ( as I said before ) it was rendred capable of germination , or protruding plants . God did also congregate the earth , and separated her body from heterogeneous Elements , yet not so , but that there remained still some small part of them . These heterogeneous Elements ( as I may call them for doctrines sake ) were coagulated into small bodies , of divers figures . These bodies were of a different size and proportion , according to Gods intent and purpose , for to effect various and divers kinds of mixt bodies . The different proportion was , that in some there was a greater quantity of fire , in others of ayr , &c. The coagulation of these small bodies , was a close and near compaction of the elements within one small compass . Through this compaction each element was pinched in , ( as it were ) which caused the same violent detention of each ( as you have read to be in water ) necessarily augmenting the force and activity of each element ; in fire it effected a heat , which is nothing else but a greater and condensed motion of the fire ; ( look below in the Chapt. of 2d Qualit . ) in ayr it agitated a thin swelling or bubling , which proceeds from a coarctation of the ayr , whereby it is constipated in its motion towards the circumference by water moving to the center . Water again is incitated to a stronger motion through the detention of ayr swelling up against its compression . The earth is no less compelled to require her natural place , the Center , then she is opposed by the fire . Were all these violent motions ( as it were ) equal in their elements being formed also in one figure , they might continue so for ever , like as if they were all surprized by a Catoche : but being coagulated in an unequal proportion and unlike figure , they break through one another in some progress of time , and being confused in various figures , they effect also protrusions of no less variety in figures . Observe that in these commistions the elements are confused in a contrary manner then they are placed without in their entire bodies . For here the fire against its nature ( as it were ) is constituted in the center , next the ayr , then earth , and water is outermost . There the earth is the center , next to it is water , &c. Herein appeares the wisdom and providence of Nature , which although casting the Elements into a fight , yet directs & terminates them into a most perfect friendship . These coagulated bodies are called seeds , which are multiplied according to the number of the kinds thence budding . Seeds understand in a large sense , as they denominate the Rudiments and first beginnings of all mixt bodies . Otherwise Seeds are strictly attributed to living Creatures alone ; as to Plants and Animals . Although Hearbs and Plants are alone nominated by Moses to be produced through this Division , yet the seeds of Minerals , and of their recrements ( as they erroneously term them ) and of Stones were also implied , since their Creation is no where else mentioned . CHAP. XIII . Of the Fourth , Fifth , Sixth , and Seventh Division of the Chaos . 1. An Enarration of the Effects of the fourth Division . That Nature created the first bodies of every Species the greatest , is instanced in Bees , Fishes and Fowl. That all Species are derived from one individuum . That Adam was the greatest man that ever was since the Creation . What those Giants were , which the Poets faigned . 2. How the Sun and Moon were created . That a Lioness is not more vigorous then a Lion. 3. How the Stars of the Firmament were created . 4. How the durable Clouds of the Ayr were created . 5. The Effects of the fifth Division . 6. The Effects of the sixth Division . 7. The Effects of the last Division . AS there was a coagulation of the waters and earth , so God did in the same manner through the fourth Division coagulate and further purifie the Elements of fire and ayr . This coagulation was of the heterogeneous Elements , namely of part of the adjoyned 16 parts of the peregrine Elements . These being congregated , did condense and unite a great portion of fire , which condensation , through a mixture of ayr , water and earth , constituted it into a flame . Earth giveth a body to fire , and staies its light parts ; ayr and water keep in the flame : Look below , where I have particularly illustrated the generation of a flame . 1. These coagulations consisted of parts differing variously in quantity ; some greater , others less . Nature did also observe a most exact order among them : to wit , she first coagulated one greatest body , afterwards some greater bodies , lastly , many little ones . I prove this , In all kinds there is one greatest , because there is the least ; for where there is a least , there must necessarily be a greatest . Among Bees there is one , which is the greatest ; and therefore he is the Leader and King of all the rest : Among Fowl , we see the same , namely that there is one greatest in each kind of them , which all the rest follow and fly about . In a multitude of Fishes , they all swim after and about one , which is the greatest among them , &c 2. The greatest of all kinds were created at the beginning of the world , because that being the Superlative degree , and therefore excelling the others , must have been created immediately by God , he creating immediately nothing , but what is the most excellent . Since that all beings have their rise and origine from one , it is necessary , that this one should be the greatest . That all beings derive their rise and original from one , is evident , in that all beings arised from the Chaos . 2. In their several kinds ; as in man , all men took their Original from one first man Adam . God proposes among the perfectest living creatures a pattern of all the rest , which is man : Now , he being multiplied through one , although not from one man , it is not improbable that all other Species of living creatures multiplied through one . 3. We read in the first Chap. That God did first create the moving Creatures , that is one of every kind ; for otherwise Moses would have written that God immediately and primarily had created two of every kind . In v. 20. Let the waters bring forth abundantly the moving creatures , and fowles . In v. 21. He plainly expresseth that God created every living creature that moveth , that is , one of every kind , as I said before . And in the 24th . Let the earth bring forth the living creature after his kind , not living creatures after their kind . And in the 29 v. Every Herb bearing Seed , not Herbs : So that this is not to be doubted of . You may object , that in the 24th . v. It is said , that God created great Whales ; ergo more then one . I deny the Consequence ; for Whales here denotes the plurality of Species of great Fishes , to wit , Porposes Dolphins , Whales , strictly so named , &c. not the plurality of Individua in every kind . 4. Nature is uniform , and not various in acting , ergo since she created the first man single , and out of him a woman , it is apparent , that she observed the same order and manner of creating every other perfect moving creature . You may object , that according to the Antecedence , which I offer as a Maxime , man should be created in the same manner as Beasts . I Answer , If you consider him only as a moving Creature , having a sensitive soul , he was ; but if as he is man , that is , Mens , sivo Substantia spiritualis & rationalis in corpus hominis vivens & sensitivum a Natura infusa ; a Mind , or a spiritual rational substance infused by God into a living and moving body : then no doubt but the action is various , since it is in diversa actionis specie . 5. God acteth by the fewest Meanes ; but one is fewer or less then more ; ergo . If then all beings are multiplied through one , then this one must necessarily be the greatest . I prove the Consequence . You are to apprehend , that man as he is an Animal is propagated in the same manner as other Animals . Being then propagated through one , that one must have been indued with the greatest and strongest vertue of propagation , because that wasting and weakning in progress of time could not be sufficient to last out a whole race : this greatest vertue must be assixed to a proportionate subject or body , which must then be the greatest body ; for the greatest vertue cannot be contained in a less subject then the greatest body : this is evident in a great flame , which must be maintained in a great place . 2. We may remember out of History , that the nearer men lived to the first man , the greater and stronger bodies they had ; the longer they lived ; the more numerous issue they had ; and the more generous , and the less exercised in wickedness , all which proceeded from a stronger vertue and a greater body . If so , then it is not improbale , that the first man , and all the first of other kinds of Animals were the greatest , for the same reason . Besides we read in Joshua 14. 15. That Arba ( in some Bibles written Adam ) was the greatest among the Anakims . Which most Interpreters judge to be spoken of the first man Adam . But possibly you may reply , that if Adam was the greatest man , he must have been thought to be a Giant , but a Giant is monstrous : wherefore Adam was not the greatest man. I deny the Minor ; for monstrous is that , which doth degenerate from the Species , so that it makes a difference between that which is adjudged to be a Monster , and the Species ; as the abundance or defect of parts , or a deformation in some or all parts , through which its Subject is rendered different from the Species , to which it was intended ; but a great , greater , or greatest man is no more a Monster then a little , less , or least man ; because there is no difference between either in number , form or figure of parts . 'T is true , Giants have been generally received for Monsters , but then they were differing from other men , in number and figure of parts ; as the Cyclopes , a great sort of people , faigned by the Poets to have had but one eye in the midst of their Forehead , and to be Vulcans Journeymen , employed in making weapons for Jupiter . Grandeur of body , if actuated by sufficiency of vigorous spirits , is a perfection denoting strength of all the animal and vegetative faculties , fitted for long life , and propagation , which therefore must not be detracted from the first of all kinds . II. Hence I may then safely infer , that in the Firmament the greatest part of the heterogeneous elements , and a great proportion of fire were coagulated into the greatest flame , which was the Sun. Out of the courser part of the Sun , God created another great body ; next to the greatest the greatest , which was the Moon . For as Earth , Waters , and Animals were defaecated by having other bodies formed out of their courser matter , so it was also in the Element of fire . This is most obvious in Animals , whose Female was formed out of the courser part of the Male , whereby it becometh more excellent and vigorous in all its actions . This may be contradicted , in that a Lioness is taken to be more vigorous and fierce then a Lion. I Answer , that this kind of sierceness and apparent vigour is in all Females , but it is not lasting , more a spurt and shew of vigour and fierceness , then real and durable . III. These two great flames did by their hourly motion produce other great ones , which again propagated ( as it were ) lesser , and thence little ones , which were those , by us now called Stars . But of these more particularly hereafter . IV. In the Ayr the like coagulation formed the thin Clouds consisting of a great part of Ayr , incrassated through a smaller quantity of water , and punctually divided by the same proportion of fire , balanced and incorporated with the least measure of earth . These Cloudes have their continual abode in the ayr , seldom vanishing . Their Colour is blewish , arising from its incrassation through water , and incorporation with earth : for the ayr of it self is so thin , that it is insufficient to unite a light , or cause reflection , but being reduced to a thicker consistence by the co-expansion of water with it , it becomes capable of uniting , reflecting and propagating a light ; now were there no Particle of earth affixt to this mixture , the colour would be transparent , lucid , or Chrystalline , But being somewhat obtenebrated through the density of earth , is changed into a light blew , or light Sky-colour . V. Thus did the great Arcess Nature make her process in the elaboration , purification and exaltation of the Elements ; neither was she yet arrived to her ultimate intention or end , but proceeded in her scope by a more arct and pure coagulation of parts in dividing the heterogeneous parts yet more from the body of water , and so knitting them together again . This was the fifth Division , whereby God divided the purest and subtilest part of the Elements before divided and coagulated from the course and impure parts , and promoted them to an arcter coagulation ; this was , as it were , a fourth rectification of the Elements . In the water the coagulated bodies through the vivification of the Planetary influences , became Fishes : In the Ayr Fowl. VI. The Sixth Division respected the Earth , out of whose more purified and rectified parts protruded to her superficial Region , Cattel and Beasts were animated by the same Influences . Lastly , By vertue of the Seventh Division Man was created , and formed out of the most exalted Quintessence of the purest coagulalation of Earth , animated through the Benigne vivifying Beams of the Sun , after which a ( Mens , sive Spiritus , sive Lux Rationalis ) a Mind , or a rational spirit , or Light was inspired or infused from God into this most sublime Tabernacle . The Representation of the Chaos after its latter Divisions . How a Creature is vivified and animated , I shall demonstrate in its proper place . Man again was further purified and defaecated by having a woman created out of his grosser and less digested Parts . CHAP. XIV . Of the Second and Third Absolute Qualities of the Elements . 1. What is understood by Second Qualities . 2. What the Second quality of Earth is . 3. Aristotle's Definition of Density rejected . 4. The Opinions of Philosophers touching the Nature of Density . 5. The forementioned Opinions confuted . 6. The Description of Indivisibles according to Democritus disproved . That all Figures are divisible excepting a Circular Minimum . That Strength united proveth strongest in a round Figure : and why . 7. What the Second Quality of Fire is . Cardan , Averrhoes , Zimara , Aristotle , Tolet , and Zabarel their Opinions touching the Nature of Rarity confuted . 8. The Second Quality of Water . Aristotle , Joh. Grammat . Tolet , Zabarel and Barthol . their sence of Thickness and Thinness disproved . 9. What the Second Quality of Ayr is . 10. What is intended by third , fourth or fifth Qualities . An Enumeration of the said Qualities . What Obtuseness , Acuteness , Asperity , Levor , Hardness , Rigidity , Softness , Solidity , Liquidity and Lentor are , and their kinds . 1. THe Second Qualities are those , which do immediately descend , or emanate from the first without any neerer interposing . Their Number is adequated to the Number of the first qualities , and therefore are only four : because an immediate and univocal cause cannot produce more immediate and univocal Effects then one . Second qualities proceed from the Elements either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Second qualities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or per se , are such as emanate primarily from the absolute forms of the Elements . Second qualities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or per accidens , emanate primarily from the respective forms of the Elements . In the Precedent Chapters hath been indistinctly treated of the first and second qualities united into one , as really they are , but they are tow , and distinct from each other ratione , because we conceive them distinctly , and apprehend one to be the cause of the other . The reason why I did then propose the first and second qualities as one form of the Elements , is , because there I handled them as they were really inherent in their Subjects . Here my purpose is to describe them as they are successively apprehended by us one after the other . II. The first quality , power , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the earth is gravity with contiguity : the second or next quality emanating nearest thence is density ; for conceiving a thing to be weighty and contiguous in its parts , that , which we apprehend next , is density ; for if a thing is weighty , or pressing to the Center , and its parts contiguous , it cannot but be pressed very close , since its parts are contiguous whereby they give and make way to and for one another ; which closeness of parts emanating from a contiguous weight is called density . III. Aristotle describes Density to be that , whereby a substance containes much matter in small dimensions . I cannot well guess what he cals much matter ; whether he means much matter only without the intention of its form , or much matter with much of its form . The first is not possible ; for whenever matter is augmented , its form is alwaies intended with it ; and likewise the diminution of matter attendeth the remission of its form , which is evident in fire ; cast more fewel to it , and its first quality will also be intended . If he implies the last , where then consists the difference between Density and Rarity ? For dense bodies contain no more matter then rare ones ; for each their matter is adequately extended to the extension of their form . Doth a Lump of earth contain more matter then a tract of ayr of the same proportion ? No certainly , for there is as much matter in that proportion of ayr , as there is in the same of earth . Matter is that , whereout a thing is made ; but there is as much of that , whereout the ayr is made , in the ayr in the same extent of place , as there is in earth , whereout that is made . But answer me , whereby will you know , what hath much matter in a little place or dimension , and what hath little matter in a great place ? You will say , by its weight : So that whatever is weighty , that containes more matter then that which is light . Why shall a body be said to have more matter from its gravity , then another from its Levity ? Or why shall a light body have but little matter , and a weighty one much ? If a weighty body hath more matter , because it is weighty ; then it is more a body then a light body , but that is absurd . By more matter , I mean magis materia . But you answer your meaning to be major materia ; neither that ; for as I said before , the least particle of ayr hath as much , whereout it is made , as the least particle of earth : It is true , it hath not so much weight ; for it hath none , but weight is not the matter of a thing , but its form ; how then can a weighty thing be said to have much matter , because of its weight ? Wherefore let me tell you , that density doth not derive from the matter of a thing , but from its form , and that it is not the Modus solius materiae , but totius . The same may be urged against the Paripatetick Definition of Rarity , which is , whereby a body containeth little matter under great dimensions . The matter , which is to be contained under great or little dimensions , must be of that quantity as to fill its place , which rare and dense bodies do equally under the same proportion . But doubtless these Definitions cannot be defended , unless they be likewise free to defend a penetration of bodies . IV. We find a very dense contest among Philosophers about the manner of condensation and rarefaction . 1. Scotus in 4. Distinct 22. Quaest. 4. opiniates , that there are new parts of quantity produced in rarefaction , and other old ones corrupted . 2. Marsilius in his Metaph. Quest. 9. Art. 2. asserteth , that in rarefaction and condensation the whole or entire old quantity is corrupted . 3. Others to salve their Doctrine of Condensation and Rarefaction , are constrained to affirm a penetration of quantity , which they say , may naturally happen , provided it be not of all , but of some parts only . 4. Hurtado , Phys. Disput. 15. Sect. 5. Subject . 4. laies down a Principle invented by his Master , which according to his Judgment proveth an Expedient to expound the nature of Rarity and Density . There are ( saith he ) certain indivisibles contained in bodies , through the inflation or puffing up of which , bodies do acquire a greater or less place . But to avoid all inconveniences , they allow these indivisible points not to be formally only , but virtually also divisible and extensible according to place and force impelled upon them . To this Opinion doth Arriaga also subscribe , Disp. 16. Sect. 9. 5. The J●suits of Conimbrica , Lib. 1. Cap. 5. q. 17. Art. 1. state , that Rarity and Density are consistent in a certain quality , inherent in quantity , through which that quantity is contracted or extended to a greater or less space . In fine , after a long sweat , they are forced to confess ingenuously with Hurtado , that this difficulty is not to be cleared . V. The subtil Doctor runs far beyond his Byas in admitting a natural corruption in parts , and that happening almost every moment ; wherefore he is rejected by all in this particular . What the Assertors of the third Opinion have stiffely affirmed in their whole Philosophy , that they are now reduced to deny , and exposed to a probation of a penetration of quantity : which if a quantity is consistent of potential parts only , and indivisible into indivisibilities , then no question , but it will go for them ; for then it remains indisputable , that in a Line the points do all penetrate one another , and consequently must consist out of infinite potential parts . Hurtado and Arriaga do now yield to actual formal indivisibles , but yet virtually divisible : How an indivisible can be inflated , they do omit the illustration . This is most certain , that contiguous indivisibles are inextensible , and therefore may not be inflated . 2. This Inflation is violent , but there are many bodies naturally dense , as the earth , and therefore inflation being violent , is not a means tending to addensation . Besides , they pass by to express their meaning of Indivisibles , whether such as Zeno and Democritus teached , or others . VI. If they side with Democritus , they fall into a greater Errour ; for his Indivisibles were , 1. Infinite . 2. Fluctuating in a void place . 3. Of various Figures . All three most notorious contradictions : For can a thing be infinite , and yet be terminated with Figures ; a plain Contradiction . 2. Can finite bodies be produced out of infinite material Causes ? If material causes are infinite , the body constituted by them must also be infinite . Wherefore another Contradiction . 3. There is no real vacuum , but an imaginary one . 4. Can a thing be indivisible , and yet be under various figures ? There is no figure indivisible , but a round Minimum ; because all its parts are fallen equally so close to the Center , that they escape a real division thereby , although not a mental one ; but other figures , as Triangles , must of necessity be devisible ; because all figures are made out of a Circle or Rotundity , for take away the Angles of a Triangle , Quadrangle , &c. and there remaines a Circle . The reason why a round Minimum escapes division is , because there is nothing sticking out , whereupon an extrinsick Agent can take hold , because its extream imaginary parts are strongest in being equally united to the Center ; and therefore one imaginary part is so strengthned by the other , & fastened to the other , that any real division is impossible upon them ; but a triangular , or any other angular figure is divisible , because its real parts are unequally allied to the Center , whence there ariseth a strong opposition in one respect , and yet a small resistance in another ; for the angles do receive the force of an extrinsick Agent , but a round minimum shoves it off , and so makes but little resistance , and yet a great opposition ; we see that a small round Bullet shall pass where a great angular body shall not , although impelled with the same force , and do consist of the same matter : the reason is , because in a round figure there is less resistance , and the opposition is the greater , because of the union of parts . I have oft thought upon the intention of that ordinary Saying , Vis unita est fortior : Strength united is made stronger . This holds good only in a round figure ; for therein force is most united ; for all its parts are equally allied to the Center , and every part helpeth the other , and makes no resistance , but great opposition . This appears in your round short-arst Fellowes , who shall carry a greater burden , then the biggest and tallest men . I do remember that I have seen at a Sea-Village called Scheeveling in the Low-Countries , a dozen men or fewer , remove and carry a Pink of no very small burden , upon their backs from the shore into the Sea. Their strength was very improportionable to move so great a body , but the placing of themselves in a round Figure , did soon square their force to the Bulk . Three of them were placed before at one side of the bowes , three on the other side , three more on each side of the Ship , and so those twelve moved with their backs one against the other circularly , not thrusting the Ship forward or from them , for then they could not have done it ; but every man moved circularly to the Center , and against the force of his Diametrical opposite , and so lifted the fore parts of the Ship up upon their backs , which being a little raised from the ground , fell or moved forward through her own declining weight . Touching the men themselves , each of them put himself into a circular posture , applying his back against the Ship , resting his hands and arms upon his Knee , and inclining his Head and Neck towards his Breast . But this by the way . The Conimbricenses endeavour to help the matter by shifting it off to a quality inherent in quantity . Indeed I had alwaies apprehended a quality according to the Peripateticks , to have inhered in a substance , and not in quantity ; for it is absurd to assert in their Philosophy , that one Accident inheres in the other . Nevertheless they intend Matter by Quantity ; wherefore by the way you may observe , that nolentes volentes , they cannot apprehend any thing by Matter but quantity , as I have proved before . Further , to patch the cause of Density upon Quality , is a blind shifting ; for Quality is so remote a name , and there are so many qualities , that unless they indigitate to a particular sensible quality , they effect little . Their vain Groapings , Guessings and Ignorances depend upon the Cloud , which they leave upon the nature of Density and Rarity ; for did they but study the true Definition of either , it would not a little contribute to their Information . In the first place , They imagine Density to be a violent quality , whereas you see it is natural . 2. They make no distinction between Density & Thickness ; for Thickness doth in the same sense ( although improperly ) contain much matter in little Dimensions , & notwithstanding they are different : & so doth Thinness contain little matter under great Dimensions , as improperly as Rarity ; Wherein is Rarity then distinct from Thinness ? nevertheless do Authors affirm that many thin bodies are dense . The same is attested by Cardan . How then can the above-given Definition stand good ? A thing shall then contain at once much matter in small dimensions , and little matter in great dimensions , ergo a thing is thin and thick , rare , and dense at once . No question it is also an erroneous Assertion , that some thin bodies are essentially dense , or that any thick bodies are essentially rare ; neither is Tenuity or Crassitude the cause of Density ( as Scaliger doth well infer in his 283 Exerc. ) but a contiguous Gravity . VII . The first power or Form of Fire is Levity with Contiguity . The Second next slowing thence is Rarity , which is an expansion or diduction of a body that is light with Contiguity . This followeth Levity with Contiguity , because a thing which is contiguously light cannot but be diducted . Scaliger doth justly except against Cardan in Exerc. 4. You say that the reason or manner of a rare and dense body is taken from the multitude or paucity of matter . Moreover it is not the multitude , or paucity of Matter makes Density or Rarity , neither doth Density cause the multitude of matter , or Rarity the paucity of it . The Demonstration is the same for both ; because the same body may be rarified or condensed without the encrease or decrease of Matter . Averrhoes , Lib. 4. Phys. Comment . 84. doth hesitate very much in this Particular , as appeares by his contradictory affirmations ; for in that place he asserts , that Rarity and Density are contraries in quantity : Again in the next following Comment . he saith , that Rarity and Density are not of the essence of quantity . In Lib. 7. Phys. Com. 15. he affirms , Rarity and Density to be qualities : but in Lib. 1. Metaph. Com. 15. he refers them to the Predicament of Situs : and Lib. 8. Phys. Com. 77. he saith , that Rarefaction and Condensation are Local Motions . Zimara doth labour to draw all these various Dictates of Averrhoes to a good sense . When he seemed to place them in the Category of Situs ( saith he ) his intention was only to relate the Opinion of other men . In saying that Rarefaction and Condensation were in the Predicament of quantity , he meant that quantity did consecute them , but not formally ; for a greater quantity doth follow Rarity , and thence the possession of a greater place : wherefore Rarefaction is primarily and essentially an alteration , and a motion to quality , but secondarily and by consequence it is to a greater quantity , and a larger place . Tolet. Lib. 4. Phys. Cap. 9. Text 84. tels us the Opinion of Aristotle upon this intricate Point . He expounds his Judgment upon Rarefaction , which ( in short ) implies , Rarity and Density to be two contrary qualities , educed out of the power of matter , as others also are ; for when a thing is condensed or rarified , that doth not happen properly , because something is expelled , or something doth enter , or because the parts are conjoyned among themselves , or are separated by reason of a ( vacuum ) voidness ; but because such a quality , Rarity , or Density is educed out of the power of matter , so as that its Subject should be changed ; as when it is made hot or cold : for the Ancients said , that no part of a thing was changed in Rarefaction or Addensation , but that its parts came only somewhat nearer , or were removed from between themselves . However Aristotles Dictates contain nothing of this : but when a thing is rarefied or condensed , the whole and the parts too are changed by an accidental mutation , in receiving a quality educed out of the power of matter ; which is apparent , because in a rare body every part is rare ; which if Rarity hapned only through the separation of parts among themselves , the parts doubtless would remain dense , which is false , as appeares in things that are rare , and most in the Elements . A great deal ado about nothing . That which through it self is most obvious , they involve into obstruseness through their Cavils . Whether Averrhoes intended his words in that meaning , as Zimara comments , or not , ( which is more probable , because he doth not give the least hint of an indirect sense of his words , and therefore they are to be understood in their direct intention : As for Zimara his reconciliation , that alledging no reason , and since the same might be guessed of his words , although he had purposed them for a contrary signification , it doth not merit any acceptance ) is not material , either promising no truth or evidence . Tolet. rejects the Judgment of the Ancients upon this Particular , but hath not the ingenuity to add Reasons , to consute them , only from an inbred School-bending to Aristotle , saith as he is told . He declares then with the Philosopher , that in Rarefaction and Addensation the whole and parts are changed by an accidental mutation in receiving a quality educed out of matter , because in a rare body every part is rare . In the first place , his Reason is weak ; for in a rare body every part is not rare , as appeares in the ayr , which they term to be rare ; wherein many dense parts , as black Clouds , are contained , nevertheless the whole Body is called Ayr a majori . 2. Supposing that every part of the whole is rare , he infers nothing , but that every part , or the whole is rare , which is idem per idem . 2. If Rarity ( saith he ) were caused through separation of parts among themselves , the parts would remain dense . It seems by Rarity and Density he apprehends nothing else but the diminution or augmentation of quantity ; for in the same Comment . he writes thus , You must note that to be made little out of great is to be condensed , and out of little great to be rarified . Here he contradicts himself ; before he stated them qualities , now they are changed into quantities . But to his Reason . 'T is true ( as he saith ) if Rarity were caused through separation of parts in a mean body among themselves , the parts would remain dense , supposing that the light parts were separated from it . But supposing the dense parts of a mean ( that is equally consistent of dense and rare parts ) body , the remaining parts would be rare . 2. A dense body is not rarefied through any separation of its parts , or inflation of its minima's , but by the adjoyning of light and rare parts to it . I wonder what accidental change it is he means ; it must be either to quantity , and then it is the same with augmentation and diminution ; or to quality , and then it is an alteration , or a locomotive quality : but he mentions none . Supposing it to be a quality , the question is , whether this doth arise in that subject with the adherence to its primitive matter of the extrinsick Agent , or whether it doth migrate out of its own subject into another . It is not the latter ; for I have proved in my Dispute of Powers , that an Accident doth not migrate out of one Subject into another . If the first , then it is by the entring of another body between the parts that are separated , and what body is that but fire ? It is that , which through its contiguous lightness doth render a dense body rare , and so condensation is by expelling the light parts , or admitting more parts of a dense body , as of earth , which doth condensate through its contiguous gravity . Wherefore we are not forced to grant a vacuum in Rarefaction , because a body is rarefied through the supplying of the supposed voyd spaces by the presence of fire . Neither need we to assert a penetration of bodies in Condensation , since that those parts , which are supposed to be penetrated into the substance of others , are expelled . It is not then , as Tolet writes , that rarefaction is become great out of little without the apposition or detraction of a new Substance ; for were it so , then of a necessity there must be allowed a penetration of bodies in condensation , and a vacuum in Rarefaction : wherefore Scaliger saith well in his 4th . Exerc. That there can be no addensation or rarefaction ( although Rarity and Density are really in them ) in any single body . Ergo dum inter unum minimum naturale ignis puri , & minima continua circumsita nullum medium corpus intercedat , quonam igitur modo queunt esse propius ant longinquius sine intervallo , mutuave cor porum penetratione ? Wherefore since between one natural minimum of pure fire , & the surrounding continuated minima's ( which are the minima's of the ayr ) there is no middle body interposed , how then can they be nearer or further without an interval or mutual penetration of bodies ? The reason ( as I said before ) is , because without the adjunction of another body to a single one , there is no rarefaction or condensation . Observe by the way , that many of the Parepateticks make a two-fold rarity in bodies . The one they confound with a thinness , as you may read in Arist. Lab. 2. de part . Anim. Cap. 1. And Grammat . Lib. 2. de ortu & inter . Context . 8. This they refer to the Category of Quality , and doth consecute heat . The other , which is the more frequent and proper acception of Rarity ( as they say ) is , which doth not consist in a Tenuity of a substance , but in the distance of parts between one another , and so they call a sponge rare , because it hath parts distant from one another through an interposed space , not really void , which containes no body , but is filled with another thin and insensible body ; as in a Sponge , whose parts are called void , wherein notwithstanding ayr is contained . This kind of Rarity they refer to the Category of Situs . I take them in this last Acception , and demand , whether it is not the ayr , which causes that situation and distance of parts ? For the Sponge is condensed , through expressing the ayr by compression of the Sponge : If so , then it is not a single quality educed out of the power of matter , but the entring of the ayr into its pores , which doth rarifie ( as they term it ) the Sponge . Zabarel , Lib. de Calore Coelest . Cap. 3. attributes Rarity to the causality of heat , and density to Coldness . But before he had proposed an Objection , which was , that heat is produced by rarefaction and attrition : To this he strives to answer below , but finding he could not go through with it , recants , and states , That in the Elements , as they are simple , their heat doth produce Rarity , and so doth Rarity reciprocally produce heat . An absurdity , to affirm the effect to be the cause of its cause , and the cause to be the effect of it self . 2. Heat is not the cause of Rarity , because fire is the rarest of all in its own Region , and yet , as they confess , fire is not hot in its own Seat. VIII . The first quality of water is gravity with continuity : the second emanating thence is Crassitude , which is a thick consistence , exporrected through all its dimensions . You will grant me , that Crassitude proceeds from an arct and near union of parts , or from a close compression of the said parts . This compression and union derives from gravity ; this gravity being continuous , doth necessarily cause a crassitude ; for were it contiguous , it would effect a density . There is nothing , unless it be water , or waterish bodies , that is thick , as Oyles , Gums , Rozzens , fat , Tallow , are all waterish so far at they are thick , yet not without the admistion of most Ayr , Ice , Chrystal , Diamonds , and most Precious stones are waterish , and therefore thick . Choler , Pepper , the Stars , &c. are rare , because they are fiery , that is , participate more of fire , then of any other Element . Flies , Cobwebs , Clouds . &c. are thin , because they are ayery . All earthy bodies are dense ; as Minerals , Stones , &c. Now as it is necessary , that all the Elements should meet in every body , so it is necessary , that there should concomitate Rarity , Density , Tenuity and Crassitude in each mixt body . Wherefore do not think it strange that thinness and thickness should be in one body , although they are counted contraries among Authors . I cannot but admire that all Philosopers to this very day should have confounded the signification of these words , thick , dense , thin , rare , naming thick bodies dense , thin ones rare , and so reciprocally , as if they were one , whereas there is a great distinction between them . Aristotle , Johan . Grammat . Tolet , Zabarel , and many others take thinness and rarity to be the same , as also thickness and density ; whereas you may now evidently know , that they are altogether distinct , and wherein they are so . It is erroneous to say , that water is dense , or fire thick , ayr rare , &c. but water is alone thick , ayr thin , earth dense , and fire rare . Bartholin . Lib. 1. Phys. Cap. 5. defines Thickness by an adulterine cause : Thickness ( saith he ) is thought to derive from coldness and density . And a little before he described Density to be derived from coldness and thickness . Mark his thick dulness in asserting thickness to be the cause of density , and density of thickness . The cause must be prior causato natura saltem , but here neither is prior . He makes a difference in their names , but in re he concludes them to be one . IX . The first quality of Ayr is Levity with Continuity ; its second is Tenuity , which is a thin consistence of a substance ; wherefore Thinness and Thickness are ( as it were ) modi consistentiae . Heat is not the cause of tenuity in ayr , because heat is accidental to Ayr , and tenuity is essential , or at least co-essential ; but that , which is accidental and extrinsick , cannot be the cause of that , which is essential and intrinsick . The next effect we can imagine to emanate from lightness with continuity , or the greatest diduction , and yet remaining continuated , must needs be Tenuity . Besides these , there are some more qualities restant ; as Obtuseness and Acuteness , Asperity and Levor , Solidity and Liquidity , Softness and Hardness , Lentor and Friability . It is a mistake in Authors to derive the Original of these Qualities from the Elements , as they constitute a mixt body , and thence to term them Qualities of a mixt body . To the contrary , they do emanate from the Elements as they are conceived in their absolute form , as hath been proved . These Qualities you may nominate third , fourth , and fifth , according as the understanding doth apprehend the one to be before the other in Nature , although not in Time. The third qualities of the Elements are Obtuseness , Acuteness , &c. I prove it : because we apprehend them next to the second qualities ; for the understanding , in discerning these sensible qualities , is lead by the Senses as its Pilots ; now our tact or feeling being the first in esse & operari , is also imployed in distinguishing those first , second and third Qualities : and for that reason they are all called tactible or tangible qualities . The first action made by any of the Elements upon the tact is local motion , as Gravity and Levity : for feeling any Element , its weight or lightness would be the First thing we should perceive : the next would be its rarity or density . The third , acuteness or hebetude : the fourth , asperity or levor , the fifth , hardness or softness ; the sixth , solidity or liquidity ; the seventh , lentor or friability . There is a twofold Acuteness formally differing from one another : 1. An Acuteness deriving from Density . 2. An Acuteness emanating from Rarity . Acuteness is a quality whereby our tact is most divided . Obtuseness is a quality whereby our tact is least divided . Acuteness is in Fire and Earth , but in a different manner . Acuteness in fire is a rare acuteness , whereby it most divideth our tact , through its parts being contiguously diducted , or spread from the Center . The acuteness inherent in earth is a dense acuteness , whereby it divides our tact through a dense acuteness , or minima's moving through their pressing weight to the Center . Obtuseness is a quality following crassitude and tenuity , whereby its subject compresseth our tact : or divideth it less or least and in longer time . Obtuseness in ayr is a quality immediately produced by its tenuity and continuous Expansion ; for were it contiguous , it would be acute , but being continuous , one part hindreth the other from penetrating or dividing any objected body ; And so its parts acting together and equally , they effect a compression . This compression or obtuseness in the ayr is thin and subtil , and more potent then that in water , because it resisteth less , and therefore is also less opposed , and through its subtility is capable of making stronger opposition . Obtuseness in water issueth out of a thick quality , or from its continuous depressing vertue . This Obtuseness , and that in ayr , as also acuteness in fire and earth , are altogether different ( as I said before ) but through the narrowness of the Language , I am compelled to attribute each to two several beings , adding some notes of Distinction . The same understand of all the other derived Qualities . Asperity is a quality immediately consecuting Acuteness ; and Levor is a quality emanating from Hebetude or Obtuseness . Asperity ( more plainly ) is an inequality or roughness in the surface of a body ; this , experience , tels us , proceedeth from a sharpness or Acuteness . Levor is an equality of the Surface descending from Hebetude , or a continuous pressure or diduction . Asperity in fire is a rare , diffusing and vibrating asperity : that in earth is a dense , heavy contracting asperity . I prove it , our feeling certifieth us that fire is a rare , diffusing and vibrating roughness ; and so feeling earth , we feel a dense , heavy and contracting roughness . From a contiguous and dense Asperity spreades hardness : which is a quality , where by its subject is difficulty pressed down into it self . So thin Levor begetteth softness , which is a quality , whereby its subject easily giveth way into it self to pressure . Hardness in earth may properly be termed Rigidity , or a rugged hardness , because the earth doth only of all the Elements possess its center , and therefore cannot introcede into it self . That Rigidity is caused by Asperity , its ordinary Definition among Physitians doth testifie : Rigidity ( say they ) is a hardness with Asperity , or a roughness , that is from asperity . From a continuous and thick Obtuseness derives a smooth hardness , such as is conceived in Chrystal or Ice , and is alone proper to water . Softness in fire being unequal or rough , is , whereby it giveth way towards its Circumference , if pressed from without . Softness in ayr being equal and smooth , is , whereby it giveth way towards its Circumference , if pressed from without . Solidity is an effect of hardness , through which a body is consistent , that is , uncapable of flowing ; So water is a smooth solid body , because of its peculiar hardness : and earth is a rugged solid body , likewise because of its proper hardness . Liquidity is an effect of Softness , whereby a body is apt to flow , or to be diducted . In Fire it is rare and acute ; in Ayr thin and obtuse . Solidity produceth Friability , which is a quality , whereby its parts are separable From one another in minute particles ; wherefore since Solidity cannot give way by flowing , it giveth way through Friability . Lentor is a quality produced by Liquidity , and is , whereby a body is rendered deductible by reason of its continuity of Parts . We may otherwise apprehend these qualities to differ from one another secundum magis & minus thus ; Asperity is a greater Acuteness of parts : Hardness is a greater Asperity , or thick Levor : Solidity is a greater Hardness : Levor is a greater Obtuseness : Softness is a greater thin Levor : Liquidity is a greater Softness . CHAP. XV. Of the Respective Qualities of the Elements ; particularly of Fire , Earth , and Water . 1. What is meant by the Respective Qualities of the Elements . Why they are termed Second Qualities . 2. That heat is the second respective or accidental quality of fire . That fire is not burning hot within its own Region . That fire doth not burn unless it flames , is proved by an Experiment through Aq. fort . 3. That heat in fire is violently produced . The manner of the production of a Flame . What it is which we call hot , warm , or burning . How fire dissolves and consumes a body into Ashes . 4. That Heat is nothing else but a Multiplication , Condensation and Retention of the parts of fire . The degrees of Heat in fire , and how it cometh to be warm , hot , scorching hot , blistering hot , burning hot , and consuming hot . 5. A way how to try the force of fire by Scales . Why fire doth not alwaies feel hot in the Ayr. 6. Plato and Scaliger their Opinion touching heat . 7. The Parepatetick Description of Heat rejected . How fire separateth Silver from Gold , and Lead from Silver . 8. What the second respective quality of Earth is . What Cold is . The manner of operation of Cold upon our Tact. 9. The second respective quality of Water . That water cooles differently from Earth . 10. Aristotle and Zabarel their wavering Opinions touching Cold. That Earth is the primum frigidum . 1. THe . Respective Qualities of the Elements are such , as do consecute the congress of the same Elements : They are called Qualities per accidens , in respect they are supposed to befall them after their production in their absolute Form. They are withal termed Second Qualities , because they are produced by the First Qualities of the Elements in their congress . II. The Second Accidental Quality emanating from fire in its concurse to mixture is Heat . The manner of production of heat is accidental and violent : That it is accidental , is evident , because fire in its own Region ( as the Parepateticks themselves allow ) is seated beyond all degrees of heat , or at least doth not burn . It doth not burn , because it flames not ; for nothing doth burn unless it is exalted to a flame , or contains a flame within it self . A red hot Iron burneth no longer , then the flame of the fire lodgeth within its pores : nay it doth not so much as effect warmth , unless the fire , that is contained within its pores , flames a little ; but this flame is so lit●le , that it fleeth the eye-sight . If a red hot Iron burneth strongly , because it containes a great flame , and the same Iron burneth less and less , as the fire flaming diminisheth , it is a certain sign , that where its flame is extinguisht , its heat is vanished with it . Again , none ever doubted , but that in a flaming Torch there is an actual burning fire : Now tell me , when the flame is ready to go out , whither that fire goeth . Your Answer must be , that it is dispersed through the Ayr ; but then the fire being dispersed through the ayr is no more hot ; no , not warm , because it doth not flame : wherefore fire naturally and per se is not hot . I ask you again , whether there is not fire contained in Aqua fortis ? You will answer me affirmatively ; But then , doth this fire burn ? No , it doth not so much as warm your hand through a Glass . If you make the fire in the Aqua fortis flame , you will find that it shall not only warm , but also burn your hand . Powre Aqua fortis upon any Mettal , as upon the Filings of Brass , contained in a precipitating Glass , you will soon see it change into a flame , smoak , and burning heat through the Glass . That it flames , the light , which appeares within the Glass , testifieth . Possibly you may object , that Aqua fortis if powred upon cloath or your hand , will burn , and yet not flame . To this I answer , That Cloath through the subtility of its haires doth open the body of Aqua fortis , which being opened , the fire cometh forth , and it withheld by a thickned ayr adhering to the Cloath , which causeth a subtil flame , yet seldom visible , although sometimes there appeares a Glance . The like is effected by powring it upon your hand , and then we say , it doth enflame the hand , because there appeares a subtil flame : Wherefore Physitians say well , such a part is enflamed , when it burnes , because there is no burning heat without a flame . Nevertheless the fire contained within a mixt body may burn , and yet its heat may not be sensible , but then its flame is withal imperceptible : The reason is , because the thickness and density of the circumjacent Elements do hinder the penetration of heat out of that body , as also of its light . III. It is violent , by reason its production is depending upon an extrinsick and violent detention . The manner of it is thus : Fire being violently concentrated in a mixture , striveth to pass the Pores of the earth , which it doth with little difficulty ; but being arrived to a thick ayr , the fire is there detained by it , notwithstanding do the other parts yet remaining within the Pores of the earth continually and successively follow one another , and being all united and condensed ( which is violent to the fire ) they make a greater force ( for strength united is made stronger ) whereby they dilate and expand the incrassated Ayr ; this Dilatation and expansion of the Ayr by fire condensed within its belly or bladder , is that , which we call a Flame . Now how fire begetteth heat , and becometh burning , I shall instantly explain . First let me tell you what heat is . You know that we name all things according to their natures , which they manifest to us in affecting our senses : So we call that a Sound , which affecteth our Eares , and according as it doth divide our auditory spirits and nerves , we nominate it harsh or shrill , &c. Even so we name a thing hot , when it doth in a certain manner divide our tangent spirits and Membrane ; or shorter , we say a thing is hot , when it feeles hot . When our spirits are a little shaked , or moved by small and loose Particles of flames , then it seemes to be warm ; but when our tangent parts are divided by dense and forcible Particles of fire , then we say , it burns ; so that it is only a division of our tangent parts by the dividing and penetrating parts of fire , which we call burning . This division is different from a cut or incision , which is made by a dense acute body , and therefore it separates the whole part ; but through the acuteness of fire , its ayry and waterish parts only are divided contiguously , because the fire is contiguous . Now the more the parts of fire are condensed , the stronger it penetrates , divides and consumes . The reason , why burning fire doth consume or dissolve a body into ashes , is , because it breakes through the ayry and waterish parts by its great force of contiguous lightness , which parts being discontinued and expelled , the earth is left alone , because the ayry and waterish parts were the gl●w of that body . Fire doth only break through the ayry and waterish parts , because they only do resist ( as it were ) the fire ; as for the earthy minims , they do not so much resist the fire , because being contiguous , they give way to its passing . IV. Secondly , That heat is nothing else but a multiplication , condensation , & detention of igneous parts , I prove also hence : Hold your hand at a certain distance to a fire , at the first application of your hand , you will feel no heat or warmth , but having held it there a little while , you shall begin to feel warmth , and continuing your hand somewhat longer at the same distance , you will feel heat : the reason is , because at your first application , the fire not yet being sufficiently detained or condensed by your hand , you felt no warmth , but after a certain condensation and gathering of the hot parts of the fire , it begins to move and stir the ayry parts contained within the pores of your hand , and after a further condensation , it makes force , and penetrates through the ayry parts of the hand . Hence when you feel a pricking pain , then you cry it burnes ; this pricking is nothing else , but the passing of the fire through the ayry parts , and dividing it in Points and Pricks . The reason , why it doth force so through your hand , is because the ayry parts of it doth condense the parts of the fire . So that according to the multiplication , condensation and detention of the fire , warmth becometh hot ; hot , scorching hot ; scorching hot , blistering hot ; blistering hot , burning , and burning hot becometh lastly to be consuming hot ; and these are all the degrees of condensation of fire . V. I shall not think my labour lost , if I propose a way , whereby to balance and know the force of fire , and to distinguish exactly what fire giveth the greatest heat . In my Road let me tell you , that balancing is a way , whereby to know and compute the force of a thing . The balancing of weighty bodies , as of earth , earthy and waterish bodies , they call weighing , because it is the trying of the force of weight , that is , how much stronger one thing moveth to the Center then another . Upon the same ground one may as justly term the balancing of light bodies , as of fire and ayr , lighting , which is the measuring of the force of bodies from the Center . * The Scales hung perpendicular over the Fire A. B The Scales inverted . D Flatness upon the gibbous side of the Scale for to place the weights upon . From what hath been discoursed upon a reason may be drawn , why fire , that is inherent in the ayr , is not sensibly warm ; namely , because it is not enough condensed through the ambient Ayr. VI. Now that you shall not conceit that what hath been proposed is altogether my own Notion , I will adduce the judgment of Plato upon this Particular , who although hitting right upon many things , yet they were soon dasht out by the Arrogance of the Peripateticks . In the first place ( saith he in Timaeo ) let us consider for what reason fire is said to be hot , which we shall soon come to know , if we do but observe the Division and separation made by it : That it is a certain sharpness and passion is manifest almost to all ; we must consider the subtility of its Angles , the thinness of its sides , the smalness of its Particles , the swiftness of its motion , through all which it is forcible and penetrating , and that which it doth swiftly meet , it alwaies divides and dissipates : considering also the generation of its figure , that dividing our bodies through no other nature , and dividing it in smal parts doth induce that passion , which is justly called Heat . Here you see Plato hath hinted right at many things appertaining to the Notion of Heat . He saith , heat is a passion , that is ( as I said before ) that , we call heat a certain sensation , induced by the division of fiery minims . 2. You may observe , that his opinion asserts heat to be a quality migrating out of fire into the body , which it heateth ; but that it heateth by dividing and penetrating through the diffusion of its small parts . Scaliger Exerc. 12. d. 3. maintains the heat , which is in red hot Copper , not to be a quality raised in it by the fire , but to be fire in substance contained and condensed between its Pores . Arist. Lib. 2. de gener . Cap. 2. describes heat to be that , which congregates such bodies , as are of one Genus : For ( saith he ) to segregate ( which is that which they say fire doth ) is to congregate congenited bodies , and such as are of the same Genus : for it is accidental that it removes strange bodies . His Followers propose the same in other words , viz. Heat is a quality , through which homgeneous bodies are congregated , and heterogeneous disgregated . I object against this , that fire is hot ; but fire doth through liquation mix Brass and Silver together , Grease and Oyl , Wine and Water , &c. But these are not bodies of one nature ; Wherefore fire doth not alwaies disgregate heterogeneous bodies . 2. The heat of a Potters Oven congregateth Ayr , Water and Earth together ; but Ayr , Water and Earth are heterogeneous Bodies ; Ergo. 3. If heat congregates homogeneous Bodies , then the hotter a thing is , the more it must congregate homogeneous Bodies : but the Consequence is false , and therefore the Antecedence is false also . The falsity of the Consequence appeares hence , that if the body of man be hotter then its temperamentum ad justitiam requires , then it gathers and breeds heterogeneous humors in the Bloud , as Choler , and adust Melancholy . 4. The heat of the Sun raises mud and other heterogeneous bodies in the bottom of waters , and causeth them to congregate and unite with the body of the same waters . 5. Some of his Sectators demonstrate the reality of this effect of fire , in that it congregates Gold through liquation , and so separates Silver and other Metals from it . To this I answer , that the same heat having exactly mixed them before , can as well , if intended , re-unite them again , as it hath separated them . Neither is this separation any other but per accidens , although the union is per se. I prove it , It is true , at the first melting there is a kind of Separation of Silver from Gold , and of Lead from Silver : but this befalleth accidentally only ; for the Silver is separated from Gold , and Silver from Lead , because Silver being melted before Gold , and Lead before Silver , and the Gold remaining as yet unmelted , and silver also after the Liquation of Lead , they must of necessity sink down through the first melted parts of Silver and Lead , as being yet unmelted : for Silver , which is contained within the body of Gold , will be melted and attenuated within its body , before the Gold it self is scarce mollified , whose parts being now mollified , through their dense weight squeeze the Silver out of their Pores . Wherefore this separation is effected by the fire per accidens ; but augment your heat to such a degree as to melt your Gold , then cast some more Silver to it , and see whether they will not mix . I believe you will find it so . Lastly , This is not a Description of heat , but the mentioning of one of its Effects ; for heat formally is another thing . VII . The Second quality per Accidens of earth is , a punctual violent compression to the Center . As the earth doth meet the fire in its first quality , so it doth also in its second . Earth when it is violently detained from its Center , it doth punctually compress that body , which doth detain it , towards its Center . If you take up a handful of Sand from the ground , doth it not compress your hand downwards ? Likewise the pressing downwards in all bodies proceeds from the detention of earth in their bodies . Observe ; cast earth upon earth and it will hardly compress its parts any more then it was compressed before ; but a stone , or other mixt heavy body lying upon the ground presseth a hole into the ground ; yet if as much more earth , as there is contained in such a stone , were cast upon the same place , it would not make any sensible cavity or Impression : the reason is , because in a stone or mixt body the earth is violently detained , and therefore useth the greater force or compression to the Center : but earth being in its natural seat doth not . This quality may be called coldness , supposing it to be a passion wrought upon the tact by the earth punctually pressing to the Center : In this sense coldness is an absolute quality ; in another it may be taken for a privation of heat , because it seizeth upon the tact only in the absence of heat . According to the former sense doth the Poet elegantly explain the nature of Cold. — Nam penetrabile frigus adurit . For the penetrating cold doth burn . By penetrating , its compression is intended . That the cold is penetrating and pressing , none that ever hath been in Greenland will deny , wherefore in that it is an absolute quality . In the latter sense it may be taken for a privation : for it is the absence of heat , which effecteth Coldness , yet not per se , but per accidens , because as long as the heat is in a body , it doth through its motion ad extra , balance and temper the motion of cold ad iutra ; but the heat being departed , then coldness doth through its compression punctually divide the continuous parts of the body , as the ayry and waterish parts of it , and so coldness is reduced to action through the defect of heat to balance it . This we are sensible of in the Winter , at which time there being a detraction of the ambient heat , the earthy parts contained in the Ayr , do then through their weight press down upon us , and being arrived to our skin , they repel the heat , which being repelled , they joyn with the earthy parts of our Body , and so cause a greater punctual compression ; whence we soon feel a dense acuteness , thence an asperity , and thence a hardness or rigidity . When again we approach the fire , then its heat joynes with our internal heat , and expelling the extrinsick cold parts , it doth force the intrinsick ones back to the Circumference , and so we grow hot again . VIII . There is also a Compression observeable in water , but much different from that caused by earth , water compressing the tact with a continuation , and not punctually , and therefore the compression made by water is equal , thick and obtuse ; whence it is , that when we have newly washt our hands with cold water , we feel a thick levor upon them , caused by the continuous pressure of the water . The division , which produceth this cold passion in our tact , is not by separating or disjoyning its continuous parts , but by squeezing the Ayr contained within its pores , which being squeezed , impelleth also the fiery spirits seated about these Pores ; from which impulsion we feel a punctual and acute division , so that the passion raised by water doth per se only compress obtusely the continuous parts of our tact through a squeezing , and per accidens it disuniteth them punctually by impelling the fiery spirits effentially inhering in the said tangent parts ; besides , water containing some earthy points , doth by reason of them excite withal a small acute compression . Arist. Lib. 2. de ort . anim . Cap. 4. and in Lib. 1. de Meteor . Cap. 4. seemes to assert , that coldness is nothing else but a privation of heat : For ( saith he ) the two Elements ( implying water and earth ) remain cold by reason of the defect of circular motion making heat . Zabarel , Lib. 2. de qual . Elem. cap. 3. makes good my Opinion , although by guess : or at least we must say that coldness is really in it self a positive quality ( but wherein this positive quality consisteth , he knoweth not ; ) but that it ariseth from a privation of heat , and in respect of heat it may take place among privations . This tends to the same purpose as I have stated before , namely , that coldness cannot act , unless heat be absent in such a proportion , as that it may have power over it . The same is appliable to heat and the other qualities , viz. that they are privations , in regard they cannot act without the absence of their Opposites , but that they are positive , because they act sensibly in the absence of the said opposites . But what shall I think of Aristotle , who hath soon altered his opinion in Lib. 2. de Ort. & Inter. Text. 9. Cold is , that doth equally conjoyn and congregate bodies , that are of the same Gender , as well as those of a differing Gender . A plain Contradiction ; for that , which doth conjoyn and congregate bodies by condensation , must be positive , according to his own words : yet nevertheless above he asserted it to be a Privation . I wave this , and proceed in making disquisition upon his Definition ; Broath , as long as it remaines boyling hot , the fat of it is contained within it , being exactly mixed with the water ; but assoon as it cooles , it is separated and cast forth to the top ; ergo cold doth segregate heterogenea from homogenea . Earth separates her self from water , and water segregates her parts from fire and ayr ; but water and earth are cold , and yet do not congregate their own parts with others of another gender ; Ergo. 2. This is no more but the mentioning of one of its remote effects ; for they themselves grant that it produceth this effect through condensation ; ergo cold is not formally defined , but described through one of its effects . It now proves easie to us to decide that inveterated dispute concerning the primum frigidum . That , which doth most divide the tact by compression , is the primum frigidum , or the coldest ; but the earth doth most compress our tact or tangent parts ; for it doth compress the tact acutely , and water obtusely only ; ergo it is the coldest . 2. According to their own Tenents ; that , which doth most condense , is the coldest , but earth condenses most ; for it condensates her own parts into Metals and Stones ; but water , although it incrassates , yet it cannot condense bodies into that consistence which earth doth ; ergo . 3. That , which is heaviest , is the coldest ; for condensation is an effect of weight ; but earth is heaviest ; ergo . Lastly , If it be your pleasure to name Earth a frigidum in summo , and Water a frigidum in remisso ; Fire a calidum in summo sive intenso , and Ayr calidum in remisso , you may without Offence . CHAP. XVI . Of the remaining Respective Qualities of the Elements . 1. The Second Respective Quality of the Ayr. That water cannot be really and essentially attenuated . The State of the Controversie . 2. That Ayr cannot be really and essentially incrassated . Why a man whilst he is alive sinkes down into the water and is drowned , and afterwards is cast up again . That a woman is longer in sinking or drowning then a man. The great errour committed in trying of Witches by casting them into the water . 3. That a greater Condensation or Rarefaction is impossible in the Earth . 4. In what sense the Author understands and intends Rarefaction and Condensation throughout his Philosophy . 5. The third Respective quality of Fire . What Driness is . The Definition of Moysture . The third respective qualities of Water and Ayr. Aristotles Description of Moysture rejected . That water is the primum humidum . In what sense Ayr is termed dry , in what moyst . 1. THe Second Respective quality of Ayr is a continuous expression towards the Circumference , as we see in water , viz. in bubbles , within whose body ayr being contained doth express the water to the Circumference . When water is thus expressed to the Circumference , we say then , it is water attenuated or rarefied , and when ayr is contained within the body of water , so as it is not strong enough to come forth , we say it is ayr incrassated : but these are no real transmutations . For can any body imagine that ayr is really and essentially incrassated or condensed , as they call it , or that water is attenuated , or essentially changed into a thin substance by ayr ? I prove that a real incrassation of the ayr is impossible . Peripatecicks generally conceive the incrassation of the ayr to happen , when that ayr having thinly or naturally filled up a cavity , there is as much more impacted in that cavity upon the preceding ayr , as the cavity contained before : Through this impaction the former ayr must needs give way into it self for to admit that ayr , which is last entred ; wherefore , say they , there must be a penetration of bodies , whereby that former ayr doth introcede into it self . The ayr then thus introceding into it self , is called ayr incrassated . Water is attenuated when a Pint of water is diducted to a Pint and a quarter , or more , without being insufflated by the ayr or any other admitted body . So rarefaction of earth is , when the earth possessing the space of a Pistol Bullet , is diducted to the extent of space of a Musket Bullet without the admission of any other Element . Fire is supposed to be condensed in the same manner as Ayr is incrassated . This is the true and evident state of the Controversie touching Rarefaction and Condensation , Attenuation & Incrassation ; which never any among the Peripateticks did yet truly state . They supposing and taking it for granted , that such a Condensation & Rarefaction , Artenuation and Incrassation is possible , and hapneth every moment , do proceed in debating , whether a penetration of bodies be not necessary in Rarefaction and Condensation . As for insufflation , that is not to be called in question , because we stated Incrassation and Rarefaction to happen without the admittance of any other body . Wherefore proving such an Incrassation and Attenuation to be impossible and absurd , their further surmising of penetration will seem ridiculous . Supposing that a Glass were filled with pure water , all the Arts of the world could not distend it without the admission of another body , through the force of which , its parts might be divided and lifted up : Since then that water is said to be attenuated , because its parts are lifted up & diducted through Ayr and Fire retained with their body , this cannot be a natural and proper attenuation of the real parts of water , but only a violent diduction of water through the ayr which is under it . Here may be objected , That water , when it is thus lifted up and expanded , is stretcht , and through that stretching its parts are attenuated , and its quantity is increased ; because after the retching it possesseth a larger place . To this I Answer , that the encrease of quantity about the Surface is not through a single extent of water without access of other parts of water to it , but the encrease is from the access of those parts , which did possess the Center , and now are beaten away and impelled to the Surface , where arriving they must be extended in greater quantity , and possess a larger place . So that , what is encreased in the Surface is decreased from the Center , and its adjacent parts . A Chord of an Instrument is producted in length , because it is diminished in thickness , and not from a meer quality without the Access of other parts . 2. Were the natural thickness of water transmutable into thinness , then one extream contrary would be transmutable into the other ; for thinness and thickness are as much contrary as coldness and heat , or dryness and moysture ; and who ever knew the same coldness changed into heat , or the same heat into coldness ? That would be , as if one said , one and the same was both cold and hot at the same time . I guess your Reply , to wit , that through Thinness is not meant an extream Thinness , but a less Thickness only . I answer , That if a thick Element is transmutable into a less thick , then certainly through the continuance and intention of the cause of that less thickning , it might become least thick , that is , most thin : wherefore your Reply is invalid . 3. Were thickness transmutable into thinness , then every rarefaction would be a creation secundi modi , or a new generation ; because such a transmutation is a non esse , vel a nihilo sui ad esse aliquid : for thickness is a positive ( if I may be suffered to term it so ) privation and negation of thinness ; because when we affirm a thing to be thick , it is the same as if we said it is not thin . 4. Thickness is a property quarti modi of water , but a proprium quarti modi is inseparable from its Subject , and that to remain in being . II. The same Arguments prove the impossibility of incrassating Ayr , and such a supposition is so far absurd , that it is impossible and contradictory to Nature , that one Minimum more of Ayr should enter into a Cavity already filled up with it ; and the ayr would sooner break the world then admit incrassation , although but in one Minimum . If the nature of ayr is to be thin , then in taking away tenuity , you take away the nature of Ayr. And if ayr could be incrassated in one minimum , it might be incrassated to the thickness of water . Lastly , was there any such incrassation , there must of necessity a penetration of bodies be allowed ; but a penetration is impossible : ergo Incrassation also . I prove that a penetration is impossible : Suppose a hundred minima's of ayr were through penetration incrassated to fifty , and these fifty to possess but half the place which the hundred did fill up : I conclude then , that through continuance and intention of the same incrassating cause they could be reduced to one minimum ; and from one minimum to the essence of a spirit or to nothing ; for since they through penetration have lost the space of Ninety nine unities of points , through the same reason they might the easier lose the last unity , and so become spirits and thence nothing ; if there was a penetration of bodies , then the less body , into which the greater quantity is penetrated , must have the greater weight , or as great as it was under the greater quantity , or else part of its Matter and Form must be annihilated ; but bodies , that are incrassated or condensed have by much a less weight then they had before , because the light elements , which did before distend their bodies , and through that distention their force of weight was intended ( as I have shewed before ) are departed . Besides Experience speakes the same , especially in this Instance , the true reason of which was never laid down by any : a man yet living , or any other creature when alive , is much heavier , then when he is dead ; and this appeares in a man , who whilst he was alive sinks towards the bottom into the water and is drowned ; the reason is , because through the great heat , which was inherent in that man , the heavy and terrestial parts were the more detained from the Center ; they again being thus detained , moved stronger towards the center , & therfore make the body heavier during their violent detention through the great heat , which was in the said man when alive ; so that through this great weight the alive body sinkes down to the bottom : now when a man is suffocated , and the heat squeezed out of him by the thick compressing parts of the water , then he is rendered less heavy , and immediately leaves the inferiour parts of water , as being less weighty then the said profound parts . Nevertheless although the vital flame was soon extinguisht , yet there remain ayry and some fiery parts in man , which detain the earthy and waterish parts of his body ; so that although the vital fire is expelled , yet these ayry and restant fiery parts not being overcome before a certain term of dayes , in some sooner or longer , occasion that a man doth not grow lighter then the water before a prefixt time varying according to the proportion and texture of the light elements ; and then being grown lighter then the water , he swimmeth atop . Every day after a man is drowned , as the heat and ayry parts are expelled , he is more and more elevated from the ground , until he cometh to the top . A strong compact well set man is at least 8 or 9 daies in ascending , because his heat was deeper , and in greater quantity impacted into his body ; but therefore sinkes sooner to the bottom , as I have heard Seamen relate , how that some of their men falling overboard , were gone under water in the twinckling of an eye , but then they were big , lusty strong men , as they told me . On the contrary we hear , how that weak and tender women have fallen into the River , and have swom upon the water until watermen have rowed to them and taken them up ( and many weakly women that were suspected to be Witches , being cast into the water for a trial have been wickedly and wrongfully adjudged to be Witches , because they were long in sinking , and alas it is natural ) the reason was , because they were comparatively light : for their earthy parts were not so much detained , & consequently moved not so forcibly downwards , no doubt but their Coats conduced also somewhat to it . Whence I collect that an ordinary woman is almost one third longer descending to the bottom then an ordinary man , because a man from being a third stronger ( because he is a third heavier through the force of the light Elements , but I mean not through fat or corpulency ) then a woman , is conjectured to have one third more heat then a woman . In case a man or woman is drowned in the Sea where it is deep , if he be suffocated and dead before he comes to the ground , he will not reach the bottom . But to make this more clear , I will demonstrate it through another Principle , viz. the lightness of fire , and ayr ; which is , whereby they spread themselves equally from the Center to the Circumference . Now , that great heat burning within the body of man doth potently press down all the heavy parts of the body towards the Circumference . The ambient or external parts of man are the Circumference , which being so vigorously pressed , must needs be very much intended in their motion downwards : hence it is , that , when a man is in sinking , he feeles a pressing within his own body , whereby he finds himself to be violently ( as it were ) precipitated to the bottom : and add to this the violent detention of the weighty parts , and the depression of the superficial parts of the water , and judge whether all this is not enough to draw him down to the bottom . Pray now judge a little at the simplicity of the reason which the Peripateticks give for this : They say that there is a fight between mans heat and the water , and therefore the water draweth him to her innermost part , where she detaines him until his heat is overcome , and then the water casteth him up again : Others say , that mans Lungs being filled with ayr underneath after he is drowned , is lifted up by it . What groapings and absurdities ? First , They suppose that the water draweth , and that the fight is between the heat of man and the moysture ; whereas the water doth not draw , neither is the fight so much between the water and heat , as it is between the heat and earthy parts of the body , which with the natural declination of those terrestrial parts , and the assistance of the water from without doth depress a man or other living creature downwards . 2. Why a man is detained such a time and no longer or shorter before he is cast up again , they cannot conceive . 3. How man is cast up is unknown to them : it is not , because his Lungs are filled with Ayr ; for it is more probable they are stopt up with water . The reason and manner of his being cast upwards is , 1. His body is rendered less weighty by the expulsion of the heat . 2. His body is retcht out and diducted through the coldness of earth and especially of the water , and therefore is rendered lighter , for as compression and condensation is a mark of weight , so diduction and extension of lightness . Wherefore every particle of water being thicker and heavier then the extended body doth depress underneath it towards its center , and so much the more , because the dead body doth as it were detain the parts of water about it from their center : and so through this depression of the water under the Corps , it is lifted up by little and little : Besides , it is somewhat puft up with winds and vapours underneath the water , which thence do lift it up towards the Element of Ayr. The reason why a Dog , Cat , Hare , Fox , Horse and other living Creatures , are longer in being drowned , although they have more heat inherent in them , and as much earth comparatively as a man , is because their haires being light , close and divided , do sustain them : for the water being continuous , doth strive against its being divided by contiguous parts , which being light , strive also against their depression . This by the way . III. Neither is the earth subject to such a Rarefaction , or greater Condensation , because it consisteth ( as I have proved ) out of indivisible minima's . If then we should grant a rarefaction or greater condensation , we must allow the minima's of earth to be divisible : for how could they either be retcht or give way into themselves else ? and so it would be divisible and indivisible at once , which is absurd . The same Argument serves against the condensation and rarefaction of fire : But more of this in our Discourse de vacuo . IV. Condensation , Rarefaction , Attenuation and Incrassation although impossible in this sense , yet in another , are usually received , and may be allowed . Condensation in a tolerable acception is , when a rare body is united to a dense body , and because it is then ( as it were ) made one body with the dense substance , it is said to be condensed . Thus when fire is united to earth , it is said to be condensed , but through this condensation there is nothing detracted from , or added to the natural rarity of the fire . 2. Condensation is also taken for the frequent and constant following of one particle of fire upon the other . Now , you must not conceive , that the fire hereby is condensed or impacted in its rarity ; no , but that one part pusheth the other forward , and being so pusht forward one before the other , they are said to be condensed , that is following one another so close as that they just come to touch one another . Thus we say that condensed fire warmeth or heateth the hand , because many parts follow one another , and so push one another forward into the substance of the hand ; so that condensation of fire in this sense is nothing else but an approximation of the parts of fire that were dispersed before . 2. Fire burneth the hand , when its parts being condensed according to both these two acceptions are received and collected , following close upon one another , and so do burn the hand . The reason is , because as the force of earth and water is intended by violent detention , so is fire , which being violently detained by earth and water , doth move with greater force . Besides through the latter of these condensations , the parts of fire are more collected and united . The fire is violently detained , when it is detained from moving from the Center to the Circumference . Besides , according to these two latter acceptions , you are to understand condensation above , whereas I have attributed it to fire . A body is said to be rarefied , when it is affixed to a rare element ; thus they conceive earth to be rarefied , when its minima's are diffused by a portion of fire . A body is attenuated , when it is united to a thin Element ; so water is attenuated , when its parts are diducted through the renuity of Ayr. A body is said to be incrassated , when it is adjoyned to a thick Element . Thus Ayr is understood to be incrassated , when it is cloathed about with water . Remember that I have made use of these words in my foregoing Discourses according to the said Interpretations . V. The Third Relative Qualities are such as do immediately emanate from the Second . The third respective Quality of fire is Dryness . A Dryness is an expulsion of Moysture , which fire doth by forcing it to the Circumference , and dividing ad extra its continuity . Dryness in the earth is an effect of coldness , through which it divides ad intra the continuity of moysture inwards , and forceth it to the Center . Moysture is an effect of water , through which it overlaies a body with its own thick substance expanded : in ayr it is a quality , whereby it overlayes a body with its thin substance . Aristotle in stead of describing these qualities , he sets down one of their Attributes . Moysture is that , which is difficultly contained within its own bounds , and easily within others . This is openly false : for the ayr is difficultly contained within the bounds of others , insomuch that it striveth to break through with violence , and therefore is more easily contained within its own bounds . So water is easier contained within its own bounds ; for when it is poured upon the earth , it vanisheth presently , which is not a containing of it . Besides granting this Attribute to them both , it is only a mark of Moysture , and not the Description of its formality . No doubt but water is moyster then ayr , because it is more apt to cleave through its thickness , and adhere to a body then ayr , which by reason of its tenuity is not so tenacious . Wherefore it is Idleness in th●se who say that the ayr is moyster then water , although water moistneth more , because of its thickness . And as concerning the primum siccum , it belongeth to the earth , because that obtaineth greater force in detracting waterish moysture , which is the moystest . That it doth so , appeares hence , because the waterish moysture through its weight is more obedient to the impulse of earth then of fire . But if you agree to term nothing moyst but what hath a palpable Dampness ; and that drying , which removeth the said dampness , then water alone is moystning , and ayr drying , because ayr through its tenuity divides the crassitude of the water , and so disperseth it . CHAP. XVII . Of Mixtion . 1. What Mixtion is . Three Conditions required in a Mixtion . 2. Whether Mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ really . 3. Aristotles Definition of Mixtion examined . Whether the Elements remain entire in mixt Bodies . 4. That there is no such Intension or Remission of Qualities as the Peripateticks do apprehend . The Authors sense of Remission and Intention . 5. That a Mixtion is erroneously divided into a perfect and imperfect Mixtion . HItherto we have sufficiently declared the absolute and respective Qualities of the Elements : That which I must next apply my self unto , is to enarrate the qualities befalling them joyntly in their union one with the other . I. Their union is called Mixtion , which is an union of the Elements in Minima's or Points , Observe that mixtion sometimes is taken for the union of parts , not in points , but particles , and is termed Union by Apposition ; as when you mixe Barly and Oates together into one heap . Anaxagoras , and many of the ancient Philosophers did opiniate , that Mixtion consisted only in the apposition of little parts to one body ; but Aristotle hath justly reprehended them for this Assertion , and confuted their Opinion , Lib. 2. de Gen. & Corrup . Cap. 10. Properly Mixtion is effected through an exact confusion of parts , and their union in Minima's , or the least particles : the exactness consisteth in this , that there must be an equal measure ( sive ad pondus , sive ad justitiam ) of parts . Parts are either little or great . The great are constituted out of little , and the little out of the least . In mixture ( to wit , an equal one ) are generally three condititions required : 1. A mutual contact , without which there must be a vacuum in ( misto ) a mixt body . 2. This mutual contact must be in points , whereby every point of an Element toucheth the minimum of another ; hence they say well ( mixtio fit per minima ) that mistion is caused through Minima's 3. A reaction of each of the elements , whereby the light Elements receive the weighty ones , and the continuous the contiguous ones . These three conditions are implied in my Definition by union in minima's ; for union cannot happen without a mutual contact : A mutual contact is attained unto through the first qualities of the Elements , whereby they move one to the other , and so there passeth a mutual embrace or reaction between them . II. Here the Peripateticks setting aside the reality of the thing , begin again to move a notional question : whether mixtion and the generation of a mixt body differ from one another . Doubtless there is no real difference between them ; for where the Elements are mixed , there the generation of a mixt body is accomplishr , and where there is a generation of a mixt body , there is also a mistion of the Elements . Wherefore it is a sound Definition , that mistion is the generation of a mixt body out of the Elements . Zabarel , I remember , makes an intentional difference between them , in attributing mistion to the Elements alone , because mistion hath a particular respect to the Elements , as they are apprehended through this mixture to be the termini a quo : but the generation of a mixt body hath more a respect to the terminus ad quem . This is simple ; for since that mistion is by them counted a motion , it must then equally have respect to the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quem , because there is no natural motion , but it moves a quo , and ad quem ; and besides , do they not define Generation to be a mutation from non esse to esse ? Wherefore according to their own words , generation doth equally regard the terminus a quo and ad quem ; ergo there is no distinctio rationis between them . But they reply , that mixtion is not the mixture of a mixt body , but of the Elements ; and generation is not the generation of the Elements , but of a mixt body . How sinisterly ? This is not the question , but the doubt is , whether by mixture a mixt body is not as much implyed as the Elements : Yes , for a mixture is the union of the Elements : By union understand a perduction of the Elements into an unity , that is one body ; and is not this the terminus ad quem ? III. Aristotle defineth mistion to be an union of alterated miscibles ( to wit , bodies . ) Here the word alterated is cast as a Bone among his Disciples , which each of them falleth a gnawing in interpreting it , and a knorring at it in raising altercations and cavils about it . Alteration say they , is a mutual action and passion of the Elements through their contrary qualities , through which they obtund , hebetate , refract , immutate one another , and what not ? And not understanding the nature of obtusion , refraction or immutation , but erroneously conceiving the forms of the Elements to be diminished ( by reason they think that the heat of the Elements is expelled , refracted and diminished by cold ; and so of the other Elements ) they fall a quarrelling , whether the forms of the Elements remain whole or entire in their mixtures . If any body now should ask them , what they mean by form : they would reply , that it was the first principle of motion in a body ; and if you ask them further , what that principle of motion is ; they will tell you it is hidden ; If it is hidden , I wonder how they come to know it ; ergo they tell you what a thing is , which they do not know . But to the question , I affirm that the elements remain actually and entire in their substantial forms in mixt bodies . I prove it , the substantial form of a thing is inseparable from its matter , supposing the thing to remain that which it was : for if a property is inseparable , much more is the form : Besides the form giveth a thing to be that which it is : But the elements remain elements in a mixt body ; because their qualities are sensible , not in gradu remisso , in a remiss degree , but in an intense degree ; Who ever doubted , but that earth in Gold or Lead is as weighty , and more then it is in its own Region ? for being laid upon the earth it makes a Dent into it ; ergo it is heavier . Questionless focal fire is hotter then fire in its own Region ; Oyl is moyster then ayr or water , ergo according to their own Principles these qualities , which they call first qualities , and are forced to acknowledge to be forms , are inherent in the forementioned bodies in an intense degree . As for the Refraction , Intention , Remission or Immutation of the Elements , which they take their refuge unto in declaring the reasons of Mixtion , as to a Sanctuary , are meer Notions , there being in reality no such intension or remission of the Elements , unless through access or recess of new parts . IV. But let us make a deeper search into this Nicety so much disputed upon by all Ancient and Modern Philosophers : and that which makes me the more willing to examine this scruple , is , because it hath hitherto been one of my main Principles , That an Element being violently detained is intended and corroborated in its strength and power . This is the deepest and furthest doubt that can be moved , it being concerning the most remote power , and first cause of action in the Elements . I have already taken away the difficulty touching Incrassation and Attenuation , and shewed , that the Matter of a thick Element was not really attenuated in its own substance , or increased in matter , because it possessed a larger place , although seemingly it was ; wherefore I did assume the use of those words but in an improper acception . In that place the question was about the increase of matter ; now it is concerning the increase or intention and remission of Forms or Qualities , strengths and vertues of the Elements . The same I said in relation to Condensation and Incrassation , I must apply to Intention and Remission : that properly they are to be taken for a real increment or decrement of qualities in themselves , without the detraction or addition of new parts containing the same vertue ; as if the same heat in the third degree should be supposed capable of being intended to the fourth degree without the additament of new heat . This is impossible , because of the same reasons , which were given against the possibility of a proper and real Condensation and Incrassation . 2. A quality may be said to be intended or remitted , but improperly and per Accidens ; as when a force or quality is accidentally intended ( as by a more convenient position ) and yet the quality or force is neither more or less , but the same it was : As for example , Take hold of a Hammer about the middle , and strike with it with all your strength , and take hold again of the same Hammer about the end , and strike although but with the same force , yet the last impulse shall be stronger then the first : Here you see is an accidental intension of force hapened through a more convenient position of your hands . So water , when it is violently detained , is intended in its gravity : because its expansion ( which is a more convenient position ) doth intend its motion , and yet the same strength and force of gravity was latent in the water , when it was in its natural position . Water doth alwaies affect and covet a globous figure ; now through this globosity the water is rendered disadvantageous to exert its weight , because all its parts cannot joyn together in opposing the body , which it is to depress ; but being in a Globe the undermost parts of that Globe do partly sustain the force of the uppermost and centrical parts , and the same undermost parts being interposed between the other body , and the other parts , cause that the others parts cannot come at the body . That this is so , the trial of this Experiment will soon certifie you ; weigh some long pieces of Iron or Wood in a payr of Scales , and observe the weight of them ; then divide them into less pieces , so as they may lie closer , and weigh them again , you will find that the last shall be much lighter then the first ; besides I have tried it many other waies . This Reason will also serve to illustrate the manner of intention of weight in earth , when it is violently detained . Ayr moveth stronger upwards , when its parts are more divided and expanded ; for then every particle of the ayr contributes its motion ; and so in fire . Nevertheless the same force was actually in the ayr and fire below : In this sense it is I have made use of Intention of Qualities above in the Precedent Chapter . Wherefore it appeares hence , that there is no such refraction or intention of qualities , as the Peripateticks imagine to themselves . V. A mixt body is usually divided into a body perfectly mixed , and a body imperfectly mixed , and as usually received among the Vulgar ; but whether this Division be lawful is doubted by few . An imperfectly mixed body they describe to be a body , whose mixture is constituted only by two or three elements ; a great errour , there being no body in the world , excepting the elements themselves , but their mistion consisteth of four Ingredients . This I have proved before . Others think to mend the matter by saying , that an imperfect mixed body consists of Ingredients but a little alterated , and therefore its form is not different from the element , which predominates in it . To the contrary , the Ingredients in imperfectly mixed bodies are as much alterated as there is vertue in them to alterate one another : and who will not assert the form of a Comet to be different from the form of fire , or Snow from the form of water ? &c. There is no mixed body , but it is perfectly mixed ; for if it be imperfectly mixed , it will not constitute a mixt body . 'T is true , some mixt bodies contain a fuller proportion of Elements then others , and therefore are more durable , and may be of a more perfect proportion , yet the mixture of a body , which lasteth but a moment , is as much a mistion as that , which lasteth an age , and consequently as perfect in reference to mixture . CHAP. XVIII . Of Temperament . 1. That Temperament is the form of Mixtion . That Temperament is a real and positive quality . 2. The Definition of a Temperament . Whether a Temperament is a single or manifold quality . VVhether a complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality . 3. VVhether a Temperament be a fifth quality . A Contradiction among Physitians touching Temperament . Whether the congress of the four qualities effects but one Temperament , or more . 4. That there is no such thing as a Distemper . What a substantial Change is . 5. What an Altsration or accidental change is . That the Differences of Temperament are as many as there are Minima's of the Elements excepting four . 1. THe Form of Mistion is Temperament . I prove it . That must be the Form of Mistion which doth immediately result out of or with the union of the elements ; but a temperament doth immediately result out of or with union of the Elements ; Ergo. 2. Since there is no deperdition or refraction of the absolute forms of the Elements , that must needs be the form of Misture , which the union of those absolute forms doth immediately constitute : but that can be nothing else but a Temperament ; Ergo. 3. That is the form of Mistion , which chiefly causeth all the operations and effects produced by a mixt body ; but the chief cause of all the operations and effects of a mixt body is the temperament ; ergo . The Minor is asserted by all ingenious Physitians . Hence we may safely infer , that a temperament is not a relative only , but a positive and real quality ; for were it only a relation , its essence would wholly depend from the mind , and be little different from an Ens Rationis . II. A Temperament is the union of the forms of the Elements . By union apprehend the forms of the Elements united into one quality . The name of temperament soundeth a temperating or mixing , yet not primarily of Matters , but principally of Forms ; for none doubteth of its being a quality , or formal power . Kyper , in his Medic. contract . Lib. 1. Cap. 3. alledgeth this doubt , whether a temperament be a simple or manifold quality : but before I apply my self to the solution of it , observe that simple may either have respect to the Matter ( materia ex qua ) out of which a temperament is constituted , which are the four first qualities or forms of the Elements ; or to the form of a temperament , which is one quality resulting out of the union of its materials . Wherefore if simple be taken in the former respect , doubtless a temperament is a manifold quality ; if in the latter , it is simple . I prove it : simple in the latter respect is equipollent to unity : but a temperament is but one quality , and not manifold ; although out of many , yet united into one ; ergo a temperament is a simple quality . 2. Were a temperament formally a manifold quality , its effects would be equivocal and manifold ; but to the contrary the effects per se of a temperament are univocal and simple , the one not differing in specie from the other . The said Kyper proposes the very words of my Solution for a doubt in the next Paragraph : whether complexion of qualities may be called one compounded quality : which he determines very well : In Metaphysicks ( saith he ) there is not only allowed of an unity of simplicity , but also of an unity of composition ; wherefore it is not repugnant , that there should be an unum compositum of qualities , since there is an unum compositum of substances . III. This puts me in remembrance of another controversie , which I have formerly read in Mercat . his works , Lib. 1. Part 2. de Elem. Class . 2. Quaest. 39. whether a temperament be a fifth quality , or rather a Concord or Harmony of the four Elements ? Avicen defines it a fifth quality , to which the said Author subscribes ; but Fr. Vallesius , Lib. 1. Cap. 6. contra Med. & Phys. Fernel . and others oppose it . To decide a Controversie agitated by the greatest of Philosophers and Physitians , needs a deep inspection : Wherefore I demand what they understand by a fifth quality ? whether a quality really , or modally only differing from the four single qualities of the Elements ? 2. Whether the Authors of the contrary opinion intend by Harmony or Concord any thing distinct from the single qualities of the Elements ? There is none I find answereth to this ; which compels me to handle the Question , in supposing the one party to mean by a fifth quality , a quality really distinct , and the other by Harmony of the Elements , to intend nothing distinct from the elements being united in a proportion . A temperament is not a fifth quality really distinct from the qualities of the elements ; because a temperament cannot exist without the four qualities of the elements ; for take away but one of those qualities , and you take away the temperament . A temperament formally is not a Harmony or Concord only , because a Harmony or Agreement of the four qualities is an Accident or condition following or attending the union of qualities : Wherefore a harmony of the said qualities is an Accident or Mode differing modally from a temperament ; for when we conceive a temperament , we do not conceive a harmony , although we conceive a harmony to be a conditio sine qua non of a temperament ; because without it they could not be united . A temperament is not a proportion of the Elements , but the union of the Elements in a proportion . A temperament is a fifth quality modally distinct from the elementary single qualities , but not really ; for a temperament is the union of four qualities in one ; wherefore this one quality is the same really with the four united , although modally different . 2. A totum is modally only , and not really distinguisht from its parts united ; but a temperament is a totum , and the qualities united are the parts united ; Ergo. I cannot but strange at many Physitians , defining a temperament to be a harmony , and yet asserting the first qualities to be contrary . A Contradiction : For if the first qualities be contrary , they expel one another out of the same Subject , but if they are harmonical , they will embrace and preserve one another in their beings , which that they do , is abundantly demonstrated above . Others again assert , that a temperament doth include an union , not only of the first qualities , but also of the substances of the elements . A Dulness ! Wherein would a temperament then differ from Mistion ? Had they affirmed that mistion did imply or include a temperament , it would have been an Heroick Saying not to be expected from them . Whether from the congress of the four qualities there result two temperaments , one out of the active qualities , the other of the passive , is a further doubt objected by them . In the first place , they are deceived in distinguishing the first qualities into active and passive qualities ; because among them the one is no more active or passive then the other , they being equally active and passive . 2. It is a contradiction to define a temperament to be the four qualities united into one harmony , and afterward to conceive one harmony to be two , that is , two temperaments . IV. Properly and absolutely there is no distemperament , or intemperies , because the form of every mixt body is a temperament : Wherefore a distemperament sounds nothing else but a non-temperament , and consequently there is no distemper . I confess a mutation or change of the proportion of the Elements there may happen in a mixt body , yet notwithstanding that change the temperament remaines a temperament . If then you intend by an Intemperies nothing but such a change , it may be defined to be the alteration of the form of a mixt being . Alteration is the intention or remission of one or more of the vertues , powers or forms of the Elements as they are temperated . Intension and Remission take in the senses formerly set down . Although in a strict sense every intention or remission of a first quality in a mixt body changeth the Form of it , yet because that every change is not durable , but many are soon expelled again , through which a mixt body returnes to its former form ; wherefore such changes are only counted substantial changes , or mutations , whereby a body is so much changed , that it is irreducible to its pristine Form , and whereby it produceth Accidents altogether sensibly differing from those , that were produced by its foregoing Form : for example , when the temperament of a man is so much subverted and changed by the appulse of another temperament , that it is rendered uncapable of reduction to its former temperament or form , and the accidents produced by it are altogether sensibly differing from those that were produced by the foregoing temperament ; as when a mans Heat is subverted by the appulse of Cold , so as he is deprived thereby of Life , Sense and Motion , then his form is changed into the form of a ( Cadaver ) dead Corps : because now other accidents are produced , being altogether sensibly different from the former , and the lost Accidents are irreducible . This is a substantial change or mutation , because the entire essence of the thing is changed . V. An Accidental change or Alteration is , when the temperament of a body is so far changed , as that its Modes or Accidents appear to be sensibly changed , yet not totally , but partially , and when the change is gone no further then it is expulsible , and the former temperament reducible . I said sensibly changed , because it is not every insensible increase or decrease of any of the first qualities of a mixt body , deserveth the name of Alteration , although in a large sense it doth . It will not be amiss to give you an Instance : A man when he is feaverish , is alterated , because fire is intended more then it was in his precedent temperament , which therefore produceth a sensible burning , pains and weaknesses ; but since his old temperament is reducible , it is only to be counted an Alteration , or Accidental Change. Another distinction between a substantial change , and an Alteration is , that a body by a substantial mutation is so much changed , as that you do not know it to be the same thing it was : but an alterated body , although it is somewhat changed , yet it is not so much changed , but that you may know what it was . If there be any Infinitum in the world , none is liker to be it then the number of temperaments ; for there are as many temperaments possible , as there are Elementary Indivisibles , excepting four , to which one indivisible being added , changeth the temperament , and again another and another ( and so on , until all the indivisible be apposed ) admitted to that changeth the temperament again and again . CHAP. XIX . Of the Division of Temperaments . 1. What an equal and unequal Temperament is . That there never was but one temperament ad pondus . That Adams Body was not tempered ad pondus . That neither Gold nor any Celestial bodies are tempered ad pondus . 2. That all Temperaments ad Justitiam are constantly in changing . That there are no two bodies in the world exactly agreeing to one another in temperature . 3. The Latitude of Temperaments . How the corruption of one body ever proves the generation of another . 4. That there is no such unequal temperament as is vulgarly imagined . That there is an equal temperament is proved against the vulgar opinion . That where Forms are equal , their matters must also be equal . 5. What a Distemper is . What Galen intended by an unequal temperature . 6. VVhen a man may be termed temperate . VVhat bodies are said to be intemperate . 7. The combination of the second Qualities of the Elements in a temperature . Their Effects . I. A Temperament is divided into an equal temperament or a temperamentum ad pondus , or unequal , otherwise called by Philosophers a temperamentum ad justitiam . An equal temperament is constituted out of an equal proportion of the forms of the Elements ; and therefore it is called a temperamentum ad pondus , because it is so equally tempered , that if it were weighed , one Element would not over-balance the other . This Temperament consisteth of an Arithmetical proportion : It is otherwise called an anatick temperament . An unequal temperament is , where the elementary forms are united in an unequal proportion . It is called temperamentum ad justitiam , because there is just such a proportion of the forms of the Elements as to fit it to act such an act , or to exercise such Offices . The proportion observeable in this temperament is a Geometrical proportion , whereby one Element overtops the other , or is elevated above the other in such a degree or measure , as to produce such certain effects . Nature never appeared in more then in one temperament ad pondus , but ever after in temperaments ad justitiam , as I have shewed a little before . I have proved that the Chaos was the only temperament ad pondus , which its nature and end did require ; thereby it was rendered capable of existing in a ( vacuum ) void space , and needed no external place to contain it , because it contained it self . The body of Adam in his Innocency was not temperated ad pondus , because it would have rendered him immoveable ; for the Elements being supposed to be in an equal proportion , and counterpoysing one another , local motion must have been impossible . Celestial bodies , although of so long a duration , or Gold ( whatever Alchymists say to the contrary ) are neither tempered ad pondus , because the one could then not be heavy , or the others light . II. Since that a temperament ad justitiam ever obtaines one Element , or two , or three , predominating over the others , its force being greater then the others , doth by that means free it self daily from their detention , by which a temperament is constantly in changing , increasing in one , and decreasing in another quality : this experience tels us , viz. that every being after its first production in a sensible time undergoeth a sensible change of its Temperament , and consequently undergoeth an insensible change of temperature in an unsensible time , in such a manner that there is no body but doth at least change every minute of time in the detraction of a Minimum . Hence we are supplied with a reason , why there are not two bodies to be found exactly like unto one another in temperament , because bodies are alwaies a changing . You may object , That many substances produce effects diametrically like to one another ; ergo their temperament must be alike withal . I deny the Antecedence ; for although their Effects are alike according to their appearance to our senses , notwithstanding Reason perswades us , that there must be an insensible dissimilitude between their temperaments , and consequently between their Effects . III. The degrees of Changes , or Latitude of Temperaments in bodies are these ; 1. There is an insensible change or alteration , which our senses cannot discern ; but it is only discoverable through Reason . 2. The second degree is a sensible alteration , which is evidently discernable by sense , in that its effects are sensibly different , yet they must not be so far deviated from the wonted preceding effects , as to be judged entirely unlike to them . 3. A total change and mutation of Form , to the reception of which the two forementioned alterations are previous dispositions . This degree of change in respect to the expulsion of the preceding form is taken for a Corruption ; in regard of the subsequent form it is accounted a Generation . Hence derives this Maxime , Generatiounius est corruptio alterius : & vice versa . The Generation , of one is the corruption of another . I cannot resemble the expulsion of a form out of a body , and a reception of another into the same subject , to a better example , then to a Ship in sight to one standing on the Pierhead at Dover , but out of sight to those that are at Calice , whither the Ship is bound ; now the further this Ship sailes , the more it appeares in sight to them at Calice ; and the less to the others at Dover , until it is come quite into sight to them at Calice , and then it is quite gone out of sight from the others . Even so it is in alteration ; for as the Ship fore-instanced groweth insensibly less , and recedes from one Coast to another ; so an alteration likewise is insensible . But after a sensible time the ship appears sensibly less , and more remote , so after a sensible time an Alteration groweth sensible , and as the Ship at last after these insensible and sensible diminutions , and recesses , is suddenly quite gone out of sight and vanished , so a mix body after all these insensible and sensible alterations is suddenly changed into another form and become another substance , the former being vanished . The same is observeable in man , who altering insensibly every day in his temperament , draweth nearer and nearer to his Bed of rest , and after some years expiration , findes sensibly that he is altered in his temperament , both which alterations dispose him to his last sudden change and substantial mutation . Galens delineation of the Latitude of temperaments doth tend to the confirmation of what I have proposed : Lib. 1. de Temper . he writes thus , If a quality is exuperant , it becomes an Intemperies ; if it be yet more augmented , it turnes to a Disease ; if it be most increased , it is Death , or a substantial mutation . IV. A Temperament is vulgarly likewise divided into equal , or a temperament ad pondus ; and unequal , or a temperament ad justitiam . They define an equal temperament to be that , which is equally and exquisitely tempered : and an unequal temperament to be that , which is unequally and inexquisitely mixt . If this be their meaning of equal and unequal , then their division is illegal , because a temperament ad justitiam is as exquisitely and equally mixt as a temperament ad pondus : for Gold is tempered ad justitiam ; but none will deny that Gold is equally tempered in particles , although not in great pieces . That it is equally tempered in Particles , its equal colour , equal consistence of body , equal weight , &c. do testifie . Can any assert otherwise , but that man is equally tempered in Particles ? To the contrary , an unequal temperament is no temperament , or in the least tending to the generation of a mixt body , but to its corruption , as you shall read below . Had they by an equal temperament implied an equal proportion of the Elements equally mixt , then their Definition would have been beyond controuling . But give me leave to make somewhat a further disquisition upon their subtilities : Others state a twofold equal temperament . 1. When the elements concur in a mixt body in equal weights , and in equal mole and bigness : This temperament ( say they ) may be better faigned , and if it be found at any time , it doth not abide long , but passeth in a moment : their Reasons are , 1. Because a mixt body would rest in no place ; for if it rested upon the earth , then the earth must predominate ; if in the fire , then the sire must predominate , &c. 2. Neither could it be moved ; for if it moved downwards , the heavy elements would prevail , if upwards , the light ones . 3. The most active quality would overcome & consume the others . 4. There can be no mistion unless some of the first qualities conquer , and others be conquered . 2. When the elements concur with equal force , but not with equal mole , which temperament may also be better conceived in our mind , then imagined to be real . Those forementioned Arguments seem to disprove a possible real Temperament ad pondus , but how depravately , I shall instantly discover . 1. I affirm that a Mixtum ad pondus would rest in its own internal place , because it contains it self , neither doth it stand in need of an external place ; for only mixta ad justitiam do necessarily require a place to rest in , because they having one element prevailing over the others , which moves them to the region of that element , whereof it self is a part , where being arrived , are contained by that entire elementary body ; which is called a place , because it contains those bodies that are arrived to it . 2. Their second Argument only deducts a true inference from a true supposition ; for doubtless a body tempered ad pondus could not be moved to an external place from any internal Principle , because none had so much prevalence over the other as to move it . And for what they assert concerning the not duration of a mixtum ad pondus , is erroneous ; for an eval duration may be proved by their own words : thus , that which contains no contrary principle of motion in it self , is incorruptible , and consequently of an eval duration ; but according to their own words , such a body cannot be moved ; ergo . 3. This Argument is drawn from a false supposition ; for in a mixtum ad pondus all qualities are equally active , wherefore it is uncapable of dissolution or being overcome . 4. The last Argument is absolutely false . As to the latter part of their Distinction , it is grounded upon a supposition not to be supposed , which is , that there should be a possibility of the equality of qualities or force in a mixt body , and not of quantities . I prove the contrary , viz. that where ever there is an equality of qualities , there must also be an equality of matter . Suppose that to balance one minimum of Earth , there needs a hundred times as many , or more minima's of fire , these hundred minima's if they were deprived of their lightness or form , and that one minimum of its gravity , the remaining matter of those hundred would be no more then the matter of this one : Look below ; for according to the Philosopher himself it is the forma quantitativa that causes a quantum in Matter . All temperaments in respect to the proportion of the ingreding Elements are equal : but all temperaments in respect to the manner of mistion are not equal . Wherefore according to the manner of Mistion a temperament is divisible into equal and unequal . An equal temperament there is , whose parts are equally mixt one with the other throughout their whole substance or subject : For example , Suppose the same as before , that 100 minima's of fire were a sufficient number to balance one minimum of earth , and that a thousand Centenaries or proportions of fire were to be mixt with a thousand minima's of earth , now to make this an equal temperament , there must between every hundredth minim of fire be interposed one minim of earth , and so throughout their whole subject . But supposing that in one particle of that substance there was admixt one minim of earth between a hundred , and in another Particle but one between two or three or four hundred , this would cause an inequal temperament . An equal temperament is ( simpliciter ) called a temperament or temperature , and its intire being is called a mistum temperatum , or a temperate mixt body . V. An unequal temperament is called an Intemperies , or distemper , because it is not equally tempered ; Hence Galen writes , Lib. 2. Aphor. That an unequal temperature causes a difficulty . By an unequal temperature questionless he means an Intemperies , or Distemper . But the same Galen , Lib. de Intemper . inequ . towards the latter end , seems to acknowledge an aequalis Intemperies , in these words : But if all ones members are wholly ( tota per tota ) altered and changed , they are immediately freed from their pain : they are then seated in a difficult state . I distinguish an Intemperies into one , that is a beginning ( intemperies inchoata ) and another that is confirmed ( intemperies confirmata ; ) or into a primar and secondary distemper ; It is of a confirmed and secondary distemper that Galen speaks of here ; but all beginning & primar distempers are unequal , neither is a confirmed distemper equally mixt , but only equally spread ; for were it equally mixt , the body containing would be rendered more durable by it , as in Vinegar , where the hot adventitious parts first causing an Intemperies in wine , is afterwards equally mixt with its fixed spirits , through which its body is become more durable . VI. A man is said to be temperate , whose temperament doth dispose him to perform his Actions and Functions perfectest . This temperament is not a temperamentum ad pondus ; for through it he could not have been hot enough to have executed his natural or vital offices . Hence such a one is said to be perfecte temperatus , whose temperament ad justitiam is the perfectest , that is , executes its offices most perfectly . The heat of this temperament is a mild and gentle heat , or calor blandus . A Cholerick man is as properly said to be tempered ad justitiam , but then his temper is comparatively less perfect , and his heat more sharp ( calor acris . ) Now when a perfectly tempered man is distempered , his heat is sharp , which in a Cholerick man is temperate , but that heat is unequally mixt with the qualities of the first temperate party , and equally in the latter ; wherefore the same heat , which is counted temperate in one , is intemperate in another . Fernelius , Lib. 3. Cap. 11. excepts well against the denominating a man to be of a cholerick or Melancholy temperament , because the heat or coldness , which Choler and Melancholy do produce , is unequally mixt with out temperatures , and therefore do not constitute a temperament , but an intemperies ; wherefore it is more proper to state a man to be of a hot , cold , moist and dry temperament , or to deduct temperatures from the Elements , and denominate them according to their exuperancies , fiery , waterish , &c. It is very proper to state the temperament of Ayr to be moist and hot , or cold and moist , &c. because its various situation disposes it to mixtion with fire and water for a moist and hot temperament ; or cold and moist , if with more water and earth then fire , &c. But Aristotle spoke very improperly , when he said , that the ayr was of a moist and hot temperature , when he supposed the ayr to be simple and unmixt . Now if it was unmixt , how could it be said to be tempered ? for according to his own words , temperamentum est plurium ; a temperament consists of more then one . The Division of temperaments is manifold , 1. There is a single temperament , wherein one Element redounds above the others , and thence according to its eminence , is called fiery , waterish , ayry , or earthy : light with contiguity , light with continuity , heavy with contiguity , or heavy with continuity : rare , dense , thin or thick : hard , soft , &c. 2. A compounded temperament , when two Elements are eminent above the others in a temperament , as , fiery and waterish , fiery and ayry , fiery and earthy , earthy and waterish , earthy and ayry , ayry and waterish . 3. When three exceed the restant one . According to which a Subject is said to be waterish fiery and earthy , earthy ayry and waterish , fiery ayry and waterish , fiery ayry and earthy . In the same manner can a substance be named rare and dense , rare and thin , rare and thick , thick and thin , &c. The number of Distempers are agreeable to the number of Temperatures , which since they have been already enumerated , I shall not trouble you with the rehearsal of them . The Temperatures and Distemperaments of the parts of mans body are much different to what Authors have described them , but their particular relation appertaining to another Treatise● , I do wittingly omit their Insertion in this place . A Temperament is further divisible into an universal and particular temperament . An universal temperament is effected by the conforming of all the parts of an heterogeneous body into one temperament . A particular temperament is the temperament of every particular part in a heterogeneous body ; so a Bone is of a temperament differing from a Ligament , a Ligament from a Membrane , &c. But a Bone and a Ligament agree also in an universal temperament , viz. of the whole body . A temperament is considered either absolutely in it self , or comparatively with another , as one Species with another , according to which the Species of man is most exactly tempered , as Galen hath it , Lib. de opt . corp . constit . above all other Species . This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of man is the Rule whereby to measure the vertues of Medicaments , which if they do neither cool or heat , moisten or dry , they are accounted to be temperate , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But if they alter it either in heat , coldness , &c. they are taken to be of a hot , cold , &c. temperament , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. One Individual may be compared with another in temperature , whereby one man is said to be more or less temperate , hotter or colder then another . 3. An individual is compared to it self , and so a man is said to be more temperate in one age , time of year , Climate , &c. then in another . 4. When one part is compared to another , one is adjudged to be more temperate , hotter , moyster , &c. then another : So Galen , Lib. 1. de Temper . towards the end , states the skin of a mans hand to be of an exquisite middle temperament between all sensible bodies , and the most temperate of all the parts of man. Authors propose another Division of Temperament into actual and potential ; but since I have declared my Opinion in the Dispute of Powers , I shall pass it by . VI. It will not be useless to adumbrate the Combination of the Second Qualities one with the other , and delineate their Effects . Heat is either thin or dense . A thin heat doth attenuate and mollifie ; for molliaction is an action proceeding from a subtil attenuating heat , through which it attenuates the thick Moysture , and elevates the body of earth and water , whereby it is disposed to softness : Hence it is that the inward Crums of hard stale Bread are softned by loosening its moysture , and admitting the ayry fire . A dense heat is drying and burning . A thick heat is obtuse , not penetrating , but dampish , like unto the heat of damp Hay . Cold and thin is neither a powerful or piercing cold , but gentle and meek , like unto the cool quality of a Summers Brize . Cold and dense is a piercing and potent cold , striking through the central parts of a body . A thick and dense cold is condensing , congealing , and coagulating . A dense thin Moysture doth moysten very much , because it penetrates through the pores of a body , and lodgeth it self there , whereas a single moysture is too thick to moysten or to penetrate . A rare Moysture moystens less by far , and is soon expelled . A thin Moysture moystens somewhat more then a rare moysture ; But both do mollifie . CHAP. XX. Of Alteration , Coction , Decoction , Generation , Putrefaction , and Corruption . 1. What Coction and Putrefaction is . The Difference between Putrefaction and Corruption . 2. The Authors Definition of Alteration . The effects of Alteration . 3. The Division of Alteration . 4. That the first Qualities of the Peripateticks are not intended by the acquisition of new Qualities without Matter . Wherein Alteration differs from Mixtion or Temperament . 5. The Definition of Coction . Why a man was changed much more in his Youth then when come to Maturity . 6. The Constitution of women . Which are the best and worst Constitutions in men . That heat is not the sole cause of Coction . 7. The kinds of Coction . What Maturation , Elixation and Assation are . 8. What Decoction is , and the manner of it . 9. The Definition of Putrefaction . 10. What Generation imports in a large and strict acception . Whether the Seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinguisht from a young Plant or new born Animal . That heat is not the sole Efficient in Generation . 11. Whether the innate heat is not indued with a power of converting adventitious heat into its own Nature . Whether the innate heat be Celestial or Elementary . 12. The Definition of Corruption . Why the innate heat becomes oft more vigorous after violent Feavers . Whether Life may be prolonged to an eval duration . What the Catochization of a Flame is . By what means many pretend to prolong Life . That the Production of Life to an eval Duration is impossible . Whether our Dayes be determined . The Ambiguity of Corruption . Whether Corruption be possible in the Elements . I. IN the precedent Chapter I have spoke at large concerning Temperaments in general , and their Divisions ; to which ought to be annext the distinctions of Intemperatures . An Intemperature * moves either to an equal temperament and generation of a mixt body , or from a temperature to corruption and dissolution of a mixt body . The former motion is called Coction , the latter Putrefaction : the end of the former is an equal and durable temperament , and the generation of a mixt body ; the end or rather terminus ad quem of the latter is a most unequal temperature ( that is , when a mixt body returnes to its first elements ; now when its several ingredients are dissolved into their several elements , then they become most unequal , because every element in its own region superates the peregrine elements in three fourths , and yet there remains a temperature , because a fourth part of the alien elements is united to each of them ) and corruption of a mixt body . The difference then between Putrefaction and Corruption is , that the one is a motion to dissolution , and the other is an entire dissolution it self . The same difference is observable between Coction and the generation of a mixt body . Alteration is a Genus to them all ; for Coction and putrefaction are Alterations in a lower degree ; but Generation and Corruption are alterations in the highest degree . II. Alteration is a motion of the Elements , through which , they move unto , into , through and from one another in a mixt body . The motion unto one another I have formerly called their mutual embracement , the manner of which you have read before . They move from one another accidentally and secondarily , after they have embraced one another so close , that the contiguous Elements break through the continuous ones . I say Alteration is a motion ; the same is attested by Galen , in his 7 Tom. of his works , fol. 14. 4. By motion understand a local motion : for the Elements change their places in alteration , and therefore a local motion . So that Alteration is a Species of local motion . Through this local motion the Elements do divide and penetrate one another , which Division through local motion doth fully comprehend the nature of Alteration . Abra de Raconis in Disput. de Corp. mixt . sect . secund . asserts , that Alteration doth not terminate into qualities of the first Spec. to wit , Habit and Disposition , because neither of them are acquired by motion . 2. He states , That Alteration doth not extend to natural faculties and powers ; because these are produced in an instant . 3. There is no Alteration concurrent to the production of figure and form : because these emanate from Matter . To the contrary , Alteration constitutes Habits and Dispositions , Natural Faculties , Form and Figure ; because all these are produced by the forms of the Elements acting through Alteration upon one another . But to Answer to his Reason : I deny the first ; for habits and dispositions are acquired through motion . 2. I dislike his second Reason also ; for they are produced in many Instants . 3. Figure and Form are in or out of Matter , but not from Matter . III. Alteration is either successive or instantaneous . It is called successive , because it is made up by many instantaneous alterations ; like as successive time is said to be successive , because it is constituted out of many instantaneous times following one another ; and nevertheless an instant is no less properly time then successive time ; for time is nothing else , but the measure of one motion by another : Even so is an instantaneous alteration no less an alteration then a successive alteration , because a successive alteration is made up by many instantaneous ones . An Alteration is called instantaneous , because it happens in the least time ; which is called an Instant . Or an instantaneous alteration is the least alteration , whereby one Element altereth ( that is , divides ) the other in one minimum . Now since the beginning of action is from a minim or the least substance , the action it self must be also the least , which among the Elements specifieth an instantaneous alteration . Alteration is to be termed continuous , when a continuous Element altereth a contiguous one ; and contiguous , when a contiguous Element altereth a continuous one . IV. Fr. Eustach . in Tract . de Elem. Quest. 11. makes a query how the Elementary contrary qualities are intended and remitted through a successive alteration . 1. He states it for a truth , that Heat , Cold , &c. do acquire new qualities in their Subject . 2. That these new Qualities are entitative perfections , whereby heat , moysture , &c. are intended . 3. The doubt is now , how this entitative perfection is possible to any of these forementioned qualities : his Opinion is , that it is through addition of new degrees of heat , cold , &c. to the former degrees of the same quality , which are procreated out of the same Subject . 1. I deny that the forementioned qualities do acquire any other quality but what they are ; mixe water with wine , and the mixture will have something of the qualities of water , and something of the wine , but no new quality that should be neither . 2. I reject his second Position as false . 3. It is erroneous that other degrees should be superadded out of the subject ; for if they are superadded , they are superadded either from the foregoing quality , or an extrinsick efficient ; they cannot be superadded through themselves ; for then a thing would be supposed to generate it self , which is absurd , because ( a seipso nihil fit ) nothing is made by it self . They cannot be superadded by another , unless it be by the same qualities , by reason the cause must be of the same nature which the effect is of ( qualis causatalis effectus ) if by the same qualities , then the same again would generate it self ; ergo they cannot be superadded , or if superadded from without , it is no new quality , but agreeing with that which is intended . Alteration is different from Mistion or a Temperament in general , because it is an action , which disposes and prepares the Elements & their Forms for mistion and temperature . The union of the Elements and Forms thus altered or disposed is a mistion and temperament . Wherefore Aristotle defines the nature of Mistion very well : Mistion is the union of Miscibles alterated . Authors usually divide alteration in perfective and corruptive , which are equivalent to Coction and Putrefaction . V. Coction is an alteration tending to a temperament ad justitiam . Suppose at the first confusion of the Elements in order to a mixtion and temperament , the fire and ayr to be unequally mixt with the others about the remote parts , but to be equally mixt with the central parts . Now Coction is nothing else but the promotion of the light Elements , which are yet latent about the Center , to an equal mixture ( secundum partes , sed non secundum totum ) with the heavy ones ; and although at present they are not so equally mixt * , yet through alteration , that is by dividing or embracing one another , the earth dividing the fire , the water the ayr , the fire again moving to the earth , and the ayr to the water , at last they become altogether entirely altered , embracing one another , which constitutes a temperament ad justitiam . They being all thus reduced to a temperament , the alteration is much abated , but still continues , although in a very small and insensible manner , which causes a stability for a while in the body so temperated : the reason of that great abatement of alteration is , because the Elements being now dispersed and divided into small parts , retain a less force , and exercise a less opposition one against another , and therefore the temperament becomes stable . Observe then that Coction is swift , because of the greatness of alteration . 2. The temperament ad justitiam is stable , and ad tempus quasi consistens . 3. Putrefaction is the swiftest , because its alteration is the swiftest , as you shall read by and by . Hence you may easily collect the reason , why a man in his youth alters or changes so much , and at his adult years is seated in a consistent temperament , and changes not for a long while , whereas a youth , we see , changes every day , or at least it is observable every Moneth ; for stay away from a known youth but a Moneth , and when you see him again , you will mark that he is altered . This every Mother can spy out after she hath been gone forth from her Child but an hour or two , and at her return , cry out , Oh how is my Child altered . The reason is , because the calidum innatum is copiously shut up within the central particles of each part , and therefore moves strongly by Alteration : Hence Authors conclude Infants to be perfused with a more copious calidum innatum then when they come to be grown up in years . The force of this ( ●●Nr●● ) promogenious heat is such , that it altereth Children almost every moment ; Hence we may know why every external alteration of Diet , Weather , or Climate doth so easily injure them ; because ( besides that ) they are much altered internally ; wherefore the least alteration from without , if durable , soon disperseth and inflames their heat , and proves a frequent cause of so numerous deaths of Children , whereas men and women their heat being now consistent , and making but small force , their flesh closer , &c. are not so much subjected to Diseases , and such sudden deaths . VI. Women die faster , that is , thicker then men , and are more disposed to sickness then they , because their innate heat and ayr do effect greater alterations upon their bodies , as having but little earth or compressing density , in comparison to men , to resist the light Elements , and moderate their irruptions ; and therefore women seldom reach to any equal or consistent temperature , but are alwaies in changing , which in them after 18 , 20 , or 24 years expiration , is particularly called breaking , because then they alter so fast , that they swiftly put a period to their dayes ; and that because their bodies being lax and porous , their innate heat shoots through in particles , and now in minima's , without which there can be no durable temperature . Were their bodies heavier and denser , the minima's of earth would divide their heat into minima's , and reduce it to a temperature . If then their innate heat doth constantly cohere in particles , and is never dirempted into minima's , it retaining in that case stronger force then otherwise it could do in minima's , it alterates their bodies continually , and so they never attain to any consistency of age . Many sexagenarian Widowers or men of threescore years of age do alter less and flower then most women do from their five and thirtieth year ; wherefore they do rather cover a wife of twenty , because she will just last as long in her Prime , or will be as fast in breaking , altering and changing her temperament , form and shape in one year , as the old man shall alter or change in three or four years ; and so they grow deformed in an equal time . Wherefore a mans consistent age may last out the beauties of two or three women one after the other : and because of this , some in their mirth have proclaimed a woman after her 35th . year to be fitter for an Hospital , then to continue a Wife . No wonder if a Woman be more fierce , furious , and of a more rash swift Judgment then a man ; for their spirits and heat moving in great troops and confluences of Particles , must needs move swift , which swiftness of motion is the cause of their sudden rages , nimble tongues , and rash wits . To the contrary , a mans heat being tempered to minima's , moves more flow , & therefore is less passionate , and of a surer Judgment . A Cholerick man with a soft and glabrous skin , is likest to a woman in temperament , and is undoubtedly tied to all manner of Passion , as Fear , Love , Anger , to Rashness of Opinion , forgetfulness , hazarding and foolish venturing , and at other times because of his Fear , is as obstinate and refractory in hazarding . He is perfectly unfortunate , of a short life , and disposed to continual alterations , fitter for nothing then to fill up a Church yard in a short space of time . A man of a cholerick and melancholy temperature with a soft skin and somewhat rough , is likewise of a short life , but somewhat longer in his course then the former . His Fancy is contrived for plotting of base and inhumane designes , his Opinion is atheistical , his heart full of cheating and murderous thoughts , he is merciless and cruel to all , his nearest relations are as great a prey to him as strangers . Among men of this Temperature is a twofold difference , the one is more cholerick then melancholy , the other more melancholy then cholerick . The colour of the first is yellowish , of the last swarty . The former exceeds the latter by far in conditions , and is correctible , but with great pains , and notwithstanding is of a detestable nature ; but as for the latter , his pravity is abominable , only fit to make a Hangman , or else is most likely to come to the Gallowes himself . The best temperature of all is a sanguine tempered with melancholy ; this portends all honesty , modesty , faithfulness , pleasingness of humour , long life , great fortunes , pregnancy of wit , ingenuity , a rare fancy for new Inventions , tenacity of Memory , a sifting Judgment , profoundness of Meditations , couragious and generous ; in fine , fit for all things . Wherefore it was a true Saying of Arist. that none could be wise , unless he was somewhat melancholy . A pure sanguine temperature is of all humours the most pleasing , lovely , perfectly innocent , of a long life , and very fortunate . I could set down here demonstrable and certain Rules whereby to know infallibly the particular Inclinations , Passions and Faculties of every person , but apprehending that the Art might be abused by the Vulgar , and that the knowledge of it might prove as prejudicial to some , as profitable to others , I judge it more convenient to preserve its rarity and admirableness by secrecy . Authors do successively attribute the causality of Coction to heat alone ; but how erroneously you may now easily judge , since that I have explained the Elements to move each according to their proportion ; as in Coction , Earth doth as much conduce to it through its contiguous and punctual motion to the Center , as the fire doth in moving to the Circumference ; wherefore the Elements are to be adjudged equal causes of Coction . VII . Thus far we have spoken concernig Coction in general , and as it may be supposed applicable singly to the Elements : What remaines , is to treat of the Species of Coction , depending upon the combination of the Elements , to wit , upon heat incrassated , heat condensed , water rarefied and attenuated , earth rarefied , &c. The Objectum circa quod of Coction is Crudity . The Species of Coction are accounted to be three : Maturation , Elixation and Assation . Maturation is a Coction performed by a thin and moderately condensed heat together with the co-action of the other Elements , whereby immaturity is overcome , and its subject perduced to maturity or a temperament ad justitiam . This kind of Coction takes place in man , who in his younger years is said to be immature , and by process of time to be perduced or come to maturity . All animals are perduced to their consistent Coction by Maturation . Maturation takes its beginning from the Center ; whence it is that the innermost flesh of Beasts is the sweetest , because it is the first , soonest and best concocted . Maturation renders a mixt body more compact and solid then it was ; because it consumes and expels the ayry & waterish parts , which being diminisht , the remainder is left more solid and compact . Through Maturation a body becomes sweeter , as we may observe in all fruits growing sweeter through Maturation , whereas they before were acerbous and austere . A body through Maturation is exalted to a greater purity . Elixation is a coction performed by a rarefied and attenuated moysture , that is an ayry and fiery water , and the co-action of the other Elements . Thus the equality of temperament in Fishes , and other waterish bodies proceeds from Elixation . Through this thin and rare moysture all the parts of a mixt body are equally laid , and through its fluor thick parts are attenuated , dense ones diducted , and rare ones condensed . Assation is a Coction effected from a dense heat acting socially with a just proportion of the other Elements . Thus hung Beef , and dryed Neats Tongues are concocted . All Metals are likewise concocted or purified by Assation . I shall not spend more words to shew the manner of the variety of Coction , since it is apparent by what hath been said before . VIII . A Decoction is an equal wasting of a concocted body , hapning through the continuation of a concocting alteration . Or otherwise it is an overdoing or an overcoction of a mixt body , through which it must necessarily be wasted , which notwithstanding remaines the same thing , or according to Aristotle , remanet idem Subjectum sensibile . But in putrefaction a body doth not only wast , but makes way also for a Dissolution , and the subject is sensibly changed . 2. Putrefaction derives from an unequal alteration , caused by an immoderate and unequal adjunction of an extrinsick , influent or adventitious quality to the least parts of one or more of the Elements . But Decoction is equal , and performed by the same causes that Coction was . Or in a word , the one is a violent and sudden motion to dissolution of the parts of a mixt body into their first Elements ; the other is a gradual , successive , flow , durable , prolonged , and natural dissolution of a mixt body into its Elements . As for the manner of Decoction , it is thus . You must conceive that in Coction the innate heat or whole temperament suffereth but little loss or dislocation , because at the formation of any body , the heat is so arctly joyned to the central parts , that although it is attenuated through the Ayr , yet firmly adhering to minima's of earth , and surrounded with minima's of water , it cannot be entirely loosned from its adherents , before it is minutely divided and spread equally through all the body . 2. The Minutes of weighty Elements arctly compassing the fire , do detain the same fire from exhaling . 3. When the Coction is perducted to its height , and the Elements are equally laid , their forcible alteration ceaseth , but nevertheless a smal alteration doth still continue , every minim yet pressing against the other , whereby the superficial heat doth by little and little exhale , * whose vacuity the nearer light parts do succeed to fill up , and afterwards those of the central parts next following . When now the heat is so much dispersed & expelled , that it is grown invalid to balance the other Elements , it is suddenly suppressed in an instant ; after which instantaneous suppression , another form succeeds at the same nick of time , and verifieth that Maxime : quod Substantia generetur in instanti , that a Substance is generated in a moment . The reason , why a form is so suddenly and in the least time expelled , and another received , is , because when the heavy superficial parts , and those next to them are freed from their light elements , they move all together with one force , which force fa●●ing suddenly and violently upon that small part of the remainder of the light Elements , doth then violently and suddenly chase and expell them . By this it appears that Decoction is natural , because it is from an intrinsick Principle . IX . Putrefaction is a violent alteration of the Elements in a mixt body from too great an irruption of an extrinsick elementary quality , which joyning with its like , overpowers the mixtum , and frees that Element from its nearest alligation to the minimal parts of the other Elements , and so do both easily overcome the mixture . Wherefore the cause of Putrefaction is an unequal temperature or distemper effected by the superaddition of an extrinsick elementary quality . The Causes in particular are four : 1. When the intrinsick earth is impowered by the adjunction of external pressing terrene minims , which overpressing the innate heat , and dividing it from the Ayr , first extinguisheth its flame , and then presseth it out from its body . This Species of Putrefaction may be called a tendence to petrification and terrification . I will give you an Example : A man who is frozen to death is properly said to have been putrified by a tendency to Terrefaction : for the external frosty Minims pressing hard upon him together with the intrinsick earth of his body , do at last extinguish his vital flame . 2ly and 3ly , when external Moysture is adunited to the internal Moysture , it doth also cause a putrefaction of that Mixtum , through over-relaxing and opening the body , whereby the light parts easily procure a vent . * This may be otherwise signified by a tendency to moulding . Those small filaments that do usually adhere to the surface of a moulded body are nothing else but a diduction of the circumjacent Moysture into length and tenuity by the egress of Fire and Ayr. The Greenness or Grayishness of the said filaments is nothing but the fire splending and glistering against the circumjacent Moysture , the refraction and reflection of which ( arising from the proportion of Crassitude or Tenuity of the body reflecting ) causes a greenish light ; and if it be more transparent , the splendor appears grayish . 4. When fire is intended by addition of new degrees of external fire , and so moves more forcibly towards the Circumference ; * its name may aptly be implied by a tendency to Combustion . I have formerly asserted that Coction was a tendency to Generation , wherefore Order and Method require from me at present , that I should illustrate the Nature of Generation and Corruption , both which in a strict sense are the termini ad quem and end of Coction and Putrefaction . X. Generation in a large sense imports the constitution or Production of a mixt being ; but since that all generated beings are in a continual motion , it is strictly attributed to the middle term , or a term of reflection , as I may call it , where the exceeding quality doth augment its force , afterwards insensibly and sensibly decreasing . Notwithstanding a mixt body at its first production is an entire mixt body , although it is not yet arrived to its full extension of parts : An Infant is as much a man as a Giant , or is as perfect a mixt body consisting of matter and form as the same Giant . Here I fall into a doubt , whether the seed of a Plant or Animal is essentially distinct from a young Sprig or Plant , or a new-born Animal . Is there any more difference between a Seed and its germined body , then between an Infant and a man ? What is a man but an Infant , thrust out into length , breadth , and depth ? And so what is a young Plant but its seed protruded into all dimensions ? We say an Infant is a man , because it bears all the Figures and Shape , and acts rudely the same actions which a man doth . Doth not the Seed within its Pellicle bear all the marks , shape , figures , and exerciseth the same actions rudely that a Plant doth ? Doth it not attract , retain , concoct and expel in the same manner as a Plant ? Is there any substance or new quality advened to it , and essentially joyned to its Minims ? To this Opinion I find Hipp. Lib. de Diat . Galen , Lib. 1. de Sem. Cap. 7. Argenter . Lib. de art . par . tit . de Temper . Zabarel , de anim . fac . ult . Cap. 11. Picolhomin . Lib. 1. Praelect . Anat. 1. Prael . Jonbert . Licet . and many others consenting . You have this Controversie discussed more at large by that painful Collector of Collections , Sennert . in his Hypom . Phys. Authors assert strongly , that nothing can be computed to the number of Efficients of generation , unless it be hot , where if they do not find a particular hot Efficient , they accur to an universal one , the Suns efficiency , or other Astral Influences . Pray , let them answer me , By what Efficient many mixt bodies , as plants , Bears and others are generated in the Winter in Greenland ? which that they are , is undoubted to many ; but supposing them to be generated in the Summer , which is colder then our coldest winter , they cannot comprehend the Suns heat for an extrinsick Efficient , because the cold doth by far exceed the heat in those Countries , as appeares by the great Islands of Ice ; wherefore the efficiency is rather to be imputed to an acute cold , which through its acute weight doth divide and spread the included heat into the parts . I do not deny but that there is an admitted Efficient in the juyce and food which they do suck in and ingest into their bodies , which here , as in all other coctions , stirs up and diducts the innate heat , and being adunited to it , strengthens and augments the same : But I pass by this to what is more plain . Ice and many bodies generated thereon , as stones , &c. are mixt bodies , and is it the heat of the Sun that doth effect these ? Ergo Cold with the other qualities are equally to be stated Efficients . XI . Before I take my leave of this Subject , I must discuss one Controversie more , whether the innate heat be not indued with a power of changing extrinsick heat being admitted within the quantity of the containing body into its own nature , and to convert it into innate heat . On the one side we might judge it impossible that so little heat , as is contained within the Seed of a Vegetable should be sufficient to perduce a Tree to that great bigness which many are of , and continue so for many years . On the other side , Authors do unanimously conclude , that the innate heat is destitute of such a vertue , and that the heat advened to it is an influent and admitted heat essentially differing from it , the one being of a celestial origin , the other of an elementary . Arist. Lib. 2. de Gener. Animal . Cap. 3. declares his Judgment upon this matter : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For in the Seed of all things there is that contained which makes them to be fruitful , to wit , that which we call heat . Neither is it fire , nor any such faculty , but a Spirit , which is contained in the Seed and in the spumous body , and the nature , which in the spirit is respondent to the Element of the Stars : And a little further he repeats his mind ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is evident that the heat in Animals is neither fire , nor any thing arising from fire . If then it is according to the mind of Arist. to state the innate heat to be Astral , and the influent heat to be elementary , there must intercede a quidditative difference between them , and consequently being of so distant natures , the one cannot beget the other . Before I conclude , it will not be amiss to enquire what they intend by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Innate heat . Galen , Lib. advers . Ly. writes , that the innate heat is a body , whence most Authors make a distinction between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caliditas , heat , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hot ; the former importing a nude quality , the latter a body . This body is constituted out of a primogeneous ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Moysture , Celestial heat , and insited Spirits , according to which Fernel . Lib. 4. Physiol . Cap. 6. sets down this definition ; Innate heat ( calidum innatum ) is the primogeneous moysture perfused throughout all parts with an insited spirit and heat . But why ought this mixture not rather to be denominated a primogeneous moysture from the substance , then innate heat from the quality , since that a substance is counted to be more noble then an Accident ? 2. What difference is there between an insited spirit and innate heat ? Certainly none ; a spirit consisting of heat and moysture , and so doth the other : Or if you make a difference between them , you are like to fall into an errour ; for if a spirit be a compleat substance , as all Philosophers do grant , and that be united to another substance , namely a primogeneous Moysture , they must constitute a Totuns per Accidens , but none will assert the innate heat to be a totuns per Accidens ; Ergo. 3. I find a variance among them in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , connate , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , innate ; some taking them for one , others limiting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heat , that is only proper to living creatures , and applying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to heat , that is common to all mixt bodies , and is subjected to Putrefaction , as if connate heat were not subjected to Putrefaction as well as the innate : Doth not the connate heat of man suffer putrefaction in a Hectick Feaver ? You may further read of a fourfold difference of innate heat in Argenter . his Treatise of the innate heat . 1. I conclude that the connate heat is elementary , and not astral . I prove it . There was connate heat before the Stars were created ; ergo its Original was not thence . The Antecedence is plain from Scripture , Gen. 1. for there it appeares , that Herbs , which questionless were actuated by connate heat , were created the third day ; whereas the Stars were not created before the fourth day . 2. Where the effects and operations are alike , there the causes cannot be unlike ; but the effects and operations of Astral heat are no others then of Elementary ; ergo although I granted it to be Astral , it must also be elementary . 2. Innate heat is said to be a spirit , because its rarest substance is adunited to the least bodies of the other Elements , whereby it is fortified , and becomes more potent , and is constituted a most subtil moveable body . The purest and most potent spirits are about the Center ; they next to them are not so subtil ; others yet more remote are grosser . 3. The connate heat hath a power of converting influent heat into the same nature it self is of . I prove it . Hippocrates teacheth , that the maternal bloud and the sperm are perfused with innate heat ; if then advenient bloud can be united to primogeneal bloud , ergo influent heat may be united to the innate heat , and converted into the same nature . 2. Flesh contains a part of connate heat in it , but cut off a piece of flesh , and Nature will restore it again ; if restore it again , then innate heat must be restored with it : if so , then this innate heat must be generated out of the bloud by the innate heat of the next adjacent parts . 4. Childrens teeth are regenerable , but teeth contain innate heat in them ; ergo innate heat is regenerable . 5. That , which the fore-quoted Opinion stated a putrefactible innate heat is a volatick and moveable heat , which not being subtil enough to be united to the fixt or connate heat , is protruded to the external parts , and is subjected to putrefaction ; so that in the body of man the food that is daily ingested , its subtilest part serveth to be converted into innate heat , and to be substituted into the room of the last consumed innate heat . The courser parts are converted into moving and external heats : By Heats Calida understand hot Particles . 6. How is it possible , that so little innate heat , as is contained within a Dram or two of Sperm should be sufficient to heat the body of a big man ? XII . Corruption is the dissolution of a mixt body into the Elements , or into other bodies more resembling the elements then it . The Cause of Corruption , as I said before , is the greatest putrid alteration , whereby the innate heat is violently dissolved . In Putrefaction the moving heat alone is altered , which is reducible ; but if it continues to a great putrefaction , then the innate heat suffers danger , and is yet likewise reducible ; but if the greatest putrefaction seizeth upon a body , then the innate heat is strongly putrified , and is rendered irreducible , because through it the greatest part of the innate heat is corrupted , which to expel , the remaining innate heat finds it self too impotent . But if only a less part be corrupted , and the greater abide in power , it may overcome the other , and reduce it self . Hence a reason may be given , why many men having been oft seized upon by Feavers , yet have been cured , and their innate heat is become more vigorous then ever it was , yea some live the longer for it . The reason is , because in most curable Feavers , the moving spirits alone are affected ; neither doth the Alteration reach so deep as greatly to disturb the innate heat , but oft times the body being foul , and the bloud altered by peregrine humours , the body is cleansed , and by its fermenting and expelling heat the bloud is freed from these noxious humours , after which the primogenious heat is less oppressed , and acts more naturally then before , through which life is prolonged . Here we may answer fundamentally to that so frequently ventilated doubt , whether life may be prolonged to an eval duration ? Paracelsus and many of his Sectators do maintain it affirmatively , to whom three hundred years seemed but a slight and short age , and in stead of it promising a Life of Nestor to those as would make use of his ( Arcana ) Mysterious Medicines , yea a life to endure to the Resurrection . But these are but Fables and Flashes ; for since that a man is unequally mixt , and that one Element doth overtop the other , questionless the predominant element will prove a necessary cause of the dissolution of that Mixtum ; but was a man tempered ( ad pondus ) equally , and as Galen hath it , tota per tota , his Nature would become eval , all the Elements being in him composed to an equal strength in an equal proportion . If then otherwise the radical heat and moysture do sensibly diminish , certainly old age or gray haires cannot be prevented . Possibly you may imagine a Medicine , the which having a vertue of retarding the motion of the vital heat must of necessity prolong its life in the same manner , as I have read in some Author , I cannot call to mind which , a Candle hath been preserved burning for many years without the adding of Moysture to it , by being placed in a close and cold Cave deep under ground . Here ( if true ) a flame was retarded in its motion by the constringent cold of the earth , and thereby the Tallow was saved by being but a very little dissipated through the motion of the fire . I say then , could the natural heat be retarded by such a constrictive medecine , as to catochizate it , and hinder its motion , life might be protracted to some hundreds of yeares : But again , then a man could not be suffered to eat or drink in that case , because that must necessarily stirre up the heat , which excited , if it were not then ventilated by the substracting the forementioned constrictive Medecine , whereby it might dissipate the acceding moisture , must incur into danger of extinction . But this prolongation of life pretended by Theophrast . Par. is attempted by hot Medecines , such as they say do comfort and restore the natural Balsom of man , which is so far from retarding old Age , that it rather doth accelerate it ; for if the heat is augmented , then certainly it must acquire a stronger force , whereby it procures a swifter declination , as hath been shewed . Besides , Experience confirms this to us : Many having accustomed themselves to take a Dram or two of the Bottle every Morning , viz of Aq. vit . Matt. hoping thereby to fortifie their heat , and so to prolong their years , have by that means enflamed their heat , & soon kindled it up to a corruptive fire : & to this purpose , I remember a notable Instance , which some 9 or 10 years ago I observed at Leyden , where visiting the Hospital weekly with the publick Professor of Physick , I took notice of a Patient , being a man of about 40. his Temperature cholerick , his habit of body thin and rough , his skin changed to a brownish tawny , and full of wrinkles ; his complaint was only of an universal faintness when he went ; his Urine was overcocted ; enquiry being made into the Constitution of every particular part , they were found to be like affected with an Atonia calida , or Intemperature towards heat : a further search was made into the cause of so universal a heat ; his Diet and Course of Life had been very moderate , only he confessed that by advice of a Physitian he had accustomed himself to take half an Ounce of Aq. vit . Matt. every morning for 6 years together : Here the cause was found out , namely , the over-comforting and augmenting of his vital flame , which was now become so potent , that it had penetrated all the body , and was ready to diminish and decrease every day , whence through its dayly progress it had wrought such strange effects in this man , that he although but young , appeared to be as old as a man of 70. Even almost such another Patient I saw in the Charitè Hospital at Paris . Wherefore it is evident , that by such means life is not prolonged but shortned : neither will the Oximel Squillit . of Galen , so much commended by him to keep back old Age , do any more then the forenamed Aq. vit . 1. I conclude then that old Age may be retarded , and Life prolonged , but by other means , then ever hath been derected hitherto by any man ; however Lactantius writes , that Adam used a most excellent and admirable Magistery in his Family , through which their years were much prolonged . Many describe the length of life of the Patriarchs to the same mysterious Medicine , which was successively discovered to them by Adam . I have read of Artephius , and others in the daies of old , who are said to have protracted their daies to a thousand years by help of Art , and means of using the Tincture of Gold , and sometimes the Tincture of Steel . I have also read of a Maid , who had lived for many years without eating or drinking , she was not any thing sensibly altered in all that time , but lay constantly a bed , or moved seldom , unless it were to turn her . As I think , you may find the Relation of it in Schenckius his Observ. Here you have a plain Retardation of Age by a Catochization of heat and the other qualities : for she being Phlegmatick , her radical Moysture was thereby incrassated , which incrassation kept her innate heat in the same flame for a long time , until that it was loosened by procatartick Causes . I shall speak more at large concerning the Catochization of fire in its flame below . Through the same Catochization of the Elementary qualities other inanimated bodies were likewise preserved and retarded in their Alteration , insomuch that the bodies so catochizated have not undergone the least sensible Alteration or change in hundreds of yeares . The AEgyptians had a way of preserving dead bodies three thousand yeares , as we read concerning their Mummies , in such a manner that the Corps could not suffer any sensible change in an Age , or otherwise how could they have lasted so long ? The search into their manner of Embalming leads us unto the knowledge of such a durability . They dipped close woven Linnen into a melted mixture of Gums , Rozins , Wax and Spices , in which they wrapped the Corps , rowling it sundry times close about , which afterwards they put into a thick Leaden Coffin , & shut it up in another Oaken Coffin , and placed the same in a deep , cold and dry Celler or Cave , being closely environed with dry Sand and Marble Stones . All which caused a greater condensation of the earthy parts , incrassation of the Moysture , and seisure upon the fiery and ayry parts , and a detention of the said parts in the same situation as they were seized upon : or it may be , they were a little more divided , whereby their force was somewhat clipped and stopped in their motion ; however there remained so much force as to keep the fire safe from being violently expelled by the weighty Elements ; in such a manner that there passed no opposition between them , but they were seized upon , and so derained as a man is in a Catoche , upon which ground I call it a Catochization . Did there pass any remarkable action between them , then the light parts must acquire a vent , whereby the body must necessarily change and approximate to a dissolution . 2. The greater incrossation of Moysture doth keep in the heat , and indurates the body ; for were it thin , it would mollifie and open the body , and give occasion to the egress of the intrinsick heat . 3. The shrowding of the Corps in many Folds of Gummed Linnen doth hinder the ayr from penetrating to it , which if it did , it would soften the body , and make way for the effuge of the light parts . 4. The Spices consolidating the body through their drying faculty , conduce to the detention of the heat . 5. The Coldness and Dryness of the place , and of the Coffins do contribute to the same action , and preclude the way to the ingredient Ayr. All other inanimate solid bodies are preservated and prolonged in their duration by detaining them in Quicksilver , Snow , Wax , shining Amber , Honey , Syrrups , Gummes , Oyles , wet and dry Sand. As for a burning Flame , it cannot be so rigidly detained as to have its Smoke totally kept in , which reverberating upon the heat , and joyning with the other weighty Elements , would violently expel the heat : but as I said before , the detention by condensation and incrassation must be no more , then that the smoak may pass ; yet in small flames this is not so much necessary . There is another means , whereby to prolong life by keeping the heat in a flame , and is performed through averting the heavy Elements , and attenuating and lightning them by Art ; for otherwise they would violently extinguish the flame . Wherefore by the combination of these two means , namely Catochization and aversion by way of detention , there may be an infallible Medecine compiled for the prolongation of life , and retardation of old Age. But of this more particularly in my Principles of Physick . 2. Concl. Production of life to an eval duration is impossible . Were it that the necessity of mans dissolution was independent upon an improportionate temperament of the Elements , yet Gods Decree , and Judgment would necessarily bring it upon him , Gen. 2. 17. But of the Tree of the Knowledge of good and evil , thou shalt not eat of it ; for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die . Job in the 17th . Chap. declares the necessity and certainty of mans death , particularly in v. 5. Seeing his dayes are determined , the number of his Moneths are with thee , thou hast appointed his bounds that he cannot pass . I cannot here omit the detecting of that dull vulgar Errour and Doubt arising about these very words of Job . Their way of Argumentation is , If the life of man is determined to a year , a Moneth , Day and Minute ; ergo it will prove in vain for me to have that care of my health , and caution of hazarding my Life at Sea or at Land : In fine , there is neither Anticipation or Posticipation of Life . Man acts voluntarily , that is freely , without any necessary or fatal impulse ; wherefore one who is drowned at Sea , was not compelled to go and be drowned , but went thither freely , or might have stayed away ; if then he might have stayed away , ergo his life might have been prolonged by staying away . Or otherwise , suppose a man is diseased with a Gangreen in some one extreme part of his body : Cannot we say that this man , if he lists , may have his life prolonged by ampntating the gangrenous Member , or if he will , that he may accelerate his death in suffering it to increase and creep on ? But to Answer to the Text. Determination of Dayes is twofold . 1. Of the Natural Course of mans Life : as , suppose that the Temperament of man will last and endure ( if it run off in a Natural Course ) to a hundred and twenty yeares , some more , some less ; now this term may be said to be Gods Determination of the Dayes of man , when he hath determined that his temperament shall endure no longer then he hath made it to endure naturally . 2. There is a Determination of life before it hath run out his natural course , as when God doth manifestly cut down a man in the full strength of his years . Again there is an ordinary determination of the duration of beings , by which God hath determined , that all things shall have their natural course of being , acting and continuing . Were it not for this ordinary determination of God , he would never suffer the wicked to live , or that any Natural thing should be serviceable to them . 2. There is also an extraordinary Determination , through which God hath determined to act beyond his ordinary determination in , through , or upon things , which are ordinarily determined . This determination is secret , and called Gods hidden will. Neither doth his extraordinary determination contradict , or clip , or change his ordinary determination , but that God may or doth sometimes determinate beyond it . This premitted , I do assert , that the determination of mans dayes in the Text , is to be understood of Gods ordinary determination of the Natural Course of mans Life . I confess although God according to his ordinary determination hath determined the Natural course of mans dayes , yet he may through his extraordinary determination prolongate the same mans life to many years , and notwithstanding thereby he doth not contradict his ordinary determination ; for a man having run out his full Natural course of life , hath therein answered Gods ordinary determination , which being expired , God may , and sometimes doth supernaturally and by his extraordinary determination superadd other natural Principles , through which his life is prolonged ; thus was the life of King Hezekiah prolonged by God superadding new Principles of life , whereby his life was protracted 15 years longer ; for through Gods ordinary determination he must have died fifteen years before ; because all his natural heat was spent through his Disease , and his temperament run off : Wherefore , as the Text saith , 2 Kings 20. 1. he must have died of a necessity ; but God extraordinarily superadding a new heat , and a new life prolonged his dayes . In the same manner doth God oft-times through his extraordinary determination cut down the wicked , and shorten their dayes , Psal. 55. Look back to the 9 and 10 Chap. of my Natur. Theol. Here may be demanded , how Adam and Eves Bodies could have been of an eval duration , supposing they had remained in their Innocency , their bodies being tempered ad justitiam only , and not ad pondus . I Answer , That ( according to all probability ) their primogenial temperature was by far more perfect ( compariativè ) then ours , and therefore did not consume faster then their Natures could adunite other parts in the room of the dissipated ones ; besides that heat which was dissipated , was only part of the moveable heat ; as for their fixt heat , that was so arctly united and tempered , that its nexe was indissoluble , which through their Fall is become soluble . This Controversie is stated and handled more at large by Beverovit . Lib. de vit . term . and Gregor . Horst . Lib. 2. de Nat. human . Exerc . 4. Quest. 10 & 11. whom you may peruse at your leisure . As Generation did import a twofold signification , so doth Corruption . 1. In a large sense , it implies a natural dissolution together with the declining alteration thereunto tending . 2. Strictly it signifies a violent dissolution of a mixt body through a preceding Putrefaction . Hence those may be advertised , who do erroneously confound Putrefaction and Corruption , taking them for one . Its Species are Combustion , Petrification , Corruption by waterish moysture , and Corruption through ayry moysture . You may easily understand the natures of them by what hath been spoken before . Whether Corruption is possible to the Elements , as they are now consisting mutually mixt one with the other , is a Doubt moved by some . I Answer , that a total Corruption is impossible , a partial one happens every hour ; for we see ayry bodies , as Clouds , dissolved every day : the like happens in the Region of Fire , where fiery bodies are dissolved every day , and others again generated . In the Earth and Water some bodies are likewise corrupted , and others generated every day ; so Gold , Silver , and all other hard Metals , are sometimes violently corrupted under the earth , from an extrinsick potent and putrifying heat . CHAP. XXI . Of Light. 1. What Light is . The manner of the production of a Flame . 2. The Properties and Effects of Light. 3. That Light is an Effect or consequent of a Flame . Whence it happens that our Eyes strike fire when we hit our Foreheads against any hard Body . That Light is not a quality of fire alone . That Light is not fire rarefied . That where there is Light , there is not alwaies heat near to it . How Virginals and Organs are made to play by themselves . 4. That Light is a continuous obduction of the Air. That Light is diffused to a far extent in an instant , and how . Why the whole tract of Air is not enlightned at once . 5. The manner of the Lights working upon the Eye-sight . That sight is actuated by reception , and not by emission . 6. The reason of the difference between the extent of illumination and calefaction . That Light cannot be precipitated . 7. That Light is not the mediate cause of all the Effects produced by the Stars . That Light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the optick spirits . How the Air happens to burst through a sudden great light . That a sudden great Light may blind , kill , or cast a man into an Apoplexy . 8. How Light renders all Objects visible . Why a piece of Money cast into a Basin filled with water appears bigger than it is . The causes of apparent Colours . Why a great Object appears but small to one afar off . The difference between lux and lumen . What a Beam is . What a Splendour is . That the Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames are not distinguished specie . How the Coelum Empyreum is said to be Lucid. I. VVE are now to ennumerate and unfold the remaining qualities risen from the mixture of the Elements ; such are Light , Colours , Sounds , Odors , and Sapors . We will first begin with Light , as being the excellentest among them . Light is a quality emanating from flaming fire . A flame is nothing else but incrassated Air expanded and deducted in rotundity by condensed fire , which is detained and imprisoned within the foresaid qualified Air. The difficulties requiring illustration are , 1. How the fire comes to be condensed . 2. How imprisoned . 3. Why the Air doth immediately surround it . 4. How light is propagated , and the manner of its action . As to the first : Fire I have told you will not burn unless it be condensed ; for being naturally rare , it penetrates through the incrassated Air with ease : but being condensed it doth not , because it is adjoyned to a heavy gross body ( namely , the minima's of the Earth and Water ) which doth put a stop to its pass ; but nevertheless the force of fire is stronger by reason of those adjoyned heavy minima's : For fire being violently detained by them is grown stronger . 2. Fire being to divide another thick body makes use of the compressing accuteness of Earth to divide it , which it effects by protruding those dense parts before it ; for through its single rarity it could not . 2. Fire flying out and being expulsed out of a mixt body , if it doth not meet with incrassated Air to retain it , will pass and vanish ; but hitting against incrassated Air it strives to pass ; the Air again being continuous doth maintain her continuity with all her force ; and thirdly , the fire moving circularly makes a circular dent into the mass of the said thickned Ayr , which it beats against , the advenient Ayr also striving from all parts to recover its situation , and therefore necessarily surrounding the fire . The Ayr again is also become stronger , because of its violent detention , notwithstanding the fire being the more potent doth diduct it into an oval or round Figure , in the same manner as Wind striving to pass the water doth blow it up into a bubble . Fire being thus condensed , imprisoned , and surrounded with thick ayr , and diducting the same ayr into an oval or round Figure is called a flame . II. The properties of a flame are 1. to be burning hot , 2. to be an ( lux illuminans ) illuminating light . The burning proceeds from the particles of condensed fire violently striking through the moisture of a mixt body , whereby it divides it into ashes , or a black crust tending to ashes . Before I shew the manner of emanation of Light , let us first examine , what it is we call Light * . Light is that which is visible , and renders all things about it visible . Wherefore you do mark , that Light is nothing but that , which affects and moves the eye-sight . If then I make it appear to you , whereby it is that fire doth affect the Eye-sight , therein I shew you the manner of emanation or operation of Light. You must apprehend the optick spirits to be a thin continuous body , equally interwoven through all its parts with a proportion of thin yet a little condensed fire , ( for were it not a little dense it could not heat ) so that it is very like to the ambient ayr in substance and its other qualities . 2. Supposing it to be an ayr , we must conceive it to be continuous with the ambient ayr , when the eyes are open . This premitted , I infer light to be nothing else but a continuous obduction of the Ayr caused by a flaming fire . But let me here intreat your serious intention upon what I shall discover concerning the nature of Light , it being one of the difficultest mysteries of all Philosophy , and although its effects are luminous to the Eye , yet its nature is obscure to the Understanding . The search of this moved Plato to leave Athens and set saile for Sicily to speculate those flames of the mount AEtna . Empedocles the Philosopher hazarded himself so far for to make a discovery of the nature of a flame and its light , that he left his body in the Mongibell fire for an experiment , although much beyond his purpose . It is almost known to all , how that the Learned Pliny took shipping from the promontory Misenas to be traversed to the Mount Pomponianus , whither curiosity had driven him to fathom the depths of the Vesuvian flames , but before he could feel the heat the smoak smothered him . III. First then I prove that Light is an effect of a flame . There is no flame but it causeth light , and by the light we know it is a flame ; Ergo , Light is an inseparable accident , and a propriety quartimodi of a flame , the Antecedence is undoubted ; Doth not a Candle , a Torch , a focall flame cause lights ? Or did you ever see light and doubted of the flame of it ? What is the reason , when we hit our fore-heads against any hard thing , we say there strikes a light out of our eyes ? It is , because the violence of the stroke did discontinuate the optick ayr , through which the condensed fire * did unite and diduct the intrinsick ayr , which was incrassated through the same stroke , and so made a flame , or rather a flash , which is a sudden flame , that is quickly lighted , and quickly laid . Secondly , Light is not a single quality , inhering in fire alone : for were it so , then where ever fire is , there should be light ; but to the contrary we find , that there is fire inherent in the ayr , and many other bodies , yet the ayr remains dark after the descent of the Planets . 2. Were fire naturally light , we could never be in darkness , because the vast Region of fire is so large , that it could not but illuminate thrice the extent of the ayr . Thirdly , Light is not fire rarefied and exporrected throughout all the dimensions of the ayr : for who could ever imagine , that a Candle , being so small a flame , should serve to be drawn out through the ayr , and fill it with light to the extent of six or eight Leagues ? for a Candle may be seen at Sea in a clear dark night six or eight Leagues off or further , so that it is absurd to imagine this , and unworthy of a Philosophers maintaining it . 2. It is impossible that fire could be so exactly mixt with ayr in an instant for so large an extent . 3. There is never a particle of illuminated ayr , but it is light to the full extent of the illumination , if so , then there must be a penetration of bodies . Fourthly , Light is not fire rarefied ; for were it so , then that fire which is most rarefied should be lightest , but the consequence is false , Ergo , the Antecedence also . I prove the falsity of the consequence : Fire in Brimstone , or flaming Brandy is more rare than the fire of a Candle , and yet it doth nothing near enlighten so much as the flame of a Candle . Fire most rarefied , as it is naturally , is not at all light . * Lamps have burned in Tombs for many years together , and have enlightned the same for as many years ; but it is absurd to conceive , that fire could have lasted , or been sufficient to be rarefied through the ayr for so many years ; some simply deny the possibility of it , although the same may be brought to pass at this present time . 4. Where light is there is not alwaies heat near to it ; for if the contrary were true , then an equal light must have an equal * heat ; but this is averred to be false in Greenland , where in their day-season it is as light as it is in the East-Indies , and lighter th●n it is in the Indies in the Winter , and yet the heat in the Indies is infinitely more intense than it is in Greenland ; for here it is never hot , although less cold at some times above others . Some Author makes use of a musical Instrument of Cornel. Drebbel to prove against all sense and reason that where ever Light is , there is also heat . These kind of Instruments are common enough now adaies ; they were Organs and Virginals that played by themselves ; All which ( saith the Author ) depended upon the rarefaction and condensation of some subtil body , conserved in a Cavity within the bulck of the whole Instrument : for as soon as the Sun shined , they would have motion and play their parts . And there is no doubt , but that grew out of the rarefaction of the subtil Liquor he made use of , which was dilated as soon as the ayr was warmed by the Sun beams . Was ever a wise man so much wronged as to be made to believe , that a little subtil Liquor could blow the bellows of Organs , and that the beams of the Sun should penetrate through Boards and Iron and rarefie the Liquor contained therein ; and that the interposition of a cloud should lessen the sound of the Instrument ; if so , why should not the interposition of a board rather lessen the sound ? for a boord shall keep away more heat from a thing than the interposition of a thin cloud . The business is this , there was no heat required to the motion of the said Instrument ; for had there been so , a fire made in the Room could have supplied the action of the Sun after its descension . The Instruments were made to move by a piece of Clock-work , which was placed near to the keyes ; the work it self was moved by weights hung to it , or otherwise by a thing made within it like to the spring of a Watch ; now when the wheels are almost run about , then the keyes strike feebler , and so the sound is diminished ; this he calls the interposition of a cloud ; neither is there any such rarefaction as he imagines to himself , and therefore is infinitely mistaken throughout his Book in the nature of rarefaction and condensation : Wherefore this is no proof that the Suns light is alwaies hot . 2. The same Philosopher argues , That the reason , why we do not feel the warmth of Light , is because it is not hot enough to move our tact ; for that , which moves our tact by hear , must be of the same warmth , or hotter . This is another supposed subtility of his . That , which is not warm , cannot be said to be hot , because heat is a degree above warmth ; now in case there is so little warmth in a mixt body , that the cold of earth or water doth overcome it , that body is not to be called hot , or warm , but cold ; even so it is here , in case that Light hath not so much heat as to warm , but rather cools , as we feel it enough in the Winter , it is not to be said to be hot , but cold . VVho could imagine that a Candle should heat the Ayr twenty or thirty Leagues about , its light extending about in circumference to little less ? IV. Light is a continuous obduction , or thrusting up , or puffing up of the ayr , which puffing up is , as it were , an opening to the whole body of the ayr , in the same manner almost as wind being puffed under water raises and puffs up the whole body of it to a large extent , by which the water seems to be opened throughout all its body . I say it is continuous , for were it a disruption of the ayr and not continuous , it would cause a sound . A continuous obduction is an equal drawing up or support of the ayr to the Circumference : That , which doth originally cause this obduction , is the fire condensed , which bears the ayr up equally and circularly , like as when you blow sudds up into bubbles , which likewise seems to create a light . The ayr being obducted originally about the light , its whole body is also obducted to a far extent at the very same moment : For supposing that the ayr is continuous , and that there is no such condensation ( as the Vulgar imagines ) as is effected by penetration of parts or diminution of quantity , the ayr being trust up at one place , must also be trust up all about to a certain extent : The same is manifest in water , by puffing a thick wind through a Reed underneath it , which little wind ( although unproportionate to the heavy body of water , which it raises ) puffs up all the parts of water at once , that is , in a moment ; the reason is , because the water being continuous , and nothing between it throughout all its dimensions but what is continuous , lyeth as continuately close ( which is the nearest closeness ) as can be conceived ; wherefore puffing one part up , you must necessarily at the same instant puff up all the other parts about it ; because they cannot introcede into one another . Or otherwise , the reason why so improportionate a body should suffice to bear up so heavy a body as the water , ( for a puff of wind , if it be blown deep under the water , will raise fifty pounds of water , more or less , according to its force ) is , because the wind having moved the neerest parts of water , they bear one another up continuately unto the very Surface . So it is with the ayr being puffed up by the fire , which at the same instant doth puff up all its parts about . Here you may object , If the ayr be obducted in that manner by the flame of the fire , and that it giveth way continuately throughout its whole body without an intrinsick incrassation , then the least fire must stir the whole tract of Air about it . I answer ; That the Air is partially incrassated * , and not thorowly throughout all its dimensions ; wherefore when it is so puffed up it is only obducted in its extent according to the force of the flame : and when it is so stretcht ( as it were ) through the fires obduction , it receives the force of the flame partly only , because it is contracted by expelling the extrinsick bodies contained within it , & so yields to the fires obduction . The clearer the ayr is , the greater light it makes , because it containing no extraneous bodies cannot contract it self from the obtension of the fire by expelling such bodies , but being totally continuous it is obtended so far as the said ayr is continuous * , and according to the force of the fire . The reason then , why a light is terminated , is through the contraction of the ayr , and oft times through the density of an intermediate body as of thick vapours and exhalations . According to the diminution of the flame , the ayr relaxes and so the light diminisheth . V. The cause why a dense body is uncapable of generating a light , is by reason it is contiguous , and cannot be obducted , or stretcht , as it were . I have said , That that is light which moves our eye-sight : even hence I wil sensibly prove to you , that light is nothing but a continuous obduction of ayr . Suppose that the optick spirits are for the greatest part an ayr , to which the external ayr , when the Eye-lids are open , is joyned in continuity and becomes one continuous body with the optick ayr , in a manner as when one float of water toucheth another they become continuately one . Wherefore then , when the ayr is continuously obducted , as far as where it is continuated to our optick ayr , it must necessarily also obduct and stretch the same optick ayr , because it is continuous to it . That light moves the sight by stretching the optick ayr is evident , in that when we look against the light , although its origin is far off , we feel a stretching in our eyes . 2. VVhen we have wearied our selves by seeing we complain that we feel a stretching in our eyes . In case the ayr is not obducted so far as to reach our eyes , then we do not see it ; as when a thing is out of sight , the reason , why we cannot see it , although nothing is interposed to hinder , is because its stretching doth not reach as far as our Eyes . Hence you may observe , that ( visus non fit emittendo sed recipiendo motum flammae , ) sight is not actuated through the emission of beams from our sight , but through the receiving of the motion of a flame , and more through suffering ( patiendo non agendo ) than acting . VI. The fire of a Flame is to some extent dispersed through the Ayr , and so far it heats the Ayr : nevertheless its enlightning is much further extended . The Sun , which is the greatest Flame , its heat in the Summer reaches to us in a very intense quality , its light would reach a hundred or more times further then it , were the tract of the Ayr extended to a larger quantity ; but because it is not , therefore its heat in the torrid Zone , and in the temperate ones in the Summer , reaches as far as its light , which although it doth , is not therefore to be accounted the essence of Light , as some have simply imagined . So that it was no less Mistake to believe that the Sun's light could be precipitated in a Glass , and some to have collected of it no less then two Ounces and half a day : The vertue of this Precipitate is described to penetrate into the substance of the hardest Metal . I do believe that it is very possible to precipitate such small bodies constituted out of the fiery emissions of the Sun , whose vertue cannot but be very penetrative through the predominance of fire in them ; but nevertheless it is not the light which is precipitated , but fiery substances , neither is fire the light it self , but the cause of it . Light is a property following the union of a flame with the Ayr , wherefore the Ayr is rather to be taken for the principal Subject . VII . Light is not the primar cause of all the effects produced by the Stars , but their temperament and exsuperating heat . Accidentally or privatively their remoteness and remission of heat may be a cause of coldness , and incrassation of the Ayr , and consequently of its obscurity . The light of the Sun doth not comfort the vital Spirits , neither doth it act immediately upon them at all , although through its heat it may help and excite the vital heat of some frigid temperatures . The light hath only a power of acting immediately and per se upon the Optick spirits , and through altering them , may prove a mediate cause of Vital and Animal Alterations . I prove it . If you go forth out of the dark into the light , you feel a distention , or rather an obtension of your visive spirits ; return again out of the light into the dark , and you will first perceive a relaxation , and afterwards a contraction of your sight . The mediated effect of light is a quickning of the Vital and Animal Spirits , which are moved by continuation from the obtension of the Optick Ayr. A sudden great light causes a bursting of the Air ; which happens , when the Air is so much obtended , that it can stretch no more , and then , of a necessity it must burst . A bursting is a sudden breaking of a body throughout all its dimensions and parts as it were . The air is bursted through a great lightning or a flash before a thunder , which if the same bursting do reach diametrically to the optick air of an open eye , it will certainly blind yea sometime kill a man , because the same bursting is continued unto and upon the optick spirits , and sometimes is also further continuated , that it bursteth the whole Treasure of the Animal spirits , which necessarily must effect an Apoplexy . A man coming forth suddenly out of the dark into a great light , is often struck blind , because his optick Spirits are bursted through the sudden and strong obtention ; or if it obtends the optick Air to the next lower degree , so as it may not cause a bursting , it then produceth a dazling of the sight , that is , an over-stretching of the optick spirits . VIII . How light renders all things visible is a matter worthy of Enquiry . The air being thus obtended and made visible through light , is terminated every where about by the surfaces of terminated bodies . These terminated surfaces resist the obtended air , and according to their several degrees of mixture or of fundamental light and darkness do attenuate , refract , diminish , contract or condensate the obtension . If the surface of the resisting object is continuous and weighty , it attenuates and refracts or reflects the light of the air ; and of that nature is water , for water being adunited to air in continuity , doth not only sustain the obtension of the air , but also through its reflexion obtends the obtended air yet more , and so the obtension upon the water must be greater , by reason it stops the obducted air more then any thing else ; wherefore its light is thinner , but withal greater , & makes all bodies therein contained shew greater . Besides , water containing much air in her body , suffereth also an obtension of that , whereby bodies must necessarily appear bigger then they are . The reason why a piece of Money in a Bason with water appears bigger then it is , is because the water through impregnation with peregrine air , proper thickness and continuity doth reflect , and admit much obtended air or light , which being altered by the colour of the money , doth appear much bigger , then if seen through thin air alone . Light is diminisht , because the air is condensed , so that whatever doth condense the air must diminish its light and obduction . Whatever body light appulses against , it is thereby darkned , because the body , which it strikes against , condenses the air . According to this degree of condensation , the light is gradually diminisht , and darkned ; if it be terminated in a most dense earthy body , then it appears black ; if against a body , that hath less earth , or density , it appears brown , that is to say , at the point of reflection against an Object ; and so gradually in all other . This change being wrought upon the terminating obtension by an objected body , it is repercussed to a certain distance , namely , as far as the repercutient action of that object can reach , which is as far , as until the Air doth recover its proper station . If we are far off from an Object , it appears less then it is , because its action doth diminish gradually like unto the streams of water , which about the center of action are greater , but the more remote they are , the less they grow . A Flame is called a Light ( Lux ) because it begets light . The light begot in the Air is called ( Lumen ) an Illumination . Wherefore these lights are not really distinguisht , but ratione . Neither is a flame to be called a light , unless when it doth obduct the Air ; neither is the Air to be termed a light or illumination , unless when it is obducted by a flame . Radius , a Beam is a diducted line of a flame tending directly from the Center to the Circumference . A Splendor is the intention of light by a reflection or refraction upon a thick continuous smooth body . The Lights begot by the Stars , and other flames , are not distinguisht specie , because they depend upon the same causes , namely , upon Fire and Air. Their difference consists in consistency , purity , bigness , &c. The Coelum Empyreum , or Heavens of the Angels are said to be lucid ; which may be understood tropically , or properly . If properly , possibly it hath a vertue of obducting the air like unto a flame . If tropically , lucid is equipollent to glorious . The Bodies of the risen Saints shall appear glorious and splendid , possibly because they shall be more ayry and fiery , that is flammy . CHAP. XXII . Of Colours . 1. The Authors Definition of a Colour . That Light is a Colour . Aristotles Definition of colour examined . 2. Scaligers Absurdities touching Colours and Light. 3. What colour Light is of ; and why termed a single Colour . That Light doth not efficienter render an Object visible . How a mixt Colour worketh upon the sight ; and how it is conveyed to it . 4. The Causes of the variations of Mercury in its colour through each several preparation . 5. That Colours are formally relations only to our sight . That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality . That besides the relation of colours there is an absolute foundation in their original Subjects . How the same fundamental colours act . 6. That there are no apparent colours , but all are true . 7. The Differences of colours . What colour focal fire is of . The fundamental colours of mixt bodies . 8. What reflection of light is . What refraction of colours is . Aristotles Definition of colour rejected . The Effects of a double reflection . The Reasons of the variations of Colour in Apples held over the water and Looking-glasses . The variation of Illumination by various Glasses . 9. The Division of Glasses . The cause of the variation of colour in a Prism . 10. The Nature of Refraction . Why colours are not refracted in the Eye . I. COlour is a Mode or Quality of a mixt being , through which it moves the sight : if so , then certainly Light is a Colour : For , 1. It proceeds from a mixt body . 2. It moves the sight primarly , immediately and per se. I prove it . We do distinguish light from darkness , and a light body from a dark one by our sight ; ergo it moves the sight . Probably you may deny my Definition of colour ; wherefore I shall for your further satisfaction compare it with that of Aristotle , and prove it to be consentaneous to it , differing only in Precision , ours being less universal and nearer to sense then his . Lumen ( which is equipollent to colour ) est actus perspicui quatenus perspicui . Light or rather Illumination is the act of a perspicuous body : quatenus perspicui is redundant . By actus is implied an actuation or motion . 2. By perspicuous is intended a body , that is capable of receiving or rather of reflecting light ; And is not the sight capable of receiving or reflecting light , and of being actuated by it ? Or if you will take colour for a quality , following the temperament and mistion of the Elements , the difference is not great , this being a Definition of colour as it is considered in it-self a priori ; the other described a posteriori relatively and accidentally ; for it is per accidens to it to move the sight . I cannot but reflect at Scaligers boldness , who pretending to exceed Cardan in subtility , so as he seemed to reprehend and correct him in every Distinction , but with more absurdity then he supposed Cardan to be less subtil ; and particularly about Colours and light , Exercit. CCCXXV . d. * 2. Here he infers a real and formal difference between an Accident and its Subject ; the contrary hath so plainly been demonstrated . 2. That an Accident is constituted out of a Power and Act. The falsity of which is detected in my Disp. of Pow. These Assertions are not exempted from Absurdities . 1. An Accident and a Substance being really and formally different , and owing their production to one substantial efficient , it follows that a Substance produceth effects differing from it self in specie . 2. That a Substance is an efficient of a Power and Act. Power and Act being two positive contraries , one substancial efficient is inferred to be an efficient secundum idem ad idem of two positive contraries ; for a power according to Aristotle is not a privation ; for then it were a non ens reale , but a positive . 3. Neither is Power or Substance the true matter of colour . Not the power ; for that is like to the matter : not the substance , that being the sole whole substance : Wherefore if neither power or substance be the true matter , it cannot be any real thing ; because whatever is real consists of Matter and Form : Wherefore ( saith he ) we should say that it hath a substance for its subject , wherein it is inherent ; but in it self it hath a power and act out of which it is made one in the subject , and distinct from the subject , out of which essence that property of visible is produced . A manifest contradiction : First he saith , that an Accident hath alwaies a substance for its subject , and yet in it self it hath a power and act . Assuredly none will affirm a power to be in an accident , but in the subject for to receive such an Accident ; this he alloweth himself : for an accident ( saith he ) is alwaies in a substance as its subject ; ergo it hath its essence from a subject : if then a subject giveth its essence , it giveth praecedentia and consequentia esse : it is then the power that is from the subject , as also the act ; ergo an Accident is nothing but the subject modified . 4. Constituting Principles , as Matter and Form , are required to exist at one time : but the power and act cannot exist at one time ; for assoon as the act is advened , the power is fled . If then you assert it to be a principium generationis , then the subject thus constituted doth consist of a Principle perse , and another per accidens : Besides it followes , that an accident is an actus purus ; if so , then an accident is more perfect then a man or an Angel. Wherefore it appears that a colour is nothing else but a modification of a subject , and of the same rank that other accidents are of ; besides , that colour is exempted from a power and act , and that the substance is rather to be conceived to be instructed with a power of being coloured . The subsequent distinction confirms my Interpretation of his words : For ( saith he ) light is an act of visibility : that is , it is an action upon a visible substance ; for visibility in the abstract being invisible , he ought rather to have declared how a lucid substance acted through its modality , or action upon our sense . The same Scaliger in the said Dist. asserts , that Light is neither white or whiteness . No doubt it is no whiteness ; for that he never saw existent without a body , unless it was a Spirit in his Fancy : But the question is , whether it is not white ? His Argument alledged against it is , because it cannot be seen in the Air , and doth not terminate the sight . The former condition of his Reason is simpliciter necessary : the latter is only necessary ( necessitate consequentiae ) by consequence . I reply to his Argument : 1. That light is visible in the air , as I have shewed before . 2. Light were it imaginable to inhere in an infinite subject , it would be interminate , and yet move the sight terminately ; for a man who is blinded by a thin Cataract , knowes when it is day , and when night , because the light of the Sun moveth his Optick Air , although very obtusely , and yet he neither sees the termination of the Sun , or of the Air. 3. Light is not invisible , because of the thinness of the Air ; but visible , because of its obductibility . 4. The airs intermination is falsly supposed to be the cause of its invisibility : for it is really terminate , because a being and termination in the concrete are convertible . Further it is evident , that light must be necessarily terminated both in the body , whence it is derived , and in the body wherein it is received ; notwithstanding it is not alwaies necessary for us to perceive or see the lights termination in it self ; for that we seldom do , although it is terminated in and by our sight . According to our forestated definition light is accounted a colour , but most single , that is , without any composition , or reflection . II. I call light a single colour , not absolutely , as if it were so in its own nature and constitution , but because it moves our sight singly without representing any mixt colour with it to the sight . This single motion of light is only its obtension continuated in the optick air , & is otherwise known by the name of an interminate Pellucid . * In case light be reflected and gathered in great quantity by air thickned and somewhat condensed by thin and by a little condensed clouds , it produces a thick pellucid or whiteness in the air , which continuated to the optick air , produces the same whiteness there . This we perceive when the Sun is said to shine , which it doth ever , when no thick dense clouds are interposed , & that its Raies are condensed by thin clouded air being a little condensed . That the thin shining light is whitish , is further apparent by the Peripatetick description of white . White is a colour , which doth most disperse the sight ; but so doth the Sun shining light ; ergo it is whitish . Or according to others , White is that , which containeth much light : ergo light is most white : because ( propter quod unumquodque tale est , illud magis tale est ) Light being the cause and fountain of white , must be most white in it self . III. Light ( Lumen ) is actus visibilitatis ( saith Scaliger ) that is , it renders a visible thing visible : But how ? not efficienter ( for then without light in the air there should be no fundamental colours , and every colour must be produced through light at the moment of its appulse ) but as a medium or causa sine qua non . As a medium in that it doth defer the ratio obductibilitatis of every Object to the eye . The manner of it is thus ; every mixt colour is nothing else but the degree of the alteration of the mixt objects wrought upon the air by their greater or less pinching , contracting , or deading of it : Supposing that the greatest extention of the ayr causes a pellucidness , that which gathers , contracts , or deads the ayr a little and staies its obtension is white ; that which gathereth it yet more is yellow . That which doth gather it most is black , that which gathers it less is brown , and so gradually . This gathering of the obtended ayr by the objected mixt colour is a kind of a pinching , whereby the ayr is continuately pinched , to the extent of a certain Sphaere . The ayr being pinched doth continuately pinch the optick ayr , which if it be a little pinched by an objected colour , it discerneth it to be white , or if very much it discerneth it to be black ; hence when we enter into a mourning Room hung about with black cloath we perceive a perfect pinching or contraction in our Eyes . Here may be demanded , Whence this various manner of pinching proceeds , since that pinching is caused by a solid object , if so , then the solider an object is the more it should pinch , and consequently the blacker it should be , which seems erroneous ; for Gold is of a yellow colour , which otherwise should be blackest , because it is the most solid of all bodies . I answer , That this various manner of pinching * depends upon the degrees of the gathering of light or obtended ayr . That which doth most gather or deads the ayr , being a continuous or fluid body is a dense and contiguous body ; so that the more dense that a body is , the more light it gathers , and pinches the stronger , and consequently is the deeper coloured . But that , which is continuous although very thick yet it gathers nothing near so much as a continuous body , because its continuity hinders its pass , and so the light reflects upon it and produces a splendor , whereas a contiguous body divides the ayr and giveth way for its entrance , and so it pinches , and next darkneth it . Wherefore Gold being continuous , that is , consisting of much water condensed , and ayr incrassated , reflects the light , and so produces a splendor . Now , that Gold consisteth of those moist parts ; I prove it , because Gold contains a Lentor in it , ( which is a concomitant of water and ayr , as I shewed you before ) for cast a piece of Gold into the fire , and let it lye there for some proportionate time , and being taken out you may diduct it into any form or figure , and turn or bend it any way . Since that Gold consisteth of a proportion of continuous parts , it is thereby rendred splendid , and yellow from the proportion of contiguous parts contained within it . Wherefore if you reduce Gold into a Calx , you deprive it of its splendor ; because you have taken away its continuity of parts . IV. Give me leave to demonstrate to you the reasons of all the various colours which Mercury attains to through its various preparations ; and thence you may collect the reasons of Colours befalling all other bodies , ( whether Mineral or Vegetable ) through their several preparations . Mercury is 1. splendid , because of its thick continuity of parts . 2. It s Silver-like colour derives from its paucity of contiguous parts , which it containing in that small quantity doth render it a little darker than white , and is the cause , why it is not pellucid like unto water . 3. The reason why Mercury becometh white like unto a white frost by being dissolved by Aqua Fort. is , because it is diducted and attenuated through all its dimensions , and therefore collecting and pinching the light a little only , it appears white * . 4. Mercury changeth into a yellow colour after it hath been dissolved by oyl of Vitriol , and being separated from the dissolvent by exhalation it abides white , but being cast into water it changeth yellow . The whiteness , which remains in Mercury after the evaporation of the oyl , is , the colour of the corosive salt coagulated into an attenuated body by the Mercurial vertue . The casting it into water doth deprive it of the forementioned salt , which is dissolved into water ; that , which doth remain , is the courser part of the salt incorporated with the Mercury , whose substance contains such a proportion of earth as to gather somuch of the obtended ayr and to pinch it into a yellowish colour . 5. The whiteness of Mercury sublimate corrosive , and of Mercury sublimate Dulufied derives more from the attenuated salt , than the body the Mercury . 6. The same corrosive Mercury sublimate dissolved into fair water and precipitated by oyl of Tartar changeth into a clay red ; Here you must not imagine that it is the oyl of Tartar in a drop or two doth colour the whole substance of the precipitated body ; for it self is of another colour , besides were it of the same it is improportionate to colour a whole body by a drop or two . It happens then through the deprivation of the thinner parts of the corrosive salt swimming in the water . That , which the oyl of Tartar performed in this preparation , is nothing but to free the body from its detaining spirit , which it doth by attracting it to its own body , and uniting it self with it into a small body ; the red colour depends upon the quantity of thickned earth of the precipitate . I shall not importune you with the relation of colours befalling through other preparations , since you may easily infer a reason of them from what hath been proposed concerning the variation of colours in Mercury . V. From this discourse I do further infer , 1. That the formality of colours doth mainly consist in a respectiveness and relation to our sight , and is no hing else but what man by his sight discerns it to be , for had man no sight there would be no colours , although there would be an alteration upon the ayr extended . Likewise light would not be light but ayr obtended : So that I say the Absolutum fundamentum Relationis suppositae would be there , but not ipsa relatio , because the Correlatum is defective . The like understand of sounds , sents , or tasts , which as to us are nothing but certain realities moving our animal spirits by certain respective modes , which realities moving the senses in certain modes are called such or such sensible qualities : what they may be further really in themselves we know not , because we perceive no more of them , than what we call such and such ; the others , although real , yet we suppose them to be non entia , because we do not perceive or know them . But I prove the Proposition , All positive and absolute beings perform their actions responding to their modes ; But none of these fore-mentioned qualities may be so termed sensible qualities ( to wit , colours , sounds , & unless modifying the senses . 2. That a mixt colour is not an intentional quality produced by the coloured object in the ayr , but a real quality , really inhering or effected in the ayr by the original action of a fundamental colour . What shall an intentional quality act really ? Ergo , Quiddam esset in effectu , quod prius non fuerit in causa , which contradicts that Maxime concluding the contrary . Besides , colour would be affected with two sorts of accidents , one really inherent in the object , the other in the ayr . 3. It supposeth accidents to migrate è subjecto in subjectum , which is impossible . Nevertheless Scaliger pretends to prove Light to be a quality produced in the ayr and distinct from the efficient ; that is , that Lumen is really distinguisht from Lux , if so , then Lumen could exist , when Lux is separated and removed from it ; but that cannot be , ergo there is no real distinction between them . According to the same rule we might raise a real distinction between the coloured object immediately altering the ayr , and the colour or lumen produced in the ayr from that colour being a Lux in comparison to the other . This real distinction is rejected by the same Arguments : because a colour in the ayr or a Lumen cannot exist , when the colour ( or Lux ) in the object is removed . 3. That notwithstanding the respective formality , there is a real foundation in coloured bodies , which is a certain degree of temperature , whereby they being somewhat contrary to our sense move and act , but mediately , upon its temperament . 4. That through this absolute foundation a colour doth move or act really upon the ayr , and through it upon other inanimate bodies , yet not as it is a colour , but as it is an absolute foundation or a degree of temperament . This motion is not very considerable ; for although it may move a light thin body out its place , yet it will hardly move locally a thick or dense body , wherefore it is ridiculous to opinionate , that lumen of the Stars , otherwise termed their Influences , should be the causes of so great effects upon great bodies , as are adscribed to them . VI. Colours are generally divided by the Peripateticks into two sorts , viz. into true , and apparent . True Colours are such as do really inhere in their subjects in the same manner , as they are represented to the eye . Apparent ones are those , which are not really inherent in their subjects in the same manner as they seem to be to our sight ; such are the colours of a Rainbow , or of a Peacocks feathers , or of the Sea-water : because these according to the several distances and position of the eye seem divers . The cause they impute to the light ( Lumen ) which according to its various aspects renders the said colours various : the errour of this Doctrine will appear from these Conclusions . 1. All Apparent colours are real and true colours ; as for their being real colours but few do doubt of it , because they do really move the sight . That they are true colours I prove hence : That , which is a real colour , must be a true colour , because a being and true are convertible ( ens & vernm convertuntur ; ) wherefore if it be a colour it must be a true colour , or else none ; for it doth as really and truly move the sight as that which is strictly called a true colour , or how should we see it else ? To this you reply , that you do not deny it to be true a colour in one sense , namely metaphysically ; but in another , and in respect to a true colour strictly so called , it is not true . I answer , That all the difference I find between them is , that the one is more durable or less changeable than the other , which doth not make the one more or less true than the other ; for did an apparent colour move the sight otherwaies than it doth , it would be no true colour , but it moves the senses as it is , and to most mens sight it is the same continuing its duration : For when we see a Rainbow , its colours do appear the same to all standing in the same place ; but were they not true , they would appear in one shape to one , and in another to another . As for their different appearances and shapes at several distances and positions is as well incident to those , which they call true colours , as to apparent ones ; For a Picture , where the colours are all real and true , will vary at several distances and positions . You will say , That a Picture will not vary in colour , if you look upon it from the right opposite place , where the light is cast in a due proportion . I answer , Neither will that , which you call the apparent colour of a Picture vary , keeping the same place and distance : And what difference can you then make between them ? The only difference between them is their more or less durability and changeableness which proceeds from its greater or less compactness of mixture . The colour of a Rainbow is as true a colour at that position and distance , as of any other object , it differing alone in durability ; for suppose a colour to be altered by a reduplication or over-casting of another colour in substance , but the same in appearance ; as for instance , a painted face having its natural colour hid under a painted colour , certainly you will say that the latter is only an apparent colour ; if so , wherein is the latter different from the former being a true colour ( as you call it ) but in durability ? To wit , the paint wears off , and the other abides . The same is observable in the clouds , whose lasting colour is blewish , their fading or painted colours are the rayes of the Sun incorporated with their bodies , really and truly altering their lasting colours ; nevertheless this latter is as true a colour , as the paint was upon a painted visage . VII . The differences and number of colours are various and many ; for every temperament hath a several colour attending it : But as it was not every insensible alteration of temperament , that constituted a new temperature , saving that alone , which is sensible ; so neither doth every insensible alteration of colour constitute a new colour , but only such a one as is sensible . Colours are either durable and less mixt , ( mixti è paucioribus ; non vero minus mixti ) or changeable , and more mixt , that is , with extrinsick heterogeneous bodies : So that a durable colour arises from a compact temperament of the Elements included by extrinsick bodies ; the other depends upon a less compact union of the Elements . Changeable colours are various also according to the lights reflection , or refraction , and its various incidencies upon objects which causeth them to appear either whiter or blacker , or otherwise lighter or darker . A changeable colour is sometimes accidental to a persistent colour , as appears by the fore-mentioned instance of a painted face . Colours are extreme or intermediate . Extreme ones are such , as cannot be intended or heightned in their action , as black ( I mean that , which is blackest ) cannot be heightned ; that is , it cannot be supposed to pinch and drown the light more than it doth . These extreme colours depend upon the extreme or greatest proportion of the superating Element in reference to the whole : So that in case fire is the greatest predominant , its body is white ; if the earth , its subject is black . According to this supposition there are four extreme colours , because there are four extreme proportions of the Elements : Which are these ; White , Black , Crystalline , and Pellucid . This is made known to us , 1. In that Sea-coal consisting of most earth is black . 2. A Flame consisting of most fire , is white , to wit , the Sun. 3. The Ayr consisting most of ayry parts is Pellucid . 4. Ice consisting most of waterish parts is crystalline . I will further prove this by reason : If blackness be proper to earth and earthy bodies , whiteness must be proper to fire and fiery bodies , they being opposite correspondents to one another in all qualities . The colour , which is in water and waterish bodies , is neither white or black , ergo it must be an extreme colour of it self ; for since that each Element obtains distinct extreme qualities , the same must also be in colours . Who would say that water is white or black , or partakes of any white or black from fire or earth ; wherefore Theophrastus was to be blamed for adscribing yellow to fire , and white to the three others . That , which moved him to appropriate yellow to focal fire , was , because for the most part in flaming or burning it seems yellow and reddish . To this I answer , That the colour of focal fire is not an extreme colour , because fire is not inherent in focal fire in its greatest proportion and predominance , it having much earth to obscure its extream whiteness , and so it is turned to a yellow or red , but where fire is in his greatest predominance and least counterpoised by earth , there it seems alwaies white , as appears in the colour of the Sun , and in oyl or fat cast into focal fire burning white . Here may be objected , That Snow is white ; Ergo , it should consist most of fire , which it doth not . I repeat my distinction of durable and changeable colours , and affirm that whiteness depending upon fire is deprehended only in durable and compact permixt bodies ; the other inherent in changeable subjects and thin open bodies derives more from the ingredient light entring their pores , where being a little pinched and collected appears white , so that this may be thought to be as much the colour of the condensed light as of the body , which lasteth no longer , than it is condensed by condensed water , and that being melted the colour vanisheth withall ; possibly you will turn your objection to a bone , which being white , doth not contain fire predominating in it . I answer , That a bone consists of much fire and ayr as appears in its flammability , and therefore is white . Lastly , you may object , That a Marble stone or Alabaster is white , but neither are fiery . I answer , That both do consist of a condensed and attenuated water , and not without a little rarefaction caused by the fire . Suppose that Marble were only a natural water , which as I have demonstrated is naturally thick and consistent like unto Ice , and condensed with a little earth , certainly it would be of a transparent and crystalline colour ; this Ice being yet more condensed by earth pinches and collects the light a little , and so appears white . Wherefore observe , that this white is primarily an extrinsick colour depending on the incidence of light , and not fundamental alone wrought by the internal temperature of the mixt body . So that this objection doth conclude nothing against our Assertion mentioning intrinsick colours acting from a compact mixt body . The reason why Marble and Alabaster are shining is , because their body is consistent of a continuated substance , to wit , thick water . Intermediate colours are such , as arise out of the descent of the Elements from their extreams : To wit thus , The less there is of fire , the less it is intrinsecally and fundamentally white ; the less there is of earth , the more an object diminisheth in blackness : Which degradations constitute the intermediate colours . Intermediate colours are almost infinite , but enumerating them according to the above-stated condition of Latitude of Colours ; they are vulgarly counted ten in number : 1. Yellowish , Subflavus , 2. Yellow . 3. Reddish ; Subruber . 4. Red. 5. Greenish . 6. Green. 7. Blewish . 8. Blew . 9. Brownish . 10. Brown. Red is an equal mixture of Black and White , and is the Center and middle of all colours being equally interjacent between the two extreams : so that all colours are between Red and White , and between Red and Black , as appears in the subnext scheme of colours . Before I proceed , I will commend to you a very necessary distinction of intermediate colours , which are either fundamental or extrinsick . The fundamental intermediate colours are those , that are constituted by the internally proportionated Elements in temperament , and are compactly permisted . The extrinsick colours are such as are as much imputable to the external incidence and ingredience of Light. This premitted , I say , that a fundamental Red doth only consecute a body mixed and temperated ad pondus , which was alone in the Chaos , the noblest of colours befitting so noble a body . Of those red colours which we now have , a sanguine cometh nearest to it , because it proceeds from the exactest temperature ad justitiam , which is nearest to that ad pondus . The change from this towards the extreams ( as before ) constitutes a different colour : if to water , its change is into a green , as you may observe in the bloud of hydropick bodies appearing greenish ; if to air , blewish , as you see it doth in the clouds , which is changed out of a Red Cloud being dispersed into a greater measure of air ; if to Harth , Brown : if to Fire , Yellow , which is manifest in Bloud turning to a Yellow , if predominated by fire or Choller ; to Brown if predominated by Melancholy or Earth ; to Blew if attenuated or incorporated with predominant air . Besides these , there are many others , which because approaching to some one of the forementioned , I shall not think material to relate , but refer you to Scaligers CCCXXVth . Exerc. where you have the names of most colours set down . What Splendor and the cause of it is , you know already : its opposite is a deadishness , which as splendor is effected upon a smooth and continuated body , so is this effected upon a ruggid and contiguous body . Luminous and Opake are also Opposites . The latter is distinguisht from black , in that this is taken for a fundamental colour , the other for an extrinsick privation of light . VIII . Reflection of light is the beating back or reaction of a splendid or thick body upon the obtended air , which Reflection obtending and stretching the air yet more , then it was before makes it apdear much lighter . That it is made lighter , is discerned by the eye , which is more forcibly obtended by the reflected light , which if it be much , causes a dazling in the eyes , and is nothing else but an over-retching of the optick air and Membranes , and sometimes is so great that it presses water out of the eyes . Reflection is only upon continuous bodies , as Gold , Silver , Brass , Steel , Precious Stones , Glass , and Water , &c. IX . Refraction of colours is a reflection seeming to be broke ; as when you put a Stick into the water , the colour of it seems to be broke . By an internal reflection its colour seems to be more augmented in quantity and extent of parts , then really it is . The manner of it is thus : Mark that a superficial reflection doth not augment the extent of a colour , which reflects the light ; for Gold or Crystal is not augmented in extent of colour , that is , seems not bigger then really it is by reflecting light superficially , neither do they render a colour in the air bigger then it is . 2. A double reflection is the continuation of a reflection * ; for there is also a reflection of light within the very body of an object , as you may see by a piece of Money cast into the water , or big Sands lodged sometime within the center of a Diamond or Crystal , causing a reflection although remote from the Surface ; wherefore a Colour is not well described by Arist. Lib. de Sens. & Sensil . to be the extremity of a terminated perspicuous body ; for I have told you where and how it may be visible in the intrinsick body of an Object . Notwithstanding this , Scaligers Objection , in Exerc. 325. d. 4. against colour stated to be the extremity of an Object , is invalid . His Objection is , because a Chesnut is coloured in the middle as well as in its extremity ; ergo , saith he , Colour is not the extremity . But how did he know a Chesnut to be coloured in the middle ? Questionless by seeing it cut through ; if so , then that middle cut through is now come to be the extremity , & so there appears no great subtility in his argument . Wherefore I do grant that a fundamental colour is also in the center of an opake body , but then it is no formal Colour , that is , it is not actu visible , except in the Surface * . Crystalline bodies are internally visible throughout all their parts , and do augment the extent of a colour . To augment the extent of a colour is to dilate it , or to make it less pinching upon the air , then it was without reflection : for example , an Apple seen through the air appears no bigger then it is ; but if held over the water , and its colour perceived reflected , seems much bigger : the reason is , because the colour of the Apple pincheth the air , which air thus pinched beating against the water , is reflected , that is , is beaten back again , which reflection is a greater obtension of that air so pinched , and the same obtension or stretching must needs dilate that air thus pinched , which dilation is the augmentation of the colour of the Apple . The colour of the apple impressed upon the air by its pinching seems to be rendered paler through the said reflection , because the dilatation of the air being through it made lighter , doth through that light somewhat expel the obscurity of the colour of the Apple . Here observe , that this reflection is not a single reflection , but a reflection upon a reflection , which I call double . I will more amply explain it to you : A single reflection is , which doth reflect upon the extream surface , and descends no deeper ; thus it is upon Gold or Brass . The double reflection is , when this extream superficial reflection is continued and propagated by the circumferential parts next adjacent to the extream surface , which makes the first reflection stronger , and therefore more dilatating the coloured air , which more dilatating of the coloured air makes the colour appear sensibly larger , although the colour is somewhat dilated by a single reflection , but it being insensible , we do not state it to be larger . The reason , why an Apple held over the water and seen at a certain distance obliquely from the side , appears much more enlarged then seen directly , is , because the light is reflected in a larger extent , and consequently the colour impressed upon it must be more dilated . Hence you may also be resolved , why some Looking-Glasses render ones face bigger and paler then it is . This happens through the thickness of the Glass , wherein the second reflection is continued from some depth , and therefore doth more obtend the air , and dilate its impressed colour . Thin and gibbous Glasses render a face less and swarthy , because they do less reflect the light , and rather loosen its obtension through their thinness , A little piece of a plain Looking-Glass doth represent no more of the face then its bigness will permit ; so that if it be no bigger then your eye , you will see no more in it then your eye . A gibbous or spherical Looking-Glass , be it never so little , doth represent the whole face of a man , although but obscurely . Now let us enquire into the ground and cause of these different Representations . Alhazenus and Vitellio seem to assert , that all colours are represented in a Pyramid , that is , by being equally fastigiated from their extream circumference unto a point of reflection ; and therefore they term this optick Pyramid simpliciter an optick figure , as if all colours whether radial or luminous , were represented through it . But this is contradicted by the Experiment of a plain Looking-Glass , where the figure of an Object is not at all augmented or diminisht , but reflected in an equal extent , as it is represented through a simple vision . Notwithstanding it holds true in Objects reflected upon spherick Looking-Glasses , where ( as I have proposed just now ) objects if circular , are reflected in a conical optick figure , and if lineal , their radiature is reflected in a triangular or pyramidal optick figure . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of these is vulgar enough ; but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I could never hear from any . 1. It is certain that all colours are represented through their direct Rayes , or in direct Lines . 2. These Rayes are nothing else , but the pinchings of the luminous air by the Objects . 3. These pinches being plain or sometimes bubbly are equally and plainly reflected by a plain Looking-Glass , and therefore the Object reflected seems equal to the Object when perceived by a simple vision . But in case the Object be reflected by a spherical Glass , then the central parts of it are reflected by the extream protuberance of the Glass in a sloping manner ; not plain , because the body reflecting is not plain ; for it is the reflecting body , which gives it its extent of figure , as I said before ; if it be plain , it reflects that bubble plain , that is , stretches it out to a plainness , which must be full as big as the Bubble can stretch out . But the reflecting body not being plain , but falling slopingly , the coloured air fals down with it , and is thereby contracted into a lesser extent in the same manner , as when you spread a Handkerchief upon a plain table , the Handkerchief thus extended is of a larger figure then when you cover your head with it , where its figure is contracted to a less compass , because of the declining figure of the head . IX . Robert Flud Tract . 2. Part 4. Lib. 4. sets down this division of Glasses : A Glass is either regular , or made up out of regulars . A regular Glass is plain or difform . The latter is 1. A Concave , which causes a thing to seem bigger then it is . 2. Convexe , which causes a thing to seem lesser then it is . 3 , & 4. Pyramidal and Columnal , making a thing to appear longer then it is . 5. Spherical , which causes a thing to seem broader then it is . To these difform Glasses , Cylindraick , Conical and Parabolical Glasses are to be referred . The causes of their various reflections you may easily deduce from our Discourse ; wherefore I shall spend no more time about it . The obliquated Radiatures of an Object are propagated to a certain distance and sphere , beyond which the said Object is invisible . Hence you may know why a piece of Money being placed in a Bason , and going back from it until it is out of sight , comes to your sight again , if you cause water to be powred upon it . The propagation of an Object reflected is circular , and therefore to as many as can stand about that Bason where money was placed in , the same will appear . The various Colours appearing to the eye looking through a Prism are effected through the gradual diminutions of Light passing through the depth of the said Prism , and modifying the Sand contained within the body of the Glass , the same colours do also appear to us when we see against the Light through a Glass full of water . X. But to pursue my discourse of Refraction . There must not only be a Reflection , but also a discontinuation or abruption of planeness or equality of the Body reflected , and thereby it becomes as it were , two Bodies , and is reflected also in a double Species ; but were it continued in equality , it would be expressed but as one single Species . The reason , why an inequality in one continuous body causes a refraction , is , because every protuberance contracts the Species of an object reflected upon it , and consequently must represent each of them in a several Species . Wherefore a Prism doth represent the same colours of each side of its angle , because of the Refraction of the Light arriving through the Inequality of the Angle . The ground of the other appearances of a Prism you may easily collect without any further repetition . The Sun appears as manifold in the water , as the water is rendered unequal through undulation . There is no Refraction without a Reflection ; wherefore Refraction is erroneously divided into simple and mixt , supposing simple to be a Refraction without a Reflection , which is scarce imaginable . The eye of man consisting of continuated equal crystalline parts as Membranes and Humours , doth not refract Objects reflected upon it , because of the said continuous equality , but in case any of the Humours are discontinuated by an interjacent Body , Objects appear double , because of the Refraction in the eye happening through the inequality of the said interjacent Body . A Scheme representing the Derivation of Colours . CHAP. XXIII . Of Sounds . 1. The Definition of a Sound . That the Collision of two solid Bodies is not alwaies necessary for to raise a Sound . 2. Whether a Sound be inherent in the Air , or in the body sounding . The manner of Production of a Sound . 3. Whether a Sound is propagated through the water intentionally only . That a Sound may be made and heard under water . 4. That a Sound is a real pluffing up of the Air. How a Sound is propagated through the Air ; and how far . Why a small Sound raised at one end of a Mast or Beam may be easily heard at the other end . Why the Noyse of the treading of a Troop of Horse may be heard at a far distance . 5. The difference between a Sound and a Light or Colour . That it is possible for a man to hear with his eyes , and see with his ears ; likewise for other Creatures to hear and see by means of their feeling . 6. The difference of Sounds . Why the Sound of a Bell or Drum ceaseth assoon as you touch them with your finger . Why an empty Glass causes a greater Sound then if filled with water . 7. The Reasons of Concords in Musick . 8. The Causes of the variation of Sounds . Why celestial bodies , Rain and Hail do make but little noyse in the Air. 9. How Sounds are restected . How Sounds are intended and remitted . 10. The manner of Refraction of Sounds . What an undulating Sound is . 11. How a Voyce is formed . I. SOund is a Quality , whereby a natural body moves the Hearing . This is a Formal and Relative Definition of a Sound , because we call that a Sound , which moves the auditory Spirits or internal air of our hearing . Besides this , it hath a fundamental Essence , which is nothing else but a Concussion and Conquassation of the air ; or otherwise , it is the air suddenly and violently concussed or conquassated , vibrated or rather pluft up by an extrinsick continuous body , be it hard or sof , liquid or solid , single or double , that is , between two . In the first place I might here question , whether a soft or liquid body is apt to make a Sound , since Aristotle in his 26. T. de Anim. Chap. 8. states a Sound to be the percussion or collision of two solid hard bodies , and particularly that soft bodies , as a Sponge , or wool do make no sound . Notwithstanding this Assertion of Arist. which afterwards I shall make appear to be false , I prove that liquid and soft bodies make a sound : Poure water to water , and hearken whether they make no sound ; beat one Sponge against another , and listen to their sound ; throw one Pack of woollen cloath upon the other , and hearken whether they make no sound . II. Next let us enquire whether a sound be a quality inherent in the solid bodies , or in the air . Not in the solid bodies , because they give very little sound in a small compass of air , and consequently none without air . Wherefore it must rather inhere in the air . I prove it , a sound is a Passion , but it is the air that receives this Passion ; ergo the sound is in the air . The passion is to be krutcht , pluft up , or shaked . 2. A sound sometimes is made when the air is immediately pluft up by one body , as when we make a noise by switching the air , we hear a sound is made in the air . The Definition of a sound asserts it to be a violent and sudden concussion ; for if you do concuss the air , although pent between two hard bodies , softly and retortedly , it will make no sensible sound , because the air gets out from between them , by pressing gradually upon its adjacent parts without being pluft up , or being kept in by them , and so escapes making a noyse . But when it is suddenly and violently pressed upon by one or two bodies , it is forced to pluffe up , because the adjacent air doth not give way fast enough . The air being pluft up or concussed , is continuated to the ear , by reason that one part pluffes up another , & so the parts of air lying close in continuation one upon the other , are soon pluft up & continuated to the auditory air , within the ears , which it moves likewise with the same degree and property of pluffing , as the degree of percussion was first made upon it by the property of the percutient . How air is pluft up , may easily be aprehended , viz. by two bodies suddenly & violently squeezing out the air , which was between them , by their sudden collision against one another : For instance , clap your hands hard together , & you may by the subtil feeling of your face perceive the air pluft up from between them . Or else a pluffing may also be caused by a smart impulsion of the parts of air upon one another by a Stick , Board , or any other single continuous body . The Reason of a sounds celerity and extent of motion to such an improportionable distance you may apprehend from the cause of the swiftness of the lights diffusion treated of in the foregoing Chapt. But withal mark , that Light and diffusion of colours are by far swifter then sounds , because a Flame being a most subtil and forcible body , doth much swifter obtend the air ; besides the air doth rather accur in an obtension to prevent its disruption , then recede ; whereas in making a sound the air is longer in being obtruded or pluft away from the percutients , because it retrocedes , and the force percussing doth not compass it circularly from all sides , but adversly only . Hence it is , that at a distance we see a Hatchet driven into Wood long before we hear the sound of it ; or that we see Lightning before we hear the Thunder . III. I remember , it is an ordinary doubt moved by the Peripateticks , Through what medium a sound is deferred to the hearing . Their solution is , that a sound is really deferred through the air , as through a medium , but intentionally through the water . This seems to partake of no small absurdity ; for many of them do assert , that a sound is subjectively * in the air ; if so ; then a sound would be said to be its own medium , which is absurd ; for a medium is ever intended to be a different thing from that , to which it is a medium † . Touching their Solution , it is partly false in that they affirm a sound to be intentionally only deferred through the water : But why more intentionally through the water then through the air ? I will first propose an Instance inferring water to be capable of receiving a Sound , and then enquire further into the case . Frogs croaking under the water make a Sound there , which we hear above the water ; likewise we hear the Sound of a Pole hitting against a stone under water . Certainly none will deny , but that the Sound of these is really propagated by obtruding the air through its bursting upwards ; for we see the water plainly burst or pluffe upwards a little before we hear the noyse made by a Frog , or Pole ; ergo the action of a Sound is real , as well in or through the water , as through the air . Possibly they may grant me , that the noyse made in the water is a real action , but deny the noyse made in the air and propagated through the water to be real , asserting it to be intentional only . I prove it to be reall . A great sound made in the air doth sensibly cause a streame in the water ; ergo , its action is really continued upon the water . But again , a sound being made in the air , its action is much obtused , because of the improportion between water being very thick , and air being very thin ; so that a great noise in the air will make but a little noise in the water ; and a little noise in the air will make no sensible noise in the water . But were this audible quality in the water intentional , then the least sound in the air would be perceptible in the water : But the one is false , ergo , the other is false also . That a great sound in the air is audible in the water , yet but very obtusely is testified by duckers or divers under the water ; the same is seconded by Pliny in his natural history , 10. b. 70. Chap. attributing hearing and tasting unto fishes , and relating that fishes have been called together by a certain sound to take their food . Gellius lib. 16. noct . attic . c. 19. doth also recite out of Herodotus , that Arion , being cast over-board by the Sea-men , did through the harmonical sound of his Musick draw the Dolphins to him , whereof one took him upon his back and carried him safe to a Harbor : Supposing this to be but a story , nevertheless the allusion of the famous Inventor witnesses that fishes can hear under the water . IV. Certainly few will require any proof from me , that a sound is a real concussion or pluffing of the ayr , since there is no great sound but it shakes air , houses and the earth too whereon we stand , and that sometimes to a very great distance . Some years past it hapned that the Magazine of Delf , a Town in the Low-countries , was blown up , by an accidental fire sighted upon the gunpowder , the great sound or Concussion of the ayr caused through this blast was extended to many miles , insomuch that it was very perfectly perceived at Amsterdam . The same blast forced open one of the windows of the Chamber where an Acquaintance of mine lay then at the Hague , with that violence , that its rebounding against the Wall broke most of the panes . At Dunkirk the sound raised by blowing up of two or three barrels of Gunpowder killed a boy although at some distance from it ; which accident hapned because the Concussion or pluffing of the ayr was continuated with that force , that it did in that manner violently concusse or rather disrupt the animal and vital spirits of the boys body , which in a manner are ( as I said before ) a continuous ayr intermixt with some contiguities of fire and earth . I have formerly told you , That the propagation of ayr or any quality or effect inherent and impressed in and upon the ayr reaches no further than its continuity is extending , and works only upon other continuous bodies : The reason is , because the same action is continued only upon bodies , which are of the same nature , and which receive that action in the same manner : Wherefore ayr and water being both continuous and united in continuity do receive the effects acted upon their continuities alike and in the same manner , that is to say , as far as they are both continuous , and the effects are acted upon their continuities in a like manner : Saving that the tenuity of the one , and crassitude of the other , doth hinder or facilitate , augment or diminish the said action thus continuated from one to the other . Further as much as one is deprived from its continuity by having its body intermixt with contiguous indivisibles , so much there is detracted from the intenseness of the act continuated unto it by another continuous body . Thirdly , as the various incidence of light doth alter the face of colours , so doth the various continuation of other various bodies variously qualified in their continuity by having other contiguous bodies immixt in them alter the property of the sound continued in them . Lastly , since a sound is an effect impressed upon the continuity of the ayr , nothing is more averse to it or drowns it sooner than a contiguous body . By help of these Theorems you may now resolve the node of several difficulties touching sounds . 1. Why doth earth or fire dead a sound more than water , glass , or paper ; or why is a sound propagable through water , glass , or paper , and is quite deaded by earth , in a manner that by how much earth or fire * there is contained in a body , by so much a sound is deaded by that body ; and by how much water or ayr there is contained in an intermediate body , by so much a sound is propagated further . The reason is , because a propagated sound is nothing else but the vibration of ayr continuously continued upon a continuous body , to which continuity contiguity is contrary . I will explain it to you by a conquassation of water , whereby it is concussed into streams , these streams so concussed are propagated into other more remote streams ; but if you interpose a board near the centrical streams , in will hinder the propagation of the same streams , because it doth divide the continuity of water . Even so it is with water , glass , and paper , those being continuous do propagate the ayrs quality in as much as they are continuous . But let us dive a little further into this , and question whether the continuity of the thick waterish substance of glass , and of water be the cause of the propagation of this continuity in sounds , or of the ayr admitted within the subtil invisible pores of glasse , or of both : I answer , of both , but of the one primarily and perse , of the other secundarily and per accidens . First , I prove it is of the thick waterish parts ; for a great noise , as perhaps of a Gun , will bend the glass of a window , which glass through its continuity again communicates the same impression to the adjacent ayr . In little sounds the waterish part of a glass is not moved , but the ayry parts contained within it , which propagate the same motion into the next adjacent parts : for it is improbable the motion of every small sound should move so solid a body as that of glass , unless it were the ayr contained within its subtil porosities . Likewise in water it self as it is now , the sound which is propagated through it or from it , is not alwaies the motion of water it self , but of the ayr contained within the water ; for it is also improbable that every slight sound should be sufficient to move the weighty body of water : Besides , were it not through the ayr but through the water a sound could not be propagated in so short a space . The reason , why the sound caused by a soft percussion of the ayr upon one end of a long Beam , or of a Mast , is so readily heard by another applying his ear to the other end of it , is , because that sound is propagated by the percussed ayr slyding down along the Surface of the said Beam or Mast , not because the sound is propagated through the internal continuity of the Beam or Mast ; for that were impossible for the sound to reach to the other end through so thick a body in so short a time , or by so gentle a percussion . But were the sound made by the force of a great Hammer , it is not improbable but the sound would pass through the body of it . The noise of a Troop of Horse marching over a plain hard sandy ground may be heard at a far distance , because the sound is continuately propagated by the ayr impelled along the Surface of the earth , there being no contiguous body interposed to dead its sound or interrupt its continuation ; for otherwise any length of grass or quantity of corn standing in the fields between the hearers and the horses would interrupt and dead the sound . The same reason may be applyed to resolve one , why a sound made in the ayr by one upon the water is heard from a further distance , than if made upon the land : because the earth being contiguous doth somewhat dead and interrupt the propagation of a sound ; but the water being continuous and smooth doth rather further it , because it doth slide and reflect the sound from her , and so makes it greater and swifter than otherwise it would be if propagated through the ayr alone . Water attenuated by the ayr makes a real sound to those that are under water , because it concusses the auditory ayr . V. This plussing up of ayr in a sound is distinguisht from the obtension of it by light , 1. In that in obtensions the ayr moves to the body obtending , whereas in plussing the ayr moves from the percutient . 2. A plussing is a more course action , whereas the other is much more subtil ; for they are both motions almost of the same kind differing only in tenuity and crassitude : Whence I infer , That there is no other difference between the Optick and Auditory spirits or ayr , than that the Optick ayr is by far subtiller , the other more course , both having Membranes to qualifie their Objects . Hence let us examine whether it be possible for a man to see or discern a voice or sound with his eyes , or to hear a colour . A man , who hath all his senses well qualified , if he make trial of the query will bring in his verdict for the impossibility of it . Wherefore let us propose the doubt in a more probable state , to wit , whether a man , whose Optick spirits be thick and his Membranes thin and somewhat denser is capable of perceiving and discerning a voice or sound through his sight . 2. Whether a man , whose Auditory spirits are very thin and Membrane more thick and transparent than ordinary , be capable of perceiving colours and light . I affirm it , and will make it appear to you by experience and reason . I have oft been told that the Constable of Castile his brother could perfectly discern sounds and voices by his eyes . How this came to pass I shall easily demonstrate , by considering first the disposition of his ocular Membranes and Optick spirits . The Membranes of his eyes were somewhat thin and course , not overmuch transparent , standing deep in his head . Whence this hapned I do farther explain to you ; He was deaf in such a degree , that the greatest Thunder could not be perceived by him when his Eyes were shut . This deafness arose from a total coalition of his Auditory passage , and want of a Tympanum . The matter of this Tympanum was converted by the plastick vertue in his formation to the constitution of the membranes of his Eyes , whence the said membranes appeared deadish , course , and skinny ; in short , the Tympanum of his eare was in a manner transferred to his eyes : His Optick spirits must then of a necessity be thicker or less thin than ordinary for to be proportionable to that membrane , for all parts of the body are informated with spirits proportionable to their consistency , and in effect their modus consistentiae is caused from the modus consistentiae spirituum fixorum . His eyes stood deep in his head , and so thereby framed a grove , wherein the sound was congregated . In fine his eyes , were the greater half eyes , and the less half eares . That all this is agreeable his other acts did testifie ; because his sight was imperfect , he could not see at a distance ; Objects unless they were great and lustrous could not be perfectly discerned by him ; on the other side his hearing through his eyes was by far more imperfect , a moderate sound he did not perceive ; a loud sound or voice he was alone sensible of . Since then he was capable of perceiving sounds through his eyes , no wonder if he learned his speech from thence ; for speech is nothing else but an ecchoing of a voice spoken by another and perceived by spirits disposed to receive its impression , by expressing the same impression again by the tongue in the same manner as it was impressed . Now his speech being very imperfect and unequal , did testifie that the voices perceived by his eyes were imperfect and unequal . That it is possible for an Animal to see colours with its eares is evident in a Mole , whose ears not being very deep , but its Tympanum somewhat transparent , is thereby disposed to distinguish light from darkness , and one colour from another ; that it perceives colours and light is granted by all , which it cannot do by its eyes ; for it hath none , ergo , it must be by its ears alone , which as I have shewed are disposed to seeing almost as well as to hearing . But you may object , That Authors do assign eyes to a Mole , which are imagined by them to be in some places upon their heads , where the skin seems somewhat thinner and glabrous . I answer , That this is a great mistake , for were those places distinated for their eyes they would be pervious , which they are not ; for underneath the common bone of their head is obducted . Besides this of the Mole I have heard of men , who could discern light by their ears . Let us still proceed in searching further into the niceties of founds and colours , and examine whether it be possible for an animal to perceive colours and sounds by its tact . Certainly yes ; for if its Membranes be moderately thin and transparent , and the spirits fixt in them be moderately course , questionless it will see colours by its tact . Flies , Fleas , Worms , &c. do perceive colours and light : For Flies in the day time we see they fly to and rest themselves in a definite place , without hitting against any opposite body beyond their aime : Or again , if one goes to catch a Flie , the noise which the hand makes by concussing the air in moving to her , scares the Flie and makes her slee away . The first instance is an example of a flies perceiving colours , objects , and light , which must needs be perceived by her tact , since it hath no other visible eyes , although lookt for in a magnifying glass . The last testifies its perceiving of noise by the tact , because it doth equally perceive it from all parts ; but had it ears , it would perceive it more from one part than another . The same is also apparent in Fleas , Worms , and other insects . Fishes , it is certain , hear a sound under water , but not by their ears , for they have none ; but by their eyes , which are almost equally disposed to hearing and seeing : More then this , I believe that colours and sounds are smelt and tasted by some Creatures . VI. The reason , why so many several kinds of objects are perceived by one faculty in some insects , is , because their bodies are so little , that it is impossible secundum quid that nature should have destined distinct Organs for the perceiving of each object , and therefore those several faculties are confounded into one . The difference of sounds is taken from their quantity , which is threefold : Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity . The Longitude of a sound is the duration of it . The Latitude is its sharpness and smoothness . The thickness is its Altitude and Profundity . A sound is said to be long or short from its Longitude . A long sound is a sound continued in length or in the same tone ; so holding your finger long upon the key of an Organ , makes it to be long ; if you keep down the key but a little while , it makes but a short sound . The cause of a long sound is the keeping the air in the same concussion or pluffing . Hence it is that as long as you keep your finger upon the key of a pair of Virginals the sound doth last , because you keep the air up in one and the same concussion , but as soon as you withdraw your finger , the sound vanisheth presently after ; because the cloath , which is fastned at the top of the Jack , by touching the string doth stay its concussing motion by interrupting its continuity , and by that means the ayr is quieted . The same reason resolves , why the sound of a Bell , or of a Lute string is shortned or presently deaded as soon as you touch either with your finger : Namely , because the ayr of the Bell being vibrated by a concutient its propagation is shortned and deaded by dividing its continuity , and staying the propagating sounding ayr through interposing a contiguous body , whereby the ayr is relaxed and driven back . The reason , why sounding upon one side of a Drum , the motion of that sound is prolonged to the other side , is , because the ayr is not stopt by any contiguous body , but holding your finger upon either side the sound is forthwith shortned . Why is the sound of an empty drinking Glass more prolonged , than if it were filled up with water ? because the water being thicker and heavier is not so easily percussed as the ayr . A sound is said to be smooth or harsh from its crassitude , which depends upon the levor and asperity , equality and inequality of the percutient , and upon its smartness and softness in concussing . From its profundity and Altitude a sound is termed base or course , and trebble or high , or equal and unequal ; thus they say la is high and fine ; ut course and base . Sounds are termed equal , if they are of the same profundity or altitude , and so unisons are called equal ; all other intervals of sounds are called unequal , as a Diapason , Diapente , a Diatesseron , a third , a sixt , and a second , &c. Notwithstanding this inequality and rice , there is between several tones from one to eight a concord observable , which doth very much affect and please the ear ; the cause of it hath appeared to be very abstruse to many , which in effect is obvious enough . A Diapason strikes a sweet concord , because that distance of tone doth affect the ear ; the ear is affected with it , because sounds of that distance move it in such a manner , as that the one sets off the other very much , in the same manner as four sets off a sweet taste , or as a white sets off a black , or a Summers heat of the body is set off by coming between a pair of fine cool sheets ; or as the heat & drought , hapning when a man hath made himself hot and dry by running , is much set oft by a draught of cool drink . So that you may take notice , that there 〈◊〉 extreme Concords belonging to every sense in particular ; not only so , but you may also observe intermediate Concords between their Objects ; as a black Suit is well set off by a pair of Scarlet Hose , and is pleasing to the eye ; this is a mediate concord between the extreams , namely white and black , as a Diapente is a middle concord to a Diapason . A black Suit is a concord to a Pearl-colour Stockin ; so is a Diapason a Concord to a Diatessaron . Moreover there are also Discords in Colours and Objects of other senses , as well as in sounds . As a Seventh is a discord to an Unison ; so is a pair of Brown Mill'd Hose to a black Suit , or a pair of black Hose to a Grey Suit. In fine , you may perceive as many discords and concords between the objects of all the other Senses , as between Sounds . Hence I infer , that the same Reason , why a pair of black Hose is a Discord to a light Gray suit ( for most peoples fight is disaffected with such an opposition ) or why Vinegar is a Concord to Sugar ( for the Palat is as much affected with their Concord , as the Hearing with a Concord of Sounds ) will prove satisfactory to the disquisition upon the cause of Discords and Concords between Sounds . The reason of Concords in Colours is , because such a distance or opposition of colour doth set off another ( according to that Maxime , Contraria juxta se invicem posita magis elucescunt ; ) Whereas were this distance but of one degree , it would rather detract from one another , as being defective in setting one another off . So a little sour added to much sweet makes an unpleasant tast . Likewise in Sounds an Unison and a Second make Discords , because there is too little Treble or altitude in a Second to respond to the deep Base of an Unison , and hence you may easily conceive the Grounds and Causes of all Concords and Discords . The cause of the different sounds of Trebles and Bases , is the thickness of the String or percutient vibrating the air in such a degree of obtuseness , or such a degree of thinness of the String percussing the air acutely : or thus , the Bubble which a course String plufs up must needs be thicker then that of a fine one . VIII . Sounds vary according to the qualification of the percutient in consistency , bigness and action . A percutient being thick , makes a thick Sound ; so the Base String of an Instrument makes a thick or course Sound . A thin percutient beats a thin or sharp sound ; hence a smal string sounds sharply . So that according to the greater or lesser courseness or thickness , thinness or sharpness of a percutient , the Sound is made more or less course and sharp . The rarity of a percutient or its density cause little or no noyse : if any , a very dumb one , because the air is obtruded by neither of them , but is only percolated through them . A great percutient makes a great noyse , a small one little . The percussion of a percutient being continuous , or interrupted , slow or quick , smart or feeble , raises a continuous or interrupted , slow or quick , smart or feeble Noyse . The Heavens , that is , the fiery bodies , moving with a rapid motion through or with their own Region of fire , make some noyse , but so little , that it would scarce be audible , supposing a man were near to them . They make some little noyse , because they being bodies somewhat continuous , and obtruding that little ayr , which is admitted to the fire in some measure , they must consequently make a noise , but such as is soon deaded through the contiguity of the fire . Among these Bodies , the Moon makes the greatest noyse , because its body is more continuous , & its situation is neerest to the region of the air . Supposing two celestial bodies should extraordinarily meet & dash against one another , they would make an indifferent audible noyse , because the peregrine air being thereby more pent , its obtrusion must necessarily be the greater . A Stella cadens ( or a falling Star ) yields no noyse , because the air gives way in it self as fast as the other can make way down ; but did it fall down swifter then the air could give way , then of necessity it must obtrude it , and raise a sound ; or did it fall upon air being pent by it and another Body , it would do the same with more efficacy . Clouds , Rain and Hail make a small noyse in the air , although not very sensible , because the air is loose and free , whereby it giveth way : but where ever it is pent by them and other Bodies , they raise a sound ; hence Hail and Rain make a noyse , when they shrowd the air between themselves and the earth ; hence it is also , why Streams or a Channel of water is not heard , unless where it beats smartly against it self , or against shallows of Gravel or Pebble . Focal fire glowing or any thing within it , makes no noyse in it self , unless its body being rendered more continuous in a flame is beated against the air , or the air is obtruded against it by another continuous Body ; as by a fan or wind out of Bellows . A hissing noyse is made in the air , when it is smartly percussed without being pent by any other Body , but by its own parts and the percutient . Hence it is that a Bullet shot or the switching of the air with a Switch make a hissing noise ; but their noyse is much altered , where the air is pent by it and another solid body . A quaking noise , as of an Earthquake , or the quavering upon an Instrument , proceeds from the interruption & repetition of the percussion . By how much the more the air is pent from all parts , the greater and violenter sound it makes . Hence it is , that the noise of a Gun , or of any thing bursting is of that lowdness . This also proves a cause why a soft whispering , or blast of wind makes a great sound improportionable to so soft a percussion , in a Trunk , or any other close , round long passage . Hence a Trumpet , or a Hunters Horn do make so great a noyse , and is so far propagated . IX . A sound is either reflexe or refracted . A reflexe sound is , when it is propelled against a continuous body , by which it is repulsed , or whence it doth rebound ; so that the reflection of a Sound is nothing else , but a rebounding of it from a continuous body . Sounds acquire an increase or a lowder noyse from their rebounding , in a like manner as Light is intended by its reflection . The greater this reflection is , the greater noyse it makes . The greatest Reflection is , when a Sound is reflected by a circular reflecting continuous body ; because the sound being circularly propagated , ( for a noyse made in the open air is heard round about ) is equally reflected from all parts ; and its parts do as it were reflect back again against one another , whereby the sound is majorated to its greatest intention . Hence it is that Chappels being circularly rooft reflect a great Sound , and were their Bottom also circular , the sound would be by far more intended . By the way , take notice that an Eccho is not a reflection alone of a sound , neither is it caused by it alone ; for all grant , that there is a great reflection of a Sound in Chappels , and yet there is no Eccho . All sorts of Metals formed into a Concave , as Pels , Bowls made of metal , & all sorts of drinking Glasses give a great sound ( for their tinging noise is nothing else , but a great intended reflext quaking noise ) because the percussed sound is reflext circularly within upon the connuated parts of the said Metals & Glasses : From the same reason it is , that all hollow continuated bodies , as most sorts of Instruments , viz. Virginals , Viols , Lutes , &c. make so great and improportionable a sound , to so small a percussion . A man would imagine , that the sound caused by striking of a String of an Instrument , should come all from within the Instrument , and that there were no sound at all above ; but it is otherwise : 'T is true , the greater sound is protruded from within ; nevertheless there is a sound also without , but it being the lesser , is overcome and drowned by the protrusion of the greater sound from within . This is evident in a Metal being struck or sounded in an upper Chamber , sometimes happening to make a greater sound in the next Room underneath it , ( provided that the lower Room be more concave , and that the Metal do stand upon the Boards ) but notwithstanding there is some little sound in the same Room above . As a sound is majorated by these forementioned occasions , so it may also be minorated by their contraries . Besides all this , there is also a contraction or abbreviation of a Sound , whereby the Species of a great sound is fully perceived , collected and contracted into a smal space ; and this is only possible in long hollow Passages and Pipes , and often the longer they are , the more and plainer the sound is contracted , provided that their length is not too far extending : Hence it is , why the Species of a great sound is contracted and plainly perceived by the ear , and is yet more and plainer contracted , when a man holds his hand being inverted like a Trunk before it . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this Theorem is the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the contraction of a visible Object upon a Rotundity . As a remote visible Object can be rendered more visible by the help of magnifying Glasses , so can a remote audible Object be rendered more audible by majorating or contracting Instruments , as Sarabatanes , or long Trunks , &c. Refraction of a Sound is , when it is reflected upon several Cavities or continuous concaves . Wherefore every concave contracting the sound in a determinate Species , there must necessarily be as many sounds reflected and rendered , as there are perfect Cavities ; this is otherwise called the Ecchoing or resonance of Sounds . Compare this with the refraction of Light and Colours , the Reasons of both being the same . An undulating sound is an imperfect Refraction , and is when a sound is but half ecchoed or resounded , arising from the imperfection and obtuseness of the Cavity ; for the sides of a perfect Cavity are required to be acute for to divide the Sound from its next cavity , or for to make a compleat Refraction . This resonance of Sounds doth only rebound to a certain distance and determinate Sphere , within which compass if the ear be seated , it may hear the Eccho . The Sound being propagated circularly may be ecchoed all about the Circumference ; wherefore two men standing in several places may each hear a distinct and several Eccho of one and the same Sound , and according to the difference of the Situation of the Cavities , the one shall perceive the Eccho , and the other shall not . Many do imagine that the multiplicity of Resonances in Sounds is caused by an Eccho upon an Eccho ; but erroneously , it being rather to be imputed to the diversity and multiplicity of perfect Cavities ; which although it be not impossible , yet it happens very seldom . In many pillared round Churches a loud voice doth resonate by several Eccho's near upon at the same time , which if it happened through an Eccho upon an Eccho , their motion would be much slower one after the other . The same is perceptible among some Bils , whose several Vallies being perfect cavities , sometimes make a multiplicity of Eccho's . The reason , why one Eccho is frequently heard after the other , is , because of the greater remoteness of the Cavities , which greater remoteness is also the cause of the minoration of the sound . The Chappel at Pont Charenton refracts or eccho's a Sound sixteen times , which is caused through sixteen perfect Cavities constituted by the two Rowes of Pillars built of each side of the said Chappel . We read also of the seaven times answering Eccho of the Gallery of Olympia , a City in Greece , and thence was called Heptaphonos , or returning seven voyces ; which was effected through the refraction of the Sound between the Pillars . There was also a famous Eccho within Cyzecum a City of Bithynia , returning a Sound many times . Lucretius in Lib. 4. speaks of another Eccho , which multiplied a voice seven times . Sex etiam aut septem loca vidi reddere voces , Unam cum faceres . — XI . Hitherto hath been discoursed on natural Sounds , it remaines I should add a word or two touching Animal sounds or voices ; which are either inarticulate , as such as are common to Beasts and Men ; or articulate , which in their perfection are only proper to men . The articulation is nothing else but a continuated unequal Sound , being moderated in Longitude , Latitude and Profundity , through the help of the Lungs , Throat , Tongue , Pallat , Lips and Teeth : all these serve to pent and screw the air according to any intended modulation . If the throat be very hollow , and that the Uvula be wanting , the Sound reflecting against that imperfected Hollowness makes its voice hollow and loud . There cannot be any sensible eccho of the voyce within the mouth , although a perfect hollowness were supposed to be there , because there must be allowed a proportionable distance , otherwise a sound must rebound again into and against it self , whereby its ecchoing is drowned ; this is the reason , why a voyce or sound doth not eccho , when it is made too near to a perfect Cavity . We will shut up this Discourse of Audibles with the mentioning of one absurd Question generally moved by the Peripatet . viz. Whether a sound can be made in a vacuum , that is , where there is no air , they conceiving that a sound is made immediately by the percussion of two solid bodies one against the other : the Absurdity is obvious , since it hath so evidently been demonstrated that sound is nothing but a passion of the Air. CHAP. XXIV . Of Tasts , Smels and Tangibles . 1. The Definition of a Tast. The Difference between the Tasting and Hearing Faculty . The manner of a tasts Action and Passion . 2. The Differences of Tasts . Whether tasts are not communicable through a medium . 3. What a Smell is . The manner of a Sents action and passion . 4. Whether Sents be Nutritive . How many have been kept alive without Eating or Drinking . How Sents revive one in a Swoun . The distance requisite in Sents from the Faculty . That the Sent of Excrements smels sweet to a Dog. How a Dog sents a Bitch at a great distance . The manner of a Dogs winding the Sent of a Hare . That Fishes do sent by means of their Gills or Palate . 5. The causes of a sweet Smell . Why most Beasts are pleased with the Smell of a Panther . What a stinking Smell is . The other kinds of Sents . Whether the Plague gives a Smell , and whether perceptible by a man. Whether it be possible to poyson one by a Persume of Gloves , or of a Letter . 6. What the Tact is , and the manner of its sensation . 7. The differences of tangible qualities . Whether Titillation be distinguisht from the ordinary tact . Whether man hath the most exquisite tact . 8. What a tangible quality is . The causes of pleasing Tangibles . Why a Kiss feels pleasing to ones lips . That a Dog takes delight in kissing . What Pain is , and its cause of Titillation . Why ones proper feeling doth not tickle , but anothers doth . I. A Tast ( Sapor ) is a quality , whereby a mixt being moveth the tasting faculty . The tasting Faculty is inherent immediately in the fixt animal spirits , and mediately in the influent ones of the Tongue and Palat. These Spirits are in two degrees thicker then the auditory spirits , there being the olfactive spirits intercedent , differing but one degree in thickness from the said auditory spirits . The object of this faculty is required to be respondent to it in consistency ; wherefore the faculty , viz. the Spirits being dense and thick , the Objects of the tast do move the same faculty by a greater density and thickness then those of visibles and audibles . Otherwise if the Object be thinner and rarer then is requisite , it is uncapable of moving the tast ; hence it is , that we cannot tast air , or warmth proceeding from fire . That , which is thick , moves the tast by a kind of continuous compression of the spirits in the tongue : thus fair water affects the tast , which the more ayry and thin it is affects the tongue the more . Water being tempered with Spirits , makes a kind of a sharp and brisk tast ; for instance , Wine . Dense bodies move the Palat by a contiguous compression , and therefore make a more distinct and forcible tast . Summarily , tast is nothing else but the discerning of the several temperatures of mixt bodies effecting several passions in the tongue and upon its gustative faculty , which several passions are said to be several tasts . Hence it is also obvious that the quality , whereby a tast moves the gustative faculty , is nothing but its action , whereby it acteth distinctly in several Subjects , wherein a different gustable quality is inherent . Since the Gustative Spirits are deeply latent within a porous and Spongie body , nothing can move the tast , unless it be of that thinness or small quantity , as that it may pass the pores of the tongue , the passing of which subtilities waterish Moysture doth very much facilitate , which proves in stead of a Vehicle to them , and makes those passages slippery . Hence it is , that no great bodies have any tast , unless they be first attrited and diminisht by the teeth , and the more they be diminisht , the more their tast becomes perceptible . Dry bodies are not so gustable as when they are a little moistened , whereby they reserate the pores of the tongue and procure a passage to the seat of the taste . II. As many different waies as objects move the taste , or cause severall passions in it , so many different tasts there be . That , which doth only gently shake the taste , and as it were doth but tickle it , is sweet , and deriving from a temperateness , yet so as that water is abounding in it . That , which doth sensibly alterate the taste , is an intermediate sapour ; that , which doth most alterate it , so as it may not pervert the faculty , is an extream sapour . Extreme sapours depend upon the greatest predominance of each Element in a several mixt body , which being four do also constitute four extreme tastes . 1. A fiery hot taste , as in Pepper , Ginger , &c. 2. An earthy taste . 3. A waterish taste . 4. An ayry tast , not such as Theophrastus cals a fat taste , like there is in oyl . The rest are intermediate , as bitter , acerbe , acid , and salt , for that is a tast mixt out of a waterish and ayry tast . Peripateticks assert , that tastes for to move the gustable faculty are to be immediately applyed to it ; and there they assert , that tastes are only real among all the sensible qualities . But this doth not alwaies hold true ; for tasts may be communicable through a medium , ( and if the air is at any time to be allowed to be a medium , it is sometimes in tasts , and alwaies in odors ) to wit , the air , as Apothecaries do all testifie ; for when they are powdering , or a peeling of Colocynthis , its bitter taste doth very sensibly reach their tongue . III. A smell or scent is a quality or action , whereby a mixt body moves the olfactive faculty . The difference between this and the gustable faculty is none other , but that the one consists in a degree of a finer and thinner consistency of spirituous air ; and the same difference is between their objects , viz. a taste is of a thicker body than a scent , in manner that the scent is too subtil to strike the gustable faculty , and a sapour is too thick to strike the olfactive faculty ; wherefore that , which through its subtility passeth the sence of taste doth thereby reach to the sense of smelling , moving its faculty withal . It is th●n apparent ; That the objects of both these senses are the same , differing only in subtilty of body , and that they are nothing but temperaments of bodies comminuted and moving the said powers immediately , yet not so , but that the subtiler parts for to move the sense , are requisite to be separated from the courser , and more then that , each needs a Vehicle or a medium for to be carried and directed through the subtil passages to the deep latent sensory . The vehicle of tasts is water ( to which spittle and drink are equipollent , ) as being through its thickness respondable to receive so thick and course an object ; a thinner vehicle , as the air , could not receive it , because it is too thin to support it . The vehicle of scents is air , as being through its thinness proportionated to receive and convey such subtil bodies ; were this vehicle thicker , it would through its gravity expel or express bodies of that subtility , that smells are of . You may here observe the depravate Judgments of the Peripateticks concerning the mediums of sensible objects , where they ought to grant a medium as to scents and tastes , they withhold it , where they should allow no medium , there they grant it ; as to audibles and visibles . I stated temperaments of bodies to be the objects of sense , by which you are to understand the subtiller and volatick parts of substances reduced to a certain degree of temperament , and obtaining certain vertues of acting : So that hereby I do not intend any quality distinct from a substance for the objects of sense , but real bodies so qualified as to move sense ; where ( mark ) qualities are not really distinguished from their bodies , but really identificated with them in the concrete ( although in the abstract they are distinguisht ratione ; ) for what is a quality in a body else but a body qualified ? Wherefore the action performed through the quality of a body is not to be taken as if the body were one thing , and the quality another , but as one , and that action proceeds from the body qualified ; of this I have discoursed more at large in my Metaphysicks . IV. Smels do nourish no more than tastes nourish the animal spirits ; none doubts but that neither nourishes the solid or humoral parts , because of their unsutableness in consistency and temperament . Wherefore although some are said to have sustained their life for a long time through smels alone , as it is recorded of Democritus , who sustained his life three daies through the smell of hot bread , and of others , who are said to have lived many daies upon the sent of Tobacco chawed , or smoaked , yet this is not to be understood as if their parts had been really nourished , for they grew leaner and leaner ; but their life was maintained by keeping the spirits alive , which is performed by scents , that do gently stir them , as hot bread , rose water , &c. As for Tobbacco , that maintains life accidentally also , by taking away the sharpness of the hungry spirits knawing upon the stomack , and obtusing and thickning them through its sulphuriousness , and by attracting slegme to the stomack from the head and other parts , which the stomack in time of need turns into nutriment ; yet some question , whether they do not nourish the animal and vital spirits , since they are so apt to revive the spirits in faintness and other weaknesses . I grant they revive the spirits , but whether this hapneth through stirring up of the spirits , or through nourishing or increasing them may be doubted . Certainly , not by increasing of the spirits , because that smells are crude exhalations , differing from the vital and animal spirits ; wherefore they ought first to be concocted and fitted for assimulation by gradual elaborations of the Stomack , Liver , and Heart , and must be purified through the same members from their suliginous excrements . Who would say , that the spirits of Vinegar should revive through nourishing the spirits , and not through their exciting or irritating of the said spirits ? Certainly , such sharp spirits do decline from a capacity of nourishing the spirits of the brain , but nevertheless are very fit to revive by stirring and moving of them : In a like manner do pinching and rubbing of the skin revive in a swoun , not by nourishing of the spirits , but by moving and stirring of them up . Likewise crying loud into the ears , and holding a bright light to the eyes opened by force , doth as soon revive and recal swouning patients as any thing ; but assuredly the working of these is by exciting and stirring the spirits , and not by nourishing of them . The more thin the olfactive Membranes and nerves are , and the more subtil the spirituous olfactive air is , the further odours or scents are perceived : But then it is requisite , that those objects , which are to move such a sense should be more subtil , because of being proportionated to the faculty : for if they are course , they will exceed the perception of such a scent ; hence it is , that those , who excell all others in exquisiteness of scent cannot attain to the smelling a thick smell near by , unless they go so far off as that those thick exhalations by moving through the air may be grinded less , and so be the better fitted for to strike the olfactive faculty : hence it is then that a Vulture being blinded and placed suddenly in a Room where dead stinking flesh is , shall not find it through his sent , although his smelling is the most exquisite of any living creature ( according to the usual Verse : Nos aper auditu , linx visu , simia gustu , Vultur odoratu praecellit , araneatactu . A Boar in hearing , a Linx in sight , a Vulture in his smell . An Ape in taste , a Spider in feeling do us far excell . ) Because the scents being thick are not thin enough to strike his subtill smell ; but then again , he shall perceive those scents at the greatest distance , where these thick scents are so much subtiliated through the length of passage , that there he perceives them very sensibly , as being fitted to his scent . The smell of a Tallow-Chandlers shop doth little offend or move our olfactive power , when we are in the shop , yea , not at all , but at our first approach before we come near to it , the smell may direct any one thither blindfold . Neither do Dogs or Hogs smell thick scents , as of excrements or other rotten stinking smells of corrupted flesh , when they are near to them ; for did they , they would certainly abhor them ; yet it is certain they smell them at a great distance , but then that smell at a distance is not a stinking smell to them , but sweet and pleasant , for otherwise they would not be so much inticed by them ; for although such objects stunk near by , through their thick pernicious and strong motion , yet through the grinding of the air they are mollified , and their putrid temperature is laid and equalized , and their stink is quite taken away : this appears in Musk , Civet , or Ambergreece , which if held close to the Nosthrils strike as unpleasing a stink as excrements , but again how fragrant and sweet a scent do they emit at a distance ? Even so it is with the scent of Excrements to Dogs and Hogs . A Dog scents a Bitch a great way off , although lockt up , without seeing of her , and apprehends the scent under her Tayl to be no ill scent : Wherefore I say , That in many , if not in most scents , that , which smels sweet to a man , sents stinking to most beasts , and that , which sents stinking to us , smells sweet to most beasts . It will not be difficult now to give a reason , why and how a Dog winds the scent of a Hare at so great a distance ; it is , because there are some exhalations or evaporations emanated through the habit of a Hares body , and especially of her belly and inguina , inhering in the ground and in the air near about it , over which the Hare hath taken her flight , the which although they be very subtil & thin , yet they do sensibly and perfectly move the olfactive power of the Dog : this sent is as intirely pleasing to the Dog as the sight of his eagerness in pursuit pleases the Hunters , and so they are both equally inticed to the pursuit of the Hare . Fishes are said by Aristotle Lib. 4 de histor . animal . to have a smell , in that they are inticed by the smell of food cast to them into the water . I do wonder , where he found out their Organ of smelling , for my part I could never discern it , nor any body else . It is true , Fish doth perceive the taste of food through its continuous dissolution through the water by their Gills or Pallate , at a great distance ( because the particles of the food are diducted into a large extent ) which * being the more exquisite do serve them for to taste and to smell . V. That , which doth gently shake or move our olfactive air , is only that , which we call a sweet smell , and therein the sent of man is much pleased . Wherefore sents being of a different temperature , all smells do not equally please all men ; or every Creature is most pleased in different objects : So most beasts , as Theophrastus writes , are pleased with the smell of a Panther , and therefore do all follow him . Cats are delighted by the smell of a Mouse or a Rat , which she ketches in the dark more through guide of her sent , ( she having a most exquisite sent as appears by her finding the Larder , or victuals hidden in any part of the house or room ) than of her sight . Flies are delighted in the sent , or rather taste ( for they have no organ particularly destined for smells , ) of honey . That , which doth most offend and almost pervert our sent , is a stinking smell . This offence of sent is various in degrees according to the degrees of the ingrate motion of smells , and thence according to the property of those degrees , we specifie and distinguish smells , whose kinds are named by the same names that tastes are , as being consentaneous to them not only in the thing it self , but also in name : viz. they are either fiery sharp as Pepper , bitter , salt , acid or sour , acerbous , putrid , which subvert and offend the sent , and are various according to the subject , whence they are emitted , and do receive their names also thence , so we say it smels like a carrion , like excrements , like piss , like stinking fish , like rank meat ; it smells as if it were musty , &c. As several scents are offensive to man , so are beasts offended with several sents , which they do naturally flee , because they are dissentaneous to their olfactive ficulty . So Flies are offended with the smoak of Brimstone ( rathe I suppose because it choaks them ; ) Serpents with the sent of Galbanum , and Mise with the sent of an Asses claw burnt . Some people will say , That the Plague doth oft carry a sent with it not unlike to the smell of a mellow apple , or according to others like the scent of May flowers . It is certain that infected houses do smell so , because they are moist and dampish , and thence putrid , and therefore the fitter to receive the venome of pestilent air , but it is not a sent , which the Plague brings along with it , but which it finds in the house ; for I have oft smelt such scents in garden houses , which proceeded from the dampness of the boards . The Plague is so subtil a venome , that it passeth the grosseness of mans sent , and therefore cannot be smelt ; nevertheless it is sented by Dogs , Cats , Flies , and other creatures , which are so much offended by it , that they usually flee such houses . I have been in several Towns , where the Plague did rage very violently , but when ever I was occasioned to go into strange houses , I generally took notice whether there were any Dog or Cat in the house , or whether I could see any Flies about the Room , which if I did I was the better satisfied . Let me tell you , could the Plague be sented by man , the Plague would be no plague ; for as I told you , That which doth move our sent must be of a certain essential thickness , which , if concommitant to the venome of the Plague , were impossible that it should work such pernicious and potent effects , unless it were of so subtil a body , that it should flee our sent . Hence I do also infer , that it is impossible for a man to be poysoned through a sent , because if a thing be so thick as to move out sent , it is impossible it should produce such an effect in that thickness . Probably you may object , that the Italians have attained to a way of poisoning men by the smell of perfumed Gloves , or by a sent impressed upon the inside of a Letter , which if a man do open , and receive the sent of it through his nosthrils , it will certainly kill him . In the first place it is doubtful , whether they have attained to that perfection of cowardly murder through sents ; if they have not , questionless their Genius doth lead enough that way , & it is more for want of industry , knowledge , and skill , than inclination ; however it being possible enough , and supposing it to be so , I answer , That it is not the smell doth kill a man , but something , which being of that subtility that it fleeth the sent , is mixed with some perfume , wherewith the fore-mentioned gloves are perfumed : The like answer doth dissolve the objection of poyson contained within the Letter . VI. The coursest of all the senses is the Tact , or feeling faculty , to which the coursest kind of objects without any comm●nution are appropriated : So that the courser an object is the more tangible it proves : This must also be applied immediately to the organ , because no medium is course enough to carry or convey it to the sensory . Had the Peripateticks proposed that question here , which they moved concerning seeing and hearing , viz. Whether we are capable of sensation in a vacuum , they would have shewed themselves to have had some skill in the matter : But let us referre the same question to the sense of feeling , and question , Whether it be possible to feel a thing in a Vacuum . I answer affirmatively , What should hinder the Tact from feeling , supposing the object to be applyed to the sensory ? For it needs no air for its vehicle . VII . Themistius , Averrhoes , AEgidius , Jandunus , Apollinaris , Marcellus , Avicenna , Albertus Magnus , Cardan , and others do seem to state as many different kinds of feeling , as there are different objects , that do move the Tact differently , according to which rule they may allow almost infinite kinds of feeling . Their mistake is gross ; for according to the same rule , there should be as many kinds of seeing , hearing , &c. but this is absurd . The case is this : It is not every distinct act or object , which , causes a difference in the faculty , for one faculty may perceive many different kinds of objects , and yet not be multiplied in its faculty , but remain one and the same : look in my first book of Phil. and in the Metaph. where I have insisted more largely upon this point , and illustrated how a faculty may be one formally , and manifold materially . Scaliger Exerc. CCCXXXVI . d. 3. is so much taken with his Ve●ereal Titillation , that he honoureth it with the name of a sixth sense . Alas his subtillity could hardly reach to maintain the dignity of it . What ? Because it pleased his phansie , therefore it must be called a sixth sense . Or did he specifie it from the common tact , because it was proper to the Membranes of the Genitals ? then upon the same account the tact of his head is specifically distinguisht from the tact of his knee : or is it , because it is a titillation ? No certainly , for every sensible part of the body may be tickled ; but the subtiller the part is , the more exquisite , acute , and piercing the titillation is , and therefore no wonder , if those parts being circumvested with thin membranes , being of a most exquisite sense , perceive so acute and piercing a titillation . Man is generally cried up to have the most exquisite tact of all Creatures ; but why should he be said to be only excellent in feeling and not in all his other senses ? For he judges more distinctly of all sensibles , than other creatures , although he doth not perceive them at such a distance as other animals , the excellency of sensation not consisting in remoteness of its action . VIII . Tangibility then is a quality , whereby a mixt body moves the Tact. The principality of the tact consists in a thick course spiritous air , the moving of which is the raising of a feeling . It is moved by being diducted either by depression or weight , or any other thick continuous diduction : So that whatever is thin , light , or rare doth effuge the sense of the tact ; hence it is , that the air , thin vapours , exhalations , or spirits , are not immediately felt . That which doth gently stir & quaver these tangent spirits is said to feel pleasing and delightful : Hence it is that kissing seems to feel so pleasing to many , because that hapning to a thin part , being withal of an exquisite feeling , where the spirits being gently stirred and quavered by the application of other lips doth cause a delightful feeling . That this is so , is testified by most , who kiss for a delight , in that they do at that instant of the application of lips feel a creeping quaking spirit in their lips . The same delightful feeling happens also to a Dog , applying his chops to a Bitches taile . A soft object doth gently stir the tangent spirits of the extremities of the fingers , and is perfectly pleasing , and therefore many men love to handle and feel boys and girles cheeks . That , which doth so much diduct the tactile spirits as to divide and burst them , doth subvert the tact and causes a pain . As for the other differences of tangibles , they are taken from the degree and property of raising feeling in tangibles ; so we say , a thing feels heavy , light , hot , cold , moist , dry , fiery , waterish , earthy , hard , soft , rough , smooth , &c. the description of all which I do omit , as having set them down above . A gentle titillation is one of the delightful tangibles , which gentleness , if otherwise exceeding and inferring violence , doth become painful ; as appears in the French scab or manginess . Titillation sometimes insers violence , not by dividing the tangent spirits through it self and immediately , but by accident through gathering the spirits too much together through its light appulse , to which they do accur in great quantity , and oft do as it were thereby overstrain or overreatch themselves . It seldom happens , that ones proper feeling doth tickle any part of his body , as his knee , or palm of the hand : But if another do gently touch it , it tickles him : the reason is , because that , which toucheth a part must be of a certain distant temperament from the part felt , which is not in a mans own self , but in every other man ; besides ones fansie adds much to it . Natural Philosophy . The SECOND PART . The Second Book : CHAP. I. Of the Commerce of the Earth with the other Elements . 1. The Authors purpose touching his Method in the Preceding Book , and a further Explication of some terms made use of there . 2. That the Earth is the Center of the world . Copernicus his Astronomy examined . 3. The Earths Division into three Regions , and their particular extent . 4. What Bodies are generated in the third Region of the Earth ; and the manner of their Production . That the Coldness of the Earth is the principal efficient of Stones and Metals . How a Stone is generated in the Kidneyes and in the Bladder . A rare Instance of a Stone takenout of the Bladder . The generation of a Flint , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , Diamond , Ruby , Gold , Copper , Iron , Mercury , Silver , The places of Mines . 5. Of the transmutation of Metals . Whether Silver be transmutable into Gold. Whether Gold may be rendered potable . The Effects of the supposed Aurum potabile , and what it is . 6. Of earthy saltish Juices . The Generation of Common Salt , Salt-Gemme , Saltpeter , Allom , Salt-Armoniack and Vitriol , and of their kinds . 7. Of earthy unctious Juices , viz. Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroyl , Asphaltos , Oyl of Earth , Sea-coal and Jeatstone ; of their kinds and vertues . 8. Of the mean Juyces of the Earth , viz. Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . Whether any of these mean Juices are to be stated Principles of Metals . I. HItherto I have discoursed of the Elements , their Production , Forms , Second and Third , Single and Mixt Qualities , with intention to have declared their Dissolution from the Chaos , and separation from one another , and therefore I did only mention so much touching their nature , as might suffice to discover the reason and causes of their effects produced by them through their dissolution . At that time and place I thought it unseasonable to demonstrate the causes of their only apparent contrary motions and effects , whereby they return to one another , and exercise a mutual commerce between each other , and seem ( but really do not ) to change into one anothers Nature , all which together , with the particular relation of each Element , as they are consisting at present , of local motion in general , and in particular of Attraction and Repuision , and of Meteors , I shall endeavour to propose to you by a sensible Demonstration . Why I judged it unseasonable to treat of these Particulars above , was because I would not oppress your Phansie with seeming contrary Notions ( but really agreeing to a hair , ) and so might have endangered the Conception , and Retention of the precedent ones , which now I may with more safety attempt , supposing you to have weighed the Reasons , and to have narrowly searcht into their meaning . Neither shall I repeat any thing of what hath been set down already , but proceed where I left off ; only since now I may with security discover my meaning of these Expressions of moving from the Center to the Circumference , and to the Center from the Circumference , both which I have hitherto made use of for to perduce you to a true apprehension of the Chaos and its dissolution . By moving from the Center to the Circumference was not intended a deserting of the proper Center of those Elements that were said so to move , but , 1. To move so from their Center as to tend and be diffused thence to the Circumference into the greatest tenuity or rarity , but not to desert their proper Center ; for then they could not move at all , because all motions are peracted upon an immoveable , which must be a Center . 2. To move from the circumference to the center , is not to desert the circumference , & be reduced by penetration into a central point ( as Mathematicians do imagine , ) but to be contracted to a Center from a circumference for to gain the greatest dense weight or weighty crassitude , like others are diffused for to gain the greatest rarity or tenuity ; and that naturally , for density or crassitude cannot be attained by any other manner then by a contraction to a Center ; and rarity and tenuity but by a diffusion from a Center . 3. Intending by moving from a Center to a Circumference to signifie a tendency to the greatest contiguous rarity or continuous levity , I do not exclude but that such light Elements in a confusion with opposite Elements as it happened in the Chaos , may also tend from a Center of Magnitude , because they are expelled by the overpowering weighty Elements expelling them from their Center , and so in this signification I have sometimes intended by moving from the Center a deserting of the Center of Magnitude , or sometimes of the universal Center . 4. None but the whole body of the Elements do tend to , or strive for the universal Center ; but particular or mixt bodies for their own particular Center , as you may read further in the Chapter of Local Motions . II. The earth is , and must necessarily be the Center of the world , or of all the other Elements , within which it is contained like the Yolk of an Egge within the White and the Shell . I prove the Proposition : If the nature of Earth be to move conically from the Circumference to its own Center through a contiguous gravity , and the nature of Air & Fire be to be equally diffused from the center through their levity ; ergo the earth must needs fall to the midst of them all , its parts tending circularly and conically to their Center . The earth being arrived to the center , it resteth quiet and unmoveable : the Reason you shall know by and by . Return back to the explanation of the manner of the dissolution of the Chaos , which cannot but demonstrate the evidence of this Point to you . Nevertheless let us consider that old Phansie of Pythagoras , Plato , Aristarchus , Seleucus , Niceta , and others upon this Matter , revived by Copernicus in the preceding Centenary , and weigh its probability . 1. He imagineth the fixed Stars and their Region to be the extremity of the world , and both to be immoveable . 2. That the Figure of that Region doth appear to us to be circular , but for what we know , our Sense may be deceived . 3. That the Sun is the Center of the aspectable world , being immoveable as to its ex ernal place ; notwithstanding since through help of the Telescopium is observed by the discerning of the motion of its Spots to change his face about ( although still remaining in the same external place ) its own Axis in 27 daies . 4. Between these two immoveables the Planets are said to move , and among them , viz. between Mars and Venus , the Earth is imagined as a Planet to move about the Sun , and to absolve her Circuit in twelve Moneths . 5. That the Moon is seated between the Earth and Venus , and is thought to move through its own particular motion about the earth between that space , which there is granted to be between her and Venus , and between her and Mars : Besides the Moon doth also move with the Earth , as if she were her Page , about the Sun , absolving her course much about the same time . In like manner are the four Stars first discovered through a Telescopium * by Galilaeus , said to follow the motion of Jupiter , and to move with it about the Sun in twelve years , there being besides another motion adscribed to them , whereby they move about the Same Jupiter between the space which is between it and Saturn , and between it and Mars ; the innermost whereof absolves its course about it in a day and a quarter ; the next in three daies and a half ; the third in three daies and four houres ; the last in sixteen daies and eight houres : besides these , they have found out by the help of the said Telescopium Stars , which are Concomitants to each Planet . 6. That the space between Saturn and the fixed stars is almost immense . That the Region of the fixed stars is immoveable , he takes for granted without giving any probable proof for it ; for which notwithstanding may be urged ( Omne mobile fit super immobili ) that all moveables do move upon an immoveable ; which if granted , doth not inferre that therefore the Region of the fixed starres must be immoveable , since he hath stated one immoveable already , namely , the Sunne ; what need is there then of more ? Further , if we do grant two universal immoveables , we must also grant two universal contrary motions ; whereof the one is moved upon one immoveable , the other upon the second ; but the universal diurnal motion of the stars we see is one and the same ; ergo but one universal immoveable is necessary . Lastly , He cannot prove it by any sense , only that it must be so , because it agrees with his supposition , and what proof is that to another ? The holy words in Eccles. do further disprove his position ; where it is said that God moved the Heavens about within the compass of his Glory . His second Position denotes him no great Naturalist . The third Position infers the Sun to be the immoveable Center of the world . 1. This doth manifestly contradict Scripture , which doth oft make mention of the Suns rising and going down : And in Isaiah 38. 8. the Sun is said to have returned ten degrees back . And in another place , Let not the Sun move against Galbaon . 2. The Sun is accounted by most , and proved by us to be a fiery body , or a flame , and therefore is uncapable of attaining to rest in a restless Region , which if it did , its flame would soon diminish through the continual rushing by of the fiery Element tearing its flames into a thousand parts , whose effects would certainly prove destructive to the whole Universe , but especially to all living Creatures . 3. Were the Sun immoveable , and enjoying its rest ; ergo that rest must either be a violent detention , or a natural rest ; not the first , because that could not be durable ; or what can there be thought potent enough to detain that vast and most powerful body of the Sun ? for that must also be sensibly demonstrated and cleared , otherwise you do nothing . Neither can it be the latter ; for were it natural , it must not only have a natural principle of rest , but also be contained in a vacuum , or else in a Region whose parts have likewise attained to a natural rest through the enjoying of their Center . It is a property of a Center to be as a point in comparison to the Circumference ; but nothing can be contracted to a point but Earth and water , as I have shewed above ; whereas according to their own confession the Sun is a vast great body , and its Beams spreading and dilating ; ergo it must be only Earth and Water . Now what sign of predominance of Earth and Water is there apparent in the Sun ? for were it so , the Sun would shew black , and give no light . The Moon is liker ( if any ) to be the Center , it consisting by far of more earth then the Sun , as her minority in body , motion and degree of brightness do testifie , Lastly , Is it not more probable that our sight should hallucinate , or be deceived in judging the Sun not to move , then in judging it to move , all Astronomical Phaenomena's being so consentaneous to this latter Judgment ? Besides , how is it possible for us to judge , whether the Sun doth move or rest , since that according to this supposition we are carried about with that swiftness ? By the same reason we may doubt of the motion of all the other Planets . The fourth Position concludes a most rapid motion of the earth . What principle of motion can the earth consist of ? Of none certainly , but of fire and air , which are admitted into her body in so improportionable a measure , that they cannot be thought to impel the earth to the least local motion . Moreover earth is of so heavy a body , that it is rendered altogether incapable of circular local motion : otherwise were the Mass of earth so prone to such a swift circular motion , certainly its parts , as terrestrial mixt bodies would retain the same inclination to the same motion , which we find to be contrary According to the Perip . & this supposition all light bodies ( ordinarily so called ) must be said to be heavy , and all heavy bodies light ; for bodies by them are counted heavy , which move downward , that is , towards the center ; ergo fire must be said to be heavy , & earth light , because the one moves upwards to its supposed universal center , & the other from it : But this is absurd , Can a point move through so vast or almost immense a Region , and with that velocity ? In all other Natural things we find that a Point of any Element hath no force or proportion to move through a span of another Element , although that point be supposed to be detained violently . Take a particle of Earth , which is no point , and let it fall out of your hand , it will hardly move down to the earth , or if it doth , it is so slow , that is hardly perceptible ; but much less would a point move . If then the earth be but as a point to so immense a Region , it cannot be supposed to move . Possible you do reply , that it is impelled by an extrinsick movent : Suppose I granted it , its motion being violent , could not be durable ; besides the proportion of a point is insinitely too little for to receive such a most swift impulse , which through its littleness it would doubtless effuge . Were the Earth a Planet or Star , it is supposed it should cast a light , which is repugnant to its Nature , through which , as I have shewed before , she is rendered dark , and is the cause of all darkness . Were this absurdity admitted , all our knowledge , which hitherto wise men have so laboured to accomplish would be in vain ; for as I said before , earth and earthy bodies must be light , fire and fiery bodies must be heavy , and enjoy their rest : water and waterish bodies must be likewise heavy , the air and ayry bodies must be weighty , and enjoy their rest ; for if the earth moves , it is certainly moved through the air , the which according to that supposition must be immoveable , because all moveables ( omne mobile sit super immobili ) are moved upon an immoveable Subject : All dark colours must be supposed light ; all Astronomical appearances , shadows , sounds , tasts , Sents and all mixt bodies must then be understood to be contrary to what really they are . Scripture is likewise plain against it , Job 26. 7. Psal. 24. 2. For he hath founded it ( namely the earth ) upon the Seas , and est ablisht it upon the flouds . Job 38. 6. Whereupon are the foundations there of ( to wit of the Earth ) fastened ? or who laid the corner stone thereof ? Psal. 104. 5. Who laid the foundations of the Earth that it should not be moved for ever . What need there more words to consute so absurd an Opinion ? But to return to my Proposition ; That the Earth must necessarily be the Center of the world . I proved it above , where I did defer the reason of its rest to this place . The earth of all the elements doth alone enjoy her rest ; because she alone doth possess a Center , whereby she enjoyes her own natural internal motion ; but suppose another element to possess the place of her center , & the Earth to cover it immediately , then doubtless the Earth would continue in external motion ( because its parts are violently detained from a center ) & press upon that body ( which doth oppose it by keeping her out of her place ) until she had removed it , which being removed , it could not be thought to be longer in external local motion , since she had recovered her natural place , unless we should absurdly imagine , that one part should move against the other for to gain a penetration of bodies . If then N. Copern . D. Origan . and others , who strive to maintain the threefold motion of the earth ( viz. of inclination and declination , its dayly and yearly motion ) had discovered , that the earth were violently detained by some other Element or body , then they might have thence demonstrated a motion ; but then this motion could have been no other , than the motion of water is about the earth , whereby the earth would have moved about its detaining body , which if it had it would have been immoveable nevertheless as to its external place , only it would have turned about , and have made several appearances of faces , or spots : in brief it would have had the same motion , which Copernicus adscribed to the Sun. Hence it is more than apparent that the earth is the Center of the world and doth enjoy her rest . The reason of its rest is so demonstrative that no rational body can deny it . I proceed . III. The earth may commodiously be divided into three regions , differing from one another in purity of body , weight , density , &c. The first Region I call the central region , because it extends nearest about the Cencer . It s Periphery is about 120. degrees , its Diameter is 38 ● / ● . This Region consists of most pure earth , and most freed from the peregrin Elements ; wherefore its weight and density , is the weightiest and most dense . It contains no mixt bodies within it self , because it is so remote that the peregrin Elements cannot move thither ; besides , that smallest proportion of peregrin Elements , which may happily be supposed to be detained in the central region is so much depressed and firmely detained by the weight of the earth , that it is impossible it should come to any head to constitute a mixt body . It s colour must be conceived to be a pure fundamental black . The second , or the middle region contains in its circumference 240 degrees ; its Latitude * is 191 / 9 degr . This region is less weighty and dense than the central , as being accompanied with a greater proportion of extraneous Elements . It harbours some mixt bodies , as imperfect stones , but no Metals . The reason of this assertion is drawn from the proportion of the Elements , which there are not enough in quantity to constitute the body of metals or perfect stones ; besides , we cannot imagine that the earth should contain any hollownesses in the second region * , which are requisite ( as I shall shew by and by ) for the generation of perfect stones and metals . IV. The third region of the earth comprehends in its circuit 360 degrees , in its Latitude ( not its compleat diameter ) 191 / 9. This last or extreme region consists of most ( that is , more than the two former regions ) extraneous Elements , because it is situated nearer to the proper regions of the said extraneous Elements , which do violently strive to enter her body ( as you shall read anon ) whereby and through which the earth , especially near to her surface is rendred of a very unequal temperature , where the extraneous Elements uniting together do raise a hollowness in the earth , and infinuate into one anothers substance or body , to which the coldness of the earth is very much conducing , thereby gathering or coagmenting the said Elements together , and impelling them into one anothers body , and then closing them firmly ; all which it performs through its coldness . Through coldness understand its compressing weighty minima's . Wherefore , do not still abide in your obstinate conceit that it is the Sun , which is the efficient cause of Minerals and Stones : For that is absurd . I prove it . That , which is the main efficient of Stones and Metals must be a contracting , condensing , and indurating substance ; but the Sun is no contracting , condensing , or indurating substance ; Ergo the Sun cannot be the efficient of Stones and Metals . The Major is undeniable . I confirm the Minor by proving the contrary , namely , that the Sun doth mollifie , because its flame is soft , and all heat is soft ; for softning is nothing else but to dispose a body to bend easily into its self if pressed from without : But earth rarefied by fire doth easily bend into it self , if pressed from without . Ergo , The Minor is evident , because whatever is throughly hot & fiery is soft , as we see in red-hot Iron , in alive flesh , and all Vegetables . So that , by how much the more heat a body hath , by so much the softer it is , provided quod caetera sint paria . Further , What heat is there under the Earth ? I confess there is more and less coldness under it , but no predominating heat . What heat can there be in Greenland , especially under the earth , and yet it is certain that many rocks and stones are generated there ? They may as well say , that fire is the efficient cause of all those Islands of Ice . Again , so much as a substance consisteth of coldness and earth , by so much it participates of hardness ; or by how much the less heat a body consisteth of , so much the lesse hardnesse it partakes of . The matter of a stone in the kidneys or in the bladder was sofe when it fluctuated within the vessals , but being detained in the kidneys its heat is diminished either through the intense heat of the Kidneys , which doth dissipate and attract the lesser heat from the matter retained in the cavity of the kidneys , through which ecess of heat the terrestrial and thick waterish parts are coagulated and are closed together through the depressing coldness of the intrinsick earth and water . The same matter being retained in kidneys of a cold temperament , doth immediately through that degree of coldness coagulate and grow hard . The stone in the bladder is generally harder than the stone in the kidneys ; because the one is of a far colder ( that is less hot ) temperament than the other . That in the kidneys is more friable , whereas the stone in the bladder is affected with a continuous firm thick waterish hardness . This I can witness by a stone being taken from a Patient by section , which that most learned and expert Physitian Dr. George Bate shewed me six or seven years ago : This stone was perduced to that hardness , that I am confident an ordinary smart stroak of a hammer could scarce break it : Yet when it was within the bladder it was far distant from such a hardness ; for a piece of the Catheter was unawares run into the body of the stone and broke in it , which was afterwards taken out with it ; but after it had been exposed a little while to the air , it grew immediately to that hardness : What could be the cause of this but the hotter parts of the stone exhaling into the air , whereby the cold parts fell closer and thereby arrived to a greater hardness ? The errour of Fernelius is obvious in that he stated the intense heat of the kidneys to be the cause of a Lithiasis ; for it happens as freqently in kidneys of a cold temperament : neither is it an ( insita renum arenosa calculosaque dispositio a parentibus contracta ) hereditary , fixt , fabulous , and calculous disposition ( as the same Author conceives , ) which doth consist in a degree of temperament of the solid parts of the kidneys ; for stones have been generated in kidneys of all kinds of temperaments : neither can it be said to be hereditary , for many a man hath been troubled with the stone , whose Issue never was so much as disposed to it ; and on the other side , many a man hath been miserably tormented with the stone or Duelech as Paracelsus terms it , whose Parents never discerned the least symptom of a stone within their bodies ; Nevertheless , as I said before , the temperature of the kidneys adds much to the accelerating of a Lithiasis . It is then certain that the greatest cause of lapidation or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is internal , depending upon the predominance of earth or coldness over the other Elements in a mixture . The Focus ( or Uterus as Van Helmont terms it , that is the place where a stone or gravel is generated ) must be a close hollow place ; wherefore nothing can arrive to this close hollow place , unless it be liquid ; for a thick or course body will be intercepted before it can reach thither . This liquid matter being now lodged within this cavity , the hot parts do exhale , because now through the hollowness of the place they have got liberty to dislate , and free themselves from the heavy terrestrial and thick aqueous parts , whereas before when they were kept close together through channels and lodges shutting close upon them the hot parts were firmly contained within and bound up . This is necessarily and certainly demonstrative , and infers , that where ever close hollownesses are groved , and that liquid matter containing terrestrial and aqueous parts in it may reach to them , there certainly stones and metals can and may be generated . By vertue of this position I shall prove and shew by and by , that stones and metals may be generated in most hollow parts of the body of man. But to persue my discourse : The hot parts being now freed from the terrestrial parts , and inhering in subtil ayry serosiries do with more ease and force procure their passage through this close and hollow prison than they made their way thither , leaving the terrestrial and aqueous parts behind them for a Ransom , which by degrees are coagulated more and more according to the expulsion of the fiery and ayry parts . Understand also the reasons of the qualification of the Focus or womb of stones and Metals . 1. It must be hollow , the reason of this is set down already . 2. It must be close ; for were it not close but open the terrestrial and aqueous matter could not be detained there , but would have as free a passage as the thin parts . Besides , closeness conduceth to keep out extrinsick heat , which otherwise would again dissolve and mollifie the work ; wherefore the hardest stones and metals are found some degrees below the Surface of the earth , and I dare confidently assert , that if metals were digged for deeper under the ground their labour would be richly answered by finding purer and better metals . 3. The coldness of these places must be a proportionable coldness ; for if the places be too cold , then the liquid parts will be detained from arriving to cast up hollownesses by being too much incrassated and condensed , whereby the energy of their rare and subtil parts is suppressed . 4. The liquid matter must also have a due proportion of the Elements whereby to constitute certain kinds of stones and metals . If the matter be thick and terrestrial not containing many subtil and rare parts , then it will generate into a course stone . The reason of the courseness is , because the terrestrial and aqueous Elements are but rudely mixed , by reason they wanted internal heat , whereby their parts might be divided into lesser particles , and so become the more concocted and harder . In case the matter be more subtil and rare , and that the course parts are united in less particles , then the said stone will according to its degree of fineness and concoction prove flinty , Marble , Jaspis , Cornelian , &c. In case there be more thick water than earth , the body thence generated becomes crystalline ; as Crystal , Diamonds , Rubies , &c. In these water doth retain almost its natural consistence , as I shall tell you immediately . In case there be an equal part of earth and water , and these well concocted and intirely mixt together , it produces Gold. If there be something more of water than earth , and they well percocted and permisted , they ingender Silver . If there be an equal proportion of water and earth , and they only rudely concocted and but half mixt , it generates Copper . If there be more earth than water , and but half mixt and concocted , it constitutes Iron . If there be more water than earth , and they but rudely mixed and rawly cocted , the effect will prove Lead , or according to the proportion of the ingredients and coction Pewter . Mercury is generated out of water being rendred fluid through much air and fire , containing withall a small part of earth . These do not only differ in proportion of materials , but also in degree of internal heat and of the temperament of their Matrix , otherwise termed a vein from its Cylindrical Figure . Gold had the strongest heat , whereby the parts were firmly united in minima's , which heat did after the performance of its office exhale by degrees ; nevertheless suppose that there was a degree of heat left : the matrix of Gold must be very close for to retain that intense heat so long until the constituting parts are well permisted and concocted . As for the external temperament of the climate , it is little material to the business , since we see that Gold , Silver , &c. are generated in cold countries as well as in hot , in moist as well as in dry . It is the internal temperament of the earth , which supplies fit matter for the generation of metals . The Matrix of Silver is less close , the matrix of Brass more open than it , and so gradually in the others . Mines or mineral veines are usually found to be in hills or mountains , because these do generally contain hollownesses , especially if they appear dry and sandy without . Those mountains are for the most part best disposed for the generation of metals , that are situated at a convenient nearness to a pure crystalline river . Easterly mountains are most to be suspected , provided the River which is not far distant from them be easterly withall . The clearness of sky is no small token . A long Bar of Iron thrust into the ground after having digged to some depth , if it changeth whitish or yellowish , gives no small suspition of Gold or Silver . A long trunk peirced likewise into the ground where suspected as deep as may be , and afterward applying the ear to it , if it renders a tinging or sibulous boyling noise , is a sign of some hidden treasure under that soile . That the generation of Metals is such as I have proposed may be demonstratively proved by sense from their colour , consistency , difficulty of liquation , from the theorems of concoction , the which since you may easily collect from what hath been hitherto discoursed upon , I shall omit any further proof . V. The present occasion doth urge me to touch somewhat upon the transmution of Metals . The difference , which there is between them you may collect from their matter , degree of coction and disposition of matrix : However there is more agreement between themselves , than there is between them and stones ; wherefore the question is , Whether Silver is transmutable into Gold. Here I propose the doubt according to its most probable appearance , there being less difference between Gold and Silver than between Gold and any of the others . I answer , That naturally it cannot be , because it is impossible that after Silver hath once acquired its form , it should be convertible into a perfecter form : Because heat is deficient , for it is exhaled ; neither was there ever at its highest internal heat enough to have concocted it into the nature of Gold ; or had there been heat enough there would have been too much water and air : The case is less probable after its constitution , specification , & individuation that it should change into another species , or another individuum . If the transmutation to a greater perfection of all other species and individua be impossible , so must this also : But the Antecedence is true , ergo the consequence likewise . I grant that it is possible to reduce it to a more imperfect and base species , that being plain in all corruptions . Wherefore I say that it seems more possible to reduce Gold into Silver , Silver into Brass or Pewter , Brass into Iron , and Iron into Mercury , by means of an artificial corruption , because the finer Metal may be thought to contain the courser as an inferiour degree , whence it is ascended ; but the finer cannot contain that in it self , which is finer than it self is . Neither can our proposed transmutation be effected by any art of man , unless he knew a means , wherby to detract such a proportion of the redundant waterish parts of the Silver , as that there might remain just as much as is required to constitute Gold ; besides the work will need a strong and vehement internal concoction , and that to a certain degree , and for a certain duration . It will require also a justly disposed matrix , all which I conceive impossible to art . They may as well strive to make a Ruby or a Diamond out of a Flint . Happily you will object , That some have converted Silver and Brass into Gold through the admission of some volatil subtil penetrative particles , which were of that force , as might be supposed to have divided the whole mass of Silver and penetrated into and through all its minima's , whereby the gross parts fell closer to one another and become perfectly concocted , so as through their consistency to represent the true weight and colour of Gold , which might really pass our censure upon a Touchstone . I answer , That it is possible to change a courser metal so , that it shall be like to Gold both in weight and superficial colour ; but then this colour will not be equable throughout all its parts , neither are the parts so digested , concocted , and closely united as they should be . In fine , this artificial Gold is no more real Gold , than an artificial Pearl is like to a true Oriental one , or a glass Diamond to a true one . At the best it is but counterfeit Gold , which immediately shall be dissolved by Aq. Fort. whereas the other will not suffer it self to be toucht by it , unless it be fortified by a rectification upon salt Armoniack . Chymical furnace hunters do strangely boast of their secrets of preparing aurum Potabile , or tincture of Gold. Others do through ignorance of the art and want of skill assert the said preparation to be impossible . Questionless were the thing of a harder nature , these laborious Vulcans would work it out ; nevertheless their arrogance and immodesty in proclaiming of the transcendent and admirable effects of it doth forfeit their modesty and wrong that noble Art. Aurum potabile ( say they ) is an universal medicine curing all diseases , restoring youth , and retarding old age , prolonging life to an eval duration ; in fine Aurum potabile is good for all things ; or rather Aurum portabile is . Here you have a great many rash and vain words , the contrary whereof I have so oft seen come to pass . I have known it to cause a dysentery through its corrosive spirits , which it retains either from its last menstrunm , or from its first Dissolvent , viz. Aqua Regia . It provokes Sweat and Urin , but withall is very offensive to the Liver and heart , because of the said adventitious spirits . That , which they call the tincture or quinta essentia of Gold is nothing but the outward rust of Gold , which the aquaregia begot upon it through its corruptive quality . In summa , the natural fixt spirits of Gold are inseparable , or at least those that are separable are corrupted by the poysonous spirits of the dissolvent . Suppose they were separable from its body without being stained , the most we can conceive of them is , that they are a subtil diaphoretick ; and then hardly comparable to others , whose nature is more consentaneous to ours , as spir . C. C. tinct . Croci . Lilium Antim . Paracelsi , &c. Besides these forementioned hard bodies the earth doth also ingender others less hard , and some soft ones , consisting of a more ayry and fiery nature . These are in like manner conceived in Matrices or wombs , differing from the others in length , exility and shape . Of these there is a double sort observable , the one being more fiery and waterish , the other more ayry and fiery . The first is saline , the other unctious . Stones and Metals being more earthy and consentaneous to the nature of earth are retained and cherished within the earth ; but the others being much distant from its nature are expelled nearer to its Surface . I shall first begin with the salin bodies . VI. There is a certain fermentation within the earth , which is nothing else but the contraction of the earth by the compression of its parts upon one another , whereby the extraneous Elements are expelled ; but since these cannot be abstracted from the body of the earth without the firm and close adherence of some earthy minima's , they do draw them along ; the proportion of which earthy minima's , and their degree of closeness of union do constitute the differences of all earthy mixed bodies . The Salin juyces are attenuated waterish bodies permixt with condensed fire , and a small proportion of earthy minima's , which do concrease by the evaporation of the greater part of air , leaving behind it water thickned naturally through its absence . Fire is closer united to these salin juyces , than it is to the unctious ones , to which air is more close united than to these . Many of these salin juyces are transparent through the predominance of water , others are of other colours according to the proportion of earth . We see that among these many concrease in an angular form , as appears in Allume , Vitriol , &c. which happens through the degrees of the airs evaporation ; for the air evaporating unequally causes such an angular induration . The air doth evaporate unequally , in that it doth sooner desert the extream parts , as being less thick and dense , & more remote from the centrical ones , which do retain the air the longest . The first evaporation leaves an acuteness for an angle , the second subtilities , is being more slow , evaporate by degrees , so causing a greater obtusion from the foresaid acuteness . The evaporation it self is caused by the weighty Elements expelling the light parts through their weight . The earthy salin juyces are principally these , Common salt , Salt gemmae , Saltpeter , Allume , Salt armoniack , and Vitriol . Common salt is nothing but the relict or residence of sea water , or of saltish fountain water being evaporated . This kind of salt contains more loose air , but less fire than others . Salt gemmae is a fossil salt digged out of the earth , and is somewhat more fiery and consistent of closer ayr than the former . Saltpeter is threefold . 1. Is drawn by coction from nitrous earth . 2. Sweats through stone walls and concreaseth upon their Surface , like unto a white frost or mould . 3. Is gathered from the rocks : This salt consisteth of more dense parts of fire pent in by close air , which again is enclosed by subtil minima's of earth . Allume comprehends five sorts . 1. Roch allom , which is drawn from Rocky stones . 2. Which is digged out of Mines . 3. Which remains after the evaporation of mineral waters . This salt is of a courser nature , consisting of more water and earth than the others . Salt armoniack is a salin juyce sweating out a certain earth of Libya , and concreased under the sands . That which we use instead of it is an artificial salt , by far of a lesser efficacy , made out of five parts of mans urine , one part of common salt , and half a part of wood soot , being boyled together and evaporated to a consistence . This sort of salt is stronger than any of the others , consisting of a dense fire closely knit with air and incorporated with a watered earth . Vitriol is known in several sorts , 1. There is Hungary or Cyprian Vitriol of a sky colour like unto a Saphir , compact like Ice , and dry . 2. Is of a greenish colour concreased in grains or crums like unto common salt , but withal or somewhat unctious . 3. White Vitriol , like unto loaf-sugar . Vitriol may justly be censured half a metal , it consisting of the same course parts , of which Iron and Copper do consist of . It contains much earth mixt with a dense fire . VII . The unctious and bituminous bodies generated and cast forth by the earth are Sulphur , Arsenick , Amber , Naptha , Peteroil , Asphaltos , Oyl of earth , Sea-coal , and Gagates or Jeat stone . Sulphur is an unctious juyce of the earth concreased within a particular matrix , and consisting of dense fire inhering in a loose incrassated air . Arsenick comprehends three sorts . 1. Is yellow , and is otherwise named Auripigmentum . 2. Being red is called Sandaracha . 3. Is singularly named Arsenick , or crystalline Arsenick , being of a whitish colour . Their body is constituted out of a most dense fire united to a thick air ; from this extreme density of fire it happens to be of that corrosive and venomous nature , that it proves an immediate poyson to man , because through its intense dense heat , it extracts , expels , and suffocates his natural heat , in which respect it is but little less corruptive and hot than focal fire . Of these three sorts Arsenick is counted the least caustick and malignant , the next Auripigmentum . Amber is known by three sorts . 1. There is that , which is particularly called Amber . 2. Is called Succinum . 3. Is whitish Amber , otherwise called Sperma Ceti . Whether there is any black Amber is doubted : Some do affirm it as having seen it . A mistake certainly , either they took Jeat , or some other substance made out of Musk , Lign . Aloes , Styrax and Ladanum for it . Grayish Amber ( otherwise called Ambergreece ) is thought to be the purest , smoothest , and of the best Sent. Succinum is of two sorts , viz. white and yellow . Spermaceti is by many deemed to be found supernatant atop the Sea , who assert it to be rather the Seed of a Whale ; if so , then it must have been generated in their Stomacks or Throats , some having found some quantity sticking in their Throats : but this doth more probably argue , that it was supernatant atop the Sea , and devoured by the Whale . But for what I know , this may be a Story , nevertheless it is certain it hath been gathered in the Indian and AEthiopian Seas near to the Shore , where Whales have scarcely ever appeared . Neither can I imagine this to be that , which ancient Physitians called the Flower of Salt , there being too great a difference between their Descriptions . Flower of Salt is described to be reddish and liquid , and to be of a detergent Nature and saltish tast , whereas the other is a white furfuraceous famess , being of an emollient Nature , and of a fat tast , and in all particulars directly contrary . Ambergreece happens to be supernatant upon the Sea , and some Fountaines too , from being communicated by the earth in bituminous and lixivious exbalations , and exalted and purified by the motion and subliming faculty of the Sea , coagulated atop through the exhaling of the hotter spirits and concreased by the ambient coldness . The Succinum or common Amber wanting that exaltation and sublimation , is found in Germany and Italy in Mines to be of an inferiour nature . It is also gathered from the Sea. The Spirits of Amber are rare and subtil , consisting of a thick ayry body . Naphtha and Peteroyl differ from Amber in consistency and greater quantity of fire and air , these being liquid and more inflammable , but in all other particulars agreeing , Peteroyl and Naptha having oft been found to lodge in liquid substances within the body of common Amber . Naptha is gathered in great quantity about Babylon , the earth there being so tempered with the peregrine Elements , that it protrudes abundance of this kind of Bitumon . Peteroyl is most frequently collected flowing out of Rocks . Asphaltus is a hard black and splendent Bitumen , like unto shining Pitch , heavy , and of a strong Sent. It is gathered swimming atop of Lakes ; in other places it is taken out of the Earth near to its Surface . The Mare mortuum in Judaea affords the best and greatest quantity . This is different from the others through its containing a greater proportion of Earth , and greater density of Fire . As Peteroyl flowes out of the Rocks , so doth Oyl of Earth out of the Earth and Hils in some parts of East-India . It is of a transparent Red , and a strong Sent like unto Peteroyl , but more pleasing . The vertues of all these Bitumens , excepting Arsenick , are praysed for their emollient , discutient , comforting the Brain , the Nerves and Membranes , thence healing wounds by comforting the calidum innatum of the said parts when wounded , and for their anodine nature , thence giving ease to the Joynts in Arthritical pains : all which they perform through a Subtil and Balsamick Spirit . Sea-coal is called by the Latinists Carbo Petrae , and Terra Ampelitis ; notwithstanding the latter name denotes a thing somewhat distinct from the former , in that it is more bituminous and less hard . The other is nothing but Earth and Sulphur concocted and conglutinated into a stonish substance , and is no where ingendred , but where the Earth is hollow , and foecundated with store of a sulphureous Bitumen . Gagates , or Jeat , is a Bitumen of a more concocted body , and more sulphureous . The Proverb speaks it to be very black . It is kindled and burnes assoon as Brimstone if toucht by fire , and gives a Bituminous Scent . It s vertue is the same with other Bitumens . VIII . Besides these , there are some other mean bodies generated within the Earth , which are neither Metals , or Saline , or unctious Juyces ; they are not so hard , nor so much concocted as Metals , neither are they so loose and rare as Saline and Unctious Bodies . They are particularly these : Mercury , Antimony , Marcasita , Cobaltum , Chalcitis , Misy and Sory . The first we have treated of above . The next is Marcasita , otherwise Bismuthum , which is a heavy , hard , brittle , whitish body , shining within with little points of Gold and Silver . It s Matter is too course to generate Gold or Silver , but is as it were the Dross of them both , and is separated from them as a Natural Excrement , which is concocted into a Body of a courser Substance . Its Spirits are more dense , and Earth is more in proportion ; Water less . This hath endued the Nature of Venom , because of its dense heat . You are not to conceive that this is only an Excrement of Gold and Silver , but that it is also a perfect body primarily generated out of the same proportion of the Elements within a proper Matrix , and therefore is to be found in Mines , where there is no sign of Gold or Silver . It is repercutient from its earth , dissolving and detergent from its dense fire , if applied externally . It s water is a very potent dissolvent of Gold and Silver . Cobaltum , otherwise called Natural Cadmia , is the courser Body or Excrement of Copper . It is weighty , and of a black colour . It s fire is extreamly dense , in such a manner , that it is thence rendered to be the strongest Poyson . It s caustick and corroding quality penetrates so violently through the Gloves and Shoes of the Diggers , that it ulcerates their hands and feet . Chalcitis , Misy and Sory differ from one another in courseness of Substance , and are oft found to grow one atop the other . Chalcitis is like Copper , and brittle ; in consistency of courseness it is between Sory , which is thinner , and Misy , which is somewhat thicker then it . Misy is of a Brass colour , glistering through its body with Sparks like Gold , growing about Chalcitis like an outermost Crust , or like Rust about Iron . Sory is a Mineral , hard and thick like to a Stone , glistering with yellowish Sparks . These three are of a causting quality , thereby burning Scars and Crusts into the Flesh ; besides they are somewhat adstringent . Misy is the strongest , and Sory is the next to it in strength . Antimony is a Mineral of a blewish colour , shining throughout its Body like Streeks of Silver , its mixture is out of course earth and dense fire , yet less dense then any of the foregoing . It s vertue is internally vomitive and purgative , externally it is discutient , detergent and adstringent . All these are natural recrements of Metals , yet not recrements alone , as I said before . Bombast and his Sectators analyze all Metals and Minerals into Sal , Sulphur , and Mercury ; as if they were all generated out of these , as their first Principles ; for say they , our Art instructs us to reduce every Metal or Mineral into each of those foresaid Principles . Either this is to be understood , that it is possible to reduce all Minerals really into Sal , Sulphur & Mercury , or into some certain more concected beings analogal to them . Generally they seem to pretend to educe real Mercury out of all Minerals ; but as for the others they are only analogal . Why should they more expect to extract real Mercury then real Salt or Sulphur ? Wherefore it will be more consisting with Reason to conclude them all equally analogal , that is like in consistency to ordinary Mercury , Sal and Sulphur , but not in effects . It is a Madness for any one to imagine , that Gold is constituted by the same Mercury , but more concocted , that is usually digged out of Mines ; and that Mercury is convertible into Gold , if thereunto intended by a strong concocting preparation . They might as well say , that Gut-Excrements were convertible into Flesh , and that flesh consisted out of the said real Excrements . The Case is thus : Mercury is by them accounted to be an Excrement of Metals , wherefore as an Excrement is a Body really different from those bodies , from which it is rejected , and in no wise convertible , unless it be some of the purest parts of it , that have escaped natures Diligence ; so neither is Mercury any part of Metals , nor convertible into them , unless it be the smallest purest parts , which had fled the earths Metalliferous quality . Possibly you will Object that Gold feeds upon Mercury , and Mercury upon it , wherefore they are convertible into one anothers Nature . I deny the Antecedence : for Gold is dissolved and destroyed by it ; as appears in Amalgamation , or dissolving Gold by the fume of Mercury , ergo it is not fed by it . Mercury effects no less in the Body of man ; for it dissolves his humid parts , yea his solid parts too , as Mercurial Salivations testifie . All which is a sufficient Argument to induce us to forbear from explaining the Causes of Natural Beings by Sal , Sulphur & Mercury . Probably you reply , That this is not the meaning of Bombast , who intended these Names only to be analogal to those things vulgarly so called . Wherefore by Mercury is understood a thin pure liquor , by Sulphur , a subtil Spirit , by Salt , the gross substance of a Body . I Answer , Either you must take these for first Principles , or for mixt bodies ; they cannot be the first , because his Mercury is constituted out of water reduced from its greatest hardness into a subtil fluor through admixture of Air and Fire : His Sulphur consists of fire condensed by Earth , and of Air ; ergo they must be mixt Bodies ; if so , they are no first Principles of Metals , because even these are reducible into more simple bodies , viz. his Mercury into thick water , a thin air , and a rare fire ; Sulphur into air , fire , &c. This I will grant them , that all Metals are dissolveable into such kinds of analogal Substances , which are not bodies less mixt , but only changed into bodies of several consistencies , viz. thick and thin , course and fine . CHAP. II. Of Stones and Earths . 1. A Description of the most Precious Stones . 2. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred within Living Creatures . 3. A Description of the less Precious Stones that are engendred without the Bodies of Living Creatures : 4. An Enumeration of common stones . 5. A Disquisition upon the vertues of the forementioned stones . An Observation on the Effects of Powders composed out of Precious stones . Whether the Tincture of an Emerald is so admirable in a bloudy Flux . 6. A particular Examination of the vertues of a Bezoar stone , Piedra de Puerco , Pearles , &c. 7. The Kinds of Earth , and their Vertues . I. OUr Method hath led us to propose the Demonstration of universal Natures before that of particulars , and that of Metals before the other of imperfect Minerals and Stones , as being more excellent through their perfection of mixture ; wherefore we have next allotted this Chapter for the treatise of the particular natures of Stones . Stones are either known under the name of most Precious , less Precious , or Common . The most Precious Stones are ordinarily called Jewels , being 18 in number . 1. An Agathe . 2. An Amethist . 3. An Asterites . 4. A Beril . 5. A Carbuncle . 6. A Chalcedonie . 7. A Chrysolite . 8. A Diamond . 9. An Emerald . 10. A Jaspis . 11. An Jacinth . 12. An Onyx . 13. A Ruby . 14. A Sarda . 15. A Saphir . 16 A Sardonix . 17. A Topaze . 18. A Turcois . An Agathe is a stone of divers mixt colours , and in no wise transparent . An Asterites is a stone somewhat resembling Crystal , and within the Moon when she is at full . An Amethist is a stone of a Violet colour . A Beril is of a Sea-green colour , and sometimes is found to have other colours mixt with it . A Prase is not unlike to it , only that it is not of so deep a green , neither so hard ; for it wears away by much usage . A Carbuncle is esteemed for the most precious of all Stones , and is of a Gold or Flaming colour . It is said that there is a kind of a Carbuncle ( called a Pyrope ) to be found in the East-Indies , which shines as bright in the Night as the Sun doth in the Day . A Chalcedonie is a stone of a Purple colour . A Chrysolite is of a Golden colour , hard and transparent . A Chrysoprase is hard , and of a greenish colour . A Diamond is thought to be the hardest of all Stones . An Emerald is hard , and of a perfect green colour . A Jaspis is of a greenish colour , sported here and there with bloudy Spots . An Jacinth is of a Gold or flaming colour . Some of them decline from a Yellow to a deep Saffron red , or sometimes to a blewish colour . They are neither perspicuous or opake , but between both . An Onyx is of a brownish white , but of a dull transparency . An Opale stone is by Pliny , Lib. 37. c. 6 , accounted for the best and rarest of Stones , as participating of the rarest Colours of the rarest Stones : its fire is more subtil then of a Carbuncle , shining with a Purple of an Amethist , greenish like to the Sea-green of an Emerald , &c. A Ruby is a reddish stone . A Granate is a worser sort of Rubies . A Sarda is of a transparent fiery red colour : A Cornelian is comprehended under it . A Sardonix is composed ( as it were ) out of a Sarda and Onyx ; it is scarce transparent . A Saphire is opake , but of a clear sky or blew colour , and very hard . A Turcois is opake , and of a colour between green and blew . A Topaze is transparent , and of a colour between a grass green and a Saffron yellow : it is falsely confounded with a Chrysolite , there being a very discernable difference between them . II. The less Precious Stones are found either within the bodies of living Creatures , or without . Those that are found within the Bodies of Living Creatures are , 1. The Bezoar stone , which is found in the Belly of an Indian Goat-Stag , a Beast in some parts like to a Goat , in others to a Stag. The Stone is for the most part of a dark green , yet some are found of a yellowish , others of a Brown and Olive colour . They are brittle and friable , containing oft-times a Straw , or a small Kernel in the midst of them , about which there concreaseth a slimy matter baking to it in Blades . There are two sorts of them , viz. Oriental and Occidental . 2. A Tair of a Stag is a little Stone engendred in the corner of a Stags eye . It is very bright , smooth , round , very small and light . It s colour is yellowish , mixt with a few black streaks , and gives a strong Sent. 3. The Stones of a Goat are taken out of its Stomack or Gall. 4. There are also Stones found in the Stomack and Gall of an Oxe . 5. The German Bezoar stones are taken out of the Bellies of some Does that haunt the Alpes . 6. The Stone of an Indian Hogge , or as the Portugueses call it Piedra de Puerco , is found in the Gall of an East-India Hogge , or in the stomack of a Porcupine ; it is soft and fat to feel to , just as if you felt a piece of Castile Sope. Pearles , that are generated within the Bellies of Sea shell-fish , as of Cockles , Muscles , or Sea-Oysters . These do most gather to the Sea-shore about the Spring , where they , ( or rather the Sun through its drying faculty ) do open their shels , whereby that glutinous and clear moysture , which they had retained undigested a longtime in their Bellies , and now being freed from its ayry parts , doth congeal through compression of the remaining thick waterish substance : which , if they do happen to be engendred , when the sky is dampish and cloudy , are affected also with a cloudiness , as not being sufficiently purified through the driness and heat of the Sun and the ambient air . As long as they be under water , they are soft ; but after a short time lying in the dry air , they do soon grow hard . When they are taken out of the shell some of the Fishes flesh cleaves to them , which they usually bite off by covering them for a while with Salt. 2. The Alectory Stone is taken out of a Cocks Maw . This stone is more frequently found in Cocks , when they are in their fourth or fifth year . 3. A Bufonite is a Stone found in the head of an old Toad ; its shape is for the most part long or round . 4. A Chelidony is taken out of the Maw or Liver of a young Swallow ; its colour is a black mixt with a little red . Sometimes they breed two together , whereof the one is more blackish , the other enclines more to a red . 5. The Carp-stone is white without , and yellow within , being found in the throat of a Carp. There is also another triangular stone engendred in the head of it , besides two long stones more sticking above its eyes . 6. The Stones of a Crab , otherwise called Crabs-eyes , are white and round . 7. A Saurite is found in the Belly of a Lizzard . 8. A Limace-stone is engendred in the head of a House-Snaile . 9. The Perch-stones are taken out of the head of a Perch , near to the Back-bone . III. The less pretious stones found without the bodies of Living Creatures are , 1. The AEtites , or Eagle-stone , which is found in an Eagles Nest , and is of a light red colour . 2. Coral , which is a shrub of the Sea , being green and soft under water , but assoon as it is plucked from the bottom of the Sea , and exposed to the air , it becomes red and hard like unto a stone . Hence Ovid. Lib. 4. Metam . Nunc quoque coralliis eadem Natura remansit , Duritiem tacto capiant ut ab aere , quodque Vimen in aequore er at , fiat super aquore saxum . There are several sorts of it , viz. Red , Green , White , Yellow , Brown , Black , and of a mixt colour . Some pieces of Coral appear to be half Wood and half Stone . Crystal waxeth upon the snowie Hils ; It is oft found upon the Alpes that divide Italy from Helvetia . It s shape is hexagonal , the cause is the same with that of the angular shape of Alume . Authors are at great variance whether it is generated out of Ice . No certainly , for Ice is nothing near so clear , neither can it be purified after its concretion . It s Matter then is the subtiler and purer part of Snow concreased and congealed : for what is more crystalline and pure then the liquor of Snow , as being purified from all gross parts through its first evaporation from the waters to the Heavens , and thence precipitated pure , and freed from its greater part of terrestrial admixture ? I need not add more for to explain its generation , since it is generated in the same manner that all other stones are generated . The Haematite or Blood-stone is of an Iron colour permixt with bloudy streakes : some are more blackish , others yellowish . The Galactite , or Milk-stone is of an Ash colour . A Marble is a smooth shining stone , admitting of sundry colours . It is known by three sorts . 1. Alabaster , which is a white transparent Marble . 2. The Porphirstone , which is drawn through with red and white streakes . 3. An Ophirstone whose colour is a green , spotted with spots like unto those of a Serpent . A Sarcophage , or flesh-eating stone is of an Ash colour . It derives its name from eating mans flesh away without pain . A Lazul-stone is of a blew colour , speckt within its body with Golden specks like unto so many stars . An Armene stone is of the same colour , excepting that in stead of Golden specks , it is marked with green , blew , and blackish spots . The Themeade is a stone which driveth Iron from it , wherein it proves contrary to the attraction of the Loadstone , upon which we shall insist particularly in a Chapter by it self , as requiring a more distinct and nice search . The Nephritick stone is sent hither by the Inhabitants of Nova Hispania ; it loo●s greasie about , as if it were besmeated with Oyl . I●s colour is for the most part a light green , others are of a mixt colour . It is hought to be a kind of a Jaspis . The Judaean stone , so called because it is frequently found in Judaa , and in some parts of Silesia , being friable , and round like to an Olive , of a pale ash colour , having even streaks running down its length , as if they were artificially marked upon it . The greater of them are called Masculine , the lesser Feminine . The Leopard-stone is of a long , round and pyramidal figure , whereof some are whitish , or of an ash-colour ; others blackish , and transparent , like to Muscadine wine . IV. Common stones are either porous and spongy , or solid and compact . The first kind comprehends a Tophe , a Pumice stone , and a Sponge stone . The latter is divided into a Rock , a Rock-stone , a Flint , an Emrod , a Whetstone , a Gravel-stone , an Amianth , a Chalck-stone , a Talck-stone , a Glass-stone , a Calaminar-stone , and an Ostiocolla . A Tophe is a stone something harder then clothy Sand , and friable like to it . A Pumice stone is cavernous like to a Sponge , fit to make a thing smooth with . A Sponge stone is concreased in a Sponge , being of a whitish colour , but friable ; it is otherwise called a Cysteolithe . A Rock is vulgarly enough known , and therefore needs no description . Rock stones are great stones cut out of a Rock , wherewith they build houses . A Flint is unknown to none . An Emrod is a stone wherewith Glasiers cut Glasses into pieces . A Whetstone declares it self through its name , whose finer sort is called a Touchstone , and serves for to try Metals upon . Gravel-stones are found every where upon the sides of Rivers , and upon Hils . An Amianth is somewhat like to Feather alume , nevertheless differing from it in aptness to take fire , whereas fire will not take hold of the Amianth ; besides alume is of an adstringent tast , the other not . A Chalck-stone is , whereout they burn Lime for to build houses . A Talck-stone is only commended for a Cosmetick . The Glassestone , otherwise called Muscovy Glass , is transparent like to an ordinary glass ; and may be cut into very thin Leaves . It is of various colours , viz. white , yellow , brown , black . The Calaminar stone is of a yellow colour , or rather a yellow mixt with ash , red , or brown : It is of no great hardness . V. Pbysiologists do usually adscribe great vertues to most stones , especially to the most precious of them , possibly because they are bought at a dear Rate , and therefore they ought to respond in their internal virtues to their extrinsick value . But let us make a just disquisition upon their Natures . The Agathe is said to be good against all Venom , particularly against the Bite of a Scorpion : It makes a man wise , prudent , and eloquent . I should be loath to rely upon the vertues of an Agathe were I bit of a Scorpion , or to undertake to cure a Fool with it of his Phrensie : its strength , whereby it should produce these effects , is very ocult . Venoms admitted through the pores , are to be expelled with the strongest Diaphoreticks ; but I could never hear an Agathe commended for any such effect . To the contrary , it hinders the Cure of all poysons , because it is obstructive , unless it be exhibited in a large Dose . An Asterite comforts the Brain , and cures all its distempers . How can it , since its spirits are fixed , and do never reach the Brain ? An Amethist represses Vapours flying up from the Stomach , and hinders Drunkeness : This may be true , supposing they take a great Dose of it , and that they do not drink above a Glass or two . A Beril is good to cure a superficial wound of the eye ; but Tutia is much better . A pale Carbuncle , Chrysolite and Topaze are registred to resist venom , to comfort the heart , and to drive away Melancholy , and Lust : I suppose it will scarce work upon a Satyre . A Chalcedony is good against Melancholy , and makes a man merry ; but not comparable to a Glass of Sack. A Crysoprase is thought to be good against the trembling of the heart , and to conduce to the cure of a misty and dim sight : To the contrary , it causes a palpetation of the heart , and in a small quantity it is obstructive ; and for the sight I alwaies apprehended a green colour , as of a Beril or Emerald , to be more agreeable with it . A Diamond is praised for its vertue of removing the palpitation of the heart , and of producing Mirth : but not through any intrinsick vertue , but extrinsick value , especially to a poor mans eye . They say , that it obtundeth the attractive power of a Loadstone ; very probably that it doth , in case it is included close within the body of a great Diamond . An Emerald and an Jacinth are commended for their Alexipharmacal vertues against poyson , and for curing the falling sickness . A Jaspis , Saphir , Topaze , Onyx , Sarda & a Sardonix for chearing the heart , flopping a fluxe of bloud , preserving Chastity , and promoting travel . A Ruby and a Turcois for clearing the sight . How these kinds of Precious stones should produce these admirable effects is unknown to me . First let us enquire into the truth of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them , then of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As touching the certainty of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falsely ascribed to them , I must evidence from my own experience that I have oft prescribed the chiefest of them , being besides artificially prepared viz. Magist. Perl . Powders composed out of Fragm . of Granates , Jacinths , Rub. &c. in extream weaknesses , and have very diligently observed their Effects . The Effects , which I perceived to flow from these immediately after the exhibition of them , were a present refocillation of the vital spirits , and as it were a more vigorous motion of the Arteries ; but then such pulses caused by the foresaid motion were very unequal , sometimes remitting , other times intending in their strength . Besides , this alteration of motion would last in some not above an hour or two at most , in others not longer then a score of Pulses , or frequently not above a Pulse two or three after the taking of it . In the next place , let us search into their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. We gather that the heart was affected by them , but how ? not primarily and immediately , ( as if some volatil spirits had been united to the Arterial spirits , and so communicated to the heart ; ) because the spirits of these kind of stones are so much fixed to their matter , that they are in a manner inseparable , although endeavoured by Chymical diligence ; that they are so , is undoubtedly true to those that have made trial of it . If the real Tincture of Coral or of Gold is so difficult , if not impossible to attain unto , much more of these , which exceeds the other by far in fixation of bodies . That the spirits of these Precious stones are so entirely fixed , their not wearing though much used , is a manifest Argument , which , if their spirits were volatil , would as much befall to them as to others . They are much of the Nature of Gold , which although you expose to the strongest heat of fire , will not yield a Minim of its weight ; if so , then we cannot imagine , that any whit of their volatil Nature should be separated by our weak heat ; if Aq. Regia is too inferiour to separate their spirits from their earth , much less our mild Ferment . But supposing an impossibility to be possible , viz. that by length of time this might be effected , yet it cannot answer to the cause of so immediate an effect ; neither must we fly to that worn out Sanctuary of ignorance Ocoult Qualities ; for it is denied to these also to act at a distance * . But to keep you nolonger in suspence , the truth of the matter is this ; the Heart , the Brain and the Liver do alwaies sympathize with the Stomack ; the one through commonness of Membranes and Nerves of the sixth pair , the other through the Branches of the Coeliacal Artery , the last through the Mesenterical and other Branches of the Vena Portae , especially in extream weaknesses . This is evident , Drink but a Glass of Wine , and immediately your vital spirits will pulsate more vigorously your Animal motion will be rendered stronger , and your Veins will swell upon it . Wherefore the Stomach being much relaxed in most weaknesses , and filled with Damps and Vapours , and sometimes partaking of a Malignancy , doth through the same Relaxation by continuation relaxe the Arteries , Nerves and Veines inserted into her body , whence their spirits are necessarily rendered feeble and moist . Now then , the Stomack being somewhat cleared of these moist evaporations , doth recover a little strength , which in like manner the foresaid Channels and Spirits do immediately grow sensible of : which if so , the case is plain ; to wit , that the benefit , which the noble parts receive , doth derive from the depression of these damps , through the weight of those precious Powders ; the same sinking to the bottom to conglomerate and contract the stomach , by which contraction they expel the aforesaid Vapours . Exhibite any weighty Powders , as of Coral , Crystal , Bole Armen , &c. they will refocillate the Spirits , and prove as suddenly cordial ( although ex accidenti ) as others of the most precious Carbuncles , or Magistery of Pearl ; which is an undoubted sign , that it is nothing else but their dense weight whereby they operate those Effects . Neither must you infer hence that I assert , that all weighty bodies are cordial ; no , but only such as are densely weighty , and have no noxious quality accompanying of them ; provided also their weight be not so excessive , as to overpress the stomach . By all this it appears , how far Jewels may be said to be Cordial ; as for any other effects that are adscribed to them , they are fictitious and deceitful . You may Object , that the Tincture or rather Magistery of Emeralds is commended for its miraculous vertue of stopping a Looseness . I Answer , That it is not the Emerald , which is the sole cause of this Effect , but its being impregnated with Spirits and volatil Salt of Urine , which being very detergent , and almost as adstringent as Alume , do principally work that Miracle , as you call it ; for digest its Powder with any other Menstruum , and its Operation will vary : Or abstract the Tinctures of any other Stone or Mineral Earth , ( provided they partake of no noxious quality ) with the same Menstruum of Spir of Urin , and you will assuredly find the vertue to be the same . Thus much touching their Intrinsick vertue : As for their External Effects , they are more certain and evident . 1. They do clarifie the sight through their Lustre and splendor , by obtending the optick air . They do cheer the visive spirits by moving them gently , and as it were quavering upon them through their flashes and glisterings of Light. This is very true ; for when you look suddenly upon a great Jewel , the sparkling of it will immediately quicken your eye-spirits , and as it were by consent cheer you . The same effect we do plainly perceive in our selves , when wecome suddenly out of a dark Room into the Sun-shiny Light ; wherefore I say the production of stones are ordained by God for to remain entire , and to please the eye by being lookt upon , and not to be broken into pieces and spoiled , when they are become scarce worth a Bodel , whereas before their value was of a great price . Before I leave this Subject , I will only insert a word touching the cause of their glistering and splendor . A Carbuncle , and particularly a Pyrope is alone said to shine in the dark , although Sennert . in his Phys. doth ignorantly deny it . The cause of its actual light in the dark is an actual flame kindled within the body of the stone , and there remaining Catochizated , whose Light is further intended by a Reflection upon the thick waterish parts of the stone , and glisters through its refraction by angles adherent to the matter and dividing the intrinsick Light. The same , to wit , reflection and refraction , is also the cause of the shining and glistering light of the other most precious stones . VI. Among the less precious stones , the Bezoar , or as the Persians call it , Pa Zahar * , a word compounded out of Pa against , and Zahar , Venom ; that is , a stone against all kinds of Venom or Poysons . But we here in these parts have a way of commending a thing far above what it is esteemed beyond Sea , and Quack-like , of extolling it against all putrid and malignant Feavers , the Plague , Small Pox , Measles , malignant Dysenteries , and what not ? There are many of these Goat-Stags in Persia * , which are fed in Fields near a place called Stabanon , two or three daies journey from Laza , a great City of that Countrey . These Fields protrude a great quantity of an Herb very like to Saffron or Hermodactyls , whereon those Beasts do feed , out of the subsidence and faeces of whose juyce remaining in the stomach , the foresaid stone concreaseth , which doth very miserably torment their bodies : But if the same beasts seed upon other mountainous herbs , this stone doth happen to dissolve , and comes away from them in small pieces . Now , that a stone engendred out of an unwholsom and poysonous herb should work such Miracles , doth by far exceed the Extent of my Belief . Moreover Physitians are very conscientious in dispensing the dose of it , imagining that 5 or 6 Graines must be sufficient to expel all Malignancy out of the humoral Vessels through a great sweat ; but I have taken a whole Scruple of it my self , to try its vertues , and found it only to lye heavy at my stomach , and that was all . Besides I have several times prescribed it to Patients , in whom I never could observe the least Effect of it . Supposing this stone were exalted to such faculties , there is scarce one amongst a hundred is right ; for those Mahometical Cheats have a Trick of adulterating them , and so thrusting two or three one after another down a Goats throat , they soon after kill him , and take the same stones out before witness , who shall swear they are true ones ; for they saw them taken out . The Tair of a Stagge doth expel sweat extreamly , and may be used against poysons and all contagious Diseases . Horstius commends it besides to facilitate hard Labour in Women . The German Bezoar stone is fained to excel in the same faculties that were adscribed to the Oriental Bezoars . Piedra de puerco some six or seven years ago had acquired a fame , through the false imposition of a knavish Jew , of excelling all other stones in vertue , insomuch that there was no disease , but would give way to it . This Jew sought all the means imaginable to set out the vertues of the said stone , that so he might intice some one or other to buy it from him at a high price . It fell out ( as the learned Dr. Bate related to me ) accidentally , that he came to one Mr. M. N. house , whose wife had some hours before taken a vomit ( I suppose it was a Dose of the Infus . of Croc. Metal . ) against a double intenmittent tertian ; The last vomit made her very sick , as usually it doth : The Jew imagining her to be in an Agony , ready to give up the Ghost , called in great haste for a glass of Wine and infused his stone in it for a moment or two , then gave it to the Patient , perswading her it would stay her vomiting ( which had then already stayed of it self ; for the operation begun to tend downwards ) and infallibly cure her of the ague . She drunk it off and her vomiting staid , ( as I told you of it self ) and her sickness ceased withall , because the vomit had done working ; her Ague left her because she had discharged the continent cause of the disease by her vomiting . Immediately this stone was cried up for curing a woman like to die , and for taking away her Paroxisms or fits in an instant . Soon after one bade him a hundred pounds for the stone , but as soon again slited it , when he heard the case stated by a Physitian . Even so is the Vulgar through the forwardness of their belief cheated and deceived every day by every Quacks Medicine , among whom some pay dear enough , and oft purchase it with no less than the loss of their lives . This stone is good for nothing else but for curing the yellow Jaundise , and particularly against the Cholera or Cholerick passion , which is very frequent amongst the East-indians , who usually take the infusion of this stone to appease it . Pearls are accounted for the greatest cordial in the extreamest weaknesses , and to have an alexipharmacal vertue against all putrefaction , Venome , and the Plague , and to chear the mind ; all this is to be apprehended no otherwise than I have described the same properties to be imputable to the most precious stones . The Alectorite is thought to encrease courage , raise lust , and quench a great drought , if a man do but carry it about him : but this is fabulous . A Bufonite is praised for a present Antidote against all poysons , insomuch that some do assert it to change its colour when ever a venemous draught is present . Casp. Bauhin . doth discourse very superstitiously upon this , the Bezoar , and other stones , and adds ( I doubt ) something more of his own than ever he tried , nevertheless I should be loath to confide upon it . A Chelidony is said to cure Convulsion fits in Children if only worn about their neck ; but it is hard to be believed . The two long stones and the throat stone of a Carp cure convulsion fits ; the triangular stone extends its vertue against the Collick . Crabs eyes are cooling , drying , detergent , discutient , break the stone of the kidneys , dissolve bloud bruised within the body , and are good in a Plurisie , Ptysick , and in the Collick . Besides , they are used to cleanse the Teeth . A Sourite is said to be an Antidote against all poysons . A Limace stone is used against the Ptysick , and consumption of the Lungs . Perch stones are taken to break the stone of the kidneys , and to cleanse the reines ; externally they use them for dentifrices and the drying of wounds . The Eagle stone is by some believed to further labour , if tyed to the thigh , and staies it , if tyed to the arm . * Coral is cooling , drying , and adstringent : It comforts the Heart , Stomack , and Liver ; it púrifieth the bloud , and is good against all kind of malignant Feavers , the Plague and Poyson ; it chears the mind , ( but that is doubtful , ) stops a Gonorrhoea , Menstrua , and all loosenesses ; it prevents Convulsion fits in Children ; outwardly it heals Ulcers , and brings them to a Cicatrix ; it dries up the rheumes of the eyes . Paracelsus doth madly use it for an Amulet to prevent being bewitcht , or ridden by devils , Lightnings , Frights , Convulsion fits , Melancholly , and Poysons . Crystall is adstringent , good against any looseness , or abundance of flowers in women ; it is further commended for conducing to the abundant increase of milk ; it breaks the Stone , and dissipates any tartarous matter ; whence it is used against the gout . The Bloud stone is of a cooling , drying , and restringent nature ; it stops the spitting of bloud , and binds the belly in a bloudy Flux , or looseness ; externally it cures the ulcers and rheumes of the eyes ; it consolidates the ulcers of the Lungs . The Galactite comforteth the Infant in the Mothers belly , increases milk , and externally cures Ulcers and Rheumes of the eyes . The Marble stone is only used for building , and to cut Statues out of it . The Ophite internally breaks the stone of the kidneys ; if tyed to the body , it cures the Head-ach , and preserves the body from the Plague : there are Cups made out of it , whose liquor infused in them they say expels Venome , cures all Agues and Consumptions . The stone warmed and applied outwardly cures the Chollick , Pleurifie , Gout , Stone : all this is but fabulous . The Lazul stone purges Meiancholly , hence cures all melancholy diseases , viz. a Quartan , Falling-sickness , Apoplexy , all diseases of the Spleen . It is hung about Childrens necks for to prevent fights , and to strengthen their sight ; women wear it about them to prevent miscarriages . An Armene stone is commended for the same vertues against the same diseases , but is counted more efficacious . The Nephritick stone breaks the stone of the kidneys if only tied to the arm ; this seems to be dubious . The Judaean stone is said to provoke Urin instantly , and to break the stone of the kidneys . The Leopard stone is used for the same intent . A Tophe is of little or no use in Physick . A Pumoise is cooling , drying , and adstringent ; it gently mundifies Ulcers , and particularly those of the eyes , and perduces them to a cicatrice ; it serveth besides for a Dentrifice . A Spunge stone is used against the stone of the kidneys , and against the Kings evil . A Rock stone serves only for building . A Flint is the great preserver of fire ; it provokes urin above all other things if oft heated red hot and quenched in white Wine . An Emrald is of little use in Physick , except in Chymistry ; its tincture precipitates and fixes Mercury in a moment . The Glasiers make use of it to cut Glass with it . The Amianth resisteth witchcraft ; externally it is detergent and cures the Itch ; internally , if dissolved with a little sugar in Aqua vitae , it cures women of the Whites . A Chalck stone is fiery , and knawing , and in length of time burns a crust . The Ostiocolla is internally and externally used for to conglutinate broken bones . Talck we have spoken of before . The Glass stone doth whiten womens faces , and maketh them look smooth . A Calaminar stone is drying , detergent , adstringent , sarcotick and cicatrizing . VII . Before I close this mineralogy , I will but name the kinds of mineral earths : viz. terra sigillata ( so called because it is usually selled , ) which is either Turkish , being sealed with Turkish characters , and is sold to us for Terra lemnia ; or of Maltha , sealed with the stamp of that Island ; or German , which comprehends two kinds ; the one being of a clayish colour is found about Triga , a Town in Silesia , prepared and sealed with their seal ; the other is of three colours , White , Ash , and Red , and sent from a place in Wetteraw , known by the name of Terra Wetteracensis , or Lubaicensis . All these earths are drying and restringent , resisting putrefaction , dissolving bruised bloud , moving sweat , and Cordial . These vertues depend upon a subtil spirit , which is permixt through the said earths . Bole armene is a red kind of earth , brought hither from Armenia ; it is also found about Wittenberg in Germany . It is drying and adstringent ; hence stops all fluxes of bloud , loosenesses , womens menstrua , and expels putrefactions . Marle is a kind of fat earth , inclosed within great stones : internally it dissolves bruised bloud ; externally , it proves adstringent , sarcotick , and cicatrizing . Red Chalck is commonly known ; it is adstringent and emplastick . Oaker is much of the same nature . Red Chalck is detergent and adstringent . Jappan earth is of a purple colour , here and there speckt with white specks , and of an austere taste ; it is commended for drying up Catarrhes , and strengthning the brain , if held in ones mouth . Tripolis is a kind of earth of a deep yellow , good for nothing but to scoure brass Kettels . Dioscorides and Galen do make mention of other earths , as Terra Samia , Melia , Terrachia , Cimolia , Selinusia , Eretria , Pnigitis , and Ampelitis , but their vertues being much inferiour to those foregoing , they are little taken notice of by Physitians of this Age. Among these earths we must not forget that whereout Porcelaine Dishes are made : there are three sorts of it , The one is of a transparent green colour , like to a Jaspis or an Emerald , yielding to neither in price or beauty , and is alone to be bought in Bengala , Guzurate , Decan , but at an extraordinary rate . The other is of a transparent white colour , like to Crystal , and is artificially made up out of a certain paste in the Island Carge , near the mouth of the Euphrates . The paste consists out of Oyster shels , and Egg-shells of some birds , called by the Inhabitants Teze , and Beyde & of many others , which being stampt and mingled with some other materials are buried under ground , where they are to lye forty , fifty , or sixty years long ; Parents shewing their Children where such a mixture was laid , who at the time of its perfection and maturity do take it out and make Dishes or Pots of it . The third sort is of a Pearl colour , but somewhat more dusky , and is made out of a certain white earth in the great Province of China , which being well cleansed , sifted , mingled , stampt , and duly prepared , serveth them to make Pots and Dishes out of . For a Corollary I will insert my sense upon Libavius his mineral flesh , which he in his Singular . part . 1. fol. 252. infers to be very possible . I shall add but one Argument : Earth we observe ( supposing it to be somewhat below its Surface ( destroyes and consumes all kinds of flesh , as appears in dead bodies buried . How then can she be thought to conceive apt matter for such a vital substance ? For living creatures are generated no where , but where the heat of the Sun may reach in such a measure , as to stir up , mollifie , and vivifie the substance conceived . Nevertheless near the Surface the aforesaid flesh is generable , as appears in many square Worms whose shape and form is in nothing differing from the supposed mineral Mole . Theophrastus lib. de lapid . describes mineral Ivory , and bones ; but you must not imagine these to be distinguisht from stones , supposing them to be generated below the Surface of the earth ; However I will grant you , that real bones are generated near to the Surface budding out like sprigs ; for in Thuringia the same are oft found sticking out of the earth : And Linscot in his voyage to the East Indies tell us that the Inhabitants of Goa cast the horns of beasts killed for provision into a certain place within a mile or two from the Town , where they soon take root and spread themselves into branches . CHAP. III. Of the Loadstone . 1. The various names of the Loadstone , and its kinds . 2. The Physical Essence of the Loadstone . 3. An enumeration of its Properties . 4. The demonstration of the first Mechanick property of the Loadstone . 5. The demonstration of the other Mechanical properties . 6. Of its nautical property . What is intended by the Poles of the Loadstone . 7. The division of the Loadstone into Circles . 8. An enumeration of the nautical properties of the Magnete . 9. A demonstration of the said nautical properties . 10. The cause of the deviation of the Compass Needle . 11. An Objection answered . 12. Cartesius his Doctrine examined touching the Loadstone . 13. The fabulous property of the Loadstone . I. THe Loadstone is otherwise called a Magnete from the first Inventor thereof Magnes , a driver of Cattel , who garding his heard upon the Mount Ida , felt his slip-shoes , being fastned with Iron pegs , to stick fast to the ground , and his driving staffe , which was pegged at the bottom with an Iron peg , to stick first likewise , whereat he was much astonisht , but searching narrowly into the cause he found they were a sort of stones that held him . The Greeks named this stone Sideritis , which Pliny , lib. 36. C. 16. derives from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iron ; and not without a just ground , it having a vertue of attracting Iron to it . Others knew it by the name of Lapis Heraclius , not derived from Hercules , or Heraclius the supposed Inventor , but from Heraclia a City of Lydia , where the best were found in great number . The Germans call it ein seilstein , or a sail-stone , because the Mariners sail by it . This stone changes its name by the places , where it is usually found . 1. The Magnesian Loadstone is engendred about the City Magnesia . 2. An Alexandrian Loadstone is taken up about Alexandria . 3. It is found in Echio , in Boeotia . 4. The worst of them , being spungy and loose , are found near the Cape Verlychi in Natolia . 5. The best are those of AEthiopia , being the blewet , heavier , and drawing Iron stronger . Taisnierius supposing them to grow in the bottom of the AEthiopian Sea , relates an odd story , that some Ships crossing the AEthiopian Sea , and bearing near to the Promontories should have been drawn to the bottom of the Sea , by some Loadstones taking hold of their Iron Pins . II. Before we apply our selves to the enumeration of the properties of the Loadstone , let us in the first place search into its internal principles . The Loadstone is ( as it were ) imperfect Iron , but not so neer resembling it as Iron resembles Steel . It is between a Stone and a Metal , and therefore in a manner is not perfectly concocted . It s material principle is a loose earth rarefied by dense fire and incrassated air , being unequally mixt * and tempered . It s forma ultima is sometimes a compleat Metal like to Iron , other times like to a hard reddish blew stone . Both these have been found by many , not knowing what to make of them , which in all probability were concocted Loadstones . That they were Loadstones is evidenced by the remaining vertues , although but very weak of attracting Iron . It s body being throughout porous ( that is loose and not very solid , ) its intrinsick parts must of necessity partake of a certain figure as all porous bodies do , although in some more , in others less . Iron it self ( as also a Lyzzard stone ) consists of intrinsick parts Cuspidally or Pyramidally formed , that is with streaks transcurring as it were into Pyramidal points . In Alume likewise we see its parts are Hexagonal ; in Crystal the same ; and so in all bodies , although it is not alwaies visible , however appearing in our present subject . The cause you know is from the manner of exhalation & proruption of the ayry and fiery parts , that have left it , and minutely do still leave it . Between these triangular pointings we do imagine insensible cavities or pores , through which those emanations do continually pass , and by whose figure they are directed to their passages outward ; those I say are continuous and very potent . III. Now we have declared enough to demonstrate most of its properties , which I shall instantly enumerate . They are either Mechanical , Nautical , Medicinal , or fabulous . It s Mechanical property is of attracting Iron : Nautical , of inclining or moving towards the North Pole , and thereby of directing Mariners in steering their course , of which more anon ; Medicinal , of adstriction and strenching blood . AEtius lib. 2. tetrabl . cap. 25. gives us this account of its medicinal vertues : The Magnete or Herculean stone hath the same vertues which a blood stone hath : They say that it doth asswage the pains of the Gout in the feet and in the wrist , if held in the hand . This is fabulous , but if applied being mixt with other ingredients in a plaster , it doth really give ease in some kinds of Gouts . Serapio , lib. de simpl . part . 2. cap. 384. commends the Magnete for curing wounds , befaln by a venomous weapon ; it is to be powdered and mixt with other Oyntments and applied to the part affected ; besides , the Patient is for some daies to take a Dose of it internally untill the venom is purged away by stool . Parey lib. 7. Chir. cap. 15 attributes a very memorable cure of a bursted belly to it . Fabr. Hildan . Cent. 5. Observ. Chir. 31. obs . rehearses a famous cure luckily done by it by the advice of his Wife ( at a dead lift I suppose ) upon a Merchant , who was tormented with a miserable pain in one of his eyes caused by a little piece of steel that was accidentally peirced into it . All kind of Anonynes were applied , but to no purpose , at last the Loadstone was thought upon , which he caused to be held near to the eye , whereby it was soon drawn out . The fabulous properties of this stone are of losing its attractive vertue by the apposition of a Diamond ; of curing wounds at a distance , for which purpose it is added to Bombasts sympathetical oyntment ; and of preserving youth , for which end they say the King of Zeylan causes his victuals to be dressed in Magnete Dishes . I return to its Mechanical property , about which Authors are very various , some , as Nicander , Pliny , Anton. Mercat . lib. 2. de occult . prop. cap. 1. Matthiol . in Dios. lib. 5. cap. 105. Encel. de re Metal . lib. 3. cap. 8. fabr . Hildan . in the late quoted observ . asserting it to attract Iron at one end , and to repel it at another . Others affirming the contrary , viz. That it attracts Iron from all parts , but by several impulses as it were , moving in several Figures , some being direct , others oblique . It is true in an oblique motion the Steel at the first impulse seems to recede , because of its changing its position towards the Loadstone ; besides this change the Steel also varies according to its diverse position towards the stone ; we need not confirm the truth of this by arguments , the experiment it self ( viz. placing small pieces of filings of Steel round about the stone ) , will g●ve you a further proof of it . Wherefore these forementioned Authors imagining the North part of this stone to be alone properly the Loadstone , accused Pliny of an errour for affirming the Theamede stone to reject Iron , which they affirmed was no other but the South part of the Magnete : Whether the Theamedes doth repel Iron or no , I know not , only thus much I know , that the description of it is altogether differing from that of the Loadstone ; neither can I believe that Pliny , being so well versed in stones , should so easily mistake in this . Letting this pass , it is certain : 1. That in the North hemisphere it doth attract Iron most at its North part , and more directly ; at the other sides its attractive vertue upon Iron is less potent and draws more oblique . 2. One Loadstone doth not draw the other , unless the one be more concocted than the other , and then it doth . 3. That a Loadstone capped with Steel attracts more vigorously than when naked . 4. That it draweth Iron stronger at some places than at others ; at some seasons than at others . 5. That it attracts Steel more potently than Iron . 6. That it doth also attract Copper although but weakly . 7. That its Mechanick and nautical vertue is communicable to Iron . 8. That the Magnete loseth its vertue by rust ; by lying open in the air ; by moisture ; by lying near to hot Spices , as the Indian Mariners , who transport Pepper and other Spices , do testifie ; by fire ; by being touched with the juyce of Garlick or Onions . That in length of time its vertue doth intirely exhale , leaving only a course rusty stone behind it . 9. That a Loadstone being intersected by a section almost perpendicularly incident upon the supposed axeltree of the said stone , and its pieces placed one against the other , so that the faces of each section may constitute a side of an acute angle , terminated by a common point of their South or North Pole , doth attract Iron more potently by far than otherwise . IV. I should now begin to demonstrate the first effect of the Loadstone through its proper cause , but before I can arrive to its solution , it will be requisite for you to know what is ordinarily meant by its North part . The said Part is otherwise by Authors termed the North Pole of the Loadstone , because it doth look or lye towards the North Pole of the Heavens ; or of the Earth , because it tends downwards withall . Poles are ( vulgarly ) described to be the two extremities of an ( axis ) axeltree , about which a Globe or Wheel moves round . If so , then properly a Loadstone cannot be said to have either Axis or Poles , because according to the vulgar opinion it doth not move round . Wherefore the former denomination is improperly attributed to it , viz. the extreme central point of its tendency towards the Arctick Pole is termed the North Pole of the stone , and the opposite extremity is called the South Pole of it . Next remember out of the Ch. of Coct . that all bodies in their decoction do run off their temperament through streams or small mixtures of the Elements gradually deserting the decocting bodies , and taking their egress or fuming through their pores . These pores * tend most from the transcurrent Axis towards the North. That its pores tend most towards the North is evident by its intrinsick parts within ( as you may see when it is cut through ) running variously intorted towards the North in streaks ; these streaks are distinguisht from one another through interjacent porosities , otherwise they would be continuously one . That the Loadstone emits fumes , is testified from its looseness and inequality of mixture : For all parts , ( as I have shewed before , ) that are unequally mixt , suffer a discontinuation of their mixture , because one Element being predominant , and having its force united through the said unequal mixture , must needs make way for its effumation , and afterwards break through by egressing fumes : but such is the Loadstone . Ergo. 2. That these fumes or effluvia do effumate through their Northerly pores , the experiment it self doth confirm to us ; For we see that they attract Steel most at the North side † ; besides , they usually rub the cross wires of Sea-Compasses at the North side , as being most effumous there . Thus much for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now for the manner of its attraction ; and here it is disputed whether the Loadstone attracts Iron , or Iron the Loadstone . Hereunto I answer , That neither the Loadstone doth properly attract Iron , or Iron it : However since Iron is moved toward the Loadstone ( but accidentally ) by means of his effluvia or steames , therefore the Loadstone is said to draw Iron to it . 2. Iron doth ( improperly ) move it self to the Loadstone , being incited to the same motion through the steames of the Loadstone entring through its pores into its substance . The streams of the Loadstone are through their particular form and external shape or figure fitted to enter into the pores of Iron , which are in like manner fitted to receive the streams of the Loadstone ; they being admitted do reserate the substance of Iron , or through their specifick penetrability do free the volatil parts of that Iron from the fixt ones , whence they do immediately through their fiery principle dilate and diffuse themselves towards that part of the Circumference , where they feel the continual effumations of the Loadstone yet more to unite them , which reeking out , and being further diducted by a continuation of succeeding parts , do draw the course parts along with it , as being still continuatly united to them . Or plainer , the said fumes of the Loadstone having entered the pores of Iron do immediately loosen the spirits of the Iron , which being dilated and united to the fumes of the Loadstone must needs covet a greater place , the want of which causeth them both to spout out at those holes , which are most patent ; which must necessarily be those , through which the Magnetical fumes entered . This sudden spouting out must cause an attraction of the Iron , because the extrinsick air doth suddenly enter its pores on the opposite side , for to recover a place within the Iron which it had lost without by being driven back out of its place by the prorupting fumes : This sudden irruption of the air on the opposite side drives the Iron forwards to that place whence it was first repelled : This you will the better understand if you compare it with our discourse set down in the Chapter of Local motion , and of a Vacuum . These steams of the Iron do effumate through all the pores , where the vertue of the Loadstone hath touched it , especially at the Center of opposition to the stone , whence they breaking out in great quantity , do draw the body of Iron directly towards the Loadstone : But if the objected Iron be defended by being besmeared with Oil or any other greasie substance , or by being dipt into water , it puts by and obtuses the Fumes of Loadstone . That the Loadstone doth effuse Fumes from it , is further made known to us , 1. Through its inequality of mixture and looseness of Substance , as I hinted before . 2. Either it must act , that is , attract at a distance , or else operate through steams ; it cannot at a distance , that being only proper to supernatural Agents , and denied to all natural ones ; ergo the last . 3. If you burn it , it will cast a visible blew sulphurecus smoaky Flame . 4. It is not the Iron doth primarily effuse steams towards the Loadstone , because it is more compact , and less exhalable . Hence Scaliger might now have resolved his Doubt , whether the Loadstone drew Iron , or Iron it . Why these Fumes do exhale most towards the North , we have told you already . Do not let it seem strange to you , that the emanations of this stone should reserate the mixture and Temperament of Iron ; it being common to many other bodies , although Authors are not pleased to take notice of it . The fumes of Mercury do open the body of Gold. The heat of the Sun opens the body of water , and attracts Vapours thence . Amber through its Emissives attracts Dust , Paper , &c. But of these elsewhere . Why the stone moves steel variously according to its diverse position happens through the variety and obliquity of its Pores variously and obliquely directing its steames , and variously withal entring the Pores of the objected Steel . V. The Reason of the second Property is , because two Loadstones being alike in mixture of body , and in Effumations cannot act upon one another ; for all actions are upon Contraries . But in case the one be more concocted then the other , and in some wise dissembling in their mixtures , then doubtless the one will act upon the other , and the more concocted will attract the less . The cause of the third is , that the Emanations of the Loadstone being appelled and harboured in an extraneous body , as that of Steel , do with more ease and in greater smoakes ( as I have said before ) exhale out of it , and consequently attract Iron stronger , and work with a greater Bent towards the Northern Pole. Besides steel collects all the egressing steames of the stone , which being concentrated in the body of the said steel , and consequently received in greater quantity , must prove more forcible . The solution of the fourth is containned in the first . The Reason of the fifth is , because steel is purified from its grosser parts , which did before somewhat hinder the ingress of the Influence of the Loadstone , and cohibite the Effluvia of the affected body . Sixthly , It attracts Copper or Brass , because of the likeness of its Pores and mixture to Iron , whence it doth aptly receive the Energy of the Loadstone . The Reason of the Seventh may be drawn from the Third . 8. The Magnete happens to lose its strength through Rust , because its decoction is thereby stayed , and its temperament subverted . Moysture , and its being exposed to the air do lessen its vertue , because the latter doth so much disperse its emanations , and accelerate its decoction ; the former dissolves its temperament . Spices weaken its attraction , because through their heat they disperse and discontinuate the emanating spirits ; the like may be said of the juyce of Garlick and Onions . Mercury doth also destroy the temperament of the stone . It s vertue happens at last to relinquish it , through the natural course of Decoction . The Reason of the Eighth is , because the emanations do in that position easily joyn together , slowing in like course and figure from their bodies . Many more Conclusions might be deduced from the Experiments of the Loadstone , whose solution may easily be stated from what hath been already proposed . VI. It s Nautical Vertue is the great wonder of Nature to all Naturalists , to whom the Cause is no less stupendious . This Property is , whereby one part of the stone moveth towards the South , the other to the North. Bodintu , Lib. 2. Theat . Nat. proposeth an Experiment relating to this Property , somewhat different to what others have observed : An Iron Needle ( saith he ) being gently rubbed against that part of the Magnete , where it lookt towards the North , whill● it stuck to the Rock , and placed in a Balance , doth place that extremity , which was rubbed against the stone , towards the North. The same vertue it exerciseth towards the South , if the Needle be rubbed against the South part of the Loadstone . Neither is the strength of the Magnete less in its Eastern and Western part , although the stone cannot turn it self towards the Regions of the world , yet the Iron Needle can . What we have said cannot be understood unless it be experimented ; for if you lay a piece of the Magnete upon a Board swimming in the water , and lay that side of the Magnete which looked towards the South before it was removed out of its natural Seat , against the side of another Loadstone , which before it was cut out , lookt likewise towards the South , then will the swimming stone flee to the other side of the Vessel in the water : If you should turn the North part of the Magnete , to the South part of the other Magnete swimming in the water , the swimming part would suddenly come near and through a wonderful consent be both joyned to one another although the wood of the Vessel be between : The same will also happen if you put an Iron Needle into a Glass full of water being run through a piece of a Reed , and hold a piece of a Magnete in your other hand , one side of the Magnete will attract the Needle , the other will repel it . Thus far Bodinus . The last Property of attraction doth not appertain to this place , the cause of which may nevertheless be made clear to you by what is foregoing . The former touching its Vergency , is observable , if it be true ; but I doubt he hath not made tryal of it : Besides , none else do make mention of it , which were it real , they would not omit the Observation . That , which may next be disputed upon , is , whether the Loadstone turns to the South , or North Pole of the earth , or to the said Poles of the Heavens , or to neither . In the first place , I wonder what they intend by a North and South Pole of the Earth . Those that agree to Copernicus , hold that they are the extream points of the Axeltree whereon the Earth doth move : Others , who deny Earth a motion , affirm them to be those points of the Earth that are responding to the Poles of the Heavens , that is , which do lie perpendicularly or diametrically under the said Poles . The former Opinion states the Poles of the Earth different from those of the Heavens . Among the latter , some have consented to believe the Poles of the Earth to be where the extremities of the Compass-Needles do diametrically point to the arctick and antarctick Poles ; that is , where the length of the Needle is according to a right Line coincident with the imaginary axletree of the Poles of the world . The onely place of coincidence is concluded to be near the tenth degree beyond the Fortunate Islands ( but that is false , since the same coincidence is also observed in other places , ) from whence for that reason most do continue their mensuration of the Earths Longitude . But grant , the Poles of the Earth be at the points forementioned , why shall we apprehend the Loadstone rather to move towards the Poles of the Earth then of the Heavens . What ? the Earth say they , attracts the points of the Loadstone to her Poles : An Absurdity , why should not the Earth through the same principle of attraction draw other terrestrial bodies to it ? or what is it they intend by a principle of attraction ? I had thought that among the wandering Philosophers nothing but Fire and Air had been attractive . Moreover , did the Magnete alwaies incline towards the Poles of the Earth then it must be exempted from all deviation , which it is not ; for in divers Meridians it hath divers respects to the Poles of the World , and consequently to those of the Earth . In Nova Zembla it deflects 17 degrees towards the East . In Norway 16. About Neurenburgh 10. So in the Southwest Climates its deviation is no less various . Wherefore after all this we must be constrained to assert the Magnete not to incline directly either to the South or North Pole of the Heavens or of the Earth , although , as I said before , its Vergency is towards the North and South . The points of the Magnets Vergency are directly tending to the Poles of the Air : That is , The Poles of the Loadstone are directly coincident with those of the Air. You see its Poles are primarily neither perpendicular to those of the Heavens or of the Earth : Ergo its Poles do appropriate a particular situation . But before I prove their seat , it will not be improper to prefer the probation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their Poles . The emanations of the Loadstone move circularly ; ergo they must have real Poles or immoveable points , for a Body is uncapable of a circular motion in all its parts . A real Axis is no less necessary : It being impossible to conceive two extream immoveable points in a globous body without being fastned or continuated to other fixt points , ( which must likewise remain void of the same circular motion ) and so on from one extream point to the opposite extream point . That the steames of the said stone affect a circular motion is evident , in that the continuous effluvia of all bodies convert themselves into a like motion . Doth not the thick smoak of Coales , of Gunpowder , of Boyling water , in fine of all things in the World turn themselves round in the open air ? What is it you can cast up into the air but it will incline to a circular motion ? Do not those little Atoms , that are seen by us in the Rayes of the shining Sun ( the same which some Author is pleased to term light it self , probably because the Sun through its reflection and refraction upon them engrosses its light , so as to render them , to be light glistering bodies to the eye , ) make choice of a turning and winding motion ? Which if so , what reason is there to move us to detract the said motion from the continuous steames of the Heraclian stone ? Authors I remember , as Gilbert , Cabeus , Kircher , and others are accustomed to pronounce the Loadstone to contain a collection of all the properties of the Earth in her , and reciprocally the Earth to partake of the qualifications of the Loadstone , but without reason : Nevertheless I may justly set down that the Loadstone is enricht with all the dignities and vertues of Fire and Air ; For as Fire and Air attract , move circularly , are diffused to the periphery , even so doth this stone . Here we may equally imagine Poles , Axis , Polar Circles , AEquator , Meridian , Horizon , a common and proper motion , &c. VII . I shall begin with its Poles , whose Axis in most places interfects the Axis of the fiery Heavens into oblique angles , which in some Climates happen to be more or less obtuse , or acute , except that about the tenth degree beyond the Fortunate Islands , and in some few other Meridians its Axis and Poles are coincident with those of the Firmament . The stone may be justly compared to a Planet , which as it doth in some stations of the Heaven seem to be eccentrical , in others concentrical , so this may be termed eccentrick or concentrick , or rather conpolar and expolar . It s greatest expolarity or declination from the Poles of the Firmament is by Mariners deprehended to be extended to seventeen degrees . Dr. Gilbert makes them up 23. that is within 30 min. equal to the greatest declination of the Poles of the Zodiack , but he omits the proof . It s Center is the body of the stone , about which the steames move round , like the Wings of a Mill do rowl about their Axeltree . It s polar circles may be conceived to be those , that describe the distance of the Poles of the stone from those of the Firmament and of the Air. The AEquator is the middle circle imagined to divide the Orbe of the steams into two equal parts , viz. of North and South . It acquires a new Meridian in as many places as its Poles vary in their declination or ascension . It s Horizon is the Circle equally dividing its upper Hemisphaere from the lower . Next we will propose certain Theoremes of the Compass Needle . 1. The Mariners Needle , if gently rubbed against the Magnete throughout its length , and especially about both the points , doth imitate the nature of it , particularly of attraction , and of inclining towards the North and South . 2. If the Needle be touched throughout its whole length it doth tend Northwards and Southwards with more force than if only rubbed at one end or point . 3. The Needle being only touched at the South end will only in the Meridional plage incline towards the South ; and if at the North point , it inclineth to the North in the Septentrional parts . 4. The Needle being rubbed about the middle doth incline towards the North and South although very weakly and slowly . IX . These Theorems , together with the foregoing ones , we shall instantly endeavour to demonstrate . You must observe , that the motion of the emanating fumes of the Magnete is from East to West , and from West to East , and consequently its Poles or immoveable points must be North and South , as you may more plainly understand by this Scheme , where a is mark for the South Pole of the streames , and b for the North , γ for East , and δ for the West . That the Magnete moves circularly in the manner aforesaid is evidenced by its circular attraction ; for small pieces of Steel being placed about it are all obliquely attracted and forced to it , and not directly ; which is an undoubted sign of the stones circular motion . 2. These Effluvia issuing forth in great fumes are through a superabundance protruded into small bodies of steames , which through an overforcing impulse of the air , do as it were reverberate & move back again , but circularly towards the stone , ( like as we see thick smoaks do in a Chimney ) still reserving their naturall motion from East to West . Wherefore it is through their circular motion that Steel is impelled to them obliquely , and through their reverberating impulse it is forced directly to the body of the Loadstone . Likewise the extreme part of the Compass Needle , being impregnated with the steames of the Magnete , which in the foresaid manner affecting a circular motion from East to West make choice of the extreme point of the Needle N , for one of its Poles , viz. its North Pole , which necessarily must remain immoveable and look towards the North , supposing its motion to be from East to West . But if those steames were rowled from South to North as Cartesius imagined , then the Needle would constantly be shaken by a motion tending upwards and downwards , which it is not . To the contrary we see , that the said Needle is very inclinable to move Eastward and Westward , if but lightly toucht because of the steams moving from East to West , and from VVest to East ; for the motion of the Needle excited by a conquassation moves circularly in raising it self and moving towards the East , and thence depressing it self and returning to the VVest . 3. How can it be rationally conceived , that these steames should rowl from South to North since they cannot move the Needle that waies , it being fastned at the middle ? 4. Hence you may be resolved , why the Needle being only toucht at one extremity doth tend Northwards with a greater force ; because its rowling requiring a freedom of circulating Eastward and Westward , fixes the point Northerly , as being one of its Poles . Besides this motion obversing about its extremity urgeth a greater force upon the whole Needle , because there it and all other bodies ( viz. at the extremity ) are the weakest and least potent to resist . Likewise the same Needle being affricted at its Southerly part in Southern Regions Verges to the South ( because of the Southern Pole of the air , ) as that of the North point to the North in Northerly Countries , because of its imitating the North Pole of the air . But if touched about the middle its Vergency is the same , although with less force , because the weight of the Needle doth most resist the impulse of the Magnetical effluvia at its centrical parts . Next for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , through what it is , that the Magnete together with the nautical Steel do accline to the South and North Pole. Here take notice that the steames of our stone , consisting of predominating fire and air , do therefore also imitate the nature of both : Wherefore it being natural to fire and air , if detained from their Center , to continue a circular motion , and to move upon two Poles of North and South about an Axeltree from East to West , and from West to East , it cannot but it must also be the nature of all steams as being likewise detained from their Center to affect the same motion and in the same manner : For fire and air flowing from East to West like the Ocean , which hath also made choice of the same motion , do carry all igneous and aierial bodies along with them , as the said Ocean bears all swimming bodies with it . That fire and air obtain such a motion we shall in the ensuing Chapters evidently demonstrate . These Herculean steames are also assisted by the protrusion of the flowing ambient air , because they being continuous and cohering do give way to the airs propulsion : For if they were contiguous and their particles dishering , they would scarce be moved by the air , but would break through . So that it is more than probable , that the steames move with the air Eastward , Besides , those Miasmata being aerial do of their own nature strive for rest against the earth , which causeth them to move circularly . Lastly , we are to evidence how the air may be assisting in moving the steames back from East to West about the Needle ; for the air doth in our Hemisphaere continue a westward floud ; but this is easie enough . All flowing bodies do whirl , when appelling against a body that lyeth or standeth in their way : As for instance , where you hold your finger in a flowing water or River , there the water whirles or moves round about your finger ; or where there are heaps of gravel or sand lying in the water , there you see the like effect : Even so it is with the air , which being alwaies in a floud , doth whirl about any weighty body , that lyeth or standeth in its way : Wherefore then the floud of the air hitting against the weighty Iron of the Needle lying in its way doth turn and whirl round about it , and so doth withal impel the Chalibeat and Magnetical steames to the same course , whereunto they do also of their own nature seem to incline . Moreover , Iron wrought into a thin long shape , and insisting moveably and lightly upon an immoveable sustaining point doth inclinatively turn its extremities towards the arctick and antartick Poles of the Air : The reason is , because its steames are led with the stream of the air , which ever tending from East to West doth convey the steames of Iron ( although but weakly , because they do not emanate very copiously from it ) westward , and consequently its Poles must then necessarily be coincident with those of the air . A Needle swimming in the water ( but then it must be still and thin ) doth obvert it self to the same Poles ; the reason is evident . Supposing that those steams did cease , and were quite exhaled , nevertheless would a long piece of Steel , insisting lightly upon a sustaining immoveable point be caused to stick out its Poles North and South , because the air moving in a great , swift , and full steame enters the pores of the steel , and drives it cross or long waies , just as we see in a River , which carrieth a boat or any long piece of wood ( as a Mast ) being adrift , athwart or with its cross sides against the stream , and points its ends to the borders of the said River , which being ( as it were ) immoveable in respect to the cross drift of the Mast are instead of its Poles . X. There wants yet the inserting of the cause of the deviation of the Mariners Needle : Which being accidental to it , happens through terrestrial and aqueous bodies condensing and incrassating the air * , whereby they do somewhat stop and retard the airs swift course only in its lowermost Region , which being retarded there makes an obliquity in its stream , since the other part of the air flowing in the second and third Region is forced to leave the lowermost streams a little behind , which makes the Essluvia of the Needle and Loadstone choose another Pole. So then about the Fortunate Islands the lower Region keeps touch with the others and therefore is conpolar , rendring the Essluvia of the Stone and Needle likewise conpolar . The reason is , because the air being very thin there , is not thick enough to retain any gross bodies , such as might hinder its course . Besides , that Climate being temperate and but little infested with heat is not so much obnoxious to the imbibition of Vapours or exhalations ; neither is it subjected to receive any dense minimas falling down from the Coelestial Poles , which do likewise retard the inferiour Region of the air . Under the Line , and within some degrees of it the air is likewise retarded by being discontinuated below through the torrid minimas raining down from the Heavens and reflecting there , whereby it is compelled to be expolar in a degree two or three , whence also the Needle varies in the same number of degrees . About Neurenburgh the air in its lower Region is retarded bear 10 degrees , and consequently differs in the distance of its Poles from those of the 2d & 3d Region in 10 degrees . In Nova Zembla 17. and very probably the further Mariners steer to the Northward the more degrees they find their Compass Needle to linger , because the more remote they go from the universal flame * , the more they find the air condensed and incrassated with earthy and waterish minima's , whereby it is flowed in its fluor . And doubtless directly under the Poles of the Heavens the inferiour Region of the Air is altogether immoveable , and consequently its Poles must likewise be admitted to be at the same places . Further , these deviations of the Needle do signifie the Altitude and declination of the Poles of the air , which altitudes and declinations are to be conceived nothing else but the degrees of the Airs retardation and acceleration in the inferiour Region , or the degrees which the superiour Regions of the air exceed the lowest in swiftness of motion , which various excess of Degrees seems to us to make choice of sundry Poles , but in effect doth not , it hapning through nothing but through the airs addensation . Against what I have here proposed may be objected , That although granting such a motion to the universal tract of the air , yet it is dubitable , whether the air being separated from its whole body , and included within the limits of a Compass box doth continue the same motion ; for water contained in a Porringer , and seperated from its elementary body doth cease imitating the course of the great Ocean ; likewise Pools and other standing waters desert that actual motion , which , if united to the Ocean , they would reserve . Hereunto I give my answer , 1. That water in a Porringer , Poole , or Lake striving no longer for a Center , ( for it enjoyes one there ) doth not move downwards of it self , or is thence circularly reflected as water is , when it is deprived from its Center ; wherefore that motion downwards , which is in the water in a Porringer , Lake , or Pool , is not caused intrinsecally through a bent for a center , but by an extrinsick impulse of the air striving downwards for it center , and meeting with thick water , which it cannot easily pass , it bends and forceth the stronger upon it , that so it may give way . But the air in a Compass box is still detained from its center , especially by the intercurrent emanations of the Needle , about whose * extremity both air and Magnetical steames move circularly together , as upon one of the Poles . More than all this , the air within the Box is still continuated to the whole tract of the air , whereby it is assisted and furthered in its circular motion : Whereas water is discontinuated from its intire body . But you may instance , That the Box together with the glass atop doth interrupt the continuation of the air within the Compass from its Elementary body without ; or if that did not , certainly the whole Compass Box being thrust deep under water would , and nevertheless the Needle would point South and North. I answer , That a thousand glasses or boxes would scarce be sufficient to hinder the communication of the air , since they are all pervious : Yet I cannot but grant that the water may ; which if it doth , it doth only diminish the strength of the Needles Vergency , but doth not quite abolish it ; unless the air within begins to be incrassated by water entring in vapours , and then its circular motion and consequently the Needles Vergency is quite lost and abolished . Wherefore I conclude , That the air in the Box , although under water doth continue in a circular motion ( because of its detention from a center , ) untill it is incrassated by water . XII . But before I come too near to the conclusion of this Chapter , let me take the leasure to balance what Cartesius sets down upon this matter . After the enumeration of the properties of the Magnete , he observes that there are striated particles , that are sent down from the South part of Heaven , and bowed quite into another kind of shape , different from those that rain down from the North ; whence it is that the one cannot enter into those Channels and passages , which the other can . He further observes , that the South particles do pass directly from their seat through the midst of the earth , and when passed return back again with the air that is cast about the earth , because the passages through which they pass are such , that they cannot return back again through the same . The like is to be understood of those particles , that press through the earth from the North. In the mean time as many new parts as there do alwaies come on from the South and North part of the Heavens , so many there do return or fall back through the East and West parts of the Heavens , or else are dispersed in their journey , and lose their Figures , not in passing the middle Region of the earth , because there their passages are made fit for them , through which they flow very swiftly without any hinderance , but in returning through the air , water , and other bodies of the outward earth , wherein they find no such passages , they are moved with much more difficulty , and do constantly meet with particles of the second and third Element , by which they labouring to expel them are sometimes diminisht . Now in case these striated particles hit against the Loadstone lying in its natural position , then they find a clear passage and go through , because ( he saith ) a Loadstone is pervious in the same manner as the earth is , and therefore calleth the Earth also a Magnete . The Poles of the Loadstone he states to be the middle points of its passages on both ends . That , which is the middle point between those passages , that are disposed to receive the particles descending from the North part of the Heavens , is the North Pole , and its opposite point is the South Pole. But when the striated particles , that come from the Poles of the Earth , hit against the passages of the Magnete lying athwart , then they do by that force , which they have of persevering in their motion according to right Lines , impell it untill they have reduced it to its natural position , and so they effect that its South Pole ( provided it be not detained by any external force , ) turns towards the North Pole of the Earth , and its North Pole towards the South Pole of the Earth : Because those particles that tend from the North Pole of the Earth through the air to the South , came first from the South part of the Heavens through the midst of the earth , and the others that return to the North , came from the North. Here you have the chief of the forementioned Authors fansie upon the demonstration of the properties of the Loadstone . In the first place , how can any one probably conceive , that there are striated parts sent down from Heaven ; for consider the immense distance , ( which he agrees to ) the interposition of thick clouds filled up with dense exhalations , and the continuous depth of the air . Is not the air potent enough to dissolve all bodies contained within its bowels , doth it not dissolve the thick frozen clouds into snow , hail , and thick rain ? Doth it not dissolve the coagulated exhalations of the earth , that are so tenacious ? Much more those striated parts , which he himself confesses are dissipated at their return through the force of the ambient air , & that in so short a time & passage . Why should these striated particles descend more from the polar Regions of the Heavens , than from the East and West parts ? Are not the Poles of the Heavens immoveable , of the least efficacy ? Are not those parts of the Firmament alwaies discerned to be clearest , and most freed from obscure bodies ? Is not the North and South air so much condensed and congealed , that it is impossible for it to give passage to such subtil bodies as the pores of the Magnet do require ? I say impossible to subtil bodies , because they need force to press through ; and so much the more , because they are discontinuated . But had our Author asserted them to rain down from the East and West parts , where the air is thinnest , and less nebulous , and where the Coelestial bodies exercise their greatest influences , it would have deserved a freer reception ; but then his Chimera would have been rendred monstrous , and unfit to explain the reasons of the Magnetical vertues . The south streaks ( saith he ) are intorted in a form different from those of the North : whence had he that news ? what ? Because one Pole of the Magnete inclineth to the North , and the other to the South , therefore these streaks must needs be sent down from the North and South : Is this a Mathematical Demonstration to conclude the cause ( and a false one too ) by the effect ? A notion by far inferiour to those of the wanderers , and that which adds to this absurdity is to imagine that these streaks should retain their shape notwithstanding their continual and long grinding against the air in their descent , and not change their shape a hundred times over . Doth not a cloud , which must be supposed to be of a firmer consistency than those particles , make choice of a new shape every moment ? But how much the more these small tender bodies ? And that which is most absurd is , to propose that such a vast number or troops of these particles should arrive hither into our North Hemisphere from the South so obliquely without changing their shape ; further he supposeth them to come bearing down directly through the Earth , and through the Magnete , which is impossible , unless it be in a right sphaere ; whereas we here are situated in a very oblique sphere , and consequently the Magnet is also obliquely seated here , wherefore it is requisite that these streakes should alwaies beat against the Magnet in these Regions obliquely , and change their shape very oft . But how monstrous is it to maintain these particles to flie through the Diameter of the Earth and water , being bodies most dense , close , & thick in many places shutting out fire and air , being substances by a Million of degrees exceeding Des-Cartes in subtility ; or how is it possible they should pass the most Icy and deep thick body of water ? well , and yet through all this difficulty they should retain their shape ; this is an absurdum absurdissimorum absurdissimum . The earth is pervious in such a manner as to fit the shape of the Coelestial streakes : and were it so , certainly it moving about the Sun according to his assent must change its passages and so thwart the entrance of the Coelestial subtilities . As for the passages of the Magnete , we grant them to be numerously seminated through its body , but their shape is quite different . My time doth even weary me in making disquisition upon so dishering and monstrous a Chimera ; I should easier give credit to Rablais his Pantagruel , or the Fables of AEsope , than to so obtuse a phantasm . XIII . There remains yet a word or two touching the fabulous property of this Stone , which you have described by Famianus de Strada , Libavius and others , viz. that two Loadstones , although at a great distance , do so sympathize with one another , that they move at one anothers passive impulsion , and that towards the same place ; as , for two friends residing in different Countries , and intending to signifie their meaning or desires to each other , they are only to make use of two steel needles , of an equal size , & to rub them both against the same side of the Magnete , and afterwards to place them in a Compass Box , and so turning either of the Needles to any Point of the Compass , the other is thought to obey to the same motion , whereby they come to know one anothers meaning , as having mutually at their last meeting agreed to impose a certain signification upon each point of the said Compass . Hence they deduce a Magnetical ( or like to it ) sympathy in curing of wounds , a sympathy in the affinity of bloud , a sympathy between the guts and their excrements , between superlunary & sublunary bodies , between men and men , men and beasts , men and parts of beasts , men and plants , beasts and beasts , beasts and plants , some natural bodies and others : So that whereas formerly Philosophers used to excuse their ignorance by occult qualities , now having worn them out they accur to Magnetical sympathies . There is not a Surgeon or Apothecary so ignorant , but he will as cunningly find out a cause , whereby to explain the most abstruse effect of nature , and instantly tell you such or such an effect happens through a Magnetical sympathy , as the most learned Mr. Doctor . But is this the great advancement of Learning and Philosophy , which our Age doth so much boast of ? Is it not rather a grand piece of impudence to propose such absurdities , and much more to give credit to them ? If Loadstones are subjected to such a necessary sympathy , then one Magnet being retracted to a certain point of the Compass , all must yield to the same point . But the consequence is ridiculous , ergo the Antecedence is no less . 2. This sympathy is either communicable through means of the air , or through it self without any intermediate body , and consequently a natural action must agere in distans : not the first ; for it is impossible , that its steames should be conveighed to such a distance in their full vigour ; not the second , that sounding absurd in the ears of all Naturalists . The other kind of sympathies I intend to treat of elsewhere . CHAP. IV. Of Life , and living Bodies . 1. What Life is . 2. The Form of Life . Why Vegetables are generated no where but near to the Surface of the Earth . 3. The properties of a Vital Form. 4. The definiton of Nutrition , and the manner of it . Whether food is required to be like to the dissipated parts . 5. What Accretion is , and the manner of it . 6. The manner of the generation of a Plant. 7. The manner of the germination of a Plant. A delineation of all the parts of a Plant. 8. What the Propagation of a Plant is , and the manner of it . 1. HItherto we have proposed to you the nature of Earths , Minerals , and Stones , which are the lowest degree of natural bodies , and therefore do most of all resemble their predominating Element in nature and properties ; the next degree to this is , wherein Vegetables or Plants are constituted , and through whose prerogative a more noble Essence and dignities are allotted to them , consisting in Life , Accretion , and Propagation . The life of a Plant is its singular nature , through which it is nourished and accreased , and doth propagate . As Generation and Corruption in a strict sense are only appropriated to in animated naturals , so are Life and Death restrained to animated ones ; namely , to Plants , Animals , and Men. Peripateticks seem to observe a twofold difference of life , viz. Substantial and Accidental . The former is taken for the principle of the vital operations ; The latter for the actions of life , as Nutrition , Accretion and Propagation . We here intend neither abstractly , but define the life of a Plant concretely , that is a living body , substance or plant , to be a being composed out of a Physical matter , specified by a distinct form from pure naturals , and through its Essence to be qualified to nourish it self , accrease , and to generate : Wherefore Aristotles Followers do justly condemn Cardan . lib. 7. de subtil . and Cornel. Valer. Cap. 44. instit . Phys. for maintaining life it self to be an action , that is a quality or property really distinct from its subject ; But withall stumble into no small an inconvenience in defining it to be an Actus , which is no otherwise distinguished from an action than a concrete from an abstract : So that in inserting actus they must mean an ( substantia agens ) acting substance , which if so , then an accident is not really distinguisht from a substance , and a substance must be conceived to act immediately through her self . Aristotle lib. de respir. describes life to be the permansion or abiding of the vegetable foul with the heat . From which that of Scaliger , exercit . 202. sect . 5. is little different : Life is the union of the soul with the body . Here the Philosopher appears only to describe life to be a duration , which is but an accident ; neither doth Scaliger's union signifie any thing more . 2. They distinguish the soul really from the heat and body , which in the same sense are identificated . The matter and form of life , of a living substance , or a Plant , are originally the matter and form of the Elements . That the matter of living substances is Elementary , there are few or none among the wandring Philosophers but will assert it with me , yet as for their form their great Master hath obliged them to deny it to be Elementary , and to state it to be of no baser a rice than Coelestial . Give me leave here to make inquiry , what it is they imply for a form : Is it the vegetable soul , which Aristotle makes mention of in his definition of life ? Or is it the soul together with the heat , wherein it is detained , which is accounted of an extract equally noble with her ? Be it how it will , the soul is really distinguisht by them from the matter and from the Celestial heat ( here they take heat in a sense common with Physicians , for Calidum innatum , that is heat residing it the radical moisture ) its subject , and acknowledged for a form . So likewise the heat ( Calidum innatum ) is diversified from the matter and from the soul , wherefore it is neither matter or form , What then ? Their confession owns it to be a body Celestial , and therefore no Elementary matter . Were I tied to defend their tenents I should answer that there was a twofold matter to be conceived in every living body , the one Celestial , and the other Elementary : But then again one might justly reply , That beings are not to be multiplied beyond necessity . They do answer for themselves , That it is to be imagined a tye ( vinculum ) whereby the soul is tied to the body . So then according to this Doctrine of theirs I should understand the vegetable soul to be immaterial , and of the same nature in respect to its rice and immortality with the rational soul ; for even that is in like manner tied to the body by means of the Calidum innatum , and are both apprehended by Aristotle to be Celestial , of no mixt body , and really differing from their matter : If so , the vegetable soul must be received for immortal as being subject to no corruption or dissolution because it is Celestial and consequently a single Essence , without any composition , and to which no sublunary agent can be contrary . But again , how can it be a single essence since it is divisible , and therefore consisteth of a quantitative extension , and is a totum integrale ? Such is their Philosophy , full of contradictions and errours . In the next place I would willingly know , how this innate heat together with its primogenial moisture may properly be termed Celestial , since it is not freed from corruption and dissolution , whereas all Celestial bodies are exempted from dissolution , and therefore the Philosopher takes them for eternal ? Are not coldness and dryness as much necessary per se for life , as heat and moisture ? Are heat and moisture sole agents without coldness or dryness , or are fire and water sufficient principles for actuating life ? In no wise , for as you have read , they are uncapable of existing in one subject unless accompanied by air and earth . II. Wherefore I say , That the form of life is spirits or subtilities of the Elements united in mixtion and a just temperament . Spirits are derived from the word spiro , I breathe , as being bodies no less subtil than a breath . Their constitution is out of the best concocted , temperated , and nearest united parts of the Elements , in which parts the Elements embracing one another so arctly , minutely and intimately , do of a necessity separate themselves from the courser parts of the mixture , and so become moveable through the said course parts ; they acquire withal a great force through the predominancy of fire condensed by earthy minim's , and glued together by incrassated air . The force and agility in motion of the influent Spirits depends upon the compression of the weighty parts of the body , depressing the said spirits out of their places ( because they hinder the weighty parts from their center , ) which being through their incrassated air naturally gendred glib and slippery do the easier yield to slip out and in from one place to another . The efficient of spirits is the universal external heat , viz. The Celestial heat , mainly proceeding from the greater mixt bodies contained within the heavens : For although the peregrin Element's contained within the earth are capable enough of uniting themselves , and constituting a mixt body through their proper form , yet they remain unable of uniting themselves so arctly , as thereby to become spiritous and constitute a living substance ; wherefore they do stand in need of the external efficiency of the Celestial bodies , which through their subtil heat do accelerate their most intimate union , in uniting the internal heat ( before dispersed through the parts of a body ) to a center , whereunto they could not reach without the arct and firm adherence of some incrassated aerial and terrestrial parts , which here are yet more closely united into one , and refined from their grosser parts . Hence it is , that Vegetables are no where generated but where a sufficient influence may arrive from the Celestial bodies ; and for this reason , the earth at a certain depth doth not harbour any living Creature , as any Vermine , or Plants , but only near to its Surface . The qualification or gradual distinction of this heat partially effects the difference of living bodies ; for to such a Vegetable , only such a degree and qualification of Celestial heat is requisite , and to another another : and withal observe that this efficient heat doth not become formal , neither doth it unite it self to the intrinsick heat of a Plant , but exhales after the execution of its office ; The reason is , because it is in many particulars unlike to the internal spirit of a Vegetable , and therefore being unfit to be united to it must consequently after the performance of its function expire . The spirits predominating in fire reside in an incrassated air , the which being continuated throughout the whole matter is the immediate subject , whereby the spirits are likewise extended throughout the same body , and are ( although mediately ) rendred continuous . III. The properties of a vegetative form are to be moveable , forcible , actually warm , mollifying , attractive , recentive , concocting , expulsive , nutritive , accretive , and plastick . The two former I have touched just before : Touching the third , I say those spirits are actually warm , but not sensible to our touch , because their heat is of a lower degree than ours ; however we feel they are less cold ( for in comparison to our warmth they are cold ) than pure naturals , as Earths , Stones , or Metals . This befalls through their fire condensed , in such a degree and manner , that it kindles the least flame , whose greatest effect is but the remissest warmth . How fire mollifieth I have formerly shewed : Besides , that which adds much to this is the incrassated air , whence its parts are rendred tenacious and cohering . Living spirits are attractive , but how ? Not as Novices have hitherto imagined through the fires egress and appulsion to a portable body , and thence returning as it were loaden with a burden : But through dissipating and feeding upon its incrassated air , which diminishing , other air ready prepared touching it succeeds and bends into its room , being impregnated with some parts of the exhaling fire , which it imports along with it . This new advening incrassated air you must conceive contains also some earthy minima's and condensed fire ready to take flame , through which it moves much stronger inwards . That air strives thus to enter into the cavities left by a precedent air , I shall make good to you in its proper place . Spirits are retentive through continuing their accidental attraction , & by means of their courser parts , which being extensive and tenacious are by the succeding air blown up into the middle parts , where swelling must needs constrict the upper and lower filaments or containing parts . They exercise their concocting vertue upon the succeeding ayry moisture , by melting its body , which done its purer parts succeeds the dissipated thickned air , because it is compressed upwards through the constriction of the weighty Elements . The grosser parts being left behind , as not being subtil enough to follow their finer , are expelled by the exhaling heat , which being somewhat condensed and corporeal is forced to drive the excrementitious parts of the incrassated air before it , before it can procure its egress , which is the manner of the spirits exercising their expulsive faculty : Here we need no musculs , nor alwaies right , oblique or transverse Fibres , or what not , to attract , retain , concoct , and expell ? For what use could the vital flame of a tree make of them , since they cannot be extended and contracted into requisite shapes . The truth of all this I will confirm to you by the burning of a Candle , where you may in like manner observe one and the same flame attracting , concocting , retaining , and expelling its nutriment or incrassated air , namely , the Tallow , and doubtless Vegetables are not differing from these in exercising the same faculties . The flame of a Candle doth attract the Tallow not by right fibres , or by fiery parts egressing and returning with their load ; for that is contrary to the nature of fire , whereby it is diffused from its center , but the unctious parts adhering to the Cotton , and retained within those smal villi of it , which being dissipated , the nearest adjacent parts of the Tallow do naturally succeed , not to avoid a vacuum , but because their parts are continuated , which so being , one part attracts the other ; besides those adjacent unctious parts being expanded are diffused by their ambient air compressing for a center into the cavities between the Cotton , where they are retained . These retained parts are concocted , that is dissolved by liquefaction , where only the subtiler and purer parts succeed the dissipated preceding ones , through means of the beforesaid compressing air ; the courser parts are elevated and expelled by the expiring fire into the form of smoaks . The same may be instanced to you in the burning of spirits of Wine , wherein the same particulars are observable . Here I do with purpose leave out the principal part of this notion , whereby to demonstrate the motion of food to the parts , because I have reserved it ( God willing ) for another Volume . IV. By these four actions nutrition is performed , which sounds nothing else but the conservation or maintenance of the vital form to wit , the spirits or vital flames in their matter , or being , by supplying them with new parts against the defect of the dissipated ones . In this definition you have set down the in ernal active principle of nutrition , viz. the vital form , spirits , or living flames , which according to your pleasure you may term Anima vegetativa , in contradistinction to anima naturalis , so that anima here is synonymous to a form or internal active principle : The subjective internal principle is the matter : the end , or rather the bent is to conservate the form in her matter ; the action and means whereby , is generally by supplying it with new parts , particularly by attracting food or aliment , retaining , concocting it , and expelling the excrements . As for the food , It is required it should be aerial and igneous , or like to the parts that are to be nourished ; hence they say Simile simili conservatur ; Like is preserved by like : Here may be objected the relation of the King of Cambaia his Son , who was fed with poysonous meats , in a manner that when he was grown up , his bloud or rather his skin was so intirely stayned with poyson , that flies sucking it immediatly swelled and dyed : And of a Girl , that was sent by an Indian King to Alexander for a gift , which being fed and brought up with poison killed the King alone by her looks . The History of Mithridates King of Pontus is universally known , and of the Ducks of the same Country , that feed altogether upon poyson . The inference hence is , that poyson although unlike to the vital spirits ( which at most times it doth usually destroy , ) yet sometimes becomes a food to them . I answer , that it is no wise unlike to them , because it doth nourish them ; possibly at its first eating , it might be unlike , and therefore it then making them sick was rejected by their natures ; but they by degrees accustoming themselves to it , their spirits were gradually assimilated to it , and also brought to be poysonous , as appears by the History of the King of Cambaia his Son , and of the forementioned Girl . Hence it follows , that pure Elements are insufficient for food , as likewise all other substances , that are not igneous and aerial , or such as are unapt of being converted into a flame . This resolves us that the Chameleon doth not live upon air , nor the Aquarels upon water , nor Toads upon Earth , nor Salamanders upon fire . V. Accretion is an action of life , through which a living body is intended in form , and extended in matter . This action is performed by the same form , and the same nutriment , but the former growing more vigorous becomes through that degree of intention of vigour yet more vigorous , and the latter being more and more dissipated through the gradual intention of heat doth likewise gradually increase through a greater accesse of nutriment , than was dissipated . This instance may serve to make a further illustration of it to you : Focal fire doth accrease in form , ( that is , intense heat ) and in matter or extension of its quantitative parts by greater apposition of fewel ; This fewel at its first apposition to the fire is not yet attracted or become a fit nutriment for it , before it succeeds the incrassated air by a continuation , and through an impulse of the ambient air , and then being attracted it is concocted , and its aerial parts are gradually adjoyned to the former air , where its formal parts , to wit its latent fire being adunited to the form of the former fire doth accrease the former fire and form , which accretion must necessarily attract yet more nutriment , which nutriment acceding doth each time increase its form and matter . Even so it is with Plants attracting much nutriment , the which the gradual increasing of their form and matter doth dispose to a greater attraction , which again a greater supply of formal & material parts do necessarily consecute . But seeing that all Plants do accrease no further than to a determinate quantity of formal and material parts , it will not prove amiss to give the reason of it , which we shall do hereafter . In order to a further explanation of this definition let us first shew you the Homonymia of accretion . 1. It is taken for an augmentation of number in naturals , animals or others : Thus a heap of Corn , of Beasts , or of Men is said to be augmented , because it is increased by access of a greater number of individuals of the same species . 2. It is strictly appropriated to the augmentation of an Element through the apposition of another Element , or of its own , namely to rarefaction ; For example , Water is said to be accreased , when it is rarefied ( according to my intention attenuated ) by the apposition of air . 3. It is understood , for an accrease proper to living creatures , that is such , as is performed through an introsusception ( as they vulgarly term it ) of nutriment , whereby a body is increased throughout all dimensions . 4. Erroneously , for an accretion by adgeneration or apposition ; so fire is said to accrease by apposition of fewel ; but this kind of accretion is the same with that caused through rarefaction . 5. Philosophers intend it sometimes for an increase of vertue or perfection in a body , as of heat in a fire , or cold in a frost , whence they term it a vertual accretion . 6. For the accretion of material parts only , or of the Mole or body of a thing , wherefore it is vulgarly agreed to call it a dimensive accretion . To distinguish accretion , as it is treated of here , you are to apprehend it for the accrease of a Vegetable in matter and form , or as they term it both for a dimensive and virtual accretion . Accretion is otherwise called auction , or augmentation , which notwithstanding in a proper sense do differ from one another in largeness and strictness of signification . Auction is common to all the forementioned kinds of accretion . Augmentation is restricted to that , which happens through apposition , but Accretion is only proper to living substances , or to such as is performed by an introreception of Elementary parts , and whereby they are extended into all dimensions . Accretion comprehends in it all the kinds of motion , viz. alteration , auction , and Local motion : A Vegetable is increased virtually or in its qualities , and likewise the nutritive actions are performed by alteration : That it is related to auction the name and definition it self doth convince . Local motion is likewise necessary for the effecting of Accretion , because by its means the aliment is attracted to the central parts of a living substance . By the precedents we may easily be resolved , whether a vegetable accreaseth through a penetration of Dimensions , or by the admission of a Vacuum . I answer through neither , but by the giving way of the parts , and their being extended by the succeeding aliment : Notwithstanding you may reply the doubt to remain the same still ; for the succeeding nutriment is either received in a full body , or in an empty or void one : If in the former , then a penetration of dimensions must be allowed , if in the other a vacuum must be admitted . I answer , That in one sense the nutriment is received in a vacuum , that is void of such nutriment as is to be next received , but not in a vacuum simpliciter , for it is replenisht with vapours , or air , or excrements , which are protruded by the advent of the nutriment , and so it is received in pleno . 2. Whether Augmentation be effected through extension of parts , or pulsion . I answer through both ; The first is requisite , because without it Accretion is impossible , since thereby a body is extended into all dimensions ; Neither can the second be wanted , since the succeeding parts may be conceived to impel one another forward , and the formost of them to propel the preceding nutriment . VI. The first and last of a Plant is its first generation , and its last propagation . By the first generation I intend the first rice and production of a Plant out of the Earth without being derived by propagation from any preceding Vegetable , or in one word its sementation . Although by course of my method I ought to have treated of this before , yet knowing that the premitted notions would add much to the explanation of this matter , it did prevail with me to subjoyn this to them . The earth we spy to be the universal Mother of all Vegetables , being within her self divided into several wombs , within which she is apt to conceive divers genitures or seeds , and retaining he fame untill their perfection , she then casts them forth from her . I shall first make observation upon the Wombs of the Earth , next upon her Conception , then upon the Protrusion of her Foetus . The Surface of the Earth is divided into numerous Wombs of various Figures , and various dispositions of temperament , bigness , &c. The Wombs of the Earth that are destined for Vegetables , are small and narrow Cavities , formed by the transcursions of exhalations and vapours , though their passage impressing that variety of Figures . These formed are actuated with a prolifick heat ( Calidum ) consisting out of part of the heat of the through passed subtilities , and part of the influent heat . The Cavities graven within are left rough , and close , filled up with air , or other thin substances , as vapours ; these must needs be rough , because where ever we see the Earth excavated , it alwaies appears rough , which contributes much to the conception and retention of the seed or geniture , and so doth its closeness . These Wombs do not remain long ventous , without being gravidated with some spermatick matter , which is constituted out of the most subtil and active parts or spirits of passing exhalations , being so arctly knit and united into a subtil temperament of their Elements , that they might be termed volatil bodies , actuated most by fire and air . These spirits or volatil bodies cannot divagate without meeting with some moisture , which doth unite them and cohibite them into one body ; nevertheless they continue in making their way untill they arrive to some Cavity , where they may be harboured ( or else they may be stayed by so much moisture as may force them through their intumescence to raise a womb where they meet , ) where being arrived they are immediately cherished and further actuated , united , and condensed by the close and cold temperature of the womb . This actuation conceives a flame , because through it the fire happens to be united , and thence dilated by the incrassated air , whose immediate effect is a flame ; now being come to a flame they attract nutriment out from their matrix in the same manner as was set down before . The spiritous parts of this advening nutriment is united to the central parts of the flame , which it doth increase ; it s other parts that are more humorous and less defecated are concreased by the lesser heat of the extreme parts , or a heat lessened through the greater force of the extrinsick cold . That which is worthy of inquiry here is , Why the heat or vital flame strives to maintain the central parts ; moreover , this seems to thwart what I have inserted before , viz. That it is the nature of fire to be diffused from the center . 2. Whence it is occasioned , that the weighty parts , as the dense and humoral ones are expelled to the Circumference . For solution of the first you are to call to mind , that the Elements in that stare , wherein they are at present , do war one against the other for the Center , which if each did possess , this motion would cease in them ; the fire then being now in possession of the Center contracts it self , and strives to maintain its place ; nevertheless it doth not forbear diffusing its parts circularly to the circumference , because through its natural rarity it is obliged to extend it self to a certain sphere . The reason of the second is , Because the igneous and ayry parts being united into a flame and into a greater force do over-power the other Elements and impell them to the Periphery , where they being strengthned by the ambient coldness of the Matrix are stayed , and do concrease into a thick skin ; by this also the internal flame is prevented from dissipating its life , and the better fitted to elaborate its design , which is to work it self into shapes of small bodies , of several Figures , and of various Properties , and in those shapes to diffuse each within a proportion of other Elements likewise variously tempered . And so you have in brief a perfect delineation of the Earths conception and formation of Seeds , whose spirits being now beset with thick dense parts are catochizated , that is , the flame is maintained in such a posture which it had , when it had just accomplisht the plasis of the internal organical parts ; or in some the flame may be extinguisht through the near oppression by heavy parts , which * afterwards being stirred and fortified by an extrinsick heat relaxing its parts returns to a flame . Whence it happens , that seeds may be kept several months , yea years , without protruding their parts , but being committed to the ground , especially where the mild heat of the heavens doth penetrate , perfused also with a moderate moysture , do soon after come to a germination . The same may be effected by any other mild heat , like we see that many seeds are perduced to a growth before the spring of the year in warm chests , or in dunged ground ; Eggs are frequently harched by the heat of an Athanor , or by being placed between two Cushions stuft with hot dungs ; Silk-worms Eggs are likewise brought to life by childrens heat , being carried for two or three weeks between their shirts and wascoats , all which instances testifie that the heat of the Sun is no more then Elementary , since other Elementary heats agree with it in its noblest efficience , which is of actuating and exciting life within the genitures of living bodies ; possibly it may somewhat exceed them as being more universal , equal , less opposed , and consequently more vigorous and subtil . The time , when the Earth is most marked with Matrices , is in the Spring and Fall , because the astral heat is then so tempered , that it doth gently attract great quantity of exhalations and humours ; neither is it long after before they conceive , the influences of the Stars being then pregnant in subtilizing and raising seminal matter . The cause of the variety of Seeds and Plants thence resulting I have set down above , and withall why it is that ( Non omnis fert omnia tellus ) every kind of Earth doth not produce all kinds of herbs ; but why herbs of the hottest nature are sometime conceived within the body of water might be further examined . In order to the solution of this Probleme , you must note that the seeds of such herbs as do bud forth out of the water , were not first conceived within the water as water , but where it was somewhat condensed by Earth , as usually it is towards the sides , where those Plants do most shew themselves ; for water in other places , where it is fluid , is uncapable of receiving the impression of a womb , excepting only where it is rendred tenacious and consistent through its qualification with glutinous or clayish earth . And this shall serve for a reason to shew , that herbs germinate out of water , although they are not conceived within it * . The ground , why the hottest herbs , as Brooklime , Watercresses , Water crowfoot , &c. are generated in the water , is , in that the spirits informating those Plants are subtil and rare , easily escaping their detention by any terrestrial matrix , as not being close enough by reason of its contiguity of parts ; but water , be the spirits never so subtil or rare , is sufficient to retain , stay , congregate , and impell them to a more dense union ( whence it is that such substances prove very acre and igneous to the pallat ) by reason of its continuous weight . Next let us enumerate the properties of a vegetable Seed . 1. Is , to be an abridgment of a greater body , or in a small quantity to comprehend the rudiments of a greater substance , so that there is no similar or organical part of a germinated plant , but which was rudimentally contained within its seed . 2. To be included within one or more pellicles . 3. To lye ( as it were ) dead for a certain time . 4. To need an efficient for the kindling of its life , whence it is , that the Earth was uncapable of protruding any plants before the Heavens were separated from the Earth , through whose efficiency , to wit their heat , living substances were produced . 5. To need an internal matrix for its production and germination , which is not alwaies necessary for the seeds of animals , as appears in the Eggs of Fowl and Silk-worms . 6. Only to be qualified with a nutritive , accretive , and propagative vertue . 7. To consist intrinsecally of a farinaceous matter . VII . The germination of a plant is its motion out of the Seed to the same compleat constitution of a Being or Essence , which it hath at its perfection . Motion in this definition comprehends the same kinds of motion , which Accretion was said to do , and withall is specified by its terminus a quo the seed , and a terminus ad quem a perfect living being , that is a being responding to the goodness and truth of its formal and material parts . A Plant at its perfection generally consists of divers parts , whereof some are said to be similar , others dissimilar : The former are such as do partake of one matter , and one partial form , and are destined for one single action , use , or end as they call it . The latter are distinct from one another in matter , Partial form , action , or use ; whence they are also termed organical , because two or more dissimilar parts being conjoyned prove a convenient organ for performing a compounded action . The similar parts are either fluid or consistent ; The first , being otherwise known by the name of liquid , are succulent , or lachrymal : The succulent ones are unctious or balsamick fluidities , contained within the venal porosities of Vegetables for their nutriment . That their fluidities are unctious appears by the breaking of a Vegetable and squeezing its juyce out , which doth manifest it self to be glutinous between ones fingers . The venal porosities are discovered by the humours pressed out of a discontinuated plant , and appearing to proceed out of the o●●ices of long exill channels . The colours of these juyces are various , some delighting in a milky colour as Tithymal ; Others in a dark yellow , ( as Celandine , ) waterish ( as a Vine , ) purple , green , and many others , which do all depend upon the diversity of temperament and degree of concoction . Lachrymal humours are fluidities proceeding out the pores of a plant through a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transudation * , pressed out either through the abundance of nutriment contained within the channels , or expelled by means of irritating external heat ; among these some are more aqueous , concreasing afterwards into a gumme , others like Pitch changing into Rozin . The consistent or solid parts are either the fleshy or fibrous parts of a plant . The fleshy ones are the parenchymous substances of a plant . By parenchymous understand parts , which being fleshy and of an equal consistency are extended equally into all dimensions . Fibrous parts are like strings diducted into length , and seminated through the parenchymous ones for the firmness of the body , and retention of nutriment . These are most right ones , some few oblique , and as few transverse . The Medullar substance is a similar part , being spungy , concreased within the innermost places of a plant out of a peculiar matter . The rind or bark is a similar part concreased out of the grossest part of the material principle of a plant . Dissimilar parts comprehend the root , trunck and boughs or branches . The root of a plant is the part defixed within the earth , consisting most of fibrous parts , little flesh , and a rind , and destined for to attract and prepare the nutriment for the whole plant . The trunck is the middle body of the plant between the root and the boughs , formed most out of flesh , some fibres , a vein of marrow , and a bark . The boughs are the body divided into many dissimilar substances of the same kind . Sprigs are the same with boughs , and differ only from them as Diminutives . The excrescent or abounding parts of a plant are the Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits . A Leafe is an abounding dissimilar part of a plant , consisting of a loose and moist flesh , and tender sinewes , strings or fibres produced out of the courser and less concocted part of the abounding nutriment of a Vegetable . A Flower is an excrescent dissimilar part , consisting of a smooth fine flesh , subtil fibres , and a thin pellicle , formed out of the siner and better concocted part of the abounding nutriment of a plant . Fruits are excrescent dissimilar parts , containing stones or kernels , gores , flesh , and a skin , some , although but few , having fibres . The excrements of Plants are either thick or thin : The thick adhere to the bark , and are worn off by the wind , rain , air , or are propelled by the succeeding excrements , which force the preceding to fall off . These are called the moss of a tree , whereof some is dry , sticking fast to the bark like bran , other is moister , 〈◊〉 and villous ; the thin expires and vanisheth through the air . Recremental or deforming parts are Knobs , Nodes , and Warts . Knobs are hard recremental parts of a tree , some sticking out in the bigness of a head , or fist , some greater , others less ; some being latent are also various in their extensions ; others having a cavity within the knob , others not . Nodes are plain hardnesses of a plant , and usually orbicular . Warts are likewise swelling hard recremental parts differing from knobs only in smalness . Thus far of the integral parts of a plant , which I thought necessary to premit , and thence to take occasion to explain their particular germination out of the seed , which continued in its matrix , or dimitted into another doth soon after either receive its flame a new by having its body opened , whereby the fiery parts return to an union , and being diducted by an incrassated air , return to a vital flame , which the celestial efficient , together with the internal disposition of the Matrix , being perfused with a gentle and piercing moisture , and indued with a sharp heat do concur unto by relaxing , mollifying , rarefying , and attenuating the intrinsick parts of the seed . 1. The seed is relaxed by a thin piercing humour , or in short by incrassated air , whereby the close parts are diducted , the heavy ones lifted up and balanced by other light ones ; between every diduction or space between two diducted parts the flame doth vegetate and assume nutriment , being every where diffused throughout those spaces . The flame it self in the mean time inheres radically in the consistent parts like the flame of a Candle in its Wieck or Cotton , into whose pores it attracts nutriment : Whence these flames being of an unequal and various intention , and their subjects of an unequal and various extension , do each according to their intention intend themselves and extend their subjects into a dayly accretion of parts , whereby in time they arrive to their just and definite magnitude , which is stented by the extream expansion of their Radical or Spermatick solid parts , and greatest intention of the spermatick spirits : For the spermatick matter or the seed it self is of that nature , that being very close tyed through its spirits . and radical moisture , and withall intertext with terrestrial minima's is capable of degrees of extension and rarefaction , until it appells to the highest degree ; within those degrees of extension and rarefaction it takes in gradually other matter , both solid , spiritous , and humorous , whereby it discovers its gradual accretion ; not unlike to Gunpowder , which within its bowels contains much fire densely united , but oppressed and hindered from flaming through the salin parts ; yet being stirred , excited , and somewhat freed from its said oppression , so as to reach to a flame , it acereaseth in body and flame by the access of the ambient air being permixt with a proportion of fire , which it draweth in for nutriment , untill it hath reached to the height of accretion . Whence you may plainly gather , 1. That the total vertue of Accretion lyeth hidden in the spermatick substance . 2. That the accretion of living parts happens through increasing their flame and extending their solid substance , and by being united to the radicall ones . This observation containes the greatest secresie of the art of Medicine , and is the sole basis of most of the Theoremes therein expressed , and withall detects a fundamental errour of Galen , whose tenet distinguisheth the influent heat essentially from the innate heat , whereas the former is nothing else but the flame of the latter increased by spirits lately advened and united to it by the last concocted nutriment . But of this more expressely in my Archelogia Iatrica . Notwithstanding I shall continue the history of Accretion in each part : Through the fore-mentioned expansion , rarefaction , and intumescence , the circumduced pellicles , being two in number , differing from one another only in crassitude , are gradually distended , untill at last all the parts being perfectly formed by the mechanick or plastick spirits in the manner beforesaid , break their Membranes first ( naturally ) at the top next towards the Surface of the Earth , but counter-naturally at the sides . The cause of this first eruption through the top depends upon the swifter and more forcible turgency of the light Elements tending upwards ; besides , upon the upper parts being more rarefied and attenuated through their greater nearness to the influential heat . The Root erupts soon after its having pierced through the membranes by means of its weight strengthned by course heat , groweth downwards , and spreads into branches , like the upper parts grow upwards spreading likewise into boughs : These are more rare and thin , as consisting of a thinner and rarer flame , and of a thin ( yet solid ) sperm , which according to the capacity of the same principles now mentioned do form themselves into boughs and leaves , attracting every day nourishment proportionable to what was dissipated . The Root doth in the same manner accrease by attracting weighty nutriment , being impregnated with a dense heat , and therefore can clime no higher ; but as for that which is more rare and thin , it ascends higher or lower according to its proportion of tenuity and rarity . The similar parts are accreased out of the more humorous parts of the attracted nutriment ; the solid ones out of the grosser parts of it . The barke is accreased out of the grossest reliques of the Aliment ; the fibres out of the grosser ; the fleshy parts out of a mean substance , between gross and subtill , solid and liquid ; the medullar once out of the more unctious and rare parts ; the boughs out of nutriment somewhat more subtil and rare than that of the middle body or trunck . The redounding parts draw matter for their accretion fro●e cav● more waterish parts of the plant abounding in her , which 〈…〉 contain a remnant of all the similar & dissimilar parts of the whole . That these are abounding parts , their appearance only at such times when a plant is not alone filled but over-filled with nutriment doth restifie , which usually hapneth in the Spring , Summer , and Autumn . Leaves do germinate , when the said matter is less concocted however supplied in great abundance ; whence it is , that they make choice of a green colour , and are expanded into Latitude . Flowers appear , when the said matter is somewhat more concocted , and are only protruded out of the better and subtiller part of it , whence many of them become odoriferous . Fruits are engendred out of the same subtil matter being yet more concocted , whence it is that most do take their beginning from a subtility for to acquire a crassitude , ( according to this trite one substantiae coctione evadunt crassiores ) whose more terrestrial part falling through its weight to the center concreaseth into a kernel or stone , whereupon the other parts do fasten as upon a foundation , increasing dayly by apposition of new matter . The recremental parts I call so , because they are generated out of the greater part of such matters as ought to be excerned , but containing some alimentary ones are retained and agglutinated , whence they chance to be somewhat like and dislike to the other parts . Plants are variously divided , 1. Into three species , viz. an herb , which is a Plant , some consisting of a root only ; others of a root stalk , and leaves , whereof some comprehend ( Fruges & Olera ) Corn and Potherbs . 2. A shrub is a plant fastned to the ground by a root , and spreading into many boughs without a trunck . 3. A tree is a Plant obtaining a root , trunk and boughs . In respect to their place of conception some are said to be terrestrial , others aqueous ; some wild , others Garden Plants : According to their bigness , some great , others small . And in regard of their fructification , some fruitfull , others barren ; or to their germination , some to bud forth sooner , others latter . For instance the Turnip , Basil , and Lettuce , shew themselves within three or sour daies , others in five or six daies , as a Gourd , the Beete , &c. some in eight daies , as the Orach ; Some in ten , as the Cabbage ; 〈…〉 in twenty daies , as Leeks ; Parsly in forty or fifty ; Piony 〈…〉 scarce less than within a year : Many other diffe●… taken from their Colour , Figure , &c. I do wittingly omit . The propagation of a Plant is , whereby it doth generate its like in specie through semination . This is the last function , that a Plant exerciseth ; for it must be nourisht and accreased to a just magnitude before it can attain to this most perfect and compleat action . Semination is the means whereby it performeth the same , and is a Plants bringing forth of seed ; this name in the English otherwise soundeth a seeding . Seed is the abridgment of an intire Plant , whereby it doth multiply it self into many of the same kind . But the great question will be , whence it is , that a Plant obtaineth this power , and what Seed properly is . Here you are to observe , that Seed is twofold . 1. It is that , which is casually ( as it may seem to us ) constituted within the Earth through the concourse of the Elements into one body being particularly so temperated , as to be disposed to germinate into a Plant. Of this I have spoken sufficiently before , where it appears that it precedes the constitution of a Plant , whereas the other whereof I am to treat at present , doth consecute a preceding Plant , and is generated by it . Seed in this second acception is a dissimilar substance , consisting of the rudiments of all the parts of a Plant , that are to liken the propagatrix ( or from which it was propagated ) in specie . The manner of semination is thus : A Plant having already disburdened it self of its fulness or abundance of nutriment by casting forth Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits , there is still a remnant of abundance of the best nutriment , which a Plant being now exalted to its vigour in its operations through the preceding Spring and Summers heat doth concoct to the highest degree , and a just consistency , wherein the spirits are united with the solid parts so as it may be requisite for them to become Seed , each part of the propagating Plant discharging its abundance that waies , where the passage is most free , which is towards the top , whereunto the external heat , being attractive , seems also to contribute : downwards it cannot tend , because the passage is stopt by nutriment , that is impelled upwards from the root . The said abundancies meeting in one cavity or passage towards the top of the stalk of an herb or branch of a tree unite into one , where the contiguous parts consisting most of a vital heat possess themselves of the center , impelling the continuous ones to the Circumference , which tye them all close into one , and are as it were a firmament about them , their extream parts concreasing into pellicles . This union is confuse , that is , each dissimilar part is not mixed with the other , but only glued and tyed , ( because their arct composition * doth impede it , ) in a confuse manner , that is no distinct shape , figure , form , or exact order : These they acquire within their spermatick cavities , but after conception in a womb , where their body being soon loosened , then each dissimilar part through its degree and proportion of levity and gravity falls naturally into its own ranke and order . Besides this natural manner of propagation , there is another artificial one practised among Gardeners , by planting a sprig of a tree into the ground , or ingraffing of it into another tree between the wood and the bark , whereof the former groweth up to a tree , the latter spreads it self into boughs and branches . The s●me is also effected by thrusting some roots into the earth , as a Liquorish or Lilly root : Or by planting some kind of leaves into the ground , as of Indian figgs or Opuntia . This hapneth by reason those forementioned Plants are indued with very extensible spermatick parts and copious innate spirits , each bough being sufficient to accrease to a tree , were it near enough to the earth to attract proportionable nutriment , but being remote must be satisfied and increase according to the quantity of access of aliment . 2. Each sprig of most trees , as also the foresaid roots and leaves containing the rudiments of all the dissimilar parts , which the whole doth , doth accrease into other parts , viz. roots , trunck and branches by the qualification of the aliment : The courser accreasing about the lower part into a root , the mean into a trunck , the finer into branches . Nevertheless this is observable , that trees propagated out of sprigs are nothing near so fruitful , or so long lived as those from the Seed . After a Plant hath done her endeavour in producing fruits and seeds , she decreaseth , some yielding yearly , others monthly and dayly of their magnitude , vigour , and nitorous complexion , shrinking by degrees by reason of the wasting of the spermatick matter and innate spirits , untill at last they naturally die through extream driness and coldness , or rather through an entire dissolution of their temperament . Counternaturally a plant is further exposed to many diseases , and a violent death distinguisht into two sorts , the one hapning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby a plant is frozen to death ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through an immoderate extrinsick heat , extracting , dissipating , and consuming the innate spirits of a Plant. Either of these may befall a part or a branch alone of a tree , and then a part of it is alone said to be dead . CHAP. V. Of the particular differences of Plants . 1. The differences of Roots and their vertues . 2. The differences of Flowers . 3. The differences of Leaves . 4. The three cordial Vegetables . 5. The three Cephalick Vegetables . 6. The three Hepatick Vegetables . 7. The three Splenick Vegetables . 8. The three Pulmonick Vegetables . 9. The three Stomachick Vegetables . 10. The three Lithontriptick Vegetables . 11. The three Uterin Vegetables . 12. The three Arthritick Vegetables . 13. The specificks for the parts destined for the continuation of the species . 14. The description of some rare Plants . 1. ROots differ in Figure , some being long and round , others round like a Ball , some straight , bowed , flat , others like to some fruit or other ; so a Parsly root resembles a Pear , the root of Kingspeare an Acorn , the root of Anemone and of Cypress an Olive ; besides infinite other varieties of Figure . 2. In number ; Grass , Asaraback , white Masterwort , Hemionitis , insist upon many roots ; Aloes upon one , the Mandrake , Sword-flagg , most of the kinds of Satyrion upon two , Nightshade upon three or four ; Vervain , Mallow , and grass of Parnassus upon five or six ; the greater Celandine upon one , divided below into many . 3. In colour , some being red , purple , white , black , yellow ; others of various colours . 4. In inconsistency , some choosing a hard root , as the greater Centaury , Chim , &c. Others a soft one , as Alexander ; some again are hollow in their root , as Pistolochia ; others being unequal or knobby , as Polypody , sweet garden flag , Flowerdeluce . 5. In taste , some are sweet , as Liquorish ; others bitter , as Birthwort : Others bitter at ones first tasting of it , and afterwards changing into a sweet taste , as the root of Cachou . 6. Some are big , as the roots of a Caper shrub , Mandrake , wild Cowcumber , Briony ; others small , as the roots of Grass , Asarabacca , &c. Stalks do likewise alter : 1. In figure ; some being round , others consisting of two angles , as Daffodile ; some being Triangular , as Cypress ; Quadrangular , as Horehound ; Pentagonal , Hexagonal , as Trifole , purple Willow weed ; some are nodous , as some Indian Canes , Soap-wort , Carnations , &c. others are hollow as Canes , and Elder . 2. In number ; so Oreosolinum , and most Trees , usually emit but one . Alica a kind of wheat gourts sprouts out three or four stalks . Rie six or seven from one root . Deadly Nightshade ten or twelve . 3. In colours ; some are red , black , white , green , &c. others speckt , some are glabrous , others clad with a wool , as Rose Campion . II. Flowers differ in their Leaves , some being round , as the flowers of Woodbine ; others bent in , as those of a Flowerdeluce ; the leaves of the flowers of smooth Bindweed are set round in a circle , resembling a clock ; The flowers of Lions mouth are like to a gaping Lions mouth ; some resemble a Cone , a Navil , a Ball , as Bowlwort flowers . The flowers of Foxglove are like to a womans Thimble ; Many flowers resemble a Butter-fly , &c. Some grow from the stalk , root , or top ; some grow single , and others double , four , five , or six , or a heap together , as Wall-flowers : other differences are commonly known , as their colour , consistency , smoothness , &c. The differences of Seeds and Fruits are as many as of Roots , Stalks and Flowers , which since you may easily gather thence , I shall save my labour of rehearsing them . III. Leaves differ , 1. In colour : Bramble leaves and those of some kinds of Blites are of various colours in their leaves : The leaves of Horehound , Campion , and Mullein are gray with a kind of wool atop of them . The leaves of Lamium verum have a long spot in the middle of them : The leaves of Othonna and St. Johns-wort are bored through with holes like to a five : Some are hard , as some kind of Grass and Ditch Dock ; others harsh , as wild Cowcumber leaves ; others tender , as Celandine ; others feel fat , as Bears-breech , Purslane ; some are glibe and smooth , as Mandrake and Bears-breech ; others curling , as some sorts of Cabbage . 2. In shape ; some being round and long , as some sorts of Housleek ; Venus Navel , Monywort , Trefoile , &c. are round ; Nettles , Coltsfoot , &c. are angulous or dented about their extremities . The leaves of Venus Novel and of wild Teasel are hollow . Grass leaves , Flower-de-luce , and Sword-flag are pointed : Leaves vary much in their incisures , some being deeper , as those of Radish leaves , Licebane , Bucks-horn , Plantain , Red Poppy , Vervain ; others more shallow , as those of Nettles . Hercules wound-wort is markt only with five incisures ; others have few or none . 3. In number : The Unifoil is contented with one leafe , the Satyrion with two , the Tulip with three ; Herba Paris and Tetraphylon with four : Other Plants are full of leaves , as Thime , Asparagus ; others are bare . Besides , some come forth after the flower , as the Peach-leaves . Others come out before the flowers : Some come forth soon , others late ; some in one month , others in another , viz. Asarabacca , Asparagus , Chast tree leaves , ground-Ivy , Violet leaves , Willow leaves , in the month of March : Common Avens , Barbery leaves , Colts-foot , Lettuce , Plantaine , Scurvy-grass , Sorrel , petty Sorrel , Saxifrage , yellow Violets , in April . Agrimony , Bears-breech , Borrage , Bugloss , Betony , Celandine , Fumitory , Germander , Marigold , Purslane , Rosemary , Self-heal , Wormwood , Southernwood , in May. Camomile , Succory , Endive , Fennil , Marsh-Mallow , Melilot , Mercury , Piony , Rue , Sage , water-Lilly , water-Germander , in June . Bay leaves , Lavender , Lovage , Mallow , Mugwort , Marjerom , Garden-Cresses , Strawberry leaves , Savin , Thime , Tansie , Vervain , are in their prime in July . Burnet , Baume , Card. Bened. Elder , Eyebright , Mullein , Oake leaves , in August . Angelica , Butter-burre , Cypress , Cumfry , Cinquefoile , Ellicampane , Ellebor , Polypody , Solomons seal , Valerian , in September . Because we will not be deficient in what may appertain to Natural Philosophy , we shall insert a short description of the choicest Herbs , appropriating three to every principal , and less principal part of the body . IV. The three Cordials are , 1. Baume is cordial beyond all Vegetables , excelling in faintnesses and extream weaknesses , particularly in fainting fits proceeding from an uterin suffocation , and is a singular herb in most uterin distempers . In Melancholy , Convulsion fits , and an Apoplexy it is admirable . 2. As the foregoing Vegetable is so much commended in cold distempers of the heart , so is a Pome Citron in hot diseases , cherishing the heart beyond expression when beset with fiery smoaks in an ardent Feaver , resisting putrefaction , defending the heart from all malignancy and poyson . 3. Goats Rue is a most famous Cordial , Alexipharmacal resisting and expelling all poysons , Pestilential Malignancies , and of an unparallel vertue in sported Feavers , Small-Pox , Measels , Convufsion fits of Children , and the Worms . V. The three Cephalicks are , 1. Male Piony all Ages have observed to be stupendious in curing distempers of the Brain , particularly the Falling-sickness in men women and children , chronical head-aches ; melancholy of the brain , frights of Children , palsie , Night-mare : It is of a moderate sharp heat and driness , and somewhat adstrictive . 2. Garden Rue hath been in great esteem among the greatest of Physitians for its admirable effects upon Epileptick , Apoplectick and Paralytick brains ; and for curing inveterate head-aches it is incomparable ; It is very hot and dry , sharp , attenuating and discutient , and flourisheth in June . 3. Sage we may admire for its rare properties upon all moist brains , in curing Catarrhes , Palsies , a lost Memory , dulness of the Understanding , and quickning all the senses to admiration , being in its prime in July . VI. The Hepaticks are , 1. Agrimony is the strength , life , and preservation of the Liver , removes its obstructions , engenders the purest bloud , cures all Dropsies , and any kind of bad habit of body ; it is moderately hot and dry , subtil , apertive , detergent and subadstringent . 2. Succory Nature particularly created for the Liver , and indued it with the greatest vertue of preserving and comforting its sanguification , opening obstructions , and of curing all its distempers . It is moderately cool and dry , detergent , and attenuating . 3. Fumitory never failes of removing all obstructions of the Liver , purifying the bloud from its dross and melancholy , curing the Itch , Scurvy , and yellow Jaundise , and comforting the Liver through a specifick property ; it is gently hot and dry , detergent , and attenuating . VII . The Spleneticks are , 1. Polypody is the great specifick against all splenetick distempers , as obstructions , scurvies , black Jaundise , Hypochondriac Melancholy . It is hot and dry , mundifying and gently purgative . 2. The Bark of the Caper shrub being dry and hot , bitter , attenuating and somewhat adstringent , doth thence exert its most noble faculties against all splenetick distempers , particularly against Hypochondriack melancholy , the Scurvy , and all obstructions of the Spleen . 3. Spleen-wort is dignified with that name from the certainty and excellency of its effects in all the forementioned diseases of the Spleen . It is moderately hot and dry , aperitive and detergent , and is in its prime in September . VIII . The Pulmonicks are , 1. Coltsfoot is a most singular simple in helping expectoration , thence curing all Coughs , Ptisicks , and all other difficulties of breathing . It is gently hot and dry , and somewhat sharp . 2. Ellicampane is very effectual in all difficulties of Respiration , Coughs , and comforts the Lungs . It is very hot and dry , cutting , sharp , and detergent . 3. Red Poppy is the sole cold Pulmonick , whose vertue is more then admirable in a Pleurisie . IX The Stomachicks are , 1. Roman Wormwood was never doubted to cure weaknesses of the stomach , and to cleanse it from all its slimy and tartarous dregs . It is very hot and dry , bitter and adstringent . 2. Ze●doary is very hot , dry and adstringent , thence proves a most excellent specifick to strengthen the stomach . 3. Cinamon is commended beyond all Spices for a most excellent comforter of the stomach . X. The Nephriticks are , 1. Saxifrage : The great benefit which Nephritick Patients have received hence occasioned the imposition of its name sounding an undoubted breaker of the Stone , being the quickest and most forcible diuretick of all Vegetables , whence it doth much conduce in all obstructions of the Kidneys , and stoppages of urine . It is very hot , dry , and attenuating ; and is an April herb . 2. Winter-Cherry berries are of most subtil parts in a moderate cold and dry temperament , and are purposely selected by Nature for those Nephritick Patients that are of a hot temperament , breaking the stone in the Kidneys most powerfully , and expelling Urine with no less force . They are most effectual in August . 3. Marsh-Mallow is an herb of a third sort of Nephrocatharticks , being moderately moist , hot , emollient , discutient , mitigating all pains of the Kidneyes , and abating the sharpness of Urine : Even this Vegetable is in nothing inferiour to either of the foregoing , effecting the same effects through its dissolving moisture . XI . The Uterin specificks are , 1. Dictamnus Cretius , or Dittany of Candia is a most excellent Uterin Vegetable , comforting the complexion of the Matrix , reserating its greatest obstructions , expelling all excrementitious humours through facilitating the menstrua , producing withal a swift and easie Labour in Women , and is admirable in forcing a dead Child out of the Matrix : Besides , it is much conducing in all Hysterick suffocations , being very hot and dry , and penetrating . 2. Mugwort is hot and dry , aperitive , and discutient ; cleanseth the Matrix , and excels in the same vertue that Dittany doth . 3. Fetherfew is very hot , dry , penetrating , and aperitive , yielding to neither of the precedents in vertues : It is most efficacious in June . XII . The Arthriticks are , 1. Sassafras . If there be ever a Neuritick under the Canopy of the Heavens it is the Bark of the root of this tree , strengthning weak joynts , and relaxt sinews , drying up Catarrhs beyond all belief , and in the Gout it is miraculous , being hot , dry , aromatick , sudorifick , discutient , and aperitive . 2. Ground Pine is a certain and most efficacious Neuritick , and admirable in curing the Gout : It is very dry and hot , aperitive and cutting . 3. Germander although the last of the three is not therefore inferiour to the first , but agreeing in the same vertues and qualities with it . Both these latter are in their greatest strength in July . XIII . Lastly , to please all parties I shall beyond my purpose recommend three of the most approved Vegetables to help the languor of the parts destined for the preservation of the species . The first is Dog stones , being of a moist and hot temperament , comforting those parts to admiration , and rendring either Sex very lusty . The second is Green Ginger , which is only fit to be eaten by those that are of a frigid temperature , whom it will soon put into a contrary passion . The third is Rocket , an herb whose seed is potent enough to change the coldest temperament into a Satyrs lasciviousness . If now your mind tends to the contempt of this beastiality , then certainly spirit or sugar of Saturn will put you into another kind of devotion , and better sute with your temper . Here I have proposed to you a select number of Simples , sufficient to cure most internal diseases , that are incident to the body of man , whereby you may be guided out of those dangers accompanying the making choice of them out of that infinite number of Vegetables , whose vertues you must be forced to take upon other mens words , oft disagreeing with the expected effects : Wherefore know that each of these ( excepting the latter four , ) I have experienced many and many times upon several bodies , not only so , but have had them formerly in my travels recommended to me by the eminentest of Physitians abroad as the greatest and most certain vegetable specificks . XIV . For a Corollary take the description of some rare Plants . The Parisatico , alias Singady , or the mournful tree groweth only at Goa , Malacca , and some few other places ; in shape it resembles a Pium-tree ; it doth within half an hour after the Suns going down shew it self white all over with most pleasant and fragrant flowers , Like to those of an Orange tree , whereas at the Suns going down there was not one to be seen upon it . These flowers stick fast all night untill the rising of the Sun , and then they do all fall off , but towards the Evening others are spread forth again , and so this continues all the year long . Arvore de Rays , or the root tree , is an East-Indian shrub growing up to a certain height , and spreading it self into branches , from whose top roots do grow down into the earth , whence they spring out again into other shrubs of the former height , which again at their top emit other roots downwards in a manner , that in some space of time this shrub spreading it self near half an English mile round becomes an intire For●est formed ( as it were ) out of one continuous Tree . The herb Sentida , or sensitive Plant may be a pattern of chastity to all ; the which if you do only touch or cast a little sand upon it , its leaves do immediately retract and shut themselves up , and do open no sooner again , than your finger or what you have cast upon them is withdrawn . The she Palm-trees it is observed do not yield any fruit unless planted near to a male Palm tree , to which they seem all to incline having their boughs more extended towards it at that side than at any other , whence the AEthiopians do usually plant them so , that the wind may carry steams from the Male to the Female ; but in case the male tree be taken away from between the others , they become barren and give over bringing forth fruit . The fruits of the Indian Palm tree are called Coquos , being filled within with water ; the wight within is very tender and soft , and tastes like to an Artichoke , but after a longer maturation groweth harder , and eats like a Haselhut . The water , which each of them contains in the measure of a pint or two , is very clear and pleasant to drink . This tree contains materials for a whole Ship : Its wood being light and spongy they cut into planck , which they tie together with cords that are drawn off from the said Coquos ; The sails are made out of the leaves , which the Indians call Olas . It is reported , that there is a tree in Java Major , whose innermost marrow is Iron , being very thin , and running through the whole length of the tree : Its fruit is likewise as hard as Iron . In the Island of Tylos there are Cotten trees , whose gourds being of the bigness of Quinces are found to be full of Cotten when they break through over-ripeness . There is a tree in the Island Cimbubon , whose twigs being fallen down to the ground do move themselves forwards as if they crept , having two small legs of each side ; and if they be toucht they creep back . CHAP. VI. Of Water in order to her Commerce with the other Elements . 1. The Etymology of Water . That Water naturally is hard and consistent , and not fluid . 2. The Division of Water . 3. What a Lake is . The strange vertues of some Lakes . 4. What a Fountain is . The wonderful properties of some Fountains . 5. Of Physical Wells . 6. Of Baths . 7. Of Rivers and their rare properties . 8. Of the chief Straits of the Sea. 1. VVAter seems to be derived from washing , from its use , because people make use of it to wash their foul things with . So leau in French from Laver to wash , and Wasser in High Dutch from Waschen denoting the same . Aqua in the Latine was imposed upon it for to express its excellency , and its absolute necessity for the preservation of humane life . Aqua dieitur quasi a qua vivamus , nutriamur , & a qua nobis plurima supersint commoda : Pisces nobis alit , navium vehiculo inservit , quibus non pauca nobis afferuntur necessaria , ignisque est pardomitrix , terram foecundans , aeremque spirabilem nobis reddens . Formerly we have discoursed of Water and its form absolutely considered , now we are to apply it as it relates to the other Elements and is the proper cause of her Commerce with them . Water although appearing fluid , yet naturally , that is absolutely conceived by it self is void of all fluor , but partakes of the greatest weight , hardness , crassitude , smoothness , and consistency that is imaginable . I prove it , Water the more it is remote from the intense heat of the Sun the more heavy , thick , hard , smooth , and consistent it is : Have you not Mountains of Ice of great weight , thickness , &c. in Greenland in the Summer , much more in the Winter , yet more directly under the Poles , and most of all if apprehended absolute by it self , and deprived from extrinsick air and fire , when we cannot but judge it to be of the greatest weight , thickness , and consistency that is apprehensible ? The Scripture seems to attest the same , Job 38. And the waters are hid as with a stone , and the face of the deep is frozen ; By the deep here is meant the Chaos , ergo the waters were naturally at their first creation thick and hard . Lastly , As there are two fluid Elements , viz. fire and air : So it is also necessary , that they should be balanced and met with two opposite consistent ones , namely , Earth and Water . The first being contiguous and hard responds to fire ; the other being continuous and hard responds to air being continuous and soft . Whence we may safely conclude , that it is the advent of the fire together with the air that renders the water thus thin and fluid , as we see it is . II. How Water first gained such a body together as the Sea is , our exposition of the worlds creation will advise you . The Sea is the greatest collection of water ; by the Latinists it is called Mare , from Meare to go or to flow , and not from amarum , or the word Marath among the Caldeans signifying bitter , as some have thought ; so it is likewise called Oceanus , the Ocean from Ocior amnis , a swift current . It procures various distinctions from its beating against several shores ; from those of the East and West India it is surnamed the East and West Indian Ocean ; of the Mount Atlas the Atlantick Ocean ; from those of Sarmatia , the Sarmatick Ocean ; near Madagascar the rough Sea , from the quicksands that are frequently thereabout ; of Spain and Brittain , the Spanish and Brittish Ocean , &c. And from the Plage whence it doth flow it is called the East , West , South , or North Ocean . The same spreads it self into many particular Seas , or great Bayes , whereof these are the more principal . 1. The Mediterranean Sea , so named , because it flows through the middle of two great parts of the Earth , viz. between a great part of Europe , Africa , and Asia : Or more particularly between Spain , France , Italy , Dalmatia , Greece , and Natolia of the one side , and AEgypt and Barbary of the other . Where it toucheth the Spanish coast it is called the Iberick sea ; and more forward the French Balearick * ; Ligustick near Genoa , Tyrrhenian or Tuscan ; about Sicily Sardinian , Sicilian , Adriatick , Cretick , Libyan , Phoenicean , Cyprian , Syriack sea , &c. its mouth is called the Straits . 2. Pontus Euxinus , the Euxian sea , otherwise named the black sea or Mare Majus , whose mouth is called the Hellespont from its narrowness , its throat Propontis and the Thracian Bosphor , so called from bos an Oxe , as if an Oxe were too big to pass through that narrowness . 3. The Arabian and Persian sea . 4. The Gangetican sea , so named from the river Ganges , which is disburdened into it . 5. The Red sea , deriving that name not from the colour of the Sea , but of the red sand , over which it floweth . The Baltick * Sea , alias the Sinus Coddanus , or Suevick Sea , from the Suevi , a Nation that formerly inhabited those coasts ; at the mouth it is called the Sound flowing 150 leagues far between Denmark , Finland , Sueden , Prussia , Liefland , Pomerania , and Saxony . The pacifick sea is so called from the gentleness of the waves ; or the South sea , because it lyeth to the Southward of the Line , limited by the coasts of Asia , America , and terra Australis , or the Country of Megallan . III. A Lake is a great and perennal collection of water cirrounded by the Earth , whereby it is cut off from the Sea ; It is distinguisht from a Pool , in that the one is perennal , the other is apt to be dryed up sometime by the heat of the Sun and driness of the earth , and to be filled up again with rain : Some of these being famous for their extent , others for their admirable qualities I shall willingly insert . 1. The greatest Lake in the Universe is the Caspian sea in Asia , otherwise called the great sea , the Albanian , Hircanian , Pontick , Tartarian Sea , the Sea of Sala , Bachu , Abachu , Terbestan , or Giorgian . It diffuseth it self into three Bayes or Gulph , viz. near the Mouth into the Hircanian , on the right side into the Caspian , and on the left side into the Scytick Gulph . It bears the name of a Sea very improperly , since it is incompassed by the Earth : Nevertheless it is saltish and full of fish . 2. The Lake Asphaltites in Judaea , ( otherwise called the dead Sea from its immobility , because as Corn. Tacit. relates that scarce any wind be it never so violent is strong enough to lift it up into Waves ) is noted for sustaining weighty bodies ( especially if anointed with Alume water ) that are cast into it , in a manner that a man his hands and legs being tyed and cast into it shall swim ; it breeds no fish nor any other living creatures . The Lake of the lesser Armenia , and the Lake Aposcidamus in Africa , and of Sicily are almost of the same strength . On the contrary the Lake Avernum in Campania and that of AEthiopia are unable to sustain the weight of a leaf fallen into them from a tree ; and according to Pliny , there is no fowl that flies over them , but falleth dead into them . There is a Lake near Lerna , and another in Portugal , which are so attractive and depressing , that they do immediately draw and press down to the bottom whatever is cast into them , in such a manner , that a man having thrust his hand into either , must use force to draw it out again . Pomponius Mela , and Solinus make mention of a Lake in AEthiopia , which to the eye appearing crystalline , and sweet to the pallat , doth so besmear those that bath in it , as if they had been duckt into a bath of oyl . In the west of the Isle of Iseland travellers have discovered a great Lake , fumous & very cold , in a short space changing whatever is cast into it into a stonish or rockish body : a stick being thrust right up into the bottom , that part which is under water is in two daies changed into an Iron substance , the other above remaining what it was . Hect. Boeth . writes of another in Ireland , which after some months renders that part of a stick that is thrust into the ground Iron ; the other part that is under water fliuty , the upper part above the water continuing wood . In Thrace it is said there is a Lake , whose water proves mortal to any that do drink of it , or do bath therein . Many of the Troglodites have forfeited their reason for venturing to taste of the water of a pernicious Lake in that Country . The Lake Clitorius effects sobriety in men , and excites them to a hatred against Wine and Drunkenness . The Lake Gerasa in the Country of the Gadarens , whereinto the Herd of Swine , animated with those dispossessed devils , ( of whom we read in Luk. 8. 33. ) violently ran down , is at present so venomous , that it causes the hair and nails of all those to come off , that have at any time drank of it . The Lake Laumond in Scotland , imbracing thirty Islands breeds fish without finnes , and is cast sometimes into a most raging tempest , although there be little or no wind stirring : One of those Islands is said to fluctuate up and down in her . The Lakes of Chirchen in China is said to change Iron into Copper . Scotland is noted for a Lake , whereof the one half yieldeth to be hardned by the frost , the other maintaining her fluidity the whole Winter . So likewise in Norway , although Saturn is felt to be very furious there , yet many Lakes lye open all the Winter . The like is observable in a Lake near New Castle , which in some part refuseth concretion , although in the coldest weather . There is a Lake near Nidrossa , whose waters atop are extreamly cold , but the mud near the bottom is constantly boyling hot , insomuch that if you tye an Egg to a string and let it sink down to the bottom , you may soon draw it up ready boyled . Not far from Jensu , a City in China , is a Lake , which is very cold in the Summer , and scalding hot in the Winter : The same is said of the Lake Jen near Chinchen in the same Country . The waters of the Lake Anien , at first feel extream cold , but after a little while they begin to feel warm ; they also generate stones out of any matter received from without . The Lake of Vadimon shews it self sometimes suddenly very turbulent , without giving any manifest token of the cause of it . The same is said of the Lake of Geneve or Lausanne . Italy is dignified with one of the most famous Lakes in the world called Benaco ; its plaisance is supplied by a sight of Olive trees , growing upon its borders , and beautified about the sides with gardens planted with Citron and Pomgranate trees , fertilized with rare fish , having its water so bright and clear , that you may plainly see the bottom through it , except in the middle , where it is almost not to be fathomed ; but notwithstanding so fair a complexion in good weather , yet appears much more humourous in foul , in such a manner that it doth then cast it self into raging high waves , whereby it proves no less dangerous and dreadful than a tempestuous sea . The Lake Larius , by the Hetrusces styled the Prince of Lakes , is much swelled in its belly through the swallowing up of the River Abda , alias Abdua , tumbling down from the Rhetian Alpes through the Valley Voltilena , Boaring with a swift stream through the said standing water , which gives it passage without the least commotion of its body , neither permits it self to be mingled with those rapid and most limpid streams : The said River persisting in its Velocity breaks out again near Leuk a Village . In like manner doth the River Rhene stream through the Lake Acronius , and the River Danow through part of the Surian Sea. Hispaniola is watered with a great Lake named by the Inhabitants Haneygaban , into which many great Rivers are disburdened , and to the admiration of many is nothing engrossed , although visibly venting no part of what it hath imbibed : The same is observed of the Caspian sea , receiving the copious evacuations of the Rivers Volga , Janick , Abiamu , Chesel , and many others . Lucerna a Town in Switzerland is situated near to a Lake , whereinto a stone or piece of wood being cast doth set it into so vehement a commotion that it fluctuates upwards in roaring waves , and surmounting its borders happens somtimes to cause an inundation of the next adjacent fields ; wherefore for the prevention of such inconveniencies it is decreed by the Magistrate , that none shall offer to cast any thing into it upon a severe penalty . The Inhabitants impure the foresaid exestuation to the pernicious infection , which the Lake received from the pestilent Carcass of that hellish Judge Pontius Pilate , who after his banishment was thought to have drowned himself therein , whence it is , that they vulgarly call it Pilat's Pool . There is a Lake not unlike to this upon the Mount Tidalu near Chaoking in China , whereinto if one throws a stone or any other heavy thing , he will immediately hear a roaring noise like thunder , and soon after the sky about it grows gloomy and casts down rain . In Carniola near the chief City Laubach every year about the Autumn there appears a Pool between some mountains , about a league and half in compass , and abounding with fish , none apprehending whence this quantity of moisture should derive , and towards the Spring it begins to dry up , after which the ground is copiously fertilized , and is haunted with a number of Deer . IV. A Fountain or Spring is a pereunal eruption of water out of the Earth . The differences of these is no less various , than of Lakes ; to wit , in quantity , quality , motion , and situation . Furthermore some are artificial , others natural . We shall only instance the admirable properties of some of the latter . Aristotle writes of a Fountain in Thrace ( whereunto another in Arcadia named Styx , as also one in Sarmatia , and that of Armenia , Lydia , and Sicilia , are like in vertue ) which casteth the drinkers of it into a mortal Syncope ; breeding fish working the same effect upon those that eat them . The waters of the Founts of Valentia in Spain , Wolchenstein , Trecha , the Kingdom of Crobus upon the Alpes , Berosus , and of Manglo in China , are all deleterious , corrosive , and extreamly venomous . Boeotia spouts out two springs , whereof the one called Lethe effects forgetfulness , the other cures it . The water of the Fountain in the Island Cea , ( as Pliny relates , ) being drank dulleth a mans understanding and makes him sottish . The Fountain of Susa in Persia loosens the teeth , and causeth them to fall out ; Pliny speaks also of another in Germany on the other side of the Rhene effecting the same . A draught of the water of Lyncistis filleth a mans brain and makes him drunk . The Fountain of Arania , a part of Arcadia , makes one loath Wine . Isidorus and Solinus write of two Fountains , whereof the one procures fruitfulness in women , the other barrenness . The Garamants make mention of a Fountain among them , called the fountain of the Sun , whose extream coldness in the day renders it importable , and in the night is so excessive hot , that it proves scalding . Aristotle relates of the Fountain Elusine , which naturally being quiet and clear , is affected with the noise of any musical Instrument , in a manner , that at its sound it is apt to sieth and run over as if it were for joy . Baptista Fulgosius affirms to have seen a Fountain , which appears very clear and still to one walking about it , and looking therein without speaking ; but if speaking , although but a few words , it is immediately put into a commotion and siething , appearing very turbulent . The same Author makes mention of another in France , which being for the most part of a very cold nature doth nevertheless not fail of casting flaming fire from it . There is a fountain in Illyrium , that like fire burns into ashes whatever is cast into it . Epyrus and Cyrenaica are noted for Fountains , which in the morning and evening feel warm , at noon hot , and in the night scalding . The same is said of the Fountain Ammonius . For Springs to be cool in the summer , and warm in the Winter is not extraordinary . In Arcadia springs a certain fountain out of the mountains , whose water is so extream and piercing cold , that no golden or silver vessel is capable to hold it , but is forced into pieces by it ; nevertheless it suffers it self to be contained in a Mules Hoof. Not far off from the Danow there is a Fountain surnamed the Fountain of the Holy Cross , which sometimes casts out abundant streams of perfect bloud very useful for the curing of sundry diseases . A fountain in the Island Tenedo doth during the Summer alwaies overflow from three in the night to six in the morning . There are three Fountaines in Cantabria , that sink dry in twelve hours , and fill up again in the same space of time . The fountain Cyane among the Syracusans , as also another in Hungaria increase and decrease with the course of the Moon . The same is said of the fountain of Hucune in China . The fountain of Jupiter in Dodan is said to sink and rise thrice of a day . Another in Epirus doth begin to ebb in the morning , is dry at noon , fills up again towards the Evening , and at midnight is risen to that fulness that it runs over . There is a fountain near Weenen generating stones out of any thing that is cast into it . Many waters , as they drop from the hills , concrease into stones as soon as they arrive to their rest ; and these drops being multiplied concrease at last into pillars of stone . The Fountains of Herbogia , Veroniuns in France , Zepusium in Dacia do all breed great abundance of stones out of and within themselves . Fulgosius speaks of another in England of the same nature . The water of Sibaris causeth sneezing if drank ; those of Clitumnus in Umbria , Cappadocia , and of Cesiphus in Boeotia make the hair of the Cattel that drink of it grow waite , but that in Arabia ( as Aristotle doth arrest ) changeth them into a reddish colour . Theophrastus , writing of the Fountain Lycos , reports it to be of the same property that Oylis of , and to burn in a Lamp , although within the Well appearing limpid . But that which is more admirable , we observe in the Church History of Euseb. whom Paulus Orosius , and Eutropius do second , viz. That near upon the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour , in the Reign of Caesar Octavianus , there brake out a Fountain in a Tavern at Rome , floating a whole day with abundant streams of pure Oyl . Isidorus and Solinus in his Polyhistor . make observation of a Fountain , whereon those , that were to depose their Oath , were to lay their hand , whose eyes in case they had forsworn themselves were withered , and brought to a blindness . Had God pleased that such a fountain might have appeared near the Hals , it is to be feared that an honest man could hardly walk the streets without being affronted by a blind man. One of the same Authors doth also witness of Jacobs Fountain in Idumaea , that every three months it groweth troubled and becomes red and green , afterwards returning to its primitive clearness . Likewise it is said of a fountain in Cherronesus that it sieths and ferments once a year , purging it self of all filth and uncleanness . The same is observed of many other fountains . From the likeness of the subject I shall take occasion to appose a word or two touching the properties of some eminent Wells and Baths , differing in little else from fountains , than that these spout out of the earth with a great force and in greater abundance . IV. Near to this City there are three Wells much cryed up for the cure of diseases , whereof two are purging by stool and urine , viz. Barnet and Ipsum Wells ; The other of Tunbridge is only diuretick or moving urin . Of the two first the latter is counted the stronger , both being much approved for the curing all chronicall diseases ; particularly a Tertian Ague , obstructions of the mesaraick vessels , of the Liver and Spleen , crudities of the stomach , the yellow Jaundise , and Catarrhs . That of Tunbridge is more profitable in Quartanes , inveterate Head-aches , Dropsies , Gouts , Hypochondriack Melancholy , black Jaundise , Melancholy of the brain , Leprosie , Cancers , malignant and inveterate Ulcers , Kings Evil , Convulsion sits , sits of the Mother , stoppage of Courses , VVhites , Phtisicks , Palpitation of the heart , stoppage of the Kidneys and Bladder , the Gravel and Stone , the Impostume of the Kidneys , of the Mesentery , of the Liver and Spleen . But as for those that are troubled with the French Leprosie , let them beware from these waters as from poyson ; for there is nothing in the world that sets those virulent humours more into rage and fury than Mineral waters . Next to these the Spaw waters are very famous , divided into four several Wells , viz. Savenier , opening at the foot of a hillock three miles from Spaw , its faculty is most diuretick and somewhat Eccoprotick . 2. Pouhont bursts out in the middle of the Village , and agreeth much in vertue with that of Savenier , excepting that it is somewhat more eccoprotick . They are both much coveted for their pleasing sharpness of taste . 3. Geronster is distent from Spaw near three miles , but is much less in esteem than others , because of its unpleasing nauseous sharp taste , causing a disturbance of the brain , stomach , bladder , and guts . 4. Tonnelet retains some faculties like to the before mentioned , but much inferiour to them in strength . V. Baths are hot Wells : hence in Latine they are called Thermae ( hot ) scil●aquae , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hot . This Island affords some inferiour to none : Especially those in Somersetshire , whose fame hath deserved the name of Baths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Town , where they erupt out of the earth . They are 1. Cross-bath , pouring out in a mild temperate heat . 2. Hot bath , being about two hundred foot distant from the former , and differing from the other in intenseness of heat , whence also it derives its name . 3. Kings bath , which is near to the Cathedral , and is less hot than the Hot bath , but hotter than the Cross bath . Their vertues are excellent in curing of most chronical diseases incident to the joynts and sinews ; as Gouts , Lamenesses , Numnesses , Palsies , hard nodes and cold tumours of the joynts , Rickets in children , &c. they dry up the superfluous moisture in dropsies , expel gross humours by sweat , and by that means curing inve●erate headaches , aches of the Limbs ; they procure womens courses , consume their Whites , cure the Green-sickness and many other diseases . VI. A River is a collection of waters descending from a Fountain , and streaming through a tract of the earth towards the Sea , whereof some are long , others short , broad or narrow , deep or shallow , swift or slow , straight or winding ; some ebbing and flowing , as the Thames , Elb , Mase , Seyne , &c. others for the most part following one course , &c. Most of the River Waters about the Alpes , if usually drank of are apt to breed a great swelling in the throat , called by Physitians Bronchocele . Vitruvius affirms the same of a River called Silar , changing the roots , leaves , and boughs of the trees that grow on its banks side into stones . Pliny adduces another of the same property , whereunto the River near Laodicea , and those of the Country of Barcia in Hungary may be adjoyned . About the borders of Norway , near a Castle called New Castle , flowes a River , whose streams seem blackish , breeding also fish of the same colour . Philostratus , in his book de vita Apoll. recites a Fountain , wherein if a forsworn person doth wash his hands or feet , he is soon infected with a shameful leprosie . Diodorus the Sicilian makes mention of another of the same nature . The water of the River of Jordan doth still retain its great fame among the Papists of working Miracles : Pilgrims do oft bring quantity of it along with them thence , obtesting that it is impossible it should fail curing Dropsies , Consumptions , malignant Ulcers , Kings Evil , Barrenness , in fine all diseases that surpass cure by Art. It renders the face beautiful and nitourous , and for cuting spots and deforming rednesses of the face it is taken notice of by most women in Spain , France , and Italy . The East Indians do adscribe the same vertues to the River Ganges , which they do believe with such an assurance , that as soon as ever they fall dangerously sick , they cause themselves to be carried to the River side , where they sit under a Hutt with their legs half way in the water so long untill they are either dead , or perfectly cured ; and if they die they leave in their last will that their cinders may be cast into the same River , for to be purified ( I suppose ) against their Resurrection . The AEgyptians used to take their prognostica ions of sundry important things from the River Nilus , which if it failed overflowing their Country , portended barrenness , and consequently Famine , and oft times a Pestilential disease , and sometime change of Government . Thus its inundation was deficient two years together before the death of Antonius and Cleopatra ; the same hapned also before the great Famine and change of Government under Claudins . On the other side , if the said River happen to overflow beyond its usual limits , it proves likewise an occasion of barrenness , because the length of time , before the Country can return to a just driness through the decrescence of the water , is protracted beyond the Season of Sowing . Usually and naturally ( as I may so say ) the Nile overflowes once a year , being forty daies in increasing , arriveth to its height ( which is unto 16 cubits ) about the seventeenth day of June , and is forty daies more after that in decreasing . The Countrey being much fatned by this inundation produces great abundance of pasture , corn , and other fruits . The increase , height , and decrease of the Nile they know from the observation of a Pit made out of one stone , whose water increases and decreases with the Nile . This River doth also dispose women for conception , whence it is ordinary with them to multiply by twins , and three at one birth : Moreover it is a very healthfull water preserving the body in a good disposition , and curing many diseases . Notwithstanding the subtility of the water and heat of the climate , yet it never emits vapours , whence it is that there falls no rain in that Country . The same is also attributed to the River Boristhenes and the Anouros in Thessalia , viz. not to rick or to occasion the air to be nebulous . The River Ganges is likewise apt sometimes to exceed its bounds , through which inundation the Country is very much fertilized . The River Arrius of Florence , the Danow , the Eridanus or Padus , the Tiberis , and the Athesis of Verona , have oft caused a submersion of the neighbouring fields . VIII . The chief straits * or narrownesses of the sea are , 1. The straits of Gibraltar , where the Sea floats through betwixt the two pillars of Hercules , viz. The two Promontories of Calpe and Abila , and divides Spain from Fez ; it is otherwise called the straits of Caliz from the Island Caliz , near adjacent to it . It s breadth is about seven Leagues . 2. The straits of Anjan passing from the outermost western parts of America to the Eastern Coasts of Tartary . It is very probable that some of the posterity of Sem crossed these straits to inhabite the West-Indies , where they are since multiplied into those several nations . 3. The straits of Magallan , so called from him that first passed them ; but since they have found another way into the Pacifick Sea more commodious to sail through , called the straits of Le maire . 4. The straits of Davis towards Greenland . 5. The straits of Nassow or Waigats near Nova Zembla . The Mediterranean is pinched by these straits : 1. The Sicili●n straits . 2. The Tuscan straits between Sardinia and Corsica . 3. The Calydonian straits . 4. The straits of Euripus between Achaia and Euboea . 5. The straits of the Hellespont . 6. The Thracian straits . 7. The Cimmerian or Meotian straits . 8. The straits of Cilicia or Caramania between Cilicia and Cyprus . A Gulph is an arm of the Sea , or the Sea broken into the Earth in the form of an Arm. The principal Gulphs of the Oriental Ocean are : 1. The great Gulph passing betwixt Maugi and India extra Gangem . 2. The Gangetican Gulph streaming between the Golden Chersonesus and India intra Gangem . 3. The Persian Gulph . 4. The Gulph of Arabia , or the red or Eruthrean Sea deriving its name from the red Sands over which it floats , or according to Q. Curtius from the King Eristhra . 5. The Gulph of Canthus . 6. The Gulph of Barbary , or Progloatis , or di Melinde . The principal Gulphs of the Western Ocean : 1. The Sarmatian Gulph . 2. The Granduican Gulph , or white Sea. 3. The Gulph of Mexico . 4. The Bay of Biscay . The Mediterranean Sea is chiefly dispersed into these Gulphs : 1. The Gulph of France reaching Marseilles . 2. The Adriatick or Venetian Gulph . 3. The Ionian Gulph floating towards Epirus and Macedonia . 4. The Corinthian Gulph , alias the Crisean or Alcionian Sea. 5. The Gulph of Naples . 6. The Pamphilian or Issican Gulph . 7. The Thermacian or Thessalonian Gulph . 8. The Argolick Gulph . 9. The black Gulph . CHAP. VII . Of the Circulation of the Ocean . 1. That the disburdening of the Eastern Rivers into the Ocean is not the cause of its Circulation ; neither are the Sun or Moon the principal causes of this motion . 2. The periodical course of the Ocean . The causes of the high and low waters of the Ocean . 3. How it is possible that the Ocean should move so swiftly as in 24 hours and somewhat more to flow about the terrestrial Globe . 4. A further Explanation of the causes of the intumescence and detumescence of the Ocean . The causes of the anticipation of the floud of the Ocean . 5. That the Suns intense heat in the torrid Zone is a potent adjuvant cause of the Oceans Circulation , and likewise the minima's descending from the Moon and the Polar Regions . I. HAving in one of the Chapt. of the precedent Book posed a demonstrative and evident ground of the universal course of the great Ocean , and the straitness of that Chapt. not permitting the finishing of the fabrick intended by us upon it : Therefore this present plain shall serve for to compleat the delineation thereof , but encountring with some rocky stones thereon , it is requisite they should be rowled aside , before the said Atlantick waves may procure a necessary assent of the true cause of their dayly circular floating . The conceit of some Philosophers hath induced them to state the copious irreption of many large and deep Rivers into the Eoan Sea for the principal cause of its circulation , the which tumefying its body do thereby press it westward . This solution seems void of all reason , the evacuation of the presupposed Rivers having no proportion to the replenishing of so extended a body as the Ocean , scarce of a Lake or an inland Sea , as we have observed of the lake Haneygaban , and the Euxian Sea. Besides many great Rivers disburdening themselves into the Occiduan Sea might upon the same ground return the course of the Ocean Eastward . But imagine it was so , why should not the said tumefaction rather incline the sea westward , than further eastward ? Others rejecting the former opinion have in their fansie groven the ground , whereon the sea beats , deeper and deeper towards the west , and so the ground being situated higher in the East , shelving down gradually to the west , the sea doth through its natural gravity rowl it self to the deeper & lower Plane ; but then the eastern waters being arrived to the west , how shall they return to the east again for to continue the said motion ? Wherefore this opinion may take its place among the Castles in the air . Shall we then ascribe the cause of this motion to the rarefaction of the sea through the beams of the Sun , which as it is successively rarefied doth swell and press its preceding parts forward ? As touching the Moon she cannot come into consideration here , as being rather noted for condensation than rarefaction . First , I deny that the Sun doth any whit rarifie the Eastern Ocean ; because according to their Tenent the rarefaction of the sea happens through the commotion of the subsidencies and terrestrial exhalations contained within the bowels of the sea and scattered through its substance , whereby it becomes tumefied , which I grant in case the Sun casts its beams obliquely into the depth of the Ocean ; but I prove the contrary , supposing the Sun doth cast its beams directly into the Eastern waters . In AEgypt it seldom rains , because the Sun casting its beams directly into the waters doth through the same degree of heat , through which it might raise vapours , dissolve them again , likewise in the East Ocean the Sun subtilizing the waters doth doubtless through its heat commove exhalations and subsidencies , but the waters being through the same heat attenuated are rendred uncapable of sustaining those terrestrial bodies , wherefore they sinking deeper to the ground rather cause a detumescence of the sea . I have alwaies observed that waters swell more through the cold than heat , and that inundations happen for the most part after a frost ; besides it is obvious that Rivers are much tumefied when they are frozen , and that by reason of the foresaid tumefaction inundations happen more frequently in the winter than at any other time of the year . Des-Cartes imagineth the compression of the Moon ( together with the Earths motion about her own Axis ) to be the cause of the waters circular motion , pressing it from East to West , and the variation of this pressure to depend upon the various removal of the Moon from the Center of the Earth effecting the anticipation and various celerity of the waters motion : So that where the Earth is obverted to the face of the Moon there the waters must be at their lowest , being pressed towards the next quarter of the Surface , where they are at their highest , whence they are carried about through the Earths proper motion , &c. 1. I deny his supposition of the Earths motion , as being fabulous , which we have confuted elsewhere . He might as well assert , that there be as many Neptunes under water moving it circularly , as Aristotle stated intelligencies to drive the Heavens , for even this he might excuse by saying it was but an Assumption to prove a Phaenomenon of the water . 2. What needs he to affirm a tumour of the water ? for since he assumes the Earth to move circularly , we cannot but grant that the water must also move with it as constituting one Globe together . 5. Why doth he in vain reassume in the 55 Sect. that out-worn Doctr. of Aristotle touching the Moons driving of the water , which argues him to be very unconstant with himself ? 4. His stating the air to be so complicable and soft a body renders it very unfit for compressing and driving so vast and weighty a body as the Ocean . 5. Can any one rationally or probably conceive , that the Sun , much less the Moon , being so remore , and whose forcible effects are so little felt by sublunary bodies , should be capable of driving so deep , so large , and so heavy a body as the Ocean , which is as powerful to resist through its extream gravity , as all the Celestial bodies are potent to move through their extream lightness ? What , because the Ocean and the Moon move one way , therefore the one must either follow or move the other ? What , can a passion so durable and constant , and so equal depend upon a violent cause ? Since then such phansies are ridiculous , and not to be proposed by any Philosopher , let us now proceed in the unfolding of so difficult and admirable a matter as the course of the Ocean , which we have formerly demonstrated to flow about the earth once in 12 hours and somewhat more . II. Moreover , besides this single motion making a sharper inspection into the drift of the Ocean , it will appear to us to absolve a compounded periodical course in a perfixt time , namely , in 15 daies , which space may be called a marinal or nautical month . The meaning hereof is , imagining a part of the Ocean to flow circularly from a certain point , or more plainly , a Bowle to rowl circularly under water over the bottom of the Sea along with the course of the Ocean , from any noted point , that the same part of the Ocean or Bowl shall in the space of 15 natural daies * arrive to the same point , and exactly at the same time begin its next periodical course thence , when it departed from that term the month before . Nevertheless the Ocean doth not omit its single course in fluctuating about the Earth in somewhat more than twelve hours , but then it doth not dayly arrive to the supposed point of a compounded periodical course at the same minute , when the latter ( viz. the compounded ) begins its progress . Expresly , the great Ocean through its diurnal course flows the length of 348 degrees about from East to West , performing also the same circuit through its nocturnal course : That is , every twelve AEquinoctial hours it absolves 348 degrees of the terrestrial AEquator : Wherefore for to flow 360 degrees it requires 24 24 / 2● minutes of an hour above the foresaid twelve hours : that is , the Ocean flows about the terrestrial AEquator in twelve hours , and 24 14 / 2● minutes , absolving every hour 29 degrees . * How this swiftness is possible to the Ocean we shall make further declaration of it anon . Besides a single diurnal , and a periodical compounded monthly motion , another must also be added , which I call an augmentative motion , through which the Ocean doth gradually accrease every high water to some certain cubits ; of which more fully hereafter . Since that time is nothing but a measure of motion , and that one time is made known to us by another , it is thence occasioned that we come to know the time of the Ocean by comparing it with the time of the Moon and of the Sun , as being general marks whereby to calculate the seasons of the Ocean . This premised it states a ground & reason of the measure of this great Sea , viz. That it is usually high water in the Ocean under the AEquinoctial and Ecliptick , as also upon the shores of the same at six in the morning and evening , when the Moon is in opposition to , or conjunction with the Sun , and at the same hours about the Moons quarters the waters there are at their lowest . On the other side , it is as common among Mariners to measure the motion of the Sun and Moon by the Tides or motions of the Seas , they being exquisitely skill'd in discerning the hour of the day and night , or the season of the several aspects of the Moon by the said tides ; Wherefore it may be thought as equal a consequence that the Moon in her motion depends upon the course of the Ocean as pressing the air through her tumefaction , which again doth impel the Moon forward , as that the Moon should tumefie the air , and thereby impel the waters forward : But I pass by this as ridiculous . Although the Ocean keeps so constant and exact a rule and measure in its course , as likewise the Sun and Moon , yet we must not therefore conceive the one to depend upon the other , because two great marks of their time ( that is one of either , viz. The greatest height of waters and the greatest aspect of the Moon ) are concurring in one day , that rather happening , because the Ocean began its course at that instant , when the Moon after her creation being placed in opposition to the Sun began hers . But possibly you will propose this instance to evince that the highest water doth depend upon the greatest compression of the Moon , because when she is at her Full , she may cause some compression and commotion of air and water , she then being in her greatest strength , and situated in Perigaeo of her eccentrical Aspect , and therefore nearest to the water , and so may add somewhat to the enhightning of its stream . I answer , That it is a mistake to apprehend the Moon to be nearest at the Full , most Astronomers asserting her rather to be remotest then , and to be nearest when she is in her quarters : Ergo according to that rule the highest waters should happen at the Moons quarters , and the lowest at the Full of the Moon : Or otherwise , how can the Moon further the said motion , when she is upon the extremity of her decrease , her rayes drowned by those of the Sun , and she in Apogaeo deferentis ? Certainly , none can be so obtuse as to maintain her in that capacity to have a power of compressing the air , when she being most remote the air doth most enjoy its freedom ; yet nevertheless some are so obstinate to assert , that the greatest altitude of the Sea because it hapneth then , doth likewise depend upon the compression of the Moon . What is more constant , certain , periodical , and equal than the course of the Sea ? Whereas the Moon is vulgarly maintained to be subjected to anomalies ; then in this part of the Heavens , then in another ; now in Apogaeo , perigaeo , concentrical , excentrical , then swift , slow , &c. if so , then a constant and equal effect cannot consecute the efficience of an unequal cause . III. Against our discourse touching the diurnal course of the Ocean might be objected , That it seems very improbable , that the Sea should move so swift , as in a little more than 12 hours to overflow the whole terrestrial Globe ; whereas a ship through the advantage of her sails and a prosperous wind and weather , being supposed to out-run the Tide , can scarce accomplish that course in a Twelvemonth . Hereunto I reply , that the water takes the beginning of her motion from underneath ; for as I have formerly proved , that the formal cause of the waters perennal motion is her gravity , which bearing down upon the Earth for to gaine the Center , is resisted by her , and nevertheless continuing in its motion is necessarily shoven there * to the side ; and so the same hapning to the succeeding parts are all impelled through a natural principle of gravity sidewards , like unto an Arrow being shot against a stone wall , and there resisted , is shoven down the side . VVhence it is apparent , that the waters take beginning of their motion underneath not far from the ground , where being pressed by the great weight of many hundred fathoms of water lying upon them , must needs cause a very swift course of waters removing underneath and withdrawing from that of the Surface , which is prevented of a swift motion , because it sinks down to that place whence the subjected parts do withdraw themselves ; which gives us a reason , why the superficial parts of the Sea do not flow by many degrees so swift as the subjected ones . Nevertheless some small motion is visible upon the Surface , which may accelerate or retardate the course of a ship , but not comparable to the waters in the deep . This instance will further certifie you touching the truth of the matter before said ; a flat-bottomed Kettel filled up with water , having a hole at the bottom near to the side of the said Kettel doth emit the water underneath spouting out with a very great swiftness through the hole , whereas the water upon the Surface moveth but very slowly towards the side near the hole , because the water moving so swiftly underneath doth cause that atop to sink upon it which prevents its swift motion towards the side , and that which causeth the water underneath to spout so violently out of the hole is the weight of the water atop pressing violently and forcibly downwards . This occasions me to call to memory that apposite Phrase of the Dutch sea-men , who instead of saying the water ebbs , say Het water sackt , that is , the water sinks , as if they would signifie the water to move from underneath . The Ocean then originally and primarily moving from underneath in a very swift current , as the forementioned instance may easily confirm to us , hath not that extent to overrun there , which we might conceive it would have atop , but is above the half shortened in its periphery through its depth , and consequently through the deep excavation or extenuation of the Earth : Wherefore observe , 1. That the Ocean underneath doth well absolve so many degrees as we have writ down before , but then they are much abbreviated and lessened in comparison to those degrees , whereby the superficial circumference of the water is measured . 2. I say , that the Ocean absolves the foresaid course of 348 in 12 equal hours only in its lower parts ; But as touching its superficial ones it is certain they are slow , absolving the same compass in no shorter time than six months , which may be named a Marinal year . This slow progress is evidenced to us by the slow drift of a piece of wood floating in the Ocean . 3. Although the superficial parts of the Ocean do not slow with so rapid a course , yet it hinders not , but that they may tumefie as they do throughout their whole circuit about the Earth in the space of 12 hours . 4. Since it must necessarily follow , that where the water tumefieth in one place , it must sink in another , therefore the water tumefying once every 12 hours in the East 6 houres long , ( in which space it arriveth to its height ) it must sink as much in the VVest , because that moisture , which causeth the intumescence in the East , doth slow underneath from the VVest . By the same rule the Eastern Ocean must also sink 6 hours in every 12 for to cause a tumefaction in the VVest : VVhence it is , that every 6 hours we perceive a change of the Tide in the Ocean . 5. VVe are not to perswade our selves , that the Eastern floud is occasioned by water returning from the VVest , and the western floud through the refluxe of the same water from the East , because the Ocean doth continually pass from east to west by way of the South , not returning the same way through the South from west to east , as appeareth by the quick Voyages of those , who setting sail with a good wind and weather from Spain towards the West-Indies do usually make land in three or four weeks , whereas returning from thence can scarce recover Spain , although having the wind very favourable , in less than three or four months . Likewise a voyage from Moabar in the Indies to Madagascar , otherwise called St. Laurences Island , may be accomplisht in 20 daies , but from Madagascar to Moabar scarce in less time ( although with a very prosperous wind ) than three months : In the same manner one may much sooner make a voyage from this Island to Spaine , lying hence more eastward , than from Spain back again hither , or in sailing from Alicant ( a City of Spaine , situated upon the Mediterranean Coast ) towards Palestina , they usually make less speed than in returning . All which are undoubted marks of the perennal course of the Ocean from East to west . VVherefore Philosophers have been misled in imposing the names of Fluxus and Refluxus upon the course of the Ocean as if returning the same way it went. I have taken notice , that as the Dutch used a fit word for to denote the Ebb , so the French have imposed another no less elegant upon the floud , viz. La Montè de la Marè , or the rising of the Sea , exactly squaring with our foregoing discourse : Thus when it is floud they usually say , Lamarè il monte , that is , the Sea rises . The Latinists call it AEstus Maris , or heat of the Sea , because when the Sea begins to be filled with hot exhalations , it is wonted to be hot , through which it swelleth , ( like hot bloud flushing into our faces and glowing causeth a puffing up and a rising ) whence it is impelled to flow some part of it one way , and another another way , which caused the floud , observed through the rising of the waters upon the shores : These exhalations being dissipated , the Sea beginning to cool withdraws it self again into its former compass , and leaving the shores puts them in mind of the Ebb. But this dictate being proved to be absurd doth justly advise us to reject the forementioned name . 6. VVe need not to doubt being fully informed of this Doctrine , but that every floud brings in new water , that of the last Ebb flowing forwards with the course of the Sea towards the accomplishment of its annual period . 7. Let none be offended at us for granting an internall cause of the Seas motion against Scalig. Exer. 52. asserting the Sea to be an Animal in case it should be moved from an internal cause ; were this a Paradox , we must then believe that the Air , Fire , Heavens , and Stars are Animals , they all moving through an intrinsick principle . IV. My method doth now lead me to demonstrate the several Phoenomena's of the Ocean by their proper causes . 1. The Ocean flowing from East to West cannot be thought to be the sole cause of the diurnal intumescence and detumescence of the Sea , since it may be supposed to slow equally over an equal ground : Wherefore a second cause must concur , to wit , an unequal ground , or an unequal grove , through which it passeth . The waters being through the second division of the Creation separated from the Earth , which then lay in an equal round figure under the waters , these consequently equally covering it in the same figure , were afterwards through the third division collected into one place , where they must have pressed their great weighty body into two great universal groves * , whereupon the Earth must necessarily be pressed up into two great universal eminences , which are divided from one another through the said waters , and consequently constitute two great Islands , viz. of the New world or America , and the Old world , or Asia , Africa , and Europa . The Sea after this working through its great weight deeper and deeper into the Earth must necessarily thereby have formed many other deep and great cavities within the sald universal groves . The Earth , through whose recess or giving way , the said other Cavities were impressed must needs have been compressed to some other part : not towards the center , because the Earth was so very densely beset there , that it was impossible it should give way : Ergo towards the Surface , where it was moulded and compressed up into all those great mountains , which we see every where about the Sea-shores , and into all those great Banks and Rocks which Sea-men do meet withall every where ; yea , some being stuffed up a great way from the shore , as witness many Ships that have run aground in the Atlantick Ocean above 60 , 80 , or 100 Leagues from the shore ; likewise a great banke lying off the Cape of St. Austin , and extended near 70 Leagues long . Lastly , A great part of the receding earth was cast up into great and small Islands , especially those numerous ones in the East and West Indies . Let us then suppose those said small Isles , together with the great ones of the East Indies to be accompanied with great and large banks or shelves , whereof some are visible , others not ; This supposition must needs force another from us , viz. That the waters passing from West , by the North to the East , are retarded and partly stopt by the said Isles , shelves or banks : In the mean time during this retardation and partial stoppage , the waters flowing from East by the South to West do decurre , decrease , and evacuate themselves unto the west grove , untill such a degree , that they are run off as low as possible , at which time the other * is at its highest , and then they overflow the borders of the Eastern shelves , and free themselves from the retention of the Isles , by which means the Eastern grove begins to fill and encrease , whose swift decurrence of waters being stopt and retarded by the Western borders and banks fils up until high water . This discourse may seem strange to you since the waters are never visibly stopt by any shelves or banks , these alwaies lying covered ; but were it so that they proved a stoppage , it must be imagined they should lye dry . Hereunto I answer . That supposing the waters to move from underneath , they arriving at a deep grove must needs be retarded through its shelving sides , as being against their natural inclination to move upwards . This retardation of the water on the bottom of the grove must necessarily cause the waters atop to swell and become turgid or tumide , ever framing a round figure atop , which is a certain sign denoting the grove to be of a parabolical figure . This tumefaction the Ancients did abusively term an exestuation , as if proceeding from a fermentation within the water . The water underneath being depressed on the bottom of the grove according to its greatest capacity , and having withall elevated the waters atop to their greatest height , doth now begin to strive to clime up the shelves of the grove , being thereunto moved through its own force continuated against the Earth , but reflected by the same upwards , and propelled by the succeding parts of the water , as also compressed and squeezed by the greatest weight of the waters atop lying upon them , which compressing is much augmented by the great force of the air and fire bearing against the water and earth for to gain the Center : Whence the waters do now begin to flow over the banks of the said shelves , making a tumefaction and gradually a high water wherever it comes , and so evacuating it self out of one great grove into another happens to cause a low and high water in the Ocean . Hence now you may easily collect the reasons and causes of these several properties befalling the Ocean in its diurnal course . 1. Every twelve hours there appears a rising of water in either of the universal groves * , viz. South and North grove continuating the space of 6 hours , because the bottom of either grove is 6 hours in filling out of the one into the other . Likewise every 12 hours the Ocean falls for 6 hours , because its water beneath is so long in evacuating it self . 2. The beginning of the swelling of the Ocean is ever slow for two hours ; much quicker the next two ; for one hour before the last is quickest of all : and the last moves in an equal velocity with the latter of the two first ; it is at its slowest a little before the pinch of high water & at dead low water . The beginning is slow , because that part , which causeth the beginning of the tumefaction of the water , is weakest as being most remote from the central parts , and employing its greatest force in making way and mounting over the shelves loseth its strength , which it recovers when it is backt by the body or central parts of the water following it , and so promoting its course with a greater swiftness : And being with its whole body arrived to the bottom of the grove it doth as it were rest there for to recover its strength , which doth occasion its greatest slowness , the same consequently causing the greatest diminution of motion at low water in the other grove . 3. High and low water of the Ocean is retarded every natural day near three quarters of an hour , that is 34 ●4 / 2● minutes of an hour in every single period or 12 hours , because it accomplisheth but 348 degrees of the terrestrial AEquator in every 12 hours , which doth want 12 degrees of its compleat circuit , and before it can absolve those 12 degrees through the beginning of a new period , there passeth 24 24 / 29 minutes of an hour , which gives us the true reason of the Oceans retardation every day near three quarters of an hour . This course lingring every natural day so many minutes , doth in 30 periods or 15 daies stay back full 360 degrees , being the total circumference of its circuit , and so , as it were , absolves a compounded period through its retardation in 15 daies , which space agreeing with the time of the Moons middle motion between her conjunction and opposition , no wonder , if the Ocean also agrees to be at its height at a prefixt and constant time , alwaies being one and the same , when the Moon her aspect is New or Full. 4. The Ocean happens to be augmented or elevated higher than ordinary every Full or New Moon , because every thirtieth or middle period , ( which ever falls accidentally , but not as if only depending upon the Moon , as upon her New or Full Aspect ) it hath acquired its greatest force of flowing , whereby it drives before it and carrieth along with it a greater confluence of water than at any other season . This intension of course it procures gradually more and more every period , untill at last it comes to its highest , after which in like manner it decreases again , untill it is descended to its least remission , which is upon every thirtieth circuit coincident for the most part with the Moons quarters ; that is , the Ocean at its high water is in comparison to the high waters of the other precedent or following courses at the lowest , when the Moon appears in her quarters , because the force of the Oceans course is then most remitted . Here we may observe the beginning of this intending or periodical compounded course to be , when the Ocean moves with the least force , causing the lowest high water , and the highest low water , which frequently happens near to the Moons quarters , whose middle is marked by the Moons Full and New Aspect , being when it flows with the greatest force causing the highest high waters , and the lowest low waters , and tends towards its ending , when it remits from its height and intends in lowness . This augmentation and diminution may be resembled to the fermentation of Wine or Beer , swelling gradually untill its height , and thence decreasing again . Touching the beginning and ending of the Seas single diurnal circuit , if we consider it simpliciter , it hath none , because it is ever in motion , as never being eased by a total rest ; but if agreeing to state the beginning , where the Ocean is slowest in its course , and thence tending to a swifter motion , then the Proposition is resolveable : And according to this Supposition , the beginning and ending must be moveable , differing every single course near 11 degrees ; This by the way : Returning to explain the cause of the gradual augmentation of water , and intention of force , I am to remember you of the great proportion of the Oceans peregrin Elements consisting of most Earth , then Air , and lastly fire , of whose close coherence with the waters , their saltness is an undoubted argument : These salin particles violently detaining the waters from recovering the center , must necessarily add force to the gravity of the waters , and consequently in intending their force they must also augment them in quantity , because the more force the waters use , the more in quantity they bear along with them . The detention of the said salin particles being at their beginning of no great strength , or in no great quantity , do therefore cause no great intention of the Oceans force , but every single period piercing gradually by rarefaction upon the waters , must necessarily also augment their tumefaction gradually higher and higher every day , untill at last being arrived to their height of penetration , which ordinarily happens in 15 circuits , the Ocean is likewise elevated unto its height . Some of these salin particles , being penetrated through the body of the waters , are gradually depressed to the ground through their own disposition , and the weight of the Ocean , others being attrited and confused through their passive motion against the water , and the decess of their heaviest particles do more and more gradually desist from their violent detention , every circuit , returning to the bottom , and so the Ocean doth also gradually every day incline nearer and nearer to its natural force and detumescence of its water , untill it is returned to its own proper course , at which season its force and intumescence are equally at their lowest . During this space those subsiding particles begin again to be expanded , rarefied and attenuated , because of the grinding of the water against them , and through the expansion of the aerial and igneous parts adunited to them do bear up again : The others elevated atop beginning to concentrate through the conquiescence of the Sea , are ready to be compressed downwards both which gradually striving a reciprocal meeting do in the foregoing manner gradually reunite the force and augmentation of the Water . V. Here we cannot but admit the Suns intense hear , every day beating down the torrid Zone , to be a great instrumental and adjuvant cause to the stirring of the aforesaid salin particles : But this continuing in one measure , equality , and station in respect to the torrid Zone all the year long cannot in any wise be thought the principal cause of a motion varying twice every day . Likewise the Moon being beset with a great quantity of dampish and heavy particles , doth every day spread down some of those particles , whereby the Ocean is also gradually filled more & more every day : And like as these said particles are most apt to rain down , the nearer the Moon doth appropinquate to the Ecliptick , because the air enjoyeth a greater subtility there from the rarefaction of the Sun ; hence it is , that the Moon frees her self most of these heavy concomitants near her Conjunction and at her apposition : So they are most apt to ascend the further the Moon is declined from the Ecliptick , as happens in her quarters , when for that reason the waters are also at their lowest . That these two Lights are accidental causes of the intention of the Oceans force and daily augmentation of its waters is plain enough , and their mutual concurrence to the effecting of the same effect we have confirmed beyond all doubting , whereby the absurdity of the Moons compression proposed by Des-Cartes , and so disagreeing with his own position of the nature of the air , is likewise set before you . The Moon near her Conjunction makes very high waters , because conversing with the hot rayes of the Sun sends down a great number of the foresaid bodies , and not because she is impregnated with the light of the Sun , whereby she should be grown more potent to excite vapours and exhalations : This is ridiculous , for we find other bodies to be swelled near that time not only through exhalations raised out of themselves , but particularly through particles demitted by the conveyance of the air into their pores . The like happens , although in a weaker manner , when the Moon is in her full Aspect , because of her nearer approximation to the Ecliptick : But much more in a Lunar Eclipse , because she is then found directly in the Ecliptick . And most of all , yea twice higher than ordinary at the Full Moon of March and September , because the Sun being then in the AEquinoxial , and most directly over the torrid Zone , under which the greatest body of the Ocean floats , and the Moon in the same way near the Ecliptick , must needs joyntly cause a vast decidence of the forenamed bodies intending and augmenting the waters . Or to declare the matter plainer to you : The continuation of the Seas Motion forward is not only depending upon the pulsion of succeeding parts bending by refraction naturally forward , but also by a kind of attraction or suction of preceding parts , thus : Suppose the Earth to be excavated into certain great cavities , like to great pipes , whereof of those that are formed from the East towards the West by the South the furthermost are alwaies deeper and longer than those , which are nearest to the East ; Likewise conceive such Cavities framed in the same proportion to one another from West back again to the East by the North ; Now I say , that the deepest and furthermost cavity must alwaies attract the water out of the shallower and lesser , in the same manner , as the longer pipe of a sucker ( a Siphon as some do call it ) must attract all the moisture of the shorter , because the parts of water being continuous , and consequently cleaving to one another , the lesser part must follow and yield to the greater , the which through its crastitude being pressed forwards must also draw the lesser part after : Since then the water is no sooner arrived into one cavity but is thence drawn into another , hence it is that this tumefaction of waters is not sensible to us in the Ocean . The number of these cavities we must suppose to be fifteen on each half of the terrestrial Globe ; because the Sea doth in every periodical compounded course make thirty stations , or so many tumefactions , by which it must needs work it self into so many cavities . This supposed , it doth infer another assumption , viz. That since the Ocean moves over so many borders or shelves of cavities , it must necessarily move in Bores : A Bore ( or more properly a Bare ) is a tumefaction of water underneath moving very swift , and elevating the waters atop into a tumefaction proportionable to it underneath : An example of Bores you have in the River of Seyne , and many other Rivers , where great shallows obstruct the floud of the waters underneath : But of this more hereafter . The Ocean then moving in a great bore must raise a tumefaction , wherever it passeth : This tumefaction being originally in the middle parts causes the floud by sending a proportion of waters ( falling through their gravity from the top to the sides as being lower situated ) to the coasts on both sides which it passeth . Hence we may collect that where ever the borders of the foresaid cavities do respect the Coasts , there the Inhabitants must have a swise appulse of the floud . The Ebbe is nothing else but the waters returning from the sides to the middle parts , being left lower through the recess of the Oceans bore or tumefaction : but this by the way . It is most certain , that the Western Ocean directs its waves towards the East ; but whence this continual course of water is supplied may justly be doubted , and although the Eastern Ocean doth constantly flow towards the West , yet how and where Mar del Nort meets with Mar del Zur remains to be made to appear . Their visible communication through the straits of Magallan , or of Le maire , or the straites of Martin Forbisher , and of Anjan , cannot be imagined to conduce any thing considerable towards the presupposed evacuation ; that of Magallan little exceeding a League in breadth , or above 10 or 12 fathom in depth , besides the many turnings and windings and length of near 110 or 120 Leagues hindering any considerable course of water : The others not much surpassing these either in breadth or depth seem to conduce as little . But to make the course clear beyond all dispute the West-Indian Earth is boared through deep underneath by the former compression of the Ocean , through which immense perforation the great bore of the Sea enjoys a free passage , and rowles along under the Peruvian Ocean . By means of this vast perforation the Indian Earth is much elevated , and in most places hath acquired the full height , which it obtaineth being clome up atop the Sea by many Leagues , whence it is that the Land by far overlooking the Ocean doth appear to Mariners three or fourscore Leagues off at Sea. CHAP. VIII . Of the course of the Sea towards the polar Coasts . 1. What the Libration of the Ocean is . That the Tides are not occasioned by Libration . The Navil of the World. Whence the Seas move towards the North Polar . Why the Ebb is stronger in the Narrow Seas than the Floud ; and why the Floud is stronger than the Ebb in the Ocean . Why the Irish Seas are sorough . 2. Why the Baltick Sea is not subjected to Tides . The rice of the East Sea or Sinus Codanus . 3. The cause of the bore in the River of Seyne . 4. The causes of the courses of the Mediterranean . The rice of this Sea. I. HItherto we have followed the main course of the Ocean Westward : In the next place let us cast an eye towards the Northern coasts , where we shall meet the Sea rowling contrarily , now from the South to the North , then from the North back again towards the South . This contrariety must not perswade us , although authorized with Scaligers subtility , that the Sea is an Animal , neither need we to lay hold upon that notion of the Libration of the universal waters for to salve this doubt : However I will not think it much to tell you the meaning of it . The Libration of the Ocean is the projection of its parts from the Center to the Circumference through a diurnal fermentation raised by the torrid rayes of the Sun , or according to Libavius his droling , through a diurnal-egurgitation of water out of a bottomless pit of the Ocean ( called its navil ) and projected toward its extream parts . As this kind of spouting should be the cause of the floud , so its returning back into the Earths tun belly , or the cessation of the foresaid fermentation should be the cause of the Oceans reflux from the said parts , be they Northern or Southern , &c. The exposition it self of this subject will evert its supposed reality , for if such a fermentation were granted , the Ocean must at one and the same time move to all the points of the Compass , and at the same time return from the same points to the Center ; But what expert Mariner is there that will not testifie otherwise ? And where is this Center ? Possibly in the torrid Zone between Madagascar and Los Romeros , where a very strong tide is generally observed , but not moving Eastward and Westward at one time ; if so no Ship could pass without yielding her self to the bottom . Neither can Libavius his fansie be admitted , because such a Gurges spouting out would cast Ships from it at one time into all parts with an unimaginable force , and likewise would attract Ships from those parts back again with no less force and swallow them down into her belly . That these properties would necessarily accompany such a vast Whirl-Pool is proved by that dangerous Whirl-Pool in the North sea near the coasts of Norway , by Mariners called the Navil of the world , through its egurgitation casting Ships to a great distance from it , and through its ingurgitation drawing them from the same distance into her throat . These Hypotheses insisting upon no sparke of appearance , we are forced to make choice of our precedent one , whereby to demonstrate the different flowing and ebbing of these narrow Seas towards and from the Septentrional Polar . There be few but knows , that the Narrow Seas undergo a gradual tumefaction & a rowling up of their waters , being withal very swift , and arriving successively from one coast to another ; as also a successive detumescence and decurrence of the said waters . Now the reason why these waters do not accompany the Ocean from the East towards the West , is their shallowness and inclosure between narrow borders : For the bore of the Ocean coming rowling down the AEthiopian Ocean towards Mar del Nort is discontinued ( as it were ) in its depth through the shallow bottom of the polar Seas , and therefore doth only give them a cast or throw in passing : For the bore arriving and swelling gradually doth through that gradual swelling squeeze the shallow polar seas towards the Poles in passing by notwithstanding continuing its course Westward : The bore being passed the Ocean beginneth to wax detumescent , whereby the shallow waters being deserted of the squeezing Ocean do return into the Ocean . The universal intumescence passing twice every naturall day doth cause a double change of the polar Tides in the same time . That swiftness , which befalls our Tides in these parts , is likewise caused through the shallowness of waters , which are necessarily impelled swifter forward , than if they being imagined to be deep , where consequently waters being in a great confluence more weighty must move slower . Hence we may learn the reason , why the tide in some places doth move swifter than in others , namely , because the Sea is more shallow there , and therefore Ships arriving near the shore make a greater benefit of the Tide , than far from it . The Floud is commonly weaker and slower , near the shores , and within the compass of these narrow Seas ; but the Ebb is stronger and swifter , because the waters do clime upwards being forced against their natural impulse , and therefore resist more potently , but returning do descend fortified with their own natural inclination into places detumefied , and therefore meeting with no resistence . On the contrary , in the middle of the Ocean the floud or rather intumescence is stronger and swifter than the ebb or detumescence , because the universal bore , which is the cause of the floud or intumescence of the water doth cause a greater impulse of the water atop through her presence than when she is quite passed ; Hence it is that Ships sailing from East-India Westward do over run a larger tract in one six houres of the intumescence , than the other six of detumescence . Those Seas , which are derived directly northerly from the Ocean do suffer a greater commotion of tides than others , than are indirectly thence descending . Hence it is , that the Irish Seas being directly opposite from the North to the Ocean do undergo more violent Tides than others , because they receive the squeezing or impulse of the Ocean directly upon them , whereas in the Channel , North sea , and the Bay of Biscay , the waters do perform their Tides more moderately , because they floating under the North , the Oceans universal impulse is much mitigated by the defence of the Promontories of France , England , and Spain . That , which doth further augment the violence of Tides in the Irish Seas is the shallowness of the water , and the meeting of Tides , viz. First they receive the impulse of the Ocean directly from the Southwest , passing between the West of England and the East of Ireland towards the North ; then the same Ocean continuing its impulse against the west Coasts of Ireland , the Sea sets about the Northwest Cape of Ireland , towards the VVest of Scotland , and the stronger , because it is refracted , and , as it were , somewhat pinched by the shallowness of the Hebrides and other Islands ; Through this thwart setting off of the Tide it meets with the Tide passing through between England and Ireland , which it beats back , and that more forcibly towards the latter end of the Floud . The Tides then meeting here and reflecting must necessarily cause very rough Seas ; besides this , the German Seas seem to set off somewhat towards the Northwest of Scotland , where meeting with the Irish Sea do much intend the aforesaid roughness . This also causes the duplication of Tides in several parts of the Irish Seas . It will not be unprofitable to observe the streams of the Tides , where Sea-men do state a general rule , viz. That the Tide sets off athwart , wherever it beats against a great Promontory : Hence it is , that throughout the Channel the Tide sets off athwart in many places from the French Coast towards the English , where the Land sticks out in great nooks : As from the great Promontory of France in the mouth of the Channel , and from that which is opposite to the Isle of Wight , and from before Calis , &c. II. The Promontories do very much weaken the Tides , and clip them off from waters streaming in the No theast ; whence it is , that there is no Tide in the East or Baltick Seas ; besides : 1. Because the Tide of the German Sea is clipt off by the peninsule of Denmark or Jutland and the narrowness of the Sound . 2. The course of the German Sea is the easier kept off , because it floats to the Northward , whereas the Baltick Sea opens into it from the East . Hence it is also , that a great part of these Seas consists of fresh waters , because the North Sea is not disburdened into it . Touching the first production of this Sea , ( to wit the East Sea ) it is very probable that it derived its rice from a great Lake , risen in the deepest and broadest place of the said Sea , which by continuance of pressure hath bored through that large tract vvhich novv is : That this is so I prove . 1. Had the German Ocean b●red this Cavern , then a greater part of it vvould have been salt , and heavy like unto the same . 2. It would then have been more deep than it is , and have had a greater opening ; vvherefore it must needs have had its beginning from a Lake , and for that reason is very improperly called a Sea , more justly deserving the name of a Sinus or Gulph . III. In many places the Sea is taken notice to rise to the height of a Pike , as before the River of Seyne , vvhose rising they vulgarly call the Bare , or bore , taking its beginning vvith the advent of the Floud , and aftervvards overflovving a great length of that River as far as Roan in a great height , but gradually diminishing . The cause of this is to be attributed to the depth of a Cavern encompassed by shelves and banks , wherein the Sea is collected and stayed until such time that it doth gather it self into a bare , whereby it lifteth it self up and climbs up the banks , and being attended with the same force , whereby it did elevate it self , is protracted as far as Roan . Here again we have an evident testimony of the Seas moving underneath , confirming what I have proposed touching the universal Bore . If the waters here took their beginning of motion from their superficial parts , then a bare were impossible to arise here , because the waters are free and in no wise stopt in their motion atop ; Ergo being stopt underneath it is undoubted , that the waters take their beginning of motion thence . The same bares you have here and there in the Seas , which occasion the oversetting of many a Ship , or the casting of them upon rocks and shelves , which they could not escape , because of the violence of the same bores . This bare is seldom visibly perceived in the Seas , because it seems to be drowned by the waves , nevertheless in many places it is . The cause of the breaking of the Sea upon banks you may easily know out of the precedents . IV. The Mediterranean Sea undergoeth an intumescence and detumescence , although not very strong or swift ; the reason of the latter is , because it being situated Easterly escapes the strength of the course of the Ocean flowing westwards : Only , the Ocean through its continual passing by doth continually impell the waters of the straits of Gibraltar or the Pillars of Hercules inwards . This impulse of the waters inwards is much stronger at the intumescence of the Ocean , but weak at the detumescence , nevertheless the current of the Sea runs constantly inwards , because of the constant diurnal course of the Ocean from East to VVest ; so that this constant current into the Pillars of Hercules is an Herculean argument , confirming the constant diurnal motion of the Ocean . That , which causeth the floud or intumescence here , is the Ocean impelling the Sea strongly underneath at its intumescence : The cause of the detumescence is the water falling from underneath the Mediterranean into the universal Cavern , because of the detumescence of the Ocean . Moreover , observe the property of the ebbing and flowing of this Sea : Through the intumescence the water is impelled Eastward , as well near the shores as in the middle : Through the detumescence or waters falling from underneath the waters of the shores do fall towards the central or middle parts of that Sea , yet somewhat westward , because the Sea doth fall from underneath westward ; and notwithstanding the detumescence doth the middle of the Mediterranean float constantly inwards , although but weakly , because of the aforesaid impulse . Hence it appears that the Mediterranean is an exact emblem of all the motions befalling the Ocean . Touching its original it is certain , that the Ocean did not form its Cavern through its constant motion ; because were it so , that Sea would be largest at its mouth , as having withstood the first violence of the Ocean . 2. Because it is situated out of the reach of the course of the Ocean floating alwaies westward . 3. VVhere this Sea communicates with the Ocean , it seems rather to be its ending than the mouth of its narrowness , and it is very probable that near the creation the extremity of Spain and the Kingdom of Fez joyned in an Istmus , which since through violence of the Ocean and the pressure of the Mediterranean is bored through . The rice then of this Sea must be adscribed to the peregrin Element of water breaking out of the Earth through the concussion of the third Division , which afterwards was contained within a great rent or Sinus of the Earth : Neither did the Euxian Sea derive its original from the Mediterranean , because of the narrowness of the Channel , through which they have access to each other : But this with most great Lakes of the World , as the Maotis , Haneygaban , &c. were formed through accidental protrusions of the peregrin Element of water , as you shall read in the next Chapter . Among the various courses of the Sea we must not forget the inserting the causes of currents , whose waters although communicating with the Ocean , do notwithstanding make choice of a distinct motion , varying withall at certain seasons : Thus Mariners observe a strong current from Cabo Delgado towards the Cape of Good Hope streaming Southwest : and another floating westward from Cabo das correntes to the River Aguada of Boapaz . Near Aguada de San Bras the current runs towards the Land. The cause is the different position and degree of depth of their Cavity , which varying from that of the Ocean do suffer their waters to be squeezed to a different course : Neither must any imagine that the wind is the principal cause of these currents , and much less of the universal Tides of the Ocean , because the stronger the wind blowes against them , the stronger they float against the wind . CHAP. IX . Of Inundations . 1. Of the rice of the great Gulphs of the Ocean . The causes of Inundations . That the Deluge mentioned in Genesis was not universal . The explanation of the Text. 2. The manner of the Deluge . That it was not occasioned through the overfilling of the Ocean . 3. That there hapned very great Deluges since ; when and where . 4. The effects of the first Deluge . 5. Inland Inundations . 1. THe Ocean and others of its Arms , through their continual violence against the Earth do in time bore great Caverns into her body , whence the great Gulphs of Bengala , Persia , Arabia , Mexico , most great Bayes and straits took their beginning , and no wonder since they were moulded by the strong stream of the Ocean floating westward . Neither is the Ocean satisfied of the Earth for possessing the Center ( for which they have both an equal claim ) in making such assaults upon her , but is still striving to enter and begin new irruptions into her , whereby it oft grows victorious of some of her Plains , as appears by those frequent inundations sustained in England , ( particularly , that of Somersetshire , extending to 20 miles in length , and 15 in breadth , whose fury had drowned several Towns , and swallowed up many hundreds of men , some making their escape upon deales and pieces of Timber of Houses , that were washt away ; Rabbets fled their lodges and got atop Sheeps backs swimming as long as they could for their lives : Corn and straw floated up and down in abundance , being filled with Rats and Mice endeavouring their escape , besides a great number of dead creatures that were seen adrift ) Holland , many places of Asia , Africa , &c. Among these none was ever more furious , than the Deluge hapning in the year of the Creation 1656 , mentioned in the seventh Chapter of Genesis , whose eminence above the Earth reached to 15 Cubits , destroying all living Creatures ( except some few only ) that had thitherto fed upon the fruits of the ground . I must not forget here to rectifie Peoples judgments perswading themselves that this Inundation should have been universal . I grant it was universal in two respects : 1. To all the Earth that was inhabited by the Patriarchs and their Tribes . 2. In respect to the universal damage and loss ; for it had destroyed all that was upon Earth , excepting those that were miraculously preserved for the preservation and use of the race of Man. But pray can any one rationally conceive , that the height of 15 Cubits of water above those hills of Asia should have exceeded the tops of all the mountains of the world ? What proportion is there between those hills & 15 Cubits , and the Peak of Taeneriffe , the Mount Venpi in Queticheu , or Jekin in Chingutu , or Kesing , Mung , Hocang , Juntay , Loyang , Kiming , ( where they are nine daies in getting up to the top ) Funghoan , being all Mountains of China reaching higher than the lower clouds ; The Olympas , Athos , or those high Mountains upon the West-Indian Coasts ? No more than there is between a man and a steeple . Or is it probable that forty daies rain should drown the whole World , when a whole six months rain falling every Winter upon the East-Indies scarce increaseth the intumescence of the Ocean . But observe the scope of the Scripture , Gen. 7. 18. And the waters prevailed greatly , and were greatly increased upon the earth , &c. Here the divine Text seemeth to intend nothing further than a great prevailing and increase of the waters , which could effect little more than a partial Inundation ; for otherwise to have caused an universal one , none less than the greatest prevailing and increase of waters would have sufficed . Wherefore the words of ver . 19. viz. And all the Hills , that were under the whole heaven , were covered , are to be understood only of all the hills , that were covered by the whole heaven described by their Horizon : And still in the popular speech , when we say the whole heaven , we mean no more than the Horizon , that is as far as we can see round about us . II. Next let us consider the manner of this great Deluge . 1. It was not caused through the irruption of the Ocean into the earth , because then the said Deluge would have been extreamly sudden , viz. in six hours time the floud must have brought in the waters , and it must have left a large Gulph , where it brake in : Neither was the Sea high enough to have made such an assault . 2. The beginning of it was taken as the Text holds forth , v. 11 , 12. From the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep , and the opening of the windows of heaven , and the violent rain : These sudden impetuous tempests must needs have caused a great astonishment and anguish upon those who had so justly deserved . The breaking up of the Fountains were the bursting of the peregrin Elements , contained within the bowels of the earth , especially of water , air and fire out of the great deep , that is the vast Mediterranean Sea , by men of that Age called and accounted the great deep . The great occasion of this bursting out of the waters were 1. The heavy innixe of earth in the shallows of the Mediterranean pressing the waters underneath from its Center . 2. The air and fire forced through the earth of the said shallows to pass to their own Element . 3. The tearing winds sent down through the opening of the windows of heaven , which piercing the pores of the earth contributed not a little to the stirring up of the air and fire contained within the earth , and to the vibration of the terrestrial Mass. 4. The impetuous showers of rain breaking down and dividing the earth . Through this tempest the waters of the Mediterranean got above the earth , and a great proportion of the tract of air brake into the earth , having so fair an opportunity as at the nick of bursting to get nearer to the Center : But being inclosed by water & separated from its Element was by the potent compression of the said water forced to return , whereby the waters must necessarily be much tumefied , listed up , and cast out of their mole , whence they were constrained to float over the earth : but the air being most returned , the rain restrained , and the winds directed to pass over the earth , the waters setled and retired into their Cavern leaving the earth very much disposed to germination of plants ; and so the stopping up of the Fountains of the deep and the windows of heaven was accomplished . III. Not many years after there hapned another deluge somewhat less than the former , caused through the bursting up of those waters , that now constitute the Mare majus or Euxiun Sea , and the Lake Maeotis . Some hundred years after another deluge came upon Persia and Tartary by the bursting up of the Hircanian or Caspian Sea. The West-Indians have successively retained in their memory a great Inundation , which they imagine was universal , came upon them through the bursting up of the Lake Haneygaban , or Perime in Guiana . Through these before-mentioned deluges a great part of the Island Cea , half of the Town Tyndarida in Sicily , Acarnania ( being drowned in the Gulph of Ambracia ) and Achaia in the Gulph of Corinsh , and other great Countries must have been swallowed up and laid even with the bottom of the said waters ; as likewise hapned to Pyrrha , Antissa , Elice , Bura , and many other places : others must have appeared through the thrusting up of that Land , in whose stead the waters succeeded . This occasioned the new appearances of Delos and Rhodus , of Nea situated between Lemnus and the Hollespont ; of Abone , Thera , Therasia , Hiera , and Anaphe . IV. Through the said discontinued and unequal bursting up of the waters and breaking of the land , Sicily was separated from Italy , Cyprus from Syria , Besby from Bithynia , Atlas and Macria from Euboea , Euboea from Boeotia , Leucosta from the Sirenian Promontory , and many other Islands comprehended within the Mediterranean from the Continent : Likewise have many Sea port Towns in Europe been separated from the Continent , as witness many Ships that have run a ground upon their steeples and houses : Thus in the year 1421 many Towns and Villages of Holland and Freezland were swallovved up by the Sea ; and the Sea-men to this day are forced to take notice vvhere such and such of their Tovvns vvere drovvned , for fear of inhabiting them again . The vvaters through their pressing vveight do sometimes decline from one place , vvhich they then leave dry , to another , vvhere they have moulded a deeper Cavern ; by such an occasion vvere the Islands of Antissa left dry , and so united to the Continent of Lesbos , Zephyrius to Halicarnassus , Ethuso to Mindus , Dromiscon and Peres to Miletus , Narthecusa to the Parthenian Promontory ; Hybanda , Epidaurus , Magnesia , and Oricon to the Continent : The same hath arrived to many other places ; namely that some part of a shore hath been deserted through the Seas declination , ( as hapned to the Country about Ambracia , Ephesus , the Plain of Arabia , and above Memphis as far as the AEthiopian Mountains , having been all over covered by the Sea ) in such a manner , that Ships vvhich had been cast avvay upon the sands near to that shore vvere after some hundreds of years found some miles off from the Sea , deeply covered vvith earth by length of time , cast upon them partly from the adjacent hills by the vvind ; and partly by the heaving up of the sand through the seas diurnal Tides . Hence vve may easily knovv , vvhence that Mast came , that vvas found vvith a Pulley to it sticking out of the top of one of the steep hills of Spitsberg in Greenland near vvhere they usually fish for Whales . Before I go further I must convince those of their mistake , that state Earthquakes the occasion of the disappearance of some Islands , and appearance of others , formed through the violent and unequal bursting up of earth . 1. Let them take notice that Earthquakes are fresh enough in mens memories in the West-Indies , and those great ones too , yet they never , or very seldom have protruded any Islands there ; neither is their eruption large enough for to compass such an effect . 2. Earthquakes happen most through the Earths belching up of wind , that hapned to be inclosed vvithin her belly , but it is impossible that a wind should drown a Country , or raise an Island : Possibly you may reply , That together with a wind there oft bursteth out a floud of water . I grant it , and what is this else but a Deluge ? Thus many Towns and Villages in Holland and Friesland have been formerly swallowed up by such deluges , as their great Lakes are still testimonies of ; and to my apprehension all that Country must necessarily be subjected to such deluges , since it swims upon the water . Touching Inland Inundations , as that which befell Friesland in the year 1218 , where near 100000 persons were buried in the water ; and that of Holland and Zealand in the Reign of Charles the fifth Emperour of Germany , in the year 1531. and several times since , as that of the last year , when a great part of the Country all about Gorcum was seized upon by Inland waters . Their causes are to be attributed to torrents streaming down out of the melted snow , as also to the swelling of the Inland waters , through receiving a great quantity of frosty minima's , pouring down from the North in a cold Winter . The River of Nile proves yearly extravagant in AEgypt for two months and ten daies , because being situated very low it is obliged to receive the superfluity of water falling from above out of severall great Rivers and Lakes , as the Lakes Zembre , Saslan , Nuba , and the Rivers Cabella , Tagazi , Ancona , Coror , and many others , besides the water which it draweth from the hills and other grounds . These Rivers and Lakes do constantly swell every year by reason of the great rains , that fall there at certain times of the year . Besides the heat of the Sun exercising its power very vigorously near the latter end of May , doth very much subtilize and rarefie those waters , whereby they are rendred more fluid , penetrating and copious ; and lastly the Sun conversing in the northern declination doth impell the Ocean stronger against the Northern shores , whereby the waters are also much increased . Hence it is , that the waters of the Nile are so subtill , that they deceive the air in carrying of them up in vapours , viz. because they are so subtilly strained : No wonder then if they prove so healthy . The same causes are appli●ble to the excessive increase of the Rivers Ganges , Padus , Arrius , Danow , Tiber and Athesis . CHAP. X. Of the causes of the before-mentioned properties of Lakes . 1. Whence the Lake Asphaltites is so strong for sustaining of weighty bodies , and why it breeds no Fish. The cause of qualities contrary to these in other Lakes . The cause of the effects of the Lake Lerna . 2. Whence the vertues of the Lake Eaug , of Thrace , Gerasa , the Lake among the Troglodites , Clitorius , Laumond , Vadimon , and Benaco are derived . 3. Whence the properties of the Lake Larius , Pilats Pool , and the Lake of Laubach emanate . I. VVHat the cause of those effects of the Lake Asphaltites should be , the name seems to contain , viz. The water glued together by an incrassated air and condensed fire , constituting the body of a certain Bitumen , called Asphaltos , whence the said Lake doth also derive its name : It is uncapable of breeding fish , because through its sulphureous thickness it suffocates all vitall flames . On the contrary the Lakes Avernum ( although deep 360 fathom ) and that of AEthiopia are so much subtilized through the passing of rarefied air , that they are uncapable of sustaining the least weight . Touching their pernicious quality to fowl , it must be attributed to the venomous spirits permixt with that rarefied air , infecting the whole Element of air as far as it covers them . The Lake Lorna and the other in Portugal cause their effects through the permixture of a quantity of crude nitrous bodies , which prove very depressing . That Lake of AEthiopia is unctious through the admixture of incrassated air . II. The Lake Eaug in Ireland acquires a sideropoetick vertue under water from the imbibition of crude Aluminous juyces , by means of their indurating and constrictive vertue changing wood sticking in the mud into an Iron-like substance ; that part which is under water into a stone-like substance , because of the diminution of the said Aluminous Juyces , which through their weight are more copious in the mud ; the part of the wood that sticks out of the water remains wood , as being beyond the reach of the said heavy juyces . The Lakes of Thrace and Gerasa prove pernicious through admixture of crude arsenical exhalations . The Lake among the Troglodites being Mercurial is infestuous to the brain . The Lake Clitorius through its nitrosity disturbs the stomach , and attracts a great quantity of moisture to it , and infecting it with an offensive quality , causes a loathing of all Liquors . The sudden tempests befalling the Lake Laumond and Vadimon are caused through winds breaking out of the earth through the water . Lakes resist induration by frost through igneous expirations pervading them . The Lake Benacus shews its fury , when its internal winds are excited by external ones , causing a Concussion and a Rage in the water , like unto an aguish body , which is disposed to a shaking fit by every sharp wind raising the sharp winds within . III. The River Abda passeth freely through the Lake Larius without any commotion of its body , because the waters of the Lake through their extream crassitude are depressed downwards , and so are constituted atop in a rigid posture , whereas the River is impelled forwards , and very little downwards : But were it to flow through a shallow water , whose quantity doth not bear any proportion to receive the pressure of the air downwards against the earth , they would soon communicate in streams . 2. The waters of a Lake differ much in crassitude and density from those of a River , and therefore do exclude its streams . The Lake Haneygaban doth not visibly disburden it self of those waters , but thrusting Caverns underneath into the earth , raises all those hills through the intumescence of the said waters , that are near to her , out of which some Rivers do take their rice . Pilats Pool is stirred into a vehement fermentation by flinging any pressing body into it ; because thereby those heterogeneous mineral juyces ( viz. Vitriolat and Sulphureous substances ) are raised , mixt together , and brought to a fermentation and working : Through this fermentation the water swells and exceeds its borders ; but the water being clarified the commotion ceaseth . Neither needs any one wonder , that so small a matter should be the cause of so great an exestuation , since one part of the water doth stir up the other , and so successively the whole pool comes to be stirred . Pools owe their rice to great rains or torrents , which sometime do slow visibly over the meadows , or through Rivers causing inundations : Sometimes through Caverns of the Earth , as that near Laubach . CHAP. XI . Of the rice of Fountains , Rivers and Hills . 1. That Fountains are not supplied by rain . 2. Aristotles opinion touching the rice of Fountains examined . 3. The Authors assertion concerning the rice of Fountains . The rice of many principal Fountains of the world . 4. Why Holland is not mountainous . 5. That the first deluge was not the cause of Hills . 6. Whence that great quantity of water contained within the bowels of the Earth is derived . 7. Whence it is that most shores are Mountainous . Why the Island Ferro is not irrigated with any Rivers . Why the earth is depressed under the torrid Zone , and elevated towards the polars . The cause of the multitude of Hills in some Countries and scarcity in others . 8. How it is possible for the Sea to penetrate into the bowels of the earth . I. THe opinion of Fountains , scattering out of the earth and supplied by waters rained down and collected within Caverns of the earth , as it hath vulgarly taken place among many , so it is very suspitious ; experience tells us , that many perennal Fountains spring forth out of sandy and every where about dry Mountains , whereunto notwithstanding but little is contributed by the moisture of the heavens , since the rain falleth but seldom , ( as in AEgypt , and other places , ) and the Sun is very hot , the Country very dry , insomuch that did the rain fall in twice that quantity , it would scarce be sufficient to irrigate the soile , much less of supplying moisture for Fountains . 2. Many Fountains draw their water very deep , near a hundred foot , yea two or three hundred deep out of the earth : Whereas rain seldom penetrates deeper into the earth than ten or eleven foot . 3. Some Fountains break forth out of Rocky Mountains , which are uncapable of imbibing rain : Ergo their rice and continuation are not from rain . II. The opinion of Aristotle is much more absurd , asserting subterraneous air converted into water to be the cause of Springs , since we have formerly made it appear , that the conversion of air into water is impossible ; or were it not , it would seem very irrational to suppose the earth to be so hollow as to be capable of containing such an infinite quantity of air , as to continuate the course of a Fountain ; because a great quantity of air condensed ( as they call it ) would produce but little more than a drop * . III. 1. In brief Fountains owe their beginning and continuation to great quantities of water collected within great Caverns of the earth . This the diggers of Mines confirm to us , who sometime through digging too deep meet with great and sudden burstings out of waters , which oft do prove perennal . Such mischances have hapned not once in the Coal-pits near Newcastle , to the drowning of many a man. Moreover there are no great hills , but which rest upon great gulphs of water underneath them , insomuch that a hill is nothing else but the raising of the earth through a great gulph of water lodging underneath it . Hence it is that hills are generally the store-houses of Rivers , and their sides or tops their Springs . How many slouds of water are there discovered to break out of the sides of several great hills in Kent , Surrey , and innumerous other places of the world ? Whence should those pregnant Pewter Mines in Cornwal , or Lead Mines in Derbishire , and all other Mines in the world be supplied with a sufficient quantity of water for their matter , were it not that the hills afforded it out of their Caverns ? Whereout should all those vast stony and rocky Mountains of the Universe consist , but out of water derived from the Earths bowels ? Whence should those great perennal Rivers , that spout forth from under the Alpes and Peruvian Mountains take their rice , but from those gulphs of water , whereby they are raised to that height ? Whence should all the water of those great Lakes upon hills arrive ? As that between the middle of the three tops of the hill Taihu in China , whose depth was yet never fathomed ; and that upon the Mount Jenkin near the City So , being of no less depth , and near a quarter of a Mile in compass ; likewise that of Tieuchi near Mien ; that deep Lake upon the Mount Tienlu called the Lake of the Drake , because it is so horrible through its depth and commotion , that if any should cast a stone into it , it would render a great noise like unto a thunder : besides many others in Europe ; as those in Ireland , &c. In fine , do not all the greatest Rivers of the world , viz. Ganges , Nilus , Senaga , Nuba , Tana , Nieper , Morava , Garumna , Thames , &c. yea , and all others spout out of hills , or are they not derived from Lakes ? Lakes usually are environned by a Plain , because those waters , which should thrust up hills about them are collected in an open Cavern . Notwithstanding are the same waters of Lakes through the ait's pressure forced underneath into the earth , where at some distance they do cast up hils , for to disburden the earth , whereat they spout out Rivers ; for a Lake is uncapable of it self to spout out a River , because being situated low wants force to spout it out from it , whereas waters , that are protruded and continually impacted and crusht very thick or close into Caverns of hills , do by a renitency press against the earth above and below , and swallow up the air contained within the said Caverns into their substance , and the earth doth reciprocally press against them ; but the air being thin , smooth and glib , is at last violently protruded by both their gravities , which erupting with a great force and discontinuation of the earth , doth make way upwards for the water to be pressed out the easier by the earth with such a force , as may square to the protruding of a long River : Wherefore it is necessary , that Rivers should derive either immediately or mediately from hills : Thus immediately the Rhein springs forth out of the Mount Adula aliás Vogel ; The Danow out of a Mount within the black wood some 6 Leagues off from Tubingen ; The Necker out of another near the same Town ; The Garona out of one of the Perinean Mountains ; The Jaxartes out of the Sogdian Mountains , as Ptolomy names them ; The Dnieper out of some Mountains near Dnieperco ; The River of Jordan out of two Issues of the Mount Lebanon , viz. Jor and Dan , both which meeting communicate in one name of Jordan ; The River Euphrates out of the Mount standing in the midst of the Garden of Eden ; The Boetis in Spain , out of the Mount Orespeda near Castao ; The Anien out of the Mountains among the Trebani ; the Zepusium out of some Mountain in Poland ; and so a million of others . Mediately , The River of Nile descends out of some Hills , that draw their water out of the Lake Zembre . The River Niger salies vigorously out of some hills near the Lake Borno , whose Caverns are filled the length of threescore Leagues under ground by streams flowing out of a Lake between Guidan and Vangue : The River Nuba out of Mountains deriving their water from the Lake Nuba , and in like manner many others . Touching narrow short Rivers , that flow from their head downwards to a low place , they may draw their rice immediately from a Lake , because they need not that vigour of impulse . IV. Holland and Zealand although very rich in water , yet are poo● in Mountains , because their ground is so much thorow soakt and masht with water , that being changed into a mud , it would sooner break into crums , than be raised up into hills . Wherefore the name of Holland was very aptly imposed upon that Countrey , since that underneath it is hollow , filled up only with water , the ground swimming atop it in the forme of clay or mud , they having little or no sandy ground within their dikes or bankes . Hence it appears , that towards the constitution of a Hill these conditions must be required . 1. A great quantity of water must be bored underneath the Earth ; for a small quantity would prove invalid to lift it up . 2. They must form their Cavern very deep ; for near the Surface they would sooner break through than raise the earth . 3. The ground under which they bore must be very dense , dry and sandy for to keep in the water ; for were it moist or loose , it would not rise , but sooner break : Besides , this density and sandiness of the earth doth serve to concentrate and conclomerate the earth into one body , whereby it is gradually raised and lifted up . From this discourse observe , why hills are sandy and dry , although containing such a bulk of water underneath them , viz. because of the closeness or density of the minima's or sands of the earth compelling the water under them . 2. The reason why all hills do not emit fountains of water , is because the water is lodged very deep under them , or because of the extream density of their terrestrial minima's . V. This cannot but confute that improbable opinion , asserting hills to be formed through the violence of the waters after the Deluge , carrying great pieces of the earth along with them in returning to their receptacle : another reason against this is , because great torrents , tumbling down with a tempestuous fury , and causing an Inundation or Deluge wherever they touch , scarce leave any sign of inequality of the earth behind them . 2. Here may then be demanded from them , how and whence those hills before or after the Deluge of Noah , or of Og●ges , or Deucaleon ( it is the same ) received their formation ? Hills there were before ; for besides the Bible , Josephus , Abydenus , Berosus and others make mention of a very high hill in Armenia major called Barin , by others Chardaeus , whereupon a pious man should have saved himself in an Ark. So Ovid speaks of the Mount Parnassus , whose height should have preserved Deucaleon with his wife Pyrrha from the rage of the Deluge . Others to save the matter have conceited the Stars to have attracted lumps out of the earth , and so raised them into hills ; but this opinion is so absurd , that it needs no confutation . The Vulgar observing most hills to be sandy do beyond all reproof believe , that they are nothing else but congestions of sand or earth , heaped up by the winds . I shall not think it much to insert their judgment touching a very high hill in Holland situated a mile off from the Hague towards Shiveling , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the High Clift , which about a hundred years ago , they say was of that height that one might have washt his hand in the clouds upon the top of it , but now is diminisht to one third , to what it was , and I my self can remember that it was much higher than now it is . The cause of this diminution they adscribe to the winds , blowing down the sands , out of which they say all those small hills , that are about it , were formed . But to rectifie their apprehensions ; who can rationally judge , that winds are forcible enough to remove hills of that weight and bigness , or that winds should be strong enough to heap up such a Mountain ? Any one would sooner imagine the winds to blow them down : If then winds have not the power to raise a Mountain , certainly they are too weak to pull one down . Or thus , If winds be so powerful , why did they not blow down such hils before they came to that height ? 2. Hills in many Islands of the West-Indies are raised much higher , where the winds are much more out ragious : Wherefore the cause of the diminution of the fore-mentioned High Clift must be adscribed to the removal of the water underneath ( whereby the hill doth gradually sink and grow lesser , ) and boring further into several places about hath raised those other hills . VI. But since hills are so numerous , Lakes and Rivers not scarce , a disquisition must be made , whence and how such a vast quantity of water doth redound within the bowels of the earth . The peregrin Element of water within the earth bears no proportion of affording a competent moisture towards the casting up of so many monstrous Mountains , or scattering such large perennal Fountains and Rivers , or of depressing the Surface of the earth by such vast Lakes : Wherefore I say nothing appears full enough to effuse such dimensions of water but the Ocean alone , whose belly being oppressed with an inexhaustible plenitude is constantly irritated to vomit up its superfluities into the weaker and lower parts of the earth . Reason will incline us to this truth : that must be the original of waters , whereinto they are disburdened ( for otherwise if the Sea did retain all those waters evacuated by Rivers , it would manifestly increase , but since it doth not , it is an argument that the Sea expels as much as it receives ; ) but that is the Ocean , Ergo. 2. Many Lakes , Fountains and Rivers , although remote from the lips of the Sea , do notwithstanding participate of the flowing and ebbing thereof , as that Fountain in the Island Gades , another near Burdeaux , &c. ergo the sea doth press water thither . 3. The divine words of Solomon confirm the same to us , Eccl. 1. 7. Unto the Place from whence the Rivers come , thither do they return again , but that is into the Sea , Ergo. 4. The ancient Church-men do also subscribe to this , viz. Isidor , lib. 3. de Orig. Cap. 20. Basil. Hom. 4. Hex . Jerom upon Eccles. 1. Damasc. lib. 2. de sid . orth . c. 9. Hugo de S. Vict. upon Gen. Dionys. upon Prov. 8. &c. The manner of the Seas conveyance or passage to the innermost parts of the earth is by screwing , pressing , and penetrating through the lowermost parts ; for there the Sea is most potent , exercising its weight refracted to the sides , whereas atop it is too weak , or were it strong enough , it would break forth before it had passed any considerable way . Besides its own weight the saltness of the Sea doth very much conduce to the intending of its force ; for those salin particles are apt to undergo a dividing and cutting pressure . VII . Places , that are bordering upon the Sea , are alwaies and every where cast up into high hills or mountains , because they receive the first impulse of the Sea waters pressing underneath ; Hence it is , that every where about , the Coasts are encompassed by hills . Mountains are oft higher and greater within the Land than near the Sea , because they are raised by the meeting of great quantities of water impelled from two Seas ; So the Alpes are cast up by the water impelled from the Venetian Gulph of the one side , and the Tyrrhenian Sea of the other , both meeting under them . The Peak of Teneriffe is thrust up to the height of threescore miles through casting up all that ground , into whose room a great depth of water is succeeded undermining it all about . The Island Ferro is not irrigated atop with any fluent moisture , as Lake , River , or Springs ( except only with the abundant droppings of a tree drawing moisture from a great depth , or by collecting the dew of the air , which sufficeth to quench the thirst of all the Inhabitants and their Cattel ; ) because consisting throughout of high Mountains , their sand lying very close deep , and heavy , doth detain the water underneath them . The earth is much more depressed under the torrid Zone , and as much more raised towards the Poles , because the Ocean being gathered into a vast body under the forementioned Zone depresseth all the land under it and near to it with one collected and united force of weight towards the Poles , which doth undoubtedly assure me that under both Poles Artick and Antartick the firm land doth stick out far above the waters : And questionless Greenland is protracted quite throughout the Northern polar Region . The Mountain Serra Leona in AEthiopia bearing up to the height of the clouds ( wherewith the top is alwaies beset , ) although raised within the torrid Zone , is suffulted by a great gulph collected through the meeting of two or more parts of the Sea under ground ; And whole Africa seems to be inflated into high mountains from the limits of AEgypt until the farthest part of the Atlantick mountain through communication of Lakes , which again arise out of the concourse of waters propelled from the Mediterranean , Eruthrean , AEthiopian , and Atlantick Seas . Arabia is likewise lofty through hills vaunting upon waters immitted from the Persian and Arabian Gulphs . Muscovia and Lithuania are for the greater part Champian Countries , because their soil is too much soakt for to be raised up into hills . 2. By reason of the multiplicity of Lakes and Rivers , through which the subterraneous waters are vented . Sweden , Norway , Scania are very abundantly watered with Lakes and Rivers ; the Sea upon those Coasts exceeds in depth the length of Ships Cables : The reason is because those waters are very much intended in their pressure downwards through the vast number of cold and frosty minima's raining down from the North Pole. VIII . Before I digress from the subject of this Chapter I am only to shew you the possibility of Marin waters their pressure out from the depth of the Ocean in to the innermost parts of the earth . This I shall easily accomplish in mentioning , that the force of fresh waters within the land have moulded through the ground the length of many Leagues ; if so , the same is much more possible to salt water . The River Niger bores through a heavy , dense and deep ground the length of 60 miles , before it evacuates it self into the Lake Borno . The River Nuba doth likewise force a Cavern many miles long into the earth . The Spaniards vaunt excessively of a long Bridge , whereon ten thousand Goats and Sheep reap their pasture , and is nothing else but the passing of the River Anas ( alias Guadiana ) the dimension of 8 or 9 Leagues underground , beginning to disappear near Medelina . The Tigris runs her self under ground on one side of the mount Taurus , and comes up again on the other side , and beyond the Lake Thorpes hides it self again within the earth 18 miles further . Camden in his Britannia makes observation of the River Mole in Surrey diving under ground near white hill , and appearing again a mile or two thence near Letherhed bridge . Historians tell us that the Alphaeus floats secretly under ground as far as Sicily , where with its appearance makes choice of a new name , viz. Arethusa , famous for gulping up of offals , that had been cast into the Alphaeus at the Olimpick Games usual every fifth year . The Danow runs some miles under ground , before it flows into the Sava . Upon the top of the mount Stella is a certain Lake near 12 Leagues distant from the Sea , which oft vomits up wracks of Ships , that were cast away at Sea. CHAP. XII . Of the causes of the effects produced by Fountains . 1. Whence some Fountains are deleterious ; The cause of the effect of the Fountain Lethe , of Cea , Lincystis , Arania ; The causes of foecundation and of rendring barren of other Fountains ; The causes of the properties of the Fountain of the Sun , of the Eleusinian waters , of the Fountains of Illyrium , Epyrus , Cyreniaca , Arcadia , the Holy Cross , Sibaris , Lycos , of the unctious Fountain of Rome , and Jacobs Fountain . 2. The causes of the effects of Ipsum and Barnet Wells . 3. Whence the vertues of the Spaw waters are derived . 4. Of the formal causes of Baths . 1. THe Fountains of Thrace , Arcadia , Sarmatia , Armenia , Lydia , and Sicilia are deleterious through the permixtion of crude arsernical juyces , transpiring out of the earth . The same causes operate the same effects in the Founts of Wolchenstein , Valentia , Berosus , &c. The Lethe of Boeotia owes its effects to crude Mercurial vapours immixt within its substance : Another in the same Countrey produceth a contrary effect through a succinous exhalation . The Fountains of Cea and Susae differ little in causality from the Lethe . The Lincystis inebriates the brain through repletion by sulphurous exhalations . The Fountain of Arania makes use of crude nitrous juyces for the accomplishing of its effects . The Fountain , which Solinus affirms to conduce to foecundity , must be a thorowly attenuated and well concocted water , like to that of the Nile . The other opposite to this in operation must be very Saturnal . A sulphureous Nitre , or a mixture of Sulphur and Nitre into one close juyce , dispersed through the waters of the Fountain of the Sun among the Garamantes , renders them very cold in the day time , because the Nitre then predominating condenseth and incrassates the waters , the more because its sulphureous parts , which do otherwise rarefie them , are through the Suns beams extracted , disunited , and dispersed : Whereas in the night season the sulphureous parts , ben●g united through the condensing cold of the night and condensation of the nitrous particles , turn into an internal flame , causing that fervent heat . The Eleusinian waters are irritated to a fermentation of heterogeneous mineral juyces through the percussion of the air by a sharp musical string , whereby through continuation the waters are likewise percussed and its contenta stirred . In the same manner is the next related fountain cast into an exestuation through the shrill acute vibrating and penetrating percussion of the air by the lips , whereas the walking about stirring the air but obtusely cannot effect such a penetrative or acute motion . The Fountain of Illyrium contains secret Vitriolat sulphureous flames within its substance , whereby it proves so consuming . The Fountains of Epyrus and Cyreniaca vary in heat , by reason of the greater or lesser dispersing and rarefying , or uniting and condensing of their sulphureous flames . Springs remain cool in the Summer through the rarefaction of their fiery spirits exhaling and passing out of the ground in the Summer ; they produce a small warmth through the condensation of their igneous particles in the Winter . That Fountain of Arcadia exerciseth such a penetrable concentrating force upon Gold and Silver through the quantity and strength of its nitrous spirits , which are only obtused by a Mules hoof , through the Lentor and obtuseness of its body , and therefore may easily be contained in it . The Fountain of the Holy Cross appears red through the admixture of red bole . The overflowing of Fountains for a certain space depends upon the pressure of a greater quantity of water thither , which in the Summer time may prove more copious through the attenuation of the water and rarefaction of the earth . The reason of their detumescence after their repletion is the waters further impression towards other parts , or repression thither whence they came , through the expiration of the air flatuosities out the mouths of the Fount , whence the earths gravity depresseth them back again . Those that increase and decrease with the course of the Moon , or rather of the Ocean , vary through the change of the universal Tides , of which hath been sufficiently treated above . Touching the Lithopoetick vertue of waters , it is much agreeing with that of the earth , of which above . The Sibaris causeth sneezing through its acre and vitriolat spirits . Some waters are apt to change the temperament of the body into a cold or phlegmatick disposition causing the hair of Cattel to be protruded with a faire colour ; others into a cholerick habit , causing the hair to be of a reddish colour . The Fountain Lycos is unctious , and therefore serveth to burn in a Lamp. Whether to adscribe the egurgitation of that oyly Spring , discovered near the Incarnation of our Saviour , to the collection of unctious exhalations permisted with water , or to a miracle , both being possible , I leave to the inclination of your belief : But the disclosing of a false swearer ( if there be a Fountain of that vertue ) is an extraordinary impression of God upon the waters . Jacobs Fountain changeth in colour and motion through the fermentation of various heteregeneous bodies contained within it . II. Wells are distinguished from Fountains , in that the former do oft appear in a plain or valley , as the foot of a hill , & are subject to fill up and after to be dried up again ; Neither do they spout out water with a force like unto Fountains . Ipsum and Barnet Wells operate their effects through a thick Chalchantous or Vitriolat juyce , which through its sulphureous particles irritates the belly to excretion , and through its subtiller spirits to urine . By the way you must not imagine that their admixture is right and true Vitriol ; for in distillation by the colour of the subsidence it doth appear otherwise : Neither is the taste a perfect vitriolat taste , or their operation so nauseous as Vitriol dissolved in water . Besides those juyces are indisposed to concretion into Vitriol , since these are more sulphureous and less digested : Nevertheless they are somwhat like to Vitriol in taste , operation , and grayness of colour , as being nearest to green . Although the main effect is adscribed to a Vitriolat like juyce , it hinders not but that some Ferrugineous and Aluminous juyces may be commixt with them . Tunbridge waters are impregnated with a thin chalchantous spirit , wherby they are usually pierced through with the urine , except in some delicate fine bodies , whose bellies partake likewise of their effect . III. Among the Spaw waters as Pouhont and Savenier agree in vertue with those of Tunbridge so likewise in their causes ; And Geronster with Ipsum . Nevertheless Hendricus van Heer doth not forbear , lib. de Acid. Spadan . cap. 5. imputing their effects to red Chalck , which he found , together with some Oker and a little Vitriol , upon the bottom of the body of the Still after distillation of the waters . I wonder how he guessed those substances so readily , which had nothing in them like to the said bodies but their colour . Besides the red chalck he named the mother of Iron : A wise saying . In effect those subsidences were nothing else but the caput mortuum of the forementioned chalchantous juyces , whose subtiller parts being abstracted and exhaled left the courser insipid , like to what the caput mortuum of Vitriol useth to be . But pray who ever knew ●ed Chalck or Oket to be eccoprotick or diuretick ? Particularly he found Geronster to leave dregs , which being cast upon a red hot Iron would not yield to liquefaction ; Ergo it must be steel he concluded . Neither would his Oker or Chalk have melted presently , because they were deprived of their Sulphur . But will the infusion of Steel purge by stool and urine like those waters ? Certainly no. Ergo their purgative ingredient must have been a crude chalchantous juyce . Fallopius beyond him attests to have found Alume , Salt , green Vitriol , Plaister , Marble and chalk in those waters , which they cal Physical waters : a meer guess , these partaking in nothing but colour , and scarce that , with the forenamed Minerals . Doubtless nature had never intended them for such bodies . Touching the commistions of these juyces with the waters , they do immediately mix with them as soon as they are exhaled out of the earth , which had they been intended for those pretended kind of Minerals , nature would have lockt them up in a matrix . IV. Baths derive their natures from the actual hidden flames of a thick and dense sulphureous and chalky matter , the proportion of which do cause a greater or lesser ebullition . The waters of the Rivers descending out of the Alpes breed such congestions under the throat through a permixture of coagulating and incrassating particles , to wit , of nitrous juyces . Touching the other properties of Rivers we have already treated of them , and therefore judge their repetition needless . CHAP. XIII . Of the various Tastes , Smells , Congelation and Choice of Water . 1. Various tastes of several Lakes , Fountain and River waters . 2. The divers sents of waters . 3. The causes of the said tastes . That the saltness of the Sea is not generated by the broyling heat of the Sun. The Authors opinion . 4. The causes of the sents of Waters . 5. What Ice is , the cause of it , and manner of its generation . Why some Countries are less exposed to frosts than others that are nearer to the Line . 6. The differences of frosts . Why a frost doth usually begin and end with the change of the Moon . 7. The original or rice of frosty minims . Why fresh waters are aptest to be frozen . How it is possible for the Sea to be frozen . 8. What waters are the best and the worst : the reasons of their excellency and badness . I. VVAter besides its own natural taste , of which we have spoken above , is distinguished by the variety of adventicious tasts , viz. some are sharp and sowre , as the Savenier , Tunbridge waters , and those near Gopingen in Suevia and others near Lyncestus in Macedonia . Others are of a sweet taste as the water of the River Himera in Sicily ; Those of the River Liparis have a fat taste . Some waters in the Isles Andros , Naxos , and Paphlagonia do taste like wine . The waters of the Fountain Campeius are bitter , and flowing into the river Hipanis in Pontus infects it with the same taste . There are other fountains between the Nile and the red Sea that agree with the former in taste , likewise those of Silicia near Corycius . The pit waters of Galniceus are acerbous . The salt taste of waters is unknown to none since the Ocean is pregnant enough with it . Some inland Lakes and Fountains are of the same taste , viz. Three in Sicilia , the Concanican , Agrigentinian Lakes , and another near Gela. There is another called Myrtuntius of the same relish between Leucades and the Ambracian Gulph . The Taus in Phrygia , Thopetis in Babylonia , Asphaltites in Judaea , Sputa in Media Atropacia , Mantianus in Armenia , one in Cyprus near Citium , another between Laodicea and Apamia , two in Bactria , another near the Lake Moeotis , and that of Yaogan , Forrien , besides many more are all of a saltish taste . Touching Fountains there is one in Narbone exceeding the Sea in saltness . There are six more of the same taste near the Adriatick gulph , where it bends towards Aquileia ; besides several other salt pits in Italy , Illyris , Cappadocia , &c. II. Waters vary no less in their sent : Some stinking , as the Lake between Laodicea and Apamia , the Fountain among the Phalisci , another near Leuca in Calabria , and those rivulets near the Lake Asphaltites , &c. Others give a sweet sent as the Fountain of Cabara in Mesopotamia . The Pit Methone in Peloponesus smells like a Salve . III. Next let me make address to the causes of these qualities : A sharp taste is derived from those acute and Vitriolate particles immixt in the water . A sweet taste is produced in water through an exact aerial mixtion or percoction with it . The waters of Paphlagonia afford a vinous taste through the admixture of tartareous exhalations , or such as are like to the mixture of Tartar of wine . Bitterness flows from adust terrestrial particles admixt to waters . Aluminous exhalations dispersed through water render it acerbous . The saltness of the Sea and other Inland waters is communicated to them from the admixture of saltish particles exhaling out of the mud . Touching the generation of salt and its mixtion I have inserted my opinion above , I shall here only have a word or two with those that state the Sun the efficient cause of the said saltish particles , broyling and aduring those exhalations contained with the body of the waters ; whence they assert the superficial parts of the Sea to be more saltish than the lower parts of it , because the Suns heat is more vigorous there . If the broyling Sun be the efficient , whence is it then that some Lakes and Fountains are very salt , where the Sun doth not cast its aduring beams ? 2. It is very improbable , that so vast a number of saltish partiticles should be generated in the torrid Zone , ( where the Sun doth only broyle ) as to infect the waters within the polars , that are so remote thence : How then is it , that the waters prove as saltish there , where the cold is as potent as the heat elsewhere , as in Greenland ? Or absurdly supposing the Sea to be so far communicative of its savour , why doth it not obtain a power of changing those sweet waters , which it is constrained to harbour within it self ? As those , which Columbus relates to have found in the American Sea , near to the road of the Drakes head : Moreover he attests to have sailed through fresh water a hundred and four Leagues far in the North Sea. Pliny , lib. 2. c. 103. affirms the same , viz. to have discovered fresh water near Aradus in the Mediterranean , and others by the Chaledonian Islands . And in lib. 6. c. 17. he reports that Alexander Magnus had drank a draught of Sea water that was fresh , and that Pompey when he was employed against Mithridates should have tasted of the same . 3. The Ocean being alwaies in such an agitation cannot be a fit matrix to concrease or unite such mixtures . 4. The broyling Sun doth rather render salt waters , fresh as hath been experienced among Seamen by exposing pails of Sea water upon the deck to the torrid Sun under the Line , which after a while standing do become much fresher . An open heat doubtless sooner dissolves a mixture than it generates one ; for boyl Sea-water long upon the fire , and it will grow fresh ; or distill it , and you will find the same effect . Beyond all scruple these saltish particles must be united into such mixtures out of earth proportioned to the other Elements in a close place or matrix ( yet not so close as to concrease them into a fixed subterraneous body or mineral ) whose coldness doth adact , impact , and bind the said Elements into an union and mixture , which through defect of an entire closeness do soon exhale or transpire . In a word , the saltness of the Sea is generated within its mud , whose closeness impacts and coagulates the exhalations of the earth into salin particles , whence they are soon disturbed through the motion of the Sea , and the attracting heat of the Sun. Hence it is , that old mud , clay , and such like bodies prove generally saltish , so that the Sun adds little excepting in the stirring up of the said exhalations . And touching the foregoing instance of the waters greater saltness atop than below , it is fictitious ; for the Sea is much fuller of salt below than above , because of its weight . Nevertheless the Sea doth taste more saltish atop than below , because the subtiller parts of the Salt are attracted or forced by the heat of the Sun towards the top , which meeting there are apt to strike the tongue more piercing than otherwaies . But whence these fresh waters do burst up into the Sea is worth our inquiry : To resolve you , you must know that the earth in many places under water is raised up into hills , or shallows analogal to them , whose earth atop lying very close doth hinder the water above it from passing , especially in the Northern Climate , where the Sea is somewhat thicker than under the Line : but is nevertheless bursted through propulsion of the waters underneath , which evacuated into the body of the Sea do cause that extent of fresh water without suffering themselves to be infected with the Saltness of the Sea , because the Sea-water is so thick and closs , that it excepts the fresh water from making an irruption into its continuity : Hence it is , that the River of the Amazons , besides many others although irrupting into the Sea many Leagues far , yet is maintained impolluted and fresh . But why those salin particles should be generated near to those fresh springs , and not close about them may seem strange : It is because one ground is muddy and disposed to generate salt , the other about the said spring is sandy , dry * ( as it were ) and close , and not at all masht through as mud is . The Sea-water deposeth its saltness in being percolated through the earth suffering the subtiller parts alone of the waters to pass , but keeping back the grosser and salin ones . IV. Sents are materiated out of the subtiller parts of the matter effecting tastes ; wherefore all waters , that are discernable by tastes , emit their subtiller parts for sents ; but of this abundantly before , whither I must direct my Reader . V. Ice is water congealed , or incrassated , indurated , or rather reduced to its natural state . That which congeales the water or reduces it to its natural state is the absence or expulsion of those Elements , that render it fluid , viz. fire and air . These are expelled by frosty minima's falling down from the Poles , and compressing or squeezing them both out of the body of water , whence it is also that all waters swell through the frost , viz. through their repletion with the said minima's . These are nothing but Unites or points of earth adunited to so many unites of water freed within their body from all air and fire , and detruded from the Polars towards the earth , whither they are vigorously forced down in a very close order into the Surface of the waters , where arriving they press out the air and fire , which being expelled , the superficial parts of the water cleave naturally to one another about those frosty minima's . The first beginning of a frost is taken from the first decidence of frosty minima's , which in their passing cause a vehement compression , and lighting upon our tact make us give them the name of cold ( because they compress our external parts with a smart continuous compression ; ) thence falling upon the water ( if in a smal quantity only ) do thicken it a little , if in a greater do forcibly expel the air and fire , which being expelled a concretion of the water near its Surface must naturally follow . If now it grows no colder , and that these minima's fall in no greater quantity , the Ice continues at a stand ; but if otherwise , then it proceeds to a greater induration and a larger concretion : And the deeper the waters do thicken , the more acute the cold must be , or the greater quantity of acute and dense minima's must follow for to further and continuate the said concretion , because unless they are acuter than the former , they will not be minute enough to pass the small porosities remaining in the Surface of the Ice . Ice swimmeth atop the water , as long as it freezeth , not because it is less weighty , ( for it is heavier ; ) but because its continuity and concretion together with the support of the air tending from the ground of the waters towards its own Element do detain it . When it thawes the Ice sinks down , because it is somewhat discontinued and melted , and by reason of the same proportion of air descending and bearing down upon it , that was ascended before . Notwithstanding the thaw people do oft complain of a great cold two or three daies after , and especially in their feet , which is nothing else but the same frosty minima's repassing out of the earth and water towards the Element of air for to give way to the melting entring air and fire . The frosty minima's that begin to fall with a red Evening sky denoting the clearness of the air and passage , do oft bring a furious cold with them , because finding no obstruction they fall very densely and acutely upon us ; but those , that fall through a cloudy air seldom cause violent colds , because they are partly detained by the same clouds : Hence it is , that most Countries , that are beset with water ( as Islands , peninsuls , &c. ) and thence attain to a nebulous air , are warmer , than other Countries although the former be remoter from the Ecliptick than these , because their clouds obstruct and detain a part of the frosty minima's , and break the rest in their motion downwards : Whence it is also that England is less cold in the Winter than most parts of France or Germany , although both are of a less Northern declination than it . The same clouds do likewise in the Summer break the violence of the fiery minima's descending , whence it is also less hot here than in the forementioned places , no wonder then , if Geographers do so much extoll this Island for the temperature of its Climate . VI. This language is supplied with a very apt distinction of frosts , viz. a black frost , a gray , and a white frost . The first of these is felt to be of the greatest fury , insomuch that if it proveth for any time lasting , it deads the roots of young plants and old trees , kills all Vermine , and penetrates through the very periostium of Animals , and depth of Rivers . It derives its violence from the extream number of the descending frosty minima's , whose density makes the Skies even look black again . A gray frost is between a black and white one , consisting likewise of a dense proportion of descending minima's . A white frost is the incrassation of vapours in the lowermost region of the air . Among these a black frost is of the least continuance , because the frosty minima's tumbling down in such vast quantities are soon purged out of the air . Here may be inquired , why a frost usually begins and ends with the change of the Moon . For solving of this , you must observe ; that the causes of the decidence are , 1. Their great number . 2. Their congregating or congress . Touching the first , unless their number is proportionable to bore and press * through the clouds and resistance of the air , they are uncapable of descension for to cause a congelation : and although their number be great and dispersed , they are nevertheless retained through the over-powering of the clouds : Wherefore it is necessary a great quantity should be united into heaps , and so make their way through . To these principal causes add this adjuvant one , viz. The compression of the Moon , she at her changes driving the frosty minima's more forcibly towards the Poles , through which impulsion they are withal thrusted one upon the other and united into a body , whence it is that they at those times do oft take their beginning of decidence . Again the Moon near the same terms impelling the clouds and thick air thither doth prove as frequent an occasion of dispersing those frosty minima's , especially if much diminished of their body through preceding decidencies . Moreover these frosty minima's , although they are sometimes broken & dispersed in their decidence through the said impulses , yet sometimes they do recover a body , and make a new irruption downwards : And thence it is , that oft times a frost holds for a day or two , then thaws for as long , and afterwards returns to freezing again . VII . In the next place I am to set down the original and rice of these frosty minima's . You may easily apprehend , that the Sun in the Torrid Zone and somewhat in the temperate one doth dayly raise a vast number and quantity of vapours * , ( consisting of most water , then air , next fire and earth ) which through the diurnal motion of the air , are carried along from East to West . And through daily successions of new vapours they are compelled to detrude their preceding ones towards the Poles , whither they seem most to tend through the disposition of water and earth contained within those vapours , and the greater force of the heavens driving them towards the Poles as the weaker places , ( for there motion is least observed , ) where being arrived , are by the privative coldness of that Region assisted to free themselves of the fire and air ; the water now cleaving to the earth and divided into millions upon millions of minima's make up a dense body , whence through the depression of the air they are devolved down to the earth . Waters , that are least in motion , less fiery and aerial , are most disposed to concretion : Hence fresh waters are aptest to be frozen : Whereas the Sea is seldom reduced to concretion , because of its continual motion expelling the frosty minima's as fast as they are received , or precipating them to the bottom , or by melting their body through the fiery salin and aerial particles contained within it . Notwithstanding is the Sea reduced to concretion in some Climates , viz. within the Polars , where you have the Oceanus Glacialis or Icy Ocean , whose Ice is in some places 60 or 80 fathom deep , in others reaching from the bottom of the Sea to the top ; insomuch that the tops of many of those Icy mountains stick out as far above the Surface of the liquid Sea , as the same Sea is deep underneath : The properties of that Ice is to be clear and transparent like glass . Herodotus doth likewise make mention of the freezing of the Bosphorus , so Beda lib. de natur . rer . c. 9. writes , that within a daies sail from the Isle Tyle towards the North the Sea is frozen . Olans Magn. tells us of the Gothiek Sea being frozen : But this hapneth , because the Sea thereabout may be deprived of its saltness , ( yea some assert , that those mountains of Ice are most fresh water concreased ) which being precipitated to the bottom through the density of the frosty minima's constantly descending like showers under the Pole , the remaining Surface of fresh water is soon congealed . Before I close this Paragraph , I shall only adde the cause of a strange passion befalling the Glacial Sea , where sometimes of a sudden and in a moment a whole mountain of Ice is melted away , causing a dangerous current , subverting or carrying away many a ship , and yet the frost continueth : The cause of this is not the broyling and melting heat of the Sun , for the Sun is never so kind there , but the union of those fiery salin particles , precipitated ( as we told you above ) by the frosty minims down into the mud , whence working or bursting with an united condensed force upwards do occasion such sudden degelations . VIII . Lastly , Waters in respect of wholsomness differ very much in excellency and choice : Spring water , and those of Rivers are commended above others of Pools , Lakes , and Pit waters , because these latter through their standing still contract a muddiness and filth out of the earth , and sometimes noxious particles co gulated out of exhalations transpiring out the said mud ; besides that they are disposed to putrefactions through the abundance of peregrin bodies , protruding venomous herbs , and generating Toads , Frogs , Leeches , Snails , Eeles , and other filthy Insects . Snow waters are no less noxious than the former , because of their crudity , nitrosity , and thickness . Waters gathered and kept in a Leaden Cistern through Leaden or Tin spouts are crude and windy , because they descend out of the cold region of the air ; Moreover as Galen doth well except , they contract a pernicious quality from the Lead . Wherefore Fountain or River waters carry the bell before them all ; but which of these two excells the other we must next distinguish . Fountain waters , as they spring out of the mountains , are yet filled with wind and earthy minima's , and therefore must yield to River waters , I mean such as are derived from a Fountain : In these the waters through their rapid streams depose those earthy crude and windy bodies , which they brought along with them out of the Fountains Cavern , and are attenuated and clarified through the Sun beams , and lastly depose their dregs into the earth through being strained through its dense and clear sands . And among these there is a great difference ; those that take their rice from a standing water or a Lake , and flow through a muddy ground are much inferiour to many fountain waters . But others , that stream rapidly from a bright fountain and take their course through a pure sandy or gravelly ground , and meet the East , Sun are the best . River waters in hot Countries , where the air is clear , are preferred before others in cold Climats : Hence Rivers of a Continent take place , before those of an Iland , because the latter is generally beset with a nubilous air , filling the said waters with mud , and keeping off the rayes of the Sun from concocting them : Wherefore River waters in the Southeast parts of France are esteemed before any in England ; those of the Southeast parts of Spain before others of the same Continent , where the River Tago is much extolled for its wholsomeness of water ; In Persia the Choaspis affords the best waters ; In India the Ganges , &c. The Rivers of Thames affords the best water in England , but further up towards the Woodmongers Gallows & Oxford ; not about London where the ground is muddy , besides that it is infected by the Tides flowing out of the Sea with many saltish particles , dirt , dung , carkasses , &c. There must also notice be taken of the rice of a River , viz. That it do not spring out of a Mine ; and of the Countries through which it passeth , whether Chalky , Gravelly , or Clayish . Insumma waters , that are the lightest , thinnest , clearest and most limpid , of no strong tangue , but of a sweet & pleasing rellish , are the best . The weight of waters is known by weighing one with the other in Scales : By letting them run through a small sieve or thick close linnen : their tenuity is known by dropping them upon a Looking-glass , whereof that which drops the least drops and makes the greatest splatch is the subtillest ; by distillation , boyling , dissolving Salt or Soape in them ; by their shaking , smalness , and number of streams ; by the swimming of a piece of wood in them , viz. that wherein it smimmeth deepest is the lightest and thinnest , &c. CHAP. XIV . Of the commerce of the air with the other Elements . 1. How the air moves downwards . What motions the Elements would exercise supposing they enjoyed their Center . Why the Air doth not easily toss the terraqueous Globe out of its place . How the Air is capable of two contrary motions . 2. That the Air moves continually from East through the South to West , and thence back again to the East through the North. 3. An objection against the airs circular motion answered . 4. The Poles of the Air. 5. The proportion of Air to Fire ; its distinction into three profundities . 1. AIr is a debtor for its name to aer in Latine , which again to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to lift up , because it was lifted up ( as it were ) from the Chaos . How it was freed from the oppression of the weighty Elements I formerly declared . The remainder is to treate briefly of its commerce with the neighbouring Elements , viz. with Earth , Water , and Fire . Daily observations make appear to us , that a cavity is no sooner ready to open within the Earth or Water , but the Air is as ready to strive to enter , not only for to fill up that vacuity , but out of an eagerness , strife , and necessity for to gain a Center for its whole body : For how can any body enjoy rest without being sustained by a foundation ? That , which is alone apt for such a work , is the Center , which is a Basis , upon which all its parts do rest . I prove it : The parts of a body being met about the Center , cannot use any force or violence against one another , because they are of one nature , and therefore agree in the same effect : Which is of resting about a Center . Hence it is , That the air ( besides its own interest being streightned atop through the fires inclination also for to recover its Center ) doth so much infest , pierce , attenuate , and divide all bodies , that lye in the way to its Center ; and that so vast a proportion of air is entered into the body of water , as from a solidity to reduce it to a perfect fluor : And although the body of air ( as I have stated before ) is of that softness , yet through succession of its parts and want of vacuities , whereinto to convey it self , it cannot yield to any compression into it self , but being successively backt by its own parts and those of fire , is capable of working the same effects , which the hardest body can . But now supposing the air to have accomplisht its aime , let us inquire what motion it would then exercise ? Certainly of it self no other but it s continuous lightness , whereby it would maintain its parts diffused from its own center into the greatest tenuity imaginable . Likewise the other Elements would exercise no other action , but the maintenance of their bodies in the greatest density , crassitude , or rarity , and that through the use of their formal contiguous weight , continuous weight , & contiguous levity ; and as the earth through her concentration would not leave the Circumference , although tending hence thither ; so neither would the light Elements desert their Center although moving thence hither . Wherefore let me advertize you in time not to mistake my former definitions of Levity , or Gravity , implying the former to move from its Center to the Circumference ; that to move here from the Center is not to leave it ; but to move thence as from a Basis : But now the air being dispossest of its genuine Center is forced to make use of a violent Center , situated about the extream parts of the earth and water , and thence its parts do take their original to the circumference , not leaving their force in the mean while of pressing violently downwards . Here may be inquired , why the air , seeming so far powerful above the earth and water ( both in extent of compass and energy or activity of parts ) that its extream subtility should seem more than potent enough to pervade & dispossess that small clot of water and earth , doth not become victorious . I resolve you ; The energy of the air is much refracted through having its Center ( upon which all its strength doth consist ) divided into that dimension , which the Circumference of earth and water do make ; or otherwise it would soon toss that small footbal out of its place , and make no more of it than the Heavens may seem to do of the Moon . So fire , although a great part is flaming and burning , hath not the power of invading the earth ( as many do imagine it would do , were the Heavens all a burning fire ) because it is much more refracted in its Center through the Surface of the air : Do we not see that a Durgain is able to wrastle with a great Giant , because his low stature doth put him in a capacity of taking the other about the middle , where he easily lifts him from his Basis or Center . But possibly it may seem strange to you , that the air should exercise two contrary motions , one upwards , and another downwards . 2. You may likewise demand , how fire can apply any force to earth or water , since it is extended into its greatest rarity , and possesses a place full large enough to contain its body , and consequently is not violently detained . To the first I answer , That naturally a thing cannot obtain two contrary motions , but violently it may . As to the second , This violence is caused here below . 1. Through the incrassation of the air , that is , water ascending and mingling with the body of air doth force so much of it to strive for another place , as it hath taken up of the air , which since it cannot procure upwards is forced to effect downwards upon the earth and water , and make a violent irruption upon them . 2. The air being essentially thin in the second Region as well as it is above , must of necessity press down upon the incrassated air , because all its parts being to take their suffulsion and Basis from somewhere , ( which it doth from the hither extremity of the air ) and not proving strong enough to sustain such a force must necessarily depress into the water and earth , where neither of these finding themselves strong enough about their surface , do necessarily yield and give way to the air pressing downwards for a Basis. The same contrary motion is apparent in a man , who is to lift some weight from the ground upwards : First he must move all his strength towards his feet , which is the Center , whereupon this weight must be sustained and lifted up from ; then doth he reflect all his strength upon that Basis upwards , where we observe his center to make a hole into the earth , because it is not firm enough to sustain his pressure ; even so it is with the twofold motion of air , which you may easily apply to this in every particular . II. The airs innixe being shoved off or refracted through the repercussion of the weighty Elements chooses to turn round , that is to bear to the sides , rather than to retort into it self : And that which irritates this with no obtuse spur is the fire , forcing circularly upon the air . 2. The universal waters flowing from East to West is no small cause of directing of the airs motion towards the same aime , because the air reflecting against the waters flowing from underneath must needs be shoved off thither whither the water flowes : I prove it ; cast a ball from the shore upon a piece of Timber , driving down a rapid River , its refracted motion will tend towards the drift of the said River . 3. The fire moving from East to West , and forcing upon the air must beyond all scruple prescribe the air a road in its motion . In the next place I prove that the air is agitated in a circular motion . 1. If waters that are thick are impelled to a circular motion , much more air , whose fluidity and coherence is much more disposed to a circular motion . 2. Fire is a contiguous body , but that moves circularly ; ergo air much more , because it is continuous . 3. The uppermost clouds are alwaies observed to move circularly , ergo the air , that doth contain them . 4. Comets ( whereof some are seated near to the extremity of the supream Region of the air ) do move circularly , ergo the air must also move circularly . III. Against the airs circular motion may be objected , that the clouds swimming in the air like a ship in the water , are carried about with the air ; but the said clouds do move variously , sometimes Eastward , Southward , or Northward , & c. Ergo the air is also various in its motions . I answer , 1. That the clouds only near the Polars are various in their motion , which variety is only befalling the inferiour clouds : Herein it bears a resemblance to the motion of water near the Polars varying ( although but accidentally ) from the course of the Ocean . Besides that there is a difference in motion between the superiour middle and inferiour clouds is manifest by the Moons light about her quarters , disclosing the inferiour clouds to move one way and those above another way . 2. The clouds do oft stream against the tide of the air , as you shall read by and by . 3. The clouds in the torrid Zone , namely the superiour ones , are very uniform in their motion , constantly floating from East to West . IV. The air taking its beginning of circular motion underneath about the Center , the Globe constituted by the weighty Elements must needs be thought to be its Axletree whereupon it moves : Its Poles must be corresponding to the North and South extremities of the said Globe , which together with the Axis are doubtless immoveable , and consequently must only be apprehended in the earth , because that alone is immoveable . Here observe , that the air in the torrid Zone moves swiftest , because it is equidistant from its Poles , and hath the most space to accomplish : Where it is near the Poles its motion is of the least vigour , and nearest seems to be immoveable . V. The proportion of the Element of air to the Element of fire is the same as water is to earth : Because air is the same in its respective nature comparatively to fire , that water is to earth ; for as water is a continuous heavy body immediately superadded to earth , being of a contiguous weight , so is air a continuous light substance annext to fire being of a contiguous levity ; wherefore then the same reason infers air to have the same proportion to fire , that water hath to earth . Hence we must conclude that the profundity of the tract of air is much larger than it is stated by vulgar Astronomists , and the profundity of fire much less than it is computed by the same phantasticks ; Otherwise it would seem an improportion and disorder in the Elements , not to be supposed . The profundity of the air we may aptly distinguish into three equal Sections or Regions . 1. The first or supream is constituted by air most infested by fire . 2. The middle Region is , where the air is lightest and thinnest , and enjoys its greater purity . 3. The third Region comprehends those thick visible clouds . I will begin with the description of the first Region : As far as the uppermost Region of water is attenuated by the air , so far ( considering the diversity of proportion ) is the air also rarefied by fire ; and as the air doth press down to the bottom of the waters , even so doth the fire in it strive for the Center to the extream depth of air , but is much more in proportion in the supream Region . The middle Region is purest in her own parts because of the equidistance from her neighbouring Elements , but is nevertheless somewhat nubilous . The lower Region is as much incrassated with clouds or vapours concreased , and reduced from its extream tenuity , as the waters are attenuated and reduced from their extream crassitude to that degree of Attenuation through air ; Because those parts of water , whose places are replenisht with others of air , must recede into the air for to place themselves somewhere . Against this discourse Nonius lib. de crep . Alhazen . lib. 3. perspect . Vitell. li. 10. Pr. 60. and others may seem to set themselves , as appears by their demonstrations although obscure enough , inferring the tract of air not to exceed 25 Leagues in profundity , because Comets being generated in the air , and keeping their station there , do seldom or never clime up higher . But on the contrary , will they assert the Maculae or spots of the Moon , ( which doubtless are aerial and near to the supream region of the air , ) and other clouds that seem not to be far distant from the Moon , to be no higher than 25 Leagues ? An absurdity . Neither are Comets so near , some appearing but little lower than the Moon , some higher , others in the same degree of Altitude ; so that Comets if any while durable are not seated in the air , but in the Region of fire , because they move from East to West with the same swiftness that other lucid bodies do , that are contained in the fiery Region . CHAP. XV. Of the production of Clouds . 1. What a cloud is , how generated , its difference . How a Rainbow is produced . Whether there appeared any Rainbows before the Floud . 2. The generation of Rain . 3. How Snow and Hail are engendred . 4. The manner of generation of Winds . 5. The difference of winds . Of Monzones , Provincial winds , general winds , &c. Of the kinds of storms and their causes . What a mist and a dew are . I. Nubes a cloud is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to swim , because a cloud seems to swim in the air . A Cloud is an aerial body engendred out of air incrassated by water , and somewhat condensed by earth . Its kinds are very various differing in mixture , magnitude , equality , colour , situation , and motion . Some appear disrupted , discontinuated ; others intire , uniform ; Some are great , others small ; some even , flat , hollow , unequal ; others are black , red , blew , brown , luminous , dark ; others of various colours reflecting Rainbows ; Some are situated in the North , South , &c. Others move uniformly , difformly , swift , slow , Eastward , Westward , &c. Their generation is thus ; the air and fire irrupting incessantly into the earth and water are after their arrival thither shut in and cut off from their bodies , and being violently compressed from all sides , are forced by the over-powring of the weighty Elements to return to their former region , whereunto they after some contention do yield , yet not without carrying away a measure of water and earth , closely adhering to them . These retroceding particles , as they come out , give entrance to other air attempting an irruption with its body , whereby * they are elevated continually untill they are arrived to that part of the Region of the air , where it is least infested with the fiery Element ; Here the air finding it self strongest and least oppressed with bodies discontinuating its substance , doth press those heterogeneous bodies together into clouds through its vertue of moving to an union , and not through its coldness , for air of it self where it doth in any wise enjoy its purity is estranged from cold , and is naturally rather inclined to warmth . The reason , why clouds are less apt to concrease where the Sun hath power , is , because the parts of the air there are weakned through the rarefaction and discontinuation by torrid minima's . These clouds according to their mixture vary in continuation , viz. some are thicker and more concreased than others , which through their greater renixe are propelled from the others of a less renitency . Clouds containing much earth , and thence rendred dense , appear black ; if they are much expanded , according to their diduction , they refract the light variously , appearing red , white , blew , &c. The clouds through their gradual proportion of renitency being disrupted and sinking gradually under one another ; refract the light of the Sun according to their graduall situation , seeming to be illuminated with several and gradual colours , ( whose appearance is called a Rainbow : ) viz. The lower being more thick and dense than the rest refract the light blackish ; that above it , being less dense , brownish ; that above this , purple or greenish ; the other reddish , yellowish , &c. A Rainbow is not seen by us , unless we be interposed between the Sun and the Clouds reflecting and refracting , that is we must stand on that side of the clouds that is irradiated . In Thomas's Island the Moon doth sometimes cause a light kind of a Rainbow after a rain . Touching the figure of a Rainbow , it is semicircular , because the air is expanded in a circular figure , and moved circularly towards us . Many do make a scruple , whether there ever appeared any Rainbow before the Floud , gathering their ground of doubting from Gen. 9. 13. I do set my Bow in the cloud , and it shall be for a token of a Covenant between me and the earth . Hereunto I answer , That these words do not seem to make out any thing else , but that God did assume the Bow for a sign , rather implying that the Heavens had been disposed to the susception of Rainbows from the Creation : For even then were the Heavens filled up with clouds fit for the reflection of such a light . That a Morning Rainbow doth portend wet , and an Evening one fair weather is vulgarly reported , which nevertheless is very uncertain : For the most part it either doth precede rain or follow it ; The reason is , because the forementioned gradual declination and incrassation doth cause a rain . Rain is the decidence of clouds in drops . Clouds although incrassated and condensed , gathered and compressed by the ambient air striving to be freed of them , yet cannot be expelled , and protruded all at once , because their extent is too large , and their circumference obtuse , whence they are unfit to be protruded at once , unless they were most condensed into an acute or cutting Surface ; Why they cannot be compressed into a less compass and a greater acuteness is , because of a great quantity of air contained within them . Touching their diruption into drops , it is to be imputed to the external compression of the clouds , squeezing the internal air into particles , which as they burst out do each protrude a drop of rain : Or thus , Suppose the clouds at such times to be puft up with bubbles of internal air , and the diruption of each bubble to send down a drop of rain . Oft times with rain a great wind blows down along with it , which is nothing else but the air pent within the said clouds and bursting out of them . A windiness doth oft hold up the rain , because it shatters and disperses the parts of the said dense clouds , wherby their consistency is broken . Rains are very frequent in the Autumn and the Winter , because the Sun casting its rayes obliquely towards those Countries , where the seasons of the year are manifestly observed , doth raise a greater abundance of vapours more than it can dissolve or disperse ; besides , a great number of clouds are sent from other places , where the Sun doth through its Summer heat raise such a great quantity of vapours , which meeting and being impacted upon one another and etruded cause great rains at those times of the year . The Moon hath also great power in dissolving a cloud into rain , for she sending down and impelling great abundance of dense weighty minims doth very much further the descent of drops . Frosty minims exercise a strong vertue in stifning the air , whereby it is rendred more firm to contain the clouds , and hinder their precipitation , besides they do also disperse the clouds through their effective crassitude ; Whence it is , that it rains so seldom in frosty weather : But as soon as the thow is begun likely the clouds meet and fall down in a rain ; Which if sometimes pouring down in great showers is called a Nimbus : if in small drops , but descending close is called an Imber . The cause of this difference depends upon the density of the clouds , and the proportion of air pent within them . Those rainy clouds do sometimes contain a great quantity of earthy minims , which meeting , are through a petrisick vertue changed into stones , raining down at the dissolution of the said clouds . Other contents consisting of reddish or whitish exhalations drawn up from the earth may give such a red or white tincture to the clouds , which when dispersed into rain may appear bloudy , or milky . Frog or Fish-spawns have sometimes been attracted up into the air , being inclosed within vapours , where within the matrix of a close cloud they have been vivified , and afterwards rained down again . A Nebula is a small thin cloud generated in the lower Region of the air out of thin vapours : The reason , why those vapours ascended no higher , is , because they were concreased in the lower parts of the lower Region of the air , through the force of the air in the night , being rendred potent through the absence of the Suns discontinuating raies . A mist is the incrassation of vapours contained in the lowermost parts of the air . The dew is the decidence of drops from subtil vapours concreased through the privative coldness of nocturnal air . III. Snow is the decidence of clouds in flocks , whose production depends upon the concrescence of drops by frosty minima's and their attenuation through aerial particles , whence they are soft and do reflect the light whitish . It usually falls after a degelation , when the congealed clouds are somewhat loosened . It dissolves or melts through deserting the frosty minima's . Hail is the decidence of drops in hard small quadrangular bodies : Their congelation is also occasioned through the detention of frosty minima's within the drops of water : Their hardness is from a less commixture of air , whence the water doth the more enjoy her own crassitude and hardness . IV. Wind is a violent eruption of incrassated air pent within the clouds , puffing , disrupting and taring the Element of air asunder . Hence when it blows hard the vulgar renders it , that there is a taring wind abroad . That it is a puffing and disruption is sensibly perceived , since the aerial Element is divided , and being continuous it is subjected to no other violent separation of parts but to a disruption . If so , that which doth disrupt or puffe up certainly can be no other but a continuous body ; Because a contiguous one would pass with a single perforation of parts , as the rain , fire , &c. whereas a disruption and puffing is continuous . What can this disrupting body be ? It is not water ; for that would be perceived by its weight . Ergo , it must be incrassated air . 2. The air puffed is continuated unto the earth : For we feel its puffing effects , in that we perceive it to cause a light compression or a puffe upon our faces . 3. That it is oft a disruption of the air , our face and lips do testifie , being subjected to be cut and cloven in windy weather . 4. The causality of winds may not be imputed to exhalations , as Aristotle and his Peripateticks did strangely imagine , because those are never so cohering and continuous as to cause continuous disruptions or puffings throughout a whole Zone . Besides exhalations according to the Philosopher are described to be sulphureous , hot and dry : whereas black cold winds in the Winter and wet winds in September are quite opposite , and have no sign of sulphur or heat . Winds according to the forementioned supposition should be most frequent and highest in the torrid Zone , and that when the Sun is in the AEquinox , which falls out quite contrary . Lastly , VVho would be so simple as to conceive , that such a vast proportion of exhalations should be excited as to continuate wind a whole half year or longer together , as Monzones , provincial , and Etesian winds , & c ? Neither are winds generated out of vapours , as most do now adaies believe ; Because then all winds would be moist , whereas most winds are drying . Neither will the grosseness of vapours permit themselves to pass with such a fury , violence and incomprehensible swiftness , Ergo nothing but air a little incrassated can quadrate to the subtility , fierceness , swiftness , and long continuation of winds . The manner of their generation is thus . In the clouds ( being as I said before water incorporated with air ) each Element striveth for the Center within them , viz. The air by sinking down , and water by pressing downwards : Air having the advantage ( if inclosed in a great proportion ) through its tenuity recovers the central parts ; water unites in continuation all about , the air now being slipt away ; but the air without , sinking all about upon the besieging water , especially from above ( because the whole Element of air sinks downwards ) adds no small force to its pressure , whereby it is enabled to squeeze out the inclosed air ( being somewhat incrassated , and thence rendred unlike to the ambient air ; for otherwaies they would unite , and so its force would be stayed , ) with a violence into the extrinsick air * , through which it taires it to some extent , and aftervvards puffs it up further , not unlike to the wind squeezed out of bellows , or a bladder . A Fan raises a wind by puffing the air . An AEolipile doth evidently confirm to us the foresaid discourse of generation of winds : I shall first describe it , then subnect the manner of using of it . An AEolipile is a hollovv ball made of Brass ( or any other matter that may resist the fire ) whereinto a little hole is pierced . This laid to the fire and heated is cast into a bowl of water , of which it draws in some part : This done , the hole is to be stopped very close , and the ball afterwards laid to the fire untill it grows hot , then unstop it , and it will emit a durable wind , considering the proportion of the water ; for a half quarter of a pint of water will suffice to maintain a wind for an hour long . This instance tells us , that wind is nothing else but air incrassated , or a little water attenuated by much air , squeezed out by the compression of the extrinsick air entring with the fire through the Pores of the Ball. The difference between the eruption of incrassated air detruding rain , and that which causeth winds , is that the former is much thicker than the latter , less in proportion , and more dispersed in particles between the thick and dense clouds ; the latter is less incrassated , more in proportion and cohering . Air incrassated and vapours differ in consistency Secundum magis & minus . V. The differences of winds are taken either from their duration and type , whence they are said to continue long or short , to be typical or erratick . The former are again distinguisht into Trade winds , Provincial winds , Etesian winds , Land winds , and General winds . Trade winds or Monzons are winds blowing one way for six months together , and another way the other six months . They are called Trade winds , because they serve to carry Ships up to and fro the Indian Coasts for to trade , or to make trading voyages , as they are usually termed : They ordinarily meet with them in the Channel of Mozambique in the month of August , whence they make their voyage to Goa , Cochin or other places of the East Indies in thirty daies ; In March and April the wind begins to serve them to return from the Indies to the said Channel . Provincial winds are such as do particularly perstate a Country and do not exceed beyond the length of it . Thus the West-North-west wind , according to Seneca his relation , lib. 5. nat . quaest . cap. 17. is proper to Calabria , Tataegis to Pamphylia , Atabulus to Apulia , North Northwest to Narbone in France , West Northwest to Athens , a West wind to this Island for the greater part of the year ; an East wind to Portugal during the Summer , &c. To these common winds are opposites , such as perslate a whole Zone or Climate at any time of the year . Annual winds are such , as do return at certain times of the year , and last for a certain term of daies . These are observed to be three . 1. The Ornithean , ( so called from birds ) or Chelidonian ( from Swallows ) or Rose winds are westerly winds , which usually begin to blow ( but calmly ) at the first appearance of certain birds , as Storkes or Swallows , or the budding of Roses . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or forerunners are North Northwest winds blowing for the space of eight daies before the appearance of the Dog Star. They are called forerunners , because they precede the Etesian winds . 3. The Etesian or annual winds ( derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a year ) are North Northwest winds blowing forty daies every year , beginning two daies after the appearance of the Dog-Star : They usually rise about three a clock in the day , and are laid again at night . Land winds are such , as blow from the land at a certain season of the day or night , and are opposite to those that blow from the Sea : They are otherwise by the Portugeses named Terreinhos , as those from the Seaward Viracons . They meet with both upon the Coasts of Guiny , Congo and Coramandel . General winds are those , that blow one way throughout the greater part of the year ; Thus off the Cape of Good Hope a Southerly wind is general , and thence Westward towards Brasil between 28 and 8 deg . South Lat. a South Southeast and Southeast wind is general . To these you may add the fiery winds , which the Spaniards call Bochornos , derived from Boca de Horno , i. e. the hot steam of an Oven . Common winds are distinguished into Cardinal and collateral winds . The former are such as blow from the principal corners of the world , viz. East , blowing from the rising of the AEquinoctial ; West , blowing from the going down of the AEquator ; North , erupting from the arctick Pole ; and South , deriving from the Meridies . The latter are such as erupt from those parts of the Horizon , that are interposed between the four principal corners , their number is 32 , viz. Next to East towards the South you have East and by South , East Southeast , Southeast and by East , Southeast , Southeast and by South , South Southeast , South and by East . Between South and West are inserted South & by West , South Southwest , Southwest and by South , Southwest , Southwest and by West , West Southwest , West and by South . From West to North are accounted West and by North , West Northwest , Northwest and by West , Northwest , Northwest and by North , North Northwest , North and by West . Between North and East do blow North and by East , North Northeast , Northeast and by North , Northeast , Northeast and by East , East Northeast , East and by North. Among these collaterals the Northeast , Northwest , Southeast , and Southwest are termed principal collateral winds . From their temperature winds are distinguisht into cold and dry , as the Northern and Western winds , above all the North Northeast in the Winter ; or in warm and moist winds , viz. The Southern and Easterly winds , and beyond the others the South Southeast in the Summer . A west Southwest wind is for the most part moist , damp , rainy , cloudy , and sometimes tempestuous . North Northwest winds are stormy , cold , bringing oft Snow and Hail along with them . A South wind is unwholsome , putrid , pestilential , rainy , hot in the Summer , raising thunder and lightning , and makes a thick cloudy sky . The South Southwest wind in the Summer is temperate and warm , moist , and sometimes a concomitant to thunder . The South Southeast wind is moist and warm . Touching the wholsomness of winds , those that are of a warm and dry temperature are the wholsomest and the pleasantest , because they attenuate , clarifie , and rarefie the air , disposing it to the ventilation and quickning of our vital and animal spirits . Next to these cold and dry winds are the wholsomest , because they purge and serenate the air , descend from a pure and clear corner , void of all putrid and pestilential vapours . Next , those that are simply cool or warm come into plea. All moist winds are feaverish , putrid , and sometimes pestilential , causing catarrhes and rheumes , stirring all the excrementitious humours in the body . Very cold winds are better than the next foregoing , yet do oft cause a constipation of the pores and of the belly : But let us take in the opinion of Hippocrates upon winds , lib. 3. Apho. 17. Now what concerns the dayly winds , the North Northeast ones do render bodies solid and firm , and fit for motion , and well coloured . They sharpen the hearing , but yet they dry the guts , moreover they bite the eyes . And if any one hath been troubled before with a pain in his breast , they make it sharper . But the Southern ones do quite dissolve bodies , and render them moister , besides they occasion dulness of hearing , and heaviness of the head and darkish meagrims , moreover they cause a difficulty of motion both to the eyes and to the whole body , and do moisten the guts . VVinds do also vary much in wholsomness according to the Climates or places which they pass through : For if they are infected with putrid vapours and exhalations arising from dead carkaffes after a field battel , stinking caves , corrupted pooles , &c. their remperament is soon changed , although blowing from the East or North. VVinds blow equally or unequally , continuately or interrupted , high , stormy , or a moderate gale , or a small brife . Some winds rise in the day and are laid again or decrease at night , as the North winds : Others are laid in the day and rise in the night , as the South winds . The North winds raign on the Land , the South at Sea. Now concerning their causes . Trade winds are generated out of eruptions of incrassated air , bursting through even and continuated clouds , situated in the middle , or at least the upper part of the inferiour region of the air ; for only there clouds are diducted in continuation , out of whose various spouts the winds are continuated for six months : viz. Out of the North , North Northeast or Northeast side of the clouds of the South Hemisphere blowing to the North , North Northwest , or Northwest , whilst the Sun is passing through the North from Aries to Libra ; and out of the South , South Southwest , or Southwest side of the clouds of the North Hemisphere , blowing to the South , South Southeast , or Southeast , whillt the Sun is measuring that tract from Libra to Aries through the South . The cause of the copious elevation of vapours uniting into clouds in the South Hemisphere during the Suns peragration through the North must be imputed to the Suns oblique rayes raising a vast measure of vapours out of the Oriental and Occidental Ocean , which excited are beyond the sphere of the Suns direct rayes , whereby they might otherwise be dissolved . 2. Or because they are most apt to be gathered and concreased in a Region that is privatively cold , through the continuation of the air forcing the vapours more potently together . So likewise the Sun conversing in the Northern declination of the Ecliptick occasions ventous clouds in the South Hemisphere through the same efficiency . Next we shall tell you why , the Sun existing in the North declination of the Ecliptick , the winds burst out from the South . 1. Namely , because that side of the clouds , which is obverted to the Sun , is discontinuated by the Suns rarefaction , or fiery minims demitted from him . 2. Because the air is strongest in its compression from the Polar side , as being less discontinuated by the fiery minims , and inforced by the cold minims from the pole wards . Likewise for the same reason the winds burst out from the North , when the Sun is seated in the opposite Hemisphere . This is observable in those Monzons , that near the AEquinoxes they blow but little or not at all , because the Sun through its burning rayes , which he spreads , when he is perpendiculan over the middle of the torrid Zone doth so much rarifie the air , that it is rendred unfit for the concretion of clouds : But the further the Sun declines , the more high & strong those winds grow , and are at their strongest , when the Sun is near his remotest declination , because through his greater remoteness the air is aptest for concretion . 2. Those winds blow stronger in the night than in the day : Because the internal air of the clouds is then strongest squeezed and least dispersed through the Suns heat . 3. The Monzones that blow from the South blow usually stronger , and somewhat longer than the others , because the Sun being then got into the arctick declination is now obliquely imminent upon the waters , and therefore raises the greater quantity of vapours : VVhereas on the other side a greater part of its oblique rayes are taken up by the Land. 4. They are oft intended by the Moons demission of weighty minima's upon them . The common winds are deprehended in the temperate and rigid Zones . The East winds blow , when a cloud opens at its VVest side in the East ; the North wind blows , when it is vented at the South side in the North , &c. The winds , if any thing durable must spout out of great long clouds , otherwise they would soon be emptied , besides clouds through the commotion of the air do succeed one another , and are united , when the former is suckt out as it vvere . Sometimes the vvind seems to come dovvn from over our heads , because a cloud is opened there : More frequently from the finitor , because clouds do most usually meet in union thereabout . Sometimes the vvindes blovv from the North and South at once , because tvvo clouds in those Regions are a venting . Sometimes besides the continuation of a durable vvind , there breaks out suddenly another vvind upon us by a blast ; because there is a cloud breaks out underneath those great ones , that cause the durable vvind . Provincial vvinds are occasioned through bursting out of those clouds , that surround the respective Provinces . For example , If a Country is apt to be most beset vvith clouds on its North sides , then Northerly winds vvill prove its Provincials . Annual vvinds are caused through the particular aspects of the Sun at such a time of the year , raising vapours tovvards such a plage or corner , and rarefying their clouds at such a side . Winds accidentally and violently are most of them coole and dry , because bursting out with a force , they must necessarily cause a compression upon objected bodies , and through their tenuity must rub off the dampness from the same bodies : Yet some winds prove more particularly very cold and dry , because many earthy minims , that are incorporated with the imprisoned air , break forth along with them , causing a strong punctual compression or acute cold : Hence North winds happen to partake so much of coldness , because they are incorporated with many terrestrial minima's transmitted from the Polars . North Northeast winds in winter feel very pinching and nipping cold , yea numming , because of the commixture of frosty minims with their air . South winds are moist , because their production depends upon clouds transmitted from the Meridies , whose body is very damp and waterish ; they are hot besides , because they have been smitten with the Suns torrid rayes . These are noxious and pernicious , because through their warm moisture communicated to the ambient air they move , relaxe , swell , and dissolve all the humours of the body , whence there must necessarily arise an exestuation or fermentation of the bloud . By the way let me tell you the reason , why many clouds move against the stream of the air : Because their winds bursting on the contrary side draw them , like fire bursting out of a squib draweth the same after it . Winds blow equally through their equal eruption , high through their greater union and force directed outward , and being augmented by the violent detention of the ambient cloud . Some winds rise in the night , because the internal breath of their clouds is now united through a privative and positive coldness . Others are intended by the help of the dissolving Sun ; for the cloud being too close outwardly , and the inward breath not very strong , needed the rarefaction of the Sun. Hence Northern winds are raised in the day , because the faces of the clouds are objected directly against the heat of the Sun : Whereas South winds are laid in the day , because the Sun rarefying the back parts of their clouds attracts their breath backwards , and disperseth it . Tempestuous winds are distinguisht by five names . 1. Ecnephias , ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the clouds ) or an Oricane , which is a sudden and most impetuous wind bursting out directly from above out of the sky , and breaking in upon the Sea and Ships , cause it to rise into mountainous waves , and these oft to be overset , if their sails be up ; wherefore Mariners in the East * and VVest Indian Ocean as soon as they spy a small cloud in the heavens seemingly not much bigger than the top of ones hat , take in their Sails immediately , or if at anchor they are forced to cut their Cables and expose themselves to the free waves of the Sea for to prevent foundring . The cause of so sudden a fury is questionless a great quantity of incrassated air , admitted to condensed fire , pent in hard within the stiff clouds , and so setting force against force , the air and condensed fire are forced with one violence to break through the thick clouds , which although strongly striving to keep themselves in continuation , yet at last choose to give way , and to suffer some parts of them to be gathered into a small cloud , whereupon that furious AEolus soon puts the whole Climate into a commotion , scattering withall a spout of hot water , kindled through the great sight , rotting whatever it touches , especially wollen cloaths , and breeding worms . 2. Turbo , Typhon , ( from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to beat ) or a violent whirlwind is caused through the same condensed fire and incrassated air violently bursting out of several spouts , whose circular refraction meeting upon the Surface of the water or land , oft carries a Ship sheer out of the water , or any other moveable bodies from the land . I have oft been told of Ships , that have been lifted out of the water and cast upon the shore by such winds as these * , but how true I know not , although it seems probable enough . 3. Praester , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I kindle , is a surious wind caused through the violent eruption of exhalations , or a condensed fire kindled within the clouds , and incrassated air , which doth not only ruinate houses and trees , but oft burns them down to the ground , and puts the Sea into a boyling heat . 4. Exhydria is a vehement bursting out of wind attended with a great shower of rain and hail . But none of these violent winds prove lasting , because the flatuosity contained within the clouds , erupting in so great a measure , must soon be exhausted , whereas were it evacuated in a less proportion , they must necessarily prove more durable . Among all the winds none delights more in the greatest and longest furies and storms , than the South Southwest in the winter , because it derives from the Meridies , or torrid Zone , where vapours are drawn up in very great measures , and that constantly , because of the Suns continual torrid beams , and the multitude of waters underneath . It is reported , that in the Northern Countries winds are sometimes so furious , that they cast horse and man down to the ground ; and in Tartary the winds blow so violently , though in the Summer , that there is no travelling at such times . Likewise about China and Japan tempests are out ragious beyond belief . Tercera one of the Azores or Flemish Islands , suffers such violences from winds , that the bars of Iron that are fastned to the houses , although of the thickness of an arm or two , are grinded away to the smalness of wier , and holes are eaten into the Rocks about the said Island of the bigness of a horse through such tempestuous winds . 5. Statarian winds rage commonly every Fryday in the Indies , insomuch that Ships are provided with an Anchor more on that day ; on the Sunday it groweth calm again . It will not be amiss to add the cause of the variation of winds perceived by Ships that are in sight of one another , and why the wind at Sea differs oft a point or two from the wind at Land : viz. Because the wind bursting out low doth reflect against the tumour of the Sea interjected between the two ships , or against the Promontories and Hills of the Lands reflecting the wind , some larger , others narrower . The Seas grow oft very turbulent and incensed : 1. Through the eruption of winds descending from above and piercing through their body , which they raise into high waves by their swelling , and strife of passing . 2. The said winds do raise other winds and flatuosities within the body of waters , partly out of their own substance , and partly out of their mud . The Sea is much more disposed to disturbations in some places than others : As off the Cape of Good Hope , likewise between China and Japan , where Sea-men oft are forced to pawn their ships and lives to the Ocean . CHAP. XVI . Of Earthquakes , together with their Effects , and some strange instances of them . 1. What an Earthquake is . The manner of its generation . The Coucomitants thereof . 2. The kinds and differences of Earthquakes . 3. The proof of the generation of Earthquakes . 4. Their Effects upon the air . I. SInce we have lately discoursed upon eruptions of incrassated air out of the clouds , we shall next insert a few words touching the eruption of incrassated air out of the Earth , whose egress causeth that , which we call an Earthquake , and is nothing else but the trembling of the earth , ordinarily following or preceding the bursting thereof , through subterraneous winds vio ently breaking forth . The manner of its production is thus : A proportion of air and water being lodged in a Cavern underground is further attenuated into subterraneous clouds , thence into vapours , and thence into incrassated air through fiery minims entring and penetrating through the pores of the Earth , whereupon the earth pressing strongly suffers a diruption , in the same manner , as we see a bottle filled with water being close stopt and exposed to the fire is broke through the force of incrassated air , or attenuated and rarefied water within . Whence we observe these concomitants to be necessary in an Earthquake . 1. A strange great noise . 2. A trembling of the Earth . 3. A great blast . 4. A spouting out of water . 5. Sometimes an unequal discontinuation and excavation of the Earth . 6. Sometimes a flame . II. The kinds of Earthquakes are taken , 1. from their effects and manner of motion ; some causing a shaking or quaking of the earth , ( named by some an Inclination , by Aristotle a Tremor , ) through which houses , walls , or other buildings are weakened in their foundation , and thence are occasioned to fall down ; thus many Cities of Asia , in the fifth year of Tiberius , of Bithynia near the extream passion of our Saviour ; the City Nyssena , Bâle , and particularly Ferrarae a City in Italy were demolished : this last was surprized on Martins day in the year 1570 , beginning about ten a clock at night with most terrible sounds , as if the City had been battered with great pieces of Ordnance ; next a very horrible shaking or trembling followed , raising all the Citizens out of their beds , putting them to their beads , pouring out their prayers thrice louder than ordinary , and forcing them to quit the City and to behold the ruine of their houses in the fields ; The Palace of the Duke and other great buildings yielded to this violence ; many were frighted out of their lives , others killed through these prodigious accidents , not ceasing before the next day at night . No less were the Citizens of Constantinople amazed by those most raging Earthquakes , in nothing less terrible than the former , described by Agath . lib. 5. de la guerre Gothique ; The strange kinds of noises , sounds , thunder , whistling , howling , cracking , that were then perceived , are incredible . Campania in the time of the Consulship of L. Cornelius and Q. Minutius , was infested with a trembling for many daies together . Many do write of such Earthquakes as these , that lasted a month , a year , some two years , but by fits I suppose . In Parthia above two thousand Villages have been demolished by Earthquakes ; besides many others in Sicily in the 16th year of Charles the fifth , in the month of April ; In October of the 18th year of his Reign another hapned near Puteoli in Campania . Others have been observed only to cause a single elevation or puffing up of the Earth , afterwards sinking down again without the appearance of any other violence , and are by Aristotle named Pulses . By these the earth and houses upon it have been lifted up to a great height , and sunke down again without the displacing of one single stone : Thus the houses of a Town in Switzerland called Friburg were twice at several times lifted up in the year 1509 , once in the night , the other time in the day . By the same accident some houses about Burdeaux , in the year 1545 , in the month of August were lifted up , and sunke down again into their former places . Others cause a bursting and excavation of the earth , swallowing up its whole Surface where it bursted , with the Houses , Men , and Cattle upon it ; as when a part of the Island Lango or Coos ( famous for being the Country of Hippocrates ) was swallowed up , at which time the Inhabitants were not a little amazed by an incredible thunder and fury of its commotion . Camden gives a relation of a very stupendious Earthquake , that befel the east part of Herefordshire in the year 1575 in March , where the earth and a rocky hill ( called Marcley hill ) was removed to a far distance thence with the Trees and all the Sheep that were upon it . Some other Trees were cast out of the ground , whereof many fell flat upon the ground , others hapned to fall into the seams of the Hill , and closed as fast , as if they had taken their first root there . The hole which this eruption made was at least 40 foot wide , and 80 yards long , lasting from Saturday in the Evening untill Munday at noon . Likewise a whole Town was swallowed up in the Island AEnaria , another in Thrace , one in Phaeuicia beyond Sidon , and another in Eubaea . Others protrude a great piece of earth and cast it up into a kind of mountain , but a very uneven one , as for instance the mount Modernus near the Lake Avernus : This sort is called Egestion . Some cast forth a flame withall , as hapned in the Mount Vesevus , alias the Mount of Somma in Campania , and the Mongibell in Sicily . Earthquakes have sometimes removed two opposite fields and placed them in one anothers room , as those two fields in Italy where the Marrucini were seated in the Reign of Nero. For Rivers to burst out , as the River Ladon in Arcadia did ; and others to be stopt up by earth cast into them by such accidents is very possible . Oft times Earthquakes make way for Deluges , which may be also incident upon the earth at the bottom of the Sea or near to the shore ; or may happen to the same places without a deluge , whereby the waters have been swallowed up and Ships left dry upon the shore ; as that which hapned in the time of Theodosius ; or that vvhen M. Antonius and P. Dolabella vvere Consuls , leaving great heaps of fish dry upon the sands . In the Reign of Emanuel there vvas a very great Earthquake perceived about Lisbon , Scalabis , and other Tovvns of Portugal , vvhereby the vvaters of the River Tajo vvere so much diffused , that the bottom appeared dry . There is another kind of Earthquake called Arietation , vvhen tvvo subterraneous vvinds vibrate against one another : Sometimes this hapned vvithout any dammage , there being some earth betvveen to hinder their conflict ; other times meeting in cavernous places have subverted mountains and all that vvas upon them ; as those mountains near Modena , vvhich Pliny , lib. 2. Cap. 83. relates to have been bursted against one another vvith a very hideous noise , subverting many Villages , and swallowing up a number of Cattel ; yea whole Countries and Armies have been devoured by these kinds of accidents . 2. From their duration , some lasting a day , a week , a month , &c. 3. From their violence some inferring little or no dammage , others being contented with nothing less than ruine . 4. From the sounds that accompany them , being various , as I have related before . 5. From their places : Some more frequently infesting Islands , others the Continent : Thus Sicily , AEnaria , Lucara , the Moluccas Islands , Tyrus , Eubaea , Phrygia , Caria , Lydia , Italy , and many Countries in the West-Indies have very oft been molested by Earthquakes . Cold Countries , as the Septentrional ones , or others that are very hot , as AEgypt , are very seldom invaded by them . 6. From their efficient , some being extraordinarily raised by the Almighty out of his wrath for to punish the sons of men for their sins ; an instance of this we have in 2 Kings 22. Likewise that , which hapned about the time of the Passion of Christ , supposed by many , as Didymus , and others , to have been universall , and to have shaken the whole Earth ; but since Ecclesiastick Historians make no mention of it , none is bound to give credit to the foresaid Supposition : However beyond all dispute it was a very great one , if not the greatest that ever the earth underwent . Neither is Paulus Oros , to be thought more authentick , relating lib. 7. hist. Cap. 32. an universal Earthquake in the time of Valentinianus , since the holy Scripture and Reason do tell us , that the Earth is altogether immoveable . 7. From the consequents , viz. Some after the earths eruptions are followed by vehement winds , emptying out of her ; others by hot boyling waters ; others again by damps and stinking sents ; also by vomiting up of stones , clots of earth and other strange bodies . 8. From their extent , some reaching farther , others nearer : Thus there hapned an Earthquake in the year 1577 , on the 18th day of September , that began from Colmar in Switzerland , and reached as far as Bern , being near upon 60 miles distant , &c. III. Now it is requisite , I should proffer proof for the forementioned causes of Earthquakes . 1. I prove that they are caused by winds ; because they alone are of a capable force to burst out suddenly through the earth . 2. Because winds bursting out of the earth do alwaies precede and consecute Earthquakes ; whence we may certainly collect , when waters in Pits and Rivers begin to be turgid and continually raised into a great number of bubbles , that an Earthquake is near at hand , as appeared by the swelling and bubling of the River Po a little before the before alledged harthquake of Ferrara . 2. That these winds are principally raised out of peregrin water collected within a Cavern of the earth is evident by the great spouting out of water , that doth follow the eruption . 3. It is further made evident in a bottle half filled with water and exposed to the fire , which doth also make good to us , that the Sun through its fiery minims doth press in a great proportion of air into those subterraneous waters , whereby they are attenuated ; whence those waters , that are cast forth presently after the diruption , are also rendred boyling hot ; so that Countries remote from the energy of the Sun are seated beyond danger of having winds generated within their bowels ; however subterraneous fires may supply the office of the Suns beams in attenuating the waters into winds by impelling air into them , whence it is that near the mount Hecla in Iseland concussions and arietations happen frequently . Earthquakes are disposed to eruption in the night season as much as in the day ; because as the erupting force of the internal winds is intended by the Suns rarefaction , so is the compressing vertue of the Earth intensed by the more potent sinking down of the air in the night , being freed from the discontinuating fiery minims , and by the decidence of the weighty minims inherent in the Air. The Spring and Autumn are Seasons of the year qualified for the attenuating and rarefying of the peregrin waters , whence also they prove most frequent near those times . Why Hills and hilly Countries are subject to tremors and concussions , and other moist ones , as Holland and Zealand , less , may easily be understood from our discourse upon the generation of Hills . IV. That Earthquakes portend Famine , Pestilential Feavers , and other contagious diseases is believed by most Grave Authors , but whence such a putrefaction causing the said distempers should arrive to the air cannot vvell be deduced from their assigning exhalations to be the causes of Earthquakes , since they hold them to be hot and dry , being qualities according to the Peripateticks resisting and expelling putrefaction beyond any ; wherefore it will be most agreeable to hold with us , that it is derived from those moist damps and vapours , that are the material causes of the disrupting winds . CHAP. XVII . Of fiery Meteors in the Air. 1. Of the generation of a Fools fire , a Licking fire , Helens fire , Pollux and Castor , a Flying Drake , a burning Candle , a perpendicular fire , a skipping Goat , flying sparks , and a burning flame . 2. Of the generation of Thunder , Fulguration and Fulmination , and of their effects . Of a thunder stone . 3. Of Comets . Of their production . I. THose vapours , that are elevated into the air , oft contain no small proportion of sulphureous particles within them , which if concreasing through their own positive coldness , and privative coldness of the night , into a low cloud ( Nebula ) in the lowermost parts of the lower Region , do compress those sulphureous particles ( otherwise termed exhalations , and distinguisht from vapours , because in these water and air are predominant , in the others condensed fire and incrassated air ) towards the Center , where uniting are converted into a flame by extending the incrassated air through their condensed fire . This flame possibly appears like unto a Candle , playing and moving to and fro the air , and thence is also called a fools fire , or Ignis Fatuus , seu erraticus , because it proves sometimes an occasion of leading Travellers that are belated out of their Road ; for by their coming near to it the air is propelled , which again protrudes the flame forwards , and so by continuing to follow it , imagining the same to be some Candle in a Town or Village , are oft misled into a ditch or hole : Or if they go from it , when they are once come near , the light will follow them , because in receding , they make a cavity , which the next succeeding air accurs to fill up . The generation of these lights is more frequent near muddy Pools , Church-yards , and other putrid places , that abound with such sulphureous bodies . The said sulphureous parts , if being of a less density , condensed and united by the dense wool of a mans cloathes , or hair , or the hairs of a Horse or Oxe and the foresaid coldnesses , it takes fire at the forementioned places , but flames so subtilly , that it is uncapable of burning : This sort of Meteor is called an Ignis lambens , a licking fire , because it slakes then here then there , like to spirits of Wine flaming . Helens fire ( sidus Helenae ) so called , because as Helen occasioned the ruine of Greece and Asia , so this kind of flaming fire , adhering to the shrowds or Yards of a Ship , is usually a messenger of the Ships perishing . If this flame appears double , it is distinguisht by a double name of Castor and Pollux , which are generally construed to bring good tidings of fair weather . But these kinds of prognostications are very uncertain : They may precede storms , and may appear without the consequence of tempests : For there is no necessity for either . This generation depends upon exhalations condensed and united between the Ropes and the Masts , or the Yards . A flying Drake ( Draco volans ) is a flame appearing by night in the lowest Region of the air with a broad belly a small head and tail like unto a Drake : Its matter is the same with the former , differing in quantity alone and figure , so framed through the figure of its containing cloud . In the upper part of the lower Region of the air are produced , 1. A falling Star , representing a Star falling down from the Heavens . 2. A burning Lance , expressing the Image of a flaming Lance. 3. A burning Candle ( fax . ) 4. A Perpendicular fire , or fiery pillar , ( trabs seu ignis perpendicularis , seu pyramis ) representing a flaming beam , or pillar . 5. A flaming Arrow ( bolis . ) 6. A skipping Goat ( Caprasaltans ) is a flame more long than broad , glistering , and flaking about its sides , and variously agitated in the air like the skipping of a Goat . 7. Flying sparks , moving through the air like the sparks of a Furnace . 8. Flamma ardens seu stipulae ardentes , or a great burning fire , suddenly flaming in the air like those fires , that are kindled out of a great heap of straw . All these depend upon a grosser material cause , being somewhat more condensed and united than the former , through a greater privative coldness , and therefore they are also more durable . A falling Star obtains its production near the permanent clouds , and being somewhat weighty through earthy minims , and rarefying the air through its heat breaks through * and falls down lower , untill it is arrived to a thicker cloud , where nevertheless it doth not abide long in its flame . The others procure their figure from their proportion of mixture , and shape of the ambient cloud . II. Thunder is a great rebounding noise in the air , caused through the violent bursting out of incrassated air and condensed fire , being suddenly kindled into a flame * ; the manner & cause of this eruption you may easily collect from the manner of the eruption of winds . How a sound is produced I have set down before . The differences of Thunders are various : Some are only murmuring without a multiplication of sounds , caused through a less proportion of fire and air , bursting through a less dense and thick cloud . Others raise a great cracking noise , hapning through the acuteness of the sound , smartly dividing the air and clouds , wherever it reaches . Lastly , some are great hollow sounds variously multiplied , hapning through the reflection and refraction of other dense and thick clouds driving in the way . Besides these there might be accounted many more differences of Thunders , raised through the proportion of air and fire that burst out , and the various mixtures of clouds . Fulguration or a flashing is fire condensed , raised into a flame through incrassated air within a cloud , and breaking out from it . This scarce effects any great noise , because of its subtility , although in some it doth . Fulmination or Lightning differs from the former only in intention , in that it is much more forcible , reaching to the ground , and piercing into it and other terrestrial thick dense bodies , and is more augmented in matter . It is ordinarily a concomitant of Thunder , both being produced at once , although not perceived by us together , we seeing the Lightning before we hear the Thunder , because a visible object is much swifter communicated to the eye than a sound to the ear , as appears in spying a man a far off chopping of wood , we seeing His Axe go down before we hear the noise ; the reason of this I have inserted above . A Lightning is either vibrating , and is next to Fulguration in intention , passing more subtilly : Or discutient , consisting somewhat of a denser fire , and causing a greater Thunder . 3. Or burning , consisting of the densest fire , causing the greatest Thunder , and oft melting a Sword in the Scabberd or Moneys in a Bag , and the Scabberd and Bag remaining undamaged : The reason is , because the rarity of these gave a free passage to the Lightning , whereas the crassitude and density of the others did stay and unite the passing aduting flame . Strong men and beasts are oft killed through an aduring Lightning , whereas women and children do escape ; because the bodies of these latter being laxe and porous suffer the said flame to pass without any great resistance , whereas the crassitude of the other bodies do unite and collect it , through which their vital heat is quite dispersed , having no other apparent sign either within or without their bodies of so sudden an alteration . Wolfgang Meverer , in his Com. Meteor . p. 140. makes mention of a man being suddenly seized upon on the way between Leipsich and Torga , and lifted up into the skies by a lightning , never appearing again to any ; Wine hath sometimes been bound up together with a thin skin through the like accident , the cask being broke asunder : This doubtless depended upon the incrassation and condensation of the external parts of the Wine , through the compressing force of the Lightning , impelling the aerial and igneous parts to the Center . Wine thus affected becomes very noxious and poysonous through the infection of the Celestial sulphur . I must not forget to insert a word or two touching Thunder stones , differing in hardness and figure , some being Pyramidal , others Globous , Oval , or like to a wedge , &c. Touching their generation Authors are much at variance . Sennert . opiniates , that they are generated upon the Earth , through the great heat of the Lightning melting , and afterwards concreasing the sands into a very hard stone . A gross mistake : 1. These stones are observed to fall down from the Heavens after a thunder with such an acute pressing weight , that they are forced ( according to Pliny , lib. 2. c. 55. ) five foot deep into the earth , according to others 9 yards , and some would have them press to the Center of the Earth , but that is ridiculous . 2. A stone of that hardness is not generated in so short a time . 3. These stones must then be supposed to be generated without a matrix . But to the matter : They are generated within very dense and thick clouds , whose denser and thicker part is sequestred into a closer seat for a womb , where after some time it concreases into a stone : And lastly its greatest hardness is accomplisht through the intense heat of the fire united within the same clouds , and happens to fall down through the great concussion and disruption caused by a Thunder . III. To these Igneous Meteors a Comet is likewise to be referred , touching whose seat and production a deal of dispute is made : But before I direct my Pen to those particulars , it will not be amiss first to set down its description : A Comet or blazing Star is a fiery Meteor ( that is a mixt body of no long duration sublimed into the air , ) generated out of some dense fiery and thick airy parts contained within the clouds of the second region of the air . It chuseth a difference from its figure , colour , time , motion , duration and place , whence some are globous , beset round with fiery hairs , and therefore are called Cometae criniti : Or others seem to be barded ; whence they , are termed Cometae barbati : Or others again appear with a tail , and for that reason are named Cometae caudati . Some appear in a light golden or yellow flame , others redish , bloudy , dusky , red , &c. Some are moved slowly , others swiftly , some are moved more regularly than others . Some appear in the Spring , others more frequently in the Autumn , rarely in the Summer , more rarely in the Winter : Some are of a weekly , or monthly duration , others remain six months in sight . Commonly they keep their station without the tropicks , and but rarely some do appear within the Tropicks . But in reference to their place of production , many believe their seat to be in the Elementary Region , viz. The upper Region of the air , that is according to their meaning , near the Concave of the Moon , where the actual flame of the Stars may the better kindle them , judging the coldness of the second Region to be very unapt for the generation of these bodies . Others again allott the Celestial Plage for their reception : And among these Anaxagoras and Democritus thought them to be the appearance of several Planets united in company and in their lights . Pythagoras , asserted them to be Planets ( but none of the seven Common ones ) that had remained hidden all this while under the beams of the Sun , and through their digress from him came now into sight , in the same manner as oft befals to Mercury . The first opinion owned by the Peripateticks doth somewhat thwart their own Tenents . 1. They asserted that the kindling of all the preceding fiery Meteors was occasioned through the intense coldness of the air in the second Region , effecting a violent commotion upon exhalations contained within its jurisdiction , whereby they were inflamed or took fire , and that in the night , because its season doth superadd somewhat to the cold : Whereas here they contradict themselves and maintain the second Region to be too cold for to kindle a flame . 2. There they proclaime the Solar or other intense heat to discusse and disperse the exhalations in the torrid Zone , and therefore fiery Meteors appear seldom there ; here nothing but a flaming actual heat will do it . What inconstancies are these ? 3. Can any one probably imagine , that such great heaps and mountains of exhalations , as the great Mole of a Comet requires at that distance , should be attracted to the highest Region of the air ? It is a question , whether the whole Earth can afford so much sulphureous matter , were it all exhausted . Or if she could , would that intense coldness ( as they imagine ) of the second Region of the air , or those thick dense clouds of the lower Region give passage to such numerous and thick passengers ? Or do you not think , that they would be sooner discussed through the intense heat of the upper Region , than concrease into a body ? Neither can Astronomers with their Telescopes discern in them such a propinquity to the fiery Region or Moon , but to the contrary a very great distance . As for Democritus his opinion , it is scarce worth the time to confute it ; but let me confirm my own . I say they are generated in the second Region of the air ; not that second Region , which the Peripateticks have chalckt out , but the middle between the lower and upper Region , where those stiff and permanent clouds are swimming ; not beginning from the tops of the mountains , but from the tops of the Erratick clouds . The said permanent clouds move with the body of the air from East to West , and so do the Comets * . 2. The permanent clouds are alone capable of condensing and uniting those subtil exhalations , that are escaped the thick dense clouds of the inferiour Region , into a compact flame , durable for a certain term of daies , weeks , or months , according to the seat of that Region , and the quantity of exhalations . Neither is this flame apt to spend it self much , because it is ( as it were ) partially catochizated through the privative coldness of the air and positive coldness of its clouds . 2. It is supplied with pure incrassated air , not infected with many dense terrestrial or thick waterish particles . Touching its hairs , they are nothing else but the light of its flame illustrating or obtending the air contained within those clouds in so many streaks ; for it cannot obtend it equally all about , because it is permixt with water , whose crassitude will not bear obtension , wherefore it divides the water or vapours into small or narrow lanes obtending the air between them . Now if the water or clouds are equally pliable all about it , it appears hairy all about its Circumference ; if the fore-part of the cloud be somewhat dense , and thence indisposed to give way , but resists , and only the back-part be pliable it formes streaks backwards seeming like a tail , and so according to the pliableness of the air it flashes out in figures . If you are free to understand by a Comet any new appearing Star , descending from its former seat , or lately generated , I must agree with you , that these are only seated in the lower fiery Region , some below or above the Moon ; and in this acception I have made use of the name of Comets in some of the preceding Chapters . Authors in treating of Comets seldom forget the inserting their predictions , which are 1. Storms . 2. Great drinesses . 3. Tempestuous Seas . 4. Earthquakes . 5. Great alterations to befall a Country by the death of their King or Prince . All the former are no more frequently consequents of Comets , than of all other fiery Meteors , because with those great stores of vapours and exhalations , there cannot but be a great proportion of slatuosities attracted , whose bursting out proves the efficient of the now mentioned effects . But as for the last , there can little reason be given for it , saving only that such a constitution of air causeth commotions of humours , and thence may cause diseases in general , but why it should light more upon such great personages than others , is beyond all guess , & therefore the truth of it is suspicious . Likewise the fabulous presages of other fiery Meteors may be placed in the same rank of dubiousness . CHAP. XVIII . Of the term Antiperistasis and a Vacuum . 1. Whether there be such a thing as an Antiperistasis . 2. Whether a Vacuum be impossible ; and why . 3. Experiments inferring a Vacuum answered . 4. Whether a Vacuum can be effected by an Angelical , or by the Divine Power . 5. Whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum . A threefold sense of the doubt proposed . In what sense Local Motion is possible in a Vacuum , in what not . 1. I Could not conveniently without interruption of my Subject insist before upon the examining that term of the Schools , so oft assumed by them to expound the manner of generation of the fiery Meteors , viz. Antiperistasis , being described to be the intension of heat or cold in bodies , caused through the cohibition , repulsion or reflection of their own vertues by their contraries , without the addition of any new formal parts , or retention of their steams . Thus many Wells are cool in the Summer and warm in the Winter ; and exhalations grow hotter in the cold region of the air , because of the Antiperistasis of the ambient cold against their heat , and of their heat again against the external cold ; in effect it is nothing but the condensation ( if such a term may be improperly used ) or rather union of the qualities of the Elements by the resistance and collecting of their vertues by their opposites . But since the collection or uniting these qualities depends upon the condensation or incrassation of their substances , there is no need of introducing another frustraneous notion . But suppose an Antiperistasis or intension of qualities without the condensation of their substances were granted , how do fiery Meteors become flames ? Never a word of this . And when flames , why do they cause a disruption of the air in a Thunder ? Because ( say they ) of avoiding a penetration of bodies : A good one , what fear is there of a penetration of bodies , when there is only an intension of qualities through an Antiperistasis , without an augmentation of bodies ? Possibly they will take their refuge to a contrary assertion , and tell me , that the foresaid disruption happens , because of avoiding a Vacuum . This is just like them to run from one extremity to another : But how a Vacuum ? Because the flame pent close within consumes , or hath consumed or expelled its ambient air , which done , there must needs follow a Vacuum , if Nature did not prevent it , by causing the extrinsick air to break in , or the internal to break out for anguish . This is improbable ; for the Vacuum may be filled up by the concentration of the ambient clouds . Since I am accidentally here fallen into the discourse of a Vacuum , I will think it worth my labour to inquire , whether such a thing be naturally possible within the Circumference of the Universe . I do not mean an imaginary Vacuum without the heavens , neither a space void of any gross body , although filled up only with air , but a place or external Surface freed from air , or any other body . For answer , I assert a Vacuum to be repugnant to nature , because the nature of the Elements is to move towards one another , with the greatest force imaginable , through their respective forms , because of their own preservation : Hence the Elements would sooner change into a confusion , than be debarred from one minimum , without having its space filled up with another . Wherefore it is not enough to assert ( as usually they do ) that there is no Vacuum possible in Nature , because she doth so much abhor it , as if Nature was an Animal sensible of any hurt , and why doth she abhor ? that they know not . However some state the cause of her abhorrence to be Natures providence , in ordering that sublunar bodies through mediation of interposed bodies should be disposed to receive the Celestial influences , which a Vacuum would otherwise eclipse from them ? How frivilous ! As if a moments partial vacuity , ( which could through its being violent not prove lasting ) should hinder a communication of the Elements , or as if the said influences could not be transmitted to sublunars by mediation of bodies , that limit the said supposed vacuity . Arriaga holds it to be for to prevent a penetration of bodies : That is idem per idem ; for one might as well demand , why Nature doth so much abhor a penetration of bodies , and be answered , because of avoiding a Vacuum . Vasquez a Jesuit is of opinion , that Nature can never attain to a Vacuum , because every body is impowered with an attractive vertue , attracting the next body that is contiguous to it , in such a manner that no body can be stirred , except it attracts its next adherent with it ; Oh how grosly ! Doth fire attract water , or earth air ? They all apprehend attraction to be violent , and notwithstanding they affirm Nature to abhor a Vacuum naturally , and how can this hang together ? III. Arguments for the proof of a Vacuum , many are offered , but none of any strength , however for your satisfaction I will propose some few . 1. A Bason filled up with ashes contains as much water poured into it , as if the same Vessel were void ; ergo there must either be allowed a penetration of bodies , or a pre-existent Vacuum : But so antiquity hath found the Antecedence , Ergo the consequence must be admitted . I must needs assert this ancient experiment to be an ancient falshood ; for a bason filled with ashes will scarce contain four fifths of the water , that it will do , when it is empty : As for the water that is imbibed by the ashes , it possesses the spaces left by the air , contained before between the particles of the said ashes , and now thence expelled . 2. Warm water stopt close in a bottle doth possess more room , than when being set in a cold place it is concreased into an Ice : Ergo there must be some void space left within the bottle . I answer , That the supposed vacuity is filled up with frosty minims , whose presence expelling the air and fire from between the Pores of the water , doth withall reduce it to a smaller body , as being before insufflated with air and fire : But when the same frosty minims do return , then the air and fire do fill up their vacuities again , by insufflating the body of water through their succession . 3. An AEolipile being filled up with water and air , doth notwithstanding slow as much fire , as will cause its wind to blaze a whole hour or longer according to the bigness of it : Ergo there must have been a Vacuum contained within the wind bale , or else we must admit a penetration of bodies by condensation . I answer , That neither is necessary ; for the advenient fire expels so much of the contained air as its presence doth take up , & diducts the body of the AEolipile somwhat into a larger continent , wherein a greater part of fire may be contained than there is air expelled . Pecquet in his Exper. Nov. Anat. hath endeavoured to borrow all experiments possible for to divide the Universe with a Vacuum , and so to abolish the Natures of the Elements . I shall only propose the first , which he hath from Monsieur Roberval , Professor of the Mathematicks at Paris , and is alone performed by a glass blown in the form of a bolts head , open below and atop at its capacity , where it contains an empty bladder , that is usually taken out of a Carpes belly , being tied close with a thread , as likewise the top of the capacity with a Sows bladder : This done it is filled up to the brim of the orifice of the neck with Mercury , which being close stopped with ones finger is immitted into a vessel half filled with Mercury , and thrust deep into it , where the finger is to be withdrawn : Hereupon follows the descent of the Mercury as low as half way the Pipe , and the bladder is puft up . Hence he deduces a Vacuum between the rarefied parts of the air , blowing up the bladder contained within the empty capacity . What a gross mistake is this ! First , He must know , as I shall prove by and by , that it is the air that presseth the Mercury down ; for whatever is moved Locally is moved by an extrinsick agent . Secondly , He doth against reason and experience state the rarefaction of some air : But whence came that air ? There was none , whilst it was filled up with the Mercury ; ergo it must have pierced through the pores of the Glass ; If so , what needs he admit only a smal quantity , which he supposeth to be rarefied after its ingress by an elaterick vertue , since a greater may as easily pass ? and why then a Vacuum ? Wherefore I say he must necessarily grant some air to pass the pores for to blow up the bladder : besides I prove , that it is easie for the air to pass through the pores of Glass ; because we see , light doth easily pass the thickest Glass ; but light is the air illuminated or obtended , as I have proved before , ergo . That Glass is pierced through with subtil pores is evident a little before it beginneth to concrease or indurate after its melting * Moreover we see , that the liquor it self of Aquà Fort. being poured upon the filing of Brass , penetrates through the pores of a thick precipitating Glass : The same is observed about the Glass at the ●ffusion of oyl of Vitriol to oyl of Tartar ; but air is much more subtil than these Liquors . Do we not observe the air to press by the spurring of fire through glasses of the greatest thickness ? For expose a thick glass of water to the fire , and you may observe it to be raised into millions of bubbles , when it begins to siethe , which is nothing else but the air forced through the pores of the Glass by the fire : In fine there is nothing that is imperforated by pores , except water and air in their absolute state . I omit the rest of his borrowed experiments , and shall only insert two words touching the conclusion , inferred from the pomping of the air out of a large round Glass Receiver , ( in that manner as you have it proposed by Casper Scott , ) which they conclude must afterwards remain void ; on the contrary it is rather more filled by air , attracted from without , and impacted so closs , that the pores of the glass seem to be filled and insufflated with it , as appears by the venting of the Receiver so pomped into a vessel of cold water , where it causeth a very great commotion and siething by the air bursting out ; certainly this is different from pomping the Receiver empty : or thus , they may pretend a Vacuum , because there is more air attracted into the Receiver than it contained before ; ergo there must either a penetration of bodies be allowed , or a Vacuum . To this I need propose no other answer for solution , than what I gave for the solution of the eruption of air out of an AEolipile . How or in what manner air is attracted into the said Receiver by this Magdenburg experiment , you shall read in the next Chapter . As for other Arguments they being as vacuous as Vacuum it self I shall neglect the mentioning of them . IV. But the Jesuitical Philosophers do further propose to themselves , whether a Vacuum could not be effected by an Angelical power , or if not by Angels , whether by the Divine Power . This is as like them as if it were spit out of their mouths : Those vile Impostors and the devils Saints will name God Almighty , and notwithstanding to his face doubt of his power in so mean a thing as a Vacuum is ; what , if God can destroy the Elements intirely , cannot he displace them partially ? Angels I confess cannot effect it naturally and ordinarily , although extraordinarily being virtuated with an extraordinary power from God they may . V. Next they rommage , whether Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum ; and if it be , whether it must not happen in an instant . I shall not weary my self to produce their opinions , but only appose what reason doth direct me . But let us first state the question right : The Problem may be understood in a threefold sense . 1. Whether a Local Motion be possible in a Vacuum as through a Medium , through which a body being locally moved passeth , taking its beginning of progress from without the said Vacuum . 2. Whether a body can take its beginning of motion outwards from a Vacuum . 3. Whether a spiritual substance obtains the power of moving it self locally in a Vacuum , or through it , without taking its first impulse from against a body , whence through reflection it might pass through . This premitted , I answer that according to the first intention a Vacuum is capable of giving a passage to a body locally moving through it , provided it takes its progress from without upon an immoveable center . I prove it , Air , Fire , and the other Elements move through a Vacuum ; for otherwise did they move through another body , it would infer a penetration of bodies : If then the Elements obtain such a power , ergo consequently their mixt bodies . 2. This Maxim Omne mobile sit super immobili . i. e. All moveables move upon an immoveable body , is alone to be understood of the foundation of motion , viz. That all moveables must move from an immoveable Center , that is , take their beginning thence , either by impulse , reflection , refraction , or continuated protrusion . 3. That Motion , whereby a moveable passeth through a Vacuum , is continuated upon its own Center , or upon another body instead of a Center ; for all motions must take their beginning upon an immoveable , or at least upon that which is not inclined to the same motion , in the same swiftness that the body , which moves upon it doth . 4. A single body can neither press through , not move ( that is out of its place , ) locally in a Vacuum , because it enjoying its Center , and not being violently detained , would rest upon that Center . 5. Neither can a mixt body move locally , that is , change its ubi in a Vacuum , because the reason of a bodies changing of its ubi is the impulsion of another body , striving for its center upon it : For example , water moves upwards , because the air striving for its Center protrudes it out of its seat upwards , as hath been mentioned ; air being compressed within the body of water is moved out of it , because of the waters compression downwards , whereby it is squeezed upwards ; But not through its own motion . Now in a Vacuum there is no external body to strive or to impell upon it . 6. A body would not cease to move locally internally , because of the violent detentions of the Elements contained within , pressing one another away from the Center . 7. Suppose there were a confusion of the four Elements as big as a fist cast without the Universe , they would change their internal places , as the Elements changed theirs in the Chaos , viz. The weighty Elements being less in extent would sooner gain the Center , than the others , and as for the rest they would move in the same manner , as the Elements move here , but of this more in the next Chapter : And now you may easily comprehend that the present world doth not at all change it s Ubi , but is immoveably fixed , although continually changing its internal places . 8. Angels , if conceited to be pure spirits may move in and through a Vacuum , but if apprehended to be of a circumscriptive quantity , they cannot . CHAP. XIX . Of Physical Motion . 1. What a Physical Motion is ; The kinds of it ; The definition of Alteration , Local Motion , and quantitative motions . The subdivision of Local Motion . 2. That all alterative and quantitative motions are direct . 3. That all externall motions are violent . 4. That all weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination or appetite they have to their universal Center . 5. The causes of swiftness and slowness of external Local Motion . 6. That light bodies are disposed to be moved upwards . 7. That ayry bodies , being seated in the fiery Region , are disposed to be moved downwards . 1. THe same reason , that perswaded me to treate of a Vacuum and Antiperistasis in the preceding Chapter , is also a motive why I deferred the Treatise of Physical motions hither . Physical motions are so called in opposition to Hyperphysical or Metaphysical , and are proper to natural bodies . A Physical motion then is a change of a natural body in any one or more of its Physical modes , or in all : A change is a ( transitus ) passing from that which is not to that which is to be : Whence we may plainly collect the differences of it to be as many , as it may vary in its Modes , and intirely in its Essence : viz. Physical motion is either to quantity , quality , action , passion , relation , situation , duration , to a new Essence , &c. and particularly to a greater or less quantity , to colour , figure , heat , coldness , &c. This infers , that there are many more universal differences or kinds of motion than Aristotle stated : However I shall only insist upon these three , as being most taken notice of : viz. Alteration , which is a change of a quality of a Physical being : External Local motion , which is a change of the external place wherein a natural being is seated : And Auction and Diminution , which are changes of the quantity of a natural being . Alteration ( as I said before in the Chapter of Coct . ) is nothing else , but the change of internal places of the Elements in a mixt body : Thus a body grows hot , when the intrinsick fire of a mixt body begins to be more united and condensed ; and is nothing else but the change of internal places , which by this fire were dispersed , and now are reduced in o a lesser number , or into places more united and less remote . So a mixt body happens to grow colder , when the earthy minims within it change their places , and are reduced to nearer places , and so grow more piercing to the center ; apprehend the same of the other qualities . External Local Motion is either understood in a large sense , as it comprehends alteration or change of internal places , or as it denotes a single internal motion from an internal place to an internal place , and in this acception we have made use of the word above in assigning the forms of the Elements ; or strictly it is restrained to external Local Motion , which is the change of an external place in natural bodies : That is , whereby natural bodies are moved out of one external place into another . The universal Elements naturally and strictly are not subjected to Local Motion , since their change of place is only internal , to wit , within one another : Whereas external Local motion is restricted to the change of an external place , however we may improperly or in a large sence conceive them to move locally . Neither are the Elements capable of auction or diminution , because their quantity and forms are definite ; wherefore they are only apt to undergo alteration , or change of their internal places , like we have hitherto demonstrated . Mixt bodies are disposed to the change of their external and internal places : Of their internal it is apparent , since they are never exempted from alteration ; their external is no less obvious . Auction or Diminution are changes of the Elements in a mixt body both of internal and external places : That is , do comprehend a local motion and alteration . The subdivisions of these three are various ; but for brevities sake we shall here only appose that of external Local motion : Which is either direct , reflex , or circular . A direct motion tends singly from one point to another in a right line . A reflex motion is either strictly so called , and is whereby a moveable is reflected or beaten back towards the point ( either perpendicularly or obliquely ) whence it first moved ; or refracted , ( as they vulgarly term it ) whereby a moveable is moved in an oblique Line to a terminus ad quem . A Circular motion is an oblique motion into a circle : This is either singly circular , whereby a motion is contorted into one circle ; or manifold and reflected , whereby it is either spirally , or vortically ( that is , like a whirl-pool ) contorted into many circles ; each inferiour circle being reflected into a greater superiour one , or each superiour greater circle being reflected into somewhat a lesser inferiour circle . Lastly , Motion is either swift , slow , or mean : The first is , which in a short time doth absolve a long space ; The next , which in a long time absolves but a short space : A mean motion is , which in a long or short time absolves a mean motion . These definitions and divisions premitted we shall next adscribe some useful Theorems . II. All alterative and quantitative motions are absolutely and per se primarily direct : That the primar and natural motions of the Elements are direct , their definitions testifie ; For since they do each primarily move from their Center to the Circumference , or from the Circumference to the Center , and that all motions from the Center to the Circumference , and from the Circumference to the Center are direct , it must necessarily follow , that those said motions primarily adscribed to them are direct . 2. All external Local motions proper to mixt bodies being moved with an Element , that enjoys its Center are direct , because such bodies being moved by the said presupposed Element must be directed to the same term , that the Element is , which as hath been proved is likewise direct . III. All external Local Motions are violent , or moved by an extrinsick movent : That is , no natural body , whether mixt or simple , can or doth move it self locally . * I prove it : external Local Motion is caused by expulsion ; but all expulsions ( as the name it self doth import ) are caused by an external principle , expelling the body , that doth disrupt or dispossess it of its place : Ergo. I confirm the Minor : what , can a body be said to expel it self ? Expulsion is caused by the body injured , but that is the discontinuated and external body only ; Ergo. 2. The body expelled enjoys a center ; ergo it cannot move for one , since all motions are for a center . 3. External Local Motion is caused by compression , but a natural body cannot compress it self : Ergo. Possibly you may say , that a body may compress the extraneous body , and so lift it self up : No , for if so , then it is rather lifted up by the renitency of the extraneous body . But how is a natural body capable of compressing an extrinsick body ? What ? By rarefaction ; well , if so , a body cannot rarefie it self : Possibly you will suppose a vertual rarefaction proceeding from the internal form of a body , and such a quality is not in rerum natura . 4. The name it self makes the same inference : viz. External Local motion is a change of external place ; ergo the vertue changing must proceed from without or externally ; because it is impossible , that an internal power should reach beyond its sphere of activity , which extends no further than its internal body or matter . All bodies do naturally covet rest from external Local motion ; ergo the same external motion must be violent , or from without . Doth earth ( that is in particles ) ever move Locally out of its place ? No , but is attracted or forced upwards ( as in exhalations ) by extrinsick efficients , as external air and fire : In summa all instances in the world do confirm to us , that external Local Motion is from without . But I instance in particulars : A Bullet being swallowed down by any living Creature is detruded downwards and evacuated by stool ; but if thrust down its throat , when it is dead , resteth in the body ; ergo it is the depressing vertue of that living Creature doth extrinsecally move it locally , since when it is dead the bullet is not affected by any such motion . IV. All weighty mixt bodies , being removed from their Element , are disposed to be detruded downwards from without ; but do not move from any internal inclination they have to their universal center . I prove the latter part ; because all bodies can obtain but one motion for their preservation ; but that is of moving to their own center , whither , whence and whereupon they move ; Ergo. The Minor is confirmed , by that we see , that water and earth in an extraneous Element , as in the air or fire , do move to their own particular center , as appears in drops of rain , that fall down from the air . Doth not Mercury move directly to its own center , although it be never so many times divided ? Do not air and fire erupt out of the water in a round bubble ? Ergo their motion was from their own center , as appears by their rotundity . Doth noth a flame in a candle strive to maintain its center ? I shall add one argument more : A part retains the nature of the whole , which in a weighty body is of moving to its own center , ergo all weighty bodies do primarily move to their own center : Amputate any member of a living Creature , and you will find it to shrink immediately into a rotundity , or towards its own center ; whereas had it any inclination or appetite to that body whence it was prescinded , it would remain in the same shape and form it was cut off , for so it would be aptest to be reunited . If then all weighty bodies do primarily move to their own center , how can they then existing in the air move or have an inclination of moving down to the earth , since they in moving to their own particular center do manifestly move from her ? Ergo there can be no such thing as an appetite or inclination in mixt bodies to an universal center , when separated from it ; although when united , they have a particular respect to it as a part hath to the whole . Next I prove the first branch of the Conclusion , viz. That all weighty mixt bodies being seated without their Element , are disposed to be moved downwards . Downwards , quasi to it ( namely to the center ) wards , or into it wards . Upwards quasi outwards , that is , from the Center to the Circumference : Likewise the German Synonyma's confirms this Etymology , viz. Nach beneden ( or downwards , ) quasi Nach binnen or inne , that is into wards : Or nach boven ( upwards ) quasi butenwarts , and that quasi ouswarts or outwards . Whence we may learn , that in every particular mixt body there is as properly a downwards , and an upwards , as in the universal body : So then the fore-stated downwards is to be understood to the earthwards , ( that is to the terraqueous Globe ) and upwards from the earthwards . I say they are disposed to be moved downwards , because they cannot move themselves thither , but concur to that motion only by their disposition . V. This disposition is nothing else but the renitency or stubbornness of the weighty mixt body discontinuating the air or fire , and resisting their motion to the center-wards ; the intension and remission of the said renitency depends upon the greater or lesser density or crassitude ; whence it is also , that some bodies are moved swifter downwards , because they consist of a greater density * , sustaining a more violent impulse of the air , which were they less dense , would be moved slower , because of a less renitency . 2. Or thus , the air being discontinuated by an interposed weighty mixt body doth primarily strive from all parts to a reunion by its expansive vertue , especially from above , because of its greater strength there , as being less discontinuated and weakened by exhalations and vapours ; whence the greatest force descending doth also direct the impulsion downwards . Wherefore a weighty body , as Mercury or any other Mineral , is moved much swifter downwards or ( according to the ordinary Ideom of speech ) weighs much heavier , on the top of high hills , than below . But you shall read more in the next Chapt. VI. All light bodies being seated in a weighty Element are disposed to be moved upwards , whence it is that subterraneous air is oft forced upwards by the earths compressing vertue : Likewise a piece of Cork depressed under water is by the waters gravity closing underneath ( in the same manner as we have explained it in the 2. Part. the 1. Book . Chap. 16. 2. Par. ) squeezed upwards , without any intrinsick propensity ; for otherwise the same Cork being also disposed to be pressed downwards in the air must be supposed to have two internal propensities , which is absurd . A flame burning in the ayry Regions is forced upwards by its disposition of levity , tenuity and rarity : Thus ; The air sinding it self injured by the discontinuating flame presses upon her and strives from all sides to squeeze her away ; The flame being over-powered is forced to slip or slide away , whether its disposition may best yield ; downwards it cannot tend , because there it is resisted by the courser air infested with weighty peregrin Elements ; Ergo upwards , because there it finds the way most open to give free passage to its light rarity and tenuity : On the contrary , a weighty body , because of its density and crassitude , finds the passage clearer downwards , by reason it is most driven from the tenuity of the air atop : but supposing the air to enjoy its center doubtless those weighty bodies , would be cast forth upwards to the Circumference . VII .. Ayry bodies , that are seated in a fiery Element , are moved downwards , because the rarity of the fire , sinking downwards for a center , doth impell them also thither , whose disposition being continuous and thin are the better disposed to slide away from the fire ( compressing them all about ) downwards , because upwards the said bodies striving to maintain their particular Centers would be more discontinuated , where the force of fire must also be strongest : Whence you may observe , that weighty bodies and light bodies are both moved to one terminus ad quem in the fiery regions . Touching the causes of refraction and reflection you shall read them in the next Chapter . Hence a great part of the first Book of the second Part , will be rendred much plainer , which I did forbear to illustrate further , because of avoiding needless repetitions , intending to treat of these by themselves , viz. why water or any other weighty body , being violently detained , is much intended in its strength ; or why water is more depressing atop , or when it is most remote from her Center than underneath , namely because of the depression of the air , adding much to the drowning of a man , as we have mentioned in 12th . and 16th . Chapters , and so many other passages . CHAP. XX. Of Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent Motion . 1. How air is attracted by a water-spout or Siphon . 2. The manner of another kind of Attraction by a sucking Leather . 3. How two flat Marble stones clapt close together draw one another up . 4. How a Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of a Cask . 5. How sucking with ones mouth attracts water . 6. How a Sucker attracts the water . 7. The manner of Attraction by Filtration . 8. The manner of Electrical attraction . 9. How fire and fiery bodies are said to attract . 10. What Projection is , and the manner of it . 11. What Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion are . 1. I Thought fit to subject these remaining kinds of motion to the preceding , and to treat of them in a distinct Chapter : viz. Attraction , Expulsion , Projection , Disruption , Undulation , and Recurrent motion . I shall only insist upon some particular kinds of attraction . What Attraction is , the name doth explain . How air is attracted by water , and water properly by air , hath been proposed in the foregoing Chapters ; Attraction is further evident . 1. In a Siphon or water-spout , wherewith they usually cast up water for to quench a fire . Here the water is attracted by the drawing up of the Sucker ; not through a bending for to avoid a Vacuum ; but through the natural cohesion in continuancy of the air to the Sucker or aerial parts contained within the Sucker : Now the air doth cohere more strongly , because there is no body to discontinue it within the Siphon , but is rather assisted in a continuated cohesion by the continuity of the sides of the Siphon and of the Sucker . Or otherwise if the air did strive to separate , how could it ? For suppose it should be discontinuated from the Sucker , then through that discontinuation there must be some certain void space effected : if so , then that air , which did before fill up that void space , must have been withdrawn into some other place , or else it must through penetration have sunk into its own substance ; besides the air that was expelled up vards must have penetrated into its own body by condensation , or into the body of the water , all which is impossible , since a penetration of bodies is an annihilation . But here inquiry may be made , whether it is the continuated cohesion of the air with the water causes the succession of the water upon the air ; or whether the air , which through haling up of the Sucker is expelled upwards out of the Siphon , doth for to procure a place protrude the air cohering about the external sides of the Siphon downwards into the water , through whose insufflation the water is propelled upwards into the Siphon . I answer both waies ; for it is impossible , that such a great weight of water should ascend so easily with so little a force as the attraction of the Sucker , unless it were assisted by the strong force of the air pomped out , out of a necessity and impossibility of shrinking pressing down , and protruding the water upwards . That this is so , the external circular pressure and dent , which we see about the outsides of the water about the lower end of the Siphon , and the internal pussing up of the water within the Siphon do testifie . II. Another kind of Attraction not unlike to this is observable in boyes their sucking Leathers , being wetted and clapt flat upon a stone , and afterwards drawn up with a packthread fastned in it attracts the stone with it . The cause is alone the continuous cohesion of the water to the stone , defending it self from the disruption of the air , the which as soon as breaking through occasions the separation of the Leather from the stone . III. Two smooth flat equal Marble stones clapt close one upon the other , the uppermost attracts the lowermost , if equally lifted up from their Center , by a ring fastned to it , because of the air through its continuity sticking fast to the lowermost and the undermost stones ; but if disrupted through an unequal lifting the lowermost stone falls . In the same manner doth a plain board cast upon the water attract it into a Rising , when lifted up by the central part . IV. A Wine-Coopers Pipe attracts Wine out of the bung-hole of a Cask : The Pipe is somewhat long , and narrower towards the bottom and the top , but wider in the middle , which thrust open at both ends into a Cask full of Wine through the Bung-hole , and afterwards applying one 's Thum close to the hole atop may attract a competent quantity of Wine out of the Vessel , which with the opening of the upper hole runs out again . But methinks that this and the forementioned attractions might rather be termed cohesions or detensions , since that which doth attract is the extrinsick attractor , viz. ones arm . The cause of its attraction is the immission of the Pipe into the Cask , to a certain depth , where the air being excluded from it and closed with your Thumb , you will find a drawing or sucking to your Thumb , which is nothing else but the weight of the Wine pressed downwards , and notwithstanding cleaving fast to the continuity of your Thumb , which being continuous and obtuse doth sustain the liquor continuated to it ; whereas were it subtil , that it could give way as the free air , it would not be contained so . But suppose you thrusted a Beaker with the mouth downwards under water , and stopt a small hole made on the bottom of it with your Thumb , the water would not keep in there , because the air would enter underneath , through which the parts of the water would be disunited , and so desert the supposed cohesion of parts : why the Wine descends at the opening of the upper hole , is through the impulse of the air entring . V. The sucking of water through a Reed by the mouth is effected , by causing a flat closs cohesion of your Tongue and lips with the continuous parts of water or air ; for what is contiguous cannot be suckt ( unless by means of its inherency in continuous bodies , ) because its parts are unapt to cohere . To all these kinds of cohesions or adhesions the closeness of sides of those external bodies , that cohere together through the internal cohesion of air , doth mainly contribute by keeping off the discontinuating air ; as the closeness of the sucking leather sticking , of the two Marble stones , of the sides of the Wine-Coopers Pipe , of the Lips in sucking , &c. VI. A Sucker , otherwise called a Siphon , being a Pipe consisting of two arms of an unequal length , meeting in a curvilineal Angle , attracts water out of a Vessel untill it be all run out , provided it be set running by sucking the water down to the lowermost part of the longer arm , being placed without the said Vessel . This instance gives us a plain demonstration , that attraction is caused by the means of the cohesion of continuous parts to other continuous ones , especially if separated through a close Cane from dividing bodies ( as the air ) and by the same cause kept close together ; for water as I said before , will alwaies through its weight and continuity cohere and keep close to its next central parts , and never separates unless through a disunion by the air or other bodies . Hence it is also , that water is easily led to any height * , if impelled by any force through a close Pipe , or by a Sucker . But why water contained within the shorter arm should yield to water contained within the longer may justly be doubted : The reason is , because the water contained within the longer Pipe being more in quantity is heavier than the other , and therefore prevails , and is more disposed for to be pressed downwards : But then you might reply , That the water of the shorter Pipe is assisted in weight by the other proportion contained within the capacity of the Vessel . I answer , That the water of the shorter arm is impelled forward through the pressure of the said water contained within the capacity of the Vessel : But not through its own gravity pressing downward towards the Center of the world ; for every proportion of water ( as I said before ) retaining the nature of their universal Element only strives for to maintain its own center , and therefore water if enjoying a center within its own Circumference , wherever it be , doth not press or weigh , but strives to maintain its nature in rest : But that , which doth cause a force upon water downwards in the Vessel , is the strong sinking down of the air tending downwards for its Center : For otherwise water in a Vessel would contain it self in a round figure , which it cannot , because it is reduced to a flatness by the sinking air . VII . Attraction by Filtration is performed by causing one end of a piece of Flannell or other wollen cloath to hang into any Liquor over the brim of the containing Vessel , and the other end into an empty one , whereby the light parts of the water ascend up the cloath , and distill into the other Vessel . This is effected by separating the thick parts of water and rarefying it through the labels subtil fibres , whence the other heavy parts of the water by descending downwards and being pressed by the air do over-press its subtiler and aerial parts upwards , the grosser and heavier remaining behind . By this it appears , that Filtration and other kinds of Attraction already mentioned are not so much Attractions as violent Expulsions . As the water of a Sucker will not run out unless the longer arm exceeds the depth of the water in length , so neither will water attracted by a filter distill down into the empty vessel , unless the distilling Label be lower than the water contained within the other Vessel for the same reason . VIII . Attraction effected by Amber or other Bituminous bodies , otherwise called Electrical attraction , depends on emanations or continuous steams emitted from Amber ( especially if rubbed ) consisting of incrassated air and fire , being impelled circularly untill where they are gathered by a continuous body , which if light do return with those emanations upwards ; for the said emanations being diducted , expansive and light , are by the weighty ( comparativè ) vapourous air of this lower Region striving to keep their nearness to the center squeezed and propelled upwards , which commonly tends to the emitting body , because the greater quantity of those steams are gathered perpendicularly under the said emitting body , and so do return the same way . Hence observe , That Amber doth not attract so potently on the top of high Mountains , because its steams , being weightier than the air is there , do spread themselves further , whereby they are deprived of a return : Neither will Amber attract in a thick vapourous air , because its steams are detained from dispersion . IX . Fire and fiery bodies , as Onions , Soap , &c. are said to attract ; but improperly , because their attraction is nothing else but an expulsion of those bodies , which they are imagined to attract ; For instance : Fire is said to attract water , air , &c. This is nothing else but fire piercing into the substance of water or air , whereby it doth expel them into those places , which it leaves , or which are near to it : Hence vapours are seldom attracted , or rather expelled into the places where fire doth continually pass , as directly under the AEquator , because it fills those places with its own presence , but are reflected towards the sides as towards the North and South Pole , whose spaces are not filled up with its torrid rayes . Now judge a little of that most barbarous practice among Physitians in applying Reddishes , Salt , leaven , yea Epispastick Plasters to the Wrists and Feet of Feaverish Patients : What rage , what torments are poor men put to , how are their Feavers , Paraphrensies exacerbated through their diabolical practice ? These things do not attract without piercing into a mans Veins and Arteries , and through their greater force of heat and violence do protrude the less heat of the body , and by a short stay do put the whole body into a consuming fire ; How many men have I seen murthered in that manner ? 'T is true in malignant and Pestilential Feavers they have their use , but not in single putrid ones . Now by what hath been proposed in this Paragraph we may easily apprehend the manner of all water-works , and of raising water higher than its source , as that which is performed by the invention of Archimedes through a brazen or leaden Serpent , or by wheels impelling water into Pipes , &c. Hence we may also conceive the manner of the attraction , or rather expulsion of the degrees of water in a Thermometer , or invention to measure the degrees of heat and cold , and the differences of them in several Rooms , Towns , Seasons of the year , &c. The Instrument is nothing but a long glass Pipe , towards the end somewhat turning up , being left open for to poure in any liquor , which according to the rarefaction or condensation of the air contained within the Pipe above will either ascend or descend in so many more or less degrees , as the air is altered by rarefaction through the heat of the ambient air , or condensation through the cold minims of earth within the said ambient air compressing the water more or less through its increase of quantity . Touching the Magdenburg Invention ; the air is attracted outwards in the same manner , as we have explained the attraction of water by a water-spout , namely by a continuation , cohesion , and adhesion to the Sucker : The air attracted out of the capacity of the Receiver doth also through the same means attract air and fire , inhering in the rarefied and attenuated water without in the koop ; that again in the koop attracts air from without for to fill up its spaces , which is as ready to press in , because that air , which was pumped out of the capacity , wants room without . This succession of air is continuated by pumping , untill the air within is quite filled up with the incrassated air attracted from without , whose thickness will not suffer it self to be pumped out any longer ; so that , as the air within begins to be incrassated , so the pumping without falls harder and harder . Towards the latter end there seems to be a forcible retraction of the Sucker making a great noise through its return , because the capacity of the Receiver being replenisht to the very pores of the glass , which being rendred somewhat flexible through the passing and tumefying of the incrassated and rarefied air , afterwards beginning to condense through greater access of fire , is violently through the great external force of the pumping somewhat forced to bend or yield inwards , whose renitency and force to return retracts the Sucker through continuation and cohesion of the incrassated air . Next we are to pursue the manner of acceleration of weighty bodies downwards . It is certain that a natural mixt weighty body , falling directly down from atop without interruption to the bottom , doth acquire a greater celerity the further it recedes from the beginning of its descent ; because the lower or farther it descends through propulsion of the superiour air , the more and the greater body ( viz. of air under it ) it compresses , which for to prevent the penetration of its own body is the more and violenter irritated to run round about the descending weighty body for to recover the place left by the said body , where arriving doth as it were rebound against the superiour parts of the air , which doth very much intend the celerity of the said bodies motion , and the same gradually increasing doth also gradually accelerate the descending body the further it falls . Some are of opinion , that the acceleration of descending bodies is caused by Atoms falling down from the Celestial Orbs , which as they do more and more encrease by being retained by the descending body , do likewise more and more accelerate its descent . This can scarce be , because those Atoms , reflecting and returning from the Surface of the Terrestrial Globe , are in greater number underneath the body than above ; ergo according to that manner of reasoning a body falling from on high should rather be gradually retarded . 3. A body should also fall swifter in the Winter than in the Summer , in cold Countries than in hot , because those Atoms are most numerous there ; but the contrary is true . Ergo no true consequence . In like manner do light bodies acquire a greater swiftness in ascending , the higher they are propelled , whence it is that Fowl flying high move much swifter than below . Retardation is caused through causes opposite to these now mentioned . X. Projection is , whereby a body is moved swifter by the forcible impulse of the Projector , than it would do otherwise . Thus an Arrow is swiftly moved out of a Bow , or a stone being cast out of the hand ; because of the force of the impulse of the Projector . The cause of the intention of this impulse is the great swiftness of the said impulse * at the beginning , whereby the air is swiftly propelled before , whose most swift return about the sides of the body projected causes the continuation of the swiftness of the first impulse , but gradually diminishing by how much the further it recedes from the beginning . A ball projected out of a Canon is propelled with that swiftness , because of the swiftness of the first smart impulse . The truth of the foresaid reason and manner is apparent in shooting a pole through the water , where we may see the water at the farther end raised into a tumor , which running * about the sides to the other end causeth its propulsion : Whence it is also that when there appears no more of the tumor of the water before the pole , its motion doth instantly cease . XI . Disruption or bursting is a sudden separation of the parts of a body through a violent force moving from within . This we see happens oft in Canons , when over-charged ; or in bottels filled with water being frozen in the Winter , o. Wine in the Summer being close stopt : The cause of these latter must be imputed to frosty or fiery minims , entring through the pores of the bottels in greater quantity than their capacity can take in , and disrupting them for to avoid a penetration of bodies . Bodies are oft said to burst through driness , ( as Instruments , &c. ) but very improperly , since it is the fiery or frosty minims entring their pores and filling their capacities , and afterwards disrupting them because of avoiding a penetration of bodies : So Instrument-strings are apt to break in moist weather , because their continuation is disrupted through penetration of moist bodies into their pores . Undulation is a motion , whereby a body is moved to and fro , like to water shaken in a basin , or to the motion of a Bell. The cause is likewise adscribed to the first motion of the Impulsor , which being terminated at the end of its return is beat back through the direct descent of the air impelling it , by reason it lieth athwart . Recurrent motion being but little different from this , I shall therefore say no more of it . The cause of reflection is the return of the impulse impressed upon the air or water ( both being media deferentia ) perpendicularly or obliquely upwards from a hard and plane reflecting body : Of refraction , the cause is the shuving off of the impulse downwards by the shelving sides of an angular hard body . CHAP. XXI . Of Fire , being an Introduction to a New Astronomy . 1. The Fires division into three Regions . 2. The qualification of the inferiour Region . What the Sun is . What his torrid Rayes are , and how generated . 3. How the other Planets were generated . 4. How the fixed Stars were generated . 5. A further explanation of the Stars their Ventilation . That there are many Stars within the Planetary Region that are invisible . Of the appearance of new Stars or Comets . Of the Galaxia or Milk-way . 6. That the fiery Regions are much attenuated . I. THe ground of the fires tending downwards you may easily collect from what I have set down touching the waters and airs commerce with the other Elements . It s profundity we may likewise divide into three Regions ; The first whereof containing the Planetary bodies , the next the fixed Stars , and the third consisting most of purefire . II. The inferiour Region , through its nearer approximation to the air and its immersion into it , is cast into a subtil flame , whose subtility doth effuge our sight and Tact. The Sun is a great body generated out of the peregrin Elements contained in the inferiour igneous Region , consisting most of condensed fire and incrassated air , extended and blown up into the greatest flame , and conglomerated within the greatest fiery cloud . These igneous clouds are like to the windy clouds of the air , which as they do daily blast down wind upon the earth , so do these cast fiery rayes , among which that , which surrounds the Sun , doth vendicate the greatest power to it selfe . The manner of casting of its fiery rayes is the same with that of winds : viz. The Region of fire forceth up * every day or continually a great quantity of air , somewhat incrassated and condensed , into its own sphere through its descending force striving for a Center : This incrassated and condensed air is impelled violently into the body of the Stars by other subtil flames , as being more forcible to drive the said adventitious matter from them , because their parts are so closely ingaged , that they can scarce slow a minim without a penetration . Wherefore they must necessarily be impelled gradually into the bodies of the Stars , because these are mixt bodies , that give way so much in themselves by expelling fiery or torrid minima's down into the air , as to be capacious enough of receiving so many airy particles , as the Elementary fire doth force up every moment . But before I proceed in unfolding the manner of the Celestial mixt bodies their ventilations ; I must insist somewhat further upon their constitution . III. The Celestial mixt bodies are not only like to clouds in their daily and minutely ventilations , but also in their constitutions : viz. The inferiour ones ( as the Planets ) are constituted out of the courser and more mixt matter of the finer cloudy air in the inferiour Region of the Element of fire , like the clouds of the inferiour Region of air are constituted out of the courser part of vapours . Their coagulation is effected through the force of the fiery Element crushing their matter from below upwards , and again is repelled back from the superiour parts of the said fiery Elements , because through its being pressed up are scanted of room , and therefore do press downwards not only for room , but also because of reuniting where they are divided by the said coagulated bodies . Now it may easily appear to you . 1. Whence that rotundity , or rather globosity , doth arrive to them , viz. because they are circularly crusht . 2. Because the air and fire of the said Planets do naturally spread themselves equally from the Center to the Circumference , whence a circular figure must needs follow . Also , 3. That Stars are nothing else but the thicker and denser part of the Heavens , coagulated into fiery mixt bodies ; to wit , flames . 3. That as they do decrease by Ventilation every day , so they do also increase by the introsusception of new aerial particles . 4. That they must necessarily be very durable , because of the duration of their causes : For as the great force of the inferiour parts of the igneous Heavens never desist from striving for the Center , and do every day cast up great proportions of aerial matter , so do the superiour parts never cease from compressing them into the bodies of the other condensed flames being disposed ( as I said before ) through their ventilation to receive them . 2. Because the aerial parts , being got into the Center of the flames , cease from all external Local motion , striving only to maintain their Center in rest . IV. Fixed Stars are generated out of the subtiler parts of the forementioned aerial evaporations , * , being through their less resisting gravity ( redounding from water & earth in them ) rendred capable of being screwed up higher to the second Region , where they are coagulated through the same motions of the Heavens that Planetary clouds are . These are responding to the permanent clouds of the second Region of the air , which as they are spread into more large extended bodies , wherein many knobs seem to be unequally coagulated through the unequal proportion of the mixture of the vapours , even so are these evaporations coagulated into long large bodies , within which again other coagulations are effected , of unequal proportions , rising like so many knobs of various magnitudes , which constitute the fixed Stars , well deserving the Epithete of being fixed or fastned in those vast igneous clouds . We diduct hence : 1. That the fixed Stars are smaller than the Planets , because their matter is the overplus of the Planets . 2. That they were formed after the Planets , because their matter must be arrived to the first Region , before the subtiler parts could appel to the second Region for the matter of others . 3. That the difference between the loose and fixed Stars is no other , than that these latter consist of a more compact flame than the others , and thence we may also collect them to be more durable . V. But to make pursuit of the manner of ventilation of the Stars : The fiery minims striking down vehemently upon them , because they are screwed up more and more by the continual access of new coagulations impelled into the said Stars , must necessarily be intended in their force upon them for to recover their place and continuation : These then striking from all sides through those Celestial mixt bodies do expell , shake down , and effuse * continually great showers of those torrid minims consisting of condensed fire , which are accelerated likewise in their descent through the depression of the air . These as they pass do heat the air , especially in the lower Region , because of the density of the clouds and air staying their beams . And 2. Because of their reflection from the earth . These fiery showers do scarce reach any farther than the temperate Zones : Where they rain down perpendicularly there they leave marks of their heat ; where obliquely , there of warmth only ; but the air within the Polars is not sensible of so much as their warmth . These showers do fall down sometimes in a greater confluence than others , whence they cast a greater heat , which happens through their meeting and being united with more aerial matter or igneous clouds , or else through want of shelter under dense clouds in the air ; or thirdly by uniting their showers with those of other Planets . Hence we may observe , That the Sun is the hottest body in the Heavens , and therefore the loosest and the softest . 2. That the Moon and the other Stars consist of a less soft consistency . 3. That the fixed Stars , as they do heat but little , so they dissolve but little , and therefore must be of a yet less soft consistency . 4. That the fiery clouds being supposed globous , and therefore profound , do harbour many invisible lights ; whereof some do happen sometimes to be detruded out of their seat downwards ( that is towards the earth ) through the continuated and exuperant force of the superiour parts of the Element of fire : This is seldom observed but in the lower Region of the fire , because that Element doth use its greatest force there , as being near to the place of strife for its Center , and most pincht there by the obtruded igneous clouds . These new appearing Lights do sometimes keep within sight for eight or ten Months , some longer , others shorter , and afterwards disappear again , whence they come under the notion of Comets , agreeing in nothing with them except in their disappearing after a certain times lustre . The cause of their disappearance I impute to the bearing up of the air upwards by the inferiour fiery rayes , and carrying those dislocated Stars out of sight again , where they are included within a dense igneous cloud . 5. New Stars are oft generated within the bulk of the foresaid clouds , whose smalness and close inclusion doth render them invisible ; Others again are dissolved through being over-powered by the force of the fiery Element . 6. The Galaxia or milky-way is nothing but a great number of small dusky lights or inequalities coagulated out of the grosser part of the peregrin Elements of the lower igneous Region . VI. Lastly , Like as you see that the Element of water , which naturally consisteth of the greatest thickness , is reduced to that tenuity through such a great proportion of air , and that the air is from the greatest tenuity incrassated through such a quantity of water and earth into clouds throughout its whole body , even the same we must imagine of fire ; viz. that it is reduced from the greatest rarity to a condensation and attenuation into large igneous clouds * throughout its body , through the vast admixture of air somewhat incrassated and condensed . These clouds in the lower Region are diducted and separated into many thick and profound ones ; in the second Region into those of a great tenuity , but more cohering . Thus we have briefly exposed to your view the commerce of fire with the other Elements , and for your better understanding have caused this Scheme to be inserted , where you have the universal flames striking downwards for a Center , whereas after the first knock it flamed upwards in the Chaos ; because it moved from its own Center . The proportions of fire and air to both the other Elements , although not very exactly cut according to my Copy , yet comes near to it . The Stars are there represented according to their several Regions wherein they are seated . The motion of the heavens is likewise there exhibited as we have demonstrated it in the preceding Paragraphs ; All which , with many others insisted upon in this and the subsequent Chapter , you have here plainly proposed . CHAP. XXII . Of the Motion of the Element of fire . 1. Where the Poles of the Heavens are . 2. The Opinions of Ptolomy and Tycho rejected . 3. That the Planets move freely and loosely , and why the fixed Stars are moved so uniformly . 4. The Suns retrograde motion unfolded , and the cause of it . 5. How the Ecliptick , AEquator , and the Zodiack were first found out . 6. The manner of the fiery Heavens their ventilation . 7. Whence it is , that the Sun moves swifter through the Austrinal Mediety , and slower through the Boreal . How the Sun happens to measure a larger fiery Tract at some seasons in the same time than at others . 8. Whence the difference of the Suns greatest declination in the time of Hipparchus , Ptolomy , and of this our age happens . 9. An undoubted and exact way of Calculating the natural end of the World. The manner of the Worlds dissolution ; The same proved also by the holy Scriptures . The prevention of a Calumny . I. I have formerly discoursed upon the motion of the Heavens from East to West , assigning the violent detention from their Center for the cause of it , I shall repeat nothing more of it than put you in mind that nothing can move circularly except upon two immoveable points , which are therefore named the Poles from sustaining their body . The immobility , which we observe in this our Hemisphere near the Bear Stars , perswades us to take it for the North or Arctick Pole , to which the South or Antartick Pole is opposite , visible only in the other Hemisphere . Between these the Heavens move from East to West , and where they measure most space , there they mark out the AEquinoctial Line , a greater Circle imagined or described by us to be in the Heavens equidistant from each Pole , that is , elevated above either of them 90 degrees . II. Touching the motion of the Stars let us enquire , whether according to Ptolomy they are affixed to Orbs , and move along with them , or whether they move free and loose like Fish in the water , as Tycho Brahe conceived . It is strange to consider how the Ancients oft assumed false suppositions , builded for many Ages upon them , and retained them as Oracles : All this doubtless befell them through neglect of making further search and triall into their realities . What stupid fixions did they harbour touching the solidity of the Orbs , excusing the defect of their noise by their remoteness , imagining their harmony to be most pleasant to any Ear that could hear it . Their variety ( were they not excused by being imaginary only ) would exceed all probability of belief : Some they imagine to be Concentrical or Excentrical , which latter are either greater Excentrical , or lesser excentrical , alias Epicycles . Some again are both Concentrical & Excentrical , and others are Concentrical within a Concentrical . Some are deferring , others equalizing , and what not for to drive away their time ? In summa they were at least 80 in number . Certainly no natural Philosopher can be adduced to believe these kinds of Fictions , knowing those bodies assigned for Orbs to be soft , and therefore unfit to cohere in so many Sections . But Brahe's dream is much more disagreeing , since it is impossible , that such loose bodies could move in such an exact and equal order , as the fixed Stars do ; for otherwise were they loose , as Planets are , they would move as variously and disorderly as they . III. Wherefore I conclude , 1. That the Planets , particularly the Sun and Moon do move freely and loose , being included within great fiery clouds , because their motions are very different one from the other , which otherwise could not be , supposing they were affixed to Orbs. 2. The fixed Stars cohere in large igneous clouds linked together , out of whose bodies they are constituted , and with them they are also moved : This their equal and regular motion makes clear to us . But I will take the pains to explain their motion to you more particularly , and begin with the Sun. IV. The Sun we observe appears once in 24 hours to all the Inhabitants of the torfid and temperate Zones , being moved from East to West . I suppose you to remember and assume that maxime so oft repeated , viz. That no body whether mixt or single hath a power of moving it self locally to an external place , although from an external place it may , so long as it obtaineth an internal Center . Whence I conclude , That the Sun doth not move through himself from East to West , but is carried along with the fiery Heavens , as a cloud with the air , or Ship with the flowing Ocean , and so they both happen to measure almost an equal space in an equal time , saving in one degree of time and space every day of a Tropical year , consisting of 360 Solar daies ; which depends upon some resistency or renitency the Sun hath to external Local Motion or vection , like we observe in a Ship driving with the stream , yet not so fast as the stream , because there is some resistance in the Ship : whence it is apparent that the Sun is moved forward every natural day only 359 degrees , which occasioneth the Suns staying back one degree every day , whereby in 360 daies it must necessarily stay back the Circumference of the whole fiery Heavens ; and hence it is , that the Sun doth appear to us every day one degree sooner or latter , as you may apprehend it . This staying back or retrograde motion Astronomers are pleased to call the proper motion of the Sun , whereby he moves through himself through the succession of the Signs , or against the motion of the Primum mobile ; which is absurd , for then he must needs be an Animal ; because only Animals can move to an external place through themselves . This Retrogradation of the Sun is naturally directed from West towards East , but through the unequal access of cloudy fire dayly driven up from one of the Poles spouting out strong showers of condensed fire , is shoven and driven every day somewhat to the side , viz. Northerly , when the said fiery clouds are impelled from the South side , which lasteth as long as untill that tract hath vented its burden , and cast it down towards the other side , and impelled the Sun to his greatest Northern declination , and by that time the Northern Hemisphere is so much filled with fiery clouds , that it is necessitated to vent it self through casting its condensed fire towards the South , whereby the Sun is impelled again to the other side . The way , described through the Suns being thus shoven from one side to the other , and yet gradually staying back from West to East , is called the Ecliptick , whose greatest declination towards either side North or South is distant from the AEquator 23½ degrees . V. The Ancients observing the daily and monthly staying back of the Sun , in that he appeared now in such a declination or amplitude , a month after 30 degrees further , and the next month as many further , and so on , untill they had found out the Romb of the Sun , viz. The Ecliptick , phansied another Line much broader than this directly above among the stars of the Firmament , apprehending them all along that road , ( to wit , through the Septentrional and Meridional declination , ) so many as would constitute a twelfth part of the Ecliptick , to be like to some living creature or other , that so they might know them again ; Hence they imagined one twelfth part of those Stars to be situated in such a position as to be like unto a Ram , wherefore they did all agree to name it Aries ; the Stars next following this twelfth part to be like a Bull , whence they called that Taurus ; and so on with the rest . Afterwards this whole Road was called by the name of Zodiack , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a living creature , as if they would have termed it a circle of living Creatures , that is like to them . So you see they did not pass through any great difficulty to make these observations and describe all the Circles of the heavens ; for after they had once found out one Pole , they must needs have concluded there must be another : Then they cold not but observe the firmament moving between these Poles ; next that the middle must be the greatest course , and therefore a rule and measure of all other Phanomena's , which for that reason they called the AEquator or Equinoctial : Now having found out these three great marks for their guide , namely the Pole , Equinoctial , and the Zodiack , the other circles and observations of the motions of the Planets were easily made . This by the way . VI. Before I go on any further , I will prove , that such a vast measure of fiery winds blows down from each of the Polar Regions for six months together . It is certain , That a great proportion of fiery clouds is cast from the middle or Equinoctial of the fiery Heavens towards the Poles , because there they are the strongest , as appears by their strong and swift motion , measuring more way by far there than about the Polars , wherefore the greatest part of those fiery clouds must necessarily be detruded towards the Polars , as being the weaker parts of the heavens , and therefore the apter for their reception . These clouds being obtruded thither in great quantities are compressed by the force of the Superiour heavens , whereby the condensed fiery minims break forth in great showers , which blowing constantly for six months do alwaies blow the Sun from them towards the opposite side . 2. If clouds of the air are most detruded towards their Polars , and blow thence constantly for a long season * , as Mariners tell us they do ; Ergo the same must happen in the fiery Region , since the efficient causes and materials are corresponding . 3. The fiery Region pressing strongly about the middle parts must needs cast up most air towards the Polars . 4. Before there can be an eruption of these fiery clouds , there must a certain abundance or proportion be collected , through whose over possession and exceeding swelling they may sooner give way to burst out ; and then being opened they continue their fiery winds for six months , and by that time they are quite evacuated . In the mean time the other Polar side is a filling , and is just grown swell'd enough for to burst out against the other is exhausted . Here may be objected , That whilst one Pole is evacuating , it should attract all the matter from the other Pole , because it gives way , whereas the other cannot . I answer , That those fiery clouds through their giving way are still daily somewhat supplied by the continual casting up of the heavens ; for otherwise their ventilation could hardly be so lasting ; but however that * is sooner evacuated than the clouds can be shut up again , so that the ventilation lasteth untill all its contained matter is expelled . 2. It is impossible that the air should be attracted from the opposite side , since the greatest force of the middle parts of the inferionr Region is between , which screweth the matter up equally towards each Pole. VII . The Suns deficient motion ( that is , when he is accidentally moved through the succession of the Constellations of the Zodiack , ) if compared to himself is observed to be regular ; that is , in comparing one tropical or deficient course with another both do agree in the measure of space , being over-runned in an equal time , viz. of 360 Solar daies ; and in an equal Velocity , moving in the same swiftness through the same Constellations in one year , that he doth in another . But if the particular motions of one defective or tropical course be referred to others of the same annual motion , we shall find that the Sun is more potently withheld under the Meridional Signs than under the Septentrional ones : That is , moves swifter through the Austral Mediety in the Winter , consuming but 178 daies 21 hours and 12 minut . in that peragration , and flower through the Boreal Signs in the Summer , spending 186 daies 8 hours 12 minutes ( computing with the Vulgar 365 daies 5 hours , 49 min. 16 sec. in the year , ) so that the difference is 7 daies and 11 hours . 2. The Sun appears sometimes at some seasons of the year higher then at others , that is , sometimes nearer to us , and other times farther from us ; or otherwise the Sun is at the highest and farthest in the Summer in the month of June , being then in Cancer , and at the lowest or nearest in the moneth of December , being then in Capricorn . VIII . The greatest declination of the Sun hath formerly in the daies of Hipparchus & Ptolomy been observed to be of 23 deg . 52 mi. which according to Copernicus his observation is reduced to 30 min. by others since to 28. The cause is evident , and is to be imputed to the Suns , or rather the fiery Regions gaining upon the inferiour Elements ; namely , the water gains upon the earth , and diducts her mole , the air gains upon them both and insufflates their bodies , and lastly the fire gains upon the air , through which means it must necessarily incline nearer to the Center of the Earth , which approximation must cause a diminution of the Suns declination : For instance , suppose the Sun in Hipparchus his time to have been at the height of o , being then in his greatest declination from the Equinoctial a b ; if then since through the fiery Regions having gained upon the other Elements , the Sun is descended from o to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being there nearer to the Center of the Earth , his greatest declination in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must needs be less to ε than it is from o to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . IX . Hence we may easily collect the duration of the World thus : If the fiery Region hath gained from the time or years of Ptolomy to Copernicus so many minutes of the other Elements , in how many years will the fire gain the restant minutes ? This being found out by the rule of proportion will resolve us , when the World shall be returned again into a confusion or Chaos ; so that you may observe , as at the beginning of the world the weighty Elements did gradually expell , and at last over-power the light ones , so the light ones do now gradually gain upon the weighty ones , and at last will again over-power them : and so you have a description of the long year consisting of 20 thousand Solar Circuits , gaining near a degree every 68 years , but towards the latter end will prevail much more , because the nearer they incline the more forcibly they will make way . And so you see all things are like to return to what they were , viz. The immortal souls of men to God , and the Universe in o the same Chaos ; which as I said formerly will abide a Chaos to all Eternity , unless God do divide it again into a new World , and raise new Bodies for the Souls that have of long been in being . At the latter end of this descent you shall have Christ descending in the greatest Triumph , Glory , and Splendor , appearing in a body brighter than the Sun : Here must needs happen a very great noise and thunder , when the Elements do with the greatest force clash against one another , which cannot but then strike the greatest amazement and anguish into the Ears of the Wicked . This Doctrine may prove a plain Paraphrase upon those mysteries mentioned in the Revelation of St. John : For instance Chap. 9. v. 1 , 2. where a Star is described to fall down from heaven , namely the Sun ; opening the bottomless pit and raising a smoak , viz through his burning and consuming rayes , &c. No wonder if mens fancies are so strongly missed in constructing the obscurities of the late quoted Book of Divine Predictions ; some imagining a plenary abolition of the Elements , others their conversion into a hell for the damned ; some thence deducting Christs Personal Reign before the consummation of the World , others judging quite contrary ; what strange phanatick deductions and constructions do some Spirits suggest to themselves , expecting every moment a subversion of the world ! and alas God hath ordained the World to run out its natural course , which doubtless He will in no wise contradict ; and how long that is like to last may be infallibly proposed from what I have here stated , where we cannot but note that all those depravate conceptions do derive from mens ignorance in Philosophy and Nature , Gods great work . But me thinks I see some ready to condemn me for stating assertions touching things of the Divine Purpose , and such as God hath reserved within himself ; and therefore none ought to dive into those secret Counsels . I answer , That we are to make a search into all things as far as our parts will bear us out in , and we are commanded so to do ; because we may the more admire God in all his Attributes . 2. God hath given a man power of searching into all intelligible things , and therefore ought to make the greatest use of it he can . 3. It is impossible for man , so much as to make an attempt to search into Gods Secrets , because God hath limited him with a finite power : So that there is little fear that any should search into any such mysteries . But this by the way . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Magnitude and distance of the Sun and Moon , and the motion of the other Planets . 1. That the Magnitude of the Sun hath not been probably , much loss certainly , stated by any . The Arguments , vulgarly proffered for the proof of the Suns Magnitude , rejected . 2. That the Sun might be capable enough of illuminating the World were he much lesser than the terraqueous Globe than I suppose him to be . 3. That the shadow of the Earth is to some extent Cylindrical . 4. That the Sun existing in the AEquator doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the Earth . 5. Concerning the diminution or increase of the shadow of the Earth within the Polars , together with the cause of the Prolongation and Abbreviation of the daies . That the Sun is much bigger than he appears to be . 6. What the spots of the Sun and Moon are , and their causes . 7. That the Arguments , proposed by Astronomers for rendring the Moon lesser than the Earth , and proving the distance of the Sun , are invalid . 8. That the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth . 9. Several Phaenomena's of the Moon demonstrated . 10. Concerning the motion of Venus and Mercury . 11. Of the motion of the fixed Stars , and their Scintillation . 1. THe body of the Sun is by far exceeded in mole and bigness by the weighty Globe ; but before I insist upon the proof of this , I will repeat the Arguments produced by those , who assert the Sun to be many times bigger than the said Globe . In the first place I must take notice of the great variance , which there is between those great Coryphaeans in Astronomy touching the Magnitude of Stars , many of them differing from each other in their compute 10 , 12 , or more Diameters of the Earth , which is accounted but a slight disagreeance . Now if these Grandees are disagreeing from one another in so many thousand Leagues in defining the Magnitude of a Star , what shall we judge of their most certain ( as they pretend ) demonstrations ? 2. Let us examine their Instruments , whereby they aspire to fathom the body of a Star ; such are an Astrolabe , Semicircle , Quadrant , &c. These being divided according to the proportion of 360 degr . contained in a Celestial Orb , are well enough fitted to explain the number of such degrees , but then the difficulty remains the same still , viz. What proportion a degree of Longitude in the Heavens bears to any certain known Longitude of the Earth . Neither are they wanting in this , asserting a degree of Longitude of the Solar Orb to be equal to 15 German Leagues ; because the Sun doth remove the shadow of 15 Leagues from the Earth through the progress of each degree . But suppose this were granted , it followeth that a degree of Longitude of the Solar Orb is equal to a degree of Longitude of the Firmament ; because the Firmament doth likewise make 15 Leagues by its gradual progress , or how could it absolve its diurnal circuit in 24 hours ? but this is false : So neither doth the Sun's removal of the shadow from the Earth infer the said proportion ; because the Sun ( according to their Supposition , ) far exceeding the earth in bigness , cannot describe a true and equal Longitude of its progress upon the Earth , but only his light being terminated by the Earth is alone denoted to vary its termination so many Leagues by moving one degree . 3. If Astronomers do vary so much from one another in assigning the Earths Longitude , whereunto we are so near , we have greater reason to suspect their conclusions of the Stars their mensuration ( which are so remote from us ) to be void of all foundation . Aristotle pronounced the Circumference of the Terrestrial Globe to contain 50000 miles , assigning 1388 / 9 miles to every degree . Hipparchus allowed 34625 miles responding in 96 ●● / 7● miles to every degree . Eratosthenes stated 31500 miles , allowing 87½ miles to a degree . Ptolomy granted 22500. Alphraganus 204000. Fernelius 24514. Others who have sailed about it state 190010 miles for the Circumference of the Earth . Judge what a vast difference there is between them ! 4. Another Argument proposed by them is , because the Suns absence or opposition to us effects a conical shadow or darkness ; Ergo the Sun must be greater than the Earth . But how can the shadow be conical , since it drowns the Moon ( whose Diameter according to their own confession contains a 39th part of the Diameter of the earth ) which extends to a greater largeness than a Conical Figure should do ? 2. Were the shadow of the Earth Cylindrical , then they would confess the Sun to be of an equal bigness with the earth ; but that , they say , it is not ; ergo . I deny the Minor , and prove the contrary . The Sun existing in either of the equinoctial points makes day and night equal the whole earth over ; ergo the shadow of the earth must be columnal , because the obverted surface of the earth doth clip or stop the light from the other opposite surface to the extent of half the globe . Wherefore the terraqueous shadow of the one side of the earth , being equal to the light of the other side , must needs be columnal . And although this columnal shadow is not extended further than above half way to the Region of the fierie element , where it begineth to be contracted and gradually diminisht , yet that hinders not , but that the said shadow may be columnal to some certain extent . If now the said shadow were conical , then the Sun at once must illustrate more then the mediety of the Globe , and consequently the nights would be shorter then the daies , although under the Line at the season of the AEquinoxe ; but that is false ; ergo . Again , were the Sun greater than the Earth , ergo its heat would be communicated in an equal violence upon all the parts of it ; for why should it not as much powr out showers of heat conically , as you say it doth its light ? Here you cannot accur to excuse your self by the distance or remoteness of the Sun , thence contracting its heat ; for then it must likewise contract its light . 3. They assert , supposing the shadow of the Earth to be conical , that therefore the Sun must be necessarily greater . But for what reason ? Not because the Sun is greater , but because the light is larger : wherefore the largeness of the light doth not conclude any thing touching the bigness of the Sun. I not the light of a Candle or Touch much larger than its flame ? Is not the same Candle apt to overcast an Object much bigger than it self with light that shall exceed its mediety ? and consequently the shadow of such a body must be conical . Whence it is , that a body ten thousand times less than the air , is capable of illuminating its whole tract , because a body of that proportion is big enough to obtend the air throughout its whole depth . But if you should imagine with the Peripateticks , that light is efficiently produced by the lucid substance of the Sun ( I know not how , ) then indeed the body of the Sun must be many times bigger than the earth , because the Lumen would be but just of the same extent with the Lux. But I need not to answer to this , since the contrary hath been plainly proved . After all this , I state , II. 1. That the Sun , were he so much lesser than the terraqueous globe , than I suppose he is , would be big enough to illuminate its whole Hemisphere at once ; for if the light of a Candle doth illuminate the air thirty leagues round , much more would the Sun the whole Hemisphere , whose substance is by far more pure , lucid , and bigger in that proportion in comparison with the aerial region , then a focal light being of an impure , dark substance , is in comparison to the Circumference of 30 Leagues . III. 2. The shadow of the earth is to some extent cylindrical . I prove it ; Is not the shadow of a man standing in the Sun cylindrical to some extent ? Is not the shadow of a Pen or other small body , being held at some distance * before a Candle ( whose Lux is bigger than the body objected ) cylindrical to some extent ? Besides , as I proved above , it is evident in the Equinoxes : The reason is , because a dense body doth obscure and dead the light as far as it is dense ; now the earth being dense all about the entire Horizon , no wonder if it doth dead and obscure the Suns light to the extent of its Hemisphere . IV. 3. The Sun existing in the Equinoctial , doth at once illuminate the whole Hemisphere of the earth from one Pole to the other . If the Sun existing in the Meridian , is seen at once by those under the torrid Zone from the Ascension of the AEquator , that are 90 degrees off Eastward , and as many Westward from its Descension ; then the Sun must also be seen as many degr . off to the Southward as to the Northward , that is to each Pole , because the Sun being globous , doth obtend the air equally about to all the parts of the Compass . But the Sun in the Meridian is seen at one time by those that are 90 degr . Eastward or Westward ; ergo . V. 4. By so many degrees as the Sun declineth to the North , by so many degrees doth a perfect shadow or darkness cover the South polar Earth ; and the like conceive of the South Declination . 5. The Suns gradual declination causes a prolongation or abbreviation of its diurnal light and shadow , or the equality and inequality of the daies and nights . 6. The Sun is much greater than he appeares to be , because the clouds and depth of the air do diminish its species , in the manner of a great fire appearing but like a small spark at a great distance . Astronomers are not only forward in prescribing the bigness of the Stars , but also their distances ; And how is that possible , since they cannot sensibly demonstrate the Diameter of the World , or define any certain extent in the Heavens for to compare another Terrestrial length unto ? neither can they ever find out an exact account of any length upon the Earth responding to a degree of any of the Orbs of Heaven : If so , what do all their observations touching the Stars Paralaxis amount unto ? VI. The body of the Sun is usually expressed as resembling a mans face , whose Marks and Signatures are nothing else but certain protuberancies and spots ; The like is apparent in the Moons face . These protuberancies are nothing but inequalities of their cloudy bodies appearing like unto clouds in the air , thicker or more compact in one place , and thinner and looser in another . The Telescopium or Prospective Glass discerns those spots to be moveable : and not unlikely , since they , being the external parts of those gross and looser clouds , are apt to be displaced and change their situation through the obtrusion befalling them by the most rapid motion of the Heavens . These do sometimes increase and accrease either through dispersion or apposition of new clouds floating here and there in the Planets their way as they move , which oft causes a distinction of their bigger or lesser appearance at some times than at others . VII . The Moon is by all Astronomers believed to be less than the terrestrial globe , because the shadow of the eclipse of the Sun is much too little to obtenebrate all the Earth . But supposing the Sun to be of so inapparent a bigness and distance from the Earth as the vulgar of Astronomers do receive him to be of , and the Moon to be of a far greater distance from the Earth than she is , certainly the shadow , which she would cast must be much less than her body , although it were forty times bigger than it is , because the Sun being greater than she must according to the ordinary Doctrine of shadows only suffer her to cast a conical shadow , whose extreme point not reaching to the Earth , or if it did , could not be a certain token , whence to draw the proportion or distance of Stars . Wherefore according to their own principles , the Moon may be conceived to exceed the Earth far in bigness , since they cannot attain to any probable account of the distances of the Stars . 2. We must also suppose the Moon to be a lucid body , ( although yielding to the Sun in that particular ) and therefore to illuminate the Earth somewhat ; for otherwise in every total perfect Eclipse it would prove as dark as pitch ; if so , what ground doth there remain to take measure of her shadow , since her light , ( or shadow , that is a lesser light in comparison to that of the Sun ) doth according to our rule of light extend to a far greater bigness than her self is ? Whence it appears , that for all their Mathematical Demonstrations the Moon may be bigger or lesser than the Earth . VIII . However the Moon is by far lesser than the Earth ; because of its small light , which it casteth , and other reasons produced from the minorating of the Sun , which do likewise conclude the Moon to be lesser than the Sun , but bigger than any of the other Stars . The Moon is the lowest of all the Stars ; because she is the least lucid of any , and consequently must be most terrestrial and aqueous , through which principles she must doubtless yield to be lowest depressed by the fiery Region , in that manner as I have formerly setdown . 2. Because she moves the quickest ( or in another sense the slowest , as you may read before ) through the Zodiack , which must needs suppose the Circumference of her Circuit to be the least . 3. Because she cannot be seen , unless at a nearer distance than the others may . IX . The Moon through her diurnal course from East to . West absolves no more than 346 deg . 49 min. 24 sec. 58 third . 52 four . 38 fif . that is , is so much retarded * , or is moved so much slower than the fiery Region : So that in 27 daies , 7 hours , 43 min. 5 sec. 8 th . she is retarded 360 deg . or the extent of a whole Circle . She is in the same manner , as we have proposed concerning the Sun , shoved from North to South , and from South back to North a degree and some minutes every day , her greatest declination being 28. deg . 30 min. and her greatest Latitude 5 degrees . But you must not apprehend , although I say , that the Moon is removed from the Ecliptick 5 deg . that therefore she is seated 5 degrees beyond the Sun , notwithstanding her greatest digression from the Ecliptick , yet she is and appears nearer to the Equinoctial bbbb than he : Suppose one standing upon the surface of the Earth any where between m and p ; I say that the Moon existing in the Merid. eq ; and in her greatest Latitude near e , viz. from the Ecliptick , is and appears nearer to the Equinoctial bbbb , than the Sun doth in o , because the Line from o to b is longer , than from the Center of the Moon near e o b. Whence you may conceive , that the Moon is nearer to the Lquinoctial , although seated beyond the Ecliptick . 2. That the degrees of the Orb of the Moon are so much less proportionally , as the Orb of the Moon is less than the Orb of the Sun. But to pursue the Moons Motion into Latitude : Star-Gazers do observe her to appear sometimes higher and lowe in her Perigao and Apogaeo ; Not because of her Epicycle , but because of the Aspect of the Sun , which doth sometimes reflect its light stronger upon her , and so makes her to seem higher * , besides the medium of the air being by means of that Aspect so attenuated † , it must needs produce a prolongation of the object , like to a thin Glass representing the object to be much farther distant than it is . As the said attenuation renders an object more distant , so it renders it also less , whence it is that the Moon appears lesser in her pro longation . That the moveth swifter sometimes than other times is likewise a meer appearance , hapning through the extension and prolongation of the object and Medium : So on the contrary the incrassation of the air through the remoteness of the Sun causeth the Moon to seem to move slower , and to be bigger and nearer ; as when she is in her Perigaeo . The same hapneth , when we see through a thick Glass , or in looking upon an object through the water , seeming nearer and bigger , and to move slower . I am not to describe you here the meaning of Solar and Lunar Eclipses , alone the cause of their variation : viz. depending upon the difference of declination in the Sun , and of declination and latitude in the Moon ; for he being constantly in making his progress cannot be ever met or overtaken by the Moon at the same place and time . I shall spend no more time in discoursing upon the motion of the three superiour Planets , since their motion and manner of it may easily be apprehended by what hath been proposed . XI . What concerns the constant , equal , and ranked motion of the fixed Stars , it is to be attributed to the cohesion or linking of those equal large clouds of the second Region of fire , wherein the said Lights are fixed , moving them equally and constantly in that fixation . Their Scintillation is nothing else but their flames quavering upon the obtended air , hapning through their recurrent motion , or quavering accurss to one another . AN APPENDIX Of Problems resolved by our Principles . CHAP. I. Problems relating to the Earth . 1. Why two weighty bodies are not moved downwards in parallel Lines . 2. Why a great Stone is more difficultly moved on the top of a high hill than below . 3. VVhy a pair of Scales is easier moved empty than ballanced . 4. VVhence it is that a man may carry a greater weight upon a VVheel-barrow than upon his back . 5. VVhy a weighty body is easier thrust forward with a Pole , than immediately by ones arms : besides 5 other Probl. more . 6. VVhy a stick thrust into a hole if bended is apt to be broke near the hole . VVhat the cause of the relaxation of a bowed stick is . 7. VVhether Gold doth attract Mercury . 8. VVhy the herb of the Sun , vulgarly called Chrysanthemum Peruvianum , obverteth its leaves and flowers to the Sun wheresoever he be . 9. VVhy the Laurel is seldom or never struoken by Lightning . I. WHy are not two or more weights depressed down to the Earth in parallel lines , but in flead thereof come nearer and nearer to one another the lower they descend ? II. It is confirmed by many trials , that a great stone is more difficultly moved on the plain of the top of a high hill , than on the plain of a low level ground ; And that a great mass of any Mineral may be easier rouled out of its place deep in the Mines by one , than by three or four on the Surface of the earth . You demand the reason . I answer , That the air being more forcible ( as we have shewed before ) on the tops of hills , doth more potently depresse the stone against the plain of the hill , and so detains it there ; no wonder then if it prove so slow in motion . Likewise is the air of a greater energy on the Surface than deep under the earth , where it is discontinuated by weighty minims forced out of the earths bowels in expelling the perigrin air , whose contiguous depression ( to wit of the air , being discontinuated by the said weighty minims ) doth also contribute much to the rouling of a Mineral , because we roul a weighty body by depressing it against the ground , in which action our force is not only strengthned , but the weighty body is also impelled forward ( but by refraction ) by the aid of the said weighty minims . Here you may reply , That the air doth also depress the body downwards , and consequently detain it . I answer , ( Besides what I have stated in the solution of the six Problems at the 3 Art. ) that as far as the air is continuous , and so depresseth a body , it doth detain it within its continuity , but being rendred contiguous by the discontinuating weighty minims grants passage to any impelled body . The first part of the Solution is apparent in drawing any weighty body under water through it , where you may perceive a very forcible detention by reason of the continuity of the parts of the water ; the latter in drawing it through fire . What concerns Dr. Gilberts Magnetick Effluvia , & Monsieur Gassendy his rigid Cords or Hooks , which are by some borrowed to explain the differences of intention of Gravity , are sutil , since they are only pulled out of their Phanfies without any probable proof for either . III. The precedent Solution may also be applied to this Problem , viz. Why a pair of Scales are easier moved being empty , than when balanced by equal weights . IV. Whence is it , that a man may carry a greater weight upon a Wheelbarrow than upon his back ? I answer , Because in carrying a weight upon a Wheelbarrow he only thrusts it forward , and is assisted by the contiguous pressure of the air , qualified as we have proposed in the 2 Problem . 2. Because the Wheel being circular is easily propelled . A circular body is easier propelled , because it is thrust forward upon single points , which it is certain yield obedience with the least resistance to the force impelling . 3. Because of the reason of the fift Problem . V. A man impelling a weighty body from him , shall easier impel it by making use of a Pole to thrust it forwards , than if he tumbled it along with his arms only ; whence it is , that they usually affix a long Iron handle to those great rouling stones , that are used in Gardens for to even the ground . 2. One shall cast a stone further with a sling , than without it . 3. Likewise a stroke given with a hammer with a long handle , is much more forcible , than if made by one with a short handle ; or striking with a long handled hammer , the stroke shall be of a greater force if held by the farther end of it , than if otherwise taken hold nearer to the hammer . 4. A cuff given with a swing of ones arm , makes by far a greater impression than a thump . 5. A stick is easier broken upon ones knee the farther the hands are removed from it * ; and the harder , the nearer they are applied . 6. The longer an Oar is , the swifter the vection of the Boat is , although impelled with the same force that a shorter may be . All these being Problematically proposed are resolved by one and the same answer : viz. Supposing the air to press so potently downwards , I say , that it being shoven and elevated before at the body propelled , ( supposing it also to be continuous , and consequently not complicable , that is contiguously introceding , as I have told you before , ) is forced to rise up , and to sink down again behind at the place , out of which it was propelled but the instant before , where through that violent and most swift descent and refraction against the body of the Propulsor and of the backward air , must needs shove hard between the body propelled , and the propulsor , and backward air , and so by that means must add a great force to the impulse of the said weighty body . This premitted I say , 2. That the more or the greater body of air is moved by the greater or longer impelled body , the stronger , swifter , and easier the said greater or longer body must be impelled . Hence we must also deduce the reason , why a body being already in motion , is easier moved forwards , than one that is at rest . 3. I say that a Globous Body is easiest impelled , because the Air meeting with no resistance or stay by Angles , slides quicker over it , and consequently driveth the faster : besides an angular Body having many plain sides , ( breaking the force of the Air , ) doth not force the air so much as a globous body , that inverting the air quite contrary into a circular Figure upwards , ( whereas naturally it striveth in a circular Figure downwards , ) whereby the Air is much irritated and intended in its force . Why an angular Body resisteth an impulse stronger , is , because the Air in depressing downwards takes faster hold of it in pressing upon its Plane , being thereby and its angles hindred or cut off from sliding off , as appears in the quadrangular stone exhibited in this apposed Scheme , where you may plainly see the difference of the figures of the air in its elevation by bodies of various figures . Here may be objected against these subconclusions , that the air , were it of that force , as to superadd so much to the impulsor and impulse , would evidently press down the loose Coat of the driver , and be plainly felt by him . Touching the force of the air , no doubt but it is very great , according to the commotion and irritation thereof , as appears in expelling the flame out of a Gun ; in bursting thick Glass bottels , &c. 2. It doth not press down the loose garments of the impulsor , because they are supported by air underneath , and being very pervious , and therefore not resisting gives passage to their meeting . 3. It s force is not felt , because it is equal and presseth the propulsor forward with a gradual , equal and smooth force . VI. Why is a Stick being thrust some part of it into a Hole apter to be broke near the Hole , if bended , than any where else ? I Answer , that through the bending of the Stick , the moveable parts of it , viz. the air , water and fire that are perfused within throughout its Pores , are compressed towards the other end , where being stopt through the compression of the sides of the Hole , do tumefie the Stick there , whereby together with the continuation of the force bending it is disrupted . The said Spirits recurring in a Stick bowed only , and not broken , cause the relaxation of the inflexion , forcing the solid parts of the Stick into their pristine position by their return . VII . Whether Gold doth attract Mercury ? Answ. The Vulgar imagineth it to be so ; because a piece of Gold being held in a Patients Mouth , that is a salivating , or lately hath salivated by Mercurials , is changed white through its attracting the Mercury . But how should it attract ; by its Volatick Spirits possibly ? No certainly ; for the whole Rabble of Chymical Vulcans finds its Spirits to be fixed beyond those of all other Bodies . How then ? Not by acting a distanti ; Ergo it is fallacious , that Gold attracts Mercury , and more probable , that the spirits of Mercury being ordinarily termed fugitive , cannot be coagulated or collected , but by the densest body , whence it is that only Gold doth collect and coagulate its spirits about its Surface . VIII . Why doth the Herb of the Sun vulgarly called Chrysantemum Peruvianum , or Crowfoot of Peru , ( because its Leaves and Flowers resemble those of our Crowfoot ) turn the faces of its Leaves and Flowers about with the Sun ? Answ. Because the Sun through its igneous Beames doth rarefie that side of the Leaves and Flowers which is obverted to it , whereby he doth expel their continuous streames , whose egress doth attract or incline them that way whither they are expelled , in the same manner as we have explained the Attraction of the Loadstone . IX . Why is the Laurel seldom or never struck by Lightning ? Answ. Because it is circumvested with a thick slimy Moysture , which doth easily shove or slide off the Glance of a Lightning . CHAP. II. Containing Problemes relating to Water . 1. Why is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? 2. Whence is it there fals a kind of small Rain every day at noon under the AEquinoctial Region ? 3. How Glass is made . 4. Whence it is that so great a Mole as a Ship yields to be turned by so small a thing as her Rudder . 5. What the cause of a Ships swimming upon the water is . 6. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire . I. VVHy is red hot Iron rendered harder by being quencht in cold water ? Answ. Because the water doth suddenly pierce into the Pores of iron , being now open , and violently expel the fire and air , ( both which , as we have shewed in B. 1. Part 2. are the sole Causes of the softness of a body , ) and being expelled , leave the same indurated by the weighty Elements pressing more forcibly and harder to their Center . II. Whence is it , that there fals a kind of small Rain every day from 11 or 12 of the Clock to 2 or 3 in the Afternoon , under the AEquinoctial Region ? Answ. The Sun at his Rising and Descending , doth through his oblique Rayes excite a multitude of small vapours , which through the privative coldness of the air in the night are concreased into small clouds , but reduced into drops of rain through the Suns rarefaction or fiery minims when he is perpendicularly imminent upon them . III. How is Glass made ? Answ. The matter of ordinary Glass is generally known to be Ashes , or Chalck burnt out of stones , or both . The Venice Glasses , differing from others in clearness and transparency , are made out of chalck burnt out of stones , which they fetch from Pavia by the River Ficinum , and the ashes of the weed Kall , growing in the deserts of Arabia between Alexandria and Rossetta , which the Arabians make use of for fuell . In the first Book , second Part , I have told you , how a body was reduced into ashes through the expulsion of its thinner glutinous moisture by the vibrating fiery minims . The same fire being intended doth through its greater violence enter , mollifie , diduct , and thence melt and equallize the courser thick remaining glutinous moisture by its own presence together with the air , which it imports along with it , whereby the Terrestial minims , that were before clotted , are exactly and equally spread throughout the foresaid thick glutinous moisture . The fire and air being only admitted from without , & not incorporated with the said bodies through want of a matrix , & because they being in that extream overpowring quantity , that they may as easily free themselves from the said body , as they entered , are expelled again as soon as they are exposed to the cold ambient air , and so desert the body , leaving it glib , smooth , continuously hard , friable , rigid , and transparent . So that it appears hence , that Glass is nothing but water reduced nearer to its absolute nature , ( which we have shewed is hard and clear , ) by freeing it from the thin glutinous moisture ( or air and fire incorporated with a small proportion of water ) through barning its first subject into ashes , and afterwards by uniting , diducting , and equallizing its own parts contained in the ashes . By the forementioned thick or course glutinous moisture I intend a mixture of much water incorporated with a little earth , and least air and fire . That Glass is water nearer reduced to its absolute nature I shall prove by its properties . 1. That glib smoothness of Glass depends upon the continuity of the parts of water , necessarily accompanied by a glib smoothness , because it doth not consist of any contiguous rough minims . 2. It is continuously hard , because water of her absolute nature is continuously hard . 3. It is friable , because the water is throughout divided by the minims of earth , which render it so brittle and rigid ; whereas were it all water , it would be harder than any stone : It is transparent , because it is but little condensed by earth , whose condensation renders all bodies obscure . 2. Because it is luminous , that is , apt to receive the lumen from any lucid body , as being throughout porous , through which it is rendred capable of harbouring the obtended air . Glass is distinguisht from Crystallin hardness and transparency , because this latter appropriates more of water in her absolute state , and less of earth . IV. Whence is it , that so great a mole as a Ship yields so readily in turning or winding to so small a thing as a Rudder ? This Problem will make plain , that an impulse is intended by a medium , or deferens . A Ship swimming in the water , and being impelled by the wind or a board-hook , raiseth the water into a tumour before at her bowes , which is violently impelled , what by the air lifted up by the tumour , what by her own bent to recover that place behind at the stern , whence it was first propelled , ( and where you shall alwaies observe a hollowness in the water , proportionable to her rising before , ) and therefore , as you may see , runs swiftly about both the sides , and meeting in both the streams abaft doth propel the Ship forward by a reflection ; and this you may also perceive in taking notice of that most eager meeting of the streams of water from both sides behind at the Rudder , which being removed to either side , viz. To Star-boord , or Lar-boord side , directs the Ship towards the sides ; because the force of the water in returning doth beat hard against that side of the Rudder , which is obverted to her , as resisting most and collecting her force is shoved towards the opposite side of the Stern , whereby her head comes too to the other side ; whence we may plainly observe , that a Ship doth not begin to turn before , but alwaies abaft . This I prove , A Ship hitting her breech against the ground at Sea usually striketh abaft , because she draweth more water there than before ; now the shoving of the Helm to the other side brings her off immediately , and brings her head too ; which is a certain sign , that a Ship is moved from abaft , and begins first to turn there . If it is so , it is beyond doubting , that the force of the water is forcible behind beyond imagination , and thence adding that intention to the impulse . V. What is the cause of the swimming of a Board or Ship upon the water ? Because the water being continuously thick coheres together and will not suffer her self to be divided , whereby they happen to be lifted up by the water . VI. Whether all hard waterish bodies are freed from fire ? No , For although a slame is extinguisht by them , yet that hinders not , but that fire may be contained within them in particles , and close shut up between their pores ; This appears in Crystal , which being smartly struck by another hard body , doth emit sparks of slaming fire from it , like unto a Flint . So neither is Ice it self bare within its pores of some small particles of fire . CHAP. III. Comprizing Problems touching the Air. 1. Whether Air be weighty . 2. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind be heavier than when empty . 3. Why water contained in a beer glass , being turned round with ones hand , doth turn contrary against the motion of the Glass . 4. Why a breath being blown with a close mouth doth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm . 5. Why an armed point of an Arrow groweth hot in being shot through the air . 6. Why Beer or Wine will not run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop . 7. What difference there is between an Oricane and a Travada . 8. Whether it be true that Winds may be hired from Witches or Wizards in Iseland . 9. Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? I. VVHether Air be weighty ? Answ. Air considered as enjoying its Center , is light and doth not participate of any weight , since it would only move from the Center to the Circumference , and ever force extraneous bodies upwards ; Ergo Air absolutely conceived is only light . 2. Air in its present state is also weighty ( but accidentally only , and not essentially , ) because of its sinking downwards towards the Center . II. Whether a Bladder blown up with wind be heavier than when empty ? Answ. There hath been trial made of this ( to wit , of the weight of a bladder blown up by Bellows atop of a high hill ) in a pair of Scales , and it was found that an empty bladder weighed heavier than one filled with wind ; the same is also deprehended by casting them both into the water , where we shall find the empty bladder first to be equal with the Surface of the water , and afterwards to sink down a little , whereas the windy one swimmeth atop . The cause is , by reason a bladder extended by the air within is supported by it , and being rendred more porous and subtil through its obduction the air doth easily pass without any resistance , and therefore doth not depress it so much as an empty bladder , which through its corrugation and lesser diduction is more dense , and therefore receiving the depressing force of the air much stronger , besides being more acute , is apter for to cut through the inferiour air ; whereas a bladder blown up is obtuse and doth as it were swim in the air : But if a bladder be blown up with ones breath , then doubtless it will prove heavier than an empty one , because of the vaporous or heavy waterish air contained within . III. Why doth the water , contained in a beer glass being turned round with your hand , turn contrary against the motion of the glass ; the same is observed in rouling a barrel full of water , where the liquor turns contrary against the barrel ? Ans. The water is here detained flat , or held fast by the air sinking down , whence it is , that the water seems to move against the motion of the Vessel , being glib , or slippery and smooth , and therefore not detaining the vessel in its motion . IV. Why doth a breath being blown with a close mouth feel cool , and efflated with a diducted mouth feel warm ? Answ. Because the breath or incrassated air of a close mouth is more united and longer continuated , whereby it doth vigorously puffe the ambient air , whose compression felt , causes cold , as I have explained it in Book 1. Part 2. Now through the union of the incrassated air that is efflated , the hot minims of the breath are deeply and equally impressed into the substance of the vaporous air , whence their vertue is also suppressed ; but in breathing of the said air out of an open mouth the fiery minims do come forth in troops unequally and but superficially mixt in or supported by the said incrassated air , whence they abide energick ; besides the air being but little puffed makes little or no compression : Hence you may also collect a reason , why the air doth refrigrate being agitated with a Fan. V. Why doth an armed point of an Arrow grow hot in being shot through the air ? Answ. Because its body and pores are somewhat opened by the air grinding against it , whereby its fiery parts procure an occasion of being unired and condensed . This doth also resolve us , why a Knife being smartly whetted emits sparks of fire ; or why a Flint being struck hard against a piece of Steel doth likewise sparkle fire from it , viz. because its solid parts are opened and disjoyned through the concussion , whereby the fiery minims happen to be united and condensed . Likewise many cold bodies by being chawed or contrited do afterwards grow hot . VI. Why will not Beer or Wine run out of the Cask without opening a hole atop ? Answ. Because of the continuous adhesion , or cohesion of the continuous parts of the liquor to the continuous parts of the Cask ; but as soon as it is averruncated , divided , and impelled downwards by the air entring at the upper hole , it runs freely out of the Tap. That it is the air entring atop which presseth out the liquor is apparent by the cavity atop , which the fore-impulse of the air entring causeth . VII . What difference is there between an Oricane and a Travada . Answ. An Oricane is usually much more violent , and therefore also much less lasting , bursting down circularly from all parts like to a Whirlwind . A Travada is more lasting and less violent , and erupts directly down , from one tract , and in no wise circularly , which as it oft rages upon the Seas off the shores of Coramandel , Manicongo , Guiny , &c. so the former is more frequent in the West-Indian Climates . VIII . Whether it be true , that Winds may be hired from Witches or Wizzards in Iseland ? Answ. It is certain , that the Winds blow very variously and manifold about that Island , insomuch that it is not rare to see Ships sailing several courses at once , all of them being equally favoured by a good wind . The cause of this being vulgarly not known , hath occasioned people to brand the old men and women there with Witchcraft , whom the roughness of the air may cause to look rugged like the devils correspondents , selling the winds by retail . The causes of this variety are great winds , erupting oft out of several holes of the earth about the Island , especially about the Mount Hecla , which many believe to be the mouth of hell , because of those prodigious thunders and murmurings of winds that are perceived thereabout . IX . Why is it quieter in the night than in the day ? Answ. Because in the day the air being fluid and continuous is agitated into waves by the Suns fiery beams , whose bodies clashing together cause a small noise in the day , which the night season is freed of . CHAP. IV. Containing Problems touching the fire . 1. Why doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling . 2. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire . 3. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder . 4. VVhat are the Ingredients of Gunpowder . 5. VVhence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpowder . 6. Whence is it that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence ? I. VVHy doth water cast upon unquencht chalk or lime become boyling ? Answ. Because fire in lime is detained or imprisoned within a thick glutinous moisture , which being attenuated through the thinner moisture of water , is forced to suffer the igneous parts before dispersed and imprisoned to unite , whence being condensed and incompassed by a thin glutinous air is changed into a hidden flame , whereby the water is rendred boyling hot . II. Why doth common salt make a cracking noise , when cast into the fire ? Answ. Because the flaming fire exufflating the spirituous air of the salt within its body , doth also force it to burst out , the report whereof is not unlike to a cracking noise . III. Who were the first inventers of Gunpowder ? Answ. In the first place touching the dispute , whether the invention of it is to be adscribed to the Chineses or the Europeans , it is very probable , the Chineses were the first Authors of Gunpowder , because they were found practising upon it at the same time that it was first invented in Europe . Next , who was the Author of it among the Europeans is uncertain , but certain , that he was a German , whose name some would call Berthold Swarts a Monck of Friburg , said to have found it out accidentally , by leaving a mixture of Saltpeter and Sulphur in a Mortar , covered with a stone , whereinto a spark of the candle lighting by chance , forced the stone up with no small report ; from this he was also supposed to have taken the fabrick of a Gun. IV. What are the ingredients of Gunpowder ? Answ. Its materials are ordinarily Saltpeter , Sulphur , and dust of Charcoal : All which being very igneous do very much intend one anothers force in blowing up a fire . V. Whence arrives all that flaming fire , that followeth the kindling of Gunpowder ? Ans. The Saltpeter , which is the chiefest of the ingredients , consisting of very weighty dense and waterish parts , contains a great proportion of fiery minims within its body , but dispersed through those weighty parts and suppressed by them ; these being somewhat diducted and opened through the rarefying and expanding vertue of an external actual flaming fire , give occasion to the fiery minims interwoven with incrassated air to unite , and through the compression of the weighty parts to be condensed , whence erupting into the air doth attract other fire latent ( or rather is forced to it by the accurss of the ambient air ) and dispersed throughout the air , whereby its flame is much amplified and continuated ; for it seemeth very improbable , that so much fire should have been latent in the Gunpowder as the flame requires . 2. The dilatation of the said erupting flame is also attenuated by the accurss of the air , expanding the thick and course erupting flame gradually into a thinner larger flame ; whence it is that the flame near where the Powder was kindled appears dusky red , and further off light and flashy . VI. Whence is it , that Gunpowder being kindled in Guns erupts with that force and violence ? Answ. The Powder being kindled into a flame at the Touch-hole , divides or discontinuates the air more than any other body imaginable , whereunto the air accurrs from all parts , especially from above , with the greatest velocity and force , for to expell the flame , which being propagated further , partly by its own force , partly by the intrusion of the air , causeth a more violent discontinuation of air within being pent up , whereunto again a greater power of air accedes from without and attenuates the flame within , whereby together with the compression of the sides of the Gun , and the great access of air from without the flame is violently expelled , effecting a great report through its disrupting and pluffing of the air . Here observe , 1. How the flame is augmented within the Gun ; not by a vertual rarefaction , as if the parts of the Gunpowder could be augmented without access of other matter from without ; for that would suppose either a Vacuum , and a new creation of parts , or a penetration , and an annihilation of foregoing parts . Wherefore , I say , it is augmented by attracting fire out of the acceding air ; and secondly , by being attenuated and diducted into a large flame by the parts of the irrupting air . 2. That it is the air entring at the touch-hole , that doth expell the flame , is evident . 1. Because the air is shut out before by the bullet and tow . 2. The touch-hole being stopt at the next instant after the Powder begins to kindle , the flame is immediately suppressed and extinguisht , or at least bursleth up behind . Whence it doth appear , that it is the air entring doth attenuate ( vulgarly termed rarefie ) and expand the flame , which the advenient fire doth augment ; and that the said air doth expell the flame out at the muzzel . 3. That the air doth make use of the weighty minims of the salt-peter in compressing and expelling the flame outwards . 4. Why is a hot glass bursted by casting a drop of cold water upon it ? Answ. Because the fiery minims contained within its pores are condensed and violently compressed by the gravity of the water , whereby they are forced to disrupt the glass . Why doth a woodden Arrow , being shot out of a Gun , pierce deeper than an Iron one ? Answ. Because the woodden one gives way into it self , or shrinks as it makes a hole , whence being rendred lesser passeth the easier through : whereas an Iron one is stubborn , and is rather somewhat flatned against the body aimed at , whence being rendred more obtuse and bigger at the point , is hindred in penetrating . Labore & constantia . Soli Deo triuni gloria & honos in Saecula Saeculorum , AMEN . Errata . PAge 9. line 12. dele that . p. 11. l. 3. read into . p. 21. l. 20. after Pellines , &c. must be inserted those words below , beginning l. 30. I was much abused , &c. ending at l. 34. at breathing . p. 35. l. 14. r. Fire is rough . p. 44. in marg . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundo . p. 135. l. 25. r. a man couragious . p. 144. l. 13. r. Medicine . p. 145. l. 28. r. procatarctick . p. 148. l. 4. r. it s naturall . p. 167. l. 18. r. the lumina . p. 170. l. 21. for are r. is . p. 191. l. 26. r. Cyzicum . p. 194. l. 15. r. in oyl , for that is a tast mixt out of a waterish and ayry tast . The rest are intermediate , as bitter , acerbe , acid , and salt . p. 196. l. 12. r. assimilation . p. 197. l. 1 , 3. r. Lynx . l. 12. r. very near . p. 198. l. 5. r. Fish. l. 9. r. do . l. 20. r. A Cat is delighted . p. 230. l. 21. r. An Opale . p. 238. l. 19. r. White Chalck . p. 330. l. 6 , 9. r. rise . p. 331 l. 36. r. Perinaean . p. 343. l. 31. r. within . p. 350. l. 16. r. River . p. 363. l. 23. r. 28. p. 398. l. 34. r. doth . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43008-e22630 Hence Ovid , Ingenuas didicisse sideliter artes , Emollit mores , nec sinit esse feros * Take form in a large sense , as it doth imply an Essence or entire Being . Notes for div A43008-e25640 * By really understand effectively & properly . * So a possible being , which is a non ens reale may be concelved to be an ens rationis . By Figure understand ; the Habit of Modes in one essence Notes for div A43008-e37960 Aver . Met. 7. c. 3. Tho. A. p. 1. q. 77. 1. Art. c. 1. Herv . qual . 1. q 9. Apol. de an . q 7. Thom. p. 1. q. 77. Art. 6. That is . a parte actus . * That is , by a formal reality , or such , as any other operation of the mind might adjudge to be formally real , or to respond from without to that distinct formality , which it conceiveth from within . Notes for div A43008-e41750 * Chap. 3. v. 17. and Chap. 1. v. 5. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Ethie . * Luc. 8. None is good but God alone * L a. Ty. * Namely from Theology , that is , from its neerest , end , or Summum Bonum . * Mark that practick here imports practick strictly so called , and poetick . * For even then he is assisted with God's ordinary power . * Not as we are like unto men , but rather unto beasts . * Take Attributes here in a large sense Col. 1. 12 , 13. Col. 1. 26 , 27. * A description of the second Paradise you may also read in Isa. 65. 17 , 18 , 19 , &c. and in the next ensuing Chapter . 2 Pet. 3. 13 and in the 21 , and 22 Chapter of the Revelat . Stob. Serm. 109. Xen. Mem. 1 , 4. Plat. dc Repub. l. 6. Lib. de Relig . c. 9. Phaed. Just. Mart. or at . Paraenet . ad Gent. Plat. Phaed. Cicer. do amic . Plat. Phaed. Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. Arist. l. de par . animal . c. 5. Notes for div A43008-e61510 Arist. Met. b. 6. c. 1. Text. 1. * That is , intirely separated existences . That is , beyond its points it is nothing . * That is , an actual vertue , or continuated act . Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundo , sive consundo . * That is , an inequality of the elements in respect to parts or the whole , whereby the central parts are perfused with more hear or spirits then the circumferential ones , but notwithstanding the mixture is equal in particles . * That is , in the whole , yet in parts , or if not in parts , they are in particles . * Or rather is expressed by the overpowering gravity of the weighty clements , as you may read below in the Chap. of Vacuum . * Or rather are the easier expelled by the down pres●ing earth . * Hereby the earthy & waterish parts are divided from the light ones and cast aside ; hence it is that we spy such a clodding together of waterish & earthy particles , and their separation from the light humours in bloud drawn from a feaverish patient . * By taking advice from our sense . * That is the spirits dispersed through the optick ayr . * That is lucid . * That is equal in proportion . * To wit extrinsecally by peregrin water . * That is homogeneously continuous . * Compare the quoted place , other wise you will scarce apprehend the sense of these consequences . * Because it is represented without being terminated by any mixt colour . * By pinching here do not understand a greater obtension , but rather a relaxing or withdrawing from , or a contraction of the light , and drawing of it from the sight by being relaxed , drowned , & deaded by a dense weighty body . * Or rather by coagulating the white salt of the Aq. Fort. * Or a reflection continuated . * Namely of an opake body . * That is inheres in the air like an accident in its substance . † Whereas an accident and its substance are not really different , as hath been proved in my Metaph * That is fire not converted into a flame . * viz. The pallate and gills . Notes for div A43008-e96870 * Or a perspective-Glass first invented some 40 or 50 years ago by Jacobus Metius of Alcmaer , although accidentally by holding one piece of glass before another to his eye , whereof the nearest was somewhat thicker thē the other . * To wit , from the extreme circumference of the second region , to the circumference of the first . * Because of its depressing weight . * viz. To operate presently from the stomack upon the heart , as soon as the medicament is swallowed down . * The beast it self wherin it is found they call Pazan . * And in the Island Vacquas , near the mouth of the Gulph of cambain , likewise in the Country of Pan near Malacca . * I have wittingly omitted the inferring the Draconite , as being dubious whether any such be in nature . * In the iense ex pressed in the Chapt. of temp . * Suppose them to be transversly contorted inclining from East to West , & most to terminate obliquely into the poles , especially the North Pole in its North Hemisphere . † That is in the North Hemisphere * To wit most in its lower region . * To wit , the Sun. * Namely , of the Needle . * To wit , the latent fire into which the extinguisht flame was dissolved . * Except where it is condensed . * Or by incision * Of each dissimilar part in particular . * From the Buleares Ilands , to wit , Majorca & Minorca . * From Baltheus a Belt , because it environeth Sconen like a Belt. * These should have have been inserted in the preceding Chap. * Or 30 single periods . * Hence you may collect the cause of the retardation of the tide every day . * Namely at the bottom underneath : ergo the waters must also begin to move from underneath * viz. The east & west grove . * Namely the west grove . * Take notice by the way , that by Grove I do not intend any thing like to a Grove of trees , as the word is derived from growing ; but a cavern , as the same word is derived from Groven or to grave into the earth . * For one drop of water in an AEolipile is attenuated into a great blast of wind or air as the vulgar may call it : Ergo , &c. * That is underneath some what what remote from the reach of the water atop . * Or rather to be bo●ed or pr●fied through . * And likewise the air about the Poles irrupting into the water as you may read in the next Chapter . * To wit , by the crushing of the air tending downwards . * Add hereunto the rarefying beams of the Sun , intending the force of the internal air towards the circumference , in the same manner as you shall read it to be intended within the Earth in the next Chapter . * These are very frequent off the Cape de bona Esper. where Sailers term them Travadas . * Namely , off the short of Cuba and Hispaniola . * Or rather is detruded . * Like Gun powder suddenly taking fire , & causing a violent noise , when discharged out of a gun , or any other close hollow body . * Except they be descended so low , as to find themselves seated within the upper erratick clouds . * Besides it appears plainly in a Thermometer . * To wit externally . * Besides acutenesse , as we have observed in the 1 B. 2 Par. as a concomitant of Density , whereby a weighty body is also the better disposed to cut through the inferiour part of the air , when pressed from the superiour . * As in fountains that are led over a mountain , or in Machins that raise the water higher than its source . * To wit , impressed upon the air by the Projector . * Namely , for to recover its place and to avoid a penetration of bodies . * In the same manner as we have described the air to force up water in vapours . * To wit , being incorporated with fire . * Compare the generation of winds hereunto , for the manner is the same of both . * That is , is bound up by the continuous tenuity of the air . * Witness the ●…sones . * viz. the adventitious matter : * Otherwise if held near to it , it is conical . * viz. as there are restant deg . from 346 deg . 49 min. &c. to 360 degr . * That is , remoter . † But accidentally , by expelling those vapours that incrassate it . Notes for div A43008-e134850 * To wit , from the knee . 
A61287	----	The history of philosophy, in eight parts by Thomas Stanley. Stanley, Thomas, 1625-1678. 1656 Approx. 2149 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 421 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61287 Wing S5238 ESTC R17292 11931363 ocm 11931363 51150 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61287) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51150) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 826:1) The history of philosophy, in eight parts by Thomas Stanley. Stanley, Thomas, 1625-1678. 2 v., (120, [2], 19, [5], 118, [4], 46; [4], 159, [5], 120, [4], 37, [5], 142, [14] p.) : ill. Printed for Humphrey Moseley and Thomas Dring : and are to be sold at the Princes Armes ..., London : 1656. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Part I has separate t.p. Table of contents: p. [7]-[14] at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Philosophy, Ancient -- Early works to 1800. Philosophy -- History. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY , In Eight Parts . By THOMAS STANLEY . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Thomas Dring ; and are to be sold at the Princes Armes in Saint Paul's Church-Yard , and at the George in Fleet-street neer Cliffords-Inne , 1656. THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY , The First Part. Containing those on whom the Attribue of VVISE was conferred . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Thomas Dring ; and are to be sold at the Princes Armes in Saint Paul's Church-Yard , and at the George in Fleet-street neer Cliffords-Inne , 1656. TO MY HONOVRED VNCLE IOHN MARSHAM , Esq SIR , I Send this Booke to you , because you first directed me to this designe ; The learned Gassendus was my precedent ; whom neverthelesse I have not followed in his partiality : For he , though limited to a single person , yet giveth himselfe liberty of enlargement , and taketh occasion from his subject to make the world acquainted with many excellent disquisitions of his owne . Our scope being of a greater latitude , affords lesse opportunity to favour any particular ; whilst there is due to every one the commendation of their owne deserts . This benefit I hope to have received from the variety of the subject ; but far more are those I owe to your encouragement , which if I could wish lesse , I should upon this occasion , that there might seeme to have been expressed something of choice and inclination in this action , which is now but an inconsiderable effect of the gratitude of , Dear Vncle , Your most affectionate Nephew and humble servant THOMAS STANLEY . PREFACE . HIstory ( which by expounding actions past teacheth to regulate the future , and furnisheth us with wisdom at the cost of other mens experience ) is not unlike Painting : their scope is the same ; and as in the latter it argues want of skill to look upon the whole draught with an indifferent eye , but to select and insist upon some chiefe particular is proper to an Artist ; so he who rests satisfied with the generall relation of affairs , ( not fixing upon some eminent Actour in that story ) loseth it greatest benefit ; since what is most particular , by its nearer affinity with us , hath greatest influence upon us . Hence it is that there are two kinds of History ; One represents generall affairs of State ; The other gives account ef particular persons , whose lives have rendred them eminent . Homer hath given an essay of each ; of the first in his Iliads , a relation of a war betwixt different Nations ; of the second in his Odysses , confined to the person of Ulysses . Now the life of man being either practick , busied in civill affairs of peace and war , or Contemplative , retir'd from publick businesse to speculation and study of wisdome , divine or humane , it followes that this personall history bee twofold likewise , describing either the actions of such persons as are wholly interested in affairs of state ( properly compar'd to the persons of a drammaticall designe , whose single Characters and parts serve one onely to make up one joint plot . Such are most of those whose lives are related by Plutarch , & the twelve Caesars of Sueronius ) Or the lives of such as have been excellent in some kind of learning ; Thus Antipho writ of Poets ; Eudemus of Astrologers ; Cicero and Plutarch of Oratours , Suetonius of Grammarians . They who writ of Philosophers exceeded the rest far in number , of whom to give a particular accompt will be unnecessary , because their workes are not extant , and therefore we shall onely name them , Aetius , Ana●ilides , Antigonus , Antisthenes , Aristocles , Aristoxenus , Callimachus , Clitomachus , Diocles , Diogenes La●rtius , Eunapius , Heraclides , Hermippus , Hesychius , Hippobotus , son , Idomeneus , Nicander , Nicias , Panaetius , Porrius , Plutarch , Sotion and Theodorus . Of almost all these ( which is much to be deplored ) there remaine not any footsteps ; the onely Author in this kind for the more antient Philosophers is Diogenes Laertius , for the later Eunapius And to make the misfortune the great●r , that which Laertius gives us is so far short of what he might have done , that there is much more to be found of the same persons dispersed amongst other authors , which I have here collected and digested , with what diligence I could . Nor is it unseasonable at this time to examine the tenents of old Philosophers , when so great variety of opinions daily spring up ; some of which are but raked out of the ruines of antiquity , which ought to be restored to their first owners ; others being of late invention will receive addition , when advanced to such height wee look down to the bottom from which Philosophy took her first rise , and see how great a progresse she hath made , whose beginnings are almost inscrutable . Although some Grecians have challenged to their Nation the Originall of Philosophy , yet the more learned of them have acknowledged it derived from the East . To omit the dark traditions of the Athenians concerning Musa●us , of the Thebans concerning Linus , and of the Thracians about Orpheus , it is manifest that the original of the Greek Philosophy is to be deriv'd from Thales , who travelling into the East , first brought Naturall learning , Geometry , and Astrology , thence into Greece , for which reason the attribute of wise was conferred upon him , and at the same time upon six others for their eminence in morality & politicks Thus learning in the antientest times was by the Greeks called Sophia ( wisdom ) and the prafessour thereof , who raised his soul to an 〈◊〉 degree of knowledge , Sophos ( wise ) Pythagoras first named it Philosophy ( love of wisdom ) and himself a Philosopher , affirming that no man is wise ; but onely God. * As concerning those who were honoured with this attribute of wise , Damon the Cyrenaean undervalues them all , especially the seven . Anaximenes saith , they were all addicted to Poetry ; Dicaearchus , that they were neither wise men , nor Philosophers , but upright men and Law givers : Archetimus the Syracusian wrote concerning their meeting with Cypselus ( Father to Periander ) whereat he saith himself was present . Ephorus affirms they all met with Croesus , Thales onely excepted . Some say they met also at the Panionian feast , and at Corinth with Periander at Delphi . There is some controversy concerning their sentences , of which some are ascribed to severall persons , as that , Lacedaemonian Chilon this profest , Nothing too much ; a mean in all is best . There is no lesse dissent concerning their number . Leandrius for Cleobulus and Myson , inserts Leophantus Son of * Gorsiades a Lebedion , or Ephesian , and Epimenides the Cretan . Plato ( in his Protagoras ) substitutes Myson for Periander : Ephorus , Anacharsis for Myson . Some adde Pythagoras . Dicaearchus alledgeth four , acknowledg'd by all Thales , Bias , Pittacus and Solon : then names six more , out of which are to be selected three , Aristodemus , Pamphilus , Chilon , the Lacedaemonian , Cleobulus , Anacharsis , Periander ; some adde * Acusilaus Son of Caba or Scabra an Argive . Hermippus in his Treatise of the seven wise men saith , they were in all seventeen , of which seven were variously named , which were Solon , Thales , Pittacus , Bias , Chilon , Cleobulus , Periander , Anacharsis , Acusilaus , Epimenides , Leophantus , Pherecydes , Aristodemus , Pythagoras , Lasus of Hermionea , Son of Charmantides , or ( according to Aristoxenus ) of Simbrinus , Anaxagoras . Hippobotus in his commentary of Philosophers reckons Linus , Orpheus , Solon , Periander , Anacharsis , Cleobulus , Myson , Thales , Bias , Pittacus , Epicharmus , Pythagoras . Laertius reckons them thus , Thales , Solon , Chilon , Pittacus , Bias , Cleobulus , Periander ; whereto he addes Anacharsis , Myson , Epimenides , and Pherecydes . These saith he were called the wise men , to whom some annex Pisistratus the Tyrant . Amongst the Romans also three had the sirname of Sapiens , M. Cato , C. Laelius , and L. Acilius . THALES . THALES . CHAP. I. The Country and Parents of Thales . GReat wits , which have been happy in benefiting Posterity by their excellent inventions , have not alwaies had the fortune to enjoy the just reward , their glory being intercepted oftentimes by some later disguise of alteration or addition . It were therefore gratitude in us , who find our selves instructed by the Antients , to vindicate the memory of our masters by enquiring diligently the Authors of those labours whereof wee reap the Harvest . This kind of injury hath happened very considerably to THALES the wise man of Miletus , who first introduc'd Naturall and Mathematicall Learning into Greece , from whence it derived into us ; but the honour of so noble a design , the ambitious opposition of some , the industry of others hath so obscur'd that there is little of the reputation left to the deserving Author . I have therefore esteemed it worth my pains , to digest what I could collect or observe of a person , to whom all lovers of Learning are so much oblig'd . The Original of Thales is very obscurely delivered . Some conceive he was a Phoenician by birth , whose opinion seeming to be strongly founded upon Laertius , and the Authorities by him alledged , it is necessary that we begin with a disquisition upon his words , which are , as commonly rendred , these . Now Thales was born , as Herodotus , Duris and Democritus affirm , his Father being Examius , his Mother Cleobulina , of the Thelidae , who were Phoenicians , the most illustrious of all from Cadmus and Agenor , as Plato also saith ] The Testimony of Herodotus , though * Higynus and * Suidas seem to understand it according to the common errour , as if hee were born in Phoenicia , expressely confirmes the contrary , being thus ; Thales a Milesian , a farre off by descent a Phoenician ; Whence we may gather , that the other two Authorities of Duris and Democritus imported little more , or at least nothing to a contrary sense . So likewise that of Leander , which is by * Clemens Alexandrinus cited jointly with Herodotus , to prove him of a Phoenician extract . He was made free of Miletus when he went with Neleus who was banish'd out of Phoenicia ] The learned * Casaubon to reconcile this story with that of Neleus , who was not banish'd out of Phoenicia , when he built , Miletus for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if Thales being banish'd out of Phoenicia had gone with Neleus to Miletus ; which alteration begetteth a very strange Anacronism , for this Thales was above four hundred years later then that Neleus . Therefore if Laertius meant the same Neleus , either he was strangely mistaken , or his text is corrupt , and ought to be understood of the Ancestors of Thales , to which sense it may bee reduc'd with little alteration , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if they being Phoenicians , went into ( arta , and became Citizen● of Miletus , at what time Neleus Son of Codrus , being put beside the Kingdom of Athens by his younger brother Me●on , lead th●ther the Ionian Colonies , whereof Miletus ( which he built ) was the chief City . Of this Colony see Herodotus , 〈◊〉 and Aelian . But as most say he was born there , at Miletus , and of noble race ] So they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in oposition to the first opinion which onely mentions his Family , not Country , it may perhaps be understood here in the same relation : Some ( saith he ) think , he was of a Phoenician extract , of those who were incorporated at Miletus ; others that he was of a Grecian Family , and that noble . Of this latter opinion is * Plutarch who reproves Herodotus for making Thales descended afar off from a Barbarian stock , and * Hermtppus , who ascribes that saying to him , that he thanked the Gods he was a Grecian , not a Barbarian . CHAP. II. Of the time of his birth . Apollodorus saith , that Thales was born the first year of the thirty fift Olympiad ; * Demetrius Phalereus saith , that he was honoured with the title of wise , when Damasias was Archon . Damasias was Archon according to * Dionysius Halycarnassaeus the second year of the thirty fift Olympiad , * when Ancus Martius the fourth King of Rome began his reign . Hereupon an anachronism of one year is supposed by very learned men , who would have Thales to be born the same year that Damasias was Archon . Whence * Sigonius , * Vossius , and others bring drown the birth of Thales to the second year of this Olympiad ; * Scaliger , * Meursius . * Petavius and others raise Damasias to the first year , that they may make his Magistracy agree with Thales's birth ; neither rightly ; for the office of Damasias relateth not to the birth of Thales . For the clearing whereof we must take notice , that Damasias in the Athenian Fasti is twice said to be Archon , first in the second year of the thirty fift Olympiad , the next year after the birth of Thales , and again the fourth year of the forty eighth Olympiad , when he obtained the title of Wise ; The latter we cannot mention without acknowledgement of the great light Chronology hath received by Mr S●lden's Marmora Arundeliana . It will be also worth observance , that there was another of this name , whom Eusebius placeth at the eighth Olympiad , and Lae●tius and * Plutarch make contemporary with Homer , Hesiod and Lycurgus . * Scaliger , who perceived the inconsistency of this accompt , perceived not the reason of it ; for * Lycurgus and Iphitus instituted the Olympick games twenty seven Olympiads before Coraebus was victor , who according to Eusebius is the first . These two Thales are by some confounded , Eusebius calls the first a natural Philosopher , wheras it is certain that kind of Learning was first introduc'd into Greece by the 2d . * Suidas cites Phlegon , that the latter Thales flourish'd in the seventh Olympiad , which ●hi●gon doubtlesse meant of the first . * They who place Thales about the seventh Olympiad , and make him contemporary with Romulus , confound the latter Thales with the first , and the true Epoche of the Olympiads with the vulgar . For the first Thales lived in the seventh Olympiad from the first of Iphitus ; Romulus liv'd about the same distance from the Olympiad of Coraebus . This time is mistaken by that learned Father Clemens Alexandrinus , to prove Thales younger then the later Prophets . * Thus ( saith he ) It is demonstrated that they who propheci'd in the time of Darius Hystaspes in the second year of his reign , that is to say , Aggaeus , Zacharias , and Malachy , who was one of the twelve seeing that they prophecied in the first year of the forty eight Olympiad , were more antient then Pythagoras , who is said to have been in the sixty second Olympiad ; and then Thales eldest of the Greek Sages , who was about the fiftieth Olympiad ; as if this were not rather an argument to prove these Prophets contemporary with Thales , which Eusebius allows . * About the time ( saith he ) of Cyrus King of Persia , the seven wise men flourished ; this was the time in which the last of the Hebrew Prophets prophesied , since Troy , above six hundred years , after Moses , no lesse then fifteen hundred years . But if with Clemens Alexandrinus we account these Prophets coaetaneous with Darius Hystas●es , they will appear much younger then Thales , for Darius begun his reigne in the last yeare of the sixty fourth Olympiad . CHAP. III. His Travells . HE employ'd the first and greatest part of his time to Creet , to inform himself of the Mysteries of their Religion ( for that Island was famous for the birth of Iupiter ) as is acknowledg'd by himself in an * Epistle to Pherecydes . That he travell'd also into Asia is affirmed in the same Epistle ; some say into Phoenicia , arguing from his Astrology which he is thought to have learned of the Phoenicians , Masters of that Science ; and particularly because he is said to have first observed the constellation of the Lesser Bear by which the Phoenicians sayled . * Vossius essaies to prove the word Cynosura to be Phoenician , not as deriv'd from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being a Collection of light ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Umbilicus igneus . His last journey ( being * in years ) was into Aegypt , to conferre ( as he acknowledgeth in his Epistle to Pherecydes ) with Priests and Astronomers . There he was instructed by the Priests at Memphis , particularly ( saith * Iamblicus ) by those of Iupiter . Laertius affirms he learnt Geometry of them ; * Plutarch implies as much of his Philosophy . He was there in the reign of * Amasis , by whom much favour'd and admir'd for many things , especially for measuring the height of the Pyramids by the shadow ; untill at last accused to him of dis-affection to Monarchs and that kind of Government , to which effect many bitter sayings of his were alledged concerning Tyrants . As when Molpagoras an eminent person of Ionia demanded what was the strangest sight he ever saw , he answered , a Tyrant old . Another time being at a feast where a question arose , what beasts were most dangerous ; of wild , saith he , a Tyrant , of tame , a Flatterer ; and Princes ( saith Plutarch ) however they professe themselves far different from Tyrants , yet take no pleasure in such Apothegmes : hereupon he lost the favour of Amasis . Thus having studied Philosophy in Aegypt he returned to Miletus , and * transported that vast stock of Learning which he had there collected into his own Country . CHAP. IV. How he lived at Miletus . His life at Miletus ( as * Heraclides affirmes ) was retir'd and private ; some report hee married and had a Son named Cybissus , but the truer opinion is of those who say he lived unmarried , and made his * Sister's Son ( whom * Plutarch calls Cybisthus ) his Heir . * Hee put off his Mother when she first moved him to marry , by telling her it was not yet time , and when hee was more in years , being again sollicited by her , hee answered , nor is it now time , meaning it was then too late . Being demanded why he took not some course to have issue , he answer'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the same in pronouncing with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and may be taken either because he loved children , or di● not love them , as * Casaubon conjectures ; but perhaps his meaning may better bee gather'd out of another answer of his to the same question , * that he did not mean to draw voluntary cares upon his life , and disturb the quiet thereof ; or from this story related by * Plutarch . Solon coming to Miletus to visit him , told him that he wondred hee wholly neglected marriage and issue . Thales at that time answered nothing , but some few daies after suborned a stranger to pretend that he came within ten daies from Athens ; Solon demanded what newes from thence ; nothing ( answered the other as he was instructed ) but the buriall of a young man attended by the whole City , being as was said Son of the most eminent person of the City , who at the same time was abroad in travell . Unhappy man ( cries Solon ) what was his name ? I heard it answered the other , but have forgot , onely I remember he was very famous for Wisdom and Iustice. Solon's fear encreasing upon every answer , he at last asked him if the Fathers name were not Solon , which the other affirming , he beat his own head , and did other actions accompanied with speeches proper to such as are transported with grief ; whereupon Thales similing , and interrupting him ; These things , Solon said he , deterr'd me from marriage , which thus disorder even thee a most constant person , but be not troubl'd at this newes , it is counterfeit . In this privacy of life he was follicited and sent unto by many Princes , whose invitations and amities , ( Plutarch * saith ) he refused ; visited by many eminent persons . * He is said to have cohabited some time with Thrasibulus ( a man of excellent wit and judgement ) who was King , or ( according to the Greek word ) Tyrant of Miletus , * though his reign continued but eleven months ; * about the time that the Milesians enter'd into a League with Alyates the second then King of Lydia . CHAP. V. The attribute of wise conferred on him . THE attribute of Wise , as * Plutarch and Saint Augustine observe , was conferr'd upon the rest in respect of their morall rules and practise , but upon Thales particularly for his speculative Learning . It was first bestow'd on Thales , at what time Damasias was Archon , under whom ( according to * Demetrius Phalareus ) all the seven were called wise . The second Damasias was Archon in the third year of the 49th . Olympiad , which * Salmasius knew not , when to make the words of Laertius agree with the first Damasias , he misinterpreted Eusebius and Clemens Alexandrinus , and subverted all other accounts of the birth and death of Thales , whereas this fortunately complies with the times of all the seven . The first was Thales justly preferr'd before the rest in respect of his great Learning , which he owed not to any master ; The time when this honour was conferred on him , falls upon the fifty ninth year of his age . The second , Pittacus of Mitylene who flourished in the forty second Olympiad , and died in the third year of the fifty second . The third , Bias of Priene contemporary with Pittacus , living under Alyattes and Croesus . The fourth , Solon , who was Archon at Athens the third year of the forty sixt Olympiad . He died Olymp. 55. The fift , Cleobulus of Lindus , coetanoeus with Solon . The sixt , Myson of Chene . The seventh , Chilon of Lacedaemon , who was Ephorus Olymp . 56. The credit and glory of these seven , was much encreased ( saith Plutarch ) by a Tripod sent round from one to another , by a mutual , noble and modest concession : the occasion related thus by Laertius and Valerius Maximus . * Some young men of Ionia having bought a draught of the Milesian fishermen , when the net was drawn up , there was found in it a Tripod , [ * a golden Delphick Table of great weight . ] * Hereupon arose a dispute , [ * those affirming they had bargain'd onely for the fish , the others that they bought the draught at a venturs ; by reason of the strangenesse of the case , and value of the Tripod it was delivered to the City Miletus ; ] * The Milesians sent to the Oracle at Delphi about it , and received this answer . Com'st thou Milesian to consult my shrine ? The Tripod to the wisest I assigne . Hereupon the Milesians by agreement presented it to Thales , he sent it to Bias , Bias to Pittacus , he to another , till it past through all the seven , coming at last to Solon , who affirming God to be the wisest , sent it back to Delphi [ * giving him at once the title and reward of greatest wisdom . ] But Callimachus in his Iambicks , ( continueth Laertius ) relates it otherwise ; that Bathycles an Arcadian left a cup , with order that it should be given to the wisest , whereupon it was presented to Thales , and past about in course till it came to him again , who then dedicated it to Apollo Didymaeus , with these verses , according to Callimachus . Thales to him that rules th' Ionian State This twice obtained prize doth consecrate . In prose thus , Thales the Milesian , Son of Examius , to Delphian Apollo of the Grecians offers this twice received prize of eminence . He that carried the Cup from one to another , was Thyrion Son to Bathycles , ] whither allude these Verses of * Phoenix Colophonius . Thales , whose birth his Country blest , Esteem'd of all men the best , Was of the golden Cup possest . Eudoxius of Gnidus , and Euanthes of Miletus , report that a friend of Croesus having receiv'd from him a golden Cup to be given to the wisest of the Grecians , deliver'd it to Thales , and that at last it came to Solon , who sending to the Phythian Oracle to know who was the wisest , was answer'd Myson ; whom Eudoxius substitutes for Cleobulus , Plato for Periander ; the Oracle concerning Myson was this . Octoean Myson I declare Wiser then those that wisest are . He that was sent upon the enquiry was Anacharsis . Daedacus the Platonist , and Clearchus affirm , that the Cup was sent by Croesus to Pittacus , and so carried about . Andron in Tripode , ( which seems to have been a discourse wholy upon this subject , and is likewise cited by Clemens Alexandrinus , to prove that Thales and the other six flourish'd about the fiftieth Olympiad ) writes , that the Argi●es proposed this Trypod as a prize to the wisest of the Greeks , and that it was adjudged to Aristodemus a Spartan , who resigned it to Chilon ; Aristodemus is mentioned by Alchaeus . This speech we to Aristodemus owe , Money 's the man , none 's poor and honest too . There are who report that a ship richly laden , sent by Periande● to Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus , was cast away in the Coan Sea , and the● ripod taken up by some Fishermen . Phanodius affirms it was lost in the Athenian Sea , and afterwards brought to the City , and upon consultdtion voted to be sent to Bias. Others say this Tripod was made by Vulcan , who gave it to Pelops as his wives Portion ; from him it came to Menelaus , and afterwards being taken away with Hellen by Paris , was by the Lacedaemonian [ Hellen ] thrown into the Sea , * calling to mind [ * an old Oracle ] that it would prove in time to come the ground of many contentions . After this some Lebeaians fishing thereabouts drew it up , and quarrelling with the fishermen about it , it was brought to Coos , but the controversie not decided , the businesse was told to those of Miletus which is the chief City of that Country , they sent sent a messenger to demand it , and finding themselves slighted , made war upon the Coans , in which many being slain on both sides , the Oracle declared that the Tripod should be given to the wisest , whereupon both parties with joint consent presented it to Thales [ * The Coans being willing to grant that to a private person , for which they before contested with all the Milesians ] who dedicated it to Apollo Didyma●us ; the effect of the Oracle to the Coans was this . This Contestation shall continue till The golden Tripod into th' Ocean cast By Vulcan , you present to one whose skill Extends to things to come , present and past . To the Milesians , Comest thou Milesian to consult my shrine ? as before . Thus●aertius ●aertius . * Plutarch addes , that Thales said , Bias was wiser then himself , whereupon it past to him , from him to another , as wiser ; so passing in a circle from one to another , it came at last to Thales the second time . Finally it was sent from Miletus to Thebes , and dedicated to Ismenian Apollo . Theophrastus saith it was first sent to Bias at Priene , then by Bias to Thales at Miletus , so passing through all , it came again to Bias ; and finally was sent to Delphi . This is most generally reported , saving instead of a Tripod , some say it was a Cup sent from Croesus , others that it was left there by Bathycles Thus was the Priority of Thales confirmed by the Oracle , for which reason he is by Cicero and Strabo stiled Prince of the wise men , to whom the rest yielded the preheminence . CHAP. VI. Of his Philosophy . THales ( saith Laertius ) is by many affirm'd to be the first that made disquisitions upon Nature . * Cicero ( who taught the Greek Philosophy first to speak Latine , ) acknowledges Thales to be the first Author thereof . * Strabo saith , that he first of the Grecians made enquiry into naturall Causes and the Ma●hematicks . * Plutarch calls him Inventor of Philosophy ; Iustine Martyr , * The most antient of Philosophers ; Tertullian , first of Naturall Philosophers ; * Lactantius , * the first that made enquiry after Naturall Causes . Sect. 1. That Water is the Principle of all things . IN his disquisition of the naturall Causes of things , he conceived Water to be the first Principle of all naturall Bodies , whereof they consist , and into which they resolve . His reasons ( as deliver'd by * Plutarch , and repeated by * Stobaeus ) these . First , because naturall Seed , the Principle of all living creatures , is humid ; whence it is probable that humidity is also the principle of all other things . Secondly , because all kinds of Plants are nourish'd by moisture ; wanting which , they wither and decay . Thirdly , because Fire , even the Sun it self and the stars are nourish'd and maintain'd by vapours proceeding from Water , and consequently the whole world consists of the same . Whence Homer supposing all things to be engendred of water , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Ocean whence all things receive their birth . In pursuit ( * as Aristotle saith ) of this opinion , he assign'd water the lowest place , holding ( according to * Seneca ) that the whole Earth ●●oats , and is carried above the water , whether that we call the Ocean or great Sea , or any simple moisture of another nature , or a moist element . By this water ( saith he ) the earth is sustained as a great ship , which presseth upon the water that bears it up , because the most weighty part of the world cannot be upheld by the Air , which is subtle and light . Thus is * Aristotle to be explain'd , who saith , Thales held , that the Earth being capable of swimming , resteth as wood or the like ; now of such things , none suim upon Air , but upon Water . Upon this ground it was that he held Water ( as Laertius saith ) to be the cause of Earthquakes . Thus * Seneca ; He holds that the Globe of the Earth is upheld by water , and carried as a bark , and floateth by the mobility thereof , at such time as it is said to quake . One of his reasons alledged by * Seneca , is this , because in all extraordinary motions thereof some new Fountains commonly issued , which if they incline to one side , and shew their keel asidelong , gather water , which , if it chance the burden they bear be overweighty , raiseth it selfe higher towards the right or left side . From the testimony of Homer , by which Thales ( according to Pluta●ch and Iustine Martyr ) defended this Tenet ( that water is the principle of all things ) it is manifest it was deliver'd , ( though imperfectly ) by other Grecians before Thales ; Plutarch * else where producing this Authority of * Hesiod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Of all things Chaos was the first — addeth , the greater part of antient Philosophers called water Chaos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from dissusion . The Scholiast of * Apollonius upon these words . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Earth of slime was made , affirms ( citing Zeno ) that the Chaos whereof all things were made according to Hesiod was water , which setling became slime , the slime condens'd into solid Earth , to which adde this testimony of * Orpheus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Water slime was made : This opinion they borrow'd from the Phoenicians , with whom the Grecians had a very antient correspondence . Linus came from thence ; Orpheus had his learning from thence ; as Thales is conceived to have done likewise , which appears clearly in * Numenius , an antient Philosopher , who cites the very words of Moses for this opinion , The spirit of God moved on the face of the waters . There is an eminent place in * Eusebius to prove this ; the divinity of the Phoenicians asserts the principle of this world to be a dark spirituall air , or the spirit of dark air , and Chaos troubled and involv'd in darknesse ; that this was infinite and a long time had no bound , but ( say they ) the spirit being moved with the love of his own principles , there was made a mixtion , which nexure was called love ; this was the beginning of the production of all things ; but the spirit it self had no generation , and from this connexion of the spirit was begotten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some call slime , others corruption of watery mistion , and of this was made the seed of all creatures , and the generation of all things . Nor were the Indians ignorant of this , as Megasthenes delivers their opinion . * They are of the same mind in many things with the Grecians , as that the world had beginning , and shall have end ; that God its Maker and Governour goes quite through it ; that all things had different beginnings , but that of which the world was made was water . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principle , because with Philosophers it includes the efficient cause , and consequently understood singly excludes the rest , that being the most noble , hath given occasion to some to mistake Thales , as is by acknowledging no other principle , he consequently accounted Water to be God ; but that Thales understands by Principle only the material Cause , we may easily gather from Plutarch , * who condemneth Thales for confounding a Principle with an Element , and for holding them to be both one ; Wheras ( saith he ) there is great difference ; Elements are cōpounded , Principles are neither compounded , nor are any compleat substance , & truly water , air , earth , fire we term elements , but principles we call other natures , in this respect that there is nothing precedent ●to them , wherof they are engendred . For otherwise , if they were not the first , they would not be Principles , but that rather should be so termed whereof they were made . Now certaine things there are precedent whereof Earth and water are compounded , viz. The first informe matter , and the forme it selfe and privation . Thales therefore erres , affirming Water to be both Element and principle of all things . Thus we see by Plutarch , that the objection can , onely be as to the name , not to reason of the name ; for the distinction of principle and element being not used in that time , Thales by principle , meant nothing of the efficient cause which is most certaine from Aristotle . Thales , saith , he affirmes water to be the principle : wherefore he held the earth to be above the water ; perhaps hee conceived so , because he saw that the nutriment of all things is humid , that heat it selfe consists thereof , and that every creature lives thereby ; He held that of which things are made to be the principls of all things , for these reasons he was of this opinion , as also because the seeds of all things are of a humid nature , and water is the principle of things humid . Sect. 2. Of God. TErtullian saith , that Thales to Croesus , enquiring concerning the Deity , gave no certaine accompt , but desired severall times of deliberating to no effect . He seemes to reflect upon the same or a like story to that which is reported of Simonides and Hieron . But what the opinion of Thales was concerning God , may bee gather'd from two Apothegmes cited by Laertius , repeated with this glosse by * Clemens Alexandrinus ; And what are not those the sayings of Thales that are derived from hence , That God is glorifi'd for ever and ever , and he openly confesseth that he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee who knoweth Hearts . For Thales being demanded what God was , that ( saith he ) which hath neither beginning nor end . Another asking of a man might doe ill and conceale it from God. How saith he , when a man that thinkes it cannot ? Men ought to think ( sayes * Cicero in his name ) that the Gods see all things . He acknowledged God the first of beings , and Author of the world , asserting ( according to Laertius ) that the most antient of all things is God , ●or he is not begotten ; that the fairest is the world , for it is his work . This is confirmed by Cicero . * Thales the Mile●ian ( saith he ) who first enquired into these things , said , that water was the principle of things , but that God was that mind which formed all things of water . If Gods may be without sence and mind , why did he joyn the mind to water● why water to the mind , if the mind can subsist without a body ? Thus Cicero who understands Thales to intend the materiall principle to be co-eternall with the efficient ; which Thales himselfe seems not to mean , when he declared God to be the first of Beings . But that the Mens of ●naxagoras , for the annexing of which to matter , he was so much famed , was no more then what he borrowed from Thales , the words of Cicero make good . He affirmed that God by the immutable decree of his providence governs the world . Thales ( saith Stobaeus ) being demanded what was most strong , answered Necessity , for it rules all the world . Necessity is the firm judgment and immutable power of providence . Hither we must likewise referre what is cited under his name by the same Stobaeus , that the first mover is immovable , which * Aristotle hath borrow'd from him , not owning the Author . Something imperfectly was before delivered by Orpheus , concerning God , alledged by * Clemens Alexandrinus and others ; but as Cicero saith ; Thales was the first among the Grecians , who made any search into these things ; and that he brought it out of Aegypt , the Grecians themselves deny not , * for they acknowledge , that they received the names of their Gods from thence , and beleeved the Aegyptians to be the first , who looking up to the world above them , and admiring the nature of the universe , reflected upon the Deity . Sect. 3. Of Daemons . THales ( saith * Plutarch ) with Pythagoras , Plato , and the Stoicks hold , that Daemons are spirituall substances , and the Hero's souls separated from the bodies , of which sort , there are two , good , and bad , the good Hero's are the good souls , the bad , the bad . The same order * Athenagoras attests to be observed by Thales , ranking the three degrees thus : First , that of the immortall Gods , next Daemons , thirdly Heroes : This was followed by Pythagoras , that the Gods were to be prefered in reverence before Daemons , Hero's before men . He affirm'd ( as Stobaeus saith ) the world to be full of these Daemons . This is thought the meaning of that of * Aristotle , repeated by Cicero , Thales thought that all things were full of Gods. The same assertion Laertius ascribes to Pythagoras , * that all the aire is full of souls , * which are Hero's and Daemons . This opinion was asserted by the Greeks , before the time of Thales , particularly by Hesiod ; but whether that be argument enough , to deny , that Thales had it from the Aegyptians , I question ; that they held it in the same manner , we may learn by * Iamblichus . Besides , Pythagoras and Plato ( whom Plutarch joynes in this Tenet with Thales ) drew their learning from the same fountain . Sect. 4. Of the Soul. PLutarch and Stobaeus say , that Thales first affirm'd the soul to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a selfe moving nature . * Aristotle that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect to the motion it gives to other things , * in which are included both parts of the definition of the * Platonists , a substance , having within it selfe a power to move it selfe and other things : which Plato argues to this effect : The first of motions is that whereby a thing moves it self● ; the second , that whereby it moves another : every thing that moves it selfe , lives ; every living thing lives , because it moves it selfe , the resore the power of selfe motion is the essence of that substance which we call the soul , which soul is the cause of the first generation and motion of things which are , nere , and shall be ; and of all their contraries , as of all transmutation , the principall of motion , and therefore more antient than the body , which it moves by a second motion . And afterwards declares these to be the names of the souls motion , to will , to consider , to take care , to consult , to judge rightly , and not rightly , to joy , to grieve , to dare , to fear , to hate , to love , and the like . These which are the first motions , and suscipient of the second corporall , bring all things into augmention , and d●cre●se , conversion , or cond●mnation , and descretion , or rarefaction . This opinion first raised by Thales , was entertained in the schooles with the assent of * Pythagoras , Anaxagoras , Socrates , and Plato , till exploded by Aristotle , * whose chief arguments against it were these . 1. That nothing is moved but what is in place , nothing in place but what hath quantity , which because the soul wants , none of the foure kinds of motion ( viz. Lation , Alteration , diminution , accretion ) are competible ( perse ) to her . Secondly , that selfe motion is not essentiall to the Soul , because she is moved accidentally , by externall objects . The first , if understood of Circumscription , not only denies the motion of all things , that are definitively in place , as spirits , but of the highest sphear , if compared with Aristotles definition of place ; yet that some of these species of motion , though in a different extraordinary manner , are competent to the soul , and not accidentally , may be argued 1. From the further diffusion of the soul , according to the augmentation of the body . 2. From intellection , which is acknowledg'd a perfection , and consequently a kind of alteration , which that Thales understood to be one of the soul's motions , is clear from that Apothegme ascribed to him by L●ertius , the swiftest of things is the mind , for it over-runs all things : Whence * Cicero ( confessing almost in the very words of Thales , that nothing is swifter then the mind , that no swiftnesse may compare with the swiftnesse of the mind ) would interpret the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Aristotle , a continued and perpetuall motion . The second reason may be questioned by comparing the acts of the memory , and reminiscence ; the first occasion'd by exterior things , yet objective only , so that the motion is within her selfe ; but by the other she moves her selfe , from a privation to a habit , without the help of any exterior . It is worth notice , that among these and other reasons alledg'd by * Aristotle to destroy this assertion , one is the possibility of the resurrection of the body ; but this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . From the second part of the difference in the definition ( viz. from moving other things ) Thales argued , that the Load-stone , and Amber had soules ; the first because it drawes Iron , the second Straw . He further ( saith Laertius ) asserted those things we count inonimate , to have souls , arguing it from the loadstone and Amber : the reason of which latter example , * Aldobrandinu● falsely interprets its change of colour , and jarring as it were at poison : But * Aristotle more plainly , for of those whom we mentioned , Thales seems to have taken the soul to be something 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apt to move , since he affirmed a stone to have a soul , because it moved Iron . He asserted likewise the soul ( of man ) to be immortall , and according to * Cherilus , was the first that held so . * Cicero ascribes the originall of this opinion to Pherecydes , but it rather seems to have been brought by Thales from the Egyptians ; that they held so * Herodotus attests . Sect. 5. Of the World. THales held , * that there was but one world , and that * made by God ; which truth was follow'd by all Philosophers , as * Aristotle confesseth , untill he rejected it , to defend , by the cont●arie an assertion equally false , that the world is everlasting , which could not be , saith he , if it had beginning . That * the world being Gods work , is the fairest of things , whatsoever disposed in lively order , being a part thereof , for which reason Pythagoras ( according to * Plutarch ) called it first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That night is elder then day . This circumstance of the creation was held likewise by * Orpheus , and Hesiod , who had it from the Phoenicians : for this reason the * Numidians , * Germans , * and * Gaules reckoned by nights . That the * world is animated , and that * God is the soul thereof , diffus'd through every part , whose divine moving vertue penetrats through the element of water . Thus explain'd by the Hermetick Philosophers ; ●he divine spirit who produc'd this world out of the first water , being infus'd as it were , by a continuall inspiration into the works of nature , and diffus'd largely through , by a certain secret , and continuall act , moving the whole , and every particular according to its kind , is the soul of the world . That the * World is contained in place . This agrees with the definition of place by space ; but they who with Aristotle define place a superficies , though they hold the parts of the world to be in place , are forced to deny the whole to be so . That in the world there is no vacuum , in which ( as Plut●rch observes ) all Philosophers agree , who affirm the world to be animated , and govern'd by providence ; the contrary defended by those who maintain that it consisteth of Atomes , is inanimate , not governed by providence . That * matter is fluid and variable . That * Bodies are passible and divisible , in infinitum , and continuous as are also a line , supers●cies , place , and time . That * mistion is made by composition of the elements . That * the starrs are earthly , yet fiery ; * the Sun earthly . They who affirm the starres to be fiery , saith * Aristotle , hold so , as conceiving the whole superiour body to be fire . That the Moon is of the same nature with the Sun , that she is illuminat●d by him . Plutarch , and Stobaeus affirm this to be first held by Thales , though Eudemus cited by Theon ascribe it to Anaximander . That the monthly occulations of the Moon are caused by the neerness of the Sun shining round her . That there is but * one earth , * round , in fashion of a Globe , * seated in the midst of the world , to which relates that speech ascribed to him by Cleodemus , that , if the earth were taken out of the world , there must of necessity follow a confusion of all things . That * the overflowing of Nilus is caused by the Etesian ( yearly ) winds , which rise with the Dog star , * after the summer solstice , and beginning to b●ow from the North , spread ( as * Aristotle describes them ) into remote quarters . These ( saith * Pluta●ch ) blowing directly against Aegypt , cause the water so to swell , that the sea driven by these winds , entereth within the mouth of that River , and hindereth it , that it cannot discharge it selfe freely into the Sea , but is repulsed . Whereupon ( addes * Diodorus Siculus ) it overflowes Aegypt , which lyeth low and levell . But this reason , though it seem plausible , is easily disproved ; for if this were true , all the Rivers which are discharged into the Sea , opposite to the Etesian winds , should have the same overflowing . Thus Diodorus in his excellent discourse upon this subject , which concludes with the opinion of Agatharchides , that it is occasion'd by rain , coming from the mountaines of Ethiopia . CHAP. VII . Of his Geometry . APuleius , who calls Thales the inventer of Geometry amongst the Grecians , is more just to his memory then Anticlides and others , who ascribe the honour thereof to Moeris , or to Pythagoras , who by the acknowledgment of * Iamblichus , a Pythagorean , learnt Mathematicks of Thales . The originall and progresse of this science , * to the perfection it received from Pythagoras ( which gave occasion to that mistake ) is thus delivered by ●roclus . Geometry was invented by the Egyptians , taking ●is beginning from measuring fields , it being necessary for them , by reason of the inundation of Nilus , which washed away the bounds of their severalls . Nor is it to be wondered at , that as well this , as other sciences , should have their beginning from commodiousnesse , and opportunity ; since , as is said in generation , it proceeds from imperfect to perfect ; therefore not without reason is the transition from sense to consideration , * and from consideration to the mind . As therefore among the Phaenicians , by reason of merchandise and traffick , the certain knowledge of numbers had its beginning ; so likewise among the Aegyptians , Geometry was found out upon the foresaid occasion ; and Thales going to Egypt , first brought over this science in●o Greece : and many things he found out himselfe , and taught his followers the principles of many things , declaring some more generally , other things more plainly . Next him Ameristus , brother to Stesichorus the Poet , is remembred , * as having touched Geometry , of whon Hippias the Elean makes mention , as eminent in that knowledge : After these Pythagoras considering the principles thereof more highly , advanced it into a liberall science . Sect. 1. Propositions invented by him . THat he improved ( as Proclus implies ) the Geometry which he learnt of the Aegyptians with many propositions of his own , is confirmed by Laertius , who saith , that he much advanced those things , the invention whereof Callimachus in his Iambicks , asscribes to Euphorbus the Phrygian , as scalenous triangles , and others . Nor is it to be doubted , but that many of them are of those , which Euclid hath reduced into his Elements ; whose design it was to collect and digest those that were invented by others , accurately demonstrating such as were more negligently proved , but of them only , these are known to be his . [ 1. Every Diameter divides its circle into two equall parts . * ] This proposition which Euclid makes part of the definition of a Diameter , * Proclus affirmes to have been first demonstrated by Thales . 2. [ * In all Isosceles triangles , the angles at the base are equall the one to the other , and those right lines being produced , the angles under the base are equall . ] * Proclus saith , that for the invention of this likewise , as of many other propositions , we are beholding to Thales , for he first observed and said , that of every Isosceles , the angels at the base are equall , and according to the antients called equall like . These are three passages in the demonstration , which infer nothing toward the conclusion , of which kind there are many in Euclid , and seem to confirm the antiquity thereof , and that it was lesse curiously reformed by him . 3. [ If two lines cut one the other , the verticle angles shall equall the one the other . ] * Eudemus attests this theorem to have been invented by Thales , but first demonstrated by Euclid . 4. [ * If two triangles have two angles equall to two angles the one to the other , and one side equall to one side , either that which is adjacent to the equall angles , or that which subtendeth one of the equall angles , they shall likewise have the other sides , equall to the other sides , both to both , and the remaining angle equall to the remaining angle ] * Eudemus attributes this theorem ( saith Proclus ) to Thales , for showing the distance of ships upon the Sea , in that manner as he is said to do , it is necessary that he perform it by this . Pamphila ( saith Laertius ) affirmes , that he first described the rectangle triangle of a circle . ] * Ramus attributes to Thales ( upon this authority of Laertius ) the second , third , fourth , and fifth propositions of the fourth book of Euclid , which are concerning the adscription of a triangle and a circle , and consequently takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to include both inscription , and circumscription ; whereas in all those propositions , there is nothing proper to a rectangle triangle ; so that if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be retain'd , it must relate to the 31 proposition of the third book , whence may be deduced the description of a rectangle triangle in a circle . But because there is no such proposition in Euclid , and this hath but an obscure reference to part of that theorem ; it is to be doubted that the Text of Laertius is corrupt , and the word ( or mark ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insered by accident , without which these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exactly correspond with those of * Vitru●●ius , ●ythagoricum trigonum orthogonium describere : by which he means ( as he at large expresseth * elsewhere , ) the forty fifth proposition of the first book of Euclid , that in rectangle triangles , the square of the hypotenuse , is equall to the square of the sides containing the right angle . That Vitruvius , Proclus , and others , attribute this invention to Pythagoras , confirmes it to be the same here meant by Laertius ; who addes , that Thales , for the invention hereof , sacrificed an Oxe , though others ( saith he ) among whom is Apollodorus , ascribe it to Pythagoras . And in the life of Pythagoras , he cites the same Apollodorus , that Pythagoras sacrificed a Hecatomb , having foundout , that the hypotenuse of a right angled triangle , is of equall power to the two sides , including the right angle according to the Epigram That noble scheme Pythagoras devis'd , For which a Hecatomb he sacrific'd . Cicero , though he differ in the Author , agrees in the quantity of the offering with Laertius ; affirming , that Pythagoras upon any new invention , used to sacrifice an Ox : Which kind of gratitude begun by Thales , was imitated by others also , as by Perseus . * Finding three spirall lines , in sections five , Perseus an offering to the Gods did give . Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramids . THe Pyramids of Egypt are supposed by * Solinus , * Ausonius , * Ammianus , * Marcellinus , and * Cassiodorus , to cast no shadow at all , which ( as Master Greaves hath observed in his excellent discourse upon this subject ) must be meant either of the summer time , or , which is neerer the truth , that for three quarters of the year , they have none at mid-day . For , that Thales by the shadow measured their height , is acknowledged . * Hieronymus saith , he measured the Pyramids by the shadow , observing when they are of equall bignesse . * Pliny affirmes , he found out a way to take the height of them , and all such like , by measuring the shadow , at what time it is equall to the body . But Plutarch hath given a more regular and exact account of his manner of operation , by erecting a staffe perpendicular upon the end of the shadow of the Pyramid , and by two triangles made by the beams of the Sun , he demonstrated , that what proportion there was between the shadows , the same was betwixt the Pyramid and the staffe : A demonstration so rationall , that it is the ordinary way of taking heights by shadowes , founded upon this theorem . * Of equiangle triangles , the sides that are about equall angles are proportionall , and the sides that subtend the equall angles are homologous . Which if Proclus had proceeded as far as the sixth book of Euclid , we should in all likelyhood have found ascribed to Thales ; for the same argument wherewith Eudemus proves him inventor of the fourth theorem in the foregoing Section , whereby he took distances , is of equall force in this , whereby he took altitudes . The height of the great Pyramid ( which Thales measured ) is by its perpendicular ( according to Mr. Greaves ) 499 feet , by its inclining ascent , 693 feet . CHAP. VIII . Of his Astronomy . OMitting the fable of Orpheus's Harp , alluding to the seven Planets , and the observations of Hesiod , which were little more then of the rising and setting of some principall Starres , ( so imperfect , that Plato calls all those who satisfie themselves with such superficiall knowledge , Astronomers according to Hesiod ) we may with Eudemus and others affirme , that Thales was the first of the Grecians that was skilfull in Astronomy . Which Science , * Pliny asserts to have been brought out of Phaenicia ; * Aristotle that the Grecians owe much of it to the Aegyptians , where it had been of a long time practised : Thither indeed * Thales acknowledgeth that he travelled to confer with Astronomers . Sect. 1. Of the Celestiall Sphears . THales , Pythagoras ( saith * Plutarch , repeated by * Sto●aeus ) with his followers affirm , that the Celestiall sphear is divided into five Circles ( which they call Zones ) whereof one is call , 〈◊〉 Artick , and is alwaies in view to us ; one the summer Tropick , one the Equinoctiall , one the winter Tropick , one the Antartick circle , never seen by us . The oblique Circle called the Zodiack , lyeth under the three middle circles , it 〈◊〉 them all three as it passeth , and each of them is cut in right angles by the Meridian , which goeth from Pole to Pole. Unjustly therefore is the invention of the Zones ascribed by * Posidonius to Parmenides ; and that of the obliquity of the Zodiack by * others to Anaximander , Pythagoras , or Aenipodes . * Eudemus saith , that he first observ'd the Tropicks ; Laertius , that he first found out the accession of the Sun from Tropick to Tropick . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not only the Solstices , but the Equinoxes likewise : * Sextus Empiricus . The Tropick signes are those into which the Sun comming , changeth and maketh conversions of the air ; such a sign is Aries , and the opposite to it Libra ; so also Capricorn and Cancer : for in Aries is made the vernall conversion , in Capricorn the winter , in Cancer the Summer , in Libra the autumnall . This exposition La●●tius confirmes , when he saith that Thales composed only two treatises , one of the Tropicks , the other of the Equinoctialls ; and that he distinguished the seasons of the year . Sect. 2. Of the Sun , Moon , and Starres . HE first observed the Apparent diameter of the Sun , which is the angle made in the eye , to be the 720 part of his orbe : This doubtlesse is the meaning of Laertius , his words these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then which reading , which implies the Sun to be 720 times lesser then the Moon , nothing is more ridiculous ; for knowing ( as is granted by all ) the cause of Eclipses , he must likewise know the Sun to be greater then the Moon nor is it much mended by those who read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The text seems rather to require 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or something to that effect , of which , thus * Archimedes , this we suppose when Aristarchus saith the Sun appeareth , as being the 720 part of the circle of the Zodiack ; for he considered how he might by instruments take the angle made in the eye by the Suns apparent diameter : but to take any such thing exactly is not easie ; for ne then the sight , nor the hand , nor the instruments wherewith the observation is made , are of credit sufficient to demonstrate it exactly . This correction Apuletus thus confirmes , In his declining age he made an excellent demonstration of the proportion of the Sun , which I have not only learned ( saith Apuleius ) but confirmed by practise , how many times the Suns magnitude is comprehended in the circle which his motion makes . This , as soon as he found out , Thales shew'd to Mandraytus of Priene , who being infin●tely delighted with this new and unexpected knowledge , bad him ask what he would in recompence for such an excellent invention : It will be reward enough for me , said Thales , if what you have learned of me , whensoever you communicate it to others , you professe me to be the Inventor . He first found out the constellation of the lesser Bear , * Callimachus He to Miletus sail'd , invited By Thales glory , who quick-sighted Is said t' have mark'd the lesser Bear , The starre by which Phoenicians steer . Higynus affirmes that he first called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bear. Sect. 3. Of Eclipses . HE was the first ( saith Laertius ) that foretold Eclipses , as Eudemus affirmes in his Astrologick history ; for which Zenophanes and Herodotus admire him ; attested also by Heraclitus and Democritus . Theon , Smyrnaeus , and Clemens Alexandrinus cite the same place of Eudemus ; the scope of whose book was the History of Astrologers , and what every one found out . Thus likewise Pliny , Amongst the Grecians , the first that search'd into Eclipses , was Thales , the Milesian . * Plutarch affirmes , that he was the first that observed the Eclipse of of the Sun , and said , that it was occasion'd by the Moon , comming in a direct line underneath him , which may be seen in a bason of water , or looking glass . * That the Eclipse of the Moon is caused by the shadow of the earth , which being placed betwixt these two starres , darkens the lesser . The testimony of Herodotus , alledg'd by Laertius is this : * A five years war was raised between the Ly●ians and the Medes , in which , sometimes the Medes had the better of the Lydians , sometimes the Lydians of the Medes , and one battle was fought by night : The war being thus equall on both sides , in the sixth year , the Armies being joyned , it hapned that as they were ●ighting , the day on a sudden became night ; which alteration of that day , Thales a Milesian had fortold the Ionians , designing the year wherein it should happen . The Lydians and Mea●s seeing the day turned to night , left off fighting , and laboured to conclude a mutuall peace , which by the mediation of Syennenses King of Cilicia , and Labnitus King of Babylon ( whom Scaliger conceives to be Nebuchadnezzar ) was concluded , with the marriage of Aryaena daughter of Alyattes , with Astyages , son of Cyaxares , ratifi'd by drinking blood . This is the story of that memorable Eclipse , the time whereof is uncertain : * Pliny placeth it in the fourth year of the fortie eight Olympiad , before the building of Rome 170 years : * Solinus in the 49 Olympiad , the 604 year after the destruction of ●roy ; which falls upon the first year of that Olympiad . * Clemens Alexandrinus ( citing Eudemus ) about the fiftieth Olympiad , at what time Cyaxares father of Astyages raigned in Media : Alyattes father of C●oesus in Lydia . Eusebius in the second year of the fortie eight Olympiad , 1430 years after Abraham . Cleomedes saith , it was totall in Hellespont in Alexandria , but of ten digits . * Iohannes Antiochenus saith , it continued many hours ; but they could , not exceed three . Of latter writers differing accounts thereof are delivered by these . Ricciolus placeth it before the incarnation 585 years , May 28. about 6 a clock in the afternoon , the digits eclipsed 12. 56. Calvisius before the incarnation 607 years . Olymp. 43. 4. differing from Pliny 18. years . The learned Bishop of Armagh , in the raign of Cyaxares Olymp . 44. 4. the 147 year of Nabonassar , the fourth day of the Egyptian Month Pachon , according to the Julian accompt Septemb . 20. feria 1. begining after Sun-rise 1● . 3●● . 25● . digits eclipsed 9. continuing almost two howers . Petavius Olympiad 45. 4. Julian period 4117. before the incarnation 597 , after the building of Rome 157. Iuly 9. feria 3 beginning after midnight 4● 45● digits eclipsed 9. 22● . continuance full two howers . Kocca confutes Petavius , because that eclips suits not with the circumstances of the story , as beginning too early in the morning , and being defective as to the quantity in Pontus and lesser Asia . Lansbergius , Olympiad 48. 3. the 163 year of Nabonassar , the 12 day of Tybi , which is May 28. digits eclipsed 12. 2●● in Hellespont : 10. 12● in Alexandria . Kepler , Scaliger , Buntingus , and Salianus , follow Pliny : digits eclipsed ( according to Buntingus ) 11. 30● . Neither is it easie to determine whether this variety arise from the incertainty of the Astronomers , or of the Chronologers . Sect. 4. Of the Year . Laertius saith , that he distinguished the seasons of the year , that he first called the last day of every month 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the thirtieth day : that he divided the year into three hundred sixtie five daies . This calculation of the year he seem'd to have learned in Egypt , where it was in use , thus explained and commended by * Herodotus , the Egyptians were of all men the first that found out the year , distinguishing it into twelve months ; this they gathered from the starres , and more iudiciously ( in my opinion ) then the Grecians , for as much as the Grecians every third year , intercalate a month to make up the time ; but the Aegyptians to the number of 360 daies , which twelve months make , adde yearly five daies , whereby the accompt of the circle of time returning into its selfe is made good . This was called in latter times , the Egyptian year ( perhaps because used by Ptolomy , who lived in Aegypt ) in distinction from the Iulian year , which was then used in all the western parts , and hath the addition of six howers : The most perfect is the Gregorian , consisting of three hundred sixty five daies , five houres , forty nine Minutes , twelve seconds . Sect. 5. His Astrologicall Praedictions . Thales being earnestly addicted to Astrologie , became obnoxious to the censure of some persons . As he was led abroad one night by an old woman , his Maid ( a * Thracian ) to look upon the Starres , he fell into a ditch ( wherein she purposely led him ) to whom as he complained , Thales , said she , do you think , when you cannot see those things that are at your feet , that you can understand the heavens ? He was also , for preferring this study before wealth , reproved by some friends , not without reproach to the Science , as conferring no advantage on its professors ; whereupon he thus vindicated himselfe and the art from that aspersion . When they upbraid him , saith * Aristotle , with his proverty , as if Philosophy were unprofitable , it is said , that he by Astrology , foreseeing the plenty of Olives that would be that year , before the winter was gone ( antequam florere caepissent , saith * Cicero ) gave earnest , and bought up all the places for oyle at Miletus , and Chios , which he did with little mony , there being no other chapman at that time to raise the price ; and when the time came that many were sought for in hast , he setting what rates on them he pleas'd , by this means got together much money , and then shew'd , that it was easie for Philosophers to be rich , if they would themselves , but that wealth was not their aim . To this Plutarch alludes , when he said , that Thales is reported to have practised Merchandise . CHAP. IX . His Morall Sentences . Of his Morall Sentences those are first to bee remembred which * Plutarch mentions upon this occasion . Amasis King of Egypt entring into contestation with the King of Aethiopia concerning wisedome , propounded these questions to be resolved by him ; what is oldest of all things , what fairest , what greatest , what wisest , what most common , what most profitable , what most hurtfull , what most powerfull , what most easie ? The answers of the Aethiopian were these , the oldest of things is time , the wisest Truth , the fairest Light , the most common Death , the most profitable God , the most hurtfull the Devill , the most powerfull Fortune , the most easie that which pleaseth . Thales demanded of Niloxenus , whether Amasis approved these solutions ? Niloxenus , who was sent by Amasis into Greece with these other questions to be resolved by the Sages , answered that with some he was satisfied , with others not ; and yet , replyes Thales , there is not one but is erroneus and betrayes ignorance . As for the first , how can it be defended that Time is the oldest of things , when one part of it is past , the other present , the third yet to come , for that which is to come must in reason be esteemed younger then all men or things ? Next to to affirme the truth is wisedome , is as much as if we should say , that the Light and seeing are all one . Againe , if he esteeme Light faire , why doth he forget the Sunne ? His answers concerning God and the Devill are bold and dangerous , but that of Fortune most improbable , for if she be so powerfull , how comes it that she is so easily changed . Nor is Death the most common , for it is not common to the Living . The most ancient of things is God , for he never had beginning or birth , the greatest place of the world containeth all other things , place containes the world ; the fairest the world , for whatsoever is order dispos'd , is part thereof . The wisest is time , for it hath found out all things already devis'd , and will find out all that shall be ; the most common hope , for that remaines with such as have nothing else ; the most profitable , vertue , for it muketh all things usefull & commodious * the most hurtfull vice , for it destroyeth all good things ; the most powerfull Necessity , for that onely is invincible ; the most easie , that which agreeth with nature , for even pleasures are many times given over and cloy us . To which Apothegmes these are added by Laertius , The swiftest of things is the mind , for it over-runs all . Hee affirmed that there is no difference betwixt life and death ; being there upon asked why hee did not die ; because saith he , there is no difference ; to one who asked which was eldest , night or day ; he answered night by a day ; Another enquiring whether a man might do ill and conceale it from the Gods ; not think it , said he . To an Adulterer questioning him if hee might not cleare himselfe by oath , * perjury , saies he , is no worse then Adultery : Being demanded what was difficult , he answered , To know ones selfe ; what easie , to bee ruled by another ; what sweet , to follow ones owne will ; what divine , that which hath neither beginning nor end . At his returne from travell , being demanded what was the strangest thing he had seen , hee answered , a Tyrant old . What will helpe to beare ill fortune ? to behold our enemies in worse . How shall a man live iustly ? by avoiding what he blames in others . Who is happy ? he who hath a sound body , a rich fortune , and a docile nature . * Plutarch adds these ; we may well report probable newes , but improbable should not be related . We ought not to beleeve our enemies incredible things , nor to distrust our friends in incredible . Periander being much troubled at a monster which a youth brought him , born of a Mare with the head onely of a horse , the rest resembling a man , he advised him not to take care for expiation of what the prodigy portended , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stobaeus these ; * Being demanded how far falshood was distant from truth , * as far saith he as the eyes from the eares . It is hard but good to know ourselves , for that is to live according to nature . His morall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus ; * if thou art a surety , losse is nigh ; Be equally mindfull of friends present and absent ; study not to beautifie thy face but they mind : enrich not thy selfe by unjust meanes . * Let not any words fall from thee which may accuse thee to him who hath committed anything in trust to thee . Cherish thy parents . Entertaine not evill . What thou bestowest on thy Parents thou shalt receive from thy children in thy old age . It is hard to understand well . The sweetest thing is to enjoy our desire . Idlenesse is troublesome . Intemperance hurtfull . Ignorance intolerable . Learne and teach better things . Be not idle though rich . Conceale thy domestick ills . To avoid envie be not pitiable . Use moderation . Beleeve not all . If a Governer , rule thyselfe . I follow those copies of Stobaeus , that ascribe these to Thales rather then to Pittacus , because the greater part are confirmed by Laertius . Ausonius hath reduced these into verse under his name . Feare ere thou sin , thy selfe though none elsenigh , Life fades , a glorious death can never die . Let not thy tongue discover thy intent , T is misery to dread , and not prevent . He helps his foes that justly reprehends . He that unjustly praiseth , harmes his friends . That 's not enough that to excesse extends . His Motto was according to Laertius , Know thyselfe ; according to * Didymus and * Higynus , if thou be a surety , losse is nigh : By * Hermippus , this is ascribed to him , though by others to Socrates : He gave thanks to fortune for three things : first , that he was born rationall , not a beast ; secondly , that a man , not a woman ; thirdly , that a Grecian , not a Barbarian . There are besides cited by Laertius , under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or loose verses , these sentences . Not many words much wisdome signifie , Choose one thing excellent , to which apply Thy mind , and stop the mouth of calumny . CHAP. 10. His judgment in Civill affaires . POliticks was , according to Laertius , his first study , in which his advice was of great Authority , though he were the only person ( as Cicero observes ) of the seven wisemen , that was not ruler of the City wherein he lived . Of his judgment herein we have two instances ; the first from * Herodotus ; Good also , even before the destruction of Ionia , was the advice of Thales , a Milesian , a farre off by descent Phoenician , who commanded the Ionians to build one common Councell Hall , and that in Teos , for that Teos is in the midst of Ionia , and the rest of the inhabited Cities , neverthelesse to be in repute , according as the Citizens were . The other cited by Laertius ( with no lesse applause ) is this , In the first year of the fifty eight Olympiad , Croesus King of Lydia , fearing the greatnesse of Cyrus , and encourag'd thereunto , as he conceiv'd , by the Oracle , sent Ambassadours and presents to the most considerable of the Grecians , perswading them to joyne with him in an expedition against Cyrus , which the Lacedaemonians with many others did : but Thales forbad the Milesians to enter into league with him . It appears ( addes Laertius ) that his advice in civil affairs was excellent ; for this thing ( Cyrus geuing the better ) preserv'd the Citty . Yet did he afford Croesus his particular assistance in passing his Army over Halys , as the Grecians affirme , though Herodotus be of a contrary opinion , who gives this account of both . When Croesus was come to the River Halys , then , I beleeve , by bridges that were there , he passed over his Army ; but the common report of the Grecians is , that Thales the Milesian was he who conveigh'd it over : For Croesus being doubtfull over what part of the River his Army should passe , there being in those daies no Bridges , Thales , who was in the sield with him , is said to have caused the River that did run on the left hand of the Army , to run also on the right , which he brought to pass thus . Beginning above the trench , he digged a deep trench , and brought it in the fashion of a halfe Moon , that the River being turned into the trench from the former channell at the back of the Army , and passing by the camp , came into the old channell again , so that assoon as the River was thus divided , ( which * Lucian saith , was done in one night ) it became fordable on either side : Some say that the old channell was quite made up , but that I do not beleeve , for then , how could they in their return passe over . That this is the meaning of Herodotus , mistaken by * Valla , will appear from the * scholiast of Aristophanes , who relates it in the same manner , not without applauding Thales for his excellency in Mechanicks . He was a great enemy to Tyrants , and accounted all Monarchy little better , as appears by Plutarch , who makes him speak thus : As for taking one for the other , ( viz. a Monarch for a Tyrant ) I am of the same mind with the young man , who throwing a stone at a Dog , hit his step-Mother ; it is no matter , said he , for even so , it lights not amisse , Truly I alwaies esteemed Solon very wise , for refusing to be King of his own Country : and Pittacus , if he had not taken upon him a Monarchy , would never have said , how hard it is to be a good man : and Periander being seiz'd ( as it were an hereditary disease derived from his father ) by the same Tyranny , did very well to endeavour as much as he could to disengage himselfe from it , by frequenting the conversation of the best men , inviting Sages , and Philosophers , and being invited by them , not approving the dangerous counsell of Thrasibulus , my countryman , who perswaded him to take off the heads of the chiefest . For a Tyrant , who chooseth rather to command slaves then free-men , is like a husbandman , who preferreth the gathering of locusts , and catching of foul , before reaping of good corn . These soveraign authorities have only this good , in recompense of many evills , a kind of honour and glory , if men be so happy , that in ruling good men , they themselves prove betterj as for such , who in their office aim at nothing but security , without respect of honour or honesty , they are fitter to be set over beasts then men . In the same Symposion , he gives this account of Monarchy , Democracy , and Oeconomicks . That Prince is happy , who lives till he is old , and dies a naturall death . That common-wealth is best ordered , where the citizens are neither too rich , nor too poor . That house is best , wherein the Master may live most at ease . CHAP. XI . Of his writings . Some a●●irme ( saith laertius ) that he lest nothing behind him in writing . Others that he writ , Of naturall Philosophy : Saint * Augustine saith , that Thales , to propagate his doctrine to succession , searched into the secrets of nature , and committing his opinions to monuments and Letters , grew famous . Of Nautick Astrology ( mentioned by * Simplicius ) which is by some ascribed to Phocus , a Samian . Of the Tropicks and Aequinoctialls : which two treatises Laertius , saith , he composed , as judging the rest easie to be understood . These seem to be those Astrologicall writings which * Lobon , an Argive , who writ concerning the Poets , affirmeth to have extended to two hundred verses . Of Meteors : a treatise in verse , mentioned by Suidas . The history of his own times : if we may give credit to * Iohannes Antiochenus , who saith , These things Thales , Castor , and Polybius most wise Authors , committed to writing , and after them Herodotus the historian : but perhaps this may be no more probable , then that Polybiu● and Castor should precede Herodotus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which those that are cited by Laertius , we have inserted among his morall sentences , for such they were , tending to the instruction of the common people , a kind of loose verse , comming nere prose , whence Demosthenes makes two kinds of Poets , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Casaubon observes ) those that write in meeter , and ( if we may so tearm it ) those that write in blank verse . Whatsoever Latertius in the lives of the seven wisemen produceth in this kind , seemeth not to be taken out of any Poet , but to have been written by the wise-men themselves : Epistles , of which two only are extant , preserved by Laertius . Thales to Pherecydes . I Hear , that you first of the Ionians , are about to publish a discourse to the Greeks concerning Religion , and * iustly you conceive that your worke ought rather to be laid in a publick library , then transmitted to uncertain persons : if therefore it may any way pleasure you , I will willingly conser with you about that which you have written , and if you desire , will visite you at Syrus ; for neither myselfe , nor Solon the Athentan should deserve the titles of wise-men , if we , who said to Creet to informe our selves of matters there , and into Aegypt , to conser with Priests and Astronomers , should not likewise make a journey to you : Solon also , if you think fit , will come . You who affect home seldome passe into Ionia , nor care to enioy the society of strangers ; we , who write nothing , spend our time in travelling through Greece and Asia . Thales to Solon . IF you leave Athens , you may , in my opinion , settle your selfe ( with those you take along with you ) at Miletus , for here is nothing to trouble you . If you dislike that we Milesians are governed by a ●yrant ( for you are averse to all Monarchs , even elective ) yet may you please your selfe in the society and conversation of me your friend . Bias likewise hath sent to invite you to Priene ; if to abide at Priene please you better , we will also come and dwell there with you . CHAP. XII . His Auditors and Schollers . THe first eminent person of those who heard Thales and profess'd his Philosophy , was Anaximander sonne of ●raxides a Milesian , who flourish'd in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos . Next is Anaximenes a Milesian also , sonne of Euristratus , ( who according to Eusebius ) flourished in the second yeare of the 56 th . Olympiad . He was Scholler to Anaximander and Parmenides ; But that he heard Thales also , he acknowledgeth in an * Epistle to Pythagoras . We may ( as in that Epistle Anaximenes doth ) amongst the disciples of Thales reckon Pythagoras the Samian , institutor of the Italick Sect , who being from his youth particularly addicted to investigation of Religious mysteries , addrest his first journey to Thales at Miletus , as to one that best could further his designe , being ( according to * Iamblichus ) not fully 18. yeares old ; which if we follow the accompt of Euseb. us for his birth ( the fourth yeare of the seventieth Olympiad ) and that of Sosicrates for his age eighty yeares ( for the rest , the farther they exceed that time , are so much the more incapable of reconcilement ) will fall about the second yeare of the fifty fourth Olympiad , ) which is the 82. of Thales . From Thales he received the Rudiments of that Excellence which he afterwards attained . This is acknowledged by * Iamblichus . Thales , saith he , entertaind him very kindly , admiring the difference between him and other youths , which exceeded the fame hee had receiv'd of him . After that he had instructed him as well as he was able in the Mathematicks , alledging for excuse his old age and infirmity , be advis'd him to goe to Aegypt , and to converse with the Memphian Priests , especially those of Iupiter , of whom he himselfe had in his Travells learned those things , for which by many he was esteem'd wises and * again , among other things Thales chiefely advis'd him to husband his time well , in respect whereof he a●tain'd from wine and flesh , onely eating such things as are light of digestion , by which meanes he procured shortnesse of sleepe , wakefulnesse , purity of minde , and constant health of body . CHAP. XIII . of his Death . THales having now liv'd to a great age , being full of honour and wisedome , * died in the first yeare of the fifty eight Olympiad ( when according to Pausanias Erxyclides was Archon ) as he was beholding the Olympick games , opprest with heate , thirst and the burden of his yeares which amounted to ninty two . Laertius under-reckons him to have lived but eighty seven yeares , having before acknowledged his birth to have beene in the first of the 35. Olympiad . * Petavius over-reckons , who makes him live to the end of the 58. which could not be , because he died spectator of the Olympick Games . * Lucian and * Sincellus more , who say he lived 100 yeares . Sosicrates comes nearest to the truth , who allowes him to have lived 90. yeares , and to have died in the 58. Olympiad ; for from the first of the 58. is 23. entyre Olympiads . The manner of his death gave Laertius occasion to favour him with this Epigram . Vewing th' Olympick games Elean Jove Thou didst wise Thales from that his race remove Nigher thy selfe ; and 't was well done , now old He could not well from Earth the Starrs behold . He was buried according to his owne appointment in a poore obscure part of the Milesian field , where he presag'd that in future times their Forum should be ; upon his Tomb this distich , Narrow the Tomb , the fame then heaven more wide Of wisest Thales , whom this earth doth hide . There was also a statue erected in honour of him bearing this subscription . Milesian Thales this doth represent , Who all in wise Astrology outwent . * There were five more of this name mentioned by Demetrius the Magnesi●a , an orator of Calatis , an affected imitator . A Painter of Sicyonia , of a great spirit . The third very antient , contemporary with Hesiod , Homer and Lycurgus ; The fourth mentioned by Duris : the fift of later times , by Dionysius in Criticis . * Laertius names Pherecydes as a detractour from Thales the Philosopher . SOLON . CHAP. I. Solon his Parents , Country , and Condition . PHilocles , cited by Didymus affirmes , that Solon's father was named Euphorion , but by the unanimous consent of all other writers , he was called Execestides , a person though of small fortune and account among the Citizens , yet of the most noble family in Athens , descended from Codrus , * Solon deriving himselfe from Neleus , son of Codrus , and from Neptune : * His Mother neer of kin to the Mother of Pisistratus ; * his Parents had another Son named Dropides , Archon , the year after Solon , from him was Plato descended . Solon was born ( according to La●rtius ) at Salamis , for which reason he desired at his death that his body might be carried thither ; but from his Parents and the place of his residence , he was sirnamed Athenian * His father by munificence and liberality brought his estate so low , as to want even necessaries : Solon ( ashamed to receive from any , being of a house which used to maintain others ) betook himselfe to Merchandise : others say , he travelled rather to improve his knowledge and experience , for he was a professed lover of wisdome , and even to his last used to say , I grow old learning ; riches he esteemed not much , but to grow rich like — him who abounds . In heaps of gold , as in rank corn his grounds In Mules and Horses , whilst his numerous wealth Made pleasing by uninterrupted health ; If to compleat these joyes , he be possest Of wife and children , he is truly blest . And elsewhere . Riches I wish , not riches that are plac'd In unjust means , for vengeance comes at last . SOLON . Many unjust grow rich , and pious poor , We would not change our virtue for their store . For constant virtue is a solid base : Riches from man to man uncertain pass . * Aristotle ranks Solon amongst the inferior sort of Citizens , whi●h ( saith he ) is manifest from his Elegies , meaning perhaps , some of these which Plutarch cites . * Lucian saith , he was extreamly poor : * Palaeologus , that he neither had nor valued wealth . CHAP. II. How by his means the Athenians took Salamis , Cyrrha , and the Thracian Chersonesus . MAny ( saith * Demosthenes ) of obscure and contemp●ible have become illustrious by profession of wisdome . Solon both living and dead flourish'd in extraordinary glory , to whom the utmost honours were not denyed , for he left a monument of his valour , the Megaraean Trophie , and of his wisdome , the recovery of Salamis ; the occasions these . * The Island Salamis revolted from the Athenians to the Megarenses ; * the Athenians having had a long troublesome war with the Magarenses for its recovery , grew at length so weary , that giving it over , they made a Law , forbidding any upon pain of death to speak or write any thing to perswade the City to re-attempt it : Solon brooking with much reluctance this ignominy , & seeing many young men in the City desirous to renew the war , ( though not daring to move it , by reason of the Edict ) counterfeited himselfe mad , which he caused to be given out through the City , and having privately composed some elegiack verses and got them by heart , came skipping into the ●orum with his Cap ( or as Laertius saith , a Garland ) on ; the people flocking about him , he went up into the place of the Cryer , and sung his Elegy beginning thus , A crier I , from Salamis the fair , Am come in verse this message to declare : * The lines wherewith they were most excited were these . Rather then Athens would , I ow'd my birth To Pholegondrian , or Sicinian earth : For men where ere I goe will say this is One of the Athenians that lost Salamis . And , Then lets to Salamis , renew our claime , And with the Isle recover our lost same . * This Poem was intituled Salamis , it consisted of a hundred verses , very elegant : when he had made an end of singing , it was much applauded by his friends , particularly by Pisistratus , who excited the Citizens to follow his advice : By this means the law was repealed , the war recommenced , wherein Solon was made Generall : the common report is , that taking Pisistratus along with him ( whence it is , that some ascribe the whole glory of the action to Pisistratus , of whom are Frontinus , Aeneas , and Justine ) he sailed to Colias , where finding all the women celebrating the festivall of Ceres , he sent a trusty messenger to Salamis , who pretending to be a runnagate , told the Megarenses , that if they would surprise the principall women of Athens , they should go immediately with him to Colias : The Megarenses believing what he said , manned a ship , and sent it along with him ; Solon , assoon as he saw the ship come from the Island , commanded the women to retire , and as many beardlesse young men to put on their gownes , head-tyre , and shoes , hiding daggers under their Garments , and so danced and plaid by the Sea-side , till the enemy were landed , & their ship at ●achor : By this time the Megarenses , deceived by their outward appearance , landed in great hast , and came upon them , thinking to take them away by force , * but they suddenly drawing their swords , shew'd themselves to be men , not women ; * the Megarenses were all slain , not one escaping , the Athenians going immediately to the Island took it . * Others deny it was taken in this manner , but that first receiving this answer from the Delphian Oracle , Let sacrifice be to those Hero's paid , Who under the Asopian ground are laid , And dead , are by the setting Sun survey'd . Solon by night sailed to the Island , and sacrificed burnt offerings to the Heroes , Periphemus , and Cichris ; then he received five hundred men of the Athenians , with condition , that if they gained the Island , the supream government thereof should be in them : Shipping his men in fisher boats , attended by one ship of thirty Oars , they cast anchor by Salamis , near a point opposite to Euboea : The Megarenses who were in Salamis hearing an uncertain rumor hereof , betook themselves confusedly to armes , sending forth a ship to bring them more certain intelligence from the enemy , which Solon , as soon as it came neer , took , and killing the Megarenses , manned with choice Athenians , whom he commanded to make directly for the Citty , with all possible secrecy ; in the mean time , he , with the rest of the A●henians , assaulted the Megarenses by Land , and whilst they were in sight , they who were in the ship , making hast , possest themselves of the Town . This relation is confirmed by their solemnitie , an Athenian ship comes thither first in silence , then falling on with cries and shouts , an armed man leaps forth , and runs directly towards the Scirradian Promontory , against those that come from the Land : hard by is the Temple of Mars built by Solon , for he overcame the Megarenses , and let go ransomelesse all those that escaped the misery of the war : * Aelian saith , he took two ships of the Megarenses , whereinto he put Athenian Officers , and Souldiers , bidding them put on the armour of the enemy , whereby deceiving the Megarenses , he slew many of them unarmed . * But the Megaren ses persisting in obstinacy , to the losse of many lives on both sides , the businesse was referred to the Lacedaemonians to be decided ; many affirme Solon alledg'd the authority of Homer , inserting a verse into his catalogue of ships , which he thus recited at the triall . Ajax twelve vessell ▪ brought to Salamis , And where the Athenian men had stood , rank'd his . ( By which second verse of his own making and addition he ●vinc'd , that Salamis of old belonged to the Athenians . ) But the Athenians esteem this relation fabulous , affirming , Solon demonstrated to the Judges , that Phylaeus and Eurisaces , sons of Ajax , being made free denizons by the Athenians , delivered this Island to them , and dwelt , one at Branco , in Attica , the other in Melita , whence there is a Tribe named Philaidae , from Philaeus , of which was Pisistratus . * He ov●rcame the Megarenses in an oration , getting the better of them , not with specious words , but weight of argument : * more cleerly to convince them , he instanced in the buriall of the dead , and inscription of the names of townes , used by those of Salamis , * as he shewed , by digging up some graves , after the manner of the Athenians , not of the Megarenses , for in Megara they buried their dead with their faces to the east , in Athens , to the west . But Hereas of Megara denying this , affirmes , the Megarenses buried also with their faces toward the west ; for further confirmation , Solon alledg'd , that the Athenians had for each man a severall Co●●in , the Megarenses buried three or foure in the same . It is said also , that Solon was much helped by certain Oracles of Apollo , wherein he calls Salamis Ionia . This cause was decided by five Spartans , Critolaidas , Amomphoretus , Hypsechidas , Anaxilas , and Cleomenes . * By this action , Solon grew into great esteem and honour , but he became [ not long after ] much more admired and cried up by the Greeks , * for speaking concerning the Temple at Delphi . The Cyrrhaeans committed many impieties against Apollo , * and cut off part of the land belonging to him . ] * Solon declared , that it behoved them to relieve it , and not to suffer the Cyrrhaeans to prophane the Oracle , but that they should vindicate the Gods cause . The Amphictions thus instigated by him , undertook the war with much eagernesse , as Aristotle a●●irms , ascribing to Solon the honour of that Enterprise . Aeschines saith , the motion made by Solon was confirmed by the Oracle . Some affirme he was made Generall , others Alcmaeon : But the whole Army of the Greeks was ( according to * Pausanias ) led by Clisthenes , ●yrant of Sycionia , along with whom they sent Solon from Athens to be his counsellor . * Suidas saith , he was chosen counsellor by those , who were pickt out for the service of that war. * Whilst Clisthenes besieged Cirrha , * they enquired concerning the victory , and from the Pythian Oracle , received this Answer . This Cities fort you shall not take before Blew Amphitrites swelling billowes roare Against my water wash't grove , and hallow'd shore . Where upon Solon advis'd to consecrate the Cyrrhaean field to Apollo , by which means the sea should touch sacred land . * He used also another stratagem against the Cirrhaeans ; the River Plistus which ran through the Cittie , he diverted another way , the Town holding out against the besiegers , some drunk well-water , others rain , which they saved in Cisterns . He caused roots of Hellebore to be thrown into Plistus , and when he found it was fully poison'd , turned the River again into its proper channell : The Cyrrhaeans drinking greedily of that water , were taken with a continuall flux , and forced thereby to give over the defence of their works : the Amphictions being possest of the Citty , punished the Cirrhaeans , and aveng'd the Gods. These two stratagems were ascribed to Clisthenes , the first by * Poliaenus , the second by * Frontinus , but the reason is apparent , he doing them by the direction of Solon * Solon perswaded also the Athenians to reduce into their power the Thracian Chersonesus . CHAP. III. How he composed differences and seditions at home , and was made Archon . * THe Cylonian impiety had for a long time vexed the City , ever since the complices of Cylon , having taken sanctuary , were perswaded by Megacles the Archon to put themselves upon a tryall , they laying hold of a threed which was tyed to the image of ●allas , when they came neer the images of the furies , the threed broke of it selfe , whereupon Megacles with the other Archons fell upon them , as persons disown'd by the Goddesse ; those that were without the Temple they stoned , those who run to the Altars , they were murdered ; they only escaped who sued to their wives , whence being called impious they were accounted odious : those that remained of the Cylonians were grown very rich , and had perpetuall enmity with the family of Megacles ; at what time this di●●ention was highest , and the people thereby divided into factions , Solon being of much authority amongst them , taking with him the chiefest of the City interposed betwixt them , and with intreatles and advice perswaded those who were called impious to submit to the judgment of three hundred of the chief Citizens : Miro was their accuser , they were condemned , the living to be banished , the bones of the dead to be digged up , and thrown beyond the confines of the country . During these commotions , the Megarenses took Nysaea , and recovered 〈◊〉 from the Athenians ; the City was full of superstitious terrors and apparitions ; the Priests declared , that the entralls of the sacrificed beasts imported great crimes and impieties , which required exp●ation . * There was also a great plague ; * the Oracle advis'd them to lustrate the City ; to this end they sent ( * Nicias , son of Niceratus with a ship ) * to fetch Epimenides out of Creet , who comming to Athens , was ●ntertained by Solon as a guest , ●onversed with him as a friend , instructed him in many things , and set him in the way of making Lawes . This lustration of the Citty Eusebius under-reckons , placing it in the second year of the fortie seventh Olympiad , whereas Solons being Archon , which certainly happened after this , was in the third of the ●ortie sixt . Suidas seems to over-reckon , ranking it in the fortie fourth : the opinion of * Laertius agrees best with the circumstances of the story , that it was in the fortie sixt . * The commotions of the Cylonei , being thus appeased , and the offendors extirpated , the people fell into their old difference about the government of the commonwealth , whereby they were divided into as many factions , as the Province contained distinctions of people ; the Citizens were Democraticall , the countrymen affected Olygarchy , the maritimes stood for a mixt kind of government , and hindred both the other parties from having the rule ; at the same time the City was in a dangerous condition , by reason of a dissension betwixt the rich and the poor , arising from their inequality , the businesse seemed impossible to be composed , but by a Monarchy ; the commons were generally oppressed by the mony which they had borrowed of the rich , and either had tilled their land , paying to them the sixth part of the crop , whence they were called Hectemoru , and Thetes , or ingaged their bodies to their creditors , whereof some served at home , others were sold abroad , many also ( there being no law to the contrary ) were necessitated to sell their children , and leave the City , through the cruelty of these usurers , the greatest part ( such as had most courage amongst them ) assembling together , mutually exhorted one another not to indure these things any longer , but choosing some trusty man to be their leader , to discharge those that paid not their mony at the set day , to share the land , and quite invert the State of the comwon-wealth . The discreetest amongst the Athenians looking upon Solon as a person free from any crime , ( neither ingaged in the oppressions of the rich , nor involved in the necessities of the poor ) intreated him to take charge of the common-wealth , and to compose the differences of the people . Phanias the Lesbian affirmeth , that for preservation of the State , he deceived both parties , promising under-hand to the poor , a division of the land ; the rich , to make good their contracts ; but that he first made scruples of undertaking the businesse , deterred by the avarice of the one , and insolence of the other ; he was chosen Archon , next after Cleombrotus ( * ( in the third year of the forty sixt Olympiad ) at what time he made his lawes also , being at once a peace-maker , and a law-giver , acceptable to the rich , as rich , and to the poor , as good ; the people had often in their mouths this saying of his , equality breeds no strife , which pleased alike both parties , one side understanding it of number and measure , the other of worth and vertue ; upon which hope , the most powerfull of both factions courted him much , and desired him to take upon him the tyranny of that common-wealth , which he had now in his power , offering themselves to his assistance : Many also of the moderate part seeing how laborious and difficult it would be to reform the state by reason and law , were not unwilling to have a Prince created , such an one as were most prudent and just : some affirme he received this Oracle from Apollo , Sit at the helm of state , their Pilot be , The common-wealth's glad to be steer'd by thee . But he was most of all reproved by his familiar friends , for being deterred by the name of a Tyrannie , as if the virtue of a King were not diffus'd through the Kingdome , instancing in Tynondas long since Tyrant of Euboea , and Pittacus at present of Mytelene : nothing they alledg'd could move him , he told them a Tyranny was a faire possession , but it had no passage out : to Phocus writing thus in verse , That I preserved free my native soile , Nor did with bloody Tyranny desile My honour , I not blush at by this deed , All that was done by others I exceed . Whereby it appears , he was of great authority before he writ his Lawes . The contumelies of such as reproved him for de●lining the government , he thus exprest in verse : Nor wise is Solon , nor good counsell knowes , For he resists the good that God bestowes , The prey within his power he did behold , But would not draw the Net ; thoughts meanly cold : Had but his soul with noble aims been ●ir'd , The Kingdome for one day he had desir'd , Then split , and all his family expir'd . CHAP. IIII. What alterations he made during his government , and first of the Sisacthia . * THough he refused the tyranny , yet he behaved not himselfe remissely in the government , not complying with the powerfull , nor making lawes to please those who had chosen him , where things were tollerable , he corrected nor altered nothing ; fearing , lest if he should change and confound the common-wealth in every particular , he should want strength to settle it again , and to temper it with the best reason ; but such things unto which he conceived he might perswade the obsequious , and compell the refractory , those he enacted ; joyning ( as he said ) force and justice , whence , being afterwards demanded if he had given the A●henians the best lawes , the best ( saith he ) they would receive . * The first change he made in the Government was this , hee ( * introduced the Sisachthia which was a discharge of bodies and goods , or as as Hesychius defines it , a law for remission of private and publick debts , so called from shaking off the oppression of usury : * for at that time they engaged their bodies for payment , and many through want were constrained to serve their creditors , he therefor ordained ) that for the time past , all debts should be acquitted , and for the future , no security should be taken upon the body of any ; this by a moderate term he called Sisachthia ; there want not ( of whom is Androtion ) who affirmed he contented the poor , not by an absolute discharge of the debt , but by moderating the interest , which he called Sysacthia ; whereto he added the increase of measures , and valuation of mony ; for the Mina which was before 73 drachmes , he made a hundred : by this means the poorer sort paid a greater summe in lesse coyne , which was a great ease to the debtor , and no wrong to the creditor . but the greater part hold it was an absolute discharge , which agreeth best with the verses of Solon , wherein he boasteth he had removed the bounds throug●out the land ▪ f●eed such as were under oppression , called home those , who being forced to travail , had forgotten their native language , and others that were at home under ●ondage , set at liberty . The same Law , * Diodorus Siculus observes to be among the Egyptians , conceiving Solon ( though as yet he had not been there ) derived it from them . * But in this design a great misfortune befell him , whilst he endeavoured to redresse the oppression of usury , and was studying how to begin an oration suitable to the thing , he acquainted his intimate friends in whom he reposed most confidence , Conori , Clinias , and Hipponicus , that he meant not to meddle with land , but to cut off all debts ; they ( preventing the Edict ) borrowed of the rich great summes of money , wherewith they purchased much land ; the Edict being published , they enjoyed their purchase , without satisfying their creditours : Solon was much blamed , as not defrauded with the rest , but as being a defrauder with those , and a partaker of their cousenage ; but this imputation was imediately washed away with ●ive Talents , so much he had forth at interrest , which he first , according to the law , blotted out , ( Laertius saith six , perswading others to do the like ) others , of whom is Polyz●lus the Rhodian , fifteen ; but his friends were ever after called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * This pleased neither parts ; he discontented the rich by cancelling their ●onds , the poor more , not making good a parity of estates , which they expected , as Lycurgus had done , he being the eleventh from Hercules , having raigned many years in Lacedaemon , great in authority , friends , and wealth , whereby he was able to make good what he thought convenient for the state , rather by force then perswasion , even to the losse of his eye , effected as a thing most expedient to the preservation and peace of the common-wealth , that none of the Citizens were either rich or poor : but Solon attained not this in the common-wealth , he was one of the people , and of a mean degree ; yet he omited nothing within his power , carried on by his own judgment , and the faith which the Citizens had in him ; that he displeased many , who expected other things , is thus acknowledged by himselfe . Before they look'd vpon me kindly , now With eyes severe , and a contracted brow : Had any else my power , he would exact Their riches , and their fattest milk extract . But both parties soon found how much this conduced to the generall good , and laying aside their private differences , sacrificed together , calling the sacrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . CHAP. 5. How he divid●d the people into Classes , and ●rected Courts of Iudicatory . HEreupon they chose So●on reformer and Law giver of the Commonwealth , * not limitting him to any thing , but submitting all to his power , Magistracies , Convocations , Judgements , Courts to take an accompt of them , to prescribe what number and times he pleased ; to disanull or rati●ie of the present law what he thought good . * First , then he quite abolished all the Lawes of Draco , except for murther , because of their rigidnesse and severity , for he punished almost all offences with death ; as that they who were surprised in Idlenesse should be put to death ; they who stole hearbs or apples should undergoe the same punishment with such as had committed murther , or sacriledge ; whence Demades wittily said , Dreco writt his lawes not in inke , but blood ; he being asked why he punished all offences with death , answered , he conceived the leas● deserved so much , and he knew no more for the greatest ; * Herodicus ●lluding to his name , said his lawes were not of a man , but of a Dragon , they were so rigid ; And Aristotle saith , there was nothing in them extraordinary and worthy of memory , but that soverity and grea●nesse of penalty which was so excessive , that * not by any edict or command , but by a silent and expressed consent amongst the Athenians they were laid aside ; afterwards they used the milder lawes made by Solon , differing even in name , the first being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Those of Draco were made in the 39th Olympiad , 47 yeares ( as * Vlpian accompts ) before these of Solon . * Next , Solon ( being desirous that all offices might continue as they were , in the hands of the rich , but that other priviledges of the Common-welth , from which the people were excluded , might be promiscuously disposed , ) tooke an accompt and valuation of the people [ * and divided them into foure orders ] those whose stock of dry and liquid fruits amounted to 500. measures he ranked in the first place , and called Pentacosiomedimni , [ * these paid a talent to the publique treasury . ] In the second classe were those who were able to maintaine a horse , or received 300. measures , these he called [ * for that reason ] horsemen ; they paid hal●e a talent . The third classe were Zengitae ( * so called because ) they had 200. measures of both sorts , * these paid 10. minae , the rest were all called Th●tes , whom he suffered not to be capable of any Magistracy , neither did they pay any thing , but onely had so far interest in the common wealth , as to have a suffrage in the publique Convocation , & at Judgements , which at first seemed nothing , but afterwards appeared to be of great consequence ; for in whatsoever was brought before the Judges , he gave them leave ( if they would ) to appeale to the common forum ; moreover writing his lawes obscurely and perplexedly , he increased the power of the forum , for not being able to determine controversies by the Law , they were forced to have recourse to the Judges , as Masters of the law ; this equality he himselfe thus expresseth , The Commons I sufficient power allow Honour from none I tooke , on none bestowd , Those who in power or wealth the rest outshin'd ▪ In bounds of moderation I confin'd ; To either part I was a ●irme defence , And neither did allow preheminence . Hither * Seneca alluding saith , Solon founded Athens upon equall right and * Justine he carried himselfe with such temper between the commons and the Senate , that he attracted equall favour from both , he suffered no man ( saith * Aeneus Gazeus ) to have a peculiar law , but made all men subject to the same . * He likewise ( continues Plutarch ) constituted the court of the Areopagus , consisting of the yearely Archons , whereof himselfe ( being the chiefe ) was one ; perceiving the people to be much exalted and enboldened by the remission of their debts , he ordained a second Court of Judicature , selecting out of each tribe ( which were in all foure ) a hundred persons , who should resolve upon all decrees before they were reported to the people ; nor should any thing be brought to them , untill it had first past the Senate : the supreame Senate he appointed Judge and preserver of the lawes , conceiving the City would be lesse apt to float up and downe , and the people become more setled , relying upon these two Courts , as on two Anchors ; thus the greater part of writers make Solon institutor of the Court of Areopagus , ( of whom also is * Cicero ) whichseems to be confirmed , in that Draco never mentions the Areopagites , but in criminall causes alwaies names the Ephetae ; but the eighth law of the thirtieth table of Solon hath these words , Those who were branded with infamy before Solon was Archon , let them be restored to their fame , except such as were condemned by the Areopagites or by the Ephetae , &c. And it is certaine , that the Court of Areopagus was long before Solons time , untill then consisting promiscuously of such persons as were eminent for Nobility , power , or riches , but Solon reformed it , ordaining none should be thereof , but such as had first undergone the office of Archon . See Meursius Areop . cap. 3. * Pollux saith , that Solon ordained a thousand men to ●udge all accusations ; * Demetrius Phalereus , that he constituted the Demarci , first called Nauclari . CHAP. VI. His Lawes . HAving thus disposed the common-wealth , and Courts of Judicature , he in the next place applyed himselfe to making lawes , which he performed so excellently , that he is generally remembered under that notion , which Minos of Creet , and Lycurgus of Lacedaemon , whose lawes those of Solon exceeded , ( as * Tacitus saith ) both in exquisitenesse and number : * of how much greater esteem they were then all before them , may be computed from this , that they were the last , and continued alwaies in the Ci●ty : They , for whom they were made , thought them more illustrious then their publick ornaments , which transcended those of all other Cities , more impregnable then their Tower , which they accounted the strongest of all upon earth , and far better then th●se things wherein they gloried most : * nor were they of lesse esteem among forraign nations , insomuch that the Romans * agreeing concerning lawes in generall , but differing about the law-giver , sent Embassadours to Athens , Sp. Posthumius Albus , A. Manlius , P. Sulpitius Camerinus , commanding them to transcribe the renowned lawes of Solon : * which transferred out of the books of Solon the D●cemviri expounded in the twelve Tables . Hence * Ammianus Ma●cellinus saith , that Solon assisted by the sentences of the Aegyptian Priests , having with just moderation framed lawes , added also to the Roman state the greatest foundation . Of his lawes , these have been preserved by Plutarch , and others . * If any man were beaten , hurt , or violently treated , whosoever had the means and will , might sue the offendour . Thus ( saith Plutarch ) he wisely brought the Citizens to a mutuall sence of one anothers hurts , as if done to a limb of their own body . * Of infamous persons , let all such as were infamous before the government of Solon , be restored to their fame , excepting whosoever were condemned by the Ephetae , or in the ●rytanaeum by the Magistrates , banished for murder , theft , or aspiring to tyrannie . This was the eight Law of the thirteenth Table . There were two kinds of infamy , by the lesser a man was degraded and made uncapable of all honour or office in the common-wealth ; by the greater , he and his children were lyable to be killed by any man , and he not to be questioned for it . * Of his lawes , those seem most singular and paradoxall , which declare him infamous , who in a sedition takes neither part : it is cited out of Aristotle by * Agellius in these words : If through discord and dissention , any sedition and difference divided the people into two factions , whereupon with exasperated minds both parties take up armes and fight ; he , who at that time , and upon that occasion of civill discord shall not engage himselfe on either side , but solitary and separated from the common evill of the Citty ●ithdraw himselfe , let him be deprived of house , country and goods by banishment . * He would not that any one saving himselfe harmlesse , should he insensible of the common calamity , or boast himselfe to have no share in the publick grief , but that instantly applying himselfe to the better and juster side he should interest himselfe in the common danger , and assist , rather then out of all hazard , expect which side should get the better . When we did read ( saith Agellius ) this law of Solon , a person indued with singular wisdome , at first were mained in great suspence and admiration , enquiring for what reason he judged those worthie of punishment , who withdrew themselves from sedition and civill war ; then one whose sight pierced more deeply into the use and meaning of the law , affirmed , the intent thereof was not to encrease , but appease sedition ; and so indeed it is , for if all good persons , who in the beginning are too few to restrain a sedition , should not deterre the distracted raging people , but dividing themselves , adhere to either side , it would follow , that they being separated as partakers of both factions , the parties might be temper'd and govern'd by them , as being persons of greatest authority ; by which means they might restore them to peace , and reconcile them , governing and moderating that side whereof they are , and desiring much rather the adverse party should be preserved then destroyed . * Cicero citing this law , averreth the punishment to have been capitall , perhaps understanding infamy here of the more severe kind . Absurd & ridiculous ( saith Plutarch ) seemeth that Law which alloweth an inheritrix , if he who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master be impotem , to admit any of her husbands neerest kindred . But some averre it is just , as to those , who though they are impotent , yet will marry rich heires for their mony , and by the priviledge of law wrong nature ; for when they see it lawfull for the heir to admit whom she pleaseth , either they will refrain from such marriages , or undergoe them with the reproach of avarice and dishonesty : It is well ordered also , that she may not admit any one , but only whom she will of her husbands kindred , whereby the issue may be of his family and race . * Hither likewise it tends , that the Bride be shut up in a room with the Bridegroom , and eat a Quince with him . ( Intimating , according to * ●lutarchs interpretation , that the first grace of her lips and voyce should be agreeable and sweet ) and that he who marrieth an heir , be obliged to visit her thrice a month at the least : For though they have not children , this argues a respect due to a chast wife , and prevents or reconciles unkindnesse and dissention . Those words of the former law , He who possesseth her by law as her Lord and Master , have reference to another Law of his , mentioned by * Diodorus Siculus , that the next of kin to an heir might by law require ho● in marriage , and she likewise might require him that was next of kin who was obliged to marry her , though never so poor , or to pay 500 Drachms for her dowry . Hereto * Terence alludes . The Law commands an heir to marry with Her Husbands next of kin , and him to take her . And to the putting her off without a dowry of 500 drachms , ( that is five minae ) * elsewhere . Though I be injur'd thus , yet rather then ●le be contentious , or bound still to hear thee , Since she 's my kinswoman , take hence with her The Domen the law enjoynes me , here 's five pound . * In all other marriages he forbad dowries , ordaining that a Bride should bring with her no more then three gowns , and some slight houshold-stuffe , of small vale● , the particulars whereof were expressed , as * Pollux seemes to imply , for he would not that marriage should be m●cenary or vendible , but that the man and woman should co-habit for issue , love , and friendship . Hither * Isidor alludes , amongst the Athenians legall marriage was said to be contracted , in respect of issue . That Law of his also was comm●nded , as * Demosthenes and ●lutarch attest , which forbad to revile the dead , Let no man revile any dead person , though provoked by the revilings of his children . * To esteem the deceased holy is pious , to spare the absent just , to take away the eternity of hatred civill . * He forbad to revile any living person at sacred solemnities , Courts of Iudicature , and publick spectacles , upon penalty of three drach● to be paid to the reviled person , two more to the common treasury . To moderate anger no where he accounted rude and disorderly , every where difficult , to some impossible . A law must be accommodated to what is possible , intending to punish some few , to advantage not many to no purpose . * His law concerning testaments is much approved ; for before , no man had power to make a will , but his goods and lands continued in the family of the deceased person : Solon made it lawfull for him that had no children to give his estate to whom he pleased . he preferred friendship before kindred , and favour before necessity , and ordered , that wealth should be at the disposall of him in whose hands it was : yet he permitted not this rashly , or absolutely , but conditionally , If he were not wrought upon by sickness , potions , bondage , or the blandishments of a wife . Justly he esteemed it all one whether a man be seduced by indirect means , or violently constrained , thus comparing deceit with force , and pleasure with pain , as being of equall power to put a man out of his right mind . This Law is mentioned likewise by * Demosthenes . * He also limited the visits ▪ mournings , and feasts of women , by a law which curbed their former licentiousnesse . Her who went abroad , he permitted not to carry with her above three gownes , nor more meat and drink then might be bought with an obolus , nor a basket above a cubit in bignesse , nor to travell by night , unlesse in a chariot , and with torch-light : He ●orbad them to tear their cheeks to procure mourning and lamentation , at the funeralls of those , to whom they have no re●ion . He forbad to sacrifice an Ox at funeralls , and to bury more then three garments with the dead body ; not to approach the monuments of strangers unlesse at their exequies . Of which ( saith Plutarch ) our lawes are full : * Cicero also affirmes , that the lawes of the twelve Tables for contracting the pomp of funerals , and concerning mourning , are transferred from those of Solon , who ( as Phalereus writes ) assoon as funeralls began to be solemnised with pomp and lamentation , took them away : which Law the Decemviri put into the tenth table , almost in the very same words , for that of 3 neighbourhoods and most of the rest are Solons , that of mourning in his expresse words , Let not women tear their cheeks , nor make lamentation at a funerall . * Considering that the City grew very populous , many recurring thither from all parts of Attica , for liberty and security , that the country was for the most part barren and bad , that such as trade by sea import nothing for those , that have not wherewith to batter or exchange with them , he addicted the Citizens to arts , and made a law , that the son should n●t be obliged to maintain his father , if he had not brought him up to a trade ( mentioned also by * Vit●uvius , * Galen , * Theophylact , and others ) and commanded the court of A●eopagus to examine by what gain every man maintained himselfe , and to punish idle persons , whom he made liable to the action of every man , and at the third conviction punished with infamy . This law , * Herodotus , and * Diodorus Siculus affirme to have been in use amongst the Aegyptians , made by Amasis , and from them divided by Solon to the Athenians . * Yet more severe was that mentioned by Heraclides of Pontus , which disengaged the sons of concubines from maintaining their fathers . He who transgresseth the bounds of marriage , professeth he doth it not out of desire of issue , but for pleasure , and therefore already hath his reward , and can expect to have no further tye upon those he begets , whose birth is their shame . * Most incongruous seem those laws of Solon which concern women , for he permitted that , whosoever surprised an adulterer ( with the wife or * concubine of any ) might kill him , ( or exact mony of him ) he that ravished a free woman was fined 100 Drachmes , he that plaid the pandor , 20 ( * Aeschines saith to die ) except to such women as were common . He also forbad any man to give his sister or daughter to that profession , unlesse himselfe first surprise her with a man. This ( saith Plutarch ) seemes absurd , to punish the same offence sometimes severely with death , sometimes with a pecuniary mulct , unlesse , because at that time mony was very rare in Athens , the scarcity thereof aggravated the punishment . * He assigned five hundred drachmes to the victor of the Isthmian games , a hundred to the Victor of the Olympick : attested also by Laertius , who saith , he contracted the rewards of the Athletas , judging them dangerous victors , and that they were crowned rather against , then for their country . * Whosover brought a hee-wolfe was to receive five drachms , for a shee-wolfe one ; according to Demetreus Phalereus , this being the price of a sheep , that of an Ox. It is customary with the Athenians , that such as have grounds fitter for pasture then plowing , make war with the wolves . * For asmuch as there is such scarcity of Rivers , Lakes , and Springs in the country , that they are constrained to dig wells , he made a Law , where there was a common well within a Hippicon , they should make use of it . ( A Hippicon is the distance of foure furlongs ) they that lived further off should procure water of their own , and if when they have digged ten fathom deep , they find not any , they might be allowed to fill a pitcher of six gallons twice a day at their neighbours well . * These exact rules he prescribed for planting : Whosoever planted any young Tree in his ground , should set it five foot distant from his neighbours , who a Fig-tree or Olive-tree , nine : Because the roots of these spread far , nor is their neighbourhood harmlesse to all , but sucks away the nourishment , and to some their blatt is prejudiciall . * Whosoever diggeth any hole or ditch must make it so far distant from his , neighbours , as it is deep . These are confirmed by * Caius , adding ; whosoever makes a hedge to divide himselfe from his neighbour , must not exceed his own bounds ; if a wall , he must leave the space of a foot , if a house , two feet , if a well , a fathom . Whosoever placeth a hive of bees , should observe the distance of thirtie feet , from those that were before placed by his neighbour . * He commanded the Archons to curse him who exported any thing ou● of the Country , or that he should pay a hundred Drachmes to the publike treasury , whereby they are not to be rejected , who say , that of old the exportation of figgs was prohibited , and that he , who discover'd exporter , was called a Sycophant . * He made a law concerning such as should be hurt by a dog , wherein he ordained , the dog that bit to be bound in a chaine foure cubits long . * This law concerning Denization is difficult , That none should be made free of the City , except such as were banished for ever out of their o●ne Country , or came to Athens with their whole families to exercise some trade ; this he did not to drive away forraigners , but to invite them to Athens by certainty of admittance into the City , conceiving such would be faithfull , those out of necessity , these out of good-will . * Likewise to be feasted in the publike hall was the peculiar institution of Solon , which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not permitting the same person to eat there frequently : but if he who were invited , would not accept of it , he was punished , conceiving this a contempt of the publique honour , that an inordinate appetite . Hitherto Plutarch : these following are recited by Laertius . If any one maintain not his Parents , let him be infamous , as likewise he that devours his patrimony . Hither * Aeschines alludes ; in the fourth place with whom hath he to do ? If any man by prodigality hath consumed his patrimony or hereditary goods ; for he conceived , he who had ordered his own family ill , would in the same manner take care of the common-wealth ; neither did the law-giver imagine it possible , that the same person should be privately wicked , and publickly good , or that it were fitting such a one should go up into the chair , who took more care to frame an oration , then to compose his life . * He forbad such as haunted common women to plead ; confirmed by Aeschines . * In the third place with whom hath he to do ? If any man ( saith he ) be a haunter of common women , or procure mony by such means ; for he conceived , such a one as sold his own fame for mony , would easily sell the businesse of the state . And * Demosthenes , it is worth inquiry and consideration , Atheniens , how great care , Solon , the author of this law , had in the common-wealth in all those which he made , and how particularly solicitous he was herein above all other things , which as it is evident by many other lawes , so also by this , which forbids those qui s● prostituerunt , either to plead or judge in publick . * He augmented the rewards of such as should die in war , whose sons he ordered to be brought up and instructed at the publick charge . * Aristides , thou alone of all men didst ordain these three things by law , that such as died for their country should be annually praised publickly at their sepulchers , their children , till grown men , maintained at the publick charge , then sent back to their fathers house with compleat armes ; likewise that infirm Citizens should be maintain'd at the publick charge . * Plato adds that the same indulgence was allowed to the parents ; you know the care of the common wealth , which in the lawes concerning the children and parents of such as died in the war , commands the supream Mag●strate to take care , that the parents of those that died in the war , above all other Citizens should not receive any injury . The state brings up the children also : Hereby , saith Laertius , they became eager of ●ame and honour in war , as Polyzelus , as Cynegirus , as all those in the Marathonian fight : to whom may be aded Harmodius , Aristogiton , Miltiades , and infinite others . * Let not a guardian marry the mother of his ward , nor let not any one be ward to him , who , if he die , shall inherit his estate ; confirm'd by * Syrianus , * Marcellinus , and others , who adde , that the same law forbad the ward to marry her guardians son . * Let not a graver keep the impression of any seal after he h●th sold it . * If any man put out the eye of another , who had but one , he shall lose both his own . His law concerning theft , Laer●ius expresseth thus ; What thou laidst no● down , take not up , otherwise the punishment death . * Aeschines addes , if they confessed themselves guilty : others affirm the punishment was only to pay double the value , of whom is * Agellius and * Hermogenes , who affirme , the law made that distinction betwixt sacriledge and theft , punishing the first with death , the latter with double restitution . * Dem●sthenes cleers this , reciting this law exactly in these words , If any man steal in the day time above fiftie drachms , he may be carried to the eleven officers , if he ste●l any thing by night , it shall be lawfull for any to kill him , or in the pursuit to wound him , and to carry him to the eleven officers . Whosoever is convict of such offences , as are liable to chaines , shall not be capable of giving bail for his theft , but his punishment shall be death , and if any one steal out of the Lyceum , or the Academy , or Cynosarges , a garment or a small vessell of wine , or any other thing of little value , or some vesell out of the Gymnasia , or havens , he shall be punished with death ; but if any man shall be convict privately of theft , it shall be lawfull for him to pay a double value , and it shall be also at the pleasure of the convictor , besides payment of mony , to put him in chaines five daies , and as many nights , so as all men may see him bound . * Even those who stole dung , were by Solon 's law liable to punishment . * That if an Archon were taken drunk , he should be punisht with death . To those recited by Laertius , adde these collected from others . He allowed brothers & sisters by the same father to marry , & prohibited only brothers & sisters of the same venter ; Whereas contrariwise ( saith * Philo ) the Lacedaemonian law-giver allowed these , and prohibited those . Hence * Cornelius Nepos affirmes , Cimon married his sister Elpinice , invited , not more by love , then the Athenian custom , which allowes to marry a sister by the same father . * He writ according to the manner of the antients , severally concerning the discipline of Matrons , for a woman taken in Adultery he permi●ted not to weare ornaments , nor to come into publick Temples , lest by her presence she should corrupt modest women ; if she came into a temple , or adorned her selfe , he commanded every one to rend her garments , to tear off her ornaments , and to beat her , but not to kill , or maim her ; By this means depriving such a woman of all honour , and giving her a life more bitter then death . This is also ●●●firmed by * Demosthenes , who addes , If any man surprise an Adulterer it shall not be lawfull for him who took them to have the woman in marriage , if he continue to keep her as his wise , let him be infamous . * Let the dead bodie be laid out within the house , according as he gave order , and the day following before Sun-rise carried forth ; whilst the body is carrying to the grave , let the men go before , the women follow ; it shall not be lawfull for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead , and to follow the body to the grave , under threescore years of age , excepting those within the degree of cosens , nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of the deceased after the body is carried forth , excepting those who are within the degree of cosens . * Concerning sepulchers , he saith no more , then that no man shall demolish them , or bring any new thing into them ; and he shall be punished , whosoever violates , casts down , or breaks any tomb , monument , or columne . * If any one light upon the dead body of a man un●uried , let him throw earth upon it . * Whosoever shall dislike a received Law , let him first accuse it , then if it be abrogated , substitute another : The manner whereof is largely expressed by Demosthen●s . He ordained ( according to * Libanius ) that Children should be obliged to persorm all due offices to their parents . * Sextus saith , he made a Law of indemnity , whereby he allowed any man to kill his son ; but * Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmes , he permitted them to turn their children out of dores , and to disenherit them , but nothing more . * He ordained that all such as d●clined to be engaged in war , or forsook the Army , or was a Coward , should have all one punishment , to be driven out of the bounds of the forum , not permitted to wear a garland , or to enter into publick Temples . * If any one be seized on , for having abused his parents , or forsaken his colours , or being forbidden by law , hath gone into places where he ought not , let the eleven officers take and bind him , and carry him into the Heliaea , it shall be lawfull for any one that will to accuse him , and if he be cast , it shall be at the judgment of the Heliaea to impose what punishment or fine they should think sit , if a fine , let him be kept in setters till it be paid . * He permitted not a man to sell unguents , as being an effeminate office . * As concerning Orators , he ordered , that the Eldest of the citizens should goe up first into the pleaders chaire modestly without tumult and perturbation to move , he out of experience should conceive best for the commonwealth ; then that every Citizen according to his age should severally and in order declare his judgement . * He ordered that a Citizen of Athens should be tried no where bu● at Athens . * He commanded that no young man should beare the office of a Magistrate , nor be admitted to counsell , though he were esteemed exceeding wise . * For the common people he ordained slow punishments , for Magistrates and Rulers of the people sodaine , conceiving those might be punished at any time , but that the correction of these would admit no delay . * As for the Gods and their worship , hee decreed nothing , * nor against Parricides , answering those who questioned him about it , he did not thinke any could be so wicked . CHAP. VII . Of the Axes and Cyrbes , Senators Oath , and other institutions of Solon . * THese Lawes he ratified for a hundred yeares ; They were * 〈◊〉 in different tables ; * Those which concerned private actions , in oblong quadrangular tables of wood , with cases , which reached from the ground and turned about upon a pin like a wheele , whence they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * placed first in the tower , then brought into the Prytanaeum that al might see them , where there were some remaines of them in Plutarch's time . Those which concerned * publike orders and sacrifices , in * triangular tables of stone called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either from * Cyrbus who tooke the accompt of every mans estate , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or from the Corybantes , * to whom the invention thereof is by some ascribed . * These were placed in the Porticus regia ; * Both the Axes and Cyrbes were written after the same manner as oxen to turne in ploughing ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) whence Demosthenes calls that law the lowest which beginneth on the left side . * The Senate tooke one common oath to make good the lawes of Solon for a hundred yeares , each of the Thesmothetae sworne in the Forum at the Criers stone , if he violated them , to dedicate a golden statute of equall weight with himselfe at Delphi . Some particulars of the oath imposed by Solon mentioned by severall Authors ( as , not to abrogate his lawes , by Plutarch , to admit no young man to be judge , by * Stobaeu ; ●o heare impartially bot● the plaintiffe and defendant , by * Demosthenes ; ) argue it to bee the same which the same * Author delivers in these words . I will declare my opinion according to the lawes of the Athenians , and five hundred Senators . By no assistance from me shall Tyranny or oligarchy bee admitted , I will never side with him who hath corrupted the people or intends or indevors it . I will never suffer any new tables or any division of those already received , or a parity of lands or goods . I will never call home any banished or confined person , I will consent that he be expelled the City who denies these lawes decreed by the Senate , confirmed by the people , I will never permit any to be injured ; I will never constitute any Magistrate before he hath given account of his last Magistracy . I will never permit the same man to be chosen twice in one yeare , or at once to hold two offices . I will neither take , nor suffer any to take bribes or rewards . I am thirty yeares old , I will heare impartially both plaintiffe and defendant , & condemne without excuse those that deserve it . I sweare by Jove , by Neptune and by Ceres , may they destroy me , my house and children , If I observe not all these particulars . Hence perhaps it is that * Hesychius affimes Solon in his lawes to have ordained an oath by three Gods. Considering the irregularity of moneths , and the course of the Moone , which agreed not alwaies with the rising and setting of the Sun , but some times overtooke and went past him in one day , he called that day the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 last and first , attributing that part which precedes the conjunction to the last moneth , the rest to the beginning of the next . Thus * he taught the Athenians to accommodate the reckoning of their dayes to the motion of the Moone : * and was ( as it appeares ) the first who understood rightly that of Homer . When one moneth ended and the next began : The day following he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The new moone : from the twentieth day to the thirtieth he reckon'd not by addition but by substraction , in respect of the moones decrease : of this see * Aristophanes . * He ordered the verses of Homer to be recited successively , that where the first ended the next should begin ; whence Diuchides saith , he illustrated Homer more then Pisistratus ( by whom the Rhapsodies were first collected ) the principall verses were They who inhabit Athens , &c. * He first tollerated common Curtesans , and with the money they paid to the State erected a Temple to Venus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Hee first taught Souldiers to march by the sound of Fifes and Harpes , observing a kinde of measure in their pace . CHAP. VIII . How he entertained Anacharsis , his Travells to Aegypt , Cyprus , Miletus , Delphi , Corinth , and Creet . * IN the forty seventh Olympiad ( according to ● Sosicrates ) Anacharsis came to Athens ; Eucrates being Archon , * he went immediately to the house of Solon , and knocking at the doore , said he was a stranger desirous of his friendship and Hospitality : Solon answered , it is better to contract friendship at home ; then you that are at home , ( replies Anacharsis ) make me your friend and g●ist . Solon admiring his acutenesse , entertained him kindly , and kept him sometime with him ▪ whilst he was imployed about publick affairs , and ordering his lawes ; which Anacharsis understanding , smiled , that he undertook to curb the injustice and covetousnesse of ●itizens by written ordinances , nothing differing from cobwebs , holding fast the weak and poor , whilst the powerfull and rich break through them ; whereto Solon answered , that men stand fast to those covenants , which it is not convement for ●ither party to break : He gave the Citizens such lawes , as it was evident to all , that to keep , were better then to transgresse ; but the event agreed more with the conjecture of Anacharsis , then the expectation of Solon . * After his lawes were promulgated , some or other comming daily to him , either to praise , or dispraise them , or to advise him to put in or out whatsoever came into their minds , the greater part to have the meaning explained , questioning how every thing was to be understood , and intreating him to unfold the sence ; he ( considering , that not to satisfie them , would argue pride , to satisfie them would make him lyable to censure ) determined to avoid ambiguities , importunities , and occasions of blame ; ( for as he said In things that are not small 'T is hard to sing to all . ) Colouring his travail with being Master of a Ship , and having obtained leave of the Athenians to be absent ten years , he put to sea , hoping in that time his lawes would become familiar to them . * The first place of his arrivall was Aegypt , where he dwelt , as himselfe saith . At Nilus mouth , neer the Canobian shore . He studied Philosophy awhile with Psenophis , of Heliopolis , and Sonches of Sais , the most learned of those Priests , by whom , Plato affirmes , he was taught the Atlantick language , which he afterward began to explain in verse ; when he questioned them in antiquities , the elder said to him , O Solon , Solon , you Greeks are alwaies children , there is not one Greek an old man. * Thence he went to Cyprus , where he was much favoured by P●ioc●prus , one of the Kings of that country , who had a little Town built by D●mophoon , son of Theseus , upon the River Clarius , in a strong place , but rugged and barren : Solon perswading him , there lying a pleasant plain underneath it , to transferre the Town thither , making it more spacious and delightfull : Solon being present at the doing hereof , took care it might be peopled , and assisted the King to contrive it , as well for health as strength ; whereupon many came into Philocyprus , whom other Kings aemulated ; for this reason he ascribed the honour thereof unto Solon naming the Citie ( which before was called Aepea ) from him , Soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies , addressing his speech to Philocyprus . Maist thou in Cyprus long as King abide , And ore this people and this Town preside ; In a fleet vessell from this haven may Cythera crownd with violets me convey . Her kind aspect and happinesse may she Grant to this Town , a safe return to me . He visited Thales also at Miletus , whose imposture towards him ( related already in Plutarchs words ) receive from Tzetzes . Solon's friend Thales lead a single life , By Solon often mov'd to take a wife ; These a Milesian ( Thales so contriv'd ) Meeting , pretends from Athens late ariv'd : Solon asks curiously what newes was there ; One that 's abroad , saith he , hath lost his heir , The Cittie waited on his obsequies . was it not Solon 's son , Solon replies ? To this the stranger ( as suborn'd ) assents : He with torn hair in cries his passion vents ; whom Thales ( tenderly embracing ) leave This grief , saith he , I did thee but deceive ; ' ●is for these reasons Marriage I decline , which can deject so great a soule as thine . Whether it belong to this deceit , or to a real loss * Dioscorides , and * Stobaeus report , that weeping for the death of his Son , one told him , but this helps nothing , he answered , and therefore I weep . * At Delphi he met with the rest of the wise men , and the year following at Corinth , by Perianders invitation , which was as Plutarch implies , long before Pisistratus came to raign ; nor doth * Dion Chrysostom intend the contrary , though so interpreted by * a learned person , his words importing only this ; Solon fled not the Tyranny of Periander , though he did that of Pisistratus . That he went also to Creet ( perhaps to visit Epimenides ) is evident , from an * Epistle of Thales . CHAP. IX . The attribute of wise conferred on him : his morall Sentences . * WHen Damasius ( the second ) was Archon , ( in the yeare of the 49. Olympaid ) all the seven received the attribute of wise : of these was Solon , upon whom ( * Themistius saith ) it was conferr'd as an honorable title full of dignity : * Plutarch avers that all of them ( except Thales ) were so called from their skill in civill affaires . And againe , * In Philosophy Solon chiefly affected ( as did likewise most of the wise men ) that part of morality which concerns politicks ; * and speaking of Mu●sip●●ilus , he was not ( saith he ) an orator of those Philosophers who are called naturall , but embraced that wisedome which teacheth government of a State , and prudence in publique actions , which he retained as a Sect delivered by succession from Solon . Whence * Macrobius instanceth Solon , as skilfull in that kind of learning which draweth Philosophy deeper , and establisheth a state . Hereto may bee added his morall learning , for which ( though Socrates reduced it first to a Science , and was there upon honored as the inventor thereof ) the seven were so famous , that some affirme the title of wise was given them only for excelling others in a laudable course of life , and comprehending some morall rules in short sentences ; of these they had three sorts , Apothegmes , Precepts and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of his Apothegmes Laertiu● recites these , Speech is the Image of Action ; He is a King who hath power . Lawes are like cob-webs which entangle the lesser sort , the greater breake through : Those who are in favour with Princes resemble counters used in casting accompts , which sometimes stand for a great number , sometimes for a lesser ; so those are sometimes honored , sometimes cast downe . Being demanded how men might be brought to doe no wrong , if saith he , they who have received none , and those who are wronged be alike concern'd Satiety comes of riches , contumely of Satiety . * Plutarch and others , these ; He conceived that City to be best govern'd , where the people as eagerly prosecute wrongs done to others as to themselves . * Being demanded how a City might be best ordered , he answered if the Citizens obey'd the Magistrates , the Magistrates the lawes , hee affirmed that King and Tyrant should become most glorious , who would convert his Monarchy to Democracy . He esteemed that Family best , wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly , kept not unfaithfully , expended not with repentance . * Hee defined the happie those who are competently furnished with outward things , act honestly , and live temperately ; which definition Aristotle approves . * He said , a commonwealth consists of two things , reward and punishment . * Seeing one of his friends much grieved , he carried him to the Tower , and desired him to view all the buildings below , which observing , the other to have done , now saith he , think with your selfe , how many sorrowes have heretofore and do● at present dwell under those roofes , and shall in future ages : and forbeare to be troubled at the inconveniencies of mortality as they were only yours . He said also , that if all men should bring their misfortunes together in one place , every one would carry his owne home againe , rather then take an equall share out of the common stock . * Being in drinking , demanded by Periander , whether hee were silent through want of discourse , or through folly , answered , no fool can be silent amidst his cups . * He said , that City was best ordered , wherein the good were rewarded , the bad punished . * He said , a man ought to fear nothing , but that his end exclude not Philosophy . * Demosthenes recites a discourse which he used to the Judges , in accusing one who had moved a pernicious law , to this effect ; It is a Law generally received in all Citties , that he who makes false mony should be put to death . Then he demanded of the Judges , whether that Law seemed to them just and commendable , whereunto they assenting , he added , that he conceived mony to be used amongst Citizens , in respect of private contracts ; but that lawes were the mony of the common-wealth : therefore Judges ought to punish those , who embased the mony of the cōmon-wealth much more severely , then those who embase that of private persons : and that they might better understand it to be a farre greater offence to corrupt lawes , then adulterate coyne , he added , that many Citties use mony of silver allaid with brasse or lead , without any prejudice to themselves ; but whosoever should use lawes so adulterated , could not escape ruine and death . * Mimnermus writing thus , From trouble and diseases free , At threescore years let death take me . He reproved him , saying , By my advice , that wish extend , Nor for his counsell sleight thy friend . Alter thy song , and let it be , At fourescore years let death take me . His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phalereus , some whereof are cited by Laertius . Nothing too much , Sit not as judge , if thou dost , the condemned will esteem thee an enemy . Fly pleasure , for it brings forth sorrow . Observe honesty in thy conversation more strictly then an oath . Seal words with silence , silence with opportunity . Lie not , but speak the truth . Consider on serious things . Say not ought is juster then thy Parents . Procure not friends in hast , nor procur'd , part with in hast . By learning to obey , you shall know how to command . What forfeiture you impose on others , undergoe your selfe . Advise not Citizens what is most pleasant , but what is best . Be not arrogant . Converse not with wicked persons . Consult the Gods. Cherish thy friend . Reverence thy Parents . Make reason thy guid . What thou seest speak not . What thou knowest conceal . Be mild to those that belong to thee . Conjecture hidden things from apparent . His particular sentence according to * Didymus and Laertius was , Nothing too much ; according to Ausonius , Know thy selfe , who ascribes these also to him ; Him I dare happy call whose end I see , Match with thy like , unequalls not agree . By fortune guided , none to honour raise , A friend in private , chide , in publick praise ; Honours atchiev'd created far exceed ; If fates be sure , what helps it to take heed ? And if unsure , there is of fear lesse need . Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laertius mentions these . Of every man be carefull , lest he hear A sword conceald within his breast , a cleer Aspect , a double tongue , a mind severe . CHAP. X. How be opposed Pisistratus , and reprehended Thespis . * DUring the absence of Solon , the former dissention broke forth again in the City : Lycurgus was head of the country men , Megacle● of the Maritimes , Pisistratus of the Townsmen , who were most violent against the rich ; Solon's lawes were still observed in the City , but the people aimed at novelty and change , not as thinking it most just , but in hopes to be Masters of other mens goods , and to suppresse the adverse party . Solon , whilst things stood thus , returned to Athens , where he was much reverenced and honoured by all , but could not speak or act in publick , through the weaknesse of his body and spirits , yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart , he endeavoured to reconcile their differences , wherein Pisistratus seemed the most ready to be perswaded , with whom he had a very antient friendship , grounded aswell upon their kindred , as upon the good qualities of Pisistratus , then whom ( as Solon used to say ) there could not be a person of more worth , if he were cured of his ambition . * About this time ( according to Plutarch ) which was in the fiftieth Olympiad , Thespis began to present Tragedies ( which Suidas erroneously accounts ten Olympiads latter , as is observed by Meursius ) the people were much taken with the novelty of the thing , for as yet there were no contentions therein . Solon naturally desirous to hear and learn , and by reason of his age indulging more to ease and pleasure , feasting and musick , went to see Thespis himself act , as was then the manner ; the Play ended , he went to Thespis , and asked him , if he were not ashamed to speak so many lies before so great an auditory ? Thespis answered , it was no shame to act or say such things in jest . Solon striking the ground hard with his staffe , replyed , but in a short time , we who approve this kind of jest shall use it in earnest , in our contracts and transactions . * In fine , he absolutely forbad him to teach or act tragedies , conceiving their falsity unprofitable , whereto he dissimulated the deceit of Pisistratus , who soon after , * having wounded himselfe , came into the Forum in a Chariot , pretending to have been so used by his enemies in the behalfe of the common-wealth , and inflamed the people with much rage . Solon comming near to him , son of Hippocra●es ( saith he ) you act Homers Vlysses ill in using the same means to deceive the Citizens , wherewith he ( whipping himself ) deluded the enemie . Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pisistratus : Aristo mov'd he might be allowed a standing guard of fiftie men : Solon rose up to oppose it , using speeches , the effect whereof , he afterwards thus exprest in verse . If evill your impieties befall , Gods not the Author of those mischiefs call , Your selves the causes , have given power to those , Who in requitall , servitude impose . Lion whom the footsteps of the fox pursue , Whose souls deceit and Vanity endue . The mans smooth tongue and speech you only heed , But never penetrate into the deed . He also foretold them the aimes of Pi●istratus , in an elegy to this effect . Vapours condens ' dingender hail and snow , And thunder doth from radiant lightning flow . The sea is troubled by the raging wind , When not disturb'd by that , nothing more kind . A Citty by great persons is orethrown , And taught beneath a Monarchy to groan . But seeing the poorer sort much addicted to Pisistratus , and tumultuous , the richer afraid , consulting their safetie by flight , he retired , saying , Athenians , I am wiser then some , valianter then others , wiser then those who understand not the deceit of Pisistratus , valianter then those , who understand it , yet hold their peace , through fear . The Senate being of the same faction with Pis●stratus , said he was mad , whereto he answered , A little time will to the people cleer My madnesse , when ' th ' midst truth shall appear . The people having granted Pisistratus his request concerning a guard , question'd not the number of them , but conniv'd so long at his pressing and maintaining as many souldiers as he pleased , that at last he possest himselfe of the Tower ; whereupon the Citty being in a tumult , Megacles , with the rest of the Alcmaeonidae fled . Solon now very old , and destitute of those that might back him , went into the Forum , * armed with a spear and shield , and made an oration to the people , partly accusing them of folly and cowardise , partly inciting them not to forsake their libertie , using this celebrious speech , It had been far easier to have supprest this tyranny in the grouth , but much more noble to cut it off now it is at the height . No man daring to hear him , he went home , and taking his armes , set them in the street before his door ( Laertius saith , before the Magaz●n ) saying , I have helped my Country and the Law as much as lay in me ; or as Laertius , O Country , I have assisted thee both in word and deed . Plutarch addes , that from that time he lived retired , addicted to his study ; and told by many the Tyrant would put him to death , and demanded wherein the confided so much , he answered , in his age : but Laertius affirmes ( which seemes truer ) that assoon as he had laid down his armes , he forsook the Country : and * Agellius , that in the raign of Scovius Tullius , Pisist●atus was Tyrant of Athens , Solon going first away into voluntary exile . CHAP. XI . How he travelled to Lydia , and Cilicia . SOlon at his departure from Athens received invitations from many ; by Thales desired to come to Miletus , by Bias , to Priene , by Epimenides , to Creet , by Cleobulus to Lindus , as is evident from their severall letters to that effect : even Pisistratus pressed him to return home by this Epistle . Pisistratus to Solon . Neither am I the only person of the Greeks , nor am I without right to the Kingdome I possesse , as being descended from Codrus : that which the Athenians having sworn to give to Codrus and his heirs , took away , I have recovered ; no otherwise do I offend either God or man ; I take care that the common-wealth be governed according to the lawes you ordained for the Athenians , and that better then by a Democratie : I suffer none to do wrong , neither do I enjoy any priviledges of a Tyrant , more then honour and dignity , such rewards only as were conferr'd upon the antient Kings ; every man paies the tenth of his estate , not to me , but to the maintenance of publick sacrifices , or other charges of the common-wealth , or against time of war. You I blame not for discovering my intents , you did it more in love to the state , then in hate to me ; besides , you knew not what government I meant to establish , which if you had , perhaps you would have brooked my rule , and not banisht your selfe ; returne therefore home , and believe me without an oath : Solon shall never receive any displeasure from Pisistratus , you know my very enemies have not , and if you will vouchsafe to be of my friends , you shall be of the first , for I never saw anything in you deceitfull or false ; if otherwise , you will live with the Athenians , use your freedome , only deprive not your selfe of your country for my sake . Solon returned this answer . Solon to Pisistratus . I Beleeve I shall not suffer any harm by you , for before you were Tyrant , I was your friend , and at present am no more your enemie , then any other Athenian who dislikes Tyrannie : whether it be better they be governed by a single person , or by a Democratie , let both parties determine . I pronounce you the best of Tyrants ; but to returne to Athens I think not sitting , lest I incur blame , who setled an equality in the Athenian common-wealth , and would not accept of the Tyranny ; by returning , I shall comply with thy actions . Croesus also sent to invite him , to whom he thus answered . Solon to Croesus . I Love your humanity towards us , and by Pallas ▪ but that I affect above all things to live under a Democratie , I should much sooner choose to live in your Kingdome , then at Athens , whilst Pisistratus rules there by force ; but it is most pleasing to me to live where all things are just and equall ; yet will I come over to you , being desirous to become your guest . Solon upon this invitation went to Sandys , where Croesus ( saith Herodo●us ) received him kindly : after the third or fourth day the Officers at Croesus appointment lead him into the treasuries , to shew him all their greatnesse and riches ; when he had beheld all , Croesus spoke thus unto him . Athenian guest , because we have heard much fame of your wisdome and experience , having out of love to Philosophy travelled into many Countries , I have a desire to enquire of you if ever you saw any man whom you could call most happy . This he demanded , hoping himselfe to be esteemed such ▪ Solon nothing flattering him , answered according to the truth , saying , O King , Tellus the Athenian . At which speech Croesus wondering . Why do you judge Tellus the most happy ? Because ( replied Solon ) in a well ordered state , he had children honest and good , and saw every one of those have children all living ; thus having passed his life as well as is possible for man , he ended it gloriously : a fight happening between the Athenians and their neighbours in Eleusis , he came in to their succour , and and putting the enemy to flight , died nobly ; the Athenians buried him in the place where he fell , with much honour . Whilst Solon recounted the happinesse of Tellus , Croesus being mov'd , demanded to whom he assign'd the next place , making no question but himselfe should be named a second . Cleobis ( saith he ) and Bito , they were Argives by birth , they had sufficient wherewithall to maintain themselves ; and withall , so great strength of body , that both were alike victors in the publick games , of whom it is thus reported ; the Argives celebrating the feastivall of Iuno , it was necessary their Mother should be drawn to the ▪ Temple by a pair of Oxen , there being no Oxen in the field ready , these young men , streitned in time , under went the yoke , and drew the chariot of their Mother fortie five stadia , till they came to the Temple ; when they had so done , in the sight of all the people , they obtain'd the happiest end of their daies , whereby the God declared it better for a man to die then to live ; the Argive , pressing about them , the men applauding the piety of the Sons , the Women the happinesse of the Mother , the Mother her selfe infinitely joyed with the action , and the glory thereof , standing before the image , prayed the Goddesse to give her sons , Cleobis and Bito the best thing that could happen to man ; after this prayer , having sacrificed and feasted , they lay down to sleep in the Temple , and never waked more , but so ended their daies : their Images ( as of most excellent persons ) were made by the Argives , and set up at Delphi . These Solon ranked in the second degree . Hereat Croesus growing angry ; stranger ( said he ) doth our happinesse seem so despicable , that you will not rank us equall with private persons ? He answered , do you enquire Croesus concerning human affairs of me , who know , that divine prodence is severe and full of alteration ? In processe of time we see many things we would not , we suffer many things we would not ; let us propose seventy yeers , as the term of mans life , which yeares consist of twenty five thousand and two hundred daies , besides the additionall month , if we make one year longer then another by that Month , to make the time accord the additionall months , belonging to those seventy years , will be thirty five , the daies of those months a thousand and fiftie , whereof one is not in all things like another : so that every man , O Croesus , is miserable ! you appear to me very rich , and are King over many , but the question you demand I cannot resolve , untill I hear you have ended your daies happily ; he who hath much wealth is not happier , then he who gets his living from day to day , unlesse fortune continuing all those good things to him , grant that he die well . There are many men very rich , yet unfortunate , many of moderate estates , fortunate , of whom , he who abounds in wealth , and is not happy , exceeds the fortunate only in two things , the other him in many ; the rich is more able to satisfie his desires , and to overcome great injuries ; yet the fortunate excells him , he cannot indeed inflict hurt on others , and satisfie his own desires , his good fortune debarres him of these : but he is free from ills , healthfull , happy in his children , and beautifull , if to this a man dies well , that is he whom you seek , who deserves to be called happy ; before death he cannot be stil'd happy , but fortunate ; yet for one man to obtain all this is impossible , as one country cannot furnish it selfe with all things , some it hath , others it wants , that which hath most is best ; so in men , no one is perfect , what one hath , the other wants ; he who hath constantly most , and at last quietly departs this life , in opinion , O King , deserves to bear that name . In every thing we must have regard to the end , whether it tends for many , to whom God dispenceth all good fortunes , he at last utterly subverts . This story is related by Plutarch , also mentioned by Laertius , who addes , that Croesus being magnificently adorned and seated on his Throne , asked him , whether he had ever seen any thing more glorious ? who answered , C●●ks , Pheasants , & Peacocks , who are much more beautiful in their naturall power . * Solon after this discourse with Croesus , not soothing him , or making any esteem of him , was dismissed , and accounted unwise , for neglecting the present good in regard to the future . * Aesope , the writter of fables was at that time at Sardis , sent for thither by Croesus , with whom he was much in favour ▪ he was grieved to see Solon so unthankfully dismist , and said to him , Solon , we must either tell Kings nothing at all , or what may please them . No , saith Solon , either nothing at all , or what is best for them . Thus was Solon much despised by Croesus . * Afterwards Croesus being taken prisoner by Cyrus was at his command fettered and set upon a great pile of wood to be burned : as he was in this posture , it came into his minde what Solon had divinely said to him , that no living man is happy ; as soone as he remembred those words , he fell into a great defection of Spirit , and sighing deeply , named Solon thrice , which Cyrus hearing , commanded the interpreters to aske upon whom he called , they went to him and asked , he was silent , at last pressing him further he answered , upon him who I desire above all wealth , might have spoken with all tyrants ; not understaning , after much pressure and importunity , he told them , Solon an Athenian came long since to him , and beholdi●g all his wealth , valued it at nothing moreover that all which he told him had come to passe , nor did it more belong to him then to all mankind , especially to those who think themselves happy . Whilst Croesus said this , the fire began to kindle , and the outward parts thereof to be seized by the flame . Cyrus being informed by an interpreter of all that Croesus said , began to relent , knowing himselfe to be but a man , who delivered another man , nothing inferiour to him in wealth , to be burned alive , fearing to be punished for that act , and considering that nothing was certain in human affairs , he commanded the fire to be instantly quenched , and Croesus , and those that were with him to be brought off , * whom● ever after as long as he lived , he had in esteem . Thus Solon gained praise , that of two Kings , his speech preserved one , and instructed the other . Plutarch relates this done in the former ten years travail of Solon , upon the finishing of his lawes , whence he maketh an Apology for the incongruity thereof , with the rules of Chronology , which had lesse needed , if with Laertius , he had placed it after Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny . Laertius saith , he went from hence to Cilicia , and built there a Gitty , called after him Soleis , whither he brought also some few Athenians , whose language growing corrupt by that of the country , they were said to solaecise ; of this is the Etymologist doubtlesse to be understood , who derives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( so read we , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) This is also attested by Suidas , as a distinct relation from that of Cyprus , in confirmation whereof Laertius add●s , the Cilicians were called Solenses , the Cyprians Solii . CHAP. XII . His death . * HEraclides affirmes , Solon lived long after Pisistratus began to raign ; * Lucian that his life extended to a hundred years ; with whom those best agree , who say ( as Suidas relates ) he lived in the fiftie six Olympiad ; * but according to Phanias , Pisistratus took the Tyranny upon him , when Comias was Archon , and Solon died , Hegestratus being Archon , who s●cceeded Comias , which was in the first year of the fiftie ●ift Olympiad . If this latter opinion had not every where taken place of the other , the disagreement betwixt the time of Solon's death , and Croesus raign had not been urged by many , as an argument against the story of their meeting . He dyed ( according to Laertius ) aged eighty years ( being as * Elian saith , very decrepit ) in Cyprus , ( as is like wise attested by * Valerius Maximus , and * Suidas ) ● and left order with his friends that they should carry his bones to Salamis , & there causing them to be burnt , s●atter the ashes all over the country ; which story Plutarch ( though he counts it fabulous ) acknowledgeth to be attested by many Authors of credit , particularly Aristotle . Laertius confirms it by the testimony of Cra●inus , who makes him speak thus ; The Island I inhabit , sown As fame reports , in Ajax Town : That desire of knowledge which he usually profest continued with him to his end , * confirmed the last day of his life ; his friends sitting about him , and falling into some discourse , he raised his weary head , and being demanded why he did so , he answered , that when I have learnt that , whatsoever it be , whereon you dispute , I may die : * His brothers son singing an ode of Sappho , he delighted therewith , bad him teach him it , and being demanded why , that , said he , I may learn whilst I 〈◊〉 out of this life . After his death , the Athenians erected his statute in brasse , before * the checker'd cloister'd * in the forum : Another was set up at Salamis , hiding ( as Demosthenes and Eschines describe it ) the hand within the garment , in the same habit wherein he used to make speeches to the Athenians ; perhaps the same that carried this inscription , ●am'd Salamis , the Persian pride cast down , And gave to Solon birth , the lawes renown . Laertius bestowes this Epigram upon him . A sorraign Cyprian fire burn'd Solon , yet Salamis keeps his bones , their ashes wheat ; His Soul to heaven mounts with his lawes , so light A burthen , they not clog , but help his flight . CHAP. XIII . His writinngly 〈◊〉 HIs excellency both in Rhetoratie , ●nd Poetry is attested by many ; Cicero , * before Solo● 〈◊〉 no man is recorded for eloquence . * And again , Lycurgus and Solon we place in the number of the eloquent . * Dion , Chrysostome , Aristides , Lycurgus , Solon , Epaminondas , and if there be any other in the same kind , ought to be esteemed Philosophers in the common-wealth , or Oratours , according to ingenious true Rhetorick . * Aristides , Solon is said to have sung those things which concern the Megarenses , but neither his Lawes nor Orations , which sometimes he made for the rich to the commons , sometimes for the commons to the rich , did he sing or comprise in verse , but used a rhetoricall form , excellently demonstrating in all these , that he deserved to be esteemed an Oratour and a Wise-man , having attained both those titles and faculties . As to Poetry , Plu●●rch averres , he addicted himselfe thereto from the beginning , not in serious matters , but ludicrous , used ( as it seemes ) for his exercise and pastime ; afterwards he included many Philosophicall sentences in verse , and many affaires of state , not in relation to history , but to vindicate his own actions , sometimes also to correct and reprove the Athenians . Plato saith , * that at the Apaturian feast , the boyes used to repeat his poems ; and that if he had applyed himselfe to nothing but Poetry as others did , and had finished the history he brought out of Egypt , and had not been constrained by seditions and other distractions to lay aside that study , neither Hesiod , Homer , nor any of the Poets would have been more famous . Of his writings in Prose , we must with Laertius name in the first place his Lawes , of which already . Orations to the people . His Poems are cited under that generall title by * Phrynicus , their particular subjects and titles these . Exhortations to himselfe , mentioned by Laertius , * Aristides , and Suidas . Elegies : Salamis , of which Chap. 2. of the Athenian common-wealth , which Laertius affirmes to have extended to two thousand verses , according to * Pausanias , and * . Philo , Elegiack . Iambicks , mentioned by La●rtius , cited by Athenaeus and Aristides . Epodes , mentioned by Laertius . Elegies to King Cypranor , cited by the author of Aratus , his life . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cited by Laertius . Some ( saith Plutarch●in●irme ●in●irme , he began to reduce his own Lawes into verse . fiftie si The last work he urken plok was concerning the Atlantick speech or fable , which beginning late , he was deterred by the greatnesse of the work , as Plutarch saith , and prevented by death . Besides those Epistles already alledged , these are preserved also by Laertius . Solon to Periander . YOu send me word , there are many who plot against you ; if you should put them all to death , it would advantage you nothing ; some one there may be of those , whom you suspect not , who plotts against you , either fearing himselfe , or disdaining you , or desirous to ingratiate himselfe with the City , though you have done him no injury ; it is best , if you would be free from jealousie , to acquit your selfe of the cause , but if you will continue in Tyranny , take care to provide a greater strength of strangers then is in your own City ; so shall you need to fear no man , nor to put any to death . Solon to Epimenides . NEither are my lawes likely to benefit the Athenians long , nor have you advantaged the City by lustration ; for divine right and law●givers cannot alone benefit Cities ; it importeth much of what mind they are who lead the common people ; divine rights and lawes , if they direct them well , are profitable , if they direct them ill , profit nothing ; neither are those lawes I gave in any better condition ; they who had charge of the common-wealth , not preventing Pisistratus his usurpation of the tyranny , lost the City , of which , when I foretold them , I could not be believed ; the Athenians would rather credit his flatteries , then my truth ; wherefore laying down my armes before the Magazin , I said , that I was wiser then those who did not see Pisistratus aimed at the Tyranny ; and stouter then those who durst not resist him : they reputed Solon a mad man. Lastly , I made this profession , O country ! behold Solon ready to vindicate thee in word and deed : they again esteem'd me mad . Thus I beeing the only person that oppos'd Pisistratus , I came away from them ; let them guard him with their armes if they please ; for know ( dear friend ) the man came very cunningly by the Kingdome , he complyed at first with the Democratie , afterwards wounding himselfe , came into Elioea , crying out , he had received those hurts from his enemies , and required a guard of foure hundred young men , which they ( not harkening to me ) granted ; these carried halberds : after this , he dissolved the popular government ; truly I laboured in vain to free the poorer sort from mercenary slavery , when they all now serve one Pisistratus . Such fragments of his Poems as have been hitherto preserved are thus collected . Out of his Elegies . Sprung from Mnemosyne and Joves great line , Pierian Muses , to my prayer encline , Grant that my life and actions may call down Blessings from heaven , and raise on earth renown : Sweet to my friends , and bitter to my foes , To these my sight bring terror , joy to those . Riches I wish , not riches that are plac't In unjust means , for vengeance comes at last . Riches dispenc'd by heavens more bounteous hand , A base on which we may unshaken stand . But that which men by injuries obtain , That which by arts and deeds unjust they gain Comes slowly , swiftly by reveng'd pursued , And miserie like a close spark include , Which soon to a devouring flame dilates , Wrong is a weak foundation for estates . Jove doth the end of every thing survey : As sodain vernall blasts chase clouds away . Ransack the bottom of the roaring main , Then swiftly overrun the fertile plain , Ruffling the wealthy ears ; at last they rise To Joves high seat , a●calm then smooths the skies . The Sun 's rich lustre mildly gilds the green Enamell of the meads , no clouds are seen , Such is Joves heavie anger diff'ring far From men , whose every trifle leads to war : They are not hid for ever , who offend In secret , judgment finds them in the end . Some in the act are punisht , others late , Even he who thinks he hath deluded fate ; At last resents it in just miseries , Which Nephewes for their Ancestors chastise . We think it fares alike with good and bad ; Glory and selfe-conceit our fancies glad Till suffering comes , then their griev'd spirits bleed , Who did before their soules with vain hope feed . He whom incurable diseases seize , Sooths his deluded thoughts , with hopes of ease . The coward 's valiant in his own esteem , And to themselves , faire the deformed seem . They who want means , by poverty opprest Beleeve themselves of full estates possest . All is attempted , some new seas explore To bring home riches from a forraign shore : Seas , on whose boisterous back secur'd they ride , And in the mercy of the winds confide : Others to crooked ploughes their Oxen yoke , And Autumn with their plants and setts provoke . Some Vulcan's and Minerva's arts admire , And by their hands , their livelyhoods acquire . Others the fair Olympian muses trace , And lovely learning studiously embrace . One by Apollo is prophetick made , And tells what mischiefs others shall invade ; With him the Gods converse , but all the skill In birds or victimes cannot hinder ill . Some to Peonian knowledge are inclin'd , Nor is the power of simples unconfin'd . The smallest hurts sometimes increase and rage , More then all art of physick can asswage ; Sometimes the fury of the worst disease . The hand by gentle stroking will appease . Thus good or bad arives as fates design , Man cannot what the Gods dispenc'd decline . All actions are uncertain , no man knowes When he begins a work , how it shall close . Some , who their businesse weigh with prudent care , Oft of the issue intercepted are : Whilst others who have rashly ought design'd , An end successfull of their labours find . There is no bound to those who wealth acquire , For they who are possest of most , desire As much again , and who can all content , Even those full blessings which the Gods have lent , Man variously to his own harm applies , Whom Jove by means as various doth chastice . Again . OUr City never can subverted be By Jove , or any other Deitie ; For Pallas eye surveyes with pious care The wals , which by her hand protected are : Yet the inhabitants of this great Town , Fondly inclin'd to wealth , will throw it down ; And those unjust great persons who are bent Others to wrong , themselves to discontent ; For their insatiate fancies have not power T●enjoy the sweetnesse of the instant hower ; But by all wicked means , intent on gain , From hallowed , nor from publick things refrain . Riches by theft and cozenage to possesse , The sacred bounds of justice they transgresse . Who silent sees the present , knowes the past , And will revenge these injuries at last : Causing a cureless rupture in the state , And all our liberties shall captivate . Rouse war from his long slumber , who the flower Of all our youths shall bloodily devour . For Cities which injuriously oppose Their friends , are soon invaded by their foes . These are the common evills ; of the poor Many transported to a forraign shore , To bondage there , and fetters shall be sold. Each private house thus shares the publick fate , Nor can exclude it with a ban'd-up gate ; For scaling furiously the higher walls , On those whom beds or corners hides , it falls . My soule , Athenians , prompts me to relate What miseries upon injustice wait : But justice all things orderly designes , And in strict fetters the unjust confines . What 's soure , she sweetens , and allaies what cloyes . Wrong she repells , ill in the grouth destroyes , Softens the stubborn , the unjust reformes , And in the state calmes all seditious stormes : Bitter dissention by her raign supprest , Who wisely governes all things for the best . Another . NO man is blessed , bad is every one That feeles the warmth of the all-seeing S●n. Another . LEt me not die unpitti'd , every friend With sighes and tears my latest hower attend . CHILO . CHILON . CHAP. I. Chilon his life . * CHILON was a Lacedaemonian , son of Damagetus , corruptly termed in * Stobaeus , Page 6. He was eminent amongst the Greeks for two predictions . The first to Hippocrates , * to whom ( being a private person ) hapned a great prodigie at the Olympick games : having prepared an offering , and filled a Cauldron with flesh and water , it boiled over without fire : This portent Chilon ( accidentally present ) beholding , advised him that he should not take a wise by whom he might have issue ; that if he had one , he should put her away , and if a son , turn him out of dores : Hippocrates not following this advice , brought up his son Pisistratus , who in the sedition of the Maritimes and countrymen at Athens , those led by Megacles , these by Lycurgus , stirred up a third faction , and gained the tyranny . * He was much renowwed also for his prediction concerning Cythera a Lacedaemonian Island ; examining the Scituation thereof , would to God ( said he ) it had never been ; or since it is , it might be swallowed up by the sea , and wisely did he foresee . Damaratus , a Laecedaemonian exile , counselled ▪ Xerxes to seize upon that Island , which advice if he had followed , would have ruined all Greece . His words ( according to * Herodotus ) were these . You may effect your desires , if you send three hundred ships to the Lacedaemonian coast ; there lies an Island , named Cythera , of which Chilon , a person of greatest wisdome amongst us , said , it were better for the Lacedaemonians that it were under water then above : he , it seemes , expected from it some such thing as I am now going to declare , not that he foresaw your Navy , but doubting any in the same kind ; Let your men issue out of this Island upon the Lacedaemonians , to strike them into terror . * Afterwards , in the time of the Peloponesian war , Nicias taking the Island , placed some Athenians therein , who much infested the Lacedaemonians . Laertius saith , that he was old in the fifty two Olympiad , at what time Aesop flourish'd : that he was Ep●orus in the fiftie sixt . ( Casaubon reads the fiftie five ) but Pamphila ( continueth Laertius ) saith in the sixt . He was first Ephorus , when Euthydemus was Archon , as Sosicrates also affirmes , and first appointed the Ephori to be joyned with Kings , which Satyrus saith , was the institution of Lycurgus . Hence it is doubtfull whether Chilon was Ephorus in the sixt Olympiad , or in the fiftie sixt ; the latter is more probable , in as much as he bore that office when Euthydemus was Archon at Athens , which was in the fiftie sixt Olympiad , as appeares by the Marmor Arunde lianum , where for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is corruptly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendred Archonte populo . But it is likewise true , that the Ephori were first created about the sixt Olympiad , when Polydorus and Theopompus were Kings of Lacedaemon , a hundred and thirty yeares after ●ycurgus , as Plutarch ( in his life ) affirmes , from which time there were five annuall Ephori chosen in Lacedaemon , whereof the first is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because the year had its denomination from him : the first of the first election was * Elatus ; Chilon in the fiftie sixt Olympiad was the first of the five of his year ; which might perhaps give the occasion of the mistake to them , who take him to be the first of that institution , of whom is * Scaliger . * How he behav'd himself in this office , may be gathered from his speech ▪ * to his brother , displeased that himselfe was not Ephorus at the same time : I can bear injuries , saith he , you cannot . He was so just in all his actions , * that in his old age he professed , he never had done any thing contrary to the conscience of an upright man , only that of one thing he was doubtfull ; having given sentence against his friend according to law , he advised his friend to appeal from him ( his Judge ) so to preserve both his friend and the law : * Agellius relates it thus ; When his life drew towards an end , ready to be seized by death , he spoke thus to his friends about him : My words and actions in this long term of years , have been ( almost all ) such as I need not repent of , which perhaps you also know ; truly even at this time I am certain , I never committed any thing , the remembrance whereof begets any trouble in me , unlesse this one thing only , which whether it were done amisse or not , I am uncertain : I sat with two others as Judge upon the life of my friend ; the law was such , as the person must of necessity be condemned ; so that either my friend must lose his life , or some deceit be used towards the Law : revolving many things in my mind for relief of a condition so despeate , I conceived that which I put in practise to be of all other the most easie to be born : Silently I condemned him , and perswaded those others who judged to absolve him : Thus preserved ( in so great a businesse ) the dutie both of a judge and friend ; but from that act I receive this trouble , that I fear it is not free from perfidiousnesse and guilt , in the same businesse , at the same time , and in a publick affair , to perswade others , contrary to what was in my own judgment best . CHAP. II. His morall sentences , precepts , and verses . OF his Apothegmes , these are remembered by Laertius ; he said , providence of future things collected by reason , is the vertue of a man. Being demanded wherein the learned differ from the unlearned ? he answered in a good hope ? What is hard ? to conceal secrets , to dispose of leasure well ; and to be able to bear an injury . * Being invited to a feast by Periander , ( with the rest of the wise-men , ) he would not promise to come before he knew what other company would be there , saying , a man is necessitated to brook an ill companion in a ship at sea , or in a tent in a camp ; but to mix indifferently with all sorts of people at a feast is indiscretion . Upon the same occasion Plutarch recites these sentences of his ; A Prince must not think upon any transitory mortall things , but only upon the eternall , and immortall . That common-wealth is best where the people minde the Law , more then the Lawyers . A family must resemble as much as possible a Citty governed by a King. * Hearing a man say he had no enemie , he asked him if he had any friend ; conceiving love and hate necessarily must follow one ano●her . His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phalereus . Kn●w thy selfe . Speak not much in thy drink , for thou wilt transgresse . ( or as Laertius , rule thy tongue , especially at a feast ) Threaten not free persons , for it is not just . ( Laertius , threaten none , for that is like a woman ) Speak not ill of thy neighbour , if thou dost , thou shalt hear what will trouble thee . Go slowly to the feasts of thy friends , swiftly to their misfortunes . ( Laertius , go more readily to a friend in adversity then in prosperity . ) Celebrate marriage frugally . Speak well of the dead . Reverence thy elder ( Laertius , honour age ) Hate him who is inquisitive into the businesse of others . Preferre losse before unjust gain ( for that ( addes Laertius ) brings grief but once , this for ever ) Deride not the unfortunate . If thou art strong , behave thy selfe mildely , that thou maist rather be resp●cted then fear'd ( Laertius , of thy neighbours . Learn to ) Order thy house well . Let not thy tongue run before thy mind . Bridle thy anger . Covet not impossibilities . In the way hasten not forward . Shake not thy hand , ( Laertius , in discourse ) for it is like a mad-man . Obey the Lawes . Be reconciled to those who have wrong'd you , but revenge contumelies . To which Laertius addes these , To preserve thy selfe . Not to hate divination , make use of quietnesse . * Pliny speaking of authority , saith , that men ranked Chilon amongst Oracles , consecrating three precepts of his at Delphil , in golden letters , which are these : Eve●y man to know himselfe , and to desire no●hing too much ; the companion of anothers mony and strife is misery . * He only kept within bounds the two most fierce affections of the soule , Love , and Hate , saying , Love with such limitation , as if hereafter you might chance to hate : hate so farre , as that perhaps you might hereafter love . Ausonius ascribes to him the effect of these verses . Me , may the mean not fear , nor great despise , Have death and health alike before thy eyes . The benefits thou givest , remember never , Of those thou dost receive , be mindfull ever . Learn of thy selfe and friend t' orecome crosse fate , Age , youth resembling , is a light estate , Youth , age resembling , is a greater weight . His particular sentence was , To a surety , losse is near . Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Laertius mentions this , as most eminent . Gold's worth we by the touchstone find , Gold is the touchstone of the mind . * He asked Aesop what Iupiter was doing , who answered , pulling down the high , and raising the low . CHAP. III. His death , and writings . HE died ( according to * Hermippus ) at Pisa , embracing his son , victor in the Olympic games , of the caestus , the weaknesse of his age overcome with excesse of joy ; all who were present at that great assembly attended on his funeralls , as is affirmed by * Pliny and Laertius , who hath this Epigram upon him , To thee illustrious Pollux thanks I pay , That Chilons son the Olive bore away : The father died ore-joy'd his child to see So crown'd : a happy death ! such befall me : Upon his statue , this inscription . The birth of Chilon warlick Sparta grac'd , Who of the seven , in the first rank was plac'd . * He was short in speech ; whence Aristagoras calls that manner of speaking Chilonian : * Ausonius also alludes hereto in the speech he makes under his name . * He writ Elegies extending almost to two hundred verses : there is likewise an Epistle of his extant to this effect . Chilon to Periander . YOu send me word of an expedition you are preparing against forraigners , intending to go in person with your Army : a monarch , I think , hath little safetie , even at home . That Tyrant I esteem happy who dies at home a naturall death . PITTACVS PITTACVS . CHAP. I. Pittacus his life . * PITTACUS was of Mitelene ( the chief City of Lesbos ) son of Caicus , * or ( rather ) Hyr●hadius , a Thracian , his Mother a Lesbian , born in the thirtie two Olympiad . Laertius saith , he flourished in the fortie two Olympiad ; * at that time he gave testimony of his great courage and love to his Country , in killing ( assisted by the brethren of Alcaeus the Poet ) Melanchrus , tyrant of Lesbos and Mitelene . * Pittacus grown eminent by this action , was by the Mitelenaeans made ●enerall , and * sent with a fleet against the A●henians , with whom they had a long contest concerning the Achillaean field ; the ground of their difference this : * Pisistratus took Sigeum by force from the Mitelaeans , and setled there ( as King ) Hegesistratus his naturall Son , by an Argive woman , who kept it , not without much dispute ; for betwixt the Mitelenaeans and Athenians there was a long war , those sallying out of the Achillaean Town , these out of Sigaeum : * those lay claim to the Town , as built by Archaeanactes of Mitelene , of the stones of old Troy ( for the Lesbians challenged the greatest part of Troas as their hereditary right , where they had built many houses , some , saith Strabo , standing at this day , others demolished ) * these opposed their claim ; alledging the Aeolians had no more right to this Ilian country , then themselves or any other of the Greeks , who assisted Menelaus in the recovery of Hellen. * The Athenians sent thither as Generall Phryno , a tall robust person , who had been victor in all the Olympick exercises ; perhaps the same whom Eusebius names in the thirtie six Olympiad . * Pittacus having been severall times worsted in ba●tle , at last challenged Phryno to single combat , and met him , being armed ●ith the ●eapons of a fisherman , hiding a net under his s●ield , wherewith catching Phryno suddenly , he sle● him with his trident and ●agger , and by his dea●h recovered the field . From this stratagem of Pittacus , was derived the like kind of fighting amongst the Roman gladiatours , called Retiarii ( described by * Lipsius ) as is expresly observed by Polyaenus and * Festus . * But this war ended not so ; untill at last both parties referred themselves to Periander , * choosing him Umpire ; he awarded that each side should keep what they were in possession of , whereby Sigeum fell to the Athenians . * Demetrius argues Timaeus of falshood , for affirming Periander built Achilleum ( a small town , where was the tomb of Achilles ) in opposition to the Athenians , of Ilian stones , and thereby to have aided Pittacus : but neither was it built of such stones ( saith Strabo ) nor was Periander the founder : how could he be chosen arbitratour , whose actions had declared him an enemie ? * Hereupon Pittacus was highly honoured by the Mitelenaeans , who ( * being infested by banished persons , under the leading of Antimenides , and Alcaeus the Poet ) * either in obligation to his merit , or confidence in his equity , by their free votes ( * though Alcaeus denie it ) instated him in the Tyrannie ; * with many acclamations of praise , and a great concourse of people ( as is manifest from Alcaeus , who for that reason reprehends them . ) * They also with generall consent offered him great gifts , and bad him take of that field which he recovered from the Citizens as much as he would . He darting his spear , demanded only so much as that had passed over , which he dedicated to Apollo , called ( even to the time of Plutarch , and Laertius ) the Pittacaean field : * Sosicrates averres , he took part of it for himselfe , saying , the halfe was more then the whole : * Thus he diverted his mind from the gift , conceiving it not fitting to diminish the glory of the vertue , by the greatnesse of the reward . Being possest of this power , he shewed the moderation wherewith his breast was furnished , towards Alcaeus the Poet , who had behaved himselfe pertinaciously against him , with bitter hate and scurrilous wit ( whereof see many instances in Laertius ) Pittacus only inform'd him how able he was to oppresse him . During his government , he made many Lawes , one whereof is mentioned by * Cicero , forbidding any man to go to the funerall of such as he was not of kin to . Another by * Aristotle , that whosoever being drunk , should strike any man , should pay double as much as if he had been sober ; or as Laertius delivers it , whosoever offended , being drunk , should pay a double forfeit ; which he did to restrain the Mitelenaens from drunkennesse , because their Island abounded in wine . His usuall exercise , even whilst he was King , ( as Cle. archus affirmes ) was to grind corn , esteeming it a healthfull exercise , much commending a mill , that in so little room , it afforded exercise to many . There was a song , * called for that reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which Thales * affirmes he heard a she-slave in Lesbos sing the beginning as the ground , which was thus . Grind , grind my Mill amain , For Pittacus the Lesbian King To grind doth not disdain . Being well in years , he was constrained to take upon himself the leading of an Army , whereupon he said , it is hard to be good ; which * Simonides mentions , saying , Hard to be truly honest , this The Pittaceian sentence is . Plato also remembers it in his Protagoras ( where Simonides reproves Pittacus for saying , it is hard to continue good , which he affirmes to be easie , but to become good , hard ; wherein he differs from Laertius his expression of it . * He continued in the government of the Kingdom ten years , * Valerius Maximus saith , only as long as the war with the Athenians concerning Sigeum lasted , but afterwards assoon as peace was obtained by victory ( having in this time setled the affairs of the common-wealth ) he laid it down , notwithstanding the Mitelenaeans cried out to the contrary , lest he should continue Lord of the Citizens longer then the necessities of the Kingdome required , and lived ten years after a private person . He went to Sardis at what time ( as some say , though others apply it to Bias ) Croesus having made the Grecians in Asia tributary , had given order for the building of a Navy to invade the Islanders : as soon as he came thither , Croesus asked him what newes from Greece ? He by his answer , diverted the King from going forward with his building ships : the Islanders , saith he , have bought a world of horses , intending an expedition against Sardis ; and Croesus thinking he had spoken truth , answered , I wish the Gods would put it in their minds to come against the Lydians on horse-back ; he replyed , it is not without reason , great King , that you wish and hope to catch the Islanders on horse-back in the continent ; and what think you the Islanders wish more , then ( hearing your preparation to set out a Navie against them ) that they may catch the Lydians upon the Sea , and revenge the cause of those inland Grecians whom you have reduc'd to servitude . Croesus much delighted with this speech , and disswaded ( for it seemed to him he spoke very ingeniously ) from building a Navy , gave it over , and contracted amity with the Ionian Islands . CHAP. II. His morall sentences , precepts , and verses . OF his Apothegmes , Laertius recites these . The Gods themselves cannot resist necessity . Power showes the man. Being on a time demanded what is best , he answered , to do the present well . To Croesus , who asked which was the greatest government , that of various ( wood saith he ) meaning the Law , ( carved ) in wooden tables . To a Phocaean , who said , I must seek an honest man : though you seek much , ( saith he ) you shall not find him . To some who demanded what was most pleasing , he answered , Time. He said it was the part of wise men to foresee inconveniencies and prevent them before they came , of valiant men to order them well when they come . Add these from * Plutarch , That Prince is happy , who can make his subject afraid , not of him , but for him . That commonwealth is best ordered , where the wicked have no command , and the good have . That house is best ordered , which needs nothing either of ornament or necessity . * He counselled Periander to shun drunkennesse and excesse in feasting , least he should be known to be what he was , not what he seemed . * To a young man asking his advice concerning marriage , what directions he gave , is thus exprest by Callimachus . An Acarnaean stranger Pittacus Hyrrhadius son of Lesbos question'd thus ; Father a double match is offered me ; The birth and meanes of one with mine agree ; The other far exceeds me , which is best ? By your advice my aime shall be addrest . Lifting his staffe ( his ages sole defence ) He poynting said , go fetch advice from thence . ( There he espi'd some boyes by chance at play , As they were whipping topps along the way ) Follow their steps saith he . When nigh he drew , He heard them say , an equall take to you ; By which direction guided , he forsook The richer fortune , and the equall took ; Be you ( as he ) by this wise counsell lead , And take an equall to your Mariage bed . Whither Aeschylus ( as is observ'd by his Scholiast ) alluded saying , * Wise , truly wife was he Who first sententiouslie His judgement thus exprest , An equall match is best . His Moral precepts are thus collected by * Demetrius Phalereus . Know opportunity ; What thou intendest , speake not before thou dost it , for being frustrate of thy hope , thou will be derided . Use thy friends . What thou tak'st ill in thy neighbour , doe not thy selfe . Reproach not the unhappie , for the hand of God is on them . Restore what is committed to thy trust . Beare with thy neighbour . I ove thy neighbour . Reproach not thy friend , though he recede from thee a little ; nor wish well to thy enemy , it is against reason . It is hard to foresee the future , what is past is certaine , what is to come obscure . The earth is faithfull , the sea faithlesse ; Gaine insatiable . Acquire , honesty , Seeke Obsequiousnesse , Love Discipline , Temperance , Prudence , Truth , Faith , Experience , Dexterity , Society , Diligence , Oeconomy and Piety . Ausonius cites these as his ; None know to speak who know not to refraine , One goodmans praise 'fore many ill mens gaine . He 's mad who envies in the happy , pride ; Or grief in the unhappie doth deride . Who makes a law must not that law transgresse , Pu●chase all friends thou caust in happinesse , And to the fewest trust in thy distresse . * Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , these were most celebrious , Who hath a quiver and a bow Against a wicked man should go Whose doubtfull tongue never exprest The faithlesse meaning of his breast . His particular sentence was , Know opportunity . CHAP. III. His Death ; Brother , Wife , Son , Writings . * HE lived to a full age , above seventy yeares , or ( following the accompt of Suidas for his birth ) eighty . * Lucian exceeds , who reckons him amongst those who lived 100. yeares ; for he * dyed when Aristomenes was Archon , in the third yeare of the 52. Olympiad , upon his Monument this Epitaph , Weepe citizens as sacred Lesbos weeps For Pittacus ; this Tombe his ashes keeps . He had a brother who dying without issue , his estate devolved to Pittacus ; whereupon refusing the wealth Croesus offerd him , he said , he had more by halfe then he desired . He married a wife of birth higher then himself , sister to Draco son of Penthilus ; she behaved her self imperiously towards him , whereof * Plutarch gives this instance ; Having invited some friends , she came in and overthrew the table ; he seeing his guests troubled said , Each of you hath some misfortune , he is happiest who hath no more then this . Laertius saith , the advice he gave concerning equall marriage ( chap. 2. ) was out of a resentment of his own troubles . * He had a son named Tyrrheus , who at Cuma sitting in a Barbers shop ( as was used amongst the antients by such as loved to discourse of newes ) was casually killed by a brasier with a blow of a hatchet ; The Cumeans tooke the offendor and sent him to Pittacus , He being informed of the accident , set him at liberty saying , pardon is better then penitence . Of his writings Laertius mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , already cited , Elegies amounting to 600 verses . Of lawes in prose ; directed to his own Countrymen . Epistles of which this is preserved ; Pittacus to Croesus . You command me to come to Lydia to behold your wealth ; without sight whereof I can easily beleeve the son of Alyattes , to be the richest of Kings , and therefore need not in that respect go to Sardis ; for I want not gold , but have enough even for my friends also ; yet I will come to you to enjoy your conversation as a Guest . * There was another Pittacus called the Lesser , a Lawgiver ; mentioned by Phavorinus and Demetrius . BIAS . BIAS . CHAP. I. Bias his life . * BIAS was of Priene , sone of Tutamis ; some affirm he was rich , others , that he had no estate , but lived as an inmate . Sa●yrus●anketh ●anketh him first of the seven wise-men ; the occasion whereby that title was conferred on him , was this ; he redeemed some captive Messenian virgins , brought them up as his daughters , gave them portions , and so sent them back to their Parents : a Tripod being afterwards found at Athens ( as was related in the life of ●hales , the place only different ) with this inscription in gold , To the wise . These virgins ( as Satyrus affirmes ) or ( as Phanodicus ) their father came into the congregation , and pronounced Bias wise , declaring what he had done for them : hereupon the Tripod was sent to him , which Bias beholding , averred Apollo to be the most wise , and would not accept it ; some affirm he dedicated it to Hercules at Thebes , as being descended from the Theban Colony , sent to Priene . That he made good this attribute , there are many instances ; * Alyattes besieging Priene , Bias turned out of the Town two exceeding fat mules , which coming to the camp , Croesus wondered to see * their plenty extended to the very beasts , and desirous , of reconcilement , sent a messenger to them . Bias causing many heaps of sand to be made , and covered over with wheat , shewed them to the messenger ; whereof Alyattes informed , was more eager of peace then before , and sent immediately to desire Bias to come to him ; but I ( answered he ) wish Allyattes may feed on onyons , meaning to weep . * Some ascribe it to Bias , the diversion of Croesus his expedition against the Greek Islands , by others imputed to Pittacus related in his life . * Cyrus having taken Croesus , sent an Army against the Grecians ; the Ionians much troubled , assembled at the Panionium , where Bias gave them wise advice , which had they followed ( saith Herodotus ) they might have been the happiest of all the Greeks : He counselled them to joyne together in one fleet , to saile to Sardinia , and there build one City common to all the Ionians ; whereby they might preserve themselves from bondage , happy in possessing an Island far greater then all the rest , and commanding them ; but if they continued in Ionia , there was no apparent hope of liberty . This advice was justified , the Ionians being subdued . * Bias ( his country Priene invaded by enemies , all , whom the cruelty of war suffered to escape , flying away laden with the most precious of their wealth ) being demanded why he carried none of his goods with him . I ( saith he ) carry my goods with me : He bore them ( addes Valerius Maximus ) in his breast , not to be seen by the eye , but prised by the soul ; enclosed in the narrow dwelling of the mind , not to be demolished by mortall hands , present with those who are setled , and not forsaking such as flie . * He refused not the amity of Kings , ( as Thales did ) particularly , that of Amasis , King of Aegypt , who sent him a victim , commanding him to take from it the best and worst part . Bias sent him the tongue , for which ingenuity , he was much admired . * Another question of Amasis he resolved , whilst he was at Corinth ( invited thither with the rest of the wise-men by Periander ) where Niloxenus brought him this letter . Amasis King of Aegypt saith thus to Bias , wisest of the Greeks : the King of Aethiopia contendeth with me for preheminence in wisdome ; master'd in other things , he in conclusion requires an absurd strange thing , that I drink up the sea ; this proposition if I resolue , I shall have many of his Townes and Citties ; if I resolve not , I must lose all those which are about Elephantina . Ponder it , and send Niloxenus back with all speed ; what euer we can do for your friends and Country , shall not be wanting . Having read the Letter , Bias with a short pause , recollecting himselfe , and having whispered to Cleobub●s who sat next him . What ( saith he ) Naucratites , Amasis , who commands so many men , and possesseth so excellent a Country , will he , for a few obscure contemptible villages , drink up the sea ? Bias ( saith Niloxenus smiling ) consider , as if he meant to do it , how it might be effected . Bid the Aethiopian ( replyed Bias ) withold the rivers from running into the sea , untill he hath drunk off that which is now sea ; for the imposition concernes that only which is such at present , not what shall be hereafter . Niloxenus embraced him with joy , the rest applauding his solution . CHAP. II. His morall sentence , precepts , and verses . HIs Apothegmes are thus delivered by Laertius and others . He is unfortunate , who cannot bear misfortune . It is a disease of the mind to desire such things as cannot be obtained , and to be unmindfull of the miseries of others . To one that asked what is hard , he answered , to bear couragiously a change to the worse . Being at sea in company with wicked , who , a storm arising , called upon the Gods ; hold your peace , saith he , lest they know you are here . To a wicked man enquiring what was piety , he was silent , the other asking the reason of his silence : I answer not , saith he , because you enquire after that which nothing concernes you . Being demanded what is sweet to mankind , he answered , Hope . It is better to decide a difference betwixt our enemies then friends , for one of the friends will certainly become an enemie , one of the enemies , a friend . Being asked what a man did with delight , he answered , gain by labour . We should so live , as though our life would be both long and short : So love , as if hereafter we might hate , conversing in friendship with caution , remembring that it may possibly convert to enmity . * To one demanding whether he should take a wife ; she must be ( saith he ) either fair or foul ; if fair , she will be common , if foule , a pennance . * That Tyrant shall gain most glory , who first himselfe obeyes the lawes of his country : That common-wealth is best ordered , wherein every man fears the Law more then a Tyrant . That family is best ordered , where the Master behaves himselfe voluntarily within dores , as he doth without by constraint of the Law. * Those who busie themselves in vain knowledge , resemble an Owle , which seeth only in the night , but is blind in the light ; so is their mind sharp-sighted in vanity , dark at the approach of true light . Ausonius hath these under his name . What is our chiefest good ? a conscience free , Our greatest ill ? mans , mans worst enemie . Poor ? th'avaricious . Rich ? who nought desires . A wifes best dower ? the fame chast life acquires . Chast ? she of whom report dare speak no ill . Wise ? who hath power to hurt , but wants the will. A fool ? who wants the power , and yet would kill . His morall precepts , according to * Demetrius Phalereus these . Most men are evill , . ( * His particular sentence ) Before you do any thing , behold your face in a glasse ; if it seem handsome , do handsome things ; if deformed , suply the defects of nature . Practise honesty . Undertake deliberately , but having once begun , go through . Abhor to speak hastily . [ Laert. It is madnesse ] lest thou sin , for repentance followes . Be neither simple nor subtle . Admit not imprudence . Love prudence . Every where professe there are Gods. Weigh what is to be done . Hear much . Speak seasonably . If poor , reprove not the rich , unless great advantage may arise thereby . Praise not an unworthy person for his wealth . Acquire by perswasion , not by violence . When thou dost good , impute it not to thy selfe , but to the Gods. In thy youth , gain wealth , in thy age wisdome . [ or as Laertius , from thy youth to thy age , gain wisdome , for it will be more sure to thee , then all other possessions ] Preserve in thy actions remembrance ; in opportunity , caution ; in thy manners , ingenuity ; in labour , patience ; in fear , warinesse ; in wealth , love ; in discourse , perswasion ; in silence , a decorum ; in sentence , justice ; in boldnesse , fortitude ; in action , power ; in glory , eminence ; in thy nature , generosity . * Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were most esteemed . To all the City where thou liv'st be kind , They who most favour show , most favour find : But pride is often with destruction joyn'd . And Strength is a gift , which natures hand bestowes . Rhetorick and policy the wise soule knowes , Riches a present that from fortune flowes . CHAP. III. His death , and writings . * HE was much addicted to pleading , very earnest therein , but alwaies employed in just causes ; which * Demodicus the Alerian implies , saying , If thou chance to be a Iudge , giue , sentence on the Prienaean side ; and Hipponax , to plead a cause better then Bias the Prienaean . And in that manner he died , being very old , as he was pleading , having ended his speech , he reposed his head in the bosom of his sisters son ; his adversary having ended his defence ; the Judges gave sentence on Bias his side ; the Court dismist he was found dead in his Nephews bosome : the City bestowed a magnificent monument upon him , with this inscription ; Bias of Prienaean fam'd descent Lies here , Ionia's greatest ornament . They also dedicated a Temple to him , called the Tutamian : Laertius bestowes upon him this Epigram . Bias lies hidden here , whom Hermes lead To th' grave , when age had snow'd upon his head . His head , which ( pleading for his friend ) enclind Upon his Nephew to long sleep resign'd . He writ concerning Ionia , by what means it might be most happy ( perhaps that counsell already mentioned ) two thousand verses . CLEOBVLE CLEOBVLVS . CHAP. I. Cleobulus his life , death , and writings . * CLEOBULUS was of Lindus , ( a City of Rhodes ) or according to Duris , of Caria , son of Evag●ras , lineally descended from Hercules ; excellent both in wisdome , outward beauty , and * strength beyond all those of his time ; learned in the Philosophy of the Egyptians . That he was Tyrant of Lindus , is manifest from * Plutarch . * He re-edified the Temple of Minerva , founded by Danaus . He had a daughter * whom he named Eumetis , but was called commonly from her father Cleobulina : she composed verses and riddles , in Hexameters , famous for her wisdome and acutenesse in those riddles , some of her questions having spread as far as Egypt , which she used jocularly , like dice upon occasions , only contesting with such as provoked her ; she was also indued with an admirable height of mind , and a wit both Politick , and full of humanity , causing her father to govern his people with more mildnesse . Cratinus , also mentions her in a Comedy named from her Cleobulae , often cited by Athenaeus . * He died full of years , which extended to seventy , his tomb carried this inscription , Wise Cleobulus death , the Lindian shore , To which his birth was owing , doth deplore . * He composed Verses and Riddles to the number of three thousand , of which was this Riddle concerning the Year , ( by Suidas ascribed to his daughter Cleobulina . ) One fire , twelve sons , from every one a race Of thirty daughters with a double face : Their looks are black and white successively ; Immortall they are all , and yet all die . * Some assert him the Author of this Epigram upon Midas ( not Homer , who , as they account , lived long before Midas , though Herodotus otherwise . ) A brazen virgin stretcht on Mida's tomb , To last whilst water runs , and Trees shall bloom ; Whilst Sun and Moon dart their successive beams , And the rough sea supplied by gentle streams . I dwell upon this dismal sepulcher , To tell all those that passe , Midas lies here . There is likewise extant under his name this Epistle . Cleobulus to Solon . YOu have many friends , and a habitation every where ; but I dare affirme , Lindus would be most pleasing to Solon , being governed by a Democracy ; an Island where there is no fear of Pisistratus , thither your friends will come to you from all parts . CHAP. II. His morall sentences , precepts , and verses . * OF his morall saying are these . Employ thy selfe in something excellent . Be not vain and ungratefull . Bestow your daughters , Virgins in years , Matrons in discretion : implying , that the Virgins also should be instructed , which the Greeks used not , the Romans brought them up in the liberall sciences . Do good to your friend that he may be more your friend , your enemy that he may become your friend : for we should beware of the calumny of friends , of the treachery of nemies : When any man goeth forth , let him consider what he is to do , when he returnes , examine what he hath done . * A Prince may be happy , if he trust none that are about him . That common-wealth is best ordered , wherein the Citizens fear reproach more then Law. That family is best , wherein more loue then fear the Master . His precepts thus collected by * Demetrius Phalereus , A mean is best . ( * His particular sentence ) To reuerence thy father is dutie . 〈◊〉 care of thy bodie and soul. Hear willingly , but trust not hastily . ( o● as Laertius , 't is better to love to hear , then to love to speak . ) 〈…〉 better to know many things , ( Laertius , to love knowledge ) then 〈◊〉 be ignorant of all . Teach your tongue to speak well . It is proper to 〈◊〉 , and contrary to vice , to hate injustice . ( Laertius , be a friend to vertue , a stranger to vice . ) Preserve thy pietie . Advise thy country 〈◊〉 what is best . Govern thy tongue . ( Laertius , pleasure . ) Do nothing by violence . Instruct thy children . Pray to fortune . Forgoe enmitie . The Enemy to thy conntry , esteem thy own . Fight not , nor be kind 〈◊〉 wife in the presence of others , one argues folly , the other madnesse , Corect not your servants when they are drunk , it showes as if you were drunk your selfe . Marry with your equall , for by matching into a higher family , you procure Masters , not kinsmen . Laugh not in compliance with him who derides , others , for you will be hated by those he derides . Rich , be not exalted ; poor , be not dejected : ( Laertius addes , learn to bear the changes of fortune . Ausonius ascribes these to him , The more is in thy power , desire the lesse ; Not to be envi'dis unhappinesse . None long in his impieties can thrive , In other much , nought in thy selfe forgive . All men would spare the good , the bad cast down , We share not in our ancestors renown : But their inglorious actions often own . Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were most noted . By ignorence most deeds are swaid , In many specious words arraid ; But all things shall by time be weigh'd . PERIANDER PERIANDER . CHAP. I. The Country , Ancestors , and Parents of Periander . * PEriander was sonne of Cypselus Tyrant of Corinh , his mother Cratea , his Ancestors the Heraclidae , ( * descended from Hercules and Iardana ) raigned Kings of Lydia five hundred five yeares , the son continually succeeding the father for two and twenty generations . The originall of Cypselus , and the manner of his obtaining the Kingdome receive thus from * Herodotus . When Corinth was governed by an Oligarchy , inhabited by the Bacchiadae , who never would marry out of their own family , one of them ( called Amphion ) had a lame daughter ( by name Labda ) whom when none of the Bacchiadae would take to wife , Eetion married ( son of Eche●rates of the Betraean tribe , but desended afar off from Lapithe and Caenis ) having no children , he consulted the Delphian Oracle about it ; as soone as he entred , the Prophetesse spake thus to him . Eetion none will thee though great respect A stone from Labdas fruitfull wombe expect , Which shall the people crush , Corinth correct . This Oracle to Eetion agreed with another deliver'd to the Bacchiadae ( though by them not understood ) to this effect . A Lyon by an Eagle shall be laid Upon a rock , fierce , making all afraid . Corinthians , what I say consider well , Who in tall Corinth and Pir●ne dwell . The Bacchiadae who could not comprehend the meaning of this Oracle , when they heard that to Eetion , understood their owne by the affinity it had with the other , and thereupon secretly design'd amongst themselves to kill Eetions child . His wife being delivered , they sent ten men of their owne to the tribe wherein Eetion dwelt , that they should murder the Infant ; when thy came to Petra to Eetions house , they demanded the child . Labda ( not knowing their intent , but thinking they came to congratulate with the Father , ) brings her sonne , and gives him into the hands of one of them : they had agreed ( upon the way ) that he into whose hands the child were delivered should dash out its braines against the ground , but by divine providence , the child smiling upon him to whom Labda had given it , he was moved therewith to such compassion , that he could not finde in his heart to kill it , but delivered it to another , he to a third , untill at last it past through the hands of all the ten ; None of them having power to kill it , they restored it to the mother . Then going forth and standing before the doore , they began to finde fault with one another , but chiefly with him who tooke the child first , for not performing the agreement ; after some debate , they agreed to goe in all and bee equall sharers in the murther ; but it was decreed that Eetions child should bee the oppressour of Corinth , for Labda standing at the doore heard all their discourse , and fearing lest their mindes changing , they should murther it , carried away the child , and hid it in a measure of corne ( called Cypsela ) a place which she conceived they could never search if they returned , and so it fell out : They came back and sought all about ; when they could not finde him , they agreed amongst themselves to tell those who sent them , they had done what they required , and returning home , did so . Eetions son growing up was called Cypselus from the danger he had escaped in the corne-measure ; when he came to mans estate , he consulted with the Delphian Oracle , and received a doubtfull answer , in confidence whereof he attempted Corinth and tooke it , the Oracle was this , Happy is Cypselus , who to my fane This visit makes ; he Corinth's crowne shall gain ; He and his Sons ( but not their sons ) shall raign . Being possest of the Kingdome , he persecuted the Corinthians , depriving many of their estates , more ( by far ) of their lives ; having reigned thirty yeares , he dyed and was succeeded by his Son Periander , whose reigne compleated this Tyranny , which lasted according to* Aristotle 73. yeares and sixe moneths : So that Cypselus began to reigne in the second yeare of the thirtieth Olympiad . CHAP. II. The time of his birth , his raign , and the change of his disposition . PEriander ( by computation from his death , which , according to Laertius was in the eightieth year of his age , the last of the fortie eight Olympiad ) was born in the last year of the twenty ninth Olympiad . His raign ( according to * Aristotles account , lasting fortie foure years ) begun in the fourth year of the thirty seventh Olympiad . Suidas saith , he succeeded in the Kingdome , * as being his fathers eldest son , which Plutarch calls , a disease hereditary to him , * flourished in the thirtie eight Olympiad . * He was at first of a mild gentle disposition , but afterwards grew very rigid upon this occasion . His mother , whilst he was very young , kept him much in her company , when he grew more in years , fell in love with him ; with time , her passion encreased to such extremity , that she could no longer suppresse it ; assuming confidence , she told her son , there was a beautifull Lady fallen in love with him , and advised him not to slight her affection . He answer'd , he would not transgresse law and vertue , by touching a married woman . His mother pressed him with intreaties ; at last he consented ; she appointed a night , advising him not to have any light in his chamber , nor to constrain the Lady to speak , but to excuse her for modestie's sake . Periander engaged himself to do all she directed . She , attired as richly as she could , went to his chamber , and departed again before day-break : on the morrow she enquired if he were pleased , and if the Lady should come again to him . Periander said , it was his chiefest desire , and that he affected her excessively . From that time she visited her son often : he , at last , was moved with a great curiosity to know who she was , and solicited his mother very importunately that he might have some discourse and acquaintance with her , seeing he was so much taken with love of her , affirming it was unreasonable , he should be denyed the sight of one , with whom he had so often a neerer acquaintance . His mother affirm'd it could not be done , in respect to the modesty of the Lady . Hereupon he gave one of his servants order to hide a light in his chamber : she came as she used , and when she was asleep , Periander rose , took the light , and seeing it was his mother , was about to have killed her , but with-held by some genius or apparition , forebore : From that time forward he was troubled in mind , grew cruell , and killed many of his subjects . His mother , much accusing her unhappy genius , slew her selfe . Laertius saith , they were both conscious hereof , and that being discovered , he grew cruell to euery one . * In the beginning of his raign , he was much more mercifull then his father , but keeping correspondence by messengers with Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus ( * to whom in times past he had been a guest , before he arived to the government ) he became at last much more bloody then his father . He sent an expresse to Thrasibulus , to know what course he should take to settle himselfe , and to govern the Citty in the best manner . Thrasibulus led the messenger out of town , and as they walked together in a corn field , question'd him concerning his comming from Corinth , and in the mean time lopped off all the heads of corn that grew higher then the rest , and threw them away ; in this manner he went over the whole field , not speaking one word to the messenger , and so sent him home ; where being returned , Periander greedily enquired what instructions he had brought ; he answered , Thrasibulus had given him none , and that he wondered he would send him to a mad-man , who destroyed his own goods . Periander enquired what Thrasibulus did , and immediately apprehended that he advised him to put the most eminent in the City to death . Laertius recites a Letter to that effect , which if not , suppositions must have been sent at another time after this messenger departed . Thrasibulus to Periander . I Gave your messenger no answer , but carying him into a field of Corn , lopped off with my stick such ears as grew higher then the rest , whilst he followed me ; if you enquire , he will relate all to you that he hath heard or seen : Do you so likewise , if you mean to settle your selfe in the government , take off the heads of the chiefest Citizens , whether your professed enemies , or others . A Tyrant must suspect every friend . Though * Plutarch deny he followed this advice , Herodotus averres , that from thence forward Periander exercised all cruelty upon his subjects , dispatching those that had escaped the rigour and persecutions of his father . * He first appointed a guard of Halberdiers to secure his person , * which consisted of three hundred , and converted the government to a Tyrannie ( * through his cruelty and violence ) He forbad the Citizens to keep any servants , or to be idle , alwaies finding some employment for them : If any man sat in the Forum , he was fined , for he feared lest they should plot against him . * The Citizens being desirous to live 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he would not suffer them , * He was alwaies in war , being of a martiall disposition . He made ships with three banks of Oares , which he used in both seas . * He attempted to dig the Isthmus off from the continent . Of his friendship and correspondence with Thrasibulus , * Herodotus gives another instance , affirming he sent to inform him of the Oracles answer to Alyattes King of Lydia , concerning the re-edifying of the Temple of Minerva , and advised him to provide before-hand for his own security . * He made a vow , if he were victor in the chariot-race at the Olympick games , to erect a statue of gold : He chanced to be victorious , and wanting gold , beholding upon a festivall of that country the women richly adorned , he took off all their ornaments , and so sent them home . CHAP. III. Of his being placed in the number of the seven Sages . His sentences and writings . PEriander ( saith * Plutarch ) being become a Tyrant by a hereditary disease derived to him by his father , endeavoured to purge himselfe thereof as much as possible , by using the sound conversation of good persons , and invited wise-men to come to him ; * to which purpose he sent this Epistle to those of Greece , at such time as they met at Delphi . Periander to the wise men . I Give Pythian and Apollo many thanks that you being met together , there will also by my letters be brought to Corinth , I will entertain you as you well know very kindly . I here that last yeer met at the Lydian Kings in Sardis : delay not now to come to me , Tyrant of Corinth , for the Corinthians will look kindly upon you , if you come to the house of Periander . Upon this invitation they went to him , not seven , but twice as many , of whom was Diocles , Perianders friend , in whose name Plutarch makes a large description of their entertainment , which was not in the City , but at the Port Lecheon , in a great hall , appropriated to solemn feasts , joyning to the Temple of Venus , to whom he had not sacrificed since the unhappy death of his mother untill that time , the particulars of the feast , by reason of the largenesse of the discourse , we referre to Plutarch . He was also himselfe put into the number of these wisemen , who , * Plutarch saith , were originally but five , but that afterwards Cleobulus Tyrant of Lindus , and Periander Tyrant of Corinth , who had neither vertue nor wisdome , by the greatnesse of their power , the multitude of their friends , and the obligations they conferred upon those that adhered to them , forced a reputation , and thrust themselves violently into the usurped name of wise-men ; to which end , they spread abroad sentences and remarkable sayings throughout all Greec , the very same which others had said before , whereat the other first sages were much displeased , yet would not discover or convince their vanity , nor have any publick controversie about that title with persons of so much wealth and power , but meeting together at Delphi , after some private debate , they consecrated there the Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fift in the Alphabet , and in numeration , to testifie to the God of that Temple they were no more then five , and that they rejected and excluded from their company , the sixt and the seventh , as having no right thereto . Of those * who excluded him put of the number of the seven , some ( as * Plato ) substitute in his roome Myso : * others say there were two of this name , cozens , one the Tyrant , the other of Ambracia : but Aristotle and others , assert him of Corinth to be the wise , which attribute seems conferred upon him , not in respect to his actions , but morall sayings and writings , which were these . Do nothing for gain , that is proper to trades-men . They who will rule safely , must be guarded with love , not armes . Being demanded why he continued King , because ( saith he ) it is dangerous willingly to refrain , or unwillingly to be deposed . * When the other six had given their opinions concerning Tyranny ( at the feast to which he invited them ) he being desired to adde his , answered with a troubled countenance , Enough hath been said to de●erre any man of sound judgment from rule . When they had in like manner declared their opinions , concerning a common-wealth , he added , the result of all which had been said , commended that Democracy most , which came neerest an Aristocracy . * Being demanded what was the greatest in the least , he answered , a good mind in a human body . His precepts ( according to * Demetrius Phalereus ) were these , Consideration is all ( * which was his particular sentence ) Quiet is good , temerity dangerous . Gain sordid , the accusation of nature . A democracy is better then a Tyrannie . Pleasures are mortall , vertues immortall . In good fortune be moderate , in bad prudent . It is better to die then to want . Study to be worthy of your Parents . Be praised living , beatified dead . To your friends in prosperity and adversitie be the same . What thou hast promised amisse , perform not . [ Laert. Keep thy word . ] Betray not secrets . So reproach , as if thou shouldst ere long be a friend . Use new diet , but old lawes . Punish those who haue sinned : restrain those that are about to sin . Conceal thy misfortune that it may not glad thy enemies . Ausonius ascribes these to him . Pleasure and profit never disagree . As more solicitous , more happy be . 'T is ill to wish , but worse to fear to die , With what necessity enjoynes , comply . If thou art fear'd of many , many fear . Be not exalted when thy fortunes cleer , Nor be dejected if a storm appear . * He writ two thousand verses of morall instructions . CHAP. IIII. The story of Arion . DUring the feast we mentioned ( by Plutarchs account ) or rather according to Eusebius , in the fortieth Olympiad , there happened a strange accident , which ( because Herodotus calls it a miracle shewed to Periander ) we shall relate in his words . * ●rion the most famous Lutinist of that time , having lived a long time with Periander , took a voyage to Italy and Sicily , th●re having gotten together much wealth , he designed to return to ( orinth : at Tarentum he hired a Corinthian vessell , confiding above any in Corinthians ; they , when they were at Sea , plotted to cast Arion over-board , that they might be Masters of his wealth , which he understanding , offered to give them all so they would save his life ; they refusing , bad him lay violent hands upon himselfe , if he would be buried in his own Country , otherwise to leap immediately into the sea . Arion reduced to this extremity , intreated them to give him leave to put on his richest ornaments , and so standing upon the poop of the ship , to play a tune , promising , assoon as he had done , to deliver himselfe into their hands . The men moved with a great desire to hear the most excellent Lutinist in the world , retired from the poop to the middle of the ship : he puts on his best ornaments , and standing upon the poop , began that tune which they call the morning hymne , assoon as he had ended it , he threw himselfe into the Sea , with his ornaments and Lute ; the ship sailed on to Corinth . It is reported a Dolphin took him upon his back , and caryed him to Taenarus , where he landed , and took shipping again for Corinth ; he arived there in the same habit , and related all that passed ; which Periander not beleeving , committed him to close custody , not permitting him to go any whither , and in the mean time sent for the Mariners ; when they came , he asked them newes of Arion : They answered , he was very well in Italy , and that they left him safe at Tarentum : immediately Arion appeared , attired , as when he he leaped out of the ship , whereat they were so confounded , they could not say any thing in their own defence . This is attested both by the Corinthians and Lesbians . At Taenarus there is a little Image given as an offering of a man fitting upon a Dolphins back : that Periander caused such a one to be made , is evident from this Epigram of Bianor . This statue of Arion ore the main Sailing upon a Dolphin's back was carv'd By Perianders order . See , men slain By cruell men , by fishes kind preserv'd . CHAP. V. Of his Wife . * HIs wife was named Lysis , by him called Melissa , daughter to Procleus , Tyrant of Epidaurus and Eristhenea , the daughter of Aristacrates , by the sister of Aristomedes , which persons ruled over the greatest part of Arcadia . * He fell in love with her , seeing her in a Peloponnessian dresse , in her petticote , without a gown , giving drink to her fathers workmen : * Long after he kil'd her in his fury , big with child , with a stool , or a blow of his foot , being wrought upon by the accusations of his concubines , whom he afterward burned . * He sent one day to Threspotos upon the River Acheron , to enquire by Necromancy concerning a depositum . Melissa appearing , said , she would not tell them in what place it was laid , because she was cold and naked , the clothes wherein she was buried doing her no good , for they were not burned , confirming the truth whereof by Perianders puting bread into a cold oven ; which answer carried to Periander , made good the suspition that ( * through excesse of love ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hereupon he caused proclamation to be made that all the Corinthian women should come to Iuno's Temple to celebrate a festivall , attyred in their richest ornaments , when they came , having placed a guard of souldiers in ambush , he striped them all , without any distinction ( free women and servants ) of their clothes , which he carried to Melissas grave , and having praid , burn'd them to her ▪ This done , he sent messengers to enquire the second time , to whom Melissa's Ghost appeared , and told them where the depositum was laid . CHAP. VI. Of his Children . * HEe had by Melissa two sons Cypsalus and Lycophron the younger ingenious , the elder a foole ; he had likewise a daughter ; his elder sonne at the time of his mothers death was eighteen yeares old , the younger seventeen . These their Grandfather by the mothers side Procleus ( Tyrant of Epidaurus ) sent for over to him , and loved them much as in reason he ought , being the children of his owne daughter ; when he was to send them back , he said to them , doe you know children who slew your mother ? the elder tooke no heede to that speech , but Lycophron the younger was so troubled at it , that when he came to Corinth , he neither spoke to his father , nor would make him any answer , looking upon him as the murderer of his mother , where ●at Periander at length became so incensed , that he turned him out of doores . He being gone , Periander questioned the Elder what discourse his Grandfather had with him ; hee related to him how kindly he used him , but told nothing of that which Procleus had said to t●em at their departure , for he had not taken any notice of it ▪ Periander said , it was not possible but that hee should say something more , and pressed him more strictly ; at last he calling it to mind , told him this also , which Periander resenting , and not willing to use his son more mildly , sent to the people with whom he lived in his ejection , forbidding them to receive him into any of their houses . Turned out of that wherin he was , he sought to goe into another , but was denied ; Periander having threatned those that should entertaine him , and commanded all to drive him away : expelled thence , he went to another of his acquaintance , who knowing him the sonne of Periander entertained him though with feare : at length Periander proclaimed that whosoever received him into their house , or spoke to him , should pay what fine to Apollo , he should impose : from that time none durst venture to entertaine him or speake to him ; nor would he himselfe make tryall of a thing which he knew to be desperate , but passed his time in the common walkes : Foure dayes after , Periander seeing him poore and extenuated with fasting , tooke compassion of him , and laying aside his anger , drew nigh to him and said , Son which is better , to undergoe what you now suffer , or by obeying your father to enjoy my wealth and kingdome ? you being my son and next heire to the Kingdome of fruitful Corinth , have made choice of the life of a Vagabond , angerly opposing him whom you ought not to oppose ; if any unhappinesse befell in those things whereof you suspect me , it befell me , and I have so much the greater share therein , in being the instrument thereof ; heare how much better it is to be envied then to bee pittied , and what it is to be angry with our parents or betters . In these words Periander reproved his son , who made him no other answer then That he ought to pay a fine to the God for speaking to him . Periander perceiving the evill of his sonne to be incurable , removed him out of his fight , and sending him by ship to Corcyra , of which he was also Tyrant : having thus disposed of him , he made war with his father in Law Procleus as the chiefe cause of all that happened . Laertius mentions an Epistle which he sent him to this effect . Periander to Procleus . Wee committed unwillingly that crime upon your Daughter , but you if willingly , you alienate my Sons minde from me , you doe unjustly ▪ therefore either so●ten his minde towards me , or I shall revenge this injury ; I have satisfied your daughter by burning in her honour the garments of all the women of Corinth . * In fine he tooke Epidaurus and Proclus therein , whom he preserved alive . * In processe of time Periander growi●g old , and knowing himselfe to bee no longer fit for the charge of the common-wealth , sent to Corcyra to invite Lycophron to the government of the Kingdome ; conceiving his eldest son uncapeable of that office by reason of his stupidity . Lycophron would not vouchsafe so much as to speake to the messenger . Periander ( affectionate to him ) sent the second time his sons sister , his owne daughter , hoping he would be sooner perswaded by her ; shee comming said to him , Brother , had you rather the Kingdome should fall into the hands of others , and our fathers house be dispersed then goe home and have it your selfe ? returne to your owne house , injure your selfe no longer ; obstinacy is an unhappy inheritance : oure not one evill with another ; many prefer compliance before justice , many in pursuit of their mothers right lose their fathers Kingdome : a Kingdome is a slippery thing , coveted by many , our father is old and feeble , give not your owne goods to others : thus she pleaded to him as her father had instructed her ; he answered he would n●ver come to Corinth whilst his father lived there ▪ which as soone as Periander understood , he sent a messenger the third time , to let him know , hee would remove to Corcyra , and to command him to come to Corinth to take the government upon him ; to thi● the sonne assented . Periander prepared for Corcyra , his sonne for Corinth : the people of Corcyra informed hereof , that Periander might not come into their country , kill'd his son ▪ in revenge of which fact Periander sent three hundred boyes of the chiefe of the Corcyraeans to Sardis to Allyates King of Lydia there to be guelt , the Corinthians who had charge of them , were driven upon Samos , the Samians understanding to what end they were sent to Sardis , advised them to take Sanctuary in the Temple of Diana , and would not suffer them as being suppliants to bee pulled away : The Corinthians not permitting any food to be given them , the Samians celebrated a festivall , which is observed ( saith Herodotus ) at this day ; when night was come , the company of youths and maides danced whilst the children were pr●●ing ▪ and in their dance having made cakes of meale and honey , flung them amongst the children , whereby they were sustained alive , this they did so long till the Samians who had charge of the children , were faine to goe away and leave them ; then the Samians conveyed the children home to Corcyra . * Antenor and Dionysius affirme the Gnidians came to Samos with a fleet , drove away Perianders Guard from the Temple , and carried the children to Corcyra ; for which reason the Corcyraeans allowed the Gnidians many honours and immunities , which they gave not ( even ) to the Samians . CHAP. 7. His Death . * EXcessive melancholy ( amidst these crosses ) occasioned his death , in the last yeare of the 48 Olympiad , the eightieth of his age , being desirous none should know where he was buried , he thus contriv'd it . He commanded two men to goe to a certaine place at night , and to kill whom they first met , and bury him . After them he sent fower to kill & bury the two ; after the fower , more : They obeyed his order , the first killed him . The Co●inthians erected for him an empty monument with this inscription . Periander lies within Corinthian Ground , For power and wisedome above all renownd . Laertius hath this Epigram upon him . At whatsoere shall happen be not sad : Alike for all that God dispenseth glad . VVise Periander did through griefe expire , Because events not ioynd with his desire . AUSONII LUDUS septem Sapientum . The Prologue . THe seven wise-men , ( that name times past apply'd To them , nor hath posteritie deny'd ) Themselves this day unto your view present . Why dost thou blush Gown'd Roman ? discontent That such grave men should on the stage be brought ! Is 't shame to us ? 't was none to Athens thought : Whose Councell-Chamber was their Theater . True ; here for businesse severall places are Assign'd , the Cirque for meetings , Courts to take Enrolements , Forums in which pleas to make : But in old Athens , and all Greece was known No other place for businesse but this one . [ Viz. the Theater Which latter Luxury in Rome did raise . The Aedile heretofore did build for plaies A Scaffold-stage , no work of Carved stone ; So Gallius and Murena , 't is well known . But after , when great Men not sparing Cost , Thought it the highest glory they could boast , To build for Playes a Scene more eminent , The Theater grew to this vast extent ; Which Pompey , Balbus , Caesar did enlarge ; Vying which should exceed for state and charge . But to what end all this ? we came not here To tell you who first built the Theater , Forum , or City Gates , but t'usher in Grave sages , who by Gods approv'd have been . Such as in pleasing and instructive verse , Their own judicious sentences rehearse , Known to the learned , and perhaps to you : But if your Mem'ries cannot well renue Things spoke so long since ; the Comedian shall , Who better then I knowes them , tell you all . Enter Comedian . AThenian Solon , Fame sings , wrot at Delphis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whose sense Know thy selfe , is : But this to Spartan Chilon most assign . Some question Chilon , whether this be thine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The close Of a long life regard : but most suppose That Solon this to Lydian Croesus spake . From Lesbian Pittacus this motto take , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that 's Know time : But he By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here means opportunity . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bias , did proceed From thee ; that is , Most men are ill . Take heed You not mistake him ; for by ill men here He means the ignorant : The next you hear Is Periander's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; That is , Thought 's All in All ; a Thoughtfull Man ! But Lyndian Cleobulus does protest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Mean in All is best . Thales , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cries . Upon a Surety present damage lies . But this , ' for those who gain by it , to tell , May ' chance displease : Now Solon comes farewell . Exit . Enter Solon . LO ! Solon in his Greeks dresse treads the stage , To whom ( as of the seven the greatest Sage ) Fame gave the prize of wisdome from the rest ; But fame is not of Censure the strict Test. Nor first nor last I take my selfe to be , For there 's no order in Equalitie . Well did the Delphick Prophet sport with him Who ask'd , which first of the Wise-men might seem , Saying ; if on a Globe their names he writ , None first or lowest he should find in it . From midst of that learn'd Round come I ; that so What once I spake to Croesus , All here now Might take as spoken to themselves ; 't is this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is , Mark the end of a long life ; till when forbear To say , these wretched , or those happy are : For All till then are in a doubtfull state , The proofe of this wee 'l in few words relate . Croesus the King or Tyrant ( choose you which ) Of Lydia , happy thought , and strangely rich ; Who to his Gods did gold-wall'd Temples build , Invites me ore , I to his summons yeeld . His royall summons went to Lydia , Willing his subjects by our means might find Their King improv'd , and better'd in his mind . He asks me whom I thought the happiest Man ? I said Telana , the Athenian , Who his life nobly for his Country gave ; He pishes at it , will another have . I told him then Aglaus , who the Bounds Nere past in all his life of his own grounds . Smiling , he saies ▪ what think you then of Me Esteem'd the happyest in the whole world ? We Reply'd , his End could only make that known , He takes this ill : I , willing to be gon , Kisse his hand , and so leave him : For some ends Meantime , 'gainst Persia he a war intends ▪ And all things ready , does in person go . How speeds ? he 's vanquish'd , Prisoner to his foe , And ready now to yeeld his latest breath , ( For by the Victor he was doom'd to death ) Upon the funerall Pile , rounded with Flames And smoake , he thus with a loud voice exclaimes O Solon ! Solon ! now I plainly see . Th' art a true Prophet ! Thrice thus naming me Mov'd with which words , Cyrus , ( the Conquerour ) Commands the Fire be quencht , which , by a shower Of Rain then falling , happily was laid . Thence to the King , by a choice Guard convay'd , And question'd who that Solon was ? and why He call'd so on his Name ? He , for reply , In Order all declares : Pitty at this The Heart of Cyrus moves ; and Croesus is Receiv'd to grace , who in a Princely Port Liv'd after , honor'd in the Persian Court. Both Kings approv'd , and prais'd Me , but what I Said then to one , let each man here apply As spoke t'himselfe , 't was for that end I came . Farewell : your liking let your hands proclaim . [ Exit . Enter Chilon . MY Hips with sitting , Eyes with seeing ake , Expecting when Solon an End would make . How little and how long your Atticks prate ! Scarce in three-hundred lines one word of weight , Or a grave sentence , how he lookt on me At going off ? — Now Spartan Chilon see ! Who with Laconian Brevity commends To you the Knowledge of your selves , kind Friend● ! 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carv'd in a Delphos Fane . 'T is a hard Work , but recompenc'd with Gain . Try your own strength ; examine what 't is you Have done already , what you ought to do . All Duties of our life , as Modestie , Honour and Constancie included be In this , and glory , which we yet despise . Farewell , your claps I not respect nor prize . [ Exit . Enter Cleobulus . I Cleobulus , though my Native Seat Be a small Isle , am Author of a great And glorious Sentence ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; A man is best : You Sirs that sit upon The fourteen middle Benches next unto Th' Orchestra , best may judge if this be true . Your Nodd showes your assent : We thank you ; but We shall proceed in Order : Was it not One Afer ( who a man of your own Clime is ) That said once in this place , Ut ne quid Nimis ? And hither does our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aime . The Dorick and the Latine mean the same . In speaking being silent , or in sleep . In good Turns , or in bad , a mean still keep , In study , or what ever you intend . I 've said , and that I mean , I keep here end . [ Exit . Enter Thales . I 'M Thales , who maintain ( as Pindar sings ) Water to be the best and first of things . To whom by Phoebus Mandate , fishers brought A golden Tripod , which they fishing caught , By him as present to the wisest meant , Which I refus'd , and unto others sent In knowledge my superiors as I thought . From one to th' other of the Sages brought By them again return'd , to me it came , Who to Apollo consecrate the same . For Since to seek the wisest , he enjoyn'd , I Judge no man but God by that design'd . Now on the stage ( as those before ) I come T' assert the truth of my own Axiom . Perhaps by some t' may be offensive thought : But not by those by sad experience taught . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , say we . Be Surety , and be sure a loser be . A thousand Instances I could produce To prove Repentance is the only use That can be made of it , but that we here Examples by their Names to cite , forbear . Make your own Application , and conceive The Damage , Men by this sole act receive . Nor this our good intention take amisse , You that like , clap , you that dislike it , hisse . Enter Bias. I Am Priaenean Bias , who once taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That most men are naught . I wish't had been unspoke ; for Truth gains Hate . But by bad men I mean illiterate , And those who barbarously all Lawes confound , Religion , Justice ; for within this Round I see none but are good : believe all those Whom I proclaim for bad amongst your Foes : Yet there is none so partially apply'd To favour Vice , but with the good will side : Whether he truly be such , or would fain Of a good man the Reputation gain : The hated name of an ill man all shun . Then ( most good Men ) your praise , and I ha' done . Enter Pittacus . I 'M Pittacus , who once this Maxime penn'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That 's , time apprehend . But by Time we meant Time in Season , as In tempore veni is your Roman Phrase . And your own Comick Poet Terence , he , Chief of all things makes opportunity , Where Dromo comes unto Antiphila . I' th nick of Time ; consider what I say , And mark how great an inconvenience Most suffer through this want of providence . But now 't is more then time we should be gon ; Farewell , and give your Aprobation . [ Exit . Enter Periander . NOw on the Stage see Periander move ! He who once said , and what he said will prove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thought is all in all . Since him a perfect Agent we may call , Who first considers what he undergoes ; For we should still forecast , as Terence showes , Th' event of businesse , whether good or bad , E'r w'undertake it : where may best be had Conveniency for planting , where to build , When to wage War , and when to pitch a Field : Nor inconsiderately take in hand Or great , or small Things , for that makes a stand In the free progresse of all new designes ; In which there 's nothing policy enjoynes Like consultation ; hence we see it cleer , Who use it not , by chance , not counsell steer , But I retire , whilst you with better Fate Imploy your Thoughts how to uphold your State : ANACHARSIS . CHAP. I. Anacharsis his life and writings . THose Nations ( saith * Herodotus ) which border upon the Euxine Sea , are of all most illiterate , the Scythians onely excepted ; we can alledge nothing relating to learning of any people within the compass of that Sea , neither know we any person learned but the Scythians Ana●harsis ; * Amongst these , notwithstanding the roughnesse of their education , ( for they fed upon mares milke and dwelt in wagons ) were some who far exceeded all in iustice . Such was Anacharsis , * son of Gnurus brother of Cadovides King of Scythia ; his mother a Grecian , by which meanes he had the advantage of two languages , but was owner of no other house then the custome of that country allow'd , a Chariot , whence * he compared his dwelling to that of the sun , carri'd in that manner round the heavens . * The Scythians never travell beyond their own confines , but Anacharsis as a person endued with more then ordinary wisedome extended his journey further , * being sent by the King of Scythia to Greece , * He came to Athens in the first yeare of the 47. Olympiad , Eucrates being Archon : and * first met with Toxaris one of his owne country , by whom , as the most compendious way to take a survey of Athens and Greece , he was addrest to Solon : how Solon received and entertained him is already related in his life : he instructed him in the best disciplines , recommended him to the favour of noblest persons , and sought all means of giving him respect and honour . Anacharsis admired his wisdome , continually followed him , in a short space learnt all things of him , and was kindly received by every one for his sake ; being ( as Theoxenus attests ) the only stranger whom they incorporated into their City . * Thus was he much honoured by the Grecians for his perfection , * wisdome , temperance , wherein he excelled many of their Philosophers , * whereupon they conferred the attribute of wise upon him , * some accompting him one of the seven : Periander invited him with the rest to Corinth ; the feast is largely described by Plutarch : There Anacharsis carrying with him Chaplets of Flowers , Ivy , and Laurell , drunk , as the Scythians use , to great excesse , * and required the prize of drinking to be given him , because he was first drunk : In a race ( saith he ) he wins , who comes first at the ●ost , in drinking , he who comes first to the end deserves the r●ward . * Having seen much of the world , and improved his knowledge , he returned to Scythia ( as Lucian conjectures , not untill Solon were dead ) As he sailed along the Hellespont , he put in at Cyricum , and finding the people celebrating a festivall to the Mother of the Gods , with much splendor and muni●icence ; he made a vow , if he got safe home , to sacrifice in the same manner as he had seen those of Cyricum , and to institute a Vigill . When he came into Scythia , he withdrew himselfe privately to Hylaea , near the Achillean course , a place abounding with 〈◊〉 ▪ and performed the Rites of the Goddesse with a Timbrell ( and Cymball * about his Neck ) A Scythian espying him , carried word to Sauli●s the King , who went immediately thither , and being an eye-witnesse thereof , shot him through with an Arrow ( * to punish his effeminacy , and prevent the infection thereof in others ) * And now if any enquire concerning Anacharsis , the Scythians deny they knew him , because he travelled into Greece , and affected the customes of that Country . As I am informed by Timnes , tutor of Spargapithes , he was uncle to Indathyrsus , King of Scythia , son of Gnurus , son of Lycus , son of Spargapithes : Now Anacharsis being of his family , it is manifest he was * slain by his brother , ( that his brother was King of Scythia , and slew him , is confirmed by Laertius , though he differ in the name ) for Indathyrsus was son of Saulius , Saulius was he who slew Anacharsis , * and consequently is the same whom Laertius calls Cadovides , adding , * some report that he shot him in hunting ; for being addicted to the Greek customes , and endeavouring to alter the lawes of Scythia ; whereupon he dying , * said , he returned safe out of Greece , guarded by his own wisdome , but was slain at home by the envy of others . Upon him Laertius hath this Epigram , * From travell Anacharsis came at last , And Scythia in a Grecian mould would cast ▪ Whilst he was teaching how , by the surprize Of a wing'd arrow carried to the skies . * There were many statues erected in honour of him by the Grecians , upon which was writ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * He was temperate and skilfull in many things ; he freely and largely discoursed of the manner of diet & medicine , which the Scythians used in curing the sick . * From the plain freedome he used in speech , arose a Proverb , The Scythian phrase . He writ eight hundred verses of orders for the Scythians and Greeks , concerning frugall living , and martiall affairs . There are also two Epistles of his extant . Anacharsis to Croesus . KIng of the Lydians , I came into Greece to be informed of their manners and studies ; I need not mony , it is enough if I can return into Scythia bettered : but ● will come to Sardys , because I highly esteem your favour . Anacharsis * to Hanno , health . * MY apparell is a Scythian rug , my shooes the hardnesse of my feet , my bed , the earth , my sauce hunger ; I feed on milk , cheese , and flesh : you may come to me as to one that 's contented : but those gif●s which you so much esteem , bestow either on your Citizens , or the immortall Gods. * He is said to have invented tinder , * the anchor , and the Potters wheele ; but this latter is by Strabo evinc'd cleerly to be false , because mentioned by Homer , who lived long before him , Anacharsis being in the time of Croesus . * CHAP. II. His Apophthegmes . HIs apothegmes are these , * He said a vine bare three grapes , the first of pleasure , the second of drunkennesse , the third of repentance . He wondered , that amongst the Greeks , Artists contended , and they who were no Artists determined . Being demanded by what meanes a man might be brought not to love wine , he said , by s●tting before his eyes the unseemly actions of drunken persons . He wondered the Grecions who punished injuries by law , rewarded the Athletae a● publick exercises for beating one another . Being told a ship is four inches thick , so far from death said he are they who sail . He said oile was a receipt procuring madnesse , because the Athletae , the more they were annointed therewith , the more fierce they were against one another . How comes it , said he , that they who forbid lying , themselves lye openly , when they put off th●ir wares ? He wondered that the Greeks in the beginning of a feast drunk in little cups , and when they were full in great . * Being demanded ( by Ardalus ) whether there were any Flutes in Scythia , he answered , not so much as vines ( which * Aristotle calls a demonstration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the remote cause ) * Ardalus adding , are there not Gods amongst the Scythians ? yes , replyed he , which understand all languages . * Being asked what ship was safest , he answered , that which is in the Haven . He affirm'd the most remarkable thing he had seen among the Grecians to be this , that they left the smoak upon the mountains , and carried the wood into their Cities . Being demanded whether the number of the dead or of the living were grea●est , amongst which , saith he , do you account those who are at sea ? To an Athenian , who reproached him for being a Scythian , my country , ( saith he ) is a disgrace to me , but you are a disgrace to your country . Being demanded what in man is both good and bad , he answered the tongue . He affirm'd it is better to have one friend worth much , then many worth nothing . He said the Forum was the proper place for c●eating and unjust gain . To a young man who reproached him at a feast ; youth , saith he , if at these yeeres you cannot bear wine , when you grow old , you will not be able to bear water . * When he returned to Scythia , he told the King who sent him , the Greeks were busied in all kinds of wisdome , except the Lacedaemonians , who only knew how to give and receive prudently . * He said the Greeks made no other use of mony but to accompt with it . * At a publick assembly in Athens , he said , he wondered , why in the Greek convocations , wise men propounded businesse , and fooles determined it . * That Prince is happy who is wise . That City is best , wherein ( all things eise being equall ) vertue hath the better condition , vice the worse . * To one who , as they were drinking , said , beholding his wife , Anacharsis , you have married one who is nothing handsome : I am ( answered he ) of that opinion also ; but put less water in my wine , that I may make her handsome . Relating the qualities of the Vine to the King of Scythia , and showing him some slips thereof , he added , and by this time it would have reached into Scythia , if the Greeks did not every yeer cut off its branches . * At a feast , such being sent for , as might procure mirth , he alone smiled not ; afterwards , an Ape being brought in ; he laughed , saying , that beast is ridiculous by nature , man by art and study . * Whilst he slept , * he used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implying , that a man ought to take great care to govern both , but that it is harder to restrain our pleasure then our tongue . * He said that to him all the Grecians were Scythians . * MYSON . * MY SON was ( according to Hermippus ) son of Stremon , born at Chene , a Village either of Oetaea , or Lacedaemonia , his father A Tyrant . Anacharsis demanding of the Oracle , if any were wiser , was answered ( as was in the life of Thales mentioned of Chilon ) Oetaean Myson I declare Wiser then those who wisest are . His curiosity encreasing by this answer , he went to the village , and finding him fitting a plow-share to the plow , said , Myso , it is not yet time to plow : But it is ( answered he ) to prepare . Others affirme the Oracle called him Etean , about which there is much difference : Parmenides saith , that Etea is a Lacedaemonian Village , whereof Myson was . Sosicrates , that he was Oetaean by his father , Chenean by his mother . Euthyphron , that he was a Cretan , Etea a City of Creet . Anaxilaus an Arcadian . Hipponax mentions him in these words , And Myso , whom Apollo declared wisest of all men . Aristomenus affirmes , he was of the same humor as Timon and Apemantus , a Man-hater . He retired from Lacedaemon into the desert , and was there surprized all alone , smiling ; being demanded why he smiled , no man being present , he answered , for that reason . Aristoxenus saith , he was of no account , because not of the City , but of an obscure village ; whence some ascribe his sayings to Pisistratus , but others reckon him one of the seaven ; Plato puts him in the room of Periander . he said , we must not seek things from words , but words from things ; things were not made for words , but words for things . He dyed 97. yeers old . EPIMENIDES . EPimenides is by all acknowledged a Cretan ( though contrary to the custome of that place he wore long haire ; ) but in the Town where he was borne they agree not . Laertius following the greater part of writers saith it was * Cnossus , Strabo , Phaestus . There is no lesse difference about the names of his Parents ; some call his father Phaestius , or Phaestus , other Dosiades , his Mother Blasta , others Agasiarchus ; Apollonius , Bolus , Laertius , and Suidas , name Plutarch * Balta , a supposed Nymph . It is reported , that when he was a youth , being sent by his father and brethren to their field to fetch home a sheep to the City , tir'd with the heat and travell in search thereof , he withdrew himselfe at noon ( or as Apollonius , at night ) from the common way into a private Cave , where he slept ( according to * Theopompus fiftie seven years , according to * Varro , * Plutarch , and * Tertullian , fiftie , * Pausanas fortie , in which intervall of time , most of his kindred died ; at the end hereof awaking , he betook himselfe again to the search of his sheep , thinking it the same , or the next day to that wherein he lay down , and that he had slept but a little while ; not finding it , he returned to the field where he saw all things changed , and a stranger in possession thereof : thence to the City much amazed ; going into his own house , they question'd who he was ; at last he met with his younger brother , now grown old , by whom he was informed of all that passed , and the time of his absence . Plutarch saith , he waked an old man ; * Pliny and Laertius , that he grew old in as many daies as he had slept yeers : * some affirme he slept not , but retired a while , employing himselfe in cutting up roots . Many ( other ) wonders are reported of him ; * some say , he received food of the Nymphs , which he kept in an Oxes hoofe , and took thereof a little every day , requiring no other sustenance , never being seen to eat : * he often counterfeited resurrection from death to life ; his * soule going out of his body whensoever he pleased , and returning again . * He is reported the first that lustrated houses and fields , * which he performed by verse . To this end the Athenians in the fortie sixt Olympiad , visited with a Plague , and commanded by the Oracle to lustrate the City , sent Nicias , son of Niceratus with a ship to Creet , to desire Epimenides to come to them , which he did , and there contracted acquaintance with Solon , whom he privately instructed , setting him in the way of making Lawes . He reduced the divine rites to a lesser charge ; he moderated the mournings of the Citizens , he added some sacrifices to the ceremonies of funeralls , taking away barbarous customes which the women used upon those occasions : and ( which was of greatest concernment ) by propitiations , procurations , and offerings , he lustrated and expiated the City , rendring the people more obsequious to justice and unity , * and staied the Pestilence in this manner : He took sheep , black and white , and brought them into the Areopagus ; there he let them loose , to go whither they would , giving order to those who followed them , that whensoever any of them lay down , they should sacrifice in that place to the proper Deitie , whereby the Plague ceased . Hence it is , that at this day , ( saith Laertius ) are to be seen in many Athenian Villages , namelesse Altars , monuments of that expiation . Some affirm he imputed it to the Cylonian impiety ( of which already in the life of Solon ) and asswaged it , by putting to death two young men , Cratinus and Ctesibius . * He is supposed first to have built Temples ; one he erected in Athens to the Eumenides ; another he intended to consecrate to the Nymphs , but a voice from Heaven was heard in these words , Epimenides , not to the Nymphs , but to Jupiter . * Beholding the haven Munychia , he said to those who stood by , how blind is man to the future ! The Athenians would tear this haven in pieces with their teeth , if they foresaw how much it will infest the City : This he foretold many yeeres before it came to passe , which was in the second yeer of the 114 Olympiad , when Antipater put a garison of Macedonians into the Munychia . The Athenians being affraid of the Persian Navy , he told them , it would not invade them for many yeers , and when it did , the Persians should not effect the least of their hopes , but depart home with greater losse to themselves then they had given their adversaries : which was fulfilled in the sights at Marathon and Salamis . He foretold the Lacedaemonians , ( and Cretans also ) the overthrow they should receive by the Arcadians , which happened when Euricrates and Archidamus raigned in Lacaedemon . These predictions ( for which the * Grecians esteemed him ( * divine ) beloved of the Gods , * & put him in the number of their Sophists ; the * Cretans , ( whose Prophet he is stiled by * Paul ) sacrificed to him as a God ) were either not known , or not credited by Aristotle , who averres , he used not to Prophecy of future things , but only such as were past and obscure . For his lustration of the City and other things he was much honoured by the Athenians who offered him many gifts , would have rewarded him with a Talent , and appointed a ship to transport him back to Creet : he refused their gift and money , nor would accept of any thing but a little branch of sacred Olive , out of the Tower , wherewith ( having procured a league betwixt the Cnossians and Athenians ) he returned home ; and soon after died * 157. years old , or according to * others 150. the Cretans say he wanted but one of 300. Xenophanes affirmes he heard him when he was 154 years of age . His body the Lacedemonians kept by direction of the Oracle . It was taken up many years after , marked all over with Characters , whence arose a proverb , concerning abstruse things , the skin of Epimenides ; He called himselfe Aeacus , others named him Cur●s . He was a great * Poet , and writ many things in verse ; the subjects of his writings were these , Initations , Lustrations , and other obscure matters in verse . The generation and Theogony of the Curetes and Corybantes , 5000 , verses . The building of Argo , and expedition of Jason to Colchos , 6500 ▪ verses . Of sacrifices , in prose Of the Cretan Common-wealth . Of Minos and Rhadamanthus . * Of Oracles and responses , out of which Saint Paul cites this verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Cretans are alwaies liers , evill beasts slow bellies . There is extant under his name ( saith Laertius ) an Epistle to Solon concerning the orders of Government given by Minos to the Cretans : which Demetrius conceives of later date , not written in the Cretan but Athenian language ; but I have met with another to this effect . * Epimenides to Solon . Be of comfort friend ; for if Pisitratus were ruler of Athenians , inured to servitude and void of discipline , his way perhaps might continue for ever . But now he subjects not base people , but such as are mindfull of Solons instructions , who ashamed of their bondage will not brook his Tyranny . And though he should settle himself in the government unmoveable , yet I hope it will not devolve to his children ; for it is hard for free persons , brought up under excellent lawes , to suffer bondage . As for you , wander not , but come to Creet to me , where you will find no oppressive Monarch . If in travailing up and down you should light upon some of his friends , I fear you may suffer some mischief . * There were two more of this name , one a Genealogist ; the other writ in the Dorick dialect concerning Rhodes . PHERECYDES . PHerecydes . was of Syrus ( one of the Cyclades near Delus ) son of Badys , or as others , Babis ; born according to Suidas in the 46. Olympiad ; he lived in the time of Alyaltes King of Lydia ; contemporary with the seven Sophists by some accompted one of them . Laertius saith , he was in the fifty ninth Olympiad , * Cice●o in the time of Servius Tullus . There are who affirm he heard Pittacu● ; others say he had no Master , but procured and studied by himself the abstruse books of the Phoenicians . * Many strange things are related of him ; * In Syrus being thirsty , he required water of one of his Scholers , which ( * being drawn out of a well ) he drank , and thereupon declared there would be an Earthquake within three daies in that Island ; which happening as he foretold , gained him much credit : though ascribed by Cicero not to a divine but naturall cause . * Again , going to Iuno's Temple in Ianus , he beheld a ship with full sail entring the Harbour , he said to those that were present , it would never come into the Haven , whilst he was speaking , a storm arose and the ship sunk in their sight . * Going by Messana to Olympia , he advised Perilaus , at whose house he lay , to remove thence with all his Family ; which hee obey'd not : Messana was soon after taken . * He bad the Lacedaemonians not to esteem gold or silver . Hercules having so commanded him in a dream : who appeared likewise to the Kings , and bad them obey Pherecydes : this some ascribe to Pythagoras . He held opinions contrary to Thales , but * agreed with him in that of water , that it is principle of all things . Hee said the Gods called a Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * He first asserted ●he immortality of the soul , according to some . * Tzetzes affirms he was Master to Thales , but that suits with their times : That he in structed Pythagoras is generally acknowledg'd . The manner of his death is variously related . * Hermippus saith , in a war betwixt the Ephesians & Magnesians , he desirous the Ephesians might be victors , demanded of one present , whence he was , who answered of Ephesus : draw me then , saith he , by the leggs into the Magnesian Territory , and bid your country men , after they have gained the battle , bury me . I am Pherecydes . This message he delivered ; they overcame the Magnesians and finding Pherecydes dead , buried him honourably : some affirm he went to Delphi and threw himself from the Corycean Mountain ; But the more generall opinion is that * he died most miserably , his whole body eaten up with lice ( Pliny saith , with Serpents which broke out of his skin ) whereby when his face became deform'd , he avoided and refused the sight of his acquaintance ; when any one came to visit him ( as Pythagoras did ) and demanded how he did , he putting out his finger at the key hole , consumed by his disease showed them the condition of his whole body : Saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the skin showeth : which words the Philosophers take in an ill sense : The Delians affirm the God of that place sent this disease to him out of anger , because he boasted much of his own wisdom to his disciples , saying if he should never sacrifice to any God , he should lead a life no lesse pleasant then those that offered hecatombs . Pythagoras buried him ; his tomb carried this inscription , Of wisdom I comprise the utmost bound ; Who further would be satisfied , must sound Pythagoras , of Greeks the most renown'd . Some affirm he was the first that writ in prose , which others ascribe to Cadmus : He writ Heptamuchos or Thocrasia ; perhaps the same with his Theology , ten books containing the origine and succession of the Gods ( if not mistaken for the Theogony of the younger Pherecydes ) an obscure dark work , the allegories whereof Isidore cited by Clemens Alexandrinus conceives taken from the prophecy of Cham. Concerning this Book there is extant an Epistle under the name of Pherecydes , but may well be suspected to be spurious . Pherecydes to Thales . WEll may you die when ever your fatall hower arrives ; as soon as I received your letter I fell sick , was overrun with lice , and had a feavour : whereupon I gave order to my servants , that as soon as I were buried they should carry the Book to you ; if you with the rest of the wise men approve it , publish it ; if you approve it not , publish it not , for me it doth not please ; there is no certainty in it : whatsoever the Theologist saith , you must understand otherwise ; for I write in fables . Constrain'd by my disease , I have not admitted of any Physician or friend , but when they came to the door , and asked how it was with me , putting my finger out at the key-hole , I shewed them how desperately ill I was , and bespoke them to come on the morrow to the funerall of Pherecydes . There was another of this name of the same Island , an Astrologer : there are more mentioned by Suidas ▪ FINIS . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Second Part. Containing the Ionick Philosophers . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and are to be sold at his Shop at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard , and by Thomas Dring , at the George in Fleetstreet neere Cliffords Inne . 1655. ANAXIMANDER . CHAP. I. Of his life . * PHilosophy had a twofold beginning , one from Anaximander , another from Pythagoras . Anaximander was Disciple to Thales ; whence that Philosophy was called Ionick ; Thales being an Jonian , for he was of Miletus . Pythagoras was Disciple to Pherecydes ; that king of Philosophy called , from the place where he taught , Italick . Thales was succeeded by Anaximander , Anaximander by Anaximenes , Anaximenes by Anaxagoras , Anaxagoras by Arceolans , in whom ( as Plutarch , Laertius and others affirm ) it ended , Socrates ( the scholer of Archelans ) introducing Morality . Anaximander a Milesian , * ●ountryman , companion and * Kinsman of Thales was his Disciple also , and * successor in the propagation of his Doctrine ; son of Praxiades ( corruptly called by * some Praxidamus ) born the third year of the 42 Olympiad . * He flourished most in the time of Polycrates Tyrant of Samos . * He demonstrated the compendium of Geometry ; * being next Homer the first Master of that science ; hee first set forth a Geographick table , of which Laertius is to be understood who affirms , he designed the circumference of the Sea and land . * In the 50. Olympiad he found out the obliquity of the Zodiack , that is ( saith Pliny ) he opened the gates of things . * He invented the Gnomon , & set up the first in an open place at Lacedaemon . * He found out the Aequinoctiall Solstices and Horologies ; * He framed Horoscopes to denote the Tropicks and Aequinoxes ; whence * Salmasius conceives the use of his diall was onely to delineate the Tropick and Aequinoctiall points , that they did not serve to distinguish the hours or twelve parts of the day , he proveth , because the very name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that sence or the division of the day into twelve equall parts , was not known a long time after . * He advised the Lacedaemonians to quit their City and houses , and to lie armed in the open field , foretelling an Earthquake which threw down the whole City , and tore away piece of the Mountain Taygetus . * As he sung , the boyes used to deride him , whereupon hee said , we must learn to sing better for the boyes . Of his Auditors are remembred Anaximenes and Parmenides . Of his writings these . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Of Nature . This treatise perhaps Laertius meanes , who saith he digested his opinions into Commentaries , which Book fell into the hands of Apollodorus the Athenian . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Of the Sphear , with other things . He was according to Apollodorus 64 years old the second yeare of the 58. Olympiad , and died soon after . CHAP. 2. Of his Opinions . Sect. 1. That Infinity is the principle of all things . THales ( saith * Cicero ) who held that all things consist of water , could not perswade his Countryman and Companion Anaximander thereto , for he asserted That infinity is that whereof all things were made ; or ( according to * Plutarch , Laertius , and * Iustine Martyr ) that it is the principle and element of things ( for these two he confounded , as was observ'd of his Master Thales ) * but not declared what this infinity is , whether Air , Water , Earth , or any other body , for which condemned by Plutarch . That it is * one , infinite in magnitude ( not number ) whence * Aristotle reprehends him for imagining contrarieties can proceed from the same principle . * That it is for that reason infinite that it may not fail . * That the parts thereof are changed ; the whole is immutable ( * Symplicius saith moveable ) * That out of it all things proceed , and resolve into it . That there are infinite worlds generated which corrupt into that whereof they were generated . Sect. 2. Of the Heavens . HIs opinion ( according to * Cicero ) was , that the Gods are native ( having a beginning ) rising and setting by long intervalls , and that there are innumerable worlds : This * Plutarch and Stobaeus apply to the Heavens and Stars . But how can we ( addes Cicero ) understand a God that is not eternall . * That Heaven consists of cold and heat mixed . That the starrs are globous instances ▪ consisting of air full of fire , respiring flames at some certain part : * moved by the circles and sphears wherein they inhere ; which assertion Aristotle borrowed from hence . That the Sun is seated highest , the moon next , * then the sixed starres and Planets . That the circle of the Sun is * 28. times ( Theodoret saith 27. ) greater then the earth , having a hollow circle about it like a Chariot wheel , full of fire ; in one part whereof there is a mouth , * at which the fire is seen as out of the hole of a ●lute , which is the Sun * equall in bignesse with the Earth . * That the cause of the Sunn's Eclipse is the stopping that hole in the midst , out of which the fire issues . * That the circle of the Moon is 29. times greater then the Earth , like a Chariot wheel , having a hollow or be in the midst full of fire ( like the Sun ) and oblique , breathing fire out at one part as out of a tunnel . * * That the Eclipse of the Moon happens according to her conversions , when the mouth out of which the ●ire issueth , is stopped . * That the Mooon hath a light of her own : but very thin ; * that she shineth in the light she borroweth from the Sun ; which two assertions are so far * from being inconsistent , that it is the common opinion ● both are true . Sect. 3. Of Meteors . * THat wind is a fluxion of the air , when the most subtle and liquid parts thereof are either stirr'd or resolved by the Sun. * That Thunders , lightnings , presters , and whirlewinds are caused by the wind enclosed in a thick cloud , which by reason of its lightnesse breaketh forth violently ; the rupture of the cloud maketh a crack ; and the divulsion by reason of the blacknesse causeth a slashing light . * Seneca more expressely , He ascribed all to wind . Thunder ( saith he ) is the sound of a breaking cloud : why unequall ? because the breakings are unequall . Why doth it thunder in a clear day ? Because even then the wind breaks through the thick and dry air . Why sometimes doth it thunder and not lighten ? Because the thinner and weaker spirit is able to make a flame but not a sound . What is lightning ? The agitation of the air severing it self and rushing down , disclosing a faint fire . What is Thunder ? The motion of a piercing thick spirit . * All things are so ordered , that some influence descend from the Aether upon inferiour things ; so fire sounds , forced upon cold clouds : When it breaks them it shines ; the fewer flames beget lightnings , the greater , thunder : a great part , the rest was altered from its naturall kind by his excessive heat . * That the first creatures were bred in humidity , and enclosed within sharp thorny barks , but as they grew older they became dryer , and at last the bark being broken round about them , they lived some little time after it . ANAXIMENES . CHAP. I. His life . * ANaximenes was a Milesian , Son of Euristratus , * friend , * Disciple and * sucessour to Anaximander . According to Eusebius he flourish'd in the second hear of the 56. Olympiad , Suidas saith he liv'd in the 55. Olympiad at the taking of Sardys , when Cyrus overthrew Croesus . So that the acompt of * Apollodorus , ( who affirms he was born in the 63. Olympiad ) is corrupt . He heard also , as some affirm , Parmenides . He used the Jonick Dialect , plain and incomposed . * Pliny calls him the inventour of Gnomonicks ▪ but perhaps it is a mistake for Anaximander . Of his auditors were Anaxagoras and Diogenes Apolloniates . These two Epistles of his are preserved by Laertius . Anaximenes to Pyt●agoras . THales having lived happily even to old age , ended his daies unfortunately . One night going out of his house ( as he used ) with his maid to contemplate the starrs , gazing and not taking heed to the place , ●elighted upon a precipice and fell down . This was the fate of the Milesion Astronomer . But let us who were his Auditors , preserve the memory of the person , and our sons and auditors after us . Let us still retain his sayings , and begin all our discourses with Thales . Anaximenes to Pythagoras . YOu are more advised then we , who leaving Samos for Crotona live there in quiet , the Aeacides prove in●urious to others , and the Milesians want not Tyrants of their own choosing . The King of Media is likewise terrible to us , but would not be so , should we pay him tribute . The Ionians are resolved to war with the Medes for the g●neral liberty , & if they sight we have no hope of safety . How then can Anaximene ▪ ●erplexed with fear of death and slavery apply his mind to celestial speculations . But you are coveted by the Crotonians , and all Italians ; Auditors come to you as far as from Sicily . CHAP. II. His opinions . Sect. 1. That the Air is the principle of all things . HE held that the Air is the principle of the Universe , * of which all things are ingendred , and into which they resolve ; Our soules by which we live are air , so spirit and air contain in being all the world ; for spirit and air are two names signifying one thing . That * the air is God , begotten , immense , infinite , ever in motion ; * but that those things which arise out of it are finite . First is begotten , earth , water , fire , then of these all things . That the air is God understands of the faculties penetrating through the Elements or bodies . Sect. 2. Of the Heavens . THat * the outward super●icies of Heaven is earthly . That the starrs are of a fiery substance , invisible earthly bodies intermixt with them ; that they are inherent , as nailes in Chrystall . That * they are forced back by the thick resisting air , * and move not above ( or under ) but about the earth . * the sun is ●lat as a plate , of s●ery substance . That * the signes of summe and winter come not by the moon , but by the sun onely . That * the sun is eclipsed when the mouth out of which issueth his beat is closed . That the Moon is likewise of a fiery nature . That the Moon is eclipsed when the mouth out of which issueth her heat , is closed . Sect. 3. Of Meteors . That the clouds are made by condensation of air , rain by condensation of the clouds , * out of which it is squeezed ; snow of rain congeal'd in falling , and hail of the same contracted by a cold wind . Concerning Thunder , * lightning , &c. to the assertion of Anaximander he added the comparison of the Sea , which being broken with Oares shineth . * That the rainbow is made by reflection of the Sunns beams upon a thick cloud , which , not able to pierce it , are refracted upon it . That Earthqu●kes proceed from the rarity and drynesse of the Earth , one being caus'd by excessive heat , the other by excecessive cold . Further explained by * Aristotle thus ; He held that the Earth , as well when it is moist as when it is dry , breaketh , and by these great pieces thereof which use to fall upon it , is shaken : Hence it is that Earthquakes happen either in droughts or great raines : by droughts it is broken , and by great showers excessively moistned parts likewise in sunder . He called the contraction and condensation of matter , cold ; the laxation and rarity thereof , heat : whence a man breaths out of his mouth both hot and cold ; his breath comprest by his lips , and condens'd is cold ; but breathed forth with an open mouth is hot by reason of the rarity . ANAXAGORAS . CHAP. I. Anaxagoras Country , time , and study of Philosophy . ANaxagoras was of Clazomenae , son of Hegesibulus or Eubulus , born in the 70th . Olympiad according to Apollodorus ; in the first yeare thereof ; Eminent for his noble birth and wealthy fortunes , but more for his magnanimous contempt of them . * Hee left his lands and patrimony , ( saith * Cicero , ) to learn and obtain the divine delight of Philosophy : and * converted himselfe from civill affairs to the knowledge of things . Sutdas affirms he left his grounds to sheep and Camells to be eaten up ; and therefore Apollonius Tyaneas said , he read Philosophy to beasts rather then to men . * Plato , derides him for quitting his estate ; Laertius reports he assign'd it to his friends ; whereupon being by them accused of improvidence ; why ( answered he ) do not you take care of it ? To one who reproved him as taking no care of his Country , wrong me not , said he , my greatest care is my Country , pointing to the Heavens . To another asking for what end he was born , he answered , to contempla ●e the Sun , Moon and Heavens . * In fine , he withdrew himself to contemplation of naturall Philosophy not regarding civill affairs . In this study Anaximenes was his Master * from whom he received his learning . * In the twentieth year of his age the first of the 75. Olympiad , Colliades being Archon ( whom Laertius corruptly calls Callias ) at the time of Xerxes expedition into Greece he went to Athens to study Philosophy , where he continued thirty yeares , and was honored with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mind , ad being the first that added that principle to matter , so Amon. Where ●wells fam'd Anaxagoras , the mind , * For he that agent first to matter joyn'd Which things confused orderly design'd . CHAP. II. Of his opinions . Sect. 1. Of the first principles , and beginning of things . HE held that the materiall principle of all things is one and many ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) par●s in●inite , similar , and contrary , continuous to the touch , * sustaining themselves , * not contain'd by any other . * His grounds these : First , because , according to the common rule of naturall Philosophers , of nothing proceeds nothing , it is not possible any thing can be made of that which is not ; or that which hath a being can be resolved into that which hath none , Secondly , because contraries are made mutually of each other , therefore they were in each other before ; for if it be necessary , that whatsoever is made , be made of that which is , or is not , but that it should be made of that which is not impossible , wherein all agree , that ever discoursed upon nature , it followes necessarily , that they be made of things that are , and are within these very things , though by reason of their smallnesse , not discernable by us : Hence is it that they say , every thing is mixt with every thing ; because they see any thing made of any thing : but things seem different , and are called diverse in respect to one another , by reason that the multitude of infinites which are within aboundeth in the mistion ; for the whole is neither quite white nor black , flesh nor bone , but every thing seemeth to be of the nature of that whereof it hath most * of simple nourishment , as bread , water , and the like , are bred the hair , veines , arteries , nerves , bones , and other parts of the body , all things are therefore in this food , as nerves , bones , and the like , discernable by reason , though not by sense : Of these Atomes the whole world consisteth , * as gold of grains ; these homogeneall parts are the matter of all things ▪ his opinion is thus exprest by * Lucretius . Next Anaxagoras we must pursue , And his Homoiomeria review ; A term that 's no where mention'd but among The Greeks ; too copious for our na●row tongue : Yet may the sense be in more words arraid ; The principle of all things , entrailes made Of smallest entrails , bone of smallest bone , Blood of small sanguine drops reduc'd to one ; Gold of small graines , earth of small sands compacted , Small drops to water , sparks to fire contracted ; The like in every thing suppos'd , yet he Nature asserted from all vacuum free ; And held that each corporeall being might Be subdivided into infinite . That * God is an infinite selfe-moving mind , that this divine * infinite mind , not inclosed in any body , * is the efficient cause of all things ; out of the infinite matter consisting of similar parts , every thing being made according to its species by the divine minde , who , when all things were at first confusedly mingled together , came and reduced them to order . Sect 2. Of the Heavens . That the higher parts of the world are full office , the power that is there he called aether , and that properly , saith Aristotle , * for the body , which is continually in quick motion , is conceived to be divine by nature , for that reason called aether , none of those that are here below being of that kind . That * the ambient aether being of a fiery nature by the swiftnesse of its motion , snatcheth up stones from the earth , which being set on fire , become starres , * all carried from East to West . That * the Startes are impelled by the condensation of the aire about the Poles , which the Sun makes more strong by compressing . That the starres are earthly , and that after the first secretion of the Elements , the fire separating it selfe , drew some parts of the earth to its own nature , and made them like fire : Whereupon he farther affirmed * The Sun is a burning plate or stone , * many times bigger then Peloponnesus , whose conversionn is made by the repulse of the Northern aire , which he , by compressing , makes more strong . * the Moon is a dark body , enlightned by the Sun , habitable , having plaines , hills and waters ; that * the inequality in her face proceeds from a mixture , cold and earthly , for there is darknesse mixt with her fiery nature , whence she is called a star of false light . * Plato saith , that the Moon was occasion of dishonour to him , because he assumed the originall of this opinion of her borrowing light to himselfe , whereas it was much moreantient . That * the milky way is the shadow of the earth upon that part of heaven , when the Sun , being underneath , enlightens not all : * Or as Aristotle , that the Milkie way is the light of some starres , for the Sun being under the earth , looks not upon some starres , the light of those on whom he looks is not seen , being swallowed up in his ; the proper light of those which are hindred by the earth from the Suns illumination , is the Galaxy ; Laertius saith , he held the Galaxy to be the reflection of the light of the Sun. Sect. 3. Of Meteors . THat Comets are the co●apparition of wandring starres , which approach so near each other , as that they seem to touch one another : Or as Laertius ; the concourse of Planets , emitting flames . That falling starres are shot down from the aether , as sparkles , and therefore soon extinguished . That * Thunder is the collision of Clouds , lightning their mutuall attrition : Or as Plutarch ; the cold falling upon the hot , or the aetheriall , upon the aeriall , the noise which it makes is Thunder : of the blacknesse of the cloud is caused lightning , of the greatnesse of the light Thunderbolts , of the more corporeall fire whirle-winds , of the more cloudy Presters . That lightning distills from the aether ; and that from that great heat of Heaven many things fall down , which the clouds preserve a long time enclosed . That the Rain-bow is a refraction of the Suns light upon a thick dark cloud , opposite to him as a looking glasse ; by the same reason ( faith he ) appeared chiefly in Pontus , two , or more Suns . That Earth quakes are caused by the aire or aether , which being of its own nature apt to ascend , * when it gets into the veines and cavernes of the earth , finding difficulty in the getting out , causeth that shaking ; for the upper parts of the earth contract themselves by the benefit of rain , Nature having made the whole body thereof alike , laxe and spungy , the parts , as in a Ball , superiour , and inferiour , the superiour , that which is inhabited by us , the inferiour , the other : This wind getting into the inferiour parts , breaks the condensed aire , with the same force as we see clouds broken , when , upon the collision of them , and motion of the agitated aire , sire breaks forth : this aire falls upon that which is next , seeking to get out , and tears in pieces whatsoever it meets , untill through those narrow passages , it either finds a way to Heaven , or forceth one : which Laer●ius obscurely expresseth , the repulsion of the air upon the earth . THat Snow is not white , but black , nor did it seem white to him , because he knew the water whereof it is congealed to be black . Sect 4. Of the Earth . THat the begining of motion proceeding from the mind , the heavie bodies obtained the lowest place , as the earth ; the light the highest , as the fire ; those betwixt both , the middle , as the aire and water : thus the sea subsists upon the superficies of the earth , which is flat , the humidity being ratified by the Sun. That the primitive humidity being diffused , as a pool was burned by the motion of the Sun about it , and the unctuous part bring exhaled , the remainder became salt . That assoon as the world was made , and living creatures produced out of the world , the world enclined of it selfe towards the south , according to divine providence ; that some parts thereof might be habitable , others not habitable , by reason of the extremities of heat and cold . That the mistion of the Elements is by apposition . That the inundation of Nilus is caused by the snow of Aethiopia , which is dissolved in summer , and congealed in winter . Sect 5. Of living Creatures . THat Creatures were first generated of humidity , calidity , and earthly matter , afterwards mutually of one another , males on the right side , females on the left . That the soule is that which moveth , * that it is aeriall , and hath a body of the nature of aire . * That there is a death of the soule likewise , which is separation from the body . That all Animalls have active reason . * That sleep is an action of the body , not of the soul. * That in the hand of man consists all his skill . * That the voice is made by the wind , hitting against firm resisting air , returning the counter-blow to our ears , which is the manner whereby also the repercussion of the air is formed , called Eccho . That the Gall is the cause of acute diseases , which overflowing , is dispersed into the lungs , veines , and costs . CHAP. III. His predictions . SUidas saith , he foretold many things : of those , two instances onely have been hitherto preserved . The first thus related by Pliny , The Grecians celebrate Anaxagoras of the Clozomenian , and for foretelling by his learning and Science in the second yeare of the 78. Olympiad , on what day a stone would fall from the Sun , which happen'd in the day time in a part of Thrace at the river Agos which stone is at this day shewne about the bignesse of a became of an adust colour , a Comet also burning in those nights . * Plutarch adds , that it was in his time not onely shewen , but reverenced by the Peloponnesians . Eusebius reckons the fall of this stone upon the fourth yeare of the 78. Olympiad , which is two yeares after Pliny accompts of the prediction . Silenus cited by Laertius , saith , it fell when Dimylus was Archon , which if it be to be red Dyphilus ( for the other name is not to be found neere these times ) will be the first yeare of the 84 Olympiad . But the marble at Arundell House ( graven about the 129. Olympiad to be preferred before any other chronologicall accompt ) expressly names the fall upon the 4th yeare upon the 77. Olympiad , when Theagenides was Archon , two yeares before . Pliny saith it was foretold . It was beleeved to have portended ( as Plutarch testifies ) the great defeat given to the Athenians by Lysander at the river Agos 62. yeares after , viz. the fourth yeare of the 39. Olympiad . Of the wonder * Aristotle gives a very slight accompt , affirming It was a stone snatched up by the wind , and fell in the day time , a Comet happening in those nights , which is disproved by * Plutarch , who hath this large discourse upon it : It is said that Anaxagoras did prognosticate that one of the bodies included the Heavens it should be loosed by shaking , & fall to the ground , the Stars are not in place where they were first created , they are heavie bodies , of the nature of stone , shining by reflection of the aether , being drawn up by force , & kept there by the violence of that circular motion , as at the beginning in the first separation of things , cold & heavie they were restrained . There is another opinion more probable which saith , those which we call falling starres are not fluxions of the aether extinguisht in the aire almost as soon as lighted , nor inflammations or combustions of any part of the aire , which by it spreadeth upwards , but they are coelestiall bodies failing of their retention by the ordinary course of heaven throwne downe , not upon the habitable earth , but into the Sea , which is the cause we doe not see them ; yet the assertion of Anaxagoras is confirmed by Damachus , who writeth in his book of Religion , that 75. daies together before this stone fell , they saw a great body of fire in the Air like a cloud enflamed , which tarried not in one place , but went and came uncertainly removing , from the driving whereof issued flashes of fire that fell in many places like falling starrs ; when this great body of fire fell in that part of the Earth , the Inhabitants emboldned , came to the place to see what it was , and found no appearance of fire but a great stone on the ground , nothing , in comparison of that body of fire . Herein Damachus had need of favourable hearers : But if what he saith be true , he confuseth those Arguments who maintain it was a piece of a Rock by the force of a boistrous wind torn from the top of a Mountain , and carried in the air so long as this whirlwind continued , but so soon as that was laid , the stone fell immediately ; unlesse this lightning body which appeared so many daies was fire indeed , which coming to dissolve , and to be put out did beget this violent storm of force to tear off the stone , and cast it down . This it is likely * Charimander meant , who in his book of Comets saith , Anaxagoras observed in the Heavens a great unaccustomed light of the greatnesse of a huge pillar , and that it shined for many daies . The other memorable prediction of Anaxagoras was * of a storm , which hee signified by going to the Olympick games , when the weather was fair in a shaggy gown , the rain powring down all the Graecians ( saith Aelian ) saw and gloried , that hee knew more divinely then according to humane Nature . CHAP. IV. His Scholers and Auditors . THese are remembred as his Scholars and Auditors . * Pericles Son of Xantippas being instructed by Anaxagoras , could easily reduce the exercise of his mind from secret obstrusive things to publick popular causes ▪ * Pericles much esteemed him , was by him instructed in natural Philosophy , and besides other virtues fre'd from superstitious fears arising from ignorance of physicall causes ; whereof there is this instance ; the head of a Ram with but one horn being brought to Pericles , was by the South sayers interpreted prodigious : Anaxagoras opening it , showed that the brain filled not its naturall place , but contracted by degrees in an ovall form toward that part where the horn grew . Afterwards Anaxagoras neglected and decrepit with age in a melancholy resentment thereof lay down and cover'd his face , resolving to starve himself , which ▪ Pericles hearing , came immediately to him bewailing , not Anaxagoras , but himself , who should lose so excellent a Counsellor : Anaxagoras uncovering his face said , They , Pericles , who would use a Lamp , must apply it with oil . Archela●s Son of Apollodorus was Disciple to Anaxagoras , and , as Laertius affirms , called the naturall Philosopher for first bringing that kind of learning to Athens , but how that consists with his relation to Anaxagoras , who , as he acknowledgeth , studied naturall Philosophy thirty years in Athens , Casaubone justly questions . Euripides , * as the writer of his life affirms , son of Mnesarchus , born at the first time of Xe●xes's expedition into Greece , the same day that the Grecians overthrew the Persians , was first a Painter , then an Auditor of Anaxagoras ; but seeing him persecuted for his opin●ons , lastly converted himself to Tragick poesy . Socrates , Son of Sophroniscus , was according to Aristoxenus an Auditor of Anaxagoras till he left the City , and thereupon applyed himself to Archelaus , which Porphyrius reckons above the 17th . year of his age , or rather the ninteenth . Democritus also is by some affirmed , being younger then Anaxagoras forty years , to have applyed himself to him , but Laertius affirms he could not endure Democritus , & shunn'd his conversation ; Phavorinus likewise attests , that because he would not admit him , Democritus profess'd himself his Enemy , and denyed his opinions of the Sun and Moon , but said they were ancient , and that he stole them , as likewise his description of the world , and assertion concerning the mind . Me●rodorus of Lampsacum is likewise mentioned by Laertius as friend to Anaxagoras . CHAP. V. OF his triall , Death sentences and writings . Of his tryal saith Laertius there are several reports Sotion in his treatise of the succession of Philosophers saith , he was accused by Cleon of impiety , for asserting the Sun to be a burning plate , but being defended by Pericles his Scholar , hee was fined five Talents and banish'd . Satyrus , that he was cited to the Court by Thucydides , who was of the contrary faction of Pericles , accused not onely of impiety , but of holding intelligence with the Persians , and in his absence condemned to death ; when news was brought him at the same time both of the death of his Sons , which ( according to Aelian ) were two , all that he had , and his own condemnation of the latter he said , Nature long since condemned both them & me to death ; of his Sons ( * with a calm look ) * You tell me nothing new or unexpected ; I knew that I beget them mortall , which some ●scribe to Solon , others to Xenophon , Demetrius Phalereus saith , hee buried them with his own hands . Hermippus , he was imprison'd to be put to death , but Pericles appearing before the Judges , asked if they knew any thing in his life that they could accuse , to which they answered nothing , but I , saith he , am his disciple , then be not tansported by Calumnies to kill the man , but believe me and set him at liberty , so he was dismissed , but not able to brook the disgrace , hee kill'd himself . * Hieronymus saith , that Pericles brought him into the Court in poor garments extenuated with sicknesse , an object ●itter for compassion then Justice . And thus much saith Laertius of his Tryall . Suidas , that he was cast into Prison by the Athenians for introducing a new opinion concerning God , and banish'd the City , though Pericles undertook to plead his cause , and that going to Lampsacum he there starv'd himself to death . Iosephus , that the Athenians believing the Sun to be God , which he affirm'd to be without sense and Knowledge , hee was by the votes of a few of them condemned to death . But if we credit * Plutarch , he was neither condemned nor accused but by Pericles , who fear'd the Ordinance of Diopithes , which cited those that held prophane or sublime Opinions sent out of the City . * Yet else-where hee confesseth he was accused . His departure from Athens , being 30. years after his coming thither , falls the third year of the 82. Olimpiad the 63. of his age . Thence he went to Lampsacum , where he continued the rest of his age , which extended to 22. years more , so little mindfull of A●hens , or of his Country , as to one , who told him that he was deprived of the Athenians , he answered , no , but they of me ; and * to his friends , who when hee fell sick , asked , if hee would be carried to Clazomonae his Country , no said he , there is no need , the way to the grave is alike every where . * Before he died the Magistrates of the City asked him , if he would they should do any thing for him , hee answered , that his onely request was that the boyes might have leave to play yearly on that day of the month , whereon he died ; which custom ( saith Laertius ) is continued to this time . Those of Lampsacum buried him magnificently with this Epitaph . Here lies , who through the truest paths did passe O' th world Celestiall , Anaxagoras . Aelian mentions two altars erected to him , one inscribed to the mind , the other to truth ; Laertius concludes his life with this Epigram . Fam'd Anaxagoras the Sun defin'd A burning plate , ' for which to die design'd , Sav'd by his Scholar Pericles ; But he * Abandon'd life to seek Philosophie . * He is observed never to have been seen either to laugh or smile . * Being demanded if the Mountains of Lampsacum would in time become Sea , he answered , yes , if time fail not first . * Beholding the tomb of Mausolus , he said , a sumptuous Monument was a sign the substance was turned into stone . * He first affirmed the poesy of Homer to consist of virtue and Justice , to which Metrodorus added , that the Poet was skilfull in naturall Philosophy . * He conceived that there are two lessons of death , the time before our birth , and sleep . Laertius and Clemens Alexandrinus assert him first of the Philosophers that put forth a Book . He writ . Of Natural Philosophy , out of which Aristotle cites these fragments , All these things were together : which was the beginning of the book : and , ●o be such is to be changed . * Plato this , The mind is the disposer and cause of all things . * Athenaeus this , what is commonly called the milk of the hen , is the white of the egge . * Plato censures the book as not using the mind at all , nor assiging any cause of the order of things , but aeriall , aetheriall and aquatick Natures , and the like incredible things for causes . The quadrature of the Circle : which treatise * Plutarch saith hee composed during his imprisonment . * There were three more of the same name ; the first an Oratour , follower of Isocrates : the second a statuary , mentioned by Antigonus ; the last a Grammarian , Scholar to Zenodotus . ARCHELAVS . ARchelaus was either an Athenian , or a Milesian ; his Father Apollodorus , or according to some , Mylon ; he was Scholer to Anaxagoras , Master to Socrates . He first transferr'd naturall Philosophy out of Ionia to Athens , ( But how that can be , when Anaxagoras his Master taught there thirty years , Casaubone justly questions ) and therefore was called the Natural Philosopher : in him naturall Philosophy ended , Socrates his Scholer introducing morality ; but hee seemeth also to have touched morall Philosophy , for he treated of lawes , of things honest and just ; from whom Socrates receiving his learning , because he increased it , is therefore thought to have invented it ; wheras as Gassendus observes , morall Philosophy was far more antient , that being the principle ground of the attribute of wise conferred upon the Seven , whose learning lay chiefly that way : but Socrates is called the Author thereof , because he first reduced it to a science . Archelaus asserted That the principles of all things are twofold , one incorpore all , the mind , ( not maker of the world ) the other corporeall , infinite in number , and dissimilar which is the air , and its rarefaction and condensation , whereof one is fire , the other water . That the universe is insinite . That the causes of generation are two ; heat and cold . That the starrs are burning iron plates . That the Sun is the greatest of stars . That the Sea is made by percolation of the hollow parts of the Earth . That living Creatures are generated of slime c●warm Earth , emitting a milky kind of slime like the chile ; that this humid matter being dissolved by the fire , that of it which settles into a fiery substance is earth , that which evaporates is air . That the winds getting into the hollow places of the Earth , filling all the spaces , the air condensed as much as possible , the wind that comes next presseth the first , forcing and disturbing it by frequent impulsions . This wind seeking a room through the narrow places , endeavoureth to break prison , whereby it happens the wind strugling for passage , that the earth is moved . Of the definition of the Voice , by Plutarch attributed to Anaxagoras , Laertius makes Archelaus the Author , describing it a percusion of the air . That what is just , or dishonest is defined by Law , not by Nature . These five , Anaximander , Anaximenes Thales , Anaxagoras , Archelaus , by continuall desent succeding one another , compleat the Ionick sect ▪ FINIS THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Third Part. Containing the Socratick Philosophers . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Thomas Dring , and are to be sold at their shops at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard , and at the George in Fleetstreet neere Cliffords Inne . 1655. SOCRATES SOCRATES . CHAP. I. Socrates , his Country , Parents , and time of birth . SOcrates was by Country an Athenian , borne at Alopece , a towne , according to Suidas and Phavorinus , belonging to the Antiochian tribe . This was one of those small villages scattered through Attica , before These●s reduc'd the people into the walls of a City , which notwithstanding his decree , were not deserted , but continued and preserved by their Inhabitants . His Parents were very meane ; * Sophroniscus ( an * Athenian ) his Father , * a statuary , or carver of Images in stone , Phaenareta his mother a Midwife , a woman of a bold , generous & quick spirit , as is implyd by the character * Plato gives her ( though wrested by * Athenaeus ) of which professions of his Parents , he is * observed to have been so farre from being asham'd , that hee often tooke occasion to mention them . * Apollodorus , Laertius and Suidas affirme he was borne in the fourth yeare of the 77. Olympiad , which may likewise be collected from the marble at ●rundel Ho●se , which saith , he dyed when Laches was Arc●on , and reckons 70. yeares of his life , which was compleat , because * Plato sayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and from * Dometrius Phalereus ( who was himselfe archon the fourth yeare of the 117. Olympiad , ) who saith , he dyed the first yeare of the 95. Olympiad , when he had lived 76 yeares , the 70. yeare inclusively upwards , is the fourth of the 77 Olympiad , when Apsephion , ( or , as some call him Aphepsion ) was Archon , of whose name in * Diodorus Siculus no more is left then * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but hath been incuriously alter'd into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which if * Meursius had observed , he had not corrected Laertius without cause , nor he and * Allatius follow'd the mistake of Scaliger ( whom they terme Anonymus ) in placing Aphepsion in the fourth yeare of the 74. Olympiad . The day of Socra●es birth , was * according to Apollodorus , the sixt of the month Thargelion , memorable ( saith Laertius ) for the birth of Diana according to the traditions of the Delians ; upon which day the Athenians did yearely lustrate the ● City . Many other good fortunes happening to the A●henians upon this day are recorded by * Aelian . The day following , viz. the seventh of this month was the birthday of Pla●o , both which were kept with much solemnity by the Greek Philosophers , ( * even to the time of Plotinus ) as is affirmed by * Plutarch , who thereupon observes it as the effect rather of Providence , then of chance , that their birth-daies should be so near , and that of the Master precede the Scholer's . To accommodate this time with our accompt , is neither easie nor certain , yet in respect it may give some satisfaction by way of conjecture , we shall found it upon these hypotheses , taking that order of months which Petavius gives . 1. That after the Olympiads the beginning of the Grecian year was alwaies on the first of Hecatombaeon , and Olympick games on the 15th . 2. That the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon , did ( at least in the times wherein we enquire ) never precede the solstice , being then about the Calends , or pridie Calendarum Iulij , they supposing them in octavis signorum , it did not precede the ninth of Iuly . This postulatum , though it be doubly question'd by Petavius , yet none of his Argumen t s pretend beyond Meton's time . 3. That upon that supposition , if Scaliger hath rightly order'd the Neomenia in his Olympick period ( against which Petavius brings no one sufficient Argument ) and consequently the rest , the Olympick period doth certainly exhibi●t the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon . It is true that Petavius disputes the period of 76 years , as having never been used till Calippus his time , but we take it here onely proleptically , as the Julian year , to which we would accomodate it . 4. That this being after Solon's time , the Civill year was Lunary ( and consisted of months , which were alternately of 29. and 30. daies , ) at Athens , though diverse places of Greece , especially the more remote from thence , did not for a long time after part with their tricenary months . These things supposed the sixt of Thargelion , ( will according to the Julian accompt taken proleptically ) fall upon Tuesday the twentieth of May : according to the Gregorian , upon Tuesday the thirtieth of May , in the year of the Julian period , 4247. before the Incarnation 467. years , the fourth year of the 77. Olympiad , at what time Socrates was born . CHAP. II. His first Education . * PLutarch saith , that as soon as he was born , Sophroniscus his Father consulting the Oracle , was by it advis'd to suffer his Son to do what hee pleas'd , never compelling him to doe what he disliked , nor diverting him from that whereto he was enclined ; to give thanks for him by Sacrifice to Iupiter Agoraeus and the Muses ; to be no further sollicitous for him , he had one guide of his life within him , better then five hundred masters . But his Father not observant of the Oracle's direction , apply'd him to his own trade of carving Statues , contrary to his inclination , whereupon * some have argu'd him of disobedience , reporting that often times , when his Father bad him work , he refused , and went away following his own will. His Father dying , left him ( according to * Libanius ) four score minae , which being entrusted with a friend for improvement , they miscarried . This losse ( though it were of all his stock , and he thereby reduc'd to incredible poverty ) Socrates past over with silence , but was thereupon necessitated to continue his trade for ordinary subsistence . * This Suidas intimates when he saith he was first a Statuary . * Duris , * Pausanias , and the * Scholiast of Ar●stophanes affirm three statues of the Graces cloathed , ( for so they were most antiently made , not naked ) set up before the entrance into the Tower at Athens , were his work . Pausanias implieth as much of a statue of Mercury in the same place ; which * Pliny seems not to have understood , who saith , they were made by a certain person named Socrates , but not the painter . Hence Timon , From these the fluent statuary came Honour'd through Greece , who did against the name Of Oratour abusiv●y declaim . But being naturally averse from this profession , ●ee onely follow'd it when necessity enforc'd him : Aristoxenus saith , he wrought for money , and laid up what he got till it came to a little stock , which being spent , hee betook himself again to the same course . These intermissions of his Trade were bestowed upon Philosophy ; whereunto he was naturally addicted , which being observed by Crito a rich Philosopher of Athens , * hee took him from his shop , being much in love with his candor and ingenuity , and instructed , or rather gave him the means ▪ to be instructed by others ; taking * so much care of him , that he never suffer'd him to want necessaries . And though his poverty were at first so great as to be brought by * some into a Proverb , yet he became at last , as * Demetrius affirms , Master of a house , and fourscore minae , which Crito put out to interest : But his mind ( saith * Libanius ) was raised far above his fortune , and more to the advantage of his Country ; not aiming at wealth , or the acquisition thereof by sordid arts , he considered that of all things which man can call his , the soul is the chief ; That he onely is truly happy who purifies that from vice ; That the onely means , conducing thereto is wisdom , in pursuit whereof he neglecteth all other waies of profit and pleasure . CHAP. I. His Master . THE first Master of Socrates was * Anaxagoras , whereby amongst other circumstances it is demonstrable , that the accompt of Laertius is corrupt , Anaxagoras not dying in the 78. but 88. Olympiad . Aristoneus saith , that as soon as Anaxagoras left the City , he applyed himself to * Archelaus , which according to Porphyrius was in the 17. year of his age . * Of him he was much belov'd , and travell'd with him to Samos , to Pytho , and to the Istmus . He was Scholar likewise to Damon , whom Plato calls a most pleasing teacher of Musick , and all other things that he would teach himself , to young men . Damon was Scholar to Agathocles , Master to Pericles , Clinias and others ; intimate with Prodicus . He was banish'd by the unjust * Ostracism of the Athenians for his excellence in Musick . He heard also ( * as he acknowledgeth ) Prodicus the Sophist a Cian , whom Eusebius rankes in the 86. Olympiad , contemporary with Gorgias , Hippias , and Hippocrates the Physician . To these adde Diotyma and Aspasia , women excellently learned , the first suppos'd to have been inspir'd with a propheticall spirit . By her hee affirmeth that he was instructed concerning love , by corporeall Beauty to find out that of the soul ; of the Angelicall mind ; of God. See Plato's Phaedrus , and that long discourse in his Symposium upon this subject , which Socrates confesseth to be owing to her . Aspasia was a famous Milesian woman , not onely excellent her self in Rhetorick , but brought many Scholers to great perfection in it , of whom were Pericles the Athenian , and ( * as himself acknowledgeth ) Socrates . * Of Euenus he learn'd Poetry , of Ichomachas , Husbandry , of * Theodorus Geometry . * Aristagoras a Melian , is named likewise as his Master . Last in his Catalogue is Connus , * nobilissimus fidicen , as Cicero termes him , which art Socrates learn'd of him in his * old age , * for which the boyes derided Connus , and called him the old mans Master . CHAP. IV. Of his School , and manner of Teaching . THat Socrates had a proper School , may be argu'd from * Aristophanes , who derides some particulars in it , and calls it his Phron●ist●rium . * Plato and * Phaedrus mention as places frequented by him and his Auditors , the Academy , Lycaeum , and a pleasant meadow without the Ci●y on the side of the River Ilissus , where grew a very fair plane-t●e● . Thence according to the fable , Boreas s●atch'd away Orithia , to whom three farlongs from thence there was a Temple , and another to Diana . * Xenophon affirms he was continually abroad , that in the morning be visi●ed the places of publick walking and exercise ; when it was full , the Forum ; and the rest of the day he sought out the most populous meetings , where he d●sputed ●penly for every one to hear that would . He did not onely teach , saith * Plutarch when the benches were prepar'd , and himself in the Chair , or in set hours of reading and dis●ourse , or appointments of walking with his friends , but even when he played , when ●e eat or drank , when he was in the camp or market , finally when he was in prison , thus he made every place a school of vertue . His manner of teaching was answerable to his opinion , that the soul praeexistent to the body , in her first separate condition , endewed with perfect knowledge , by immersion into matter , became stupified , and in a manner lost , untill awakned by discourse from sensible objects ; whereby by degrees she recovers her first knowledge , for this reason he taught onely by Irony and Induction : the first * Quintilian defines an absolute dissimulation of the will more apparent then confest , so as in that , the words are different from the words , in this , the sense from the speech , whilest the whole confirmation of the cause , even the whole life seems to carry an Irony , such was the life of Socrates , who was for that reason called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , one that personates an unlearned man , and is an admirer of others as wise . * In this Irony ( saith Cicero ) and dissimulation he far exceeded all men in pleasantnesse & urbanity ; it is a very elegant , sweet and facete kind of speech , acute with gravity , accommodated with Rhetorick words , and pleasant speeches ; * He detracted from himself in dispute , and attributed more to those hee meant to confute , so that when he said , or thought another thing , he freely used that dissimulation which the Greeks call Irony , which Annius also saith , was in Africanus . Induction by * Cicero desin'd a manner of disco●rse , which gaines the assent of him with whom it is held , to things not doubtfull , by which assents it causeth that he y●eld to a doubtfull thing , by reason of the likenesse it hath to those things whereunto he assented : this kind of speech Socrates most used , because he would not himselfe use any argument of perswasion , but rather chose to work something out of that which he granted him with whom he disputed , which he , by reason of that which he already yeelded unto , must necessarily approve ; of which he gives a large example in Plato's * Meno . Thus , whosoever disputed with him of what subject soever ( * his end being only to promote vertue ) was at last brought round about to give an account of his life past and present , whereinto being once entered , he never gave him over till he had sufficiently examined those things , and never let them go ( * Proteus like ) till they came at last to themselves . For this reason * he used to say , his skill had some affinity with that of his mother , he being like a Midwife , though barren ( as he modestly affirms ) in himselfe , endeavoured with a particular gift in assisting others , to bring forth what they had within themselves ; * and this was one reason why he refused to take mony , affirming , that he knew nothing himselfe , and that * he was never Master to any . These disputes of Socrates were committed to writing by his Schollers , wherein * Xenophon gave example to the rest , in doing it first , as also with most punctualnesse , as Plato with most liberty , intermixing so much of his own , as it is not easie to distinguish the Master from the Scholar ; * whence Socrates hearing him recite his Lysis , said , how many things doth this young man feign of me ? And * Xenophon denying Socrates ever disputed of heaven , or of naturall causes , or the other disciplines which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith , they , who ascribe such disserta●ions to him , lye falsely , wherein ( as * Agellius observes ) he intends Plato , in whose books Socrates discourseth of Naturall Philosophy , Musick , and Geometry . CHAP. V. Of his Philosophy . POrphyrius ( who was so abusive , as * Nicephorus observes , that hetraduced Socrates with no lesse bitternesse , then as if he endeavoured to outdoe his accusers , Anytus and Melitus ) affirmes ; * He was ingenious in nothing , unlearned in all , scarce able to write , which when upon any occasion he did , it was to derision , and that he could read no better then a stammering schoole-boy : To which we shall oppose these Authorities : Xenophon who attests he was excellent in all kinds of learning , instanceth in Arithmetick , Geometry , and Astrology ; Plato , in Naturall Philosophy ; Id●meneus , in Rhetorick ; Laertius , in Medicine : In a word , Cicero averres , that by the testimony of learned men , and the judgment of all Greece , as well in wisdome , acutenesse , politenesse , and sultlety , as in eloquence , ●a●ietie , and copiousnesse , to wha soever part he gave himselfe , he was without exception Prince of all . Having searched into all kinds of Science , he observed these inconveniences and imperfections : * First , That it was improper to leave those affaires which concern mankind , to enquire into things without us . Secondly , That these things are above the reach of man , whence are occasioned all disputes and oppositions , some acknowledging no God , others worshipping stocks and stones ; some asserting one simple being , others infinite ; some that all things are moved , others , that all things are immovable . And Thirdly , that these things , if attained , could not be practised , for he who contemplating divine mysteries , enquires by what necessity things were made , cannot himselfe make any thing , or upon occasion produce winds , waters , seasons , or the like . Thus esteeming speculative knowledge as far only as it conduceth to practice , he cut off in all sciences what he conceived of least use : * In Arithmetick , he approved only as much as was necessary ( * Plato instanceth in Merchandise and Tacticks ) but to proceed to uselesse operations he disallowed . In Geometry he allowed that part which teacheth measuring , as no lesse easie then usefull ; but to proceed to infinite propositions and demonstrations he disallowed , as wholly unprofitable . In Astrology he approved the knowledge of the Starres , and observation of the night , months , and seasons , as being easily learned , and very beneficiall in Navigation , and to those who hunt by night ; but to examine the difference of sphears , distance of starres from the earth , and their circles , he disswaded as uselesse . * Finally , noting how little ad●ant●ge speculation brought to the life and conversation of mankind , he reduced ●er to action . He first , saith * Cicero , called Philosophy away from things involved by nature in secrecy , wherein , untill his time , all Philosophers had been employed , and brought her to common life , to enquire of ●ertues and ●ices , good and evill . Man , who was the sole subject of his Philosophy , having a twofold relation of divine speculation , and human conversation , his Doctrines were in the former respect Metaphysicall , in the latter Morall . Sect. 1. Metaphysicks . His Metaphysicall opinions are thus collected and abridged out of Plato , Xenophon , Plutarch , and others : Philosophy is the way to true happinesse , the offices whereof are two , to contemplate God , and to abstract the soul from corporeall sense . There are three principles of all things , God , matter , and Ideas , God is the universall intellect , matter the first subject of generation and corruption ; Idea an incorporeall substance , the intellect of God ; God the intellect of the world . God is one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; perfect in himselfe , giving the being , and well being of every creature ; what he is ( saith he ) I know not , what he is not I know . * That God , not chance , made the world , and all creatures , is demonstrable from the reasonable disposition of their parts , as well for use as defence , from their care to preserve themselves , and continue their species , that he particularly regards man in his body , from the excellent uprigh● form thereof , from the gift of speech , from allowance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his soule , from the excellency thereof above others ; in both for divinations , predicting dangers ; that he regards particulars , from his care of the whole species ; that he will reward such as please him , and punish such as displease him from his power to do it , from the belief he hath imprinted in a man that he will do it ; profest by the most wise and civilized Cities and ages ; that he at once seeth all things , from the instances of the eye , which at once over-runs many miles ; and of the mind , which at once considereth things done in the most distant places . Finally , that he is such , and so great , as that he at once sees all , hears all , is every where , and orders all . This is the sum of his discourse with Aristodemus , to which we may annex what is cited under his name ( if not mistaken ) by Stobaeus , Care , if by care ought may effected be , If not , why ca●'st thou , when God cares for thee ? * He held , that the Gods knew all things , said , done , or silently desired . * That God takes care of all creatures , is demonstrable from the benefits he gives them of light , water , and fire , seasonable production of fruits of the earth ; that he hath particular care of man , from the nourishment of all plants and creatures for mans service , from their subjection to man , though they excused him never so much in strength , from the variety of mans sense , accommodated to the variety of objects , for necessity , use , and pleasure ; from reason , whereby he discoursed through reminiscence , from sensible objects , from speech , whereby he communicates all that he knows , gives lawes , & governs states ; that God , notwithstanding he is invisible , hath a being from the instances of his Ministers , invisible also , as thunder and wind , from the soule of man which hath something with the divine nature in governing those that cannot see it . This is the effect of his discourse with E●thid●mus . The Soule is immortall , for what is alwaies moveable is immortall ; but that which moveth another , or is moved by an other , hath a cessation of motion and life . The soule is praeexistent to the body , endued with knowledge of eternall Ideas , which in her union to the body she loseth , as stupisied , untill awakened by discourse from sensible objects . Thus is all her learning only reminiscence , a recovery of her first knowledge . The body being compounded is dissolved by death , the soule being simple , passeth into another life , incapable of corruption . The soules of men are divine , to whom , when they go out of the body , the way of their return to heaven is open , which to the best and most just is the most expedite . The soules of the good after death , are in a happy estate , united to God in a blessed inaccessible place ; the bad , in convenient places , suffer condign punishment ; but to define what those places are , is hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whence being demanded what things were in the other world , he answered , neither was I ever there , nor ever did I speak with any that came from thence . Sect. 2. Ethicks . HIs moralls , consider a man either as a single person , or as the father of a family , or as a member of the common-wealth ; In the first respect are his Ethicks , wherein such sentences as have been preserved by Xenophon , Diogenes Laertius , Stobaeus , and others , are thus collected . Of vertue and vice . HE exhorted his friends to Endeavour to be the most wise and beneficiall , * because , what wants reason , wants respect , as the bodies of dead friends , and hair , nailes , and the like , which are cut off and cast away . To be employed is good and beneficiall , to be idle hurtfull and evill : they that do good are imployed , they that spend their time in vain recreations are idle . He that hath most advantage by gifts of nature , as well as he that hath least , must learn and meditate on those things wherein he would be excellent . He only is idle who might be better imployed . To do good , is the best course of life , therein fortune hath share . They are best , and best pleasing to God , who do any thing , with any art or calling ; who followeth none , is uselesse to the publick , and hated of God. * He taught every where , that a just man and a happy were all one , and used to curse him who first by opinion divided honesty and profit ( which are coherent by Nature ) as having done an impious act , for they are truly wicked who separate profitable and just , which depends on law . The Stoicks have followed him so far , that whatsoever is honest , the same they esteem profitable . He asked Memnon , a Thessalian , who thought himselfe very learned , and that he had reached ( as Empedocles saith ) the top of wisdome , what is vertue ? He answered readily and boldly , that there is one vertue of a child , another of an old Man , one of a Man , another of a Woman , one of a Magistrate , another of a private Person , one of a Master , another of a Servant . Very good , replies Socra●es : I ask for one vertue , and you give us a whole swarm ; truly conceiving , that he knew not one vertue , who named so many . Being demanded by Gorgias If he accounted not the great King of Persia happy ? I know not , answered he , how he is furnished with learning and vertue : as conceiving that true happinesse consisteth in these two , not in the frail gifts of fortune . Euripides in his Auge saying of vertue ; It is best carelessely to part with these ; he rose up and went away , saying , It was ridiculous to seek a lost servant , or to suffer vertue so to go away . He said , he wondered at those who carve Images of stone , that they take such care to make stones resemble men , whilst they neglect , and suffer themselves to resemble stones . He advised young men to behold themselves every day in a glass , * that if they were beautifull , they might study to deserve it ; if deformed , to supply or hide it by learning . He said , to begin well is not a small thing , * but depending on a small moment . He said , vertue was the beautie , vice the deformity of the soul. He said , * outward beauty was a sign of inward beauty , and therefore chose such Auditors . In that life of man as in an Image every part ought be beautifull . Incense to God , praise is due to good men . Who are undeservedly accused ought to be defended , who excell others in any good quality to be praised , A Horse is not known to be good by his furniture , but qualities , a man by his mind , not wealth . It is not possible to cover fire with a garment , sinne with time . Being demanded who live without pe●turbation ? hee answered , th●y who are conscious to themselves of no ill . To one who demanded what Nobility is , he answered , a good temper of soul and body . Of affections , Love , Envy , Grief , Hope , &c. THat two brothers God meant should be more helpfull to each other then two hands , feet , eyes , or whatsoever nature hath formed ; doubtlesse because if they love , they may great distance mutually help one another is the scope of his discourse with Chaeracrates . That all things are good and fair to those things where with they agree , but ill and deformed in respect of those things with which they agree not , is the conclusion of his second discourse with Aristippus . Envy is a grief , not at the adversity of friends , nor the prosperity of Enemies , but at the prosperity of friends ; for many are so foolishly enclined as to maligne those in good fortune , whom in misfortune they pittied . A ship ought not to trust to one Anchor , nor life to one hope . To ground hopes on an ill opinion is to trust a ship to a slight anchor . The beauty of fame is blasted by envy as by a sicknesse . Many adorn the tombes of t●ose , whom living , they persecuted with envy . Envy is the saw of the soul. Nothing is pleasant or unpleasant by nature but by custom . Unseasonable love is like hate . Being demanded , what is grievous to the good , he answered , the prosperity of the wicked . Being demanded how a man might live without trouble , he answered , it was not possible but that he who lives in a City or a Family must sometimes be afflicted . Wicked hopes like ill guides deceive a man and lead him into sin . A woman cannot conceive without a man , nor a good hope produce any benefit without labour . Winter had need of garments , old age of disingagement from grief . In life as in a Theater , wee should continue so long as the sight of things , and actions of life seem delightfull . The mad should be bound , the ignorant instructed . That we should endeavour to shun the censorious , and to apply our selves to such as are candid , that wee should undertake onely such things as we can perform , and decline such as we cannot ; that whensoever we undertake any thing , we should employ therein our utmost study and endeavour , is the sum of his advise to Eutherus . He said , the office of a wise man is to discern what is good and honest , and to shun that which is dishonest . They who know what they ought to do , and do it not , are not wise and temperate , but fooles and stupid . Justice and every other virtue is wisdom . To be ignorant of our selves , to seem to know those things wherof we are ignorant , is next to madnesse . That a pious person is rightly defined , such a one as knows what is lawfull as to the gods ; a just , he that knowes what is lawfull as to men ; that a man is wise as far as he knows ; that what is profitable is fair to that whereto it is profitable ; that they who know how to use terrible things and dangerous are valiant , the contrary timerous , is the sum of his discourse with Euthydamus . He conceived the onely wisdom of man to consist in not thinking he understands those things which he doth not understand . To one that complained he had not benefited himself by travell , and not without reason saith he , because thou didest travell with thy self . He affirmed there is but one good thing , knowledge ; one ill , ignorance ; but that riches and nobility had nothing in them of worth , but on the contrary all evills . When a wise man openeth his mouth the virtues of his are manifested as Images in a Temple . In navigation wee ought to be guided by the Pilot ; in the course of life by those of better judgement . Being demanded what wisdom was , he answered , the composure of the Soul , being demanded who were wise , they saith he , who not easily erre . The souls reason augmenteth it self as in a play , the wisest not the richest ought to bear the prize . Fugitives fear though not pursued , fooles though not in adversity are troubled . Seeing a young man rich and unlearned , behold ( saith he ) golden slave . The luxurious is hardly cured in sicknesse , the fool in adversity . The coward useth armes against himself , the fool money . Ac●illes armour sits not Thersiles , nor the good habits of the soul a fool . Be not forward in speech , for many times the tongue hath cut off the head . In war , steel is better then gold , in life , wisdom excelleth wealth . Of Piety and Obedience . THat the greatest of vices is ingratitude , of obligations that to Parents , that a disobedient Son the Gods will not blesse : nor men love as doubting his return of either , knowing he doth it not where so much is due ; is the sum of his discourse with Apiles Our prayers should be for blessings in generall , for God knows best what is good for us , our offerings proportioned to our abilities , for he considers integrity , not munificence . He said ( with the Pythian Oracle ) that the Gods are to be worshipped according to the Law of the City where a man lives , they who do otherwise , he thought superstitious and vain . The best way of worshipping God , is to do what he commands . Superstition is obedient to pride as its parent . A harsh Father like a severe law , must not withstanding be obeyed . The reproof of a Father is a kind remedy ; it brings more ease then pain . Of fortitude and imbecillity . THat a man ought to inure himself to voluntary labour & sufferance , so as what shall be imposed by necessity may appear in him not compulsive but free , that soft waies of living , in pleasures beget no good constitution of body , nor knowledge of the mind ; That tolerance raiseth us to high attempts is the effect of his discourse with Aristippus . To one who was fearfull to go so far on foot as Olympia , he demonstrated ( to make the journey seem easie ) that it was no more then his daily walk within doors , if extended at length , would easily reach . * One that complained he was weary of a journey , he reproved hi● for being more weary then his servant that followed him laden . He said , death resembled either a deep sleep , or a long journey out of our Native Country , or an absolute annihilation of soul and body , examining all which he affirmed , death to be in none of those respects evill ; as to the first , saith Plutarch , it is not ill with those that sleep , and wee esteem that sleep sweetest which is deepest ; as if we look on it as a journey , it is rather a blessing , for thereby we are freed from the slavery and affections of the flesh which possesse and infatuate the mind ; in the last respect , it makes us insensible of ill and pain , as well as of good and pleasure . A statue stands firm on its base , a vertuous man on firm resolutions . Voluntary labours are delighted with assurance of ease ; idlenesse , and transitory pleasures beget neither a good constitution of body , nor any good habit in the Soule . * Being demanded what is strength ? he answered , the motion of the soul with the body . Seeing the gates of Corinth strongly barr'd , * he asked , dwell women here ? An honest death , is better then a dishonest life . He used to say , liberty is sister to sloth , instancing in the Indians and Persians , both lazy ; the Phrygians and Lydians very industrious , as being under servitude . Of Temperance , Continence , and Contentednesse . HE advised to shun all occasions of incontinence , affirming that such as conversed much with fair women could not easily be continent . That the sight and kisses of the fair , infuse a poison more dangerous then that of Scorpions and Spiders , is the sum of his discourse to Xenophon and Critobulus . That a free man ought not to entertain a servant addicted to pleasures , that he which is slave to pleasures , should pray to the gods for better Masters , is the conclusion of his discourse de continentia . That happinesse consists not in luxury and pride , that to want nothing is divine , to want the least next to divine , is the the conclusion of his discourse with Antipho . He advised such as could not easily abstain at feasts , to take heed of such things as perswade those that are not hungry to eat , and those that are not thirsty to drink , for they destroyed the appetite , the head , and the soul. He used to say merrily , Circ● turned men into Swine , by feasting them with such meats , but that ulysses , partly through Minerva's advice , partly through his own temperance , refraining from such things , remained unchanged . That health of body ought diligently to be preserved , as that whereon all knowledge of the soule dependes . Is the summe of his discourse with Epigenes . He advised one that complained , he took no delight in his meat , to refrain from eating , whereby his diet would become more pleasant , cheap , and wholesome . In the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( to feast ) the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implies , that we should eat only such things as will not hurt the mind nor the body , and are easie to be gotten . That only temperate persons , that discern and choose the best things , refraining from the worst ; that by temperance men become the most excellent , and most happy , sittest for discourse : is the summe of his discourse with Euthidemus . Hearing one of his friends say , this Town is exceeding deer , Chian wine costs a Mina , purple three , a pint of honey five Denaries ; he carried him to the Meal-men , hear , saith he , a pint is sold for an obolus ; it is cheap living in this Town : then to those that sold Olives , a Chaenix two farthings ; thence to the frippery , a Suit ten Drachmes : things are cheap in this Town . He said , the hungry wanted no sauce , the thirsty no choice of wines . He commended quiet and leasure above all things . He said , they who buy early fruits at dear rates , believe they will not come in their due season . Being asked what was a young mans vertue ? he answered , to do nothing too much . Seeing one eate broth very greedily , he said , Which of you here present useth bread for broth , and broth for bread ? Of which , see more at large , Xenophon his Memorab . Lib. One saying , that it was a great matter to abstain from what a man desires , he answered , but it is much a greater not to desire at all . A cleer fire becomes the chimney , serenity the mind . He said , We ought not to seek pleasures in others , but in our selves , the body being predisposed according as it ought . He said , It is the property of God to need nothing , to need least , nighest to God. Being demanded from what things we ought to refrain most , he answered , from sordid unjust pleasures . Contentednesse is like a short and pleasant way , it hath much delight , little toile . He that would see vertue as his Country , must passe by pleasures , as Syrens . Being demanded whom he thought richest , he answered , him who is contented with least ; for content is the riches of Nature . Being demanded what continence is , he answered , government of corporeall pleasures . He said , the wicked live to eat , but the good eat to live . When a woman saith she loveth thee , take heed of those words , more then when she revileth thee . Of Liberality , Prodigality , and Covetousnesse . HE conceived , that they who took mony of any , owned them for their Masters in the meanest degree of servitude . That wisdome is prostituted as well as beauty , by taking mony for it ; that he who meets with an ingenious person , ought to acquaint him with all the good he can gratis , whereby he acquires a friend , and doth the part of a good member of the common-wealth ; is the summe of his second discourse with Antipho . He said , if a rich man be proud of his wealth , that he could not praise him , till he knew how he would employ it . None can safely manage a horse without a bit , nor riches without reason . He compared covetous persons to birds , one devoures what ever it meets till it choakes it selfe , the rest falling upon what the first left , are one after another choaked also . The wealth of covetous persons is like the Sun after he is set , delights none . He that gives to a rich man throwes water into the Sea. The life of a covetous person is like the feasts made for the dead , he hath all , but enjoyes nothing . He compared the wealth of prodigalls to fig-trees , growing on a precipice , for these , none are the better , but Kites , and Crowes ; for those only harlots and flatterers . Being demanded who were covetous , he answered , such as seek after sordid gain , and neglect their necessary friends . Wine changeth with the Vessell , riches follow the manners of the owner . Of Magnanimity and Pride . TO one angry for having saluted a man that returned not his salutations ; It is ridiculous , saith he , if you are not angry with every one you meet of worse shape or for● then your self , to be angry with any for having leste manners . Pride like an ill potter or statuary represents the forms of things inverted . Wind puffes up empty bladders , opinion fooles . To be exalted with good fortune , is to runne in a slippery way . Of Patience . THere is lesse danger in drinking intemperately of troubled water , then with a troubled mind full of wrath , before it be allayed and purified to satisfie thy anger in the punishment of a kinsman or countryman . If every one should bring his misfortunes into a publick stock to be shar'd alike amongst all men , the greater part of those that now complain so much , would be contented and glad to keep their own . It is all one if a man being overcome in any gymnick sports should sue his adversary , as for a man over master'd by Fortune to accuse her ; not knowing upon what conditions we entered into the contests of life . Of Veracity and Flattery . THere is no better way to glory then to endeavour to be good , * as well as to seem such . The kindnesse of flatterers is chased away by adversity . Hunters take hares with hounds , many take fooles with their own praises . Wolves resemble dogs , and flatterers friends , but their aimes are quite contrary . Flattery is like a painted armour , only for show , not use . Think not those faithfull who praise all thy words and actions , but those who reprove thy faults . Suffer not a talker and slanderer , for he tells not thee any thing out of good will ; but as he discourseth the secrets of others , so will he thine to others . Good men must let the world see that their manners are more firme then an oath . Of Vrbanity and Conversation . A Little Hall will serve to dance in , and every place and posture to speak . Wind kindles fire , conversation Love. Freedome of discourse like the seasons of the year , is best in its proper time . It s arrogance to speak all , and to be unwilling to hear any thing . Converse at distance , and softly with those that are in Authority . Of Iustice. THat the Gods prescribe just things by law , and that just and lawfull is to them the same thing , is the summe of his discourse with Hippias . They who convert goods ill gotten to good uses in a common-wealth , do like those who make religious use of sacriledge . Of Friendship . THat a discreet vertuous friend is of all possessions the most fertile , and ought chiefly to be regarded , is the scope of his discourse , de amici●ia . That every man should examine himselfe of what value he is to his friend , and endeavour to be of the most worth he can to him , is the effect of his discourse with Antis●henes : That wicked men cannot be friends , either amongst themselves , or with the good : That the way to procure friends is , first , to endeavour to be good , wherein he would seem good ; that all vertues may be augmented by study and learning , is the scope of his discourse with Critobulus . That we ought to our utmost abilities to relieve the necessities of our friends , is the effect of his discourse with Aristarchus . He said , he had rather have Darius to his friend , then his Daricks , a coyne so named from him . He wondered that every man kept an inventory of his goods , none of his friends . They who violate friendship , though they escape the punishment of their friends , shall not escape the vengeance of God. They who forsake their own brethren to seek out other friends are like those who let their own grounds lie fallow to till anothers . Fear not a friend in adversity . We esteem not that corn best which growes on the fairest ground , but that which nourisheth best , nor him a good perso● or friend who is of highest birth , but most noble in qualities . Physicians must relieve the sick , friends the afflicted . It s pleasant to grow old with a good friend and sound sense . Sect. 3. Oeconomicks . IN the second respect are his Oeconomicks , which he learned of Ischomachus , by Xenophon expresly delivered in a treatise upon that subject , to which adde these few sentences . So contrive the building of your house , as that those parts which are towards the South may be highest , that the winter Sun be not excluded ; those towards the North lowest ; that they may be lesse subject to wind ; In fine , so order it , that a man may live in every quarter thereof with most delight and safety : Pictures and colours take away more pleasantness then they afford . To one who beat his servant for gluttonous , covetous , and idle , he said , did you at any time consider whether you deserve not more to be beaten your self ? To one that asked his advice about taking a wife , whether you do or do no : saith he , you will ●●pent it . To others that asked his opinion concerning marriage , hee said , As fishes in a net would fain get out , and those without wo●ld get in , take heed young men it be not so with you . Men must o●●y the lawes of their Country , wives their husbands . Sect. 4. Politicks . IN the 3d. respect are his politicks , which . Hesychius Illus●ius makes to be the same which Plato hath delivered under this name , where you may have them though disguised with the language and additions of Plato , to which may be annexed those sentences of his in that kind out of Xenophon , Stobaeus , and others . They who cannot upon occasion be usefull either to an Army , a City , or a Common-wealth ; yet have confidence of themselves , ought , though never so rich , to be under restraint . Antipho demanding how hee might make others skilfull in Politicks whilest himself medled not therein , although hee knew that he could manage them , which way saith he ; Antipho , I do most act the businesse of the Common-wealth , if I practise it onely , or if I endeavour to make many able to act therein . That place is fittest for Temples and Altars which is most open , and yet retired ; for it is fitting that they who pray see , and no lesse fitting that they come thither pure . They are not Kings , who are in possession of a Throne , or come unjustly by it , but they who know how to govern . A King is a ruler of willing Subjects according to the Lawes , a Tyrant is a ruler of subjects against their will , not according to the Lawes , but arbitrary ; an Aristocracy is that government wherein the Magistrates are . The offices of a good Citizen are in peace to enrich the Common-wealth , in War to subdue the Enemies thereof , in Embassy to make friends of foes , insedition to appease the people by eloquence . Of common people he said , they were as if a man should except against one piece of bad money , and except a great sum of the same . He said , the Law was not made for the good . Deserving persons ought to bee sharers in the good fortunes of the Common-wealth . Being demanded what City is strongest ? he said , that which hath good men . Being demanded what City is best ordered ? he said , that wherein the Magistrates friendly agree . Being demanded what City is best ? he said , that wherein are proposed most rewards for virtue . Being demanded what City lives best , he said , that which liveth according to law , and punisheth the unjust . CHAP. VI. Of his Daemon . THat Socrates had an attendant spirit ( meant as Plutarch conceives by the * Oracles answer to his Father ) which diverted him from dangers , is impugned by Athenaeus , not without much prejudice , which the bitternesse of the discourse betraies , soules that are not candid , and think ill of the best , saith Origen , never refrain from Calumny , seeing that they mock even the Genius of Socrates as a feigned thing . On the contrary , we have the testimony of Plato , Xenophon and * Antisthenes contemporary with him , confirmed by Laertius , Plu ●arch , Maximus Tyrius , Dion Chrysostomus , Cicero , Apuleius , by Fathers , Te●tullian , Origen , Clemens Alexandrinus and others , whereof a great many instances ( as Cicero saith ) were collected by Antipater : these onely preserv'd by other Authors . Theocritus going to consult Euthyphron a Sooth-sayer , * found him with much company walking in the streets , amongst whom were Simias and Socrates , who was very busie , asking him many questions . In the midst of his discourse he maue a suddain stop , and after some pause , turned back and went down another street , calling out to the rest of the company to return and follow him , as being warned by the Daemon . The greater part did so , the rest went forward , on purpose to confute the Daemon , and drew along with them one Charillus that played on the flute ; but in the way which was so narrow , as not to give them room to passe by , they were met and overturn'd in the dirt by a great herd of swine ; by repetition of which accident , Charillus often afterwards defended the Daemon . Nor did the advice of this spirituall attendant onely respect the good of Socra●es , but extended to such friends as conversed with him , whereof him self gives these instances . * Charmides Son of Glauco , going to exercise in the Nemean race , as he was discoursing with Socrates , was by him upon notice of the voice dissuaded from going , to which he answered , that perhaps the voice onely meant that he should not get the victory , but , said he , however I shall advantage myself by exercising at this time , which said , he went to the Games ; where he met with some accident , which though it be not related , is acknowledg'd to have iustified the counsell given him by the Daemon . Tymarchus and Philemon Son of Philemonides having plotted together to murther Nicias , * Son of Hircoscomander , were at the same time drinking with Socrates . Timarchus with intention to execute what they had determin'd , offer'd to rise from the table , saying to Socrates , well Socrates , drink you on , I will but step a little way and return immediately . Rise not said Socrates , ( hearing the Daemon as soon as he spake ) for the Daemon hath given me the accustomed sign ; whereupon he sate stil , presently after he offer'd again to be gone ; Socrates hearing the voice withheld him . At last , as Socrates was diverted by something , and did not mind him , he stole away and committed the murther , for which being brought to execution , his last words to his brother Glitomachus were , that he was come to that untimely end for not obeying Socrates . Another time , seeing his friend Crito's eie ti'd up , he asked him the reason , who answering , that as he walked in the field , one pulling a bough , it gave a jerk back , and hit him in the eye ; Then you did not take my advise , replies Socrates , for I call'd you back , making use , as I have accustomed of divine presage . That it had likewise a great influence upon the soules of those who conversed with him , and liv'd with him , * he alledgeth as examples Aristides Son of Lysimachus , and Thucydides Son of Melissus . The first leaving Socrates to go to the wars , lost , with his company , the habit of learning , which he acknowledg'd to have gained , not by any verball instructions , of which he had none from him , but by being neer him , seeing him , and sitting in the same room with him : The second as easily , by the same means attained the same habit . And not only to particular persons , but to generall affairs did these predictions extend : He foretold some friends the defeat of the Athenian Army in Sicily , as is attested by Plutarch , and mentioned by himself in Plato , where he gives another fair example , or rather tryall of the truth of the Daemons predictions , speaking of a businesse , whereof the event was at that time doubtfull : * You will hear , saith he , from many in Sicily , to whom it is known what I foretold concerning the destruction of the Army , and we may now have an experiment if the Daemon speak true . Samionus , son of Calus is gone in an expedition , the sign came to me : he goes with Thrasylus to war against Ephesus and Jonia : my opinion is , that he will either be slain , or at least , in much danger , I greatly fear the whole design . These are his words in Plato , delivered as before , the event of that action , which fell out according to his prediction ; for * Thrasylus was repulsed , and beaten by the Ephesians , the Athenians put to flight , with the losse of foure hundred men ; of which Victory the Ephesians erected two trophies . this was in the twentie one year of the Peloponnesian war. We have alledg'd the universall consent of Authors , that Socrates had such a spirituall attendant ; yet is there some disagreement concerning the name , more concerning the nature of it . It is commonly named his Daemon , by which title , he himselfe owned it : Plato sometimes calls it his Guardian , Apuleius his God , because ( saith Saint * Augustine ) the name of Daemon at last grew odious . But we must observe , that he did not account it a God , but sent from God , and in that sence affirmed the signes to come from God , to wit , by mediation of this spirit . This , besides other places we may argue from his first Epistle , where he speaks of the sign it selfe ; he useth the word Daemon , when of the advise , whereof that sign was the instrument , he names God. Thus are we to understand these , and all other places of the same nature in Plato , where Socrates speaking of the Daemon saith , if it please God , you shall learn much , and the sign from God did not offer to stay me . As for the signe or manner of the prediction , * some affirme it was by sneezing , either of himselfe or others ; if any chanced to sneeze standing before him , behind him , or on his right hand , he went immediately about that which he intended ; if on the left hand , he refrained or desisted : if he sneezed himselfe before the enterprise , it was applausive , if in the action , disswasive . There needs not much argument to prove this opinion . If this sternutation proceeded either from chance , or his naturall constitution , it could not have that provident supernaturall effect ; if it proceeded from some more excellent outward cause , we recurre to the Genius . Others confine this prescience within the soule of Socrates himself , that he said , his Genius advised him , they interpret it , as we usually say , his mind gave him , or so inclined him : In this sense indeed Daemon is not seldome taken ; but this is inconsistent with the description which Socrates gives of a voice and signes , ab exteriore , besides this knowledge is not above humane nature . Plutarch having exploded the opinion of Terpsion concerning sneezing , conjectured first , that it might be some apparition ; but at last concludes , that it was his observation of some inar●culate unaccustomed sound ( or voice ) conveighed to him by some extraordinary way , as we see in dreams . This avoids not the inconvenience of the former ; if Socrates did first of himselfe interpret this sound , it is the same with the last opinion , that his soule had a Prophetick inspiration , if by any help , it will come at last to the Genius . Some conceive it to be one of those spirits which have the particular care of men ; which Maximus Tyrius , and Apuleius describe in such manner , that they want only the name of a good Angell . But there want not those who give it that appellation : * Lactanius having proved that God sends Angells to guard mankind , addes , and Socrates affirmed that there was a Daemon constantly neer him , which kept him company from a child , by whose beck and instruction he guided his life . Eusebius upon these words of the Psalmist , He hath given his Angells charge over thee , that they should keep thee in all thy waies . We learn out of Scripture ( saith he ) that every man hath a Guardian appointed him from above ; and Plato doubteth not to write in this manner : All soules having chosen a condition of living , they proceed in order thereunto , being moved by the Daemon , which is proper to every one , and is sent along with them to preserve them in this life , and to perfect those things whereof they have made choice . And immediately after ; You may beleeve , saith he , that Socrates meant this , when he often affirmed that he was governed by a Daemon . More plainly * Eugubinus , The Daemon of Socrates , saith he , mentioned so often by Plato ( seeing that Socrates was a good man , and exhor●ed all men to vertue , and by the Daemon was alwaies excited to that which was good ) may perhaps not unjustly be thought his Angell , as that which appeared to Balaam the Prophet , and diverted him from his wickednesse . * But Ficinus expresly ; If you are not pleased , saith he , speaking of this spirit , to call the familiar guide of a man his spirit , call it , if you please , his good Angell . The chiefest argument of * Collius , who opposeth this opinion , and endeavours to prove it was an evill spirit , is , that the Daemon never disswaded or diverted from vice , but only from outward danger , whereas the contrary is evident enough from the foregoing story of Tim●●●●us and Philemon . True it is , that the advice of the Daemon was alwaies disswasive , never , as * Cicero saith , impulsive , often coercive . Apuleius flatters Socrates with this reason ; Socrates , saith he , as being a man absolute and perfect of himselfe , ready in all offices that concerned him , never needed any exhorter , but sometimes a prohibitour , if it happened there were any danger in that which he went about , that being forwarned he might take beed , and decline the undertaking for that time ; which afterwards he might reassume , or attempt some other way . CHAP. VII . His military Actions . * IT is observed by many , that Socrates little affected travell , his life being wholly spent at home , saving when he went out in military service . In the second year of the eighty sixt Olympiad broke forth a war , the greatest that ever happened amongst the Grecians , betwixt the Lacaedemonians and the Athenians , the occasions and pretexts of it arising from the controversies of the Athenians with the Corinthians , concerning Corcyra , and Polydaea , both which being revolted from the Athenians , to whom they had been tributary , sought for aid from the Lacedaemonians , who sent forces to the relief of Polidaea . In this war was Socrates thrice personally engaged ; first , at the siege of Polidaea , in the year of the Olympiad , against which the Athenians sent one thousand six hundred choice men of armes , under the conduct of Phormis , who besieged it from the Sea by his Gallyes , and on the land side by a wall : amongst these were Socrates and Alcibiades : Laertius saith , they were on the sea side , and that there was no means to come on the land side further . * Plato , that they served both a-foot , which disagrees not with the other ; for there was not any set battle during all the time of the siege , only sallies and skirmishes . Here as * Alcibiades his comerade , attests , Socrates outwent all souldiers in hardinesse ; and if at any time , saith he , as it often happens in war , the provisions failed , there was none could bear the want of meat and drink like him , yet on the other side in times of feasting , he only seem'd to enjoy them , and though of himselfe he would not drink , yet being invited , he far out-drank all others , and which is strangest of all , never any man saw him drunk . The excesses of cold in the winter , which in that Country are extraordinary , he as wonderfull endured , when the frost was so sharp , that very few durst go out of their Tents , and those wrapping their legs and thighes in skins and furrs , he went along with them , having no more cloths then those he usually wore : He walked bare footed upon the Ice with lesse tendernesse , then others in shoo●s , to the wonder of the souldiers who thought themselves reproached by his hardinesse . His contemplative raptu●e at the same time was no less worthy admiration ; he fell into a deep contemplation one morning , and continued all the while standing in the same posture , at noon it was taken notice of by the souldiers , who told it from one to another , that Socrates had stood still in the same place all that morning : In the evening some Ionian souldiers wrapping themselves warm , came , and lay down by him in the open field , to watch if he would continue all night in the same posture , which he did , untill the morning , and assoon as the Sun arose , saluted it , 〈◊〉 retir'd . Of these kind of raptures Agellius saith he had many . We must not omit how he behaved himself there in fight ; * seeing his friend Alcibiades deeply engaged , and much wounded , he stepped before him , defended him and his armes from the enemie , and brought him safely off . Nor was his modesty inferiour to his love or courage , for whereas after the battle the generalls were to bestow an honourable reward upon him that had fought best , the Judges assigning it to Socrates , he declin'd it , and by his earnest intercession , procur'd that it might be conferred upon Alci●iades . The second action of Socrates was in the first year of the eighty ninth Olympiad at Delium , a Town in Boetia , which the Athenians took . The Boetians ( saith Thucydides ) led by Pagondas , followed them , & bid them battle , the left wing of the Boetians to the very middle of the Army was overthrown by the Athenians , and fled to the other parts , where they were yet in sight : but the right had the better of the Athenians , and by little and little forced them to give ground , and followed them from the veryfirst . Pagondas , whilst the left wing of his Army was in distresse , sent two companies of horse secretly about the hill , whereby that wing of the Athenians which was victorious , apprehending upon their sudden appearing that they had been a fresh Army , was put into a fright , and the whole Army of the Athenians , now doubly terrified by this accident , and by the Thaebans that continually won ground , and broke their ranks , betook themselves to flight , somefled towards Delium and the sea , others the Mountain Parnes , and others other waies , as to each appeared hope of safety . The Boetians , especially their horse , and those Locrians that came in , after the enemy was defeated , followed killing them . Socrates in this engagement behaved himselfe with his accustomed valour ( so well , that * La●hes confesseth , if the rest had fought like him , they had not lost the day ) and care of his friends ; * for seeing Xenophon unhorsed in the flight , and thrown down on the ground ( himselfe likewise having had his horse slain under him , sought on too ) he took him upon his shoulders , and carried him many a fladia , and desended him untill they gave ever the pursuit . And being thus at the losse of the day with other dispersed in flight ( amongst whom was Laches the Archon , and Alcibiades ) * in the constant slownesse of his retreat expressed a courage far above Lache's , frequently looking back and round about , as greedy to be reveng'd of the enemy if any should pursue them ; which was the means that brought him off more safely , for they who expresse least fear in thrir retreat , are lesse subject to be assaulted , then such as repose their confidence in flying . * As they came to a way that was divided into two , Socrates made a stand , and advis'd those that were with him not to take that way which they were going into , along the Mountain Parne , but the other by the way Retiste , for saith he , I heard the Daemons voice . The greater part were angry , as if he had trifled at a time so serious ; some few were perswaded to go along , amongst whom were Laches and Alcibiades , and got safely home ; the rest were met by some horsemen , who returning from the pursuit , fell upon them ; they at first resisted , but at last enclosed by the Enemy who exceeded them in number ; they gave back , and were in the end opprest , and all killed except one , who by the help of his shield getting away , brought the newes to Athens , and Pyrilampes Son of Antiphon , who being wounded by a Javelin , was taken Prisoner ; and when hee heard by those that were sent from Athens to Thehes to treat of peace , that Socrates & the rest with him got safe home ; he openly profest to the Thebans , that Socrates had often called him and others of his company back , who not following the advice of his Genius were slain . The last military engagement was the same year at * Amphipolis , * which was then taken by Brasidas the Lacedaemonian Generall . CHAP. IX . How he carried himself in the Democracy & the Oligarchy . SOcrates forbore to accept any office in the Common-wealth , ( except in his later years that of Senatour ) either ( as * Aelian saith ) because hee saw the Athenian government , though under the form of a democracy , was yet nearer to a Tyranny or Monarchy , or * as himself professeth ▪ being disswaded by his Genius from medling in publick affairs , which advice was his preservation , being too honest to comply with the injustices of the Common-wealth , and to oppose them was extreamly dangerous , as he found experimentally in that short time . * He was chosen to the Senate for the Antiochian tribe , wherunto ( * as we have said ) Alopece the Town were he was born belonged , and * in order thereto took the oath which Solon appointed to be given to every Senatour , to give sentence according to the Lawes , not biassed either by favour , hatred , or any other pretext : In the third year of the 93. Olimpiad ( * the preheminence coming in course to the Antiochian tribe , and Socrates thereupon becoming President of the people , ) hee had this occasion of manifesting his constancy . * There happen'd a Sea fight between the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians at Arginusae : The Athenian Commanders were ten ; the Lacedaemonians Commander in chief , Callic , atidas ; the Lacedaemonians were overthrown , their Adm●al sunk ; the Athenians went back to Arg●uae with the losse of 25 ships , and all the men in them except some few that escaped to land ; The ten Commanders order'd Theramenes and Thrasilulus ( Captains of the Galleyes ) to look out after the vessells that were shipwrackt , which as they were going to do , a suddain tempest arose and hindred them ; Six of these Commanders returned to Athens where they no sooner came , but upon the account they gave of the fight , the Senate committed them to prison ; Theramenes was their accuser , who urged that they might be question'd for not relieving those that were lost by shipwrack ; The Commanders just●y answer'd , that they had given order for their relief , and that Theramenes and Thrasibulus , on whom that charge was imposed , were ( if any ) to be condemned ; but that they would not retort the fault on their accusers , for the Tempest sufficiently excused them . This satisfied the Senate for that time , but at the next feast being the Apaturia , some friends of Theramenes , by his instigation shaving their hair , and putting on mourning apparell , pretending to be kinsmen of those that were drowned , came in that habit to the Senate , and causing the charge against the ten Commanders to be renewed , so much incensed the people , that they by menaces contrary to all law , enforced the Senate to condemn them . Socrates being order'd to write the decree against them , avoided it by pretending he could not write ; and knew not the form , which occasion'd laughter in the Senate ( and perhaps that aspersion of Porphyrius , that he was scarce able to write , which when he did , it was to derision ) but the true reason is by Athenaeus acknowledg'd to be his constant fortitude , in that he would not violate the lawes of the Common-wealth contrary to the Oath he had taken , * to which he took more heed then to the violence wherewith he was threatned ; For when the Senate proceeded to their condemnation , he * alone opposed it with his suffrage , whereupon many Oratours prepared to accuse him , and the people cried out with loud clamours , that he might be brought to answer for it : but he chose rather to hazard himself for Law and Justice , then through fear of imprisonment and death to consent to injustice , as the death of these men was afterwards known to be , even to the Athenians themselves : and was soon after punished in Theramenes by the like , wherein Socrates gave the same testimony of his Courage upon this occasion . Athens after a long war with the Lacedaemonians of 27. years , being taken at last by Lysander , the Lacedaemonian Generall in the first year of the 94th Olympiad , there grew some debate concerning the alteration of the Government , from a democracy to an Oligarchy ; Theramenes stood for the continuance of the democracy , but being oveswai'd by the power and threats of Lysander , yielded to the constitution of thirty persons , * by title Governours , in effect Tyrants , of which number was Theramenes ( whom they took , in regard of his known moderation and equity , to bridle the rapine and avarice of others ) Critias , ( first a friend , but now a great enemy to Socrates for reproving his love of Euridamus ) Charicles and others , whose names are set down by Xenophon , as are also their murders unjust sequestrations of lands , and confiscations of goods ; They began with punishment of the worst persons , proceeded to the richest , and ended with the best . Never ( saith Seneca ) was any City more miserable ; 1300. ( Aechines saith 1500. ) of the best persons they put to death without any legall trial , nor was their fury thereby asswaged , but more exasperated ; That City where was the Areopagus , the most religious Court of Judicature , where the Senate and people like the Senate used to assemble , was daily made a sad Colledge of Executioners , an unhappy Court too narrow for the Tyrants without rest from oppression , without hope of liberty or remedy . All fled the City but Socrates , who all this while set not his foot out of the gates ; he was continually amongst the people , comforted the lamenting Fathers , encourag'd those that despair'd of the state , reproached to the rich , that had lived in fear to lose their wealth , the late repentance of their dangerous avarice , and to those that would imitate him , gave great examples , whilst he walked free amidst the thirty oppressours . Theramenes opposing this cruelty and injustice , was accused by Critias for betraying the trust of the Common-wealth , whereof he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of the Senate ; But Critias and his faction fearing he might overthrow the Oligarchy , seized upon him with a troop of souldiers ; Theramenes run to the Altar , but being dragg'd from thence by the officers , he behaved himself like ( saith Diodorus ) the Disciple of Socrates ; the people pittied him , but none of them durst offer to help him , because he was compass'd in by the souldiers , except Socrates and two of his companions , who ran to him and endeavoured to rescue him out of the hands of the officers ; Theramenes desired them to forbear , telling them that he much loved and commended their kindnesse and virtue , but that it would be the greatest misfortune he could have , if their love to him should occasion their deaths ; whereupon Socrates and his companions seeing none come in to join with them in his aid , and that the contrary party was too strong for them , gave over : Theramenes was carried to prison , and there ( being sentenced to drink hemlock ) died . These outrages of the thirty Tyrants Socrates did not forbear to censure . * Seeing many eminent persons put to death , and the rich circumvented & betray'd to excessive punishments , he said to Antisthenes , doth it repent thee that we have done nothing in our whole lives great & remarkable , as those Monarchs who are described in Tragedies , Atreus's , Thyestes's Agamemnon's and Aegisthus's ? they are in those playes beheaded , teasted with their own flesh , and generally destroyed ; Bu● no P●et was ever so bold and impudent as to bring a hog killed upon the stage . * To another who murmur'd b●cause he was not looked upon since they began to rule , are you sorry for it said he ? Hee said likewise , * that it were strange if a Neatherd who diminished and impoverished his herd , should not confesse himself an ill Neatherd ; but more strange that one who being set over a City , made the Citizens worse , and their number less , should not confesse himself an ill Governour . This came to their knowledge , whereupon Critias and Charicles sent for him , and forbad him strictly to teach or discourse with any of the young men . Socrates asked them , if in a●s of prohibition he might be permitted to question what hee understood n●t , which they granting ; Then ( continues he ) I am ready to obey the Lawes , but lest I transgresse them through ignorance , I desire to be informed , whether when you forbid me the act of speaking , this act be to be understood of things spoken rightly or not rightly ; if of the first , I must abstain from speaking what is right ; if of the second , I must take care to speak nothing but what is right ; Hereupon Charicles being displeased , said , Since you understood not that Socrates , we command you what is easier to be understood , that hence forward you speak not at all with any of the young men ; To take away all ambiguity replies Socrates , that I may not exceed my limitation ; let me know expresly at what years you call a man young : so long saith Charicles , as he is uncapable of being Senatour , and bath not attained to the height of his judgemen ; you are not to speak with any under thirty ; May I not buy , answers Socrates , of any under that age , nor ask them the price of any thing ? That you may , saith Charicles , but your custom is to ask questions of things which you know very well ; forbear those : and shall I not then , replies Socrates , make answer if anyone ask me where Charicles dwells , or where Critias is ? To such questions saith Charicles you may . You must ( continues Critias ) refrain from the artisicers , whose ears you have sufficiently grated with your impertinent discourse ; I must then obstain ( saith Socrates ) from justice , piety , and the like ; Even from the very Neatherds replies Charicles , which unlesse you do , take heed your head come not short home . This ill will and jealousie which they had conceived against Socrates was increased by the secret departure of some friends of his out of the City , which was reported to be done by his contrivement , to give intelligence to the Thebans : nor was that suspicion without reason , as is manifest by his last Epistle : hereupon they sumon'd him into the Court , where some complaints were brought against him , of which having acquitted himselfe , they ( to get a better cause of quarrel against him ) gave order to him and four more to go to the Pyraeum , and to apprehend Leon , whom they meant to put to death , that they might possesse his estate : But Socrates refused , adding , that he would never willingly assist an unjust act ; whereupon Cha●icles said , dost thou think Socrates to talk thus peremptorily , and not to suffer ? A thousand ills , answered Socrates , but none so grievous as to do unjustly . Charicles made no reply , nor any of the rest ; the other foure went for Leon , Socrates directly to his house ; but from thence forward , the jealousie they had of him was so much encreased , that * if their power had not been soon dissolved , they would have gone neer to have taken away his life . CHAP. XI . His falling out with the Sophists , and with Anytus . THe Sophists , Masters of language in those ●imes , saith * Cicero , ( whereof were Gorgias of Leontium , Thrasymachus of Chalcedon , Protagoras o● Abdera , Prodicus a Cian , Hippias an Elian , and many others ) who profest in arrogant words to teach , how an inferiour cause ( such was their phrase ) might by speaking , be made superiour , * and used a sweet fluent kind of Rhetorick , argute in sentences , loftie in words , sitter for ostentation then pleading , for the Schooles and Academies , rather then the Forum ) were so highly esteem'd , that * wheresoev●r they came , they could perswade the young men to forsake all other conversation for theirs . * These Socrates opposed , and often by his subtlety of disputing , refelling their principles * with his accustomed interrogatories , demonstrated , that they were indeed much beneath the esteem they had gained , ●hat they themselves understood nothing of that which they undertook to teach others ; he withdrew the young men from their empty conversation : These , who till then had been looked upon as Angels for wit and Eloquence , he proved to be vain affecters of words , ignorant of those things which they profest , and had more need to give mony to be taught , then to take ( as they used ) mony for teaching . The Athenians taken with these reproof's which Socrates gave them , derided them , and excited their children to the study of solid vertue . Another quarrell Socrates had of long continuance , for it was the occasion of his death , but begun many years before , with Anytus , an Oratour by profession , privately maintained and enriched by Leather-sellers : He had put two of his sons to Socrates to be taught , but not being pleased , that whilst they were in that way , they had not learned so much , as to be able thereby to get their living ; he took them from Socrates , and put them to that trade which himselfe was ashamed to own ; wherewith Socrates being much displeased in respect of the two youths , whose ruine he presaged , ( and truly , for they fell afterwards into debaucheries which occasion'd it ) spared not to reproach Anytus in discoursing to his Schollars , telling them , That the Trade of dressing Leather was not sit to be spoken of amongst young men ; for they who benefit themselves by any art , cherish and professe it , as Acumenus Physick , Damon and Connus Musl●ck ; even Any us whilst his sons were his schollars , was not ashamed of that which they learn'd , though it were not sufficient to maintain them by pleading ; but for himselfe he gloryed that he walked invisible with Pluto's Helmet , or Giges Ring , concealing from the people the true means of his subsistence , which indeed was by dressing Leather , which was not just , to be ashamed of the trade , and not of the profit ; for he ought to owne this , or to disclaim that . Anytus ( saith * Aelian ) to answer this reproach , studied all occasions and waies of revenge ; but feared the Athenians , doubting if he should accuse Socrates , how they would take it , his name being in high esteem for many respects , chiefly for opposing the Sophists , who neither taught nor knew any solid learning . He * adviseth with Melitus , a young man , an Oratour , unknown to Socrates , described by * Plato , with long plain hair , a high nose , and a thin beard , * one that for a drachine might be bought into any thing , by whose counsell * He begins , by making tryall in lesser things , to sound how the At●enians would entertain a charge against his life ; for to have accused him upon the very first , he conceived unsafe , as well for the reason already mentioned , as lest the friends and followers of Socrates should divert the anger of the Judges upon himselfe , for falsely accusing a person so far from being guilty of any wrong to the State , that he was the only ornament thereof . To this end he subbornes Aristophanes , a Comick Poet , whose only businesse was to raise mirth , to bring Socrates upon the Stage , taxing him with crimes which most men knew him free from , impertinent discourse , making an ill cause by argument seem good , introducing new and strange deities , whilst himselfe believed and reverenced none ; hereby to insinuate an ill opinion of him , even into those who most frequented him . Aristophanes taking this Theme , interweaves it with much abusive mirth ; the best of the Grecians was his subject , not Cleon the Lacedaemonians , the Thebans , or Pericles himselfe , but a person dear to all the Gods , especially Apollo . At first ( by reason of the novelty of the thing , the unusuall personating of Socrates upon the Stage ) the Athenians , who expected nothing lesse , were struck with wonder : Then , ( being naturally envious apt to detract from the best persons , not only of such as bore office in the common-wealth , but any that were eminent for learning or vertue ) they begun to be taken with the Clouds , ( so was the play named ) and cried up the actour that personated Socrates with more applause , then ever any before , giving him with many shouts the victory , and sending word to the Judges that they should set down no name but that of Aristophanes . Socrates came seldome to the Theater , unlesse when Euripides contested with any new Tragaedian , there , or in the Pyraeum , then he went , for he affected the wisdome , goodnesse , and sweetnesse of his verse ; sometimes Alcibiades and Critias would invite him to a Comedy , and in a manner compell him ; for he was so far from esteeming Comedians , that he contemned them , as lying , abusive , and unprofitable ; whereat they were much displeased : These ( with other things suggested by Anytus and Melitus ) were the ground of Aristophanes his Comaedy , who , it is likely , got a great summe of money by it , they being eager in prosecution of their design , and he prepared by want , and malice to receive their impression : In fine , the play got extraordinary credit , that of Cratinus being verified , The Theater was then Fill'd with malitious men . It being at that time the feast of Bacchus , a multitude of Grecians went to see the play : Socrates being personated on the Stage and often named , ( nor was it much the Players should represent him , for the Potters frequently did it upon their stone-jugs ) the strangers that were present ( not knowing whom the Comedy abused ) raised a humme and whisper , every one asking who that Socrates was ? which he observing ( for he came not thither by chance , but because he knew himselfe should be abused in the play , had chosen the most conspicuous seat in the Theater ) to put the strangers out of doubt , he rose up , and all the while the play lasted , continued in that posture , ( * laughing ) * One that was present asked him , if it did not vex him to see himselfe brought upon the Stage ? Not at all , ( answered he ) me thinks I am at a feast , where every one enjoyes me . * This comedy was first acted when Isarchus was Archon , Cratinus victor in the first year of the eighty ninth Olympiad : Aristophanes being by some reprehended for it , to vindicate himselfe , caused it to be acted again the year following , Amintas being Archon , but with worse order then at first . * Amipsias also ( another comick Poet ) derided him thus in Tribone . O Socrates , the best of few , the vainest Of many men ; and art thou come amongst us ? Where is thy gown ? did not this great misfortune Befall thee by the leather-dresser's help . CHAP. X. His Triall . MAny years past since the first falling out betwixt Socrates and Anyt●us , during which time one continued openly reproving the other , secretly undermining , untill at length Anytus seeing the time sute with his design , procur'd Melitus to prefer a bill against him to the Senate , in these termes . Melitus Son of Melitus , a Pythean , accuseth Socrates Son of Sophroniscus an Alopecian . Socrates violates the Law , not believing the ●●●ities which this City beliveth , but introducing other new Gods. He violates the law likewise in corrupting youth ; the punishment death . This bill being preferr'd upon oath ( Plato * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Crito became bound to the Judges for his appearance at the day of triall . * Soon after Anytus sent privately to him , desiring him to forbear the mention of his Trade , and assuring him that he would thereupon withdraw his action ; but Socrates return'd him answer , that he would never forbear speaking truth as long as he lived , that he would alwaies use the same speeches concerning him ; that his accusation was not of force enough to make him refrain from speaking those things which he thought himself before obliged to say . * The intervall of time betwixt his accusation and triall , he imploi'd in his usual Philosophical exercises , not taking any care to provide his defence , for which being observ'd & questioned by Hermogenes son of Hipponicus , I provide apology enough ( saith he ) in considering & pursuing the constant course of my life ; Hermogenes demanding how that could be ? because ( saith he ) I never did any unjust act , which I conceive the best apologie : but we often see Judges ( saith Hermogenes ) overswai'd by Rhetorick , to condemne the innocent and acquit the guilty : the truth is , ( replyed Socrates ) going about to make my apology , I was twice withheld by the Daemon , whereat Hermogenes wondring , is it strange ( continues hee ) that God should think it fit for me to dy at this time ? hitherto no man hath lived more uprightly , which as it is now my greatest comfort , so it was the greatest delight to my selfe and friends ; if I live longer , I know I mustundergoe what is proper to old age , defects of hearing and sight , slownesse to apprehend , aptness to forget , how can I then be pleased to live longer and grow worse : It is likely God in his love to mee hath ordained that I should die in the most convenient age , and by the gentlest meanes , for if I die by sentence , I am allowed the benefit of the most easie kind of death ; I shall give my friends the least trouble , I shall doe nothing unseemely before those that are present , and shall depart sound in body and soule ; is not this very desirable ? God with much reason forbids me to make any defence ; If I could effect it , I should onely stay longer to be taken away by the torment of diseases and imperfections of age , which truly Hermogenes I desire not ; If when I give an accompt of my actions towards God and men , the Judges think fit to condemne me , I will rather chufe to die then to beg of them a life worse then death . Other friends used the same perswasions to him with assurance of victory , * Lycias an excellent Oratour offered him an Oration , which he had written in his defence , desiring him if he thought good to make use of it at his tryall ; Socrates perused it , and told him , that it was a good one , but not fit for him . Lysias asking how that could be ? why ( saith he ) may not a garment or shooes be rich , yet not fit for me ? if you should bring me Sicyonian shooes , I would not weare them though they were fit for my feet , because they are effeminate : he conceived the Oration to be ingenious and eloquent , but not stout and manly , * for though it were very bitter against the Judges , yet * was it more rhetoricall then became a Philosopher . The day of tryall being come , * Anytus , Lyco , and Melitus prepared to accuse him , one in behalfe of the people , the second of the Oratours , the last of the Poets : Melitus first went up into the chaire proper for that purpose , and there spoke an Oration which was in it felt mean enough , but withall deliver'd so unhappily and school-boy-like , that sometimes he was out with fear , and turned about to be prompted like a player , enough to beget laughter , even in those that were most concern'd in so serious a caufe : Part of the effect whereof seems to be the same which is thus by Xenophon dispersedly deliver'd , some particulars whereof are confirmed by Libanius . That Socrates perswaded his auditors to contemn the received Lawes , saying , it was sit onely for fooles to bee govern'd by a bean , ( meaning the suffrages of the Senate so gather'd . ) That he was intimately conversant with Critias and Alcibiades , one most covetous and violent in the Oligarchy , the other ambitious of Tyranny . That he taught direspect and obedience to Parents , telling his scholers hee would make them wiser than their Fathers , and that it was lawfull for any one to bind his Father if hee were mad , and for those that were the more wise to do as much to those that were lesse wise . That he taught also direspect of all other kinsmen , saying they were not usefull to the sick , or to the accused , the first being in more need of a Physician , the latter of an Oratour ; that the good will of unable friends was nothing worth : that onely the most knowing persons were most worthy of honour , by which means he would arrogate all respect to himself . That he selected out of the Poets some ill places , and perverted others that were not so , to excite his friends to impious actions ; as that of Hesiod , There is no work pursued shame ; 'T is idleness , hat merits blame . He expounded , as if the Poet meant all acts might be committed for gain . That he often repeated and misinterpreted tese words of Homer , as if the poet allowed the poor to be beaten . When he a Prince or some great person meets , Such with soft language kindly thus he greets ; Happy above the reach of fear are you ; Sit down , and bid your followers do so too . But of the lower fort when any speaks , Forth these words with blows his anger breaks : Be quiet ; to shy betters wretch submit ; For action and advice alike unsit . Melitus ( his oration ended ) came down ; * next him came Anytus with a long malicious speech , and last of all Lyco with all the artisice of Rhetorick concluded the accusation . Socrates * would not ( as was the custom ) procure an Advocate to plead for him ; all the while his accusers were speaking , he seemed to employ his mind about nothing lesse : as soon as they had done , he went up into the chair , ( * in which action he observed that the Daemon did , not withhold him ) an● with * an angry smile begun this * unpremeditated answer , * not as a suppliant or guilty person , but as if Master of the Judges themselves , with a free contumacy proceeding not from pride , but the greatnesse of his mind . * But I wonder first ( Athenians ) how Melitus came by this knowledge , that ( as he saith ) I do not worship those Gods the City worships ? Others have seen me ( and to might Melitus if he had pleas'd ) sacrifice at common festivalls on the publick Altars ; How do I introduce new deities when I professe to be directed in all my actions by the voice of God ? they who observe the notes of birds , or answers of men , are guided by the voice : none doubts of thunder whether it bee loud or oraculous ; Doth not the Priestesse on the Tripod convey to us by voice what the God delivers to her ▪ and that he foreknowes events , communicating them to whom pleaseth him , all men ( as well as I ) believe and professe : others call those that foretell events , Augurs , Soothsayers and Diviners , I the Daemon , and ( I conceive ) more religiously then they who ascribe a Divine power to birds : That I am no impostor , herein many can attest , who have asked my advice , and never found it fail . ( Here there arose a murmur in the Senate , some not believing , others envying what he said , that he should surpasse them in such a particular favour of the deity ; ) Let such as are incredulous hear this also to confirm their opinion that I am not favour'd of the Gods ; when Chaerephon in the presence of many witnesses question'd the Delphian Oracle concerning me , Apollo answered , that no man was more free , more just , or more wise ; ( here another murmur arose amongst the Judges : he proceeded ) Yet the same God faid more of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian Lawgiver , that he knew not whether to call him a God or a man ; me he compared not with the Gods , though he gave me the priority amongst men . But trust not the God herein , consider me exactly your selves ; whom know you lesse a servant to corporeall pleasures ? whom more free ? I accept not either rewards or gifts ? who more just then he who so conformes himself to the present time , as he needs not help of any other ? who will say he deserves not the title of wife , who since he was able , never desisted to learn by enquiry all good possible ▪ and that I took not this pains in vain , is evident in that , many Citizens and strangers studious of virtue , prefer my conversation above all others : what is the reason that though all men know I have no wealth to require them , so many desire to oblige me by gifts ? that I require no return from any , yet engage so many ? that when the City being besieged , every one lamented his condition , I was no more mov'd then when It was most flourishing ? That whilst others lay out money on outward things to please themselves , I furnish my self from within , my self with things that please me better ? If none can disprove what I have said , deserve I not the commendations both of Gods and men ? and yet you Melitus pretend that with these instructions I corrupt youth ; Every one knowes what it is to corrupt youth ; Can you name but one that I of religious have made impious , of modest impudent , of frugal , prodigall , of sober , debauch'd , of hardy effeminate , or the like ? But I know those answer'd Melitus whom you have perswaded to be more obedient to you then to their own Parents . That as far as concernes instruction , replied Socrates , I confesse ; this they know to be my proper care ; for their health men obey Physicians before their Parents , in Law-suits Counsellors before their kindred ; do you not in war prefer the most experienced souldiers to command before your own allies ? yes answers Melitus , 't is fit we should ; and do you think it reason then , replies Socrates , if others are preferr'd for such things as they are excellent in , that , because in in the opinion of some , I have an advantage beyond others in educating youth , which is the greatest benefit amongst men , I ought therefore to die ? * Anytus and Melitus ( saith he , addressing himself to the Judges ) may procure my death , hurt me they cannot : * To fear death is to seem wise , and not to be so ; for it is to pretend to understand that which we understand not : no man knows what death is , whether it be not the greatest happinesse that can arrive to a man , and yet all fear , and shun it as if they were sure it were the greatest misfortune . This and more ( saith Xenophon ) was said both by himselfe and his friends , but the Judges were so little pleased with his unusuall manner of pleading , that * as Plato went up into the Chair and began a speech in these words ; Though I Athenians am the youngest of those that come up in this place , they all cried out , of those that go down , which he thereupon was constrained to do , and they proceeding to vote , Socrates was cast by 281 ▪ voices ; It was the custom of Athens , as Cicero observes , when any one was cast , if the fault were not capitall , to impose a pecuniary muict ; when the Judges had voted in that manner , the guilty person was asked the highest rate whereat he aestimated his offence ; The Judges willing to favour Socrates , propounded that demand to him , Hee answered 25. ( or as Eubulides saith , 100. ) drachmes , nor would he suffer * his friends , * Plato , Crito , Critobulus , and Apollodorus ( who desired him to aestimate it at 50. minae , promising to undertake the sum ) to pay any thing for him , saying , that to pay a penalty was to own an offence , and telling the Judges that ( for what he stood accused ) hee deserved the highest honours and rewards , and daily sustenance at the publick charge out of the Prytanaeum , which was the greatest honour that was amongst the Graecians ; with this answer , the Iudges were so exasperated , that they condemned him to death by 80. votes more . * The sentence being past , he could not forbear smiling , and turning to his friends , said thus , they who have suborned false witnesses against me , and they who have born such testimonies , are , doubtlesse conscious to themselves of great impiety and injustice ; but as for me , what should more deject me now then before I was condemned , being nothing the more guilty : They could not prove I named any new Gods for Iupitr , Iuno , and the rest , or swore by such : How did I corrupt young men by inuring them to sufferance and frugality ? of capitall offences , as Sacriledge , Theft , and Treason , my very adversaries acquit me ; which makes me wonder how I come to be condemned to dye ; yet that I dey unjustly will not trouble me , it is not a reproach to me , but to those who condemned me ; I am much satisfied with the example of Palamedes , who suffered death in the like manner ; he is much more commended then vlysses the procurer of his death ; I know , both future and past times will witnesse , I never hurt , or injur'd any , but on the contrary have advantaged all that coversed with me to my utmost ability , communicating what good I could , gratis . This said , he went away , his carriage answerable to his words , his eyes , gesture , and gate expressing much cheerfulnesse . CHAP. XI . His imprisonment . Socrates ( saith * Seneca ) with the same resolved look , wherewith he singly oppos'd the thirty Tyran●s , entered the prison , and took away all ignominy from the place , which could not be a prifon whilst he was there : Here ( * being fettered by the eleven Officers ) he continued * thirty daies after he was condemned upon this occasion : * The ship which carried Theseus and fourteen more persons into Creet ; he vowed if they got safe home ( as it fortuned they did ) to dedicate to Apollo , and to send it every yeer with a present to Delos , which custome the Alhenians religiously observed ; before the solemnity , they used to lustrate their City , and all condenmed persons were reprieved till it returned from Delos , which sometimes , the wind not serving , was a long time . The Priest of Apollo began the solemnity , by crowning the Poop of the ship , which happening the day before Socrates was condemned , occasioned his lying in prison so long after . In this intervall he was visited by his friends , with whom he past the time in dispute after his usuall manner : he was often solicited by them to an escape , some of them offered to carry him away by force , which he not only refused , but derided , asking , if they knew any place out of Attica whither death could not come ? * Crito , two daies before his death , came very early in the morning to him , to the same purpose , having by his frequent visits and gifts gained some interest in the jaylour , but finding him asleep , sat still by him , admiring in the soundnesse of his sleep , the happy equality of his mind ; assoon as he waked , he told him , that he came to bring sad newes , if not such to him , yet to all his friends , that the ship would certainly be at home to morrow at furthest ( some that came from Sunium affirming they had left it there ) but that in all likelyhood it would come that day , and he should dye the next . In good timebe it , answered Socrates , but I do not beleeve it will come to day ; for the day following I must dye , as they say , who have the power in their hands ; but that I shall not dye to morrow but the day after , I guesse by a dream I had this night , that a woman very beautifull in a white garment , saluted me by my name , saying , Thou , e ▪ e three daies are told , Rich Pthya shalt behold . ( The same relation , according to Laertius , he made to Aeschines ) This occasion Crito took to perswade him to save himselfe● , which he prest with many arguments ; That his friends , would be accused of covetousnesse , as more desirous to spare their wealth , then to redeem him ; that it might be effected with little trouble and expence to them who were provided for it ; that himselfe was rich enough to do it , or if not , Simmias , Cebes and others , would joyne with him ; that he ought not voluntarily to thrust himselfe into destruction , when he might avoid it ; that he should leave his children in an uncertain mean estate ; that it would not be construed constancy but want of courage . Consider well these reasons , saith he , or rather ( for it is now no time to stand considering ) be perswaded , what is to be done , must be done this night● or it will be too late . Socrates answered , that his cheerfull readinesse to relieve him was much to be esteemed , if agreeable to justice , otherwise , the lesse just , the more blamable : that opinion and censure ought not to be regarded , but truth and equity ; that wrong must not be requi●ed with wrong ; that faith should be kept more strictly with a City then with private persons ; that he had voluntarily subjected himselfe to the lawes of his Country , by living under their government , and to violate them at last , were great in justice : that by breaking Prison , he should not only draw his friends into many inconveniences , but himselfe also into many dangers , only to live and dye in exile ; that it such a condition , he should be nothing more capable to bring up his children well , but dying honestly , his friends would take the more care of them : That whatsoever inconvenience might ensue , nothing was to be preferred before justice ; that it he should escape by treachery , the remainder of his life would be never the more happy , nor himselfe after death better entertain'd in the next world . These things ( saith he ) I hear like the Corybantian pipes , the sound of these words makes me dease to every thing else ; therefore whatever you shall say to the contrary , will be to no purpose ; but if you have any other businesse , speak . Crito answering , he had not any else , as for this then ( concludes he ) speak no more of it , let us go the way which God points out to us . CHAP. XII . THe time and manner of his death . The time of Socrates death , is formerly touch'd ; the Marble at Arundell-House saith , he died when Laches was Archon , aged seventy yeers , which ( according to Plato ) were compleat , for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Demetrus Phalerius saith , he dyed the first year of the nintie fifth Olympiad , having lived seventy years . * Dioclorus Siculus averres , it was done in that yeare Baches being Archon . Although there be not any thing in the Greek story settled by better authority , then the years of Socrates ; Leo Ailaius with much confidence , and little reason , controverts the received Chronology of his life and death , the occasion is this ; the fourteenth of the Socratick Epistles publisht by him , mentioneth an oration of Polycrates , as spoken at the arraignment of Socraes ; but the Walls of Athens repaired by Conon six years after the death of Socrates , being spoken of in that Oration , the Epistle is thereby rendred suspicious , the truth seems to be this : After the death of Socrates , it became an ordinary Theme in the Schooles of Rhetorick ( which was at that time much studied at Athens ) to speak for and against Socrates : Polycraes , a Sophister , to exercise his wit , wrote an invective : Ly●ias , a famous Oratour , who died about the 100 Olympiad , had written ( as we have already said ) an Apologetick , which is by the Scholiast of Aristides cited in answer to Polycrates . Apologies were in like manner written by Plato , * Xenophon , and ( long after by ) Libanius ; although Isocrates admonished Polycrates of certain errors in his Oration against Socrates , yet the Anachronism continued , for Chronology was not yet studied in Athens ; and thence it is that Plato himself is in that respect so much reprehended by A●henaeus , Aristides , Macrobius , and other : the writer of the Socraticall Epistle admits ●olycrates as the accuser at the triall , and oration as then , and there spoken , so also doth Hermippus whom Laertius cites to the same effect ; But Phavorinus a Critick of later times , when Chronology was more exact , detects the errour by computation of times : Allatius will by no means have the criticism of Phavortnus allowed , and labours to introduce an uncertainty of the time , to the end hee may perswade that Socrates lived beyond the reparation of the walls of Athens : the great Engine where with he labours to demolish all that hath been afferted by the antients , is the testimony of Suidas , who ( I know not upon what authority ) saith he lived 80. years : his smaller artillery are the groundlesse emendation of Meursius , and the mistake of Scal●ger before noted ; the absurd Metachronism of the Chronicum Alexandrinum , which makes Socrates die in the 104th Olympiad , and in the 90th year of his age ; the anistoresie of the unknown writer of Aristoles life , who supposeth him in the 17th . year of his age to have heard Socrates three years , and which is most ridiculous , the notorious anachronisms of Plato must serve asirrefragable arguments to impugne the truth . With these proofes in the sophisticall disguise of a Dialogue , hee endeavours to puzzle the unwary reader . The manner of his death receive from Plato in the person of Phaedo an Eye-witnesse ; Every day ( saith he ) I went with other friends of his to visit him ; we met in the Court where he was tried , it being near the prison ; where we entertain'd our selves with discourse till the prison was open'd , then went in unto him and spent many times the whole day with him : But that day we met sooner then ordinary , for the evening before as we came out of the Prison , we heard the ship was come from Delos , and thereupon we appointed to meet early the next morning at the usuall place , where being come , the Porter came out to us , and told us that that we must stay a while before we could be admitted , for the eleven Officers were there taking off his fetters , having brought him word that he must die to day : not long after he came out again , and told us we might go in , where when we came , we found Socrates his fetters newly taken off , and Xantippe sitting by him with a child in her armes : She as soon as she saw us burst forth into tears , and cried out ah , Socrates , this is the last time thy friends shall ever speak to thee , or thou to them , Crito ( saith Socrates , addressing himself to him ) let some body cary her home ; whereupon some of Crito's servants lead her away exclaiming , and beating her brest . Socrates who was sitting upon the bed , drew up his leg and rubb'd it , saying the whilst , How strange a thing , friends , is that which men call pleasure , how near a kin to pain to which it seems so contrary ? they arrive not indeed together , but hee that takes one , is immediately overtaken by the other , as if they were tied together ▪ If Aesop had observ'd this , certainly hee would have made some fable of it , as if God willing to compose their difference , had joined them by the end , not being able to make them absolutely one ; so that whosoever hath one , must strait have the other also ; As it happens to me at this time , the pain my ●etters even now gave me , is now turned to a kind of pleasure , and tickles me . You have opportunely ( said Cebes ) put me in mind to ask , why since your imprisonment ( which you never did before ) you have writ Poems , a hymnne to Apollo , and Aesops Fables render'd into verse ; many have question'd me about it , particularly E●●nus , if hee repeat this demand , what answer shall I give him ? Tell him ( answers Socrates that truly I did it not to to contend with him and his verses , but to comply with a dream ( which I have had more then once ) enjoyning me to practise Musick ; in obedience whereunto I first made verses in honour of the God whose feast this was ; Then , conceiving it essential to a Poet to write sictions , which of my self , I use not , I made use of some of Aesops which I had in memory , as they first came into my fancy ; Tell Euenus this , and bid him from me farewell , and if he be wise , follow me , for it seems I must go hence to day , the Athenians have so order'd it . What is that said Stmmtas which you bid Euemus do , I have often conversed with him , but as far as I understand him , hee will not be at all ready to be rul'd by you ; what , saith he , is he not a Philosopher ? he seem so , answers S●mmias , then he will ( replyed Socrates ) and so will all who deserve that name ; but perhaps he will not lay violent hands upon himself , that is not lawfull : and as he was speaking thus , he set down his leg again to the ground , and sitting so , continued all the rest of the dispute . Then Ce●es asking why , how it could be that it should be prohibited to ones self , yet that a Philosopher ought to desire to follow a dying person ? he answered , men are the possessions of God , would you not be angry if your slave should kill himself against your will , and if it were in your power punish him ? we must expect a suinmons from God , an inevitable necessity ( such as I have at this time ) to take us hence . This is truth , replied Ceb●s , but what you asserted even now is inconsistent with it ; God taking care of us as his possessions , can a wise man desire to be out of his protection ? he cannot think to mend his condition by freeing himself from so excellent a government Socrates seemed much pleased with the subtlety of Ceb●s , and turning to us said , Cebes is alwaies inquisitive , nor will easily admit any thing ; to me said Simmtas what he hath said seem● , reason , how can wise men endure , much lesse endeavour to part with those that are so much better then themselves ? but Co●es herein reflects upon you , who are so ready to leave us , and the Gods whom you acknowledge good Governours ▪ you say well , answers Socrates , I suppose your would have me answer as in a Court of Judicature ; by all meanes saith Simmias● ▪ well then replies he , I will endeavour to defend my self better against you then I did before the Judges : Truly did I not believe I should go to just Gods , and to men better then any living , I were inexcusable for contemning death ; but I am sure to go to the Gods , very good Masters , and hope to meet with good men , and am of good courage , hoping that something of man subsists after death , and that it is then much better with the good then with the bad . Here Crito interrupting him , told him that he who was to administer the poison , advis'd him to speak little , & not heat himself with dispute ; for it agreed not with that kind of poison , which some neglecting , had bin constrained to take it two or three times : mind him not said Socrates , let him provide as much as may serve twice or thrice if need be ; Then he proceeded in a large discourse to declare that the chief office of a Philosopher is to meditate on death ; therefore he ought not to fear the approach of it ; That as death is the solution of the Soul from the Body , so is it the office of a Philosopher to free the soul from corporeall affections ; That if we understand the better , the more the soul is disengaged from sense , we shall understand most perfectly when she is wholly freed from the body by death , which perfection of knowledge is the sole end of Philosophy . This part of the discourse ended , Cebes occasions the renewing of it by the desiring him to prove the immortality of the soule , which he doth first from the necessary succession of generation & corruption as contraries , the ground of the Pythagorean transmigration ; next from the Soules manner of reasoning , which being only by reminiscence argues it had a being before the body ( when it had perfect knowledge of those Ideas which upon occasion of sensible objects it recovers ) and consequently shall subsist after it ; much more is spoken by Plato under his name , whereof almost all is manisestly Plato owne , nor is it possible to select that which is not from the rest ; the conclusion of his discourse ( as contracted by Cicero was , That there are two waies , and a twofold course of Soules when they goe out of the body : for such as have defiled themselves with humane vices given over to pleasures where with they are blinded , according as they are polluted with domestick sins , or have used inexpiable deceits to wrong the publike , take a by way secluded from the Councell of the Gods : But they who have preserved themselves intire & chast from the least contagion of their bodyies , having alwaies withdrawne themselves from them , and in humane slesh imitated the lives of Gods , find a ready way open for them , leading them to those from whom they came : and as swans are ( not without reason ) sacred to Apollo , because they seeme to have learnt divination from him , whereby foreseeing the good that is in death they dye with songs and delight , so ought all good and knowing persons to doe : * Let every one therefore prepare for this journey against the time that fate shall call him away ; You Simmtas , Cebes and the rest here present shall goe at your appointed hower , me sate now summons ( as the Fragedian saith ) and perhaps it is time that I goe into the Bath , for I think it best to wash before I take the poison , that I may save the women the labour of washing me when I am dead . When hee had made an end of speaking 〈◊〉 asked him what directions he would leave concerning his Sonnes and other affaires , and if they could doe any thing that might bee acceptable to him ? I desire no more ( saith he ) then what I have often told you , if you take care of your selves , whatsoever you doe will be acceptable to me and mine , though you promise nothing , if you neglect yourselves and vertue , you can doe nothing acceptable to us though you promise never so much ; that answered Crito we shall observe ; but how will you be buried ? as you think good saith he , if you can catch me , and that I give you not the slip then with a smile applying himselfe to us , I cannot perswade Crito saith he , that I am any thing more then the carkasse you will anon behold , and therefore he takes this care for my enterment ; it seems that what even no I told him that as soon as I have taken the poyson I shall go to the joyes of the blessed , hath been to little purpose ; He was my bail , bound to the Iudges for my appearance , you must now be my sureties to him that I am departed ; let him not say that Socrates is carried to the grave , or laid underground , for know dear Crito such a mistake were a wrong to my soul ; be not dejected ; tell the world my body onely is buried , and that after what manner thou pleasest . This said , heearose and retir'd into an inner room , taking Crito with him , leaving us discoursing upon our own misery , shortly to be deprived like Orphans of so dear a Father . After his bathing , came his wife and the other women of his Family with his Sons , two of them children , one a youth ; when he had taken order with these about his domestick affairs , hee dismist them and came out to us . It was now Sun-set ( for he 〈◊〉 staid long within ) when the officer entrid , and after a little pause 〈…〉 not Socrates observ●d that carriage in you which I have found in others , but as I thought you the most genero●s over the 〈◊〉 and best of all men that ever came into this 〈◊〉 so I how see you hate me ▪ not for that wh●● of other are the cause ▪ you know the message I bring , farewell , bear what you cannot remedy , with that he departed weeping ; and fare the● well . ( said Socrates ) I will : How civil is this man ? 〈◊〉 found him the same all the time of my imprisonment , hee would often 〈◊〉 me , discourse with me , used me alwaies curt cously , and now see how kindly he weeps for me : but come Cri●o , let us do as he bids us , if the poison be ready , let it be brought in The Sun is yet scarce set answers Crito ▪ others take it late after a plentifull supper and full cups ▪ make not so much hast , there is time enough ; he replies , they who do so think they gain time , but what shall I gain by drinking it late , onely deceive my self as covetous of life , and sparing of that which is no longer mine ; pray let it be as I say ; Then Crito sent one of the attendants , who immediately returned , and with him the man that was to administer the poison , bringing a cup in his hand , to whom Socrates , prethee honest friend ( for thou art well verst in these businesses ) what must I do ? nothing said hee , but as soon as you have drunk , walk till you find your leggs begin to fail ? then lie down , and in so saying , he gave him the Cup ; Socrates took it cheerfully , not changing either countenance , or colour ; and looking pleasantly upon him , demanded whether he might spill any of it in libation , who answered , he had made no more then would just serve ; yet saith Socrates I may pray to God , and will , that my passage hence may be happy , which I beseech him to grant , and in the same instant drank it off easily without any disturbance ; many of us who till now had refrained from tears , when we saw him put the cup to his mouth and drink off the poison , were not able to contain any longer ; which Socrates observing , friends ( saith he ) what mean you ? for this reason I sent away the women left they should be so unquiet : I have heard we should die with gratulation and applause , be quiet then and take it patiently ; These words made us with shame suppresse our tears ; when he had walked a while , perceiving his leggs to fail , he lay down on his back as the Executioner directed him ; who looking on his feet pinched them hard , asking him if he felt it , he answered no ; he did the like to his leggs , and showing us how every part successively grew cold and sti●●e , told us when that chilnesse came at his heart he would die ; not long after liee spake these his last words , O Crito I owe Aesculapius a Cock , pay it , negglect it not . It shall be done , said Crito ; will you have any thing else ? He made no answer , lay still a while , then stretched himselfe forth ; with that the executioner uncovered him , his eyes were set , Crito closed them . This ( saith Plato ) was the end of the best , the wisest , and most just of men : A story , which Cicero professeth , he never read without tears . Aristole saith , that a Magus comming from Syria to Athens , not only reprehended Socrates for many things , but foretold him also that he should die a violent death . Laertius closeth his life with this Epigram , Drink Socrates with Jove , next whom enthron'd , By Gods and wisdom's selfe as wisest own'd . Thee , the Athenians gave a pois ' nous draught , But first same they from thy lips had quast . CHAP. XIIII . What happened after his death . HE was buried with tears and much solemnity ( contrary to his own direction ) by his friends , amongst whom , * the excessive grief of Plato is observed by Plutarch , * and the mourning habit of Isocrates : As soon as they had performed that last service , fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants , they stole out of the City , the greater part to Megara to Euclid , where they were kindly received , * the rest to other parts . * Soon after , I Lacaedemonian youth , who had never more acquaintance with Socrates then what fame gave him , took a journey to Athens , intending to become his disciple ; being come as far as the City-gates , & ready to enter , with joy to be neer the end at which he aimed , instead of Socrates , he meets there the newes of his death , whereat he was so troubled , that he would not go within the City-gates , but enquiring the place where he was buried , went thither , and breaks forth into a passionate discourse , accompanyed with many tears , to the enclosed dead body ; when night was come , he fell asleep upon the Sepulcher ; the next morning , affectionately kissing the dust that lay upon it ; and with much passion taking leave of the place , he returned to Megara . Suidas tells a like story ( for that there were more examples then one in this kind , Libanius implies ) of a Chain , named Cyrsas , who comming to Athens to hear Socrates , went to his Tomb , and slept there , to whom Socrates appeared in a dream , and discoursed with him ; with which only satisfaction he went directly home again . * By these accidents the Athenians were awakened into a sense of their injustice , considering they were obnoxious to the censure of the Lacedaemonians by extraordinary crimes whose children were so affectionate to the Philosophers whom they had murdered , as to take such long journeys to see Socrates , whom they would not keep when he was with them ; hereat they became so exasperated , that they were ready to tear those wicked men , that were the occasion of his death , peece-meal with their teeth , the whole City cried out , they disclaimed the act , and that the authors thereof ought to be put to death , Antisth●nes furthered their rage by this means * Some young men of Pontus invited . o Athens by the same of Socrates , met with Antisthenes , who carried them to Anytus , telling them , he was much wiser then Socrates ; whereupon those tha●● present , with much indignation , turned Anytus out of the City : thence he went to Heraclea , where some say the Citizens also expelled him , * others that they stoned him to death : Mlius was by the Athenians condemned and put to death , * others affirme the like of all his accusers without tryall , * Platarch , that they so much ha ●d them , * as they would not suffer them to kindle ●ire at their houses , they would not answer them any question , they would not wash with them , but threw away the water they had touch'd , as impure , until unable to b●ook this hatred , they hanged themselves . In further testimony of their penitence , they called home his friends to their former liberty of meeting , they forbad publick spectacles of games and wrestling for a time , they caused his Statue , made in bras●e by Lysippus , to be set up in the Pompeum , and ( a Plague ensuing , which they imputed to the injustice of this act ) they made an order , that no man should mention Socrates publickly , or on the Theater , that so they might so , get what they had done : Euripides ( restrained by this order from doing it directly ) reproached them covertly in a Tragedy , named Palamedes ( in whom he alluded to Socrates ) particularly in these verses , A Philomele neer mischiefe knew , Is stain ( alasse ) is slain by you . At which words , all the spectators understanding they were meant of Socrates , fell a weeping . The death of this sole person ( saith * Eunapius ) brought a generall calamity upon the Citty ; for it may easily be collected by computation of times , * that from thence forward the Athenians did nothing considerable , but the Citty by degrees decayed , and with it all Greece . CHAP. XV. Of his person and vertues . AS to his person , he was * very unhandsome , of a melancholy complexion , * bald , * a flat nose , eyes sticking out , a severe down-cast look , difficult in speech , and * too concise , his language rough and carelesse , but more efficacious then all the eloquence of Themistocles , Pericles , or any other ; so acute , that he could maintain either side in any question , and therefore is reproached by Aristophanes , as having two languages , whereof one was to defend wrong ; fervent in dispute , often so transported , that he would beat himselfe , and tear his beard , to the derision of the standers by , which he took quietly : Patient to be redargued ; * sometimes he covered his face in discourse , that he might not be diverted by any object of sight : * His constitution strong and hardy , * which he preserved such , by taking diligent care of his health ; * well bearing cold , hunger , and upon occasions , excesse of wine without disturbance : * His habit the same in winter as in summer , having but one garment a year ; * no shooes , his diet sparing . In fine , his countenance promised so little , that * Zopyr●s a Physiognomist who undertook to discover the dispositions of men by their lookes , said , he was stupid , because there were obstructions in his jugular parts ; adding , he was given to women and many other vices ; whereat Alcibiades , and other friends of his that were present , knowing him free from those imputations , fell a laughing ; but Socrates justified his skill , answering , he was by nature prone to those vices , but supprest his inclinations by reasons , whence * Alcibiades used to say , he resembled the image of Silenus ( * as he did indeed in his countenance , baldnesse , and flat-nose ) carved on the outside of little boxes , sitting , and playing on a Pipe , for as those boxes within held images of the Gods , so was he adorned with chastity , integrity , and all inward beauty , revished as * Plutarch saith , with a divine zeal to vertue , in all kinds whereof , Xenophon , Laertius , and others , assert these instances . * He was so wise , that he never erred in judging betwixt better and worse , nor thereto needed any others help : Yet he constantly professed , that he only knew that he knew nothing ; * for which reason he was by the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi , declared of all men the most wise , in this manner to Charephon , many witnesses being present ; * Wise Sophocles , wiser Euripides , But wisest of all men is Socrates . * Apollo ( saith Cicero ) conceiving the only wisdome of mankind to consist in not thinking themselves to know those things whereof they are ignorant . * This Oracle , though he were nothing exalted with it himselfe , procured him much envy . * He was so rligious , that he never did any bing , without advising first with the Gods , * never was known to attempt or speak any impiety . * He bare a reverence to the Gods , not human , but such as transcended the greatest fear : * Some say it was out of his great reverence to the Divinity that he used to swear by ( * a Cock ) a Dog and a Plane-Tree , ( under which they used to sit ) though it were imerpreted Atheisme . * He was constant , and a lover of the publick good , as appears in his acquitting the ten Captains , in his denying the thirty Tyrants to fetch Leon in , his resusing to escape out a Prison , and r●proving such as grived for his dath . * Xantippe used to say , that when the State was opprest with a thousand miseries , he alwaies went abroad and came home with the same look , ( * never more cheerfull , or more troubled ) for he bore a mind smooth and cheerfull upon all occasions , far remote from grief , and above all feat . In his declining age , falling sick , he was asked by one that came to visit him , how he did ? Very well ( saith he ) either way ▪ if I live , I shall have more aemulation , if I dy , more praise . * He was so temperate , that he never preferred that which is pleasant before that which is wholsome . He never did eat more than appetite ( which was his sauce ) made delightfull ; all drink was pleasing to him , because he never drank but when he was thristy , and then with such temperate caution , that * he powred out the first draught of water upon the ground , and if he were at any time invited to a feast , he which to others is very difficult , with much ease took care not to eate more then consisted with his health , * whereof he was very carefull , because the exercises of the soule depend thereon ; and in order thereto , used to walk constantly before meals ; whereupon being asked by one that observed it , what he did ? I get broth , saith he , for my supper . To this temperance it is imputed , though Athens were often in his time visited with the pestilence , he alone escaped it . * He was so strugall , that how little so ever he had , it was alwaies enough . * wanting the means to live splendidly , he sought not anxiously how to acquire more , but how to accomodate his manner of life to that which he had , * wherewith he was so contented , that he affirmed himselfe to come neerest the Gods , because he wanted least . Seeing the great variety of things exposed to sale , he would say to himselfe , how many things there are that I need not ; and often had in his mouth these verses , Purple , which Gold and Gems adorn , Is by ●ragaedians to be worn . Alcibiades ambitiously munisicent , sent him many great presents ; Xantippe admiring their value , desired him to accept them : We ( answered Socrates ) will contest in liberality with Alcibiades , not accepting , by a kind of munificence what he hath sent us . * To the same , who offered him a large plot of ground to build a house upon : And if I wanted shoes , ( saith he ) would you give me leather to make them ? but deserve I not to be derided if I accepted it ? * He slighted Archelaus , King of Macedonia , and Scopas , son of Cranomas , and Eurilocus , son of Larisaeus , not accepting their money , nor going to them , * Archelons sending to him to desire his company ; He said , he would not go to one , from whom he should receive benefits , which he could not equall with returne . * To Perdicas , who demanded why he would not come to him , he answered , lest I die the most ignoble death ; that is , lest I receive a benefit I cannot requi●e . Coming home late one night from a feast , some wild young men knowing of his return , lay in wait for him , attined like furies , with vizards and torches , whereby they used to affright such as they met : Socrates , assoon as he saw them , nothing troubled , made a stand , and fell to question them , according to his usuall manner , as if he had been in the Lyceum , or Acauemy . * He despised those that cavilled at him . * Being told , that such a one had reviled him behind his back . * Let him beat me , saith he , whilst I am not by ; and that another spoke ill of him : He hath not yet learnt , saith he , to speak well . * Being kicked by an insolent young fellow , and seeing those that were with him much incensed , ready to pursue him ; he said , what if an Asse kick me , would you have me kick again , or sue him ? but the fellow escaped not unpunished , for every one reproached him for this insolence , and called him the reviler , so that at last , for vexation , he hanged himselfe . Another striking him a box on the ear , he said no more , but that it was hard a man knew not when to go abroad with a helmet . Another fell upon him with much violence , which he endured without the least disturbance , suffering him to vent his anger , which he did so long , till he made his face all swelled and bruised . Whensoever he perceived himselfe to grow incensed with any of his friends , Before the storm arose , He to a harbour goes . He used to moderate his voice , to look smilingly and moderately upon them , reserving himselfe untainted with passion , by recourse to the contrary . * He taught not such as conversed with him to be covetous , for he took no mony of his Schollars , therein expressing his own liberality . * Hunger or want could never force him to flatter any : Yet was he very compleasant and facete in company : as he one day openly at dinner reproved one of his friends something harshly , Plato said to him , had not this been better told in private ? Socrates immediately answered , and had not you done better , if you had told me so in private . * Being demanded what countryman he was ? He answered , neither of Athens , nor Greece . but of the World. Sometimes he would feast in a fine Robe , as Plato describes him , and when the time allowed ; learned to sing , saying , it was not shame to learn any thing which one knew not : He also danced everyday , conceiving that exercise healthfull ; * nor was he ashamed to play with little children . * He was so just , that he never in the least wronged anyman , but on the contrary , benfited all such as conversed with him , as much as he could . * His continence was invincible : He despiesed the beauty of Alcibiades , derided Theodota and Calliste , two eminent Curtesans of that time . * He took great delight in the conversation of good men ; to such he communicated whatsoever he knew ; with them he studied the writings of the antient wisemen , selecting what was good out of them ( which confirmes what was said before in the life of Solon , that morall Philosophy was commenc'd by the Sophoi ) and esteemed this mutuall friendship which he contracted with them above all treasure . * Towards this his outward endeavour was so affected and desired by them , as much as he affected and desired them . CHAP. XVI . His Wives and Children . HE had two wives , the first Xantippe , a Citizens daughter of Athens , as Theodoret affirmes , who addes , that she was dishonest before he married her , even with himselfe , besides others : Athenaeus also saith , that after he was married , he lent her to a friend , and that Alcibiades lay with her : But Aristokenus and Porphyrius , from whom these as persons are derived , have been noted of too much malignity , to be of any authority . She was ( according to the Character * Agellius gives her ) curst , froward , chiding , and ●colding alwaies both day and night , * and for that reason he chose her , as he profest to Antisthenes , from observing , that they who would be excellent in horse-manship , chose the roughest horses , knowing , if they are able to manage them , they may easily rule others : He , desirous to use much coversation with men , took her to wife ; knowing , if he could bear with her , he might easily converse with all men . To Alcibiades , who said , her scolding was intollerable , he profest it was nothing to him , being used to it like such as live in the continuall noise of a mill . Besides , saith he , cannot you endure the cackling of hens ; but they answered Alcibiades , bring me Eggs and chickens ; and my Xantippe , replies Socrates , children . Of her impatience , and his sufferance , there are severall instances ; * one day before some of his friends , she fell into the usuall extravagance of her passion , whereupon he not answering anything , went forth with them , but was no sooner out of the doore , when she running up into the chamber , threw down water upon his head , whereat turning to his friends , did I not tell you , saith he , that after so much thunder we should have rain . Another time she pulled his Cloak off from his shoulders in the open Forum ; * some friends present counselled him to beat her . Yes , saith he , that whilst we two fight , you may all stand by , and cry , Well done Socrates , to him Xantippe . To some other story in the same kind ▪ * Antoninus alludes in these words ; how Socrates looked when he was sain to gird himselfe with askin , Xantippe having taken his cloths away , and carried them forth with her , and what he said to his friends , who out of a modest respectsulnesse , went back , secing him so attired . Having brought Euthydemus from the Palaestrae to dine with him , Xantippe running to the table , angry , and scolding , overturned it ; Euthydemus much troubled , rose up , and would have gone away , when Socrates did not : a Hen , saith he , the other day did the very samething at your house , yet I was not angry thereat . Alcibiades having sent him a crious march-pane , Xantippe furiously ( as her manner was ) threw it our of the basket , and trode upon it ; whereat Socrates laughing , and shall not you ( saith he ) lose your share in it . Another time she offered to go to a publick show attired undecently ; take heed , saith he , you be not rather the spectacle then the spectatour . With reason therefore he said , I had three evills , Grammer , Poesy , and an ill wife ; two I have shaken off , but my ill wife I cannot . His other wife was named Myrto , * Niece to Lystmachus daughter of 〈◊〉 , not the just , as Laertius , and from him Suidas affirm ; but another of that name , the 3d. from him as is observed by Athe●aeus , for the two daughters of Aristides the just , could not but be of great age before the 77. Olympiad , wherein Socrates was born , long before , which time Aristides died an old man in Exile ; for that Themistocles died the second year of the 77. Olympiad is certain . and as Aemilius Probus affirms , Aristides dyed four years before Themistocles was banished Athens , hereupon Plutarch more cautio●sly calls her not the daughter , but Niece of Aristides . Some because Xantippe ( as is manifest from Plato outlived him , believe he was first married to Myrto , but that he had both these wives at the same time , which is attested by Demetrius Pholereus , Aristoxenus ( to whom Athenaeus saith , that Aristotle gave the ground ) Callisthenes and Porphyrius : whence Aristippus in his * Epistle to his daughter Myrto , adviseth her to go to Athens , and above all to honour Xantippe and Myrto , and to live with them as he with Socrates . The occasion , whereupon the Athe●ans , who from the time of Cecrops had strictly observed single marriage , allowed bigamy , in the time of Socrates was this ; In the second year of the 87 Olympiad , and the third of the 88. Athens was visited extreamly with the pestilence , which attended by war and famine , occasioned to great a searcity of men , that they made in edict it might to be lawfull for any that would to take two wives , Euripides made use of this indulgence , and that Socrates also did so , is attested by Satyrus the peripatetick , and Hieronymus the Rhodian , who recorded the order ; to which Athenaeus imputes the silence of the Comick Poets in this particular , who omitted no grounds of reproach . Plutarch implies , that he took her out of charity , for she was a widdow ( * without any portion or dower ) extreamly in want . * Perphyrius reports , that these two ( Xantippe and Myrto ) quarrell'd they would at last fall both upon Socrates . and beat him , because he stood by and never parted them , but laughed as well when they fought with him , as with one antother . By Xantippe hee had a son named Lamprocles , who could not brook her impatience so well as his Father , and being 〈◊〉 by her into disobedience , was reclaimed by Socrates ; Hee died young , as may be gathered from Plutarch , who saith , Tim●chus of Chaero●ca dying very young , desired earnestly of Socrates that he might be buried near his son Lamprocles , who died but few daies before , being his dear friend , and of the same age . It appears from Plato , that he had more sons by her for in his Apology he mentions three , two grown men , the other child , which seems to be the same , brought by Xantippe to him in prison the day of his death , and as Plato describes it , held in her lap . By Myrto he had two sons , the eldest Sophroniscus , the youngest Menedemus or Menexenus , though some say he had Menedemus by Xantippe . CHAP. XVII . His Scholers and Auditors . WHeras ( saith * Cicero ) many springing from Socrates by reason that out of his severall various disputes diffused every where , one many servrall Families differing amongst themselves much disioyned and disagreeing ; yet all these Philosophers would be called , and conceived themselves to be Socraticks : of these were Plato , from whom came Aristotle and Xenocrates , the first taking the name of Peripatetick the other of Academick . Antisthenes , who chiesly affected the patience and bardinesse in Socrates his discourse , from whom came first the Cynicks , then the Stoicks . Aristippus , who was more delighted with his more volupuous disputations , from him sprung the cyrenaick Philosophy . Others there were who likewise called themselves Socraticks , but their sects by the strength and arguments of the former are broken and quite extinxct : such were . Phaedo an Elean , who instituted a particular school , from him called Eliack , which a●terwards was called Eretriack , from Menedemus who taught at Eretia , from him Pyrrho , thence the Pyrrhonians . Euclid of Megara , Institutor of the Magarick school of named from him , from Clinomachus his Disciple called the Diatectick , ending in Zeno the Cittiean , who introduced the stoick . The Herillians are named also as a Scot that would be called Socratick . To these recited by Cicero , Suidas addes . Bryso of Heraclea , who together with Euclid invented disputative logick . Theodorus sirnamed the Atheist , who invented a peculiar sect called Theodorean , the opinion which hee taught was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifference . Other Disciples of Socrates there were , who followed his Philosophy , not appropriating out of it any particular sect , and therefore most properly deserve the title of Socraticks , such are Crito , Chaerephon , Xenophon , Aeschines , Simmias , Cebes , Glauco and Terpsion . The last kind of his auditours were those who made no profession of Philosophy , of whom were Critias and Alcibiades , who afterwards proved the most ambitious spirits of the Athenians , but it was discovered in neither whilst they covers'd with Socrates , either that their youth was not capable of expressing that vice , or that they cunningly complled ( as Xenophon conjectures ) with Socrates , in hopes of being by his conversation enabled to manage their forward designes , which as soon as they attempted they left off their friendship with Socrates , Critias fell from him and converted his affection into hate , because he reproved his love to Euthydenius ; Alcibiades naturally dissolute , was reclaim'd by Socrates and continued such whilist he conversed with him ; He was of form so exquisite as gave occasion to some to calumniate the friendship betwixt him and Socrates , to which effect Aristoxenus is cited by Laertius and Athenaeus , and some verses of Aspasia by the latter , his vindication we refer to Plato and Xenophon . Of Socrates , his instructions to Alti●iades there are these instances . * He told him that he was nothing of what a man ought to be ; that he had no advantage by the greatnesse of his birth above an ordinary Porter , whereat Alcibiades much troubled with tears , besought him to instruct him in virtu● , and to reform his vices . * Perceiving Alcibiades to be exceeding proud of his riches and lands ; he showed him a Map of the world , and bad him find Attica therein ; which done , he desired that he would show him his own lands ; he answered , they were not there . Do you boast replies Socrates of that which you see is no ( considerable ) part of the Earth ? * Alcibiades being by reason of his youth bashfull and fearfull to make an Oration to the people , Socrates thus encouraged , him , do you not esteem ( saith he ) that shoomaker ( naming him ) an inconsiderable fellow ? Alcibiades assenting , and so likewise ( continues he ) that crier and that tent-maker ? Alcibiades granting this , doth not saith he , the Athenian Common-wealth consist of these ? if you contemn them single , fear them not in assembly . To these adde . * The four sons of Crito the Philosopher ; The oldest Critobulus . * exceeding handsom and rich , but by Socrates ( who valued his own estate at five minae ) * demonstrated to be poorer then himself . The second Hermogenes , * whom falling into poverty , Socrates perswaded Diodorus his friend to entertain . The third Epigenes , * a young man of an infirm body whom Socrates advised to study his own health , as that wherein consisted the well-being and knowledge of his mind . The youngest Ctesippus . Of Poets , Euripides ( as the writer of his life affirmes ) and Euenus . Of Oratous Lysias , eminent in that kind * easie to be understood , hard to be imitated ; hee came to Athens in the second year of the 82. Olympiad . Lysis , whom of refractory he made pliant , and Isocrates , of whom when very young Socrates presaged great things . In the number of his Scholars and Auditors were also . * Adimantus and * Glauco sons to Aristo , brothers to Plato : and Charmides son of Glauco . Glauco before hee was 20. years old had taken upon him to be an Oratour , and aimed at some great office in the Common-wealth , not to be wrought off from this fancy which made him every where appear ridiculous , untill adrest by some friends to Socrates , who made him acknowledge his own errour & ignorance of that which he had undertaken . On the contrary his son Glauco of excellent parts , fit for any office in the Common-wealth , yet timerously shunning all publick affairs , was by Socrates induced to undertake the Magistracy . * Nicostrastus son of Theodotides and his brother Theodotus . * Aeantodorus , and his brother Apollodorus . Lysanias , Father of Aeschines . * Chaerecrates , brother to Chaerephon , betwixt whom there was a great quarrel , but reconciled by Socrates . * Paralus , son of Demodocus whose brother was Theages . * An●ipho a Cephisiean , Father of Epigenes : with whom hee discourses of self-sufficience , teaching gratis , and of veracity in * Xenophon . Eumares a Phliasian , and Xenomedes , an Athenian . Besides these , there are with whom Socrates discoursed and instructed . * Aristodemus sirnamed the little , who would not sacrifice , pray , or use divination , but derided all such as did , was by Socrates convinc'd . Aristarchus troubled that he had a charge of kindred lying upon him , by Socrates converted to a willing liberality towards them . Eutherus , who returning from travell , his lands taken away , his Father having left him nothing , chose rather to follow a trade then to apply himself to friends ; but diverted by Socrates , Diodorus , whom Socrates perswaded to take Hermogenes . Euthydemus , who had collected many sentences of Poets and Sophists , thought he excelled all his equalls , and hoped no lesse of his superiours , was by Socrates constrained to acknowledge his own errour and ignorance and departed much troubled . Hippias an Elean , with whom Socrates discoursed of Justice . * Nicomedes ; Pericles and ●phtcrates , with whom he discoursed concerning the office of a General . * Into the last he infused courage by showing him the Cocks of Midas * brustling against those of Callias . * Theaetetus disputing of knowledge , he dismist , inspired as it were with divine wisdom . * Euthyphron who intended to accuse his own Father , hee disswaded . With Parrhasius a painter , Clito a Statuary , and Pistias an armourer ; hee disputes in * Xenophon concerning their severall arts . CHAP. XVII . His writings . THey who affirm that Socrates writ nothing ( as Cicero , Plutarch , Dion Chrysostom , Aristides , Origen , and others ) mean inrespect to his Philosophy , in which kind he never wrote any thing himself , but what he discoursed was committed to writing by Xenophon , Plato and others of his Scholers . Hence the works of Plato ( particularly Phaedo , ) went under the name of Socrates , and are so cited by Aristotle ; But that some things were written by Socrates himself , is evident from those who affirm . * He writ together with Euripides , and aided him in making Tragedies , whence Mnesilochus . The Phrygians is Euripides new play . But Socrates gave it the best aray . And again , Euripides is steer'd by Socrates and Callias . Now thou with pride and self-conceit ore'stowest , But all the cause to Socrates thou ou'est . Hither refer wee that of * Cicero , who saith , when Euripides made his play Orestes , Socrates revoked the three first verses . He writ also Some Fables of Aesop inverse , not very elegant , mentioned by Plato , Plutarch , and Laertius , beginning thus : To those who dwelt in Corinth , Aesop said , Vertue with vulgar wisdome be not weigh'd . A Paean or hymne in honour of Apollo and Diana : One that went under his name beginning thus . Daelian Apollo , and thou fair Diana , hail ; immortall pair . is by Dionysidorus denyed to be his : This is mentioned also by Plato , to which some adde * The Encomium of Gryllus , son of Xenophon , slain in the Mantinean sight , which the disagreement of times will not allow ; more certain it is he framed * Dialogues , which he gave to Aeschines , seeing him in want , that he might get mony by them ; to these adde Epistles , some whereof are published by Leo Allatius ; that he write more is implyed by Arrian and Athenaeus Socrates his Epistles . Epist. I. YOu seem unacquainted with my resolutions , els you would not have sent the second time , and enlarged your offers ; but you believe Socrates , as well as the Sophists , mercenary of his counsell , * and that what I write before was not reall , but only to draw greater vertues from you : therefore now you promise wonders , in confidence to oblige me by your many presents to quit my interest and commerce with the Athenians , and to come over with you : I think it most unbeseeming a Philosopher to sell his advice , and extreamly contrary to my practise ; for ever since by Gods command I first entered into Philosophy , I was never known to take any thing , but keep my exercises in publick , * for every one to hear that will ; I neither lock the door when I teach , as is reported of Pythagoras , nor go abroad to the multitude , and exact money of the hearers , as some heretofore have done , and some in our times yet do ; I have enough from within my selfe , should I accept of more from others , I know not where to deposit it , nor whom to trust better then the givers themselves , whose faith , if I suspect , I shall be thought improvident to confide in , if honest , I can receive from them , though I lay up nothing with them ; for they that would be faithfull keepers of mony , will not be unfaithfull preservers of their own gratitude , & they wil never go about to defraud me of what they would have given , but receiving that of me gratis , for which others take mony , they will * consider me when I want . In a word , if friends , they will , * like you , impart of their own to us , if not friends , they will seek to deprive us of what is ours . Besides , I have not leasure to hoard up mony , but wonder at them that say , they get riches * for their own sake , and have a high opinion of themselves for their means , who neglect learning to addict themselves to gain , and so become admired for their riches , derided for their ignorance , esteemed for all things except themselves . * But if we so much abhorre to have recourse to friends , * to depend on others to eat their bread , how comes it that we are not ashamed to suffer the same from mony ? do we not know that these men are respected only for their wealth , and if fortune turne , they live in all disrespect ? they are not fully contented when they are in esteem , because it is not for their own sakes , but in disesteem are much more discontented , being themselves the cause of their own dishonour . First , therefore you were mistaken , if you did imagine Socrates would do that for mony which he would not without , not knowing that many occasions , but chiefly the necessities of my country detain me : wonder not that I say I discharge my countries businesse , being not imployed either in Army or Court , every one ought to apply himselfe to that which he is capable of , * things above his reach he must leave to others , and perform those that are within his compasse : and in such Cities as this , not only counsellors or commanders for sea or land are requisite , but some likewise , that may * admonish others in their offices ; for it is * nothing strange , that they fall as it were , asleep , under the weight of their charge , and need a goad to waken them : Over these God hath placed me , for which I become , and not without cause , odious to them . But he , in whom I most confide , will not suffer me to go , he knowes better then my selfe what is good for me ; when I resolved to come to thee , he with-held me , and when thou sentest the second time , forbid me , I dare not disobey him ; Pindar taught this wisdome , saying , when God points out the beginning of any work , it is the direct way to obtain to obtain vertue , the end glorious : The verses are much to this purpose . Other Poets have said as much of the Gods , that what is undertaken with their advice , succeeds well , but what without God , is unprofitable to the undertakers . The wisest Cities of Greec● consult the Oracle of Delphi , , and as many as follow it have good successe , who do not most commonly receive prejudice . Yet I not wonder , if you give no faith to what I deliver of the Daemon , for I have met with not a few alike incredulous ; most of those that were in the Delian fight did not believe me ; I was then in armes , and fallied forth the City with the people to skirmish , many of us were dispersed in flight , and as we came to a certain way , the accustomed sign came upon me ; I stopt , and said , in my opinion , friends , we should not go this way , for I heard the Daemons voice : the greater part were angry , as if I had trifled at a time so serious ; some few were perswaded to go along with me another way , and got safe home ; one that came from the others brought word they were all slain , some horsemen returning from the pursuit , had fallen upon them , whom they at first resisted , but being at last enclosed by them , who were more in number , they gave back , and were in the end oppressed and killed ; he that brought this newes was dangerously wounded , and escaped only by help of his shield . I have also by instructions from God , foretold many events to particular persons . You offer part of your Kingdome , and invite me to it , not as to a changed government , but to rule both your subjects and your selfe : but I confesse , I have not learned to command , and would no more undertake to rule , not knowing how then to play at dice , having never been taught : And doubtlesse if other men were of the same mind , there would be fewer troubles in life ; whereas now the confidence of such as are ignorant , undertaking things they do not understand , occasions these many disturbances : Hence is it , they make fortune greater then she is , and by their own folly , increase her power . Besides , I am not ignorant , that a King ought to be more honoured and admired then a private person , and as I would not undertake to be a horseman having no 〈◊〉 in Horsemanship , but had much rather be a footman , though the charge be lesse honourable : the same is my opinion as touching Kings and private persons , nor puffed up by ambition will I desire more glorious afflictions : they who invented the fable of Bellerophon seemed to imply something to this purpose , for he was opprest with misfortunes , not because he sought to rise higher in place , but for aiming at things above him , and being thrown down from his hopes , led the rest of his life poorly and ignominiously , driven by mocks out of Cities into the Wildernesse , and shunning path-waies , not what we commonly call so , but the freedome wherewith every one orders his life . But let this be taken how the Poets please , my resolution you now hear again , that I will not change this place for that , * conceiving this fittest for me : nor is God willing I should , who hath been ever untill now , my counsellor and guide . Epist. II. YOu are not ignorant how great esteem we have of Chaerephon , who being chosen Ambassadour by the City to the Peloponnesians , will perhaps come to you ; a Philosopher is entertained with small trouble , but the journey is dangerous , especially , because of the tumults that are there at this time , from which , if thou protect him , thou wilt preserve our friend , and infinitely engage us . Epist. III. ANeso of Amphipolis was commended to me at Potidaea , he is now coming to Athens , being thrown out of his house by the people ; for at present , affairs are much embroiled and clouded there , but I believe within a little while they will cleer up . In assisting you will oblige a deserving person , and benefit both the ●ities ; Amphipolis , lest by rebelling it incurre irremediable danger : Ours , lest we be involved in their troubles as at this present we are reduced almost to extremity for Potidaea . Epist. IIII. MEeting with Critobulus , I perswaded him to study Philosophy , but I think he is of another mind , and more addicted to affairs of State , in which he intends to make choice of the fittest method , and best instructor for the most excellent so journe now in Athens , and with many of them we are intimate . Thus much concerning him ; as for us , Xantippe and the children are well , and I continue to do , as when you were with me . Epist. V. WE hear you are at Thebes , and * Proxenus gone into Asia , to take part with Cyrus ; whether your designes will prosper God knowes , they are here condemned by many , for it is conceived unfit the Athenians should assist Cyrus , through whose means they were deprived of command by the Lacedaemonians and fight for him , who fought against them . It is not therefore strange if the state being altered , some be ready of themselves to accuse you of temporising , and the better your successe is , the greater will be their calumnies ; for I am well acquainted with the dispositions of some of them : But since we have undertaken this , let us prove our selves honest men , and call to mind what we use to say of vertue , accounting this one of the best sentences of the Poet , Our Fathers house must not be discredited . Know therefore , that to war , these two are requisite , Courage an Bounty , for this , we are loved of our friends , for that , feared of our enemies , of both , thou hast domestick precedents . Epist. VI. I Have taken such care of your strangers as you desired , & retained one to plead their cause before the people , * a friend of ours , who profest himselfe the readier to undertake it , out of his desire to serve thee . As for that which you write in jest concerning wealth , and such as are sollicitous for it , perhaps it is not unreasonable . First , because whilst others study to be rich , I choose to live meanly . Then though I might receive many gifts and legacies from living and dead friends ; yet I freely disclaim them , and for a man thus enclined to be by others judged mad , is nothing strange : But we must examine not this onely , but the rest of our life ; and since we disagree in the use , no wonder that wee differ in the acquisition of * Riches ; my diet is very sparing , my habit the same in winter as in summer : I never wear shoes , I am not taken with Popular applause , but with the study of wisdom and integrity . But they who are intemperarate , Luxurious in meat , not every year , but every day putting on new apparell are transported with unlawfull delights , and as they who lose their naturall complexion have recourse to paint . So these losing the true glory of virtue which every one ought to have , flie to that which depends upon complaisance with others , courting vulgar applause with Largesses and feasts . Hence I suppose it comes , that they need much wealth ; They themselves cannot live upon a little , nor will others adm●● them into their society , unlesse they receive a salary for commending them . But my life is well as to both these , I will not deny but in some things I may fail , I know that wisest men prefer those , most men these ; Reflecting sometimes within my selfe upon God ; I find that he exceeds us , in that he hath need of nothing ; it is the property of a most excellent nature not to want any thing , and to comprehend within himself all that he enjoyes . Thus is he wiser then others , who imitates the most wise * and happier , who resembles the most happy . If riches could do this , riches were to be preferr'd ; but since vertue only can obtain it , it were folly to forsake the reall good to pursue the seeming . Hence I cannot easily be perswaded but that my Condition is better then the●rs . As for children , who as you say ought to be provided for , the care that I take for them all men may see , I know but one ground of hapinesse , wisdom . The fool who reposeth his trust in gold , possesseth not that which he hath , and is withall so much more miserable then others , in that they who are opprest with poverty may grow wise hereafter . But he out of an opinion of his own happinesse , neglecting true gain corrupted with plenty . * Besides that he never yet obtained , mans essentiall good is depriv'd of hope thereof for the future . Nor is it possible that such a man can go on securely to virtue , who is entangled in the slatteries of those who are Masters in all insinuating Arts , and in the Charms of pleasures which glide into the soul through every sense , and drive out all sound and wise judgement . How then can hee choose but give his Childre occasion of folly rather then instruction , * who not only in words but actions expresseth that in these things she hath placed his hope , who not proving good , their subsistence fails , and they die miserably for want of food : Justly punish'd for their idlenesse ; Parents are by Law enjoyned to bring up their children till they are men . But you , perhaps some Citizen may say to his Sonnes greedy to inherit , spare me not dying , and whilst you live relie for maintenance upon me , though dead not ashamed to lead a life more lazy then death ; you expect that my fortunes should extend to others even after my decease , but your own are not competent for your selves whilest you are yet alive . Such rough speeches happily he will use to his Children , taking the libery both of a Father and a Patriot . My fortunes in the estimate of other men are mean , but in the effect nothing inferior to the Rich. I will not leave my Children money , but a more honorable heritage , discreet friends , whom as long as they keep they can want as necessaries , and if they use them ill , doubtlesse they would use their money worse . But if to you , who know the negligence of friends , I seem to give ill advice ; I answer , that all men are not alike affected to their friends , for some take care of them after they are dead , and it is likely that ours are not of a neglectfull humour , but pleas'd with the past advantage they have received by us , no lesse then with the present of a short benefit , the requitall is short ; lasting benefits produce a return equall to their profit , and I foresee that what is mine , will hereafter appear more gracious to my friends , and therefore I exact no rewards of them . I account nothing of equal value in exchange with Philosophy but friendship , nor like the Sophists have I any diffidence of those things that are mine , for being old they renew , and in their decaying age * flourish , which makes them more acceptable to the Disciples , and their Father more esteemed ; * Living he obtains honour , dead is thought worthy of memory , and if he leave an Kinsman behind him , they will respect him like his Nephewes and Brethren , and show him all kindnesse , as being allied to him by more then a Naturall affinity ; Neither if they would , can they neglect him in misfortunes , no more then we can slight them , who are near to us in blood ; for affinity in soul forceth them to relieve the Son of the dead as if he were their own brother ; when they call to mind his Father , whose dishonour they account their own . Now judge if I order my affairs ill , or take no care for my Children , so as when I die they shall be destitue of necessaries , who leave them not wealth but such Guardians as will have a care of them and wealth No History makes mention of any man that hath been made better by riches ; A tried friend in this is to be preferr'd before tried gold , that he is not beneficiall to every one who desires him , but to those he lovse best . Nor doth he supply onely the necessities of life , but is serviceable as well to the soul of him that hath him , and is most conducing to virtue , without which nothing profieth ; but we will consider more exactly upon these things when we meet ; thus much serve as a cursory answer to your demand . Epist VII . I Wonder not at what you write , that you do suspect the Thirty continue the same mind to us since your departure , which they had when you were here . As soon as you were gone , they began to have a jealousie of me , and there past amongst them a murmure that these things were not done without Socrates ; within few daies they cited me to the Court , where some complaints were preferr'd against me , and when I defended my self , they commanded me to go to the Pyraeum to apprehend Leon , their intention was to put him to death , that they might enjoy his estate , and make me partner in their injustice ; when I refused , and said something to this effect that I would never willingly subscribe to an unjust act ; Charicles was present , and inwardly vext , Socrates saith he , dost thou think to talk thus peremptorily , and not suffer ten thousand ills ? Charicles , said I , but none so hainous as to do unjustly . Hee answered not a word , nor any of the rest , but ever since they have liked me the worse . As for you , some that were then present , reported that your affairs succeed to your wish , that the Thebans in your exile received you kindly , and will assist your return to their utmost . Some were troubled at this news , and the more because it lessen'd their hopes of supply from Lacedaemon , for they who came along with the Ambassadours , affirmed , that the Lacedaemonians were engaged in a great war , and the Ephori hearing of those troubles , were discontented , and said , that the Lacedaemonians had not intrusted with the City to see it destroy'd ; * for if they would have done so , it were most easie for them who had the Command , being withall instigated therunto by the Corinthians and Thebans , and that the City might be better govern'd under an Oligarchy then a Democracy . If all this be true , and your affairs succeed as they report , there is great likely hood that upon you , coming in with the Thebans , the Lacedaemonians not aiding these , all things here may be easily composed . Besides , many of the Natives who now are quiet through fear , if they perceived never so little that you were firme , will readily forsake this party , because in this government of the City , nothing is left them entire , but through many and continuall enormities all is in confusion ; the greater part is revolted as well as you , the rest if they had the least encouragement from abroad would suffer the same that you have . So that if no other , yet this example would manifest that the greatest unhappinesse of Cities is the wickednesse of their Rulers , for they are so blinded with self interest that they will not desist , though they see all things go to ruine , but with what they first troubled , think to settle affairs , continuing banishments , sequestrations , and unjust deaths ; not considering he is an ill Physician who prescribes for a Remedy the cause of the disease . But those are incurable ; you shall doe well to have a care of your self , for all that are here have but this hope left , if you act wisely to be freed from a heavy and grievous Tyranny . THE CLOVDS of Aristophanes . Added ( not as a Comicall divertisement for the Reader , who can expect little in that kind from a subject so antient , and particular , but ) as a necessary supplement to the life of Socrates . Act. I. Scen. I. Strepsiades , Phidippides , Servant . Streps. OH , oh , Great Iove , how long a night is this , how endlesse ! Will't neer be day ? I heard the Cock again , Yet still my servants snore ; 't is but of late They durst do thus : * curse o' this war that awes me , And will not suffer me to beat the Rogues . My good Son sleeps too , wrapt ore head and ears : Well , let me try to bear them company ; Alasse , I cannot , so perplext and tortur'd With charges , bills for Horse-meat , interest : All for this hopefull Son , who in 's curl'd locks , Aides matches , keeps his Coach , and dreames of Horses , Whilst I ( unhappy ! ) see th' unwelcome Moon Bring on the Quarter day , and threaten use-mony . Boy , snuffe the light , bring my account book hither , That I may summe my debts and interest : Let 's see , twelve pound to Pasia ; ha ! twelve pound To Pasia , how laid out ? to buy * Coppatia : Would I had paid this eye for him . Phid. Hold Philo , You 'r out of the way , begin again . Streps. I this , This is the misery that ruines me ; His very sleeps are taken up with Horses . Phid. How many courses will the manage hold . Streps. Many a weary course thou leads thy Father : But how much more owe I then this to Pasia ? Three pound t' Amynias for Chariot wheeles . Phid. Go sirrah , take that horse and turn him out . Streps. I thou hast turned me out of all my means , Charges at Law will eat me up , my Creditours Threaten to sue me to an execution . Phid. Why do you wake all night , and tosse so Father ? Streps. I cannot sleep , the Scrivener doth so bite me . Phid. Yet let me rest a little longer . Streps. Do so . All these will one day light upon thy head , Curs'd be the houre when I first saw thy Mother , I liv'd before most sweetly in the Country , Well stock't with Sheep and Bees , Olives and Grapes , Till from the Megaclean house I took This Neece of Megacles out of the City , Well fashion'd , highly bred , and richly cloathed ; We married , as I said : and lay together : I sinelling strong of Drugs and greasie Wool ; But she of Unguents , Crocus wanton Kisses , Of vain expence , dainties , and luxury ; I will not tell the idle life she led , And yet she spun that I have often told her , Showing this Coat , * you spin a fair thread woman . Serv. Sir , all the Oyle i th' Lamp is wasted . Streps. Ha ? Why didst thou put in such a Drunken week ? If thou wert neer me I would beat thee . Ser. Why Sir ? Streps. Because the week is thicker then the oyl . Well , at last my good Wife and I betwixt us got At last this Son ; about his name we differ'd ; Shee 'd have it something that belong'd to horses , Callippides , Xanthippus , or Charippus ; I from his Grandfather ) Phidontdes . Long time we wrangled thus , at last agreed He should be called Phidippides ; this Son She takes , and stroaking kindly , thus instructs him , " When thou art grown a man , frequent the City , " Follow the fashion , keep a Coach and Horses , " Like Megacles thy Uncle . No , said I , " Go in a homely Coat , and drive thy Goats " Into * Phelleus , as they father doth . But my advice prevailed so little on him , That now he wasts my means in keeping horses , Which all this night I have been thinking how To remedy , and now have found the way ; To which could I perswade him , I were happy . Phidippides , Phidippides , Phid. Your will Sir. Streps. Kisse me , give me thy hand . Phid. Here Sir. Streps. Dost love me ? Phid. By Neptune God of Horses . Streps. Do not name That God , for 't is from him springs all my sorrow : But if thou lov'st me truly , heartily , O son be rul'd . Phid. In what should I be rul'd ? Streps. Change without more delay thy course of life , And do●as I would have thee . Phid. What is that ? Streps. But wilt thou do it ? Phid. Yes by Bacchus will I. Streps. Come hither then , seest thou that little dore ? That is the * Ph●ontistherium of wise soules , Of learned men , that tell us Heaven 's an Oven , And we the Coles inclosed in the wide arch : They , if we give 'em but a little mony , Will teach us gain all causes , right or wrong . Phid. Who can these be ? Streps. Their names I know not ; good They are , and busied in continuall study . Phid. Oh now I know the wretches that you mean , The meager , wan , proud , bare-foot , begging fellowes , Whose evill Geniuss's are Socrates And Chaerephon . Streps. Peace , talk no more so idly ; If you 'l obey a father , let me see you Give ore your horses , and turn one of these . Phid. Not I , by Bacchus , no though you should tempt me With all * Leogoras his breed of Racers . Streps. Dear son be rul'd and learn. Phid. What should I learn ? Streps. 'T is said they have two tongues , and one of them Able to prove any injustice reason ; Couldst thou but learn that language , we were made , And might dispute our stubborn Creditours Out of the debts I have incurr'd for thee ; They get not then a penny more then words . Phid. I cannot do 't , were I so lean and Pale , I durst not look a Jocky in the face . Streps. By Ceres then you stay with me no longer , You , nor your Coach-horse , nor your Samphoras , But all together pack out of my dores . My Uncle Megacles will neither see Me nor my horses want , so long I care not . Scene 2. Strepsiades , Scholar . Streps. THough I have fail'd , I 'l not give over thus , But say my prayers , and go my self to school To learn this Art : but how can I , by Age Dull and forget full , reach such subtleties ? Yet on I will , why should I doubt ? ho , friend . Sc●ol . A mischief on you , who 's that knocks at dore ? Streps. Strepsiades , Cecinnian Phaedo's Son. Schol. 'T was rudely done to knock so hard , y'have made My labouring brain miscarry of a Notion . Streps. Forgive me , I was bred far off i th' Country : But pray what notion was 't that prov'd abortive ? Schol. 'T is lawfull to discover that tonone But fellow-scholars . Streps. Then you may tell me , For I come hither to be one of you . Schol. I will ; so will value 't as a mysterie . Socrates t'other day ask'd Chaerephons eyebrow , And leap'd from thence upon the head of Socrates . Streps. How could he measure this ? Schol. Most dexterously . Both feet o th' flea he dipt in melting wax , Which strait congeals to shooes ; these he plucks off , And with them most exactly measures it . Streps. Great Iupiter , how subtle are these wits ! Schol. If you shouldst hear their other speculations , You would say so indeed . Streps. Pray what was that ? Schol. This Charaephon the Sphettian ask'd him once , If a Gnat sounded from her mouth or tail . Streps. And what said he ? It had a strait thin gut , At end of it a bladder , into which The air being forc'd , sounded in breaking forth . Streps. Then I perceive that a gnat's tail 's a Trumpet ; How blest is this Anatomist of Gnats ! Sure he can hide himself from purblind justice , That knows so well these dark intestine waies . Why should we cry up Thales any longer ? Come open me your Phrontisterium , And quickly let me see this Socrates , I long to learn , open the dore — * O Hercules What strange beasts have we here ! Schol. Why do you wonder ? Whom do they look like think you ? Streps. Like the poor Lacedaemonian Captives tane at * Pylus . Why look they so intently on the ground ? These seek out things that appertain to Earth ! Oh they seek leeks ; trouble your selves no more friends , For I know better where are good and great ones . Schol. Come let 's go in . Streps. Let 's stay a while and talk with ' em . Schol. No , no , they cannot long endure the air . Streps. What 's this , for Heavens sake say ? Schol. This is Astronomy . Streps. And this ? Schol. Geometry . Strop . But what is 't good for ? Schol. To measure land . Streps. What , arable or pasture ? Schol. No , the whole Earth . Streps. A pretty jest indeed . That were a mighty help to husbandmen . Schol. Here 's all the world , and this is Athens . Streps. How ? I 'l scarce believe that , what 's become o th' Judges ? Where the Cicynians my Countymen ? Schol. Here ; this Eubaea ; see how far 't is stretch'd . Streps. I , almost stretch'd in pieces betwixt us , And Pericles ; and where is Lacedaemon ? Schol. Here. Strepss . 'T is too nigh us , why , with all your skill Do you not help to thrust it farther off . Schol. It is not possible . Streps. No ? you will rue't then . But what man 's that hangs yonder in the basket ? Schol. That 's he . Streps. He , what he ? Schol. Socrates . Streps. How , Socrates ? Call him . Schol. Call him your self , I 'm not at leasure . Scene . 3. Strepsiades , Socrates . Streps. HO Socrates Socr. * Why dost thou call me mortall ? Streps. First I would gladly know what thou dost there ? Socr. I walk i th' aire , and gaze upon the Sun. Streps. Why in a basket dost thou view the Gods , Not from the ground ? Socr. I could not elevate My thoughts to contemplation of these mysteries , Unlesse my Intellect were thus suspended , Where my thin thoughts melt into air ( their likeness ) Stood I upon the ground , I should find nothing , Though I sought nere so strictly up and down , For the magnetick vertue of the Earth Would draw away the humour of my brain , Just as we see in nose-smart . Streps. How , how 's that ? Doth the brain draw the humour out of nose-smart ? Come down sweet Socrates , and teach me quickly The knowledge of those things for which I came . Socr. What camest thou for ? Streps. To learn the art of speaking , With debts and usury I 'm torn in pieces Tost up and down ; forc'd to pawn all my goods : Socr. On what occasion did you run in debt ? Streps. By horses eaten into this consumption ; And I would learn of you your other language Which teacheth men to pay nothing : for which By all the Gods I 'l give you what you 'l ask . Socr. By all what Gods ? we do not here allow Those Gods the City worships . Streps. How then swear you , By copper farthings like the Byzantines ? Socr. Wouldst thou be skilfull in divine affairs . Streps. By Iovr ( if any such there be ) I would . Socr. You must be then acquainted with the Clouds , Our reverend Goddesses . Streps. With all my heart . Socr. Sit down upon this Couch then Streps. Well . Socr. Now take This Garland . Streps. Why a garland ? alasse Socrates , D' ee mean ( like Athamas ) to sacrifice me ? Socr. No , these are rites that every one performes At his admission . Streps. But what shall I gain by 't ? Socr. Thou shallt be made most voluble in speech , A very rattle , bolting words as fine As flower . Streps. Th' art right by Iove , I shall be powderd . Socr. silenced old man , and listen to our prayer . " Great King , unbounded air , whose armes are hurld " About the surface of this pendant world , " Bright Aether , reverend Clouds , that from your Sphear " Thunder and lightning dart , rise and appear . Streps. Not yet , not yet , till I have wrapt my selfe Close in my Cloak , lest I be wet : t was ill That I forgat to bring my Riding hood . Socr. " Your power , great Clouds , make to this suppliant known " Whether now seated on Olympus Throne , " Or whether you your sacred revells keep " In the wide Gardens of your Sire the deep : " Or of his flowing Christall seaven-mouth'd Nile , " In golden Ewers wantonly beguile : " Or in Mauritian marshes keep your Court ; " Or on the snowy top of Mimas sport . " Come , to our servant vowes propitious be ; " Grace with your presence our solemnitie . " We humid fleeting Deities , " The bright unbounded clouds thus rise " From our old Sire , the grumbling Flood , * " Above the tallest hill or wood , " To those high watch-towers , whence we may " The hallowed fruitfull-ground survey ; " Rivers that in soft murmurs glide , " And the lowd sea 's rebellious tide ; " From thence heavens restlesse eye displaies " The splendour of his glorious raies , " Chasing all dusky mists , that we " In shapes divine may mortalls see . Socr. Thanks reverend Clouds for favouring thus our prayer . Did you not hear 'm speak in Thunder to us ? Streps. Great Clouds , I worship too , but am so frighted , I scarce can hold from answering your Thunder . Socr. Jest not profanely in such sacred rites : Peace , for the swarm of Goddesses come singing . Chor. " Come virgin Mistresses of showers , " Let 's visit Pallas pregnant bowers , " The far renowned Cecropian plain " Where shines the * Eleusinian Fane , " Where are the most retir'd aboads , " Statues and Temples of the Gods : " Where Altars blaze with Incense , where " The holy-day lasts all the year ; " Where the brisk Craces every spring , " And youths with virgins dance and sing . Str●pe . Tell me good Socrates , what things are these That speak so sinely ? are they Ladies ? Socr. No , They 're Clouds , the Deities of idle men ; From these we have our sense , discourse , and reason , Our high Capriccio's , and elaborate whimseys . Streps. My soul , me thought , did leap , while they were speaking , And now most subtly would dispute of smoak , Sharply confute opinion with opinion : Oh how I long to see them once again . Socr. Look yonder towards Parnes , look how gently They glide to earth . Stre●s . Where ? show me . Socr. See in sholes They creep into the Caverns of the Mountain . Streps. What things are these ? I cannot yet behold'em . Socr. There in the entrance look . Streps. Yet I scarce see them . Socr. Either thou seest them now , or thou art blind . Streps. I do by Iove , great Clouds , for you hold all● Socr. Didst thou not know these Deities before ? Streps. Not I , I thought them only mists and vapours : Socr. Thou knewest not then those who maintain the Sophists . Streps. If these be Clouds , how comes it that they look Like women ? for the Clouds have no such shape . Srce . No , what shape have they then ? Streps. I know not justly ; They look like flying fleeces , but by Iove , Nothing at all like women ; these have noses . Socr. * Answer to what I ask . Streps. Ask me quickly . Socr. Didst ere behold a Cloud shap'd like a Centaure , A Leopard , Bull , or Wolfe ? Streps. I have , what then ? Socr. The Clouds can take what form they list , as when They see a hairy fellow curl'd like Clitus , They mock his madnesse in a Centaures shape . Streps. And when they see one that defrauds or plunders The Common-wealth , like Sinon , what then do they ? Socr. They do resemble him , turn ravenous wolves , This was the reason yesterday , when they Beheld * Cleonymus , they fled like deer : And seeing * Clisth●nes are now turn'd women . Streps. Great Queens , if you ere design to speak to mortalls , Make me acquainted with your rumbling voice . Chor. " All hail old man , who dost on wisdome prey , " And thou the Priest of subtle trifles say , " What wouldst thou have with us , to none but thee , " Of all the Meteor Sophists thus stoop we ; " Save ●rodicus , to him as grave and wise , " To thee , because thou walkst upright , thy eye● " Rowling on every side , thy look severe " And barefoot many miseries dost bear . Streps. Good heavens , what voice is this , how strange & stately . Socr. These are our Goddesses ▪ the rest are toyes . Streps , Is then Olympian Iove no Deity ? Socr. What Iove ? there 's no such thing ; meer fancy . Streps. How ? Whence then proceeds all * rain ? Socr. Only from these . Didst thou ere see a shower without them ? take The Clouds away , and heaven must rain fair weather . Streps. By Phoebus thou hast cleer'd it well , till now I thought Iove made water through a ●ive . But whence comes thunder ? when I 'me sick , that frights me , These thunder as they tumble up and down . How can that be ? Socr. * When they are full of water , By their won weight , driven upon one another , They roar and break . Streps. But who is it that drives them , Is not that Iove ? Socr. No , an aetheriall whirlewind . Streps. A whirle-wind , hum ! I knew not that til now . But whence comes lightning then , that glittering fire Which terrifies and burns us ? Iupiter Useth to dart this down on perjur'd men . Socr. And how ( thou phlegmatick , dull Saturnine , ) If darted on the perjur'd , how comes Sinon , Theorus , and Cleonymus to scapeit ? No , his own Temple , or the Sunian Promontory , Or sturdy Oakes he strikes , did they ere wrong him ? Did the Oak ere forswear it selfe ? Streps. I know not : That which you say seems reason ; but what then Is lightning ? Socr. When the winds are shut up close , They swell the clouds like bladders , and at last Break out with violence and horrid noises ; And by contrition kindle one another . But thou who searchest amongst us for wisdom , How happy wilt thou be above all Graecians If thou conceive well , and remember , and Canst suffer much , and never wilt be tir'd Standing or walking , nor have sense of frost , Nor care for dyning , and refrain from wine , From exercises , and all other toyes . Streps. O for a solid soul restlesse with cares , Sparing , self-torturing , one that can feast Upon a dish of herbes , you never could Be better ●itted ; a meer an vile I. Socr. Dost thou believe no Gods but those we teach , The Chaos , Clouds and Tongue , onely these three . Streps. I 'l not so much as speak of any other , Much lesse bestow an offering on their Altars . Chor. " Say boldy then , say what is thy request , " For if thou honour us thou shalt be blest . Streps. Great Queens I sue for a small matter , that I may out-talk all Greeks a hundred furlongs . Chor. To thee alone this gift we will allow , None speak such mighty sentences as Thou . Streps. I do not care for mighty sentences , But subtle ones to cheat my Creditours . Chor. It is not much thou askst , and shalt obtain it , Learn of our Ministers and thou shalt gain it . Streps. I shall , relying on your promise ; forc'd By want , Co●patia and a lucklesse match . Now let 'em use me as they list , beat , starve me , Burn , freeze , or flea me , so I scape my debts : I care not though men call me impudent , Smooth-tongu'd , audacious , petulant ▪ abhominable , Forger of words and lie , contentious Barretour , Old , winding , bragging , testy , crafty fox . Socr. Said like a man of courage ; if thou learn Of me , thy fame shall spread wide as the Heavens ▪ Streps. What shall I do ? Socr. Thou shalt spend all thy time With me ; a life the happiest in the world . Streps. I long to see that day . Socr. Thy dore shall alwaies Be throng'd with Clients that will come to thee For Counsell , and discourse of cases worth The wealth of kingdoms , to thy h●arts desire . Chor. " Try this old man ; first see if he be sit ; " Put him toth ' test , and sound the depth of 's wit. Socr. Come tell me now your disposition , That when I know it I may sit my Machines Accordingly . Streps. You will not undermine me . Socr. No , I would know if you have any memory . Streps. Yes , when another owes me any thing , I can remember very well , but what I owe my self , i 'm ready to forget . Socr. Hast thou a naturall faculty in speaking Streps. No , I can mar words sooner far then make 'em . Socr. How wilt thou learn then ? Streps. Fear me not , I tell you Wel , when I make some learned deep discourse . Socr. * You must be sure to catch't up presently . Streps. What must I snap at learning like a dog ? Socr. This is a very fool , an unknown Clown ; I am afraid old man thou wilt need whipping . What if thou shouldst be beaten ? Streps. Then i 'm beaten . Socr. But what wouldst do ? Streps. I would take witnesse on 't And sue them on an action of Battery . Socr. Off with your Cloak . Streps. Why , how have I offended ? Socr. No ; but our orders admit none but naked . Streps. I came not hither to steal any thing . Socr. Down with your Cloak , why dost thou trifle . Streps. Now Tell me if I prove apt and diligent , Of all your schollars who shall I come nighest ? Socr. Thou maist perhaps be like our Chaerephon . Streps. Alasse , alasse ! what an Anatomy ? Socr. No , no : but if thou wilt be any thing , Follow me without more delay . Streps. I want A Cake for your Cerberus ; I go me thinks As if 't were into the Trophonian Cave . Socr. On , on , why stayst thou gazing at the dore . Chor. " Go , for thy courage blest whose aged mind " To wisdom soars , and leaves the young behind . Act. 2. Socrates , Strepsiades . Socr. BY Chaos , and this air I breath , I never Met any thing so stupid as this fellow , So clownish and oblivious ; easie toyes He learns , not half so fast as he forgets'em , I 'l call him forth ; what , ho , Strepsiades ; Come out and bring your bed along with you . Str. The fleas will hardly let me bring my self . So. Quick , down with 't there ; and mark what I say to you . Str. I 'm ready . So. What have you most mind to learn , Measures , or Verse , or Rhyme ? Str. By all means measures ; For I was cheated by a Meal-man lately Two pecks . So. That 's not the thing I demand ; I 'de know●which you conceive the fairest measure . The Trimeter or the Tetrameter . Str. The fairest measure in my mind 's a Bushell . So. 'T is nothing that you say . Str. What will you lay That your Tetrameter holds not a Bushell . So. Away , away , how dull thou art , and blockish , But thou wilt be perhaps more apt at Rime . Str. What help can rimes afford me in my meal . So. First they wil make thee pleasant in all company . Then thou shalt know which suits with Anapaestick , And which with Dactyles . Str. Dactiles ? I know that sure . So. Why what 's a Dactyle . Str. What but this same ●inger , ●Thas been a Dactyle ere since I was a child . So. Th' art an unprofitable Dunce . Str. I care not For learning these devices . So. What then wouldst thou ? Str. That , that unjust and cheating Sophistry . So. But there are things that must be learnt before You come to that ; what Creatures are there Masculine . Str. Sure I know that or I were mad indeed . A Ram , a Bull , a Goat , a Dog , a Pigeon . So. * See how thou err'st , that call'st both male and female A Pigeon . Str. Right , by Neptune , how then must I ? So. Call this a Cock-Pigeon , and that a Hen. Str. A Pigeon , Cock and Hen , ha ! by this air , For this sole document , I will replenish Your * Cardopus with meal . So. Again th' art wrong ; Thou call'st it Cardopus , but 't is haec Cardopus , And therefore henceforth call it Cardopa . Next it is fit you know which names are Masculine , And which are feminine . Str. I know well which Are feminine , I 'me sure . So. Le ts hear . Str. Philina , Cletagora , Demetria , and Lystha . So. And which are Masculine ? Str. A world , Philoxenus , Milesias , and Amynias . So. Thou art out . Str. Are not these Masculine with you ? So. * By no means . How if you saw Amynias , would you call him ? Str. Amynia , ho ! So. What , make a woman of him . Str. And reason good , h' has thrown away his armes , And will not ●ight , But to what purpose learn I These common trifles . So. Not so common neither , But come , lie down . Str. What must I do ? So. Consider With your selfe the businesse that concernes you . Str. Not in this bed , I thank you , if I must Lie down , I le meditate upon the ground . So. But here 's no room besides . Str. Wretch that I am . How I shall be tormented with these ●leas ! So. Now think into the depth of thy affairs , Try every turn and winding , every double ; And if you stick at any thing : give 't ore , And to some other ; but be sure you sleep not , Str. Oh , oh . So. How now the matter ? Str. I am kill'd By these blood-suckers , these Corinthians . So. Do not torment your selfe . Str. How can I choose When I have neither mony left , nor colour , Scarce life , no shooes , grown almost to a Ghost With watching ? So. Now what think y'on , nothing ? Str. Yes By Neptune . So. What ? Str. I 'me thinking if the fleas Will leave a piece of me or not . So. Death on thee . Str. You might have spar'd your curse , I 'm dead already . So. Fy , fy , you must not be so tender , * cover Your face , and study for some subtle cheat . Str. Would I could learn to cheat these wicked fleas . So. Let 's see what does he ? what , asleep , ha'ye thought Of nothing yet ? Str. What would you have me think on ? So. What would you learn ? Str. I 've told you that already A thousand times ; I 'd learn to pay no use-mony . So. Come then , cover your self , and subtilize Your thoughts , dissect your businesse into Atomes . Str. Alasse . So. Ly still ; and if you stick at any thing , Passe by 't a while , and come to it again . Str. Ho , my dear Socrates . So. What is 't old man ? Str. I have found out that will do 't . So. As how . Str. First tell me Where I may meet with some Thessalian witch ; For I would steal the Moon one of these nights , And having got her , lock her in a chest As charily , as I would keep a glasse . So. What wilt thou get by that ? Str. What , if the Moon Ne'r rise again , I 'me bound to pay no use . So. How so ? Str. 'Cause use you know is paid by th'Month , So. 'T is well , but I 'le propound another businesse ; Suppose that you were tyed upon a statute To pay five Talents , could you rase figures ? Str. I know not , but I 'le try . So. You must not limit Your thoughts so narrowly within your selfe , But like a beetle fetter'd in a thread , Allow them play and flutter in the air ; Str. I ha 't , I ha 't , the rarest way to cancell A deed , as you 'l confesse when you have heard it . So. What iis't ? Str. Did you nere see at any Grocers A clear transparant stone , with which they use To kindle fire ? So. You mean a burning-glasse . Stro. The very same . So. What wouldst thou do with it ? Str. Whilst that the Scrivener writes the deed , d' ee mark , Thus standing by him with my burning glasse Against the Sun , I 'l burn out every letter . So. Wisely by all the Graces . Str. How I long To cancell thus a bond of fifty pound . So. 'T is well , now tell me if thy adversary Sue thee , and thou art like to be orethrown For want of witnesses , how wilt thou ' void His suit . Str. Most easily . So. Which way ? Str. Before It comes to judgement , I would hang my self . So. Push , thou sayst nothing . Str. Yes , by love there 's none Will prosecute a suit against the dead . So. Away , thou fool'st ; I 'l teach no more . Str. Why dear Socrates , Why ? So. Thou forget'st as fast as thou canst learn. Tell me the first thing thou wert taught to day : Str. The first , stay let me see ; the first thing say you ? How call you that we use to put our meal in ? Wretch , Iv'e forget it ! So. See , deserv'st thou not Forget full to be punish'd for a dunce . Str. Alasse what shall I do ? for if I learn not The cheating language , I am quite undone : Good Clouds advise me what course I shall take . Cho. " If an ingenious son thou hast at home , " Thou hadst best send him hither in thy room . Str. I have a son , and he 's ingenious too ; But will not learn , the more my misery . Cho. And wilt thou suffer 't ? Str. Of a promising person His mother is a woman of great spirit ; Once more I le try ; if he refuse , i'I make No more adoe but turn him out of dores ; Stay but a while , I will be quickly back . Act. 3. Strepsi●des , Phidippides , Socrates . Str. NOw by the Clouds thou staist no longer here ? Hence , and go feed in Megacles his stable . Ph. Alasse what fury hath possest you Father ? By Iove I think you are besides your self . Str. See , see , he swears by Iove , art thou not mad At these years to believe there is a Iove ? Ph. Is truth to be derided ? Str. Well I see Th' art still a Child and credit'st old wives tales . But come I will tell thee that shall make thee A man , so you be sure to tell it no body . Ph. Pretty ; what is 't ? Str. Thou swor'st e'en now by Iove . Ph. I did so . Str. See how good it is to learn ; There 's no such thing as Iove . Ph. What then ? Str. A whirlwind Hath blown Iove quite away and rules all Heaven . Ph. What fooleries are these ? Str. They 're serious truth son . Ph. Who tells you so ? Str. Our Socrates the * Melian , And Chaerephon , that trace the steps of fleas . Ph. How , are you grown to such a height of madness , As to believe such melancholy dreamers . Str. Good words : defame not men of such deep wisdom And subtle spirits ; these live sparingly , Are never at the charges of of a Barber , Unguents , or Baths , whereas thou wasts my means As freely as if I were dead already . Come then , and be their scholler in my room . Ph. What can be learnt that 's good of such as they are ? Str. All things that are accompted wisdom Boy ; And first to know thy self , and what a dunce Thou art , how blockish , rustick and forgetfull . But stay a little , cover thy face a while . Ph. Alasse my fathers mad , what shall I do , Accuse him to the Court of folly , Be speak a Coffin for him , for he talks Idly , as he were drawing on ? Str. Come on now . Let 's see , what that ? Ph. A Pigeon . Str. Good ; and that ? Ph. A Pigeon . Str. Both the same ? ridiculous . Take heed you make not such mistakes hereafter . This you must call a Cock , and that a Hen. Ph. A Hen ? Is this the goodly learning Father You got since your admission 'mongst these earth-wormes ? Str. This and a great deal more ; but being old , I soon forget what I am taught . Ph. I think 'T was want of memory made you lose your cloak . Str. No , 't is hung up upon the arts and sciences ; Ph. And where your shooes ? Str. Lost for the common good , Like Pericles : But le ts be gone and see You learn t' obey me , and to wrong all else . Remember that I bought thee , when thou wert But six yeers old , a little Cart to play with . Ph. Alasse you 'l be the first that will repent this . Str. Take you no care for that ; do as I bid you . Ho , Socrates , I 've brought my son at last , Though much against his will. So. I , that 's because He 's rude , untaught , a child of ignorance , And unacquainted with our hungry baskets . Ph. Go hang your self in one of them . Str. How impudence ; dost thou talk thus to thy Master ? Socr. So go hang , with what a seeming grace was that pronounc'd ! How do you think that he should ever learn To overthrow a nimble adversary , Or win a Judges heart with Rhetorick ? Str. Fear not , but teach him ; he 's ingenious By Nature ; for when he was but a little one , Hee 'd build you houses , and make leather Coaches , And ships , and cut frogs out of apple parings . What 's your opinion then ? do you not think Hee 's capable to learn both languages ? Or if not both , be sure he learn the worse . Socr. Well , we shall try what may be done with him , Str. Farewell , and so remember that in all I say that 's just , you learn to contradict me . Act. 3. Scoen. 1. Strepsiades . Streps. THe * fift , the fourth , the third , the seconds , hum . The most abhord and dreadfull day 's at hand , The old and new ; all I ow money to Threaten to sue and vow my utter ruine ; Yet I require nothing but what is just reason : My friend forbear me till some other times ; But they all answer me , words are no payment , Revile me , swear they 'l put their bonds in suit , And let 'em , what care I , so my Phidippides Have learnt the art of cheating : I shall know straight ; It is but knocking at the school , ho son . Scoen. 2. Strepsiades , Socrates . Socr. SAve you Strepsiades . Streps. The like to you . * First take this bag of meal , for it is fit We pay our duty to our reverend Master , Now tell me , has my son attain'd the art For which I plac'd him with you . Socr. Yes exactly . Streps. Thanks to deceit , the Queen that governs all things . Socr. Now you may overthrow all adversaries . Streps. What though a witnesse swear that I have borrowed . Socr. I though a thousand swear 't . Streps. Iò . Iò . Triumph my boyes , wo to you money-mongers , You and your bonds , your use on use may hang now , You 'l trouble me no more ! O what a son Have I , that senceth with a two-edg'd tongue , My Houses prop and Guardian , my foes terrour , Quickly come forth , and meet my glad embraces , Come forth and hear thy Father . Socr. See the man. Streps. O my dear boy ! Socr. Away and take him with you . Scoene . 3. Strepsiades , Phidippides . Streps. IO my son ! O how I joy to see Thy chang'd complexion ! Thou lookst now me thinks As if thou wert inspir'd with contradiction I read , ● erosse questions in thy very face , Thy very eyes me thinks say , how , how 's that ? Thou canst perswade the world that thou art wrong'd , When thou art , he that does the wrong . I see 't , I plainly see 't ; a very * Attick mine ; Now let it be thy study to recover Him , whom thou almost hast undone , Phid. Why , what Is that you fear ? Streps. The old and the new day . Phid. Can one and the same day be old and new ? Streps. I know that : I 'm sure my Creditors By joint consent that day threaten to sue me . Phi● . They 'l loose by it if they do : for 't is impossible To make two daies of one . Streps. How is 't impossible ? Phil. As for a woman to be old and young At once . Streps. But law has so determined it Phil. But these men know not what the law doth mean. Streps. Why what 's the meaning of it . * Phil. Antient Solon Was naturally a lover of the people . Streps. What 's that to this ? Phid. He did appoint two daies , The last day of the old month for citation , The first o th' new for payment of the money . Streps. But why the last day for citations ? Phil. That The debtor having thus one day of warning Might fly and shun the trouble of the next . So. Why do the Magistrates then take all forfeits Upon the old and new day ? Ph. They are hungry , And tast their meat before they should fall too . Str. We the fools that sit still and do nothing , We that are wise and quick have done the businesse ; Ye blocks , ye stones , ye sheep , ye empty bubbles ; Let me congratulate this son of min My selfe and my good fortune in a song . Now Strepsiades th' art blest Of the most discreet the best , What a Son thou hast , now may All my aemulous neighbours say , When they hear that he alone Hath my creditours orethrown . But come my boy , now thou shalt feast with me , Sect. 4. Pasias , Strepsiades , Witnesse . Pas. ANd must a man be outed of his own thus ? Better take any course then suffer this . You must assist me in this businesse neighbour , That I may call my debtor to accompt ; There 's one friend made a foe ; yet I 'le not shame My country , ere I do 't , I 'le give him warning . Strepsiades . Streps. How now , what would you have ? Pas. The old and new daies come . Streps. Bear witnesse friend , He nam'd two daies . What summe is 't you demand . Pas. Twelve pounds you borrow'd when you bought your Son A Race-horse ; with the interest . Streps. A race-horse , You know I neer car'd for 'em in my life . Pas. And swor'st by Iove and all the Gods to pay it . Streps. By Iove ? 't was then before my son had learn't The all-convincing speech . Pas. You 'l not deny 't . Streps. What have I got but that , for all this learning ? Pas. Darst thou deny 't , if I should put thee to Thy oath , and make thee call the Gods to witness it ? Streps. What Gods de' e mean ? Pas. Iove , Mercury , and Neptune . Streps. By Iove ? yes that I will I hold thee three pence . Pas. Curse on thee for this impudence . Streps. If thou wert rubb'd with salt , 't would make thy wit the quicker . Pas. De'laugh at me ? Streps. Thou wilt take up six bushells . Pas. So help me Iupiter , and all the Gods , I will even be with you for this scorn . Streps. I am extreamly taken with your Gods , And this same Iupiter● you swear by , they Are excellent pastime to a knowing man. Pas. Well , you will one day answer for these words . But tell me , whether I shall have my money Or not , give my answer , and I 'me gone . Streps. Stay but a little , I will answer presently , And plainly . Pas. Sure hee 's gone to fetch the mony Streps. Where is the Man that comes to ask me mony ? Tell me , what 's this ? Pas. That which it is , a Cardopus . Streps. You ask for mony , and so very a dunce ; I 'le never whilst I live pay him a penny . That calls a Cardopa a Cardopus . Pas. You will not pay then ? Streps. Not for ought I know : You 'l stay no longer , pray about your businesse . Pas. Yes , I 'le be gone , but in the mean time know I 'le have my mony , if I live this day . Streps. You may chance go without it ; yet I 'm sorry You should be punish'd so for a mistake . For saying Cardopus for Cardopa . Scoen. 8. Amynias , Strepsiades , Witnesse . Amyn. OH , oh , alasse . Streps. Who 's that keeps such a bawling ? What art thou ? one of * Carkinus his sons ? Amyn. 'T is I unhappy ! Streps. Keep it to thy selfe . Amyn. Unlucky chance , oh cruell destiny , To spoil at once my Cart and all my Horses● * Oh Pallas , how unkindly hast thou us'd me ? Streps. What hurt did ere Tlepolemus do thee ? Amyn. Deride me not , but rather bid your son Pay me the mony which he had of me , For I was never in more need of it . Streps. What mony man ? Amyn. That which he borrowed of me . Streps. Then I perceive you 're in a sad condition . Am. I had a scurvy fall driving my horses . Streps. Thou dost but jest , 't was driving an Asse rather . Amyn. I do not jest when I demand my mony . Streps. Upon my word thou art not right . Amyn. How so ? Streps. Thy brain me thinks is troubled . Amyn. E●ther pay me My money strait , or I will trouble you . Streps. Tell me , doth Iove beget and send down rain . Or doth the Sun exhale it from the sea ? Amyn. I neither know nor care . Streps. What ? are you sit To receive mony , and so ignorant Of these sublime and subtle mysteries ? Amyn. Well , if you cannot let me have the principal , Pay me the interest . Streps. Interest , what kind Of creature 's that ? Amyn. What , but th' encrease of mony By months , and daies , as time runs on . Streps. 'T is well . And do you think the sea is fuller now Then 't was at first ? Amyn. No , not a drop , it is Not fit it should . Streps. The sea by your confession Is nothing grown ; then with what conscience Can you desire your mony should encrease . Go get you from my doores , fetch me a whip there . Witn. Well , I 'le bear witnesse for him . Streps. Why de' e not go , will you move * Samphoras ? Amyn. Is not this riotous ? Streps. Will you be gone ? Or shall I lead you in a chain , and make you Shew tricks ? if you but stay a little longer , I 'le send you , and your Cart and Horses packing . Chor. " Now observe what 't is to bend " Studies to an evill end " This old man , that is intent " Creditours to circumvent , " Foolishly himselfe hath crost , " And will find so to his cost ; " That in this false Art his son " Hath attain'd perfection : " Justice cunning to refute ) " That at last hee 'l wish him mute . Act. 5. Scene . 1. Strepsiades , Phidippides . Streps. O Neighbours , Kinsmen , Countrymen , help , help , I 'm beat all all over : oh my head , my back● Thou strik'st thy Father Rogue . Phid. I do so father . Streps. See , see , he stands in 't too . Phid. I do indeed . Streps. Thief , villain , Patricide . Phid. More I beseech you , I am much taken with these pretty Titles . Streps. Rascall , Phid. Pray stick me fuller of these roses : Streps. Dost beat thy Father ? Phid. Yes , by Iove , and justly . Streps. Oh ' rogue what justice can there be in that . Phid. I will demonstrate it by argument . Streps. By argument ? Phid. Most easily , which language Shall I dispute in . Streps. Language ? Phid. Yes the greater Or lesser ? Streps. I have bred thee well indeed If thou canst make this good , that any son May beat his Father . Phid. You 'l confesse as much If I so prove it , that you cannot answer 't . Streps. Well , I will hear for once what you can say . Scoen. 2. Chorus , Streps , Phidip . Cho. " OLd man it much concerns you to confute " Your son , whose confidence appears to suit " With a just cause ; how happen'd this dispute ? Str. I shall relate it from the first ; as soon As we had din'd , I took a lute and bid him Sing the sheep-shearing of Simonides , He told me 't was an old and ugly fashio● To sing at dinner like a millers wife . Phi. And was not this sufficient to deserve A beating ; when you 'd make men chirp like * Grasse-hoppers ? Str. Just so he said within ; and added that Simonides was an unpleasant Poet. I must confesse I hardly could forbear him ; But then I bid him take a Myrtle , branch , And act some piece of Aeschylus , that Aechylus Saith he , is of all Poets the absurdest , The harshest , most disorderly and bumbast . Did not my heart pant at this language think you ? Yet I represt it ; Then said I , rehearse A learned speech out of some modern wit ; He strait repeats out of Euripides A tedious long Oration , how the Brother ( Good Heavens ) did violate his sisters bed . Here I confesse I could contain no longer But chid him sharply ; to dispute we went , Words upon words till he at last to blowes , To strike , to pull , to tear me . Phi. And not justly ? You that would discommend Euripides , The wisest of all Poets . Str. Wisest ? ah What did I say , I shall be beat agen . Ph. By Iove , and you deserve 't . Str. How , deserve it ? Ungratefull wretch , have I not brought thee up , Fed and maintain'd thee from a little one , Supplied thy wants ? how then can I deserve it ? Chor. " Now I believe each youthfull breast " With expectation possest , " That if the glory of the day " Be from the Plantiffe born away , " By this example they may all " Upon the old men heavy fall ; " What you have done with utmost art , " To justifie is now your part . Phid. How sweet it is to study , sage new things ; And to contemn all fundamental lawes ! When I applied my mind to Horse-coursing I could not speak three words but I was out ; Now since I gave it one , I am acquainted With ponderous sentences and subtle reasons , Able to prove I ought to beat my Father . Str. Nay , follow racing still , for I had rather Maintain thy horses then be beaten thus . Phid. I will begin where you did interrupt me , And first will ask , did you not beat me when I was a child ? Streps. But that was out of love . Phid. 'T is very right , tell me then , ought not I To recompence your love with equall love ; If to be beaten be to be belov'd , Why should I suffer stripes , and you have none ? I am by nature born as free as you ; Nor is it fit the sons should be chastiz'd , and not their parents . Str. Why ? Phid. You urge the Law , That doth allow all children to be beaten : To which I answer , Old men are twice children . And therefore ought , when they offend , be punish'd As well as we , Str. But there 's no Law that saies The Parents should be punished . Phid. Was not he Who made that Law , a man as you and I , He form'd a Law , which all the old men follow'd ; Why may not I as well prescribe another , And all the young men follow my advice : But all the blowes before this Law was made Must be forgiven wihtout all dispute . Besides , mark how the Cocks and other creatures Fight with their sires , who differ not at all From us , save only that they make no lawes . Streps. Why then if you will imitate the Cocks , Do you not dine upon a Dunghill , and Lodge in a hen-roost ? Phid. 'T is not all one case , Our Socrates doth not approve so far . Streps. Approve not then their sighting , but in this Thou plead'st against thy selfe . Phid. How so ? Streps. Because Th' authority I exercise o're thee Will be thine own , when ere thou hast a son . Phid. But if I ne'r have any , then I never Shall have authority , and you will go To th' grave deriding me . Streps. 'T is too much reason . Phid. Hear now another argument . Streps. I 'me lost . Phid. And then perhaps you 'l take the blowes I gave you Not halfe so ill . Streps. What good shall I get by them ? Phid. I 'le bent my mother too . Streps. What sayest thou , thou ? Why this is worse then t'other . Phid. What if I Prove by the second language that I ought ? Streps. Why then you will have nothing more to do But prove that you , and your wise Socrates , And wiser language may hang all together . O Clouds , all this I suffer through your means , For I in you wholly repos'd my trust . Chor. " Thy selfe art author of this misery , " Because to ill thou didst thy mind apply . Streps. Why did you then give me no warning of it ? You know I was a rude and aged man. Chor. " This is our custome , whensoere we find " Any to malice or deceit enclin'd , " Into some dreadful mischief such we thrust , " That they may fear the Gods , and learn what 's just . Streps. Alasse , this is a mischief , and a just one , For I ought not , when I had borrow'd mony , To seek out wayes t' avoid restoring it . Come then my son , let us be reveng'd Upon that wicked Socrates and Ch●●raephon , Who have abus'd us both . Phid. I will not wrong My Masters . Streps. Reverence Celestiall Iove . Phid. Celestiall Iove , see how you rave now father ▪ There 's no such thing as Iove . Streps. There is . Phid. * A whirle-wind Hath blown Iove quite away , and rules all . Streps. No son , he 's not expell'd , I was but fool'd To worhip in his room a fictile deity . Phid. Nay if you will needs be mad , be mad alone . Scoen. 3. Strepsiades . Streps. MAd that I was to trust in Socrates , And cast off all our Gods ; good Mercury Be not displeas'd or punish , but forgive me . That took such paines , and studied to talk idly ; And tell me what I 'de best do with these fellowes . Sue them or punish'em some other way — Th' art in the right , I will not sue them then , But as thou bidst me set their Nest on fire ; Come Xanthias , come , a fork and ladder quickly . Get up and pluck the house about their Ears , Quick if thou lovest thy master ; one of you Go light a torch , and bring it hither strait : Proud as they are I mean to bring 'em lower , Scoen. 4. Scholar , Strepsiades , Socrates , Chaerephon . Schol. OH , oh ! Strep. Torch to thy work , set fire apace . Schol. What art thou doing man ? Streps. That which I'm doing ; Disputing somewhat hotly with your school here . Schol. Alasse , who 's this that sets our house on fire ? Streps. He whom you cosen'd of his cloak . Schol. Thou kill'st , Thou kil'lst us man. Streps. That is the thing I mean , If my fork hold and ladder , do not fail me . So. How now , what do you make on our house-ridge . Streps. * I walk i' th air and gaze upon the Sun. So. Alasse I 'm choak'd . Streps. Why dost thou scorn the Gods then ? Chaer. Oh me I burn ; Streps. Now you may● calculate The motions of the Moon ; tear , pluck , beat , burn 'em . For many reasons they deserve the flame , But most because they did the Gods disclaim . XENOPHON XENOPHON . CHAP. I. Xenophon , his Country Parents , and following of Socrates . Xenophon was an Atheni●n , * son of Cryllus , of the Erchiean Tribe : The time of his birth is no where expressely delivered : * Stesiclides affirms he died the first year of the 105. Olympiad . * Lucian that he outlived 90. years : whence it is evident that hee was born at or before the first year of the 82. Olympiad , which if the learned Causabone had observed , he had not * alter'd Athenaeus upon supposition , that he was but ten years old , the fourth year of the 89. Olympiad ( the time of his Symposium ) whereas he was then no lesse then 36. years of age . Laertius saith , he flourished the fourth year of the 94. Olympiad . ( Suidas reads , of the 98. ) Or , according to others , that he flourished in the 89. Olympiad with the rest of the Socratick Philosophers ; of whom he became one upon this accident . * Meeting Socrates in a narrow lane , hee stopt him with his staffe , and asked him where all kind of meats were to be sold ; to which Socrates made a serious answer : and then demanded of him , where it was that men were made good and virtuous ! whereat Xenophon pausing , follow me then , saith he , and learn ; from thence forward he became a Disciple of Socrates . In the time of that great war betwixt the Lacedaemonians and Athenians , called the Peloponnesian war ( the naturall forwardnesse of his spirit being perhaps excited by the example of his Master Socrates ) hee was personally engaged in the fight before Delium , the first year of the 89. Olympiad● wherein the Boeotians overcame the Athenians ; in which defeat * Xenophon in the flight unhorsed and thrown , down , Socrates ( who his horse being likewise slain under him , fought on foot ) took him upon his shoulders and and carried him many furlongs , untill the Enemy gave over the pursuit . This was the first essay of his military profession , which he afterward resum'd upon this occasion . CHAP. 2. Vpon what occasion he followed Cyrus into Asia . * ARtaxerxes succeeded Darius his Father in the Kingdom of Persia , Cyrus his younger brother having been sent for out of his Government of Lyd●a upon his fathers sicknesse , which is that first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placed by the Arundelian stone in the second year of the 93. Olympiad , confounded by * a learned person with the latter , six years after ) was imprison'd by his brother upon the accusation of Tissaphernes , but released by the mediation of his Mother Parysa●is . Being returned to his Government , he used all secret means to strengthen himselfe . the Ionian Cities were delivered to Tissaphernes by Artaxerxes , but revolted to him , all except Myletus . His pretences for levying forces were , the Garrisoning of those Cities , and his opposing Tissaphernes : Clearchus likewise raised for him many in Chersonesus , upon pretence of warring against the Thracians . He privately also kept an Army on foot in Thessaly under Aristippus : and Proxenus of Boeotia brought him forces as against the Pisidians ; this Proxenus ( who had been scholar to Gorgias the Leontine , and * guest to Xenophon ) sent to invite him to Cyrus , assuring him he should be of more esteem with him then of his own Country : Xenophon consulted with Socrates about this letter , who doubting that if he took part with Cyrus , the Athenians would be disples'd with him ( Cyrus having before aided the Lacedemonians against them ) counsell'd him to ask the advice of the Delphian Oracle . Xenophon went thither , and demanded of Apollo to which of the Gods he should address his vowes and sacrifice for the good successe of his intended journey . Hee was answer'd , that he should sacrifice to those Gods to whom it was due : Returning to Athens , he imparted this Oracle to Socrates , who blam'd him , because he had not demanded whether it was best to stay or no , but ( as already determined to goe ) how he might best perform his journey ; Neverthelesse ( saith he ) since you have so proposed your demand , you must do as the Gods command : Xenophon having sacrificed according to the Oracles direction , took shipping , and at Sardis found Proxenus and Cyrus ready for their expedition into Asia , and was immediately recommended to Cyrus , being by both earnestly intreated to stay : hee continued with him * not in any command , but as a volunteer , * In which condition he did not any thing misbeseeming a souldier , whereupon he was in the number of those whom Cyrus esteem'd most . * Cyrus having drawn all his forces together , marched up and gave battle to Artax●rxes ( in the beginning of the fourth year * of the nintie fourth Olympiad , when Xenenetus was Archon ) at Cunaxa , five hundred Stadia from Babylon , by the River Euphrates . Whilst he was viewing both Armies , he told Xenophon , who rode up to him , that the sacrifices were auspicious ; then Xenophon gave him the Grecians word , Iupiter the pres●ruer . The Greeks prevailed against Tissaphernes ; but Cyrus assaulting , the King , was through his too much forwardnesse ●lain ; the Grecians thinking themselves Masters of the field , and Cyrus to be alive , returned to their Camp , which they found rif●ed by the enemy . * The next day the King sending Phalinus to them , to deliver their armes , Xenophon answered , That they had● nothing left but their armes and valour ; as long as they kept their armes , they might use their valour , surrendring them , they were not Masters of themselves ; It were indiscretion ( saith he ) to surrender what we have left , since thereby perhaps we may make our selves Masters of what you have . Phalinus smiling , replyed ; Young man , you look and speak like a Philosopher ; but assure your selfe , your valour will not over-master the Kings power . Clearchus returned this answer for the whole Army , If we be esteemed friends , it will be better for him that we are armed , if enemies , better for our selves . Tissaphernes having made a Truce with Clearchus , perfidiously got him with foure other Commanders , Proxenus , Menon , ( * with whom Xenophon had particular enmity ) Agias , and Socrates , twenty Captains of Cohorts , and two hundred common souldiers into his power ; and delivering them up to the King , they were beheaded . The Greeks being summoned to lay down their armes , pretending that Clearchus was executed for treason discovered by Menon and Proxenus , who were very highly rewarded . Xenophon required to have them sent , who were fittest to direct them , being friends to both ; whereto the Persians not able to answer , departed . CHAP. III. How he brought off the Grecian Army . * THe Greeks finding themselves in such a strait , were in despair ever to see their Country again . Xenophon calling together the Officers of Proxenus , told them , They were not to expect any mercy from the King , who had shewen none to the body of his dead brother , having fastned his head and hand to a Gibbet , and that they must reslove to put their safetie in their armes . Apollonides a B●eotian alledg'd , that there was no means of safety but in the Kings favour and began to reckon the dangers wherewith they were surrounded . Xenophon answered . That when upon the death of Cyrus , they marched up to the Kings armies , he laboured for a cessation , but when their Captains went to him unarmed , he abused them ; and that Apollonides deserved to be cashierd , as the dishonour of his Nation . Agasthias replyed , ( which words Laertius ascribes to Xenophon ) he was an inconsiderable fellow , whose ears were boared as the slaves of Lydia : So they turned him out . Having called together all the Commanders , Xenophon advised them to chuse new in the room of those that were lost , of whom he was elected in the place of Proxenus : Hereupon he put on his richest habit , as fittest either for death or victory , for * his greatest delight was in fair polished armes , affirming , that if he overcame , he deserved such , if he were overcome and died in the field , they would decently expresse his quality , and were the fittest sepulchrall ornaments of a valiant man. His shield was of Argos , his breast-plate of Altica , his helmet of B●eotia , his horse of Epidaurium ; whereby Aelian argued the elegance of the person , in choosing such things as were fair , and esteeming him worthy of such . Thus adorned , he made an oration to the Army , advising them ( from the examples of their late commanders ) not to trust the enemy , but in order to their return , to burn their Cariages , and Tents : this advice was put in execution ; Cherisophus a Lacedaemonian had charge of the Van , Xenophon of the Reer , chosen ( saith ) Chio as well for his courage as wisdome , being in both excellent : betwixt these two there grew so great a friendship , that in all the time of the retreat they never had but one difference ; their march was directed towards the heads of those great rivers which lay in their way , that they might passe them where they were fordable ; having crost the River Zathe , Mithridates came up to them , and galled the Reer with shot , which the Greeks not able to requite , Xenophon provided two hundred slings , and finding fifty horses fit for service , imployed among the Carriage , mounted men upon them , whereby having frustrated the second attempt of Mithridates , they marched to Larissa , seated upon Tigris , thence to Mespila ; in their march from thence , Tissaphernes overtook them with a great Army , but was twice worsted ; whereupon ( as the securest course ) he seized on a Mountain , under which they must of necessity passe ; Xenophon with a party gained by another way the top of that Mountain , not without much difficulty of passage and trouble ; and to animate his souldiers , one of them , named Soteridas , murmured that he was on horse-back , whereas himselfe marched on foot , opprest with the weight of his shield ; which Xenophon hearing , alighted , took his shield from him , and thrusting him out of his rank , marched ( notwithstanding he had also a horse-man Cuirasse ) in his room : But the souldiers beat and reviled Soteridas , till they constrained him to take again his shield and place . When they had gained the top , the enemy , being prevented fled , and set fire on the villages . * The Grecians , ( intercepted by the River Tigris ) marched over the mountains into the Country of the Carduchi , a people enemy to the Persians , rough and warlike , from whom they found such opposition , that in seven daies march through their country , they were put to continuall fights , and suffered more distresses then the Persian had put them to , Fording the River K●ntrites , which bounds that country , they passed into Armenia , where having put to flight some troops of horse raised by the Kings deputies in these parts to oppose their passage , they marched without disturbance to the heads of Tigris , which they passed ; thence to the River of Tele●od in west Armenia , molested with extream snowes , losing many by extremity of cold , till they came to the River Phasis , neer which lived the Phasiani , Tacc●i , and the Chalybes ; the Tacchi into whose country they first came , conveying their provision into strong holds , reduced the Greeks to great want , untill with much paines they forced one of them , where they took as much Cattle as maintained them in their passage through the country of the Chalybes , a stout Nation , of whom they could get nothing but blowes : thence they marched to the River Harpasus , so to the Scy●hini , where the Lord of Gymnias , a town in those parts , led them through the enemies country ( which he willed them to burn as they went ) to the Mountain Theches● , from whence they might behold the sea , to the great joy of the souldiers . Passing friendly through the country of the Macrones , to the Colchian Mountains , discom●iting the Colchi , who opposed them , they arived at T●aprezond , a City upon the Euxine sea , where was a Greek Colony ; here they sacrificed and celebrated games : * Cherisophus they sent to Anaxibius , the Lacedaemonian Admirall , ( with whom he was intimate ) to procure ships for their transportation home . Whilest they stayed in expectation of his return , they maintained themselves by incursions upon the Colchi and Dryla● ; but he not coming , and their provision failing , Xenophon perswaded the Cities adjoyning to cleer them a passage by Land , which they took to Cerasus a Greek City , where mustering their men , they found but eight thousand six hundred left of ten thousand that went up with Cyrus ; the rest consumed by enemies , snow , and sicknesse : They shared the mony that had been made by the sale of Captives , reserving a tenth for a offering to Apollo and Diana : Xenophon reserved his to be disposed at Delphi and Ephesus , From Cerasus they passed through the Country of the Mosyna●ci , a barbarous people , divided into factions ; the stronger part despising their friendship , they joyned with the weaker , whom they left Master of all : Then they marched to the Chalybes , thence to the Tibarenes , passing quietly through their Country to Cotyora , a Greek Town and Colony of the Sinopians Thus far the Army marched on foot ; the distance of the place where they fought with Artax●rxes to Cotyora , being one hundred twenty two encampings , six hundred twenty parasangs , ten thousand eight hundred twenty furlongs , the time eight Months . Those of Cotyora refusing to afford them a Market or entertainment for their sick , they entered the Town by force , and took provision , partly out of Pap ●lagonia , partly out of the Territory of the Cotyonites ; whereupon the City of S●nope to which Cotyora was tributary , sent Ambassadours to them , complaining of this dealing , and threating to joyne with Corylas and the Paphlagonians ; whereto Xenophon answered , that they feared not , if need were , to war against them both , but could , if they pleased , gain the friendship of Corylas and the Paphlagonians as well as they . Upon which answer , the Ambassadours growing calm , promised them all friendship from the State of Sinope , and to assist them with shipping for the whole Army , it being impossible to go by Land , by reason of the Rivers ●hermod●● , Halys , ●●is and Parthenius . Xenophon had designed to plant a Colony there , but his intention being divulg'd by Silanus , a Sooth-sayer , those of Sinope , and Heraclea sent to the Grecians , promising them not only a sufficient fleet , but desiring under hand Timasion a Greek Commander to promise the Army a good summe of mony to convey them to Tro●● ; which offers Xenophon ( who only desired the common good ) perswaded them to accept , and to engage mutually , not to forsake one another till they were all in safetie : those of Heraclea sent shipping , but not the mony ; whereupon Timasion and other commanders fearing the souldiers , desired Zenophon the Army might go to Phasis , which he refused , but thereby was occasion'd a suspition that he should plot to deceive the Army and to bring them back to Phasis , whereof he acquitted himselfe . Here a generall inquisition was made of all offences since the death of Cyrus , and they were punished ; some accused Xenophon for beating them , all which proved for just causes , one for offering to bury his sick companion alive ; some for forsaking their ranks ; others for lying on the ground in the snow , or lingring behind . Thus were all things quietly setled . CAAP. IV. End of the Retreat . THe Greeks , assoon as their fleet was ready , * set sail for Harmond , the Port of Stnope , when Chirisophus met them with some Galleyes from Anaxibius , who promised them pay as soon as they should come into Greece . The Army desirous of a Generall , intreated Xenophon ( with extraordinary testimony of affection ) to accept that command : Xen●phon refused , either disswaded by inauspicious sacrifice , or unwilling to displease the Lacedaemonians , in putting by Chir sophus , who was thereupon chosen , but soon after deposed , for refusing to extort a great summe from Heraclea , a Greek City , their friends : Xenophon also denying to be employed therein the Army thereupon became divided ; they chose ten Captains out of themselves , with Chirisophus remained two thousand one hundred , with Xenophon two thousand foot and forty horse ; Chirisophus went by land to meet Cleander Governour of Bizanti●m , at the mouth of the River Calphas ▪ leaving such shipping as he had to Xenophon who landing in the confines of Thrace , and of the Heraclean Country , marched quietly through the midst of the land : the Mutineers landing at Calphas , surprised and spoyled the country thereabout ; the Thracians rising up against them , cut off two Regiments , and besieged the hill where the rest encamped , Xenophon on the way being informed of the desperate condition of these Greeks , went directly to the place , setting on fire as he went all that was combustible ; the enemy fearing to be set upon in the night , stole away , as did the Greeks also , whom Xenophon overtaking in the way to the Port of Calphas , they embraced him with great joy , and ariving at the Haven , made a decree , that it should be death for any man to propound to divide the Army , and that they should depart the Country in their first order . The former Commanders being restored in the room of Chirisophus who died , they substituted Neon , who going forth with two thousand men to pillage the Country , was discomfitted by Pharnabazus Lievtenant to the King of Persia , and lost five hundred men ; rest rescued by Xenophon , the Army by his encouragement marched through a large Forest defeating Pharnabazus , who opposed their passage there . Cleander came over to them , and having expressed much kindnesse to Xenophon , and contracted hospitality with him , departed . The Army marched through Bythinia to Chrysopolis in the territories of Chalcedon . * Thence Anaxibius the Lacedemonian ▪ Admirall transported them to Byzantium , where hee had promised they should as soon as they arrived receive pay , without which hee sent them out of the City , whereat the souldiers incensed , returned and entred the City by force , intending to spoil it : but Xenophon thrusting himself amongst the croud , disswaded them , and appeased the tumult , as it particularly attested by * Chio an eye-witnesse . By this means they were brought to depart the City quietly , which as soon as they had done , Xenophon desirous to go home , took leave of the Army , and returned to Byzantium with Cleander . Anaxibius being put out of the Admiralship , and thereupon slighted by Pharnabazus ( at whose instigation he had treated the Greeks so hardly ) desired Xenophon to return to the Army to lead them to Perinthus , whence they should be transported into Asia ; The Army received him with much joy : when they came to Perinthus , Aristarchus the Governour would not suffer them to be transported : Seuth●s King of Thrace had invited them to aid him against Medocus , usurper of his Kingdom , with large offers of money to every souldier , of his daughter to Xenophon : to him therefore not knowing where to winter they went. At supper every one ( according to the custom ) drunk to the King , and made him a present : Xenophon , who sate next him , rising up , and taking the cup , told him , he gave him himself & all his Companions to be his faithful friends , and ready servants in the recovery of his Kingdom : Herin their assistance did much advantage Seuthes : the Army wanting pay , Xenophon reproved Heraclides for not taking order about it ; who threupon endeavoured to work him out of favour with Seuthes , to whom he brought the rest of the Commanders , counselling them to say , that if need were , they could lead the Army upon service as well as Xenophon ; but they jointly protested unto Seuthes , they would not serve at all without him : So he sent for Xenophon also , and being agreed to proceed , they march'd towards the Country of the Melinophagi as far as Salmydesson : which places having reduced , they returend to the plaines of Selybria : thither came Chaminus a Lacedemonian , Polinicus sent from Thymbro ▪ who told them that the Lacedemonians had designed war against T●ssaphernes , the charge thereof was committed to Thymbro , who desir'd this Army of Greeks to assist them , promising them good pay . Seuthes willingly yielded the Army into their hands ; they sent Xenophon to demand their areares , which not without much importunity hee obtained . Thence they failed to Lampsacus , where Euclides a soothsayer of Xenophons acquaintance asked him , how much Gold he had brought ? Xenophon protested hee had not had enough to carry him home , but that he sold his horse and other things which he had about him . The next day they marched to Ophryn●um , whither came Bito and Euclides to pay the Army ; they being Xenophons friends , restored ( refusing the price of redemption ) his horse which he much loved , and had pawned at Lampsa●us . Then marching forward by A●ra●yttium , and Kertonium ; not Far from A●arna to the plain of C●ious , they reached Pergamus a Citty of Lydia . Here Hellas wife of Gongylus an Eretrian ; mother of Gorgion , and Gongylus entertained Xenophon : By her information Xenophon surprised Asidates a rich Persian , with his wife and children , and all his goods : Returning to Pergamus , the Lacedaemonians , Captains ans Souldiers , by agreement gave him also an extraordinary share of horses , oxen , and other things ; then came Thymbro , and taking the Army , joyn'd it to the rest of the Grecian forces , wherewith he made war against Tissapher●●s . Of the Kings Provinces , through which they passed , the Governours were these ; A●tim●s of Lydia , Artacam●s of Phrygia , Mi●●ridates of Lacaonia , and Cappodocia ; of Cilicia ; * Syennesis : of Phaenicia and Arabia , Dernes ; of Syria and Assyria , Belesis : of Babylonia , Roparas : of Media , Arbacas , of the Phasiani and Hesperitae , Te●ibazus , the Carduchi , Chalybes , Chaldaeans , Macrones , Colch● , Mosynaechi , Coeti , and Tibareni are free Nations ; Paphlagonia governed by Coryla ; the Bithynians by Pharnabazus , the Europaean Thracians by Senthes ; The totall number of the Ascent and Descent is two hundred & fifteen encampings , one thousand one hundred & fifty parasangs , thirty four thousand two hundred fifty five furlongs ; the time of the Ascent and Descent one year and three months . CHAP. V. His following of Agesilaus , and banishment . * AF●er this expedition the defeat in Pontus , and breach of promise of Senthes King of the Odrysians ; Xenophon went into Asia with Agesilaus King of the Lacedaemonians , to whom he delivered for a sum of money the souldiers of Cyrus , and beloved infinitely , ●as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aemilius Probus saith , he conversed intimately with him : ●lcero , that he instructed him . Plutarch affirms , that by his advice Agesilaus sent his sonns to be educated at Sparta , to learn and art them , which none was more excellent how to obey and command . Agesilaus . passed into Asia the first year of 96 ▪ Olympiad ; He warred successefully with the Persian , but the year following was called home by the Lacedaemonians to help his Country invaded by the Thebans , and their allies , whom the Persian had corrupted , thereby to withdraw the war out of his Country . Xenophon in his returning with Agesilaus out of Asia into Boeotia , apprehending the danger of the war they were entring into , when he came to Ephesus left one half of the gold * which he had reserved for an offring out of his share ( of ● the money which the Army divided at Cerasunt in their return the expedition of Cyrus , ) with Megabyzus Diana's Priest , willing that if he escaped the danger of that war , it should be restored to him , if he miscarried , consecrated to Diana , and either made into an Image dedicated to the goddesse , or disposed some way that he should conceive nmost acceptable to her : the other half hee sent an offring to the Athenian treasury at Delphi , * inscribing thereon both his own name , and that of Proxenus , his predecessor in the command of that Regiment . Agesilaus returning , wasted Boeotia , and overcame the Thebans and their allies in a great battell at Coronea * particualrly described by Xenophon , who was there present . During the absence of Xenophon out of his own Country , the Athenians ( because he took part against the King of Persia , their friend , & followed Cyrus , , who had assisted the Lacedemonians against them , * supplying Lysander their General with mony for a Navy ) proclaimed a decree of bainshment against him : * Ister saith , he was banished by the decree of Eubulus , and called home by the same ; Laertius , that he was banish'd for Laconism , upon his going to Agesilaus ; Some place this decree in the third year of the 96. Olimpiad , but the writer of the History of Cyrus , his expedition inplyeth , that it was before his first return out of Asia , affirming that before the delivery of the Army to Thymbro , Xenophon ignorant of this decree , intended to have gone home . CHAP. VI. How ●e lived at Scilluns , and at Cotinth . THe Lacedemonians to requite him for suffring in their cause , * maintained him at the publique charge , and purchasing Scilluns of the Eleans , built a Town there , and bestowed a fair house and land upon Xenophon , whereupon hee left Agesilaus and went thither , carrying with him his wife named Philesia , and his two sons which he had by * her , Diodorus and Gryllus , called the Dioscuri . * Pelop●das a Spartan 〈◊〉 sent him Captives for slaves from Dardanus for a present , to dispose of them as should please him . Scilluns was near Olympia , * eminent for celebration of the Games , which Megabyzus coming to see restored to Xenophon the money which he had left in his custody , wherewith * by advice of the Oracle he purchased a portion of land , and consecrated it to Diana in a place designed by Apollo , through which ran the River Selinus , of the same name with that at Ephesus , running by Diana's Temple ; the River was stored as well with shell-fish as others , the land with all kind of beasts for game ; he built also a Temple , and after with the consecrated money offering the tithes of the fruits of the land to Diana , all the Citzens and Neighbours , men and women , were invited to the feast , where they had from the Goddesses allowance , bread , wine , and part of the flesh of such beasts as was either taken out of the consecrated ground , and sacrificed , or killed in hunting with the Sons of Xenophon and other Citizens exercised against the time of the feast out of the sacred ground , and out of Phaloe were taken wild Boars , Goats , and Staggs ; the place lies in the way betwixt Lacedaemonia and Olympia , twenty Stadia from the Temple of Olympian Iupiter . In the sacred ground were woods and hills , stored with trees sufficient to maintain swine , Goats and sheep , whereby the beasts of carriage of such Merchants as come to the feast are maintained plentifully : about the Temple a Grove of fruit-trees of all sorts . The Temple was an imitation in little of that at Ephesus : an image of Cypresse here resembling that of Gold there : A Pillar near the Temble bare this inscription , GROUNDS ACRED DIANA . HE WHO POSSESSETH IT LET HIM PAY THE TITHE OF HIS YEARLY ENCREASE , AND WITH THE SURPLUS AGE MAINI AIN THE TEMPLE , IF HE NEGLECT , THE GODDESSE WILL TAKE ORDER FOR IT . * At this place . of retirement Xenophon employed his time in hunting , and writing Histories , inviting his friends thither . * of whom amongst others came Phaedo and Aristippus , much delighted with the situation , building , and trees planted by the hand of the owner . * At length a war arising betwixt the Eleans and Lacedaemonians , the Eleans invaded Scilluns with a great Army , and before the Lacedemonians came to their reliefe , seized on the house & lands of Xenophon ; His sons with some few servants got away privately to Lepreum ; Xenophon first to Elis , then to Lepreum to his sons , and lastly with them to Corinth , where he took a house and continued the rest of his life . During this time the Argives , Arcadians , and Thebans , jointly opposed the Lacedemonians , and had almost opprest them , when the Athenians made a publique decree ( * mentioned by a Xenophon ) to succour them ; Xenophon sent his Sonns upon the expedition to Athens , to fight for the Lacedemonians ; for ( as Diocles affirms ) they had been educated at Sparta in the discipline of that place . This enmity ended in a great battle at Mantinea in the second year of the hundreth and fourth Olympiad : Diodorus without acting any thing memorable , gave off safe , and had afterwards a son of his brothers name . Gryllus was ranked opposite to the Theban horse-men : the Thebans having by the valour of their Generall Ep●●minondas got the better of the day , a resolute company of Spartan horse-men broke in upon him , of whom was Gryllus , who slew Epaminondas with his own hand , as Pausanias affirmes to have been attested both by the Athenians , and the Thebans , adding , that he had seen at Ahtens a picture of the battle at Mantinea , confirming the same ; and that at Mantin●a was erected a Pillar with the statue of Gryllus on horseback . In this noble action Gryllus lost his life , the newes of whose death came to Xenophon at Corinth , as he was sacrificing , * Crowned with a Garland ; as soon as he heard his son was slain , he took off his Garland , and laid it aside ; then demanding after what manner he died , it was answered , sighting stoutly in the midst of his enemies , of whom , having slain many , he fell at last himselfe : Hereupon Xenophon took again his Garland , and putting it upon his head , proceeded to sacrifice , not so much as shedding one tear , only saying I knew that I had begot a mortall ; * and calling the Gods to whom he sacrificed to witnesse , that the vertue of his son gave him more cōtent , then his death sorrow . * Innumerable were the Epitaphs and Encomiums that were written upon Gryllus , to please Xenophon whence may be collected in how great esteem he was . That he made a visit to Dionysius Tyrant of Sicily ( but at what time is uncertain ) is implied by * Athenaeus , who relateth , that being at a feast of his , compelled by the Cup-bearer to drink , he called the Tyrant by name : What is the matter Dyonysius ( saith he ) your Cook though excellent in that art doth not enforce us to eat against our inclination ? CHAP. VII . His Death , Person , Vertues . Xenophon being * full of years ( which according to * Lucian exceeded ninety ) died at Corinth , in the first of the hundreth and fifth Olympiad , Callidemus , or Callimedes being Archon , at what time Philip son of Amintas began his raign in Macedonia . He had an ingenious modest look , long , thick hair , handsome ( to use the words of Laertius ) beyond expression , Adroit in every thing , particularly addicted to horses and hunting skilfull in Tacticks , as his writings attest ; devout , a great lo●er of sacrifices , skilfull in interpreting them ; an exact imitatour of Socrates , temperate , as appears from his saying that * It is pleasant : hungry , to eat herbs ; thirsty , to drink water . So candid and ingenious , that * when he might have stollen the writings of Thucydides which lay concealed , he chose rather to publish them with honour . In a word , he was a person every was absolute , as well for action , as contemplation . Xenophon . ( saith * Eunapius ) was the only man of all the Philosophers who adorned Philosophy with his words and actions ; he describes morall 〈◊〉 in his discourses and writings : in his ac●ions he was singular ; as to his conduct , a most excellen● Generall . Alexander had not be●n great , i● Xenophon had not said , even the perfunctory actions of valtant persons ought to be recorded . * He was the first that committed the disputes of Socrates his Master to writing , and that with much sidelity , not inserting excursions of his own , as Plato did , whom for that reason , as * ●gellius observes , he argueth of falsehood ; that there was a great enmity betwixt these two is affirmed by the same Author ; who , as a proof thereof alledgeth , that neither of them , names the other in any of their writings : * only observes , that Xenophon mentions Plato once in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , overseen by Agellius . This enmity is further acknowledged by * Athenaeus and Laertius , confirmed by the Epistle of Xeno●hon to Aeschines , wherein he condemnes Plato , that not being satisfied with the Doctrine of Socra●es , he went to the Pythagoreans in Italy , and to the Aegyptian Priests ; arguments of a mind not constant to Socrates . That he was at difference with * Aristippus also , argued from his writings . Laertius hath two Epigrams concerning him , the first upon his going with Cyrus into upper Asia . Great Xenophon at once made two ascents , To Asia in person , and to Heaven by fame : His stile and action ( lasting Monuments ) Lay to Soc●atic-wisdome equall claime . The other upon his banishment . Thee the Cecropians , noble Xenophon , Banish'd the●r land , 'cause Cyrus●hou ●hou didst aid ; But strangers prov'd far kinder then thy own : What Athens ow'd thee , was by Corinth paid Laerti●s reckons seven Xenophons , this the first , the second and Athenian , brother to Nicostratus , Author of the Theses ; besides many other things , he writ the lives of Pelo●idas and Epaminondas ; the third , a Physician of Coos ; the fourth writer of the History of Hannibal : the fifth , writer of fabulous Monsters : the sixt , of Paros a statuary : the seventh , an old Comick Poet : Suidas reckons three more ; one of Antioch , the second of Ephesus , the third of Cyprus : Historians , or rather writers of Romances ; that of the first called Babylonica , of the second Ephesiica in ten books ; of the third Cypriaca : the story of Cynaras , Myrrha , and Adonis . CHAP. VIII . His writings . DIonysius Halicarnassaeus saith , that Xenophon was a studious aemulatour of Herodotus , both in words and language : His stile ( according to Cicero ) * soft and * sw●et ( melle dulcior ) s●●●ffering from the noise of Oratours in the Forum : in his voice , * the Muses seem to speak , whence he was sirnamed the Attick Muse ; or according to others , the Attick Bee , a Title formerly conferr'd on * Sophocles . His stile and manner of writting isat large discoursed upon by Aristides , Adrianensis in an expresse tract , erroneously ascribed to Hermogenes . The Books of Xenophon ( which * Scipio Africanus had alwaies in his hand , and * Cicero adviseth to read , as very profitable in many things ) were ( as reckoned by La●rtius ) fortie , which severall persons distinguish severally ; hte generall titles these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the li●e and discipline of Cyrus ( as Cicero renders it ) in eight books , written non ad historiae ●idem ( though * Diodorus Siculus seems to take it in that quality ) sed ad effigiem justi imper●i ; no● as a faithfull History , but the description of an exact Prince : Whence * Ausonius saith , in relating the vertues of Cyrus , he hath given rather a wish then a history , describing , not what he was , but what he ought to have been . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the going up of Cyrus the younger into Asia , in seven Books ; each of which ( as Laertius observes ) hath a Prooem , the whole none : Masius suspects that Xenophon was not the Author of this book ; the Bishop of * Armach ascribes it to Themistogenes , though owned as Xenophons by Plutarch , Cicero , Dionysius Halycarnaessuus , Hermogenes , Laertius , Athenaeus , and others . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Greek History , in seven books , continuing where Thucydides left ; the same was done by Theopompus , but he went nor further then sixteen yeers , Xenophon to fortie eight . Agesilaus , of which piece Cicero saith , that Agesilaus would not suffer his picture or statue to be made , this book alone surpasseth all pictures or images in his praise . The Republick of the Lacedaemonians , and the Republick of the Athenians , which * denieth to be Xenophons . The defence of Socrates , and them emorialls of Socrates , which perhaps is that history of Philosophers mentioned by Suidas . Oeconomicks , the last book of the memorable discourses , wherewith * Cicero was so much delighted , that in his younger yeers he translated it . Symposium , accommodated to the fourth yeer of the eighty ninth Olympiad , for which reason reprehended by Athenaeus , as erroneous in Chronology ; vindicated by the learned Casaubon . Hie●ro , Or , of a Kingdome . The accompts of revenues . Of Horses . Of Horsemanship . Of Hunting . Epistles . Besides these which are extant , Xenophon seemes to have written other things ; * Valerius Maximus and * Pliny cite his Per●plus . There is a treatise of Aequivokes under Xenophon's name , but made and imposed upon the world by Annius . XENOPHONS EPISTLES . To * Aeschines . Epist. 1. MEeting with Hermogenes , amongst other things I asked him what Philosophy you followed , he answered , the same as Socrates . For this inclination I admired you , when you lived at Athens , and now continue the same admiration for your constancy above other students of wisdom ; The greatest argument to me of your virtue is , your being taken with that man , if we may call the life of Socrates mortall . That there are divine beings over us all know : wee worship them as exceeding us in power ; what they are is neither easie to find , nor lawfull to enquire . It concerns not servants to examine the Nature and actions of their Masters , their duty is onely to obey them ; and which is most considerable , the more admiration they deserve who busie themselves in those things which belong to man ; the more trouble this brings them , who affect glory in vain unseasonable objects : For when ( Aeschines ) did any man hear Socrates discourse of the Heavens , or advise his Schollers to Mathematicall Demonstrations ? we know he understood Musick no further then the Ear : But was alwaies discoursing to his friends of some thing excellent ; what is fortitude and justice and other virtues . These he called the proper good of mankind ; other things he said men could not arrive at ; or they were of kin to fables , such ridiculous things as are taught by the supercilious professours of wisdom . Nor did hee onely teach this ; his practice was answerable ; of which I have written at large elsewhere , what I hope will not be unpleasing to you , ( though you know it already ) to peruse . Let * those who are not satisfied with what Socrates delivered , give over upon this conviction , or confine themselves to what is probable . Living , hee was attested wise by the Deity ; Dead , his Murtherers could find no expiation by repentance : But these extraordinary persons affect Aegypt and the prodigious learning of Pythago●as , which unnecessary study argueth them of inconstancy towards Socrates , as doth also their love of Tyrants , and preferring the luxury of a Sicilian table before a frugal life . To Crito . Epist. 2. Socrates often told us , that they who provide mcuh wealth for their Children , but neglect to improve them by vertue , do like those who feed their horses high , and never train them to the manage : by this means their horses are the better in case , but the worse for service , whereas the commendations of a horse consists not in his being fat , but serviceable in war. In the same kind erre they who purchase Lands for their Children , but neglect their persons ; Their possessions will be of great value , themsleves of none , whereas the owner ought to be more honourable then his estate . Whosoevever therefore breeds his Son well , though he leave him little , gives him much : It is the mind which makes him great or small : whatsoever they have to the good seems sufficient , to the rude too little . You leave your Children no more then necessitie requires , which they being well educated will esteem plentifull . The ignorant though free from present trouble , have nothing the lesse fear for the future . To Sotira . Epist. 3. * DEath in my opinion is neither good nor ill , but the end of the life , not alike to all , for as stronger or weaker from their birth , their years are unequall ; sometimes death is hastned by good or evill causes : and again ? * Neither is it fitting to grieve so much for death , knowing that birth is the beginning of mans Pilgrimage , death the end . Hee died , as all men ( though never so unwilling ) must do : but to die well , is the part of a willing and well educated ' person . Happy was Gryllus , and whosoever else chooseth not the longest life , but the most virtuous ; though his ( it pleased God ) was short . To Lamprocles . Epist. 4. You must first approve the excellent assertion of Socrates , that Riches are to he measured by their use . He called not large possessions riches , but so much onely as is necessary ; in the judgement whereof he advised us not to be deceived , these he called truly rich , the rest poor , labouring under an incurable poverty of mind , not estate . Epist. * 5. THey who * write in praise of my Son Gryllus , did as they ought ; and you likewise do well in writing to us the actions of Socrates ; wee ought not onely to endeavour to be good our selves , but to praise him who lived chastly , piously , and justly ; and to blame fortune , and those who plotted against him , who ere long will receive the punishment thereof . The Lacedaemonians are much incensed at it , ( for the ill newes is come hither already ) and reproach our people , saying , they are mad again , in that they could be wrought upon to put him to death whom Pythia declared the wisest of men . If any of Socrates friends want those things which I sent , give me notice , and I will help them , for it is just and honest ; you do well in in keeping Aeschines with you , as you send me word . I have a design to collect the sayings and actions of S●crates , which will be his best apology , both now and for the future , not in the Court where the Athenians are Judges , but to all who consider the virtue of the man. If we should not write this freely , it were a sin against friendship and the truth . Even now there fell into my hands a piece of Plato's to that effect , wherein is the name of Socrates , and some discourse of his not unpleasant . * But we must professe that we heard not , nor can commit to writing any thing in that kind , for we are not Poets as hee is , though he renounce Poetry ; for amidst his entertainments with beautiful persons , he affirmed that there was not any Poem of his extant , but one of Socrates , young and handsome : Farewell , both dearest to me . Epist. * 6. INtending to celebrate the feast of Diana , to whom we have erected a Temple , we sent to invite you hither ; If all of you would come , it were much the best , otherwise if you send such as you can conveniently spare to assist at our sacrifice , you will do us a favour . A●istippus was here , and ( before him ) Phaedo , who were much pleased with the scituation and structure , but above all , with the plantation which I have made with my own hands . The place is stored with beasts , convenient for hunting , which the Goddesse affects ; Let us rejoice and give thanks to her who preserved me from the King of the Barbarians , and afterwards in Pontus and Thrace from greater evills , even when we thought wee were out of the Enemies reach . Though you come not , yet am I obliged to write to you . I have composed some memorialls of Socrates , when they are perfect you shall have them . Aristippus and Phaedo did not disapprove of them ; Salute in my name Simon ▪ the leather-dresser , and commend him that hee continueth Socratick discourses , not diverted by want , or his trade from Philosophy , as some others , who decline to know and admire such discourses and their effects . Epist. * 7. COme to us dear friend , for we have now finished the Temple of Diana , a magnificent structure , the place set with trees and consecrated , what remains will be sufficient to maintain us ; for as Socrates said , if they are not fit for us , we will fit our selves to them ; I writ to Gryllus my son and your friend to supply your occasions , I writ to Gryllus , because of a little one you have profest a kindnesse for him . To Xantippe . Epist. * 8. TO Euphron of Megara I delivered six measures of meale , eight drachmes , and a new rayment for your use this winter : accept them and know that Euclid and Terpsion are exceeding good , honest persons , very affectionate to you and Socra●es ; If your sons have a desire to come to me , hinder them not , for the journey to Mega●a is neither long nor incommodious : Pray forbear to weep any more , it may do hurt , but cannot help . Remember what Socrates said , follow his practise and precepts ; In grieving you will but wrong your self and children ; They are the young ones of Socra●es , whom we are obliged not onely to maintain , but to preserve our selves for their sakes : lest if you or I , or any other , who after the death of Socracrates ought to look to his Children , should fail , they might want a Guardian to maintain and protect them . I study to live for them , which you will not do unlesse you cherish your self . Grief is one of those things which are opposite to life , for by it the living are prejudiced . Apollodorus * sirnamed the soft , and Dion praise you , that you will accept nothing from any , professing you are rich ; it is well done ; for as long as I and other friends are able to maintain you , you shall need none else . Be of good courage Xantippe , lose nothing of Socrates , knowing how great that man was ; think upon his life , not upon his death ; yet that to those who consider it will appear noble and excellent . Farewell . To * Cebes and Simmias Epist. 9. IT is commonly said , nothing is richer then a poor man , this I find true in my self , who have not so much , but whilest you my friends take care of me , seem to possesse much : and it is well done of you to supply me as often as I write : As concerning my Commentaries , there is none of them but I fear should be seen by any in my absence , as I profest in your hearing at the house where Euclid lay . I know dear friends a writing once communicated to many is irrecoverable . Plato , though absent , is much admired throughout Italy and Sicily for his treatises ; but wee cannot be perswaded they deserve any study ; I am not onely carefull of losing the honour due to learning , but tender also of Socrates , lest his virtue should incur any prejudice by my ill relation of it . I conceive it the same thing to calumniate , or not praise to the full those of whom we write ; This is my fear ( Cebes and Simmias ) at present , untill my judgement shall be otherwise inform'd . Fare ye well . AESCHINES . CHAP I. His life . * AESCHINES was son of Charinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , as Plato and others , of Lysanias , an Athenian , of the Sphet●ian Tribe : He was from his childhood very industrious ; addressing himselfe to Socrates , he said to him , I am poor , and have nothing to give you but my selfe : Do you not know , answered Socrates , that you have made me a rich present ? He was the most diligent of all his Schollers , and never quitted him ; whereupon 〈◊〉 said , that he only ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 valued him : He was not beloved of Plato , nor Aristippus : I domeneus saith , it was he who counselled Socrates to escape out of Prison , which Plato ascribes to Crito . Being very poor , Socrates bad him take some of his Dialogues and make mony of them , which Aristippus suspecting when he read them at Megara , derided him , saying , how came you by these Plagiary ? Another time * Aristippus falling out with him , was question'd what became of his ●●iendship , he answered , it is asleep , but I will wake it ; and meeting Aeschines , do I seem so inconsiderable to you , saith he , and unfortunate , as not to deserve correction ? It is no wonder , answers Aeschines , if your nature exceeding mine in every thing , find out first what is expedient . * Instigated by poverty , he went to Sicily , to Dionysius the Tyran● , at what time Pla●o and Aristippus were there : Plato being out of favour with the Tyrant , took occasion , by presenting Aeschines , to ingratiate himselfe : * He desired he might be admitted to speak with him , which the ●yrant granted , supposing ●e would alledge something in defence of himselfe ; as soon as he came into his presence , he began thus : If you knew Dionysius , ofiany that came with a hostile intent to do you hurt , though he fail'd of the ●ccasion , would you suffer him to depart unpunished ? No●hing lesse , answered Dionysius ; for not only the ill actions , but designes of enemies deserve to be chastized . Then ( replies Plato ) if any man should come hither out of an intent to do you a good office , and you not 〈◊〉 him leave , ought you to neglect and despise him ? Dionysius demanded whom be meant . Aeschines ( saith he ) a person of as 〈…〉 of Socrates his friends , able to reform those with whom be converseth , who having undertaken a great voyage by sea to come hither , and discourse Philosophically with you , is neglected . Dionysius was so pleased at this , that he embraced Plato , admiring his candor and greatnesse of spirit , and entertained Aeschines bountifully and magnificently . Thus Plutarch ; but Luertius saith , that Aeschines comming thither , was despised by Plato , and recommended by Aristippus , the latter , the Socratick Epistle confirmes : to Dionysius he imparted some Dialogues , and was gratified by him , with whom he lived untill he was deposed , and Dion brought into the Kingdome ; then returned to Athens , where not daring to professe his Philosophy , because the names of Plato and Aristippus were so great , he taught and * took mony privately , at last applyed himselfe to framing orations for the Forum , in which Timon saith , he was very perswasive : Ly●●as wrote one Oration in answer to him , intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or according to Athenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein he asperseth him for many things , which are not any way probable , as ( besides patronizing an unjust cause , and borrowing without intent to restore ) for pretending to sell unguents , contrarie to the lawes of Solon , and precepts of Socrates , and for injuring Hermaeus , his wife and children ; see Athenaeus . Aristole sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was his intimate friend . Laertius reckons eight of this name ; the first , this Aeschines the Philosopher ; the second wrot of Rhetorick ; the third an Oratour , contemporary with Demosthenes ; the fourth an Arcadian , scholler to Isocrates ; the fifth of Mitelene , sirnamed Rhetoromastix ; the sixt a Neopolitan , an Academick Philosopher , disciple to Melanth●us a Rhodian ; the seventh a Milesian , who wrot Politicks , friend to Cicero ; the eight a statuary . CHAP. II. His writings . HE wrot Dialogues , Orations , and Epistles ; by the first Athenaeus affirms , he gained a great esteem of temperance , humanity , and integrity : Menedemus accuseth him of owning many Dialogues of Socrates , which he had of Xantippe ; Panaetius believes them to be his own , not counterseit : those ( saith Laertius ) which expresse the Socratick habit , are seven ; the first , Miltiades , written in a lower stile : the second , Callias , wherein he is blamed by Athenaeus for treating of the enmity betwixt Callias & his fathers , and for deriding Anaxagoras & Prodicus in their scholars Theramenes , Philoxenus , and Ariphrades , The third , Rhinon ; the fourth , Aspasia , cited by Athenaus and Harpocration : the fifth Alcibiades , cited also by * Athenaeus : The sixth Axiochus , wherein ( saith * Athenaeus ) he traduceth Alcibiades as given to Wine and women ; which particular not being to be found in that Axiochus , extant amongst the spurious Platonick Dialogues , argues ( contrary to the opinion of Vossius ) that it is not the same . The last , Telauges , the scope whereof was a Satyricall derision of the vices of that person , as appeareth from Demetri●s Phalereus , and * Athenaeus . * There were seven other Dialogues , stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which went under the name of Aeschines , very loose , and not expressing enough the Socratick severity ; whence Pisistratus the Athenian , denyed that they were his ; and Perseus saith , the greatest part were written by Pasiphon of Eretria , falsely mingled with the Dialogues of Aeschines : their names ( according to Suidas ) were Phaedon , polyanus , Dracon , Eryxias , ( perhaps that which is extant ) of Vertue , Erasistratus , the Scythians . * His O●a●ions gave full testimony of his perfection in Rhetorick , in confirmation whereof , Laertius instanceth , that in defence of the father of Phaeacus the Generall , and those wherein he thiefly imitated Gorgias the Leontine ; of which * Philostratus cites that concerning Thar gelia . Of his Epistles , one to Dionysius the Tyrant is mentioned by Laer●ius , as extant in his time : another there is under his name amongst the * Socratick Epistles in these words ; Assoon as I arived at Syracuse , Aristippus met me in the Forum , and taking me by the hand , carried me immediately to Dionysius , to whom he said , Dionysius , if a man should come hither to insinuate folly into you , did he not aim at your hurt ? to which Dionysius consenting , what then , continues Aristippus , would you do to him ? the worst , answ●rs Dionysius , that could be : But if anyone , saith he , should come to improve you in wisdome , did he not aim at your good ? which Dionysius acknowledging : Behold then ( continues he ) Aeschines , one of Socrates his disciples , come hither to instruct you ; he aimes at your good , therefore on him confer the benefits you confesse due to such . Dyonisius ( said I , interrup●ing him ) Aristippus expresseth an admirable friendship in this addresse ; but we are owners only of so much wisdome , as restrains us from abusing those with whom we converse . Dionysius hereat pleased , commended Aristippus , and promised to make good what he had con●est due to me : He heard our Alcibiades , and delighted it seemes therewith , desiredif we had any other Dialogues , that we would send them to him , which we promised to do , and therefore dear friends we intend to be shortly with you . Whilst I read , Plato was present ( which I had almost forgot to tell you ) and whispered something in my behalfe privately to Dionysius , by reason of Aristippus ; for as soon as he was gone out , he told me that he never spoke freely when that man ( naming Aristippus ) was present ; but for what I said to Dionysius concerning you , I referre my selfe to him ; The next day , Dionysius in the Garden confirmed his speech as said of me , with many sportive sayings ( for they were no better ) I advised Aristippus and plato to cease their aemulation , because of their generall fame ; for we shall be most ridiculous , if our actions correspond not with our profession . CRITO . CRITO was an Athenian * scholler to Socrates : whom he loved so entirely that he never suffered him to want necessaries , of which more hath been already said in the life of Socrates : * Being much troubled and sued by those who had not received any injury from him , but abus'd the quitnesse of his disposition , which would sooner part with money upon no ground then go to law , Socrates advised him to entertain one of the same busie , troublesome humour , to keep off the rest ; Crito in pursuit of this counsell made choice of Archidemus , an excellent Lawyer , but poor , who being obliged by his guifts and kindnesse , persecuted eagerly all such as molested not him only , but any of his friends : Crito wrote seventeen dialogues comprised in one volume , thus reckon'd by Laertius . That the good are not made such by learning . Of having most . What is expedient , or the Politician . Of lon●sty , of wickednesse , of security , of Law , of Divinity , of arts , of conversation , of wisdom ; Protagoras or the Politick . Of letters , Of Poetry , of what is honest , of learning , of knowing or science , what it is to know . He writ also an Apology for Socrates . * He had four sons , Critobulus , Hermogenes , Epigenes , and Clesippus , all auditors of Socra●es ; of whom already . Suidas reckons three more of this name : One wrot Getick stories ; the second was of Pieria a City in Macedonia ; the third of Naxus , both Historians . SIMON . * SIMON was an Athenian , a leather-dresser . Socrates coming to his shop , and disputing there , he committed to writing all that he remembred thereof ; whence his dialogues were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They were three and thirty , all in one volume : of Gods , of good , of honest , what is honest . Of just , the first , the 2d . Ofvirtue , that it cannot be taught . Of fortitude , the first , second , third . Of law , of Popularity , of honour , of Poetry , of health , of love , of Philosophy , of knowledge , of musick , of Poetry ; what is honest . Of doctrine , of disputation , of judgement , of that which is , of number , of diligence , of labour , of avarice , of boasting , of honesty , or according to others , of Counsel , of discourse , of expedients , of doing ill . He is reported the first that used the Socratick discourses . Pericles promising that if hee would come to him , he should want nothing , hee answered , that he would not sell his freedom of speech . There is extant amongst the Socratick Epistles , this under his name , as in answer to Aristippus . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Fourth Part. Containing the Cyrenaick Sects . Megarick Eleack Eretriack LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Tho ▪ Dring . An. Dom. 1656. ARISTIPPVS . THE CYRENAICK SECT . ARISTIPPVS . CHAP. I. Aristippus , his Country and Parents . THE estimation which Philosophers had daily gain'd among the Grecians about this time caused it exceedingly to multiply , whilst every Professour ambitious to be held wiser then his Master , and reaching somthing new , desired to have the honour to bee Author of a Sect. The Succession of the Ionick Philosophy , which before Socrates was single ; after him was divided into many Schooles , whereof some were but of short continuance , others had longer succession . Of the lesse durable were the Cyrenaick , Megarick , Eleack , Eretriack , so called from the places where the Professours flourished . Others of longer succession , the Academick , out of which came the Peripatetick , Cynick , Stoick . We shall first dispatch those which were of shortest continuance , whether that they were founded upon lesse reason , and were in short time broken , as a Cicero saith , and quite extinct by the strength and Arguments of the others ; or that being instituted and founded in more obscure parts ; they were not so lasting as those which were profess'd in the most flourishing City of Athens . Aristippus a Disciple of Socrates , after his death , returned home into his Country at Cyrene in Africa , from whence the Doctrine which his Scholers retained had the name of Cyrenaick . b He was Son of Aretades , c of Cyrene . CHAP. II. How he went to Athens , and heard Socra tes . FRom Cyrene Aristippus went first to Athens , invited by the fame of a Socrates , concerning whom he fell into discourse with Ischomachus , meeting him casually at the Olympick Games , and enquiring what manner of disputes they were wherewith Socrates prevail'd so much upon the young men , hee received from him some little seeds and scatterings thereof , wherewith he was so passionately affected , that he grew pale and lean , untill to asswage his servent thirst , he took a voyage to Athens , and there drunk at the Fountain , satisfying himself with the Person , his discourse and Philosophy , the end whereof was to know our own e●ils , and to acquit our selves of them . But as b Aristo said , Philosophy doth harm to those who misinterpret things well said . Aristippus c chiefly delighted with the more voluptuous disputes of Socrates , asserted Pleasure to be the ultimate end wherein all happinesse doth consist . d His life was agreeable to the opinion , which he employed in Luxury , Sweet unguents , rich garments , Wine and Women ; maintained by a course as different from the precepts and practise of Socrates as the things themselves were . For , notwithstanding he had a good Estate ( and three Country-Seats ) e he first of the Socratick Disciples , took Money for teaching . Which Socrates observing , asked him how he came to have so much ? he replyed , how come you to have so little ? A further dislike of this course Socrates express'd , when Aristippus sending him twenty minae , he return'd it , saying , his Daemon would not suffer him to take it . CHAP. III. How he went to Aegina . LEaving Socrates , a he went to Aegina , where he lived with more freedom and luxury then before : Socrates sent exhortations to reclaim him , frequent but fruitless , and to the same end published that discourse which we find in Xenophon . Here he became acquainted with Lais the famous Corinthian Curtezan , b who came thither yearly at the Feast of Neptune , and was as constantly frequented by Aristippus , for whose sake c Hermesianax saith , hee took a voyage to Corinth ( mention'd among his Apothegmes ) To Corinth Love the Cyrenean lead , where he enjoy'd Thessalian Lais bed ; No Art the subtle Aristippus knew By which the power of Love he might eschew . d Whilst he was upon his voyage to Corinth , a great Tempest arose , whereat he was much troubled : one of the Passengers saying unto him , we ordinary people are not afraid , but you Philosopher● fear ( or as e Aelian , are you asraid like other people ? ) f our Souls answered he , are not of equall value , g you hazard a wicked and unhappy life , I Felicity and Beatitude . h To those who blamed him for frequenting Lais ; I p●ssesse ●er saith he , not she me . i Lais in emulation of Phryne gave admittance to all sorts of people , rich and poor , whereupon Aristippus reprehended by his servant for bestowing so much on her , who entertained Diogones the Cynick gratis , I give her money saith he , that I may enjoy her , not that others may not . k Diogenes reproached him for frequenting the company of Lais , saying , Aristippus , you and I converse with the same woman , either give over , or be like me a Cynic ; Do you think it absurd , saith he , to awell in a house , wherein others lived before , or to sail in a Ship that hath carried other Passengers ? It is no more absurd to affect a woman whom others have enjoyd . At Aegina he continued till the death of Socrates , as ( besides the testimony of l Plato ) appeareth by this m Epistle of his written upon that occasion . Of the death of Socrates , I and Cleombrot●s have received information , and that when he might have escaped from the eleaven Officers , he said he would not , unless he was acquitted by Law ; for that were as much as in him lay to betray his Country . My opinion is , that being unjustly committed , he might have got his Liberty any way , conceiving that all which he could do ill or inconsiderately must be just . From whence again I blame him not , as if he had done ill even in this . You write me word that all the friends and Disciples of Socrates have left Athens , out of fear the like should befall any of you ; it is well done ; and we being at present at Aegina wil continue here a while , then come to you , and wherein we are abl● , serve you . CHAP. IV. His Institution of a Sect. ARistippus returning at length to his own Country , Cyrene , professed P●ilosophy there , and instituted a Sect called a Cyrenaick from the Place , by some b Hedonick , or voluptuous from the Doctrine . c They who followed the institution of Aristippus , and were called Cyrenaick , held thus . They rejected Physick and natural disquisitions from the seeming incomprehensibility thereof . Logick they handled because of its great usefulnesse . But Meleager and Clitomachus affirm they despised both Physick and Dialectick alike , as unusefull , for that without these , a man who hath learned what things are good , what cvil , and able to discourse wel , and to shake off superstition and the fear of death . Sect. 1. Of Iudgement und Iudicatories . d THey held that the Senses inform not alwaies truly , e that nothing extrinsecall can be perceived , those things only can be perceived , which are felt by inward touch , as grief and pleasure , neither know wee what colour any thing is , nor what sound it makes , but only that we feele our selves affected after such a manner ; that f Passions are comprehensive ; that objects not comprehensi●e . That g nothing judgeth but by interiour permotion , and the judgement of true and false consisteth in inward touch . h Sextus Empericus more fully . They assert that passions or affections are the Judges and the only things that may comprehend , & not fallacious ; but of those things which cause passions , there is nothing which is comprehensible , or that may not deceive us . For , that we are made white or affected with sweet , may be said expressly and firmly , but that the thing which causeth this affection is white or sweet , cannot in like manner be asserted . For it is possible that we be affected with whiten●sse from a thing that is not white , and with sweetnesse from a thing that is not sweet ; as to him who is dimsighted or hath the yellow jaundies , all things seem yellow to one , duskish to the other , and he who pincheth his eye , thinketh he sees things double , he who is mad fancies two Thebes's , two Suns ; in all these , they that are so affected , to wit , with yellownesse or duskishnesse , or duplicity , is true , but that the thing which moveth them is yellow or duskish , or double , is conceived to be false : So it is most consonant to reason , that wee comprehend nothing more then our own passions . For we must hold that the things seen are either the passions themselves , or the causes of those passions ; if we say our passions are the things seen , we must likewise affirm all things seen , to be true and comprehensive ; if we say the things seen are the causes of those passions , we must confesse all things seen to be false and incomprehensible . For that passion which happeneth to us , showeth us its self and nothing more , so that to speak truly , the passion or affection it self is the only thing that is apparent to us , and for that reason , in their proper affections none erre , but in the externall object , all . The first are comprehensive , the second incomprehensive , the soul being weak in the discernment thereof , by reason of places , intervalls , motions , mutations , and many other causes . Hence they assert , that there is not in man any one common thing which judgeth , but they impose common names on the judgments ; all commonly name white and sweet , but somthing common that is white and sweet they have not , for evey man apprehends his own affection . Now whether the same affection happeneth to any one , and to him that is next him from white , neither is he able to say , as not receiving the affection of the other , neither can the other that is next him say , as not receiving his affection . There being therefore no common affection in us , it were a rash thing to assert , that whatsoever seemeth such to me , seemeth also such to him that is next me ; for perhaps my constitution is such as to be whitened from that which externally incurreth , another hath his sense so ordered , as that he is affected otherwise . That therefore which is seen and appeareth is not common . That by reason of the differing constitutions of the sense we are not moved alike nor in the same manner , is manifest from those who have the Iaundies , and those that are purblinde , and those that are affected according to Nature . For as from the same object , some are so affected as to be black , others red , others white ; so is it likewise consonant to reason , that they who are affected according to nature , by reason of the different constitution of senses , are not moved alike by the same things , but one way the white , another way the black , another way he whose eyes are blew , another way he whose eyes are black , whence we impose common names on things , having our selves proper and particular affections . Sect. 2. Of the End , or chief Good. TO these assertions ( continueth Sextus Empericus ) concerning the Judicatories , agreeth what they assert concerning Ends. Of Affections , some are pleasant , some harsh and troublesome , some mean ; the harsh and troublesome are ill , whose end is griefe ; the pleasant , good , whose end , which cannot be deceived , is pleasure ; The mean are neither good nor ill , whose end is neither good nor ill , which is an affection between pleasure and griefe . Affections therefore are the judges and ends of all things , and we live say they , observing evidence and liking , evidence in the rest of the affections , liking , in pleasure . Laertius saith , they assert two passions or affections , Griefe and Pleasure ; pleasure , a soft smooth motion ; griefe , a harsh motion . One pleasure differeth not from another pleasure , nor is one pleasure sweeter then another pleasure ; this pleasure is coveted by all living creatures , the other shunned . They assert corporeall pleasure to be our ultimate end , as Panaetius saith in his book of Sects , not catastematick permanent pleasure , which consisteth in privation of griefe , and a quiet void of all disturbance , which Epicure held . The End differeth from Beatitude ; for the End is some particular pleasure ; Beatitude is that which consisteth of all particular pleasures , wherein are included both the past and future . Again , particular pl●asure is expetible in it selfe , felicity , not in it selfe , but for particular pleasures . That pleasure is our chiefe end is manifest , in that from our first infancy , without any instruction of others , we naturally aime thereat , and having obtain'd it , seek nothing else . Moreover , we avoide not any thing so much as its contrary , griefe . Pleasure is good , though proceeding from the most sordid dishonest thing , as Hippobotus in his Book of Sects ; for , although the action be dishonest , yet the pleasure thereof is expetible in it selfe , and good . Indolence , which Ep●cure held , they esteem not pleasure , nor want of pleasure , griefe , for both these consist in motion ; but Indolence and want of pleasure consists not in motion , for Indolence is like the state of a sleeping man. They hold , that some men may not desire pleasure , through perversity of minde . All spirituall pleasures and pains arise not from corporeall pleasures and pains ; for from the simple prosperity of our Country or our selfe , we are affected with joy . But neither the remembrance of past goods , nor expectation of future compleat pleasure , as Epicure thought ; for by time and expectation the motion of the soul is dissolved . i Pleasure , according to Aristippus , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consisteth only in one part of time , the present ; for the remembrance of past pleasures , or expectation of the future , is vain and frivolous , and nothing appertaineth to beatitude ; but that only is good which is present . With those pleasures which he received heretofore , or shall receive hereafter , Aristippus said , he was nothing at all moved , the first being gone , the other not yet come , and what it will prove when it is come , is uncertain . Hence k he argued , that men ought not to be folicitous either about things past or future , and that not to be troubled at such things is a signe of a constant clear spirit . He also advised to take care only for the present day , and in that day , only of the present part thereof , wherein something was done or thought ; for he said , the present only is in our power , not the past or ●uture , the one being gone , the other uncertain whether ever it will come . Neither do pleasures consist meerly in simple sight or hearing , for we hear with delight those who counterfeit lamentation , and those who lament truely , we hear with displeasure . This privation of pleasure and griefe they called mean states . The pleasures of the body are much better then those of the soule , and the pains or griefs thereof much worse ; for which reason those who offend actually , are most grievously punished . To grieve , is more unnaturall to us , to delight , more naturall ; for which reason , much more care is requisite for the ordering of one then of the other ; yet , many times we reject things which effect pleasure , as being grievous ; so that the concurrence of pleasures which effecteth beatitude , is very difficult . Moreover they hold , that every wise man doth not live pleasantly , nor every wicked man unpleasantly , but so for the most part ; for it is enough that a man be affected and reduced by incidence of one single pleasure . They held , that l Griefe is the greatest ill ; that griefe is not effected by every ill , but by the unexpected and unforeseen ; that one man is more grieved then another . They assert , that Riches are efficient causes of pleasure ; yet , not expetible in themselves . Sect. 3. Of Vertue . m ALL good consisteth in Pleasure , Vertue it selfe is only laudable , as being an efficient cause of pleasure . n Nothing is just , honest , or dishonest by Nature , but by Law and Custome ; yet a good man will do nothing that is evill , because of the censure or esteem which would fall upon his actions , and o that such a one is wise . Prudence is a good , yet not expetible in it selfe , but for the sake of those things which proceed from it . A friend is to be embraced for the use we may have of him , as the body cherisheth every part thereof as long as it remaineth found . Of Vertues , some are in the unwis●e . Corporeall exercise conduceth to the acquisition of Vertue . A wise man is not subject to En●y , Love , or Superstition , for all these proceed from the vanity of Opinion ; but , he is subject to Griefe or Fear , as being Naturall accidents . CHAP. V. How he went to Dionysius his Court. ABout this time Dionysius , the Sicilian Tyrant , flourished , a to whom resorted many Philosophers , amongst the rest Aristippus , invited by his sumptuous magnificence . b Dionysius asked him the reason of his comming ; he answer'd , to give what I have , and to receive what I ha●e not ; or , as others , when I wanted wisdome , I went to Socrates ; now I want mony , I come to you . He soon insinuated into the favour of Dionysius ; for he could conform himself to every place time , and person , act any part , construe whatsoever happened to the best : and thus enjoying present pleasure , never troubled himself for the absent , as Horace . Every condition , habit , and event with Aristippus suits with all content . Of his compliance with Dionysius's humour , there are these instances . e Dionysius at a Feast commanded , that all should put on purple robes : Plato refused , saying , I will not with a female robe disgrace My self , who am a man of manly race . But Aristippus took it , and beginning to dance , said , If it come pure , a mirthfull Feast Never corrupts a modest breast . f Another time suing to Dionysius in the behalf of his friend ; hee would not hear him ; at last he threw himself at his feet , and his petition was granted ; for which being reprehended , Blame not me , saith he , but Dionysius , Whose ears are in his seet . g Dionysius shewed him three Curtezans , bidding him take his choice ; he leading them all three away , said , Paris was punish'd jor preserring one before the other two . But , having brought them to the dore , he dismist them , as ready to contemn as accept : whereupon Strato ( or as others Plato ) told him , You only can wear old garments and raggs ; for which likewise they admired him , that he would wear a thread-bare , and a rich Milesian Cloak with equal decorum , accommodating himself to both . When Dionysius did spit upon him , he took it patiently ; fcr which being reproved , Fishermen saith he , suffer themselves to be wet all over that they may catch [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a Gudgeon , and shall I be troubled at a little spitle , who mean to take * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? h He begged Money of Dionysius , who said to him , You told me , a wise man wanted nothing ; Give me , and we will talk of this afterward . When Dionysius had given it him ; Now saith he , you set I do not want . By this complaisance , he gained so much upon Dionysius , that he had a greater esteem for him , then all the rest of the Philosophers , though sometimes he spoke so freely to Dionysius , that he incurred his displeasure . i To Dionysius asking , why Philosophers haunted the gates of rich men , but rich men not those of Philosophers : Because , saith he , the one knowes what he wants , the other not . k To Dionysius , urging him to treat of Philosophy : It is ridiculous , said he , if you learn of me what it is , to teach me when it should be said . Whereat Dionysius displeased , bad him take the lowest place , which he did quietly , saying , You have a minde to make this seat more honourable . l The next day the Tyrant asked him what he thought of that place wherein he then sat , in respect of that wherein he sat the night before : He answered , they were alike to him ; to day , saith he , because I left it , it is contemn'd , what yesterday was esteem'd the most honourable ; that where I sit to day esteemed most honourable , which yesterday , without me , was accounted the lowest . m Being asked why Dionysius fell out with him , he answered , for the same reason he falleth out with others . m Dionysius saying , ( out of Sophocles , as Plutarch affirmes , who ascribes this to Zeno. ) Who ere goes to a Tyrant , he A servant is , though he came free . He immediately answered , No servant is if he came free . Dionysius offering Plato a great summe of money , which he refused ; Aristippus being at the same time in the Court of Dionysius said , Dionysius bestowes his liberality upon sure grounds , to us who ask much , he giveth little ; to Plato , who requireth nothing , he offereth much . o Another time Helicon of Cyzicus , one of Plato's friends , having foretold an Eclipse of the Sun , which when it fell out accordingly , he was much honouored for it : Aristippus jesting with other Philosophers , said , he could foretell a stranger thing ; They demanding what it was : I prognosticate , saith he , that Plato and Dionysius will ere long be at variance , and so it happened . CHAP. VI. His A●mulators . THis favour which he found with Dionysius , was perhaps the occasion , for which he was maligned by the rest of the Philosophers , amongst whom was . a Xenophon , who out of ill will to him , published the b discourse between him and 〈◊〉 about Pleasure . c Plato likewise , through the same disaffection tacitely reprehends him , in Phaedone ; for being in Aegina at the time of Socrates's death . d Plato being in Dionysius's Court , when he was there , reproved his sumptuous life : Whereupon Aristippus asked him , whether he thought Dionysius a good man or not : Plato affirmed , he thought him good : Yet he , replyed Aristippus , liveth much more sumptuously ; therefore it is not incompetible with goodnesse . e Phaedo likewise seemed to deride him , demanding who it was that smelt so strong of Unguents : It is I , unhappy man that I am , answered Aristippus , and the Persian King , who is more unhappy then I ; but , as other things are not the worse for this , neither is a man. f A curse on those effeminate persons , who brought a scandall upon so good a thing . g Aeschines also and he were sometimes at difference : Once after some falling out betwixt them , Aristippus said to him , Shall we not be friends , shall we not give over fooling ? or , do you expect some body should kick us into kindnesse ? Willingly , answered Aeschines . Now , saith , Aristippus , remember , that though I am the elder , yet I yielded first . Aeschines replyed , and justly , for you are better then I ; I begun the enmity , you the reconcilement . h Plutarch relates it thus ; Being fallen out with Aeschines , he met one who asked him , Where is now your old friendship , Aristippus ? It is asleep , saith he ; but I will awake it : and going straight to Aeschines , Am I so unhappy , saith he , and so inconsiderable in your esteem , as not to deserve correction . Aeschines answered , It is nothing strange , that exceeding by nature in all things , you should first know what is ●it to be done . Antisthenes is to be numbered also amongst those , who were displeased at his manner of life , as appeareth by an Epistle of his to that effect , extant amongst the Socratick Epistles , to which Aristippus returned this answer . Aristippus i to Antisthenes . WE are Aristippus , j unhappy beyond measure ; how can we be otherwise , living with a Tyrant , daily eating and drinking deliciously , persumed with choicest 〈◊〉 nguents , attired in rich loose Garments brought from Tarentum : and none will deliver me from the cruelty of Dionysius , who detains me , not as a rude person , but one that is verst in Socratick learning ; supplying me ( as I said ) with Meat , Unguents , Garments , and the like ; fearing neither the judgments of Gods nor men . And now the misfortune is much encreased ; He hath bestowed on me three Sicilian Virgins of extraordinary beauty , and many Utensils of silver ; and when this man will give over doing such things I know not ; you do well therefore to be concern'd for the miseries of others ; in requitall whereof I rejoice in your happiness , and return you thanks ; Farewell . The figs which you have , lay up against Winter , and the Cretan meal ; for these things seem to be better then l riches ; wash and drink of the Fountain of Enneacrunus ; wear the same garment in Winter as in Summer , and that sordid , as becomes a free person living under the Athenian Democracy : As for me , I knew as soon as I came into a City and Island govern'd by a Monarch , I should suffer those ills of which you write to me ; Now the Syracusians , Agrigentines , Geloans , and the rest of the Sicilians m compassionately admire me ; But n for my madness in coming inconsiderately to these unseemly things , I wish this curse to sall upon me , that I may never be quit of these evills ; o because being of years of discretion , and pretending to wisdom , I would not undergo hunger and cold , nor contemn glory , nor wear a long beard ; I will send you some great white Lupines to eat , after you have acted Hercules to the boyes ; of which things it is reported you esteem it not absurd to discourse and write : but if any man should speak of Lupines to Dionyf●us , I think it were against the rules of Tyranny : of the rest go and discourse with Simon the Leather-dresser , then whom you esteem nothing more wise ; for I am not allowed familiarity with Artificers , because I live under obedience to others . Notwithstanding , this jarring betwixt them , Aristippus was nothing backward in employing the Interest he had at Court , for some friends of Antisthenes ; to preserve them from death ; as this Letter of his to Antisthenes doth manifest . p The Locrian young men of whom you write to me , will be set at liberly , neither put to death , nor fined , though they were very near death . q Let not Antisthenes know I have saved his friends , for he loves not to converse with Tyrants , but with meal-men , and Victualers , such as sell meat and drink at Athens without fraud , and such as sell thick cloaths in cold weather , and such as serve r Simon , these are not Riches . Diogenes followed the example of his Master Antisthenes in deriding Aristippus , s calling him the Court-Spaniel . As Aristippus passed by , Diogenes busied about washing Herbes , called to him , saying , If you had learned to do thus , you needed not have followed the Courts of Princes ; and you , said he , if you had known how to converse with men , needed not to have washed Herbes ; thus expressed by t Horace . Diog. On Herbs if Aristippus could have din'd , The company of Kings he had declin'd . Arist. He who derides me , had he wit to use The company of Kings , would Herbs refuse ; I mine own jeaster ; thou the People's art , My choice is of the better , nobler part , I by a King maintain'd , on horseback ride , Thou by the meanest people art supply'd , Then those that do maintain thee thou art less ; Yet to want nothing vainly dost profess . u Theodorus in his Book of Sects , reproached Aristippus ; and * Alexis the Comick Poet , in his Galatea bringeth in a servant speaking thus of one of his Disciples ; My Master young on Rhetorick first intent , Next to Philosophy his study bent : A Cyrenaean liv'd at Athens then , Nam'd Aristippus , justly first of men , Esteem'd for subtlety and Luxury , A Talent him my Master gave to be His Scholer , but of Arts be none was taught , Save only Cookery ; that away be brought . CHAP. VI. His Apothegms . OF Apothegms , ( in a which kinde hee was conceived to have an acutenesse beyond all the other Philosophers , ) these are remembred . b He once gave fifty drachms for a Partridge , for which being reproved by another ; you would have given a penny for it saith he , which the other granting ; so much , saith he , are fifty drachmes to me . Being demanded what was the greatest benefit he had received by Philosophy ; he answered , To converse freely with all men . Being reproached for living high ; if Magnificence were a sinne saith , he , it would not be practised upon daies of Festivall to the Gods. To one who asked wherein Philosophers excelled other men ; Though all Laws were abolished saith he , we should lead the same lives . Being demanded how the Learned differ from the unlearned , he answered , as Horses unback'd from such as are well manag'd . Going into the house of a Courtezan , a young man of the Company blushed , to whom he said , It is not ill to go in , but not to be able to come out . To one who defired him to resolve a Riddle , Thou fool , saith he , why wouldst thou have me resolve that which unresolved ●inds us such entertainment ? He said , it is better to be a Beggar then unlearned , for one wants only Riches , the other Humanity . Being reviled , he went aloof off ; he that reviled , asked why he fted ; Because saith he , to speak ill is in your power , not to hear is not in mine . One saying he saw Philosophers at the gates of rich men , and Physittans saith he , at the gates of the sick ; but no man would for that reason choose to be sick rather then a Physitian . To one who boasted he learned much ; as they saith he , who eat and exercise much , are not better then those who eat only to satisfie Nature , neither are they learned who make large but profitable collections . An Oratour pleading for him , and gaining the Cause , asked him , what are you the better for Socrates ? so much saith he , as that I make good those things which you alledged in my defence . He instructed his Daughter Arete to contemn all that is too much . To one who demanded what his Son would be the better for Learning ; if innothing else , in this saith he , that in the Theater one stone shall not sit upon another . Of one who would have preferr'd his Son to him , he demanded 500. Drachmes , For so much saith the other I can buy a slave ; Do so , answered he , and then you will have two ( c your Son , and him you buy . ) He said he took money of his friends , not to make use of it himself , but to let them know the right use of it . Being reproached for entertaining an Oratour to plead his Cause ; and when I would feast , saith he , I hire a Cook. To one who boasted of his swimming , are you not ashamed said he , to glory in the property of a Dolphin . Being demanded wherein the learned differed from the unlearned ; send them naked to strangers , saith he , and you shall see . To one who boasted he could drink much without being drunk ; So , saith he , can a Mule. Being blamed that he took money being the Disciple of Socrates ; and justly , saith he , For Socrates when they sent him wheat and Wine , took a little for his present use , and sent back the rest , the chief of all the Athenians were his Purveyors , mine Eutichydes , a mercenary Ser●ant . Being reproved by Plato for buying a great quantity of fish ; they cost me , saith he , but an obolus , would not you have given so much for them ? to which Plato assenting , It is not that I am prosuse then , saith he , but that you are covetous . Simon Pantler to Dionysius , a Phrygian , a man of ill conditions , brought him to his house paved curiously with marble ; Aristippus spits in his face , whereat the other growing angry , I could not find saith he a fitter place . Being demanded how Socrates dyed ; as I would wish to doe , saith he . Polixenus the Sophist comming to his house , and seeing there women and a great feast , reproved him , Aristippus gave him way , and after a little pause , will you dine with me , saith he ? whereto he consenting : Why then , continues he , do you reprove me ? 't is not the feast but the cost which you condemn . His servant being upon a journey , weary with carrying of mony ; throw away , saith he , what is too much , and carry as much as you can . d He bad his slaves away his mony throw , Because ore-charg'd with weight they went too slow . e Being at Sea , and understanding the owners of the Vessell were Pirats , he took his Mony and counted it , then let it fall into the Sea , as unwillingly , and sighed : some affirm that he said , It is better these perish for Aristippus , then Aristippus , for them . He reproved men for looking upon goods exposed to sale , and taking no care to furnish their minds . Others ascribe this to Diogenes . Living in Asia , he was seized by Antaphernes , the King's Lievtenant , whereupon one saying to him , And where is now your confidence ? When , said he , you fool , should I be confident , if not now , when I shall meet with Antaphernes . Those who forsook Philosophy , to apply themselves to Mechanicall Sciences , he compared to the Suitors of Penelope ; they could get the good wills of Melantho , Polydora , and others of the servants , but could not obtain the Mistress in Marriage . Not unlike is that of Aristo , who said , that Ulysses , when he went to Hell , saw all the dead , and spoke to them , but could not come so much as to the sight of the Queen . Being demanded what Boyes ought to learn ? That , saith he , which they ought to practice when they are men . To one who accused him for going from Socrates to Dionysius : To Socrates , saith he , I went for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , education ; to Dionysius for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recreation . To a Curtezan , who told him she was with child by him : You know that no more , said he , then if passing through a bush , you should say , this thorn pricked you . To one , who blamed him , that he took Mony of Dionysius , Plato a Book ; he answered , I want Mony , Plato Books . f Having lost a great Farm , he said to one , who seemed excessively to compassionate his losse , You have but one field , I have three left ; why should not I rather grieve for you . It is madnesse ( addes Plutarch ) to lament for what is lost , and not rejoyce for what is left . g When one told him , the land is lost for your sake ; Better , saith he , is it , that the land be lost for me , then I for the land . h Seeing one angry vent his passion in words ; Let us not , saith he , suit words to our anger , but appease our anger with words . i Seeing a little Woman exceeding fair ; This , saith he , is a little evill , but a great beauty . They who invert these words , and read , a little fair one , but great evill , mistake the meaning of Aristippus , who plaies upon that ordinary saying , applying the inversion to his own luxurious humour . k To one , who demanded his advice whether he should marry or no : he said no , If you take a fair a wife , saith he , she will be common , if foul , a fury . l He used to advise young men to carry such provision , as in a shipwrack they might swim away withall . m As a shoo that is too big is unsit for use , so is a great estate ; the bignesse of the shoe troubles the wearer ; wealth may be used upon occasion , either wholly or in part . CHAP. VIII . His writings . a SOme affirme ( of whom is So●icrates ) that he wrot nothing at all : others that he wrot . The Lybian History , three Books dedicated to Dionysius . Dialogues twenty five ( or rather twenty three ; for , the number seemes corrupt ) in one Book ; some in the Attick dialect , others in the Dorick : their Titles these : 1. Artabazus . 2. To the shirwrackt . 3. To Exiles . 4. To a poor man. 5. To Lais. 6. To Porus. 7. To Lais concerning a Looking-glass . 8. Hermias . 9. The Dream . 10. To the Cup-bearer . 11. Philomelus . 12. To servants . 13. To those who reproved him for using old wine and common women . 14. To those who reproved him for feasting . 15. An Epistle to Arete . 16. To the Olympick exerciser . 17. An Interrogation . 18. Another Interrogation . 19. b A Chria to Dionysius . 20. Another on an image . 21. Another on Dionysius his Daughter . 22. To one who conceived himselfe dishonoured . 23. To one who endeavoured to give advice . Exercitations ●ix Bookes . c Of pleasure , mention'd by Laertius in the life of Epicure . Of Physiology , ont of which Laertius cites , that Pythagoras was so named , because he spake no less truth then Pythius . Of the luxury of the Antients , four Books , containing examples of those who indulged to love and pleasure ; as , the love of d Empedocles to Pausanias , in the first Book ; of Cratea to her son Periander : of Aristotle to the Concubine of Hermias , in the fourth , of Socrates to Alcibiades , Xenophon to Clinias , plato to Aster , Xenocrates to Polemo . But , these latter instances show , that these Books were not write by this Aristippus . Epistles . four are extant under his name , in the Socratick col lection , put forth by Leo Allatius . f Socion and Panaetius reckon his treatises thus , Of discipline . Of vertue , an Exhortation . Artabazus . The shipwrackt . The banish'd . Exercitations six Chria three . To Lais. To Porus. To Socrates . Of Fortune . CHAP. VIII . His death . HAving lived long with Dionysius , at last his daughter Arete sent to him , to desire him that he would come to Cyrene to her , to order her affairs ; for , that she was in danger of oppression by the Magistrates . Aristippus hereupon took leave of Dionysius , and being on his voyage , fell sick by the way , and was forced to put in at Lipara , an Aeolian Island , where he dyed , as may be gathered from this Epistle , which he then sent to his Daughter . Aristippus a to Arete b . I Received your Letter by Teleus , Wherein you desire me to make all possible hast to Cyrenc , because your businesse with the Praefects goeth not to your minde , and your Husband is unsit to manage your domestick affairs , by reason of his bashsulness , and being accustomed to a retir●● life , remote from the publick . Wherefore assoon as I got leave of Dionysius , I sailed towards you , and being upon my journey , fell sick by the way at Lipara , where the friends of Sonicus provide carefully for me , with such humanity , as is needfull for one neer death . As for your demand , what respect you should give those whom I manumised , who prosess they will never desert Aristippus whilst they have strength ; but , ever serve him and you ; trust them in all things , they have learned from me not to be salfe . For your selfe , I advise you to apply your selfe to the Magistrates , which counsell will pro●it you , if you affect not rather to have much : You will live most at ease if you contemn excess ; for , they cannot be so unjust as to leave you in want . You have two Orchards left sufficient to maintain you plentifully : and that possession in Bernicia ▪ if alone left you ; were suffici●nt to supply you fully . I do not counsell you to neglect small things ● but , not to be troubled for small things , since vexation is not good even for great . If when I am dead , you 〈◊〉 my advice for the education of young Aristippus , go to Athens , and above all , esteem Xantippe and Myrto , who have often spoke to me to bring you to the Eleusin●an Festivalls . Whilst you lead this pleasant life with these , let the Cyrenaean Praefects be as unjust as they please , in your naturall * end they cannot prejudice you . Endeavour to live with Xantippe and Myrto , as I did hereto fore with Socrates , composing your selfe to their conversation ; for , pride is not proper in that place . If b Tyrocles , the son of Socrates , who lived with me at M●gara , come to Cyrene , it will be well done to supply him , and to respet as your own son . If you will not nurse a daughter ; because of the great trouble it gives you , send for the daughter of Eubois , to whom you have heretofore expressed so much kindness , and named after my Mother , and I also have often called her my friend . Above all , take care of little Aristippus , that he may be worthy of us and of Philosophy : Eor , this I leave him as his true inheritance , the rest of his estate finds the Cyrenaean Magistrates adversaries . But , you writ me not word that any offered to take that away from you . Rejoyce , dear daughter , in the possession of those riches which are in your power , and make your son possess them likewise : I wish he were my son ; but , being disappointed of that hope , I depart with this assurance , that you will lead him in the pa hs trodden by good men . Farewell , and grieve not for us . c Of his Children , besides this Arete his Daughter , whom he educated in Philosophy , is remembered also a Son , whom for his stupidity he disenherited , and turned out of dores ; for which , being reproved by his Wife , who alledged , that he came from himselfe ; He , spitting , said , This comes from me too , but profiteth me nothing . Or , as Laertius , We cast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all unnecessary things as far as we can from us . Arete had a Son named from his Grandfather Aristippus , and from his Mothers instructing him in Philosophy , surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Besides these two ( Aristippus the Grandfather and the Grandson ) Laertius reckons two more of the same name . One writ the History of Arcadia : the Other was of the new Academy . CHAP. IX . His Disciples and Successors . Of the Auditors of Aristippus , besides his daughter Arete , ( whom he taught with much care , and brought up to great perfection in Philosophy ) are remembred Aethiops of Ptolemais , and Antipater of Cyrene . Arete communicated the Philosophy she received from her Father , to her Son Aristippus the younger : Aristippus transmitted it to Theodorus the Atheist , who instituted a Sect , called Theodorean . Antipater communicated the Philosophy of Aristippus to Epitimides his Disciple ; Epitimides to Paraebates ; Paraebates to Hegesias and Anniceris : These two last improving it by some additions of their own , obtained the honour each of them , to have a Sect named after them , Hegesiack and Annicerick . HEGESIAS . CHAP. I. His Life . HEGESIAS , Disciple to Paraebates , was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Death's Oratour , from a a book he writ , entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon occasion of one who had famish'd himself nigh to death , but was called back to life by his friends , in answer to whom , hee in this Book demonstrated that death takes us away from ill things , not from good , and reckon'd up the incommodities of life , and represented the evills thereof b with so much Rhetorick , that the sad impression thereof penetrated so far into the breasts of many hearers , that it begot in them a desire of dying voluntarily , and many laid violent hands upon themselves . Whereupon hee was prohibited by Ptolomy the King to discourse any more upon this Subject in the Schools . CHAP. II. His Philosophy . HIS Disciples were from him called Hegesians . They held the same chief good and Evill with the Cyreneans ; further asserting ; That Kindnesse , Friendship , and Benevolence are in themselves nothing ; not expetible , but in respect of those benesits which cannot consist without those persons . That Perfect Felicity is absolutely impossible , because the body is disordered by many troubles , in which the Soul shares , and most of those things which we hope are prevented by chance . That Life and Death are in our choice . That nothing is by nature pleasant or unpleasant , but by the ra●ity and unusuallness of things , or satiety , some are delighted therewith , others not . That Poverty and Wealth conferre nothing to Pleasure , neither are the rich poor affected with Pleasure severall waies . Servitude and Liberty , Nobility and Meanness , Glory and ignominy differ nothing in this respect . That to live is advantageous for a fool , indifferent to a wise man. That a wise man ought to do all things in consideration of himself , and preferre none before himself , for though possibly he may receive benefits from others very great in outward appearance ; yet are they nothing in comparison of those which he dispenseth . That Sense conferrs nothing to certain knowledge , for all act by the rules of t●eir own reason . That offences ought to be pardon'd , for no man offends willingly , but compelled by some affection . That we should hate no man , but instruct him better . That a wise man should not insist so much upon choice of good things , as upon evill , making it his scope and end to live neither in Labour nor Grief ; which they do , who are inclined neither way to the objects of Pleasure . ANNICERIS . CHAP. I. His Life . a ANNICERIS was of Cyrene , Disciple to Paraebates , yet Suidas saith he was an Epicurean , and that he lived in the time of Alexander . b He was excellent in Chariot-racing , of which one day he gave a testimony before Plato , and drove many courses round the Academy , so exactly , that his wheeles never went out of the track , to the admiration of all that were present , except Plato , who reprehended his too much industry , saying , it was not possible but that he , who employed so much paines about things of no value , must neglect those of greater concernment , which are truly worth admiration . c When Plato , by the command of Dionysius , was sold as a slave in Aegina , Anniceris fortuned to be present , who redeemed him for 20. or according to others 30. minae , and sent him to Athens to his friends , who presently returned the mony to Anniceris , but he refused it , saying , they were not the only persons that deserved to take care of Plato . d He had a Brother named Nicoteles , a Philosopher ; hee had likewise the famous Posidonius to be his Disciple . CHAP. II. His Philosophy ▪ HIS Disciples were called Annicerians ; a They as the rest placed all good in Pleasure , and conceived virtue to be only commendable as far as it produced Pleasure . c They agreed in all things with the Hegesians , but they abolished not friendship , good will , duty to parents , and actions done for our Country . They held , That although a wise man suffer trouble for those things , yet he will lead a life nothing the lesse happy , though he enjoy but few Pleasures . That the Felicity of a friend is not expetible in it self ; for to agree in judgement with another , or to be raised above and fortified against the generall opinion , is not enough to satisfie reason , but wee must accustom our selves to the best things ; because of our innate vicious inclinations . That a friend is not to be entertained only out of usefull or necessary Ends , nor when such fail , is to be cast off , but out of an intimate good-will , for which we must also undergo trouble . For though they placed ( as the rest ) the chief end and good in pleasure , and professed to be grieved at the loss thereof , yet they affirm that we ought to undergo voluntarily labours , out of love to a friend . THEODORVS . CHAP. I. His Life . a THEODORUS heard Anniceris , Dionysius the Logician , b Zeno the Cittiean , and Pyrrho the Ephectick . He was called the Atheist , because c he held there was no God , & wrote a treatise ( Suidas saith many ) wherein he endeavoured to refell all arguments to the contrary , out of of which Epicurus borrow'd much . Afterwards he was abusively called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon occasion of a dispute with Stilpo to this effect , Do you believe saith Stilpo , you are whatsoever you affirm your self to be ? Theodorus granting ; then continues Stilpo , if you should say you were a God , were you so ? To which Theodorus assenting , Stilpo reply'd ; Then impious man you are a Bird , or any thing else by the same reason . He was ejected out of Cyrene by the Citizens , whereupon hee said pleasantly ; You do not well Cyreneans to thrust me out of Lybia into Greece . Thence he went to Athens , where he should have been cited to the Court of Areopagus , and lost his life , but that he was freed by Demetrius Phalereus . Being likewise banished thence , he went to Ptolomy the Son of Lagus , with whom he lived , and was by him sent on Embassy to Lysimachus , to whom speaking Atheistically ; Lysimachus said , Are not you that Theodorus that was banished Athens , he answered , it is true , the Athenians when they could bear me no longer , as Semele Bacchus , cast me out . Lysimachus reply'd , see that you come no more to me ; No answered he , unless Ptolomy send me . My●hro Son of Lysimachus being present , said , you seem not only ignorant of the Gods but of Kings . How saith he , am I ignorant of the Gods , who believe you an Enemy to them ? Lysimachus threatned them with Death ; d glory●aith ●aith he in a great matter , a Cantharides can do as much . Or as Stobaeus , I knew not that you had not the power of a King but of poisor . Hereat incensed , he commanded he should be crucified ; Threate● saith he , those things I pray to your purple Nobles ; it is all o●e so Theodorus whether he rot above or under ground . Finally he went to Cyrene , and lived with Marius in much repute , in that City out of which he was first ejected . Disputing wit● Euryclides a Priest , he asked , what persons those were who de●ile mysteries : Euryclides answered , Those who communicate them to persons not initiated . Then , replyed he , you do impiously , in declaring them to such . What o●●ers ascribe to Aristipp●s and Diogene● s●ime ●●ttri●●te to Theodorus and Metrocleus , a Cynick , who saying , You would not want Disciples if you washed Herbs : Theodorus an●wer'd , Neither would you wash Herbs , if you knew how to converse with Men. He said of Hipparchia the Wife of Crates ; This is she who hath given over the Shuttle to put on a Cloak . CHAP. II. His Philosophy . HE taught all manner of Learning , and instituted a Sect , called Theodorean . a He asserted Indifference , that there is no difference of things . b That our end , or chiefe good and greatest ill , are joy and sorrow ; one consisting in prudence , the other inimprudence . That prudence and justice are good things , the contrary habits ill , the mean , pleasure and grief . He took away Friendship , because it is neither in fooles nor wise-men ; those being uncapable to make use of it , the thing it selfe vanisheth ; these not needing it , as being sufficient to themselves . That it is reasonable that a wise man expose not himselfe to danger for his Country ; Wisdome ought not to be lost for the preservation of fooles . That the World is our Country . That a man upon occasion may commit theft , adultery , and sacriledge , there being nothing in these naturally evill , if that opinion were taken away which is built upon the agreement of fooles . That a wise man may publi●kly without shame 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He used such inductions as these : Is not a woman that is skilfull in Grammar , prositable in that respect as a Grammarian ? Yea ; is not the same of a youth ? Yes . Is not a beautifull woman then profitable , as being handsome ? Yes : Then she who makes right use of it doth not amisse . In these kinds of Questions he was very subtle . CHAP. III. His death , writings , &c. a AMphicrates saith , that he was condemned by the Law for Atheism , and drunk Hemlock . He wrot , besides that which appertained to his sect , many other things . Laertius reckons twenty of this name : The first a Samian , son of Rhaecus , who advised to lay the foundation of the Temple at Ephesus upon Embers : For , the place being wet , he said , that Coales , when they forsake the nature of Wood , acquire a solidity not to be violated by moysture . The second of Cyrene , a Geometrician , whose Disciple Plato was . The third this Philosopher . The fourth writ of exercising the voice , a famous Book . The fifth writ of Law-givers , beginning with Terpander . The sixth a Stoick . The seventh writ the Roman History . The eight , a Syracusian , writ Tacticks . The ninth a Byzantine , a Sophist , b eminent for civill Pleas. The tenth of the same Country , mention'd by Aristotle in his Epitome of Oratours . The eleventh of Thebes , a Statuary . The twelfth a painter , mention'd by Polemon . The thirteenth of Athens , a Painter , of whom writes Menodotus . The fourteenth of Ephesus , a painter , of whom Theophanes in his treatise of painting . The fifteenth a Poet , who wrote Epigrams . The sixtee●th wrot of Poets . The seventeenth a Physician , Disciple to Athenaeus . The eighteenth of Chios , a Stoick . The ninteenth of Miletus , a Stoick . The twentieth , a Tragick Poet. BION . CHAP. I. Bion his life . OF the Theodorean Sect was BION , a Beristhenite . What his Parents were , and what his employments , he diverted himselfe to Philosophy , he related to Antigonus , King of Macedonia , in this manner . Antigonus asked Whence art thou ? Who thy Parents ? What thy Town ? Bion perceiving himselfe to be reproached , answered thus , my Father was a freeman , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implying , he was a seller of salt-fish , a Boristhenite ; he had not a face , but instead thereof a brand mark , which declared the ill disposition of the owner : My Mother he married out of a common Brothel-house ; [ b a Lacedemonian Curtezan , named Olympia , ] being such a Woman as such a man could get . My Father , for couzening the State , was sold , and all our Family for slaves . I being a young likely youth , was bought by an Oratour , who dyed , and left me all he had . I tore and burnt his Papers , went to Athens , and there applyed my selfe to Philosophy . This is the blood and race I boast to own . Thus much concerning my selfe : Let Perseus therefore , and Philonides forbear to enquire after these things , and look you upon me , as I am in my selfe . You do not use , O King , when you send for Archers , to enquire of what Parentage they are ; but , set them up a mark to shoot at : Even so of friends , you should not examine whence , but what they are . Bion indeed , setting this aside , was of a versatile wit , a subtle Sophist , and gave many furtherances to the exercisers of P●ilophy : in some things he was — He first heard Crates the Academick ; but , despising that Sect , rook a ●ordid Cloak and Scrip , and became a Cynick : to which Laertius ascribes his constancy , expert of perturbation . Then he followed Theodorus the Atheist , who profest all manner of learning ; to whose opinions he addicted himselfe , and was called a T●●odorea● : Afterwards he heard Theophrastus the P●ripatetick . CHAP. II. His Apophthegms . HE left many memorialls , and profitable Apophthegmes ; as , Being reproved for not endeavouring to Catch a young man ; new Cheese saith he , will not stick to the hook . Being demanded what man is most perplexed , he saith , he who aimes at the highest Content . To one who asked his advice whether he should marry or not , ( for this some ascribe to Bion , which Agellius to Bias , the mistake perhaps grounded upon the nearnesse of their Names ) he answered , if you take a fowl Wife , she will be a Torment ; if a fair , Common . He said , that Age is the Haven to which all ills have recourse ; That Glory is the Mother of years ; That beauty is a good which concerns others , not our selves ; That Riches are the Sinewes of Things . To one who had consumed his Patrimony , Earth , saith he , devoured Amphiaraus , but you devour Earth . He said , it is a great ill , not to be able to bear ill . He reproved those who burn men , as having no Sense , and again burn them as having Sense . He used to say , it is better to yeeld our own youth and Beauty to others , then to attempt anothers ; for he that doth so , injures both his body and Soul. He vilified Socrates , saying , if he could enjoy Alcibiades , and did not , he was a fool , if he could not , he did no great matter . He said , the way to the next World is easie , for we find it blindfold . He condemned Alcibiades , saying , when he was a boy , he drew away Husbands from their Wives , when a man , Wives from their Husbands . At Rhodes , whilst the Athenians exercised Rhetorick , he taught Philosophy ; for which being reproved , I bought Wheat saith he , and shall I fell Barley ? He said , they who are punished below would be more tormented if they carried Water in whole Vessells , then in Vessells full of holes . One that was extreamly talkative , desiring his assistance in a businesse , I will doe what I can for you saith he , if you send a Messenger to me , and come not your self . Travelling with very ill Company , they fell amongst theeves ; we shall be undone saith he , unlesse we be known . He said , Arrogance is the obstruction of Virtue . Of a rich man Covetous , he hath not money saith he , but money him . He said Covetous persons keep their Wealth so strictly , that they have no more use of their own then of anothers . He said , when we are young , wee use Courage , when old , Wisdom . Wisdom excells other Vertues as the Sight the other Senses . He said no man should be reproached for old age , that being a Condition all pray they may arive at it . To an envious man sad , I know not saith he whether some ill hath befaln you , or some good another . He said impiety is an ill companion to bold language ; For though his Speech he free , To Bondage yield must hee . That friends whatsoever they prove ought to be retained : lest we seem to have conversed with wicked persons , or to shunne Good. Being Demanded if there were any Gods , he said , Old man , wilt thou not drive this ●roud away . He conceived that he might make a Field fertile sooner by praising then by manuring it . He said , they who love to be flattered , are like Pots carried by the ear . To one who asked him what folly is , he said the Obstruction of Knowledge . He said good men , though Slaves are free , but wicked men though free are slaves to many Pleasures . He said Grammarians whilst they enquire after the Errors of Ulysses , mind not their own , nor see that they themselves go astray as well as he , in taking pains about uselesse things . He said Avarice is the Metropolis of all Evill . * Seeing a Statue of Persaeus , under which was written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Persaeus of Zeno a Cittiean , he said , the writer mistook ; for it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zeno's servant ; as indeed he was . CHAP. III. His Death . AT last falling sick ( as those of Chalcis say ▪ for he died there ) he was perswaded to suffer ligatures ( by way of charme ) hee recanted and profest repentance for all hee had said offensive to the Gods. Hee was reduced to extream want of such things as are most necessary to sick persons , untill Antigonus sent to him two servants ; and himself followed in a litter , as Phavorinus affirms in his various History , of that sicknesse he dyed ; on whose death thus Laertius ; Bion the Boristhenite , By his Birth to Scythia known , Did religious duties slight , Gods affirming there were none . If to what he then profest , Firm he had continued still , Then his tongue had spoke his breast , And been constant though in ill . But the same who Gods deni'd , He who sacred fanes despis'd , He who mortalls did deride , When to Gods they sacrific'd ; Tortur'd by a long disease , And of deaths pursuit afraid , Guifts their anger to appease On their hearths and Altars laid . Thus with smoak and incense tries To delight their sacred scent ; I have sinn'd , not only cries , And what I profest repent . But unto an old wives charms Did his willing neck submit , And about his feeble armes Caus'd them leather thongs to knit . And a youthfull sprig of bayes Did set up before his gate : Every means and way essaies To divert approaching fate . Fool to think the Gods might be Brib'd with gifts , their favours bought , Or the sacred Deitie Were , and were not as he thought . But his wisdoms titles ( now Tum'd to ashes ) not avail With stretch'd arms , I know not how , Hail he cried , great Pluto hail . Of this name Laertius reckons ten ; The first contemporary with Pherecydes the Syrian , of Proconnesus ; who writ two Books extant in his time . The second a Syracusian wrote of the Art of Rhetorick . The third this Philosopher . The fourth an Abderite of the Family of Democritus ; a Mathematician : he wrote in the Attick and Ionick Dialect : He first said there were some habitable parts of the earth , where it was six months day and six months night . The fift of Soleis ; he wrote the Aethiopick History . The sixt , an Oratour , who wrote nine Books entitled by the names of the Muses . The seventh a Lyrick Poet. The eight a Milesian Statuary ; mention'd by Polemon . The ninth a Tragick Poet , one of those who were called Tar●ici . The tenth a Statuary of Clazomene or Chios , mentioned by Hip●●nax . THE MEGARICK SECT . EVCLID . CHAP. I. His Country and Masters . a EUCLID ( instituter of the Megarick Sect ) was born at Megara , Town adjacent upon the Isthmus ; though others say at Geta , a City of Sicilie . He first studied the writings of Parmenides , then went to Athens to hear Socrates : Afterwards the b Athenians made an order , that if any Citizen of Megara came into the City of Athens , he should be put to death : So great was the hatred the Athenians bore to the Megarenses . c Thucydides mentions this Decree , whereby the Megarenses were prohibited to make use of any Lawes within the Athenian jurisdiction , or the Attick Forum : Which Order the Lacedemonians requiring to be repealed , and not prevailing , the Peloponnesian War ensued thereupon , the cruellest and longest that ever was amongst the Grecians . d Euclid , who was of Megara , and before that Decree used to go to Athens , and hear Socrates , after it was promulgated , came by night in a long womans Gown , and Cloak of severall colours , his head attired in a womans Vail ( so Varro expounds Rica ) from his house in Megara to Athens , to Socrates , that he might be in that time partaker of his counsell and instructions , and went back again before that day in the same habit , above twenty thousand paces . e Upon the death of Socrates , Plato and the rest of the Philosophers , fearing the cruelty of the Tyrants , went to Megara to him , who entertained them kindly . CHAP. II. His institution of a Sect. a HE affected litigious disputes , and b was therefore told by Socrates , that he knew how to conte●d with Sophists , but not with me●● Suitable to this contentious humour , he instituted a Sect , c first called Megarick from the place , afterwards Eristick , from the litigious sophisticall nature thereo● , Whence d Diogene● said ▪ it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a School , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anger : e thus reproved by Timon , O● all these triflles , I not value ou●ht , W●ich● Phaedo nor litigious Euc●●d caught● Who the Megareans mad contention taught . Lastly , it was called Dialectick ; which name Dionysius , a Carthaginian first gave them , because their discourses consisted of question and answer . He affirmed , that there is but one good , which is called by severall names ; sometimes Prudence , sometimes God , sometimes the Minde , and the like : He took away all things opposite to good , saying , there was no such thing . He used arguments not by assumption , but by inference . He took away disputation by similitude , saying , that it consisted either of like or unlike ; if of like , it were better to examine the things themselves to which they are like : if of unlike , the comparison is to no purpose . CHAP. III. His Apothegmes , Writings . HE was famous in the Schooles ( saith a Plutarch ) for as much as hearing his Brother in in a wild rage , say , Let me perish , if I be not revenged : he answered , and I , unlesse I perswade you to lay aside your anger , and love me as at first . If b Hierocles ( who relates the same story ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writ not as Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●hat epithite occasion'd the mistake . c He said , 〈◊〉 there is one kinde of sleep , a young pliant Deity , easie to be driven away ; the other gray and aged , chiefly frequenting old men : Pertinacious and inexorable , from this God , if he once come , it is hard to get loose ; words avail nothing , for he is deafe ; nor can you shew him any thing that may move him , for he is blinde . d Being demanded what the Gods are , and wherein they delight : Of all things else concerning them , saith he , I am ignorant but of this , I know they hate curious persons . e He wrot ( besides other things ) six Dialogues ( f Panaetius doubts whether they were genuine or spurious ) their Titles these , Lamprias . Aeschines . Phaenix ; or ( as Suidas ) the Phoenixes . g Crito . Alcibiades . The Erotick . Of the same names are numbered Euclid the Mathematician , a Megarean also , whence confounded by h Valerius Maximus with the Philosopher : Plato ( saith he ) ●ent the undertakers of the sacred Altar ( who came to confer with him concerning the manner and form thereof ) to Euclid the Geometr●cian , yielding to his skill and pr●●ession : That these undertakers came to Plato , is evident from the testimony of many others ; but , that he remitted them to Euclid the Geometrician ; or , that Euclid the Philosopher own'd that profession , is no where to be proved . Oh the contrary , i Proclus affirms , that Euclid the Mathematician was of the Platonick Sect ; and that k Ptolomy King of Aegypt asking if there were any shorter way to Geometry , he answered , Not any Kings-high-way . From the death of Socrates to the first of the Ptolomies are 95 years . So that Euclid the Mathematician was much latter then the Philosopher . Euclid the Archon in the second year of the 88th Olympiad , according to l Diodorus Siculus ; but , m Aristotle names the Archon for that year Euclees , confirmed by his Commentators , and by n Suidas , who only erres a little in the distance of years betwixt him and Euclid the other Archon . o Salmasius not knowing the name Euclees to be any where found amongst the Archontes , and expresly affirming the contrary , endeavours to corrupt the Text of Suidas reading Diocles. Euclid the Archon , in the second year of the 94th Olympiad . Euclid the Soothsayer , friend to Xenophon , who p mentions him . Euclid the Stone-cutter , named in Plato's Will. EVBVLIDES . a EUBULIDES a Mile●ian succeeded Euclid . some affirm , that Demosthenes the Oratour was his Scholler , and that Demosthenes not being able to pronounce the Letter R , he taught him by continuall exercise to do it . He was a great enemy to Aristotle , and much aspersed him . In Dialectick he invented many kinds of Interrogation or argument , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lying ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the occult ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Electra ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Vailed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sorites ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the horned ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bald : Of which thus Demosthenes . The Oratours sharp Eubulides knowes With subtle forked questions how to pose , Speech from Demosthenes not sweeter flowes . These are severall kinds of Sophisms , which c Aristotle in generall defines Eristick Syllogismes : from this School borrowed and enlarged afterwards by the Stoicks . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , termed by c Athenaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by d Cicero mentiens , is a captious reasoning not to be dissolved ; named , as most of the rest , not from the form , but matter ; the ordinary example being this : e If you say that you lye when you speak truth , you lye : But , you say that you lye when you speak truth ; therefore you lye . Such is that in f Africanus , A man having foure hundred ( Crownes ) disposeth in Legacies three hundred ; next he bequeaths to you a piece of ground worth one hundred Crownes ; provided , his Will be not lyable to the Falcidian Law , [ by which all Legacies are made void , if the surplusage remaining for the Heires , amount not at the least to the fourth part of the Goods ] The Question is , what right you have . I say , the question is not to be resolved , being of that kind which the Dialecticks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what part soever we take for true will prove false . If we say the Legacies are valid , the Will comes within compasse of the Falcidian Law , whereby the condition being defective , the Legacy is invalid . Again , if because the condition being defective , the Legacies are not valid , it is not lyable to the Falcidian Law ; and if the Law take not place upon the condition , you are not to have what was bequeathed you . So much was this Sophisme esteemed , that g Seneca affirmes , many Books to have been written upon it : h Laertius reckons six distinct Treatises of Chrysippus . i Athenaeus and Suidas averr , that Philetus a Choan dyed of a Consumption , occasion'd by excessive study up-this Question only . Electra , named ( likewise ) from the chiefe Examples ; of which thus Lucian : Electra the illustrious Daughter of Agamemnon , knew and knew not the same thing . Orestes unknown standing by her , she knew that Orestes was her Brother , but she knew not that he was Orestes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ the vailed ; named also from the matter , thus instanc'd by Lucian . CHR. Answer me , Do you know your Father ? MERC. Yes . CHR. What if I should bring one unto you vailed , what would you say , that you knew him or not ? MERC. That I did not know him . CHR. And yet that man proves to be your Father ; therefore if you `knew not the man , you knew not your Father . MERC. No truly ; but , ●pul off his vail , and I shal discover the truth . Of the same kinde is that of the Sophists , which k Aristotle affirmes , Socrates ( in Plato's Meno ) vainly labours to resolve ; Do you know all Paires are even or not ? The other answering he knew it . The Sophist brings forth a pair of some thing which he had held hidden under his Cloak , and askes , Did you know that I had this Even pair or not ? the other confessing he knew not , Then saith he , you know and know not the same thing . Sorites , By Cicero termed l a Cervalis , who defines it to be m when any thing by degrees is added or taken away : as a Heap ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is made by adding a grain , or rather as n Iulianus , when from things Evidently true , by very short Mutations the Dispute is led to such things as are Evidently false ; the same , o ulpian , The Common example mentioned by p Cicero , q Laertius , r Sextus Empiricus , and others in this : are not two a few ? are not three so likewise ? Are not four the same ? So on to ten . But two are a few , and therefore ten . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the horned ; Denominated as the rest from the Example , what you lost not you have , you lost not Hornes , therefore you have Horns . Repeated by Seneca , Agellius and others . Of this kind s St. Hierome observes that to bee which the Pharisees objected to our Saviour . He came ( saith he ) from Galilee to Judea , wherfore the faction of Scribes and Pharisees asked him whether it were lawfull for a man to put away his Wife for any cause , that they might Entrap him by a Horned Syllogisme , whatsoever he would answer being liable to exception : if he should say a Wife might be put away for any cause , and another taken ; he being a Professor of modesty should contradict himself ; but if he should answer , a Wife ought not to be put away for any cause , he should be accounted guilty of Sacriledge , & judged to do contrary to the Doctrine of Moses , and by Moses of God. Our Lord therefore so tempers his answer , that he passeth by their trap , alledging for Testimony the sacred Scripture and Naturall Law , opposing the first Sentence of God to the second , which was granted not from the will of God , but Necessity of Sin. The same Father instanceth another of the same kind proposed to him , t I was assaulted at Rome by a very Eloquent person , with that which they call a Horned Syllogism , so as which way soever I turned I was more entangled . To marry a Wife saith he , is it a sin or not ? I plainly , not thinking to avoid his ambush , said , it is not a sin ; He then propounded another Question , in Baptism are good works remitted or Evill ? I with the like simplicity answered , sins are remitted : when I thought my self secure , Hornes began to bud out on each side on me , and the hidden forces to discover themselves , if saith he to marry a Wife be not a sin , and that Baptisme remitteth Sinnes , whatsoever is not remitted is reserved . ALEXINUS . a Amongst the many Disciples of Eubulides was Alexinus an Elean ; a great lover of Contention , and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from redarguing ; He most opposed Zeno. Herm●ppus saith , he went to Olympia , and there profest Philosophy ; his Disciples questioning why he lived there , he answered , he meant to institute a Sect , and call it Olympick , but his Disciples wanting subsistence , and disliking the Air departed , he continued there solitary with one servant only , and swimming in the River Alphaeus , was hurt with a Reed , whereof he dyed . He wrote against other Philosophers besides Zeno. And against Ephorus the Historian . EUPHANTVS . a From Alexinus came Euphantus an Olinthian , Master to King Antigonus , Father of Demetrius , Grandfather of Antigonus Gonatus ; He died of Age ; He writ The History of that time . Tragedies many , which upon their publique representations were much applauded . An Oration upon a Kingdom , to Antigonus , very Celebrious . APOLLONIVS CRONVS . a OF the Disciples of Eubulides , was Apollonius Cronus ; b Strabo saith , he was Cyrenaean by birth , and calls him Cronus Apollonius , implying the latter to be a sirname from Apollonia a Town of Cyrene . DIODORVS . CHAP. I. His Life . a DIodorus was of Iossus a City of Caria ; Son of Ameinias ; Laertius saith , he heard Eubulides ; b Strabo that he heard Apollonius Cronus , after whom he was called Cronus ; the name of the Master being transmitted to the Disciple , by reason of the obscurity of the true Cronus ; c of Diodorus thus Callimachus ; — ev'n Momus writ Upon the Walls , Cronus hath wit. He lived with Ptolomeus Soter , in whose presence being questioned by Stilpo , in such things as upon the sudden he could not answer ; he was not only punished by the King , but reproached with the name of Cronus : whereupon he went from the Feast , and having written an Oration upon that question , died of grief . CHAP. II. His Philosophy . a STrabo and Laertius affirm he was a Dialectick ; The Dialecticks ( saith b Cicero ) teach in their Elements to judge whether a ●onnex ( a proposition which hath the conjunction if ) be true or false ; as this , if it be day , it is light , how much is it controverted ; Diodorus is of one opinion , Philo of another , Chrysippus of a third , That Diodorus laboured much herein , appears from an Epigram of Callimachus , cited and explained by c Sextus Empiricus . Concerning these propositions , the Disagreement of Diodorus from Philo and Chrysippus ( already mentioned by Cicero ) is thus explained by d Sextus Empiricus ; But when saith he , or how it followeth they disagree among themselves , and those things whereby they determine a consequence to be judged , oppugn one another● as Philo said , it is a true Connex , when it beginneth not from true , and endeth ●n false . So that according to his opinion , a true Connex may be three severall wa●es , a false only one way . For when it beginneth from true , and endeth in true , it is true ; as this , if it be day , it is light . Again , when it beginneth from false , and endeth in false , it is true : as this , if the Earth flies , the Earth hath wings . Likewise that which beginneth from false , and endeth in true is true ; as this , if the Earth flies it is Earth : that only is true which beginneth from true , and endeth in false . Such is this , if it be day it is night . For if it be day , that it is day is true , which is the Antecedent . But that it is night is false , which was the Consequent . Diodorus saith , that is a true Connex which is not contingent , beginning from true , and ending in false . This is contrary to the opinion of Philo , for such a Connex as this , if it be day I discourse , and if at present it be day , and I discourse is according to Philo's opinion a true Connex : for it begins from true , it is day , and ends in true , I discourse . But according to the opinion of Diodorus it is false : for it may so happen , that though it begin from true , to wit , it is day , yet it may end in false , to wit , that I discourse when I am silent . Thus by Contingencie it may begin in true , and end in false ; for before I began to discourse it began from true , to wit , it is day : but ended in false , to wit , I discourse . And again , e for that we examine not many opinions concerning a Connex , let us say that Connex is in it self right , which beginneth not from true , and endeth in false . This , if there be motion , there is Va●uity according to Epicures Opinion , beginning from true , to wit , there is motion , and ending in true , will be true . According to the Peripateticks , beginning from true , to wit , there is motion , and ending in false , to wit , there is Vacuity , will be false : according to Diodorus , beginning from false ; to wit , there is motion , and ending in false , to wit , there is vacuity , will be true , for the assumption , to wit , there is motion , he denies as false . f Some affirme , he invented the vailed and horned arguments ( of which already in the life of Eubulides ) g Alexander Aphrodiseus , saith he , used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the dominative argument : Of whose originall and efficacy thus h Epictetus ; The Dominative argument seemes to have been interrogated and collected upon such like occasions as these : for , there being a common ●ight amongst these three propositions to one another : The first , that every thing past is necessarily true . The second , that possibility followes not impossibility . The third , that what is not possible , neither is nor shall be true . This fight Diodorus observing , made use of the two first , to prove , that nothing is possible , which is not , nor shall be . And i Alexander , For that I be at Corinth is possible , if that I have been , or ever shall be there ; but , if neither , it is not possible . It is possible , that a child to be made a Grammarian , if he be made such , in confirmation hereof Diodorus interrogated by the Dominative argument . He held , that nothing is moved , k arguing thus : If a thing be moved , it is either moved in the place wherein it is , or in the place wherein it is not : but not in that wherein it is ; for it resteth in the place wherein it is : nor in that wherein it is not ; for where a thing is not , there it can neither act nor suffer . Therefore nothing is moved : and l consequently nothing is corrupted or perisheth . m He asserted , that the principles of things are least indivisible bodies , n in number infinite , in magnitude finite . ICHTHYAS . a ICHYHYAS son of Metallus , an eminent person , is remembered amongst these Philosophers that are derived from Euclid : To him Diogenes the Cynick dedicated a Dialogue . CLINOMACHVS . a AMongst these descended from Euclid , was likewise CLINOMACHUS , a Thurian : He first wrot concerning Axiomes , [ Propositions ] Categorems , [ that part of a Proposition which is praedicated of the other ] and the like . STILPO . CHAP. I. Stilpo his life . a STILPO was of Megara in Hellas ; he lived in time of the first Ptolomy : Of the Masters which he heard are reckoned Euclid the founder of this School : but , this agrees not with his time , as was before observed . Some followers of Euclid , Thrasymachus of Corinth , friend to Ichthyas : So Heraclides attesteth . b Diogenes the Cynick . Pasicles , a Theban , who heard Crates the Cynick , his own Brother . Dioclides of Megara . Cicero saith ; he was very acute , much approved by those times : his friends ( saith he ) writ , he was much inclined to wine and women , yet relate not this in his dispraise ; but , rather in his commendations , that he by Learning so subdued and represt his vicious nature , that none ever saw him drunk , none ever discovered any lasciviousnesse in him . Plutarch magnifies his height of courage , mixed with meeknesse and temperance . He was much addicted to civill affairs . Besides his Wife , he kept company with Nicareta , a Curtezan : He had a daughter of ill fame , whom Simmias , a Syracusian , his intimate friend , married ; she living incontinently , one told Stilpo she was a dishonour to him : No more , saith he , then I am an honour to her . Ptolemeus Soter much esteemed him , and when he took possession of Megara by conquest , gave him mony , and invited him along with him to Aegypt : Of the mony he took a little , but absolutely refused the journey : Going to Aegina stayed there , till Ptolomies returne . Dem●trius son of Antigonus , upon the taking of Megara , gave order , that his house might be preserved , and whatsoever belong'd to him restored ; and bidding him give them an inventory of such things as he had lost , he said , that he had lost nothing that belonged to him , for none had taken away his learning ; his learning and knowledge were both left . With Demetrius he disputed of Humanity so efficaciously , that he became a studious Auditor of him . Concerning Minerva's Statue , carved by Phidias , he asked a man , whether Minerva Daughter of Iove were a God ? He affirmed she was : But this , saith he , is not of Iove , but of Phidias ; to which the other assented : Then , saith he , she is not a God. Hereupon being cited to the Court of Areopagus , he denyed it not , but justified it , 〈◊〉 she was not a God , but a Goddesse . But , the Areopagites nothing satisfied with this evasion , ordered that he should depart the City . Hereupon Theodorus sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said in derision , How came Stilpo to know this , did he put aside her vail , and look upon her breast ? Theodorus was bold of speech ; but , Stilpo reserved , in so much , as being demanded by Crates , whether the Gods delighted in bent knees and prayers : Thou fool , saith he , do not question me in publick , but when we are alone together . He was sincere and plain , void of all artifice : Crates the Cynick not answering him , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I knew , saith he , you would speak any thing rather then that which is decent . Crates in propounding a question delivered a fig to him , which he took and eat : Crates presently cryed out , that he had lost his fig : Yes , saith he , and your question also , of which that was in earnest . Seeing Crates halfe frozen in cold weather , Crates , saith he , me thinks you want 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( which one way implies a new garment , another way both a garment and wit ) Crates ashamed , answered thus ; Stilpo at Megara I saw opprest , Where vast Typhocus lies with weight opprest . To hear him wrangle , many Schollers came ; Fair truth to chace away was all their aime . At Athens he wrought so much upon the people , that they would run out of their shops to see him : They wonder at thee Stilpo ( said one to him ) as a monster : No , saith he , but as a true man. As he was speaking with Crates , in the midst of their discourse he went away to buy fish ; Crates pursued him , crying out , that he gave over the discourse : No , saith he , I carry along the discourse with me ; but , I leave you , the discourse will stay , the fish must be bought . Being asked , what is harder then a stone , he answered , a fool . CHAP. II. His Philosophy . a HE was Master of the Megarick School , excellent in Eristick Disputes , by his subtle Tenents and Discourses , beautifying himselfe , his Country and friends . He took away all Species ( Universalls ) affirming , that he who saith , a man , denotes not any man , the Terme being not proper to this or that person , for why to one rather then to another , therefore not to this ; and again , that which we see is not an Herbe , for an Herb was many years ago , Therefore this was not an Herbe . b He likewise denyed one thing to be praedicated of another arguing thus ; if running be praedicated of an Horse , the subject is not the 〈◊〉 with the praedicate ; the definition of man is one thing , that o● good another , so an horse is a di●●ering thing from running , for upon 〈◊〉 , we give severall Definitions of each ; for if a man , and good , or a horse , and runing were the same , how could good be praedicated of Food or Physick , and running of a horse , which are things so different . Thus he admitted no conjunction with the subject , in things which are in a subject , or praedicated of a subject , but conceived that both these , unlesse they be the very same with the subject , cannot be praedicated of it , even not as an Accident . This , though it were one of those little sayings which Stilpo sportively used to cast out amongst the Sophisters , Colotes the Epicurean opposed so eagerly , that he framed a large discourse against Stilpo , grounded only upon this assertion , ( which yet he neither re●elled nor resolved ) affirming that by holding one thing is not praedicated of another , he takes away good life ; But that Stilpo ( saith Plutarch ) was offended only at some words , and opposed the manner of speaking , but took not away the course of life , or abolished things , is most evident . c He asserted the chief good to be a mind not subject to passion . CHAP. III. His Disciples . a He so far exceeded others in fluent discourse and learning , that he converted almost all Greece to the Megarick Sect , Philippus of Megara saith , he drew Metrodorus sirnamed the Theoretick , and Timagoras the Geloan from Theophrastus . 〈◊〉 and Simmias from Aristotle the Cyrenaean . Of Dialecticks , Paeonius , from Aristides . Diphilus Son of Euphantus , and Myrmex Son of Exenaetus coming to dispute against him , became both followers of him : Thus far Philipp●s : he likewise attracted Phaesidemus the Peripatetick , excellent in Natural Philosophy . Alcimus , the most eminent Oratour at that time in Greece . Ze●o the Phaenician , an Epicurean Philosopher . Crates , and others ; in a word , whomsoever he would himself . Heraclides saith , that Zeno the Citican founder of the Stoicall Sect was his Disciple . CHAP. IV. His Death , Writings . HErmippus affirmeth that he died of age ; but drank a draught of wine to hasten his end . Suidas saith , he wrote 20. Dialogues ; Laertius but nine ; and those not very efficacious ; their Titles these Moschus , Aristippus or Callias , Ptolemaeus , Chaerecrates , Mitrocles , Anaximenes , Epigenes , To his Daughter , Aristotle , He had a Son named Dryso , a Philosopher also . THE ELEACK & ERETRIACK SECTS . PHAEDO . a THe Eleack Sect was instituted by Phaedo , an Elean of a noble Family ; It chanced that he was taken by Thieves or Pyrates , and sold to a House of common dishonest resort ; where being forced to sit at the door , he was observed by Socrates in passing , who noting the ingenuity of his countenance ( which was extraordinary ) perswaded ( as Laertius saith ) Alcibiades or Plato , or ( as Agellius , ) Cebes , to buy him , from which time he addicted himself diligently to Philosophy , and was a constant Disciple of Socrates ; so much affected by Plato , that he called that most excellent discourse of the immortality of the Soul , after him , Phaedo . He instituted a Sect called from him Eleack ; The Dialogues ascribed to him were Zopyrus , Medus , Simon , Antimachus , or the old man , Nicias , Simmias , Alcibiades , Critolaus . b Panaetius doubts whether any of these were written by Phaedo ; Medus is by some ascribed to Aeschines , by others to Poliaenus as are also Antimachus and the Scythian discourses . PLISTHENES . a THe Eleack Sect was continued by Plisthenes an Elean ; successour to Phaedo ; Plisthenes was succeeded by Menedemus and Asclepiades . MENEDEMVS . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , Teachers . a MEnedemus was one of those Philosophers that continued the School of Phaedo , which hitherto was called Eleack , but from Menedemus was termed Eretriack : he was an Eretrian , Son of Clisthenes ; Clisthenes was of the Family of the Theopropidae ; yet though noble by descent , Mechanick by profession and indigent ; some affirm he was a maker of Tents ( Hesychius Illustris terms him an Architect ) adding that he taught both Arts to his son Menedemus , so that when Menedemus wrote a decree , an Alexinian Philosopher reproved him , saying , it becomes not a wise man to frame both Tents and decrees . Menedemus being sent by the Eretrians with a command of Souldiers , to Megara , went from thence to Athens to hear Plato at the Academy , with whom he was so taken , that he gave over his Military employment . By Asclepiades a Phlyasian , his intimate friend , he was carried to Stilpo at Megara , whom they both heard ; Thence taking a journey to Elis , they met with Anchypillus and Moschus , who belonged to the School of Phaedo . Some affirm he despised Plato and Xenocrates , and Paraebates the Cyrenaean ; but admired Stilpo ; concerning whom , being demanded his opinion , he only answered that he was free . CHAP. II. His School and Philosophy . BEing returned home to Eretria , he set up a School , and taught Philosophy there : the Elia. a School being thus transfer'd to Eretria , was from thence forward called Eretriack . In his School there was no order of place , no seats round about it ; but , as every man chanced to be sitting , or standing , or walking , in the same postures they heard him . He held , that there was but one vertue and good , reprehending those who asserted more ; whence of one who held there were many Gods , he demanded ironically how many ? and whether he thought there were more then a hundred ? He was of a versatile wit , and in composure of his speech a difficult adversary ; he turned himselfe every way , and found something to say for every thing : He was very litigious , as Antisthenes in his successions affirmes , and used this question , What is not the same , is different from that with which it is not the same ? Yes , To benefit is not the same with good , therefore good doth not benefit . He took away negative propositions , leaving only the affirmative ; and of these he admitted the simple only ; but rejected those which were not simple , calling them conjoyned and complexe . Heraclides saith , he was a Platonick , and derided Dialectick . Hexinus asking , whether he had given over beating his Father ? I neither did beat him , saith he , nor have given over . The other replyed , Either say yes or no , to dissolve the ambiguity . It is ridiculous , saith he , to follow your Lawes , when a man may withstand them in the very entrance . He writ not , or composed any thing , because ( saith Antigonus Carystius ) he was of no certain opinion : yet , in dispute he was so vehement , that he many times went away with black and blew eyes . CHAP. III. His manner of living . a HE contracted a strict friendship with Asclepiades , nothing inferiour to that of Pilades to Orestes : Asclepiades was the elder , whence there went a common saying , that he was the Poet , Menede●us the Player . b When they were yet both young Philosophers , and indigent , they were cited to the Court of Areopagus , to give account ( c according to Solon's Law ) by what means ( spending the whole day amongst Philosophers without any labour , and having no estate ) they subsisted , and were in so good a condition : They desired , that one of the Masters of the common Prison might be sent for ; who , when he came , attested , that they went down every night into the Prison , where the common malefactours grownde , and did there grinde , and in pay of their labour , received two drachmes : at which the Areopagites much wondering , bestowed as an honourable reward upon them two hundred drachmes . They had other Patrons that bestowed gifts upon them ; Archepolides gave them three thousand pieces of silver ; they both contended which should receive last , and in conclusion , neither accepted it . The chief persons that received them were Hipponicus a Macedonian , and Aegetor a Lamiean : Aegetor gave each of them thirty Minae . Hipponicus gave Menedemus two thousand drachmes towards the marriage of his Daughters , which , as Heraclides saith , were three , by his Wife Oropia . For Asclepiades and Menedemus took each of them a Wife ; Asclepiades married the daughter , Menedemus the Mother : Asclepiades , his Wife dying , took the Wife of Menedemus ; Menedemus being made a chiefe Magistrate , married a rich Wife ; notwithstanding , he allowed his first Wife an equall interest in the government of the House . Asclepiades having lived with Menedemus in great plenty ; yet , with great temperance , died old at Eretria . At that time , one , whom Asclepiades much loved , coming late at night , intending to have feasted with him , the servants shut him out of dores : but , Menedemus bad them let him in , saying , Asclepiades would admit him even under ground . Menedemus was much given to entertainments , and , because the Country was unwholesome , made many Feasts : what order he observed therein is thus delivered by Antigonus Carystius , and out of him ( though not cited ) by Laertius . He dined but with one or two companions at the most ; if any came to him , they were admitted after dinner was ended ; if they came sooner then the set time , they walked short turnes before the doore , and demanded of the servants what course was carried in ; if they told them fish-broth ( with which they begun their dinner ) they went away ; if any flesh , they went into a room prepared for that purpose . In Summer time , Menedemus had the Couches or Beds of his Dining-room covered with flags and rushes , in Winter with sheep-skinns . Every guest brought a Cushion ; the Cup they had was no bigger then a large spoon : instead of sweet-meats they had Lupines and Beanes : sometimes such fruit as the season afforded ; in Summer , Pomgranats , in Springe , Pulse , in Winter , Figs. This Lycophron the Chalcidian confirmes in his satyricall Comedy upon Menedemus , where Silenus speaks thus to the Satires . Sons impious of a pious Father , I ( You see ) with your delights and sports comply : But never by the Gods at such a Feast In Caria , Rhodes , or Lydia was a guest . How plentifull ! And not long after , A little pot halfe full of water clear , Rated at farthings five , a boy did bear To every guest ; about vile Lupines went , With which the beggar's table 's scarce content . Whilst they drank ( after the feast ) Menedemus proposed questions , and instead of a desert gave them discourse , which excited all to temperance and continence : these continued sometimes till the crowing of the Cock broke them off , much against the will of his guests , who never thought they had enough of them . CHAP. IV. His civill employments . a HE was first contemned by his Country-men , and called dog and fool ; but at last so much honoured by them , that they committed the government of the Common-wealth to his charge , b and paid him yearly two hundred Talents , whereof he sent back fifty . After he applyed himselfe to civill businesse , he was so thoughtfull , that going to put Incense into a Censer , he put it besides . Crates reproaching him for undertaking publick employments , he sent him to Prison ; whereupon as he chanced to pass by , Crates rose up , and saluted him with the title of Agamemnonian , leader of the City . He was sent Ambassadour from the Eretrians to Ptolomy , and to Lysimachus ( much honoured wheresoever he came ) and to Demetrius , c all three Kings of Macedonia , of whom , Demetrius first raigned , then Lysimachus , and after him ( Pyrrhus intervening ) Ptolomy . Some accused him to Demetrius , that he would betray his City to Ptolomy , of which charge he acquitted himselfe by an Epistle , beginning thus , Menedemus to king Demetrius , health . I hear that you are informed many things concerning us , &c. advising him to take heed of one of those that were his enemies , named Aeschylus . When he was on Embassy to Demetrius , he spoke very earnestly and effectually concerning Oropus . Antigonus also , King of Macedonia , loved him exceedingly , and profest himselfe his Disciple : In his behalfe he made a Decree , clear and void of assentation , beginning thus ; For as much as King Antigonus , having overcome the Barbarians in fight , returneth into his own Country , having good successe in all his undertakings : The Senate and people have thought good , &c. CHAP. V. His Vertues and Apothegmes . MENEDEMUS was of exceeding gravity , for which Crates deriding him , said , Asclepiad the Phliasian , and the proud Eretrian , and Timon . He supercilious bumbast speech begins . In this severity he was so awfull , that Eurylochus being invited by Antigonus , together with Clippides , a youth of Cyzicum , refused to go , fearing Menedemus should know it . In reproof he was bitter and bold , of which Laertius instanceth his sayings to a young man over-confident , to Hierocles , &c. to an Adulterer boasting , &c. to a young man crying , &c. Antigonus asking his advice , whether he should go to a luxurious banquet ; not speaking whether he should go or not , he bad him send them word , that he was a Kings son . One who intruded himselfe upon him , and discoursed very absurdly , he asked , if he had a farm ; he answered , many : Go then , saith he , and look after them , le●t in losing you rusticity you lose them also . To one asking , whether a good Man may take a Wife , he said , Do you think I am good or not ? The other assenting ; But , I ( saith he ) have taken one . Not able to limit the prodigality of one who invited him to supper , he silently reproved him , eating nothing but Olives . This freedome brought him into danger when he was in Cyprus with Nicocreon , together with his friend Asclepiades ; for , the King having invited him with the rest of the Philosophers to a Monthly feast , Menedemus said , this convention if it be good , ought to be every day ; if otherwise , this day is too much : The Tyrant answered , that he had set apart that day to converse with Philosophers . Menedemus persisting in his assertion , demonstrated from what he had said of the sacrifice , that Philosophers ought to be heard at all times . Whereupon if one of the Musicians had not helped them to escape , they had been put to death , whence the Ship being endangered by a storm , Asclepiades said , that the humanity of the Musician preserved them , the roughnesse of Menedemus had undone them . He was negligent , and ( as we said ) carelesse in every thing that concerned the order of his School ; likewise high-minded , and covetous of glory : insomuch that when he and Asclepiades first exercised the trade of building , Asclepiades was seen upon the house top carrying clay ; but Menedemus , if he espied any man passing by , hid himselfe . He was somewhat enclined to superstition ; having eaten ●n a Cookes shope the flesh of something that had died of it selfe ignorantly with Asclepiades , as soon as he knew it , he grew sick , and looked pale , till Asclepiades reproved him , saying , He was not sick of the meat , but of phancy . In all other respects he was a person of a great and free soul ▪ in strength even in his old age equall to those who wrastled in exercise , strong made , swarthy of complexion , sat and corpulent ; but of indifferent stature , as appears ( saith Laertius ) by his statue in Eretria , in the old Stadium , so exactly carved , that it expresseth the naked proportion of his limbs . He loved Aratus and Lycophron the Tragick Poet , and Antagoras the Rhodian , but above all he was studious of Homer ; next of the Lyricks ; then of Sophocles : In Satyres he assigned the second place to Achaeus ; the first to Aeschylus , whence to those in the state who defended the contrary part , he said thus , The swift in time outstript are by the slow , A Tortoise thus an Eagle may outgo . These are verses of Achaeus ; they therefore are mistaken , who say he read nothing but the Medea of Euripides , which is put among the Poems of Neophron the Sicyonian . Of Bion , who spoke with much diligence against Prophets , he said , he murthered the dead . To one who said , the greatest good is to enjoy those things which we desire ; it is a much greater saith he , to desire those things which are fitting . He was violent ( as we said ) in controversie , but most affable in conversation and action : Alexinus , whom in dispute he had often circumvented and bitterly derided , hee gratified in deed ; taking care for the safe conduct of his Wife from Delphi to Chalcis , the way being much infested with Theeves . He was an excellent friend , as is manifest from his affection to Asclepiades , of which we have already spoken , only to Persaeus , he was constantly a profest enemy , for it was known that when Antigonus for Menedemus his sake would have restored the Eretrians to their first liberty , Persaeus withstood it , whereupon at a Feast Menedemus openly enveigh'd against him , using amongst many others this expression ; he is indeed a Philosopher , but of all men that are , were , or ever shall be the most wicked . CHAP. VI. His departure from Eretria , and Death . THe friendship he held with Antigonus , made him suspected by his own Countrymen , as if he meant to betray the City to him ; of which being accused by Aristodemus , he fled , and lived a while at Oropus in the Temple of Amphiaraus : thence some golden Cups chancing to be stoln , he was by a publick decree of the Boeotians forbidden to stay there any longer , whereupon he returned privately into his Country , and taking his Wife and Children along with him , went from thence to Antigonus , where he died of grief . But Heraclides on the contrary affirmeth , that whilst he was praefect of Eretrians , he often defended his Country against those who would have made Demetrius Tyrant thereof ; Neither would he therefore have betray'd it to Antigonus ; but that was falsly laid to his charge ; he afterwards went to Antigonus , petitioning that he would restore his Country to their liberties ; which Antigonus denying he out of grief fasted seven daies , and so died ; The same relation is delivered by Antigonus Carystius . Heraclides saith , he lived 84. years . FINIS . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Fift Part. Containing the Academick Philosophers . IN DOMINO CONFIDO LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Mosely , and Tho : Dring . An. Dom. 1656. PLATO . PLATO . CHAP. I. The Country , Parents , and Time of PLATO . THE most eminent of all the Sects derived from Socrates was the Academick , so called from the Academy , a place in Athens , where the Professors thereof taught : This Sect was instituted by Plato , continued by Speusippus , Xenocrates , Polemon , Crates , Crantor , thus farre called the first or old Academy . Arcesilaus , succeeding Crantor , instituted the middle Academy , continued by Lacydes , Telecles , Euander , and Hegesinus . Carneades founded the new Academy , of which was also ( ●litomachus : Some reckon a fourth Academy , instituted by Philo and Charmidas : a fifth by Antiochus . a Plato was out of doubt an Athenian , nor are they to be credited who relate him b a Theban , born at Cynocephalus ; c Antileon affirmes his Parents to bee of Colly●tus . d Hee was born ( according to Phavorinus ) in the Island Aegina , in the house of Phidiades , son of Thales ; his Father sent with others thither at the division of the Land ( upon their defection from , and subjection by the Athenians , at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War ) and returned to Athens , at what time those Athenians were ejected by the Lacedemonians , in aid of the Aeginetae . e He was of an eminent Family ; his Father Aristo ( Son of Aristoteles ) of the race of Codrus , Son of Melanthus , who ( as Thrasylus affirmes ) derived themselves from Neptune . Melanthus flying Messena , came to Athens , where afterwards by a Stratagem killing Xanthus , he was made King after Thymocles , the last of the Theseidae . His Mother Perictione , by some called Potone , whose Kindred with Solon is thus described by Laertius and f Proclus . Execestides had two Sons , Solon and Dropides : Dropides had Critias , mentioned by Solon in his Poems . Bid fair-haird Critias his Sire observe ; A wandring minde will from his leader swerve . Critias had Callaeschrus , Callaeschrus had Critias , one of the thirty Tyrants , and Glaucon ( whom Apuleius calls Glaucus ) Glaucon had Charmides and Perictione ; Perictione by Aristo had Plato , the sixt from Solon ; Solon was descended from Neptune and Neleus , [ Father of Nestor . ] Thus Laertius , from whom Proclus dissents only in that , that he makes Glaucon Son of the first Critias , Brother to Callaesch●us , which Critias manifestly ( saith he ) in Plat. Charmides confirmes , calling Glauco ( Father of Charmides ) his Uncle . Thus was Plato descended both waies from Neptune . ●here are ( saith g Apuleius ) who assert Plato of a more sublime race : Aristander , followed by many Platonists , thinks , he was begotten on his Mother by some Spectrum in the shape of Apollo : h Speusippus in his Treatise , entitl'd Plato , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Clearchus in his Eulogie of Plato ; Anaxili●es in his second Book of Philosophers ; i Plutarch , Suidas , and others , affirm it to have been commonly reported at Athens , that he was the Son of Apollo , who appearing in vision to her ( being a woman of extraordinary Beautie ) k Perictionae se miscuit , she thereupon conceived : Aristo ( her Husband ) having often attempted to enjoy her , but in vaine ; at last Apollo appearing to him in a vision or dream , and a voice commanding him to refrain the company of his Wife for ten Months , untill her delivery were past , he forbore ; whence Tyndarus He did not issue from a mortall bed ; A God his Sire ; a God-like life he led . Some thereupon ( as l Saint Hierom saith ) affirmed , he was born of a Virgin , and m it was a common speech among the Athenians , that Phoebus begat Aesculapius and Plato , one to cure Bodies , the other Soules . n Aristo had afterwards by Perictione , two Sons , Adimaretus and Glauco , and a Daughter Potone , Mother to Speusippus : These relations of Plato will be more conspicuous in this Genealogicall Table . For the Year of his Birth , ( to omit the mistakes of Eusebius , who placeth it in the fourth year of the eightie eight Olympiad , in the Archonship of Stratocles , and of the Chronicon Alexandrinum , that placeth it the year following ) Laertius saith , He was born , according to the Chronologie of Apollodorus , in the eightie eight Olympiad , which seemes to be towards the beginning of the first year , whilst Aminias was yet Archon . For Laertius elsewhere saith , that he was six years younger then Isocrates ; for Isocrates ( saith he ) was born , when Lysimachus , Plato , when Aminias was Archon , under whom Pericles dyed : in the third year of the Peloponesian War. This Aminias is by the r Scholiast of Euripides called Ameinon , by s Athenaeus , Epameinon , by t Diodorus Siculus , Epaminondas . The various reading , occasion'd either by addition or detraction of the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but by which of these two cannot easily be evinc'd . u Salmasius endevouring to prove the name to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , positively affirms , that the Greeks never name an Archon without the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that errour * Pe● avius confutes , whose opinion is confirmed by the antient Marble at Arundell-house , which addeth not the Preposition to the names of the Archons . Neither is the opinion of x Athenaeus much different , who affirmes , Plato was born ( the Year before ) Apollodorus being Archon , who succeeded Euthydemus , who was Archon the third Year of the eightie seventh Olympiad , and that under Euphemus , in the fourth year of the nintieth Olympiad , he was fourteen years old . For both Laertius and Athenaeus agree in the Year of his death , viz. the first of the hundred and eight Olympiad , when Theophilus , the successor of Callimachus , was Archon ; Athenaeus only differeth in this , that , computing eightie two Archons , he attributes so many years to Plato's life , whereas it is certain , that he lived but exactly eightie one . The day of his birth , y according to Apollodorus , was the seventh of Thargelion , at which time the Delians did celebrate the Feast of Apollo . So likewise Florus , cited by z Plutarch , who addes , that the Priests and Prophets call Apollo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being born upon this seventh day ; whence perhaps was occasion'd the fiction , that he was Son of Apollo , which Plutarch esteemes no disparagement to his Deity . In the first year of the eighty eight Olympiad , the Neomenia of Hecatombaeon fell upon the second of August , and ( upon those Hypotheses which we laid down formerly in the a life of Socrates ) the Dominicall Letter for that Year being E. the seventh of Thargelion will ( according to the Julian accompt taken proleptically ) fall upon Friday , the thirtieth of May ; according to the Gregorian , upon Friday the ninth of Iune , in the year of the Julian period , 4286. This is according to the faith of the Historians , with whom the Astrologers do not agree ; for b Iulius Firmicus hath erected the Scheme of his Nativity after this manner . If the Ascendent saith he shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therein posited ; and if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then be placed in the seventh , having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for his signe , and in the second the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fifth house beholding the Ascendent with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aspect , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ninth from the Ascendent in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Geniture renders a man Interpreter of Divine and heavenly Instituti●ns , who endued with instructive speech , and the power of divine wit , and formed in a manner by a celestiall Inst●●tion , by the true license of disputations shall arrive at all the secrets of Divinity . Thus Firmicus , whose Scheme agreeth not with the other Calculation , as being betwixt the midst of February and of March , during which time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hence will appear the great Anachronisme of those , who affirm , that Plato went to Aegypt in the time of the Prophet Hieremie ( whom Eusebius placeth in the thirtie sixt Olympiad ) and heard him there . Hieremie at the captivity of the Jewes into Babylon , was carried by Iohanan son of Caree into Aegypt : The Jewes were carried away by Nebuchadnezzar , at what time Tarquinius Priscus reign'd at Rome , Vaphres in Aegypt , to whom the rest of the Jewes fled , which was in the fortie seventh Olympiade , 160 years before Plato was born . This opinion c once held , was afterwards retracted by Saint Augustine , in his Book of Retractations , and confuted , de Civit. Dei. 8. 11. CHAP. II. His first Education , Exercises , and Studies . a WHilst Plato was yet an Infant carried in the armes of his Mother P●rictione , Aristo , his Father went to Hymettus ( a mountaine in Attica , eminent for abundance of Bees and Honey ) to sacrifice to the Muses or Nymphs , taking his Wife and child along with him ; as they were busied in the divine rights , she laid the Child in a thicket of Mirtles hard by ; to whom , as he slept ( b in cunis dormients ) came a swarm of Bees , artists of Hymettian Hony , flying and buzzing about him , and ( as it is reported ) made a honey-combe in his mouth . This was taken for a pre●age of the singular sweetnesse of his discourse ; his future eloquence foreseen in his Infancy . His Parents ( saith c Alexander ) named him after his Grandfather , Aristocles : f Speusippus ( instituted in his domestick documents ) extolleth his sharpnesse of apprehension , whilst yet a Child , and the admirable modesty of his disposition ( g which was such , that he was never , even all those years , seen to laugh immoderately ) affirming , that the beginnings of his youth were season'd with labour and love of Study ; which Vertues encreased and met with all the rest ; when he came to mans estate . h Of Dionysius the Grammarian ( mentioned in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he received the first ●udiments of Learning . Of Aristo , an Argive , he learned the Art of Wrestling ( at that time much in esteem , as being one of the Olympick Exercises ) wherein he became so great a Proficient , that some affirm , he wrastled at the Isthmus , in the Pythian Games . i As in years and vertue , so likewise he encreased extraordinarily in outward proportion and shape , insomuch , that Aristo named him Plato ( which implyeth Latitude ) in allusion to the largenesse of his person ; others say , to the widenesse of his shoulders ; Neanthes of his forehead : some , to his large Eloquence . Whatsoever the occasion were , this name wore out and displaced the other . That he was called also Sarapis , is affirmed by k ●esychius . There was not any imperfection throughout his person , except a gibbosity in the hinder part of his head , and ( as Timotheus affirms ) a kind of l Hesitation in his speech . m He learned also ( as Dicearchus relates ) to Paint : He addicted himselfe much to Poetry , and wrote many Poems : First , Dithyrambs ; then Epick Poetry , which comparing with Homer , and finding far short of him , he burned . Then he betook himselfe to writing Tragedies : He made a compleat Tetralogie ( four Drama's , as the manner was , when they contested , to be presented at four severall Festivalls , Lenaean , Panathenaean , Chytraean , the fourth Satyricall ) and gave it to the Players to be acted , intending to contest for the Palm upon the Olympick Theater : but the day before it should have been presented , chancing to hear Socrates discourse at the Olympick Theat●r ( n before the Bacchanals ) he was so taken with that Syren , that he not only forbore to contest at that time , but wholly gave over all Tragick Poesy , and burned all his Poems , saying that of Homes , Vulcan come hither , Plato needs thy aid . From that time ( the twentieth year of his age , which falls about the 4th of the 92 Olympiad ) he became a follower of Socrates , and studied Philosophy . Some affirm ( of the truth of which report , o Aelian justly doubts ) he was driven by poverty to betake himselfe to the Warres , but intercepted by Socrates , and instructed in that which concerns M●nkind , he sold his armes , and through his perswasion , addicted himselfe to Philosophy . That he fought for his Country is certain , express'd in his answer to p Crobylus the Sycophant : q Aristoxenus and Aelian affirm , he was engaged thrice : First , at Tanagra ; the second time at Corinth ; and lastly at D●lium , where he fought best of all the Souldiers . Thus Aristoxenus . But that this is false , may be easily evinced by computation of times . The first fight of the Athenians at Tanag●a , was in the 4 t year of the 80● Olympiad , 17 years before Plato was born : The second , in the first of the 89● when he was but six years old . The fight at D●lium , was in the first of the 89th , at what time 〈◊〉 was● but foure years old ; from the last words of Aristoxenus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( implying , that at Delium he had the prize for sigh●ing best ) may be conjectured , that this was meant of Socrates , who was thrice personally engag'd , and at s Delium should have had the prize for fighting best , but that his modesty procured it to be conferr'd upon Alcibiades . CHAP. III. His Masters in Philosophy , and his Travells to that end . a Socrates , the night before Plato was recommended to him , dreamed , that a young Swan fled from Cupid's Altar in the Academy , and sat in his lap , thence flying up to Heaven , it delighted both Gods and Men with its Musick . As Socrates [ the next day ] was relating this to some of his Auditors , Aristo came at the same time , and presented his Son Plato to him , to be his Disciple . As soon as Socrates saw him , reading in his looks his ingenuity ; Friends , saith he , this is the Swan of Cupid's Academy . Eight years he lived with Socrates , in which time , he committed ( as others of his Disciples ) the effect of his Masters discourse to writing : hereof he composed Dialogues , but with so great additions of his own , that b Socrates hearing him recite his Lysis , cry'd out , Oh! Hercules , how many things doth this young man feigne of me ? For not a few things ( addes Laertius ) of those which he writ , Socrates never spoke . At the time of Socrates's arraignment , the first year of the 95th Olympiad , he was one of the Senate , the youngest of that Convention . That he was a Senator , implies he was full thirty years old at that time , according to Solon's Law. This argues c Hermodorus of a mistake , who saith , he was twenty eight years old when he fled to Megara , upon the death of Socrates ; and subverts the accounts of those who under-reckon his birth . d The Judges being much displeas'd at Socrates , Plato went up into the Oratour's Chair , intending to plead in his defence , and began thus ; Though I ( Athenians ) am the youngest of those who come up into this place . But all the Senate crying ou● of those who go down , he was thereupon constrained to do so . Socrates being condemned , Plato offer'd him to procure so much mony as might purchase his liberty , but Socrates refused the offer . e About that time , Socrates his friends being met together to condole his death , Plato encourag'd them , and bid them not despair , for that himself was capable to govern the School : and in so saying , drunk to Apollodorus , who answer'd , he would sooner take up the cup of poyson from the hand of Socrates , then pledge him upon that condition . Upon the death of Socrates , Plato ( whose excessive grief upon that occasion is observed by f Plutarch ) with others of his Disciples , fearing the Tyranny of those persons , who put their Master to death , g ●ed to Euclid at Megara , who friendly entertained them , till the storm was blown over . h Apuleius saith , that before he came to Socrates , he was initiated in the Sect of Heraclitus . But more likely is that which is affirmed by Laertius , that after Socrates's death , he applyed himselfe to Cra●ylus , a follower of Heraclitus , and to Hermogenes . He conceived , saith i Saint Augustine , that his own invention , and Socrates ' s instructions came short of the true aime of Philosophy : He considered with himselfe what course he should take to benefit himselfe most , for this purpose he determined to travell to any place , where report told him he might drink of the spring of Learning , even to the farthest parts of the Earth , saith k Cicero : l First , to Italy , where he addicted himselfe to the discipline of Pythagoras , which , though he saw replenished with curious and high reason , yet , he chiefly affected to imitate the continence and chastity thereof ; though the m Pythagoreans themselves affirme he had all his naturall Philosophy from thence . n Perceiving the knowledge of the Pythagoreans to be assisted with other disciplines , he went to Cyrene , to learn Geometry of Theodorus the Mathematician : thence to Aegypt ( which was then under the Empire of Artaxerxes Mnemon ) o under pretence of selling Oyle , but the scope of his journey was to fetch Astrology from thence : To learn Arithmetick and Celestiall Speculations of the Barbarians , ( saith p Cicero ) q and to be instructed in the rites of the Prophets . r He travelled over the Country , in●orming himselfe all the way by their Priests , of the multiplicious proportions of Geometry , and the observation of Celestiall motions . At what time the young Students at Athens ●ere enquiring for Plato to instruct them , he was busied in surveying the inexplicable banks of Nilus , the vast extent of a barbarous Country , and the winding compasse of their trenches , a Disciple to the Aegyptian old men . s Having taken a full survey of all the Country , he at last setled himselfe in the Province of Sais , Learning of the Wise men there , what they held concerning the Vniverse , whether it had a beginning , and whether it is moved at present , wholly , or in part , according to Reason . From these , t Pausanias affirmes , he learn'd the Immortality of the Soul , which that they held , as likewise the transmigration thereof into severall bodies , is affirmed by u Herodotus . * Some say , that Euripides followed him to Aegypt , and falling sick , was cured by the Priests with Sea-water , whereupon he said , The Sea doth wash away all ills of Man. But this agrees not with the time of his death , which was before that of Socrates , viz. in the 93d Olympiad . From Aegypt Plato returned to Tarentum in Italy , at what time L. Camillus and P. Claudius were Consuls at Rome , as x Cicero affirmeth . What Fasti he used , I know not , for in those which are now with us received as authentick , there are no such Consuls during the whole life of Plato . And indeed , in those times , Rome was , for the most part , govern'd by Tribunes . y Here he conversed with Eurytus of Tarentum , the Elder ; Archytas the Elder ( at whose discourse concerning Pleasure he was present ) and with the rest of the Pythagoreans , Echecrates , Timaeus , Acrio ( corruptly in z Valerius Maximus , Ario ) and Coetus Locrians . Thus to the learning of Socrates he added that of Pythagoras , and informed himselfe in those things which Socrates neglected : He would have gone also to the Indians , and to the Magi , but that the Warres which at that time were in Asia hindred him . CHAP. IV. What Authors he follow'd . a EUgubinus affirmes , that Plato borrow'd the mystick part of his Philosophy from Hermes Trismegistus ; particularly , that concerning the Divine Goodnesse : which , I suppose , he rather asserts from his own conjecture , in regard Pla●o had been long in Aegypt , then from any good Authority . He was induced thereunto by those Books , which are now commonly , but falsely , vented under the name of Hermes Trismegistus ; whereas , the learned Casaubon , in his b Exercitations upon Baronius , hath sufficiently taught us the forgery of those Books , which seem by some Impostor , to have been compiled out of the works of Plato , and the Divine Scripture . That Plato received some light from Moses , is affirmed with much greater Authorities of severall Nations and Religions : Of Iewes by c Aristobulus , Plato ( saith he ) followed our Law in many things , his various allegations evince him a curious observer thereof : for the Volumes of Moses were translated before Alexander's time . And d Iosephus , Plato chiefly followed our Law-giver . Of Philosophers , by e Numenius , what is Plato , ( saith he ) but Moses speaking Greek ? Of Fathers , by f Iustine Martyr , g Clement Alexandrinus , h Eusebius , Theodoret , i Saint Augustine , &c. k When Plato went to Sicily , he bought the Books of Philolaus , a Pythagorean , which were three , of N●turall Philosophy , the first that ever were published out of that School : Some say , he had them of Dionysius's friends , for four Alexandrian Minae : Others , that Dionysius had them of a young Man , one of Philolaus's Disciples , and gave them to Plato . Others , that he sent to Dion at Syracuse to buy them for him , which he did for 100 Minae : l Agellius saith , ten thousand Denaries : For , having received of Dionysius above eighty Talents , he was very full of mony . Out of these , he is said ( as Agellius and Laertius affirm ) to have taken a great part of his Timaeus ; for which derided by Timon , ( in Sillis ) thus : You ( Plato ) with the same affections caught , With a great Summ a little Treatise bought , Where all the knowledge , which you own , was taught . m Alcimus in his four Books to Amintas , affirmes , that Plato borrow'd much from the writings of Epicharmus , the Comick Poet , in the first Book he hath these words : In Sensibles ( saith Plato ) neither magnitude nor quality is permanent , but in continuall fluxion and mutation ; as if we should substract number from them , which are neither equall , nor certain , nor quantitative , nor qualitative ; these are they where generation is alwaies , their essence never . To Insensibles nothing can be added , nothing taken away . This is the nature of Eternall Beings , the like and same ever . Thus Plato cited by Alcimus . Indeed , he teacheth this in many places , particularly in Timaeo , where he at large explaineth what is that which never is , and never had beginning , and that which hath beginning , but no being . He concludes the first comprehensible , by the Intellect with Reason , the other by sence and opinion . But the citation of Alcimus seems to refer to Plato's Theaetetus , the subject of which Dialogue is Science : there he examines some Definitions of Science by the Antients , amongst the rest , the assertion of Protagoras , that Science is Sence ; against which he disputes largely , the summe this . That the Soul apprehends some things by mediation of the Body , others without ; of the first kind are things warm , light , dry , sweet , &c. of the other , Essence and not being , similitude and dissimilitude , identitie and diversity , uni●e and number . Hence it followes , that Sence apprehends not Essences , and consequently not Truths , for Essence and Truth are convertible . This assertion of Plato n Alcimus deduceth from Epicharmus , who ( saith he ) hath plainly spoken of things subject to Sence and Reason , in these words : Gods alwaies were , to be , desisted never , Like them Eternall , still the same persever . Chaos the first begotten Deitie Is stil'd : of something how can nothing be ? Thence nor the first nor second nothings are , How we ●steem of those we thus declare : If we an even or uneven summe Alter , by adding or substracting one , Seems it to you the same ? to me not so ; If a continu'd measure shrink or grow , It is not the same measure : such the lives Of Men are , one decayes , another thrives ; That Nature , which new being ever takes Is different from the being it forsakes , Not yesterday the same were I and you , Nor shall tomorrow be what we are now . O Again , Alcimus , The wise say , that the soul apprehends some things by mediation of the body , as when she hears or sees ; others , she conceiveth within her selfe , without using the body , whence of beings , some are subject to sence , others , c●mprehensible by the Intellect . Therefore Plato saith , that they who desire to know the principles of the Universe , must first distinguish the Ideas in themselves , as similitude , unity , multitude , magnitude , restauration . Secondly , add in it selfe , honest , good , just , and the like ; thirdly , examines what Idaea's cohaere mutually with one another , as Science , Magnitude , Power : and withall , to think that those who are amongst us , because they participate of them , should be called by the same name , as for instance , just things are those which participate of Iust , Honest , which of honest : one of every Species is eternall , perceptible by the mind , and consequently free from perturbation . Wherefore , he asserts Idaea's in nature as Exemplars , after whose likenesse other things are made . Thus Alcimus ; the first part whereof seems to be taken out of Plato's Theaetetus , the latter out of his Parmenides . The words of Epicharmus concerning Gods and Idea's , to which Alcimus referrs this of Plato , are these : Is Musick then a thing ? It is ; the man Musick ? no : what then ? a Musician A man or not ? he is the same of good , Good from the thing apart is understood : whoever learns good by t●at art is made , who Musick a Musitian : of each trade As dancing , weaving , and the like the same , The Art and Artist have a different name . p Again , Alcimus : Plato in his opinion of Idea's saith thus ; if there is memory , there must be also Idea's , for memory is of a quiet permanent thing , but nothing is permanent except Idea's , for how , saith he , could living creatures be preserved unlesse by their Idea and receiving a naturall mind ; Now they remember Similitude and their nourishment : showing that all Creatures have an innate understanding of their own similitude , and therefore perceive things belonging to their kind . Thus Alcimus : What place of Plato he means I know not , q Scaliger reads , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. omitting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he made a doubt whether that both of the opinions of Idea's were Plato's ; but I rather think Alcimus meant not the title of any Book , having named none in the rest of his citations , but what himself abstracts out of Plato's opinion concerning Idea's . Plato in Philedo , teacheth this concerning memory , that sence is a motion common to the Soul and Body ; this suffering from externall Senses , the other acting and dijudicating ; that memory is a conservatory or repository of the Senses . For the Soul , as oft as she in her self , or by assistance of the Body , calls to mind what she hath suffer'd , she is said to remember . To Plato's assertion , Alcimus applyeth this of Epicharmus : Eumaeus Wisdome's not to one consin'd ; Various in every living knowing mind . The Hen first doth not living things beget , But sits and hatcheth with enliv'ning heat : This Wisdom only Nature's friend discerns , Of whom ( her Mistresse ) she this lesson learns . And again , This is not strange for every thing we find Is to its proper species most enclin'd ; To Dogs a Bitch seems fairest , and to kine A Bull , an Asse to Asses , swine to swine . These things Laertius cites out of Alcimus , adding that there are more of the same kind in those four Books , whereby he intimates the help that Plato receiv'd by the writings of Epicharmus ; neither was Epicharmus himself ignorant of his own wisdom , as may be collected from these Verses , predicting that he should have a follower : This I assert , and what I now maintain , Shall Monuments to future times remain , Some one hereafter will my verse review , And cloathing it in language rich and new Invincible himself , others subdue . r Moreover Phavorinus alledgeth the whole form of Plato's Common-wealth in Protagoras's Antilogicks , others say , he borrowed his Politicks from Socrates . s Lastly , it is related , that much of Plato's morality was in the Books of Sophron the Mimographe , which having been long neglected , were by him first brought to Athens , and were found lying under his head , when he was dead . CHAP. V. His School . a BEing return'd to Athens from his Journey to Aegypt , he setled himself in the Academy , a Gymnasium or place of Exercise in the Suburbs of that City , beset with woods , taking name from Ecademus one of the Hero's , as Eupolis , In sacred Hecademus shady walks . And Timon , The fluent sweet-tongu'd Sage first led the way , Who writes as smoothly as from some green spray Of Hecademe , Grashoppers chirp their lay . Hence it was first called Ecademy , the occasion of his living here , was , that he was poor and had nothing but one Orchard in or adjoyning to the Academy , which was the least part of his Successours . This Orchard at first yeelded but three aurei nummi of yearly rent to the Owners , afterwards the whole Revenue amounted to a thousand or more . It was in processe of time much enlarged by well-willers , and studious persons , who dying , bequeathed by will something to the Professours of Philosophy , their riches to maintain the quiet and tranquillity of a Philosophicall life . Plato ( the Academy being said to be a sickly place , and Physicians advising him to transfer his School to the Lyceum , would not be perswaded , but answered , I would not live on the top of Athos to linger my life . The unwholsomnesse of the place brought him to a Quartan ague , which lasted eighteen months , but at length by sobriety and care he master'd it , and recover'd his strength more perfect then before . First , he taught Philosophy in the Academy , and after in the Gardens of Colonus . At the entrance of his School in the Academy was written , LET NONE IGNORANT OF GEOMETRY ENTER HERE , meant , not only of the measure and proportion of lines , but also of the inward Affections . CHAP. VI. How he instituted a Sect. HAving thus setled himself in the Academy , he began out of the Collection he had made from others , and his own invention to institute a Sect , called from the place where he taught Academick . a He mixed the Heraclitian discourses , with the Socratick and Pythagorick , following in sensibles Heraclitus , in Intelligibles Pythagoras , in Politicks Socrates . Whereas Philosophy , saith , b St. Augustine , concerns either action or contemplation ( thence assuming two names , Contemplative and Active ) the Active consisting in practise of morall Actions , the contemplative , in penetration of abstruse Physicall causes , and the nature of the Divinity , Socrates excelled in the Active , Pythagoras in the Contemplative . But Plato join'd them into one perfec● kind , which he subdivided into three severall parts ; Morall , consisting chiefly in Action , Naturall in Contemplation , Rationall in Distinction of true and false , which though usefull in both the other , yet belongeth more particularly to Contemplation . So that this Trichotomy contradicts not the other Dichotomy , which includeth all within Action and Contemplation . c And as of old in a Tragedy , the Chorus acted alone , then Thespis making some intermissions of the Chorus introduc'd one Actour , Aeschylus a second , Sophocles a Third , in like manner Philosophy was at first but of one kind , Physick , then Socrates added Ethick , thirdly , Plato inventing Dialectick , made it perfect . Of these three parts as they were held by Plato , and the rest of the old Academy , we cannot have a generall better accompt then this of d Cicero . Sect. 1. Ethick . The first , concerning well living they sought in Nature , affirming that she ought to be obeyed : and that in nothing else but Nature was to be had that chief good whereto all things should be referr'd , that the ultimate being of desirable things , and end of all good in the mind , body and life were acquir'd by Nature . Those of the body they placed in the whole , and in the parts : Health , Strength , Beauty in the whole , in the parts , sound Sence , and a certain Excell●nce of particular parts , as in the feet swiftnesse , strength in the hands , clearnesse in the voice , in the Tongue , plainnesse of expression . Of the mind were those which are proper to comprehend the power of wit , which they divided into Nature and Manners . To Nature they ascribed quickness of apprehension , and memory both proper to the mind and wit ; To manners belonged study and a kind of wisdom formed partly by continuall exercise , partly by reason , in which consisted Philosophy it self , wherein that is begun and not perfected , is called progression to vertue , what is perfected , Virtue ; perfection of Nature of all things in the mind , the most excellent . Thus of Min●s : The Adjuncts of life , that was the third , they asserted such things as conduced to the practise of Vertue . Sect. 2. Physick . Of Nature ( for that was next ) they so treated as to divide it into two things : One the efficient , the other giving it self to this , that , thereof might be made somthing . In that they conceived to be a power , in this a certain matter to be effected : in both , matter could not cohere , unlesse contained by some power , nor the power without some matter , for there is nothing which is not enforced to be some where : that which consists of both , they called Body and Qualitie : Of Qualities , some are primary , others arising from these : the primary are uniform and simple ; hose which arise from these are various , and as it were multiform . Air , Fire , Water , and Earth are Primary , of these arise formes of living Creatures , and of those , things which are made of the Earth . These principles are called Elements , of which , Air and Fire have a faculty to move and effect ; the other parts , Water and Earth to suffer . To all these there is subjected a certain matter without form , destitute of quality , out of which all things are expressed and formed ; It is capable of admitting all ; and of changing all manner of waies , in the whole , and in every part : This resolves nothing to nothing , but into its own parts , which are divisible into infinite , there being in na●ure no least which cannot be divided . Those which are moved , are all moved by intervalls , which intervalls likewise may be divided infinitely , and that power which we call quality , being moved and agitated every way , they conceive the whole matter to be throughly changed , and by that means those things , which they call qualitative , to be produced , of which , in all coherent nature continued with all its parts , was effected the World , beyond which there is not any part of matter or body : The parts of the World are all things therein , kept together by a Sensitive nature , wherein is likewise perfect reason ; It is also sempiternall , for there is nothing more strong whereby it may be dissolved : This power they call the Soul of the World , God , a certain providence over all things sub●ected to him , regarding in the first place heavenly things , next on the Earth those thing which appertain to man. The same they somtimes call Necessity , because nothing can be otherwise then is by him ordained ; a fatall immutable continuation of eternall order ; somtimes Fortune , as producing many things not foreseen or expected by us , by reason of the obscurity and our ignorance of the Causes . Sect. 3. Dialectick . Of the third part of Philosophy , consisting in reason and dissertation , they treated thus . Though Iudgment arise from the Sense , yet the Iudgment of truth is not in the Senses . The mind they affirmed to be Iudge of things , conceiving her only sit to be credited , because she alone seeth that which is simple , and uniform , and certain ; This they called Idea . All sense they conceived to be obtuse and slow , and no way able to perceive those things which seem subject to sense , which are so little , as that they cannot fall under sense , so moveable and various , that nothing is one , constant , nor the same , because all things are in continuall alteration and fluxion . All this part of things they called Opimative ; Science they affirmed to be no where but in the Reasons and Notions of mind , whence they approved definitions of things , and applyed them to all whereon they discoursed . They approved likewise explications of words by Etymologies : They used Arguments and marks for things , to prove and conclude what they meant to explain ; In this consisted all the discipline of Dialectick , that is , of Speech concluded by Reason . This accompt in generall Cicero gives of the old Academy ; Plutarch , Laertius , Apuleius , and others have made collections more particular : we shall make choice of that of Alcinous , as most full and perfect , which by reason of the length is referred as an Appendix to Plato's life . CHAP. VII . His Inventions . HE added much to learning and language by many inventions , as well of things as of words . To omit Dialectick , of which we treated last , a Phavorinus attributes to his invention , discoursing by way of Question ; but Aristotle ascribes it to Alexamenus , a Styrian or Teian , and it appears by the Dialogues of Plato , that Socrates also used that form of arguing . Laertius informes us , that Zeno Ele●tes was the first composer of Dialogues ; yet in my opinion , saith he , Pla●o hath so much refined the form thereof , that he deserves to be preferr'd before all others , as well for invention as reformation . More properly may be attributed to him the invention of b Analyticall Method , which reduceth the thing sought unto its principle , the best of Methods . He taught it to Leodamas , and by it found out many things in Geometry : Analysis , as defined by the c Scholiast upon Euclid , is a sumption of the thing sought , by the consequents , ( as if it were already known ) to find out the truth . Examples thereof we find in the five first propositions of the 13 t● Book of Euclid , besides severall others , that occurre in Apollonius Pergaeus , and Pappus Alexandrinus . Amongst his Geometricall Inventions also must be remembred the duplication of a Cube , the occasion and manner whereof is related by d Plutarch and e Philoponus . The Delians afflicted with the Pestilence , consulted the Oracle of Apollo ; he answer'd , the Plague would cease if they doubled their● Altar , which was of a Cubick figure . Plu●arch saith , that hereupon the Overseers of the Altar made all the four sides double to what they were before , & so instead of doubling the Altar , they made it octuple to what it was . Philoponus saith , they caused another Cube of the same bignesse with the former to be set upon it , whereby they changed the figure of the Altar , which was no longer a Cube , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a quadrilaterall Pillar . The first way , it was Cubicall , but not double , the second way double , but not Cubicall . The Plague not ceasing , they consulted the Oracle again . Apollo answer'd , they had not fulfilled his Command , which was to build a Cubicall Altar as big again as the former . Hereupon they went to Plato , as most skilfull in Geometry , to learn of him the Oracle's meaning , and how they should find out the way of doubling a Cube , retaining the Cubick figure . Plato answered , that the God mocked the Grecians for their neglect of Philosophy and Learning , insulting over their ignorance , that he commanded them seriously , to addict themselves to Geometry , that this could not be done any other way , then by finding out two mean proportionalls between two right lines in a Duple proportion ( Plato's particular method herein is delivered , Eutocius in his comment upon the first proposition of the second Book of Archimedes de Sphaera & Cylindro . ) He added that Eudoxus the Gnidian , or Helico the Cizycene would do it for them , That the God needed not this duplication of his Altar , but commanded all the Grceians , that avoyding war and the miseries wherewith it is attended , they should apply themselves to the Muses ; and having setled the turbulent commotions of their minds , converse harmlessly and beneficially with one another . Philoponus addes , that Plato expounded this Problem to his Disciples , who writ much upon this subject , though nothing thereof be extant . Of the Antients , labour'd in this Problem besides Plato , Archytas the Tarentine , Menaechmus , Eratosthenes , Philo of Byzantium , Hero , Apollonius Pergaeus ; Nicomedes , Diocles and Sporus . f Valerius Maximus saith , that Plato remitted the Overseers of the sacred Altar to Euclid the Geometrician , as submitting to his Science and Profession ; but this is an Errour , because Euclid the Geometrician was much later then Plato , and the other Euclid , Plato's contemporary , nothing eminent in Mathematicks , as hath been before me observed by g Sir Henry Savile . That Plato invented many other things in the Mathematicks , ( more then appears from those writings of his that are extant ) and was most eminent therein , may be argued from the three Books of Theon Smyrnaeus , the first Arithmetick , the second Harmonicks , the last , ( not yet publish'd ) Astronomy . Those Books contained many things , singular and choice , not to be met elsewhere . The design is acknowledg'd by the Author , to be as an introduction necessary to the understanding of Plato's writings . There are also divers words of which he is esteemed to be the first Author , as h Antipodes , a word by him first introduced into Philosophy , to signifie those people whose feet are diametrically opposite . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Element , untill his time was confounded with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principle , by all Philosophers from Thales . Plato distinguish'd them thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , principle is that which hath nothing before it whereof it might be generated ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elements are compounded . k The word Poem also , though since very triviall , was not used by any before him . l He first used this term , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oblong number , [ in Theaeteto ] thereby signifying the product of a greater number multiplyed by a lesser . m He also first introduced the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Superficies , for which before was used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Plane . Thus Laertius , though n Proclus implies , that neither Plato nor Aristotle use the word , but for it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Divine Plato , saith he , calls Geometry the Contemplatrix of Planes , opposing it to Stereometry , as if Plane and Superficies w●re the same . So likewise doth Aristotle . But Euclid and those who succeed him , make Superficies the genus , plane a species thereof . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Divine Providence , a word since much used by Christians , was first the expression of Plato . p He first of Philosophers wrote against Lysias , Son of Cephaluo , in Phaedro . q He first considered the force and efficacy of Grammar . r He first wrote against all that were before him , whence it is wondred at that he never mentions Democritus . CHAP. VIII . His Distinctions . OF his Distinctions Aristotle made this Collection in some piece not extant , cited by Laertius . Good is threefold , in the Soul , as Justice , Prudence , Fortitude , Temperance , and the like . In the Body , as Beauty , good habit , strength . Externall , as friends ; prosperity of our Country ; Wealth . Friendship is threefold . Naturall , which Parents bear to their Children , and kindred to one another ; which kind is also amongst beasts . Sociable , begotten by conversation , without any relation of kindred ; such was that betwixt Pylades and Orestes . Hospitable , towards Guests , or wherewith we affect strangers even upon letters of recommendation . Some adde a fourth kind , amatory . Government is of five kinds . Democraticall ; a Democracy is that wherein the people rules and hath power to make Magistrates and Laws . Aristocraticall ; an Aristocracy is that wherein neither rich nor poor nor Nobles govern , but the best persons of the whole City . Oligarchicall ; an Oligarchy is when Governours are elected by the votes of Magistrates , for they are fewer then the poore . Regall : Elective by Law ; as that of the Carthaginians ; for it is civill . Successive in a Family ; as that of the Lacedaemonians and Macedonians , who confine themseves to a certain race . Tyrannicall , Tyranny is that wherein men are brought to subjection either by fraud or force . Iustice is threefold Towards the Gods ; they who sacrifice as the Law requires , a●d perform the Divine rites , are just towards the Gods. Towards men : They who restore what was lent or committed to their trust , are just towards men . Towwards the dead : They who take care of Sepulchers are just towards the dead . Science is threefold . Practick , as playing on the flute , lute , and the like ; which effect nothing visible . Mechanick , as architecture of Houses , Ships , or the like , which produceth a visible effect . Theoretick , as Geometry , Harmonick , Astronomy , which act not , neither produce any thing . The Geometrician considers the proportion of lines to one another ; Harmonick sounds : Astronomy stars and the World. Medicine is of five kinds . Pharmaceutick , cureth diseases by application of Medicine . Chirurgick by incision or cauterising . Diaetetick , by diet . Nosognomonick discernes diseases . Boethetick removeth diseases . Law is twofold . Written ; such are those by which states are governed . Not written , grounded upon custom ; as that no man shall go naked into the forum , or habited like a woman , is not forb●dden by any written law , but forborn because of the unwritten . Speech is of five kinds . Politicall , used in Orations by such as govern States . Rhetoricall , used by Lawyers in pleading either to confirm , praise , dispraise or accuse . Vulgar , used by people in common discourse . Dialecticall , used by such as discourse in short questions and answers . Artificiall , used by Tradesmen in their severall professions . Musick is threefold . Of the Voice onely . Of the Voice and hands , as singing to the Lute . Of the Hand only , as the Harp. Nobility is of four kinds . If the Predecessors were upright , just , and honest . If the Predecessours were rulers of Princes . If the Predecessours acquired honours , as the command of an Army , or were crown'd in publick games : those who are descended from such we call Noble . If a man be endued with a generous mind ; this is the best kind of Nobility . Beauty is threefold . Commendable , as a fair form . Usefull , as an instrument , house , or the like . Beneficiall , as all that belongs to institution of Laws . The Soule hath three parts , the Rationall , the principle whereby we judge , discourse , and the like . Concupiscible , whereby we desire meat , coition , and the like . Irascible , whereby we are emboldned , joyned , grieved , enraged . Perfect virtue hath four kinds . Wisdom , the principle of doing things aright . Justice , the principle of doing things equally in private conversation and publick affairs . Fortitude , the principle of not flying danger through fear , but meeting it . Temperance , the principle of subduing desires , and yielding to no pleasures , but living moderately . Government is of five kinds . By Law : Those who are chosen Magistrates in a City govern by Law. By Nature : the males not only of mankind , but of most other creatures are predominant over the Females by nature . By Custome , as that which Masters have over their Disciples . By Descent , as the Lacedaemonian Kings , who succeed out of one Family : and in Macedonia they use the same custome . By force , as those who rule a Kingdom against the will of the people . Of Rhetorick are six kinds . Adhortation , as when we perswade to war against any . Dehortation , as when we disswade from War. Accusation , when we declare that we have been injured by one whom we prove cause of our misfortune . Defence , when a man proves he did not an injury or offence . En●omium , when we speak well of another . Vituperation , when we declare a man to be wicked . Of Right speaking are four kinds ; when wee speak What is requisite ; those things which will benefit both the hearer and speaker . As much as is requisite , if we speak neither more nor lesse then concerns the businesse . To those to whom it is requisite ; as when we speak to old men that have done amisse in such terms as are fit for old men , or to young as becomes young . When it is requisite , neither too soon nor too late ; for if that be not observed , nothing can be spoken aright . Benificence is of four kinds . In Wealth , when we relieve the wants of any according to our means . In Body , when we succour those who are beaten . In Knowledge , when we instruct , cure , teach any good . In Speech , he , who pleadeth in defence of another , helpeth him in words . The end of things is of four kinds Legall , imposing an end to things by decree . Naturall , such as dayes , years , and houres have . Artificiall , as the building of a house . Accidentall , by chance unexpected . Of powers are four kinds One in the minde , to think and conjecture . Another of the body , to walk , give , receive , and the like . A third , consisting in a multitude of Souldiers , and store of wealth , in which respect , Princes are called Powerfull . The fourth , as to suffer good or evill to be done to us ; as to be capable of Sicknesse , Learning , health , or the like . Of Humanity are three kinds . In calling , as those who call all they meet , and salute them , taking them by the hand . In relieving , in relieving the misfortunes of another willingly . In feasting and conversation . Felicity is divided into five parts . Prudent Counsell , acquired by learning and experience . Soundnesse of senses , consisting in the parts of the body , as to see with the eyes , to hear with the ears , to smell and tast . Prosperity of affairs , when those things which a man intendeth , he performeth fully . Good reputation amongst men , when a man is well spoken of . Plenty of riches , and things necessary to life , so as to be able to supply friends , and perform works of publick magnificence : He who hath all these five kinds is perfectly happy . Arts are of three kinds . The first diggeth out mettalls , and fells wood . The second gives varietie of shape to things , as Wood-work and Iron-work . The third maketh use of these , as horsemanship of bridles , Soldiery , of arms , musick of instruments . Good is of four kinds . One , as wen wee call a man good from his proper goodnesse . A second , as we call Virtue and Justice it self good . A third , as we say , food , exercise and medicines are beneficiall . The fourth good we call the act of playing on musick , or acting in a play . Of things some are Ill , alwaies capable to do hurt , as ignorance , imprudence , injustice , and the like . Good , the contrary to the former ; Indifferent , which somtimes may benefit , sometimes hurt , as walking , sitting , eating , or cannot do hurt at all , being neither good nor bad . Good Government is threefold . If the Laws be good . If the Laws be well kept . If without Laws the people live orderly by custome . Ill Government is threefold . If the Laws be bad for Natives and Forainers . If the Laws in being are not observed . If there are no laws at all . Contraries are of three kinds . Good to ill , as justice to injustice , wisdom to imprudence , and the like . Ill to ill , as prodigality to avarice , unjust torments to just . Neither to neither , as heavy to light , swift to flow , black to white . Good is of three kinds . Some we have , as Justice and Health . Of some we participate , as good it self cannot be had , but may be participated . Some are sixt , which we can neither have , nor participate as to be virtuous and just . Consultation is threefold . From the Past , by example ; as what befell the Lacedaemonians through overmuch confidence . From the present , as considering the timerousnesse of men , weakness of walls , scarcity of provision , and the like . From the Future , as that Ambassadours should not be injured upon suspicion , least it cast infamy upon all Greece . Voice is Animate , of living creatures . Articulate of men . Inarticulate of Beasts . I●animate , sounds and noise . Tings are Divisible , compounded as Syllables , Symphonies , living creatures , water , Gold. Homogeneous , consist of similar parts , differing from the whole onely in number , as water , gold , and all liquid things . Heterogeneous , consist of dissimilar parts . Indivisible , compounded of nothing , as a point , sound . Things are Absolute , requiring nothing else to expresse them , as a man , a horse and other creatures . Relatives , which imply another thing , as greater ( then others ) swifter , fairer , and the like , for what is greater relates to somthing lesser , and the like . These according to Aristotle were Plato's divisions of first things . CHAP. IX . His three voyages to Sicily . a PLato made three voyages to Sicily ; the first to see the f●ery ●bullitions of Aetna b and to improve the knowledge of States , and Philosophy , which he got by his other travells ; This was about the 40th year of his age , c at what time Dionysius the elder , Son of Hermocrates , reigned in Syracuse ; d Plutarch saith , hee was led thither by providence , not fortune , and that some good Genius , designing a far off the liberty of the people of Syracuse , brought him acquainted with Dion then very young , who entertained him as his e guest : He much disliked the luxury of that place , feasting , nocturnal lucubrations and the like ; Conversed frequently with Dion , discoursed with him of those things which were best in man , and with his best arguments exhorted him thereto ; by which he seemed to lay grounds for the subversion of that Tyranny , which afterwards hapned ; f Dion though young , was the most ingenious of all Plato's followers , and most eager in pursuit of Virtue , as appears as well by the testimony of Plato , as his own actions . Though he had been brought up by the King in an effeminate luxurious kind of life ; yet as soon as he tasted of Philosophy the guide to Virtue , his soul was enflamed with love thereof , and from his own ●andour and ingenuity was perswaded that Dionysius would be no lesse affected therewith : And therefore desired him when hee was at leasure to admit and hear Plato : Hereupon the Tyrant sent for him ; at that meeting all their discourse was concerning fortitude ; Plato affirmed none was further from that Virtue then a Tyrant , and , proceeding to speak of Justice , asserted the life of the Just to be happy , of the unjust miserable . Dionysius was displeased at this discourse ( as reflecting upon himself ) and with the standers by for approving it , at last much exasperated , he asked Plato why he came into Sicily ? Plato answered , to seek a good man : it seems , replyed Dyonisius , you have not yet found him . Laertius saith , Plato disputed with him concerning Tyranny , affirming , that is not best which benefits our selves , unlesse it be excellent also in Virtue ; whereat Dyonisius incensed , said to him , your discourse favours of old age ; and yours , answered Plato , of Tyranny . Dionysius , enraged , commanded him to be put to death ; I will have , saith he , your head taken off ; at which words Xenocrates being present , answered , He that doth it must begin with mine : but Dion and Aristomen●s wrought with him to revoke that sentence . Dion thinking his anger would have proceeded no further , sent Plato away at his own request in a Ship which carried Pollis ( whom Laertius calls Polis , Aelian Pôlis , ) a Lacedaemonian Captain ( who at that time had been sent Embassadour to Dionysius ) back to Greece : Dionsiyus secretly desired Pollis to kill him whilst he was on Shipboard ; or if not , by all means to sell him , alledging , it would be no injury to Plato , for he would be as happy in bondage as at liberty , as being a just man. Some affirm the occasion of Dionysius his anger was , because , that when he asked what was the best brasse , Plato answered , that whereof the Statues of g Aristogiton and Harmodius were made . Others , that it was because he was over-mastered in learning . But Tzetzes rejecting these , as idle fictions of Philosophers , & falsifiers , affirms the true reason to have been , that he perceived , he advised Dion to possesse himselfe of the Kingdome : Pollis transported him to Aegina ; there Charmander , son of Charmandrites , accused him , as meriting death by a Law they had made , that the first Athenian that should come to that Island , should , without being suffered to speak for himselfe , be put to death : Which Law , as Phavorinus affirms , he himselfe made . One that was present , saying in sport , he is a Philosopher , they set him at liberty : Some say , they brought him to the publick assembly , to plead for himselfe , where he would not speak a word , but underwent all with a great courage . Then they altered their intent of putting him to death , and agreed to sell him for a slave . Plutarch saith , that upon a decree of the Aeginetae , that all Athenians taken in that Island , should be sold for Slaves ; Pollis sold him there : Anniceris , a Cyrenaick Philosopher , being accidentally present , redeemed him for twenty , or as others thirty Minae , and sent him to Athens to his friends ; they immediately returned the mony to Anniceris , but he refused it , saying , they were not the only persons concerned in Plato's welfare : Some say , Dion sent the mony , which he would not accept , but bought therewith a little Orchard in the Academy . Pollis was defeated by Chabrias , and afterwards drowned in Elice . The report goes , that an apparition told him , he suffered those things for the Philosophers sake . Dionysius understanding what had happened , writ to Plato , to desire him not to speak ill of him ; Plato returned answer , that he had not so much time vacant from Philosophy , as to remember Dionysius . To some detractours who upbraided him , saying , Dionysius hath cast off Plato ; no , saith he , but Plato Dionysius . Dion continued to live , not according to the ordinary luxury of the Sicilians and Italians , but in vertue , untill Dionysius died , for which maligned by those who lived after Tyrannicall institutions . Then considering , that these documents were not practised by himselfe alone , but by some others , though few , he entertained a hope , that Dionysius the younger , who succeeded his Father in the Government , might become one of those , to the extraordinary happinesse of himselfe , and the rest of the Sicilians : To this end , he used many exhortations to invite him to vertue , intermixed with some sentences of Plato , with whom Dionysius , upon this occasion , became extreamly desirous to be acquainted : To that effect , many Letters were sent to Athens to him , some from Dionysius , others from Pythagoreans in Italy , desiring Plato to go to Syracuse , who , by prudent Counsell , might govern the young man , transported by his own power to luxury . Plato , as himselfe affirmeth , fearing to be thought a Person only of words , and not willing to engage in action , and withall hoping , by purging one principall part , to cure the disease of all Sicily , yielded ; Laertius saith , upon a promise made to him by Dionysius , of a Place and People that should live according to the rules of his Common-wealth ; which he made not good . Hence Athenaeus accuseth Plato of Ambition . In the mean time , the enemies of Dion , fearing a change in Dionysius , perswaded him to call home from banishment Phil●stus ( a person very rationall , but educated in Tyrannicall principles ) as an Antidote against Plato's Philosophy ; but Dion hoped , the comming of Plato would regulate the licentious Tyranny of Dionysius . Plato at his arrivall in Sicily ( placed by Agellius , betwixt the beginning of Philips raigne , foure hundred years from the building of Rome , and the Chaeronean fight ) was received by Dionysius with much respect : One of the Kings magnificent Chariots stood ready to receive him assoon as he landed , and carried him to the Court. The King offered Sacrifice to the Gods for his comming , as a great blessing upon his government . The temperance of their Feasts , alteration of the Court , meeknesse of the King , gave the Siracusians great hopes of reformation : The Courtiers addicted themselves to Philosophy so much , that the Palace was full of Sand ( wherein they drew Geometricall figures . ) Not long after Plato's comming , at a Sacrifice in the Castle , the Herauld , according to the usuall manner , made a solemn Prayer , that the Gods would long preserve the Kingly Government : Dion standing by , said , Will you never give over praying against me ? This troubled Philistus and his friends , who feared Plato would insinuate into the favour of Dionysius so much , as that they should not be able to oppose him , since in so short time , he had effected so great an alteration in him : Hereupon they all joyntly accused Dion , that he wrought upon Dionysius , by the eloquence of Plato , to resigne his Government , that it might be transferred to the Children of his Sister , to quit his command for the Academy , where he should be made happy by Geometry , resigning his present happinesse to Dion and his Nephews . With these and the like instigations , Dionysius was so incensed , that he caused Dion to be unexpectedly carried on Ship-board in a little bark , giving the marriners order to land him in Italy . This happened four months after Plato's comming . h Plato , and the rest of Dion's friends , feared to be put to some punishment , as partakers of his offence . A report was raised , that Plato was put to death by Dionysius , as author of all that happened : but , on the contrary , Dionysius , doubting , lest something worse might happen from their fear , treated them all kindly , comforted Plato , bid him be of good cheer , and intreated him to stay with him : i He caused him to be lodged in his Castle , k in the Orchards adjoyning to his Palace , where not the Porter himselfe could go out without Dionysius his leave ; thus cunningly , under pretence of kindnesse , he watched him , that he might not return into Greece , to give Dion notice of the wrong done to him . Dionysius by frequent conversation with Plato ( as wild Beasts are tamed by use ) fell into so great liking of his discourse , that he became in love with him ; but , it was a Tyrannicall affection , for , he would not that Plato should love any but him , offering to put the power of the Kingdome into his hands , if he would value him above Dion . With this passion , troublesome to Plato , Dionysius was sometimes so farre transported , as men jealous of their Mistresses , that he would upon the suddain fall out with him , and as suddainly be reconciled , and ask him pardon . He had indeed a great desire of Plato's Philosophy , but a great respect likewise on the other side for those who disswaded him from it , telling him , that it would ruine him to be too far ingaged therein . l In the mean time , there happening a War , he sent Plato home , promising , that the next spring ( as soon as there was peace ) he would send back for him and Dion to Syracuse : but he kept not his promise , for which he desired Plato to excuse him , protesting the War to be the occasion thereof , and that assoon as it were ended , he would send for Dion , whom he desired in the mean time to rest satisfied , and not attempt any thing against him , not to speak ill of him to the Grecians . This Plato endeavoured to effect ; he instructed Dion in Philosophy , in the Academy : Dion lay in the City at the house of Calippus , with whom he had been long acquainted . He purchased a Country house for pleasure , whither ●e sometimes went ; this he bestowed afterward , at his return to Sicily , upon Speusi●pus , with whom he conversed most intimately , as being so advised by Plato , who knew the cheerfull humour of Speusippus to be a fit divertisement for the reserved disposition of Dion . Plato had undertaken the expence of some Playes and Dances by some youths ; Dion took the pains to teach them , and paid the whole charge : By this liberality which Plato suffered him to confer upon the Athenians , he gained more love then Plato honour . In the mean time , Dionysius , to acquit himselfe of the disesteem he had gained amongst Philosophers in Plato's cause , invited many learned men , and in a vain ostentation of Wisdome , applyed improperly the sentences he had learned of Plato : Hereupon he began to wish for Plato again , and to blame himselfe , for not knowing how to use him well when he had him , and that he had not learned so much of him as he might : and being like a Tyrant transported with uncertain passions and changes , a suddain vehement desire came upon him of seeing Plato again . m The peace being now concluded , he sent to Plato to come to him ( but not ( as he had promised ) to Dion ) writing to him , that he would have him to come immediately , and that afterwards he would send for Dion . Hereupon Plato refused to go , notwithstanding the intreaties of Dion ; alledging for excuse his old age , and that nothing was done according to their agreement . In the mean time , Archytas , whom , with others of Tarentum , Plato , before his departure , had brought into the acquaintance of Dionysius , came to Dionysius ; there were also others there , Auditors of Dion . Dionysius being refused upon a second invitation , thought his honour deeply concerned , and thereupon sent the third time a Galley of three banks of Oares ( n trimmed with Fillets ) and other Ships , and with them Archidemus , whom he conceived Plato most affected of all his friends in Sicily , and some Sicilian Noblemen : o He had by all means obliged Archytas the Pythagorean , to let Plato know , he might come without danger , and that he would engage his word on it . p As soon as they came to Plato , they all protested , that Dionysius was much inclined to Philosophy , and delivered an Epistle from him to this effect . Dionysius to Plato . ( AFter the accustomed way of Preface ) nothing ( saith he ) should you do sooner , then come to Sicily at my request . First , as conc●rning Dion , all shall be done as you will ; for , I think you will only moderate things , and I will condescend : But , unlesse you come , you shall not obtain any thing which you desire for Dion , nor in anything else , not in those which chiefly concern your own particular . q Other Epistles were sent from Archytas , and other Italians and Tarentines , praising Dionysius for his love of learning ; adding , that if Plato came not , it would reflect upon his friends , as well as on himselfe . * Many Letters and intreaties were sent to Dion , from his Wife and Sister : r to these were joyned the importunities of some friends of Plato's at Athens , s insomuch that Dion brought it to passe , that Plato ( t lest he should desert him and the Tarentines ) yielded to Dionysius , without any excuse ; and , as he writeth himselfe , was driven the third time to the Sicilian straits . Once more Charybdis dangers to essay . At his arrivall in Sicily , Dionysius met him with a Chariot , drawn by four white horses , u whereinto he took him , and made him sit , whilst himselfe plaid the Coachman : whereupon a facete Syracusian , well vers'd in Homer , pleased with the sight , spoke these verses out of the Iliads , with a little alteration : The Chariot groan'd beneath its waight , Proud that the best of men there sat . And as Dionysius was much joy'd at his comming , so were the Sicilians put in great hopes , being all desirous , and endeavouring , that Plato might supplant Philistus , and subvert Tyranny by Philosophy : The Ladies of the Court entertained Plato with all civility ; but above all , Dionysius seemed to repose more confidence in him , then in any of his friends ; for , whereas he was jealous of all others , he had so great respect for Plato , that he suffered him only to come to him unsearched ( * though he knew him to be Dions intimate friend ) and offered him great summs of mony , but Plato would not accept any : ( yet x Onetor saith , he received eighty Talents of him , wherewith enriched , he purchased the Books of Philolaus ) whence Aristippus the Cyrenaean , who was at the same time in the Court , said , Dionysius bestoweth his bounty on sure grounds ; he gives little to us who require much , and much to Plato who requireth nothing . And being blamed , that he received mony of Dionysius , Plato books , I want mony , saith he , Plato books . So untrue it is , as y Xenophon asperseth him , that he went thither to share in the Sicilian luxury : or as z Tzetzes , that he studied the art of Cookery , and lived with Dionysius as his pensioner and parasite . So far was he from any sordid compliance , that at a Feast , a Dionysius commanding every one to put on a purple Gown , and dance , he refused , saying , I will not with a female robe disgrace My selfe , who am a man of manly race . Some likewise ascribe this to him , which others to Aristippus , that Dionysius saying , Who ere comes to a Tyrant , he A servant is , though he came free . He answered immediately , No servant is , if he came free . b Plato , after a while , began to put Dionysius in minde of the City he had promised him to be governed by his rules ; but Dionysius retracted his promise : He moved him also in the behalfe of Dion ; Dionysius at the first delay'd him , afterwards fell out with him , but so secretly , that none saw it , for he continued to confer as much honour on him , as he could possibly , thereby to make him forsake his friendship to Dion ? Plato from the beginning perceived there was no trust to be reposed in what he said or did , but that all was deceit ; yet concealed that thought , and patiently suffered all ; p●etending to believe him . Thus they dissembled with each other , thinking they deceived the eyes of all men besides ; Helicon of Cyzicum , a friend of Plato , foretold an Eclipse of the Sun , which falling out according to his prediction , the Tyrant much honoured him , and gave him a Talent of Silver : then Aristippus jesting with other Philosophers , said , he could tell them of a stranger thing that would happen ; they desiring to know what that was , I foretel , saith he , Plato and Dionysius will be at difference ere long ; and it came to passe . c Dionysius detain'd Dion's Rent which he used to send yearly to him to Peloponnesus , pretending he kept it for his Nephew , Dion's Son. Plato discontented hereat , desired he might go home , saying , he could not stay , Dion being used so ignominously : Dionysius spoke kindly to him , desiring him to stay : He thought it not convenient to let Plato go so soon to divulge his actions : but being not able to prevail with him ; hee told him he would provide a means for his Passage ; Plato had designed to go with the Passage●boates ; Dionysius seeing him bent upon his voyage , the next spoke thus kindly to him ; that the differences betwixt Dion and me may be composed , I will for your sake condescend thus far , Dion , shall receive his revenewes living in Peloponnesus not as a banished person , but as one that may come hither when he and I , and you his friends shall think convenient . The Trustees for this businesse shall be your self , and your and his friends who live here ; Dion shall receive his Rents , but through your hands , otherwise I shall not dare to trust him ▪ in you and yours I have more confidence ; stay for this reason a year here ; and then you shall carry along with you his money , wherein you will do Dion a great courtesie . To this Plato after a daies deliberation consented ; and writ to that effect to Dion ; but as soon as the Shippes were gone , that Dionysius saw he had no means to away , forgeting his promise ; he made sale of Dions Estate . d At this time hapned a mutiny amongst the Souldiers of Dionysius , of which Heraclides a friend of Plato's was reported the Author : Dionysius laid out to take him , but could not light on him : Walking in his Garden he called Theodot●s to him ; Plato being accidently walking there at the same time ; after some private discourse with Dionysius , Theodotes , turning to Plato , Plato saith he , I perswade Dionysius that I may bring Heraclides to him to answer the crimes wherewith he is charged , and then if Dionysius will not suffer him to live in Sicily , that he at least permit him to take his Wise and Children along with him to Peloponnesus , and live there , and , whilst he shall not plot any thing against Dionysius , that he may there enjoy his Revenewes . With this ussurance I have sent to Heraclides , and will send again to him to come hither ; but if he come either upon the first or second notice , I have made an agreement with Dionysius , and obtained a promise from him that he shall receive no harm , either in or without the Citty ; but , if he be so resolved , that he send him away beyond the con●ines of this Country , untill he shall be better satisfied with him : Do not you Dionysius consent hereto saith he , I do , answered Dionysius , neither if he be in your house shall he receive any prejudice ; The next day ( about 20. daies before Plato left Sicily ) came Eurybius and Theodotes to Plato in so much hast and trouble ; Plato , said Theodotes , you were yesterday present at the agreement betwixt Dionysius and me , concerning Heraclides . I was so , answered Plato , but since continues Theodotes , he hath sent out Officers to apprehend him , and I fear he is somewhere very nigh ; therefore go along with us to Dionysius , and let us use our utmost endeavour with him : They went , when they came before him , Plato ( the rest standing silent by , and weeping ) began thus , ●hese men , Dionysius , are afraid lest you should do somthing against Heraclides contrary to the agreement you made yesterday , for I suppose he is come near here abouts , Dionysius at this grew angry , his colour often changed with rage ; Theodotes fell at his feet , and taking him by the hand , besought him not to do any such thing : Plato continuing his speech ; Be of good chear , saith he , Theodotes , for Dionysius wil● not do any thing contrary to the promise he made yesterday . Dionysius looking severely upon Plato , to you , saith he , I made no promise ; yes by the God's answered Plato , you promised not to do those things which Theodotes now beseecheth you not to do . Archedemus and Aristocritus being present ; he told Plato ( as hee had done once before , when he interceded for Heraclides , ) That he cared for Heraclides and others more then for him : and asked him before them , whether he remembred that when he came first to Syracuse , he counselled him to restore the Graecian Cities : Plato answered , he did remember it , and that he still thought it his best course , and withall asked Dionysius whether that were the only counsell he had given him . Dionysius returned an angry contumelious reply , and asked him , laughing scornfully , whether he taught him those things as a School boy ; to which Plato answered , you well remember , what replies he , as a Master in Geometry , or how ? Pla●o forbore to reply , fearing it might occasion a stop of his Voyage ; But immediately went away ; Dionysius resolved to lay wait for Heraclides ; but hee escaped to the Carthaginian Territories . From this displeasure against Plato , Dionysius took occasion to forbear to send to Dion his money ; and first sent Plato out of his Castle , where , til then , he had lain next the Palace , pretending that the women were to Celebrate a Feast ten daies in the Gardens where he dwelt ; For that time he commanded Plato to live without the Castle with Archedemus ; during which time T●eodotes sent for him , and complained to him of Dionysius his proceedings . Dionysius , receiving information that Plato had gone to Theodotes , took a new occasion of displeasure against him , and sent one to him , who asked him whether he had gone to Theodotes . Plato acknowledged that he had , then saith the Messenger , Dionysius bad me ●ell you ; you do not well to preferre Dion and his friends before him . Never from that time did he send for Pl●to to the Court , looking upon him as a profest friend to Theodotes and Heraclides and his profest enemy : e Plato lived without the Castle amongst the Souldiers of the Guard ▪ who , as Dionysius well knew , had born him ill will long , and sought to murtler him , because he counsel'd Dionysius to giv● over the Tyranny , and live without a Guard. f Some , who came to visit him , gave him notice that calumnies were spread against him amongst the Souldiers , g as if he excited Dion and Theondas to restore the Island to liberty , and that some of them threatned , when they could light upon him to kill him . Hereupon Plato began to think of some means of Escape , which he effected in this manner ; He sent to Arobytas at Tarentum , and to other friends advertising them of the danger wherein he was ; They , under pretence of an Embassy in the name of the Country , sent Lamascus ( whom Laertius calls Lamiscus ) one of their party with a Galley of three banks of Oares to redemand Plato , declaring that his comming to Syracuse upon the engagement of Archytas : His letter was to this effect . Architas to Dionysius , health . WE all Plato's friends have sent Lamiscus and Photides to redemand the man according to your agreement with us : You will do well to consider with what importunity you prevail'd with us to invite Plato to you , promising to yeeld to all things , and to give him liberty to go and come at his pleasure ; remember how much you prized his comming , and pre●erred him before all others : if there hath hapned any difference betwixt you , it will be●it you to treat him courteously , and restore him safe to us . This if you do , you will do justly , and oblige us . h Dionysius to excuse himselfe , and to shew he was not angry with Plato , feasted him magnificently , and then sent him home with great testimonies of affection : One day amongst the rest he said to him , I am afraid Plato you will speak ill of me when you are amongst your friends . The Gods forbid , answered , Plato , smiling , they should have such scarcity of matter in the Academy , as to be constrained to discourse of you . Dionysius at his departure , desired him to find out whether Dion would be much displeased if he should dispose of his Wife to another ; there being at that time a report that he did not like his match , and could not live quietly with his Wi●e . Plato in his return , came to Peloponnesus at what time the Olympick games were celebrated ; where the eyes of all the Grecians were taken off from the sports and fixed upon him as the more worthy object : Here he found Dion beholding the exercises , To whom hee related what had happened . Dion protested to revenge the discourtesie of Dionysius towards Plato , from which Plato earnestly disswaded him : Being come home to Athens , hee wrote to Dionysius , and gave him a plain accompt of every thing , but that concerning Dion's Wife , he set it down so darkly , that hee alone to whom the letter was directed could understand him ; letting him know that he had spoken with Dion● about the businesse which he knew , and that he would be very much displeased if Dionysius did it : so that at that time , because there was great hopes of reconciliation between them , the Tyrant forbore a while to dispose of his Sister Arete , Dions Wife , as , soon after , when he saw the breach irreconcilable , he did , marrying her against her will to one of his friends named Timocrates . Dion thence forward prepared for War against Plato's advice , who endeavoured to disswade him from it , as well for respect of Dioonysius his good reception of him , as for that Dion was well in years ; though Aelian saith , he put Dion upon that war ; which Plutarch imputes to the instigations of Speusippus . CHAP. X. His Authority in Civill Affairs . AT home he lived quietly in the Academy , a not engaging himself in publick Affairs ; ( though he were a person very knowing therein as his writings manifest , ) because the Athenians were accustomed to Laws different from his sense . b His fame spreading to the Arcadians , and Thebans , they sent Embassadours earnestly to request him to come over to them , not noly to instruct their young men in Philosophy , but , which was of higher concernment , to ordain Laws for Megalopolis a Citty then newly built by the Arcadians , upon occasion of the great defeat given them by the Lacedaemonians , in the first year of the 103. Olympiad . Plato was not a little pleased at this invitation , but asking the Ambassadours how they stood affected to a parity of Estates , and finding them so averse from it , as not to be by any means induced thereto , he refused to go : but sent Aristonimus his familiar friend . The Cyrenaeans likewise sent to him , desiring him to send them Laws for their City , but he refused , saying , it was difficult to to prescribe Laws to men in prosperity . Yet to severall people upon their importunities he condescended . To the Syracusians he gave Laws upon the ejection of their King. To the Cretans , upon their building of Magnesia , he sent Laws digested into twelve Books . To the Ilians he sent Phormio ; to the Pyrrheans , Mededimus ( his familiar friends ) upon the same designe . This is enough to justifie him against those who accuse him , of having written a form of Government , which he could not perswade any to practise , because it was so severe : and that the Athenians , who accepted the Laws of Draco and Solon , derided his . CHAP. XI . His Vertues and Morall Sentences . a HE lived single , yet soberly and b chastly , insomuch as in his old age ( in compliance with the vulgar opinion ) he sacrificed to Nature , to expiate the crime of his continence . So constant in his composure and gravity , that a Youth brought up under him , returning to his Parents , and hearing his Father speak aloud , said , I never found this in Plato . He ate but once a day , or , if the second time , very sparingly ; he slept alone , and much discommended the contrary manner of living . Of his Prudence , Patience , Magnanimity , and other Vertues , there are these instances . c Antimachus a Colophonian , and Niceratus a Heracleot , contending in a Poetick Panegyrick of Lysander , the prize was bestowed upon Niceratus : Antimachus in anger tore his Poem ; Plato , who at that time was young , and much esteemed Antimachus for his poetry , comforted him , saying , Ignorance is a disease proper to the ignorant , as blindnesse to the blind . d His servant having offended him , he bad him put off his coat , and expose his shoulders to be beaten , intending to have corrected him with his own hand ; but perceiving himselfe to be angry , he stopt his hand , and stood fixt in that posture ; a friend comming in , asked him what he was doing , Punishing an angry man , saith he . e Another time , being displeased at his servant for some offence , do you ( saith he to Speusippus ( or as Laertius to Xenocrates ) accidentally comming in ) beat this fellow , for I am angry . And another time to his servant he said , I would beat thee , if I were not angry . f Fearing to exceed the limits of correction , and thinking it unfit the Master and servant should be alike faulty . g Chabrias the generall being arraigned for his life , he alone shewed himselfe on his side , not one of the Citizens else appearing for him . Crobulus the Sycophant met him , accompanying Chabrias to the Tower , and said unto him , Do you come to help others , you know not that the poyson of Socrates is reserved for you ? Plato answered , When I fought for my Count●y I hazarded my life , and will now in duty to my friend . h At the Olympick Games , he fell into company with some strangers , who knew him not , upon whose affections he gained much by his affable conversation , Dining and spending the whole day with them , not mentioning either the Academy or Socrates , only saying , his Name was Plato . When they came to Athens , he entertained them curteously . Come Plato , said the strangers , shew us your namesake , Socrates his Disciple ; bring us to the Academy ; recommend us to him , that we may know him . He smiling a little , as he used , said , I am the man : Whereat they were much amazed , having conversed so familiarly with a person of that eminence , who used no boasting or ostentation ; and shewed , that besides his Philosophicall discourse , his ordinary conversation was extreamly winning . When he went out of the School , he alwaies said , See ( Youths ) that you imploy your idle houres usefully . At a Feast he blamed those that brought in Musicians to hinder discourse . Seeing a young man play at Dice , reproved him , he answered , What , for so small a matter ? Custome ( replies Plato ) is no small thing . Being demanded , whether there should be any record to posterity of his actions or sayings , as of others before him : First , saith he , we must get a Name , then many things will follow . Getting on Horse-back , he immediately lighted again , saying , He feared lest he should be carried away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a high wilfull conceit , a metaphor taken from a Horse . He advised drunken and angry men to look in a Glasse , and it would make them refrain from those vices . He affirmed , that to drink to the excesse of drunkennesse was not allowable at any time , unlesse upon the festivall of that God who gives Wine . Sleep also much displeased him , whence he saith in his Lawes , No man sleeping is worth anything . That truth is more pleasing to all , then any feign'd story , so of truth he saith , de legibus : Truth , O guest , is an excellent thing , and durable , but to this we are not easily perswaded . Being told , that Xenocrates had spoken many unjust things against him , he presently rejected the accusation ; the informer persisted , asked , why he would not believe him ? He added , it was not probable , that he whom he loved so much , should not love him again . Finally , the other swearing it was thus ; he , not to argue him of perjury , affirmed , that Xenocrates would never have said so , but that there was reason for it . He said , No wise man punisheth in respect of the fault past , but in prevention of the future . Seeing the Agrigentines magnificent in Building , luxurious in Feasting , These people ( saith he ) Build , as if they were to live for ever , and Eat , as if they were to die instantly . Hearing a wicked person speak in the defence of another , This man , saith he , carries his heart in his tongue . Being told , that some spoke ill of him , he answer'd , T is no matter , I will live so that none shall believe them . Seeing a young man of a good family , who had wasted all his means , ●itting at the door of an Inn , feeding upon bread and water , he told him , If you had dined so temperately , you would never have needed to sup so . To Antistenes , making a long oration , You know not , saith he , that discourse is to be measured by the hearer , not the speaker . Seeing a youth over-bold with his Father , Young man , saith he , will you under-value him , who is the cause you over-value your selfe ? To one of his Disciples , who took too much care of his body , he said , Why do you labour so much in building your own prison ? Of a prisoner fettered , he said , That man is dead in his own body , he lives in another . He said , that whosoever neglected himselfe for another , was the most happy of all persons , for he enjoyed neither . One Leo , an eminent Citizen , being blamed for loud and immoderate clamour in the Senate , That is , saith he , to be a Lyon indeed . His Disciples wondring , that Xenocrates , severe all his life time , had said something that was pleasant , Do you wonder ( saith he ) that Roses and Lillies grow among Thorns ? Xenocrates by reason of his severe conversation , he advised to sacrifice to the Graces . He used to say , Prefer labour before idlenesse , unlesse you esteem rust above brightnesse . He exhorted the young men to good life , thus ; Observe the different nature of vertue and pleasure ; the momentary sweetnesse of the world is immediately followed by eternall sorrow and repentance , the short pain of the other by eternall pleasure . He said , that it was a great matter in the education of youth , to accustome them to take delight in good things ; other waies , he affirmed pleasure to be the bait of evill . He affirmeth Philosophy to be the true help of the Soul , the rest ornaments ; that nothing is more pleasing to a sound minde , then to speak and hear truth , then which nothing is better or more lasting . To some , who demanded what kinde of possessions were best to be provided for Children : Those ( saith he ) which fear neither stormes , nor violence of men , nor Iove himselfe . To Demonicus , asking his advice concerning the education of his Son : The same care ( saith he ) that we have of Plants , we must take of our Children ; The one is Labour , the other Pleasure . But we must take heed that in this we be not too secure , in that too vigilant . To Thiledonus , who blamed him that he was as Studious to learn as to teach , and asked him how long he meant to be a Disciple ? as long saith he , as I am not ashamed of growing better and wiser . Being demanded what difference there is between a learned Man and an unlearned , the same saith he , as Betwixt a Physitian and a Patient . He said , Princes had no better Possessions then the familiarities of such men who could not ●latter , that Wisdom is as necessary to a Prince , as the Soul to the Body . That Kingdoms would be most happy , if either Philosophers Rule , or the Rulers were inspired with Philosophy , for nothing is more pernicious then power and arrogance accompanied with ignorance . That Subjects ought to be such as Princes seem to be . That a Magistrate is to be esteemed a Publick not a private good . That not a part of the Common-wealth , but the whole ought to be principally regarded . Being desirous to take off Timotheus Son of Conon , Generall of the Athenians , from sumptuous Military Feasts ; he invited him into the Academy to a plaine moderate Supper , such as quiet pleasing sleeps succeed with a good temper of body . The next day Timotheus observing the difference , said , They who feasted with Plato were the better for it the next day ; and meeting Plato , said unto him ; Your Supper , Plato , is as pleasant the next morning as overnight , alluding to the excellent discourse , that had past at that time . Hence apears the truth of that Poet 's saying , who being derided for acting a Tragedy , none being present but Plato , answered , but this one person is more then all the Athenians besides . CHAP. XII . His Will and Death . THus continuing a single life to his end , not having any Heirs of his own , he bequeathed his Estate to young Adimantus , ( probably the Son of Adimantus , his second Brother ) by his will ; thus recited by Laertius . These things Plato hath Bequeathed and disposed , The Eniphistidaean grounds bordering North , on the high way from the Cephisian Temple , South on the Heracleum of the Eniphistiades , East on Archestratus the Phrearian , West Philip the Cholidian , this let it not be lawfull for any man to sell or alienate , but let young Adimantus be possessour thereof in as full and ample manner as is possible . And likewise the Enerisiadaean Farm which I bought of Callimachus , adjoyning on the North to Eurymedon the Myrrinusian , on the South to Demostratus Xypeteron , on the East to Eurymedon the Myrrinusian , on the West to Cephissus ; Three minae of Silver ; a Golden Cup weighing 160. a ring of Gold , and an earing of Gold , both together weighing four drachmes and three aboli ; Euclid the Stone-Cutter oweth me three Minae , Diana I remit freely , I leave Servants , Ticho , Bictas Apolloniades , Dionysius Goods , whereof Demetrius keepeth an Inventory . I ow no man any thing , Executors , Sosthenes , Speusippus , Demetrius , Hegias , Eurimedon , Callimachus , Thrasippus . If this Will be not forged , that of Apuleius is false , who averrs the Patrimony he left was a little Orchard adjoyning to the Academy , two servants , and a Cup wherein he supplicated to the Gods ; Gold no more then he wore in his ear when he was a boy , an Emblem of his Nobility . He died in the 13 t● year of the Reign of Philip King of Macedon , in the first of the 108. Olympiad ; the 81. ( according to Hermippus , Cicero , Seneca , and others ) of his age ( not as Athenaeus the 82. ) which number he compleated exactly , dying that very day whereon he was born ; For which reason the Magi at Athens sacrificed to him , as conceiving him more than man , who fulfilled the most perfect number , nine multiplyed into it self . He died only of age , which Seneca ascribes to his temperance and diligence ; Hermippus saith , at a Nuptiall Feast ; Cicero saith , as he was writing ; they therefore who affirm he dyed ( as Pherecydes ) of lice , do him much injury ; upon his Tomb these Epitaphs . The first . Whose Temperance and Iustice all envies , The fam'd Aristocles here buried lies ; If Wisdom any with renown indued , Here was it most , by envy not pursued . The second . Earth in her bosom Plato's body hides , His Soul amongst the deathlesse Gods resides Aristo's Son ; whose fame to strangers spread , Made them admire the sacred life he lead . Another later . Eagle , why art thou pearcht upon this stone , And gaz●st thence on some Gods starry throne ? I Plato's Soul to Heaven flownrepresent , His body buried in this Monument . Phavorinus saith , that Mithridates the Persian set up Plato's statue in the Academy with this Inscription ; MITHRIDATES SON OF RHODOBATES , THE PERSIAN , DEDICATED THIS IMAGE OF PLATO , MADE BY SILANION TO THE MUSES . CHAP. XIII . His Disciples and Friends . THE Fame of this Scool attracted Disciples from all parts : of whom were Speusippus an Athenian , Plato's Sisters Son , whom he said he reformed by the example of his own life . Xenocrates a Chalcedonian , Plato's beloved Disciple , an imitatour of his gravity and magnanimity : Athenaeus saith , hee was first the onely Disciple of Aeschines , and relief of his poverty , seduced from him by Plato . Aristotle a Stagirite , whom Plato used to call a Colt , foreseeing that he would ungratefully oppose him , as a Colt having suckt , kicks at his Dam : Xenocrates was slow , Aristotle quick in extremity , whence Plato said of them , what an Asse have I , and what a horse to yoak together . Philippus an Opuntian , who transcribed Plato's Laws in wax ; to him some ascribe Epinomis . Hestiaeus a Perinthian . Dion a Syracusian ; whom Plato exceedingly affected , as is evident from his Epigrams ; seeing him in the height of honour , all mens eyes fixt upon his noble actions , hee advised him to take heed of that vice , which makes men care onely to please themselves ; a consequent of solitude . Amyclus ( or as Aelian , Amyclas ) a Heracleote . * Erastus and Coriscus Scepsians . Temolaus a Cyzicene . Euaemon a Lampsacene . Pithon , whom Aristotle calls Paron , and Heraclides Aenians . Hippothales and Callippus , Athenians . Demetrius of Amphipolis . Heraclides of Pontus . Two women , Lasthenia a Mantinean , and Axiothia a Phliasian , who went habited like a man. Theophrastus , as some affirm . Oratours , Hyperides , Lycurgus , Demosthenes . Lycurgus ( saith Philistus ) was a person of great parts , and did many remarkable things , which none could perform , who had not been Plato's auditor . Demosthenes , when he fled from Antipater , said to Archias , who counsell'd him to put himselfe into his hands , upon promise to save his life ; Far be it from me to choose rather to live ill , than to die well , having heard Xenocrates and Plato dispute of the Soules immortality . Mnesistratus a Thasian . To these reckoned by Laertius , add Aristides a Locrian . Eudoxus a Gnidian , who at a great Feast made by Plato , first found out the manner of sitting in a circular form . Hermodorus , of whom the Proverb , Hermodorus traffiques in words . Heracleodorus , to whom Demosthenes writing , reprehends him , that having heard Plato , he neglected good arts , and lived disorderly . * Euphratus , who lived with Perdiccas King of Macedonia , in so great favour , that he in a manner shared command with him . Euagon of Lampsacum . Timaeus of Cyzicum . Chaeron of Pellene . Isocrates the Oratour , with whom Plato was very intimate ▪ Praxiphanes published a discourse they had together , in a field of Plato's , who at that time entertained Isocrates as a Guest . Aster , P●aedrus , Alexis , Agatho , young men , whom Plato particularly affected , as appears by his Epigrams . * Aristonymus , Phormio , Mededimus , his familiar friends , already mentioned . CHAP. XIV . His Aemulatours and Detractours . AS Plato's eminent learning gained on one side many Disciples and admirers , so on the other side , it procured him many emulators , especially amongst his fellow Disciples , the followers of Socrates ; amongst these , Xenophon was exceedingly disaffected towards him ; they emulated each other , and writ both upon one subject ; a Symposium , Socrates his Apologie , morall commentaries : One writ of a Commonwealth , the other , the Institution of Cyrus : which book * Plato notes as commentitious , affirming Cyrus not to have been such a person as is there exprest . Though both writ much concerning Socrates , yet neither makes mention of the other , except Xenophon once of Plato , in the third of his Commentaries . Antisthenes being about to recite something that he had written , desired Plato to be present ; Plato demanding what he meant to recite , he answered , that to contradict is not lawfull . How come your , saith Plato , to write upon that subject ? And thereupon demonstrating that he contradicted himselfe , Antisthenes writ a Dialogue against him , intituled Satho . Aristippus was at difference with him , for which reason ( in Phaedone ) he covertly reproves Aristippus , that being near at Aegina when Socrates died , he came not to him . He writ a book of the luxury of the antients ; some ascribe the amatory Epigrams to his invention , his designe in that treatise being to detract from eminent persons , amongst the rest from Socrates his Master , and Plato and Xenophon his fellow Disciples . Aeschines and Plato also disagreed : some affirme , that when Plato was in favour with Dionysius , Aeschines came thither very poor , and was despised by Plato , but kindly entertained by Aristippus : But the Epistle of Aeschines put forth by Allatius , expresseth the contrary . The discourse which Plato relates , betwixt Crito and Socrates in Prison , Idomeneus saith , was betwixt Socrates and Aeschines ; by Plato , out of ill will to Aeschines , attributed to Crito . But of Aeschines he makes not any mention in all his works , except twice slightly ; once in Phaedone , where he names him amongst the persons present at Socrates his death ; and again in his Apology speaking of Lysanias his Father . Phaedo , if we credit the detractions of Athenaeus , was so much maligned by Plato , as that he was about to frame an indictment against him , to reduce him to that condition of servitude , out of which , by the procurement of Socrates , he had been redeemed ; but his designe being discovered , he gave it over . Besides his condisciples . Diogenes the Cynick derided his Laws , and assertion of Ideas ; concerning the first , he asked if he were writing Lawes ? Plato assented . Have you not written already a Commonwealth , saith Diogenes ? Yes , answered Plato . Had that Commonwealth Lawes , saith Diogenes ? Plato affirmed it had . Then , replyed Diogenes , what need you write new ? a Another time , Diogenes saying , he could see the things of the world , but not Ideas : Plato answered , that is no wonder , for you have , and use those eyes , which behold such things : but the minde , which only can see the other , you use not . b Molon , in detraction from him , said , It was not strange Dionysius should be at Corinth , but that Plato should be at Sicily . From these private differences , arose many scandalous imputations , forged and spread abroad by such as envyed or maligned him : as , c That he profest one thing , and practised another : d that he loved inordinately Aster , Dion , Phaedrus , Alexis , Agatho , and Archeanassa , a Curtesan of Colopho : e That he was a calumniatour , envious , proud , a gluttonous lover of Figgs : f that he was the worst of Philosophers a parasite to Tyrants , and many other accusations alike improbable : from these the Comick Poets and others took liberty to abuse him ; g Theopompus in Autochare . — for one is none , And two ( as Plato holds ) is hardly one . Anaxandrides in Theseo ; When Olives he ( like Plato ) doth devour ; Timon , As Plato feignes , in framing wonders skill'd ; Alexis in Meropide , Aptly thou comest , I walking round could meet ( Like Plato ) nothing wise ; but tir'd my feet . And in Anchilione , Thou speak'st of things thou understands not , go To Plato , thence Nile and onyons know : Amph in Amp hicrate , What good from hence you may expect to rise , I can no more then Plato's good comprise ; And in Dexidemide , Plato thou nothing knowst , but how To look severe and knit the brow . Cratylus in Pseudobolymaeo , A man thou art , and hast a soul , but this With Plato not sure , but opinion is . Alexis in Olympiodoro . My body mortall is grown dry , My soul turn'd air that cannot dy ▪ Taught Plato this Philosophy ? And in Parasito . Or thou with Plato rav'st alone . i Ephippus in Naufrago , objects to Plato and some friends of his , that corrupted with money they detracted from many persons ; that they went proudly habited , and they took more care of their outward beauty , then the most luxurious : See Athenaeus , lib. 11. CHAP. XV. His Writings . THE writings of Plato are by way of Dialogue ; of the Invention of Dialogue we have a already spoken ; now of the Nature thereof . A Dialogue is composed of puestions and answers Philosophical or Politicall , aptly expressing the Characters of those persons that are the speakers in an elegant stile ; Dialectick is the art of discourse , whereby we confirm or confute any thing by questions and answers of the disputants . Of Platonick discourse there are two kinds , Hyphegetick and Exegetick , subscribed thus , Hyphegetick Theoretick . Logick . Physick . Practick . Ethick : Politick . Exegetick Gymnastick , Majeutick ▪ Physick . Agonistick , Endeitick . Anatreptick . we know where there are other divisions of Dialogues ; as into dramatick Narrative mixt : but that division is more proper to Tragedy then to Philosophy . Of Plato's Dialogues are Physick , Timaeus . Logick , The Politick . Cratylus . Parmenides . The Sophist . Ethick , Apology of Socrates . Crito . Phaedo . Phaedrus . Symposium ▪ Menexemus . Clitophon . Epistles . Philebus . Hipparchus . The Rivalls . Politick , The Common-wealth . The Lawes . Minos . Epinomis . The Atlantick . Maieutick , Alcibiades . Theages . Lysis . Laches . Pirastick , Euthyphron . Menon . Ion. Charmides . Theaetetus . Endeictick , Protagoras . Anatreptick , Euthydemus . Hippias 1. Hippias 2. Gorgias 1. Gorgias 2. It being much controverted ( continueth Laertius ) whether Plato doth dogmatize , some affirming , others denying it , it will be necessary to say somthing thereupon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dogmatise is to impose a Doctrine , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to impose a Law ; A Doctrine is taken two waies , either ●or that which is Decreed , or the Decree it self ; That which is Decreed is a proposition , the Decree it self an imposition . Plato expounds those things which he conceiveth true : Confutes those which are false , suspends his opinion in those which are doubtfull . He asserts what he conceiveth true under one of these four persons , Socrates , Timaeus an Athenian Guest , an Aelian Guest ; The Guests are not , as some conceive , Plato and Parmenides , but imagined namelesse persons , as what Socrates , Timaeus speak , are the Decrees of Plato . Those whom he argueth of falsehood are Thrasymach●s , Callicles , Polus , Gorgias , Protagoras , Hippias , Euthydemus , and the like . In Argument he often used induction of both Sorts . Induction is a discourse , which from certain truths Collects , and inferreth a truth like to those : Of Induction there are two kinds , one from Contraries , another from Consequents : From Contraries , as when he who is questioned , answereth in all things contrary to himself , as thus ; My Father is either the same with yours , or not the same , if therefore thy Father be not the same with mine , he is not my Father : and again , if a man be not a living creature , he is stone , wood , or the like , but he is neither stone nor wood , for he hath a soul , and moveth himselfe , therefore he is a living creature ; if a living creature , a dog and an Ox. This kind of induction by contraries , serves not for assertion , but confutation : Induction by consequents is two-fold ; one , when a singular being sought , is concluded from a singular , the first proper to Oratours , the second to Logicians ; as in the first , the question is , Whether such an one were a murtherer , it is proved from his being bloody at the same time . This induction is Rhetoricall , for Rhetorick is conversant in Singulars , not in universalls ; it inquireth not after justice , but after the severall parts thereof : the other is Dialectick , whereby Universalls are concluded from Singulars , as in this question ; Whether the Soule be immortall , and whether the living are of the dead , which is demonstrated in his Book of the Soul , by a generall Maxime , that contraries proceed from contraries , this being generall , is proved by singulars , as , waking succeeds sleeping , the greater the lesser , and so on the contrary . Thus he useth to confirm what he asserts . Thrasylus saith , he published his Dialogues according to the tragick Tetralogie : His genuine Dialogues are fiftie six , his Common-wealth divided into ten , they make nine Tetralogies , reckoning his Commonwealth one Book , his Lawes another . The first Tetralogie hath a common subject , declaring what is the proper life of a Philosopher : every Book hath a two-fold title ; one from the principall person , the other from the subject . The first . Euthyphron ; or of Piety : Pirastick . Socrates his Apologie : Ethick . Crito , or of that which is to be done : Ethick . Phaedo , or of the soul : Ethick . The second . Cratylus ; or , of right naming : Logick . Theaetetus ; or , of Science : Pirastick . The Sophist ; or , of Ens : Logick . The Politick ; or , of a Kingdome : Logick . The third . Parmenides ; or , of Idaea's : Logick . Philebus ; or , of Pleasure : Ethick . The Symposium ; or , of Good●Ethick . Phaedrus ; or of Love : Ethick . The fourth . Alcibiades 1. or , of human Nature : Majeutick . Alcibiades 2. or , of Prayer : Majeutick . Hipparchus ; or , the Covetous : Ethick . The Rivalls ; or , of Philosophy : Ethick . The fift Theages ; or of Philosophy : Majeutick . Charmides ; or , of Temperance : Pirastick . Laches ; or , of Fortitude : Majeutick . Lysis ; or , of Friendship : Majeutick . The sixt Euthydemus ; or , the Litigious : Anatreptick . Protagoras ; or , the Sophist : Endeictick . Gorgias ; or , of Rhetorick : A●atreptick . Menon ; or , of Vertue : Pirastick . The seventh Hippias first ; or , of Honest : Anatreptick . Hippias second ; or , of Fal●● : Anatreptick . Io ; or of Ilias : Pirastick . Menexenus ; or , the funerall Oration : Ethick . The eight Clitophon ; or the Exhortation : Morall . The Commonwealth ; or , of Just : Politick . Timaeus ; or , of Nature : Physick . Critias ; or , the Atlantick : Ethick . The ninth Minos ; or , of Law : Politick . Lawes ; or , of Legislation : Politick . Epinomis ; or , the Nocturnall convention ; or , the Philosophers Politick . Epistles thirteen , Ethick , in the inscriptions whereof he useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cleon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . to Aristodemus one ; to Architas two ; to Dionysius foure ; to Hermias , Erastus , and Coriscus one ; to Leodamas one ; to Dion one ; to Dions friends two . Thus Thrasilaus . Others , of whom is Aristophanes the Grammarian , reduce his Dialogues to Trilogies , placing in The first The Common-wealth . Timaeus . Critias . The second The Sophister . The Politick . Cratylus . The third Lawes . Minos . Epinomis . The fourth Theaetetus . Euthyphron . Apology . The fift . Crito . Phaedo . Epistles . The rest single without order . Some , as we said , begin with Alcibiades major , others from Theages , others from Euthyphron , others from Clitiphon , others from Timaeus , others from Phaedrus ( which they say was the first Dialogue he wrot , as the subject it selfe seemeth to confirme , which savours of youth ; and therefore Dicearchus condemnes it as too light : to which censure Cicero agreeth , as conceiving , he ascribeth too great a power to Love ) others begin with Theaetetus , many with his Apologie . He mentions not himselfe in all his writings , except once in his Phaedo , and another time in his Apologie for Socrates . At the recitall of his Phaedo , all , but Aristotle rose , and went away . The efficacy of that Dialogue ( which treats of the immortality of the Soule ) is evident from Cleombrotus of Ambracia , who , assoon as he had read it , was so disaffected to life , that he threw himselfe from a high wall into the Sea ; b upon whom thus Callimachus , c Cleombrotus cries out , farewell this light , And headlong throwes himselfe int'endlesse night : Not that he ought had done , deserving death , But Plato read , and weary grew of breath . The Dialogues generally noted as spurious ( not to say any thing of his Epinomis , though some ascribe it to Philippus the Opuntian ) are these , Midon , or the Horse-courser . Erixias , or Erasistratus . Alcyon . Acephali , or the Sisyphi . Axiochus . Phaeaces . Demodochus . Chelidon . The seventh , Epimenides . Of these Alcion is ascribed by Phavorinus to Leon. His stile , Aristotle saith , is betwixt Prose and Verse . He useth variety of names , that his work may not easily be understood by the unlearned . He conceiveth wisdome properly to be of intellectuall things , Knowledge of reall Beings conversant about God , and the soul separate from the body . Properly , he calleth Philosophy Wisdome , being the appetition of divine Knowledge ; but , commonly he calleth all skill knowledge , as an Artificer , a wise man. He likewise used the same names in divers significations ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which properly signifies Evill , he useth for Simple , as Euripides in his Lycimnius of Hercules , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The same word Plato sometimes takes for honest , sometimes for little . He likewise useth 〈◊〉 names to signifie the same thing : Idaea he useth both for species and genus ; Exemplar , both principle and cause . Sometimes he useth contrary expressions to signifie the same thing ; Sensible he calleth a being and no being ; a being , as having been produced ; no being , in respect of its continuall mutation . Idaea , neither moveable nor permanent , the same both one and many . The like he useth often in other things . The method of his discourse is three-fold : first , to declare what that is which is taught ; then for what reason it is asserted , whether as a principall cause , or as a comparison , and whether to defend the Tenent , or oppugne the contrary . Thirdly , whether it be rightly said . The marks , which he usually affixed to his writtings , are these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes Platonick words and figures . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Doctrines and opinions proper to Plato ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Choice expressions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Corrections . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Things superfluous . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Double signification or use . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Philosophicall institution . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , agreement of opinions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Improbation . Hitherto Laertius . There are two Epistles under Plato's name , besides those in his works , already mentioned , one in Laertius his life of Architas . Plato to Architas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . THe Commentaries which came from you , we received with extraordinary content , infinitely admiring the writer , who appears to us a person worthy of those antient predecessors ; for those men are said to be Myraeans of those Trojans , which were banished in the time of Laomedon , good men , as Tradition speaks them . Those Commentaries of mine , concerning which you write , are not yet polished ; however as they are , I have sent them to you , in the keeping of them we agree both , so as I n●ed not give you any directions . Farewell . Another published by Leo Allatius amongst the Socratick Epistles . I had not any of those things to send to Syracuse which Archytas desired to receive by you ; as soon as possible I will send to you . Philosophy hath wrought in me I know not whether good or bad , a hatred of conversing with many persons , justly , I think , since they erre in all kind of folly as well in private as publick affairs ; but if unjustly , yet know I can hardly live and breath otherwise . For this reason I have fled out of the City , as out of a Den of wild Beasts , living not far from the Ephestiades , and the places thereabouts . I now see , that Timon hated not men , he could not affect Beasts , therefore lived ● alone by himself , perhaps not without danger . Take this as you please ; my resolution is to live far from the City , now and for ever hereafter , as long as God shall grant me life . In Poesy he writ , Dithyrambs . An Epick Poem , Four Tragedies , all which ( as we said ) he burned . The Atlantick story , of which thus Plutarch ; Solon begun the Atlantick story ( which he had learnt of the Priests of Sais , very proper for the Athenians ) but gave it over by reason of his old age , and the largenesse of the work . Plato took the same argument , as a wast piece of fertile ground fallen to him by hereditary right ; He manured it , refined it , enclosed it with large Walls , Porches and Galleries , such as never any Fable , or Poem had before ; but because he undertook it late , he was prevented by Death . The more things written delight , the more their not being perfected is For as the Athenian City left the Temple of Jupiter ; so Plato's Wisdom , amongst many ex●●llent writings , left the Atlantick argument alone imperfect . Epigrams , of which these are extant in Laertius , and the Anthologie . Upon one named After . d The Stars , my Star , thou view'st ; Heav'n I would be , That I with thousand eyes might gaze on Thee . Upon his Death . e A Phosphor 'mongst the living late wert thou , But shin'st among the dead a Hesper now . Epitaph on Dion , engrav'd on his Tomb at Siracuse . f Old Hecuba the Trojan Matron's years Were interwoven by the Fates with Tears ; But thee with blooming hopes my Dion deckt , Gods did a Trophy of their pow'r erect . Thy honour'd reliques in their Country rest , Ah Dion ! whose love rages in my breast . On Alexis . g Fair is Alexis , I no sooner said , When every one his eyes that way convey'd : My soul ( as when some dog a bone we show , Who snatcheth it ) lost we not Phaedrus so ? On Archaeanassa . h To Archae'nassa , on whose furrow'd brow Love sits in triumph , I my service vow ; If her declining Graces shine so bright , What flames felt you ▪ who saw her noon of light ? On Agathon . My Soul , when I kiss'd Agathon , did start Up to my lip , just ready to depart . To Xantippe . i An Apple I ( Love's emblem ) at the throw , Thou in exchange thy Virgin-zone bestow . If thou refuse my suite , yet read in this , How short thy years , how frail thy Beauty is . I cast the apple , loving those love thee , k Xantippe yeeld . for soon both old will be . On l the Eretrians vanquish'd by the Persians . m We in Eubaea born Eretrians are Buried in Susa from our Country far . Venus and the Muses . n Virgins ( said Venus to the Muses ) pay Homage to us , or , Love shall wound your Hearts : The Muses answer'd , take these toyes away , Our Breasts are proof against his childish darts . Fortune exchang'd . o One finding Gold , in change , the halter quits , Missing his Gold , 'tother the halter knits . On Sappho . p He , who believes the Muses Nine , mistakes , For Lesbian Sappho ten their number makes . Time. q Time all things bring to passe , a change creates In Names , in Formes , in Nations and in S●ates . Death . r That is a Plough-man's grave , a Sailor's this ; To Sea and Land alike Death common is . On one Shipwrack'd . s The cruell Sea , which took my life away , Forbore to strip me of my last array : From this a covetous man did not refrain , Acting a crime so great for so small gain ; But let him wear it to the shades , and there Before great Pluto in my cloaths appear . Another . t Safely ( O Saylors ) presse the Land , and wave , Yet know , ye passe a Shipwrack'd persons grave . On the Statue of Venus . u Paphian Cythera , swimming crosse the Main , To Guidas came her Statue there to see , And from on high , surveying round the plain Where could Praxiteles me spy ? ( saith shee ) He saw not what 's forbidden mortall Eyes , 'T was Mars's Steel that Venus did incize . Another . * Not carv'd by Steel , or Praxitele's fam'd hand : Thus nak'd before the Iudges did'st thou stand . Love sleeping . x Within the Covert of a shady Grove , We saw the little red-check'd God of Love. He had nor Row nor Quiver , those among The neighb'ring Trees upon a bough were hung : Upon a Bank of tender Rose-buds laid He , ( smiling ) slept ; Bees with their noise invade His rest , and on his lips their honey made . Pan Piping . y Dwell awfull Silence on the shady Hills Among the bleating flocks , and purling rills , When Pan the Reed doth to his lip apply , Inspiring it with sacred Harmony , Hydriads , and Hamadryads at that sound In a well order'd measure beat the ground . On the Image of a Satyre in a Fountain and Love sleeping . z A skilfull hand this Satyre made so near To life , that only Breath is wanting here : I am attendant to the Nymphs ; before I fill'd out purple wine , now water powre ▪ Who ere thou art com'st nigh , tread softly , lest You waken Love out of his pleasing rest . Another . a On horn'd Lyaeus I attend , And powre the streams these Nayads lend , Whose noise Lov 's slumber doth befriend . Another . b This Satyre Diodorus did not make , But charme asleep ; if prick'd he will awake . On a Seal . c Five Oxen grazing in a flow'ry Mead , A Iasper seal done to the life doth hold , The little herd away long since had fled , We'rt not inclos'd within ● pale of Gold. THE DOCTRINE OF PLATO delivered by ALCINOVS . CHAP. I. Of PHITOSOPHY , and how a Philosopher must be qualified . Such a Summary as this may be given of the Doctrine of Plato . Philosophy is the desire of Wisdom , or solution of the soul from the body , and a conversion to those things , which are true and perceptible by Intellect . Wisdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the Science of things Divine and Humane . A Philosopher is he who takes denomination from Philosophy , as a Musician from Musick . He who is to be a Philosopher , must be thus qualified ; First , he must have a naturall capacity of all such Learning as is able to fit and bring him to the knowledge of that essence which is perceptible by Intellect , not of that which is in continual fluxion or mutation . Then he must have a naturall affection to Truth , and an aversion from receiving falshood , and besides this , temperate in a manner by Nature ; for those parts which use to be transported with passions , he must have reduced to obedience by Nature . For whosoever hath once embraced those disciplines which are conversant in consideration of such things as truly exist , and hath addicted all his study thereunto , little valueth corporeall pleasure . Moreover a Philosopher must have a liberall mind , for the estimation of mean things is contrary to a man who intended to contemplate the truth of things . Likewise he must naturally love Justice , for he must be studious of Truth , Temperance and Liberality . He must also have an acute apprehension , and a good memory , for these inform a Philosopher , those gifts of Nature , if improved by Discipline and Education , make a man perfect in Vertue , but neglected are the cause of the worst ills . These Plato useth to call by the same names with the Vertues , Temperance , Fortitude and Iustice. CHAP. II. That Contemplation is to be preferred before Action . WHereas Life is twofold , Contemplative and Active , the chief Office of the Contemplative consisteth in the knowledge of truth , as of the Active , in the practice of those things which are dictated by Reason . Hence the Contemplative life is first , after which as necessary followeth the Active . That it is so , may easily be proved thus . Contemplation is an Office of the intellect in the understanding of Intelligibles : Action is an operation of the rationall Soul , performed by meditation and service of the body . For the Soul , when it contemplateth the Divinity and the notions thereof , is said to be best affected . This affection is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Wisdom , which is nothing else but an assimilation to the Deity . This therefore ought to be esteemed the first and principall , as being most expetible and proper to man ; for there are no impediments that can hinder it from being within our power , and it is cause of our proposed end . But Active life , and the practise thereof , chiefly making use of the mediation of the body , are many times obstructed ; Wherefore those things which the Contemplative life considers in order to the reformation of the manners of men , a Philosopher , as often as necessity requireth , shall transferr to Action . Then shall a good man apply himselfe to the administration of Civill Affairs , when he seeth them ill managed by others . He must look upon the leading of an Army , administration of Justice and Embassies , as things necessary . The institution of Laws , ordering the Common-wealth , the compressure of Seditions , education of youth in Discipline , are the chiefest , and , among those things which relate to Action , of greatest consequence . Hence is it manifest , that a Philosopher must not onely be perseverant in Contemplation , but also cherish and increase it , sometimes giving himself to Action as an attendant upon Contemplation . CHAP III. The three parts of Philosophy . THe study of a Philosopher seemeth according to Plato to be conversant chiefly in three things , in the Contemplation and knowledge of things , in the Practice of Vertue , and in Disputation . The Science of things that are , is called Theoretick , of those which pertain to Action , Practick ; the disputative part , Dialectick . Dialectick is divided into Division , Definition , Induction and Syllogisme ; Syllogisme into the Apodeictick , which concerneth necessary ratiocination ; and Rhetoricall , which concerneth Enthymeme , called an imperfect ratiocination ; and lastly into Sophismes . This the Philosopher must look upon , not as the chiefest but a necessary part . Of Practick Philosophy , one part is conversant about Manners , another orders Families , the last takes care of a Commonwealth . The first called Ethick , the second , Oeconomick , the third , Politick . Of Theoretick Philosophy , one part enquires into things immutable and divine , and the first causes of things ; this is called Theologie ; another the motion of the stars , the revolution and restitution of Celestial Bodies , and the constitution of the world . This is called Physick . That whereby we enquire Geometrically , and those other disciplines which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is termed Mathematick . Philosophy being thus divided , wee must first according to Plato speak of the Dialectick part , and in that , first of the Iudiciarie . CHAP. IV. DIALECTICK . Of the Iudiciary part . WHereas there is somthing that judgeth , somthing which is judged , it is necessary also that there be somthing which is made of both these , properly called Iudgement . This Judgement may not unfitly be termed Judiciary , but more commonly that which judgeth . This is twofold ; one , from which ; another by which judgement is made . That is intellect ; this the naturall Organ accommodated for judgement ; primarily of true things ; secondarily of false ; neither is it any thing but naturall reason . To explain this more fully , of things which are , a Philosopher who judgeth the things themselves , may be called a Iudge ; reason likewise is a Iudge , by which truth is judged , which even now we called an Organ . Reason is twofold , one incomprehensible and true ; the other is never deceived in the knowledge of those things which are . The first is in the power of God , not of man , the second in that of man also . This likewise is twofold , the first Science , and scientifick reason ; the second Opinion . The first hath certitude , and stability , as being conversant in things certain and stable . The second , similitude of truth and opinion , as being conversant in things subject to mutation . Of science in Intelligibles , and opinion in sensibles , the principles are Intellection and Sense . Sense is a passion of the soul by the mediation of the body , first , declaring a passive faculty ; When through the Organs of sense , the species of things are impress'd in the soul , so , as they are not defac'd by time , but remain firm and lasting , the conservation thereof is called Memory . Opinion is the conjunction of memory and sense ; for , when some object occurreth , which can first move the sense , thereby sense is effected in us , and by sense memory . Then again is the same thing objected to our sense , we joyne the precedent with the consequent sense , and now say within our selves , Socrates , a Horse , Fire , and the like : This is termed opinion , when we joyne the precedent memory with the late sense ; when these agree within themselves , it is a true opinion , if they disagree , a false ; for , if a man , having the species of Socrates in his memory , meet with Plato , and think , by reason of some likenesse betwixt them , he hath met Socrates again , and afterwards joyne the sense of Plato , which he took , as it were , from Socrates , with the memory which he preserved of Socrates , there will arise a false opinion . That wherein sense and memory are formed , Plato compareth to a tablet of wax , but when the soul by cogitation reforming these things , which are conceived in opinion by memory and sense , sooketh upon these as things from which the other are derived : Plato sometimes calleth this a picture and phantasie . Cogitation he calleth the soules discourse within her selfe : Speech , that which ●loweth from the Cogitation through the mouth by voice . Intellection is an operation of the Intellect , contemplating first Intelligibles . It is two-fold , one of the soul , beholding Intelligibles before she cometh into the body ; the other of the same , after she is immers'd in the body : The first is properly called Intellection ; the other , whilst she is in the body , is termed naturall knowledge , which is nothing but an intellection of the soul consined to the body . When we say , Intellection is the principle of Science , we mean not this latter , but the other , which is competible to the soul in her separate state , and , as we said , is then called Intellection , now naturall Knowledge . The same Plato termeth simple Knowledge , the wing of the soul ; sometimes Reminiscence . Of these simple Sciences consisteth Reason , which is born with us , the efficient of naturall Science ; and as reason is two-fold , Scientifick , and opinionative , so Intellection and Sense . It is likewise necessary that they have their objects , which are Intelligibles and Sensibles : And for asmuch as of Intelligibles , some are Primary , as Idaeas , others Secondary , as the Species , that are in matter , and cannot be separated from it . Intellection likewise , must be two-fold , one of Primaries , the other of S●condaries . Again , forasmuch as in Sensibles , some are Primary , as qualities , colour , whitenesse , others by accident , as white coloured , and that which is concrete , as fire : in the same manner is Sense , first , of Primaries , second , of Secondaries . Intellection judgeth primary Intelligibles , not without Scientifick knowledge , by a certain comprehension without discourse . Secondaries the same scientifick reason judgeth , but not without Intellection . Sensibles , as well Primary as Secondary sense , judgeth , but not without opinionative reason . That which is concrete , the same reason judgeth , but not without sense . And since the Intelligible world is the Primary Intelligible , the sensible something concrete , the first Intellection judgeth with reason , that is , not without reason : The other opinionative reason not without sense , whereas there is both contemplation and action ; right reason discerneth not in the same manner those which are subject to contemplation , and those which are subject to action : In contemplation it considereth what is true , what false ; in things that belong to action , what is proper , what improper , what that is which is done . For , having an innate knowledge of that which is good and honest , by using reason , and applying it to those naturall notions , as to certain rules , we judge whether every thing be good or bad . CHAP. V. The Elements and Office of Dialectick . OF Dialectick , the first and chiefest Element according to Plato , is , first , to consider the essence of every thing ; next , the accidents thereof . What a thing is , it considers , either from its superiors , by division and definition , or contrariwise by Analysis . Accidents which adhere to substances , are considered , either from those things which are contained by induction , or from those which do contain by Syllogisme . Hence the parts of Dialectick are these , Division , Definition , Analysis , Induction , Syllogisme . Of Divisions , one is a distribution of the Genus into Species , and of the whole into parts ; as when we divide the Soule into the rationall part , and the irrationall ; and the latter , into the concupiscible and the irascible . Another is of a world into divers significations , when the same may be taken severall waies . A third of accidents , according to their subjects ; as when we say of good , some belong to the soul , some to the body , some are externall . The fourth of subjects , according to their accidents ; as of men , some are good , some ill , some indifferent . Division of the Genus into its Species , is first to be used , when we examine the essence of a thing , this cannot be done but by definitions . Definition is made by Division in this manner , we must take the Genus of the thing to be defined , as that of man , living creature ; that we must divide by the next differences , descending to its species , as rationall , and irrationall , mortall , and immortall . Thus by adding the first difference to the Genus , is made the definition of man. Of Analysis there are three kinds , one by which we ascend from Sensibles to primary Intelligibles , another whereby we ascend by demonstrates and subdemonstrates , to indemonstrable immediate propositions . The last , which from supposition proceedeth to those principles which are taken without supposition . The first kind is thus , as if from that Beauty which is in the body , we should proceed to that of the minde , from that to another conversant in the offices of life , thence to that of Lawes , and so at last to the vast ocean of Beauty , that by these steps , as it were , we may arrive at the sight of the supream Beauty . The second kind of Analysis is thus ; We must suppose that which we seek , and consider those which are precedent , demonstrating them by progression , from inferiours to superiours , untill we arrive at that which is first and generally granted : From which , beginning anew , we return synthetically to that which was sought . As for example , I enquire whether the Soul be immortall , and supposing it to be so , I enquire whether it be alwaies moved . This being demonstrated , I again enquire , whether that which is alwaies moved , is moved by its selfe , which being again demonstrated , we examine , whether that which is moved by its selfe , be the principall of motion . Lastly , whether a principall is ingenerate ; this , as most certain , is admitted by all . That which is ingenerate , is also incorruptible ; whence , as from a thing most certain , we collect this demonstration . If a Principle be ingenerate and incorruptible , that which is moved by its selfe is the principle of motion ; but the soul is moved by its selfe , therefore the soul is incorruptible , ingenerate , and immortall . The third kind of Analysis upon supposition is this ; He who enquireth after a thing , first , supposeth that thing , then observes what will follow upon that supposition . If a reason for the supposition be required , assuming another supposition , he enquireth , whether that which was first supposed , follow again upon another supposition : This he alwaies observeth ; untill he come at last to that principle , which is not taken upon supposition . Induction is every method by reason , which proceedeth either from like to like , or from Singulars to Universalls : It is of great efficacy to excite naturall notions . CHAP. VI. Of Propositions and Argumentations . OF that speech which we call a Proposition , there are two kinds , Affirmation and Negation ; Affirmation , as Socrates walketh ; Negation , as Socrates walketh not . Of Affirmative and Negative Propositions , some are Universall , others Particular : A particular affirmative is thus , Some pleasure is good ; a particular negative is , some pleasure is not good . An universall affirmative , all dishonest things are ill ; an universall negative , no dishonest thing is good . Of Propositions , some are Categoricall , some Hypotheticall : the Categoricall are simple , as every just thing is good : Hypotheticall import consequence or repugnance . Syllogismes are used by Plato , either to consute or demonstrate ; to consute , what is false by interrogation , to demonstrate , what is true by declaration . Syllogism is a speech , wherein somethings being laid down , another thing besides those which are laid down , is necessarily inferred from them . Of Syllogismes some are Categoricall , some Hypotheticall , some Mixt : Categoricall are those whose sumptions and conclusions are simple propositions . Hypotheticall are those which consist of Hypotheticall Propositions : Mixt , which conclude both . Plato useth demonstrative arguments in those Dialogues , wherein he explaineth his own doctrine ; Probable against Sophists and young men ; Latigious against those who are properly called Eristick , as Eut●ydemus and Hippias . Of Categoricall Syllogismes there are three figures ; the first is , that wherein the common extream is first the praedicate , then the subject . The second , when the common extream is praedicate in both : the third , wherein the common extream is subject in both . Extreams are the parts of a Proposition , as in this , A man is a living creature , man and living creature are the extreams . Plato often argueth in the first , second , and third figures ; in the first , as in Alcibiade ; Iust things are honest , Honest things are good , Therefore just things are good . In the second , as in Parmenide ; as , That which hath no parts is neither straight nor crooked , But whatsoever hath figure is either straight or crooked , Therefore , whatsoever hath not parts , hath not figure . In the third thus , in the same book , Whatsoever hath figure is qualitative , Whatsoever hath figure is finite , Therefore whatsoever is qualitative is finite . Likewise by Hypotheticall Syllogisme Plato often disputeth , chiefly in Parmenide thus , If one hath not parts , it hath neither beginning , end , nor middle , But if it have neither beginning , end , nor middle , it hath no bound , and if no bound , no figure , Therefore if one hath no parts , it hath no figure . In the Second Hypotheticall figure , ordinarily called the third , wherein the common extream is subject in both , he argueth thus , If one hath not parts , it is neither straight nor crooked , If it hath a figure , it is either straight or crooked , Therefore if it hath no parts , it hath no figure . In the Third figure by some called the second , wherein the common extream twice precedes the other two , he thus argues , in Phaedone , If having the Knowledge of Equality we forget it not , we know , but if we forget it , we have recourse to Reminiscence , &c. Mixt Syllogismes which conclude by consequence , he useth thus ; If one is whole and finite , that is , having beginning , middle and end ; it hath figure also ; But the Antecedent is true , Therefore the Consequent . Of those also which overthrow by consequence , the differences may be gathered out of Plato . Thus when a man hath diligently understood the faculties of the mind , the various differences of men , the severall kinds of reasoning which may be accommodated to this or that , and to what persons such and such reasons are to be used , he , meeting with an opportunity suiting with his purpose , will become a perfect Orator . The reasons of Sophismes and captious arguments are , if we observe narrowly , expressed by Plato in Euthydemo , for there is declared which are in words , which in things , and how they are to be solved . The ten Praedicaments are touched by Plato in Parmenide , and in his other Dialogues ; the place of Etymologies is fully set down in Cratylo . To conclude , hee was singularly admirable for division and definition , wherein the greatest force of Dialectick consisteth . The Summe of that which he faith in Cratylo , is this ; Hee enquireth whether Names are by the power and reason of Nature , or by imposition . He concludeth that the rectitude of names is by a certain imposition , not temerarious or casuall , but seeming to follow the nature of the things themselves ; for rectitude of names is nothing but an imposition consonant to the nature of the thing : Hence every imposition of names is not sufficient for rectitude , neither the nature nor first found of the voice , but that which is composed of both ; so as every name is conveniently and properly applyed to the thing . For any name applyed to any thing will not signifie rightly , as if wee should impose the name of horse upon man. To speak is a kind of Action ; Not he that speaketh any way speaketh rightly , but he who speaketh so as the nature of the thing requireth . And for as much as expression of names is a part of speaking , as Noun is a part of Speech , to name rightly , or not rightly , cannot be done by any imposition of names , but by a naturall affinity of the name with the thing it self . So that he is a right imposer of names , who can expresse the Nature of the things in their names ; for a name is an Instrument of the thing , not every inconsiderate name , but that which agreeth with its nature . By this benefit we communicate things to one another , whence it followeth , that it is nothing else but an instrument accommodated to the teaching and discerning of a thing , as a weavers shuttle to his Webbe . It belongeth therefore to a Dialectick to use names aright ; for as a Weaver useth a shuttle rightly , knowing the proper use thereof after it hath been made by the Carpenter ; so the Dialectick rightly useth that name which another hath made . And as to make a Helm , is the effice of a Shipwright , but to use it rightly of a Pilot ; so he who frameth names , shall impose them rightly , if he do it as if a Dialectick were present , who understandeth the nature of those things which are signified by the names . Thus much for Dialectick . CAAP. VII . Of THEORETICK Philosophy . WE come next to Theoretick Philosophy , whereof one part is Theologick , another Physick , a third Metaphysick . The end of Theologie is the knowledge of primary Causes : Of Physick , to understand the nature of the Universe , what kinde of creature man is , what place he holdeth in the world , whether there be a divine Providence over all things , to which there are other Gods subordinate , how men are in respect of them . The end of Mathematick is , to know the nature of a superficies and a solid , and to consider the motion and revolution of celestiall bodies , the contemplation whereof must first be proposed in briefe . Thus Plato useth to confirm the acutenesse of the minde , for it sharpeneth the understanding , and rendreth it more ready towards the contemplation of divine things . That which considereth Numbers , being likewise a part of Mathematicks , conferreth not a little to the understanding of things that are ; It frees us from the errour and ignorance which attend sensible things , and conduceth to the right knowledge of the essence of things : It likewise renders a man expert in military affairs , especially towards the ordering of an Army by the science of Tacticks . Geometry also conferteth much towards the understanding of good it selfe , if a man pursue it not only for mechanicall dimension , but that he may by the helps thereof ascend to things which are not , busying himselfe about those which are in continuall generation and motion . Stereometry likewise is exceeding usefull , for after the second accretion followeth this contemplation , which holdeth the third room . Astronomy also is usefull as a fourth discipline , whereby we consider the motions of Heaven and the Starres , and the author of night and day , months and years . Thus by a familiar kinde of way , finding out him who made all these , and by these disciplines , as from certain rudiments or elements proceeding to things more sublime . Likewise Musick is to be learnt , which relateth to hearing ; for , as the eyes are created for Astronomy , so are the ears for Harmony : and as when we apply our selves to Astronomy , we are led from visible things , to the divine invisible ●ffence ; so when we receive the Harmony of voice in at our ears , from audible things , we ascend by degrees to those which are perceived by Intellect , unlesse we pursue Mathematicall disciplines to this end , the contemplation thereof will be imperfect , unprofitable , and of no value . We must therefore presently proceed from those things which are perceived by the eyes and ears , to those which reason only discerneth ; for , Mathematick is only a preface to divine things . They who addict themselves to Arithmetick and Geometry , desire to arrive at the knowledge of that which is , which knowledge they obtain no otherwise then as by a dream , but really they cannot attain it , because they know not the principles themselves , nor those things which are compounded of the principles : neverthelesse , they conduce to those things which we mentioned ; wherefore Plato will not have such disciplines to be called Sciences . Dialectick method proceeds in such manner , that by Geometricall Hypotheses , it ascendeth to first principles , which are not taken upon Hypotheses . For this reason he calleth Dialectick a Science ; but , Mathematick , neither opinion , because it is more perspicuous then sensible things ; nor a Science , because it is more obscure then first Intelligibles : But , the opinion of Bodies , the science of Primaries , the contemplation of Mathematicks . He likewise asserteth Faith and Imagination : Faith , of things subject to sense ; Imagination of Images and Species . Because Dialectick is more efficacious then Mathematick , as being conversant about divine eternall things , therefore it is put before all Mathematicks , as a wall and fortification of the rest . CHAP. VIII . Of first matter . VVE must next give a brief account of Principles , and those things which belong to Theologie , beginning at the first , and from thence descending to the creation of the world , and contemplation thereof , whereby at last we come to the creation and nature of man. To begin with matter ; this he calleth the receptacle , nurse , mother , place , and subject of all Images , affirming that it is touched without sense , and comprehended by an adulterate kinde of reason . The property thereof is to undergo the generation of all things , and to cherish them like a Nurse , and to admit all formes , being of her own nature expert of all form , quality , and specie● : These things are imprinted and formed in her as in a Table , and she admitteth their figures , not having of her selfe any figure or qualitie . For , she could not be fit to receive the impressions of severall forms , unlesse she were wholly void of all quality , and of those formes which she is about to receive . They who make sweet Unguents of Oyle , make choice of that oyle which hath the least sent ; they who would imprint any figures in wax , first smooth and polish the matter , defacing all former figures . It is requisite that matter capable of all things , if it must receive all formes , must not have the nature of any one of them , but must be subjected to all formes , without any qualitie or figure ; and being such , it is neither a body nor incorporeall , but a body potentially , as Brasse is potentially a Statue , because then it becomes a Statue , when it puts on the form thereof . CHAP. IX . Of Ideas . WHereas matter is a Principle , Plato likewise introduceth other principles besides matter . One as an exemplar , Idaeas ; another Paternall , God , the Father and Author of all things . Idaea , as to God , is the notion of God , as to us , the primary Intelligible , as to matter , a manner , as to this sensible world an Exemplar , as to it selfe , Essence . For whatsoever is made with understanding , must necessarily be referred to something , as if something be made from another , as my picture from me , the exemplar thereof must be presupposed , and if there be nothing eternall , every Artist conceiveth it first within himselfe , then transferreth the formes thereof into matter . They define Idaea an eternall exemplar of things which are according to Nature ; for , the greater part of Platonists will not allow an Idaea to be of things that are made by Art , as of a Shield , or Lute , nor of things which are praeternaturall , as of a Feavour , or unnaturall Choler ; nor of singulars , as of Socrates or Plato ; nor of vile abject things , as of silth or strawes ; nor of relatives , as of greater and longer : For Idaeas are the eternall notions of God , perfect in themselves . That there are Idaeas , they prove thus : Whether God be Intellect or something Intelligent , he must have his Intelligibles , and those eternall and immovable ; if so , there are Idaeas . For , if matter it selfe be in it selfe void of measure , it is necessary that it receive measure from some superiour , that is wholly remote from matter : But the Antecedent is true , therefore the consequent ; and if so , there are Idaeas , certain measures void of matter . Again , if the world were not made by chance , it must only be made of something , but by something , and not only so , but after the likenesse of something ; but , that after whose likenesse it was made , what is it but an Idaea ? whence it followeth , that there are Ideas . Again , if intellect differ from true opinion , that which is intelligible differeth from that which is opinionable ; and if so , there are intelligibles distinct from opinionables , wherefore there are first Intelligibles , as well as first Sensibles , whence we conclude there are Idaeas . CHAP. X. Of God. VVE come next to speak of the third principle , which Plato , though he think it almost ineffable , conceiveth may bee express'd in this manner . If there are intelligibles , and those neither sensibles , nor coherent with sensibles ; but adherent to first Intelligibles , then are there first simple Intelligibles , as there are first sensibles ; the Antecedent is true , therefore the consequent . But men subject to perturbation of sence , when they would contemplate somthing intelligible , presently fall upon the thought of somthing sensible , whereby at the same time they imagine magnitude , or figure , or colour , and therefore cannot understand this sincerely : But the Gods being void of corporeall mixtion understand purely and sincerely . Now because the Intellect is better then the Soul , and that Intellect which is alwaies in act , and at once understandeth all things , is better then that Intellect which is in power , and of these , that is most excellent which is the cause ef the other , and superiour to all ; This can be nothing else but God , whom we call the first , as being the Cause that the Intellect of the Word alwaies acteth . He , being himself immoveable , acteth upon the Intellect of the World , as the Sun upon the Eye , when it turn eth towards him . And as that which is desired moveth the Appetite it self remaining immoveable ; so doth this Intellect move the Intellect of all Heaven . Now this first Intellect being most fair , must have the most fair Intelligible ; but nothing is fairer then it self , therefore it alwaies understandeth it self , and its own notions , which Act is called Operation . Moreover , God is first , eternall ineffable , perfect in himself ; that is , needing none , and ever perfect , that is , absolute in all times , and every way perfect , that is , absolute in every part , Divinity , Essence , Truth , Harmony , good . Neither do we so name these , to distinguish one from the other , but rather by them all to understand one . He is said to be Good , because he bestoweth his benefits upon all according to their severall capacities , and so is the cause of all goods . Fair , because he is in his essence both more and equall . Truth because , he is the principle of all truth , as the Sun of all light . And Father , as being cause of all things , and adorning the mind of Heaven and Soule of the World after his own exemplar and notions . For according to his own will hee filled all things with himself , exciting the Soul of the World , and converting it to himself , for hee is cause of that Intellect , which being adorned by the Father , adorneth also the Nature of all this World. He is likewise ineffable , and as we said , can only be perceived by the mind , for he is neither genus nor species , nor difference , neither can any accident be applyed to him . He is not ill , for that it were impiety to affirm ; nor good , for so he should be termed if he were meanly or highly participant of goodnesse . Nor difference , for that cannot be made according to the notion of him , nor qualited , for he is not made that which he is by quality , nor perfected thereby . Nor void of quality , for he is not deprived of any quality that appertaineth to him . Nor part of any thing , nor as a whole constituted of parts ; nor as the same or divers , for nothing can happen to him whereby he may be distinguished from others ; Neither doth he move , or is he moved . Hence the first apprehension of him is by abstraction from these things , as wee understand a point by abstraction from sensibles , considering first a superficies : then a line , then a point . The second is by Analogie in this manner . As the Sun is to sight and visible things , himself not being sight , yet affording the one to see the other to be seen , so is the first Intellect to that Intellect , which is in our Soule , and to those things which it understandeth . For , it self is not the Intellect , yet it perfecteth in these the Act of Intellection ; to those it affordeth that they are understood , enlightning that truth which is in them . The third way to understand him is thus : when a man beholdeth that Beauty which is in Bodies , hee proceedeth to that which is in the Soul , then to that which is in Offices and Lawes : Lastly , to the vast Ocean of Beauty , after which , he considereth that which is good it self , amiable it self , expetible it self , which shineth like a light , and meeteth the Soul , that which ascends unto it by these degrees . By this he comprehendeth God himself through reason of that excellence , which consisteth in adoration of him . He considereth God void of parts , for nothing was before him a part , and that of which something consisteth is precedent to that whereof it is a part , for a superficies is before a body , and a line before a superficies . Moreover God not having many parts , can neither be locally moved , nor altered by qualities . For if hee be altered , it must be done by himself , or some other ; if by some other , that other must be of greater power then he ; if by himself , it must be either to better or to worse , both which are absurd . From all these it followeth that God is incorporeal , which may likewise be proved thus . If God were a body , he should consist of matter and form ; for every body consisteth of matter , and its form joynes to that matter , which is made like unto the Idaea's , a●d in an ineffable manner participant of them ; But that should consist of matter and form is absurd ; for then he could not bee either simple or a Principle ; therefore he is incorporeall . Again , if he be a body , he consisteth of matter , and consequently is either fire or air , or earth , or water , or somthing made out of these ; but none of these is principle by it selfe ; besides , he must then bee later then matter , as consisting of it , which being absurd , it is necessary that God be incorporeall . Moreover , if he were a body , it would follow that he must be generable , corruptible , mutable , which to affirm of God were intollerable . CHAP. XI . Of Qualities . THat Qualities are incorporeall , may be proved thus : every body is a Subject , quality is not a Subject but an accident , therefore quality is not a body . Again , no body is in a subject ; every quality is in a Subject , therefore quality is not a body . Again , quality is contrary to quality , but no body as no body is contrary to a body ; therefore qualities are not bodies . To omit , that it is most agreeable to reason , that as matter is void of quality , so quality should be void of matter , aud if quality be void of matter , it must likewise be void of corporeity , for if qualities were bodies , two or three bodies might be together in the same place , which is absurd . Qualities being incorporeal , the maker of them must be incorporeall also ; moreover there can be no efficients , but in corporeals , for bodies naturally suffer and are in mutation , not continuing alwaies in manner nor persevering in the same state . For whensoever they seem to effect any thing , we shall find that they suffer it long before . Whence as there is something which wholly suffereth , so must there bee somthing which wholly acteth ; but such only is incorporeall . Thus much concerning principles as far they relate to Theology ; we proceed next to Physicall contemplations . CHAP XII . Of the Causes , Generation , Elements , and Order of the World. FOrasmuch as of sensible and singular things there must of necessity be some examplars , viz. Idea's , of which are Sciences and Definitions ( for besides all particular men , we conceive a man in our mind , and besides all particular horses a horse , and likewise besides all living creatures a living creature immortall and unbegotten : as from one seale are made many prints , and of one man there may be many Pictures , of all which , the Idaea it self is cause that they are such as it self is ) it is necessary that this Universe , the fairest Fabrick of Gods making , be so made by God , that in the making thereof , he look'd upon an Idaea as its exemplar , whilst by a wonderfull providence and most excellent design God applyed himselfe to the building of this frame , because he was good . God therefore made it of all matter , which being before the generation of Heaven , disorderly scattered ; he from a deformed confusion reduced to beautifull order , and adorned every way the parts thereof with sit numbers and figures , untill at last he so distinguish'd them as now they are , Fire and Earth to Air and Water , of which there were then only the footsteps , and a certain aptitude to admit the power of Elements , and so without any reason or order , they justled matter , and were justled again by matter . Thus God framed the World of four entire Elements , of whole Fire and Earth , Water and Air , omitting no power or part of any of them . For he saith , it must be corporeall and generated , and subject to touch and sight ; but without Fire and Earth nothing can be touched or seen ; Wherefore justly he framed it of Fire and Earth , and because it was requisite , there should be some chain to unite these , there is a Divine chain , which according to the proportion of reason maketh one of it self , and those things which are united to it , and the World could not be plain ( for then one medium would have served ) but sphaericall , therefore there was need of two mediums to the constitution thereof . Betwixt Fire and Earth by the prescription of this reason is interposed Air and Water , that as Fire is to Air , so is Air to Water , and as Air is to Water , so is Water to Earth ; and again , as Earth is to Water , so is Water to Air , and as Water is to Air , so is Air to Fire . There being nothing remaining beyond the World , God made the World one , conformable to this Idaea , which is one . He likewise made it such , as that is uncapable of sicknesse or age . For , besides that nothing can befall it whereby it may be corrupted , it is so sufficient to it self , that it hath not need of any exteriour thing . He bestowed upon it a Sphaericall figure , as being the fairest , the most capacious and aptest to motion , and because it needeth not hearing or sight , or the rest of the senses , he gave it not any Organs of sense . He denied all kinds of motion to be competible to it , except the circular , which is proper to the mind and to Wisdom . CHAP XIII . Of the convenience of figures with the Elements and World. THe world thus consisteth of two parts , a Soul and a Body ; this visible and corruptible , that neither subject to sight nor touch : The power and constitution of each is different , the body consisteth of Fire , Earth , Water , and Aire ; which foure , the maker of the Universe ( there being untill then nothing more confused then the Elements ) formed in a Pyramid , a Cube , an Octaedron , and an Icosaedron ; but chiefly in a Dodecaedron . Matter , as far as it put on the figure of a Pyramid , became Fire , and mounted upward : For , that figure is the most apt to cut and to divide , as consisting of fewest triangles , and therefore is the rarest of all figures . As far as it is an Octaedron , it took the qualitie of Aire : VVhere it took that of an Icosaedron , it became Water ; The figure of a Cube Earth , as being the most solid and staple of all the Elements . The figure of a Dodecaedron , he used in the fabrick of the Universe . Superficies come nigher the nature of Principles then all these , for they are before solids . Of its nature , the two Parents ( as it were ) are two Triangles , most fair and rectangular ; one a Scalenum , the other an Isosceles ; a Scalenum is a triangle having one right angle , the other of two thirds , the last of one third . A Scalenum therefore is the element of a Pyramid , and an Octaedron , and an Icosaedron . A Pyramid consisteth of foure triangles , having all sides equall to one another , each whereof is divided as we said , into six scalenous triangles . The Octaedors consist of eight like sides , whereof each is divided into six Scalenums . The Icosaeders of twenty in the same manner ; but the element of a Cube is an Isosceles triangle , for foure such triangles concurring make a square , and six squares a Cube . God made use of a Dodecaedron in the construction of the Universe , whence there are twelve figures of living creatures in the Zodiack , whereof each is divided into thirty parts . Likewise in a Dodecaedron , which consisteth of twelve Pentagones , if each be divided into five triangles , there are in every one six triangles , so that in the whole Dodecaedron , there will be 360 triangles , as many as there are d●grees in the Zodiack . When matter was put into those figures by God , first it was moved rudely without order , untill at last he reduced it to order , each being conjoyned to one another , and composed in due proportion : Neither are these distinct in place , but are in perpetuall motion , which they give likewise into matter . For , being straitned by the compasse of the world , and agitated by mutuall justlings , they are driven , the rare alwaies into the region of the solid , whence nothing is left vacuous , nothing void of body . The inequality which remaineth amongst them causeth convulsion , for matter is agitated amongst them , and they reciprocally by matter . CHAP. XIV . Of the Soul of the World , the Sphears and Stars . FRom Bodies hee alloweth that we collect the powers of the Soul , for seeing that we discern all things by the Soul , hee justly placed the principles of all things therein , that whatsoever should occur , we might contemplate it by that which is of kin and neighbour unto it , and attribute an essence thereunto consonant to the functions . Then therefore he called one substance intelligible and indivisible ; he placed another divisible amongst bodies , to signifie that the knowledge as well of the one as of the other may be had by Intellect . And knowing that in things intelligible and sensible , there is identity and diversity , he fitly composed the Soul out of all these . For , either the like is known by the like , as the Pythagoreans hold , or , as Heraclitus the Naturalist , unlike alwaies by unlike . That he would that the World should be generate , we must not so understand , as if there shall be any time wherein the world is not , but in as much as it alwaies perisheth in generation , and declareth , that there is some more excellent and principall cause of its essence . The soul of the world which was from all eternity , was not made by God , but only adorned by him , in which respect he is sometimes said to have made it , for that he exciteth it , and converteth the mind thereof , as out of a profound sleep unto himself , that beholding his intelligibles and affecting his notions , it should from thence receive Species and form ; whence it is manifest , that the World was endued by God , both with a Soul and mind . For , intending it to be the best , he must have made it animate and intelligent , since an animate thing is more excellent then an inanimate , and an intelligent then an unintelligent ; perhaps the mind also could not subsist without a Soul. This Soul , being diffused from the Centre of the world to the extreams , compre●endeth the whole body of the World , so as it is extended throughout the Universe , and in that manner joyneth and conserveth the whole . The externall preside over the internall , for they are not divided , but these are divided into seven Circles ; from the first distributed according to duple and triple Intervalls . That which is comprehended by the indivisible sphear , is correspondent to it , that which is divided to the other . For the motion of Heaven which comprehendeth all things , being not uncertain , is one and ordinate , but that of the things within it , is changeable , varied by rising and setting , whence called Planetary . The outermost sphear moveth to the right hand from East to West , the innermost contrariwise , to the left hand from West to East , meeting the World. God framed also the Stars and constellations ; some fixed for the Ornament of Heaven and might , very many in number . The Erratick are seaven , serving for number and time , and the illumination of all things ; for time is an intervall of the motion of the World as an image of eternity , which is the measure of the state of the eternall World. The Planets are not of equall power , the Sun is the leader of all , who illuminateth and sheweth all things to the eye . Next the Moon , which in respect of her power hath the second place . The rest of the Planets , each according to their severall proportions . The Moon maketh the measure of a Month , in that space compleating its circle , and overtaking the Sun. The Sun measureth the Year , for running through the circle of the Zodiack , he compleateth the seasons of the year . Of the other starrs each hath its proper revolution , with which all men are not acquainted but only the Learned . By all those revolutions the absolute number of time is compleated , when coming all to the same point , they are in such order , as if we should imagine a right line to be drawn from the sphear of fixed stars to the Earth ; the Centers of them all would be seen in that line . There being seven Orbes in the Planetary sphear , the maker of the World , framed in them seven conspicuous bodies of matter for the most part fiery , and inserted them into the sphears belonging to the other Erratick Circle . The Moon he placed in that Circle which is next the Earth , the Sun in the second , the Morning-star , and the sacred Star of Mercury , in that Orbe which is equall in swiftnesse with the Sun. The rest higher , each in his proper sphear . That of Saturn the slowest of all , he placed in that Orbe which is next to the sixed stars . Second to this is that which they call the sphear of Iupiter , next that of Mars ; the eighth which is the Supream power includeth all . These are all living intelligent Creatures , and Gods endued with a sphericall figure . CAAP. XV. Of Daemons and Elements . THere are other Daemons also which we may call Intelligent Gods , in each of the Elements partly visible , partly invisible , in the aether , fire , air and water , that there be not any part of the World void of Soul , or of an animate creature more excellent then humane nature . Below these are all earthly sublunary things ; God is maker of the World , of all Gods and Daemons . This Universe by his Divine Wil shall not be dissolved . Over the rest his Sons preside , who by his command and example order whatsoever they do . By these lo●s , nocturnall visions , dreams , Oracles , and whatsoever men referre to divination is artificially wrought . The Earth is fixed in the midst of all , round about the Axletree which passeth through the midst of the World. It is the observer of night and day , the most antient of all Gods in Heaven . Next the Soul of the World it affordeth us most nutriture ; about it the Heavens move , and it self is a kind of Starre : It remaineth in its proper place , which by reason of its even weight is the Centre ; the aether ext●riour is divided into the sphear of fixed Starrs , and that of Planets . Next to these is the Air ; in the midst the Earth with its humidity . CHAP. XVI . Of the younger Gods makers of men . AFter that all these were framed , there remained three kinds of living Creatures which were to be mortall , Volatile , Aquatile , and Terrestriall ; the generation whereof he committed to his Son , left if he himself had begotten them , they should have been immortall as well as the rest . They borrowing some little parts from first matter for a certain time , formed mortall living Creatures , and because of Mankind , as being next to the Gods , both the Father of all things , and his Sons likewise have a particular care , the Maker of all things sent down himself their Soules into the earth equall in number to the Starrs , & having imposed each one his proper Star as a vehiculum , like a Law-giver , he pronounced decrees unto them , that he himself might be inculpable , which was that there should arise mortall affections from the body , first senses , next pleasure , then grief , and fear , and anger , which those soules that should overcome , and not suffer themselves to be transported by them , should justly be accounted Victors , and at the last return to their proper Star , though they which should be transported by injustice , should in the second generation undergoe the lives of women , wherein if they ceased not from their wickednesse , they should at last transmigrate into the Nature of brute Beasts , the end of these Labours shall then be , when they have overcome the innate affections of the body , and then return to their proper habit . CHAP. XVII . Of the Body , and parts of man , and Powers of the Soul. THe Gods first formed man of Earth , Fire , Air , and Water , borrowing some parts from matter , ( to be restored in their due time ) which they so connected to one another by secret ties , as that of all these they framed one body . The most excellent part of the soul that was sent down from Heaven , they placed in the Head , for which as a manured Field they prepared the Brain . About the face they disposed Organs proper for sense ; Marrow they made of smooth straight triangles , of which the Elements were formed , that it should be the Origine of prolifick seed . Benes they formed of Marrow and Earth , the Earth moistned , and often dipt in Water and Fire . Flesh is compounded of salt and sharpe , as of a kind of ferment . Marrow they enclosed with bones , bones with sinewes instead of chaines , that by these inflexions the knitting of the joints might be plyant . Over these as a cover is extended the Skin , partly white , partly black , for beauty and use . Of these likewise consist the internall bowells , and the belly , and the intestines , every where rolled about it . And from the mouth above the aspera arteria , and the oesophagus , of which one commeth down to the stomack , the other to the Lungs . Meat is digested in the belly by spirit and heat , and thence distributed to the whole body according to their severall constitutions . The two veines passing along the spine of the Back , meet and crosse at the head , where they spread into many parts . Thus when the Gods had made man , and given him a soul as the Mistresse of his body , they placed the principall part of that soul to which Reason appertaineth , in the head . Whence is derived marrow and sinewes , and by the different affection of this , the minde likewise is altered . Moreover they gave him senses , as the attendants of Reason , and the power of judging and contemplating with Reason . Those parts of the soul , which are moved by meaner affections , they seated in lower places ; the irascible part in the heart , the concupiscible about the belly , and the parts next to the Navell , of which hereafter . CHAP. XVIII . Of sight . AFter that the Gods had placed the eyes ( conduits of light ) in the face , they included in them a fiery light , which being smooth and in some manner thick , they conceived of kin to diurnall light . This breaketh forth every where at the Eyes , but chiefly through the Eye-balls , as being there most pure and clear . This agreeing with the externall light , as like with like affordeth the sense of sight , whence in the night , when the light vanisheth and is obscured , this ray of ours no longer mingleth with the immediate air ; but , on the contrary , withdrawing it self inwards , smooths and diffuses the motions that are in us , and so bringeth on sleep , whereby the eyelids are shut . If it bring much rest , the sleep is little disturb'd with dreams , but if there remain any motions behind , we are troubled with many illusions . In this manner phantasies , whether true or false , arise . Of the same Nature are images , which we see in glasses , or other smooth pellucid bodies , which exist only by reflection . For , as the glasse is concave or convex , or oblong , the object is differently represented to the beholder . The light being reflected to other parts , those which are dispersed in convex meet in the concave , for in some , the right and left sides seem quite inverted , in others alike ; in others , those which are upwards seem downwards , and on the contrary , those which are downwards , upwards . CHAP. XIX . Of the rest of the Senses . HEaring is given for the perception of voice , it ariseth from a motion made about the head , and setteth in the liver . Voice is that which passeth through the ears , brain , and bloud to the Soul. A sharp voice is that which is moved swiftly , deep which slowly , great which much , small which little . Next followeth the sense proper to the Nostrills , perceptible of odour . Odour is an affection which passeth from the veines of the Nostrills to the parts of the Navell . The Species thereof have no name , except the two that are most common , pleasant , and unpleasant , commonly called sweet and stinking . All Odour is more thick then Air , more thin then Water ; for Odour is properly said to be of those things which have not yet received perfect mutation , but consist of a communion of Air and Water , as smoke and mists . For , by the resolution of these into one another , the sense of smelling is made . Tast was made by the Gods to be the judge of different savours . Hence are veines extended to the Heart , by whcih several ●avours are examined . These Veins by dilating or contracting themselves severally according to the Sapors presented to them , discern their differences . The differences of Sapours are seven ; sweet , sharp , sowre , picqueant , salt , acid , bitter ; the Nature of sweet Sapour is contrary to all the rest , for by its power it sootheth and pleaseth the moisture of the tongue , whereas of the rest . some disturb and ●dispell it , as acute Sapors , some heat , and fly upwards , as the hot ; others being abstersive , dissolve it , as the bitter ; others are by degrees purgative and abstersive , as the salt . Of these some contract the passages ; they which do it more roughly , are called acid , they which more gently , austere . The sense of touching was formed by the Gods to discern hot and cold , soft and hard , light and heavy , smooth and rough , and to iudge the differences of each of these ; Yielding bodies , we call those which yield to the touch , resisting those which yield not ; this proceedeth from the bases of bodies , those which have large bases are firm and solid , these which have narrow bases are yielding , soft , and easily changed . Rough is that which is uneven and hard , smooth that which is plain and thick : As warm and cold qualities are most opposite , so they proceed from the most different causes . That which cutteth by the acutenesse and roughnesse of its parts , begetteth a hot affection , that which is more thick , in penetration , a cold , whilst the more rare are expelled , and the more dense compelled to penetrate into their room . Thence ariseth a concussion and trepidation , and ( an affection which is from hence begotten in bodies , ) rigor . CHAP. XX. Of Heavy and Light. HEavy and light ought not to be defined by higher or lower place , nothing is high or low ; for Heaven being absolutely round , and its convexe extremity even , we cannot term any thing higher or lower ; yet may we call that heavy , which is hardly drawn to a place different from its Nature , light which easily ; or , heavy is that which consisteth of most parts , light of fewest . CHAP. XXI . Of Respiration . WE breath after this manner . The externall Air compasseth us round about , and passeth in at our mouth , nostrills , and invisible Pores of the body , where being warmed , it floweth back again to the externall Air , by that part out of which it flowed , it again thrusteth the externall Air to the interiour . Thus there is an unintermitted succession of inspiration and expiration . CHAP. XXII . Of the Causes of Diseases . OF Diseases Plato alledgeth many causes . The first is defect or excesse of the Elements , and a change into places which agree not with their Nature . The second a preposterous generation of homogeneall parts , as when of flesh is made blood , or choler , or flegme ; for all these are nothing but colliquation , or putrefaction . ●legm is a new coll●quation of flesh ; sweat and tears , are a kind of Serum of flegm . Flegm intercepted in the outward parts , begetteth Scurse and Leprosie , in the inward being mingled with Melancholy , it causeth the falling-sicknesse . Sharp , and salt flegme engender those affections which consist in rigour , for all bodies that are inflamed with choler must suffer that . A world of various diseases are engendred by choler and flegm . As concerning feavours ; Plato conceiveth that a continuall feavour proceedeth from excesse of fire , a quotidian from excesse of air , a tertian from excesse of water , a quartan from excesse of Earth . It remaineth that we here begin to speak of the Soul , though not without some danger , of repeating the same things . CHAP. XXIII . Of the three principall powers of the Soul. THE Gods , the makers of mortall Creatures , having received from the first God the Soul of Man immortall , added unto it two mortall parts ; yet left the immortall divine part might be infected with mortall extravagances , they seated as Prince of all in the tower , as it were of the body , the Head , in figure resembling the Universe . The rest of the body they appointed as a vehiculum to serve this . To each mortall part they assigned its proper habitation , placing the irascible in the heart , the concupiscible in the midst betwixt the Navell and the Diaphragme , binding it there as a furious savage Beast . They framed the Lungs in respect of the heart , soft , bloodlesse , hollow , and spungy , that the heart being somthing heated with anger , might thereby be refrigerated and asswaged ; the Liver to excite and allay the concupiscible part , having both sweetnesse and bitternesse , as likewise for the clearing of divinations which are given by dreams : for as much as in it by reason of its smoothnesse , shining and brightnesse , the power which proceedeth from the mind doth shine forth . The Spleen was made for the benefit of the Liver , to purge and cleanse it ; so that those corruptions , which by some diseases , are contracted about the Liver , retire thither . CHAP. XXIV . Of the distinction of the parts of the Soul. THat the Soul and parts thereof according to their proper faculties are threefold ; every part appointed by reason their severall places , is manifest from hence . Those things which are separated by Nature , are divers ; passionate and reasonable are separate by nature ; this being conversant in Intelligibles , that in things sad or joyful , to omit the passive part which is common likewise to bruit Beasts . Now these two being distinct by Nature , must likewise be distinguished by place , because for the most part they disagree , and are repugnant to one another ; but nothing can be repugnant to it self , neither can those things which are contrary to one another consist together in the same . In Medea anger seemeth to contest thus with reason ; I know what I intend is ill , But anger over-rules my will. In Laius , when he ravished Chrysippus , concupiscence contested with Reason ; for so he saith ; Men to this crime the Gods confine , To know the ill that they decline . That the rationall power is different from the Passive , is evident from this , that they ordered by severall means , one by discipline , the other by habituall practice . CHAP. XXV . Of the Immortality of the Soul. THat the Soul is immortall Plato proveth by these Arguments . The Soul to every thing , wherein it is , conferreth life , as being naturally innate in her self , but that which conferreth life to others never admitteth death , but what is such is immortall . The Soul being immortall , is likewise incorruptible , for it is an incorporeall essence which cannot be changed substantially , and is only perceptible by the Intellect , not by the eyes , and is uniform . Hence it must be simple , neither can be at any time dissolved or corrupted . The body is contrary , for it is subject to sight and other senses , and as it is compounded , so shall it again be dissolved , and it is multiform . When the Soul adhereth to those things which are preceptible by Intellect , it acquieseeth ; Now to that by whose presence she is disturbed , she cannot possibly be like , wherefore she is more like to those things which are perceptible by Intellect ; but what is such is by nature incorruptible and perishable . Again , the Soul naturally doth preside over the body , not the body over the Soul , but that which by nature ruleth and commandeth is of kin to Divinity , wherefore the Soul being next unto God , must be immortall , not subject to corruption . Again , Contraries which have no medium , not by themselves , but by some accident are so ordered by Nature , that they may be mutually made of one another . But that which men call life is contrary to that which they call death ; as therefore Death is a separation of the Soul from the body ; so islife a conjunction of the Soul with the body , praeexistent to the Body . But if she be praeexistent , and shall subsist after the body , it followeth that she be sempiternall , for there cannot any thing be imagined whereby she may be corrupted . Again , if learning be Reminiscence , the Soul must be immortall , but that it is reminiscence we prove thus : Learning cannot otherwise consist then by remembrance of those things we formerly know . For , if from Singulars we understand Universalls , how could we discourse by singulars which are infinite ? or how from a few perceive Universalls ? we should therefore necessarily be deceived , as if we judged that only to be a living Creature which breatheth ; or how could the notions themselves have the reason of principles . By reminiscence therefore , from some few which we have conceived in our mind , we understand the rest , and from some occurrent particulars we remember those which we knew long before , but were then given over to oblivion , when the Soul first descended into the Body . Again , if the Soul be not corrupted by its own proper ill , neither can it be destroy'd by that or any other , nor simply by any ill , and being such , shall remain uncorrupted . Again , that which is moved in it self , as being the principle of motion in those things which are moved , is alwaies moved ; that which is such is immortall ; but the Soul is moved of it self , that which is moved of it self is the principle of all motion and generation ; and a principle is expert of generation and corruption , wherefore the Soules of men and of the Universe it self are such , for both partake of the same mistion . He affirmeth the Soul to be moveable in her self , because it hath an innate life , alwaies operating by its power . That rationall Soules are immortall , may clearly be asserted out of Plato ; but whether the irrationall be such seemeth doubtfull ; yet is it probable that being guided only by Phantasie , not endued with reason or judgement , neither do they contemplate any thing , or discern , or collect from it , nor can they discern ills , but generally understand nothing , nor are of the same nature with those Soules which have Intellect and Reason , but are capable of dying and being corrupted . For as much as they are immortall , it followeth that they are put into bodies , being planted into the formed Nature of Embrio's , and transmigrate into severall bodies as well humane as others , either according to some certain numbers which they expect , or by the wil of the Gods , or for intemperance of life , or for love of the Body . For the Body and Soul have a kind of affinity , as Fire and Brimstone . Moreover the Souls of the Gods have a dijudicative faculty , called Gnostick , and impulsive to some action , called Parastatick , which faculties being likewise in humane Soules , become changed as soon as they come into the bodie , the assistent into the concupiscible , the impulsive into the Irascible . CHAP. XXVI . Of Fate and Free-will . Concerning Fate Plato held thus . All things are in fate , yet all things are not decreed by Fate . For Fate , though it be like a Law , yet it useth not to speak in this manner , that this man shall do thus , and to that man , that shall befall ( which were to proceed into infinite , there being an infinite generation of men , and infinite accidents happening daily to them ; besides that , this would take away our free-will , our praise or dispraise , and whatsoever is of that kind ) but rather thus ; Whatsoever Soul chooseth such a life , and doth such things , these shall follow , the Soul therefore is free , and it is left within its power to do or not to do , without any compulsion or necessity . But that which followeth the action is performed by Fate . As from Paris's ravishing of Helena , ( which it is within his power to do or not to do ) shall follow that the Grecians contend with the Trojans about Helena . Thus Apollo foretold Laius ; If thou beget a Son , that Son shall kill thee . In the Oracle are comprehended both Laius and the begetting of a Son , that which shall follow upon the begetting of the Son depends on Plato . That which may be done is of a middle kind betwixt true and false , and being so indefinite by Nature : that which is in our power , is carried on as it were unto it . That which is done by our election , is presently either true or false ; that which is in power , is different from that which is said to be in habit and act . That which is in power declareth an aptitude in that thing , wherein the habit is not yet perfect . So a boy may be said to be a Grammarian , a Musician , a Carpenter in power . He is in habit of one or more of these when he hath acquired that habit . He is said to be in act , when he operateth according to that acquired habit . That which we call possible to be done is none of these . Indeterminate is that which is in our power , and to which part soever it inclineth , will be true or false . CHAP. XXVII . ETHICK . Of the chief Good , and of Virtues . WE must next give a short account of Plato's Ethicks . That which is worthy of all honour , and is the Supreame good , he conceived not easie to be found , and if found , not safe to be declared . For this reason , he communicated the contemplation of the chief good to very few , and those of his most intimate acquaintance , of whom his judgement made choice for this purpose . But our good , if we examine his books dillgently , we shall find he placed in the knowledge of the first good , which may rightly be called God , and the first mind . For all things which men call good , he conceiveth to be called good in this respect , for as much as they derive somthing from that good , as all sweet and hot things are termed such from some participation of the first sweet , and first hot . Of those things which are in us , only the mind and reason have a similitude of the first good . Wherefore he calleth our good , Fair , Venerable , Amiable , Proportionate , and lastly Beatitude . Of those which are commonly called good , as health , beauty , strength , there is none good , unlesse it be employed towards the practise of Vertue . For being separated from Vertue , they are like matter only , and to those who make ill use of them only ill . Yet these Plato sometimes calleth mortal goods . Beatitude he reckoneth not amongst humane goods , but amongst the divine and immortall . Whence he asserteth that the souls of true Philosophers are replenish'd with vast admirable goods , and after the dissolution of their mortall body , are admitted to the table of the Gods , and with them walk over and survey the field of Truth , because they did see they used the utmost endeavours of their Soules to know it , and esteemed it the most precious of all things , by the benefit whereof they illustrated and excited their mind as a lost or blinded sight , preferring the conservation thereof before many corporeall eyes . Foolish men are like those who lead all their life in some Cave under ground , where they never saw the light of the Sun , but only some empty thin shadows of such bodies as are with us upon the Earth , which seeing , they think they see true bodies . As these , if ever they should be brought out of darknesse into the clear light , would questionlesse despise all things which they saw before , and themselves much more , as having been absolutely deceived ; So they who rise up out of the darknesse of this life to those things which are divine and fair , in all likelyhood will contemn what before they most esteemed , and love more vehemently this contemplation . Thus it appeareth , that only what is good is honest , and that Vertue sufficeth to Felicity , Moreover , that good and fair consist in knowledge of the first good , he declareth in whole volumes . As concerning those which are good by participation , he speaketh thus in his first Book of Laws . Good is twofold , Humane and Divine , &c. If anything be disjoyned from the first good , and void of the essence thereof , that is called good by the foolish , which in Euthydemo , he affirmeth to be a greater ill to the Possessor . That he conceiveth the Vertues to be eligible in themsel●es , is manifest , in as much as he affirmeth that only to be good which is honest , which he demonstrateth in many Dialogues , particuly in those of the Common-wealth . Hence he conceiveth that man to be most happy and blessed , who hath attained the Science we mentioned ; yet not in respect of the honours which attend such a person , nor of any other reward ; for though he be unknown to all men , and such things , as are commonly accounted Ills , as , dishonour , banishment and death happen unto him ; he is notwithstanding happy . On the contrary , a man who wants this knowledge , though he possesse all things commonly esteemed good , riches , power , health , strength , and Beauty , he is nothing the more happy . He asserteth an ultimate end , conformable to all these which is to be made like unto God , as far as Humanity is capable of being such . This he expounds variously , somtimes as in Theaeteto ) he affirms our resemblance to God to consist in being prudent , just , and holy ; wherefore we must endeavour to fly with all possible celerity from hence to those . This flight is the resemblance to God , as much as is possible : The similitude consisteth in Prudence , Justice , and Sanctity ; somtimes in Justice only , as in his last Book of the Common-wealth . For a man is never deserted by God , whilst he endeavoureth to be just , and by the very act of Vertue , as much as man is capable of , he is rendred like unto God. In Phaedone he asserteth , that this resemblance to God is acquired by Temperance and Justice , thus . Are not they blessed and happy , and from hence shall go into the best place , who have practised the popular civill Vertue which they call Temperance and Iustice ? Again , somtimes he affirmed , that the end of life is to be like unto God , somtimes to follow God , as when hee saith , God indeed according to the old saying , containing the beginning , midale and end of all things , &c. Somtimes he joyneth both together , as when he saith , The Soul following God , and being rendred like unto him , &c. The principle of Utility is good it self ; but this is said of God , therefore the end conformable to the principle , is to become like unto God , to the Celestiall , or rather supercelestiall God , who hath not Vertue , but is more excellent then all Vertue . Wherefore it is rightly said , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; misery , is a perversity of the Genius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Beatitude is a good habit of the Genius . This similitude to God we shall obtain , if we enjoy convenient nature ; in our manner , education and sense , according to Law , and chiefly by reason , and discipline , and institution of wisdom , withdrawing our selves as much as possible from humane affairs , and being conversant in those things only which are understood by contemplation : the way to prepare , and , as it were , to cleanse the Demon that is in us , is to initiate our selves into higher disciplines , which is done by Musick , Arithmetick , Astronomy and Geometry , not without some respect of the body by Gymnastick , whereby it is made more ready for the actions both of Warre and Peace . CHAP. XXVIII . The definition and kinds of Virtue . VErtue being divine , is the perfect and best affection of the Soul , which adorneth a man , and rendreth him more excellent and ready , as well for speech as action , whether he do it alone or with others . Of the Vertues , some are placed in the rationall part , some in the irrationall . For whereas the Nature of the rationall part is one , that of the irascible another , that of the concupiscible another , the perfection of these must likewise be different . That of the rationall is Prudence , of the irascible , Fortitude , of the concupiscible , Temperance . Prudence is the Science of things , Good , Bad , and betwixt both . Temperance is an apt moderation of desires and appetites ; when when we call Temperance a moderation and obedience , we mean only this , that it is a faculty causing all appetites to be subjected unto it , in decent order , and submisse obedience to be commanded by nature . This is the rationall part . Fortitude is a lawfull observation of a command difficult , or not difficult , that is , it is a faculty which keepeth a lawfull precept . Iustices is an agreement amongst all these , which causeth that the three parts of the Soul agree with one another , and that each be worthily conversant in those things which are proper , and belong unto it . Thus it is a common intire perfection of these three Vertues , Prudence , Fortitude and Temperance , in such manner that reason commandeth , and the rest of the parts , each according to its severall property , are restrained by Reason , and obey it . Hence it followeth , that the Vertues are mutally consequent to one another ; Fortitude being the conservation of a lawfull precept , is likewise conservative of right reason . Right reason proceedeth from Prudence ; Prudence cohereth with Fortitude , for it is the knowledge of good things , but no man can discern that which is good , if he be distracted by fear , or involved in the like troubles . In like manner , neither can any man be wise , and intemperate , for then he is overcome by affections . If a man do somthing contrary to reason , Plato affirmeth he doth through ignorance and imprudence , so that can be prudent that is intemperate or fearfull . Whence it followeth , that the perfect Vertues cohere to one another , and are inseparable . CHAP. XXIX . Of Virtues , Vices , and their differences . THe gifts of Nature and progress in them are called Vertues also , by reason of their similitude with the perfect Vertues , assuming the same name . In this sence we call all souldiers stout , and sometimes call imprudent and rash persons stout , when we speak not of the perfect Vertues , for the perfect neither increase nor decrease ; but Vices are intended and remitted . One man is more imprudent and more unjust then another , neither do all the vices follow one another , for they are certain contraries which are not competible to the same . Such is fury to Cowardice , and prodigality to covetousnesse , nor can there be any man at once possessed of all Vices , no more then a body tormented by all diseases . Moreover , there is a mean affection which inclineth not plainly either to Vice or Vertue ; for it is not necessary that all men must be good or bad ; they are such , who have arrived at the height of these ; for it is not easie to passe suddenly from Vertue to Vice , because betwixt extreames there is a great intervall and distance . Of Vertues some are principall , others concomitant ; principall are those which are in the rationall part of the Soul , and by which the other Vertues are perfected . Concomitant are those which are in the other part which are subject to Affections . These act honest things according to Reason , not that which is in them , for they have none , but that which they receive from Prudence , which is confirmed in them by custom and exercise . Now for as much as neither science nor art consisteth in any part of the soul , but in the rationall , those vertues which are in the other part , that is subject to affections , cannot be taught , because they are neither Arts nor Sciences , neither have they a peculiar Doctrine . Prudence is a Science , which prescribeth unto every one what is proper to him , as a Pilot , or Master of a Ship , to inferiour ignorant Sailors . The like in a common Souldier and a Generall . For as much as Ills are intended and remitted , offences cannot be equall , but some must be greater , others lesser , for which reason , they , who make Lawes , punish some more gently , other more severely . And though Vertues are certain Heights , as being perfect , and like unto that which is right , yet in another respect they are called mediocrities , because all or the most of them are placed betwixt two Vices , whereof one sinneth in excesse , the other in defect ; as on the one side of Liberality is Covetousnesse , on the other Prodigality . For in affections we recede from the mean , when we relinquish that which is placed in Vertue , either by excesse or defect . But neither he , who beholding his Parents wronged is nothing moved thereat , nor he who is incens'd at the smallest matters void of passion or moderate , but the quite contrary . He who at the death of his Parents grieveth not , is void of passion ; He who destroyeth himself with grieving , is overpassionate and immoderate ; he who grieveth moderately , is moderately passionate . In like manner , he , who feareth upon all occasions , and more then needs , is timerous ; he who feareth nothing is rash ; He only is stout that can keep a mean betwixt fear and rashnesse ; the like in all the rest . And for as much as that which is mean in affections is likewise best , and mediocrity is nothing but a mean betwixt excesse and defect , there are these Vertues termed Mediocrities , because in humane perturbations and passions they affect us a middle kind of way . CHAP. XXX . That Vertue is voluntary , Vice involuntary . VErtue being chiefly of those things which are in our power , not compulsive ( for it could not deserve praise , if it came either by nature or divine decree ) it followeth , that Vertue is voluntary , begotten by a servent , generous , and firm impulsion . From this , that Vertue is voluntary , it followeth that Vice is involuntary . For , who , in the most excellent part of himselfe , would ever voluntarily choose that which is the greatest of all Ills ? When a man is carried on to Vice , he first inclineth to it , not as if it were ill , but good , and if he fall into ill , doubtlesse , he is deceived with thinking , that this way by a lesser ill , he may arrive at a greater good , and goeth in this manner unwillingly to it . For , it is not possible , a man should pursue ill as it is ill , without any hope of good , or , fear of a greater ill . All ill things therefore , which an ill man doth , are involuntary ; for , injustice being involuntary , to act unjustly is so much more involuntary , as the action of Vice is beyond the idle habit thereof . Yet , though wicked actions are involuntary , the wicked neverthelesse ought to be punished , and that not after one manner ; but , according to the variety of hurt which they do to those they wrong . That which is involuntary consisteth in ignorance of perturbations , all which may be diverted , either by reason , or civill custome , or diligence . CHAP. XXXI . Of Love and Friendship . FRiendship , properly so termed , is made by a mutuall reciprocall benevolence . This is , when either is as much concerned for the happinesse of the ot●er , as of his own , which equality is preserved only by similitude of manners : For , the like is friend to its like , if they be both moderate ; but , the intemperate cannot agree , either with themselves , or the moderate . There are other things which are thought friendships , but are are not such , in which there appeareth some shew of vertue . Of these , is the naturall goodwill of Parents to their Children , and of Kindred one to another , as also that which is called civill and sociable : These are not alwaies accompanyed with mutual benevolence . Likewise , the amatory art is a kind of friendship . That which is honest is proper to a generous soul , dishonest , to a perverse ; mean , to one meanly affected . For , as the habit of the rationall soul is three-fold , right , dishonest , and mean ; so many different kinds are there of love , which appeareth most clearly in the difference of the ends they propose unto themselves . The dishonest aimes only at corporeall pleasure , and therefore is absolutely bruitish . The honest considereth the minde only , as far as vertue appeareth in it . The mean desireth both the beauty of the soul and of the body ; of which love , he who is worthy , is mean likewise ; that is , neither absolutely honest nor dishonest . Hence that love which aimeth only at the body , ought to be tearmed a Demon ( rather then a Deity , which never descendeth to an human bodie ) transmitting divine things to men , and human to God. Of the three kinds of love , that which is proper to a good man , being remote from vicious affections , is artificiall , whence it is placed in the rationall part of the soul. The contemplations thereof are these , to discern who is worthy of love , and to contract friendship with him , and enjoy it : This discernment is made from his aimes or desires , whether they are generous , and directed to a good end , or violent and servent . The contraction , or acquisition of friendship , is made , not by wanton excessive praise , but rather by reprehension , shewing him , that it is not convenient he should live in that manner he doth ; when he enjoyeth the love of him whom he affects , he must alwaies exhort him to those things , by exercise whereof , he may arrive at perfect habit . Their end is that of lover and beloved , they may at last become friends . CHAP. XXXII . Of Passions . IN justice is so great an ill , that it is better to suffer wrong then to do wrong ; for one belongeth to a wicked man , the other to a weak man : both are dishonest , but to do wrong is worse , by how much it is more dishonest . It is as expedient that a wicked man be punished , as that a sick man should be cured by a Physician ; for all chastisement is a kind of medicine for an offending Soul. Since the greater part of Vertues are conversant about passions , it is necessary that we define passion . Passion is an irrationall motion of the Soul , arising out of some good or ill ; it is called an irrationall motion , because neither judgments nor opinions are passions ; but motions of the irrationall parts of the Soul. For in the irrationall part of the Soul , there are motions , which though they are done by us , are yet nothing the more in our power . They are often done therefore contrary to our inclination and will ; for somtimes it falleth out , that though we know things to be neither pleasing nor unpleasing , expetible nor avoidable , yet we are drawn by them , which could never be if such passions were the same with Judgement . For we reject judgement when we disapprove it whether it ought to be so or otherwise . In the definition is added , arising from some good or some ill , because of that which is mean or indifferent betwixt these , no passion is ever excited in us . All passions arise from that which seemeth good or ill . If we see good present , we rejoice , if future , we desire . On the conrrary , if ill be present , we grieve , if imminent , we fear . The simple affections , and , as it were , elements of the rest are two ; Pleasure and Grief ; the rest consist of these . Neither are fear and desire to be numbred among the principall passions , for he who feareth , is not wholly deprived of pleasure , nor can a man live the least moment , who despaireth to be freed or eased of some ill . But it is more conversant in grief and sorrow , and therefore he , who feareth , sorroweth . But he who desireth , like all those who desire or expect somthing , is delighted ; insomuch as he is not absolutely confident ; and hath not a firm hope he is grieved . And if desire and fear are not principall passions , it will doubtlesse follow , that none of the other affections are simple ; as anger , love , emulation and the like ; for in these , Pleasure and Grief are manifest , as consisting of them . Moreover of Passions , some are rough , others mild , the mild are those , which are naturally in men , and if kept within their bounds , are necessary and proper to man , if they exceed , vitious . Such are Pleasure , Grief , Anger , Pitty , Modesty ; for it is proper to man to delight in those things which are according to Nature , and to be grieved at their contraries . Anger is necessary to repell and punish an injury . Mercy agreeth with Humanity . Modesty teacheth us to decline sordid things . Other passions are rough , and praeternaturall , arising from some depraved or perverse custom . Such are excessive laughter , joy in the misfortunes of others , hatred of Mankind . These , whether intense or remisse , after what manner soever they are , are alwaies erroneous , and admit not any laudable mediocrity . As concerning Pleasure and Grief , Plato writeth thus . These passions are excited in us by Nature . Grief and sorrow happen to those who are moved contrary to Nature ; Pleasure to those who are restored to the proper constitution of their Nature . For he conceiveth the naturall state of man to consist in a mean betwixt Pleasure and Grief , not moved by either , in which state we live longest . He asserteth severall kinds of Pleasure , whereof some relate to the Body , others to the Soul. Again , of Pleasures some are mix'd with grief , some are pure . Again , some proceed from the remembrance of things past , others from hope of things to come . Again , some are dishonest , as being intemperate and unjust ; others moderate , and joyned with good , as joy for good things , and the Pleasure that followeth Vertue . Now because most Pleasures are naturally dishonest , he thinks it not to be disputed whether Pleasure can be simply and absolutely a good , that being to be accounted poor and of no value , which is raised out of another , and hath not a principall primary essence . For Pleasure cohereth even with its contrary Grief , and is joyned with it , which could not be , if one were simply good , the other simply ill . CHAP. XXXIII . Of the formes of Common-wealths . OF the formes of Common-wealth , some are supposed only , and conceived by abstract from the rest . These he delivers in his book of a Commonwealth , wherein he describeth the first concordant , the second discordant , enquiring which of these is the most excellent , and how they may be constituted . He also divideth a Commonwealth like the Soul into three parts , Keepers , Defenders , and Artisicers . The office of the first is to Counsel , to advise , to command ; of the second , to defend the Commonwealth , upon occasion , by armes , which answereth to the irascible power ; To the last belong Arts and other services . He will have Princes to be Philosophers , and to contemplate the first good , affirming that so only they shall govern rightly . For Mankind can never be freed from ill , unlesse either Philosophers govern , or they who govern be inspired with Philosophy after a divine manner . A Commonwealth is then governed best , and according to Justice , when each part of the City performeth its proper Office. So that the Princes give Laws to the People ; the Defenders obey them , and sight for them , the rest willingly submit to their Superiours . Of a Commonwealth he asserteth five kinds , the first , Aristocracy , when the best rule ; the second , Timocracy , when the ambitious ; the third Democracy , when the people ; the fourth , Oligarchy , when a few ; the last , Tyranny , which is the worst of all . He describeth likewise other supposed formes of Common-wealth , as that in his Book of Laws ; and , that which reformeth others , in his Epistles , which he useth for those Cities that in his Books of Laws he saith are sick . These have a distinct place , and select men out of every age , as according to the diversity of their nature and place , they require different institution , education and armes . The Maritime people are to study Navigation and Sea-sight ; the Iland fighting on foot ; those in mountanous Countries to use light armour , those on the shore heavy . Some of these to exercise fighting on horseback . In this City he alloweth not a Community of women . Thus is Politick a Verue conversant both in Action and Contemplation ; the end wherof is to constitute a City , good , happy , and convenient to it self . It considers a great many things , amongst the rest , whether War be to be waged or not . CHAP. XXXIV . Of a Sophist . HItherto we have spoken of a Philosopher , from whom a Sophist differeth ; In Manners , because he teacheth young men for gain , and desireth rather to seem then to be good . In matter , for a Philosopher is conversant in those things which alwaies are , and continually remain in the same manner ; but a Sophist in that which is not , for which reason he seeketh darknesse , that he may not be known to be what he is . To things that are , that which is not , is not opposed as contrary , for it neither existeth , nor is participant of any essence , nor can be understood . So that if any man endeavour to expresse it in words , or comprehend it by thought ; he is deceived , because he putteth together things contrary and repugnant . Yet that which is not , as far as it is spoken , is not a pure negation of that which is , but implyeth a relation to another , which in some manner is joined to Ens. So that unlesse we assume somthing from that which is to that which is not , it cannot be distinguished from other things , but thus , as many kinds as they are of Ens , so many are there of Non-Ens , because that which is not an Ens is a Non-Ens . Thus much may serve for an introduction into Plato's Philosophy : Some things perhaps are said orderly , others dispersedly , or confusedly ; yet is all so laid down , that by those which we have delivered , the rest of his Assertions may be found out and contemplated . After so serious a Discourse , it will not be amisse to give the Reader a Poeticall entertainment upon the same Subject , being A PLATONICK DISCOURSE , Written in Italian by IOHN PICUS Earl of MIRANDULA , In explication of a Sonnet by HIERONIMO BENIVIENI . The first PART . Sect. I. IT is a principle of the Platonists , That every created thing hath a threefold being ; Causal , Formal , Participated . In the Sun there is no heat , that being but an elementary quality , not of Celestiall nature : yet is the Sun the cause and Fountain of all hear . Fire is hot by nature , and its proper form : Wood is not hot of its self , yet is capable of receiving that quality by Fire . Thus hath heat its Causall being in the Sun , its Formall in the Fire , it s Participated in the Fuel . The most noble and perfect of these is the Causal : and therefore Platonists assert , That all excellencies are in God after this manner of being ; That in God is nothing , but from him all things ; That Intellect is not in him , but that he is the original spring of every Intellect . Such is Plotinus's meaning , when he affirms , * God neither understands nor knows ; that is to say , after a formall way , As Dionysius Areopagita , God is neither an Intellectuall nor Intelligent nature , but unspeakably exalted above all Intellect and Knowledge . Sect. II. PLatonists distinguish Creatures into three degrees . The first comprehends the corporeall and visible ; as Heaven , Elements , and all compounded of them : The last the invisible , incorporeal , absolutely free from bodies , which properly are called Intellectual ( by Divines , Angelicall ) Natures . Betwixt these is a middle nature , which though incorporeall , invisible , immortall , yet moveth bodies , as being obliged to that Office ; called , the rationall Soul ; inferiour to Angells , superiour to Bodies ; subject to those , regent of these : Above which is God himselfe , author and principle of every Creature , in whom Divinity hath a casuall being ; from whom , proceeding to Angells , it hath a formall being , and thence is derived into the rationall Soul by participation of their lustre : below which , no nature can assume the Title of Divine . Sect. III. THat the first of these three Natures cannot be multiplyed , who is but one , the principle and cause of all other Divinity , is evidently proved by Platonists , Peripateticks , and our Divines . About the second ( viz. ) The Angelick and Intellectuall , Platonists disagree . Some ( as Proclus , Hermias , Syrianus , and many others ) betwixt God and the rationall Soul place a great number of creatures ; part of these they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Intelligible , part intellectuall ; which termes , Plato sometimes confoundeth , as in his Phaedo . Plotinus , Porphyrius , and generally the most refined Platonists , betwixt God and the Soul of the World , assigne only one Creature , which they call the Son of God , because immediately produced by him . The first opinion complies most with Dionysius Areopagita , and Christian Divines , who assert the number of Angells to be in a manner infinite . The second is the more Philosophick , best suiting with Aristotle and Plato , whose sense we only purpose to expresse ; and therefore will decline the first path ( though that only be the right ) to pursue the latter . Sect. IV. VVE therefore , according to the opinion of Plotinus , confirmed not only by the best Platonists , but , even by Aristotle , and all the Arabians , especially Avicenna , affirm , That God from eternity produced a creature of incorporeall and intellectuall nature , as perfect as is possible for a created being , beyond which , he produced nothing ; for , of the most perfect cause , the effect must be most perfect , and the most perfect can be but one ; for , of two or more , it is not possible but one should be more or lesse perfect than the rest , otherwise they would not be two , but the same . This reason for our opinion I rather choose , then that which Avicen alledges , founded upon this principle , That from one cause , as one , can proceed but one effect . We conclude therefore , that no creature but this first minde proceeds immediately from God : for , of all other effects issuing from this minde , and all other second causes , God is only the mediate efficient . This by Plato , Hermes , and Zoroaster , is called the Daughter of God , the Minde , Wisdome , Divine Reason , by some interpreted the Word ; not meaning ( with our Divines ) the Son of God , he not being a creature , but one essence coequall with the Creator . Sect. V. ALL understanding agents have in themselves the form of that which they design to effect : as an Architect hath in his minde a figure of the building he undertakes , which as his pattern he exactly strives to imitate : This Platonists call the Idea or Exemplar , believing it more perfect , then that which is made after it : and this manner of Being , Ideal , or Intelligible , the other Materiall and Sensible : So that when a Man builds a house , they affirm there are two , one Intellectuall in the Workmans mind ; the other sensible , which he makes in Stone , Wood , or the like ; expressing in that matter the form he hath conceiv'd : to this Dante alludes . ●None any work can frame , Unless himself become the same . Hereupon they say , though God produced only one creature , yet he produced all , because in it he produced the Ideas and forms of all , and that in their most perfect being , that is the Ideal , for which reason they call this Mind , the Intelligible World. Sect. VI. AFter the pattern of that Mind they affirm this sensible World was made , and the exemplar being the most perfect of all created things , it must follow that this Image thereof be as perfect as its nature will bear . And since animate things are more perfect then the inanimate ; and of those the rational then the irrationall , we must grant , this World hath a Soul perfect above all others . This is the first rationall Soul , which , though incorporeall , and immateriall , is destin'd to the function of governing and moving corporeall Nature : not free from the body as that mind whence from Eternity it was deriv'd , as was the mind from God. Hence Platonists argue the World is eternall ; its soul being such , and not capable of being without a body , that also must be from eternity ; as likewise the motion of the Heavens , because the Soul cannot be without moving . Sect. VII . THe antient Ethnick Theologians , who cast Poeticall vails over the face of their mysteries , expresse these three natures by other names . Coelum they call God himself ; he produc'd the first Mind , Saturn : Saturn the Soul of the World , Iupiter . Coelum imples Priority , and excellence , as in the Firmament , the first Heaven . Saturn signifies Intellectuall nature , wholly imploy'd in contemplation ; Iupiter active life , consisting in moving and governing all subordinate to it . The properties of the two latter agree with their Planets : Saturn makes Men Contemplative , Iupiter Imperious . The Speculative busied about things above them ; the Practick beneath them . Sect. VIII . WHich three names are promiscuously used upon these grounds : In God we understand first his Excellence , which as Cause , he hath above all his effects ; for this he is called Coelus . Secondly , the production of those effects , which denotes conversion towards inferiours ; in this respect he is sometimes called Iupiter , but with an addition , Optimus , Maximus . The first Angelick nature hath more names , as more diversity . Every creature consists of Power and Act : the first , Plato in Philebo , calls Infinite : the second , Finite : all imperfections in the Mind are by reason of the first ; all perfections , from the latter . Her operations are threefold . About Superiours , the contemplation of God ; about the knowledge of herself ; about inferiours , the production and care of this sensible World : these three proceed from Act. By Power she descends to make inferiour things ; but in either respect is firm within her self . In the two first , because contemplative , she is called Saturn : in the third , Iupiter , a name principally applyed to her power , as that part from whence is derived the act of Production of things . For the same reason is the soul of the World , as she contemplates her self or superiours , termed Saturn ; as she is imployed in ordering worldly things , Iupiter : and since the government of the World belongs properly to her ; the contemplation to the Mind ; therefore is the one absolutely called Iupiter , the other Saturn . Sect. IX . THis World therefore ( as all other creatures ) consisteth of a Soul and Body : the Body is all that we behold , compounded of the four Elements . These have their casuall being in the Heavens , ( which consist not of them , as sublunary things ; for then it would follow that these inferiour parts were made before the Celestiall , the Elements in themselves being simple , by concourse causing such things as are compounded of them : ) Their formal being from the Moon down to the Earth : Their participate and imperfect under the Earth , evident in the Fire , Air , and Water , experience daily finds there ; evinc'd by naturall Philosophers : to which the antient Theologians aenigmatically allude by their four infernall Rivers , Acheron , Cocytus , Styx , and Phlegeton . We may divide the body of the World into three parts : Celestiall , Mundane , Infernall : The ground why the Poets ●eign the Kingdom of Saturn to be shar'd betwixt his three Sons , Iupiter , Neptune , and Pluto : implying only the three-fold variation of this corporeall World ; which as long as it remains under Saturn , that is , in its Ideal Intellectual being , is one and undivided ; and so more firm and potent : but falling into the hands of his Sons , that is , chang'd to this material Being , and by them divided into three parts , according to the triple existence of bodies , is more infirm and lesse potent , degenerating from a spiritual to a corporeal estate . The first part , the heavenly , they attribute to Iupiter ; the last and lowest to Pluto ; the middle to Neptune . And because in this principality is all generation and corruption , the Theologians express it by the Ocean , ebbing or flowing continually : by Neptune understanding the Power or deity that presides over Generation . Yet we must not imagine these to be different souls , distinctly informing these three parts : the World her self being one , can have but one Soul ; which as it animates the subterraneall parts , is called Pluto ; the sublunary Neptune ; the celestiall , Iupiter . Thus Plato in Philebo averrs by Jove is understood a regall soul , meaning the principall part of the World which governs the other . This opinion , though only my ow●● , I suppose is more true then the expositions of the Grecians . Sect. X. NExt that of the World , Platonists assign many other rational souls . The eight principall are those of the heavenly Spheres ; which according to their opinion exceeded not that number ; consisting of the seven Planets , and the starry Orb. These are the nine Muses of the Poets : Calliope ( the universall soul of the World ) is first , the other eight are distributed to their severall Spheres . Sect. XI . PLato asserts , * That the Author of the World made the mundane , and all other rationall souls , in one Cup , and of the same Elements ; the universall soul being most perfect , ours least : whose parts we may observe by this division : Man , the chain that ties the World together , is placed in the midst : and as all mediums participate of their extreams , his parts correspond with the whole World ; thence called Microcosmus . In the World is first Corporeall Nature , eternall in the Heavens ; corruptible in the Elements , and their compounds , as Stones , Mettals , &c. Then Plants . The third degree is of Beasts . The fourth rationall souls . The fifth Angelicall minds . Above these is God , their origine . In man are likewise two bodies ; one eternall , the Platonists Vehiculum coeleste , immediately inform'd by the rational soul : The other corruptible , subject to sight , consisting of the Elements : Then the vegetative faculty , by which generated and nourished . The third part is Sensitive and motive . The fourth Rational ; by the Latine Peripateticks believ'd the last and most noble part of the Soul : yet , above that is the Intellectuall and Angelick ; the most excellent part whereof , we call the Souls Union , immediately joyning it to God , in a manner resembling him ; as in the other Angels , Beasts , and Plants . About th●se Platonists differ , Pro●lus and Porphyrius only allow the rationall part to be Immortall ▪ Zenocrates and Speusippus the sensitive also ; Numenius and Plotinus the whole Soul. Sect. XII . IDeas have their casuall being in God , their formall in the first Minde , their participated in the rationall Soul. In God they are not , but produced by him in the Angelick nature , through this communicated to the Soul , by whom illuminated , when she reflects on her intellectuall parts , she receives the true formes of things , Ideas . Thus differ the Souls of Men from the Celestiall : these in their bodily functions recede not from the Intellectuall , at once contemplating and governing . Bodies ascend to them , they descend not . Those employ'd in corporeall office are depriv'd of contemplation , borrowing science from sence , to this wholly enclin'd , full of errors : Their only means of release from this bondage , is , the amatory life ; which by sensible beauties , exciting in the soul a remembrance of the Intellectuall , raiseth her from this terrene life , to the eternall ; by the flame of love refined into an Angell . The Second PART . Sect. I. THE apprehensive faculties of the Soul are employ'd about truth and falshood ; assenting to one , dissenting from the other . The first is affirmation , the second negation . The desiderative converse in good and ill , inclining to this , declining to that . The first is Love , the second Hate . Love is distinguish'd by its objects ; if of riches , termed covetousnesse ; of honour , ambition ; of heavenly things , piety ; of equalls , friendship : these we exclude , and admit no other signification , but , the desire to possesse what in it selfe , or , at least in our esteem , is fair : of a different nature from the love of God to his Creatures , who comprehending all , cannot desire or want the beauty and perfections of another : and from that of friends which must be reciprocall . We therefore with Plato define it , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * The desire of beauty . Desire is an inclination to reall or apparent good . As there are divers kinds of good , so of desire . Love is a species of desire , Beauty of good . Desire is Naturall or Knowing . All creatures have a particular perfection by participation of the divine goodnesse . This is their end , including that degree of felicity whereof they are capable , to which center they tend . This desire we call Naturall ; a great testimony of Divine Providence , by which they are unwittingly ( as an Arrow by the Archer ) directed to their mark . With this , all Creatures desire . God , as being the Originall good imprinted and participated in every particular . This is in every Nature , as more or lesse capable ; addressed to ends more or lesse noble ; yet , is the ultimate end of all the same , to enjoy God , as far as they may : Thus as the Psalmist , Every thing worships and praiseth God ; like suppliants , turning and offering themselves up to him , saith Theodoret. Sect. II. THe other Species of Desire is employed only about things known , given by Nature , that to every apprehensive faculty , there might be a desiderative ; to embrace what it judgeth good , to refuse what it esteemeth evill ; in its own nature enclin'd to good : None ever desires to be miserable ; but , the apprehensive Vertue many times mistaking Evill for Good , it oft falls out that the desiderative ( in its selfe blind ) desires evill . This in some sence may be said voluntary , for none can force it ; in another sence , not voluntary , deceived by the judgment of its Companion . This is Plato's meaning , when he saith , * No man sins willingly . Sect. III. IT is the Property of every desiderative Vertue , that He who desires , possesseth in part the thing he desires , in part not : for , if he were wholly deprived of its Possession , he would never desire it : this is verified two waies . First , nothing is desired unlesse it be known ; and to know a thing is in some part to possesse it . So Aristotle , * The Soul is all , because it knowes all . And in the Psalmist God saith , All things are mine , I know them . Secondly , there is alwaies some convenience and resemblance betwixt the desirer and desired : Every thing delights and preserves it selfe by that , which by naturall affinity is most conformable to it ; by its contrary is grieved and consum'd . Love is not betwixt things unlike ; Repugnance of two opposite natures is naturall hate . Hate is a repugnance with knowledge . Hence it followeth , that the nature of the desired , is in some manner in the desirer ; otherwise , there would be no similitude betwixt them : yet imperfectly ; else it were vain for it to seek what it entirely possesseth . Sect. IV. AS desire generally followes knowledge , so severall knowing are annexed to severall desiring Powers : We distinguish the knowing into three degrees ; Sence , Reason , Intellect ; attended by three desiderative Vertues , Appetite , Election , Will ▪ Appetite is in Bruits , Election in Men , Will in Angels . The sense knowes only corporeall things , the Appetite only desires such ; the Angelick Intellect is wholly intent on Contemplation of spirituall Conceptions , not inclining to Materiall Things , but when divested of matter , and spiritualiz'd , their Will is only fed with intemporall spirituall Good. Rationall Nature is the Mean betwixt these Extreams ; sometimes descending to Sense , sometimes elevated to Intellect ; by its own Election complying with the desires of which she pleaseth . Thus it appears , that corporeall Objects are desired , either by Sensuall Appetite , or Election of Reason inclining to Sense : Incorporeall by Angelick Will , or , the Election of Reason , elevated to Intellectuall Height . Sect. V. BEauty in generall , is a Harmony resulting from severall things , proportionably concurring to constitute a third : In respect of which temperament , and mixture of various Natures , agreeing in the composition of one , every Creature is Fair ; and in this sence no simple being is Beautifull , not God himselfe ; this Beauty begins after him , arising from contrariety , without which is no composition ; it being the union of contraries , a friendly enmity , a disagreeing concord ; whence Empedocles makes discord and concord the principles of all things ; by the first , understanding the varietie of the Natures compounding ; by the second , their Union : adding , that in God only there is no Discord , He not being the Union of severall Natures ; but , a pure uncompounded Unity . In these compositions the Union necessarily predominates over the contrariety , otherwise the Fabrick would be dissolved . Thus in the fictions of Poets , Venus loves Mars : this Beauty cannot subsist without contrariety ; she curbs and moderates him , this temperament allaies the strife betwixt these contraries . And in Astrologie , Venus is plac'd next Mars , to check his destructive influence ; as Iupiter next Saturn , to abate his malignancy . If Mars were alwaies subject to Venus ( the contrariety of principles to their due temper ) nothing would ever be dissolved . Sect. VI. THis is Beauty in the largest sence , the same with Harmony ; whence God is said to have framed the World with musicall harmonious temperament . But Harmony properly implies a melodious agreement of Voices ; and Beauty in a restrict acception relates to a proportionable concord in visible things , as Harmony in audible . The desire of this Beauty is Love ; arising only from one knowing faculty , the Sight ; and that gaye Plotonius , ( En●ead . 3. lib. 5. 3. ) occasion to deprive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sight . Here the Platonist may object ; If Love be only of visible things , how can it be applyed to Ideas , invisible natures ? We answer , Sight is twofold , corporeal and spirituall ; the first is that of Sense , the other the Intellectuall faculty , by which we agree with Angels ; this Platonists call Sight , the corporeall being only an Image of this . So Aristotle , Intellect is that to the Soul which sight is to the Body : Hence is Minerva ( Wisdom ) by Homer call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bright-ey'd . With this sight Moses , Saint Paul , and other Saints , beheld the face of God : this Divines call Intellectuall , ●●tuitive cognition , the Be●tificall vision , the Reward of the Righteous . Sect. VII . AS Sight , so Beauty ( it●object ) is twofold ( the two Venus●● celebrated by Plato , [ Sympos . ] and our Poet ) Sensible , called Vulgar Venus . Intellectuall in Ideas ( which are the object of the Intellect , as colour of sight ) nam'd Celestiall Venus , Love also is twofold , Vulgar , and Celestial ▪ for as Plato saith * Venus's . Sect. VIII . VEnus then is Beauty , whereof Love is generated : properly his Mother , because Beauty is the cause of Love , not as productive principle of this act , to Love , but as its object : the Soul , being the efficient cause of it as of all his acts ; Beauty the materiall : For in Philosophy the efficient is assimilated to the Father , the material to the Mother . Sect. IX . CElestiall Love is an Intellectuall desire of Ideall Beauty : Ideas , ( as we said before ) are the Patterns of things in God ▪ as in their Fountain ; in the Angelick Mind , Essentiall ; in the Soul by Participation , which with the Substance partakes of the Ideas and Beauty of the first Mind : Hence it follows , that Love of Celestial Beauty in the Soul , is not Celestiall Love perfectly , but the nearest Image of it . It s truest being is with the desire of Ideal Beauty in the first Mind , which God immediately adorns with Ideas . Sect. X. LOve ( saith Plato ) was begot on Penia , by Porus ( the Son of Metis ) in Iupiters Orchard , being drunk with Nectar , when the Gods met to celebrate Venus Birth . Nature in it self inform , when it receives form from God is the Angelick Mind ; this form is Ideas , the first Beauty ; which in this descent from their divine Fountain , mixing with a different nature , become imperfect . The first mind , by its opacousness eclipsing their lustre , desires , that Beauty which they have lost ; this desire is love ▪ begot when Porus the affluence of Ideas mixeth with Penia the indigence of that informe nature we termed Iupiter ( 1. 8. ) in whose Garden the Ideas are planted , with those the first Mind adorned , was by the Antients named Paradise ; to which contemplative life and eternall felicity Zoroastres inviting us , saith , seek , Seek Paradis● : our Divines transfer it to the Coelum Empyraeum , the seat of the happy Souls , whose blessednesse consists in contemplation and perfection of the Intellect , according to Plato . This Love begot on Venus birth-day , that is , when the Ideal Beauty , though imperfectly , is infused into the Angelick Mind ; Venus yet as a Child , not grown to perfection . All the Gods assembled at this Feast , that is their Ideas , ( as by Saturn we understand both the Planet and his Idea ) an expression borrowed from Parmenides . These Gods then are those Ideas that precede Venus ( She is the beauty and Grace resulting from their variety ▪ ) Invited to a Banquet of Nectar and Ambrosia : those whom God feasts with Nectar and Ambrosia are eternall beings , the rest not ; These Idea's of the Angelick Mind are the first eternals ; Porus was drunk with Nectar , this Ideal affluence fill'd with Eternity ; other Idea's were not admitted to the Feast , nor indued with Immortality . Orpheus upon the same grounds saith , Love was born before all other Gods , in the bosom of Chaos : Because Nature full of indistinct imperfect forms ( the Mind replenished with confused Ideas ) desires their perfection . Sect. XI . THe Angelick Mind desires to make these Idea's perfect ; which can onely be done by means opposite to the causes of their imperfection , these are Recession from their Principle , and mixtion with a contrary Nature : Their Remedy , separation from the unlike Nature , and return and conjunction ( as far as possible ) with God. Love , the desire of this Beauty , excites the Mind to conversion and re-union with him . Every thing is more perfect as nearer its Principle ; This is the first Circle . The Angelick Mind , proceeding from the Union of God , by revolution of intrinsecall knowledge returneth to him . Which with the Antients is Venus adulta , grown to perfection . Every Nature that may have this conversion , is a Circle ; such alone are the Intellectuall and Rationall , and therefore only capable of felicity , the obtaining their first Principle , their ultimate end and highest good . This is peculiar to Immortall Substances , for the Materiall ( as both Platonists and Peripateticks grant ) have not this reflection upon themselves , or their Principle . These , ( the Angelick Mind and Rationall Soul ) are the two intelligible Circles ; answerable to which in the corporeall World are two more ; the tenth Heaven immoveable , image of the first Circle ; the Celestiall Bodies , that are moveable , image of the second . The first Plato mentions no● , as wholly different and irrepresentable by corporeall Nature : of the second in Timaeo he saith , That all the Cir●les of this visible Heaven ( by him distinguished into the fixed sphere and seven Planets ) represent as many Circles in the Rationall Soul. Some attribute the name of Circle to God ; by the antient Theologists called Coelus ; being a Sphear which comprehends all ; as the outmost Heaven includes the World. In one respect this agrees with God , in another not ; the property of beginning from a point and returning to it , is repugnant to him ; who hath no beginning ▪ but is himself that indivisible point from which all Circles begin , and to which they return : And in this sence it is likewise inconsistent with materiall things , they have a beginning , but cannot return to it . In many other Properties it agrees with God ; He is the most perfect of beings ; this of figures ; neither admit addition : The last Sphear is the place of all bodies , God of all Spirits : the Soul ( say Platonists ) is not in the Body , but the body is in the Soul , the Soul in the Mind , the Mind in God , the outmost Place ; who is therefore named by the Cabalists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sect. XII . THe three Graces are Handmaids to Venus , Thalid , Euphrosyne , Aglaia ; Viridity , Gladnesse , Splendour ; properties attending Ideal Beauty . Thalia , is the permanence of every thing in its entire being ; thus is Youth called green , Man being then in his perfect state ; which decaies as his years encrease , into his last dissolution . Venus , is proportion , uniting all things . Viridity , the duration of it ; In the Ideall World , where is the first Venus , is also the first Viridity ; for no Intelligible Nature recedes from its being by growing old . It communicates this property to sensible things as far as they are capable of this Venus , that is , as long as their due proportion continues . The two other properties of Ideal Beauty are Illustration of the Intellect , Aglaia , Repletion of the wil with desire and joy , Euphrosyne . Of the Graces one is painted looking toward us ; The continuation of our being is no reflex act . The other two with their faces from us , seeming to return ; the operations of the Intellect and Will are reflexive ; What comes from God to us , returnes from us to God. Sect. XIII . VEnus is said to be born of the Sea ; Matter , the Inform Nature whereof every Creature is compounded , is represented by Water , continually flowing , easily receptable of any form . This being first ●n the Angelick Minde , Angells are many times exprest by Water , as in the Psalms , The Waters above the Heavens praise God continually , so interpreted by Origen ; and some Platonists expound the Ocean ( stil'd by Homer Father of Gods and Men ) this Angelick Minde , Principle and Fountain of all other Creatures ; Gemistius , Neptune ; as Commander of all Waters , of all Mindes Angelicall and Humane . This is that living Fountain , whereof he that drinketh shall never thirst : These are the Waters whereon ( David saith ) God hath founded the World. Sect. XIV . POrus ( the Affluence of Ideas proceeding from God ) is stiled by Plato the Son of Metis ( Counsell , ) in Imitation of the Scripture : whence our Saviour by Dionysius Areop . is termed the Angel of Counsell , that is , the Messenger of God the Father ; so Avicen calls the first Cause conciliative , the Minde not having Ideas from it selfe but from God , by whose Counsell she receiveth Knowledge and Art to frame this visible World. Sect. XV. LOve , * according to Plato , is Youngest and Oldest of the Gods ; They , as all other things , have a two-fold Being , Ideal and Naturall . The first God in his Naturall Being was Love , who dispenc'd theirs to all the rest , the last in his Ideal . Love was born in the Descent of the Ideas into the Angelick Minde , which could not be perfect till they , its Essence , were made so , by loves conversion to God. The Angelick Minde owing its naturall being to Love , the other Gods who succeeded this Minde , necessarily are younger then He in their naturall Being , though they precede him in their Ideal , as not born till these Ideas , though imperfectly , were joyn'd to the inform'd Nature . Sect. XVI . THe Kingdome of Necessity is said to be before that of Love. Every Creature consists of two Natures , Materiall , the imperfect , ( which we here understand by Necessity ) and Formall , the occasion of perfection . That whereof it most partakes is said to be predominant , and the Creature to be subject to it . Hence is Necessity ( matter ) suppos'd to raigne when the Ideas were imperfect , and all imperfections to happen during that time ; all perfections after Love began his reign ; for , when the Minde was by him converted to God ; that which before was imperfect in her , was perfected . Sect. XVII . * VEnus is said to commend Fate . The order and concatenation of causes and effects in this sensible World , called Fate , depends on the order of the Intelligible World , Providence . Hence Platonists place Providence ( the ordering of Ideas ) in the first Minde , depending upon God , its ultimate end , to which it leads all other things . Thus Venus , being the order of those Ideas , whereon Fate , the Worlds order , depends , commands it . Fate is divided into three parts , Clotho , Lachesis , and Atropos : That which is one in Providence , indivisible in Eternity , when it comes into Time and Fate is divisible , into Past , Present , and Future . Others apply Atropos to the fixed Sphear , Clotho to the seven Planets , Lachesis to sublunary things . Temporall corporeall things only are subjected to Fate ; the Rationall Soul being incorporeall , predominates over it ; but , is subjected to Providence , to serve which is true liberty . By whom the Will ( obeying its Lawes ) is led to the Acquisition of her desired end . And as often as she endeavours to loose her selfe from this Servitude , of Free she becomes a Servant and Slave to Fate , of whom before she was the Mistresse . To deviate from the Laws of Providence , is , to forsake Reason , to follow Sense and Irrationall Appetite , which being corporeall , are under Fate ; he that serves these , is much more a servant then those he serves . Sect. XVIII . AS from God Ideas descend into the Angelick Mind , by which the Love of Intellectuall Beauty is begot in her , called Divine Love ; so the same Ideas descend from the Angelick Minde into the Rationall Soul , so much the more imperfect in her , as she wants of Angelicall Perfection : From these springs Human Love. Plato discourseth of the first , Plotinus of the latter ▪ who by the same Argument , whereby he proves Ideas not accidentall , but substantiall in the Angelick Minde , evinceth likewise the specificall Reasons , the Ideas in the Soul , to be substantiall , terming the Soul Venus , as having a specious splendid Love , in respect of these specificall Reasons . Sect. XIX . VUlgar Love is the Appetite of sensible Beauty , through corporeall sight . The cause of this Beauty is the visible Heaven by its moving power . As our motive faculty consists in Muscles and Nerves ( the Instruments of its Operation , ) so the motive faculty of Heaven is fitted with a Body proper for circular sempiternall motion : Through which Body the Soul ( as a Painter with his Pencill changeth this inferiour matter into various Forms . Thus vulgar Venus ( the beauty of materiall forms ) hath her casuall being from the moving power of the Heavens , her formall from colour , enlightned by the visible Sun as Ideas by the invisible ; her participate in the Figure and just order of parts communicated to sight by mediation of light and colour , by whose Interest only it procures love . Sect. XX. AS when the Ideas descend into the Minde , there ariseth a desire of enjoying that , from whence this Ideall Beauty comes ; so when the species of sensible Beauty flow into the Eye , there springs a two-fold Appetite of Union with that , whence this Beauty is derived ; one Sensuall , the other Rationall ; the principles of Bestiall and Human Love. If We follow Sense , We Judge the Body wherein We behold this Beauty , to be its Fountain ; whence proceedes a desire of Coition , the most intimate union with it : This is the Love of irrationall Creatures . But Reason knowes , that the Body is so far from being its Originall , that it is destructive to it , and the more it is sever'd from the Body , the more it enjoyes its own Nature and Dignity : We must not fix with the species of Sense in the Body , but refine that species from all reliques of corporeall infection . And because Man may be understood by the Rationall Soul , either considered apart , or , in its union to the Body ; in the first sence , human Love is the Image of the Celestiall ; in the second , Desire of sensible Beauty ; this being by the Soul abstracted from matter , and ( as much as its nature will allow ) made Intellectuall . The greater part of men reach no higher than this ; others more perfect , remembring that more perfect Beauty which the Soul ( before immers'd in the Body ) beheld , are inflam'd with an incredible desire of reviewing it , in pursuit whereof , they separate themselves as much as possible from the Body , of which the Soul ( returning to its first dignity ) becomes absolute Mistresse . This is the Image of Celestiall Love , by which man ariseth from one perfection to another , till his Soul ( wholly united to the Intellect ) is made an Angell . Purged from materiall drosse , and transformed into spirituall flame by this Divine Power , he mounts up to the Intelligible Heaven , and happily rests in his Fathers bosome . Sect. XXI . VUlgar Love is only in Souls immerst in Matter , and overcome by it , or at least hindred by perturbations and passions . Angelick Love is in the Intellect , eternall as it . Yet but inferr'd , the greater part turning from the Intellect to sensible things , and corporeall cares . But so perfect are these Celestiall Souls , that they can discharge both Functions , rule the Body ; yet not be taken off from Contemplation of Superiours : These the Poets signifie by Ianus with two faces , one looking forward upon Sensible things , the other on intelligible : lesse perfect Souls have but one face , and when they turn that to the Body , cannot see the Intellect , being depriv'd of their contemplation ; when to the Intellect , cannot see the Body , neglecting the Care thereof . Hence those Souls that must forsake the Intellect , to apply themselves to Corporeall Government , are by Divine Providence confin'd to caduque , corruptible Bodies , loosed from which ▪ they may in a short time , if they fail not themselves , return to their Intellectuall felicity . Other Soules not hindred from Speculation , are tyed to eternall incorruptible Bodies . Celestial Souls then ( design'd by Ianus , as the Principles of Time , motion intervening ) behold the Ideal Beauty in the Intellect , to love it perpetually ; and inferiour sensible things , not to desire their Beauty ; but , to communicate this other to them . Our Souls before united to the Body , are in like manner double-fac'd ; but , are then as it were , cleft asunder , retaining but one ; which as they turn to either object , Sensuall or Intellectuall , is deprived of the other . Thus is vulgar love inconsistent with the Celestiall ; and many ravish'd at the sight of Intellectuall Beauty , become blinde to sensible ; imply'd by Callimachus , Hymn . 5. in the Fable of Tyresias , who viewing Pallas naked , lost his sight ; yet by her was made a Prophet , closing the eyes of his Body , she open'd those of his Minde , by which he beheld both the Present and Future . The Ghost of Achilles which inspir'd Homer with all Intellectuall Contemplations in Poetry , deprived him of corporeal sight . Though Celestiall Love liveth eternally in the Intellect of every Soul ; yet , only those few make use of it , who declining the Care of the Body , can with Saint Paul say , Whether in the Body , or out of the Body they know not . To which state a Man sometimes arrives ; but , continues there but a while , as we see in Extasies . Sect. XXII . THus in our Soul ( naturally indifferent to sensible or intelligible Beauty ) there may be three Loves ; one in the Intellect , Angelicall ; the second Human ; the third Sensuall : the two latter are conversant about the same object , Corporeall Beauty ; the sensuall fixeth its Intention wholly in it ; the human separates it from matter . The greater part of mankind go no further then these two ; but they whose understandings are purified by Philosophy , knowing sensible Beauty to be but the Image of another more perfect , leave it , and desire to see the Celestial , of which they have already a Tast in their Remembrance , if they persevere in this Mental Elevation , they finally obtain it ; and recover that , which though in them from the beginning , yet they were not sensible of , being diverted by other Objects . The Sonnet . I. LOve , ( whose hand guides my Hearts strict Reins Nor , though he govern it , disdains To feed the fire with pious care Which first himself enkindled there ) Commands my backward Soul to tell What Flames within her Bosom dwell ; Fear would perswade her to decline The charge of such a high design ; But all her weak reluctance fails , 'Gainst greater Force no Force avails . Love to advance her flight will lend Those wings by which he did descend Into my Heart , where he to rest For ever , long since built his Nest : I what from thence he dictates write , And draw him thus by his own Light. II. LOve , flowing from the sacred spring Of uncreated Good , I sing : When born ; how Heaven he moves ; the soul Informs ; and doth the World controwl ; How closely lurking in the heart , With his sharp weapons subtle art From heavy earth he Man unites , Enforcing him to reach the skies . How kindled , how he flames , how burns ; By what laws guided now he turns To Heaven , now to the Earth descends , Now rests 'twixt both , to neither bends . Apollo , Thee I invocate , Bowing beneath so great a weight . Love , guide me through this dark design , And imp my shorter wings with thine . III. WHen from true Heav'n the sacred Sun Into th' Angelick Mind did run , And with enliv'ned Leaves adorn , Bestowing form on his first-born ; Enflamed by innate Desires , She to her chiefest good aspires ; By which reversion her rich Brest With various Figures is imprest ; And by this love exalted , turns Into the Sun for whom she burns . This flame , rais'd by the Light that shin'd From Heav'n into th' Angelick Mind , Is eldest Loves religious Ray , By Wealth and Want begot that Day , When Heav'n brought forth the Queen , whose Hand The Cyprian Scepter doth Command . IV. THis born in amorous Cypris arms , The Sun of her bright Beauty warms . From this our first desire accrues , Which in new fetters caught , pursues The honourable path that guides Where our eternall good resides . By this the fire , through whose fair beams Life from above to Mankind streams , Is kindled in our hearts , which glow Dying , yet dying greater grow ; By this th' immortal Fountain flows , Which all Heaven forms below , bestows ; By this descends that shower of light Which upwards doth our minds invite ; By this th' Eternall Sun inspires And souls with sacred lustre fires . V. AS God doth to the Mind dispence Its Being , Life , Intelligence , So doth the Mind the soul acquaint How't understand , to move , to paint ; She thus prepar'd , the Sun that shines In the Eternal Breast designs , And here what she includes diffuses , Exciting every thing that uses Motion and sense ( beneath her state ) To live , to know , to operate . Inferiour Venus hence took Birth ; Who shines in heav'n , but lives on earth , And o're the world her shadow spreads : The elder in the Suns Glass reads Her Face , through the confused skreen Of a dark shade obscurely seen ; She Lustre from the Sun receives , And to the Other Lustre gives ; Celestiall Love on this depends , The younger , vulgar Love attends . VI. FOrm'd by th' eternal Look of God , From the Suns most sublime abode , The Soul descends into Mans Heart , Imprinting there with wondrous Art What worth she borowed of her star , And brought in her Celestiall Carre ; As well as humane Matter yields , She thus her curious Mansion builds ; Yet all those fames from the divine Impression differently decline : The Sun , who 's figu'rd here , his Beams Into anothers Bosom streams ; In whose agreeing soul he staies , And guilds it with its virtuous Raies , The heart in which Affection 's bred , Is thus by pleasing Errour fed . VII . THe heart where pleasing Errour raigns , This object as her Child maintains , By the fair light that in her shines ( A rare Celestiall Gift , ) refines ; And by degrees at last doth bring To her first splendours sacred spring , From this divine Look , one Sun passes Through three refulgent Burning-glasses , Kindling all Beauty , which the Spirit , The Body , and the Mind inherit . These rich spoiles , by th' eye first caught , Are to the Souls next Handmaid brought , Who there resides : She to the brest Sends them ; reform'd , but not exprest : The heart , from Matter Beauty takes , Of many one Conception makes ; And what were meant by Natures Laws , Distinct , She in one Picture draws ▪ VIII . THe heart by Love allur'd to see Within her self her Progeny ; This , like the Suns reflecting Rayes Upon the Waters face , survaies ; Yet some divine , though clouded light Seems here to twinckle , and invite The pious Soul , a Beauty more Sublime , and perfect to adore . Who sees no longer his dim shade Upon the earths vast Globe display'd , But certain Lustre , of the true Suns truest Image , now in view . The Soul thus entring in the Mind , There such uncertainty doth find , That she to clearer Light applies Her aimes , and near the first Sun flies : She by his splendour beautious grows , By loving whom all Beauty flows Upon the Mind , Soul , World , and All Included in this spacious Ball. IX . BUt hold ! Love stops the forward Course That me beyond my scope would force . Great Power ! if any Soul appears Who not alone the blossoms wears , But of the rich Fruit is possest , Lend him thy Light , deny the rest . The Third PART . TO treat of both Loves belongs to different Scienences ; Vulgar Love to Naturall or Morall Philosophy ; Divine , to Theology or Metaphysicks . Solomon discourseth excellently of the first in Ecclesiastes , as a Naturall Philosopher , in his Proverbs as a Morall : Of the second in his Canticles , esteemed the most Divine of all the Songs in Scripture . S●anza I. The chief order established by Divine Wisdom in created things , is , that every inferiour Nature be immediately governed by the superiour ; whom whilst it obeys , it is guarded from all ill , and lead without any obstruction to its determinate felicity ; but , if through too much affection to its own liberty , and desire to prefer the licentious life before the profitable , it rebell from the superiour Nature , it falls into a double inconvenience . First , like a Ship given over by the Pilot , it lights sometimes on one Rock , sometimes on another , without hope of reaching the Port. Secondly , it loseth the command it had over the Natures subjected to it , as it hath deprived its superiour of his . Irrationall Nature is ruled by another , un●it for its Imperfection to rule any . God by his ineffable Excellence provides for every thing , himselfe needs not the providence of any other ▪ Betwixt the two extreams , God and Bruits , are Angells and Rationall Souls , governing others , and governed by others . The first Hierarchy of Angells immediately illuminated by God , enlighten the next under them ; the last ( by Platonists termed Daemons , by the Hebrewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Guardians of Men ) are set over us as We over Irrationalls . So Psalm 8. Whilest the Angells continued subject to the Divine Power , they retained their Authority over other Creatures ; but when Luciser and his Companions , through inordinate love of their own Excellence , aspir'd to be equall with God , and to be conserved , as He , by their own strength , they fell from Glory to extream Misery ; and when they lost the Priviledge they had over others , seeing us freed from their Empire , enviovsly every hour insidiate our good . The same order is in the l●sser World , our Soul : the inferiour faculties are directed by the superiour , whom following they erre not . The imaginative corrects the mistakes of outward sense ; Reason is illuminated by the Intellect , nor do we at any time miscarry , but when the Imaginative will not give credit to Reason , or Reason confident of it selfe , resists the Intellect . In the desiderative the Appetite is govern'd by the Rationall , the Rationall by the Intellectuall , which our Poet implies , saying , [ Love whose hand guides my hearts strict reins . ] The cognoscitive powers are seated in the Head , the desiderative in the Heart : In every well order'd Soul , the Appetite is govern'd by Intellectuall Love ; implyed by the Metaphor of Reins , borrowed from Plato in his Phaedrus . [ Love to advance my flight , will lend The wings by which he did ascend Into my heart — ] When any superiour vertue is said to descend , we imply not , that it leaves its own height to come down to us , but drawes us up to it selfe ; its descending to us , is our ascending to it ; otherwise such conjuction would be the imperfection of the vertue , not the perfection of him who receives it . II. [ Love ●lowing from the sacred Spring Of uncreated good — ] From the Fountain of divine goodnesse into our Souls , in which that influx is terminated . [ When born , &c. ] The order , participation , conversion of Ideas , see Part 2. Sect. [ — how Heaven he moves , the Soul Informs , and doth the World controul . ] Of these three properties , Love is not the efficient : God produceth the Ideas in the Angelick Minde , the Minde illustrates the Soul with Ideal Beauty ; Heaven is moved by its proper Soul : But , without Love , these principles do not operate : He is cause of the Mindes conversion to God , and of the Souls to the Minde ; without which , the Ideas would not descend into the one , nor the Specifick reasons into the other : the Soul not illuminated by these , could not elicite this sensible form out of matter , by the motion of Heaven . III. WHen the ●irst emanation from God ( the plenty of Ideas ) descended into the Angelick Minde , she , desiring their perfection , reverts to God , obtaining of him what she covets ; which the more fully she possesseth , the more fervently she loves . This desire , ( Celestiall Love , ) born of the obscure Minde and Ideas , is explain'd in this Stanza : [ — true Heaven — ] God who includes all created beings , as Heaven all sensible , lib. 2. Sect. Only Spirituall things , according to Platonists , are true and reall , the rest but shadowes and images of these . [ — the sacred Sun ] The light of Ideas streaming from God. [ — enlivened leaves — ] The Metaphore of Leaves relates to the Orchard of Iupiter , where these Ideas were planted 2. 10. Enlivened , as having in themselves the principle of their operation , Intellection , the noblest life , as the Psalmist , Give me understanding , and I shall live . So the Cabalist to the second Sephirah , which is Wisdome , attributes the name of Life . [ — adorn bestowing form — ] To adorn denotes no more then accidentall perfection , but Ideas are the Substance of the Minde , and therefore he adds , bestowing form ; which though they come to her from without , she receives not as accidents , but as her first intrinsecall act : which our Author implies , terming her desires innate . [ And by this love exalted , turns Into the Sun , for whom she burns . ] Love transformes the Lover into the thing loved . [ — Wealth and Want — ] Porus and Penia , 2. 10. IV. The properties of Celestiall Love are in this Stanza discovered . [ — in new fetters caught — ] The Soul being opprest by the Body , her desire of Intellectuall Beauty sleeps ; but , awakened by Love , is by the sensible Beauty of the body , led at last to their Fountain , God. [ — which glow Dying , yet glowing greater grow . ] Motion and Operation are the signes of life , their privation of death : in him who applies himselfe to the Intellectuall part , the rationall and the sensitive fail ; by the Rationall he is Man , by the Intellectuall communicates with Angels : As Man he dies , reviv'd an Angell . Thus the Heart dies in the flames of Intellectuall Love ; yet , consumes not , but by this death growes greater , receives a new and more sublime life . See in Plato the Fables of Alcestes and Orpheus . V. This Stanza is a description of sensible Beauty . [ The elder in the Suns glasse reads Her face , through the confused skreen Of a dark shade obscurely seen . ] Sensible light is the act and efficacy of Corporeall , spirituall light of Intelligible Beauty . Ideas in their descent into the inform Angelick Minde , were as colours and figures in the Night : As he who by Moon-light seeth some fair object , desires to view and enjoy it more fully in the day ; so the Minde , weakly beholding in her selfe the Ideal Beauty dim and opacous ( whch our Author calls the skreen of a dark shade ) by reason of the Night of her imperfection , turns like the Moon ) to the eternall Sun , to perfect her Beauty by him ; to whom addressing her selfe , she becomes Intelligible light ; clearing the Beauty of Celestiall Venus ▪ and rendring it visible to the eye of the first Minde . In sensible Beauty we consider first the object in it selfe , the same at Midnight as at Moon : Secondly , the light , in a manner the Soul thereof : the Author supposeth , that as the first part of sensible Beauty ( corporeall forms ) proceeds from the first part of Intellectual Beauty ( Ideal forms ) so sensible light flowes from the intelligible , descending upon Ideas . VI. VII . VIII . Corporeall Beauty implies , first , the materiall disposition of the Body , consisting of quantity in the proportion and distance of parts , of quality in figure and colour : Secondly , a certain quality which cannot be exprest by any term better then Gracefulnesse , , shining in all that is fair : This is properly Venus , Beauty , which kindles the fire of Love in Mankinde : They who affirm it results from the disposition of the Body , the sight , figure , and colour of features , are easily confuted by experience . We s●e many persons exact , and unaccustomable in every part , destitute of this grace and comlinesse ; others lesse perfect in those particular conditions , excellently gracefull and comely ; Thus Catullus , Many think Quintia beau●ious , fair , and tall , And s●reight she is , apart I grant her all : But altogether beautious I deny ; For , not one grace doth that large shape supply . He grants her perfection of quality , figure , and quantity ; yet not allowes her handsome , as wanting this Grace . This then must by consequence be ascribed to the Soul , which when perfect and lucid , transfuseth even into the Body some Beams of its Splendour . When Moses came from the divine Vision in the Mount , his face did shine so exceedingly , that the people could not behold it unlesse vail'd . Porphyrius relates , that when Plotinus his soul was elevated by divine Contemplation , an extraordinary brightnesse appeared in his looks ; plotinus himselfe averres , that there was never any beautifull Person wicked , that this Gracefulnesse in the Body , is a certain sign of perfection in the Soul , Proverbs 17. 24. Wisdome shineth in the countenance of the Wise. From materiall beauty wee ascend to the first Fountain by six Degrees : the Soule through the sight represents to her self the Beauty of some particular person , inclines to it , is pleased with it , and while she rests here , is in the first , the most imperfect material degree . 2. She reforms by her imagination the Image she hath received , making it more perfect as more spirituall ; and separating it from Matter , brings it a little nearer Ideal Beauty . 3. By the light of the agent Intellect abstracting this Form from all singularity , she considers the universall Nature of Corporeal Beauty by it self : This is the highest degree the Soul can reach whilst she goes no further then Sense . 4. Reflecting upon her own Operation , the knowledge of universall Beauty , and considering that every thing founded in matter is particular , shee concludes this universality proceeds not from the outward Object , but her Intrinsecal Power : and reasons thus : If in the dimme Glasse of Materiall Phantasmes this Beauty is represented by vertue of my Light , it follows , that beholding it in the clear Mirrour of my substance divested of those Clouds , it will appear more perspicuous : thus turning into her self , shee findes the Image of Ideal Beauty communicated to her by the Intellect , the Object of Celestiall Love. 5. Shee ascends from this Idea in her self , to the place where Celestiall Venus is , in her proper form ; Who in fulness of her beauty not being comprehensible , by any particular Intellect , she , as much as in her lies , endeavours to be united to the first Mind , the chiefest of Creatures , and general Habitation of Ideal Beauty , obtaining this , she terminates , and sixeth her journey : this is the sixt and last degree : They are all imply'd in the 6 , 7 , and 8 Stanza's . [ Form'd by th' Eternal look , &c. ] Platonists affirm some Souls are of the nature of Saturn , others of Iupiter , or some other Planet ; meaning , one Soul hath more Conformity in its Nature with the Soul of the Heaven of Saturn , then with that of Iupiter , and so on the contrary ; of which there can be no internal Cause assigned ; the External is God , who ( as Plato in his Tim●eus ) Soweth and scattereth Souls , some in the Moon , others in other Planets and Stars , the Instruments of Time. Many imagine the Rational Soul descending from her Star , in her Vehiculum Coeleste , of her self forms the Body , to which by that Medium she is united : Our Author upon these grounds supposeth , that into the Vehiculum of the Soul , by her endued with Power to form the Body , is infused from her Star a particular formative vertue , distinct according to that Star ; thus the aspect of one is Saturnine , of another Joviall , &c. in their looks wee read the nature of their Souls . But because inferiour matter is not ever obedient to the Stamp , the vertue of the Soul is not alwaies equally exprest in the visible Effigies : hence it happens that two of the same Nature are unlike ; like ; the matter whereof the one consists , being lesse disposed to receive that Figure then the other ; what in that is compleat is in this imperfect ; our Author infers , that the figures of two Bodies being formed by vertue of the same Star , this Conformity begets Love. [ From the Suns most sulime aboad ] The Tropick of Cancer : by which Soules according to Platonists descend , ascending by Capricorn . Cancer is the House of the Moon , who predominates over the vitall parts , Capricorn of Saturn presiding over Contemplation . [ The Heart in which affection 's bred Is thus by pleasing Errour fed . ] Frequently , if not alwaies , the Lover believes that which hee loves more beautious then it is , he beholds it in the Image his Soul hath formed of it ; so much fairer as more separate from Matter , the Principle of Deformity ; besides , the Soul is more Indulgent in her Affection to this Species , considering it is her own Child produc'd in her Imagination . [ — one Sun passes Through three re●ulgent Burning-glasses . ] One Light flowing from God , beautifies the Angelick , the Rational Nature , and the Sensible World. [ — the Souls next Hand-maid — ] The Imaginative [ — to the Breast ] The Breast and Heart here taken for the Soul because her nearest Lodging ; the Fountain of Life and Heat . [ — reform'd but not exprest . ] Reform'd by the Imagination form the deformity of Matter ; yet not reduc'd to perfect Immateriality , without which true Beauty is not Exprest . SPVSIPPVS . SPEVSIPPVS . CHAP. I. His Life . a SPEUSIPPUS was an Athenian , born at Myrrhinus [ which belonged to the Pandionian Tribe ] his Father named Eurymedon , his Mother Po●one , Sister to Plato . b He was brought up in the domestick documents of his Uncle Plato , c who ( as he used to say ) reformed Speusippus's life , after the pattern of his own . d Plato had foure Kins-women , Daughters of his Neeces ; the eldest of these he married to Speusippus , with a small portion , thirty Minae , which Dionysius had sent him : To this summe Chio , glad of the occasion , added a Talent , which Speusippus earnestly refused , untill at last he was overcome by the just importunities of the other to receive it , alledging that he gave it not as mony , but as kindnesse ▪ that such gifts were to be entertained , for they encreased honour , the rest were dishonourable ; that he ought to accept of the good-will , though he despised the mony . The rest of those Virgins were Married richly to Athenians , only Speusippus , who best deserved , was poor . With these arguments Speusippus was induced to accept of Chio's gift ; whereat Chio much congratulated his own good fortune , as having laid hold of an occasion , such , as perhaps , saith he , I shall not meet again in all my life . When Dion came to Athens , Speusippus was continually in company with him , more then any other friend there , by Plato's advice , to soften and divert Dion's humour , with a facile companion , such as he knew Speusippus to be ; and that withall , he knew discreetly how to observe time and place in his mirth : whence Timon ( in Sillis ) calls him , a good Ieaster . The last time that Plato , upon the importunity of Dionysius , went to Sicily , Speusippus accompany'd him . Whilest they lived at Syracuse , Speusippus kept more company with the Citizens then Plato did , and insinuating more into their mindes , at first they were afraid to speak freely to him , mistrusting him to be one of Dionysius's spies : But within a while they began to con●ide in him , and all agreed in this , to pray Dion to come to them , and not to take care for ships , men , or horses , but to hire a ship for his own passage ; for the Sicilians desired no more , then that he would lend them his name and person against the Tyrant . Speusippus at his return to Athens , perswaded Dion to warre against Dionysius , and deliver Sicily from the bondage of Tyranny , assuring him the Country would receive him gladly . Dion upon this information received such encouragement , that he began secretly to levie men : The Philosophers much advanced his designe . When he went to Sicily , he bestowed a Country-house , which he had purchased since his comming to Athens , upon Speusippus . CHAP. II. His profession of Philosophy . a PLato dying in the first year of the 108th Olympiad , Theophilus being Archon , Speusippus succeeded him in the School of the Academy , b whom he followed also in his Doctrine . He first , as Theodorus affirmes , looked into the community and mutuall assistance of Mathematicall Disciplines , as Plato did into that of the Philosophicall . c He first , according to Cenaeus , declared those things , which Isocrates conceived not to be divulged , the same perhaps which d Cicero calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Isocrates . e He affirmed , that the minde was not the same , either with Good or One ; but of a peculiar nature proper to it selfe . f He set up in the School which Plato had built the Images of the Graces . He exacted mony of his Disciples , contrary to the custome of Plato . The two Women who were Plato's Auditors , Lasthenia the Mantinean , and Axiothea the Phliasian , heard Speusippus likewise . Having continued Master of the School eight years , he at last , by reason of his infirm disposition , much debilitated by the Palsie , sent to Xenocrates , desiring him to come and take from him the government of the School , which Xenocrates did . CHAP. III. His wrrtings . HE wrote a many things , chiefly in Philosophy , Commentaries and Dialogues , of which were Aristippus the Cyrenaick . Of Riches 1. Of Pleasure 1. Of Iustice 1. Of Philosophy 1. Of Friendship 1. Of the Gods 1. The Philosopher 1. To Cephalus 1. Cephalus 1. Clinomachus , or Lysias 1. The Cittizen 1. Of the Soul 1. To Gryllus 1. Aristippus 1. The confutation of Arts 1. Commentary Dialogues . Artificiall 1. Dialogues of likenesse in things 10. Divisions and arguments to things like . Of the genus's and species of Examples . To Amartyrus . Encomium of Plato . Epistles to Dion , Dionysius , Philip. Of Law. The Mathematician . Mandrobulus . Lysias . De●●n●tions , of all these writings the only extant Orders of Commentaries . Verses . b Phavorinus , in the second of his Commentaries , saith , that Aristotle paid three Talents for his Books . CHAP. IV. His Death . HE was ( as a Timotheus saith ) very infirme of body , b insomuch that he was fain to be carried up and down the Academy in a kinde of a running chair : Riding in this manner , he one day met Diogenes , whom saluting , he said , Joy be with you : But , not with you , answered Diogenes , who can endure to live being in that condition . At length he dyed willingly through griefe , as Laertius affirmes , who elsewhere citing Plutarch in the lives of Lysander and Scylla , saith , he dyed of the Phthiriasis ; but there is no such thing extant in Plutarch . c Though he followed Plato in his opinions ; yet , he did not imitate his temper , for he was austeer , cholerick , and had not so great command over his pleasures . In anger he threw a Dog into a Well , and indulging to pleasure , he went to the marriage of Cassander in Macedonia : He was also so great a Lover of mony , that some Poems which he had written , not very good , he sung publickly for gain : for which vices , Dionysius writing to him , thus derides him : And we may learn Philosophy from our Arcadian she-Scholler . Plato took no mony of his Schollers , you exact it whether they are willing or not . d Athenaeus cites the same Epistle , after he had reproached him for avarice and voluptuousnesse , he objects his collections of mony from many persons ; his love to Lasthenia , the Sardian Curtezan ; after all this adding , Why do you accuse us of avarice , who your selfe omit not any sordid way of gain ? Did not you after Hermias's debt was satisfied , make collections in his name amongst his friends , to your own use ? To a rich man in love with a deformed person ; What need you her , saith he , for ten Talents you may have a handsomer . To him Simonides wrot Histories , wherein he related the actions of Dion and Bion. There was another Speusippus , a Physitian of Alexandria . XENOCRATES . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , living with Plato . a XEnocrates was of Chalcedon , Son of b Agatho , or Agathenor . From the years of his life 82. which in all probability ended when Polemo succeeded in the School , the first year of the 116. Olympiad , it may be gathered that he was born in the fourth year of the 95. Olympiad . He heard Plato from his Childhood . He was dull of apprehension , whence Plato comparing him with Aristotle , said , one needs a spur , the other a bridle ; what an ass & what an horse have I to yoke together ! He was severe , and had a sad look , for which reason Plato oft said to him , Xenocrates , sacrifice to the Graces , which was an usuall phrase to me●ancholy people . c Another time Plato sharply reprehended the roughnesse of his disposition , which hee took quietly , and unmoved ; saying to one that instigated him to reply in his own defence , No , this is an advantage to me . d He accompanied Plato in his voyage to Sicily , e where at a drinking Feast , with Dionysius , being honoured with a wreath of Gold , instead of a Garland of flowers , which were bestow'd upon the guests upon such occasions , when he went away , he put it upon the Statue of Mercury , where they used to leave their ordinary Garments . f When Dionysius fell out with Plato , and threatned to find one that should cut off his head , Xenocrates made answer , not before he hath cut off this , shewing his own . g Aelian saith , that Xenocrates having taken a journey into his own Country , Aristotle with his Disciples came to Plato . S●eusippus was at that time sick , and therefore could not be with Plato . Plato being fourscore years old , ( which falls upon the fourth year of the 107. Olympiad , the year before his death ) his memory through age much decay'd , Aristotle fell upon him with subtle sophisticall questions , whereupon Plato gave over walking in publick , and retired with his friends to his own house . At the end of the three months Xenocrates returning from his travel , finds Aristotle walking where he had left Plato , and seeing that he and his friends when they went out of the School went not to Plato , but to some other part of the City , hee asked one there present , what was become of Plato , thinking he had been sick , the other answer'd , he is not sick , but Aristotle hath molested him , & driven him out of the School , so that now he teacheth Philosophy in his own Garden . Xenocrates hearing this , went immediately to Plato , whom he found discoursing to his Disciples , persons of great worth and eminence . As soon as he had ended his discourse , he saluted Xenocrates , as he used , very kindly , and Xenocrates him . When the company was dismiss'd , Xenocrates , without speaking a word of it to Plato , getting his friends together , after he had chid Speusippus for permitting Aristotle to possesse the School , made a head against Aristotle , and opposed him with his utmost force , untill at last he reinstated him in the School . Thus Aelian . But this story , which he acknowledgeth to have taken up on no better authority then vulgar report , disagrees with many circumstances of Aristotle's life , supported by far more credible Testimonies . CHAP. II. His Profession of Philosophie . AFter Speusippus had held the School eight years , finding himself not able to continue that charge any longer , hee sent to Xenocrates intreating him to take it upon him , which Xenocrates did , a in the second year of the 110. Olympiad , Lysimachides being Archon , not without emulation and dissension with the Peripat●ticks , for b Aristotle , at his return out of Macedonia , finding Xenocrates possess'd of the Academy , instituted a School , in opposition to him , in the Lycaeum , saying , Silent to be now most disgracefull were , And see Xenocrates possess the Chair . c Some affirm , that Alexander falling out with Aristotle , to vex him , sent a present to Xenocrates d of 50. Talents , where of Xenocrates took but 3000. Atticks , and sent back the rest , saying , that he needed it most that was to maintain so many . Or , as e Stobaeus relates it , having entertained the Messenger , after his usuall fashion , go and tell Alexander , saith he , that after the rate I live , I shall not need 50. Talents in all my life . f The money being brought back to Alexander , he asked , if Xenocrates had not any friend , adding that as for his own friends , the wealth of Darius was too little for them . g He asserted Unity and Duality to be Gods ; the first as it were Masculine , in the nature of a Father , raigning in Heaven , whom he called also Iupiter , the Odd , and the M●●de . The other , as it were Female , and the Mother , commanding all things under Heaven . This he called the Minde of the Universe . He likewise asserts Heaven to be divine , and the fiery starrs to be Olympian Gods , the rest sublunary invisible Deities , which permeate through the elements of matter , whereof that which passeth through the air is called Iuno , that which through the water Neptune , that which through the earth Ceres . This the Stoicks borrowed from him , as he the former from Plato . h He continued Master of the School twenty five years , untill the first year of the hundred and sixt Olympiad ; then his Disciple Polemo succeeded him , During that time , he lived very retired in the Academy● and if at any time he went into the City , all the trades men and other people thronged to see him . CHAP. III. His Vertues and Apophthegmes . a AMongst his other Vertues ; he was very remarkable for his Continence , of which there is this instance : Phryne , a famous Athenian Curtezan , having laid a wager with some young men his Disciples , that he could not resist her enticements , stole privately into his bed : The next morning being question'd and ●aught at by his Disciples , she said , The wager they laid was of a man , not of a stone . To this end he used to mortifie himselfe by incision , and cauterising of his flesh . b His wisdome and Sanctity was much reverenced by the Athenians ; for being to give his testimony , and to swear , as the custome was , that he spoke nothing but truth , the Judges all rose up , and cryed out , that he should not swear , indulging that to his sincerity , which they did not allow to one another . c Being sent with others to Philip on an Embassy , the rest received gifts from him , and went to treat in private with him ; Xenocrates did neither , and for that part was not invited by him : The Ambassadours returning to Athens , said , that Xenocrates went along with them to no purpose : whereupon the Athenians were ready to impose a mulct upon him ; but when they understood by him , that they were at that time to consider cheifly concerning the Common-wealth , Philip having corrupted the rest with gifts , and that he would not accept any , they bestowed double honours upon him . Philip said afterwards , that of those who came to him , only Xenocrates would not take any gifts . Being sent in the time of the Lan●ack war ( which was about the second year of the 104th Olympiad ) Ambassadour to Antipater , about the redemption of some Athenian Prisoners , Antipater invited him to sit down to supper , whereto he answer'd in the words of Ulysses in Homer , O Circe , what man is there that is good , Before his friends are freed can think of food ? Antipater was so pleased with the ingenious application of these Verses , that he caused the Prisoners immediately to be set at liberty . d His clemency , saith Aelian , extended not only to men , but , often to irrationall creatures , as once , when a Sparrow , pursued by a Hawk , flew to his bosome , he took it , much pleased , and hid it till the enemy were out of sight ; and when he thought it was out of fear and danger , opening his bosome , he let it go , saying , that he had not betrayed a supplyant . c Bion deriding him , he refused to make any answer in his own defence ; for , a Tragedy , saith he , being mocked by a Comedy , needs not a reply . To one , who though he had neither learn'd Musick , Geometry , nor Astronomy ; yet , desired to be his Disciple : Away , saith he , you have not the handles of Philosophy . Some affirm he said , I teach not to card wool . Antipater comming to Athens met and saluted him ; which salute he returned not , untill he had made an end of the discourse he was about . f He was nothing proud ; he assigned a particular businesse to every part of the day , a great part thereof to meditation , one part to silence . g Whensoever he pierc'd a vessell of Wine , it was sower'd before he spent it , and the broaths that were made for him were often thrown away the next day ; whence proverbially was used , the Cheese of Xenocrates , of things that last well , and are not easily consumed . h Holding his peace at some detractive discourse , they asked him why he spoke not ? Because , saith he , I have sometimes repented of speaking , but never of holding my peace . Yet , this man , saith Laertius , because he could not pay the sine imposed upon Aliens , the Athenians sold : Demetrius Phaleveus bought him , contenting both parties , the Athenians with their Tribute , Xenocrates with his liberty . CHAP. IV. His Writings . a HE left many Writings , Verses , Exhortations , and Orations , their Titles these , Of Nature 6 Bookes . Of Wisdome 6. Of Riches 1. Arias 1. Of Indefinite 1. Of a Child 1. Of Continence 1. Of Profitable 1. Of Free 1. Of Death 1. which some conceive to be the same with that which is extant amongst the spurious Platonick Dialogues , under the title of Axiochus . Of Voluntary 1. Of Friendship 2. Of equity 1. Of Contrary 2. Of Beatitude 2. Of writing 1. Of Memory 1. Of False 1. Callicles 1. Of Prudence 2. Oeconomick 1. Of Temperance 1. Of the power of Law 1. Of a Common-wealth 1. Of Sancti●y 1. That vertue may be taught 1. O● E●s 1. Of Fate 1. Of passions 1. Of Lives 1. Of concord 1. Of Disciples 2. Of Iustice 1. Of Vertue 2. Of species 1. Of Pleasure 2. Of Life 1. Of Fortitude 1. Of One 1. Of Idaeas 1. Of Art 1. Of Gods 2. Of the Soul 2. Of Science 1. Politick 1. Of Scientificks 1. Of Philosophy 1. Of Parmenides opinions 1. Archidemus , or of Iustice 1. Of Good 1. Of things which pertain to Intellect 8. Solutions concerning Speech 1. Physicall auscultation 6. A summary 1. Of Genus's and Species 1. Pythagorean assertions 1. Solutions 2. Divisions 8. Positions 3. Of Dialectick 14 , & 15 , & 16. Of Disciplines , concerning distinctions 9. Concerning Ra●iocination 9. Concerning Intelligence 4. Of Disciplines 6. Concerning Intelligence 2. Of Geometry 5. Commentaries 1. Contraries 1. Of Numbers 1. Theory of Arithmetick 1. Of Intervalls 1. Astrologick 6. Elements , to Alexander concerning a Kingdom 4. To Arybas To Hephaestion . Of Geometry 2. Verses 345. CHAP. V. His Death . HE died in the 82 year of his age by a fall in the night into a Basin , a ( wherein he was drown'd ) probably in the first yeare of the 116. Olympiad , for in that year Polemo his Successour took upon him the School . Laertius saith , there were six more of this name , but mentions only five . One , very antient , skilfull in Tacticks ; another of the same City and Family with this Philosopher , Author of the Oration upon the death of Arsinoe ; the fourth , saith he , a Philosopher , who writ in Elegiack verse , but not happily , perhaps the same , who , Suidas saith , was nothing inferiour to this Xenocrates for Continence ; the fist a Statuary , the ●ixt , a writer of Songs , as Aristoxenus affirm . POLEMO . a POLEMO was an Athenian of OEa [ a Towne belonging to the Oenian Tribe , ] his Father Philostratus ( who according to b Antigonus Carystius ) was a Citizen of great account , and kept a Chariot and horses . Polemo in his youth was very intemperate , and dissolute ; he frequently took a sum of money , and hid it in a private corner of some street , to supply his extravagances upon occasion . Even in the Academy were found three oboli , which he had hid under a Pillar , upon the same account . This wildnesse caused discontent betwixt him and his wife , who , thinking her self not wel used by him , accused him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Neither did he delight ( saith Valerius Maximus , ) in Luxury onely , but even in the infamy thereof . On a time , coming from a Feast , not after the setting but rising of the Sun ; and seeing the door of Xenocrates the Philosopher open , full of Wine , smelling sweet of unguents , crown'd with Garlands , richly attir'd , hee rush'd into his School , which was filled with a croud of learned persons . Nor contented with so rude an intrusion , he ●ate down also , intending to make sport at his excellent ●loquence and prudent precepts . Hereupon all were offended as the affront deserved , onely Xenocrates , continuing the same Countenance and gesture , fell from the discourse in which he was , and began to speak of modesty and temperance , with the gravity of whose discourse , Polemo being reduced to repentance , first took his Garland off from his head , and flung it on the ground ; soon after he withdrew his arme within his Cloake ; Next hee laid aside the cheerfulnesse of that look which he had formerly , when he affected feasting ; lastly , he wholly devested himselfe of Luxury , and being thus cured by the wholsom Medicine of one discourse , he , from an infamous Prodigall became a most excellent Philosopher , being * from that time forward so addicted to study , that he surpass'd all the rest , and succeeded Xenocrates in the government of the School , which he began in the first year of the 116. Olympiad . After he began to study Philosophy , he had such a constant behaviour , that he retain'd alwaies the same Countenance , and kept the same tone in all his speech , whereby Crantor was taken with him . A mad dog having bit him by the Knee , he alone of all the Company seem'd to be unconcern'd in it , and a tumult happening thereupon in the City , he asked without any disturbance , what was the matter ? In the Theatres also , he was nothing moved . When Nicostratus the Poet , sirnamed Clytemnestra , recited somthing to him and Crates , Crates was much taken therwith , but hee made no more show then as if he had heard nothing , and was altogether such as Melanthius the Painter in his Books of Picture●hath describ'd him , for hesaith in his actions was expressed a stubbornnesse and hardnesse . Polemo used to say , we ought to exercise our selves in things , not in Dialectick Disciplines , lest , satisfying our selves with the tast and meditation of the superficiall parts of Science , we become admired for subtlety in discourse , but contradict our selves in the practise of our life . He was facete and ingenious , shunning that which Aristophanes imputes to Euripides , sowernesse and harshnesse . He taught , not sitting , but , walking . The Athenians much honour'd him for his great Integrity , hee tooke great delight in Solitude , whence for the most part he dwelt in a Garden , about which his Disciples built themselves little lodges , near to his School . He was a studious imitatour of Xe●ocrates ( who , Aristippus saith , much loved him ) alwaies remembring his innocence , severity and gravity , to which , like a Dorick measure , he conformed his owne steps . Antigonus Carystius saith , that from the thirtieth year of his age to his death he drunk nothing but water . He held that the World is God. He much affected Sophocles , chiefly in those places where ( to use the phrase of the Comick Poet ) a Molossian dog seemeth to have written together with him . And whereas Phrynicus saith , he was Not sweet , nor flat , but gently smooth ; he said , that Homer was an Epick Sop●ocles , Sophocles a Tragick Homer . He died very old of a consumption , and left behind him many writings . Laertius hath this Epigram upon him ; Wert thou not told , that Polemo lies here , On whom slow sickness ( man's worst passion ) prey'd ? No , 't is the robe of flesh he us'd to wear , Which ere to Heav'n he mounted down he laid . Of his Disciples are remembred Crates , Zeno the Stoick , and Arcesilaus . CRATES . CRATES was a Thriasian , Son of Antigenes ; he was an Auditor of Polemo , and loved by him ; He succeeded him in the government of his School . They both profited so much by one another , that living they onely follow'd the same institutes , but even to their last ends were alike , and being dead , were buried in the same Sepulchre . Upon which occasion Antagoras writ thus upon them both , Who ere thou art , say ere thou passest by , Crates and Polemo here buried lie ; Both for their mutual love no less admir'd , Then for their eloquence , by which inspir'd , O th' wisdom they profess'd , the age was proud , Yet gladly to their sacred precepts bow'd . Hence Arcesilaus , when he went from Theophrastus , and apply'd himself to them , said , they were Gods , or certain reliques of the golden age . They were nothing popular , but what Dionysiodorus an antient Musician was wont to say , may be apply'd to these , when he boasted ; that none had ever heard him sing , as they had Ismenius , nor had ever seen him in a Ship , or at the Fountains . Antigonus saith , that , he sojourn'd at Crantors , when he & Arcesilaus lived most friendly , and that Arcesilaus dwelt with Crantor , Polemo with Crates , together with Lysic●es , who was one of the Citizens , and truly , Polemo , as is before mention'd , loved Crates , Crantor , Arcesilaus . But Crates dying , as Apollodorus in the third of his Chronicle , left Books which he had written , partly of Philosophy , partly of Comedy ; Orations suited for publick pleading , or Embassie . He had many eminent disciples , of whom was Arcesilaus , & Bi●n the Boristhenite , afterwards called a Theodorean from that Sect. There were ten of this name . The First an antient Comick Poet. The Second , an Oratour of the Family of Isocrates . The Third , an Ingeneer , that went along with Alexander in his expeditions . The Fourth , a Cynick . The Fift , a Peripatetick . The Sixt , this Academick . The Seventh , a Grammarian . The Eighth , writ of Geometry . The Ninth , an Epigrammatick Poet. The Tenth , of Tarsis , an Academick Philosopher . CRANTOR . CRantor was of Soli , much admired in his own Country . He came to Athens where hee heard Xenocrates , and studied with Poleomo . He writ Commentaries , 3000. Verses , whereof some ascribe part to Arcesilaus . Being asked how he came to be taken with Polemo , but answer'd , from the tone of his speech● , never exalted nor depress'd . Falling sick , he went to the Temple of Aesculapius , and walked there ; where many resorted to him from severall parts , not thinking he stai'd in respect of his sicknesse , but that he meant to erect a School in that place ; amongst the rest came Arcesilaus , whom , though he lov'd him very much , he recommended to Polemo , whom he himself after his recovery heard also , and was extreamly taken with him . He bequeath'd his estate , amounting to 12. Talents to Arcesilaus , who asking him where he would be buried , he answer'd , In Earth's kind bosom happy 'tis to lie . He is said to have written Poems , and to have deposited them , sealed up in his own Country , in the Temple of Minerva ; of him thus Theaetetus , Pleasing to men , but to the Muses more . Crantor too soon of life was dispossest , Earth his cold body we to thee restore That in thy arms he peacefully may rest . Crantor above all admired Homer and Euripides , saying , it was hard in proper language to speak at once tragically and passionately , and quoted this verse out of his Bellerophon . Alas , yet why alas , Through such fate mortals passe . Antagoras the Poet alledgeth these verses , as written by him . * My Soul 's in doubt , for doubtlesse is his race , Whether I love first of all Gods shall place , Which drew from Erebus their old descent , And Night beyond the Oceans vast extent ; Or whether to bright Venus , or to Earth , Thou owest thy double form and sacred birth . He was very ingenious in imposing apt names . He said of an ill Poet , that his verses were full of moths ; and of T●eophrastus , that his Theses were written in a shell . He wrote a Treatise concerning Griefe , which was generally much admired , as Cicero and Laertius attest . He died before Polemo and Crates of the dropsy . ARCESILAVS . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , Teachers . ARcesilaus ( whom Cicero calls Arcesilas ) was a Pitanean of Aeolis ; his Father , according to Apollo●orus , in the third of his Chronologicks , named Seuthus , or as others Scythus . He was the youngest of foure brethren , two by the same Father , only the other by the same Mother ; the eldest was named Pylades : of those who had the same Father , the eldest was Maereas , Guardian to his Brother Arcesilaus . He was born by computation from his death ( which was in the fourth year of the * hundred thirty and fourth Olympiad , the seventy fift of his age ) in the first year of the hundred and sixteenth Olympiad . He first heard Autolychus the Mathematician , his Country-man , before he came to Athens , with whom he travelled to Sardis . Next he heard Xanthus an Athenian , a Master of Musick . He heard also Hippo●icus the Geometrician , who , excepting his skill in that Art , was otherwise a gaping dull fellow , for which Arcesilaus deriding him , said , Geometry flew into his mouth as he gaped . Of Hipponicus falling mad , he took so great care , that he brought him to his own house , and kept him there untill he were quite cured . He likewise , by the compulsion of his Brother , studied Rhetorick , and being by nature vehement in discourse , and of indefatigable industry , he addicted himselfe likewise to Poetry . There is an Epigram of his extant upon Attalus , to this effect ; For armes and horses oft hath been the name Of Pergamus through Pisa spread by fame : But , now shall ( if a mortall may divine ) To future times with greater glory shine . There is another Epigram of his Menodorus● son of Eudemus . Far hence is Thyatire , far phrygian earth , Whence Menodore thou didst derive thy birth . But down to Acheron unpierc'd by day , From any place thou knew'st the ready way . To thee this T●mb Eudemus dedicates , Whom Love hath wealthy made , though poor the Fates . Although his Brother Maereas would have had him prof●ssed Rhetorick , yet was he naturally more enclined to Philosophy ; to which end , he first became a hearer of Theophrastus , in which time Crantor being much taken with him , spoke that verse of Euripides to him , out of his Andromeda : Mayd , if I save thee , wilt thou thankfull be ? He answer'd in the following verse , Stranger , for wife or slave accept of me . From thence forward they lived in intimate friendship , wherea● Theophrastus troubled , said , He had lost a youth of extraordinary wit , and quicknesse of apprehension . He emulated Pyrrho as some affirm , and studied Dialectick ▪ and the Eretriack Philosophy , whence Aristo said of him , Pyrrho behinde , Plato before , And in the middle Diodore . And Timon , Next leaden Menedemus he pursues , And Pyrrho doth , or Diodorus choose . And soon after maketh him say thus ; I le swim to Pyrrho , and crook'd Diodore . He was a great admirer of Plato ; whose Bookes he had . CHAP. II. Vpon what occasion he constituted the middle Academy . a CRates dying , Arcesilaus took upon him the government of the School , which was yielded to him by Socratides . Being possessed of that place , he altered the Doctrine and manner of Teaching , which had been observed by Plato and his successors , upon this occasion . Plato and his followers down to Arcesilaus , held , ( as was said ) That there are two kinds of things , some perceptible by Sence , others perceptible only by Intellect : b That from the latter ariseth Science , from the former Opinion : That the Minde only seeth that which alwaies is simple , and in the same manner , and such as it is ; that is , Ideas . But , that the Senses are all dull and slow , neither can they perceive those things which seem subjected to Sense , because either they are so little , that they cannot fall beneath sense , or so movable and transient ; that not one of them is constant or the same ; but , all are in continuall lapse and fluxion . Hence they called all this part of things Opi●●onable , affirming that Science is no where , but , in the notions and reasons of the minde . c Yet , did they professe against those , who said , the Academy took away all sence ; for , they affirmed not , that there was no such thing as colour , or tast , or sapor , or sound ; but ; only maintained , there was no proper mark of true and certain in the senses , there being no such any where . d Hence they allowed , that we make use of the senses in actions , from the reason that appeareth our of them ; but , to trust them as absolutely true and infallible , they allowed not . Thus held the Academicks down to Poleme , c of whom Arcesilaus and Zen● were constant Auditors ; but Zeno being older then Arcesilaus , and a very subtle disputant , endeavoured to correct his doctrine , not that , as Theophrastus saith , he did enervate vertue ; but , on the contrary , he placed all things that are reckon'd among the good , in vertue only : and this he called honest , as being simple , sole , one good : Of the rest , though neither good nor evill , he held , that some were according to Nature , others contrary to Nature , others Mediate : Those which are according to Nature , he held to be worthy estimation , the contrary contrary ; the neuter he left betwixt both , in which he placed no value . Of those which were eligible , some were of more estimation , some of lesse ; those which were of more he called preserred , those of lesse rejected . And as in these , he did not change so much the things themselves as the words , so betwixt a rectitude and a sin , an office and a praeterossice : he placed some things mediate , holding that Rectitudes consisted only in good actions , sins in evill ; but , offices either performed or omitted , he conceived mediate things . And whereas the Philosophers of the old Academy did not hold all Vertue to consist in Reason , but some vertues to be perfected by nature or custome ▪ Zeno on the contrary placed all Vertue in Reason ; and whereas the Academicks held , as we said [ in the life of Plato , ] that all those vertues may be separated , Zeno maintained that could not be , averring , that not only the use of vertue ( as the Academicks held ) but the habit thereof was excellent in it selfe , neither had any one vertue , who did not alwaies make use of it . And whereas the Academicks took not away passion from man , affirming that we are subject to compassion , desire , fear , and joy by nature ; but , only contracted them , and reduced them within narrower limits ; Zeno affirmed , that from all these , as from so many diseases , a wise man must be free . And whereas they held , that all passions were naturall and irrationall , and placed in one part of the Soule Concupiscence , in the other Reason : Neither did Zeno herein agree with them , for he asserted , that passions are voluntary , that opinions are taken up by judgment , that immoderate intemperance is the Mother of all passion . Thus much for Ethicks . f As for Physick , He did not allow that fift nature besides the foure Elements , of which the Academicks held Sence and Minde to be effected ; for , He asserted Fire to be that nature which begetteth every thing , both Minde and Sence . He likewise dissented from them , in that he held , nothing can be made by a thing which hath no body , ( of which nature , Xenocrates , and the old Academicks thought the soule to be ) and that whatsoever made any thing , or was it selfe made , must of necessity be a Body ▪ g He likewise asserted many things in the third part of Philosophy , wherein He asserted some things new of the Senses themselves , which he conceived to be joyned by a certain extrinsecall impulsion , which he called Phantasie . To these phantasies received by the Senses , He added Assent of the mind , which he held to be placed in us , and voluntary . He● did not allow all phantasies to be faithfull and worthy ●redit● but , only those which have a proper declaration of those things which they seem , which phantasie when it is seen , is called comprehensible , when received and approved , he calleth it comprehension . That which was comprehended by sense , he calleth Sense , and , if it were so comprehended , that it could not be pulled away by reason , Science , if otherwise , Ignorance , of which kinde was opinion , infirme , and common to false or unknown things . Betwixt Science and Ignorance he placed that comprehension we mentioned , not reckoning it among the good nor the bad ▪ ●ut affirming that only was to be credited , whence he likewise attributed faith to the Senses , for as much as he conceived the comprehension made by the Senses to be true and faithfull , not that it comprehended all things that are in being ; but that it omits nothing that can fall beneath it , as also , because nature hath given it as a rule of Science and principle of it selfe , whence notions are afterwards imprinted in the minde , from which not only principles , but certain larger waies towards the invention of reason , are found out . Errour , temerity , ignorance , opination , suspicion , and in a word , whatsoever is not of firme and constant assent , he took away from Vertue and Wisdome . In these things consisteth almost all the change and dissention of Zeno from the old Academicks . Zeno thus maintaining many things contrary to Plato , as that the Soul is mortall , and that there is no other World but this , which is subject to Sense , Arcesilaus perceiving this Doctrine to spread and take much , prudently concealed the doctrine of the Academy , lest the mysteries of Plato being divulg'd and made too common , should become despicable : and therefore ( saith h St. Augustine ) he thought it fitter to unteach the man that was not well taught , then to teach those , whom by experience he found not to be docile enough . i Hereupon Arcesilaus undertook to oppose and contest with Zeno , not out of any pertinacity or desire of glory , but led thereunto by that obscurity of things , which had brought Socrates to a confession of his own ignorance ; as likewise Democritus , Anaxagoras , Empedocle● , and almost all the antient Philosophers , who affirmed , That nothing could be understood , nothing perceived , nothing known : That the senses are narrow , our mindes weak , our lives short , and truth ( as Democritus saith ) drown'd in an abysse . That all things are held by opinion and institution , nothing left to Truth : and finally , That all things are involved in darknesse . k Thus Arcesilaus denyed there is any thing that can be known , not so much as that which Socrates reserv'd , [ that he knew nothing ] conceiving all things to be hid in such darknesse , that there is nothing which can be seen or understood . For these reasons we ought not to professe or affirm any thing , or to approve any thing by assent ; but , alwaies to restrain and withhold our hastinesse from errour , which then proveth great , when it approveth a thing false or unknown . Neither is there any thing more vile , then by assent and approbation to prevent knowledge and perception . l He did , as was agreeable to this tenent , dispute against all assertions and doctrines ; and having found , that in the same thing the reasons of two opinions directly opposite , were of equall weight , he thence inferr'd , that we ought to with-hold our assents ( m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) from both : [ This Laertius means , when he saith , that he took away propositions , by reason of the repugnance of speech , and was the first that taught to argue on both sides . ] n And that neither the senses nor reason are to be credited . He therefore praised that Apophthegm of Hesiod ; The Gods all knowledge have conceal'd from men . But this o Saint Augustine affirmes was only done , to conceal mysteriously the meaning of Pla●o ; but , they neverthelesse had and held his doctrines and decrees , which they used to unfold to those who lived with them till they were old . He likewise , as Laertius saith , first al●er'd the manner of disputing which Plato deliver'd , and made it more litigious by question and answer , of which , thus p Cicero : Socrates used to finde out by question and answer , the opinions of those with whom he discoursed , that , if there were occasion , he might say something upon that which they answer'd : This custome not retained by his successors , was taken up by Arcesilaus , who instituted , that they who would learn of him should not question him ; but , themselves tell him what they thought , which when they had done , he disputed against it ; but , his Auditors were to maintain their own opinion as much as they could possibly . This course took Arcesilaus , contrary to all other Philosophers , amongst whom , he that would learn held his peace ; which courle , saith Cicero , is at this time held in the ●Academy , where he that will learn , speaks in this manner , Pleasure seems to be the chiefe good , whereupon in a long Oration it is disputed against it , whereby may easily be understood , that they who say , a thing seemeth to me to be so , are not really of that opinion , but desire to hear the contrary maintained . This School constituted by Arcesilaus , was called the second Academy , in relation to its descent from Plato ; or , the middle Academy , in respect of the new one which was afterwards set up by Carneades ; though q Cicero seemeth to make no distinction between this and that , but calleth this the new Academy : But , though 't is likely , that it was not at first so called ; yet , upon the introduction of a newer , it was afterwards more generally known by the title of the middle , or , second Academy . These Academicks differ from the Scepticks , in as much , as , though they affirmed that nothing can be comprehended ; yet they took not away true or false from things : On the contrary , they held that some Phantasies were true , others false ; but the Scep●icks hold that they are both indifferent ; alike defensible by reason . The Academicks assert some things to be wholly improbable , some more probable then others , and that a wise man ▪ when any of these occur , r may answer yes , or no , following the probability , provided that he withold from assenting . But the Scepticks hold all things to be alike indifferent , not admitting Judgement , nor allowing that either our senses or opinions can perceive true or false , and therefore no faith is to be given to them , but we ought to persist firm and unmoveable without opinion , not saying of any thing that it is , any more then that it is not . CHAP. III. His Vertues and Apopthegms . a HE preferred Homer above all Writers , of whom he constantly read some piece before he went to bed , and as soon as he rose in the morning . When he went to read any thing in him , he said , he went to his Mistress . ●indar also he said was proper to raise the voice , and give us supply of words . Hee was sententious and succinct in speech , often using expressions of doubtfull meaning . He used to reprehend and chide sharply , and freely , whence Timon saith of him , When thou chidst young men , think thou once wer● young . In this kind , Laertius instances his sayings to a young man , speaking confidently , &c. to an immodest young man , &c. Emo a Chian , who though very deformed , thought himself very handsom , asking him as he put on a rich Cloak , whether hee thought a wise man might not love , Arcesilaus answered , do you mean if he be as handsom and as fine as you ? To an effeminate person , who upbraiding him as it were of pride , spoke this verse , Shall we demand , great Sir , or silent be ? He immediately answered , Woman , why speak'st thou these harsh words to me ? Being troubled with the talk of an inconsiderable mean person , he said , The Sons of slaves intemperately speak . Of another , who talk'd impertinently , and loudly , he said , he had a peevish nurse . For some he would make no answer at all . To an Usurer , who said there was somthing he knew not , hee answer'd in these verses out of Sophocles's OEnomaus , The course of storms hid from the bird doth lie , Untill the time that she must lay draw nigh . To a Dialectick Philosopher of Alexinus's School , who was not able to say any thing worthy Alexinus , he related what Philoxenus did to a maker of Bricks , who overhearing him sing his verses false , trod upon his bricks and broke them , saying , as you spoil mine , so I yours . He was angry at those who learned not the liberall Sciences in due time . In dispute , he used this word , I say , and will not such a one , ( naming the person ) assent to this , which many of his Disciples affected to imitate , as also his manner of speaking and gesture . He was most acute in answering appositely , and converting his discourse to the present subject , and fitting it for every time . He was very efficacious in perswasion ? whence many Disciples resorted to him , though sometimes he sharply touched them , which they took patiently . He was very good , and much excited hope in his Auditors . As to the necessaries of life , he was very liberall and communicative , ready to do good , and much endeavouring to conceal it , avoiding all that kind of vain-glory . Visiting C●esibius , who was sick , and perceiving him to be poor , he privately put a purse under his pillow , which when he found , this , saith he , is the sport of Arcesilaus . Another time he sent him 1000. drachms . b Plutarch relates this as done to Apelles the Chian Painter , whom Arcesilaus besides many other testimonies of kindnesse coming to visit as he lay sick , and perceiving how poor he was , departed , and returning soon after , bringing twenty drachmes with him , then sitting close to Apelles's bed side , Here is nothing saies he , besides Empedo●le's four Elements , Fire , Water , Earth , and Aether mounting high , but me thinks you lie not at your ease , and with that taking occasion to remove his pillow , he convey'd the purse privately under it , which when the old woman that tended him found , and wondring , shew'd to Apelles , he laughing , said , This is one of Arcesilaus's thefts . c He recommended Archias , an Arcadian to Eumenes King of Pergamus , by whom he was exalted to great dignity . He was very liberall and free from covetousnesse , as appeared by his Utensills of silver , and vying with Archecrates and Callicrates . He had many vessells of gold , which he lent unto many upon occasion of feasting . These silver vessells a certain man borrowed to entertain his friends withall ; Arcesilaus knowing him to be poor , would never send for them back : Others report he lent them to him on purpose , and when he brought them back , because he was poor , he freely bestowed them on him . He had a fair estate at Pitane , from which Pylades his brother continually supplyed him . Eumenes also , son of Phileterus gave him many large presents , whence to him only of all Kings he applyed himselfe . When Antigonus was much followed , and many persons thronged to his house , he forbore , declining his acquaintance . He was intimate with Hierocles , the Governour of Munichia and Pireum , and constantly , on holidaies , went thither to visit him : Hierocles often entreated him to visit Antigonus , but he refused , and went along with him as far as the dore , and there parted with him . After Antigonus's fight at Sea , many writing consolatory Epistles to him , Arcesilaus was silent . Being sent by his Country on an Embassy to Antigonus at Demetrias , he returned frustrate of his designe . He lived the greatest part of his time in the Academy , avoiding to meddle with publick businesse ; but sometimes went to the Pireum , as we said , out of love to Hierocles ; for which some reproved him . He was very magnificent ( indeed a second Aristippus ) in the entertainment of his friends . He openly professed love to Theodote and Phileta , Curtezans of Elis , for which being reprehended , he rehearsed the Chria's of Aristippus . He was very amarous , and much affected the company of young men , whence Aristo of Chios , a Stoick , called him a corrupter of youth , temerarious , and impudent . Of those whom he affected are mentioned Demetrius and Leochares ; Demochares son of Laches , and Pythocles son of Bugerus , much affected him . For these things he was much inveighed against at the house of Hieronimus the Peripatetick , who had invited his friends to celebrate the birth day of Alcyoneus , son of Antigonus , for the keeping of which Feast , Antigonus sent yearly much mony . At this Feast Arcesilaus would not dispute amidst the cups ; and when Aridelus propounded a question to him , requiring that he would say something to it , he answer'd , it is the best property of a Philosopher to know the seasons of all things . But , he was so free from pride , that he counselled his Disciples to go and hear other Masters ; and when a certain Chian youth of his School declared , that he was not pleased with what he said so much as with the discourses of Hieronimus , he took him by the hand and led him to the Philosopher , desiring him to cherish him according to his quality . To one that asked why men went from other Sects to the Epicureans , but never from the Epicureans to other Sects : Because , saith he , of men , some are made Eunuchs , but of Eunuchs never any are made men . d He said , where there are many medicines , and many Physicians , there are most diseases ; and where there are many Lawes , there is most iniquity . e He advised to shun Dialectick , because it turneth all things upside down . f He compared Logicians to Gamsters that play at Dice , who take delight whilst they are cosen'd . g He affirmed , that poverty is rugged as Ithaca , but good to bring up a child , in that it enureth to frugality and abstinence , and is generally a good School of vertue . CHAP. IV. His death . a WHen he drew nigh the end of his life , he bequeathed all his estate to his brother Pylades ; to which end , Moereas not knowing it , he sent him first to Chios , and from thence sent for him back again to Athens . He sent three Copies of his Will , one to Amphicritus at Eretria , an other to some friends of his at Athens , the third to Thaumasias his neer kinsman , to be kept by them ; with the last he sent this Letter . Arcesilaus to Thaumasias , health . I Gave Diogenes my Will to bring to you , for being often sick and infirm of body , I thought fit to make my Will , lest if any suddain accident should befall me , I should depart this life with some in●urie done to you , whom I have found so bountifull towards me . I desire that you , the most faithfull of all my friends , will take it into your custody . Approve your selfe iust to that extraordinary trust which I have reposed in you , that it may appear I have made a right choice . He died , as Hermippus saith , in a kinde of phrenzy , after he had drunk much Wine , 75 years old , in the fourth year of the 134th Olympiad , as may be conjectured from the succession of Lacydes , in the School which began at that time . The Athenians buried him with such solemnity as never any was before . He took not any women into the house with him , neither had he any children . He flourish'd according to Apollodorus in the 120. Olympiad . There were three more of this name , one an antient Comick Poet , the second an Elegiack Poet , the third a Statuary . LACYDES . LAcydes succeeded Arcesilaus ; he was a Cyrenean , ( his Father named Alexander ) a person of much gravity , and had many Aemulators . He was from his youth much given to study , poor , but pleasing to all company , and of a delightfull conversation . As concerning his managing his houshold affairs , it is reported that when he took any thing out of the place where he kept his Provisions , he locked the dore , and threw the key in at a hole that none might steal ought from him ; which his servants observing , frequently took it , and , opening the dore , carried away what they thought good , and then put it in the same place again , in which fact they were never discover'd . But the most pleasant part of the story , is , that ( as * Numenius affirms ) he was thereby perswaded to be of the opinion of the middle Academicks ; that nothing is comprehended by sense , arguing thus ; why should I think that sense can comprehend any thing certainly , when I know that my own senses are so often deceived ; for when I go abroad , I think that I see with my eies those things which I leave in my storehouse ; when I return I find none of them ; which could not be unlesse our senses were fallible and uncertain . Lacydes upon the death of Arcesilaus , being made master of the School in the 4th year of the 134. Olympiad , taught in the Academy , in the Gardens which were made by Attalus the King , which from him were called the Lacydean Gardens . Laertius , and , from him , Suidas , make him Institutor of the new Academy ; but erroneously . He continued this charge 26 years , at the end whereof he resigned it , whilst he was yet alive , to Telecles and Euander , Phocians , his Disciples , in the second year of the 141. Olympiad . Attalus sending for him to come to him , returned him answer , that Pictures make the best shew at a distance . Studying Geometry in his old age , one said to him , is it now time ? he answered , when , if not now ? Athenaeus saith , that Lacydes and Timon Philosophers , being invited by one of their friends to an entertainment of two daies , and desirous to suit themselves to the company , drunk very freely ▪ Lacyd●s went away first , half drunk , and perceiving Timon to 〈◊〉 away too , said out of Homer . To our great glory Hector we have slain . The next day meeting Timon again at the same place , and seeing him , not able to take off his cups at once , make a pause , when he put it to his mouth the second time , he said out of another place of Homer , Those are unhappy who contest with me . Aelian likewise numbers these two amongst the great drinkers , and perhaps not unjustly ; for by excesse of Wine he fell into the palsie , of which hee died in the second year of the 141. Olympiad . He wrote Philosophicks and of Nature . In the School , he was succeeded , as are said , by EUANDER , Euander , by his Disciple , EGESINUS , whom Clemens Alexandrinus calleth Hegesi●aus , of Pergamus , Egesinus , by CARNEADES . CARNEADES . CARNEADES . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , Time , Masters . CARNEADES ( successour of Egesinus ) was of a Cyrene , whence b Cicero saith , he was an acute person , as being an African . Hee was sonne of Epicomus , or Philocomus . Apollodorus , as cited by Laertius , affirmeth he died in the 162. Olympiad ; but there is a mistake in the Text ; for the words of Apollodorus relate doubtlesse to the time of his birth , which upon that Authority , we may affirm to have been in the first year of 162. Olympiad . Florus ( cited by c Plutarch ) addes , he was born on the 7th day of Tharlegion , at what time the Carnean Festivalls were celebrated at Cyrene , whence perhaps he took his name . This time falling after the Callippical period , we shall compute it according to d Petavius his method , which although it be not exempt from question , yet is better then that of Scaliger , whose method is not reconcileable to Ptolomy's observations . The fourth of the 164. Olympiad , was Of the Julian period 4585. Epoche of the Callippick period 4383. Which subducted , there remains 202. Subduct two perionods more 152. remains 50. The year propounded therefore is the 50th of the third period . The Neomenia of He●atombaeon , Iune 26. which is the 177th day of the Iulian year ; the 7th of Thargelion ( according to Petavius ) at that time was the 302. of the Attick year . To 177. adde 302. Summe 479. Subduct 365 Remains 114. The 114th day of the Julian year is the 24th of April , on which fell the 7th of Thargelion ; which , the Dominicall Letter being B. fell on Sunday , Proleptically taken . e He was Disciple to Egesinus the Academick , and f learned Logick of Diogenes the Stoick , whence in arguing he would many ▪ times say , If I have concluded right , the cause is my own ; if not right , Diogenes must return the ●ina he had of me ; which was the price the Dialectick Philosophers took . CHAP. II. How he constituted the new Academy . HE succeeded Egesinus in the School , and is by Cicero reckon'd the fourth from Arcesilaus , ( who constituted the middle Academy , introducing a suspension of Assent , grounded upon the uncertainty of things : ) Carneades , constituted the new Academy , maintaining the same kind of suspension , with no lesse eagerness ; yet upon more moderate grounds : * for he held that the incomprehensibility of things , proceeded not from the nature of the things themselves , as Arcesilaus maintained ; for as much as every thing really existeth in it self , and if any thing be affirmed or denied of another , it is true or false , as to the thing it self ; but the things themselves remaining firm , we derive from them a Phantasia and similitude , which for the most part like false messengers lie and deceive us . To all true things there some false adjoined , and those so like , that , there is no certain note of Judication and assent , wherefore we cannot perceive any thing to be true . But he was nothing lesse rigid as to the Academicall suspension , for * he denied that any thing could be perceived , not so much as that very maxime ; Nothing can be perceived , arguing thus . All Phantasmes are of two kinds ; the first included the perceptible , and imperceptible ; the second kind , the probable ; and the improbable . Those which are contrary to sense and evidence , pertain to the former division ; against the latter we ought not to say any thing . Wherefore there is no Phantasie followed by perception , but by approbation many ; for it were contrary to nature that nothing should be probable . More fully * Sextus Empericus . Carneades , saith he , did not only oppose the Stoicks , but all that went before him , as to judgment . His first and common argument against all , is , that , by which he showeth absolutely , that there is nothing from which truth can be judged ; not reason , not sense , not phantasy , nor any things , for all these in a word deceive us . His second argument is that whereby he shewes , that although there be something that doth judge , yet it cannot exist without an affection from evidence . For an animall differeth from inanimate things by the sensitive faculty , it apprehendeth thereby both it selfe and externall things ; but sense remaining immovable , impassible , and immutable , is not sense , nor apprehendeth any thing , but being changed , and after some manner affected by incursion of evidents , then it declareth things . In that affection therefore of the soul which ariseth from evidence , we are to seek that which judgeth . This affection is declared when that appeareth from which it proceedeth , which affection is nothing else but phantasy . Phantasy therefore is a certain affection in an animall , which sheweth both it selfe and some others , as when we see any thing , our sight is affected in some manner , so , as it was not before that act of seeing . By this alteration we apprehend two things : First , the alteration it selfe , that is the phantasy . Secondly , that from which this alteration proceeds , the things visible . The like in the rest of the senses . As therefore light manifesteth it selfe and all things in it , so phantasy being the chiefe guide of knowledge in an animall , must like unto Light , manifest both it selfe , and that evident object which effecteth it . But because it doth not alwaies shew that which is true , but often erreth and differeth from the thing whence it proceedeth , like ill messengers , it necessarily followeth that all phantasies cannot leave a judgment of truth , but only if it be true . Again , because there is no phantasie so true , but it may be false ; and of all phantasies that seem true there are some false , which differ little from them , that which judgeth must consist in common phantasy of true and false . But the common phantasy of these comprehendeth not , and if it comprehendeth not , neither is there any thing that judgeth . And if phantasy have not a judicative power , neither can reason judge , for that is derived from phantasy , and justly : For , that whereof it judgeth , ought first to appear unto it ; but nothing can appear but through sense void of reason ; therefore neither sense void of reason ; nor reason it selfe is that which judgeth . Thus disputed Carneades against all other Philosophers , to shew there is not any thing that judgeth . But , being demanded what judgeth , as to the leading of life and acquisition of beatitude , he hath recourse to probable phantasy ; and together with probable , undistracted and circumcurrent , their differences these . Phantasy is the phantasy of somthing , viz. of that of which it is made , and of that in which it is made : That of which it is made is the externall sensible object ; that in which , the Man. It hath two relations , one to the object phancyed , the other to the phantasm derived from that object . From the relation to the object it is either true or false ; true , when it agreeth with the object ; false , when it disagreeth : From its relation to the phantasme , there is one which seemeth true , another false . That which seemeth true is by the Academicks called Emphasis , and probability , and probable phantasie ; that which seemeth not true is called Apemphasis , improbability , and not-p●obable phantasy . For , neither that which seemeth false , and is such ; nor that which is true , and seemeth not such , have any thing in their nature perswasive . But , of these phantasies , that which is manifestly false , and seemeth not true , limiteth the judicatory , but is not that which judgeth , as likewise produceth from that which is , but differs from it , such as was that of the fury proceeding from Electra to Orestes . Of that which seemeth true , one kinde is tenuious , as that which is in a thing so little , as that it is not visible , either because it takes not up room enough , or by reason of the weaknesse of sight , which receiveth things confusedly , and not distinctly . The other is that which hath this common property with the true , that it seemeth to be very true . Now of these , the tenuious , loose , remisse phantasy cannot be that which judgeth ; for that which cannot clearly manifest it selfe , nor the thing that effected it , cannot attract us , nor invite assent ; but that which seemeth true and is manifest enough , that , according to Carneades , is the judge of truth . This being that which judgeth , it hath a great latitude , and being extended into another species , hath a more probable and vehemently effective phantasy . Probable is taken three waies ; first , for that which is true , and seemeth true ; secondly , for that which is false , and seemeth true ; thirdly , for that which is true , common to both . Whence that which judgeth must be that phantasy which seemeth true , which the Academicks call probable . Sometimes the false incurreth ; so that it is necessary to use the common phantasy of true and false ; yet , not because that more seldome incurreth , I mean that which imitateth the truth , we are not to give credit to that which is for the greater part true , whereby it happeneth our judgment and actions are for the most part directed . That which first and commonly judgeth , Carneades held to be this . But forasmuch as phantasy sometimes is not of one kinde , but like a chain , one dependeth on another , there must therefore be a second judge , which is probable and undistracted phantasy . As he who receiveth the phantasy of a man , necessarily receiveth the phantasy of such things as are about him , and without him ; of the things about him , as colour , magnitude , figure , motion , speech , cloathing , shooes ; of things without him , as aire , light , day , heaven , earth , companions , and the like . When therefore none of these phantasies seems false , but all agree in seeming true , we credit it the more . That such a one is Socrates we believe , because he hath all those things which Socrates useth to have , as colour , magnitude , figure , gesture , cloak , in none of these disagreeing with it self . And as some Physitians argue a man to be in a feaver , not from one symptome , as from a high pulse , or great heat , but from the concurrence of that heat with the pulse , as also from ulcerous touch , rednesse , thirst , and the like , all agreeing together . So the Academick maketh a judgment of truth , from a concurrence of phantasies , and when none of all the phantasies that joyne in the concurrence retract him as false , he saith , that which incurreth is true . That there is a credible undistracted concurrence , is manifest from Menelaus : Having left in his ship an image of Helene which he had brought from ●roy , as if it had been Helene her selfe , landing at the Island Pharos , he there met with the true Helene , and from her attracted a true phantasy , but would not believe that phantasy , being distracted by the other , which told him , that he had left Helene in the Ship. Such is undistracted phantasy therefore , which likewise seemeth erroneous , for as much as there are some more undistracted then others . Of undistracted phantasies , that is most credible and perfect which maketh a judgment . Moreover , there is a circumcurrent phantasy , the form whereof is next to be declared . In the undistracted we only enquire whether none of those phantasies which joyne in concurrence , attract us as false , but that they all seem true , and not improbable . But in that which is made by concurse , which useth circumcurrence , strictly examines every phantasy which is in that concurrence , as in Assemblies , when the people take account of every particular person that stands for the Magistracy , whether they deserve that power and right of judging . In the place of Judgment , there is that which judgeth , and that by which the judgment is made , the distance and intervall , figure , time , manner , affection , and operation , each of which we examine strictly . That which judgeth , whether the sight be dimme , for if it be , it is too weak for judgment ; that which is judged , whether it be not too little ; that through which , whether the air be obscure ; the distance , whether it too great ; the medium , whether confused ; the place , whether too wide and vast ; the time , whether too suddain ; the affection , whether not phrenetick ; the operation , whether not unfit to be admitted . For if all these be in one , that which judgeth is probable phantasy , and together , probable , undistracted , and circumcurrent . Wherefore as when in life we enquire concerning some little thing , we examine one witnesse ; when we enquire into somthing of greater consequence , we examine more ; but when of a thing most necessary , we examine each of the witnesses by the joynt testimony of all . So saith Carneades , in light , inconsiderable matters , we make use of probable phantasy , only for judgment ; in things of some moment , of undistracted phantasy ; in things that concern well and happy living , circumcurrent phantasy . And as in things of great moment they take diverse phantasies , so in different circumstances they never follow the same ; for they say , they attend only probable phantasy in such things wherein the circumstance of time alloweth not a strict examination : As for instance . The enemy pursues a man ; he comming to a Cave , takes a phantasy , that there are some enemies there lying in wait : transported by this phantasy as probable , he shunneth and flyeth from the Cave , following the probability of that phantasy , before he accuratly and diligently examine , whether there really be any enemies in ambush in that Cave or no. Probable phantasy is followed by circumcurrent , in those things in which time allowes a curious examination of each particular , to use judgment upon the incurrent thing . As a man coming into a dark room , and seeing a rope rolled up , thinking it to be a serpent , he flies away ; but afterwards returning , he examines the truth , and perceiving it not to stir , begins to think it is not a serpent ; but withall considering , that serpents are somtimes frozen or nummed with the cold , he strikes it with his staffe : and having thus by circumcurrence examined the phantasy which incurred to him , he assenteth , that the phantasy he had taken of that body as a serpent is false . And again , as I said , when we manifestly behold , we assent that this is true , having first over-run in our thoughts that our senses are all entire , and that we behold this waking , not in a dream ; that the air is perspicuous , and a convenient distance from the object . Hereby we receive a creditable phantasy , when we have time enough to examine the particulars concerning the thing seen . It is the same in undistracted phantasy , which they admit , when there is nothing that can retract us , as we said of Menelaus . Hitherto Sextus . Yet , * though nothing can be perceived , a wise man may assent to that which is not perceived ; that is , he may opini●nate ; but so as he knoweth himself to opinionate , and that there is nothing which can be comprehended and perceived . He asserted the ultimate end to be the enjoyment of naturall principles , which , saith Cicero , he maintained , not that he really thought so , but in opposition to the Stoicks . He read the Books of the Stoicks very diligently , and disputed against them with so good successe , that it gave him occasion to say ; If Chrysippus had not been , I had not been . Clitomachus used to say of him , he could never understand what he really held ; for he would somtimes argue on one side , sometimes on the other ; and by the calumny of his wit , saith Cicero , many times deride the best causes . Of the Sorites used by him , see Sextus Empiricus . CHAP. III. Vpon what occasion he was sent on an Embassy to Rome a THE Athenians being fined by the Romans about 500. Talents , at the suit of the Or●pians and Sicyonians , for destroying Oropus a City of Baeotia , sent three Philosophers on an Embassie to the Romane Senate , to procure a mitigation of this fine , which had been imposed upon them without hearing their defence ; Carneades the Academick , Diogenes the Stoick , and Critolaus the Peripatetick . About the time of this Embassy there is much disagreement amongst Authors . Agellius saith , they came after the second Punick War , and maketh Ennius later then their coming ; which Petavius justly conceiveth to be false , for as much as Ennius died in the 585th year from the building of the City . But Cicero affirmeth this Embassy to have been when P. Scipio and M. Marcellus were Consuls , which was the 599th year . Pausanias reckoneth it upon the 603d year of the City , which Casaubone approveth . Each of these Philosophers , to shew his learning , made choice of severall eminent parts of the City , where they discoursed before great multitudes of people to the admiration of all . The Eloquence of Carneades was violent and rapid ; that of Critolaus , neat and smooth , that of Diogenes modest and sober . Carneades one day disputed copiously concerning justice before Galba and Cato , the greatest Orators of that time . The next day he subverted all he had said before by contrary Arguments , a●d took away that Justice which he had so much commended . This he did the better to confute those , that asserted any thing . That dispute whereby he overthrew Justice is recorded in Cicero by L. Furius . To these three Philosophers resorted all the studious young men , and frequently heard and praised them . chiefly the sweetnesse of Carneades , which was of greatest power and no lesse fame then power , attracting eminent and benigne hearers , filled the City with noise like a great wind ; and it was reported that a Grecian person qualified to admiration , attracting all , had infused a serious affection into the young men , whereby forgetting other divertisements and pleasures , they were carried on as it were with a kind of madnesse to Philosophy . This pleased all the Romans , who gladly beheld their Sonns instructed in Greek learning by such excellent men . Onely Cato at the first noise of Admiration of the Greek Learning , was troubled , fearing the young men should apply themselves that way , and so preferre the glory of eloquence before Action and Military discipline . The fame of Philosophers encreasing in the City , and C. Acilius , ( whom Agellius and Macrobius call Caecilius ) an eminent person , having at his own request been the Interpreter of their first Oration to the Senate ; Cato ( who was then very old ) under a fair pretence , moved , that these Philosophers might be sent out of the City , and coming into the Senate-house , blamed the Magistrates , that they had so long suffered such Ambassadors to continue amongst them without any answer , who were able to perswade them to any thing : wherefore he first desired that something might be determined concerning their Embassie , that they might be sent back again to their own Schools , and instruct the Sons of Graecians , and that the Romane youth might , as they did before , apply themselves to the observance of their own Laws and Magistrates . This he did not out of anger to Carneades , as some thought , but out of an ambitious aemulation of the Greek humanity and Literature . CHAP. IV. His Vertues and Apophthegmes . HE was a person infinitely industrious , lesse conversant in Physick then Ethick , and so studious that he neglected to cut his hair and nailes . Valerius Maximus saith , hee was so studious , that when he lay down at meales , his thoughts were so fixt , that he forgot to put his hand to the Table , and that Melissa , who lived with him as a wife , was fain to put him in mind thereof , and help him . He was so e●inent for Philosophy , that the Oratours themselves would many times break up their schools and come and hear him . He had a great and loud-voice , whereupon the Gymnasiarch sent to him not to speak so loud , whereto he answering , send me the measure by which I should speak ; the other wisely and appositely repli'd , you have a measure , your Hearers . He was sharply invective , and in argument almost invincible . He avoided feasting , out of the reason we mentioned , his great studiousnesse . One named Mentor a Bythinian , as Phavorinus saith , who had endeavoured to seduce a Mistris that he kept , coming into the school , he presently jeasted at him , in turning these words of Homer , Hither comes one oppress'd with hoary years , Like Mentor in his voice and looks appears , Who from the School I charge you turn away . The other rising up , reply'd , He thus proclaim'd , the rest did streight obey . Being to dispute with Chrysippus , he purg'd himself by white Hellebore to sharpen his wit , lest any corrupt humours in his stomach might oppresse the vigour and constancy of his mind . He compared Dialectick to the fish Polypus , which when its claws grow long , bites them off ; so Logicians , growing subtle , confute their own assertions . He advised men in their greatest prosperity to be mindfull of a change , for that which is unexpected is most grievous . He said the Sons of rich men and Kings learn nothing well but Riding , for their Masters flatter them ; they who contest with them , willingly yield to them ; but a horse considers not whether a private man or a Prince , a poor man or a rich bee on his back , but if he cannot rule him , he throws his Rider . He seemed to be extreamly averse from death , whence he often said , the same Nature which hath put us together will dissolve us ; and hearing that Antipater dyed by drinking poison , he was a litle animated by his constancy in death , and said , then give me too , they asking what , VVine , saith he , In the midst of the night he was struck blind , and knew not of it , but waking , bid his servant bring a light ; the servant did so , telling him he had brought one , then , said he , read you . CHAP. V. His Death and Writings . HE lived according to Laertius 85. years , or according to Cicecero . 90. The words of * Apollodorus that he died in the fourth year of the 162d Olympiad , which falleth upon the 626th year from the building of Rome , may easily be evinced to be false , by the greatest part of the Circumstances of his life ; particularly from this ; that Antonius in Cicero saith , when hee went ProConsull into Asia , he found Carneades the Academick at Athens , who opposed all in dispute , according to the manner of his Sect. The year of Antonius's Pro-Consulship was the 652. year from the building of Rome . But this account as we said before , is to be applyed to the time of his birth , from which the 85th falleth upon the first year of the 184th Olympiad , the 90th upon the 2d of the 185th . Laertius saith , at his death there was a great Eclipse of the Moon , which some interpreted to proceed from a Sympathy with his losse . Upon this Eclipse I conceive Petavius grounded his computation of Carneades's death , when he saith , * it was upon the first year of the 163. Olympiad . May 2. ●er : 2. hora. 5. 46. at Athens . But there being a mistake of the year , there is consequently a greater in the account of the feria and hour . Carneades , as Cicero saith , wrote four Books of Suspension of Assent . He wrote likewise ▪ Epistles to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia , the only monument left behind him , extant in Laertius's time . Whatsoever else went under his name , Laer●ius saith , was written by his Disciples , of whom hee had many , the most eminent Clitomachus . There are remembred two more of this name , one a Philosopher , Disciple to Anaxagoras , mentioned by Suidas ; the other an Epigrammatick Poet , mentioned by Laertius . CLITOMACHVS . a CLITOMACHUS was a Carthaginian , son of b Diognetus . He was first called Asdrubal , as Plutarch and Laertius affirm , c and profess'd Philosophy in his own Country , and native Language . Being forty years old , he went to Athens , and heard Carneades , who being much taken with his industry , instructed and exercised him in Philosophy . With Carneades , Cicero saith , he lived untill he was old , and succeeded him in the School , and chiefly illustrated his Doctrines by his writings , the number of which bookes being above foure hundred , were a sufficient testimony of his d industry , and that he had no lesse of wit , then Carneades of eloquence . He was well vers'd in three Sects , the Academick , Peripatetick , and Stoick . Of his books are remembered by Cicero , one e of Consolation to his captive Country-men , Carthage being then subdued by the Romans ; another to f Caius Lucilius the Poet , wherein he explained and defended the Academick suspension of Assent , having written before of the same things to L. Censorinus , who was Consul with M. Manilius , the summe of which discourse was this . g The Academicks hold there are such dissimilitudes of things , that some seem probable , others on the contrary . But this is not ground enough to say that some things may be perceived , others cannot , because there are many false that are probable , but no false can be perceived and known . Those therefore extreamly erre , who affirme the Academicks to take away sense ; for they say not , there is no colour , sapor , or sound ; but dispute , that there is not any proper inherent note in these of true and certain : ( which having expounded , he adds ) A wise man suspends assent two waies ; one , when [ as we know ] he absolutely refuseth to assent to any thing ; another , when he withholds from answering , either in approbation or improbation of somthing , so that he neither denyeth nor asserteth it . In the first way he assents to nothing , in the second he will follow probability , and according as he finds it or not , answers yes or no. He who withholdeth his assent from all things , is yet moved , and acteth somthing . He reserves therefore these phantasies by which we are excited to action , and those of which being question'd , we may answer on either part , only as of a thing that seemeth to us so , but without assent ; neither are all such phantasies approved , but only those which are not obstructed by any thing . h In asserting good , he joyned pleasure with honesty , as Callipho also did . i He was a great enemy to Rhetorick , as Critolaus the Peripatetick , and Charmidas were also . Arts they did not expell out of Cities , knowing them to be very profitable to life , no more then they would drive Oeconomick out of Houses , or Shepheards from their Flocks ; but they all persecuted , and every where ejected the art of speaking , as a most dangerous enemy . k He compared Dialectick to the Moon , which is in continuall increase or decrease . l Falling sick , he was taken with a fit of a Lethargie , out of which he no sooner came , but he said , Love of life shall flatter me no longer ; and thereupon with his own hands ended his life . PHILO . a PHILO was of Larissa , he heard Clitomachus many years , and is named by Sextus Empericus , as Constitutor of a fourth Academy ; but Cicero affirmes , he dissallowed the distinction of Academies , and wrote expressely to prove the first and the new Academy to be both one . c Whilst he lived , the Academy wanted not a Patron . d The Romans admired him , as Plutarch affirms , above all Clitomachus's Schollers , for his excellent discourse , and loved him for the sweetnesse of his disposition . Cicero no sooner went out of the first schooles and rudiments of learning , but he became an auditor of Philo , as he acknowledgeth himselfe . Amongst other excellent things ( saith f Stobaeus ) he gave this Division of Philosophy . He compared Philosophy to a Physician : As the office of a Physician is first to perswade the sick person to permit himselfe to be cured ; next to confute the reasons of his adversary : So is it of a Philosopher , both which consist in exhortation . Exhortation is a discourse inciting to vertue ; whereof one part explaineth its great use , the other refelleth adversaries , or such as any way calumniate Philosophy . The comparison holds in a second manner , thus : As the part of a Physitian , after he hath perswaded the Patient to admit of cure , is , to apply the means thereof , as well to remove the causes of the disease , as to induce and settle health ; so is it in this Science . After exhortation , he endeavoureth to apply the cure , by removing false opinions wherewith the soul is infected , and by substituting true . In the second place therefore it treats of good and evill , for the sake of which the exhortation was made . Thirdly , the comparison holds thus : As all Medicines refer to one end , health ; so all Philosophy to Beatitude . That part which treats of ends is joyned with another which treats of life . For as in Medicine , it is not sufficient to restore health , unlesse it likewise deliver rules by which it may be preserved ; so in life , some precepts are required for conservation of the end : And this part also is twofold ; private , or common : One considers the affairs of particular persons , as , whether a wise man should mannage a Common-wealth , whether he may live with Princes , whether he may marry : The other considers the businesse of all in generall ; as , what Commonwealth is best , how Magistrates are to be chosen . This common part is called Politick , and is treated of distinctly by it selfe , as being of greatest latitude . Now is fall were wise men , there would be no need of more places , for the more subtle divisions would emerge from the precedent . But because there must likewise be a care of the middle sort of men , who cannot apply themselves to long disputations , either through want of time , or diversion of businesse , there must not be omitted a treating of precepts , which delivereth short rules concerning the use of each . As to the Stoicall judicatory , comprehensive phantasy , he held all things to be incomprehensible ; as to the nature of the things themselves , comprehensible . Thus he took away the comprehensive phantasy asserted by Zeno. He held that to be a good connex ; which beginneth from true and endeth in false , as ( if it be day , and I dispute ) this , If it is day , I dispute : According to which tenet there may be true axioms three waies , a false only one way : For , when it beginneth from true , and endeth in true , it is true ; as , If it is day , it is light : And when it beginneth from false , and endeth in false , it is true ; as , If the earth flies , the earth hath wings . Likewise if it beginneth from false and endeth in true , it is true ; as , If the earth flies , it is earth . That which is false , is that which beginneth from true , and endeth in false ; as , If it is day , it is night ; for , the antecedent , it is day , is true ; but the consequent , it is night , is false . He appointed , that the precepts of Oratours should be delivered at one time , those of Philosophers at another . ANTIOCHVS . a ANTIOCHUS was an Ascalonite , b brother of Aristus , Disciple of Philo. He lived with L. c Lucullus , the Quaestor and Generall ; he was also a great friend to d Atticus , whom he invited to the Academy . He is named by Sextus Empericus , as Constitutor of a fifth Academy : For , as e Plutarch saith , he fell off from the Sect of Carneades , either moved by the evidence of sense , or , as some thought , by ambition , and dissention with the Disciples of Clitomachus and Philo. So that with some little alteration , he made use of the Doctrines of the Stoicks ; and f though he were called an Academick , he had been , but for some alterations , an absolute Stoick ; g whence it was said of him , He taught the Stoicall Philosophy in the Academy ; for he manifested , that the Doctrines of the Stoicks were in ●lato . In his old age , saith h Cicero , he betook himselfe to the old Academicks , forsaking the new , i and diligently enquiring into the opinion of the Antients , k endeavoured to follow Aristotle and Xenocrates , l professing , that the Stoicks and Peripateticks agreed in the thing , and differed only in words . To which effect Cicero mentions a Book which he sent to Balbus : He wrote also m another against his Master Philo , entituled Sosus . n Cicero being at Athens heard him , and was much taken with the eloquence and volubility of his discourse , ( o declaring him to be the most polite and acute of all Philosophers in his time ) p but not with the new Doctrine which he introduced . Thus far there is a continued series of the Academick Philosophers . FINIS . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Sixt Part , Containing the Peripatetick Philosophers . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Tho ▪ Dring . An. Dom. 1656. ARISTOTELES . ARISTOTELES . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , and time of his Birth . UPon the death of Plato his Disciples separated themselves into two Sects . The first continued in the same school , where he taught , the Academy ; the other possess'd the Lyceum . The first was known by the generall name of Academicks , or a Peripateticks of the Academy ; the the other by the generall name of Peripateticks , or more particularly , Peripateticks of the Lyceum . Of the first we have discoursed already ; we come now to the other , of which Aristotle was the Head. b Aristotle was born at Stagira , a City of Thrace , according to c Herodotus , d Thucydides , e Pausanias and Suidas , by others placed in Macedonia , to take from him the imputation of a Barbarian . It was seated upon Strymon a River which parts those two Countries , having a Haven called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a little Island of the same name belonging to it . This place , to which Aristotle ow'd his birth , he afterwards requited with extraordinary Gratitude . f His Father was named Nicomachus , descended from Nicomachus Son of Machaon ( whose skill in Medicine is celebrated by Homer ) Son of Aes●ulapius , from whom Aristotle's Father , derived not only his Pedigree , but his art also , for he was a Physician . Suidas saith , he wrote six Books of Medicine , and one of Physick . g Galen alledgeth a Plaister of one Nicomachus ; either this or the elder . This Nicomachus ( h whom some affirm to have been grandson to Hipp●crates the Physician ) lived in the time of Amyntas King of Macedonia , ( Father of Philip ) a Prince ( as Iustine witnesseth ) eminent for all Royall Vertues . To him Nicomachus was not only Physician , but friend and favourite . i Tzetzes forgot these relations of Aristotle ( as Nunnesius observes ) when he affirmed that he was called an Aesculapian figuratively , in respect of his skill in Medicine , though it be true also that hee did professe that Art. His Mother Laertius and Suidas name Phaestias , k Dionysius Halicarnassaeus , and Ammonius , Phaestis . l Ammonius saith , she also was descended from Aesculapius , alledging in testimony thereof this Epigram , His Mother Phaesis , Sire Nicomachus , Descended both from Aesculapius . But Dionysius Halicarnassaeus saith , she was daughter a Chalcidian , one of the Colony which was sent from Chalcis to Stagira . Her Picture , Aristotle , in piety to her memory , caused to be made by Protogenes an eminent Painter of that time , which Picture m Pliny reckons amongst the choicest pieces of that Master . Aristotle ( as Suidas affirms ) had a Brother named Arimnestus , and Sister Arimneste . His Brother died before him , without issue , as appears by his will. Aristotle was born , according to the testimonies of n Apollodorus , o Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and others , in the first year of the 99 t● Olimpiad , at what time Diotrephes was Archon at Athens , 44. years after the Birth of Plato , as p Athenaeus accounts , more justly then Ammonius and Suidas , who reckon but 42. before the birth of Demosthenes , three years . q Agellius affirms , he was born the seventh year after the recovery of the City of Rome from the Gaules by Camillus ; r but because ( as Plutarch saith ) it is hard to find out on what year the City was taken , it will be hard also to find upon what year it was recovered . The recovery was seven months after its taking , but , in the following year , for it was taken in Iuly , recover'd in February . If therefore as Valerius Flaccus , Agellius , and Cassius Hemina account , the taking of the City was in the 363d year from the building thereof , it was recover'd in the 364th . Thus Aristotle was born in the first year of the 99th Olympiad , the 370th from the building of Rome . But , if a Livy affirms , the taking of Rome was in the 365th year from the building thereof , and its recovery in the 366th , Aristotle according to that account must have been born in the third year of the 99th Olympiad , in the 372d year from the building of the City . Again , if the City were taken , in the 364th year after the building thereof , and recover'd in the 365th year , as Varro , Pliny , Dionysius Halicarnassaeus account , whom Scaliger followeth , Aristotle must have been born in the second year of the 99th Olympiad , the 371. from the building of the City , reckoning alwaies ten months for a year , and not casting them off , as Pliny and others seem to do , and beginning immediately the next year , which months being reckoned , the account will agree with ours ; hitherto Nunnesius . CHAP. II. His first Education and Studies . a N Icomachus and Phaestis the Parents of Aristotle being both dead , he was brought up by Proxenus an Atarnean , during which time being yet very young , he learned the Liberall Sciences , as appeareth , saith Ammonius , from those writings of his which partly concern Poetry , partly the Poets themselves , as likewise from his Homericall questions , and severall Books of the Art of Rhetorick . b In gratitude for this care taken by Proxenus in his education , Aristotle afterwards , not only bred up in like manner Nica●or , the Son of Proxenus , in all kinds of Learning , but adopted him his Son , and with his Estate bequeathed his Daughter to him . c He likewise caused the Statues of Proxenus and his wife , to be made and set up in honour of them , as is manifest by his Will. d Athenaeus ( citing an Epistle of Epicure ) and e Aelian relate , that having consumed the inheritance left by his Father in prodigality and luxury ; he betook himself to the Warres , wherein having ill successe , he profess'd Medicine , and by chance , coming into Plato's School , and hearing their disputes , being of a wit far beyond the rest , he addicted himself to Philosophy , and became famous therin . But this agrees not wel with the circumstances of his story , as related by Authors of greater credit and lesse prejudice . CHAP. III. How he heard Plato . a HAving attained the age of 17. years , he went ( in obedience to the Pythian Oracle , which advised him to addict himself to Philosophy ) to Athens , Laertius saith ( out of Apollodorus ) that he was then but seventeen years old , in which year ▪ Nausigenes was Archon ; Dionysius Halicar●assaeus saith , it was the year following , at what time Polyzelus was Archon , perhaps it was upon Nausigenes's going out of his Office , whom Polyzelus succeeded . But b Eumenus is much mistaken , who saith , he was thirty years old when hee came first to Plato , perhaps ( as Nunnesius conjectures ) because he had read in Plato , that Dialectick ought not to be studied till the thirtieth year . And no lesse erre Ammonius , ( if he be Author of that Life ) and Olympiodorus , who affirm , that Aristotle coming to Athens in the seventeenth year of his age , heard Socrates three years , whereas Socrates was put to death when Laches was Archon , thirty two years before Nausigenes , under whom Aristotle was seventeen years old . Being recommended to Plato , he became his Disciple , and so continued twenty years , as an Epistle of his to Philip ( cited by the old Interpreter of his life ) did testifie . Plato much loved him , and admired his acutenesse of apprehension , and diligence in study ; for which ( c Philoponus saith ) Plato used to call him the Minde of the Schoole ; and when d he was not at his Lectures , he would say , The Intellect is not here , or , as Rhodiginus , The Philosopher of truth is absent . And comparing his acutenesse with the dulnesse of Xenocrates , Plato was wont to say , e What an horse , and what an asse have I to yoke together : Xenocrates needs a spur , Aristotle a bit . f Whilst he lived with Plato , he was extreamly studious , and given to reading , insomuch that Plato called his house , the house of the great Reader , and would often say , g Let us go to the great Readers house . This may be confirmed by that great number of antient Authors which are cited in his works . And though h Laertius ( either in his own , or Carneades's words ) saith , that Aristotle hath thrust in as many sentences of old Authors in his writings , as both Zeno and Chrysippus ; yet , every one that is acquainted with the writings of Aristotle , knoweth how judiciously and concisely he giveth an account of their opinions , not for ostentation , but disquisition . Some report there was a great enmity betwixt Plato and Aristotle , i which first arose from Plato's dislike of his manner of habit : For , Aristotle wore rich garments , and rich shooes , and contrary to Plato's rule , cut his hair short , and wore rings . He had likewise ( say they ) a scornfull derision in his look , and tenacious contradiction in his discourse , which Plato not approving , preferred before him Xenocrates , Speusippus , Amyclas , and others , to whom he communicated his Doctrine and many favours ; but repudiated Aristotle , who thereupon , k whilst Plato was yet alive , set up a School in opposition to him , in the Lyceum : at which ingratitude , ●lato much troubled , said , Aristotle kicks at us as young Colis at the damme that foaled them , when they have sucked their sill , and l for that reason , usually called Aristotle the Colt. m They add , that Xenocrates being gone into his Country , and Speusippus not well , Aristotle came into Plato's School with some of his followers , and circumvented him with fallacious arguments , whereupon Plato retired to his own house , and there taught privately , leaving Aristotle in possession of the Schoole , which he kept , till Xenocrates returning , ejected him , and reinstated Plato . The chiefe author of this report seemes to have been Aristoxenus , cited by n Eusebius , who as o Suidas observes , assoon as Aristotle was dead , cast many aspersions upon him , out of a malitious revenge , because Aristotle preferred Theophrastus before him in the succession of the School , notwithstanding that Aristoxenus had gained a great name and credit among the Disciples . But as Ammonius argues ; it is not likely that Aristotle , if he would , could have ejected Plato out of the School , or have obtained licence to erect a new one in opposition to him ; for as much as at the same time , Cha●rias and Timotheus , Plato's kinsmen , were in great power , and Generalls of the Athenian forces . Yet , some there are who affirm this , grounding it only on Aristotles contradicting of Plato in many things ; to which Ammonius answers , that Aristotle doth not simply contradict Plato ▪ but those who misinterpret his writings . For , if he do sometimes contradict Plato , what wonder ? seeing that therein he followeth Plato his Author , whose saying it was , that Truth ought to be preferred before all things ; as also that saying , Socrates indeed is dear , but Truth most dear : And elsewhere , What Socrates saith , we must not so much regard , as we ought to be solicitous concerning Truth . The same course Aristotle took , if at any time he confuted Plato's assertion , therein obeying him , by following the Truth , and it is observed by p some , that he is very sparing in naming him , where he opposeth his doctrine , and that thrice he makes honourable mention of him in his q Rhetorick , his Book of the World , ( if that be his ) and his r Problems . True therefore it is , ( as s Apollodorus , Dionysius Halicarnassaeus , but especially Aristotle himselfe , in his t Epistle to Philip , affirm , ) that he was a constant , sedulous hearer of Plato twenty years , u unto the thirty seventh of his age , even untill Plato died , and then was so great an honourer of his memory , that in testimony of his extraordinary affection , he erected an Altar to him , bearing this inscription : x This Altar Aristotle's hand did raise To Plato , whom the impious must not praise . y Olympiodorus speaking of the honour which Aristotle gave to his Master , confirmeth it by this argument , that he writ a whole oration in commendation of Plato , wherein he first made a relation of his life , then praised him . He adds , that Aristotle in his Elegies to Eudemus , extolls him thus : And coming to the fam'd Cecropian Town , In signe of friendship did an Altar raise To him , whom impious persons must not praise : Who straying man to vertue did restore Much by his precept , by example more . One to the Gods so pious , good to men , No future age must think to see again . z Some affirm , that whilst he lived with Plato , he profess'd Medicine , and kept a shop : but those a Aristocles confutes . CHAP. IV. How he lived with Hermias . a P Lato dying in the first year of the 108th Olympiad , and Speusippus his Nephew succeeding in the School , Aristotle went to Hermias the Eunuch , King of Atarna , a City of Mysia in Asia , who heretofore had been his fellow Disciple under Plato , and had a particular kindness for him . Hermias received him with great testimonies of love and respect . With him he lived three years , [ b instructing him in Philosophy , ] at the end whereof , Hermias was ( as c Strabo saith ) surprised by Memnon , a Rhodian , and sent to Artaxerxes ; King of Persia , who put him to death . Pythai● his sister , a woman of extraordinary vertue , ( whom Hermias , having no children , had design'd his heir ) being upon this accident reduced to great extremities and afflictions , Aristotle , in a pious gratitude to the memory of his friend , ( as his own d Letter to Antipater attesteth ) took her to wife , and e set up the statue of Hermias in the Temple at Delphi , with this Inscription . This man the Persian King against all right A sacrifice to his fierce anger made , Not like a foe by martiall armes in fight ; But as a friend by show of love b●tray'd . He wrote likewise a Hymne to Vertue , in memory of his Friend , to this effect . Vertue , whom we all obtain With much labour , but more gain , For your sake to dy would please , Toyle and torments were but ease . You direct men in pursuit Of immortall sacred fruit , Richer far then gold refin'd , Soft as sleep , as parents kinde . Great Alcides for your sake Labours vast did undertake . Leda's valiant twins made known More your glories then their own ; Ajax and Achilles too Only dy'd for love of you ; Ah! for you Atarna's pride , Hermias untimely dy'd . But his name we will revive ; That our Muse shal keep alive , Paying hospitable Jove Pious thanks for a friends love . There wanted not those who cast many aspersions and calumnies upon this Vertuous friendship : some affirm'd that Hermias lov'd Aristotle inordinately ( an imputation not well suiting with an Eunuch ) and that for this Reason , he gave him Pythais to wife , whom Suidas and the Greek Etymologist affirm to have been his Daughter either by Nature or Adoption , Demetrius Magnesius his Neece , Aristippus his Concubine , so little do they agree in their relation . They adde that Aristotle was so passionately in Love with her , that he sacrificed to her after the same manner ; as the Athenians to Ceres at Eleusis . This Laertius relates as done whilst she was alive ; But Lyco first Author of this calumny , that it was after her death . Moreover , that Aristotle in a thankfull acknowledgement of his Bounty , wrote a Paean in praise of Hermias , meaning the Hymn last mentioned , which f Athenaeus , proveth against the calumniations of Demophilus not to be a sacred hymne or Paean , but a Scolion or Festivall Song . Hence Theocritus the Chian derides him in this Epigram . To the slave Eunuch who Atarne swai'd An empty tombe empty Aristotle made , Who from the Academy did retire To wallow in vain pleasures faithless mire . In answer to these calumnies ( first raised by Lyco , dispersed further by Aristippus , and continued by those that maligne the memory of Aristotle ) Apellieo writ certain Books , wherein he accurately confutes those who durst in this manner impudently blaspheme ( such are his words ) the name of Aristotle ; so much prejudice and malice being in the accusation , as might easily argue the falsenesse thereof . g Upon the death of Hermias , Aristotle ( h and with Xenocrates ) fled from Atarna to Mitylene , as Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm in the fourth year of the 108. Olympiad , Eubulus being Archon . CHAP. V. How he lived with Philip and Alexander . ABout this time Philip King of Macedonia , Father of Alexander , taking care for the Education of his Son , now growing towards mans estate , and unwilling ( saith a Plutarch ) to commit his Education to Professors of Musick , or any other of the liberall Sciences , as knowing him fit for higher designes , sent to Aristotle the most famous and learned of Philosophers , to come and instruct him . b Agellius recites his Epistle , which was to this effect . Philip to Aristotle , health . KNow that I have a Son , I render the Gods many thanks ; not so much for his birth , as that he was born in your time , for I hope that being educated and instructed by you , he will become worthy both of us , and the Kingdom which he shall inherit . Aristotle at this request of Philip , went to Macedonia to him , in the 4th year of the 108. Olympiad , as c Apollodorus and Dio●ystus Halicarnassaeus affirm , at what time Alexander was fifteen yeares old . d He lived there infinitely esteem'd and beloved of Philip and Olympia his Wife , Alexander's Mother , e They caused his Statue to be made and set up in honour of him . Philip had a kindnesse to particular for him that he allo'wd him in manner an equal share in the Government of the Kingdom , which interest , Ammonius saith , he employed to the advantage as well of private persons , as of the publick , as appeareth ( saith the Latine Interpreter of his life ) by his Epistles to Philip. f Plutarch affirm●s , that Philip as a recompence to Aristotle , reedified the Town where hee was born , Stagira , which he had before laid wast . He likewise assign'd him a School and study , near Mieza a Town of Macedonia not far from thence , where , unto this day ( saith Plu●arch ) they shew the stony seats and shady walks of Aristotle . g He instructed Alexander in the deepest parts of Learning , not only in Ethick and Politicks , but his most reserved and solid Doctrines call'd Acroatick and Epoptick ; never communicated to the Vulgar . That he taught him likewise the Art of Medicine , Plutarch argueth , for as much as Alexander was not only exceedingly delighted with the Theory thereof , but practised it successfully upon many of his friends , to whom he prescribed Receipts and diets , as appeareth , saith he , by his Epistle . h Perceiving Alexander to be much taken with Homer's Iliads , as conceiving , and calling it the best●●stitution of military Vertue , he took much pains in correcting and restoring the text , and then gave it to Alexander , which copy ●he infinitely prised . He writ a Book to Alexander , intituled ; Of a Kingdom , mentioned by Laertius and Ammonius , wherein he instructed him how to rule . i So much did he incline the mind of Alexander to do good● , that he used to say , if any day pass'd wherein he had not conferred some benefit , I have not reign'd to day . k Alexander so much affected him , that he professed he admired and loved him no lesse then his Father , because his Father , he said , only gave him being , but Aristotle well-being . The love which Philip and Alexander bore him was so great , that Theocritus the Chian cast the same aspersion upon it , as he did on his friendship with Hermias . In the first year of the 111th Olympiad ; Pythodorus being Archon , Philip dyed , and was succeeded by his Son Alexander , whose active spirit , soon after his coming to the Crown , designed an expedition against the King of Persia. Hereupon Aristotle having now lived with Alexander eight years , ( though Justine saith but five , which some interpret of the time before Philips death , but not without some violence , for that was above seven ) preferring the quiet of a Contemplative life before the troubles of War , took leave of him , returned to Athens , leaving in his room Callisthenes an Olynthian , his Kinsman ( Son of his Cozen Hero ) and Disciple ; l whom before his departure observing to speak with too much liberty and obstinacy to the King , he reproved in these words , Son , if thou thus employ thy tongue , Thy thread of life cannot be long . And so it came to passe not long after upon this occasion . Hermolaus Son of Sopolis , a youth of a noble Family that studied Philosophy under Callisthenes , hunting the Wild Bore with Alexander , prevented the King by casting his dart first at him , for which he was by the Kings command punished with many stripes . Troubled at the ignominy thereof , he conspired with Sostratus , Antipater , and some other companions of his to murther Alexander ▪ which treason being discovered by Epimenes one of the Conspirators , they were all put to death . Aristobulus and Ptolemaeus Son of Lagus affirms they accused Callisthenes , as him who instigated them to this attempt . Hereupon Callisthenes was put into an iron Cage , and so carried up and down in a miserable fordid condition , and at last , as Laertius relates ( though others otherwise ) thrown to Lyons and devoured . CHAP. VI. His School and manner of Teaching . THus Aristotle having lived eight years with Alexander , returned to Athens , as a Apollodorus and b Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm , in the second year of the hundred and eleventh Olympiad , Pythodorus being Archon , where he found Xenocrates teaching in the Academy , which place was resigned unto him by Speusippus , in the fourth year of the hundred and ninth Olympiad . Hence it appeareth , that c Hermippus erreth , in affirming , that Xenocrates took upon him the School of Plato , at what time Aristotle was sent by the Athenians on an Embassy to Philip. For as d Patricius hath observed , it can no way agree in time , it being certain , as Laertius attests , that Speusippus succeeded Plato in the School in the first year of the hundred and eight Olympiad , immediately upon Plato's death , and continued therein eight years , that is , to the end of the hundred and ninth Olympiad ; in the second year of which Olympiad , Aristotle , as we said , went to Philip , not on an Embassy , but upon his invitation to educate Alexander . Neither is the Author of Aristotles life lesse mistaken , who saith , that upon the death of Speusippus , the Athenians sent to Aristotle , and that both of them , Aristotle and Xenocrates , took upon them Plato's School , Xenocrates in the Academy , Aristotle in the Lyceum . But this errour is easily detected by the same computation ; for at the time of Spe●sippus's death , Aristotle was with Alexander , nor did he leave him untill six years after , all which time Xenocrates profess'd Philosophy in the Academy . e The Academy being prepossess'd by Xenocrates , Aristotle made choice of the Lyceum , ( f a place in the suburbs of Athens , built by Pericles for the exercising of Souldiers . ) Here he taught and discoursed of Philosophy , to such as came to him , walking constantly every day till the houre of anointing , which the Greeks usually did before meals , whence he and his followers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from walking Peripateticks . Others say , he was called Per●pa●et●ck from walking with Alexander , newly recovered of a sicknesse , in which manner he used to discourse of Philosophy with him . g The number of his auditors encreasing very much , he gave over walking , and taught sitting , saying , Now to be silent most disgracefull were , And see Xenocrates possesse the chair . Though Cicero and Quintilian affirm , he used this verse against Isocrates , in emulation of whom , he taught Rhetorick to his Disciples every morning . h So many Disciples resorted to him , that he made Lawes in his School , as Xenocrates did in the A●ademy , creating Archons that ruled ten daies . i The discourse and doctrine which he delivered to his Disciples was of two kinds . One he called Exoterick , the other Acroatick . Exoterick were those which conduced to Rhetorick , meditation , nice disputes , and the knowledge of civill things . Acroatick those in which more remote and subtile Philosophy was handled , and such things as pertain to the contemplation of nature , and Dialectick disceptations . Acroatick Discipline he taught in the Lyceum in the morning , not admitting every one to come and hear them , but those only , of whose wit and principles of Learning , and diligence in study , he had before made tryall . His Exoterick Lectures were in the afternoon and evenings ; these he communicated to all young men without any distinction , calling the latter his evening walk , the former , his morning walk . CHAP. VII . His Philosophy . IN Philosophy ( saith a Ammonius ) he seemeth to have done more then Man , for there is not any part of Philosophy whereof he treated , but he doth it most accurately , and many things he himselfe ( such was his sagacity and acutenesse ) finding out , compleated and finished . b In Logick it was his invention , that he separated the precepts of Disputation from the things themselves of which we dispute , and taught the manner and reason of disputation . For they who went before , though they could demonstrate , yet they knew not how to make a demonstration ; as they who cannot make shooes , but only wear them . Alexander Aphrodisaeus affirmes , that he first reduced Syllogismes to Mood and Figure . Philoponus , that he invented all Dialectick Method , whence Theodorus calls him , both inventer and perfecter of Logick , which he indeed in a manner challengeth ( but modestly ) to himselfe , in the last Chapter of his Elenchs , affirming nothing had been done in that kinde before , but what the Eristicks and Sophists taught . As for the Categories , the invention whereof some ascribe to the Pythagoreans , it is much more probable that they were wholly his own ; for those books entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the name of Archytas , from which some conceive Aristotle to have borrowed much , the particulars whereof are instanced by c Patricius , The●istius affirmes , to have been written , not by the Pythagorean ( neither hath Laertius made mention of any writings of his , for the Pythagoreans at that time wrote but little , the first that wrote any thing being Philolaus ) but by some Pe●ipatetick , who thought his work might passe with greater credit , if published in the name of so antient a Philosopher . In Physick the ●ift essence , whereof celestiall bodies consist , distinct from the foure Elements , is generally ascribed to his invention , only Simplicius citeth the authority of Xenocrates , in his book of the life of Plato , that Plato constituted five simple bodies , Heaven , and the foure Elements asserting they differ no lesse in nature then in figure , for which reason he assigned the figure of a Dodecaedron to Heaven , differing from the figure of the foure Elements . But these , as the learned Nunnesius observes , seem to be rather Symbolicall , and Pythagoricall , then the true meaning of Plato . For Plato in his Timaeus expressely averrs , that the Heavens are of their own nature dissolute , but by the divine Will , are kept together , as it were , by a Tye from being dissolved . Xenarchus , a Philosopher , wrote against the fift Essence , introduced by Aristotle , whom Alexander Aphrodisaeus exactly answereth . Theodorus calleth Aristotle , the Perfecter of Physick , adding , ●that only his writings upon that subject were approved by following ages , who rejected whatsoever others had written in the same kinde , as appeareth by their losse . What Epicure and others have objected against him as a fault , that he enquired with such diligence into the minute , and meanest things of nature , is a sufficient testimony of his excellence and exactnesse in this study . d In Ethick , whereas Polyaenus placed Felicity in externall goods , Plato in those of the soule only , Aristotle placed it chiefly in the soul ; but affirmed it to be de●●led and straigh●ned if it want exteriour goods , properly using these terms . For those things which are de●iled have the same beauty within , but their superficies only is hidden ; and those which are straightned have the same reall magnitude . c In Metaphysick , which he calleth First-Philosophy , and Wisdome , and ( as the more antient Philosophers before him ) Theologie , f though there be not any invention of his extant , yet , he perfectly went through all the parts thereof . For he was not only acquainted , as some falsely imagine , with terrestriall things , and those which belong to this World ; but even with those things which are above this World , as may appear from the eight book of his Physick , where he saith , that the first cause is not subject to motion , neither in it sel●e , nor by accident , in which words he declareth , that God is not a body , nor any way passible . And in his 12th book of Wisdome , or Metaphysicks , he discourseth accurately of God and Intelligences , in a rationall clear way , not in●olv'd in Fables , or Pythagoricall Symbols ; but , founding his assertion upon reason and demonstration , as much as the subject , and human reason alloweth . g Patricius labours much to prove that whatsoever he had in this kind excellent , he borrow'd from Hermes Trismegistus . But ( h as we have already said , ) Mr. Casaubon hath fully evin●'d that Book to have been imposed upon the World by some later writer . What is added by the antient Latine Interpreter concerning Aristotle's sentence of that visuall Hexagonall Pyramid , ( which i a learned person hath observed to be chosen as a midle way betwixt the sentence of those who made the optick penicill a pyramid of a quadratick base , and those who made it of a Conick figure , ) is very obs●ure , and hardly admits of an Interpretation worthy so great an Author . CHAP. VIII . His correspondence with Alexander . WHilst Aristotle taught Philosophy at Athens , his Disciple Alexander was employed in an Expedition to Asia against Darius King of Persia , incited thereunto by the principles of Honour , which were infused into him by Aristotle , particularly from the Presidents of Achilles , Ajax , and other Heroes celebrated by Homer , whose Iliads Aristotle had so c●refully recomm●nded unto him . He began this expedition in the third year of the 11th Olympiad , at which time Ctesicles was Archon at Athens , immediately after the departure of Aristotle , who ( it is probable ) came only for this reason from him , as preferring a quiet and studious life before the troubles of War. The first thing that Alexander did , was to visit the Tombe of Achilles in the Sigaeum , at the sight whereof he broke forth into these words ; O fortunate young man , that hadst a Homer to celebrate thy praise ● for had it not been for his Iliads , addes a Cicero , in the same Tombe where Achilles's his body lay , his name also would have been buried . He took with him the Iliads of Homer , corrected by Aristotle , and made it his constant companion , insomuch that hee put it every night with his dagger , under his pillow . And in a Victory over Darius , having taken a Casket of Unguents of extraordinary value amongst the spoiles of Darius , beset with Pearles and precious stones , ( as b Pliny describes it , ) his friends telling him how many uses it might be put to , because Unguents did not become a Souldier ; Yes , saith he , it shall serve to keep the Books of Homer , that the most precious work may be kept in the richest case ; hence was this correct copy called , as Plutarch saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whilst he was in Asia , engaged in the Warrs against Darius , in the midst of his continuall Victories and businesse , hearing that Aristotle had published his Acroatick books of naturall Philosophy , he sent this Letter to him ; Alexander d to Aristotle , Health . YOu have not done well in publishing your Acroatick discourses , for wherein shall we excell others , if this Learning , wheri● we have been instituted , be made common to all ? As for me , I had rather excell others in knowledge then in power . Farewell . To which Aristotle returned this answer . Aristotle e to Alexander , health . YOu wrote to me concerning my Acroatick Discourses , that they ought not to have been communicated ; but kept secret . Know , that they are made publick , and not publick , for none but they who have heard us can understand them . Farewel . Thus , notwithstanding Alexander were busied in the Warres , yet he forgot not his Master Aristotle , but kept a friendly correspondence with him . So constant was he in his love to Learning , and particularly so much enflam'd ( as f Pliny saith ) with a curious desire of understanding the natures of living Creatures , that he sent thousands of men , throughout all Asia and Greece to procure all kinds of living Creatures , birds , beasts and fishes , at an excessive charge ; g Athenaeus saith , 800. Talents , which according to h Budaeus's account is 840000 ▪ crowns : these men he sent with what they took to Aristotle , that he might not be ignorant of any thing that any Nation afforded ; by which information , he composed , as Pliny affirmeth , 50. excellent Volumes , of Li●ing Creatures , of which ten are only left , unlesse we put into the same number , those Books of his which have some near relation to this subject ; as Of the going of living Creatures , 1. Of the parts of living Creatures and their causes , 4. Of the Generation of living Creatures , 5. If this were done by Alexander , as Pliny and Athenaeus attest ( though i Aelian ascribe it to Philip ) it must necessarily have been whilst he was in his Asiatick expedition . For Aristotle , as hath been already proved , staid but a very short time with him after the death of his Father . Aristotle made the same use of this correspondence with Alexander , as he had done of the Interest he before had with Philip , the advantage not only of particular person , but of whole Cities . This City of Stagira , the place of his Birth , did acknowledge , which , at the suit of Aristotle , Alexander caused to be reedified , and repeopled , and restored to its former state , having before by Philip been laid levell with the ground , For , though Plutarch relate this as done in the time of Philip , Laertius , Ammonius , Dion , Chrysostome , Aelian , and others hold ▪ that it was done by Alexander , to which Valerius Maximus addes , that it was not long before Aristotles death . In memory of which Benefit , the people of Stagira used to celebrate a yearly Festivall , which they called the Aristotelean Feast , naming the month in which it fell Stagirites . l Erestus likewise , the Country of Theop●rastus , which Alexander determined to punish very severely ; by the mediation of Aristotle was pardoned . That he benefited many particular persons is evident , saith Ammonius , from his Epistles to the King , yet extant , wherein he recommends severall persons to him . Hence it is manifest , that the Author of his life is mistaken , when he affirmes , that in Alexanders Asiatick expedition , Aristotle accompanyed him to the Brachmanes , where he writ that noble piece of the Lawes and institutions of 255 Cities . That likewise he travelled over all Persia with Alexander , where during the War , Alexander died , and Aristotle returned into his own Country . This relation agrees not with the other circumstances of Aristotles life . Alexander died in the fourth year of the hundred and thirteenth Olympiad , two years before Aristotle's departure from Athens . But as it is apparent , that this mistake proceeded only from ignorance ( yet that so great , that m Patricius argues from thence , neither Ammonius not Philoponus to be the Authors of his life ) so are there some other errours , which no lesse manifestly appear to have proceeded from malice , raised , it is likely , by the Authors of the other scandalls and imputations , wherewith they sought to blast his memory . n Some affirm , that Alexander upon the treason of Callisthenes , took a great displeasure against Aristotle , for having recommended him to him . For though at first , writing to Criterus , Attalus , and Alcetas , immediately upon this accident , he sent them word , that the youths had confessed , the plot proceeded only from themselves , not by the instigation of any other . o Yet afterwards , in an Epistle to Antipater , he imputes the same crime to Callisthenes , not without this sharp reflection upon Aristotle : The youths , saith he , were stoned to death by the Macedonians ; but , as for the Sophist , I will punish him my selfe , and those who sent him , and those who entertain in their Cities such as are Traitors to me . Hereupon they interpret the bounty of Alexander to Xenocrates , and favour to Anaximenes , as not proceeding from the magnificence of his disposition , p but from the displeasure he had conceived against Aristotle , whom he endeavoured to vex , by obliging his adversaries and aemulators . Upon this supposed displeasure was grounded another report , that q Aristotle conspiring with Cassander against Alexander , sent him , by Antipater , some of the water of Styx , wherewith he poisoned Alexander . But the Relators hereof differ not a little amongst themselves : Diodorus Siculus and Suidas affirme , that Alexander was poisoned by Cassander son of Antipater ; Arianus by Iolla his younger son : Porphyrius saith , that nothing but the horn of an Asse , such as the Asses of Scythia had , would contain the poyson : Iustine and Pausanias , the hoofe of a Horse ; Pliny and Arrian of a Mule ; Plutarch and Zonaras , of an Asse . They differ no lesse about the place whence the water was fetch'd . Neither indeed can it be expected there should be a better harmony amongst the Relators of this Fable , when there is so great dissention , and variety of relations , concerning the occasion and manner of his death . But the most creditable is that of Ephippus ( r cited by Athenaeus ) f Orosius , g Iustine , and others , who averr , that Alexander died of a Feaver , caused by excesse of drinking . CHAP. IX . Vpon what occasion he left Athens , and went to Chalcis . a TWelve years Aristo●le professed Philosophy in the Lyceum , not molested by any ; for though his eminence in Learning procured him many Aemulators and enemies , yet , the favour he had with Alexander , whilst he lived , awed them so much , that they durst not make any discovery of the ill will they bore him . No sooner was Alexander dead ( according to Di●nysius Halicarnassaeus ) but some of them conspired against his life . To which end , Eurymedon , a Priest , or ( according to Pha●orinus ) Demophilus , accused him of impiety ; that he introduced some Philosophicall assertions , contrary to the Religion of the Athenians ; that he celebrated Hermias as a God , with a hymne , and had caused his statue to be set up in the Delphian Temple , with an honourable inscription . Some affirm hereupon he made an Oration in defence of himselfe , at the Court of Areopa●us , wherein he openly pronounced this verse , made out of two in b Homer . Peares upon pears , and figs on figs grow here ; By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( figs on figs ) reflecting upon the multitude of Sycop●a●ts which sprung up every day in the City . Hence Phavor●nus saith , he was the first Philosopher that pleaded for himselfe , and there was an Oration to that purpose went about many years after under his name . But , of the truth hereof , Athenaeus maketh question . c Others affirm , that Aristotle perceiving the conspiracy that was against his life , stole privately out of Athens , and went to Chalcis , where he spent the rest of his daies , returning to his friends , who demanded the reason of his going , this answer , d We left Athens , that we might not give the Athenians occasion to commit again the same wickednesse e they committed against Socrates , that they mi●ht not be guilty of a double crime against Philosophy . To Antipater he wrote the fore-mentioned verse , Pears upon pears , and figs on figs grow here ; Giving him to understand how dangerous it was for him to live in Athens , since the Athenians were wholly addicted to Sycophantisme and calumny . This departure of Aristotle from Athens , Dionysius Halicarn●ssaeus placeth in the second year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad , Apollodorus a yeer latter , perhaps lesse rightly . f Being neer sixtie two yeers of age , very sickly , and without hope of living much longer , the whole company of his followers came to him , and besought him to make choice of a Successor , whom after his death they might look upon as the perfecter of those studies whereinto he had brought them . There were at that time many excellent Scholars in his School , but especially two , Theophrastus and Menedemus , or rather as Patricius reads , Eudemus . These excelled the rest in Wit and Learning . The first was of Lesbos , Eudemus of Rhodes . Aristotle answered them , he would do as they requested , when he saw it convenient . Soon after , the same persons being present who had made this request to him , he complained , the wine which he then drank did not agree with his health , but was unwholsome and harsh ; and therefore desired they would send for other sorts , both R●odian and Lesbian , saying , he would make use of that which he should finde best for him . They go , seek , finde , bring . Aristotle first calls for the Rhodian , tasts it , a strong wine , saith he , and pleasant : then calls for the Lesbian , which having tasted , both , saith he , are good , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lesbian is the sweeter ; whereby every one understood that his choice was not of the wine , but of his successour , which was Theophrastus of Lesbos , a man of extraordinary sweetnesse in discourse and conversation : Whence not long after , assoon as Aristotle was dead , all his Disciples applyed themselves to Theophrastus . CHAP. X. His Apophthegms . a OF his Apophthegmes are remembered these . Being demanded what a man got by lying , he answered , not to be believed when he spoke truth . Being reproved for giving mony to a wicked man : I , saith he , gave it compassionating , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the condition ; but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : or as Stobaeus , not to the man , but to humanity . He used this saying frequently amongst his disciples and friends , the eye rec●ives light from the air , the soul ●rom learning . Inveighing against the Athenians , he said , They had invented two things , Corn and Law ; but made use only of one , the Corn. He said , The root of learning is bitter , the fruit sweet . Being demanded what growes old soonest , he answered , a Benefit . Being demanded what is Hope , he answered , a waking Dream . Diogenes the Cynick offered him a fig : Aristotle 〈◊〉 that Diogenes had prepared some sharp saying , in case he should have refused it , took the fig , telling Diogenes , he had lost both his figg and his conceit . Then throwing it up into the aire , and catching it , as boyes use to do , O worthy Dioge●es , said he , and restored it . He said , to Learning three things are requisite , Nature , Institution , Exercise . Being told , that one had reviled him : When I am absent , said he , let him beat me too . He said , Beauty was a better recommendation then any Letter . Others ascribe this to Diogenes , adding , that Ar●stotle called beauty , the gift of a specious ●orm . He called Socrates a short-liv'd Tyranny ; Plato , Natures Prerogative ; Theophrastus silent ●raud ; Theocri●us , specious hurt ; b Carneades , a guardlesse Kingdome . Being demanded what difference there is betwixt the learned and unlearned , he answered , as much as between the living and the dead . He said , Learning in prosperity is an ornament , in adversity a refuge . He said , they who educated children well , are more to be honoured , then they who beget them ; for these only gave them life , others well-living . To one , boasting of the greatnesse of his Country : That , saith he , is ●ot to be considered , but whether a man deserve to be of a great Country . He said , Friends are one soul in two bodies . He said , some men lived so sparingly as if they were to live alwaies , others so prodigally , as if they were to die to morrow . To one that asked why we love the company of those that are fair ; That , saith he , is a question for a blind man to ask . Being asked what he had gotten by Philosophy , hee answer'd , to do those things voluntar●ly , which others do for fear of the Law. Being demanded how Disciples should profit most ; he answer'd , if they follow those that are before them , and stay not for those behind them . To a foolish talker , who after a long Discourse said to him , I am afraid I have been tedious to you ; not at all , answer'd he , for I did not mind you . Being asked how we should behave our selves towards our Friends , he answer'd , as we would have them do towards us . He said , Iustice is the vertue of giving to every one according to his desert . He said , Learning was the best provision against old age . He used , as Phavorinus relate● in the second of his Commentaries , to say frequently , he who hath many friends hath none ; which is ●●●●wise extant in the seventh book of his Ethicks . 〈◊〉 said , when things happen not as we would , we must will as they happen . Seeing a youth very self-conceited , and withall ignorant ; young man , saith he , I wish I were what you think your self , and my enemies what you are . Seeing a young man proud of a fine Cloak , why boast you , saith he , of a Sheeps Fleece ? He said , they who demonstrate plain things , light a candle to see the Sun. Being reviled by an impudent person ; Thou , saith he , who art vers'd to bear all things , speakest them with delight , I who am not used to speak them , take no delight in hearing them . Being demanded why he who taught others to speak , himselfe held his tongue , a whetstone , saith he , cannot cut , yet it sets an edge upon swords . Being asked who can keep a secret , He , saith he , that can hold a glowing coal in his mouth . Seeing a young man very neatly dress'd , are you not asham'd , saith he , when Nature made you a man , to make your self a woman . A handsome young man , much courted , said to him , If I were hated of the Citizens as you are , I would hang my self ; And I , reply'd he , would hang my self if I were lov'd by them as you are . Being demanded how a man should come to be rich , he answer'd ; by being poor in desire . It repented him of three things ; that he had ever committed a secret to a Woman ; that he had rid when he might have gone a foot ; that he had lived one day not having his Will made . CHAP. XI . His will and Death . FRom that speech of Aristotle last mentioned , may be gathered how carefull he was to make his Will , but more from the exact form thereof which was thus : a BE all well ; but if it happen otherwise , thus Aristotle maketh his Will Be Antipater my sole Executor during the Minority of Nicanor . Let Aristomenes , Timarchus , Hipparchus , Dioteles , ( and if he please , and have leisure ) Theophrastus , be Guardians of the children & of Herpylis , and all that I leave . I will that my Daughter , assoon as she shall be marriageable be given Nicanor , for Wife . If any thing happen otherwise ( which God forbid ) before she be married , or , after she be married before she hath any Children , let Nicanor have the ordering of my Sonne , and the disposall of all other things , for his reputation and mine . Let therefore Nicanor take care of the Maid Pythais , and my Son Nicomachus , and order their Estates according to their condition , as a Father and a Brother . If in the mean time any thing shall happen to Nicanor ( which God forbid ) either before my Daughter be married , or , if married , before she hath any Children , if he make any Will , as he appointeth , so let it be . Otherwise , if Theophrastus approve of it , let him marry the Maid , and have the same power , that Nicanor should have had . Otherwise let the Estates as well of the Maid as the Boy be disposed with the joint consent of the Guardians , and Antipater , as they shall think fit . Let likewise the Executors of Nicanor take care to remember us and Herpylis , since that she hath been faithfull to me , and , if she will take a husband , that such a one be given unto her as may be no disparagement unto us . Let them give her out of my Estate , besides what is already mentioned , a Talent of Silver , three Maid-servants , if shee so please , and the handmaid which she hath , and the boy Pyrrhaeus . And moreover , if she will dwell at Chalcis , let her have that habitation which joyneth to the Garden , if at Stagira , our Patrimoniall seat ; which , howsoever Herpylis shall choose , let the Executors furnish it , as they shall think convenient and proper for Herpylis . Let likewise Nicanor take charge of the Boy Mirmax , that he may be restored honourably , as becommeth us , unto his own , with all his goods which we delivered to our Trust. Let likewise Ambracis be a free woman , and have bestowed upon her , at her marriage , fifty Drachmes , and the Girle which she hath . I will likewise that to Thales , be given , besides the Handmaid he hath bought , a thousand Drachmes , and another Handmaid . Likewise to Simo , besides that money which he hath already received to buy a Servant ; let another Servant be bought , or the like Sum be given again , wherewith he may purchase one . As soon as my Daughter shall be married , let Tycho , Philo , Olympias and his Son be free men Of those boyes which served me , let none be sold , but let my Heirs make use of their service , and when they come to age , as they deserve let them be manumitted . Let the Executors take care to those Statues of Nicanor , and his Mother , and Proxenus , which I gave order for to Gryllius , as soon as they are perfected , be set up Let likewise the Statue of Arimnestus be set up , that this monument may remain of him ; since he died without Children . I will likewise that the Statue of my Mother be consecrated to Ceres in the Nemaean Temple , or where else shall be thought fitting . Wheresoever my Body is buried by the Executors , thither let the bones of ●ythais , according as she desired , be brought , and laid with mine . Let likewise Nicanor , if he continue well in health , dedicate at Stagira , to Jupiter Soter , and Minerva Sotira , Statues of Beasts , of stone , of four cubits , in performance of the vow which wee vowed for him . He died at Chalcis , in the third year of the 114th Olympiad , Philocles being Archon , in the 63. the great Climactericall year , of his age ( not as b Eumelus , 70. years old ) as appeareth by the computation of Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarn●ssaeus ; thus ,   y. He came to Athens at 18. Heard Plato 20. Lived with Hermias 3. With Philip and Alexander 8. Taught in the Lyceum 12. Lived at Chalcis 2. in all 63. The manner of his life is variously related , c Strabo , H●sychius Illustris , and from him Suidas relate , that he drunk Hemlock , either being condemn'd thereunto by the Athenians , as Socrates was ▪ or to prevent their Judgement . d Iustine Martyr , e Gregory Nazianzene , f Coelius Rhodoginus , the Greek Etymologist , Nonnus , and oth●rs follow the common report , that a question was propos'd to him of the wonderfull nature of Euripus , an arm of the Sea , coming into Chalcis ( as Lucian averr● ) which ebbeth and floweth seven times in 24. hours . Not being able to resolve it , he died of shame and anxiety . Some affirm that as he sate on the bank , having considered long upon it , he at last threw himself headlong into the River , saying , si●ce Aristotle could not take Euripus , Euripus take thou Aristotle . But the Authors of greatest credit , g Apollodorus , h Dionysius Halicarnassaeus , i Ce●sori●us , Laer ius and others affirm , that he died of a pain in his stomach , caused by over-watching , and excesse of study . For Laertius affirms he was a most indefatigable student , and when he went to bed , he held a brazen ball in his hand , that when he fell asleep , the noise of it falling into a Basin set under it for that purpose , might awake him , which Alexan●er his Disciple imitated . To this pain of the stomach he was very subject , and somtimes asswaged it by applying a bottle of hot oile to his Breast . Notwithst●nding this naturall infirmity of his stomach , saith Censorinus , and the frequent indisposition of a sickly constitution , hee preserved himself a Long time through his Vertue and Temperance , for it is much more strange that he attained the a●e of 63. years , then that he lived no longer . The Author of the book de Pomo , affirmeth , that when he was dying , he said to his Disciples standing about him , it was not without reason that Homer said , the Gods came down to earth to relieve mankinde . k Coelius Rhod●ginus adds from the same Author , that when he felt the pangs of death to come upon him , weeping between griefe and hope , he often repeated these words , Thou Cause of Causes , have mercy on me : And his Disciples , when they saw he was departing , said , He who receiveth the souls of Philosophers , may ●e take thine likewise , and lay it up in his own Treasury , as the soul o● a right and perfect man , as we have known thee to be . Of this , there is no testimony more antient , then that of the Author of the book de Pomo , who ( as Patricius clearly observes from his writings ) was a Christian. l The Stagirites fetch'd his body from Chalcis to Stagira , where they buried it with much solemnity , building a magnificent Tombe for him , and erecting an Altar to his memory . CHAP. XII . His Person and Vertues . a AS concerning his person , he was slender , having little eyes , and a small voice . When he was young , Laertius and Plutarch affirm , he had a great hesitation in his speech . b He went in a rich habit , and wore rings : his beard was shaven , his hair cut short ; he had a high nose , if we credit the head put up by Fulvius Ursinus , found at Rome , at the bottome of the Quirinall hill . He was of a sickly constitution , troubled with a naturall weaknesse of stomack , and frequent indispositions , which he over-mastered by his Temperance . Saint Hierome affirmeth , he was the Prince of Philosophers , an absolute Prodigie , and great miracle in nature , into whom seemeth to have been infused whatsoever mankinde is capable of . He was extreamly pious towards God and Man , upon which subject , Fortunius Licetus hath lately written two books . Eusebius , Cassiodorus , and others affirm , that many persons , eminent for sanctity , especially followers of School-learning , have , through the means of Aristotles Philosophy , been carried on to Inspection into the highest doctrines of true Faith ; as , that there is one God , &c. As concerning his gratitude to men , besides those instances already mentioned to Pro●enus and his sonne , to Hermias and his sister , to his Master Plato , to his own Mother , Brother , and Country , and infinite others ; many Philosophers , whose opinion he takes occasion to alledge , he mentions with their due praise : of which were his Master Plato ( of whom we have already spoken ) whom , as we have said , he sometimes mentioned honourably , and sometimes concealeth his name , where he preferreth his own opinion . Amongst others , of whom he maketh honourable mention , are observed Democritus , in his first book de Generatione ; Diogenes Apolloniates in the same book , Anaxag●ras , in the first of his Metaphysicks . For that he was very moderate , the Interpreter of his life confirmes , instancing in his book of Ca●egorems , where he saith , We ought not to de●ermine any thing hastily , but to consider often , and to doubt o● e●ery thing , is not unusefull . And again , in his book of Good , We mu●● remember , being men , not only that we are happy , but that we ought to be able to prove it by firm reason . And again , in his Ethicks to Nicomachus : Man is our friend , Truth our friend ; but above all , we ought to honour Truth . And in his Meteorologicks : As concerning th●se , we doub● of some of them , others we touch superficially . And in the same , not once or twice , but infinite times , Men do happen upon the same opinions , therefore we ought not to be proud of our owne wisdome , in any thing whereof we conceive our selves to be ●he Inventors . The common report therefore ( grounded upon no authority ) that he collected the books of the antient Philosophers , and having taken out of them what he intended to confute , burnt them , is manifestly false ; for any one that reads Cicero , will finde , they were most of them extant in his time . CHAP. XIII . His Wives and Children . HE had two wives , the first Pythais , sister to Hermias , the Eunuch , Tyrant of Atarna , and his adopted heir . Of the scandals that were cast upon him by this marriage , Aristotle fully acquits himselfe in his Epistles to An ipater , where he professeth , that he married her only out of t●e good will which he bore unto Hermias , and out of a compassion , for the great misfortunes that had happened to her Brother ; adding , that she was a woman endowed with extraordinary modesty , and all other vertues . His second wife was named Herpylis , a woman of Stagira , whom Apellico ( cited by Eusebius ) and ( per●aps from him ) ●u●das affirm , he married after the death of Pythais : With her he lived to his end , as Hermippus , cited by Athenaeus , and ●imothaeus , by Laertius affirm . Timaeus , a profess'd calumniator of Aristotle , saith , she was his Concubine , and that Aristo●le lived with her , following the counsell of Hesiod in his Georgi●ks ; from which calumny , Hesiod is fully vindicated by Proclus . By Herpylis he had one son , as a Apellico affirmeth , whom he named after his own Father Nicomachus : To him he dedicated his great Moralls , which b Cicero thinks to have been written by Nicomachus himselfe : For I see not , saith he , why the son might not be like the Father . c This Nicomachus was a disciple of Theophrastus , and much beloved by him ; under whom he profited exceedingly in Philosophy , and arrived at much eminence therein . Suidas saith , he writ eight Books of Physick , four of Ethick . Cicero compares him both with his Tutor and Father . Aristocles cited by Eusebius affirmeth he was bred up an Orphan , by Theophrastus , afterwards died young in the Warrs , which relation agrees not with Aristotle's Will , nor with Suidas or Cicero , who averr that he writ Books , out of which Laertius brings a citation , in Eudoxo . He had a Daughter also called Pythais , who as Sextus Empericus affirmes , was thrice married . First to Nicanor the Stagirite , friend to Aristotle . Secondly , to Procles , who derived his pedigree from Demaratus King of Lacedemonia . By him she had two Sons , Procles , & Demaratus , who studied Philosophy under Theophrastus . Her last husband was Metrodorus , Disciple of Chrysippus the Gnidian , Master of Erastratus . By him she had a son named , after her Father , Aristotle . Of this Aristotle there is mention in the Will of Theophrastus , where he is called the Son of Midias , not Metrodorus . Suidas affirmeth , he died before his Grandfather . CHAP. XIV . His Disciples and Friends . THe Disciples of Aristotle were so many and so eminent , that Nicander of Alexandria , wrote an expresse Book upon that subject , which , had it been extant , would doubtlesse have given us an exact account of them , whereas now we must rest satisfied with an imperfect Catalogue . To omit the three Princes that were his Disciple , Hermias , Alexander ( of whom already ) and Antip●ter , Successor to Alexanander in Macedonia ( who amongst other things wrote two books of Epistles , in one whereof he related the death of Aristotle ) in the first place is mentioned , Theophrastus of Eressus a City of Leshos , the most eloquent of his Disciples . Him he appointed to succced him in the School . Phanias of Eressus also . He wrote many Books often cited by Athenaeus ; amongst the rest , Ammonius cites his Categories , Analyticks , and of Interpretation . Eudemus of Rhodes , esteemed by Aristotle in the second place next to Theophrastus . His life was written by Damias , as Simplicius affirmes , who often mentions him . He wrote Analyticks , and a Geometricall History ( both cited by Simplicius ) and some other Histories cited by Laertius , wherein hee said the Magi were of opinion , that men should rise again after death . He survived Aristotle . Eudemus of Cyprus , who died in Sicily where he took Dion's part , as appeareth from Plutarch . Aristotle in honour of him , called his Dialogue of the Soul after his name . Pasicrates , Brother of Eudemus the Rhodian . To him some ascribe the first lesser Book of Metaphysicks , as Philoponus affirmeth . Theodectes ; To him Arist●●le dedicated some Books of Rhetorick , mentioned by Valerius Maximus , which hee afterward retracted . Patricius conceives hee was rather a companion then a Disciple of Aristotle , because he mentions him seven times in his Rhetorick , which he is never observed to have done of any Disciple . Clearchus , of Soli. He wrote many Books often cited by Athe●aeus . Dicaearchus , Son of Phidias of M●ssena in Sicily , a Philosopher , Oratour and Geometri●ian , as Sui●as affirmeth . He is cited by Cicero , mention'd often by Plutarch amongst the best Philop●ers . Arisloxenus , Son of M●esias a Musician of Tarentum in Italy , who going to Ma●tinia there studied Philosophy and Musick . He heard his Father ; and Lamprus an Erythraean , and Xenopholus a Pythagorean , and last of all Aristo●le , whom after his death he calumniated and wronged much , because he had left Theophrastus his successour in the School , whereas himimself was in great esteem amongst the Dis●iples . Thus Suidas . Nicanor , mentioned in his Will. Philo , who wrote against one Sophocles , who caused the Philosophers to be voted out of Attica . Plato , the younger , mentioned by Laerti●s and Phil●p●nus . Socrates a Bithynian , mentioned by La●r●ius . M●ason , a Phocian , mentioned by Aelian as one of hose who assisted Aristotle in the ejection of Pla●o out of the Academy , Galen likewise mentions him as Author of some m●dicinall writings ascribed to Aristotle . Phrasidemus , a Phocian , mentioned by Laertius as a Peripatetick Philosopher . It is likely he was a Dis●iple of A●●st●●le , for he was contemporary with Theop●rastus . Palaephatus , of Abydas , an Historian much beloved of Aristotle . Callisthenes an Olynthian , Aristotles Sisters Sonne , of whom already . Hipparchus , a Stagirite ; of kin to Aristotle . He wrote , as Suidas affirmeth , o● the distinctions of Sexes amongst the Gods , of mariage , and the like . Leo● , a Byzantine , a Peripatetick Philosopher and Sophist . Some a●fir● he was a Dis●iple of Aristo●les . He was so excessively fat , that coming to Athens , upon an Embassy , the people laught at him ; to whom he said , do you laugh to see me thus fat , I have a wife a great deal 〈◊〉 ▪ yet , when we agree , one bed will hold us both , but when we disagree , not the whole house . The people suspecting him of con●ederacy with 〈◊〉 , upon a 〈◊〉 of his , came in a tumult to his house , whereupon fearing to be stoned , he strangled himselfe . Aeschrion of Mitylene , a heroick Poet , loved much by Aristotle , as Suidas saith . Callippus an Athenian , who also heard Plato . Satyrus , whose books of lives and characters are cited by Athenaeus . Hieronimus the Rhodia● , eminent in Philosophy . That he was Aristotle's disciple is acknowledged by Athenaeus . Heraclides of Pontus , a great Philologist . To these add of lesse note , Echecratides a Methymnaean , and Adrastus a Macedonian , both mentioned by Stephanus . Euxithius , mentioned by Plutarch : Clitus a Milesian : Menon the Historian ; Di●teles and Timarchus . CHAP. XV. His Detractours . AS the friends and followers of Aristotle were more in number then those of any other Philosopher , so were also his detractours , of whom having already had occasion to make some mention , we shall not need to give any further account then this of Aristotles , alledged by a Eusebius . How then is it possible , that what Epicure relates of Aristotle can be true , that when he was a young man , he wasted prodigally all the means his father left him , whereby he was necessitated to betake himselfe to the Warres ; but therein being unfortunate , he set up an Apothecaries shop , and Plato keeping open School , amongst the rest admitted him ? And who will credit Timaeus the Tauromenite , who writes , that being come to riper years , he shut up his poor shop , and gave over his mercenary profession ? Who can be perswaded to believe what Aristoxenus the Musician saith in the life of Plato , that when he was from home , some strangers rose up , and set up a School in opposition to him ? which words some interpret of Aristotle , but erroneously ; for Aristoxenus alwaies commendeth Aristotle ; [ yet Suidas , as we said , averrs the contrary . ] Who does not esteem the Commentaries of Alexinus ridiculous ? for he bringeth in Alexander as a youth talking with his Father Philip , sleghting the instructions of Aristotle , but approving those of Nicagoras , surnamed Hermes . E●bulides manifestly falsifies in the book he wrote against Aristo●le : For first , he bringeth in some dull Poems as written by others , upon his marriage and affinity with Hermias : then he saith , that he injured Philip , that he was not present with Plato at his death , and that he corrupted his writings . As for the accusation of Demochares against Philosophers , it is not worth the mention ; for he asperseth not only Aristotle , but all the rest ; and whosoever looks upon his calumnies , will say they are triviall ; for he affirmes , that some Letters of Aristotle's , against the Citty of Athens were intercepted and discovered ; that he betrayed his own Country Stagira to the Macedonians ; that when Olynthus was taken , he informed Philip upon the sale and ransome of the goods and prisoners , which were the most wealthy of the Olynthians . No lesse foolishly doth Cephisodorus , disciple of Isocrates , calumniate him as an effeminate person , and a glutton , with many other aspersions of the same kinde . But of all , the most foolish is that of Lyco , who professed himselfe a Pythagorean , for he saith , that Aristotle sacrificed to his w●fe after she was dead , as the Athenians to Ceres ; and that using to bath himselfe in warme oyle , he afterwards sold it ; and that when he went to Chalcis , those who bought his goods , found in one bark 75 brasse pots . Indeed neer so many were the first calumniators of Aristotle , from whom sprung up others , some in the same age , others little after , all Sophists , Litigious persons , and Orators ; of whose names and bookes no more remains then of their bodies . As for those who flourished after these , some repeat only what these had said before , and therefore we need not take any notice of them ; much lesse of those , who not lighting upon those books , have fram'd some inventions of their own , such as they , who affirm , he had 300 pots , for there was not any Author of that time who made mention thereof , but Lyco , and he saith , there were found only 75 pots . And not only from computation of time , and from the persons who assert these calumnies , may any man perceive all they say to be but false , but also from this , that not any two of them lay the same thing to his charge , but every one hath a particular calumny different from the rest . But , if any one of these had been true , Aristotle should have heard of it , not only once from them , but a thousand times . It is manifest therefore , the same thing befell Aristotle which happened to many others , that as well for the respect and friendship he had with Princes , as for the excellency of his Dissertations , the envy of the Sophists of that age persecuted him . But such as are ingenious ought not to minde calumni●tors , but those who have praised and imitated him , whom they will finde to fall nothing short of the others , either for number or worth . Hitherto Aristocles . CAP. XVI . His writings . LAertius hath given a large Catalogue of his Writings , as a testimony of his excellency in all kinds of learning . Their Titles , as reduced to their severall heads by Patricius , are these . LOGICK . THe Sophist 1. Of Sciences 1. Sophistick distinctions 4. Of Eristick 2. Eristick solutions 4. Of Genus and Species 1. Of Proprium 1. Epichirematick Commentaries 1. Instances 1. Of those which are said many waies , as according to the propositum 1. For Science 1. Distinctions 17. Diaereticks 1. Of interrogation and answer 2. Propositions 1. Eristick Propositions 4. Syllogismes 1. First Analyticks 9. Second Analyticks 2. Of Problems 1. Methodicks 8. Termes Antetopical 7. Syllogismes 2. Syllogistick and Termes . 1. Ante-Topicks 1. Topicks to Termes 1. Diaeretick 1. Definitions 13 Argumentations 2. Propositions 1. Epichiretick Theses 25. Methodick 1. Of Speech 1. Categories 1. Of Interpretation 1. In all 123. PHYSICK . OF the Soul 1. Of suffering and being passive 1. Of Elements 3. Of motion 1. Theses of the Soul 1. Of Nature 3. Physick 1. Of Animals 9. Anatomy 7. Anatomick selections 1. Of compound Animals 1. Upon not Generating 1. Of Plants 2. Physiognomick 1. Signes of Tempest . 1. Physicks by Elements 38. Perspective Problems 2. Of Stone 1. In all , 75. ETHICK . OF Iustice 4. Of Philosophy 3. Politick 2. Of Riches 1. Of Nobility 1. Of Pleasure 1. Alexander ; or , os Colonies 1. Of a Kingdome 1. Of Education 1. Of Good 3. Oeconomick 1. Of friendship 1. Propositions concerning Vertue 3. Of the passions of anger 1. Ethicks 4. Of the Better 1. Of Elegible and Accident 1. Of Pleasure 1. Of Voluntary 1. Of Faire 1. Ami●able Theses , 2. Politicks 2. Laws 4. Constitutive Law 1. Politick Auscultation 8. Of Iust 2. Of Consultation 1. Iurisdictions 1. Passions 1. Governments of Cities 158. Proper Democracies , Oligarchicks . Aristocraticks . Tyrannicks . In all 217. METAPHYSICK . OF Contraries 1. Of Principle 1. Of Idaea 1. In all 3. MATHEMATICK . MAthematicks 1. Of Magnitude 1 Of Unity 1. Astronomick 1. Optick 1. Of Musick 1. Mechanicks 1. In all 7. PHILOLOGICK . OF Poets 3. Gryllus , of Rhetorick Works of Rhetorical art 2. Collection of the Theodectick art , 1 Rhetoricall Enthymemes 1. Homericall Difficulties 6. Poeticks 1. Comparisons 1. The Olympionicae 1. Phythionick Musick . Pythick 1. Pythionick Elenchs 1. The Dyonysiack Victories 1. Of Tragedies 1. Poems , 3. So Hermias , to Democritus , Elegies . In all 27. UNCERTAIN , or EXTRAORDINARY . NErinthus 1. Menexenus 1. Erotick 1. Symposium 1. Protreptick 1. Of prayer 1. Collection of arts 12. Art 1. Another art 1. Collection . 2. Of fabulous living creatures 1. Medicine 2. Memorialls 1. Encyclicks 2. Inordinate 12. Expounded by their Genus 14. Doctrines 1. Proverbs 1. In all 46. EPISTLES . TO Philip and Alexander 4. To Antipater 9. To Mentor 1. To Aristo 1. To Olympias 1. To Hephaestion 1. To Themistagoras 1. To Philoxenus 1. In all 19. AGAINST THE ANCIENT PHILOSOPHERS . OVt of Plato's Laws 2. Out of Plato's Commonwealth 2. Out of Timaeus and Archytas their writings 1. Problems out of Democritus 2. Against Melissus 1. Against Alcmaeon 1. Against Gorgias 1. Against Xenophanes 1. Against Zeno 1. Of the Philosophy of Archytas 3. Of the Philosophy of Sp●usipppus and Xenocrates 1. In all 19. The Sum of all these Books , excepting the Epistles , is 513. Laertius reckons them to be , near 400. perhaps accounting the severall Books that are upon the same subject for one . But of these the greatest part is lost , and of many that are extant , the Titles altered ; of the extant there are only these : LOGICK . CAtegories 1. Of Interpretation 1. First Analyticks 2. Second Analyticks 2. Topicks 8. Elenchs 1. PHYSICK . OF natural Auscultation 8. Of Heaven 4. Of Generation and Corruption 2. Of Meteors 4. Of the World 1. Suspected . Of the Soul 3 ▪ Of Sense and Sensibles 1. Of memory and Reminiscence 1. Of sleep and waking 1. Of Dream 1. Divination by dreams 1. Of the motion of living Creatures 1. Of the length and shortnesse of life 1. Of youth and age , life and death 1. Of Respiration 1. Of the going of Animals 1. Of Breath 1. Of the generation of Animals 5. Of the parts of Animals 4. The Historie of Animals 10. Of Colours 1 Of Physiognomy 1. Sp●rious 2 ETHICK . EThick , to Nicomachus 10. Great Ethick 2. Ethick to Eudemus 7. Of vertues 1. Oeconomick 2. Poli●ick 8. METAPHYSICK . MEtaphysick 14. Of the abstruse part of Divine Wisdom according to the Ae●yptians , translated out of Arabick ; but suspected to be spurious 14. MATHEMATICKS . MAthematick 2. Mechanick 1. Of insecable lines 1. PHILOLOGICK . RHetorick 3. Rhetorick to Alexander 1. Poetick 1. EXTRAORDINARY . PRoblems 38. Wonders 1. Of Zenophanes ; Zeno and Gorgias 1. Besides these , there are many other Books ●ited for his , under these Titles . Magick , Laert. Prooem . Epitome of Oratours , Laert. Aris●p . Of Beanes , Laert. Pythag. Of Mixtion , Aristot. de sensu . cap. 3. Of Sapors , Arist. de sensu cap. 4. Physical History , Arist. de incess Animal . cap. 2. Of Nutriment , Arist. de Somno , cap. 3. Selection of Contraries , Arist. Metaph. lib. 3. cap. 2. Division of Contraries , Arist. Metaph. lib. 10. cap. 3. Of Opposites , Simplic . in cap. de Opposit . Comm. 8. Collection of Pythagorick Opinions ; Simplic . in lib. 2. de Coelo . Com. 4. Of Idea's , Alexand. in lib. 1. Metaphy● . Comm. 59. where he cites the fourth Book , though Laertius , but one , as if there were no more . Of Enunciation , Alexand. in lib. 4. Metaphys . Com. 25. & 44. Of Affirmation , Alexand. in lib. 4. M●●aphys . Com. 62. Of Platonick assertions , Plut. contra Colo● . Eudemas , Plut. Consol. ad Apollon . Of Drunkennesse , Plut. Symposiac . 3. Athenaeus cites the tenth book hereof . Animal , or of Fishes , Athen. De●p● . 7. Of living Creatures ▪ and of things pertaining to living Crea●●res , At●en . Of the manners of living Creatures , Athen. Of Pheasants , Athen. Of Consanguinity , Athen. Of wonderful luxury , Athen. Apologie , Athen. Histories , Athen. Barbarous Iurisdictions . Of Audibles , Porphyr . Comm. in Ptol. M●●s . Proclus in Timaeum Plat. The Cohabitant , P●oclus . Proaem . in Repub. Platon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Macrob. Saturnal . lib. 1. Of Nature . Clem. Alexandrin . Strom. lib. 6. We shall not add the Pepl●s cited by Nicephorus , and the Chriae by Stobaeus , under his name , since it is manifest they belong not to the same Aristotle , as 〈◊〉 hath evinced . These Books Aristotle gave to Theophrastus , when he made him his successor in the School , as Strab● affirmeth ; adding , that Aristotle was the first , we know of , that made a Library , which the Aegyptian Kings learned of him to do . Theophrastus bequeathed all his books to Nelius a Scepsian , who carried them to S●epsis , and dying , left them to his heirs , men of no Learning , who only kept them confusedly locked up : And when they understood what care was taken by the A●●alick Kings ( in whose jurisdiction Scepsis was ) to make a Library in Pergamus , they 〈◊〉 them in a hole under ground [ where they continued about 130 years , ] by which means they received some injury by the wet and worms . At last , some that were descended from Aristo●l● and Theophrastus , sold them to Apellico a Te●an , [ who , according to Athenaeus , was made free of the City of Athens , a person very rich , who , besides many other Libraries , bought this of Aristotle , being himselfe a lover of Peripatetick Philosophy , ] for a great summe of mony . This Apellico was more a lover of Books , then of Learning , so that , because they had received some injury , he caused them to be transcribed , supplying the defects not rightly , and by that means put them forth full of faults . The antient Peripateticks that succeeded Theophrastus , wanting Books , as having but very few , and those Exoterick , could not treat exactly upon any part of Philosophy . They that lived latter , after that these books were published , had much greater helps to Philosophy , and the imitation of Aristotle , although by reason of the infinite faults , they were forced to say many things by guesse . Hereunto Rome conduced not a little ; for , ( soon after the death of Apellico ; Sylla taking Athens , in the fourth year of the 173 Olympiad , seised upon his Library , and causing it to be carried to Rome , Tyrannio , a Grammarian , a person studious of Aristotle , ob●ained leave of the Library-Keeper to be permitted the use of them ) the Book-sellers not having good writers , and not comparing well the Copies , it occasion'd many faults , as well in those Books that were at Rome , as in those transcribed and sold into Alexandria , Plutarch adds , that from this Tyrannio , Andronicus the Rhodian had them , who first made them publick , setting forth those volumes , which , saith he , we have . Thus Strabo and Plutarch ; Athenaeus saith , that Nelius sold them to Ptolemaeus Ph●ladelphius , by whom they were translated to Alexandria , where how long they lay hid is uncertain , which Library was afterwards burn'd by Iulius Cesar. CHAP. XVII . His Commentatours . NO sooner were the writings of Aristotle communicated to the world , but they were entertained with generall approbation , which some expressed , by employing themselves in Commenting upon them , whose example was ●ollowed by many in all following ages . To omit Pasicrates the Rhodian , brother of Eudemus , who wrote , as Galen affirmeth , upon the book of Categories , we shall name in the first place , Andronicus the Rhodian ; who first published Aristotles writings , put f●rth a Paraphrase or Comment upon the greatest part of them . Next , his Disciple Boethus , a Sidonian , took much pains in the exposition of Aristotle , whence he is often mentioned honourably by Ammonius●nd ●nd Simplicius . Aristo a Coan , Disciple also to Andronicus , as a Strabo affirms ▪ living in the time of Nicias , Tyrant of Coos , is reckoned by Simplicius amongst the old Commentatours upon Aristotles Categories . Nicolaus Damascenus , who lived in the time of Augustus , by whom much loved , is cited by Simplicius and Averroes , as an Expositor of Aristotle . A●henodorus of Tarsis , a Stoick , who lived also under Augustus , as Plutarch affirms , is cited by Simplicius , as having written upon Aristotle's Categories ; but , rather by way of confutation then interpretation , as did likewise Alexander Aegeus Nero's Tutor , mention'd Simplicius ; Cornutus , who lived at the same time ; cited by Porphyrius and Simplicius ; Lucius and Nicostratus a Macedoman , who lived under Antonius . Sotion of Alexandria , and Achacius , seem to have written upon the Categories , being often cited by Simplicius upon that subject . Taurus the Ber●●●an , a Platonick Philosopher , living under Antonius , wrote first concerning the difference between the Doctrines of Plato and Aristotle . Adrastus the Aphrodisaean , wrote a Comment on Aristotle's Cagories , and of his Physicks , and a Book concerning the Method of his Philosophy . Aspasius , wrote a Comment on all Aristotle's Works , taking particular care to restore the Text , to which end he is often quoted by Simplicius and Boetius . There is a Comment upon some books of the Ethicks extant under his name . Herminus , somwhat later , seems to have written upon all , or the greatest part of Aristotle's works , cited by all the Greek Commentatours that are extant , and by Boetius . Alexander the Aphrodisaean , who lived under Antonius and Severus , wrote upon the Analyticks , Topicks and Elenchs , whence stiled by the latter Interpreters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Expositor . Galen , who lived at the same time , wrote three Books upon Aristotle of Interpretation , four Books upon the first of the first Analytick , four upon the second of the first , six upon the first of the second Analytick , five upon the second . b Atticus a Platonick Philosopher , besides seven Books wherein he proved Plato and Aristotle to be of the same Sect , contrary to the assertion of Taurus , he wrote also a Dialogue upon the Categories extant , seven Books upon the Categories cited by Simplicius , a Comment upon the Book of Interpretation , cited by Boetius . Not to mention what he wrote upon Aristotle de Anima , since it appears from Suidas , that it was rather by way of opposition then exposition , which c Theodoret likewise confirmes . Iamblicus of Chalcis in Coelosyria , Master to Iulian the Emperour , wrote in an abstruse way upon the Book of Categories . Dexippus , by some thought to be sonne of Iamblicus , wrote a Dialogue on the Categories , extant . Maximus a Byzantine , Disciple of Iamblicus , wrote Commentaries on the Categories , and other Books of Aristotle , as Simplicus and Suidas affirm . Plutarch the younger Son of Nestorius flourishing under Valentinian the first , Gratian and Theodosius the first , according to Suidas and Philoponus , wrote Commentaries upon some Books of Aristotle . Syrianus , surnamed the great , of Alexandria , a Philosopher , who flourished under Arcadius , Honorius , Theodosius the second , and Valentini●n the second , wrote Commentaries upon Aristotle's Books of Nature , of Motion , of Heaven , and upon the Categories , cited by Simplicius and Philoponus . Likewise upon the 2d. 5. and 6. Book of Metaphysicks , which are extant . Olympiodorus , an Alexandrian , who derived himself from Ammon●us Saccus , and was contemporary to Plutarch and Syrianus , wrote upon Aristotle's Meteors , extant . He was later then that Olympiodorus , who writ upon Plato . Themistius , living , according to Suidas , under Iulian and Iovinian , wrote a Paraphrase upon Aristotle's Physick , 8. Books ; a Paraphrase on the Analyticks , 2. Books ; upon his Books of the Soul , 7. Books . Of the scope and title of the Book of Categories , one Book . Proclus , Disciple of Syrianus , wrote two Books concerning Motions , wherein he made an abstract of Aristotle's second Book of Motion . That he wrote also upon his book of Heaven , and the Elements may be conjectured from the frequent citations of Simplicius . Marinus , who succeeded Proclus in the School , seemeth to have written somthing upon Aristotles Book of the Soul , being often cited upon that subject by Philoponus . Ammonius Hermaeus wrote upon Aristotle's Categories , and upon his Book of Interpretation , both which are extant ; as likewise upon his Books of the Soul , cited by Philoponus . Damascius , a Platonick Philosopher , Disciple to Ammonius , besides what he wrote in confutation of Aristotle concerning Time , epitomiz'd the four first , and the eight Book of his Physick , and the first Book of Heaven . To these adde Ph●loponus and Simplicius , and Asclepius , Disciples to Ammonius . Iohannes Damascenus , whose compendium of Aristotles Logick and P●ysick are extant ; he lived about the year 770. Eustathius wrote upon some of the Nicomachian Ethicks ; and Eustratius upon his book concerning Demonstration . Michael Psellus , about the year 800. and Michael Ephesius , upon the parva naturalia . Magentinus upon the Categories and the book of Interpretation . Nicephorus Blemmydes , ( under Iohannes duca , ) upon the Logick and Physick . Georgius Plachymerius and Theodorus Metochita lived about the year 1080. and wrote Epitoms extant . Of Arabick Commentatours were Avicenna and Averroes ; about the year 1216. The later writers it wil be unnecessary to mention , there being a Catalogue of them annexed to Aristotles works of the Paris Edition . ARISTOTLES EPISTLES . To Philip 1 THey who undertake a Command for the good of their Subjects , not preferred there unto either by Fortune or Nature ; trust not in their own power , which they know subject to chance , but grow great in Vertue , whereby they order the Commonwealth wisely . For there is nothing amongst men so firm , and solid , but the rapid motion of the Sun changeth it ere the Evening . Nature , if we enquire into the truth , varieth all lives , interweaving them like the Action of a Tragedy with misfortunes . Men , like flowers , have a set time wherein they flourish and excell others . Wherefore behave not your self towards Greece tyrannically or loosely , for one argues petulance , the other temerity . Wise Princes ought not to be admired for their Government , but Governance ; so that though Fortune change , they shall have the same praise . As for the rest , do all things well , preferring the health of your Soul , by Philosophy , that of your body by exercise . To Philip 2. MOst Philosophers assert beneficence to be somthing equall to God. To speak the truth , the whole life of Mankind is comprised in conferring and returning Benefits , So as , some bestow , others receive , others return . Hence is it just to commiserate all that are in adversity , for pitty is the signe of a mild Soul ▪ sternness of a rude , it being dishonest & impious to neglect vertue in misfortunes . For this I commend our disciple Theophrastus , who saith , we never repent of doing good , it brings forth good fruit the prayers and praises of the obliged . Wise men therefore must study to oblige many , thinking that , beside the praise , there may some advantage accrew from hence in the change of Affaires , and if not all , at least some one of those to whom he hath done good , may be in a capacity to requite him . For this reason , endeavour to be ready in doing good , but give not way to your passions , for that is kingly and civill , this barbarous and odious . As you see occasion , practise and neglect not this usefull advise . To Philip. 3. THE most excellent Princes , whose honour toucheth the Starrs , have conferred most benefits , and not accommodating their sway only to the present , but considering the instability of Fortune , have treasured up good deeds as usefull in either condition . In prosperity it procures them Honour , for Honour is proper to Vertue , in advers●ty Relief , for friends , are much better try'd in bad fortune then in good . The sight of benevolent persons is like to that of Land to men in a storme . All Fortune apt to desert us , is the true scope which they propose to themselves who war , on do unjustly , or comply dishonestly , only the clearnesse of Vertuous persons is not unacquainted with the instability of Fortune , but , by reason , sustaining all accidents , and being , as Plato saith , above them , they are never disordered . Take heed therefore of the rapid motion of things ; look upon them as a Circle which reverts into it self ; cast up the accounts of life , for chance imposeth many things upon life , and maketh our inclinations follow it . Pardon those that offend ignorantly ; be ready to acquite those that do good . This if you perform not once , but continually , your Court will be secure from all danger . This , considering the greatnesse of the things , I have said is but little , but , considering the person to whom I write , All. To Alexander . 4. I Am in doubt how to begin , for upon whatsoever I reflect , all seems great and wonderfull , nor fit to be forgotten , but proper for remembrance , and exhortation , not to be defaced by Time. Good precepts and exhortations of Masters have Eternity for their Spectator . Endeavour to make use of your power , not to oppresse , but to oblige others , then which nothing can bee greater in Man's life . Mortall Nature , which often yieldeth and is overcome by Fate , obtaineth eternall memory by the greatnesse of such works . Consider this well ; you are not unreasonable as some are , who think good advice ridiculous . Your descent is honourable , your Kingdome hereditary , your Learning sound , your glory admirable ; and as much as you exceed others in the Goods of Fortune , so ought you to be excellent amongst the good in Vertue . In fine , do that which is profitable , and finish what you designe . To Theophrastus 5. A Sudden Injury is better then a slow benefit , for the remembrance and harme of that lasts but a little while , but this groweth old , as if it hated to build a work to perpetuity , and many times deferring what we intend to bestow upon another , he meets with a calm else-where which allaies the tempest of his mind . Wherefore I say , mutuall society ought not onely to do no wrong , but , if any be received , to be ready to forgive it ; for perhaps to do no wrong is above the power of Man. As for him who hath erred , to make use of reproof , is the property of a good well-seated Judgement . THE DOCTRINE OF ARISTOTLE . THE First PART . CHAP. I. Of Philosophy in generall , and particularly of DIALECTICK . THE Philosophy of Aristotle is well known , many abstracts thereof have been published , many are read daly in Universities by publick Professours ; yet , will it be requisite to our designe , to give , a short account thereof , that it may appear wherein the doctrine and method of the Peripateticks is different from that of the Academicks and Stoicks . a Philosophy , according to Aristotle , is two-fold , Practick and Theorelick . To the Practick belongs Ethick and Politick ; this , concerning the well ordering of a City , that of a House . To the Theoretick belongs Physick and Logick ; but Logick is not properly a part thereof , but a most expedient I●strument . Of Logick he asserted two ends , probable and true ; for each he makes use of two faculties , Dialectick and Rhetorick for the probable ; Analytick and Philosophy for the true , omitting nothing towards Invention , Iudgment , and Use. For Invention , his Topicks and Methodicks afford a plentifull supply , out of which may be taken problems for probable arguments . For Iudgment , his first and second Analyticks : in the first , propositions are examined ; in the second , he treats exactly of their composition , and the ●orm of Syllogisme . To Use belongs his Agonisticks , and his Books concerning Interrogation , and his Eristicks , and his Sophistick Elenchs , and of Syllogismes , and the like . Hitherto Laertius . Of his Logick we have only these books remaining , Of Categories , of Interrogation , Analyticks , Topicks , and So●histick Elenchs . The first considers simple terms : The second Propositions : The rest Syllogismes , Demonstrative , Dialectick , and Sophistick . The Categories are placed first by the generall consent of all Interpreters , neither is it to be doubted , but that the rest are disposed according to the genuine method of Aristotle . For , in the beginning of his b Analyticks , he saith , We must speak of Syllogism before we come to speak of Demonstration , because Syllogisme is the more generall . And in his c Elenchs , Of Didascalick and demonstrative Syllogismes , we have spoken already in the Analyticks , of the Dialectick and Pirastick in the book immediately preceding these : We come not to speak of the Agonistick and Eristick . CHAP. II. Of Termes . a TErmes are of three kindes , Homonymous , Synonymous , and Paronymous . Homonymous , whose name only is common , their essence divers : Synonymous , whose name and definition are common to either : Paronymous have denomination from the same thing , but differ in case or termination . Synonymous , ( or Univocall ) termes , are reduced to ten generall heads , called Categories . 1. b Substance , of two kinds : First , which is most properly substance , is neither praedicated of , nor inherent in a subject . Second substances are species and genus's , which subsist in the first . The properties of first-substances are , 1. Neither to be in , nor praedicated of a subject . 2. To be all substances equally . 3. To signifie this particular thing . 4. To have no contrary . 5. To admit no degrees of more or lesse . 6. To be susceptible of contraries . 2. c Quantity , of two kinds ; Discrete , as Number ; Continuous , as a Line . Their properties , 1. To have no contraries . 2. To admit no degrees of more or lesse . 3. To denominate things equall or unequall . 3. d Relatives , whose whole being is in some manner affected towards one another ; their properties , 1. To have contraries , as Father and Son. 2. To admit degrees of more and lesse , as in kindred . 3. To follow one another mutually . 4. To be naturally together . e 4. Quality , from which things are denominated qualited : it hath foure kinds : 1. Habit and disposition . 2. Naturall power and impotence . 3. Passible qualities and passions . 4. Form and figure . The properties , 1. To have contraries , as black and white . 2. To admit intension or remission . 3. To denominate things , like or unlike . f 5. Action . 6. Passion . Their properties are , to admit contraries , to admit degrees of intension and remission . 7. When. 8. Where . 9. Position . 10. Habit. These admit not contraries , nor degrees of intension or remission . Of those which cannot be reduced to any certain Category , are 1. Opposites . 2. Precedents . 3. Coaequals . 4. Motion . 5. Possession . g Of Opposites there are foure kinds , Relatives , Contraries , extreams in the same kinde , as black and white : Privatives , as privation and habit , light and darknesse : Contradictories , which affirm and deny , as learned , not learned . CHAP. III. Of Proposition . a VOice is a signe of the notions of the minde ; as , in the minde are two kinds of Intellection , one simple , expert of truth and falsitie , the other either true or false : So in voice , some is simple , some complexe . b A noun is a voice signifying according to institution , whereof no part is significant by it selfe . c A Verb is a voice implying time , whereof no part is significant by it selfe . d A Speech , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a voice signifying according to institution , whose parts are significant separate . Of Speech , the enunciative only ( called proposition ) belongs to Philosophy , the precatory and imperative , to Rhetorick , Poetry , &c. e Propositions are divided foure waies ; into simple and complex ; into affirmative and negative ; into universall , particular , indefinite and singular ; into pure and modall ; the modall is either necessary , possible , contingent , or impossible . f Propositions have three accidents , opposition , consectation , conversion . Opposition is either contradictory of a particular to an universall ; or contrary , of an universall to an universall ; or subcontrary , of a particular negative to a particular affirmative . Consectation , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or aequipollence , is the consideration of those affections of a proposition , in respect whereof , two propositions signify together the same thing , and are together true or false . Conversion is a transposition of the termes , preserving the affirmation , negation , and verity of the proposition : it is either absolute , which reserves the same quantity , but alters the quality ; or partiall , which reserves not the same quantity . CHAP. IV. Of Syllogisme . a SYllogisme is a speech , in which some things being laid down , another necessarily followes . Perfect Syllogisme is that which requireth no other to shew its power , clearnesse , and efficacy . Imperfect requires another to that purpose , by conversion , or transposition of the propositions . b The matter of Syllogisme is three termes , the form is the right disposition of the matter , according to figure and mood . Figure is an apt disposition of the medium with the extreams , apt for concluding aright . Mood is a disposition of propositions , according to quantity and quality . There are three figures . The first , when the medium is first subject , then praedicate . It hath nine moods , 4. usefull , 5. uselesse and illegitimate : of the usefull , two are universall , two particular . The first . Every A is B. Every C is A. Therefore every C is B. The second . No A is B. Every C is A. Therefore no C is B. The third . Every A is B Some C is A. Therfore some C is B. The fourth . No A is B. Some C is A. Therfore some C is B. c In the second figure , the medium is praedicated of both the extreams . It hath 16 Moods , 4 true , 12 false and illegitimate . Of the true , two are universall , two particular . The first . No M is N. Every O is N. Therfore no O is M. The second . Every M is N. No O is N. Therfore no O is M. The third . No M is N. Some O is N. Therefore some O is not M. The fourth . Every M is N. Some O is not N. Therfore some O is not M. d In the third figure , the medium is subjected to both extreams . It hath 16 Moods , 10 false and illegitimate ; 6. legitimate , which conclude particularly . The first . Every P is R. Every P is S. Therfore some S is R. The second . No P is R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is not R. The third . Some P is R. Every P is S. Therfore some S is R. The fourth . Every P is R. Some P is S. Therfore some S is R. The fift . Some P is not R. Every P is S. Therefore some S is not R. The sixt . No P is R. Some P is S. Therfore some S is not R. c Every Syllogisme ought to be framed in one of these three Figures ; but those of the second and third being imperfect , ought to be reduced to the first , which is the most absolute and perfect . f There are six other formes of argument , Conversion of Termes , Induction , Example , abduction , Instance , Enthymem . All these have their effi●●cy from the power of Syllogisme , and are reducible to Syllogisme . As concerning the invention , power , and conversion of Syllogisme , he is exact and curious to admiration . CHAP. V Of Apodeictick ( or demonstrative ) Syllogisme . a ALL discursive knowledge is made by a praenotion of the things themselves whereof we discourse ; for ratiocination is not concerning things unknown . Demonstration is a discursive knowledge , and therefore requireth three praecognitions . First , that the subject is , and what it is in a rude confused manner . Secondly , what the praedicate is , and what it signifieth . Thirdly , that the principles are true . b To know is to understand that a thing is , that this is cause thereof , and that it cannot be otherwise . Demonstration is a scientifick Syllogisme . Demonstrative Science is from true , first , immediate , more known , causes of the conclusion . First , as having none precedent , and being adaequate to , and convertible with the effect . Immediate or consectaneous , as having no terme betwixt to joyne them . More known , as being praensises to the conclusion , not to be demonstrated by any thing . c Demonstrative Science is of a thing necessary , whence the demonstration it selfe consists of necessary propositions ; which necessity requireth explication of that which is praedicated , of all by it selfe , and which is universall . Of all , is that which is attributed to every one and at all times , as a living creature to man. By it selfe , as being of essence , proper , competible perse , and competible to it selfe , for it selfe . An universall attribute is that which is in every one by it selfe , in as much as it is it selfe . d Demonstration is of conclusions of eternall truth , for they are universall propositions ; whence it followeth , that neither demonstration nor Science are of perishable things ; neither are definitions of such , which are the principles of demonstration . That there is demonstration , it is not necessary to have recourse to Plato's Idaeas , separate from singulars ; it is enough that there are common natures which are in singulars , and are praedicated of them . e It is one thing to know that a thing is so , another to know why it is so . Hence there are two kinds of demonstration , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first is the true and most perfect , of which hitherto . f The other kinde of demonstration , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is more imperfect ; it is made two waies in the same Science : First , when the cause is demonstrated by the effect thus , Starres which do not twinkle are nearest to the earth ; but , the Planets do not twinkle , therefore they are nearest to the earth . Secondly , when the effect is proved by a cause remote , and not reciprocall , or by an effect of the remote cause ; as this , Every thing that breatheth is a living creature ; but no Wall breaths , therefore no Wall is a living creature . To know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is proper to subalternat principle Sciences , as Geometry and Arithmetick , which contemplate the first proper causes ; to know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is of the subalternate and inferiour , as Optick and Musick . g Of all figures , the first is most accommodate to knowledge , for that only concludes with an universall affirmative , and therefore in that only is a demonstrative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Thus far concerning Science ; the opposite to Science is Ignorance , which is two-fold : One of pure negation , as when a boy or ignorant fellow knowes not that the Sun is greater then the Earth , because he is ignorant of Astrologie . The other , of depraved disposition , as when an Astrologer or ignorant Optick believes , that things are as they seem : this is errour , which erroneous ignorance is in false propositions , or in a Syllogisme through a false medium . Defect of sense causeth ignorance of pure negation , for if any sense be wanting , it is necessary , that some science of sensibles be likewise wanting ; for , we learn all things either by induction or demonstration . Induction is made of singulars perceived by sense . Demonstration is of universals , which are declared by induction ; wherefore the beginning of Science is from singulars , which are sensibles . Hence it is impossible for a man born blinde to have the Science of colours . Yet no science is next and immediately from sense , for sense is of singulars , which are here and now ; but science and demonstration is of universals , which are every where and ever , not subject to sense . Yet , sense conduceth to science and demonstration , for as much as an universall is collected from particulars , known by sense . CHAP. VI. Of Dialectick Syllogisme . a DIalectick Syllogisme is that which concludes from probables ; probables are those things which appear such to all , or to most , or only to the wise and most eminent . b Dialectick is a conjecturall Art , as Rhetorick and Medicine ; ther●fore ( like those ) it attaineth not alwaies its end ; it is enough for a Dialectick , that he omit nothing of his Art for concluding probably . c All disputation is of things controverted , either by Problem or proposition . A Problem questions both parts , as , a living Creature , is it the genus of man or not ? A proposition questions but one part , as , Is not living creature the genus of man ? Every proposition and problem is either genus , ( under which is contained the difference ) definition , proprium , or accident . d Definition is a speech , signifying what a thing is . Proprium is that which declareth , not what a thing is , but is in it only , and reciprocall with it . Genus is that which is praedicated , in quid , of many that differ specifically . Accident is that which is neither definition , nor genus , nor proprium , and may be , or not be , in its subject . e Dialectick proposition is a probable interrogation , received by all or many , or the most excellent , yet so as it is not wholly alienate from the common opinion . f Dialectick problem is threefold ; practick or Morall , pertaining to election or repulse ; Theoretick , pertaining to Science , neutrall , which conduceth to the rest , viz. Logick . Thesis is a paradoxall sentence of some eminent Philosopher , contrary to the vulgar opinion . g Dialectick Arguments is twofold ; Induction and Syllogism . h Arguments are gained by four instruments , 1. Choice of propositions . 2. Distinction of Aequivoques . 3. Invention of differences . 4. Consideration of Similitudes . Problems are either universall or particular ; the same places which confirm or confute one , confirm or confute the other . From proprium , genus , and definition is immediately and simply made Demonstration , but not from Accident , because that is externall , not necessarily and intimately inhaerent in the Subject . Wee shall not here say any thing of the multitude of places he hath invented , which are more necessary to those that will learn the Art , then suitable to this abridgement . The Disputant must first find out a place ( or medium ) secondly , dispose and question it within himself ; thirdly , propose it to his adversary . In disputation against the learned , Syllogism is to be used , against the vulgar induction . i The office of the opponent is to compell his respondent to this incredible and absurd consequent from his Thesis ; of the Respondent to take care , that nothing absurd bee collected from his Thesis . CHAP. VII . Of Sophistick Syllogism . a AN Elench is a Syllogism which contradicts the conclusion asserted by the respondent . Of Elenchs some are true , some false ; that proper to a Sophos , whose office is to pursue and defend truth , and to discover and confute falshood ; this to a Sophist , who from seeming wisdom acquireth gain , and had rather seem then be . b A Sophist hath five ends , whereto he endeavoureth to reduce his adversary ; the first is Elench , or redargution , c of which there are two kinds ; one in the word , the other out of the word . Sophisms in the word , are six . 1. By Homonymie , as that Ill is good , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are good , but Ills are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The fallacy consists in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies sometimes necessarily inevitable , sometimes beneficiall . 2. By Amphibolie , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which signifies either that the Enemies would take me , or that I would take the Enemies . 3. By composition , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he who sits can walk , which is true in a divided sense , not in a compounded . 4. By Division ; as five are two and three , therefore even and odde . 5. By accent , which is not so easily done in Logick as in Poetry . 6. By figure of the word , when things which are not the same , are interpreted in the same manner as a male for a female . d Sophisms out of the word are seven . 1. From accident , when that which is demanded is equally competent to the thing , and to the accident ; for whereas many things are competent to the same , it is not necessary that they be all in the subject and praedicate , as , if Coriscus differs from a man , he differs from himself , for he is a man. 2. From that which is simply , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when that which is said in part is taken as of all , as , if that which is not , is imaginative , that which is not , is . 3. From ignorance of the Elench , when not understanding the true Nature of a contradiction , they think that to be an absolute contradiction which is none , omitting either the same respect in the thing , or the same respect of the same thing ; or the simplicity , or the time . To this all Sophismes may bee reduced . 4. Of the consequent ; when we allow those to be true reciprocall consequences which are not such , as , it is yellow , therefore it is honey , and the contrary , it is not yellow , therefore it is not honey . 5. Of petition of the principle , neither by requiring that to bee granted , which was to be proved , or proving the same by the same , the termes only changed ; as the Soul is immortall because it is not subject to death . 6. Of a not-cause as a Cause , as when that is taken to be the cause of the thing or conclusion , which is cause of neither ; as Arms disturb peace , therefore they are to be taken away . 7. Of Plurality of Interrogations as one , when many things are asked in one ; as Iustice and Impiety , are they Vertues or not ? Hitherto of Elenchs ; the four other Ends whereto a Sophist endeavours to reduce his adversary , are , Falsitie , Paradox , Soloecism , and Tautologie . Sophismes are solved either by distinction or negation . Thus much may serve for a slight view of his Logick , whereof we have but few Books left , in respect of the many which he wrote upon that part of Philosophy . THE SECOND PART . CHAP. I. Of PHYSICK . NOt to question the Method of Aristotle's Books of Physick , much lesse their titles ( as some , to make them better agree with Laertius's Catalogue , have done ) and least of all their Authority , with Patricius ; we shall take them in that order which is generally received ; according to which , next Logick is placed Physick . a Physick is a science concerning that substance which hath the principle of motion and rest within it self . The Physicall Books of Aristotle , that are extant , treat of these nine generall heads . Of the principles of naturall things ; of the Common affections of naturall things ; of Heaven ; of Elements ; of the action and passion of Elements ; of Exhalation ; of Plants ; of Animals ; of the Soul. CHAP. II. Of the Principles of Naturall Bodies . a THe Principles of naturall Bodies are not one , as Parmenides and Melissus held ; nor Homoiomeria's , as Anaxagoras ; nor Atomes , as Leucippus and Democritus ; nor sensible Elements , as Thales , Anaximander , Anaximenes , Empedocles ; nor numbers , or figures , as the Pythagoreans ; nor Idaea's , as Plato . b That the Principles of things are Contrary ( privately opposite ) was the joint opinion of the Ancients , and is manifest in Reason . For Principles are those which neither are mutually of one another , nor of others , but of them are all things . Such are first contraries ; as being first , they are not of any other ; as contrary , not of another . c Hence it follows , that being contrary they must be more then one , but not infinite ; for then naturall things would not be comprensible by Reason : yet more then two ; for of contraries only nothing would be produced , but that they would rather destroy one another . d There are therefore three Principles of naturall bodies ; two contrary ; privation and form , and one common subject of both , Matter . The constitutive Principles are matter and form ; of privation , bodies consist not , but accidentally , as it is competent to Matter . e Things are made of that which is Ens potentially , Materia prima , not of that which is Ens actually , nor of that which is non-ens potentially , which is pure nothing . f Matter is neither generated nor corrupted . It is the first insite subject of every thing , whereof it is framed primarily , in it self and not by accident , and into which it at last resolveth . To treat of forme in generall is proper to Metaphysicks . CHAP. III. Of Nature and the Causes of Naturall bodies . a OF Beings , some are by Nature , as Plants , others from other causes ; those have in themselves the principle of their motion ; these have not . Nature is a Principle and Cause of the motion and rest of that thing wherein it is , primarily , by it self ; and not by accident . Materiall substances have nature ; Natural properties are according to Nature ; Nature is twofold , Matter and Form , but Form is most Nature , because it is in act . b Of Causes are four kinds ; the Material , of which a thing is made ; the Formall , by which a thing is made , or reason of its essence ; The efficient , whence is the first principle of its mutation or rest as a Father ; the Finall , for which end it is made ; as health is to walking . Causes are immediate or remote , principall or accidentall ; actuall or potentiall ; particular or universall . c Fortune and Chance are Causes of many effects ; Fortune is an accidentall Cause in those things which are done by election for some end ; Chance is larger ; an accidentall cause in things which are done for some end at least that of Nature . They are both efficient . d Nature acts for some end ; not temerariously , or casually ; for those things which are done by nature , are alwaies or for the most part done in the same manner , yet somtimes she is frustrated of her end , as in Monsters , which she intends not . e Necessity is twofold ; absolute , which is from Matter , conditional , which is from the end or form ; both kinds are in naturall things . CHAP. IV. Of the affections of naturall Bodies , Motion , Place , Time. a MOtion is of a thing which is not such , but may be such , the way or act by which it becommeth such , as curing of a body which is not in health , but may be in health , is the way and act by which it is brought to health . Neither is it absurd , that the same thing should be both in act and power , as to different respects ; for the thing moved , as water in warming is in act , as to the heat which it hath , in power , as to the greater heat which it is capable of . b Infinite is that which is pertransible without end , such an infinite in act there is not : not amongst simple bodies , for the elements are confined to certain number and place ; neither amongst mixt bodies , for they consist of the elements which are finite . But , there are things infinite potentially ; as , in addition , Number which may be augmented infinitely ; in division , Magnitude , which may be divided infinitely ; in time , and continued succession of generation . c The properties of place are , that it containes the thing placed ; that it is equall to , and separable from the thing placed ; that the place and thing placed are together ; that it hath upwards or downwards , and the like differences ; that every Physicall body tends naturally to its proper place , and there resteth . Place is the immediate immovable superficies of a continent body . Those things which are contained by another body are in place ; but those which have not any other body above or beyond them are not properly in place . Bodies rest in their naturall places , because they tend thither as a part torn off from the whole . d Vacuum is place void of body : such a vacuum there is not in nature , for that would destroy all motion , seeing that in vacuum there is neither upwards nor downwards , backwards nor forwards . Nor would there be any reason , why motion should be to one part more then to another . Moreover it would follow , that it were impossible for one body to make another to recede , if the triple dimension , which bodies divide , were vacuous . Neither is the motion of rare bodies upwards caused by vacuity , for that motion is as naturall to light bodies , as to move downwards is to heavy . e Time is the number of motion by before and after . Those two parts of time are conjoyned by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the present , as the parts of a line are by a point . Time is the measure of rest as well as of motion ; for the same measure which serves for the privation , serves for the habit . All motion and mutation is in time ; for in every motion there is a swiftnesse or slownesse , which is defined by time . The Heavens , Earth , Sea , and other sensibles , are in time , for they are movable . f Time being a numerate number , exists not without a numerant , which is the Soule . The measure of time and other things , is that which measureth the first , and most equall motion ; this is the motion of the primum mobile , for the first in every kinde is the measure of the rest . CHAP. V. Of the kinds and properties of Motion . a MOtion appertaines to three Categories , to Quantity , accretion and diminution ; to Quality , alteration ; to Where , lecall motion . Rest is a privation of motion in a body , when , where , and how it is apt for motion . b As all Magnitude is primarily , and perse , continuous and divisible into infinite , so is all motion , by reason of magnitude , and time it selfe . For whatsoever is not composed of indivisibles , is divisible into infinite ; but no continuous thing is composed of indivisible things , for it is quantitative , whereas indivisibles having no extreams or parts , can neither be conjoyned by continuous nor contiguous motion . c Yet it followeth not , that if there be infinite magnitude , there can be no motion , for it is not infinite in act , but in power , as are likewise time and motion . d Neither is there any motion in the instant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for nothing is moved or resteth , but in time . e Motion therefore is divisible , as well in respect to the time wherein it is made , as in respect to the thing wherein it inheres ; as both these are alwaies divisible , so may motion it selfe be divided according to these . f Whatsoever is changed , assoon as it is changed , must necessarily be in the ( next ) terme to which , for it leaveth the state or form in which it was , and assumeth that to which it tendeth : yet though in motion , there is a first motion of perfection , wherein we may truly say , the mutation is made , yet there is no first motion of inception . g Whatsoever is moved in any whole time , is necessarily moved in every part of that time . h All motion is finite , for it is in time , which is finite . Whatsoever is thus proper to motion , is to be applyed also to rest and quiescence . CHAP. V. Of the first Mover . a WHatsoever is moved must necessarily be moved by another , either externall or internall . But lest this progression be into infinite , we must of necessity at last come to one first mover , which is not moved by another . This first mover , the cause and origine of all motion , is immovable , one , eternall , and indivisible , void of all quantity . b Immovable , for whatsoever things are moved , are either immediately moved by a first immovable mover , or by some other which is likewise moved by another , untill at last we come to some first mover , for nothing can move it selfe , unlesse there be a first mover : but of infinites there is no first . c One , for he is most perfect , as being Author of the most perfect and most simple motion , that of the primum mobile . Besides , the best in every kinde is one ; for good is simple , ill multiplicious . d Eternall , for motion it selfe is eternall , as appear ▪ thus : The mover and the movable must either be from eternity , or have had beginning in some time ; if they began at any time , it must have been by motion , and consequently before the first motion there was another , by which the mover and movable began , which were absurd . Again , if they were eternall , yet without motion , it must be either by reason of the inaptitude of the movable , or of its remotenesse from the mover . But neither could the movable be made more apt , or brought nigher to the mover , except by motion , whence would follow , that there was a motion before the first motion . Again , Time , the measure of motion is eternall , therefore motion it selfe is such . That Time is eternall ( besides that it is the generall agreement of Philosophers ) is thus proved ; it cannot be conceived without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the instant , which is intermediate betwixt the past and future , both the end of one , and the beginning of the other ▪ but , if time had a beginning , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would have been only a beginning , not end ; if time should have an end , this instant would be only an end , not a beginning , both which are repugnant to the nature of a moment . e Indivisible , void of quantity , the proof whereof is grounded upon three Theoremes : 1. That no finite mover can move in infinite time ; therefore the first mover is infinite . 2. That there cannot be infinite power in finite quantity ; therefore the first mover is incorporeall . 3. That there cannot be finite power in that which is infinite ; therefore the first mover is infinite in power . Hence may be collected , that it is impossible the first mover should be divisible , corporeall , or affected with quantity ; for if he had any , it would either be infinite , of which kinde actuall there is none ; or finite , wherein could not consist his infinite power . CHAP. VI. Of Heaven . HAving treated of the principles , causes , and affections of ●aturall bodies in generall , he proceeds next to particulars . a The World is perfect , because it consists of bodies which are perfect , and comprehendeth all perfection , it selfe not being comprehended by any other . b Of Bodies , some are simple , others compounded of the simple . All naturall bodies are movable locally per●se . There is a twofold locall motion , simple , which is competible to simple bodies ; and mixt , which to the mixt . Hence it followeth , that there are so many kinds of simple bodies , as variations of simple motion ; for of one simple body , there is one proper motion . Simple locall motion is two-fold : circular , about the center , and right : the right is either upwards from the center , or downwards to the center , and both these either simply , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This foure-fold variation of right motion , evinceth that there are foure simple bodies called Elements ; circular motion must be proper to some other fift essence , different from the constitutions of the other foure simple bodies , more divine and precedent to all the rest : This is Heaven . c Heaven hath neither gravity nor levity ; this is manifest from its motion which is circular , not from the center which is proper to light things , nor to the center , as is proper to heavy , but about the center . Heaven is void of generation and corruption , and consequently of accretion , diminution , and alteration , for it hath no contrary ; it is therefore the first body , not to be consumed by time and age . d No body can be infinite , therefore the world it selfe is not infinite ; neither is there any body beyond it infinite , not intelligible or mathematicall . e There is but one world , for if there were more , the Earth of one would move to the Earth of the other ( as being of one kind ) and ascend out of its proper place . f The world is eternall ; whatsoever is eternall is ingenerate and incorruptible . Plato therefore erred , in affirming the world to be generated , but incorruptible . If he meant that as it was generated , it is by nature corruptible , yet , shall never be actually dissolved , because of the eternall cause of its conservation , God , he erreth also , for then there would be somthing that should be alwaies , and yet could not be alwaies . g Heaven is void of labour ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for it hath no contrary to retard its motion . h Heaven hath the threefold difference of position , upwards and downwards , backwards , right and left ; for these are proper to all animate things which have the principle of motion within themselves . The right side of Heaven is the East , for from thence begins its motion ; the left side the West ; and consequently the Artick pole is lowermost , the Antartick uppermost ; forwards our Hemisphear , backwards the other . i Heaven naturally moveth circularly , but this circular motion is not uniform throughout all Heaven , for there are other Orbs which move contrary to the primum mobile ; that there may be a vicissitude in sublunary things , and generation and corruption . k Heaven is Sphaericall , for to the first body the first figure is most proper . If it were quadrangular , triangular , or the like ; the angles would somtimes leave a space without a body , and occupate another space without a body . The motion of Heaven is circular , as being the measure of all others , therefore most compendious and swiftest . l The motion of the primum mobile is aequable and uniform , for it hath neither beginning , middle nor end ; the primum mobile and first mover being eternall both , and subject to no variation . m Starres are of the same body with that wherein they are carried , but more thick and compact ; they produce warmth and light in inferiour things through frication of the Air by their motion , for swift motion fires wood , and melts lead ; yet the spheares themselves are not heated , but the Air only , and that chiefly by the sphear of the Sun , which by his accession towards us increaseth the heat , his beams falling more directly , and with double force upon us . n The Starres being infixed in the Heavens are moved not by themselves with a proper motion , as fishes in the water , and Birds in the Air , but according to the motion of their Orbes . Otherwise those in the eight Sphear would not be alwaies aequidistant from one another ; neither would the stars have alwaies the same side turned towards us , as we see the Moon hath . o The primum mobile is carried about with the swiftest motion ; the seven Orbes of Planets under it , as they are nearer to it , are carried so much the more swiftly about by the motion thereof ; and as they are further distant , more slowly . Whence by how much the nigher they are to the primum mobile , so much the slower is their proper motion , because it is contrary to that of the primum mobile , as being from East to West . p The Starres are round , for that figure is most unapt for self-motion : wee see the Moon is round by her orbicular sections ; therefore the other Starres are so likewise , for the reason is the same in all . q The Centre of Heaven is the Earth , round , seated immoveable in the midst ; which together with the Sea makes up one Globe . CHAP. VII . Of Elements . a THe Element of Bodies is a simple Body , into which other Bodies are divided , in which it is either actually or potentially ; as in flesh , wood , and the like ; there is fire and earth potentially , for into these they are segregated ; but actually they are not ; for then should the flesh and wood bee segregated . Whereas every naturall Body hath a proper motion ; motions are partly simple , partly mixt ; the mixt proper to mixt bodies , the simple to simple ; it is manifest that there are simple bodies , for there are simple motions ; the circular proper to Heaven , the right to the Elements . b The Elements are not eternall ; for they are dissolved with reciprocall mutations , and perish , and are mutually generated of one another . c The motive qualities of the Elements are gravity and levity . Heavy is that which is apt to be carried downwards to the Centre or midst of Heaven ; light is that which is apt to be carried upwards towards the extremities of Heaven . These are either simple or comparative . Simply heavy is that which is below all , as the Earth ; Simply light is that which is above , as all the fire ; Comparatively heavy and light are those in which are both these ; above some , below others ; as Air and Water . From these have mixt things , gravity and levity ; the heavy are carried downwards ; to a definite medium ; the light upwards to a definite extream , for nothing tends to infinite . Whence it followeth that two Elements are extreamly contrary , simply heavy , and simply light , Fire and Earth ; which tend to contrary places . Betwixt these are two means , participating of the nature of each extream , Air and Water . Those Elements which are highest and lightest are most perfect , and have the nature of forms in respect of the inferiour , because these are contained by those ; to be contained , is the property of matter , to contain , of form . d Hence it followeth that there are four kinds of particular second matter , differing by the accidentall differe●ces of heat , cold , humidity , siccity , levity and gravity , ( simple and comparative ) though there be but one common matter of them all ; for they are made mutually of one another . The mean Elements are heavy in their proper places ; for Earth being taken away , Water tending downwards , succeeds in its room ; Air descends into the place of Water , but not contrariwise ; for Water ascends not into its place of Air , unlesse by force . In the extream it is otherwise ; for the Air being taken away , the fire will not descend into its place , nor the Earth ascend into the place of Water or Air ; for Fire is not heavy , nor Earth light , in their naturall place ; because they are extream Elements . e Figure conduceth to the swiftnesse or slownesse of motion either upwards or downwards , but is not simply , and in it self the cause of motion ; so an acute figure cuts the medium swiftly , a broad obtuse figure slowly . Hence a thin plate of Lead or Iron will swim on water , because it comprehends much of the subjected body , which it cannot easily divide or penetrate . CHAP. VIII . Of generation , Corruption , Alteration , Augmentation and Diminution . a THere is a perpetuall succession of generation , as well simple as accidentall , which proceeds from two causes , Efficient , the first mover , and the Heavens , alwaies moving , and allwaies moved , and Materiall , the first matter , of which , being non-ens actually , ens potentially , all things generable and corruptible consist . This is incorruptible in its self , susceptible of all forms , whereby the corruption of one natural substance , becometh the generation of another , whatsoever matter remaineth upon the corruption , being assumed towards the generation of another . Generation and Corruption are twofold , simple , of a substance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of an accident , generation of the lesse noble substance is called generation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of the more noble , as that of Earth in respect of fire . Corruption alwaies succeedeth generation , because the terme , to which of corruption ( viz. non-ens ) is the terme from which of generation ; and the terme , to which of generation ( viz. ens in act ) is the terme from which of corruption . The matter of that which is generated , and that which is corrupted is the same , for as much as they are , or may be made reciprocally of one another , as Air , of Water , water of Air ; but differenly disposed . b Alteration and generation are different mutations ; in alteration the subject remaineth entire , the affections only are changed , as of sick sound ; in generation the whole is changed , not any sensible subject remaining . Alteration is a mutation according to quality ; augmentation and diminution , according to quantity ; locall motion according to place . c Augmentation and diminution differ from other mutations ; first , in the object , generation and corruption concernes substances ; alteration , quality , lation , place , augmentation and diminution , quantity . Again , in the manner , that which is generated , or corrupted , or altered , not necessarily changeth place , but that which augments or diminisheth , in some manner changeth place , for it is bigger or lesser . Augmentation is an addition to praeexistent quantity ; diminution a detraction . Whatsoever is augmented or decreased , is augmented or decreased according to every part thereof , by reception of something throughout all parts ; decretion on the contrary . The animate body encreaseth , but not the aliment , for the living creature remaineth , the aliment is converted into the substance of the living creature . Hereupon that which is augmented is like unto that which is altered , for both of these remain . All parts of a living creature are augmented ; the similar first , as bones and flesh ; then the dissimilar , as consisting of the others . Augmentation is made by accession of something according to form , not according to matter ; for by it the whole is augmented , and made more such . Accession of parts , according to matter , is not augmentation , for by materialls only ( destitute of that form , which the parts to be augmented have ) the whole living creatures cannot encrease . Aliment therefore , whereby the living creature is augmented , must be the same potentially which the things augmented is in act . At first , it is contrary , and dissimilar , being in power the part of a living creature , in act something else : at last it becommeth assimilate to the living creature , taking the form of a part ( by aggeneration ) through the digestive power of the animate body , which changeth the aliment into its own substance . For this reason augmentation presupposeth nutrition . Nutrition is , when the aliment as substance is converted into the substance of the living creature . Augmentation , when the same aliment as quantitative , is added to the quantity of the living creature . Hence a living creature as long as it is sound is alwaies nourished , but not alwaies augmented . As that which is added is potentially quantitative flesh , so it can augment flesh ; as it is potentially flesh only , so it nourisheth ; which when it can only do ( as when so much wine is poured into water that it turnes all into water ) then there is a diminution of the quantity , but the form remaineth . CHAP. IX . Of Action and Passion . a COntact is of severall kinds , Mathematicall , by contiguity ; Physicall , when the extreams of severall bodies meet , and mutually act and suffer ; virtuall , by power and metaphoricall . b The mutuall action and passion of Physicall contact is betwixt things , partly unlike as to their form , partly like as to their genus ( for they are contraries ) matter ; each endeavouring to reduce the patient to his own likenesse , as fire , wood . Every Physicall agent in acting , suffers from the patient , for both the agent and patient are active , endued with formes elementary , susceptible of contraries . But as the first mover is immovable , so is the first agent impassible . c Every things acts , as it is such , actually ; suffers , as it is such , potentially . The conditions of action and passion are five : 1. What the agent is in act , the patient is in power . 2. The patient is such according to each part . 3. That which is more disposed suffers more , and so on the contrary . 4. Every patient is continuous , and not actually divided . 5. The agent must necessarily touch the patient , either immediatly or mediately . CHAP. X. Of Mixtion and Temperament . a MIxtion is not generation , for the matter is not mixt with the forme ; nor alteration , for the quality is not mixed with the subject ; nor augmentation , for aliment , the matter of augmentation , is not mixed with , but converted into the animate body . Conjunction of small bodies is not true mixtion , but coacervation , for those bodies remain actually the same according to their forms , not composing one third according to every part . Things which have not the same matter are not mixt , because they cannot be active and passive rec●procally . Those things which are properly said to be mixed must have one common matter , they must mutually act upon , and suffer one from another , they must be easily divisible ; yet so , as that one be not excessive in respect of the other , for then it is not mixtion , but mutation into the more predominant , as a drop of wine into a great quantity of water . b The principles and differences of Elements ( sensible tactile bodies ) are tactile qualities , in as much as by such qualities , sensible bodies , as such , are constituted and differ . Of tactile qualities there are seven orders , hot , cold , moist , dry , heavy , light , hard , soft , viscous , arid , rugged , smooth , thick , thin . From the two first orders , are derived the differences of Elements , for by heat and cold , humidity and siccity they act and suffer , and are mutually changed by alterative passions . Of these first qualities two are active , heat and cold , two passive , humidity and siccity . Heat is that which congregates homogeneous things ; cold that which congregates heterogeneous things ; humid that which is not easily contained in its own bounds , dry the contrary . c As there are four Elements , there must be four conjunctions of the primary qualities , from each of which the Elements are severally collected . The first conjunction is of hot and dry , whence proceedeth fire ; the second of hot and moist , whence Air ; the third of moist and cold , whence Water ; the fourth of cold and dry , whence Earth . In each of these one quality is praedominant ; Earth is more dry then cold , water more cold then moist , Air more moist then hot , Fire more hot then dry . All these Elements may be mutually transmutated into one another ; the Symbolicall which agree in one primary quality are more easily transmutated into one another then the asymbolical , because it is lesse difficult to change one then many . This transmutation is not a generation , but a kind of alteration , whence it is manifest one Element cannot be the principle of another . d Mixtion , whereby the Elements concur to the composition of a mixt body , is made by coacervation , as Emped●cles held , but after such a manner that their contrary qualities remain in the mixt ; not potentially only , nor simply actually in their height , but in a mean kind of way , their extremities being reduced to some temper . From this contemperation come mixt bodies , differing according to the various proportion of the temperament ; and as they are compounded of the Elements , so they resolve into the same . All these mixt bodies consist of all the Elements ; of Earth , for every things participates of the nature of that thing wherein it is produced ; of water , because every mixt thing must be concrete and terminated ; which properties Water best affordeth to Earth ; of Air and Fire , because every perfect mixt body is made by temperament of contraries , such is Air to Earth , Fire to Water . Again , the nature of all mixt bodies as well animate as inanimate , as to mixture , is the same , but that the animate consist of all the Element , is manifest in that they are nourished by them . e The causes and common principles of mixt bodies are three ; materiall , fomall , efficient . The Materiall is the power to be and not to be , by which elementary things are generated and corrupted . The formall is the reason of the essence of every thing ; f the universall efficient is the circular motion of Heaven , not onely as being eternall , continuall and before generation , but chiefly because it bringeth nigh to us , and carrieth far from us that which hath the generative power of all things , that is , the Sun , and the other Stars , which by their accession and recession are the causes of generation and corruption . g All these are so disposed according to the order of Nature , that because no naturall being can be permanent in the same individuall state , they may be at lest preserved by a continuall succession of many individuum's of the same species . Whence the naturall cause of generation is onely conservation of the species . CHAP. XI . Of imperfect mixt bodies . a MIxt bodies are twofold , imperfect and perfect : Meteors are imperfect mixt bodies produced according to Nature , but after a lesse orderly and constant manner . b The generall matter thereof are the Elements ; the efficient , the celestiall bodies which act upon inferiours by a kind of coherence . c Heaven is highest ; next Heaven the Element of fire ; next fire , air , under air , water and earth . Clouds are not generated in the sphear of fire , nor in the region of the air , partly by reason of the heat which is there , partly because of the motion of the Heavens which carrieth along with it the element of fire , and the upper region of the air , by which motion heat is produced in inferiour bodies ; for the air being carried along by the Heaven , is heated by that motion , and by the proximity of the Sunne and of the Element of fire . d Flames that appear in the upper part of the air are made thus ; The Sun by his warmth extracteth a kind of breath out of the Earth , which , if hot and dry , is called exhalation , and if hot and moist , vapour . Exhalation ascends higher , as being higher , and being got into the upper region of the air , is there enkindled by the motion of the air , and proximity of the fire . Hence come those they call fire-brands , goates , falling-starres and the like . e Hence are also Phasmes , such as are called gulses , chasmes , bloody colours , and the like ; the exhalation being variously colour'd by reflection of the light , but chiefly seeming purple , which colour ariseth from the mixture of fire and white . f The efficient cause of Comets are the Sun and stars ; the materiall an exhalation , hot , dry , condensed , and combustible ; so as it burnes not much , nor is soon extinguished . It is called a Comet , or airy starre , when it is a like on every side ; a pogoneia or bearded starre , when it hath a long train . That it consists of fire is manifest , because at the same time , there is commonly great winde and drought . It appears seldome , and then single , and beyond the Tropicks , because starres , especially the Sun , dissipate the matter whereof it consists . g The Galaxie is not the light of many starrs together , as Anaxagoras held , but an exhalation hot and dry , kindled by the motion of many great starrs , which are in that part where the Galaxie appeareth . h We come next to those meteors which are in the middle and lower region of the air . When the Sun and other Starres draw up vapours out of waterish places , into the middle region of the air , they are there kept so long , untill they are condensed by the cold of that place into drops of water , which if they come down very small , are called misling , if greater , rain . This thick vapour , which is seen suspended in the aire and changeth from air to water , is a Cloud . Mist is the superfluity of a cloud , condensed into water . i Vapour attracted by a small heat not much above the earth , and descending more condensed by the nocturnall cold , becometh either dew or frost : Frost when it congealeth before it resolves into water ; Dew , when it turnes into water , so as the warmth cannot dry it up , nor the cold freez it . k Snow is a congealed cloud ; rain , dew , frost , and snow differ almost only in bignesse and smalnesse . l Haile , though it be of the same nature as ice , yet is seldome produced in winter , as being caused by Antiperistasis . m As the air above the earth condensed , becommeth vapour , and vapour by cold becommeth water , so doth it also in the caverns and receptacles of the earth , by a continuall mutation ; first it turnes into little drops , then those little into greater . Hence comes all springs , and heads of rivers , abundantly flowing out at one part of the earth . Hence great Rivers and Fountains commonly flow from great hills , which have greatest caverns . m The parts of the earth are in continuall mutation , sometimes humid , sometimes dry , sometimes fertile , sometimes desert , by new eruptions or defections of rivers , or accesse or recesse of the sea , according to certain periods of time . Thus have the parts of the earth their youth and age , as well as plants and living creatures , by the heat and conversion of the Sun. Time and the World are eternall ; but Nilus and Tanais were not alwaies , for those places whence they first issued , were once dry grounds . n The proper place of water is the concave superficies of the aire : This place the Sea , compassing the earth , possesseth ; for the swift and more rare water is drawn upwards by the heat of the Sun ; the salt , more thick and terrene setleth downwards . For this reason all waters tend to the sea , as to their proper place ▪ yet , hereby the Sea is not enlarged , for the sun draweth out of it , by reason of its expansion , as great a quantity of water , as it receiveth from rivers . o The sea is , as the world , eternall , the saltnesse thereof proceedeth from admixtion of some terrene , adust , exhalation . From the top of the Sea is drawn up a fresh vapour ; from the bottom , heated by the Sun , an exhalation , which passeth through the Sea , and commeth up with the vapour ; but falling back into the Sea , bringeth that saltnesse with it , as water passed often through ashes . p Winds are produced by the Sun and Starrs , of a hot , dry exhalation , which ascending , is driven down again by the coldnesse of the middle region of the air , and by reason of the lightnesse of its nature , cannot go directly to the bottom , but is carried by the air up and down . We call it a hot and dry exhalation , as being more dry then humid . Winde is weakest in the beginning , but gaineth strength , by taking along with it other light exhalations , which it meets with by the way . q Winds are laid by heat and cold , excessive heat consumeth the exhalations , as soon as it commeth out of the earth ; excessive cold binds up the pores of the earth , so as it cannot passe . r Earthquake is a trembling of the earth , caused by an exhalation hot and dry , inclosed in the bowells of the earth , which striving to get forth , as its nature requireth , and not able , by reason of the solidity of the earth , to passe , maketh the earth shake , forcing a way through it , and bearing down whatsoever opposeth it . The more hot this included spirit is , the more vehement . Of the same nature is lightning , thunder , and the like . Thunder is when an exhalation enclosed in a thick cold cloud , rolleth it up and down , and at last breaketh through it with more or lesse noise , according to the thicknesse of the cloud . By this eruption it acquireth a rare kinde of heat and light , which is lightning , subsequent to the noise of the eruption ; yet , seen before the other is heard , by reason of the quicknesse of the sight beyond the hearing . s As of dry exhalations , the rare and dispersed produce thunder and lightning ; so of the great and condensed is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and thunder-bolts . t Of lucid Meteors appearing in the clouds , are Haloes , Rainbowes , Parelies , and Streaks : All these are caused by refraction , but differ according to the objects from which they are reflected . A Halo appeareth about some starre , when there happeneth a cloud to be , the middle part whereof , by reason of its rarity , being dissipated , the rest of the parts about , by reflection , represent the colour of the star . Rainbow is a refraction of the Suns beam upon a humid cloud , ready to dissolve into rain . In like manner are caused Parelies and Streaks . u There are likewise imperfect mixt bodies , under , or within the earth , and these also of two kinds ; some caused by exhalation , called Mineralls ; others by vapour , called Metalls , fusile or ductile . CHAP. XII . Of perfect mixt bodies . a THe common affections of perfect mixt bodies , are those which proceed from the primary qualities of the Elements , whereof two are active , heat and cold , two passive , humidity , and siccity . The naturall effect of these is Generation , when heat and cold overcome the matter ; otherwise it is inquination and inconcoction . The opposite to simple generation is Putre●action ; every thing unlesse violently dissolved putrifieth . Hence those things that putrifie , become first humid , then dry ; for the externall heat expelleth the internall , and at last consumeth it . All things therefore putrifie except fire , for putrefaction is the corruption of the naturall heat in every humid body , by the externall . For this reason , things are lesse subject to putrifie in cold or in motion , and the hotter or greater they are , as a part of the sea may putrifie , the whole cannot . Out of putrid things are bred living creatures ; for the naturall , heat whilst it is separating , endeavoureth as much as possible , that what is taken asunder and segregated by corruption , may gather together in some small parts , which afterwards , by help of the Sun , receive life . Thus are wormes , beetles , gnats , and other insects bred . b Concoction is the effect of heat , inconcoction of cold . Concoction is a perfection caused by naturall heat of the opposite passive qualities , which are mixed with the matter , as being passive . The end of concoction in some things is mutation of the essence , as when food is converted into flesh or blood ; in others only a mutation according to quantity or quality , as in fruites that ripen . Inconcoction is an imperfection in the opposite passive qualities , proceeding from defect of heat . Concoction is three-fold , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Inconcoction is also three-fold , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the concoction of that Element which is in fruits ; it is perfect , when the seeds that are within the fruit are capable of producing their like , hereto is opposite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inconcoction of fruits not able through want of heat to overcome the humidity . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a concoction of an humid interminate by externall humidity and heat ▪ Hereto is opposite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the inconcoction of a humid interminate , caused by defect of externall humidity and heat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a concoction by dry and externall heat , yet not excessive , for then it were adustion : to this is opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an incoction caused through defect of heat and fire , or excess of humidity in the subject . d As concerning the two passive qualities ; things are humid and dry , either actually , or potentially . Those things which are mixt of humid and dry , are terminate , for these qualities mutually terminate one another , whence bodies consist not without earth and water , this humid , that dry . And for this reason Animals can onely live in Earth and Water , which are their matter . The first affections of terminate bodies are hardnesse and softnesse ; hard is that which yields not to the touch , soft the contrary . Both these are such , either absolutely , or relatively . They are made such by concretion , which is a kind of exiccation . e Exiccation is of things that are water , or of the Nature of water , or have water in them , either naturally insite , or adventitious . It is done principally by heat , accidentally by cold . Humectation ( its contrary ) is the concretion of a vapour into water , or liquefaction of a solid body , as Metall . Concretion is , when the humidity being removed , the dry is reduced together and condensed , either by cold , as in generation of stones , or by heat , as in segregation of salt from water . To concretion is opposite , resolution , which is effected by its contraries . Those things which are condensed by heat only , are resolved by cold only , and so on the contrary . f Besides these principall affections , there are others secondary , chiefly competent to homogeneous bodies , some passive , some active . Of passive qualities in mixt bodies , there are 18. differences , Concretile , Eliquabile , Mollisicable , Humectable , Flexible , Frangible , Impressible , Formable , Compressible , Tractile , Ductile , Fissile , Sectile , Unctious , Friable , Condensable , Combustible , exhalable , and their contraries . From these are thus denominated , homiomerious mixt bodies , as Metalls , Gold , Brass , Silver , Stone and the like ; and whatsoever is made out of these ; as likewise similar parts in Animals and in Plants , as flesh and bone , whereof some are more cold , which consist most of water , others more hot , which most of earth and air . CHAP. XIII . Of Plants and Animals . AT the end of his meteors he proposeth to speak of Similar parts ; as Blood , and the like ; what they are , and to what end , their matter and reason , but especially whence they have their motion ; next to proceed to dissimilar parts , and lastly to speak of those which consist therof , as men , Plants , and the like . Hence Patricius conjectures that his Books of the parts of living Creatures did immediately succeed those of the Meteors , wherein he treateth ( as he proposeth ) of Similar parts unto the tenth Chapter , of the second Book , and from thence of the dissimilar . But to reduce his Books of living Creatures to this method is the lesse certain , for as much as many of these ( besides those which treated particularly of Anatomy ) have been lost , of which perhaps were some which might better have cleared the series , for in the Books themselves concerning Animals , there is nothing to ground it upon . For the same reason , it is uncertain where his Books of Plants ought to have been placed , which are lost . Perhaps they might precede those of Animals ; for he asserts that Plants have souls , ( contrary to the Stoicks ) endued with vegetative power ; that they live even though cut asunder , as insects , whereby two or more are made of one ; that the substance they receive by aliment and the ambient air is sufficient for the preservation of their naturall heat . As concerning Animals , we have , Of their Going , one Book . Of their History , ten Books . Of their parts , four Books ; Of their Generation , five Books . So exquisitely hath he treated upon this subject , as cannot well be expressed by an abridgement , and therefore we shall omit it ; the rather because little or nothing was done herein by the Academicks or Stoicks , a collation with whom is the principall design of this summary . CHAP. XIV . Of the Soul. a THe knowledge of the Soul conduceth much to all Truth , and especially to Physick , for the Soul is as it were the principle of animate things . Animate things differ from inanimate chiefly by motion and sense . b Whence the antient Philosophers defined the Soul by these ; Democritus the Pythagoreans , Anaxagoras by motion ; Empedocles and Plato by knowledge ; others by both ; others by incorporeity , or a rare body ; Thales something that moveth ; Diogenes , air ; Heraclitus , exhalation , an immortall substance ; Hippo ▪ water ; Critias , blood . c The soule doth not move it selfe , as Democritus held , for whatsoever is moved , is moved by another . Again , if the soul were moved perse , it would be in place , and it were capable of being moved violently , and it would be of the same nature with the body , and might return into the body after the separation . Neither is the soul moved by it selfe , but from its objects ; for if it were moved essentially , it might recede from its essence . The soul therefore is not moved perse , but by accident only , according to the motion of the body . d The soul is not Harmony , ( a proportionate mixture of contraries ) for then there must be more souls in the same body , according to the different constitution of its parts . But though we commonly say , the soul grieveth , hopeth , feareth , &c. we are not to understand that the soul is moved , but only that these are from the soul in the body , that is moved ; some by locall motion of the Organs , others by alteration of them . To say , the soul is angry is no more proper then to say she builds ; for it is the man that is angry by the soul , otherwise the soul were liable to age , decay , and infirmity , as well as the organs of the body . e Neither is the soul a rare body , consisting of elements , for then it would understand nothing more then the elements themselves ; neither is there a soul diffused through all things , as Thales held , for we see there are many things inanimate . Some from the different functions of the soul argue , that there are more souls then one in man , or that the soul is divisible , the supream intellectuall part placed in the head , the irascible in the heart , concupiscible in the liver : But this is false , for the Intellect is not confined to any part of the body , as not being corporeall , nor organicall , but immateriall and immortall . f The soul is the first intelechie of a naturall organicall body , having life potentially . First , Entelechie . ] Entelechie is two-fold , the first is the principle of operation , as Science ; the second , the Act it selfe . Of a Naturall , ] g not of an artificiall body , as a Tower or Ship. Organicall body , ] that is , endued with instruments for operation , as the eye for seeing , the ear for hearing ; even plants have simple Organs . Having life potentially , ] as it were in it selfe , for potentially is lesse then actually ; actually , as in him that wakes ; potentially , as in him that is asleep . The soul is otherwise defined , that by which we first live , feel , and understand ; whence appeareth , there are three faculties of the soul , nutritive , sensitive , intellective ; the inferiour comprehended by the superiour potentially , as a triangle by a quadrangle . CHAP. XV. Of the Nutritive faculty . a THe first and most common faculty of the Soul is the Nutritive ; by which life is in all things , the acts and operation thereof are to be generated , and to take nourishment . Nutriment is received either towards Nutrition or augmentation . Nutrition is the operation of the Nutritive faculty conducing to the substance it self of the animate being . Augmentation is the operation of the Nutritive faculty , whereby the animate body encreaseth to perfect Magnitude . In nutrition are considered , the Soul nourishing , the body nourished , and the food by which the nourishment is made ; hereto is required a Naturall heat , which is in all living creatures . The aliment is both contrary , or unlike , and like , to the body nourished : as it is undigested , we say nourishment is by the contrary ; as altered by digestion , like is nourished by its like . CHAP. XVI . Of the Sensitive Faculty . a THE Sensitive faculty of the Soul is that by which sence is primarily in Animals . Sense is a mutation in the Organ caused by some sensible Object . It is not sensible of it self , nor of its Organ , not of any interiour thing . To reduce it to act , is requisite some externall sensible object , for sense cannot move it self being a passive power , as that which is combustible cannot burn it self . b Of sensible Objects there are three kinds ; proper , which is perceived by one sense , without errour , as colour in respect of sight . Common ; which is not proper to any one , but perceived by all . Accidentall ; which , as such , doth not affect the sense . Sense is either Externall or Internall , the externall are five , Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Touching , Tasting . c The object of Seeing is Colour , and some thing without a name that glisters in the dark , as the scales of fish , glow-worms and the like . Colour is the motive of that which is actually perspicuous ; nothing therefore is visible , without light . Perspicuous is that which is visible , not by it self , but by some other colour or light , as Air , Water , Glasse . Light is the act of a perspicuous thing , as it is perspicuous . It is not fire , not a body , for then two bodies would be in the same place . To sight and all other senses is requisite a medium and convenient distance . The object first affects the medium , then the organ . d The object of hearing is sound . Sound is made by collision of two bodies , hard , smooth , and hollow , in a medium , as air or water , swiftly and vehemently before the medium be dissipated . Echo is a reflex sound , when the air , gathered together and forced into a vessell , or some place which hindereth its diffusion and progresse , reverts as a base against a wall . Sound is alwaies reflected , though not alwaies perceptibly , as light also , otherwise all places would be dark , which were not directly opposite to the Sun , or some lucid body . Sound is made by that which moveth the air ; and continually stirreth it , till it arive at the organ , wherein there is an insite , connaturall , animate , immovable air , which being moved by the externall air , yeeldeth the sense of hearing . Hence it commeth that we can hear under water , for the water cannot get into this air , because of the winding narrow passages of the ear : If it do get in , or the membrance which containeth this air be otherwise broken , it causeth deafnesse . Voice is the impulsion of air attracted by respiration , and forced against the vocall artery by the soul , which is in the lungs , with some intent of signification . Voice therefore is not proper to all animals , but to such only as have blood and breath . Fishes therefore have not voice . e The object of smelling is Odor . This sense is not so perfect in men as in other creatures , whence men perceive not odors , unlesse with delight or dislike , when they are so strong , as to excite one of these . This defect proceedeth from the organ of smelling , which in us is more obtuse . The medium of smelling is air and water , for fishes smell . Hence all living creatures smell not after the same manner ; they which breath smell by drawing in the air , the rest not so , because of the different accommodation of the Organ . Those therefore which smell by drawing in the air , cannot smell under water . Odor consists chiefly in dry , as sapor in humid . The organ of smelling is dry potentially , as the object is actually . f The object of Tast is sapor . Whatsoever is gustable is tactible , and humid , either actually , or at least potentially . Dry things are subject to tast as they are potentially humid , and melt as salt . The tast perceiveth that which is gustable , and that which is ingustable , as the sight darknesse , the hearing silence ; for every sence perceiveth the presence and absence of its object . That which is potable is perceived by the touch , as humid by the tast , as having sapor . The tongue tasts not that which is dry , because the organ of tast must be such potentially , as the object is actually ; but , without humidity nothing is gustable . The kinds of sapors are sweet and bitter ; to sweet are referred unctious , to bitter salt . The mean are sharp , piccant , acid , acute ; gustable is that which moveth the tast , and reduceth it to act . g The objects of Touch are the primary qualities , organ is that part which is potentially that which the object is in act ; for that which is like cannot suffer from its like . We feel not things of equall heat , cold , hardnesse , or softnesse . The flesh is the medium ; the first sensory is something more internall . Herein touch and tast differ from the other senses , whose objects are at greater distance . Touch perceiveth things tactile and not tactile . h All these senses receive sensible species without matter , as wax the impression of a seal without the gold . The organ or sensory is that in which the sensitive faculty primarily exists ; a vehement object destroyeth the organ . i That there are no more externall senses then these five , is manifest , in that there are no more in perfect animals ; neither is there any need of a sixt sense to perceive common objects , which every sense discernes by accident , as motion figure . The act of the object , and the act of the sense it selfe , as Sonation and Audition , are really the same , differ only intentionally . This act is generally in the sensitive , not in the object . k Sensible qualities are finite , as being bounded by extreams and their contraries , but divisible by accident into infinite , according to the division of their continuous subject . l In sensibles , some are potentially sensible , as a part joyned to the whole ; others actually , as the whole it selfe , or a part separated from the whole . But of separate parts some are so little , that sense cannot actually perceive them , by reason of their want of due magnitude . m Sounds and odors are successively generated in the medium , and by degrees deduced to the organ ; but light is produced in an instant in the medium , not carried through it by locall motion . CHAP. XVII . Of Common sense . a EVery externall sense perceiveth the differences of its own object , as sight judgeth of black and white ; but the differences of divers objects cannot be perceived by the same sense ; there is therefore a common sense , which judgeth the actions of externall sense , and the differences of all sensible objects . The judgment being of a sensible object , must be done by sense , and by one sense only ; for , if there were more , one would object one object apart , the other another , and consequently could not judge between them . For , that which judgeth must have knowledge of all that whereof it judgeth , which no exteriour sense can afford , as being consined to its proper object . Common sense judgeth contrary or different sensibles in the same instant , for it discerneth togther sweet and black , bitter and sweet . Hence it is like the center of a circle , which in diverse respects is called one and many . It is one ; as all the externall senses are united in it ; many , as it is the fountain and judge of them . b Sense differs from Intellect ; for sense is in all living creatures , intellect in few . Sense erreth not about its proper object , but is alwaies true ; intellect often erreth by false opinions and habits . CHAP. XVIII . Of Phantasy and Cogitation . a FRom Sense is derived Phantasy and Cogitation . Phantasy differs from sense and intellect , though it exist not without a previous knowledge of sense , as neither doth cogitation , which is in action of the Intellect , comprehending science , opinion , and prudence . The act of Phantasy differs from Cogitation , for we phansy things false and at our own pleasure ; but , we think only what is true , and like unto truth , and that not as we please our selves , but as the thing seemeth . Moreover , when we think that things are ill or good , we are moved with fear , joy , hope ; but when we phansy only without application of judgment , we are not moved no more then we are frighted at a picture . Phantasy is not properly Sense , phantasy acteth in him that sleepeth , sense doth not . Sense was with us from our birth , phantasy not . Sense is in all animals , phantasy is not . Sense is true , phantasy often false . Sense is only of things present , phantasy of the absent likewise . Phantasy is not Science or Intellect , for that is alwaies of things true and reall , phantasy often is of things false . Phantasy is not opinion , for opinion is follow'd by faith , phantasy is not . Phantasy is a motion in animals from sense in act , by which motion they are variously affected , and conceive things sometimes true , and sometimes false . The errour of phantasy ariseth from the errour of the senses : Phantasy therefore is of neer affinity with sense ; for though it be not sense , yet it exists not without sense , or in things that have no sense . It is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from light , for sight the most excellent of senses cannot act without light . Many things are done by Animals according to phantasie , either because they have not Intellect as Beasts , or that intellect is obscured in them . CHAP. XIX . Of Memory and Reminiscence . a FRom Phantasy proceeds Memory , which is of things past , as sense is of the present , opinion of the future . Sense and Intellection are necessarily previous to memory . Hence those Animals only which have sense of time , remember , as horses and dogs ; yet memory is not without phantasm , even not that memory which is of Intelligible things , for he that remembreth , is sensible that he first saw , heard , or learn'd what he remembreth . Memory therefore is reducible per se to phantasie , as being of Phantasmes , to intellect only by accident . Hence in the same part of the Soul , wherein Phantasie exists , resideth likewise memory ; for if it were placed only in the intellectual faculty , it would not be competent to Beasts , which we see it is . Memory is made by impression of some image by the sense upon the Soul. Hence they who retain not the image and figure of sense , either by continuall motion , or excessive humidity , as children , or drought , as old men , remember not . To memory therefore is required a moderate temperature of the brain ; yet more inclined to dry . b Reminiscence is not a resumption or assumption of memory , but differs specifically from both these , for Beasts have not Reminiscence though they have memory , Reminiscence being made by discourse and diligent disquisition , collecting one thing from another by a continued series and order , untill at last we cal that to mind which we had forgotten . CHAP. XX. Of Sleep and Waking . a TO Sense belongeth Sleep and Waking ; for those animate things which want sense , neither sleep nor wake , as Plants . Sleep is an immobility , and band as it were of sense ; waking is a solution and remission of sense . b The chief seat of sleep is the common sense , which being bound up by sleep , all the exteriour senses , whereof this is the common Centre , are bound up likewise and restrained , for the rest and health of the Animal ; which is the end of waking also . c Every impotence of sense is not sleep , but only that which is caused by evaporation of the Aliment . Hence we are most subject to sleep after meat ; for then much humid vapour ascends , which first maketh the head heavy by consistence there , then descends and repells the heat , whereby is induced sleep . That sleep is made in this manner , is evident from all soporiferous things , as poppy , which causeth heaviness in the head by sending up vapours . Labour produceth sleep , by dispersing the humours , whence produceth vapour . Drunken men & Children are subject to sleep much , melancholy persons little , for they are so cold within , that the vapour exhaleth not , especially they being of a dry constitution . Sleep therefore is a recession of the heat inward with a naturall kind of circumobsistence . CHAP. XXI . Of Dreams . a DReaming is an affection of the sensory part , in as much as it is phantastick . A Dream is an apparition or phantasme seen in sleep . After the functions of the externall senses , there remain their motions and similitudes induced by their objects into their Organs . These occurring in sleep cause dreams , but not at all times , nor at every age , for their species show not themselves but upon cessation of the humours . Hence Dreams are not immediatly after sleep , nor in infants soon after their birth , for then there is too great commotion by reason of the alimentary heat . As therefore in troubled water no image appeareth , or if any , much distorted , but when it is calm , the image is rendred clearly ; so when there is a tumult and agitation of the humours , there are no images presented , or those dreadfull , such as are the Dreams of melancholly and sick persons ; but when the blood passeth smoothly , and the humours are setled , we have pure and pleasing Dreams ; A Dream therefore is a phantasm caused by motion of sensibles already perceived by sense , occurring to Animals in sleep . CHAP. XXII . Of the Intellective Faculty . a THe third faculty of the Soul is the Intellective , proper to man. Intellect is that part of the Soul whereby it knoweth and understandeth . It is twofold , Patient and Agent . Patient Intellect is that by which Intellect becometh all things , for Intel●ection is like sense ; Sense is by passion from a sensible object , intellect from an intellectuall . The properties of patient Intellect are these ; it is void of corruptive passion ; it is apt for reception of species ; it is that species potentially ; it is not mixt with the body ; it hath no corporeall Organs ; it is the place of species . b That there is also an agent Intellect is manifest ; for in whatsoever kind , there is somthing that is potentially all of that kind , there is somthing likewise which is the efficient cause of all in that kind ; this is the agent Intellect , a cognoscitive power which enlightneth phantasms and the patient Intellect . The properties thereof are , that it is separable from the body , immortall and eternall ; that it is not mixt with the body ; that it is void of passion ; that it is ever in act ; but the patient Intellect is mortall , which is the cause of Forgetfulness . c The action of the Intellect is twofold , one , Intellection of indivisibles , in which is neither truth nor falshood , as all simple apprehensions ; the other complex , when we compound and unite notions by affirmation or negation . This is alwaies either true or false , the other neither . The simple is precedent to the complex . d Intellect in act is either Practick or Theoretick . As a sensible object reduceth the sensible faculty from power to act , so doth an intellectuall object the intellectuall faculty ; and as the operation of sense is threefold , simple apprehension , judgment if it be good or ill , and lastly , appetition or aversion according to that perception : So likewise is the operation of the practick intellect threefold : First , it is moved by phanta●mes , as sense is by externall sensibles . Secondly , it judgeth the object to be good or ill , by affirmation or negation . Thirdly , it moveth the will to pursue or shun it , whence it is called practick . This practick intellect is moved as well when the sensible object is absent , as when it is present , only excited by the phantasy . The object of the Theoretick Intellect , is , true or false ; of the practick , good or ill . e The rationall soul in some manner is every thing ; for that which actually knoweth , is in some maner the same with the thing known . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Motive faculty . a BEsides the nutritive , sensitive , and intellective faculties , there is also a motive faculty in animate creatures . That it is not the same with the nutritive is manifest , in as much as it proceeds from imagination and apprehension , which plants have not , neither have they organs fit for motion , which nature would have given them if they had this power . That it is not the same with the sensitive , appears , in that some animals which have sense have not the power , as Zoophytes , which have not the organs fit for this motion . Neither is it the same with the Theoretick Intellect , for that judgeth not as to action ; but progressive motion is the action of an animal flying ill , or pursuing good . b The principles of locall motion in animals , are the practick Intellect ( under which is comprehended phantasy ) and appetite . These two direct and impell the motive faculty to action ; intellect and phantasy by directing what is to be shunned , what to be embraced , appetite by shunning or embracing it . Appetite is the chief principle thereof , for that may move without intellect , as in beasts , and many times in men , who desert their reason to follow their pleasure : But intellect never moveth without appetite , that is , will ; for appetite is the principle of all motion , honest and dishonest , intellect only of honest motion . In man , appetite is two-fold ; Will , which followeth the judgment of reason ; and sensuall appetite , irascible or concupiscible , which followeth sense and phantasy . In the motion of animals , three things are considered : First , that which moveth , and that is two-fold ; the appetible object , which moveth the appetite as a finall cause , not as an efficient ; and the appetite it selfe , which being moved by the appetible object , moveth the animall . Secondly , by what it moves , which is the heart of the animal , by which instrument the appetible object moveth it . Thirdly , that which is moved , the animall it selfe , perfect . c Insects are moved locally , as perfect animals are , and consequently by the same principles , appetite and phantasy ; but this phantasy is imperfect , diffused through the whole body , as appeareth by their uncertain motion , only towards present occurrent objects . That they have appetite is manifest , in as much as they are sensible of pain and pleasure . Beasts have sensitive phantasie only ; rationall creatures , deliberative , which compareth many things conducing to some foreknown end , and chooseth the most expedient . Yet somtimes the sensitive appetite in man overswayeth the rationall , but by the order of nature , the will , which is the rationall , ought , as being the superiour to it , to oversway the sensitive . Thus there are three motions , one of the will commanding , another of the sensitive appetite resisting , and a third of the body obeying . But when the sensitive overruleth , there are only two motions , for the will resists not , but is deceived . CHAP. XIV . Of Life and Death . a GEneration and dissolution are common to all living Creatures , though all are not produced and dissolved in the same manner . b The generation of a living Creature is the first conjunction of the nutritive Soul with the naturall heat . Life is the permanence of that Soul with the said heat . Youth is the encrease of the first refrigerative part , age the decrease thereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the constant and perfect life which is betwixt both . As long as an animate Creature liveth , it hath naturall heat within it self , and as soon as that faileth , dieth . The principle of this heat is in the heart . If it be extinguish'd in any other part , the Animal may live , but if in the heart , it cannot . This heat is extinguish'd two waies ; first by consumption , when it faileth of it self ; secondly , by extinction , from some contrary , as in violent death ; the cause is the same in both , defect of aliment , which in the living Creature is its vital moisture , as fire wanting refrigeration , groweth more violent , and soone consumeth the humidity , which being gone , it self must of necessity go out . Refrigeration therefore is necessary to the conservation of the naturall heat . Plants are refrigerated by the ambient air , and by aliment : their naturall heat is extinguish'd by excessive cold , and dry'd up by excessive heat . Animals which live in the air , or in the water , are refrigerated by the air or water , some by breathing , others without . c Death , according to the extinction of naturall heat , is two-fold , violent or naturall ; violent , when the cause is extrinsecall ; naturall , when the principle thereof is in the animate Creature . For that part wheron life dependeth ( the Lungs ) is so ordered by nature that its cannot perform its office for ever . Death therefore cometh from defect of heat , when through want of refrigeration the radicall humidity is consumed and dry'd up . Refrigeration faileth naturally , when by progresse of time the lungs in Creat●res that have breath , the gils in fishes grow so hard , that they are unapt for motion . d Old men die easily , as having but little naturall heat , and without pain , because his dissolution comes not from any violent affection . e The lives of living Creatures , as well of the same , as of divers species differ in length ; the longest life , most commonly , is that of some Plants , as the Palm and Cypresse ; that of Creatures which have blood rather then the bloodlesse ; that of terrestriall creatures rather then the aquatile ; that of those which have great bodies , as of Elephants , rather then those of little . f The causes of long life are first the quantity and quality of the vitall moisture , if it be much and fat , not easily dry'd up nor congealed . Secondly , natural hear , which suffereth not that humour to be congealed . Thirdly , a due proportion betwixt this heat and that moisture . Fourthly , fewnesse of excrements , for excrements are contrary to Nature , and somtimes corrupt nature it self , somtimes a part . Salacious creatures , or laborious grow soon old by reason of exiccation . For the same reason men are shorter liv'd then women , but more active . In hot Countries , animate creatures are larger , and live longer then in cold . Those animals which have little or no blood , either are not at all produced in the Northern parts , or soon dye . Both Plants and Animals , ●f they take not aliment , die , for the naturall heat , when the aliment faileth , consumeth the matter it self , wherein it is , the vitall moisture . Aquatile creatures are shorter liv'd then the terrestriall , and the bloodlesse then those that have blood , because their humidity is more waterish , and consequently more apt to be congealed and corrupted . g Plants live long , as having lesse of waterish moisture , which therefore is not so apt to be congealed . The largenesse of the upper parts , as well in Plants as Animals , is a signe of long life , because it argues much naturall heat . The upper part of a Plant is the root , not the boughes . THE THIRD PART . CHAP. I. ETHICK . WE come next to the Morall part of Philosophy , including Ethick , OEconomick and Politick . Of the first , we have ten Books of Aristotles , written to ( his Son ) Nicomachus , two Bookes called his Great Ethick ; one of Vertues Of OEconemick , two Books ; of ▪ Politick eight . We shall not have recourse to these for an account of his Doctrine in this kind , being furnished by Stobaeus with a summary of what he and the rest of the Peripateticks asserted in Morality . Ethick ( a saith he ) is so called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Custome ; for those things , the principles and seeds whereof we receive from Nature , are to be perfected by Custom and right institution . Hence Ethick pertaineth only to living Creatures , and particularly to man , for the rest acquire Custom , not by Reason , but Necessity , man by Reason . Of the Soul , one part is Rationall , the other Irrationall ; the rationall part is Iudicative , the irrationall Appetitive ; of the rationall , that which is Theoretick , conversant in divine things , is called Science ; that which is Practick , conversant in humane Actions , is called Counsell . Of the latter , one part is concupiscible , another irascible . In like manner Vertue is twofold , rationall and irrationall , consisting in Theory and practise . Ethick Vertue consisteth not in Science , but in election of Goods . Vertue is perfected by three things ; Nature , Custom and Reason . For man differing from other Creatures both in body and mind , as being a species placed between divine essences and irrationall Creatures , hath some affinity to both ; in what is rationall , and agrees with the Soul , he is ally'd to the Divinity ; in what is irrationall , proper to the body , he agrees with the irrationall . Both these desire perfection by Reason ; and first , he desireth to be , for this is naturally insite in him . Hence he affecteth things that are according to his Nature , and is averse from things contrary to his nature . He endeavoureth to preserve health , pleasure , life , these being according to nature , expetible in themselves and good . On the contrary , he shunneth sicknesse , pain , and death , as being repugnant to nature , and therefore ill , and to be avoided . We love our own bodies , we love our own soules , their parts , their faculties , their acts : the principle of appetite , office , and vertue is a providentiall care of these . If errour did not happen concerning things expetible and avoidable , but that we lived continually participant of good , and vold of ill , we should not enquire in these for a true election . But being in things expetible and avoidable , through ignorance often deceived , sometimes rejecting the good , sometimes admitting the ill for good , we necessarily have recourse to constancy of Iudgment , which having obtain'd convenient to nature , we call it , from the excellency of its function , Vertue , admiring and honouring it above all things . For actions , and those which are called Offices , proceed from election of things according to nature , and rejection of things ▪ repugnant to nature . Herein consist right actions and sinnes ; even on these dependeth almost the whole reason of Election ; as we shall briefly demonstrate . That Children are expetible to parents , not only for use of benefit , but also in themselues , is most evident . There is no man so cruell and savage , who doth not rather desire his children after his death should live happily and well , then otherwise : By this affection dying persons make Wills , providing even for the unborn , choosing Tutors and Guardians to assist them . And as Children are loved for themselves , so likewise we love Parents , Brethren , Wife , Kindred , Acquaintance , Country-men , for themselves , as having some interest in them by nature . For , man is a sociable communicative creature ; and though of Friendships , some are more remote then others , it is nothing to the purpo●e , for all friendship is for its own sake , and not for use only . And if friendship with Country-men be expetible in it selfe , it will likewise be expetible in it selfe with all men ; for all those who benefit others , are so affected towards them , that they do most actions for the office sake . Who will not free any man from a wilde beast , if he be in his power ? Who will not direct a man that is out of his way ? Who will not relieve a man that is ready to starve , or direct a man in a desart to a spring ? Who desires not to be well spoken of after death ? Who abhorrs not these speeches as unnaturall ? When I am dead , let earth be mix'd with fire , I care not , so I now have my desire . It is manifest therefore , that we have a naturall goodwill and friendship towards all mankinde , as being a thing expetible in it selfe , and consonant to reason . The race of Gods and Men is one , From Nature both alike begun . Love of all mankinde being thus common to us , much more evidently it is expetible in it selfe towards those , whom conversation hath made our friends . A Friend , Friendship , and Good-will are expetible in themselves . In like manner praise is expetible in it selfe ; for we contract society with those who praise us : And if praise , glory likewise , which is nothing but the praise of many persons . Now seeing that externall Goods are expetible in themselves , much more are the goods of the soul and body expetible in themselves . For , if man be expetible in himselfe , the parts of man must likewise be expetible in himselves . The parts of man in generall are Soul and Body ; the body therefore is expetible in it selfe . Why should the body of another person be dear to us , and not our own ? Or , why should our body be dear to us , and not the parts and functions thereof ? Health therefore , strength , beauty , swiftnesse , sound sense , and the rest , are expetible in themselves ; for none of ordinary capacity would choose to be deformed or maimed , though no inconvenience would happen thereupon ; so that deformity , even without any inconvenience , seemeth justly avoidable . And if deformity be avoidable in it selfe , beauty is expetible , not for use only , but in it selfe . For , that beauty pleaseth , is manifest , in as much as all have a naturall inclination ( besides that of conversation ) to such as are beautifull , and endeavour to confer benefits on them , so as it seemeth to procure benevolence . In this respect therefore , beauty is judged expetible in it selfe , deformity avoidable in it selfe . It is the same in health and sicknesse , strength and weaknesse , activity and heavinesse , sense and privation of sense . And if Corporeall goods are expetible in themselves , and their contrary evills avoidable , the parts and vertues of the soul must necessarily be expetible also . For , vertue , beginning , as we said , from the body , and externall goods , and reflecting upon it selfe , and considering how much more neer relation it hath to the soul , contracteth a neerer affinity with it . So that the vertues of the soul are much to be preferred before those of the body , which is easily collected from what hath been said . For , if corporeall health be expetible in it selfe , much more is Temperance , which freeth us from the fury of the passions . And if corporeall strength ought to be numbered amongst goods , much more ought magnanimity , by which the soul is strengthened . And if ▪ corporeall Beauty be expetible in it selfe , much more is that of the soul , Iustice. In like manner is it with the vertues . For , there are three kinds of Goods , which though different , have some kinde of analogie . That which in the body is called Health , in the soul is called Temperance , and in externals , Riches . What in the body is Strength , in the soul is Magnanimity , in externals , Power . What in the body is Vigour of Sense , in the soul is Prudence , in externals , Felicity . What in the body is Beauty , in the soul is Iustice , in externals , Friendship . There are three kinds of Goods expetible in themselves , those concerning the soule , those concerning the body , and the externall ▪ but , especially those of the soul , for the soul is more excellent then the body . Yet though corporeall and externall vertues be inferiour to those of the soul , they are not to be neglected , partly , as being expetible in themselves ; partly , as conducing to civill , sociable , and contemplative life , for life is defined by civill , sociable , and contemplative actions ; Vertue ( according to this Sect ) not being a lover of it selfe , but communicative and civill . For when we say , vertue is neerest ally'd to it selfe , the desire of the knowledge of truth necessarily followeth it , so as wise men may rightly part with their life , and fools rightly preserve theirs ; since that to those who are perfect , it is an equall thing to depart this life or not . The excellency of vertue is much encreased by corporeall and externall goods ; yet , the end cannot any way be compleated by them . The function therefore of vertue is Beatitude , by successefull actions . Corporeall and externall goods are said to be efficient of beatitude , for as much as they confer something thereto , not that they compleat it , for Beatitude is life . Life consists of actions , but those can neither be reckoned amongst actions nor functions . Hereupon comes in Beneficence , grace , humanity , love of Children and Brethren , of our Country , Parents , Benevolence , of Kinsfolk , Friendship , Equality , and the whole company of Vertues ; which who neglect , manifestly sin , as to expetible goods , and avoidable evills ; and also in the acquisition and use of Goods , they sin in election , by judgment ; in acquisition , by the manners in use , by ignorance . In election they sin , as desiring that which is not good , or preferring the lesser good , as most prefer Pleasant before P●ofitable , profitable before Honest. In acquisition , as not considering whence , nor in what manner , nor how far it ought to be acquired : In use , for as much as all use being referred either to it selfe or some other , in the former they observe no moderation , in the latter no decency . In these things , though the wicked sin , yet do the just behave themselves uprightly , following vertue as their leader . In all vertues , there is Iudgment , Election , and A●tion ; there is no Vertue without these ; Prudence hath the first place , the rest follow . Vertue is called the best affection , which may be collected from Induction . The Vertue of a shoemaker is that by which he knoweth how to make shoes , and of an Archit●ct , that by which he knoweth how to build a handsom house . Vertue therefore is the best of Affections . Of Vertue there are two principles as it were , Reason and Passion , which somtimes agree , somtimes disagree ; for Pleasure or grief , when Reason gets the Mastery , it is called Temperance ; when passion , Intemperance ; The Harmony and Concord of both is Vertue , one rightly commanding , the other obeying . Expetible is that which attracteth the appetite to it self , avoidadable that which repelleth it , reason consenting thereto . Expe●ible and good were by the Ancients esteemed the same , for they affirmed Good to be that which all desire . Of Goods , they say some are expetible for themselves , some , for others ; the first are either honest or necessary . Honest are the Vertues and their functions ; necessary Life , and those things which pertain unto it , as the body with its parts and uses , and those which are called externall goods , as riches , peace , glory , Liberty , friendship , for each of these conferreth to the use of Vertue . Beatitude consisteth of Good and successful actions ; wherefore it is wholly good , as playing upon pipes is wholly Artificial ; for the use of the matter doth not take away the goodnesse from Beatitude ; as the use of Instruments taketh not away from the Art of Medicine . Such things as are made use of towards this perfection , are not to be reckoned as parts ; for they ; without which the action cannot be , are not rightly parts thereof ; for parts conduce to the whole , the rest conduce to the end . Good is divided into honest , profitable and pleasant ; these are the scopes of all actions . Beatitude consists of all these . It is the use of perfect Vertue , in perfect life , with prosperous successe ; and the function of perfect life according to Vertue ; and the use of Vertue according to nature without any impediment . Though some assert , that the End , is to be happy , and Beatitude the scope , as , Riches are Good , and to be rich that which is behovefull ; yet is it better to follow the Antients , who assert the End to be that for whose sake all things are , it self not being for the sake of any other ; or the ultimate of things expetible ; or Life according to Vertue , in corporeall and externall goods , either in all or the most principall . This being the greatest Good , useth the Ministry of the rest ; for as those things which conferr hereunto are to be esteemed Goods , so those things which resist it are Indifferents , for every good action doth not effect Beatitude . They assert Beatitude to be the use of perfect Vertue , as holding some Vertues to be perfect , others imperfect . The perfect are Iustice and Integrity ; the imperfect are Ingenuity and Progression . The perfect agreeth with the perfect , so as the end thereof is the function of that Vertue , whereof no part is wanting . They added perfect life , to shew that Beatitude is in men of full age , for a young man is imperfect , and so is his life . Beatitude therefore is in perfect time , the longest that is appointed for us by the Gods. As one Verse makes not a Poem ; nor one step a dance , nor one swallow a Summer ; so neither doth a short time conferre Beatitude , for Beatitude is perfect , and requireth a perfect Man and Time. They added successefull Function of Vertue , because the Goods of Nature are necessarily requisite to Beatitude ; for a good man may exercise Vertue in misery , but cannot be happy . For as Vertue is the only efficient of honest actions , so is Beatitude of honest , good , and excellent . Neither doth it abide amongst ill or unhappy things , but enjoyeth the Good , nor is deprived of the contemplation of good , or the conveniences of life . Beatitude being the most pleasant & fairest of things , increaseth like an Art by the multitude of its Instruments . It is not the same in God and Man , neither is it equall amongst good men , for it may somtimes be taken away by oppression of miseries . Hence it is to be doubted whether a man may be termed happy as long as he is alive , considering the uncertainty of Fortune , whence Solon said , Consider the end of a long life , whether it be happy . Those who sleep are not participant of Beatitude , but after some manner , as the function of the Soule is capable of awaking . Lastly , they added , Nature , because every waking of good men is not the use of perfect Vertue , but only that which is according to Nature , that is free from madnesse , for madnesse as well as sleep depriveth men of use , and of this Reason , and maketh them like Brutes . As Beatitude is said to be the use of Vertue , so is misery of Vice , yet not so , that as this sufficeth to misery , so that doth to Beatitude . Life is made four and unpleasant to the Good by excessive adversity , to the ill even in prosperity , because they sin more , nor can rightly be termed happy . Having asserted Beatitude to be the chief Good , it followeth that we expound how many waies it is taken . Good is understood three waies . First , for that which is the cause of preservation to all beings ; next for that which is predicated of every good thing ; Lastly , for that which is expetible in it self . The first is God ; the second the Genus of Goods ; the third , the end , to which all are referred , Beatitude . That which is expetible in it selfe , is said three waies , either that for which something is done ; or , for which all things are done ; or , some part of these . Again , of these , some are finall , some efficient : finall , are the actions proceeding , according to vertue ; efficient , the materials of expetible things . Of goods , some are honourable , some laudable , some faculties , some profitable . Honourable , as God , our Prince , Parent : Laudable , as Riches , Empire , Liberty : Profitable , the efficient , as Health . Again , of things good and expetible , some are expetible in themselves , some for others ; in themselves , as the honourable , laudable , and faculties ; for others , as the Profitable , which effect and conserve other things . Again , of things good in themselves , some are ends , others , not ends : Ends , as Iustice , Vertue , Health , and whatsoever consisteth of these ; Not ends , as Ingenuity , Memory , Learning . Again , of Goods , some are wholly perfect , others not ; of the first are Vertue and Prudence , which benefit all ; of the latter , Riches and Power , which require to be used by a good man. The same things whereof a good man maketh right use , a wicked man abuseth , as the same which a good Musician useth well , he who is ignorant of Musick useth amisse . Whosoever maketh ill use of any thing is hurt thereby ; as , a good horse , which is a help to him that knoweth how to ride , hurts the unskilfull rider . Again , of Goods , some are in the soul , some in the body , some externall : In the soul are ingenuity , art , vertue , wisdome , prudence , pleasure ; in the body , health , soundnesse of sense , beauty , strength , soundnesse of limbs , and all parts , with their faculties and functions . Externall are riches , glory , nobility , power , friend● ▪ kindred , country . The goods of the soul are either conferred by na●ure , as Wit and Memory ; or acquired by diligence , as the Liberall Sciences ; or fall into perfection , as Prudence , Iustice , and lastly , Wisdome . Again , of Goods , some may be both obtained and lost , as Riches ; some obtained , but not lost , as Felicity and Immortality ; some lost , but not obtained , as Sense and Life ; some neither obtained nor lost , as Nobility . Again , of Goods , some are only expetible in themselves , as Pleasure and Indolence ; some efficient only , as Riches ; some both efficient and expetible in themselves , as Vertue , Friends , Health . Goods are divided more waies then these , as not belonging all to one Genus , but to all the ten Categories . These things laid down , we come next to speak more accurately concerning Vertue , which they place in both parts of the soul : In the rationall part , Integrity , Prudence , Wisdome , Memory , and the like : In the irrationall part , Temperance , Iustice , Fortitude , and other vertues . These ( say they ) may be extinguished by excesse , which they prove by testimony of the senses , as things obscure by manifest . For , as by excesse or defect of exercise , health is corrupted , but by moderate exercise is preserved : In like manner is it in Temperance , Fortitude , and other vertues . For , as we do call him who feareth the Thunder , mad , not valiant ; so on the contrary , he who feareth shadowes is a coward ; but , he is valiant , who neither feareth all things , nor nothing . These things encrease or extinguish vertue ; being moderate , they encrease courage ; being too great , or too little , they extinguish it . In like manner are all other vertues extinguished by excesse or defect , increased by mediocrity . Neither is vertue only limited by these , but by pleasure and griefe likewise , in as much as for pleasure we commit wickednesse , and for griefe shun good . To explain this more fully , they un●old the nature of the soul , wherein are seen three things , passions , faculties , habits : Passions , as , anger , fear , hate , love , emulation , pitty , and the like ; to which is subsequent pleasure , or griefe . Faculties , by which we make use of passions , and are angry , do emulate , and the like . Habits are those from which the functions of these proceedeth rightly , or otherwise . If any man be so disposed , that he is angry upon any occasion , he hath the habit of anger ; if so , as to be angry upon no occasion , he hath the habit of stupidity , both which are blamable . The laudable habit is that of meeknesse , by which we are angry in due time and place . Vertues therefore are habits , by which the functions of passions become laudable . All vertue consisteth in action ; all action is continuous . Whatsoever things are continuous , like magnitude , have excesse , defect , and mediocrity , either in relation to one another , or to us . The mean , relating to us , is in all the best , ( this is not quantitative , but qualitative , and therefore is perfect ; whereas the extreams , excesse and defect , being contrary , are repugnant to one another , and to the mean. But , the mean is to both extreams as equality is to inequality , greater then the least , lesse then the greatest . ) Vertue therefore is a deliberative habite , consisting in mediocrity , relating to our selves . Theophrastus having laid down some qualities , ( following his Master ) endeavoureth to conclude from each of them : The examples he alledgeth are these ; Temperance , Intemperance , Stupidity , Meekness , Wrath , Indolence , Fortitude , Boldnesse , Timidity , Justi●e , Liberality , Prodigality , Avarice , Magnanimity , Pusillanimity , Arrogance , Magnificence , Ostentation . For of these habits , some are ill , through excesse or defect , others good through mediocrity . He is not temperate who desireth nothing , nor he who desireth all things ; one like a stone , desireth not even naturall expetibles ; the other , through excessive desire , becommeth intemperate . He only is temperate , who desireth honest things with reason , in due time and measure . He is not meek who is angry upon all occasions , nor he who is angry upon none ; but , he who is endued with the mean habit . He is not valiant who feareth nothing , not God himselfe ; nor he who feareth all things , even his own shadow . Nor just , who either assumeth or derogateth too much from himselfe , but who observeth equality . He is not liberall who giveth away all , nor he who giveth nothing ; nor magnanimous , who esteemeth himselfe worthy all great things , nor he who esteemeth himselfe worthy none ; but he who observeth a decorum . He is not magnificent who is splendid every where , nor he who no where ; but who observes due time and place . Thus the Genus of vertues is placed in Mediocrity , and mutually consequent in it selfe ; yet , not alike in all , for prudence is consequent to the rest in its own proper nature ; the rest are consequent to it by accession , for he who is just , must necessarily be wise , but not on the contrary . Of passions and appetites , some are good , some bad , some mean ; the good are friendship , benevolenee , indignation , shame , confidence , compassion ; the bad , envy , malevolence , contumely ; the mean , griefe , fear , anger , pleasure , desire . Every passion is conversant in pleasure and griefe , for which reason , the vertues depend upon them ; but , love of mony , love of pleasure , love-melancholy , and the like , are habits distinct from vices . Of Love , one kinde is of Friendship , another of Conjunction , the third of both . The first is good , the second bad ▪ the third mean. Of Friendship there are foure kinds : Sodality , Affinity , Hospitality , Erotick : whether that of Beneficence , and that of Admiration be to be added to these , is doubtfull . The first is derived from conversation ; the second from nature ; the third from cohabitation ; the fourth from affection ; the fift from good-will ; the last from some facultie . Of all these , there are in generall three ends , honest , profitable , and pleasant : All persons that are studious of friendship aim at one or more of these ends . The first friendship is that , which every man hath to himselfe ; the next , to his parent ; the rest , to his friends and neighbours . Whence excesse in the first , and defect in the rest ought to be avoided ; that being esteemed selfe-love , this reservednesse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken three waies , for a profitable benefit , or for the profitable return of a benefit , or for the remembrance of a benefit . It is placed likewise in the face and speech , whence a man is termed gracious , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A good man must lead a life conjoyned with vertue , whether according to th● necessity of the times , he execute the office of a Magistrate , or cohabit with Princes , or impose Lawes , or govern some other part of the Common-wealth . If he be not busied in any of these , he must addict himself to a popular life , either by contemplation , or action , or ( which is between both ) Instruction . For though he ought to follow the action and contemplation of excellent things ; yet if the time will not allow him to use both , he may make choice of one , and preferre the contemplative life , yet not neglecting the Common-wealth . He shall therefore marry ▪ to the end he may have issue , and addict himself to chast love , and as occasion requireth , drink wine freely , and finally mantain his life by due observance of Vertue , and bee ready to resign it , if there be a necessity , taking care to be buried in his own Country , according to the rites thereof . Thus there are three kinds of life , the Active and Contemplative , and that which consists of both . As the voluptuous is esteemed beneath the dignity of a man , so is the contemplative preferred before the rest . A good man shall addict himself to the Government of the Common-wealth , by choice , not chance ; for the active life is conversant in civill affairs . That life is best which is led according to Vertue and Nature ; the next is that which is a mean condition , as to both ; these are both expetible . But the life which is conjoined with Vice is to be avoided . A happy life differs from a Good in this . The happy is alwaies consonant to Nature , the good somtimes repugnant to Nature . To the first , Vertue onely is not requis●te ; to the other , it is requisite . A mean life is that which is placed in mediocrity , not destitute of offices . Rectitudes in life are according to Vertue , sins according to Vice ; Offices in the mean kind of life . To these things thus declared we must adde , that Vertue is a habit desiring mean pleasures and griefs , pursuing that which is honest , as it is honest ; Vice is the opposite hereto . Wisdom is the Science of the first Causes . Prudence , a habit examining and acting good things , as they are good . Fortitude , a habit betwixt boldnesse and Fear . Meekness is a mean betwixt wrath and stupidity . Liberality is the mean betwixt Prodigal●y and Penuriousnesse . Magnanimity is the mean betwixt Arrogance and Pusillanimity . * Magnificence is the mean betwixt ostentation and sordidness . Indignation is the mean betwixt envy and malevolence . Gravity is the mean betwixt assentation and contradiction . Modesty is the mean betwixt impudence and Bashfulnesse . Urbanity is the mean betwixt Scurrility and Rusticity . * Friendship is the mean betwixt dotage and enmity . Truth is the mean betwixt detraction and boasting . Iustice is the mean betwixt excesse and defect . There are other Vertues , part ranked by themselves , part under the former . As under Justice are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under Temperance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , defined thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a habit of worshpping the Gods and Demons , a mean betwixt Atheism and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit of observing right towards the Gods and the dead , a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and somthing that wants a name . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit of doing well voluntarily for their own sakes ; a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and somthing that wants a name . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit , rendring men gratefull in Society , a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and somthing that wants a name . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit avoiding injustice in Contracts ; a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and somthing that wants a name , which pertaineth to extream right . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit of observing order , a mean between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and somthing that wants a name . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit liberally content with the present , a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit of sustaining grievous things unconquer'd , a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit performing excellent things indefatigably ▪ a mean betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lastly , Frobity is a vertue consisting of all the rest ; it is perfect , as well because it rendreth good things honest and profitable . as , for that it desireth honest things , for their own sake . CHAP. II. OECONOMICK . HAving thus explained the Vertues and the chief Heads of Ethick , it remaineth that we speak of OEconomick and Politick , for as much as Man is by Nature a Civill Creature . The first Common-wealth is the lawfull congression of man and woman , for procreation of children , and society of life . This is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Family , it is the ground and beginning of a City . A Family seemeth to be a little City , for marriage being contracted , and children growing up one under another , and join'd one to another , there is deduced another family , and so a third , and a fourth . Of these is constituted Neighbourhood and a City , for many Neighbourhoods make us up a City . Th●s as a Family hath in it the seeds of a City , so likewise of a Commonwealth , for in a Family there are the prints of Monarchy , an Aristo●racy , and a Democracy . The Society between Parents and children represents a Monarchy ; that betwixt man and woman an Aristocracy , as being contracted for issue , mutuall comfort and assistance . To these is added a servant , appointed to be such by nature , able for service ; but not to live of himselfe , requirin● therefore a Master to govern him . Of all these reduced to a community , is constituted a Family . The government of a Family is by nature given to Men , fo● the counsell of Women is weaker , Children are not yet arived to it , Servants never can . The whole ordering therefore of a family depends upon the Man ; the whole prudence of Oeconomy therefore is in Man : This is partly Paternall , partly Nuptiall , partly Herile , partly Acquisitive . For , as an Army requireth Provision , a City , Merchandise , Art , Instruments ; so a Family Necessaries , as well for common life as convenience . Of these the Master of the Family takes the first care , how honestly to encrease his revenues , and moderate his expenses . He , as being the head of the Family , ought to be skilfull in many things , as in Agriculture , Grasing , Metals , whereby he may advantage himselfe without doing injury to others . Of Acquisition there are two kinds , one better then the other ; that by Nature , this by Art. CHAP. III. POLITICK . THus much concerning Oeconomick ; we come next to speak in short of Politick . First then , Cities are constituted as well for the naturall propensity of man to society , as for utility . A City is the most perfect society . A Citizen is he who is concern'd in the Magistracy . A City is a compleat number of such persons , which proceedeth so far , as that it be not disagreeing within it selfe , nor contemptible , but may conveniently provide for life , and defend it selfe against enemies . Oeconomicall prudence is one kinde , Legislative another , Politick a third , Military a fourth . A City is govern'd either by one man , or some few , or all ; and each of these either rightly , or unjustly : Rightly , when the Princes respect the common good ; unjustly , when they consider their own private interest . The right are Monarchy , Aristocracy , Democracy : the unjust , Tyranny , Oligarchy , Ochlocracy . There is also a mixt Government , consisting of the good kinds . And whereas a Common-wealth is often changed into better or worse ; that is best which is guided according to Vertue ; that worst , which according to Vice. They who command , or advise , or judge in Democracy , are taken out of all , either by suffrage , or lot : In Oligarchy , out of the Richer ; in Aristocracy , out of the Best . Sedition in Cities is either according to Reason or Interest ; the first , when equalls are reduced to unequall extremities ; the second , for honour , power , or gain . Common-wealths are overthrown either by force or fraud . They last longest which respect the publick utility . Courts of Iudicature , Processes , Pleas , and Magistracies , are ordered according to the formes of every Common-wealth . The most generall commands are Priesthood , Generalship , Admiralty , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof some relate to Citi●s , others to Havens and Traffick . The office of a Commonwealths-man is to reform a Commonwealth ; which is much harder then to erect one ; and to divide the common-people into two parts , one for necessary offices ; the other for convenient : Mechanicks , Husband-men , and Merchants are for the necessary sort , continually serving the Commonwealth ; but Souldiers and Counsellours , who are servants for vertue , and performe noble things , are the more excellent . Old men are most proper to be Counsellours , and also Priests , to perform the sacred rites ; young men for Warre . This order is exceeding antient , first constituted by the Aegyptians , who , amongst other things excellently disposed , appointed the Temples of the Gods to be built in the highest places , and the lands of private persons to be disposed , partly at the confines of the Country , partly neer the City , whereby both parts of the Country should meet in Tribute and Tax . They likewise well ordered the institution of Sodalities , and a publick care for the education of children , and that those who are too young or too old should not marry , to prevent their having weak children . Likewise , that nothing mixt be taken away , nothing perfect exposed , abortion not procured . Thus much of Politick . THE FOVRTH PART . CHAP. I. Of METAPHYSICK . THE fourth and last part of Philosophy , which treateth of Ens in generall , is by Aristotle termed sometimes , First , Philosophy , sometimes Wisdome , sometimes Theologie , by his followers and Interpreters called Metaphysick , from the order thereof , as Alexander Aphrodisaeus and Philoponus affirm , being placed after Physick , as treating of a lesse known , and more noble object . Upon this subject , there are fourteen bookes of Aristotle extant , which , saith Alexander Aphrodisaeus , by the method of the discourse and stile , are easily evinced to be his . a Metaphysick considereth Ens as it is Ens , and the primary cause thereof . b Ens is Analogous , praedicated primarily of substance , which is one essence ; of Accidents , not simply , but in regard of their common attribution to substance . Ens thus being one analogically , the science therof is one likewise ; but it treateth chiefly of substance , because that is the first essence upon which the rest depend , and from which they are denominated . CHAP. II. Of the first Principle . THe first most common axiom , or complex principle , is this ▪ It is impossible that the same thing should be and not be in the same , and according to the same respect . To this principle , all demonstrations and opinions are reduced . It is it selfe indemonstrable , as being the first ; otherwise there would be an infinite progression in demonstration , and consequently no demonstration . There is nothing more known by which it may be proved , no greater absurdity then the denyall of it , that an adversary can be reduced to . With the first negative principle , the first affirmative hath a near affinity . It is necessary that every thing be predicated affirmatively or negatively of another . It is not true in matter of a future contingent determinately , but only indeterminately . This affirmative principle therefore is not absolutely the first , yet is it true , neither can there be a medium betwixt contradictory propositions , no more then betwixt even and uneven numbers : Every proposition either affirms or denies , therefore every proposition is either true or false ; between these there is no medium . CHAP. III. Of Substance and Accident . a OF Ens in generall there are three divisions , first , by accident and per se ; secondly , Potentiall and active ; thirdly , intentionall and reall . Of Ens by accident there is no Science , for it is in a manner non-ens , it hath no cause per se ; it is not generated or corrupted per se ; it is not alwaies , nor for the most part , not necessary , whereas Science is of things contrary to these . b Ens per se is divided into ten Categories . The first is substance , and the first Ens , and consequently the first Category , for it is predicated in quids of the first subject , whereas Accidents are predicated in quale or quantum . Again , substance only is Ens per se , accidents are Ens as they are affections of substance . Substance is the first Ens , by Reason or definition , because accidents are defined by Substance . By knowledge , because the knowledge of accidents , depends on the knowledge of substance . By time , for there is some substance without accident , as God and Intelligences , but there is no accident without a substance . Likewise material substances are precedent in Time , at least to some accidents , which arrive unto them after they have some time generated . And lastly , by Nature , for the subject is , by Nature , before that which inhereth in it . Hence this part of Physick treateth onely of substance . c Subject or substance is threefold ; matter , form , compositum . The two latter are more Ens then matter , though matter be truly substance , as being the first and last subject which remaineth , though all the affections of a body be taken away . This is first matter , which in it self is neither compleat substance nor quantitative , nor in any other Category . Neither is it first substance , for that is separable , and may exist by its own power without others . That is likewise a determinate , perfect , singular substance ; but matter cannot be separated from form , neither is it singular or determinable . d Form is that which the thing it selfe is said to be , per se , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the being of a thing what it was , the whole common nature and essence of a thing , answerable to the definition . Compound sensible substances have a proper definition ; but ens by accident , consisting of subject and accident , hath not , though it may be by accident described and explained . Even Categoricall accidents being one per se , and of one nature , have a quiddity and definition , not simply as substances , but after their owne manner . e Matter and form are not properly generated , but the whole Compositum , whereto Ideas [ separate substances , ] confer nothing , neither as efficient , nor exemplary Causes . f The common substantiall , or formall parts of the thing defined , are to be put into the definition of the whole ; but the materiall parts of the Individuum it selfe , must not . CHAP. IV. Of Power and Act. a NExt Substance we come to Power and Act. Power is either active or passive : Active power is the principle of changing other things , or acting on another , in as much as it is another . Passive power is in a manner the same with active , for the motion of passion and action is really the same , neither can one be without the other , though simply they are diverse , being in different subjects , passive in the Patient , active in the Agent . b Of powers , some are void of Reason , as the power of warming ; some rationall , as Arts : The rationall are of contraries , as Medicine is of health and sick ; the irrationall of one only , as heat produceth heat . c The power ( contrary to the Megarick Philosophers , followers of Zeno ) remains ; althogh not reduced to act ; for we call a man Architect , though he be not actually employed in building . Again , Animals have sense , even when they are not in act . Thirdly , it were impossible any thing could be which were not actually . Possible is that whose power , if it were reduced to act , would not imply any impossibility . d They are mistaken , who think there is any thing possible which shall never actually be , or that there are powers whose acts are impossible ; for hence it would follow , that all things should be possible , nothing impossible . Possible is that which doth or may follow from some power ; if it never followeth , or commeth out of that power , it is impossible . That which is possible therefore , must at some time or other be in act . c Of powers there are three kinds , some naturall , as Senses ; some acquired by custome , as playing on a Pipes ; some by discipline , as Arts. The two last require previous operations , the naturall do not . Naturall and irrationall powers are necessarily reduced to act , when the Agent and Patient are at a due distance , and there is nothing betwixt to hinder them . The rationall powers are not so , for they are free to act or not to act as they please . f Act is , when the thing that was in power is otherwise then when it was in power . g All act is before power , and before all nature which is contained under power , by reason , ●ssence , and time . By reason , because power is defined by act . By time , because though power be temporall before act in the same numericall object , for a man may first be learned before he actually be such ; yet , in different things of the same species , act is ever before power in time ; for nothing can be made or reduced from power , unlesse by an agent actually existent . Lastly , act is before power in essence ; first , because it is later in generation , for generation beginneth from the imperfect state of a thing , and proceedeth to the perfect . Now all generation proceedeth from power to act . Secondly , act is the end of power ; but the end , as it is later in generation , so is it more perfect by nature , and first in intention . CHAP. V. Of True and False . a THe first division of Ens is into intentionall and reall . b The intentionall is either true or false . The intellect asserteth truly , if its judgment be conformable to the thing ; falsely , if not conformable , for there is composition and division in the things themselves , as well as in the intellect . Whence if the intellect compound things by affirmation , as they are really compounded , or divide them by negation , as they are really divided , it asserteth truly , otherwise falsely . True and false are in the simple apprehension of things , but simply , not enunciatively , so as that truth is nothing , but a simple perception of the object ; falshood a non-perception or ignorance thereof , though ignorance be not properly falsity . Whence simple apprehension may be true in it selfe , false it cannot be , for falsity requireth composition . Complex truth and falshood may be of the same separate substances . He cannot be deceived in the knowledge of things immovable , whosoever hath once conceived them immutable ; for either he will judge alwaies truth , or alwaies erre , because things immovable are alwaies in the same manner . The vicissitude and deception , and true and false judgment , is only in things contingent and mutable . CHAP. VI. Of one , the same , and diverse . a ONe is an affection of Ens , not a substance as Pythagoras and Plato affirmed , but a Categoreme , predicated of every thing as it is Ens. To one is opposite many ; by privative opposition , and therefore one is manifested by many , as indivisible by divisible , the privation by the habit . For divisible is more known to sense then indivisible , and multitude then unity . To one are referred the same , equall , like ; to many , di●ers , ●●equall , unlike . b Things are d●verse , either by Genus or species ; by genus those which have not the same matter , nor a mutuall generation ; or whereof one pertaines to corruptible substance , the other to incorruptible . By species , those which have the same genus . Genus is that wherein those things that are diverse are said to be the same according to substance . CHAP. VII . Of immortall , eternall and immoveable substances . a SUbstance is threefold ; two kinds naturall , whereof one is corruptible , as Animal , the other sempiternall , as Heaven . The third is immoveable . That there is a perpetuall immoveable substance , is proved thus . Substances are first Ens , therefore if all substances are corruptible , all things likewise must be corruptible , which is false ; for there is an eternall locall motion , circular , proper to Heaven , which it is not possible should have had a beginning , or shall have a dissolution , no more then time . If therefore Time be eternall as motion , there must necessarily be some incorruptible and eternal substance , not only that wherein that eternall motion exists , the Heaven it self ; but one substance , which so moveth , that though it remain its self moveable , yet it moveth others from eternity to eternity , not having only the power of moving , but being continually in the act of motion . For Plato and the rest , who conceived God to have done nothing for a great while , erre , because that power were frustraneous which were not reduced to act . Besides , motion would not have been eternall , unlesse the moving substance were not only eternall , and in perpetuall actuall motition ; but such likewise , that it could not but it must move allwaies , as being a pure act void of power . Hence the substances which cause eternall motion are void of matter , for they move from an eternall act , and are void of all power . In things that somtimes are , somtimes are not , power is precedent to act ; but simply and absolutely act is precedent to power . For , neither things naturall nor artificiall are reduced from power to act , but by somthing that actually exists . Now if the same thing alwaies return by a circular motion , it necessarily followeth , that there is somthing eternall which remaineth ever the same , and operateth in the same manner . Such an eternall first moving substance is the first Heaven . The vicissitude of Generation and corruption is not caused by the first Heaven , for that moveth alwaies in the same manner , but by the inferiour Orbes , especially the Sun , which by his accession bringeth life , by his recession death to all things mortall . Thus is the first Heaven eternall , for it is moved with eternall motion ; besides which there is somthing which alwaies moveth , and is never moved it self , and is eternall , and substance , and act . CHAP. VIII . Of Gods. a THis first mover , moveth in the same manner as things appetible and intelligible , that is , it so moveth others , as it self remaineth immoveable . The motion of the first Agent , as it is the first efficient cause , consisteth in that influence thereof , whereby it concurreth effectively with the inferiour Intelligences in moving its own orb . Wherefore the efficience of the first mover is an application of the powers of the inferiour movers to their proper works , wherein he concurreth with them actively , and independently . Thus the Intelligences move the Heavens , not for the generation of inferiour things ( for the end must be more noble then the means ) but for that chief and amiable good , whereunto they endeavour to be like , as their ultimate end . The first mover is void of mutation , an ens , wholly and simply necessary , and consequently the principle of all . Upon this first principle depend Heaven and nature , because without him , their ultimate end and first efficient , nothing can be , or be operated . This first mover , God , enjoyeth the most perfect life , perpetual and most pleasant , which absolute felicity is proper to him ; for as much as he understandeth and contemplateth himself with infinite delight . For , as we are happy in contemplation that lasts but a little while , so is God most happy , in the infinite and most perfect contemplation of himself , who is of all things most admirable . God is an eternall living being , the best of beings , an immoveable substance , separate from sensible things , void of corporeall quantity , without parts and indivisible ; for such must that principle or substance be which moveth in infinite time . Nothing finite hath infinite power . All magnitude must be either finite or infinite . Finite magnitude cannot move in infinite time ; infinite magnitude there is not , as we proved in the Physick . God is impossible , not subject to alteration ; the first locall motion ▪ which is the circular , not being competible to God , because he is immoveable , it followeth that other motions that induce passion or alteration , and are later then locall motion cannot likewise be competent to him . CHAP. IX . Of Intelligences . a BEsides this first Substance the mover of the first Heaven , th●re must likewise be other substances separate from matter , eternall and immoveable , president over the motions of the inferiour orbes ; so that after what number and order those orbes are disposed , according to the same are these eternall moving , and immoveable substances ordered . From the number of the motions may be collected the number of the Sphears , and consequently of the substances moving , which according to Aristotle are 47. Heaven is numerically one ; because the first mover is one . It is an ancient Tradition that these first substances that move the Heavens are Gods. This opinion is truly divine ; but what is added , that they had the shape of men , or some other Animal , was only invented for perswasion of the common people , for use of Laws , and the convenience of Life . Thus much may serve for a short view of his Metaphysicks . THEOPHRASTVS . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , Masters . THEOPHRASTUS succeeded Aristotle , he was born at Erestus , ( as * Plutarch , Laertius , and others affirme ) a Sea-town of Les●os , seated upon a hill , as a Strabo describes it , distant from Sigrium 18 Stadia . His Father was named Melantes , as b Athenodorus affirmeth , according to c others , Leo , by profession a Fuller . Theophrastus was first called Tyrtamus . He heard Leucippus in his own Country , afterwards went to Plato , and lastly became an auditor of Aristotle , who changing the roughnesse of his name , called him , as Suidas saith , first Euphrastus , afterwards Theophrastus , from the divine eloquence of his speech , wherein ( as Cicero , d Pliny , Laertius , e Strabo , and others aver ) he excelled all the rest of his Disciples . f He was likewise so quick of apprehension , that what Plato had said of Aristotle and Xenocrates , Aristotle apply'd to him and Callisthenes . Theophrastus was acute to admiration , ready to apprehend every thing that he taught ; Callisthenes was dull : so that one needed a bridle , the other a spur . CHAP. II. His Profession of Philosophy , and Disciples . ARistotle retiring to Chal●is , in the 2d year of the 114th Olympiad , being importuned by his Disciples to appoint a successour , made choice of Theophrastus ( as hath been already related in the life of Aristotle ) who thereupon undertook the government of the School , and , Aristotle dying , lived in his Garden , ●Demetrius Phalerius cohabiting with him . This time wherein Theophrastus flourished , is reckoned by b Pliny to be about the 440th year from the building of Rome ; c 390 years , as d Salmasius rightly reads , before that time wherein Pliny wrote . e saith , he went at certain houres to the School , neatly dressed , and there sitting down , discoursed in such manner , that he omitted no gesture suitable to the argument whereupon he treated , so that once to expresse a Glutton , he licked his lips . f In the fourth year of the 118th Olympiad , Xenippus being Archon , Sophocles , son of Amphiclides , procured a Law to be made , forbidding all Philosophers to keep publick Schooles , unlesse such only , as the Senate and people should think fit to license ; if any did otherwise , he should be put to death . By this decree , saith Athenaeus , he banished all the Philosophers out of the City , amongst the rest Theophrastus , who the year following returned , when as Philo , a Disciple of Aristotle , accused Sophocles for having done contrary to Law : Whereupon the Athenians revers'd the decree , ●ined Sophocles five Talents , and called home the Philosophers ; by which means , Theophrastus returning , was reinstated in the School . Laertius saith , there came to hear him 2000 Disciples ; Suidas saith ( if there be no mistake in the number ) 4470. of whom were Strato , his Successor , Demetrius Phalereus , Nichomachus son of Aristotle , whom Aristippus saith , he much affected ; Erasistratus the Physician , as some affirme , and Menander the Comick Poet. CHAP. III. His Vertues and Apophthegmes . a HE was exceeding learned and studious , as Pamphila affirmeth . b He was very liberall in conferring benefits , and a great cherisher of learning . c He made collections of mony for the conventions of Philosophers , not for luxury , but for temperance , and learned discourses . d He twice freed his Country , being under the oppression of Tyrants . e Cassander son of Antipa●er much esteemed him , and Ptolomy the first wrote Letters to him . f He was so much honoured by the Athenians , that Agnonides accusing him of Impiety , very hardly escaped from being fined himselfe . a Of his Apophthegmes are remembered these . He said , it is more safe trusting to an unbridled horse , then intemperate speech . b To a young man at a Feast silent ; If you hold your peace , saith he , because you are foolish , then you are wise ; but , if you are wise , you do foolishly in holding your peace . c He used to say , of all things that are spent , time is the most precious . d Being demanded , as Aristo saith , what he thought of Demosthenes ; he answer'd , he is worthy of this City ; of Demades ; he is above the City . c To Philip Son of Cassander he said , I wonder your eyes do not make musick , the pipe of your nose coming so directly upon them . f To prove that riches are not to be lov'd and admir'd hee instanced Callias , a rich Athenian , and Ismenias a Theban ; these saith he , use the same things , as Socrates and Epaminondas . g He said we must not love strangers , to the end we may make tryall of them , but make tryall of them to the end we may love them . h He said the Soul paid a dear rent for her habitation in the body . i He said Falshood raised from Calumny and Envy , endureth a little while , but soon perisheth . k Seeing a young man blush , be of good comfort saith he , that is the complexion of Vertue . l He used to say , stand in awe of thy self , and thou shalt not be ashamed before other . m He said the good need but few Laws , for things are not accommodated to Laws , but , Laws to things . n The envious are more unhappy then others in this respect , that they are troubled not only at their misfortunes , but also at the good fortunes of others . o Being demanded what preserved humane life , he said , beneficence , reward , and punishment . p He said , Honours are to be acquired , not by conversation and favour , but by action . q Being demanded what Love is , he answered , the passion of an idle soul. r He said a woman ought not to be seen her self , nor behold others richly attired , for both are inticements to dishonesty . s He said , Love is an excessive desire of somthing irrational , the entrance thereof easie , the disingagement difficult . CHAP. IV. His Will and Death . a His Will is thus delivered by Laertius . BE all well ; but if any thing happen otherwise , thus we give order . All those goods which belong to the House , I bequeath to Melantes and Pancreon Sonnes of Leo ; Those which are set apart for Hipparchus , I will be thus disposed . First , that the study and Ornaments belonging thereunto be perfected , and if any thing may be added more to beautifie them , that it be done . Next , that the statue of Aristotle be set up in the Temple , and the other Donaries which were before in the Temple . Moreover that the little walk which is near the School be built new , not worse then it was before , and that the Maps of the World be placed in the lower Walk . That an Altar likewise be built , wanting nothing of perfection and splendor . I will that the statue of Nicomachus as big as the life be finished ; it is in Praxitele's hands ; let him go on with it . Let it be placed wheresoever they shall think good , who have the disposall of the rest , and are named in my Will. Thus much for the Temple and Donaries . My Land at Stagira I bequeath to Callinus , all my Books to Neleus . The Garden and Walk , and all the houses belonging to the Garden I bequeath to my Friends hereafter named , that they may exercise themselves and study Philosophy therein , for men cannot alwaies be abroad . But with condition , that they do not alienate it , nor pretend any propriety thereto , but esteem it a thing sacred in common possession , making use of all things therein as becometh just and loving Friends . The persons to whom I wil that this be in common , are , Hipparchus , Neleus , Strato , Callinus , Demotimus , Demaratus , Callisthenes , Melantes , Pancreon , and Nicippus . Let also Aristotle , sonne of Midias and Pythias , if he desire to study Philosophy , partake likewise of the same priviledge , and let the most antient of the Overseers take great care of him , that he be instructed as well as is possible in Philosophy . Let us be buried in that part of the Garden , which they shall think most convenient , not erecting a Monument , or any thing that is sumptuous over our Graves . Thus let all things be ordered according as is said ; the Temple , Monument , Garden , and walk repaired ; let Pompylus , who dwelleth in them , take charge of them , and of other things as he did heretofore , for whose pains therein , let the Possessors thereof consider him . As for Pompylus and Threpta , who have been long since manumitted , and done us good service , if there be any thing which we have bestowed upon them , or they themselves have required , as also the 2000 Drachmes which I appointed to be given to them and Hipparchus , let them firmly possess it all , as I have often expressed to Melantes , & Pancreon , who assented thereunto . Moreover I bestow on them Somatales and the Girle . Of my servants , I manumit Molon , and Cimon , and Parmenon ; as for Manes and Callias , when they shall have lived four years in the Gardens , discharging their Office unblamably , I will they be set at liberty . Of the Domestick Vtensills , let the Oversee● bestow on Pompylus as many as they think fit , and sell the rest . To Demotimus I give Cario , to Neleus , Donax ; let Eubius be sold. Let Hipparchus give to Callinus 3000 drachms . And for M●lantes & Fancreon , if we did not look upon Hipparchus , as having heretofore been very beneficial to us , and now quite shipwrack'd in his Fortunes , wee should have appointed him a joint-estate with Melantes and Pancreon . But because I conceive it were not easie for them to be joined in the ordering of one Family with him , and that it would be more to their advantage to receive somthing certain from Hipparchus , for these reasons , let Hipparchus give to each of them , Melantes and ●ancreon , a Talent . Let him likewise duly furnish the Overseers with all charges necessary for the performance of the forementioned works ; which done , let Hipparchus be free and discharged from all debts and Covenants to me . If any benefit come to Hipparchus from Chalcis on my behalf , let him wholly enjoy it as his own . Be these the Overseers of those things contained in my Will ; Hipparchus , Neleus , Strabo , Callinus , Demotimus , Callisthenes , Ctesarchus . Copies of the Will of Theophrastus , signed with his Ring , are kept ; the first by Heg●sias son of Hipparchus . witnesses ; Callippus a Pelanean ; Philomelus , an Euonymean ; Lysander an Hybaean ; Philion , an Alopecian . The second Olympiodorus hath attested by the same persons . The third is in the hands of Adimantus , delivered to his son Androsthenes . Witnesses , Aimnestus , son of Cleobulus ; Lysistratus son of Phidion , a Thasian ; Strato , son of Arcesilaus , a Lampsacene ; Thesippus , son of Thesippus , of the Potters street ; Dioscorides , son of Dionysius , an Epicephisian . Thus ( saith Laertius ) was his Will. He died old , having lived eighty five years , his spirits being wasted , as Suidas affirmes , with continuall writing ; and , upon the marriage of one of his Disciples , giving himselfe some intermission and rest , it occasion'd his end . As he lay upon his death-bed , * Cicero saith , He blamed Nature for giving Harts and Crowes so long life that could do no good thereby , and to Man , who could do most good , so short ; whereas if man had been allowed longer time , his life might have been adorned with the perfection of arts and learning . Thus he complained , that assoon as he came within the view of these , he was taken away . His Disciples came to him , and asked him if he had any thing to say to them ; Nothing ; saith he , but that the life of man loseth many pleasures only for glory . When we begin to live , then we die ; nothing is more unprofitable then the desire of glory . But be happy , and either give over study , for it is very laborious , or go perseverantly through it , for it is of great glory . The vanity of life is much greater then the benefit thereof . But , I have not time to advise you what to do ; do you consider at leisure what is best for you : In saying which words he expired . The whole people of Athens followed his body on foot to the grave . CHAP. V. His writings . HE left many Writings , whereof , saith Laer●ius , because they are full of all kinde of learning , I thought good to give this Catalogue . First Analyticks 3. Latter Analyticks 7. Of the Analysis of Syllogisms , 1. Epitome of Analyticks 1. Places of Deduction 2. Agonisticks , concerning the Theory of Eristick arguments . Of the Senses 1. To Anaxagoras 1. Of Anaxagoras 1. Of Anaximenes 1. Of Archelaus 1. Of salt , nitre , allom 1. Of Combustibles ; or , as the other Edition , of things that may be petrified 2. Of indivisible lines 1. Of Auscultation 2. Of Winds 1. The differences of Vertue 1. Of a Kingdome 1. Of the Discipline of a King 1. Of Lives 3. Of old age 1. Of the Astrology of Democritus 1. Of sublime things 1. Of Apparitions 1. Of humor , colour , flesh 1. Of the Description of the world 1. Of Man 1. A collection of the Doctrines of Diogenes 1. Of Definitions 3. Erotick 1. Another of Love 1. Of Felicity 1. Of Species 2. Of the Epilepsie 1. Of Divine inspiration 1. Of Empedocles 1. Epichirems 18. Instances 3. Of Voluntary 1. Epitome of Plato's Commonwealth 2. Of the diversity of voice in Creatures of the same kinde 1. Of Subitaneous apparitions 1. Of biting and blowes 1. Of Animals that are said to have wisdome 7. Of those which dwell in dry places 1. Of those which change colour 1. Of those which dwell in caves 1. Of Animals 7. Of Pleasure according to Aristotle 1. Of Pleasure , another , 1. Theses 24. Of hot and cold 1. Of dizzinesse and dimnesse 1. Of Sweat 1. Of Affirmation and Negation 1. Callisthenes , or of Griefe 1. Of Labours 1. Of Motion 3. Of Stones 1. Of Pestilence 1. Of Fainting 1. Megarick 1. Of Melancholy 1. Of Metals 1. Of Honey 1. Of the collections of Metrodorus 1. Sublime discourses 2. Of Drunkennesse 1. Of Lawes alphabetically 24. Epitome of Lawes 10. To Definitions 1. Of Odors 1. Of Wine and Oyle . First propositions , 18. Legislative 3. Politicks 6. Politick according to severall occasions 4. Politick Customes 4. Of the best Commonwealth 1. Collection of Problems 5. Of Proverbs 1. Of Congelation and Liquefaction 1. Of Fire 2. Of Winds 1. Of the Palsey 1. Of Suffocation 1. Of Madnesse 1. Of Passions 1. Of Signes 1. Soph●smes 2. Of the solution of Syllogism● 1. Topicks 2. Of punishment 2. Of Haire 1. Of Tyranny 1. Of Water 3. Of sleep and dreams 1. Of friendship 3. Of Ambition 2. Of Nature 3. Of Physick 17. Of the Epitome of Physicks , 2. Physicks 8. To Naturall Philosophers , 1. Of Naturall Histories 10. Of Naturall Causes 8. Of Chyles 5. Of false Pleasure 1. Of the Soul 1. Thesis Of undoubted Faith 1. Of simple dubitations 1. Harmonicks 1. Of Vertue , 1. Occasions or Contradictions 1. Of Sentence 1. Of Ridiculous 1. Meridians 2. Divisions 2. Of Differences 1. Of Injuries 1. Of Calumny 1. Of praise 1. Of Experience 1. Epistles 3. Of casuall Animals 1. Of Selection 1. Encomiums of the Gods 1. Of Festivals 1. Of Prosperity 1. Of Enthymemes 1. Of inventions 2. Morall disputes 1. Morall descriptions 1. Of Tumult 1. Of History 1. Of the iudgment of Syllo gismes 1. Of flattery 1. Of the Sea 1. To Cassander , of a Kingdome 1. Of Comedy 1. Of Meteors 1. Of Speech 1. Collection of words 1. Solutions 1. Of Musick 3. Of Meteors 1. Megacles 1. Of Laws 1. Of things contrary to Law 1. A Collection of the Doctrines of Xenocrates 1. Confabulations 1. Of an Oath 1. Rhetorical Precepts 1. Of riches 1. Of Poësy 1. Problems , Politick , Ethick , Physick , Erotick 1. Proverbs 1. Collection of Problems 1. Of Physicall Pr●blems 1. Of Example 1. Of Proposition and Narration 1. Of Poësy , another , 1. Of the wise men 1. Of Advice 1. Of Soloecismes 1. Of the Art of Rhetorick 1. Of Rhetoricall Arts , 71 kinds . Of Hypocrisy 1. Aristotelick , or Theophrastick Commentaries 6. Naturall Sentences 16. Epitome of Physicks 1. Of Gratitude 1. Ethick-Characters Of Falshood and Truth 1. Of the History of Divinity 6. Of the Gods 3. Geometricall Histories 4. Epitome of Aristotle , concerning Animals 6. Epichirems 2. Thes●s 3. Of a Kingdom 2. Of Causes 1. Of Democritus 1. Of Calumny 1. Of Generation 1. Of the Prudence and Manners of Animals 1. Of Motion 2. Of Sight 4. To definitions 2. Of being Given 1. Of Greater and Lesser 1. Of Musick 1. Of the divine Beatitude 1. To those of the Academy 1. Protreptick 1. How a City may be best inhabited 1. Commentaries 1. Of the fiery ebullition in Sicily 1. Of Things granted 1. Of the waies of Knowing 1. Of the Lying Argument 3. Ante-Topick 1. To Aeschylus 1. Astrological History 6. Arithmeticall Histories of Encrease 1. Acicharus 1. Of Iudicial Orations 1. Epistles concerning Astycreon to Phanias and Nicanor . Of Piety 1. Euias 1. Of opportunities 2. Of seasonable discourses 1. Of the Institution of Children 1. Another , different 1. Of Institution , or , of Vertues , or , of Temperance 1. Protreptick 1. Of numbers 1. Definitions of syllogistick speech 1. Of Heaven 1. Politick 2. Of Nature 1. Of Fruits and Animals . All which , saith Laertius , amount to 1182. Divisions . These Books , as Theophrastus had ordered in his Will , were delivered to Neleus . What afterwards became of them , hath been related in the life of Aristotle STRATO . CHAP. I. His Life . STrato was successour to Theophrastus . a He was of b Lampsacum , his Father c Arcesilaus , or , as some , d Arcesius , mentioned in his Will. e He was a person of great worth , eminent saith Laertius , in all kinds of Philosophy , but especially in that which is called Physick , the most antient and solid part , f wherein he introduced many things new , g dissenting not only from Plato , but from his Master Aristotle . h From his excellency herein he was called the Naturall Philosopher : i He prescribed all divine power to Nature . k Ethick hee touched but little . l He took upon him the government of the School , according to Apollodorus , in the [ third year of the ] 123 Olympiad , and continued therein 18. years . He instructed Ptolomy the son of Philadelphus , who bestowed 80 Talents upon him . CHAP. II. His Will and Death . His Will , saith Laerthus , was to this effect . THus I order , against the time that I shall die . All those things which are in my house I bequeath to Lampyrion and Arcesilaus . Out of the money which I have at Athens , let my Executors first defray the charges of my Funeral , and the solemn rites after my enterrement , doing nothing superfluously , nor niggardly . The Executors of these things I appoint in my Will be these ; Olympicus , Aristides , Mnesigenes , Hippocrates , Epicrates , Gorgylus , Diocles , Lyco , Athanes . I leave the School to Lyco , for the rest are either too old , or otherwise employed . All the rest shall do well if they confirm this choice that I have made . I bequeath likewise all my Books unto him , except those which are written by our own hand , besides all Vtensills , Carpets , and Cups for Feasting . Let the Executors give 500. Drachmes to Epicrates and one of the servants , which Arcesilaus shall think good . Let Lampyrion and Arcesilaus discharge all the debts , which Daippus undertook for Hiraeus . Let nothing be owing either to Lampyrion or to the heirs of Lampyrion , but let him be discharged of all , and the Executors bestow on him 500. Drachmes , and one of the servants , as Arcesilaus shall think good ; that having taken much paines with us , he may have sufficient for food and rayment . I ma●●mit Diophantus , and Diocles , and Abus . I give Simmias to Arcesilaus . I manumit Dromo . When Arcesilaus shall come , let Hiraeus with Olympicus and Epicrates , and the rest of the Executors cast up the Accounts of the charges of my Funerall and other things ; whatsoever is over and above , let Arcesilaus take it of Olympicus , not pressing him upon the day of payment . Let Arcesilaus discharge the Covenants which Strato made with Olympicus , and Aminias , which are in the hands of Philocrates Son of Tisamenus . As for my Tombe , let it be ordered as Arcesilaus , and Olympicus , and Lyco shall think good . This was his Will , preserved by Aristo the Chia● . He was of so thin and low a constitution , that he felt not any pain at his death . Of this name Laertius reckons eight . The ●irst a Disciple of Isocrates . The second , this Philosopher . The third a Physician , Disciple of Erasistratus . The Fourth an Historian , who wrote the Wars of Philip and Persaeus with the Romanes . The fift , is wanting . The sixt , an Epigrammatick Poet. The seventh , an antient Physician . The eighth , a Peripatetick , who lived at Alexand●●a . CHAP. III. His Writings . SUidas saith , he wrote many Books : Laertius gives this Catalogue of them . Of a Kingdom 3. Of Iustice 3. Of Good 3. Of God 3. Of Principles 3. Of Lives . Of Felicity . Of Philosophy . Of Fortitude . Of Vacuum . Of Heaven . Of Breath . Of humane Nature . Of the generation of Animals . Of mixtion . Of Sleep . Of Dreams . Of Sight . Of Sense . Of Pleasure . Of Colours . Of Diseases . Of Iudgements . Of Faculties . Of Metallick Machines : Of Hunger and Offuscation . Of Light and Heavy . Of divine inspiration . Of Time. Of Aliment and augmentation . Of uncertain Animals . Of fabulous Animals . Of Causes . Solutions of Questions . Proems of Places . Of Accident . Of More and lesse . Of Unjust . Of Priority and Posteriority . Of Priority of Genus . Of Proprium . Of Future . Confutations of Inventions . Commentaries , which are suspected . Epistles ; beginning thus , Strato to Arsinoe , Health : LYCO . CHAP. I. His Life . STrato , saith Laertius was succeeded by Lyco , Son of Astyanax of Troas , an eloquent person , and excellent for the education of Children . He heard also Panthaedus the Dialectick . He said , that as Horses need both bridle spur , so in Children there must joined both modesty and ambition . Of his florid expression is alledged this instance . Of a poor Maid hee said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A maid is a heavy burden to her Parent when she outruns the flowry season of her youth for want of ● dower . Whence Antigonus said of him , that as the fragrancy and pleasantnesse of an excellent apple will not admit Transplantation ; so whatsoever he said was to be heard only from himself . For this sweetnesse of discourse some added the letter ● to his name , calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which implyeth sweetnesse : so Plutarch . In stile he was very different from himself . Upon those who were sorry they had not learned when time was , and wished it might be recalled , he jested thus . He said , that they who endeavoured to make amends by a late penitence for their past negligence , were conscious of the impossibility of their wishes ; and of those that sought to bring it to passe , he said , they had lost all reason , in applying the nature of a straight line to a crooked ruler , or beholding their face in troubled water , or a confused mirrour . He said , that to the wreath of publick games in the Forum , many aspired ; to the Olympick , few or none . He many times by his Counsell much advantaged the Athenians . In his garments he affected neatnesse so much , that , as Hermippus saith , he wore an upper garment very precious and fine . He was very expert in all exercises , active and well made for a Wrestler , being thin-ear'd and well set , as Antigonus Caryslius affirmeth : Whence in his own Country he practised the Elean Games , and played at Ball. He was intimate with Eumenus and Attalus beyond all men , who supply'd him with many things . Antiochus also would have had him lived with him , but could not get him . He was so great an enemy to Hieronymus the Peripatetick , that upon a solemn day ( of which already in the life of Arcesilaus ) he only forbore to come to him . He compared Orators to Frogs ; these , saith he , croak in the water , those by the water of an houre-glasse . He was Master of the School forty years , succeeding Strato in the hundred twenty seventh Olympiad ; as he had given order by his Will. CHAP. II. His Will and Death . Laertius produceth a Will of his to this effect . THVS I dispose of my estate , if I shall not recover of this sicknesse . All that is in my house I bequeath to the Brethren , Astyanax and Lyco , out of which is to be paid whatsoever I owe at Athens to any man , as also the charges of my Funerall and Exequies . What is in the City and Aegina , I bestow upon Lyco , because he is of our name , and hath lived long with us , to our great content , as one that deserved the place of a Son. The Peripatum I leave to those friends that will make use of it , as Bulo , Callinus , Aristo , Amphio , Lyco , Pytho , Aristomachus , Heraclius , Lycomedes , Lyco my Kinsman . Let them put him in that place who they conceive will persevere in it , and discharge it best , which let the rest of my friends confirm for my sake and the places . My Funerall and the burning of my Body be so ordered by Bulo and Callinus , that it be not prodigall nor niggardly . Out of my ●state at Aegina , let Lyco after my death give to the young men as much Oyle as shall serve their turnes , that hereby the memory of me and him that honours me may be justly preserved . Let them set up my * Statue , and choose a fit place for the setting up of it , wherein let Diophantus and Heraclides , son of Demetrius assist them . Out of my Rents in the City , let Lyco pay all that I have named after his departure ; in the next place let Bu●o and Callinus and the expenses of my funerall be discharged . Let that houshold stuffe be taken away which I have left as common betwixt them . Let likewise the Physicians Pasithemis and Midas be honoured and rewarded for their care of me , and for their skill . To the son of Callinus I leave a couple of Thericlean Pots , and to his Wife , a couple of Goblets , and a fine Carpet , and a shaggy Carpet , and a Coverlet , and two Couch beds , the best that are left , that we may not seem unmindfull of their due respect towards us . As for those that served me , I order thus : Demetrius , who hath been long a Free man , I forgive the price of his redemption ; and bestow upon him five Minae , and a Cloak and a Coat ; and , as having undergone many labours with me , let him be decently supplyed with necessaries . Crito , the Chalcidonian , I forgive the price of his redemption , and bestow further on him foure Minae Micrus also I manumit , whom let Lyco bring up , and six years hence let him instruct him . In like manner I manumit Chares , whom let Lyco also bring up ; I give him two Minae , and my bookes , that have been published : The rest that have not been published , let them be given to Callinus , and let him take diligent care for the publishing of them . To Syrus the Free-man I give foure Minae , and Menodora , and if he owe me any thing , I forgive it him . To Hilara I give five Minae , a shaggy C●verlet , two Couch-beds , a Carpet , and which bed he shall choose . I manumit likewise the Mother of Micrus , and Noemones , and Dion , and Theon , and Euphranor , and Hermias ; as also Agatho , after he hath served two years more ; as also Ophelio and Possidonius , the bearers of my Litter , after they have served four years more , I will that they be set at liberty . I give moreover to Demetrius , Crito , and Syrus , to each a Bed and Coverlet , such as Lyco shall think sit . This I bestow on them , for as much as they have express'd themselves faithfull in the performance of such things as were committed to their charge . As for my buriall , whether Lyco will have it here or at home , let it be as he will ; for I perswade my selfe , he will do what is fitting no lesse then if I had done it my selfe . When he shall have faithfully performed thes● things , let the bequests of my Will remain firm . Witnesses , Callinus , an Hermione●n , Aristo , the Chian , Euphronius , a Poeaniean . Thus , saith Laertius , having wisely managed all things appertaining to Learning and Humanity , his prudence and diligence extended even to the making of his Will ; so that in that respect also he deserveth studiously to be imitated . He died 74 years old of the Gout . There were foure of this name . The first , a Pythagor●an , mentioned in the life of Aristotle . The second , this Peripatetick . The third , an Epick Poet. The fourth , an Epigrammatick Poet. ARISTO . ARisto succeeded Lyco . He was of the Island a Ceos , famous for a Law , that whosoever exceeded 60. years of age should be put to death , that there might be no want of Provision for those that were more serviceable . In former time saith Strabo , it had four Citties , now there remain but two , Iulis and Carthaea , into which the rest were transferr'd Poecessa into Carthaea , Caressus into Iulis . In Iulis Aristo was born . He was an Auditor of Lyco , and succeeded him in the Government of the Peripatetick School , as Cicero , Plutarch , and Clemens Alexandrinus affirm . He was a great imitator of Bion the Boristenite . Cicero saith , hee was neat and elegant . He wrote a Treatise of Nilus , cited by Strabo , and Amatory Similies , frequently cited by Athenaeus . In the second Book of his b Amatory Similies , he saith , that Polemo the Academick advised to provide such entertainment at Feasts , as should be pleasant not only at the present , but also on the morrow . c In the same Book of his Amatory Similies , of an Athenian well in years , named Dorus , who would be thought handsom , he apply'd the words of Ulysses to Dolo , Rich presents sure may lead away , And thy too easie Soul betray . d In the second of his Amatory Similies , he saith , the antients first bound their heads , conceiving it good against the pain caused by the vapours of the wine ; afterwards for more ornament they used Garlands . Laertius upon the testimony of Panaetius and Sosicrates affirmeth , that all the writings ascribed to Aristo of Chios the Stoick ( except the Epistles ) belong to Aristo the Peripatetick , their Titles , these , Protrepticks 2. Of Zeno's Doctrine : Scholastick Dialogues 6. Of Wisdom , Dissertations 7. Erotick Dissertations . Commentaries upon vain-glory . Commentaries 15. Memorialls 3. Chrya's 11. Against Orators . Against Alexinus's oppositions . To the Dialecticks 3. To Cleanthes , Epistles 4. CRITOLAUS . CRitolaus was , according to Plutarch , of Phaselis , an eminent Sea-Town of Lycia ; described by a Strabo to have three Havens , and a Lake belonging to it . He was an Auditor of Aristo , and succeeded him in the School , as Cicero , Plutarch , and Clemens Alexandrinus affirm . Hee went to Rome on an Embassy from the Athenians in the 534th year , from the building of the City , which falleth upon 2d year of the 140th Olympiad . b He condemned Rhetorick , as being used rather as an Artifice , then an Art. DIODORUS . DIodorus was Disciple to Crito aus , and succeeded him in the School , as is manifest from Clemens Alexandrinus , who adds , that in his assertion concerning our chief end , he joyned Indolence with honesty . He is mention'd by Cicero ; how long he taught , or who succeeded him is unknown . Thus far we have an unintermitted account of the Peripatetick School . FINIS . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Seventh Part , Containing the Cynick Philosophers . LONDON . Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Thomas Dring : An. Dom. 1656. ANTISTHENES ANTISTHENES . CHAP. I. His Life . THe Cynicks are derived from Antisthenes ; Disciple of Socrates , who , being most pleased with those discourses of his Master , which treated of Tolerance and Laboriousnesse , instituted this Sect. a He was born at Athens , his Father an Athenian named Antisthenes also ; his Mother a Thracian , or , as Plutarch , a Phrygian , in whose defence , to those who reproached him that she was a Forreigner , he answer'd Cibele the Mother of the Gods was a Phrygian . He likewise derided the Athenians for boasting of their being Natives , saying , they were nothing more noble then snailes and Locusts . b Neither did Socrates the lesse esteem him ; but on the contrary , hearing that he had behav'd himself valiantly at the Fight at Tanagra , he said of him , I knew two Parents both Athenians could not beget so excellent a Person . He first heard Gorgias the Orator , whence his Dialogues are written in a Rhetoricall stile , consisting chiefly in verity and exhortation . Hermippus saith , at the Istmian meeting , he used to make Orations in praise and dispraise of the Athenians , Thebans and Lacedemonians , before all the assembly ; But seeing many of the Citizens come thither he refrained . Next he applyed himself to Socrates , and profited so much under him , that he counselled his Scholers , to become his fellow-di●ciples under that Master . He lived in the Piraeum , and went every day 40. Stadia , to hear Socrates . He affected even whilst he was Disciple to Socrates to go in poor habit , and c once having turned the torn part of his garment outermost , Socrates spying it , said , I see vain-glory through a hole ; or , as Aelian , do you use this ostentation before us also ? d Upon the death of Socrates he was the occasion of banishment to Anytus , and of death to Melitus ; for Melitus meeting with some young men of Pontus , invited to Athens by the same of Socrates , he brought them to Anytus , telling them he was wiset then Socrates , whereupon the standers by in indignation , turned them both ou● of the Citty ; of which already in the life of Socrates . CHAP. II. His institution of a Sect. a S. Ocrates being dead , of whom he learned tolerance and apathy , he made choice of Cynosarges , a Gymnasium at Athens just without the gates , as of the fittest place in which he might discourse of Philosophy . b It was so called upon this occasion . Didymus the Athenian sacrificing in his own house , a white dog that was by , snatcht the Victim , and running away with it , laid it down in another place ; Didymus much troubled thereat , consulted the Oracle , which enjoined him to erect a Temple in that place where the Dog had laid down the Victim , and to dedicate it to Hercules , which was called Cynosarges , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Temple of the white Dog. c Hence Antisthenes & his follo●ers were called Cynicks , and , by those that disapproved their institution , Dogs ; Antisthenes himself being termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sincere Dog. He first doubled his old fordid Cloak , and wore it alone [ without a Coat ] as Diocles affirmeth ; he carried likewise a staffe and fatchell . Neanthes saith , he first used a single Cloak . Sosicrates in the third of his Successions , saith , Diodorus the Aspendian wore a long beard , and carried a staffe and Wallet . d His assertions were these , that Vertue may be acquired by teaching ; that those persons are noble , who are Vertuous ; That Vertue was self-sufficient to Felicity , not needing any thing but a Socratick Courage ; That Vertue consisteth in Actions , not requiring many words nor much learning , and is self-sufficient to wisdom , for all other things have a reference thereto ; That insamy is good and equall to labour , and that a wise man ought not to govern the Commonwealth according to the Laws in force , but according to Vertue ; That a wise man , to have issue , may make choice of beautifull women , and love , for a wise man only knoweth what ought to be loved . Diocles addeth these ; That nothing is new to a wise man ; That a good man deserveth love , that vertuous persons are friends ; that wee ought to get assistance in War , valiant and just ; that vertue is an Armour never can be taken from us ; That it is better with some few good men to oppose all the wicked , then with many wicked men to contend with few good ; Observe your Enemies , for they first find out your faults ; Esteem a just man more then a neighbour ; The same vertue belongeth to man and to woman ; those things are good wh●ch are honest , ill which are dishonest ; All things esteem strange ; Wisdom is the safest fortification , for 〈◊〉 neither fall away , nor can be betray'd ; In these inexpugnable things we ought to build Forts , by meditation . e Agellius saith , he esteemed Pleasure the greatest ill , whence hee used to say , I had rather be mad , then be addicted to pleasure . f As to the opinion of the Cynicks in generall ( not esteeming them , saith Laertius , a meer form and institution of life , but a true Sect of Philosophy ) they were these . They took away , with Aristo the Chian , Dialectick and Physick , and only admitted Ethick ; whence , what some said of Socrates , Diocles applyed to Diogenes , affirming he used the same expressions , that we ought to enquire , What good and ill Our ●ouses fill . They likewise reject the liberall Sciences , whence Antisthenes said , those who have acquired Temperance , ought not to study any learning , left by other things they be diverted . Geometry likewise , Musick , and the like , they wholly took away . Whence Diogenes , to one that shew'd him a Watch , It is an excellent invention , saith he , against supping too late . And to one that entertain'd him with Musick ; Wisdome the greatest Citties doth protect ; But Musick cannot one poor house direct . They likewise , as the Stoicks , affirmed to be happy to live according to Vertue , as Antisthenes , in his Hercules ; for there is a kinde of affinity betwixt these two Sects , whence the Stoicks asserted Cynisme to be the neerest way to Vertue , and so lived Zeno the Cittiean . Their diet was slender , their food only such as might satisfie Nature , their Cloakes sordid ; they despised riches , glory , and nobility : Some of them fed only on hearbs and cold water , living under such shelters as they could finde , or in Tubbs , as Diogenes did , who affirmed , it was proper to the Gods to want nothing , and that those who stand in need of fewest things , come neerest to the Gods. They held also , according to Antisthenes in his Hercules , that Vertue may be acquired by Learning , and that it cannot be lost ; that a wise man deserves to be loved , and never sinneth , and is a friend to such as are like him , and trusteth nothing to Fortune . They took away with Aristo the Chian , all things between Vertue and Vice. CHAP. III. His Apophthegmes . OF his Apophthegmes are remembered these . He proved Labour to be good , by the examples of Hercules and Cyrus , one a Grecian , the other a Barbarian . He first defined Speech thus , Speech is that which declareth that which is or was . To a young man of Pontus that came to be his Disciple , and asked him what he must bring with him , he answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a new Book , a new pen , and a new tablet , where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is equivocall , and signifieth ( divided 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Wit. To one , demanding what kinde of Wife he should take ; If a fair one , saith he , she will be common ; if foul , a torment . Hearing that Plato spoke ill of him ; it is King-like , saith he , to do well , and be ill spoken of . Being initiated into the Orphick solemnities , the Priest telling him , that they who were initiated into those rites , were made partakers of many excellent things in the next world : Why then , saith he , do you not die ? To one that reproached him that both his Parents were not free , Neither , saith he , were they both wrastlers , and yet I am a wrastler . Being demanded why he had few Disciples , I beat them away , saith he , with a silver staffe . Being demanded why he rebuked his Disciples so sharply ; So , saith he , do Physicians the sick . Seeing an Adulterer running away , Unhappy man , saith he , how much danger might you have escaped for one halfe penny . He said according to Hecaton , It is better to fall among Crowes then flatterers ; for those only devour the dead , these the living . Being demanded what was most happy for man , he answered , To die in prosperity . To a friend , complaining he had lost his notes ; You should have writ them in your minde , saith he , and not in your book . As rust consumeth iron , so envy , saith he , consumeth the envious man. Those who would never die , saith he , must live piously and justly . He said , Citties were then perishing , when they could not distinguish the good from the bad . Being commended by some wicked men ; I am troubled , saith he , to think what ill I have done . He said , the cohabitation of concording Brethren is firmer then any wall . He said , we ought to carry such provision along with us , as if we should happen to be shipwra●k'd , we might swimme away with . To those who reproached him for conversing with wicked persons ; So do Physicians with the sick , saith he , yet are not sick themselves . He said , It is absurd to separate corn from the weeds , and in way to reject the unserviceable person ; 〈◊〉 , in a Common-wealth , not to extirpa●e the wicked . Being demanded what he had gain'd by Philosophy , he answer'd , that I can converse with myselfe . At a Feast , to one that said to him , 〈◊〉 ; he reply'd , Do you then pipe . Diogenes demanding a Coat , he bad him double his Cloak . Being demanded what learning is most necessary ; That , saith he , which unlearneth ill . He advised those who were provoked by revilings , to bear it with greater Fortitude , then if stones were cast at them . He derided Plato , as being proud , and seeing at a show a horse going loftily , turning to Plato , Me thinks , saith he , you would have acted the part of this horse very well . This he said , because Plato at the same time had commended the horse . Another time visiting Plato , as he lay sick , and looking into the basin whereinto he had vomited , I see here , saith he , the choler , but not the pride . He advised the Athenians to love Asses as well as Horses , which they conceiving absurd ; and yet , saith he , you choose those for Generalls , who know nothing , but how to stretch out the hand . To one that said to him , many praise thee ; Why , saith he , what ill have I done ? To one that demanded ( as Phanias saith ) what he should do to be a good and an honest man : if you learn , saith he , of knowing persons , that the vices which you have are to be avoided . To one that praised a life full of delicacies ; Let the sons of my enemies , saith he , live delicatly . To a young man , who desired his statue might be made handsomer then himselfe ; Tell me , saith he , if the brasse it selfe could speak , what you think it would boast of ; the other answer'd , of its handsome figure : Are you not ashamed then , replies he , to be proud of the same that an inanimate creature would be ? A young man of Pontus promised to supply him , as soon as his ship came home laden with saltfish ; hereupon he took him to a meal-woman , and filling his satchell departed ; she calling to him for mony : This young man , saith he , will pay you as soon as his ship comes home . When at any time he saw a woman richly dress'd , he went to her house , and bad her husband bring out his horse and armes , that if he were so provided , he might allow her those freedomes , being better able to justifie the injuries it occasion'd ; otherwise , that he should take off her rich habit . He said , Neither a feast is pleasant without company , nor riches without Vertue . He said , Those pleasures which come not in at the dore , must not go out by the dore , but by incision or purging with Hellebor , or by * starving , so to punish those sur●eits which we have incurred for a short pleasure . He said , Whosoever seareth others is a slave , though he know it not himselfe . He said , No covetous man can be a good man , or a King , or a freeman . Being demanded what a feast is , he answered , The occasion of surfeits . He said , We ought to aim at such pleasures as follow labour , not at those which go before labour . He said , Common Executioners are better then Tyrants ; those p●t only guilty men to death , Tyrants , the innocent . He said , We ought to wish our enemies all good things but Fortitude , for that they possesse would fall into the hands of the Victor , not the Owner . Him that contradicteth , he said , he said , we must not again contradict , but instruct ; for a mad-man is not cured by anothers growing mad also . He said , A man should alwaies have in readinesse his wits or a rope . Seeing the Thebans much exalted with their successe at the Luctrian sight , he said , They were like boyes that triumph when they have beaten the. Masters . To some that commended a Piper ; But , saith he , he is an ill man , for else he would never have been so good a Piper . CHAP. IV. His Writings . OF his Bookes saith Laertius , there are ten Tomes . The first containeth these . Of speech , or of Characters . Ajax , of the speech of Ajax . Ulysses , or of Ulysses . An apology for Orestes . Of Lawyers . Isographe , or Desias , or Isocrates . Against Isocrates ' s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The second Tome . Of the Nature of Animals . Of Procreation of children , or of Marriage , Brotick . Of Sophists , Physiognomick . Of Iustice and Fortitude Protreptick 1 , 2 , 3 , Of Theognis . The third Tome . Of Good. Of Fortitude . Of Law , or of Policy . Of Law , or of Fair and Iust. Of Freedom and Servitude . Of Faith. Of a Guardian , or of Trusting . Of Victory , Oeconomick . The fourth Tome , Cyrus . Hercules the Greater , or of Strength . The fift Tome . Cyrus , or of a Kingdom . Aspasia . The sixt Tome . Truth . Of Dissertation , Anti-logick . Sathon , of Contradiction 3. Of Dialectick . The seventh Tome . Of Discipline , or of names , 5. Of dying . Of Life and Death . Of things after death . Of the use of names , or Eristick . Of Interrogation and answer . Of Opinion and Science 4. Of Nature 2. Interrogation concerning Nature 2. Opinions , or the Eristick . Problems concerning Learning The eighth Tome . Of Musick . Of Interpreters . Of Homer . Of Injustice and impiety . Of Chalcas . Of the spie . Of Pleasure . The ninth Tome . Of the Odysseis . Of Minerva's wand , or of Telemachus , Helena , and Penelope . Of Proteus The Cyclops , or of Ulysses . Of the use of Wine , or of Drunkenesse , or of the Cyclops . Of Circe . Of Amphiaraus . Of Ulysses and Penelope . Of the Dog. The tenth Tome . Hercules , or Midas . Hercules , or of Prudence , or of strength . The Master , or Lover . The Masters , or spies . Menexenus , or of Ruling . Alcibiades . Archelaus , or of a Kingdom . These saith Laertius , were his writings , the great number whereof Timon derides , calling him an ingenious Trifler . There is also among the Socratick Epistles one under his name to this effect . Antisthenes to Aristippus . IT is not the part of a Philosopher to live with Tyrants , and to wast time at Sicilian Feasts , but rather to be content with a little in his own Country ; but you esteem it the greatest excellence of a Vertuous person , to be able to acquire much wealth , and to have powerfull friends . Riches are not good ; neither if they were in themselves good , are they such , being thus obtained , nor can a multitude of unlearned persons , especially Tyrants , be true friends . Wherefore I would co●nsell you to leave Syracuse and Sicily ; but if , as some report , you are in love with Pleasure , and aim at such things , as beseem not wise persons , go to Anticyra and cure your self by drinking Hellebore , for that is much better for you then the Wine of Dionysius ; this causeth madnesse , that asswageth it . So that as health and discretion differ from sicknesse and ●olly , so much shall you be better then you are in these things which you now enjoy Farewell . The Answer to this Epistle , see in the life of Aristippus . CHAP. V. His Death . HE died saith Laertius of sicknesse . As he lay on his death-bed , Diogenes came to him and asked him if he wanted a friend . Another time he came to him with a dagger ; Antisthenes crying out , who will free me from this pain , he shewed him the dagger , saying , This shall , Antisthenes reply'd , I say from my pain , not from my life ; for he bore his sicknesse somwhat impatiently through love of life . Theopompus commends him above all the Disciples of Socrates , as being of such acute and sweet discourse , that he could lead any man to what he would . There were three more of this name , one a Heraclitean Philosopher ; the second of Ephesus , the third of Rhodes a Historian . DIOGENES . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , Time , Banishment . a DIOGENES was of Sinopis , a City of Pontus , his Father named Icesius , or , as others , Icetes ; by profession a mony-changer . He was born ( as appears by computation from his death , which was in the 90 t year of his age , in the first year of the 114 t Olympiad , Hegesias being Archon ) about the third year of the 91st Olympiad . Suidas saith , he was first called Cleon. Diocles saith , his Father trading publickly in exchange of mony , was surprised , coining false mony , and thereupon fled : But Eubulides saith , Diogenes himselfe did it , and fled together with his Father ; even Diogenes in his Podalus , acknowledgeth as much . Some affirme , that being made overseer , he was perswaded by the work-men to go to Delphi , or Delus , the Country of Apollo , to enquire of the Oracle if he should do that whereto he was advised , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is of ambiguous signification , implying , to alter the course of life , and to coine false mony . The Oracle assented : Diogenes not understanding it in the Civill sense , betook himselfe to coyning , and being taken in the act , was banished , or , as others say , fled for fear . Some affirme , he adulterated the mony he received from his Father , for which the Father was cast in prison , and there dyed ; the Son fled , and coming to Delphi , enquired of the Oracle by what means he should become eminent , whereupon he received that answer . b When he left his Country , one of his servants followed him , named Manes , who not enduring his conversation ran away from him ; some perswaded Diogenes to enquire after him , who answer'd , Were it not a shame , since Manes doth not need Diogenes , that Diogenes should need Manes . The fellow wandring up and down came at last to Delphi , where he was torn in pieces by doggs . DIOGENES . CHAP. II. How he lived at Athens . COming to Athens , saith Laertius , he apply'd himselfe to Antisthenes , following the Cynicall Philosophy instituted by him . a Antisthenes having invited many to hear him , and but few coming , at last in anger would not suffer any to come to him , and therefore bad Diogenes be gone also . Diogenes continuing to come frequently , he chid and threatned him , and at last struck him with his staffe : Diogenes would not go back , but persisting still in his desire of hearing him , said , Strike if you will , here is my head , you cannot ●inde a staffe hard enough to drive me from you , untill you have instructed me . Antisthenes overcome with his perseverance , admitted him , and made him his intimate friend . From that time forward he heard him . Some affirm , saith Laertius , he first wore a double Cloak , upon which he used to lie [ at night : ] He likewise carried a wallet , wherein was his meat . He made use of all places for all things , dining , sleeping and discoursing in any place , insomuch that pointing to Iupiter's walke , and the Pompaeum , two publick places at Athens , he said , the Athenians built them for his dwelling . Falling once sick , he walked with a staffe , which afterwards he continually used , as likewise a wallet , not in the City , but when he travelled . He wrote to one to build him a little house , which the other not doing so soon as he required , he made use of a Tub in the Metroum to live in , as he declareth in his Epistles . In Summer he used to roule in the burning Sand , in Winter , to embrace statues covered with Snow , accustoming himselfe continually to sufferance . b A Lacedaemonian seeing him in this posture in the depth of Winter , asked him if he were not a cold ; Diogenes said , he was not : What you do then , reply'd the other , is no great matter . At first he used to beg , of which there are many instances : He one time begged of a man thus , If you have given to others , give also to me ? if to none , begin with me ? c Another time he begged of a Statue , whereof being demanded the reason , That I may the better , saith he , bear a refusall . He requested something of a covetous person , who delaying to give ; Man , saith he , I ask you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , food , not a grave . He requested something of a person very obdurate , who answered yes , if you can perswade me to it ; Nay , replyed he , if I were able to perswade you to any thing , it should have been to have hang'd your selfe . Of a Prodigall he begged a Mina ; the other asked why he begged a Mina of him , and of others but an Obolus : Because , saith he , I hope to receive of others again ; but whether I shall ever have any more of you , the Gods know . Being reproach'd that Plato begged not , but he begged : Yes , saith he , he beggeth too ; but , Close in your ear , Lest others hear . d Having received some little mony from Dionysius the Carysian , he said , The Gods afford thee thy desire , A man and house — Alluding to his effeminacy . e For this reason he said , the imprecations of Tragedians concurred in him , for he was without any City , without a house , depriv'd of his Country , a begger , a vagabond , having his livelyhood only from day to day . And yet , addes f Aelian , he was more pleased with this condition , then Alexander with the command of the whole world , when having conquer'd the Indians , he returned to Babylon . g Seeing a Mouse , as Theophrastus saith , running up and down , he thence took occasion of comfort , considering it a creature that looked not for lodging , and was not displeased with darknesse , nor nice , as to diet . He walked in the snow bare-foot , and tri'd to eat raw flesh , but could not . He said , he imitated singing-Masters , who raise their voice too high , thereby to teach others the just tone . The Athenians loved him much , for a youth having bor'd holes in his Tubbe , they punish'd him , and gave Diogenes a new one . He used to perform the offices of Ceres and Venus in publick , arguing thus ; if it be not absurd to dine , it is not absurd to dine even in the market-place ; but , it is not absurd to dine , therefore it is not absurd to dine even in the market-place . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the publick Forum ; I would , saith he , I could as easily satisfie my hunger . i As he dined in the Forum , some that were present called him Dog ; Nay , saith he , you are Dogs that stand about me when I am at dinner . Being reproached for feeding in the open Forum ; In the Forum , saith he , I grew hungry , Being reproached that he drunk in a victualling house ; And in a Barbers shop , saith he , I am shaved . He lived without any servant ; Being demanded by one whether he would have a maid-servant , or a man , he said ▪ neither ; who then , answer'd the other , shall carry you out to your grave when you die ? Diogenes reply'd , hee that wants a house ? CAHP. II. How he lived at Corinth . a IN his old age he took a voyage to Aegina , but was by the way taken by some pirates , the name of whose captain was Scirpalus . They carried him to Creet , & there exposed him to sale , they asked him what he could do , he answered , he could command men , and to the Cryer , he said , if any man want a Master let him buy me . Offering to sit down , they would not suffer him , ( it being the custom of such as were to be sold for slaves , to leap up and down ) t is no matter for that , saith he , Fishes are sold which way soever they lie , adding , hee wondred that men being to buy a pot or vessel , examine it curiously on the inside , but if a man , they are satisfied with his look and outside . Pointing to a Corinthian richly attir'd that passed by , named Xeniades , sel me saith he , to that man , for he wants , a Master . To Xeniades as soon as he had bought him , he said , Be sure you do as I command you , he answer'd in the common proverbial verse . The springs of Rivers upwards run . Diogenes reply'd● , if being sick you had bought a Physician would you obey his advice , or would you say as before , The springs of Rivers upwards run . His friends , according to Cleomenes , offered to redeem him , but he told them they were fools , for Lyons were not slaves to their Keepers , but the Keepers to the Lyons , for the property of servitude is to fear , and men fear Beasts . b Xeniades having bought him , carried him to Corinth , b asking him what he could do , he answered , he knew how to command free persons . Xeniades wondring at his answer , set him at Liberty , and delivered his Sons to his charge , saying , take then my Children and command them . c He put the Government of his family also into his hands , which he acquitted himself of excellently well in every thing , in so much that Xeniades said , he had brought a Good Genius into his House . He did not suffer the young men that were under his charge , to exercise themselves as Wrastlers , but only till they were warm , and for their health sake . He taught them many sayings of Poets by heart , and some of his own , and that they might more easily remember the full sum of Learning , he made a brief Collection thereof . He taught them at home to minister , using thin diet , and drinking water , to go negligently in habit , shaven , without coats , without shooes , and silent , looking upon themselves as they went. He brought them up likewise to Hunting . On the other side , they took great care of Diogenes , and recommended him to their Parents . e When Alexander was upon expedition against the Persian , many Philosophers came to salute him , the same duty he expected from Diogenes , who was at that time at the Craneum , a Gymnasium in Corinth , where he lived idly , not minding Alexander . Alexander therefore went and found him out sitting in the Sun , hee rose a little to look upon the great crowd of people that came along with Alexander , who saluting him , asked Diognes what he would desire of him , he answer'd , that you would stand aside a little from betwixt me and the Sun. Hereat Alexander was so surpris'd , and so much admir'd his high mind , that his Attendants in returning , laughing thereat , but I , saith he , were I not Alexander , would choose to be Diogenes . CHAP. IV. His Philosophy . a ANd concerning Opinions , he said , there is a twofold Exercitation , one spirituall , the other corporeall ; If in the first of these we employ our selves constantly , frequent phantasies wil occurre , which facilitate the performance of Vertue ; the one cannot be without the other , a good habit and strengh being necessary both in respect of the soul and the body . That Vertue is easily acquired by exercitation he argued , in as much as in the Mechanick Arts and others , that Artists by practise quickly arrive at an extraordinary readinesse therein , and Wrastlers and Musicians excell one another according to the continuall pames they take therein one more then another , and if they should have taken the same pains about their souls , it would not have been unprofitably and imperfectly employ'd . He said nothing in life can be rightly done without exercitation , and that exercitation could master any thing , for whereas men should choose Naturall Labours , whereby they might live happily ; they on the contrary make choice of the unprofitable , and through their own folly , are in continuall misery . For even the contempt of Pleasure , if we accustome our selves thereto will be most pleasant ; and as they , who inure themselves to a voluptuous life cannot be taken off it without much trouble and grief ; so they who exercise themselves in a contrary manner with as great ease contemn even the pleasures themselves . He ascribed not so much to Law as to Nature ; Hee affirmed that he followed the same course of life with Hercules , preferring nothing before Liberty . He asserted that all things belong to the wise , arguing thus ; all things belong to the Gods , the Gods are friends to wise persons ; all things are common amongst friends ; therefore all things belong to the wise . As concerning Law , he held that without it a Commonwealth could not be ordered , for , saith he , without a City there cannot be any profit of Civill things ; a City is a Civill thing ; of Law without a City there is no profit , therefore Law is Civil . He derided Nobility , glory , and the like , saying , they were the Ornaments , or veiles of wickednesse , and that only a right Commonwealth ought to be honour'd . He held that there ought to be a Community of women , conceiving marriage to be nothing , and that every man and woman might enjoy one another as they pleased themselves , and consequently that all Children should be in common . Hee held that it was not unlawfull to take any thing out of a Temple , or to feed upon living Creatures , neither was it impious to eat mans flesh , as appeared by the practise of other Nations , adding that all things are in all and by all ; in bread there is flesh , in flesh bread ; the remainders of flesh and bread being insinuated by occult passages into other bodies , and evaporating in like manner . This Laertius cites out of a Tragedy of his named Thyestes , if saith he , that Tragedy belong to him , and not rather to Philiscus , or Pasiphon . Musick , Geometry , Astronomy and the like he rejected as unprofitable and unnecessary . CHAP. V. His Apophthegms . a HE was very acute saith Laertius in deriding others . Hee said Euclides school was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a School , but Anger , for the Dialecticks affected Litigious dispute . He said Plato's school was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not an exercitation , but Consumption . He said , when he look'd upon Pilots , Physicians and Philosophers , Man was the wisest of all Creatures ; but when he looked upon Interpreters of Dreams , Prophets or persons puff'd up with wealth or honours , nothing is more foolish then man. Hee said that he often sound it convenient in life to have ready an answer or a rope . At a great Feast , seeing Plato eat Olives ; Why , saith he , you being a wise man , and going to Sicily for such entertainments , did you not enjoy them : He answer'd , by the Gods Diogenes , I fed upon Olives there likewise as well as upon other things . Diogenes replyed , why then needed you to have gone to Syracuse , were there no Olives at that time in Attica ? This Phavorinus ascribes to Aristippus , adding , that as he was eating figges , he met him , and said , tast : the other taking and eating ; I bad you , saith he , tast , and not devour . In the presence of some friends of Plato sent to him by Dionysius , Diogenes trod under foot Plato's robe , saying , I tread under foot Plato's pride : But Diogenes , answer'd Plato , how proud are you your selfe , when you think you contemn pride ? Sotion relates this as said to the Cynick by Plato . b Diogenes sent to Plato for wine and figgs , he sent him a large vessell of wine and figs ; whereupon Diogenes , as you , saith he , being demanded how much 2. and 2. are , answer 20. so you neither grant what I request , nor answer what I demand ; thus censuring his verbosity . Being demanded in what part of Greece he had seen good men ; Men , saith he , no where , but good boyes at Lacedaemon . Making a serious discourse , and perceiving that no man came to hear him , he began to sing , whereat a great many gather'd together , whom he reproached for coming to trifles , being so backward to serious things . He said , men contested in undermining or kicking , but none about goodnesse . He wondred at Grammarians , who enquiring after the misfortunes of Ulysses , forgot their own ; and at Musicians , who whilst they tune their instruments , have discordant affections in their souls ; and at the Mathematicians , that gazing upon the Sun and Moon , neglected what was just at their feet ; and at c Oratours , who studyed to speak just things , and neglected to act them ; and lastly at covetous persons , for dispraising mony , which they loved above all things . He reprehended those , who though they commended just men for thinking themselves to be above mony , yet esteemed the rich happy . He was angry at those , who when they sacrificed to the Gods for their health , feasted at the same time contrary to their health . He wondered at Servants , who seeing their Masters eat excessively , did not take away their meat . He praised those , who being about to marry , would not marry ; who being about to go sea , would not go to sea ; who being about to undertake some publick office , would not undertake it ; and who being about to bring up children , forbore to bring them up ; and who could compose themselves to live with great men , yet never went to them . He said , when we stretch out our hand to our friend , we should never clutch our fist . One bringing him into a new house , and forbidding him to spit , he spat in his face , saying , he could not finde a worse place . Some ascribe this to Aristippus . Crying out upon a time , Men come hither , a great many flocked about him , whom he fell upon with his stick , and beat them , saying , I called men , not varlets . This Hecaton in his Chr●ae relates . Alexander said , if he had not been born Alexander , he would have desired to have been born Diogenes . He said , they were not maimed who were dumb and blinde , but they who had not a wallet . Going once halfe shaven to a feast of young men , as Metrocles relates , they beat him , whereupon he took their names , and setting them down in a parchment roll , he wore it at his breast , whereby being known , they were reviled and beaten . He said , he was the Dog of the praised , but none of the praisers durst go a hunting with him . To one saying , at the Pythian Games I overcame men ; No , saith he , I the men , you the slaves . To those who said to him , you are now old , take your ease ; what , saith he , if I were to run a race , should I give over when I were almost at the end , or rather contest with greater courage ? Finding Demosthenes the Orator at dinner in a common victualling house , who ashamed , would have stollen away ; nay , saith he , you are now the more popular . Aelian relates it thus , Diogenes being at dinner in a common victualling house , and seeing Demosthenes passe by , invited him in , Demosthenes refusing ; do you think it , saith Diogenes , a disparagement to dine here , when your Master dines here every day ? meaning the common people , to whom Oratours are but servants . To some strangers who were desirous to see Demosthenes , pointing to him with his middle finger ; this , saith he , is he that leads the Athenians . In reproofe to one who had throwne away his bread , and was ashamed to take it up again , he tyed a string about the neck of a bottle , and dragg'd it after him through the Ceramick . He said , most men were mad Praeter digitum , all but the finger ; if any man should walk pointing with his middle finger , he will be thought mad ; if his fore-finger , not so . He said , the most precious things were sold cheapest , and so on the contrary ; for a Statue will cost 3000 pieces of silver , a peck of wheat , two pieces of brasse . To one , who came to him to study Philosophy , he gave a fish , and bid him follow him , the other ashamed , threw it away and departed : not long after , meeting the same person , he laughing , said , The friendship betwixt you and me was broke off by a Fish. Diocl●s relates it thus ; One saying to him , command me Diogenes , he gave him a penny worth of cheese to bring after him ; the other refusing to carry it , our friendship , saith he , a pennyworth of cheese hath dissolved . Seeing a boy drink water in the hollow of his hand , he took his little cup out of his wallet and threw it away , saying , The boy out-went him in srugality . He threw away his dish also , seeing a Boy that had broken his , supping up his broth in the same manner . Seeing a woman prostrate her selfe unhandsomely in prayer , and desirous to reprove her superstition , as Zoilus the Pergaean reports , came to her , and said , Are you not ashamed , woman , that God who stands behinde you ( for all things are full of him ) should see you in this undecent posture . He said , such as beat others ought to be consecrated to Aesculapius , the God of Chirurgery . He said , against Fortune we must oppose courage ; against Nature , Law , against Passion , Reason . In the Craneum , Alexander standing by him , as the Sun shone , said to him , ask of me what thou wilt ; he answer'd , Do not stand between me and the Sun. One reading a long tedious discourse , and coming at last neer a blank leafe at the end of the book , Be of good courage friends , saith he , I see land . To one , proving by the horned Syllogisme that he had hornes , he feeling of his forehead , but I , saith he , feel none . In like manner another maintaining there was no such thing as motion , he rose up and walked . To one disputing concerning Meteors , How long is it , saith he , since you came from heaven ? A wicked man having written over the dore of his house , Let no ill thing enter here : Which way then , saith he , must the Master come in ? He anointed his feet with sweet Unguents , saying , the scent went from the crown of his head into the air ; but from his feet to his nostrills . To some Athenians , that perswaded him to be initiated into some Religious Mysteries , alledging , that such as were initiated had the chiefest places in the other World : It is ridiculous , saith he , if Agesilaus and Epaminondas live there amongst bogges , and the common people that are initiated live in the blessed Islands . Or as Plutarch , hearing these verses of Socrates : — Thrice happy they Who do these Mysteries survey ; They only after death are bless , All miseries pursue the rest ; What , saith he , shall Patoecion the thie●e be in better condition ( because he was initiated ) then Epaminondas . Mice comming to him as he was at dinner ; See , saith he , Diogenes also maintaineth Parasites . d Diogenes being present at a discourse of Plato's ▪ would not minde it , whereat Plato angry , said , Thou dogge , why mind'st thou not : Diogenes unmoved , answered , Yet I never return to the place where I was sold , as doggs do , alluding to Pl●to's voyage to Sicily . Returning from a Bath , one asked him , if there were many men there ; he said , no : The other asking if there were much company ; he said , there was . Plato defining Man a two-footed Animall without wings , and this definition being approved , Diogenes took a Cock , and plucking off all its feathers , turned it into Plato's School , saying , This is Plato's Man ▪ whereupon to the definition was added , having broad nailes . To one demanding at what time he should dine , if thou art rich , saith he , when thou wilt , if poor , when thou canst . At Megara , seeing their sheep with thick fleeces , and their children almost naked ; It is better , saith he , to be the sheep of a Megaraean , then his son . To one , who hitting him with the end of a long pole , bad him him take heed , Why , saith he , do you mean to hit me again ? He said , the Oratours were the servants of the multitude ; Crownes , the biles of glory . e He lighted a candle at noon , saying , I look for a man. He stood in the rain without any shelter , some that were present pittying him ; Plato , who was there likewise , said , if you will shew your selves pittifull to him , go away , reflecting upon his vain-glory . One giving him a box on the eare , O Hercules , saith he , I knew not that I should have walked with a Helmet . Medias giving him many blowes with his fist , saying , there are 3000 drachmes [ alluding to the fines imposed upon such outrages ] ready counted for you upon the table : The next day he got a Caes●us , and beat him with it , saying , There are three thousand drachmes ready counted for you . Lysias an Apothecary asking him , if he thought there were many Gods : How , saith he , can I think otherwise , when I take you to be their enemy . Others ascribe this to Theodorus . Seeing one that had besprinkled himselfe with water : O unhappy man , saith he , dost thou not know , that the errors of life are no more to be washed away by water , then errours in grammer . He rebuked those who complained of Fortune , saying , They did not request what was good , but that which seemed good to them . Of those , who are terrified with dreams , he said : You never are concern'd for the things you do waking , but what you fancy in your sleep you make your greatest businesse . f At the Olympick Games the Cryer proclaiming Dioxippus hath overcome men ; he slaves , saith he , but I men . Alexander sending an Epistle to Antipater at Athens , by one whose name was Athlias , Diogenes being present said , Athlias from Athlias , by Athlias to Athlias , alluding to the name , which implyeth misery . Perdiccas threatning him with death unlesse he would come to him ; that is no great matter , saith he , for a Cantharides or spider may do as much ; you should rather have threatned , that you would have liv'd well without me . He often said the Gods had given to men an easie life , but that it was hidden from those who used choice diet , unguents and the like ; whence to one whose servant put on his cloaths , you will not be truly happy , saith he , untill he wipe your nose also , that is , when you have lost the use of your hands . Seeing some that had the charge of the things belonging to the Temple , leading a man to Prison , who had stoln a Cup out of the Treasury , the great theeves , saith he , lead Prisoner the lesser . To a young man that throwing stones at a Gibbet , well done , saith he , you will be sure to hit the mark . To some young men that coming about him , said , take heed you do not bite us : fear not boies , said he , Diogenes eat not Beetes [ for so he termed effeminate persons . ] To one feasting , cloath'd in a Lyons skin , do not saith he , defile vertues Livery . To one extolling the happinesse of Callis●henes , in that living with Alexander he had plenty of all things ; nay , saith he , he is not happy , for he dines and suppes when Alexander pleases . When he wanted money , he said , he went to redemand , not borrow it of his friends . Seeing a young man going along with some great persons to a Feast , he took him from them , and carried him to his own friends , bidding them to look to him better . To one neatly dressed , who had asked him some question , I cannot answer you , saith he , unlesse ▪ I knew whether you were a man or a woman . g Of a young man playing at Cattabus in a Bath , by how much the better , saith he , so much the worse . At a Feast one threw a bone to him as to a dog , which he like a dog took up , and lifting his legge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Orators , and all such as sought glory by speaking , hee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thrice men , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thrice wretched . Hee called an unlearned rich man a sheep with a golden Fleece . Seeing written upon the Gates of a Prodigall's house , TO BE SOLD ; I knew , saith he , being so overcharg'd with wine , it would vomit up the owner . To a young man professing himself much displeased at the many persons that courted him , let him see , saith he , that you are displeased by casting off your effeminacy . Of a foul Bath , where , saith he , shall they be washed that wash here ? A big fellow that plaid on the harp , though by all others discommended for playing ill , he praised , being asked why , because , saith he , being an able fellow , he chooseth rather to play on the harp then to steal . A certain harper who plaid so ill , that the company alwaies went away and left him , he saluted thus , Good morrow cock , the other asking why , because , saith he , your Musick maketh every one rise . Seeing a young man doing somthing ; which though it were ordinary , he conceived to be unseemly , hee filled his bosome with beans , and in that manner walked through the people , to whom gazing upon him , I wonder , saith he , you look at one and not a● him . Hegesias desiring him to lend him some of his writings , you are a fool , saith he , Hegesias , who eat figgs not painted but reall ; yet neglec● true exercitation , and seek after the written . Seeing one that had won the Victory at the Olympick Exercises feeding sheep ; you have made hast , saith he , good man , from the Olympick Exercises to the Nemaean , the word alluding to feeding of sheep . Being demanded how it cometh to passe that Wrastlers are for the most part stupid fellows , he answer'd , because they are made chiefly of the skins of Oxen and swine . To a Tyrant , demanding of him what brasse was best , he answer'd that whereof , the Statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton were made . This others ascribe to Plato . Being asked how Dionysius useth his friends , as vessells , saith he , emptying the full , and throwing away the empty . A young man newly married , having written upon his house , the Son of Jupiter , Hercules , Callinicus dwelleth here let nothing ill enter , hee added , Assistance after a defeat , implying it was too late , he being already married . He said Covetousness is the Metropolis of all evill . Seeing one , that had wasted all his means , eating Olives , if you had used to dine so , said he , you would not have supp'd so . He said , Good men are the Images of the Gods , love is the businesse of idle persons . Being asked what is the most miserable thing in life , he said , an old man in want . i Being demanded , the bitings of what beasts were most dangerous , Of Wild Beasts , saith hee , a Detractor , of Tame , a Flatterer . Beholding a picture of two Centaures very ill painted , hee said , which of these is Chiron ; the jeast consisteth in the Greek word , which signifieth worse , and was also the name of a Centaur , tutor to Achilles . He said , the discourse of flatterers is a rope of honey . He called the belly the Charybdis of life . Hearing that Didymo , an Adulterer , was taken ; he deserves , saith he ; to be put out of his name ( meaning emasculated ) k Being asked why gold lookes pale ; because , saith he , many lie in wait for it . Seeing a woman carried in a Litter ; that is not , saith he , a fit cage for such a Beast . Seeing a Servant that had run away from his Master , sitting upon the brink of a well : Young man , saith he , take heed you do not fall in : alluding to the punishment of fugitive servants . Seeing one that used to steal garments in the bath , he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Do you come for unguents , or for another garment ? Seeing some women hang'd upon an Olive-tree ; I would , saith he , all trees bore the same fruit . Seeing a thiefe that used to rob Tombes , he spoke to him in that verse of Homer , — What now of men the best , Com'st thou to plunder the deceas't ? Seeing a handsome youth all alone asleep , he awaked him , saying in the words of Homer , Awake , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To one that feasted sumptuously , he said that verse of Homer . Son , thou hast but a little time to live . Plato discoursing concerning Idaeas , and naming 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he should say , Tabletty and Cuppeity , he said , I see Plato , the table and the cup , but not the tableity and cuppeity . Plato answered , it is true indeed , you have eyes by which the table and cup are seen ; but not an Intellect , by which tableity and cuppeity are seen . Being demanded what he thought Socrates ; he answered , mad . Being demanded at what time a man should marry ; a young man , saith he , not yet ; an old man not at all . To one that asked , what he should give him to let him strike him , he answered , a Helmet . l To a young man dressing himselfe neatly if this , saith he , be for the sake of men , you are unhappy ; if for women , you are unjust . Seeing a young man blush ; take courage , saith he , that is the colour of Vertue . Hearing two men plead against one another , he condemned both , saying , one had stollen , and the other had not lost . Being demanded what wine he thought most pleasant , he answer'd , that which is drunk at anothers cost . To one that said , many deride thee ; he answer'd , but I am not derided : as conceiving , saith m Plutarch , those only to be derided , who are troubled at such things . To one who said , Life is an ill thing : Life , saith he , is not an ill thing , but an ill life is an ill thing ▪ n As he was dining upon Olives , they caused Tart to be set before him , which he threw away , saying , Stranger , when Kings approach , withdraw . The words of Laius's Officers to Oedipus . Being asked what kinde of dogge he was , he answer'd , When he was hungry , a Spaniel , when his belly was full , a Mastiffe ; one of those which many commend , but d●re not take abroad with them a hunting . Being demanded whether wise men might eat dainties ; all things , saith he , as well as others . o Being demanded why men gave to Beggers ; and not to Philosophers ; because , saith he , they are afraid they may be lame or blinde , but are not afraid they may be Philosophers . To one that reproached him as having counterfeited mony ; indeed , saith he , there was a time when I was such a one as you are ; but the time will never come that you will be as I am . Coming to Mindus , and seeing the Gates very large , the City small ; Mindinians , saith he , shut your Gates , left your City run out at them . Seeing a thiefe that was taken stealing purple , he apply'd that verse of Homer to him , The purple death , and potent fate have seiz'd . To Craterus , who invited him to come to him , he returned answer , I had rather lick salt at Athens , then enjoy the greatest delicacies with Craterus . Meeting Anaximenes the Oratour , who was very fat ; Give us , saith he , some of your flesh , it will ease you , and help us . The same Anaximenes being in the midst of a discourse , Diogenes shewing a piece of salt-fish , diverted the attention of his Auditors ; whereat Anaximenes growing angry , See , saith he , a hard penny-worth of salt-fish hath broke off Anaximenes's discourse . Some ascribe this to him . Plato seeing him wash herbs , came and whisper'd thus to him , If you had followed Dionysius , you would not have needed to wash herbs ; to whom he returned this answer in his ear , if you had washed herbs , you needed not to have followed Dionyfius . To one that said to him , many laugh at you and Asses perhaps at them , saith he ; but they care not for Asses , nor I for them . Seeing a young man studying Philosophy : Well done , saith he , you will teach those , who love your outward beauty , to admire your soul. To one that admired the multitude of votive offerings in Samothracia , given by such as had escaped shipwrack : There would have been far more , saith he , if those who perished had presented theirs . Others ascribe this to Diagoras the Melian . To a young man going to a feast , he said , You will come back Chiron : ( alluding to the word which implyeth worse ) the young man came to him the next day , saying , I went and returned not Chiron : No , saith he , not Chiron , but Eurylion . Returning from Lacedaemon to Athens , to one that asked him , from whence he came , and whither he went : From men , saith he , to women . Returning from the Olympick Games , to one that asked if there were much people there ; Much people , saith he , but few men . He compared Prodigalls to fig-trees growing on a precipice , whose fruit men tast not , but crowes and vultures devoure . Phryne the Curtezan , having set up a golden Statue of Venus at Delphi , he wrot on it , From the iatemperance of the Grecians . Alexander coming to him , and saying , I am Alexander the great King : And I , saith he , am Diogenes the Dogg . Being asked why he was called Dogg : I fawn on those that give , saith he , I bark at those that will not give , and I bite the wicked . As he was gathering figgs , the keeper of the Orchard spying him , told him , it is not long since a man was hang'd upon that Tree : And for that reasou , saith he , I will clense it . p Observing Dioxippus the Olympick victor , to cast many glances upon a Curtezan : See , saith he , a common Woman leads the martiall Ramm by the neck . To two infamous persons stealing away from him : Fear not , saith he , doggs eat not thistles . To one that asked him concerning a youth taken in adultery , whence he was ; he answer'd , of Tegea , Tegea ( a City of Arcadia ) whereto he alluded , is a publick Brothell . Seeing one , that in former times had been an ill Wrastler , professe Medicine ; What is the matter , saith he , have you a designe to cast those down that have thrown you ? Seeing the Son of a common woman throw stones amongst a croud : ●ake heed , saith he , you do not hit your Father . To a youth , shewing him a sword , given him by one that loved him , he said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To some that extolled one who had bestowed something on him : But you do not praise me , saith he , who deserved to receive it . To one that redemanded an old Cloak of him , if you gave it me , saith he , I must keep it , if you lent it me , I must make use of it . To a suppositi tious person that said to him , you have gold in your Cloak , Yes , saith he , and for that reason I lay it q under mee when I go to sleep . Being demanded what he had gained by Philosophy , if nothing else saith hee , at least this , to be preapred for all fortunes . Being demanded of what Country he was , he answered , a Citizen of the World. To one that sacrific'd , praying he might have a child , you pray for a child , saith he , but never trouble your self what kind of child it may prove . At an ordinary , being demanded mony , he answered the Master in that verse of Homer , Ask others , but from Hector hold thy hand . r He said the Mistresses of Kings were Queens ; for the Kings did whatsoever they would have them . The Athenians having decreed to stile Alexander Bacchus , and make me , saith he , Serapts . To one reproaching him for living in filthy places , the Sun , saith he , visits Kennells , yet is not defiled . Being at supper in the Temple , they brought him course bread , he threw it away , saying , nothing but what is pure must come within a Temple . To one that said , why do you , who know nothing , professe Philosophy ? he answer'd , though I should but pretend to study Philosophy , yet that were a profession thereof . To one that recommended his Son to him , saying , hee was very ingenious , and exceeding well educated , he answered , why then doth he need me ? Those who speak good things , but do them not , differ nothing from a Lute , for that neither hears nor hath sense . Hee went to the Theatre , as all the people were going out , being asked why he did so , This , saith he , is that I study all my life time . Seeing an effeminate young man , are you not ashamed , saith hee , to use your self worse then Nature hath done ? she hath made you a man , but you will force your self to be a woman . s Seeing an ignorant man tuning a Lute , are you not ashamed , saith he , to try to make a Lute sound harmoniously , and yet suffer your life to be so full of discord . To one that said he was unfit for Philosophy , why do you live , saith he , if you care not for living honestly . To one who despised his own Father , are you not ashamed , saith he , to despise him who is the cause you are so proud ? Hearing a handsome youth speak foolishly , are you not ashamed , saith he , to draw a leaden dagger out of an ivory sheath . Being reproached for accepting a Cloak from Antipater , he answered in those words of Homer , The gifts of Gods must not be thrown away . One that hit him with a pole , and then bid him take heed , hee struck with his staffe , and said , and take you heed . To one that sued to a Curtezan , What mean you wretch saith he , to sue for that which is much better to misse . To one that smelled sweet of Unguents , take heed , saith he , this perfume make not your life stink . He said , Slaves serve their Masters , but wicked men their passions . Being demanded why slaves are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Footmen , because saith he , they have feet like men , but such minds , as you that ask the question . Seeing an unskilfull Archer going to shoot , he sate down at the mark , lest , saith he , he should hit me . He said lovers are unhappy in pleasure . Being demanded whether death be ill , how , saith he , can that be ill , whereof when it cometh we have no sense . Alexander coming to him , and saying , do you not fear me ? what saith he , are you good or ill , he answered good : who , replies Diogenes , fears that which is good ? He said , Learning is a regulation to young men , a comfort to old men , wealth to poor men , and an Ornament to rich men . To Didymo an Adulterer curing a maids eye , take heed , saith he , least in curing the eie , you hurt not the ball , [ the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying both the eye-ball and Virginity . ] To one that said his friends lay in wait for him , what then is to be done , saith he , if friends and enemies must be used alike . Being demanded what is best amongst men , he answered , freedom of speech . Coming into a school , and seeing there many statues of the Muses , but few Auditors , by the help of the Gods , Master , saith he , you have many Auditors . To one that asked him how he might order himself best , t by reprehending , saith hee , those things in your self which you blame in others . He gave good counsell to a person very dissolute , being demanded what he was doing , he answer'd , washing an Aethiop . He went backwards into the School of the Stoicks , whereat some laughing , are you not ashamed , saith he , to do that in the whole course of your life , for which you deride me in walking . Hee said , men provide for their living , but not for their well living . He said , it was a shame to see Wrastlers and Singing-Masters observe temperate dyet , and moderate their pleasures , one for exercise , the other for his voice , and yet no man would do so much for Vertue 's sake . He said , Pride , like a shepheard , driveth men whither it pleaseth . Seeing the high walls of Megara , he said , Unhappy people , minde not the height of your walls , but the height of their courages who are to stand on the walls . He compared covetous men to such as have the dropsy , those are full of mony , yet desire more ; these of water , yet thirst after more : Passions grow more intense by enjoyment of what they desire . Seeing a man make love to old rich widowes : This love , saith he , is not blinde , but toothlesse . Being demanded what beasts were the worst : in the field , saith he , Bears and Lyons , in the City , Usurers and Sycophants . He compared flattery to an empty tombe , on which Friendship was inscribed . Blaming Antisthenes for being too remisse in discourse , in regard that when he spoke loudest he could hardly be heard , and calling himselfe the Trumpet of reproofe : Antisthenes reply'd , he was like a Bee , that makes no great noise , yet stings sharply . He said , reproof is the good of others . A certain Athenian asking him why he lived not with the Lacedaemonians , whom he praised so much : Physicians , saith he , though they study health , converse with the sick . He said , other doggs bark at their enemies , I , my friends , that I may preserve them . He asked Plato if he were writing Lawes : Plato affirmed he was . Did you not write a Common-wealth before , said Diogenes ? I did , answers Plato . And had not that Common-wealth Lawes ▪ saith he ? The other answering it had : To what end , reply'd Diogenes , do you write new Lawes ? He said , To give Physick to a dead body , or advise an old man , is the same thing ? To a bald man that reviled him , I will not return your reproaches , saith he , yet cannot but commend your hair , for leaving so bad a head . To an Informer that fell out with him ; I am glad , saith he , of the enmity betwixt us , for you hurt not your foes , but your friends . To one that reviled him ; No man , saith he , will believe you when you speak ill of me , no more then they would me , if I should speak well of you . Alexander sent him a dish full of bones , with this message , It was meat for doggs ; he answer'd , Yea , but not sit for a King to send . He said , it was the same fault to give to them that deserved nothing , as not to give to them that do . He said , As houses , where there is plenty of meat , are full of mice , so the bodies of such as eat much are full of diseases . At a Feast , one giving him a great cup full of wine , he threw it away ; for which being blamed , If I had drunk it , saith he , not only the wine would have been lost , but I also . Being demanded what was hardest , he answer'd , To know our selves , for we construe most things according to our own partiality . He said , Medea was a wise woman , not a Witch , who by labour and exercise corroborated the bodies of effeminate persons , whence arose the fable , that she could renew age . To one that profest himselfe a Philosopher , but argued litigiously , he said , Why do you spoile the best part of Philosophy , yet would be thought a Philosopher ? Questioning one of those young men that followed him , he was silent ; whereupon Diogenes , Do you not think , saith he , it bebelongs to the same man to know when to speak , and when to hold his peace ? Being demanded how a man should live under the authority of superiours ; as we do by fire , saith he , not too near , lest it burn , not too far off , lest we freez . Seeing some women talking privately together : Behold , saith he , the Asp borrowes poyson from the Viper . Being demanded what was the heaviest burthen the earth bears , he answered , an ignorant man. An Astrologer in the Forum discoursing to the people , and shewing them in a tablet the erratick Starrs : No , saith Diogenes , it is not the Starres that erre , but these , pointing to the people . Being demanded what men are the most noble : They , saith he , who contemn wealth , glory , and pleasure , and over-master the contraries to these , poverty , ignominy , pain , death . Seeing the servants of Anaximenes carrying many goods , he demanded to whom they belong'd ; they answer'd , to Anaximenes . Is he not ashamed , reply'd Diogenes , to have so much houshold stuffe , and yet not be master of himselfe . He said , Vertue dwelleth neither in a rich City , nor a private House . He said , Poverty is a selfe-taught help to Philosophy , for what Philosophy endeavours to perswade by words , poverty enforceth in practise . To a wicked man reproaching him for his poverty ; I never knew , saith he , any man punished for poverty , but many for wickednesse . He called Poverty a selfe-instructing vertue . To one that reproached him with poverty : What mean you , saith he ; poverty never made a Tyrant , riches many . Alexander seeing him asleep in his Tubb , said , O Tubb full of wisdome : The Philosopher rising up , answer'd , Great King , One drop of Fortune's better far Then Tubbs repleat with wisdom are . To whom a stander by reply'd , One drop of Wisdom Fortune's Seas excells ; In unwise soules misfortune ever dwells . Seeing an old woman painted , if this he for the living , you are deceived , saith he , if for the dead , make hast to them . To one bewailing his own misfortune , as that he should not die in his own Country , be of comfort , saith he ▪ the way to the next World is alike in every place . Having a great pain in his shoulder which troubled him much , one said to him in derision , why dost thou not die Diogenes , and free thy self from this misery , he answer'd , it is sit they should live who know how to order their life , for you who know not what to do or say , it is a convenient time to die . He used to say , Aristotle dineth when Philip pleaseth , but Diogenes when it pleaseth Diogenes . At Cori●th , seeing Dionysius the younger , who was deposed from the Kingdom of Sicily , This is a life , saith he , you deserve not , you merit rather not to live here freely and without fear , but at home in perpetuall imprisonment . To some who commended Plato , he said , what hath hee done worthy commendation , having professed Philosophy so long , yet never moved any to grief . To one demanding how he might take the greatest revenge upon his Enemy , he answered , by being good and vertuous your self . In commending his Master Antisthenes , he would say of him , of rich he made me poor , and instead of a fair house , made me live in a Tubb . CHAP. VI. His Writings . OF the Writings ascribed to him are these , Dialogues . Ichthyas The Geay . The Leopard . The Athenian people . Policy . Ethick art . Of Riches . Erotick . Theodorus . Hypsias . Aristarchus Of Death . Epistles . Tragedies 7. Helena . Thyestes . Hercules . Achilles . Medea . Chrysippus . OEdipus . Sosicrates and Satyrus affirm that none of these were written by Diogenes ; the Tragedies Satyrus ascribes to Philischus of Aegina . Sotion affirmeth these only to have been written by Diogenes . Of Vertue . Of Good. Erotick . The poor . The Tolerant . The Leopard , Cassander . Cephalio . Philiscus . Aristarchus . Sisiphus . Ganymede . Chria's , & Epistles . CHAP. VII . His Death . HE died , as Demetrius saith , at Corinth about 90. years old , the same day that Alexander died at Babylon , which according to Aelian was the seventh of Thargelion in the first year of 114 t● Olympiad . The manner of his death is variously related . Eubulus saith , he lived to his end with Xeniades , and was buried by his Sons . As he lay sick , Xeniades asked him how he would be buried , he answer'd , with his face downwards ; Xeniades demanding the reason , because , saith he , all things will be turned upside-down , alluding , saith Laertius , to the greatnesse of the Macedonians , who not long before were a poor inconsiderable people . Some report that being near death , he gave order that his body should be left unburied , that the wild Beasts might partake of him , or be thrown into a ditch , and a little dust be cast over it , or thrown upon a dung-hill , that he might benefit his Brethren . Aelian saith , that being sick to death , he threw himself down from a bridge which was near the Gymnasium , and ordered the Keeper of the Palaestra to take his body and throw it into the River Ilissus . Others affirm he died of a surfet of raw flesh , others that he stopp'd his own breath , others , that cutting a Cuttle-fish , in pieces to throw it to dogs , it bit asunder a Nerve in his foot , whereof he died . Others affirm he died as he was going to the Olympick Games : being taken with a Feaver , he lay down by the way , and would not suffer his friends to carry him , but sitting under the shade of the next tree , spoke thus to them ; This night I shall be a Victor or vanquished , if I overcome the Feaver , I will come to the Games , if not , I must go to the other World , and drive it away by death . Antisthenes saith , his Friends were of opinion he stopp'd his own breath , for coming as they constantly used to visit him in the Cranaeum where he lived , they found him covered ; they did not imagine it was sleep , by reason of his great wakefulnesse ; but immediately putting back his Cloak perceived he was dead . Hereupon there arose a contention amongst them who should bury him ; they fell from words to blows , but the Magistrates and great ones of the City came themselves and buried him , by the gate which leads to Isthmus . Over the Sepulchre they placed a Column , and upon it a Dog cut out of Parian stone . Afterwards his own Countrymen honoured him with many brazen Statues , bearing this Inscription ; Time doth the strongest Brasse decay Diogenes , thou ne're canst dy , Who to content the ready way To following Ages didst descry . Laertius reckons five of this name , the first of Apollonia , a natural Philosopher . The second a Sicionian . The third this . The fourth a Stoick of Seleucia . The fift of Tarsis . MONIMUS . a MOnimus was a Syracusian , Disciple to Diogenes , he was first servant to a Mony-changer , to whom Xeniades who bought Diogenes , often coming , he was so taken with the worth and Vertue of the person , that he counterfeited himself mad , and threw all the mony from off the Table , whereupon his Master turning him away , he betook himself to Diogenes . He followed likewise Crates the Cynick , and others of that Sect , which confirm'd his Master in the opinion that he was mad . He was a person eloquent and learned , mention'd by Menander in his Hippocomus , of so great constancy , that he contemned all glory for vertues sake . He wrote some things , which at first appearance seemed Ludicrous , but contained deep serious sense ; as of Appetites , two Books , and a Protreptick . ONESICRITUS . a Onesicritus was of Aegina , or according to Demetrius an Astypalaean ; he had two Sons . He sent the younger named Androsthenes to Athens , who hearing Diogenes would not depart thence . Hereupon he sent the elder , named Philiscus , who stayed there likewise for the same reason . Lastly , the Father himselfe went , and was so much taken with Diogenes , that he became a sedulous Auditor of him , as his two sons were . He was esteemed amongst the most eminent Disciples of Diogenes ; Laertius compares him with Xenophon ; one fought under Cyrus , the other under Alexander : One wrote the institution of Cyrus , the other , the praise of Alexander : Their styles also were very like . CRATES . Crates was a Theban , Son of Ascandas : He was likewise reckon'd amongst the most eminent of Diogenes's Disciples ; yet Hippobotus saith , he was not a Disciple of Diogenes , but of Bryso the Achaean . He flourished about the 113th Olympiad . Antisthenes , in his successions , saith , that being at a Tragedy where Telephus was represented , carrying a Basket in a sordid condition , he betook himselfe to the Cynicall Philosophy , and selling all his estate , ( for he was very rich , having gotten together above two hundred talents ) he distributed it amongst the Citizens , and was so constant a Professor of this Philosophy , that Philemon , the Comick Poet , takes notice thereof in these words , By him in Summer a thick Coat was worn , In Winter-time ( so temperate ) a torn . Diocles saith , Diogenes perswaded him to part with his estate , and to throw all the mony he had left into the Sea : and that the house of Crates was from Alexander , that of Hipparchia his Wife , from Philip. Some of his neer friends that came to him to disswade him from this course of life , he beat away , for he was of a resolute spirit . Demetrius the Magnesian saith , he deposited some mony in the hands of a Banquier , with this condition , that if his sonnes betook themselves to any Civill employment , it should be repaid again ; but , if to Philosophy , it should be distributed amongst the people , for as much as a Philosopher stands in need of nothing . Eratosthenes relates , that having a son named Pasicles , by his Wife Hipparchia , assoon as he arrived at mans estate , he brought him to the house of a young maid that was his slave , saying , This is a hereditary matrimony to you : but those who commit adultery , are , according to the Tragedians punished with banishment or death ; Those who keep Concubines were , according to the Comedians , by luxury and drunkennesse , transported to madnesse . Pasicles , the Disciple to Euclid , was his brother . He said , 't is not possible to finde a man without a fault , for , in every Pomgranat there is at least one grain corrupt . Having displeased Nicodromus a Lutinist , he beat him black and blew ; whereupon he pasted a piece of paper on his forehead , wherein was written , Nicodromus did this . He was exceedingly invective against common women . He reproved Demetreus Phalerius for sending bread and wine to him , saying , I wish the fountains also produc'd bread ; intimating that he lived with water . The Athenian Magistrates blamed him for wearing a long robe ; I will shew you Theophrastus , saith he , in the same attire ; which they not believing , he brought them to a Barbers shop , where he was sitting to be trimm'd . At Thebes , being beaten by the Master of the Gymnasium ; or , as others , at Corinth by Euthicrates , he laughed , saying , He by the foot him drew , And o're the threshold threw . Zeno in his Chrias saith , he sowed a sheep-skinn upon his cloak , to appear the more deformed . He was of a very unhandsome look , and whilst he discoursed , laughed . He used to lift up his hands and say , Be of good courage , Grecians , both for the eyes and all other parts , for you shall soon see these deriders surprised by sicknesse , and proclaiming you happy , blame their owne slothfulnesse . He said , we ought so long to study Philosophy , untill the leaders of the Army seem to be Horse-drivers . He said , they who lived with flatterers were forsaken persons , living like sheep amidst wolves , not with those who wish'd them well . Perceiving he drew nigh to death , he looked upon himselfe , saying , — And dost thou go , old friend , To the next world , thou whom old age doth bend . For he was crooked through age . To Alexander , asking whether he would that his Country should be restored or not : To what end , saith he , seeing there will come perhaps another Alexander , and depopulate it . He said , contempt of glory and want were his Country , which were not subject to Fortune ; and that he was Countryman to Diogenes , not fearing any body . Coming into the Forum , where he beheld some buying , others selling : These , saith he , think themselves happy in employments contrary to one another ; but I think my selfe happy , in having nothing to do either way . To a young man , followed by a great many Parasites : Young man , saith he , I am sorry to see you so much alone . He said , we ought not to accept gifts from all men , for vertue ought not to be maintained by vice . Seeing at Delphi a golden Image of Phryne the Curtezan , he cryed out , This is a Trophy of the Grecian intemperance . Seeing a young man highly fed and fat : Unhappy youth , saith he , do not ●ortifie your prison . He said , He gained glory , not by his riches , but his poverty . To one , demanding what he should get by Philosophy : You will learn , saith he , to open your purse easily , and to give readily , not as you do now , turaing away , delaying and trembling , as if you had the palsey . He said , Men know not how much a Wallet , a measure of Lupines , and security of minde is worth . The Epistles of Crates are extant , wherein , saith Laertius , he writes excellent Philosophy , in style resembling Plato . He wrote Tragedies likewise , full of deep Philosophy . He died old , and was buried in Baeotia . METROCLES . a METROCLES was Disciple of Crates , Brother to Hipparchia . He first heard Theophrastus the Peripatetick , &c. afterwards apply'd himselfe to Crates , and became an eminent Philosopher . He burnt , as Hecaton saith , his writings , saying , These are the dreams of wilde phantastick youth . He burnt likewise the dictates of his Master Theophrastus . Vulcan come hither , Venus needs thy aid . He said , Of things , some are purchased by mony , as Houses ; some by time and diligence , as Learning : Riches is hurtfull , if not rightly apply'd . He died old : he strangled himselfe . Of his Disciples are remembered Theombrotus and Cloemenes . Demetrius of Alexandria was Auditor of Theombrotus : Timarchus of Alexandria , and Echicles of Ephesus were Disciples of Cleomenes . Echicles heard also Theombrotus , from whom came Menedemus ; of whom hereafter . Amongst these was also Menippus , of Sinopis . HIPPARCHIA . HIpparchia was likewise taken with the Discourses of those Cynicks , she was Sister to Metrocles ; they were both Maronites . She fell in love with Crates , as well for his discourse as manner of life , from which none of her Suitors by their Wealth , Nobility or Beauty , could divert her , but that she would bestow her self upon Crates , threatning her Parents , if they would not suffer her to marry him , she would kill her self . Hereupon her Parents went to Crates , desiring him to disswade her from this resolution which he endeavoured but not prevailing went away , and brought all the little furniture of his house and shew'd her , this saith he , is your husband , that the furniture of your house , consider upon it , for you cannot be mine unlesse you follow the same course of life . She immediately took him , and went up and down with him , and in publick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and went along with him to Feasts . At a Feast of Lysimachus she met Theodorus the Atheist , with whom she argued thus ; If that , which if Theodorus do be not unjustly done , neither is it unjustly done if Hipparchia do the same ; But Theodorus if he strike himself doth not unjustly ; therefore Hipparchia doth not unjustly if she strike Theodorus ; Theodorus answer'd nothing , onely pluck'd her by the Coat , which she wore not like a woman , but after the manner of the Cynicks , whereat Hipparchia was nothing moved , whereupon he said , Her Webbe and Loome She left at home . I did saith she , Theodorus , and I think have not erred in choosing to bestow that time which I should have spent in weaving on Philosophy . Much more saith Laertius is ascribed to her . MENIPPVS . MEnippus was a Cynick , a Phoenician by birth , Servant by condition , as Achaicus affirms . Diocles saith , his Father was of Pontus called Bato . Menippus for acquisition of riches wentto Thebes and was made free of that City . He wrote nothing serious , all his books being full of mirth , not unlike the writings of Meleager . Hermippus saith , he was named Hemerodanista , the dayly Usurer , for he put out mony to Merchants upon Interest , and took pawns ; at last being cheated of all his goods , he hanged himself . Some say the Bokes that are ascribed to him were writ by Dionysius and Zopyrus , Colophonians , which being ludicrous , they gave to him as a person disposed that way ; they are reckoned , thirteen . Naenia's . Testaments . Epistles , in the persons of the Gods. Two natural Philosophers , Mathematicians & Grammarians . Of Epicure . Laertius reckons six of this name ; the first wrote the Lydian story , and epitomiz'd Xanthus . The second this . The third a Sophist , of Caria . The fourth a Graver . The fifth and sixth Painters , both mention'd by Apollodorus . MENEDEMVS . MEnedemus was Disciple of Colotes , of Lampsacum ; hee proceeded as Hippobotus relates , to so great extravagance that hee went up and down in the habit of the Furies , declaring he was come from the World below to take notice of such as offended , and that he was to return thither to give an account of them . He went thus attir'd , a dark Gown to his heels , girt with a purple girdle , upon his head an Arcadian hat , on which were woven the twelve signes , tragick buskins , a long beard , in his hand an ashen staffe . Hithertherto of the Cynicks . FINIS . THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY . The Eighth Part , Containing the Stoick Philosophers . LONDON , Printed for Humphrey Moseley , and Tho : Dring . An. Dom. 1656. ZENON ▪ ●● ZENO . CHAP. I. His Country , Parents , and first Studies . THE Sect of Stoicks had its originall from the Cynicks , Zeno was the Author thereof , who having first been a Scholer of Crates , and afterwards a hearer of other Philosophers , at last instituted this new Sect. a Hee was born at Cittium , a Greek Sea-Town in the Isle of Cyprus , b with a lock'd Haven , inhabited by Phoenicians , c whence he somtimes was termed the Phoenician . His Father was called Mnaseas , by some Demeas , a Merchant , whence was objected to Zeno , the obscurity of his Birth and Country , as being d a stranger ; and of mean Parentage , whereof he was so far from being ashamed , that e he refused to be made a Citizen of Athens , as conceiving it an undervaluing of his own Country ; in so much as f when he contributed to a Bath in Athens , and his name was inscribed upon a Pillar with the Title of Philosopher , he desired they would adde a Cittiean . g Zeno ( as Hecaton and Apollonius Tyrius relate , ) enquiring of the Oracle what course he should take to lead the best kind of life , was answer'd , that he should converse with the dead , whereupon he addicted himself to the reading of antient Authors . h Herein he was not a little furthered by his Father , who , as Demetrius saith , trading frequently to Athens , brought him as yet but very young , many Socraticall Books , which excited in him a great affection to learning . i Being now 17. ( or as Persaeus 22 ) years old , hee took a voyage to Athens , carried thither as well by his particular inclination to Philosophy , as by his businesse , which was to fell some Purple that he had brought out of Phoenicia . He took along with him a hundred Talents , and having sold his Merchandise , applyed himself to Philosophy , yet continued to lend his money out to Merchants upon interest , so to improve his stock . Some affirm his Ship was cast away in the Piraeum , which news being brought him to Athens , he seemed nothing at all moved , but only said , Thou dost well Fortune ; k to drive me into a Gown , or as Seneca , Fortune commands me to study Philosophy more earnestly . l Others say , that being troubled at the losse of his Ship , hee went up to the City of Athens , and sitting in a Booksellers shop , read a piece of Xenophon's Commentaries , where with being much pleas'd , he asked the Bookseller where , such men lived , Crates by chance passing by , the Bookseller pointed to him , saying , follow that man ; which he did , and from that time forward , became a Disciple of Crates . CHAP. II. Of his Masters . ZEno thus changing the course of his life , applyed himselfe to Crates , a being apt to Philosophy , but more modest then suited with the Cynicall Sect. Which Crates to remedy , gave him a pot full of pottage to carry through the Ceramick , and perceiving him to hide it , as ashamed , with his Coat , he struck the pot with his stick and broke it . Zeno running away , all wet , what , said he , are you running away little Phoenician , no body hurt you ? Hee made a litle hollow cover of a pot , in which he carried the money of his Master Crates , that it might be in readinesse when hee went to buy meat . Thus hee lived a while with Crates , during which time he writ his Book of the Common-wealth , whence some jeasting , said , it was written under the Dog's tail . At last deserting , Crates he apply'd himself to b Stilpo the Megarick Philosopher . Apollonius Tyrius saith , that taking hold of his Cloak to pluck him away from Stilpo , he said , O Crates , the handles by which the Philosophers are to be taken hold of , are their ears ; Lead me by those your way , or else though you constrain my body to be with you , my mind will be with Stilpo . With Stilpo he remained ten years . From Stilpo he went to Xenocrates , being so well satisfied with the instruction of these two Masters , that he said , he made a very good voyage when he was shipwrack'd , though others apply it to his living with Crates . c He afterwards apply'd himself to Diodorus Cronus , as Hippo●otus avers , under whom he studied Dial●ctick , to which Science he was so much addicted , that d when a certain Philosopher of that Sect had informed him of seven species of Dialectick , in that sallacy which is called the Mower , he asked him what he was to give him for his reward , the Philosopher demanded a hundred pieces of Silver , Zeno ( so much was he affected to Learning ) gave him two hundred . e Lastly , notwithstanding , that he had made a great progresse in Philosophy , he heard Polemon , whose Doctrine was against Pride ; whereupon Polemon told him , Zeno , I am not ignorant , that you lie in ambush , and come slily into my Garden ( as the Phoenicians use ) to steal away Learning . CHAP. III. His School and institution of a Sect. HAving been long a hearer of others , he at last thought fit to communicate the Learning which he had received and improved . To this end he made choice of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the painted walk , so named from the pictures of Polygnotus , otherwise called Pisianactia . Here he constantly walked and discoursed , resolving to settle there , and make the place as full of tranquillity as it had been before of trouble : For , in the time of the thirty Tyrants , neer 1400 Citizens were there put to death . Hither resorted a great many Disciples to him , who were at first called Zenonians , as Epicure affirmeth , from their Master ; afterwards from the place where he taught , Stoicks , as Eratosthenes in his eight Book of antient Comedy ; adding , that not long before , some Poets that lived there were called Stoicks also , upon which occasion the name was very well known . He was subtle in disquisition and dispute . He disputed earnestly with Philo the Dialectick , and exercised himselfe together with him : so that Zeno the younger admired him no lesse , then his Master Diodorus . He first seemeth ( saith Laertius ) to have set a bound to the loosnesse and extravagance of propositions : But , of this more , when we come to speak of his Philosophy , which by reason of its largenesse , we remit to the end of his life . CHAP. IV. What honours were conferr'd upon him . ZENO by the Philosophy which he taught , and the practise of his life conformable to that doctrine , gained so high an estimation amongst the Athenians , that a they deposited the keyes of the City in his hands , as the only person fit to be entrusted with their liberties . His name was likewise much honoured by his own Country-men , as well those at Cyprus , as those who lived at Sidon . Amongst those who honoured and favoured Zeno , was Antigonus Gonotus King of Macedonia , a Prince no lesse eminent for his Vertue then his Greatnesse , much esteemed him , and , as often as he went to Athens , heard him . He sent many times to invite him to come to him , amongst the rest , one Letter to this effect , alledged by Apollonius Tyrius . King Antigonus to Zeno the Philosopher , health . I Think that I exceed you in Fortune and Glory ; but , in Learning and Discipline , and that perfect felicity which you have attained , I am exceeded by you : Wherefore I thought it expedient to write to you , that you will come to me , assuring my selfe you will not deny it . Use all means therefore to come to us , and know , you are not to instruct me only , but all the Macedonians . For , he who teacheth the King of Macedonia , and guideth him to Vertue , it is evident , that he doth likewise instruct all his Subjects in Vertue . For such as is the Prince , such for the most part are those who live under his Government . Zeno answered thus : To King Antigonus Zeno , health . I Much esteem your earnest desire of Learning , in that you aime at Philosophy , not popular , which perverteth manners , but that true discipline which conferreth profit , avoiding that generally commended pleasure which effeminates the soules of some young men . It is manifest , that you are enclined to Generosity , not only by nature , but by choice . A generous nature , with indifferent exercise , assisted by a Master , may easily attain to perfect Vertue . But , I am very infirm of body by reason of my age , for I am fourescore years old , and therefore not able to come to you . Yet , I will send you some of my con-Disciples , who , in those things that concern the Soul , are nothing inferiour to me ; in those of the Body are much superiour to me , of whom , if you make use , you will want nothing conducing to perfect Beatitude . Thus Zeno absolutely refused to go to Antigonus , but sent him his Disciple Persaeus son of Demetrius , a Cittiean ( who flourish'd in the 130th Olympiad , Zeno being then very old ) and Philonides a Theban , both mentioned by Epicurus in his Epistle to Aristobulus , as having been with Antigonus . CHAP. V. His Apophthegmes . OF his Apophthegmes are remembered these : Of a man very finely drest , stepping lightly over a Kennell ; He doth not care for the dirt , saith he , because he cannot see his face in it . A certain Cynick came to him to borrow Oyle , saying , he had none left : Zeno deny'd him , and as he was going away ; Now , saith he , consider , which of us two are the more impudent . Cremonides , whom he much affected , and Cleanthes sitting down beside him , he arose ; whereat Cleanthes wondring , I have heard good Physicians say , saith he , that the best remedy for tum●urs is rest . Two sitting by him at a Feast , he that was next him hit the other with his foot : Zeno hit him that was next him with his knee , and turning him to him , What then think you , saith he , that you have done to him that sits below you . To one that loved the company of boyes , Neither have those Masters , saith he , any wit , who converse●l●ies with the boyes , nor the boyes themselves . He said that elegant speeches were like Alexandrian silver , fair to the eye , and figur'd like mony , but not a whit of the more value . Speeches which are otherwise , he likened to Attick Tetradrachmes , which had a rough stamp , but , were of greater value . Aristo his Disciple discoursing many things foolishly , some petulantly , others confidently , It cannot be , saith he , but your Father was drunk when you were begot : whereupon himselfe being very concise of speech , he called him the ●alker . To a great eater , who left nothing for those that eat with him , he caused a great fish to be set before him , and immediately to be taken away ; the other looking upon him , What , said he , do you think your companions suffer every day , seeing that you cannot suffer my greedinesse once ? A young man , who question'd something more curiously then suited with his age , he brought to a Glasse , and bad him look in it , and then asked him , whether he thought that question agreed with that face . To one that said , he disliked many things of Antisthenes writing , he brought his Chria of Sophocles , and asked him , if there were any thing therein excellent : The other answered , he knew not : Are you not ashamed then ( replyed Zeno ) if Antisthe●es have said any thing ill , you select and remember that : but if any thing excellent , you are so far from remembring , as not to minile it ? To one that said , the speeches of Philosophers were short You say very true , saith he , so should t●eir very syllables be , as much as is possible . One saying of Polemon , that he proposed some things , and said others : He frowning , said , What rate do you set upon things that are given ? He said , that a Disputant should have the voice and lungs of a Comedian , but not the loudnesse . To those that speak well , he said , we should allow a place to hear , as to skilfull Artificers to see ; on the other side , the hearer must so attend to what is spoken , that he take no time to censure . To a young man that spoke much ; your ears , saith he , are fallen into your tongue . To a handsome youth who said , that he thought that in his opinion , a wise man ought not to love : Nothing , saith he , will be more unhappy to you that are handsome . He said , that most Philosophers are in many things fooles , in triviall and vulgar things ingnorant . He pronounced that of Capecia , who when one of his Disciples began to grow high , beating him , he said , Right is not placed in great , but great in right . To a young man discoursing with much confidence ; Young man , saith he , I should be loath to tell you my thoughts . A youth of Rhodes handsome and rich , but refractory to him , not enduring , he bad him first fit in a dirty seat , that he might dirt his Gown , next placed him amongst the beggars , that he might converse with them and their raggs , untill at last the young man went away . He said , that nothing is more unseemly then pride , especially in young men . He said , that we must not only commit to memory speeches and words , as those who make ready some dish of meat , but apply it , and make use of it in our minds . He said , that young men must use all modesty in their walking , in their behaviour , and in their garments ; often repeating those verses of Euripides concerning Capaneus , He was not pust up with his store , Nor thought himself above the poor . He said , nothing was more alienate from the comprehension of Sciences then Poetry : and , that we need nothing more then Time. Being asked who is a friend , he answered , My other selfe . Having taken his servant in a theft , he beat him ; the fellow said , it was his destiny to steal , and to be beaten , said he . He said , that Beauty is the sweetnesse of the voice ; or , according to some , he called it , the flower of Beauty . Seeing the servant of one of his companions black and blew with stripes ; I see , saith he , the fruits of your anger . To one that smelt sweet of oyntments ; Who is it , saith he , that smells so esseminately . To Dionysius sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the retractor , who asked him , why he corrected all but himselfe ; because , saith he , I do not believe you . To a young man who spoke too freely , for this reason , saith he , we have two ears and but one tongue , that we should hear much and speak little . He was invited to a Feast with other Philosophers by the Ambassadors of Antigonus ( according to Laertius of Ptolomy ) and whilst of the rest every one amidst their cups made ostentation of their Learning , he alone sate silent , whereupon the Ambassadors asking him what they should say of him to Antigonus ; That which you see , saith he , for of all things , it is hardest to contain speech . Being demanded how he behaved himself when reviled , hee said , as an Ambassador dismiss'd without answer . He changed the Verses of Hesiod , thus ; Who good advice obeyes , of men is best , Next , he who ponders all in his own brest . For that man ( saith he ) is better who can obey good advice , and make good use thereof , then he who finds out al things of himself ; for the latter hath only understanding , but the other practise also . Being demanded how it came to passe that being very austere , he notwithstanding was very cheerfull , and merry at a Feast , he answer'd , Lupins , ●hough in themselves bitter , being sleep'd , grow sweet . He said it was better to slip with the foot then with the tongue . He said , that to do well is no small matter , to begin well depended on a small moment . This some ascribe to Socrates . One of the young men in the Academy speaking of foolish studies , If you do not dip your tongue in your mind , saith Zeno , you will speak many other foolish things . He accused many , saying , when they might take pleasure in labour , they would rather go to the Cooks shop for it . He said , that we should no affect delicacy of diet , not even in sickness . Being demanded by one of his friends , what course hee should take to do no wrong , Imagine , reply'd he , that I am alwaies with you . Being demanded whether a man that doth wrong , may conceal it from God , no , saith he , nor he who thinketh it . To some that excused their prodigality , saying , that they had plenty , out of which they did it ; will you excuse a Cook , saith he , that should oversalt his meat because he hath store of salt . He said that of his Disciples , some were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lovers of Knowledge , others , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lovers of speaking . He compared the Arts of Dialectick to just measures filled , not with Wheat or any thing of value , but with chaffe and straw . He said , we ought not to enquire , whether men belonged to great Cities , but whether they deserved a great City . Seeing a friend of his too much taken up with the businesse of his Land , unlesse you lose your Land , saith hee , it will lose you . He said , a man must live not only to eat and drink , but to use this life for the obtaining of a happy life . Antigonus being full of wine , went to visit him , and kissing and embracing him as a drunken man , bad him demand , whatsoever he would , swearing that he would give it him ; Zeno answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at once reproving his vice , and taking care of his health . Stretching out the fingers of his right hand , he said , such is phantasie , then contracting them a little , such is assent ; then closing them quite , and shutting his fist , such is comprehension ; then putting to it his left hand and shutting it close and hard , such ( saith he ) is science , of which none is capable but a wise man. CHAP. VI. His Death . ZEno having continued according to a Apollonius Master of his School fifty eight years , and attained to the ninety eighth of his age , by the computation of Laertius and b Lucian ( for that he lived but seventy two years , as some affirm upon the testimony of c Persaeus , seems to be a mistake , seeing that his Letter to Antigonus was written in his 80●● year ) d in all which time he was never molested by any sicknesse , died upon this occasion . Going out of the School , he fell and broke his finger , whereupon striking the Ground with his hand , he said , as Nio●e in the Tragedy , I come , why do you call me ? or as others , why do you drive me ? and going out , e some say , he immediately strangled himself ; f others , that by little and little he famish'd himself . g When the news of his death came to Antig●nus , he broke forth into these words , What a spectacle have I lost ! and being demanded why he so much admired him , because , said he , though I best owed many great things upon him , he was never therewith exalted nor dejected . He sent immediately Thraso on Embassie to the Athenians , requesting , that they would build him a Tomb in the Ceramick , which the Athenians performed , honouring him with this Decree . A DECREE . ARrhenides being Archon , the Tribe of Acamantis having the first place in the Phrytanae●●m , the tenth day of Maimacterion , the three and twentieth of the sitting of the Phrytanaeum , the Congregation of Presidents decreed thus , Hippo Son of Cratistoteles a Xympetean , and the rest of the Presidents , Thraso Son of Thraso , an Anacaean ; declared ; Whereas Zeno Son of Mnaseas a Cittiean , hath professed Philosophy many years in this City , and in all other things performed the office of a good man , encouraging those young men , who applyed themselves to him , to Vertue and Temperance , leading himself a life suitable to the Doctrine which he professed , a Pattern to the best to imitate ; The People have thought fit ( good Fortune go along with it ) to do honour to Zeno Son of Mnaseas the Cittiean , and to crown him with a Crown of Gold according to the Law , in reward of his Vertue and Temperance , and to build a Tomb for him publickly in the Ceramick . For , the making of which Crown , and building of the Tomb , the People shall make choice of five men of the Athenians to take charge thereof . This Decree the Scribe of the People shall write upon two Pillars , one whereof shall be placed in the Academy , the other in the Lyceum . The charge of the Pillars , he who is Overseer of the Publick works shall undertake to defray , by way of rate , that all may know , the Athenian People honour good men both alive and dead . To take care of the building are appointed , Thraso an Anacaean , Philocles , a Pyrean , Phaedrus , an Anaphistian , Medon , an Acarnean , Micythus a Sympalletean . The Athenians caused likewise his Satue in Brasse to be set up , as did also the Cittieans his Countrymen . Antipater the Sidonian bestow'd this Epitaph upon him . Here Zeno lies , who tall Olympus s●al'd , Not heaping Pelion on Ossa's head , Nor by Herculean labours so prevail'd , But found out Vertue 's path which thither led . Another Epigram was written upon him by Xenodotus the Stoick , disciple of Diogenes . Zeno thy years to hoary age were spent ; Not with vain riches , but with self-content : A stout and constant Sect deriv'd from thee The Mother of nought-dreading liberty : Phoenicia , whence thou issuedst who can slight ? Thence Cadmus too , who first taught Greece to write . CHAP. VII . His Person and Vertues . AS concerning his Person , a Timotheus saith , he was wry-neck'd : Apollonius Tyrius , that he was lean , tall , and of a swarthy complexion , whence stil'd by some ( as Chrysippus ) the Aegyptian sprigge . b His look was sad , grave , severe and frowning ; his constitution not strong , for which reason Persaeus saith , he forbore to feast much . His ordinary diet consisted in raw food , especially Figgs , both new and dryed , bread and hony which he eate moderately , and a little sweet Wine . His continence was such , that when Persaeus , who cohabited with him , brought a she-Minstrell to him , he immediately sent her back . Notwithstanding his severity , he was very complaisant , and often feasted with King Antigonus , and meeting him sometimes drunk , went along with him to Aristocles the Musician , to nightly banquets and plaies . Popular oftentation he avoided by sitting in the lowest place , whereby he freed himselfe from the troublesome importunity of the other part . He never walked with more than two or three at once : Cl●anthes saith , he many times gave mony to people that they would not trouble him , & throng about him . Being on a certain time encompassed by a great croud , he shewed them a wooden ball on the top of the cloyster , which formerly belonged to an Altar : This , saith he , was once placed in the niddle ; but , because it is troublesome , it is now laid aside : I desire you would in like manner withdraw your selves , that you may be lesse troublesome . He was so free from being corrupted by gifts , that * Democharis son of Laches , desiring him to let him know what businesse he would have to Antigonus , promising to write about it , and assuring him , that Antigonus would furnish him with whatsoever he desired ; he turned away from him , and would never after converse with him . He was so humble , that he conversed with mean and ragged persons , whence Timon ; And for companions gets of servants store , Of all men the most empty and most poor . He was most patient and frugall in his houshold expences , something enclining to the sordidnesse of the Barbarians . Laertius mentions one servant that he had , Seneca averrs he had none . Whensoever he reprehended any , it was covertly and afar off , as may appear by many of his Apophthegms . His habit was very mean , whence it was said of him , Him nor the Winters rigid frost or rain , The scorching Sun or sharp disease can pain : Not like the common sort of people he ; But , day and night bent on Philosophy . The Comick Poets unwittingly , intending to discommend him , praise him , as Philemon , in his Comedy of Philosophers , He Water drinks , then Broth and Herbs doth eat ▪ To live , his Schollers teaching , without meat . This some ascribe to Posidippus . His vertues were so eminent , that they grew at last into a Proverb , More continent then Zeno the Philosopher , whence Possidippus ; — He ere ten daies were spent , Zeno in Continence out-went . Indeed he excelled all men in this kind of Vertue , and in Gravity , and , by Iove ( addeth Laertius ) in Felicity likewise . CHAP. VIII . His Writings . HE wrote many Bookes , wherein ( faith Laertius ) he so discoursed , as no Stoick after him : their Titles are these : Of Common-wealth , writen whilst he was an auditor of Crates , and ( as Plutarch saith ) much applauded , the scope whereof was this , That we should not live in severall Citties and Townes by distinct Lawes ; but , that we should own all men as our Country-men and fellow-Cittisens : that there should be one manner of life and one order , as of one flock which grazeth by equall right in one pasture . Of Appetite ; or , Of human Nature . Of Passions . Of Office. Of Law. Of the Discipline of the Grecians . Of sight . Of the Universe . Of signes . Pythagor●cks . Universalls . Of words . Homericall Problems 5. Of hearing Poetry . The Art. Solutions . Confutations . Memorialls . The Moralls of Crates . * Some , amongst whom is Casius a Sceptian , reprehended many things in the writings of Zeno : First , that in the beginning of his Common-wealth , he affirmeth the liberall Sciences to be of no use . Again , that all wicked men are enemies among themselves , and slaves and strangers , as well Fathers to their Children , as Brethren to Brethren . Again , that only good men are Citisens , and Friends , and Kindred , and Children , as he affirmeth in his Book of the Common-wealth . So that according to the Stoicks , Parents should be enemies to their Children , because they are not wise . That in his Common-wealth he would have Women to be in common . That no Temples , Courts of Iudicature , nor publick Schooles , should be built in a Common-wealth . That Mony is not necessary , neither for exchange nor traffick . That Women should go in the same habit as men . CHAP. IX . His Disciples . ZENO ( saith Laertius ) had many Disciples ; the most eminent these : PERSAEUS Son of Demetrius , a Cittiean ; some affirm hee was Zeno's Scholer , others that he was one of the servants which were sent by Antigonus to Zeno to transcribe his writings ; * whence Bion seeing this inscription on his Statue , PERSEAEUS OF ZENO A CITTIEAN said , the Graver mistook , for instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he should have put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a servant . Afterwards he returned to Antigonus King of Macedonia ; Antigonus to make a tryall of him caused a false report to be brought him , that his lands were spoiled by the Enemy ; whereat appearing troubl'd , Do you not see , saith Antigonus , that riches are not to be reckon'd amongst indifferent things ? Antigonus so much favour'd him , that he preferr'd him to the government of Acrocorinthus ; on which Fort depended not only Corinth , but all Peloponnesus ; in this charge he was unfortunate ; for the Castle was taken by the cunning of Aratus a Sicyonian ( * Athenaeus saith , whilst Perfaeus was feasting ) who turned out Persaeus , whereupon afterwards to one that maintained onely a wise man is a Governour : and I saith he , was once of the same mind , being so taught by Zeno , but now am of another opinion ; the Sicyonian young man ( meaning Aratus ) hath taught me otherwise ; Thus Plutarch ; But Pausanias saith , that Aratus upon taking of the Fort , amongst others put Persaeus the Governour to death . He said , that those were esteemed Gods who had invented some things very usefull to humane life . He wrote these Books ; Of a Kingdom ; The Lacedaemonian Commonwealth ; of marriage ; of impiety ; Thyestes ; Of Love , Protrepticks , Exercitations ; Chryas , 4. Commentaries ; against Plato's Laws 7. * Symposiack Dialogues . ARISTO Son of Miltiades , a Chian , sirnamed the Siren : when Zeno fell into a long sicknesse , he left him , and went ( as Diocles saith ) to Polemo : He was also a follower of Persaeus , whom he flatter'd much , because of his favour with Antigonus ; for hee was much given to pleasure even unto his end ; Thus revolting from his Master Zeno , he asserted , That the end consists in those mean things which are betwixt virtue and vice , that is , in indifference ; not to be moved on either side , nor to imagine the least difference to be in these things , but that they are all alike ; For a wise man is like a good Player , who whether he personate Agamemnon or Thersides , will act either part very well : Thus he took away the dignity which Zeno held to be in these mean things betwixt virtue and vice ; holding that there is no difference in them . He took away Physick and Logick , affirming that one is above us , the other appertaines nothing to us ; Ethick onely appertaines to us ; he compared Dialectick reason to cobwebs , which though they seem artificiall , yet are of no use . He introduced not on any virtues as Zeno , nor one called by severall names as the Megarick Philosophers , but affirmed they have a quodammodotative relation to one another . Professing these tene●s , and disputing in Cunosarges , he came to be called Author of a Sect ; whence Milciades and Diphilus were called Aristonians . He was very perswasive , and wrought much upon the common people , whence Timon in Sillis , One of Aristo's smooth perswasive race . He defended eagerly this Paradox of the Stoicks , that a wise man doth not opinionate , but know , which Persaeus opposing , caused of two like twins , first , one to give a depositum to him , then the other to come and redemand it , and by his doubting , if it were the same person , convinced him . He inveigh'd against Arcesilaus , [ * calling him a corrupter of youth . ] On a time , seeing a Monster like a Bull , but of both sexes , he said , Alas ! here is an argument for Arcesilaus against energy . To an Academick who said , he comprehended nothing , Do you not see ( saith he ) him who sitteth next you ? which he denying , Who struck you blinde , saith he , or took your light away ? He wrote these Treatises , Protrepticks 2. of Zeno's Doctrine Scholastick Dialogues 6. of Wisdome dissertations 7. Erotick dissertations : Commentaries upon vain-glory : Commentaries 15. Memorialls 3. Chrias 11. against Oratours : against Alexinus his oppositions : to the Dialecticks 3. to Cleanthes Epistles 4. But Panaetius and Sosicrates affirm the Epistles only to be his , the rest to be Aristo's the Peripatetick . The Sun striking hot upon his head ( which was bald ) occasion'd his death . There was another of the same name , a Juliite , a Peripatetick ; another an Athenian , a Musician ; a fourth a Tragick Poet ; a fift an Alaean , who writ the Rhetoricall art ; a sixt of Alexandria , a Peripatetick . ERILLUS ( or as Cicero , Herillus ) was a Carthaginian : when he was a boy , he was loved and courted by many , which Zeno , by causing him to be shaved , diverted . He held , that the end is science , which is to live so , as to refer all things to Science , joyned with life : That Science is a habit susceptive of phantasies , falling under reason . Yet , sometimes he said , there is no end ; but , that the end it selfe is changed by the things , and those which are joyned to the things , as Brasse , of which the Statues of Alexander or Socrates is made . That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the end , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ ; one is objected to unwise persons as well as wise , the other to wise only . Those things which are betwixt vertue and vice are indifferents . His Bookes are written in a short stile , consisting of few words , but very efficacious , wherein is contain'd what he held contrary to Zeno. His writings these , of Exercitation , of Passion , of Suspition , the Law-giver , Majeutick , Antipheron , the Master , the Preparative , the Directive , Hermes , Medea , Dialogues , morall Theses . His Disciples were called Herilians , named by Cicero as a particular Sect amongst the Socraticks . DIONYSIUS , son of Theophantus , an Heracleot , from the change of his opinion sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the retractor . He was from the beginning studiously addicted to learning , and writ Poems of all kinds ; then betook himselfe to Aratus , being much pleased with him . Of Philosophers he first heard , as Diocles affirmes , Heraclides his country-man ; then Alexinus , and Menedemus ; after these Zeno. Revolting from Zeno , he addicted himselfe to the Cyrenaeans ; he went to common houses , and addicted himselfe to other pleasures . He asserted the end to be pleasure , and that by reason of his own purblindnesse ; for being much grieved thereat , he durst not affirm griefe to be one of the indifferents . He died eighty years old , starved . His writings are thus intitled , Of apathy 2. of riches and favour and punishment , of the use of men , of good fortune , of the Kings of the antients , of things that are praised , of the customes of the Barbarians . SPHAERUS was of Bosphorus , he first heard Zeno , then Cleanthes , and having made a sufficient progresse in learning , went to Alexandria to Ptolomy Philopater , where there arising a dispute , whether a wise man doth opinionate , and Sphaerus maintaining that he doth not , the King commanded some Quinces , Athenaeus saith Birds , of wax to be set before him , wherewith Sphaerus being cosen'd , the King cried out , that he assented to a false phantasy : Sphaerus presently answered , that he assented not that they were quinces , but that it was probable they were quinces : but comprehensive phantasie differs from probable ; * for that is never false , but in probable matters sometimes a thing falleth out otherwise than we imagined . * Mnesistratus accusing him , that he denyed Ptolomy to be King , he answered , that he thought Ptolomy , or such a one was King. His writings are these : Of the world , of the seed of Elements , of fortune , of leasts , against atomes and apparitions , of the organs of sense , upon Heraclitus five dissertations ; of morall description , of office , of appetite , of passions 2. dissertations of a Kingdome ; of the Lacedemonian Common-wealth , of Lycurgus and Socrates 3. of Law , of Divination , Erotick Dialogues , of the Eretriack Philosophers , of things like , of definitions , of habit , of contraries 3. of reason , of riches , of glory , of death , of the art of Dialectick 2. of categorems , of ambiguities , Epistles . CLEANTHES , whom Zeno compared to writing tables , that are so hard , they will not easily admit an impression ; but having once received it , keep it long . He succeeded Zeno , of him therefore apart . Philon , a Theban . Callippus , a Corinthian . Possidonius , an Alexandrian . Athenodorus of Soli ; there were two more of the same name , Stoicks . Zeno , a S●donian . Last in the Catalogue of his Disciples must be remembred an Eretrian youth ( mention'd by * Stobaeus ) who heard Zeno till he came to be a man ; then returning to Eretria , his Father asked him what he had learn'd all that time , he answered , he would shortly let him see , and did so ; for , not long after his Father in anger did beat him , which he took quietly , saying , This I have learn'd , to bear with the anger of a Father , and not to oppose it . In the life of Zeno ( for as much as he is author of that Sect ) it will be requisite to give account of the Doctrine of the Stoicks in generall ; wherein , if the terms seem harshly rendred , it will easily be forgiven by those , who consider , the Stoicks were no lesse particular in their words , then in their doctrines . THE DOCTRINE OF THE STOICKS . The First PART . CHAP. I. Of PHILOSOPHY in generall , and particularly of DIALECTICK . a WISDOME is the Science of things divine and humane ; Philosophy is the exercitation of convenient Art : Convenient is only and supream vertue . Of Vertues in the most generall sence there are three kinds , Naturall , Morall , Rationall ; for which cause Philosophy likewise hath three parts , Physick , Ethick , Logick : Physick , when we enquire concerning the World , and the things in the world : Ethick is employ'd about humane life : Logick is that part which concerns reason , which is also called Dialectick . b Thus Zeno the Cittiean first divided it in his book of Speech , and Chrysippus in his first book of Speech , and in his first of Physicks ; and Apollodorus Ephillus in his first book of Introductions into Doctrines ; and Eudromus in his morall Institutions ; and Diogenes the Babylonian , and Possidonius . These parts Apollodorus calleth Places ; C●rysippus and Eudromus species , others genus's . That Logick is a part of Philosophy distinct from the rest , ( wherein all the Stoicks agree ) is proved by two arguments● the first this : c Every thing which useth another ; if that which the thing using , useth , be neither part nor particle , nor part of part of any other , it must be part or particle of the thing using ; as medicine useth the art of prescribing diet , which art being neither part nor particle of any other , is consequently a part or particle of Medicine ; of part , as to the cure , of particle , as to the practise . d Philosophy ; is conversant about Logick ; Logick therefore is either a part or particle of Philosophy ; but , a particle it is not , for it is not a part either of the Contemplative or the Active . That which is a particle of any thing , ought to have the same matter and scope , with that whereof it is a part : Logick hath neither of these common with Active Philosophy ; the matter whereof is humane things , and moderation of Appetite , the common scope , what in them is to be embraced or shunned : but , the matter of Logick is propositions , the scope , to demonstrate by a composure of propositions , that which necessarily falls out upon the collection . Neither is Logick a part of the Contemplative , the matter whereof is things divine , the end , contemplation of them : now , if it be not a part , either of the Contemplative or the Active , it is not a particle of Philosophy , but equally separate from both these , and consequently it must be a part of it . e The second Argument is thus . No Art frameth its own Instruments , if therefore Philosophy make Logick , it is not its Instrument , but part thereof . f Philosophy , is by some compared to a field which produceth all manner of fruit ; Physick to the soil and tall trees , Ethick to to the mature pleasant fruit , Logick to the strong fence . Others liken it to an Egge ; Ethick to the yolk , which some affirm to bee the Chicken ; Physick to the white , which is the nourishment of the Chicken ; Logick to the outside or shell , Possidonius , ( because the parts of Philosophy are inseparable from one another , but plants are distinct from the fruits , as walls from hedges ) chuseth rather to compare Philosophy to a living creature , Physick to blood and flesh , Logick , to bones and nerves , Ethick to the soul. ( Thus Sextus Empiricus , by whom , perhaps , Laertius is to be corrected , who saith , They likened Ethick to the Flesh , Physick to the Soul ) Lastly , they compare Philosophy to a City , well fortified and govern'd according to Reason . g Some affirm , that none of these parts are distinct from the rest , but , all intermingled with one another , for which reason , they deliver them confusedly . The greater part place Logick first , Ethick next , Physick last ; because the minde ought first to be fortified for the keeping of those things which are committed to it ; so , as it be not easily expugnable . The Dialectick place is a fortification for the minde . Secondly , to describe the contemplation of manners , that they may be reformed , which is safely undertaken , when the Logicall power is first laid down . Lastly , to induce the contemplation of Nature , for that is more divine , and requireth a more profound attention . This method h Pittarch affirmes to have been observed by Chrysippus , adding that of Physick , the last part , is that which treateth of God ; for which reason they call the precepts of Religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It seemes therefore , that there is some mistake in Laertius , who of those who place Logick first , Physick next , and Ethick next , and Ethick last , citeth Zeno in his Book of Speech , and Chrysippus , and Archedemus , and Eadromus . But Diogenes the Ptolemaean ( continueth he ) begins with Ethick : Apollodorus puts Ethick in the second place ; Panaetius and Possidonius begin with Physick , as Phanias , companion of Possidonius affirms , in his first of Possidonius's dissertations . i Of Logick , Cleanthes assigneth six parts , Dialectick , Rhetorick , Ethick , Politick , Physick , Theologick : Some affirm , these are not parts of Logick , but of Philosophy it selfe : so Zeno of Tursis . The Logicall part is by some divided into two Sciences , Rhetorick and Dialectick ; some add the definitive part , some divide the definitive part into that which concernes invention of truth ( by which the differences of Phantasies are directed ) and that which concernes knowledge of truth ; for things are comprehended by notions . k Rhetorick is the science of well speaking , by dilating upon the thing comprehended . Dialectick is the science of well speaking , ( that is true and consentaneous ) or well disputing by question and answer . It is defined by Possidonius , the science of true , false , and neuter . l Rhetorick is of three kinds , deliberative , judiciall , demonstrative : The parts of Rhetorick are Invention , Stile , Disposition , Pronunciation : Rhetoricall Speech is divided into Proem , Narration , Confutation , Epilogue . m Dialectick is necessary , and a virtue within its species , containing other vertues ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Science whereby we are taught when to assent , and when not ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a firm reason , whereby we resist appearances , and are not led away by them : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fortitude of reason , which keeps us from being transported with the adverse opinion : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a habit directing phantasies to right reason . n Dialectick is a Science or certain comprehension , or a habit , not erring by reason in reception of phantasies ; but , without Dialectick , a wise man cannot be infallible in reason ; for by this , we discern the true , false , and probable , and distinguish the ambiguous . CHAP. II. Of the Instruments and rules of Iudgment . a IN the first place , they put the discourse concerning phantasies and sence , as a Judicatory , whereby the truth of things is discerned . b The Senses ( according to Zeno , who made many alterations in Dialectick , and asserted many things of the Sences that were wholly new ) are joyned by a certain kinde of extrinsecall impulsion , termed Phantasy . To these phantasies received by the senses , is added an assention of the minde , which is placed in us voluntary . The phantasie , when seen , is comprehensible ; when received and approved , comprehension , and , if so comprehended , as that it cannot be plucked away by reason , Science . c Judgment is a perspection which discerneth a thing . d That which judgeth is taken two waies : 1. By which we say , somethings are , others are not , these are true , those are false . 2. Of Essence only ; and this is understood three waies , commonly , properly , and most properly . Commonly , for every measure of comprehension , in which sense , even those things which judge naturally , have this appellation , as sight , hearing , tast . Properly , for every artificiall measure of comprehension ; thus a cubit , a ballance , a ruler , a pair of compasses , are called things that judge ; but sight , and hearing , and the other common instruments of sense , are not . Most properly , for every measure of comprehension of a thing , uncertain , and not evident . In which sence , those things which belong to the actions of life , are not said to be things judging , but the logicall only , and those which dogmaticall Philosophers alledge for the invention of truth . The Logicall is subdivided into that from which , that by which , and the application or habitude . From which , the man ; by which , the sense : the third is the application of phantasie or sight . For as in the Staticks , there are three things which judge , the weigher , the ballance , and position of the ballance : The weigher is the judge from which , the ballance the judge by which , the position of the ballance , as it were a habitude . And again , as to discern right or oblique things is required , an Artificer , a Ruler , and the application thereof ; in like manner in Philosophy are required those three things mentioned to the discernment of true and false : the man from whom the judgment is made , is like the weigher or artificer ; to the ballance and ruler answer sense and cogitation , by which the judgment is made ; to the habitude of the forenamed instruments , the application of phantasy , by which a man commeth to judge . e The Iudge of truth , they affirm to be comprehensive phantasy , that is , proceeding from that which is : so Chrysippus in the 12th of his Physicks , and Antipator , and Apollodorus . But Boethus holds many judicatories , the minde , and sence , and appetite , and science ; from whom Chrysippus dissenting in his first Book of Reason , affirmeth the Judicatories to be Sense and Anticipation . Anticipation is a naturall notion of Universalls . Others of the more antient Stoicks ( as Possidonius saith in his Book of Iudgments ) assert right reason to be the Judicatory . CHAP. III. Of Sense . a DIalectick is derived from corporeall senses ; for , from thence , the soul conceiveth notions ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of those things which are explained by definition , and from thence is propagated and connexed the whole reason of Learning and Teaching . b Sense is a spirit , proceeding from the supream part of the Soul , and permeating to the Organs . c Whatsoever things are comprehended , are manifestly comprehended by sense ; all conceptions of the minde depend upon sense . d Comprehension made by the senses is true and faithfull , ( according to Zeno ) for as much as nature hath given it as a rule for science , and principle of her selfe . e Nothing is more clear then this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evidence ; there cannot be any speech more perspicuous . f Of Sensibles and Intelligibles , some are true , but , not directly sensible ; but , by relation to those things which are next , as falling under Intelligence . CHAP. IV. Of Phantasy . In the first place ( saith a Diocles the Magnesian ) they put the reason concerning Phantasie and Sense , as a judgment , whereby the truth of things is discerned . It is phantasie as to its genus , and likewise in as much as the reason of assent , comprehension , and intelligence ( which is more excellent then the rest ) consists not without Phantasy ; for phantasy goeth first , then the minde endued with elocution , declareth by words what it suffers from the phantasy . b Phantasy is so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , light ; for as light sheweth it selfe , and with it selfe all those things which are contained within it ; so phantasy sheweth it selfe , and that which maketh it . c Phantasy is an impression in the Soul : Cleanthes addes , an impression by depression and eminence , as that impression , which is made in Wax by a Seal . Chrysippus conceives this to be absurd ; for 1. saith he , When the soule first apprehends a triangle and a square , it will follow , that the same body , at the same time , must have in it selfe severall figures , which is absurd . Again , whereas many phantasies are together consistent in us , the Soul must have divers figures , which is worse then the former : He therefore conceived , that Zeno used the word Impression , for Alteration , meaning thus : Fantasy is an alteration of the Soul , whereby it is no longer absurd , that the same body ( many severall phantasies being at the same time consistent in us ) should receive severall alterations . For , as the aire receiving at once innumerable different percussions , hath presently many alterations ; so the supream part of the soule , receiving various phantasies , doth something which hath proportion and conformity thereto . Some object that this exposition is not right ; because , though every phantasy is an impression and alteration in the Soul ; yet , every impression or alteration of the Soul is not phantasy : as when the finger smarts or itches , and the hand is rubbed , there is then an impression and alteration in the soul ; but it is not phantasy , because it is not in the supream part of the soul. They answer , That in saying , an impression in the Soul , is implyed as in the Soul as fully , as if we should say , phantasy is an impression in the Soul as in the Soul ; as when we say , the white in the eye , we imply , as in the eye ; that is , the white is in a certain part of the eye , which all men have so by nature . So when we say , Phantasy is an impression in the Soul , we imply the impression to be made in the supream part thereof . Others more elegantly answer , that the word Soul is taken two waies , either for the whole , or for the principall part : when we say , man consists of soul and body ; or , that death is a separation of the soul from the body , we mean properly the supream part , wherein properly consists the motion and goods of the Soul. When Ze●o therefore calleth Phantasy an impression in the Soul , he is not to be understood of the whole Soul , but , of part thereof ; as if he should say , Phantasy is an alteration of the supream part of the Soul. To this interpretation , some object thus : Appetition , Assention , and Comprehension are alterations in the supream part of the soul ; but , these differ from phantasy , that being a certain kinde of perswasion and affection , whereas this is more operation then appetition , therefore the definition is not good , being competible to many other things . They answer by recourse to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( impliances ) that a definition is understood to be in all . As he who saith , Love is an application of the Soul towards procurement of Friendship , implyeth amongst young people ; so when we say , that phantasy is an alteration in the supream part of the soul , we imply by perswasion ; for , alteration is not made by operation . d Of Phantasies there are many kinds , some are sensible , others not-sensible . Sensible are those which are received through one or more of the sences : Not-sensible are those which are received through the minde , as of incorporealls , and other things comprehended by reason . The sensible formed from things that are , are made with concession and assent . There are also apparitions of phantasies , proceeding from things which are . Again , some are rationall , others irrationall ; rationall , those of reasonable creatures ; irrationall , those of unreasonable . The rationall are intelligence , the irrationall have no name . Again , some are artificiall , others in-artificiall ; for , an Image is considered by an Artist one way , by him that is not an artist another way . e Again , some are probable , some improbable : The probable are those which make an easie motion in the soul ; as , It is now day , I discourse , and the like . The Improbable are of a contrary nature , averting us from assent ; as , it is day , the Sun is not above the earth ; if it is dark , it is day . Both probable and improbable are those , which , by relation to other things , are sometimes such , as in doubtfull speeches , neither probable nor improbable are such , as these , The staires are even , the staires are odd . Of probable and improbable Phantasies , some are true , some are false , some are neither true nor false . True are those , whose predication is true , as , It is day , 't is light : False , whose predication is false ; Both true and false , as happened to Orestes in his madnesse , meeting Electra ; that he met something , it was true , for it was Electra ; but , that it was a fury , was false . Neither true nor false are those which are taken from the Genus ; for the Genus is not such as the Species in all respects : as , of men , some are Grecians , some are Barbarous ; but , man in generall is not Grecian , for then all men must be Grecians , neither barbarous , for the same reason . Of true Phantasies , some are comprehensive , others are not-comprehensive . Not-comprehensive are those which happen through sicknesse , or perturbation of minde ; many being troubled with frenzie or melancholly , attract a true phantasy which is not comprehensive , even from that which extrinsecally occurrs casually , for which reason , they neither assert it often , nor assent unto it . Comprehensive phantasie is that which is impressed and signed by that which is , and conformable to that which is , so as it cannot be of that which is not . To comprehensive phantasie three conditions are requisite ▪ 1. That it arise from that which is ; for many phantasies arise from that which is not , as in mad men . 2. That it be conformable to that which is ; for some phantasies are from that which is , but represents the similitude of that which is not : as Orestes derived a phantasie from that which was , viz. from Electra , but not according to that which was ; for he thought her to be one of the furies . Comprehensive phantasie must be conformable to that which is , and so impressed and signed , as that it may imprint artificially all the properties of the thing phancied , as Gravers touch all the parts of those things which they imitate , and the impression made by a Seal on Wax exactly and perfectly beareth all its characters . Lastly , that it be without impediment ; for sometimes comprehensive phantasie is not creditable , by reason of outward circumstances ; as when Hercules brought Alcestis taken out of the Earth , to Admetus , Admetus drew from Alcestis a comprehensive phantasie , but did not credit it ; for , he consider'd , that she was dead , and therefore could not rise again , but , that sometimes Spirits appear in the shape of the deceased . f Phantasy , Phantaston , Phantasticon , and Phantasme , according to Chrysippus , differ thus : Phantasy is a passion made in the Soul , which sheweth it selfe , and that which made it ; as , when with our eyes we see white , it is a passion engendred by sight in the Soul , and we may call this a passion , because the object thereof is a white thing which moveth us : the like of smelling and touching . Phantaston is that which maketh phantasie ; as the white and the cold , and whatsoever is able to move the Soul , that is phantaston . Phantasticon is a frustaneous attraction , a passion in the Soul proceeding from nothing ; as in those who sight with shadowes , or extend their hands in vain : for , to phantasy is objected phantaston , but phantasticon hath no object . Phantasme is that , to which we are attracted by that frustraneous attraction , which happens in melancholy , or mad persons ; as Orestes in the Tragedy , when he saith , Bring hither , Mother , I implore , These snakie bloodie Maids no more , Whose very lookes wound me all o're . This he saith in his madnesse , for he saw nothing : wherefore Electra answers him , Ah quiet in thy bed ( unhappy ) lie : Thou seest not what thou thinkst before thy eye . CHAP. V. Of True and Truth . a TRUE ( according to Zeno ) is that which is impressed in the minde from that whence it is , in such manner , as it cannot be from that which is not : or , as others , b True is that which is , and is opposed to something : False is that which is not ; yet , is opposed to something also . Truth and true differ three waies , by Essence , by Constitution , by Power . By Essence , for truth is a body ; but , true is incorporeall , for it is a dicible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore incorporeall . On the contrary , Truth is a body , as being the enunciative Science of all true things . All Science is in some measure the supream part of the Soul , which supream part is a body : therefore truth in generall is corporeall . By Constitution ; True is conceived to be something uniforme and simple by nature ; as , It is day , I discourse . Truth , as being a Science , consisteth of many things , by a kinde of conservation . Wherefore as a People is one thing , a Citizen another ; a People is a multitude consisting of many Citizens ; but , a Citizen is no more then one . In the same manner differeth truth from true . Truth resembleth a People , true a Cittizen ; for , truth consisteth of many things collected , true is simple . By Power ; for true doth not absolutely adhere to truth : A fool , a child , a mad-man , may speak something true , but , cannot have the Science of that which is true . Truth considers things with Science , insomuch that he who hath it is wise ; for , he hath the Science of true things , and is never deceived , nor lyeth , although he speak false , because it proceedeth not from an ill , but , good affection . CHAP. VI. Of Comprehension . a COmprehension ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was first used in this sence by Zeno , by a metaphor taken from things apprehended by the hand ; b which allusion he exprest by action . For , shewing his hand with the fingers stretched forth , he said , such was Phantasy : then bending them a little , said , such was Assent ; then compressing them , and clutching his fist , such was Comprehension . c Comprehension is a firm and true knowledge , non-comprehension the contrary ; for some things we only think that we see , hear , or feel , as in dreams and frenzies ; other things we not only think , but , truly do see , or hear , or feel . These latter , all ( but the Academicks and Scepticks ) conceive to fall under firm knowledge , the other , which we imagine in dreams or frenzy are false . d Whatsoever is understood , is comprehended by the minde , one of these two waies , either by evident incursion ( which Laertius calls by sense ) or by transition from evidence ( Laertius , collection by demonstration ) of which latter there are three kinds , by Assimilation , by Composition , by Analogy . By incurrent evidence is understood white and black , sweet and soure . By Transition , from evidents : by Assimilation is understood Socrates by his Picture : by Composition , as of a horse and a man is made a Centaure ; for putting together the limbes proper to both species , we comprehend by phantasy that which was neither horse nor man , but a Centaur compounded of both . By Analogy , things are understood two waies ; either by augmentation ; or , when from common ordinary men , we by augmentation phansy a Cyclops , who not like Men that with Cares gifts are fed : But , some tall hill erects his head . Or by Diminution , as a Pigmey . e Likewise the Center of the earth is understood by analogy from lesser Globes . To these kinds add , f Comprehension by transference , as eyes in the breast ; by contrariety , as death ; by transference , as dicibles and place ; by privation , as a man without hands ; just and good are understood naturally . CHAP. VII . Of Assent . a THese things being enough known , which we have already explained , let us now speake a little of Assent , and approbation , termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not that is not a large place , but the grounds thereof have been already laid : For when we explained the power that was in the senses , we likewise declared , that many things were comprehended and perceived by the senses , which cannot be done without Assent . Moreover , seeing that betwixt an inanimate and an animate being , the greatest difference is , that the inanimate doth nothing , the animate doth something , we must either take away sense from it , or allow it assent , which is within our power . When we will not have a thing either to perceive or assent , we in a manner take away the soule from it ; for as it is necessary , that the scale of ballance which is laden should tend downwards ; so is it that the soule should yeeld to things that are perspicuous . b Although assent cannot bee made unlesse it bee moved by Phantasie , yet when that phantasy hath an immediate cause , it hath not ( according to Chrysippus ) this principall reason , not that it can be made without any extrinsecall excitation ( for it is necessary that assent be moved by phantasie ) but it returnes to its Cylinder and Cone , which move not by impulsion , then of their owne nature , the Cylinder seemes to rowle , and the Cone to turne round . As therefore he who thrust the Cylinder gave it the beginning of motion , but did not give it volubility ; so the objected phantasy imprinteth , and as it were sealeth in the soule its species , yet the assent is in our power , and that ( as we said in a Cylinder ) extrinsecally impelled , the motion is continued by its own power and nature . c Phantasies , wherewith the mind of man is presently affected , are not voluntary or in our own power , but inferre themselves by a kind of violence , approbations ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by which these phantasies are knowne and judged , are voluntary , and made according to our arbitrement . So as upon any dreadfull noyse from heaven , or by the fall of any thing , or sudden newes of some danger or the like ; it is necessary that the minde of a wise man bee a little moved , and contracted , and appalled , not through opnion perceived of any ill , but certaine rapid and inconsiderate motions , which praevert the office of the mind and reason . But presently the same wise man approveth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those dreadfull phantasies , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but rejects and refuses them , nor is there any thing in these which seemeth to him dreadfull . Thus differs the soules of wise and unwise men : The unwise , when phantasies appeare cruell and difficult at the first impulsion of the mind , thinke them to be truly such as they appeare , and receiving them as if they were justly to be feared , approve them by their assent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( this word the Stoicks use vpon this occasion : ) But a wise man suddenly changing colour and countenance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , assents not , but retaineth the state and vigour of his judgment , which he alwaies had of these phantasies , as nothing dreadfull , but terrifying only with a false shew , and vain fear . CHAP. VIII . Of Notions . a FRom Sense , the rule of Science , Notions are imprinted in the Soul , by which , not only principles , but larger waies to reason are found out . b A man when he is born , hath the supream part of his Soul , like unto clean paper , upon which every notion is inscribed . The first manner of inscription is by the Senses ; as for example : They who perceive a thing that is white , after it is taken away , retain the memory thereof ; but , when they have conceived many remembrances of one species , then they say , they have experience , for experience is a multitude of similitudes . Of Notions , some are naturall , which are in such manner as we we have said , and without Art : Others gained by learning and industry : These are properly called Notions , the other Anticipations . The reason for which we are called rationall , is said to be perfected by anticipations in the first seven years . Intelligence is the phantasme of the intellect of a rationall creature ; for phantasm , when it lighteth upon a rationall Soul , is then called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Intelligence , a word taken from the Intellect . For , to other Creatures there happen not phantasmes , to the Gods only and to us these are incident . Those which belong to us , are Phantasmes , as to their genus , Notions , as to their species ; as denaries and staters , when paid for transportation , are called Naula . c Common notions are planted in all men , ( in which they all agree together ) one is not repugnant to another ; for , who holds not , that good is profitable , and ought to be chosen with utmost endeavours ? Who holds not , that what is just , is fair and well-beseeming ? Whence then proceed contentions and differences ? to wit , from the application of first notions to singular things . d These Notions , and whatsoever is of this kinde , which right reason conformeth in us , being long examined , are true , and suitable to the natures of things . CHAP. IX . Of Science and Opinion ; a THat which is comprehended by Sense , Zeno call'd Sense , and if so comprehended , as not to be plucked away by reason , Science , otherwise Ignorance ; from which proceedeth Opinion , which is weak and common , to the false and unknown . b These three are joyned together , Science , Opinion , and Comprehension , which borders upon the other two . Science is a firme , stable , immutable comprehension with reason : Opinion , an infirm , weak , assent : Comprehension , which commeth between both , is an assent to comprehensive phantasy . Comprehensive phantasy is true , in such manner , that it cannot be false . Therefore Science is in wise men only , Opinion in fooles , Comprehension is common to both , as being that by which truth is judged ; c and is for this reason reckon'd by Zeno , neither amongst the right ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) nor amongst the bad ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but betwixt science and ignorance , affirming , that this only is to be credited . CHAP. X. Of Voice , Speech , and Words . a These three are joyned to one another ; that which is signified , that which signifieth , and the contingent . That which signifieth is the voice , as Dion : That which is signified , is the thing it selfe declared by the voice ; it is that which we apprehend , and is present in our cogitation . The contingent is the outward subject , as , Dion himselfe . b Dialectick being conversant about that which signifieth , and that which is signified , c is divided into two places : one , of Significats ; the other of Voice . The place of significats is divided into phantasies , and subsistents on phantasie , dicibles , axioms , &c. In the other place , concerning Voice , is declared literall Voice , the parts of speech , the nature of Solaecisms and Barbarisms , Poems , Ambiguities , Song , Musick , and ( according to some ) definitions and divisions . d The phantasies of the minde precede speech , ( Of these therefore we have already treated ) then the minde endued with the faculty of speaking , declareth by speech what it receiveth from the phantasie ; For this reason , e the consideration of Dialectick , by the joynt consent of all , seemes as if it ought to be first taken from the place of voice . f Voice is aire percussed , the proper sensible object of hearing , ( as Diogenes the Babylonian , in his Art of Voyce . ) The voice of a living sensitive creature , is aire percussed with appetite ; the voice of man is articulate , proceeding from the minde : at his four teenth year it is perfected . Speech ( as g Diogenes saith ) is a literate voice ; as , It is day . Word is a significative voice , proceeding from the minde . Language is a speech according to the variety of Nations , whereof each useth its peculiar dialect ; as the Attick saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Ionick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Voice and Speech differ , in that voice is a sound , but speech articulate only . Speech and Word differ ; for word is alwaies significative ; but , speech sometimes signifieth nothing , as Blitri , which is no word . To speak and to pronounce differ : voices are pronounced , but things only are spoken : h for , to speak is to pronounce a significant voice of a thing that is said . i Hence Chrysippus saith , that he who beginneth to speak and pronounce words , before he can put them in their right place , doth not speak , but thinketh that he speaks ; as , the Image of a man is not a man : so in Crowes , Dawes , and Children , when they first begin to speak , the words which they say are not words . He only speaketh , who knoweth to put a word in the right place . They ( particularly k Zeno ) l took much pains in the invention and expli●ation of words , m wherein they distinguished very subtlely . Hence Cicero calleth the Stoicks Architects of words . Ammonius , the Grammarians , followers of the Stoicks . n The Elemen●s of speech are the 24 Letters . Letter is taken three waies : First , for the character of figure which is formed . Secondly , for the element or power : Thirdly , for the name , as A. Of the Elements , seven are Vowels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 six Mutes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o Of speech there are five parts , as Diogenes saith in his Book of Voice , and Chrysippus ( p at first they reckon'd but foure , separating the Articles from the Conjunctions , afterwards the latter Stoicks , dividing the Appellatives from the Nounes , made them five ) Noun , Appellation , Verb , Conjunction , Article . ( Antipater in his Book of Speech added the medium ) Appellation ( as Diogenes saith ) is a part of speech signifying a common quality ; as , Man , Horse . Noune a part of speech denoting a proper quality ; as Diogenes , Socrates . Verbe ( as Diogenes saith ) a part of speech signifying a thing , which is predicated of one or more things , incomposed ; or , as some say , an Element of speech without cases , whereby the parts of speech are connected ; as , I write , I speak . Conjunction is a part of speech without cases , conjoyning the parts of speech . Article is an element of speech , having cases ; distinguishing the kinds and numbers of Nounes ; as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q Every word , by reason of that which it signifieth , calleth foure necessary things into question , its origine , power , declination , ordination . As concerning the first , which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they conceived , that names were given by nature : the first pronounced voices , imitating the things themselves , from which the names were afterwards imposed , by wh●ch reason , they derive Etymologies , conceiving that there is not any word , for which there cannot be given a certain reason . They therefore studiously enquired whence words are deduced , much pains was taken , first , by Zeno , then by Cleanthes , afterwards by Chrysippus , to give a reason of commentitious fables , and to explain the causes of words , why they are called so and so . This beginning is to be sought , untill we arrive so far , as that the thing agree in some similitude with the sound of the word , as when we say , tinkling of brasse , the neighing of horses , the bleating of sheep , the gingling of chains : These words by their sound , expresse the things which are signified by them . But , for as much as there are things which found not , in these the similitude of touching hath the same power : As , they touch the sense smoothly or harshly , the smoothnesse or harshnesse of letters in like manner touch the hearing , and thereby occasioneth their names . As when we say smooth , it sounds smoothly : so , who will not judge harshnesse to be harsh by the very word ? It is smooth to the ear when we say pleasure ; harsh , when we say crux , a crosse : the things themselves make good the sound of the words . Honey , as sweetly as the thing it selfe affects our tast , so sweetly doth the name touch our hearing : Soure , as harsh in both . Wool and Bryars , as the words are to the hearing , the things are to the touch . These are conceived to be the infancy , as it were , of words , when the sense of the thing concords with the sense of the sound . From hence proceeded the licence of naming , according to the similitude of the things among themselves : as when , for example , crux , a crosse , is therefore so called , because the harshnesse of the word concords with the harshnesse of the pain which the crosse affecteth . But , Crura , thighes , are so called , not from harshnesse of pain ; but , because in length and hardnesse , they are , in respect of the other limbs , like unto the wood of a crosse . Hence it comes to abuse , that the name usurped , not of a like thing , but , as it were neer : for what likenesse is there between the signification of little and minute , when as that may be little , which not only is nothing minute , but is somewhat grown ; yet , by reason of a certain neernesse , we say minute for little . But , this abuse of the word is in the power of the speaker ; for , he may use the word little , and not minute . This example belongs to that which we will shew , when we call that a fish-pond which hath no fish in it , nor any thing like a fish : It is denominated from fishes , by reason of the water , wherein fishes live . So the word is used by translation , not from similitude , but a certain kinde of vicinity . And if any one should say , that men in swimming resemble fishes , and that from thence a fish-pond is so named , it were foolish to refuse it , since that neither is repugnant to the nature of the thing , and both are occult . But , this is to the purpose , which we cannot dilucidate by one example , how much the origine of the word , which is taken from vicinity , differs from that which is derived from similitude . From hence there is a progression to the contrary . Lucus is thought to be so named , quod minime luceat ; and bellum , quòd res bella non sit ; and soedus , quòd res foeda non sit . But , if we derive p●rcus , as some do , à soeditate , it returnes to that vicinity , when that which is made , is named from that by which it is made . For this vicinity is very large , and divided into many parts , either by efficience , as this word procus à foeditate ; from which likewise foedus : or by effect , as puteus , so named , because the effect thereof is potatio : or by that it containeth , as urbs ab orbe , because in a place which they liked , they first made a track about it with a plough , as Virgil saith of Aeneas , — Urbem designat Aratro . Or by that which is contained , as if horreum were derived from hordeum ; or by abuse , as hordeum for wheat , or the whole from a part , as mucro , which is the point for the whole sword ; or a part from the whole ; as capillus quasi capitis pilus . What need we go any further ? whatsoever else can be reckoned , we may see the origin of the word contained , either in the similitude betwixt things and sounds , or in the similitude betwixt things themselves , or in vicinity , or contrariety , which origine we cannot pursue beyond similitude . But this we cannot do alwaies , for there are innumerable words , the reasons of which ly●hid . To the infancy , or rather stock and seed of such words , beyond which , no origine is to be sought , neither if a man do enquire can he finde any , they proceed in this manner : The syllables , in which v hath the place of consonant , as in these words , venter , vafer , velum , vinum , vomis , vulnus , have a thick , and as it were , a strong sound , which the very custome of speaking confirmeth , when from some words we take them away , lest they should burden the eare ; for which reason we say amâsti , rather then amavisti , and abiit , not abi●it , and innumerable of the same kinde . Therefore when we say Vis , the sound of the word having , as we said , a kinde of force , suiteth with the thing which it signifieth . Now from this vicinity , by that which they affect , that is , because they are violent , vincula seem to be named , and vimen , quo aliquid vinciatur . Thence vites , because they claspe about those things by which they grow . Hence also by similitude , Terence calls a crooked old man vietum . Hence the Earth , worn into winding paths by the feet of passengers , is called via ; but if via be so named , quasi vi pedum trita , the origine returnes to the vicinity : But let us suppose it derived from the similitude it hath with vitis , or vimen , that is , from its winding , one asketh me why it is called via ? I answer , from the windings and crookednesse thereof , which the antients called vietum ; thence the rounds of a wheel vietos . He demands , how vietum comes to signifie winding ? I answer , from the similitude of vitis , a Vine : He requires whence vitis is so named ? I say , because it doth vincere those things which it comprehends . He questions whence vincere is derived ? We say , à vi : He asks , whence vis ? We give this reason , because the word in its robust and forcible sound agreeth to the thing which it signifieth . He hath nothing more to demand . t In like manner , in this word Ego , as Chrysippus observes , in pronouncing the first syllable , we depresse the under-lip , as if it were to point to our selves , then by motion of the beard we point to our own breasts : of which u Nigidius hath given more instances , in his Grammaticall Commentaries . The second question concerning words , is of their power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of significants ; whence x Chrysippus divided Dialectick into two parts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of significants and significats . Here they enquire , how many waies every thing may be said , and how many waies a thing said may signifie . Here is examined the ambiguity of words : y Ambiguity ( or amphiboly ) is a word signifying two or more things , naturally , and properly , according to the language of the Nation , in such manner , that many senses may be collected from the same words , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which one way signifies , the pot fell thrice , another way , the she-minstrell fell . z Every word ( according to Chrysippus ) is by nature ambiguous , for the same may be taken two or more waies : y Neither is that any thing to the purpose which Hortensius calumniates in Cicero , thus , They affirm that they hear ambiguities acutely , explain them clearly . The same persons hold , that every word is ambiguous ; how then can they explain the ambiguous by the ambiguous , that were to bring a candle not lighted into the dark . This is ingeniously and subtlely said , but like that of Scaevola to Antonius , you seem to the wise to speak acutely , to fooles truly : for what else doth Hortensius in that place , but by his ingenuity and facetiousnesse , as an intoxicating cup , bring darknesse upon the unlearned . For , when they say , every word is ambiguous , it is understood of single words . Ambiguities are explain'd by disputation ; no man disputeth by single words , none therefore explaineth ambiguous words by ambiguous words . And yet seeing that every word is ambiguous , no man can explain the ambiguity of words , except by words , but those conjoyned and not ambiguous . As when we say , every Souldier hath two feet , it doth not follow , that a whole Regiment of Souldiers that have two feet , should have in all but two feet . So when I say , every word is ambiguous , I do not say , a sentence , nor a disputation , although they are woven of words . Every ambiguous word therefore may be explained by inambiguous disputation . The third question is concerning Declination , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z Some follow Analogie , others Anomaly : Analogie is a like declination of like , in Latine proportio . Anomaly is an inequality , following the customes of declinations . a Chrysippus wrote six bookes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shewing , that like things are noted with unlike words , and unlike things with like words . The last question is concerning Ordination , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Upon this subject Chrysippus wrote two bookes ( Laertius reckons more ) whose scope is not Rhetoricall , but Dialectick , as will easily appear to the Reader : Of the Syntax of Axiomes : of true and false Axiomes : of possible and impossible : of contingent , and transient , and ambiguous , and the like , which confer nothing to single speech , or pleasure , or grace to elocution . c There are five excellencies of speech , Propriety , Perspicuity , Succinctnesse , Decorum , Elegance . Propriety is a proper phrase , according to Art , not after the common expression . Perspicuity is , when that which is intended is delivered clearly . Succinctnesse is , when that only is comprised which is necessary to the thing . Decorum , is a conformity to the thing . Elegance is an avoiding of vulgar phrase . d Amongst the faults of speech is Barbarisme , a phrase not in use with the best persons ; and Sol●ecisme , a speech incoherently framed . CHAP. XI . Of Definition and Division . a DEfinition ( according to Antipater in his book of Definitions ) is speech by Analysis pronounced adaequately ; or ( as Chrysippus in his book of Definitions ) an answer to this Question , what a thing is . b Those definitions are vicious which include any of those things which are not in the things defined , or not in all , or not in some ; so as if we should say , A man is a rationall creature , or , a mortall grammaticall creature ; seeing that no man is immortall , and some men are not Grammarians , the definition is faulty . c We must therefore , when we take those things which are common to the things we would define , and others prosecute them so far , untill it becomes proper , so as not to be transferrible to any other thing ; as this . An inheritance is riches , adde which by the death of some person falleth to another , it is not yet a definition , for riches may be held many other waies , as well as by Inheritance ; adde one word , by right of Law ; now the thing will seeme disjoyned from community ; so that the definition is thus explained . Inheritance is riches , which by the death of some person falleth to another by right of law : It is not yet enough , therefore adde , neither bequeathed by will , nor detained by possession , and it is perfect . d Of definition there are two kinds ; one of things which are ; the other of things which are understood . Those things which are , we call such as may be seen or touched , as a field , house , a wall , and the like . On the other side , we say those things are not , which cannot bee touched or shewn , as possession , gardianship , nation , kindred , which have not any body , yet there is some conformity in the understanding which we call notionall , whereby in argumentation they may be explained by definition . This latter kind is rather called Description , a speech , which by the exterior figure of the things bringeth us to the things themselves , or a Definition simply expressing the power of a definition . e Againe , of definitions , some are of partitions , others of divisions . Of partitions , when the thing proposed is torne ( as it were ) into pieces , as if we should say the Civill Law is that which consisteth in Lawes , Senators , things judged , the authority of Lawyers , Edicts of Magistrates , manners and Equity . The definition of divisions comprehendeth all species which are under the genus defined , thus . Abalienation is of that thing which is in our power , or a deliverance of it into the power of another , or a concession by Law , amongst whom those things may be done by civill right . f Division is a section of the genus into its immediate species ; as , of living creatures , some are rationall , some irrationall . g This therefore is an ill division , of men , some are Grecians , some Egyptians , some Persians , some Indians ; for the next species are not disparate , but opposite , we must therefore say thus ; Of men , some are Grecians , some Barbarians , and again , by subdivision of Barbarians , some are Aegyptians , some Persians , some Indians , which likewise is in the division of things that are . For those which are good and bad are different to us , those who are intermediate betwixt good and bad are indifferent to us . The division therefore ought not to be so , but rather thus : Of things that are , some are indifferent , others different , of the different , some are good , some are ill ; For this division is like unto that which saith , of men , some are Grecians , others Barbarians ; of Barbarians , some are Aegyptians , some Persians , some Indians ; the other is likewise ; Of men , some Graecians , some Aegyptians , some Persians , some Indians . Hence it followeth , that h perfect division hath an universall power ; for he who divideth thus ; Of men , some are Grecians , others Barbarians , saith as much as this , if there are any men , they are either Grecians or Barbarians , for if there be any man , who is neither Greek nor Barbarian , the division must necessarily be ill , the universall false . Wherefore when we say , of things that are , some are good , some ill , some intermediate , it is as much ( according to Chrysippus ) as this universall : if there be any things that are , they are either good , or ill , or indifferent . But this universall is false , if any thing false be subjected to it : For , if two things be subjected , one good , the other ill ; or , one good , the other indifferent , in this expression of those things which are , one kinde is good , that is true , but this , these are good , is false , for they are not good , for one is good , the other ill . And again , these are ill , is false , for they are not ill , but only one of them . The like in indifferents ; for , it is false that these are indifferents , as that these are good or ill . i There are three forms of division , anti-division , sub-division , partition . Anti-division is a distribution of the genus into species by the contrary ; as for example , by negation , as of things that are , some are good , others not good . Sub-division is division upon a division : as , of things that are , some are good , others not good ; of the not-good , some are ill , others indifferent . Partition , is a distribution of the genus into places ( according to Crinis ) as of goods , some belong to the Soule , others to the Body . CHAP. XII . Of Genus , Species , &c. a GENUS is a comprehension of many Notions referred to one , as , a living creature , for this includes all living creatures . Notion is a phantasie of the minde , not any thing existent or qualitative , but , as it were , something existent , and qualitative ; as the notion of a horse , no horse being present . Species is that which is contained under the Genus ; as , under living creature is contained man. Most generall , is that which is a Genus , but hath no Genus : Most speciall , that which is a Species , but hath no Species . To this place of Voice belong likewise , as we said , the consideration of Poem and Poesy . Poem ( according to Possidonius , in his introduction to Speech ) is a speech in meeter or rhithme , not prose , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Poesy is a significant Poem , with designe , containing the imitation of things divine and human . CHAP. XIII . Of Things . NOtions , words , and things , as we have said , are conjoyned together . From notions we came to words , from words we come now to the things themselves : By Notions Things are perceived . a Those are said to be Things which are dicible . b The Stoicks by a new name call things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Contingents , because we desire that things might befall us , and that we might obtain them . c Contigents therefore is the subject it selfe , beyond the notion or word , as Dion . d They comprehend all things under one common Genus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , somewhat ; e placing this Genus above all , the reason this : In nature somethings are , somethings are not . For , those things which are not , but only incur in the minde , as Centaurs , Gyants , and whatsoever else is formed by false cogitation , hath some image , although it hath no substance . Even Negatives are in being . Somewhat therefore is more generall then Ens , which is understood only of Corporealls . f Things are subdivided into foure Genus's , Subjects , and qualitatives , & quodammodotatives in themselves , and quodammodotatives as to others . g Thus the Stoicks treating more strictly and subtilly of these things , contract the Predicaments into a lesser number , taking some of those things which they diminished , but with some alteration . CHAP. XIV . Of Subjects . a THere is not any thing besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Subject : The differences concerning this are nonsubsistent . b Subject is two-fold ; one , which is called the first subject , such is matter , expert of all qualities , which Aristotle calleth a body potentially . The other , that which is affected with quality , as Brasse , and Socrates , with those things which are in them , or praedicated by them . CHAP. XV. Of Qualitatives . a QUalitatives have a subsistence , and are separate from their subjects . For qualities ( as all other accidents ) are bodies , seeing that according to Zeno , nothing can be effected by that which is incorporeall , nor can that which is incorporeall effect any thing ; whatsoever effecteth is a body . Effective quality therefore is a body . Matter is expert of quality , but qualities are not expert of matter . b Quality is the habit of that which is qualitative . Qualitative is taken three waies : First , for whatsoever hath difference , whether it be motion or habit , and whether hardly or easily separaable . In this sence , not only he who is wise , but he who stretcheth out his hand are qualitative . The second signification includes not motions but habits only , which they define qualitative , that is , which hath a difference endued with habit , as a wise man , or an armed man. Of these , some are adaequate , to the measure of their pronunciation and consideration ; others not adaequate . These they omit , those which are adaequate , equall , and permanent , they call qualitative ; as , a Grammarian , and a wise man ; neither of these exceeds , or falls short of his quality . Likewise a lover of meat , and a lover of wine , being in act such , as a glutton , and a drunkard , because they make use of those parts which serve to this end , are so called : so that if any man be a glutton , he is consequently a lover of meat ; but , if he be a lover of meat , he is not therefore immediately a glutton ; for , being destitute of those parts which he useth in eating , he wanteth the act , but not the habit . Quality is adaequated to qualitative in this last sence . c All qualities are either causes , and then they are called formes ; or effects , and then they are generally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , habitualls , which word Antipater extends as large , as the common accident , both of things corporeall and incorporeall , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , somewhat . Of habitualls there are foure kinds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they reside in the minde ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they fall from the minde into the voice ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ when by the motion of the minde , they are praedicated of any thing ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they happen to subjects . d Habits are only things united , but those which are conjoyned by contiguity , as a Ship ; or by distance , as an Army ; in these there can be no habit , nor one thing spirituall above all , nor one reason , whereby they may come to subsist within one habit . It is common to quality of corporeall things to be the difference of their substance , no● taken severally , but contracted into one notion and property of the minde , nor by time or strength reduced to form , but by its own tality , according to which the generation of the qualitative subsists . Power ( a species of quality ) is that which hath and giveth the faculty of exercising many accidents , as prudence giveth the faculty of walking prudently , and discoursing prudently : or , according to some , Power is that which giveth the faculty of exercising many accidents , and which ruleth and governeth the acts subjected unto it . What Aristotle called naturall Power , they name Aptitude . Habits are intended and remitted , dispositions cannot be intended or remitted . Thus the straightnesse of a wand , although it may easily be discomposed and bent , is a disposition , for straightnesse cannot be intended or remitted . Likewise the vertues are dispositions , not in respect of their firmnesse and constancy , but because they cannot admit of degrees of more and lesse : but , Arts must either have firmnesse , or not be dispositions . Thus habitude is taken in the latitude of the species , disposition in the chief perfection of the species , and in that which is the most it can be , whether it be easily alter'd ( as the straightnesse of a wand ) or not . CHAP. XVI . Of Quodammodotatives . THe third kinde of things are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quodammodotatives . a They differ from Qualitatives , because matter is otherwise affected by habits , otherwise by Quodammodotatives , in this or that manner . Moreover Qualitatives are Quodammodotatives as to matter , and conversant therein ; but properly , quodammodotatives are conversant in qualitatives . b Again , as habitualls may be said to extend further then habits , so quodammodotatives are larger then qualitatives : for quodammodotatives extend even to those things which are quodammodotatives as to others , and include them ; but qualitatives consist only in those which make a difference . c This place Boethius conceives to have the power of habit . Habit chiefly and universally is taken three waies : First , to be to it selfe , and according to it selfe : Secondly , in respect to another : Thirdly , of another to it . That which is considered as to it selfe , pertaines to quodammodotatives ; as , armed , for it is a habit of ones selfe to ones selfe . That which is to another , pertaines to relation ; for , a Father , or a right hand , are said , according to a habit , not of themselves to themselves , but of them to another . But that which is of another to us , as of an armed man , being the habit of another to us , pertaines to habit . To this head they reduce quantitatives and quantity , and their species , place , time , and some species ( according to Aristotle ) of quality , figure and form ; as also action , passion , site , habit . CHAP. XVII . Of Quodammodotatives as to others . THe last genus of things is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quodammodotatives as to others . a Of these there are two kinds , Relatives , and quodammodotative-Relatives . The Relatives are opposed and distinguished from those which are by themselves , and absolute . The quodammodotative-relatives are opposed to those which have a difference , as for example , Sweet and Sowre , and whatsoever is of the like kinde , are relatives ; but quodammodotative-relatives , are as the right side , father , and the like ; for , they have a difference , in that they are characteriz'd by differences , according to some species . As therefore there is one notion of those which are by themselves , and absolute , another of those which are considered with difference : so some things are relatives ; others quodammodotative-relatives . The consequence of conjunctions in these is contrary ; for , with those which are by themselves , coexist those which have a difference ; for , those which are by themselves have some differences , as white and black . But , those which are by themselves , coexist not with those which have a difference . Sweet and bitter have differences , whereby they are characterized ; yet , they are not absolute , but relatives . But , those which are quodammodotative-relatives , being contrary to those which have differences , are likewise relatives . For , the right side , and a Father , besides that they are quodammodotative , are likewise relatives : but , sweet and bitter being relatives , have a difference , whereby they are contrary , being quodammodotative relatives . Those which are quodammodotative relatives , it is impossible should be by themselves , and absolute , or by difference ; for they depend solely upon relative habit . Relatives therefore are not by themselves , for they are not absolute ; yet , are they according to difference , because they are distinguished by some character . To expresse this more clearly , Relatives are those , which by their proper character respect another ; quodammodotative-relatives are those which use to happen to another , but not without mutation and alteration of those things which are about them ; yet , with respect of something externall . If therefore any thing with difference respect another , it is only relative , as , habit , science , and sence : but , if it respect another , not out of inherent difference , but in pure habit , it is quodammodotative-relative . For , a Father , and right side , to their consistence , require some externall things , for as much as there being no mutation made in them , he is no longer a Father , his Son being dead , and the right side is no longer so , after he is risen , in respect of whom it was said to be such ; but , sweet and bitter will not alter , unlesse their power be likewise changed . If therefore quodammodotative are changed in habit to another , although they receive no passion in themselves , it is manifest they have their being in the habit alone , not in difference . a This genus was first introduced by Aristo , b who defined quodammodotative relatives to be those , whose being is the same with their quodammodotative being to one another : And so also Andronicus defines them . CHAP. XVIII . Of Dicibles . TO the place concerning things and significats , belongeth that concerning Dicibles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to which true and false is common . a Dicible is that which con●isteth according to rationall phantasy . b Rationall phantasy is that , by which what is comprehended by phantasy , may be expressed by speech . Every thing that may be said , ought to be said , for from thence is derived the denomination . c Dicible is a mean betwixt notion and thing . Dicibles are notions , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not meerly and simply notions , d which in as much as they are the principles of science , and are intelligences , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but , in asmuch as they reside in the minde , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are genus's and species , in which manner , being ready for expression , they are called dicibles , and pertain to the enunciative faculty of the soule . For , whatsoever is said , if it be so considered as it is said of something , they are Categorems ; if so , as it breaketh forth into voice , and with voice , they are words , if retained in the minde , ready to break forth , they are dicibles . Dicible therefore is a word , and yet signifies not a word , but that which is understood in the word , and is contained in the minde . e Of Dicibles there are two kinds , the defective , and the perfect . The defective are those which an imperfect enunciation , not compleating the sentence , but requiring something to follow ; as writeth , for we ask , who ? To this kinde belongeth Categorems , which are praedicated of other things . The perfect are such as have a perfect enunciation : Of these there are two kinds : The first peculiarly called perfect , which though they compleat the sentence , yet , signifie neither true nor false . Of these there are many kinds , as Interrogation , percontation , imperative , adjurative , optative , imprecative , or execrative , substitutive , hypotheticall , compellative , like to , or transcending an axiome , and dubitative . Interrogation is that which is a perfect sentence , but requireth an answer , as , Is it day ? for this is neither true nor false ; so that it is day , is an axiom , is it day ? an interrogation . Percontation is a thing for which we cannot answer significantly , as in Interrogation , yes : but as thus , he dwelleth in such a place . Imperative is a thing , in speaking whereof , wee command , as , Go thou to the Inachian stood . f Adjurative , as witness thou Earth . Optative , which he we speak wishing , as , Great Iove who dost in Ida reign , The Victory let Ajax gain . Imprecative , or execrative , as , As on the ground this wine I poure , So may the Earth his blood devour . Substitutive , or expositive , as , let this be a right line . Hypotheticall , as , supposing the Earth to be the Centre of the Globe of the Sun. Compellative is a thing in speaking which we call another , as , Atrides , Agamemnon , King of men . Like to , or transcending an axiom , is that which hath an axiomaticall manner of speaking ; but because it superabounds in some particle or affection , it is not ranked amongst axioms , as , How beautious is thy Virgin-Train ! How like to Priam's Son , that swaine ! Dubitative is a thing different from an axiom , which , whosover speaks , maketh a doubt , as , Then are not life and grief of kin ? all these are neither true nor false . The other kind of perfect dicibles which compleat the Sentence ▪ affirmeth or denyeth , and is either true or false . It is called axtom . CHAP. XIX Of Categoremes . a CAtegoreme is that which is praedicated of another , or a thing construed with one or more , or ( as Apollodorus ) a defective dicible , construed with the right case , to make an axiom . b Whatsoever is praedicated of another , is praedicated of the name of the case ; and both these are either perfect , as that which is praedicated , and together with the subject sufficient to make an Axiom . Or they are de●ective , and require some addition , to make thereof a perfect praedicate . If that which is praedicated of a name , make an axiom , it is a Categorem , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a congruity , as walke●h , for example , Socrates walketh . But if it be predicated of the case , ( whereby transitions are made from one person to another , wherein it is necessary , that some oblique case , be likewise pronounced with the right , they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as an addition to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( or as c Priscian renders it , lesse then congruities ) as , Cicero saved his Country . Again , if that which is praedicated of some nown , require a case of some other nown to be added to make up the axiom , so as the construction bee made of two oblique cases , they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , incongruities , or , according to Ammonius , lesse then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as , it pleases me to come to thee ; whether the nounes onely or the words require it . d Again , of Categoremes , there are four kinds , right , supine , neuter , and reciprocally active and passive . Right are those which have a motion tending to another , and are construed with one of the oblique cases , for the making of a Categorem , as heareth , seeth , discourseth . Supine are those which are consider'd from habit to an agent , and is construed with a passive particle , as , I am heard , I am seen . Neuter , as those which are neither way , as , to be wise , to walk . Reciprocally , active and passive are those , which seem supines but are not , for they are acts , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for therein is included 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The right ( or nominative ) case , is so called by the Stoicks , whom the Grammarians follow , because it falleth directly from the notion which is in the mind . Oblique cases are the Genitive , Dative and Accusative . CHAP. XX. Of simple Axioms . a AXiom is that which is either true or false , or a thing perfect by it selfe , negative , or affirmative , as far as it extends ; or , ( according to Chrysippus , in his dialectick definitions ) Axiom is that which affirmeth or denyeth as far as it extends ; as , Dion walketh . It is called Axiom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because assent is either given to it or not : for he who saith , it is day , assenteth thereunto . If it be day , the axiom is true , if it be not , false . b Of Axioms , the first and most proper difference is of the simple and not simple ( thus divided by Chrysippus , and Archidemus and Athenodorus , and Antipater , and Crinis . ) c Simple axioms are those which consist neither of one axiom twice taken , nor of different axioms , neither by one or more conjunctions ; as , It is day , 't is at night , Socrates disputes . d Of simple axioms there are many kinds , Apophatick , or negative , arnetick , or universally negative ; steretick , or privative ; categorick , or praedicative ; categoreutick , or indicative ; indefinit and mediate . e N●gative axioms are those , in which a negatiue particle is proposed ; as , If this is , that is not . But if the negation be of the latter part of the Axiom , the other part not being negative , then the axiom is not negative , but praeicative ; as , It happeneth to some pleasure not to be good . This therefore declareth what happeneth to the thing , and therefore is praedicative . f A species of negative axiom , is the supernegative , when , between the parts connected and copulated by two affirmations , a praeposition with a negation is interposed , and that very negation denyed ; as , If it is day , it is not light . Of the same kinde are all those , wherein negation is proposed to negation ; as , It is not both day , and not light . g Uni●ersally negative axioms are those , which consist of an universall negative particle , and a Categorem ; as , no man walketh . h Privative are those which consist of a privative particle , and an axiom in power , as , he is inhuman . i Praedicative are those , which consist of a right ca●e and a Categorem ; as , Dien walketh . k Indicative , or l definitive is that which consists of a demonstrative right case , and a Categorem ; as , this man walketh . m Indefinit is that , which consists of one or more indefinit particles ; as , a certain man walketh , he is moved . n Intermediate are of this kinde , a man si●teth , or a man walketh ; a certain man walketh is indefinite , for it determines no single person ; that man sitteth is definite , Socrates sitteth is intermediate ; for it is not indefinite , because it determines the species , nor definite , because it is not pronounced with demonstration , but it is intermediate betwixt both . o An indefinite axiom , as , some one sitteth , is true , when the thing definite is true ; as , he sitteth ; but , if none of the singulars do sit , the indefinite axiom is not true , that some one sitteth . CHAP. XXI . Of not-simple Axioms . a NOt-simple axioms are those , which are in a manner double , consisting of one axiom diversified , or of axioms : of one axiom dversified ; as , if it be day , it is day : of axioms , as , if it be day , 't is light . b In not-simple axioms , that which immediately followeth the conjunction if , or whereas , is called the Antecedent , the first , or the beginning ; the rest is called the ending , or Consequence , or second . Notwithstanding that the axiom be pronounced by inversion ; as , It is light , if it be day ; for in this , the ending or consequence , is , it is light , although it be spoken first ; the antecedent , it is day , although it be put in the second place ; for it immediately followeth the conjunction if . The Lawes and rules of Consequents are these : 1. c From true followeth true ; as , if it be day , it followeth that it is light . 2. From false followeth false ; as , if this be false that it is night , this is likewise false , it is dark . 3. From false followeth true , as from this , the Earth flyeth , followeth , the Earth is . 4. From true doth not follow false ; for from this , the Earth is , it followeth not , that the earth flies . d Of not-simple propositions there are many kinds , Connex , Adnex , Conjunct , Causall , Declarative of the more , and Declarative of the lesse . e Connex ( according to Chrysippus in his Dialectick , and Diogenes in his Dialectick Art ) is that which consists of the connective conjunction , if ; which conjunction declareth , that the consequent is second to the first ; as , if it be day , it is light . Of a diversified axiom , and the conjunction if , consisteth this connex , If it be day , it is day , these are properly right axioms . Of different axioms , and the conjunction whereas , this , if it is day , 't is light . f Connex axioms are called also tropicall , because they turn from the antecedent to the consequent . The rules of connex axioms are these : f That is a true connex , wherein the contrary of the consequent is repugnant to the antecedent , as , if it is day , 't is light ; for , that it is not light , the contrary to the consequent , is repugnant to , it is day , the antecedent . A false connex is that wherein the contrary to the consequent is not repugnant to the Antecedent ; as this , if it is day , Dion walks ; for , that Dion walketh not , is not repugnant to , it is day . g Adnex ( which some reckon as a species of the connex ) according to Crinis , in his Dialectick , is an axiom connected by the conjunction whereas , beginning with an axiom , and ending with an axiom ; as , whereas it is day , it is light , the conjunction sheweth , that the second is a consequent of the first , and that the first is subsistent . The rules of adnex axioms are these : h That is a true adnex , which beginneth from true , endeth in that which is consequent ; as , whereas it is day , the Sun is over the earth . False is that , which beginneth from false , or endeth not consequently ; as , whereas it is day , Dion walketh , if this be said when it is not day . i A conjunct axiom is that , which is knit together by Conjunctions copulative ; as , it is both day , and it is light . The rules thereof are these : That is a right conjunction wherein all things are true ; as it is day , and it is light . That is false , which hath something false . An axiom which hath neither conjunction nor disjunction , is to be taken in the sense of the speaker ; for conjunction is sometimes taken for disjunction ; as , to me , and my heir . A disjunct axiom is that which is disjoyned , by a disjunctive conjunction ; as , either it is day , or it is night . This conjunction sheweth , that one of the axioms is false . All things that are disjoyned , are repugnant to one another , and their opposites likewise are repugnant . Of all things that are disjoyned , one must be true , the rest false , otherwise nothing at all is true , or all , or more then one are true , either those which are disjunct , will not be repugnant , or those which are opposite to them will not be contrary to one another , then the disjunct will be false , and is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as this is , in which the opposites are not contrary ; either thou runnest , or walkest , or standest , for they are repugnant to one another , but their opposites are not repugnant , because not to walk , and not to stand , and not to run , are not contrary in themselves ; for , those things are said to be contrary , which cannot be true together . But you may at the same time neither walk , nor run , nor stand . Every disjunction therefore is not only true , but necessary ; for if of contraries there could be a false conjunction , no disjunction could be true . A Causall axiom is that which is connected by this conjunction , because , as because it is day , 't is light ; for the first is , as it were cause of the second . The rules thereof are these : A causall conjunction is true , when beginning from true , it endeth in the consequent , and cannot have the antecedent for its consequent ; as because it is day , 't is light : but this axiom , it is light , doth not follow from the other , it is day . A false causall is that which either beginneth from false , or endeth in that which is not consequent , or whose antecedent may be the consequent , as , because it is night , Dion walkes . An Axiom declarative of the morel , is that which is construed with this conjunction , more , as it is more day then night . Declarative of the less , is contrary to the former , as , it is less day then night . CHAP. XXII . Of contrary Axioms . COntrary Axioms are those which are repugnant to one another , according to truth and falsehood , whereof one affirmeth , the other denyeth , as , it is day , it is not day . Only Negatives are contrary , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and opposite , and repugnant , for onely in contraries one proposition is true , the other false . The other three kinds of contraries alledged by Arist●tle , are pronounced without a conjunction . Whatsoever is pronounced without a conjunction , is neither true nor false , for true and false belongeth to axiom . Axiom is a speech which consisteth in the conjunction of some thing , wheras of Aristotle's other three kinds of contraries , none are conjunct but simple , as black and white , double and single , sight and blindness . Adverse are ( as likewise defined by Aristotle ) those which in the same kind are most distant . Nothing that is pronounced by negation is adverse , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to another , for then the adverse to Vertue will be not Vertue , and to Vice not Vice , and under not Vertue will be included many other things beside vice , even , a stone , a horse , and whatsover is beside Vertue ; under not vice , will be found Vertue and all other things . Thus all things would be adverse to one , and the same the adverse to Vertue and Vice. Moreover if Vertue were not adverse to Vice , but to not-vice , the intermediate will be adverse both to good and bad , which is absurd . The rules of contraries are these . 1. * Contrariety is principally in acts , habits , and the like . 2. Categorems and qualitatives are called as it were contrary . Prudently and imprudently in some manner lead to things contrary , but contraries absolutely are in things : and prudence is so immediately contrary to imprudence , not this to that : Contraries are either distunctive or sul disjunctive , disjunctive as when wee say , it is either day or night . Sul disjunctive are of two kinds , either in whole , betwixt universalls , as every living creature either doth or suffereth , no living Creature either doth or suffereth ; or in part , betwixt particulars ; as he either sitteth or walketh ; he neither sitteth nor walketh . The rules of contraries are these ; of Disjunctives one being asserted , the other is necessarily taken away ; one being taken away , the other is necessarily asserted . Of subdisjunctives in whole , both cannot be true , both may be false ; both cannot be affirmative , both cannot be negative . Of subdisjunctives in part , both may be true , because they are taken in part . CHAP. XXIII . Of Possible and Impossible , Necessary and Vnnecessary , Probable , Paradoxall and Reasonable axioms . a MOreover of axioms some are possible , others impossible ; some necessary , others not unnecessary . A possible Axiom is that which is susceptible of a true praedication , without obstruction from those things , which , though externall , are yet contingent with the thing it self ; as Diocles lives . Impossible is that which can never be susceptible of truth , externalls oppugning it , as , the Earth flies . Necessary is that which is so true , as that it cannot any way receive a false praedication , or , may receive it , but those things which are extrinsecall , will not permit that it be true , as Vertue profiteth . Not-necessary is that which may be either true or false , exteriour things not obstructing it , as Dion walks . b These future repugnants and their parts are according to the same manner , as the present and the past . For , if it be true that the thing either shall be or shall not be , it must be either true or false , because futures are determined according to these ; as , if a Navy is built to morrow , it is true to say that it shall be built , but if it be not , it is false to say that it shall be built , because it will not be , therefore it will either be or not be , and consequently one of the two is false . Concerning possibles and necessaries , there is great difference betwixt Diodorus and Chrysippus . c Diodorus holds that only to be possible which either is , or will hereafter bee . That which neither is , not ever shall be is impossible . As for me to be at Corinth is possible , if I ever were there , or ever shall be there , but if I never was there , nor ever shall be there , it is impossible . That a Boy shall be a Grammarian is not possible , unlesse hereafter he come to be one . d On the contrary , Chrysippus held , that those things which neither are nor ever shall be , are yet possible to be , as , to break a gemme , though it never come to be broken . c Moreover that from possibles an impossible may follow , as in this Axiom , which is a true connex : If Dion be dead , He ( pointing to Dion ) is dead : The antecedent , if Dion be dead is possible , because it may at some time be true that he shall be dead ; but this Axiom , he is dead , is impossible : for Dion being dead , the Axiom likewise is abolished , that he is dead , seeing he is no longer that man , capable of being demonstrated by the pronoune , He , for , he , is a demonstration of a living creature . If therefore Dion being not yet dead , this word , He , may be said of him , being dead , it cannot be said , he is dead . So that in this place , he is dead , is impossible . For it were not impossible , if , some time after the death of Dion , of whom it was before praedicated in the connex whilst he lived , it might be again praedicated , he is dead ; but because that cannot be , it is impossible , that , he is dead , should be praedicated of him . To conclude , d some held with Diodorus , that whatsoever is past , is true of necessity . That to impossible there followeth not a possible , and that what cannot be done , neither is nor shall bee true . Others ( as Cleanthes and Antipater ) that somthing is possible that neither is nor shall be ; that to possible followeth not impossible , and that which is past , is not true of necessity . Others , that somthing is possible which is not true ; that whatsoever is past , is true of necessity , and that to possible followeth also impossible . Furthermore of Axioms , some are e probable , some paradoxall , some reasonable . A probable Axiom is that which perswadeth us by a specious show to assent unto it ; as , whatsoever bringeth forth another is a mother ; which is falfe , for the hen is not the mother of the egge . f Paradoxall Axioms are those which seem true onely to the wise , g contrary to the opinon of all others . h These are likewise in other Arts , besides Philosophy ; for what is stranger then to prick the eyes for the recovery of sight ? If we say this to one ignorant of Chirurgery , will he not laugh at it ? It is not therefore strange , that such things as are true in Philosophy should seem paradoxes to the unlearned . i A reasonable Axiom , is that which hath many conditions requisite to the truth thereof , as , I shall live to morrow . CHAP. XXIV . Of Reciprocall Axioms . HItherto of the contrariety and repugnance of Axioms . Now of their consent and agreement , whereby one followeth and is correspondent to another , either according to truth or falshood , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , reciprocation . Of Reciprocation there are three kinds : the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perversion , a migration into false ; the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conversion , a migration into true ; the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , equipollence , into the same . CHAP. XXV . Of Signes . TO the place of Axioms appertain likewise Signes . a Signe is an axiom antecedent , in a true connex , and having power to detect the consequent . b Signe is taken two waies : Commonly , for whatsoever falleth under any sence , and signifieth something that proceedeth from it : and Properly , for that which declareth a thing , which is not manifest . Things which are certain require no signe , for they are comprehended of themselves ; neither those which are wholly uncertain , for they can no way be comprehended ; but , those only , which are uncertain in time , or by nature , may be comprehended by signes , but not by the same . Things that are uncertain in time , are comprehended by commemorative signes ; things uncertain by nature , are comprehended by demonstrative . Of signes therefore , some are demonstrative , others communicative . A communicative signe is that which is so neer to the thing , that together with the signe the thing it selfe appeareth , into the knowledge whereof the signe bringeth us , as smoak , which when we see , we know it proceeds from fire . A demonstrative signe is that , which not being observed before with an evident signe , leads us by that to the knowledge of the thing ; as when a female hath milk , we presently know that she hath brought forth . CHAP. XXVI . Of Reasons or Arguments . DIalectick is the discipline of speech , concluded by reason . Reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes called also Argument , and Interrogation , is , according to a Crinis , that which consists of one or more sumptions , and an assumption , and an inference ; as , If it be day , it is light . But it is day : Therefore it is light . Sumption . Assumption . Inserence . The Reason of the Stoicks differs from the Syllogismes of Aristotle in three respects : b First , a Syllogisme , according to Aristotle , cannot have lesse then two propositions , a reason may have but one ; as , Thou livest , theresore thou breathest : which kinde Antipater calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Secondly , in Syllogismes , something besides that which is granted in the premises ; but in Reasons , the conclusion may be the same with both , or either of the sumptions . The first are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as , If it is day , it is day . But it is day : Therefore it is day . c The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as , It is either day , or not day . But , it is not day , Therefore it is not day . d Lastly , in Syllogismes , the conclusion must necessarily follow , by reason of the premises , whereas there are three kinds of reasons which have not this property : The first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , already mentioned : The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not methodically conclusive reasons ; as The first is greater then the second . The second is greater then the third : Therefore the first is greater then the third . This concludes necessarily , but not Syllogistically , unlesse this proposition be put in the first place : What is greater then another , is greater also then that which is lesse then that other . Of the same kinde is that Theorem in the first of Euclid's Elements , This line is equall to that , therefore this line is likewise equall to that , which is true indeed ; but to conclude syllogistically , requires this universall proposition , Those which are equall to a third , are equall to one another . The third kinde of reasons , from which Syllogism differeth by this property , are e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , redundant reasons , and those of two kinds : The first are such as have a superfluous sumption ; as , Every just thing is honest , Every honest thing is good , Every good thing is expetible in it self ; Therefore every just thing is good . The second are those in which the proper conclusion is not inferr'd , but something consequent , or accident , as that argument of Epicure : Whatsoever is dissolved hath not sence , Whatsoever hath not sense pertaineth not to us : Therefore death pertaineth not to us . Whereas to conclude syllogistically , we should say , Therefore whatsoever is dissolved pertaineth to us . In a reason or argument , the sumption 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the assumption f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( termed by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) , are axioms received by consent of the adversary , for construction of that which is called Inference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conclusion ) because it is inferr'd from the rest . g Of sumption and assumption according to Chrysippus , there are foure differences : The first Scientifick : The second Exercitative , or ( as Aristotle calls it ) Dialectick : The third Probable and Rhetoricall : The fourth Sophistick . CHAP. XXVII . Of conclusive Reasons . a OF Reasons there are two kinds , conclusive , and not-conclusive . Conclusive reasons are those , in which the Sumptions being granted , from the concession thereof , the Inference seemeth to follow . Conclusive reasons , in respect of their matter , are of two kinds , true and false . True are those , which from true sumptions collect a true inference . Not-true the contrary . The Lawes and rules of true and false reasons , are these : 1. Truth is consequent to truth : as , If it is day , it is light . 2. False is consequent to false : as , If it be false that it is night , it is likewise false that it is dark . 3. False is consequent to true : as , Earth , if it flies is earth . 4. False is not consequent to true : for , because it is earth , it is not therefore consequent that it flies . Again , of true reasons , some are demonstrati●e , others not-demonstrative . A demonstrative reason is that , which by things that are certain , or perspicuous , collecteth that which is uncertain and lesse perspicuous : as , If sweat issue through the skin , we may understand pores ; but sweat issues through the skin , therefore we may understand pores . Not-demonstrative are contrary : as , If it is day , it is light ; but it is day , therefore it is light . Herein the inference , it is light , is certain . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Syllogistick Conclusive Reasons , or Syllogisms . COnclusive reasons , as to their from likewise , are of two kinds ; Syllogistically conclusive , and not Syllogistically conclusive . a Syllogistically-conclusive Reasons ( or Syllogismes ) are those which either cannot be more concluded , or whereof one or more of the sumptions are reduced to those which cannot be concluded again ; as , if Dion walks , he is moved . Syllogismes ( by which the Stoicks understand only the tropicall , or hypotheticall , ) are of three kinds , connex , disjunct , conjunct . b A connex Syllogism is , when two are so connected in themselves , that one is the antecedent , the other the consequent , in such manner , as , if the antecedent be asserted , the consequent followeth , and the consequent being taken away , the antecedent is likewise taken away , as , if it be day , it is not night , this antecedent is true , therefore it followeth , it is night . This kind of Syllogisme pertains to the first and second moods . In the first it is called from Position of the antecedent , to Position of the consequent ; in the second , from negation of the antecedent , to negation of the consequent . The Lawes concerning the truth , or falshood of these Syllogismes are the same with those of connex axioms . Of connex Syllogismes there are two kinds ; connex in themselves , as , if it is light , it is ligh● , but it is light , therefore it is light ; and connex by others ; as , if it is day , it is light , but it is day , therefore it is light . A conjunct Syllogisme , is , c when we deny somthing conjunct , and to these adde another negation , and of these take the first , that what remains be taken away , as , d it cannot be that a Legacy is money , and money not a Legacy ; but a Legacy is money , therefore money is a Legacy . e A disjunct Syllogism is that in which there cannot be more then one thing true , or , that in which if one be , the other is not , or , if one be not , the other is , as , It is either day or night , but it not night , therefore it is day ; for one being asserted , the other is taken away , and so on the contrary . f The evidence of this Syllogisme Chrysippus conceives to be so great , that even dogs have knowledge thereof . For coming to a place where there are three waies , if by the sent they find that the Beast hath not gone in two of them , they run directly to the third without senting , as if they argued thus , the Beast went either this way , or that way , or that way , but neither this way nor that way , therefore that way : The Laws of disjunct Syllogismes are the same as those of disjunct Axioms . CHAP. XXIX . Of Moods . a SYllogistick , conclusive Reasons are disposed into Moods . Of Moods there are two kinds , the first simple , properly called a Mood , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , defined a kind of figure of the Reason , as thus , If the first is , the second is , But the first is , Therefore the second is . ( It is observable by the way , that the Stoicks for letters used numbers . ) The other compounded , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being consistent of both reason and Mood , as , If Plato liveth , Plato breatheth , But the first , Therefore the second . This is used in a long Syntax , that it be not necessary to speak a long assumption , or a long inference , but they abbreviate them thus , but the first , therefore the second . Of Moods or Tropes there are two kinds , one of indemonstrables , so termed , not that they cannot be demonstrated , but because they conclude so evidently , that they need not be repr●ved ; the other of demonstrables . Of Indemonstrable Moods , there are ( according to Chrysippus ) five , according to * others more or lesse . The first , wherein every reason consists of a connex , and an antecedent from which beginneth the connex , and the consequent is inferred , as , If the first , then the second , But the first , Therefore the second . The second indemonstrable is , which , by the consequent of the connex , and the contrary of the consequent , hath a conclusion contrary to the antecedent , as , If it is day , 't is light , But it is night , Therefore , it is not day . The third is , that which by a negative complication , and one of those which are in the complication , inferrs the contrary to that which remains , as , Plato is not both dead and alive , But Plato is dead , Therefore Plato is not alive . The fourth is that which by a disjunctive , and one of those which is in the disjunctive , concludeth the contrary to that which remains , as , Either it is the first or second , But it is the first , Therefore it is not the second . The fift is that wherein the whole reason is connected by a disjunctive , and one of those which are in the disjunctive of the contrary , inferreth the rest , as , Either it is night , or it is day , But it is not night . Therefore it is day . CHAP. XXXI . Of not-Syllogistick-conclusive Reasons . a REasons not-syllogistically-conclusive ( which are likewise especially called ( as their genus ) conclusive in opposition to Syllogismes ) are those which conclude not by way of Syllogisme , as , It is false , that it is both night and day , But it is day , Therefore it is not night . And this of Chrysippus . Whatsoever is good is laudable , Whatsoever is laudable is honest , Therefore whatsoever is good is honest . These not-syllogistick , or categorick-conclusives , are frequently used by the Stoicks ( as by Zeno in Cicero ) but immethodically , not reduced to Mood and figure . Those they applyed onely to tropicall reasons● as in which consisteth the sole way and order of inference . The Categoricall are not Syllogi●ines , because in them somthing is ever omitted , and therefore they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immethodically conclusive ; as in that argument of Chrysippus last mentioned , two assumptions , and an inference are omitted , for it ought to be thus , If it be good , it is laudable , But it is good , Therefore it is laudable . And again , If it be laudable , it is honest , But it is laudable , Therefore it is honest . Hence are derived those reasons which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , adjic●ent and adject , consisting of propositions continually assumed without conclusions . Adject are those whose conclusion is omitted ; Adjicient , those whose d●monstrative proposition is omitted , as , The first of every second , The second of every third , The third of every fourth , Therefore the first of every ●ourth . In this adject , the conclusion is omitted , which is , therefore the first of every third CHAP. XXXI . Of not-conclusive Reasons . a NOt-conclusive Reasons are those , whose opposite to the inference is repugnant to the connexion of the sumptions : b They are of four kinds . 1. By incoherence . 2. By redundance . 3. By being in an ill figure . 4. By defect . By incoherence , when the propositions have no conjunction or communion with one another , nor with the inference , as , If it is day , it is light , But corn is sold , Therefore it is light . For neither , it is day , hath any communion with , Corn is sold. nor both of them together , with , it is light ; but each dependeth upon somthing else . By redundance , when somthing is assumed to the proposition extrinsecall and superfluous , as , If it is day , it is light , But it is day , and Vertue profiteth , Therefore it is light . For Vertue profiteth is superfluously assumed with the other proposition , the inference depending upon the other two . By being in an ill figure , as , this is a right figure , If the first , the second , But the first is , Therefore the second . But this , If the first , the second , But not the second , — Is not conclusive , not that in this figure , there cannot be reason which may collect truth from truth , for that it may do as thus , If there are four , six are eight , But three are not four , Therefore six are not eight . But because there may be some ill reasons in it , as this , If it be day , 't is light , But it is not day , Therefore it is not light . By defect , when there want one of the collective propositions , as , Riches are either ill or good , But riches are not good ; Therefore they are ill . For in the disjunct there wanteth this , or indifferent , so that to be perfect the sumption should be thus , Riches are ill , or good , or indifferent . CHAP. XXXII . Of fallacious Reasons or Sophismes . BY Dialectick are discerned true and false reasons : the latter are Sophismes , proper to Sophists , who dispute for vain-glory , or gain ; as true reasons are to Logicians , whose end is only to finde out truth . Of fallacious reasons there are many kinds ; the Quiescent reason , or Sorites , the Lying , the Inexplicable , the Sluggish , the Dominative , the Vailed , Electra , the Horned , the Crocodilite , the Reciprocall , the Nullity , the Defective , the Mower , the Bald , the Occult , the Negative . a Sorites , named from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a heap , is , b when from things evidently true , by short mutations , the dispute is brought to things evidently false : c as , Are not two few ? are not three so likewise ? and four , and so on to ten ? But , two are a few , therefore ten . d It is called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the quiescent reason , e because the way to withstand it is by stopping , and witholding the assent . The lying reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a captious argument , not to be dissolved . Of this , see the life of Eubulides . f The inexplicable reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so called , from the intricate nature thereof , not to be dissolved , wherefore it seems to be the same with the lying , and perhaps the genus to most of those which follow . The sluggish reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is manifested by this example : g If it be decreed that you shall recover of this sicknesse , you shall recover whether you take Physick or not . Again , if it be decreed you shall not recover , you shall not recover , whether you take Physick or not : Therefore it is to no purpose to take Physick . This argument is justly termed fluggish , faith Cicero , because by the same reason , all action may be taken away from life . The Dominative reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; of this already in the life of Diodorus . The vailed reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Of this , and Electra , and the Horned reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the life of Eubulides . The Crocodilite , so named from this Aegyptian fable : h A woman sitting by the side of Nilus , a Crocodile snatched away her child , promising to restore him , if she would answer truly to what he asked ; which was , Whether he mean● to restore him or not . She answered , Not to restore him , and challeng'd his promise , as having said the truth . He replyed , that if he should let her have him , she had not told true . The reciprocall reasons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such was that of i Protagoras the Sophist , against Euathlus , a rich young man , his disciple , who promised him a great summe of mony for teaching him , whereof halfe he paid in hand , the other halfe was to be paid the first that he should plead before the Judges , and carry the cause . Having learned long , and attained a great perfection in Rhetorick , he forbore to pl●ad in publi●k● , that he might defraud Protagoras . Protagoras sues him , and the cause comming to hearing , begins thus : Know , foolish young man , that which way soever the Cause goes , whether for thee or against thee , thou must pay what I demand . If against thee , it will be given me by judgment ; if for thee , thou must pay it according to our agreement . E●athlus answers : I might have been intrapped by your subtlety , if I did not plead my selfe , but had employ'd some other to plead for me . Now I r●ioyce doubly in the victory , that I shall be too hard for you , not only in cause , but in argument . Know therefore , my most wise Master , that which way soever the cause go , either with me , or against me , I will not pay what you demand . If it go with me , the judgment will acquit me ; if against me , you are to have nothing by our agreement . The Judges not able to determine it , dismist them both . k The nullity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used by Ulysses , who called himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no body , when he hurt Polypheme , whence it came to be so named . The defective reason , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mentioned by Laertius in Zenone : The mower , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Lucian : The bald , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Laertius in Eubulide : The occult , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Laertius in Eubulide : The negative , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Laertius in Chrysippo , and by Epictetus . But of these enough . CHAP. XXXIII . Of Method . THere are two kinds of disputation : a One , when the truth it selfe is subtlely polished in the dispute : The other , when every expression is accommodated to the vulgar opinion ; for , we must use popular and usuall words , when we speak of popular opinions , which Panaetius in the like manner hath done . b The first way was peculiar to the Stoicks , short , acute , and spinous , called likewise Logick , most worthy of Philosophy ; for this useth definitions , divisions , and the lights which they afford , as likewise similitudes , dissimilitudes , and the nice acute distinction of them . The vulgar way of dispute is likewise two-fold : One by continued oration : The other by question and answer ; the first called c Analytick , or d Rhetoricall ; the other e Topick , or f Dialecticall . g Though the first be delightfull , yet the latter is more commodious , when we insist on particulars , and understand what every man granteth , what every man denyeth , what we would have concluded from concessions , and brought to an end . For , when a 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 ●n like 〈…〉 it beats many things along with it ; yet we can hold nothing , we cannot stop the ●apid 〈…〉 h The other● concluding as Zeno used , more shortly and narrowly , 〈…〉 reprehension . As a River in its course , cannot at all , or very ●●rdly be corrupted , but water shut up , 〈◊〉 : So by 〈…〉 , the faults of the oppo●● are carried quite away ; in 〈…〉 speech , they are not easily defend●● 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ But each of these methods hath a severall use , the 〈◊〉 proper for exposition of A●s and Sci●nces , the oth●● for 〈◊〉 THE SECOND PART . CHAP. I. ETHICK , and the parts thereof . a THE Morall part of Philosophy is divided into these places ; Of appetite , Of good and ill ; Of passions , Of Virtue , of the End ; Of the first aestimation , of Actions , Offices , exhortations and dehortations . Thus distinguisheth Chrysippus , Archidemus , Zeno of Tarsis , Apollodorus , Diogenes ( the Babylonians ) Antipater ▪ and Possidonius . But Zeno the Cittiean , and Cleanthes , as being more antient , were lesse accurate in their manner of treating upon these things . CHAP. II. Of Appetite . THE consideration of Ethick , beginneth properly from Appetite . a Appetite is moved by Phantasie of an Office , for it is the impulsion of the soul to somthing . Appetite in rationall and irrationall Creatures is different ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not rationall appetite , but a species of rationall appetite . Rational appetite is defined an impulsion of the intellect to the doing of somthing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a species of practick appetite , being an impulsion of the Intellect to somthing future . Hence appetite is taken four waies , for rationall and irrationall inclination , and for rationall and irrationall aversion . To these may be added the habit of Appetition , which is likewise called appetite , the Origine of all appetitive acts . Of practick appetite there are many species , of which are 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Designation . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an appetite before appetite . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an action before action . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an appetite to somthing now existent . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a will by ratiocination , 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Will before Will. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an appetite joined with reason . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a spontaneous Will. CHAP. III. Of first naturall Appetite . a THe first appetite of a living creature is to preserve it self , this being from the beginning proper to it by nature , as Chrysippus in his first Book of Ends , who affirmes that the care of our selves , and consciousnesse thereof , is the first property of all living Creatures . For , Nature producing a living Creature , intended either to alienate it from it self , or to commend unto its own care ; but the first is not likely ; it followeth therefore , that Nature commendeth to every thing the preservation of it selfe , whereby it repulseth whatsoever is hurtfull , and pursueth what is convenient . b As soon therefore as a living Creature cometh into the World , it is conciliated to it self ; commended to the con●ervation of it self and its own state , and to the election of such things as may preserve its state , but alienated from destruction , and from all such things as may destroy it . This is manifest in as much as before the accession of pleasure or grief , young creatures desire those things which conduce to their wellfare , and refuse the contrary , which would not be , if they did not love their own state , and fear destruction . Neither could they desire any thing without having some sense of themselves , whereby they love themselves , and what belongs to them . Hence it is manifest , that the principle of this love is derived from themselves . c Whereas some must hold the first appetite of a living creature to be that of pleasure , that is false . d The greater part of Stoicks conceive that Pleasure is not to be placed amongst the naturall principles of love to our selves , for if nature had so ordered it , many dishonest things would have followed . e Pleasure is an after-accession , when as Nature enquiring by it self into it self , receiveth those things which are agreeable to its constitution , after which manner living creatures are exhilarated , and plants sprout forth . Nature hath thus far made no difference betwixt plants and living creatures , that whereas plants are ordered without appetite or sense , there is in living creatures , something according to the nature of plants : But , there being over and above in living creatures , an innate appetite , whereby they go to those things that are proper for them , the naturall part in them is governed by the appetitive . f That we naturally love those things which are first proposed unto us by nature , may be argued from hence , in that there is no man , if both were put to his choice , but had rather have all his limbs able and sound , rather then uselesse and imperfect . These comprehensions we conceive fit to be acquired for their own sake , because they have in themselves something , as it were , complex , including Truth . This is discernable in young ones , whom we see delighted , though it nothing concernes them , if they themselves finde out any thing by reason . Even the Arts we conceive to be assumed for themselves , aswell because in these there is something worthy assumption , as because they consist of knowledge , and contain somethings constituted by reason and power . CHAP. IV. Of Appetites consequent to the first . a THus according to the first innate principles of Nature , those things which are according to nature being expetible in themselves , their contraries avoidable in themselves , the first office is to conserve it selfe in the state of nature , the next , to obtain those things which are according to nature . Here beginneth good to be first understood , for it is the first conciliation of man to things according to nature . This Good , as soon as man receiveth intelligence or notion thereof , and seeth the order and concord of Offices , he esteemeth far above those things which he formerly loved , and by rationall knowledge collecteth , that herein is placed the chief good of man , laudable and expetible in it selfe . To this chiefe good , which consisteth in homologie or convenience , all honest actions having reference , honesty it selfe , which is reckoned amongst the good , though it rise afterward , is notwithstanding alone expetible in its own power and dignity . But , of those which are the first objects of nature , none is expetible in it selfe . Now whereas offices proceed from the first naturall objects , they must necessarily be referred to the same ; so as all Offices tend to the fulfilling of the first naturall appetites ; yet , not so , as if therein consisted the ultimate good . Honest action is in the first conciliation of nature , for it is consequent , and ariseth as we said afterward ; yet , it is according to nature , and much more allective then all that go before it . And seeing that all offices proceed from the first naturall appetites , even wisdome it selfe must be derived from thence likewise . But as it often happens , that he who is recommended to another , more esteemeth him to whom he is recommended , then the person which recommended him : so it is not strange , that we being recommended to wisdome by the first naturall appetite , afterwards more esteem that wisdome , then those things whereby we arrived at it . And as our limbs are given to us for a certain reason of living , so the appetition of the soul is given , not for every kinde of life , but for one certain form of living ; so likewise reason and perfect reason . For , as action is proper to a Player , motion to a Dancer ; yet , not any , but one certain kinde : so the life that is to be acted , is in one certain kinde , not in any , which kinde we call convenient and consentaneous . Wisdome is not like the art of a Pilot , or a Physician ; but rather to that Action we mentioned , and to Dancing , that the extream , that is , the effection of the Art be in the Art it selfe , and not extrinsecall . There is another similitude betwixt Wisdome and these Arts , for in them are those things which are done rightly ; yet , are not all the parts whereof they consist contained therein . Things done rightly , or Rectitudes , contain all numbers of vertue ; for , only wisdome is wholly converted into it selfe , which is not in other Arts. But , improperly is the Art of a Pilot and a Physician , compared with the ultimate of Wisdome : For , wisdome includeth Fortitude and Justice , and judgeth all things that happen to man to be below it , which happen●th not in other Arts : but , none can hold these vertues which we last mentioned , unlesse he affirm , there is nothing that is different , but honest and dishonest . CHAP. V. Of Good and III. HItherto of Appetites , we come next to their Objects . a Things ( according to Zeno ) are whatsoever participate of Essence . Of things , some are good , some ill , some indifferent . b Good is severall waies defined by the Stoicks ▪ but their definitions tend all to one end . c Good is profit , or that which differeth not from profit . Profit is vertue , and vertuous action , not different from profit is ● vertuous man , and a friend . For vertue being a quodammodotative Hegemonick , and vertuous action being an operation according to vertue , is plainly profit . A vertuous man and a friend is not different from profit ; for profit is a part of Vertuous , as being the Hegemoniack thereof . Now the wholes are neither the same with their parts , for a man is not a hand , nor different from their parts , for they subsist not without parts ; wherefore the whole is not different from its parts , and consequently , a vertuous man being the whole , in respect of his Hegemoniack , which is profit , is not different from profit . Good is by some defined that which is expetible in it selfe ; by others , that which assisteth to felicity , or compleateth it : by e Diogenes , that which is absolute by nature ; [ or , f that which is perfect , according to the nature of a rationall creature . ] The consequent thereof is a beneficient motion , or state absolute in nature . Whereas things are known , either by use , or conjunction , or similitude , or collation , by this fourth kinde is the knowledge of good ; for when from those things which are according to nature , the minde ascendeth by collation of reason , then it attaineth the notion of good . h Good is known and named , not by accession , increase , or comparison with other things , but by its proper power . For as Hony , though it be most sweet , yet , in its proper kinde of tast , not comparative to any other , we perceive it to be sweet : So this good of which we speak , is that which is most to be esteemed , but that estimation consisteth in the kinde , not the magnitude . For , estimation being neither amongst the good nor ill , whatsoever you apply it to , it will remain in its kinde . Different therefore is the proper estimation of vertue , which consisteth in the kinde , not in increase . i To Good belongeth all vertue , as Prudence , Justice , Temperance , Fortitude , and whatsoever participates of those , as vertuous actions and persons . k Accessions hereto are joy , cheerfulnesse , and the like . l Ills are the contrary vices , as Imprudence , Injustice , Intemperance , Pusillanimity , and whatsoever participates of vice , as vicious actions and persons . m The accessions hereunto are discontent , affliction , and the like . n Of Goods , some , as we have said , are Vertues , others not-vertues , as , Joy , Hope , and the like . In like manner of Ills , some are Vices , as those already mentioned ; others not-vices , as Griefe and Fear . Again , o of Goods , some are continuall in all the vertuous , and at all times ; such is all vertue , sounde sence , wise appetition , and the like . Others are intermissive , as joy , hope , and prudent counsell , which are not in all the wise , nor at all times . In like manner of Ills , some are continuall in all , and alwaies in the imprudent , as all vice , and imprudent sence , and imprudent appetite : Others intermissive , as griefe , fear , and imprudent answer , which are not alwaies in the wicked , nor at all times . p Again , of Good there are three kinds : The first from which profit commeth , as from its first cause , such is vertue : The second , by which profit commeth , as vertue , and vertuous action : The third that which may profit , as vertue , and vertuous actions , and a vertuous man , and a friend , and the Gods , and good Demons . q Thus the second signification includeth the first , and the third , both the first and second . r In like manner of Ills , there are three kinds : First , that from which hurt originally proceedeth , as vice : Secondly , that by which hurt commeth , as vicious actions : Lastly , and most largely , whatsoever is able ●o hurt . f Again , of Goods , some are in the Soul , as vertue , and vertuous actions : some without the Soul , as a true friend , a good Country , and the like : some neither within nor without the soul : as good and vertuous men . t In like manner of Ills , some are within the Soul , as vices , and vicious actions ; some without the Soul , as , imprudent friends , enemies , and the like ; some neither within nor without the Soul , as wicked men , and all that participate of vice . u Of goods within the Soul , some are habits , some affections , some neither habits nor affections . The vertues themselves are affections , their studies habits , nor affections , their acts neither habits nor affections . x In like manner of Ills , some are affections , as vices ; some habits only , as infirmities of minde , and the like ; some neither habits nor affections , as vicious actions . y Again , of Goods , some are finall , some efficient , some both finall and efficient . A friend , and the benefits arising from him , are efficient goods . Fortitude , magnanimity , liberty , delectation , joy , tranquillity , and all vertuous actions are finall goods . Both efficient and finall ( as all vertues ) as they perfect felicity , they are efficient , as they constitute it as parts thereof , finall . z In like manner of Ills , some are finall , some efficient , some both . A friend , and the dammages incurred by him , are efficient . Fear , basenesse , servitude , stupidity , frowardnesse , griefe , and all vicious actions , are finall : participant of ( are vices ) as they procure misfortune they are efficient , as they constitute it as parts thereof , finall . a Again , of goods , some are expetible in themselves , not desired for the sake of any other : Others are preparatory to some other , called effectively expetible . The expetible in themselves are ( according to Diogenes ) of two kinds : 1. Ultimately expetible , as Beatitude . 2. Those which have in them the cause of being expetible , as every good hath . Again , of goods some are necessary to Bea●titude , as all Vertues and their Acts , others not-necessary , as Joy , delectation , and study . In like manner of Ills , some are necessary to Infelicity , as all the Vices and their Acts , others not-necessary thereunto , as , all passions and infirmities of the soul , and the like . c Again , of goods , some consist in motion , as Joy ● delectation and the like ; some in affection , as quiet imperturbation ; Of those which consist in affection , some are likewise in habit , as the Vertues ; others in affection only as the former . Neither consist the Vertues only in habits , but other Acts likewise , changed by a Vertuous man , in a manner , into Vertue . Of these goods which are in habit , are those we call studies , as love of Learning , and the like . For these arts by their affinity with Vertue lead directly to our chief end . Again , d of goods some are absolute , as Science , others relative , as honour , be●evolence , friendship , and the like . e Science is a certain infallible comprehension by reason . It is taken three waies . First , for a System of Sciences conjoined together in a good man ; Secondly , for a System of artificiall Sciences , having a certainty . Lastly , for a demonstrative infallible habit of phantasies by reason . f Friendship , is a community of life and consent of studies . The kinds thereof are six . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a friendship amongst known persons . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst Familiars . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst those of the same age . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , towards strangers . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amongst kinred . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from Love. g Again of goods , some are simple , as knowlege , others mixt , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good use of Children conformable to nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good use of old age conformable to nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good use of life conformable to Nature . Exemption from grief , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and conservation of order , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same with , as the mind is with prudence , and communion with goodnesse ; yet are otherwise referred , which is observable likewise in the other Vertues . Hence are the same distinctions appliable to ill . h Every good is beneficiall , opportune , conducible , usefull , commendable , fair , helpfull , eligible , just . Beneficiall , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as conferring that whereby we receive benefit . Opportune , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as comprising that whereof we stand in need . Conducible , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as , resolving into it self the means , as the gaine acquired by traffick exceeds the charge . Usefull , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as conducing to our profit . Commendable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the use . Fair , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as proportioned to the necessities of the receiver . Helpfull , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it relieves us . Eligible , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being in reason to be preferred . Iust , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being conformable to Law. i On the contrary , every ill is unbeneficiall , importune , inconducible , unusefull , uncommendable , foul , un●elpful , avoidable , and unjust . k Perfect good , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fair , because it is absolute in all numbers required of Nature , and perfectly proportionate . l Of fair , ( or honest ) there are four species , Iust , valiant , temperate , knowing ; in these are honest actions consummated . m Likewise of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , foul ( or dishonest ) are four species , unjust , cowardly , dissolute , foolish . n Honest , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fair , first , because it renders those who are endued therewith worthy of praise ; Secondly , because it is most suitable to its proper work ; Thirdly , because it is an ornament ; we say , a wise man is only good and fair . o Only that which is good is fair or honest : so Hecato in his third Book of Good ; and Chrysipp●s of Fair. This is Vertue , and what participates thereof , which is all one , as to say , that , whatsoever is good is honest likewise , and reciprocally whatsoever is honest is good . p That what is honest only is good , is proved thus . Whatsoever is good is laudable , whatsoever is laudable is honest ; therefore whatsoever is good is honest . Again , there is no good which is not expetible , nothing expetible which is not pleasant and amiable , therefore approveable , therefore laudable , therefore honest . Again , no man can glory in a life that is miserable or not happy , therefore to glory is proper to the happy , but to glory relateth onely to that which is honest , therefore honest life is happy . And as he who is laudable , hath some eminent mark of renown & glory , for which he is justly stiled happy , the same may be said of the life of such a man , whence if a happy life consist in honesty , only that which is honest is to be esteemed good . Moreover , what man can be termed constant , firm , magnanimous , unlesse wee grant that paine is not an ill ? For , hee who reckoneth death amongst the Ills cannot but fear it ; so no man in any thing can neglect and contemn that which he accounteth ill . This being granted , the next assumption is this , he who is magnanimous and valiant , despiseth , as if they were nothing , all things that can arrive to man , whence it followeth , that nothing is ill which is not dishonest , and this sublime , excellent magnanimous person , accounting all humane things below him , confideth in himself and his own life past and future , knowing that no ill can happen to a wise man. Whereby wee see that what is honest only is good , which is to live happily and honestly . q On the other side , nothing is good , but what is honest ; for , who is , or ever was so fervently covetous , and of such disordinate affections , that the same things , for the attainment whereof he would perpetrate any wickednesse , he had not much attain'd unto ( setting aside all punishment ) without all that wicked means ? What advantage or fruit do we aim at , in desiring to know those things which are hidden from us , how they are moved , and by what causes agitated in heaven ? Who is so savage , so obdurate to naturall studies , that he abhorres things worthy knowledge , receives them without pleasure or some benefit , and values them at nothing ? Who is there , that when he heareth of the actions , speeches , counsels of magnanimous persons , eminent in all vertue , is not affected with any pleasure ? Who is there , that being instituted in an honest family , and ingenuously educated , is not offended at dishonesty , though it bring no hurt to him ? Who is there , that lookes without trouble upon such as live impurely and flagitiously ? Who doth not hate fordid , vain , light , frivolous persons ? If dishonesty were not in it selfe avoidable , why should men , when they are in the dark , or in a Wildernesse , abstain from any thing that is evill ; but , that the very deformity and dishonesty thereof deterrs them ? Nothing therefore is more clear , then that honest things are expetible in themselves , and dishonest things avoidable in themselves . Hence it followeth , that what is honest , is more estimable then those mean things which accrue by it . And when we say , that folly , temerity , injustice , and intemperance are avoidable , in respect of those things which are consequent to them , it contradicts not the former assertion , that what is dishonest only is ill , because they relate not to the hurt of the body , but , to dishonest actions which proceed from vice . r All good is equall , and every good is highly expetible , and admits neither increase , nor decrease . s Here commeth in a great controversy betwixt the Stoicks and the Peripateticks , which though Carneades affirm to be only verball , Cicero holdeth to be more in things then words . t The Peripateticks hold , that all goods are requisite to happy life ; the Stoicks , that whatsoever is worthy estimation , compre●iendeth happy life . Those holding pain to be an ill , it followes , that a wise man cannot be happy upon the rack . These , who account not pains among the ills , hold , that a wise man continueth happy in the midst of torments : For , if some bear those pains with greater courage for their Country , or some lighter cause , opinion , not nature increaseth or diminisheth the power of the pain . Again , the Peripateticks asserting three kinds of good , affirm a man to be so much the more happy , the fuller he is of externall corporeall goods ; or , in the Stoicks expression , he who hath most corporeall estimables , is most happy , for as much as by them , Beatitude is compleated . On the contrary , the Stoicks hold , that those goods which they call of nature , make not by their frequency a life more happy , or are more expetible , or more estimable : For then wisdome being expetible , and health expetible , both together would be more expetible then wisdome alone ; whereas either being worthy estimation , both are not more worthy of estimation then wisdome alone . For the Stoicks , who hold health to be estimable , but place it not amongst the goods , hold likewise , that no estimation is to be preferred before vertue . From this , the Peripateticks dissent , asserting , that an honest action without pain , is more expetible , then the same action with pain ; the Stoicks otherwise . For , as a Taper is darkened by the light of the Sun , and as a drop of water is lost in the vastnesse of the Aegean Sea , and as in the riches of Croesus the accession of one farthing , and one step in the way between this and India ; so in that end of all good which the Stoicks assert , all the estimation of corporeall things must necessarily be obscured , overwhelmed , and perish , by the splendour and magnitude of vertue . And as opportunity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not made any thing greater by production of time , for whatsoever is opportune hath its measure ; so right affection , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the good it selfe placed in it , that it be conformable to nature , admitteth no accession of encrease . For as that opportunity , to those of which we speak , are not made greater by production of time , for which reason the Stoicks conceive , that a happy life is not more to be desired , if it be long , then if it be short ; and they use this simile : As it is the praise of a shoe to fit the foot , neither are many shoes preferred before two , nor the greater before the lesse : So in those things , whose good is confined to opportunity and convenience , neither are the more to be preferred before the fewer , nor the longer before the shorter . Nor do they argue acutely , who say , if long health be more to be esteemed then short , then likewise a long use of wisdome , more then a short ; they understand not , that the estimation of health is judged by space , that of vertue by opportunity ; as if they should say likewise , a good death , or a good labour to a woman in travell , is better long then short : So that they see not , that some things are more esteemed for their shortnesse , others for their length . CHAP. VI. Of Eupathies . a AS soon as any object is presented to us , which seemeth good , Nature [ as we said ] drives us on to the acquisition thereof , which , being done constantly and prudently , is called Will ; imprudently and excessively , Desire . b Moreover , while we are so moved , that we are in some good , that happeneth also two waies , when the Soul is moved quietly and constantly according to reason , this is called Joy ; when vainly and excessively , Pleasure . c In like manner , as we desire good things by nature , so by nature we decline the ill : This declination , if done according to reason , is called Caution , if without reason , Fear . d Caution is only in a wise man , of fear he is not capable . Hence it appeareth , that there are three kinds of good affections of the minde , called e Eupathies , or f Constancies ; Ioy , Caution , Will. 1. g Ioy is contrary to pleasure , as being a rationall elevation of the minde . 2. Caution is contrary to fear , as being a rationall declination of ill . 3. Will is contrary to desire , as being a rationall appetite . These are the primarie Eupathies ; and as under the primary passions are comprehended many subordinate passions ; so are there secondary Eupathies subordinate to those . Under Ioy are 1. Delectation : 2. Cheerfulnesse : 3. Aequanimity . Under Caution , 1. Respect : 2. Cleernesse . Under Will are , 1. Benevolence : 2. Salutation : 3. Charity . Notwithstanding that Eupathies and passions are contrary ; yet are there but three Eupathies , though there are foure passions ; for , there is no Eupathie contrary to Grief . CHAP. VII . Of Passions . a FRom falsities proceedeth a perversitie of Intellect , hence spring up severall passions , and causes of disorder . b Zeno defineth passion , a praeternaturall motion of the Soul , ( or as c Cicero renders it , a commotion of the Soul , a●erse from right reason , against Nature . ) Others more briefly , a more vehement appetite . More vehement they call that , which recedeth from the constancy of Nature , d and is contrary to nature ; wherefore all passion is an excessive stupide desire . e The kinds of passion arise from two opinionated goods , and two opinionated evils , so they are four . From the good , desire and pleasure ; pleasure from present good , desire from future , from the ill , fear , and grief , fear , from the future , grief , from the present , for these things , whose coming we fear , when they do come , grieve us . Pleasure and desire arise from an opinion of good things , desire is fervently transported to that which seemeth good , pleasure rejoyceth when wee have obtained what we desire . Thus f desire and fear go formost , that to apparent good , this to apparent ill , pleasure and grief follows ; pleasure , when we attain what wee desire , * griefe , when wee incurre what wee fear . g All passions arise from Iudgement and Opinion , whence they are more strictly defined , ( that it may appear not only how vicious they are , but also that they are in our power ) thus ; h Grief is a fresh opinion of present ill , wherein it seemeth fit that the mind be contracted and dejected , or i a contraction of the soul caused by ●pinion of present ill . k Pleasure is a fresh opinion of present good , wherein it seemeth good that the mind be exalted , or l an irrational elevation of mind to somthing that seemeth eligible . m Fear is an opinion of imminent ill , which seemeth to be intolerable ; or a contraction of the soul disobedient to reason , caused by expectation of ill . n Desire is an opinion of good to come , that if it were present , it were fit for our use , or o an appetite disobedient to Reason , caused by the opinion of consequent good . These four are , as Hecato saith , primary passions , under each of which there are subordinate passions , severall species belonging to their proper genus . Under Grief are these kinds , p Envy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , invidentia ; a grief at the prosperity of others , q which doeth no hurt to him that envieth , * for some men desire to see their neighbours suppress'd , that themselves might be advanced above them . For if a man grieve at the prosperity of another whereby he is dammaged , hee is not properly said to envy , as that of Hector to Agamemnon ; but he who is nothing dammag'd by the prosperity of another , yet grieveth thereat , truly envieth . r Aemulation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not here taken for the imitation of Vertue , for that is laudable ) a grief that another man enjoyeth that which we desire and want , or as Laertius , a grief for another's felicity , which we wish to our selves , and an aemulation thereof as greater then our own . s Iealousie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , obtrectation , a grief lest another enjoy what we ( t love and ) possesse . u Compassion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 misericordia , a grief for the misery another suffers undeservedly , y for no man compassionates the punishment of a parricide or Traytor . y Anguish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anger , an oppressive grief . z Mourning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Luctus , grief for the death of a friend that was dear to us . a Wailing , Moeror , a grief accompany'd with Tears . b Trouble , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aerumna , a laborious piercing grief . c Sorrow , Dolo● , a vexatious grief , perhaps the same which in Stobaeus is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a grief with conflict of Spirit . d Lamentation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a grief with thoughtfulnesse , e proceeding from and encreasing by consideration and discourse . f Molestia , a permanent grief . g Affliction , a grief with corporeall torment . h Desperation , a grief without any hope of amendment . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an urgent grief attended by difficulty . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a grief taking away the voice . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an irrationall grief corroding , and hindring us from enjoying the present . Under Pleasure are , m Malevolence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Pleasure at anothers Ill , without any good to our selves . This hath no reall subsistence ; for no good man was ever known to rejoyce at the harm of another . n Delectation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pleasure affecting and soothing the mind by the Ear , and in like manner by the eye , touch , smell or tast , which are all of one kind . o Iactation , a boasting Pleasure , with insolent behaviour . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an inclination of the mind to dissolutenesse . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the dissolution of Vertue . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pleasure from things not expected . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Pleasure caused by sight , without deceit . Under Fear , are t Dread , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear causing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u Sloth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pigritia , a fear of future action , or susception of labour . * Shame , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear of ignominy . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear of some unusuall phantasie . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear with losse , or trepidation of voice . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear of somthing uncertain , or a fear of offending or falling . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear of Gods or Demons . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fear of some grievous thing . d Terrour , a fear , which by striking the mind causeth rednesse , palenesse , trembling , or gnashing of the teeth . e Timor , a fear of approaching ill . f Pavor , a fear thrusting the mind out of its place . g Examinatio , a fear consequent , and as it were companion to Pavor . h Conturbatio , a fear , which disperseth all our thoughts . i Formido , a permanent fear . k The Passions subordinate to desire , are generally two , Anger and Love. l Anger is a desire of taking revenge upon those by whom wee conceive our selves wronged . m The species thereof are , n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or as Cicero , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excandescentia , anger beginning . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anger encreasing . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●odium , anger inveterate . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inimicitia , anger watching the occasion of revenge . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , anger breaking forth into action . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a desire , whereby we wish ill to another , with continuall progression . t Malice , Discordia , a bitter anger , with utmost hatred , conceived in the Heart . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a desire conversant in difference of opinions . * Love is an impulsion of good wil for apparent beauty , y whereby it is distinguished from the love of the vertuous , which is a voluntary susception of labour for true beauty . The species of Love are , z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indigentia , an ( inexpleble ) desire , of that which wee want , and being separated from it , in vain incline to it . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desiderium , a desire to see that which is not present . They b distinguish these two thus ; Desire is of those things which are said , or praedicated of any thing which they call Categoremes , as to have riches , to take honours ; Indigence is of the things themselves , as of honours , of money . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desire of conversation of that which is absent . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desire of Pleasure . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desire of Riches . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , desire of glory . g In all these passions there is opinion . h Opinion is a weake assent . i Hence passions , ( as Chrysippus in his Book of passions affirmes ) are Judgements ; for Avarice is an opinion , or false judgement that money is good ; drunkennesse , and intemperance , are the like . k Opinion is likewise sudden from the contractive motion of an unreasonable elation of mind , unresonable and praeternaturall , in as much as it is not obedient to reason . For every passion is violent , wherefore oftentimes , though we see in those that are transported by passion , the inconvenience thereof ; yet notwithstanding the same persons that condemn it , are carried away by it , as by a head-strong horse , and therefore properly may use that saying : Against my Iudgement Nature forceth me , Meaning by judgement the knowledge of right things for man is carried beyond nature by passion , to transgresse naturall reason and right . l All those who are led by passion , are diverted from reason , but in another manner then those who are deceived . For the deceived , as for example , They who think Atomes to be the principles of all things , when they come to know that they are not , change their judgement : but , those that are in passion , although that they are taught not to grieve , or fear , or give way to any passion in the Soule ; yet , they do not put them off , but are led on by their passions , untill they come to be subject to their tyrannicall sway . CHAP. VIII . Of Sicknesse and Infirmities . a THE fountain of all passions is Intemperance , which is a totall defection from the minde , and from right reason , so averse from the prescription of reason , that the appetites of the Soul can by no means be ruled , or contained . As therefore Temperance allayeth appetites , and causeth them to obey right reason , and preserveth the considerate judgments of the minde ; so Intemperan●e , the enemy thereto , enflameth , troubleth , and enciteth the state of the Soul. Thus griefes , and fears , and the rest of the passions , all arise from this . For , as when the blood is corrupt , or flegme , or choler aboundeth , sicknesses and infirmities arise in the body : so the disorder of ill opinions , and their repugnance to one another , devesteth the Soule of health , a●d troubleth it with diseases . b By passions the minde becommeth indisposed , and as it were sick . Sicknesse of minde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an opinion and desire of that which seemeth greatly expetible ; but , is not such , as love of women , of wine , of mony . These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , have likewise their contraries in the other extream , as hatred of women , of wine , of men . c This sicknesse of minde happening with imbecillity , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infirmity . For , as in the body there are infirmities , as Gouts , Convulsions , and the like ; so are there inFirmities in the minde , as love of glory , love of pleasure . And as in bodies , there is a propensity to some particular diseases ; so in the minde , there is a proclivity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to some particular passions , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , propensity to envy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , propensity to unmercifulnesse , and the like . d In this place , much pains hath been taken by the Stoicks , chiefly by Chrysippus , to compare the sicknesses of the minde with those of the body . Passion ( for as much as opinions are inconstantly and turbulently tossed up and down ) is alwaies in motion , and when this fervour and concitation of the minde is inveterate , and , as it were , setled in the veines and marrow , then ariseth sicknesse and infirmity , and those aversions which are contrary to those infirmities and diseases . These differ only intentionally , but really are the same , arising from desire and pleasure ; for , when mony is desired , and reason not immediately apply'd , as a Socratick medicine , to cure that desire , the evill spreadeth through the veines , and cleaveth to the bowells , and becommeth sicknesse and infirmity , which when they grow inveterate , cannot be plucked away . The name of this sicknesse is avarice . In like manner arise other sicknesses , as , desire of glory , desire of women , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the rest of sicknesses and infirmities . Their contraries arise from fear , as , hatred of women , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hatred of mankinde , inhospitality , all which are infirmities of the minde , arising from fear of those things which they flie and shun . Infirmity of minde is defined , a vehement opinion , inherent , and wholly implanted in us , of a thing not to be desired , as if it were exceedingly to be desired . That which ariseth from aversion , is defined a vehement opinion , inherent , and throughly implanted in us , of a thing that ought not to be shunn'd , as if it ought to be shunned . This opinion is a judging our selves to know what we have not . Under Infirmity are these species , Love of mony , of honour , of women , of curious meats , and the like . Love of mony , Avarice , is a vehement opinion , inherent , and throughly implanted in us , as if it were exceedingly to be desired . In the like manner are all the rest defined . Aversions are defined thus , Inhospitality is a vehement opinion , inherent , and throughly implanted in us , that guests ought to be shunned . In like manner is defined hatred of women-kinde , such as was that of Hippolitus ; and of man-kinde , as that of Timon . As some are more prone to one sicknesse then to another ; so are some more inclinable to fear , others , to other passions ; in some is anxiety , whereby they are anxious ; in others choler , which differeth from anger ; for it is one thing to be chol●rick , another to be angry , as anxiety differs from griefe ; for all are not anxious who are sometimes grieved , nor are all that are anxious grieved alwaies : as there is a difference betwixt ebriety and ebriosity , and it is one thing to be a lover , another to be amorous . This propensity of severall persons to severall sicknesses , is called , from an analogy to the body , Infirmity , whereby is understood a propensity to be sick : but in good things , because some are more apt to some goods then to others , it is stiled Facility , in ill things Proclivity , implying a lapsion ; in neuters it hath the former name . As there is sicknesse , infirmity , and defect in the body , so in the minde . Sicknesse is the corruption of the whole body . Infirmity is sicknesse with some weaknesse . Defect is , when the parts of the body disagree with one another , whence ariseth pravity , distortion , deformity of the limbs ; so that those two , sicknesse and infirmity , arise from the confusion and trouble of the health of the whole body ; defect is seen in perfect health . But , in the minde , sicknesse is not distinguish'd from infirmity , but by cogitation only . Vitiosity is a habit or affection , inconstant in it selfe , and oft differing in the whole course of life ; so that in one by corruption of opinions , is bred sicknesse and infirmity ; in the other , inconstancy and repugnance . For , every vi●e hath not disagreeing parts , as of them who are not far from wisdome , that affection is different from it selfe , as being unwise , but not distorted nor depraved . Sicknesses and infirmities are parts of vitiosity ; but , whether passions are parts thereof also , it is a question . For vices are permanent affections , passions are moving affections , so that they cannot be parts of permanent affections . And as in all things the Soul resembleth the Body , so in good likewise . In the body , the chie●est are beauty , strength , health , foundnesse , agility ; so likewise in the minde . And as the good temper of the body is , when those things whereof we consist agree well among themselves : so the health of the Soule is , when the judgments and opinions thereof agree . This is the vertue of the Soul , which some affirm to be Temperance ; others , a Soule obedient to the precepts of Temperance , and obsequious thereunto , not having any speciousnesse of her own . But , whether one or other , it is only in a wiseman ; yet , there is one kinde of health of the soul , which is common also to the unwise , when by the care of Physicians , the distemper of the minde is removed . And as there is in the body an apt figure of the limbs , together with a sweetnesse of colour , which is called Beauty ; so in the soule , equality , and constancy of opinions , and judgments following vertue , with a certain firmnesse and stability ; or , including the very power of vertue , is called Beauty . Likewise , correspondent to the powers , nerves , and efficacity of the body , in the same termes are named the powers of the Soul. Agility of body is called quicknesse , the same commendation is ascribed to wit , in respect , that the Soul overrunneth many things in a short time . Only there is this difference betwixt Soules and bodies : Strong soules cannot be assaulted by diseases , strong bodies may● but , the offensions of bodies may happen without any fault , those of the Soule cannot , all whose sicknesses and passions proceed from contempt of reason , and therefore are in men only ; for , though beasts do somethings like this , yet , they fall not into passions . Betwixt acute and obtuse persons , there is this difference , the ingenious , as Corinthian Brasse rusteth , slowly falling into sicknesse , and more quickly got out of it : the dull do not so , neither doth the soul of an ingenious person fall into every sicknesse and passion ; for , there are not many things extreamly savage and cruell , and some also have a shew of humanity , as compassion , griefe , fear . But , the infirmities and sicknesses of the minde are lesse easily rooted out , then those great vices which are contrary to the vertues ; for , the sicknesses remaining , the vices may be taken away , because the sicknesses are no sooner healed , then the vices are removed . CHAP. IX . Of Vertue and Vice. a VErtue is a convenient affection of the Soul , throughout all life . Of vertues there are three kinds : The first generall , taken for any perfection of a thing , as of a Statue : The second are c Sciences , or contemplative , which , according to Hecaton , consist in speculation , as Prudence and Iustice. d The third not-sciences , or not-contemplative , which are considered as consequent to the speculative ; as , health , strength , hope , joy , and the like . Health is consequent to Temperance , a theoretick vertue , as strength to the building of an Arch. They are called not-contemplative , because they require no assent , but are by after-accession , and common even to the wicked , as health and strength . Vice is the contrary to vertue , for e the rationall creature is perverted sometimes by the perswasion of exteriour things , sometimes by the counsell of those with whom he converseth , contrary to nature , who gives us inclinations unperverted . Of vices therefore there are two kinds : The first f ignorance of those things whereof vertues are the knowledge ; as , imprudence , intemperance , injustice : The second not-ignorances ; as , pusillanimity , imbecillity . g Panaetius asserteth two vertues , Theoretick and Practick : others three , Rationall , Naturall , Morall . Pessidonius foure ; Cleanthes , Chrysippus , and Antipater more ; Apollodorus one only , Prudence . h Of vertues , some are primary , others subordinate . The primary are foure , Prudence , Temperance , Fortitude , Iustice ; the first conversant in offices , the second in appetite , the third in tolerance , the fourth in distribution . i Prudence is the Science of things that are to be done , and not to be done , and neuter , or the knowledge of good , bad and neuter in civill life . k The Vertues subordinate to Prudence are five . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l The Science of things that are to be done , how thy may be done beneficially . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Science of comprehending things to be effected . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Science of finding out our office . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Science of attaining the scope in every thing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Science of finding out the issues of things . m Temperance , is the Science of things expetible , avoidable and neuter . Under Temperance are these species . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , n the Science of time and order for the weldoing of things . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o the Science of honest and dishonest motions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p the Science of avoiding just blame . q Fortitude , is the Science of things grievous , not grievous and neuter , the species under it these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r a Science tenacious of right reason . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , s a Science persisting in right judgement . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , t a Science whereby we trust that no ill shall happen to us . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , u the Science of overcoming those things which happen to the good and bad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , * a Science of the Soule which renders her invincible . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , y the Science of going through to the attainment of that which we propose to our selves . z Iustice is the Science of distributing to every one according to his desert ; under Justice are four subordinate vertues . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a The Science of worshiping the gods . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Science of well-doing . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Science of equality in community . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Science of contracting honestly with others . b In like manner of Vices , some are 〈◊〉 , others subordinate to the primary . The primary vices are , Imprudence , Intemperante , Pusillanimity , Injustice . c Imprudence is the ignorance of things good , ill and neuter ; and the ignorance of things to be done , not to be done , and neuter . Intemperance is the ignorance of things expetible , avoidable and neuter . Pusillanimity is the ignorance of things grievous , not grievous and neuter . Injustice is the ignorance of distributing to every one according to his deserts . d The subbordinate vices to these are correspondent to the secondary vertues , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are defined answerably to their opposite vertues . e These vertues are perfect , and consist in contemplation ; but , there are other vertues , which are not arts , but faculties ; consisting in exercise , as , health of the Soul , integrity and strength thereof , and pulchritude . For , as the health of the body is a good temperature of hot , cold , dry , and moist ; so the health of the soul is a good temperature of the doctrines in the soul. And as the strength of the body consisteth in a tension of the nerves ; so the strength of the soul in a proper extension ▪ thereof to judgment and action . And as the beauty of the body is a symmetry of all the parts to one another , and to the whole : so the beauty of the soule is the symmetry of the reason and parts thereof , to the whole , and to one another . f All those vertues which are Sciences and Arts ; have common theorems , and the same end , wherefore they are ( as g Zeno saith ) inseparable , connexed to one another , as Chrysippus , Apollodorus and Hecaton affirm . He who hath one , hath all ( saith h Chrysippus ) and he who doth according to one , doth according to all . He who hath vertue , is not only contemplative , but also practick of those things which are to be done . Things which are to be done are either expetible , tolerable , distributible , or retainable ; so that whosoever doth one thing wisely , doth another justly , another constantly , another temperately ; and so is both wise , magnanimous , just , and temperate . i Notwithstanding , these vertues differ from one another by their heads : For , the heads of prudence are , to contemplate and do well , that which is to be done in the first place , and in the second , to contemplate what things are to be avoided , as obstructive to that which is to be done . The proper head of temperance is to compose our own appetites in the first place , and to consider them ; in the second , those under the subordinate vertues , as being obstructive and divertive of appetites . The heads of Fortitude 〈◊〉 the first place , to consider all that we are to undergo ; in the second , other subordinate vertues . The heads of justice are in the first place , to consider what every one deserves , in the second , the rest . For all vertues consider the things that belong to all , and the subordinate to one another . Whence Panaetius saith , it is in vertue as in many Archers , who shoot at one mark distinguished by divers colours : every one aims at the mark , but one proposes to himselfe the white line , another the black , and so of the rest . For , as these place their ultimat end in hitting the mark , but every one proposes to himselfe a severall manner of hitting : so all vertues have Beatitude , which is placed conformably to nature for their end , but severall persons pursue it severall waies . k As vertues are inseparable , so are they the same substantially with the supream part of the soul , in which respect all vertue is said to be a body , for the Intellect and Soul are a body , for the soul is a warm spirit innate in us . Therefore our soul is a living creature , for it hath life and sence , especially the supream part thereof , called the Intellect . Wherefore all vertue is a living creature , because it is essentially the Intellect . And therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for that expression is consequent to this assertion . l Between vertue and vice there is no medium ( contrary to the Peripateticks , who assert a mean progression betwixt vertue and vice ) for all men have a naturall appetite to good : and as a stick is either straight or crooked , so man must be either just or unjust ; but cannot be either more or lesse just or unjust . m That vertue may be learned , is asserted by Chrysippus , in his first book of the End , and by Cleanthes , and Possidonius in his Exhortations , and Hecaton , because men of bad are made good n That it may be lost is likewise affirmed by C●rysippus , deny'd by Cleanthes . The first ●aith , it may be lost by drunkennesse or madnesse : the other , that it cannot be lost , by reason of the firm comprehensions of the soul. o Vertue is in it selfe vertue , and not for hope or fear of any externall thing . It is expetible in it selfe , for which reason , when we do any thing amisse , we are ashamed , as knowing that only to be good , which is honest . q In vertue consisteth Felicity , for the end of vertue is to live convenient to nature . Every vertue is able to make a man live convenient to nature : for , man hath naturall inclinations for the finding out of Offices , for the composure of Appetites , for tolerance and distribution . Vertue therefore is selfe-sufficient to Beatitude , as Zeno , Chrysippus , and Hecaton assert . For if , ●aith he , magnanimity , as conceiving all things to be below it selfe , is selfe-sufficient , and that be a part of vertue , vertue it selfe , which despiseth all things that obstruct her , must also be selfe-sufficient to Beatitude . But Panaetius and Possidonius deny , that vertue is selfe-sufficient , affirming , that it requireth the assistance of health , strength , and necessaries ; yet , they hold , that vertue is alwaies used , as Cleanthes affirms , for it cannot be lost , and is alwaies practised by a perfect minde which is good . s Justice is not by nature , but by prescription , as law and right reason : Thus Chrysippus in his book of honest . t Vertue hath many attributes , it is called 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a good , because it leadeth us to right life . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is approved without any controversy , as being most excellent . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is worthy of much study . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it may justly be praised . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it inviteth those who desire it . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it conduceth to goodnesse of life . 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is usefull . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is rightly expetible . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because being present it profiteth , being absent , it it doth not . 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it hath an use that exceeds the labour . 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is alone sufficient to him that hath it . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it takes away all want . 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is common in use , and extendeth to all the uses of life . CHAP. X. Of the End. a THe end is that , for whose sake all offices are done , but it self is not done for the sake of any : or that to which all things done conveniently in life are referred , it selfe is referred to nothing . b The end is taken three waies : First , for the finall good , which consisteth in rationall conversation : Secondly , for the scope , which is convenient life , in relation thereto : Lastly , for the ultimate of expetibles , unto which all the rest are referred . c Scope and end differ ; for scope is the proposed body , which they who pursue Beatitude aim at . Felicity is proposed as the scope , but the end is the attainment of that felicity . If a man throw a spear or an arrow at any thing , he must do all things that he may take his aim aright , and yet so , as to do all things whereby he may hit : So when we say , it is the ultimate end of man to obtain the principles of nature , we imply in like manner , he must do all things necessary to taking aim , and all things likewise to the hitting of the mark ; but , this is the last , the chiefe good in life , that as to be selected , notdesired . Reason being given to rationall creatures , for the most perfect direction , to live according to reason , is in them to live according to nature , that being the Artificer of Appetite . Hence e Zeno first ( in his discourse of human nature ) affirmes , that the end is , to live conformably , that is , to live according to one reason concordantly , as on the contrary , savage Beasts that are alwaies at difference , live miserably . The followers of Zeno , f conceiving his expression not full enough , enlarged it . First , Cleanthes his successor , added , to nature , making it up thus , The End is to live conformably to Nature , which is to live according to vertue : for nature leads us to vertue . Thus Cleanthes in his book of Pleasure , and Possidonius , and Hecaton in his book of Ends. g Chry●ippus , to make the expression of Cleanthes more clear , expounds it thus , To live according to expert knowledge of things which happen naturally : For our natures are parts of the Universe , our end therefore is to live conformably to nature , which Chrysippus , in his first book of Ends , expounds , both our own proper human nature , and likewise the common nature of the Universe . But Cleanthes allowes only common nature to be followed , and not the particular . To live according to this knowledge , is all one , as to live according to vertue , not doing any thing forbidden by our common Law. Right Reason , which is current amongst all , being the very same that is in God , the Governour of all . The vertue therefore , and beatitude of a happy man , is , when all things are ordered according to the correspondence of a mans Genius , with the will of him who governs the Universe . h Diogenes defineth the end , A good use of reason , in the election and refusall of naturall things , choosing those that are according to nature , and refusing those that are repugnant to nature . So likewise Antipater . Archidemus defineth it , To live , performing compleatly all offices , choosing of those things which are according to nature , the greatest and most principall , and not to be able to transgresse them . Panaetius , to live according to the appetites given us by nature . Possidonius , to live contemplating the truth and order of the Universe . i Thus by living according to nature , the Stoicks understand three things : First , to live according to the knowledge of those things which happen by nature . This is Zeno's end , to live convenient to nature . Secondly , to live , preserving all , or the greater part of mean offices . This exposition differeth from the former ; for that is a Rectitude , proper only to a wise man , this is the office of a progressive , not perfect person , which may likewise be to the foolish . The third is , to live in enjoyment of all , or the greater part of those things which are according to nature . This is not constituted in our action , for it consisteth of that kinde of life which enjoyeth vertue , and of those things which are according to nature , and are not in our power . k The chiefe good therefore , is to live suitably to the knowledge of those things which arrive by nature , elective of those which are according to nature , and rejective of those which are contrary to nature . l This is to live conveniently and conformably to nature , when the soul entring into the path of vertue , walketh by the steps and guidance of right reason , and followeth God. That which in other arts is artificiall , is here epigematick and consequent . m This end is Beatitude . Beatitude , by Zeno. is defined a good course of life , which definition is used likewise by Cleanthes and Chrysippus , and all their followers , who affirm Beatitude to be nothing but happy life . Fair and good , and Vertue , and that which participates of Vertue are equivalent termes , whence it followes that n Beatitude is all one with living according to Vertue . o And as Good , and Virtue admit no degrees of increase or diminution , neither doth the ultimate end of all good and Virtue increase or diminish . For , as they who are drowned , are no more able to breath , though they are nearer the top of the water then they who are in the bottom ; nor a little whelp , the time of whose sight approacheth , see any more then one that is newly litter'd ; so he , who hath made some little progresse in Vertue , is no lesse in misery then he who hath made none . CHAP. XI . Of Indifferents . OF things as we have said , some are good , some ill , some indifferent . a To deny this difference of things , would be to confound all life , as Aristo doth , neither could there be any function or act of wisdom , since that , if amongst those things which appertain to life there were no difference , no election were requisite . Good and ill , as we said , are these things which are honest or dishonest . Of these hitherto . Betwixt both these , there are some things which conferre nothing to happy or unhappy life , called Indifferents . b To profit is a motion or state proceeding from Vertue ; To hurt is a motion or state proceeding from Vice ; but Indifferents neither profit nor hurt , such are life , health , pleasure , Beauty , Strength , riches , honour , Nobility , and their contraries ; death , sicknesse , grief , deformity , imbecillity , poverty , dishonour , meannesse and the like . Thus Hecaton in his seventh Book of Ends , and Apollodorus in his Ethicks , and Chrysippus . These therefore are not goods , but indifferents . For , as the property of Heat is to warm , not to cool , so is it of good to profit , not to hurt . But health and wealth doe not hurt more then they profit , therefore health and wealth are not goods . Again , that which we may use ill as well as well , is not good ; but health and wealth may be used ill as well as well , therefore health and wealth are not goods . Yet P●ssidonus reckons these amongst goods . But Hecaton in his 19th of Good , and Chrysippus of Pleasure , will not allow Pleasure a good : For pleasures are dishonest , but nothing dishonest is good . c Moreover , Riches , as Diogenes con ceiveth , have not only this power that they guide to Pleasure and good health , but that they comprise them . They do not the same in Vertue nor in other arts , whereto mony may be a guide , but it cannot contain them . Thus if Pleasure or health were good , riches likewise should be numbred amongst the good , but if wisdom be good , it followeth not that riches likewise be good , nor that any thing which is not reckoned amongst the good , not that which is good can be contained by any thing which is not amongst the good . And also for this reason , because Sciences and comprehensions of things , by which Arts are produced , move appetition ; but riches are not reckoned among the good , it ●olloweth that no Art can be contained in Riches , and much l●sse any Vertue , for Vertue requireth far more study and exercise then Art , and compriseth the firmnesse , stability , and constancy of all life , which Art doth not . d Things are said to be indifferent in three respects ; First , if they move neither appetite nor aversion , as , if the starres be of even number , or to have even or uneven hairs on our head , to stretch out the finger this way or that way , to take up straw and the like . Secondly , things are said to be indifferent which move appetite and aversion equally , not one more then the other ; as in two pieces of Silver of equall value , no way different , which to him who comes to make choice of either , are indifferent . There is an appetition to the election of one , but not more of this then of that . The third kind of indifferents are those which are neither good nor ill , expetible nor avoidable , conducing neither to happinesse nor unhappinesse . In this sense all things are called indifferent , which are betwixt Vertue and Vice , as health , wealth , strength , glory , and the like ; for we may be happy without these , though their use hath some relation to happinesse , their abuse to unhappinesse . In this sense whatsoever we may somtimes use wel , other times ill , is indifferent , which kind appertaineth chiefly to Ethick . e Again , of Indifferents some are Naturall , and move appetite , as health , strength , soundnesse of sense and the like ; some Praeternaturall which move avertion , as sicknesse , infirmity , and the like ; some Neuter , which move neither appetite nor aversion , as the constitution of the soul and body , one capable of receiving Phantasies , the other wounds . f Of naturall and praeternaturall indifferents , some are primary , others by participation . Primary naturall Indifferents are motions or affections convenient with reason , as health and strength . Participant are those by which that motion or affection is communicated , as a healthfull body , ●ound sense . g Praeternaturall Indifferents are the contrary to these . CHAP. XII . Of Estimation . a EStimation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is a certain concurrence with convenient life , which concernes all good . b Estimation is two-fold ; one , a mediate power or use concurring with life according to nature ; such we call health or wealth , as far as they conduce to life , according to nature . The other is the valuation of the Estimator , imposed by him who is skilfull in such things . c Again , Estimation is taken three waies : First , for absolute donation : Secondly , for return of approbation : Thirdly , as Antipater calls it , Elective , by which , when some things are proposed , we rather choose these then those ; as health before sicknesse , life before death , and riches before poverty . In like manner , disestimation is taken three waies , the termes only changed to the contrary . Donation according to Diogenes , is a judgment , that a thing is according to nature , or conferreth use thereto . Approbation is in in man , not in things . Election only in the goood , not the indifferent . d Hence followeth another distinction of indifferents , whereof some are preserred , some rejected , some neither preferred nor rejected . Preferred are those , which though they are indifferents , have neverthelesse a sufficient reason why they are to be had in estimation , as health , soundnesse of sense , exemption from griefe , glory , and the like . Rejected are those , which are not worthy any estimation , as poverty , sicknesse , and the like . Neuter are those , which are neither preferred nor rejected , as to extend or contract the finger . These termes preferred , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and rejected , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were invented by Zeno , upon this ground : c As when we speak of the Court , no man ●aith , the King himselfe is preferred to dignity , but those who are in some honour , next and second to him in rank : so when we speak of life , we call not those things which are in the first place , the preferred or promoted , but those which are in the second : and so likewise in the rejected . Now forasmuch as good hath the first place , it followes , that what is preferred , is neither good nor ill . [ No good is reckoned amongst the preferred , because that hath the greatest estimation ; but the preferred having the second estimation , approacheth somewhat to the nature of good . It is called preferred , not that it conduceth to Beatitude , but in respect of the rejected . ] We define it thus : an Indifferent with mean estimation ; for it could not be , that nothing should be left in mean things , that is according to , or contrary to nature , neither being left , that nothing should be placed in them , which is sufficiently estimable , this being granted , that there is not somthing preferred . Rightly therefore this distinction is made , and may more fully be explained by this smile . As if we should suppose our ultimate end , to be so to cast the dy that it may chance right , the dy that shall be so to cast as to fall right , must have some thing preposed and preferred towards its end ; and on the other side the contrary , yet the preposition of the dy , nothing conduceth to that end ; to those which are preferred , relate indeed to the end , but nothing pertain to the power and nature thereof . f Of the preferred some are in the Soul , as ingenuity , art , progression and the like ; some in the body , as life , health , strength , ability , soundnesse , beauty : some externall , as riches , honour , nobility and the like . g In like manner of the rejected , some are in the Soul , as he betude , ignorance ; some in the body , as death , sicknesse , infirmity , maim , deformity . Some externall , as poverty , dishonour and meannesse . Likewise of the Neuter , some are in the Soul , as imagination , assent ; some in the body , as whitenesse , blacknesse , some externall , which having no estimation or use , are of little value . Those which are preferred in the Soul , conduce more to living according to Nature , and are of more worth then those of the body , or the externall , as to have a good disposition of mind , is better then to have a good disposition of body . h Again , of the preferred , some are preferred for themselves , as ingenuity , countenance , state , notion , and the like ; some for others , because they effect somthing , as Riches , and Nobility ; some both for themselves and others , as health , strength , soundnesse ▪ ability : for themselves , as being according to Nature ; for others as affording no small benefit . i As concerning Reputation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chrysippus and Diogenes affirm , that being separated from utility , we should not so much as stretch out our finger for it . But those who followed them , not able to withstand Carneades , affirmed Reputation to be preferred for it selfe , and that it was proper for an ingenuous man freely educated , to desire to be well spoken of by his Parents , kinred , and good men , and that for the thing it self , not for the use thereof , adding , that as we provide for Children , though to be born after our death ; so we must provide for future reputation after death , even for its own sake separated from all use . k In like manner of the rejected , some are rejected for themselves , some for others , some both for themselves and others , which appears by the rule of Contraries . CHAP. XIII . Of Actions and Offices . OF those Actions which proceed from appetite , some are offices , some praeter-offices , some neuter . b Office is that which is preferred , and hath a good reason for the doing thereof , as being convenient to life ; or , as others , Office is whatsoever reason requireth to be done , as , to honour our Brethren , Parents , Country , to relieve our friends . Zeno first gave it this name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Office , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is an action conformable to the dictates of nature , and extends even to plants , and irrationall living creatures , for offices may even be observed in those . Praeter-office is an action , which reason requireth that we do not , as , to neglect our Parents , to contemn our Brethren , to disagree with our Friends , to despise our Country , and the like . Neuter are those actions which reason neither requireth nor forbiddeth , as the taking up of a straw . b Of Offices , some are perfect , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rectitudes , actions done according to vertue ; as , to do wisely , to do justly : Others not-rectitudes , actions which have not a perfect office , but a mediate ; as , to marry , to go an Embassy , to discourse , and the like . Of rectitudes , some are in things requisite , others not : Of the first kinde are , to be wise , temperate , and the like : of the second , those which are not requisite to the being such . In like manner are praeter-offices divided . Again , of Offices some are ordinary , as , to have a care of our selves , of our limbs , and the like : Some extraordinary , as , to maim our selves , throw away our goods . Accordingly is it of praeter-offices . Again , of O●fices , some are continuall , as , to live vertuously : some intermassi●e , as , to question , answer , walk , and the like . Accordingly it is of praeter-o●fices . c Office is a mean thing , placed neither amongst the good , nor their contraries ; for , there is something in this approvable , so as a right reason may be given for it , as done approvably . That which is so done is office . And forasmuch as in those things which are neither vertues nor vices , there is somthing which may be of use , it is not to be taken away . Again , it is manifest , that a wise man doth something in these mean things ; he therefore , when he doth it , judgeth that it is his office so to do ; but , a wiseman is never deceived in judgment , therefore there is an office in mean things . Again , we see there is something which we call a thing rightly done , or a Rectitude , but that is a perfect office ; therefore there is an inchoat office ; as , if it be a Rectitude justly to restore a depositum , to restore a depositum must be a simple restitution without the additionall terme , is an office . d And since it is not to be doubted , but that in mean things , some are to be performed , others rejected , whatsoever is done in that manner , is comprehended in common office , whence it is manifest , that all men by nature lov●ng themselves , as well the foolish as the wise , will take those things which are according to nature , and reject the contrary . This is therefore one common office of the wise and unwise , conversant in mean things . All offices proceeding from these , it is justly said , that to these are referred all our thoughts , even the forsaking of life , or continuing in it . In whom most things are according to nature , the office of that person is to remain in life , in whom there are , or are foreseen to be more things contrary to nature , his office is to forsake life , although he be happy , and of a fool to con●tinue in life , although he be miserable ; for that good , and that ●ll , as we have often said , are things that follow afterwards . The first principles of naturall appetite , fall under the judgement and election of a wise man , and is as it were the matter subjected to wisdome . Thus the reason of continuing in life , or forsaking it , is to be measured by all those things we mentioned . For , neither are they who enjoy vertue , obliged to continue in life , nor they who live without vertue to die , and it is often the office of a wise man , to part with his life , even when he is most happy , if it may be done opportunely , which is to live conveniently to nature . This they hold , that to live happily , depends on opportunity ; for wisdome commandeth , that a wise man , if it be required , should part with his life . Wherefore vice not having power to bring a cause of voluntary death , it is manifest , that the office even of fooles , who are likewise wretched , is to continue in life , if they are in the greater part of those things , which we hold to be according to nature . And forasmuch as going out of life and continuing in it be alike miserable , neither doth continuance make his life more to be avoided . We say not therefore without cause , that they who enjoy most naturalls , should continue in life . Hitherto it appertaines to know , that the love of Parents towards their Children is the effect of nature , from which beginning , we may track all mankinde , as proceeding from thence . First , by the figure and parts of the body , which declare , that nature carefully provided for procreation . Neither can these two agree , that nature orders procreation , and takes no care that those which are procreated should be loved : For even in beasts the power of nature may be seen , whose care when we behold in bringing up of their young , me thinks we hear the very voice of nature her selfe . Wherefore as it is manifest , that we abhor pain by nature , so it is likewise apparent , that we a●e dr●ven by nature to love those we have begotten . Hence ariseth a common naturall commendation of men amongst men , that it behooveth a man not to seem alienate from man , for this very reason , because he is man. For , as among the parts of the body , some are made only for themselves , as the eyes and ears ; others assist towards the use of the other parts , as the thighes and hands : so though some huge beasts are born only for themselves ; yet , that ●hell fish which is called patula prima , and the pinnoteres , so named from keeping its shell , which shutteth it selfe up so close , as if it taught others to look to themselves : as also Ants , Bees , Storks , do something for the sake of others . Much neerer is the conjunction of mankinde , so that we are inclined by nature to Conventions , Counsells , Cities . e Whatsoever is produced upon the earth , is created for the use of man ; but , men are generated for men that they may profit one another . In this we ought to follow nature our leader , and to bring forth common benefit to the publick , by mutuall offices , by giving , by receiving , by arts , by endeavours , and by faculties , to unite the society of man with man. f The world is governed by the power of God ; it is as it were , a common City of men and Gods , and each of us is a part of the world , whence it followeth by nature , that we should prefer the common benefit before our own . For as Lawes prefer the safety of the generall before that of any particular ; so a good and wise man conformable to Law , not ignorant of civill office , taketh more care for the benefit of the generall , then of any particular , or of his own . Nor is he who betraies his Country more to be condemned , then he who deserts the common benefit or safety . Whence it followeth , that he is to be commended who undergoeth death for the Common-wealth , and teacheth us , that our Country is dearer to us then our selves . And because that speech is esteemed inhuman and wicked of those who affirm , they care not when they are dead if all the earth were set on fire ; it is certainly true , that we are likewise to provide for those who shall hereafter be , even for their own sake . From this affection of the soul , whence proceed Wills and commendations of dying persons , as also , forasmuch as no man will live solitary in a desart , even with the greatest abundance or plenty , it is easily understood , that we are born for conjunction , congregation , or naturall community , we are impelled by nature to benefit others the most that we can . All these are offices , chiefly by teaching and communicating the reasons of prudence , so that it is not easie to finde one , who will not communicate to some other what he knoweth himselfe . Thus we are not only inclined to learn , but also to teach . And as it is given to Bulls by Nature , to fight even with Lyons , for their heifers with great force & impetuosity ; so they who abound in wealth , and are able to do it ( as is related of Hercules and Bacchus ) are incited by nature to preserve mankind . Likewise , when Iupiter is stil'd Op●imus and Maximus , Salutaris , ●hospitalis , Stator , we hereby expresse that the safety of mankind is under his tuition . But we cannot expect , if we our selves are vile , abject , and neglected amongst our selves , that we should be dear to the immortall Gods , and loved of them . As therefore wee make use of our limbs , before that we have learnt for what cause of utility we have them , so are we conjoined and consociated amongst our selves by Nature to civill community , which if it were otherwise , neither would there be any room for Justice or goodnesse . Yet though there are mutuall Chains betwixt man and man , man hath no common right with beasts , [ g by reason of our dissimilitude , as both Chrysippus and Possidonius assirm ] for all other things saith Chrysippus , were made for men and the Gods , but they for community and society one with another , so that men may make use of Beasts for their benefit without doing any wrong . Moreover , since the nature of man is such , that there is a certain civill right betwixt him and all mankind , he who preserveth that right , is just , who transgresseth it , unjust . But as in a Theater , though it be common , that room which a man possesseth , is justly said to be his place ; so this civill right in a City and the World doth not repugne to the propriety of particular persons . In order to the conservation of all society , conjunction , and dear●●sse betwixt man and man , emoluments and detriments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which benefit or hurt must be common amongst them , and not only common but equall . Convenients and Inconvenients , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be common , but not equall . Those which benefit or hurt , are either good or ill , and therefore must necessarily be equall ; convenient and inconvenient are ranked amongst the preferred and rejected , and therefore cannot be equall : Emoluments and detriments are common , but rectitudes and sins not common . Herein Friendship is requisite , as being one of those things which benefit . Some affirm , that a good man ought to be as much concern'd for his friend as for himself ; others , that every man ought to be most concern'd for himself . Yet these latter confesse , that it is contrary to Justice , whereunto we are born , to take away any thing from another , and assume it to our selves . Neither can friendship be contracted , nor Justice performed for private respects and advantages , for then these advantages might overthrow and pervert them . But neither could Justice or friendship be at all , unlesse they were expetible in themselves . Justice is by Nature ; it is contrary to a wise man , not only to do an injury , but even to hurt . Neither can it be right to injure those who are our friends , or have deserved well of us ; Equity cannot be separated from Utility ; whatsoever is equall and just , is likewise honest , and reciprocally ; whatsoever is honest , is equal and just . h Panaetius , who discoursed most accurately of Offices , proposeth three kinds wherein men use to deliberate or consult of Offices . First , when they doubt , whether that of which the question is , be honest or dishonest . Secondly , whether it be profitable or unprofitable . Thirdly , if that which hath the shew of honesty be repugnant to that which seems profitable . i Next the Gods , we are to reverence our Parents and Brethren . k As concerning the buriall of Parents , Chrysippus saith , it ought to be done in the most simple manner . For the body , as the Nails , teeth , or hair , thereof nothing pertaineth to us , and therefore ought not to be used with any curiosity or respect . Flesh , if it bee usefull , ought to be converted into aliment ( though it were a part of our own body , as the foot ) as is proper to it ; if uselesse , put under ground , or thrown into some remote place , without more respect then wee have of our nailes or haire when cut off . l Concerning the Office of the Buyer , and the Seller , Diogenes the Babylonian , and Antipatet his Disciple differ . Antipater holds that all must be laid open , that the Buyer be not ignorant of any thing that the Seller knoweth ; Diogenes that the Seller as far as is appointed by civill Law , ought only to tell the faults , and to conceal the rest , for as much as he in ●elling desireth to sell to his best advantage . Hecaton in his sixth Book of Offices , is full of these questions , as whether a good man in a dearth may give over house-keeping . He disputes it on both sides , but concludes that the office is directed rather by profit then humanity . He question● , whether if at Sea , a Ship be to be disburthen'd by the casting out of somthing , we should rather cast over-board a horse of great price , or a slave worth little . In this case , private interest leads one way , humanity another . If a ●ool in a shipwrack catch hold of a plank , may a wise man wrest it from him if he can ? He saith , hee may not , for it is injurious . What may the Master of the Shippe ? May not he take his own ? No ; no more then h● may throw a Passenger out of the Ship , because it is his own , into the Sea. For untill they come to the place to which they are bound , the Ship is not the Masters , but the Passengers . What if two Shipwra●k'd persons light upon one plank , and both pl●●k at it , should one give it over to the other ? yes ; but to him , who , it is more expedient , should live , either for his own sake or the Common-wealth . But what if these be alike in both ? There will be no contention , but either as it were by lot , or mication with the fingers ( giuoco della mora ) one will give place to the other . What if a Father rob Temples , undermine the publick treasury , should the Son reveal it to the Magistrates ? It were a great wickednesse . On the contrary , he ought to defend his Father , if he be called into question . But is not our Country before all Offices ? yes , but it is for the good of our Country to have Citizens pious to their Parents . What if a Father should aim at possession of the ●yranny , on endeavour to betray his Country , shall the Son keep his Cou●sell ? He shall beseech him not to do it . If that prevail not , he shall accuse him , yea , threaten ; and lastly , if the matter shall tend to the destruction of the Country , he shall preferre the safety of the Country before that of his Father . If a wise man receive Counterfeit money for good , if afterwards hee know it to be counterfeit money , may he pay it where he ows anything for good ? Diogenes saith he may , 〈…〉 may not . If a man sell Wine that will not last , and know it to be such , ought hee to declare it or no ? Diogenes thinks he is not obliged , Antipater conceives a good man must . These are as it were cases of Controversie amongst the Stoicks . CHAP. XIV . Of Praeteroffices . a As every perfect Office in a rational Creature is a Rectitude , and alwaies compleat in all numbers ; so every Praeter-office in a rationall creature is a sin . A sin is that which is done contrary to right reason , or in which somthing of Of●ice is omitted by a rationall Creature . b A good deed is the command of the Law. Sin the prohibition of the Law. Hence it is that the Law forbiddeth fools and mad men many things , but prescribeth them nothing , because they are not capable of doing any thing wel . c All sinns are impiety , as being a resisting of the will of the Gods. The Gods love Vertue and its works ; they hate vice and its works . Every sin therefore displeaseth them , and consequently is impiety . d All sins are equall ( so Chrysippus in the first of his morall questions , and Persieus , and Zeno ) though not alike , for they flow from one fountain , as it were of vice , and the judgment is the same in all , but by the externall object by which that judgment is made , they are rendred unlike . That they are equall is evident from this : If there be not one truth more truth then another , nor one falshood more falshood then another , neither is one deceit more deceit then another , nor one sin more sin then another . He who is distant from Canobus a hundred furlongs , and he who is distant but one furlong , are both alike not at Canobus : so he who sins more , and he who lesse , are both alike not in the right way . Yet , though sins are equall , there are some differences in them , forasmuch as some proceed from an obdurat incurable affection , others from an affection not obdurat nor incurable . And though every lie is equally a lie , yet all men do not lie equally ; but , every sin is equally sin , for every sin consisteth in lying . Thus Chrysippus , Persaeus , and Zeno : But Heraclides of Tarsis , friend to Antipater , and Athenodor●s hold , that sins are unequall . CHAP. XV. Of wise or vertuous Persons . Paradoxes . THere are ( according to Zeno ) two kinds of men , the wise or vertuous , and the vicious . The wise make use of vertue through the whole course of their life , the vicious of vice . a Of the wise there are two sorts , one in perfection consummate ; the other in progression , procedent : Of the first are these following paradoxes to be understood ; b not that the Stoicks positively affirm there ever was such a one in nature ( for c Zeno , Cleanthes , and Chrysippus were great and venerable persons , yet , did not attain the height of human nature ) but , that such a one might possibly be . d A wise man is void of passion , for he cannot fall . There is another kinde of person void of passion likewise , a wicked man that is obdurate and inflexible . e A wise man is void of pride , honour and dishonour are alike to him . There is another kinde of person void of pride , a wicked man , equally inclinable to dishonour as to honour . f A wise man is austere , for he neither speaketh for complaisance , nor admitteth any thing spoken in that kinde . There is another sort of austere persons , which resemble ●oure wine , not fit for drinking , but for medicines only . g A wise man is sincere , for he taketh care , that he be not thought better then he is , by reason of some specious show , and withall to expresse whatsoever good he hath , without any Rhetoricall glosse . h A wise man is not pragmaticall ; for he declines the doing of ●ny thing that is beyond his office . i A wise man is ●●ver drunk , although he drink wine ▪ for he never sinneth , but doth all things according to Vertue 〈◊〉 k A wise man is never mad , yet somtime● strange phantasies may occurre to him through melancholy or deliration , not according to the reason of eligibles , but praeternaturall . l A wise man is never grieved ; for grief , according to Apollodorus , is an irrationall contraction of the Soul. m A wise man is divine : for he hath God with himself ; but 〈◊〉 wicked man is an Atheist . An Atheist is taken two waies , for him who is an Enemy to the Gods , and for him , who believeth there are no Gods : which all wicked men do not . n A wicked man is impious , because he doth all things according to Vice , as the good according to Vertue ; and he who hath one vice hath all . He is an Enemy to the Gods , for emnity is the discord of life , as amity is the concord . The wicked differs from the Gods in his course of life , and therefore is an Enemy to them , for they account all their Enemies who are contrary to them . The wicked are contrary to the good , God is good , therefore the wicked are Enemies to God. o A wise man is religious , for he is skilfull in all divine rites . Religion is the Science of divine worship . Hee sacrificeth to the Gods , and is pure , detesting all sin , holy and just in Divine things . P A wise man only is a Priest , skillfull in Sacrifices , businesse of the Temple , expiations , and other things proper to the Gods. q A wise man only is a Prophet , endued with the Science of those signs which are communicated by Gods or Demons which belong to humane life . In him therefore are all kinds of vaticination , as well by dreams , birds , and other things . r A wise man reverenceth and loveth his Parents and Brethren , next the Gods. He hath likewise an innate love of his Children , which the vicious hath not . s A wise man ought to apply himself to some office in the Commonwealth ( according to Chrysippus ) unlesse otherwise diverted ; For he will encourage Vertue , and suppresse Vice , t especially in those Commonwealths which are far from perfection . Hee ought to make Laws , instruct men , prescribe rules . To which is opposite , study of popularity , specious deceit , prescription of things unprofitable , which are not competible to a wise man. u A wise man ought to marry ( as Zeno in his Common-wealth ) that he may have Children . x A wise man doth not opiniona'e or think ; but believe or know , for he never assents to any falsity . y Ignorance is an infirm assent ; he thinks all firmly . There are two kinds of opinion , one an assent to things not comprehended , the other a weak beliefe . Neither of these are in a wise man , for he never assented without comprehension , and then alwaies firmly , for nothing is hidden from him , otherwise he might have a false opinion . Therefore he is never diffident . Faith is proper to a wise man , for it is a firm existimation . A Science is a firm habit , therefore a wicked man doth neither know nor believe . z A wise man must imitate the Cynicks : for Cynicisme is the nearest way for vertue , as Apollodorus in his Ethick : a Others say , a wise man ought to continue in that Sect , if he have been thereof ; but if he have not , to enter into it . b A wise man may upon occasion eat mans flesh . Of this already amongst the Offices . c A wise man only is free , the wicked are slaves ; for liberty is the power of doing according to our own judgment . Servitude is a privation of the power of doing according to our own judgment . There is another kinde of servitude which consisteth in subjection , a third in being possess'd and subjected , to which is opposed vicious domination . d A wise man only is a King : For Monarchy is a principality subordinate to none , which only consists in the wise , as Chrysippus in his treatise , That Zeno used words properly . For ( saith he ) a Prince must know both good and bad , which none of the wicked knoweth . e Dominion and the kinds thereof , Monarchy , Magistracy , Generalship , Admiralty , and the like , are only proper to a wise man ; therefore the wise only command , though not actually , yet potentially . f A wise man only is proper to be a Magistrate , Iudge , and Oratour ; but not any of the wicked . g A wise man is void of sin ; for he cannot fall into errour . h A wise man is innoce●t , and uninjurious , for he cannot hurt either himselfe or others , i nor receive , nor do any injury : For , injury is a hurtfull injustice , which is not competible to a wise man , although he may be unjustly assaulted : for he having within himselfe all good and vertue , is not capable of vice or harme . k A wise man is not mercifull , nor pardons any , remitting nothing of the punishments inflicted by Law , as knowing them to be proportioned to , not exceeding the offence , and that whosoever sinneth , sinneth out of his own wickednesse . A wise man therefore is not benign , for he who is benign , mitigates the rigour of Justice , and conceives the punishments inflicted by Law to be greater then they ought : But , a wise man knoweth the Law to be good , or a right reason , commanding what is to be done , and what not . l A wise man nothing wonders at those things which seem Paradoxall , as Charon's Cave , the ebbing and flowing of the Sea , and hot springs , and ebullitions of fire . m A wise man will not live in a desart , for he is communicative by nature , and practick , and will undertake exercise to strengthen his body . n A wise man will pray , requesting good things of the Gods , as Possidonius affirmes , in his first of Offices , and Hecaton in his thirteenth of Paradoxes . o A wise man only is a friend : Friendship is only amongst the wise , for in them only is an unanimity as to things that concern life and community , so as our friends may make use of them as freely , as we our selves . Unanimity is the Science of common good . A friend is expetible in himselfe . Plenty of friends is a good : but , amongst the wicked , there is no friendship ; for friendship being reall and not faigned , it is impossible it should consist without faith and constancy . But , in the wicked , there is infidelity , and inconstancy , and hostility , and therefore not friendship , but some externall connexions , whereby necessity or opinion ties them together . p A wise man doth all things well , as we say , all Pipes play the Ismenian tune well . q He doth all things wisely , temperately , prudently , modestly , and according to the other vertues , throughout the whole course of his life . A wicked man doth all amisse , sinning in the whole course of his life , inconstant by nature , often grieved by his own ill actions , wretched and troubled , for as much as he is vexed at the thing done , so much is he angry at himselfe for being the Author of it . r A wise man lo●eth ( s ( ●vertuously ) those , whose beauty expresse their inward vertue . Thus Zeno , Chrysippus , and Apollodorus affirm . For love is an impulsion of benevolence , raised from beauty , which love is not of conjunction , but of friendship . For this reason , Zeno , though he were in love with Thrasonides , a young woman that was in his power , yet , suppress'd his affection because she was averse from him . This Chrysippus calls the love of friendship , it is no way discommendable , for beauty is the flower of vertue . t A wise man upon ●●casion will die voluntarily for his Country and friends ; or , in case he seized by some excessive pain , losse of his senses , or incurable diseases . u A wise man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fo● he compasseth that which is proposed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he is every way augmented ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he hath attained the just height of wisdome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he is invincible , and insuperable . The wicked are the contrary . x A wise man profiteth the wise , and is mutually profited by all the wise , though not friends or acquaintance , for betwixt them there is a concord and community of goods , and he who benefiteth another , benefiteth likewise himselfe . A wicked man neither conferreth nor receiveth benefits ; for one is to move towards vertue , the other is to be moved towards vertue . y A wise man is a good O●conomist , skilfull to ' acquire wealth . Oeconomist is a habit active , and contemplative in the businesse of a family , Oeconomy is the ordering of expences , works , and possessions ; the Science of acquisition is a reason whereby wealth is attained , which some account in indifferents , others in good . But no wicked man is a good Oeconomist , since only a wise man knoweth from whence , how , and how far gain may be a ●quired . z A wise man only is perfect , for he wanteth no vertue ; a wicked man is imperfect , for he hath no vertue . Therefore the wise are alwaies happy , the wicked miserable ; which happinesse , according to Chrysippus , differs nothing from that of God , nor is l●sse expetible . The wicked partake of no good , because vertue and that which partakes thereof is good , and those things which are convenient and requisite are proper only to the wise , as the contraries to the wicked . a A wise man is only rich ; for good is true riches , and ill true poverty : a wicked man is poor , not having the means to become rich . b A wise man is only obedient ; the wicked can neither obey nor command . c A wise man only is honourable ; for honour is the reward of vertue , the wicked wanting this , are justly dishonourable . d A wise man only is ingenuous and noble , according to some of the Stoicks ; but , others deny it , referring these not to nature , but institution only , according to the proverb , Custome is a second Nature . So that ingenuity is an habit of nature or institution apt to vertue ; Nobility is a habit of descent or institution , apt to vertue . e A wise man is pleasing , p●rswasive , opportune , and sincere ; for he is expert in every thing , affable in conversation , and helpfull to the publick : The wicked are the contrary . f A wise man is the best Physician , for he hath considered his constitution , and those things which are requisite for his health . g A wise man may lawfully part with his life , the wicked cannot , because in their life they never acquire vertue , nor eschew vice . But life and death are limited by offices , and their contraries . h A wise man will accept of Empire , and ●ohabit with Princes ; but not unlesse he porceive it may be done without danger , and to much advantage . i A wise man never lyeth ; for he who speaketh a falshood is not properly said to lie , unlesse it be with intent to deceive . A lie may be used many waies without assent , as in War against enemies , or in the like necessity . k A wise man neither deceiveth , nor is deceived , for he never sinneth , he useth not his sight , hearing , or any other sense ill . He is not suspicious , nor repenteth , for both these are proper to fallacious assent . He can no way be chang'd or erre , or opinionate . l A wise man only ( though not all wise men ) is happy in Children , in old age , in death . m A wise man doth nothing contrary to his appetite , for all such things are done with a privation , and nothing adverse unforeseen happeneth to him . n But in the primitive time , there was some wise man that did not desire or will any thing , because that those things which were then present , were not sufficient to be required by him . o A wise man is meek , for meeknesse is a habit whereby things are done meekly , not breaking forth into Anger . p A wise man is peacefull and modest . Modesty is the Science of decent motion ; tranquillity the order of natural motions . The contrary to these are seen in the wicked . q A wise man is free from all Calumny ; he calumniates none , and is not calumniated by any ; for Calumny is a lying imputation of fained friends , to which the wise are not liable , for they are true friends ; the wicked are , for they are feigned . r A wise man delayeth 〈◊〉 bing , for delay is an omission of Office through slothfulnesse , of which Hesiod , Nothing deferre a year , a month , a day , He fights aginst himself that doth delay . f A wise man can only incite , and be incited to Vertue , a fool cannot , for he neglecteth praecepts , and goeth no further then the words , not proceeding to Action . A wicked man is not desirous to hear or learn , as not being capable by reason of his imprudence of what is rightly said ; whence it followeth , that he can neither be incited nor incite to Vertue . He that is capable to be incited , or to incite , must be prepared by Philosophy , which is not competible to a wicked man , for he who diligently heareth Philosopher , is not prepared to Philosophy , but ●e who expresseth their doctrine in their life and actions . This no wicked man can do , for he is prepossess'd by Vice. If he should be incited , Vice would pull him ba●k ; but none that is vicious incited to Vertue , as none sick to health . t Every wicked man is an exile , wanting Law and Country , for both these are good . That a City or Country is good , Cleant●es proveth thus . If there be a habitation , where those , who fly for succour , find justice , it is good , but a City is such a habitation , therefore a City is good . A City is taken three waies ; for a habitation , for a convention of men , and for both . In the two latter significations it is called good . u Every wicked man is r●stick , for rusticity is ignorance of Laws and civill manners . A wicked man refuseth to live according to Law , and is hurtfull as a savage Beast . x A wicked man is tyrannical , cruell , violent , and in●urious , whensoever he gets an occasion . y A wicked man is ungratefull , not obliging nor requiting ; for he doth nothing by Friendship . z A wicked man is not perseverant , for perseverance is the Science of obtaining our purpose , not being deterred by labour . a A wicked man is not capable of the right of donation . Donation is the good bestowing of estimation , but nothing that is good is competible to the wicked . b E●ery wicked man is delighted with his wickednesse , which wee may perceive not so much by his discourse , as actions , which showes that he is carried on to wickednesse . THE THIRD PART . CHAP. I. PHYSICK , and the parts thereof . a PHYSICK is divided into these places ; Of Bodies , Of Principles , Of Elements , Of Gods , of Place , Of Vacuum : thus especially ; but generally into three places ; Of the world , Of Elements , Aitiologick of Causes . That concerning the VVorld is divided into two parts ; whereof one , Contemplation , is common also to the Mathematicks , concerning fixed stars and Planets ; as whether the Sun be of the same magnitude as he appears to be , and whether the Moon be so likewise ; of their periods and the like ; The other contemplation proper only to Physick , to enquire into the essence of these ; whether the Sun and Stars consist of matter and form ; whether generate or ingenerate , whether animate or inanimate , whether corruptible or incorruptible , whether govern'd by Providence or the like . The place concerning Causes is likewise twofold ; whereof one , Contemplation , is common also to medicinall disquisitions , whereby they enquire concerning the principall part of the soul , and those things which are produced in the Soul & seed , and the like . The other is likewise usurped by the Mathematicks , as , in what manner we see , what is the cause of the visuall pha●tasie ; How are made Clouds , Thunder , Rainbows , Halo's , Comets and the like . CHAP. II. Of Bodies . a NAturall Philosophy brancheth into two parts , of Corporealls and Incorporealls . A body is that which doeth or sufficeth b It is the sense with essence or substance , and finite : c whatsoever is , is a body , for whatsoever is , either doeth or suffereth . d Principles are Bodies void of form . Elements are bodies endued with form . e Causes are corpor●all , because they are spirits . f Qualities are Corpor●all , for they are spirits , and aeriall intentions , which affect the parts of all things , generated with form and figure . g Vertues , Vices , Arts , M●mory , ●ha●tasies , Affections , Appetitions , Assents , are bodies , existing in the Supream part of the Soul. h The Soul is a Body , because it maketh us to be living Creatures . i Night and day are bodies . k Voice is a body , for it maket●● that which is heard ; in a word , whatsoever is , is a body and a subject , ( l for the Stoi●ks take away intellectuall substances , affirming all things that are , to be comprehended by sense ) onely differences are not subsistent . m A solid body ( according to Apollodorus ) is divisible three waies , into length , breadth , and depth . A superficies is the terme of a body , or that which hath onely length and breadth , but no depth ; thus Possidonius . A line is the terme of a Superficies , or a length without breadth , that which hath length only ▪ A point is the terme of a line , or th● least mark . n A body is divisible into infinite , yet it consisteth not of infinite bodies . CHAP. III. Of Principles . a THe place concerning bodies is divided into two degrees , into those which produce , and those which are produced , the first Principles , the second Elements . b ●Principles and Elements differ : Principles are ingenerate , incorruptible : Elements shall perish by conflagration . Moreover , Principles are bodies , and void of form ; Elements have forme . c There are two principles of all things , the Agent , and the Patient : The Patient is a substance void of quality , called Matter : the Agent is the reason which is 〈◊〉 the Matter , God. d Matter is sluggish , a thing ready for all things , but will cease if none move it . The Caus● , that is , the Reason , ●formeth m●tter , and moldeth it which way he pleaseth , out of which he produceth various wo●ks . There must ▪ therefore be something out of which a thing is made , and also by which it ●s made . This is the Cause , that Matter . c The Cause or active Reason is God. f In the Agent there is power , in the Patient a certain matter [ or capacity , ] and in both , both ; for matter it selfe could not 〈◊〉 , if it were not kept together by a power , nor that power without some matter ; for there is nothing , which is not compelled to be somewhere . g Both 〈◊〉 , God and the World , the Artist and his work , they comp●ehend within this terme , Nature , as if nature were ▪ God mixed through the World. h Sometimes they call that natur● which containeth the World , sometimes that which generateth and produceth things upon the earth . The Agent is , as we said , called the Cause . i A Cause , according to Zeno , is that , by which there is an effect , which is not a Cause 30 or , ) as 〈◊〉 the reason of the effect ; or , as P●ss●donius , the first Author of a thing . A Cause is a body , a not Cause a Categorem . It is impossible that the cause being assigned , the effect should not be present , which is to be understood thus . The Soule is the ●ause through which we live , Prudence the Cause by which we are wise . It is impossible , that he who hath a Soule should not live , or he who hath Prudence should not be wise . CHAP. IV. Of Matter . a THe substance of all [ b qualitative ] beings is first Matter , according to Zeno and ●hrysippu● , in his first of Physicks . c Matter is that of which every thing is made , it hath two names , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Substance , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Matter . Substance is of all things in generall , Matter of particulars . d Universall matter is [ c according to Zeno , wholly eternall , ] not admitting , as Chrysippus ▪ saith , enc●●ase or de●rease . f Particular matter admitteth augmentation , and diminution , g for it remaineth not alwaies the same , but is separated and mixed , so that , according to Chrysippus , its parts perish by separation , and exist by mutuall mistion . But those who call fire , aire , water , and earth , Matter , assert not a thing void of forme , but of a body . h Matter is a body , [ i and finite . ] Possidonius saith , that the substance and matter of the Universe is void of quality and form , in as much as it hath not a certain figure and quality in it selfe ; but it is alwaies seen in some figure and quality . But , the substantiall nature of the Universe , differs from matter intentionally only . k Matter is passible , for if it were immutable , things could not be generated of it . Hence it followeth , that it is divisible into infinite ; yet , it selfe , as Chrysippus saith , it not infinite , for nothing that is divisible is infinite , but matter is continuous . l Through this matter , Zeno affirmeth , that the reason of the World , which some call Fate , is diffused as feed . CHAP. V. Of the World. OF this matter was made the World. The World hath severall appellations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the World , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ●ll ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Whole . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , World , is taken three waies : First , for God himselfe , who is properly qualified with all Essence , incorruptible , and ingenerate , who framed the Universe after a certain period of time , who resolved all nature into himselfe , and again generated it out of himselfe . Secondly for the starry Ornament : and thirdly that which consists of both . b The All , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is one way taken , as Apollodorus saith , for the World , and another way for the System of the World , and the vacuity beyond it . The World is finito , the v●●uity infinite . c Thus likewise they distinguish betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , includeth also an infinite vacuity , in which the world is : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies the world without that vacuity , which neither is increased nor diminished ; but its parts are sometimes extended , sometimes contracted . It began from the earth as its center , for the center is the beginning of a Circle . d The world is that which is properly qualited with the essence of all things ; or , as e Chrysippus and f ` Possidonius define it , a System of Heaven and Earth , and of the natures therein contained ; or a System of God and Men , and of all things that were made for them . g The world was made by God , for if ( saith Chrysippus ) there be any thing which produceth such things , as Man , though indued with reason , cannot produce , that ( doubtlesse ) is greater and stronger , and wiser then man. But a Man cannot make the Celestiall things , therefore that which made them , transcendeth man , in Art , Counsell , Prudence , and Power , and what can that be but God ? h The World was made for those animate ●ssences which have the use of Reason , these are the Gods and men , then whom nothing is better . i All things of which it consisteth , and which it produceth within it selfe , are accommodated to the use of Man. The World was made in this manner ; k God in the beginning being alone by himself , converted all substance ( which according to Zeno was fire ) first into air , then into Water . And as in the Plant the seed is contained ; so God , who is the prolisick reason of the World , left such a ●eed in the humidity , as might afford easie and apt matter for the generation of those things that were to be produced . l Zeno addeth , that one part tending downward , was condensed into Earth , another part remained partly water , and partly , being exhal'd , air , of a particle of which air flashed out fire . m Cleanthes describeth it in this manner . The Univ●rse being set on fire , the midle part thereof first setled downwards , then the next parts by little and little were quenched . Thus the Universe being wet , the extream fire , ( the midle part opposing it ) sprang upward , and began the costitution of the World , and the revolution of this constitution shall never end . For as the parts of every thing are at certain times produced of Seed ; so the parts of the Universe ( amongst which are living Creatures and Plants ) are produced in their seasons ; and as some reasons of the parts are mixed together in the seed , which being composed , are again dissolved , so of one are all things made ; and again ▪ of one is all compounded by an equall and perp●tuall revolution . n The World is One , of the same corporeall substance , and of a Sphaericall figure , for this is of all figures most apt for motion . Thus Zeno , Chrysippus , P●ssidonius , and others . o The World is feared in an infinite incorporeall vacuity , which is beyond it , circumfused about it , p into which the world shall be dissolved by conflagration . The World is finite , the vacuity infinite , yet q P●ssidonius saith , it is no more then will suffice for the resolution of the World , when it shall p●rish . r By this argument they consute the motion of Atomes downward ; introduced by Epicure , for in that which is infinite , there are no locall differences of high or low . The world is not heavy , because the whole fabrick thereof consisteth of heavy and light Elements , and , being placed in the midst , whither such bodies tend , it keepeth its place . s In the World there is no vacuity , but it is compleatly one , for that necessitates a conspiration and harmony , betwixt Celestialls and Terrestrialls . The World only is t self-sufficient , because it alone hath all in it self , whereof it standeth in no need . Of it self it is nourished and augmented , whereas the parts are transmuted and converted into one another . The World is a u perfect body , the parts of the World are not perfect ; because they are respective to the whole , and not of themselves . The Universe is by Nature apt to move it self in all parts , to contain , preserve , and not break , dissolve and burn it self , the Universe sending and moving the same point , and the parts thereof having the same motion from the Nature of the body . Like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all Bodies , namely , to encline towards the midst of the World , considering the World moveth so in regard of it self ; and the parts likewise , in that they are parts of the whole . x The World is a living Creature , rationall , animate and intellectuall ( so Chrysippus , Apollodorus and P●ssidonius ) and hath an animate sensible essence . For a living Creature is more excellent then that which is not a living Creature ; but nothing is more excellent then the World , therefore the World is a living Creature . That it is animate is manifest from our Soul , which is a piece therof taken out of it . ( but Boethius denies that the world is a living Creature ) y The mind , or Providence passeth through every part thereof , as the Soul doth in us , but in , some parts more , in others lesse ; through some permeating , as a habit , as in the bones and Nerves , through some as a mind , as through the principall ( Hegemonick ) part . In like manner the whole World is an animate rationall Creature , the Hegemonicall part thereof is the Aether , as Antipater the Tyrian in his eighth Book of the World. But Chrysippus in his first of Providence , and P●ssidonius , of the Gods , affirm , that Heaven is the Hegemonick of the World ; Cleanthes , the Sunne . But Chrysippus in the same Book ( differing from what he said before ) affirmeth it to be the purest part of the Aether , which they call the first God , sensibly , because it passeth through all in the air , and through all living Creatures and Plants , but through the Earth as a habit . z The World , according to the greater part of St●i●ks , is corrup●ible , for it is generated in the same manner as things comprehensible by sense . Again , if the parts thereof be corruptible , the whole is also corruptible ; but the parts of the World are corruptible , for they are dayly changed into one another , therefore the whole it selfe is corruptible . And again , if any thing admit any change into the worse , it is corruptible ; but the World doth , for it admitteth ex●iccation , and inundation ; therefore , &c. a The World shall perish by fire , caused by the power of fire which is in all things , which , after a long time , consuming all the moisture , shall resolve all things into it self . The Moon , Stars , and Sun , b saith Cleanthes , shall perish , but God shall assimilate all things to himself , and resolve all into himself . c This opinion of the generall conflagration of the World , was held by the first and most antient of this Sect , Zeno , Cleanthes and Chrysippus . d This fire is the Seed of the World ; after the conflagration it diffuseth it self even into the Vacuity that was beyond the World. Afterwards , by order of the same reason which made the World , it shall withdraw and contract itself towards the generation of a new World , yet not be quite extinguished , but so as that some portion thereof remain , for as much as it is the cause of motion . But e Boethius , P●ssidonius , and f Panaetius deny this conflagration , of the World , conceiving rather that the VVorld is eternall , to whom likewise Diogenes the Babylonian assents . CHAP. VI. Of Elements . a GOd having converted , as we said , all matter into moisture , and prepared it for the generation of future things , in the next place , produced the foure Elements , Fire , VVater , Air , and Earth . Of these discourseth Zeno in his Book of the Universe , and Chrysippus in his first of Physicks , and Archedemus of Elements . b Element is that , of which generated things are first made , and into which they are resolved . The foure Elements are matter or substance endued with quality . Fire is hot , water moist , Aire cold , Earth dry ; yet not so , but that in Aire , t●ere is part of the same quality , for in the highest it is fire , which is called Aether , in which is generated the first sphear of Planets , next Air , then Water , the basis of all , Earth , being placed in the midst of all . c Of the four Elements , two are light , Fire and Air , the other two , Earth and water , heavy , which properly tend to the centre , but the centre it self is no way heavy . CHAP. VII . Of Fire . a THE first Element is that of Fire , which , as all bodies tend to the middle , enclineth , as much as the lightnesse of its Nature permits , to the centre of the world , by a circular motion round about it . b There are ( according to Zeno ) two kinds of fire , one artificiall , requisite to the use of life , which converteth nutriment into it self ; the other inartificiall ( so c Cicero renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by which all things grow , and are preserved ; d for whatsoever is nourished and groweth , compriseth within it self the power of heat . This fire is diffused through all the parts of the World , and they are all sustained by it . That it is in the Earth appeareth by Seeds and Roots , which spring up and grow by the temperament of this heat . That it is in Water appeareth , forasmuch as Water is susceptible of greater cold , as by freezing . It is consequently in air also ; that being a vapour extracted from Water , and supply'd by motion of the heat which is in the Water . But primarily , and originally , it is in the Element of fire , a Nature absolutely hot , which dispenseth salutary ▪ vitall heat to all other things . c This is Nature , saith Zeno , and the Soul : Of fire consist the Sun , Moon , and Starrs . CHAP. VIII . Of the Starres . a IN the aether are generated the Starrs , of the noblest and purest part thereof , without admixtion of any other Nature wholly hot and pellucid , animate creatures indued with sense and Intellect . b Possidonius defineth a Star , a divine body , consisting of sethericall fire , splendid and fiery , never resting , but alwaies moving circularly . c That the Starrs are wholly fiery , Cleanthes proveth by the testimony of two senses , touch and sight . For the Lustre of the Sun is brighter then of any fire , seeing that it shines so far and wide , to so vast a world ; and such is its touch , that it not onely warmeth , but oftentimes burneth , neither of which it would do if it were not fiery . Now ( saith he ) the Sun being fiery , is either like that fire which is requisite to the use of life , or unto that which is contained in the bodies of living creatures ; but this our fire , which the use of life requireth , is a consumer of all things , disturbeth and dispatcheth all things . On the contrary , the other is corporeall , vitall , and salutary , it conserveth all things , it nourisheth , en●reaseth , sustaineth , and affecteth with sense ; therefore , saith he , there 's no question to which of these fires the Sun is like , for he causeth all things to flourish and sprout up , according to their severall kinds : Wherefore the fire of the Sun being like those fires which are in the bodies of living creatures , the Sun must be a living creature also , and so must be likewise the rest of the Starres in the celestiall fire , which is called Aether or Heaven . * For seeing that of living creatures , one kinde is generated in the earth , other kinds in the water , others in the aire , it were absurd to think , that in that part which is most apt for generation of living creatures , no living creature is generated . The Starrs possesse the Aether , which being most rare , and in perpetuall agitation and vigour , it is necessary the living creature that is generated in it be endued with most acute sense , quickest mobility . The starrs therefore have sense and intelligence , whence it followeth , that they are to be reputed Gods. For we say , that they who live in the purest aire are much more acute and understanding , then those who live in a thick climate : The diet likewise is thought to conduce not a little to the sharpening of the understanding . Whence it is probable , the starrs are endued with most excellent understanding , forasmuch as they dwell in the aetheriall part of the world , and are nourished with exhalations from the Sea and Earth , extenuated by a long distance . The sense and intellect of the Starrs is chiefly manifest from their order and constancy , for nothing can be moved by proportion and number without providence , in which nothing is temerarious , nothing various , nothing casuall . But the order of Starrs , and constancy throughout all eternity , cometh neither from Nature , for that is void of Reason , nor from Fortune , which affecteth variety , and disalloweth constancy . Again , all things are moved either naturally , or violently , or voluntarily . Those which move naturally , are carried either by their weight downward , or by their lightnesse upwards , neither of which is proper to the Starres , for their motion is circular . Neither can it be said , that they are moved violently against their own nature ; for what power can be greater ? it remaineth therefore , that their motion be voluntary . d No fire can subsist without some aliment , c the starres therefore are nourished by the vapours of the earth . f Of Starrs ( according to C●rysippus ) there are two sorts , both which are by nature divine , animate , and providentiall , the fixed and the Erratick . The multitude of the fixed is incomprehensible ; the Erratick are lower then the fixed . The fixed are all ranked in one superficies , as is manifest to the sight ; the erratick in severall . The sphear of fixed starrs includeth that of the erratick . The highest of the erratick , and next to the fixed starres , is the sphear of Sa●urn , next , that of Iupiter , after which , that of Mars , then that of Mercury , then that of Venus , then that of the Sun , and lastly that of the Moon , which being neerest the air , seemeth therefore aeriall , and hath greatest influence upon terrestriall bodies . g Saturn , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , finisheth his course in almost thirty years ; Iupiter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in twelve ; Mars , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in twenty foure Months wanting six daies ; Mercury , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a year ; Venus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( lowest of the five Planets ) in a year . h The Sun and the Moon are properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Starrs ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ ; for every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not the contrary . i The rising of a star , Chrysippus defineth , its advancement above the earth ; and the setting thereof its occultation under the earth . The same starrs at the same time , rise to some , and set to others . The apparition of a star , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is its rising together with the Sun ; and the setting thereof , is its setting with the Sun : for setting is taken two waies , in opposition to rising , and in opposition to apparition . As the apparition of the Dog● star is its rising together with the Sun , and its setting is its occultation under the earth together with the Sun. The same is said of the Pleiades . CHAP. IX . Of the Sun. a NExt Venus ( the lowest Planet ) is the Sun , the b chiefe of all that consist of this aetheriall fire . The Sun is defined by Cleanthes and Chrysippus , an intellectuall Taper , gather'd and kindled from the vapours of the Sea. c Possidonius defineth the Sun a most pure fire , greater then the earth , of a sphaericall figure ( as d Cleanthes also affirmes ) answerable to that of the world . e That the Sun is fiery , is manifest in that it hath all the operations of fire , f and forasmuch as he is fire , it followeth that hee must be nourished . g The Sun is nourished by exhalations from the great Ocean . h According to the expansion of this subjected aliment , saith Cleanthes , in his motion from Tropick to Tropick . He moveth in a spirall line , from the Aequinoctiall towards the North , and towards the South . i Zeno saith , he hath two motions , one with the World from East to VVest , the other contrary , through the Signes . k That the Sun is greater then the Earth , appeareth in that it enlightneth , not only all the Earth , but Heaven also . Again , the shadow of the Earth being conicall , argues the Sun to be greater then the Earth . Again , it is visible every where by reason of its magnitude . l The Sun is Eclipsed by interposition of the Moon betwixt us and that part of the Sun which is toward us ( as Zeno in his book of the Universe . ) For meeting the Sun , and coming under him , she seemeth to darken his light , and afterwards to disclose it again , as will appear in a basin of water . CHAP. X. of the Moon . a IN the lowest part of the aether is the Moon : The Moon ( according to Zeno ) is an intellectuall , wise , igneous , Star consisting of artificiall fire . Cleanthes saith , she is of a fiery substance , and 〈◊〉 a dirty figure . b Lipsius for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dirty , substitutes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is if of the same figure , as a nat or cap. But perhaps there needs no alteration , for they c affirmed , as she is nearer to the Earth then the Sun , so is she of a more terrene Nature . d Possidonius and most of the Stoicks affirm , she is mixt of fire and air , e by reason of which diversity of substance she is not subject to corruption . f To this mixtion of air in her composition , they impute likewise those spots which are seen in her face . g She is greater then the Earth , as well as the Sun is , and Spnaericall as the Sun , yet apeareth in various figures , the full-Moon , first quarter , New-Moon , last quarter . h Chrysippus saith , she is a fire collected after the Sun , from the exhalation of fresh Waters , for which cause she is likewise nourished by them , as i Possidonius also asserteth . k Her motion is spiral ; l Zeno saith , she hath two motions , as the one with the World from East to West , the other contrary through the signes . m The period of her course is called a Mont● ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is likewise that part of the Moon which appeareth to us , for one halfe of her is alwaies turned towards us . The Moon is Eclipsed when she falleth into the shadow of the earth . For although every month she is opposite to the Sun , yet she is then only eclipsed when she is fullest , by reason of the obliquity of her course , whereby her latitude is varied towards the north and south . When therefore she happens to be neer the Ecliptick , and opposite to the Sun , she is eclipsed ; which happens ( as Possidonius saith ) in Libra and Scorpio , and in Aries and Taurus . Thus Laertius , but Possidonius seemes to have been ignorant of , or not to have considered the motion of the Nodes of the Moon ( commonly called Caput & Cauda draconis ) whereby the restitution or period of Eclipses is made in ninteen yeeres , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which was the ground of Meton's period , and of the Cycle of the Moon , in the Julian Calender . CHAP. XI . Of Aire . a NExt the sphear of the Moon ( saith Chrysippus ) is the element of Aires interposed betwixt the Sea and Heaven ( b sphericall in figure ) c consecrated by the name of d Iuno , Sister and Wife of Iupiter , who is the Aether ▪ betwixt these there is a neer conjunction . e The Aire is divided into three regions , the highest , the middle , and the lowest . The highest region is the hottest and dryest , and rarest , by reason of the vicinity of the eternall fires . The lowest and neerest to the earth is thick and caliginous ; because it receiveth terrene exhalations . The middle region is more temperate then the higher and lower , as to siccity and rarity , but colder then both . This , wherein the clouds and winds are generated , is , according to Possidonius , forty furlongs above the earth . Next to it is the pure and liquid aire of untroubled light . From the turbulent part to the Moon is twenty hundred thousand furlongs . f To the aire is attributed the primitive cold . g As concerning things in the Aire . Winter is the rigour of the aire , next above the earth , occasion'd by the remotenesse of the Sun , and is the coldest of the seasons of the year . Spring is the season succeeding Winter , preceding Summer , and is a good temperature of the air , occasion'd by approach of the Sun. Summer is that season of the year , when the aire above the earth is warmed , by the Suns accesse towards the north . Autumne that season of the year which followeth Summer , and precedeth Winter , is made by the return of the Sun from us . h Winter commeth , when the aire is predominant in thicknesse , and is forced upward : Summer , when the fire is predominant , and driven downward . i Winde is a fluxion of the aire , having severall names , from the variety of places ; as for example : That which bloweth from the darknesse of the night , and Sun-setting , is called Zephyrus ; from the East and Sun-rising , Apeliotes ; from the North , Boreas ; from the South Lybs . k It is occasion'd by the Sun's extenuation of the vapours . l The Rainbow is a reflection of the Sun's beams from a humid cloude : or , as Possidonius , an apparition of part of the Sun or Moon in a cloud , dewy , concave , and continuous to the phantasy , as in a looking-glasse , the representation of a Circle . m Comets are fires subsisting of thick air , carried up to the aetheriall place . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an accension of suddain fire , swiftly carried through the air , appearing length-waies . o Rain is a conversion of clouds into water , when either from the Earth , or from the Sea , by the power of the Sun , the humour is drawn upwards ineffectually . p Frost is congealed rain . q Hail is a concrete cloud , dispersed by the winde . r Snow is humidity , from a concrete cloud , according to Possidonius . Lightning is an accension of clouds , which are driven by the winds upon one another , and broken , according to Zeno. t Thunder is a noise occasion'd by the collision of clouds . u Thunderbolt is a strong inflammation , rushing upon the earth with great violence , when the clouds by impulsion of the winds are broken against one another . Some define it a conversion of fiery inflamed aire , violently rushing down . x Typho is a violent Thunder , thrust down with a great force of winde , or a smoaking winde , which rusheth down upon the breaking of the cloud . Prester is a cloud inclosed with fire by winde in the concavities of the earth : There are many kinds thereof , Earthquakes , C●asma's , and the like . CHAP. XII . Of Water and Earth . THat part of the world ( saith a Chrysippus ) which is the most solid support of nature , as bones are in a living creature , is called the earth : About this the water is evenly diffused . The earth hath some uneven parts arising out of the water , called Islands , or , if of large extent , Continents , from the ignorance of man , who knowes not , that even those are Islands , in respect of the great Ocean . The earth is in the midst , being in the nature of a Center , b one and finite , c sphericall in figure . The water is likewise sphericall , having the same center with the earth . The earth hath five Zones , one northern , beyond the Artick Circle , uninhabitable through extremity of cold : another temperate ; a third not habitable by reason of extream heat , whence it is called Torrid ; a fourth temperate , a fift southern , not habitable by reason of cold . * But Possidonius conceiveth the Climate under the Equinoctiall to be temperate ; for , saith he , under the Tropicks where the Sun dwells longest , the places are habitable , and why not then under the Aequator ? Again , the night being equall to the day , affordeth leisure enough for refrigeration , which is assisted likewise by showers and winds . * The generation of the world began from the earth , as from the Center ; for the Center is the beginning of a sphear . d Plants have not any soul at all , but spring up of themselves , as it were by chance . CHAP. XIII . Of Mistion and Temperament . CHrysippus asserteth a a Spirit moving it selfe to it selfe , and from it selfe , or a spirit moving it selfe backwards and forwards . He calleth it spirit , as being moved aire , answering in some proportion to the Aether , so that it both meets in one ; and this motion is only according to those who think , that all nature receiveth mutation , solution , composition , and the like . Composition , mixtion , temperament , and confusion are different . Composition is a contract of bodies , whose superficies are contiguous to one another , as in heaps of grain or sand . Mixtion is of two or more bodies , whose qualities are diffused through the whole , as we see in fire , and red hot iron , and in our own ●oules ; for every where there is a diffusion through entire bodies , so as one body doth passe through another . Temperament is of two or more humid bodies , whose qualities are diffused through the whole . Mixtion is also common to drie bodies , as to fire and iron , to the soul and the body , temperament only to the humid . For qualities appear from the temperament of severall humid things , as of wine , honey , water , vinegar , and the like ; that in such temperament , the qualities of the things tempered remain , is evident from this , that oftentimes they are by some art separated from one another . For , if we put a spunge dipped in oyle into wine mixt with water , the water , separating it selfe from the wine , will gather to the spunge . Lastly , confusion is the transmutation of two or more qualities into another of a different nature , as in composition of Unguents and Medicines . CHAP. XIV . Of Generation and Corruption . a POssidonius asserteth foure species of generation and corruption , of things that are into things that are ( for that of things that are not , and of things that are not he rejected , conceiving there is none such . ) Of transmutations into things that are , one is by division , another by alteration , a third by confusion , a fourth of the whole by resolution . Of these , alteration concerneth the substance , the other three are of the qualities which inhere in the substance . According to these are generations made . But the substance it selfe is neither augmented nor diminished by apposition or detraction , but is only altered as happeneth to numbers and measures . But in things properly qualited , as Dion and Theon , there is augmentation and diminution , wherefore the quality of each remaineth from the generation untill the corruption thereof , in plants and living creatures which are capable of corruption . In things properly qualited , he asserted two susceptible parts ; one , according to the substance , another according to the quality : This , as we have often said , admitteth augmentation and diminution . Neither is the thing properly qualited , and the substance out of which it is , all one , nor divers , but only , not all one , because the substance is a part , and occupateth the same place ; but things that are divers have distinct places , and are not consider'd in part . That as to the thing properly qualited , and as to the substance , it is not the same , Mnesarchus affirmeth to be evident , because it is necessary , that to the same happen the same things . For if , for example , a man having formed a horse , should break it , and make a dog , we would presently , beholding it , say , this was not before , but it is now : So are the qualited and the substance divers . Neither is it likely that we should all be the same as to substance ; for it often happens , that the substance is preexistent to the generation , as the substance of Socrates was , before Socrates was ; and after the corruption and death of Socrates , the substance remaineth , though Socrates himselfe be not . CHAP. XV. Of Motion . a MOtion ( according to Chrysippus ) is a mutation of parts , either in whole or in parts , or an excession out of place , either in whole or in part , or a change according to place , or figure . Iaculation is a vehement motion from on high . Rest is partly a privation of motion in a body , partly the same habit of a body before and after . There are two first motions , right and oblique ; from the mixtion of these ariseth great variety of motions . b Zeno affirmes the parts of all things consisting by themselves are moved towards the midle of the whole , and likewise of the World it self ; wherefore it is rightly said , that all parts of the World tend to the midle thereof , and principally the heavy , and that there is the same cause of the rest of the World in the infinite vacuity , and of the rest of the Earth , in the World , in the midst of which it is constituted as a point . All bodies have not gravity , as air , and fire ; yet these in some manner tend to the midst of the World. CHAP. XVI . Of Living Creatures . a OF animate Creatures there are two kinds ( for Plants as wee said have no souls ) some are appetitive and concupiscible , others rationall . The Soul , according to Zeno , Antipater and P●ssidonius , is a hot spirit , for hereby we breath and move . Cleanthes saith , we live so long as that heat holdeth . Every soul hath sense and is a spirit innate in us , wherefore it is a body , and shall not continue after death ; yet is it by Nature corruptible , notwithstanding , that it is a part of the Soul of the Universe which is incorruptible : Yet some hold , that the lesse firm Souls , such as are those of the unlearned , perish at the dissolution of the body ; the stronger , as those of the wise and virtuous , shall last even untill the generall conflagration . b The Soul hath eight parts , whereof five are the Sences , the sixth generative , the seventh Vocall , the eighth Hegemonick . c The Supream or Hegemonick part of the Soul , is that which maketh Phantasies , assent , sense , appetite . This Supreme part is called Ratiocination ; d it is seated in the Heart , some say in the Head , as in its sphear . e From the Hegemonick issue and are extended to the body the seven other parts , which it guideth by their proper Organs , as a fish its claws . Sense is an apprehension by the Sensitive Organ , or a comprehension . Sense is taken many waies ; For the faculty , habit , act , phantasie , whereby the sensible object is comprehended , and the Hegemonick parts of the Soul are called Sense . Again , the Sensories are intelligent spirits , diffused from the Hegemonick to the Organs . f The senses are Sight , Hearing , Smell , ●ast , Touch. g Sight is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick part to the Eies . Sight is made by contraction of that light which is between the eye and the object into a Cone , according to Chrysippus . Apollodorus saith , that part of the Air which is Conicall is next the sight , the Base next the Object ; so as that which is seen is pointed out to by the Air as by a stick . Colour is the first figuration or habit of matter . Darknesse is visible , for from the sight there issueth a splendor which passeth round about that darknesse . Neither is the sight deceived , for it truly sees that it is dark . Chrysippus saith , that we see according to the intention of the mediate air , which is struck by the visuall spirit , which passeth from the Hegemonick to the apple of the eye , and , after that blow , falleth upon the ear next , extending it self in a Conicall figure . Again , from the eye are emitted fiery raies , not black or dusky , and therefore darknesse is visible . i Hearing is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick part to the Ears . Hearing is made when the Air betwixt the speaker and hearer is verberated in a circulation , and at last by agitation , passeth in at the Ears , as the circles that are made in a pond , by casting in a stone . k Smelling , is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick to the nostrils . l Tasting is a spirit extended from the Hegemonick to the Tongue . m Touching is a spirit , extended from the Hegemonick part to the superficies , so that it perceiveth that which is obliged to it . n The sixt part of the Soul is the Generative , which is a spirit from the Hegemonick to the Parastatae ; of this part , see Laertius from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Plu●arch de Philosoph . Plac. lib. 5. cap. 4 , 5 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 23. o The seventh and last part of the Soul , is that which Zeno calls vocall , commonly called the Voice . It is a spirit proceeding from the Hegemonick part to the throat , tongue , and other proper Instruments of speech . p Voice is Air , not composed of little pieces , but whole and continuous , having no vacuity in it . This Air being struck by the wind , spreadeth into circles infinitely , untill the Air round about it be filled like the Water in a pond by throwing in of a stone , only the Water moves spherically , the Air circularly . Voice is a body , for it acteth , it striketh upon , and leaveth an impression in our Ear , as a seal in Wax . Again , whatsoever moveth and disturbeth some affection is a body ; Harmony moveth with delight , discord disturbeth . Again , whatsoever is moved is a body , but Voice is moved and reverberated from smooth places , as a ball against a Wall. So in the Aegyptian Pyramids , one Voice is redoubled four or five times . CHAP. XVII . Of God. HItherto of the Material principle , and that which is produced of it ; we come now to the other principle , the Agent , God. a This question they divide into four parts ; first , that there are Gods ; secondly , what they are ; thirdly , that they order the world ; fourthly , that they take care of humane affairs . Cleanthes saith , that the notions of God are imprinted in the minds of men from four causes . First , from Divination , for the Gods afford us signes of future things , wherein if there be any mistake , it is not from their part , but from the errour of humane conjecture . The second is from the multitude of good things wee receive by the temperature of Heaven , the fertility of the Earth , and abundance of other benefits . The third from the Terrour of Thunder , Tempest Rain , Snow , Hail , Devastation , Pestilence , Earthquakes , and somtimes groanings , showers of stones and blood , Portents , Prodigies , Comets and the like ; with which men are affrighted into a belief , that there is a heavenly divine power . The fourth and greatest cause is the aequability of the motion and revolution of Heaven , the Sun , Moon and starres , their distinctions , variety , beauty , order , the very sight whereof declares that they were not made by chance . That there are Gods Chrysippus proveth thus ▪ b If there is something in Nature , which the mind , reason , power , and faculties of man could not make , that which did make it is better then Man ; but Celestiall things , and all those , whose order is sempiternal , could not be made by Man ; there is therefore somthing which made them , which is better then Man , and what is that but God ? For if there are no Gods , what can there be in Nature better then Man , for in him only is reason , then which nothing is more excellent ? But for a man to think that there is nothing in the World better then himself , is a foolish arrogance . Therefore there is somthing better , and consequently there is a God. c Zeno more concisely thus ; That which is rationall is better then that which is irrationall , but nothing is better then the World , therefore the World is rationall . In like manner may be proved that the World is wise , that it is happy , that it is eternall , for all these are better then the want of these ; But there is nothing better then the World ; whence it followeth that the World is God. Again , he argues thus . No part of an insensible thing hath sense ; but the parts of the World have sense , therefore the World hath sense . He proceedeth to urge this more strictly : Nothing , saith he , that is void of minde and reason , can of it selfe generate that which is animate and rationall ; but the world generates animate and rationall creatures , therefore the world is animate and rationall . Likewise , according to his custome , he concludeth his argument with a similitude : IF out of an Olive-tree should come harmonious Pipes , that made Musick , you would not doubt , but that the science of Musick were in the Olive-tree . What if a Plain-tree should bear Musicall instruments , you would think there were musick in those Plain-trees : Why then should we not judge the world to be animate and wise , that produceth out of it selfe animate and wise creatures . There is nothing besides the world which wanteth nothing , and which is perfect and compleat in all its numbers and parts : for as the cover , saith Chrysippus , was made for the shield's sake , and the scabberd for the swords ; so besides the world , all other things were made for the sake of something else . Fruites of the earth were made for living creatures , living irrationall creatures for the use of man , horses for carriage , oxen for tillage , dogs for hunting and defence ; but , man himselfe was made to contemplate and imitate the world . Not that he is at all perfect , but only a part of that which is perfect . But the world it selfe , forasmuch as it comprehendeth all things , neither is there any thing which is not in it , is every way perfect . What therefore can be wanting to that which is best ? But , there is nothing better then the minde and reason , therefore these cannot be wanting to the world . Chrysippus addeth this comparison : As all things are best in the most perfect and mature creatures , as in a Horse better then in a Colt , in a Dog better then in a Whelp , in a Man better then in a Child : So that which is best in all the world , must be in that which is perfect and absolute ; but , then the world , nothing is more perfect , nothing better then vertue , therefore the world hath proper vertue . The nature of man is not perfect ; yet , in man there is vertue , how much more then in the world ? The world therefore hath vertue , therefore it is wise , and consequently God. d Thus the notion and apprehension men have of God , is , first , by conceiving the beauty of those things which are objected to their eyes , for no beautifull thing hath been made by chance and adventure , but composed and framed by some ingenious and operative art . Now that the heaven is beautifull , appeareth by the form , colour , and bignesse thereof , by the variety also of starres disposed therein . Moreover , the world is round in manner of a ball , which figure of all others , is principall and most perfect , for it alone resembleth all the parts ; for being round it selfe , it hath the parts also round . As to the second part of the question , e God is an immortall being , rationall , perfect , or intellectuall in Beatitude , voide of all evill , provident over the world , and things in the world , not of human form , maker of all , and as it were father of all . f They define God a spirit full of intelligence , of a ●ie●y nature , having no proper form , but transforming himselfe into whatsoever he pleaseth , and resembling all things . We understand by God , saith Antipater , a living nature or substance , happy , incorruptible , doing good to mankinde . All● men acknowledge the Gods immortall . They who deprive the Gods of beneficence , have an imperfect notion of them , as th●y likewise , who think they are subject to generation and corruption . g Yet , are there some Gods , saith Chrysippus , generative and mortall , as well as there are others ingenerate : h ●The world , starres , and earth are Gods , but the supream God is the aethe●iall minde , Iupiter . ] The sun , moon , and other such like Gods were begotten ; but Iupiter is eternall . Other Gods use a certain nourishment , whereby they are maintained equally ; but Iupiter and the world after another sort then the generated , which shall be consumed by fire . Iupiter groweth continually , untill such time as all things be consumed in him , death being the separation of the soul and body ; for seeing that the soul of the world never departeth at all , but augmenteth continnally , untill it have consumed all the matter within it selfe , we cannot say that the world dieth . i The substance of God , Zeno affirmes to be the whole World and Heaven , so also Chrysippus in his 11th of the Gods , and Possidonius in his first of the Gods. But Antipater in his 7th of the world , affirmes his substance to be a●riall . Boethius in his book of nature , saith , the substance of God is the sphear of fixed stars . Sometimes they call him a nature containing the world , sometimes a nature producing all upon earth . As concerning the third part of the question , they affirm , that k God is an operative artificiall fire , methodically ordering and effecting the generation of the world , comprehending in himselfe all prolifick reason , by which every thing is produced according to Fate . God is a Spirit , diffused through the whole world , having severall denominations , according to the severall parts of the matter through which he spreadeth , and the l severall effects of his power shewn therein . They call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by whom all things are : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of life . Minerva , as diffused through the aether ; Iuno , as through the aire ; Vulcan , as through the m artificiall fire ; Neptune , as through the water ; Ceres , as through the earth . In like manner the res● of his names were imposed , with respect to some property . n This place was first discoursed upon by ● Zeno● , after whom , Cleanthes and Chrysippus dilated more largely upon it . o By this Providence , the World , and all parts of the World , were in the beginning constituted , and are in all time ordered . This disputation they divided into three parts : The first , from the same reason that teacheth us there are Gods , inferreth , that the World is ordered by them , seeing that there is nothing higher or more excellent , then this administration . The second , from that reason which teacheth us , that all things are subjected to an understanding nature , and exquisitely ordered by it , inferreth , that it is generated of animate principles . The third place is derived from admiration of celestiall and terrestriall things . Upon these , Cicero discourseth at large , according to the opinion of the Stoicks . As to the fourth part of the question in generall concerning the Gods , that they have a particular providentiall care of man-kinde , it is manifest , in that whatsoever is in this world was made for the use of man , and is conducible thereunto ; and if for the whole fpecies , they must consequently have the same care of particulars , which they expresse by many portents , and all those fignes whereupon the art of Divination depends . There was never any great person without some divine inspiration . But we must not argue from hence , that if the corn or vineyard of any man be hurt by a Tempest , or Fortune deprive him of any of the conveniencies of life , that he to whom this hath happened , may be judged to be hated or neglected of God. The Gods take care of great things , the little they neglect ; but to great persons all things have alwaies a happy issue . p Chrysippus in his fourth Book of Providence saith , there is nothing more ignorant , nothing more sordid then those persons , who think , good might have been without ill . For , Good and Ill being contraries , it is necessary , that both consist together mutually , sustaining one another , as it were by opposition . For , how could we understand Iustice , unlesse there were Injuries ? What is Justice , but a privation of Injustice ? How can Fortitude be understood , but by opposition to Fear ? How Continence , but from Intemperance ? How Prudence , if there were not Imprudence ? Why do not these fooles desire that Truth might be without Falshood ? Such are good and ill , happinesse and misery , griefe and pleasure ; one is ty'd to the other , as Plato sayes , by their contrary ends . q Here followeth the question , whether that Providence which framed the world and mankinde , did make likewise those corporeall infirmities and sicknesses which men suffer . Chrysippus affirmeth it was not the intent of Nature to make men obnoxious to sicknesse : For this agreeth not with the Author of Nature , and Parent of all good things ; but he having generated many great things , most apt and usefull , other things also , incommodious to those which he made , were aggenerated together with them , coherent to them , made , not by Nature , but certain necessary consequence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As , saith he , when Nature framed the bodies of Men , more subtle reason & the benefit of the World , would have required that the head should have been made of the smallest and thin bones ; but this utility would have been followed by another extrinsecall inconvenience of greater consequence , that the head would be too weakly defended , and broken with the least blow . Sicknesses therefore and diseases are engendred whilst health is engendred . In like manner saith he , whilst Vertue is begotten in Man , by the counsell of Nature , vices like wise are begotten by contrary affinity . CHAP. XVIII . Of Nature . a NExt Iupiter , Possidonius placeth Nature . By Nature they somtimes , understand that which containeth the World , somtimes , that which produceth things upon Earth ; both which , as we said , is to be understood of God. For that Nature which containeth and preserveth the World , hath perfect sence and reason , which power is the Soul of the World , the mind and divine Wisdom . b Thus under the terme of Nature , they comprehend both God and the World , affirming that the one cannot be without the other , as if Nature were God permeating through the World , God the mind of the World , the World the body of God. c This Chrysippus calleth Common-Nature in distinction from particular Nature . d Nature is defined by Zeno an artificial fire , proceeding in the way of generation , which is the fiery spirit , the Artist of formes ; by others , a habit receiving motion from it self , according to prolifick reason , and effecting and containing those things which subsist by it , in certain definite times , producing all things , from which it self is distinct by Nature , proposing to it self these two ends , Utility and Pleasure , as is manifest from the porduction of man. CHAP. XIX . Of Fate . a THe third from Iupiter ( according to Possidonius ) is Fate , for Iupiter is first , next Nature , then Fate . b They call Fate a concatenation of Causes , that is , an order and connexion which cannot be transgressed . Fate is a cause depending on Laws , and ordering by Laws , or a reason ; by which the World is ordered . c Fate is , according to Zeno , the motive power of matter , disposing so and so , not much diftering from Nature and Providence . d Panaetius assirmeth Fate to be God. e Chrysippus desineth Fate a spirituall power , governing the World orderly ; or , f a sempiternall and indeclinable series and chain of things , it self , rolling and implicating it self by eternall orders of consequence , of which it is adapted and connected ; or , as Chrysippus again in his Book of Definitions hath it , g The reason of the World , or Law of all things in the World , governed by Providence ; or the reason why things past have been , the present are , the future shall be . For Reason , he useth Truth , Cause , Nature , Necessity , and other termes , as attributed to the same thing in different respects . Fate from the severall distributions thereof , is called Clotho , Lachesis and Atropos . Lachesis , as it dispenseth to every one , as it were by lot ; Atropos , as it is an immutable dispensation , from all eternity ; Clotho , in allusion to the resemblance it hath with spinning and twisting of Threads . h Necessity is a cause invincible , most violent , and inforcing all things . i Fortune is a Cause unknown and hidden to humane reason . For some things come by Necessity , others by Fate , some by deliberate Counsel , others by Fortune , some by Casualty . k But Fate , being a connexion of Causes interlaced and linked orderly , compriseth also that cause proceedeth from us . l That all things are done by Fate , is asserted by Zeno in his Book of Fate , and Possidonius in his second Book of Fate , and Boethus in his 11th of Fate . Which m Chrysippus proves thus . If there is any motion without a cause , then every axiom is not either true or false , for that which hath not efficient causes , will be neither true nor false ; but every axiom is either true or false , therefore there is no motion without a cause . And if so , then all things that are done , are done by precedent causes , and if so , all things are done by Fate . That all axioms are either true or false , Cicero saith , he labour'd much to prove , whereby he takes away , Possibles , indeterminates , and other distinctions of the Academicks , of which see Alcinous , Chap. 26. n In answer to the sluggish reason , if it be your fate to die of this sicknesse , you shall die whether you have a Physician or no ; and if it be your fate to recover , you shall recover whether you have a Physitian or not . Chrysippus saith , that in things some are simple , some conjunct . Simple is thus , Socrates shall die on such a day ; for whether he do any thing or not , it is appointed he should die on such a day . But if it be destin'd thus , Laius shall have a son Oedipus , it cannot be said , whether he accompany with a woman or not , for it is a conjunct thing , and confatall , as he termes it , because it is destin'd that Laius shall lie with his wife , and that he shall get Oedipus of her . As if we should say , Milo shall wrastle at the Olympick Games , and another should infer , then he shall wrastle whether he have an adversary or no , he were mistaken ; for that he shall wrastle is a conjunct thing , because there is no wrastling without an adversary . Thus are refelled all sophismes of this kinde ( you shall recover whether you have a Physician or not ) for it is no lesse determined by fate that you shall have a Physician , than that you shall recover . They are confatall . Thus there being two opinions of the old Philosophers ; one , that all things are so done by Fate , that Fate inferreth a power of Necessitie , as Democritus , Heraclitus , Empedocles , and Aristotle held ; the other , that the motions of our souls were voluntary without any Fate : Chrysippus , as an honourable Arbitratour , took the middle way betwixt these , but inclining most to those who conceived the motions of our souls free from necessitie . The Antients , who held all things to be done by Fate , said , it was by a violence and necessitie ; those who were of the contrary opinion , denyed , that Fate had any thing to do with our assent , and that there was no necessitie imposed upon assents . They argued thus : If all things are done by Fate , all things are done by an antecedent cause , and if appetite , then likewise those things which follow appetite , therefore assents also . But , if the cause of appetite is not in us , neither is the appetite it selfe in our power , and if so , neither those things which are effected by appetite are in our power , and consequently neither assents nor actions are in our power ; whence it followeth , that neither praise can be just , nor dispraise , nor honour , nor punishment ; but this is false , therefore all things are not done by Fate . But Chrysippus not allowing this necessity , yet maintaining that nothing happened without precedent causes , distinguisheth thus . Of Causes , saith he , some are perfect and principall , others assistant and immediate . When we say , all things are done by Fate , from antecedent causes , we understand not the perfect and principall causes , but the assistent and immediate . He therefore answers the former objection thus : If all things are done by Fate , it followeth , that all things be done by antecedent causes , but not by the principall and perfect , but by the assistent and immediate , which though they be not in our power , it followeth not , that the appetite likewise is in our power . This Argument therefore concludes well against those who joyne necessity with Fate , but nothing against those who assert antecedent causes not perfect nor principall . What assent is , and how it commeth to be in our power , we have already shewn in the Logick . Hence it followeth , that o notwithstanding that all things are necessarily coacted and connected by Fate , with a certain principall reason ; yet ( saith Chrysippus ) our mindes are so obnoxious to Fate , as their property and quality is . For , if at the first by nature they were formed soundly and profitably , all that power which commeth upon them extrinsecally from Fate , they transmit easily and inoffensively ; but , if they are harsh , ignorant , and rude , not supported by any helps of good art , although they are pressed by little or no conflict of fatall incommodity , yet by their own unluckinesse , and voluntary impulsion , they rush into continuall sins and errours , which thing maketh that this naturall and necessary consequence of things , which is called Fate , be by this reason . For it is . as it were , fatall , and consequent in its kinde , that wicked minds should not be without sins and errours , an instance whereof he bringeth not unapposite . As , saith he , a rolling stone , if you turn it down a steep place , you first give it the cause and beginning of its precipitation , but afterwards it rolleth headlong of it selfe ; not that you make it do so any longer , but because its figure , and the volubility of its form is such . In like manner , order , and reason , and necessitie , moveth the beginnings of causes ; but the impetuousnesse of our thoughts and mindes , and our own actions , are guided by every mans private will and minde . Thence continueth he , the Pythagoreans say , Men of their own accord their ills procure . As conceiving that all ills proceed from themselves , and according to their own appetites when they sin and offend , and according to their own minde and signe . For this reason he denyeth , that we ought to suffer and hear such wicked , or idle , or noxious , or impudent persons , who being taken in some fault and wickednesse , have recourse to the necessity of Fate , as to a Sanctuary , affirming that they have done wickedly , is not to be attributed to their temerity , but to Fate . CHAP. XX. Of Not-Bodies , or Incorporealls ; and first of Dicibles . HItherto of Bodies , we come next to the second place of Physick , concerning Not-Bodies , or Incorporealls . Incorporeall is that which may be , but is not contained in bodies . a Of those there are four kinds , Dicibles , Vacuum , place , and Time. Dicible is that which consisteth according to rationall phantasy , a mean betwixt notion and thing . Of this already in the Logick . CHAP. XXI . of Vacuum and Place . THe second incorporeall is Vacuum , which is the solitude or vacuity of a body . In the world there is no vacuum , neither in the whole nor in any part : Beyond it there is an infinite vacuity , into which the world shall be resolved . Of this already in the Chapter concerning the world . Next is Place : Place is that which is fully occupated by the body ; or , as Chrysippus defines it , that which is or may be occupated by one or more things . Thus it differs from vacuity , which hath no body , and from space , which is occupated but in part , as a vessell halfe full of wine . CHAP. XXII . Of Time. LAst of the Incorporealls is Time. Time is , according to many of the Stoicks , the motion of it selfe , not of heaven , and had no beginning of generation . Chrysippus saith , that Time is the measure of slownesse or swiftnesse . Zeno defined it the intervall of motion , and measure of slownesse and swiftnesse , according to which , all things were and are . Possidonius saith , that some are wholly infinite , as all Time ; some only in part , as the past and future ; for they are joyned together by the present . He defined Time the intervall of motion , or the measure of swiftnesse and slownesse , one part of it being present , the other future , the present connected to the future by something like a point . It is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attributed to the least part of Time that falleth under sense , subsisting according to the difference of past and future . Chrysippus saith , that Time is the intervall of motion , the measure of swiftnesse and slownesse ; a consequent intervall to the worlds motion , according to which all things are , and are moved , unlosse rather there be a two-fold Time , as the Earth and Sea , and Vacuity and Universe , have the same names with their parts . And as vacuity is every way infinite , so Time is both waies infinite , for the present and future have no end . He likewise asserts , that no entire present is Time , for continuous things being divided into infinite , Time likewise admitteth of the same division ; so that no Time is properly present , but so called , after a lesse accurate manner . The present only is subsistent , unlesse it be understood as of Categorems ; as , walking is attributed to him that walketh , but not to him that sitteth or lyeth . Thus much for the STOICALL PHILOSOPHY . CLEANTHES CAP. I. His Life CLeanthes was of Assus an Aeolian City ( fortified , as Stralo describes it , both by Nature and Art ) sonne of Phanias . He was first according to Antisthenes a wrastler , and comeing to Athens , having no more then four Drachms , he apply'd himself first to Crates , then to Zene , whom he heard constantly , and persevered in his Philosophy and Opinions . He was much commended for his laboriousnesse , in as much as being poor , he went by night to the Gardens to draw water , and in the day time studied Philosophy . Hence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The drawer of Water . Being cited to the Court to give an account how he lived , being so healthfull and lusty , hee produced the Gardener , under whom he drew water , and a woman for whom he ground meal , to witnesse how he subsisted . The Areopagites wondring hereat , allotted him 10. minae , which Zeno would not suffer him to accept . Antigonus gave him 3000. minae . On a time leading some young men to a spectacle , the wind blew back his Cloak , and discovered that he had no Coat ; whereupon the Athenians much applauded him , and , as Demetrius the Magnesian●aith ●aith , bestowed a Coat upon him . Antigonus , who was his Auditor , asked him why he drew water , he answer'd , Do I only draw water ? Do I not also dig and water the ground , and all for the sake of Philosophy ? For Zeno brought him up to this , and bad him bring him an obolus gained by his labour . Upon a time he brought in his gains before all his Disciples , saying , Cleanthes , If he would , could maintain another Cleanthes ; but they who have wherewithall to maintain themselves , would be supply'd by others ; yet study philosophy nothing the more diligently . Hence Cleanthes was called a second Hercules . He was very laborious , but dull and slow . He used to write the dictates of Zeno in shells , and the shoulder-blades of Oxen , for want of money to buy paper . He was his auditor 19. years . For these reasons , though Zeno had many other eminent Disciples , yet he succeeded him in the School . CHAP. II. His Apophthegmes . a HIs Fellow-Disciples derided him , he took it patiently , and being called Asse , answered , he onely could bear Zeno's burthen . Another time being reproached as timerous , therefore , saith he , I sin little . Preferring his own Poverty before the plenty of the rich ; whilst they , saith he , Play at Ball , I manure a hard barren soil . He often chid himself , being all alone , which Aristo overhearing ; whom , saith he , do you chide , he smiling , answered , a grey-headed old fellow without wit. To one that said Arcesilaus abrogated the offices of life ; peace , saith he , dispraise him not , for though he take away offices in discourse , he commends them in his actions ; To whom Arcesilaus saying , I cannot endure flattery ; I do indeed flatter , replies Cleanthes , when I say , you speak one thing and do another . To one that asked what he should teach his Son , he answer'd in the words of Electra ; Peace , peace , a little step . A Lacedemonian saying , that labour was good , hee laughed , answering , My son , thou of a gen'rous race art come . Disputing with a young man , he asked him whether hee did feel ; the other answers he did , he replyed , why then do I not feel that you feel ? Sosythius the Poet saying in the publick Theatre when Cleanthes was present ; Those whom Cleanthes madnesse leads away ; hee sate still , not changing his countenance ; whereupon the Auditors applauding him , turned out Sosythius , who afterwards coming to Cleanthes , told him he was sorry that he had reproached him ; Cleanthes answer'd , it were unsit I should behold unconcerned Bacchus and Hercules derided by the Poets , and be angry ' at a little word against my self . He compared the Peripateticks to Lutes , that make good Musick , but hear it not themselves . Holding according to Zeno that the mind may be discerned in the countenance , some merry young men brought an effeminate youth to him rustically cloathed , desiring his opinion of that mans disposition . He bad him depart , which the other going to do , sneezed ; Cleanthes presently cryed out , I have found out the man , he is effeminate . To one that was all alone talking to himself , you discourse saith he , with a man that is not ill . To one that was reproach'd him with his age , I would be gone , saith he , but when I consider that I am in health , fit to write and study , I raber choose to stay . b Cleanthes bad those who came to hear him , to fancy pleasure painted in a Tablet , richly habited and adorned , sitting upon a Throne , the Vertues standing about her , as her handmaids , doing nothing else but wait on her commands , and whispering in her ear ( if it can be phancied of a picture ) to bid her take heed of doing any thing imprudently , that may offend the minds of men , or any thing that may occasion grief . c He said , whosoever sweareth , at the same time sweareth truly , or forsweareth himself : if he intend to do that which hee sweareth , though he do it not , he sweareth truly ; if he intend it not he is forsworn . d One observing him silent , said to him , why do you hold your peace , it is pleasant to talk to friends ; It is indeed , answer'd Cleanthes , but the more pleasant it is , the more we ought to allow them the freedom of it . e Hee said that unlearned men differed from Beasts in their figure . f Being demanded why amongst the Antients , when there were fewest Philosophers , there were more eminent then at this time ; he answer'd , because then they minded the thing it self , now only in words . To one that asked him , g how a man might be rich , he answered , by being poor in desire . CHAP. III. His Writings . HEE left behind him ( saith Laertius ) these excellent Books . Of time . Of Zeno's Philosophy . Explications of Heraclitus , 3. Of Sense 4. Of Art. To Democritus . To Aristarchus . To Erillus . Of Appetite 2. Archaeology . Of God. Of Gyants . Of Hymenealls : Of a Poet. Of Office 3. Of right consultation . Of Gratitude . Protreptick . Of Vertues . Of Ingenuity . Of Gorgippus . Of Envy . Of Love. Of Liberty . The Art of Love Of Honour . Of Glory . The Politiek● Of Counsell . Of Laws . Of Iudging . Of the reason of living . Of speech 3. Of the End. Of honest things . Of Actions . Of Science . Of a Kingdom . Of Friendship . Of a Symposium . That the vertue of man and woman is the same . That a wise man may use Sophismes . Of Chria's . Dissertations 2. Of Pleasure . Of Properties . Of Inexplicables . Of Dialectick . Of Tropes . Of Categoremes . Besides these , are mention'd a Of Atoms . Of Brasse . b Of Sumptions . Fabulous Traditions . c The Art of Rhetorick . CHAP. IV. His Death . HE lived according to Laertius 80. years , according to Lucian , 99. The occasion of his death this , being troubled with a forenesse of his gumms ( Stobaeus saith , an Ulcer under his Tongue ) he was enjoyned by the Physitians to fast two daies , which he did , and was wel ; then they told him he might eat again , but he would not , saying , he was now gone a great way on his journey ; a would you have me , ●aith he , having past over the greatest part of my life , return back again , and begin it anew ? b Having fasted two daies more hee died . c Simplicius saith , he saw an exquisite statue of Cleanthes in Assus , an example of the magnificence of the Romance Senate , dedicated to his honour . CHRYSIPPVS . CHAP. I. His Life . CHrysippus was of Soli , ( a City of Cilicia , afterwards called Pompeiopolis . ) his Father was of Tarsis , named Apollonius , or , as Suidas , Apollonides , who came and lived at Soli , which perhaps gave Laertius , and from him Suidas , occasion to doubt whether Chrysippus himself were not of Tarsis . He first exercised in the Hippodrome . Hecaton saith , that having wasted his Patrimony in the Kings service , hee applyed himself to Philosophy . Coming to Athens , he heard , as some affirm Zeno , or rather ( as Diocles and others ) Cleanthes , from whom whilst he was yet alive he dissented . He was an eminent Philosopher , ingenious and acute in every thing ; so that in most opinions he differ'd from Zeno and Cleanthes , to whom he would only say , tell me the Doctrines and let me alone for proofes . If at any time he crossed Cleanthes in dispute , he was afterwards sorry for it , often saying , Of happinesse in all I am possesses'd , But in Cleanthes ; there alone unbless'd . He was so famous for Dialectick , that it was a common speech , If the Gods themselves would use Dialectick , they would make use only of the Chrysippean . But he was more plentifull in matter then free in expression . He was infinitely studious and industrious , as appeareth from the multitude of his Books . An old woman that waited on him said , that he wrote every day 500. Paragraphs . When any question'd him in private , he answer'd meekly and freely ; but assoon as any company came , he grew eager and litigious , saying , Brother , there hangs a cloud before your eyes , Cast quite away this madnesse , and be wise . When he drunk at Feasts he lay very still , only shaked his legs ; whereupon his woman said , Chrysippus's legs only are drunk . He had so good an opinion of himselfe , that to one who asked him to whom he should commend his son , he answered , To me ; for if I knew any better , I would hear Philosophy of him my selfe ; Whence it was said of him , He is inspir'd by Jove , The rest like shadowes move . As also that , Had not Chrysippus been , No Stoa we had seen . Arcesilaus and Lacydes ( as Sotion saith ) coming into the Academy , he studyed Philosophy with them , whence he disputed against Custome , and for Custome , and of Magnitude and Multitude , using the arguments of the Academicks . b He was a great despiser of honours , for of all his writings , he dedicates none to any King. c He was content with little , for d he lived without any other attendants then one old woman ; and when Ptolomy wrote to Cleanthes , desiring he would come to him , or send some one of his Disciples , Sphoerus went , but Chrysippus refused . Having sent for Aristocreon and Philocrates , his sisters sons , he first taught in the Lyceum in the open air , as Demetrius writes . CHAP. II. His Apophthegmes . a TO one that blamed him for not hearing Aristo as many did ; If I should follow many , saith he , I should not study Philosophy . To a Dialectick assaulting Cleanthes with sophismes : Leave , saith he , diverting an aged person from serious things ; propound those to us that are young . b He said , meditation is the fountain of discourse . c He said , drunkennesse is a lesser madnesse . d He said , a wise man grieveth , but is not troubled , for his minde yields not to it . e To one that said to him , your friend revileth you behinde your back : Blame him not , saith he , for he might do it before my face . f To a wicked man that cast many aspersions upon him : You have done well , saith he , not to omit any thing that is in your selfe . g Being told that some spoke ill of him ; It is no matter , saith he , I will live so , that they shall not be believed . h He said , there is a difference between swearing true , and swearing truly , and betwixt swearing false and forswearing . That which is sworn , at the time that it is sworn must necessarily be either true or false , seeing that the form of swearing is an Axiom : But he that sweareth , at the same time that he sweareth is not necessarily perjur'd , or sweareth true , because the time is not yet arived that must determine his oath . For as a man is said to have covenanted truely or falsely , not when the covenant is made , but when the time whereby it is limited is come : so a man is said to swear truly or falsely , when the time comes wherein he promised to make good his oath . i Being demanded why he did not undertake the government of the Commonwealth ; Because , saith he , If I govern ill , I shall displease the Gods ; if well , the people . k He said , he who hath arrived at perfection dischargeth all offices , omitting none , yet his life is not happy , for Beatitude is a post-accession thereto , when as the mean actions acquire a constancy , habit , and peculiar confirmation . CHAP. III. His Writings . BEcause , saith Laertius , his writings were very celebrious , we shall give an account of them digested according to their subjects : They were these . Of the Logicall place , Theses . Logick . Philosophick Commentaries . Dialectick definitions , to Metrodorus , 6. Of Dialectick names , to Zeno 1. Dialectick art , to Aristagoras 1. Of connex Probables , to Dioscorides 4. The first order of the Logicall place of things . Of Axioms 1. Of not-simple Axioms 1. Of Connex , to Athenades 2. Of Negatives , to Aristagoras 3. Of Catagoreuticks , to Athenodorus 1. Of things spoken by privation , to Thearus 1. Of best Axioms , to Dion 3. Of Indefinites 4. Of things spoken according to Time 2. Of perfect Axioms 2. The second order . Of true disjunct , to Gorgippides 1. Of true connex , to Gorgippides 4. Division , to Gorgippides 1. Of Consequents I. Of that which is for three , to Gorgippides 1. Of Possibles , to Clitus 4. Of Significations , against Philo 1. What are false 1. The third order . Of Precepts 2. Of Interrogations 2. Of Percontation 4. Epitome of Interrogation and Percontation ● . Epitome of Answers 1. Of Question 2. Of Answer 4. The fourth order . Of Categorems , to Metrodorus 10. Of right and supine , to Philarchus● . Of Conjunctions , to Apollonides 1. To Pasylus , of Categorems 4. The fifth order . Of the five cases 1. Of expressions defined according to the subject 1. Of Assimilation , to Stesagoras 2. Of Appellatives , 2. Of the Logicall place concerning words , and their reasons , the first order . Of singular and plurall expressions 6. Of Words , to Sosigenes and Alexander 5. Of the anomaly of Words ; to Dion 4. Of Sorites pertaining to voice 3. Of Soloecismes , to Dionysius 1. Of unusuall speech 1. Words , to Dionysius 1. The second order . Of the elements of speech 5. Of the syntax of things said 4. Of the syntax and elements of speech , to Philip 3. Of the elements of speech , to Nicias 1. Of relative speech 1. The third order . Of not-dividents 2. Of Amphibolies , to Apollas 4. Of Tropicall Amphibolies 1. Of connex Tropicall Amphibolies 2. Upon Panthoedus , of Amphibolies 2. Introduction to Amphiboly 5. Epitome of Amphibolies , to Epicrates 1. Connex to the Introduction of Amphibolies 2. Of Logicall place concerning Reasons and Moods , the first order . The Art of Reasons and Moods , to Dioscorides 5. Of Reasons 3. Of the composition of Moods , to Stesagoras 2. Comparison of tropicall Axioms 1. Of reciprocall Reasons and connex 1. To Agatho , or of sequent problems 1. Of Inferences , to Aristagoras 1. Of placing the same reason in diverse Moods 1. Against those who oppose that the same reason may be plated in syllogistick and not syllogistick Moods 2. Against those who oppose the reduction of Syllogismes 3. Against Philo's book of Moods , to Timostratus 1. Logicall conjuncts , to Timocrates and Philomathes . Upon Reasons and Moods 1. The second order . Of conclusive Reasons , to Zeno 1. Of first indemonstrable Syllogismes , to Zeno 1. Of Reduction of Syllogismes 1. Of redundant Syllogismes , to Pasylus 2. Theorems of Soloecismes 1. Syllogistick Introductions , to Zeno 1. Introductions to Moods , to Zeno 3. Of Syllogismes false in figure 5. Syllogistick reasons by reduction in indemonstrables 1. Tropicall Questions to Zeno and Philomathes ( suspected to be spurious ) 1. The third order . Of coincident reasons , to Athenades 1. spurious . Coincident reasons as to the medium 3. spurious . Of Aminius's disjunctions 1. The fourth Order . Of Hypotheses to Meleager 3. Hypothetick reasons in Law , to Meleager 1. Hypothetick Reasons for introduction 2. Hypothetick reasons of Theorems 2. Solution of Hedyllus's Hypotheticks 2. Solution of Alexander's Hypotheticks 3. Spurious . Of expositions , to Leodamas 1. The fift order . Of introduction to the lying reason , to Aristocreon 1. Lying reasons to the Introduction 1. Of the lying reason , to Aristocreon 6. The sixt order . Against those who think true and false are one , 1. Against those who dissolve the lying Reason by distinction 2 : Demonstration , that infinites are not to be divided 1. Upon that which hath been said against the division of infinites , to Pasylus 3. Solutions according to the Antients , to Dioscorides 1. Of the solution of the lying reason to Aristocreon 3. Solution of Hedyllus ' s Hypotheticks , to Aristocreon and Apollas . The seventh Order . Against those who say the lying reason hath false sumptions 1. Of the negative , to Aristocreon 2. Negative Reasons , to Gymnasias 1. Of the diminutive reason , to Stesagoras 2. Of opinionative and quiescent reasons , to Onetor 2. Of the veiled reason , to Aristobulus 2. Of the occult reason , to Athenades 1. The eighth Order . Of the Nullity , to Menecrates 8. Of reasons consisting of indefinite and definite , to Pasylus 2. Of the Nullity to Epicrates 1. The ninth Order . Of Sophismes to Heraclides and Pollis 2. Of insoluble dialectick reasons to Dioscorides 5. Against Arcesilaus's method , to Sphaerus 1. The tenth order . Against Custom , to Metrodorus 6. Of the Logicall place ; besides these four differences , there are dispersed , not containing in the body of Logical Questions , 39. Of the Ethick Place , for direction of morall notions , the First Order . Description of speech , to Theoporus 1. Morall Theses 1. Probable sumptions for Doctrines , to Philomathes 3. Definitions of civill person , to Metrodorus 2. Definitions of wicked persons , to Metrodorus 2. Definitions of mean persons , to Metrodorus 2. Generall Definitions , to Metrodorus 7. Definitions of other arts , to Metrodorus 2. The second Order . Of things like , to Aristocles 3. Of Definitions , to Metrodorus 7. The third Order . Of things not rightly objected against Definitions , to Laodamas 7. Probables for Definitions , to Dioscorides . Of Species and Genus , to Gorgippides 2. Of Divisions 1. Of Contraries , to Dionysius 2. Probables for Divisions , genus's and species . Of Contraries 1. The fourth Order . Of Etymologicks , to Diocles 6 Etymologicks , to Diocles 4. The fift Order . Of Proverbs , to Zenodotus 2. Of Poems , to Philomathes 1. How Poems must be heard 2. Against Criticks , to Diodorus 1. Of the morall place of common speeches , according to Arts and Vertue : The first Order . Against Rescriptions , to Timonax 1. How we think and speak singulars 1. Of notions , to Laodamas 2. Of Suspition , to Pythonax 2. Demonstrations that a wise man doth not opinionate 1. Of Comprehension and Science , and ignorance 4. Of Speech 2. Of the use of Speech , to Leptines . The second Order . That the Antients approved Dialectick with Demonstration , to Zeno 2. Of Dialectick ; to Aristocreon 4. Upon the objections against Dialectick 3. Of Rhetorick , to Dioscorides 4. The third Order . Of habitude , to Cleon 3. Of art and sloth , to Aristocreon 4. Of the difference of Vertues , to Diodorus . What vertues are 1. Of vertues , to Pollis . Of the morall place concerning Good and Ill ; the first Order . Of Honesty and pleasure , to Aristocreon 10. Demonstration , that Pleasure is not the chief end 4. Demonstration , that pleasure is not good 4 , Of those which are said******** Thus concludes the seventh Book of Laertius , and who seeth not that the last of these titles is defective , and moreover that the rest of the Orders , concerning this place of Good and Ill , ( whereof this is but the first ) are wanting . Doubtlesse the end of this book is imperfect , and wanteth , if not the lives of any Stoicall Philosophers , who succeeded Chrysippus ( whereof he mentions Zeno and others else where ) yet at least a considerable part of his Catalogue , containing the rest of his Ethick writings and all his Physick , many of which are elsewhere cited even by Laertius himself , which as the learned Casau●on had observed , he would not have ascribed to Laertius's neglect that Chrysippus's book of Lawes is not mentioned . Of his Ethick writings , besides those here named , were these , a Of Laws . b Introduction to the consideration of things good or ill . c Of Honest. d Of Consent . e Of things expetible in themselves . f Of things not expetible in themselves . g Of Politick . h Of ends . i Of Passions . k Of Ethick questions . l Of lives , whereof Plutarch cites the 4th book . m That Zeno used names properly . n Of Iustice , the first book cited by La●rtius . o Of Life and Transaction . p Of Offices . q Demonstration of Iustice. r Protrepticks . s Of the End. t Of a Common-wealth . u Of the office of a Iudge . x Of Good. y Of Habits . To Physick belong these . z Physicks a Of the Soul , the 12th book cited by Laertius . b Of Providence , the first book cited . c Of the Gods. d Of Fate . e Of Divination . f Of the Philosophy of the Antients . g In calumniation of the Senses . h Of Jupiter . i Of Nature . k Physicall Theses . l Of Substance . m Of Motion . n Physicall questions , the third book cited . o Of Vacuity . p Epistles . The number of all his writings , according to Laertius , was 705. He wrote so much , that he had often occasion to treat upon the same subject , and setting down whatsoever came into his minde , he often corrected and enlarged it by the testimonies of others ; whence having in one book inserted all Euripides's Medea , one having the book in his hand , answer'd another that asked him what book it was , It is Chrysippus's Medea . And Apollodorus the Athenian , in his collection of Doctrines , asserting , that Epicurus had written many books upon his own strength , without using the testimonies of others , and that he therein far exceeded Chrysippus , addes these words ; For if a man should take out of Chrysippus's writings all that belongs to other men , he would leave the paper blank . Seneca gives this censure of him : q He is most subtle and acute , penetrating into the depth of truth . He speaks to the thing that is to be done , and useth no more words then are necessary to the understanding thereof ; but addes , that his r acutenesse being too fine , is many times blunted , and retorted upon it selfe ; even when he seemes to have done something , he only pricks , not pierceth . s Some there are who inveigh against him , as one that wrote many obscene things , not sit to be spoken , as in his Commentary of the antient Physiologists , what he writes concerning Iupiter and Iuno is obscenely feigned , delivering that in 600 Paragraphs , which the most impudent person would not have committed to writing ; for , say they , he hath related the story most unhandsomly , and though he prais'd it as naturall , yet it becommeth Curtezans rather then Gods. Moreover what he saith of those that writ of Tables is false , not to be found neither in Polemo , nor Hipsicrates , nor Antigonus , but forged by himselfe . In his book of a Commonwealth , he allowes marriage with a mother and a daughter , and repeats the same in the beginning of his book , Concerning things expetible in themselves . In his third book of Iustice , extending to a thousand Paragraphs , he advised to feed upon the very dead . In his second book of Life and Transaction , he affirmeth , a wise man ought to take care to provide himselfe food ; but to what end must he provide himselfe food ? for Livelyhood ? Life is an indifferent . For Pleasure ? Pleasure also is indifferent . For Vertue ? that is selfe - sufficient for Beatitude . Such kinds of acquisition of wealth are very ridiculous . If they proceed from a King , there is a necessitie of complying with him ; if from a friend , that friendship is veniall ; if from wisdome , that wisdome is mercenary . For these things , saith Laertius , some have inveigh'd against him . CHAP. IV. His death . HE died , according to Apollodorus , in the 143d Olympiad , ( so supply Laertius , in whom the centenary number is wanting by Suidas ) having lived 73 years . The manner of his death is differently related ; Hermippus affirmes , that being in the Odaeum ( a kinde of publick Theatre at Athens ) his Disciples called him away to Sacrifice , and thereupon taking a draught of wine , he was immediately seiz'd by a Vertigo , of which at the end of five daies he died . Others report , he died of excessive laughter : Seeing an Asseeafigs , he bad his woman offer it some wine , and thereat fell into such extremity of laughter , that it killed him . As to his person , he was very little , saith Laertius , as appeareth by his Statue in the Ceramick , which is almost hid by the horse that stands next it , whence Carneades called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hid by a horse . The posture of this Statue , Cicero saith , was sitting , and stretching forth his hand . Pausanias saith , it was set up in the Gymnasium , called Ptolomaean from the Founder , not far from the Forum . Laertius reckons foure more of this name . The first , a Physician , to whom Erasistratus acknowledgeth himselfe beholding for many things . The Second , his sonne , Physician to Ptolomy , who , upon the calumnies of some that maligned him , was publickly punished and beaten with rods . The third , Disciple to Erasistratus . The fourth , a writer of Georgicks . ZENO . a ZENO was of Tarsis , or , according to others , of Siodn , his Father named Dioscorides . He was Disciple to Chrysippus , and his successor in the School . b He wrote few bookes , but left behinde him many Disciples . DIOGENES . DIOGENES was born at Seleucia , a he was sirnamed the Babylonian , from the vicinity of that place . He was Disciple of Chrysippus , and is stiled by Cicero an eminent and serious Stoick . b Seneca relates , that discoursing earnestly concerning anger , a foolish young man standing by , spat in his face , which he took meekly and discreetly , saying , I am not angry , but am in doubt whether I ought to be so or not . He was one of the three that was sent from Athens on Embassy to Rome ; of which already in the life of Car●eades , who learn'd Dialectick of him . Cicero saith , he lived to a great age . Amongst other things , he wrote a treatise of Divina●ion . ANTIPATER . a ANTIPATER was of Sidon , Disciple to b Diogenes the Babylonian● Cicero calls him a most acute person ; Senecae , one of the great authors of the Stoicall Sect. c He declined to dispute with Carneades , but filled his bookes with confutations of him , whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the clamorous penman . d He disputed much against those who asserted nothing . Besides other things , he writ two books of Divination . e Cicero , at the latter end of his second book of Offices , saith , he then was lately dead at Athens . PANAETIUS . a PANAETIUS was of Rhodes , his Ancestours eminent for Martiall affairs and exercises . He was b Disciple to Antipater , intimate friend to c ● . Scipio Africanus , whom he accompanyed in his journey to Alexandria . Cicero calls him , d almost Prince of the Stoicks , a person extreamly inigenous and grave , worthy the familiarity of Scipio and Laelius . He was a great admirer of Plato , whom every where he calleth , divine , most wise , most holy , the Homer of Philosophers . But his opinion of the immortality of the Soul he approved not , arguing thus ; Whatsoever is generated dieth ; but soules are generated , as is manifest from the likenesse of those that are begotten to their Parents , not only in body , but disposition . His other argument was , There is nothing that is grieved or pained but is subject to be sick ; whatsoever is subject to sicknesse is likewise subject to death ; souls are subject to griefe , therefore they are subject to death . He alone rejected Astrologicall predictions , and receded from the Stoicks , as to Divination ; yet , would not positivly affirm there was no such art , but only that he doubted it . He wrote three books of Offices , much commended by Cicero . Lipsius conjectures he died old , because Cicero affirmeth out of Posidonius , that he lived thirty years after he had written his Bookes of offices . POSIDONIUS . POSIDONIUS was born at Apamea in Syria . He lived at Rhodes , and there managed civill affairs , and taught Philosophy . Pompey in his return from Syria , went to Rhodes purposely to hear him , and coming to his dore , forbad the Lictor to knock as was the custome , but he ( saith Pliny ) to whom the East and West had submitted , himselfe submitted his Fases at this Gate . But understanding that he was very sick of a great pain in his , joynts he resolved only to give him a visit . At his first coming and salutation , he told him with much respect , that he was extreamly sorry he could not hear him . Posidonius answer'd , You may ; for no corporeall pain shall make me frustrate the coming of so great a person : And thereupon he discoursed seriously and copiously upon this subject , as he lay in his bed , That nothing is good , but what is honest . And as often as his pain took him , he would say , Pain , it is to no purpose ; though thou art troublesome , I will never acknowledge thou art ill . He made a Sphear , wherein were all the conversions of the Sun , Moon , and Planets exactly as they moved in the Heavens every day and night . Of his writings are cited by Cicero , five Bookes of Divination ; as also five bookes of the nature of the Gods. Thus far we have a continued succession of the Stoick Philosophers , the last School , according to Laertius's disposition , of thsoe that were descended from Thales . FINIS . 2   52   3   53   4   54 Pisistratus died having raigned 17 years ; Arist. Polit. 5. Lxiii   55   2   56   3   57   4   58   Lxiv Miltiades . H●l . 7. 59   2   60   3   61   4   62   Lxv   63 Darius begun his reign .   2   64   3   65   4   66   Lxvi   67   2   68   3   69   4   70   Lxvii   71   2   72   3   73   4   74   Lxviii Lysagoras Marm. 75   2   76   3   77   4   78   Lxix Acestorides 11. Hal. 5. 79   2   80   3   81   4   82   Lxx Myrus Hal. 5. 83 Anaxagoras born . Laert by compute . 2   84   3   85   4   86 Pythagoras died . Euseb. Lxxi Hipparchus Hal. 6. 87   2 Pithocritus . Marm. 88   3   89   4   90   Lxxii Diognetus . Hal. 6. 91 The Marathonian fight . 2 Hybrilides . Hal. 7. Paus. 92   3 Phanippus . Plut. Aristie . 93   4   94   Lxxiii Archises . Hal. 8. 95   2   96   3 Aristides . Marm. 97 Darius died . Xerxes succeeded . 4 Philocrates . Marm. 98   Lxxiv Leostratus . Hal. 8. 99   2 Nicodemus . Hal. 8. 100   3   101   4   112   Lxxv Calliades . Marm. 103 Xerxes crost the Hellespont : the ●ight at S●lamis● Anaxagoras went to Athens . 2 Xantippus Marm. 104   3 Timosthenes Marm. 105   4 Adimantus Marm. 106   Lxxvi Phaedon . Diod. Sic. 107   2 Dromoclides 108   3 Ace●●orides 109   4 Menon 110   lxxvii Chares 111   2 Praxiergus 112   3 Demotion 113   4 Apsephion 114 Socrates born . lxxviii Theagenides 115 A stone fell down from Heaven at Aegos Potamus ; foretold by Anaxagoras . 2 Lysistratus 116   3 Lysanias 117   4 Lysitheus 118   lxxix Archedemides 119   2 Tlepolemus 120   3 Conon 121   4 Euippus 122   lxxx Phrasiclides 123   2 Philocles 124   3 Bion 125   4 Mnesithides 126   lxxxi Callias 1. 127   2 Sosistratus 128   3 Ariston 129   4 Lysicrates 130   lxxxii Chaerephanes Hal , 131 Xenophon born about this time . 2 Antidotus 132   3 Euthidemus 133 Anaxagoras ( having profest Philosophy 30 years at Athens ) condemn'd and banish'd ; collected from Laert. 4 Pedicus 134   lxxxiii Philiscus Hal 135   2 Timarchides 136   3 Callimachus 137   4 Lysimachides 138   lxxxiv Praxiteles 139   2 Lysanias 140   3 Diphilus 141   4 Timocles 142   lxxxv Murichides 143   2 Glaucides 144   3 Theodorus 145   4 Euthemenes 146   lxxxvi Nausimachus 147   2 Antilochides 148   3 Achares 149   4 Apseudas P●ol . 150   lxxxvii Pythodorus T●uc . 151   2 Euthidemus Athen. 5. 152 1 Year of the Peloponnesian war : Thucid. lib. 2 3 Apollodo●us . Athen● 5. 153 2 4 Epaminondas 154 3 lxxxviii Diotimus 155 4 Anaxagoras died , by compute from Laert 2 Euclides 156 5 3 Euthydemus 157 6 4 Stratocles 158 7 lxxxix Isarchus 159 8 The sight at Delium , wherein Socrates & Xenopho● fought . The Clouds of Aristophanes acted . 2 Amynias 160 9 The Clouds of Aristophanes acted the second time . 3 Alcaeus 161 10 4 Ariston 162 11 The time of Xenophon's symposium xc Aristophilus 163 12 2 Archias 164 13 3 Antipho● 165 14 4 E●phemus 166 15 xci Aristomnestus 167 16 2 Chabrias 168 17 3 Pisander 169 18 4 Cleocritus 170 19 xcii Callias 171 20 2 Theopompus 172 21 Thucydidesy ends his history ; Xenophon begins where he left . 3 Glaucippus 173 22 4 Diocles 174 23 xciii Euctemon Marm. 175 24 2 Antigenes Marm. 176 25 The first ascent of Cyrus into Asia . Marm. 3 Callias Marm. 177 26 Dionysius made K of S●●ac●●e . diod . the fight 4 Alexias 178 27 at Argi●●●● ; the 10 Captains put to death . xciv Pythodorus Athen. 179 The thirty Tyrants . Theramenes put to death . 2 Euclides 180   3 Micon 181   4 Exenaetus 182 The ascent of Cyrus into Asia against his brother : his death . Xenophon retreats with the army . The ●0 Tyrants put down . xcv Laches 183   2 Aristocrates 184 Socrates put to death . Thimbro sent into Asia against Tissaphernes by the Lacedaemonians ; and of Xenophons retreat 3 Ithicles 185   4 Lysiades 186   xcvi Phormio 187 Agesilaus goes into Asia against the Persian . ( 〈◊〉 . 2 Diophaneus 188 Age●laus called home ; fights with the Boetians at Co●onon reaedisies the walls of Athens . 3 Eubulides 189   4 Demostratus 190   xcvii Philocles 191   2 Nicoteles 192   3 Demostratus 193   4 Antipa●er 194   cxviii Pyrrhio 195   2 Theodorus 196   3 Mystichides 197   4 Dexitheus 198   xcix Diotrephes 199 Aristotle born . Laert 2 Phanostratus 200   3 Menander 201   4 Demophilus 202   c Pytheus Marm 203   2 Nico Hal. 204   3 Nausinicus Hal 205   4 Calleas Hal. 206   ci Chariander 207   2 Hippoda●●us 208   3 Socratides 209   4 Asteius Paus. 210   cii Alcisthenes . Hal. 211   2 Phrasiclides Marm. 212   3 Discinetus Paus. 213   4 Lycistratus 214   ciii Nausigenes Marm. 215   2 Polyzelus Hal. 216   3 Cephisodorus Hal. 217   4 Chion 218   civ Timocrates Hal. 219   2 Cariclides 220   3 Molon . Hal. dinar . 221   4 Nicophemus 222   cv Callimedes 223 Xenophon died . Laert. 2 Eucharistus 224   3 Cephisodotus 225   4 Agathocles Paus. Mar. 226   cvi Elpines 227   2 Callistratus Marm. 228   3 Diotimus 229   4 E●demus 230   cvii Aristodemus 231   2 Thessalus 232   3 Apollodorus 233   4 Callimachus Athen. 234 Plato died 82 years old . Athen. lib. 5. cviii Theophilus . Paus. Ath. 235   2 Themistocles 236   3 Archias 237   4 E●bulus 238 Aristotle went to Mitelene . Laert. cix Liz●scus 239   2 Pithodorus 240 Aristotle went to King Philip● Alexander being 15 years old . Laert. 3 Sosigenes 241   4 Nicomachus 242   cx Theophrastus 243   2 Lysimachides 244   3 Charonidas 245   4 Phrynichus 246   cxi Pythodorus Arr. 247   2 Euaenetus 248 Aristotle teacheth in the Ly●●um 13 years . 3 Ctesicles 249   4 Nicocrates 250   cxii Niceratus 251   2 Aristophanes Arr. 252   3 Aristopho● Ar. 253   4 Cephisophon 254   cxiii Euthycritus 255   2 Hegemon Hal. Ar. 256   3 Cremes 257   4 Anticles 258   cxiv Hegesias Arr. 259   2 Cephisodorus 260   3 Philocles Laert. 261 Aristotle went to Chalcis , and died there near 63 years old . Laert. Theophrastus succeeded . 4 Archippus Laert 262   cxv Neaechmus Hal. 263   2 Apollodorus 264   3 Archippus 265   4 Demogenes 166   cxvi Democlides 267   2 P●axibulus 268   3 Nicodorus 268 Pol●mo president of the Academy . 4 Theophrastus 269   cxvii Polemo 270   2 Simonides 271   3 Hieromnemon 272   4 Demetr●us Phalerens 273   cxviii Carinus 274   2 Anaxicrates 275   3 Co●aebus 276   4 Xenippus 277   cxix Phericles Hal. 278   2 Leostratus 279   3 Nicocles 280   4 Calliarchus 281   cxx Hegemachus Laert. 282   2 Euctemon 283   3 Mnesidemus 284   4 Antiphanes 285   cxxi Nicias 286   2 Nicostratus 287   3 Olympiodorus 288   4 Philippus 289   cxxii   290   2   291   3   292   4   293   cxxiii   294   2   295   3   296   cxxiv   297   2   298   3   299   4   300   cxxv   301   2   302   3   303   4   304   cxxvi   305   2   306   3   307   4   308   cxxvii Pytharatus Cic. 309   2   310   3   311   4   312   cxxviii   313   2   314   3   315   4   316   cxxix Diognetus Marm. 317   2   318   3   319   4   320   cxxx   321   2   322   3   323   4   324   cxxxi   325   2   326   3   327   4   328   cxxxii   329   2   330   3   331   4   332   cxxxiii   333   2   334   3   335   4   336   cxxxiv   337   2   338   3   339   4   340 Lacydes president of the Academy 26 years Laert. cxxxv   341   2   342   3   343   4   344   cxxxvi   345   2   346   3   347   4   348   cxxxvii   349   2   350   3   351   4   352   Lxxxviii   353   2   354   3   355   4   356   cxxxix   357   2   358   3   359   4   360   cxl   361   2   362   3   363   4   364   cxli   365 Lacydes resignes the school to Euander and Telecles . Laert. 2   366   3   367   4   368   clxii   369   2   370   3   371   4   372 ●●rineades ●orn . THE TABLE , The first Part ; Containing those on whom the attribute of wise was conferr'd . TALES Chap. 1. His Country and Parents pag. 1 2 The time of his birth 2 3 His travells 4 4 How he lived at Miletus ibd 5 The attribute of wise conferred on him 6 6 Of his Philosophy ibid Sect. 1. That water is the principle of all things 9 Sect. 2. Of God 11 Sect. 3. Of Daemons 12 Sect. 4. Of the soul ibid Sect. 5. Of the World 14 7 Of his Geometry 15 Sect. 1. Propositions invented by him 16 Sect. 2. Of his taking the height of the Pyramid 18 8 Of his Astronomy ibid Sect. 1. Of the Celestiall sphears 19 Sect. 2. Of the Sun , Moon , and Stars ibid Sect. 3. Of Eclipses 20 Sect. 4. Of the year 22 Sect. 5. His Astrologicall prediction ibid 9 His morall sentences 23 10 His iudgement in civill affairs 25 11 His writings 26 12 His auditors and schollers 28 13 His death 29 SOLON Chap. 1. His Pa●ents , Country and condition 30 5 How by his means the Athenians took Salamis , Cyrrha , and the Thracian Chersonesus 31 3 How he composed differences at home , and was made Archon 34 4 What alterations he made during 〈◊〉 government , and first of the Sisachthia 37 5 How he divided the people into Classes , and erected Cour●s of Iudicature 39 6 His lawes 41 7 Of the Axes and Cyrtes , Senators Oath and other institutions of Solon 51 8 How he entertained Anacharsis : his Travells to Aegypt , Cyrus , Miletus , Delphi , Corinth , and Creet 50 9 The attribute of wise conferred on him ; his morall sentences 53 10 How he opposed Pisistratus , and reprehended Thespis 55 11 How he travelled to Lydia and Cili●ia 58 12 His death 6● 13 His writings 63 CHILON chap. 1. his life 69 2 His morall sentences , precepts , and verses 71 3 His death and writings 72 PITTACUS chap. 1. his life 73 2 His morall sentences , precepts , and verses 81 3 His death , brother , wife , son , writings 75 BIAS chap. 1. His life 79 2 His morall sentences , precepts , and verses 77 3 His death and writings 82 CLEOBULUS chap. 1. his life , death , and writings 85 2 His morall sentences , precepts and verses 86 PERIANDER chap. 1. His Country , Ancestors and Parents 89 2 The time of his birth , reign , and the change of his disposition 91 3 Of his being placed in the number of the Seven sages : his sentences and writings 93 4 The story of Arion 95 5 Of his wife 96 6 Of his Children ibid 7 His death 99 Sociades his ( collection of the ) precepts of the seaven Sophoi . 101 Ausonius his play of the seven Sophoi 103 ANACHARSIS Chap. 1. His life and writings 109 His Apophthegmes 111 MYSON 113 EPIMENIDES 114 PHERECYDES 119 The Second Part. Containing the Jonick Philosophers . ANAXIMANDER Chap. 1. Of his life 1 2 His opinions 2 ANAXIMENES Chap. 1. His life 6 2 His opinions ANAXAGORAS Chap. His Country , time , and study of Philosophy 9 2 His opinions Sect. 1. Of the first principle of things 10 Sect. 2. Of the Heavens 11 Sect. 3. Of meteors 12 Sect. 4. Of the Earth 13 Sect. 5. Of living Creatures ibid 3 His predictions 14 4 His Schollers and Auditors 15 5 His triall , death , sentences , and writings 16 ARCHELAUS 19 The third Part. Containing the Socratick Philosphers . SOCRATES Chap. 1. His Country , Parents , and time of birth 1 2 His first education 3 3 His masters 4 4 His school and manner of teaching 5 5 Of his Philosophy 6 Sect. 1. His Metaphysicks 8 Sect. 2. His Ethicks 9 Sect. 3. Oeconomicks 17 Sect. 4. His Politicks ibid Of his Daemon 19 7 His military actions 24 9 How he carried himself in the Democracy and the Oligarchy 26 9 His falling out with all the Sophists , and with Anytus 30 10 His triall 33 11 His imprisonment 38 12 The time and manner of his death 40 13 What happened after his death 46 14 Of his person and virtues 48 15 His wives and children 51 16 His scholers and Auditors 54 17 His writings 57 Socrates his Epistles 59 The Clouds of Aristophanes 67 XENOPHON Chap. 1. His Country , Parents , and following Socrates 95 2 Upon what occasion he followed Cyrus into Asia 96 3 How he brought off the Grecian Army 97 4 End of the retreat 101 5 His following of Agesilaus and banishment 103 6 How he lived at Scilluns and at Corinth 104 7 His death , person and virtues 107 8 His writings 108 Xenophons Epistles 110 AESCHINES Chap. 1. His life 115 2 His writings 116 CRITO 118 SIMON ibid GLAUCON 119 SIMMIAS ibid CEBES ibid FINIS . Errata . MAny errors have escaped the press by reason of the Authors absence , as pag. 1. lin . 15. from whence it is derived to us . p. 2. l. 4. a very great anachronisme . l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 4. his time 〈◊〉 travell ; He went to Creet . p. 28. l. 18. fer his birth . p. 29. l. 9. my wave washt grove . p. 39. l. 3. ●udicature ; l. 23. a silent unexpressed consent . p. 41. l. 6. with Minors . p. 63. l. 4. the checkerd cloister . ● . 21. Dion Chrysos●ome ; Aristides Lycurgus . p. 69. l. 5. in Stobeus , Pages . p. 74. l. 42. as the ground . ● . 114. l. 9. other Do●●●es : others Agiasarchus : Apollonius , Bolus , Laertius and Suidas name his ●nother Bla●●a , Plutarch Balta ; supposed a Nymph . p. 119. l. 34. that suits not : In the second part ; p. 14. l 24. the ninty third Olympiad . p. 19. l. 43. These five , Thales , &c. In the third part , p. 1. l. 26. lived 70. yeares . p. 29. l. 42. your heard . p. 59. l. 6. What I writ before . l. 7. greater overtures . l. 9. ●ver ● to you . p. 68. l. 30. well , my good . p. 73. l. 26. fer●ent vowes . p. 75. l. 25. I thought that ●ove . p. 78. l. 17. the thing that I demand . p. 79. l. 17. and Lysinna . l. 34. within your selfe . p. 8● . l. 30. dele why . p. 82 l. 16. come and I. p. 83. l. 2. of folly or . p. 85. l. 41. Illoye sooles . p. 92. l. 34. rules all heaven . p. 105. l. 19. to Diana . In the margent , p. 17. the words perhaps are inverted , and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 27. both the Interpreters . p. 110 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Spargapithes . Lycus . Gnurus . Anacharsis Saulius , or Caduida . Indathyrsus . Part. 2. pag. 9. Laert : perhaps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Part. 3. p. 63. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . THE TABLE . The fourth Part. Containing the Cyrenaick , Megarick , Eleack and Eretriack Sects . ARISTIPPUS . Chap. 1. His Country and Parents 1 II. How he went to Athens and heard Socrates 2 III. How he went to Aegina ibid IV. His instituion of a Sect 3 Sect. 1. Of Iudgment and Iudicatories 4 Sect. 2. Of the End or chief Good 4 Sect. 3. Of Vertue 5 V. How he went to Dionysius's Court ibid VI. His Aemulators 6 VII . His Apophthegms 8 VIII . His Writings 11 IX . His Death 12 X. His Disciples & successors 14 HEGESIAS . Chap. I. His L●fe . 15 II. His Philosophy ibid ANNICERIS . Chap. I. His Life 17 II. His Philosophy ibid THEODORUS . Chap. I. His Life 19 II. His Philosophy 20 III. His Death , Writings , &c. 21 BION . Chap. I. His Life 22 II. His Apopthegms 23 III. His Death 24 EUCLID . Chap. I. His Country and Master● 27 II. His institution of a Sect ibid III. His Apophthegms , Writings 28 EUBULIDES 29 ALEXINUS 31 EUPHANTUS 32 APOLLONIUS CRONUS ibid DIODORUS . Chap. I. His Life ibid II. His Philosophy 33 ICHTHIAS 34 CLINOMACHUS ibid STILPO . Chap. I. His Life 35 III. His Philosophy 36 III. His Disciples 37 IV. His death , writings 38 PHAEDO 39 PISTHENES 40 Chap. Pag. MENEDEMUS , Chap. I. His Country , Parent● ibid II. His School and Philosophy 41 III. His manner of living ibid IV. His Civill Employment 43 V. His Vertues and Apophthgmes 44 VI. His Departure from Eretria , and Death 46 The Fifth Part. Containing the Academick Philosophers . PLATO , Chap. I. His Country , Parents and time 〈◊〉 II. His first Education , Exercises , and studies 6 III. His Masters in Philosophy , and his Travels to that end 7 IV. What Authors he follow'd 10 V. His School 13 VI. How he instituted a Sect 14 Sect. 1. Ethick 15 Sect. 2. Physick ibid Sect. 3. Dialectick 16 VII His Inventions 17 VIII . His Distinctions 19 IX . His three voyages to Sicily 25 X. His Authority in Civill Affairs 34 XI . His Vertues and Morall Sentences 37 XII . His ●ill and Death 40 XIII . His Disciples and Friends 42 XIV . His Aemulators and Detractors 43 XV His Writings 45 The Doctrine of Plato delivered by ALCINOVS . Chap. I. Of Philosophy , and how a Philosopher must be qualify'd pag. 56 II. That contemplation is to be preferred before Action 57 III. The three parts of Philosophy ibid DIALECTICK . IV. Of the Iudiciary part 58 V. The Elements and office of Dialectick 60 VI. Of Propositions and argumentations 6● VII . Of THEORETCK Philosophy 6● VIII . Of first matter 66 IX . Of Idaeas 67 X. Of God 6● XI . Of Qualities 70 XII . Of the Causes , generation , Elements , and order of the World ibid XIII . Of the convenience of Figures , with the Elements and World 72 XIV . of the Soul of the World , the sphears and Starres 73 Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61287-e400 * Laert. vi● . Thalet . * Not Leophantum Gorsiadem as the Interpreters render . * Se Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : by which Laertius is explain'd contrary to the interpreters . Notes for div A61287-e1410 * Astronom . Natione fuit Phoenix , ut Herodotus Milesius dicit . VVhich doubtlesse is corrupt ( for what Herodotus is that ? ) and to be restored to this effect , Natione fuit Phoenix ut Herodotus , Milesius ut alij dicunt . * In Voce Thales . * De Herod . ●nalign . * Laert. vit . Thal. * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 3. * De Atheniens tempor . * De sctent . mathemat . 32. 8. * In Euseb. * Archont . 1. 11. * Rationar . temp . 2. 12. * Vita Lycurg . * In Euseb. * Phlegon fragm . * In voce Thales . * See St. Augustin . de civit . dei , lib ▪ ●● cap. 24. & 27. * Stromat . 1. * Praepar . Evangel . 10. 4. * Laert. * D● Scient . Mathemat . cap. 32. * Plut. de plac . phil . 1. * Vit. Pythag. 1. 2. * Plutarch . Symp. sept . s●p . conviv . * Cyril . * Laert. * Laert. Suid in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Vitâ Solon . * Laert. Plut. Sympsiac . 3. 6. Stob. Serm. 66. * In Laertium . * Stob. serm . 66. * Vita Solon . * Sept. sap conviv . * Laert. * Arist. pol. 5. Iultim . * Herodot . 1. * Vit. Solon . de civit . d●i . 8. 2 * Laert. * Exercitat . Pli●ian . pag. 843. * Laert. * Valer. Maxim. 4. 1. * Laert. * Val. Max. * Laert. * Val. Max. * Athen. deipn. * Plut. vit . sol . * Plut. vit . sol . * Plut. vit . sol . * Vit. sol . * Apud Lactant. & de Natura Deor. 1. * Lib. 14. * De plac . phil . 1. 3. * Paraenes . ad . Graec. * Apologet. * De fals . rel . 1. 5. * Placit . philot . 1. 3. * Eclog. phys . 1. 13. * Metaph. 1. 3. * Natur. quast . 6. 6. * Metaphys . 1. 3 * Nac . quaest . 3. 13. * Nat. quaest . 6. * Ignis an aqu●●tilior ? * Theogon . * Argonant . 4. * Cited by Athenog●ras . * Porphyr . de antro . Nymph . * Prae●ar . Evangel . 1. 10. * Strab. lib. 15. * De placit . philot . 1. 2. Metaphys . 1. ● . Ap●loge● . 〈◊〉 . gent. 〈◊〉 * Stromat . 5. * De legib . 2. * De natur . de or 〈◊〉 * Physic. ● . 7. * Admonit . ad gent. * Herodot . lib. 2. * Placit . Philos . 1. 8. * Apolog. * De anim● . 1. 8. * 〈◊〉 legib . 2. * Vit. Pythag. * De myster . Egypt . sub initi● * De plac . Phil. 4. 2. * De anima . 1. 2. * Plato in timae . * Stob. Ecl. phys . lib. 1. * Arist. de anima . l. 2. * Tuscul. quast . ● . * De anima . 1. 3. * In Laert. * De anima . 1. 2 * Laert. * Tusc. quaest . 1. * Lib. 2. * Plutarch . de plac . phil . 2. 1. * Laert. * De Coclo . 1. 1● . 12. * Laert. * De plac . phil . 2. 1. * Timoth. * Damascen . * Tacit. de mor. Germ. * Caesar de bell● Gail . ● . * Laert. * Plut. de plac . phil . * Laert. Plut. s●pt . sap . conviv . Plut de plac . phil . 1. 18. * Plut. de plac . phil . 1. 9. * Plut. de pla phil . 1. 16. * Plut. de plat . phil . 2. 13. Achill . Ta● . 〈◊〉 in Arat. * De c●el● . 2. 7. 〈◊〉 de plac . phil . 2. 28. * Plut. de plac . phil . 3. 9. * Plut. de plac . phil . 3. 10. * Plut. de plac . phil . 3. 11. * Sept. sap . conviv * Laert. * Meteor . 2. 6. * De plac . phil . * Lib. 1. Florid. lib. 4. Laert. vit . Pythag. * De vita . Pythag. 1. 2. * In Eucli● . 2. 4. * Supply the breach in the text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. so Barocius translates * Reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Lib. 1. def . 17. * in Euclid lib. 2. com . 14. * Euclid . lib. 1. prop. 5. * lib. 3. com . 9. * Euclid . lib. 1. prop. 15. Procl . lib. 3. com . 19. Euclid lib. 1. prop. 26. * Procl . lib. 3. com . 31. * Geom. * Lib. 10. cap. 11. * Lib. 9. cap. 2. * Procl in Euclid . lib. 2. def . 4. where the words perhaps are inverted , and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Polyhist . cap. 25. * Idyll . 2. * Lib. 22. * Var. 7. form . 16. * Laert. * Lib. 36. cap. 12. * Euclid . lib. 6. prop. 4. * lib. 5. Cap. 17. * de Caelo . 2. 12. * Epist. 〈◊〉 pherecyd . * De plac . phil . * Strab. lib. 2. * Plin. 2. 8. * Laert. * Advers . mathem . 5. 2. * in Arenarie . * Eaert. & Achill . Tat. Isag. in Arat. * De placit . phil . 2. ● . * Plut. de plac . phil . 2. 28. * Lib. 1. * Lib. ● . cap. 12. * cap. 20. * Strom. 1. * Lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the M. S. prepared for the Presse in the hands of my honoured friend Edward Byshe Esq. * lib. 2. * Plat. * Pol. 1. 7. * De divinat . 1. * Sept. sap . conv . * Etiam apud Stob. serm . 109. Etiam apud . Stob. serm . 46. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not as counselling the latter but reproving the former . * Sympos . sept . sap . * Serm 61. * Serm. 104. * S●ob . serm . 28. * i. e. be true to thy trust . * Clem. Alex. * Fab. 221. * Laert. * Lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Valla readers thus ; Caeteras autem civitates habitatas nihilominus hule parituras , qua aliarum civitatum tribus legibus parerent . Stephanui thus ; nihiloninus eodem loco haberi quo tribus ; both ( I conceive ) amiss . * In Hippia * Who renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in quam cum introduxisset ex pristino alveo sluvium , iterum cum ubi exercitus trajectus esset in suum alveum resundere● * In Nubes . Stob. serm . 147. Stob. serm . 141. Stob. serm . 43. * De civi● . dei . * Laert : * Lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the interpreters render this to another effect . * ●ert . vit . Anax. * De vita Pythag 1. 2. * Vit. ●ythag . 1. 2. * Vit. Pythag. 1. 3. * Laert. * Rationar . temp . 1. 12. * De long ●vis . * Chron●l . Plut. vit . S●lon . * Le●●t . * Vit. S●crat . Notes for div A61287-e16060 * Plut. * L●ert : Plut. * Laert. vit . Proclus in Tima●m : * Plut. * Polit. 4. 11. * In Scytha . * Orat. ● . * Orat. de falsa legat . * Pausan. * Plut. * Pausan. * Plut. * Poly●n lib. 1. * Plut. * Plut. * V●r. hist. 7. 19. * Plut. * Elian. var. hist. 7. 19. * Plut. * Laert. * Plut. * P●usan . in phoc. * Pausan in phoc. * Plu● . * In Phoc : * In voce Solon . * Polyaen . lib. 3. * Pausan. * Pausan. ibid. * Lib. 3. * Lib. 3. cap. 7 : * ●aert . * Plut. * Laert. * Plut. * Laert. * Plut. * In Epim●nid . * Plut. * ●aern . * Plut. * Plut. * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 1. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Arist. Rbe● . 2. 23. * Agell . 11. 18. * Tetian . Cl●m . Alex. Suid. * In demost . Timocr . * Plut. * ●ollux . * Pollux . * Pollux . * Pollux . * Pollux . * Epist. 90. * Lib. 2. * In Theophrast . * Plut. * De Offic. l. 1. * Lib. 8. cap. 6. * Schol. Arefloh . in Nub. * Annal. 3. * Man. ●●●olog . in protreptr . a● doctr . * Liv. lib. 3. * Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illust . c. 21. * Lib. 22. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Lib. 2. cap. 12. * Plut. * ad 〈◊〉 . 10. 1. * Plut. * In pracept . conjugial : * Lib. 11. * Hec. Act 1. Scen. 2. * Phorm . act . 2. scon . 3. * Plut. * 1. 12. 15. * Lib. 3. Epist. 243. * Orat. in Leptin . * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Orat. in Lept . * De leg . lib. 2. * Plut. * Prafat . lib. 6. * Exhort . Vrat . ad artes . * Epist. 7. * Lib. 7. * Lib. 1. * Plut. * Plut. * ●ysias in Orat. de 〈◊〉 Eratusth . * Orat. in I l'●arch . * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * lib. 4. ad leg . 12. tab . * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. Laert. * Orat● in Timarch . * Laert. * In Timarch . * In Androt . * Laert. * In Panathen . * Menexen . * Lae●t . * In Hermog ; * In Herm●g . * L●●rt . * Laert. * Orat in Timarch . * Lib. 11. c. 18. * Parth. 〈◊〉 4. * Orat. in Timo●r . * Schol. Aristoph . 〈◊〉 . * Laert. * De leg . spec Tib. 2. * In Praem . & in Cimoni● vita * Eschin . orat . in Timarch . * in Nearam . * Demosth. Orat. in Macartat . * Clcer . de leg . 2. * Elian. var. hist. 2● 42. &c. 5. 14. * Demost. in Lipton . * Declam . 18. * Pyrrh . Hipp. 3. 24. * Lib. 2. * Eschin . in Cres●ph . * Demosth. Orat. in Timocr . * Athen●us deipu . lib. 15. * Eschin . in Ctesiph . * Liban . declam . 13. * Stob. 112. * Demost. in Aristogit . * Maxim. Tyr. 39. * Cicer. ●rat . pro S. Rosc. Amer. & Laert. * Plut. * Agyll . 2. 12. * Plut. Etymol . * Pollux . 8. 10. * Suid. * Ammon . de differ vec . * Suid. * Schol. Aristot. in Ares . * Didym . apud . Harp. & Suid. * Flud . * Serm. 112. * Orat. de coron ● . * Dem●st . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * La●rt . * Plut : * The clouds , act . 4. scen. 2. * Laert. * Athen. deipn. 13. * Sect. Empiric advers Mathem . 6. * Laert. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Plut. * Laert. * Serm. 121. * Laert. * Orat. 37. * 1 Meursius . * ad ●herecyd . * Laert. * Orat. 4. * Vit. Sol. * Vit. Sol. * Vit. Themist . * Somn. Scip. 2. 17. * Vit. Sol. * Sympos . Sept. Sapi. * Arist. Ethic. 10. 8. * Cicer. Epist. 15. ad Brut. * Val ▪ Max. 7. 2. * Stob. Serm. 34 * Stob. Serm. 41 * Iohan. Salisb. Polier . ● . 14. * Orat. in Yimocrat . * Laert. Stob. serm . 3. * Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. * Plut. * Plut. * Laert. * Plut. * Laert. * Lib. 17. cap. 21. * Herodot . * Plut. * Herod . * Plut. * Plut. * De longavis . * Plaut . * Var. hist. 8. 16. * lib. 5. cap. 3. * Laert. * Val. Max. 8. 7. * Stob. 29. * Pausan. Attic. * Demosth. in Aristog . 2. Elian . var. hist. 8. 16. * In Bruto . * De orat , lib. 1. * Orat. 21. * Orat. Plat. 2. * In Tim●eo . 1. crit . * Eclig . dict . Attic. * In Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Attic. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Notes for div A61287-e30950 * Laert. * Serm. 28. * Herodot . lib. 1. Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 7. 235 : * Laert. * Plut. vit . Lycur . * In Euseb. p. 67 : * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 1. cap. 3 : * Plutarch . Simpos . sept . sap * Plut. de anima . * Stob. serm . 28. * Lib. 7. cap. 32. * Agell . * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 7. cap. 32 ▪ * Laert. * Lud. sept . sap . * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e32620 * Laert. & Suid. * So the varican M. S : of Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 better then the printed editions , which read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , * Suid. * Laert. * Strab. * Herod . 5. 94. * Strab. lib. 13. * Herod . continues . * Strab. Laert. * Strab. Laert. * Saturnal . * 〈◊〉 Retiario : * Strab. Laert. * Herod . 5. 95 : * Strab. * Laert. * Aristot. polit . 3. 14. * Val. Max. 6. 5 * Plut. amator . * Aristot. pol. 3. 14. * Plut. de ●aligd . Herod . Laert. Suid. * Laert. * Val. Max. 6. 5 * De legib . 2. * F●lit . 2. 12. * Pollux . * Plut. Sympos . sept . sap . * Hence correct Suidas , who saith Simon . * Laert. * 6. 5. * Symp●s . sept . sap . * Athen. deipn. ●ib . 10. * Laert. * From. vinct . * St●b . 28. * Laert. * Laert. * Long●v . * Laert. * De anim . tranquil . * Laert. * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e35300 * Laert. * Laert. * Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Herod . 2. 7. * Herod . 1. 170. * Val. Max. 7. 2. * Plut. conv . sept . sap . * Plut. ibid. * Agel . 5. 11. * Flut. * Stob. serm . 28 * Stob. serm ●3 . * Laert. * Laert. * Laert. * Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A61287-e36870 * Laert. * Suid. * De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delph . * Plut. con●iv sept . sap . * Laert. * Laert. * Laert. * Laert. * Plut. sympos . sept . sap . * Stob. serm . 28 * Laert. * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e37970 * Laert. * Herod . 1. 7. * Lib. 5. 92. * Politic. 5. * Excerpt . Nicol. Damasc. Suid. * Conviv . sept . sap . * Laert suid . * Herod . * Laert. * Sept. sap . conviv . * Laert. * Suid. * Excert . Nicol. Damascen , and Suidas from him . * Laert. * Suid. * Laert. * Lib. 1. 20. * Laert. * Sept. sap . conv . * Laert. * De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Delph . * Suid. * Protag●r . * Laert. * Plut. sept . sap . conv . * Stob. 28. * Stob. ibid. * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 1. See also Agellius who translates this of Plutarch , Lucian , and others * Laert. * Athen. Deipn . * Laert. * Herod . 5. * Suid. * Herod . lib. 3. 49. * Herod . ibid. * Herod . ibid. * Plutarch . de malign . Herodot . * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e44890 * Lib. 4 ▪ 46 ▪ * Strab. lib. 7. * Laert. * Plut. conviv . sept . sap . * Elian. var. hist. lib. 5. * Herod . 4. 46. * Laert. * Lucian . Scyth . * Strab. lib. 7. * Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. * Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. * Elian. lib. 2. * Athen. deipn. 10. * Herod . 4. 76. * Clem. Alex. admonit adgent . * Clem. Aleu . ibid. * Herodot . continues . * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Spargapitbes . 1. * Lycus . 1. * Gnutus . 1. * Anacharsis . Saulius , or Caduida . 1. * Indathyrsus . * Laert. Plut. conviv . sept . sap . * Laert. Plut. con●●iv . sept● sap . * Laert. * Cic. Tuscul. quaest . 5. * Clem ▪ Alex. cites this fragm●nt , doubtlesse out of the same Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Strom. 1. * Strab. lib. 7. * Laert. Suid. * Suidas . * Laert ▪ * Plut. conviv . sept . sap . Strab. 15. * Analyt . post . 1. 13. * Plut. conviv . sept . sap . * Laert. * Herod . 4. 46. * Plut. de profect . virtut . sent . * Plut. vit . Sol. * Plut. conv . sept . sap . * Stob. serm . 16. * Athen. deipn. lib. 10. * Athen. deipn. lib. 10. * Athen. deipn. lib. 14. * Clem. Alex. strom . lib. 5. * Clem. strom . 1. Notes for div A61287-e46630 * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e47030 * Val. Max. 8. 13. * One of these names perhaps is corrupt . * ●pollo● . hist. com . cap. 1. Plin. 7. 52. Laert. * De ling. lat . 6. * An seni sit gerenda resp . * de anima . 46. * Attic. the number in Suidas seems false , as also in the Vatican appendix of adages ; one hath 6. the other 7. * Plin. 7. 52. * Laert. Suid. * Apollon . * Laert. * Suid. * Laert : * Strab. * Laert. * Laert. * Plut. vit . Sole * Laert. * Plat. * Plut. Sol. * Laert. * Tit. 1. * Laert. citing Phlegm ; Plin. 1. 52. * Apollon . Hist. com . 1. citing Phlegon . Suid. * Suid. * D. Hieronym . in Epistol . ad Titam . see the place . * Tit. ●1 2. * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e48290 * Tusc. quaest . 1. * Laert. * Apollon . hist. comment . cap. 5. * Laert. * Apollon . ibid Laert. * Laert. * Laert. * Achil. Tat. Isag. in Art. * Cicer. Tusc. quast . 1. * ●biliad . * Laert. * Aelian . 4. 28. see alsa 5. 2. Notes for div A61287-e49300 * Laert. praes . * Cic. acad. quaest . 4. * Suid. * Strab. lib. 1. & 4. * Clem. Alex ▪ Strom. 1. * Laert. * Suid. * Strab. lib. 1. * Plin. 2. 8. * Laert. * Suid. * Laert. * Plinian . Excit . * Cicer. divinat : ●lin . 2. 79. * Laert : * Suid. * Acad. quaest . 4. * De plac . phil . 1. 3. * Paran . ad Graec. * Laert. * Symplic . in phys . 1. 2. phis . 1. 5. * Plut. plac . phil . 1. 3. * Laert. * Cap. 6. * Cicer. Acad. quaest . 4. * Plut. plac . phil . 1. 3. Iust. Mart. paraen * De nat . deor . 1. * Plac. Phil. 1. 7. * Stob. * Stob. * Stob. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 20. * Plut plac . phil . 2. 21 ▪ * Laert. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 24 Stob. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 25. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 29. Stob. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 28. * Laert. * As a learned person conceives , upon those words of Laert. * See Erasm. Reinholdus in Theoricas purbachii pag. 164 * Plut. plac . phil . 3. 7. * Plut. plac . phil . 3. 3. * Nat. quaest . 2. 18 * Sen. nat . quaest . 2. 19. * Plut ▪ plac . phil ▪ Notes for div A61287-e51090 * Laert. * Simplic . * Cic. acad. quaest . plin . 2. 76 * Suid. * Laert. * Lib. 2. * Plut de plac . Iustin Martyr . paraen . 1. 3. phil . * Cic. de nat . deor . 1. * Cic. ●cad . quaest . 4. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 11. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 23. * Laert. * Plut plac . phil . That * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 19. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 24. Plut. * Plut. plac . phil . 3. 4. * Stob. * Plut. de plac . phil . 3. 5. Plutarch , deplac● 3. 15. * Meteor . 2. 7. Senec nat . quaest . 6. ●0 . Notes for div A61287-e52090 * Plut. contra usar . Lysand * Tusc. quaest . S. * De orator . 3. * Hipp. ma● . * Laert. * Cicer. de Na. deor 1. * La●rt . * Laert. perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * ●lut . plac . phil . 1. 3. * Arist. phys . 3. 4 * Arist. phys . 3. 7 * Plut. * Laert. * Lib. 1. * Lactan. fals . rel . 1. 5. * Cic. nat . deor . 1 * August . cir . de● . 8. 2. * Aristot. Met. 1. 3. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 13. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 16. * plut , plac . phil . 2. 23. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 20. Laert . Achil. Tat. Isag. in Arat. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 21. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 25. * Plut. plac . phil . 2. 30. Laert. * In Cratylo . * Plut. plac . phil . * Mei●eor . 1. 8. Arist. Meteor . 1. 6. * Laert. Plut. plac . phil . 3. 3. Plut. plac . phil . 3. 5. * Arist. Meteor . 2. 7. Plut. plac ▪ phil . 3. 15. Senec . nat . quaest . 6. Cic. Acad. qu●st . 4. Laert. Plut. plac . phil . 3. 16. Plut. plac . phil . 2. 8. Plut. plac . phil . 1. 17. Plut. plac . phil . 4. 1. Laert. * Plu ▪ plac . phil . 4. ● . * plut plac . phil . 5. 24. * Plut. plac . phil . 5. 25. * Plut. plac . phil . 5. 25. * Plut. de am●re frat . * Vit. Ly●and . * Meteor . 1. 7. * Vit. Lysand. * Senec. nat . quaest . 7. 5. * Suid. * Cicer. * Plut. vit . Pericl . * His words ( because never published ) these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laert. Cic. Tus● . qu●st . 3. Plut. de ira cohib . Varr. hist. 3. Plut. consol . ad Apol●on . * Simplic . in Epiclet . * Val. Max. 5. 10. Laert. * Laert. * Vit. Pericl ▪ * De superstit . * Cic Tus● . quaest . 1. * Plut. instruct . polit . * Aelian . * Laert. * Lacrt. * Laert. * Laert. * Stob. * Phys. 1. 5. Plut. Georg. * Hip. mai . * Lib. 2. * De exsul . * Laert. Notes for div A61287-e56080 Laert. Stob ▪ Plut. plac . phil . 1. 3. Sen. Nat. quaest . 6. 12 ▪ Plut. Laert. Notes for div A61287-e56830 Laert. * Laert. ●lat . The●at . Alcib . * Liban . * Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Val. Max. marmorarius . * Thea●tet . * Deipnos . 5. * Liban . Apol. * Apol●g . * Laert. * Lib. 11. * Archont . 2. 7 ▪ * Dialog . de script . Socr. * Laert. * Var. hist. 2. * Porphyr . vit . Plut. * Sympos . 8. 1 * De Gen. Socr● * Aristoxenus apud Theodoret. de Graec. affect . cur lib. 12. * Apol. Soc. * Laert. * Lib. 9. * In nub . * 36. 5. * Laert. * Laert. vit . Crit. * AElian . var. hist. 2. Plut. de util . virtut . * Plutarch . comparat . vit . Aristid . & Caton . * Apolog. * Laert. * Cic. Tusc. quaest . 5. * Laert. * Plut. * Plat. Men. * Plat. menex . * Maxim. Tyr. * Plat : Theaetet . * Schol. Aristoph in Nub. * ●pist . 9. 22. * Quintil. 1. 10. * Plat. Euthy● . * Nub. * Phaedr . * Epist. Socratic . * Memor . 1. * Vtrum . sen. ger . vesp . * Lib. 9. cap. 2. * De orat . 2. * Cicer. Ac●d . quast . 4. * De invent . 1. * Plat. Lach. * Liban . Apol. * Plat. Euthyphr . * ●lat . Theaetet . Plutarch . quaest . Platon . 1. * Schol. Aristoph . in nub . p. 129. * Plat. Apol. * Laert. vit . Xenoph. * Laert. vit . ●lat . * Epist. ad Aeschin . * 14. 3. * Histor. eccles . 10. 36. * Theodoret. * Xen. mem . 1. pag. 710. * Xenoph. mem . 4. * Deleg . * Laert. * Acad. quoest . 1. ●lat . Phaed. Plutarch . plac . phil . 1. 3. Plat. Phaed. * Xen. memor . 1. * Xen. mem●r . 1 : page 711. * Xen. memor . 4. Schol. Aristoph . in nub . p. 128. Plat. Phaed. Cic. de amicit . Plat. Phaed. Stob. Eth. 269. * Xen : mem . 1 : p. 720. Xen mem . 1. p. 720. Xen. mem . 3. p. 778. Xen. mem . 3. p. 779. Xen. mem . 3. p. 78. Xen. mem . 3. p. 780. * Clem. Alex. Strom. 2. 417. Cicer. de . offic . 3. & de leg . 1. Plut. de . amicor . multit . p. 93. Plut. de lib. educ . Laert. La●rt . Laert. Laert. * What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means , is explained by Aristotle , polit . 5. 3. & physic . 5. 4. * Clem. Alex. strom . 5. * Nonn in Greg. Stelicut . Stob. Ech. serm . 1. Stob. 1. Stob. 1. Stob. 1 : Stob. 37. Stob. 46. Stob. 218. Xenep . mem . 2. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Stob 1. Stob. 16. Stob. 139. Stob. 139. Stob. 139. Stob. 144. Stob. 215. Stob. 240. Stob. 240. Stob. 258. Stob. 261. Stob. 269. Stob. 892. Xen. mem . 1. p. 7. 9. Xen. men . 2. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 4. Cicer. Senec. Epist. 1. 103 Laert. Stob. 1. Stob. 28. & 42. Stob. 28. Stob. 28. Stob. 32. a Stob. 31. Stob. 32. Stob. 32. Stob. 32. Stob. 87. Stob. 211. Xen. mom . 2. Xen. mem . 1. 722. 4. 804. Xen. mem . 1. 722. Xen. mem . 4. 803. Stob. 43. Stob. 193. Stob. 201. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 3. * Xen. mem . 3. Plut. consol . ad Apollon . Stob. 1. & 296. Stob. 5. * Stob. 48. * Stob. 49. Stob. 269. Aelian . var. hist. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 4. Plut. de anim . tranquill . Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Aelian . var. hist. 9. Stob. 28. Stob. 37. Stob. 37. Stob. 37. Stob. 37. Stob. 37. Stob. 40. Stob. 84. Stob. 8 Stob. 183. Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 1. D. Basil hom . 24. de legand . lib gentil . Stob. 28. Stob. 54. Stob. 55. Stob. 77. Stob. 78. Stob. 230. Stob. 230. Stob. 231. Xen. mem . 1. Stob. 43. Stob. 43. Stob. 246. Plut. de his qui sero a num . Fun. Plut. de consol . ad Apollon . Stob. 256. * Xen. memor . 1. Stob. 64. Stob. 64. Stob. 64. Stob. 64. Stob. 69. Stob. 71. Stob. 114. Plut. de sanittuend . Stob. 37. Stob. 67. Stob. 134. Stob. 296. Xen. mem . 4. Stob. 52. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 2. Plut. de srat . amore . Laert. Stob. 213. Stob. 213. Stob. 213. Stob. 218. Stob. 258. Stob. 263. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. p. 7. 88. see more there . Laert. Stob 183. Stob. 183. Stob. 193. Xen. mem . ● . Xen. mem . 1. Xen. mem . 3. Xen. mem . 3. 779. Xenop . mem . 4. 813. Xen. mem . 4. Laert. Clem. Alex. strom . 4. Stob. 141. Stob. 141. Stob. 141. Stob. 141. Stob. 141. * Sup. cap. 2. * Apud . Athenaeum . ● De divinat . ib. 1 * Plut. de Gen. Socr. * Plato . Theag. Aelian var. hist. 8. 1. * Plat. Theag. Cic. de divinat . 3. * Plat. Theag. * Plat. Theag. * Xenoph. hist. Graec. 1. * De civ . dei . 8. 4. * Plutarch . de gen . Socr. * De Orig. error . 2. 15. In Psal. 91. * De perenn . philos . 25. * Argum. ad Apol. Soc. * De anim . pagan . 5. 14. * De divinat . 1. * Eaert. * Sympos . * Plut. Sympos . Lib. 2. cap. 1. * Plut. Symp. Athen. deipnos . citing Antisthenes . * Apud . Plac●n . * Strab. lib. 9. Laert. * Plat. * Plut. de daemon . Socr. & Socrat. Epist. 1. * Plat. Apol. Laert. * Thucyd. 4. * Var. hist. 3. * Plat. Apol. * Plat. Apol. Gorg. * Chap. 1. * Xen. memor . 1. p. 711. * Plat. Apol. * Xenoph. hist. Graec. 1. * Xenoph. memor . 1. * Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Diod. Sic. lib 14. * Aelian . var. hist. 2. * Laert. * Xenoph. memor . 1. * Plat. Apol. * Brut : * Cic. Orator . * Liban . Apol. * Cie . But. * Liban . Apol. Socratic . Epist. * Var. hist. * Schol. Aristoph . * Liban . * Aelian . * Aelian . var. hist. 5. * Plut. de educand . lib. * Schol. Aristoph * Lacrt. Plat. Apul. Liban . Apol. * See Suidas upon that word . * Liban . Apol. p. 644. * Xenoph. Apol ▪ & memor . 4. * Cicer. de Oral . 1. Laeart . * Plut. * Laert. * Plat. Apol. * Liban . Apol. * Cic. T●●c . quest . 1. * Cic. de divinat . 1. * Socratic . Epist. 14. * Plat. Apol. * Cic. Tusc. quest . 1. * Xenoph. * Plut de tranqu . anim . * Plut. de consol . ad Apol. * Leart : * Xenoph. * Plat Apol. * Xenoph. Apol. * Consol. ad Melv. * Maxim. Tyr. * Xenoph. memor . 4. * Plat. Phad . * Plat. Crit. * Leart * Lib. 14. * Memorab . lib. 1. Tusc. quast . pag. 127. * Plat. * Plut. de virt . mor. * Plut. vit . dec . Orat. * Liban . * Socrat. Epist. * Socrat. Epist. * Laert 〈◊〉 Antisth . * Themist . Orat. 2. * Laert. * Diod Sic. 14. Socratic . Epist. * De invid . & 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have been some glosse to explain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Callimach . Epigr. As 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * In Aedes : * Plat. Phaedr . Theaetet . * Schol Arisloph . * Flat . Phaedr . Theaeter . * Flat . Protagor . * Plut. Phaedr . * Sen. Epist. 1. 103. * Xenoph. mem . 1. Laert. * Plat. Sympos . * Socrat. Epist. Liban . * Plat. Phaedr . * Cicer. Tusc. quaest . 5. & de fato . * Plat. conviv . * Schol. Aristoph . p. 136. * Advers . Colos. * Xenoph. * Plut. ●duers . Colo● . Liban . Apolog. * Schol. Aristoph . * Academ . quaest . 1. * Laert. * Xen memor . 4. p. 818. * Xen. mem . 1. p. 710. * Pl●t Philib . * Suid * Schol. Arisloph . * Laert. * Aelian . 9. Cic. Tusc. quaest . 3. offic . 1. * Plin. 7. 19. * Xenoph. mem . 4. p. 818. * Plut. * Xen. mem . 1. p. 712. * Aelian . 13. * Xenop● . me mor. 1. p. ●11 . * Liban . * Laert. Aelian . 9. * Laert. * Laert. * Senee , de benefic . 5. 6. * Antonin . vit . lib 11. Aelian . 9. * Laert. * S●b . 71. * Laert. * ●lut . de educ . liber . Seneca de ira . 3 D. Basil. ●lut . de ira cohib * Xenoph. memor . pag. ●12 . * Laert. * Plut. de exsul . * Sence . de tranquill . * X●nopb memor 4. p● 〈◊〉 . * Quinil . 8. 4. * Xen. memor . 1. p. 731. * Xenoph : memor . 2. p. 752. * 1. 17. * L●●n . * Laert. * Laert. * Lib. 2. 26. Plut. de ira cahib . Aelian v●r . hist. 11. 12. Aellan . 7. 10. Laert. Stob. Stob. 188. * Theodoret. * Socratic . Epist. * Laert. * Theo●oret . * De oratore . lib. 3. * Cicer. Tusc. quaest . Pl●t conviv . Plutarch . * Aelian . 3. 28. * Aelian . 2. 1. * Laert. vit . Crit. * Macrob. Saturn . 7. 3. * Xenoph mem . * Xenoph. mem . * Xenoph. mem . 4. p. 786. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which effect also Plutarch ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dion . Halicarn . in Critic . * Plat. Apol. * Xenop . mem . 3. p. 772. & p. 774. Lecrt . * Plat. Apol. * Plat. ibid. * Xenoph. mem . 2. p. 743. * Plat. Apol. * Plat. Apol. * Memor . 1. p. 729. 731. 732. * Xen. mem . 1. p. 725. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 2. Xen. mem . 4. Xen. memt 4. * Xenoph. * Laert. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est quod gallinas Indicas facere videmus aliquando tumentes & caudam pandentes . * Plat. Laert. * Plat. Laert. * mem . 3. * Laert. * Tusc. quest . 4 * Laert. vit . Xenoph. * Laert. vit . Aeschin . Notes for div A61287-e80080 * Allatius otherwise : * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this sense the words are passable ( so is not the interpretation of Allatius , aeque omnihus audiendi etiam si nolint potestate factâ . ) But I conceive the words of Socrates were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Allatius otherwise . * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * This interpretation seemes to be confirmed by the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * otherwaies Allatius . * reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by which we may have some light to finde perhaps the true reading , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Allatius otherwise . * Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Perhaps Lysias . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. which 〈◊〉 , reading immediately after for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Pe●haps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Allatius seems to read . * For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Perhaps . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Notes for div A61287-e81200 * The Athenians in time of war with the Lacedaemonians made an Edict , that no man should beat his servants , lest they should go over to the enemy . Schol. * Their horses were named from the marks they had ; if a K. Ceppatia ; if an an S , Samphor● . Schol. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sch. MS. * A stony craggy place in Attica , in such Goats delight most . Soli. M. S : * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Schol. M. S. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Schol. M. ● . * The School discovered ; the Schollars in severall postures : Socrates hanging in a basket . * Suid. lib. * The words of Silenus ( whom Socrates resembled for deformity ) in Pindar . Schol. * Chorus of clouds . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at Eleusis in Attica were celebrated the my●eries of Ceres , to which Athenians only were admitted , not strangers ; if any one dis covered them to a person not initiated , they were both put to death . Schol. M. S ▪ * The Socratick way of dispute by question . * Coward . * E●●eminately attired . * Whereof Iupiter was the particular Deity ; thence sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Deriding Socrates as ignorant in Naturall Philosophy . * As the Schollers of Socrates used , especially Xenephon and Plato . * Deriding Socrates a● ignorant in Grammer . * A meal-trough the Greek word hath a Masculine termination but feminine article . * Esseminate Cowards . * So Socrates disputes in ●lato's Phadrus , that exteriour objects might not divert him ; which Aristophanes here derides . * A● if he should say , the Atheist : for the Melians were infamous for Atheism for Diagoras who profest it : Socrates was Scholar to Aristoras a Melian . See chap. 3. * From the twentieth day of the month they reckon'd backward , see the life of Solons Chap. * Such guif●s Socrates sometimes accepted , though not money . See Chap. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Schol. M. S. * See the life of Solon . Ch●p . * Which were Xenocles , Xenotimus , and D●motimus , ●●agick ●oets and Actors . * This and the following line are takes from Xenocles the Tragadian , which is the reason of Strepsiades his answer . * The Horses name which he bought of him . * At noon Virgecl . 2. * Act. 3. * Act. 2. 〈◊〉 . 3. Notes for div A61287-e105110 * Lae●● . * Laert. * de Longave . * Anima●● . ● . 12. * Laert. * Strab. 9. Laert. * Xenoph. expedit cyr . lib. 1. * Ad Gre● . Epoch . c●n . Chron. pag. 113. * Xen. lib. 3. * Xen. lib. 3. * Chio. Epist. ad Metrid . * Xenoph. lib. 1. * Laert. * Xenoph. lib. 2. * Laert. * Xe●ph . lib. 3 ; * Aelian . var. hist. 3. 24. * Xenoph. lib. 4. * Xenoph. lib. ● . * Xenoph. lib. 6. * Xenoph. lib. 7. * In ●pis●ola ad 〈◊〉 . * Which perhaps was a common name to the Kings of that Country , as Ptolomy to those of Aepypt ▪ see Thales chap. * Laert. * Supr . chap. 36. * Xenoph. lib. 5. * Agesil * 〈◊〉 * Laert. * Laert. Paus●n . Eliac . * Suid. * Laert. * Xenoph. de exped . Cyr. 5. Laert. * ●trab . 8. * Laert. * Epist. Socratic . 1● . * Laert. * G●●c . 〈…〉 . * Laert. Aelian . var. hist. 3. 3. D. 〈◊〉 ●pitaph . Nepot . ad Heliod . Stob. Serm. 106. * Val. Max. 5. 10. * Laert. citing Aristotle * Deipnos . lib. 10. * Laert. * De long●v . * Athen. deip● . 4. * Laert. * Pro●m . * Laert * Lib. 14. * De Histor. Graec. 1. 5. * Lib. 3. * Laert. vit . Aristipp . * Brut. & de oratore . lib. 2. * Orator . * Cic Orat. * Vit. Sophocl . * Cicer. Tusc. quaest . 3. * De senect . * Lib. 15. * Grat. act . * Annal. * Laert. * Office. 2. * 8. 13. * 7. 48. Notes for div A61287-e111810 * stob . se●● . * Meaning Plato , who added much of his own to the discour ses of Socrates and went to Aegypt , Italy , and Sicily . Stob. serm . 201. * Stob. serm . 892. * Stob. serm . 278. Stob. * Epist. Socratic . 18. * Allatius otherwis● . * Epist. Socratick ▪ 21. * Epist. Socratic . 19. * Epist. Socratic . 21. * The reason manifest from Xenophon and Laertius , who describe him such ; Xenophon calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apologe Socrat. ) in all things but his affection to Socrates ▪ Leo Allatius is much perplext concerning this appellation . * Epist. Socratic . 22. Notes for div A61287-e112820 * Laert. * Flut. de ira cohib . * Laert. Philostrat . vit . Apollon ; and from him Suidas . * Plutarch . de adulat . & amici discrim . * ●●●r● . He●yc● . Illustr . Leart . Athen. * Lib. 14. * Lib. 5 : * Lib. 5. upon which see C●saubon , cap. 20. * Laert. * Laert. * Epist. ad Iul ▪ August . * Epist. 23. * Suid. * Xen. * Suid. * L●●rt . Notes for div A61287-e115090 a De Oratore lib. 3. b Suid. c Laer● . a Flut. de curiosit . b Cic. de Nat. Deor. c Cic. de Orat. 3. d Athen. deipn. 12. e Laert. a Athen. deipn. 12. b Athen. deipn. ●2 . c Athen. deipn. 13. d Laert. e Var. Hist. 9. 20. f Agel . 19. 1. g Aelian . ibid. h Laert. i Athen. Deipn . 13. k Athen. Deipn . 13. l In Phaedone . m Socratic . Epist. 16. a Eaert. b Galen . Hist. Phil. c Laert. d Laert. e Cicer. Acad. Quest. lib. 4. f Laert. g Cic. h advers . Mathom . i Athen. deipn. 12. k Ael . var. Hist. lib. 14. 6. l Cic. Tusc. quaest . 4. m Cic. de . Offic. 3. n Laert. o So Casaubon reads , but doubtlesse there is a def●ct in the Text. a Philostr . vit . Apoll. b Laert. e Laert. f Laert. g Laert. * VVhich being pronounced is equiv●call : for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a ●ish like a Gudgeon , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tyrant : as I find in a M. S. Lexcion communicated by 〈◊〉 learned friend Mr. John Pearson , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and again B●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed by Atha●neus , deipn. 7. 10. h Laert. i Laert. k Laert. l Athen. deipn. 12. citing Hegesander ▪ m Laert. m Laert. o Plut. vit . Dion . a Laert. b Memorab . lib. 2. c Laert. d Laert. e Laert. f Senec. de ben●fic . Clem. Alex. g Laert. h L● ir a Cohib . i Socratic . Epist. 9. j Irenically answering a former letter of Antisthenes . l For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insiead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last word of the following Epistle , ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sceptic● m Make a point at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dorice ; a ridiculous and acute irony ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to look on a thing with admi●ation , which is not proper to compassion . n Re●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p Socratic . Epist . 11. q The Letter seems to be written to Antithenes ; and this meant ironically . r The Leather-dresser . s Laert. t Epist ● . 17. u Eaert. * Athen. Deipn . 12. a Suid. b Laert. c Plut. de puet . educ . d Horat. sat . 2. 3. e Laert. Cic. de invent . f Plut. de tranq . anim . g Stob. Eth. 46. h St. Eth. 99. i St. Eth. 12. ● k St. Eth. 18● . l St. Eth. 210. m St. Eth. 229. a Laert. b A Chria is a short commemoration , aptly relating the speech or action of some person . The third of these ( viz. to Dionysius his Daughter ) Vossius inserts amongst the Greek Histories ; if that were Historicall , it is likely this to Dionysius was of the saine Nature . c Laert. d Laert. in vit . Emped . Periand . Ar●stot . &c. f Laert. a Socr. Epist. 27. b So supply'd by Leo Allatius . * Pleasure . b Leo Allatius reads Lam. procles ; but , that cannot be ; for Lamprocles was dead long before ; see life Socratic . Chap. 16. c Stob. Eth. 195. Notes for div A61287-e122830 a Cic. Tusc. qu. 1. b Val. Max. 8. 9. Laert. Notes for div A61287-e123250 a Laert. b Ael . var. hist 2. 27. c Laert. vit . Plat. d Suid. a Cic. de offic . 3. c Laert. Notes for div A61287-e123660 a Laer● . b Suid. c ●lut . plac . Phil. 17. Cicde nat . deor . 1. d Sen de tranq . anim . 6. Cic. Iuse . qu. 1. ●lut . an vitios . ad infel . suff . a Suid. in Socrate . b Laert. a Laert. b Suid. Notes for div A61287-e125250 a Laert. b Athen. deipn. * Athen. Laert. Notes for div A61287-e127020 a Laer● . b Agell . 6. 10. c Lib. 1. d Agell . 6. 10. e Laer● . a Laert b Laert. vit . Soc● . c Laert. d Laert. vit . Diog. e Laert. a De fraterno amore . b Stob. serm . 32. c Stob. Eth. 38. d Stob. Eth. 47. e Laert. f Laert. vit . Aes●hin . g In voce Euclides . h Lib. ● . cap. 13. i In Euclid . lib. 2. Cap. 4. k The Text is imperfect , read Ka● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and so ( well nigh ) Barocius . l Lib. m Meteor . 1. 6. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o Inscript . p. 235. p Expedit . cyr . lib. 7. Notes for div A61287-e128530 a Laert. c Yop . ● . 4. c Deipn . 8. d Divinat . 2. e Cic. L●cull . f Lib. 5. quest . g Epist. 6. 45. h Vit. Chrysip . i Deipn . 8. k Analy . poster . 1. 1. l Divin . 2. m Cic. Luc●l . n Digest . lib. 1● o Lib. 48. ad Sabin . in titde verbor . & rer . sig●ifit . p In Lucullo . q In Chrysip . r Adv. L●gic . s Lib. 5. i● Mat. t Epist. 83. Notes for div A61287-e129680 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e129830 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e129980 a Laert. b Lib. 14. Notes for div A61287-e130090 a Laert. b Lib. 14. & 17. c Laert. a Lib. b Lucul . c Advers . Gram. d Fyrrh . Hyp. 2. e Cap. codem : f Laert. g In lib. 1 : Pri●r . h lib. 2. cap. 19. i In lib. ● . Prior. k Sext. Empir . ●yrrhon . hyp . 3. 8. l Sext. Empir . advers . Gram. m Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . 3. 4. n Stob. Eclog. ●bys . 13. Notes for div A61287-e130940 a 〈◊〉 Notes for div A61287-e131020 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e131100 a Laert. b Laert. vi● . Diogenis . Stob. a Laert. b Plut. c Senec. Epist. 9 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e132780 a Laert. b Laert. vit . A●sch . Notes for div A61287-e133110 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e133200 a Laert. a Laert. a Laert. b Athe● . Dei●n . c See life Solon . a Laert. b Laert. c Euseb. Notes for div A61287-e135970 a Laert. b Tzetz . Chiliad . 11. 390. c Laert. d Laert. Suid. e Laert. Apul. Suid. f In Timaeum . g D●gm . Plat. h Laert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : perh . 〈◊〉 . it shou'd be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the writings of ●peusippus is mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Sympos . 8. 1. k Apul. d●gm . Plat. l Advers . Iul. m Laert. n Laert. Suid. r Argum. Hippol . s Deipn . 5. t Lib. u Plin. Exercit. p. 157. * Doctr. temp . x Deipn . 5. y Laert. z Sympos . 8. 1. a Cap. 1. b Astron. c De Doc●r . Christ. 2. 28. a Aelian . var. hist. 10. 21. b Cic. divinat . lib. 1. c Laert. f Apul. dogm . Plat. g Laert. h Laert. i Laert. k In verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which ( besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 smalness of voice , in which sence it is here taken by ● he Interpreters and Ficinus signifieth an imperfecti on of speech by stammering : Arist. Pr●b . 11. 30. unless there and here ●e sh●uld read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m ●aert . Suid. n Aesian . var. Hist. 2. 20. o Var. Hist. p Afterwards , cap. 11. q Laert. s See Socrates life , cap. a Apul. dogm . Plat. Laer● . Suid. b Laert. c Laert. d Laert. vit . Socr. e Athen. deipn. lib. f De virtu● . moral . g Laert. h Dogm . Plat. i De Civ . dei . lib. 8. cap. k De finih . 5. l Apul. dog● . Plat. m Porphyr . vit . ●ythag . n Apul. o Plut. in Solon p De finib . 5. q Apul. r Val. Max. 8. 7. s Epist. Socratic . 26. t Messen. u Lib. 2. * Laert. x Cat. Major . y Cic. Apul. z 8. 7. a Peren. Philos. 1. 27. & 5. 2. b Exercit. 1. num . 18. c Euseb. praep . Evang. d Contra. Apion . lib. 2. e Clem. Alex. Strom. 1 Suid. f Paraen . g Strom 1. h Praepar . Evan. lib. 11. i Civ . Dei. 8. 11. k Laert. and again in Philola● l 3. 17. m Laert. n Laert. O Laert. p Laert. q In Arist. de animal . r Laer● ▪ s Laert. a Laert. a Laert. b Civil . dei . lib. 8. c Laert. d Acad. quaest . 1. a L●●rt . b Laert. Procl . in Euclid . lib. 3. c Lib. 13. d de 〈◊〉 delph . e In Anal. post . lib. 1. cap. 7. f 8. 13. g Praele● . 1. h Laert. i Laert. k Laert. l Laert. m Laert. n In Euclid . lib. 2. o Laert. p Laert. q Laert. r Laert. a Laert ▪ Apul : b Plat. ●pist . c Laert. d In Di●ne . e Plat. Epist. 3. & 7. f Plut. in Dione . g Wh●s s●ew Hipparchus , brother of Hippias the Tyrant of Athens ; upon which the Pisistratidae were expelled . h Plat. Epist. i Plutarch . k Plat. Epist. 7. l Plat. Epist. m Plat Epist. 3. n ●li● . o Plut. p Plat. Epist. 7. q Plat Epist. * Plutarch . r Plat. Epist. s Plut. t Plat. u Aelian . var. Hist. ● . 18. * Aelian . var. Hist. 4. 18. x Laert. y Epist. ad Aeschin . z Chillad . a Laert. vit . Aristip. b Plat. Epist. Plut. c Plat. Epist. d Plat. Epis●● : e Plut. f Pl●t . Epist. g Laert. h Plutarch . vit . Dion . a Laert. b Aelian . var. hist. 2. 41. Plutarch . ad princip . in●rudit . Athen ▪ a Laert. b Suid. c Plut. d Senec. de ira . 3. 1● . e Senec. de ira . 3. 12. f Val. Max. g Laert. h Aelian . var. hist. 4. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Val. Max. 4. 1. Senec. de ira . 1. 16. Aelian . Stob. Stob. Stob. Stob. Stob. Laert. vit . Xen. Plut. Sympos . 6. praefat . Aelian . var. hist. Dogn 〈◊〉 . Laert. Epist. 1. 5● . Laert. * See also S●ob . lib. 13. Zenob . * Athen. delp● . lib. 11 : Athen. Ibid. Athen. Ibid. Athen. Ibid. Laert. * Chap. 10. * In Logib . a Laert. vit . Diog. b Laert. c Seneca . d Laert. e Athen. f Tzetz . Chiliad . g Laert. Su. i Athe● . lib. 11. a Chap. b Cicer. Tusc. quaest . 2. c Epigr. d La●rt . Anthol . 3. 6. 27. e Laert. f Laert. Anthol . 4. 33. 26. g Laert. Anthol . 3. 33. 44. h Laert. i Laer● . k Anthol . l Herod . lib. 6. m Laert. n Laert. o Laert. Anthol . 84. 1. p Anth. 1. 67. 13. q Anth. 1. 1● . r Anthol . 3. 22. 3. s Anth. ● . 22. 6. t Anth. 3. 22. 7. u Anth. 4. 12. 8. * Anth. 4. 1● . 9. x Anth. 4. 12. 19 y Anth. 4. 12. ●4 . z Anth. 4. 12. 96. a Anth. 4. 12. 97. b Anth. 4. 1● . 102. c Anth. 4. 1● . ● Notes for div A61287-e171500 * Ennead . 6. lib. 7. 37. * In ●imaco . * In Timaeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * De Anima , 3. 9. * Sympos : * Sympos . Plat. Sympos . * Plat. Sympos . Notes for div A61287-e177980 a L●ert . b Apul. dogm . Plat. c Plut. de adulat . & amici . discrim . d Chio. Epist. ad Matri● . Plut. vit . Dion ▪ a Laert. b Laert. c Laert. d Epist. ad . At. 2. 1. e Stob. Phys. 1. 1. f Laert. a ●aert . Suid. b Lae●● . a Laert. b Laert. c Laert. d Deipn . lib. Laert. Notes for div A61287-e179770 a Laert. b Suid. c Aelian . 14. 9. d Laert. e Ath. Deipn . f Laert. g Va● ▪ hist. 3. 19. a Laert. b Laert. vit . Arist. c Laert. vit . Arist. d Laert. vit . Xen. e Ethic. Serm. 37. f Stob. Eth. Serm. 77. g Stob. Ec. ●hys . 1. 3. h Laert. a Laert. Vai . Max. 4. 3. b Val. Max. 2. 10. Cic. pro. Balbo . Laert. c Laert. d Ael . var. hist. 30. 3. Laert. c Laert. f Laert. Stob. Eth. 126. g Stob. Ser. 39. h Val. Max. 7. 2. a 〈◊〉 . a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e182410 a Laert. b Laert : Laert. c 6. 9. * Laert. Ath. Deipn . lib. 2. Stob. Phys. 1. 3. Notes for div A61287-e183010 Laert. Notes for div A61287-e183660 Laert. * Read ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as Callimachus hymn ▪ 1. ' Ev 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . One doubtlesse imitating the other , which both the interpreters not observing , have str●ngely rendred this place . Notes for div A61287-e184270 * Aldobrandinus his edition reads the 1●0 . a Laert. b Aca● . qu●st . lib. 1. c 〈◊〉 . Acad. quaest . 4. d Plut. cont . ●olot . c Cic. Acad. quaest . 1. f Cic. ibid. g Cic. ibid. h Contra Academic . ●ib . i Cic. Acad. quaest . 1. k Cic. ibid. l Cic. ibid. m Euseb. n Euseb. praepar . Evang. o Contra A●adem . lib. 3. p De ●inib . l. 2. q Acad. quaest . ● . r Euseb. praep . evang . lib. 1● . a Laer● . b Quom. discern . 〈◊〉 . ab . amic . c La●rt . d Stob ▪ Ser. 143. e Stob. Ser. ● 12. f Stob. Ser. 212. g Stob. Ser. 235. a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e188110 Laert : * Euseb. pra● : evaag . lib. 14. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . V●r. hist. Notes for div A61287-e188670 a L●ert . b Acad. qu●●t . 4. c Sympo● . quapot ● . 1. d Do●tr . 〈◊〉 ▪ p. e Laert. f Cic. Acad. quaest . 4. * Numen . apud . Euseb. * Cic. Acad. quaest . 4. * Adv. Mathem . * Cic. Acad. quaest . 4. De ●in . lib. 2. Laert. Cic. Acad. quaest . 4. a Plut vit . Cat. Agel . 7. 14. Ma●r . Satur. 1. 5. Lactant. de Inst. lib. 51 ▪ Plut. Lib. 8. c. 7. Stob. Ser. 212. Plut. de tranp . anim . Plut de adul . & Am. dis . Laert. Laer● . * Lae●● . * Doct. temp . Notes for div A61287-e191940 a Laert. b Stephan . c L●er●● ▪ d Ci● . Acad. Qu. l. 4. Laert. e Cic. Tusc. Qu. 4. f Cic. Acad. Qu. 4. g Cic. Acad. 4. h Cic. Tusc. quaest . 5. i Sext. Empir . adv . Math. k Stob. Ser. 212. l Slob . Ser. 48. Notes for div A61287-e192440 a Stob. Eclog. Ethic. c Cicer. d Plut. vit . Cic. f Eclog. Ethic. Sex. Emp. Pyrrh . Hyp. 1. 33. Sex. Emp. Pyrrh . Hyp. 2. 11. Tusc. Qu. l. 2. Notes for div A61287-e192860 a Plut. vit ▪ Cicer. b Cic. Ac. qu. 1. c Acad. Qu. 4. d cio . de Leg. lib. 2. e Vit. Cicer. f Cic. Acad. Quaest. 4. g Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . Hypot . 1. 33. h Acad. Quaest. 4. i Cic. de finib . lib. 5. k Acad. Quaest. 4. l Cic. de nat . Deor. l. 1. m Cic. Acad. Quaest. 4. n Flut. vit . Cicer. o Cic. Acad. Quaest. 4. p ●lut . Notes for div A61287-e193550 a Am●n●n . Sub. finem●comme●● . in pr●am . Porphyr . b Laert. c Polymn . d Lib. 4. & ● . e Eliac . f Laert. ●m●●n . g De compos . medicam . h Bassus . i Chilia ● . k Epist. ●d Ammaum . l Vit. Arist. if he were the Author . m Lib. 35. cap. 9. n Laert. o Epist. ad Ammaeum . p Deipn . lib. q Lib. 17. cap. 21. r Nunnes . in vit . Aristot. repeated by Schottus in vit . compar at . Arist . & demosth . a Ammon . b Ammon . c Laert. in Testa● , Arist. d Deipn . lib. 8. e Var. hist. 5. 9. a Ammon . b Laert. c De mundi aternit . d Vet. Interp. e Laert. f Ammon . g Interp. h Vit. Epic. i Aelian . 3. 19. k Laert. l Aelian . var. hist. 4. 9. Helladius , apud photium , in biblioth . m Aelian . n Fraep . E●ang . lib. 15. o In Aristoxeno . p Licetus de piet . Aristot. q Lib. 1. cap. 15. r Probl. 1. ●0 . s Laert. t Vet. Interp. u Vet. Interp. x Ammon . y Comment . in Gorg. ●lat . z Athen. deipn. 8. Aelian . 9. 22. & ▪ 5. 9. a Euseb. prae . par . Evang. a Laert. Suid. b Suid. c Lib. 13. d Euseb. cont . Philos. e Laert. f Deipn . lib. 1● . g Laert. h Strab. lib. 13. a Vit. Alexan●● . b Lib. 9. cap. 3. c Laert. d Ammon . e Vet. Interp. f Vit. Alexand. g Plut. h Plut. i Vet. Interp. k Plut. vit . Alex. l Laert. a Laert. b Epist. ad A●●m . c Laert. d Discuss . Perip . e Laert. f Suid. g Laert. h Laert. i Agell . lib. 21. cap. 5. a Vit. Ar. b Ammon . v● . Ar. c Dissertat . Peripat . d Vet. Interpr . c Ammon . f Ammon . g Dissert . ●eripat . h In the life of Plato . cap. i Nunncus in Vit. Arist. a In Licin . b Lib. 29. d Agell . 20. 5. ●lut . vit . Alex. e Agel . 20. 5. Epist. Grac. f Lib. 8. 16. g Lib. 9. h De ●sse . lib. 2. 19. i Lib. 4. 19. l Ammon . m Disser● . Peripat . 1. 1. n Laert. o Plut. vi●● Alex. ● p Laert. q Plut. Alex : r D●ipn . 10. 11. f Lib. 3. cap. 21. g Lib. 12. a Laert. b Odyss . ● . c Laert. d Aelian . va● . hist. e Origen . contr : Celsum li● . ● . f Agell . 13. 6. a Laert. b Meant per haps of that Carn●ades wh● was Disciple to Anaxago●as . Stob. ser. 28. Ser. 45. Ibid. Ser. 46. Ser. 101. Ser. 128. Ibid. Ser. 161. Ibid. Serm. Ser. 305. a Laert. b Laert. c Lib. 1. d Paraen . ad gent e Stelieut . 1. f Ant. lect . 19. 8. g Laert. h Epist. ad Amm. i De die . na●ali ▪ k Antiq. lect . ●8 . 31. l Vet. I●●erp . a Laert. b Aelian . var. hist. a Enseb. praepar . Evang. b De ●in . l. 5. c Euseb. In Platone . In Socrate . a Prepar . Evang . lib. 15. a Geogr. lib. 14. b Suid. c Grae. affec . l. 12. Notes for div A61287-e214380 Epist Graecan ▪ Notes for div A61287-e214600 a ●aert . b Lib. 1. cap. 2. c Cap. ● . a Categ . cap. 1. b Cap. 5. c Cap. 6. d Cap. 7. e Cap. 8. f Cap 9. g Cap. 10. a De Interpret cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. e Cap. 5. &c. f Cap. 12. a Analy● . pri●r . lib. 1. cap. 1. b Cap. 4. c Cap. 5. d Cap. 6. c Cap. 23. f Anal. Prior. lib. 2. cap. 22. &c. a Analyt . pos●er . lib ▪ 1. cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 4. d Cap. 8. e Cap. 11. f Cap. 13. g Cap. 14. h Cap. 15. &c. a Topic. lib. 1. cap. 1. b Cap. 3. c Cap. 4. d Cap. 5. &c. e Cap. 10. f Cap. 11. g Cap. 12. h Cap. 13. &c. i Lib. 8. Cap. 4. a Sophist . elench cap. 1. b Cap. 1. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. Notes for div A61287-e219410 a Metaphys . 5. 1. a Physic lib. 1. cap. 3. 4. b Cap. 5. c Cap. 6. d Cap. 7. e Cap. 8. f Cap. 9. a Phys. lib. 2. cap. 1. b Cap. 3. c Cap. 4. &c. d Cap. 8. e Cap. 9. a Physic. lib. 3. cap. 2. b Cap. 7. c Lib. 4. cap. 3. d Cap. 8. e Cap. 10. 11. f Cap. 14. a Phys. lib. 5. cap. 2. b Lib. 6. cap. 1. c Cap. 2. d Cap. 3. e Cap. 4. f Cap. 5. g Cap. 6. h Cap. 7. a Lib. 7. cap. 1 , 2 , 5 , 6 , 7. b Lib. 8. cap. 6. c Cap. 6. d Cap. 7. e Lib. 8. cap. 10. a De Coelo lib. 1. cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 5 , 7. e Cap. ● . f Cap. 12. g Lib. 2. cap. 1. h Cap. 2. i Cap. 3. k Cap. 4. l Cap. 6. m Cap. 7. n Cap. 8. o Cap. 10. p Cap. 11. q Cap. 13. 14. a De Coelo . lib. 3. cap 3. b Cap. 5. c Lib. 4. cap. 1. d Cap. 5. e Cap. 6. a De gener . & corrup . lib. 1. cap. 3. b Cap. 4. c Cap. 5. a De gener . & corrupt . lib. 1. cap. 6. b Cap. 7. c Cap. 9. a De gener . & corrupt . lib. 1. cap. 10. b De gener . & corrupt . lib. 2. cap. ● . c Cap. 3. d Cap. 7. Cap. 8. e Cap. 9. f Cap. 10. g Cap. 11. a Meteor . lib. 1● cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. e Cap. 5. f Cap. 6 , 7. g Cap. 8. h Cap. 9. i Cap. 10. k Cap. 11. l Cap. 12. m Cap. 13. m Cap. 14. n Lib. 2. cap. 2. o Cap. 3. p Cap. 4. q Cap. 5. r Cap. 8. s Cap. 9. t Lib. 3. cap. 1. u Cap. 7. a Meteor . lib. 4. cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. e Cap. 6. f Cap. 8. a De anima lib. 1. cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. e Cap. 5. f Lib. 2. Cap. ● g Laert. a Cap. 4. a Cap. 5. b Cap. 6. c Cap. 7. d Cap. 8. e Cap. 9. f Cap. 10. g Cap. 11. h Cap. 12. i Lib. 3. Cap. 1. k De Sensu. cap. 6. l Ibid. m Ibid. a Lib. 3. cap. 2. b De anima , lib. 3. cap. 3. a Cap. ● . a Lib. de Memor . & Rem . cap. 1. b Cap. 2. a Lib. de Som. & Vigil . cap. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. a Lib de insom . a De Anim. lib. 3. cap. 4. b Cap. 5. c Cap. 6. d Cap. 8. e Ibid. a Cap. 9. b Cap. 10. c Cap. 11. a De vit . & Mort. cap. 23. b Cap. 24. c Cap. 23 , 24. d Cap. 23. e Lib. de l●n . & brerit . cap. 4 f Cap. ● . g Cap. 6. Notes for div A61287-e226960 a Eclog. Ethic. * For the text doubtlesse is defective , and thus to be supplyed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ See ●rist . Nicom . 4. 2. and M●g . mor. 1. 28. * But Arist. otherwise , placing Friendship betwixt Arrogation and Derogation . Notes for div A61287-e231870 a Metaphys . lib. 6. cap. 1. b Lib. 4. cap. 2. Cap. 3. Cap. 4. 5. Cap. 7. a Lib. 6. c. 2. b Lib. 7. c. 1. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. e Cap. 8. f Cap. 10. a Lib. 9. c. 1. b Cap. 2. c Cap. 3. d Cap. 4. c Cap. 5. f Cap. 6. g Cap. 8. a Lib. 6. c. 2. b Lib. 9. c. 10. a Cap. 2. b Cap. 3. a Lib. 12. 〈◊〉 14. cap. 6. a Cap. 7. a Cap. 8. Notes for div A61287-e234210 * De exil . a Lib. 13. b Laert. c Suid. d Fr●s . Lib. 1. e Lib. 13. f Laert. Laert. Suid. b Lib. 15. c. 1. c Plin. 19. 2. d Exercit. Plinian . pag. 350. e Athen. lib. 1. f Laert. 〈◊〉 deipn. a Laert. b Laert. c Athen. lib. 5. d Plut. adv . Colot . e Laert. f Laert. a Laert. b Laert. c Laert. Stob. d Plut. vit . Demost. c Sy●p . lib. 2. f Plut. de . Anar . g Plut. de frat . amor . h Plut. de sanit . tuend . i Stob. k Stob. Ser. 101. l Ser. 121. m Ser. 136. n Ser. 139. o Ser. 141. p Ser. 162. q Ser. 185. r Ser. 193. s Ser. 297. a Laert Laert. * Tuscul. lib. 4. Laert. Notes for div A61287-e239110 a Laert. b Cicer. Laert. Suid. c Laert. Suid. d Suid. e Laert. f Cic. de fini●● . 5. g Plut. adv . N●t . Colot . h Cic. de . Nat. deor . i Cic. de . N●t . ● cor . 1. Laert. k Cic. de finib . ● . l Laert. Notes for div A61287-e240600 De exsulio . * For VVrast●ling and other Exercises . Notes for div A61287-e241690 a Strab. lib. 1● . b Athen. d●ip . 10. c Athen. deipn. ● 12. d Deipn . lib. 15. Notes for div A61287-e242360 a Lib. 16. b Sext. Emper. Notes for div A61287-e242860 a Laert. b Laert. vi● . Soc● . c Laert. Aelian . d Laert. a Laert. b Suid. c Laert. d Laert. e Lib. 9. c 5. f Laert. vit . Menedem . Laert. Laert. Stob. Stob. Ser. 1. Stob. Ser. 38. * Ser. 44. Ser. 50. Ser. 53. Ser. 87. Ser. 117. Ser. 148. Ser. 171. Ser. 212. Plut. rep . Stoic . Plut. vit . Lyc. Plut. vit . Per. Notes for div A61287-e247050 a Laert. b Aelian . var. Hist. 13. 28. a Aelian . var. Hist. 10. 16. b Plut ▪ c Laert. d Aelian . var. Hist. 4. 27. e Laert. f Var. hist. 3. 29. g Laert. h Laert. It is explained by Plutarch , de rep . Stoic . i Laert. a Laert. b Laert. b Laert. c Gell. p Lan● . e Plut. vit . Alex. a Laert. a Laert. b St●b . Ser. 133 c Stob. 296. d Aelian . var. hist. 14. ●3 . e Stab . Ser. 4. f Et Plut. 〈◊〉 curiositate . g Vit. Athenae . i Et. Stob. ser. 65 k Stob. Ser. 55. l Stob. Ser. 161 m Vit. Fab. Max. n Stob. Ser. 39. o Stob Ser. 77. p Ael . 12. 58. q The jeast consisteth in the allusion betwixt those two Greek words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r Et Stob. ser. s Stob. ser. 104. t St●b . Eth. ser. 1. Ser. Ser. 3●● . Ibid. Ser. 37 , § 84. Ser. 45. Ser. 48. Ser. 53. Ser. 53. Ser. 54. Ser. 64. Ser. 66. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ser. 6● . Ser. 71. Ibid. Ser. 72. Ser. 71. Ibid. Ser. 87. Ser. 88. Ser. 105. Ser. 117. Ser. 126. Ser. 133. Ser. 149. & 153. Ser. 183. Ser. 210. Ser. 211. Ser. 216. Ser. 230. Ser. 233. Ser. 235. Ibid. Ibid. Ser. 23● . Ser. 148. Ser. 270. Ser. 271. Ael . var. hist. 10 , 11. Plut. de ●xul . Plut. quom . ger . Resp. Pl. de virt . Moral . Pl. de aud . Poet. Macrob. Sat. 7. 3. Laert. ar . hist. 8. 14. Notes for div A61287-e258110 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e258260 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e258460 Laert. Sub. Ser. 37. Ser. 6● . Ser. 77. Ser. 87. Ibid. Ser. 237. Ibid. Ibid. Notes for div A61287-e259600 a Laert. Notes for div A61287-e260910 a Laert. b Strab. lib. c Suid. d Cic. de fin . e P lut . de rep . Stoic . f Laert. g Laert. h Laert. i Laert. k Plut. de util . cap. ex inimic . l Laer. a Laert. b Laert. c Laert. d Laert. e Laert. Suid. Laert. a Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Athen. deipn. Laert. Laert. Stob. serm . 126. Laer. Athen. Deipn . Stob. ser. 33. Stob. ser. 38. Stob. ser. 39. citing Mulonius . Stob. ser. 52. Stob. ser. 52. Stob. ser. 7. 74. Stob. ser. 133. Stob. ser. 212. Stob. ser. 217. Stob. ser. 222. Stob. ser. 297. Aelian , var. hist. 9. 26. Cic. Acad. quast . 4. a Laert. b De long●v . the numericall l●tter in Suid●s is corrupt . c Laert. d Laert. e Laert. f Suid. g Laert. a Laert. b Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. * Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. Laert. De vit . Alex Orat. 1. * Laert. Laert. * Athen : * Deipn . C● . * Athen. Deipn . Cic. Acad. quast . 4. Cic. de finib . 4. * Laert : vit . Arces . Laert. Laert. * Athen. * Laert. * Ethic. Serm. 198. Notes for div A61287-e267950 a Plut. de plac . Phil. 1. 1. b Laert. c Ammonius in Categ . d Philop. in lib. 1. Anal. prior . e Ammonius in Categor . f Sext. Empir . adv . Log. 1. g Laert. h De plac . Phil. i Laert. k Laert. l Laert. m Laert. n Laert. a Laert. b Cic. Acad. 1. c Galen . hist. phil . d Sen. Empir . adv . log . e Laert. a St. Aug. Civil . dci . 8. 7. b Laert. c Origen contra . Cels. lib. 7. d Cic. Acad. qu●st . 1. e Cic. Acad. qu●st . 4. f Sext. Empir . pyrrh . hyp . 2. 8. a Laert. b Plut. plac . Phil. 4. 12. c Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . lib. 2. d Laert. e Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . lib. 2. f Plut. plac . Phil. 4. 12. a St. Aug. contra Acad. lib. 2. b Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . 2. 8. a Cic. Acad. quaest . 1. b Cicer. Acad. quaest 4. c Galen . Hist. phil . d Sext. Empir . adv . Geom. cap. 19. e Laert. f Laert. a Cic. Acad. qu●●st . 4. b Cic. lib. d. Fato . c Agell . 19. 9. and from him St. August . Civit . dei . 9. 4. a Cic. Acad. 1. b Plut. de plac . Phil. 4. 11. c Arrian . 1. 22. d Simp. in Epict. a Cicer. Acad. qu●st . 1. b Sext. Emp. adv . Logic. 1. c Cicer. Acad. quaest . 1. a Sext. Emp. adv . L●g . cap. de vero . b Laert. c Laert. d Laert. e Laert. f Laert. g Laert. h Sext. Emp. adv . Leg. cap. de vero . i Varro de ling. lat . lib. 5. k Cicero . l Dionys. Halic . m Hieronym . n Laert. o Laert. p Dionys. Halic . q S. August● de Dialect . cap. 6. t Galen . de decret . Hipp. & Plat. lib. 2. u Agell . 10. 5. x Laert. y Laert. z Agell . 9. 12. y D. August . de dialect . z Agell . 2. 25. a Varr● . de ling. lat . b Dionys. Ha●●carn . de compos . verb. c Laert. d Laert. a Laert. b Sext. Empi● . adv . Log. c Cicer. Topic. d Cic. Topic. e Cic. Topic. f Laert. g Sext. Empir . adv . Math. 10. 2. h Sext. Empir . adv . Moral . 10. i Laert. a Laert. a Laert. b Philop. in Analyt . prior . c Sext. Empir . adv . Log. d Alexand. Aphrod . in Top. 4. e Senec. Epist. 19. f Simplic . in Categ . g Simplic . ibid. a Simplic . in Categ . b Simplic . ibid● a Dexipp . in categ . 2. 22. b Simplic . in categ● c Bursius in dialect . Cicer. 4. 3. d Simplic . in Categ . Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. a Plotin . ● . 30. b Simplic . in Categ . c Simplic . ibid. a Simplic , in Cat●g . a Laert. vit . Aristoni● . b Simplic . in Categ . a Laert. b Sext. Empir . adv . log . c Ammon . in pro●●● Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ d Burs . in dial . Cic. 5. 1. e Laert. f Ammom , in lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Laert. a Laert. b Ammon . in Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Lib. 3. d Laert , a Laert. b Laert. c Laert , Sext. Empir adv . Log. cap de ver● . d Laert. e Laert. ●pul . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Boes . in Ci●● Top. g Laert. h Laert. i Laert. k Laert. l S●xt . Empi● . m Laert. Sext. Empir . n Sext. Empit . o Sext. Emp. a Laert. Sext ▪ Emp. adv . Log. de vero . b Sext. Emp. adv . Log. cap. de vero . c Laert. d Laert. e Laert. f Philop. in Anal . prior . f Laert. g Laert. h Laert. i Laert. Laert. Agell . 16. 8. Laert. * Simplic . a Laert. b Simplic . in lib. Arist. de opposit . c Iohan ▪ Grammat . in Arist. de opposit . d Cic. de fa● . c Alexand. Aphrod in anal ▪ prior . d Epictet . 11. 19. e Laert. f Laert. g Cic. Parad. h Epictet . 1. 25 i Laert. a Sext. Emp. hypot. 2. 1. b Sext. adv . log . c●p . de signo . Sext. Empir . ibid. & Pyr●h . hyp . 2. 10. Galen . Hist. Philos. a Laert. b Alexand. Aphrod . in anal . prior . c Alex. Aphrod . in anal . pr. d Alex. Aphrod . in anal . prior . e Alex. Aphod . in anal prior . & in Topic. 1. f Not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the learned Bursius hath observed , dia● . Cic. 6. 2. g Galen . de D●●ctrina Hippo●● . & Plat. lib. 2. a Laert. Sext. Empir . a Laert. b Simplic . in Epictet . c Cic. Topic. 1. d Cic. ibid. e Simpl●c . f Sext. Hypotyp . Pyrrh . cap. 14. a Laert. * Cic Topic. Martian C●p●l . a Laert. a Laert. b Sext. Empir . adv . Logic. a Suid. b Vlpian . 48. ad Sabin . c Laert. though the example be falsely applyed , as Bursius and Casaubon have observed . d Laert. in Chrysip . e Cic. Acad. qu●st . 4. f Agel . 9. 15. g Cicer ▪ de ●at● , h ●oxop●t . in Apthe . i Agell . 5. 10. k Oay● . a Cic. Off●● . 2. b Cic. de ●in . 3. c Senec. ●pist . 14. 90. d Cic. de sin . 2. e Senec. Ep. 14. 90. f Cic. de sin . 2. g Cic. ibid. h Cic. de nat . deor . 2. Notes for div A61287-e284070 a Laert , a Stob. eclog. Ethic. a Laert. b Cic. de sin . 3. c Laert. d Cic. sin 3. e Laert. f Cic. ●in . 3. a Cic. de ●in . 3. a Stob. b Cic. de sin . 3. c Sext. Empir . ●yrrh . 3. 20. e Cic. de finib . 3. f Laer● h Cic●de finib . 3. i Laert. Stob. k Laert. l Laert. Stob. m Laert. n Stob : o Stob. p Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir . Pyrth . hypot. 3. 21. q Sext. Empir . r Laert. Stob. f Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . 3. 23. t Laert. Stob. u Laert. Stob. x Laert. Stob. y Laert. Stob. Cic. de finib . 3. z Laert. Stob. a Stob. c Stob. d Stob. e Stob. f Stob. g Laert. Stob. h Laert. Stob. i Stob. k Laert. l Laert. m Laert. n Laert ▪ o Laert. p Cic. de sin . 3. q Cie . ibid. r Laert. s Cic. de fin . 3. t Cic. ibid. a Cic. Tusc. q●aest . lib. 4. b Cic. ibid. c Cic. ibid. d Cic. ibid. Laert. e Laert. f Cic. g Laert. Cic. Tusc. q●aest . a Laer● . b Laert. c Tusc. quaest . 4. d Laert. e Cic. ibid. f Stob. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so supply the ▪ Text. g C●● . ibid. h Cic. i Stob. k Cic. l Laert. m Cic. n Cic. o Stob. p Laert. Cic. q Cicer. * ●lut . Cont. Stoic . r Cic. s Laert. t Cic. u Laert. y Cic. y Laert. Cic. z Cic. Stob. a Cic. b Cic. Laert. c Cic. d Cic. e Laert. f Cic. g Cic. h Ci● . i Laert. k Stob. l Laert. m Cic Laert. whe●ce supply Stobaeus where ( pleasure being omitted ) these are applyed to a wrong head . n Cic. Laert. o Cic. p Laert. q Laert. r Stob. s Stob. t Laert. Stob. u Laert Stob. * Laert. Stob. y Laert. z Laert. a Laert. b Stob. c Stob. d Cic. e Cic. f Cic. g Cic. h Cic. i Cic. k Stob. l Laert. Cic. m Stob. n Laert. o Laert. p Cic. Stob. q Cic. Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are confounded by Laertius . r Stob. s Laert. t Cic. u Laert. * Stob. y Laert. z Laert. Cic. a Stob. b Cic. c Stob. d Stob. e Stob. f Stob. g Stob. h Laert. Cic. i Laert. k Stob. l Stob. a Cic. Tusc. quaest . 4. b Laert. Stob. Cic. c Laert. Stob. Cic. d Cic. Tusc. quaest . 4. a Laert. c Stob. d Stob. e Laert. Stob. f Laert. g Laert. h Laert. i Laert. k Stob. l Laert. Stob. Stob. Stob. Stob. Stob. m Stob. by whom correct Lae●tius , who ●pplies this definition to Temperance . n Stob. o Stob. p Stob. q Stob. r Stob. s Stob. t Stob. u Stob. Laert. * Stob. y Stob. z Stob. a Stob. b Laert. c Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ so supply the Text. d Stob. e Stob. f Stob. g ●lut . repugn . Stoic . h Plut. repugn . Stoic . i Stob. k Stob. l Stob. m Ldert . n Stob. o L●e●● q Lae●● . s Laert t Stub . a St●b . b Stob. c Stob. e Stob. f Stob. g St●● . h Stob. i Ci●●de fin● 4. k Cic. de fi●● . 2. l Philo. Iud mel 〈◊〉 . m Stob. n Stob. o Cic. a Cic. dc finib . 3. b Laert. c Cic de finib . 3 d Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hyp . 3. 22. whence supply Laertius and Stob●us . e Stob. f Stob. g Stob. a Laert. b Stob. c Stob. d Laert. Stob. Sext. Empir . Pyrrb . hyp : 3. 24. c Cic. de fin . 3. f Laert Stob. g Laert. Stob. h Stob. i Cic. de finib . 3. k Stob. b Laert. Cic. de ●●nib . 3. b Stob. c Cic de sin . 3. d Cic. de finib . 3. e Cic. offic . 1. f Cic. de sin . 3. g g Laert. h Cic. offi● . lib. 1. and again , lib. 3. i Laert. k Sext. Empir . Pyrrh . hypot. 3. 25. l Cic. de offic . lib. 3. a St●b . b ●lut . de repugn .. Stoic . c S●●b . d ●lut . de repugn . Stoic . a Sen●● . b Cic. in Laert. c Quintil. lib. 12. d Laert. e Laert : f Laert. Stob. g Laert. h Laert. Plut. de repugn . Stoic . citing Chrysippus . i Laert. St●b k Laert. l 〈◊〉 m Laert. n Stob. o Laert. P Laert. q Stob. r Laert. s Laert. t Stob. u Laert. Cic. de finib . 3. x Laert. y y s ●cb z Laert Cic. de finib . lib. 3. a Stob. b Laert. c Laert. Cicer. Paradox . d Laert. e Stob. f Laert. g Laert. h Laert. i Stob. k Laert. Stob. l 〈◊〉 m Laert. n Laert. o Laert. Stob. p Laert. q Stob. r La●●t . Cic. Tuse . qu●st . 4. s Cic. de ●in . 3. t Laert. u Stob. x Stob. y Stob. z Stob. a Stob. b Stob. c Stob. d Stob. e Stob. f Stob. g Stob , h Stob. i Stob. k Stob. l Stob. m Stob. n Stob. o Stob. p Stob. q Stob. r Stob. f Stob. t Stob. u Stob. x Stob. y Stob. z Stob : a Stob. b Stob. Notes for div A61287-e297450 a Laert a Senec. Epist. 89. b 〈◊〉 . c Flut. 〈◊〉 Stoic . d Laert. e Flut. plac . phil . 1. 11. f Plut. con● . Stoic . g Plut. cont . Stoic . Ter●●l ▪ d● anima 〈…〉 . h Sen. Ep. 113. i Plut. k L●ert . l Orig. m L●ert . n Stob. Phys. 17 a S●nec ▪ E● ▪ 29. b Laert. c Laert. d Sen. Ep. 65. c Ibid. f Cic. g La●tant . 7. 3. h 〈◊〉 i St●b . Phys● . 1. 16. a Laert b Stob. Phys. 14. c Laert. d Laert. c Sword● Phys. 14. f Laert. g Stob. Phys. 14. h Stob. Phys. 14. i Laert. k 〈◊〉 . l St●b . Phys. 14. a Laert. b Laert. c Stob. Ph●s . cap. 24. d Laert. e Stob. c. 24. f Laert. g 〈…〉 dei . cap. 10. h Cic. de nat . 2. i Lactant de ira dei cap. 13. k Laert. l Laert. Stob. Phys. cap. 20. m Stob. Phys. cap. 20. n Laert. o Laert. p Plu Pl. ● hil . 2. 9. q ●●ut . Pl. ●h ● . 2. 9. r ●lut . contra . Stoic . s Laert. t P●ut . contr● . Stoic . u Plut. cont . Stoic . x Laert. y Laert. z Laert. a 〈◊〉 lud . de immortal . mundi . b Plut. com ▪ not . c Numen . 〈◊〉 Eujeb . d Plut. com . not . e Phi. Iud. f Cic. Stob. a Laert. b Laert. a Stob. b Stob. c De Nat. deor : 2. d Cic. de Nat. deor . 2. c Stob. Phys. p. 47. a Cicer. Nat. deor . 2. b Stob. Phys. c Cic. nat . ●cor . * Cic. nat . deor . 2. d Cic. c Laert. f Stob. g Cic. de Nat. deor . 2. h Stob. i Stob. a Cic. nat . deor . 2. b Sto. p. 56 , 57. c Laert. d Stob. p. 57. e Laert. f Cic. g ●tob . p. 56 , Laert. h Stob. i Stob. p. 5● . k Laert. l Laert. a Stob. phys . p. 59. b Physiol . Stoic . 2 13. c Laert. d plut . plac . 2. 25 Stob p 59. e ● l. plac . p hil . 2. 30. f St. p. 60. g pl. ph . 2. 26. h Stob. p. 59. i Laert : k Laert. l Stob. p. 5● . m Stob. p. 59. a Stob. b Cicer. c Laert. d Cic. e Stob. Phys. f Laert. g Laert. h Laert. i Plut. plac . Phil. 3. 7. k Laert. l Laert. m Laert. n Laert. o Laert. p Laert. q Laert. r Laert. Laert. t Laert. plut . plac . p hil . 3. 3. Stob. p. 65. u Laert. x Laert. a Stob. b Plu● . plac . Phil. 3. 9. Laert c Plut. plac . ●hil : ● . 10. * Cleomed . * Stob. d Plut. plac . Phil. 5. 26. a Stob. Phys. 20. a Stob. Phys. a Stob. b Stob. a Plu● . Pl. Ph. b Laert. Pl●t . plac . phil . 4. 4. c Plut. plac . phil . 4. 4. d Plut. plac . phil . 4. 4. e Plut. plac . phil . 4. 21. f Plut. plac . phil . 4. 21. g Plut. plac . phil 4. 21. i Plut. Pl. Ph. 4. 21. k Plac. phil . 4. 21. l Plut. ibid. m Plut. ibid. n Plut. ibid. o Plut. ibid. p Plut. Pl. ph . 4. 19. a Cic. nat . ●eor . lib. 2. Cic. ibid. b Cic. ibid. c Cic. ibid. d Plut. Pl. Ph. 1. 6. e Laert. f Plut. Pl. Ph. 1 ▪ 6. g Pl. contrad . Stoic . h Stob. i Laert. k Pl●l . l Laert. m Perhaps i● should ●e a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though Ae●●hylus ascribe this t● Vulcan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n Cic. o Cic. p Agel . lib. 6. cap. 1. q Agel . ibid. a Plut. plac . 1. 28. Lae●● . b Lactant. lib. 7. Cap. 3. c Flut. d Laert. a Stob. 1. 9. Plut. b Plut. Pl. Ph. 1. 28. c Laert. d Stob. e Stob. f Agel . g Stob. h ●l . Fl. Ph. 1. 27. i pl. ph . 1. 29. k pl. ph . 1. 27. l Laert. m Cic. de Fato . n Cic. de fate . o Agell . 6. 2. a Sext. Emper : Notes for div A61287-e304840 Laert. Laert. Flut. a Laert. b Cic de Fini● . lib. 2. c Stob. Ser. 116. d Set. 126. e Set. 210. f Set. 212. g Ser. 229. a Laert vit . Zen. b Athen. deign . c Cic. de fin . 1. 4. a Stob. b Laert. c In Epi●●et . Notes for div A61287-e306830 Laert. Laert. b Laert. c Stob. d Laert. a Laert. b Stob. c Stob. Ser. 44. d Ser. 40. e Ser. 71. f Ibid. g Ibid. h Ser. 116. i Ser. 151. k Ser. 249. a Ael . 14. 4. b Athen. deipn. 4. & 11. c Deipn . 4. & 8. d Deipn . 6. e Athen Deipn . 7. f Ath. Deipn . 4. g Laert. vit . Zen. Pl. Rep. Stoic . h Laert. Zen. Pl. Rep. i Laert. vit . Zen. k Laert. l Plut. rep . Laert. m Laert. n Plut. repug . Laert. o Laert. p Plut. rep . q Plut. repugn . r Plut. repugn . s Plut. repug . & de com . not . t Plut. repug . u Plut. repug . x Plut. repug . y Plut. repug . z Laert. a Laert. b Laert. c Plut. repug . Laert. d Plut. rep . Laert. e Laert. f Laert. g Plut. rep . h Plut. rep . & com . not . i Plut. repug . k Plut. rep . l Plut. rep . m Plut. rep . n Plut. com . not . o Plut. com . not . & Laert. p Laert. q De Benef. 1. 3. r Sen de Benef. 1. 4. s Laert. Notes for div A61287-e313010 a Sui●as . b Laert. 〈◊〉 Zen. Notes for div A61287-e313110 a ●aert . vit . Diog. b De ira . 3. 38. Notes for div A61287-e313280 a Laert. b De Offic. 3. c Plut. de Garrul . d Cit. Ac. quaest . 4. e Cic. de divin . l. 1. Notes for div A61287-e313490 a Strab. l. 14. b Cic. de Divin . lib. 1. c Plut. Apoph . d Acad. ● . 4. Cic. Tuse . quaest . lib. 1. Cic. de divinat . lib. 2. De divin . l 1. Notes for div A61287-e313790 Strab. lib. 14. Cic. Tusc. qu. l. 2. Cic. de 〈◊〉 . Deor. lib. 2. De divinat . 
A66045	----	An essay towards a real character, and a philosophical language by John Wilkins ... Wilkins, John, 1614-1672. 1668 Approx. 3265 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 324 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A66045 Wing W2196 Wing W2176_CANCELLED ESTC R21115 12295865 ocm 12295865 59027 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A66045) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59027) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 196:12 or 649:17) An essay towards a real character, and a philosophical language by John Wilkins ... Wilkins, John, 1614-1672. Wilkins, John, 1614-1672. Alphabetical dictionary. [19], 454, [162] p., [2] leaves of plates : ill. Printed for Sa. Gellibrand, and for John Martyn ..., London : 1668. "An alphabetical dictionary, wherein all English words according to their various significations, are either referred to their places in the philosophical tables, or explained by such words as are in those tables" ([162] p. at end) has special t.p. and is entered separately in Wing as W2176 (entry cancelled in Wing 2nd ed.). Folded table inserted between p. 442 and p. 443. Errata: p. [19] at beginning. Advertisements: p. [5]-[9] at end. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries. Marginal notes. 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Language and languages -- Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Monday 13 th . of April 1668. At a Meeting of the Council of the ROYAL SOCIETY : Ordered , That the Discourse presented to the Royall Society , Entituled , An Essay towards a Real Character , and Philosophical Language , be Printed by the Printer to the Royal Society . BROVNCKER Presi . AN ESSAY Towards a REAL CHARACTER , And a PHILOSOPHICAL LANGUAGE . By JOHN WILKINS D.D. Dean of RIPON , And Fellow of the ROYAL SOCIETY . NVLLIVS IN VERBA insignia of Royal Society LONDON , Printed for SA : GELLIBRAND , and for IOHN MARTYN Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY , 1668. To the Right Honourable WILLIAM LORD VISCOUNT BROUNCKER , PRESIDENT ; Together with the rest of the COVNCIL and FELLOWS of the ROYAL SOCIETY . My Lord , I NOW at length present to your Lordship those Papers I had drawn up concerning a Real Character , and a Philosophicall Language , which by severall Orders of the Society have been required of Me. I have been the longer about it , partly because it required some considerable time to reduce the Collections I had by me to this purpose , into a tolerable order ; and partly because when this work was done in Writing , and the Impression of it well nigh finished , it hapned ( amongst many other better things ) to be burnt in the late dreadfull Fire ; by which , all that was Printed ( excepting only two Copies ) and a great part of the unprinted Original was destroyed : The repairing of which , hath taken up the greatest part of my time ever since . I mention this by way of Apology for that slackness and delay , I may seem to be guilty of in my obedience to your Orders . I am not so vain as to think that I have here completely finished this great undertaking , with all the advantages of which such a design is capable . Nor on the other hand , am I so diffident of this Essay , as not to b●lieve it sufficient for the business to which it pretends , namely the distinct expression of all things and notions that fall under discourse . I am sensible of sundry defects in the severall parts of this Book : And therefore would make it my humble motion to your Lordship and this Society , that you would by your Order appoint some of our number , thoroughly to examin & consider the whole , and to offer their thoughts concerning what they judge fit to be amended in it . Particularly in those Tables that concern the species of Natural bodies ; which , if they were ( so far as they are yet known and discovered ) distinctly reduced and described , This would very much promote and facilitate the knowledg of Nature , which is one great end of your Institution . And besides , the ranging of these things into such an order as the Society shall approve , would afford a very good method for your Repository , both for the disposal of what you have already , and the supplying of what you want , towards the compleating of that Collection , so generously begun of late , by the bounty of M r. Daniel Collwal , a worthy Member of this Society . And by this means , I should not doubt , but that in a very short space , you would have the most usefull Repository in the World. It is no easie undertaking to Enumerate all such matters as are to be provided for in such a design ; But the business of Defining , being amongst all others the most nice and difficult , must needs render it a very hard task for any one to attempt the doing of this , for all kinde of Things , Notions , and Words , which yet is necessary to the design here proposed . Vpon which account I may be excused for being so sollicitous about the assistance of others in these matters , because of their great difficulty and importance . The compleating of such a design , being rather the work of a College and an Age , then of any single Person : I mean , the combined Studies of many Students , amongst whom , the severall shares of such a Work should be distributed ; And that for so long a course of time , wherein sufficient experiments might be made of it by practice . It has been sayd concerning that famous Italian Academy styled de la Crusca , consisting of many choice Men of great Learning , that they bestowed forty years in finishing their Vocabulary . And 't is well enough known , that those great Wits of the French Academy , did begin their Dictionary in the year 1639. And for the hastning of the Work , did distribute the parts of it amongst severall Committees ; and yet that undertaking is ( for ought I can understand ) far enough from being finished . Now if those famous Assemblies consisting of the great Wits of their Age and Nations , did judge this Work of Dictionary-making , for the polishing of their Language , worthy of their united labour and studies ; Certainly then , the Design here proposed , ought not to be thought unworthy of such assistance ; it being as much to be preferred before that , as things are better then words , as real knowledge is beyond elegancy of speech , as the general good of mankind , is beyond that of any particular Countrey or Nation . I am very sensible that the most usefull inventions do at their first appearance , make but a very slow progress in the World , unless helped forward by some particular advantage . Logarithms were an Invention of excellent Art and usefulness ; And yet it was a considerable time , before the Learned Men in other parts , did so farr take notice of them , as to bring them into use . The Art of Shorthand , is in its kind an Ingenious device , and of considerable usefulness , applicable to any Language , much wondered at by Travailers , that have seen the experience of it in England : And yet though it be above Threescore years , since it was first Invented , 't is not to this day ( for ought I can learn ) brought into common practice in any other Nation . And there is reason enough to expect the like Fate for the design here proposed . The only expedient I can think of against it , is , That it be sent abroad into the World , with the reputation of having bin considered and approved of , by such a Society as this ; which may provoke , at least , the Learned part of the World , to take notice of it , and to give it such encouragement , as it shall appear to deserve . And if upon such an amendment and recommendation by this Society , the design here proposed , should happen to come into common use , It would requite the Honour you bestow upon it , with abundant Interest . The being Instrumental in any such discovery as does tend to the Vniversal good of Mankind , being sufficient not only to make the Authors of it famous , but also the Times and Places wherein they live . He that knows how to estimate , that judgment inflicted on Mankind in the Curse of the Confusion , with all the unhappy consequences of it , may thereby judge , what great advantage and benefit there will be , in a remedy against it . Men are content to bestow much time and pains in the Study of Languages , in order to their more easy conversing with those of other Nations . 'T is said of Mithridates King of Pontus , that he was skilled in Two and twenty several Tongues , which were spoken in the several Provinces under his Dominion : Which , tho it were a very extraordinary attainment , yet how short a remedy was it against the Curse of the Confusion , considering the vast multitude of Languages that are in the World. Besides that most obvious advantage which would ensue , of facilitating mutual Commerce , amongst the several Nations of the World , and the improving of all Natural knowledge ; It would likewise very much conduce to the spreading of the knowledge of Religion . Next to the Gift of Miracles , and particularly that of Tongues , powred out upon the Apostles in the first planting of Christianity , There is nothing that can more effectually conduce to the further accomplishment of those Promises , which concern the diffusion of it , through all Nations , then the design which is here proposed . To which it will be proper for me to add , That this design will likewise contribute much to the clearing of some of our Modern differences in Religion , by unmasking many wild errors , that shelter themselves under the disguise of affected phrases ; which being Philosophically unfolded , and rendered according to the genuine and natural importance of Words , will appear to be inconsistencies and contradictions . And several of those pretended , mysterious , profound notions , expressed in great swelling words , whereby some men set up for reputation , being this way examined , will appear to be , either nonsence , or very flat and jejune . And tho it should be of no other use but this , yet were it in these days well worth a mans pains and study , considering the Common mischief that is done , and the many impostures and cheats that are put upon men , under the disguise of affected insignificant Phrases . But what ever may be the issue of this attempt , as to the establishing of a real Character , and the bringing of it into Common use , amongst several Nations of the World ( of which I have but very slender expectations ; ) yet this I shall assert with greater confidence , That the reducing of all things and notions , to such kind of Tables , as are here proposed ( were it as compleatly done as it might be ) would prove the shortest and plainest way for the attainment of real Knowledge , that hath been yet offered to the World. And I shall add further , that these very Tables ( as now they are ) do seem to me a much better and readier course , for the entring and training up of men in the knowledge of things , then any other way of Institution that I know of ; which I should not presume to assert , before such able Iudges as those of this Society , were it not a thing I had well considered and were convinced of . I have nothing further to add , but only the declaring myself to be most Zealously devoted to the Honour and Welfare of the Royal Society , And particularly ( My Lord , ) Your Lordships most Humble Servant , JO. VVILKINS . TO THE READER . IT may perhaps be expected by some , that I should give an account of my ingaging in a Work of this nature so unsuitable to my Calling and Business . For the satisfaction of such , they may please to take notice , that this Work was first undertaken , during that vacancy and leasure which I formerly enjoyed in an Academicall station , to which the endeavours of promoting all kind of usefull knowledge , whereby Learning may be improved , is a very suitable imployment . In the time of that daily and intimate converse which I then injoyed , with that most Learned and excellent Person Dr. Seth Ward , the present Bishop of Salisbury . I had frequent occasion of conferring with him , concerning the various Desiderata , proposed by Learned men , or such things as were conceived yet wanting to the advancement of several parts of Learning ; amongst which , this of the Universal Character , was one of the principal , most of which he had more deeply considered , than any other Person that I knew . And in reference to this particular , he would say , That as it was one of the most usefull , so he judged it to be one of the most feasible , amongst all the rest , if prosecuted in a regular way . But for all such attemps to this purpose , which he had either seen or heard of , the Authors of them did generally mistake in their first foundations ; whilst they did propose to themselves the framing of such a Character , from a Dictionary of Words , according to some particular Language , without reference to the nature of things , and that common Notion of them , wherein Mankind does agree , which must chiefly be respected , before any attempt of this nature could signifie any thing , as to the main end of it . It was from this suggestion of his , that I first had any distinct apprehension of the proper course to be observed , in such an undertaking ; having in a Treatise I had published some years before , proposed the Hebrew Tongue as consisting of fewest Radicals , to be the fittest ground work for such a design . Besides the many Private conferences to this purpose , I must not forget to mention , that Publique account which he hath given to the World , of his thoughts upon this subject , in that Learned and Ingenious discourse styled Vindiciae Academiarum ; wherein he endeavours to Vindicate those Ancient and famous Schools of Learning , from such reproaches , whereby some Ignorant and ill-natured men ( taking the advantage of those bad Times ) would have exposed them to contempt and ruine . In which Treatise there is mention made of some considerable preparations , towards the Design here proposed , which if his other necessary imployments would have permitted him to have prosecuted , would without doubt , long ere this , have been advanced to as great a Perfection , as the first Essay in so difficult a matter could have attained . It was some considerable time after this , before I had any thought of attempting any thing in this kind : The first occasion of it was , from a desire I had , to give some assistance to another person , who was willing to ingage in this design of framing a real Character , from the Natural notion of things ; for the helping of whom in so worthy an undertaking , I did offer to draw up for him , the Tables of Substance , or the species of Natural Bodies , reduced under their several Heads ; which I did accordingly perform , much after the same Method , as they are hereafter set down : Though in the doing of it , I found much more labour and difficulty , then I expected , when I undertook it . But he for whom I had done this , not liking this method , as being of too great a Compass , conceiving that he could sufficiently provide for all the chief Radicals , in a much briefer and more easy way , did not think fit to make use of these Tables . Vpon which , being my self convinced , That this which I had begun , was the only course for the effecting of such a work , and being withal unwilling to loose so much pains as I had already taken towards it , I resolved ( as my leasure would permit ) to go on with the other Tables of Accidents . And when after many reviews and changes I had reduced ( as well as I could ) into these Tables , all simple things and notions , by a Consideration of them a Priori , I then judged it necessary to attempt the reduction of a●l other Words in the Dictionary to these Tables , either as they were Synonymous to them , or to be defined by them , which would be a means to try the fulness of these Tables , and consequently to supply their defects ; And besides a great help to Learners , who without such a direction , might not perhaps at first be able to find out the true place and notion of many Words . For the farther compleating of this Work , I found it necessary to take into consideration , the framing of such a Natural Grammar , as might be suited to the Philosophy of Speech , abstracting from those many unnecessary rules belonging to instituted Language ; which proved a matter of no small difficulty , considering the little help to be had for it , from those few Authors who had before undertaken to do any thing in this kind . In the doing of these things , I have not neglected any help that I could procure from others , and must acknowledge my self much ingaged to sundry Learned Men of my acquaintance , for their directions , and furtherance in such matters , as were most suitable to their several Studies and Professions . Amongst the rest , I must not forget to make particular mention of the special assistance I have received , in drawing up the Tables of Animals from that most Learned and Inquisitive Gentleman , a worthy Member of the Royal Society , Mr. Francis Willoughby , who hath made it his particular business , in his late Travails through the most considerable parts of Europe , to inquire after and understand the several species of Animals , and by his own Observations is able to advance that part of Learning , and to add many things , to what hath been formerly done , by the most Learned Authors in this kind . And as for those most difficult Tables of Plants , I have received the like assistance , from one of his Companions in Travail , Mr. John Wray , Late Fellow of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge , who besides his other general Knowledge , hath with great success applyed himself to the Cultivating of that part of Learning . And as for the principal difficulties , which I met with in any other part of this Work , I must acknowledge my self obliged to the continual assistance I have had , from my most Learned and worthy Friend , Dr. William Lloyd , then whom ( so far as I am able to judge , ) this Nation could not have afforded a fitter Person , either for that great Industry , or Accurate judgment , both in Philological , and Philosophical matters , required to such a Work. And particularly I must wholy ascribe to him that tedious and difficult task , of suting the Tables to the Dictionary , and the drawing up of the Dictionary it self , which upon tryal , I doubt not , will be found to be the most perfect , that was ever yet made for the English Tongue . And here I think it proper to give notice that there are several Words mentioned in the Dictionary , and frequently used amongst some Authors , which are yet very questionable as to their fitness and propriety : Each of these were in the Original Coppy marked with an Asterisk , for the better distinction of them ; but by some oversight , these marks have been omitted in the Impression . If any shall suggest , that some of the Enquiries here insisted upon ( as particularly those about the Letters of the Alphabet ) do seem too minute and trivial , for any prudent Man to bestow his serious thoughts and time about . Such Persons may know , that the discovery of the true nature and Cause of any the most minute thing , doth promote real Knowledge , and therefore cannot be unfit for any Mans endeauours , who is willing to contribute to the advancement of Learning . Vpon which Account some of the most eminent Persons , in several Ages , who were Men of business , have not disdained to bestow their pains about the First Elements of Speech . Julius Caesar , is said to have written a Book de Analogia . And the Emperour Charles the Great , to have made a Grammar of his vulgar Tongue . So did St. Basil for the Greek ; and St. Austin for the Latin , both extant in their Works . Besides divers of great reputation both Ancient and Modern , who have Written whole Books on purpose , concerning the just Number of the Letters in the Alphabet ; Others have applyed their disquisitions to some particular Letters : Messala Corvinus , a Great Man , and a famous Orator amongst the Romans , Writ a Book concerning the Letter S. Adamantius Martyr , was the Author of another Book , concerning the Letters V. and B. Our Learned Gataker has Published a Book concerning Dipthongs . And Jovianus Pontanus esteemed a Learned Man ▪ hath Two Books de Adspiratione , or the Letter H. Mr. Franklyn hath published a particular Discourse concerning Accents , And Erycius Puteanus hath Written a Book purposely , de Inter punctione , of the true way of Pointing Clauses and Sentences . And these Generally well esteemed for their great usefulness in the Promoting of Learning : Which may be a sufficient Vindication against any Prejudices of this Nature . THE CONTENTS . The First Part Containing the Prolegomena . CHAPTER , I. I. THE Introduction . II. The Original of Languages . III. The First Mother Tongues . IV. Their several Offsprings . Page , 1 CHAP. II. I. Concerning the various Changes and Corruptions , to which all vulgar Languages are obnoxious . II. Particularly concerning the Change of the English Tongue . III. Whether any Language formerly in use , be now wholly lost . IV. Concerning the first rise and occasion of New Languages . pag. 6 CHAP. III. I. The Original of Letters and Writing . II. That all Letters were derived from the Hebrew . III. The use of Letters is less Antient , and the Kinds of them less numerous , than of Languages themselves . IV. Of Notes for secrecy or brevity . V. Of a Real Character . VI. Of Alphabets in General . pag. 10 CHAP. IV. I. Of the defects in Common-Alphabets , as to the true Order of the Letters , II. Their just Number , III. Determinate Powers , V. Fitting Names , V. Proper Figures . VI. Of the Imperfections belonging to the Words of Languages , as to their Equivocalness , Variety of Synonymous Words , Uncertain Phraseologies , Improper way of Writing . pag. 14 CHAP. V. I. That neither Letters nor Languages , have been regularly established by the Rules of Art. II. The Natural ground or Principle of the several ways of Communication amongst Men. III. The first thing to be provided for , in the establishing of a Philosophical Character or Language , is a just enumeration of all such Things and Notions , to which Names are to be assigned . pag. 19 The Second Part Containing Universal Philosophy . CHAPTER . I. I. THE Scheme of Genus's . II. Concerning the more General Notions of Things , The difficulty of Establishing these aright . III. Of Transcendentals General . IV. Of Transcendentals Mixed . V. Of Transcendental Relations of Action . VI. Of the several Notions belonging to Grammar , or Logic. Page , 22 CHAP. II. I. Concerning God. II. Of the several Things and Notions reducible under that Collective Genus of the World. pag 51 CHAP. III. I. Of Elements and Meteors . II. Of Stones . III. Of Metals . pag. 56 CHAP. IV. I. Of Plants , The difficulty of enumerating and describing these . II. The more general distribution of them . III. Of Herbs considered according to their Leaves . IV. Of Herbs considered according to their Flowers . V. Of Herbs considered according to their Seed Vessels . VI. Of Shrubs . VII . Of Trees . pag. 67 CHAP. V. I. Concerning Animals , The General distribution of them . II. Of Exanguious Animals . III. Of Fishes . IV. Of Birds . V. Of Beasts . VI. A Digression concerning the capacity of Noah's Ark. pag. 121 CHAP. VI. I. Of Parts of Animate Bodies , whether I. Peculiar , or II. General . p. 168 CHAP. VII . I. Concerning the Predicament of Quantitie . I. Of Magnitude . II. Of Space . III. Of Measure . pag. 181 CHAP. VIII . Concerning the Predicament of Quality , and the several Genus's belonging to it . I. Of Natural Power . II. Of Habit. III. Of Manners . IV. Of Sensible Quality . V. Of Disease ; with the various differences and species under each of these . pag. 194 CHAP. IX . Of the Predicament of Action ; The several Genus's under it . viz. I. Spiritual Action . II. Corporeal Action . III. Motion . IV. Operation . p. 225 CHAP. X. Concerning Relation more private , namely I. Oeconomical , or Family Relation ; together with the several kinds of things belonging to those in that capacity , either as II. Possessions , or III. Provisions . pag. 249 CHAP. XI . Concerning Relation more Publike , whether I. Civil . II. Iudiciary . III. Naval . IV. Military . V. Ecclesiastical . pag. 263 CHAP. XII . I. A General Explication of the design of the fore-going Tables . II. Particular Instances in the six principal Genus's of it . III. Something to be noted concerning Opposites and Synonyma's . IV. An Account of what kind of things ought not to be provided for in such Tables . p. 289 The Third Part Containing Philosophical Grammar . CHAPTER . I. I. COncerning the several Kinds and Parts of Grammar . II. Of Etymologie , The more general Scheme of Integrals and Particles . III. Of Nouns in General . IV. Of Substantives common , denoting either Things , Actions , or Persons . V. Rules concerning Nouns of Action . VI. Of Substantives Abstracts . VII . Of Adjectives according to the true Philosophical notion of them . VIII . The true notion of a Verb. IX . Of derived Adverbs . X. A general Scheme of the forementioned Derivations . page , 297 CHAP. II. I. Of Particles in General . II. Of the Copula . III. Of Pronouns more generally . IV. More particularly . V. Of Interjections more generally . VI. More particularly . p. 304 CHAP. III. I. Of Prepositions in general . II. The particular kinds of them enumerated . III. An Explication of the four last Combinations of them , relating to Place or Time. p. 309 CHAP. IV. I. Of Adverbs in general . II. The particular kinds of them . III. Of Conjunctions . p. 312 CHAP. V. I. Of Articles . II. Of Modes . III. Of Tenses . IV. The most distinct way of expressing the differences of Time. p. 315 CHAP. VI. I. Of Transcendental particles , The end and use of them . II. The usual ways for inlarging the sense of Words in instituted Languages . III. The general Heads of Transcendental Particles . p. 318 CHAP. VII . Instances of the great usefulness of these Transcendental Particles , with directions how they are to be applyed . p. 323 CHAP. VIII . Of the Accidental differences of Words . I. Inflexion . II. Derivation . III. Composition . p. 352 CHAP. IX . Of the second part of Grammar called Syntax . p. 354 CHAP. X. Of Orthography . I. Concerning Letters . The Authors who have treated of this Subject . II. A brief Table of all such kinds of Simple sound , which can be framed by the mouths of Men. III. A further Explication of this Table , as to the Organs of Speech , and as to the Letters framed by these Organs . p. 357 CHAP. XI . Of Vowels . p. 363 CHAP. XII . Of Consonants . p. 366 CHAP. XIII . Of Compound Vowels , and Consonants . p. 370 CHAP. XIV . I. Of the Accidents of Letters , I. Their Names . II. Their Order . III. Affinities and Oppositions . IV. Their Figures , with a twofold Instance of a more regular Character for the Letters , The later of which may be styled Natural . V. Of Pronunciation . VI. The several Letters dis-used by several Nations . p. ●●● The Fourth Part Containing a Real Character , and a Philosophical Language . CHAPTER I. The proposal of one kind of Real Character ( amongst many other which might be offered ) both for all Integrals , whether Genus's , Differences or Species ; together with the derivations and Inflexions belonging to them , as likewise for all the several kinds of Particles . page , 385 CHAP. II. An Instance of this Real Character , in the Lord's Prayer and the Creed . p. 395 CHAP. III. How this Real Character may be made effable in a distinct Language , and what kind of Letters or Syllables may be conveniently assigned to each Character . p. 414 CAHP. IV. Instance of this Philosohical Language , both in the Lord's Prayer and the Creed : A comparison of the Language here proposed , with fifty others , as to the facility and Euphonicalness of it . p. 421 CHAP. V. Directions for the more easy learning of this Character and Language , with a brief Table containing the Radicals , both Integrals and Particles ; together with the Character and Language , by which each of them are to be expressed . p. 439 CHAP. VI. The Appendix containing a Comparison betwixt this Natural Philosophical Grammar and that of other Instituted Languages , particularly the Latin , in respect of the multitude of unncecessary Rules and of Anomalisms , concerning the China Character : The several Attemps and Proposals made by others , towards a new kind of Character and Language . The advantage in respect of facility , which this Philosophical Language hath above the Latin. p. 441 ERRATA . PAGE 6. Line 17. Read Instituted by Art. p. 15. l. 9. r. 3. By assigning , &c. p. 16. l. 11. ( Y ) p. 27. l. 39. dele relief . p. 32. l. 43. dele poor . p. 40. l. 28. r. defer . p. 41. l. 21 , 22. add administer , disperse , distribute Token , Fairing , to the preceding line . p. 70. l. 38. r. dryer . p. 73. l. 3. r. Laciniae . p. 91. l. 7 , 8. r. of this Tribe . p. 94. l. 19. r. expand . p. 97. l 21 , 31. r. Chichling . p. 133. l. 31. r. Oxyrhynchos . p. 134. l. ●8 . r. Iozo . p. 139. l. 18. Channa . p. 147. l. 20. r. Cariocatactes . p. 150. l. 20 , 21. r. Coccothrauctes . p. 153. Of Birds . p. 156. l. 13. Avosetta . p. 157. l. 48. Strepsiceros . p. 159. l. 5. r. Shrewmouse . p. 177. l. 10 , &c. r. More properly Organical ; Whether such parts as are External ; used for the Senses , &c. Internal ; used for Tasting , Speaking , or Eating . p. 181. l. 40. after superficies add imyplying a respect to the sides or limits of it . p. 291. l. 49. dele the , l. 50. r. the word Change. p 292. l. 22. r. Arts. p. 299. l 35. r. Lux. p. 301. l. 14. r. Quantity . p. 309. l. 19. r. this . p. 324. l. 38. r. abber . p 346. l. 29. r. Flat . p. 368. l. 12. r. Thin . p. 390. l. 8 , 9. r. upward , downward , above , below . Pag. ●91 . lin . 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 395. number , 71. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. 74. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 399. n ▪ 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 400. n. 37 , 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 404. l. 3. n. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. 109. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 413. l. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 422. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 427. n 37. cȣabys . p. 428. . l. 2. dele 86. l. 6. tȣalti . p 429 l. 19 for ȣ . r. s. In the MARGIN . PAge 70. Read Muscus . p. 72. Oryza . p. 76. Petasites . p. 86. Conyza . p. 89. Perfoliata . Ery●gium . Sphondylium . p. 90 Charephyllon . p. 91. Thysselinum . Chamadrys . p. 92. Chamaepitis . p. 93. Stachis . Bugula . p. 95. Caryophyllata . p. 99. Scorpioides . Bupleurifolio . p. 102. Caryophyllus . Ascyrum . p. 103. Chamaedrys . p. 104. V●ola . Hyoscyamus . p. 106. Ebulus . p. 107. Grossularia . p. 108. Mahaleb . p. 109. Philyrhea . Pyracantha . Thyme●●a . p. 115. Laurocerasus . p. 116. Pistacia . Corylus . p. 123. Proscarabaus . p. 142. L●uciscus . p. 148. Ruffa , Corylorum . p. 150. Alauda . Cenchramus . p. 152. Troglodytes . p. 158. Gazellus . CHAP. I. I. The Introduction . II. The Original of Languages . III. The first Mother-tongues . IV. Their several Off-springs . IN the handling of that subject , I have here proposed to treat of , I shall digest the things which to me seem most proper and material to be said upon this occasion , into four parts ; according to this following Method . In the first Part I shall premise some things as Pracognita , concerning such Tongues and Letters as are already in being , particularly concerning those various defects and imperfections in them , which ought to be supplyed and provided against , in any such Language or Character , as is to be invented according to the rules of Art. The second Part shall contein that which is the great foundation of the thing here designed , namely a regular enumeration and description of all those things and notions , to which marks or names ought to be assigned according to their respective natures , which may be styled the Scientifical Part , comprehending Vniversal Philosophy . It being the proper end and design of the several branches of Philosophy to reduce all things and notions unto such a frame , as may express their natural order , dependence , and relations . The third Part shall treat concerning such helps and Instruments , as are requisite for the framing of these more simple notions into continued Speech or Discourse , which may therefore be stiled the Organical or Instrumental Part , and doth comprehend the Art of Natural or Philosophical Grammar . In the fourth Part I shall shew how these more generall Rules may be applyed to particular kinds of Characters , and Languages , giving an instance of each . To which shall be adjoyned by way of Appendix , a Discourse shewing the advantage of such a kind of Philosophical Character and Language , above any of those which are now known , more particularly above that which is of most general use in these parts of the World ; namely , the Latine . Lastly , There shall be added a Dictionary of the English tongue , in which shall be shown how all the words of this Language , according to the various equivocal senses of them , may be sufficiently expressed by the Philosophical Tables here proposed . I begin with the first of these . The design of this Treatise being an attempt towards a new kind of Character and Language , it cannot therefore be improper to premise somewhat concerning those already in being ; the first Original of them , their several kinds , the various changes and corruptions to which they are lyable , together with the manifold defects belonging to them . This I shall endeavour to do in the former part of this Discourse . There is scarce any subject that hath been more throughly scanned and debated amongst Learned men , than the Original of Languages and Letters . 'T is evident enough that no one Language is natural to mankind , because the knowledge which is natural would generally remain amongst men , notwithstanding the superinduction of any other particular Tongue , wherein they might be by Art. Nor is it much to be wondred at , that the ancient Heathen , who knew nothing of Scripture-revelation , should be inclined to believe , that either Men and Languages were eternal ; or , that if there were any particular time when men did spring out of the Earth , and after inhabit alone and dispersedly in Woods and Caves , they had at first no Articulate voice , but only such rude sounds as Beasts have ; till afterwards particular Families increasing , or several Families joyning together for mutual safety and defence , under Government and Societies , they began by degrees and long practice to consent in certain Articulate sounds , whereby to communicate their thoughts , which in several Countries made several Languages , according to that in the Poet , Cùm prorepserunt primis animalia terris , Mutum & turpe pecus , glandem atque cubilia propter Vnguibus & pugnis , dein fustibus , atque ita porro Pugnabant armis , quae post fabricaverat usus , Donec verba quibus voces sensúsque notarent Nomináque invenêre ; dehinc absistere bello , Oppida coeperunt munire , & ponere leges , Ne quis fur esset , neu latro , neu quis adulter , &c. But to us , who have the revelation of Scripture , these kind of scruples and conjectures are sufficiently stated . And 't is evident enough that the first Language was con-created with our first Parents , they immediately understanding the voice of God speaking to them in the Garden . And how Languages came to be multiplyed , is likewise manifested in the Story of the Confusion of Babel . How many Languages , and which they were that sprang up at that Confusion , is altogether uncertain ; whether many of them that were then in being , be not now wholly lost ; and many others , which had not the same original , have not since arisen in the world , is not ( I think ) to be doubted . The most received Conjecture is , that the Languages of the Confusion were according to the several Families from Noah , which were 70 or 72. though there be very strong probabilities to prove that they were not so many , and that the first Dispersion did not divide mankind into so many Colonies . But now the several Languages that are used in the world do farre exceed this number . Pliny and Strabo do both make mention of a great Mart-Town in Colchos named Dioscuria , to which men of three hundred Nations , and of so many several Languages , were wont to resort for Trading . Which , considering the narrow compass of Traffick before the invention of the magnetic Needle , must needs be but a small proportion , in comparison to those many of the remoter and unknown parts of the world . Some of the American Histories relate , that in every fourscore miles of that vast Country , and almost in every particular valley of Peru , the Inhabitants have a distinct Language . And one who for several years travelled the Northern parts of America about Florida , and could speak six several Languages of those people , doth affirm , that he found , upon his enquiry and converse with them , more than a thousand different Languages amongst them . As for those Languages which seem to have no derivation from , or dependance upon , or affinity with one another , they are styled Linguae matrices , or Mother-tongues . Of these Ioseph Scaliger affirms there are eleven , and not more , used in Europe ; whereof four are of more general and large extent , and the other seven of a narrower compass and use . Of the more general Tongues . 1. The Greek was anciently of very great extent , not onely in Europe , but in Asia too , and Afric , where several Colonies of that Nation were planted ; by which dispersion and mixture with other people it did degenerate into several Dialects . Besides those four that are commonly noted , the Doric , Ionic , Aeolic , Attic , Herodotus doth mention four several Dialects of the Ionic . The inhabitants of Rhodes , Cyprus , Crete , had each of them some peculiarity in their Language . And the present Coptic or Aegyptian seems , both from the words and the character , to be a branch of this family , and was probably spred amongst that people in the days of Alexander the Great , upon his conquering of them : Though some conceive that there were at least 30000 families of Greeks planted in that Country long before his time . 2. The Latin , though this be much of it a derivation from the Greek , ( of which the now French , Spanish , and Italian are several off-springs and derivations ) had anciently four several Dialects , as Petrus Crinitus shews cut of Varro . 3. The Teutonic or German is now distinguished into Vpper and Lower . The Vpper hath two notable Dialects . 1. The Danish , Scandian , or perhaps the Gothic , to which belongs the Language used in Denmark , Norway , Swedeland , and Island . 2. The Saxon , to which appertain the several Languages of the English , the Scots , the Frisians , and those on the North of Elve . 4. The Slavonic is extended , though with some variation , through many large Territories , Muscovia , Russia , Poland , Bohemia , Vandalia , Croatia , Lithuania , Dalmatia ; and is said to be the vulgar Language used amongst 60 several Nations . The Languages of lesser extent are , 1. The Albanese , or old Epirotic , now used in the mountainous parts of Epirus . 2. The Europaean Tartar , or Scythian , from which some conceive our Irish to have had its original . As for the Turkish Tongue , that is originally no other but the Asiatic Tartar , mixed with Armenian and Persian , some Greek , and much Arabic . 3. The Hungarian , used in the greatest part of that Kingdom . 4. The Finnic , used in Finland and Lapland . 5. The Cantabrian , used amongst the Biscainers , who live near the Ocean on the Pyrene hills , bordering both upon France and Spain . 6. The Irish , in Ireland , and from thence brought over into some parts of Scotland . Though Mr. Camden would have this to be a derivation from the Welsh . 7. The old Gaulish or British , which is yet preserved in Wales , Cornwall , and Britain in France . To this number Mr. Brerewood doth add four others , viz. 1. The Arabic , now used in the steep mountains of Granata ; which yet is a Dialect from the Hebrew , and not a Mother-tongue . 2. The Cauchian , in East-Friseland . 3. The Illyrian , in the Isle of Veggia . 4. The Iazygian , on the North side of Hungary . Besides this difference of Languages in their first derivation , every particular Tongue hath its several Dialects . Though Iudaea were a region of a very narrow compass , yet was it not without its varieties of this kind : witness the story concerning Shibboleth and Sibboleth ; and that of the Levite , who was discovered by his manner of speech ; and S. Peter's being known for a Galilaean . 'T is so generally in other Countries , and particularly with us in England , where the Northern and Western inhabitants do observe a different dialect from other parts of the Nation , as may appear from that particular instance mentioned by Verstegan . Whereas the inhabitants about London would say , I would eat more cheese if I had it . A Northern man would speak it thus , Ay sud eat mare cheese gyn ay had et . And a Western man thus , Chud eat more cheese an chad it . Every one of these reputed Mother-tongues , except the Arabic , ( and perhaps the Hungarian ) was used in Europe during the time of the Roman Empire . But whether they were all of them so ancient as the Confusion of Babel , doth not appear ; there wants not good probability to the contrary for some of them . It hath been the opinion of some , particularly Boxhornius , that the Scythian Tongue was the common mother from which both the Greek , Latin , German and Persian were derived , as so many Dialects ; and 't is said that Salmasius did incline to the same judgment . And Philip Cluverius conjectures , that both Germans , Gauls , Spaniards , Britans , Swedes and Norwegians , did anciently use one and the same Language . One principal argument used for this is , the agreement of those remote Nations in some radical words . Ioseph Scaliger observes that the words , Father , Mother , Brother , Bond , &c. are used in the Persian tongue , with some little variety , in the same sense and signification as they are used with us . And Busbequius relates , that the inhabitants of Taurica Chersonesus have divers words in the same sense common with us , as Wine , Silver , Corn , Salt , Fish , Apple , &c. But this might be merely casual , or else occasioned by a mixture of Colonies , and will not argue a derivation of one from another . So there are several words common to the Turks , Germans , Greeks , French , sometimes of the same , and sometimes of several significations ; which is not sufficient to argue that all these were of the same Original . Besides these Europaean , there is likewise great variety of Languages in other parts of the world . As for the Hebrew Tongue , which is by many learned men supposed to be the same that Abraham learnt when he came into Canaan , to which that expression Isai. 19.18 . The language of Canaan , is thought to allude ; this is supposed to be the first Mother tongue amongst all those that are now known in the world , from which there are sundry derivations , as the Chaldee , Syriac , Punic , Arabic , Persian ▪ Aethiopic . When the Iews were in Captivity at Babylon , mixed with the Chaldeans for 70 years , in that tract of time they made up a Language distinct from both , which is sometimes called Syriac , and sometimes Chaldee , and sometimes Hebrew . Those passages in the Gospel , which are said to be in the Hebrew tongue , as Talitha Kumi ; Elohi , Elohi , Lamma sabachthani , are properly Syriac ; onely they are called Hebrew , because that was the Language which the Hebrews then used . A great part of this Syriac tongue is for the substance of the words Chaldee , and Hebrew for the fashion , so degenerating much from both . After the Captivity the pure Hebrew ceased to be vulgar , remaining onely amongst learned men , as appears by that place in Nehem. 8.7 , 8. where we find the Priests , upon reading of the Law to the people after their coming out of Babylon , were fain to expound it distinctly to them , and to make them understand the meaning of it ; the common people , by long disuse , being grown strangers to the Language wherein 't was written . So in our Saviour's time , the unlearned Iews , whose vulgar Tongue the Syriac was , could not understand those parts of Moses and the Prophets read to them in Hebrew every Sabbath-day . Which was the reason of those public speeches and declarations of any learned men , who occasionally came into the Synagogues , after the reading of the Law : though neither Priests , nor Levites , nor Scribes , yet was it ordinary for them to expound unto the people the meaning of those portions of Scripture that were appointed to be read out of the Hebrew , which the people did not understand ; and to render their meaning in Syriac , which was their vulgar Tongue . As for so much of the pure Hebrew as is now in being , which is onely that in the old Testament , though it be sufficient to express what is there intended , yet it is so exceedingly defective in many other words requisite to humane discourse , that the Rabbins are fain to borrow words from many other Languages , Greek , Latin , Spanish , &c. as may appear at large in Buxtorf's Lexicon Rabbinicum , and a particular Discourse written to this very purpose by David Cohen de Lara . And , from the several defects and imperfections which seem to be in this Language , it may be guessed not to be the same which was con-created with our first Parents , and spoken by Adam in Paradise . What other varieties of Tongues there have been , or are , in Asia , Afric , or America , I shall not now enquire . CHAP. II. I. Concerning the various changes and corruptions to which all vulgar Languages are obnoxious . II. Particularly concerning the changes of the English tongue . III. Whether any Language , formerly in use , be now wholly lost . IV. Concerning the first rise and occasion of new Languages . THere are three Queres which may deserve some farther disquisition . 1. Whether the purest of those Mother-tongues , which yet remain , be not now much changed from what they were at the first Confusion . 2. Whether and how any of the Mother-tongues have been quite lost since the Confusion . 3. Whether and how other new Languages have since arisen in the world . 1. To the first , Besides the common fate and corruption to which Languages as well as all other humane things are subject , there are many other particular causes which may occasion such a change : The mixture with other Nations in Commerce ; Marriages in Regal Families , which doth usually bring some common words into a Court fashion ; that affectation incident to some eminent men in all ages , of coining new words , and altering the common forms of speech , for greater elegance ; the necessity of making other words , according as new things and inventions are discovered . Besides , the Laws of forein Conquests usually extend to Letters and Speech as well as Territories ; the Victor commonly endeavouring to propagate his own Language as farre as his Dominions ; which is the reason why the Greek and Latin are so universally known . And when a Nation is overspread with several Colonies of foreiners , though this do not alwaies prevail to abolish the former Language , yet if they make any long abode , this must needs make such a considerable change and mixture of speech as will very much alter it from its original Purity . Those learned Languages which have now ceased to be vulgar , and remain onely in Books , by which the purity of them is regulated , may , whilst those Books are extant and studied , continue the same without change . But all Languages that are vulgar , as those learned ones formerly were , are upon the fore-mentioned occasions , subject to so many alterations , that in tract of time they will appear to be quite another thing then what they were at first . The Liturgies of S. Basil and S. Chrysostom , which are yet used in the Greek Churches in their publick worship , the one for solemn , the other for common days , have been a long time unintelligible to that people ; so much is the vulgar Greek degenerated from its former purity . And Polibius testifies , that the Articles of truce betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians could scarce be understood by the most learned Roman Antiquaries 350 years after the time of their making . If any English man should now write or speak as our forefathers did about six or seven hundred years past , we should as little understand him as if he were a foreiner ; of which it were easie to give several proofs by instance , if it were not inconsistent with my present design of brevity . What the Saxons Language was at their first arrival into England about the year 440 , doth not appear ; but 't is most probable that the changes and differences of it , have been somewhat proportionable in several Ages . About the year of Christ 700 the Lord's Prayer in English was thus rendred : Uren fader thic arth in heofnas , sic gehalgud thin noma : to cymeth thin ric : sic thin willa sue is in heofnas and in eortho . Uren hlaf ofer wirtlic sel us to daeg ; and forget us scylda urna , sue we forgefen scyldgum urum ; and no inlead usith in custnung . Ah gefrig urich from ifle . Amen . About 200 years after , it was changed thus : Thu ure fader the eart on heofenum . Si thin nama gehalgod . Cum thin ric . Si thin willa on eorthen swa , swa on heofenum . Syle us to daeg urn daegthanlican hlaf . And forgif us ure gyltas swa , swa we forgifath tham the with us agyltath . And ne led the us on costnung . Ac alys us from yfle . Si it swa . About the same time it was rendred in the Saxon Gospels , said to be Translated by King Alfred , after this manner . Faeder ure thu the earth on heofenum , si thin nama Gehalgod to be cume thin Rice , Gewurthe thin willa on eorthan swa swa on heofnum , urne ge daeghwanlican hlaf syle us to daeg . And forgyf us ure gyltas , swa swa we forgivath urum gyltendum . And ne gelaedde thu us on costnung . Ac Alyse us of yfle . About 260 years after , in the time of King Henry the 2 d , it was rendred thus , and sent over by Pope Adrian , an English-man , turned into meter , that the people might more easily learn and remember it . Ure fadyr in heaven rich , Thy name be hallyed ever lich , Thou bring us thy michell blisse : Al 's hit in heaven y. doe , Evar in yearth beene it also . That holy bread that lasteth ay , Thou send it ous this ilke day , Forgive ous all that we have don , As we forgivet uch other mon : Ne let ous fall into no founding , Ac shield ous fro the fowle thing . Amen . And about a hundred years after , in the time of Henry the third , it was rendred thus : Fader that art in heavin blisse , Thin helge nam it wurth the blisse , Cumen and mot thy kingdom , Thin holy will it be all don , In heaven and in erdh also , So it shall bin full well Ic tro . Gif us all bread on this day , And forgif us ure sinnes , As we do ure wider winnes : Let us not in fonding fall , Oac fro evil thu syld us all . Amen . About two hundred years after this in the time of Henry the VI. ( as appears by a large manuscript Velume Bible in the Oxford-Library , said to have been this Kings , and by him to have been given to the Carthusians in London ; ) It was rendred thus . Oure fadir that art in hevenes , halewid be thi name , thi kingdom come to thee , be thi wil don in eerthe , as in hevene , give to us this day oure breed over othre substanc , and forgive to us oure dettis , as we forgiven oure dettouris , and lede us not into temptation , but delivere us from ivel . Amen . In another M. S. of Wickliffes Translation , who lived in Richard the 2 ds time , it is rendred with very small difference from this . About a hundred years after this , In a Bible set forth with the Kings licens , translated by Thomas Mathew , and printed in the year 1537 , it was rendered thus : O oure father which arte in heven halowed be thy name . Let thy kingdome come . Thy will be fulfilled , as well in erth , as it is in heven . Geve us this daye oure dayly bred . And forgeve us our treaspases , even as we forgeve oure trespacers . And lead us not into temptacion , but delyver us from evyll . Amen . After the same manner it is rendered in the Translation of William Tyndall , with some little differences in the spelling . This one instance may sufficiently manifest by what degrees this Language did receive its several Changes , and how much altered it is now from what it hath been , and consequently what is to be expected in future times . Since Learning began to flourish in our Nation , there have been more then ordinary Changes introduced in our Language : partly by new artificial Compositions ; partly by enfranchising strange forein words , for their elegance and significancy , which now make one third part of our Language ; and partly by refining and mollifying old words , for the more easie and graceful sound : by which means this last Century may be conjectured to have made a greater change in our Tongue , then any of the former , as to the addition of new words . And thus , in all probability , must it have been with all other vulgar Languages . So that 't is not likely that any of these Mother-tongues now in being , are the same that they were at the first Confusion . So true is that of the Poet : Vt sylvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos , Prima cadunt ; ita verborum vetus interit aetas , Et , juvenum ritu , florent modò nata vigéntque . Debemur morti nos nostráque — And a little after , Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere , cadéntque Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula , si volet usus , Quem penes arbitrium est , & vis , & norma loqu●ndi . 2. As to the second Quere , Whether any of the Ancient Languages be now quite lost ; it may be answered , That if in some few hundreds of years a Language may be so changed as to be scarce intelligible ; then , in a much longer tract of time it may be quite abolished , none of the most radical and substantial parts remaining : For every change is a gradual corruption . Before the flourishing of the Roman Empire , there were several native Languages used in Italy , France , Spain . In Italy we read of the Messapian , the Hetruscan , the Sabine , the Oscan , the Hetrurian or Tuscan Languages ; which are now thought by Learned men to be utterly lost , and nowhere to be found in the World. 'T is probable that there was not onely one Language in so vast a Territory as France , but that several Provinces spake several Languages : But what those Languages were , or whether yet extant , is uncertain . As for the Celtae , who , inhabiting the inner part of the Country , were less subject to forein mixtures , 't is most probable that their Language might be the British or Welsh , which is yet spoken in some parts of France . Caesar reports that the Gauls were wont often to pass over into Britain , to be instructed by the Druids , amongst whom there was then no use of Books or Writing , and therefore they must communicate by Discourse . And Tacitus affirms that the Speech of the British and Gauls , differed but little . It is conceived that one of the ancient Tongues of Spain was the Cantabrian , which doth now there remain in the more barren mountainous , inaccessible parts , where Conquerors are less willing to pursue , or desirous to plant ; as our British doth in Wales . But 't is probable that there might be several other Languages besides this in so great a Continent , as well as in Italy , which are now wholly lost and unknown . 3. As to the third Quere , concerning the first Rise and occasion of new Languages , that may be sufficiently answered by what was before suggested , concerning those many particular emergencies which may contribute to the introducing a change in Languages . Some think that the Italians , Spaniards and French , after they were totally subdued by the Romans , and planted with their Colonies , did , after a certain space of time , receive the Latin Tongue as their most vulgar Speech , and retained it ; till afterwards , being several times overrun by the Northern barbarous Nations , the Goths and Vandals , and other Tribes of the Germans , who mixed with them , and after several Conquests resided amongst them , sometimes 20 , 60 , 200 years together ; this afforded time enough for such a thorough coalition betwixt them and the Natives , as could not but introduce a great change in the common Language , whilst the Nations were forced to attemper their Speech for the mutual understanding of one another . Others conceive that those Countries did not at first perfectly receive the Latin from the Romans , but did onely make use of the most principal radical words ; neglecting the Grammatical rules of composition and inflection , and withall varying the way of pronunciation , according to the unusualness and difficulty of several sounds to several Countries : And that this was the first and chief occasion of those various Medleys or several Dialects now in use ; which were afterwards somewhat farther changed from their Originals , by those several Inundations of the Barbarians 'T is not much material to dispute , which of these causes had the principal influence in the extraction of these modern Tongues , so long as 't is granted that both of them might contribute and suffice for this effect . As for our present English , this seems to be a mixture of the British , Roman , Saxon , Danish , Norman , according to the several vicissitudes of Plantations and Conquests , that this Nation hath undergone . And according as such Conquests have been more or less compleat and absolute , so have the Languages been more or less generally altered : which is the reason why the Saxon Tongue was by our progenitors more fully introduced in England , then either that of the Franks amongst the Gauls , or that of the Goths or Lumbards in Italy , or that of the Goths , Vandals or Moors in Spain . That which seems to be the newest Language in the World , is the Malayan , which is now as general and common amongst the Natives of the East-Indies , as Latin or French is in these parts of the World. 'T is said to be but of late invention , occasioned by the concourse of Fishermen from Pegu , Siam , Bengala , and several other Nations , who meeting together at a place convenient for Fishing , and finding that it was by situation exceeding commodious for Traffick from several parts , did agree to settle there a Plantation ; and accordingly built the Town of Malacca , which hath since , for many years , been governed by the Portuguez , and is now under the power of the Hollander . And , for the more facil converse with one another , they agreed upon a distinct Language , which probably was made up by selecting the most soft and easy words belonging to each several Nation . And this is the onely Language ( for ought I know ) that hath ever been at once invented ; if it may properly be styled a distinct Language , and not rather a Medley of many . But this being invented by rude Fishermen , it cannot be expected that it should have all those advantages , with which it might have been furnished by the rules of Philosophy . I know that the Learned Golius doth affirm the China Language to be invented by Art ; but , upon the best discovery to be made of it at this distance , from those who have lived many years in that Country , and pretend to understand the Language , it appears to be so exceedingly equivocal , and in many respects so very imperfect , that there is little reason to believe it had any such Original . CHAP. III. I. The Original of Letters and Writing . II. That all Letters were derived from the Hebrew . III. The use of Letters is less ancient , and the kinds of them less numerous , then of the Languages themselves . IV. Of Notes for Secrecy or Brevity . V. Of real Characters . VI. Of Alphabets in general . HAving laid down this brief and general View of Languages , 't is requisite that something should be also premised concerning Letters , the Invention of which was a thing of so great Art and exquisiteness , that Tully doth from hence inferr the divinity and spirituality of the humane soul , and that it must needs be of a farr more excellent and abstracted Essence then mere Matter or Body , in that it was able to reduce all articulate sounds to 24 Letters . Though the Scripture doth not mention any thing concerning the invention of these ; yet 't is most generally agreed , that Adam , ( though not immediately after his Creation , yet ) in process of time , upon his experience of their great necessity and usefulness , did first invent the ancient Hebrew Character : whether that which we now call the Hebrew , or else the Samaritan , is a question much debated by several Learned men , which I shall not now inquire into , or offer to determine . As for those particular Alphabets which are by some ascribed to Adam , Enoch and Noah , mentioned by several Authors , and in a late Discourse by Thomas Bangius , they have so little foundation in any probable reason or story , that I shall not so much as make any farther mention of them . It hath been abundantly cleared up by many Learned men , that the ancient Hebrew Character hath the priority before any other now known ; which is confirmed by the concurrent testimony of the best and most ancient Heathen Writers . And 't is amongst rational arguments none of the least , for the Truth and Divine Authority of Scripture , to consider the general concurrence of all manner of evidence for the Antiquity of the Hebrew , and the derivation of all other Letters from it . Pliny affirms in one place , that the first invention of Letters ought to be ascribed unto the Assyrians ; and in another place he saith , that under the name of Syria he understands the Regions which were styled Palestine , Iudaea and Phoenicia ; and in the same Chapter he ascribes the invention of Letters to the Phoenicians . So doth Lucan likewise ; Phoenices primi ( famae si credimus ) ausi Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris . With these agree a Herodotus , Strabo , b Plutarch , c Curtius , Mela , &c. who all consent , that the Grecians did first receive their Letters from the Phoenicians by Cadmus , who lived about the time of Ioshua . And that the Punic or Phoenician Tongue was the Canaanitish or the Hebrew , though somewhat altered from its original pronunciation , ( as is wont in tract of time to befall Colonies planted far from home , amongst strangers , ) is sufficiently manifested from the remainders of it that are extant in Plautus and other prophane Authors , as they are cited by the learned Bochart . And that the Phoenicians were Canaanites hath proof also in Scripture , because the same woman who in Mark 7.26 . is styled a Syrophoenician , is said Matth. 15.22 . to be a Canaanite . That the ancient Greek Character was of very near affinity to the Samaritan , and that the Latin Letters were of such an affinity to the Greek , and derived from them , being in a manner the same with the ancient Ionic Letters , is made very plain by Scaliger , and owned by Pliny and Dionysius Halicarnassensis . And Tacitus doth acknowledge that the ancient Latin Characters were in their shape and figure almost the same with the Greek . And as for the other Letters that are known , namely , the Syriac , Arabic , Aethiopic , Armenian , Coptic , Illyric , Georgian , Gothic , there is this cogent Argument to prove them to be of the same Original , because their Alphabets do generally observe the same order of Letters , which , being in it self exceedingly irrational , cannot probably have any other reason but imitation . Except onely that of the Arabs , saith Hermannus Hugo , who , that they might not seem to have borrowed Letters from others , did purposely disturb the order of the Alphabet ; to which he might have added the Aethiopic and Armenian . There are two general things to be observed concerning these derived Letters . 1. That they are not of so great Antiquity . 2. That they are not so numerous as Languages are . 1. They are not so ancient , many Nations remaining a long while before they grew so far civilized as to understand the use of Letters , which to this day are not known amongst many of the American Nations , nor the Inhabitants of Lapland : and after they have been known , and of some public use , it hath been yet a considerable space , before persons have written any Discourse in their own Language . 'T is observed by Tschudas of the German , and by Genebrard of the French Tongue , ( saith Mr. Brerewood ) that 't is not much above 400 years , since Books began to be written in those Languages . 2. And because the use of Letters in particular Countries is not so ancient as Language , therefore are they not of so numerous kinds ; several Nations taking up the use of Letters from their neighbours , and adapting them to their own Tongue . Thus the Spanish , French , Italian , German , British , English , Irish , &c. do all of them use the same Latine Character , it being probable that they had none of their own , before they learnt this of the Romans . The Coptic or Egyptian Character , ever since Egypt came under the Dominion of Macedon , hath been the Greek , excepting only seven Letters proper to their Tongue , which the Greek Alphabet did not sufficiently express ; The Muscovites likewise and the Russians , the Georgians and Iacobins , do use the Greek Character ; the Persians and Turks use the Arabick : though the Letters of any Tongue do not alwaies remain the same , but are subject to the like fate and mutability , to which Languages are exposed . Besides this common way of Writing by the ordinary Letters , the Ancients have sometimes used to communicate by other Notes , which were either for Secrecy , or Brevity . 1. For Secrecy : such were the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks , ( as they are commonly esteemed ) being the representation of certain living Creatures , and other Bodies , whereby they were wont to conceal from the vulgar the Mysteries of their Religion . But there is reason to doubt whether there be any thing in these worth the enquiry , the discoveries that have been hitherto made out of them being but very few and insignificant . They seem to be but a slight , imperfect invention , sutable to those first and ruder Ages ; much of the same nature with that Mexican way of writing by Picture , which was a mere shift they were put to for want of the knowledge of Letters . And it seems to me questionable , whether the Egyptians did not at first use their Hieroglyphicks upon the same account , namely , for the want of Letters . Those waies of writing treated of by the Abbot Trithemius , were likewise for occult or secret communication : And though some Learned men have suspected and accused him to have thereby delivered the Art of Magic , or Conjuring ; yet he is sufficiently cleared and vindicated from any such prejudice in that very learned and ingenious Discourse de Cryptographia , under the feigned name of Gustavus Selenus , by which the noble Author , the Duke of Lunenburg , did disguise his true name of Augustus Lunaeburgicus . 2. For Brevity : There were single Letters or marks , whereby the Romans were wont to express whole words . Ennius is said to have invented 1100 of these ; to which number Tullius Tyro , Cicero's Libertus , ( others say Cicero himself , ) added divers others , to signifie the particles of speech ; after whom Philargyrus the Samian and Macaenas , added yet more . After these Annaeus Seneca is said to have laboured in the regulating and digesting of those former notes ; to which adding many of his own , he augmented the whole number to 5000 , published by Ianus Gruterus ; though amongst his there are divers of a later invention , relating to Christian institutions , which have been added since ( as 't is said ) by S. Cyprian the Martyr . The way of writing by these did require a vast memory and labour ; yet it was far short of expressing all things and Notions , and besides , had no provision for Grammatical variations . Of this nature is that Short-hand-writing by Characters so frequent with us in England , and much wondered at by Foreiners ; which hath a great advantage for speed and swiftness in writing ; those who are expert in it being able this way to take any ordinary discourse verbatim . Besides these , there have been some other proposals and attempts about a Real universal Character , that should not signifie words , but things and notions , and consequently might be legible by any Nation in their own Tongue ; which is the principal design of this Treatise . That such a Real Character is possible , and hath been reckoned by Learned men amongst the Desiderata , were easie to make out by abundance of Testimonies . To this purpose is that which Piso mentions to be somewhere the wish of Galen , That some way might be found out to represent things by such peculiar signs and names as should express their natures ; ut Sophistis eriperetur decertandi & calumniandi occasio . There are several other passages to this purpose in the Learned Verulam , in Vossius , in Hermannus Hugo , &c. besides what is commonly reported of the men of China , who do now , and have for many Ages used such a general Character , by which the Inhabitants of that large Kingdom , many of them of different Tongues , do communicate with one another , every one understanding this common Character , and reading it in his own Language . It cannot be denied , but that the variety of Letters is an appendix to the Curse of Babel , namely , the multitude and variety of Languages . And therefore , for any man to go about to add to their number , will be but like the inventing of a Disease , for which he can expect but little thanks from the world . But this Consideration ought to be no discouragement : For supposing such a thing as is here proposed , could be well established , it would be the surest remedy that could be against the Curse of the Confusion , by rendring all other Languages and Characters useless . It doth not appear that any Alphabet now in being , was invented at once or by the rules of Art ; but rather that all , except the Hebrew , were taken up by Imitation , and past by degrees through several Changes ; which is the reason that they are less complete , and liable to several exceptions . The Hebrew Character , as to the shape of it , though it appear solemn and grave , yet hath it not its Letters sufficiently distinguished from one another , and withall it appears somewhat harsh and rugged . The Arabic Character , though it shew beautiful , yet is it too elaborate , and takes up too much room , and cannot well be written small . The Greek and the Latin are both of them graceful and indifferent easie , though not without their several imperfections . As for the Aethiopic , it hath no less then 202 Letters in its Alphabet ; namely , 7 Vowels , which they apply to every one of their 26 Consonants , to which they add 20 other aspirated Syllables . All their Characters are exceedingly complicated and perplexed , and much more difficult then those proposed in this following Discourse for the expressing of things and notions . This is said likewise of the Tartarian , that every Character with them is a Syllable , having each of the Vowels joyned to its Consonant , as La , Le , Li , &c. which must needs make a long and troublesome Alphabet . But it is not my purpose to animadvert upon these Tongues that are less known , so much as those with which these parts of the world are better acquainted . CHAP. IV. I. The Defects in the common Alphabets , as to their true Order . II. Iust Number . III. Determinate Powers . IV. Fitting Names . V. Proper Figures of the Letters . VI. The Imperfections belonging to the Words of Language , as to their Equivocalness , variety of Synonymous words , uncertain Phraseologies , improper way of Writing . ONe special Circumstance which adds to the Curse of Babel is that difficulty which there is in all Languages , arising from the various Imperfections belonging to them , both in respect of 1. their first Elements or Alphabets , 2. their Words . 1. For Alphabets , they are all of them , in many respects , liable to just exception . 1. As to the Order of them , they are inartificial and confused , without any such methodical distribution as were requisite for their particular natures and differences ; the Vowels and Consonants being promiscuously huddled together , without any distinction : Whereas in a regular Alphabet , the Vowels and Consonants should be reduced into Classes , according to their several kinds , with such an order of precedence and subsequence as their natures will bear ; this being the proper end and design of that which we call Method , to separate the Heterogeneous , and put the Homogeneous together , according to some rule of precedency . The Hebrew Alphabet , ( the order of which is observed in several Scriptures , Psal. 119. and in the Book of Lamentations ) from whence the others are derived , is not free from this Imperfection . 2. For their Number , they are in several respects both Redundant , and Deficient . 1. Redundant and superfluous ; either 1. By allotting several Letters to the same power and sound . So in the Hebrew ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and so perhaps ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) So in the ordinary Latin , ( C & K ) ( F & Ph. ) Or 2. by reckoning double Letters amongst the most simple elements of Speech : as in the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in the Greek ξ and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in the Latin ( Q. Cu ) ( X. cs . ) and I Consonant or Jod which is made up of ( dzh ) by assigning several Letters to represent one simple power , as th , sh , &c. So that none of these can regularly be reckoned amongst the simple elements of Speech . 2. Deficient in other respects , especially in regard of Vowels , of which there are 7 or 8 several kinds commonly used , ( as I shall shew afterwards ) though the Latin Alphabet take notice but of five , whereof two , namely ( i and u. ) according to our English pronunciation of them , are not properly Vowels , but Diphthongs . And besides , that gradual difference amongst Vowels of long and short is not sufficiently provided for . The Ancients were wont to express a long Vowel by doubling the Character of it ; as Amaabam , Naata , Ree , Seedes , Sanctissimiis , Mariinas : though oftentimes the Vowel I , instead of being doubled , was onely prolonged in the figure of it ; as AEDILIS , PISO , VIVUS . For the ways used by us English for lengthning and abbreviating Vowels , viz. by adding E quiescent to the end of a word for prolonging a Syllable , and doubling the following Consonant for the shortning of a Vowel , as Wane , Wann ; Ware , Warr , &c. or else by inserting some other Vowel , for the lengthning of it , as Meat , Met ; Read , Red , &c. both these are upon this account improper , because the sign ought to be where the sound is . Nor would it be so fit to express this by a distinct Character , because it denotes onely an accidental or gradual difference , as by an Accent ; the chief use of Accents , for which they are necessary in ordinary speech , being to signifie Quantities and Elevations of voice . 3. For their Powers , they are very uncertain , not alwaies fixed and determined to the same signification : which as to our English pronunciation may be made to appear by abundance of Instances both in the Vowels and Consonants . 1. As to th● Vowels : It is generally acknowledged that each of them have several sounds . Vocales omnes plurisonae , saith Lipsius . And the learned Vossius doth assure us , that the Ancients did use their Vowels in very different wayes , aliquando tenuiùs exiliúsque , nunc crassiùs , nunc intermedio sono . The power of the Vowel ( ● ) treated of afterwards , is expressed in writing no less then six several waies ; by e. He , me , she , ye . ee . Thee , free , wee . ie . Field , yield , shield , chief . ea . Near , dear , hear . eo . People . i. Privilege . So is the Power of the Vowel ( α ; ) as in All , aul , aw , fault , caught , brought . These are all various waies of writing the same long Vowel ; besides which there are other distinct waies of expressing the same Vowel when it is used short , as in the words of , for , &c. And for the Power of the Vowel ( ● ) that is likewise written five several waies . o. To , who , move . oe . Doe . oo . Shoo , moon , noon . ou . Could , would . wo. Two. And as for the Power of the Vowel ( ● ) this also is written five several waies ; namely , by the Letters i. Sir , stir , firmament , &c. o. Hony , mony , come , some , love , &c. oo . Blood , flood . u. Turn , burn , burthen . ou . Country , couple . 2. As to the Consonants , these likewise are of very uncertain Powers : witness the different pronunciation of the letter ( C ) in the word Circo , and ( G ) in the word Negligence . I know 't is said that the letter ( C ) before the Vowels a , o , u , must be pronounced like ( K , ) as in the words cado , coram , cudo ; and before the Vowels e , i , as S , as in the words cedo , cilium . But there is no reason why it should be so . Upon which account our learned Country man , Sir Tho. Smith , doth justly censure it as monstrum literae , non litera ; ignorantiae specimen , non artis ; modò serpens , modo cornix . The letters C , S , T , are often used alike , to denote the same Power , and that both in English and French ; and the letter ( S ) is most frequently used for ( Z ) which must needs be very improper . And , which is yet more irrational , some Letters of the same name and shape are used sometimes for Vowels , and sometimes for Consonants ; as I ▪ V , W , Y ; which yet differ from one another sicut corpus & anima , and ought by no means to be confounded . To which may be added , that from this equivocal power of Letters , it so falls out , that 1. Some words are distinguished in writing , and not in pronunciation : as Sessio , Cessio ; Sera , Cera ; Servus , Cervus ; Syrus , Cyrus ; Boar , Bore ; Come , Lat. Cum ; Done , Dun ; Dear , Deer ; Hear , Here ▪ Heart , Hart ; Meat , Mete ; Son , Sun ; Some , Lat. Sum ; Toes , Toze ; Toe , Towe ; To , Too , Two. 2. Some words are distinguished in pronunciation , but not in writing ; as the words Give , i. Dare , Give , i. Vinculum ; Get. i. Acquirere , Get , i. Gagates ; is and his in English , and is and his in Latin. So the Latin word Malè , i. evilly , is a dissyllable ; whereas the English word Male , which signifies the masculine Sex , is but a monosyllable . All which are very great incongruities , and such as ought to be avoided in any regular establishment of Letters . 4. Their Names in most Alphabets , are very improperly expressed by words of several syllables ; as Aleph , Beth , Gimel , &c. Alpha , Beta , Gamma , &c. And thus it is in 15 several Alphabets mentioned by Hermannus Hugo . In which respect the Roman Alphabet , and our English , which follows it very near , are much more convenient then the rest , where each Letter is named simply by its Power . Though herein likewise there be some defects : for the letter C should not be named See , but Kee ; and G , not , as usually we do , Iee , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and so R , to conform it with the rest , should be called er , not ar ; and Z should be styled ez , not zad . 5. Their Figures have not that correspondency to their Natures and Powers which were desirable in an artificially-invented Alphabet , wherein the Vowels ought to have something answerable in their Character unto the several kinds of Apertion which they have in their sound . And so for the Consonants , they should have some such affinity in their Figures as they have in their Powers . 'T is so in some of them , whether purposely or casually , I know not ; as BP . bp . CG . SZ . and perhaps TD , td : but not in others . To this may be added , the manner of writing as to the Oriental Tongues , from the right hand to the left , which is as unnatural and inconvenient , as to write with the light on the wrong side . The Iews themselves write their particular strokes of Letters from the left to the right hand ; and therefore it would be much more rational , that their words should be written so too . Besides these Defects in the usual Alphabets or Letters , there are several others likewise in the Words of Language , and their Accidents and Constructions . 1. In regard of Equivocals , which are of several significations , and therefore must needs render speech doubtful and obscure ; and that argues a deficiency , or want of a sufficient number of words . These are either absolutely so , or in their figurative construction , or by reason of Phraseologies . Of the first kind there are great variety in Latin. So the word LIBER apud Literatos significat Codicem . LIBER apud Politicos significat Libertate fruentem . LIBER apud Oratores significat Filium . LIBER apud Rusticos significat Arboris corticem . So the word Malus signifies both an Apple-tree , and Evil , and the Mast of a ship ; and Populus signifies both a Poplar-tree , and the People , &c. Besides such Equivocals as are made by the inflexion of words : as Lex , legis , legi ; Lego , legis , legi : Sus , suis ; Suo , suis ; Suus , suis : Amarè the Adverb ; Amo , amas , amavi , amare ; and Amor , amaris vel amare : with abundance of the like of each kind . Nor is it better with the English Tongue in this respect , in which there is great variety of Equivocals . So the word Bill signifies both a Weapon , a Bird's Beak , and a written Scroul : The word Grave signifies both Sober , and Sepulcher , and to Carve , &c. As for the ambiguity of words by reason of Metaphor and Phraseology , this is in all instituted Languages so obvious and so various , that it is needless to give any instances of it ; every Language having some peculiar phrases belonging to it , which , if they were to be translated verbatim into another Tongue , would seem wild and insignificant . In which our English doth too much abound , witness those words of Break , Bring , Cast , Cleare , Come , Cut , Draw , Fall , Hand , Keep , Lay , make , Pass , Put , Run , Set , Stand , Take , none of which have less then thirty or forty , and some of them about a hundred several senses , according to their use in Phrases , as may be seen in the Dictionary . And though the varieties of Phrases in Language may seem to contribute to the elegance and ornament of Speech ; yet , like other affected ornaments , they prejudice the native simplicity of it , and contribute to the disguising of it with false appearances . Besides that , like other things of fashion , they are very changeable , every generation producing new ones ; witness the present Age , especially the late times , wherein this grand imposture of Phrases hath almost eaten out solid Knowledge in all professions ; such men generally being of most esteem who are skilled in these Canting forms of speech , though in nothing else . 2. In respect of Synonymous words , which make Language tedious , and are generally superfluities , since the end and use of Speech is for humane utility and mutual converse ; magìs igitur refert ut brevis , & rectus , & simplex sit quàm longus & varius . And yet there is no particular Language but what is very obnoxious in this kind . 'T is said that the Arabic hath above a thousand several names for a Sword , and 500 for a Lion , and 200 for a Serpent , and fourscore for Hony. And though perhaps no other Language do exceed at this rate , as to any particular ; yet do they all of them abound more then enough in the general . The examples of this kind , for our English , may be seen in the following Tables . To this may be added , that there are in most Languages several words that are mere Expletives , not adding any thing to the Sense . 3. For the Anomalisms and Irregularities in Grammatical construction , which abound in every Language , and in some of them are so numerous , that Learned men have scrupled whether there be any such thing as Analogy . 4. For that Difference which there is in very many words betwixt the writing and pronouncing of them , mentioned before . Scriptio est vocum pictura : And it should seem very reasonable , that men should either speak as they write , or write as they speak . And yet Custom hath so rivetted this incongruity and imperfection in all Languages , that it were an hopeless attempt for any man to go about to repair and amend it . 'T is needless to give instances of this , there being in divers Languages as many words whose sounds do disagree with their way of writing , as those are that agree . What is said of our English Tongue is proportionably true of most other Languages , That if ten Scribes ( not acquainted with the particular Speech ) should set themselves to write according to pronunciation , not any two of them would agree in the same way of spelling . 'T is an observation of a Learned man concerning the French Tongue , that it is ineptissimè confusa , aliàs ad fastidium otiosis suffarcta literis ; aliàs ad mendicitatem inops & jejuna ; nunquam sibi constans , & raro rationi consona . 'T is said that Peter Ramus did labour much in reducing it to a new Orthography , but met with much discouragement in this attempt from Learned men ; besides the invincibleness of general Custom , against which ( for the most part ) men strive in vain . What better success those Learned ingenuous persons of the French Academy may have , who have been for several years ingaged in this Work , I cannot conjecture . 'T is related of Chilperick King of France , that he did , for the compendiousness of writing , add to the French Alphabet these five Letters , θ. χ. ο. ξ. ψ. injoyning by a strict and solemn Edict the reception and use of them through his Dominions ; and that in all Schools Youths should be instituted in the use of them . And yet , notwithstanding his Authority in imposing of them , they were presently after his death laid aside and disused . As to our own Language , several persons have taken much pains about the Orthography of it . That Learned Knight Sir Thomas Smith , Secretary to Queen Elizabeth , and sometime her Embassador into France , hath published an elegant Discourse in Latin , De recta & emendata Linguae Anglicanae scriptione . After him , this Subject was in another Discourse prosecuted by one of the Heralds , who calls himself Chester ; who was followed by one Wade , that writ to the same purpose . After these , Bullaker endeavoured to add to , and alter divers things in those others that preceded him ; who was succeeded in the same attempt by Alexander Gill , in his English Grammar . And yet so invincible is Custom , that still we retain the same errors and incongruities in writing which our Forefathers taught us . CHAP. V. I. That neither Letters nor Languages have been regularly established by the rules of Art. II. The natural Ground or Principle of the several ways of Communication amongst men . III. The first thing to be provided for in the establishing of a Philosophical Character or Language , is a just enumeration of all such things and notions to which names are to be assigned . FRom what hath been already said it may appear , that there are no Letters or Languages that have been at once invented and established according to the Rules of Art ; but that all , except the first , ( of which we know nothing so certain as , that it was not made by human Art upon Experience ) have been either taken up from that first , and derived by way of Imitation ; or else , in a long tract of time , have , upon several emergencies , admitted various and casual alterations ; by which means they must needs be liable to manifold defects and imperfections , that in a Language at once invented and according to the rules of Art might be easily avoided . Nor could this otherwise be , because that very Art by which Language should be regulated , viz. Grammar , is of much later invention then Languages themselves , being adapted to what was already in being , rather then the Rule of making it so . Though the Hebrew Tongue be the most ancient , yet Rabbi Iudah Chiug of Fez in Afric , who lived A. D. 1040. was the first that reduced it to the Art of Grammar . And though there were both Greek and Latin Grammarians much more ancient ; yet were there none in either , till a long time after those Languages flourished : which is the true reason of all those Anomalisms in Grammar ; because the Art was suted to Language , and not Language to the Art. Plato is said to be the first that considered Grammar : Aristotle the first that by writing did reduce it into an Art : and Epicurus the first that publickly taught it amongst the Grecians . And for the Latin , Crates Mallotes , Embassador to the Roman Senate from King Attalus , betwixt the second and third Punic War , presently after the death of Ennius , U. C. 583. was the first that brought in the Art of Grammar amongst the Romans , saith Suetonius . These being some of the Defects or Imperfections in those Letters or Languages , which are already known , may afford direction , what is to be avoided by those who propose to themselves the Invention of a new Character or Language , which being the principal end of this Discourse , I shall in the next place proceed to lay down the first Foundations of it . As men do generally agree in the same Principle of Reason , so do they likewise agree in the same Internal Notion or Apprehension of things . The External Expression of these Mental notions , whereby men communicate their thoughts to one another , is either to the Ear , or to the Eye . To the Ear by Sounds , and more particularly by Articulate Voice and Words . To the Eye by any thing that is visible , Motion , Light , Colour , Figure ; and more particularly by Writing . That conceit which men have in their minds concerning a Horse or Tree , is the Notion or mental Image of that Beast , or natural thing , of such a nature , shape and use . The Names given to these in several Languages , are such arbitrary sounds or words , as Nations of men have agreed upon , either casually or designedly , to express their Mental notions of them . The Written word is the figure or picture of that Sound . So that if men should generally consent upon the same way or manner of Expression , as they do agree in the same Notion , we should then be freed from that Curse in the Confusion of Tongues , with all the unhappy consequences of it . Now this can onely be done , either by enjoyning some one Language and Character to be universally learnt and practised , ( which is not to be expected , till some person attain to the Vniversal Monarchy ; and perhaps would not be done then : ) or else by proposing some such way as , by its facility and usefulness , ( without the imposition of Authority ) might invite and ingage men to the learning of it ; which is the thing here attempted . In order to this , The first thing to be considered and enquired into is , Concerning a just Enumeration and description of such things or notions as are to have Marks or Names assigned to them . The chief Difficulty and Labour will be so to contrive the Enumeration of things and notions , as that they may be full and adaequate , without any Redundancy or Deficiency as to the Number of them , and regular as to their Place and Order . If to every thing and notion there were assigned a distinct Mark , together with some provision to express Grammatical Derivations and Inflexions ; this might suffice as to one great end of a Real Character , namely , the expression of our Conceptions by Marks which should signifie things , and not words . And so likewise if several distinct words were assigned for the names of such things , with certain in variable Rules for all such Grammatical Derivations and Inflexions , and such onely , as are natural and necessary ; this would make a much more easie and convenient Language then is yet in being . But now if these Marks or Notes could be so contrived , as to have such a dependance upon , and relation to , one another , as might be sutable to the nature of the things and notions which they represented ; and so likewise , if the Names of things could be so ordered , as to contain such a kind of affinity or opposition in their letters and sounds , as might be some way answerable to the nature of the things which they signified ; This would yet be a farther advantage superadded : by which , besides the best way of helping the Memory by natural Method , the Vnderstanding likewise would be highly improved ; and we should , by learning the Character and the Names of things , be instructed likewise in their Natures , the knowledg of both which ought to be conjoyned . For the accurate effecting of this , it would be necessary , that the Theory it self , upon which such a design were to be founded , should be exactly suted to the nature of things . But , upon supposal that this Theory is defective , either as to the Fulness or the Order of it , this must needs add much perplexity to any such Attempt , and render it imperfect . And that this is the case with that common Theory already received , need not much be doubted ; which may afford some excuse as to several of those things which may seem to be less conveniently disposed of in the following Tables , or Schemes proposed in the next part . The End of the First Part. The Second Part , Conteining a regular enumeration and description of all those things and notions to which names are to be assigned . CHAP. I. I. The Scheme of Genus's . II. Concerning the more general notions of things , the difficulty of establishing these aright . III. Of Transcendentals general . IV. Of Transcendental relations mixed . V. Of Transcendental relations of Action . VI. Of the several notions belonging to Grammar or Logic. HAVING dispatched the Prolegomena in the former part , I proceed ( according to the method proposed ) to that more difficult attempt of enumerating and describing all such things and notions as fall under discourse . In treating concerning this , I shall first lay down a Scheme or Analysis of all the Genus's or more common heads of things belonging to this design ; And then shew how each of these may be subdivided by its peculiar Differences ; which for the better convenience of this institution , I take leave to determine ( for the most part ) to the number of six . Unless it be in those numerous tribes , of Herbs , Trees , Exanguious Animals , Fishes and Birds ; which are of too great variety to be comprehended in so narrow a compass . After which I shall proceed to enumerate the several Species belonging to each of these Differences , according to such an order and dependance amongst them , as may contribute to the defining of them , and determining their primary significations These Species are commonly joyned together by pairs , for the better helping of the Memory , ( and so likewise are some of the Genus's and Differences . ) Those things which naturally have Opposites , are joyned with them , according to such Opposition , whether Single or Double . Those things that have no Opposites , are paired together with respect to some Affinity which they have one to another . Tho it must be acknowledged that these Affinities are sometimes less proper and more remote , there being several things shifted into these places , because I knew not how to provide for them better . All kinds of things and notions , to which names are to be assigned , may be distributed into such as are either more General ; namely those Universal notions , whether belonging more properly to Things ; called TRANSCENDENTAL GENERAL . I RELATION MIXED . II RELATION OF ACTION . III Words ; DISCOURSE . IV Special ; denoting either CREATOR . V Creature ; namely such things as were either created or concreated by God , not excluding several of those notions , which are framed by the minds of men , considered either Collectively ; WORLD . VI Distributively ; according to the several kinds of Beings , whether such as do belong to Substance ; Inanimate ; ELEMENT . VII Animate ; considered according to their several Species ; whether Vegetative Imperfect ; as Minerals , STONE . VIII METAL . IX Perfect ; as Plant , HERB consid . accord . to the LEAF . X FLOWER . XI SEED-VESSEL . XII SHRUB . XIII TREE . XIV Sensitive ; EXANGUIOUS . XV Sanguineous ; FISH . XVI BIRD . XVII BEAST . XVIII Parts ; PECULIAR . XIX GENERAL . XX Accident ; Quantity ; MAGNITUDE . XXI SPACE . XXII MEASURE . XXIII Quality ; whether NATURAL POWER . XXIV HABIT . XXV MANNERS . XXVI SENSIBLE QUALITY . XXVII SICKNESS . XXVIII Action SPIRITUAL . XXIX CORPOREAL . XXX MOTION . XXXI OPERATION . XXXII Relation ; whether more Private . OECONOMICAL . XXXIII POSSESSIONS . XXXIV PROVISIONS . XXXV Publick . CIVIL . XXXVI . JUDICIAL . XXXVII MILITARY . XXXVIII NAVAL . XXXIX ECCLESIASTICAL . XL. In this precedent Scheme , all the several things or notions , to which names are to be assigned , are reduced to forty Genus's . The first six of which do comprehend such matters , as by reason of their Generalness , or in some other respect , are above all those common heads of things called Predicaments ; The rest belonging to the several Predicaments , of which I reckon only five . Amongst these , Substance doth take in fourteen Genus's , Quantity three , Quality five , Action four , and Relation eight . This being supposed to be a sufficient general Scheme of things , that which is next to be enquired after , is how each of those Genus's may be subdivided into its proper differences and species . In order to which I shall offer that which follows . In the enumeration of all such things and notions as fall under discourse , those are first to be considered which are more general or comprehensive , belonging either to Metaphysic , or to Grammar and Logic. Tho particulars are first in the order of Being , yet Generals are first in the order of Knowing , because by these , such things and notions as are less general , are to be distinguished and defined . Now the proper end and design of Metaphysic should be to enumerate and explain those more general terms , which by reason of their Universality and Comprehensiveness , are either above all those Heads of things stiled Predicaments , or else common to several of them . And if this Science had been so ordered , as to have conteined a plain regular enumeration and description of these general terms , without the mixture of nice and subtle disputes about them ; It might have been proper enough for learners to have begun with . But men having purposely strained their Wits to frame and discuss so many intricate questions , as are commonly treated of in it : 'T is no wonder that it should hereby be rendred , not onely less fit for young beginners , but liable also to the prejudice and neglect of those of riper judgments . That which I aim at in treating concerning these things , is to offer some brief and plain description of them , as being conscious that such matters as are prim● nota , and most obvious , are most hard to be defined . And the multiplying of words , about things that are plain enough of themselves , doth but contribute to the making of them more obscure . The right ordering of these Transcendentals is a business of no small difficulty ; because there is so little assistance or help to be had for it in the Common Systems , according to which this part of Philosophy ( as it seems to me ) is rendred the most rude and imperfect in the whole body of Sciences ; as if the compilers of it had taken no other care for those General notions , which did not fall within the ordinary series of things , and were not explicable in other particular Sciences , but only to tumble them together in several confused heaps , which they stiled the Science of Metaphysic . And this is one reason why the usual enumeration of such Terms is very short and deficient in respect of what it ought to be , many of those things being left out , which do properly belong to this number ; which defects are here intended to be in some measure supplied . Tho it must be granted , that by reason of the exceeding comprehensiveness of some notions , and the extreme subtilty of others , as likewise because of the streightness of that method which I am bound up to by these Tables it will so fall out , that several things cannot be disposed of so accurately as they ought to be . The several things belonging to Metaphysical or Transcendental notions may be comprehended under these three Heads , namely such as are either more Absolute ; conteining the Kinds , Causes , Differences and Modes of things , which I take the liberty to call TRANSCENDENTAL GENERAL . Relative ; whether Mixed ; and common both to Quantity , Quality , Whole and Part , stiled TRANSCENDENTAL MIXED . Simple ; and proper to Action , viz. TRANSCENDENTAL relation of ACTION . The most Universal conceptions of Things are usually stiled TRANSCENDENTAL , Metaphysic-all . To which may be annexed by way of affinity , that general name which denotes those highest and most common heads , under which the several kinds of things may be reduced in an orderly series : viz. PREDICAMENT , Category . Transcendentals general may be distributed into such as do concern the nature of things according to their KINDS . I. CAUSES . II. Differences ; ●ore ABSOLUTE and Common . III. Relative to Action ; considering THE END . IV. THE MEANS . V. MODES . VI. I. That common Essence wherein things of different natures do agree , is called GENUS , general , common Kind . That common nature which is communicable to several Individuals , is called SPECIES , Sort or special kind , specifie , specifical . Breed . These common kinds may be distinguished into such as are either more properly Transcendental ; namely , those most universal and comprehensive Terms which fall under Discourse ; relating to The first and most general Conception , of which the Vnderstanding takes notice , as most known . 1. BEING , Entity , Essence , Existence , subsist , am , is , extant . NOTHING , Nought , null , none , annul , disannul , annihilate , abrogate , abolish , void , undoe , cancel , evacuate , Ciphre . Those Beings which ‖ are truly such , or those which our Senses mistake for Beings . 2. THING , Affair , Matter , Business , Case , real-ly , indeed . APPARENCE , Apparition , Phantasm , Shew , Vision , Elusion and vanish . Similitudes of Beings ; formed in our Minds either ‖ by apprehension of things that are , or imagination of things that are not . 3. NOTION , Conception . FICTION , Figment , make , feign , frame , devise , counterfet , forge , coin , mint , Fable , Apologue , Romance , Tale , Legend , Mythology , Fairy , Nymph , Centaur , Griffin , Bugbear , Goblin , Chymera , Atlantis , Vtopia . The words assigned for the signifying of several Things and Notions : to which that common name for the signifying of particular rational Beings may be annexed , though less properly . 4 NAME , Style , Title , Titular , Compellation , Appellation , nominate , denominate , Sirname , Inscription , Nomenclator , anonymous , call , Nown , Term. PERSON , Age , Party , No-body , Wight . Predicamental ; those chief Heads , under which other Terms may be reduced ; denoting either Such things as ‖ subsist by themselves , or which ( according to the old Logical definition ) require a subject of inhesion : Though they are indeed nothing but the modes of Substance . 5. SUBSTANCE , subsist . ACCIDENT-all . That habitude of things whereby they may be said to have parts distinct and capable of division , or the general disposition of things either to Action or Passion . 6. QUANTITY , Much , Deale , Mathematick . QVALITY , Disposition , Endowment , indue , parts , qualification , manner , condition , estate . The application of the Agent to the Patient , or the reception of the force of the Agent . 7. ACTION , doe , perform , commit , practise ▪ proceeding , function , exercise , atchieve , dealing , Act , Fact , Deed , Feat , Exploit , Passage , Prank , Trick , play the Part. PASSION , abide , ail , bear , endure , suffer , undergo , sustain , feel , capable . Such things as ‖ cannot be , or cannot be known , without a respect to something else ; or which may be , or may be understood of themselves , without any such reference . 8. RELATION , refer , Regard , Respect , Habitude , correlative . ABSOLVTENESS , irrespective , peremptory , flat , positive . II. That which any way contributes to the producing of an effect , is styled CAUSE , Reason , Ground , Principle , proceed from , procure , produce , make , constitute , Influence , raise , put , set , bring to pass . That which proceeds from , or depends upon the Cause , is styled EFFECT , Event , Issue , Fruit , accrue , Success , spring from , become , grow , come of it , impression , Product . Causes are commonly distributed into External , such as are without the Effect . By which things are done ; whether More immediate and absolute ; either ‖ more principal , of which the first Action is , or less principal , and subservient to the chief Agent . 1. EFFICIENT , Author , Maker , Efficacy , effectual , Energy , Virtue , Validity , Force , Vigour , Operation , Influence , frame , constitute , beget , effect , do , make , cause , work , render , create , bring to pass . INSTRUMENT , Tool ▪ Organ-ical , Implement : More remote and relative ; being either in The Agent ; serving either to Excite , or restrain it . 2. IMPULSIVE , Incentive , Motive , Reason , Ground , Concitation , Instigation , Inducement , impell , stimulate , stir up , prick forward , spur on , rouse , quicken , irritate ▪ provoke , excite , egging , incite , Instinct , Consideration , put on , set at or on , move , urge , draw in . COHIBITIVE , restrain , check , curb , with-hold , keep short or back , inhibit , repress , hold in , bridling , stint , coerce , confine , limit , no ho , stay , staunch , moderate , master , controle . Direct and regulate its Action ; either ‖ by that Idea which the Agent hath in his mind of some like case , or by some Pattern before his eyes . 3. EXEMPLAR , Example , Instance , Idea , Precedent , Cause . TYPE , Pattern , Platform , Model , Last , Mold , Prototype , Antitype , Extract , Original , Copy , Counterpart , Draught , Sampler , Proof , Duplicate , exemplifie , prefigure . The Patient ; relating to ‖ some peculiar capacity in the thing , or some fitness in respect of time . 4. CONDITION , Proviso ▪ Salvo , in case , Term , Case , State , liking , Habit , Qualification . OCCASION - al , Exigence , Emergence , Advantage , Opportunity , draw , provoke , scandal . Some third thing , by which the force of the Efficient is either ‖ increased or abated , 5. ADJUVANT , Help , Aid , Assistance , Succour , Relief , Support , Advantage , auxiliary , subsidiary , avail , conduce , promote , farther , stand in stead , supply , accommodate , serve , Co-adjutor , abet , take ones part , stand by , a stay to one , forward , minister , relief , back one . IMPEDIENT , hinder , Obstacle , Remora , Clog , Bar , debar , obstruct , cumber , Rub , Check , Dam , Luggage , Lumber , Baggage , Prejudice , Disadvantage , foreslow , lett , stop , Disservice , stay , stand in the way , trigg , keep back , restrain , with-hold , interfere . For whose sake a thing is : to which may be annexed the general name of such things as have any tendency to the promoting of it . 6. END , Aim , Mark , Goal , Drift , Intent , Effect , Purpose , Design , Scope , sake , Reach , Reason , final , tend . MEANS , Way ▪ Shift , Expedient , accommodate . Internal , such as are within the Effect as its chief constituent parts ; ‖ out of which a thing is made , and of which it consists ; or by which a thing is constituted in its being , and distinguished from all other things . 7. MATTER - ial , Stuff , Substance , Argument , Subject , Boot as fire-boot , &c. FORM - al , Essence . III. Those general Names which may be styled Differences , are too numerous to be placed under one common Head according to the method designed in these Tables , and therefore are they here reduced unto three Heads : whereof the first contains such as do not immediately imply any relation to Action , and are therefore styled more abso●ute and common ; namely , those more universal Affections of Entity whereby several things are differenced , so as to make them DIVERS from one another ▪ ( another , several , sundry , vary●ety dissonant , to and fro ▪ up and down , multiplicity , choice , different others Heterogeneous ; ) to which the notion of IDENTITY , Very , sameness ▪ all one , unvaried , may be properly opposed , importing an Unity or Agreement in the same ●ssence . These are distinguishable into such Differences of things as imply a respect unto Something without the things themselves . The Vnderstanding ; in regard of the ‖ congruity , or incongruity of things to our apprehensions of them . 1. TRUTH , true , Verity , verifie , very , Right , Sooth , irrefragably , likely , probable . FALSHOOD , false-ifie , Error , erroneous , untrue . The Will ; as to the ‖ agreement , or disagreement of things with that Faculty , so as to be rendred desirable or avoidable . 2. GOODNESS , Weal , Welfare , right , regular , well , rectifie , better , best . EVILNESS , ill , bad , naught , wrong , amiss , shrewd , scurvy , lewd , horrid , horrible , corrupt , Pravity , deprave , Sin , Fault , Trespass , Transgress-ion , Peccadillo , worse . The nature of things in themselves ; as to ‖ Their naked being , or not being . 3. POSITIVENESS , Thesis . PRIVATIVENESS , Privation , bereave deprive , depose , put out , or forth , take away , strip , devest , disseise , dispossess , disfurnish . Their being ▪ or not being what they are pretended to be . 4. GENUINENESS , right , arrant , rank , very , native , legitimate , true , currant . S●VRIOVSNESS , mongrel , bastard , false , illegitimate , improper , adulterine , base , misbegot , sophisticated . Their degrees of being ; whether ‖ present , or future and in possibility . 5. ACTUALNESS , Existence , extant . POTENTIALNESS , Reversion , may ▪ can . Their Extension ; being ‖ circumscribed by bounds , or not so circumscribed , 6. FINITENESS , definite determined , limited , bounded , Term , Confine , Stint , concluded . INFINITENESS , endless , indefinite , unbounded , immense , indeterminate , unlimited , unmeasurable , inexhaustible . Their Causes . Efficient ; whether ‖ the order of common Providence , or the skill of some inferiour Agent . 7. NATURALNESS , right , native , wild , carnal , praeternatural , supernatural . FACTITIOVSNESS , artificial , technical , made . Material ; being either ‖ without all parts and composition , or being such , to the framing of which several parts and ingredients do concurr . 8. SIMPLICITY , mere , sheer , clear , fine , plain , right , pure , unmixed , Ingredient , single , uncompounded . MIXEDNESS , mingle , compound , blend ▪ shuffle , Medly , Miscellany , promiscuous , temper , Commixtion , complex , complicate , confound , intermingle , Hodg-podge , Gallimaufry , Rhapsody , Centon , dash , brew . Formal ; ‖ being in such a state to which nothing is wanting , or else wanting something of what they may and should have . 9. PERFECTION , absolute , intire , full , accurate , exact , exquisite , punctual , precise , complete , consummate , accomplish . strict , plenary , throughly , mature , up at the top . IMPERFECTION , incomplete , lame . IV. That kind of Difference betwixt things , which relates to Actions considering the End , may be stiled DISAGREABLENESS , unsutable , discrepant . To which may be opposed the Notion of CONVENIENCY , agreement , agreable , sutable , serving , c●mmodious . These may be distinguished into such as are More Simple ; denoting their Fitness to ‖ promote , or hinder our well-being . 1. PROFITABLENESS , Advantage , Benefit , Emolument , Interest , Concern , Boot , Fruit , Vtility , Commodious , Edifie , stand insted , good for . avail . HVRTFVLNESS , Harm , Prejudice , Disadvantage , Dammage , Disprofit , Nusance , Mischief . discommodious , nocent . shrewd turn , pernitious , noxious , noisom , damnifie , endammage , impair , annoy , displeasure , naught for , vermin , weed . Sutableness or unsutableness to our appetites . 2. PLEASANTN●SS , Delight , Complacence , injoyment , satisfaction , sweet , taking , delicious , Paradise . VNPLEASANTNESS , Regret , displeasing , offensive , trouble , grievous , uneasie ▪ painful . Agreableness or Disagreableness of things to Right reason . 3. DUENESS , Duty , ought , should , Honest , owe , part , incumbent on . VNDVENESS , ought not , dishonest . More mixed implying a respect to the nature of the end , as to its Capacity or Incapacity of existing . 4. POSSIBILITY , Feasible , may , can . IMPOSSIBILITY , cannot be . Degrees of goodness ; whether such as are like to answer the desires , by proving very great and considerable or such as are like to disappoint the desires ▪ by proving to be very little or none . 5. IMPORTANCE , of Moment , Consequence , Strength , Force , Weight , material , considerable , pithy , pregnant , essential , it mattereth . VANITY , Trifle , trivial , frivolous , Foppery , Gewgaw , Knack , Toy , sleeveless , slight , light , fruitless , fidling , void , Trumpery , Bauble , Quillet , Quirk , Gambol , to no boot , to no purpose , Esteem amongst good men ; whether such as they are like to think well of , as deserving praise and reward , or to think ill of , as deserving shame and punishment . 6. WORTHINESS , Merit , Desert , Value , demerit , cheap , dear , price , precious , depreciate . VNWORTHINESS , Vile , Mean , Poor , undeserving , indign . V. DIFFERENCES of things relating to the MEANS , may be distributed into such as are More Simple , denoting the being of things Good ; as good is determined by Law ; whether according to Law , or not against it . 1. LAWFULNESS , legitimate , right , legal , canonical , orderly . INDIFFERENCE , adiaphorous . Custom or opinion ; whether such as the generality of men do think well of and practise , or dislike and avoid . 2. DECENCY , Decorum , meet , fit , seemly , handsome , becoming , comely , goodly . INDECENCY , Indecorum , unmeet , unfit , unseemly , unhandsome , uncomely , misbeseeming , ugly . Free from evil ; whether of Hurt ; 3. SAFETY , Security , sure , tutelary , innoxious , save , protect , insure , indemnifie , warrant , Sanctuary , Shelter , Refuge . DANGER , Hazard , Peril , Ieopardy , unsafe , risk , venture , adventure , endanger , expose , incur . Labor and Pain ; in the Agent ; the Doing of things with little or much labor . 4. EASINESS , Facil-ity-itate , clear , gentle , light , DIFFICVLTY , Hard , uneasie , crabbed , intricate , laborious , streight , Perplexity , rub , knot , graveling , hard put to it . Patient ; The suffering of things with little or no labor , or with much . 5. GENTLENESS , Easiness , softness , still , tenderly , gingerly . VIOLENCE , boisterous , rough , harsh , blustering , impetuous , force , ravish . Comparative ; of the Nature of the means to one another ; whether mutually agreeing as having the same kind of affections , or disagreeing as having such kind of affections as are apt to exclude one another out of the same subject . 6. CONGRUITY , Sutableness , Agreableness , Sympathy , consonant , compatible , right , apposite , fit , meet , apt , adapt , consistent , accord , conform , accommodate , comply . CONTRARIETY , Repugnance , withstand , against , unsutable , Antiperistasis , counter , cross , incongruous , inconsistent , incompatible , interfere . Vsefulness or Vnusefulness of means to an end , whether in Lower degrees ; when there is a fair probability that a means may either promote or hinder the end . 7. EXPEDIENCE , Convenience , behoovful , meet , fit , perquisite , requisite . INCONVENIENCE , Inexpedience , unmeet , unfit , incommodious . Higher degree ; when there is a certain dependance betwixt the means and the end . To which may be opposed that kind of nexus betwixt means and end , which is altogether uncertain and doubtful . 8. NECESSITY , needful , requisite , essential , should , must , streight , exigent , force , perquisite , pressing . CONTINGENCE , Venture , adventure , may , Accident , peradventure , adventitious , fortuitous , incident , happen , perhaps . VI. Those more general respects and habitudes which several things or notions have to one another , are stiled by the name of MODE , manner , way , sort , fashion , guise , wise , garb , course , form-ality , kind . These may be distinguished into such as are Internal ; denoting that In which another thing exists , or the thing so existing in another 1. SUBJECT , liable , obnoxious , exposed , matter , Text , Theme , undergoe , capable . ADIVNCT , Epithete , inherent . About which a thing is imployed . 2. OBJECT , mark , scope , butt , treat , handle , meddle with , have to do with . External ; With which things are accompanied or done ; according to the Kinds of them , either in General , or specially of such things , as are remarkable for Extraordinariness and Greatness . 3. CIRCUMSTANCE , Rite , Ceremony . SOLEMNITY , Grandeur , state , Pomp , Port , celebrate , solemnize , Rite . Consequence of them ; or that habitude resulting to any thing from the consideration of all its circumstances together . 4. STATE , Estate , Condition , Case , Iuncture , Liking , manner , pass , pickle , plight , point , in good repair . By which any thing is known . 5. SIGN , Badge , Token , Mark , Note , Symptome , Symbol , Index , Indication , Cue , Print , Scarr , Track , Signature , signifie , Beacon , becken , Boad , foretoken , presage , Prodigie , portentous , ominous , auspicious . According to which any thing is , or is done ; relating either to the Order observed in the being or doing of things ; whether by One person or thing after another who hath left his place , or for another who is onely absent from his place . 6. ROOM , as Successor , Caliph , supply , place . STEAD , as substitute , subdititious , serve for , succedaneous , Deputy , Surrogate , Vicar , Delegate , Vice-gerent , Attourney , Broaker , Factor , in lieu , Lievtenant , Proctor , Proxy . Two persons or things either one after another , or one with another . 7. TURN , Course , alternate , second , bout . RECIPROCATION , mutual , interchangeable , intercourse , correspond . Measures of Being ; whether the more General name for such measures , differenced according to more and less , or that special kind which denotes the sodain and short Being or Doing of any thing according to a greater measure . 8. DEGREE , gradual ▪ a spice , a strein , gradation , leasurely , by little and little . IMPETUS , Fit , Paroxysm , brunt , crash , effort , pang . Affections of Being ; with reference either to some common agreement and mutual dependance , or to some inconsistency betwixt them . 9. COGNATION , Affinity , Nearness . OPPOSITION , Disagreableness , contrary , counter , repugnant , withstand , against , cross , thwart , other side , adverse , Antagonist , Antithesis , confront , impugn , oppugn . TRANSCENDENTAL Relations MIXED , may be distributed into such as do belong either to QUANTITY , as considered More GENERALLY . I More restrainedly , to CONTINUED QUANTITY . II DISCONTINUED QUANTITY . III QUALITY , as considered more LARGELY IV STRICTLY . V WHOLE and PART . VI I. TRANSCENDENTAL mixed Relations belonging to QUANTITY considered MORE GENERALLY , may be distributed into such as do concern the measure of things compared either with Other things of the same kind or company Indefinitely ; as to Being or Substance , namely when the things compared are considered Singly and intire , Being either of an ordinary size , or more or less then ordinary . 1. INDIFFERENCE , Pretty big , passable , reasonable , so so . GREATNESS , Magnitude , ample , large , vast , huge , immense , grand , monstrous , prodigious , sound , swinging , whisker , main , much , magnifie , aggravate , exaggerate , a filthy deal , a foul deal , Gyant . LITTLENESS , Smalness , Petty , Minute , Modicum , Scautling , diminutive , less , least , poor , abate , allay , extenuate , Elf , Dwarf , Shrimp , Tit , Dandiprat , Pigmy . Conjunctly ; as consisting of several individuals or parts , whereof there are together an ordinary number , or more or less then ordinary . 2. MEDIOCRITY , a pretty deal , an indifferent quantity , mean , reasonable . ABOVNDANCE , a great deal , much , a world , affluence , plenty , store , copious , flush , satiate , flow , fluent , luxuriant , enough and to spare . SCARCITY , Little , want , dearth , pinching , scant , bare , jejune , lack . Vse , with respect to the quantity of it , whether such as may by its just proportion promote the end , or such as may hinder it , by being too much , or too little . 3. SUFFICIENCY , enough , big or much enough , competency , moderate , satisfie , serve , well , full . EXCESS , Redundance , superfluity , needless , exuberance , too much , overmuch , overcharge , cloy , glutt , surfet , satiety , extreme , immoderate , luxuriant , rank , out of reason , wast , fly out , lash out . DEFECT , Not enough , lack , need , penury , indigent , necessitous , destitute , want , fail , fall short of , slender , jejune , incompetent , insufficient . Quality of it , denoting the being of a thing of an ordinary goodness , or more or less then ordinary . 4. INDIFFERENCY , Pretty well , tolerable , not amiss . EXCELLENCY , extraordinary good , eminence , preheminence , egregious , eximious , incomparable , superlative , soveraign , transcendent , singular , heroic , high , noble , gallant , choice , passing , rare , remarkable , notable , Paragon , Mirrour . SORRINESS , mean , poor , vile , trivial , contemptible , despicable , frippery , Trash , Trumpery , Raff , Scum , Drugg , silly , slight , paultry , scurvy , poor , course , flat , pedling , cheap , worthless , Fellow , Sirrah , Companion , Rascal , Varlet , Wretch , Scoundril , Skip-jack , Scrub , Vrchin , Flirt , Gill , Iade . Definitely ; as to Being ; either of the same degree , or more or less . 5. EQUALITY , Evenness , parity , peer , match , fellow , adaequate , aequipollent , adjust , halves with , as many , all one . INEQVALITY , unequal , odds . SVPERIORITY , above , upper , advantage , odds , preheminence , surmount , overpass , surpass , exceed , go beyond , out-go , get the start , top , excell , prevail , predominant . INFERIORITY , under - ling , disadvantage , allay , come short of , low . Vse ; as means to an end , when one thing hath the same degrees of fitness for an end as another , or more or less . 6. EQUIVALENCE , countervail . BETTERNESS . WORSENESS . Thems●lves ; in respect of their Being or substance , either continued the same , or changed to more or less . 7. AT A STAND . INCREASE , Augmentation , progress , increment , enlarge , magnifie , amplifie , aggravate , improve , rise , grow , gain , come forward , crescent . DIMINVTION , Abate , Bate , swage , asswage , decrease , extenuate , mince , mitigate , allay , retrench , rebate , shrink . QUALITY in general , either continuing in an ordinary degree , or being changed to more or less . 8. JUST TEMPER . INTENTION , heighten , strein , raise , aggravate , exaggerate , exasperate , enhaunce , acute , cutting , keen , sore , piercing , vehement , urgent , eager , earnest , deep sleep , amain , greatly , much . REMISSION , Abate , allay , slake , slacken , swage , asswage , diminish , mitigate , slight , cold , slender , weak , dead , dilute , dull , faint , gentle , light . Vse ; when things either continue as they were , or else become more or less good . 9. KEEPING AT A STAY . MENDING , emendation , bettering , Reparation , Reformation , Restauration , correct , redress , Improve , Edifie , botch , cobble , clout , patch , Progress , advance . MARRING , Spoiling , Deprave , Impair , spill , taint , alloy , wear , corrupt , vitiate , wast . II. Transcendental Mixed ●elations belonging to CONTINUED QUANTITY , may be distinguished into those various measures of distance according to the difference of more or less , with respect either to Line ; from END to End. 1. LENGTH , - en , Longitude , prolong , protract , eeke out , extend , tedious , prolixness . SHORTNESS , Brevity , Conciseness , abbreviate , curtal , abridge , restrain , compendious , succinct . Superficies ; from side to side . 2. BREDTH , Wideness , Latitude , Largeness , Ampleness , spacious , dilate , enlarge , extend . NARROWNESS , Streightness , Scantness , close , compressed , pink-eyed , restrain . Body ; reckoning from Top to Bottom . 3. DEEPNESS , profound , Abyss , farr into , high . SHALLOWNESS , Ford , Scoure , Depression , low , flat . Bottom to Top. 4. HIGHNESS , Altitude , exalt , elevate , Soar , sublime , tall , lofty , proper , towring , advance , raise , aloft . LOWNESS , abase , bring down , depress , demiss , nether Any Superficies to the opposite . 5. THICKNESS , Crassitude , gross , deep , incrassate , rouncival . THINNESS , slender , fine , slim , lank , slank , slight , tenuity , gaunt , rare , subtle , attenuate . III. Transcendental Relations of DISCONTINUED QUANTITY or Number , may be distributed into such as are either Comparative ; denoting either a greater or lesser number then ordinary . 1. MULTITUDE , many , numerous , a world of , multiply , increase , propagate , store , swarm , thick , press , crowd throng , rout . FEWNESS , Paucity , decrease , small number , thin , diminishing . Positive ; concerning the Number of things , whether One , or more then one . 2. SINGULARITY , Individual , numerical , single . PLVRALITY , more Some or All. 3. PARTICULARITY , special , peculiar . VNIVERSALITY , Generality , Catholick , Oecumenical , utmost . Kinds of things , whether One kind , or All kinds . 4. SPECIALNESS , peculiar , particular . GENERALNESS , All. Parts of which number consists , whether Equal or Vnequal Units . 5. EVENNESS , Parity . ODNESS , Imparity , uneven . Position of things numbred , denoting their Being in a state of separation from others , or in a state of conjunction with several others . 6. SEGREGATENESS , sever , set apart or aside , Analysis , Anatomy , piece-meal , by retail , dispence , distribute , one by one , Parcels , by pole . AGGREGATENESS , Train , Troop , Company , Party , Scull , Swarm , Team , Flock , Heard , Pack , Covy , Sheaf , Bale , Bundle , Fardle , Bunch , Cluster , Gross , by the great . Order , belonging either to Things , or to Words . 7. SERIES , Rank , Row , Class , successive , Chain , Course , Race , collateral , Concatenation , Alphabet . CATALOGVE , Index , Table , List , Role , Bill , Scrole , Terrier , a particular , Cargo , Inventory , Muster , impannel , Genealogy , Pedigree , Vocabulary , Dictionary , Lexicon , Nomenclator , Almanack , Calendar . Parts of an aggregate being all together . 8. SUIT , Pack , Set , Mess , a Ring . IV. Transcendental Relations belonging to QUALITY , as considered MORE LARGELY , may be distributed into such kind of Relations as are either Single ; containing a respect to the Cause of a thing , whether none or any , The being of a thing , the first of its kind , or not . 1. PRIMITIVENESS , Root , original , simple , underived . DERIVATIVENESS , conjugate , Notation , Etymology , transmission . Distance of a thing , whether without or with any other between . 2. IMMEDIATENESS , Next . MEDIATENESS . Manner of being , whether intirely of it self , or by virtue of something else . 3. ABSOLUTENESS , Independent , Freehold . DEPENDENCY , Vnder. Degrees of Being or Causality , whether superior and before all others , or inferior , and after some others . 4. PRINCIPALNESS , Chief , Special , Ring-leader , soveraign , supreme , paramount , first , main , arch , prime , primary , capital , cardinal fundamental , Top , Head , Master . ACCESSORINESS , Abet , adherent , second , Companion , Party , Copartner , Complice , Appendage , Label , Appurtenance , adventitious , collateral , conscious , privy , side with , back , partake , participate , by the way , by the by . Mutual ; whether more Positive ; signifying one thing either to have or not to have Relation to some other . 5. PERTINENCY , belong , appertain , apposite , to the purpose , touching , concern , material , relate to , serve for , incumbent on . IMPERTINENCY , not to the purpose , extravagant , sleeveless , wide from the matter , wild , idle , improper . Comparative , denoting such relation to belong onely to one or few , or to many . 6. PROPERNESS , incommunicable , owner , peculiar , concern . COMMONNESS , usual , vulgar , currant , general , prostitute . V. Transcendental Relations of QUALITY considered MORE STRICTLY , may be distributed into such as do concern either their Being ; The same or divers . 1. LIKENESS , Similitude , similar , assimilate , resemble , representation Species , Idea , Image , Effigies , Portraiture . VNLIKENESS , Dissimilitude , dissimilar , degenerous . Circumstances ; whether Special , relating to their Place , either the being of things in their due positions , or out of their due places . 2. ORDER , Regular , Method , array , imbattle , marshal , rally , in frame , dispose , digest , range . CONFVSION , Disorder , Rhapsody , Chaos , Gallimaufry , tumult , rout , coyl , disheveled , disranked , out of frame or order , promiscuous , Preposterous , Ruffle , Shuffle , scamble , clutter , blunder , jumble , hurry , hurly burly , pell mell . Time , either the being of things as usually they are , or their being otherwise then commonly they use to be . 3. ORDINARINESS , common , usual , trivial , currant . EXTRAORDINARINESS , strange , uncouth , unusual , unwonted , of note , notable , notorious , Odness , Paradox . General , The being of things according to certain rules or not so . 4. REGULARNESS , right , rectifie , rule . EXORBITANCY , Irregularness , Enormity , Disorder , extravagant , licentious , wild , faulty , wrong , loose , immoderate , unruly , unbridled , out of square , lash out , Heteroclyte , Anomalous . Being known ; either to many or few . 5. PUBLICKNESS , Notorious , famous , common , extant , open , being out , or abroad , Declaration , Manifesto , Remonstrance , Edition , Promulgation , set forth or out , shew , spread , blazon , publish , proclaim , divulge , denounce , produ●e , post up , come to light , high way . PRIVATENESS , underhand , clancular , clandestine , retire , between themselves . Mixture with or addition of other things ; when they are Better for such mixture , or Worse for being without it . 6. ORNATENESS , adorn , set out , Deck , beautifie , embellish , trimm , trick , tire , garnish , flourish , dress , prank , Ornament , Grace , florid , neat , smug , spruce , elegant , quaint , fine , polite , gay , gaudy , gorgeous , flaring , garish , flaunting , Gallant , Spark , Bracelet , Plume , Garland , Ouch , &c. HOMELINESS , simple , rough , rude , untrimmed , plain , bald . Better for being without such mixture , or worse for it . 7. PURITY , Cleanness , undefiled , defecate , fine , refine , try , furbush , scoure ▪ purge , purifie , clarifie , depuration , neat , abstersive . DEFILEMENT , Filthiness , Impurity , unclean , fowl , squalid , bedawb , besmear , bewray , contaminate , slabber , slubber , smear , soil , sully , pollute , daggle , slurry , smutch , smutt , stain , alloy , embase , dash . VI. That thing which is made up of several lesser things united together is called by the name of WHOLE , Total , Integral , Intire , Summ , All , Vtterly ▪ Quite and clean , full , plenary . Those lesser things , by the union of which another greater thing is made up , are stiled by the common name of PARTS . Particle , Parcel , partial , Divide , share , distribute , driblet , portion , piece , pittance . The transcendental relations of whole and part are such as denote a respect to Quantity Continued ; in regard of the Quality ; of Goodness or Badness of such parts . 1. BEST PART , Quintessence , Cream , Flower , the heart , Top. WORST PART , Refuse , Scumm , Dreggs , Raff , draft , dross , rubbish , tare , bran , chaff , recrement , trash , garbage , offal . Time ; either that which is first taken , whereby the goodness of the whole is to be measured , or that which is superadded after the whole . 2. SAY , taste , touch , scantling . VANTAGE , surplus , overplus , to boot , over and above , over-weight , corollary , supplement , vails . Place ; specially in liquids , either that part which in separation doth rise to the top , or that which falls to the bottom . 3. SCUM , Sandever , Mother . SEDIMENT , setling , caput mort , grounds , lees , dregs , feculent , rack , defecate . Figure ; specially in solids ; whether Roundish ; in greater parts , or in lesser parts . 4. LUMP , Bole , Morsel , Bit , Cantle , Luncheon , Gobbet , Mammock , Stub , stump , grumous , clotted , clod , turfe , sod . POWDER , Mote , Dust , Corn , Grain , Crum , Grate , moulder . Oblong ; made ‖ either by Cutting , or by Breaking , 5. CHIP , Lamin , Scale , Flake , Flaw , Flitter , shive , shiver , splinter . FRAGMENT , Piece , Scrap , Sheard , tatter , Flitter , rag , shread , snip , slive , slice , collop , cut . Discontinued ; denoting the respect of A Part put to another , or the whole as being made up of such parts . 6. ADDITUM , item , put to , insert , eke out . SVMM , lay or couch together , cast up , count , draw to a head , come to , amount , result , total , in the whole . A Part taken out from others , or the whole remaining after such taking out . 7. ABLATUM , abate , defalk , retrench , deduct , subduct , substract , take away . RESIDVE , overplus , surplussage , arrear , remainer , remnant , left behind , the other , the rest , relicks , orts , scraps , reversions , gleaning , offal , odd-ends , stubs , stumps , stubble . A Part repeated a certain number of times , so as to equal the whole , or the whole considered as it is so made up . 8. MULTIPLIER , Side . PRODVCT , rectangle . A Part taken out such a certain number of times as leaves nothing of the whole , or that number of times which is the correspondent part . 9. DIVISOR . QVOTIENT . TRANSCENDENTAL RELATIONS OF ACTION , may be distributed into such as are more General . — SIMPLE . I COMPARATE . II Special ; denoting either Kinds of Action . Solitary ; wherein more then one person is not necessarily supposed . BUSINESS . III. Social ; wherein more then one person is necessarily supposed . COMMERCE . IV EVENTS . V ITION . VI I. Transcendental respects of ACTION SIMPLE or relating to single things , are such as do concern The General condition of a thing , denoting the making of it ‖ to be so , or to be otherwise . 1. PUTTING , Set , Lay , Make. ALTERING , Change , Vary , Mutation , shift , Revolution , Vicissitude , Catastrophe , Metamorphosis . Ones right in a thing ; whether Making it ‖ to be his , or not to be his . 2. APPROPRIATING , own , set apart , engross , monopolize . ALIENATING , transferr , estrange , pass away ones right . Declaring it to be his , or not to be his . 3. CLAIMING , Owning , Challenging , Demand , arrogate , assume , profess , attribute ascribe , take upon him , declare for . ABDICATING , disclaim , disown , renounce , relinquish , refuse , reject , repudiate , desert , forsake , disavow , disherit , execrate , forswear , destitute , cast off , lay aside , put away . Ones Possession ; with respect to the Causing of a thing to be in ones Possession or not . 4. TAKING , Seising , Apprehending , resume , surprize , assume , intercept . LEAVING , Relinquish , Residue , forsake , spare . Being of a thing in ones possession , or the not being of such a thing in ones possession as he ought to have . 5. HAVING , in hand , hold , possess . WANTING , indigent , lack , miss , necessity , need , penury . Continuing a thing in ones Possession or not . 6. HOLDING , Detain , Retain , Keep. LETTING GO , Dismiss surrender , give up , Shed , Cast , mew , resign . The Knowledge of things , with respect to the Endeavour of knowing , or the good success of such endeavour . 7. SEEKING , search , feel for , grope , ransack , rummage , Quest. FINDING , retrive , sift out , smell out , Foundling . Causing a thing to be known , or hindring it from being known . 8. SHEWING , disclose , detect , betray , reveal , discover , declare , demonstrate , remonstrate , render . CONCEALING , Hide , Shelter , Suppress , Sculk , lurk , Secret , Private , Latent , occult , underhand , close , clancular , clandestine in a corner , in hugger mugger , recess , retire , slink , mich , sneak , slip , or steal away , cloke , veil , hoodwink , mask , muffle . Causing others to be perfectly known , or to be thought so . 9. MANIFESTING , Apparent , Evident , plain , flat , open , conspicuous , perspicuous , obvious , certain , clear , palpable , shew , declare , certifie set forth , come to light . SEEMING , Semblance , Shew , Pretence , Pretext , Vmbrage , Colour , a shew , a blind , Formal , Appear , palliate , fain , bear in hand , make ●s if , make shew of , specious , disguise , Ey-service . II. Transcendental Relations of Action COMPARATE , are such as do concern . Divers things at the same time ; whether such kind of Actions as from the nature of the Agents or Patients , may be called Corporeal ; denoting the Causing of things to be together or asunder . 1. JOINING , annex , Connexion , couple , link , copulation , concatenation , conjunction , Coalition , coherent , copulative , conglutinate , combine , compact , set or put together . SEPARATING , Segregate , sunder , sever , dissever , divide , disjoin , disunite , dissect , dissolve , part , take in pieces , disjunctive . Continuing them together or asunder . 2. ADHEARING , Cleave , stick to , cling to , hang together , coherent , inseparable . ABANDONING , Forsake , Desert , Relinquish , Leave , Forgo , Flinch , Quit , Dereliction , forlorn , destitute , shake or cast off , start back , give over . Mental ; Putting of things together or asunder 3. APPLYING , lay or put to . ABSTRACTING . Both Corporeal and Mental ; with respect to the Taking in of several things , or the leaving out of some . 4. COMPREHENDING , Contain , Comprize , Imply , Involve , Inclose , Include , inclusive , hold , Complication . EXEMPTING , Except , restrain , seclude , exclude , save , salvo , set aside . Putting of things together , the better to judge of their likeness or unlikeness , or examining of them for the distinguishing of that which is right and true . 5. COMPARING , Conferr , Collation , resemble . TRY , Prove , Search , Temptation , Experiment , test , touch , examin , gage poise , pose , probe . The same things at divers times , whether the same as to Substance ; signifying either the doing of the same thing several times , or the making of a thing to be different at one time from what it was before . 6. REPEATING , Iterate , reiterate , recite , render , rehearse , redouble , reduplicate , inculcate , ingeminate , recapitulate , renew , afresh , again , Tautology , the burden . CHANGING , Mutation , Vary , Alter , Shift . Quantity ; The giving back of the very same thing , or of something else equal to it . 7. RESTORING , Give back , Restitution , refund , return , Restauration . COMPENSATING , Recompense , award , make amends , remunerate , quit , requite , retaliate , retribute , reparation , paying , fit , being even with , meet with , make good , cry quittance , like for like , one for another . Quality ; endeavouring to shew how another thing is , or to do the like . 8. REPRESENTING , declare , shew , exhibit , present . IMITATING , Mimick , personate , take forth , follow . Vse ; as means to an end , The making of a thing more fit or less fit for its end . 9. REPAIRING , Mending , Bettering , Improving , correct , rectifie , renew , reedifie , Emendation , Instauration , Redress , set to right , make good , make up , patch up , piece up . SPOILING , Marring , corrupting , deprave , impaire , raze , scrape or cross out , sleight works . III. Those kind of Actions about which men bestow their time and labour , are called by the general name of BUSINESS , Affair , Task , Chare , Transaction , Matter , Factor , Agent , negotiate , occupie , stickle , meddle , intermeddle , dealing , imployment , active . To which may be opposed the Negation or being free from such Actions stiled LEASVRE , Vacation vacant , idle or spare time , unoccupied , respite . Transcendental relations of BUSINESS , may be distributed into such as are Previous to it . Mental or Verbal . 1. DESIGNING , allot , appoint , plot , preordein , project . UNDERTAKING , enterprize , take in hand set upon , task . Real ; either more general or more special , with respect to the providing of requisite materials . 2. PREPARING , Parade , previous , ready , make way , fitting , Tuning , Harbinger . FURNISHING , Aequipage , fitting , ready . Parts of it ; whether Initial ; with respect to the First entrance upon a business ; either Real or Seeming . 3. BEGIINNING , Inchoate , initiate , commence , Inceptor , Spring , Rise , Original , first , set about , set forth , set a foot , go in hand with , enter upon . OFFERING , Propose profer , tender , bid , propound , overture . Application of the labor , either to the doing of any thing , or to know whether it can be done . 4. ENDEAVOURING , Devoir , bestir , adoo , coyl , stickle , strein , strive , struggle , effort , make a stir , do ones best , reach after , lay out for . ESSAYING , Trying , say , attempt , prove , tempt-ation , Test , Experience , enterprize , venture , sound , tast , touch , run the risk or adventure . Medial ; with respect to the time bestow'd in the doing of it , whether shorter or longer time . 5. DISPATCHING , Hasten , quick , high , forward , hurry , precipitate , speed , C●lerity , Expedition , sodain , apace , out of hand , cut short . PROTRACTING , Delay , desert , retard , slacken , respite , tarry , foreslow , linger , prolong , lengthen , prorogue , procrastinate , dally , lagg , stand about , whiling about ▪ shift off , put off ▪ post off , spin out time . Final ; with respect to the End of the Action ; ‖ either the effecting of what we undertake and profess , or our failing in it . 6. PERFORMING , Accomplishing , Atchieve , fu●fil , verifie , discharge , execute , keep , observe , exploit , make good bring to pass . VIOLATING , infringe , break , trespass , transgress . Action it self ; whether Perfect or Imperfect . 7. FINISHING , Concluding , ending , accomplishing , fulfil , performing , cease , give over , Period , Term , ultimate , last , consummate , determine , dispatched , done , Catastrophe , clap up , shut up , wind up , close up , draw to an issue , go through with , run his course . MISCARRYING , Failing . Hinderances of it ; either not rightly using the means , or not using some of them . ERRING , Swerve , slip , stray , astray , mistake , oversight , deviate , falter , fallible . heterodox , Fallacy , wrong , amiss , awry , being out , beside the mark . OMITTING , Pretermit , Wave , decline , default , escape , lapse , leave , miss , forbear , balk , supersede , overlook , overpass , preterition , overslip , overskip , let pass , pass by or over , lay aside , hold ones hand . Helps of it ; denoting either avoiding mistakes at the beginning , or rectifying mistakes afterwards . 9. PREVENTING , Anticipate , Previous , aforehand , forestal , Foregame . REMEDYING , Redress , Shift , Aftergame , Help . IV. Transcendental relations of Action concerning such things as are alienated from one Person to another , are usually called by the General Name of COMMERCE , Entercourse , Traffick , Prattick , have to do with . These may be distributed into such as are Free ; and not upon consideration Passive ; Not hindring one to take or to do . 1. YIELDING , Suffering , permitting , give way , give place . SUBMITTING to . Active ; Imperfect ; denoting a willingness to part with , or a desire to have a thing . 2. OFFERING , Proffer , tender , exhibit , present , recommend , Oblation . DEMANDING , Require , Challenge . Perfect ; with respect to the Possession of a thing ; the Parting with it , or Taking of it . 2. DELIVERING , Surrender , transferr , resign . RECEIVING , Take , entertain , capable , reception , receptacle . Right of a thing ; the Parting with it , or Taking of it . 4. GIVING , Bestow , confer , render , grant , contribute , endow , consign , Gift , Boon , Largess , Collation , Donation , Donative , Gratis . ACCEPTING , Receiving , administer , dispense , distribute , Token , Fairing , take in good part . Conditional ; and upon consideration , whether such as concern the Causing of Relations by Actions that are Real ; The Parting with something of ones own for the use and in the stead of another , or the restoring what another hath so parted with . 5. DISBURSING , Bestow , defray , extend , lay out , Bursar , Principal . REFUNDING , Repay , return , reimburse . Verbal ; the Comparing and measuring of particulars , or reducing them to an equality . 6. RECKONING , Compute-ation , count , account , cast account , Calculate , Audit , Score , Tally . BALLANCING , Evening of Accounts , Quitting scores , Adjust . Relations themselves ensuing upon such Actions , whether as having somewhat of ones own in anothers possession , or something of anothers in ones own possession . 7. BEING CREDITOR , Lending , Loan . BEING DEBTOR , Owing , Debt , upon score , in ones books , behind hand , Arrear . Ceasing or dissolution of such relations by some Act of the Debitor ; either by restoring what is due , or by being rendred unable for it . 8. PAYING , Defray , discharge , satisfie , reimburse , Annuity , Poundage , Shot , responsible . FAILING , Break , Bankrout . Creditor ; Acknowledging restitution , or Giving away his right to it . 9. ACQUITTING , Discharge , Quittance , Receipt , clear accounts . FORGIVING , Remitting , pardoning , put up , V. The General name for that which follows upon Actions , especially as it relates to the end for which Actions are done , is EVENT , Vpshot , issue , result , emergence , accrue , occurr , come to pass , fall out , befall , betide , ensue , prove , redound , happen , light , succede , Luck , Fortune , End , Sequel , Success , incident , coincident , intervene , supervene , take effect , how fares , goes , speeds it , come of it , come to good or to naught . Transcendental relations of Action belonging to Event , may be distributed into such as do concern the Existing or not existing of the End designed . 1. OBTEINING , Acquire , get , procure , attain , reach , gain , compass , recover , take , win , catch , come by , pick up . FRVSTRATING , Fail , disappoint miss , defeat , deceive , elude , cross , come short of , shift off , put by , of no effect , to no purpose , vain , void , nullity . Good or Evil accrewing to us by it , with respect to the Increasing or Diminishing of our Possessions . 2. GAINING , Lucre , Advantage , Profit , Emolument , Stock , the proceed , acquire , get , win , recover , extort . LOOSING , Dammage , decrement , detriment , disadvantage , disprofit , wrack , spoil hurt , hinderance , out of ones way . Diminishing or Increasing of our Want. 3. SAVING , Sparing , take up . SPENDING , Lay out , bestow , expend , dispend , expence , charges , cost , sumptuary , run out . Continuing , or not Continuing of a thing in our Possession . Imperfect ; denoting the Endeavour and care we use about it , whether any or none . 4. LAYING UP , Treasuring , Preserving , Stow , Hoord , Store , Repository . SQANDRING , Lavish , profuse , careless , mispend , embezel , wast , unthrifty , ill husbandry , spendthrift , flying out . Perfect ; Consisting in the Good or Ill success of such Endeavour . 5. KEEPING , Preserve , retain , Custody , holding , promptuary , Cellar . LOOSING , Perdition , loss , wrack , shed , spil . Applying of a thing ; whether more Simply ; denoting the applying of a thing to its proper end , or the not applying of it so . 6. USING , Imploy , improve , exercise , occupy , manage , treat , handle , entertain , useful , serviceable , stand in good stead . ABSTEINING , Forbear , refrain , spare , withdraw , wean , hold ones hand . Relatively ; as to that satisfaction or dissatisfaction of mind which we have in the use of a thing . 7. INJOYING , Fruition . BEING SICK OF , Nauseate , loath , tedious , surfet , weary of . Result of such application , in the diminishing or increasing of our Pain . 8. REFRESHING , Recreate , relieve , recruit , relaxation , refection , Bait. WEARYING , Lassitude , tyring , tedious , faint , fatigue . Hinderances . 9. QUIETING , Tranquillity , rest , compose , sedate , serene , still , calm , set or be at rest . TROVBLING , Molest , disturb , annoy , disquiet , incumber , infest , interrupt , pester , cumber , turbulent , stirs , coil , broil , turmoil , garboil , perturbation . VI. The General name denoting Transcendental Motion or rest , is ITION , Going , Passing , Remove , betake , repair , transmission , Penetrate , Flitt . STAYING , Abide , remain , tarry , continue , reside , rest , stop , stick , damm , detain , hold at a bay , Mansion , Stage , Remora . The Relations belonging to this motion , may be distinguished into such as are Solitary , supposing but one Person or Thing , with respect to its Moving towards or from the Speaker . 1. COMING , Arrive , Access , Resort , repair to , frequent , recourse , concourse , confluence , return . GOING , Depart , recede , return , regress , ingress , egress , be packing , be jogging , retire , retrograde , withdraw , dislodge , avant , void , slip away , slink or sneak away , fling away , fall off , get gone , set forth , rub along . Continuing of Motion ; whether Simply ; Towards the same term , or changing of the Term. 2. PROCEEDING , Persist , prosecute , persevere , progress , pass , advance , hold or go on , set forward or on . TURNING , Winding , Veare , Double , tack , about , face about , wheel about . With Design ; either to some certain place , or to no certain place . 3. TRAVAILING , Expedition , Voyage , Iourney , Progress , Peregrination , Itinerant , Passenger , Wayfaring , March , set out , Palmer , Pilgrim , Pass , Pasport . WANDRING , Stray , astray , range , rove , straggle , err-ant , Vagrant , Vagabond , random , ramble , rome , prole , gad , Gypsie , Rogue , Landloper , Labyrinth , Ambages . Social ; supposing several persons or things . Causing another To go or to come , 4. SENDING , Mission , missive , Token , convey , dismiss , Remit , dispatch , Messenger , Embassador , Legat , Envoy , Lieger , Emissary , Currier , Arrant . FETCHING , Bring , reduce , forth-coming . To come after , or to go before . 5. LEADING , Guide , Conduct , bring , convey , draw , Manuduction . DRIVING , Chase , drift , expel , repel , repulse , goad , beat back , Ferret out . Coming after another thing in motion , or coming up equal to it . 6. FOLLOWING , Ensue , come after , pursue , dogging , trace . OVERTAKING , Reach , Top , Catch , fetch up . Coming of things together from several terms , or the Preterition of something in our way . 7. MEETING , Obviate , obvious , encounter , occurr , Randevouze . AVOIDING , Decline , Fly , shun , eschew , Wave , beware , escape , evade , shift off , out of the way . Of DISCOURSE , Or the several notions belonging to Grammar or Logick . THE most general name for those external expressions , whereby men do make known their thoughts to one another , is DISCOURSE , Commune , Communication , Parly , Talk , Colloquie , Tract , Treatise , handle , Stile . To which may be annexed that particular way of discourse , most in use , namely by articulate voice and words , called LANGUAGE , Tongue , Speech , Linguist , dialect . The several things and notions belonging to discourse , may be distributed into such as do concern either the Parts of it ; or those primary ingredients of which it consists , whether More Simple ; stiled ELEMENTS . I Less Simple ; WORDS . II Kinds of it ; or those secondary parts belonging to it , whether such as are Proper , to GRAMMAR . III. LOGIC . IV. COMMON TO BOTH . V MODES of it . VI I. The first and more simple ingredients required to the framing of Discourse or Language , are stiled ELEMENTS . Abedarian . These may be distinguished into such as do concern either the Sounds made by the Organs of speech , according to the General name ; denoting either ‖ that which is spoken , or the picture of it in writing . 1. LETTER , literal . CHARACTER , Figure , Note , Letter , Cyphre , Orthography . Particular kinds ; relating to such as are More primary and simple ; whether ‖ such apert sounds as are framed by a free emission of the breath through the organs of speech , or such closed sounds in the pronouncing of which the breath is intercepted by some collision or closure amongst the instruments of speech . 2. VOWEL . CONSONANT . Less primary and mixed ; either that which ( for the most part ) doth consist of several letters , pronounced in one continued motion , or of more Vowels coalescing in one sound . 3. SYLLABLE . DIPHTHONG . Time or pause to be observed in the pronouncing of several words or sentences , according to the General name ; denoting that mark which serves , either ‖ for separating such words as belong to several clauses or sentences , or for uniting those words which are to be pronounced as one . 4. INTERPUNCTION , Period , Point . HYPHEN , Maccaph . Particular kinds ; Lesser ; according to the degrees of Less or More 5. COMMA . SEMICOLON . Greater ; according to the degrees of Less or More . 6. COLON . PERIOD , full point , stop , pause , rest . Manner of Pronouncing ; with reference to Distinction of such words or clauses as are Less material ; denoting that such a passage , either ‖ is not necessary to make the sense perfect , or is added by way of Explication of something preceding . 7. PARENTHESIS . PARATHESIS , Exposition . More material ; either that which serves to distinguish such words , wherein the force of the sense doth more peculiarly consist , or that which denotes the words to be intended to a contrary sense , to what they naturally signifie . 8. EMPHASIS . IRONY — call . Prolongation of Vowels , or Elevation of voice in the pronouncing of any syllable . 9. ACCENT . ACCENT , elevate . II. Those particular sounds or Characters , which are agreed upon to signifie any one thing or notion , are called by the general name of WORD , Verbal , verbatim , term , endite . That which is intended by any such sound or Character , is called MEANING , Sense , Signification , Purport , Acception , Import , tenor , denote , moral Words may be distinguished according to the General name ; given to the chief kinds of them , whether ‖ the more Principal such as signifie some intire thing or notion , or the Less Principal , such as consignifie and serve to circumstantiate other words with which they are joyned . 1. INTEGRAL . PARTICLE . Particular kinds ; whether of Integrals ; considered according to their Natures ; being either more Absolute ; denoting either ‖ the naked Essence of a thing , or the Ens and thing it self . 2. ABSTRACT , separate . CONCRETE , complex . Relative ; to the Names of things ; whether such as signifie more simply and of themselves , or such whose signification doth import their being adjoyned to something else . 3. SUBSTANTIVE . ADJECTIVE . Actions or Passions of things ; ( which is here taken notice of in compliance with instituted Grammar , tho it be not properly one simple part of speech , but rather a mixture of two , namely the Predicate and Copula . ) To which may be annexed that which is commonly adjoyned unto this , to signifie the Quality or affection of the Action or Passion . 4. VERBE . ADVERBE DERIVED . Place and Order in a proposition , whether that which according to natural construction doth precede the Copula , or that which doth follow it . 5. SUBJECT . PREDICATE , Attribute , asscribe , impute . Particles ; whether the Most necessary and essential to every proposition . 6. COPULA . Less necessary ; Substitutive ; in the room either of some Integral word , or of some sentence or complex part of it . 7. PRONOUN . INTERJECTION . Connexive or declarative ; whether such as are more Proper to Substantives ; being usually prefixed before them , either ‖ that whose office it is to join integral with integral on the same side of the Copula , or that which serves for the more full and distinct expression of Substantives . 8. PREPOSITION . ARTICLE . Common to other words ; either that kind of particle which is usually adjoined to Verbs , to signifie some kind of Mode or Circumstance belonging to them , or that which serves chiefly for the joyning of clauses or sentences . 9. ADVERBE UNDERIVED . CONJUNCTION . III. COMPLEX GRAMMATICAL NOTIONS of Speech , may be distinguished into such as concern the Portions into which a discourse may be divided , whether more Imperfect ; Absolute ; either that which denotes onely some part of the sense , or that which signifies some complete sense . 1. CLAUSE , Passage . SENTENCE , Period , Text , Aphorism , Apophthegm , Axiom , Impress , Motto , Posie , Phrase , Stile . Relative ; to the number and order of such parts , either the less , consisting of one or more sentences , or the Greater being an Aggregate of these . 2. VERSE , Staffe , Stanza . SECTION , Paragraff , Article , Scene . Perfect ; conteining either a Principal part , or an Intire discourse . 3. CHAPTER , Act. BOOK , Tract , Treatise . Kinds of such discourse ; with respect to the Matter or Words , according to the General name ; denoting either a more loose and free way of putting the words together , or that which is bound up to measure . 4. PROSE . VERSE , Lyrick , Pindarick , Ode . Particular kinds of Verse ; either that which depends only upon some stated measure of words , or that which doth likewise suppose a similitude in the sound of the ending Syllables . 5. MEETRE - ical . RIME . Form or signification of words , whether Natural and according to the first intention of them , or Artificial and borrowed , containing a reference to something else of near affinity and similitude . 6. PROPER . TRALATITIOUS , Metaphor , Trope , Parable , Simile , Homely , or Ornate . 7. SIMPLE . FIGURATE . Allegory , Improper , Riddle , Aenigmatical . Full , or Defective ; having something left out . 8. EXPRESS , Plain , open , flat , explicite , Hint , Inkling , mention , set form . UNDERSTOOD , Implied , implicite , tacit , intimated . Easie , or Difficult to be understood . 9. PLAIN , Evident , Perspicuous , clear , express , obvious , easie , facil , explain , explicate , unfold , illustrate , open , make out . OBSCURE , Dark , abstruse , riddle , aenigmatical , deep , profound , hard , difficult , mysterious , intrigue . IV. COMPLEX LOGICAL NOTIONS of discourse , may be distributed into such as are Positive ; concerning Words ; with respect to their Ambiguity ; Shewing the different senses which they are capable of , or using them in a fallacious sense . 1. DISTINCTION , discriminate . AEQUIVOCATION , Ambiguous , Amphibole . Vniversality ; Restraining a word unto some more proper and peculiar sense , or enlarging of it as there may be occasion , to its full scope and comprehensiveness . 2. LIMITATION , Restriction , stint , bound , terminate , determine . AMPLIATION , Inlarge , dilate , expatiate . Things ; declaring either their Natures ; more or less perfectly . 3. DEFINITION . DESCRIPTION , Character , delineate , pourtray , plot , platform , model . Kinds ; more or less perfectly . 4. DIVISION , Parting , Dichotomy . PARTITION , Distribution , parting . Affections ; namely such common principles of knowledge whereby men are to be directed in their judging . To which may be opposed the excluding of such particulars as do not properly belong to those generals . 5. RULE , Maxim , Axiom , Principle , Theorem , Canon , Rubric , Aphorism , regulate . EXCEPTION , Exempt , reservation , restrain , exclude , seclude , salvo , save , set aside . Comparate or disputative , General ; when from somethings already known and granted , we endeavour to prove some other thing , or the taking of that other thing as being so proved 6. ARGUMENTATION , Reason , argue , dispute , debate , discuss , dissertation , ratiocination , demonstration , sophistry , captious , cavil , polemic , mooting , Problem , chop Logic. ILLATION , Inference , consequence , consectary , deduction , sequel , Conclusion , Corollary , result , follow , imply . Special ; as respecting the Forms most Artificial , whether that which is most full , or that which is defective . 7. SYLLOGISM . ENTHYMEM . Matter ; Intrinsic from the nature of the things themselves , signifying the proving of a General , whether ‖ from many or all the particulars , or from some one or few particulars . 8. INDUCTION , Particularize . EXAMPLE , Instance , exemplifie , specifie , leading case . Extrinsic ; from the Authority of some other person , or a resemblance to some other thing . 9. CITATION , Quotation , testimonies , alledge . ALLUSION , Glance . V. MIXED NOTIONS OF DISCOURSE belonging both to Grammar and Logic may be distributed into such as are Less complex ; denoting such a compleat sentence , wherein something is either affirmed or denied , To which may be adjoyned such kind of sentences , as by common use and long experience have obtained to be of authority amongst men . 1. PROPOSITION , Thesis , Assertion , Point , Doctrine , Observation , Position , Problem . ADAGE , Proverb , Old-say or saw , By-word . More complex ; whether Kinds of discourse ; Positive ; More general ; denoting something to be spoken in presence , or written to be sent to others . 2. ORATION , Speech , Harangue , Declamation , Oratory , Panegyric . EPISTLE , Letter . More special ; relating to matters of Fact , ‖ either the more usual name , or that which denotes what is commonly said by many . 3. NARRATION , Relate , Story , History , Tale , tell , Tidings , Report , recite , recount , rehearse , impart , inform , Tradition , Annunciation , Commemoration , Diary , Diurnal , Gazet , Chronicle , Legend , bring word , give notice , or intelligence . RUMOR , Brute , Hear-say , Report , common Fame , Noise , Vogue . Explicative ; according to the General name ; 4. INTERPRETATION , Exposition , construction , explain , explicate , unfold , Trouchman . Particular kinds ; whereby the words are Altered ; by putting them into another language , or into other words of the same language . 5. TRANSLATION , Construe , version , interpret , turn , render . PARAPHRASE , Descant , Metaphrase , Circumlocution . Enlarged ; by adding several other words for further explication , or Contracted ; into fewer words . 6. COMMENTARY , Gloss , Note , Annotation , Stricture , Scholiast , Expositor . EPITOME , Compendium , Brief , abbreviate , breviate , abridge , Breviary , succinct , concise , Abstract , Synopsis , System , couch , contract , Summary , extract , recapitulate . Appendages of discourse , whether the Extreme ; either the Beginning or the End. 7. PROLOGUE , Exordium , Preamble , Proem , Introduction , Preface , Prelude . EPILOGUE , Conclusion . Intermediate ; either that which is more necessary , whereby one part is to be connected to another , or such additional part as is less necessary to the main scope of the discourse . 8. TRANSITION , Pass-age . DIGRESSION , On the by , by the way , Diversion , Excursion , Extravagant , glance . VI. MODES OF DISCOURSE ▪ may be distributed into such as concern the business of proving or perswading , either Antecedently ; denoting such forms of speech as imply Doubting , or a desire of being informed by others , to which may be opposed the general name for those returns which others make to such forms of speech . 1. QUESTION , Ask , Interrogate , demand , examin , expostulate , Inquisition . ANSWER , Responsal , Reply , Rejoinder , Return . Knowing or acknowledging , whether Positive ; saying a thing to be so , or not to be so . 2. AFFIRMATION , Assert , averr , avouch , prof●ss , Asseveration , Position . NEGATION , Deny , renounce , refuse , Recusant , disavow , gainsay , repulse , say nay . Conditional ; allowing a thing to be so for the prese●t , that we may thereby the better judge of the consequences from it , or owning the truth asserted by another . 3. SUPPOSITION , Admit , premise , presuppose , Condition , Proviso , Hypothesis , put case . CONCESSION , Grant , yield , allow , acknowledge , admit , agree . Concomitantly ; as the Acts or parts of it . More general ; Saying something against what another affirms , or saying what is most contrary to it . 4. OPPOSITION , Gainsay , thwart . CONTRADICTION . Arguing against another , to which is opposed , The shewing an insufficiency in such arguments . 5. OBJECTION , Impugn , Cavil . SOLVTION , Solve , Answer , Resolve , Subterfuge , Evasion , Casuist . More special ; relating to Our own arguments or opinions , by shewing the truth of them , or seconding such proof , by further evidence . 6. PROBATION , Prove , demonstrate , evince , Evidence , verifie , Reason , Presumption . CONFIRMATION , Stablish , establish , ratifie . Our adversaries arguments , by shewing the weakness of them , or turning the force of them against himself . 7. CONFUTATION , Refell , refute , disprove , reason against . RETORTION , Invert , recriminate . Subsequently , ; whether Reall ; by rendring an adversary unable to defend his own opinion , or making him to submit to ours . 8 POSING , Puzzle , nonplus , baffle , confound , gravel , run down . CONVICTION , Satisfie , evince . Verbal ; acknowledging the truth of our opinion , or renouncing the error of his own . 9. CONFESSION , Acknowledge , own , yield , grant , profess , cry mercy . RECANTATION , Renounce , retract , recal , revoke , unsay , bite in . CHAP. II. I. Concerning GOD. II. Of the several things and notions reducible under that collective Genus of WORLD . THose more special kinds of beings to be treated of Antecedaneously to the Predicaments , because they are not ( as Predicaments are ) capable of any subordinate species , are GOD and WORLD . That which the Heathen Philosophers stile the first Mover , the first and supreme cause of all things , and suppose to be a Being of all possible perfections , is GOD , Lord , Iehovah , Deity , Divine-ity , Deifie . And because of that absolute Simplicity and Purity of the Divine nature , whereby 't is distinguished from all other things , and therefore incapable of being divided by Parts , or by Differences and Species as the rest are ; hereupon , under this Head there is onely provision to be made for that great Mystery of Christianity , the Sacred Persons of the Blessed Trinity FATHER . SON , Christ , Iesus . HOLY GHOST , Holy Spirit . To the name of God that of IDOL may be opposed , by which is meant any False God ; according to the Acception of the word in that Scripture , All the Gods of the Heathen are Idols . To the Second Person the name ANTICHRIST may be adjoyned by way of Opposition ; the true Notion and Importance of the word so requiring . By WORLD , Vniverse , is meant the Compages or Frame of the whole Creation , with more especial reference to those Principal and more General parts of which it consists ; whether SPIRITUAL and immaterial . I. Corporeal , considered according to the Parts into which it is divided , whether CELESTIAL . II. Terrestrial : either Inanimate . — LAND . III. WATER . IV. ANIMATE . V. CIRCLES by which it is divided . VI. I. By SPIRIT is meant Immaterial Substance : to which may be adjoyned , as its proper Opposite , the word BODY , Corporeal , Matter-ial , Carcass , Corps , corpulent . A Created Spirit is either such as Doth not relate to a Body ; and that considered according to its General Name , as being a ministring Spirit . 1. ANGEL - ical , Daemon . Special kinds , as Good or Evil. 2. GOOD ANGEL , Cherub , Seraphim , Good Genius . DEVIL , Satan , Fiend , Diabolical , Daemon , Fury , Goblin , bad Genius . Doth relate to a Body ; and that considered according to its General Name , as being designed for the enlivening and quickning of a Body . 3. SOUL , Animate , Spirit , Mind . Special kinds , as rendring its Body capable of Nutrition and Growth ; 4. VEGETATIVE , grow . Sense ; 5. SENSITIVE . Discourse and Religion , together with a sense of moral good and evil . 6. RATIONAL , reasonable . II. Amongst Corporeal Substances , that which is esteemed most Simple and most Perfect , whose general name is therefore frequently used to signifie a place or a state of the greatest Perfection and Happiness , together with that which in both these respects is opposite , are commonly styled HEAVEN , Celestial , Firmament , Skie . HELL , Infernal , Stygian . Those parts of Heaven which fall under our Senses may be considered according to their . General Name ; denoting such parts as are more Solid and Luminous . 1. STARR , Stellate . Particular kinds ; either Fixed , that is to say , which do alwayes keep the same distance from one another . And these , for the better distinction and remembrance of them , are usually distributed into divers parcels or little Aggregates , called Constellations : the received names of which are , according to their imaginary Resemblances , either the proper names of Persons , as Perseus , Andromeda , Orion , &c. or the names of brute Animals , as Bear , Lion , Ram , &c. or the names of Inanimate things , as Balance , Arrow , &c. which may each of them be sufficiently expressed , as the things themselves are to which they are resembled , without being particularly provided for in the Table . And because that great Luminary which rules the Day , with us in this System is , by the most received Hypothesis , thought to belong to this number ; therefore may it be adjoyned , as the most considerable Particular belonging to this General . 2. FIXED STARR , Constellation . SUN , Solar . Wandring , viz. which do not alwaies keep the same distance from one another ; to which may be adjoyned that other kind of Luminous Body , which is now by sufficient observation and experiment discovered to be above the Atmosphere ; according to the General names . 3. PLANET , Wandring starr . COMET , Blazing starr . Particular kinds of Planets , being either Primary ; Seen by us at a distance , either more Frequently , Higher pair 4. SATURN - ine . JUPITER , Iovial . Lower pair , 5. MARS . VENUS , Morning star , Evening star , Day starr . Rarely , as being near the Sun , 6. MERCURY - ial . Inhabited by us , 7. The GLOBE OF SEA AND LAND , Earth , World , Oecumenical , Terrestrial , Terrene , Vniverse , Geography . Secondary ; whether moving ‖ about the Earth , or about any other Planet , 8. MOON , Lunar . SATELLES . III. By EARTH , Land , World , is meant the habitable parts of this Globe ; to which may be adjoyned the more general name of the Greater parts of the Earth , denoted by the word COUNTRY , Region , Land , Tract , Quarter , Coast. The most considerable Notions belonging to Discourse , which refer to this , may be distinguished with respect to its Figure , ‖ whether equal or unequal , Convex or Concave . 1. PLAIN , Champion , Level , Flat , Even . MOVNTAIN , Hill , Ascent , Rising , Vpland , Downs , Knoll . VALLEY , Vale , Dale , Bottom . Boundaries , or adjacent Waters ; which are either On all sides , whether Great , ‖ more great , or less great . 2. CONTINENT , Firm-land , Main-land . ISLAND , Isle , Insular . Less , ‖ whether roundish and high , or oblong . 3. ROCK , Cragg . CLIFF . On three sides , which , according to a higher or lower situation , as it is conspicuous ‖ more or less , is called 4. PROMONTORY , Cape , Fore-land , Head-land , Point , PENE-ISLE . On two sides , conspicuous , ‖ more or less . 5. ISTHMUS , Streight , Neck of land . BANK , Shelf , Flat , Ridge , Shallow , Shole , On one side , either according to the more general name , or that particular kind which is sometimes covered with Sea. 6. SHORE , Strand , Sea-coast , Bank-side . WASHES , Sands . Motion or Rest. 7. QUICKSANDS , Drift , Syrtis . OAZ. IV To the word WATER , as it denotes the watry part of this Terrestrial Globe , may be adjoyned the word SEA , Marine , Maritim ; which denotes the more general name of the greater parts of Water , as Country or Region does of Land. The more considerable Notions under this Head may be distinguished as the other , with respect to its Figure , ‖ whether equal or unequal , Convex or Concave . 1. AEQUOR , Calm Sea , Smooth Sea. WAVE , Billow , Surge , Vndulation , Rough. WHIRL-POOL , Vorago , Gulf , Swallow . Boundaries , or adjacent Land ; which is either On all sides , whether Great , ‖ more great , or less great . 2. OCEAN , Main-sea . LAKE , Meer , Pond , Plash . Less , ‖ whether obround and deep , or oblong . 3. WELL , Head. SPRING , Fountain , Source , Rivulet . On three sides , ‖ greater , or less . 4. BAY , Gulf , Creek , Arm of the Sea , Harbour , Port , Key . PENE-LAKE , Haven , Harbour , Port , Key . On two sides , ‖ greater , or less 5. FRETUM , Streight , Narrow sea , Sound . CHANNEL . On one side , either according to the more general name , or that particular kind which is sometimes higher , and sometimes lower upon the Land. 6. SHORE , Margo aquea . TIDE , Ebb , Flow , High-water , Low-water , Neap-tide , Spring-tide . Motion or Rest ; whether constantly moving , or generally at rest 7. STREAM , River , Brook , Current , flow , pour , gush , Bourn , Rill , Rivulet , Eddy , Gullet , Flood , Deluge , Inundation , Torrent , Cataract , Water-course , Running-water . STAGNUM , Pool , Puddle , Pond , stagnate , standing-water , Dead-water . V. The ANIMATE PARTS of the World do comprehend such Bodies as are endowed with Life or Spirit ; whether Vegetative , more Imperfect ; such Bodies as grow in Veins of the Earth , which though they are not commonly owned and reckoned under this Rank , yet several Learned men have heretofore reduced them hither , as being a more imperfect kind of Vegetable ; because when Mines have seemed to be totally exhausted of them , yet there hath remained behind some kind of Seminal or Spermatic parts , whereby they have in process of time been renewed again , and continued to propagate their kinds . 1. MINERAL . Perfect ; whether according to the General name ; 2. PLANT , Vegetable . Special kinds ; denoting either , that tribe of Plants that are most small , tender and numerous ; Or those kinds , amongst these , which are commonly fed upon by beasts , &c. 3. HERB , Wort , Weed , Botanic . GRASS , Grase , Greensword . Sensitive , 4. ANIMAL , Brute-ish . Rational , 5. MAN , Woman , Human-ity , Folk . VI. Besides those General parts into which the World may be divided , there is likewise consideration to be had of those Imaginary CIRCLES by which men have agreed to divide both the Celestial and Terrestrial Globe , for the better explaining of the Distances and Motions of the Starrs , and the several Climates of the Earth ; to which may be adjoyned for Affinity the Notion of ORBE , Sphere . These Circles are either Greater , dividing the Sphere into two equal parts ; Indeterminately ; namely that which separates the upper and visible part of the Globe , from that which by reason of its being below us , we cannot see , terminating our vision . 1. HORIZON - tall . Determinately ; as to Northern and Southern parts ; whether Directly ; wherein the Sun makes every-where equal day and night : 2. AEQUATOR , Aequinoctial , the Line . Obliquely , namely , that Line wherein the Sun is supposed constantly to move in its Annual course : to which may be adjoyned that Circular superficies , on each side of this , which terminates the motion of the Planets ; 3. ECLIPTIC . ZODIAC . Eastern and Western parts ; wherein the Sun makes mid-day or mid-night : to which those other Circles correspond which pass through the Poles of the Horizon , as the former do through the Poles of the World ; 4. MERIDIAN , Colure . AZIMUTH . Lesser , dividing the Sphere into two unequal parts ; whether Polar described by the supposed motion of the Poles of the Ecliptic ; ‖ either Northern or Southern . 5. ARTIC . ANTARTIC . Tropic , terminating the motion of the Sun in its greatest Declination ; ‖ Northern , or Southern . 6. TROPIC of ♋ Summer Solstice . TROPIC of ♑ Winter Solstice . Parallels , relating ‖ either to the Aequator , or to the Horizon . 7. PARALLEL . ALMACANTAR . CHAP. III. I. Of Elements and Meteors . II. Of Stones . III. Of Metals . WHereas men do now begin to doubt , whether those that are called the Four ELEMENTS be really the Primordia rerum , First Principles , of which all mixed Bodies are compounded ; therefore may they here be taken notice of and enumerated , without particular restriction to that Notion of them , as being onely the great Masses of natural Bodies , which are of a more simple Fabric then the rest : For which reason the word METEOR may be annexed to Element , for its affinity in this respect , signifying the several kinds of Bodies which are of a more imperfect mixture . These are , according to the common Theory , distinguishable into More simple ; whether Real , such as do actually exist . Lighter ; FIRE . I. AIR . II. Heavier ; WATER . III. EARTH . IV. APPARENT . V. More mixed ; denoting various modes of Air. WEATHER . VI. I. The hottest and lightest kind of those that are counted Elements , is called FIRE : Burn , Scald , Singe , Kindle , Tind , Light. The several Notions referring to the Parts or Kinds of it , are distinguishable by their Magnitude , Place , Duration , Shape , &c. The General parts or kinds of Fire , are ‖ either greater , which seem to be enkindled Air ; or less , being a small separated portion of Fire . 1. FLAME , Blaze , Coruscation , Flash , Leam , Light fire . SPARK , Strike fire . The Special sorts of Fiery Bodies , to which custom hath given particular names , are such as are either More considerable ; in respect of their Lastingness , continuing for some time in the same place ; and then ‖ vanishing , or falling . 2. COMET , Standing , Blazing starr . FALLING STARR . Suddenness ; being ‖ either the Shining and flash of inflamed Exhalations , or the Sound made by such Inflammations , 3. LIGHTNING , Flash , Coruscation . THUNDER , Fulminate . Less considerable ; More high in the Air ; Of Coherent parts , in the shape of ‖ a standing perpendicular Column , or of a Dart in motion . 4. BEAM , Trabs . DART , Iaculum . Of Disjoyned parts , of a shape ‖ bigger , or lesser . 5. CAPRA SALTANS . SCINTILLAE VOLANTES . More low in the Air , loose , wandring ; ‖ as that which appears often to Mariners at Sea : and if single , it is called St. Hermo , Helena , and is thought to portend Storms ; if double , 't is styled Castor and Pollux , signifying good weather : Or that which adheres to , and encompasses several Animals , without hurting them , being probably an Inflammation of their Effluvia . 6. IGNIS FATUUS , Will with a Wisp , Iack with a Lanthorn . IGNIS LAMBENS . Within the Earth ; 7. DAMP . II. The General name for that kind of Body , which , for its Levity and Warmth , is counted the next Element to that of Fire , is AER - eal , Wind , Breath . It is distinguishable by its Purity ; being ‖ either more remote from the Earth and its Exhalations ; or adjoyning to the Terrestrial Globe , and impregnated by the Steams and Efflluvia that proceed from it . 1. AETHER , or aethereal Air , Firmament , Skie , Welkin . ATMOSPHERE . Kinds of mixture , according to the more General name , or that particular kind which signifies a mixture of Watry parts . 2 EXHALATION , Steam , Reek , Effluvium , volatile . VAPOR , Evaporate , Breathe . Particular kinds in respect of its mixture with ‖ Earthy , or Fiery parts . 3. FUME . SMOKE , Suffumigation , bloting , fume . Motion , Above ground ; ‖ Direct , or Circular . 4. WIND , Blow , Gale , Breath , Blast , Puff , Gust , Flaw , Monsoon , Trade-wind , Bellows , Eolipile , Fan , Ventiduct . WHIRLWIND , He●ricano , Tornado . Vnder ground ; ‖ Violent , or Gentle. 5. EARTHQUAKE . DAMP . III. The third of those greater Masses of Body , considerable for its Gravity and Moisture , is styled WATER : Aqueous , Dip , padle , Drein . The names belonging to this are such as concern either The smaller Particles of it ; ‖ whether Solid , or Hollow . 1. DROP , Drip , drible , drizle , trickle , sprinkle , run , shed , instil . BUBBLE , Froth , Spume , Fome , Mantle , Ebullition . The Mixture of it with Air , ‖ Vpper , or Lower . 2. CLOUD , Overcast , gloomy . MIST , Fogg , nebulous . The Condensation of it , ‖ from a Cloud , or from a Mist. 3. RAIN , Drizie . DEW . The Congelation of it , according to its more General acception , or according to that special kind of it relating to the smaller particles of a Cloud , styled 4 FROST , Freeze , Ice , congele , Isicle . SNOW . Particular restriction to the Drops ‖ of Rain , or of Dew . 5 ▪ HAIL . RIME , Hoar●frost . The Kinds of Dew : More Concrete ; of a sweet tast : to which may be adjoyned that peculiar kind of physical Dew mixed with the Exudations of the Plant Ladanum . 6. MANNA . LADANUM . More Liquid ; gathered from Plants by Bees : to which may be adjoyned for its affinity , that other natural Body gathered likewise by Bees , and of a clammy consistence . 7. HONY . WAX. IV. That which is commonly described to be the Coldest , Thickest , Heaviest , of any of those Bodies counted Elements , is called EARTH , Land , Mold . This is distinguishable by its Smaller Particles ; Alone and without mixture . 1. DUST . Mixed with Water . 2. DURT , Mud , Mire , daggle , puddle : Separated by Fire , ‖ descending , or ascending . 3. ASHES , Embers , Cinders . SOOT , Fuliginous . Bigger Masses of it , serviceable for building , and of a Cold , clammy consistence , to which that common mixture which is made of this may be adjoyned for its affinity . 4. CLAY . MORTAR , Lome . Hot and dry consistence , usually made of burnt Stone ; to which , for the same reason , may be adjoyned that other common mixture made of this . 5. LIME . PLASTER , Parget , Tarras , daube . The placing of that Pair , Flame , Spark under the first Difference ; and that other Pair , Drop , Bubble , under the third Difference ; with those other Species under the fourth Difference , must be granted to be besides the common Theory ; But there is this account to be given of it , That there seems to be the like kind of resemblance and affinity in these to their Genus'es , as there is in some of the other Species , which are commonly received . V. APPEARING METEORS are such as onely seem to be , and have not any real existence . These are either of a Determined Shape ; Part of a round . 1. RAINBOW , Iris. Round wholly ; Encompassing any of the Planets or bigger Starrs . 2. HALO. Representing ‖ the Sun , or the Moon . 3. PARELIUS . PARASELENE . Straight . 4. VIRGAE , Streaks , Rays of Light. Vndetermined Shape , being a seeming Hollowness or Opening in the Heavens 5. CHASM , Gaping . VI. By WEATHER is meant the state and condition of the Air ; the several kinds of which , not sufficiently expressible by any words in the precedent Table , are considered either as to The Air 's ‖ Transparency , or Opacity . 1. CLEARNESS , Open , serene . HAZINESS . The various Meteors wherewith it may be affected ; whether Rain , Simply and by it self ; either Drops , ‖ little , or great . 2. MIZLING , Drizzle . SHOWR . Stream . 3. SPOUT . Mixed , ‖ with violent Winds , or with Snow . 4. STORM . SLEET . Winde , considered according to its Quality ; whether excessively cold , or mixed with noxious vapours . 5. BLASTING . Quantity ; being either Little , or not sufficient to ruffle the waters . 6. GENTLE GALE , Breez . CALM , Still , Halcyon . Much ; whether equal , or unequal . 7. STIFF GALE , High wind . TEMPEST , Storm , Flaw , blustering , boisterous . OF STONES . SUch kind of Minerals as are hard and friable are called STONES , Petrifie , Quarry : to which EARTHY CONCRETIONS may be annexed by way of affinity , being more soft and brittle , and of a middle nature betwixt Stones and Metals . Stones may be distinguished into such as are VULGAR , and of no price . I. MIDDLE-prized . II. PRECIOUS ; either LESS TRANSPARENT . III. MORE TRANSPARENT . IV. Earthy Concretions are either DISSOLVIBLE . V. NOT DISSOLVIBLE . VI. I. VULGAR STONES , or such as are of little or no price , are distinguishable from their different Magnitudes , Uses , Consistences , into the Greater Magnitudes of Stone ; used either about Buildings ; whether of Walls ; chiefly , being of a Softer consistence ; ‖ whether natural , or factitious . 1. FREE-STONE . BRICK . Harder consistence ; not easily yielding to the Tool of the Workman , growing ‖ either in Greater masses ; 2. RAGG . Lesser masses ; whether such as are for their figure More knobbed and unequal ; used for the striking of fire , ‖ either the more common which is less heavy , or the less common which is more heavy , as having something in it of a metalline mixture . 3. FLINT . MARCHASITE , Fire-stone . More round and even ; 4. PIBBLE , Thunderbolt . Roof or Pavement ; being of a laminated figure , ‖ either natural , or factitious . 5. SLATE . TILE . Metals , either for the Sharpning or trying of them . 6. WHET-STONE . TOUCH-STONE . Polishing or cutting of them ; ‖ being either of a more spungy and soft , or of a more hard consistence . 7. PUMICE . EMRY . Lesser Magnitudes ; ‖ either more , or less minute . 8. SAND , Grit . GRAVEL . II. MIDDLE-PRIZED STONES are either of a Shining Politure , or capable of it ; whether of a Simple white colour , and more soft consistence . 1. ALABASTER . Sometime white , sometime black or green , and sometime variegated with veins ; growing in ‖ greater , or lesser Masses . 2. MARBLE , Porphyrie . AGAT . Spotted ; ‖ with Red upon a Greenish colour , or with spots of Gold-colour upon Blew . 3. JASPIS , Heliotrope . LAZUL , Azure-stone . Transparency : either Brittle ; ‖ whether natural , or factitious . 4. CRYSTAL - ine . GLASS , Vitrifie . Fissil , into Flakes , ‖ either greater , or lesser . 5. SELENITE , Muscovia glass , Isingglass , Sparr . TALC . Relation to Metals ; ‖ attracting of Iron , or making of Brass . 6. LOAD-STONE , Magnet-ical , Compass . CADMIA , Calaminaris . Incombustible nature . 7. AMIANTUS , Asbestus . Strange Original ; not being properly Minerals , though usually reckoned amongst them ; but either a sub-marine Plant ; or supposed to proceed from a liquid Bitumen . 8. CORAL - ine . AMBER . There are several other kinds of Stony Consistences mentioned in the Authors who write de Lapidibus . Some that are found in the Bodies of Animals , their Stomachs , Guts , Bladders , Kidneys , &c. several of which are denominated from the Animals in which they are found ; as Alectorius , Chelidonius , Bezoar , &c. Others have peculiar names from their shapes ; as Astroides , Glossopetra , &c. Others made of Animals or parts of Animals petrified , which may be sufficiently expressed , without being particularly provided for in the Tables . III. PRECIOUS STONES , Gemms , Iewels , are such as , for their rarity and beauty , are every where more esteemed : amongst which some are LESS TRANSPARENT , which are distinguishable chiefly by their Colours : either Representing variety of Colours with dimness , ‖ less , or more . 1. OPAL . CATS-EYES . Of particular Colours . Whitish and shining ; though this be not properly a Mineral , but a part of a testaceous Fish. 2. PEARL . Red. 3. SARDIUS , Cornelian , Bloud-stone . Pale Fleshy colour , like that of a man's nail . 4. ONYX . Blewish . 5. TURCOIS . Pale Purple . 6. CHALCEDONY . As for that which is commonly styled a Toadstone ; this is properly a tooth of the Fish called Lupus marinus , as hath been made evident to the Royal Society by that Learned and inquisitive person D r Merit . IV. MORE TRANSPARENT Gemms ; may be distinguished into such as are either Colourless : ‖ either most hard and bright ; or that which is very like to this in other respects , but onely less hard and bright . 1. DIAMOND , Adamant . SAPHIRE WHITE . Coloured ; to be ranged according to the order of the colours in the Rainbow . Red ; of a lustre ‖ greater , or less . 2. RUBY , Carbuncle . RANATE . Yellow ▪ whether paler , or deeper . 3. CHRYSOLITE . TOPAZ . Green ; ‖ either most bright and pleasant , or of a darker kind of Sea-green . 4. EMERALD , Smaragd . BERYL . Blewish . 5. SAPHIRE . Purple or Violaceous ; more inclining ‖ to Blew , or to Yellow . 6. AMETHYST . HYACINTH . V. Such EARTHY CONCRETIONS as commonly grow in Mines , together with such other factitious Substances as have some analogy to these , and are DISSOLVIBLE by Fire or Water , may be distinguished by their being Not inflammable : More simple ; being several kinds of Salt , ‖ whether of the Sea-water , the most necessary Condiment for Meat ; or of the Air , used as a chief ingredient in the making of Gunpowder . 1. SALT , Brine . NITRE , Salt-peter . Earth ; ‖ of a styptic quality and abstersive , proper for the drying of Wounds , commonly boiled up into a consistence from a mineral water ; or that other kind of Earthy Salt dug up in great lumps . 2. ALUME . SAL GEMMAE . Metals of all kinds , sometimes called Sugars and Crystals ; but agreeing in the common nature with that which is styled 3. VITRIOL , Chalchanthus , Copperas . Vegetables ; made ‖ either by fermentation , or by burning . 4. TARTAR . ALCALI . Animal Substances , made by Distillation , called 5. URINOUS SALT . More mixed of other Salts ; ‖ more volatile , or fixed . 6. SAL AMMONIAC . CHRYSOCOLLA , Borax . Inflammable ; of a more Dry consistence , and Yellowish colour . 7. SULPHUR , Brimstone . Clammy and tenacious consistence Not sweet-sented ; ‖ more solid , or more liquid . 8. BITUMEN - inous . NAPHTHA . Sweet-sented . 9. AMBERGRIS , VI. EARTHY CONCRETIONS NOT DISSOLVIBLE may be distinguished by their various Colours ; being either White and soft according to degrees , ‖ more , or less . 1. CHALK . MARLE . Yellowish red , whether more yellow , or more red 2. OKER , Yellow oker . RED OKER , Ruddie . Black ; of a finer or courser grain . 3. JETT . PIT-COAL , Sea-coal . Gold-colour , of a poisonous nature , ‖ either as it is dug out of the Earth , or as it is sublimed . 4. ORPIMENT , Auripigmentum . ARSENIC , Rats-bane . Reddish ; often found in the same Mines with Orpiment . 5. SANDARACH . OF METALS . METAL is a Mineral , for the most part , of a hard consistence , close , ductil , and fusil : It is distinguishable into Perfect ▪ NATURAL . I. FACTITIOUS . II. Imperfect , with reference to METALLINE KINDS . III. RECREMENTITIOUS PARTS . IV. I. By NATURAL METALS are meant such as of themselves grow in the Earth , without any kind of mixture , or other help by the Art of men . These are either More rare and precious ; of a Yellowish colour , most heavy , not growing in any particular Mines , where 't is imbased with any drossy mixture : but found pure , either in small sands , or rocky branches . 1. GOLD , Gilt , Or. Whitish , and next in value to Gold , not subject to rust , and of a pleasant sound . 2. SILVER , Argent . Of a middle value ; of a Whitish colour , and more soft consistence . 3. TINN , Stannery . Reddish colour , the first material of Mony. 4. COPPER . Most base and common : Of a softer consistence , and a darkish colour , not sonorous . 5. LEAD , Plummer . Of a harder consistence , being the common matter for Weapons and Tools . 6. IRON . II. By FACTITIOUS METALS are meant such as are made by the Art of men . These may be distinguished into such as are made of Copper and Lapis calaminaris . 1. BRASS , Brasier . Tinn , Lead , and Tin-glass . 2. PEWTER - er . Iron depurated by frequent heating , and beating , and boiling with Salts . 3. STEEL . III. IMPERFECT kinds of METAL , are either Fluid . 1. MERCURY , Quick-silver . Solid and consistent ; used for Purging , and chiefly for Vomiting . 2. ANTIMONY - al. Making of Pewter , being of shining brittle substance . 3. BISMUTE , Tin glass . Making of Soder , being like Tinn , but more hard and brittle . 4. SPELTER , Zink , Spalt . Painting ; ‖ considered according to its natural state , being the Oar of Quick-silver , and of a Dark red : or else as it is prepared by grinding , which renders it of a Bright red . 5. CINNABAR , Rudle . VERMILION . Writing ; not known to the Ancients , and therefore without any Latin or Greek name . 6. BLACK-LEAD . IV. RECREMENTITIOUS PARTS OF METAL , are such as are cast off ; either in the Preparation of them , by Melting ; being of parts More large and united ; a kind of scum arising from the separation of impurer mixtures in the fusion of Metals , chiefly in the purging of Silver from Lead . 1. LITHARGE . More minute and separate ; being a concretion of the lesser parts of Copper , which fly out when that Metal is in fusion ; ‖ either the heavier parts , which by their gravity descend to the floor : or the more light and volatile parts , which adhere to the roof or walls . 2. SPODIUM . POMPHOLYX . Beating or hammering . 3. SCORIA , Scales . Corruption of them ; according to the General name . 4. RUST , Canker . Particular kinds ; proceeding either of Copper and Brass , or of Lead . 5. VERDIGREECE , Aerugo . CERUSE , White lead . CHAP. IV. I. Of Plants , The difficulty of enumerating and describing these . II. The more general distribution of them . III. Of Herbs considered according to their Leaves . IV. Of Herbs considered according to their Flowers . V. Of Herbs considered according to their Seed-vessels . VI. Of Shrubs . VII . Of Trees . THe more perfect kind of Vegetables are called by the name of Plants , the several kinds of which are so exceeding numerous , as must needs render it a very difficult task for any man who is most versed in the study of them , either to enumerate them so fully or to order them so acurately , as will not be liable to many exceptions ; especially considering the streining and force that must sometimes be used , to make things comply with the institution of these tables into which they are to be reduced . Gaspar Bauhinus doth in his Pinax reckon up about six thousand several plants , the particular names of which do amount to almost twice the number of words here intended for the whole body of language . And there is reason enough to believe , that there are many more besides those he mentions , since we find by daily experience , in sowing the seeds of Flowers and of Trees , and the different wayes of culture used about them , that new kinds of Flowers and of Fruits are continually produced , such as were not before described by any Author , and such as do afterwards propagate their kinds ; insomuch that it may well be doubted whether there be any determinate number of these subordinate Species . I design in these following tables to take notice only of the chief families of Plants , to which the others are to be reduced . In the descriptions of which , there will be no small difficulty , by reason of their great number , and the want of proper words to express the more minute differences betwixt them , in respect of shape , colour , tast , smell , &c. to which instituted languages have not assigned particular names . I mention this by way of Apology for the several defects , which I am sensible of in the following tables . In the description of those Plants which are heads of numerous families , I take notice only of that Communis ratio , which belongs to all the subordinate varieties of them , unless it be when there is no such common agreement belonging to them all : or where several things are reduced under the same head , some for their agreement in one Accident , and others for their agreement in some other Accident ; in which cases the descriptions here mentioned , are to be understood of the chief and most common Plants of that name . As for the various particulars contained under each family , as suppose Tulips , Roses , Apples , Pears , Plums , &c. These need not be particularly provided for , both because the just number of them is not yet stated , every year producing new ones : And because they may as well be expressed Periphrastically here as in all other Languages ; either by their Seasons ; whether Early or Late , Vernal , Autumnal , Hyemal . Lastingness ; being either Annual or Perennial . Bigness or Littleness , Talness or Lowness . Manner of growth ; whether Erect , Trailing , Creeping , Climbing , Twisting . Place of growth ; either Terrestrial , Hilly , Sandy , Stony , Clay ▪ &c. Aquatic , belonging either to Sea or Rivers , Marish , Moorish , Fenny grounds . Several parts ; whether in respect of the Root ; being either Fibrous , of bigger or lesser strings , more or less numerous , spreading sidewise or tending more directly downwards : Or Bulbous , of one single bulb or several , whether Obround , Compressed , Oblong , Coated or Scaly : Or Tuberous , having its thicker parts contiguous , or hanging more at a distance by small strings . Stemm or stalk ; whether Solid or Hollow , Smooth or Rugged , Round or Angular , Knotted or Jointed more or less frequently , being free from leaves , or having leaves . Leaves ; whether as to their Superficies ; being Smooth , Unctuous , Shining , Rough , Prickly , Hairy , Woolly , &c. Shape and figure ; Round Angular , Broad Narrow , Long Short , of smooth or of indented , jagged , waved , curled edges , being either sharp or round pointed . Substance or Bulk ; Thick Succulent , or Thin Dry , being interspersed with nerves either direct or transverse . Colour ; whether the same on both sides or different , clear or spotted , of a brighter or darker green . Number ; One , Two , Three , &c. Manner of growth ; whether singly , or in pairs opposite to each other : or having more then two encompassing the stalk , Winged , Fingered , &c. Flowers ; as to their Shapes ; consisting of one single undivided leaf , either divided at the edge or not : or having several leaves , three , four , five or more . Colour ; whether simple , as Red , Yellow , Purple , &c. or Mixed , Striped , Speckled , Edged . Number ; Bearing either One or Many , and these either single or double . Manner of growth ; whether of single flowers , being Erect , Hanging , Reversed , &c. or of several flowers , Verticillate , Spicate , Umbelliferous . Seed-vessels ; whether Oblong , Closed or Open , Round , Hollow ▪ Solid , Smooth , Rugged , Prickly , Scaly , conteining few or many seeds . Seeds themselves ; Round , square , flat , oblong , downy , &c. smooth , Echinate , black , white , shining , &c. Fruits ; Apples , Berries , &c. Iuice ; Waterish , Gummy , Milky , Yellow . To all which may be added their different smells and tasts , and the several uses they are commonly applyed unto ; by some of which Accidents all other Plants may be sufficiently described . I had formerly distributed the kinds of Herbs , according to those several ends and purposes for which they are commonly used , into these three heads ; 1. Such as are for pleasure , being usually cherished in Gardens , for their flowers , or beauty , or sweet sent . 2. Such as are Alimentary , being used by men for food , either in respect of their Roots , their Leaves or Stalks , their Fruit or their Seed . 3. Such as are Medicinal , being either Hot and biting , or Cold and Stupefying , Purgative , Alterative , Vulnerary . But upon further consideration I am satisfied , that though these heads may seem more facil and vulgar ; yet are they not so truly Philosophical , but depend too much upon the Opinions and customs of several times and Countries . As for the usual distinction betwixt Shrubbs and Trees ▪ it doth not seem ( at least so farr as these things have been hitherto described ) to have any such distinct limits in nature , as were to be desired , and as is to be found betwixt other things , there being several under each head , which seem to be of a doubtful condition . Some that are reckoned for Shrubbs , which have a fair pretence to be placed amongst Trees : and others accounted Trees , which without any injury might be reduced to the Genus of Shrubbs . I do in the following tables comply with that opinion , which seems most common and probable . The reason why the two last differences of Trees , is not from their fruit ( as the others are ) but from their Woods and Rines , or from their Rosins and Gumms , is because these are the only things that we yet know of them , their natures in other respects being not yet ( for ought I know ) described by any Authors . As for any new species of Plants that shall hereafter be discovered , 't is probable they may by analogie be reduced either to some of the families here mentioned , or at least to some of the Tribes . I have added to the several species of Plants and Animals , their Latin names in the Margin , because many of them are as well , if not better , known by such compellations ; and because they are most frequently treated of by the Authors who write in that Language . Plants may be distinguished into such as are more Minute and tender , called Herbs , to be considered according to their Leaves . Flowers . Seed-vessels . Large and hard being wooddy plants , whether the Lesser , which commonly grow up from the root in several stemms called Shrubbs . Larger , which of themselves do grow up in one single stemm , called Trees . HERBS CONSIDERED ACCORDING TO THEIR LEAVES , may be distinguished into such as are Imperfect ; which either do want , or seem to want some of the more essential parts of Plants , viz. either Root , Stalk or Seed . I. Perfect ; having all the essential parts belonging to a Plant , to be distinguished by the Fashion of the leaf ; whether Long ; as all Gramineous herbs , having a long narrow leaf without any foot-stalk . Not flowring ; ( i. ) not having any foliaceous flower . FRUMENTACEOUS ; Such whose seed is used by men for food , either Bread , Pudding , Broth , or Drink . II. NOT FRUMENTACEOUS ; III. Flowring ; Being of BULBOUS ROOTS ; Having no fibers from the side , but only from the Bottom or the Top ; whose leaves are more thick , undivided , smooth-edged , and generally deciduous . IV. AFFINITY TO BULBOUS ROOTS ; V. ROUND ; VI. Texture of the Leaf ; being either NERVOUS ; having several prominent Fibers . VII . SUCCULENT ; having thick juicie leaves , covered with a close membrane , through which the moisture cannot easily transpire , which makes them continue in dry places . VIII . SUPERFICIES of the Leaf , or MANNER of Growing . IX . I. IMPERFECT HERBS may be distinguished into Terrestrial ; whether Most imperfect ; which seem to be of a spontaneous generation . Having no leaf , With a Stemm and Head ; the Greater or the Less . The later of which hath by Mr. Hook been first discovered to consist of small stemms with little balls at the top , which flitter out when ripe . 1. MUSHROOM , Toadstool , Fungus , Touchwood , Spunke . MOULD , Horiness , Vinnewd . Without a Stem , of a roundish figure ‖ growing either in the ground , being esculent , & counted a great delicate : or on the ground ▪ being ( when dry ) full of an unsavory hurtful dust . 2. TRUBS , Trufle . FUZBALL , Puchfist . Having a leaf ; being generally deeper then other plants and curled , growing in such barren places where no other plants will thrive , ‖ either that which grows , both on the ground , and on walls and trees , of which there are great varieties : or that which grows only in moist grounds and shady places . 3. MOSS . LIVER WORT . Less Imperfect ; being counted Insoecund , whose seed and flower ( if there be any ) is scarce discernable , commonly called Capillary Plants , whether such as Have several leaves ; Divided ; Doubly ; or subdivided , Greater ; of a brighter or a darker green , the latter being less and more finely cut . 4. FEARN , Brake . OAK-FEARN . Lesser ; either that which grows commonly on walls and dry places , somewhat resembling Rue both in the colour and figure of the leaf : or that which grows in moist shady places , having small slender black stalks . 5. WHITE MAIDENHAIR , Wall-rue , Tentwort BLACK MAIDENHAIR . Singly ; or not subdivided , Greater ; of a broader leaf , and purgative root : or of a narrower and longer leaf . 6. POLYPODI . ROUGH SPLEENWORT . Lesser ; either that which hath a black stalk and winged leaves like those of a Vetch : or that which hath a thicker shorter leaf , not divided to the middle ribb . 7. ENGLISH BLACK MAIDENHAIR . SPLEENWORT , Miltwast . Vndivided ; either that whose leaves are somewhat broader towards the bottom , where they encompass the stalk like a half moon : Or that whose leaf is more equal . 8. MULE FEARN . HARTSTONGUE . Have but one leaf ; either that whose leaf is like the others of this tribe , with a tuft of very small flowers : or that which hath an undivided succulent leaf , with a small spike standing off from it . 9. MOON WORT . ADDERS TONGUE . Aquatic ; belonging to Fresh water ; either that which consists of small round leaves , floting on the top or immersed in the water , having little strings shooting down from them : Or that which consists of long small sl●my filaments , resembling green raw silk . 10 ▪ DUCKWEED . HAIRY RIVER WEED . Salt water ; being either of a Softer consistence ; having some resemblance to Mushrooms ; either the Greater , being more round and thick , with pores every way : or the Less , having long slender stalks with round leaves growing at the top of them . 11. SPUNGE . SEA NAVELWORT . Moss , or ground Liverwort , having green curled leaves spreading on the ground . 12. SEA-LETTICE . Mushrooms and Moss ; either that which is flat and roundish , hard and tough , with several lines parallel to the circumference : or that whose leaves grow out of one another without any stemm . 13. SEA-EAR . ROUND LEAVED OYSTER WEED . Capillary Plants ; having a soft membranaceous tough leaf , growing commonly upon Stones and Rocks in the Sea. 14. WRACK . Harder consistence ; being tough , with many filres or ribbs elegantly distributed somewhat like the Mashes of a Net , growing to a great bredth . 15. SEA FANN . II. GRAMINEOUS FRUMENTACEOUS HERBS , may be distinguished into such , whose seeds are Greater ; being covered either with a Thin membrane ; without any husk adhering , of a figure . Oblong ; either that of a more turgid grain and brighter colour , every seed in the ear being covered with three loose husks : Or that which bears a more black , lank , oblong seed , having always a beard adhering to the husk of each grain in the growth . 1. WHEAT . RY . Roundish and somewhat compressed ; being the biggest of this tribe , the ears growing out of the sides of the stalk , the top of it having a chaffy panicle without any seed . 2. MAIZE , Indian-wheat . Husk ; growing in a Spike ; either that whose grains in the growth of them are bearded , their husks adhering close to them , being the lowest : Or that whose grains are more turgid and round , growing at a greater distance in a kind of compounded ear , which seems to consist of several lesser spikes . 3. BARLY , Malt. RICE . Panicle ; or dispersed tuft , at a distance from each other , upon long weak-stemms , not above two together , hanging down . 4. OAT. Lesser ; growing either in a Spike ; or ear , having short beards , the grain being of a yellowish colour . 5. PANIC . Panicle or tuft ; having a roundish shining seed , ‖ either that which is a more tall large Plant , whose panicle stands upright : or that which is a less Plant , whose panicle hangs down . 6. INDIAN MILLET . MILLET . III. GRAMINEOUS PLANTS NOT used by men FOR FOOD , may be distributed into such as are More properly called Grasses ; ( i. ) such as have a hollow jointed , and not branched stalk , and a ●tamineous flo●er , whether such as are Spicate ; considerable for the Largeness of the seed ; being nearest to those of the frumentaceous kind ; either ‖ that of a short spike , squamous and shining seed : or that res●mbling Panic . 1. CANARY-GRASS . PANIC-GRASS . Figure of the spike ; whether Full , compact and round ; either that whose spike is more soft and downy , resembling a fox-tail : or that which is like this but more rough . 2. FOX-TAIL . CATS-TAIL . Not full , but lank ; resembling either Wheat ; 3. WHEAT-GRASS . Ry ; either ‖ the greater used for the making of frails : or the lesser . 4. MATWEED . WILD BARLY . Not compact , but loose , in which the parts are not close set together ; ‖ e●ther that whose spike is more flat and long , the seeds growing only on two ●ides alternately , having an inebriating quality : or that whose spike hath some resemblance to wheat , the plant being apt to spread it self by the root . 5 DARNELL , Tares . DOGS-GRASS , Quitch , Couch . Not round ; but having the husks inclining one way , being divided into many parts , each whereof resembles the comb of a Cock. 6. CR●STED-GRASS . Paniculate ; considerable for the Largeness of the Leaves ; having jointed stalks ; either ‖ that whose stalks is commonly bigger and taller then other Grasses : or that which bears a large perforate shining seed of an ash colour . 7. REED . JOB'S-TEARS . Figure of the Panicle ; comprehending such kind of plants as are Less common ; whether such as have Some resemblance to the panicle of Oats , or to the claws of a bird . 8. OAT-GRASS . FINGER-GRASS . Many squamous shining hollow heads hanging upon slender stalks : or having hairy leaves , with long woolly strings on the sides of them , the seed being conteined in a close seed-vessel . 9. PEARL-GRASS , Quaking-grass . HAIRY-GRASS . Most common ; both in Pastures and Meadows , yielding the best food for Cattel , both when growing , and when made into hay . 10. MEADOW-GRASS . Less properly called Grasses ; considerable either for the Sent of the plant being sweet ; either that which grows in watery places , having a leaf like a flag , bearing a Iulus hard and close : or that whose stalks have a spongy pith , bearing flowers like those of Reeds . 11. SWEET SMELLING REED . CAMELS HAY. Stalk ; being Lesser ; either that which is triangular : or that which is round , being full of a spongy pith 12. GALINGAL● . RUSH . Greater ; of a woody substance , porous , used for walking staves . 13. CANE . Head or spike ; whether more Loose ; having a soft downy substance ; ‖ either on each side of the spike , making it to resemble a feather : or intermixed with the panicle . 14. FEATHER GRASS . COTTON GRASS . Close ; whether Greater ; either that which hath a round cylindrical head , being a tall plant , whose sp●ke is blackish and soft like velvet ; or that which bears several spherical burrs . 15. REED MACE . BURR REED . Lesser ; having a naked stalk , bearing a small spike resembling the tail of a Mouse . 16. MOUSE-TAIL . IV GRAMINEOUS HERBS of BULBOUS ROOTS , may be distinguished into such as are considerable for their Flowers ; which are generally made up of six leaves , or divided into six lascinia : either these whose fibres grow from the Bottom of the bulb ; having the Roots Scaly ; divided into many squamous laminae . The Greater ; whose root hath a strong sent like that of a Fox , the flowers hanging down round the top of the stalk , with a tuft of green leaves above them . 1. CROWN IMPERIAL . The Lesser ; having the stalk set with leaves , ‖ either that whose flower is more large and hollow : or that whose flowers are smaller , having the leaves reversed backwards . 2. LILLY . MARTAGON , Turks-cap . Coated ; made up of several coats encompassing one another . Bearing the flower upon a stem ; to be further distinguished by the Shape of the flower ; whether Large and Hollow ; resembling a cup , ‖ either that which doth generally bear but one flower upon a stalk , standing upright , having an esculent root : or that which doth sometime● bear two flowers upon a stalk , with checkered streaks , hanging down their heads , the root consisting of two lobes . 3. TULIP . FRITILLARY . Having a cup in the middle of the flower , which comes out of a skinny husk : or that which hath many small flowers together upon the same stalk . 4. DAFFODILL . HYACINTH . Colour of the flower ; being generally white and marked with green , ‖ either that with a starr-like flower , marked with a streak of green on the back of the leaf : or that which hath a hanging pendulous flower , whose leaves are tipt with green . 5. STARR OF BETHLEHEM . BULBOUS VIOLET , Snow-drop . Figure of the leaf ; resembling the blade of a sword , ‖ either that which bears a Flower de luce , having nine leaves , three of which stand up : or that whose flowers grow in a row under one another . 6. BULBOUS IRIS , Flower de luce . CORNFLAGG . Having naked flowers , without any stem ; whether that of a larger flower and broader leaf : or that of a lesser flower and narrower leaf . 7. M●DOW SAFFRON , Naked Lady . CROCUS , Saffron . Top of the Bulb ; whose root doth usually consist of two bulbs , the flowers growing in a kind of spike , of great variety of colours and shapes . 8. ORCHIS , Satyrion . Strong sent ; whether such whose leaves are more . Long ; their sent being Less strong ; the Greater ; whose roots grow single , ‖ either that with hollow tubulous leaves , the st●lk swelling out in the middle : or that of a broader leaf , rising higher in the stalk and continuing green all winter . 9. ONYON . LEEK . Lesser ; whose roots grow commonly in clusters , ‖ either that which bears no seed : or that which doth bear seed , having very small tubulous leaves . 10. SHALOT , Echalole . CIVES . More strong ; either that whose root is divided into Cloves : or that of an entire root , and in some esteem for the flower . 11. GARLICK . MOLY . Broad ; having the root either Oblong and small ▪ either that which is lower with an Vmbell of large flowers : or that which is taller , having a round head . 12. RAMSON . MOUNTAIN RAMSON . Round and great ; growing upon the Sea-coasts . 13. SQUILL , Sea-onyon . V. HERBS OF AFFINITY TO BULBOUS PLANTS , upon account of their leaves or flowers , may be distinguished into such as are either Esteemed for their flowers ; growing in Dryer places ; whether such Plants as are more properly Europaean ; whose flowers are Lesser ; bearing 1. Many flowers ; Starr-like , ‖ either that of a Tuberous root , whose flowers grow in a spike : or that of a Fibrous root . 1. KINGS SPEAR . SPIDER WORT . One single flower ; hanging the head , having a tuberous root , bearing two long spotted leaves . 2. DOGSTOOTH . Larger ; of a tuberous root , ‖ either that of a fading flower resembling a Lilly : or that whose leaf is like the blade of a sword . 3. DAY-LILLY . TUBEROUS FLOWER DE LUCE . American ; of a tuberous root , ‖ whose flowers are either Less sweet ; either that of broad leaves , bearing a scarlet flower like that of Corn-flagg , with a geniculate stalk : or that which hath long thick dry leaves , sharp pointed , growing immediately from the root , bearing a stem of large flowers , hanging down their heads . 4. FLOWRING REED . JUCCA , Indian bread . More sweet ; growing in a spike , resembling the flowers of a Hyacinth . 5. INDIAN HYACINTH . Watery places ; the flowers coming forth in an Umbell , being of a purplish colour , having six leaves ; the leaves of the Plant being long and triangular . 6. FLOWRING RUSH . Not esteemed for their flowers ; being distinguishable by their Having no perfect leaves ; but some little scaly substances resembling leaves , whether of Fibrous roots ; matted together , resembling a birds nest . 7. BIRDS NEST . Scaly roots ; with little protuberances somewhat resembling teeth , ‖ either that whose root is more Round or more Branched . 8. BROOMRAPE . TOOTHWORT . Having a naked stile or pestle instead of a flower , whether the Greater ; of a Tuberous root , ‖ either that which hath a spotted thick stalk like a Snake , with a jagged leaf : or that of a Triangular undivided leaf . 9. DRAGON . WAKE ROBIN , Cuckoo-pintle . Lesser ; having either Broad or Narrow leaves . 10. BROAD LEAVED FRIARS COWLE . NARROW LEAVED FRIARS-COWLE . VI. HERBS OF ROUND LEAVES , may be distinguished into such whose leaves are Larger ; Terrestrial ; Lying on the ground ; the flower coming up before the leaf and soon fading , ‖ either that whose leaf is white underneath , of a yellow flower , growing one upon a stalk : or that which hath a spike of purplish flowers , being the larger plant . 1. COLTSFOOT . BUTTERBURR . Standing from the ground ; bearing Burrs , the Greater or the Lesser . 2. GREAT BURDOCK . LITTLE BURDOCK . Growing upon mountainous places ; having a purplish flower , and a pappous seed . 3. HORSEFOOT , Mountain-Coltsfoot . Aquatic ; of smooth shining leaves , ‖ either that whose leaves are of a light green and not serrate : or of a dark green and serrate , bearing yellow flowers . 4. WATER-LILLY . MARSH-MARIGOLD . Lesser ; whose flowers do stand either Singly ; on long foot-stalks , growing in Dryer places ; distinguishable by the Flower ; having a bending head and a short heel , ‖ either that of a bigger leaf and the flower of a more simple colour : or that of a lesser oblong leaf and the flower of several colours . 5. VIOLET . PANSY , Hearts-ease Leaf ; being more thick , somewhat resembling Ivy , ‖ either that whose leaves are of a strong purgative quality , the flowers small , of a dirty purple : or that which is esteemed for the flower , having a great tuberous root , the leaf for the most part spotted . 6. ASARABACCA . SOWBREAD . Fenny and boggy places ; either that of pale yellowish leaves , which feel unctuously , the flower like a Violet : or that which hath a large white flower , the leaves being like those of a Violet , but less . 7. BUTTERWORT , York-shire Sanicle . GRASS OF PARNASSUS . Many together ; Terrestrial ; distinguishable by The flowers ; growing in a Spike , being white , ‖ either that which is bigger , having green leaves like those of a Pear-tree : or that which is less , with red hairs upon the leaves retaining the Dew , growing in moist places : 8. WINTERGREEN . SUN DEW . The leaves ; Indented ; and divided into several Angles , ‖ either that which hath smooth shining leaves and seeds like small burrs : or that whose leaves are somewhat hairy , being of an elegant structure , bearing yellowish green flowers . 9. SANICLE . LADIES MANTLE . Scolloped about the edges ; ‖ either that which is taller , of a white flower , the root consisting of many small reddish kernels : or that which is lower , of a yellow flower and fibrous root , growing in moist places . 10. WHITE SAXIFRAGE . GOLDEN SAXIFRAGE . The manner of growing ; whether Creeping on the ground ; either that with a hairy leaf , of an ill sent ; bearing a blew hooded flower : or that of a small leaf , bearing a yellow flower . 11 , GROUND IVY , Alehoof , Tunnhoof . MONYWORT , Herb twopence . Climbing ; of a hot biting tast , and an elegant flower with a long heel . 12 , INDIAN CRESS. Marine ; growing in salt places near the Sea , ‖ either that of a salt juicy leaf , bearing a spike of small white flowers : or that which hath a large bell flower , the plant running upon the ground , being Purgative . 13. SCURVY-GRASS . SEA-BINDWEED . VII . HERBS OF NERVOUS LEAVES , may be distributed into such as are Terrestrial ; growing in dryer places , which are distinguishable according to the Fashion of their leaves ; whether More broad ; to be further considered according to their Manner of growth ; having Leavy stalks ; viz. the leaves embracing the stalk , ‖ either that which hath pleited leaves , whose root is a vehement purgative : or that other , having a spike of flowers like those of Orchis . 1. WHITE HELLEBORE , Neezwort . HELLEBORINE , Bastard white Hellebore . Naked stalks ; and flowers in a spike , ‖ either that whose leaves are undivided : or that whose leaves are so divided into jaggs , as to represent a Staggs horn . 2. PLANTAIN . BUCKSHORN . Colour of the leaves ; whether that whose leaves are of a dark green above and ash-coloured underneath , bearing a spike of flowers : or that whose leaves are of a paler green , bearing the flowers in a kind of Vmbel . 3. SNAKEWEED , Bistort . SOPEWORT . More narrow ; either that whose spike is round and more long : or that whose spike is more short , conteining seeds resembling fleas . 4. SEA-PLANTAIN . FLEAWORT . Number of their leaves ; either that which hath only one leaf : or that which hath only two leaves . 5. ONE-BLADE . TWAY-BLADE . Flower ; of one leaf , whether Greater ; in the fashion of a Bell , the plant having a bitter tast , ‖ either the Taller and larger : or the Lower and smaller . 6. GENTIAN , Fellwort . DWARF-GENTIAN . Lesser ; having small one leaved flowers , hanging down their heads and bearing berries ; ‖ either the Higher or the Lower . 7. SOLOMONS-SEAL . LILLY OF THE VALLEY . Aquatic ; growing in the water , bearing spikes of flowers from the joynts of the stalk ; ‖ either that of smooth edged leaves : or that whose leaves are either curled or waved about the edges . 8 PONDWEED . WATER-CALTROPE . VIII . SUCCULENT HERBS may be distributed into such as are Biggest , either that whose leaf is more broad and not indented : or that whose leaf is long , sharp and indented . 1. HOUSELEEK , Sengreen . ALOE . Lesser ; Terrestrial ; considerable for having Broad and commonly crenated leaves , a round stalk , the flowers growing in the fashion of an Umbell , ‖ either that whose leaves are more blunt pointed : or that whose leaves are more sharp pointed , the root having a sent like that of Roses . 2. ORPINE , ROSEWORT . Round pointed leaves not indented , ‖ either that which is greater , having reddish stalks , bearing yellowish flowers , being esculent : or that which is less , bearing small white flowers of five leaves . 3. PURSLAIN . GARDEN BROOKLIME . White flowers , speckled with red , the leaves serrate , ‖ either that which hath a more round leaf , and larger flower : or that whose leaf is more oblong and flower less . 4. SPOTTED SANICLE . INDENTED SENGREEN . Narrow leaves ; growing in dry places : the Greater or the Lesser . 5. STONE CROPP . WALL PEPPER . Small round leaves ; the stalk proceeding from the middle or Center of it , bearing a spike of small flowers . 6. NAVELWORT , Wall-pennywort , Marine ; growing in salt places , whose leaf is cylindrical , the ashes of it being used in making of Glass . 7. GLASSWORT . IX , HERBS considered according to the SUPERFICIES of their Leaves , or their MANNER OF GROWING , may be distinguished into such as are Rough leaved ; whether More rough ; having Blew flowers ; either ‖ that whose leaves are broader , having black streaked seed : or that whose leaves are longer , the Segments of the flower being not so sharp pointed as the other . 1. BURRAGE . BUGLOSS . Long narrow leaves ; either ‖ that which hath a red root commonly used in Dying : or that which bears larger flowers , which before they are explicated , do turn like a Scorpions tail . 2. ALKANET . VIPERS BUGLOSS . Less rough ; distinguishable by their having Spotted leaves ; bearing one entire flower of different colours , viz. White and Purple on the same root : or that whose flower is a round tube , hanging downwards , the leaves embracing the stalk . 3. SAGE OF JERUSALEM , Ladies-glove . HONYWORT . Broad leaves , sharp pointed , being large plants ; either ‖ that whose flower is long , hollow , and of one leaf , divided into five segments : or that which is of an offensive sent , the flower of a dirty red , the flower succeeded by 4 seeds in the shape of little burrs . 4. COMFREY . DOGS-TONGUE , Hounds-tongue . Small leaves ; either ‖ that whose seed is of an ash colour , hard and shining , like a polished stone : or that the spike of whose flowers is crooked and supposed to turn towards the Sun. 5. GRUMMELL . HELIOTROPE . Stellate ; so stiled from the manner of the growth of their leaves , which encompass the stalk at intervals , like the rays of a Starr ; distinguishable by bearing . Lesser flowers ; Erect ; having slender long leaves ; of Solid stalks ; either ‖ the taller bearing red berries , the shoots of w ch are used for food : or the lower of an ill sent , bearing yellow flowers , used in some places to coagulate Milk. 6. ASPARAGUS . LADIES-BEDSTRAW , Cheeserunning . Hollow stalks ; jointed without any leavy flowers , either ‖ that whose leaves are like bristles : or that whose leaves are branched like the horns of a Stagg . 7. HORSE-TAIL . HORNED WATER-MILFOIL . Ramping ; of Broader leaves ; either ‖ that which hath a red root used for Dying : or that whose leaf is more hairy , having four leaves opposite to one another at a joint , bearing yellow flowers . 8. MADDER . CROSSWORT . Narrower leaves ; either ‖ that which is like Madder : or that common weed , whose stalks and little burrs are apt to stick to a man's clothes . 9. BASTARD MADDER . GOOSE-GRASS , Cleavers . Larger flowers ; growing on the top of the branches ; either ‖ that of broader leaves , growing commonly in woods , having a tuft of white four-leaved flowers of a sweet sent : or that of narrower leaves , the flower consisting of five leaves . 10. WOODROF . SPURRY . Of Herbs considered according to their Flowers . HErbs considered according to their flower , having no seed-vessel besides the Cup which covers the flower , may be distinguished into STAMINEOUS ; whose flower doth consist of threddy Filaments or Stamina , having no leaves besides the Perianthium : or those herbaceous leaves encompassing these stamina , which do not wither or fall away before the seed is ripe . I. Foliaceous ; which besides the Stamina have leaves , being either of Compound flowers ; consisting of many leaves : or a circle of Leaves , and a Thrumm of short stamina , close set together ; whether NOT PAPPOUS . II. PAPPOUS , whose seeds do either ly in down : or have some downy parts . III. Simple flowers ; which besides a circle or border of leaves , have only some fewer longer stamina more sparsedly set together , like threds or strings , to be distinguished by the manner of the growing of the Flower ; into Vmbelliferous ; such as grow in the fashion of an Umbel on several little stalks , proceeding from the top of a bigger stalk , which all together represent the figure of an inverted Cone , the flowers being the Basis , which have generally two seeds growing together , and a compound leaf , whether of BROADER LEAVES ; under which are comprehended all such whose leaves are about the same bredth , or broader then Parsly . IV. FINER LEAVES ; under which are comprehended all such , whose leaves are divided into narrower segments then those of Parsley . V. Verticillate ; by which those kinds of Plants are meant , whose flowers grow in rundles or whirles about the stalk , being of the shape of a Hood or Helmet ; as likewise those whose flowers are of the like shape , namely Galeated , having the like open seed-vessel , but their leaves growing by pairs , whether FRUTICOSE ; having stalks of a hard woody consistence . VI. NOT FRUTICOSE . VII . SPICATE . VIII . SEED ; growing MANY TOGETHER IN A Cluster or BUTTON . IX . I. HERBS OF STAMINEOUS FLOWERS , and not of grassy leaves , may be distributed into such whose seeds are Triangular ; the plants to which they belong being either Perennial ; Bigger ; having a great leaf not jagged about the edges ; ‖ either that whose leaf is more large , and the root used for purging : or that whose leaf is more oblong . 1. RUBARB . DOCK . Lesser ; having a grateful acidity in the tast of the leaf ; ‖ either that whose leaf is oblong : or roundish . 2. SORREL . FRENCH SORREL . Annual ; having leaves . Triangular ; and black seed ; ‖ either that which is Erect , whose seed is Esculent : or that which is Climbing . 3. BUCK-WHEAT , Brank . BLACK BINDWEED . Not Angular ; being short and slender , upon week procumbent stalks , full of joynts . 4. KNOT-GRASS . Round ; Distinguishable by Sex ; of male and female ; because from the same seed some plants are produced , which bear flowers and no seeds , and others which bear seeds and no flowers . The bigger ; having a divided leaf ; ‖ either that which hath a large hollow stalk , and a compound or fingered leaf , of the rine of which Linnen is made : or that which is a climbing Plant twisting about such things as are next to it , from the right hand towards the left , contrary to the manner of other twining Plants , of a rough roundish leaf , divided into many segments , with a head of scaly tufts growing in a cluster or bunch , commonly used to preserve drink from sowring . 5. HEMP , Tow , Canvas . HOPP . The Lesser ; whose leaves are Shorter ; either that which hath smooth leaves and is annual : or that which hath hoary leaves being perennial . 6. MERCURY . CHILDING MERCURY . Longer ; of serrate edges , the root being perennial . 7. DOGS MERCURY . Not distinguishable by Sex ; but either by their Leaf ; being Triangular ; considerable for Being of an unctuous touch , and used for Sallets : ‖ either that which hath a bigger and echinate seed : or that which hath a less and smooth seed . 7. SPINAGE . ENGLISH MERCURY . Having a seed vessel made up of two leaves closing together : or having the leaf sinuate about the edges . 9. ORRAGE· GOOS-FOOT . Broad ; with smooth edges of a dull insipid tast , with a large long root , the seed-vessel being round , rugged and hard , conteining two or three seeds . 10. BEET . Narrow and long , having a spicate head ; ‖ either that used by Dyers , having undivided leaves , and longer spikes : or that which hath divided leaves , and shorter spikes . 11. DYERS-WEED . BASE ROCKET . Winged leaves ; with a stiffe stalk , growing to a good stature , and bearing Triangular Cods . 12. MEADOW-RUE . Sent or smell . Pleasant ; either that whose leaves resemble those of an Oak , with red veins : or that whose leaves resemble those of Wormwood , bearing the flowers in a long spike , and having a rough seed-vessel . 13. OAK OF HIERUSALEM . OAK OF CAPPADOCIA . Vnpleasant ; having a serrate leaf with stinging prickles . 14. NETTLE . Seed-vessel ; bearing chaffy tufts , ‖ either that which hath a roundish leaf : or that whose leaf is more oblong and pointed . 14. BLITE . PRINCES FEATHER , Amaranthus . Place of Growth ; being usually upon walls , having red stalks ; and a rough seed . 16. PELLITORY OF THE WALL . Littleness ; being the least of this kind ; ‖ either that which hath weak stalks , leaning on the ground , with leaves like those of Time but smaller , bearing the seeds in clusters about the joynts : or that which is of a woody stalk , bearing the flowers and seeds at the top of the branches . 17. RUPTUREWORT . STINKING GROUND-PINE . II. HERBS having a COMPOUND FLOWER NOT PAPPOUS , may be distinguished into such whose flowers are compounded either of Short hollow stamina thick set together in a thrumm , with a circle of leaves : or without such a circle , commonly called Corimbiferous , being either of Vndivided leaves ; having a Radiate flower ; whose limb is Yellow ; either the Greater ; and tallest , ‖ either that which is the biggest of flowers : or that which hath a tuberous esculent root . 1. SUN-FLOWER . HIERUSALEM-HARTICHOKE . Lesser ; having a crooked seed . 2. MARIGOLD . White ; either the greater and taller , having a ramous leavy stalk : or the lesser and lower , having a naked stalk . 3. GREAT DAISY . DAISY . Naked Flower ; considerable for having A strong pleasant smell ; either that which is the bigger plant , of a broad leaf : or that which is the lesser plant , of more narrow leaves more deeply indented , whose flowers grow in an Umbell . 4. ALECOST , Costmary . MAUDLIN TANSY . Long hoary leaves ; either that which is Odorate , having a yellowish flower , of a dry strawy consistence , preserving the colour for several years after its being gathered : or that which bears a white flower , the more common sort of which is not Odorate . 5. GOLDEN STAECHAS . CUDWEED , Cottonweed . Divided leaves ; having a Radiate flower ; whose limb is Yellow ; considerable for the leaves ; being More finely divided ; either that which grows usually amongst Corn : or that which doth commonly grow in mountainous places , having leaves like those of Fennel . 6. CORN MARIGOLD . OX-EY . Winged leaves ; like those of Tansy . 7. AFRICAN MARIGOLD . White ; whose leaves are More finely divided ; either that of a pleasant : or that of an unpleasant sent . 8. CAMOMIL . STINKING MAYWEED . ●ess finely divided ; being of a strong sent . 9. FEAVERFEW . Vndivided ; being long and narrow ; ‖ either that whose leaves are indented about the edges : or that whose leaves are smooth , being of a hot tast . 10. SNEEZEWORT . TARRAGON . Naked flower ; whose stalks are More woody ; either that whose leaves are more green : or that whose leaves are generally hoary and white . 11 SOUTHERNWOOD . LAVENDER COTTON . Less woody ; either that of a bitter tast , and more pleasant smell : or that whose sent is not so pleasant , whose leaves are green above and hoary underneath . 12. WORMWOOD . MUGWORT . Bearing their flowers in the fashion of an Vmbel , having winged leaves , ‖ either that which is of a strong and not unpleasant sent : or that which is less odorate . 13. TANSY . MILFOIL . Oblong tubulous leaves ; the Greater ; bearing many flowers upon a stalk , ‖ either that whose leaves upon breaking have several little hairy strings , the flower made up of tubulous leaves lasciniated at the top : or that of a more globular flower , the root seeming to have a piece bitten off . 14. SCABIOUS DIVELS BIT. Lesser ; bearing but one flower upon a stalk , like that of Scabious , ‖ either that of a round blew flower , having a leaf like that of the lesser daisy : or that of grassy leaves and a naked stalk 15 BLEW DAISY . THRIFT , Sea Gilly-flower . Oblong flat leaves ; without any thrumm in the middle , bearing blew flowers , ‖ either that which is smaller and annual : or that which is larger and perennial . 16. ENDIVE . SUCCORY . III. PAPPOUS HERBS , may be distributed into such whose heads are either Round and Squamous , considerable upon Account of their Leaves ; whether Prickly ; either that of a lesser : or that of a bigger head used for food . 1. THISTLE . HARTICHOKE . Hoary ; either that whose flower is commonly blew , of tubulous jagged leaves : or that which bears a purple flower of flat leaves . 2. BLEWBOTTLE . AUSTRIAN SNEEZEWORT . Serrate ; commonly winged , ‖ the Lesser : or the Greater used in Physick . 3. SAW-WORT . GREAT CENTORY . Stalks ; being dry and hard , bearing usually a purple flower ; ‖ either that of a more dark : or that of a lighter colour . 4. KNAPWEED . SILVER KNAPWEED . Seeds ; being more large ; either that of White : or that of Black seeds 5. BASTARD SAFFRON . BEARDED CREEPER . Plain or flat ; whose flower is either Radiate , or naked . Terrestrial ; considerable upon account of their Roots ; being more large , bearing yellow flowers ; ‖ either that of a lesser leaf , the root of which is counted poysonous to beasts : or that of a larger and longer leaf , the root of which is odorate and bitter , and counted wholsome to men . 6. LEOPARDS-BANE . ELECAMPANE . Leaves ; being thick , fatty and jagged , bearing yellow flowers ; ‖ either that which bears a thrummy flower : or that which bears a radiate flower . 7. GROUNDSIL . RAGWORT . Flowers ; as to their Manner of growth ; in a kind of Vmbel , or Tuft ; ‖ either that whose flowers are naked and purplish : or that whose flowers are radiate and yellow . 8. DUTCH AGRIMONY . GOLDEN ROD. Colour ; either that which bears flowers of different colours , the leaves whereof somewhat resemble the rays of a Starr : or that whose flowers are generally yellow , the leaves of the plant being Odorate . 9. STARWORT . FLEABANE . Marine ; having long thick leaves ; ‖ either that the border of whose flower is Purple and the middle of it Yellow : or that of a Yellow flower and hard stalks , the leaves being narrow and cut in at the ends . 10. SEA-STARWORT . GOLDEN FLOWER'D SAMPHIRE . Double ; the plants having a milky juice , distinguishable by their Heads ; being smaller ; either that of a more rugged leaf used for Sallads : or that of a smoother leaf , said to sweat out a gumm at the joints . 11. LETTICE . GUMM SUCCORY . Leaves ; whether Iagged ; either that of a solid stalk : or that of a hollow smooth stalk , the seed of which being ripe , doth with the down upon it , spread it self into a Sphaerical figure . 12. HAWKWEED . DANDELION . Vndivided ; ‖ either that whose leaves are long and grassy , the flower of which being closed , doth represent a goats beard , whose root is esculent : or that whose leaves are round pointed , and hairy . 13. GOATS-BEARD . MOUSE-EAR . Resembling thistles ; but not prickly ; either that which bears larger : or that which bears lesser flowers . 14. SOWTHISTLE . NIPPLEWORT . IV. UMBELLIFEROUS HERBS whose LEAVES are MORE BROAD and less finely cut , may be distinguished into such as are , Odorate ; and of a strong sent ; whether such as is More pleasant ; in such kind of plants as are More properly belonging to this tribe ; to be distinguished upon Account of Leaves ; as to their Shapes ; whether such are are Of Different shapes in the same plant , the lower leaves towards the bottom of the stalk being rounder and broader , and those upon the stalk more finely cut having Aromatic seeds ; ‖ either that of a smaller seed : or that of a more large seed , being round and hollow , the leaves of the plant being of less pleasant sent then the seed 1. ANNIS . CORIANDER . Winged leaves ; resembling those of Parsnip ; having the like smell and tast . 2. BASTARD STONE PARSLEY . Fearn ; either that which hath a large black furrowed seed : or that whose seed is less , and more slender , resembling an Oat . 3. SWEET CICELY . WILD CICELY . Not winged ; resembling Parsley , but being much broader ; either that which hath a large black streaked seed : or that which is a taller plant , having less leaves and a stronger sent . 4. ALEXANDERS LOVAGE . Colour ; whether Pale green ; having large and broad leaves ; ‖ either that which hath a yellow juice , the Vmbel of whose flowers is somewhat spherical , which dies after bearing seed : or that which is of very near affinity to this in shape and sent , but not so large , and more perennial . 5. ANGELICA . MASTERWORT . Dark green ; being indented ; either that whose seed is broad : or angular . 6. LASERWORT . HERB FRANKINCENSE OF THEOPHRASTUS . Hairy tuft , encompassing the bottom of the stalk . 7. SERMOUNTAIN . Less properly belonging to this tribe ; having winged leaves ; ‖ either that whose flowers are tubulous : or that which bears a great tuft of white flowers of a sweet sent . 8. VALERIAN . MEDOW SWEET . Less pleasant ; Lesser ; ‖ either that of a weaker sent , but esculent and of a grateful tast : or that of a stronger sent , growing naturally in moist places . 9. PARSLEY . SMALLAGE . Larger ; of a rough stalk , and winged leaves . 10. HERCULES ALL-HEAL . Not odorate ; distinguishable by their Roots ; being esculent ; ‖ either that of a bigger root growing single : or that of a less root growing in clusters . 11. PARSNIP . SKIRRET . Leaves ; whether Whole , and somewhat nervous ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more round , the stalks growing through them : or that whose leaves are more long . 14. THOROUGH WAX. HARES EAR. Winged , and indented ; ‖ either that whose root is of a hot biting tast : or that whose leaf is divided into three , five , or more segments , being long and narrow . 12. BURNET SAXIFRAGE . UMBELLIFEROUS ERINGO . Of different shapes in the same plant ; the lower leaves being divided like Parsley , the leaves upon the stalk being undivided , and encompassing it . bearing a great , black , round seed . 13. CANDY ALEXANDER . Place of growth ; being proper to wet grounds ; ‖ either that whose leaves are hairy , and of a deep green , bearing a white flower : or that whose leaves are not hairy . 15. COW-PARSNIP . WATER-PARSNIP . V. UMBELLIFEROUS HERBS whose LEAVES are more FINELY CUT into narrow segments , may be distinguished into such as are Odorate ; having their leaves divided into More long narrow segments ; considerable upon account of their Leaves ; being Of a dark green ; and small seeds ; ‖ either that which is perennial , of slender seeds : or that which is annual , of flat seeds 1. FENNEL . DILL . Commonly divided into three segments at the ends ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more thin and dry : or more thick and succulent , used for sallade . 2. HOGS FENNEL . SAMPHIRE . Seed ; being either Large and broad ; ‖ either that of a tall stature , the segments of whose leaves are somewhat shorter then those of Fennel : or that whose root smells like Frankincense . 3. GIANT FENNEL . HERB FRANKINCENSE OF GALEN . Long and more slender ; whether the Bigger or the Less , of an Ar●matick sent . 4. SPIGNEL . BISHOPSWEED . Stalk ; being crooked , bending several wayes , 5. HARTWORT . More short segments ; having Rough seeds ; ‖ either that whose root is large and esculent : or that of a smaller root , the Umbels when the flower is faded , resembling a Birds nest by closing or bending inwards towards the top . 6. CARRET . WILD CARRET , Birds-nest . Long streaked seeds ; ‖ either that which is the taller plant , bearing the lesser seeds : or that which is the lower plant bearing the larger seeds . 7. CARROWEY . CUMMIN Broad large seeds ; or having a leaf hairy on the backside , and reddish . 8. ALLHEAL . CHERVIL . Large hollow stalk ; ‖ either that of an offensive smell and counted poisonous : or that which resembles this , growing in watery places . 9. HEMLOCK . WATER HEMLOCK . Not odorate ; growing in Dryer places ; distinguishable by their Roots ; having Tuberous roots ; consisting of one single tuber , or of several . 10. EARTHNUT DROPWORT . Roots of a hot biting tast ; ‖ either that of a round dark coloured seed : or that of a broad flat seed , the root of which hath a yellow purgative juice . 11. PELLITORY OF SPAIN . SCORCHING FENNEL . Stalks of the Vmbel , being strong and white , used for the picking of Teeth : to which may be adjoined that other plant , if this fail , whose seeds are prickly . 12. SPANISH PICKTOOTH . BASTARD PARSLEY . Watery places ; of Fibrous roots ; ‖ either that whose leaves have segments like Fennel , but somewhat broader : or that whose segments are like those of Carret , but smooth , and with a milky juice . 13. WATER-MILFOIL . MILKY-PARSLEY . Tuberous root ; 14. WATER DROPWORT . VI. VERTICILLATE FRUTICOSE HERBS , being all of them odorate , may be distinguished into such whose leaves are either Larger ; whether Hoary and rough ; of a pleasant tast and smell . 1. SAGE . Smooth ; and of a dark green ; ‖ either that whose leaves are cut in like those of an Oak , more long and narrow : or that whose leaves are only indented about the edges , being more short and broad . 2. GERMANDER . TREE GERMANDER . Lesser ; whose leaves are either Short and roundish ; the sent being More quick and pungent ; either the larger , having a woolly head : or the lesser . 3. MASTICK . GOATS MARJORAM . More wild and gentle ; having smaller leaves , which grow thicker on the stalk . 4. THYME . Long and narrow ; whether Hoary ; the Greater ; bearing spikes ; ‖ either that of longer spikes , being the larger plant : or that of shorter thicker spikes . 5. LAVENDER . CASSIDONY , French Lavender , Stickadove . Lesser ; whose leaves are indented , being of a more dull sent , bearing small flowers . 6. POLIMOUNTAIN Smooth ; ‖ either that whose leaves are softer and larger : or that whose leaves are harder and less . 7. HYSSOP . WINTER-SAVORY . VII . VERTICILLATE NOT FRUTICOSE HERBS , may be distinguished into such as are Odorate ; considerable for their sent , whether Pleasant ; The greater kind ; distinguishable by the Flowers ; growing More close and thick together ; ‖ either that which is apt to creep and spread under ground by the roots : or that whose leaf hath some resemblance to the leaf of a Nettle . 1. MINT . CAT-MINT . More dispersedly ; at the setting on of the leaves , having shorter and broader leaves ; ‖ the former of a darker green , and stronger sent . 2. BALM . CALAMINT . Seeds ; growing in a large hollow Cup like an inverted Bell , having leaves like Balm . 3. ASSYRIAN BALM . Scaly heads ; the former a more grateful smell , and lesser leaves . 4. MARJORAM . WILD MARJORAM , Organy . Leaves ; Not hoary ; ‖ either that whose leaves are , like those of Marjoram , indented , the flowers growing in looser spikes : or that whose leaves are like those of Thyme , but of a different sent . 5. BASIL . STONE-BASIL . Hoary ; having leaves Broader ; ‖ either that which hath several scaly heads , being the lesser plant : or that which is the bigger plant , whose flowers grow in close rundels , of a stronger sent . 6. DITTANY . WHITE HOREHOUND . Narrower ; a low plant bearing a yellow flower . 7. GROUND-PINE . The least ; a small creeping plant growing in watery places , being of a pungent sent . 8. PENNYROYAL . Not pleasant ; distinguishable by the Sent ; being like that of Garlick ; ‖ either that whose leaves are like those of Germander , growing in watery places : or that whose leaves are like those of Sage , growing in wooddy places . 9. WATER GERMANDER . WOOD-SAGE . Leaf ; whether Rough ; Broad leaf ; the bigger or the Lesser . 10. CLARY . WILD CLARY . Resembling those of Nettle ; the one narrower : the other broader and rounder pointed . 11 DEAD NETTLE , Archangel . BLACK HOREHOUND . Long ; ‖ either the taller larger plant : or the lesser plant having not so thick a down upon the leaves . 12. BASE HOREHOUND . IRONWORT . Smooth ; with a round jagged leaf , of a dark green , having a stiffe stalk . 13. MOTHER WORT . Not odorate ; considerable for having Long narrow leaves ; the flowers coming out more dispersedly , growing in watery places ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more narrow , and green like those of Hyssop : or that whose leaves are less narrow , the flowers standing commonly two together at the joynts . 14. HEDGE HYSSOP . HOODED LOOSE STRIFE . Spicate flowers ; The greater ; ‖ either that of oblong green notched leaves and short spikes : or that which is the fatter plant , having longer spikes , growing in watery places , bearing sometimes three leaves at a joint . 15 BETONY . PURPLE LOOSE STRIFE . The lesser ; bearing generally blew flowers ; ‖ either that whose leaves resemble those of wild Marjoram : or that whose leaves are like those of the lesser Daisy , creeping by strings . 16. SELF-HEAL . BUGLE . No leaves ; but only strings or wires , growing upon other plants , from whom ( when it is arrived to any bigness ) it receives its nourishment , the root in the ground dying . 17. DODDER . VIII . SPICATE HERBS , may be distinguished into such as are Spinous ; having prickly leaves , whether those whose head is Oblong ; ‖ either that whose leaves do so encompass the stalks as to hold the rain water : or that of a jagged leaf , whose roots are often Candied for sweet-meats . 1. TEASEL . ERINGO . Round ; ‖ either which hath a resemblance to Thistles : or to Teasels . 2. GLOBE THISTLE . SHEPHEARDS ROD. Not spinous ; distinguishable by their Seeds ; being little burrs ; ‖ either that of a winged leaf and yellow flower : or that of an undivided leaf , bearing a white flower . 3. AGRIMONY . ENCHANTERS NIGHT-SHADE . Winged leaf . 4. BURNET . Trefoil ; ‖ either that which hath a woolly spike : or that whose seed-vessel doth in the top of it expend it self into five rays . 5. HARES-FOOT . STARR-HEADED TREFOIL . Long leaves ; growing in wet places ; ‖ either that of a hot biting tast : or that which hath a fairer spike of flowers , being of an acid tast . 6. ARSMART . NARROW-LEAVED PONDWEED . IX . HERBS bearing MANY SEEDS together IN A cluster or BUTTON , may be distinguished according to the Leaf ; into such as have Winged leaves ; ‖ either that whose leaf is underneath hoary and of a silver colour : or that whose leaves are broad at the end , having little pinnulae towards the bottom of them , bearing a burr . 1. WILD TANSY . AVENS . Fingered leaves ; growing from the same point of the foot-stalk ; ‖ either five , having a flower consisting of five leaves : or seven , the flower consisting of four leaves . 2. CINQUEFOIL . TORMENTIL . But one leaf upon the foot-stalk of the flower , and but one flower ; ‖ either that whose leaves and stalks are generally more Smooth : or more Hairy , the head after the flower is faded , being covered with long woolly locks . 3. ANEMONY , Wind-flower . PASCH FLOWER . Flowers ; whether most commonly Yellow ; shining as if varnished , bearing their seed in a rough head ; ‖ either that whose flower doth generally consist of five round pointed leaves : or that whose flower hath eight or nine leaves blowing early ▪ 4. CROW-FOOT . PILEWORT . Red ; having leaves like those of Camomil . 5. ADONIS FLOWER . Seed ; in a head of a round flat cheese-like figure ; ‖ either that which is Of rounder leaves ; the Less or the Greater . 6. MALLOW . HOLYHOK . Of hoary soft leaves ; ‖ either the less growing in Marshes : or the greater by the Sea. 7. MARSH MALLOWS . TREE MALLOW . Of jagged leaves ; 8. VERVAIN MALLOW . Of Herbs considered according to their Seed-vessel . HERBS of Perfect flowers considered according to their Seed-vessels , may be distinguished into such as have A divided Seed-vessel ; into several distinct cases , which may be called CORNICULATE . I. An ent●re Seed-vessel ; whether Siliquous ; containing their seeds in long pods , distinguishable according to their flowers , into Papillionaceous ; the flower having some resemblance to a Butterfly , as the blooms of Pease or Beans , &c. whether CLIMBERS ; such as are generally furnished with Tendrils or Claspers . II. NOT CLIMBERS ; being without such Tendrils . III. Not papillionaceous ; such whose FLOWERS do generally CONSIST OF FOUR LEAVES . IV. Capsulate ; having shorter seed-vessels , distinguishable into Pentapetala ; such as bear FLOWERS OF FIVE LEAVES V. Tripetala , and Tetrapetala ; such as bear FLOWERS OF THREE or FOUR LEAVES VI. Monopetala ; such as bear a flower of one intire leaf , whether Campanulate ; such whose flowers have some resemblance to the figure of a Bell VII . Not campanulate ; the limbs of whose flowers are divided into several segments , representing so many distinct leaves . VIII . BACCIFEROUS ; whose seeds are included in a juicy pulpe . IX . I. HERBS OF A CORNICULATE or Horned SEED-VESSEL , may be distinguished into such as are More esteemed for the flower ; having Bigger seeds ; ‖ either that with a compound broad leaf , bearing the largest flower of any low herb : or that with a winged leaf like Ash , having black shining seeds , and a sent like Hops . 1. PIONY . FRAXINELLA , Bastard Dittany Lesser seeds ; ‖ either that of a divided slender leaf , the flower having a long heel : or that which hath a compound leaf , the flower bending downwards , consisting of tubulous parts . 2. LARKS HEEL . COLUMBINE . Less esteemed for the flower ; having Hooded flowers ; and roundish jagged leaves ; ‖ either that which is counted Poison : or that which is counted an Antidote . WOLVES BANE . WHOLSOM WOLVES BANE . Not hooded flower ; ‖ either that of a tuberous root , the flower coming cut of the middle of the leaf , blowing in Winter : or that with a Triangular seed of a biting tast . 4. WINTER WOLF-BANE . STA●ES-ACRE . Seed-vessel ; like the long bill of a bird ; ‖ either that which bears larger flowers , more sparsedly set : or that which bears lesser flowers in the fashion of an Umbel . 5. RANES-BILL . VENUS COMB , Shepheards needle . II. PAPILIONACEOUS CLIMBING HERBS , may be distributed into such as do climb ; either by Twisting ; having long flat cods , their leaves being set by threes . 1. KIDNEY BEAN , French bean , Ginny bean . Tendrils ; or Claspers , to befurther distinguished by their Seed ; whether Round ; and esculent ; ‖ either that whose seed is black , the leaves and flowers like those of the common Bean : or that whose seed is not black , the leaves of a lighter green . 2. BEAN OF THE ANTIENTS . PEASE . Flat ; and esculent , having hairy winged leaves ; ‖ the Greater : or the Less . 3. VETCH . LENTIL . Cods ; being knotted , otherwise resembling a Vetch . 4. BITTER VETCH . Stalks ; being Angular ; ‖ either that which bears one pair of smooth leaves upon a foot-stalk : or that whose leaf is undivided , only towards the top , having two or three segments , bearing a white flower . 5. CHICKLING . WINGED WILD PEASE . Leaves ; by pairs encompassing the stalk , being more broad at bottom , and sharp pointed , bearing a yellow flower , having black shining seeds . 6. YELLOW WILD VETCH . Manner of bearing the esculent part under ground ; ‖ either that which bears its seed both under ground , and above ground : or that of small tuberous esculent roots , bearing bright purple flowers , many together upon a foot-stalk . 7. UNDERGROUND CHICKLING . PEASE EARTH-NUTS . III. PAPILIONACEOUS HERBS NOT CLIMBING , may be distinguished into such as have ; either More leaves then three ; Esculent ; whether the Larger ; of a flat seed ; ‖ either that of a great hollow stalk , broad leaves of a dark green , the cod lined with a woolly substance , the blossoms being black and white : or that which hath a fingered leaf , being from one foot-stalk divided into many segments , bearing a spike of flowers . 1. BEAN . LUPIN . Lesser ; of a round seed , having small winged leaves indented , the cods round and turgid . 2. CHICH PEASE . Not esculent ; to be further distinguished by their Flowers ; growing in thick spikes or tufts . The Greater ; ‖ either that whose leaves grow like those of Vetch , smooth , and of a sweet tast , a short crooked cod furrowed on the outside , conteining a double row of seeds : or that whose leaves are hairy . 3. WILD LICCORICE . MILK VETCH . Lesser ; ‖ either that whose flowers grow in a tuft , the utmost segment of the leaf being broader then any of the other : or that whose flowers grow in a spike , having a leaf divided like Rue . 4. LADIES FINGER . FUMITORY . Seed vessel ; whether Rough ; having winged leaves ; ‖ either that whose flowers grow in thicker spikes , of a shining red colour , with prickly seeds growing at the end of one another : or that whose flowers grow in more slender spikes from the sides of the stalk , having a long thick root . 5. FRENCH HONNYSUCKLE . COCKS-HEAD , Sanfoin . Smooth ; whether such as bear Crooked cods ; and yellow flowers , many together : or crooked seeds in the shape of a Horsshooe , the seed vessel being indented on one side . 6. HATHCET VETCH . HORSSHOOE . Streight ; being long and slender , of grassy leaves , and a bright red flower . 7. CRIMSON GRASS VETCH . Stalk ; being hairy , stiff and erect , with leaves consisting of many pairs of Wings ; ‖ the latter of which will contract it self upon the touch , as if it had sense . 8. GOATS RUE . SENSITIVE PLANT . Leaves ; which are long and winged , being small plants ; ‖ either that whose cods grow together like the claws of a bird : or that with a spinous seed-vessel . 9. BIRDS FOOT . LAND CALTROPS . Not more then three leaves , distinguishable by their Flowers ; growing in spikes . Trefoil ; ‖ either that which bears long spikes of yellow flowers , to which succeed round seed-vessels , conteining generally but one seed in each : or that of a shorter spike . 10. MELILOT . TREFOIL HONNYSUCKLE . Not Trefoil ; having a grassy leaf . 11. MILKWORT . Seed-vessels ; Long ; Crooked ; ‖ either that whose leaves have same resemblance to those of Purslain , growing by threes , of more slender cods : or that which hath long smooth undivided leaves , the seed-vessel being like a Caterpiller . 12. SCORPION GRASS . CATERPILLER . Streight ; whether More long and slender ; ‖ either that which hath little wings or ears at the bottoms of the leaves : or that which hath long : flat cods . 13. LOTUS . FOEN GREEK . Less long and thicker ; having prickly stalks , bearing a large flower in proportion to the plant . 14. CAMOCK , Rest-harrow . Round ; and Spiral ; ‖ either that which is smooth : or that which is prickly . 15. SNAIL TREFOIL . HEDGHOG TREFOIL . IV. SILIQUOUS HERBS NOT PAPILIONACEOUS , whose flowers consist generally of four leaves , may be distinguished by their Being esteemed for the flower , having Shrubby sta●ks ; and being of a pleasant sent , of a round flat seed ; ‖ either that of hoary leaves : or that whose leaves are smooth , of a deep green . 1. STOCK GILLY-FLOWER . WALL FLOWER . Oblong seeds ; ‖ either that which hath a more broad jagged leaf : or that which hath a sharp indented leaf , compounded of several together upon one foot-stalk . 2. DAMES VIOLET , Double Rocket . TOOTHWORT . Seeds wrapt up in down ; ‖ either that whose flower grows out from the top of the cod , which makes it to be called filius ante patrem : or that which hath a broad nervous leaf with a milkie juice , bearing the flowers in a tuft , having a large cod filled with a silkie substance . 3. CODDED WILLOW HERB , Codded loose strife . UPRIGHT DOGS-BANE , Silk-grass . Being used as Esculent ; either their Roots ; whether such as are commonly eaten Boyled ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more rough , the root commonly roundish : or that whose leaves are more smooth , the root oblong , and of a more firm substance . 4. TURNIP . NAVEW . Raw ; of a biting tast , bearing purplish flowers , and long knotted cods . 5. RADISH . Leaves ; having Succulent leaves ; of a blewish grey ; ‖ either that of a jagged leaf , yellow flower : or that of an undivided-leaf , bearing a white flower . 6. CABBIDGE , Colewort , Colly-flower . CODDED THOROUGH WAX. Iagged smooth leaves ; ‖ either that which bears larger flowers growing more sparsedly : or that which bears less flowers growing more close together . 7. ROCKET . WINTER-CRESS . The smell and tast of Garlick : or a hot biting tast , bearing large cods , which being ripe are of a red colour . 8. SAUCE ALONE , Iack by the Hedge . GINNY PEPPER . Seeds ; ‖ either that of short square cods : or that of long round cods . 9. MUSTARD . CHARLOCK . Leaf ; whether Divided ; or jagged . Less finely ; being of a whitish blew , and bearing commonly a yellow flower ; ‖ either that which is a maritim plant , having a larger flower , and longer cods : or that which hath a yellow juice . 10. HORNED POPPY . GREAT CELENDINE . More finely ; having slender cods . 11. FLIXWEED . Vndivided ; whose leaves are Smooth towards the top of the stalk , and rough towards the bottom , bearing white flowers ; ‖ either the greater , having many slender long cods growing thick together on the top of the branches : or the less , bearing the cods more dispersedly . 12. TOWER MUSTARD . CODDED MOUSE-EAR . Long ; bearing yellow flowers , being tall plants ; ‖ either that which hath narrow dark green leaves , not serrate : or that whose leaves are more broad , of a pale green and serrate . 13. TREACLE WORMSEED . YELLOW ARABIAN MUSTARD . Seed wrapt up in down ; having five leaves in the flower ; ‖ either that which is counted a Poyson : or that which is counted an Antidote . 14. DOGS-BANE . SWALLOW-WORT . Growing in watery places ; having winged leaves ; ‖ either that which is esculent of a biting tast , a short thick cod : or that which is in some esteem for the flower , bearing more long and slender cods , and whitish flowers . 15. WATER CRESS. CUCKOE FLOWER , Lady-smock . V. CAPSULATE HERBS bearing FLOWERS OF FIVE LEAVES , may be distinguished into such whose leaves are Vndivided ; Esteemed for the flower ; whether such whose flowers grow Sparsedly ; being either of Sweet sent ; and elegant structure , their flowers standing in small cups ; ‖ either that of a larger leaf and flower : or that whose leaf and flower is smaller . 1. GILLYFLOWER . PINK . No considerable sent ; Growing in a cup ; ‖ either the larger , the leaves of whose flowers are more round pointed : or the lesser , having a clammy juice , whereby little Flyes are caught . 2. CAMPION . CATCHFLY . Not growing in a cup ; a low plant , bearing shining purple flowers . 3. VENUS LOOKING-GLASS . In an Vmbel or Tuft ; Perennial whether that w ch bears flowers of various colours on the same tuft : or that whose flowers are commonly of a bright scarlet . 4. LONDON TUFT , Sweet Iohn , Sweet William . BRISTOW NONSUCH . Annual ; whose leaves are of a bitter tast . 5. LESSER CENTAURY . Not esteemed for the flower ; considerable either for their Manner of growth ; whether Erect ; bearing Red flowers ; growing commonly amongst Corn ; ‖ either that which bears small flowers , of smooth leaves , round seed , an angular cup : or that which bears larger flowers , of a deep red , hoary leaves , and angular seed . 6. COW-BASIL . COCKLE . Yellow flowers ; of a red juice when bruised , whether such whose leaves are Lesser ; ‖ either that of a round stalk : or that of an angular stalk . 7. St. JOHNS-WORT . St. PETERS-WORT . Larger ; having a round seed-vessel , like a berry . 8. TUTSAN , Park-leaves . Procumbent ; bearing White flowers ; whose leaves are cut in about the middle ; ‖ either that which bears a more large flower : or that which bears a little flower having hairy leaves . 9. STICHWORT . COMMON CHICKWEED . Coloured flowers ; the latter being spotted on the backside of the leaves . 10. BASTARD CHICKWEED . PIMPERNEL . Milkie juice ; bitter and caustick , of a triangular seed-vessel . 11. SPURGE , Tithymal . Large flowers ; ‖ either that w ch is used for the making of fine linnen , having long narrow leaves , & a round seed vessel , conteining oblong shining seeds : or that with a stiff stalk , having leaves like those of Sallow , sometimes 3 or 4 at one setting on . 12. FLAX , Linseed . YELLOW LOOSE STRIFE . Divided leaves ; ‖ either that which hath a strong sent , a round seed-vessel , the leaves of a whitish blew colour : or that which bears a large flower of a pale blew , with a circle of leaves under it , having a large seed-vessel , horned at the top . 13. RUE , Herb of grace . FENNEL FLOWER . VI. CAPSULATE HERBS , whose flowers consist of three or four leaves , may be distinguished into such as are ; either of Three leaves ; in the flower , being water plants ; ‖ either that which hath long leaves like Aloes , with sharp serrate edges : or that whose leaf doth in the figure of it resemble a barbed Arrow . 1. FRESH WATER SOULDIER . ARROW-HEAD . Four leaves ; in the flower , to be further distinguished by the Seed-vessel ; whether Compressed ; Larger ; and more broad ; ‖ either that whose leaf is like the leaf of a Nettle , the seed-vessel shining like Sattin : or that of hoary stalks and leaves , being the lesser . 2. BULBONACH , Honesty , Sattin . MADWORT OF DIOSCORIDES . Lesser ; the former of a biting tast . 3. THLASPI . SHEPHEARDS PURSE . Round ; of Larger heads ; and flowers being narcotic ; ‖ either that of a bitter white juice of which Opium is made , with a star-like covering on the top of the seed-vessel : or that whose leaf is more finely jagged , having a rough seed-vessel . 4. POPPY . BASTARD POPPY . Lesser heads ; and flowers , being of a hot biting tast ; ‖ either that w ch bears a white flower & reddish seed : or that which bears long narrow leaves upon the stalk , and others that are broader , and jagged towards the bottom of the stalk . 5. GARDEN CRESS. SCIATICA CRESS. Leaf ; as to the Biting tast ; ‖ either that which is a large plant of a juicy serrate leaf , of a light blewish green : or that which is a low small plant , of jagged leaves , and rough seed-vessel , growing many together , each conteining one seed . 6. PEPPER-WORT . SWINES CRESS. Shape ; being like those of Ivy , the stalks being divided into three , and so subdivided , one side of the lower part of the leaf standing out more then the other . 7. BARRENWORT . Flower ; in respect of the Colour ; being yellow , large plants ; ‖ either that whose leaves are of a blewish green , long and smooth , used in dying : or that whose leaves are more narrow and indented . 8. WOAD . GOLD OF PLEASURE . Manner of growth ; in spikes . Vpon the top of the stalks ; bearing small blew flowers ; ‖ either that of lesser leaves indented : or that of a naked stalk , growing by the sea side . 9. VERVAIN . SEA-LAVENDER . From the sides of the stalks ; whether the Larger ; having a flat seed-vessel . 10. BROOKLIME . Lesser ; being small plants , having compressed seed-vessels like those of Shepheards-purse : the latter bearing the bigger flower of a bright blew . 11. SPEEDWELL . WILD GERMANDER . VII . CAMPANULATE HERBS , may be distinguished into such as are Climbing ; Pomiferous ; bearing Bigger esculent fruit ; ●i●her such as have Softer skins or c●●ts ; ‖ either that which is the largest , of a waterish tast , having a large seed with a welt about the edges : or that which is of a more rich pleasant tast , with a plain seed not marked in the limb of it . 1. POMPEON , Quash . MELON , Musk-melon . Shelly coats ; growing to such a hardness as renders them fit to make bottles , &c. ‖ either that which bears commonly a white flower : or that of a yellow flower . 2. GOURD . CITRUL . Lesser ; Esculent ; of a whitish pulp , and waterish tast . 3. COWCUMBER . Purgative ; ‖ either that of a figure like a Pear , of a bitter juice : or that like a Cowcumber , but smaller and rough , the seeds spirting out upon breaking off the stalk . 4. COLOQUINTIDA . WILD COWCUMBER . Neither esculent nor purgative ; having a leaf like that of a Vine , but less , the fruit oblong but very small . 5. MALE BALSOM . Capsulate ; having a short round seed-vessel , and angular seeds , climbing by twining about other plants ; ‖ either that which is not purgative : or that which hath a milky juice in the root . A violent purgative , 6. BINDWEED . SCAMMONY . Erect ; considerable for the flower , being either Greater ; ‖ either that whose flower is bigger at the bottom : or that which is less at the bottom . Europaean ; 7. COVENTRY BELLS . THROATWORT . Exotic ; ‖ either that which hath flowers of several colours , leaves like those of Nightshade , growing by pairs , the branches alternatim : or that whose leaves are jagged , having a large thorny seed-vessel . 8. MERVAIL OF PERU . THORN APPLE . Lesser , ‖ either that which hath An Esculent root ; a long leaf , a blew flower , the edge divided into five points : or that whose root is not esculent . 9. RAMPION . BELL-FLOWER . A hollow flower ; somewhat like the finger of a Glove : the second being of a purgative quality . 10. FOXGLOVE . OYLY PURGING PULSE A Narcotic quality ; ‖ either that which hath large smooth unctuous leaves , but very small seed : or that which hath soft woolly leaves jagged . 11 TOBACCO . HENBANE . VIII . CAPSULATE HERBS NOT CAMPANULATE , having their leaves divided into several segments , may be distinguished into such as have Naked stalks ; Of a rough nervous leaf ; ‖ either that which bears one flower upon a stalk which is bigger , being divided into five laciniae : or that which bears a less flower , many together at the top of the stalk . 1. PRIMROSE . PAIGLE , Cowslip . Of a thicker smoother leaf ; the flowers growing many together , standing in a shorter cup ; ‖ either that which bears the bigger : or the smaller flower , the leaves being hoary underneath . 2. BEARS EAR. BIRDS EY . Of a round indented leaf ; 3. BEARS EAR SANICLE . Leavy stalks ; whether Taller plants ; considerable for Bearing their flowers in spikes ; the limb of the flower being divided into five segments , with very little hose ; ‖ either that whose leaves and stalks are hoary : or that which hath less leaves , being green . 4. MULLEIN . MOTH MULLEIN . Having small duskie flowers ; ‖ either that of a roundish leaf , and weak stalk , the flower being a kind of Tube , with a lip on one side : or having a stiff stalk , a leaf like a Nettle , a small purplish flower , and a round seed-vessel . 5. BIRTHWORT . FIGWORT . Lesser plants ; whether such as are Deciduous ; to be further distinguished by their different flowers . Resembling a head with a gaping mouth ; having long narrow leaves , the second having a heel . 6. SNAPDRAGON . TOAD-FLAX . Resembling a helmet or hood ; Having creased indented leaves ; ‖ either that with turgid husks : or that with smaller husks . 7. COCKSCOMB . EYBRIGHT . Having broad jagged leaves ; with a spike of gaping flowers , being a larger plant : or having long leaves jagged about the setting on , with large seed . 8. BRANK URSIN , Bears-breech . COW WHEAT . With heels ; ‖ either that whose seed when ripe will spirt out of the cod , bearing yellow flowers : or that of a pale downy leaf , weak stalks , trailing on the ground . 9. CODDED ARSMART . FEMALE FLUELLIN , Female Speedwell . Ever green ; having weak stalks creeping on the ground . 10. PERIWINKLE . IX . BACCIFEROUS HERBS , may be distinguished according to their Qualities ; into such as are Esculent ; either in respect of the Fruit ; being Most pleasant ; a Trefoil propagating by strings or wires . 1. STRAWBERRY . Less pleasant ; ‖ either that of a leaf like Agrimony , bearing round fruit of a bright red : or that of a broad hairy rough leaf , bearing a large fruit almost as big as a Cowcumber . 2. APPLE OF LOVE . MAD APPLE . Root ; bearing winged leaves , and a bell flower . 3. POTATO OF VIRGINIA . Malignant ; whether such whose leaves are more Simple and undivided ; ‖ either that which hath a broad leaf , bearing black berries : or that which hath a more long , broad , dark coloured leaf , a great root , bearing great berries on single stalks . 4. NIGHTSHADE . MANDRAKE . Compound ; or made up of many segments ; ‖ either that which bears light green berries in a cluster : or that which bears but one leaf divided into four or five parts , and but one black berry . 5. HERB CHRISTOPHER , Berry bearing Wolves-bane . HERB TRUE LOVE , One Berry . Manner of growth ; of the Plants themselves ; being Climbers , whether such as are considerable for Purgativeness ; bearing red berries ; ‖ either that of a great white root , having leaves like a Vine , but more rough : or that of a great black root , with leaves like those of Ivy. 6. WHITE BRIONY . BLACK BRIONY , Wild Vine , Ladies-seal Being full of crooked prickles ; having a long triangular leaf . 7. PRICKLY BINDWEED . Berries ; whether in a Bladder ; ‖ either that which is a low plant , which bears a red berry in a large bladder : or that whose leaves are like Chickweed , ramping upon other plants . 8. WINTER CHERRY . BERRY BEARING CHICKWEED . Vmbel ; having winged leaves , like Elder , both for shape and sent . 9. DANEWORT . Of Shrubs . SHRUBS may be distributed into such as are Bacciferous ; Deciduous ; SPINOUS , or thorny . I. NOT SPINOUS . II. EVERGREEN . III. SILIQUOUS ; such as bear their seeds in PODS . IV. Graniferous ; bearing smaller seeds , whether such as are DECIDUOUS . V. EVERGREEN . VI. 1. BACCIFEROUS SPINOUS shrubs of DECIDUOUS leaves , may be distinguished into such as have either Compound leaves ; whether such as may be called Fingered ; viz. when several proceed from one point , bearing an esculent berry consisting of many little pulpy grains aggregated together in one head ; ‖ either that whose branches are erect , bearing the more pleasant fruit : or that whose branches are procumbent and trailing 1. RASBERRY , Raspis . BRAMBLE , Blackberry . Winged ; viz. growing by pairs against one another upon a middle rib ; ‖ either that which bears the more beautiful and sweet flower : or that whose flower is less beautiful and sweet . 2. ROSE . BRIER . Simple leaves ; Divided into several segments ; ‖ either that which bears a more juicy esculent berry , being the lesser plant : or that which bears a drier red berry , being the taller plant . 3. GOOSBERRY . WHITE THORN , Haw-thorn . Vndivided ; whether Roundish ; whose fruit is Esculent ; ‖ either that which produces a fruit like a small Plum , black , round , of an acid austere tast , the blossoms coming out before the leaves : or that which bears its fruits in clusters , being long slender reddish , of an acid tast . 4. SLOE-TREE , Black-thorn . BARBERRY . Not esculent ; whether Purgative ; having leaves like those of a Plum-tree , bearing black berries used in dying . 5. PURGING THORN . Not purgative ; ‖ either that which hath long , stiffe , slender , sharp thorns , bearing a fruit resembling a hat : or that whose berries contein a long streaked seed . 6. CHRISTS THORN . BOXTHORN . Long ; and somewhat hoary . 7. BUCKS THORN . II. BACCIFEROUS Shrubs of DECIDUOUS leaves , NOT SPINOUS , may be distributed into such whose berries are ; either Esculent ; bearing their fruit In clusters ; ‖ either that of a rich juice , spungy wood , trailing branches : or that whose leaves are like those of Goosberry , but larger , and erect branches . 1. VINE , Grape , Raisin . CURRAN . Singly ; being a low plant , of dark green leaves , hollow flowers , small fruit . 2. BILBERRY , Whortle-berry . Not esculent ; to be further distinguished with respect to the Leaf . Vndivided ; Round ; considerable for the Manner of bearing their fruit ; whether In Vmbels ; whose leaves are Hoary ; underneath ; ‖ either that which bears black berries , containing one flat seed : or that which bears red berries . 3. WAYFARING TREE . WHITE BEAM TREE , Cumberland Hawthorn . Green ; having red twigs , and a black fruit , conteining one kernel . 4. DOGBERRY TREE . In clusters ; having but one grain in a black berry ; ‖ either that whose leaves are larger : or lesser . 5. BIRDS CHERRY . WILD ROCK CHERRY OF AUSTRIA . Sparsedly ; having several grains in a berry ; whether such whose leaves are Hoary underneath , and less ; ‖ either that of a thicker leaf , bearing a red berry , covered with a kind of down : or that other bearing a black berry . 6. DWARF MEDLER . SWEET WHORT . Green and larger ; like those of Alder , but smoother , bearing a black berry , the inward bark being a violent purgative . 7. BERRY BEARING ALDER . Flowers ; being tubulous and odorate ; ‖ either that which is climbing : or that which is erect . 8. WOODBINE , Honysuckle . UPRIGHT WOODBINE . Tast of the fruit ; being hot , biting , aromatic , growing in clusters , each cluster coming out on the side of the stalk , opposite to a leaf on the other side , being a Climber . 9. PEPPER . Long ; Purgative ; bearing red berries ; ‖ either that which sends out its blossoms in winter before the leaves , being of a sweet sent : or that whose younger branches and berries are quadrangular . 10. MEZEREON . SPINDLE TREE . Not purgative ; having slender flexile twigs ; ‖ either that which bears black berries in clusters : or that which bears red berries more sparsedly . 11. PRIVET . SHRUB CASSIA . Iagged ; ‖ either that which bears a great round cluster of white flowers : or that which bears its flowers in an Vmbel . berries . 12. GELDER ROSE . WATER ELDER . Compound ; bearing a flower like Iessamine with round black shining stalks . 13. YELLOW JESSAMINE . Having no leaf ; the flowers and berries coming out at the joynts of the 14. SEA-GRAPE . III. BACCIFEROUS SEMPERVIRENT SHRUBS , may be distributed into such whose leaves are ; either Compound ; whether Winged ; ‖ either that which is of a fragrant smell , bearing yellow seeds in black berries : or that which bears small berries like Mulberries . 1. TRUE BALSOM , Balm . THORNY BURNET . Fingered ; having several leaves growing from one foot-stalk , bearing the fruit in clusters . 2. DWARF PALM . Intire ; whether of Indented edges ; bearing Black berries ; ‖ either that whose leaves grow against one another : or that whose leaves grow alternately . 3. PHYLLYRAEA , Mock-privet . EVERGREEN PRIVET . Red berries ; ‖ either that of oblong shining serrate leaves , bearing fruit like Strawberries , but bigger : or that which bears berries of a more pale yellowish red . 4. STRAWBERRY TREE . EVERGREEN THORN . Smooth edges ; to be further distinguished by the Tast ; hot and biting , being violent purgers ; whether such whose leaves are Broader ; of a tough stalk , the leaves towards the bottom being more long then those of Bays , bearing greenish flowers , and black berries , of a very hot tast . 5. SPURGE LAUREL . Narrower ; ‖ either that which bears long pale leaves and red berries : or that which bears dark green leaves , the berries growing by threes . 6. SPURGE OLIVE . WIDOW WAIL . Flower ; as to the manner of its growth , as likewise of the berries ; either In the midst of the leaf ; whether having Larger leaves ; not spinous : the latter of which hath a small leaf growing out of the middle of another leaf , betwixt which two , the blossoms and berries do grow . 7. LAUREL OF ALEXANDRIA . HORSE-TONGUE . Lesser leaves ; spinous , bearing large red berries . 8. BUTCHERS BROOM . In an Vmbel ; having a thick , broad , dark coloured leaf , bearing early flowers , and said to blossom twice in one year . 9. WILD BAY . Leaf ; whether Small , slender , and prickly at the ends , being odorate ; ‖ either that whose leaves and wood , are of a more pleasant sent , producing blewish berries : or that whose sent is less pleasant , bearing black berries . 10. JUNIPER . SAVIN . Roundish and broad ; ‖ either that which is odorate : or that whose flowers grow in clusters , bearing pentagonal fruit about the bigness of a Pease . 11. MYRTLE MYRTLE SYMACH . Manner of growing ; upon other plants ; ‖ either that which hath weak branches , angular shining leaves , black berries in clusters , growing commonly upon other trees or walls : or that which never grows on the ground , of a paler colour and transparent berries . 12. IVY . MISSELTO . IV. SILIQUOUS SHRUBS , may be distinguished into such as are Deciduous ; whether having Intire leaves ; the Greater ; being a tall plant , approaching nearer to the magnitude of a Tree , bearing beautiful spikes of blew flowers . 1. LILACH , Pipe-tree . Lesser ; ‖ either that of a round leaf , being a low plant , the bud of whose flower , when pickled , is an esculent sauce , bearing large white flowers : or that which is taller , bearing yellow flowers . 2. CAPAR . THORNY BROOM . Compound leaves ; Trefoils ; bearing yellow flowers ; the Greater , or the lesser . 3. BEAN TREFOIL . SHRUB TREFOIL . Winged leaves ; Europaean ; considerable for having A purgative quality ; ‖ either that which hath no od leaf at the end : or that which bears its seeds in hollow pods or bladders . 4. SENA . BASTARD SENA . An esculent root ; of a sweet juice . 5. LICCORICE . Exotic ; The Greater ; being thorny , bearing yellow flowers ; ‖ either that whose leaves are smaller , the flowers growing in a sphaerical cluster , being odorate : or that whose leaves are much larger . 6. BINDING BEAN TREE . LOCUST TREE . The Lesser ; considerable for the falling down of the branches , and closing of the leaves upon a touch , as if the plant had sense . 7. HUMBLE PLANT Sempervirent ; having Green twigs ; bearing yellow flowers ; ‖ either that which hath long slender , square , flexile twigs , and long thin cods : or that whose twigs are more short , and stiffe , and prickly , bearing shorter cods more full and thick . 8. BROOM . FURRS . Hoary leaves ; ‖ either that which hath long thorns , standing thick , bearing white flowers shaped like those of Broom , having winged leaves : or that which is a Cinquefoil . 9. GOATS THORN . DORYCNIUM . V. GRANIFEROUS DECIDUOUS SHRUBS , may be distinguished into such as are Erect ; to be considered according to their Flowers ; whether such as have Smaller flowers ; in spikes ; bearing Round fruit ; like berries ; ‖ either that which bears five leaves upon a foot-stalk : or whose seed-vessels are pentagonal , conteining small yellow seed . 1. CHAST TREE . SPIKED WILLOW OF THEOPHRASTUS . Seed wrapt up in Down ; having very small leaves like those of Cipres , and an odorate wood . 2. TAMARISK . Larger flowers ; whether Odorate ; ‖ either that which hath weak branches , whose flowers are of a more pleasant smell : or that whose flowers are of a strong and less pleasant smell . 3. JESSAMINE . WHITE PIPE TREE . Not odorate ; having leaves like those of Marsh mallow , being soft and hoary . 4. SHRUB MALLOW . Odorateness of the leaves ; ‖ either that which grows in fenny places , bearing long leaves , and small squamous Catkins : or that which is a lower plant , having roundish nervous leaves , upon long foot-stalks , bearing woolly tufts , and seeds like Lentils . 5. GALLS . RED SUMACH . Milkiness of the juice ; being a violent purger , having long leaves of a pale green colour . 6. TREE SPURGE . Climbers ; either by Twisting ; ‖ either that which is a Trefoil : or that which hath winged leaves , bearing the flowers in a cluster , having feathery tufts . 7. CLEMATIS , Virgins-bower . TRAVELLERS JOY . Laying hold on walls or trees by small tendrils ; like clawes or fingers . 8. VIRGINIAN CLIMBERS , Virginian Ivy. VI. GRANIFEROUS EVERGREEN SHRUBS , may be distinguished into such as are Europaean ; considerable for Bearing large flowers ; whether that which hath hoary leaves , the flower consisting of five leaves : or that which bears long stiffe leaves of a dark green . 1. HOLY ROSE . OLEANDER , Rose-bay . Having a purging quality ; whether such as have Hoary leaves ; ‖ either that which hath small leaves , thick set upon the stalk , being hoary underneath : or that whose leaves are bigger , and hoary all over , bearing small flowers in tufts . 2. SANA MUNDA . GUTTWORT , Trouble-belly . Smooth hard dry leaves ; bearing a blew flower like that of Scabious . 3. HERB TERRIBLE . Being odorate ; whether such as have Hoary leaves ; verticillate , having hooded flowers ; ‖ either that which hath narrow long leaves hoary underneath : or that which hath broader leaves hoary all over , bearing yellow gaping flowers . 4. ROSEMARY . SAGE MULLEIN . Green leaves ; whether that which bears small flowers in an Vmbel : or that which bears a large flower like that of Oleander , yellow and spotted . 5. HARTWORT . SWEET MOUNTAIN ROSE . The place of their growth ; whether Near the Sea ; being of a pale colour ; ‖ either that whose leaves are smooth , bearing mossy flowers , and a small compressed seed : or that of winged hoary shining leaves , bearing yellow flowers in clusters . 6. SEA PURSLAIN . SILVER BUSH . In barren places ; being a low plant , having small hollow flowers , and little leaves . 7. HEATH . Exotic ; a low shrub , the branches spreading and growing thick together , which after being dried and shrunk up , will upon being put into warm water dilate and expend themselves . 8. ROSE OF JERICO . Of Trees . Trees may be distinguished according to their Fruit or Seed ; being conteined either in a Fleshy pulp ; whether POMIFEROUS . I. PRUNIFEROUS . II. BACCIFEROUS . III. Hard shell ; NUCIFEROUS . IV. GLANDIFEROUS , or CONIFEROUS . V. SINGLE TEGUMENTS , or Coverings . VI. WOODS OR BARKS . VII . GUMMS OR ROSINS . VIII . I. POMIFEROUS TREES , may be distinguished into such as are More properly called Trees ; whether Deciduous ; having Visible Blossoms ; Esculent when ripe ; More round ; the tree spreading more in breadth , both as to the branches and roots of it , the fruits having an outward cavity at each end , in the place of the blossom and the stalk , and five inward cavities lined with stiffe membranes , each of which doth commonly contein two kernels . 1. APPLE . Less round ; that part of the fruit where the stalk grows , being more prominent ; ‖ either that which rises more in height : or that which spreads more in breadth , being a lower and more crooked tree , whose fruit is covered with a Down , being when raw , of an unpleasant tast and sent . 2. PEAR . QUINCE . Not esculent , till rotten ; The greater ; ‖ either that smaller tree , having long leaves , dark green above and white beneath , the fruit having a wide aperture in the place of the blossom : or that thorny tree , whose leaf and fruit is like a Hawthorn , but the fruit bigger , and of a pleasant acidity . 3. MEDLAR . LAZAROLE . The lesser ; being tall trees ; ‖ either that of winged serrate leaves , bearing a fruit like a small Pear : or that of jagged leaves , bearing a lesser fruit in clusters upon long foot-stalks . 4. TRUE SERVICE . COMMON SERVICE . No visible blossoms ; unless ( as JOHN BAUHINUS observes ) within the fruit , being a weak tree , of smooth bark , large leaves , divided commonly into five jags , whose fruit is of an oblong Pear-like figure , of a more soft consistence , full of little grains . 5. FIGG. Sempervirent ; or evergreen ; whose fruit is either Round ; of a Hard , crustaceous , brittle rine ; a thorny tree , bearing large beautiful blossoms , the fruit full of grains in a red pulp , with a kind of Coronet on the top of the fruit , at the place of the blossom . 6. POMEGRANATE . Softer rine ; the fruit as to its colour being of a deep yellow ; ‖ either that which hath a quick juice of a grateful acidity : or that whose juice is of a more dull and flat tast . 7. ORANGE . ADAMS APPLE . Oblong ; and oval ; being of a pale yellow ; ‖ either the bigger , whose rine is more thick , and whose juice is less acid : or the less , whose rine is more thin , and whose juice is more acid . 8. CITRON . LEMMON . Less properly called Trees ; bearing fruits of some resemblance to Figgs ; ‖ either that which grows to a great bigness , bearing a pleasant fruit , many in a cluster , being Annual : or that whose leaves grow out of one another , of which those in Northern Countries are commonly so small as to be reckoned amongst Herbs . 9. PLANTAIN TREE . INDIAN FIGG. II. PRUNIFEROUS TREES , may be distinguished into such as are Not Purgative ; Deciduous ; whose fruits are Greater ; whose stones are Rough ; having many deep crooked furrows ; ‖ either that whose fruit is covered with a Down : or that whose skin is not downy . 1. PEACH . Malacotoon . NECTARINE . Smooth ; ‖ either that which is sooner ripe , of a more dry , solid , yellow pulp : or that of a more succulent pulp . 2. APRICOCK . PLUMM . Lesser ; putting out blossoms before leaves ; ‖ either that which bears a more round fruit upon a long foot-stalk : or that which bears a more oblong fruit upon a shorter foot-stalk . 3. CHERRY . CORNELION . Sempervirent : having stones with very small kernels : ‖ either that which hath long narrow leaves , hoary underneath , the fruit not esculent till pickled : or that which hath very long leaves , like those of Reed , the fruit growing in clusters , of a pleasant tast . 4. OLIVE . DATE . Purgative ; being sold in Apothecaries shops . Vsed sometimes for food ; ‖ either that whose fruit is bigger : or that which bears a small black turbinate fruit , standing in a little cup , of a black , sweet , viscid pulp , adhering to the stone , which conteins three seeds . 5. MIROBALANE . SEBESTEN . Not used for food ; ‖ either that whose fruit hath some resemblance to an Olive : or that which bears a red fruit , the leaf short , round , serrate , of a deep green . 6. WHITE JUJUBS COMMON JUJUBS . III. BACCIFEROUS TREES , may be distinguished into such as are either . Europaean ; Deciduous ; whose fruit is Esculent ; having broad , roundish , serrate , rough leaves , bearing a fruit like that of a Rasberry , but bigger . 1. MULBERRY . Not esculent ; having Winged leaves ; the wood more Soft and spungy ; ‖ either that , the younger branches of which are full of Pith , bearing the berries in an Vmbel , being of an ill sent : or that which bears its berries in a close tuft , the wood being used for giving a black tincture to Leather . 2. ELDER . SUMACH . Hard ; ‖ either that which bears its berries in an Vmbel , being of a red colour and an acid tast : or that which bears a small , round , oblong fruit , in long clusters , having many hollow excrescences like Bladders . 3. QUICKEN TREE . TURPENTINE TREE . Single leaves ; bearing a small black fruit upon a long foot-stalk , like that of a Cherry , the leaves resembling those of Nettle . 4. NETTLE TREE . Evergreen ; considerable for their Berries ; whether such as bear Black berries ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more short , odorate , of a deep green , each berry conteining two seeds : or that whose leaves are more pale , long , shining and serrate . 5. BAY . LAUREL . Red berries ; ‖ either that which hath small narrow leaves of a dark green : or that which hath large shining prickly leaves . 6. YEW . HOLLY . Whitish berries ; having small round leaves of an ill sent , a hard close wood of a yellowish colour . 7. BOX . Gumms ; ‖ either that which hath winged leaves , without an od leaf at the end : or that which hath long narrow leaves , like those of Iris , producing a red Gum called Sanguis draconis . 8. MASTIC TREE . DRAGON TREE . Exotic ; Deciduous ; ‖ either that whose fruit is Aromatical , being the bottom of the flower , which when ripe , grows turgid in the middle where the seeds are conteined : or that of winged leaves , serrate , of a deep green , bearing white berries in clusters . 9. LOVE TREE . BEDE TREE . Evergreen ; ‖ either that of an Aromatic wood used in Physick , having leaves like those of a Fig-tree , but less : or that of winged leaves , long , narrow , sharp pointed , bearing berries like those of Asparagus , in clusters . 10. SASSAFRAS . INDIAN MOLLE . IV. NUCIFEROUS TREES , may be distinguished into such as are Europaean ; conteining in one common husk One Nut ; having a covering that is either Thick and pulpy ; having oyly kernels ; ‖ either that which is the larger tree of winged leaves , odorate , having a rugged kernel , divided into several lobes : or that which is a lesser tree , having long narrow serrate leaves , and a smooth kernel . 1. WALNUT . ALMOND . Thin husks ; either such as are Wholly encompassed ; and covered by their husks ; whether that of winged leaves , having a white thin shell , upon which there is another rugged covering : or that whose leaf is like that of a Quince , green above and white underneath , the fruit covered with a downy husk , the kernel of a bad tast . 2. PISTACIE , Fistic-nut . STORAX . Open at one end ; being smaller Trees , of broad indented leaves , bearing Catkins ; ‖ either that of a larger kernel and thinner shell , whose husk is longer : or that of a lesser kernel and thicker shell , whose husk is shorter . 3. FILBERT . SMALL NUT . Several Nuts ; whose outward husk is Echinate and prickly ; ‖ either that which hath long , smooth , deeply indented leaves , the husk conteining three or four Nuts : or that which bears a short , roundish , shining leaf , having a smooth bark , and Nuts of a triangular figure . 4. CHESNUT . BEECH . Smooth ; and thin , in the form of a Bladder ; being a small tree of winged leaves . 5. BLADDER NUT . Exotic ; conteining in one common husk One Nut ; ‖ either that which is a large tree , bearing the largest Nut of all that are known , covered with a thick rine upon the shell : or that which hath a hard Aromatic kernel , covered immediately with a yellowish Aromatic husk , called Mace , upon which there is a thin shell , and upon that a pulpy coat . 6. COCO . NUTMEG . Several Nuts ; having a covering More thin ; whose kernels are used for the making of drinks , being but small trees ; ‖ either that which grows in shady moist places , having many kernels together in a husk : or that which is less properly called a Nut , bearing a double kernel in a husk , each of them being flat on one side , and gibbous on the other . 7. CHOCOLATE . COFFI . Covered with a woolly substance : or that which besides the outward tegument hath likewise an inward pulp , wherein the fruit lies , of the shape of a Heart , and the bigness of a Bean , used in Physick . 8. COTTON TREE . ANACARDIUM . V. GLANDIFEROUS , and CONIFEROUS TREES , may be distinguished into such as are Glandiferous . Deciduous ; ‖ either that which is a large tree , of a hard lasting wood , a rugged bark , the leaves waved at the edges : or that whose leaves are more deeply divided , bearing a larger fruit , standing in great thick rugged cups , used for tanning . 1. OAK . BITTER OAK . Evergreen ; ‖ either that whose leaves resemble those of Holly , being of a dark green above , and white underneath : or that which is very like to this , having a very , thick , light , porous , deciduous bark . 2. HOLM OAK . CORK TREE . Coniferous ; Deciduous ; bearing small Cones ; ‖ either that which grows in watery places , having leaves of a dark green , shaped like those of the Nut-tree : or that whose leaves are very slender , growing in tufts , more thin at distances , of a paler colour . 3. ALDER . LARICH TREE . Evergreen ; whos 's Cones are Bigger ; ‖ either that which is a large tall tree , bearing great roundish Cones of smooth scales , standing upwards , the leaves being small , narrow , and thick set together : or that which bears long slender leaves , two growing out together from one socket , the Cones consisting of hard wooddy scales . 4. CEDAR . PINE . Lesser ; having Long leaves ; ‖ either that whose leaves encompass and cover the branches ; bearing long Cones hanging downwards : or that whose leaves grow from each side of the stalk , being more flat , like those of Yew , green on the upper side , and whitish underneath , furcated at the end , bearing Cones shorter and thicker , growing erect . 5. MALE FIRR TREE , Pitch-tree . FEMALE FIRR TREE . Short leaves ; ‖ either that which grows in a conical figure , bearing small roundish Cones : or that which hath compressed branches of a strong resinous sent , bearing small Cones encompassed with six scales . 6. CYPRESS . TREE OF LIFE . VI. TREES bearing their Seeds in SINGLE TEGUMENTS or Coverings , may be distinguished into such whose seeds are conteined in Pods ; called Siliquous trees ; whether such whose Pods are Larger ; being Esculent ; having winged leaves , and very broad Pods . 1. CAROB , St Iohn's bread . Purgative ; ‖ either that which bears a round , black , and very long Pod , whose pulp is used as a benign purgative : or that which bears a thick Pod , having winged leaves , and a purgative pulp . 2. CASSIA . TAMARIND . Lesser ; having a round leaf , bearing elegant purple blossoms , and a thin Pod. 3. JUDAS TREE . Membranaceous coverings ; whether Foliaceous husks ; ‖ either that whose leaves are rough and indented , having a rugged bark : : or that whose leaf is somewhat longer and smoother , having a more even bark . 4. ELM . HORNBEAM . Alate seed-vessels ; or Keys ; whether such as do generall bear Single Keys ; having winged leaves , a smooth bark , and a tough wood . 5. ASH . Double Keys ; ‖ either that which hath smaller leaves , divided into five segments , being a brittle wood : or that which hath broader leaves , more deeply divided , being a soft wood . 6. MAPLE . SYCAMORE . Catkins ; called Iuliferous trees ; whether such as are of Lesser leaves ; ‖ either that which hath slender reddish twigs , smooth and white branches : or that which bears a roundish crenate leaf , upon very slender foot-stalks , which makes them apt to shake upon every little breath of wind . 7. BIRCH . ASPIN . Larger leaves ; ‖ either that whose leaves are of a dark green , like those of Ivy , having a whitish bark , and growing in watery places : or that whose leaves are laciniated , being of a dark green above , and hoary white underneath . 8. BLACK POPLAR . WHITE POPLAR . Longer leaves ; of a soft wood , growing most naturally in moist places ; ‖ either that whose leaves are more dense and compact , being the larger tree : or that which is a lesse tree , having a broader leaf , and bearing larger Cat-kins . 9. WILLOW . SALLOW . Round Buttons ; ‖ either that which hath broad leaves ending in a point , being smoother above then underneath , bearing a sweet blossom , and a round fruit about the bigness of a Pease , conteining one seed : or that which hath a divided leaf , whose fruit is echinate or prickly , conteining several seeds 10. LIME TREE . PLANE TREE . VII . TREES considered according to their WOODS or BARKS , may be distinguished into such as are principally known and taken notice of for their Woods ; according to their uses in Physick ; whether such as are esteemed Cordial ; being a hard , heavy , unctuous , Aromatic wood , the grain like that of Oak . 1. ALOE TREE . Diaphoretic ; of a hot biting tast ; ‖ either that which is used against the Pox : or that which is commended as an Antidote against the biting of Serpents . 2. GUAIACUM , Pockwood . SNAKEWOOD . Cooling and Astringent ; whether that of a deep red , being hard , heavy , and of a finer grain , having a dull tast and no sent : or that which is yellowish , of a strait course grain , and fragrant smell like Musk. 3. RED SAUNDERS . YELLOW SAUNDERS . Vseful against the Stone and diseases of the Kidneys ; ‖ either that which tinges Water so , as to make it in several lights to appear of two colours , blewish and yellow , not considerable for tast or smell : or that which is yellowish in the middle , and white on the outside , having a hottish tast , and a sent like that of a white Rose . 4. LIGNUM NEPHRITICUM . ROSEWOOD . Mechanics ; whether for Dying a red colour ; the former being a hard heavy wood of a strait grain , with streaks of black . 5. BRASIL WOOD. LOG WOOD. Fabrile uses ; whether the making of Cabinets ; being capable of a shining politure ; ‖ either that of a black colour , a close grain , being very heavy : or that which is variegated with red and white . 6. EBONY . PRINCES WOOD. Tubes ; for the conveiance of Water , being streight slender trees , growing to a very great height , having a tuft of branches only at the top , the greatest part of them being pith , inclosed in a shell of very hard wood , somewhat resembling a Rush , 7. CABBIDGE TREE , Palmetto Royal. Barks ; or Rines ; either that which is Esculent ; being Aromatic , and of a sweet tast . 8. CINNAMON . Medicinal ; ‖ either that which is so soveraign a remedy for the cure of Agues , being of a dark colour , no considerable tast : or that which is of an Ash colour , and a hot biting tast , good against the Scurvy . 9. CORTEX FEBRIFUGUS PERUVIANUS , Iesuits powder . CORTEX WINTERANUS . VIII . TREES considered according to their GUMMS or ROSINS , may be distinguished ; either according to their Gums ; whether Odorate ; being of a bitter tast , proceeding from an exotic thorny Tree . 1. MYRRHE . Not odorate ; ‖ either that which proceeds from an Egyptian thorny tree : or that which is of a yellowish colour and bitter tast , leaving behind it a kind of sweet rellish , somewhat like Liccorice ▪ 2. GUMM ARABICK . SARCOCOLLA Rosins ; whose consistence is more Solid ; and hard Odorate ; having a More pleasant sent ; used for Suffumigations ; being transparent ; having Lesser grains ; ‖ either that which proceeds from an Arabian tree : or that which is of near resemblance to this , proceeding from an Aethiopian Olive , of a whitish-colour mixed with yellow particles . 3. FRANKINCENSE , Olibanum . GUM ELEMI . Bigger grains ; proceeding from an American tree , the latter of which is more clear and transparent . 4. GUMMI ANIMAE . COPAL . Perfumes ; ‖ either that which is of a more hard consistence , and more tenacious : or that which is more easily dissolved . 5. CARANNA . BENJAMIN . Less pleasant sent ; either that which is More volatile ; white and transparent from several trees . 6. CAMPHIRE . Less volatile ; ‖ either that which is unctuous and bitterish , easily growing soft , proceeding from an exotic thorny tree : or that which proceeds from a tall tree like Poplar . 7. BDELLIUM . TACA MAHACA . Not odorate ; of a red tincture , used in painting and varnishing . 8 LAKE . Liquid ; being of a sweet sent ; ‖ either that which is of a more strong smell : or that which is of a reddish colour , used for stopping defluxions . 9. LIQUIDAMBRA . BALSAMUM PERUVIANUM . CHAP. V. I. Concerning Animals , the general distribution of them . II. Of exanguious Animals . III. Of Fish. IV. Of Birds . V. Of Beasts . VI. A Digression concerning Noah's Ark. SEnsitive creatures may be distinguished into such as are counted more Imperfect ; which have something analogous to blood , but are destitute of that red juice commonly so called , being therefore stiled EXANGUIOUS , having either no leggs , or more legs then four , Perfect ; whether FISHES , which have no legs , but fins answerable to them , being covered with a naked skin , or with scales , whose proper motion is swimming . BIRDS , which have two leggs and two wings , whose bodies are covered with feathers , being oviparous , whose proper motion is flying . BEASTS , which are for the most part , four-footed , hairy , and viviparous , excepting only some few which are without feet or hair , and are oviparous . It may be observed to be amongst these ( as it is amongst the other ranks of Beings , ) that the more perfect kinds are the least numerous . Upon which account , Insects being the most minute and imperfect , and some of them ( perhaps ) of a spontaneous generation , are of the greatest variety , tho by reason of their littleness , the several Species of them , have not hitherto been sufficiently enumerated or described , by those Authors who have particularly applyed themselves to this study . There are sundry of these , as likewise of other Animals , which have no Latin names , as being unknown to the Romans , & there are sundry which have no English names , as being strangers to us . And amongst those that have English names , some are here described by their usual Appellations in Latin , because I knew not at present how to render them properly in English : And some there are peculiar to some coasts and rivers , and not commonly known elsewhere , which are hard to be enumerated . As for fictitious Animals , as Syren , or Mermaid , Phoenix , Griffin , Harpy , Ruck , Centaur , Satyr , &c. there is no provision made for them in these tables , because they may be infinite ; and besides , being but bare names , and no more , they may be expressed as Individuals are . Of Exanguious Animals . THose kinds of more imperfect Animals , which are destitute of that red juice , commonly called blood , are stiled Exanguious ; to which may be annexed that general name given to the least kinds of these , viz. Insect , from that incisure or resemblance of cutting what is common to most of them in some part of their bodies . These EXANGUIOUS ANIMALS may be distinguished into Lesser ; usually called Insects ; whether such whose generation is Analogous to that of other Animals ; which breed young like themselves , growing from a lesser to a greater magnitude , not being transmutable into any other Insect ; whether such as have . NO FEET OR BUT SIX feet , being WITHOUT WINGS . I. SIX FEET and WINGS , or MORE feet THEN SIX . II. Anomalous ; whether such as ARE DESIGNED TO A FURTHER TRASMUTATION . III. Have in their production undergone severall mutations ; being first Eggs , then Maggots or Caterpillars , then Aureliae , and then flying Insects , which after their first production do not increase in magnitude ; whether such as have NAKED WINGS . IV. SHEATHED WINGS . V. Greater ; whether Hard ; whose bones are on their outside ; being either CRUSTACEOUS ; namely such as are wholly covered with a tough flexile substance , having generally eight legs , besides a pair of claws , and two or more annulated horns or feelers . VI. TESTACEOUS ; of a more hard and brittle substance TURBINATED ; consisting of a cone-like cavity , rouled up in a spiral , which beginning at the Aperture or mouth of them , doth generally proceed from the left hand to the right . VII NOT TURBINATED . VIII . SOFT . IX . I. INSECTS of an Analogous generation , having no feet , or but six feet , being without wings , may be distributed into those that are Apoda ; without feet . More oblong and round ; Larger ; More slender ; of a reddish colour , with very little distinction of parts ; ‖ either that which breeds in the earth : or that which breeds in the bodies of children . 1. EARTH WORM . BELLY WORM . More thick ; ‖ either that which breeds in watery places , being used for the drawing of blood : or that which is covered with a slimy moisture , having four little horns like prominencies , or feelers . 2. LEECH . SNAIL . Lesser ; breeding in Animals ; ‖ either the more minute , being small white Worms , breeding in the lower guts of Men : or the bigger , sticking their heads in the inward membranes of Horses stomachs or guts . 3. ASCARIDES . BOTTS . More short and flat ; ‖ either that whose shape doth somewhat resemble a Flounder , found both in waters , and in the branches of the Porus bilearis , and the liver of several of the Ruminant kind : or that of a Quadrate body , with a little trunk standing out betwixt two Antennae , and six stringy substances behind , living in the Sea. 4. FLUKE . ASILUS . Hexapoda ; having six feet . Terrestrial ; Greater ; More slender ; ‖ either that whose body is somewhat compressed , sending out a light from her tail : or that which is of a whitish colour , more oblong , breeding in Meal . 5. GLOW-WORM . MEAL-WORM , Gentle. Less slender ; ‖ either of a Darker colour ; being like a Beetle without wings , but seeming to have some little rudiments of wings , noted for being apt upon a touch to send out a yellowish oyly substance from his joynts . 6. PROSCARAB . Lighter colour ; whether that which resembles a Locust without wings : or that which is of a Chesnut colour , flat , broad , soft , avoiding light places . 7. FIELD CRICKET . COCK ROCHES . Lesser ; troublesome to other Animals ; ‖ whether that of a paler colour : or that of a dark red , being salient . 8 LOUSE . FLEA . Aquatic ; having a compressed body , with an oblique decussation upon the back , and a long tail . 9. WATER SCORPION . II. INSECTS of an Analogous generation , having either wings or more legs then six , may be distributed into such as are Winged ; whether Terrestrial ; whose bodies are More oblong ; Living in open fields ; and feeding on plants ; ‖ either that kind , by the swarms of which whole Countries have been sometimes destroyed , having long hinder legs for leaping , making a noise by rubbing their legs against their wings : or that of a long slender breast , often holding up the two fore-legs , which are longer then the other . 1. LOCUST , Grashopper . MANTIS . Living in holes of the ground , and houses ; ‖ either that which affects to reside near Hearths and Ovens , making a noise like a Locust , by the affriction of the wings , having the wings lying more close to the body : or that whose fore-legs are broad and strong , divided into fingers like those of a Mole , whereby it is inabled in a very short space to dig a hole in the ground . 2. CRICKET . FEN-CRICKET , Evechurr , Churr-worm . More compressed and broad ; ‖ whether that which hath broad angular shoulders , being marked with an oblique decussation on the back , having the proboscis reversed under the belly : or that which is of a Chesnut colour , having large stiff wings , avoiding the light . 3. CIMEX SILVESTRIS . WINGED COCKROCH . Aquatic ; having a decussation or kind of Lozenge-mark on the back ; ‖ either that which runs upon the top of the water , having long legs like those of a Spider : or that which hath two long swimming legs behind , whereby he swims in the water . 4. WATER SPIDER . CICADA AQUATICA . Not winged ; Terrestrial ; having Eight legs ; being hurtful to Animals ; either the Larger ; whether that which by drawing out from the belly a slimy substance , and working it with the feet , doth frame a small Web to catch Flies : or that which hath an oval body , two forcipate claws , a knotty tail , with a crooked sting at the end of it . 5. SPIDER . SCORPION . Middle kind ; ‖ either that of a round body , the legs fixed to the neck , sticking to Animals by thrusting the head into their skin : or that which is of a dark red colour , a tender skin , causing a very offensive stink , when crushed . 6. TICK , Sheep-tick . PUNICE , Wall-louse . Least kind ; ‖ either that which breeds in corrupted Cheese , fruit , &c. or that which doth work it self into the skin of children . 7. MITE . WHEAL WORM . Clothes ; being of a silver colour , mealy , oblong , of swift motion . 8. MOTH . Fourteen legs ; covered with a scaly armature , having a flat belly , and a gibbous back , being apt to roul it self up when touched . 9. SOW , Ch●eselip , Hog-louse , Wood-louse . More then fourteen feet ; ‖ whether that whose body is of a more compressed : or a more round figure . 10. SCOLOPENDER . JULUS . Aquatick ; ‖ whether that which sticks to Fish , not much differing from an Asellus , but only in respect of the tail , which is somewhat broad : or that whose back is more gibbous , being apt to skip . 11. SEA LOUSE , SEA FLEA , Sugg , River Shrimp . III. INSECTS of an ANOMALOUS generation , designed for a further transmutation , may be distinguished into such as are Apoda ; those that are without feet , considered according to the General name ; 1. MAGGOT . Particular kinds ; whether such as are . Sharp at both ends ; ‖ either the bigger , producing the favificous kind : or the lesser , breeding in the exorescies of Oaks , and the tufts of Briars , and sometimes creeping out of the sides of Caterpillars , producing a smaller sort of shining Fly , many of which are Seticaudes . 2. BEE MAGGOT , Grub. SHINING FLY MAGGOT . Broad and flat at their tails ; ‖ either the greater , having two black spots on the tail , the fore-part being more slender , with two little black hooks upon the head , by fixing of which , this Insect doth draw his body forward , from whence Flesh-flies proceed : or the lesser , with a short erect tail , producing Flies of the Wasp kind . 3. GENTILE . WASP-LIKE FLY MAGGOT . Pedata ; having legs , whether Hexapoda ; such as have six legs . Aquatic ; living in the water ; ‖ whether that which is naked , producing Dragon-flies : or that which is in a case with little straws or sticks adhering to it , producing May flies . 4. LIBELLA WORM . CADEW , Straw-worm . Terrestrial ; breeding several sorts of Scarabs ; ‖ whether that which is of a strait figure : or that whose tail is inverted under the belly . 5. STRAIT BEETLE PRODUCING HEXAPOD . WHIRL WORM . More then six legs ; considerable according to the General name ; comprehending all such , as besides three pair of slender crooked legs , on the three first annuli next the head , have two or more short thick legs behind , and two appendages at the tail . To which may be adjoyned the most principal of those . 6. CATERPILLAR . SILK WORM . Particular kinds ; whether having Eight feet ; that which in its progressive motion doth first gather its body up into a loop , resting it upon his hinder feet and the appendages of the tail , and then thrusting himself forward , or else skipping forward . 7. GEOMETRA . SKIPPING WORM . Many feet ; amongst which the most common and numerous kind have fourteen feet ; ‖ whether those that are smooth : or those that are hirsute . 8. SMOOTH CATERPILLAR . PALMER WORM , Bear worm . IV. NAKED WINGED INSECTS , which in their production do undergo several notations , may be distributed into such , whose wings are either Membranaceous ; consisting of a thin transparent film , being bred of Maggots or Worms that are Apoda ; without feet Bigger ; Favificous ; or making of Combs , in which multitudes of them do co-habit and breed , having four wings ; whether such as are Beneficial ; by their gathering of Hony and Wax from Plants ; ‖ either that which is of a more oblong figure , the males of which ( called Drones ) are without stings , being commonly preserved in Gardens : or that which is more short , thick and hairy , living more wildly in lesser swarms . 1. BEE , Drone , Hive , Comb. HUMBLE-BEE . Hurtful ; by their destroying of fruits , Bees , &c. being of an oblong figure , and a yellow colour ; ‖ either the less , of a lighter yellow : or the greater , of a deeper yellow . 2. WASP . HORNET . Not favificous ; having Four wings ; whether such as in their shapes resemble Bees or Wasps . 3. BEE-LIKE FLY . WASP-LIKE FLY . Two wings ; ‖ whether that of a short thick body , of various bignesses and colours , proceeding from an oblong round Aurelia , feeding on flesh : or that of a yellowish colour , and longer legs , feeding on dung . 4. FLESH FLY . DUNG FLY . Lesser ; living gregarioussy ; ‖ either that of an oblong body , with a deep incisure , having four wings , of which there are many that at sometimes are without wings : or that of a more slender body , a tuft on the head , living near watery places , having but two wings . 5. ANT , Emmet , Pismire . GNAT . Pedata ; having six feet ; whether those of Broad wings ; ‖ either that which hath a great head , a long strait proboscis lying under the belly , making a loud noise , by the help of two stiffe membranes that are upon his breast : or that which hath a near resemblance to a Butterfly , in respect of the largeness of the wings , but only they are not farinaceous or erect . 6. CICADA . PAPILIONACEOUS FLY . Narrow wings ; being bred out of the water ; ‖ either of a naked hexapod Worm : or of one that lives in a case , to which little sticks and straws do adhere . 7. DRAGON FLY , Bolts-head . MAY FLY . Long legs ; having but two wings . 8. CRANE FLY . Shepheards fly . Farinaceous wings ; being covered with a mealy substance easily coming off upon a touch , which in the Microscope appears to consist of small downy feathers , as the most ingenuous Mr. Hook hath first discovered ; whether such whose wings in the usual posture are Erected ; standing upright upon their backs being of great variety for colours and magnitudes , distinguishable into these two common kinds , such as appear by day , or by night . 9. BUTTERFLY . MOTH . Compressed ; lying more flat on the body , the wings being more short and strong , and the tail more broad . 10. HAWK BUTTERFLY . V. SHEATHED WINGED INSECTS , commonly called Beetles or Scarabs , may be distributed into such , whose coverings are more Thick , strong and horny ; whether those that are accounted Horned ; having either One horn ; the greater , the biggest of this tribe , the horn turning downwards : or the lesser , being one of the smallest of this tribe , having Antennae on each side of his snout or horn , which together represent the Greek letter ψ , breeding amongst and devouring Corn. 1. RHINOCEROTE . WEEVILL . Two horns ; Stiffe , without joynts ; whether branched like those of a Stagg : or not branched like those of a Bull. 2. STAG BEETLE . BULL FLY BEETLE . Limber , and with joints ; improperly called horns , being Antennae or feelers ; ‖ either that whose Antennae are very long and reversed over his back : or that which hath knobbed feelers not so long . 3. GOAT-CHAFER . KNOBBED HORN'D BEETLE . Not horned ; Terrestrial ; having Longer coverings for their wings ; The greater ; Of a dark blackish colour ; whether that which is most common : or that other of near resemblance to this , having serrate legs , using to roul Dung into little balls , by working backwards with his hinder feet . 4. COMMON BEETLE . DUNG BEETLE . Of a lighter colour ; ‖ either that of a russet colour , living in Trees , having a long sharp tail , extended beyond the wings : or that of a shining green , feeding on Roses . 5. DORR , Grey Beetle . GREEN CHAFER . The lesser ; ‖ either that of a long slender body , frequent about houses , making a noise like the minute of a Watch , by striking the bottom of his breast against his belly : or that of a more short round figure , living in the fields , being either wholly red , or sometimes spotted with black 6. DEATH WATCH . LADY-COW . Shorter coverings ; not reaching half the length of their bodies , which are long and slender , having forked tails , which they turn up in their defence ; ‖ the greater which is black : or the less which is of a reddish colour 7. STAPHILINUS . EARWIGG . Aquatic ; ‖ either the greater , living under water , having the hinder pair of legs longer for swimming , being said to fly out of the water sometimes in the night : or the less of a gibbous round shining back , playing on the top of the water . 8. GREAT WATER SCARAB . LE●S WATER SCARAB Thin , weak and flexile ; of more oblong bodies ; ‖ either that which is of a green , gilded , shining colour , used for Causticks : or that which shines in the night . 9. CANTHARIS . GLOW WORM FLY . VI. The greater sort of EXANGUIOUS ANIMALS being CRUSTACEOUS , may be distributed into such whose figure is more Oblong ; The greater ; having Naked shells ; of a dark brown colour ; ‖ either that which hath four pair of legs , and two great claws : or that which hath no claws , but five pair of legs , the feelers somewhat compressed , being thorny on the back . 1. LOBSTER . LONG OISTER . Downy shell ; having a broad head , with two short , broad , laminate prominencies from it , five pair of legs , and no claws . 2. SEA BEAR . The lesser ; living in Fresh water ; resembling a Lobster , but much less , of a hard shell . 3. CRAYFISH , Crevice . Salt water ; having a thinner shell , being of a pale flesh colour ; ‖ either that of a sharper tail , the two fore-legs being hooked and not forcipate : or that which hath a broader longer tail , with two purple spots upon it , being the greater . 4. SHRIMP , Prawn . SQUILLA MANTIS . Shells of other Sea Fishes ; having besides two claws , and two pair of legs hanging out of the shell , two other pair of soft hairy legs within the shell . 5. HERMIT FISH , Souldier Fish. Roundish ; comprehending the Crab-kind , whose bodies are somewhat compressed , having generally shorter tails folded to their bellies . The Greater ; having Thick , strong , short claws ; the latter of which hath serrate prominencies on the side of the claws , somewhat resembling the Comb of a Cock. 6 COMMON CRABB . SEA-COCK Slender claws ; ‖ either that of a longer body , having two horns between his eyes , being rough on the back and red when alive : or that whose upper shell doth extend beyond his body , having a long stiffe tail . 7. CANCER MAJUS . MOLUCCA CRAB . The Lesser ; resembling A Common Crab ; but being much less . 8. LITTLE CRABB . A Spider ; whether that which is somewhat more oblong in the body , having a long snout : or that whose body is round . 9. SEA SPIDER . CRUSTACEOUS SPIDER . VII . TESTACEOUS TURBINATED exanguious ANIMALS , may be distributed into such as are More properly so called ; whether such whose spiral convolutions Do appear on the outside ; being either Not produced ; but equal on both sides ; ‖ either the Greater , having several Diaphragms perforated , the Animal within somewhat resembling a Polypus : or the Less , being of a dark red colour , and found in fresh water . 1. NAUTILUS . WATER-SNAIL . Produced ; whether More short in the spiral production , considerable for having a Purple juice ; heretofore used in Dying , the shells being either knobbed or thorny ; ‖ either that whose shell is very large and thick , being the strongest and heaviest of this kind , having a long aperture : or that which hath a roundish aperture , with a neb or beak at one side of it . 2. MUREX . PURPURA . Long aperture ; ‖ either that whose turbinated part is almost plain , and the part not turbinated , much produced , somewhat like a Cylinder : or that which is of a great bigness , having seven strong furrowed prominencies from one side of the aperture . 3. CYLINDROIDES . APORRHAIS . Roundish aperture ; ‖ either that which is more prominent , having more revolutions : or that which is more compressed , having fewer revolutions , many of them having a knob by the aperture . 4. SEA SNAIL . NERITES . More oblong ▪ always ending in a sharp point , having either a more Prominent base ; ‖ either the Greater : or the Lesser . 5. PUCCINUM . TURBO . Flat base ; broad and round , being nearer to the figure of a Cone ; the greater : or the lesser , whose base is less flat . 6. TROCHUS PERIWINKLE , Welke . Do not appear on the outside ; but are within the shell , having long apertures ; ‖ either that whose aperture is more narrow , being furrowed on either side : or that whose aperture is somewhat wider , not furrowed on the sides of it . 7 VENUS SHELL . PERSIAN SHELL . Less properly so called ; being of near affinity to the Vnivalvs , the inside having a pearl-like shining colour , with several holes on one side , being at one end on the outside somewhat turbinated . 8. SEA EAR. VIII . EXANGUIOUS TESTACEOUS ANIMALS NOT TURBINATED , may be distributed into such as are Vnivalvs ; having but one shell ; whether being Vnmoved ; sticking fast to Rocks or other things ; ‖ whether that whose convexity doth somewhat resemble a short obtuse angled cone , having no hole at the top : or that which is of an oblong figure , somewhat Cylindrical , fixed at the bottom to the place where first it was bred , with an aperture at the top . 1. LIMPET . CENTER FISH . Moveable ; ‖ either that of a Spherical figure somewhat compressed , full of prickles , having one large round aperture at the bottom , and another small aperture opposite to it : or that which is of a more oblong figure , a tender shell , having two apertures on the same side . 2. BUTTON-FISH . MERMAIDS HEAD . Bivalvs ; having two shells ; whether more Roundish ; such whose outsides are Smooth ; ‖ whether that of a larger thicker shell , of a pearl-like shining , whose inward part towards the joynt , doth end in a narrow sinus or cavity : or that which is whitish on the outside . 3. MOTHER OF PEARL . GALADES . Rough ; ‖ either that whose joynt is more narrow , having no prominences in the inside of it : or that whose joynt is more broad , with two prominencies and two correspondent cavities in each shell . 4. OYSTER . SPONDYL . Furrowed ; ‖ either the bigger ; having one or two ear-like prominencies on the outside towards the joynt : or the less , having no such prominencies . 5. SCOLLOP . COCKLE . Oblong ; considerable for being Less long ; and nearest to the round kind , being smooth , and having thin shells ; ‖ either the greater , of a flattish and compressed figure : or the lesser , being somewhat of a triangular figure , having the edges of the shell indented . 6. CHAMA . TELLINA . More long ; whether such as are Of a dark blackish colour on the outside ; ‖ either the greater , which from a joynt at one end more acute and slender , doth grow out to a great length , becoming broad at the other end , having a silk-like substance within the shell : or the less , of which one kind hath the joynt at the end , and is commonly eaten , the other hath the joynt on the side . 7. PINNA . MUSCLE . Not closed exactly in all parts of their shells ; ‖ either that which lyes in holes in a kind of marle at the bottom of the Sea , having an aperture near the joynt , and a little hook in the inside : or that which is open at both ends , being the longest of all the rest , in proportion to its bigness . 8. PHOLAS . SHEATH-FISH , Razor-fish Growing by a neck to other things ; whose shell consists of five parts , commonly ( though falsly ) said to produce a Bird , being of a triangular figure . 9. BARNICLE . IX . SOFT EXANGUIOUS ANIMALS , may be distributed into such as are More Perfect ; having mouthes like the beaks of Birds , with eight stringy substances about them serving instead of legs , their bodies conteining a black liquor like Ink ; whether those whose bodies are more Obround ; having No Antennae ; or feelers , and being without any bone ; ‖ either the greatest , growing to a vast magnitude : or the less , whose legs are longer in proportion , being of a sweet sent . 1. POUR CONTREL , Preke , Polypus . SWEET POLYPUS . Antennae ; ‖ either the greater , with a great , thick , soft , not pellucid bone in the body : or the lesser , which is without such a bone , having small roundish flapps on either side of the body . 2. CUTTLE FISH . LESSER CUTTLE . Oblong ; ‖ either that of longer Antennae with triangular flaps , having a long pellucid bone resembling a Sword : or that of shorter Antennae , having the triangular flaps nearer the tail , being of a reddish colour . 3. SLEVE . REDDISH SLEVE . Less perfect ; counted Zoophytes , as being betwixt Plants and Animals ; whether such as have More distinction of parts ; ‖ either that which hath some resemblance to a Hare : or that which hath some resemblance to a naked black Snail , without horns . 4. SEA HARE . HOLOTHURIUS . Less distinction of parts ; Pellucid ; being a kind Of Gelly , roundish at the top , marked with reddish lines in the form of a Starr , or Rose , having several kinds of rays like legs , proceeding from the middle of it . 5. BLUBBER . Not pellucid ; usually sticking to other things ; ‖ either that which is of various figures , being covered with a hard callous skin , conteining an esculent pulpy substance : or that which is of a fleshy consistence , having no hard skin , being of various shapes and bignesses , some of them stinging the hand upon the touch . 6. TETHYA . SEA NETTLE . Of Fish. FISH may be distributed into such as are Viviparous ; and skinned ; whose figure is either OBLONG and roundish . I. FLAT or thick . II. Oviparous ; whether such as do generally belong to Salt water ; to be further distinguished by their Finns on the back ; whether such , the rays of whose finns are Wholly soft and flexile . III. Partly soft , and partly spinous ; having TWO FINNS on the back . IV. But ONE FINN . V. Figure ; whether OBLONG . VI. FLAT . VII . CRUSTACEOUS COVERING . VIII . Fresh water ; being scaly . IX . I. VIVIPAROUS OBLONG FISH , may be distributed into such as are Cetaceous ; breeding their young within them , having lungs and no gills , and but one pair of finns ; ‖ either the greatest of all living Creatures , of which there are several species , one without teeth or a tube to cast water , another with teeth and such a tube , and another with a large long horn : or that other Fish of a less magnitude , which is gregarious , often appearing above water . 1. WHALE . PORPOIS , Dolphin . Cartilagineous ; said to hatch their young ones within their bellies , whose mouths are placed under their noses ; whether such as are more Proper to the Sea ; having generally a double Penis , wide mouths , and five apertures on each side instead of Gills ; to be further distinguished by their having Long snouts or prominencies ; ‖ either in the fashion of a Saw : or in the figure of a Sword , being without those apertures on the side , common to the rest . 2. SAW-FISH . SWORD-FISH . Rows of very sharp teeth ; ‖ the Greater : or the Lesser . 3. SHARKE . GLAUCUS . Lips rough like a File , but without teeth ; ‖ the Greater : or the Lesser . 4. HOUND-FISH . SPOTTED HOUND-FISH . Thorns on their backs ; ‖ either joyning to the former part of the Finns : or obliquely crossing the rays of the finn . 5. THORNBACK DOG . HOG-FISH . The aperture of their mouths , nearer to their noses then any of the other sorts of Dog-fish ; and being spotted ; ‖ either with large black spots : or with smaller spots . 6. GREATER DOG-FISH . LESSER DOG-FISH . A head like the head of a Crutch , with the eyes at the ends of the transverse , growing to a vast bigness : or having a very long slender tail . 7. ZYGAENA . FOX . Common to salt and fresh water ; having gills , but no teeth , their mouths being placed under their noses ; ‖ either that whose body is pentagonous , having five rows of bonny lamins , not properly scales , four strings hanging before the mouth : or that which is more round . 8. STURGEON . HUSO . II. VIVIPAROUS CARTILAGINEOUS FISH , whose bodies are not long and round , may be distributed into such as are Flat and broad ; distinguishable by some peculiarity in their parts , as to Length ; of the Tail ; being either Spinous ; having a sharp serrated thorn on the tail counted venemous ; ‖ either that whose snout is less or more prominent . 1. PASTINACA . AQUILA . Not spinous ; ‖ either that whose back is smooth : or thorny . 2. FLARE . THORNBACK . Snout ; being sharp ; ‖ either that whose body is shorter in proportion to the breadth : or that whose body is longer . 3. RAIA OXYZYNCHOS , Maid . SQUATINO-RAIA . Breadth of the head ; having a thick short tail in the fashion of a Battledore ; ‖ either that which hath five purple spots on the back : or that which hath one round aperture for each gill , a vast mouth , with stringy substances on his head and back . 4. CRAMP-FISH TOAD-FISH , Sea-divel . Situation of the mouth ; which opens at the end of the snout , and not underneath , as the rest of this tribe , having a more oblong body , and a very rough skin , with finny substances , standing out from each side like wings . 5. SCATE , Angel-fish . Thick and short ; ‖ either that which hath no tail , but resembles the head of a Fish cut off , with one tooth in each jaw , and one hole for each gill : or that which is of a reddish colour and spinous . 6. MOLE . LUMP . III. OVIPAROUS FISH , whose back FINNS are wholly soft and flexile , may be distinguished into such as have Three such soft finns on their backs ; namely the Cod-kind , which use to be preserved for humane food by salting ; either the Shorter and thicker ; whether Larger ; ‖ either that which hath a kind of beard : or that of a black coloured back . 1. COD FISH , Keeling . COLE-FISH . Lesser ; ‖ either that which hath a black spot on either side : or that which is of a softer body , having very small scales , being the least of this kind . 2. HADDOCK . WHITING . Longer and more slender ; ‖ either that whose flesh when salted , looks yellow , and is more brittle : or that other of near resemblance to this , whose hinder finn seems to be two , by reason of its rising up higher in the further part , tho it be properly but one . 3. LING. HAAK , Poor Iohn . Two soft flexile finns ; either the Bigger ; whether the Tunny kind ; having very small scales , scarce discernable , with several pinnulae both above and below , besides their finns , being of a shining blew on the back , and a silver colour on the belly and sides ; the Larger ; ‖ either that which hath no streaks on the sides : or that which hath oblique transverse streaks from head to tail . 4. TUNNY . PELAMIS . Lesser ; having oblique transverse streaks more undulated . 5. MACKEREL . Flying fish ; having large spotted finns like wings , with two long strong thorns behind the head : to which may be adjoined for its affinity in flying , that other Fish , which hath but one soft finn on the back , with large scales near his tail . 6. KITE-FISH . SWALLOW-FISH . Least kind ; distinguishable by their having The lower pair of finns connected ; ‖ latter having a shorter head , and more tumid jaws . 7. SEA GUDGEON . PAGANELLUS . The rays of the former finn on the back , rising up much higher then the membrane which connects them ; ‖ either that whose former pair of finns are connected : or that which hath a hole instead of gills , whose eyes stand more close together . 8. JOTO . DRACUNCULUS . Little black spots in the figure of Lozenges . 9. APHUA GOBITES . One soft flexile finn ; distinguishable by their Being of the Herring kind ; namely scaly , without teeth , of a bright silver colour on the belly , and a dark shining colour on the back , presently dying when taken out of the water , having generally a row of sharp prickles under the belly ; whether the Larger ; More common ; being gregarious , swimming together in great multitudes ; ‖ the greater : or the lesser . 10. HERRING , Sprat . PILCHARD . Less common ; being somewhat bigger and flatter then a Herring , with several black spots on the sides , coming up into Rivers . 11. SHAD . Lesser ; ‖ either that which is more proper to salt water , being long and roundish , having the upper mandible much more produced then the other : or that which lives in Lakes , being of a broader figure then the former . 12. ANCHOVY . CHALCIS Sarda . Being of the Horn-fish kind ; having a longer slender body and a long snout ; ‖ either that which is more known and common in Europe , having one finn from the anus to the tail , and another opposite on the back , the vertebra or back-bone being of a green colour : or that which is here less common , belonging to the West-Indies , having no finn upon his tail . 13. NEEDLE FISH . TOBACCO-PIPE-FISH . Having between the eyes two finn-like substances ; and but two or three rays in the lower pair of finns , with a row of small teeth , and a fang at each end ; ‖ either that which hath upon his back-finn a beautiful spot variegated with rundles ; or that whose finn is of an unequal altitude . 14. BLENNUS . SCORPIOIDES . Wanting the lower pair of finns ; ‖ of a deep figure , somewhat resembling that of a Turbut : or being of a red colour , with large scales , a great flat head , steep from the eyes to the snout . 15. STROMATEUS , Callicthys . NOVACULA . Having some sharp teeth ; and several other round broad teeth in the palate , the tops of which are commonly sold for Toad-stones . 16. LUPUS MARINUS SCHONFELDII . Breadth or depth downwards ; ‖ either that which hath two long rays extending beyond the tail , one from the back , the other from the belly : or that which hath but one long ray , like a Bodkin , proceeding from the fin on the back . Both exotic Fishes , described by Margravius . 17. PARU . GUAPERUA . IV. OVIPAROUS FISH having two finns on the back , whereof the former is spinous and stiffe , and the other soft and flexile , may be distinguished into the Bigger kind ; whose figure is Shorter ; distinguishable by their Having small scales ; being square towards the tail , which is forked : or else being of a more deep figure , with the rays of the fore-finn very low , the former of them pointing towards the head . 1. AMIA , Leccia Salviani . G●AUCUS . Having the finns almost joyned ; ‖ either that with a little short beard under the chin ▪ being undulated obliquely from the back to the belly with blewish and yellow streaks : or that other of a near resemblance to this , only without a beard , and of a more black colour . 2. CORACINUS . UMBRA Longer ; having a large mouth , with sharp teeth ; ‖ either that which is spotted when young , being very voracious : or that other of some resemblance to the former , having large scales , an obtuse angled mouth , with streaks of black and white from head to tail . 3. LUPUS . ENGLISH MULLET . Lesser kind ; whether such as are considerable for Having two or three long prominences like fingers before their lower finns ; great bonny heads , large broad finns , called the Gournet-kind , to be further distinguished by their Colour ; Red , or Grey . 4 RED GOURNET , Rochet . GREY GOURNET . Forked snouts ; by reason of two flat prominencies resembling horns ; ‖ either that of shorter : or that of longer horns , the latter of which is covered with large bonny scales , with eight rows of thorns , the body octangular , having but two fingers . 5. 〈◊〉 - FISH , Piper . LYRA ALTERA RONDELETII . Being of a reddish colour ; with two long prominencies from the lower jaw , esteemed delicate food ; ‖ either the bigger , whose scales are larger and stick faster to the skin : or the lesser , whose scales are less , and apt to come off upon a touch . 6. TRUE MULLET . LESSER MULLET . The length of their bodies ; whether Having the lower mandible longer then the other , the finns on the back being at a greater distance : or having the second finn on the back very small , with a wide mouth like that of a Serpent . 7. SPHYRAENA . SAURUS . Being of a flattish figure ; with oblique transverse yellowish streaks , from the back to the belly , having the eyes very near the mouth : or being more roundish , somewhat of the colour and figure of Mackerel , only a row of prickles on each side make it to appear quadrangular . 8. WEAVER , Dragon-fish . TRACHURUS . Wanting the lower pair of finns ; or being of a reddish colour , without teeth , having the scales edged with short hairy filaments , which makes it rough to the touch . 9. CAPRISCUS . APER . Having a long slender snout ; with a strong movable serrated thorn , belonging to the former finn on the back , inclining towards the tail with bonny substances instead of the lower finns , the finns on the back being nearer to the tail then in other Fish : or having a strong serrated horn standing upright on the head . 10. TRUMPET-FISH . MONOCEROS CLUSII . Having the mouth and eyes reversed , looking upwards : or having a great head , very wide gills , and but three rayes in the lower pair of finns , the body being spotted . 11. URANOSCOPUS . SCORPAENA . Being of a deep figure , without scales , having on each side a broad black spot , and long bristles rising up above the rays of the finns . 12. DOREE , St. Peters fish . V. OVIPAROUS FISH having one finn on the back , the rays of which are partly stiffe and spinous , and partly soft and flexile , may be distinguished into such whose figure is more Broad ; or deep ; whether Europaean ; Bigger ; distinguishable by their COLOURS ; whether Gold colour between the eyes , having round sharp teeth , and for the most part a purple spot near the gills : or that which is of a like figure to the former , but only without this gold colour , being black about the tail . 1. GILT-HEAD , Sea-bream . SPARUS . Streaked with yellow from head to tail ; ‖ either that whose streaks are more obscure , being of a shorter body : or that whose streaks are more conspicuous , being of a longer body . 2. CANTHARUS . SALPA . Streaked with a dark colour , transverse the back ; ‖ either that whose streaks are more obscure , being of a shorter broader figure , and having broad flat teeth : or that whose streaks are more conspicuous , being of a longer body . 3. SARGUS . MORMYLUS . Reddish ; on the back and sides ; ‖ either the greater , having a dark spot on each side near the head : or the lesser , being without such a spot . 4. PAGRUS . RUBELLIO . Being somewhat more produced in their bodies then the others of this deep kind ; ‖ either that which is black about the tail , having great eyes : or that of a reddish colour , with four remarkable teeth in either jaw . 5. MELANURUS . DENTEX . Having the finn on the back so low in the middle , that it seems two , with great heads full of prickles , counted venemous ; ‖ either the greater , of a reddish colour : or the lesser . 6. GREATER SCORPION-FISH . LESSER SCORPION-FISH . Least of these deep fishes , of a dark colour , with large scales , and long streaks from head to tail . 7. CHROMIS . Indian ; described by Margravius ; ‖ either that of a forked tail , having two prickles on the cover of each gill : or that which hath broad spots on either side . 8. JAGURACA . ACARA . Long ; distinguishable by Variety and beauty of colours ; ‖ either the Greater , of which there are several kinds , the most beautiful of which , is called Pavo , the more dark , Merula : or the Lesser . 9. SEA-THRUSH . JULIS . Dark broad streaks ; crossing the back ; considerable for having Heads variegated with red and blew ; ‖ either the Greater : or the Lesser , having a black spot in the middle of the finn on his back . 10. SEA PERCH . SACHETTUS . The lower jaw longer then the upper ; ‖ either that which is without prickles : or that which hath two prickles on the cover of the gills . 11. PHYCIS . CHAUNA . A broad black spot on either side ; or very great eyes in proportion to the body . 12. MAENAS . BOOPS . VI. OVIPAROUS FISH OF AN OBLONG FIGURE , being generally without scales , having slimy skins , apt to bend and twist with their bodies more then other Fish , may be distributed into such as are Europaean ; being either Proper to Sea-water ; Longer ; Round ; whether More thick ; ‖ either that which hath but one pair of swimming finns , and two little horns : or that which hath no swimming finns , with four little horns , and a sharp snout , the skin variegated with yellow . 1. CONGER . MURAENA . More slender ; ‖ either that which grows to a very great length , having a wider and longer mouth then an Eel , the finn not reaching the tail , which is round and not flat : or that which hath one continued finn as Eeles , with four stringy prominencies from the lower mandible , less round and long then the former . 2. SEA SERPENT . OPHIDION PLINII . Flat ; like a Ribbon or Fillet ; ‖ either the bigger of a reddish colour , having two pair of finns : or the lesser , whose flesh is transparent , and the finn on the belly thrice as deep as that on the back , having but one pair of fins . 3. TAENIA MAJOR . TAENIA MINOR . Shorter ; ‖ either that with two finns on the back , with a kind of beard , and instead of the lower pair of finns , having two long stringy substances cleft at the ends : or that which is of a smaller magnitude , having one pair of swimming finns , with a forked tail , to which the back finn is extended . 4. TINCA MARINA . SAND-EELS . Common to salt and fresh water ; having a round aperture for the mouth , with which they suck their nourishment , and seven holes on each side instead of gills , being Cartilagineous , without swimming finns ; ‖ either the Greater : or the Lesser . 5. LAMPREY . LAMPERN . Proper to fresh water ; considerable for having . Two pair of finns ; ‖ either that which is the biggest of this tribe , having two very long strings from the upper jaw , and four shorter from the lower jaw , onely one small finn upon the back , and a long one under the belly : or that which is shorter and thicker then an Eel , with a short beard from his lower mandible , having two finns on the back , the hinder finn on the back and that under the belly , not being contiguous to the tail , variegated in the colour . 6. SHEAT FISH , River whale . EEL POUT . One pair of finns ; 7. EEL . Indian ; described by Imperatus ; ‖ either that with two long horns reversed over the back : or that which hath a flatness on his head and part of his back , in which there are divers transverse rimulae or chinks . 8. SPADA MARINA . REMORA IMPERATI . VII . PLAIN or flat FISH , being oviparous and bonny , both whose eyes are on the same side of the flat , and the mouth transverse , swimming broadwise , are either Oblong ; and squamous ; Greater ; having the mouth on the right side of the eyes ; ‖ either that which is not spotted : or that which is spotted . 1. COMMON SOLE . SPOTTED SOLE . Lesser ; having the mouth on the left side of the eyes , having bigger scales . 2. POLE. Quadrate ; Greater ; ‖ either that of a grey marble colour , spinous , having the eyes on the right side : or that which hath the eyes on the left side , being the biggest of this Tribe . 3. TURBUT . HALIBUT . Middle kind ; being of a dark grey , and full of small asperities . 4. BRETT . Lesser kind ; ‖ either that of a sandy reddish colour , without scales or asperities , having the eyes on the left side : or that which is reddish , squamous , and with black spots . 5. PLAIS . FLOUNDER , Fluke . VIII . FISHES OF A HARD CRUSTACEOUS SKIN , may be distributed into such as are for the figure of them , either Sphaerical ; having two broad teeth like those of men ; whether Without thorns ; ‖ either that which hath a more prominent mouth , and a bonny breast : or that which is encompassed with very short hairs , close set . 1. ORBIS SCUTATUS , Globe-fish . ORBIS HIRSUTUS . With thorns ; or prickles ; ‖ either streight : or hooked . 2. ORBIS MURICATUS . ORBIS ECHINATUS . Angular ; whether such as are more Perfect ; either Triangular ; being variegated with angular figures on the body ; ‖ either that which is without horns : or with horns . 3. TRIANGULAR FISH . TRIANGULAR FISH HORNED . Pentagonal ; or of a five angled figure , encompassed with pentagonal bonny scales . 4. HOLOSTEUS . Imperfect ; for which reason they are by some reckoned amongst Insects , having tubes , with a kind of valve , instead of mouths ; ‖ either that which is more oblong , of an Hexangular figure to the end of the finn on the back , and after quadrangular : or that whose body is of an Heptangular figure in the former part , and quadrangular in the hinder part , being spinous , the head having some resemblance to that of a Horse . 5. ACUS ARISTOTELIS . HIPPOCAMPUS . RADIATE ; in the form of the Rays of a Starr . 6. STARR-FISH . IX . SQUAMOUS RIVER FISH , may be distributed into such as are either Bigger ; whether Voracious ; whose scales are set together either More loose ; being generally bigger , such as have on their backs One finn ; placed near the tail , with wide mouths , and sharp long teeth , every other of which is moveable . 1. PIKE , Iack , Pickerel . Two finns ; the hindermost of which is small , fleshy and without rays , having generally teeth , which may be stiled the Trout-kind , comprehending such as are Common to fresh and salt water ; ‖ either the biggest , of a reddish flesh : or the least , of a white flesh , and violaceous smell . 2. SALMON . SMELT . Proper to fresh water ; whether Spotted ; the Greater : or the Lesser , living in Lakes . 3. TROUT . CHARR . Not spotted ; considerable for being More round ; ‖ either that which is streaked from head to tail , having the finn on the back bigger and broader then in Trouts : or that having a long snout . 4. GRAYLING . UMBER . More broad ; and compressed , of a small mouth , without teeth ; the Greater , somewhat like a Herring : or the Lesser . 5. FARRA . LAVARETTUS . More close ; and compact ; being generally less scales in proportion then the others , having a wide mouth , without teeth , but asperities analogous to teeth , comprehending the Perch-kind , of which in sundry Countries there are several varieties , distinguishable by their bigness or littleness , thickness or slenderness . But the two principal kinds to which the others may be reduced , are ‖ either such as have two finns on the back , the first spinous , and the other soft , with transverse black streaks on the side , being commonly the bigger : or but one finn , which is partly spinous , and partly soft , being of a yellowish colour , and commonly lesser . 6. PERCH . RUFFE . Not voracious ; comprehending the Carp-kind , w ch have one finn on the back , no teeth in their mouth , but only in the orifice of their stomacks , over which teeth there is a kind of stone or bone , for the most part of a triangular figure , by affriction against which , they grind their food ; whether the Bigger ; comprehending such as delight more in Standing waters ; ‖ either that whose scales are larger , and more loose , the first ray of the finn being strong and serrate , having four stringy prominencies from the upper lip : or that whose scales are less and more compact , being very slimy , of a greenish colour , the lower pair of finns in the male being more thick and fleshy . 7. CARPE . TENCH . Running waters ; whether such as are more Thick and round ; ‖ either that which hath four stringy prominencies resembling a beard : or that which hath a great head . 8. BARBLE . CHUB , Chevin . Broad and deep ; ‖ either the most broad : or that which is less broad , having commonly red eyes and finns . 9. BREAM . ROCHE . Lesser ; floating usually towards the top of the water ; ‖ either that which is more thick , of some resemblance to a little Chub : or that which is more compressed and thin , 10. DARE , Dace . BLEAK , Blea . Least kind of River Fishes ; whether such as live more towards the Lower parts of the water ; near the ground ; either such as have on the back One finn ; with a kind of beard on the mouth ; ‖ the greater : or the lesser . 11. GUDGEON . LOACH , Groundling . Two finns ; with a large broad head . 12. BULL-HEAD , Millers-Thumb , Gull. Vpper parts of the water ; or near banks ; ‖ either that which hath but one finn on the back , being smooth : or that which hath two finns , being prickly , having three strong prickles on either side , and a kind of Armature consisting of four or five Laminae 13. MINNOW . BANSTICLE , Stickleback . Of Birds . BIRDS may be distinguished by their usual place of living , their food , bigness , shape , use and other qualities , into Terrestrial ; living chiefly on dry land ; whether CARNIVOROUS ; feeding chiefly on Flesh. I. PHYTIVOROUS ; feeding on Vegetables ; whether Of short round wings ; less fit for flight . II. Of long wings ; and swifter flight ; having their Bills ; either more LONG AND SLENDER ; comprehending the Pidgeon and Thrush-kind . III. SHORT AND THICK ; comprehending the Bunting and Sparrow-kind . IV. Insectivorous ; feeding chiefly on Insects ; ( tho several of them do likewise sometimes feed on Seeds ) having slender streight bills to thrust into holes , for the pecking out of Insects ; whether the GREATER KIND . V. LEAST KIND . VI. Aquatic ; living either About and NEAR WATERY PLACES . VII . In waters ; whether FISSIPEDES ; having the toes of their feet divided . VIII . PALMIPEDES ; having the toes of their feet united by a membrane . IX . I. CARNIVOROUS BIRDS , may be distinguished into such as are either Rapacious ; living upon the prey of other Animals , having hooked beaks and talons , amongst which the females are generally more large strong and fierce . Diurnal ; preying in the day time . The bigger and stronger kind ; noted either for quick Sight , or Sent ; the latter of which is by Gesner distinguished from the former , that the beak of it , doth not grow crooked immediately from the root , but only at the end or tip of it . 1. EAGLE . VULTUR . The middle kind ; being either made use of and trained up by Men for the catching of other Birds , of which there are great varieties , distinguishable by their manner of flight , bigness , shape , the Birds they prey upon , &c. or such others as are of near affinity to these , but not commonly used to this purpose . 2. HAWK . KITE , Buzzard , Glede , The least kind ; the former having prominent nostrils , being well known by his voice : the other with a processus on the outside of the upper mandible . 3. CUCKOO . BUTCHER BIRD . Nocturnal ; preying in the night , having broad faces , and great eyes ; ‖ of which , some have tufts of feathers standing out like long ears , or horns : others being without such tufts . 4. OWL HORNED . OWL NOT HORNED . Semirapacious ; feeding commonly either on Carrion , or other things , and more seldome on living Animals . The Crow-kind ; having a bill somewhat large and strait ; ‖ amongst which , those that are most common with us , are of a deep black colour , in their bodies The bigger kind ; Greater : or Less . 5. RAVEN . CROW . The lesser kind ; having a mixture of dark brown with black : or being wholly black on the body , with red bill and legs . 6. DAW . CHOUGH . The Parret-kind ; of hooked bills , having two toes before , and two behind , considerable for the variety of beautiful colours , and the imitation of speech ; ‖ the Greater : or the Less . 7. PARRET . PARAQUETO . The Py-kind ; of a chattering voice , having many notes ; ‖ either pyed with black and white , with a long train : or having some of the smaller feathers on each wing , variegated with blew and black . 8. MAGPY , Py. JAY . The Woodpecker-kind ; climbing upon trees and walls , in order to which they are furnished with strong feathers in their train , to support them in climbing and pecking ; ‖ of which there are various species , reducible to these two kinds ; such as have a very long tongue , with two claws behind and two before : or such as have shorter tongues , and but one toe behind . 9. WOODPECKER OF LONG TONGUES . WOODPECKER OF SHORTER TONGUES . That kind of Eagle , which is Of a dark yellow colour , having legs feathered down to the foot called . Chrysaetos . Black all over , excepting a white spot between the shoulders on the back . called . Melanaetus . With a ring of white on his tail . called . Pygargus . Feeding on Fish. called . Ossifragus . That kind of Vulture noted for Having his head and part of neck bare of feathers called Bald Vulture . Being of a Chesnut colour , and feathered down to the toes . called Chesnut coloured Vulture . Being of a yellowish colour , very great , having some of the feathers of the wing , three foot long . called Golden Vulture . Hawks are usually distinguished into such are Short winged ; having their wings considerably shorter then their trains , of which there are usually reckoned three kinds . The biggest of this kind called Fem. Goshawk , Male Tarcell . The lesser of this kind ; either having Transverse streaks of yellow . Oblong streaks . called F. Sparrowhawk , M. Musket . Kestril . Long winged ; having their wings equal to , if not longer then their trains , of which there are usually reckoned these six kinds , noted for A whitish colour , but spotted on the back with black spots . called F. Gerfalcon , M. Ierkin . Having a fastigiated or rising head , being of an ash colour . called Mountain Falcon. A thick head and flat , a short neck , and striking with the breast . called F. Falcon , M. Tarcel . Having a blewish bill and legs . called F. Lanner , M. Lanneret . Having a white spot behind his eyes on each side . called Hobby . Being the least of all Hawks . called F. Merlin , M. Iack-Merlin . Kites may be distinguished into such as are noted for Having a very forked Train . called Common Kite . Being or seeming bald on the head , having a round train , feeding on young Rabbets . called Common Buzzard . Feeding on Fish. called Bald Buzzard . Being of a white or ash colour , with a white streak on the Train . called Ring-tail . Lanius or Butcher bird , is of three several kinds , noted either for being Of a reddish colour on the back , the most common somewhat bigger then a Sparrow . called Lanius vulgaris . Particoloured , of the same bigness with the former . called Ash-coloured , about the bigness of a Black-bird . called Lanius cinereus major . Owls horned are of three kinds , namely such as are noted for being Of the bigness of an Eagle , feathered down to the toes . called Bubo . Of the bigness of a tame Dove . called Otus , Asio . Of the bigness of a Missle bird , with a single feather on each side for a horn . called Scops . Owls not horned , are of five kinds , namely such as are noted for Having a border of feathers about the face , the legs feathered and toes hairy , about the bigness of a Pidgeon . called Our common white Having a ring of white feathers about each eye , a white bill , hairy legs and feet . called Owl , living in Barns . Being of a darker colour , living in Ivy-bushes . called Our common field Owl . Being like a Cuckoo , having a short small bill , but a wide mouth . called Goat-sucker . Being the least of all , not bigger then a Black-bird . called Noctua . Crows are usually distinguished into three kinds , namely that which is Carnivorous . called Crow . Frugivorous , of a black colour ; gregarious , building their nests together . called Rook. Frugivorous , party coloured ; black and cinereous . called Roiston Crow . To the Py-kind , those other birds may be reduced which are noted for having The wings and head of a bright azure . called Roller Argentoratensis . A dark colour spotted with white . called Caryocatastes . A tuft of feathers on his head . called Garrulus Bohemicus . A bill bigger then his whole body . called Toucan . A large bill , with a kind of horn reversed upon the bill . called Rhinoceros . Two long strings like the small naked stemm of a feather reaching from the back beyond the train , and strong legs and claws . called Bird of Paradise . These three last exotic Birds are not perhaps so proper to this tribe , but I know not at present how to reduce them better . To the first sort of the Woodpecker-kind , those Birds may be reduced which are noted for Being Greater ; of a Greenish colour , and a black spot on the head of the male . called Woodspite . Black colour , excepting a red spot upon the head of the Cock. called Hickwall . Being of a lesser magnitude , about the bigness of a Black-bird , variegated with black and white , with a red spot on the head of the Cock. called Witwall , Hiho . Holding the head on one side , somewhat bigger then a Sparrow , of a brownish colour . called Wry-neck . To the second sort of the Woodpecker-kind , those other Birds may be reduced , which are noted for An Ash colour , being about the bigness of a Sparrow . called Nuthatch . A long slender bill , being about the bigness of a Sparrow . called Wall-creeper . A long slender bill , being a little bigger then a Wren . called Ox-eye-creeper ▪ Being about the same colour and bigness as a Lark , and noted for climbing upon Reeds . called Reed-Sparrow . A greenish colour , and less . called Lesser Reed-Sparrow . II. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF SHORT WINGS , less fit for flight ; may be distinguished into such as are Flying ; such as can bear up their bodies ( tho with some difficulty ) by the motion of their wings , for some considerable time and space , having generally shorter bills , being pulveratricious , of whitish flesh , most proper for food , having gizzards ( i. e. ) strong musculous stomacks , laying many Eggs , called the Poultry-kind . Domestic ; 1. The most common ; having the train compressed upwards . COCK , Hen , Capon , Chicken , Pullet , Poultry . Less common ; having an elegant train , which is sometimes turned up and spread , and spurs on the legs ; ‖ either that whose colours are more elegant and beautiful , having a tuft on the head : or that which is less beautiful . 2. PEACOCK . TURKY . Wild ; either the Bigger kind ; Living chiefly in woods ; the former being distinguishable by having a long train wherein the feathers do gradually increase towards the middle : the other , by being feathered on the legs . 3. PHEASANT . ATTAGEN Living in open fields ; having no heel or back-claw ; ‖ either the greater , being about the bigness of a Turky : or the less , being about the bigness of a Pheasant . 4. BUSTARD . ANAS CAMPESTRIS BELLONII . Being serrate on each side of the claws , and hairy to the toes ; ‖ either the bigger , feeding usually on fine leaves : or the less , feeding on Heath , of a black colour , the feathers of the train reversed sidewayes . 5. COCK OF THE WOOD. HEATH COCK , Grous , Pout . Middle kind ; of a short train , to be further distinguished by their Reddish Breasts ; with the figure of a Horshooe : or having a red bill and legs . 6. PARTRIDGE . RED PARTRIDGE . Hairy legs ; ‖ either that which hath a black spot under the bill : or that which is wholly white excepting some black on the train , being hairy to the very nails or claws , living on the Alps. 7. HAZLE HEN. LAGOPUS . Least poultry-kind ; ‖ either that which hath a short train , a small back toe : or that which is of a deep body compressed upwards , having longer legs , with a bill more like a Water-hen . 8. QUAILE . RAILE . Not flying ; being the biggest of all Birds ; the one having only two , and the other three claws . 9. ESTRICH . CASSAWARE , Emew . III. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF LONG WINGS , and swifter flight , having their bills more long and slender , may be distinguished into the Pidgeon-kind ; laying but two Eggs. The Bigger ; whether the most common and domestic , of great variety of colours , living in houses : or that which lives in woods , of an ash colour , having a ring of white about the neck 1 PIDGEON , Dove . RING-DOVE , Queest . Lesser ; ‖ either that which hath a reddish breast : or that which is generally marked on each side of the neck with azure and black , except some that are wholly white , being the least of this kind . 2. STOCK-DOVE . TURTLE . Thrush-kind ; of a lesser magnitude then Pidgeons , and longer trains in proportion to their wings , laying more Eggs then two , being generally baccivorous . Speckled on the breast ; Canorous ; considerable for having the bill More round ; being of a dunnish green on the back , feeding on Missle berries ; ‖ the Greater : or the Lesser . 3. MISSLE-BIRD , Shreight . THRUSH , Throstle , Mavis , Song-Thrush . More flat ; spotted either with whitish , or reddish spots : the latter of which hath likewise a reddish tail 4. STARE , Starling . MERULA SAXATILIS , Ruticilla major . Not Canorous ; being Birds of passage , coming only in Winter ; the Greater : or the Lesser . 5. FELDEFARE . REDWING , Swinepipe . Not speckled on the breast ; Less beautiful for their colours ; Canorous ; ‖ either that which is more black , with yellow bills and legs : or less black , having some dark shining blew on the back , being somewhat waved on the breast . 6. BLACKBIRD . PASSER SOLITARIUS . Not canorous ; ‖ either that which hath on the breast an Area of white : or that which is of an ash colour . 7. MERULA TORQUATA . MERULA MONTANA . More beautiful for their colours ; The Greater ; ‖ either that which hath a reddish bill , the wings and train black , the rest of the body bright yellow : or that which hath a long black bill , a long crest of feathers upon the head , tipped with black , with transverse streaks of black and white upon the wings . 8. GALBULA . HOOP . The Lesser ; having the three foremost toes joyned together to the first joynt , without any membrane , the outmost and middle toe , to the second joynt ; ‖ either the bigger , having a Bill somewhat crooked : the lesser , having a strait strong bill . 9. BEE-EATER . KING-FISHER , Alcyon . IV. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF SHORT , THICK , strong BILLS , being generally Granivorous , may be distinguished into such as do belong either to the Bunting-kind ; having a hard knob in the pallate of the mouth . The bigger ; being Canorous . 1. BUNTING . The Lesser ; not esteemed for singing ; ‖ either that of a yellowish body : or that which is yellow about the throat . 2. YELLOW-HAMMER . HORTULANE . Sparrow-kind ; without such a knob in the mouth . Not canorous ; The more common and lesser kind ; living either about houses : or in mountains , having a reddish head . 3. SPARROW . MOUNTAIN SPARROW . The less common and greater kind ; with a bigger stronger bill then the other , to break the stones of fruits for their kernels ; ‖ either that without a crest : or that with one . 4. COCOTHRAUSTES . COCOTHRAUSTES CRISTATUS INDICUS . Canorous ; Bigger ; ‖ either that with a great head and a red breast : or that with a cross bill , the upper and lower part crossing each other towards the middle , said to sing in Winter 5. BULL-FINCH , Alpe , Nope . SHELL-APPLE , Cross-bill . Lesser ; considerable for their different colours ; being either Greenish ; the Bigger : or Lesser . 6. GREENFINCH . CANARY BIRD . Brownish ; The Bigger ; ‖ either that whose breast is of a dilutered : or that which is variegated with black on the head . 7. CHAFFINCH . BRAMBLE , Brambling . The Lesser ; not red about the bill : or red about the bill . 8. LINNET . RED LINNET . V. INSECTIVOROUS the GREATER , may be distinguished into such as are of Swifter flight ; comprehending the Swallow-kind , of long wings , forked trains , short legs , being much upon the wing , Birds of passage , coming in Summer . The greater ; building in Chymneys , variegated with black and white , having a red spot on the breast : or building in Churches , of a blackish colour , very short feet , the biggest of this kind . 1. SWALLOW . SWIFT , Martlet , Church-Martin . The lesser ; building about houses , of a white rump , and feathered down to the toes : or building in banks , with a broad spot on the breast . 2. MARTIN . SAND-MARTIN , Shore-bird . Slower flight ; Canorous ; considerable for Singing in the night ; being of a dark reddish colour . 3. NIGHTINGALE . Having a long heel ; the greater : or the less , living in watery places . 4. LARK . TIT-LARK . Having a red breast ; or a red train . 5. ROBIN REDBREAST , Ruddock . REDSTART . Not Canorous ; considerable for The delicacy and fatness of their flesh ; ‖ living either amongst Figs , of which there are several varieties , the most common and best known , being from his black head called Atricapilla : or living in holes of the ground , and having a white rump . 3. BECCAFIGO . WHEAT-EAR . Having a long train , and frequently moving it ; ‖ either the more common one , which is black and white : or that which is less common , of a yellow colour . 7. WAGTAIL . YELLOW WAGTAIL . Living ; ‖ either upon stony places or open Heaths : or that which creeps in hedges , having the back like that of a common Sparrow , the breast of a Lead colour , with a black bill . 4. STONE SMICH . HEDGE SPARROW . VI. The LEAST kind of INSECTIVOROUS BIRDS , may be distributed into such as are Canorous ; whether of a Greenish colour in the body ; to be further distinguished by the colour of the Head ; ‖ either that of a black : or that of a yellow head . 1 LIGURINUS . SERINUS . Neck ; being of an ash colour . 2. CITRINELLA . Brownish colour ; and spotted , the train more erect . 3. WREN . Not Canorous ; being either Greenish ; considerable for Having a tuft of yellow , or red feathers upon the head : or being in other respects of the same shape with this , but only wanting such a tuft . 4. REGULUS CRISTATUS . REGULUS NON CRISTATUS . Making a humming noise ; of which there are several varieties not yet sufficiently described . 5. HUMMING BIRD . Variegated with black and white ; The bigger ; with a broad black spot down the breast ; 6. GREAT TITMOUSE . The lesser ; considerable for having A blewish head : or a black head . 7. TITMOUSE . COLEMOUSE . A long train : or a Tuft on the head . 8. LONG TAILED TIT. CRESTED TIT. VII . AQUATIC BIRDS living about and NEAR WET PLACES , having longer legs , and long slender bills for their more convenient going and fetching up their food in such places , may be distinguished into The Plover-kind ; whose bills are about one inch and a quarter long . The bigger ; having A tuft on the head ; being in the body and wings of a dark and white colour . 1. LAPWING , Puet . No tuft ; ‖ either that of a greenish colour , wanting a back claw : or that of a grey colour with a very small back claw . 2. GREEN PLOVER . GREY PLOVER . The lesser ; being without any back claw : ‖ either that of a greyish colour , caught by imitation : or that which hath a black fillet about the eyes , and a forked train . 3. DOTTEREL . SEA LARK . The Redshank-kind ; whose bills are about two inches long . The bigger ; considerable for Having a red bill and legs : or for having a kind of ruffe about the neck of the males , of great variety of colours , being pugnacious . 4. REDSHANK . RUFFE . Being mixed of black and white ; ‖ whether the greater , having transverse streaks of black and white on the train : or the lesser , having only the exterior feathers of the train white . 5. TRINGA MAJOR . TRINGA MINOR . The lesser ; having white bellies ; ‖ either that whose back is grey : or that of a dark brown colour . 6. KNOT . STINT . The Woodcock-kind ; whose bills are about three inches long ; whether having Strait bills ; Frequenting fresh waters ; of a fulvous colour spotted ; ‖ the greater : or the less ; the male of which latter is much less , and of a shorter bill then the female . 7. WOODCOCK . SNIPE . Frequenting salt waters ; ‖ either that of a black and white colour , with red bill and legs , wanting a Postica : or that of a grey colour , having a Postica . 8. SEA PY ▪ GODWIT . Crooked bills ; ‖ either that of a grey colour : or that whose feathers are of an elegant scarlet , excepting the wings , which are black . 9. CURLEW . GUARA BRASILEANA . VIII . AQUATIC BIRDS , living much in the water , being FISSIPEDES , ‖ may be distinguished into such as are , Not swimming ; but wading ; comprehending the Crane-kind , having long necks and legs , long and strong bills ; whether Sharp pointed bills ; either such whose necks are Longer ; considerable for Building in Fenny places ; being hairy on the head , having the wind-pipe reversed in the form of the Letter S , and being Herbivorous : or building on Houses and Chymneys , of a black and white colour , with red legs and bill , making a noise by the collision of the beak ▪ being Piscivorous . 1. CRANE . STORK . Having a thicker bill ; somewhat crooked and shorter then the others of this tribe , with scarlet coloured wings ; or having a tuft of bristles on the head . 2. PHAENICOPTER . GRUS BALEARICA . Being of an ash colour , having a tuft of feathers standing out behind the head , building on trees ; being Piscivorous , with one blind gut ; ‖ either the greater : or the lesser . 3. HEARN . ARDEA CINEREA MINOR . Being of a white colour ; in other respects like the former ; the greater : or the lesser . 4. GREATER WHITE HEARN . LESSER WHITE HEARN . Shorter neck ; ‖ either that which is fulvous and spotted , being Piscivorous , having one blind gut : or that which is white with a red bill . 5. BITTOUR . BRASILEAN BITTOUR . Broad and round pointed bill ; like a Spoon , Piscivorous , of a white colour . 6. SHOVELAR , Spoon-bill . Swimming ; either The Diving-kind ; being much under water , and finn-footed , viz. with a membrane standing off on each side of the toes , having downy feathers , and wanting a train ; ‖ either the greater , having a longer bill : or the lesser , having a shorter bill . 7. GREAT DIDAPPER , Dabehick . LITTLE DIDAPPER . The More-hen-kind ; whose bodies are somewhat compressed side-wayes ; whether Finn-footed ; having a membrane of Scollopt edges on each side of the toes , a bald head , being of a black colour . 8. COOT . Not finn-footed ; ‖ either the greater , which hath a little red baldness : or the lesser , having a long red bill . 9. MOOR-HEN , Water-hen . GALLINULA SERICA , IX . AQUATIC PALMIPEDE Birds , whose toes are joyned together with a membrane , may be distinguished into such whose bills are either Flat and blunt ; being Herbivorous . The greater ; ‖ either the biggest of a white colour , having black legs : or the lesser , the males of which are commonly white . 1. SWAN , Cygnet . GOOSE , Gander , Gosling . The middle kind ; ‖ either the bigger , of a beautiful colour , the head of a dark green , the body white , with large spots of orange colour : or the lesser , having reddish legs . 2. SHELDRAKE . DRAKE , Duck The least kind ; ‖ either the bigger , having the bill and legs of a lead colour : or the lesser , being from the eyes to the hinder part of the head of a greenish colour . 3. WIDGIN . TEALE . Sharp ; being generally Piscivorous . The Solan-goose kind ; having the four toes joyned together ; ‖ whether White ; ‖ either that which hath a long bill , hooked at the end , laying but one Egg : or having a great bag under the bill . 4. SOLAN-GOOSE . PELLICAN . Black ; the greater , used for catching of Fish : or the lesser . 5. CORMORANT . SHAGG . The Puffin-kind ; frequenting desart Islands , wanting a postica , going upright , laying but one Egg ; whether such as build their nests Within the ground ; in holes ; ‖ either that which is more common in Europe , having the top of the head , the back , wings and train of a black colour , the rest white , the bill somewhat compressed upwards , short , of a triangular figure , and red at the point : to which may be adjoyned that American Bird , of a like shape to this , but bigger . 6. PUFFIN . PENGUIN . On the ground ; chiefly rocky places , making their nests together ; ‖ either that with a compressed black bill , hooked at the end , having a white line on either side : or that of a longer bill , less sharp , not hooked . 7. RAZOR-BILL . GUILLAM . The Diving-kind ; being much under water , having round serrate bills , hooked at the end ; ‖ either that which is variegated with black and white : or that which is of a cinereous colour on the back , with a red head , and a tuft upon it . 8. DIVER . DUNN DIVER . The Gull kind , being much upon the wing as Swallows , commonly of an ash colour ; ‖ either the bigger : or the lesser , having red bill and legs , with a forked train . 9. GULL , Sea-mew . SEA SWALLOW , S●ray . Besides the common sort of Swans , there is a wild kind , called Hooper , having the wind-pipe going down to the bottom of the breast-bone , and then reversed upwards in the figure of the Letter S. Besides the common Goose , there are several sorts of wild ones , whereof one is black from the breast to the middle of the belly , called Brant Goose , Bernicla , or Brenta . To the Widgeon-kind may be reduced that other fowl , about the same bigness , the two middle feathers of whose train do extend to a great length , called Sea-Pheasant , Anas cauda acuta . To the Teal-kind should be reduced that other fowl , of the like shape and bigness , but being white where the other is green , called Gargane . To the Gull-kind , doth belong that other Bird , of a long slender bill bending upwards , called Avogetta recurvi-rostra . Of Beasts . BEASTS , may be distinguished by their several shapes , properties , uses , food , their tameness or wildness , &c. into such as are either Viviparous ; producing living young . WHOLE FOOTED , the soles of whose feet are undivided , being used chiefly for Carriage . I. CLOVEN FOOTED . II. Clawed , or multifidous ; the end of whose feet is branched out into toes ; whether NOT RAPACIOUS . III. RAPACIOUS ; living upon the prey of other Animals ; having generally six short pointed incisores , or cutting teeth , and two long fangs to hold their prey ; whether the CAT-KIND ; having a roundish head . IV. DOG-KIND ; whose heads are more oblong . V. OVIPAROUS ; breeding Eggs. VI. I. WHOLE FOOTED BEASTS , may be distinguished into such as are either of Solid hard hoofs ; considerable for Swiftness and comeliness ; being used for riding . 1. HORSE , Mare , Gelding , Nag , Palfrey , Steed , Courser , Gennet , Stallion , Colt , Fole , Filly , Neigh , Groom , Ostler . Slowness and strength in bearing burdens ; having long ears ; ‖ either the more simple kind : or that mungrel generation begotten on a Mare . 2. ASSE , Bray . MULE . Softer feet ; having some resemblance to the Cloven footed-kind ; by reason of the upper part of the hoof being divided , being ruminant , having a long slender neck , with one or two bunches on the back . 3. CAMEL , Dromedary . Multifidous kind ; having little prominencies at the end of the feet , representing toes , being of the greatest magnitude amongst all other beasts , used for the carriage and draught of great weights , and more particularly esteemed for the tusks . 4. ELEPHANT , Ivory . II. CLOVEN FOOTED BEASTS , may be distributed into such as are Horned and Ruminant ; having two horns . Hollow ; not branched nor deciduons , being common both to the males and females , useful to men both living and dead ; whether the Bigger ; being useful both by their labour and flesh ; 1. KINE , Bull , Cow , Ox , Calf , Heifer , Bullock , Steer , Beef , Veal , Runt , bellow , low , Heard , Cowheard . Lesser ; being useful either in respect of the Fleece and Flesh : or Hair and Flesh. 2. SHEEP , Ram , Ewe , Lamb , Weather , Mutton , Bleat , Fold , Flock , Shepheard . GOAT , Kid. Solid ; branched , deciduous , being proper only to the males ; whether the Bigger kind ; ‖ either that of the highest stature , having horns without brow-antlers , of a short stemm , and then spreading out into breadth , branched at the edges : or that of a lower stature , having round , long , branched horns . 3. ELKE . STAGG , Hart , Hind , Red Deer , Venison . Middle kind ; whose horns become broad towards the ends ; ‖ either that of lesser horns , not used for labour : or that which hath the largest horns in proportion to that body , of any other Deer , with a double branched brow-antler , being in the Northern Countries used for the drawing of Sleds . 4. BUCK , Doe , Fawn , Pricket , Sorel , Sore , Fallow Deer , Venison . REIN-DEER , Tarandu . Least kind ; having a short , round , branched horn . 5. ROE-BUCK , Roe . Horned but not ruminant ; having but one horn , placed on the nose , being a beast of great bigness , covered with a kind of Armature , and counted untamable . 6. RHINOCEROT . Ruminant but not horned ; being useful to men only , when living , for carriage of burdens , having the longest neck of any other Animal ( if there be really any such Beast . ) 7. CAMELOPARD , Giraffa . Neither horned nor ruminant ; useful only when dead , for its flesh . 8. HOG , Swine , Bore , Sow , Pig , Porket , Barrow , Shoot , Pork , Bacon , Brawn . Grunt . Amongst those that belong to the Bovinum genus , there are several sorts described by Authors distinguished by their having either A Beard ; stiled Vrus . A Bunch on the back ; stiled Bisons . Horns reflected about the ears . stiled Bonasus . Broad , flat , rugged horns ; stiled Buffalus . Besides the more common kinds of Sheep , there are others mentioned by Authors , and described to have Streight wreathed horns . called Ovis Stepsiceros . Great thick tails . called Broad tailed Sheep . Amongst those that belong to the Goat-kind , besides the more vulgar sort , there are others whose horns are either Angular and knobbed . called Stone Buck. Small and round ; being hooked at the end . called Shamois . Streight and wreathed . called Antilope . III. CLAWED Beasts NOT RAPACIOUS , may be distinguished into such as are either Man-like ; having faces and ears somewhat resembling those of Men , with only four broad incisores , or cutting teeth , and two short eye-teeth , not longer then the other , their fore-feet being generally like hands , with thumbs , going upon their heels ; whether the Bigger kind ; ‖ either that which hath a short tail : or that which hath no tail . 1. BABOON , Drill . APE , Iackanapes . Lesser kind ; having a long tail , and being very nimble : to which may be adjoined , for its affinity to this kind in respect of the face , that beast which is the slowest of all others , having but three toes on each foot , feeding on leaves , having a blind gut joyned to the upper orifice of his stomack , being probably ruminant . 2. MONKEY , Marmosit . SLOTH , Haut , Ay. Hare-kind ; having two long teeth in the lower jaw before , and two others opposite to those ( tho not quite so long ) in the upper jaw , most of which are counted ruminant , because when they have by the help of their incisores filled their mouths with meat , they after chew it over again with their Molares or grinders , but they are not properly ruminant , because they have but one stomack , out of which they do not fetch up their food being once swallowed . These may be distinguished into the Bigger kind ; whether such as are covered with Hair ; living either Above ground ; being of all others the most fearful . 3. HARE , Leveret . Vnder ground ; ‖ either that with long ears and a short tail : or that with short ears and a long tail , being said to sleep all the Winter . 4. CONNY , Rabbet . MARMOTTO . Quills ; ‖ either the bigger : or the lesser kind . 5. PORCUPINE . HEDGHOG . Middle kind ; ‖ either that which lives in Trees , with a spreading bushy tail : or that which lives on the ground , with a short tail , and course hair , having only three toes on a foot . 6. SQUIRREL . GINNY PIG . Least kind ; living commonly , either In houses ; being mischievous to Corn ; ‖ the greater : or lesser kind 7. RAT . MOUSE . Abroad , under ground ; having small eyes , and broad feet like hands , being not so properly belonging to this tribe , but of near affinity to it . 8. MOLE . Besides the common Rat there are others having Flat tails , their hinder feet being palmipedes . called Water-rat , Musk-rat . Short tails , and spotted skins . called Leming . Besides the more common sort of Mice there are others Of long snouts , counted venemous . called Field-mouse , Sheew-mouse . Of a sandy colour , a spreading tail , sleeping much . called Dormouse . Having wings , upon which there are four claws instead of feet , the only flying beast . called Batt , Flittermouse . IV. RAPACIOUS Beasts of the CAT-KIND , may be distributed into such , whose bodies are in proportion to their legs , either Less long ; having generally two Claviculae or canel-bones , by which they are inabled to strike or cuff with their fore-feet , and to climb , being able to sheath their claws ; whether the Bigger ; considerable for Boldness and courage ; being the chief of all wild beasts : or for slowness and slugginess , going upon the heels . 1. LION - ess , Whelp , roar . BEARE , Cub . Spottedness ; ‖ either with Rundles : or with Streaks . 2. TYGER . PARD , Panther , Leopard . Quick sightedness ; 3. OUNCE , Lynx . Lesser ; ‖ either that Domestic Animal , the Enemy to Mice : or that wild fierce creature , of some resemblance to this , producing Civet . 4. CAT , Kitling , Kitten , Mew . CIVET-CAT . More long ; namely such as by the length of their bodies , and shortness of their legs , are fitted to creep and wind themselves into holes , for the catching of their prey . The Verminous-kind ; whether such as are Terrestrial ; of a Courser furr ; being noxious to Rabbets ; ‖ either that which is frequently trained up by Men for the catching of Connies : or that which is of a stinking savour . 5. FERRET . POLECAT , Fitchew . Finer furr ; whether the Bigger ; being commonly white under the throat . 6. MARTIN , Sable , Gennet . Lesser ; ‖ either that which is wholly white , excepting a black spot on the tail : or that whose belly is white , the tip of the tail black , the back of a light dun . 7. STOAT , Ermine . WEESLE . Amphibious ; ‖ either that of a finer furr , having a broad , thick , scaly tail : or that of a courser furr . 8. CASTOR , Beaver . OTTER . As for that mongrel generation , which many Authors describe , as being begotten betwixt a Pard and a Lioness , being therefore called Leopard , as likewise that other Beast , commonly described by the name of Gulo or Ierf , and that other named Hyaena . There is reason to doubt , whether there be any such species of Animals , distinct from those here enumerated . Tho the belief of these ( as of several other fictitious things ) hath been propagated by Orators , upon account of their fitness to be made use of in the way of similitude . V. RAPACIOUS Beasts of the DOG-Kind , may be distinguished into such as are either Europaean ; Terrestrial ; whether Bigger ; ‖ either that which is noted for tameness and docility : or for wildness and enmity to Sheep ▪ 1. DOG , Bitch , Puppy , Whelp ▪ Bark , bay , yelp . WOLF , Howle . Lesser ; living usually in holes within the ground ; ‖ either that which is noted for subtilty , having a bushy tail : or that which is noted for tenacity in biting , being esteemed commonly ( tho falsly ) to have the legs on the left side shorter then the other . 2. FOX . BADGER , Grey , Brock . Amphibious ; whether the Bigger , Being less hairy , having great tusks : or the lesser , being more hairy . 3. MORSE , Sea-horse . SEAL , Sea-calf . Exotic ; being noted for Gregariousness ; going in great troops , and being said to assist the Lion in hunting . 4. JACKALL . Long snout , and feeding on Ants , and sometimes on roots ; ‖ either that of a hairy : or that of a crustaceous covering . 5. ANT-BEARE . ARMADILLO . A bag under the belly ; wherein the young ones are received , being apt to hang by the tail , having a mixed resemblance both to an Ape and a Fox . 6. CARAGUYA . Amongst the several species of Animals , there is not any of greater variety in respect of accidental differences , then that of Dogs , which being the most familiar and domestick Beast , hath therefore several names assigned to it according to these differences , which are derived either from the Countries in which they are originally bred , and from which they are brought to other places , as England , Ireland , Iceland , Ginny , &c. or their bigness or littleness , or from their shape , colour , hairiness , &c. But they are chiefly distinguishable from those uses which men imploy them about , either in respect of Delight ; LAP-DOGS . Companying ; when they serve only to follow us up and down . CURRS . Custody of places or things ; MASTIFS . Hunting ; either by Sight ; GASE-HOUNDS . Smell ; whether for Birds ; SPANIELS Terrestrial ; LAND SPANIELS . Aquatic ; WATER SPANIELS . Beasts ; of a Greater kind ; HOUNDS . Lesser kind ; BEAGLES . Swiftness ; and running after Greater Beasts ; GREYHOUNDS . Lesser Beasts ; LURCHERS . Play ; TUMBLERS . VI. OVIPAROUS BEASTS ; may be distinguished by their different ways of progressive motion ; whether Gradient ; having four feet , the figure of their bodies being either more Broad ; whose outward covering is Crustaceous ; ‖ belonging either to the Land : or to the Water . 1. TORTOISE , Land-tortoise . TURTLE , Sea-tortoise . Skinny ; ‖ either that which is not poisonous : or that which is counted poisonous . 2. FROG , Tadpole , croke . TOAD , Tadpole . Oblong ; whose bodies and tails are more produced ; whether the Greatest kind ; being skinned and scaly ; ‖ either the larger : or the lesser , the latter of which is described to have a dew-lap under the throat . 3. CROCODILE , Allegator , Cayman , Leviathan . SENEMBI , Iguana . Middle kind ; ‖ either that which is most common in other Countries , and of greatest varieties : or that which hath two toes behind in each foot , with prominencies upon the head like ears , being said ( tho falsly ) to feed only upon air . 4. LIZARD . CHAMELION . Least kind ; ‖ either that of a brownish colour with yellow spots : or that of a more dark colour , having a broad tail for swimming . 5. LAND SALAMANDER , Land Eft , Newt . WATER SALAMANDER , Eft , Newt . Creeping ; being without feet , and of round oblong bodies ; whether the Bigger kind ; 6. SERPENT , Hiss . Middle kind ; ‖ either that which is not poisonous : or that which is counted poisonous , having two long , hollow , moveable teeth , hatching the Eggs within its body . 7. SNAKE , Hiss . VIPER , Adder , Aspe . Least kind ; commonly esteemed blind and poisonous . 8. SLOW WORM . That kind of Animal which is commonly called a Dragon , and described to be a kind of Serpent with wings and feet ( if there ever were any such thing ) might possibly be some monstrous production , but there is reason to believe that there is no such standing species in nature . Besides the common kind of Frogs , there is another distinct sort , called the Green frog , feeding on leaves , having blunt broad toes . Besides the more usual sorts of Lizards , there are others described , as having some distinct peculiarity in respect of Bigger magnitude , and greenness of colour . called The green Lizard . Blunt broad toes . called The Facetane Lizard . Thicker body , having a tail annulated with scales . called Cordylus . Slender body and small feet , resembling a Slow worm . called Chalcidica , Lizard . Small head , and lesser scales . called Scinke . HAving now dispatched the enumeration and description of the several species of Animals , I shall here take leave for a short digression , wherein I would recommend this , as a thing worthy to be observed , namely , that great difference which there is betwixt those opinions and apprehensions which are occasioned by a more general and confused view of things , and those which proceed from a more distinct consideration of them as they are reduced into order . He that looks upon the Starrs , as they are confusedly scattered up and down in the Firmament , will think them to be ( as they are sometimes stiled ) innumerable , of so vast a multitude , as not to be determined to any set number : but when all these Starrs are distinctly reduced into particular constellations , and described by their several places , magnitudes and names , it appears , that of those that are visible to the naked eye , there are but few more then a thousand in the whole Firmament , and but a little more then half so many to be seen at once in any Hemisphere , taking in the minuter kinds of them , even to six degrees of magnitude . It is so likewise in other things : He that should put the Question , how many sorts of beasts , or birds , &c. there are in the world , would be answered , even by such as are otherwise knowing and learned men , that there are so many hundreds of them , as could not be enumerated ; whereas upon a distinct inquiry into all such as are yet known , and have been described by credible Authors , it will appear that they are much fewer then is commonly imagined , not a hundred sorts of Beasts , nor two hundred of Birds . From this prejudice it is , that some hereticks of old , and some Atheistical scoffers in these later times , having taken the advantage of raising objections , ( such as they think unanswerable ) against the truth and authority of Scripture , particularly as to the description which is given by Moses , concerning Noah's Ark , Gen. 6.15 . where the dimensions of it are set down to be three hundred cubits in length , fifty in breadth , and thirty in height , which being compared with the things it was to contein , it seemed to them upon a general view , ( and they confidently affirmed accordingly ) that it was utterly impossible for this Ark to hold so vast a multitude of Animals , with a whole years provision of food for each of them . This objection seemed so considerable , both to some of the ancient Fathers , and of our later Divines , who were otherwise learned and judicious men , but less versed in Philosophy and Mathematicks , that they have been put to miserable shifts for the solving of it . Origen , and Saint Austin , and several other considerable Authors , do for the avoiding of this difficulty affirm , that Moses being skilled in all the learning of the Aegyptians , doth by the measure of cubits , here applyed to the Ark , understand the Aegyptian Geometrical cubit , each of which ( say they ) did contein six of the vulgar cubits , namely , nine foot . But this doth upon several accounts seem very unreasonable , because it doth not appear , that there was any such measure amongst the Aegyptians or Iews , styled the Geometrical cubit : And if there were , yet there is no particular reason , why this sense should be applyed to the word cubit here , rather then in other places . It is said of Goliah , that his height was six cubits and a span , which being understood of the Geometrical cubit , will make him fifty four foot high , and consequently his head must be about nine foot in the height or diameter of it , which must needs be too heavy for David to carry . Others not satisfied with this solution , think they have found a better answer , by asserting that the stature of mankind being considerably larger in the first ages of the world , therefore the measure of the cubit must be larger likewise , and perhaps double to now what it is , which will much inlarge the capacity of the Ark. But neither will this afford any reasonable satisfaction . For if they will suppose men to be of a much bigger stature then , 't is but reasonable that the like should be supposed of other animals also ; in which case this answer amounts to nothing . Others will have the sacred cubit to be here intended , which is said to be a hands breadth longer then the civil cubit , Ezeck . 43.13 . But there is not any reason or necessity for this . And 't is generally believed , that the sacred cubit was used only in the measure of sacred Structures , as the Tabernacle and Temple . This seeming difficulty is much better solved by Ioh. Buteo in the Tract de Arca Noe , wherein supposing the cubit to be the same with what we now call a foot and a half , he proves Mathematically that there was a sufficient capacity in the Ark , for the con●eining all those things it was designed for . But because there are some things liable to exception in the Philosophical part of that discourse , particularly in his enumeration of the species of Animals , several of which are fabulous , some not distinct species , others that are true species being left out ; therefore I conceive it may not be improper in this place to offer another account of those things . It is plain in the description which Moses gives of the Ark , that it was divided into three stories , each of them of ten cubits or fifteen foot high , besides one cubit allowed for the declivity of the roof in the upper story . And 't is agreed upon as most probable , that the lower story was assigned to contein all the species of beasts , the middle story for their food , and the upper story , in one part of it , for the birds and their food , and the other part for Noah , his family and utensils . Now it may clearly be made out , that each of these stories was of a sufficient capacity for the conteining all those things to which they are assigned . For the more distinct clearing up of this , I shall first lay down several tables of the divers species of beasts that were to be received into the Ark , according to the different kinds of food , wherewith they are usually nourished , conteining both the number appointed for each of them , namely , the clean by sevens , and the unclean by pairs , together with a conjecture ( for the greater facility of the calculation ) what proportion each of them may bear , either to a Beef , or a Sheep , or a Wolf ; and then what kind of room may be allotted to the making of sufficient Stalls for their reception . Beasts feeding on Hay . Beasts feeding on Fruits , Roots and Insects . Carnivorous Beasts Number . Name . Proportion to Beeves . Breadth of Stalls Number . Name Proportion to Sheep . Breadth of the Stalls . Number . Name Proportion to Wolves . Breadth of their Stalls .       feet       feet       feet 2 Horse 3 20 2 Hog 4 20 2 Lion 4 10 2 Asse 2 12 2 Baboon 2 2 Beare 4 10 2 Camel 4 20 2 Ape 2 2 Tigre 3 8 2 Elephant 8 36 2 Monky 7 2 Pard 3 8 7 Bull 7 40 2 Sloth 2 Ounce 2 6 7 Urus 7 40 2 Porcupine 2 Cat 2 6 7 Bisons 7 40 2 Hedghog 2 Civet-cat 7 Bonasus 7 40 2 Squirril 2 Ferret 3 6 7 Buffalo 7 40 2 Ginny pig 2 Polecat 7 Sheep 1 30 2 Ant-bear 2 2 Martin 7 Stepciseros 1 2 Armadilla 2 2 Stoat 7 Broad-tail 1 2 Tortoise 2 2 Weesle 7 Goat 1 30         2 Castor 7 Stone-buck 1     21 20 2 Otter 7 Shamois 1         2 Dog 2 6 7 Antilope 1         2 Wolf 2 6 7 Elke 7 30         2 Fox 2 6 7 Hart 4 30         2 Badger 7 Buck 3 20         2 Jackall 7 Rein-deer 3 20         2 Caraguya 7 Roe 2 36                 2 Rhinocerot 8                 2 Camelopard 6 30                 2 Hare 2 Sheep .                 2 Rabbet                 2 Marmotto                       92 514             27 72 In this enumeration I do not mention the Mule , because 't is a mungrel production , and not to be rekoned as a distinct species . And tho it be most probable , that the several varieties of Beeves , namely that which is stiled Vrus , Bisons , Bonasus and Buffalo ▪ and those other varieties reckoned under Sheep and Goats , be not distinct species from Bull , Sheep , and and Goat ; There being much less difference betwixt these , then there is betwixt several Dogs : And it being known by experience , what various changes are frequently occasioned in the same species by several countries , diets , and other accidents : Yet I have ex abundanti to prevent all cavilling , allowed them to be distinct species , and each of them to be clean Beasts , and consequently such as were to be received in by sevens . As for the Morse , Seale , Turtle , or Sea-Tortoise , Crocodile , Senembi , These are usually described to be such kind of Animals as can abide in the water , and therefore I have not taken them into the Ark , tho if that were necessary , there would be room enough for them , as will shortly appear . The Serpentine-kind , Snake , Viper , Slow-worm , Lizard , Frog , Toad , might have sufficient space for their reception , and for their nourishment , in the Drein or Sink of the Ark , which was probably three or four foot under the floor for the standings of the Beasts . As for those lesser Beasts , Rat Mouse , Mole , as likewise for the several species of Insects , there can be no reason to question , but that these may find sufficient room in several parts of the Ark , without having any particular Stalls appointed for them . Tho it seem most probable , that before the Flood , both Men , Beasts and Birds did feed only upon Vegetables , as may appear from that place , Gen. 1.29 , 30. And God said , Behold I have given you every herb bearing seed which is upon the face of all the earth , and every tree in which is the fruit of a tree yelding seed , to you it shall be for meat . And to every beast of the earth , and to every fowl of the air , and to every thing that creepeth upon the earth , wherein there is life , I have given every green herb for meat , compared with chap. 9.3 . Where after the Flood , when the productions of the Earth were become of less efficacy and vigor , and consequently less fit for nourishment , God saith to Noah , Every moving thing that liveth , shall be meat for you , even as the green herb have I given you all things . Yet because this proof is not so very cogent to convince a captious Adversary , but that he may still be apt to question , whether the Rapacious kinds of Beasts and Birds , who in the natural frame of their parts are peculiarly fitted for the catching and devouring of their prey , did ever feed upon herbs and fruits ; Therefore to prevent such Cavils , I shall be content to suppose that those Animals which are now Praedatory were so from the begining : upon which , it will be necessary to enquire , what kind of food might be proper and sufficient for them , during their abode in the Ark. Now 't is commonly known , that the ruminant kind are most usually the prey for the rapacious kind of beasts . It appeares by the foregoing tables , that the beasts of the rapacious carnivorous kinds , to be brought into the Ark by pairs , were but forty in all , or twenty pairs , which upon a fair calculation are supposed equivalent , as to the bulk of their bodies and their food , unto twenty seven Wolves ; but for greater certainty , let them be supposed equall to thirty Wolves : and let it be further supposed , that six Wolves will every day devour a whole Sheep , which all Men will readily grant to be more then sufficient for their necessary sustenance : According to this computation , five Sheep must be allotted to be devoured for food each day of the year , which amounts in the whole to 1825. Upon these suppositions there must be convenient room in the lower story of the Ark to contein the forementioned sorts of beasts which were to be preserved for the propagating of their kinds , besides 1825. Sheep , which were to be taken in as food for the rapacious Beasts . And tho there might seem no just ground of exception , if these beasts should be stow'd close together , as is now usual in Ships , when they are to be transported for any long voyage ; yet I shall not take any such advantage , but afford them such fair Stalls or Cabins as may be abundantly sufficient for them in any kind of posture , either standing , or lying , or turning themselves , as likewise to receive all the dung that should proceed from them for a whole year . And that the Ark was of a sufficient capacity for these purposes , will appear from the following Diagram . In which there is a partition at each end of the Ark , marked AA , of fifteen foot wide , and the breadth of the Ark being seventy five foot ; these partitions must contein in them five Areas of fifteen foot square , and an Area of five foot square , being sufficient to contein four Sheep , therefore one of fifteen foot square must be capable of thirty six Sheep ; Allowing one of these Areas at each end for stairs , there will eight of them remain , ( viz. four at each end ) to be reckoned upon for the conteining of Sheep ; which eight will be capable of receiving 288 Sheep . Besides these partitions , at the end there are five several passages marked BB , of seven foot wide for the more convenient access to the several Stalls ; the four Areas on the side marked CC , designed for Stalls , are each of them eighteen foot wide , and about two hundred foot long . And the two middle Areas marked DD , are each of them twenty five foot wide , and about two hundred foot long . Supposing the two middle Areas to be designed for Sheep ; an Area of twenty five foot square must be capable of a hundred , and there being sixteen of these , they must be capable of 1600 Sheep , which being added to the former number of 288 will make 1888. somewhat more then 1825 the number assigned for those that were to be taken in for food . The four side Areas marked CC , being each of them eighteen foot wide , and two hundred foot long , will be more then sufficient to contein the several beasts which were to be preserved for the propagating of their kind ; for which in the foregoing Tables their is allotted to the length of their Stalls only six hundred and six foot , besides the largeness of the Stalls allotted to each of them . So that there will be near upon two hundred foot overplus , for the reception of any other beasts , not yet enumerated or discovered . As for that fashion of the Keel of Ships now in use , whereby they are fitted for passage through the Waters , and to endure the motion of the Waves : This would not have been convenient for the business here designed ; The Ark being intended only for a kind of Float to swim above water , the flatness of its bottom , did render it much more capacious for the reception of those many living Creatures , which were to be conteined in it . And tho towards the end of the Flood when it began to abate , God is said to Make a wind to pass over the Earth , whereby the waters were asswaged , Gen. 8.1 . Yet 't is not likely that in the time of the deluge , when the whole Earth was overflowed , that there should be any such rough and boisterous winds as might endanger a Ves●el of this Figure ; such winds usually proceeding from dry Land. From hence it may be evident , that there was sufficient room in the lower story for the convenient reception of all the sorts of beasts that are yet known , and probably for those other kinds that are yet unknown to these parts of the World , The next thing to be cleared up , is the capacity of the second story for conteining a years provision of food . In order to which 't is to be observed , that the several beasts feeding on hay , were before upon a fair calculation supposed equal to ninety two Beeves : but to prevent all kind of Cavils which may be made at the proportioning of them , let them be as a hundred , besides the 1825. Sheep taken in for food . But now because these are to be devoured by five per diem , therefore the years provision to be made for them , is to be reckoned but as for half that number , viz. 912. These being divided by seven to bring them unto a proportion with the Beeves , will amount to 180 , which added to the former hundred make 280 , suppose three hundred . So then according to this supposition , there must be sufficient provision of hay in the second story to sustein three hundred Beeves for a whole year . Now 't is observed ( saith Buteo ) by Columella , who was very well versed in the experiments of Husbandry , that thirty or forty pound of hay is ordinarily sufficient for an Ox for one day , reckoning twelve ounces in the pound . But we will suppose forty of our pounds . And 't is asserted by Buteo upon his own tryal and experience , that a solid cubit of dryed hay , compressed , as it uses to be , when it hath lain any considerable time in Mows or Reeks , doth weigh about forty pound ; so that for three hundred Beeves for a whole year there must be 109500. such cubits of hay , ( i. e. ) 365. multiplied by 300. Now the second story being ten cubits high , three hundred long , and fifty broad , must contein 150000. solid cubits , which is more by 40500. then what is necessary for so much compressed hay ; and will allow space enough both for any kind of beams and pillars necessary for the fabric , as likewise for other repositories , for such fruits , roots , grain or seed , as may be proper for the nourishment of any of the other Animals . And likewise for such convenient passages and apertures in the floor as might be necessary for the putting down of the hay to the Stalls in the lower story . From which it is manifest that the second story was sufficiently capacious of all those things designed for it· And then as for the third story ; there can be no colour of doubt , but that one half of it will be abundantly sufficient for all the species of birds , tho they should be twice as many as are enumerated in the foregoing tables , together with food sufficient for their sustenance , because they are generally but of small bulk , and may easily be kept in several partitions or Cages over one another . Nor is there any reason to question , but that the other half would afford space enough both for Noah's family and utensils . Upon the whole matter , it doth of the two , appear more difficult to assign a sufficient number and bulk of necessary things , to answer the capacity of the Ark , rather then to find sufficient room for those several species of Animals already known . But because it may be reasonably presumed , that there are several other species of beasts and birds , especially in the undiscovered parts of the world , besides those here enumerated , therefore 't is but reasonable to suppose the Ark to be of a bigger capacity , then what may be sufficient for the things already known , and upon this account it may be asserted , that if such persons who are most expert in Philosophy or Mathematicks , were now to assign the proportions of a Vessel that might be sutable to the ends here proposed , they could not ( all things considered ) find out any more accommodate to these purposes , then those here mentioned . From what hath been said it may appear , that the measure and capacity of the Ark , which some Atheistical irreligious men make use of , as an argument against the Scripture , ought rather to be esteemed a most rational confirmation of the truth and divine authority of it . Especially if it be well considered , that in those first and ruder ages of the World , when men were less versed in Arts and Philosophy , and therefore probably more obnoxious to vulgar prejudices then now they are , yet the capacity and proportions of the Ark are so well adjusted to the things it was to contein ; whereas if it had been a meer humane invention , 't is most probable , that it would have been contrived according to those wild apprehensions , which ( as I said before ) do naturally arise from a more confused and general view of things , as much too big , as now such men are apt to think it too little , for those ends and purposes to which it was designed . CHAP. VI. The Parts of Animate Bodies ; whether I. More Peculiar , or II. Mor● General . UNder this Head of PECULIAR PARTS of Animate Bodies are comprehended all the Parts that belong to the whole kind of Plants : But as to Animals , it contains onely such as are peculiar to some of them , not common to all . And these are comprehended with the others under the same Head , because I could not otherwise place them conveniently to my purpose . They are distinguishable by their relation to Plants ; as being LASTING PARTS . I. ANNUAL PARTS . II. KINDS OF FRUIT . III. Animals ; belonging chiefly unto SWIMMING Animals . IV. FLYING Animals . V. GOING Animals . VI. I. By LASTING PARTS of Plants are meant such as do usually continue during the life of the Plant , and are not renewed every year . And because the chief of these is styled WOOD , therefore may that be here adjoyned by way of affinity . These are distinguishable by their Fabric and Consistence , together with their Position and Shape ; being either more Hard and Solid ; considered according to the Position ; as to the Earth , wherein Plants do grow ; being either Within it ; to which may be adjoyned those parts in the body of the Plant which have some analogy to Roots . 1. ROOT , Radical , radicate , eradicate . KNOT , Knurle , Knag . Without it ; the upright part above ground ; ‖ either the greater , upon , and from which the branches do grow : or the lesser , growing up from the same root . 2. STOCK , Stem , Trunk , Body , Stalk , Stub , Stump . SUCKER , Shoot . Plant it self , shooting from the Stem of it ; ‖ whether greater and spread : or less , and pointed , being common likewise to Fishes , &c. 3. BRANCH , Sprig , Sion , young Shoot , Graft , Bough , Arm of a Tree , Slip , Lop. THORN , Prickle , spinous . Shape and Figure ; ‖ more cylindrical and stiff : or more taper and flexile . 4. STICK , Staff , Stake , Cudgel , Scepter , Mace , Cros●er , Virg , Leading-staff , Truncheon , Battoon , Rest , Scatch , Crutch , Helve , Perch , Tally . WAND , Twig , Rod , Switch , Pole. Soft . Not dissolvable ; ‖ outward : or inward . 5. RINDE , Bark , Pill . PITH . Dissolvable , by Water , or by Fire ; being ‖ either of an aqueous : or an unctuous nature . 6. GUM . RESIN . Liquid ; of a ‖ more watery : or more unctuous consistence . 7. JUICE , Sap , succulent . BALSAM . II. By ANNUAL Parts are meant such as are renewed every year ; which are either More principal ; those parts whereby Plants do propagate their kinds . Antecedent to the Seed ; either that most tender part of a Plant , considerable for its beauty and colour , adhering to the first rudiments of the Seed : or that which is answerable to this in Willows and Nut-trees , &c. 1. FLOWER , Blossom , Bloom , blown , Nosegay , Posey . CATKIN , Palm . The Seed it self ; in respect of the Parts belonging to it , and encompassing it ; ‖ either the most Soft and succulent ; betwixt the outward Skin and the inward Seed vessel : or the most hard crustaceous part containing the Seed . 2. PULP . STONE , Shell . Thin part , for Covering : or Oblong , for Defence . 3. HUSK , Hull , Shell , Skin , Chaff , Boled . BEARD . Aggregate of Fruit or Seed ; of a Figure ‖ more gross and confused : or more narrow , oblong , and taper . 4. CLUSTER , Bunch , Pannicle . EAR , Spike , Spire , Bent. Less principal ; to be further distinguished by the Figure , in respect of Thickness or Thinness ; either such as are more thick , namely the first little swellings in the growth of a Plant , or of the parts of it : or such as are more thin , namely those laminated parts , belonging either to Plants themselves , or to their flowers . 5. SPROUT , Bud , shoot , burgeon , pullutate , repullutate , germinate , put forth , spring forth . LEAF , Foliags , Blade . Length ; whether such as are Proper to the Flower ; the greater , standing up singly in the middle of the flower : or the lesser , being small threddy filaments within the flower , whereof there are usually many together . 6. STILE . STAMEN , tuft . Common to other parts of the plant ; ‖ either those small stemms , upon which flowers and leaves do grow : or those kinds of threddy shoots , by which climbing Plants do take hold of and twist about the things that stand next to them 7. STALK , Footstalk , shank . TENDREL , Clasper . Hollowness ; conteining within it , either ‖ the leaves of the flower : or the fruit . 8. CUP , Perianthium . PERICARPIUM . III. By FRUITS are meant those more Succulent parts of Plants , which are either the Receptacles of Seed , or else the Seeds themselves ; to which may be adjoyned ▪ by way of affinity , the general name denoting the EXCRESCENCES of Plants , as Galls are of Oken leaves , &c. Fruits may be distinguished into such as are Receptacles of Seed . Eaten commonly by men ; whose eatable part is covered with a Soft Skin . Without Stones ; being generally a larger fruit . 1. APPLE , Pomiferous . With Stones ; ‖ either the greater kind , conteining one single stone encompassed with an esculent pulp : or the less , growing either in Clusters , or dispersedly on Trees , Shrubs and Herbs , conteining generally several small seeds or stones in the pulp or husk of it . 2. PLUM , Pruin , Pruniferous . BERRY , Bacciferous . Hard Shell ; namely that kind of fruit , whose only esculent part is inclosed in a hard covering . 3. NUT , Nuciferous . Not eaten commonly by men , but by beasts . Consisting of one only Seed , in a Seed-vessel ; ‖ roundish : or flat-figured . 4. MAST , Acorn , Pannage . KEY . Conteining several Seeds ; being ‖ more solid : or hollow . 5. CONE , Apple . COD , Husk , Pod , Shell , shale , siliquous . Seed ; ‖ being the most minute kind of Fruit , whereby Plants propagate their Kinds ; or the Inmost parts of Seeds . 6. GRAIN , Corn , Kern . KERNEL . The Peculiar parts of Animals here enumerated are said to be such as belong chiefly , not only , to the several kinds of Swimming , Flying , Going Animals ; because there are some under each Head that belong also to other Animals . So Spawn and Crust belong to Insects , and some Beasts , as well as to Fish. So Trunk or Proboscis , and Egg do belong to some Going Animals , as well as to Flying . So doth Embroyo to a Bat and all Viviparous Fish , as well as to Going Animals . But these Parts are more commonly and generally found amongst those Kinds under which they are listed . IV. Those Parts peculiar chiefly to SWIMMING ANIMALS , to which Custom hath ascribed distinct names , do serve either for their Outward Covering ; with respect to different Magnitudes . Lesser ; being a Thin lamin . 1. SCALE . Greater ; ‖ opening usually upon a Ioint , as in Oisters , &c. or an entire Armature , without such opening , as in Lobsters , &c. 2. SHELL , Testaceous . CRUST - aceous , Shell . Respiration ; those Opening parts on the sides of the Head , which are thought to supply the place of Lungs . 3. GILL . Progressive motion ; serving either to Direct this motion ; by feeling such objects as lye in the way , being long prominencies , standing off from the head , common to several Insects . 4. FEELERS , Horns , Antennae . Assist in this motion ; whether of Swimming ; as in most kinds of skinned and scaly fish . Internal ; a thin membrane filled with air , by the help of which Fishes poise themselves in the water . 5. SWIMMING BLADDER . External ; ‖ either those thin broad substances , standing off from the body of the Fish : or those long slender parts belonging to these 6. FINN . RAY , Radius , Pinnula . Going ; as in crustaceous exanguious Animals . 7. CLAW .. Procreation ; belonging either to the ‖ Males : or Females . 8. MILT , Soft row . SPAWN , Hard row . V. T●e Parts peculiar TO FLYING ANIMALS are either Not fleshy ; such as serve for Outward covering , which is done by small oblong bodies , with hair-like branches growing from both sides of them , the bottom of which is a kind of a hollow Cylinder like a reed . 1. FEATHER , Plume , callow , fledge , pluck . QUILL . Progressive motion ; which in such kind of Creatures is twofold . Flying ; which is done by those parts fastned on the shoulders , by the motion of which they strike the Air : These are generally an aggregate of Feathers ; but in Bats and Flies of a Skinny consistence . To which may be adjoyned that aggregate of hindermost Feathers , whereby they steer themselves in their Flight . 2. WING . TRAIN , Tail. Going ; by a Foot with several Toes ‖ divided : or united by some film for their better help in Swimming . 3. TALON , Pounce , Claw , Clutch . FLAT FOOT , Palmipede . Feeding and Fighting ; ‖ the mouth of a Bird : or a kind of hollow tube through which some things suck their nourishment . 4. BEAK , Bill . TRUNK , Proboscis , Snout . Fighting onely ; of a sharp figure ; ‖ either on the side of the Leg : or in the Tail , counted poisonous . 5. SPUR . STING , Prickle . Procreation ; ‖ a roundish body covered with a Shell : or a yellowish case . containing a Maggot , which is transmuted into a Moth or Butterfly . 6. EGG , Nit , Flyblow . CHRYSALITE , Aurelia . Fleshy ; belonging to the Fore-part ; and placed either ‖ on the top of the head : or under the Iaw . 7. COMB , Crest . GILL , Wattle . Hinder-part ; ‖ either that Protuberance about the end of the Back-bone : or that Cavity or Glandule in it containing an unctuous substance for the suppling of the Feathers . 8. RUMP . OIL-BOX . VI. The Parts peculiar belonging TO GOING ANIMAL● are such as serve for Outward covering ; considerable according to the More general name ; denoting a small oblong flexile body , growing Plant-like out of the skin : or Aggregates of these , growing thick together and curled . 1. HAIR . WOOL . Particular kinds ; ‖ either a more big and stiff kind of hair : or the more small and softer kinds of hairy substances , sometimes ascribed to Feathers . 2. BRISTLE· DOWN , Lint . Aggregates ; more proper to Hair : or to Wool. 3. FURR , Ermin , Minivor , &c. Timber . FLEECE , Flu. Hairy parts ; ‖ on the Chin or Face : or on the Neck . 4. BEARD , Mustach , Whisker . MANE , Crest . Progressive motion ; whether ‖ in whole or cloven-footed Animals : or in multifidous or clawed Animals . 5. HOOF . NAIL , Claw . Fighting ; the foremost part serving for offence against greater Animals : or the hindermost part serving for defence against Insects . 6. HORN , Head , goring . TAIL , Scut , Dock , Crupper , Single of Deer . Procreation ; the young in the Womb before its birth : or the bag wherein it is contained . 7. EMBRYO , Child in the Womb. SECUNDINE , After-birth . Of GENERAL PARTS . BY GENERAL PARTS of Animals are meant such as are more common to the whole kind , or at least the more perfect kinds , as Beasts and Men ; there being several parts enumerated under this head , as Milk , Marrow , Bone , Gristle , Tooth , Dug , Rib , Navel , all under the fifth Difference , and some under the sixth , which are not common to all sorts of Insects , Fishes , and Birds . These are distinguishable into Homogeneous . CONTAINED . I. CONTAINING . II. Heterogeneus . External . HEAD . III. TRUNK . IV. LIMM . V. INTERNAL . VI. I. CONTAINED HOMOGENEOUS PARTS are such kind of fluid Bodies as are distinguishable by their various Consistences and Uses , and not by any difference of Shape or Figure ; because , being liquid , they have no Shape of their own , but must be contained termino alieno . They are either more Thin and Aerial . 1. SPIRIT - uous . Liquid and Fluid ; being either More limpid ; and of an aqueous transparency , ‖ for diluting and attenuating the Humors : or a prepared Juice for nourishing the several parts . 2. SERUM , Whey . SUCCUS NUTRITIUS . More opacous and thick . Not generally diffused ; being useful either for Nutrition ; ‖ a whitish humor in the Mesentery extracted from the food before Sanguification : or receiving a farther digestion in the breasts for the nourishment of the Foetus . 3. CHYLE . MILK , Cream , Beestings , milch , Dairy . Generation ; ‖ common to both Sexes : to which may be adjoyned that excrementitious moisture proper to some Females . 4. SPERM , Seed , seminal . MENSTRUA , Courses . Diffused through the whole , and mixed together in one Mass ; considered either according to the General name ; denoting that red juice in the bodies of the more perfect Animals 5. BLOUD , Crimson . Particular kinds ; of which this whole mass is said to consist , commonly stiled the four Humors , and according to the old Theory , esteemed to be either Hot ; and ‖ moist : or dry . 6. BLOUD , Sanguin . CHOLER , Gall. Cold ; and ‖ moist : or dry . 7. PHLEGM , pituitous . MELANCHOLY , Choler adust . More consistent ; ‖ in the Head , the organ of the inward Senses : or in the Cavity of the Bones , for the moistning of them . 8. BRAIN . MARROW , medullary . II. CONTAINING HOMOGENEOUS PARTS are distinguishable by their Qualities of Hardness and Softness , or by their Figures and Uses ; being either of a More hard Consistence ; For strengthning of the Fabric ; ‖ either the most hard and dry : or less hard ; both devoid of Sense 1. BONE , Skull . GRISTLE , Cartilage . For uniting of the Bones and Muscles ; ‖ either oblong : or the extremity of the Muscle affixed to the part which is to be moved . 2. LIGAMENT . TENDON . More soft Consistence ; being either Thin and broad ; for covering of ‖ the outward parts : or the inward parts . 3. SKIN , Cuticle , Fell , Hide , Pelt , Slough , flay , excoriate , gall . MEMBRANE , Film , Pannicle , Tunicle , Skin , Pericardium , Pericranium , Peritonaeum . Oblong and narrow ; Hollow ; for conveyance of the Bloud ‖ to the Heart : or from the Heart . 4 VEIN , Venal . ARTERY - all . Solid ; for conveyance of the Spirits , serving for Sense : or those small hair-like-bodies of which the Muscles consist . 5. NERVE , Sinew . FIBRE , Grain , Filament . Crass ; of no determinate Figure ; useful for Motion ; according to the name , ‖ more general : or particular . 6. FLESH , Parenchyma , carnal , Carnosity , incarnate . MUSCLE , Brawn . Preserving from Heat and Cold : or the Percolation of some humors . 7. FAT , Suet , Tallow . GLANDULE , Kernel , Emunctory , Almond , Bur , Sweet-bread , Nut. III. Amongst External containing Heterogeneous parts , that which is the chief , being the Seat and Residence of the Soul , is the HEAD : To which may be opposed the other part styled BODY , Carcass . The parts of the Head are either More general ; ‖ either the fore-part less hairy : or the hinder-part more hairy . 1. FACE , Visage , Aspect , Countenance , Favour , Look , Minc , Physiognomy , Feature , Vizzard , Mask . PATE , Scalp , Noddle , Sconce , Scull , Brain-pan . More particular parts of the Head and Face are either More properly Organical ; for Sense ; whether such parts as are External ; used for Seeing , or Hearing . 2. EY , Ocular , optic , see , view , look , kenn , behold , gaze , pore . EAR , Lug , hear , hearken , ●uricular . Tasting , or Smelling : ‖ either that Scissure of the Face through which we breath and receive our nourishment : or that hollow prominence , through which we breath and smell . 3. MOUTH ▪ Chaps , muzzle , oral , devour . NOSE , Snowt , Nostril , smell . Internal ; used for Tasting , Speaking , or Eating ; Convex ; ‖ either that of a soft Fleshy substance , whereof there is but one : or that of a most hard and dry consistence , whereof there are many . 4. TONGUE , lick . TOOTH , Fang , Tusk , bite , gnaw , nibble , Holders , Grinders . Concave ; either the upper inward part of the Mouth : or the open passage through the Neck into the middle region of the Body . 5. PALATE , Roof . THROAT , guttural , jugular . Less properly Organical ; but contributing to the making up the Fabric of the Face ; distinguishable by their various Positions into Vpper and fore-right ; ‖ Extremity of the Face : or Protuberance over the Eye . 6. FOREHEAD , Brow , Front. EY-BROW . Lateral ; ‖ towards the middle : or towards the upper parts . 7. CHEEK , Iole . TEMPLES . Lower ; Fore-right ; ‖ either the upper and lower Extremity of that Scissure which makes the Mouth : or the Extremity of the Face . 8. LIP . CHIN . Lateral ; 9. JAW , Chap , Mandible , Iole . PLACE OF TONSILLAE . IV. By TRUNK is meant the middle part of the Body , considered abstractly from Head and Limms . The Parts of the Trunk are distinguishable by their various Positions , being either Vpper ; towards the top of the Trunk . Not determined to fore or hinder part , but common to both ; ‖ the Stem-like of the Head : or the upper Convexity of Breast and Back . 1. NECK , Nape , Dulap . SHOULDER , Scapulary . Determined to the Fore-part ; ‖ more general : or more specially the glandulous part designed for milk in females . 2. BREAST , Pectoral , Bosom . DUG , Vdder , Teat , Nipple , Pap , Breast . Hinder part ; more general : or more specially the Bones of it . 3. BACK . VERTEBRA , Spondyl , spinal , Chine . Middle . Hinder-part ; ‖ the direct Muscles : or transverse Bones . 4. LOIN , Chine . RIB . Side-part ; ‖ more general : or more specially the lower part of it . 5. SIDE , Lateral , collateral . FLANK , Rand. Fore-part ; more general : or more specially the concave middle part of it . 6. BELLY , Paunch , Pannel , Peritenaeum . NAVEL , Vmbilical . Lower ; Fore-part ; the concave part ‖ between the belly and thighs : or seat of the Privities between the thighs . 7. GROIN . SHARE , Twist . Hinder-part ; ‖ more general : or specially the Cavity . 8. BUTTOCK , Breech , Haunch , Ham. FUNDAMENT , Dock . V. By LIMM or Member is meant any special part designed for Action , moveable upon , and distinguishable by its Ioints : for which reason the word JOINT may be annexed to it by way of affinity , one being the thing moved , and the other the thing upon which the motion is made . They are either Vpper Limm . Innermost : or next to the Trunk , with its Ioint . 1. ARM. SHOULDER . Middlemost . 2. CUBIT . ELBOW , Pinion . Outermost . 3. HAND - le , wield , Manual , manage , Palm , Fist , Clutch , Grasp , Haft , Hilt , Glove . WRIST . Lower Limm . Innermost : or next to the Trunk . 4. THIGH , Hip , Ham , Haunch , Pestle . HUCKLE . Middlemost . 5. SHANK , Leg , Shin , Calf . KNEE . Outermost . 6. FOOT , Hock , Trotter , tread , trample , stamp , Instep . HEEL , Calcitrate , kick , Pastern . Common both to upper and lower Limm ; the Joints of which may be distinguished by the order of first , second , or third : or innermost , middlemost , or outermost . 7. FINGER , Toe , Thumb . KNUCKLE . VI. Containing Heterogeneous Internal parts , called INWARDS , Entrals , Bowels , Foy , Pluck , Purtenance , Vmbels , Hastlet , Garbage , Giblets , reckoning from the uppermost , may be distinguished by their Order , Shape and Uses , into Vpper ; towards the Summity of the Body . Hollow and oblong ; for the conveyance of the ‖ Nourishment : or of the Breath . 1. GULLET . WIND-PIPE , Rough Artery , Weasand . Massie and more solid ; within the Breast ; for ‖ Bloud-making : or Breathing . 2. HEART , Cordial , Core , Pericardium . LUNGS , Lights . Thin and broad ; for partition ‖ transverse , betwixt the upper and lower Belly : or direct , betwixt the Lobes of the Lungs . 3. DIA●HRAGM , Midriff . M●DIASTINE . Lower ; distinguishable Both by their Shapes and Uses . Hollow ; ‖ wide , but not long , for containing ▪ and digesting of Food : long , but not wide , for conveying of the Food and Excrement . 4. STOMACH , Maw , Paunch , Ventricle , Craw , Crop , Gorge , Pouch , Gizzard , Tripe . GUT , Entrails , Bowels , Garbage , Chitterling , Colon. Massie and solid ; for separating of ‖ Choler : or of Melancholy . 5. LIVER , Hepatic . SPLEEN , Milt . Thin and broad ; by which the Guts are ‖ connected : or covered . 6. MESENTERY . CAUL , Kell . By their Uses alone , as being for Separating the Vrine : or containing the Vrine or the Gall. 7. KIDNEY , Reins . BLADDER , Vesicle . Generation ; denoting ‖ the parts for Generation : or the Glandules for preparing the Sperm . 8. PRIVITIES , Genitals , Pizzle , Yard , Fore-skin , Prepuce . TESTICLE , Stone , geld , spay , Eunuch . Conception in Females , namely , the part containing the Faetus . 9. WOMB , Mother , Matrix , hysterical , uterine . CHAP. VII . Concerning the Predicament of Quantity , viz. I. Magnitude . II. Space ; and III. Measure . THe chief notions belonging to the Predicament of Quantity are reducible to these general Heads ; MAGNITUDE . SPACE . MEASURE . Of MAGNITUDE . The word MAGNITUDE is intended to signifie all the notions of continued Quantity : to which may be adjoyned by way of affinity the word EXTENSION , by which is meant that kind of Quantity whereby a thing is said to have partem extra partem , one part out of another , being the same thing with the former under another Consideration . Magnitudes are distinguishable according to their DIMENSIONS . I. MUTUAL RELATIONS to one another . II. AFFECTIONS , in respect of Figure ; whether SIMPLE . III. Compound ; either LINEARY . IV. PLANARY . V. SOLIDARY . VI. As for Oration , which is enumerated in the usual Systems as one of the Species of Quantity ; that is now by common consent acknowledged to be very improperly stiled Quantity ; and therefore it is left out here , and referred to another place . I. That kind of Quantity whereby the Magnitude of Bodies is to be measured , is called DIMENSION . To which may be adjoined upon account of Affinity , That notion of Quantity , whereby a thing is capable of being separated into several parts , DIVISION , distribute , part . Dimensions are of a four-fold difference . The least of Magnitudes , so styled by those who write de Indivisibilibus , as being in their account infinitely little . 1. POINT , Prick , Tittle , Punctilio , Ace , Iot , Whit. The second kind , described by the flux of a point , or composed of infinite such points , is styled . 2. LINE , delineate , rule . The third , described by the draught of a line , or composed of infinite such lines . 3. SUPERFICIES , Plain , Surface . To which may be annexed , that more particular notion of Superficies , called AREA , Plot ; Bed , Page . The fourth , described by the lifting up a Superficies , or composed of infinite Superficies . 4. SOLID , Body , Bulk . By these may be express'd those Algebraical notions of Absolute , Lineary , Quadratic , Cubic ; and so , continuing this Table , Quadrato-Quadratic , Quadrato-Cubic , Cubo-Cubic , Quadrato-Cubo-Cubic , &c. as far as one pleases . II. The MUTUAL RELATIONS of one Dimension to another are either of Point to line ; as being either in ‖ the midst : or extremities of it . 1. CENTER . POLE , Zenith , Nadyr . Point to Lines , or Line to Plains ; which do mutually ‖ either meet : or intersect . 2. VERTEX . INTERSECTION , Cut. Line to Plain ; or Plain to Solid . Angular ; being ‖ either in the midst : or the extremities of it . 3. DIAGONAL . SIDE . Round ; being either Extern ; ‖ touching : or cutting it . 4. TANGENT . SECANT . Intern ; Central ; ‖ either more general , passing from side to side : or particularly that which passes from Pole to Pole. 5. DIAMETER , Ray. AXIS . Not central ; ‖ either from Periphery to Diameter : or from Periphery to Periphery . 6. SINE . CHORD . Line to Line , Plain to Plain , or Solid to Solid ; having Bare respect to one another in regard of Distance ; ‖ either being aequidistant : or else removing farther : or approaching nearer . 7. PARALLEL . DIVERGING , Reclining . CONVERGING , inclining . Position ; making an Angle , oblique : or right : or parallel . 8. OBLIQUE , a-skue , a-slope , awry , Declivity , shelving , slaunt , splay , skue , slope , wry , steep , incline , lean , glance , swagg , asquint , leer . DIRECT , Erect , upright , perpendicular , advance , precipitate , headlong , down-right , up an end , set up , prick up . TRANSVERSE , Cross , overthwart , thwart , traverse , point-blank . Mutual Contact ; ‖ either returning from the other : or cutting through the other .. 9. REFLECTED , Bound , rebound , recoil , repercussion , reverberate ▪ rebuff . REFRACTED . III. To the Affections of Magnitudes , in respect of more SIMPLE FIGURE , may be adjoyned the general notion of FIGURE , Shape , Feature , Fashion , Form , Frame , Scheme , Lineament , the Make , well set , or proportioned , transform , transfigure , deface , disfigure . These Affections may be distinguished in●o such as belong Onely to Lines drawn from point to point ; ‖ the nearest way : or not the nearest way 1. STRAIGHTNESS , Right , direct , point-blank . CROOKEDNESS , Curve , a-wry , hooked , bow , bend , wry , embow , winding , indirect , fetch a compass . To lines and Plains ; whether considered Absolutely ; in General ; contained within ‖ one line , whose every part is equally distant from the same Center : or three or more lines , whose extremities touch one another . 2. CIRCLE , Periphery , Circumference , environ , encircle , surround , Ring , Rund●e , Epicycle . ANGLE , Corner , Coyn , Nook , Elbow , Polygon . Special ; of the Angular , ‖ whether of ninety degrees : or more : or less . 3. RIGHT ANGLE . OBTUSE , blunt , dull , ACUTE , sharp , keen , whet . Respectively ; in Bodies whose superficies is composed ‖ either all of straight lines : or of lines bending in the midst , outward : or inward . 4. PLAIN , level , flat , even . CONVEX , prominent , gibbous , protuberant , turgid , embowed . CONCAVE , Hollow , Cavity , Pit , Hole . To Plains or Solids , of Simple Figure ; whose superficies is ‖ Circular : or Angular of equal sides . 5. SPHERE , Orb , Globe , Ball , Bullet , Round , Bullet , Pomander , Pommel , Bede CUBE , Dy. Mixed Figures ; described either by the Lifting up ‖ of a Circle : or of an Angular plain . 6. CYLINDER , Bar , Column , Cann , Cannon , Role . PRISM , Bar , Wedge . Laying on , in progression from a Point , infinite Plains ‖ circular : or angular . 7. CONE , Taper , Spire , Steeple , Shaft , Pinnacle . PYRAMID , Spire , Steeple , Shaft , Pinnacle , Obelisk . To Lines , or Plains , or Solids ; denoting either The dif●erent Sections of a Cone , being cut ‖ either parallel to the sides of it : or besides the Parallel either way . 8. PARABOLA - icall . HYPERBOLE . ELLIPSIS , oval . The revolution of a Line about ‖ a Cone : or Cylinder . 9. SPIRAL , Serpentine , turbinated , wreath , coyling , worn . HELIX , Winding . IV. COMPOUND FIGURES of Magnitude LINEARY by unclosed Lines , are either More Simple ; by One Line ; whether ‖ solid : or hollow . 1. PIN , Gad. Nail , Peg , Tag , Tack , Tenter. Needle , Probe . HOLE , Hollow , Pore , Vent , Meash , Orifice , Meuse , punch , perforate , run thorough . Two lines ; The end of one meeting with the end of the other ; ‖ either convex : or concave . Sharp ; 2. TOOTH , Cusp , Point , Neb , Scrag , Tine , Tenon , Cog , ingrail , indented . NOTCH , Nick , Nock , crenated , Gap , hatcht , inveck , indented . Blunt. 3. PROTUBERANCE , Prominence , Process , Stud , Boss , Excrescence , Gibbous , ●rump , Bunch , Knob , Rub , jutting , rising , tuberous , standing out , stick out , goggle , copped , turgid , Brow , Hillock , Knob , Knot , Node , Cragg , Scrag , Lobe , gorbellied , heave , swell , strut . DENT , Dimple , Sinking , Dock , Crease , indent , Hole , Pit. The end of one with the midst of the other meeting : or the midst of one with the midst of the other cutting . 4. FIGURE of the letter T , Crutch . CROSS , Decussation , athwart , Turn-stile . Three Lines ; at Several points making Angles ; either ‖ on the same side : or on diverse sides . 5. STAPLE . WINDLE . The same point ‖ meeting , or cutting ; which is applicable likewise to more lines then three . 6. TUFT ▪ Lock , Tassel , Tresses , Thrum , Hassock , Nap , Rug , Fringe . ASTERISC . More Compounded ; Distinctly ; Pin ‖ with versatil Pin : or with versatil Lamin . 7. WHIP , Flail , Scourge . FLAG , Fane , Banroll , Penon . Pin ‖ with Tooth or Protuberance , &c. or with Notch or Dent. 8. HOOK , Crook , Clasp , Hasp , Tatches , Flook , Tenter , Cramp-iron . FORK , Prong , horned . Mixedly , with some kind of Alternation ; ‖ either with Protuberance and Dent : or with Staple and its reverse . 9. UNDULATED , waved , winding . CRENATED , Battlement . V. Compound Figures of Magnitude PLANARY , expressible by closed Lines , may be distinguished into such as do either Comprehend Superficies . Straight ; either of three : or of four Angles . 1. TRIANGLE . SQUARE , Quadrangle , Quadrate , Diamond figure , Rhomb-oid , Lozenge , Parallellogram . Curve ; either ‖ Round : or Oblong . 2. RING , Ferule , Hoop , Annulet , Collet , Rundle , Rowel . LOOP , Button hole , Eye , Link , Noose , Halter . Mixed ; being either ‖ part of a Ring with one straight : or a whole Ring with several Diameters . 3. BOW . WHEEL . Consist in being Superficies ; as the precedent Figures fluxed into breadth . So the Flux of a Pin : or a Hole , do make 4. LAMIN , Flake , Leaf , Board , Plank , Lath , Plate , Schedule , Scrole , Sheet , Wafer , Cake , Leant , Flap , Label , Coit . CHINK , Crevise , Fissure , Cleft , Crack , Cranny , Chap , Flaw , Rift , Split , Slit , Loop-hole , cleave , spring a leak . The FIGURE T or Cross and Asterisc , do make 5. TRESSEL , Table . PINION , Nut. Cusp : or Notch , do make . 6. EDG , Sharp . GVTTER , Chamfer . Protuberance : and Dent. 7. RIDGE , Bank , Dam , Bridg , Edg , Ledg . FVRROW , Ditch , Dike , Kennel , Channel , Foss , Trench , Dock , Drein , Cut , Dimple , Rivel , Shrivel , Wrinkle , rumple , pucker , Pleit . Staple and Windle 8. FORM. STEP , Grees . Square and Ring . 9. TUBE SQUARE . TUBE ROUND , or Pipe , Spout , Trunck , Tunnel . VI. Compound Figures of Magnitude Solidary , may be distinguished into such as are either Intern ; denoting the inner parts of a Magnitude to be ‖ either full of small Cavities : or to be one great Cavity : or to have no Cavity . 1. POROUSNESS , Spunginess , fungous , sinking , hollow . HOLLOWNESS , Cavity , concave , Grot , Cave , Den. MASSINESS , solid , Bulk . Extern ; compounded either of Sphere or Cube , with ‖ Cylinder : or with Cone . 2. BOTTLE , Button , Bolt-head . PIN , headed . Cylinder or Prism , with Diverse Figures ; whether ‖ Cube and Pyramid : or Cone and Pyramid . 3. PEDESTAL . TURRET or Tent , Tower , Pinnacle . Another of the same kind ; either ‖ perpendicular : or transverse . 4. GUDGEON . MALLET . Cone with Cone ; having ‖ Base to Base : or Vertex to Vertex . 5. BUOY FIGURE . HOUR-GLASS FIGURE . Elliptic ; representing the figure of a Sphere crushed , ‖ either about the midst by a Hoop : or at the ends by two opposite Plains . 6. OVAL , Elliptical . BOWL . Spirals : or Helixes . 7. BOTTOM , Clue , glomerate , wind about . SKEIN , Hanke , Reel . Of SPACE . THe word SPACE , Scope , Room , Compass , Interim , Interval , ( according to the common use of it ) is a name importing the more general notion of that wherein any thing is contained or done ; Comprehending both Time. Place . Situation . I. By TIME , Tract , Tide , Process , Opportunity , Season , Continuance , is meant continued successive Quantity , having for its common term , INSTANT , Moment , Trice , Nick. This is distinguishable according to the Simple differences of it . 1. PRESENT , at this time , now , immediately , instantly ▪ current , ready . PAST , expired , former , fore-going , ago , already , even now , heretofore , gone , over , out , a-late , erewhile , long since . FVTVRE , time to come , after-time , hereafter , presently , anon , by and by , shortly , straitway , ere long , henceforth , process of time , after a long while . Mixed relations of it . Comparative ; betwixt The Existings of several things ; whether ‖ both together in the same time : or whether in diverse times , so that one is before or after the other . 2. SIMULTANEOUS , of the same time , Synchronism ▪ contemporary , compatible , consist , together , concomitant . DISTANT , PRECEDING , antecedent , former , foregoing , previous , Priority , before , take place , get the start , Predecessor , premise . SVCCEEDING , latter , Posteriority , succedaneous , hinder , follow , go after , Successor . The Considerations of the same thing at several times ; whether Past ; ‖ little : or much . 3. NEWNESS , Renovation , innovate , renew , anew , Neoteric , Neophyte , novel , Novice , Puny , modern , fresh , upstart , green , late , last , a little while ago . OLDNESS , ancient , Antiquity , pristin , senior , stale , inveterate , of long standing , yore , obsolete , out of date , a long while ago . Future ; ‖ little : or much 4. SOONNESS , sudden , early , rath , betimes , forthwith , shortly , presently , eftsoon , quickly , in a trice , out of hand , imminent , immediate , incontinent , instant , ready , anticipate , accelerate , put on , rid way , in the turning of a hand , twinckling of an eye , timely , speedily , in hast , after a little time . LATENESS , tardy , last , adjourn , defer , delay , put off , out of date , dilatory , procrastinate , prolong , prorogue , protract , respite , retard , after a long while , far in the day . Absolute ; Particular ; Determinate ; expressing ‖ at what time a thing was : or from whence it is to be reckoned . 5. DATE . EPOCHA , Hegira . Indeterminate ; expressing only the Continuing of it ; ‖ a great : or little time . 6. PERMANENCY , lasting , abiding , continuing , durable , stay , remain , persevere , enduring , incessant , indelible , perennial , tedious , hold out , of standing . TRANSITORINESS , fading , flitting , frail , glance , transient , temporary , short , for a spirt , for a little while , quickly gone . Recurring of it ; ‖ many : or few times . 7. FREQUENCY , often , ever and anon , thick , rife , common , recourse , resort . SELDOMNESS , rare , scarce , strange , unusual , thin , desuetude . Vniversal ; Collective ; when a thing continues ‖ throughout the whole time : or only some intermediate parts of it . 8. PERPETUITY , continual , incessant , still , at all times , alwayes . AT TIMES , temporary , by snatches , by fits , bout , ever and anon , now and then , respit , sometimes . Distributive ; when a thing exists ‖ in every part of time : or not in any part of it . 9. EVERNESS , Eternity , endless , for ever and ever , always . NEVERNESS . II. The Space wherein any thing is contained , is called PLACE , Room , local , standing , station , precinct , set , put , position , lay , dispose , pitch , plant Guns , dislocate , Prospect . It is distinguishable , as the former , according to the more Simple differences of it ; denoting that place ; ‖ wherein we are : or out of which we are . 1. PRESENCE , face to face , at hand , here , hand to hand , confront , ready , residence . ABSENCE , Mich , away , non-residence . Mixed relations of it . Comparative ; betwixt the Existence of several things ; ‖ whether both together in the same place : or in divers places . 2. CONTIGUITY , touch , contact , hit , joyn , close , grazing . DISTANCE , off , keep off , bear off , stave off , way off , set farther , stand away . Consideration of Distance or Place interposed , according to the differences of ‖ Little : or Much. 3. NEARNESS , Vicinity , Propinquity , Proximity , nigh , next close , adjacent , adjoyn , neighbour , imminent , impendent , immediate , ready at hand , accost , draw on , approach , at , by , hard-by , besides , hithermost . REMOTENESS , far , farther , aloof , wide of , distant , outmost , ultimate , great way off . Absolute ; Particular . Determinate ; expressing what is the particular place ‖ to which a thing belongs : or whence it began . 4. HOME , Scene . RISE , Source , Country , Original , Spring , Root . Indeterminate ; ●xpressing only The taking up of ‖ a great : or little place . 5. AMPLENESS , spacious , large , burly , wide , vast . NARROWNESS , close , scantness , strictness , restrained . The occurring in ‖ many : or few places . 6. OBVIOUSNESS , common , rise , thick . RARENESS , seldom , scarce , thin . Vniversal . Collective ; when a thing is continued ‖ throughout the whole place : or is only in some parts of it . 7. CONTINUANCE , produce , subsist , along , close . DISCONTINUANCE , by coasts , sparsim , cease , pause , respit , break off , intermit , interrupt . Distributive ; when a thing is in ‖ every place : or none . 8. UBIQUITY , Omnipresence . NVLLIBIETY . III. The mixed Notion made up of Position and Place , or the Application of the parts of a Body to the parts of Place , respectively , is styled SITUATION , Seat , set , site , lying , standing , pitch , plant , Position , placing ; to which may be annexed , by way of affinity , that respect of the imaginary face of a thing towards some other thing or place , called VERGENCY , tending , leaning , inclining , hanker , toward , upon that hand , Rhombe . These are either more General ; respecting ‖ the Vniverse : or the four chief terms of it . 1. EAST Orient . WEST , Occidental . 2. NORTH , Septentrional , Arctic . SOVTH , Meridional , Antarctic . Special ; with relation to the several parts of any thing , consider'd as a Line ; the interjacent part : or those which are most remote from each other . 3. MIDDLE , Intermediate , Mean , Core , Heart , Wast , main body , Noon , between both , Interim , Interval . EXTREME , Term , last , end , utter , utmost . END , final , last , extremity , ultimate , surcease , terminate , expire , in fine . BEGINNING , First . Superficies ; the outmost parts of which , being considered either with relation to the thing it self : or some other thing to which it is adjoyned , is commonly styled 4. SIDE , Flank , Wing , Cheek , lateral , collateral , Limb , Rim , Brim , Brink , Edge-wise , Hem , Ridg , Skirt , Lift , Selvage , Welt , Gard , Eaves , Battlement . MARGIN , Limit , Marchess , Border , Verge , Meer , Bound , Term , Front-ier , Land-mark , adjacent , abutt , confine , Purliew . Body ; In general ; either as to such parts as are Higher : or Lower . 5 UPPER-SIDE , Ridge , above , vertical . VNDER-SIDE , lower , neather , bottom . Within : or Without . 6. IN-SIDE , internal , intrinsecal , inward , inner , inmost , intestine , OVT-SIDE , external , extrinsecal , outward , outmost , utter , utmost , Surface , superficial , exterior , ambient . Living Bodies ; specially men , with relation either to The Head : or Foot. 7. TOP , Tip , Head , Crown , Vpper end , Knap , Apex , Vertical , Chapiter . BOTTOM , Base , Lower end , Pedestal , Foot , Sole . The Face : or Back . 8. FORE-PART , Front , Frontispiece , Prow , Van-tguard , Vanward , foreward . HINDER-PART , Back , Rere , rereward , endorse , last , Poop , Posterior , The right hand : or left hand . 9 RIGHT SIDE , Dexter , Starrbord . LEFT SIDE , Sinister , Larrbord . Of MEASURE . THose several relations of Quantity , whereby men use to judge of the Multitude or Greatness of things , are styled by the name of MEASURE , Dimension , mete , survey , Rule ; to which the relative term of PROPORTION , Portion , Rate , Tax , Size , Scantling , Pittance , Share , Dose , Mess , Symetry , Analogy , commensurate , dispense , allot , adapt , is of some Affinity , signifying an equality or similitude of the respects that several things or quantities have to one another . They are distinguishable into such as respect either MULTITUDE . I. MAGNITUDE . II. GRAVITY . III. VALOR . IV. Duration . More GENERALLY CONSIDERED . V. As RESTRAINED TO LIVING CREATURES . VI. I To the Measure whereby we judge of the MULTITUDE of things may be annexed NUMBER , enumerate , reckon , compute , muster , count , re-count , Tale , tell , Arithmetic , Cyphering . If the way of Numeration were now to be stated , it would seem more convenient to determine the first Period or Stand at the number Eight , and not at Ten ; because the way of Dichotomy or Bipartition being the most natural and easie kind of Division , that Number is capable of this down to an Unite , and according to this should be the several denominations of all other kinds of Measures , whether of Capacity , Gravity , Valor , Duration . So eight Farthings would make a Peny , eight Pence a Shilling , eight Shillings an Angel , eight Angels a Pound . So eight Grains should make a Scruple , eight Scruples a Dram , eight Drams an Ounce , eight Ounces a Pound , &c. But because general custom hath already agreed upon the decimal way , therefore I shall not insist upon the change of it . The different degrees of Number generally received , are these . 1 ONE , Ace , Vnite , Once , First , Imprimis , Single . 2 TWO , a Couple , a Brace , a Pair , a Yoke , Second-ly , Twice , Double , Twofold , Bipartite . 3 THREE , a Leash , Ternary , Trey , Third-ly , Tertian , Thrice , Treble , Threefold , Tripartite , Trine-ity . 4 FOUR , Fourth-ly , Quartan , Quaternion , Fourfold , Quadruple , Quadrupartite . Quartile . 5 FIVE , Fifth-ly , Quintuple , Fivefold . 6 SIX , Sixth-ly , Sixfold , Sextuple , Sextile , Senary . 7 SEVEN , Seventh-ly , Septuple , Sevenfold . 8 EIGHT , Eighth-ly , Octuple , Eightfold . 9 NINE , Ninth-ly , Ninefold . How other numbers besides these here enumerated may be expressed both in writing and speech , see hereafter , Chap. II. Measures of Magnitude do comprehend both those of Length , and of Superficies or Area , together with those of Solidity ; both comprehended in that which is adjoyned , viz. the word CAPACITY , hold , contain . The several Nations of the World do not more differ in their Languages , then in the various kinds and proportions of these Measures . And it is not without great difficulty , that the Measures observed by all those different Nations who traffick together , are reduced to that which is commonly known and received by any one of them ; which labour would be much abbreviated , if they were all of them fixed to any one certain Standard . To which purpose , it were most desirable to find out some natural Standard , or universal Measure , which hath been esteemed by Learned men as one of the desiderata in Philosophy . If this could be done in Longitude , the other Measures might be easily fixed from thence . This was heretofore aimed at and endeavoured after in all those various Measures , derived from natural things , though none of them do sufficiently answer this end . As for that of a Barly corn , which is made the common ground and original of the rest , the magnitude and weight of it may be so various in several times and places , as will render it incapable of serving for this purpose ; which is true likewise of those other Measures , an Inch , Palm , Span , Cubit , Fathom , a Foot , Pace ; &c. none of which can be determined to any sufficient certainty . Some have conceived that this might be better done by subdividing a Degree upon the Earth : But there would be so much difficulty and uncertainty in this way as would render it unpracticable . Others have thought , it might be derived from the Quick-silver experiment : But the unequal gravity and thickness of the Atmosphere , together with the various tempers of Air in several places and seasons , would expose that also to much uncertainty . The most probable way for the effecting of this , is that which was first suggested by Doctor Christopher Wren , namely , by Vibration of a Pendulum : Time it self being a natural Measure , depending upon a revolution of the Heaven or the Earth , which is supposed to be every-where equal and uniform . If any way could be found out to make Longitude commensurable to Time , this might be the foundation of a natural Standard . In order to which , Let there be a solid Ball exactly round , of some of the heaviest metals : Let there be a String to hang it upon , the smallest , limberest , and least subject to retch : Let this Ball be suspended by this String , being extended to such a length , that the space of every Vibration may be equal to a second Minute of time , the String being , by frequent trials , either lengthned or shortned , till it attain to this equality : These Vibrations should be the smallest , that can last a sufficient space of time , to afford a considerable number of them , either 6 , or 500 at least ; for which end , its passing an arch of five or six degrees at the first , may be sufficient . The Pendulum being so ordered as to have every one of its Vibrations equal to a second minute of time , which is to be adjusted with much care and exactness ; then measure the length of this String , from its place of suspension to the Centre of the Ball ; which Measure must be taken as it hangs free in its perpendicular posture , and not otherwise , because of stretching : which being done , there are given these two Lengths , viz. of the String , and of the Radius of the Ball , to which a third Proportional must be found out ; which must be , as the length of the String from the point of Suspension to the Centre of the Ball is to the Radius of the Ball , so must the said Radius be to this third : which being so found , let two fifths of this third Proportional be set off from the Centre downwards , and that will give the Measure desired . And this ( according to the discovery and observation of those two excellent persons , the Lord Viscount Brouncker , President of the Royal Society , and Mon. Huygens , a worthy Member of it ) will prove to be 38 Rhinland Inches , or ( which is all one ) 39 Inches and a quarter , according to our London Standard . Let this Length therefore be called the Standard ; let one Tenth of it be called a Foot ; one Tenth of a Foot , an Inch ; one Tenth of an Inch , a Line . And so upward , Ten Standards should be a Pearch ; Ten Pearches , a Furlong ; Ten Furlongs , a Mile ; Ten Miles , a League , &c. And so for Measures of Capacity : The cubical content of this Standard may be called the Bushel : the Tenth part of the Bushel , the Peck ; the Tenth part of a Peck , a Quart ; and the Tenth of that , a Pint , &c. And so for as many other Measures upwards as shall be thought expedient for use . As for Measures of Weight ; Let this cubical content of distilled Rain-water be the Hundred ; the Tenth part of that , a Stone ; the Tenth part of a Stone , a Pound ; the Tenth of a Pound , an Ounce ; the Tenth of an Ounce , a Dram ; the Tenth of a Dram , a Scruple ; the Tenth of a Scruple , a Grain , &c. And so upwards ; Ten of these cubical Measures may be called a Thousand , and Ten of these Thousand may be called a Tun , &c. As for the Measures of Mony , 't is requisite that they should be determined by the different Quantities of those two natural Metals which are the most usual materials of it , viz. Gold and Silver , considered in their Purity without any allay . A Cube of this Standard of either of these Metals may be styled a Thousand or a Talent of each ; the Tenth part of this weight , a Hundred ; the Tenth of a Hundred , a Pound ; the Tenth of a Pound , an Angel ; the Tenth of an Angel , a Shilling ; the Tenth of a Shilling , a Peny ; the Tenth of a Peny , a Farthing . I mention these particulars , not out of any hope or expectation that the World will ever make use of them ▪ but only to shew the possibility of reducing all Measures to one determined certainty . These measures of MAGNITUDE ( to which may be annexed the Notion of CONTENT ) may be reduced to these Heads . 1 Line . 2 INCH . 3 FOOT . 4 STANDARD . 5 PEARCH . 6 FURLONG . 7 MILE . 8 LEAGUE . 9 DEGREE . Each of which is applicable either to Longitude , Area , or Bulk : the last of which comprehends the Measures of Capacity . III. Measures of GRAVITY ( to which may be annexed for affinity the thing by which Gravity is measured , styled WEIGHT , Poize , counterpoise , Plummet , ) may be distributed into these kinds . 1 GRAIN . 2 SCRUPLE . 3 DRAM . 4 OUNCE . 5 POUND . 6 STONE 7 HUNDRED . 8 THOUSAND . 9 TUN . IV. The Gradual differences of that common Measure of the VALUATION or worth of all vendible things ( to which may be adjoyned that which is used as this common Measure , styled MONY , Cash , Coin , Bank , Treasure , pecuniary , Mint , Stamp , Medal , Counter , Purse , ) may be distinguished into 1 FARTHING , Dodkin . 2 PENY . 3 SHILLING . 4 ANGEL . 5 POUND . 6 HUNDRED . 7 THOUSAND . V. Unto the Measure of TIME may be adjoyned for its affinity the word which signifies the Permanency of any thing in its existence , from its beginning to its end , DURATION , abide , continue , persist , endure , hold out , last long , persevere , everlasting , survive . Time is usually distributed by the Revolution of the heavenly Bodies , or rather of the Earth and Moon , into such Spaces as are required to a revolution of the Earth in its Orb ; according to the Whole 1. YEAR , Twelvemonth , Anniversary , Annual , Biennial , &c. Parts ; considerable as being the proper seasons for the Growth and ripening of Vegetables . 2. SPRING , Vernal . SUMMER . Decaying of Vegetables , according to ‖ a lesser : or greater degree . 3. AUTUMN , Fall of the Leaf , Harvest . WINTER , Hybernal , hyemal . Moon in its own proper course about the Earth : to which may be adjoyned the usual name given to the fourth part of this . 4. MONTH , Menstrual . WEEK , Sennight , Fortnight . Earth about its Axis ; according to the Whole 5. DAY NATURAL , Quotidian . Parts ; Greater ; Time while the Sun continues ‖ above : or below the Horizon . 6. DAY ARTIFICIAL , Diurnal . NIGHT , Nocturnal , Pernoctation , lodge . Part of the day artificial , ‖ former : or later . 7. MORNING , Mattins , early , dawning , betimes . AFTERNOON , Evening . Lesser parts of time ; being each of them ‖ the 24 th part of a natural day , called an Hour : or the 60 th part of an hour . 8. HOUR , Horary . MINUTE . VI. Life-time , or the AGE of LIVING Creatures , ( as particularly applied to Men , to which there is something answerable in other Animals ; to which may be adjoyned the word SECULUM , Age , Estate , Generation , ) is , according to common use , distinguished by such Terms as do denote the gradual differences of it . The first and most imperfect State , when ‖ destitute of the use of reason : or having but little use of it ▪ comprehending the two first ten years . 1. INFANCY , Babe , Child , Cub . CHILDHOOD , Boy , Girl , Wench , green years· The less imperfect Age , subject to the sway of Passions ; ‖ either more , or less , containing the third and fourth ten years . 2. ADOLESCENCY , adult , Lad , Springal , Stripling , Youth , Lass , Damosel , Wench . YOUTH , Iuvenile , Younker . The perfect Age as to the Body : or the declining Age of the Body , but most perfect for the Mind , styled vergens aetas , or the Age of Wisdom ; the former comprehending the space betwixt the 40 th and the 50 th , and the latter containing the space betwixt the 50 th and the 60 th year . 3. MANHOOD , virile , middle age . DECLINING AGE , elderly . The last and most imperfect Age , by reason of the decay of Vigor , which commonly happens both in Body and Mind , ‖ either according to the first and better part of it : or the last and worst part of this State , reaching from the 60 th to the 70 th , and from thence for the time after . 4. OLD AGE . DECREPIDNESS , Crone . CHAP. VIII . Concerning the Predicament of Quality ; the several Genus's belonging to it , namely , I. Natural Power . II. Habit. III. Manners . IV. Sensible quality . V. Disease ; with the various Differences and Species under each of these . WHether many of those things now called Quality , be not reducible to Motion and Figure , and the Situation of the parts of Bodies , is a question which I shall not at present consider . 'T is sufficient that the particulars here specified are most commonly known and apprehended under that notion as they are here represented , and are still like to be called by the same names , whatever new Theory may be found out of the causes of them . The several Genus's under this Predicament are such kinds of Qualities as are either Internal ; whether Innate ; NATURAL POWER . Superinduced ; considered more Generally ; styled by the common name of HABIT . Specially ; with respect to the customary Actions of men considered as voluntary MANNERS . External ; denoting either Those more general affections of bodies which are the objects of sense . SENSIBLE QUALITY . Those special impotencies of living bodies , whereby they are disabled for their natural functions . SICKNESS . As for Figure , which by the common Theory is reduced under this Predicament , that , being a Qualification or Modification of Quantity , may more properly be referred thither . Of NATURAL POWER . THose kinds of Natural innate Qualities , whereby things are rendred able or unable to act or resist , according to their peculiar natures , are styled NATURAL POWERS , Faculty , Capacity , Endowment , Talent , Gift , Ability , Strength , Energy , Force , Virtue , may , can . IMPOTENCIES , Disability , Incapacity , invalid , unable , weak , infirm , lame , dead . These Natural Powers may be distributed into such as are More particular ; viz. the Faculties that are RATIONAL . I. Sensitive . INWARD . II. OUTWARD . III. More general ; being either SPIRITUAL . IV. Corporeal ; relating to the good of the INDIVIDUUM . V. SPECIES . VI. I. Those Faculties whereby we are inabled to apprehend and compare the general natures of things as to Truth and Falshood , Good and Evil , and to demean our selves accordingly towards them , are styled RATIONAL , Reasonable , Ratiocination . IRRATIONAL , Vnreasonable , brutish . These may be distinguished into Apprehensive ; whereby we are rendred able or unable to Know and apprehend knowable things , Generals as well as Particulars , respecting in them Truth and Falshood . 1. UNDERSTANDING , Intellect , Mind , mental , apprehend , comprehend , perceive , conceive , reach , resent , Sentiment . IDIOTICALNESS , being as a natural Fool , Changeling , Innocent Compound and compare Notions together , so as to make a right estimate of things and consequences . 2. JUDGMENT , Iudicious . INIUDICIOVSNESS , Simple , Silly . Apply general Principles to particular cases , being a kind of practical Judgment or Memory relating to matters of Duty . 3. CONSCIENCE . VNCONSCIONABLENESS , Searedness , Profligateness , moral , Insensibility . Motive ; whereby we do rationally follow any thing as good , or fly it as evil : or being without any such motion . 4. WILL , Desire , List , Option , Vote , Wish , Mind , Pleasure , covet , voluntary . LISTLESNESS , no mind to . II. INTERNAL SENSES are so styled , because they belong to the interiour parts , and are conversant about internal and absent as well as present things . Whether there be any such real Faculties in the Soul as are mentioned under this and the preceding Head , is not here to be debated . 'T is sufficient that common experience doth acquaint us with such various operations of the Mind , and that general custom hath agreed upon such names for the expressing of them . These are likewise distinguishable into Apprehensive ; whereby we are rendred able or unable for the Receiving of impressions from the outward Senses . 1. COMMON SENSE , perceive , discern , apprehend , Senti●ent , resent , conceive , discover , find . STV●OR , Numness , amaze , astonish , narcotic , amuze , asleep , set on edge . Compounding and comparing what is communicated from the outward Senses . 2. PHANSIE , Imagination , Conceit , fantastical , capricious , Phantasm . DOTAGE , Delirium , Dizzard , Sot , besot . Retaining such impressions . 3. MEMORY , recollect , re-call , commemorate , remember , call or come to mind , put in mind ▪ suggest , record , recount , con over , getting by heart , by rote , without book , at ones fingers end , memorable , memorial , Memorandum , mindful . FORGETFVLNESS , Oblivion , Vnmindfulness , overslip . Motive ; whereby , in order to our own Conservation , we follow or fly what is by the judgment of the Senses represented as good or evil . 4. APPETITE , Desire , Inclination , Concupiscence , Stomach , Longing , Lust , having a mind to . LOATHING , fulsome , nauseate , glut , cloy , go against , queasie , squeamish , wambling , qualm , detest . III. EXTERNAL SENSES are so styled , because they reside in the exteriour parts of the body , and do apprehend only external present things ; which common opinion hath determined to the number of Five : amongst which some are said to be Commodious For Discipline ; whereby we discern Light and Colour . 1. SIGHT , Vision , View , ken , Optic , descry , discern , espie , spie , peep , prie , see , perceive , look upon , behold , Glimpse , Spectacle , Spectator , Inspection , Revise , Prospect , first blush , visible , conspicuous . BLINDNESS , Dimness , dark , poreblind , put out ones eyes . Sounds . 2. HEARING , attend , hearken , listen , give ear , audible . DEAFNESS , surd . For the trial of our Food at a distance . 3. SMELL , Odor , Savour , Sent , Pomander , Perfume . Necessary for the Immediate trial of our Food . 4. TAST , Gust , Savour , Relish , Smack , Smatch , Tang , toothsom . Perception of tangible things . 5. TOUCH , feel , contact , tactile , palpable , grope . NVMNESS , Stupor , dead , torpid , asleep . Though common Language have not affixed particular names to the impotencies of some of these , yet they ought to be provided for as well as the rest . IV. Those natural Habitudes of the Soul or Spirit which render it fit or unfit for its proper functions , are styled by that general name of TEMPER - ature , - ament , Disposition , Spirit , Genius , Fancy , Humor , Vein , Quality , Condition , Constitution , Nature . These may be distinguished into such as are more General ; chiefly of moral disposition , denoting ‖ the goodness : or badness of it . 1. INGENUITY , Good nature , Candor , candid , free , liberal , clear . DISINGENVITY , Ill nature , Perverseness , thwart , cross , froward , untoward , wayward , awkward , refractory , untractable , wilful , stubborn , sullen , dogged , sturdy , stiff , restif . Particular ; as to Action ; denoting Ability , or disability ; aptitude , or ineptitude for it . 2. SPRIGHTLINESS , Wit , Vivacity , ingenious , brisk , lively , quick , acute , sharp , debonair , Mercurial , pregnant , presentness of mind . DVLNESS , Stupidity , gross witted , hard-headed , torpid , soft , thick , heavy , dazle , dolt , Block-head , Logger-head , Dunce , Sot , indocil , dreaming . Attention : or levity of mind in it . 3. SERIOUSNESS , earnest , grave , sober , staid , sad , substantial , solemn . WANTONNESS , lightness , aiery , playward , gamesom , dallying sportful , trifling , lascivious , giddy , petulant , skittish , toying , Ramp , Gigg , Rigg , Gambol Aptitude or Ineptitude to moderate the Irascible appetite . 4. GENTLENESS , Tameness , Mildness , Meekness , Lenity , break , reclaim , tame , come to hand . FIERCENESS , Wildness , Haggard , Savage , barbarous , curstness , surly , eager , furious , dire , fell , grim , rough , source , keen , untamed . Concupiscible appetite . 5 OPPOSITE TO RAPACITY , not rapacious . RAPACITY , ravenous , voracious , greedy , Harpy , devour , preying . Ability or disability to attempt or resist difficulties . 6. STOUTNESS , Boldness , manful , redoubted , daring , sturdy , strenuous . LAZINESS , sluggish , lither , lurden , Drone , dull , soft . Action and Passion , denoting an ability or disability to endure and hold out both in acting and suffering . 7. HARDINESS , Tolerance , strenuous , robust , stout , sturdy , industrious , painful . NICENESS , Softness , Tenderness , Delicateness , Curiosity , fine , squeamish , effeminate , finical , dainty . V. Those CORPOREAL HABITUDES , whereby things are rendred able or unable to act or resist for the good of the INDIVIDUUM , are usually styled by those general names of Temper , Complexion , Frame , State , Constitution , Disposition , Nature . These are distinguishable into such as concern , The just number of the parts ; ‖ having all : or wanting some . 1. WHOLENESS , Intireness , perfect , safe and sound , tite , consolidate , of one piece . MVTILOVSNESS , maimed , mangle , lame , lopped , crippled . The nature of the whole or parts ; being either Negative or Positive of Corruption . 2. SOUNDNESS , Sanity , Healthiness , hail , heal , whole , clearness . ROTTENNESS , Putridness , Corruption , purulent , tainted , unsound , moulder , festered , addle , Matter , rankle , suppurate ▪ putrefie , Carrion Trouble to the sense of Feeling . 3. INDOLENCE , Ease , lenitive , relaxation , clearness , lighten . PAIN , Ach , smart , ail , anguish , grief , ill at ease , sore , pang , thro , torment , torture , ake , excruciate , twing , twitch , fret , gripe , gird , racking . Positive or Negative ; General ; relating to the state of the body , ‖ good : or ill . 4. VIGOR , Vivacity , thriving , vegetous , flourishing , lusty , lively , sprightly , florid , quick , fresh , in heart , in good plight , in proof , pert , smart , crank , sturdy , revive . DECAYING , consume , wear , wast , drooping , fading , out of heart , flagging , languish , break , fail , going down , fall away , bring down or low , decline , impair , quail , abate , molder , pine , wither , perish , spend , corrupt . Special ; respecting the Plight of the fleshy parts , ‖ full : or sparing . 5. FATNESS , plump ▪ pampered , burly , corpulent , gross , foggy , pursie , battle . LEANNESS , macilent , meagre , Starveling , flue , poor , bare , spare , thin , lank , gaunt , Rascal , scraggy , ghastly , pine , emaciate , fall away , Carrion , skin and bone . Figure and colour of the external parts , ‖ right : or wrong . 6. BEAUTY - fulness , Handsomness , Pulchritude , Comeliness , Elegance , Decency , fair , goodly , well-favoured , seemly , polite , quaint , pretty , graceful , lovely , personable . DEFORMITY , unhandsome , ill-favoured , ugly , uncomely , misbecoming , Indecorum , absurd , unseemly , mishapen , foul , squalid , Hagg , deface , disfigure . Ability , or disability for Action or Passion . 7. STRENGTH , Force , Might , Validity , Puissance , robust , strenuous , stout , sturdy , in heart , main , corroborate , fortifie , recruit . WEAKNESS , Feebleness , Debility , Imbecillity , Infirmity , disabled , faint , languid , dead , frail , out of heart , heartless , flagging , invalid , small , bring down or low , enervate , decline , enfeeble . Aptitude or ineptitude for Motion , In a place . 8. AGILITY , Nimbleness , Activity , Lightness , Volubility , quick , dexterous , Mercurial , restive , handy , man of his hands . LVMPISHNESS , Vnweildiness , dulness , gross , heavy , pursie ▪ Lob , Lubber , Slugg , Lozel . To a place . 9. SWIFTNESS , Fleetness , Celerity , Speed , fast , apace , sodain , quick , rapid , hurry , accelerate , hasten , cursory , hy , expedite , run , send , whisk , post . SLOWNESS , Heaviness , slackness , dull , Slug , tardy , leisurely , softly , dilatory , retard , foreslow , delay , Lob , Lubber , lumpish , Lurdan , torpid , unwieldy , gingerly . VI. Such corporeal Habitudes as do concern the Propagation of the Species , do refer either to the Kinds of things apt for Propagation , according to the General name . 1. SEX , Kind , Gender , Epicene , Hermaphrodite . Particular distribution into ‖ more , or less noble . 2. MALE , masculine , Buck , Bore , Dog , Gib , Cock , Milter , He. FEMALE , feminine , Doe , Sow , Bitch , Hen , Spawner , She. Disposition of things ‖ for , or against Propagation . 3. FRUITFULNESS , fertile-ity , foecund , prolifi●●●● fructifie , rank , produce fruit . BARRENNESS , Sterility , Vnfruitfulness , infertile , blasting , blite . State of things generated , when they ‖ have attained the perfection they ought to have : or else are in a state of imperfection , by reason of excess , or defect . 4. RIPENESS , Maturity , mellow , Precocity , stale , hatch . OVER-RIPENESS , fading , decaying , withering . VNRIPENESS , immature , green . Of HABIT . SUch superinduced Qualities , whether infused or acquired , whereby the natural Faculties are perfected , and rendred more ready and vigorous in the exercise of their several Acts , according to the more or less perfect Degrees of them , are styled by the name of HABIT , Endowment , enure , qualifie , Gift , Talent . DISPOSITION , Propensity , Proclivity , Promptitude , Proneness , Inclination , readiness , given to , addiction , fitness , aptitude . To the more general consideration of Habit may appertain Those States or Conditions of life which either reward or enable men for vertuous Actions ; comprehending the ENDS OR REWARD OF VERTUE . I. INSTRUMENTS OF VERTUE . II. Those Qualifications , which , though they are not properly Vertues , yet do prepare for , and dispose unto , and , in other respects , circumstantiate Vertue it self , both in the Habit and Operations of it , and are therefore styled AFFECTIONS OF VERTUE , either INTELLECTUAL . III. MORAL . IV. The Kinds of vertuous Habits , whether INFUSED ▪ ●●th Intellectual and Moral . V. ACQUIR●● INTELLECTUAL . VI. I. Those things which are due to the merit of ‖ Vertue or Vice , are styled REWARD , Guerdon , Meed , Prize , Recompence . PVNISHMENT , Penalty , Penance , Iudgment , Plague , Vengeance , inflict , suffer , impunity , scotfree . These may be distinguished into such as are either more General ; viz. that state wherein a thing injoys as much perfection as it is capable of . 1. HAPPINESS , Felicity , Bliss , Blessedness , Beatitude , good , weal , welfare . MISERY , Vnhappiness , Infelicity , Extremity , Calamity , Woe , Distress , Disaster , Affliction , Tribulation , Trouble , Plague , Iudgment , Caitiff , Wretch , poor , pitiful , deplorable . Particular ; relating to the reward of Moral Vertue ; in the enjoyment of those things that conduce to our bene esse . External ; 3. PROSPERITY , flourishing , thriving , auspicious , fortunate , happy , good luck , success , speed . ADVERSITY , Affliction , distress , tribulation , cross , disaster , infelicity , suffering , persecution , duress , fall , pressure , mischance , mishap , misadventure , misfortune , unfortunate , unluckie , unprosperous , inauspicious , sinister , dismal , ill luck or success . Internal ; ‖ quiet , or disquiet of the Affections . 3. CONTENTATION , Tranquillity , Contentment , Serenity , Hearts-ease , Equanimity , Sedateness , Rest , be satisfied , acquiesce . ANXIETY , Discontent , 〈◊〉 taking , dump , trouble , anguish , disquiet , vexation , perplexity , streight , pinch . Christian Vertues and Graces ; consisting in an everlasting Vision and Fruition of God. 4. SALVATION , Beatifical Vision , Heaven , Glory . DAMNATION , Condemnation Hell , perdition . II. The INSTRUMENTS OF VERTUE , commonly styled the Goods of Fortune , requisite to the due exercise of the Acts of many Vertues , and one kind of Reward belonging to it , do concern either Our Persons , and the being at our own disposal . 1. LIBERTY , Freedom , at large , deliver , release , inlar●e , set free , rid , dispatch , ransom , redeem , manumise , emancipate , give one his head , scope , arbitrary , undetermin'd , unconfined , may , may chuse . RESTRAINT , confine , streighten , repress . Our Possessions ; being either ‖ sufficient , or insufficient , for our occasions and conveniencies , according to that rank and station wherein we are placed . 2. RICHES , Wealth , Opulence , Pelf , Means , Fortunes , Estate , thrive , Treasure , make , enrich , worth , well to pass . POVERTY , Necessity , Penury , Indigence , Need , Want , poor , empoverish , ruine . The sutableness of the things which we have or do , and that satisfaction which we receive by them . 3. PLEASURE , Delight , Delectation , Enjoyment . VNPLEASANTNESS , Grief , Trouble , displeasing . Our Names , and the esteem we have amongst good men . 4. REPUTATION , Credit , Countenance , Applause , Name , Honour ▪ Vogue , report , Fame , redoubted , of Note , Glory , Renown , well-sounding . INFAMY , Disgrace , discredit , dishonour , disparage , defame , discountenance , shame , ignominy , Stein , Blot , Blemish , Slur , inglorious , illiberal , ignoble , notorious , ill reflexion , or sound , or name . Our Degrees , and the quality of our Conditions in relation to others ; being either considerably above them , or below them . 5. DIGNITY , Promotion , Preferment , Advancement , Honour , Worship , Greatness , State , Port , Title , preeminence , upper-hand , High place , raise , exalt , illustrious . MEANNESS , Lowness , Obscurity , Baseness , Vileness , ignoble , plain , abase , debase , degrade , Abjectness . Our Ability to protect our selves and others from injury , which is the usual result or consequent of the rest . 6. POWER - full , Potent-ate , Greatness , Interest , Strength , Might , Puissance , Mastery , Prevalence , Predominance , over-sway , rule-the rost , bear a stroke . IMPOTENCE , weak , inconsiderable . III. AFFECTIONS of INTELLECTUAL VERTUE , may be distinguished by their reference to those two Faculties in the Rational Soul , imployed for the gaining of Knowledge , viz. Invention ; which is ‖ rightly , or ●●●ongly disposed by 1. SAGACITY , Perspicacity , Sha●pness , Subtilty , Dexterity Wit , clear , quick , acute , searching , piercing , docil , towardly , apt , prompt . DVLNESS , Stupidity , Heaviness , gross-witted , indocil , dreaming , Dolt , Dunce , Blockhead . Iudgment ; which is ‖ well disposed , by such a temper of mind as doth incline a man to assent unto things upon such evidence as is in it self sufficient , or ill disposed , by such a temper as inclines a man either to assent unto things upon such evidence as is insufficient , or not to assent upon such ●s is sufficient . 2. FAITH , Docility , Teachableness , Towardliness , Aptness . CREDVLITY , Easiness , light or rash of belief , facil . INCREDVLITY , Vnteachableness , Vntowardliness , Scepticalness , Scrupulousness , Vnbelief . Sensitive Soul , which are apt to hinder us from Knowledge . Phancy ; which is ‖ well , or ill disposed by 3. SOBRIETY , discreet , grave , serious , staid , steddy , settled , sage . CONCEITEDNESS , Affectation , Singularity , fantastical , vagary , wild , light , aiery , giddy , freakish , whimsical , hair-brain'd , brain-sick , Humorist , Opiniaster . App●tite ; which is fitly regulated by our being concerned for any Truth according to a due measure ; and not either more or less then the evidence and importance of it , doth require . 4. MODERATION , Temper , Measure , Gentle-ness , qualifie , reduce to reason . SLIGHTNESS , Slackness , negligence , remissness , Neutrality , frigid , cold , indifferent , unconcerned , slatering , superficial , cursory , overly , perfunctory , faint . FIERCENESS , Fanaticalness , vehemence , violence , eagerness , earnest , furious , heady , immoderate , dogmatical , Opiniaster , boisterous , rough , sour , keen . IV. The Affections of MORAL and HOMILETICAL Vertues , do concern either The Temper and Frame of our Minds , as to their due Attention ; For any kind of Advantage , or Expedient . 1. CONSIDERATION , Advisedness , deliberate , ruminate , forecast , of or on purpose . CVNCTATION , Loitering , Delay , slack , trifling , linger , lag , while off , drive off , put off . RASHNESS , Hastiness , Temerity , heady , hair-brain'd , fool-hardy , cursory , headlong , precipitate , unadvised , incogitancy , inconsiderateness , presumption . Against any kind of Evil , Danger or Impediment . 2. HEEDFULNESS , Wariness , Care , Cantelousness , Watchfulness , Attention , Intention , Caution , minding , circumspection , chary , vigilant , cautious ▪ shie , advised , aware , beware , intend , look to or about , see to , take heed , be thoughtful , take thought , take warning , narrowly . CARKING , Solicitude , Anxiety , over-thoughtful . CARELESNESS , Heedlesness , incogitancie , negligence ▪ slatering , slightness , lightness , supineness , inconsiderate , oscitation , overly , perfunctory , superficial , secure , unwary , retchless , cursory , idle , slothful , sluggardly , slubbering , dissolute , uncircumspect , hand over head , not regard , overslip . Freedom and Readiness of our Faculties about any thing . 3. ALACRITY , Chearfulness , readiness , forwardness , with all ones heart , with a good will , free , glad , promptness , propensity , rather . GRVDGING , maunder , murmure , mutter , repine , regret , querulous , go against , with an ill will. Reality of our Intentions , sutable to our outward Pretences . 4. SINCERITY , Vprightness , reality , cordialness , heartiness , downright , honest , plain , simple , unfeigned , sound , clear , uncorrupt . HYPOCRISIE , Dissimulation , double tongue or heart , hollow-hearted , feigning , false , counterfeit , sophistical , pretend . The Vigorousness of our Endeavours in the prosecution of fitting means . 5. DILIGENCE , Assiduity , Sedulity , Industry , Attention , Care , Labour , Study , instant , elaborate , ply , bestir , stickle , lay about him , earnest , indefatigable , take pains . DOVBLE-DILIGENCE , overdoing , busie ▪ pragmatical , fain , medling . SLOTH , Idleness , laziness , carelessness , lither , loose , retchless , dreaming , Drone , Sluggard , Truant , loiter . The Vniversality required to vertuous Actions , in respect of the Object . 6. INTEGRITY , Honesty , intire , equal , impartial , incorrupt , upright . PARTIALITY , unequal , making a difference , accepting of persons . Time of continuance ▪ 7. CONSTANCY , ●erseverance , Stability , Steadiness , stedfast , firm , fixed , sure , certain , resolute , inflexible , unchangeable , abide , persist , hold out , stand out , stay by , stick to , unwearied , indefatigable . PERTINACY , Obstinacy , Contumacy , pervicacious , peremptory , stiff , wilful , inexorable , inflexible . LIGHTNESS , Inconstancy , fickleness , levity , instability , mutability , uncertain , unsteddy , unstable , unstedfast , unsettled , unstaid , wavering , divers , dodging , shittle , shuttle , slippery , variable , mutable , changeable , trifling , giddy , freakish , paltring , fast and loose . V. Those are styled INFUSED HABITS , to which the Divine favour and assistance is required after a more especial manner ; which are therefore styled by the general name of GRACE , Gift . To which may be opposed UNGRACIOUSNESS , Impiety , graceless , ungodly , carnal , wicked , sinful . These are either General ; consisting in A change of mind from evil to good . 1. REPENTANCE , Penitence , compunction , relent , remorse , contrition , rue , return , reclaim , renew , regeneration , penance . IMPENITENCE , Obdurateness , Hard-heartedness . An habitual frame of mind , whereby we are fitted for vertuous actions , and more especially for the Duties of Religion . 2. HOLINESS , Sanctity , Godliness , Piety , Devotion , Righteousness , Sanctification , sacred , Pureness . VNHOLINESS , Wickedness , Iniquity , Impiety , Vngodliness , Prophaneness , Corruption , Sin , Miscreant , graceless , Caitiffe . An inlargement of Soul , to desire and endeavour public general good , and taking it off from being immersed in narrow selfish designs . 3. SELF-DENIAL , Christian Magnanimity , Generosity , Public-spiritedness , Greatness of mind , Resignation . SELFISHNESS , Narrowness , Pedanticalness , Littleness of mind , Worldling . Particular ; styled Theological Vertues ; respecting Truth and Falshood ; a readiness to yield an effectual assent unto revealed Truths upon such grounds as their natures are capable of , and such as are sufficient to prevail with any such prudent teachable man as is free from any affected Captiousness . 4. FAITH , Belief , Believer , Creed . INFIDELITY , Vnbelief , Miscreant . Good and Evil. Future ; being an acquiescence of the mind in the expectation of such Promises as are revealed . 5. HOPE , Trust , Affiance , Reliance , Re●●mbency . DESPAIR , Despondency , out of heart , forlorn , hopeless , past hope , deadness of heart . General ; wishing well , and endeavouring to be helpful and serviceable unto all , according to the due proportion we are obliged to by natural or revealed Light. 6. CHARITY , Love. VNCHARITABLENESS , Maliciousness . VI. Those are styled ACQUIRED INTELLECTUAL HABITS which may be gotten by Industry , and tend to the perfecting of the Mind or Understanding . They are distinguishable by their Objects ; being either Speculative ; furnishing the mind with due Notions and conceptions concerning the Nature of things , their Causes , Differences , Relations and Dependencies . 1. SCIENCE , Knowledge , Skill , Theory , Learning , Insight . CVRIOSITY . IGNORANCE , rude , untaught . Active ; denoting Skill in men and business , whereby we are inabled to judge what is fit and convenient , according to various cases and circumstances . 2. WISDOM , Prudence , Discretion , Sapience , wise , sage , politic . CRAFT , Cunning , Subtilty , Shiness , Policy , Device , Quirk , Sleight , Fetch , Wile , Trick , sly , shrewd , Knave , Shark , Shift , come over one , over reach . FOLLY , Fool-ishness , Simplicity , Silly-ness , Imprudence , Indiscretion , witless , unwise , absurd , shallow , Noddy , Ninny , Sot , infatuate , Foppery . Effective ; implying Skill in those several Operations and Works which concern Humane life . 3. ART , Skill , Dexterity , Craft , Cunning , Insight , Knack , expert , well-seen in , good at , artificial , Workman , Artist . VNSKILFVLNESS , bungling , blundering , botching , fumbling , cobling , slubber , smatter , ignorant , silly , rude , gross , jejune , inexpert , inartificial , awkward , Freshman , Novice . The manner of acquiring them ; whether by Our own Observation , and repeated Trials . 4. EXPERIENCE , Practice , Exercise , Knowledge , conversant , versed , expert , Experiment , Empyric . INEXPERIENCE , inexpert , raw , to seek , Puny , Novice , Freshman , unverst . The Teaching of others , either ‖ vivâ voce , or ex scriptis . 5. LEARNING , Literature , Scholarship , scholastic , Liberal Science , Skill , indoctinate ▪ VNLEARNEDNESS , illiterate , unlettered , rude , simple . Of MANNERS . THe Customary and habitual Actions of men considered as voluntary , and as they are capable of Good or Evil , Reward or Punishment , are styled by the name of MANNERS , Ethic , Moral-ity . To which may be adjoyned the general name of such customary Actions as are mutual betwixt man and man , styled CONVERSATION , Carriage , Demeanour , Comportment , homiletical , Communication , lead , life , living , sociable , behave . The Vertues belonging to these do comprehend all those Habits which concern the regulating both of our Wills and Affections , and of our Conversations . They are distinguishable by the Faculties which they moderate , and the Objects they are conversant about , into such as do more immediately concern the regulating of our Wills and Affections , and that Rectitude of mind which we are obliged unto with reference to our selves , considered more separately , according to those principal parts of which we consist , viz. Soul and Body , Reason and sense , together with the things we possess , being either More GENERAL . I. More Particular , relating to Our BODIES . II. Our ESTATES or DIGNITIES . III. Conversations , or the right Demeanour of our selves considered as Members of Society , in our converse with others ; the due managing of the common Affairs and Businesses of life , according to the relations wherein we stand towards those whom we are to deal with . These are commonly called Homiletical Vertues , being either More GENERAL and Common . IV. More Particular , towards SUPERIORS . V. INFERIORS . VI. I. Those kind of Moral habits which serve for the regulating of our Wills and Affections more General , are commonly styled by the name of VERTUE , Honesty , Probity , Righteousness , brave ; denoting such Habits whereby we are inclined and inabled to observe a due Mediocrity in our Actions . To this is properly opposed the notion of VICE , Sin , Crime , Dishonesty , Trespass , Transgression , Fault , Failing , Infirmity , Oversight , wicked , Improbity , Turpitude , unrighteous , unjust , bad , naught , vile , base , loose , evil , ill , corrupt , venial , heinous , debauched , lewd , lawless , licencious , foul , flagitious , enormous , profligate , Miscreant , Ruffian , Caitiff , Villain , Rakehell , Libertine , defile , pollute . These may be distinguished into such as relate to the Inclination of our Minds , either In Debitis ; in such things as are due from us By Law ; 1. JUSTICE , Righteous-ness , right , square dealing , upright dealing . INIVSTICE , Vnrighteousness , Wrong . RIGOVR , rigid , extreme , severity , overstrict . REMISSION , Over-sparing . Right Reason . More general ; respecting our Actions towards others , in such cases as the Law-giver ( could he have foreseen ) would have provided for ; whereby a man is willing to recede from his own strict right , & the utmost extremities of things , and to take the most amicable way in the accommodating of Differences , supplying that by right Reason which is not provided for in the words of the written Law. 2. EQUITY , Moderation , reasonable , conscionable , Chancery , fair dealing , in reason . SVMMVM IVS , Rigidness , sourness , unreasonableness , iniquity , unequal . More particular ; in our Thoughts concerning other mens words or actions , being ready to interpret every thing in the best sense , when there is no evident reason to the contrary . 3. CANDOR , fair , ingenuous , candid , fair dealing . CENSORIOVSNESS , Sinister suspicion , captiousness , controling , carping ▪ find fault . In Gratuitis ; respecting chiefly the Benefactor ; being either More general ; denoting ‖ a propension of mind to do good to other● , together with external actions sutable thereto . 4. GOODNESS , Benignity , benevolence , benificence , kindness , good turn , beholding gratifie . MISCHIEVOVSNESS , Maleficence , ill turn . More particular ; respecting such as are in a state of misery . 5. MERCY , tender-hearted , pitiful , propitious , soft . CRVELTY , Immanity , inhumane , hard-hearted , pittiless , savage , dire , tr●culent , barbarous . Beneficiary ; namely , a propension of mind to put a just esteem upon the Favours we receive , and to take all occasions of acknowledging and requiting them . 6. GRATITUDE , Thank-fulness , give or render thanks . INGRATITVDE , Vnthankfulness , ingrateful . In arduis ; whether things Hard to be done ; whereby we are made duly resolute against all such difficulties either of Fear or Discouragement as may hinder us in our duty . 7. FORTITUDE , Valour , Courage , Manhood , Prowess , Puissance , stout , redoubted , undaunted , bold , daring , valiant , resolute , in heart , of spirit , manly , manful , sturdy . RASHNESS , Temerity , fool-hardiness , audacity , desperate , heady , hair-brain'd , boisterous , precipitate . COWARDISE , timorous ; faint-hearted , fearful , soft , Craven , Dastard , Poltron , Recreant , out of heart , to flinch , to cow . Hard to be suffered ; in respect of Pain . 8. PATIENCE , Long-suffering , forbearance , abide , bear , brook , endure , sustein , tolerate , weather it out . OBSTINACY , stubborn , sturdy , peremptory . SOFTNESS , Tenderness ; Impatience , relent , mollifie . Provocation to Anger and Revenge , in which we are to observe a due Mediocrity . 9. MEEKNESS , Mildness , long-suffering , gentleness , clemency , lenity , calm , put up . LENTITVDE , Stupor , Insensibility . RASH ANGER , curst , hasty , pettish , peevish , snappish , testy . II. The more special Vertues for the regulating of our Wills and Affections in things relating to our BODIES , whose Object is Iucundum or Vtile , are either . Of a more large extent ; denoting an Ability to withstand all such temptations of allurement whereby we may be hindred in our Duty . 1. TEMPERANCE . SENSVALITY , Voluptuousness , Intemperance , debauched , dissolute , effeminate , Epicure . Of a lesser extent ; concerning the Moderating of our natural Appetites towards things which concern the Preservation of the Individuum ; either More necessary ; as in Meats . 2. ABSTINENCE , abstemious , fasting . MACERATION . GLVTTONY , Surfeit , voracity , gormandizing , pampering , ravenous , sated , Gully-gut . Drinks . 3. SOBRIETY , Abstemiousness . DRVNKENNESS , Sot , besot , inebriate , heady , intoxicate , fox , ca●rouse , overtaken , whittled , fuddled , tipsie , Tipler , Soaker , Pot-companion , Toss-pot . Sleep . 4. VIGILANCE , Watchfulness . SLVGGARDLINESS , Sloth , Drowziness , Sleepiness . Less necessary ; which concern Refreshments from Labour . 5. MODERATENESS IN RECREATION . IMMODERATENESS IN RECREATION . External Decorum and Ornament . 6. CLEANLINESS , Neatness , smugg , terse . NICENESS , Finicalness , Delicateness , Daintiness , Curiosity , dapper . SLOVENLINESS , Vncleanness , Nastiness , sordid , filthy , squalid , foul , Sloven , Slut , slubber . Species ; as Venery . 7. CHASTITY , Continence , Honesty . VNCHASTITY , Incontinence , Wantonness , lascivious , unclean , obscene , ribaldry , bawdy , lewd , light , dishonest , corrupt , defile , deflowr , incest , rape , ravish , viciate . III. Vertues relating to the due moderating of our Affections towards the things which concern our ESTATES and DIGNITIES , whose Object is Profit or Esteem , may be distinguished into such as do more particularly concern our Estates and Possessions ; being either More general ; denoting a Mediocrity about getting , or keeping , or spending . 1. LIBERALITY , Bounty , Munificence , open-handed , free , generous , frank , large . PRODIGALITY , Prof●seness , wastful , lavish , riotous , embezil , lash out Havock , run out . COVETOVSNESS , Avarice , Worldliness . More special ; in Getting . 2. PROVIDENCE . SCRAPING , Rapacity , greedy , craving , griping , ravenous . SLATERING , Improvidence . Keeping . 3. FRUGALITY , Parcimony , thriftiness , good-husbandry , saving , sparing , near . PENVRIOVSNESS , crib , hard , close-fisted , hide-bound ▪ over-thrifty , tenacity , pinching , pinch●peny , Churle , Niggard , Miser , close , near . SQVANDRING , flying-out , ill-husbandry ▪ unthriftiness , spend-thrift , wast , embezzil , mis●spend . Spending ; distinguished by its Objects ; either The Public . 4. GENEROSITY , Magnificence , Bounty , Grandeur , stately , pompous , sumptuous , brave , noble , heroic . RIOTOVSNESS , Profuseness , Luxuriousness , blade-it , debauch , Roister . SORDIDNESS , Baseness , unworthy , penurious . The Poor ; relieving the wants of others . 5. ALMSGIVING , Charity , Dole , Alms , relieve , Pensioner , Bedes-man , Eleemosynary , Hospital . CHVRLISHNESS , uncharitable , rough , Niggard . Strangers . 6. HOSPITALITY , harbour , entertain , treat , open-house . INHOSPITABLENESS . Dignities and Esteem ; in respect of the Avoiding or suffering of Disgrace . 7. MODESTY , Bashfulness . SHEEPISHNESS , Shamefacedness , over-bashful , sneaking , softness . IMPVDENCE , Shamelesness , Audacity , saucy , immodest . Seeking or bearing of Honour ; as putting a just value upon things , ( having but a little esteem for little things , ) as likewise upon himself , and his own merits ; and not either Less then he ought . 8. MAGNANIMITY , brave , noble , heroic , generous , greatness of mind . INSOLENCE , arrogance , haughtines , presumption , vaunting , vaporing . PVSILLANIMITY , Baseness , sordid , pedantical . More then he ought . 9. MODESTY . ABIECTNESS , Sneaking , narrowness and littleness of mind , base , AMBITION , Presumption , High-mindedness , Vain-glory , Arrogance , aspire , overweening , Rodomontade , affectation of Empire . IV. HOMILETICAL Vertues more COMMON , are such vertuous habits as are required in men of all degrees and conditions for the regulating of their mutual Conversations . Not that the other Vertues before specified , are not likewise necessary to this end : but that they do not so directly and immediately tend to it as these others do which are styled HOMILETICAL . To which may be opposed INSOCIABLENESS , Barbarism . These are distinguishable into such as render our Conversation ; either Profitable to each other : which may be considered according to the Matter ; such as tend to the preservation of Truth ; either in our Declarations or Assertions . 1. VERACITY , Truth . LYING , Leasing , forge , fib , flam , false , perjury . OVER-SAYING , Hyperbole , Boasting , Ostentation , vapor , crack , brag , vaunt , swagger , ●odomontade . VNDER-SAYING , Detraction , Diminution , disparage , traduce , depreciate . Obligations or Promises . 2. FIDELITY , trusty , true , loyal . VNFAITHFVLNESS . OFFICIOVSNESS , Fawning . TREACHERY , perfidious , false , faithless , unfaithful , untrusty , disloyal , Recreant , Traitor , Ambodex●er , betray , falter , undermine , prevaricate . Peace . 3. PEACEABLENESS , Quietness , Concord Accord ▪ Agreement , Vnion , appease , atone , pacifie , reconcile , compose , take up , compromize , still , calm , set at peace , part a fray . VNPEACEABLENESS . TAMENESS . CONTENTIOVSNESS , Strife , Dissension , Discord , Variance , Controversie , Difference , Broils , Contest , Combustion , Debate , Division , Bickering , litigious , quarrel , wrangle , clash , jarr , brabble , jangle , Garboil , Odds , Brangling , Conflict , Squabble , Brawling , Cavilling , captious , Incendiary , Barreter , Bontefew , Shrew , Scold . Manner ; such as regulate our Carriage with a due respect of Things ; in Saying what is fit to be said . 4. FRANKNESS , Freeness , plain , open-hearted . TOO MVCH OPENNESS , Tell-tale , Blab , RESERVEDNESS , shy , nice , coy , demure , staunch , wary , close . Concealing what is fit to be concealed . 5. TACITURNITY , staunch , close , still , counsel-keeping , secrecy , silence . LOQVACITY , Babbling , Garrulity , talkative , babble , blab , chatter , gabbling , tattle , prate-ttle . Persons ; in observing a just Decorum . 6. GRAVITY , Seriousness , sober , demure , sage ▪ stayed , earnest , settled , solid . VANITY , FORMALNESS , Coxcomb , fond , foppish . LIGHTNESS , flashy , Freak , Levity , Petulance . Pleasant to each other ; serving to regulate Our Outward carriage towards others , both Actions and Speeches , as to a Facility for Converse , together with our desires and endeavours by all honest wayes to please others , and care , not to offend them . 7. COURTESY , Comity , mannerliness , civility , affability , kindness , humanity , gentle , fair , humane , benign , tractable , smooth . FAWNING , Assentation , Adulation , obsequious , smooth , glavering , gloze , cogg , cajole , curry favour , collogue , wheedle , crouch , creeping , scraping , flatter , sooth , clawing , Blandishment , Parasite , Sycophant , Claw-back . MOROSENESS , curst , crabbed , cynical , froward , churlish , uncivil , boisterous , rude , sullen , surly , unmannerly , hard to please , humorsome , rough , harsh , sour , testy , snappish , dogged , currish , waspish , tetchy , wayward , peevish , pettish . Our Words and Speeches ; either in More serious debates ; making due allowances to others , affording them just liberty . 8. COMPLACENCY , Civility , smooth , soft , popular , ASSENTATION , Flattery , glozing , soothing , fawning , mealy-mouth'd , trencher-friend . MAGISTERIALNESS , Arrogance , Imperiousness , Lordliness , masterly , pedantical , rough , over-bear , Roister . Less serious matters ; by such honest mirth whereby Conversation is to be sweetned . 9. URBANITY , Facetiousness , Raillery , Drollery , jocular , jocund , merry , Conceit , Iest , Squib , Clinch , Quibble , Wagg . SCVRRILITY , Buffoonry , Abusiveness , Pasquil , Zany , Vice. RVSTICITY , Clownishness , boisterous , blunt , barbarous , rough , rude , Kerne , home-bred , Slouch , uncivil , unmannerly , dirty . V. HOMILETICAL VERTUES whereby we are to regulate our Demeanour towards our SUPERIOURS , may be distinguished into such as are More general ; denoting the Habit of behaving our selves as we ought towards all in a superiour relation . 1. DUTIFULNESS , submissive . VNDVTIFVLNESS , Sturdiness , stiff , untoward , untractable . More special ; ex parte Subjecti ; as Inferiours , and at a distance from them . 2. HUMILITY , Lowliness , abase , humble , gentle , submission , demisness . PRIDE , Haughtiness , Loftiness , high-minded , Lordly , elate , stately , perk , self-conceit , arrogance , magisterialness , presumption , overween , puff up , look big . Objecti ; as to Superiours in Place . 3. REVERENCE , Honour , regard , respect , veneration , awe , dread , Worship . IRREVERENCE , Petulance , Sauciness , malapert , perk , presumptuous . Gifts . 4. RESPECT , Grace , Honour , deference , civility , esteem , observe , veil to . DISREPECT , Dishonour , neglect , slighting , undervaluing , disregard , vilifie . Authority ; General . 5. SUBJECTION , Homage , Loyalty , Allegiance , at ones command , serve under . REBELLION . Special ; as Governing . 6. LOYALTY , Allegiance , Fealty , Homage . TREACHERY , betray , Traitor , disloyal . Commanding . 7. OBEDIENCE , obsequious , observant , pliable , submissive , tractable , towardly , Conformity , follow , serve , be subject to . DISOBEDIENCE , Contumacy , Obstinacy , refractory , self-willed , unruly , untoward , transgress , trespass , break , violate , take head , stiff-necked , wilful , masterless , restive . Punishing ; submitting to Justice , and suing for Mercy , or contr● . 8. SUBMISSION , give place to , give way , yield , resign , surrender , at discretion of . CONTVMACY , Obstinacy , Self-will , stubborn , sullen , stiff , untractable , wayward , stout , stiff-necked , refractory . VI. HOMILETICAL VERTUES whereby we are to regulate our Demeanour towards our INFERIORS , may be distinguished into such as are More general . 1. GRACIOUSNESS , Favour , Indulgence , gentle , kind , mild , serene , soft , benign , propitious . HARSHNESS , Ruggedness , sourness , roughness . More particular ; ex parte Subjecti ; in respect of our Superiority , from which we are ready upon occasion to yield and stoop down . 2. CONDESCENSION , deign , vouchsafe , bear with , suffer . INSOLENCE , Magisterialness , imperiousness , roughness , strictness , stately , domineer , insult , swagger , Roister , Ruffian . Objecti ; as to Inferiors , in Place or Gifts . 3. AFFABILITY , Courtesie , gentleness , facil , fair , demeanour . SVPERCILIOVSNESS , roughness , stern , sour , scornful , stately , surly , arrogant . Authority ; in General ; ‖ preserving such in their just rights , or invading of them . 4. PROTECTION , Shelter , defence , guard , patronage , refuge . TYRANNY . Special ; as Governing . 5. GOOD GOVERNANCE , Discipline , Regiment . MALE-ADMINISTRATION , misgoverning , ill governance . Commanding . 6. REASONABLENESS . VNREASONABLENESS . Punishing when one ought . 7. SEVERITY , strict . FONDNESS , Indulgence , cocker , do●e , make much of , tender , chary . Remitting , when there is just occasion . 8. CLEMENCY , Gentleness , favourableness , lenity , mildness . AVSTERITY , stern , strict , inflexible , asperity , rigor , stiff , rigid , harsh , sharp , tart , rough , crabbed . Though several of the Vertues and Vices enumerated under this and the former Head , may be ascribed sometimes to persons in other capacities ; yet they do primarily and originally appertain to the Relations of Superiours and Inferiours . Of SENSIBLE QUALITY . BY SENSIBLE QUALITY is meant such kind of Quality as falls under our outward Senses , or the Affections of Bodies considered as they are the Objects of Sense : To which may be opposed the Notion of OCCULT QUALITY . These do relate either to the Eye and things visible . Primary , LIGHT . I. Secondary , COLOUR . II. Ear , SOUND . III. TAST and SMELL . IV. Touch ; viz. such Qualities as are more ACTIVE . V. PASSIVE . VI. In this distribution of Sensible Qualities , those that are Visible and Tangible are , both because of their Number and Variety , each of them reduced under double Differences . Whereas those that belong to the Senses of Tast and Smell are , for the contrary reason , contracted under one . The gradual Differences belonging to every one of these are so very numerous , that no Language doth , or indeed can , provide for them ; but we are fain to denominate each of them from that subject in which it is most commonly found and known . And , for the farther help of the common defect of Languages as to such things , I have in the following Tables ( where it could conveniently be done ) reduced things to double Opposites , which , with the addition of the transcendental points of Augmentative and Diminutive , will much facilitate the expression of the several degrees of these things . I. That is styled PRIMARY VISIBLE , by the help of which we are inabled to see other things ; being inherent chiefly either in The Air ; according to the more General Nature of it ; denoting the intermediate or extremes , the latter of which is properly a total Privation . 1. TWILIGHT , Dawning . LIGHT , Lux , lightsome , illuminate , enlighten , glimmer , glimpse , flash . DARKNESS , gloomy , close , dim , duskie , Eclipse , obscure , sad , swart , brown . Particular Kind or Degree ; the Opposite to which doth suppose some secondary Light. 2. LIGHT , Lumen , lucid , Luminary , irradiate , Sunshine . SHADOW , Shade , Vmbrage , adumbrate , Screen , Canopy , Curtain . The Superficies of solid Bodies ; from which a strong or weak reflexion is styled . 3. BRIGHTNESS , Lustre , splendor , refulgence , glister , glitter , dazling , shine , coruscation , clear , fair , orient , polite , gloss , respl●ndent , illustrious , furbish , polish , burnish , irradiate . DIMNESS , gloomy , cloudy , blink . The Bulk and Solidity of Bodies ; according to their ‖ capacity , or incapacity of conveying Light. 4. TRANSPARENCY , Perspicuity , pellucid , diaphanous , clear , thin : OPACIIY , Thick . Both the Superficies and Bulk of Bodies ; signifying ‖ a freedom from : or liableness unto , any single or interspersed impediment . 5. CLEARNESS , fair , immaculate , unspotted , clarifie . SPOTTEDNESS , Blemish , Blot , Blur , Mote , Mole , Freckle , Speck , Stain , Soil . II. Secondary Visible Qualities , are by a general name styled COLOURS , Tincture , Hue , Complexion , Stain , Tinge ; by which are meant those various Appearances in the Superficies of Bodies which do more immediately affect the Eye . They are distinguishable into those that are more Simple ; and counted either Primary ; whether ‖ the intermediate , or the two extremes . 1. GRAYNESS , Freez , grisly , hoary , russet . WHITENESS , blank , blanch , bleach . BLACKNESS , sable , sad , swart , brown , Negro . Secondary ; most considerable according to their order in the Rainbow : the usual Colour of Bloud : or of Gold. 2. REDNESS , Crimson , Vermilion , Scarlet , Stammel , ruddy , M●rrey , Gules . YELLOWNESS , Sallow , Tawny . Vegetables : or the appearing Colour of the Heavens . 3. GREENNESS , Verdure . BLEWNESS , Azure , Watchet . Iuice of the Fish Murex . 4. PURPLE . Mixed ; according to the more General names . 5. VARIEGATEDNESS , motly , pyed , particoloured , divers colours , embroider , inlay . CHANGEABLENESS . Particular kinds ; being made either by Points : or Lines ▪ 6. SPECKLEDNESS , Freckled . STRIATEDNESS , brindled , streaked , striped . Roundles , or Squares , 7. DAPPLEDNESS . CHECQUEREDNESS . III. Sensible Quality perceptible by the Ear , together with the Privation of it , is styled by the name of SOUND , Noise , resound , Report , Coil , Rout , Racket , blow , loud , dinn , quetch , Echo , Euphony . To which may be adjoyned those natural words ( fictitia à sono ) bounce , buz , chatter , chink , clack ▪ clap , clash , clatter , click , clink , crash , crush , ferk , hum , hiss , jar , jingle , jerk ▪ knock , rattle , ruffle , rumble , russle , clutter , lash , pipe , ring , scream , shriek , snap , squeak , squall , roar , thump , toot , twang , thwack , tinkle , wheez , whimper , whip , whine , whistle , yell . SILENCE , Stilness , hush , hold ones peace , muni , tacit , quash , quiet , whist , ' st . The several Notions belonging to this Head , to which different names are assigned , do concern either the Causes of it ; considered Formally ; according to which several Sounds are made ; either by an intermediate , or a stronger and quicker : or weaker and slower percussion of the Air. 1. MEAN , Tenor , Counter tenor . ACVTE , shrill , Treble , Canto . GRAVE , low , Base , deep Materially ; when it is made by things Metalline , or other solid brittle bodies ; either ‖ clear : 〈◊〉 interrupted by some discontinuity of the parts . 2. RINGING , jingle , tinkle , Bell , tole , chime , Peal , Knell . JARRING , Clattering . Animal ; being either . More general to the more perfect Animals : or to Man. 3. VOICE , vocal , call , cry , invocate , Tone . ARTICULATE ▪ Voice , speak , eloquution , pronounce , More special , and peculiar to some brute Creatures ; which may likewise be imitated with artificial Instruments , by the forcible compression of Air through a rimule : or through an equable concavity . 4. HISSING , Whizzing . WHISTLING . Relations ; as a Single perfect Sound : or near half more or less then such a Sound . 5. NOTE , Tone , Key . SHARP . FLAT . Perfect Series of Notes : or aggregate of such Series . 6. TUNE , Lesson , Chime , Ayre , Strain . CONSORT . Affections ; either of Single Notes ; being either ‖ full and perfect : or impedite and imperfect . 7. CLEARNESS , shrill . HOARSNESS , Harshness . Notes together ; in respect of their ‖ agreement : or disagreement . 8. CONCORD , Symphony . DISCORD , Dissonance , untunable Tunes together ; in respect of their ‖ agreement : or disagreement . 9. HARMONY , Melody , Music. IANGLING , Tintamar . IV. The Sensible Qualities belonging to the TAST and SMELL , are of so near affinity , that several Languages do assign to them the same names . They are distinguishable into the More general and extreme , as to the ‖ agreeableness : or disagreeableness of them to the Palate or Nose . 1. SWEETNESS , Pleasant , luscious , toothsom , fragrant , odoriferous , Perfume . VNSAVOVRINESS , Stink , Stench , foetid , noisom , fulsom , rank . More special and middle ; from Thin and warm matter , like that of Oil or Butter : or that of Pepper . 2. FATTINESS , Oily , unctuous , gross , greasie . ACRIMONIOUSNESS , biting , keen , cutting . Cooling and constringing matter , like that in Green fruit : or in Galls . 3. AUSTERENESS , Harshness , sowr , tart . ACERBITY , Astringency , styptic . Penetrating vellicating matter , like that of Vinegar and Limons : or that of Aloes and Wormwood . 4. ACIDITY , Sharpness , eager , hard . BITTERNESS . Matter of a moderate consistency : apt to corrode by its siccity . 5. SALTISHNESS , saline , brackish , briny , seasoned . FRESHNESS , unsalted , flashy . The vividness : or decay of the Spirits in any thing . 6. FRESHNESS , Smartness , brisk , quick , lively , spirituous . DEADNESS , vapid , decayed , insipid , wearish , flashy . The beginning : or farther degree of Putrefaction . 7. MUSTINESS , Moldiness , vinewed , fusty . ROTTENNESS , addle , putrid . V. Tactile Qualities more ACTIVE are commonly distinguished by their being Primary , from whence the others proceed ; being either ‖ the intermediate : or the extremes of that Quality , whereby Homogeneous or Heterogeneous things are congregated , or separated . 1. TEMPERATENESS , Warmness , Tepidness , lukewarm . HEAT , hot , soultry , ardent , torrid , fervent , swelter , inflame , scald , Parch , Scorch . COLDNSSS , bleak , piercing , biting , chill , cool , frigid , refrigerate . A Body is easily ‖ bounded by it self : or conformed to any other Body , wherein it may be contained . 2 MOISTNESS , dank , damp . WETNESS , Humidity , liquid , mash , slabber , daggle . DRINESS , Siccity , exsic●ate , arid , sear , parch . Secondary , such as are derived from the first ; referring either to The Texture of parts , as to ‖ nearer : or farther distance . 3. CLOSENESS , shrink , Constipation , consolidate , compact . DENSITY , Crassitude , Thickness , Condense-ation , thronged , pressed . RARITY , Thinness , attenuate , rare-ifie . Inclination to Motion ‖ downwards : or upwards . 4. WEIGHTINESS , massie . GRAVITY , Ponderousness , Heaviness , lumpish , weighing , pressing down . LEVITY , Lightness . Aptitude or Ineptitude to Motion . Common to Liquids and Solids . 5. CONSISTENCY , congeal , stand . HARDNESS , indurate , callous , brawny . FLVIDITY , liquid , flow , dissolve . Proper to Solids . 6. FLEXIBLENESS , Pliableness , pliant , bend , bow , stoop . LIMBERNESS , supple , lank , lith , ling , gentle , pliant , pliable , slack , flagging . STIFNESS , stark , tite , rigid , harsh , inflexible . VI. Tactile Qualities more PASSIVE , are distinguishable by their denoting either the Giving way to : or resisting of the Touch. 1. YIELDINGNESS , give place . SOFTNESS , Tenderness , mollifie , relent , give . HARDNESS , obdurate , indurate , callous . Fabric of Bodies , as to their Superficies ; being ‖ more : or less plain . 2. EVENNESS , plain , level . SMOOTHNESS , Sleekness , glibbery , slippery , terse , polite , polish , burnish , Calender . ROVGHNESS , Asperity , Ruggedness , uneven , harsh , ruffle , rumple , puckered , cragged . Bulk , being in its self , or in its parts , of ‖ an indifferent : or of a greater or smaller magnitude . 3. ORDINARINESS , of the most usual and common size : COVRSNESS , gross , thick . FINENESS , Tenuity , Subtilty , thin , attenuate . Adhesion of parts , in Fluids . 4. SLIMINESS , mucilaginous , roping . CLAMMINESS , viscous , adhering , stick to , cling , cleaving , glutinous , Bird-lime . VNCTVOVSNESS , Slipperiness , Lubricity , glib . Solids . 5. FIRMNESS , Fastness . TOVGHNESS , ductile , malleable . BRITTLENESS , Friableness , crisp , short , frail , fragil . Ineptitude or aptitude to Local motion , chiefly in Solids . 6. STEDDINESS , establish , Stability , FASTNESS , Fixedness , Firmness , stedfast , wistly , set , settle , clenching , Rivet , stick in . LOOSENESS , sleasie , Slackness , unfastned , unfixed , unsteddy , unstedfast , unsettled , Luxation . Of SICKNESS . THose kind of Impotencies of the Body , as to its natural Functions , which are usually accompanied with Pain , are styled by the common name of SICKNESS , Disease , ill , Malady , Relapse , unhealthy , unwholsom , crazy , Distemper , Indisposition , ail , Fit , mortality , taken with , Spittle . To which is opposed HEALTH , Sanity , Soundness , heal , incurable , wholsom , recover , safe and sound , well , clear , how do you . The principal Notions referring to this Head may be distinguished into such as signifie either The more general CAUSES OF DISEASE . I. The Diseases themselves ; whether Common to the whole Body , and the various parts of it , in respect of DISTEMPERS . II. TUMORS . III. Peculiar to some parts ; either the HEAD , or ARISING THENCE . IV. MIDDLE REGION , the Breast , or its parts . V. LOWER BELLY or Bowels . VI. Besides the Diseases enumerated in the following Tables , there are divers others not here provided for , because they may be otherwise sufficiently expressed : As for instance , those that belong to the Appetite , may be exprest by the notes of Excess , Defect , Depravation . And thus likewise may it be with those other Functions of Concoction , Sanguification , Nutrition , Augmentation , &c. Those that belong to the Organical parts , in respect of any Imperfection as to their just Number , Magnitude , Conformation , Site , Connexion , &c. may also be otherwise sufficiently expressed . I. The GENERAL CAUSES OF DISEASE , may be distinguished into such as are either Extrinsecal , and without the body ; whether from Other bodies of a malignant dangerous quality , ‖ either spreading their efficacy by insensible Effluvia : or such as being taken in a small quantity , prove destructive to life . 1. CONTAGION , Infection , taint , catching , run , spread , diffuse . POISON , Venom , envenom , virulent . Violent motion ; causing either ‖ a dissolution of continuity : or too great a pressure upon the parts , when the skin is not cut . 2. WOUND , Hurt ▪ Sore , vulnerary , cut , break ones head , Scarr . BRUISE , Contusion , crush , batter , shatter . Intrinsecal ; with relation to the Humors ; whether ‖ as to the error of Excess : or bad disposition . 3. PLETHORA , Fulness . CACOCHYMIA , Ill humors . Qualities ; ‖ according to the general name , denoting Excess or Defect : or that particular Indisposition which is most frequent , namely , too much Heat . 4. DISTEMPER . INFLAMMATION . Parts and Vessels ; with respect to the Stopping , or blowing of them up . 5. OBSTRUCTION , Oppilation . INFLATION , puffed up , flatulent , windy . Putrefying , of them ; considered according to the usual Antecedent , or Cause ; ‖ a Collection of putrid matter . 6. ABSCESSUS , Aposteme . Consequent , or Effect ; in relation to the Aperture or Cavity made by the Corrosion of this putrid matter ; being either ‖ roundish , or oblong . 7. ULCER , Sore , Botch , Canker . FISTULA . Defect of animal spirits , whereby Sense and Motion is to be communicated , so as a part becomes cadaverous and mortified , according to a ‖ lesser : or greater degree . 8 GANGRENE . SPHACELUS . II. Diseases belonging to the whole Body , or the various parts of it , in respect of DISTEMPER , are distinguishable into such as do arise either From some putrid matter , causing a preternatural heat ; being either Not infectious ; seated in the Humors ; whether ‖ continuing : or intermitting , according to certain seasons . 1. FEVER , Calenture . AGUE , quotidian , tertian , quartan . Habit of the Body , which is usually accompanied by a wasting away of the parts . 2. HECTIC . CONSUMPTION , tabid . Infectious ; by Effluvia ; being usually accompanied with Spots in the skin , ‖ according to a lesser : or greater degree of danger . 3. MALIGNANT FEVER , Spotted fever , Purples . PLAGUE , Pestilence , Pest , pestiferous , pestilential , the Sickness , Murrain . Breakin gs out in the skin . More dangerous ; according to degrees greater : or lesser . 4. POX . MEASLES . Less dangerous ; accompanied with pain of itching and burning , from bilious matter ; ‖ either that which doth usually overspread the whole body : or that which is commonly only in some parts , being apt to diffuse it self gradually , being accompanied with redness and scurfiness . 5. ITCH , Mange . TETTER , Ring-worm , Shingles . Roughness in the skin . 6. LEPROSIE , Lazer , Leper . SCURF , Morphew , Scald . Contact in Venery . 7. LUES VENEREA , French-pox . From some humor not in it self corrupted , but by its superfluity distending the inward membranes of the Bones , the Muscles or Nerves : or discolouring by Redness , and heating the outward skin ; being a thin light matter that may be easily discussed . 8. GOUT , Arthritis . ERYSIPELAS , St. Anthony's fire . III. Those Diseases by which the parts are swelled and distended beyond their due proportion , are styled TUMORS , Rising , swell , turgid , node . These may be distinguished into such Tumors as are either in the Cuticle , or upper skin , with little or no pain ; being ‖ small collections of watery matter hindered from transpiring : to which may be adjoyned that which is subsequent upon the drying of this and such other putrid matter , causing a roughness upon the skin with little exulceration . 1. PUSTULE , Wheal , Whelk , Pimple , Push , Sty . SCAB . Skin it self and Flesh. With purulent matter . Not poisonous : either ‖ of a bigger magnitude , and apt to pass from one part to another , of more difficult cure : or of a lesser magnitude , more frequent , and less dangerous . 2. KING' 's EVIL , Scrophula , Struma . BOIL , Blain , Sore , Whitlow , Ancome . Poisonous and corroding ; being either ‖ hard and unequal , discolouring the skin by paleness or blackness , with Veins about it resembling the Leg of a Crab , and exceeding difficult in the Cure : or else a collection of thick putrid bloud violently hot , with fretting and malignity . 3. CANCER , Wolf. CARBUNCLE , Sore , Plaegue-sore . Without purulent matter . Not discolouring the skin ; whether of a Bigger magnitude ; either ‖ soft : or hard . 4. WEN . SCIRRHUS . Lesser magnitude ; being kinds of Plants rooted ‖ in the skin : or below it . 5. WART CORN . Discolouring the skin with redness , and occasioned by Cold. 6. CHILDBLANE . Kibe . Veins or Arteries immoderately distended . 7. VARIX . ANEURISMA . Tendons . 8. GANGLION , Spavin . IV. The DISEASES belonging to the HEAD , or NERVES , or arising thence , may be distinguished into such as relate more Immediately to the Brain it self , the seat and organ of the principal Faculties ; either in regard of its Substance ; when it is indisposed for the More principal and noble Faculties ; either by ‖ some hot Vapour or Humour diffused : or from some particular Hurt or Inflammation , causing a depravation of the Intellectuals , Fancy and Memory ; either ‖ with a Fever , or without . 1. FRENSY , Delirium , frantic , light-headed , phrenetic . MADNESS , out of ones wits , raving , distraction , besides ones self , wood , brain-sick , crack-brained , crazed , lunatic . Less principal Faculties ; by the Superfluity of cold pituitous matter , causing ‖ excessive drowsiness : or by crass crude vapours rising from the stomach , working a kind of Suffocation in sleeping by a sense of weight upon the Breast . 2. VETERNUS , Sopor . EPHIALTES , Night-mare , Incubus . Corruption of some crass phlegmatic humor , either ‖ in the Brain , causing much drowsiness and deliration : or in the Arteries which should convey the spirits to the Brain , causing first a giddiness , and then an abolition of Sense and Motion . 3. LETHARGY . APOPLEXY . Defluxion of Humours ( which are sometimes salt or sharp ) either ‖ on the Lungs : or other parts of the Body , Limms , or Ioynts . 4. CATARRH , Distillation , Rheum , Defluxion . RHEUMATISM . Ventricles ; ‖ when any hot Vapour doth agitate and disturb the motion of the spirits , so as objects seem to turn round : or when any cold phlegmatic humour doth obstruct their motion , causing a privation of Sense , with convulsive motions in several parts . 5. VERTIGO , Giddiness , Swimming in the head , Dizziness , Scotomy . EPILEPSY , Falling-sickness . Mediately to the Nerves ; which may be either Obstructed ; whether ‖ the greater-Nerves , and for a longer continuance : or the lesser Branches , for a shorter space , whereby Sense and Motion is hindered . 6. PALSIE , paralytic . NUMNESS , Stupor , asleep . Contracted more generally : or distended in some particular part . 7. CONVULSION . CRAMP , Stitch. Oppressed with superfluous moisture , causing an unequal growth of the parts , specially the Head and Joints . 8. RICKETS , Rachitis . Throat ; by such an inward Swelling and Inflammation as doth hinder Swallowing and Respiration . 9. SQUINANCY , Quinsie . V. The Diseases belonging to the MIDDLE REGION and its parts , may refer either to the Lungs ; in their being Obstructed by some crass phlegmatic matter adhering to the sides of the Pipes , from whence follows Too frequent Respiration . 1. SHORTNESS OF BREATH , Anhelatio , Panting , Pursiness . Difficulty of Breathing , according to ‖ a lesser , or greater degree : by the latter of which men cannot fetch their breath , unless in an upright posture . 2. ASTHMA , Tissick , broken-winded , wheeze . ORTHOPNOEA . Vlcerated , and by degrees putrefying ; from whence sometimes doth proceed much purulent matter to fill up the cavity of the Thorax . 3. CONSUMPTION , Phthisis . EMPYEMA . Heart ; by some noxious vapours or humours , which do either Provoke to too frequent and vehement motion for the freeing it self from them . 4. PALPITATION . Hinder the motion of it ; according to ‖ a lesser : or greater degree . 5. FAINTING , Failing , languish , Qualm . SWOUNING , Swound , Leipothymia . Side ; from some Inflammation within the Membranes covering the inside of the Ribs , causing difficulty of breathing , and provocation to coughing , upon which great pain follows , accompanied with a Fever . 6. PLEURISIE . VI. Diseases belonging to the LOWER BELLY or Bowels , may be distinguished into such as do concern the Stomach ; by sharp humors corroding the mouth of it , causing sometimes Fainting and cold Sweats . 1. CARDIALGIA , Heart-burning . Liver and Gall ; being caused by some impotence in them for the doing of their Functions , in not digesting & distributing the humors belonging to them ; causing either ‖ Paleness of colour , Faintness , Indisposition to stir : or Yellowness and Swarthiness of colour , accompanied with faintness and nauseousness . 2. GREEN-SICKNESS , Cachexie . JAUNDISE , Yellow-jaundise , Black-jaundise . Stomach and Liver , and other Bowels jointly ; which , being defective in the works of Concoction and Distribution , do occasion a superfluity of serous matter distending the skin of the belly and other parts of the body , accompanied with some wind : and sometimes a windy vapour , accompanied with some watery humors , stretching the belly . 3. DROPSY , hydropical . TYMPANY . Spleen ; by its dispersing sour and feculent humors : or noxious vapors , into other parts of the body ; the former of which is usually accompanied with faintness , weariness , loosness of teeth , spots on the body , and specially on the legs . 4. SCURVY , Scorbute . HYPOCHONDRIACAL VAPOURS , Spleneti● . Guts ; ‖ from some sharp humor that corrodes , or vapor that distends the Colon : or from some hardned excrement , or some other like matter , stopping the Ilia or smaller Guts . 5. COLIC , Belly-ach . ILIAC PASSION . Faculties of excretion ; whether by Stool ; either as to the excess of this : or the voiding of bloud . 6. DIARRHAEA , Lax , Looseness , Flux . DISENTERY , Bloody-flix . Vrine ; either by some stony concretion in the Kidneys or Bladder : or a continual involuntary urining by drops . 7. STONE . STRANGURY . Lower part of the belly or Scrotum ; ‖ by a breach of the internal Membranes , or too much distention of it , or by superfluity of waterish or windy matter : or in the Veins about the Fundament . 8. RUPTURE , Hernia , Burst , Broken-belly . HAEMORROIDS , Piles . Mother or Womb ; by ‖ causing convulsive motions : or stopping of the Breath . 9. HYSTERICAL PASSION , Mother . SUFFOCATION . CHAP. IX . Concerning the Predicament of Action ; the several kinds of it . I. Spiritual . II. Corporeal . III. Motion . IV. Operation . NExt to the Predicament of Quality may succeed that of Action ; the several kinds of which may be distributed into such as have for their Agent a Spirit , or spiritual faculty , called SPIRITUAL ACTION . Body , or material substance , respecting chiefly either the Actions of Animate bodies , called here CORPOREAL ACTION . Passage of bodies from one place to another , styled MOTION . Sundry kinds of works , about which men of several callings use to imploy themselves , styled OPERATION . SPIRITUAL ACTION . THe Genus of SPIRITUAL ACTIONS , may be distributed into such as do belong either to GOD. I. The Soul , with reference to the Vnderstanding . SPECULATIVE . II. PRACTICAL . III. WILL. IV. Fancy or Appetite ; the Actions of which are styled Affections or Passions , and may be distinguished into such as are either more SIMPLE . V. MIXED . VI. I. By ACTIONS OF GOD in this place , are meant only his transient Actions , which are terminated in the Creatures . As for his immanent Actions , because we can frame no other conceptions of these but such as are sutable to the acts of our own minds , therefore may they be sufficiently expressed by those that follow in the next Differences . These transient Acts here enumerated , do primarily belong to the Divine Nature ; though some of them may in a secondary manner , and by way of allusion and participation , be sometimes ascribed to other things : To which may be annexed upon the account of Affinity the general name of those Actions which do exceed all Natural power , MIRACLE , Wonder , supernatural . These are distinguishable into such as do concern either the Putting of things into their first being : or reducing them to nothing . 1. CREATION , Making , Creator , Creature , ANNIHILATION , Annul , disannul , abolish , extinguish , bring to nought , call-in , cancel , put out . Government or disposal of things ; More general ; whereby he doth most freely and wisely take care of , and provide for all things : To which may be opposed by some Analogy such a necessary Concatenation and unalterable order amongst things as doth not admit of any liberty : or such a blind contingency of things as excludes all wisdom , expressed usually by the word● , 2. PROVIDENCE , Fore-sight , Fore-cast . FATE , Destiny . FORTVNE , Chance , Accident , Venture , Adventure , casual , ●ap , Luck , Hazard , fortuitous , a Hit , peradventure , perhaps . More special ; belonging either to Animate Creatures ; by Contributing to their ‖ well : or ill being . 3. BLESSING , Beatitude , Benediction . CVRSING , accurse , ban ; Malediction , Execration . Continuing them in their particular kinds of Being : or depriving them of it . 4. PRESERVATION , Conservation , Protection , Keeping , maintain , save , Saviour , shelter , guard , keep , cherish . DESTRVCTION , Perdition , Confusion , Bane , Devastation , Loss , pernicious , subvert , undoe , ruine , confound , extirpate , abolish , bring to naught , stroy , destroy , cast away , perish , cut off , wast , consume , dissolve , exterminate , extinguish , fall , gone . Keeping or taking them from any evil felt or feared : or leaving them to it . 5. DELIVERANCE , Rescue , Save-iour , Salvation , free , quit , rid , clear , exempt . DERELICTION , destitute , forlorn , deserting , give vp , relinquish , cast off , deliver up , forsake , leave , forgo . Rational Creatures ; as to their Minds ; by discovering to them , or impressing upon them , in an extraordinary way , such Truths or Inclinations as humane industry could not of it self attain to . 6. REVELATION , open , disclose , discover , Vision , Enthusiasm , Fanatic , Oracle . INSPIRATION , infuse . States by delivering them from a condition of servitude & misery . 7. REDEMPTION , deliver , save , ransom , rescue . II. ACTIONS of the UNDERSTANDING and Judgment SPECULATIVE , Contemplation , Theory , are such as do concern the various exercise of our Vnderstandings about the Truth and Falshood of things , with respect either to the Vnderstanding ; being either Preparative ; in the first Objectization of a thing : or the reflexive Thought about it , together with what else one knows of that kind . 1. THINKING , Cogitation , bethink , deem , imagin , esteem , Conceit , Notion , Thought-ful , pensive , mind it , suggest , put in ones head , MEDITATING , Study , considering , cast about in ones mind , muse , contemplate , Elucubration , think , fore think , premeditate , ponder , extempore . Operative ; in ‖ the comparing of things to find out what is Truth : or the Thought resulting from such comparison . 2. INQUISITION , Examination , Search , Scrutiny ▪ exploration , investigate , Disquisition , seek , discuss , hunt , canvase , cast water , Quest , Inquest . DISCOVERY , detect , find , perceive , lift out ▪ pick out , Invention , excogitate , Author , Inventor , tell , inkling , 't is out . Iudgment ; Primary ; in judging such discovery ‖ agreeable to Truth : or disagreeable . More general . 3. ASSENT , Consent , accord , agree , concurr , allow , acknowledge , yield , suffrage , Voice , Vote , of the same mind , think good . DISSENT , differ , disagree , of another mind , Discord . More special ; according to its arguments ; as Proceeding from Causes Extrinsecal ; Testimony ‖ sufficient : or insufficient . 4. BELIEVING , Credit , credible , Faith , Trust. DISBELIEVING , Discredit , incredible , Distrust . Intrinsecal in the thing it self ; that it is ‖ conclusive : or not so conclusive but that it may be otherwise . 5. KNOWING , Cognition , conscious , wist , witting , aware , privy , Intelligence , learn , inform , acquaint , cognizance , notice , inkling prescience , omniscient . DOVBTING , misdoubt , mistrust , distrust , suspence , hanging staggering , hesitate , pendulous , dubious , ambiguous , at a stand , stick at , Quandary , Scruple , Sceptic , uncertain , Apocryphal , 't is a question . Productive of these Effects in ‖ higher , or lower degrees . 6 CERTAINTY , Assurance , sure , evince , convince , demonstrate , evidence , undoubted , out of doubt , without doubt , doubtless , infallible . OPINION , Conceit , Iudgment , Sentiment , Mind , Tenet , think , suppose , surmise , ween , overween , unanimous , likely , probable , prejudice , apprehend , fancy , repute , deem , Verdict , Sentence , shoot ones bolt . Secondary ; judging of Truth found , as to the Consequence of it , in respect of other things to be concluded from it , or to follow upon it ; in Thesi : or in Hypothesi 7. REASONING , Discussing , Arguing , Ratiocination , Logic. CONJECTURING , Guessing , surmise , divine , mind gives , conceit , Presumption , probable . Importance : or frivolousness of it . 8. ESTEEMING , accounting , prizing , valuing , rating , regard , respect , repute , count of , care for , think well of , set by , stand upon , credit , prefer . CONTEMNING , despising , slighting , undervaluing , disregarding , set at nought , scorn , disdain , abjectness , despicable , vilifie , disesteem , neglect , set light by , make nothing of , I pass not for it , Nickname , pish . III. ACTIONS of the UNDERSTANDING and Judgment PRACTICAL , do concern the enquiry after and taking notice of the Nature of things , with reference to their Goodness or Fitness to any purpose . They are distinguishable , as the former , by their respect to the Vnderstanding ; being either Preparative , in the first Objectization of a business : or the reflexive Thought about it , together with what else one knows of that kind . 1. DELIBERATING , ponder , weigh , forecast . OBSERVING , advert , animadvert , give ear , attend to , heed , regard , give ones mind to , look to , mark , note , mind , pry , peep , watch , take notice , notable , remarkable , oversee , overlook . Operative , in ‖ the comparing of means to find which is expedient : or the Thought resulting from such comparison . 2. CONSIDERATION , revolve , scan , advise , forecast , recognize , premeditate ponder , peruse , study , recount , reflect , review , revise , weigh , bethink , consult , cast in ones mind , retrospection , ruminate . INVENTION , devising , excogitate , find out , make , Author . Iudgment ; Primary ; in judging the thing found to be ‖ agreeable to its end : or disagreeable . More general . 3. APPROVING , liking , allowing , think good , take well , fancy him , find a Bill , currant . DISAPPROVING , disliking , disallowing , disavow , mislike , condemn , explode , reprobate . More special ; according to its motives ; as Proceeding from Causes Extrinsecal ; Warranty ‖ sufficient : or insufficient . 4. TRUST , Confidence , betrust , entrust , rely , repose , enfeoff , recommend , credit , charge , rest upon . DISTRVST , Mistrust , Diffidence , Suspicion , Surmize , Iealousie , Vmbrage , call in question , misgive . Intrinsecal in the means it self ; ‖ conclusive that it is so : or not so conclusive but that it may be otherwise . 5. SATISFACTION , Content , acquiesce , resolve . SCRVPLE , Doubt , dissatisfie . Productive of these Effects ; in ‖ higher : or lower degrees . 6. ASSURANCE , Confidence , sure , certain , resolved , secure , confirm . PERSWASION , think , believe . Secondary ; in judging of expedients found , ‖ as to the use of them , how they are to be ordered and managed : or what is like to be the event of them . 7. CONTRIVING , projecting frame , machinate , plot , forecast , cast about , or in ones mind , find a way , devise , Conveyance . EXPECTING , look for , wait , gaping after , mind gives me , make account , stay for , watch for . IV. ACTIONS OF THE WILL. Under this Head are to be considered the Kinds of such Actions ; belonging either to the End as future ; comprehending Acts more Simple ; Imperfect and diminute ; ‖ for : or against one thing rather then another . 1. INCLINATION , Propensity , Proclivity , Proneness , Forwardness , hankering , having a mind to , Prejudice for , bent , addicted . AVERSION , Prejudice against , unwillingness , coyness , stand off . Impedite and conditional ; ‖ for : or against a thing , if left to it self . 2. VELLEITY , Woulding , Wishing , Desire , List , Vote , Will , Mind , Option , rather . NOLLEITY , Backwardness , go against , grudge , loth , Regret , Reluctancy , think much , rather not , unwilling , with an ill will. Perfect ; denoting ‖ the determining of it self to do , or not to do : or the taking of farther time to consider . 3. PURPOSING , Intention , Decree , destine , determine , appoint , design , resolve , ordain , mean , nonce , bent , minded , set himself , set ones mind , predestinate , preordain . DEMURRING , hesitating , hanging , suspence , stick at , Quandary . Complicate ; towards an object considered as difficult , signifying ‖ the purpose of doing it notwithstanding such Difficulties : or doubting because of such Difficulties . 4. RESOLUTION , Fixedness , determined . WAVERING , fluctuate , hanging , suspence , irresolute , staggering . Means ; Antecedently ; determining what to ‖ take : or leave . 5. ELECTION , chusing , select , Choice , cull , picking , prefer , set aside , Option , Pre-election , predestinate , rather . REIECTION , refuse , Preterition , pass by , cast off , cast aside , cast away , reprobate , repudiate , renounce , explode , out-cast : Consequently ; ‖ continuing in the purpose of using such means : or ceasing such purpose . 6. PROSECUTING , persevere , persist , hold on . DESISTING , giving off , leaving , cease , surcease , end , terminate , determin , stay , rest , pause , forbear , withdraw , falter , supersede , break off , go out , give over , lay aside , or down . End obtained ; as to the ‖ resting : or not resting of the Will in it as good . DELECTATION , Fruition , Rejoycing , Ioy , Gladness , Delight , Comfort , Complacence , Pleasure , Solace , Satisfaction , Content , placid , please , affect , acceptable , delicious , sweet , welcome . DISPLACENCE , Sorrow , Grief , Discomfort , unpleasant , irksom , grievous , Offence-ive , Disgust , Dislike , Distast , stomach , unacceptable grating , malecontent . Affections ; either of the Will it self in its actings ; consisting in ‖ its having a power of applying it self to the doing or not doing this or that : or not having such power . 8 LIBERTY , arbitrary , free , may , may chuse . DETERMINATION TO ONE , must , cannot chuse but , limit , Necessity . Actions of the Will ; denoting ‖ the doing of things according to the free inclinations of our own minds : or the being necessitated by some external impediments to do any thing against such inclinations . 9. SPONTANEITY , of ones own accord , freely , willing , voluntary , with a good will , unbidden , gratis , ready . CO ACTION , Compu●sion , Constraint , Force , enforce , Violence , unwillingness , maugre , perforce , extort , wrench , wrest , in spight , will or nill , driving , pressing , bear down , over-awe . V. Acts of the Sensitive part , namely of the Fancy , and chiefly of the Appetite , whereby the mind is moved and disturbed with the apprehensions of things , are styled PASSIONS , Affection , Perturbation , pathetic . Those amongst these are called more SIMPLE which consist onely of one single Act. They are distinguishable into such as concern things under the notion of New unexpected surprizing : or else things over-common and too much repeated ; without respect to the good or evil of them , being chiefly a disturbance of the Fancy ; styled 1. ADMIRATION , marvel , wonder , amaze , astonish . TAEDIVM , glut , loathing , cloy , dawl , nauseate . Good or Evil which we Wish to happen to them . 2. FAVOUR , Benevolence , Benignity , Grace , Good will , kind propitious , ingratiate , Favorite , Dilling , Well-wisher , make much of . MALIGNITY , Malice , Spite , Pique , Grudge , Prejudice , Despite , Discourtesie , Disfavour , sinister , virulent , malevolent , ill will , ill minded . Apprehend to be in them ; whether Absolute ; flowing from ‖ our general apprehensions of the Worth of things , and our need of them : or the Evil , and our being hurt by them . 3. LOVE , Affection , inamour , dote on smitten , amiable , besotted , amorous , dear , endear , Darling , Minion , Paramour , well-beloved , Likings , Fancy , Philtre . HATRED , Malice , Rancour , Spite , Virulence , odious , abhor , abominate , detest , cannot endure , Grudge , Pique , Heart-burning , cankered , exulcerate . Relative to different notions concerning Both Good and Evil ; considered as Present . 4. MIRTH , Glee , Solace , Chearfulness , Sport , blithe , blissom , buxom , frolick , jolly , jocund , jovial , merry , exhilarate , glad , crank , debonair , comical , pleasant , sanguin , Iubile . GRIEF , Sadness , Sorrow , Melancholy , Heaviness , doleful , deplorable , disconsolate , bitter , pensive , dejected , tragical , ruful , amort , moan , bemoan , wail , bewail , lament , Dump , cast down , vex , trouble , cut , take on , whimper , pule , woe , agony , anguish , mourn , Plaint , Cry , take heavily . Absent and possible . 5. DESIRE , Affection , covet , crave , fain , long for , lust , greedy , Inclination to , hankering , wish , Concupiscence , eager , earnest , importunate , thirst after , have a mind to . AVERSATION , Antipathy , Regret , Reluctancy , Distast , irksom , eschew ▪ shun , avoid , abhor , loath , execrate , cannot endure , or abide , Absent and probable ; as to The nature of the Act. 6. HOPE , Trust , Recumbency , Affiance , Rely . FEAR , Awe , Dread , Terrour , Horrour , Consternation , hideous , dismal , afraid , agast , formidable , horrible , terrible , fright , fray , terrifie , scare , startle , daunt , deterr , dismay , amate , appale , dare not , terrible , Bugbear , Hobgoblin . The greater : or lesser degree of this Probability . 7. CONFIDENCE , Affiance , Trust , build upon , rest upon , rely , repose , secure , pert , in heart , dare , presume , take to . DIFFIDENCE , Suspicion , Iealousie , Mistrust , Distrust , out of heart , faint-hearted , cast down , heartless , misdoubt , misgive . The issue and event ; which as it is represented to have Difficulties in it ‖ either superable : or insuperable ; so it excites . 8. BOLDNESS , Courage , Audacity , daring , sturdy , hardy , stout , venturous , pert , malapert , embolden , presume . DESPAIR , Despondency , forlorn , hopeless , dash , cast down , deadness of heart , heartless , past hope . Evil alone , or opposition from others , wherein there is contempt : to which may be annexed by way of affinity ( though it be not properly a simple Passion ) that particular desire of making such actions whereby others have been injurious to us , to become hurtful to themselves , so as they may be sensible of it . 9. ANGER , Ire , Passion-ate , Wrath , Sharpness , Rage , Outrage , Pett , Choler , Gall , fume , storm , fret , pelt , chafe , vex , take on , inflame , kindle , irritate , inrage , exasperate , incense , provoke , move , sullen , hasty , furious , outragious , mad , look big , placable , appease , stomack , Animosity , heart-burning , irascible , rough , hot , curst , snappish , snarle , snuffle . REVENGE , avenge , Vengeance , vindictive , wreak . VI. MIXED PASSIONS , are such as do not consist of any single Act , but are made up of more then one , to be distinguished by the Object they are conversant about , and by the Simple Passions of which they consist , into such as are Determined either to Good or Evil ; with respect to The particular interest of Repute ; being conversant about Good , which we apprehend to be in it self honourable and worthy , implying ‖ Confidence and Love in the promoting of it : or Confidence and Ioy in the owning of it . 1. ZEAL , ardent , Devotion , earnest , fervent , hot , warm ▪ intent , eager , Zel●t . GLORYING , Triumph , Exultation , boast brag , Eravado , Rodomontado , Thrasonical , crack , crow , vapor , vaunt , Ostentation swagger , vain-glory , flourishing , take a pride . Evil , which we apprehend to be in it self dishonourable and unworthy ; implying ‖ a mixture of Hatred and Aversation against the committing of it : or Sorrow and Diffidence for the committing of it . 2. SCORN , set light by , slight , despise , contemn . SHAME - faced-full-less , abash , bashful , ashamed , out of countenance ▪ confound , quash , dash , Impudence , Turpitude , put to shame . The more general interests belonging to Our selves ; respecting either Good that is dear to us , implying a ‖ mixture of Love , Anger , and Hope , that we may excel others in it : or a mixture of Love , Anger , and Fear , lest we should by others be deprived of it . 3. EMULATION , vy , strive , struggle . JEALOUSIE , Suspicion , surmize . Evil ; whether as done By our selves ; being either ‖ a mixture of Sorrow and Fear upon dissatisfaction in having committed it : or Sorrow and Desire , as wishing it had not been committed . 4. REMORSE , Compunction , Contrition , relent , beshrew , trouble of mind . REPENTANCE , Penitence , rue . By others ; ‖ either a vile thing by any person , or any evil by a vile person ; implying a mixture of Anger and Hatred : or of Anger and Aversation . 5. INDIGNATION , Scorn , dudgeon , fume , murmure . DISDAIN , Scorn . Others ; in respect of the Good befalling them , ( as we think ) ‖ worthily , or unworthily ; implying a mixture of Love and Ioy : or Hate and Grief . 6. JOY FOR THE GOOD OF OTHERS , Gratulation , congratulate , Sympathy . ENVY , Spite-full , invidious , grudge , repine , malign . Evil befalling them , ( as we think ) ‖ worthily , or unworthily ; implying a mixture of Hate and Ioy : or of Love and Grief . 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioy for the evil of others . PITTY , Compassion , commiserate , condole , relent , ruthful , tender , woful , yearn , Bowels ▪ bemoan , bewail , lament , deplore , Sympathy , fellow-feeling . Indetermined either as to Good or Evil , but concerning both consisting in a distraction of the Mind by a conflict of any two contrary Passions : to which may be opposed ( though not so proper to this place ) the transport of the Mind , being wholly possess'd with one Passion : styled 8. AGONY . EXTASIE , Transport , Amazement , Consternation , Maze , Traunce , Rupture , ravish , astonish , extatical . CORPOREAL ACTION . BY CORPOREAL ACTIONS are meant such Actions whose Agent is a Body or Material substance . They are distinguishable into such as are More peculiar to Living creatures ; either more Absolute ; belonging to VEGETATIVES . I. SENSITIVES . II. RATIONALS . III. Relative to the Outward SIGNS OF PASSION . IV. GENERAL Notions belonging to DEMEANOUR . V. Common with them to other things , to which by Analogy they are ascribed , the different kinds of GESTURE . VI. I. Corporeal ACTIONS belonging chiefly to VEGETATIVE Bodies , may be distinguished into such as are either . Primary and more general ; denoting the making : or unmaking of a thing ; the motion towards a new form : or from the precedent form ; styled 1. GENERATION , get , beget , procreate , propagate , breeding , engender , Genesis . CORRVPTION , Dissolution , consume●tion . Secondary and more particular ; relating unto the Conveying , or receiving in that first matter which is to be formed into an animate Body . 2. IMPREGNATION , beget , pregnant , breeding , teeming , conceived , get with child , big , great with child , or egg . CONCEPTION , with child , Superfetation . Bringing forth what hath been thus conceived ; either in due time : or too soon . 3. PARTURITION , Bearing , Birth , Nativity , bringing forth , travail , groning , in labour , lying in , Child-birth , ea●ing , farrowing , kindling , foling , whelping , deliver , Midwife , brought to bed , cry out , lay egg . ABORTION , miscarry , Mischance , cast young , Castling , untimely birth , Slink , still-born . Improvement of what is thus brought forth ; either Peculiar to the Young ; implying that more then ordinary tenderness to be used towards things in that state , ‖ whether more general : or that which is proper to viviparous Animals . 4. FOTION , cherishing , foster , foment , brood , Incubation , hatching . LACTATION , giving suck , suckle , Common to Young and Old ; Antecedent ; ‖ the taking in of sutable and sufficient aliment : or the fitting of this aliment by fermentation . 5. FEEDING , living upon , Aliment , Food . DIGESTING , Concoction , put over . Consequent from the Vnion of the Aliment to the body : and its improving thereby . 6. NOURISHING , Nutrition , maintain , Nutriment . GROWING , come up , increase , improve , thrive , Spring , Proficient Vnion : or disunion , of the Body and Soul. 7. LIVING , Life , quick , alive , enliven , vivifie , revive , survive . vital , Resurrection . DYING , Death , dead-ly , mortal , fatal , dy , decease , depart , expire , give up the ghost , defunct , kill , slay , mortifie , dispatch , Slaughter , Mortality , capital . II. Corporeal ACTIONS belonging to SENSITIVE Bodies , may be distinguished into such as are either More principal and natural ; denoting the kinds of natural Appetite , together with such Actions as tend to the satisfying of them ; relating to the Preservation of the Individuum , as to the desire of Nourishment , for the supply of Decays ; and that either by Food : or Meat . 1. HUNGER , Appetite , Stomach , eager , greedy , ravenous , Famine , sharp-set . EATING , devour , gorging , fall to , Meal , Repast , Refection , Food , Meat , Aliment , edible , Viands , Victuals , fall to ones Meat . Liquor . 2. THIRST , dry . DRINKING , Potion , potulent , potable , quaff , soop , soaking , lap , swill , carouse , sip , tipple , bibble , guzzle , Draught , Drench , Water , Butler , Buttery , Cellar . Rest and refreshment after labour and weariness ; comprehending the Appetite or inclination after this : or the Satisfaction of such Appetite , consisting in a cessation from all Actions of the outward Senses , by a relaxation of the Nerves . 3. DROWSINESS , Heaviness . SLEEPING , asleep , dormant , a Nap , lull , Slumber , narcotic , roost . State supposed , belonging to this Appetite , or the Satisfaction of it , denoting the general Action of the Senses : or the working of the Fancy in sleep . 4. WAKING , awake , watch , Reveiles , raise from sleep . DREAMING . Propagation of the Species . 5. LUST , Salacity , Lechery , Venery , Concupiscence , libidinous , carnal , fleshly , blissom , clicket , proud . COITION , coupling , gendring , lie with , know carnally , Copulation , rutting , tread , venery Less principal and preternatural ; referring to several affections of the Touch , and different kinds of Pain ; being either Proper to the Skin and outward parts ; caused by an agitation of some thin Vapours stopped in their expiration , which is remedied by such a kind of affriction with an edge as doth open the Pores , that the Vapors may transpire . 6. ITCHING . SCRATCHING , Scraping , clawing , Scalping-iron . Common to other parts ; and caused by Distention or compression of the parts : or sharpness of humours . 7. AKING , Ach. PRICKING , Crick , pungent , sharp , Stitch. Diss●pation of the Spirits in the softer parts by a light touch : or corrosion of the membranous parts . 8. TICKLING , Titillation . SMARTING , piercing . Obstruction either in the Nerves or Muscles ; causing ‖ some vellications in the Nerves : or a hot pungent pain in the Muscles . 9. TWITCHING , Vellication , Pinching . TINGLING . III. The Corporeal ACTIONS peculiar to Men , or the several wayes of expressing their mental Conceptions , are either by Articulate sounds ; considered according to The general name , together with the privation of it . 1. SPEAKING , talk , utter-ance , mentioning , Elocution , pronounce , express , deliver , Prolation , Spokes-man , effable , voluble , fluent , say , tell , mutter , mumble , jabber , jargon , vein , Grammar , Rhetoric , Oratory , Eloquence , Prolocutor , nuncupative , by word of mouth . MVTENESS , dumb , speechless , silent , blank , tongue-tied . The defects of speaking , as to ‖ the continuity of speech : or the prolation of some particular letters . 2. STUTTERING , Stammering , falter , hammer . LISPING . The degrees of loudness in speaking ; either ‖ without any vocal sound : or with much noise . 3. WHISPERING , mutter , round in the ear . EXCLAMATION , Acclamation , hollow , hoot , hoop , shout , baul , clamor , cry , Lure , Out-cry , roar , screech , scream , squeak , squeal , loud , lift up ones voice , set out ones throat . The particular kinds of speaking ; referring To such words as we see before us ; either ‖ more perfect : or imperfect . 4. READING , Lecture , Lesson , legible , peruse . SPELLING . To the manner of ordering our voice according to musical Tunes ; either ‖ the more perfect : or the more imperfect attempt . 5. SINGING , Song , Ditty , Ballad , Carol , Canticle , Lay , Ode , Madrigal , Eclogue , canorous , Modulation , chant , Chorister , Quire : CHIRPING , questing , quittle . The several relations of speaking ; when we say that to another which we expect should be ‖ repeated : or written by him . 6. DICTATING , prompting , suggest . ENDITING . Figures representing either words or things , and made either ‖ immediately by mens hands : or by the impression of Types . 7. WRITING , penning , drawing , engrossing , Hand , Manuscript , subscribe , superscribe , inscribe , transcribe , Postscript , interline , indorse , scrawle , scrible , rude draught , Pen-man , Scribe , Writer , Scrivener , Secretary , Clerk , Note , Ticket , Docket , Short-hand , Tachygraphy , Brachygraphy , Cryptography , set ones hand , set down , take or put in writing , enter into book , write out fair . PRINTING , Imprint , Impression , typographical , Type , Press , put in Print . IV. The OUTWARD SIGNS OF our inward PASSIONS , are either More peculiar to some single Passions ; as to Admiration : or Sating ; Straining the ‖ eyes : or the brows . 1. STARING . MOVING THE BROWS . Love : or Hate ; expansion : or contraction of the Muscles of the Face . 2. SMILING , sm●rking , snearing , simper : LOWRING , powting , scowling , frowning , grinning , look sowre . Mirth : or Sorrow . 3. LAUGHING , deride , ridiculous , giggle , chuckle , tihi , flicker . WEEPING , mourn , cry , Tears , wailing , Plaint , bemoan , bewail , lament , blubber , shed tears , whining . Desire : or Aversation ; scruing the body : or wagging the head . 4. WRIGLING . MOVING THE HEAD , Nodd. Hope : or Fear ; expressed either by the Body or parts of it ; being ‖ moved once and quick : or oft and continuedly : or deprived of motion . 5. STARTING , flinching . TREMBLING , quaking , shaking , shudering , Trepidation , quivering , shiver , quaver , chatter . RIGOR , Horrour , Stifness . Breath ; ‖ emitted short and quick : or emitted slow and long : or sucked up suddenly . 6. HUFFING , snuff , puff . SIGHING , Sobbing . SVCKING up the breath , sniff . Confidence and Diffidence : or Boldness and Despair ; setting the hands against the sides : or heaving up the shoulders . 7. KEMBOING . SPANISH SHRUG . Anger : or Revenge ; by emission of the breath ; either ‖ vocal , but not articulate : or articulate , but not distinctly intelligible . 8. GRONING . GRUMBLING . More common to several Passions ; by discolouring the countenance ‖ with a greater degree of Redness then doth belong to the natural hue ; appertaining either to Joy , Love , Desire , but chiefly to Shame : or else with Whiteness ; belonging to those more violent perturbations of Grief , Anger , &c. but chiefly to Fear . 9. BLUSHING , flush . PALENESS , wan , ghastly , pallid , appale . V. The general notions belonging to DEMEANOUR , Carriage , Comportment , Deportment , Garb , behave , or the manner of our conversing towards one another in respect of such Corporeal Actions as either custom or common opinion hath put a decency and fitness upon , are considerable ; either according to the More general kinds ; denoting The endeavour to express our respect to others , by ‖ going to them : or staying by them or for them . 1. VISITING , go to see . WAITING , Attend-ance , serve , Retinue , Train , Valet , Page , Lacquey , stay for , tarry for , tend . The congress or meeting of others , in respect of ‖ our applying our selves to them : or their receiving or using of us . 2. ADDRESSING , accost . ENTERTAINING , treat , entreat , usage , reception , welcome . The kinds of gesture , or words , signifying respect . 3. SALUTATION , caressing , accost , greet , hail , commendations . More special kinds ; consisting in Gestures . At a distance ; by bowing of the ‖ Body : or Knees . 4. CONGEEING , cringe , duck , make a leg , crouch . CURCHEEING , Genuflexion . Near ; either more ▪ Rustic . 5. CLAPPING . SHAKING HANDS . Gentile ; by joyning of the ‖ Body : or Face . 6. EMBRACING , clasping , clip , coll , grasp , hug , twine . KISSING , Smack . Words ; whereby we express Our ‖ esteem of others : or our business with them . 7. COMPLEMENTING , Courtliness , Caressing . CONFERRING , commune , parley , talk , treat , speak with , Dialogue . Our good wishes to others ; either at our ‖ first meeting : or parting . 8. SALVEDICTION , accost , greet , hail . VALEDICTION , adieu , farwell , take leave . VI. GESTURE , Action , Behaviour , Gesticulation , Mimic , doth denote such an Animal action or motion as alters the situation of the whole or parts of the body : To which the word POSTURE , Position , may be annexed by way of affinity ; signifying the situation in which such motion is determined . The several kinds of these Gestures and Postures ( which are applicable likewise to inanimate things ) do refer either to the weights being incumbent upon something . Below it : And these are distinguished according to the imaginary progress of that body or the parts of it , Vpward ; either more Direct . 1. RISING , arise , raise , rouse , ly up , sit up , stand up , rear , elevate , lift up , erect , exalt , Resurrection STANDING , Station-ary , Footing , Perch , Rampant , Oblique . Keeping the height , and Inlarging the terms . 2. STRETCHING , retching , extending , Distention , Expansion , produce , sprein , strein , draw out . SPREAD , square . Narrowing the terms . 3. SHRINKING , contracting , Coar●tation , couch , gather up . CRUMPLE , snudge . Altering the height , by motion of the Trunk . 4. STOOPING , crouch , bow , bend , couring . LEANING , lolling , Recumbency , stay or rest upon ▪ Lower Limms . Hipps . 5. SITTING , set , sedentary , seat SATE , squat . Knees . 6. KNEELING , Genuflexion , fall on knees . ON KNEES . Downward ; either more Direct . 7. FALLING , fell , cast down , sink . LYING , Prostration , groveling , lay , along , all along , flat , level , couch . Oblique . 8. TURNING . REVERSE , inverted . Above it ; whether ‖ partly : or wholly ; each of which is either motion or rest . 9. CLINGING . HANGING , pendent , suspended , dangling . MOTION . THat Action whereby things do pass from one place to another is styled MOTION , move , remove , stir , , wag , shake , quetch , shog , jog , start , jerk , budge , dislodge , flitting , shuffle , shuttle , rummage , agitation , going , passing , transferr , place , make a stirr . REST , Quiet , still , unmoved , repose , sedate , settle , stand , stay , stand or ly still , Requiem , ease , Pause , acquiesce , settle , sit , lodge , lull , Sabbath , dead of the night , take rest . By the word Motion here is meant Local Motion , which doth alwayes accompany Corporeal Action , upon which account many of the Species under this Head might , if there were convenient room for them , be reckoned under the former ; but their places here may serve sufficiently to express and distinguish them . This Local Motion of bodies may be distinguished into Natural . Of the whole ; more General , respecting the Kinds of Animal PROGRESSIVE MOTION . I. Particular , referring to the VARIOUS NOTIONS OF GOING . II. Of the parts ; considered More largely ; as belonging to ANIMAL ACTION IN COMMON . III As restrained to the Acts of PURGATION . IV. EXERCISE . V. VIOLENT MOTION according to the several kinds of it . VI. I. Kinds of ANIMAL PROGRESSION , may refer either to Beasts ; more ‖ perfect : or imperfect . 1. GOING , gressive , a Step , Pace , Gate . HALTING , Cripple , lame , limp , hobble , foundred . Birds ; in the Air ; by the motion of the wings : to which may be annexed that other kind of Motion of the wings whereby Birds use to keep themselves up in the same place with little or no Progression . 2. FLYING , fluttering , soar , volatile , toure . HOVERING . Water ; either ‖ upon it : or into and under it . 3. FLOTING . DIVING , duck , plunge . Fish ; either ‖ more generally within the water : or more specially downwards into it . 4. SWIMMING , launch . SINKING . Insects ; as Grashoppers and Fleas , &c. the more ‖ perfect : or imperfect . 5. LEAPING , skipping , jump , frisk , spring , caper , curvet , bound . HOPPING . Ants ▪ or Worms , &c. 6. CREEPING , crawl , sprawl , reptile . WRIGLING , insinuate , scrue or wind himself in . Though each of these Motions do principally belong to such kinds of living Creatures , yet are they not so to be restrained to them but that they may be truly ascribed to others . II. The several MODES OF GOING ; may be distinguished into The Self-motion or Ition of Animals ; On an ordinary Plain or declivity ; according to the Lesser : or greater degrees of Velocity . 1. WALKING , Ambulation , Procession , Perambulation , go , wade , Ford , waddle , Lacquey , Path , foot it , trip along . RUNNING , galloping , Career , Course , Race , start , Goal , outstrip , Footman . Different Motion of the four legs ; ‖ when either those of one side move together : or when they move cross and diagonally . 2. AMBLING , pacing , thorough-paced . TROTTING , prancing . Different Extensions ‖ of the body according to height : or of the legs according to wideness . 3. STALKING , jetting ▪ strutt , portly going . STRADLING , stride , a-stride , div●ricate . Different Modes , whether more ‖ regular : or irregular . 4. STEDDY . STAGGERING , reeling , Vacillation , Tottering . On a very smooth Plain . 5. SLIDING , glide , slipping . STUMBLING , Titubation , blunder , falter , lapse , slip , trip . On a difficult Declivity , ‖ upwards : or downwards . 6. CLIMBING , clambering , foaling . TUMBLING . The being carried by something else ; on ‖ the Land : or Water . 7. RIDING , being horsed or mounted , taking horse , Post-ilion . SAILING , Navigation , Voiage , launch , take water or ship , embark , wast III. Animal MOTIONS belonging to the various parts , are either More principal ; Of the Heart originally , and from thence of the Bloud in the Arteries : to which may be adjoyned the Motion of the Guts . 1. PULSE , throb , beat . PERISTALTIC . Of the Lungs , ‖ more general , or the Sound made by some impediment of breathing through the Nose . 2. RESPIRATION , breathing , fetch wind , draw breath , take breath . SNORTING , snoring . Less principal ; of the Mouth and Thorax ; by the forcible ‖ emission , or attraction of Breath . 3. BLOWING , puffing , blast . SVCTION , supping ▪ sip , soop , drawing , emulgent , snuff up . Diaphragm or Stomach ; agitated by a convulsive Motion ‖ upwards , or downwards . 4. SOBBING . HICCOUGH , Yex . Iaws ; by a Repeated Motion in the ‖ first , or second preparation of Food . 5. MASTICATION , chewing , champ , gnawing , browzing , mumble . RUMINATION , chewing the cud . Single Motion ; to which may be annexed that Motion of the musculous parts of the body , caused by some flatulent vapours . 6 ▪ YAWNING , gape , Oscitation , gasp . PANDICULATION , retching , stretching . Tongue , or Throat . 7. LICKING , lap , slap . SWALLOWING , gulp , ingurgitate , devour , pouch , gobble . IV. Those kinds of Actions whereby several Animals do cast off such excrementitious parts as are offensive to nature are styled PURGATION , voiding , evacuating , Excrement , fluxing : to which may be opposed the Notion of BINDING , costive , styptic , restringent , astringent . These Motions may be distinguished by the kinds of parts so amoved ; either the more Vaporous and windy ; from the Head. 1. SNEEZING , neeze , Sternutation . Stomach upwards , or Guts downwards . 2. BELCHING , parbreak , breaking wind upwards . FARTING , breaking wind downwards , Scape . Serous and watry ; from the Whole habit of the body . 3. SWEATING , Exudation , diaphoretic , sudorific , all in a water . TRANSPIRATION , breathing , Evaporation , Effluvium , Perspiration . Head. 4. SPITTING , Salivate●ion , Spittle , bespit , spawl , bespawl , slaver , drivel , Flux . BLOWING THE NOSE , mucous , Snivel , Snot . Lungs and Chest. 5. COUGHING . EXCREATION , haking , hemming . Greater or lesser Veins . 6. BLEEDING , opening a Vein , Phlebotomy , let bloud , draw blood , Lancet . SCARIFYING , lance . Skin . 7. BLISTERING , Vesication , caustic . CUPPING . Bladder . 8. URINING , piss , make water , hold ones water , stale , diuretic , Diabetes , Dysury . Consistent and gross parts ; from the ‖ Stomach upwards , or the Guts downwards . VOMITING , spewing , casting , disgorging , puke , regurgitate , retching . DUNGING , purging by siege , going to stool , scour , Draught , Lask , laxative , Loosness , muting , soluble , solutive , Muck , Ordure , Siege , Stool , Sir-reverence , excrement , easment , ease the belly , Iakes , Privy , House of office .. V. By RECREATION , Diversion , Pastime , Sport , Exercise , are meant those several kinds of Actions which are used for divertisement or Exercise : to which may be annexed the word GAME , Play , Prize , signifying such kind of Exercises , wherein there is an endeavour for Mastery . These are either of the Mind ; depending upon Chance onely ; according to ‖ the more general name : or that particular kind which is most frequent by marked Cubes . 1. LOT , Sortition , Cuts , Ballot , cast or draw Lots . DICE , a Dy , cock-all , rifle . Chance and Skill . 2. CHARTS . TABLES . Skill onely . 3. CHESS . DRAUGHTS . Body ; in respect of The whole ; requiring Strength and Skill . 4. BOWLING . BALLING , Tennis , Foot ball , Stool-ball , Sto-Ball . Pel-mel . Agility and Skill . 5. DANCING , Masking , Revels , a Ball , Morice , Mumming . VAULTING . Strength Agility and Skill . 6. WRESTLING , grapling , strugling , striving , handy gripes , strike up ones heels . FENCING , Gladiator , Tilting , Tournament , justling , play at weapon or foils . The Eye , or the Ear. 7. SIGHTS , Shews , Theatre , Amphitheatre , Pageants , Spectacle . MUSIC , Serenade , strein , aer , tune , prelude , Waits , Crowd , Fiddle-er , Minstrel , play on an Instrument . VI. The general kinds of VIOLENT MOTION , may be distributed according to the effects upon the thing moved , into such as denote Translation into a new place ; comprehending Motion together ; when the Mover sustains the thing moved : to which may be annexed by way of affinity that other Action , by which one thing sustains , or hinders the falling of another . 1. CARRYING , bring , convey , bear , serve , import , waft , weare about one , portable , portage , porter , baggage , vehicle , fare , beer , packhorse . BEARING , supporting , sustain , hold up , prop , shore up , stay up , uphold , carry , stand under , shoulder up , bolster up . Amotion , when the Mover and Moved do at the beginning cease to be contiguous : or Admotion , when the thing moved doth end in a contiguity of something else . 2. CASTING , throwing , fling , hurl , project , inject , eject , ding , pelt , toss , coit , sling . CATCHING , apprehend , lay hold , snatch , lay hands on , grapple , graspe , scamble . Often returns into the same place ; according to ‖ greater or less degrees . 3. SWINGING , Vibration , waving , brandish , agitate , exagitate , to and fro , flourish , rock , sway , dangling , pendulous , wield . SHAKING , Quassation , Concussion , jogging , agitate , dandle , wag , swag , sway , jolt , totter , flutter , shatter , waving . Some impression from the Mover ; according to the more General name : or that which is from an obtuse hard body . 4. STRIKING , Percussion , smite , bang , beat , bast , buffet , cuff , dash , hit , swinge , thump , thwack , Blow , Stripe , slap , flap , rap , tap , kick , wince , spurn , bob , box , fillip , whirret , yerke , pummel , punch , rebuff , repercussion , collision , gnash , skittish , interfere , let fly at , KNOCKING , beating , Blow , butt , Mallet , battering , jobbing , Ramm . Particular kind ; by the end of a thing , more ‖ obtuse , or acute . 5 POUNDING , braying , Contusion , stamp . PECKING , Mattock , Pick-ax . Dissolution of Vnion in the same body ; according to The Stiffness , or Limberness of the body wherein it is made . 6. BREAKING , Fracture , Rupture , burst , Crack , Crash , Squash , Dash , Flaw , Shatter , shiver , crumble . TEARING ▪ torn , dilacerate , rend , rent , ragged , tattered , flittered , jagged , pull in pieces . The Figure of the body by which it is made ; either ‖ an edge , or a point . 7. CUTTING , Incision gash , slash , hack , hew , chop , rip , chip , snip , slice , section , segment , carve , dissect , whittle , barb , pare , top , lop , curtail , dock , sharpe , keen , Hatchet , Pole-ax . PRICKING , stabbing , Goad , pungent , runn in thrust in , goar . OPERATION . THe sundry kinds of works about which men of several Callings use to imploy themselves , are usually styled by the name of OPERATION , Labor-ious , Pains , Travail , Toil , moil , Turmoile , drudg , droil , work , handy-work , Ply , cooperate , take pains , lay about him . PLAY , Sport , lusory , dally . These are either More Common and general ; relating to MECHANICAL FACULTIES . I. MIXED MECHANICAL Operations . II. More Particular ; belonging to the providing of Food , AGRICULTURE . III. Houses , or Utensils , FABRILE Arts IV. Clothing , SARTORIAN Trades V. Physic , CHYMICAL , Pharmaceutical Operations . VI. I. OPERATIONS belonging to the MECHANICAL Faculties , are either such as do refer to the Lever ; for the forcible motion of a thing ‖ upwards , or downwards . 1. LIFTING , heave , hoise , advance , elevate , exalt , Lever , Crow , Crane . DEPRESSING , strein , stress , weigh down . Balance ; for ‖ trial of the weight of things , or the preponderating of one side . 2. LIBRATING , balancing . BIASSING , preponderate . Wedge ; for the dividing of hard tough bodies ; to which may be opposed the thrusting of them close together . 3. CLEAVING , rive , slit , sp●it , Cle●t , Chink , Chap , Crevise . COMPRESSING , crib , gripe , pinching , press , squeezing , straining , wring , nip , twing throng , crowd , crush , Constipation , bulge . Pully ; when the mover and moved continue their Contiguity in ‖ admotion , or amotion . 4. PULLING , pluck , tow , tug , lugg , twing , twitch , draw , drag , Draught , hale , Revulsion , vellication , distract . THRVSTING , push , shove , drive , rush , justle , repell , extrude , intrude , press , throng , crowd , cramm . farce , wedge in , vennue , run at , foin at . Wheel ; by ‖ continued turning about , or rolling backward or forward . 5. VERTIGINATING , turning round , Revolution , wheeling , Rotation , twirl , whirl , spinn , role round . VOLUTATION , tumbling , rolling , wallow , welter , rock , trundle , waddle . Screw ; to which may be adjoyned for some affinity the action of that concave Instrument used for the projection of water . 6. SCREWING , Winch. SYRINGING , squirting , spirt , spouting . Spring ; wherein there is a motion of restitution : to which may be annexed for its affinity the forcible putting a thing out of its natural tension and posture . 7. SPRINGING , elastical , fillip . BENDING , bow , warp , crooke . II. Those are styled MIXED MECHANICAL OPERATIONS , which are not appropriate to any one kind of Art , but are general and common to many . These do concern the. Vniting or seperating of several bodies ; considered more Simply . 1. BINDING , gird , Band , Bond , Bundle , Packet , Fardle , sheafe , faggot , tack , lace , swaddle , swa●hing , trussing , girt , surcingle . LOOSENING , unbind , undoe , solve , lax , slack ▪ relaxation . Relatively to the affections of binding ; viz. fastning of the bond ‖ by a knot , or confused kinds of knots . 2. TYING , Knot , Node , bracing , buckling , coupling fastning , knit , furling . TANGLING , entangle , hamper , ravel , perplex , snarled , felter , intricate , involved , Intrigues , extricate , complicate , insnare , Labyrinth . Concealing , or manifesting ; either more Common . 3. COVERING , heal , Veil , shroud , hide , whelm , stop , Canopy , Hood , Lid , palliate , cloake , overlay , overrun , overshadow . VNCOVERING , open , expose , discover , shew , reveal , naked , unmask , unveil . Special ; relating to Containing bodies . 4. SHUTTING , stop , close , inclosing , immure , exclude , seclude , recluse , obstruct , Wink , fold up , pinn vp , sowe up , seal up , corke up , lute up , lock up , put to the door . OPENING , breaking up , disclose , display , Expansion , gap , Slade , Aperture , unstop , expose , lay or set open . Putting of things ‖ nearer together , or farther asunder ; either More general . 5. GATHERING , Collect-ion , assemble , convene , compile , levy , raise men or money , Receiver , rake or scrape together , rally , glean , pick up . SCATTERING , discuss , disperse , dissipate , sprinkle , strew , inspersion . More particular ; with reference to the Capacity of Consistent bodies , and such as are not supposed to be contained . 6. HEAPING , accumulate , amass , lay up , stow , pile , Stack , Mow , Cock , Rick , Shock , Drift , Dunghill , mixen . SPREADING , diffuse , Expansion , display , Suffusion , strew , run , plash , lay cloth . Fluid Bodies , and such as are supposed to be contained in something . 7. FILLING , replenish , Repletion , full , plenary , sated , stow , cram , stuff , farse , recruit . EMPTYING , evacuate , vacant , Vacuity , rid , void , exhaust , Chasm , clear , lanke , lave , draw dry . Motion of bodies , chiefly fluids ; according to ‖ the more general name : or that which is involuntary , and besides intention . 8. POURING , Effusion , Infusion , gush , guggling , yewer , Tunnel . SPILLING , shedding , run out , s●eth over . III. OPERATIONS belonging to AGRICULTURE , do concern either The Ground , or Land ; in respect of Loosning it ; either ‖ by single persons : or by the help of drawing Beasts . 1. DIGGING , delve , break up , spit , spade . PLOWING , tilling , breaking up , coulter , share . Breaking the clods , and smoothing the surface . 2. HARROWING . ROLLING . Helping or directing the Fertility of the ground , by ‖ adding some new matter ▪ or removing the impediments of noxious Plants . 3. MANURING , cultivate , dunging , marling , soiling , Tilth , culture . WEEDING . The Grane or Seed , chiefly of Herbs ; in respect of Putting it into the ground , or taking it off from the ground upon its maturity . 4. SOWING , seminate . REAPING , mowing , Crop , Harvest , Sithe , Sickle , stubble , swarth . Separating of it from ‖ the straw , or lesser husks . 5. THRESHING , Flail . WINNOWING , Fan , Ventilation . The Propagation of Trees or Shrubs chiefly , by Putting the Root of the Plant in the ground ; to which may be adjoyned the putting of Grain segregately into the ground , which is sometimes used for Pulse . 6. PLANTING , implant . SETTING . Ioyning a part of one Plant to another ; either ‖ to the top of the body , or some branch being cut , or to the sides of the body . 7. GRAFTING , ingraft , Imp. INOCOLATING . Cutting off superfluous Branches ; to which may be adjoyned the cutting down of the whole . 8. PRUNING , dressing , cutting , coping . FELLING , grubb , wood-fall . IV. By FABRILE OPERATIONS , ( Smith , Carpenter , Mason , &c. ) are meant all such kind of works as do primarily concern our Houses or Utensils , whether for necessity , or ornament : to which may be adjoyned those Operations which concern the making of Earthen ware , styled FIGULATORY , Potter . These are distinguishable into such as denote Dissolution of Continuity ; either by Seperating of some thin parts from the surface of a body by rubbing with an edge : or breaking the body it self into minute parts by percussion with some obtuse body . 1. SHAVING , scraping , raze , razour . CONTUSION , bruising , pounding , stamping , braying , morter , pestle , Dividing from a body some small parts ; either ‖ by affriction upon a stone , or with an iron instrument . 2. GRINDING , attrition , Grist , Querne , Mill. FILING , Raspe . Dividing the parts of a body , by cutting it , either ‖ in roundish cavities , or in oblong scissures . 3. BORING , perforate , foraminate , pierce , Bodkin , Dril , Awle , Gimlet , Wimble , Trepann , Awgre . SAWING , Saw , whipsaw , &c. Vniting either of metalline or other bodies by some third body adhering . 4. SODERING , Cement , luting . GLUING , cementing , glutinous , conglutinate . Shaping of bodies into particular figures ; either by Hammering , or melting . 5. FORGING . CASTING , melt , founding , fusile , molde . Cutting , either ‖ a solid and bulky , or a flat figure . 6. CARVING , Sculpture . GRAVING , ingrave , etching . Compressing of a soft body ; or circumagitating either a soft : or hard body . 7. KNEADING , moulding , plastic . TURNING , Lath. Adorning the surface of the body ; either by ‖ variety of colours : or adding an external lustre to it . 8. PAINTING , limn , draw , enamel , fucus , pensil . VARNISHING , size . V. SARTORIAN OPERATIONS do concern either the Preparation of stuffs ; by Making several vegetable or animal substances into Thred . 1. TWISTING , tortion , wreath , writhing , twine , winding . SPINNING , Spinster , Rock , Distaff . Ioyning such Threds together into Cloth. 2. WEAVING , Texture , Contexture , Loom , Web , braid , woven , Hurdle , Shuttle , Wicker , Matt. KNITTING . Thickning and colouring such Cloth. 3. FULLING , milling , Fuller . DYING , stain , Tincture , tinge , in grain . Making of Stuffs into Vests ; either by Vniting necessary , and cutting off unnecessary parts . 4. SOWING , Stitch , Seam-ster , Suture , Welt , Needle , dearn , quilt , draw cloth , rip . CLIPPING , Scissors , shear , shorn , cut . Placing together the parts in ‖ greater , or lesser plicatures . 5. FOLDING , wrap , lap , pleit , clinching , clutching , doubling , invelop . CURLING , crisping , frizling , furling . Preserving of such Stuffs or Vests clean ; common likewise to other things . By the help of Water or liquor ; either when Things are put into , and agitated in the water ; to which may be opposed the putting upon them other bodies of a more gross consistence ; styled 6. WASHING , scouring , Lotion , rince , Laver , Laundress , gargling . SMEARING , daubing , anoint , ointment , Vnction , greaze , chrism ; and many with [ be ] as bespaul , spit , spue , sprinkle . Water is imbibed and communicated to the thing ; to which may be adjoyned , for its affinity , the putting of things into liquor , in order to the communicating of some new quality to such liquor . 7. SOAKING , steeping , embrewing , macerating , watering Land , &c. bathing , imbibe , sinke , sop , brewis , embrew . INFUSION , watering Fish , &c. macerate , Decoction , impregnate . By external Motion of or upon them , ‖ more , or less violent . 8. RUBBING , scrape , Friction , Frication , scrub , chafe , Attrition , fret , gall , scowr , taw , grate . WIPING , stroke , terse , handkerchief , towel , napkin . By Instruments to seperate those minuter bodies which adhere to the superficies . 9. BRUSHING , sweeping , Beesom , Whisk , Brush , Broom , Maukin . COMBING , carding , currying . VI. By CHYMICAL OPERATIONS are meant such kind of works as tend to the changing of bodies , with respect to the Position and Figure of their minuter parts . By this , amongst other ends , Medicaments are usually prepared ; for which reason , those kind of Operations styled PHARMACEUTICAL , belonging to the Apothecary , may be hereunto annexed . The Operations belonging to this Head , do concern the changing and preparing of Bodies ; either by Instruments , for the reduction of them into minute parts ; ‖ by compression and affriction betwixt two hard bodies : or by separating the parts so reduced , through a porous Plain . 1. GRINDING . SIFTING , bolting , Sieve , siercing , ranging . Liquors ; either Changing the Consistence of bodies ; by reducing them into ‖ a more liquid : or a more dry consistence . 2. DISSOLUTION , melt , liquefie dissolve , thaw , fusil , flux , run about . COAGVLATION , congealing , Clod , Curd , Gelly , Clot-tered , Gore , Concretion , grumous . Dividing hard bodies into minute parts ; ‖ by an acid liquor , through which such parts are dispersed : or the sinking down of such parts to the bottom , by the mixture of some other liquor . 3. CORROSION , eating , fretting , gnawing , caustic . PRECIPITATION , settling . Separating of these parts from the liquor ; by passing them through a porous body ; either ‖ downward : or both upward and downward . 4. STRAINING , Percolation , squeeze , Colender . FILTRATION , filtre . Heat ; applicable chiefly either to Liquid bodies ; which being kept for some considerable time in a gentle heat , upon this usually follows ; either the Loosning the inward parts of such bodies , so as by agitation they work one upon another ; styled 5. DIGESTION . FERMENTATION , work , fret , Leven , Yeast , Barm , Rennet . Separating of the finer parts ▪ by raising them up in the form of a Liquor : or the farther separating of the more spirituous from the watery parts of this liquor . 6. DISTILLATION , Still , Limbeck , cohobation . RECTIFYING . Hard and solid bodies ; either by Driving away the more watery and volatil parts , and leaving the more solid : or raising the volatil parts in the form of a Salt. 7. CHARRING , chark , Tinder . SUBLIMING , Sublimation . Burning away the combustible parts of a body : or turning the parts remaining after such burning into a liquor . 8. CALCINATION . LIXIVIATION , deliquiate , Lye , Buck. CHAP. X. Concerning Relation more private , namely , I. Oeconomical or Family Relation , together with the several kinds of things relating to those in that capacity , either as , II. Possessions ; or , III. Provisions . THE Species of Relation are the most numerous amongst the Tables of Accidents , by reason of their mixed natures , comprehending both Substances , Qualities and Actions , as they are circumstantiated by some peculiar respects , according to which they are here considered . More private Relation may be distinguished into such as denote ; either Those Personal respects or Actions , which belong to the first kind of Association of Men into Families ; called OECONOMICAL RELATION . Those things which are necessary to the well being of Families , either as POSSESSIONS . PROVISIONS . OECONOMICAL RELATION . THat respect wherein one man may stand to another , according to the first and most natural kind of association of men into Families , is styled OECONOMICAL RELATION , Family , Houshold , domestic , menial , House , Home . The Notions belonging to this Head , may be distinguished into such as signifie ; either Personal Relations , of CONSANGUINITY . I. AFFINITY . II. SUPERIORITY , or Inferiority . III. EQUALITY . IV. Oeconomical Duties referring to Education ; consisting either in WORDS . V. DEEDS . VI. I. Those who partake of the same Bloud , are styled Relations of CONSANGUINITY , Kin , kindred , Bloud , House , Stem , Stock . These are distinguishable into such as are ; either more General ; denoting such as have ‖ preceded , or succeeded . 1. PROGENITOR , Ancestor , Forefather , Extraction , Parentage , Elders , Pedegree , Genealogy . DESCENDANT , Lineage , Off-spring , Race , Issue , Progeny , Generation , Posterity , Stock , Breed , Kind , Extraction , Stem , spring from . Special ; whether Direct ; ‖ ascending , or Descending . 2. PARENT , Sire , Father , Mother , Dam , paternal , maternal , Grandsire , &c. Orphan . CHILD , Issue , Son , Daughter , Brood , Litter , filial , adopt , Posthume . Lateral ; either ‖ Ascending , or descending . 3. UNCLE , Aunt . NEPHEW , Niece . Equal . Immediate ; whether ‖ by both Parents , or by one 4. BROTHER , Sister-hood . HALF BROTHER . Mediate ; either ‖ Brothers Children , or their Descendants . 5. FIRST COSIN , - German . COSIN . II. Those respects which do either refer unto or arise from a state of Marriage , whereby persons are mutually ingaged to Fidelity and Constancy , are styled Relations of AFFINITY , Alliance , Kindred . These are distinguishable into such as do concern either That state preceding whereby persons are rendred capable of it as to their ‖ not being married : or not having coupled with any other person . 1. COELEBS , Single life , Bachelour , Damosel , Maid . VIRGIN , Maid . The endeavour after Marriage ; wherein , if several persons stand in competition , there doth thence arise this double Relation . 2. SUTER , Paramor , Sweet-heart , Mistress , Servant , woo , canvase court , make love ▪ RIVAL , Corrival , Competitor . The first beginning of this Affiance , by a mutual Promise in order to the consummating of it . 3. BETROTHED , contracted , Spouse , espouse , Affiance , sure . The full completing of it by all its Solemnities . 4. MARRIED , Matrimony , Wed-ding , Match , Mate , nuptial , conjugal , Husband , Wife , Yoke-fellow , Spouse , Bride-groom , Bains , Dower , Bygamy , Polygamy , Hymen , Epithalamium . The state resulting from a dissolution of it by Death . 5. WIDOWER , Dowager , Relict , Iointer . III. Relations of SUPERIORITY , Betters , and INFERIORITY , Vnderlings , do originally belong to Families , in which was the first kind of Government , and from thence are derived all the secondary Relations which follow ; respecting either Minors ; as to their Souls and Religion . 1. GODFATHER , Godmother , Gossip , stand for . GODCHILD . Bodies ; in respect of ‖ nourishing : or being nourished . 2. FOSTERER , Nurse , educate . NVRSLING . Minds ; ‖ instructing : or being instructed in any Science or Art. 3. TEACHER , Master , Tutor , institute , instruct , inform , indoctrinate , Doctrine , Document , docil , Lecture , Lesson , train , discipline , enter , read to , Rabbi . LEARNER , Apprentice , Disciple , Pupil , Scholar , Puny , Neophyte , young beginner , Student . Estates . 4. GUARDIAN , Tutor , Tuition . PUPIL , Minority , Ward-ship , under-age , non-age . Majors or Minors ; in respect of Habitation ; as supreme : or subordinate ; whether in a relation More fixed . 5. MASTER OF THE FAMILY , House-wife , Good man of the house . DOMESTIC , of the houshold , menial . More occasional . 6. HOST , Landlord , boord , tabling , sojourn , entertain , Inn , Hospitality , Inholder . GVEST , Boorder , Sojourner , quarter , lodge , lie , tabling , at livery . Power to command : or Duty to obey . 7. MASTER , Lord , Sir , Mistress , Dame , Madam , Lady ▪ SERVANT , Servitor , Minister , Man , Maid , Handmaid , servile , administer , Hind , Iourneyman , Prentice , Waiter , Lacquey , Footman , Page , Livery . Benefits ‖ conferred : or received . 8. BENEFACTOR , Courtesie , Kindness , Favour , Service , Good turn , Pleasure , gratifie , oblige , ingage , good office , Patron . BENEFICIARY , beholding , bound , obliged , ingaged humble Servant . General obligation of ‖ protecting others : or being under such Protection . 9 PATRON - age , support , dedicate . DEPENDANT , Retainer , Cadet , Client , Follower , Retinue , wait . IV. Relations of EQUALITY or Fellowship ( as was said concerning those of the former Difference ) do originally belong to persons in an Oeconomical capacity ; though they are not in the strictest sense to be so confined , but they are likewise applicable to persons upon other considerations . These are founded ; either upon Mutual Love : or Hatred , which should be chiefly upon the account of Vertue : or Vice. 1. FRIEND - ship , Confident , Privado , intimate , all one , being in with , Amity , amicable , befriend , great with , strike in with , kind ▪ attone . ENEMY , Adversary , Foe , Antagonist , Opposite , Opponent , Feud , Hostility , Odds , Spite , Enmity , being out with , fall out with , adverse party . Conversation with others , chiefly upon the account of Pleasure ; or Segregation from others . 2. COMPANION , Compeer , Associate , Fellow , Match , Mate , Consort , Society , Sociable-ness , Comrade , Collegue , Complice , Concomitant , Gossip , associate , accompany , Crew , Gang , keep company with . SOLITARY , lonesom , alone , onely , recluse , sole , single , Solitude , by it self , retired , desolate , several , aside . Near : or remote Habitation . 3. NEIGHBOUR , adjacent , vicinity . FOREINER , Alien , exotic , extraneous , peregrine , outlandish . Particular Knowledge : or Ignorance of others . 4. ACQUAINTANCE , Familiar-ity , conversant . STRANGER , strange , alienate , unacquainted , uncouth , alien . Dealings with others . Iointly ; as one party . 5. PARTNER , Copartner , Partizan , Sharer , impart , joyn , communicate , Communion , halves , joynt-stock , partake . Mutually ; as party and party . 6. CUSTOMER . V. The chief Oeconomical Duties ( which are likewise applicable to other Relations ) are those which concern the due Government of persons in this capacity , chiefly of the inferiour and younger sort , styled by the general name of EDUCATION , institute , train , breed , bring up , seminary . Education Duties consisting in WORDS do respect either A thing to be done , or forborn ; expressing to others our Desires , or their Duties . Simply ; to persons Inferior ; ‖ for it : or against it . 1. COMMAND , require , bid , impose , charge , injoyn , exact , appoint , prescribe , Mandate , Precept , Injunction , Commandment , Imperative , Warrant , will. FORBID , Prohibit-ion , interdict , inhibit , barr , contraband , countermand . Equal ; ‖ for it : or against it . 2. PERSUADE , exhort , suasory , move , press , win , cajole , Motive , Inducement , ductile , exorable , pliable , flexible , draw in , Eloquence . DISSVADE , dehort . Superior ; ‖ for it : or against it . 3. INTREAT , beseech , pray , desire , crave , ask , petition , supplicate , Postulation , invite , implore , Obtestation , Obsecration , request , sue , supplicate , solicit , press , urge , instant , Importunity , conjure , exorable , inexorable . DEPRECATE . Argumentatively ; ( i. ) with reasons representing it chiefly as Honest : or dishonest . 4. ADVISE , counsel , consult , wish one . WARN , admonish , Monition , advertise , Caution , Item , Precaution , premonish , notifie , Proviso , Caveat , forewarn . Pleasant : or unpleasant . 5. ALLURE , tempt , tice , entice , till , drill , inveigle , move , draw , lull , lure , lead , tole , train , egg on , win , trepan , bait , stale . DETERR , dishearten , fright . Profitable : or hurtful . 6. PROMISE . THREATEN , Commination , menace , denounce ▪ A thing already done ; expressing our ‖ liking : or dislike of it ; whether To themselves , in their presence . 7. COMMEND , applaud , extoll , magnifie , hem , recommend . REPREHEND , reprove , rebuke , chide , blame , check , snib , quip , rate , rattle , controll , take up , shent , find fault , shrive , Redargution , culpable , Satyr , scold . To others , in their absence . 8. PRAISE , Fame , Glory , Renown , Encomium , extol , exalt , laudable , plausible , applaud , commend , Doxology , Panegyric . DISPRAISE , discommend . VI. Oeconomical Duties of EDUCATION consisting chiefly in DEEDS , may be distinguished into such as are either Precedent ; signifying the ‖ assisting : or hindring another in the Way of doing 1. DIRECT , steer , guide , lead , govern . SEDVCE , tempt , err-or , astray , mislead , deceive , delude , pervert , beguile , debauch , inveigle , Mistake , Oversight , Fallacy , Sophistry , draw in , lead aside , Fools Paradice . Will of doing . 2. INCOURAGE , animate , hearten , comfort , solace , abett , back , cheer , cherish , countenance , set on , stand by , patronize , quicken , excite . DISCOVRAGE , dishearten , disanimate , weaken , discomfort , baulk , daunt , droop , quail , out of heart , crest-faln , exanimate . Concomitant ; supporting against Evil. Past : or present . 3. COMFORT , Consolation , solace . DISCOMFORT , disconsolate , uncomfortable . Present , or future ; whether of Want ; either ‖ in whole : or in part . 4. MAINTAIN , sustain , support , find , keep , provide for , Subsistence , Livelihood . STIPENDATE , Allowance , Exhibition , Pension , Annuity , Scholarship . Danger . 5. DEFENDING , standing to or by one , guard , ward , preserve , shelter , protect , save , fence , keep , tutelary . DESERTING , leave , destitute , forsake , quit , flinch , relinquish . Consequent ; relating to the Persons ; ‖ endeavouring to better them by punishments while there is hope : or ceasing to punish them as being past hope . 6. CORRECTING , chastising , discipline , inflict . GIVING OVER , leave . Event of such dealings ; by making them ‖ better : or worse . 7. REFORM , reclaiming , mend , convert , correct . HARDEN , incorrigible , indurate , obdurate , seared . OECONOMICAL POSSESSIONS . BY OECONOMICAL POSSESSIONS . Estate , Goods , Substance , Stock , Ability , Chattels , hold , injoy , seized of , occupy , indow , in hand enter upon , are intended such kinds of things as are necessary upon several accounts for the use , preservation , and well-being of a Family . And though divers of these things , as Land , Buildings , &c. be common as well to Political and Ecclesiastical Bodies , yet do they ( as was said before ) originally belong to Families , to which all other Associations were subsequent , and in which they were founded . To this may be adjoyned that other Notion signifying the benefit accruing to us by our Possessions , styled REVENUE , Income , Intrado , Patrimony , Rent , Profit , Endowment , Steward , Fee , Vails , Perquisites , the proceed . These Possessions do refer either to things Natural , as LAND . I. Artificial ; whether Buildings , considered according to their KINDS . II. Parts . GREATER . III. LESSER . IV. Things serviceable for CARRIAGE . V. FURNITURE , Vtensils . VI. I. That part of the Earth wherein any man hath a propriety , is styled LAND , Earth . And if he commonly resides upon it , 't is called his DWELLING , Habitation , Mansion , Home , inhabit , reside , Inmate , Desert , Wilderness , Solitude , abide , settle , stay . The several Notions belonging to this , may be distinguished into such as signifie Both Land and Habitation , ‖ sufficient for one Family : or a small aggregate of such . 1. FARM , Grange , Mesuage , Tenement , Tenant , Copyhold . MANOR , Lordship , Village , Thorp , Homage , Tithing , Liberty . Land alone ; according to the General name : or the name denoting a larger extent of it . 2. FIELD , Grounds , Croft . FORREST , Chase , Verderer , Purliew . Particular kinds ; distinguishable according to their Vses ; either for ‖ Herbs : or Fruit-Trees . 3. GARDEN . ORCHARD , Nursery . Corn : or Hay . 4. ARABLE , tilled Land , ear Land , Fallow ▪ Lay Land. MEDOW , Mead. Tame Beasts : or wild Beasts . 5. PASTURE , Down , Lawn , Herbage , Hayward , Lease , Panage . PARK , Warren , Paddock , Keeper . Fish : or Fowl. 6 POND ▪ Stew. DECOY . Fewel ; ‖ greater : or less . 7. WOODS , Sylvan , Thicket , Cops , Grove . HEATH . Qualities ; being either of Equal wetness ; ‖ from fresh : or from salt Water . 8. FEN . MARSH . Vnequal wetness ; whereof the excess is either ‖ on the surface : or under the surface , within the Land. 9. MOOR , plashy , slabb . BOGG , Quagmire , Slough , Fastness . II. Those kinds of Helps or Contrivances whereby men preserve the Places of their abode from the Injuries of Weather , and other Inconveniencies , are styled by the common name of BUILDINGS , Edifice , Structure , Fabric , erect , Architecture , Superstructure , Substruction . To which may be opposed the Notion of buildings decayed , called RUINS , dilapidate , demolish , raze , Dissolution , Wrack , Rubble , Rubbish , fall , break , subvert , throw down , lay wast . These may be distinguished , according to their Uses , into such as are for Ordinary habitation ; whether ‖ immoveable : or moveable . 1. HOUSE , Mansion , Mesuage , Cote , Cottage , Hut , Shed , Hovel , Lodge , Place , domestic , Ining . TENT , Tabernacle , Pavilion , Booth , Bowre . Grandeur : or Strength . 2. PALACE , Seraglio . CASTLE , Cittadel . Height and beauty ; either with ‖ a flat : or sharp top . 3. TOWER , Turret . STEEPLE , Pinnacle , Shaft , Spire . Religious worship ; for Invocation or Preaching : or for Sacrifice . 4. TEMPLE , Church , Chappel , Sanctuary , Synagogue , Mosque , Cathedral , Chancel , Quire. ALTAR . Warmth , Cleanliness or Health ; whether by ‖ warm Air : or Water . 5. STOVE , Hot house . BATH , Stew , Bain , drencht . Passage ; either Above ground ; ‖ over the Water : or over dry Land. 6. BRIDGE , Pontage . SCAFFOLD , Stage . Vpon the ground ; denoting ‖ a paved passage betwixt Buildings : to which may be annexed the more general term of the passage place . 7. STREET , Piazza , Lane , Ally . WAY , Rode , Causway , Course , Avenue , convey , egress , Ally , Path , Passage . Vnder ground . For Persons . 8. VAULT , Grott . For Water ; ‖ useful : or superfluous . 9. AQUAEDUCT , Conduit , Water-course . SINK , Sewer , Kennel . III. To the GREATER PARTS OF which BUILDINGS do consist , and into which they may be distributed , may be adjoyned that usual kind of division styled BAY . These are either More general ; concerning the Main design of the Timber-work : or the dividing part . 1. FRAME , Compages , Skeleton . PARTITION , Wall. Principal places ; whether ‖ segregate : or aggregate . 2. ROOM , Chamber , Cabbin , Cell , Hall , Parlour , &c. Kennel , Sty , Stable , &c. Lobby , Loft , &c. APARTMENT . Vacancies or Passages ; ‖ without : or within . 3. COURT , Yard , Back-side . ENTRY , Passage , enter . More particular ; distinguished according to their Uses and Situations ; being either for Support . Intern . Lower ; whether ‖ erect : or transverse . 4. FOUNDATION , Ground-work , Substruction , Base , Bottom , fundamental , underpinning , ground-pinning . FLOOR , Ground , Deck , Contignation . Higher ; ‖ erect : or transverse . Oblong and narrow . 5. PILLAR , Column , Post , Iambe , Pile , Pillester . BEAM , Sparr , Rafter , Mantle , Transom , Summer . Flat : or Curve . 6. WALL , Sepiment , immure , countermure , mural ARCH , Vault , embowed . Extern ; ‖ put to : or built to the part which it supports . 7. PROP , till , support , uphold , stay up , shore up , shoulder up , under-prop , under-set . BUTTRESS . Covering ; whether ‖ highest : or subordinate . 8. ROOF , Covering , Tilt , Penthouse , Leads , Thatch , Tiling , Slate , Shingles . SIELING . Warmth ▪ either ‖ Simple : or with a Tube to it for passage of the Smoke . 9. HEARTH . CHIMNEY , Tunnel , Mantle . IV. LESSER PARTS OF BUILDINGS are distinguishable into such as are serviceable ; either for Passage upwards and downwards ; being either ‖ immoveable : or moveable . 1. STAIRS . LADDER , Scale . Passage in and out ; either of ‖ Persons : or fresh Air ; considered according to the Whole . 2. DOOR ▪ Gate , Port-er , Wicket , Postern , Hatch , Porch , Portal . WINDOW , Casement , Balcony . Parts relating to a Door chiefly , or Window . Without it ; ‖ above : or below . 3. THRESHOLD , Sill , Groundsill . LINTEL . Vpon it ; for the Opening and shutting of it . More artificial ; ‖ the fixed : or loose part . 4. LOCK , Padlock . KEY . More simple ; to open ‖ from within onely : or both wayes . 5. BOLT , Barr , Sparr . LATCH . Motion of it ; ‖ concave : or convex . 6. HINGE . STAPLE , Hook. V. By CARRIAGE is meant the Conveyance of things from one place to another : to which may be annexed by way of affinity the Notion of the Heavy thing to be carried , BURTHEN , ( Load , lade , ouerate , Far● , Fraight , charge , surcharge , Luggage , Lumber , disburthen , exonerate , overcharge , The provisions of this kind do relate to things considered as ( overload . ) Whole ; being used for the Carriage either of Persons or Goods , and moving either With Wheels ; Four Wheels ; either ‖ the more elegant : or the more plain . 1. COACH , Chariot . WAIN , Waggon . Two Wheels ; either ‖ the more elegant : or the more plain . 2. CHARIOT . CART ; Carr , Dray , Tumbrel . Without Wheels ; being either to be Carried between the Movers ; either ‖ the more elegant : or the more plain . 3. SEDAN , Litter . BARROW . Drawn along after them . 4. SLED . WELSH CART . Parts of the thing upon which the weight is drawn or carried ; serving either for Fastning to the Animals which draw or carry ; used either ‖ double : or single . 5. SHAFT , Thills . POLE. Motion ; being for figure and situation ‖ Round and erect : or oblong and transverse . 6. WHEEL , Truckle , Trundle . AXIS , Spindle . The central : or semidiametral parts of the Wheel . 7. NAVE . SPOKE , Fellow . Furniture of the Animals which draw or carry ; either for Supporting of ‖ the Trunc : or the Feet of the burthen . 8. SADDLE , Pack-saddle , Pad , Pannel , Pillion . STIRRUP . Directing the Motion ; by the ‖ Head : or Sides . 9. BRIDLE , Rein , Headstall , Curb , Snaffle , Bit. TRACE . VI. By FURNITURE ( Vtensils , Implements , Houshold-stuff , Moveables , Goods , furnish , fit ▪ provide , procure , ready , ) is meant those moveable things of various kinds requisite to the several uses of a Family . These are either More simple , intended chiefly for Action , according to The general name . 1. INSTRUMENT , Implement , Tool . Some special kinds of Instruments ; ‖ for cutting : or for knocking . 2. KNIFE , Razor . HAMMER , Sledge , Mallet , malleable , ductile , Beetle , Poleax . Less simple , being made up of several parts joyned together ; according to The general name : or that kind used for the drawing vp of water . 3. JUGAMENT , Frame . PUMP . Some special kinds ; being used for Putting things upon ; being either ‖ moveable : or fixed . 4. TABLE , Stall , Dresser , Bord , Cupbord . SHELF . Sitting upon onely ; to which may be annexed by way of affinity , that other Utensil intended for the ease and softness of sitting or lying . 5. STOOL , Seat , Fourm , Bench. CUSHION , Pillow , Boulster , Pillion . Sitting and leaning : or sitting and lying upon . 6. CHAIR , Throne , Settle . COUCH . Lying and sleeping upon ; to which that may be annexed of the same affinity as in the Fifth . 7. BEDSTED , Settle , Cradle , Testor . BED , Pallet , Hammock , Mattress , Nest , Kennel , Litter , Vpholster . More complicate , by reason of the mixture with Wheels or Screws , &c. according to The general name : or that particular kind used for the taking of Animals . 8. MACHIN , Engine , Frame , Gin. TRAP , Gin , Springe , Pitfal , Toyle , Weare , Wee le , Buck , Net , Ins●are . Some special kinds ; for ‖ grinding of Corn , &c. or distinguishing of Hours . 9. MILL , Querne . CLOCK , Watch. PROVISIONS . UNder this Head of PROVISIONS ( Accommodations , Equipage , furnish , provide , procure , purvey , ) are comprehended some of the same kinds of things as under the former , with this peculiar Difference , That several of the particulars under this are more occasional and transient , and not of such continual usefulness as those under the other . These are distinguishable into such as Have particular references , either to Food , as to The kinds of it . ORDINARY . I. EXTRAORDINARY . II. The manner of PREPARING it . III. CLOTHING . IV. VESSELS . V. Are of a COMMON MIXED Nature . VI. I. By SUSTENTATION ORDINARY ( Commons , Fare , Cheer , Diet , Meat , Viands , sustenance , Victuals , Manciple , Caterer , Pantry , ) is intended such kind of Food as is usual for ordinary persons , and ordinary times ; either according to the General name ; whether ‖ greater , more stated , constant and usual : or less , and more occasional . 1. MEAL , Dinner , Supper , Refectory . REFECTION , Bait , Bever , Break-fast , Collation , Repast , Nunchion . Particular kinds ; distinguishable according to the matter ; whether Solid and consistent ; being made either of Grain or some Vegetable , ‖ baked in a drier substance without any considerable mixture , of all other the most common and necessary : or else being made up and mixed with some other eatable substance . 2. BREAD , Loaf , Manchet , Cake , Dough , Bisket , Past , Batch , Pantry , Pantler . PUDDING , Haggis , Sausage , Dumpling , Link . Milk ‖ condensed in the finer part : or of Milk coagulated and pressed . 3. BUTTER . CHEESE . Animal musculary substance ; either ‖ alone : or put into some bready substance , which is likewise capable of some other ingredients . 4. FLESH . PIE , Pasty , Tart , Custard , Flawn , Past , Pastry , Pastler . Liquid ; either for Eating ; consisting of Water boiled with some other ingredients , ‖ for the strengthening of it for Food : or for the coagulating of it . 5. BROTH , Pottage , Porridge , Caudle , Cullice , Grout , Gruel , Panado , Posset , Ptisane , Frumenty , Hogwash , Potherbe . GELLY , congeal . Fatty juice of several Vegetables , and sometimes of Animals , eaten with other things , and useful for Medicine ; to which may be adjoyned the watery juice of dressed Flesh. 6. OIL . GRAVY , Iuice . Drinking ; the infusion of Burly or some other Grain first macerated ; either ‖ without Hopps : or with Hopps . 7. ALE , Whort , Brew . BEER , Drink , Whort , Brew . II. SUSTENTATION EXTRAORDINARY ( Cates , Delicates , Dainties , Liccorous , ) may be considered according to the General name ; signifying abundance , variety and delicacy ; either of ‖ more substantial Meats : or of Sweet-meats . 1. FEAST , Gaudy . BANQUET , Iuncket , Sweet-meat , Desert . Particular kinds ; used for Eating ; comprehending Common requisites , for the better relishing of other Food ; to which may be adjoyned the various mixtures of things , to render them grateful to the Palate . 2. SAUCE , Sallet . CONFECTION , Conserve , Comfit , Sucket . Vsual ingredients of Sauce ; being either for the Tast Sweet ; viz. the juice of the sweet Cane , ‖ concreted : or deliquiated or dissolved into a liquor of a thick consistence . 3. SUGAR . SYRUP . Of hot and savory Gust and Smell . 4. SPICE , Aromatic , Grocery . Sour ; ‖ the juice of Grapes , or infusion of Barly being eager : or the juice of Crabs . 5. VINEGAR . VERJUICE . Drinking ; whether more Natural ; being either ‖ more simple : or the juice of Fruits , chiefly Grapes : or other drinks made by mixture . 6. WINE , Sider , Perry , Stum , Must , Vintage , Vintner , Sack , Claret , &c. BEVERAGE , Syllabub , Mede , Wassal . Artificial , by distillation with fire ; according to ‖ the more general name : or that particular kind most in use . 7. SPIRITS . BRANDY . III. Actions relating to the PREPARATION OF FOOD ( dressing , crude , raw , ) are either General and antecedaneous ; signifying either ‖ the killing and dividing of Beasts for Food : or the more common notion of fitting both Flesh and other proper Materials , in order to their being eaten . 1. BUTCHERING , Shambles , Slaughterhouse . COOKING , dressing , Kitchin , Scullion , dress Meat . Special and subsequent ; denoting the several kinds of Cookery ; either More principal ; the preparing and dressing things . Wet ; in a ‖ wider , or closer vessel ; in a greater , or lesser quantity . 2. BOILING , Decoction , Seething , sod , Ebullition , parboil , poach . STEWING . Dry ; ‖ by holding it to , or turning it about near the Fire : or by laying it on a hot Hearth , or in some close heated Cavity . 3. ROASTING , Tosting , Spit , Broach , Iack. BAKING , Baker , Oven , Pastry , Batch . Mixed , part being wet and part dry ; either ‖ in an open broad vessel : or by laying it on the Fire . 4. FRYING ▪ Fricace , Fritter , Steak . BROILING , Carbonadoing , Grilliade , Gridiron , Rasher . Less principal ; relating to the Preparing of it ; by Cutting , Into ; punctim or caesim , pointwise or edgewise . 5. PINKING , Pouncing , Pricking . SLASHING , gashing , hashing , carbonado , jagg . Through ; either in ‖ laminated : or more minute particles . 6. SLICING , Collop , Hash . MINCING , shred , chop , cut small . Application of other things ; either ‖ wet : or dry . 7. BASTING , Dripping , sprinkle , Inspersion . FLOWRING , powdering , corning , spicing . Mixed , ( i. ) both cutting and application . 8. STRATIFY , Lair , interlacing , interlard , lay in . LARD , prick in , stick in , interlarding . Preserving ; either ‖ in wet : or in dry . 9. PICKLING , soucing . CONDITING , preserving , embalming , candying , seasoning , Mummy . IV. Such things as are requisite for the covering of our nakedness , and the preserving of us from the injuries of weather , are styled by the name of CLOTHING , Vest , Apparel , attire , Array , Garment , Raiment , Habit , Garb , Stole , Robe , Weed , accoutred , clad , dight , dressing , make ready , wear , invest , Livery , put on or off , naked , stript , bare , Taylour , Wardrope . To which may be adjoyned , for its affinity , the usual name of those other things of the like use amongst men upon particular occasions , and more generally required for labouring beasts ; ARMAMENT , Harness , Tackle , Array , Habiliment , Trappings , accoutred , Furniture , Traces . The several particulars under this Head may refer ; either to The matter of which Vests are made ; which is either Some Animal substance ; either of Beasts . The hairy parts . 1. WOLLEN , Cloth. HAIRY , Stuff , Sackcloth . The Skins of Beasts prepared . 2. LEATHER , Buff , Cheverel , &c. Tann , Curry . Insects , viz. the Silk-worm . 3. SILK , Mercer , Sattin , Velvet , Plush , Taffety , &c. Some Vegetable substance ; either ‖ the Rind of Plants , as Hemp , Flax , Nettle , &c. or growing upon Trees . 4. LINEN , Canvase , Lawn , Damask , Diaper , &c. COTTON , Bombast , Fustian . The use and fashion ; either for Ornament onely ; being elegantly distinguished with Apertures and Intercisions . 5. LACE , garded , galloon , &c. PURLE . Ornament and binding ; being a Long Lamin ; ‖ narrower : or broader . 6. RIBBAND , Fillet , Tape , Favor , Knot , Hairlace . SCARF , Garter . Long Pin ; ‖ slenderer : or thicker . 7. THRED , Line , Wire , Yarn , Packthred . CORD , String , Halter , Rope , Slip , Line , Rein , Lamin ; specially of Leather : or Loop and Pin. 8. THONG , Latchet , Strap . BUCKLE . Ornament and covering of ‖ the outside : or the inside . 9. FACING . LINING . V. Such kind of Vtensils as serve to contain other things , are usually called VESSELS , Cask , Receptacle , Pan , Plate , &c. These are distinguishable by their Matter , Shapes and Uses , into such as serve for the Keeping and carriage of things ; being either Pliable to the things they contain ; whether ‖ more loose : or more close . 1. BAG , Sack , Budget , Pocket , Pouch , Purse , Sachel , Scrip , Wallet , Poke , Male , Knapsack , Portmantue , Cloak-bag . CASE , Sheath , Scabbard , Shrine , Covering , Quiver , Tike , Pillowbear . Stiff ; for Arid ; being made either of ‖ bords : or twigs . 2. BOX , Chest , Trunk , Ark , Coffer , Cabinet , Casket , Bin , Clapper , Cupbord , Hutch , Locker , Safe , Spence , Press , Pyx , Coffin , Sumpter , Desk , Flash , Till , Drawer , Cap-case . BASKET , Flasket , Maund , Frail , Hamper , Pannier , Scuttle , Wee l , Dorser . Liquids ; in Greater quantities ; either ‖ closed at both ends : or open at one . 3. BARREL , Cask , Fat , Firkin , Keg , Hogshead , Kilderkin , Pipe , Tun , Butt , Rundlet , Cooper . TUB , Bucket , Coul , Vate , Cistern , Pale , Piggin . Less quantities ; whether Shallow ; being made either of ‖ Metal : or other materials , Wood , Earth , &c. 4. DISH , Platter , Pan , Charger , Voider , Bason , Laver , Patin , Plate , Porringer , Saucer . TRAY , Pan , Boul , Trough . Deep ; of ‖ a bigger : or lesser aperture . 5. POT , Flagon , Tankard , Iack , Iar , Pitcher , Iugg , Mugg , Noggin , Postnet , Vrne . BOTTLE , Crewet , Iugg , Cruse . Dressing or boiling of Meat ; either ‖ without : or with feet . 6. KETTLE , Caldron , Copper , Furnace . SKILLET , Pipkin . Spending ; either by Taking out , the Tube of effusion : to which may be adjoyned the instrument for stopping it . 7. FAUCET , Spout . TAP , Spiggot , Stopple . Receiving in ; whether ‖ of a roundish : or oblong Cavity . 8. SPOON , Ladle , Scummer . SCOOP , Shovel , laving . Laying on of Meat : or pouring out of Drink . 9. TRENCHER , Plate . CUP , Boul , Goblet , Beaker , Cann , Chalice , Mazer , Glass . VI. The last Head of COMMON MIXED Materials , must be acknowledged to be a very Heterogeneous heap . But the several particulars under it being very necessary in their kinds , and not reducible to any of the other Heads , I am forced to put them together here , not knowing at present how to reduce them more properly . They are distinguishable by their Ends or Uses ; being such Provisions as concern Food for Cattel ; either ‖ of dried Grass : or dried stems of Grain . 1. HAY , Fodder . STRAW , Fodder , Halm , Litter , Thatch . Warmth , and preparing of Food for men . 2. FEWEL , Firing , Logg , Collier , Woodmonger . Giving of Light ; being made either ‖ of the dried Fat of Animals : or of Oil. 3. CANDLE , Link , Taper , Torch , Light , Lanthorn . LAMP . Curing of Wounds or Sores by outward application , being a Confection of Medicaments , which is sometimes spread upon some Vest matter . 4. SALVE , Vnguent , Ointment . PLASTER , Cataplasm , Serecloth , Poultis . Cleansing or stiffening of Clothes . 5. SOPE . STARCH . Communication by Writing ; denoting either the Instrument : or Liquor to write with . 6. PEN . INK . Matter to write on ; considered either ‖ simply in its nature : or as it is compacted in Aggregates . 7. PAPER , Parchment , Vellum , Schedule , Bill-et , Ticket , Stationer . BOOK , Volume , Tome , Treatise , Manuel , compile , compose , Library , Tract , Pamphlet , Manuscript , Stationer . Ornament ; by representation of the likeness of things ‖ in plain : or in solid . 8. PICTURE , Pourtraiture , Effigies , Draught , Map , Chart , Landscap , Emblem , Image , Projection , Scheme , Diagram , Analem , Arras , Enammel . IMAGE , Statue , Puppet , Idol , Coloss , Crucifix . CHAP. XI . Concerning Relation more public , whether I. Civil . II. Judiciary . III. Military . IV. Naval . V. Ecclesiastical . MOre publick relation may be distributed into such as do concern those several respects , Actions and Things ; belonging either to Several Families associated under Government , CIVIL RELATION . Courts of Judicature , and matters of Law , JUDICIAL RELATION . A state of Warr , MILITARY RELATION . Mens Affairs and Traffique on the Water , NAVAL RELATION . Matters of Religion and Worship , ECCLESIASTICAL RELATION . CIVIL RELATION . THat Relation arising from the associating of Families under Government for mutual benefit and defence , is styled Political or CIVIL , Republic , Commonwealth , State , political , secular . To which may be opposed ANARCHY , Confusion . The Notions belonging to this do refer either to Persons in a political capacity , considered according to their DEGREES . I. PROFESSIONS or Vocations . II. CONVENTIONS . III. Things or businesses , relating to RIGHTS . IV. CONTRACTS for the Alienation of our Rights . V. OBLIGATIONS for the Confirmation of Contracts . VI. I. Those differences whereby men under a Political Relation , are distinguished from one another , according to their several ranks , are styled , DEGREES , Place , Quality , Rank , Order , Scutcheon , Coat of Arms , Herald . To which may be opposed the word PARITY , Levelling . These are either More general ; according to the first common Difference of ‖ governing , namely such to whom doth belong the power and care of directing others in their duty , and rewarding or punishing them accordingly : or governed , namely such as are under this Power . 1. MAGISTRATE , Rector , Governour , Regent , Rule-er , Dominion , Sway , Consul , President , Provost , Warden , Head , Territory , Seigniory , Major , Baylif , Syndic , States , Iurisdiction . SUBJECT - ion , Vassal , submit , Homage , Liegeman , Private person , truckle , Vnderling . More particular ; relating to Kinds of principal Magistrates ; which have great variety of Titles in several Countries , not necessary to be distinctly provided for here , excepting onely such as are either ; ‖ Sovereign : or Homagers to some other . 2. KING , Sovereign , Emperor , Imperial , Monarch , Queen , regal , royal , Majesty , reign , Kingdom , Lord , Dynasty , Sultan , Cham , Liege Lord , Regent , Realm , Diadem , Crown , Coronation , Scepter , Throne , enthrone , Viceroy . PRINCE , Potentate . Orders of Subjects . Higher . More general ; comprehending the ‖ greater : or lesser Nobility . 3. LORD , Peer , Nobleman , honourable , Patrician , Duke , Marquess , Earl , Count , Viscount , Baron . GENTLEMAN , Gentry , Knight , Esquire , Sir , Madam , Wor-ship-ful , Gentil-ity , Wellborn . More special ; with relation to the Degrees in liberal Professions ; either ‖ perfect : or inchoate . 4. GRADUATE , commence , Degree , Doctor , Master , Rabbi . CANDIDATE , Batchelor , Inceptor , canvas , sue , stand for . Middle ; considered Aggregately . 5. PEOPLE , Folk , Commonalty , Community , mean , obscure , ignoble , Plebeian , Populacie , popular , populous . Segregately ; as they are Inhabitants either in ‖ Cities : or the Countrey 6. CITIZEN , Free-man , enfranchise , Denizon , Townsman . YEOMAN . Lower sort ; considered Aggregately . 7. RABBLE , Vulgus , Tag-rag , base . Segregately ; according to their want of ‖ Dignity : or Wealth . 8. VILLAIN , Varlet , Rascal , Peasant , Boor , servile , Sirrah , Vassal , base . BEGGAR , Rogue , Mendicant , Shake-ragg . Conditions of men ; as having ‖ a right to dispose of themselves : or not . 9. FREE-MAN , liberal , enfranchise , Burgess , SLAVE , emancipate , manumit , servile , illiberal , Bondman , Bondage , Thraldom , enthrall , enslave , serve , Droyl , Drudge . II. That course of life about which one is usually employed , and to which he applies himself for the getting of a Subsistence , is styled his PROFESSION , Vocation , Calling , Trade , Function , Occupation , Course of life , Craft , Mystery . To which may be adjoyned the word denoting the actual Use of such Callings , PRACTICE , Exercise , Vse , follow , put in ure . These may be distinguished , into such as are either More necessary and beneficial to humane life ; whether Liberal Professions , such as become free and generous men ; relating either to Things . Sacred ; as ‖ discovered by revelation : or as the knowledge of them is ▪ attainable by nature . 1. DIVINE , Theology , Clerk , Schoolman . PHILOSOPHER . Civil and political ; namely , ‖ the more generally received Laws and Constitutions : or those belonging to a particular Nation . 2. CIVIL LAWYER . COMMON LAWYER , Pettifogger . Natural ; with particular reference to the diseases of mens bodies and their cure ; either ‖ by direction : or by manual operation . 3. PHYSICIAN , Medicine , Patient , Empiric , Mountebank , Quack salver , Farrier , Leach , Receipt . CHIRURGION , dress a wound . Words or Language : or the ornaments of discourse . 4. PHILOLOGER , Critic . POET - ry , Poem , Bard , Muse. Illiberal ; belonging more peculiarly To a Town ; consisting of Trades of ‖ exchange : or manufacture . 5. MERCHANT , Market , Pedler , Huckster , Bodger , Hawker , Regrater , Shopkeeper , Traffic , Dealing , Merchandize , Fair , Mart. MECHANIC , Handicraft , Artificer , Manufacture ; Artizan , Work house . To the Country ; relating to the most ancient Professions of Tilling the ground : or feeding of Cattel . 6. HUSBANDMAN , georgic , Hinde , Agriculture , Tillage , Bayliffe . HERDSMAN , Shepherd , Pastor , Cow-herd , Hog-herd . Catching of wild Animals . 7. HUNTSMAN , Hunt-er , Fowler , Fisher , chase , trace , course , Venison , Game , Pocher . Both to Town and Country ; for the carriage of things by ‖ Water : or Land. 8. MARINER . CARRIER , Ripier , Cargo . Not necessary ; comprehending those several Professions which tend to the diversion of others ; ‖ by acting or personating some particular Story or Fiction : or by amusing of men by the Agility of body or hand . 9. PLAYER , Actor , Comedian , Tragedian , Play , Stage , Theatre , Enterlude , Personate . PRESTIGIATOR , Shewer of tricks , juggle , Legerdemain , Hocas pocas , Tumbler , Dancer on the ropes , &c. Mountebank . III. The several Aggregates of men under Political Government , are usually styled either by that more general : or special name . CONVENTION , Assembly , Meeting , Congregation , Convocation , Company , Rendezvouz , Concourse , Confluence , Quire , Chapter , Committee , Club , Hall , convene , Conventicle , Sessions , Assize , flock or gather together . SOCIETY , Gyld , Gang , Tribe , Clan , Fraternity , Club , Knot , Crew , Fellowship , Company· These are either such as have the same General inducements ; in respect of Language and supreme Government ; whether ‖ primitively : or derivatively . 1. NATION - al , epidemical , naturalize , People , Country , vernacular , Patriot . COLONY , Plantation . Place of Habitation ; considered according to the General name ; denoting such as inhabit ‖ more dispersedly in the open fields : or more close together , usually within fenced places . 2. COUNTRY , rural , rustic , Peasant , Boor , Hinde , Kern , Swain , Clown , Tike . TOWN , Burrough . Special kinds ; signifying all that part of a Nation under the same Subordinate Government ; ‖ dwelling more at large : or such as dwell close together , with peculiar Liberties and Priviledges in common amongst them . 3. PROVINCE , Circuit . CITY , Suburbs , Metropolis , See , Borough , municipal . Lowest Government ; whether ‖ with : or without Iurisdiction . 4. SHIRE , County , Tribe , District , Riding . PARISH , parochial , Parson , Vicar , Thorpe , Village . Special inducements ; for ‖ Attendance on Governours : or advice in the Government . 5. COURT - ier , aulical . COUNCIL , Senate , Parliament , Diet , Conclave , Consistory , Sanhedrim , Synod , Committee . Education in Learning ; either ‖ of the Adult , with a power to license them for the Liberal professions : or onely of Children or young beginners . 6. UNIVERSITY , Academy , School . SCHOOL . Regulating the affairs of some ‖ Trade : or Profession ; especially if they cohabit for those ends in a kind of Political family . 7. CORPORATION , Gyld , Brotherhood , Fraternity , Company , Society , community , municipal , incorporate . COLLEGE - iate , Fellow . Driving on of some design ; ‖ in general : or with particular reference to the opposing of what is legally established . 8. LEAGUE , Confederacy , Combination , Alliance , Complice , Partisan , Party , side with , joyn , hold together , Pack , compact . FACTION , Sect , Iuncto , Gang , conspire , side with , combine , Party-zan , Oligarchy . IV. The things which in Iustice or Equity ▪ do belong to persons , are called RIGHTS , Title , Interest , Estate , Tenure ▪ Holding , Freehold , Gift , Collation , Reversion , Landlord , Paramount , endow , enfeoff . To which may be adjoyned the word LIBERTIES , denoting whatsoever is permitted , or not forbidden to them . These are considerable according to their Original ; being either Primary and unwritten . Not voluntary ; but according to ‖ the condition of its first being : or common practice and continuance . 1. NATURE . CUSTOM , accustom , Vse , Wont , Guise , Fashion , Rite , Vsage , usual , currant , common , ordinary , ure , enure , Habit , Practice , Haunt , prescribe , unusual , obsolete , familiar , received , conversant , Habit , manner , course , Hank , Exercise , Prescription , Desuetude . Voluntary ; according to the ‖ choice of the Will : or a determined order . 2. ELECTION , Choice . SUCCESSION , devolve , follow , Place . Secondary and written . General ; whether ‖ perpetual : or temporal . 3. LAW , Act , Statute , Decree , Sanction , Constitution , Canon , Rule , legal , legitimate , enact , ordain , order , abrogate , repeal , prescribe , Legislator . EDICT , Ordinance , Proclamation , Order , Breve , Bull , Act , Rule , Sanction , Rescript . Special ; conferring ‖ Right to have : or Right to do . 4. PATENT , Charter , Brief , Letters Patents , Placard . COMMISSION , Brief . parts ; consisting in ▪ Power over that which is One's own ; either ‖ totally : or as to the use of it . 5. PROPRIETY , Concern , Owner , Proprietary . USUS-FRUCTUS . Another's ; either as to ‖ his person : or his affairs . 6. AUTHORITY , Power , Dominion , Prefect , President , Head , Provost , Master , Plenipotentiary , authentic , classic , govern , ratifie , Rule , sway , inspection , dispose , Precinct , Territory . OFFICE , Place , Cure , overlook , officiate , superintend , surveigh , oversight , charge , conduct , Commissary , Prefect , Collegue , Groom . Liberty ; with respect to Advantages by special Law ; either ‖ of the supreme Magistrate : or of some particular rank of Subjects . 7. PREROGATIVE , Royalty . PRIVILEGE , Franchise , enfranchise , freedom , Grace , preeminence . Remission or exemption from the rigour of a general Law , in its ‖ Commanding : or prohibiting . 8. DISPENSATION . LICENCE , Permission , Sufferance , Leave , allowance , Faculty , Connivence , Placard , Prattick , let , may , suffer , admit , dispence , Pass-port , Safe conduct , Letters of Mart. Punishing : or imposing burthens . 9. TOLERATION , Connivence , suffer , let alone , Quarter . IMMUNITY , free , Discharge , Exemption , Quarter , scot-free . V. The mutual negotiating betwixt men in their ordinary converse with one another is styled CONTRACT , Commerce , Entercourse , Traffic , Trade , Negotiation : to which may be annexed for affinity the most general occasion for such Intercourse , namely , the parting with one thing for the getting of another , called EXCHANGE , barter , chaffer , cope , swap , truck , chop , Commutation , Scoursing , Bargain , Match . The principal matters belonging to this Head do either refer to Actions ; General ; whether Absolute ; transferring a thing from one to another ; whether ‖ for his use to whom it is transferred : or for his use that transfers . 1. ASSIGNING , consigning , conveying , resigning , deliver , put over . DEPOSITING , Trustee , Feoffee , enfeoff , charge , commend , recommend , entrust , commit , Fiduciary , Sequestration . Conditional ▪ ‖ giving : or having right to an Estate after the death of him who disposeth of it . 2. BEQUEATHING , devising , Legacy , Testament , Will , Executor , Intestate . INHERITING , Heir , hereditary , Heritage , Patrimony , Fee-simple , Entail , disherit , Hereditament , Portion , Primogeniture . Special ; either by Parting with : or procuring propriety in any thing , upon the consideration for something else to be taken or given in exchange . 3. SELLING , vent , utter , Ware , Commodity , Sale-able , venal , vendible , staple , put off , retail , afford , handsel , monopoly , make mony of , serve one with . BUYING , purchase , Cater , Chapman , Customer , engrossing , ransom , redeem , regrate , forestal , interlope , preemption , the refusing . Parting with : or procuring the temporary use of something belonging to another ; according to The more general name . 4. LENDING , Loan , Creditor , prostitute , trust . BORROWING , take up . The particular kind ▪ relating to some temporary reward to be ‖ taken , and given . 5. DEMISING , let , let out , let to farm , lease , Lessor , Landlord , Broker , Rent , Principal , Interest , put to use . HIRING , farming , backney , mercenary , prostitute , Tenant , Lessee , Lease , Rent , Interest , Vse , at livery , Gratis . Bestowing skill or labour about any business : or compensating of it . 6. EARNING , Merit , Desert , Meed , Demerit , supererogate . WAGES , Fee , Salary , Pension , Stipend , Vails , fare , freight , gratis . Things ; whether more Private ; to be exhibited by the Buyer ; either ‖ the whole value : or a part of it , for assurance of the rest . 7. PRICE , Rate , Value , Worth , Ransom , stand in , cost , cheap , dear , precious , sumptuous , rich , inhaunce , depreciate . EARNEST , Gage , Pledge . Seller ; either ‖ the thing bought : or some part , for security of the whole . 8. BARGAIN , Ware , Commodity . SEISIN , Livery , install , admit , Entry , inthrone , inaugurate , invest . Public ; towards defraying the charge of Government ; whether ‖ ordinary : or occasional . 9. TRIBUTE , Custom ; Annates , Gabel , Excise , Toll , Impost , Publicane . TAX , Rate , Contribution , Collection , assess , Publicane , Subsidy , Tunnage , pontage , pannage , Pole , Collector , Scot , Sesment . VI. Those several kinds of Assurances which men offer concerning what they intend to give or do , are styled , OBLIGATIONS , plight , engage , Deed , bind , Bond , Bill , evidence , &c. undertake for . And when such Obligations are reciprocal , they are then called PACTIONS , Agreement , Compact , Covenant , Bargain , Condition , indent , Match , Stipulation , Sponsion , Warranty , Article , strike up a bargain . These are either Imperfect ; or degrees towards Contracts more Remote ; in the first overtures of a Contract ; whether ‖ as begun by one : or mutual betwixt both . 1. BESPEAKING , Retain . TREATING , driving a Bargain , capitulate , chaffer , parley , cheapen , huck , haggle . Near ; in proposal of those terms according to which one obliges himself to ‖ buy : or sell. 2. BID , offer , huck , haggle . DEMAND , cheapen , ask , exact . Perfect ; either in Words ; Spoken . Common ; ‖ ingaging our Veracity , sometimes with the addition of such solemn expressions as may testifie our reality . 3. PROMISE , Word , Parol , plight , Covenant , League , undertake for , pass ones word . PROTESTATION , Asseveration , averr , vouch , stand in , Attestation . Sacred ; ingaging our Religion , and appealing to God as ‖ a Witness , and as a Iudge , to punish us upon our falshood . 4. SWEARING , Oath , deposing , abjure , Perjury , adjure , purge upon Oath . IMPRECATION , Execration , Malediction , Cursing . Written ; attested with ‖ our peculiar name , or Mark : or Impressing some figure in Wax , or some like matter 5. SIGNING , Obligation , Deed , Evidence , Bill , Indenture , Instrument , Writing , Muniment , Conveyance , Policy , subscribe , under ones hand , set ones hand . SEALING , Seal , Signet , Sigil , Bond , specialty . Security ; Personal : whether ‖ express , by promising for another , and making himself liable to the same Penalty upon the other's failing : or implicit , by speaking in one's behalf . 6. SPONSION , Stipulation , Bail , vouch , undertake for , Surety-ship , Hostage , Security , Warrant , Caution , engage , responsible for . INTERCESSION , Mediate or , interpose , speak for . Real , of ones Goods ; either Absolute ; by ingaging for the truth of a Promise either ‖ the Goods in specie , or only his right to them . 7. PAWN , Pledge , gage , engage . MORGAGE , Security , Statute , Caution , engage . Relative ; by ingaging them for the success of a thing contingent , ‖ either as Principal , or as Accessory . 8. WAGER , Stake , vy , lay , prize . BET , Stake , vy , revy . JUDICIAL RELATION . THe several Notions referring to matters of Law and Courts of Judicature , are comprehended under that which is styled JUDICIAL RELATION , forensical , Court , Hall , extrajudicial . These are distinguishable into such as concern PERSONS . I. CAUSES and Actions . II. Faults . CAPITAL . III. NOT CAPITAL . IV. Punishments , CAPITAL . V. NOT CAPITAL . VI. I. PERSONS considerable under this Head of Judicial Relation , may be distinguished into such as are either More principal . Persons judging . Legally constituted ; ‖ Principal : or Accessory . 1. JUDGE , Chancellour , Commissary , Censor , Moderator , Official , Iury , Inquest , Doom , Sentence , decide , determine , censure , Iudicatory , judicial , Court , Bench , Tribunal . ASSESSOR , Syndic , Bencher , Alderman , Canons , ●rebends , Chapter , Fellows , assist , Sides-men . Voluntarily consented to by the parties ; ‖ to determin the Suit : or cease the Enmity between them . 2. ARBITRATOR , Vmpire , Days-man , comprimize , Referree , award MEDIATOR , Incercessor , deal-between , intermediate , Mean. Persons judged ; whether ‖ active : or passive ; in Criminals . 3. ACCUSER , Informer , challenge , Endite-ment , charge , attaint , peach , empeach ▪ arraign , tax , lay to ones charge , call in question , Presentment , Bill , prosecute , Promooter . PRISONER , or reputed Criminal , Delinquent , Malefactor , Defendant . Iudicials . 4. PLAINTIF , Accuser , complain , blame . DEFENDANT , Apology , excuse , vindicate . Less principal ; relating either to the Iudges ; for ‖ Writing : or saying publicly . 5. NOTARY , Register , Remembrancer , Secretary , Clerk , Scribe , Protonotary , Rolls , en●oll . CRIER . Fetching : or keeping . 6. PURSEVANT , Messenger , Catchpole , Serjeant . MARSHAL , Keeper , Iailour . Parties ; ‖ to advise and speak in behalf of either party : or to declare the truth indifferently betwixt both of them . 7. ADVOCATE , Counsel , Pleader , maintain , defend , vindicate , Lawyer , Barresier , Proctor , Clyent . WITNESS , Evidence , attest , testifie , Testimony , Affidavit . II. To the more general words of Actions or PROCEEDINGS , Causes , in Judicial Affairs , may be annexed those less general words of SUIT , Controversie , implead , commence , Case , Cause , Action , go to law , wage law , preferr a Bill , Barrester , Brabble . These are either Antecedent ; on the part of the Plaintiff ; in ‖ giving legal notice : or seizing on the person or goods of his Adversary . 1. CITATION , Subpoena , Process , call , warn , summon , Sumner , Apparitor , Bailiff , Beadle . ARREST , attach , apprehend , distrein , seize , lay hold on , Embargo , Serjeant , Baily , Catchpole , Beadle , Replevy . Defendant ; ‖ giving assurance of answering in Court : or coming himself , or by his Substitute , to answer it accordingly . 2. BAIL . APPEARANCE , forth-coming . Concomitant . Preparatory ; by the Parties ; ‖ active : or passive . 3. ACTION , Endictment , Bill , Process , arraign , implead , sue , commence suit , wage law , Barretor . PLEA , Apology . Iudges ; in their ‖ taking notice of and hearing the Cause : or making search into the merits of it . 4. COGNIZANCE , Hearing . EXAMINATION , Trial , sift out , Hearing Inquisition , interrogate , Scrutiny , scann , view , review , revise , canvase , gage , pumpe out . Decisive . Common ; ‖ agreeing upon the state of the Question : or determining what the merit is . 5. JOYNING ISSUE ▪ SENTENCING , Doom , Iudgment , Verdict , Censure , Decree , Order , adjudge , decide , determin , award , definitive . Passive , in the parties ; as they are found ‖ not to have transgressed the Law : or having transgressed it . 6. INNOCENT , clear , blameless , harmless , justifie-cation , vindicate , discharge , cleanse , purge , compurgation . GVI●TY , nocent , delinquent , peccant , convict , culpable , faulty , tardy , Offender , Transgressor , propitiate , expiate . Active , in the Iudge ; pronouncing the party either ‖ free from : or obnoxious to Punishment . 7. ACQUITTING , absolving , assoil , clear , discharge , loosing ▪ purging , quit , release . CONDEMNING , cast , damn . Consequent ; in the Parties ; ‖ expresly declining the Iudgment : or referring the Cause to some higher Iudicature . 8. PROTESTING . APPEALING . Iudges ; by ‖ inflicting the Punishment : or freeing from it . 9. EXECUTING , inflict , suffer , Executioner , Hangman . PARDONING , forgiving , remit , release , venial , Indulgence , put up . III CRIMES CAPITAL , ( Enormity , facinorous , criminal , Malefactor . ) such as are or ought to be punished with Death , may be distinguished into such Offences as are more immediately against God and Religion ; namely , the ‖ confederating with evil spirits ; to which may be adjoyned for affinity ( though not counted capital ) the pretending to discover secret , and foretel future things by foolish forbidden Arts. 1. WITCHCRAFT , Conjuring , Necromancy , Sorcery , Black-art , Magic , enchant , fascinate , fore speak , Charm Spell , Cunning-man . WIZARDING , Manteia , Divining , Gypsie , Fortune-telling , Soothsaying , Sorcery , Augury , Astrology , Geomancy , Pyromancy , Physiognomy , Cheiromancy , Palmistry , Sigil , Talisman . Man ; whether A public person , or Magistrate . More general ; implying ‖ declared hostility against him : or exposing him to his enemies . 2. TREASON , Traitor , betray . CONSPIRACY , betraying . More particular ; ‖ a forcible opposing of him by Arms : or occasioning some illegal tumultuous dissension in the Multitude . 3. REBELLION , Rising , Insurrection , Defection , Revolt , take head . SEDITION , Commotion , Combustion , Riot , Vproar , Mutiny , Tumult , Hurly-burly , Scuffle , Stirrs ▪ Quoil , Racket , Boute-feu , Incendiary , turbulent . Any private person ; according to the General name ; by which it is called in our English Laws . 4. FELONY . Particular kinds ; distinguishable by their Objects , as being against Life ; by taking it away illegally . 5. MURTHER , Assassin-ate , Homicide , Manslaughter , Massacre , Parricide , cut-throat , blood-thirsty . Chastity ; by unnatural coition , either ‖ with Beasts : or Males . 6. BESTIALITY , Buggery . SODOMY , Buggery , Catamite . Estate ; with respect to another's . Goods ; taking them away either ‖ openly and forcibly : or secretly and by craft . 7. ROBBERY , Rapine , Sacrilege , Thief , Bandito , Pyrate , Pickeroon , pillage , take a purse . THEFT , steal , purloin , lurch , fi●ch , pilser , nim , surreptitious , Plagiary , Sacrilege , Cut-purse , Pick-pocket , light-fingered , Larceny . Habitation ; ‖ by burning it : or breaking into it . 8. HOUSE-BURNING , Incendiary . BURGLARY , House-breaking . IV. Crimes or FAULTS NOT CAPITAL , may be distinguished into such as are General ; any action against ones Right , especially with contempt of the Person . 1. INJURY , Wrong , Harm , Trespass , Hurt , Grievance , Abuse , Dammage . AFFRONT , Contumely , Outrage , Slur , Despite , Indignity , put a trick on . Special ; against . Chastity ; whether ‖ by a single : or a married person . 2. FORNICATION , Whore●dom , Courtesan , Concubine , Harlot , Trull . Punk , Leman , Quean , Drab , Strumpet , prostitute , deflour , stuprate , vitiate , wenching , Brothel , Stews , Bawd , Pander . ADULTERY , Concubine . Estate ; General ; ‖ by unjust getting : or keeping of another's Right . 3. USURPATION , incroach , intrench , grow upon , invade , intrude , thrust in . DETENTION , with-holding , keep back . Particular , as to the manner of it ; by abusing Skill ; in ‖ taking advantage of another man's ignorance , especially in actions of Commerce : or misusing his own skill in the falsifying of a thing . 4. FRAUD , Deceit , Guile , Cozening , Delusion , Collusion , Illusion , dodge , trepan , over-reach , prevaricate , circumvent , go-beyond , impose , gull , beguile , defraud , Imposture , Knave , Rook , Cheat , Shift , Shark , cog , slur , wheedle , come over one , supplant . FORGERY , counterfeit , false , adulterate , sophisticate , coin , devise , forge , falsifie , foisting , Interpolation , Impostor , supposititious , surreptitious . Power ; by ‖ taking advantage of another man's necessity or impotence : or exceeding the allowance of the Law. 5. OPPRESSION , Force , Violence , exact , overcharge ▪ EXTORTION , Exaction , Rapine , Rapacity , wresting , wring , griping , ravin , poling , pilling . Course of Law ; by endeavouring to corrupt ‖ the Officers of Iustice : or the Witnesses . 6. BRIBERY , Corruption , dawbing . SUBORNATION . Good name ; endeavouring to render another Criminal ; by accusations ‖ not true : or made unlawfully against an absent person . 7. CALUMNY , Obloquy , Slander , Aspersion , opprobrious , Detraction , False accusation , carping , belie , defame , disparage , traduce . BACKBITING , Libel , Tale-bearer , Tell-tale , Whispering , Pick-thank . Infamous ; by objecting ‖ another's failings : or our own favours . 8. REPROCHING , nip , taunt , scoff , twit , Opprobry , obloquy , tax , traduce . UPBRAIDING , cast in one's teeth , exprobrate , twit . Odious : or ridiculous . 9. REVILING , rail , scold , brawl , Contumely , inveigh , invective , foul-mouthed , Cucking-stool . MOCKING , deride , flout , jeer , scoff , twit , gibe , quip , gird , frump , bob , taunt , wipe , jerk , Sarcasm , Pasquil , Irrision , Illusion , Satyr , Burlesque , play upon . V. By Punishment is meant the evil of Suffering , inflicted for the evil of Doing ; to which may be adjoyned the loss or ●●●●inction of a man's Right in a thing which he formerly injoyed , styled FORFEITURE . PUNISHMENTS CAPITAL are the various manners of putting men to death in a judicial way , which in several Nations are or have been either Simple ; by Separation of the parts ; ‖ Head from Body : or Member from Member . 1. BEHEADING , strike of ones head . QUARTERING , Dissecting . Wound . At distance ; whether ‖ from Hand : or from Instrument , as Gun , Bow , &c. 2. STONING , Pelting . SHOOTING . At hand ; either by Weight ; ‖ of something else : or one's own . 3. PRESSING . PRECIPITATING , throwing or casting headlong . Weapon ; ‖ any way : or direct upwards . 4. STABBING . EMPALING . Taking away necessary Diet : or giving that which is noxious . 5. STARVING , famishing . POISONING , Venom , envenom , virulent . Interception of the Air ; at the Mouth ; distinguished according to the place of the party , ‖ in the Air : or in the Earth 6. STIFLING , smoother , suffocate . BURYING ALIVE . Water : or Fire , 7. DROWNING . BURNING ALIVE . Throat ; ‖ by weight of a man 's own body : ●r the strength of others . 8. HANGING . STRANGLING , throttle , choke , suffocate . Mixed of wounding and starving ; the body being ‖ erect : or lying on a Wheel . 9. CRUCIFYING , Cross. BREAKING ON THE WHEEL . VI. PUNISHMENTS NOT CAPITAL are distinguished by the things or subjects receiving detriment by them , as being either of the Body ; according to the General name ; signifying great pain . 1. TORTURE , Torment , excruciate . Special kinds ; by Striking ; with ‖ a limber : or a stiff Instrument . 2. WHIPPING , lashing , scourging , leashing , jerk , Rod , slash , Switch , stripe , Beadle . CUDGELLING , bastinado , baste , swinge , swaddle , shrubb , slapp , thwack . Stretching of the limms violently ; the body being ‖ laid along for that purpose : or listed up into the Air. 3. RACK . STRAPPADO . Liberty ; of which one is deprived by Restraint ‖ Into ‖ a place : or instrument for custody . 4. IMPRISONMENT , Incarceration , Durance , Custody , Ward , clap up , commit , confine , mue , Pound , Pinfold , Gaol our , Counter , Cage , Coop , Toleboth , Dungeon , Marshal , release , secure , set fast . BONDS , Fetters , Gyves , Shackles , Manicles , Pinnion , Chains . Out of a place or country ; whether ‖ with allowance of any other : or confinement to one other . 5. EXILE , Banish-ment , exterminate , prescribe , eject , expel , out-lawed . RELEGATION . Repute ; whether ‖ more gently : or more severely by burning marks in one's flesh . 6. INFAMATION , Ignominy , Pillory . STIGMATIZATION , Branding , Cauterizing , burning in the hand , Mark. Estate ; whether ‖ in part : or in whole . 7. MULCT , Fine , amerce , sconce . CONFISCATION , Forfeiture . Dignity and power ; by depriving one of ‖ his Degree : or his capacity to bear Office. 8. DEGRADING , deposing , depriving . INCAPACITATING , cashier , disable , discard , depose , disfranchize . MILITARY RELATION . THis Head of MILITARY RELATION , is intended to contain such Notions as concern the various respects and capacities belonging to a state of War. The using of the united Force and Arms of many against others , is styled WAR - fare , martial , polemical , Militia , Chivalry . And the being without mutual opposition is called Peace . The Notions appertaining to this Head , do relate either to Military ACTIONS . I. EVENTS . II. Persons . SEGREGATE . III. AGGREGATE . IV. Instruments necessary to War , AMMUNITION . V. PLACES . VI. I. Military ACTIONS may be distinguished according to the General name ; denoting the endeavour of ‖ doing hurt : or preserving from hurt . 1. OFFENDING , Offence-ive , Annoy-ance . DEFENDING protect , guard , shelter ▪ shrowd ward ▪ preserve , keep , maintain , make good , tutelary . Particular kinds or degrees ; whether such as are Opposite and in several . Declaring enmity on the ‖ offensive : or defensive side . 2. PROVOKING , challenge , irritate , invite , bait , stir up , dare , vy . DEFYING , dare Beginning of actual ‖ offence : or defence . 3. ASSAULTING , assail , attaque , invade , encounter , Onset , set upon , charge , Inrode , Rencounter , Incursion ▪ fall on , run upon . RESISTING , withstand , stand against , bear up against , turn head , struggle with , Antiperistatis . Endeavouring ‖ to dispossess one of his place : or to frustrate such endeavours ; either by ‖ Keeping from necessaries : or supplying with necessaries . 4. BESIEGING , Siege , beleaguer , beset , block up , hem in , lay siege . RELIEVING , succour , supply , help , recruit , reinforce , subsidiary , Ayd . Vnderdigging the Sepiment ; either ‖ to make a breach in it : or to hinder the making of such a breach . 5. MINING , undermine , Sapping . COUNTERMINING . Entring forcibly to assault the besieged : or going out to assault the besiegers . 6. STORMING , assaulting , boarding , attaque , scaling , on-slaught . SALLYING , issue out Reciprocal and in common ; whether by wayes of Force ; viz. the mutual endeavours of corporeal mischief to one another ; according to the ‖ General name : or that which is betwixt two . 7. FIGHTING , Combat , Conflict , encounter , cope , bicker , Fray , impugn , scuffle , List. DUELLING , Single combat , Champion , List. Special kinds , betwixt numerous parties , according to set order and appointment ; either of ‖ some part of the Army : or the whole 8. SKIRMISHING , Fray , Velitation ▪ pickeer . BATTELLING , Set fight , Set battel , joyn battel , Shock . Skill , or some secret art to deceive an Enemy ; according to the ‖ general name : or by concealing Souldiers for the sudden surprisal of others . 9. STRATAGEM , ensnare , Device , Trick , Train , surprize . AMBUSH , Ambuscado , insidiate , lay wait , lurk , way lay , surprize . II. Military EVENTS may be distinguished into such as are either Of Importance ; when ‖ one keeps as before : or gains from the other : or loses his own ; relating to the Condition usually befalling such as are ‖ equal : or stronger : or weaker . 1. COMING OFF UPON EQUAL TERMS . VICTOR , overcome , defeat , discomfit , beat , win , vanquish , get the day , - the better , - the upper hand , quell , predominant , prevail , subdue , suppress , over-bear , - master . OVERTHROWN , subdued , foiled , suppressed , routed , worsted , beaten , defeated , discomfited , brought under . Place of fighting . 2. STAND HIS GROUND . ADVANCE , get ground . RETIRE , retreat , give back , shrink , recede , recoyle . Country of fighting . 3. KEEP THE FIELD . PVRSVE , chas , course , follow , pros●cute , Hue and Cry. FLY , run away rout , fugitive , take ones heels , put to flight . Town assaulted . 4. HOLD OUT , make good , maintain , stand out , hold tack . TAKE , win . LOSE , yield , surrender , Rendition . Goods of those that fight . 5. SAVE ONE'S OWN . BOOTIES , Forage , Plunder , Pillage , Quarry , Prey , Prize , Free-booter , Letters of Mart , Letters of Reprize . SPOILS , harras , havock , ravage , rifle , sack , ransack , Wreck , Devastation , Ruin , Wast , depopulate . Persons concerned . 6. ESCAPE , evade , scape eschew , get rid , get quit off , get off , shift away , get clear . CAPTIVATE , take prisoner . YIELD , give up , render , surrender , resign , deliver . Final issue of the War. 7. SAVE . CONQUER , bring under , master , mate , quel , vanquish , repress , suppress , tame subdue , win . SVBMIT , give up , humble , yield , surrender , come in . Of Shew on the Victor's side , ( for the conquered makes none ; ) either by some ‖ solemn Actions to be publicly performed : or Things and Structures to remain in memory of the Victory . 8. TRIUMPH , exult , crow , exultation , Bonfire . TROPHEE . III. Military PERSONS ( Souldier , Warrier , Reformado , serve , press , ) segregate , may be distinguished by those several imployments for which they are designed ; being either for Fighting ; ‖ on foot : or on horse-back 1 FOOTMAN , Infantry , Lance-knight . HORSMAN , Cavalry , Light-horse , Curasier , Dragoons , Trooper , Reister , Rider Signs to the Army ; belonging either to ‖ Foot : or Horse . Visible . 2. ENSIGN , Ancient , Colours , Standard , Pennon , Banner . CORNET , Banner , Colours . Audible . 3. DRUMMER , Drum , Tabor , Tabret . TRUMPETER , Trumpet . Distributing Orders ; ‖ ordinary , belonging to each aggregate part : or extraordinary , belonging to the Army . 4. SERJEANT . ADJUTANT . Discovery ; either ‖ of the Country in general : or amongst the Enemies . 5. SCOUT , crusing , descry . SPY , Emissary , Setter , Intelligence . Prevention of danger that might happen either to ‖ Persons : or Places . 6. GUARD , Convoy , custody , keep , ward , keep guard , relieve the guard , Corps du guard WATCH , Ward , Corporal . Both Discovery and Prevention ; denoting such a one as ‖ stands and examines : or lies on the ground to listen and observe 7. SENTINEL , Sentry . PERDUE . Digging : or other servil works ; denoting such Servants of the Army as follow the Baggage . 8. PIONER . CALO , Pedec , Black guard . IV. Military PERSONS AGGREGATE ( Party of Souldiers , Forces , disband ) may be distributed according to such different names as do denote either the Whole ; being an armed Multitude fit to assault or resist , consisting of many subordinate divisions . 1 ARMY , Host , Forces , Battalia . Parts ; according to The first : or the second greatest subdivisions . 2. BRIGADE , Battalion , Terce . REGIMENT , Legion , Tribune , Colonel . The third : or fourth subdivision , belonging both to Horse and Foot. 3. COMPANY , Troop , Band , Captain , Centurion . SQUADRON . Order and Situation ; whether with ‖ the side of every one towards the side of the next : or the face of every one towards the back of the next , 4. RANK . FILE , Roe . Vses and Services for which such persons are designed ; whether To march before the Army , for clearing of the way : or to follow after , for help and supply in case of necessity . 5. VANCURRIER . RESERVE . To begin the Fight : or to ingage in the most difficult services , being usually a selected Company . 6. FORLORN HOPE . COMMANDED PARTY . To take care of and defend the Baggage . 7. TRAIN . V. The Provisions necessary for Offence and Defence are styled by the general name of AMMUNITION , Magazin , charge , discharge , Arcenal . To which may be adjoyned the word BAGGAGE , Impediments , Luggage , Lumber . They are distinguishable according to their Shapes , and those several Uses for which they are designed , into such as are more General ; denoting the common names belonging to things of this nature ; whether such as are ‖ offensive : or defensive . 1. WEAPON , Arms offensive . ARMOUR , defensive Arms , Mail , Headpiece , Helmet , Scull , Gorget , Gauntl●t , Habergeon , &c. Armorer , Armory . Special ; for Offence . Comminus , near hand ; being either for Striking chiefly ; whether ‖ bruising : or cutting . 2. CLUB , Bat , Batoon , Battle-ax , Mace , Pole-ax , Cudgel . SWORD , Scimitar , Hanger , Rapier , Tuck , Ponyard , Stilletto , Dagger , Fauchion , Glave , Cutler . Thrusting chiefly ; of which the latter is sometimes used for striking . 3. PIKE , Spear , Launce , Iavelin , run at tilt . HALBERT , Partizan , Trident. Eminus , at a distance ; whether Ancient and less artificial ; denoting either the Instrument giving the force , being of a curved figure and elastical power ; to be held in the hand , either ‖ immediately : or by the stock to which it is fixed . 4. BOW , shoot , Archer , Fletcher . CROSS-BOW , shoot . Instrument or Weapon projected ; whether ‖ immediately out of the hand : or mediately from something else . 5. DART , Iavelin , Harping-iron . ARROW , Shaft , Bolt . Modern and more artificial , ( i. ) fire-Arms ; denoting either the Vessels giving the force ; according to the name of ‖ the whole kind : or of the bigger kind . 6. GUN , shoot , Snaphance , Fire-lock , Musket , Carbine , Blunderbuss , Piece , Arquebus , Petronel , Pistol , Dagg , Potgun , play upon . ORDNANCE , Cannon , Artillery , Saker , Minion , Basilisk , Drake , &c. shoot . Vtensils ; signifying the thing ‖ enkindling : or enkindled . 7. MATCH , Tinder , Touchwood , Spunk . POWDER , Gunpowder . Things discharged ; either ‖ so●●d : or hollow . 8. BULLET , Ball , Pellet , Shot . GRANADO , Petard . Defence : 9. BUCKLER , Shield , Target . VI. Such kind of Places , together with such kind of Contrivances belonging to them , as relate to a state of War , may be styled MILITARY PLACES or Works , ( Munitions , Fortifications , fenced , Hold , dismantle . ) To which may be adjoyned for its affinity the common notion of such things as are used for the fencing of Places ; SEPIMENT , Wall , Pale , Fence , Enclosure , Fold , Mound . These may be distinguished into such as are More principal ; Comprehending the Area contained within them . Greater ; in ‖ Country : or Town . 1. CAMP , encamp , quarter . GARRISON . Less ; more ‖ independent : or dependent . 2. SCONCE , Fortress , Platform , Fort. BLOCK-HOUSE , Fort , Bastion , Strong-hold . Not comprehending the Area contained within them . General ; denoting a Sepiment ‖ Ridge-like of Earth : or Furrow-like in the Earth . 3. RAMPIER , Wall , Bulwark , Line , Counterscarf , Mound , Out-work . DITCH , Dike , Foss , Trench , Mote . Special ; signifying the ‖ outward : or inward Wall. 4. VAUMURE . LINING . Less principal ; whether Parts . G●eater ; either of ‖ a round : or many-angled figure . 5. HALF-MOON . HORN-WORK . Lesser ; either ‖ angular to defend the sides of a place : or the straight sides to be so defended . 6. REDOUBT . FLANKER . Accessions ; belonging to the Out-parts ▪ being a series of ‖ great Pins erected : or Holes dug in the earth . 7. PALLISADO . FURNACE-HOLE . Entrance ; Military Doors ‖ to shut transverse : or to let down direct . 8. TURNPIKE . PORTCULLIS . Walls ; signifying an erect crenated Margo upon the Walls ; ‖ either built upon them : or made by setting on Baskets filled with earth . 9. PARAPET . GABION . NAVAL RELATION . THe Head of Naval Relation is intended to comprehend the various Notions and Expressions , belonging to mens affairs and traffick on the Waters ; respecting either Things . KINDS OF VESSELS used for Passage . I. Parts of Vessels ; relating to such as serve for Containing ; HULL . II. PROGRESSIVE MOTION OR STAYING . III. RIGGING . IV. PERSONS . V. ACTIONS . VI. I. The KINDS OF VESSELS which are used for passage on the Waters , are in several Countries of so great variety and names , by reason of their being distinguished by some little accidental Differences , that it will be very difficult for the most expert person to give a sufficient enumeration of them : and therefore I shall in this place distribute them onely according to their various Magnitudes , and the Vses for which they are designed : according to which they may be distinguished into such as are denoted under the General name ; belonging to the ‖ lesser , or greater kind . 1. BOAT , Oars , Wherry , Sculler , Canoe , Cockboat , Waterman . SHIP , Pink , Pinnace , Shallop , Sail , Vessel , Navy , Fleet , naval . Particular kinds ; either Lesser for the Sea , or greater for Rivers . 2. KETCH , Bark , Flyboat . BARGE , Lighter , Gallyfoist , Brigandine , &c. Greater ; being moved either by Sails and Oars . 3. GALLY . Sails onely ; and used chiefly for Burthen . 4. GALEOT , Caramosil , Carrack , Caravel . Traffick and Merchandize . 5. MERCHANT-MAN , Bottom . Fighting . 6. MAN OF WAR , Frigot , Caper , Armada , Privateer . Passage . 7. PACQUET-BOAT . II. By HULL is meant the main Bulk or Body of the Ship , considered abstractly from its Masts and Rigging . The parts of which may be distinguished into such as relate to Timbers . Fixed at the Bottom of the Ship ; lying either ‖ direct , or transverse . 1. KEEL . RUNG. End ; either the ‖ former , or hinder part . 2. STEM , Prow . STERN , Poop . Movable upon a Centre or Hindge ; ‖ for lifting up the Anchor or any great weight : or for stearing the Ship. 3. CAPSTAIN . RUDDER , Helm , Steer . Places or rooms ; relating to the Former , or hinder part above . 4. FORE-CASTLE . ROUND-HOUSE . Middle space ; ‖ betwixt the Main mast and Fore-castle , or the rooms built above this towards the Stem . 5. WAST . HALF-DECK . Apertures ; in the Floor or Deck , supplying the office of Doors and Windows ; ‖ greater , or lesser . 6. HATCHES . SCUTTLE , Gratings . Sides ; ‖ for putting out the Ordnance , or for passage of Water from the Deck , 7. PORTHOLE . SCUPPER . Interstices ; betwixt ‖ the edges of the planks , or the side-timbers of the Ship. 8. SEAM . SPURKET . Shape or figure of the Hull ; with respect to ‖ the gathering or joyning together of the planks upon the Ship 's quarter under water , or so much of the Hull as hangs over both ends of the Keel ; styled 9. RAKE OF POST , Tuck . RAKE OF STEM . III. Parts of Vessels serving chiefly for the PROGRESSIVE MOTION or Staying of them , may be distinguished , by the matter of which they consist , into such as are of Wood ; according to the more General names ; denoting such woody parts as are either Fixed and upright ; or the upper parts of these , round and prominent . 1. MAST . TOP , Boul. Moveable and transverse ; applyed either to the ‖ top , or bottom of the Sail. 2. YARD . BOOM . Separate ; serving for thrusting against ‖ the Water , or the Earth . 3. OAR , row . POLE. Particular kinds of Masts ; ( applicable likewise to Top , Yard , and Sails , ) being placed either in the Fore-part ; whether ‖ leaning , or upright . 4. BOUL-SPRIT . FORE-MAST . Middle , or hinder-part . 5. MAIN-MAST . MIZZEN-MAST . Cloth ; serving for the Catching and opposing the Wind ; either ‖ principally , or additionally . 6. SAIL , Course . BONNET , Drabler . Distinction of Nations , or the several Officers of a Navy ; set up either ‖ above , on the Masts , or below , at the Stern . 7. FLAG . ANCIENT . Ornament and shew , or used to mark out the Wind 's quarter . 8. STREAMER . JACK . Iron ; for ‖ staying and holding the Ship , or the fastning of it to other Ships . 9. ANCHOR , Kedger . GRAPPLE . IV. By RIGGING is meant the several kinds of Cordage belonging to a Ship ; in respect of the Masts ; serving either for the Keeping them upright ; namely , ‖ that are more declive on either side of the Masts : or those that are more transverse . 1. SHROUDS , Puttocks . STAYES . Ascent up to them ; those smaller ropes which cross the Shrouds as the rounds of a Ladder . 2. RATLINGS . Yards ; serving for the Tying of them : or the pulling of them to and fro . 3. PARREL . JEARS . Squaring or transversing : or making them to hang higher or lower . 4. BRACES . LIFTS . Sails ; serving for the Tying of them to the Yards : or the pulling them to and fro . 5. ROBINS . SHEATS . Furling them across : or to raise up the bunt or protuberant part of the Sail. 6. BRALE . BUNT-LINE . Making of them to stand closer by a wind ; being fastned either to ‖ the Clew or corner of the Sail : or the middle part of it . 7. TACKS . BOWLINE . Anchor ; according to ‖ the more general name : or the name belonging to the lesser kind of such ropes . 8. CABLE . HAWSER , Halser . V. PERSONS belonging to the management of NAVAL Affairs , Mariners , Seafaring-men , may be distributed into such whose Charge doth concern the Defence of the Ship by fighting ; either More principal ; the Chief , who in Fight is to make good the Half-deck : or his Deputy , whose place in Fight is the Fore-castle . 1. CAPTAIN . LIEUTENANT . Less principal ; having the charge of the ‖ Squadrons for the Watch : or being to take care for the setting and relieving of the Watch , and that the Souldiers keep their Arms clean . 2. QUARTER-MASTER . CORPORAL . Ordnance , Shot , Powder , &c. 3. GUNNER . Sailing of the Ship , and the care of its parts and Lading ; either More principal ; whose charge it is to Direct the course , and command all the Sailors : or to bring the Ship safe to harbour . 4. MASTER . PILOT . Keep account of the Goods , what is received and delivered . 5. CAPE-MERCHANT . PURSER . Preserve the Rigging and Tackle and the Long-boat : or to attend the Skiff with a peculiar gang to go to and fro upon occasion . 6. BOATSWAIN . COCKSWAIN . Less principal ; serving to Keep the Decks clean . 7. SWABBER . Manage the Sails below : or to ascend for taking in the Top-sails , &c. 8. SAILERS , Mid-ship-men , Skipper . YONKERS , Fore-mast-men . VI. NAVAL ACTIONS may be distinguished into such as are done To the Ship ; for the Securing of the Seams betwixt the Planks ; either by ‖ beating in of Okum , ( i. ) pieces of old Ropes or hards of Flax : or putting a list of Canvas along the Seam , and then pouring hot Pitch upon it . 1. CALKING . PARSLING . Smoothing the outside ; by ‖ washing or burning off all the filth with REEDS or Broom ; or smearing over so much of the Ship as is to be in the water with a mixture of Tallow , Sope and Brimstone , boiled together , to preserve the Calking , and to make the Vessel mor● slippery for passage . 2. BROMING , Breaming . GRAVING . Defending it against Worms ; by ‖ casing that part of the Hull within water with Tar and Hair , and then nailing over thin Boards : or inlarging the Breadth , by ripping off some of the Planks ; and then , having added other Timbers , to put on the Planks again , styled 3. SHEATHING . FURRING . Varying the Position of a Ship ; either ‖ for the mending of it , by making it to lie on one side , the better to come at its lower parts : or for the motion of it , by so ordering the Lading and Rigging that it may be in the best condition for sailing . 4. CAREENING . TRIMMING . By the Ship ; either Resting ; when 't is ‖ staid by the Anchor : or laid leaning to one side . 5. RIDING AT ANCHOR . HULLING . In motion ; either more Direct ; when it ‖ goes as it should : or runs its head in the wind more or less then it should . 6. KEEPING A WIND . GRIPING . FALLING TO THE LEEWARD . Lateral ; when it ‖ doth lean too much on one side : or doth turn too much on each side . 7. HEELING , seeling . ROLLING . ECCLESIASTICAL RELATION . UNder this Head of ECCLESIASTICAL RELATION ( Clergy , Spiritual , Church , ) are comprehended the several Notions and respects belonging to a Church-state . By Church is meant a Society of men as agreeing in the same kind of inward apprehensions of , and external demeanour towards , the Divine Nature : to which may be opposed the word TEMPORAL , Civil , Humane , Secular , Lay , Prophane . Notions of this kind , may be distinguished into such as do denote KINDS OF RELIGION . I. Persons ; in regard of their ECCLESIASTICAL CALLINGS . II. STATES OF RELIGION . III. Actions ; belonging to WORSHIP . IV. DISCIPLINE . V. INSTITUTIONS . VI. I. That habit of reverence towards the Divine nature , whereby we are inabled and inclined to serve and worship him after such a manner as we conceive most acceptable to him , is called RELIGION , Piety , Godliness . The Privation of which is styled ATHEISM , Irreligion , Impiety . Men are distinguished by their kinds of Religion into such as Are wholly without any revelation of the true God and his Worship ; but that knowledge which they have is either Simple , from the dictates of mere Reason . 1. NATURAL RELIGION . Mixed , and corrupted with the worship of false gods . 2. PAGANISM , Heathenism , Ethnic , Infidel , Gentil , Painim . Have revelations : or pretend to them ; whether by Moses , in which they rest . 3. JUDAISM , Iudaical , Iew. Christ and his Apostles , added to Moses . 4 CHRISTIANITY . Mahomet , superadded to the rest . 5. MAHOMETISM , Turcism . II. Those who apply themselves to the businesses of Religion as their particular Calling , may be stiled ECCLESIASTICAL PERSONS , Clergy , Churchman , spiritual , Hierarchy . To which may be opposed , TEMPORAL , Lay-ic , civil , secular , prophane . These may be distinguished into such as are Injoyned ; being set apart to some peculiar function in the Church , and by way of office devoted to assist in the duties of Religion , whether such as were in use Before the Law ; being ‖ the chief Administrators of religious Services , as Masters of Families : or such others as then and since were extraordinarily called and gifted to foretell future things . 1. PATRIARCH . PROPHET - ical , divine , prophesie , foretell , presage , prognosticate , Prediction , Seer , Sibyl . Vnder the Law ; ‖ appointed for the principal works of divine Service : or such as were subordinate and assistant to them . 2. PRIEST . LEVITE - ical . Vnder the Gospel ; being either Temporary ; ‖ who were first indued with the power of Miracles , of whom there were onely twelve : or such others as these took in for their help , to travel up and down for the spreading of Christianity . 3. APOSTLES - ical . EVANGELISTS - ical , Gospel . Permanent , and to be continued ; whether More principal ; denoting the chief Ecclesiastical Officer ‖ of a Province , with several Cities : or some particular City and the Territory adjoyning . 4. PRIMATE , Arch bishop , Metropolitan , Mufty , Patriarch , Province . BISHOP , Prelate , Ordinary , Episcopal-acy , Suffragan , Superintendent , Pontificial , Diocess , See , Cathedral , Mitre , Crosyer , Hierarchy . Less principal ; such as are ‖ the chief Officers of particular Parish-churches : or others subordinate and assistant to these . 5. PRESBYTER , Priest , Elder , Minister , Incumbent , Curate , Chaplain , Parson . DEACON , Minister . Not injoyned ; but voluntary , to be further distinguished , according to the General name ; denoting those that are under a vow of Poverty , Coelibate , and obedience to their Superiours , to whom may be adjoyned for affinity , such others as oblige themselves to certain offices with them . 6. REGULAR , Religious Person , order , rule . PENITENTS , Confraternity , Convert . Particular kinds ; such as live either ‖ together in Society : or alone by themselves . 7. MONK , Frier-ry , Nunn-ery , Novice , Abbot , Abbess , Abby , Prior-ry , General , Provincial , Gardian , Monastic , Monastery , Minster , Cloister , Covent , Society , Cowle , Father . HERMIT , Anchorite , Cell , Recluse . III. Persons considered according to their several STATES and Conditions in respect OF RELIGION , may be distinguished either by their Faith and Iudgments ; whether ‖ true , or false , as to the essential points of Religion . 1. ORTHODOX , Believer . HERETIC - al , Heresie , Miscreant . Charity to and communion with the body of those that agreee in the same Profession : or being the faulty cause of the breach of such Communion . 2. CATHOLIC , Communicant , Communion , Son of the Church . SCHISMATIC , Schism-atical , Sect-ary , Recusant , Separate . Suffering upon the account of Religion ; being either Great , but not unto Death . 3. CONFESSOR . Great unto Death . To which may be opposed the inflicter of sufferings upon account of Religion . 4. MARTYR - dom . PERSEQUUTOR : Eminent degrees of ‖ Religiousness : or Irreligiousness . 5. SAINT , Hero-ical , canonize . SCANDAL - ous , profligate , Offence . Former state , in respect of the several terms from which and to which men are changed ; either ‖ from bad to good : or from good to bad . 6. CONVERT , Proselyte , regenerate , reclaim , turn , come over . APOSTATE , Back-slider , Renegado , Defection , revolt , draw back , turn , forsake , fall away , relapse , Fugitive , Tergiversation . IV. That inward and outward reverence whereby we acknowledge the Esteem due to the Superiority and Excellency of another , together with the two extremes of this , viz. Redundant , when men give this to such things as they ought not for the Matter , or in such a degree as they ought not for the Measure ; and Deficient , when men do either contemn or neglect sacred things and duties , are styled WORSHIP , Adoration , Veneration , Devotion , devout , Liturgy , Divine service , Mattins , Vespers , Even-song . SUPERSTITION , Bigot . PROPHANENESS , Impiety , impious , ungodly . The more special acts of Worship may be distinguished into such as are more Ordinary and constant ; whereby we Apply our selves to God ; whether more General ; whereby we ‖ address to him for relief in all our wants and fears , upon the belief of his infinite Goodness and Power : or making solemn and religious promises to him . 1. PRAYER , Invocation , Collect , Orizon , Oratory , Ejaculation , call upon . VOW , Votary , devoted . Special ; whereby we do either ‖ Acknowledge our own faults and deserts : or intreat his favour and help . 2. CONFESSION , acknowledge , Shreeve . PETITION , supplicate , sue , beg , Litany , crave , request , Supplyant , Bedes-man , Boon . Return our acknowledgements to him for the good things we enjoy ; either ‖ more general : or by Singing . 3. THANKSGIVING , praise , magnifie , extol , Grace . PSALM , Hymn , Anthem . Instruct others publicly , or excite them to religious duties ; either ‖ in a more continued solemn Discourse : or by the asking and answering of Questions in the plainest manner about the most necessary points of Religion . 4. PREACHING , Homily , Sermon , Postil , Pulpit . CATECHISING , Catechism . Occasional ; relating unto Solemnities of ‖ joy : or sadness . 5. FESTIVITY , Festival , Holy-day , High-day , Sabbath , Iubilee , Wake , genial , good time . FASTING , Humiliation , Ember-week , Lent , Vigil , Eve. Ritual Offices observed amongst Christians ; pertaining to Entrance into the state of Wedlock : or dissolving of that state . 6. MARRIAGE , Wedd-ing , Matrimony , nuptial , Bride-groom , Hymen . DIVORCE . Return into the Congregation after Parturition . 7. CHURCHING . Actual taking upon themselves the Obligation made by their Sponsors in Baptism . 8. CONFIRMATION . Performing the Rites due to the Dead by putting their bodies ‖ into the ground : or under some Monument , to preserve the memorial of them . 9. BURYING , interr , Grave , Funeral , Obit , Obsequies , Herse , Sepulture , Church-yard , Charnel-house . ENTOMBING , Tomb , Sepulchre , Monument , Epitaph . V. Actions relating to Ecclesiastical Authority or DISCIPLINE , do concern the due ordering of the circumstances of Ecclesiastical or Sacred things to the best convenience . The Notions belonging to this Head , do refer either to the work of , Setting things aside to a peculiar use ; according to the More general Notion belonging to Things , and Times , and Places , as well as Persons ; namely , the ‖ separating of them from common use : or abusing them as being but common . 1. CONSECRATION , sacred , sanctifie , hallow , devote , dedica●e , Holiness . PROPHANATION , unhallowed , impious , common , Lustration . More particular kind , appropriated to Persons . 2. ORDINATION , Consecration , DEPRIVATION , depose . Regulating of abuses in Ecclesiastical matters ; according to the more General name . 3. CENSURE . Particular kinds ; consisting in a Temporary privation of Church-priviledges . 4. SUSPENSION . Permanent , being the highest Ecclesiastical punishment ; by a ‖ cutting off from all Church-communion and privileges : or the restoring one so cut off . 5. EXCOMMUNICATION , Anathema , Curse , cut off , separate . ABSOLVTION , loosing , discharge , assoile , purge , clear pardon , acquit . VI. By INSTITUTIONS or Ordinan●●s are properly meant such kinds of things or duties as we could not have known or been obliged unto without particular Revelation . These may be distinguished into Rules for our Instruction in Religion ; which , according to the several manners of conveyance , were either ‖ written : or unwritten . 1. SCRIPTURE , Bible , Word of God , Holy Writ , Text , Testament . TRADITION , Delivery , Cabala . Services to be done ; according to the more General name ; consisting in our offering or giving things unto God. 2. OBLATION , Offering , Offertory . Particular kind , proper to the times under the Law ; which required the offering of such things by Fire as were either ‖ for Food : or for Perfume . 3. SACRIFICE , Victim , Holocaust , Host , Oblation , Hecatombe . INCENSE , Censor . Certain external signs and means for the signifying and conveying of internal spiritual Grace ; according to the more General name . 4. SACRAMENT - al. Particular kinds . Vnder the Law ; for the ‖ initiating : or confirming men in that Religion . 5. CIRCUMCISION , Cutting off the fore-skin . PASSOVER . Paschal , Easter . Vnder the Gospel ; whether for ‖ initiating : or confirming . 6. BAPTISM , Christen , Font , Paedobaptism EUCHARIST , Communion , the Lord's Supper , The Sacrament , Host , Mass , Missal . CHAP. XII . I. A general Explication of the design of the foregoing Tables . II. Particular Instances in the six principal heads of it . III. Some things to be noted concerning Opposites and Synonyma . IV. An enumeration of what kinds of things are not to be particularly provided for in such tables . THe principal design aimed at in these Tables , is to give a sufficient enumeration of all such things and notions , as are to have names assigned to them , and withall so to contrive these as to their order , that the place of every thing may contribute to a description of the nature of it . Denoting both the General and the Particular head under which it is placed ; and the Common difference whereby it is distinguished from other things of the same kind . It would indeed be much more convenient and advantageous , if these Tables could be so contrived , that every difference amongst the Predicaments might have a transcendental denomination , and not depend at all upon a numerical institution . But I much doubt , whether that Theory of things already received , will admit of it ; nor doth Language afford convenient terms , by which to express several differences . It were likewise desirable to a perfect definition of each species , that the immediate form which gives the particular essence to every thing might be expressed ; but this form being a thing which men do not know , it cannot be expected that it should be described . And therefore in the stead of it , there is reason why men should be content with such a description by properties and circumstances , as may be sufficien● to determine the primary sense of the thing defined . Of these descriptions I shall ●●re give an instance under each of the six Principal Heads . The word Goodness is a transcendental , one of the General differences of things , or affections of entity , implying a respect to something without it self , namely , to the Will , by agreement to which things are rendered lovely and desirable , as by their disagreement they are rendered hateful and avoidable , which is the opposite notion of Evil. The word Diamond doth by its place in the Tables appear to be a Substance , a Stone , a pretious Stone , transparent , colourless , most hard and bright . The word Flower or blossom is one of the peculiar parts , belonging to Plants , an annual part , more principal , antecedent to the seed , considerable for its beauty and colour . The words Newness and Oldness do signifie notions belonging to Quantity , to space , to time , and more particularly to time past , according to the degrees of less or greater , as the next pair , soonness and lateness , doth relate to time future , according to the same degrees of Less or Greater . The word Moderation is a Quality , a Habit , an Affection of intellectual virtue , whereby we are concerned for any truth ▪ according to a due measure , not more or less then the evidence and importance of it doth require , to which the notion of fierceness or fanaticalness is opposed as the d●ficient extreme . The word Pitty , doth by its place denote an Action , spiritual , of the soul in respect of the Appetite , whose actions are commonly stiled Affections or Passions : 'T is a mixed Passion , consisting of Grief and Love , occasioned by some evil , which ( as we think ) doth unworthily befall others . As Envy doth of Grief and Hate upon account of some good befalling others ( as we think ) unworthily . The word Parent by the place of it in the Tables , doth denote the thing thereby signified ▪ to be a Relation , Oeconomical , of Consanguinity , direct ascending ; as Child is direct descending . And thus is it with all those other particulars , which are placed either directly or collaterally , either by way of Opposition or of Affinity . Only 't is here to be noted . 1. That some of those which are placed as Opposites , do not alwayes fall out to be under the same Predicament or Genus with those things to which they are adjoyned ; as it must be in such things as are privatively opposed , as Blindness , Deafness , Darkness , &c. And so likewise for some of those species which are put in for their affinity , as Point , Center , Pole , and such other things as are not directly , but reductively only under any predicament . 2. That some Radixes , besides the redundant and deficient extremes , have likewise an Opposite common ; so to the word Iustice , there is opposed an Opposite common , Injustice , besides the excess Rigor , and the defect Remission . So to Veracity , the Opposite common is lying ; which may be either by way of Excess , over-saying , boasting , flattering : or of Defect , under-saying , detraction . So to Equality , the Opposite common is Inequality , imparity , disparity ; the excess of which is Superiority , and the defect Inferiority . This is natural to all Radixes that have double Opposites , though instituted Languages have not provided words to express it . 3. Many of the Synonymous word● put to the Radixes , are referred to more heads then one , upon account of their various equivocal acceptions . And besides such words or phrases as are more plainly Synonymous , there is likewise an addition of such other , as are either more immediate derivations , whether Adjectives , Verbs , Adverbs : or more mediate , being by composition to be made off from those Radixes to which they are adjoyned : Of which I shall give an instance or two , under each of the six general Heads . In the Table of Transcendentals , T. III. 2. the Radical is GOODNESS , to which these other words are adjoyned , Weal , welfare , right , regular , well , rectifie , better , best . Amongst which , the words Weal , welfare , are mentioned as Synonoma , denoting such a state of being as is desirable , and are supposed to be Substantives Neuter . Well-doing or Good action , is the Substan . Act. The words Good , right , regular , are the Positive adjectives from the root . Better , best , are the Comparative and Superlative adjectives . Well , right , &c. are the Adverbs . Rectifie is good make , and to be expressed by composition with the Transcendental particle of Cause . So for the Opposite to this , EVI●NESS to which these words are adjoyned , Ill , bad , naught , wrong , amiss , shrewd , scurvy , lewd , horrid , horrible , corrupt , pravity , deprave , sin , fault , trespass , transgress-ion , Peccadillo , worse . Amongst which , the words Badness , pravity , are Synonymous to the Radicals , and supposed to be Substantives newter . The words Sin , fault , trespass , trangression , will be Substan . Act. which being compounded with the Transcendental Particle , Diminutive or Augmentative , will denote a Peccadillo or small fault , or an Enormity or heinous crime . The words Evil ill , bad , naught , wrong , corrupt , are Adjectives of this root , and being compounded with the Transcendental Particle of Augmentative , will be of the same importance with those other words , Shrewd , scurvy , lewd , horrid , horrible , &c. The words Ill , amiss , wrong , badly , naughtily , are the Adverbs . The words denoting to sin , trespass , transgress , are the Verb. Act. which being compounded with the Transcendental Particle of Cause , will signifie Corrupt , deprave . So in the Tables of Substance , Be. II. 1. the Radical is KINE , signifying the Bovinum genus ; the other words reduced to it are , Bull , Cow , Ox , Calf , Heifer , Bullock , Steer , Beef , Veal , Runt , Bellow , Low , Heard , Cowheard . Some of which are to be made off from this root by compositions with the Transcendental Particles . So the Root Kine with the Transcendent . Part. will signifie Male. Bull , Bullock , Steere . Female . COW , Heifer , Steere . Young. Calf . Voice Bellow , Low. Dimin . Runt . Aggregate Heard . Officer . Cowheard . The rest are to be made off by other Compositions : So Ox is untesticled or gelt Bull ; Beef , Veal , is the flesh of Kine or Calf . Be. II. 2 The Radical is SHEEP ; to which are adjoyned the words , Ram , Yew , Lamb , Weather , Mutton , Bleat , Fold , Flock , Shepheard . Each of which words are to be made off from this radical , ●y some kind of compositions . The word Sheep being compounded with the Transcend . Particle of will signifie Male. Ram. Female . Yew . Young. Lamb. Voice . Bleating . Sepiment . Fold , Sheepfold . Aggregate . Flock . Officer . Shepheard . Gelt Ram is Weather , Flesh of Sheep is Mutton . Mag. III. A. the Radical is FIGURE , to which these other words are annexed , viz. Shape , Feature , Fashion , Form , Frame , Scheme , Lineament , the make , well set or proportioned , transform , transfigure , deface , disfigure . Amongst which the former words , Shape , Feature , Fashion , Form , Frame , Scheme , Lineament , the make , are , according to one of those senses wherein each of them is commonly used , the more mediate Synonyma , the rest are to be made off by composition , either with Transcendental particles of the word change , transform , transfigure . Perfective , well-set or proportioned . Corruptive , defaced , disfigured . Sp. I. 1. The Radical is PRESENT , to which is adjoyned , at this time , now , immediately , instantly , current , ready . The more immediate Synonyma are , This time or instant . The words Current , ready , are Adjectives . Now , immediately , instantly , are the Adverbs of this root . One of the Opposites to this Radical , is PAST , or time past ; to which these other words are put , Expired , former , foregone , ago , already , even now , heretofore gone , over , out , a-late , erewhile , long since , which are thus to be made off . The words Expired , former , foregone , over , out , are the Adjectives of this root . The words already , heretofore , out , are the Adverbs , which being compounded with the Transcendental Particle . Augment . will signifie . A great while ago , long since . Dimin . will signifie . Even now , a-late , erewhile , a little while ago . The other Opposite is FUTURE , to which these words are adjoyned , Time to come , after time , hereafter , presently , anon , by and by , shortly ▪ straitway , ere long , henceforth , process of time , after a long while . Amongst which these words or phrases , Time to come , after time , process of time , are Synonymous substantives . Hereafter , henceforth , are Adverbs , which being compounded with the Transcendental Particle of Augment ▪ will signifie After a long while . Diminut. will signifie Presently , by and by , anon , shortly , straitway , ere long . Sp. II. 3. is the Radical NEARNESS , to which these other words are added , Vicinity , Propinquity , Proximity , nigh , next ▪ close , adjacent , adjoyn , neighbouring , imminent , impendent , immediate , ready at hand , accost , draw on , approach , at , by , hard by , beside , hithermost . Amongst which , the words Vicinity , Propinquity , Proximity , are Synonymous substantives . Nigh , close , adjacent , adjoyning , neighbouring , imminent , impendent , immediate , next , hithermost , are Adjectives . By , hard by , at , at hand , besides , are Adverbs . Approach , accost , draw neer or on , are Verbs . So for the Opposite to this , REMOTENESS , to which are adjoyned the words , farr , farther , aloof , wide of , distant , utmost , ultimate , great way off . Amongst which the words , far , farther , distant , utmost , ultimate , are Adjectives . Aloof , wide of , a great way off , are Adverbs . NP. II. 3. the radical word is MEMORY , to which these other words are adjoyned , Recollect , recal commemorate , remember , call or come to mind , put in mind , suggest , record , recount , con over , getting by heart , by rote , without book , at ones fingers ends , memorable , Memorial , Memorandum , mindful . Amongst which the words , Remember , commemorate , record , recount , are Verbs , which being compounded with the Transc . Particle . Cause , will signifie Suggest , put in mind , or cause to remember . Endeavour . will signifie . For the present , Recal , recollect , call to mind . Endeavour . will signifie . For the future , Con over , get by heart , by rote , &c. Mindful is an Adject . Neut . Memorable is an Adj. Pass . Abstr. Memorandum , Memorial , is to be compounded with the Transcend . Part. Sign , denoting a Sign for remembrance . NP. V. 9. the Radical is SWIFTNESS , to which these other words are adjoyned , Fleetness , Celerity , Speed , fast , apace , quick , sudden , rapid , hurry , accelerate , hasten , cursory , hye , expedite , run , scud , whisk , post . Amongst which the words , Fleetness , Celerity , Speed , are Synonymous subst . Quick , sudden , fast , rapid , expedite , cursory , are Adj. Apace , quickly-er , are Adverbs . Hye , hasten , run , post , hurry , scud , whisk , are Verbs . Accelerate , expedite , as also hasten , hurry , when they denote a Transitive efficiency , are to be expressed by composition with the Transc . ●article of Cause or make . So for the Opposite to this , SLOWNESS ; to which are adjoyned the words , Heaviness , slackness , dull , slugg , tardy , leasurely , softly , dilatory , retard , foreslow , delay , Lob , Lubber , lumpish , Lurdan , torpid , unwieldy , gingerly . The words , Slackness , heaviness , are Synonymous substantives . Dull , sluggish , tardy , lumpish , torpid , unwieldy , dilatory , are the Adjectives of this root ; which being compounded with the Transc . partic . of Person , will be of the same signification with those other words , Slugg , Lob , Lubber , Lurdan . The words , Slowly , leasurely , softly , gingerly , are the Adverbs of this Radical . Retard , soreslow , delay , are the Verbs . So Man. I. O. the Radical word is VICE ; to which these other words are reduced , Sin , Crime , Dishonesty , Improbity , Trespass , Transgression , Fault , Failing , Infirmity , oversight , turpitude , unrighteous , unjust , vile , base , loose , evil , ill , bad , naught , corrupt , venial , wicked , heinous , debaucht , lewd , lawless , licentious , fowl , flagitious , enormous , Profligate , Miscreant , Ruffian , Caitiff , Villain , Rakehell , Libertine , defile , pollute , which are thus to be made off from this root . The words Sin , Dishonesty , Improbity , are Subst . N. Trespass , Transgression , are Substant . Ad. which Substantives being compounded with the Transcendental Particle . Augment will signifie Crime , Enormity , Turpitude . Dim will signifie Fault , Infirmity , Failing , Oversight . Evill , ill , bad , naught , corrupt , vicious , unrighteous , unjust , are the Adject . Neut . which being compounded with the Transcend . Particle , Augment . will be of the same importance with those other words , Base , Foul , Lewd , Filthy , debauched , flagitious , Enormious , profligate , heinous , mortall . If it be compounded with the Transcendental Particle Dim ▪ it will signifie Venial . If with the Transc . Partic. for Person , it signifies , Ruffian , Villain , Rake-hell , Libertine , Miscreant , Caitiffe . Corrupt , defile , pollute , debauch , are the Verb compounded with the Transcendental Particle of Cause , or Make. In the Tables of Action . AS . V. 4 . O. The Radical is GRIEF ; to which are adjoyned the words , Sadness , Sorrow , Melancholy , Heaviness , dolefull , deplorable , disconsolate , bitter , pensive , dejected , tragical , rufull , amort , moan , bemoan , wail , bewail , lament , dump , cast down , vex , trouble , Cutt , take on , whimper , pule , woe , agony , anguish , mourn , cry , take heavily . Which are thus to be made off from the Root . The Words . Sadness , sorrow , Heaviness , Melancholy , Trouble , are Synonymous Subst . which being compounded with the Transc . Particle Augmentative , will express those other words , Anguish , woe , Agony . Pensive , sad , Heavy , Melancholy , sorrowfull , dejected , disconsolate , cast down , are Adjectives ; which being compounded as the former , will be of the same importance with those other words , Dolefull , rufull , bitter , tragical . Deplorable , dolefull , may be the Adject . P. Abst. Moan , bemoan , wail , bewail , lament , mourn , cry , plain , are the Verb of this Root , which in some Acceptions is to be compounded with the Transcendental Particle of Sign . Take on , take heavily , Verbs to be compounded with the Transcendental Particle Augment . whimper , pule , whine , Verbs to be compounded with the Transcendental Particle Dimin . Vex , Cut , cast down , are Verbs Active . Dump , all amort , to be compounded with the Transc . Partic. Impetus . AC . I. 7. O. The Radical is DYING ; to which these other words are adjoyned , Death , deadly , mortall , fatall , dye , decease , depart ▪ expire ▪ give up the ghost , defunct , kill , slay , mortifie , dispatch , slaughter , mortality , Capital ; which are thus to be made off . Death is Subst . N. Mortality is Subst . N. Abst. Slaughter is the Subst . compounded with the Particle Cause . Dead , defunct , is Adj N. Deadly , fatall , mortall , capital , is Adj. A. Abst. Dye , decease , depart , expire , give up the Ghost , is the Verb ; which being compounded with the Transcendental Particle Cause or make , will signifie to Kill , slay , dispatch , mortifie . AC . III. 1. The Radical is SPEAKING ; to which these words are adjoyned , Talke , utter-ance , mention , Elocution , pronounce , express , deliver , Prolation , Spokesman , effable , voluble , fluent say , tell , mutter , mumble , jabber , jargon , Vein , Grammar , Rhetoric , Oratory , Eloquence , Prolocutor , nuncupative , by word of mouth . Talking , Telling , Saying , Expressing , Delivering , Mentioning , are Substant . Synonymous to the Radical ; which being compounded with the Transc . Particle of Manner , will denote the sense of those other words which denote a respect to the mode of speaking , viz. Elocution , Pronunciation , Vtterance , Vien : And being compounded with the Particle Officer , it signifies , Proloquutor . If with the Particle Art , it may denote the several Acts of speaking . So the Art of speaking congruously is Grammar ; ornately is Rhetoric , Eloquence ; Perswadingly is Oratory , Eloquence . If with the Particle Corruptive , it may signifie , Muttering , Mumbling , Iabber , Iargon . The words Fluency , Volubility , are the Subst . Abst. Act. with the Particle Perfective . Nuncupative-ly , by word of mouth , are the Adj. and Adv. of this root . Talk , tell , say , utter , are the Verbs . Spokesman , is the pro , or instead , speaking person . AC . III. 7. The Radical is WRITING ; to which these other words are annexed , Penning , Drawing , Engrossing , Hand , Manuscript , subscribe , superscribe , inscribe , transcribe , postscript , interline , indorse , scrawle , scrible , Penman , Scribe , Scrivener , Secretary , Clerk , Note , Ticket , Docket , Shorthand , Tachygraphy , Brachygraphy , Cryptography , set ones hand , set down , take or put in writing , enter into book . Which words are thus to be made off from this root . The words Penning , drawing , and the Phrases , set ones hand , take or put in writing , enter into book , are the more immediate Synonyma of the Radical . Hand , Manuscript , draught , are the Substantive Passive . The Words Scribe , Penman , Writer Adj. Act. Secretary , Clerk , Scribe Adj. Act. Scrivener . Adj. Act. Note , Ticket , Docket Adject . Pas. Short-hand , Brachygraphy , Stenography Subst . Tachygraphy Subst . Cryptography Subst . Engr●ss , write out fair Verb Scrible , scrawl Verb Subscribe , superscribe , inscribe , &c. are the Verb , compounded with the Prepositions ▪ Sub , super , in , &c. with the Transc . Partic. Person Officer Mechanic Thing Art of Short W Speedy W Secret W Perfective Corruptive In the Tables of Relation . RO. I. 2. The Radical is PARENT ; to which are adjoyned the words Sire , Father , Mother , Damm , paternal , maternal , Grandsire , &c. Orphan , which are thus to be expressed , Sire , Father are Parent Male Mother , Damm are Parent Female Paternal , Maternal , are the Adjectives of Father , Mother ; Grandsire is Fathers Father , or second Father ; Orphan is un-parented . So for the Opposite Radical CHILD ; to which these other words are adjoyned , Issue , Son , Daughter , Brood , Litter , filial , adopt , posthume , which are thus to be expressed . Issue , Brood , Litter By composition with the Transcendental Partic. Kind Son By composition with the Transcendental Partic. Male Daughter By composition with the Transcendental Partic. Female Adopt By composition with the Transcendental Partic. Cause Filial is the Adj. Posthume is a Child born after the Parents Death . RC. I. 2. The Radical is KING ; to which these words are adjoyned , Soveraign , Emperor , Imperial , Monarch , Queen , regall , royal-ty , Majesty , Reign , Kingdom , Lord , Dynasty ▪ Sultan , Cham , Liege Lord , Regent , Realm , Diadem , Crown , Coronation , Scepter , Throne , inthrone , Viceroy . Which are thus to be made off . The Radical being a Substantive of the Person , these other words must be Synonymous to it , viz. Soveraign , Monarch ▪ Emperor , Lord , Liege Lord , Sultan , Cham , Regent . The word Emperor being sometimes used for such a one as hath other Kings under his Dominion , may according to this notion of it , be expressed by composition , with the Transc . Particle of Augmentative . Queen by the Particle Foem . Majesty , Royalty , are Subst . Abst. Regal , royal , Soveraign , Imperial , are the Adject . N. Realm , Kingdom , are the Adj. Pass . with the Particle , Thing . The Reign is the Subst . Act. To Reign is the Verb. Viceroy , Regent , is Adj Act. with Trans . Part. Person and the Preposition Pro , or instead . Crown , Diadem , is Head-Sign of Majesty . Scepter is Staff-Sign of Majesty . Throne is Royal Seat. Coronation , inthroning , is solemnity of King-making , or King-declaring . By these Instances , it may appear , what course is to be taken , with that great variey of Words , adjoyned to other Radicals . The things and notions provided for in these Tables , are such only as are of a more simple nature ; others that are of a more mixed and complicated signification , are to be expressed periphrastically , as may be seen in the Dictionary . Such words only , are absolutely necessary for such a design , as are purely simple ; which if they could be acurately distinguished , would be much fewer then those here enumerated ; But for the preventing of frequent and large periphrases , it may be convenient to take in some others that are not purely simple . There are some kinds of things that are not capable of being provided for in a Character and Language , proposed for Universal use , as namely all such as are appropiated to particular Places or Times . I. Such as are peculiar to some particular place or Nation , As 1. Titles of Honour , Duke , Marquess , Earl , Viscount , Baron , Baronet , Knight , Esquire , &c. Which are to be expressed by the several degrees which they belong to in the Nobilitas Major , or Minor. 2. Titles of Office and Pl●ce , as Sheriff , Maior , Bayliff , &c. Master , Warden , President , Provost , Principal , Rector , &c. which are all to be expressed by the common notion of Prefecture . 3. Degrees in Professions , Doctor , Master , Bachelour , Serjeant at Law , Barrister , &c. 4. Law Terms of Tenures , Writ , &c. Copyhold , Freehold , Knights-service , &c. Habeas corpus , nisi prius , Defeasance , Certiorari , Replevin , supersedeas , Subpaena , &c. 5. To which may be added the several terms of Heraldry , as Fess , Chevron , &c. which are not common to all Nations . II. Such as are continually altering , according to several ages and times , As 1. Vests and Garments , to which there are every day new names assigned , according as several fashions do arise . 2. Kinds of Stuffs , as Baise , Flannel , Serge , Kersey , Grograin , Tammy , Tabby , Sattin , Plush , Velvet , Tiffany , Lawn , Douless , Canvas , Buckrom , &c. Diaper , Damask , &c. which are to be periphrastically expressed by their matter and figure . 3. Games and Plays , of which the old ones do continually grow into disuse , and every age produceth new kinds . 4. Drinks , The Wines of several Countries , and Grapes , as Malmsey Muskadell , &c. And so for other made Drink , as Tei , Coffi , Chocolate , Rambuze , Syllabub , &c. 5. Meats , as several prepared Dishes , Cullace , Bisk , Oglia , &c. The variety of Breads , Bisket , Cracknel , Bunn , Simnel , &c. Several confections , as Marmalade , Codigny , &c. Confections in Physick , as Diascordium , Mithridate , &c. 6. Tunes for Musick , or Dauncing , as Coranto , Galliard , Sarabrand , Jig , Pavan , Almain , &c And so for the various kinds of Musical Instrustruments , Sackbut , Hauboy , Cornet , Lute , Theorbo , Viol , Cittern , &c. 7. The names of several Tools belonging to Trades , which are not the same in all Nations , and are every day multiplyed . 8. To which may be added the names of divers sects , whether Philosophical , Political , or Religious ; which are various according to several places and Times , many of them being derived from the names of Persons , and therefore not to be provided for in such a Theory of things as is proposed for Universal use . But as any of these may be periphrastically expressed in the Latin , or in the Language of any other Nation , which has no one word for them ; so may they likewise , with the same facility be described in a Philosophical Character or Language . PART . III. Concerning Natural Grammar . CHAP. I. 1. Concerning the several kinds and Parts of Grammar . 2. Of Etymology , the general Scheme of Integralls and Particles . 3. Of Nouns in general . 4. Of Substantives Common , denoting either Things , Actions , or Persons . 5. Rules concerning Nouns of Action . 6. Of Substantive abstracts . 7. Of Adjectives according to the true Philosophical notion of them . 8. The true notion of a Verb. 9. Of derived Adverbs . 10. A general Scheme of the fore-mentioned Derivations . HAving now dispatched the second thing proposed to be treated of , namely , the Scientifical part , containing a regular enumeration and description of such things and notions , as are to be known , and to which names are to be assigned , which may be stiled Vniversal Philosophy ; I proceed in the next place to the Organical part , or an enquiry after such kind of necessary helps , whereby as by instruments we must be assisted in the forming these more simple notions into complex Propositions and Discourses , which may be stiled Grammar , containing the Art of Words or Discourse . Grammar may be distinguisht into two kinds ; 1. Natural , and General ; 2. Instituted and Particular . 1. Natural Grammar , ( which may likewise be stiled Philosophical , Rational , and Universal ) should contain all such Grounds and Rules , as do naturally and necessarily belong to the Philosophy of letters and speech in the General . 2. Instituted and Particular Grammar , doth deliver the rules which are proper and peculiar to any one Language in Particular ; as about the Inflexion of words , and the Government of cases , &c. In the Latin , Greek , &c. and is defined by Scaliger to be scientia loquendi ex usu . The first of these only is upon this occasion to be considered . It hath been treated of but by few , which makes our Learned Verulam put it among his Desiderata ; I do not know any more that have purposely written of it , but Scotus in his Grammatica speculativa , and Caramuel in his Grammatica Audax , and Campanella in his Grammatica Philosophica . ( As for Schioppius his Grammar , of this title , that doth wholly concern the Latin tongue ; ) Besides which , something hath been occasionally spoken of it , by Scaliger in his book de causis linguae latinae ; and by Vossius in his Aristarchus . But to me it seems , that all these Authors in some measure ( though some more then others ) were so far prejudiced by the common Theory of the languages they were acquainted with , that they did not sufficiently abstract their rules according to Nature . In which I do not hope , that this which is now to be delivered can be faultless ; it being very hard , ( if not impossible ) wholly to escape such prejudices : yet I am apt to think it less erroneous in this respect then the rest . The parts of Grammar are principally these three . 1. Concerning the kinds of words , or those several modes and respects , according to which the names of things may be varied in their Acceptions ; being made either derivative Nouns , or Adverbs ; together with their several inflexions and compositions ; which may be stiled Etymology . 2. Concerning the proper union or right construction of these into Propositions or sentences ; which is called Syntax . 3. Concerning the most convenient marks or sounds for the expression of such names or words ; whether by writing , Orthography ; or by speech , Orthoepy . The first of these concerning the Doctrine of Words , may refer either , 1. To the formal differences or kinds of them ; or , 2. To the Accidental changes of them , in respect of Inflection , Derivation , Composition . Words , according to their formal differences and kinds , may be thus distributed . All words are either Integrals Nouns Substantives Neuter . Active . Passive . Adjectives Neuter . Active . Passive . Adverbs derived Passive . Particles Grammatical Essential and perpetual in every compleat sentence . The Copula . Not essential , but occasional , Substitutive in the room of some Integral , Pronoun . Sentence , or complex part of it Interjection . Connexive , expressing the Construction of word with word , Preposition . Contexture of sentence with sentence Adverb . Conjunction . Declarative of some Accident belonging to Integral , Article . Copula , Mode . Integral or Cop. Tense . Transcendental . See Chap. 6. By Integrals or Principal words , I mean such as signifie some entire thing or notion : whether the Ens or Thing it self , or the Essence of a thing , as Nouns Neuters , whether concrete or abstract ; or the Doing or Suffering of a thing as Nouns Active or Passive ; or the manner and affection of it , as Derived Adverds . Those instituted words which men do agree upon for the names and appellations of things , are stiled Nouns . Every Noun which in conjunction with a Verb makes a compleat sentence , and signifies simply , and per modum subsistentis per se , is called a Substantive . That which signifies per modum Adjuncti , or adjacentis alteri , is called an Adjective . Substantives belong either to one , called Proper : or to many , and are therefore styled Common . The former of these are not to be brought under the rules of any science , because Individuals are Infinite ; and therefore such proper names as pertain each to one only , should be esteemed as so many Articulate voices , to be expressed by such particular vowels and consonants as will make such respective sounds . Noun Substantives Common are such names as are assigned to the several kinds or species of things or notions ; which , though they are very numerous , yet are they capable of being stated and fixed according to a Philosophical method , as is endeavoured in the fore-going Tables . Concerning which these rules are to be observed . 1. Every Radical word in the Tables is supposed to be a Substantive ; though they could not all of them be so expressed , because of the defect of proper words for them in the present Languages ; upon which account there is a necessity of expressing some of them by Adjectives , and some by an Aggregate of words : but they are all of them to be understood as being simple Substantives . 2. These Radical Substantives may be of various kinds , either 1. Of the Thing . 2. Of the Action or Passion . Or , 3. Of the Person , Besides those other kind of Substantives which proceed from these ; whether Abstracts Neuter , as Deity , Regality , &c. or such other Abstracts , whether Active or Passive , as denote a proclivity or capacity , as Amorousness , Amiableness , &c. which are provided for by the Transcendental Particles . 3. When the Radical is a Noun Substantive of the Thing , the most immediate derivations from it , are the Substantives Active and Passive , to be expressed by the mark of Active or Passive upon the Radical . And the Substantive of the person , whether Agent or Patient , by the Adjective , Active or Passive in the Aorist Tense , with the Transcendental mark of Person ; So Dux and Calor , Light and Heat , are Substantives of the Thing ▪ Illuminatio and Calefactio , Enlightning , Heating , are the Substantives Active , or of the Action ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illuminari , calesieri , the being Enlightned and Heated are Substantives Passive : or of the Passion ; Illuminator , Calefactor , or illuminans & calefaciens persona , the Enlightner and Heater , are Substantives of the Person agent ; Illuminatus and Calefactus , the Illuminated or Heated , are Substantives of the Person Patient . 4. When the Radical is a Substantive of the Action , then the Substantive of the Person , is to be expressed as in the former rule ; so Ligatio , Pastio , Salivatio ; Binding , Feeding , Spitting , are Substantives of the Action ; Ligator , Pastor , Salivator ; Binder , Feeder , Spitter , are Substantives of the Agent ; and Ligatus , Pastus , Salivatus ; Bound , Fed , Bespit , are the Substantives of the Patient . And the Substantive of the Thing whether Active or Passive , is in this case to be expressed , by the Adjective , Active or Passive in the Aorist Tense , with the Transcendental mark of Thing . So Ligans res , a binding thing , is Ligamentum , a Bond or String ; and nutriens or pascens res , a nourishing or feeding thing , is nutrimentum , food or nourishment ; so ligata res , a bound thing , is Ligatum , a Bundle or Fardle ; so excreta or salivata res , is Excrementum , or Saliva , Excrement or Spittle . 5. When the Radical is a Substantive of the Person , then the Substantive of the Action or Passion ( as was said before ) are the most immediate derivations from it , and to be expressed by the Mark of Active or Passive upon the Radical ; So Magistratus , Rex , Iudex , &c. Magistrate , King , Iudge , &c. are Radicals of the Person ; The Substantives of Action belonging to each of these , are Gubernatio , Regnatio , Iudicatio , Governing , Reigning , Iudging ; And the Substantive of the Thing whether Active or Passive , is to be expressed by the Adjective Active or Passive in the Aorist Tense , with the Transcendental note of Thing ; So Gubernans res a governing thing ; regens res a reigning thing ; and judicans res a judging thing , viz. A Canon or Rule by which we judge of streight and crooked , right and wrong ; So Gubernata res , the governed thing , is Ditio , Territory , Dominion , Jurisdiction ; Regnata res , is Regnum the Kingdom ; Iudicata res , is Iudicium , Judgment . As those names which are assigned to signifie things themselves , and do not denote either Action or Passion , are stiled Nouns neuter : so those names which are assigned to signifie the Doing or Suffering of things are stiled Active or Passive . The same notion which in the Greek and Latin is expressed by the Infinitive Mode Active or Passive , is that which I here intend by the Substantive Active or Passive ; and that it may properly be so stiled , I shall endeavour to prove afterwards . Though every Noun Substantive have not an Active or Passive belonging to it either in the Greek , Latin , English , &c. yet according to the Nature and Philosophy of things , whatsoever hath an Essence , must likewise have an Act ; either of Being or becoming : or of Doing or being done : or of making or being made : to be , or do . And consequently every Radical Substantive which is capable of Action , should have an Active or Passive formed from it , which is commonly called a Verb. As for such things which have not of their own any proper Act of Doing , they are not capable of the derivation of Active and Passive , ob defectum materiae ; as in the words Stone , Mettle , &c. But the Verbs belonging to such Radicals can be only Neuter , denoting the Act of Being or becoming ; unless when they are compounded with the Transcendental mark of Causatio , which will adde to them a Transitive sense , as Petrifie , Metallifie , &c. As for such other Radicals as are capable of Action or Passion , these Rules are to be observed concerning them . 1. More Generally these two . 1. Things which according to common acception have belonging to them any one proper Act of Doing ; their Verbs Actives will denote this Act : For instance , the Verb or Substantive Active of the words Fire , Water , &c. is to burn , wet ; and so for those Acts of the several parts , Tongue , Tooth , Mouth , Throat , Foot , Heel , whose active by this Rule will be to lick , bite , devour , swallow , trample , kick , and the Active of Bow , Gun , is to Shoot as with a Bow , Gun. 2. Things which have not , according to common acception , any one kind of peculiar Act of Doing appropriate to them ; the Actives belonging to such things , will signifie in the General to Act or do according to the nature of such things . 2. More Particularly these four . 1. The Actives belonging to such Radicals as are Substances , whether Absolute or Relative , do signifie to Act according to the nature of such Substances ; so in absolute Substances , the Active of God , Spirit , Man , will signifie to Act as God , Spirit , Man ; and so in Relative Substances , the Active of Father , Iudge , Magistrate , is to Act as a Father , Judge , Magistrate . 2. The Actives of Quality , whether Predicamental or Transcendental , do denote the Acts of those species , with particular reference to the differences under which they are placed ; So the Active of East , West , Obliquity , &c. being under the difference of Situation , must signifie to situate a thing Easterly , Westerly , Obliquely . The words of Line , Surface , Body , being under the difference of Dimension ; the Active belonging to them must signifie to Dimensionate as either of these . The words under the differences of Figure , must in their Actives signifie to Figure according to such particular shapes . Those under the difference of Time , the Actives of Present , Simultaneous , Newness , Oldness , Sooness , &c. must signifie to Act with such respects of Time. The Actives of the Differences and Species under Measure , should regularly signifie to Measure by Number , Magnitude , Gravity , Valour , Duration . The Active of Inch , Foot , Pace , Fathom , is to Measure by Inch , Foot , &c. and so for those other Species of Grane , Drachm , &c. Farthing , Penny , &c. The Active of Minute , Hour , Day , Night , &c. will signifie to continue for such portions or measures of time , according to the sense of the Difference , Duration , under which these species are placed . The Active of Infancy , Childhood , Adolescency , &c. may signifie to pass the time of one's Infancy , Childhood , Adolescency , &c. 3. The Active of such Radicals as are Qualities , whether Predicamental or Transcendental , signifie to do or deal according to the signification of the said qualities ; So the Active of Fidelity , Severity , &c. will signifie to deal or Act , Faithfully , Severely , &c. The Active of Goodness , Evilness , &c. will signifie to Act or Do well or ill , &c. 4. The Active of such Radicals as denote Actions , need no other explication but this , that some of them are Active Absolute , which in the usual Grammars are stiled Neuter ; as Sto , Sedeo , Curro ; others Transitive , denoting a transient efficiency ; into which latter kind , the former of these may be changed ( as was said before ) by composition with the Transcendental mark of Causation . There are several English Verbs , which , without admitting any change by Composition or Inflexion , have both a Neuter and a Transitive signification ; as Corrupt , Feed , Starve , Famish , Move , Rest , Hang , Extend , Shrink , Stagger , Stay , &c. whose sense is to be distinguisht by the construction . There are some Verbs of the same Natural Philosophical Radix , which are yet expressed by different words , as Laugh , Deride , Weep , Bemoan , must , need , Necessitate , &c. And the different notion of these and such like Verbs , is not capable of being expressed by the Transcendental point of causation : but by placing after them such a Noun Substantive , or Pronoun Substantive , as may denote the object of those several acts . So the word Laugh , being put without any Substantive following , doth signifie in the Neuter sense the bare act of Laughing ; but if the word me or him , &c. doth immediately follow the Verb , then it is to be rendered deride or laugh at , me , him , &c. Besides those Concrete Substantives , which signifie the Ens or thing it self , there are other Substantives which denote the Essence of things , stiled Abstracts . And these may likewise be distinguished into , Neuter , Active , Passive . That is stiled Neuter which denotes the naked Essence of a thing , without any inclination to Action or Passion , as Deity , Regality . That is stiled an Abstract Active , which implies a proclivity to Action , as Regnativity , Amativeness , or Amorousness . That is called Passive , which denotes a capacity or fitness for receiving or suffering of Action , as Regibility , Amiableness . Such Radicals as are Concretes , are capable ( according to the nature of the things denoted by them ) to have all these three kinds of Abstracts formed from them . Whereas such Radicals , as are themselves Abstracts Neuter , ( as namely several of those under the Genus's and Differences of Quality and Action ) are capable only of the two latter kinds to be formed from them . As Noun Substantives are the names which are given to things , considered simply , and as subsisting by themselves : So Noun Adjectives are the names which are given to the Adjunct natures of things , the notion of them consisting in this , that they signifie , the subject or thing to which they are ascribed , to have in it something belonging to the nature or quality of those Adjectives , which are predicated of it , or limited by it . And besides this common notion , they do sometimes likewise in the instituted Languages refer to other notions ; as , 1. To aboundance , so the words populous , pretious , sumptuous , &c. so in Latin , fluvius piscosus , aquosa regio . 2. To likeness , so the word dogged , currish , waspish , Seraphicus , Angelicus , &c. 3. To Possession , so Domus regia , a royal house . 4. To the matter of which any thing doth consist ; so scutum aheneum , A brazen shield . But each of these notions may be otherwise more distinctly provided for . The two first by the Transcendental marks of Augmentative and Like ; and the two next by the prepositions of Possessor and Material cause . And so the true genuine sense of a Noun Adjective will be fixed to consist in this , that it imports this general notion of Pertaining to , or being Affected with . Those Adjectives are stiled Neuters which do not denote either Action or Passion ; as Calidus , Lucidus , Hot , Light. Those are stiled Active or Passive , which denote the Action or Passion of the Adjunct thing or Essence . And because these according to the common Theory do Participate both of Noun and Verb ; therefore are they by Grammarians stiled Participles ; Active , as Calefaciens , Illuminans , Heating , Enlightning : or Passive , Calefactus , Illuminatus , Heated , Illuminated . And as Abstract Substantives , may be formed from the Concrete ; so likewise may Adjectives , which are also distinguishable into Neuters Active , Passive . That part of speech , which by our Common Grammarians is stiled a Verb , ( whether Neuter , Active or Passive ) ought to have no distinct place amongst Integrals in a Philosophical Grammar ; because it is really no other then an Adjective , and the Copula sum affixed to it or conteined in it : So Caleo , Calefacio , Calefio , is the same with sum Calidus . Calefaciens . Calefactus . Concerning which Copula , and the use of it ; more shall be said hereafter . That kind of word , which is commonly adjoyned to a Verb , to signifie the quality and affection of the Action or Passion , is stiled an Adverb ; which may be distinguished into Derived and Vnderived . The former of these is here particularly intended , and doth generally belong to Languages . The latter is afterwards treated of amongst the Particles . As every Radical is supposed naturally to have its Adjective , so likewise its Adverb ; and though no Language in use doth admit of so general a derivation of Adverbs , yet the true reason of this is from their imperfection and deficiency ; for the Signs ought always to be adequate unto the things or notions to be signified by them . As Adjectives were before distinguished into Neuter , Active , Passive , so likewise ought Adverbs to be . And as every Adverb is immediately derived from some Adjective , so every kind of Adjective hath some kind of Adverb derived from it . For the more easie understanding of these things , I shall here adjoyn a general Scheme of the fore-mentioned derivations ; wherein I shall be necessitated to form several new words according to common analogy . All Integrals are either . Concrete . Substantive . Neuters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 calere vel calor . Lucere vel lux . Heat . Light. Active . Calefactio . A. Illuminatio . Heating . Enlightning . Passive . Calefactio . P. Illuminari . Being Heated . Enlightned . Adjective . Neuter . Calidus . Lucidus . Hot. Light. Active . Calefaciens . Illuminans . Heating . Enlightning . Passive . Calefactus . Illuminatus . Heated . Enlightned . Adverb . Neuter . Calidè . Lucidè . Hotly . Lightly . Active . Calefacienter . Illuminanter . Heatingly . Illuminatingly . Passive . Calefactè . Illuminatè . Heatedly . Illuminatedly . Abstract . Substantive . Neuter . Caloritas . Luciditas . Hotness . Lightness . Active . Calefactivitas . Illuminativitas . Calefactivity . Illuminativity . Passive . Calefactibilitas . Illuminabilitas . Calefactibility . Illuminability . Adjective . Neuter . Caloritativus . Luciditativus . Caloritative . Luciditative . Active . Calefactivus . Illuminativus . Calefactive . Illuminative . Passive . Calefactibilis . Illuminabilis . Calefactible . Illuminable . Adverb . Neuter . Caloritativè . Luciditativè . Caloritatively . Luciditatively . Active . Calefactivè . Illuminativè . Calefactively . Illuminatatively . Passive . Calefactibiliter . Illuminabiliter . Calefactibly . Illuminably . CHAP. II. 1. Of Particles in general . 2. Of the Copula . 3. Of Pronouns more generally . 4. More Particularly . 5. Of Interjections more generally . 6. More Particularly . HAving thus explained what is meant by Integral words , which signifie entire things and notions , with the several kinds of them . I proceed in the next place to treat , concerning Particles , or less principal words , which may be said to consignifie , serving to circumstantiate and modifie those Integral words , with which they are joyned , being stiled by the Hebrew Grammarians Dictiones . The words of this kind are exceeding numerous and equivocal in all Languages , and add much to the difficulty of learning them . It being a very hard matter to establish the just number , of such as in all kinds are necessary , and to fix to them their proper significations , which yet ought to be done in a Philosophical Grammar . I shall in this Essay , select out of Instituted Languages , such of the several sorts , as I conceive sufficient for this purpose . These were before distinguished , into such as refer , either to Grammatical , or Transcendental notion . Those are stiled Grammatical , which supposing words to retain their primary sense , do serve for the circumstantiating of them , either by union , abbreviation , inflexion , or some other way for the qualifying of their significations or constructions . The most necessary amongst all the rest , which is essential and perpetual in every compleat sentence , is stiled the Copula ; which serves for the uniting of the Subject and Predicate in every Proposition . The word Subject I use , as the Logicians do , for all that which goes before the Copula ; which if it consist of only one word , then it is the same which Grammarians call the Nominative case . By the word Predicate , I mean likewise all that which follows the Copula in the same sentence , whereof the Adjective ( if any such there be ) immediately next after the Copula , is commonly incorporated with it in instituted Languages , and both together make up that which Grammarians call a Verb. Amongst those Particles which are not essential and perpetual , but used according to occasion , some are stiled Substitutive ; because they supply the room either , 1 ▪ Of some Integral word , as Pronouns , or 2. Of some Sentence or complex part of it , as Interjections . As Nouns are notes or signs of things , so Pronouns are of Nouns ; and are therefore called Pronomina , quasi vice Nominum , as being placed commonly instead of Nouns . They represent things either 1. Immediately and in kind , without respect to the names of those things . So when it s said , I exhort thee or him : The Pronoun I represent to our thoughts the person speaking , suppose Iohn ; and the words thee , him , the person spoken to or of , suppose William or Thomas . 2. Mediately by their names , which are either 1. Exprest with the Pronoun , as commonly it happens upon the first intimation or mention of the thing ; as this or that man or book , and in these cases the Pronouns are commonly called Demonstrative . 2. Supplyed by the Pronouns , as is usual for Brevities sake , at the repeating of the mention of a thing lately before spoken of ; as he , it , &c. and then the Pronoun is called Relative . Examples of both sorts are to be had in the Grammars of Instituted Languages . More commodiously for our purpose , the Pronouns are to be considered either according to their , 1. Number . 2. Modifications . 1. As to their Number ; there are twelve which may be stiled simple Pronouns , and three other that are Compound . The Simple Pronouns , for the better convenience of and complyance with the Characters , are reduced into these three combinations ; whereof the first and last combinations are single , the other double . I. Thou . He. This. Same . Certain one . That . Another . Some one . Any one . Every one . All. Of all which it is to be observed , that they are in some kind or other , Quantitatives ; that is to say , every one of these Pronouns makes the whole Proposition , or at least that part of the Proposition , which is affected with it , according to its own nature , to be either Singular , Indefinite , Particular or Universal . 2. The Modifications of Pronouns , whereby they are varied into different significations , are of two kinds . 1. Possessive , denoting a relation of Propriety or Possession unto the person or thing spoken of , which is applicable to all Pronouns , as I , Mine ; Who , Whose , &c. 2. Reduplicative , denoting a particular Emphasis , whereby a word is raised and intended in its signification ; as I my self , Thou thy self , &c. Moreover it is to be observ'd , that the Personal Pronouns , and any of the rest being us'd Substantively , are capable of Number and Case ; and that all other Pronouns beside the Personal , are capable of Composition with the Transcendentals of Person and Thing , of Place , Time and Manner . All these Pronouns I have thought fit to represent more largely under four combinations in these following Tables . The first Combination of Pronouns denoting the three Persons are Substantives , and for their Quantity singular , and cannot properly represent any other then Individual being ▪ I have here adjoyned to them their plurals , for the sake of their Possessives ; ours , yours , theirs , which without them cannot be so conveniently expressed . Sing . Numb . I. 1. I. me Poss. My , Mine . Redup . Even I. I my self . Poss. Red. my own . 2. THOV . Thee . P. Thy. Thine . R. Thy self , even thou . P. R. Thy own . 3. HE. Him. She. Her. P. His. Hers. R. He himself , even he . P. R. His own , her own . Plur. Numb . We , us . Ours We our selves . Our own . Yee , you . Yours . Your selves . Your own . They , them , those . Theirs . They themselves . Their own . The second Combination of Pronouns as likewise the rest that follow , are properly Adjectives , though by reason of Ellipsis they are sometimes used Substantively . The three first of them , this , that , the same , are for their Quantities singulars , and do denote several relations of Identity ; The three last , viz. Another , A certain one , Some one , are for their Quantities , Singulars or Particulars indeterminate . The first of them implies the Relation of Diversity . II. 1. THIS . P. Belonging to this Person . Thing . R. This very P. T. Pl. Here. T. Now. M. This manner 2. THE SAME . P. Belonging to the same . R. Self-same . Pl. T. M. 3. A CERTAIN . P. Belonging to a certain P.T. P. L. A certain place . T. A certain time . M. A certain manner . THAT . Belonging to that , it . That very . There . Then. That manner . ANOTHER , other , else . Anothers . Wholy or quite another . Elsewhere . Otherwhile . Otherwise . SOME . Somebodie 's . Somewhere . Some time . Some manner . Some wise . The third Combination of Pronouns are III. General or Particular indefinite ; 1. ANY , ought , ever a. P. Any ones , any bodies . Pl. Any where . T. Any time . M. Any manner . General distributive ; 2. EVERY ONE . P. Every ones , belonging to , or concerning every one , Person , Thing . Pl. Every where . T. Every time . M. Every manner . General Collective ; 3. ALL. P. Belonging to all , Persons , Things . Pl. All places . T. Always , all times . M. All manner of ways . The fourth and last Combination is of the mixed or compound Pronouns ; so styled , because they are made up of some of the other Pronouns , compounded with the three first and most simple of the Conjunctions . The first of them Quis ? WHO ? is the Pronoun All , taken in pieces , with an interrogation ; For he that enquires who did this , means , doubting of all , did such a one ? or such a one ? &c. of all them that were capable to do it : but he that doubts only of one , enquires , did he do this ? where Quis is plainly resolved into a Pronoun incorporated with a Conjunction Interrogative . And as for the second of these , Qui it is commonly translated And he . And the third Whosoever is the same as If any one . They may be distinguished into , IV. 1. Interrogative ; WHO ? which ? what ? P. Whose ? Pl. Where ? T. When ? M. How ? 2. Relative ; WHO , which , that . P. Whose . Pl. Where . T. When. M. After which manner . 3. Reduplicative ; WHOSOEVER , whomsoever , whichsoever , whatsoever . P. Whosesoever . Pl. Wheresoever T. Whensoever . M. Howsoever , after what manner soever . And thus much may serve for stating the number , nature , signification and use of this second kind of Grammatical Particle stiled Pronoun . Those Substitutive Particles , which serve to supply the room of some sentence or complex part of it , are stiled Interjections . These are by some denyed to be words , or any part of distinct speech , but only natural signs of our mental notions , or passions , expressed by such rude incondite sounds , several of which are common with us to Brute Creatures . And as all Nations of men do agree in these kind of natural passions , so likewise do they very much agree in the signs or indications of their mirth , sorrow , love , hatred , &c. These kind of Particles are generally expressed by aspirated sounds , affectum enim notant , & ideo confertus editur spiritus , because of that affection and vehemence , which is commonly denoted by them . The kinds of these may be very numerous , according to the various motions and passions of the mind ; but those that are of the most frequent and general use , may be reduced under these three combinations , whereof the first only is single , the other two double . The two first Combinations may be styled Solitary and Passive , being used by us when we are alone , or not so directly tending to discourse with others , in which the Party speaks as suffering some mutation in himself . They are the result , either of a surprized . I. Iudgment , denoting either 1. Admiration . Heigh. 2. Doubting or considering . Hem , Hm , Hy. 3. Despising . Pish , Shy , Tysh . Affection ; moved by the Apprehension of Good or Evil. II. Past ; 1. Mirth . Ha , ha , he . Sorrow . Hoi , oh , oh , ah . Present ; 2. Love , and pity , Ah , alack , alas . Hate , and anger , vauh , hau . Future ; 3. Desire , O , o that . Aversation , Phy. The last Combination may be stiled Social and Active , being never used by us when we are alone , but immediately tending to discourse with others , in which the party speaks with design to procure some mutation in his Hearers . These may be distinguished into such as are III. Precedaneous to discourse . 1. Exclaiming . Oh , Soho . Silencing . St , Hush . Beginning of discourse . General ; to dispose the senses of the Hearer . 2. Bespeaking attention . Ho , Oh. Expressing attention . Ha. Special ; to dispose the Affections of the Hearer by way of 3. Insinuation or blandishment . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eia , Now. Threatning . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vae , Wo. CHAP. III. § I. Of Prepositions in General . § II. The particular kinds of them . § III. Explication of the four last Combinations of them , relating to Place , or Time. THose are stiled Connexive Particles , whose proper use is to express , either 1. The Construction of word with word called Preposition ; or 2. The Contexture of sentence with sentence , called Adverb and Conjunction . Prepositions are such Particles , whose proper office it is to joyn Integral with Integral on the same side of the Copula ; signifying some respect of Cause , Place , Time , or other circumstance either Positively or Privatively . These having such a subserviency to Nouns , in respect of which , they are by some stiled Adnomia , or Adnomina and Praenomina , as Adverbs have to Verbs . They are therefore here treated of before Adverbs , whose office is chiefly to wait upon Verbs . There are thirty six Prepositions or eighteen paires of them , or six Combinations , which may , with much less equivocalness then is found in instituted Languages , suffice to express those various respects , which are to be signifyed by the kind of Particle . The two first Combinations of Prepositions , do comprehend such as are used to express Causality , and may be stiled Causal . The first Combination of Causal Prepositions are either , I. More General , denoting either the Author , Subject , or Possessor of any thing ; expressed in the Latin by the Genitive case : or the Formal , or Instrumental cause , or Manner of doing , expressed in the Latin by the Ablative case : Neither of them having any Particle in that Language appointed for them . 1. OF WITH , By More Particular ; denoting either The Efficient , or the Final cause . 2. BY FOR The Material cause , ex qua , or circa quam . 3. OVT OF CONCERNING , upon . The second Combination of Causal Prepositions doth contain such as do relate either to the notion of II. Ideal and exemplary , or Substitutive 1. ACCORDING TO INSTEAD Social or circumstance of society ; Affirmed , or Denyed . 2. WITH WITHOVT , void of Adjuvant and agreement with : or opposing and enmity against 3. FOR , on this side . AGAINST , opposite unto . The rest of the Prepositions do primarily refer to Place and Situation ; Secondarily to time ; And some of them , by way of Analogy , to Comparison . Some of these are Absolutely determined , either to Motion , or to Rest , or the Terminus of motion . Others are relatively applicable to both ; Concerning which this rule is to be observed . That those which belong to motion , cannot signifie rest : But those which belong to rest , may likewise signifie motion in the Terminus . The third Combination doth consist of such as respect space in general being either III. Absolutely determined to Motion ; either ‖ of Coming , or Going 1. TO FROM Rest ; or the Terms of this motions , denoting either ; Nearness and contiguity : ro Distance 2. AT OFF Relative both to motion and rest , with respect to the Intermediate space betwixt those Terms , either ‖ Direct , or Indirect . 3. OVER ABOVT The fourth Combination doth consist of such Prepositions , as respect Space , with a particular restriction to the notion of Containing , being either . IV. Absolutely determined to Motion ; whether of ‖ Ingress , or Egress 1. INTO OVT OF Rest or the Terms of these Motions . 2. WITHIN WITHOVT Relative both to Motion and Rest , with respect to the Intermediate space either ‖ Direct or Indirect . 4. THOROVGH BESIDE The fifth Combination doth contain such Prepositions as relate to the Imaginary parts of a thing , whether the V. Head or Feet , being absolutely determined to Motion ; either ‖ Ascent or Descent , 1. VPWARDS DOWNWARDS Rest or the Terms of these motions , 2. ABOVE BELOW Face or Back , being Relative both to Motion and Rest. 3. BEFORE AFTER The sixth Combination doth comprehend such Prepositions as are applicable both to Motion and Rest , relating to the situation of some third thing spoken of , which the Speaker considers as being VI. Higher or Lower then that third thing , denoting a contiguity or nearness to it 1. VPON VNDER Nearer to it , or Farther from it 2. ON THIS SIDE BEYOND In the intermediate space unto two other things , or opposite to one of them . 3. BETWIXT , between AGAINST , over against . For the clearer explication of these Local Prepositions , I shall refer to this following Diagram . In which by the Oval Figures are represented the Prepositions determined to Motion , wherein the Acuter part doth point out the tendency of that motion . The squares are intended to signifie rest or the Term of Motion . And by the round figures are represented such relative Prepositions , as may indifferently refer either to Motion or Rest. Some of these Prepositions , viz. Above , Below , Before , After , are by common Analogy applicable to signifie comparison , which use being generally received , and the words having in them a natural sutableness to this purpose , there is no danger of any ambiguity . Several of the Prepositions are sometimes used Adverbially , as Ante , Post , Praeter , Contra , Inter , Infra , &c. which use when it happens , the sense will easily distinguish . The difference between these two parts of speech , Prepositions and Adverbs , being so nice , that 't is hard in some cases to distinguish them ; upon which 't is questioned , whether every Preposition as it compounds a Verb , do not put on the nature of an Adverb ; and it seems to be so , because it Modifies the Act after the same manner as Adverbs do , as in the words Praeficio , Benefacio , &c. CHAP. IV. I. Of Adverbs in General . II. The Particular kinds of them . III. Of Conjunctions . THose two kinds of Connexive Particles which serve for the contexture of sentence with sentence , are called Adverbs and Conjunctions . The first of these are commonly described to be such kind of words as are for the most part adjoyned to Verbs to signifie some kind of Mode or Circumstance , belonging either intrinsecally or extrinsecally to them . Of Aduerbs derived from Integrals , enough hath been said in the Chapter of Integrals . The rest of those words which are commonly called Adverbs , according to their true Original , are either derived from a Pronouns , or else they are b Modes of Verbs , or else they are Conjunctions ; And some of them may be periphrastically expressed by Radicals . So that according to the true Philosophy of speech , I cannot conceive this kind of words to be properly a distinct part of speech , as they are commonly called . But until they can be distributed into their proper places , I have so far complyed with the Grammars of instituted Languages , as to place them here together , and to branch them under the five following Combinations . Whereof the first doth consist of such Adverbs as denote I. The manner of our Apprehension of Complex things , or the nexus betwixt the several terms of a Proposition ; whether more Simple ; ‖ Affirming or Denying 1. YEA , I , NAY , not , no , Mixed ; applicable both to Affirmation and Negation ; either ‖ Conjectural doubtful and contingent : or Certain and confident , implying a kind of attestation or something superadded to bare Affirming or Denying . 2. PERHAPS , perchance , TRVLY , indeed , surely , in truth , verily . Similitude ; the former being Comparative General , the other the Redditive of it . 3. AS , even as SO Semblably . The second Combination are all of them Comparative , either of II. Equality ; the latter being the Redditive of the former 1. HOW SO Inequality ; according to several degrees Greater ; 2. MORE MOST Lesser ; 3. LESS LEAST The third Combination doth consist of such as are ; either III. Elective ; whether of Prelation and preference : or Preterition and postponency . 1. RATHER THAN Local and Temporal , implying a respect betwixt something absent and past ; either to ‖ that which is present : or to that which is at distance and future . 2. YET , still , hitherto , VNTIL Temporal only ; the former representing time existing and present , the other implying a relation of posteriority after lapsing and expiring of some time . 3. WHILST AT LENGTH The fourth Combination doth contein such as denote the Circumstance of IV. Society , ‖ Affirmed , or Denyed ; Conjunction or Exclusion 1. TOGETHER ONLY , alone , Repetition , or resemblance and equivalence 2. AGAIN AS IF Privation or Restitution ; the former signifying the devesting a thing of its form ; the other the re-investing of it with its precedent form ; the first of these hath no Particle that is used simply for it , but only in Composition , both in Latin and English : the latter we sometimes express in English by Back : 3. VN , dis . RE , back . The fifth and last Combination doth consist of three single Particles , denoting Proximity or nearness ; being either V. Definite and determinate ; whether Affirming some little defect or Imperfection 1. ALMOST , e'en , well-nigh , towards , within a little of Denying the utmost perfection 2. SCARCE , hardly Indefinite , and indeterminate to more or less , over or under ; but affirming a nearness to the chief term 3. THEREABOVTS , under or over . Conjunctions are such Particles as serve for the joyning together of words , or rather of sentences . Of these there may be reckoned these four Combinations , or twelve paire ; though all of them be not alike simple and of equal necessity , yet there is none of them without its particular convenience . The first Combination doth consist of such as are either I. Interrogative , ‖ Affirmative , or Negative . 1. WHETHER YEA ? WHETHER NO ? Conjunctive , ‖ Affirmative , or Negative , 2. AND NEITHER Conditional , ‖ Affirmative , or Negative , 3. IF , so that , VNLESS . The second Combination doth contain such as are either II. Approbative , or Discretive and restrictive , 1. INDEED BVT Concessive , or Exceptive 2. ALTHOVGH YET Disjunctive , ‖ Definite , or Indefinite , 3. OR EITHER . The third Combination are all of them Causal ; either III. Adjunctive of the end ; whether cause or Event ; ‖ Affirmative or Negative , 1. THAT , to the end that , LEAST THAT Ratiocinative , belonging to the Antecedent ; whether ‖ that which makes it follow the Consequent : or that which may indifferently precede or follow . 2. FOR BECAVSE Ratiocinative belonging to the Consequent ; whether ‖ interrogative and indefinite : or illative , and demonstrative , 3. WHY , wherefore , what is the cause or reason , THEREFORE . The last Combination doth consist of such as are either IV. Declarative ; whether ‖ of the cause , or of the event , 1. WHEREAS , seeing that , sith that , THEREVPON Additional , and transitional , whether ‖ continuative , or suppletive , 2. LIKEWISE , also , together with , moreover , AND SO FORTH , &c. Expositive ; either ‖ by Synonyme , or by Instance , 3. TO WIT , viz. FOR EXAMPLE , EXGR . The three last of these are not properly Particles or single words , but rather the Contractions of several words , they are here added to the rest for greater convenience , partly for compleating the number and filling up the vacancies ; and partly in Complyance with the use of most vulgar Languages , when they write contractedly . CHAP. V. I. Of Articles . II. Of Modes . III. Of Tenses . IV. The most distinct way of expressing the differences of Time. BEsides these fore-mentioned Particles which may be called more Absolute ; there are others more servile and auxiliary , serving for the fuller expression of some Accident belonging to a word . These were before distinguished into such as do belong either , 1. To an Integral alone , as Articles . 2. To the Copula alone , as the Modes . or 3. Both to Integral and Copula as the Tenses . Each of which are in some Languages taken in , or involved in the inflexion of words : But in others , they are provided for by distinct words to express them . Articles are usually prefixed before Substantives for the more full and distinct expression of them , they may be distinguished into Enuntiative , which may be used indifferently before any Substantive , not already pos●est with the Demonstrative . A. An. Demonstrative , which gives a peculiar Emphasis to its Substantive , and is applyed only to such a Person or Thing , as the hearer knows , or hath reason to know , because of its eminence or some precedent mention of it . The Though these be not absolutely necessary to a Language , because the Latin is without them ; yet are they so convenient for the greater distinctness of speech , that upon this account , both the Hebrew , Greek , Slavonick , and most other Languages have them . To shew in what manner the subject is to be joyned with his Predicate , the Copula between them is affected with a Particle , which from the use of it , is called Modus , the Manner or Mode . Now the Subject and Predicate may be joyned together either Simply , or with some kind of Limitation , and accordingly these Modes are either Primary or Secondary . The Primary Modes are called by Grammarians Indicative , and Imperative . When the Matter is declared to be so , or at least when it seems in the speakers power to have it be so , as the bare union of Subject and Predicate would import ; then the Copula is nakedly expressed without any variation : And this manner of expressing it , is called the Indicative Mode . When it is neither declared to be so , nor seems to be immediatly in the speakers power to have it so ; then he can do no more in words but make out the expression of his will to him that hath the thing in his power , namely to his Superiour by Petition Equal by Perswasion Inferiour by Command And the manner of these affecting the Copula ( Be it so , or sine esse , let it be so ) is called the Imperative Mode ; of which there are these three varieties , very fit to be distinctly provided for . As for th●● other use of the Imperative Mode , when it signifies Permission ; this may be sufficiently expressed by the Secondary Mode of Liberty . You may do it . The Secondary Modes are such , as when the Copula is affected with any of them , make the sentence to be ( as Logicians call it ) a Modal Proposition . This happens when the Matter in discourse , namely , the being or doing or suffering of a thing , is considered not simply by it self , but gradually in its causes from which it proceeds either Contingently or Necessarily . Then a thing seems to be left as Contingent , when the speaker expresses only the Possibility of it , or his own Liberty to it . 1. The Possibility of a thing depends upon the power of its cause , and may be expressed when Absolute by the Particle CAN Conditional by the Particle COVLD . 2. The Liberty of a thing , depends upon a freedom from all Obstacles either within or without , and is usually expressed in our Language , when Absolute by the Particle MAY Conditional by the Particle MIGHT . Then a thing seems to be of Necessity , when the speaker expresseth the resolution of his own will , or some other obligation upon him from without . 3. The Inclination of the will is expressed , if Absolute by the Particles WILL Conditional by the Particles WOVLD . 4. The Necessity of a thing , from some external obligation , whether Natural or Moral which we call duty , is expressed , if Absolute by the Particle MVST , ought , shall , Conditional by the Particle MVST , ought , should . That kind of servile Particle which doth belong both to the Integral and the Copula , is stiled Tense . Tho Tenses in instituted Languages are appropriated only to Verbs , yet 't is very plain that according to the true Philosophy of speech , they should likewise be ascribed to Substantives ; And that this would in many respects be a great advantage to Language . As there is Amatio , so there should be Amavitio and Amaturitio , &c. These kind of Auxiliary Particles , stiled Modes and Tenses , are in the Modern Languages expressed by such servile words , as do not signifie any compleat Act , but rather some respects and circumstances belonging to other Acts ; and by that means have in them a natural fitness to be subservient to the inflexion of other Integral words . So the Conditional Modes are supplyed by the words Possum or Possible , Licet , Libet , Volo ; Necesse , Oportet , Debeo . And so are the Tenses , by those servile words of Facio , Habeo , besides the Copula , sum . The Tenses are usually distinguished into Present Active . Do , dost , doth , Passive . Am , art , is , are . Past Imperfect Active . Did , didst , Passive . Was , wert , were . Perfect Active . Have , hast , hath , Passive . Have been , hast been , hath been . Pluperfect Active . Had , hadst , Passive . Had been , hadst been . Future Active . Shall , will , shalt , wilt , Passive . Shall be , will be , shalt be , wilt be . But the most distinct and explicit way of expressing any Proposition , is by affixing these Tenses , both to the Copula , and the Predicate ; the latter of which will shew the time of the Action , &c. whether past , present , or future : and the former , the state of the Person or Subject , who doth this Action , whether he Has been , either Past that Action , Is now , either Acting in it , Shall be hereafter . either Yet to do it . And a Proposition thus expressed , is in the very expressing of it , resolved into its parts of Subject , Copula , and Predicate , according to these following examples . I Have been Hot Calui I Am Hot Caleo I Shall be Hot Calebo I Have been having been Hot Calebam I Am having been Hot Calueram I Shall be having been Hot Caluero I Have been to be hot hereafter Fui caliturus I Am to be hot hereafter Sum caliturus I Shall be to be hot hereafter Ero caliturus I Have been Heating Calefeci I Am Heating Calefacio , or sum calefaciens I Shall be Heating Calefaciam I Have been Having heated Calefeceram I Am Having heated Calefaciebam , sum qui calefecit I Shall be Having heated Calefecero I Have been to Heat hereafter Fui calefacturus I Am to Heat hereafter Sum Calefacturus I Shall be to Heat hereafter Ero calefacturus I Have been Heated Fui Calefactus I Am Heated Calefio , velsum calefactus I Shall be Heated Calefiam , velero calefactus I Have been having been Heated Fueram calefactus I Am having been Heated Calefiebam I Shall be having been Heated Fuero calefactus I Have been to be Heated hereafter Fui Calefaciendus . I Am to be Heated hereafter Sum Calefaciendus . I Shall be to be Heated hereafter Ero Calefaciendus . But if any should conceive this way needless or too laborious , as being too much distant from the manner of Instit●ted Languages ; he may by putting the Copula in the place of the Tense , as well express his mind in thi● , as in any other Instituted Language . CHAP. VI. I. Of Transcendental Particles , The end and use of them . II. The usual ways for enlarging the sense of words in Instituted Languages . III. The General Heads of Transcendental Particles . THose Particles are here stiled Transcendental , which do circumstantiate words in respect of some M●taphysical notion ; either by enlarging the acception of them to some more general signification , then doth belong to the restrained sense of their places : or denoting a relation to some other Predicament or Genus , under which they are not originally placed . Whereas in a Philosophical Language , every word ought in strictness to have but one prope● sense and acception , to prevent equivocalness ; which sense is to be restrained according to that place and relation , which the words have in the Tables : And yet on the other side , it would much promo●● copiousness and elegancy , if there might be any way so to change and vary the sense of any word , as may with all , leave it free from ambig●ity . For this purpose , as likewise for the Abbreviating of Language are these Transcendental notes suggested . There are two ways used in Instituted Languages , specially in Latin for varying the sense of words ; ●●ther by Tropes : or by such a kind of Composition as doth alter the terminations of them . 1. The sense of a word is varyed by Trope ; either in respect of some Agreement and convenience , which it hath with the word for which it is used ; whether more General ; as in Metaphore Special ; when the Whole , whether Universal , Essential , Integral , is put for any of the respective parts , or contrary wise , Synecdoche . Subject , Object , Cause , &c. is put for the Adjunct , Adject , Effect , &c , or contrary wise , Metonymy . Opposition ; when one Opposite is put for the other , Irony . Of all which there are store of examples in the common books of Rhetorick ; And there will be occasion to cite several of them in the following Chapter , amongst the instances that are given of the Transcendental Particles . Words are varied by changing their Terminations many ways ; of which these that follow are some of the Principal in the Latin. 1. Preparatives or Meditatives ; are expressed by the Termination ( urio ) Scripturio , Esurio , Parturio , Micturio . 2. Inceptives ; by the termination ( sco ) Lucesco , Calesco , Senesco . 3. Frequentatives ; by the termination ( ito ) Clamito , Agito . 4. Augmentatives ; by the termination ( osus ) Aquosus , Fluviosus , Piscosus . 5. Diminutives ; by the terminations ( lo , lus , la , lum , aster ) Cantillo , Scribillo , Libellus , Lapillus , Homunculus , Mercatulus , Vesicula ▪ Corpusculum , Corculum , Crepusculum , Surdaster , Medicaster , Grammaticaster . 6. The Notion of Segregate ; by the termination ( tim ) Viritim , Verbatim , Gradatim . 7. Power and Propensity Active ; by ( ivus , ivitas ) Activus , Activitas . 8. Power and Propensity Passive ; by ( ilis , ilitas ) Possibilis , Possibilitas . 9. Cause ; by composition with Facio , Mortifico , Magnifico , Prolificum , &c. 10. Kind ; by ( plex and farius and genus ) Simplex , Duplex , Multiplex , Bifarius , Multifarius , Omnigenus , Multigenus . 11. The notions of Officer , and Tradesman ▪ whether Merchant or Mechanick promiscuously , are commonly expressed by the termination ( arius ) which doth originally and properly signifie the notion of belonging to , but is thus limited by reason of the words , Officiarius , Mercator , Faber , understood . Apiarius , Armentarius , Caprarius , Equarius , Accipitarius , Librarius , &c. Lanarius , Linarius , Piscarius , Aviarius , Pomarius , Lactarius , &c. Arcuarius , Armamentarius , Aurarius , Doliarius , &c. 12. Instrument or Iugament ; by the termination ( trum ) Haustrum , Aratrum , Plaustrum , Rastrum , &c. 13. Vessel ; by ( bulum ) Thuribulum , Infundibulum . 14. House ; by ( ile , ale , arium ) Equile , Ovile , Bubile , Caseale , Aviarium , Columbarium , Gallinarium . 15. Chamber or Room ; by ( ina , arium , terium ) Officina , Textrina , Tonstrina , Sutrina , Popina , Vestiarium , Carnarium , Apodyterium , Conisterium , Sphaeristerium . 16. Place in General ; by ( arium , etum ) Vivarium , Aquarium , Pomarium , Colluviarium , Frutetum , Dumetum , Arundinetum , Ericetum , &c. 17. Person or Agent ; by the termination ( or ) Pastor , Fossor ▪ Frondator , Vindemiator , Arator , Messor , &c. Now if all other respects and circumstances , which are capable and proper to be expressed by these kind of Particles , were in some such way provided for ; this would exceedingly abbreviate the number of words , prevent much circumlocution , contribute to perspicuity and distinctness , and very much promote the elegance and significancy of speech . What may be the most convenient number of such Transcendental Particles , is not easie to determine ; But those mentioned ▪ in the eight following Combinations , ( though not all of the same extent and comprehensiveness ) have each of them some peculiar pretence of being listed under this number . These may be distributed into such as are more General . Essential . I. Circumstantial . II. Special , whether belonging to Substance . III. Quantity . IV. Quality . V. Action . VI. Relation , with respect to Quality and Action . VII . Affections of Animals . VIII . The first Combination doth comprehend such General Essential respects , as are either I. Comparative ; denoting similitude and resemblance ; whether that which consists chieflly ‖ in words or in things 1. METAPHOR LIKE Positive ; denoting the nature or essence of the subject spoken of , as to those common notions of General beings , either ‖ the common essence , or common circumstances 2. KIND MANNER Individual beings , whether ‖ irra●ional or rational 3. THING PERSON The second Combination doth contein such General Circumstantial respects as are ; either more II. Absolute ; signifying , Position or Duration 1. PLACE TIME Relative ; as to Effecting or Representing 2. CAVSE SIGN Being in conjunction with others , or separate from others 3. AGGREGATE SEGREGATE . The third Combination doth contain such kind of Special respects , belonging to Substance , as result from their Application to other Substances , and the uses for which they are designed ; namely , for Enclosure and service , whether of III. Places ; or Things 1. SEPIMENT ARMAMENT Men ; either such coverings as are Contiguous and fitted to their bodies , serving for defence , ‖ against Weather or Enemies 2. VEST ARMOVR More remote , according to ‖ the more General , or Special kind or part 3. HOVSE ROOM The fourth Combination doth comprehend some of those Special respects belonging to Corporeal things , which do chiefly concern the Figure of them , whether IV. Shape alone ; Broad and Flat , or Slender and Long 1. LAMIN PIN Shape and Vse More Simple ; designed , either for Operation or Containing 2. INSTRVMENT VESSEL Less simple ; whether ‖ such as are not necessarily designed for motion , being of a less complicate figure ; or such as are designed for motion , whose figure is more complicate 3. IVGAMENT MACHIN The fifth Combination doth contain such kind of Notions as relate to the Quality of Things or Persons , whether considered more V. Abstractly ; either the more General Quality , whereby the natural Powers are perfected , or more special relating to Practical matters 1. HABIT ART Concretely ; denoting personal Qualifications , whether Degrees and Business ; or Faculty and Skill 2. OFFICER ARTIST Professions of Manufacture or Exchange 3. MECHANIC MERCHANT The sixth Combination doth contain such imperfect servile notions , as belong to Action or Passion , with respect to the VI. Ability , or Disposition of a thing 1. POWER APTITVDE Beginning or Repeating of an Action 2. INCEPTIVE FREQVENTATIVE Application of the Power ; whether ‖ in a common and ordinary , or in some sudden and vehement degree 3. ENDEAVOVR IMPETVS The seventh Combination doth contain such kind of servile Relative notions , as are common both to Quality and Action ; denoting either the VII . Measures and degrees of things Great or Little 1. AVGMENTATIVE DIMINVTIVE Too much , or too little 2. EXCESSIVE DEFECTIVE Manner of a Thing or Action , whether ‖ as it should be , or as it should not be 3. PERFECTIVE CORRVPTIVE The eighth and last Combination doth relate to some Affections of Animals , either VIII . Sounds made by them , whether ‖ inarticulate , or articulate 1. VOICE LANGVAGE Sexes of them 2. MALE FEMALE The first most impotent and imperfect Age ; to which may ●e adjoyned , that more general name belonging to any 〈◊〉 which is likewise applicable to inanimate beings . 3. YOVNG PART . CHAP. VII . Instances of the great usefulness of these Transcendental Particles , with directions how they are to be applyed . FOR the better explaining of what great use and advantage these Particles may be to Language , I shall give some examples severally to each pair of them , according to the order premised : Beginning with the first . I. 1. METAPHORICAL LIKE These two are paired together because of their affinity , each of them denoting an enlargement of the sense of the word ; the first more general ; the other with reference to Similitude , properly so called . The note of Metaphorical affixed to any Character , will signifie the enlarging the sense of that word , from that strict restrained acception which it had in the Tables , to a more universal comprehensive signification : By this , common Metaphors may be legitimated , retaining their elegancy , and being freed from their ambiguity . So These words , with this note will signifie Element Rudiment , Principle Root Original Way Means Thick Gross Thin Subtle Streight Upright Crooked Perverse Obtuse Dull Acute Quick Ripe Perfect Immature Imperfect Fertile Fruitful as to invention , &c. Barren Unfruitful Beautiful Decent , Comely Deformed Absurd , Indecent Ornate Elegant , Quaint Homely Rude Light Evident , Plain Dark Mystical , Obscure These words , with this note will signifie Shining Illustrious Hypocritical Counterfeit Banish Expel Companying Being together Strengthen Fortifie , fence Wrigle in Insinuate Prophesie Prediction Consecrate Dedicate Suiter Candidate Woo Canvase Rival Competitor Raise Prefer , Advance So in the Tables of Action ; those Acts which are primarily ascribed unto God , as Preserving , Destroying , Delivering , Forsaking , Blessing , Cursing , &c. because they may by analogy be applyed to other things , therefore this mark will enlarge their acception . So for those other Acts belonging to the rational soul ; as , Thinking , Believing , Knowing , Observing , Expecting , Consenting , Dissenting , Esteeming , Contemning , Willing , Nilling , Fruition , Delectation , Election , Rejection , &c. though they are primarily acts of the Rational Soul ; yet because there is somewhat analogous to them in other Creatures ; therefore such words with this mark may without ambiguity be used in such a general sense . So in Iudicial Relation ; Accuse , Complain , Excuse , Witness , Register , Citation , &c. So likewise in Military Relation ; Offend , Defend , Provoke , Resist , Besiege , Assault , Skirmish , Fight , Stratagem , Overcome , Yield , Fly , Pursue , Escape , &c. Each of these and many other words may by this note ( when there is just occasion to apply it ) be made more copious , and yet preserved distinct in their significations . The other Particle , Like , being affixed to any word , doth denote a varying of the sense of that word , upon the Account of some similitude , whether in respect of Quality and disposition , Resemblance , effect , and manner of doing , or outward shape and situation . 1. This similitude may sometimes refer to the Quality and disposition of a thing ; in which sense 't is frequently expressed in our English Tongue by Adjectives , with the Termination ( ish ) Devilish , Brutish , Currish , Waspish , Apish : and sometimes without it ; as Angelical , Dogged , Cynical , Viperous , Serpentine , &c. which do not always signifie according to the strict derivation of such Adjectives , but do many times denote only a similitude . 2. After the same manner are the several varieties of Colours to be expressed , namely , by their resemblance to other things commonly known . So Ashes-like , or Cineritius , is Ash-colour . So Flesh-like is Carnation ; Blood-like is Crimson ; Lyon-like is Tawny . So for those other resemblances to the Sky , to Gold , Grass , Straw . So Piceus , or Pitch-like , is a deep black ; Coracinus , or Crow-like , is a shining black . So for Milky , Snowy , Ivory , kinds of White , &c. And thus likewise is it for the variety of Tastes and Smells ; the differences of which are not provided for with distinct words in any Language , but may this way be sufficiently expressed ; namely , by their likeness to such other things as are commonly known . 3. Sometimes it may refer to some kind of Resemblance in respect of effect , according to which sense these words are frequently used ; Inflame , Sparkle , Cloud , Exhalation , Fumes , Vapour . 4. Sometimes to the manner of doing ; so to speak Infant-like , is to Iabler ; to graft-like Feathers is to Impe ; to dart-like water , is to Spirt , Squirt ; to tremble-like with the voice , is to Warble , Thrill ; Dog-like crying , is Whining ; Stealing-like , is Surreptitious , &c. 5. This Particle is likewise applicable in respect of shape and situation . So These words with this note will signifie Downe Thistle Downe Lint of Linnen Hoariness of Mold Fibre Grain of Wood Apple Pomander , Pommel Bullet Pellet Arme Arme of Tree , Sea Trunc Hulk of a Ship Beake Stemm of a Ship Foot Pedestal Bridge Bridge of a Musical instrument Money Medal , Counter . I. 2. KIND MANNER The first of these may be compounded with words of Number , to make them signifie under the notion of Multiplicative , which the Latins express by the Termination ( plex ) Simplex , Duplex , Multiplex , &c. And the English by the Termination ( fold ) Twofold , Threefold , Manifold . In its composition with other Characters , it will serve to express those words which are used to signifie the general or special kinds of things ; and being affixed to any of the differences , will make them signifie as a Genus or Species . It is applicable both to Substantives and Adjectives . Some of our English words of this sense , are expressed by the Termination ( age ) as Herbage , Pascuage , Foliage , Vintage , Cordage , Stoage , &c. that is the kind of Herbs , Pasture , &c. These words w th this note will signifie People Populacy , Folk , Commonalty , Parent Parentage Child Off-spring , Progeny Issue , Brood , Litter Foot Souldier Infantry Horse Sould. Cavalry These words thus marked will signifie Bisule Cattle Stag Red Deer Buck Fallow Deer Hog Swine Domestic bird Poultry Guns Artillery There are several Adjectives likewise expressible this way ; as Multifarious , Homogeneous , or Similar , Heterogeneous , or Dissimular , &c. 2. The use of the second Particle is by its composition with Relative and Quantitative Pronouns , to express such words as these ; Quomodo , how or after what manner ; Hujusmodi after this manner ; Ejusmodi after that manner , &c. It is applicable likewise unto Adverbia moris , Meatim , Tuatim , Suatim ( i ) Meo , Tuo , Suo More . The Antients were wont to say , Canatim , Suatim , Bovatim , that is , after the manner of Dogs , of Swine , &c. And it is still in use to say Humanitus , after the manner of men . The Composition with this Particle may likewise be useful in expressing those words which do in their proper notion contain a reference to the Mode of things . So This mark upon the word will make it signifie Loquution Pronunciation Eloquution Sentence Phrase , Style Joyning Connexion Using Usage Right Tenure Good , Well Right Evil Wrong These words thus marked will signifie Height Stature Feeding Diet Vest Garb , Tire Face Aspect , Countenance Meen , Visage , Favour Air Weather Sound Tone I. 3. THING PERSON Each of these may be compounded with the Relative or Quantitative Pronouns , serving to distinguish such as refer to Things , from those that belong to Persons . This , That , The same , Another , A certain , Some . Thing or Person . The former of these being affixed to any word in the Tables belonging to the Predicament of Quality , Action , Relation , or to any other word which doth primarily denote a person , will determine the sense of that word to a Substantive of the Thing ; as it hath been already declared in the Doctrine of Substantives . This note may be affixed 1. To Adjectives Neuter . So The words with this mark will signifie Obscure Mystery Seeming Semblance Prestig●●tory Trick Frivolous Triflle . 2. To Adjectives Active , commonly called Participles Active . So The words with this mark will signifie Nutrient Nutriment or Aliment Medicating Medicament or Medicine Purging Purge Binding Bond or String Buying Price 3. To Adjectives or Participles Passive , in the Aorist Tense . So The words will signifie Created Creature Acted Fact Believed Fides quae Fancied Phantasm Prophesied Prophesie Tyed Knot Bound Bundle , Fardle Tryed Experiment Weaved Web The words will signifie Inherited Inheritance , Patrimony Seen Spectacle Urinated Urin Dunged Dung Spit Spittle Seemed Pretence , Pretext Drunk Drink Eaten Food , Meat Eleemosynated Alms So the Adjectives Passive of the words Teaching , Learning , Reading , Singing , Selling , with this affix , will signifie Doctrine , Lesson , Lecture , Song , Ware. The second of these Particles may refer either to , 1. The Quality and relation ; or 2. The Agency ; or 3. The Patiency of the Person . If to the first of these ; it must be affixed to an Adjective Neuter ; if to the second or third , it must be affixed to an Adjective Active or Passive . Of the first kind are such examples as these . The words will signifie Vile Rascal , Varlet Miserable Wretch , Caitiff Perfidious Villain , Traytor Crafty Knave Idiotical Fool , Idiot Wandring Vagrant , Vagabond Licentious Royster , Blade Uncleanly Sloven Slow Lob , Lubber Idle Truant The words will signifie Flattering Parasite Facetious Jester , Wag Fornicating Whore , Harlot Strumpet Whoremonger Rustic Boor , Peasant Hind , Swain Military Souldier Ecclesiastic Clerk , Clergy Secular Lay Proposititious ( i ) put in substitution Attourney , Surrogate Aulical Courtier Art Artizan , Artist Nullus Nemo Of the second are such examples as these . The words will signifie Acting Actor Creating Creator Farming Farmer Lending Creditor Owing Debitor Pronegotiating Factor Beneficencing Benefactor Interpreting Truch-man The words will signifie Conveying Convoy Vowing Votary Giving Donor Receiving Receiver Beginning Inceptor , Novice Travelling Traveller , Passenger Seeing Spectator Hearing Auditor , Hearer Of the third are such examples as these . Sent Messenger Eleemosynated Eleemosynary Beneficenced Beneficiary Tryed Probationer II. 1. PLACE TIME This first pair in the second Combination of Transcendental Particles , are of more then ordinary extent and usefulness , because they may be serviceable to compound other words besides Integrals . The first of them may be Compounded with Pronouns , as was shewed before in the doctrine concerning Pronouns ; and so serve to express Adverbs of place , as in this , that , every , &c. here , there , every . where . Besides which , the Composition with this Particle may be proper to express other names of Places , which are commonly derived , either from , 1. The things contained in them . 2. The uses to which they are designed . 3. The Relations by which they are bounded . Of the first kind are such as these . The words will signifie Metal Mine Tin Stannary Stone Quarry Deer Park Conies Warren Trees Wood , Grove Shrubs Coppice Fruit-trees Orchard Vines Vineyard The words will signifie Hops Hopyard Flowers Garden Fire Hearth Smoke Chimney Ship resting Harbour , Haven , Rode Stream Channel , Kennel Gutter , Drain Abjectaneous Water Sink Of the second kind are such examples as these . The words will signifie Ambulation Tectised Cloyster High Terrace Baking-hollow Oven Fire-hollow Furnace Protection Asylum , refuge Sanctuary , shelter Hiding Covert Meeting Rendezvouz Sacrificing Altar Preaching Pulpit The words will signifie Dwelling Mansion , Messuage Washing Bath Flesh-selling Shambles Publick Spectacle Theater Deers Lying Laire Birds Sleeping Roost Ship-making Dock Unshipping Wares Key , Wharf Hyth Of the third kind are such instances as these . These words will signifie Authority Territory , Signiory Jurisdiction , Principality , Dominion Kings Authority Kingdom , Realm Tribe County , Shire Academical Academy , University Arch-Bishops Authority Province Bishops Authority Diocess Presbyters Authority Parish The second of these Particles , namely , Time , may be Compounded 1. With Numbers , to make them signifie as Adverbs Cardinals ; as Semel , bis , ter , &c. Decies , vicies , centies , millies , multoties , &c. Once , twice , thrice , ten times , twenty times , a hundred times , a thousand times , many times , &c. 2. With Pronouns , to express Adverbs of time ; as in this , that , all , Now , Then , Alway , &c. 3. With Integrals ; as in such examples . These words will signifie Festival Holy time Paschal Easter Nativity of Christ Christmass Coming of the Holy Ghost Whitsuntide Grape gathering Vintage Forinsical Term Non-Forinsical Vacation II. 2. CAVSE , or make SIGN . When words are in their significations to be more peculiarly determined to their Transitive efficiency , then is this first note to be affixed . It is frequently in Latin expressed by a Composition with facio subjoyned , and sometimes in English by a Composition with ( be ) prefixed ; as in the words , Befool , Besot , &c. The instances of this kind do frequently occur , and are very numerous . So These words will signifie Know Acquaint , Advertise Certain Certifie , assure Wonder Amaze , astonish Anger Provoke , incense Fear Fright , daunt , dismay Love Enamour , endear Shame Abash Humble Abase Contender Boutefeu , incendiary Boldness Embolden Powerful Enable Impotent Disable Great Magnifie , aggravate Little Diminish , abate Healthy Cure , heal Dye Kill , slay , mortal Live Enliven , quicken Fade Wear out , consume Rise Raise , rouse , start Flush , spring , unkennel Fall Fell , throw down These words will signifie Sit Set Lye Lay Sweat Sudorific Diaphoretic Urine Diuretic Child Adopt Ignoble Attaint Free Enfranchize Slave Enslave Money Mint , coyne Erre Seduce Evil Deprave , marr Exceed Cloy Stay Detain , hold at bay Go Set packing Bleed Let blood Shine Burnish , polish Manifest Illustrate , clear Sparkle Strike fire Lose Endamage This mark is applicable both to Substantives and Adjectives , as in Adoption , Adopting , Adopted , Sudorification , Sudorific , &c. The other Transcendental note of Sign is adjoined to the former , by reason of some kind of affinity ( though somewhat remote ) which there is betwixt them . As the former Particle doth import the notion of efficiency or making ; so doth this of Representing or signifying . It is applicable both to Substantives and Adjectives . So These words will signifie Anchor Buoy Foot Footstep , track Wound Scar Percussion Vibex , Black and Blew Vest service Livery Wind Weathercock Fane Family , or Nobility Coat of Arms Regality Crown Magistracy Mace These words will signifie Arming or incursion pass . Alarum Jugam . Invas . Beacon Future event Evil Great evil Ominous Inauspicious Portentous Terminal or Limit Meer , land-mark To head or hand Becken To grief Lament , deplore bewail , bemoan To praise Applaud II. 3. AGGREGATE SEGREGATE The first of these doth denote a multitude in Society , unto which common speech doth needlesly assign several distinct names ; whereas the Natural 〈…〉 the same in all of them ; and therefore such various names may justly be reckoned amongst the redundancies of Language . So These words will signifie Assessors Bench Souldiers Party Travelling Merchants Caravan Waiters Train , retinue Ships Navy , Fleet Military Ships Armado Sheep Geese Flock Cows Deer Hoggs Heard Drove Drawing horses Teame Hunting dogs Pack Partridge Covey Bees Swarm These words will signifie Young Dogs Foxes Pigs Litter Hawks Airy Ducks Team Chickens Brood Fish Scour , Fry Scull Trees Wood , Grove Small trees Coppice Shrubs Thicket Ferne Brake Hay Straw Fewel wood Reek , Stack Cock Pile Twigs Bavin And so likewise may it be for those others words Jewels Carcanet Feathers Plume Berries Cluster , Bunch Counters Set Cards Pack Dice Silk , Cloth , &c. Bale So the words Selling , or Hiring , with this mark , will signifie to sell by whole sale , and to hire by the Great . The second of these being opposite to the former , will signifie things under the notion of distribution ; and being segregated , which we commonly express by the words Each and Every ; it is applicable to the Numbers to make them distributives : Singuli , Bini , Trini , &c. Each one , every two , every three , or one by one , by twos , by threes , &c. And so for all other things capable of the like notion . The Latins express it by the Termination ( tim ) as was said before . So Sigillatim One by one Viritim Man by man Ostiatim Door by door Verbatim Word by word Paulatim By little and little Pedetentim Foot by Foot Gradatim By degrees Seriatim By ranks or classes . The English , besides the above-mentioned peculiar way of Phraseology , doth sometimes express this notion by compounding with the Termination ( ly ) as Hourly , Daily , Weekly , Monthly , Annually , &c. It is applicable likewise to Nouns of Action , or Verbs . So These words will signifie Giving Distributing , Dispensing Gathering Picking up Selling Retailing Hiring Hiring by the day III. 1. LAMIN PIN The first pair in the third Combination do properly refer to the Figure of things ; and the note of these , added to the name of the matter of which they consist , will be useful to supply the words for several things . The former of these doth denote a broad and flat Figure . These words will signifie Wood Board , Plank Glass Pane Paper Leaf , Sheet Mettal Plate Lead Sheet Iron supertinn'd Latin These words will signifie Fire Leam Ice , Snow Flake Pudding fryed Pancake Bread Sippet , Tost , Wafer Staffe Lath The second denotes a round and long Figure , and being affixed to the word signifying the matter of it , or the thing about which it is used , it may serve for the expression of several names . So Iron Nayle Wood Peg Vest Pin String Tag Cuspidated Tine III. 2. INSTRVMENT VESSEL This pair is intended to signifie the General Names belonging to each of the two principal kinds of Vtensils . By Instrument , is meant such a kind of Vtensil , as is of a more simple figure , and properly designed for Operation . This mark is to be affixed to the Character of that particular Action or Operation , in which such instruments are used ; and whereas there may be several kinds of instruments , that may be useful for the same kind of operation ; they are to be farther distinguished by their Matter , Figure , Bigness , or some other circumstance . So These words will signifie Foraminating Little Great Aule , Piercer Drill , Bodkin Gimlet , Wimbel Auger Digging Spade , Shovel Cuspidate Pick-ax , Mattock Reaping , Great Little Sythe Syckle Fuel supporting Little Great Dog , Creeper Andiron , Cobiron Striking , Cutting Little Great Hatchet Axe Lifting Leaver Weighing Ballance Cleaving Wedge Wheeling Wheel Screwing Screw Springing Spring Threshing Flaile Gathering Rake Scattering Fork Cribrating Sive These words will signifie Shaving Razor Filing File Sawing Saw Graving Graver , stile Planing Plane Contusion Pestle Painting Pencil Writing Pen Candle supporting Candlestick Weaving Shuttle Clipping Shears Brushing Brush , Beasom Combing Comb Horary Dyal Star measure Astrolabe Sub-forging Anvil Ringing Bell Whipping Scourge , Rod Rosting Spit Vision Spectacles Signifer Colours , Auntient , Cornet , Banner Under this second Particle ( Vessel ) are comprehended such kind of simple Utensils , whose proper use is to contain ; they are distinguishable either 1. By the things which they are designed to hold and contain . 2. By the operations and actions for which they are used . 3. By the matter of which they consist , together with their several figures and quantities . Of the first kind are such instances as these . So The words will signifie Water Cistern Oyle Glass Earth Cruet , Cruce Jarr Drink Little Great Earthen Wooden Leather Cup , Pot , Chalice Goblet Pitcher Bowle Jack Pottage Porringer Sauce Saucer Table fire Chafing-dish Candle Lanthorn Inke Inke-horn Urine Chamber-pot Of the second are such as these . So The words will signifie Washing Little Great Bason Laver Boyling Little Great Earthen Skillet Caldron , Kettle Copper , Furnace Pipkin Frying Frying-pan The words will signifie Melting Crucible Distilling Still , Alembick Straining Colander Infusion Tunnel , Funnel Exfusion Ewer Contusion Mortar Incense Censor , Perfumers pot Baptism Font Of the third sort there are such examples as these . So The words will signifie Earthen Narrow Broad Pot Urne Pan Wooden Oblong Great Trough Vatt Glassy Vial III. 3. IVGAMENT MACHIN This next pair is put to signifie such kind of Utensils as are of a less simple figure then the former . The word Iugament doth comprehend such kind of form● as are distensoria longa ; consisting of several distinct parts united by Art , being more complex then instrument , and less then Machin . The mark of it is to be affixed , either to the name of the Action or the Thing about which they are used : as in these examples . The words will signifie Carriage of Persons Barrow Carriage of Persons Dead Bier Carriage of Persons Living , by Men Sedan Carriage of Persons Living , by Horses Litter Traction Tumbrel Plowing Plow Harrowing Harrow Winnowing Fan Weaving Loom Beasts Food Rack , Cratch Bird restraining Coop , Pen , Cage Fish catching Wee le Stream stopping Sluce Roling Roler Shadowing Canopy , umbrella , Screen The words will signifie Printing Press Holding Pincers Suspension Gallows , Gibbet Extension Rack Feet imprison Stocks Head imprison Pillory Neck Yoke Sub-foot Pattin Broyling Gridiron Fewel Grate Session Stoole , Settle Bed Bedstead Clipping Cizzars Circle making Compass Wind music Organ By the second are intended such Utensils as are of a more complicate figure , being mixed either with Wheels , Scrues , or Pullies , and designed for motion . The mark is to be affixed unto the Character of the Action for which they are used . So The words will signifie Hour Signing Sounding Portatile Watch Clock Pocket watch Grinding Mill Little Quern The words will signifie Rosting Jack Up-pulling Crane Holding Vice Compressing Press Way-measuring Way-wiser IV. 1. SEPIMENT ARMAMENT The first of these may serve to express and describe those several kinds of things and names which are used for Enclosure . So These words will signifie Wood Lamin Pale Staff or Beam Rail Shrub Hedge Earth Bank These words will signifie Water Mote Sheep Sheepfold Military of basket Line , outwork , &c. Gabion Transverse shutting Barricado The second mark for ARMAMENT or Tackle , will serve to describe sufficiently several things of that nature , without affording distinct names for them , to be applyed unto the Character of the Action or Part to which it belongs . These words will signifie Horse , cohibiting Bridle instigating Spur Head Head-stall Mouth Bitt , Snaffle Neck Collar Tayl Crupper Foot Horse-shooe These words will signifie Horse back Saddle Rustic Pannel Pack-saddle Riders foot Stirrup Leg Gambado Circumligating Surcingle , girdle Finger for sowing Thimble IV. 2. VEST ARMOVR The first of these will help to describe those various names that are given ●o several sorts of Garments , according to the Parts , Things , or other circumstances most considerable in their use . So These words will signifie Head Margined Low Reticulate Cap Hat Bonnet Cawl Bishops head Miter Votaries head Cowl Fore-head Linnen Frontlet , cross-cloth Face Mask Chin Muffler Neck Band Trunc Doublet Sub-trunc Wastcoat Super-trunc Jerkin , Coat Loose super humeral Hood Inmost Linnen Shirt , Shift Outmost Linnen Surplice , Frock Bishops Linnen Stole Bishops Silk Rochet Service signing Livery Chamber Hanging Table Woollen Carpet Linnen Table cloth These words will signifie Breast Stomacher Bib , Biggin Arm Sleeve Hand Woollen Glove Mitten Belly Apron Thighs close Loose Breeches Petticoat Leg Leather Stocken , Hose Boot Foot Loose Inner Shooe Slipper Pantofle Sock Upper loose Close Cloak Cassock Long loose Gown Bed woollen Linnen Covering Blanket Sheet Coverlet , counterpane Pensil shadowing Concealing Curtain Mantle , Veil The second Particle is designed only for defensive Armour , which bears some Analogy to Vests . The note of it may be affixed to the several Parts . So These words will signifie Head Helmet , murrion Head-piece Neck Gorget Trum Habergeon , Corslat Breast Breast-plate Back Back-piece These words will signifie Hand Gauntlet Leg Greaves , Jambeaux Defensive to be handed Shield , Buckler Target . IV. 3. HOVSE ROOM The first of these will by its composition serve to express those various names which are given to Houses , in reference to the several things or uses they are designed for . So These words will signifie Corn threshed Not threshed Granary Garner Barn Hogs Sty Dogs Kennel Horses Stable Hawks Mew Pigeons Dove-cote Bees Hive Conny Borough Lions or Bears Den Ammunition Arsenal Magazine Bones of dead Charnel Water Conduit These words will signifie Publick hospitating Sale of Wine Ale Inn Tavern Ale-house Votaries Abby , Cloister Covent , Monastery Sick persons Spittle , Hospital Eleemosynated Alms-house Mad Bethlehem Idlers Bridewel Imprisonment Goal , Prison Forinsic Hall Discipling School Fornicat . Stews , Brothel Bordel As the former Particle may be useful for the expression of the names of several Houses ; so will this second for particular Rooms or Chambers . So These words will signifie Conventus Hall Eating Dining room Discourse Parlour Sleeping Bed-chamber Dormitory Walking Gallery Privacy Closet Books Library Meat Preparing Keeping Baking Kitchin Larder Pantry Pastry Potation Buttery Potus Cellar Dunging Jakes , Privy house of office These words will signifie Cloths Wardrobe Clothing Vestry dressing-room Armory Armour Selling Shop Preserving Repository Drying Kill , drying loft Exter . dimin . Lobby Anti-chamber Way Passage , room Upper Loft , Garret Naval Cabbin Bees Cell Counsel Secret Ecclesiastic Conclave Consistory V. 1. HABIT ART Each of these are applicable to Nouns . The use of the first Particle , is to denote the Habitualness of any such thing whose Radix is not primarily under that Genus of Habit. So these words Rejoycing , Worshipping , Obedient , Disobedience , &c. with this mark , will be determined to the Habit of Chearfulness , Devotion , Obedience , Contumacy , &c. There are many Radical words under other Predicaments , as that of Action , Love , Zeal , Compassion , Envy , &c. Singing , Writing , &c. That of Relation , as Governing , Bargaining , Thieving , Whordom , Deceiving , &c. which when they are to be used under the notion of Habits , must be marked with this affix . The chief use of the second Particle , is to supply the place of those several names which are commonly given to Arts and Sciences . So These words will signifie Quantity Mathematic Magnitude Geometry Number Arithmetic World Cosmography Star motion Astronomy Land Geography Times Cronology Harmony Music Vision Optic , perspective These words will signifie Weight Static Building Architecture Wars Military order Chivalry Tactic Swording Fencing Language Grammar Oration Oratory Arguing Logic Manners Ethic Transcendent Metaphysic And so for those other cheating Arts of Manteia or Wizarding , with which the world always hath been and will be abused . In the naming of these it would be convenient to add the word Manteia , the better to distinguish these from such as are true Arts and Sciences . So The Art of is Star mant . Astrology Hand mant . Chiromancy Face mant . Physiognomy Fire mant . Pyromancy Water mant . Hydromancy V. 2. OFFICER . ARTIST Though this second pair be not of any great affinity , yet are they here united , upon account , that they both denote personal respects . The first of them affixed to any single Character , will signifie the notion of Prefecture in any kind of place , imployment , relation ; whether Honourable , or mean and Servile , as the Integral shall denote : But if the Integral be compounded with the Preposition Pro , or Vice , or instead of , which signifies the notion of Substitution , it will then express the Deputy or substituted officer ; if with the Preposition Sub or Vnder , it will then denote the Inferiour or subordinate officer of that kind . So These words will signifie Navy Admiral , Vice-admiral Arms General , Lieuten-Gen . Brigade Major General Regiment Colonel , Tribune Company Captain , Centurion Military Provision Commissary Ten Souldiers Corporal , Serjeant Tribe Sheriff , Under-Sheriff City Major University Chancellour , Vice-chan . College Master , Warden , President , Provost , Rector , Principal . Abby Abbot , Prior Manners Censor Alms Almner , Subalmner Accounts Auditor Money Bursar , Treasurer Revenue Steward Gathering Collector Market Clerk of Market Poor Overseer Temple Church-warden Book Librarian Parturition Midwife Singing Chorister Cleansing Temple Sexton These words will signifie Street Scavinger Citing Sumner , Apparitor Peace Justice , Constable Degrees Herauld Writing Secretary , Clerk Speaking Prolocutor Ante-ambulant Usher , Beadle Pro-Presbyt . Curate Sub-Presbyt . Clerk Pasture Hayward Sheep Shepherd Cows Cow-herd Hogs Hog-herd Deer Keeper Conies Warrenner Hawks Falconer Provision Steward , Manciple , Caterer Meat ordering Sewer Drink Butler Door Porter Chamber Chamberlain Horse Groom , Hostler Agriculture Bailiff Arresting Baily , Beadle , Serjeant , Catchpole Imprisoning Jailour , Warder Whipping Beadle Executing Executioner Fornicating Pander , Bawd The other Affix for ARTIST , is not of so much use or necessity as the rest , because it may be sufficiently expressed by those two Particles of Art and Person . It is here put in , because I could not think of any more convenient notion of the like affinity to supply this place . So These words will signifie Quantity Mathematician Magnitude Geometrician Number Arithmetician World Cosmographer Star Astronomer , &c. V. 3. MECHANIC MERCHANT The last pair in this Combination may properly serve to express those words which are commonly given to Persons from their several Trades and Occupations . The first , for the Trades of Manufacture , according to the several employments or object matters about which such Trades are conversant ; some of which will be capable of composition with the Preposition Sub or Vnder. So These words will signifie Stone Mason Wood Carpenter Metal Smith Gold Gold-smith Iron Black-smith Lead Plummer Pewter Pewterer Brass Brasier Tinker Gems Lapidary Statues Statuary Sculptor Painting Painter Musick Minstrel Fidler Medicine Apothecary Printing Printer Writing Scrivener Cord Roper These words will signifie Leather Tanner Cloth Clothier Cloth thickning Fuller Vest Taylor Botcher Foot-vest Shoomaker Cobler Head-vest Hatter Hand-vest Glover Spinning Spinster Sowing Sempster Washing Laundress Bed Upholster Tub Cooper Knife Cutler Bow Fletcher Candle Chaundler Book Book-binder And so for other particular Trades which belong to other matters , as Gun , Lock , Clock , Watch , &c. The second for the trades of Exchange , many of which were wont in their English names to be compounded with the Termination Monger ; as Wood-monger , Iron-monger , Fish-monger , &c. From the old Latin word Mango , which signifies a Seller . So These words will signifie Flesh Butcher Cattle Grasier Spice Grosser Wine Vintner Victuals Victualer Medicament Drugster These words will signifie Linnen L. Draper Woollen W. Draper Head-vest Haberdasher Old-vest Broker Silk Mercer Book Stationer . VI. 1. POWER or Ability APTITVDE or Proneness . Betwixt these two there is an evident affinity , both of them being common servile notions , and of very general extent ; they are applicable to an Integral both Substantive and Adjective , and capable both of an Active and Passive sense : Being expressed in Latin by the Termination ( tivus and bilis ) and in English by the Termination ( tive and ble ) And when the words to which they are affixed are compounded with any Adverb of a Negative or Privative sense , they are by that Adverb made to signifie , Impotence or Ineptitude , either Active or Passive . Though the derivations of Abstracts before-mentioned may serve well enough for several of the following instances , yet to prevent the ambiguity that may otherwise happen in some of these derivations , it will be proper to make use of these Particles . We have not actually indeed such variety of words as may be suted to these notions ; but this is from the defect of Language , for the things themselves are naturally capable of this kind of inflexion . The first of these may signifie either Affirmatively Substantive , denoting Ability Active , to do , Sensitiveness , Visiveness Passive , to be done , Sensibleness , Visibleness Adjective , or Able Active , to do , Sensitive , Visive Passive , to be done , Sensible , Visible Negatively Substantive , denoting Inability Active , to do , Insensitiveness , Invisiveness Passive , to be done , Insensibleness , Invisibility Adjective , or Vnable Active , to do , Insensitive , Invisive Passive , to be done , Insensible , Invisible By this Particle are all these common words to be exprest , Capable , Effable , Audible , Accessible , Comprehensible , Evitable , Fallible , &c. which being compounded with the Negative Particle ( in ) will signifie the opposite , as , Incapable , &c. In this sense , to render a man Vnresponsive , is to Confound , Poze , Puzzle , Non-plus . A person insolutive , or ( as we commonly say ) insolvent , is a Bankrupt ; Vnwalkative , is a Cripple ; Non-surrective , is Bedrid ; Vnfattable , is Flue , &c. The second of these may likewise signifie , either Affirmatively , whether affixed to Substantive , denoting Aptness Active , to do , Amorousness , Credulousness Passive , to be done , Amiableness , Credibleness Adjective , Apt Active , to do , Amorous , Credulous Passive , to be done , Amiable , Credible Negatively , whether affixed to a Substantive , Vnaptness Active , to do , Vnamorousness , Incredulousness Passive , to be done , Vnamiableness , Incredibleness Adjective , Vnapt Active , to do , Vnamourous , Incredulous Passive , to be done , Vnamiable , Incredible There are great variety of Integrals , to which these notes are applicable . So These words will signifie Motion Agile , Nimble-ness Fear Timerous , Terrible Shame Bashful-ness Anger Hasty , Touchy , Peevish , Froward , Choleric , Te●ty , Pettish , Snappish , &c. Contention Captious-ness , Quarrelsom Contempt Scornful , Despicable Lust Salacity , Libidinous Inventiveness Sagacity Play Wanton , Gamesome These words will signifie Evaporative Volatile Imitative Mimical Cleanse Abstersive Corrode Corrosive Sickness Crazy Sickly Sleep Drowsie Grudge Querulous Kick Skittish Break Frail Brittle Correction Corrigible Associate Sociable To be found Obvious Inhabit Habitable Trouble Troublesom There are some words in our English Tongue which are used promiscuously , both Actively and Passively ; as Changeable , Mutable , Alterable , Pitiful , Fearful , Mortal , &c. whereby they are liable to mistake , which may be prevented by these Particles , being duely apply'd either to a Substantive or Adjective , Active or Passive , as the sense shall require . VI. 2. INCEPTIVE FREQVENTATIVE The first signifies the beginning of Actions or Things ; which being a kind of Mode or imperfect notion , is therefore fit to be joyned as a servile and auxiliary . 'T is commonly expressed in English , by the word Wax or Grow ; And in Latin ( as was observed before ) by the Termination sco , Senesco , Lucesco , Calesco ; Wax old , Wax light , Wax hot , &c. There are in our Language some peculiar words and phrases , which do only import this notion , and by this mark will be rendred needless and redundant . So These words will signifie Fire Kindle , Tind , Light Break Crack Usurp Encroach Navigate Take shipping , Launch Itinerate Set forth Proceed Set forward These words will signifie Possess Take Livery and Seisin Repent Relent Trade Set up Work Set to work Hold Take hold Effluviate Tap , Broach So the word Morning , with this note will signifie , Dawning , Day-spring , Aurora , Diluculum ; And the word day or night , with this mark will signifie , Crepusculum , Twilight . The second of these doth signifie the repetition or wontedness of Actions , which is such a kind of servile notion as the former , and therefore fit to be this way provided for . It is of a very large exten● in the use of it , being ( as the other notion of inceptive likewise 〈◊〉 ) applicable to most Verbs ; And there are some words in our English which will by this note be rendred needless . So These words will signifie Drink Bibble , Tipple Talk Babble Move in Water Dabble Come Haunt , Resort Repeat Inculcate Ingeminate These words will signifie Demand Solicit , Dunne Sigh Sob Disappear Twinckle Glimmer Pull Vellicate Bite Gnaw It may be worthy consideration to enquire , whether the opposite to each of these , viz. Desinative and Raritive or seldom , ought not to be particularly provided for in this kind . VI. 3. ENDEAVOVR IMPETVS Both these may contribute to the Abbreviating of Language , when they are compounded as serviles ; there being several distinct words and phrases , which by such composition will be rendred needless , their true notions being sufficiently expressable by the use of these Particles . The first denotes the Application of a Mans self to the doing of any thing . So These words will signifie Hear Listen , Hearken , Attend , Give Ear See Pry , Peep Feel Grope Lift Heave Catch Catch at These words will signifie Strike Strike at Strike thrustingly Foine at Obtain Reach after Provide Purvey Sell Set to Sale The second doth denote the particular fit , or sudden violence of any Action or Thing . So These words will signifie Motion Start , Jerk Thrust Rush Pull Twitch Percussion Rap Catch Snatch Bite Snap Exclamation Shout , Squeak , Squeal , Screan , Shreek These words will signifie Running Career Anger Fury Melancholy Dump Flame Flash Wind Flaw , Gust Rain Storm Battel Shock Disease Fit , Paroxysm VII . 1. AVGMENTATIVE DIMINVTIVE These are of very general comprehensive usefulness in Language . The former of them doth properly denote Transcendental Greatness , both Extensive and Intensive . When it is applyed to Bodies , 't is of the same import with those usual words , Great , Huge , Vast , Main : and is by the Latins often expressed in Adjectives by the Termination ( osus ) whereby they signifie the notion of Abounding . When it is applied to Qualities or Actions , it denotes Intention of Degrees , being equivalent with those Articles , very , much , hard , sore , stark , sound , greatly ; Valde , multum , oppido , magnopere , perquam , admodum , vehementer , cumprimis , &c. It is applicable likewise by way of Allusion to the Amplitude , Grandeur , and eminency of any thing in its kind , which being a general Metaphor , may therefore fitly and safely be this way provided for : As the words Man , Physician , Merchant , with the note of Diminutive affixed to them , do signifie , meanness and contemptibleness : So the same words with this mark of Augmentative , will denote eminency and considerableness , being proper to commend and set forth any thing for extraordinariness in its kind . 1. This mark may be applied to the names of Bodies . So These words will signifie Sea Ocean Wave Billow , Surge Staffe Stake , Batt Twig Pole Branch Bow , Arme of Tree These words will signifie Cord Cable , Rope Dish Charger Spoon Ladle Hammer Sledge Wooden hammer Beetle 2. It may be applied to such names as signifie Qualities or Actions . These words will signifie Hate Abhor , Abominate , Detest Fear Aghast , Hideous , Dread , Terrour , Anger Rage , Wrath , Fury , Rave , Grieve Take on Shame Confusion Wonder Astonish Consternation Malice Rancor Care Anxiety , Solicitude Willing Forward Desire Long for Known Notorious Ask Adjure , Urge Labour Toile , Moile , Drudge Endeavour Bestir , Stickle , Strive , Coil , Ado , Contend Affirm Averr , Avouch , Vouch Deny Renounce Sound Loudness , Noise Voice Clamour , Roar , Cry These words will signifie Past Antique , of old Oblique Steep Vicious Flagitious , Heinous , Profligate Hunger Greadiness , Eagerness Eat Devour , Voracious Drink Carouse , Quaff , Swill Spit Spawl Hot Torrid , Swelter , Soultry Pain Torment , Torture Price Pretious , Costly , Sumptuous , Dear Adorned Brave , Gallant , Gorgeous , Splendid , Sparke Beat Swing Pull Tug Prove Demonstrate Reprove Rate Solemnity Grandeur Fame Renown The second of these being directly opposite to the first , is of like extent and usefulness , and will not need any further explication but only by Instances . 1. 'T is applicable to bodies and things . So These words will signifie Horse Nag Pike Pickerell , Jack House Cottage Bed Pallet Door Wicket Rain Mizling , drizling Skin Tunicle , Cuticle Bladder Vesicle Dust Atome , Mote Branch Sprig Images Babies , Puppets , These words will signifie Chamber Cell , Cabin Tower Turret Sword Dagger , Ponyard , Stilletto Gun Pistol , Dagg Stream Brook , Rivulet Prominence Stud Foss Wrinkle Script Ticket , Scrole Schedule Piece Scrap , Crum 2. 'T is applicable to Qualities and Actions . So These words will signifie Hot Tepid , Lukewarm Moist Damp , Dank Light Glimmering Spot Speck Wild Skittish Gust Smack , Tang Sound Quatch Skill Smattering Handsome Good Pretty More Great Many A little Greater More Price Cheap Move Wag Stumble Trip Halt Limp Fight Fray , Scuffle Bite Nibble These words will signifie Drink Bibb , Sip Cognition Hint , inkling , intimation Doubt Scruple Sin Peccadillo , Failing Vomit Puke Burn Parch , Scorch , Sweal Boil Parboil , reare Play Dally Sleep Slumber , Nap Ringing Jingle , Tinkle Prayer Ejaculation Comment Gloss , Notes , Annotation Contention Jarring , Bickering Past Alate Future Shortly , soon Oblique Steep , slope Sum Driblet Proportion Pittance , Scantling Aggregate Parcel 3. This note may sometimes be applied in a Metaphorical sense to signifie contemptibleness or littleness of value , as well as littleness of bulk . So the word Man with this note may signifie either Dandiprat , Dwarf , Elf , Zany , Pigmy ; or else Seru● , Sorry fellow , Companion , Iack. So the word Physitian with this note , will signifie Mountebank , Quacksalver , Empyrick : And the word Merchant being so noted , will signifie Pedler , Huckster , &c. VII . 2. EXCESSIVE DEFECTIVE These are joyned upon account of opposition , the meaning of each being very obvious . The former denoting all kind of excess ; Particularly , 1. The redundant extreme in all Qualities , or Vertues together . 2. With such other notions as bear some kind of Analogy or resemblance to these in other things . As likewise , 3. The Nimiety of any Quality or Action . 1. Of the first kind are such instances as these . So These words will signifie Diligence Double diligence Consideration Cunctation Heedfulness Carking Patience Obstinacy Constancy Pertinacy Knowledge Curiosity Prudence Craft Moderation Slightness , Neutrality Justice Rigor Fortitude Rashness Magnanimity Insolence Meekness Lentitude , stupor These words will signifie Modesty Abjectness Abstinence Maceration Cleanliness Finicalness niceness Frugality Penuriousness Liberality Prodigality Magnificence Luxuriousness riotousness Courtesie Fawning Taciturnity Shiness Urbanity Scurrility Gravity Formality Faith Credulity Hope Presumption 2. Of the second kind , these are some Instances . So These words will signifie Plane Mountain Oblique Direct Present Past Simultaneous Preceding Flet Gibbous These words will signifie Parabola Hyperbole Mean Acute Ripeness Over-ripe Equal Superior Sufficiency Excess 3. Of the third kind , there are these Instances . So These words will signifie Esteem Over-value Opinionate Over-weene Great Over-grown Load Over-charge Surcharge Adorned Gay , Gaudy Sweet Luscious Laugh Giggle Hasten Precipitate Chide Scold These words will signifie Long Tedious , prolix Old Stale Extension Sprain Dunging Scowring Soon Over-soon Repetition Battology , Tautology Baked Over-baked Boiled Over-boiled Roasted Over-roasted The mark of Defect is in each particular correspondent to the former , denoting either 1. The deficient extreme in all kind Acts , Habits , Vertues , as may be seen by the opposites to those before-mentioned . Diligence Idleness Consideration Rashness Heedfulness Carelesness 2. Some kind of resemblance to this in other things . Plane Valley Oblique Transverse Present Future , &c. 3. The deficiency of any Action , or the under-doing of a thing . Esteem Under-value Opinionate Under-weene Great Not sufficiently big , &c. Baked Under-baked Boyled Under-boyled . VII . 3. PERFECTIVE CORRVPTIVE This pair may be of very general use for all kind of Actions and Things . Besides those general notions referring to the measure and degrees of things in the two former pairs , it may be requisite to provide the like way for expressing the manner of them , as to Well or Ill ; Right or Wrong ; as it should be , as it should not be . The first of these is in many Greek words expressed by the composition with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in English by Well and Right . So These words will signifie Figured Well-favoured Come Well come Advised Well advised Healthy Well in health Put Set right Understand Understand aright Use Use aright Time Oportunity , Season , Good time These words will signifie Event Prosper , Succeed , Speed , Fortunate , Lucky , Auspicious State Good plight Humour Debonair Voice Euphony Lettering Orthography Prove Demonstrate The second of these is sometimes expressed in English by composition with those Particles Dis. or Mis. or Vn. So These words will signifie Colour Dis-colour Figure Dis-figure Place Dis-place Order Dis-order Proportion Dis-proportion Service Dis-service Temper Distemper Esteem Mis-prision Opinion Mistake Become Mis-become These words will signifie Conster Mis-conster Use Mis-use , Abuse Lead Mis-lead , Seduce Name Mis-call , Nic-name Event Mis-fortune Mis-chance Mis-hap Mis-adventure These words will signifie Timely Unseasonable , Untimely Figured Unfashioned , Defaced Event Unlucky , Unprosperous , Unhappy , Unfortunate , Unsuccessful , Sinister , Adverse This mark may likewise serve to express the true notion of several other words , which are not usually thus compounded . These words will signifie Fancy Caprichious , Freakish , Conceited Ancestor Degenerate Jester Buffoon Temper Humorist These words will signifie Horse Jade Write Scribble Cut , Carve Whittle , Hack Content Male-content VIII . 1. VOICE LANGVAGE The first of these will by its composition serve to express those several words which are used for the Voices of divers Animals : or for the voices that are used in expressing sundry Actions or Affections . So. These words will signifie Lion Roaring Horse Neighing Ass Braying Bull Bellowing Cow Lowing Sheep Bleating Wolf Howling Yelling Hen Cackle Chicken Peep Swallow Chatter These words will signifie Sparrow Chirp Hog Grunting Dog anger Barking Snarling Whelp Yelping Frog Croking Cock Crowing Goose Gaggle Owle Hoot Bee Buz , Hum This note may likewise be applied to such kind of voices as belong to several affections . So These words will signifie Grudging Mutter , grumble , murmur Grief Wail , mourn , moan Anger Chafe , storm Contention Brangle , brawl , wrangle Praise Plaudit The second particular is paired with the former for its affinity to it . The proper use of it is by its composition with the names or characters of several Countries or Nations , to express the notion of the Languages spoken by them . So the Character or word of English , Spanish , French , Italian , German , &c. with this affix , will determine these words to the signification of those Tongues or Languages : And the same note affixed to the name of any Tribe , may signifie the Dialect of it . There seems to be least necessity of this Particle ; and it might well be spared , if any more proper could be thought of , to supply the place of it . VIII . 2. MALE FEMALE The second pair in this last Combination is for the distinction of such things as have Sex. And all those names of Animals or Relations , which are distinguishable only by their Sex , ought not to have any other distinction in their appellations but that of their Sex : So that whereas we say , Ram , Yew , Boar , Sow , &c. Father , Mother , Son , Daughter , &c. It would be more agreeable to the Philosophy of Speech , if these things were to be expressed a male sheep , a female sheep , a male or female swine ; a male or female Parent or Child , &c. These marks are applicable 1. To kinds of Animals ; of which there are such instances as these . These words will signifie Man Woman Lion Lioness Horse Mare Bull Cow Stag Hind Buck Doe These words will signifie Dog Bitch Cock Hen Drake Duck Gander Goose Drone Bee Milter Spawner 2. To Relations of Persons ; as in these instances . So The words will signifie Brother Sister Uncle Aunt Nephew Niece Sutor Servant Mistress Sweet-heart Bridegroom Bride Husband Wife Batchelour Maid The words will signifie Widower Widow King Queen Lord Lady Master Mistress , Dame Man-servant Maid-servant Abbot Abbess Friar Nun Sloven Slut Whoremonger Whore , Strumpet VIII . 3. YOVNG PART By the first of these is meant the young ones or brood of any sorts of Animals , for which we have no proper word in English. So These words will signifie Horse Colt , Foal , Filly Cow Calf Deer Fawn Sheep Lamb Goat Kid Hog Pig Bear Cub These words will signifie Dog Puppy , Whelp Cat Kitlin , Chitt Cony Rabbet Hare Leveret Hen Chicken Frog Tadpole Herring Sprat By the second of these may be expressed such kind of names as do comprehend in them the notion of Part , under the several relations of 1. Situation . 2. Proportion . 3. Figure or Colour . 4. Vse . 1. Of the first kind there are such examples as these . So These words will signifie Ship Fore Hinder Prow , Beak Poop , Stern Army Fore Middle Hinder Side Van , Vauntguard , Front Main Battel Rere , Rereward Wing Oration Fore Hinder Preamble , Preface , Proem , Prologue Epilogue , Conclusion 2. Of the second are such instances as these . A second Half A fourth Quarter A tenth Tithe , &c. And so a fourth part of a Circle is a Quadrant , a sixth part is a Sextant , &c. 3. Of the third kind there are such instances as these . Hand Convex Concave Back Palm Leg Fore Hinder Shin Calf Egge White Yellow White Yolk Off-cut Segment 4. Of the fourth kind there are such examples as these . These words will signifie Covering Lid Stopping Stopple To be handed Handle , Haft , Helve , Hilt Bell striking Clapper Gun striking Cock Shoo-fastning Latchet It may happen sometimes that two of these Transcendental Particles should concur to the composition of some words : In which case it will be worth consideration , whether it may not be more distinct to express one of them by an Integral , and the other by an Affix . It may likewise deserve some farther inquiry , whether some of these Particles here nominated , may not be spared to make room for others more useful ; as particularly those servile general notions of Continuing Discontinuing Permitting Hindering Facility Difficulty ; as likewise , Flower , Fruits , Disease , &c. I have been somewhat the longer in treating concerning these Transcendental Particles ; because being for the most part new , and not all of them used in any one Language , they do thereupon stand in greater need of being more particularly and fully explained and discussed . I have now done with the first part of Etymology ; namely , concerning the formal differences or kinds of words , whether Integrals Particles . CHAP. VIII . Of the Accidental Difference of words . I. Inflexion . II. Derivation . III. Composition . THE next thing to be treated of , is concerning the Accidental Differences of words ; and amongst these 1. Concerning the Inflexion of them , which doth consist in the several ways of varying the same word to sundry modes of signification . This is not arbitrary , as it is used in several Languages ; much less should the rules to this purpose , which belong to the Latin , be applied to Vulgar Tongues , to which they are not suited ( as many Grammarians use to do ) but it ought to be founded upon the Philosophy of speech and such Natural grounds , as do necessarily belong to Language . Integral words are all capable of Inflexion . 1. Noun Substantives are inflected in a threefold respect . 1. By Number , Singural and Plural , which being more Intrinsecal to them , ought to be provided for in the Character or word it self , and not by an Affix . 2. By Gender , in things that are capable of Sex , which are naturally but two , Masculine and Feminine : These being less Intrinsical to the primary notion of the word , may be more properly expressed by affixes ; and then the kind or species of every Animal ( abstractedly from the respective Sexes of it ) may be signifyed by the Radical word it self , without any sign of Sex , which will prevent much equivocalness . 3. By Cases , which is not so essential and natural to Substantives , as to be provided for in the word it self , by varying the Terminations of it ; For though this course hath been used in the Greek and Latin : yet neither do the Oriental Tongues , Hebrew , Chaldee , Arabic , &c. nor those Occidental of French , Italian , Spanish ; nor I think doth any Modern Tongue in the world this way express them . The true notion of the Nominative Case , is that which precedes the Verb , and the Accusative , that which follows the Verb ; of which in speech that is suited to natural Structure and Syntax , there ought to be no other sign or note then the very order . As for the Genitive Case , the proper notion of that , is its following another Substantive in regimine : But because the following Substantive is not always governed by that which precedes ; as Vrbs Roma , Rhenus Fluvius , Taxus arbor , &c. therefore 't is proper to have a Particle or Preposition for it , as our English ( Of ) and ( De ) in the French , Italian , Spanish , which was treated of before . The Dative Case is expressed by the Preposition ( To ) the Vocative by the Interjection of bespeaking ( O ) and the Ablative Case by such a Preposition as denotes Formal or Instrumental cause , or manner of Doing . So that the true notion of the Genitive , Dative , Ablative Case , is nothing else but that obliquity in the sence of a Substantive , which is caused and signifyed by some Preposition annexed to it , as the Vocative is by an Interjection . And besides these three ways of Inflexion , I have shewed before how Substantives are capable likewise of Active and Passive voice , and of Tenses . Noun Adjectives need not have any note to express Number , Gender , Case , because in all these they agree with their Substantives ; unless such Adjectives as are used Substantively , by reason of their composition with the Transcendental marks of Person , Thing , Time , Place , &c. In which case they have the same kinds of Inflexion with Substantives . But there is belonging to them , 1. A transverse Inflexion by degrees of Comparison , which may be best denoted by the extrinsical affixes of more , most ; less , least . 2. An Inflexion by Voice Active and Passive , which makes them of the same nature with those words which we call Participles . 3. An Inflexion by Tenses . And though usually in the Latin there are but two Tenses , viz. Present and Future , in each voice of the Participle , Amans , Legens : Amaturus , Lecturus : Amatus , Lectus : Amandus , Legendus : excepting in some few words , Sequens , Sequutus , Sequuturus ; Gaudens , Gavisus , Gavisurus : and of Coenatum , which is used promiscuously both Actively and Passively ; yet this is a defect in the Latin Tongue : For the natural notion doth render Participles as well capable of the Preter Tense ; and accordingly the Greeks have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : He that beats , he that hath beaten , he that will beat ; he that is beaten , he that hath been beaten , he that will be beaten . The like would have been in Latin , if the Philosophy of Speech had been as well observed in the Institution of that Language . Derived Adverbs are capable of Inflexion by degrees of Comparison . Amongst the Particles , there are only two that are capable of Inflexion ; viz. the Copula , and Pronouns . The Copula is inflected by Mode and by Tense ; which I have sufficiently explained before : Only 't is here to be noted , that besides those definite notions of time past , present , and to come , there is likewise Tempus Aoristicum , or indefinite time ; and that whenever the Copula is used in materia necessaria , it ought to be understood as being indeterminate to any of those differences of time . So for such sayings , Homo est animal , Deus vivit , &c. there is no kind of time , whether past , present , or future , wherein these sayings are not equally true ; so that the sense of such sayings is est , fuit , erit ; vivit , vixit , vivet . And therefore it would be convenient to make some distinction for expressing this indefinite time . Pronoun Substantives are inflected by Number and Gender , and by Case , as Noun Substantives are ; besides that kind of improper Inflection , whereby they are made Possessives ; which is rather a kind of Derivation , and reduplicative , which consists only in the doubling of them for the greater Emphasis . The other Particles are not capable of Inflexion , because they do not denote any Essence or Act , which is capable of several modes or respects , as Integrals , and two of the Particles do : but only the Circumstances or Modifications of other words ; and therefore may be stiled indeclinable or invariable . As to Derivation , there ought naturally to be but one kind of Root , from which the several differences of Integrals should be derived ; and this should be a Noun Substantive which signifies the Thing , or the Essence . If it be a Noun Substantive Neuter , then the first branches of it are Substantives Active and Passive ; after which succeed the Adjectives belonging to each of them , and then the Adverbs , which denote the Quality or Manner of being or doing . All which belong to one branch . Another branch is the Substantives Abstract , which have the same kind of derivations from them , as the former ; as is more distinctly explained before . As to the last accidental difference of words , viz. Composition . 'T is to be noted , that the words of a Philosophical Language should be so suted unto natural notions , that there should be little need of other compositions , besides those by Prepositions , Adverbs , and Transcendental Particles . But if this were desired for greater elegance and copiousness of Speech , it should be capable of any composition whatsoever , which may be signified in writing by some Hyphen or mark of Union , to joyn the words compounded ; and in Speech by pronouncing them together as one word , without changing the nature of either . So the word Idolatry is Idol-worship , &c. CHAP. IX . Of the second part of Grammar called Syntax . AS the first part of Grammar doth treat concerning the nature and differences of particular words : So the second part of Grammar stiled Syntax , doth concern the proper way of Union or right Construction of words , into Propositions , or continued Speech . And this may be distinguished into two kinds . 1. That which is Customary and figurative : or 2. That which is Natural and regular . 1. That structure may be stiled Customary and figurative , which is used in the Phraseologies or forms of Speech , peculiar to several Languages , wherein words are put together according to a Metaphorical and tralatitious sense of them ; as in those Latin Phrases , Redigere in ordinem , which signifies , Privare magistratu ; E medio tollere , for Occidere . And so for those English Phrases of Breaking a jest , Hedging in a Debt , Taking ones heels and flying away , Being brought to bed , Lying in , Being in Labour or Travail , &c. All which ought to be rendred according to the natural sense and meaning intended by those Phrases ; which is observed in the regular Translation of any Language . And he that would go about to render such forms of Speech , according to the strict and natural sense of the words , could not reasonably expect to be understood in any other Language . But besides these kind of Metaphors which are peculiar to some Tongues , there are others of a more general use , which may be well enough retained in a Philosophical Language . 2. That structure may be called Regular , which is according to the natural sense and order of the words . The General Rule for this order amongst Integrals is , That which governs should precede ; The Nominative Case before the Verb , and the Accusative after ; The Substantive before the Adjective : Only Adjective Pronouns being Particles and affixed , may without inconvenience be put indifferently either before or after . Derived Adverbs should follow that which is called the Verb , as denoting the quality or manner of the Act. As for the Grammatical Particles , those which serve for the Inflexion or Composition of words should naturally precede ; and so likewise should other Adverbs , and Prepositions . Transcendental Particles are to be joyned in composition at the ends of words , to vary their termination . Besides the order required in Syntax ▪ something ought to be subjoyned concerning the Quantity of Vowels or Syllables , together with the several distinctions or interpunctions to be observed betwixt words and sentences . As for that part usually treated of in instituted Grammars , stiled Prosodia , concerning the quantity of Vowels , there needs not any thing to be said unto that here ; because in a Philosophical Language every Vowel is supposed to be in the writing sufficiently distinguished in this respect ; every long Vowel having a note or mark to signifie its prolation . The expressing of any one syllable in a word , with a little higher tune , and longer time then others , is to be exprest by an accent ; as in the words , Consènt , Contrìve , Compòse , Hàving , Wìsdom , Fòrtune , Pròfit , Pàrentage , Prìvilege , Consìder , Detèrmine , &c. The distinctions to be observed betwixt words and sentences , may refer either to 1. The time ; or 2. The manner of pronouncing . 1. The first concerns those Pauses or intervals of rest to be observed in Pronouncing , which were anciently distinguished into three kinds ; namely , Comma , Colon , Period . The first of these being marked with a point by the middle of the Letter ; The second at the top ; The last at the bottom . Unto these , later times have added two others ; namely , a mark to signifie something intermediate betwixt Comma and Colon , stiled Semicolon ; and something more then a full point , which is usually exprest by a greater distance betwixt the words , or by a Breach in the line . The use of these Points is to direct what kind of pause is to be observed , and how the tenor or tone of the voice is either to be continued or to fall . 2. The manner of pronouncing words doth sometimes give them a different sense and meaning , and Writing being the Picture or Image of Speech , ought to be adapted unto all the material circumstances of it , and consequently must have some marks to denote these various manners of Pronunciation ; which may be sufficiently done by these seven kinds of marks or Interpunctions . 1. Parenthesis . 2. Parathesis , or Exposition . 3. Erotesis , or Interrogation . 4. Ecphonesis , Exclamation or wonder . 5. Emphasis . 6. Irony . 7. Hyphen . 1. Parenthesis serves for the distinction of such an additional part of a sentence as is not necessary to perfect the sense of it , and is usually expressed in our Western Languages by the inclosing of such words betwixt two curve lines ( ) 2. Parathesis , or Exposition , is used for distinction of such words as are added by way of explication of something preceding , and is usually expressed by inclosing such words between two angular lines ; as [ ] 3. Erotesis , or Interrogation , is a kind of Period for the distinction of such sentences as are proposed by way of Question , and is usually thus marked ? 4. Ecphonesis , or Wonder and Exclamation , is a note of direction for raising the tone , upon occasion of such words as denote some vehement passion , and is noted thus ! 5. Emphasis is used for the distinction of such word or words , wherein the force of the sense doth more peculiarly consist , and is usually expressed by putting such words into another kind of Character , as suppose the Italic . 6. Irony is for the distinction of the meaning and intention of any words , when they are to be understood by way of Sarcasm or scoff , or in a contrary sense to that which they naturally signifie : And though there be not ( for ought I know ) any note designed for this in any of the Instituted Languages , yet that is from their deficiency and imperfection : For if the chief force of Ironies do consist in Pronunciation , it will plainly follow , that there ought to be some mark for direction , when things are to be so pronounced . 7. Hyphen is a note that signifies the uniting of two syllables or words into one , and may properly be used when two words are to be compounded together : It is usually expressed by two little strokes , thus ( ● ) CHAP. X. Of Orthography . I. Concerning the doctrine of Letters : the Authors who have treated of this Subject . II. A brief Table of such simple sounds as can be framed by men . III. A further explication of this Table , as to the Organs of Speech , and as to the letters framed by these Organs . ORthography is that part of Grammar , which concerns the doctrine of Letters , which being the most simple Elements of Speech , it ought therefore to be so stated , that there may be a sufficient number of them to express all Articulate sounds , and not more then are necessary to this end . Much consideration is requisite to the right establishment of these ; upon which account this subject hath been largely debated , by several Authors of great names and reputation for Learning : Besides those Famous Emperours , Cajus Caesar , and Octavius Augustus , who both writ upon this subject : ●arro likewise , and Appion , and Quintilian , and Priscian , did bestow much pains upon the same enquiry , concerning the just number of Letters . And in later times , it hath been treated of with great variety of Opinions , by Erasmus , both the Scaligers , Lipsius , Salmasius , Vossius ▪ Iacobus Matthias ▪ Adolphus Metkerchus , Bernardus Malinchot , &c. Beside several of our own Country-men , Sir Thomas Smith , Bullokar , Alexander Gill , and Doctor Wallis ; the last of whom , amongst all that I have seen published , seems to me , with greatest Accurateness and subtlety to have considered the Philosophy of Articulate sounds . But besides such ( whose considerations upon this subject are made publick ) I must not forget to acknowledge the favour and good hap I have had , to peruse from their private papers , the distinct Theories of some other Learned and Ingenious persons , who have with great judgment applyed their thoughts to this enquiry ; in each of who●e Papers , there are several suggestions that are new , out of the common rode , and very considerable . Letters may be considered according to their Essence Accidents Names Order Affinity Figure Pronunciation The Essence of Letters doth consist in their Power or proper sound , which may be naturally fixed and stated , from the manner of forming them by the instruments of speech ; and either is , or should be the same in all Languages . What variety there is of these , may appear from the Distribution of them into their several kinds , according to the following Table ; wherein it is endeavoured and aimed at , to give a rational account of all the simple sounds that are , or can be framed by the mouths of men .   Letters may be considered according to The organs by which they are framed , whether Their Natures Breathless Breathing through the Nose Mouth Intercepted Free Proceeding from Made by The middle of the mouth . Each side of the Mouth . Trepidation of the Tongue Whistling Active Passive Dense Subtle Of a middle nature Vowels Tongue Root Inmost palate C G Ngh Ng Ch Gh                 H Ƴ       Top Foremost palate , or Root of the Teeth . T D Nh N Th Dh Lh L Rh R Sh Zh S Z Hy ι e a α One Lip The other Lip Tops of the Teeth . P B mh m F V                 Hw ȣ o u     Mute Sonorous Mute . Sonorous Mute Sonorous Mute Sonorous Mute Sonorous Mute Sonorous Mute Sonorous Mute Sonorous   For the better explication of this Table , there are these two things to be considered : 1. The Causes of these Letters . 2. The Letters themselves . 1. In the Causes of Letters there are observable The Organs by which they are formed , either more Common ; Lungs , Throat , Mouth , Nose . Peculiar . Passive Palate ; according to the parts Inmost or middle Foremost Teeth ; either the Root or inner gums Top Lip Vpper Lower Active ; whether the Tongue ; according to the Root or middle Top Lips The Actions of these Organs , whether by Appulse ; of the Lips ; either To one another To the tops of the teeth Tongue ; in respect of the Top of it ; to the Teeth , their Tops Roots or gums Root or middle of it , to the Palate Trepidation , or vibration ; either of the Lips Tongue ; whether Top Root or middle of it Percolation of the breath , between the Lips contracted Tongue ; either the Top of it , applied to the Tops Roots of the Teeth Root or middle of it , applied to the inward palate . These I conceive to be all the kinds of Actions and Configurations which the organs are capable of , in order to Speech . What kind of Letters are framed by these , will appear in the next Table . All simple letters may be distinguished into such as are ; either Apert and free , according to degrees Greater ; stiled most properly Vowels , which may be distinguished into Labial , being framed by an emission of the breath through the Lips contracted , Less . ( o ) More , with the help of the Tongue put into a concave posture long ways , the Whistling or French ( u ) Lingual ; the breath being emitted , when the Tongue is put into a posture More concave , and removed at some distance from the palate ( α ) Less concave or plain , and brought nearer the palate ( a ) Somewhat convex towards the palate ( e ) Lesser ; being either Sonorous ; of which it may be said , that they do somewhat approach to the nature of Consonants , and are mediae potestatis ; because when they are joyned with any Vowel to compose that which we call a Dipthong , they put on the nature of Consonants ; and when they are not so joyned , but used singly , they retain the nature of Vowels , which is the reason why it hath been so much disputed amongst some Learned Men , whether they are to be reckoned amongst Vowels or Consonants . These may be distinguished into Labial ; by an emission of the breath through the Lips , more Contracted ( ȣ ) Lingual ; when the breath is emitted betwixt the middle of the Tongue in a more Convex posture , and the palate ( ι ) Guttural ; by a free emission of the breath from the Throat ( ƴ ) Mute ; When the breath is emitted through the Organs of speech , being in the same position as before : but without voice , to be distinguished as their three preceding correspondents , into Labial ( hȣ ) or ( ȣ h ) Lingual ( hι ) Guttural ( h ) Intercepted and shut ; according to degrees Lesser ; which because they have something Vowelish in them , are therefore by some styled Semivowels , being spiritous and breathed , whether Labial ; being pronounced through the Mouth ; by Appulse of either lip to the opposite teeth , framing V. Sonorous F. Mute Trepidation of the Lips , like that sound which is used in the driving of Cows , to which there is a correspondent mute , sometimes used as an Interjection of disdain . Percolation of the breath , betwixt both the Lips contracted round-wise , which makes the vocal whistling sound , to which likewise there is a correspondent mute whistling : But neither of these two last pairs being of use in Language , they need not therefore have any Marks or Letters assigned to them . Nose ; by an appulse ; either of the Lips against one another : or against the top of the Teeth , framing M. Sonorous . HM . Mute . Lingual ; either in respect of the Top of the Tongue ; being pronounced through the Mouth ; by Appulse , of the top of the Tongue , to the Top of the Teeth ; the breath being emitted through the middle of the Mouth , framing Dh sonorous . Th mute . Formost part of the Palate ; the breath being emit-through the Corners of the mouth , framing L sonorous . H l mute . Trepidation or Vibration ; against the inmost part of of the Palate , framing R. sonorous . HR . mute . Percolation of the breath ; between the top of the the Tongue , and the roots of the Teeth , whether more Subtle , framing Z. sonorous . S. mute . Dense , framing Zh. sonorous . Sh. mute . Nose ; by an appulse of the top of the Tongue to the roots of the Teeth , framing N. sonorous . HN. mute . Root or middle of the Tongue ; being pronounced through the Mouth ; by Appulse ; to the inward Palate , framing Gh. sonorous . Ch. mute . Trepidation ; which will frame a sound like the snarling of a dog , to which there is a correspondent mute , like that motion which we make in haaking , not necessary to be provided for by any Letter for Language . Percolation of the breath between the root of the tongue and the inward palate ; to which there is a correspondent mute , which makes a sound like the hissing of a Goose , not necessary to be provided for by any mark assigned to them for Letters . Nose ; by an appulse of the root of the tongue to the inward palate , framing NG sonorous . NGH. mute . Greater ; which do most partake of the nature of Consonants , and may be stiled non-spiritous or breathless , to be distinguished according to the active instruments of speech into Labial ; Intercepting of the breath by closure of the Lips , framing B. sonorous . P. mute . Lingual ; in respect of the Top , intercepting the breath , by an appulse to the bottom of the Teeth , framing D. sonorous . T. mute . Root , intercepting the breath , by an appulse to the inmost palate ; framing G. sonorous . C. mute . These I conceive ( so far as I can judge at present ) to be all the simple sounds that can be framed by the Organs of Speech . CHAP. XI . Of Vowels . THose Letters are called Vocales , Vowels , in pronouncing of which by the Instruments of Speech , the breath is freely emitted ; and they are therefore stiled Apert or open Letters . These may be distinguished either , 1. Formally , by their several Apertions , and the manner of configuration in the instruments of Speech required to the framing of them , which constitutes the distinct species of Vowels ; or 2. Accidentally , by the quantity of time required to their prolation , by which the same Vowel is made either long or short . There are ( I conceive ) eight simple different species of Vowels , easily distinguishable , whose powers are commonly used . I cannot deny , but that some other intermediate sounds might be found ; but they would , by reason of their proximity to those others , prove of so difficult distinction , as would render them useless ; these eight seeming to be the principal and most remarkable periods , amongst the degrees of Apert sounds . As for the third of the Labials , the u Gallicum , or whistling u , though it cannot be denied to be a distinct simple vowel ; yet it is of so laborious and difficult pronunciation to all those Nations amongst whom it is not used ( as to the English ) especially in the distinction of long and short , and framing of Dipthongs , that though I have enumerated it with the rest , and shall make provision for the expression of it , yet shall I make less use of it , than of the others ; and for that reason , not proceed to any further explication of it . It will be difficult to express the several powers of these Vowels by writing ; Pronuntiation being such a thing , quae nec scribitur , nec pingitur , nec hauriri eam fas est , nisi vivâ voce . And therefore the best way for the explaining of them , is by such known words as may be given for the instance of each of them . And as for the figure or writing of those four , which are not commonly esteemed to be distinct species of Vowels , I shall make choice to represent them by such Characters , as may seem least strange . What kind of power or sound that is , which is peculiar to each of these seven Vowels , may be easily understood by these following Instances : α Short Bot - tom Fol - ly Fot Mot Pol Rod α Long Bought Fall Fought   Paule Rawd a Short Batt Val - ley Fatt Mat Pal Rad - nor a Long Bate Vale Fate Mate Pale TRade e Short Bett Fell Fet Met Pell Red e Long Beate Veale Feate Meate Peale Reade i Short Bitt Fill Fitt Mit - ten Pill Rid i Long Beete Feele Feete Meete Peele Reede o Short             o Long Bote Foale Vote Mote Pole Rode ȣ Short   Full Fut   Pul   ȣ Long Boote Foole Foote Moote Poole Roode ƴ Short But Full Futt Mutt - on Pull Rudd - er ƴ Long           Amongst Amongst these , the Vowels not commonly owned by us in writing , are these four , α. ι.ȣ.ƴ . But that they are distinct species of Vowels , and have peculiar powers of their own , not expressible by any other Letters , ( supposing every Letter ( as it ought ) to be determined to one particular sound ) may sufficiently appear from the above mentioned , and several other Instances . And that those two which are commonly used with us for distinct Vowels ; namely , the third and the fifth , I , and V ; as in the words Light , Lute , are not simple Vowels , but Dipthongs , I shall shew afterwards . Though the Vowel ( O ) do not admit of any instance in our Language , wherein it is used Short , nor the Vowel ( ƴ ) wherein it is used Long ; yet there are naturally such differences of these Vowels , as well as of the rest . Suppose a long Vowel to be divided into two parts ; as Bo-ote , pronounce it then with half the time , and it must make the short Vowel Bote. And thus on the contrary , doubling the time of a short Vowel , as Bƴ-ƴt , will render it Long : which may serve to explain how these Vowels naturally are capable of being made both long and short ; Though by reason of general disuse amongst us , such differences would at first seem somewhat difficult , and not easily distinguishable . The Vowel ( α ) is placed first ; 〈◊〉 partly in conformity with other Alphabets , and because 't is the most Apert amongst the Lingua-palatal Vowels . 'T is expressed by this Character , because being one of the Greek Letters , 't is more commonly known . 'T is framed by an emission of the Breath , betwixt the Tongue and the Palate ; the tongue being put into a more concave posture , and removed further off from the palate . The Vowel ( a ) is framed by an emission of the Breath , betwixt the tongue and the concave of the palate ; the upper superficies of the tongue being rendered less concave , and at a less distance from the palate . The Vowel ( e ) is framed by an emission of the Breath , betwixt the tongue and the concave of the palate , the upper superficies of the tongue being brought to some small degree of convexity . The Vowel ( t ) is expressed by this Character , because 't is the most simple figure ; and therefore doth best suit with the most acute Letter ; as likewise , because this Letter , amongst many other Nations is already used and pronounced according to the sound which is here intended . 'T is framed by an emission of the Breath betwixt the tongue and the concave of the palate , the upper superficies of the tongue being put into a more convex posture , and thrust up near the palate . The Vowel ( o ) is the first , and most apert of the Labials ; being framed by an emission of the Breath , betwixt the Lips , a little drawn together and contracted . The Vowel ( ȣ ) is the second of the Labials , requiring a greater contraction of the Lips. 'T is expressed by this Character , which is used in Greek for ω Dipthong ; because commonly that Dipthong , as also the French ou is pronounced in the sound of this simple Vowel . The Vowel ( ƴ ) is wholly Guttural , being an emission of the breath from the throat , without any particular motion of the tongue or lips . 'T is expressed by this Character which is already appropriated by the Welsh for the picture of this sound . The difference betwixt long and short Vowels , should alwaies be written as well as pronounced , that is , there should be some Note or Mark to express when a Vowel is to be used long . These eight Letters before enumerated , I conceive to be so many distinct species of Vowels , formally different in respect of their Powers ; and though I cannot at present think of any other besides , yet having formerly , upon new considerations , and suggestions , so often changed my thoughts upon this enquiry , I dare not be dogmatical about it , or assert confidently , that there neither are , nor can be any more : For who knows how many other minute differences of Apertion may be now used , or hereafter found out , by others , which practise and custom may make as easie and distinguishable to them , as these are to us ? Besides that the measure of Apertion ( as is well observed ) must be like continued quantity , divisibilis in infinitum . Only this ( I think ) may be safely affirmed , that the establishment of Vowels here mentioned , will serve much better to express all articulate sounds , than can be done by any of the ordinary Alphabets now in use . I cannot but animadvert here on the by , upon that Argument which Capellus , and others do much insist upon , against the Antiquity of the Hebrew Points , or Vowels ; Because ( say they ) the making of so many , is an injudicious , and irrational invention , for which there is no real ground ; there being in nature , and amongst other Languages , but five distinct Vowels , and not fourteen : And therefore they conclude the Invention of them to be new , and not of any great Antiquity . To speak freely in this case ( without in●●rposing as to the main state of the Question ) This Reason doth not seem to be of any force . Though the Conclusion they infer should be true , yet this Argument urged for it , is false , both as to the Consequence , and Antecedent . The Imperfections and Defects of any Invention , do rather argue the Antiquity , than the Novelty of it ; there being much time and experience required to the perfecting any invention : And it would rather follow , that because they are imperfect , therefore are they more like to be Ancient . But besides , the Hebrew Vowels will upon consideration , be found to be a contrivance full of more than ordinary Accurateness , founded upon the Philosophy of Articulate sounds , and may without any force be applied to the number here established : Excepting the French ( u ) . α Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ι Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 α Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ι Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ȣ Long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ƴ Long   o Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ȣ Short ƴ Short 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   And though there be no distinct Character for ȣ short , and ƴ long , perhaps that Language as well as the English seldom using such distinction in those sounds ; yet is ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sometimes in that Language used in stead of a short Vowel , and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for a long Vowel . The use of Scheva in the Hebrew , is to direct the joyning of such Consonants together , as would otherwise be of very difficult , pronunciation , and not easily unite , as in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which should be pronounced lmodh and mloch , but because LM and ML , will not of themselves coalesce , therefore is Schevah interposed , which being rapidly pronounced ( and that probably as our short ƴ ) does not seem to make any distinct Syllable . So that it seems much more colourable to infer the Novelty of the Hebrew Points , from the Accurateness , than from the injudiciousness of their contrivance . CHAP. XII . Of Consonants . THose Letters are stiled Consonants , in the pronouncing of which the Breath is intercepted , by some Collision or Closure , amongst the Instruments of Speech : And for this reason are they stiled Clausae Literae , as the Vowels are Apertae . The common distinction of these into Semi-vowels and Mutes , will not upon a strict enquiry be adaequate . And therefore I do rather chuse to distribute them into these three kinds ; 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Spiritous , or Breathed . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( if I may use that word ) Semi-spiritous , or half Breathed . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Non-spiritous , or Breathless . 1. By Spiritous , or Breathed , are meant such Consonants , as require to the framing of them a more strong emission of the Breath , either through the Nose . Mouth . 1. The Consonants which are to be breathed only through the Nose , may be again distinguished into 1. Sonorous , as M. N. Ng. 2. Mute , as hm . hn . hng . Both these kinds , as likewise those that follow through the Mouth , have some imperfect sound of their own , without the joyning of any Vowel with them ; though the sonorous only be Vocal ; and the mute sort are only a kind of Whisper . By Sonorous , are meant , such as require some voice or vocal sound , to the framing of them . By the Mutes of these , are meant other Letters of the same configuration , pronounced with a strong emission of the Breath , without any Vocal sound . ( m ) is mugitus , the natural sound of Lowing , when the Lips are shut , and the sound proceeds out of the Nose . 'T is counted of difficult pronunciation in the end of words : For which reason , the Latin Poets cut it off in Verse , when it comes before a Vowel in the next words : And the Greeks do not terminate any word with it . ( N ) is Tinnitus , when the breath is sent out , the Limbus of the Tongue being fixed towards the Gums , or bottom of the upper Fore-teeth . In the pronouncing of this , the breath is emitted only out of the Nose , which makes it differ from ( L ) . 'T is counted a pleasant and easie Letter , which may perhaps be the reason why this Letter N , and L , and R , are for the most part , both in Greek and Latin immutable , both in Declensions and Conjugations . ( Ng ) is framed by an appulse of the Root of the Tongue towards the inner part of the Palat. The sound of it may be continued simple , as well as any other ; which makes it evident to be a single letter , and not a compound of n , and g , as we usually write it : Thus the word Anguis , in the true spelling of it , should be writ A , ng , G , ȣ , ι , s. The Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is supposed by divers Authors , but I think groundlesly , to be of this power . I know several things may be said , to render it probable , that the power here intended , may be sufficiently expressed , by a more soft and slight manner of pronouncing the letters N & G compounded together : But I rather incline to reckon it a simple and distinct Letter . To the Sonorous letters of this kind , there are three Mutes of affinity , hm , hn , hng ; which are formed when the breath is emitted through the Instruments of Speech , in the same position respectively as in the former , but without any Vocal Sound . The two first of these are in use amongst the Welsh and Irish : And the last of them , in the opinion of Bellarmine , and some other Grammarians , is rather the true sound of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. The Spiritous Consonants to be breathed through the Mouth , are likewise of two kinds , Sonorous , V. Dh. L. R. Z. Zh. Mute , F. Th. hL . hR . S. Sh. ( V ) is the same with that which we call V Consonant : 'T is of the same power which is commonly ascribed to B asperated , or rather incrassated . So the Western Jews pronounce their Letter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) when not Dageshated . And 't is observed that in Ancient Monuments amongst the Latins , these two Letters have been often put for one another : And that in some words , where the sense hath been very much varied by this change ; so Acerbus for Acervus : Veneficium for Beneficium . The power of this Letter was first expressed among the Latins by the Digamma Aeolicum , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( so stiled for its Figure , not its Sound ) which is now the Character for the Letter ( F ) but had at first the power of the Consonant ( V ) and was written in Claudius his time invertedly , as DIFAI , AMPLIAFIT . This Letter is framed by a kind of straining or percolation of the Breath , through a Chink between the lower lip and upper teeth , with some kind of Murmure . ( F ) is the correspondent Mute to this : 'T is framed by the same kind of position of the Lip and Teeth , and percolation of the Breath betwixt them , with this only difference , that as the former was with some kind of Vocal Sound , so this is wholly mute . This seems to be such an incrassation of the Letter ( P ) as ( V ) is of ( B ) . 'T is answerable to the Greek ( φ ) . And though several of the Greek words with ( φ ) are rendred in Latin by Ph , as Philosophia , Sophista , &c. yet the Italians write Filosofo , Sofista , &c. and some other words are so rendred in Latin , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fuga , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fama . What that diluteness is , which Vossius saith is more proper to F , than to φ , I understand not ; nor is it easie to guess at the meaning of that in Cicero , concerning Fundanius , and Phundanius , unless perhaps it be , as Lipsius guesses , of pronouncing it as Pfhundanius , or else as P-hundanius . ( Dh ) and its correspondent Mute ( Th ) are of that power which we commonly ascribe to the Letters D , & T , aspirated or incrassated . And though these two Powers are commonly used by us without any provision for them by distinct Characters , yet our Ancestors the Saxons had several Letters to express them . They represented ( Dh ) by this mark ( ð ) as in Faðer , Moðer , ðe , ðat , ðen : And ( Th ) by this mark ( þ ) as þeif ▪ þick , faiþ . And 't is most evident that the sounds of them ( though we usually confound them , under the same manner of writing ) are in themselves very distinguishable , as in these Examples . Dh. Thee , this , there , thence , that , those , though , thou , thy , thine . Father , Mother , Brother , Leather , Weather , Feather . Smooth , Seeth , Wreath , Bequeath . Th. Think , thine , thigh , thing , thistle , thesis , thankes , thought , throng , thrive , thrust . Doth , death , wrath , length , strength , Loveth , Teacheth , &c. These Letters are framed by a percolation of the Breath through a kind of Chink betwixt the tongue and upper teeth , the first with some kind of vocal sound , the other wholly mute . ( Gh ) and its Correspondent ( Ch ) are both of them framed by a vibration of the root or middle of the tongue against the Palate , the former being vocal , and the other mute . They are each of them of difficult pronuntiation : The first is now used by the Irish , and was perhaps heretofore intended by the spelling of those English words , Right , Light , Daughter , Enough , Thorough , &c. Though this kind of sound be now by disuse lost amongst us , the latter of them ( Ch ) is now used amongst the Welsh , and was perhaps heretofore intended by the Greek Letter ( χ. ) Neither of them is easily imitable by any mouth not trained up to the practise of them . ( L ) is Clangor . 'T is formed by an appulse of the Tip of the tongue to the Palate , and then forcing out the Breath . 'T is esteemed facillima & liquidissima Literarum ; in the pronouncing of which , most Nations do agree . ( Lh ) or ( hL ) the correspondent Mute to this , is much used by the Welch : They seem to form it as the other ( L ) only by abstaining the voice , and a more forcible emission of the Breath , as is used in all other mute letters of the Spiritous kind . ( R ) is stridor vel susurrus : 'T is called from the snarling of Dogs , Litera Canina : 'T is made by a quick trepidation of the tip of the tongue being vibrated against the palate ; for which , they who are disabled , by reason of the natural infirmity of their tongues , which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Balbuties , do commonly pronounce in stead of it , the letter ( L ) which is of a more soft and easie sound . Demosthenes , Alcibiades , Aristotle , Scaliger , the Fathers , are said to have laboured under this Infirmity . ( Rh ) or ( hR ) the correspondent mute to this , is made by a forcible emission of the breath , through the instruments of Speech in the same position as for the Letter ( R ) but without any vocal sound . 'T is the same with the Greek ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and much in use amongst the Welsh . ( Z ) is by some stiled ( S ) molle . 'T is properly the Greek ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the Hebrew ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) . 'T is framed by an appulse of the tongue towards the upper Teeth or Gums , and then forcing out the breath from betwixt the tongue and the upper teeth , with a vocal sound , which makes a more dense kind of hissing , mixed with some kind of murmur , apumque susurro persimilem : 'T is of the same affinity with S , as B with P , D with T , and G with C. That double Letter in the Hebrew ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which is by some accounted equivolent to this , is of a quite different power , as were easie to illustrate by several examples . ( S ) the correspondent mute ( though it be commonly reckoned for a semivowel ) is framed as the former , but without any vocal sound . 'T is stiled Sibilus . The power of it is the natural sound of Hissing ; for which reason 't is called Litera Serpentina . The Hebrews have two Characters for this Letter , besides two others for its Allies . Among the Persians all words that signifie Grandeur and Magnificence , are said to be terminated with it : Though others condemn it for a harsh , unpleasing , quarelling Letter . Messala Corvinus , a great man , and a famous Orator among the Romans , is said to have writ a particular Treatise against this Letter , much esteemed of amongst learned men . And Pindar likewise writ an Ode against it , versus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein there was no word that had any S in it . The disability of pronouncing this Letter , is called Blaesitas , Lisping , when 't is corruptly sounded like ( th ) . ( Zh ) the sonorous Consonant , and ( Sh ) its correspondent mute , are framed by a percolation of the breath , betwixt the tongue rendered concave , and the teeth both upper and lower : The first being vocal , the other mute . Though they are not provided for commonly by distinct and simple Characters , yet are they distinct and simple letters ; both of them facil and common : The first amongst the French , who express it by I , as in the word Iean , &c. and is easily imitable by us : And though the other did once cost 42000 men their lives , for not being able to pronounce it , yet is it of common use with many Nations . 2. By Semispiritous or half breathed Consonants , are meant such as are accompanied with some kind of vocal murmure , as B , D , G. whereas 3. Those are stiled non-spiritous or breathless , which are wholly mute ; as , P , T , C. ( B and P ) are framed when the breath is intercepted by the closure of the Lips ; the first of them being more soft , with some kind of murmure , the other more hard and wholly mute . ( D and T ) are commonly framed , by an appulse or collision of the top of the tongue against the teeth , or upper gums ; the first being more soft and gentle , with some kind of murmure , the other wholly mute . ( G and C ) are framed more inwardly , by an interception of the breath towards the throat , by the middle or root of the tongue , with such a kind of difference between them , as there is betwixt the two former pairs . CHAP. XIII . Of Compound Letters , whether Vowels , Consonants , BEsides these simple Letters before enumerated , there are others commonly used , which may be stiled Compound , both Vowels . Consonants . The Compound Vowels are called commonly Dipthongs , or Tripthongs , or Bissona in Latin ; but because the signification of those words may as well agree with double Consonants , therefore others would have them stiled Bivocales , or Trivocales . Iacobus Matthias in his Treatise de Literis , and our learned Gataker , in a particular Discourse to this purpose , do earnestly contend that there are no such things as Dipthongs . Their principal Arguments depend upon this Supposition , That ( ι and ȣ ) ( which are necessary Ingredients to the framing of all usual Dipthongs ) are Consonants , the same with y and w. Others would have them to be of a middle nature , betwixt Vowels and Consonants ; according to which Opinion I have already described them : From whence the Reason is clear , why these Vowels concur to the making of Dipthongs , because being the most contract of Vowels ( as i● also the Vowel ( ƴ ) of which more hereafter ) They do therefore approach very near to the nature of Literae clausae , or Consonants ; there being no Transition amongst these , either from one another , or to the other intermediate sounds , without such a kind of motion amongst the Instruments of speech , by reason of these different Apertions , as doth somewhat resemble that kind of Collision required to the framing of Consonants . Several Languages use several kinds of these Dipthongs , but how many there are in nature , may be easily collected by the former division of Vowels ( supposing that to be according to nature ) One of these two Vowels ι or ȣ must be an ingredient into all usual Dipthongs , either as Preposed . Subjoyned . 1. These Vowels ι and ȣ may be preposed in this mixture before each of the other ; in which case they will have the same power that we commonly ascribe to y and w , and will frame these twelve Dipthongs . ια yall , yawne ιa yate yarrow ιe yet yellow ιo yoke ιu   ιƴ young ȣα wall ȣa wale ȣe well ȣo woe ȣu   ȣƴ wunn , worse . 2. They may be subjoyned to each of the other ; as in these Instances : αι boy aι Ay eι   o●   uι   ƴι our English ( i ) in bite αȣ aw aȣ   eȣ hew oȣ   uȣ   ƴȣ owr , owle . 3. They may be both preposed and subjoyned to themselves and to one another . ιι yee ȣȣ woo ιȣ you ȣι wee As for the other intermediate Vowels being preposed before one another , they will not afford any coalescing sounds that are easily distinguishable . E being preposed before α , a , o , ƴ , will scarce be distinguished from ια , ιa , ιo , ιƴ. A , before E , will be but as ā , before α , o , u , it will not coalesce into a plain sound . The same likewise may be said of the other Vowels , α , o. So that of this kind the whole number is twenty four . And this I conceive to be a sufficient enumeration of the natural Dipthongs . I cannot deny but that other Dipthongs may be made by the mixture of the Vowel ( ƴ ) which were perhaps in use amongst the Jews , and exprest by ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) But being now , as I think , generally disused amongst other Nations , and for that reason very difficult to be pronounced , I shall not therefore take any further notice of them . When two Vowels are put together by way of Dipthong , so as to coalesce in one Syllable , 't is necessary that there should be some Note or Mark in their Characters , to signifie their conjunction , as is usual in some of the Greek and Latin Dipthongs ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — oe , ae , Otherwise there can be no certainty , whether the word be to be pronounced as a Monosyllable , or Dissyllable , as in D-u-el , Duel . Sw-et , Swet. 'T is a common Assertion amongst Grammarians , Priscian , Quintilian , and others , That no one syllable can consist of three Vowels , and consequently that there can be no Tripthongs ; which I conceive to be founded upon the former mistake ; namely , that ι and ȣ are to be used as Consonants : For 't is evident , that each of these may coalesce with every one of the first Dipthongs , as ιaȣ , yaw , ȣaι , way , ι●ȣ yew , ȣƴι , in wile , wight , qui , &c. The compound Consonants are usually distinguished into such as are Asperated . Double . 1. Those are stiled aspirated , which seem to be mixed with ( H ) and are usually so written ; as θ , ● , χ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But in propriety of speech , if aspiration be defined to be an impetus of Breathing , then these Consonants cannot so fitly be said to be aspirated , but rather incrassated by compression of the breath in framing of them . Though not only the Europaean Nations do at this present express them by this mixture of ( H , ) but it was likewise the opinion of the Antients , as may appear ; because before those Letters ● , φ , χ , were invented by Palamedes , the Grecians were wont to express the power of them , by adding the aspiration H , to Τ , Π , Κ. Yet 't is very plain , that each of these Consonants esteemed to be aspirated , are simple Letters ; because in the prolation of them , the same sound doth still continue , and therefore they ought not to be reckoned amongst the mixed Letters . 2. Double Consonants are such as are compounded of some of the other Letters , and for the Compendium of writing , are in several Languages expressed by single Characters , and reckoned in the Alphabet as if they were distinct species of simple Letters . Such are in the Latin Alphabet Q , X , and the double Letter Z , whose power is the same as DS. or T S . To which Claudius Caesar would have added an Antisigma in this form ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which should have had the power of the Greek ψ , or PS . As for the Letter Q , 'T is commonly granted to be a Compound of C and U ; for which reason , in many ancient Books , the Letter V was not written after Q , as being involved in it ; so qis , qae , qid . But what kind of V this should be , is much debated . Some would have it to be the Consonant , against which Ioseph Scaliger argues , that then it would not be pronounceable , being of near affinity to F , qfis , for quis . But upon consideration , it will be found to be the Letter ● coalescing into a Dipthong with the subsequent Vowel , cȣam , being the same with quam . What the true Original is of ( J ) Consonant , and that power which we give to ( Ch ) in the words Charity , Cheese , Chosen , Chink , &c. is a question men have much differed about . 'T is evident that neither of them are single Letters , because in the prolation of them , we do not end with the same sound with which we begin . As for that Conjecture , that I Consonant may be expressed by dzy , dzyindzyer , Ginger , dzyudzy , Judge : or else that this sound is compounded of the Consonants dy , as dyoy for joy , dyentle , gentle , lodying for lodging . And so for the power that we ascribe to Ch , that it may be sufficiently expressed by Ty , as ortyard , for Orchard , rityes , for riches : These I think need not any particular refutation . It seems to be plain , that J Consonant is a Compound of D , and Zh ; and Ch of T , and Sh. As for the other three Consonants , that are reckoned in the common Alphabet , K , W , Y , enough hath been said to prove them unnecessary . If C be used alwaies in its proper power ( as every Letter ought ) then K must needs be superfluous ; and therefore the Welsh who use C only for one kind of sound , have no K. And as for the Letters W , Y , their power is the same with that of the Vowels ȣ , and ι , as will evidently appear when they are rapidly pronounced before any other Vowel by way of Dipthong , so as to make but one Syllable ; ȣι , wee ȣarr warr , sȣim swim , ιes yes , ιoke yoke , ιȣth youth . The words young and younker being originally of the Dutch , are by them written junk junker . And as for the Aspirations , wheele , where , when , &c. our Forefathers the Saxons , did antiently prefix the Aspirations before the vowels ; as hȣil , hȣer , hȣen , which will in pronunciation be of the very same sound and power , wherein these words are now used , and therefore is more natural and proper than the common way of writing . According to this establishment , the simple Letters will be thirty four , whereof eight are Vowels , and twenty six Consonants , besides twenty four Dipthongs . The Greek Letters are said to have been at first only 16 ; namely , Α , Β , Γ , Δ , Ε , Ι , Κ , Λ , Μ , Ν , Ο , Π , Ρ , Σ , Τ , Υ. To which Palamedes is said to have added the three Aspirates Θ , Φ X. Epicharmus the Sicilian the double Letters Z , ξ , Ψ. and Simonides the two long Vowels η and ω Notwithstanding which , that Alphabet is still in several respects defective . What Theodorus Bibliander suggests in his Tract de ratione communi omnium Linguarum , that all sounds both articulate , and inarticulate , may sufficiently be expressed by 13 Letters , and an Aspiration , viz. the five ordinary Vowels , & B , G , D , L , M , N , R , S , is so very irrational , that I cannot think it needs any particular confutation . As for those other new Alphabets that are proposed by Sir Thomas Smith , Bullokar , Alex. Gill , they do none of them give a just enumeration of the simple Elements of speech , but what by the mixture of long and short Vowels , which do not differ specifically , together with the insertion of double Letters , they do too much increase the number of them . Besides that some other Letters are left out and omitted . According to this establishment of Letters , if the Lords Prayer or Creed were to be written according to our present pronunciation of it , they should be each of them thus Lettered . The Lords Prayer . Ƴȣr fadher hȣitsh art in héven , halloëd bi dhƴi nàm , dhƴi cíngdƴm cƴm , dhƴi ȣill bi dƴn , in erth az it iz in héven , giv ƴs dhis dai ƴȣr daili bred , and fαrgív ƴs ƴȣr trespassez az ȣi fαrgív dhem dhat trespas against ƴs , and lèd ƴs nαt intȣ temptasiαn , bƴt deliver ƴs frαm ivil , fαr dhƴn iz dhe cingdim , dhe pƴȣër and dhe glαrι , fαr ever and ever , Amen . The Creed . Ƴi bilìv in Gαd dhe fàdher αlmƴiti màker αf héven and erth , and in Dzhesƴs Crƴist hiz onli sƴn ƴȣr Lαrd , hȣȣȣaz cαnsèved bƴi dhe holi Gost , bαrn αf dhe Virgin Màri , sƴffered ƴnder Pαnsiƴs Pƴilat , ȣ●z criȣsifiëd ded and bƴriëd . Hi dessended m●ȣ hel , dhe thƴrd dai hi ròs again frαm dhe ded . Hi assended intȣ héven , hȣèr hi sitteth at dhe rƴit hand αf Gαd dhe fàdher , frαm hȣèns hi shαl cƴm tȣ dzhƴdzh dhe cȣic and dhe ded . Ƴi bilìv in dhe holi Gost , dhe holi catholic tshƴrtsh , dhe cαmmiȣni●● αf Saints , dhe fαrgivnes αf sinz , de resƴrrecsion αf dhe bady , and lƴif everlasting . Amen . Thus much may suffice , concerning the Forms , Essences , or Powers of the several Letters . CHAP. XIV . Of the Accidents of Letters . 1. Their Names . 2. Their Order . 3. Their Affinities and Opposition . 4. Their Figure , with a twofold Instance of a more regular Character for the Letters , the latter of which may be stiled Natural . 5. Of Pronunciation . 6. Of the several letters disused by several Nations . SOmething ought briefly to be added concerning the Accidents of Letters , viz. their 1. Names . 2. Order . 3. Affinity . 4. Figure . 5. Pronunciation . 1. Of their Names . Letters being of themselves the most simple Elements of Speech , ought therefore to be expressed by the most simple names , and such as do signifie their several Powers : In which respect , the Roman Alphabet used in these Western parts of the world , hath an advantage above other learned Languages , wherein the Vowels are no otherwise named than by their own sounds , as A , not Aleph or Alpha ; much less have they distinct names for long and short Vowels , as Kamets , Kametscatuph , &c. And those which they reckon as the two kinds of Consonants , Semi-vowels and Mutes , are likewise distinguished in their very Names . The Vowels being preposed in those which they call Semi-vowels , el , em , en , ar , and subjoyned in the Mutes , be , ce , de , ge , pe , te . As for the other Letters before mentioned , which have a Right to be put in the Alphabet , they may be thus named : The sonorous ones , Eng , EV , Edh , Egh , EZ , EZh. The Mute ones , Hme , Hne , Hnge , Fe , The , Che , HLE , HRE , SE , She. 2. The most proper and natural Order of the Letters , I conceive to be the same in which they have been before treated of . Vowels should be reckoned up by themselves , as being a distinct kind , and first , both for their priority in Nature , Necessity , and Dignity . If the order of these were to be regulated from the Instruments of speech , then u , o , ȣ , should be first , as being Labial , and α , a , e , i , next , as Lingual , or Linguapalatal , and ƴ last , as being Guttural . Scaliger would have A and O to be acknowledged for the first Vowels , as being Soni amplissimi , The next E , I , as being of a middle sound , and the last U , as being soni obscurissimi . That which to me seems the most proper Method , is to reckon them up according to their degrees of Apertion : Only in conformity with the common Alphabets , I begin with the Linguals , α , a , e , i , o , ȣ , u , ƴ. Amongst the Consonants , the Sonorous should precede , as approaching nearest to the nature of Vowels . And amongst them , if those that are breathed through the Nose do precede , M must be the first , as being Labial ; N next , as being Dental ; and then NG , as being Lingua-palatal . Next , those that are breathed through the Mouth , according to this order , V , Dh , Gh , L , R , Z , Zh. The first being Labial , the next Dental , the others Lingua-dental , or Lingua-palatal . Next should follow the Spiritous Consonants that are Mutes ; and first those pronounced through the Nose , HM , HN , HNG , then those pronounced through the Mouth , F , TH , CH , hl , hr , S , Sh. Then the semi-spiritous Consonants , B , D , G. And lastly , the non-spiritous , or breathless Consonants , P , T , C. 3. The Affinity of Vowels each to other is not difficul to determine , α and a of a middle sound , e and i of a more acute , o and ȣ of a more grave tone . If they were to be opposed to one another , this distribution would be most natural , ( αi ) ( ao ) ( eȣ ) ( vu ) and so vice versa , ( iχ ) ( ●a ) ( ȣe ) ( uv. ) The Affinity amongst the Consonants most obvious is this , ( M , HM ) ( N , HN , ) ( NG , HNG , ) ( V , F , ) ( Dh , Th , ) ( Gh , Ch , ) ( L , HL , ) ( R , HR , ) ( Z , S , ) ( Zh , Sh , ) ( BP ) ( DT ) ( GC . ) 4. Though all Nations do or should agree in the same power and sound of the Letters , yet they differ very much in those Figures and Characters , whereby they represent them in writing according to those divers Alphabets that are received in the world : Amongst which , though some are much more convenient than others , yet none of them seem contrived upon a Philosophical ground . In the framing of such a Literal Character , these Conditions ought to be observed . 1. They should be the most simple and facil , and yet elegant and comely as to the shape of them . 2. They must be sufficiently distinguished from one another . 3. There should be some kind of sutableness , or correspondency of the figure to the nature and kind of the Letters which they express . It is not either necessary or convenient in the framing of a Language ; to make use of all the Letters belonging to the Alphabet ; but 't is sufficient that such only be made choice of , as are most easie and pleasant in the pronunciation and sound of them . But though it be not needful to introduce all the Letters into the common use of a Language ▪ yet it is most necessary that some way should be provided for representing the powers of all the simple Letters , because without this , there can be no way to express the proper names used in several Languages , whether of Places , or Persons , &c. as England , London , Oxford , Iohn , Mary , &c. There being frequent occasion in discourse to mention the names of such Individuals : And these being nothing else but such words or sounds as men have agreed upon to signifie such particular places or persons , must therefore be expressed by such Letters as make up these sounds . And though this real Character here treated of ( as it is made effable ) may serve for most of them , yet because there are several others not this way provided for , therefore may it be proper to offer some distinct Alphabet of Letters . Of which , I had provided several Instances and Examples agreeable to the Rules above mentioned . But I shall at present ( because I would not too much digress ) set down only two ; which to me seem considerable in their several kinds . The former being more facil and simple , the other more complicate ; but with this advantage , that it hath in the shape of it some resemblance to that Configuration which there is in the Organs of speech upon the framing of several Letters . Upon which account it may deserve the name of a Natural Character of the Letters . The Letters according to the first design , are represented in the following Table , consisting of 31 Ranks and 15 Columnes . The first Rank doth contain the Characters for the six more simple Vowels , both preposed and subjoyned according to a threefold place , at the top , the middle , and the bottom of the Character , the former three being meer Rounds , the other Hooks . Those of a middle power , because they are necessary Ingredients to the making of all the usual Dipthongs , therefore have they a larger Character assigned to them , to which any of the other Vowels may be affixed , when they are to coalesce into Dipthongs . And though the Letter Y , be properly ( as it is reckoned ) one of those that are mediae potestatis , and may be compounded into a Dipthong with any of the other Vowels , yet because it is not now ( for ought I know ) made use of to this purpose , in any of those Languages that are commonly known and used amongst us ; therefore is it at present reckoned only amongst the Vowels . The second Columne ( besides the marks for those three Letters H , ȣ , i , ) doth contain likewise the Characters for all the Consonants , according to their several affinities ; where the Non spiritous Consonants are expressed by straight lines , the Spiritous Consonants of affinity to them being distinguished by a little hook affixed at one end . The other Consonants by curve lines , with the like distinction for their correspondent Mutes . The rest of the Ranks and Columnes consisting of mixed Letters , either the mixtures of the Vowels with H , ȣ , or I , or else the incorporating the Character for each of the six Vowels with that of the Consonant , the Vowel being preposed in the 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Columnes , and subjoined in the other . As for the Characters that serve for Interpunction , the Comma may be expressed by a small , streight , oblique line ( , ) The Semicolon , Colon and Period , may continue as they are now used by most of the Europeans ; there being nothing in their figure , of any such near resemblance to the other Characters , as may make them liable to mistake . And so likewise may those other Notes , which serve to distinguish the various manners of Pronuntiation , whether Explication [ ] Interrogation ? Wonder ! Irony ¡ only the two curve Lines for Parenthesis ( ) being here used for the Letters L , and R , may be supplied by these [ ] At the bottom of this Table there is an Instance of the Lords Prayer , being lettered sutably to our present pronuntiation of it . The first Columne doth contain the Vowels , as they are distinguished into Labial ; being framed by an emission of the Breath through the Lips , whether Less contracted ; O. More contracted , and somewhat compressed Downwards , ȣ . Vpwards , U. Lingual ; the Tongue being put into a posture More concave ; and removed , at some distance from the Palate , α. Less concave ; or plain , and brought nearer to the Palate , a. Somewhat convex , towards the Palate , e. More convex , ι. Guttural , Ƴ. The other Columnes do contain the Consonants , as they are distinguished into Labial ; whether such as are Breathless ; Sonorous B. Mute P. Breathing ; through the Mouth ; Sonorous V. Mute F. Nose ; Sonorous M. Mute HM Lingual ; either in respect of the Top of the Tongue , whether such as are Breathless ; Sonorous D Mute T Breathing , through the Mouth ; by Appulse , of the top of the Tongue to the Top of the Teeth , the breath being emitted through the midst of the mouth , Sonorous Dh Mute Th Foremost part of the Palate , the breath being emitted through the corners of the mouth Sonorous L Mute HL. Trepidation or Vibration , against the inward part of the Palate , Sonorous R. Mute HR . Percolation of the Breath betwixt the top of the Tongue and the roots of the Teeth , whether more Subtle , Sonorous Z. Mute S. Dense , Sonorous Zh. Mute Sh. Nose ; by appulse of the top of the Tongue to the Root of the Teeth , Sonorous N. Mute HN. Root or middle of the Tongue appulsed to the Inward Palate , whether such as are Breathless ; Sonorous G. Mute C. Breathing ; through the Mouth , Sonorous GH . Mute CH. Nose , Sonorous NG . Mute HNG . Unto each of the Letters represented by a Face , there is adjoyned a lesser Figure , consisting only of the chief out-lines representing the Organs of speech . The Labials are represented by two curve Figures for the Lips. The Linguals by the Figure of the Tongue , according to its various applications ; either of the Top or Root , to the several parts of the Palate , or of the Teeth . The Sonorous Consonants , of each kind , are distinguished from the Mutes , by the addition of ( ̄ ) to represent the motion of the Epiglottis , by which sound is made . The Breathing or Spiritous Consonants are represented by a longer undulated Line , passing through the Mouth in some of them , either betwixt the Lips , in F , V. or between the Tongue and Palate , in Dh , Th , Gh , Ch , R , HR . In the two last of which , the top of the Tongue is divided , to represent that Trepidation or Vibration , in the framing of these Letters . Or by the sides of the Tongue in L , HL. Or betwixt the Top of the Tongue and the Teeth , in Z , S , Zh , Sh. In the two last of which , the undulated Line is doubled , to represent that more dense Percolation of breath , used in the framing of those Letters . Those that are breathed through the Nose , have this undulated line above the Palate , as in M , HM , N , HN , NG , HNG . I propose these only as being natural Pictures of the Letters , without any Design of common use , for which they are less fit , by reason of their being so complicated . 5. Though each of the Letters have their distinct powers naturally fixed , yet that difference which there is in the various manner of Pronunciation , doth somewhat alter the Sound of them . And there are no two Nations in the world that do exactly agree in the same way of pronouncing any one Language ( suppose the Latin ) Amongst persons of the same Nation , some pronounce more fully and strongly , others more slightly , some more flatly , others more broadly , others more mincingly . And in the hearing of forreign Languages , we are apt to think , that none of the Letters we are acquainted with , can frame such strange sounds as they seem to make : But this doth principally proceed from the several modes of Pronunciation ; the variety of which may well enough consist with the distinct power of the Letters . 'T is obvious to any one to observe , what great difference there will be in the same words , when spoken slowly and treatably , and when tumbled out in a rapid precipitate manner . And this is one kind of difference in the pronunciation of several Nations ; The Spaniards and Italians pronouncing more slowly and Majestically , the French more volubly and hastily , the English in a middle way betwixt both . Another different mode of Pronunciation betwixt several Nations , may be in regard of strength and distinctness of pronouncing , which will specially appear in those kind of Letters which do most abound in a Language . Some pronounce more deeply Guttural , as the Welsh , and the Eastern people , the Hebrews , and Arabians , &c. Others seem to thrust their words more forwards , towards the outward parts of the mouth , as the English ; others more inward towards the palate , as the French ; some speak with stronger collisions , and more vehement aspirations , as the Northern people generally , by reason of their abundance of spirits and inward heat ; others more lightly and softly , as the Southern Nations , their internal spirits being more weak , by reason of the outward heat . One principal Reason of the various sounds in the pronunciation of several Languages doth depend upon the nature of those Letters , of which they do chiefly consist and are ●ramed . Upon which account , the Greek , which abounds in Vowels and Dipthongs , is more smooth . And though the Latin have fewer Vowels , yet it is so equally mixed with them , as to be rendred facil and pleasant ; whereas the Hebrew doth abound in some harsh Consonants , Aspirations and Gutturals . I cannot here omit the Censure which an ingenious person gives concerning the difference of many of our European Languages , in respect of their pronunciation . The Italian ( saith he ) is in pronunciation , pleasant , but without Sinews , as a still flowing water ; the French delicate , but inward and nice , like a woman that dares scarce open her mouth , for fear of marring her Countenance . The Spanish , Majestical , but withal somewhat terrible and fulsom , by the too much affectation of the Letter O. The Dutch manly , but withal harsh and quarrelsom . Whereas our English ( saith he ) hath what is comely and Euphonical in each of these , without any of their Inconveniences . 'T is usual for men to be most favourable towards the Language unto which they have been most accustomed . 'T is likely that Forreigners may be as apt to complain of several Defects in our Language as we are of theirs . That which doth generally seem most difficult to Strangers in our English Tongue , is the pronouncing of certain Aspirations ( as they are stiled ) very frequently and familiarly used amongst us , but hardly imitable by others , though these are but few ; these five words ( as it is said ) comprehending all of them . What think the chosen Iudges ? Which a little practise might overcome . It were desirable in a new invented Language , to make use chiefly of such Letters and Syllables , as are of general practise , and universally facil in Pronunciation : But the custom of several Nations is so exceeding various in this respect , that 't is very difficult to find out what these are ; most of the Letters being disused , and not acknowledged for Letters , in several Countries . ( α ) is frequently used by other Nations , but not owned with a distinct Character by the English. ( a ) is frequently used by us Englishmen , but not so much by other Nations . ( e ) is generally received , but very ambiguously pronounced . ( i ) is not owned by us for a distinct Vowel , though we frequently use the power of it . And the Mexicans are said not to use the Letter ( y ) which is the same with this ( as was shewed before . ) ( o ) is not in the Armenian Alphabet , nor do the Syrians own it , but use ( u ) or ( aw ) instead of it . Some of the Ancient Cities in Italy , those of the Vmbri and Tusci did not use this Vowel , but u instead of it , ( saith Priscian . ) ( ȣ ) according to the true power of it , is not owned by us , nor by many other Nations with a distinct Character . ( ƴ ) is scarce acknowledged by any Nation except the Welsh . ( u ) is ( I think ) proper to the French , and used by none else . ( M and N ) are so general , that I have not yet met with an Account of any Nation by whom they are not used . ( NG ) is not owned for a Letter by any , except perhaps the Hebrews . ( V ) is not pronounced by the Mexicans , Arabians , Persians , Saxons . ( Dh ) seems difficult to most Nations , though frequently used by us Englishmen . ( Gh ) is not any where , except amongst the Irish. ( L ) is not used by the * Brasileans , nor the men of † Iapan . Many of the Italians , especially the Florentines , do seem to dislike this Letter , though others stile it the sweetest of all the rest , saith ‖ Sir Thomas Smith . ( R ) is not used by the Mexicans , Brasileans , or the men of China , ( say several of the same Authors ) The Americans near New-England , pronounce neither L , nor R ; but use N instead of both , pronouncing Nobstan for Lobstan . ( Z ) is not owned for a Letter by the Inhabitants of CochinChina . ( Zh ) is not owned for a distinct Letter , either by us English , or almost any other , ( HM , HN , HNG ) are not , for ought I know ) owned by any , excepting only the Welsh and Irish , and the last perhaps by the Iews . ( F ) is not pronounced by the Brasileans . ( Th ) seems difficult to many Nations , and is owned by very few , to be a distinct Letter . ( Ch ) is not used by any ( for ought I can find ) except the Grecians and the Welsh . ( HL ) is almost proper to the Welsh , and scarce used by others . ( HR ) though frequent amongst the Grecians , yet is rarely used by others . ( S ) is not used by the Mexicans . ( Sh ) That this was not universal among the Iews , may appear by the Scripture Story of Shiboleth , nor is it either in the Greek or Latin . ( B ) is not pronounced by the men of China or Iapan . ( D ) is not used amongst the Inhabitants of China . ( G ) is not pronounced by the Mexicans . ( P ) is not acknowleded in the Arabick , nor was this used amongst the Iews before the Invention of Points . ( T ) is not used by the Inhabitants of Iapan . ( C ) as restrained to the power of K , is for ought I know , of general use . 'T is not improbable but that there may be a difficulty and disuse of every one of these Letters in several Nations of the world ; upon which account it is excusable , if in the framing of a Language , it be proposed to make use of all the Letters , without any particular choice of some , and seclusion of others . Or if any be excluded , they ought in reason to be such , as seem most difficult to those , amongst whom this Language hath its first Rise and Original . And such others should be most frequently used , as are generally esteemed most easie and pleasant . These 34 Letters before enumerated , will suffice to express all those articulate sounds , which are commonly known and used in these parts of the World. I dare not be over-peremptory in asserting that these are all the Articulate Sounds , which either are , or can be in Nature ; it being perhaps as impossible to reckon up all such , as to determine the just number of Colours or Tasts : But I think that these are all the principal Heads of them , and that as much may be done by these ( if not ●●re ) as by any other Alphabet now known . PART IV. Concerning a Real Character , and a Philosophical Language . CHAP. I. The Proposal of one kind of Real Character ( amongst many others which might be offered ) both for the Integrals , whether Genus's , Differences or Species , together with the Derivatio●s and Inflexions belonging to them , as likewise for all the several kinds of Particles . THe next Enquiry should be , what kind of Character or Language may be fixed upon , as most convenient for the expression of all those Particulars above mentioned , belonging to the Philosophy of Speech ; in order to which it may seem , that the first Enquiry should be concerning Language ; Because Writing is but the figure of Articulate sound , and therefore subsequent to it : But though it be true , that men did first speak before they did write , and consequently writing is but the figure of Speech , and therefore in order of time subsequent to it ; yet in order of Nature there is no priority between these : But voice and sounds may be as well assigned to Figure , as Figures may be to Sounds . And I do the rather begin with treating concerning a common Character or Letter , because this will conduce more to that great end of Facility , whereby ( as I first proposed ) men are to be invited to the Learning of it . To proceed from the Language to the Character , would require the learning of both ; which being of greater difficulty , than to learn one alone , is not therefore so sutable to that intention of ingaging men by the Facility of it . And because men that do retain their several Tongues , may yet communicate by a Real Character , which shall be legible in all Languages ; therefore I conceive it most proper to treat of this in the first place , and shall afterwards shew how this Character may be made effable , in a distinct Language . All Characters signifie either Naturally , or by Institution . Natural Characters are either the Pictures of things , or some other Symbolical Representations of them , the framing and applying of which , though it were in some degree feasible , as to the general kinds of things ; yet in most of the particular species , it would be very difficult , and in some perhaps impossible . It were exceeding desirable that the Names of things might consist of such Sounds , as should bear in them some Analogy to their Natures ; and the Figure or Character of these Names should bear some proper resemblance to those Sounds , that men might easily guess at the sence or meaning of any name or word , upon the first hearing or sight of it . But how this can be done in all the particular species of things , I understand not ; and therefore shall take it for granted , that this Character must be by Institution . In the framing of which , there are these four properties to be endeavoured after . 1. They should be most simple and easie for the Figure , to be described by one Ductus of the pen , or at the most by two . 2. They must be sufficiently distinguishable from one another to prevent mistake . 3. They ought to be comely and graceful for the shape of them to the eye . 4. They should be Methodical , Those of the same common nature , having some kind of sutableness and correspondence with one another ; All which qualifications would be very advantageous , both for Vnderstanding , Memory and Vse . Those Characters must represent either Integrals Radicals . Derivations . Inflections . Particles Grammatical . Transcendental . The first thing to be enquired after , is to find out fitting Marks for the common Genus's or Heads in the former Tables of Integrals , which are there reduced to the number of forty . It were not difficult to offer several Varieties of these Marks or Generical Characters , with their different Advantages and Conveniences ; to which purpose I had prepared sundry kinds of them , which I once thought to have inserted here : but upon further consideration , I shall mention only one of them , which I have chosen out of the rest , as seeming to me to be in all respects the most convenient amongst them . Transcend . General Rel. mixed Rel. of Action Discourse God World Element Stone Metal Herb consid . accord . to the Leaf Flower Seed-vessel Shrub Tree Animals Exanguious Fish Bird Beast Parts Peculiar General Quantity Magnitude Space Measure Quality Power Nat. Habit Manners Quality sensible Disease Action Spiritual Corporeal Motion Operation Relation Oecon. Posses . Provis . Civil Judicial Military Naval Eccles. The Differences are to be affixed unto that end which is on the left side of the Character , according to this order ; 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 The Species should be affixed at the other end of the Character according to the like order . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 And whereas several of the Species of Vegetables and Animals , do according to this present constitution , amount to more than Nine , in such cases the number of them is to be distributed into two or three Nines , which may be distinguished from one another by doubling the stroke in some one or more parts of the Character ; as suppose after this manner , . If the first and most simple Character be made use of , the Species that are affixed to it , will belong to the first combination of Nine ; if the other , they will belong according to the order of them , unto the second Combination . Those Radicals which are paired to others uppon account of Opposition , may be expressed by a Loop , or ( o ) at the left end of the Character , after this manner , Those that are paired upon the account of Affinity , are to be expressed by the like Mark at the other end of the Character , thus , The double Opposites of Excess or Defect , are to be described by the Transcendental points , denoting Excess or Defect , to be placed over the Character , as shall be shewed after . Adjectives should be expressed by a Hook at the right end of the Character in Genus's or Differences , thus Species Adverbs ( being very near of kin to adjectives ) may be expressed by a Loop in the same place . In Genus's and Diff. Species Abstracts may be expressed by a Hook at the left end of the Character . In Genus's Differences and Species The Active and Passive voice may be expressed , one of them by a Hook , and the other by a Loop , at the left end of the Character , after this manner , in Genus's Active Passive Differences or Species Active Passive The Plural Number may be expressed by a hook at the right end of the Character , after this manner , in Genus's and Differences Species The Characters of the Particles should each of them be of a less figure , and capable of being varied to a threefold place . The Grammatical Particles , being applied to the sides of the Character , and the Transcendental Particles to the top of it . These Grammatical Particles are here contrived to such a kind of distinct sutableness , so as each of the several kinds of them , hath a several kind of Character assigned to them . 1. The Copula , by the mark of ( ) 2. Pronouns , by Points . ( ) 3. Interjections by upright Lines streight or hooked , ( ) 4. Prepositions , by small curved Figures 5. Adverbs , by a right angled Character 6. Conjunctions by an acute angled Character 7. Articles by two oblique Lines to be placed towards the top of the Character 8. Modes by circular Figures mixed 9. Tenses by a small streight transverse Line ( - ) Amongst these Grammatical Particles the first six are more principal and absolute , viz. 1. The Copula , being the Verb Sum , according to a threefold difference of time . Have been , hast been , hath been . Am , art , is , are . Shall be . 2. Pronouns . I Thou He We Ye They This , That The same , Another A certain , Some body Any Every All Who ? Which . Whosoever . If one of these Pronouns , suppose be placed at the side of the Character before it , it signifies the first Person ( I. ) If at the middle , it signifies the second person ( Thou . ) If at the bottom , it signifies the third person ( He. ) And if they are thus affixed after a Character that signifies Action , they will then denote the Accusative Case , Me , Thee , Him. so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , I love him . If any of the Pronouns are to be rendered in their Possessive sence , this is to be expressed by a little curve Line under them , as ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is My , or Mine , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is Ours , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is Thy or Thine , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is His. And ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is Theirs . The Reduplicative Notion of Pronouns may most naturally be expressed by a doubling of their Character with a Fulcrum or Arrectarius interposed . So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is I me , that is , I my self . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Thou thee , Thou thy self . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He him , He himself . And so for the Possessives that are reduplicative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mine mine , that is , My own , &c. And whereas several of the Pronouns were before said to be applicable both unto Place , Time , and Manner , this ought to be expressed in writing by the help of an Arrectarius , with the Transcendental Marks of PI. T. M. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , Which place . Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , What place , or Where ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , What time , or When ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , What manner , or How ? Interjections may be thus expressed ; Admiring Doubting Despising Love , Hatred Mirth , Sorrow Desire , Aversation Exclamation , Silence Bespeaking , Expressing attention Insinuation , Threatning The Marks for Prepositions may be thus applied ; Of , With By , For Out of , Concerning According , Instead With , Without For , Against To , At From , Off Over , About Into , In Out of , Without Thorough , Beside Upwards , Above Downwards , Below Before , Behind Upon , Under On this side , Beyond Betwixt , Against The Marks for Adverbs may be thus applied ; Yea , Nay Perhaps , Truly As , So How , So More , Most Less , Least Rather , Than Yet , Until Whilst , At length Together , Only Again , As if Un , Re Almost . Scarce . Thereabout . The Marks for Conjunctions may be thus applied ; Whether yea , Whether no And , Neither If Unless Indeed , But Although , Notwithstanding Or , Either That , Least that For , Because Wherefore , Therefore Whereas , Thereupon Also , &c. viz. e. g. The other three kinds of Particles are more servile and auxiliary . The Articles may be expressed ( as was said before ) by two oblique Lines to be placed towards the top of the Character A The The Mark for the Imperative Mood , according as it is applied to several places of the Character , may express the mode of Petition Perswasion Command The Secondary Moods may have their Marks thus applied to them ; Power Can Could Liberty May Might Will Will Would Necessity Must , shall Must , should Several of these Secondary Modes , will according to their places , towards the top , middle , and bottom of the Character , comprehend in them the several differences of time ; so is I would have writ . The Marke for the Tenses , Past , Present , and Future , may be thus applied ; Have been , hast been , hath been . Am , art , is . Shall be . The Transcendental Marks to be put in three places over the head of the Character , may be thus applied ; Metaphor Like Kind Manner Thing Person Place Time Cause Sign Aggregate Segregate Lamin Pinn Instrument Vessell Jugament Machin Sepiment Armament Vest Armour House Chamber Habit Art Officer Artist Mechanic Merchant Ability Proneness Inceptive Frequentative Endeavor Impetus Augmentative Diminutive Excess Defect Perfective Corruptive Voice Language Male Female Young Part Whereas there is somewhat peculiar in the nature of Numbers , distinct from any of the other Heads , by reason of their great multitude , and various kinds ; It may seem therefore necessary to offer some more particular directions for the expression of them , both as to the Numbers themselves , and as to the Grammatical Variations of them . Numbers are usually expressed in Writing either by words at length , or by Figures . The Character here proposed under the first difference of Measure , is that which doth answer to the writing of Numbers in words at length , And because the Species enumerated under that difference , are but nine , for the nine Digits ; therefore will it be convenient in the first place , to explain the manner how all other numbers above nine , are to be expressed in this Character ; which may be done by affixing some of these four Marks , ( ) put after the Character , closer to the Body of it than ordinary , to denote those round Numbers , Ten , Hundred , Thousand , Million . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ten. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hundred . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thousand . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Million . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 200 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2000000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3000000 But because those common Figures now in use , borrowed from the Arabians , are so generally known , and a kind of Universal Character already received ; therefore it may be most convenient still to retain the use of them , as being much better fitted for all the Arithmetical Operations , of Addition , Subtraction , Multiplication and Division , &c. than either that Numerical Character mentioned before , or the way of Numeration by Letters , or any other way that I can think of . As for those Variations of which Numbers are capable , and according to which Grammarians do commonly distinguish them , they may be thus expressed . 1. Those which are called Cardinal Numbers , One , Two , Three , &c. are the Radical Numbers themselves . 2. Ordinals , as First , second ▪ third , &c. are Adjectives Neuter . Firstly , secondly , thirdly , &c. are the Adverbs Neuter . 3. Distributives may be exprest by the Substantive Neuter , with the Transcendental Mark of Segregate , the Substantive it self being put for one sort of Distributive in the singular Number , as sing . 3. ( segr . will denote three , one by one ; or for another sort of Distributive , being put in the plural number , as plural 3. ( segr . will signifie by threes , or three by three . 4. Collectives may be exprest by the Substantive Neuter , with the Adverb together before it , with the transcendental Mark of Aggregate over it , as together-three , or three ( Aggr. is a ternary , a leash , &c. 5. Multiplying a Number may be expressed by the Active of it , as a. three is trebling , and being multiplied by the Passive of it , as p. three being trebled . 6. Dividing a Number into parts , may be exprest by the Active with the transcendental Mark ( Part. as a. three ( part ) is dividing into 3 parts , or active tripartition . Being divided into parts , may be expressed by the Passive with the mark of part ; as p. three ( part ) is being divided into 3 parts , or passive tripartition . If this Division be into equal parts , one may express it by adding the Adverb equally . 7. A Fraction may be exprest ; If it be the Aliquot part of a Number , by the Adjective Neuter , with the Transcendental Mark of Part , as adj . three ( part ) a third part , and it may be written thus , 3 ) 1 ; If it be not the Aliquot part of a Number , it may be exprest by both the Numbers which are to be considered in it , as three sevenths may be called a seventh part of three , and it may be written thus , 7 ) 3. 8. A Ration may be exprest likewise by both the Numbers which are to be considered in it , in speaking thus ; as three to seven , in writing ● / 7 9. Number of Species or Sorts , may be exprest by the Number with the Transcendental Mark of ( kind ) as threefold , 3 ( kind . 10. Number of Times or Places likewise , by the Transcendental Marks of Time or Place respectively , as once , twice , &c. in one time place in two times places in three times places &c. 11. Abstract Numbers , as Unity , Duality , Trinity , may be exprest by adding the Mark of Abstract upon the Character . If the Question be how these Grammatical Variations may be contrived in the use of the ordinary Figures for Number , this may be done by affixing such variations upon a Transverse Line over the head of the Figure , So 1 ☐ . 2 ☐ . 3 ☐ . will be the Adjective , first , second , and third , &c. So 1 ☐ . 2 ☐ . 3 ☐ will be the Adverb , Firstly , secondly , thirdly , So 2 ☐ . 3 ☐ . 4 ☐ . will be twofold , threefold , fourfold , &c So 1 ☐ . 2 ☐ . 3 ☐ . &c. will be once , twice , thrice , &c. The Characters that serve for Interpunction , may be thus contrived ; Comma Colon Period Those other Notes to distinguish the various manners of Pronuntiation may be Charactered after this manner ; Hyphen ● Parenthesis ( ) Explication [ ] Interrogation ? Wonder ! Irony ¡ These Marks having not any such near resemblance to the other Real Characters , appointed either for Integrals or Particles , need not therefore be changed , The Note for Emphasis , may be expressed either by a reduplication of the Characters , if it consist in one word ; or by some variety in the shape of the Characters , if it consist in several words , as is usual in that way of printing Words in an Italic Letter The meaning of these things will appear more plainly by an Example : To which purpose I shall set down the Lords Prayer , and the Creed written in this Character , which I shall afterwards explain and resolve according to the forementioned Rules . CHAP. II. Instances of this Real Character in the Lords Prayer and the Creed . FOr the better explaining of what hath been before delivered concerning a Real Character , it will be necessary to give some Example and Instance of it , which I shall do in the Lords Prayer and the Creed : First setting each of them down after such a manner as they are ordinarily to be written . Then the Characters at a greater distance from one another , for the more convenient figuring and interlining of them . And lastly , a Particular Explication of each Character out of the Philosphical Tables , with a Verbal Interpretation of them in the Margin . The Lords Prayer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 Our Parent who art in Heaven , Thy Name be Hallowed , Thy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 Kingdome come , Thy Will be done , so in Earth as in Heaven , Give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43 to us on this day our bread expedient and forgive us our trespasses as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 44 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 46 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 56 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58 we forgive them who trespass against us , and lead us not into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 temptation , but deliver us from evil , for the Kingdome and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 71 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 73 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 77 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 79 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80. Power and the Glory is thine , for ever and ever , Amen . So be it . 1. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The first Particle being expressed by Points , doth denote the thing thereby signified to be a Pronoun : And whereas there are two Points placed level , towards the upper side of the Character , they must therefore ( according to the Directions premised ) signifie the first Person Plural Number , viz. We. And because there is a curve Line under these Points , that denotes this Pronoun to be here used Possessively , and consequently to signifie Our . 2. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This next Character being of a bigger proportion , must therefore represent some Integral Notion . The Genus of it , viz. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is appointed to signifie Oeconomical Relation . And whereas the Transverse Line at the end towards the left hand , hath an affix , making an acute Angle , with the upper side of the Line , therefore doth it refer to the first Difference of that Genus , which according to the Tables , is relation of Consanguinity : And there being an Affix making a right Angle at the other end of the same Line , therefore doth it signifie the second Species under this Difference , viz. Direct ascending , by which the Notion of Parent is defined . And this being originally a Noun of Person , doth not the need therefore Transc . Note of Person to be affixed to it . If it were to be rendred Father in the strictest sense , it would be necessary that the Transcendental Note of Male should be joyned to it , being a little hook on the top , over the middle of the Character , after this manner ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ) The word Father in the most Philosophical and proper sense of it , denoting a Male Parent . And because the word Parent is not here used according to the strictest sense , but Metaphorically ; therefore might the Transcendental Note of Metaphor , be put over the head of it , after this manner , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) But this being such a Metaphor as is generally received in other Languages , therefore there will be no necessity of using this mark . 3. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Character consisting of Points , must therefore denote a Pronoun ; and because it consists of three Points , therefore must it denote one of the Compound Pronouns , and being placed towards the middle of the Character , therefore must it signifie Who personal , or Which real . 4. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , being a small Round , doth therefore denote the Copula , and being placed towards the middle of the Character , it must therefore signifie the present tense of it , Am , art , is , are , and being joyned with a Noun of the second person , is therefore in English to be rendered ( Art. ) 5. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being of a curved figure , must therefore refer to Prepositions . And by the shape of it , it must belong to one of the Opposites in the fourth Combination of Prepositions , and by the place of it , being towards the upper end of the Character , it is determined to the Preposition ( In. ) 6. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character is assigned to signifie World , the right angled affix on the left side , denoting the second Difference under that Genus , namely Heaven , which is defined to import either a place or state of the greatest perfection and happiness ; and because there is no affix at the other end , therefore doth it signifie the Difference it self , and not any Species . 7. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , for the Reason before mentioned ( Numb . 1. ) is a possessive Pronoun , for its consisting of a single Point , it must be of the singular number ; and for its place towards the middle of the Character , it must relate to the second Person , viz. Thy , or Thine . 8. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus denoted by this Character is Transcendental General ; the affix to the end on the left side , doth signifie the first Difference under that Genus , viz. the Kinds of Things and Notions , or those essential Communities wherein the things of different natures do agree . The affix at the other end of the same Line , making an obtuse angle with the lower side of it , doth signifie the fourth Species under that Difference , viz. Name ▪ which according to its primary sense is described to be the word assigned for the signifying any thing or notion . 9. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle is appointed to signifie that which is called the Imperative Mode by way of Petition , or May it be , or we pray that it may be . 10. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character doth signifie Ecclesiastical Relation : The affix making a right angle with the under part of the Genus , doth denote the fifth Difference , which refers to Discipline , or the due ordering of the Circumstances of Ecclesiastical or sacred things to the best advantage ; under which the first Species denoted by the acute Angle on the other end and side , doth signifie the more general notion of separating things from their Commonness , and setting them apart by way of Honour to a more peculiar use , which is called Consecrating or Hallowing . By the Loop on the affix for the Difference , is signified the Passive Voice ; and by the Hook on the other affix , the notion of Adjective . 11. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 7. 12. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character doth signifie Civil or Political Relation . The affix on the left side , doth signifie the first Difference under tha● Genus which is Degrees of Persons . The affix on the Species side , doth refer to the second Species , which is King , defined to be the most principal and absolute amongst the kinds of Magistrates . The Hook at the end of the Difference affix doth signifie Action : So that the proper notion expressed by this Character is Regnation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regnare , which is the Substantive of Action , as King is of Person . 13. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. 14. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus denoted by this Character is Transcendental Action ; the affix on the Difference side , making an acute Angle with the lower side , doth signifie the sixth Difference , which according to the Tables doth refer to Ition , going , or passing ; the affix on the Species side , being the first , doth according to the Tables , refer to the word Coming , which is described to be motion to a place nearer to us : The Hook on the Difference doth signifie Active voice , and the Hook on the other affix , the notion of Adjective , viz. Coming . 15. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 7. 16. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character doth signifie the first Genus in Quality , which according to the Tables is Natural Power . The affix for the Difference , making an acute Angle , with the upper side of the Genus , must signifie Rational Faculty . The affix on the Species side , making an obtuse Angle with the lower side , must signifie the fourth Species , which is that Faculty we call Will , whereby we do rationally follow after that which is good , and fly what is evil . The hook on the left side upon the Difference affix , denotes the Active voice . So that the proper Signification of this Character is Volition , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 velle . 17. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. 18. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Generical Character with Numb . 14. denoting Transcendental Action . The obtuse angle on the left side signifies the third Difference , viz. General Actions relating to Business . The acute Angle at the other end , signifies the sixth Species , viz. the doing or effecting what we undertake and design , which we call performing or accomplishing ; the Loop at the end of the Difference doth denote the Passive voice , and the Hook upon the other affix , the notion of Adjective ; so that this Character signifies the Adjective Passive , of perform , viz. performed or done . 19. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Character being a right angled Particle , doth denote some Adverb ; and by its shape it appears to be one of the Opposites in the first Combination , and by its place towards the lower end of the Character , it is determined to the Particle ( So. ) 20. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 5. 21. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Generical Character as numb . 6. signifying World , the affix making a right Angle , doth denote the second difference under that Genus , namely , the Celestial parts of it in general , amongst which , this Globe of Sea and Land whereon we live , is reckoned as the seventh Species , denoted by the affix at the other end . 22. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being opposite to that numb . 19. signifying So , must therefore signifie As , the one being the Redditive of the other . 23. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 5. 24 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 25. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same as numb . 9. but being here joyned with a word Active of the second Person , it must be rendered in English , Maist thou be . 26. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is the same with number 14 , & 18. denoting Transcendental Action ; The affix on the left hand , making an obtuse Angle with the lower side of the Genus , doth therefore signifie the fourth Difference , which concerns Actions relating to Commerce : and the affix at the other end making such an obtuse angle , doth therefore signifie the fourth Species , which according to the Tables , is Giving , described to be the parting with something to another , to which we our selves have a right . The Hook at the end of the Difference affix , doth signifie Active , and the other , Adjective , viz. Giving . 27. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure of it , must signifie a Preposition of the third Combination , and by its place at the upper side of the Character , it is determined to signifie the Preposition ( To. ) 28. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle consisting of Points , doth therefore denote a Pronoun ; and because there are two Points placed in a Level towards the top of the Character , therefore must it signifie the first Person plural , as numb . 1. And coming after a Verb , it is to be rendered in English as we do the Accusative Case , ( Vs. ) 29. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 5. 30. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Pronoun particle consisting of two points placed obliquely from the bottom towards the top , doth therefore signifie one of the Relative Pronouns ; and being placed at the top of the Character , it must signifie ( This. ) 31. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character is appointed to signifie the Genus of Measure . The affix on the left hand , making a right angle with the lower side of the Line , signifies the fifth Difference , which is Measure of Time. The affix at the other end , making the like angle , doth denote the fifth Species , viz. Day Natural , which is described to be the time of the Suns motion from any one Meridian to the same again . 32. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 1. 33. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Character is appointed to signifie the Genus of Oeconomical Provisions , of which , the first Difference denoted by the affix on the left hand , doth refer to Sustentation ordinary , and the first Species at the other end , doth refer to such kind of ordinary food as is of a more solid consistence , made of Grain , or some other Vegetable baked , without any considerable mixture , being of all other kinds of Food most necessary and common , which is Bread. 34. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character doth signifie Transcendental General . as before , N. 8. The affix on the left hand being the fifth , doth denote the Differences of things relating to means ; where the seventh Species , denoted by the affix at the other end , doth signifie that kind of usefulness , which may probably promote the end , which we call Expediency ; and because the Hook at the end of the Species affix doth denote adjective ; therefore this Character must signifie expedient . 35. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Particle represented by an acute angled figure , must therefore refer to Conjunctions . By the position of the Angle downwards , and by the situation of it towards the middle of the Character , it must denote the Conjunction , And. 36. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 37. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character doth signifie Iudicial Relation . The affix on the Difference side , making a right angle with the upper side of the Genus , doth therefore signifie the second Difference , viz. Iudicial Actions . The affix for the Species being the ninth , doth signifie that kind of Forinsic Action , which is consequent with respect to the Iudges , inflicting the punishment or freeing from it ; the first of which is executing , to which is opposed ( signified in the Character by the Loop on the left hand ) Pardoning , or forgiving . The Hook upon the affix for the Difference , denoting the Active voice , and that upon the other affix , the Adjective . 38. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 27. 39. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 28. 40. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 1. 41. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Generical Character as numb . 8 , & 34. signifying Transcendental General . The obtuse angle on the left side doth signifie the third Difference , viz. the more common and absolute Differences of things . The affix at the other end , making a right Angle with the upper side , doth signifie the second Species , namely , that Difference of things which doth include a respect to the Will , as to their agreement or disagreement with that Faculty , whereby they are rendered desirable , or avoydable ; which we call Goodness or Evilness . The Loop towards the left hand , at the joyning of the Affix , doth denote the Opposite in the Tables , namely , Evilness : The Hook at the other end of the same Affix ▪ doth signifie the Active voice ; and the hook on the other side , the Plural Number : So that the true importance of this Character must be evil actions , which is the same with that which we stile Trespasses . 42. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 19. 43. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 24. 44. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 4. But being here used with a word of the plural number , it must be rendered Are. 45. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 37. 46. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 27 , 47. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle Pronoun consisting of two points placed level , must signifie the Plural Number of one of the Personal Pronouns , and being at the lower end of the Character , it must signifie They , and coming after the Verb , it must be rendered Them. 48. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 3. 49. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 44. But being here placed towards the upper part of the Character , it must signifie the Copula in the Preter Tense , Have been . 50. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Radical as numb . 41. Only the Hook on the Species affix , is on that side which signifies the notion of Adjective , viz. Transgressing . 51. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle doth by its figure appear to be one of the opposite Prepositions of the second Combination , and by its position towards the bottom of the Character , it is determined to ( Against . ) 52. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 24. 53. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 31. 54. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle by the figure of it , must be one of the Opposites of the first Combination of Adverbs , and by the place of it , it must be the Negative Particle No , or Not. 55. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. 56. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Generical Character as Numb . 14 , 18.26 . signifying Transcendental Action , The Difference on the left hand , being the same as Numb . 14. Namely , the sixth , denoting Ition ; where the fifth Species signified by the right angled affix at the other end , doth by the Tables signifie Leading , which is described to be the causing of another thing to come after . The Hook on the Difference affix , doth signifie Active , and the other Hook Adjective . viz. Leading . 57 , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 28. 58. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle by the place and shape of it , must be opposite to that , Numb . 5. And consequently , according to the Tables , must signifie ( Into . ) 59. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Generical Character the same with that , N. 14 , 18 , 26 , 56. The right Angle on the left side denoting the second Difference , viz. General Relations of Actions Comparate : The right Angle at the other end and side , signifying the fifth Species , which in the Tables , is Comparing ; to which is adjoyned by way of Affinity ( signified by the Loop ) the Notion of Trying , or the Examining of things , for the distinguishing of their Truth and Goodness . And because this is in it self of an indifferent nature , and consequently not to be deprecated ; therefore the true Notion of it in this place , must be confined to such kind of Temptations or Trials as may be hurtful , which is expressed by the Transcendental Particle of Corruptive , set on the top of the Character towards the right hand . 60. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle by the figure of it , must denote a Conjunction , and an Opposite belonging to the second Combination , and by the place of it towards the upper end of the Character , it is determined to the Conjunction , ( But. ) 61. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. 62. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character doth signifie Spiritual Action , under which the first Difference denoted by the acute Angle on the left side , doth refer to the Actions of God , ( i. e. ) such kind of Actions as do primarily belong to the Divine Nature ; though some of them may in a secondary manner , and by way of participation be ascribed to other things . The right Angle made by the other affix , doth denote the fifth Species , which is defined to be the keeping or taking one from any kind of evil ; which we call Delivering . The Hooks upon each affix ( as hath been often said before ) must denote Active , and Adjective . 63. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 24. 64. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A Preposition of the third Combination , and by its place at the middle of the Character , it is determined to the Preposition From. 65. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Radical Character as Numb , 41 , 50. The little upright stroke on the top towards the right hand , being the Transcendental Note of Thing . 66. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the shape of it , must be a Conjunction of the third Combination , and by the position of it about the middle of the Character , it must be the Causal Particle For , or Because . 67. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This oblique stroke towards the top is appointed to signifie one of the Articles subservient to Substantives ; and because the obliquity of it , is from the bottom upwards towards the right hand , therefore doth it denote the Demonstrative Article The. 68. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 12. 69. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 35. 70. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 67. 71. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character doth signifie Habit ; the right angle on the left side , denoting the second Difference , which comprehends the Instruments of Virtue , commonly stiled the Goods of Fortune : the right angle at the other end , signifying the fifth Species , which is Power , described to consist in an ability to protect our selves and others from Injury . 72. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 35. 73. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 67. 74. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Character , both as to the Genus and Difference with Numb . 71. The affix towards the right hand signifying the second Species , which is Reputation , which by the transcendental mark of Augmentative over the Character towards the right hand , doth import the Notion of Glory , viz. the greatest kind and degree of Reputation . 75. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 4. 76. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 7. 77. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character , doth signifie the Genus of Space . The acute angle on the left side to the top , doth denote the first Difference , which is Time. The other affix signifies the ninth species under this Difference , which is Everness . The Loop at the end of this affix denotes the word to be used adverbially ; so that the sense of it must be the same which we express by that phrase , For ever and ever . 78. ( ) The word Amen in the Literal Character . 79. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 19. 80. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. The Creed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 I believe in God the Father Almighty Maker of Heaven and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22 of Earth , and in Jesus Christ his Son only our Lord , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 36 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried , he descended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 43 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 44 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 46 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 47 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 56 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 58 into hell , he did rise from the dead in the day third , He ascended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 59 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 into heaven , where he sitteth at the right hand of God the Father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 71 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 73 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 77 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 79 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 80 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 81 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 82 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 83 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 84 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 86 from whence he shall come to judge the Quick and the dead . I believe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 87 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 88 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 94 in the Holy Ghost , the Church holy Catholick , the Communion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 96 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 97 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 101 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 102 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 104 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 106 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 107 Saints , the forgiveness of sins , the resurrection of the body , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 108 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 109 life everlasting . 1. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being a single point , must denote one of the demonstrative Pronouns in the singular Number : And by its place towards the upper end of the Character , and before the Verb , the Nominative Case of the first Person , viz. I. 2. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being a Round , must signifie the Copula , and being placed towards the middle , and joyned with the Nominative case of the first person , it must be rendered ( Am. ) 3. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Generical Character is appointed to signifie the Genus of Habit. The affix on the left hand making a right angle with the lower side , doth signifie the fifth Difference under that Genus , which according to the Tables , is Infused Habit. The other affix making an obtuse angle , doth signifie the fourth Species , viz. Faith ; which is defined to consist in a readiness of mind to yield an effectual assent ( without any affected captiousness ) unto revealed Truths , upon such Grounds as their natures are capable of , and such as are in themselves sufficient to prevail with a prudent teachable man. The Hook upon the Difference denotes the Active voice , and the hook upon the Species , the Adjective , viz. Believing . The Word Believe being of an equivocal sense , may likewise be expressed by the Genus of Spiritual Action , the second difference , relating to the Acts of the Speculative Iudgment , and the affinis of the second Species , which is Believing , described to be an assent to any thing as truth upon the credit of others by whom it is related . But I rather chuse the former , as being more proper to this place . 4. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A streight Line being the most simple , is put for the Character of God. The acute angle on the left side doth denote the first Person of the Blessed Trinity , namely , God the Father ; which by following the Verb , is supposed to be in the Object case . And this may better express the true notion of Credo in Deum , than by using the Preposition In , as the sense of that Particle is determined in the foregoing Tables . 5. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Character doth by the two strokes denoting an Hyphen , appear to be a Compound . The two Points denote a Pronoun of the third Combination , and by the place of them at the bottom , they must signifie the Vniversal Collective , viz. All. The Integral Character with which this is compounded , is the Genus of Natural Power . The Hook at the end signifies the Grammatical notion of Adjective . So that this compound Character may be rendered All-powerful , Omnipotent , or Almighty . 6. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle doth signifie the Demonstrative Article The. 7. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being a small transverse Line placed at the side , must denote one of the Tenses , and being placed towards the upper part , it must signifie the Preter Tense . 8. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is appointed to signifie Spiritual Action , or the Action of a Spirit , or Spiritual Faculty . The affix on the left , and that likewise on the right side , making acute angles with the upper side , must therefore signifie the first difference under that Genus which refers to Actions of God , and the first Species of that Difference , namely , Creation ; which is defined to be , the putting of things into their first being . The hook at the end of the Difference affix , doth signifie Active , and the other Adjective . The transcendental mark , of a little flat Line on the top towards the right hand , doth denote Person ; so that this Character with the precedent affixes , doth properly signifie , the having been Creating Person . 9. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle doth by its figure appear to be one of the Prepositions of the first Combination , and by its position towards the top of the Character , it is determined to be the first of them , which in Latin and Greek is expressed by the Genitive case , and in English by the Particle Of. 10. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character signifies World. The affix on the left side denoting the second Difference , is Heaven . 11. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the shape of it , appears to be a Conjunction of the first combination , and by the position of it towards the middle of the Character , it must be the second of them , viz. the Conjunction Affirmative , namely , And. 12. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 9. 13. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Character as to Genus and difference with Numb . 10. The affix for the Species making an acute Angle , and passing below the middle line , doth denote the seventh Species , which according to the Tables , is this Globe of Sea and Land. 14. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 11. 15. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Generical Character as Numb . 4. The right Angle denoting the second Person in the Blessed Trinity , viz. Iesus Christ. 16. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle being a single point , must denote one of the Demonstrative Pronouns in the singular number ; and by its place towards the bottom of the Character , it must signifie the third Person , or He ; and being made possessive by the curve line under it , it must be rendered His. 17. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character doth denote Oeconomical Relation . By the acute angle on the left side , is signified the first Difference , which is Relation of Consanguinity . By the right angle at the other end , is denoted the second Species , which is described to be Direct Ascending , namely , Parent ; to which is opposed Direct Descending , namely , Child , which opposition is denoted by the Loop on the left side of the Character . 18. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus with the former , the fourth Difference , denoting Relations of Equality ; the second Species signifying that particular Relation which is founded upon our Conversing with others , namely , Companion . To which the opposite ( signified by the Loop at the joyning of the difference affix ) is being in a state of Segregation from others . The hook upon the Species affix , denoting Adjective , viz. Alone , or Only . 19. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) These two Points standing level , must signifie one of the Demonstrative Pronouns , in the Plural number . By the place of them towards the upper side of the Character , they must denote the first Person , We ; which being by the curve line rendered Possessive , must signifie Our . 20. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is assigned to signifie Civil Relation ; of which the first difference doth denote Degrees of Persons . The second Species signifying the supreme Magistrate , to whom others owe Subjection and Obedience , viz. King , Lord , Soveraign . 21. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle consisting of three Points , must therefore signifie one of the Compound Pronouns . By the position of it towards the middle of the Character , it denotes the second of them , to be rendered Who , when we speak of a Person : and Which , when we speak of a Thing . 22. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Copula , as Numb . 2. but being here placed towards the top of the Character , it must be rendered in the Preter tense , viz. Hath been , or Was. 23. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is assigned to Corporeal Action . The acute angle on the left side , denoting the first Difference , namely , such corporeal actions as belong primarily to Vegetative and living bodies . The right angle at the other end , signifies the second Species , which in the Tables is Impregnation ; to which the Word Conception is adjoyned by way of Affinity , signified by the Loop on the right side . The Loop on the Difference affix , signifying the Passive voice ; and the Hook upon the Species affix , Adjective . 24. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , must be the second in the first combination of Prepositions , relating to the Efficient Cause , which we render By. 25. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as Numb . 6. 26. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus with numb . 4 , and 15. The obtuse angle signifying the third Person of the Blessed Trinity , viz. Holy Ghost . 27. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus and Difference as numb . 23. The affix towards the right hand making an obtuse angle with the upper side must signifie the third Species , which is Parturition , or bringing forth . The Loop at the end of the difference affix , denoting Passive voice , and the Hook on the other side , Adjective , viz. Borne . 28. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , doth appear to be the third of the first combination of Prepositions , relating to the Material Cause , ex qua ( Of ) 29. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 30. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus as numb . 17 , & 18. The affix towards the left hand , denoting the second Difference , which is Relation of Affinity ; the other affix denoting the first Species , viz. that preceding state , whereby persons are rendered capable of Marriage , namely , Celibate , to which the notion of Virgin is joyned as an affinis ( denoted by the Loop on the right side ) described to be one that hath not coupled with any other . 31. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The name Mari in the Literal Character , as being a proper name . 32. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character doth belong to Iudicial Relation ; the difference affix being the fifth , must denote Capital punishment ; the Loop upon the Difference affix signifying Passive , and the hook upon the other affix , Adjective . 33. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , must be the first Opposite in the sixth combination of Prepositions , namely , Vnder . 34. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) These being proper Names , are to be expressed only by a Literal Character , according to our English pronunciation . 35. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 22. 36. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus and Difference with numb . 32. Under which Crucifying is reckoned as the ninth Species . The Loop on the Difference affix doth denote the notion of Passive voice ; and the Hook at the other end , the notion of Adjective , Crucified . 37. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus and Difference with numb . 23 , & 27. signifying such corporeal Actions as do primarily belong to Vegetatives . The affix on the right side , making an acute angle with the upper part of the transverse , and passing below it , doth signifie the seventh Species , which is Living ; to which Dying is opposed . And that the Opposite is here intended , may appear by the Loop at the joyning of the Difference affix ; the hook on the Species affix signifying Adjective . 38. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 11. 39. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is assigned to Ecclesiastical Relation ; the fourth Difference comprehending the more common Actions belonging to Religion : the affix at the other end , being a thorough stroke , and making an obtuse angle to the upper side , must denote the ninth Species , which is Burying , described in the Tables to be one of those Ritual Offices consisting in performance of the Rites due to the dead , by putting their Bodies into the Ground . The Loop on the Difference affix , doth signifie ( as before ) Passive , and the other Hook Adjective . 40. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A Pronoun of the third person , singular number , viz. He. 41. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 22. 42. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This appears by the Hyphen , to be a compound Character . The Particle in this composition , doth by the figure and position , denote the Opposite to the first of the fifth Combination of Prepositions , viz. Downward . The Genus of the Integral Character , is Transcendental Action . The affix on the left side , making an acute angle with the bottom of the Line , doth denote the sixth Difference , which is Ition , or the passing of things from one place or state to another ; and because there is no affix at the other end , therefore this Character must denote the Difference it self . The Hooks on each side , do signifie Active and Adjective . 43. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle doth by the figure and position of it , appear to be the first of the fourth Combination of Prepositions , and consequently to signifie Into . 44. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Character is the same for Genus and Difference with numb . 10. which doth there signifie Heaven ; and whereas here there is a Loop at the joyning of the Difference affix ; therefore must it denote that which is opposite to the former ; namely , Hell. This Clause might perhaps be more properly expressed thus ; He became in the state , or he passed into the Invisible place , of the having died persons . 45. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 40. 46. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 22. 47. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus with numb . 23 , 27 , & 37. Denoting Corporeal Action . The acute angle on the left side , doth denote the sixth Difference , which is Gesture ; namely , such animal motion whereby the situation of the Whole or Parts is altered . The acute angle at the other end to the upper side , doth denote the first Species , which is motion upwards direct ; namely , Rising . The Hooks on each affix denote Active and Adjective . 48. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , must be the second of the third combination of Prepositions , viz. From. 49. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 50. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 7. 51. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Charcter is in all respects the same with numb . 37. Excepting only , that there is another hook upon the Species affix to signifie Plural Number , together with the transcendental Note of Person at the top of the Character towards the right hand , which makes the importance of this Character , with the two preceding Particles to be , The having died Persons . 52. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Though this Preposition be properly local signifying in , as being opposite to numb . 43. Yet it is applicable , as the others of the same kind are , to Time ; in which case it may be rendered On. 53. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 54. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Character is the Genus of Measure . The affix both on the left and right side , denote the fifth Difference , which is Measure of Time , and the fifth Species , which is Day Natural . 55. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus with the former , denoting Measure . The Difference affix making an acute angle with the upper side of the transverse , doth denote the first Difference , which refers to Number . The obtuse angle at the other end of the transverse , denoting the third Species , which according to the Tables , is the number Three . The Hook on this affix , shews this Word to be used adjectively , viz. Third . 56. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 40. 57. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 22. 58. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Such a Compound as numb . 42. Only the Preposition here , being the first of the fifth Combination , must signifie Vpwards ; and consequently , as the numb . 42. did signifie Descending : so this must be the Opposite to it ; namely , Ascending . 59. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 43. 60. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 10. 61. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 52. 62. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A Compound of the Pronoun Which , and the transcendental Mark of Place , viz. Which place . 63. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 4. 64. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Copula in the present tense , which being applied to the third Person singular , must be rendered ( is . ) 65. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Character , both as to Genus and Difference , with that , numb . 47. The species affix making a right angle with the bottom of the transverse , must denote the fifth Species ; namely , sitting ; the hook upon this affix , signifying the notion of Adjective . 66. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , doth appear to be the first Opposite in the third combination of Prepositions , and to signifie At. 67. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 68. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Space . The obtuse angle on the left side , denoting the third Difference under that Genus ; namely , Situation : the oblique line at the other end of the transverse , passing by both sides of it , doth denote the ninth Species under that Difference , viz. Right Side , or Right Hand . 69. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 70. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 4. 71. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 48. 72. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 62. 73. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 40. 74. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Copula in the Future tense , signifying , Shall be . 75. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of transcendental Action , the sixth Difference , as before , numb . 42 , 58. The first Species , viz. Come . The hooks on each affix , denoting Active , Adjective , viz. Coming . 76. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) This Particle , by the figure and position of it , doth appear to be the second opposite in the first combination , and to signifie a respect to the final Causes in Latin , ob , propter , in English , For. 77. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Iudicial Relation . The first Difference , which is Forinsic Persons ; and the first Species , which is Iudge . The hook upon the difference affix , denotes this to be a Noun of Action , viz. Judication , or Iudging . 78. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 79. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 51. Only , there wants the Note of Opposite ; so that as that signified dead persons , this must signifie living persons . 80. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 11. 81. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 82. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 7. 83. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 51. 84. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 1. 85. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 2. 86. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 3. 87. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 88. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 26. 89. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Ecclesiastical Relation ; the transcendental mark ' over it , denoting Aggregate , which is the proper notion of Church . 90. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus and Difference , as numb . 3. Denoting Infused Habit ; the second Species being Holiness , described to be that habitual frame , whereby one is fitted for virtuous actions ; more especially for the duties of Religion : the hook upon the Species affix , denoting the Notion of Adjective , viz. Holy. 91 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of this Character is assigned to signifie Transcendental Relation mixed ; the obtuse angle at each end , must denote the third difference , and the third species : the third difference under that Genus , containing such transcendental relations as concern Number . The third species , being that more distinct relation of one Indeterminate , or All , viz. Particularity , or Vniversality . The Loop at the joyning of the difference affix , denoting an Opposite , doth determine the Character to the second of these : And the Hook at the end of the species affix , doth make it signifie as an Adjective , viz. Vniversal , Catholick . 92. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 93. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Ecclesiastical Relation , as numb . 89. The third Difference , concerning states of Religion ; the second species , Catholick , or Communicant , which is described to be one that is in a state of Charity with the body of those that agree in the same profession : the Abstract of which , denoted by the hook upon the difference affix , is Communion . 94. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 95. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus and difference , as numb . 93. The fifth species denoting such as are eminently religious ; the hook upon the species affix , signifying the Plural Number , viz. Saints . 96. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 97. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Iudicial Relation , as numb . 77. The second difference denoting Iudicial Actions . The ninth species signifying that kind of Judicial Action , which concerns the inflicting of punishment , or freeing from it , Executing , or Pardoning . The Loop , at the joyning of the difference affix , denotes this to be an Opposite , viz. Pardoning or Forgiving . The Loop upon the top of this affix , signifies the passive voice , viz. the being forgiven . 98. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 99. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The Genus of Transcendental General ; the third difference respecting the more common and absolute differences of things ; the second species denoting that difference of things , which doth include a respect to the Will , as to the agreement or disagreement of things with that Faculty , stiled Goodness or Evilness . The Loop towards the left hand , at the joyning of the affix , denoting opposite , viz. Evilness ; the hook at the other end of the same affix , doth signifie the Active voice ; and the hook upon the other affix , doth denote the plural number : So that the meaning of this Character , must be evil actions , the same as Trespasses , or Sins . 100. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 101. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The mark of Future tense . 102. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A compound Character . The Particle , doth by the figure and the position of it , appear to be the third Opposite in the fourth Combination of Adverbs , which is Re , denoting Restitution to what was before . The Integral Character signifies Life ; as numb . 79. 103. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 104. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 9. 105. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Genus as numb . 10. signifying World. The first difference under that Genus , being Spirit . The Opposite to which , denoted by the Loop at the joyning of the Affix , is Body . 106. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 11. 107. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 6. 108. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as numb . 101. 109. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) The same Integral as 102. 110. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) A compound with the Pronoun All , as numb . 5. The Genus of the Integral being the same with numb . 54 , 55. doth denote Measure ; the fifth difference of which , doth signifie measure of time , to which the word Duration is adjoyned by way of Affinity , signified by the Loop at the right side , where the hook denotes Adjective : So that the true sense of this Character , is All-during , or Everlasting . I forbear any other Examples out of Aristotle , Euclid , Tully , Terence , which I once thought to have subjoyned ; because if what hath been already delivered , be sufficiently understood , it will appear easie enough to render any thing out of those Authors , in this Character . I shall only add concerning the Character here proposed , that besides the Facility , Comliness and Distinctness of it , containing a Description of what is to be expressed by it , both as to the nature of the things , and the Grammatical Variation of the words ; 't is likewise a much shorter way of writing , than that by Letters : and by the great Variety which it is capable of , would afford the surest way for Cryptography or secret Writing . CHAP. III. How this Real Character may be made effable in a distinct Language , and what kind of Letters or Syllables may be conveniently assigned to each Character . BY what hath been already delivered , it may sufficiently appear , how any thing or Notion , which falls under humane Discourse , may be expressed by such a Character as shall be legible to men of all Nations and Languages . I come now to shew how this Universal Character may be made effable in a distinct Language : The unfolding of which ( supposing what hath been said about the Character and Grammar , to be well understood ) will need but little time and pains . The Qualifications desirable in a Language , should have some analogy and proportion to those before mentioned concerning a Character or way of Writing ; Namely , 1. The words of it should be brief , not exceeding two or three Syllables ; the Particles consisting but of one Syllable . 2. They should be plain and facil to be taught and learnt . 3. They should be sufficiently distinguishable from one another , to prevent mistake and equivocalness ; and withal significant and copious , answerable to the conceipts of our mind . 4. They should be Euphonical , of a pleasant and graceful sound . 5. They should be Methodical ; those of an agreeable or opposite sense , having somewhat correspondent in the sounds of them . The order to be observed in the assigning of Letters and Sounds to these Characters , must be after the same manner with the Method before made use of , in treating concerning these Characters : Beginning first with Integrals , according to their several Varieties , and then proceeding to the Particles . The Integrals may be considered , either as they are Radicals , placed in the Tables , either more direct , whether Genus , Difference , or Species ; or else Laterally , either by way of Affinity or Opposition . And next to the Words or Sounds appointed for each of these Radicals , it is to be considered , by what kind of Changes or Varieties , the several Derivations and Inflections may be expressed . The first thing to be stated in such an Institution , is to assign several Letters and sounds for the 40 Genus's . It were not difficult to offer great variety of these ; but to pitch upon that which upon all accounts would be the best , will require so much consideration , and practise , and so many Trials as I cannot pretend unto . That which at present seems most convenient to me , is this ; Transcend . General Bα Rel. mixed Ba Rel. of Action Be Discourse Bi God Dα World Da Element De Stone Di Metal Do Herb consid . accord . to the Leaf Gα Flower Ga Seed-vessel Ge Shrub Gi Tree Go Animals Exanguious Zα Fish Za Bird Ze Beast Zi Parts Peculiar Pα General Pa Quantity Magnitude Pe Space Pi Measure Po Quality Power Nat. Tα Habit Ta Manners Te Quality sensible Ti Disease To Action Spiritual Cα Corporeal Ca Motion Ce Operation Ci Relation Oecon. Co Posses . Cƴ Provis . Sα Civil Sa Judicial Se Military Si Naval So Eccles. SƳ The Differences under each of these Genus's , may be expressed by these Consonants in this order ; B , D , G , P , T , C , Z , S , N. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7.8 9. The Species may be expressed by putting one of the seven Vowels after the Consonant , for the Difference ; to which may be added ( to make up the number ) two of the Dipthongs , according to this order α , a , e , i , o , ȣ , ƴ , ƴi , ƴȣ . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9. For instance , If ( De ) signifie Element , then ( Deb ) must signifie the first difference ; which ( according to the Tables ) is Fire : and ( Debα ) will denote the first Species , which is Flame . ( Det ) will be the fifth difference under that Genus , which is , Appearing Meteor ; ( Detα ) the first Species , viz. Rainbow ; ( Det● ) the second , viz. Halo . Thus , if ( Ti ) signifie the Genus of Sensible Quality , then ( Tid ) must denote the second difference , which comprehends Colours ; and ( Tida ) must signifie the second Species under that difference , viz. Redness : ( Tide ) the third Species , which is Greenness , &c. Thus likewise , if ( Be ) be put for the Genus of Transcendental Relation of Action , then ( Bec ) must denote the sixth difference , which is Ition ; and ( Becȣ ) will signifie the sixth Species , which is Following . As for those Species under Plants and Animals , which do exceed the number of Nine , they may be expressed by adding the Letters L , or R , after the first Consonant , to denote the second or third of such Combinations . Thus , if Gαde be Tulip , viz. the third Species in the first Nine , then Glαde must signifie Ramson , viz. the third in the second Nine , or the twelfth Species under that Difference . So if Zana be Salmon , viz. the second species in the first Nine , them Zlana must signifie Gudgeon , viz. the second in the second Nine ; or the eleventh Species under that Difference . It must be granted , that there is one inconvenience in this Contrivance for the supernumerary Species , namely , that according to this way of expressing them , they are scarce capable of the derivation of Adjective : But this is more tolerable , because in such matters , where this will happen , there is no necessary occasion for this derivation . Those Radicals which are joyned to others by way of Affinity , may be expressed ; 1. In Monosyllables , by repeating the Radical Vowel before the Consonant . For example , if ( De ) signifies Element , then ( Ede ) must signifie that which is joyned to it by way of affinity , viz. Meteor . If ( Di ) be Stone , then ( Idi ) will signifie Concretions , &c. 2. In Dyssyllables , by repeating the second Radical Consonant after the last Vowel : Thus , if ( Dade ) be Planet , ( Daded ) will signifie Comet . If ( Dego ) be Ice , ( Degog ) will signifie Snow , &c. Those Radicals which are paired together upon the account of single Opposition , may be expressed , 1. In Monosyllables , by putting the opposite Vowel before the first Consonant , according to that order of Opposition before set down ; namely , of α a e to ι o ȣ or ƴ. Thus , if ( Dα ) be put to signifie God , then ( idα ) must signifie that which is opposed , namely , Idol . If ( Dab ) be Spirit , ( odab ) will be Body . If ( Dad ) be Heaven , ( odad ) will signifie Hell. 2. In Dyssyllables , by adding the Letter ( S ) to the last Vowel : Thus if ( Pida ) be Presence , ( Pidas ) will be Absence . If ( Tadȣ ) be Power , then ( Tadȣs ) will be Impotence . As for those double Opposites by way of Excess or Defect , which sometimes occur , as they are to be represented in writing by the Transcendental Points of Excess or Defect , on the top of the Character , so are they to be expressed in speaking by those Syllables appointed to these Characters , which must be added to the termination of the word : Thus if ( Teba ) be Iustice , ( Tebas ) will signifie the Opposite Common ; namely , Injustice : And ( Tebasla ) the Opposite by way of Excess ; namely , Rigor , and ( Tebaslo ) the Opposite by way of Defect , viz. Remission . Tepα Veracity . Tepαs Lying . Tepαsla Over-saying . Tepαslo Vnder-saying , Detracting . Adjectives should be expressed by changing the first radical Consonant , according to this establishment ; B , D , G , P , T , C ; Z , S , N. V , Dȣ , Gȣ , F , Tȣ , Cȣ , Zh , Sh , Ng. Thus , if , Dα De Do do signifie God Element Stone then Dȣα Dȣe Dȣo must signifie Divine . Elementary Stony . Adverbs may be expressed by turning the first Radical Vowel into a Dipthong . So Dαι is Divinely . ( Sƴιb ) is Religiously . ( Sƴιgas ) is Schismatically . Abstracts may be expressed , 1. In Monosyllables of the Genus , by adding the Letter ( r ) after the first Radical Vowel . So Dαr is Deity or Divinity . In Monosyllables of the Difference , and Dissyllables of the Species , by changing the second Radical Character Consonant thus ; B , D , G , P , T , C , Z , S , N. V , Dh , Dzh , F , Th , Tsh , Zh , Sh , Ng. The Letters Dzh , and Tsh , being the same power which we Englishmen give to the Letters G , and Ch , in the words Ginger , and Charity . Thus ( Bαd ) is Cause ; ( Bαdh ) is Causality . ( Saba ) is King , ( Sava ) is Regality or Majesty . There are only two things noted in the Character belonging to the Inflection of words ; namely , 1. The Active and Passive voice , to be expressed by the Letters L , and N , after the first Vowel : thus ( Salba ) is Regnation ; and ( Samba ) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regnari . 2. The Plural Number in Substantives , which is sometimes likewise affixed to Adjectives , when they are used substantively , by reason of any transcendental Mark joyned to them . And this may be done by prolonging the first Vowel , which upon all other occasions , is to be pronounced as being short . But because it will be difficult to prolong this Vowel in Monosyllables of the Genus , when no Consonant doth follow ; therefore in this case it may be proper to add the Vowel ȣ to the Radical Vowel . So if Dα be God , Dαȣ will be Gods. According to this establishment , every Radical Genus Difference and Species , may be expressed by such words as are facil and pleasant . Those words that are most harsh and difficult , will happen amongst such of the Derivations as are seldom used ; as in some of the Active or Passive Adverbs , and in some of the Abstracts . By these Instances it will be easie to understand all the rest . The Particles may be expressed either by simple Vowels or Dipthongs , or by some of those Monosyllables , not used for any of the Genus's or Differences . Amongst the Grammatical Particles , the more principal are , the Copula , Pronouns , Interjections , Prepositions , Adverbs , Conjunctions . 1. The Copula , or Verb Sum , according to its threefold place in the Character , may be expressed by these Dipthongs ια . ιa . ιe . 2. The Pronouns , according to their several kinds , may be expressed by these Vowels and Dipthongs ; α αι ι o αȣ ⸫ oι. a aι ȣ ƴ aȣ ⸫ ȣȣ . e eι ƴι ƴȣ eȣ ⸫ ι ι Possessive Pronouns by prefixing ( H. ) Reduplicative , by interposing ( L. ) So Hα is mine , Hαlα is my own . 3. The Interjections , being Natural sounds themselves , need not have any assigned to the Characters of them , than what are General . So Heigh Hm , Hu. Pish , Shu , Tush Ah , alack , alas . Ha , ha , he . O , O that . Vauh , Hau. Hoi , ah , oh . Phy. Oh , soho . Ho , oh . Eja , now . St , hush , mum , whist . Ha. Vae , wo. 4. The Prepositions may be expressed by Monosyllables framed of L , and R ; after this manner . Lα , Li. La , Lo. Le , Lȣ . Rα , Rι. Ra , Ro. Re , Rȣ Lαl , Lil Lal , Lol Lel , Lȣl Rαl , Ril Ral , Rol Rel , Rȣl Lαr , Lir Lar , Lor Ler , Lȣr Rαr , Rir Rar , Ror Rer , Rȣr 5. Adverbs may be expressed by Monosyllables , with the initial Letter M. after this manner ; Mα , Mi Ma , Mo Me , Mȣ Mαl , Mil Mal , Mol Mel , Mȣl Mαr , Mir Mar , Mor Mer , Mȣr Mαs , Mis Mas , Mos Mes , Mȣs Mƴ. Mƴι. Mƴȣ 6. Conjunctions may be expressed by Monosyllables , with the Initial Letter N , after this manner ; Nα , Ni Na , No Ne , Nȣ Nαl , Nil Nal , Nol Nel , Nȣl Nαr , Nir Nar , Nor Ner , Nȣr Nαs , Nis Nas , Nos Nes , Nȣs The more servile Particles are of three kinds ; Articles , Modes , Tenses . 1. The Articles being but two , may be thus expressed , el. αl . 2. The Imperative Mode , according to its threefold difference of Petition , Perswasion , Command , may be expressed by these Dipthongs , ιo , ιȣ , ιƴ. The Secondary Modes , by Dipthongs or Tripthongs , according to their differences of Absolute or Conditional . So the Mode of Power Liberty Will Necessity whether Absolute or Conditional , is to be expressed by ȣα , ȣαι . ȣa , ȣaι . ȣe , ȣeι . ȣo , ȣoι . 3. The Tenses , Past , Present , and Future , may be expressed by these Dipthongs , ȣι , ȣƴ , ȣƴι . The Transcendental Particles , to be added by way of Composition in the termination of words , may be expressed by these Syllables , ια , ιa , ιe ιȣ , ιo , ιƴ ȣα , ȣa , ȣe ȣι , ȣo , ȣƴ Mα , Ma , Me Mι , Mo , Mȣ Mαl , Mal , Mel Mil , Mol , Mȣl Nα , Na , Ne Nι , No. Nȣ Nαl , Nal , Nel Nil , Nol , Nȣl Lα , la , le Lι , Lo , Lȣ Rα , Ra , Re Rι , Ro , Rȣ In which Constitution , the Marks made use of before , either for Prepositions , Adverbs , or Conjunctions , have the same Syllables assigned to them . It is here to be noted , that as Numbers are provided for in writing , by distinct Characters from the rest , so should they likewise have some sutable provision in speaking . And because there are two waies before suggested for the expression of Numbers by writing , namely , either by words at length , or by Figures , there should therefore be some provision answerable to each of these for speaking . 1. The Words at length for the nine Digits , are to be made off from the Tables after the same manner as all other Species are ; and as for the other Numbers above this , viz. Ten , Hundred ▪ Thousand , Million , they may be expressed by adding the Letters L , R , M , N. after the last Vowel ; according to these Examples : Pobαl 10. Pobal 20. Pobel 30. Pobαr 100. Pobar 200. Pober 300. Pobαm 1000. Pobam 2000. Pobem 3000. Pobαn 1000000 Poban 2000000. Poben 3000000 , &c. Pobαm Pobȣr Pobȣl Pobȣ . One thousand Six hundred Sixty Six . 2. The Figures of Numbers , may be most conveniently expressed in Speech , in that way suggested by Herrigon ; namely , by assigning one Vowel or Dipthong , and one Consonant to each of the Digits , suppose after this manner , 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 0. α , a , e , ι , o , ȣ , ƴ , ιȣ , ƴι , ƴȣ . b , d , g , p , t , c , l , m , n , r. According to which constitution , a word of so many Letters , may serve to express a number of so many places . Thus either of these words , αcȣc , αȣcȣ , bȣcȣ , will signifie 1666 ; which is as much a better and briefer way for the expressing of these numbers in speech , as that other is for writing , betwixt Figures and Words at l●ngth . The Grammatical Variations belonging to Number , whether Derivations or Inflexions , may for the nine Digits be framed according to common Analogy . For greater Numbers , it may be convenient to prefix the Difference denoting number in general ; namely , Pob before the wo●d ▪ for any Particular ; as suppose αcȣc be the word for the number , let it be made Pobαcȣc Pobαcȣl for the Cardinal Number 1666 1667 then Fobαcȣc Fobαcȣl will be the Ordinal , or Adjective Neuter , denoting the 1666 th 1667 th &c. By what hath been said , it is easie to conceive , how this Character may be made effable as to all the Species of things , together with their Derivations and Inflexions . As for Individuals , I have shewed before , how the names of them are to be expressed by a Literal Character . But these things will more distinctly appear by instance of something written in this Language : In Order to which , I shall offer an Example of it in the Lords Prayer and the Creed . CHAP. IV. An Instance of the Philosophical Language , both in the Lords Prayer and the Creed . A Comparison of the Language here proposed , with fifty others , as to the Facility and Euphonicalness of it . AS I have before given Instances of the Real Character , so I shall here in the like method , set down the same Instances for the Philosophical Language . I shall be more brief in the particular explication of each Word ; because that was sufficiently done before , in treating concerning the Character . The Lords Prayer . Hαι coba ȣȣ ιa ril dad , ha bαbι ιo sȣƴmtα , ha salba ιo velcα , ha tαlbι ιo vemgȣ , mȣ ril dady me ●ιl dad ιo velpι rα● αi ril ι poto hαι sαba vatƴ , na ιo sȣeldƴȣ● lαl αι hαι bαlgas me αι ιa sȣeldƴȣs lαl eι ȣȣ ια vαlgas rȣ αι na mι ιo velco αι , rαl bedodlȣ nil ιo cȣalbo αι lal vαgasιe , nor αl salba , na αl tado , na αl tadalα ιa ha piȣbƴȣ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mȣ ιo . 1 ☐ 2 ☐ 3 ☐ 4 ☐ 5 ☐ 6 ☐ 7 ☐ 8 ☐ 9 ☐ 10 ☐ 11 ☐ Hαι coba ȣȣ ιa ril dad , ha bαbι ιo sȣƴmtα ha Our Father who art in Heaven , Thy Name be Hallowed , Thy 12 ☐ 13 ☐ 14 ☐ 15 ☐ 16 ☐ 17 ☐ 18 ☐ 19 ☐ 20 ☐ 21 ☐ 22 ☐ 23 ☐ 24 ☐ 25 ☐ 26 ☐ salba ιo velcα , ha tαlbi ιo vemgȣ , mȣ ril dadƴ me ril dad , ιo velpι Kingdome come , Thy Will be done , so in Earth as in Heaven , Give 27 ☐ 28 ☐ 29 ☐ 30 ☐ 31 ☐ 32 ☐ 33 ☐ 34 ☐ 35 ☐ 36 ☐ 37 ☐ 38 ☐ 39 ☐ 40 ☐ 41 ☐ rαl αι ril ι poto hαι sαba vatƴ , na ιo sȣeldiȣs lal aι hαι bαlgas to us on this day our bread expedient and forgive to us our trespasses 42 ☐ 43 ☐ 44 ☐ 45 ☐ 46 ☐ 47 ☐ 48 ☐ 49 ☐ 50 ☐ 51 ☐ 52 ☐ 53 ☐ 54 ☐ 55 ☐ 56 ☐ 57 ☐ 58 ☐ me αι ιa sȣeldƴȣs lal eι ȣȣ ια vαlgas rȣ αι , na mι ιo velco aι rαl as we forgive them who trespass against us , and lead us not into 59 ☐ 60 ☐ 61 ☐ 62 ☐ 63 ☐ 64 ☐ 65 ☐ 6● ☐ 67 ☐ 68 ☐ 69 ☐ 70 ☐ 71 ☐ 72 ☐ bedodlȣ nil ιo cȣαlbo aι lal vαgasιe nor αl salba , na αl tado , na temptation but deliver us from evil for the Kingdom , & the power , and 73 ☐ 74 ☐ 75 ☐ 76 ☐ 77 ☐ 78 ☐ 79 ☐ 80. ☐ αl tadalα ιo ha pιȣbƴȣ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mȣ ιo . the Glory is thine , for ever and ever . Amen . So be it . 1. ( Hαι ) This Dipthong ( αι ) is assigned to signifie the first Person plural amongst the Pronouns , viz. We. The Letter h prefixed to it , doth denote that Pronoun to be used possessively , viz. Our . 2. ( Coba ) Co doth denote the Genus of Oeconomical Relation ; the Letter ( b ) signifying the first difference under that Genus , which is Relation of Consanguinity ; the Vowel ( a ) the second Species , which is Direct ascending ; namely , Parent . 3. ( ȣȣ ) This Dipthong is appointed to signifie the second of the compound Pronouns , Who , personal ; or Which , Real . 4. ( ia ) This dipthong is appointed to signifie the present tense of the Copula ( est ) and being spoken of the second person , is to be rendered Art. ( ril ) is a Preposition , the first Opposite of the fourth combination ; and therefore must signifie ( in . ) 6. ( dad ) The Syllable ( da ) is appointed to signifie the Genus of World ; the addition of the Letter ( d ) doth denote the second difference under that Genus , which is Heaven . 7. ( ha ) The Vowel ( a ) is assigned to signifie a Pronoun of the singular number , and second person . The Letter ( h ) before it , doth denote it to be understood possessively , and to signifie ( Thy ) or ( Thine . ) 8. ( bαbi ) The Syllable ( bα ) doth denote the Genus of Transcendental General . The Letter ( b ) doth denote the first difference , and the Vowel ( ι ) the fourth Species , which is Name . 9. ( ιo ) This Dipthong is appointed to signifie that kind of Imperative Mode ( as it is commonly stiled ) which is by way of Petition ; the sense of it being , I pray that it may be . 10. ( Sȣƴmtα ( Sƴ ) is put for the Genus of Ecclesiastical Relation . The Consonant ( t ) for the fifth difference , and the Vowel ( α ) for the first species , which according to the tables , is , Consecration , or Hallowing . The Addition of the Vowel ( ȣ ) to ( S ) doth signifie the notion of Adjective ; and the addition of the Letter ( m ) at the end of the first Syllable , signifies the Passive voice , viz. Hallowed . 11. ( ha . ) as numb . 7. 12. ( Salba ) ( Sa ) is Civil Relation ; ( b ) denotes the first difference , which is degrees of persons ; and ( a ) is the second species , which , according to the tables , is King ; the addition of ( l ) to the first Syllable , doth denote a word of Action , viz. Regnation . 13. ( ιo ) as numb . 9. 14. ( Velcα ) ( Be ) is the Genus of transcendental action ; ( c ) denotes the sixth difference under that Genus , and ( α ) the first species , which signifies Coming : the turning of ( b ) into ( v ) denotes this word to be an Adjective , and the Letter ( L ) to be an Active . 15. ( ha ) as numb . 7. 16. ( ●αlbi ) ( tα ) doth denote the Genus of Natural Power , ( b ) the first difference , and ( ι ) the fourth Species ; namely , Will : the Letter ( l ) denoting a Noun of Action , viz. Volition . 17. ( ιo ) as numb . 10. 18. ( vemgȣ ) ( be ) is the Genus of Transcendental Action ; ( g ) denotes the third difference , and ( ȣ ) the sixth species ; which is , Performing , or Accomplishing : the change of ( b into v ) denoting this word to be an Adjective , and ( m ) Passive , Performed . 19. ( mȣ ) This Monosyllable with ( m ) must denote an Adverb , and the last opposite of the first Combination ; which is , So. 20 ( ril ) as numb . 5. 21. ( dadƴ ) ( da ) is the Genus of World , ( d ) is the second difference , which is Heaven ; the Vowel ƴ signifying the seventh species under that difference , which is this Earth , or the Globe of Land and Sea , whereon we inhabit . 22. ( me ) Paired with numb . 19. and therefore must signifie , As. 23. ( ril ) as numb . 5. 24. ( dad ) as numb . 6. 25. ( ιo ) The same Particle as numb . 9. But being here joyned with a word active , and relating to the second person , it must be rendered , Maist thou be . 26. ( velpi ) ( be ) is Transcendental Action ( p ) the fourth difference , and ( ι ) the fourth species , which is Giving : b changed into v , denoting adjective , and ( l ) active . 27. ( lαl ) A Preposition of the first Combination , signifying To. 28. ( αι ) A Pronoun , first person , plural number ; namely , We , or Vs. 29. ( ril ) as numb . 5. 30. ( ι ) The first of the relative Pronouns , signifying This. 31. ( poto ) po is the Genus of Measure , ( t ) the fifth difference , and ( o ) the fifth species , which is Day . 32. ( hαι ) as numb . 1. 33. ( Sαba ) Sα denotes the Genus of Oeconomical Provisions , ( b ) the first difference , and ( a ) the second species , which is Bread. 34. ( Vαtƴ ) ( bα ) is the Genus of Transcendental General , ( t ) the fifth difference , ƴ the seventh species ; the change of b into v , denotes this Word to be an Adjective , and to signifie Expedient . 35. ( Na ) A Conjunction , the second of the first Combination , viz And. 36. ( ιo ) as numb . 25. 37. ( Sȣeldƴȣs ) Se is the Genus of Judicial Relation d , the second difference , ƴȣ the ninth species , which is Forgiving : ȣ joyned to the first Consonant , signifying the notion of Adjective , and l , of Active , ( s ) the Opposite . 38. ( lαl ) as numb . 27. 39. ( αι ) as numb . 28. 40. ( hαι ) as numb . 1. 41. ( bαlgas ) ( bα ) the Genus of transcendental general , ( g ) the third difference , ( a ) the second species , ( s ) at the end , denoting the word hereby signified , to be placed in the Tables as an Opposite , and the Letter ( l ) in the first syllable , signifying the Active voice , and the prolonging of the first Vowel , exprest by the Accent over it , denoting the Plural Number . 42. ( Me ) as numb . 22. 43. ( αι ) as numb . 28. 44. ( ιa ) as numb . 4. But being here adjoyned to a word of the first Person Plural , it must be rendered , Are. 45. ( sȣeldƴȣs ) as numb . 37. 46. ( lαl ) as numb . 27. 47. ( eι ) A Pronoun , third person , plural number , They , or Them. 38. ( ȣȣ ) as numb . 3. 49. ( ια ) the preter tense of the Copula . 50. ( Vαlgas ) as numb . 41. Only that was a substantive of Action , and of the plural number , denoted by the length of the first Radical Vowel ; whereas this is an Adjective , signified by ( v. ) 51. ( ιȣ ) A Preposition being the last Opposite of the second Combination ; and therefore must signifie , Against . 52. ( αι ) as numb . 28. 53. ( na ) as numb . 35. 54. ( mi ) An Adverb , the first Opposite of the first combination , signifying No , or Not. 55. ( ιo ) as numb . 25. 56. ( Velco ) ( be ) is the Genus of Transcendental Action . ( c ) denotes the sixth difference , and ( o ) the fifth species , which is Leading ; the Letters ( v ) and ( l ) signifying : Adjective Active . 57. ( αι ) as numb . 28. 58. ( rαl ) a Preposition , the first of the fourth Combination ; and therefore must signifie , Into . 59. ( bedodlȣ ) ( be ) is transcendental action , ( d ) denotes the second difference , ( o ) the fifth species , which is Trying ; the second ( d ) doth denote this word to be joyned in the Tables as an affinis : the last syllable ( lȣ ) signifies the transcendental particle Corruptive , which in composition , must denote the worst sense of a word , and here it must signifie such temptation or trial sas ought not to be . 60. ( ril ) a Conjunction , the first opposite of the second combination , signifying , But. 61. ( io ) as numb . 25. 62. ( cȣαlbo ) ( cα ) is the Genus of Spiritual Action , ( b ) signifies the first difference , and ( o ) the fifth species , which is , Delivering ; the Letters ȣ and l signifying Adjective Active . 63. ( αι ) as numb . 28. 64. ( lal ) a Preposition , the second of the third combination ; and therefore must signifie , From. 65. ( vαgasie ) as numb . 41. Only the b is turned into v , to denote Adjective , and the ( l ) is here left out , which signifies action , and the transcendental Particle ( ie ) is here added , to denote Evil thing . 66. ( nor ) a Conjunction , the second Opposite in the third combination , signifying , For. 67. ( αl ) The demonstrative Article , viz. The. 68. ( Salba ) as numb . 12. 69. ( na ) as numb . 35. 70. ( αl ) as numb . 68. 71. ( tado ) ( ta ) is the Genus of Habit , ( d ) is the second difference , and ( o ) the fifth species , which is Power . 72. ( na ) as numb . 35. 73. ( αl ) as numb . 68. 74. ( Tadalα ) ( tad ) is the same Genus and Difference with numb . 72. the second ( a ) denoting the second species , which is Reputation or Fame ; the last syllable ( lα ) being added to the termination , doth signifie the first of the seventh combination , amongst transcendental notions , viz. Augmentative , the highest kind or degree of Reputation , which is , Glory . 75. ( ιa ) as numb . 4. But being here applied to the third person , and singular number , is to be rendered Is. 76. ( ha ) as numb . 11. 77. ( Pιȣbƴȣ ( Pι ) doth denote the Genus of Space , ( b ) the first difference , ( ƴȣ ) the ninth species , which is ( Everness , ) the adding of the Vowel ( ȣ ) to make a Dipthong with the first Vowel , signifies the word to be an Adverb , Everlastingly . 78. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the word Amen in the Literal Character . 79. ( mȣ ) as numb . 19. 80. ( ιo ) as numb . 9. The Creed . α ιa tȣalti dαb eȣ-tȣα , αl ȣι cȣαlbαiȣ lα dad na lα dadƴ , na dαd he cobas cȣopas hαι saba , ȣȣ ια cȣambab la αl Dαg , cȣambe le αl codαd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sȣemt ●ir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ια sȣemtƴȣ , cȣabƴs , na sȣƴmpƴȣ , e ια lir-velc rαl odad , e ια cȣalcα lal αl ȣι cȣabƴsιȣ , ril αl poto fobe , e ια lαr-velc ral dad , ril ȣȣ-ȣα e ιa cȣalco lil αl pigƴȣ lα dαb , lal ȣȣ-ȣα e ie velcα lo selbα αl cȣabƴiȣ na αl ȣι cȣαbƴsiȣ . α ιa tȣalti Dαg , αl sƴ-ȣe tȣata vages , αl sƴdzha lα sƴgo αl semdƴ lα bαlgas αl ȣƴι mȣs-calbƴ lα αl odab na αl ȣƴι cabƴ eȣ ƴfƴt . 1 ☐ 2 ☐ 3 ☐ 4 ☐ 5 ☐ 6 ☐ 7 ☐ 8 ☐ 9 ☐ 10 ☐ 11 ☐ α ιa tȣalti dαb eȣ-tȣα αl ȣι cȣαlbαiȣ lα dad na I am believing God the Father Almighty Maker of Heaven an● 12 ☐ 13 ☐ 14 ☐ 15 ☐ 16 ☐ 17 ☐ 18 ☐ 19 ☐ 20 ☐ 21 ☐ 22 ☐ lα dadƴ na dαd he cobas cȣopas hαι saba ȣȣ ια of Earth , and in Jesus Christ his Son only our Lord , who was 23 ☐ 24 ☐ 25 ☐ 26 ☐ 27 ☐ 28 ☐ 29 ☐ 30 ☐ 31 ☐ 32 ☐ cȣambab la αl Dαg cȣambe le αl codαd sȣemt conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered 33 ☐ 34 ☐ 35 ☐ 36 ☐ 37 ☐ 38 ☐ 39 ☐ 40 ☐ 41 ☐ 42 ☐ rir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ια sȣemtƴȣ cȣabƴ na sȣƴmpƴȣ e ια lir-velc under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried , he descended 43 ☐ 44 ☐ 45 ☐ 46 ☐ 47 ☐ 48 ☐ 49 ☐ 50 ☐ 51 ☐ 52 ☐ 53 ☐ 54 ☐ 55 ☐ 56 ☐ 57 ☐ rαl odad e ια cȣalcα lal αl ȣι cȣabƴsiȣ ril αl poto fobe , e ια into hell , he did rise from the dead in the day third , He was 58 ☐ 59 ☐ 60 ☐ 61 ☐ 62 ☐ 63 ☐ 64 ☐ 65 ☐ 66 ☐ 67 ☐ 68 ☐ 69 ☐ 70 ☐ lαr-velc ral dad ril ȣȣ-ȣα e ιa cȣalco lil αl pigƴȣ lα Dab ascending into heaven , in which place he is sitting at the right hand of God the Father 71 ☐ 72 ☐ 73 ☐ 74 ☐ 75 ☐ 76 ☐ 77 ☐ 78 ☐ 79 ☐ 80 ☐ 81 ☐ 82 ☐ 83 ☐ 84 ☐ 85 ☐ 86 ☐ lal ȣȣ-ȣα e ie velcα lo selbα αl cȣabƴιȣ na αl ȣι cȣabƴsiȣα ιa from whence he shall come to judge the Quick and the dead . I am 87 ☐ 88 ☐ 89 ☐ 90 ☐ 91 ☐ 92 ☐ 93 ☐ 94 ☐ tȣalti Dαg αl sƴ-ȣe tȣata vages αl sƴdzha lα believing in the Holy Ghost , the Church holy Catholick , the Communion of 95 ☐ 96 ☐ 97 ☐ 98 ☐ 99 ☐ 100 ☐ 101 ☐ 102 ☐ 103 ☐ 104 ☐ 105 ☐ 106 ☐ 107 ☐ sƴgo αl semdƳ lα bαlgas al ȣƴι mȣs-calbƴ lα αl odab na αl Saints , the forgiveness of sins , the resurrection of the body , and the 108 109 110 ȣƴι cabƴ cȣ-ƴfƴt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 life everlasting . 1. ( α ) a Pronoun of the first person , and singular number , I. 2. ( ιa . ) The copula , est , in the present tense , which being used with the first person , doth signifie Am. 3. ( tȣalti ) ( ta ) denotes the Genus of Habit t the fifth difference , i , the fourth species , which is Faith ; the adding of ȣ to t , denotes the word to be an adjective , and the Letter l signifies the active voice , Believing . 4. ( Dαb ) The Monosyllable Dα is appointed to signifie God , or the divine nature ; the addition of the Consonant b , will denote the first person in the Blessed Trinity . 5. ( eȣ-tȣα ) A Compound of a Particle , and an Integral , the Particle being a dipthong , appointed to signifie All. The Syllable tα , denoting the Genus of Power ; the addition of ȣ , makes it to be an adjective , viz. potent , or powerful . 6. ( αl ) the demonstrative Article , The. ( ȣι ) the sign of the preter tense . 8. ( cȣαlbαiȣ ) ( cα ) is the Genus of spiritual action ( b ) denotes the first difference , and α the first species , which is Creation ; the addition of ȣ to c , signifies adjective , and the Letter ( l ) active ; the last dipthong ( ιȣ ) denotes the transcendental composition of Person . So that this word with the two preceding Particles , does import , the having Created Person . 9. ( lα ) the first Preposition , signifying Of. 10. ( dad ) ( da ) the Genus of World , and ( d ) the second difference , which is Heaven . 11. ( na ) the second Conjunction of the first Combination , signifying And. 12. ( lα ) as numb . 9. 13. ( dadƴ ) The same Genus and difference , as numb . 10. The Vowel Ƴ signifying the seventh species , which is , This Earth . 14. ( na ) as numb . 11. 15. ( dαd ) the second person of the Blessed Trinity . 16. ( he ) the Vowel e signifies a Pronoun of the third person , and singular number , the Letter h prefixt , shews it to be used possessively , for His. 17. ( cobas ) the syllable ( co ) is assigned to the Genus of Oeconomical Relation , the Letter ( b ) to the first difference , and the Vowel ( a ) for the second species , the Letter ( s ) denoting the word hereby signified , to be an Opposite , viz. Son. 18. ( cȣopas ) the same Genus as the former ( p ) signifying the fourth difference , and ( a ) the second species , and the Letter ( ȣ ) an Opposite ▪ viz. Alone , or Only . 19. ( hαι ) A Pronoun , first person possessive , plural number . 20. ( Saba ) ( Sa ) the Genus of Civil Relation , ( b ) the first difference , viz. Degrees of persons , ( a ) the second species , which is Sovereign , or Lord , to whom we owe Obedience , or subjection . 21. ( ȣȣ ) the second of the compound Pronouns , signifying Who , or Which . 22. ( ια ) The Copula Est , in the preter tense . 23. ( cȣambab ) ( ca ) is the Genus of corporeal action , ( b ) the first difference , and ( a ) the second species ; the adding of the second Radical Consonant ( b , ) denotes this word to be adjoyned in the tables , by way of affinity , and consequently to signifie Conception , ( ȣ ) signifying Adjective , and ( m ) Passive . 24. ( la ) the second Preposition in the first Combination , ( By ) 25. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 26. ( Dαg ) the third Person in the Blessed Trinity . 27. ( cȣambe ) the same Genus and Difference with numb . 23. ( e ) signifying the third species , which is Parturition ( ȣ ) denoting Adjective , and ( m ) Passive . 28. ( le ) the third Preposition in the first Combination , relating to the Material Cause , Of. 29. ( αl ) as numb . 6. The 30 , ( codαd ) the syllable ( co ) as was said before , is assigned to Oeconomical Relation , ( d ) is the second difference , and ( α ) is the first species ; the repeating of the second Radical Consonant at the end , makes this word to denote something adjoyned by way of Affinity , viz. Virgin. 31. ( ) the name Mari in the literal Character . 32. ( sȣemt ) the syllable ( se ) is for Judicial Relation , the Letter ( t ) is the fifth difference , viz. Capital punishment , ( ȣ ) is Adjective , and ( m ) Passive , 33. ( rir ) A Preposition , the first opposite of the sixth Combination , viz. Vnder. 34. ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the name Pontius Pilate , in the Literal Character . 35. ( ια ) as numb . 22. 36. ( sȣemtƴȣ ) the same Genus and Difference as numb . 32. the last Dipthong ( ƴȣ ) denoting the ninth difference , which is Crucifying , the first ( ȣ ) being the mark for Adjective , and the Letter ( m ) for Passive . 37. ( cȣabƴs ) the same as to genus and difference , with numb . 23 , & 27. the Vowel ( ƴ ) signifying the seventh species , the Letter ( s ) an opposite , and the vowel ( ȣ ) adjective . 38. ( Na ) as numb . 11. 39. ( sȣƴmpƴȣ ) The syllable ( sƴ ) is Ecclesiastical Relation , ( p ) the fourth difference , and ( ƴȣ ) the ninth species , which is Burial ; the first ( ȣ ) being the sign of adjective , and ( m ) of passive . 40. ( e ) Pronoun of the third person , singular number , viz. He. 41. ( ια ) as numb . 22. 42. ( lir-velc ) This word is a Compound , the first syllable ( lir ) is a Preposition , the first opposite of the fifth Combination , signifying downwards ; ( be ) is the Genus of transcendental action , the Letter ( c ) the sixth difference , which is Ition , ( ȣ ) the adjective , and ( l ) the active , Down-going , or Descending . 43. ( rαl ) a Preposition , the first of the fourth Combination , signifying Into . 44. ( odad ) ( da ) is the Genus of World , ( d ) is the second difference , which is Heaven , the vowel ( o ) which is opposite to ( a ) being prefixt , denotes this to be the word opposite to Heaven , viz. Hell. 45. ( e ) as numb . 40. He. 46. ( ια ) as numb . 22. 47. ( cȣalcα ) ( ca ) is Corporeal Action , ( c ) is the sixth difference , and ( α ) the first species , viz. Rise , ( ȣ ) the adjective , and ( l ) the active . 48. ( lal ) a Preposition , the second of the third Combination , From. 49. ( αl ) as numb . 6. The. 50. ( ȣι ) as numb . 7. 51. ( cȣabƴsιȣ ) The same radical word with numb . 41. the Dipthong ( ιȣ ) being a transcendental composition , denoting Person . 52. ( ril ) a Preposition , the first opposite of the fourth Combination , signifying In. 53. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 54. ( Poto ) the syllable ( po ) doth stand for the Genus of Measure , ( t ) the fifth Difference , and ( o ) the fifth Species , which is Day . 55. ( fobe ) The same Genus as the former , ( b ) the first Difference , relating to Number , ( e ) the third Species , the turning p into f , signifying adjective , viz. Third . 56. ( e ) as numb . 40. 57. ( ια ) as numb . 22. 58. ( lαr-velc ) a Compound as numb . 42. Only the Preposition here , being the first of the fifth Combination , must signifie Vpwards ; and the word Ascending . 59. ( rαl ) as numb . 43. 60. ( dad ) as numb . 10. 61. ( ril ) as numb . 52. 62. ( ȣȣ-ȣα ) A Compound of the Pronoun Which , and the transcendental Mark of Place . 63. ( e ) as numb 40. 64. ( ιa ) as numb . 2. But being here spoken of a third Person in the singular number , must be rendered ( is . ) 65. ( cȣalco ) The same Genus and Difference as numb . 47. ( o ) being the fifth Difference , which is Sitting , ( ȣ ) adjective , and ( l ) active . 66. ( lil ) a Preposition , the first Opposite in the third combination , signifying At. 67. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 68. ( pigyȣ ) ( pi ) is the Genus of Space , ( g ) the third Difference , and ( ƴȣ ) the ninth species , which is Right hand . 69. ( lα ) as numb . 9. 70. ( Dαb ) as numb . 4. 71. ( lal ) a Preposition , the second of the third Combination , signifying From , 72. ( ȣȣ-ȣα ) as numb . 70. 73. ( e ) as numb . 45. 74. ( ie ) the Copula in the future tense , Shall be . 75. ( velcα ) be is the Genus of transcendental Action , c the sixth difference , and α the first species , which is Come , the turning of b into v , denoting adjective , and l Active . 76. ( lo ) a Preposition , the second opposite of the first Combination , viz. For. 77. ( Selbα ) ( Se ) is Judicial relation b the first difference , and α the first species , which is Iudge ; the Letter l signifies a Noun of action , viz. Iudging , or Iudication . 78. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 79. ( cȣabƴιȣ ) ca is the Genus of corporeal action , b the first difference , and ƴ the seventh species , which is Life , the vowel ȣ signifying adjective , viz. Living , ιȣ being the transcendental composition for Person . 80. ( na ) as numb . 11. 81. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 82. ( ȣι ) as numb . 7. 83. ( cȣabƴsiȣ ) as numb . 51. 84. ( α ) as numb . 1. 85. ( ιa ) as numb . 2. 86. ( tȣalti ) as numb . 3. 87. ( Dαg ) as numb . 27. 88. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 89. ( sƴ-ȣe ) the syllable sƴ is put for the Genus of Ecclesiastical Relation , the Dipthong ( ȣe ) being the transcendental for Aggregate . 90. ( tȣata ) Ta is the Genus of Habit , t the fifth difference , and a the second species , which is Holiness ; the addition of ( ȣ ) to the first Radical , doth signifie the word to be an adjective , viz. Holy. 91. ( vages ) ( ba ) is the Genus of Transcendental Relation mixed , g the third difference , and e the third species , ( s ) the note of opposite , ȣ the sign of adjective , viz. Vniversal . 92. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 93. ( Sƴdzha ) Sƴ the Genus of Ecclesiastical Relation , g the third difference , a the second species , which is Communicant , or Catholic ; the turning of g into the same power that we give to J consonant , signifies this word to be an Abstract , viz. Communion . 94. ( lα ) as numb . 9. 95. ( Sƴgo ) Sƴ is Ecclesiastical Relation , g the third difference , o the fifth species , which is Saint , the prolonging of the first Vowel denotes the plural number . 96. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 97. ( semdƴ ) Se is the Genus of Iudicial Relation , d the second difference , and ƴ the seventh species , which is Remission , or Forgiveness , m denotes the passive voice . 98. ( lα ) as numb . 9. 99. ( bαlgas ) bα is transcendental general , g the third difference , a the second species , s denotes an opposite , l a Noun of action , and the prolonging of the first Radical Vowel , the plural number . 100. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 101. ( ȣƴι ) the Future Tense . 102. ( mȣs-calbƴ ) a compound , the Particle mȣs signifying re , or again , ( cabƴ ) being before rendered Life , l denoting Active . 103. ( lα ) as numb . 9. 104. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 105. ( odab ) Da is the World , dab is Spirit , to which is opposed Body , signified by prefixing the Vowel o , which is opposite to a. 106. ( ●a ) as numb . 11. 107. ( αl ) as numb . 6. 108. ( ȣyι ) as numb . 101. 109. ( cabƴ ) the same Radical as numb . 37 , and 102. Only this is not an Opposite , nor an Adjective . 110. ( eȣ-ƴfƴt ) ( eȣ ) is all , as numb . 5. ( pƴ ) is the Genus of Measure , ( t ) the fifth difference , which is measure of time , the affinis to which , ( here denoted , by preposing the Radical Vowel ƴ ) is Duration , p being turned into f , signifies Adjective , i e. All-during , or Everlasting . I am sensible that this Contrivance for the Language is not ordered ( as to the facility and pleasantness of the sound ) to so good an advantage as it might have been upon further consideration and practise : But as it is , I think it may ( even in these respects ) come into comparison with any of the Languages now known . For the better trial of which , I shall give several Instances of the Lords Prayer , as it is rendred in fifty several Languages , and written in our common Letter ; most of which , I have taken out of Gesner , Mithridates , and Megiserus his Specimen , as they have collected and lettered them to my hands . For the rest , I am beholding to other Books , and the assistance of some particular Friends . English 1. Our father who art in heaven Hallowed be thy Name   Hebrew 2. Abinu Shebbaschamaim Iikkadesch schemecha   Arabic 3. Yâ Abânalladi phissamawati . Yatakaddasu smoca   Syriac 4. Abun dbashmajo Nethkadesh shmoch   Aethiop 5. Abúna xabashamâjath Yithkádash shimácha   Greek 6. Páter hemôn ho en tois our anoîs Hagiasthéto tò onoma sou   Copti 7. Peniot etchennipheoui Mareftoubonje pecran   Latin 8. Pater noster qui es in coelis Sanctificetur nomen tuum   Spanish 9. Padre nuestro que estas en loscielos Sanctificato sea el tu nombre   Porteguese 10. Padre nosso que stas nos ceos Sanctificado seja o teu nome   French 11. Nostre pere qui es és cieulx Ton nom soit sanctifie   Italian 12. Padre nostro che sei ne ' cieli Sia sanctificato il nome tuo   Friulian 13. Pari nestri ch'ees in cijl See santificaat la to nom   Sardinian of the City 14. Pare nostre che ses en loscels Sia sanctificat lo nom teu   Sardinian of the Countrey 15. Babu nostru sughale ses in soschelus Santufiada su nomine tuo   Grysons 16. Bab nos quel tii ist in eschil Santifichio saia ilgtes num   Germ. ancient 17. Pater unser du in himel bist Din namo werde geheyligot   Germ. modern 18. Unser Uatter der du bist im Himmel Geheyliget werde dein nahm   Old Saxon 19. Uren fader thic arth in heofnas Sic gehalgud thin noma   Dutch 20. Onse vader die in den hemelin ( zijt Uwen naem werde geheylight   Danish 21. Pader vor du som est i himmelen Helligt vorde dit naff● Megiserus Island 22. Bader vor sun e rt ai himmum helgikt bitt nam ti M. Lappian 23. Isa meidhen joko oledh taju ahissa Puliettu olkohon siun nimes● M. Suedish 24. Fadher war som est i himlom helghat warde titt nampn M. Gothic 25. Atta unsar thu in Himmina Wihnai namo thein M. Carnish 26. Ozha nash kir si v'nebesih Posvezhénu bodi iime tvoie M. Dalmatian 27. Otsce nas koyi yessina nebissih Szvetisse gyme tvoye   Hungarian 28. Miattynackki vagy azmenyegbe Megh stentel tessek az te newed . M. Croatian 29. Ozhe nash ishe esina nebesih Svetise jme tuoe M. Servian 30. Otze nash ishe jesi v ' nebesih Posvetise jme twoje M. Walachian 31. Tatal nostru cineresti in ceriu Sfincinschase numelie teu M. Bohemian 32. O●ozie nass genz syna nebesich Oszwiet se meno twe Gesnerus Lusatian 33. Wosch nasch Kensch sy nanebebu Wss weschone bushy me twove M. Polonian 34. Ocziecz nasch ktory jestosz wniebye Swyecz sie gymye twa G. Lituanian 35. Tewe musu kursey esi danguy Szweskis wardas tawo   Livonian 36. Abes mus kas tu es eek sckan debbessis Schwetitz tows waarcz M. Russian 37. Oche nash Izghae yease nanaebaesaegh Da sueatesa Ima tuoae   Tartarian 38. Atcha wyzom hhy hokta sen algusch Ludor senug adongkel suom M. Turkish 39. Babamoz hanghe gugtesson Chuduss olssum ssenungh adun M. Armenian 40. Hair mer or iercins des Surb eglizzi anun cho M. Persian 41. Ai pader makeh dar osmân Pàk bashoud nâm tou   Chinish 42. Ngò tèm fu● chè tsay thiaen Ng● tèm yuèn ùl niûn chîm xím   Welsh 43. Ein Tad yr hwn wyt yn y nefoedd Sancteiddier dy enw   Irish 44. Air nathir ataigh air nin Nabz far hanimti Megiserus Biscan 45. Gure aita cerue tan aicena Sanctifica bedi hire icena   Frisian 46. Ws haita derstu biste yne hymil Dyn name wird heiligt M. Madagascar 47. Amproy antsica izau hanautangh and anghitsi Angharanau hofissahots   Poconchi 48. Catat taxah vilcat Avi nim ta incaharcihi   New England 49. Nooshun kesukquot Quittiana ta munach koowesuonk   Philos. Language 51. Hαι coba ȣȣ ιa ril dad Ha bαbι ιo sȣymtα   52. Ƴȣr fádher hȣitsh art in héven : Hαlloed bι dhƴι nαm     English 1. Thy Kingdome come Thy Will be done   Hebrew 2. Tabo malcutecha Teasaeh rezonecha   Arabic 3. Tâti malacûtoca Tacûno mashiátoca   Syriac 4. Thithe malcuthoch Nehue zebionoch   Aethiop 5. Thymtsa mangystcha Yichún phachâdacha   Greek 6. Elthéto he Basíleia sou Genethéto t● thelemá sou   Copti 7. Maresinje tecme touro Netehnacmarefshopi   Latin 8. Adveniat regnum tuum Fiat Voluntas tua   Spanish 9. Venga el tu reyno Fagase tu voluntad   Porteguese 10. Venna à nos ò teu reyno Seja ferta à tua voluntade   French 11. Ton royaume advenie Ta volunte soit facte   Italian 12. Venga il regno tuo Si a fatta la voluntà tua   Friulian 13. Vigna lu to ream See fatta la too voluntaat   Sardinian of the City 14. Venga lo regne teu Fasase la voluntat tua   Sardinian of the Countrey 15. Bengiad su rennu tuo Faciadsi sa voluntade tua   Grysons 16. Ilgtes ariginam uigna ter nus ●a thia uoeglia d' uainta   Germ. ancient 17. Din riche chome Din wi llo gescehe   Germ. modern 18. Dein Reich komme Dein Will geschehe   Old Saxon 19. To cymeth thin rye Sic thin Willa sue   Dutch 20. Uw Coninckrijcke icome Uwen Wille geschicde Megiserus . Danish 21. Til komme dit Rige Borde din Bilie M. Island 22. Komi tit ricke Uerdi tinn vile M. Lappian 23. Tulkohon siun waltakunta . Si oskohon siun tahiosi M. Suedish 24. Till komme titt rike Stee tin Wilie M. Gothic 25. Uimai thiudinassus theins Werthe Wilga theins M. Carnish 26. Pridi k ' nam kraylestvu tvoie S' idise volia tvoia   Dalmatian 27. Pridi kralyess tvo tvoze ●udi volya tvoya M. Hungarian 28. Iujonel az te orssagod Legyen te akarat●d   Croatian 29. Pridi cesa rastvo tvuoe Budi volia tvoja M. Servian 30. Pridi Krailestvo tuoie Budi volia tuoia M. Walachian 31. Seuie imparacia ta Suse fie voia ta Gesnerus . ●ohemian 32. Przid kralowstwii twe Bud wule twa M. Lusatian 33. Poshish knam krailestwo twoio Sostany woli twoia G. Polonian 34. Przydzy twa kroliestwo Bandz wolya twa   Lituanian 35. Ateyk karaliste tawo ●uk wala tawo M. Livonian 36. Enack mums tows walstibe Tows praatz buska   Russian 37. Da predet Tzaazstuia tuoae Da boodet Volya tuoya M. Tartarian 38. Chanluchong bel sun senung arkchueg Alei gier dauk M. Turkish 39. Gelson ssenung memlechetun Olsum sshénung issted gunh M. Armenian 40. Eceszzae archaiuthai cho Eglizzin camch cho   Persian 41. Bayaïd padshah tou Shoud howást tou   Chinish 42. ùl gúë lîn úl chì chîm hîm   Welsh 43. D●ued dy deyrnas Bid dy evvyllys   Irish 44. Tigiuh da riatiathe Deanturda hoilamhuoil M. ●iscan 45. Et hor bedi hire rehuma E guin bedi hire vorondatea   Frisian 46. Dyn ryck to komme Dyn Wille moet schoen   Madagascar 47. Uahoijachanau honui aminay Fiteiannau hocfaizangh M. Poconchi 48. Avihauri inchalita pan cana Nava invanivita   New England 49. peyaumooutch kukketassootamoonk Kuttenantamoonk   Philos. Language 50. Ha salba ιo velcα Ha tαlbi ιo vemgȣ   51. Dhƴι cingdƴm cƴm . Dhƴi ȣil bi dƴn English 1. In earth as it is in Heaven Give us this day our daily bread   Hebrew 2. Ci basschamaim u baarez Lachmenu temidi ten lanu bajóm   Arabic 3. Camâ phissamâï wa ala'l ardi Chúbzana ' iladi lil gadi ahtinaol yaum   Syriac 4. Aikano dbashmajo hocano oph barao Havlan lachmo dsunkonan jaumomo   Aethiop 5. Bachama bashamaï wabamdyrni Shishâjana zalalà ylathanà habanà yom   Greek 6. Hôs en ourano kai epi tes ges Tòn árton ●emôn ton epiousion dôs hemin semero ●   Copti 7. Phredichentphenemhi jenpicahi Penoiki terasti meisnanphoou   Latin 8. Sicut in coelo sic etiam in terra P●nem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie   Spanish 9. Assy en el cielo , como en la tierra Nuestro pan cotidiano dad le a nosotros oy   Porteguese 10. Assi nos ceos , come na terra O pao no sso de cadadia dano lo oie nesto dia   French 11. Ainsi en la terre , comme au cieulx Nostre pain quotidiain donne nous aviourdhuy   Italian 12. Si come in cielo cosi in terra Dacci heggi●l nostre pane quotidiano   Friulian 13. Sice ' in cijl et in tierra Da nus hu'el nestri pa● cotidian   Sardinian of the City 14. Axicom en lo cel i en la terra Lo pa nostre cotidia dona anosaltres hui   Sardinian of the Countrey . 15. Comenti in chelo et in sa terra Su pane nostru dogniedie dona anosateros hoc   Grysons 16. In terra sco la fo in cschil Do a nus nos paun houtz & in miinchia di   German ancient 17. In erde also in Himele Unser cagolicha brot cib uns hinto   Germ. modern 18. Auf erden , wic im Himmel Unser taglich brot gib uns heut   Old Saxon 19. Is in heofnas and in eortho Uren hlaf ofer wirtlic sel us to daeg   Dutch 20. Gelijck in den hemel oockop der actden On s daghelijcks broot gheeft on s heden   Danish 21. Saa paa jorden som hander i himmelen Giff oz i dag vort daglige Brod   Isleland 22. Suoms ai himme so aipodn Burt vort daglgt geb tu oz i dag Megiserus Lappian 23. Kwuin-tai vahissa nyn man ' palla Meidhen joka paiwen leipa mehilen tana paiwane M. Suedish 24. Sa lom i himmelen saock pa jordenne Wart dagligha brod giff oss idagh M. Gothic 25. Sue in himmina gah ana arte Ll laef vnsatana thana senteinam gif unss himmadaga M. Carnish 26. Kakor nanebi taku nasemlij Kruh na●h usak dainii dai nam dones M. Dalmatian 27. Kako na nebu tako i na zemlyi Kruh nas ssvagdanyni day nam danass M. Hungarian 28. Mi keben menyben azon kepen it ezse old ounis . Mi kenyerunk & mindèn napyat adgyad neke unk mà M. Croatian 29. Jako na niebesih j tako nasemlij Hlib nash usag danni dai nam danas M. Servian 30. Kako vnebi i takos nafemlij H●ib nash usak danii dai nam danas M. Walachian 31. Cum in cerin usa prepo mortu Puine noa de tote zilelle dene noba astazi M. Bohemian 32. Yakona nebi tak y na zemi Chleb nasz wezdeyssi dey nam dnes Gesnerus Lusatian 33. Takhak nanebu tak heu nasemu Klib nasch schidni d●ynam shensa M. Polonian 34. Yako wniebi y na zemii Chlieb nasch pow schedny day nam dzy say G. Lituanian 35. Kayp and dangaus teyp ir andziam es Donos musu wisu dienu dok mumus szedien M. Livonian 36. Kasch kan debbes ta wursan summes Musse denische mayse duth mums schodeen   Russian 37. Yaco na nebesoe Jnazemlee Ghlaeb nash nasou schneei dazgd nam dnaes M. Tartarian 38. Achtaver visungundaluch Ot mak chu musen vougon M. Turkish 39. Nicse gugthe ule gyrde Echame gumozi hergun on vere bize bugun M. Armenian 40. Orpes jercins en jercri Zhazt mer hanapazord rue mez aisaur   Persian 41. hamzienánkeh dar osmân niz dar zamin Bedih marah amrouz nân kefaf rouz mara   Chinish 42. Yu ty su sim thyaen Ngò teng uwàng uul kyu jûn ngò ngò zié jong leârg   Welsh 43. Ar y ddaiar , megis y mae yn y nefoedd Dyro i ni heddyw cin bara bennyddiol Megiserus Irish 44. Air nimh agis air thalamhi Air naran ●aidhthuil tabha●r dhuin a niomh   Biscan 45. Cervan be cala lurrean e●e Gure eguneco oguia igue egun M. Frisian 46. Opt yrtrick as yne hymil Ws deilix bre jovws juved   Madagascar 47. An tanetona and anghits● Mahon mehohanau anrou anion abinaihane antsica   Poconchi 48. Yah uir vach a cal he invan taxah Chaye runa tahunun ta quih vije   New England 49. Nen nach ohkeit neane kesukqut Nummectiuongash asekesukokish assam●●jnean yeuyeu kesukod   Philos. Language 50. Mȣ ril dady me ril dad Io velpi rαl αι ril poto i hαι sαba vaty   51. In erth az it is in héven Giv ƴs dhis daι ƴȣr daιlι bred     English 1. And forgive us our trespasses As we forgive them that trespass against us   Hebrew 2. Uslach lanu eth cobothénu Caascher anachnu solechim lebaale chobothenu   Arabic 3. Waghphir lanâ mâ aleina Camâ nághphiro náhno limàn lanâ alcihi   Syriac 4. Vashbuk lan chaubain Aikano doph chanan shbakan Ichaibeian   Aethiop 5. Hydyg lanà abashana Chamà nyhhnani nyhadyg laxà abashà lanà   Greek 6. Kai aphes hemin tà ophilemata hemôn Hos kai hemîs aphiemen tois ophiletais hemón   Copti 7. Ouohchanieteron nanebolmphretitio Tenchoebol neete   Latin 8. Et remitte nobis debita nostra Sicut & nos remittimus debitoribus nostris   Spanish 9. Y perdona nos nuestras deudas Assi como nosotros perdonamos à nuestros deudores   Porteguese 10. E perdoa nos sennoras nossas dividas Assi como nos perdoamos aos nossos dividores   French 11. Et pardonne nous noz faultes Comme nous pardonnons a ceulx qui nous ont offenzes   Italian 12. Et perdonaci i nostri debiti Si com● noi perdoniamo à debitori nostri   Friulian 13. Et perdonni nus glu nestris debiz Sicu noo perduin agl nestris debitoors   Sardinian of the City . 14. I dexia anosaltres losdeutres nostres Axicom i nosaltres dexiam al 's deutois nostres   Sardinian of the Countrey . 15. Et lassa anosateros is debitus nostrus Comente e nosateros a isdebitores nostrus   Grysons 16. Parduna à nus nos dbits Sco aus fain à dbitaduors   German ancient 17. Unde unsere sculde belas uns Al 's auch wer belasendt unseren sculdigen   Germ. modern 18. Und vergib uns unsre schuld Al 's wir auch vergeben unsern sculdigern   Old Saxon 19. And forget us scylda urna Sue we forgefen scyldgum urum   Dutch 20. Ende vergheeft on s onse schulden Gelijck vock wy vergheven onsen schuldenaren Megiserus . Danish 21. De forlad oz vor skyld S●m wi forlade vore shyldener M. Isleland 22. Og bergeb oz skulden vorn Suofem vi bergebunsku Idun vorn M. Lappian 23. ja anna anteixe meiden syndia Kwin moe annamma vastahan rickoillen M. Suedish 24. Och forlat oss wara skuld Sasom ock wy forlate them oz sky●d●gh aro M. Gothic ●4 . Gah aflet unsthatei sculanssigaima Sua sue gah weiz afletam thaim skulam vnsarem M. Carnish 26. inu odpusti nam dulge nashe Kakor tud●mi odpustimo dulshnikom nashim   Dalmatian 27. Jod pussti naam duge nase Kako i my odpuschyamo duxnikom nassim M Hungarian 28. Es bochasdmegh neck eunkaz mi vetkeynketmi Kepen meg bochatunk ellen wnck vetetteknek M. Croatian 29. Jodpusti nam dlgi nashe Jaco she imi odpushzhamo dlshnikom nashim M. Servian 30. Jodpusti nam duge nashe Kako imi otpushzhamo dushnikom nashim Gesnerus . Walachian 31. Sunc jerta gresalelle nostre Cum sunoi jerta ma gresitilor nostri M. Bohemian 32. Y odpust nam nasse winy Yako y my odpaustime nassim winikom G. Lusatian 33. Awoday nam wyni nashe Ack my wodawamij winikam nashim   polonian 34. A odpus●z nam uyny nascha Yako y my odpusczamy winowaytzom naschym M. Lituanian 35. Ir atlayisk mums musu kaltes Kayp ir mes atlaydziam sawiemus kaltiemus   Livonian 36. Pamniate mums musse grake ka mess pammart musse partadveken M. Russian 37. Jo staue nam dolghij nasha Yaco Imwee Ostauelayem dolzgnecom nashim M. Tartarian 38. Kai visum ja sachen Alen bisdacha kaielbe rin bisum jasoch namasin   Turkish 39. Hem bassa bize borsligomozi Nycse bizde baslaruz borse tigleremozi M. Armenian 40. Eu thogl mez zpaartis mer Orpas eu mech thoglumch merozt partpanazt   Persian 41. Wodar kedsar mara konáhan ma Chenankeh ma niz mikedsarim ormân mara   Chinish 42. uul myaen ong-o tsi ay Ziu ngò ijé ssa t●û ' ngò tso ay tsié   Welsh 43. A maddeu i ni ein dyledion Fel y maddewn ni in dyled ▪ wyr M. Irish 44. Agis math duin dairfhiacha ammnil Agis mathum vid dar feuthunuim   Biscan 45. E●a quitta jetrague gure corrac Nola guere gure cordun●y quittatzen baitra vegu M. Frisian 46. In veriov ws vvs schylden As wy vejac ws Schyldnirs   Madagascar 47. amanhanau manghafaca hanay ota antsica Tonazahai manghafaca hota aurcomanonanay   Poconchi 48. Nachach ta camac he incachachve quimac Xim acquivi chi quih   New England 49. Kah ahquontamaijnneau numat cheseongash Neane matchenehu queagig nuta quontamounnonog   Philos. Language 51. na ιo sȣeldyȣs lαl αι hαι bαlgas me 〈◊〉 sȣeldyȣs lαl eι ȣȣ vαlgas rȣ αι   52. and fαrgiv ƴs ƴȣr trespassez az ȣι fαrgìv dhem dhat trespass against ƴs . English 1. And lead us not into temptation , But deliver us from evil , Amen .   Hebrew 2. Veal tebienu lenissajon , Ella Hazzilénu mera , Amen .   Arabic 3. Walâ túdkilná hagiârib , Lakín nagjinnâ minnash shirriri .   Syriac 4. Ulotalaan Inesiuno Elo pazzan men visho . Amin.   Aethiop 5. Waïthabyana wysh tha manshúthi , Alâ adychnana balhhánana ymkûl● ychûï ,   Greek 6. Kai me isenenkes hemas is pirasmon , Alla rhysai hemas apo tou ponerou , Amen .   Copti 7. Ouo omper tenechou epirasmos , Alla nah menebolch enpipethmou .   Latin 8. Et ne nos inducas in tentationem , S●d libera nos à malo , Amen .   Spanish 9. Y no nos dexes caër en la tentation , Nas libra nos de mal , Amen .   Porteguese 10. E nao nos dexes cahir in tentacao , Mas libra nos do mal . Amen .   French 11. Et ne nous induy point en tentation , Mais deliure nous de mal , Amen .   Italian 12. Et non c ' indurre in tentatione , Ma liberaci dal male . Amen .   Friulian 13. E no nus menaa in tentation , Mà libora nus dal mal .   Sardinian of the City . 14. I no nos iuduescas en la tentatio , Mas liura nos del mal .   Sardinian of the Countrey . 15. E no nos portis in sa tentatione . Impero libera nos da su male .   Grysons 16. Nun ens mener in mel aprouaimaint , Dimpersemaing spendra nus da tuots mels   German ancient 17. And in chorunga uit leitest du unsich Un belose unsich fone ubelc   Germ. modern 18. Und fuhreuns nicht in versuchung Sondern erlose uns vom bosen   Old Saxon 19. And no inlead usith in custnung Ah gefrig urich from isle   Dutch 20. Ende en leydtons niet i verweekinghe . Maer verloft ons van den bosen .   Danish 21. Oc leed oz icke vdi fristelse Men frels oz fra out . Megiserus . Isleland 22. Ant leidt oz e ki breizlni Helldur brelsa oz ver illu M. Lappian 23. Ia ale sata mei ta kin sauxen Mutta paasta meite pahasta M. Suedish 24. Och inleedh oss ickei frestelse Uchan frels oss ifram ondo M. Gothic 25. Gah ni brigges vns in fraestub Ak lauzii uns af thamma oblin . M. Carnish 26. Inu neupelai nas v ' iskushno Tamazh reshi nass od slega M. Dalmatian 27. Ine naass uvediu-napasst Da osslobodi naas od assla .   Hungarian 28. Es ne vigy mynket az kesertet Ben de szabaditz megh minket azgonosztul M. Croatian 29. Ine isbavi nas od nepriasni     Servian 30. Ine vauedi nas v ' napast Dais bavi nas od sla M. Walachian 31. Sunu ne duce prenoi in Kale deispirra Sune men tu jaste preroi de reu . M. Bohemian 32. Y ne uwod nasz do pokussenii Ale zbaw nas od zleho . Gesnerus . Lusatian 33. Neweshi nass dospi towana A le wimoshi nas wot slego , Amen . M. Polonian 34. Nyewodz nasz napokus chenye Alye zbaw nasz od zlego . G. Lituanian 35. Ir newesk musu ing pagúndynima Bet giaf bekmus nog pikto , Amen .   Livonian 36. Ne wedde mums louna badeckle Pet passatza mums nuwusse loune M. Russian 37. Ineuedi nas fpapast No Jzbaue nas ot loocauaho , Ameen .   Tartarian 38. Datcha koima visn sunan acha Illa garta visenn gemandam . M. Turkish 39. Hem yedma bizege heneme De churtule bizy jaramazdan . M. Armenian 40. Eu mi tanir zmezi phorxuthai Ail pharceai zmez i zarae . M. Persian 41. Wodar azmaish minadâr mara Leikan halats kon mara az sharir , Amin.   Chinish 42. Yeéu ' pu ngo chiù chi éu iu ' ìeáū caan Nây kyeéa ngo yu ' chiu ' o.   Welsh 43. Ac nac arwain ni i brofedigaeth Eithr gwared ni rhag drwg , Amen·   Irish 44. Agis na trilaic astoch sin anau seu Ac sar sino ole , Amen . M. Biscan 45. Eta ezgai zala sar eraci tentationetan Baina delivra gaitzac gaich totic .   Frisian 46. In lied ws nact in versicking Din fry ws vin it quaed . M : Madagascar 47. Aman hanau aca mahatetseanay abin fivetsevetse ratsi Fcha hanau metezahahanay tabin harats●ian abi .   Poconchi 48. Macoacana chipan catacchihi Coaveçata china unche tsiri , Amen .   New England 49. Ahque sagkompagunainnean en qutchhuaonganit Webe pohquohwussinean wutch machitut , Amen .   Philos. Language 50. Na mi ιo velco αι rαl bedodlȣ . Nil ιo cȣαlbo αι lal vαgasie , Amen .   51. And léd ƴs nαt intȣ temptasiαn Bƴt delìver ƴs frαm ívil ,   It would be convenient , that every one of these Instances should be Philosophically Lettered , according to the true pronunciation used in each Language ; but this being a thing of too great difficulty , I do not attempt it . 'T is probable that the doing of this , would make most strange Languages seem more harsh and uncouth , than now they do ; as appears by that Instance of the English , this way written , which I have subjoyned in the last place , for the more accurate comparing it with the Philosophical Language . In the comparing of these Languages , it may be granted that some few words of each Language may seem preferrible to others in this : But take it altogether , and in the whole , and it may at least stand in competition with the best of them , as to its facility and pleasantness . 'T is most likely , that the generality of Readers will be apt in the comparing of these Instances , to give the precedence to those Languages they are acquainted with . I should desire no more from them , but that they would be content to permit this new Language to come in the next place , which would be a sufficient testimony for it . But then for the Philosophy of this Language , it hath many great advantages above any other . Every Word being a description of the thing signified by it ; Every Letter being significant , either as to the Nature of the Thing , or the Grammatical Variations of the Word , which cannot be said of any of the rest ; besides the constant Analogy observed in all kind of Derivations and Inflexions . CHAP. V. Directions for the more easie Learning of this Character and Language , together with a brief Table containing the Radicals , both Integrals and Particles ; together with the Character and Language by which each of these is to be exprest . IF any Man shall think it worth his time and pains to learn this Character ; the most facil and natural order to be observed in this , will be , to begin with the 40 common Heads or Genus's , which should be learnt out of that General Scheme , Part II. Chap. I. where there is expressed some reason of their order ; the understanding of which will much facilitate the fixing of them in the memory . Next to these , he may proceed to the Differences belonging to each Genus , which though they are in the Character expressed by that numerical institution of First , Second , and Third , &c. yet are they to be committed to memory from their real significations . So the First , Second , and Third differences under the Genus of Beast , are to be learned and remembred , not as First , Second , and Third , &c. but as Whole-footed , Cloven-footed , and Clawed , &c. ( not Rapacious , Rapacious Dog-kind , Rapacious Cat-kind ) and Oviparous . Thus when we see any of the differences belonging to Measure , we are not to name them by their numerical order of 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , but by the things which they denote , as Measure of Multitude , Magnitude , Gravity , Valour , Duration , Age. And to this end all the differences are to be learned out of the larger Tables , where there is some reason to be seen for the order of most of them . Next to these , the several Species are to be learned , belonging to each Difference , at least so many of them as are like most frequently to occur in discourse . As for the various kinds of Meteors , Stones , Herbs , Shrubs , Trees , Exanguious Animals , Fishes , Birds , Beasts , and the kinds of Diseases , though they are to be provided for in the Tables , that they may be written when there shall be occasion for the mention of them ; yet 't is not ordinarily necessary to commit them all to memory , because those who are most expert in any Language , may not yet be able to remember all the names of such things . But as for such Species as are fit to be remembred , they are to be learned out of the first and larger Tables , where they are each of them described and determined , as to their primary significations , and some reason is attempted of their number and order , the understanding of which will make them more easily remembred . After these the Particles are to be learned , which should be likewise out of the first Tables , where the meaning of them is described and determined . But for the better helping of the memory in cases of doubt or forgetfulness , it may be proper to have recourse to the Synopsis here adjoined , by which it is easie at the first or second view to find out the true place of any Integral or Particle , together with the Derivations and Inflexions belonging to the Radicals . 'T is here to be noted concerning this briefer Scheme or Table , that in several of the Genus's pertaining to Substance , there are only some few of the first Species or Pairs of them mentioned under each difference as instances ; the rest being to be sought for in the larger Table . Those that are paired by way of opposition , are put in a distinct Character . The first Part , and the former half of the second , do contain a Philosophical Dictionary for all Integral , Radical words : The remaining Part doth contain all the Particles necessary to Speech , besides a Summary of the whole Grammar , with reference both to the Character and Language ; which I conceive to be so plainly set down , as not to need any particular explication . But now because there is no more general inclination amongst persons of all Ages and Qualities , then that of Gaming , which Men can continue at for a long time with much pleasure , and are least apt to be weary of : Therefore the reducing of the Learning of this Character to a Game , may be a special help and furtherance to it . In order to which it were not difficult to shew , how it might be brought into several Games , like to those either at Dice or Cards . Of the former of which I had once thought to have given an instance , with relation to the Particles , by which it would be easie to understand how the like might be done for all the rest : But upon second thoughts I do at present forbear it . TRANS. G. PREDIC . I Kind● Species 1 Being Nothing 2 Thing Appearance 3 Notion Fiction 4 Name Person 5 Substance Accident 6 Quantity Quality 7 Action Passion 8 Relation Absoluteness II Cause ●●●fect 1 Efficient Instrument 2 Impulsive Cohibitive 3 Exemplar Type 4 Condition Occasion 5 Adjuvant Impedient 6 F●nd Means 7 Matter Form III Dive●sity 〈◊〉 1 Truth Falshood 2 Goodness Evilness 3 Positiveness Privativeness 4 Genuineness Spuriousness 5 Actualness Potentialness 6 ●●niteness Infiniteness 7 Naturalness Factitiousness ● Simplicity Mixedness ● Perfection Imperfection IV Dit●e●ence Conveniency 1 Profitableness Hurtfulness 2 Pleasantness Vnpleasantness 3 Dueness Vndueness 4 Possibility Impossibility 5 Importance Vanity ● Worthiness Vnworthiness V Dif . rel . to the Meanes 1 Lawfulness Indifferency 2 Decency Indecency 3 Safety Danger 4 Easiness Difficulty 5 Gentleness Violence 6 Congruity Contrariety 7 Expediency Inconveniency 8 Necessity Contingence VI M●de   1 ●ubject Adjunct 2 Object   3 Circumstance Solemnity 4 State   5 Signe   6 Room as Suc. Stead as Subst . 7 Degree Impetus 8 Turn Reciprocation 9 Cognation Opposition TRANS. REL MIX . I Of Quan . more Ger.   1 Indifferent Greatnes little . 2 Mediocrity Abund . scarcity 3 Sufficiency Ex. deficiency 4 Indifferent Excell . sorry 5 Equal Superior infer . 6 Equivalency Betternes wors . 7 At a stand Increase dimin . 8 Just temper Intention remis . 9 Keep at a stay Mending marr . II Of Contin . Quan . 1 Length Shortness 2 Bredth Narrowness 3 Deepness Shallowness 4 Highness Lowness 5 Thickness Thinness III Disco●tin . Quan .   1 Multitude Fewness 2 Singularity Plurality 3 Particularity Vniversality 4 Specialness Generalness 5 Evenness Odness 6 Segregateness Aggregateness 7 Series Catalogue 8 Suit   IV Of Qual . more largely   1 Primitiveness Derivativeness 2 Immediatenes Mediateness 3 Absoluteness Dependency 4 Principalness Accessoriness 5 Pertinency Impertinency 6 Properness Commonness V 〈…〉 more strictly   1 Likeness Vnlikeness 2 Order Confusion 3 Ordinariness Extraordinari . 4 Regularness Exorbitancy 5 Publickness Privateness 6 Ornateness Homeliness 7 Purity Defilement VI Of Whole Part 1 Best part Worst part 2 Say Vantage 3 Scum Sediment 4 Lump Powder 5 Chip Fragment 6 Additum Sum 7 Ablatum Residue 8 Multiplier Product 9 Divisor Quotient TRANS. REL . of ACT. I Belonging to sing . things   1 Putting Altering 2 Apropriating Alienating 3 Claiming Abdicating 4 Taking Leaving 5 Having Wanting 6 Holding Letting go 7 Seeking Finding 8 Shewing Concealing 9 Manifesting Seeming II To diverse things   1 Joyning Separating 2 Adhering Abandoning 3 Applying Abstracting 4 Comprehend . Exempting 5 Comparing Trying 6 Repeating Changing 7 Restoring compensating 8 Representing Imitating 9 Repairing Spoiling III Businesse Leasure 1 Designing Undertaking 2 Preparing Furnishing 3 Beginning Offering 4 Endeavouring Essaying 5 Dispatching Protracting 6 Performing Violating 7 Finishing Miscarrying 8 Erring Omitting 9 Preventing Remedying IV Commerce   1 Yielding Submitting to 2 Offering Demanding 3 Delivering Receiving 4 Giving Accepting 5 Disbursing Refunding 6 Reckoning Ballancing 7 Being Credi . Being debtor 8 Paying Failing 9 Acquitting Forgiving V Event   1 Obtaining Frustrating 2 Gaining Losing 3 Saving Spending 4 Laying up Squandering 5 Keeping Loosing 6 Using Abstaining 7 Injoying Being sick of 8 Refreshing Wearying 9 Quieting Troubling VI ●●●on Stap●●g 1 Coming Going 2 Proceeding Turning 3 Travelling Wandring 4 Sending Fetching 5 Leading Driving 6 Following Overtaking 7 Meeting Avoyding DISCOURS . LANG . Elements   1 Letter Character 2 Vowell Consonant 3 Syllable Dypthong 4 Interpunction Hyphen 5 Comma Semicolon 6 Colon Period 7 Parenthesis Parathesis 8 Emphasis Irony . 9 Accent P. Accent . E. II Word Me●ning 1 Integrall Particle 2 Abstract Concrete 3 Substantive Adjective 4 Verbe Adverbe deri . 5 Subject Predicate 6 Copula   7 Pronoun Interjection 8 Preposition Article 9 Adverb und . Conjunction III Complex . Gram. parts 1 Clause Sentence 2 Verse Section 3 Chapter Book 4 Prose Verse 5 Meetre Rythm 6 Proper Tralatitions 7 Simple Figurate 8 Express Vnderstood 9 Plain Obscure IV Comp. Log. parts   1 Distinction Equivocation 2 Limitation Ampliation 3 Definition Description 4 Division Partition 5 Rule Exception 6 ●rgumentation Illation 7 Syllogism Enthymem 8 Induction Example ● Quotation Allusion V Mixed   1 Proposition Adage 2 Oration Epistle 3 Narration Rumour 4 Interpretation   5 Translation Paraphrase 6 Commentary   7 Epitome   8 Prologue Epilogue 9 Transition Digression VI Mo●●s o● Disc.   1 Question Answer 2 Affirmation Negation 3 Supposition Concession 4 Opposition Contradiction 5 Objection Solution 6 Probation Confirmation 7 Confutation Retortion 8 Posing Conviction 9 Confession Recantation BIRD I Carnivorous Birds   1 Eagle Vulture 2 Hawk Kite 3 Cuckoe Butcher b. 4 Owle horned Owle not h. 5 Raven Crow 6 Daw Chough , &c. II Phytiv . of short Wings   1 Cock   2 Peacock Turky 3 Pheasant Attagen . 4 Bustard Anas cam . bell . 5 Cock of thew Heath cock 6 Partridge Red Partr . &c III Phytiv . of long Wings   1 Pidgeon Ringdove 2 Stock-dove Turtle 3 Mislle b. Thrush 4 Stare Merula sax . 5 Feldefare Redwing 6 Black bird Passer soli . &c. IV Graniv . of thick B●lls   1 Bunting   2 Yellow hamer Hortulane 3 Sparrow Mountain sp . 4 Cocothraustes Cocoth . crista . 5 Bullfinch Shell apple 6 Greenfinch Canary b. &c. V Insectivorous greater   1 Swallow Swift 2 Martin Sand martin 3 Nightingale   4 Larke Titlarke 5 Redbrest Red start 6 Beccafigo Wheat ear , &c VI Insectivorous lesser   1 Ligurinus Serinus 2 Citrinella   3 Wron   4 Regulus crist . Reg. non crist . 5 Humming bi .   6 Great titmous &c. vii Aquatic . near wet places   1 Lapwing   2 Green plover Grey plover 3 Dotterell Sea larke 4 Redshank Ruffe 5 Tringa ma. Tringa mi. 6 Knot Stint &c. viii Aquatic . ●iss●●ed . 1 Crane Stork 2 Phaenicopter Grus Balear . 3 Hearne Ard. cin . min. 5 Great white h. Less w. Hearn 6 Bittour Brasilean , &c. IX Aquatic Palmipede 1 Swan Goose 2 Sheldrake Drake 3 Widgin Teale 4 Solan goose Pelican &c. BEAST I Whole footed   1 Horse   2 Asse Mule 3 Camel   4 Elephant   II ●●o●en footed   1 Kine   2 Sheep Goat 3 Elke Stagg 4 Buck Rein deer 5 Roe buck   6 Rhinocerot   7 Camelopard   8 Hogg   III Clawed not r●paceous   1 Baboon Ape 2 Monkey Sloth 3 Hare   4 Conny Marmotto 5 Porcupine Hedghogg 6 Squirrell Ginny pigg 7 Ratt Mouse 8 Mole   IV Rapaceous Ca●kind 1 Lion Beare 2 Tygre Pard 3 Ounce   4 Catt Civet catt 5 Ferret Polecatt 6 Martin   7 Stoat Weasle 8 Castor Otter V Rapaceous Dog-kind 1 Dog Wolfe 2 Fox Badger 3 Morse Seale 4 Jackall   5 Ant Beare Armadillo 6 Caraguya   VI Ovinatous Feast 1 Tortoise Turtle 2 Frogg Toade 3 Crocodile Senembi 4 Lizard Chamaelion 5 Land salam . Water salam . 6 Serpent   7 Snake Viper 8 Slow-worm   PARTS PECUL . I Last p. of pl. Wood 1 Root Knot 2 Stock Sucker 3 Branch Thorn 4 Stick Wand 5 Rinde Pith Gumm Resin 7 Juice Balsam II Annual parts   1 Flower Catkin 2 Pulpe Stone 3 Husk Beard 4 Cluster Eare 5 Sprout Leafe 6 Stile Stamen 7 Stalk Tendril 8 Cup Pericarpium III Fruit Excre●cences 1 Apple   2 Plum Berry 3 Nut   4 Mast Key 5 Cone Cod 6 Grane Kernel IV Of swim . Animals chiefly 1 Scale   2 Shell Crust 3 Gill   4 Feeler   5 Swim . bladdr   6 Finn Ray 7 Claw   8 Milt Spawne V Of flyin● Animals chiefly 1 Feather Quill 2 Wing Train 3 Talon Palmipes 4 Beake Trunk 5 Spurr Sting 6 Egg Chrysolite 7 Comb Gill 8 Rump Oil-box VI Of going Animals ch . 1 Hair Wooll 2 Bristle Downe 3 Furr Fleece 4 Beard Mane 5 Hoof Nail 6 Horn Tail 7 Embrio Secondine PARTS GEN. I Contain Homogen . parts 1 Spirit   2 Serum Succus nutri . 3 Chyle Milk 4 Sperm Menstrua 5 Blood   6 Bloud Choler 7 Phlegm Melancholy 8 Braine Marrow II Containing Homog . 1 Bone Gristle 2 Ligament Tendon 3 Skin Membrane 4 Vein Artery 5 Nerve Fibre 6 Flesh Muscle 7 Fatt Glandule III Head   1 Face Pate 2 Eye Eare 3 Mouth Nose 4 Tongue Tooth 5 Palate Throat 6 Forehead Ey-brow 7 Cheek Temple 8 Lip Chin 9 Jaw Place of Tons . IV Trunk   1 Neck Shoulder 2 Breast Dugg 3 Back Vertebra 4 Loine Ribb 5 Side Flank 6 Belly Navel 7 Grojn Share 8 Buttock Fundament V Limb Ioynt 1 Arme Shoulder 2 Cubit Elbow 3 Hand Wrist 4 Thigh Huckle 5 Shank Knee 6 Foot Heel 7 Finger Knuckle VI Inwards   1 Gullet Wind-pipe 2 Heart Lungs 3 Diaphragm Mediastine 4 Stomach Gutt 5 Liver Spleen 6 Mesentery Cawle 7 Kidney Bladder 8 Privities Testicle 9 Wombe   GOD IDOL I Father   II Son   III Holy Ghost   WORLD I Spirit Body 1 Angel   2 Good-angel Devil 3 Soul   4 Vegetative   5 Sensitive   6 Rational   II Hea●en Hell 1 Starr   2 Fixed-starr Sun 3 Planet Comet 4 Saturn Jupiter 5 Mars Venus 6 Mercury   7 Globe of earth   8 Moon Satelles III Earth Countr●y 1 Plain Mount. Valley 2 Continent Island 3 Rock Cliff 4 Promontory Pen-isle 5 ●sthmus Bank 6 Shore Washes 7 Quicksands Oaz IV Water Sea 1 Aequor Wave , whirlpool 2 Ocean Lake 3 Well Spring 4 Bay Pene-lake 5 Fretum Channel 6 Shore Tide 7 Stream Staguum V Animate parts   1 Mineral   2 Plant   3 Herb Grasse 4 Animal   5 Man   VI Imag. Circle● . Or●e 1 Horizon   2 Equator   3 Ecliptic Zodiac 4 Meridian Azimuth 5 Artic Antartic 6 Tropick of ♋ Tropic of ♑ 7 Parallel Almacantor ELEMENT METEOR I Fire   1 Flame Spark 2 Comet Falling-starr 3 Lightning Thunder 4 Beam Dart , &c. II A●r   1 Aether Atmosphere 2 Exhalation Vapor 3 Fume Smoak 4 Wind Whirlwi . &c. III Water   1 Drop Bubble 2 Cloud Mist 3 Rain Dew 4 Frost Snow , &c IV Earth   1 Dust   2 Durt   3 Ashes Soot 4 Clay Morter , &c. V Appea● . Meteors 1 Rainbow   2 Halo   3 Parelius Paraselene , &c. VI Weather   1 Clearness Haziness 2 Mizzling Showr 3 Spout   4 Storm Sleet , &c. STONE CONCRET . I Uulgar   1 Freestone Brick 2 Ragg   3 Flint Marchasite 4 Pibble , &c.   II Mid●le prized   1 Alabaster   2 Marble Agat 3 Jaspis Lazul . 4 Christal Glass , &c III Gemm less transparent   1 Opal Cats-eyes 2 Pearl   3 Sardius , & c·   IV Gemm more transparent   1 Diamond Wh. Saphire 2 Ruby Granate 3 Chrysolite Topaz , &c. V Concretions dissolvib●e   1 Salt Nitre 2 Allum Sal gemmae 3 Vitriol   4 Tartar Alcali , &c. VI Concretions not dissolvible   1 Chalk Marle 2 Yellow-Oker Red-Oker 3 Gett Pitcoal 4 Orpiment Arssnic , &c. METTAL I Naturall   1 Gold   2 Silver   3 Tinn   4 Copper   5 Lead   6 Iron   II Factitious   1 Brass   2 Pewter   3 Steel   III Imperfect kinds   1 Mercury   2 Antimony   3 Bismute   4 Spelter   5 Cinnabar Vermilion 6 Black Lead   IV ●●cremen●●●●●us parts   1 Litharge   2 Spodium Pompholyx 3 Scoria   4 Rust   5 Verdigreece Ceruse HERB accord to the LEAF I Imperfect   1 Mushrome Molde 2 Trubs Fuzball , &c. II Frumentaceous   1 Wheat Ry 2 Maiz &c. III Gramineous not frumentac .   1 Canary Grass Panic 2 Fox tayle Cats tayle , &c IV Gram. H. of Bulbous routs   1 Crown Imperiall   2 Lilly Martagon , &c. V H. of Affin . to Bulbous   1 Kings speare Spider wort 2 Dogs tooth &c. VI Round leaved Herbs   1 Colts foot Butter burr 2 Great Burdoc Little bur . &c vii Nervous leaved Herbs   1 W. Hellebore Helleborine 2 Plantain Bucksth . &c. viii Succulent Herbs   1 Housleek Aloe 2 Orpine Rosewort , &c. IX Superficies of the Leafe   1 Burrage Bugloss 2 Alkanet Vipers grass HERB accor . to the Flow. I S●ammeous   1 Rubarbe Dock 2 Sorrell French S. &c. II Fol●aceous not pappous   1 Sun Flower Hierus . Harti . 2 Marigold &c. III Fol● . Pappous   1 Thistle Hartichoke 2 Blew Bottle A. Sneezw . &c. IV Umbellif . broader leaves   1 Annis . Coriander 2 Bast. stone parsly , &c.   V Umbel . Narrower leaves   1 Fennel Dill 2 Hogs Fennel Sampire , &c. VI Uerticilla●e fruticose   1 Sage   2 Germander . Tree Ger. 3 Mastic Goats ma. &c. VII Uert . not fruticose   1 Mint Catmint 2 Balm Calamint , &c. viii Spicate   1 Teasil Fringo 2 Globe Thistle Shep. rod , &c. IX Button-like head   1 Wild Tansey Avens 2 Cinquefoil Tormentil &c HERB acc to the SEEDV . I Corniculate   1 Peiony Fraxinella 2 Larks hee le Columbine &c II Papilion . Climbers   1 Kidney-Beane   2 Bean of the An. Pease , &c. III Panil . not climbers   1 Beane Lupin 2 Chich pease &c. IV Not Papil . Tetrapetala 1 Stock Gilly F. Wall F. 2 Dames violet Toothwort &c V Capsulate Pentapetala   1 Gilly Flower Pink 2 Campion Catchfly , &c. VI Tripetala & Tetrapetela   1 Fre. wa . sould . Arrow head 2 Bulbonach Madwort , &c. VII Monopet . Campanulate 1 Pompeon Melon 2 Gourd Citrul . &c. viii Mon. not companulate   1 Primrose Paigle 2 Bears eare Birds eye , &c. IX Bacciferous   1 Strawberries   2 Apple of love Mad apple , &c MAGNIT . EXTENS ; I Dimension . Division 1 Point   2 Line   3 Superficies Area 4 Solid   II Rel. of Dimens .   1 Center Pole 2 Vertex Intersection 3 Diagonal Side 4 Tangent Secant 5 Diameter Axis 6 Signe Chord 7 Parallel Diverg . Conver. 8 Oblique D●rect . Transv . 9 Reflected Refracted III Affect . of Mag. more simple   1 Streightness Crookedness 2 Circle Angle 3 Right angle Obtuse , Acute 4 Plain Convex , concave 5 Sphere Cube 6 Cylinder Prisme 7 Cone Pyramid 8 Parabola Hyperb. Ellipsis 9 Spiral Helix IV Compound fig. Linear   1 Pinn Hole 2 Tooth Notch 3 Protuberance Dent 4 Figure T Cross 5 Staple Windle 6 Tuft Asterisk 7 Whip Flagg 8 Hook Fork 9 Undulated Crenated V Comp. sig . Planary   1 Triangle Square 2 Ring Loop 3 Bow Wheel 4 Lamin Chink 5 Tressel Pinion 6 Edge Gutter 7 Ridge Furrow 8 Forme Step 9 Tube square Tube round VI Comp. sig . Solidary   1 Porousness Hollow . Massin . 2 Bottle Pinn 3 Pedestal Turret 4 Gudgeon Mallet 5 Buoy Hour glass 6 Ovall Bowle 7 Bottom Skein SPACE I Time Instant 1 Present Past Future 2 Simult . Dist. Proceed Succ. 3 Newness Oldness 4 Soonness Lateness 5 Date Epocha 6 Permanency Transitoriness 7 Frequency Seldomness 8 Perpetuity At times 9 Everness Neverness II Place   1 Presence Absence 2 Contigu . Dist. On this side , B●y . 3 Neerness Remoteness 4 Home Rise 5 Ampleness Narrowness 6 Obviousness Rareness 7 Continuance Discontinuance 8 Ubiquity Nullibiety III Situation Uergency 1 East West 2 North South 3 Middle , Ex●re . End , Begi● . 4 Side Margin 5 Upper Vnder 6 Inside Outside 7 Top Bottom 8 Forepart Hinder part 9 Righthand si . Left hand side MEASURE PROPOR . I Multitude . Number 1 One   2 Two   3 Three   ● Foure   5 Five   6 Six   7 Seven   8 Eight   9 Nine   II Magnitude . Capacity 1 Line   2 Inch   3 Foot   4 Standard   5 Perch   6 Furlong   7 Mile   8 League   9 Degree   III Gravity . Weight 1 Graine   2 Scruple   3 Dramm   4 Ounce   5 Pound   6 Stone   7 Hundred   8 Thousand   9 Tunn   IV Ualor . Money 1 Farthing   2 Penny   3 Shilling   4 Angel   5 Pound   6 Hundred   7 Thousand   V Time. Duration 1 Year   2 Spring Summer 3 Autumn Winter 4 Moneth Week 5 Day Natural   6 Day Artificial Night 7 Morning Afternoon 8 Houre Minute VI Life time . Seculum 1 Infancy Chilehood 2 Adolescency Youth 3 Manhood Declining age 4 Old age Decrepidness N. POWER IMPOT . I Rational Irrational 1 Understand . Idioticalness 2 Judgment Injudiciousness 3 Conscience Vnconscionabl . 4 Will Listlesness II Sensitive Internal 1 Com. sense Stupor 2 Fancy Dotage 3 Memory Forgetfulness 4 Appetite Loathing III Sensitive External 1 Sight Blindness 2 Hearing Deafness 3 Smelling   4 Tast   5 Touch Numness IV Tempers of Mind   1 Ingenuity Disingenuity 2 Sprightliness Dulness 3 Seriousness Wantoness 4 Gentleness Fierceness 5 Op. to Rapaci . Rapacity 6 Stoutness Laziness 7 Hardiness Niceness V Corp. Tēp . resp . the Individ .   1 Wholeness Mutilousness 2 Soundness Rottenness 3 Indolence Pain 4 Vigor Decaying 5 Fatness Leaness 6 Beauty Deformity 7 Strength Weakness 8 Agility Lumpishness 9 Swiftness Slowness VI Corp. Tem. res propag of Sp.   1 Sex   2 Male Female 3 Fruitfulness Barrenness 4 Ripeness Overripe , unripe SHRUB I Baceit decid . Spinous   1 Rasberry Bramble 2 Rose Bryar 3 Goosberry White thorn 4 Sloe tree Barbery 5 Purging thor .   6 Christs thorn Box thorne 7 Bucks thorn   II Bac. decid . not Spinous   1 Vine Curran 2 Bilberry   3 Wayfaring T. Wh. beam T. 4 Dogberry T.   5 Birds cherry Wild rock ch . 6 Dwarfe medl . Sweet whort 7 Berry bearing Alder 8 Woodbine Upright woo . 9 Pepper &c. III Bac● . Evergreen   1 True Balsom . Thorny . Bur. 2 Dwarfe palm   3 Phyllyraea Green Privet 4 Strawbery T. Greenthorn 5 Spurg Laurel   6 Spurg olive Widow waile 7 Laurel of Al. Horsetongue 8 Butchers broom   9 Wild bay &c. IV Siliquous   1 Lilach   2 Caper Thorny broo . 3 Beane tref . Shrub Trefoil 4 Sena Bastard Sena 5 Licorice   6 Binding bea . t. Locust Tr. 7 Humble plant   8 Broom Furz 9 Goats thorn Doryenium V Gra●●●cious De●●duous 1 Chast tree Spik'd willow 2 Tamarisk   3 Jessamine White pipe tr 4 Shrub mallow   5 Galls Red Symach 6 Tree spurge   7 Clematis Travellers joy 8 Virginian climber   VI Grani● . E●erotes 1 Holy rose Oleander 2 Sana munda Guttwort 3 Herb terrible   4 Rosemary Sage mullein 6 Hartwort Sw. moun . Ro. 5 Sea purslain Silver bush 7 Heath   8 Rose of Jerico   TREE I ●ointrerous   1 Apple   2 Peare Quince 3 Medlar Lazarole 4 True Service Com. service 5 Figg   6 Pomegranate   7 Orange Adams ap . &c. II Pru●●tecous   1 Peach Nectarine 2 Apricok Plumm 3 Cherry Cornelian 4 Olive Date 5 Mirobalane Sebesten 6 White Jujub Common Juj. III Bacciferous   1 Mulberry   2 Elder Symach 3 Quicken Tr. Turpentin tr . 4 Nettle tree   5 Bay Laurell 6 Yew Holly 7 Box &c. IV Nuciferous   1 Wallnut Almond 2 Pistachio Storax 3 Filbert Small nut 4 Chesnut Beech 5 Bladder nut   6 Coco Nutmeg 7 Chocolate Coffi , &c V Glandif . or Con●●●rous   1 Oake Bitter oake 2 Holme Cork tr . 3 Alder Larch tr . 4 Cedar Pine 5 Male Firr Fem. firr 6 Cypress Tree of life VI Of single ●egum .   1 Carob   2 Cassia Tamarind 3 Judas tree   4 Elme Hornbeam 5 Ash   6 Maple Sycamore 7 Birch Aspin , &c. vii Woods or Barks   1 Aloe tree   2 Guaiacum Snakewood 3 Red Saunders Yellow saun . 4 Lign . Nephrit . Rosewood 5 Brasill wood Logwood 6 Ebony Princes w. &c. v●i● Gumms or Rosins   1 Myrrh   2 Gum Arabic Sarcocolla 3 Frankincense Gum Elemi 4 Gum Animae Copal 5 Caranna Benjamin 6 Camphire &c. EXANG . INSECT . I ●●sect not winged   1 Earthworm Belly worm 2 Leech Snail 3 Ascarides Botts 4 Fluke Asilus 5 Glow-worm Meale worm 6 Proscarab . &c. I ●ns . wing . or more then b. ● .   1 Locust Mantis 2 Crichet Fenn cricket 3 Cimex silv . Wing . cockro . 4 Water spider Cicada aquat . 5 Spider Scorpion 6 Tick Punice , &c. III Anoma● ▪ Insect .   1 Maggot   2 Bee mag . Shining fly m. 3 Gentil Wasp fly mag . 4 Libella wor. Cadew . 5 Beetle hexap . Whirl worm 6 Caterpillar Silkworm &c. IV Naked Winged   1 Bee Humble Bee 2 Waspe Hornet 3 Bee like fly Wasp like fly 4 Flesh fly Dung fly 5 Ant Gnat 6 Cicada Papil . fly , &c. V Sheathed wing . or Beetle   1 Rhinocerot Weevil 2 Stag beetle Bull beetle 3 Goate chafer Knobbl . hor. b. 4 Common beet . Dung b. 5 Dorr Green chafer 6 Death watch Ladycow , &c. VI Gr. Crustaceous   1 Lobster Long oyster 2 Sea bear   3 Craifish   4 Shrimp Squilla mant . 5 Hermit fish   6 Common crab Sea cock , &c. vii Testaceous tur●inated   1 Nautilus Water snaile 2 Murex Purpura 3 Cylindroides Aporrhais 4 Sea snaile Nerites 5 Buccinum Turbo 6 Trochus Periwincle &c viii Testac . not turbinated   1 Limpet Center fish 2 Button fish Mermaids h. 3 Mother of pe . Galades 4 Oyster Spondyl 5 Scollop Cockle , &c. IX Soft Erang .   1 Pourcontrel . Sweet polyp . 2 Cuttle Lesser cuttle 3 Sleve Less sleve 4 Sea hare Holothyr &c. FISH I Ui●ip . ●●long   1 Whale Porpoise 2 Sawfish Swordfish 3 Sharke Glaucus 4 Houndfish Spotted H. F. 5 Thornback d. Hogfish 6 Great dogfish Less . D. F. &c. II Ui●ip . not long   1 Pastinaca Aquila 2 Flare Thornback 3 Maide Squatino raia 4 Crampfish Toadfish 5 Scate   6 Mole Lump III Ovi● : of s●te flu●s   1 Codfish Colefish 2 Haddock Whiting 3 Ling Haak 4 Tunny Pelamis 5 Mackerell   6 Kitefish Swallow fi . &c IV Of two fin●s , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉   1 Amia Glaucus 2 Coracinus Umbra 3 Lupus Engl. mullet 4 Red gournet Grey gourn . 5 Tubfish Lyra Rondel . 6 True mullet Lesser mul. &c V Of one sinn   1 Guilt head Sparus 2 Cantharus Salpa 3 Sargus Mormylus 4 Pagrus Rubellio 5 Melanurus Dentex 6 Gr. scorpion Less scorp . &c VI Eel figured   1 Conger Muraena 2 Sea serpent Ophidion Pli 3 Taenia maj . Taenia mi. 4 Tinca mar . Sandeele ; 5 Lamprey Lampern 6 Sheat fish Eele pout , &c. vii Flat fish·   1 Common sole Spotted sole 2 Pole   3 Turbut Halibut 4 Bret   5 Plais Flounder vii● Of Crustaceous Ski●ns   1 Globe fish Hairy orbe . 2 Orbis Murie . Orbis Echin . 3 Triang . fish Horned Tr. F. 4 Holosteus   5 Acus Arist. Hippocam . &c IX Squamous River fish   1 Pike   2 Salmon Smelt 3 Trout Charr 4 Grailing Umber . &c. HABIT DISPOS . I Reward Punishment 1 Happiness Misery 2 Prosperity Adversity 3 Contentation Anxiety 4 Salvation Damnation II Instr. of Uirtue   1 Liberty Restraint 2 Riches Poverty 3 Pleasure Vnpleasantness 4 Reputation Infamy 5 Dignity Meanness 6 Power Impotence III Affect . of Intellect . Uirtue   1 Sagacity Dulness 2 Faith Credul . Incred . 3 Sobriety Conceitedness 4 Moderation Slight . F●erce . IV Affect . of Moral Uirtue   1 Consideration Cuncta . Rash. 2 Heedfulness Cark . Careles . 3 Alacrity Grudging 4 Sincerity Hypocrisie 5 Diligence Double Dil. Sloth 6 Integrity Partiality 7 Constancy Pertina . Light. V ●ufus . hab . Vngracious 1 Repentance Impenitence 2 Holiness Vnholiness 3 Self-denial Selfishness 4 Faith Infidelity 5 Hope Despair 6 Charity Vncharitabl . VI Acquired Intell. hab . 1 Science Curios . Ignor. 2 Wisdom Craft , Folly 3 Art Vnskilfulness 4 Experience Inexperience 5 Learning Vnlearnedness MANNERS CONVERS . I ●●●tue Gen. Vice 1 Justice , Injust . Rigor , Remissi . 2 Equity Summum Ius 3 Candor Censoriousness 4 Goodness Mischievousnes 5 Mercy Cruelty 6 Gratitude Ingratitude 7 Fortitude Rashness Cowa . 8 Patience , Imp. Obstinacy , Soft . 9 Meekness Lentitude R. an . II Resp. our Bodies   1 Temperance Sensuality 2 Abstinence Maceration , Gl. 3 Sobriety Drunkenness 4 Vigilance Sluggardliness 5 Mod. in Recre . Immod in Recr . 6 Cleanliness Niceness , Slov . 7 Chastity Vnchastity III Resp. our Estates & dignities   1 Liberality Prodigal . Covet . 2 Providence Scraping , Slatt . 3 Frugality Penurio . Squa. 4 Generosity Riotous . Sordid 5 Almsgiving Churlishness 6 Hospitality Inhospitableness 7 Modesty Sheepish . Impat . 8 Magnanimity Insolence , Pusil . ● Modesty Abject . Ambition IV H●milet . Com. Insociableness 1 Veracity , Lyin . Oversay , Vnde . 2 Fidelity , Vnf. Officious , Treach . 3 Peaceabl Vnp Tameness , Cont. 4 Frankness Openess , Reserv 5 Taciturnity Loquacity 6 Gravity , Van. Formal . Lightn . 7 Courtesie Fawning Moro 8 Complaisance Assenta . Magis . 9 Urbanity Scurril , Rusti . V Hom. to Super   1 Dutifulness Vndutifulness 2 Humility Pride 3 Reverence Irreverence 4 Respect Disrespect 5 Subjection Rebellion 6 Loyalty Treachery 7 Obedience Disobedience 8 Submission Contumacy VI Hom. to Infer .   1 Graciousness Harshness 2 Condescent . Insolence 3 Affability Superciliousness 4 Protection Tyranny 5 Good-gover . Maladministr . 6 Reasonablenes Vnreasonable . 7 Severity Fondness 8 Clemency Austerity SENS. QUALITY I Primary Uisible   1 Twilight Light , Darkness 2 Light Shadow 3 Brightness Dimness 4 Transparency Opacity 5 Clearness Spottedness II Secondary visible Colour   1 Greines White . Black. 2 Redness Yellowness 3 Greeness Blueness 4 Purple   5 Variegatednes Unchangabl . 6 Spleckledness Striatedness 7 Dappledness Chequerdness III Sound Silence 1 Meane Acute , Grave 2 Ringing Jarring 3 Voice Articulate 4 Hissing Whistling 5 Note Sharp , Flat 6 Tune Consort 7 Clearness Hoarsness 8 Concord Discord 9 Harmony Iangling IV Belonging to ●ast or Smel●   1 Sweetness Vnsavoriness 2 Fattiness Acrimonious . 3 Austereness Acerbity 4 Acidity Bitterness 5 Saltishness Freshness 6 Freshness Dadness 7 Mustiness Rottenness V Tact. Qu more Active   1 Temperateness Heat , Cold 2 Moistness Wetness , Driness 3 Closeness Density , Rarity 4 Weightiness Gravity , Levity 5 Consistency Hard. Fluidness 6 Flexibleness Limber . Stiffnes VI Tact Qu. more Passive   1 Yieldingness Softness , Hard. 2 Eveness Smooth . Rough. 3 Ordinariness Coursness , Fine . 4 Sliminess Clamm . Vnctu . 5 Firmness Toughn . Brittle . 6 Steddiness Fastness , Loos . SICKNESS HEALTH I General Cau● . o● Sick.   1 Contagion   2 Wound Bruise 3 Plethora Cacochymia 4 Distemper Inflammation 5 Obstruction Inflation 6 Abscessus   7 Ulcer Fistula 8 Gangrene Sphacelus II Distempers   1 Fever Ague 2 Hectic Consumption 3 Malign . Fever Plague 4 Pox Measils 5 Itch Tetter 6 Leprosie Scurf 7 Lues Venerea   8 Gout Erysipelas III Tumors   1 Pustule Scab 2 King 's evil Boil 3 Cancer Carbuncle 4 Wen Schirrus 5 Wart C●rn 6 Childblane   7 Varix Aneurisma 8 Ganglion   IV Of Head and Nerves   1 Frenzy Madness 2 Veternus Ephialtes 3 Lethargy Apoplexy 4 Catarrh Rheumatism 5 Vertigo Epilepsy 6 Palsie Numness 7 Convulsion Cramp 8 Rachitis   9 Squinancy   V O● Middle Region   1 Shortness of Br.   2 Asthma Or●hopnoea 3 Consumption Empyema 4 Palpitation   5 Fainting Swouning 6 Pleurisie   VI Of the Bowels   1 Cardialgia   2 Green-sick . Jaundise 3 Dropsie Timpany 4 Scorbute Hypocon. Vap. 5 Colic Iliac passion 6 Diarrhaea Dysentery 7 Hernia Haemorrhoids 8 Hysteric . pass . Suffocation 9 Stone Strangury CHAP. VI. The Appendix , containing a comparison betwixt this Natural Philosophical Grammar , and that of other instituted Languages , particularly the Latin , in respect of the multitude of unnecessary Rules , and of Anomalisms . Concerning the China Character . The several Attempts and Proposals made by others towards a new kind of Character , and Language . The advantage in respect of Facility , which this Philosophical Language hath above the Latin. HAving thus briefly laid the Foundations of a Philosophical Grammar ; I am in the next place to shew the many great advantages both for significancy , perspicuity , brevity , and consequently facility , which a Character or Language founded upon these Rules , must needs have above any other way of communication , now commonly known or used . And because the Latin doth in these parts of the world supply the place of a Common Tongue , therefore I shall chiefly insist upon the comparison with that . 1. As for the first part of Latin Grammar concerning Orthography , it will be needless here to speak any thing further to this , having before mentioned the imperfections of that Alphabet ; the redundancy of it in some respects , and the deficiency of it in others ; the incongruity of giving several powers to the same Letters , &c. which particulars are further manifested by what hath been delivered concerning natural Orthography . As to the other parts of the Latin Grammar Etymol . Syntax . I shall endeavour to prove that they do exceedingly abound with unnecessary Rules , besides a vast multitude of Anomalisms and exceptions , which must needs render it exceedingly perplexed and difficult to the Learner . 2. In the second part concerning Etymology . 1. There is a great imperfection as to the just number and true sense of Radical words . 1. In some respects too many , by reason of the Synonima's which do very much abound in it . 2. In other respects too few . There is a common word for the notion of Parent , abstracted from either Sex , Father or Mother . And so for Child , Liber . But none for the relation of Brother , Sister , Husband , and Wife , Vncle , Aunt , Nephew , Niece , &c. And so for the names of s●●eral Plants , and Living Creatures of every kind , which no Dictionary doth sufficiently express . And though the Latin doth provide for some of those notions expressed by the Transcendental Particles , yet is not their number sufficient , there being several others ( not provided for ) which may as conveniently be in like manner exprest . And , which is another great incongruity , as to the indistinctness of those which are thus provided for ; neither are all words of the like notion expressible by such terminations , nor doth the same termination always express the same notion . 3. The words of it are exceeding Aequivocal , scarce one amongst them which hath not divers significations , either absolutely , or in phrase , or both ways ; from which Homonimy , those Particles which occur most frequently in discourse are not free , ut , pro , &c. 2. There are many improper and preternatural Rules concerning Inflexion . 1. As to Noun Substantives , both in respect of Genders , Cases , Declensions . 1. In respect of Genders , which are needlesly multiplyed , there being but two in nature ; nothing properly having Gender but what hath Sex. That which is called the Neuter , doth by its very name signifie that it is no Gender ; and besides these Genders are irrationally applyed . 1. Things that have no Sex are expressed by words , Masculine , Gladius , Arcus , Foeminine . Vagina . Sagitta . 2. Things that have Sex are denoted , 1. Sometimes by words of the Neuter Gender , Scortum , Amasium , &c. 2. Those words whose significations are common to Male and Female , are sometimes rendred only in the Masculine Gender , as Fur , Latro , Homicida , &c. and sometimes only in the Foeminine , as Proles , Soboles , &c. and sometimes only in the Neuter , as Animal , Mancipium , &c. 3. Many words which signifie the same thing , and are Synonimous , are yet used in several Genders Appetitus , Aviditas , Desiderium . Sermo , Oratio . Domus , Domicilium . Crinis , Coma. Capillus , Caesaries , &c. He that would see more of this kind , may consult Nonius Marcellus , de indiscretis generibus : Where he reckons up abundance of words , which according to Ancient Authors , were used both in the Masculine , Foeminine , and Neuter Gender . 2. In respect of Cases , which are not so conveniently exprest by varying Nouns with Terminations , which is the Latin way as by placing them in the natural order of Construction and Affixing Prepositions to them ( as was said before . ) 3. In respect of Declensions , of which the Latin hath five , which add no small difficulty and trouble to the learning of that Language ▪ Now if the expression of Cases by varying the Termination be unnecessary and inconvenient , these are much more so ; because they are but several ways of varying such Cases . 2. As to Noun Adjectives , neither Number , nor Gender , nor Case , nor Declension do naturally pertain to them ; but th●y are sufficiently qualifyed in all those respects by the Substantives to which they belong : As for their inflexion by degrees of comparison , which is proper to them ; 't is not so natural that these should be expressed in the Terminations of the words , as by Auxiliary Particles . The Adverbs of more , and most , less , and least , being upon other accounts necessary , and sufficient to express this notion in Adjectives , therefore the other way must needs be superfluous . Which is likewise applicable unto the comparison of Participles , and derived Adverbs . 3. As to Verbs , there are very many unnecessary Rules concerning their Kinds , Inflexion , in respect of Conjugations , Number , Persons and Tense in the Termination , Modes , Gerunds , Supines . 1. For their Kinds ; 't is not according to the Philosophy of speech to distinguish Verbs into Active , Passive , Neuter , Deponent , and Common , or into Personal , and Impersonal . 1. Those sorts of Verbs which they call Active , Passive , Neuter , and which are properly to be expressed by the Verb Sum , and the Adjective Active , Passive , Neuter , are all the distinct kinds of Verbs . 2. As for those that are stiled Deponents and Common , they are acknowledged to be but irregularities and kinds of exceptions from the common rule of Verbs . 3. All Verbs are naturally capable of Persons , though in some Verbs the Latin doth not admit this , 'T is proper to say , I ought , I am ashamed , &c. as well as Oportet , Pudet . 2. As to the inflexion of Verbs . 1. The several Conjugations , of which there are four in Latin , are such a preternatural incumbrance , as Declensions are in Nouns , being but several ways of varying those Terminations or Cases of the Verb , which in themselves are needless and troublesome . 2. Number doth not naturally belong to Verbs , but only quia Verbum à nomine dependet , as Scaliger speaks ; upon which account it might as well have Gender too , as it is in the Hebrew , Syriack , Chaldee , Arabick , Aethiopick , which yet we account very superfluous and improper . 3. The expression of the Persons and Tenses by the Terminations of the words , is both unnecessary and improper , because there is in other respects a necessity of using those Pronouns by which these Persons are expressed . And supposing that a man must therefore learn Ego , Tu , Ille , Nos , Vos , Illi . It would much facilitate and contract Grammatical Rules , if the Verbs themselves might remain invariable . The same may likewise be said of Tenses , which may properly be expressed by auxiliary Particles . 3. For Modes , ( to say nothing of the distribution of them , which is quite irrational ) the expression of the Optative and Subjective is most naturally made out by Auxiliary Particles . That which is called the Infinitive Mode , should according to the true Analogy of that speech be stiled a Participle Substantive . There hath been formerly much dispute amongst some Learned Men , whether the notion called the Infinitive Mode , ought to be reduced according to the Philosophy of speech . Some would have it to be the prime and principal Verb , as signifying more directly the notion of Action ; and then the other varieties of the Verb , should be but the Inflexions of this . Others queston whether the Infinitive Mode be a Verb or no , because in the Greek it receives Articles as a Noun . Scaliger in the stating of this question , concludes it to be a a Verb ; because it signifies with Time , but will not allow it to be a Mode ; because it is without Person or Number . To which Vossius adds , that though it be not Modus actu , yet it is Modus in potentia , because it is resolveable into other Modes . e. g. Laetor me venisse , ( i. ) quod venerim . And so are other Modes resolveable into this , Est miserorum ut malevolentes sint & invideant , ( i. ) malè velle & invidere bonis . All which difficulties will he most clearly stated by asserting it to be a Substantive Participle . For which this reason is to be given ; because it hath all the signs both of a Noun Substantive and a Verb. The Properties or Criteria whereby a Substantive is to be known are these four ; 1. That it is capable of the Articles A , or The , to be prefixed before it , which is ordinary in the Greek for the Infinitive Mode , and doth well enough agree to the natural notion of it in other Languages . 2. 'T is capable of that kind of Obliquity by prefixing Prepositions , which is commonly stiled variation by Cases . The Gerunds in di , do , dum , being in the true notion of them , but the Cases of that which we call the Infinitive Mode . 3. It may be joined in construction with Adjectives or Pronouns Possessive . 4. 'T is capable of Number in the natural notion of it , though it be not so used in Languages ; the words Actiones and Lectiones , being but the Plural number of Agere , Legere . The signs or Properties whereby a Verb may be known , are these three ; 1. In our English tongue the Particle ( To ) may be prefixed before it . 2. It signifies with time . 3. It hath two voices , Active and Passive . And therefore being both a Substantive , and a Verb , it should according to the Theory of the Latin be stiled a Participle Substantive . To which may be added , that it is in the true notion of it , frequently resolveable into a Noun Substantive , as in these Instances . Virtus est vitium fugere , ( i. ) Fuga vitii est virtus . Magis paratus servire quam imperare . ( i. ) servituti quam imperio . Dignus Amari . ( i. ) Amore. As for the Imperative Mode , that is in this respect defective , because it makes no distinct Provision for those different notions to be expressed by it , viz. Petition , Perswasion , Command . 5. Gerunds and Supines are unnecessary inflexions of Verbs , the notion of them being expressible by the Infinitive Mode , whose Cases they are . Venio Spectatum ( i. ) Spectare . Turpe dictu ( i. ) dici . Caesar venit ad oppugnandum urbem ( i. ) oppugnare . And sometimes by a Noun that signifies Action . Defessus ambulando ( i. ) ambulatione . I cannot here omit the mentioning of what Varro hath observed , that the inflexions of a Verb through its several voices of Active , Passive , together with Modes , Tenses , &c. amount to about five hundred several Cases of inflexion . Now there being four distinct ways of conjugating Verbs , these variations may upon that account be reckoned to be two thousand , the learning of which ( though all Verbs were regular ) would be no small labour and difficulty . But then consider the vast multitude of Anomalisms and exceptions in the inflexions of Verbs , and that will more than double this difficulty and labour . 2. As to the derivation of Latin words ; whereas the Radix should according to Philosophy be only a Noun Substantive , 't is here sometimes a Verb , a Participle , an Adverb , a Preposition , which is unnatural and improper . And then besides , there is no certain Analogy amongst these ; à Scribo , Scriptor ; but they do not say , à Bibo , Biptor , but Bibax , &c. 3. The Rules of Composition are not fixed to any certain Analogy . 'T is Aenobarbus , not Aenibarbus , and yet they say , Magniloquus , not Magnoloquus . The same Prepositions , when in Composition , do sometimes encrease and augment the force of the word , as in Infractus , Incavus , Incurvus . per Perfidelis , Perfruor . de Deamo , Demiror . ex Exclamo , Exaggero . dis Discupio . Again , the same Prepositions do sometimes in Composition import a denial or privation of the sense of the word . in Indoctus , Improbus . per Perfidus , Pervicax . de Demens . ex Excors , Exanguis . dis Diffido . So the Particle re doth in Composition sometimes signifie repetition , as retego ; and sometimes privation , as revelo , than which nothing can be more irrational and incongruous . Vnnecessary Rules in the Latin Syntax . That is called figurative and irregular Syntax , which customary use , and not any natural p●opriety doth make significative ; wherein there are some words a●way● either redundant , or deficient , or transposed , or changed , from their proper notion . These Phraseologies are to be accounted an imperfection of Language , and one degree added to the curse of the confusion ; because they do exceedingly encrease the difficulty of Learning Tongues , and do not adde to the brevity or perspicuity of expression , but rather cumber and darken it with ambiguities . The regular Syntax of the Latin doth consist in Concord , Regimen . 1. Concord is the agreement of several words in some accidents and circumstances ; as betwixt , 1. Substantives and Adjectives . 2. Two Substantives . 3. Substantives and Verbs . 4. Antecedent and Relative . Concerning which there are so many difficult perplexed Rules , as are enough to tire out and discourage any young Learner , most of them being founded upon such principles as are not natural to the Philosophy of speech . 3. The Regimen of words doth concern their government of others in respect of Case , Mode . 1. There are a great multitude of Rules that concern Substantives , Adjectives , Pronouns , in reference to their governing of the Genitive , Dative , Accusative , Ablative Case . 2. So for Verbs , that some of them must govern the Nominative , others the Genitive , others the Dative , others the Accusative , and others the Ablative Case ; some promiscuously both Genitive , Accusative , Genitive , Ablative , Accusative , Ablative . Besides the several Rules concerning those divers Cases which may precede the Infinitive Mode ; some words requi●ing a Nominative ▪ others a Dative , others an Accusative . To which may be added those various Rules about Gerunds , Supines , Participles , in reference to the several Cases , Genitive , Accusative , Ablative , governed by them . 3. There are several Rules that concern the Regimen of Adverbs , both as to Cases , Nomin . Gen. Dat. Accus . Ablat . Modes , Indicat . Imperat. Optat. Subjunct . 4. Other Rules refer to the Regimen of Prepositions , some of which govern the Accusative , others the Ablative Case , and some both . 5. Other Rules refer to the Regimen of Conjunctions , both as to Cases and Modes . 6. Others to Interjections , divers of which are said to govern the Nominative , Dative , Accusative , Vocative Case . Beside these for Syntax , there is a great multitude of Rules in the Latin Prosodia , about the Accenting and quantity of words : whereof some are General , referring to the nature of Letters and Syllables ; others more particular , concerning the first or middle Syllables in any word , amongst which there is no certain and constant Analogy : They say , Hectōrem , & Praetōrem . It cannot be denyed but that all these Rules are necessary to the Latin Tongue ; but this argues the imperfection of that Language , that it should stand in need of such and so m●ny Rules as have no foundation in the Philosophy of speech . I am no● ig●orant that our Learned Verulam , speaking concerning the inflexions used in the more Ancient Languages by Cases , Modes , Tenses , &c. in which the modern Languages are very sparing , supplying them by auxiliary particles ; from thence infers , ingenia priorum seculorum nostris fuisse multo acutiora & subtiliora . But with reverence to the judgment of that incomparable Man , though it must be granted , that the Language being so , there was great wit in reducing the inflexions of words to such Rules of Art ; yet if these Rules be not necessary to Language , and according to nature , but that words may signifie sufficiently and in some respects better without them , then there is greater judgment shewed in laying them aside , or framing a Language without them . If all these Rules were general and constant , yet the multitude and variety of them would adde much difficulty to the Latin : But now the exceptions and Anomalisms to these Rules are so very numerous , that there is much more pains required for the remembring of them , than of the Rules themselves ; insomuch that many eminent Grammarians have written against Analogy , both in Greek and Latin. I shall offer a very brief view of them . As to the inflexions of Nouns in respect , 1. Of Number ; there are abundance of Substantives , whose sence and signification is naturally capable of both Numbers ; some of which want a singular , others a plural number . 2. In respect of Gender ; the Rules to discover the Genders of words by their Terminations , are not without multitude of exceptions . There are divers words that are of one Gender in the singular , and another in the plural number . Tartarus , Tartara . Locus , Loci , & Loca . Carbasus , Carbasa . Supellex , Supellectilia . Coelum , Coeli . Epulum , Epulae , &c. 3. In respect of Cases ; some words abound in C●ses . Avaritia , Avarities . Araneus , Aranea . Antidotus , Antidotum , &c. Others have no Cases , and are stiled Aclita , or Aptota ; as Sinapi , Pondo , Nequam , Cornu , Quatuor , Quinque Sex , Septem , Octo , Novem , Decem , Viginti , Triginta , &c. Centum , Mille , &c. Others called Monoptota , have ●ut one oblique Case , which in some is the Genitive , as Hujusmodi , Ejusmodi ; in others an Accusative , as Inficias ; in others the Ablative , Promptu , Iussu , Injussu , &c. Other Nouns have but two Cases , and are therefore stiled Diptota , as Necesse , Necessum ; Suppetiae , & Suppetias . And there are divers others that are Triptota , Tetraptota , Pentaptota . 4. In respect of Declensions ; the Terminations of the Cases both in the singular and plural number in divers Declensions are not without many exceptions , as Musis , Filiabus , &c. Some words are of several Declensions , as Pascha , Paschae , Paschatis . 2. As to the inflexions of Adjectives by the degrees of comparison ; there are many words which signifie quality , and are naturally capable of increase , and decrease , and consequently of this inflexion , which are yet exempted from it : So Cicur , Opimus , Clandus , Egenus , Almus , &c. Some want only a Positive , as Prior Primus , Vlterior Vltimus : Others a Comparative , as Novus Novissimus , Falsus Falsissimus , Pius Piissimus . Others a Superlative , as Iuvenis Iunior , Senex , Senior , &c. Besides that those which are inflected through all degrees , have several irregularities in the manner of it ; Similis Simillimus , not Similissimus . Bonus , Malus , Magnus , Parvus . 3. As to the inflexion of Verbs ; many Verbs of the Active voice are sometimes used in a Passive signification , and several others of the Passive voice used Actively . The exceptions about the Conjugations of Verbs , especially those referring to the praeter tense and supines , are so exceeding numerous , that it is not easie to recite them : Some are wholly without them , others have them without any Analogy ; as Fleo Flevi , Sero Sevi , Fero Tuli . Vbi à Dissimilibus Similia , à Similibus Dissimilia . Sometimes divers Verbs have the same Praeter tense , as Cresco , Crevi . Cerno , Crevi . Luceo , Luxi . Lugeo , Luxi . Fulgeo , Fulsi , &c. Fulceo , Fulsi , &c. And so for Supines , Cresco , Cretum . Cerno , Cretum . Pando , Passum . Patior , Passum . Vinco , Victum , &c. Vivo , Victum , &c. Some Verbs are of several conjugations , aggero ras , Dico ris , Dico Dicas , &c. Dicis , &c. Some are of none of the four conjugations ; as Sum , Volo , Fio , Eo , &c. Others are defective in respect of Modes and Tenses ; as Aio , Ave , Dari , Fari , Forem , &c. Those particular Terminations which signifie a Verb to be Inchoative , Frequentative , Diminutive , are not without many exceptions . As for the several Anomalisms in Syntax , referring either to Concord or Regimen ; they are so exceeding numerous , that it would be too tedious to recite them : And they may be seen in every Grammar . Adde to these the several exceptions in the Rules of Prosodia , about the right accenting and quantity of words . And from all these particulars put together , it is sufficiently evident that there may be very many and great advantages in a Philosophical Language , above that of the Latin Tongue ; especially in these two respects , that this hath no unnecessary Rules , no Exceptions . As for the China Character and Language so much talked of in the world , if it be rightly represented by those that have lived in that Country , and pretend to understand the Language , there are many considerable faults in it , which make it come far short of the advantages which may be in such a Philosophical Language as is here designed . 1. The multitude of Characters and Words , of which there are about 80000. others say 120000. and of these a man must have in readiness about eight or ten thousand before he is to be counted one that can write the Character , or judged fit to express his mind by it . 2. These Characters are strangely complicated and difficult as to the Figure of them , as may sufficiently appear by the following instance of the Lords Prayer in this Character : The Manuscript of which , together with a Catechism in the China Character and Language , was communicated to me by that Ingenious , and Inquisitive Person , Mr. Lodowick ; in which there was both the Creed and Ten Commandments , with several Questions and Answers about the Principles of Christian Religion : The Language being writ on one side of the Character in our common Letters ; and a verbal Translation in Latin on the other side . I did purpose out of this to have inserted the Lords Prayer as it was in that Copy ; in order to which I procured a Cut to be made of the Character : but this Manuscript being destroyed in the late Fire , and not knowing where to procure a supply of it , I am necessitated to offer the Characters without the Verbal Interpretations of them . Their way of reading is known to be from the top on the right side downwards . Chiu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tsi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ó 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ùl 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tèm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tsiè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zié 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chì 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fu ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yée'u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jong 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 che 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leang 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tsay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ' u'ul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y'u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thiaen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chiù 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 myen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ong-o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s'u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tsi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ju ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 áy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thyaen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yuen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jedū 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ziu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teng 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 niûm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yé 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ūwáng 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chîm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kyeea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ssa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ú'ul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 xím 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tóu ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kyn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉     yu ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ngò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jûn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gúë 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides the difficulty and perplexedness of these Characters , there doth not seem to be any kind of Analogy ( so far as I am able to judge ) betwixt the shape of the Characters , and the things represented by them , as to the Affinity or Opposition betwixt them , nor any tolerable provision for necessary derivations . 3. To this may be added the great Aequivocalness of the Language , every word having divers significations , some of them no less than twenty or thirty several sences ; upon which account Alvarez Semedo affirms it to be more difficult than any other Language in the World. 4. The difficulty of pronouncing it , every Syllable ( as this of Ko ) hath no less than ten several ways of pronunciation , as saith one Author ; and it hath more than thirty several significations in the Anamitish Language , as Alexander Rhodes observes in his Dictionary . Such various Accents they are necessitated to make use of , as other people cannot imitate . The Syllable Ba , according to its various Accents , hath six several sences , of no kind of affinity or nearness to one another . And the most expert Men among themselves are not able so exactly to distinguish in pronunciation , without using several attempts and repetitions to explain what they mean ; or sometime by making the Figure of the Character they would express with their Fingers in the Air , or upon a Wall , or Table . 5. Though in some particulars they seem to found their Character upon the Philosophy of things , yet 't is not so in others . The Character put for a precious Stone ( saith Semedo ) must be used with additions to it for several kinds of Gems , as Pearls , &c. So the Character for any kind of Tree , must have joined to it , the Character for Wood ; and the letter that signifies Metals , must be annexed to the Character of Iron , Copper , Steel , &c. The meeting with which passage , was no small satisfaction to me , in reference to that way which I had before pitched upon for the most natural expression of things . But this ( saith he ) is no constant Rule amongst them . It should seem to be observed only in some few species of nature which are most obvious , there being reason to doubt whether they had any such general Theory of Philosophy , as might serve for all other things and notions . In this it is to be acknowledged that they have a great advantage above the Latin , because their words are not declined by Terminations , but by Particles , which makes their Grammar much more easie than that of the Latin. To this I might adde something concerning the advantage of this Philosophical way , above those attempts towards a Universal Character which have been made by others . That of Marks or Letters by Cicero ; that of numbers by an Ingenious Country-man of our own , followed since by Beckerus , and by Athanasius Kircher ; together with that other attempt towards an Universal Language , by Philip Labbé . All which are in this one respect defective , because they are not Philosophical ; upon which account they are much more difficult , and less distinct . These things being premised concerning the many needless Rules , and great variety of exceptions in the Latin ; it will not be very difficult to make a comparison betwixt that , and the Character and Language here proposed . For the right estimating of the difficulty which there is in the Learning of any Language , these two things are to be enquired into . 1. The multitude of words . And 2. The Grammatical Rules belonging to such a Language . 1. As to the first of these , Hermannus Hugo asserts that no Language hath so few as 100000 words ; and Varro is frequently quoted by divers Learned Men , as if he affirmed that there are in the Latin no less than five hundred thousand . But upon enquiry into the scope of that place they relate to , it will appear that he doth not there design to give an account of the just number of words in the Latin , but only to shew the great variety which is made by the Inflexion and Composition of Verbs : To which purpose the first thing he lays down is , That there are about one thousand Radical Verbs in the Latin. And then Secondly , That every Verb in the Declensions of it , hath about five hundred several varieties or Cases of Inflexion , which make up the number of five hundred thousand . And then Thirdly , He supposeth each of these to be compounded with nine Prepositions , as for instance , the word Cessit , Recessit , Accessit , Abscessit , Incessit , Excessit , Successit , Decessit , Concessit , Processit ; this will raise the whole number to five millions : in which account he reckons only the Cases and Compositions of Verbs , and takes no notice of the Particles of speech , nor such other words as are not radically Verbs , which are very numerous . Of all other Languages , the Greek is looked upon to be one of the most copious ; the Radixes of which are esteemed to be about 3244. But then it doth exceedingly abound in Composition , in which the Latin Tongue being more sparing , must therefore upon that account have more Radicals . What the particular number of these may be , is not easie to determine ; because Learned Men do not agree about many of them , whether they are Radicals , or Derivatives . They may be by moderate computation estimated to be about ten thousand , most of which are either absolutely , or in phrase , or both ways equivocal . Notavi ex Varrone , Nounio & Festo , non extare vocabulum apud Latinos quod plures significationes non habet , saith Campanella . Many of them have no less than twenty distinct significations , and some more . Now for every several sense , we may justly reckon so many several words , which will much augment the former number . But suppose them only to treble it , and then the Latin words are to be reckoned thirty thousand . 2. Now for the Latin Grammar , it doth in the common way of Teaching take up several of our first years , not without great toyl and vexation of the mind , under the hard tyranny of the School , before we arrive to a tolerable skill in it . And this is chiefly occasioned from that great multitude of such Rules as are not necessary to the Philosophy of speech , together with the Anomalisms and exceptions that belong to them ; the difficulty of which may well be computed equal to the pains of Learning one third part of the words ; according to which the labour required to the attaining of the Latin , may be estimated equal to the pains of Learning forty thousand words . Now in the way here proposed , the words necessary for communication are not three thousand , and those so ordered by the help of natural method , that they may be more easily learned and remembred than a thousand words otherwise disposed of ; upon which account they may be reckoned but as one thousand . And as for such Rules as are natural to Grammar , they were not charged in the former account , and therefore are not to be allowed for here . So that by this it appears , that in point of easiness betwixt this and the Latin , there is the proportion of one to forty ; that is , a man of an ordinary capacity may more easily learn to express himself this way in one Month , than he can by the Latin in forty Months . This I take to be a kind of Demonstration à Priori ; and for an Argument à Posteriori , namely , from Experiment . Though I have not as yet had opportunity of making any tryals , yet I doubt not , but that one of a good Capacity and Memory , may in one Months space attain to a good readiness of expressing his mind this way , either in the Character or Language . FINIS . AN ALPHABETICAL DICTIONARY , Wherein all ENGLISH WORDS According to their VARIOUS SIGNIFICATIONS , Are either referred to their Places in the PHILOSOPHICAL TABLES , Or explained by such Words as are in those TABLES . LONDON , Printed by I. M. for Samuel Gellibrand and Iohn Martin , 1668. AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER . FOr the better understanding of the References in the following Dictionary , the Reader is desired to take notice , that the Abbreviations therein used , are thus to be explained ; A. Affinis . a. active AC . Action Corporeal adj . adjective Adv. Adverb underived adv . adverb derived ( aggr . aggregate ( apt aptitude , or proneness . AS . Action Spiritual ( arm . armament ( aug . augmentative Be. Beast Bi. Bird Conj . Conjunction ( corr . corruptive D. Deficient extreme D. Discourse ( def . defective ( dim . diminutive E. Exceeding extreme El. Element ( end . endeavour Ex. Exanguious ( ex . excessive ( fem . female Fi. Fish ( freq . frequentative G. God Ha. Habit HF. Herb considered according to the Flower Leafe Seed-vessel HL. Herb considered according to the Flower Leafe Seed-vessel HS. Herb considered according to the Flower Leafe Seed-vessel ( inc . inceptive ( imp . impetus , or fit ( instr . instrument Int. Interjection ( jug . jugament ( lam . lamin ( mach machin . Mag. Magnitude Man. Manners Mea. Measure ( mech mechanic ( merc . merchant Met. Metal Mo. Motion NP. Natural Power O. Operation O. Opposite ( off . Officer p. passive ( perf . perfective PG. Parts General Po. Possessions ( pot . Power , or ability PP . Parts Peculiar Pr. Provisions Pre. Preposition Pro. Pronoun Q. Quality sensible RC. Relation Civil RE. Relation Ecclesiastical RJ. Relation Judicial RM. Relation Military RN. Relation Naval RO. Relation Oeconomical S. Sickness ( segr . segregate Sh. Shrub Sp. Space sp . specially St. Stone T. or TG . Transcend . General TA. Transcendental Action TM . Transcendental Mixed Tr. Tree v. verb W. World The Literal Figures , as I , II , V , &c. denote the order of the Differences under each Genus ; and the other Figures , the order of the the Species under each Difference . So the word Sheep in the Dictionary is marked Be. II. 2 . The meaning of which is , That the th●ng signified by that word is described in the Philosophical Tables under the Genus of BEAST , the second difference , and the second Species . And Goat is Be. II. 2 . A. ( i. e. ) 't is joyned as an Affinis to the same Species . The Design of the Philosophical Tables is to enumerate and describe all kinds of Things and Notions : And the Design of this Dictionary , is to reckon up and explain all kinds of words , or names of things . And that the Reader may the better understand the usefulness of having all words set down according to their different Acceptions , and by what kind of Analogy they come to be used in such various sences ( which is one of the particular advantages of this Dictionary ) I shall here select out of it one particular Instance , for each of these several kinds of words , viz. a Substantive , an Adjective , a Verb , a Particle ; by which it will be easie to understand any of the rest . So the word CORRVPTION , according to that Notion of it which is Primary and proper , doth denote the Being , or Making of a thing , evil , or worse , whether by Admixtion with that which is bad , and then it is of the same importance with the word Defiling . Privation , as to a thing Being , so corruption is destroying . Vsefulness , so corruption is spoiling . Secondary , as applied to things Natural , so Corruption will denote according to the Degree of it , either Infection , or Decay , or Putrefaction . Moral , whether more General , so it denotes the Evilness of the mind or manners , Vnholiness , Viciousness . Special , so 't is peculiarly applied to Vnchastity and Bribery . So the word CLEAR , may signifie either Entire of it self ; so clearly is wholly . Not mingled with others ; so Clear is Simple . specially not with worse ; so Clear is Pure . Being free from impediments , or not being hindered from Being , doing , or receiving , which notion of Clear may be often exprest by the Transcendental mark of Perfective . There may be Instances of it given in every Genus ; as particularly , Quality , whether Natural Power , so a clear sight or understanding is a good s. or u. It is applied to the Mind , as a clear Wit , or Spirit . Body , so we say one is clear of sickness or pain , has a clear skin , &c. Habit , as a clear Reputation , that is a good R. sp . Sagacity and Sincerity are thus called Clearness . Manners , as Clear Dealing , that is Candor or Frankness . Sensible Quality . Visible , as clear weather , or sky or water , &c. Audible , as clear sound . Sickness , as clear of any disease ( i. e. ) not Infected , or not Diseased . Relation . Civil , as a Clear Estate . Iudicial , as Clear of any Crime . Military , as Clear Coast. Ecclesiastic , as Clear of any Censure . Being Done , so Clear is Easie , or not difficult ; Being Known , so Clear is Plain or manifest ; Being come to , or Passed through , so Clear is Accessible , or Passable , or Empty . So the word DELIVER , according to its primary sence , is the motion ( Met. ) or the passing of a thing , or of the Possession of it , or of the Power over it , from one to another . It is commonly used in relation either to the Subject , or thing deliver'd , whether Things ; so Deliver may signifie Depositing , Paying , Resigning . Words , as to the Matter , whether concerning Fact , so Delivering is Narration Doctrine , so Delivering is Teaching Manner , whether Immediately by Mouth , so to deliver , is to speak . Pen , so to deliver , is to write Mediately , so Delivering is Tradition Terms of this motion , either from a Better condition to a worse , being used Passively , so Delivering is Dereliction Actively , whether Involuntary , so Delivering is yielding Voluntary , so Delivering is Betraying Worse condition to a better . Temporal , whether by way of Prevention , so Delivering is Preserving , or Causing to escape : Remedy , from Captivity , so to deliver , is to Vncaptivate . Bondage , so to deliver , is to Vnslave . Prison , so to deliver , is to Vnimprison . Danger of Child-birth , so to deliver , is the Active of Parturition . Eternal , so delivering is Redemption . So the Particle BY , is sometimes used in the sence of an Integral , signifying the notion of Digression or Accessory , as on the by ; and is of the same importance with such kind of Negatives , as not principal , not pertinent , not public , not ordinary ; as a By-way : And sometimes 't is used to denote a common speech implying something of contempt , as a By word . Preposition Causal , Efficient , By such an Author . Instrumental , Slain by the sword . Final , or end , By reason of , &c. Local or Temporal , being sometimes used in that same sence with those other Prepositions . Before , as , By God , ( i. ) before God. At , as , Come by , ( i. ) obtain , or come at . In , as , by day , ( i. ) in the day time . Through , as , by such a street , ( i. ) through such a street . Besides , as , by the mark , ( i. ) besides . Adverbs denoting the Circumstance of Nearness , whether Local . So By , or hard by , is near such a Place . Temporal . So By and by , is nearness in Time , signifying future ( dim . ) Besides those Phraseologies wherein the Particle is used to signifie the Manner of things , as , By the By , By the Great , By Retail , By it self , &c. Which Phrases are to be expressed by the Adverbs Neuter of Digression , Aggregate , Segregate , Solitary , &c. So those Forms of Speech , By course , By the day , or day by day , By degrees , By turns , House by House , Year by Year , &c. are to be expressed by the Adverbs of Course , Day , Degree , Turn , House , Year , with the Transcendental Note of Segregate . The Alphabetical DICTIONARY . A A Article , 1. Abandon . T A. II. 2. O. Abase . [ a. Lowness , ] T M. II. 4. O. [ a. Meanness , ] Ha. II. 5. O. [ a. Humility , ] Man. V. 2. Abash , [ a. Shame . ] AS . VI. 2. A. Abate [ a. Little , ] TM . I. 1. D. [ a. Diminution , ] TM . I. 7. D. [ a. Remission , ] TM . I. 8. D. [ a. Subduction , ] TM . VI. 7. Abbat , [ Abby's ( Officer . ] Abbie , [ Colledge of Monks . ] Abbreviate , [ a. Brevity , ] TM . II. 1. O. [ a. Epitome , ] D. V. 6. Abbridge , [ a. Abbreviate . ] Abdicate , TA. I. 3. O. Abecedarian , [ Learner of elements , ] D. I. Abed , [ in bed , ] brought , [ adj . pret . parturition . ] Abet . [ v. Accessary , ] TM . IV. 4. O. [ v. Incourage , ] RO. VI. 2. [ a. Help . ] T. II. 5. Abhor . [ v. Hate , AS . V. 3. O. ( augm . ] [ v. Aversation , AS . V. 5. O. ( augm . ] Abide . [ continue . ] [ v. Duration , ] Mea. V. A. [ v. Permanent , ] Sp. I. 6. [ v. Constancy , ] Ha. IV. 7. [ v. stay ] TA. VI. O. [ dwell ] Po. I. A. suffer . [ v. Passion , ] T. I. 7. O. [ v. Patience , ] Man. I. 8. Abject . [ Mean , ] Ha. II. 5. O. ( augm . ) [ Contemptible , ] AS . II. 8. O. ( augm . ) excess of modesty , Man. III. 9. E. Ability . [ Potentialness ] T. III. 5. O. [ Nat. Power ] NP. per tot . [ Possessions ] Po. Abjure , [ Swear . RC. VI. 4. ( against . ] Ablatum , TM . VI. 7. Able , [ adj . Ability . ] Abode , vid. Abide . Abolish . [ a. Nothing ] T. I. 1. O. [ Annihilate ] AS . I. 1. O. [ Destroy ] AS . I. 4. O. — Law [ v. Law ( un . ] — Act [ v. Act ( un . ] Abominate . [ v. Hate ] AS . V. 3. O. ( aug . ) [ Aversation ] AS . V. 5. O. ( aug . ) Aboord [ into , or in Ship. ] Abortion , AC . I. 3. O. Above , Prep . V. 1. O. [ adv . Upper ] Sp. III. 5. [ More then , &c. ] Abound , v. TM . I. 2. E. [ v. Redundance , ] TM . I. 3. E. About , as round — Prep . III. 3. O. [ more or less ] Adv. V. 3. [ concerning ] Prep . I. 3. O. Abroad , [ out of ] Prep . IV. 2. [ without ] Prep . IV. 2. O. [ in public ] adv . TM . V. 4. Abrogate [ un-law . ] RC. IV. 3. Abrupt . [ confused ] TM . V. 2. O. sp . ended confusedly . ] discontinued confusedly . ] Absence , Sp. II. 1. O. Absolving . [ Acquitting , ] RJ. II. 7. [ un-excommunicate , ] RE. V. 5. Absolute . [ perfect ] T. III. 9. op . to dependent , TM . IV. 3. O. op . to relative , T. I. 8. O. Absolution , vid. Absolve . Abstein , TA. V. 6. O. [ v. Abstinence ] Man. II. 2. Abstemious , [ adj . Abstinence , ] Man. II. 2. sp . from Wine . Abstersive , adj . [ a. purgation ( dim . ] [ a. purity ] TM . V. 6. Abstinence , TA. V. 6. O. vertue , Man. II. 2. Abstract , D. II. 2. [ epitome ] D. V. 7. Abstruse . [ obscure ] D. III. 9. O. [ concealed ] TA. I. 8. O. Absurd . [ foolish ] HA. VI. 2. D. [ nor congruous ] T. V. 5. Abundance , TM . I. 2. E. Abuse , [ Use , TA. V. 6. ( corr . ] [ speak Injuriously ] RJ. IV. 1. Abusiveness . [ proneness to abuse . ] [ scurrility ] Man. IV. 9. E. Abutt [ v. Margin , ] Sp. III. 4. A. Abysse [ Deep ] TM . II. 3. ( aug . ) Academy , RC. III. 6. Acara , Fi. V. 8. A. Accelerate . [ a. Swift ] NP. V. 9. [ a. Soon ] Sp. I. 4. Accent , D. I. 9. Accept , TA. IV. 4. A. Acceptable . [ adj . p. Accept , ] TA. IV. 4. A. sp . ( apt . ] [ delighting ] AS . IV. 7. Acception of a word . [ meaning ] D. II. A. Access . [ v. Come ] TA. VI. 1. [ power of a p to come . ] [ leave of a p to come . ] [ opportunity of a p to come . ] Accessary , TM . IV. 4. O. Accident . op . to Subst . T. I. 5. O. [ adj . Contingent ] T. V. 8. O. ( thing . ) [ adj . Fortune ] AS . I. 2. D. ( thing ) sp . Event . TA. V. Acclamation . AC . III. 3. O. [ Exclamation through Joy ] of Praise ] Accommodate . [ a. Congruous , T. V. 6. ( make ] [ a. Means ] T. II. 6. O. [ a. Provision ] Pr. Accompany . [ v. Companion ] RO. IV. 2. [ v. Being , T. I. 1. with or together ] [ v. Going , TA. VI. with or together ] Accomplish . [ a. Perfect ] T. III. 9. ( make ) [ Perform ] TA. III. 6. [ Finish ] TA. III. 7. Accord . [ a. Assent ] AS . II. 3. [ a. Congruous ] T. V. 5. Of one — [ with simultaneous Spontaneity ] Of ones own — [ adv . Spontaneous , ] AS . IV. 9 According . [ adv . Congruous , ] T. V. 5. — as . Adv. I. 3. — to . Prep . II. 1. Accordingly . Adv. I. 3. O. Accost . [ a. Near ] Sp. II. 3. [ Address ] AC . V. 2. [ Salute ] AC . V. 3. Accounting . [ Reckoning ] TA. IV. 6. [ Esteeming ] AS . II. 8. Accoutred . [ Clothed ] Pr. IV. [ Armamented ] Pr. IV. A. Accrue . [ p. Effect ] T. II. O. [ v. Event ] TA. V. Accumulate , [ a. Heap ] O. II. 6. Accurate . adj . Perfect . T. III. 9. Accurse [ Curse ] AS . I. 3. O. Accuse . [ as Informer ] RJ. I. 3. [ as Plaintiff ] RJ. I. 4. — falsly . a. Calumny . RJ. IV. 7. Accustom . a. Custom . RC. IV. 1. A. — to doe , &c. a. do , &c. ( frequent ) Ace . [ One , ] Mea. II. 1. [ Point ] Mag. I. 1. Acerbity . Q. IV. 3. A. Ach [ Pain ] NP. V. 3. O. Achieve . [ a. Perfect ] T. III. 9. [ Perform ] TA. III. 6. [ a. Action ] T. 1. 7. Acid. Q. IV. 4. Acknowledge . [ Assent ] AS . II. 3. [ Concession ] D. VI. 3. A. [ Confess ] D. VI. 9. Aconite . ( Woolv's-bane ] Winter . HS. I. 3. Acorn [ Mast of the Oke . ] Acquaint . [ Know ( make ] Acquaintance . RO. IV. 4. Acquiesce . [ v. Rest. ] Mo. O. [ v. Content ] Ha. I. 3. Acquire . [ Obtain ] TA. V. 1. [ Gain ] TA. V. 2. Acquitting . — of debt . TA. IV. 9. — of guilt . RJ. II. 7. Acre . [ Area of 160 Pole square . ] Acrimony . Q. IV. 2. O. Act. [ Action ] T. I. 7. [ Chapter ] ( as an act in a Play ) D. III. 3. [ Law ] RC. IV. 3. [ Edict ] RC. IV. 3. A. [ real existence ] T. III. 5. to — a. Action . — in a Play. RC. III. 9. Action . T. 1. 7. Spiritual — AS — of God. AS . I. — of the Speculative Vnderderstanding . AS . II. — of the Practical Vnderstanding . AS . III. — of the Will. AS . IV. Corporeal — AC . — of Vegetative . AC . I. — of Sensitive . AC . II. — of Man. AC . III. [ Gesture ] AC . VI. A. Iudicial . — RJ. II. [ Suit ] RJ. II. A. Active . [ adj . Action ( apt . ] [ adj . Business , ( apt . ] [ adj . Nimbleness ] N P. V. 8. Actual . T. III. 5. Acus Aristotelis , Fi. VIII . 5. Acute . Sharp . [ adj . cut . ( apt ] — angle . Mag. III. 3. O. [ Intense ] TM . I. 8. E. [ Sprightly ] NP. IV. 2. — Sound . Q. III. 1. E. [ Sagacious ] Ha. III. 1. Adage D. V. 1. A. Adamant [ Diamond ] St. IV. 1. Adapt . [ a. Proportion ( perf . ] [ a. Congruous . ] Add. [ to — pur . ] [ together — pur . ] [ adj . Sum ( make ] [ adj . Aggregate , ( make ] [ Find [ reckon Sum ] Aggregate ] Adder , [ Viper ] Be. VI. 7. A. — s B●lt . Ex. IV. 7. — s Tongue . HL. I. 9. A. Addice . [ Cuting Hammer — of Barrel mech . ] Instrument of Barrel mech . ] Addict . [ v. Incline naturally ] habitually ] Addition . TM . VI. 6. vid. Add. Addle [ Putrid ] NP. V. 2. Address . AC . V. 2. Adequate . adj . Equality . TM . I. 5. Adhere . TA. II. 2. Adherent , [ adj . a. TA. II. 2. ] [ Accessary ] TM . IV. 4. O. Adjacent . [ Margining ] Sp. III. 4. A. [ Near ] Sp. II. 3. Adjective . D. II. 3. O. Adieu , [ Valediction . ] AC . V. 8. O. Adjoin . [ Join ] TA. II. 1. [ Margin ] Sp. III. 4. A. [ Near ] Sp. II. 3. Adjourn . [ discontinue till a set day ] [ a. Late . Sp. I. 4. O. ] by discontinuing . TM . III. Adjudge to — a. Sentence . RJ. II. 5. A. Adjunct . T. VI. 1. O. Adjure . [ a. Swear ] RC. VI. 4. ( make ) [ Entreat [ Command for God's sake . Adjust . [ a. Equal ] TM . I. 5. ( make ) [ a. Congruous ] T. V. 5. ( make ) [ Balance ] TA. IV. 6. A. Adjutant . RM. III. 4. A. Adjuvant . T. II. 5. Administer . [ Serve ] [ Yield ] TA. IV. 1. [ Give ] TA. IV. 4. Administration , [ Vice-Executorship to — sentenced . ] Male — Man. VI. 5. Admiral , [ Navy ( Officer . ] Admiring . AS . V. I. Admit . [ Permit ] sp . to enter . ] [ Concession ] D. VI. 3. A. [ Allow of ] Admonish , Warn . RO. V. 4. A. Adolescence . Me. VI. 2. Adonis-flower . HF. IX . 5. Ado● , [ Endeavour . ] TA. III. 4. Adopt . [ instead-a . child , RO. I. 2. O. ( make ] Adore , [ worship . ] RE. IV. Adorn , [ a. ornate . ] TM . V. 5. Advance . [ go forward ] RM. II. 2. E. [ a. Direct . Mag. II. 8. E. ( make ] [ a. Lift ] O. I. 1. A. [ a. Upper ] Sp. III. 5. [ a. Superiority [ a. High ] TM . II. 4. TM . I. 5. E. RO. III. Prefer . [ a. Dignity . ] H. II. 5. Advantage . [ Superiority ] TM . I. 5. E. [ Gain ] TA. V. 2. [ Occasion ] T. II. 4. A. Advent , [ to-Coming . ] TA. VI. 1. Adv●ntitious . [ besides Intention Sp. Casual . ] Expectation . Sp. Casual . ] [ Accessory ] TM . IV. 4. O. Adventure . [ Contingency ] T. V. 7. O. [ Fortune ] AS . I. 2. D. [ Essay ] TA. III. 4. A. [ Danger ] T. V. 3. O. [ Out-sent , adj . Commerce thing ] At - [ without fear of the event . ] Adverb . Derived . D. II. 4. Vnderived . D. II. 9. Adverse . [ Opposite ] T. VI. 8. O. [ Contrary ] T. V. 5. O. [ Enemy ] RO. IV. 1. O. [ Adversity ] Ha. I. 2. O. Adversary , [ Enemy ] RO. IV. 1. O. Adversity . Ha. I. 2. O. Advert , [ observe ] AS . III. 1. A. Advertise . [ Know , AS . II. 5. ( make ] [ Warn ] RO. V. 4. A. Advise . Giving — [ a. Advice . ] RO. V. 4. Taking — [ p. Advice . ] RO. V. 4. Advised . [ adj . p. Advise . ] [ adj . Considerate ] Ha. IV. 1. [ adj . Heedful ] Ha. IV. 2. Adulation , [ Fawning ] Man. IV. 7. E. Adult , [ adj . Adolescence . ] Me. VI. 2. Adulterate , [ Forgery ] RJ. IV. 4. A. Adultery . RJ. IV. 2. A. Adumbrate , [ a. Shadow . ] Q. I. 2. O. Advocate . [ Pleader ] RJ. I. 7. [ Mediator ] RJ. I. 2. A. Advowson , [ Right RC. IV. of future giving Presbyters ( place ] Adust . [ adj . p. preter . Fire . ] Afar . [ adv . Remote . ] Sp. II. 3. O. Affable . [ adj . Man. VI. 3. ] [ adj . Courtesie ] Man. IV. 7. Affair . [ adj . p. fur . Do ( thing ) [ Business ] TA. III. [ Thing ] T. I. 2. Affect . [ v. Affectation . ] [ v. Affection . ] [ Delight ] AS . IV. 7. Affectation . , [ Conceitedness . ] HA. III. 3. O. — of Empire [ Ambition . ] MA. III. 9. D. Affection . Passion , AS . V. & AS . VI. [ Desire ] AS . V. 4. [ Love ] AS . V. 2. Affiance . [ ●etrothing ] RO. II. 3. [ Confidence ] AS . V. 6. Affidavit , [ Sworn Testimony . ] RJ. I. 7. A. Affinity . RO. II. Affirming , D. VI. 2. Affix [ to fasten . ] Put. ] Afflict , [ a. Adversity , ] Ha. I. 2. O. Affluence , [ Abundance . ] TM . II. 2. E. Afford , [ permit to have . ] [ Yield ] TA. IV. 1. [ Grant ] D. VI. 3. A. [ Give ] TA. IV. 4. [ Sell ] RC. V. 3. Affraid , [ adj . Fear . ] AS . V. 5. O. Affront , RJ. IV. 1. A. Afresh . [ adv . New. Sp. I. 3. Repeated . TA. II. 6. [ again ] Adv. IV. 2. After . [ op . to before ] [ behind ] Prep . V. 3. O. [ adv . Posterior ] [ adv . Follow ] [ According to ] As by patern . Prep . II. 1. [ adv . Congruous to ] — Birth , [ secundine . ] PP . VI. 7. A. — Noon , [ after — adj . noon . ( time . ] — Time , [ adj . Future . ] Sp. I. 1. D. ( Time. ] Again . Adv. IV. 2. [ adv . p repeating . ] TA. II. 6. Against . Prep . II 3. O. Over — Prep . VI. 3. O. Agaric , [ Fungus of Larix-tree . ] Agast , [ adj . Fear . AS ▪ V. 5. O. ( augm . ] Agat . St. II. 1. A. Age. [ Life-time ] Mea. VI. of what — [ adj . preter . Age , how many years ? ] under — [ of Pupillar age . ] of full — [ Un-pupilled by Age ] [ adj . pret . Adolescence . ] middle — [ Manhood . ] Me. VI. 3. Declining — Mea. VI. 3. A Old — Mea. VI. 4. Decrepit — Mea. VI. 4. A. [ Generation ] Mea. VI. A. Agent . [ adj . a. Action . ( person ] [ pro — adj . Business , TA. III. ( Officer . ] ( Person . ] Aggravate . [ a. Great ] TM . I. 1. E. [ a. Intension ] TM . I. 8. E. Aggregate . TM . III. 6. O. Agility . Nimble , NP. V. 8. [ Swift ] NP. V. 9. Agitate [ Move ] Mo. ( freq . ) [ Drive ] TA. VI. 5. O. [ Swing ] Mo. VI. 3. [ a. vice-business . TA. III. Aglet , [ round Lamin . ( dim . ] Agnus-Castus . Sh. I. 6. A. Agoe , [ adv . Past. ] Sp. ● . 1. E. Agony , AS . VI. 8. [ Grief ( Impetus . ] [ Anger ( Impetus . ] Agree . [ v. Congruous ] T. V. 5. [ a. Contract ] RC. V. — to [ Consent ] AS . II. 3. [ Grant ] D. VI. 3. O. — together . V. Man. IV. 3. Agreeable . [ Congruous ] T. V. 5. [ Expedient , ] T. V. 6. Agriculture . O. III. Agrimony , HF. VIII . 3. Dutch — HF. III. 8. Aground on earth ] contiguous to the earth . ] Ague , S. II. 1. A. Ah , Interject . sp . Love. Sorrow . Desire . Insinuation . Ay , [ adv . Ever . ] Sp. I. 1. Aid , [ Adjuvant . ] T. II. 5. Ail . [ v. Passion ] T. I. 7. O. [ v. Impot . ] NP. V. O. [ v. Want ] TA. I. 5. O. Aim . [ Object ] T. VI. 2. [ End ] T. II. 6. Air , El. II. — Ethereal , El. II. 1. — of face , [ Figure , ( modus ] [ Tune . ] Wood , [ Maple tuberous ( augm . ) to — abroad , [ put in the Air. ] Airy . [ adj . Air. ] [ Wanton ] NP. IV. 3. O. [ Conceited ] Ha. III. 3. O. — of Hawks , [ Younglings ( aggreg . ) of Hawks . ] Ake , AC . II. 7. Akorn , [ Mast of the Oke . ] Alabaster , St. II. 1. Alacrity , Ha. IV. 3. Alarm . [ Arming ( sign ] [ Assaulting ( sign ] Alass , Interject . II. 1. Alate , [ Past. Sp. I. 1. E. ( dim . ] Alaternus , Sh. IV. 4. Albeit , [ Although . ] Conj . II. 2. Alchimy , [ Chimic . ] O. VI. Alcoran , [ Scripture of Mahometans . ] Alcyon [ King-fisher . ] Bi. III. 9. Alder , Tr. V. 3. Berry bearing , — Sh. II. 7. Alderman , [ Assessor of Corporation ( Officer . ] Ale , Pr. I. 7. Ale-cost , HF. II. 4. Ale-hoof , [ Ground-Ivy ] HL. VI. 11. Ale-house , [ adj . Selling ( house ) of Ale. ] Alembick , [ adj . Distillation ( vessel . ] Alexanders , HF. IV. 4. Algebra , [ adj . Invention ( art ) in quantity ( Science . ] Alien , [ Foreiner . ] RO. IV. 3. O. Alienate , Po. O. [ un - a. Propriety from himself . ] [ a. Stranger ] R● . IV. 4. O. Alight . [ un - Ride ] Sit ] Down-go ] TA. VI. Alike . [ adv . Like . ] TM . V. 1. [ adv . Equal ] TM . I. 5. Aliment , [ adj . Nutrition . AC . I. 6. ( thing ] Alimony , [ Proportioned ( thing ) for Provisions . ] Alisanders , H● . IV. 4. Alive , [ adj . AC . I. 7. ] — Cole , [ n. adj . Fire cole . ] Alkakengi , [ Winter-cherry . ] HS. IX . 8. Alkanet , HL. IX . 2. All , Pron . V. 3. at — [ adv . Any . ] — be it Conj . II. 2. — though Conj . II. 2. — one , [ Equal . ] TM . I. 5. — ready , vid. Already . — together . [ adv . Total ] TM . VI. [ adv . Aggregate ] TM . III. 6. O. [ adv . Perfect ] TM . III. 9. — waies in all ( times ) adv . all ( times ) Sp. in all times when it ought to be . ] Allay . [ a. Remiss ] TM . I. 8. D. [ a. Little ] TM . I. 1. D. [ v. more-remiss , &c. ] Allege . [ a. Argumentation . ] [ a. Quotation . ] Allegiance . [ Loyalty ] Man. V. 6. [ Duty of Subjection . ] Allegory , [ continued Trope , ] sp . Metaphor . ] Alley . [ narrow Street Way Area All-heal , HF. V. 8. Hercules — HF. IV. 10. Alligator [ Crocodile ] B● . VI. 3. Ally , vid. Alliance . Alliance . [ League ] RC. III. 8. [ Affinity ] RO. II. Alloy Stiffen by mixture ] un-price by mixture ] Allot , [ Appoint Measure ] Proportion ] Allow . [ Appoint sp . Measure ] [ Permit sp . Proportion ] [ Stipendiate ] RO. VI. 4. A. [ Give ] TA. IV. 4. [ Yield ] TA. IV. 1. [ Grant ] D. VI. 3. A. [ Approve ] AS . III. 3. [ Consent ] AS . II. 3. Allowance . [ appointed Measure ] [ Permitted Proportion ] [ Stipend ] RO. VI. 4. A. [ Maintenance ] RO. VI. 4. Allude , [ a. Allusion . ] D. IV. 9. A. Allure . RO. V. 5. Allusion . D. IV. 9. A. Almanack , [ adj . Year-book , of pl. Series of Daies , of every Month , ] Almes , [ adj . p. Almsgiving ( thing ] — giving . the Virtue , Man. III. 5. the Act , [ a. Almsgiving . ] Man. III. 5. Almicantar . W. VI. 7. A. Almighty , [ all-adj . Power . ] Ha. II. 6. Almner , [ Alms ( officer ] Almond . Tree , Tr. IV. 1. A. Fruit , Tr. IV. 1. A. ( Fruit ) [ Glandule ] PG. II. 7. Place of them , PG. III. 9. A. Almost . Adv. V. 1. Aloe . Herb , HL. VIII . 1. A. Tree , Tr. VIII . 1. Aloft [ Adv. High. ] TM . II. 4. Alone . [ Solitary ] RO. IV. 2. O. [ Only ] Adv. IV. 1. O. Along . [ on this side ] Prep . VI. 2. [ beside ] Prep . IV. 3. O. [ adv . p. continue . ] all — [ adv . Lying ] AC . VI. 7. A. Aloof [ adv . Remote . ] Sp. II. 3. O. Aloud [ adv . Sound . Q. III. ( aug . ] Alpe [ Bullfinch ] Bi. III. 5. Alphabet Series of Letters . ] Catalogue of Letters . ] Already . [ having been before ] [ adv . preter . Past. ] Sp. I. 1. E. [ which is now ] [ before this time ] Also . Conj . IV. 2. Altar , Sacrificing ( place . ) Po. II. 4. A. Alter , [ Change. ] TA. II. 6. A. Altercation , [ Contentiousness . ] Man. IV. 3. D. Alternation , [ Turn . ] T. VI. 7. Althaea , HF. IX . 7. Altitude , [ Height . ] TM . II. 4. Alum . St. V. 2. Am. [ v. Being ] T. I. 1. Copula . Amain , [ adv . Intension . ] TM . I. 8. E. Amalgama , Mingle with Quicksilver . Amaranthus . [ Princes Feather ] HF. I. 15. A. Amass , [ a. Heap . ] O. II. 6. Amate , [ a. Fear . ] AS . V. 6. O. Amaze . [ a. Extasie ] AS . VI. 8. A. [ a. Stupor ] NP. II. 1. O. with admiration , AS . V. 1. Ambages , [ about — Wandring Speeches . ] Ambassage . [ Political RC. Sending ] TA. VI. 4. Amber St. II. 8 A. — gris . St. V. 9. Ambient . [ about the outside ] Sp. III. 6. O. [ adj . Periphery ] Ambiguous , [ adj . p. abst . Doubt . ] [ adj . Equivocation . ] Ambition , Man ▪ III. 9. E. Ambling , Mo. II. 2. Ambedexter . [ using equally all his hands . ] [ seeming of all parties . ] Ambulatory , [ adj Walk ] Mo. II. 1. Ambush . RM. I. 9. A. Amen [ it Imper. Being ] Copula . ] Amend , [ v. Better . ] TM . I. 9. E. make — s [ v. compens . ] TA. II. 7. A. Amerce , [ Mulct . ] RJ. VI. 7. Amethyst , St. IV. 6. Amia ▪ Fi. IV. 1. Amiable [ adj . p. Love ( abstr . ] Amicable , [ adj . a. Friend . ] RO. IV. 1 Amiss . adv . adv . Evil. ] T. III. 2 O. Err. ] TA. III. 8. Transc . ( corruptiue ] Amity , [ a. Friend RO. IV. 1. ( abst . ) Ammi , [ Bishops-weed . ] HF. V. 4. A. Ammunition . RM. V. Amomum .   Among , [ betwixt . ] Prep . VI. 3. Amorous , [ adj . a Love. AS . V. 3. ( Abstr. ] Amort , [ adj Grief . AS . V. 4. O. ( impetus ] Amount , [ p Sum. ] TM . VI. 6. A Amphibious , [ Inhabiting Lan● and Water . ] Amphiboly , [ Doubtfulness of sense . ] Amphitheatre , [ Round building for Shews . ] Ample . Wide , Sp. II. 5. [ Great ] TM . I. 1. E. [ Broad ] TM . II. 2. Ampliation . D. IV. 2. O. Amplifie , a. D. IV. 2. O. Amulet , [ adj . a. Physitian ( thing ) with — adj . p. carry ( abstr . ) adj . hang at neck , &c. ] An Article . I. Anabaptist , [ Rebaptizing Schismatic . ] Anacardium . Tr. IV. 8. A. Anagram , [ Play of changing the orders of Letters . ] Analem , [ Representing ( thing ) by lines ; ] sp . of the Sphere imaginary . ] Analogy , [ Proportion . ] Me. O. Analysis , [ Artificial Segregation . ] Anarch● . R● . O. Anas Campestris Bell●rii . Bi. II. 4. A. Anathema , [ Excommunication . ] RE. V. 5. Anatomy . Cutting up , [ Segregation by cutting . ] Body cut up , [ Body segregated by cutting . ] Ancestor . [ Progenitor . ] RO. I. 1. Anchor . RN. III. 9. Anchorite , [ Hermit . RE. II. 7. A. circumsepimented . ] Anchove . Fi. III. 12. Ancient . [ adj . Old ] Sp. I. 3. O. [ adj . Old-age . ] Mea. VI. 4. [ Ensign ] RM. III. 2. — of ●hip . RN. III. 7. A. Anckle , [ Protuberant end of the Leg-bone . ] Ancome , [ Porous bile . ] And , Conj . I. 2. Andiron . [ Fewel-supporting ( Instrument . ] Anemony , H● . IX . 3. Aneuresma . S. III. 8. A. Anew . [ adv . New. Sp. I. 3. Repeat . TA. II. 6. [ again ] Adv. IV. 2. Angel. [ Spirit . ] W. I. 1. Good — W. I. 2. Bad — W. I. 2. O. In money , Mea. IV. 4. Fish. [ Scate ] Fi. II. 5. Angelica . HF. IV. 5. Anger . AS . V. 9. vi●ious — Man. I. 9. D. Angle . Mag. III. 2. O. right — Mag. III. 3. obtuse — Mag. III. 3. E. acute — Mag. III. 3. D. to — [ Hunt Fish with Wand and Line . ] A●guish . [ Anxiety . ] Ha. I. 3. O. [ Pain ] NP. V. 3. O. ( augm . ) [ Grief ] AS . V. 4. O. ( augm . ) [ Trouble ] TA. V. 9. O. ( aug . ) Angular , [ adj . Angle . ] Mag. III. 2. O. Any . the particular , Pron . II. 3. O. the Indefinite , Pron . III. 1. — whither , [ to any ( place ] — where , [ in any ( place . ] Animadversion , [ Observation . ] AS . III. 1. A. Animal . W. V. 4. Animate parts of the world . W. V. to — [ Encourage ] RO. VI. 2. Animosity old anger . ] perverse anger . ] Aniseed . HF. IV. 1. Ankle , vid. Anckle . Annals , [ adj . Year ( segr . ] History ] Annats [ Tribute out of the Years Revenue . ] Annex , [ to-joyn . ] TA. II. 1. Annihilate . AS . I. 1. O. Anniversary . [ adj . Year ( segr . ] sp . Solemnity . ] Annoy . [ a. Hurt ] T. IV. 1. O. [ a. Trouble ] TA. V. 9. O. Annotations , [ Comment . ] D. V. 6. D. Annual . [ adj . Year ( segreg . ] Annuity . [ adj . year ( segr . ) Paiment . ] Rent . ] Stipend . ] Annull . [ a. Nothing ] T. I. 1. O. [ Annihilate ] AS . I. 1. O. [ un-do ] Annulet , Mag. V. 2. ( dim . ) Annunciation , [ Narration ] D. V. 3. An●int , [ smear ] O. V. 6. A. Anomalous . [ not - ( adj . p. ) Rule ] D. IV. 5. [ exorbitant ] Anon , [ Adv. Futur . Sp. I. 1. O. ] Anonymous , [ not - ( adj . p. ) name . ] T. I. 4. Another . Pron . V. I. & diff . T. III. Answer . D. VI. 1. O. — able . [ adj . Congruity ] T. V. 5. [ adj . Fur. Reckoning ] TA. IV. 6. Ant. EX . IV. 5. — bear , Be. V. 5. Antagonist . [ Enemy ] RO. IV. 1. O. [ Contrary ] T. V. 5. O. [ Opposite ] T. VI. 8. O. Antarctic . — Circle . W. VI. 5. O. — Pole. [ adj . South pole . ] Antecedent , [ Preceding . ] Sp. I. 2. E. Antedate , [ before - a. date . ] Sp. I. 5. Anthem . RE. IV. 2. A. St. Anthony's fire , [ Erysipelas . ] S. II. 7. A. Antic , [ Old ] Sp. I. 3. O. Corrupt . ] Manner . ] Antichrist , G. 2. O. Anticipate . [ Prevent ] TA. III. 9. [ v. Soon ] Sp. I. 4. E. Antidote , [ adj . against-poyson ( thing . ] Antilope , [ goat ( kind ) having straight wreathed horns . ] Antimony , Met. III. 2. Antipathy , [ natural Aversation . ] AS . V. 5. O. Antiperistasis , [ Resistance of contrary quality . ] Antipodes , [ Over against - sited in the remotest parts of the Globe diametrically opposite ] Antiquary , [ Learned ( Artist ) in Old ( things . ] Antiquated , [ Annull'd by being un-custom'd . ] Antique , vid. Antic . Antiquity . [ Oldness ] Sp. I. 3. O. [ Old-age ] Me. VI. 4. Antithesis , [ Opposition . ] T. VI. 8. O. Antitype , [ typed . T. II. 3. A. ( thing ] Anvil , [ the Iron supporting ( Instr. ) of the hammered ( thing . ] Anxiety , HA. I. 3. O. Apace , [ adv . Swift . ] NP. V. 9. Apart . [ adv . Segregate ] TM . III. 6. Transc . ( Segreg . ) Ape . Be. III. 1. A. Aper . Fi. IV. 9. A. Aphorism . [ brief Rule ] D. IV. 5. [ Authentic sentence ] D. III. 1. A. Aphua gobites . Fi. III. 9. Apocryphal , [ doubtfully authoriz'd . ] Apologue . [ Fictitious example ] [ Instructive Fiction ] Apology , [ Plea. ] RJ. II. 3. A. Apophthegm , [ wise Sentence . ] Apoplexy . S. IV. 3. A. Aporrhais . EX . VII . 3. A. Apostasie . RE. III. 6. O. Apostem . S. I. 6. A. Apostle . RE. II. 3. Apothecary . O. VI. A. Appale . a. Pale . AC . IV. 9. O. ] a. Fear . AS . V. 6. O. ] Apparel . Pr. IV. Apparence . [ seeming ] TA. I. 9. A. — at Law. RJ. II. 2. A. [ ens apparens ] T. I. 2. O. Apparent . [ adj . Seeming ] TA. I. 9. A. [ adj . Manifest . ] TA. I. 9. Apparition , [ p. See ] of Spirits . Apparitor , [ adj . a. Citation . RJ. II. 1. ( Officer . ] Appartment . Po. III. 2. A. Appeal . RJ. II. 8. A. Appear . [ v. as Thing ] T. I. 2. O. [ v. Manifest ] TA. I. 9. [ v. Seeming ] TA. I. 9. O. [ — Iudicially ] RJ. II. 2. A. Appearing Meteor . El. V. Appease , [ un — a. Anger ] AS . V. 9. Appendage , [ adj . Accessary . ( thing . ] TM . IV. 4. O. Appertein , [ v. Pertinence . ] TM . IV. 5. Appetite . NP. II. 4. Applaud . Commend . RO. V. 7. ( sign . ] Praise . RO. V. 8. ( augm . ] Apple . Tree , Tr. I. 1. Fruit , PP . III. 1. Thorn. — HS. VII . 7. A. — of Love. HS. IX . 2. Adams , — Tr. I. 7. A. Mad — HS. IX . 2. A. — of the Eye [ Black ( part ) of the Eye . ] Apply . TA. II. 3. [ Together-joyn ] TA. I. 1. Appoint . [ Intend ] AS . IV. 3. [ Design ] TA. HI . 1. [ a. Command ] RO. V. 1. Apposite [ Congruous . T. V. 5. [ Pertinent . TM . IV. 5. Apprehend . [ understand ] NP. I. 1. [ a. common Sense ] NP. II. 1. [ a. Opinion ] AS . II. 6. O. [ arrest ] R J. II. 1. A. Apprentice . [ Learner . RO. III. 3. O ( Merchant . ] ( Mechanic . ] Approch , [ v. Near. ] Sp. II. 3. Approbation ▪ AS . III. 3. Appropriate . TA. I. 2. [ a. Proper , T M. IV. 6. ( make ] Approve . AS . III. 3. Appurtenance . [ Pertinent ] TM . IV. 5. [ Accessory ] TM . IV. 4. O. Apricock . Tr. II. 2. April , [ the fourth Month. ] Apron , [ hanging ( Vest ) before the Belly . ] Apt. Transc . ( abstr . ) [ adj . Congruous ] T. V. 5. [ adj p. Disposition ] HA. O. Aptitude . [ Congruity ] T. III. 5. [ Sagacity ] Ha. III. ● . [ Alacrity ] [ Disciple ( abstr . ] Aquarius , [ 11th . of the 12 parts of the Zodiac . ] Aqueduct . Po. II. 8. A. Aquila , Fi. II. 1. A , Aquosity , [ Water ( abstr . ] Arable , Po I. 4. Aray . [ Cloath ] Pr. IV. [ Order ] TM . V. . 2. Arbalist , [ adj . a. Crosbow . RM. V. 4. A. ( person ] Arbitrary , [ adj . Liberty . ] AS . IV. 8. Arbitrator . RJ. I. 2. Arbitrement , v. RJ. I. 2. Arbor [ Room of Trees . ] Arbutus , [ Strawberry Tree ] Sh. III. 4. Arch [ Principal . ] an Arch , Po. III. 6. A. — of Circle , [ part of adj . Circle-line . ] Archangel , [ Principal Angel. ] dead Nettle , HF. VIII . 10. Archbishop , [ Primat . ] RE. II. 4. Archdeacon , [ Bishops Substitute . ] Archer , [ adj . a. Bow. RM. V. 4. ( person . ] Architecture , [ a. Buildings . ( Art. ] Architrave , [ Chief beam . ] Archives , [ Store ( place ) of old Writings . ] Arctic , [ adj . North. ] — Circle , W. VI. 5. — Pole , [ adj . North pole . ] Ardent . [ adj . Fire ] El. I. [ adj . Heat , Q. V. 1. E. ( aug . ] [ adj . Zeal ] AS . VI. 1. Area , [ Surface . ] Mag. I. 3. Argent , [ of Silver Colour . ] Argu● . v. D. IV. 6. Argument . [ Matter ] T. II. 7. [ Object ] T. VI. 2. [ adj . a. Argumentation , D. IV. 6. ( thing . ] Arid , [ Dry. ] Q. V. 2. D. Aries , [ first of the 12 parts of the Zodiac . ] Aright . Transc . ( Perf. ) [ adv . Good ] T. III. 2. Arise . AC . VI. 1. as Sun [ above - adj . Horizon ( incept . ] as Hill [ upward - Oblique . ] Mag. II. 8. Aristocracy , [ Government by the Nobles . ] Aristolochy , [ Birth-wort . ] Arithmetic , [ Numbring ( art ] Ark , ( Box. ] Pr. V. 2. Arm. — of Man. PG. V. 1. — of the Sea. [ Bay. ] — of a Tree , [ Branch . ] PP . I. 3. to — [ Arms. ] Armada , [ Army of Ships . ] Armadillo , Be. V. 5. A. Armament . Pr. IV. a. Army , RM. IV. 1. Armor , Arms defensive , RM. V. 1. A. Armorer , [ Arms ( mechanic . ] Armory , [ Arms ( place . ] Arms. offensive [ Weapons ] RM. V. I. defensive . RM. V. 1. A. man at — [ armed ( pft ) Horse-man . ] as in a Scutcheon [ adj . Degree RC. I. ( sign ) picture . ] Aromatic . [ adj . Spice . ] Pr. II. 4. Arquebus , [ RM. V. 6. ( augm . ] Array , vid. Aray . Arraign , [ a. Bill . ] RJ. II. 3. Arrant , [ Genuin . ] T. III. 4. Arras , [ Room ( vest ) weaved picture ( like . ] Arrear , [ Residue Debt . ] Arrest . RJ. II. 1. A. Arrive , [ to - come . ] TA. VI. 1 , Arrogance . [ Pride ] Man. V. 2. O. [ Magisterialness ] Man. IV. 8. D. [ Supercisiousness ] Man. VI. 3. O. Arrogate , [ Claim . ] TA. I. 3. Arrow . RM. V. 5. A. — head . HS. VI. 1. A. Arse , [ Buttock . ] PG. IV. 6. Arsenal , [ Ammunition ( place . ] Arsenick . St. VI. 4. A. Arsmart . HF. VIII . 6. codded — HS. VIII . 9. Art. Ha VI. 3. Artemisia , [ Mugwort . ] HF. II. 2. A. Artery . PG. II. 4. A. rough — [ Wind-pipe . ] PG. VI. 1. A. Artichoke . HF. III. 1. A. Article . [ Section ] D. III. 2. A. [ Pact ] RC. VI. A. [ adj . Accusation , RJ. I. 3. ( thing ] as , A. The D. II. 8. A. Articulate . Q. III. 3. A. Artificer . RC. II. 5. A. Artificial . [ adj . Art ] Ha. VI. 3. [ Factitious ] T. III. 7. O. Artillery , [ Ordnance . RM. V. 6. A. ( aggreg . ] Artist , [ adj . Art. Ha. VI. 3. ( person . ] Artizan . RC. II. 5. A. As. opp . to So , Adv. I. 3. — Ear — — Long — — Much — - So far how far long how long much how much — for , [ concerning ] Prep . I. 3. O. — for example , [ ex . gr . ] Con. IV. 3. O. — if Adv. III. 2. O. — it were Adv. III. 2. O. — though Adv. III. 2. O. where — Conj . IV. 1. for — much Conj . IV. 1. [ whilst ] adv . III. 1. Asarabacca HL. VI. 6. Ascarides . Ex. I. 3. Ascend , [ upward . Prep . V. 1. Ition ▪ TA. 6. ] Ascertain , [ v. Certain . AS . II. 6. A. ( make ] Ascribe . [ a. Predicate ] D. II. 8. O. [ Claim ] TA. I. 3. Ash. Tr. VI. 5. — colour , [ adj . ashes . El. IV. 3. ( colour . ] Ashamed , [ adj . Shame . ] AS . VI. 2. A. Ashes . El. IV. 3. Ashore , [ on - shore ] Aside . [ adv . Separation ] TA. II. 1. O Solitary ] RO. IV. 2. O. . Lay — or cast — Rejection ] AS . IV. 5. O. Desist ] AS . IV. 6. O. Intermit ] Asilus . Ex. I. 4. A. Ask. ( Enquire [ a. Question . ] D. VI. 1 Require Necessary Expedient make ] Entreat ] RO. V. 3. Beg. [ a. Begger . ] RC. I. 8. A. Demand . as price , RC. VI. 2. O. as due , TA. IV 2. A , [ Command ] RO. V. 1. Askew , [ Oblique ] Mag. II. 8. Asleep , [ adj . Sleep , ] AC . II. 3. O. numb'd , [ adj . p. Stupor ] NP. II. 1. O. Aslope , [ Oblique ] Mag. II. 8. Asp. Serpent , [ Viper ] Be. VI. 7. A. Tree , [ White poplar ] Tr. VI. 7. A. Asparagus . HL. IX . 6. Aspect , [ Face , PG. III. 1. ( manner ] Asperity . [ roughness ] Q. VI. 2. D. [ austereness ] Man. VI. 8. O. Aspersion , [ Calumny ] RJ. IV. 7. Asphodel , [ Kings-spear ] HL. V. 1. Aspiration , [ Respiration . Mo. III. 2. ( Impetus . ] Aspire [ a. Ambition . ] Man. III. 9. E. Asquint , [ Oblique ( corrupt ) Vision ( manner ] Ass ▪ ●e . I. 2. Assa foetida , [ the gum of Lazarwort . ] Assay . [ Essay ] TA. III. 4. A. [ Endeavour ] TA. III. 4. Assail , [ Assault . ] RM. I. 3. Assassin , [ a. Murther , RI. III. 4. sp . under pretence of Religion . ] Assault , RM. I. 3. Assemble , [ a. Convention . ] RC. III. Assent . AS . II. 3. Assentation , [ Fawning ] Man. IV. 8. E. Assertion , [ Affirmation . ] D. VI 2. Assess . [ a. Tax ] RC. V. 9. O. [ Impose , adv . Proportion . ] Assessor . — in Iudgment , RJ. I. 1. A. — of Taxes , [ v. Assess ( Officer ] Asseveration , [ Affirmation . D. VI. 2. ( augm . ] Assiduity , [ Diligence . ] Ha. IV. 5. Assign . Transfer right . RC. V. 1. [ Design ] TA. III. 1. Assimilate , [ a. Likeness . TM . V. 1. ( make ] Assist. [ v Adjuvant ] T. II. 5. [ v. Assessor ] RJ. I. 1. A. Assize . Judgment [ adj . Shire , Judicial Convention . ] [ adj . Law Authority Measure ] Associate , [ a. Companion . RO. IV. 2. ( make ] Assoil , [ Absolve . ] RJ. II. 7. Assume . to — take ] TA. I. 4. together-take ] TA. I. 4. Assure . [ v. Certain ] AS . II. 6. [ v. Assurance ] AS . III. 6. Asswage , [ v. Remission . ] TM . I. 8. D. Asterisk . Mag. IV. 6. A. Asthma . S. V. 2. Astonish . [ a. Wonder , ( augm . ) AS . V. 1. ( make ] [ a. Extasie . AS . VI. 8. A. ( make ] [ Stupifie with Wonder . ] Fear . ] Astray . [ adj . Err ] TA. III. 8. Wander ] TA. VI. 3. A. Astride , [ adj . Stride . ] Mo. II. 3. O. Astringent . — in Virtue , [ Binding . ] Mo. IV. O. in Tast , [ Austere ] Q. IV. 3. Astrolabe , [ Star-measuring ( Instr. ] Ast●ology , [ Conjecturing ( Art ) by the stars . ] Astronomy , Measuring ( Art ) of Heavenly ( things ] Asunder . [ adv . Segregate ] TM . III. 6. [ adv . Separate ] TA. II. 1. O. At. [ N●ar , augm . ] Prep . III. 1. O. [ In ] Prep . IV. 1. O. — all . [ in any Thing . Manner . — last Adv. III. 3. O. — length Adv. III. 3. O. — last adv . last . — least adv . least . — most adv . most . — once adv . One. ] in one ( time ] with one blow , &c. Atchieve . [ a. Action ] T. I. 7. [ Perform ] TA. III. 6. [ a. Perfect . T. III. 9. ( make ] Atheism . RE. I. O. Atmosphere . El. II. 1. A. [ Sphere of Vapors . ] Atom , [ Indivisible body ( dim . ] Atone . [ un — Enemy RO. IV. 1. O. ( make ] [ a. Friend , RO. IV. 1. ( make ] Attac . [ Besiege ] RM. I. 4. [ Assault ] RM. I. 3. A. Attach , [ Arrest ] RJ. II. 2. Attagen . Bi. II. 3. A. Attein : [ Obtein ] TA. V. 1. Atteint . [ a. Accuser ] RJ. I. 3. [ un-a . Noble , RC. I. 3. ( make ] Attempt , [ Essay ] TA. III. 4. A. Attend. [ Continue expecting ] [ Wait ] AC . V. 1. A. Hearken [ Hear ( endeavor ] — unto , [ a. Observe . ] AS . III. 1. A. Attention , vid. Attend. Heedfulness ▪ ] Ha. IV. 2. Diligence ] Ha. IV. 5. Attenuate [ a. Rarity . Q. V. 3. D. ( make ] Attest . [ a. witness ] RJ. I. 7. A. [ a. Protestation ] Attire , [ Clothing . ] Pr. 4. Attourney , [ for — businessing ( person ] sp . Lawyer . ] Attract , [ to — draw . ] Attribute , [ Predicate . ] D. II. 8. O. Attrition . [ Rubbing ] O. V. 8. [ Grinding ] upon a body , O. IV. 2. between bodies , O. VI. 1. [ Decay , NP. V. 4. O. by use . ] Avail . [ a. Adjuvant ] T. II. 5. [ a. Profit ] T. IV. 1. Avant , [ from — Imperat. Ition . ] TA. VI. Avarice , [ Covetousness ] Man. III. 1. D. Audacity , [ Boldness . ] AS . V. 8. Audible , [ adj . p. Hear ( apt . ] — Quality . Q. III. Audience . [ Hearing ] [ Convention for Hearing . ] [ Hearers ( Aggreg . ] Audit , [ Convention for reckoning . ] to — [ a. reckon . ] TA. IV. 2. Auditor . Hearer [ hearing ( person ] Accountant [ reckoning . TA. IV. 6. ( Officer ] Auditory , vid. Audience . Avenge , [ Revenge . ] AS . V. 9. A. Avens . HF. IX . 1. A. Avenue , [ to — way . ] Averr , [ Affirm D. VI. 2. ( augm . ] Aversation . AS . V. 5. O. Aversion . AS . IV. 1. O. Avert , [ from-turn . ] TA. VI. 2. O. Auger , [ great Boring . O. IV. 3. ( instr . ] Augment . [ increase ] Great ( make ] Intense ( make ] more Great ( make ] more Intense ( make ] Augury , [ Divination by Birds . ] August , [ eighth Month. ] Aunt , [ Uncle . ] RO. I. 3. ( fem . ] Avocetta , [ long reversed bill-gull ( kind ] Avoid . TA. VI. 7. O. [ a. Aversation ] AS . V. 5. O. Avouch , [ Affirm solemnly . ] Avow , [ Affirm solemnly . ] Avrelia [ Chrysolite . ] PP . V. 6. A. Auricular , [ adj . Ear. ] Auspicious , [ Prosperous . ] Ha. I. 2. Austerity . Tast. Q. IV. 3. Vice , Man. VI. 8. O. Authentic , [ adj . Authority . ] RC. IV. 6. Author . [ Efficient ] T. II. 1. [ adj . a. preter . Invention . ] AS . III. 2. O. Authority . [ Right ] RC. IV. 6. [ Testimony ] sp . Credible . ] Autumn . Me. V. 3. Auxiliary , [ Adjuvant . ] T. II. 5. Aw . [ Fear ] AS . V. 6. O. [ Reverence ] Man. V. 3. — full , [ adj . Fearing ( apt . ] Away . [ From ] Prep . III. 2. [ Off ] Prep . III. 2. A. [ Absent ] Sp. II. 1. O. [ From — Imper. Go. ] TA. VI. 1. O. — with , [ Off ] Prep . III. 2. O. sp . with an Imperative . ] Fling — [ From — go Hastily . ] Angrily . ] Stand — [ Be more distant . ] Awake , [ adj . AC . II. 4. to — [ un-sleep . ] Award , [ Sentence . ] RJ. II. 5. A. sp . of Arbitrators . ] Aware . [ Before-knowing ] [ adj . Heedfulness ] Ha. IV. 2. Awkward . [ not Skilful . ] Agil . ] [ Perverse ] NP. IV. 1. O. Awle , [ adj . Iron ( dim . ) boring ( Instr. ] Awry . [ Oblique ] Mag. II. 8. [ Crooked ] Mag. III. 1. O. [ adj . Err ] TA. III. 8. Ax , [ Carpenters ( Instr. ) for to cut strikingly . ] Battle - Cutting Club. ] RM. V. 2. ] Hammer . Pole — Cutting Club. ] RM. V. 2. ] Hammer . Pick — [ hammer for pecking . ] Axiom . [ adj . p. Authority Sentence ] D. III. 1. A. [ Rule ] D. IV. 5. Axis   Axle-tree . — of Globe . Mag. II. 5. A. — of Cart. Po. V. 6. A. Ay , [ Sloth ] Be. III. 2. A. Azimuth . W. VI. 4. A. Azure . [ Blew . ] Q. II. 3. A. — Stone . St. II. 3. A. B BAbble , [ a. Loquacity . ] Man IV. 5. D. Babe , [ adj . Infancy ( person . ] Me. VI. 1. Baby , [ Factitious Man. ( dim . ] Bable , [ adj . Vanity . T. IV. 5. ( thing ] Baboon , Be. III. 1. Bachelor , [ adj . Coelibat . RO. II. 1. ( person ] — of Arts , [ having the first Academical degree . ] — s Button , [ Campion . ] HS. V. 2. Back . Noun . — of Body . [ Hinder part ] Sp. III. 8. O. — of Animal . PG. IV. 3. Adverb . [ Un ] Adv. IV. 3. [ Re ] Adv. IV. 3. O. — to the same Place Person Condition again Preposition . [ From ] Prep . III. 2. [ to — one . [ a. Accessory ] TM . IV. 4. O. [ Incourage ] RO. VI. 2. [ a. Adjuvant ] T. II. 5. give — [ Retire ] RM. II. 2. D. Keep — Abstein ] TA. V. 6. O. Detein ] Keep one — Abstein ] Abstein ] TA. V. 6. O. Detein ] [ a. Cohibit ] T. II. 2. O. [ a. Hinder ] T. II. 5. O. — door . [ adj . hinder-part door ] [ door of the hinder part of the house . ] — friend , [ Conceal'd Enemy . ] Backbite . RJ. IV. 7. A. Back-slide , [ a. Apostate . ] RE. III. 6. O. Backward . [ adj . Backwardness ] toward - the hinder part ] to — the hinder part ] Backwardness . [ Aversation ] AS . V. 5. O. [ Nolleity ] AS . IV. 1. O. ( dim . ) Bacon , [ Condited Hogs-flesh . ] Bad , [ Evil. ] T. III. 2. O. Badge , [ Sign ] T. VI. 5. Badger . Beast , Be. V. 2. A. [ Merchant ] ( corr . ) of Corn ] Bag , Pr. V. 1. cloak — [ behind-riding bag . ] — pipe , Musical ( Instr. ) of Pipes and Bag. ] Baggage , [ Carried ( things ) adj . a. hinder ( apt ] [ utensils of the Army . ] RM. V. A. Bay. — tree , Tr. III. 5. Rose — [ Oleander ] Sh. VI. 1. A. Wild — Sh. III. 9. — colour , [ Chesnut colour . ] brown — [ black . Q. II. 1. O. ( dim ) adj . Chesnut colour . ] — in Water , [ Transverse bank . ] — of Sea. W. IV. 4. — of Building . Po. III. A. — windows , [ Prominent windows . ] to — at [ against-a . Dog ( voice ] Bail. RJ. II. 2. Baily ,   Bailiff . Magistrate [ adj . Town ( officer . ] Serjeant [ adj . Citation ( Officer . ] Arresting ( Officer . ] Servant . [ adj . Agriculture ( Officer . ] Bain , [ Bath . ] Po. II. 5. A. Bait , [ Sustenance . ] Pr. I. sp . adj . Hunting . ] to — [ Refresh ] TA. V. 8. sp . with Sustenance in journey . ] [ Allure ] RO. V. 5 sp . with Sustenance . as Hook or Trap , [ make adj . allure ( apt . ] [ Provoke ] RM. I. 2. Bake . Pr. III. 5. A. — er , [ Baking ( Officer . ] ( Mechanic . ] Balad , [ Plebeian Song . ] Balance , [ adj . librating O. I. 2. ( jug . ] to — [ Librating ] O. I. 2. [ Equal the weight ] [ a. Equal ( make ) Even Accounts . TA. IV. 2. A. Balast , [ Weight , un - adj . a. roll ( apt ] Balcony , [ Prominent doored window . ] Bald. [ Un-hair'd ] [ not-ornate ] [ not-congruous ] Bale . [ Heap . together-bound . ] [ Aggregate together-bound . ] Balk . — of Earth , [ Area not ploughed . ] to — [ Omit ] TA. III. 8. A. [ Discourage ] RO. VI. 2. A. Ball. [ Balling . Mo. V. 4. A. ( Instr. ] [ Sphere ] Mag. III. 5. sp . ( dim . ] [ Convention for dancing ] Balloting , [ a. Suffrage ( sign ) with Balls . ] Balm . Herb. HF. VII . 2. Assyrian — HF. VII . 3. Iuice . PP . I. 7. A. Balsam . Plant. Male — HS VII . 5. True — SH . III. 1. Juice . PP . I. 7. A. Balsamum . Peruvianum . Tr. VIII . 9. A. Ban. [ Curse ] AS . I. 3. O. — role , [ Flag . ] Mag. IV. 7. A. Band. [ adj . a. Binde ( thing ) [ Obligation ] RC. VI. [ writing Obligatory ] RC. VI. 5. [ Company ] RM. IV. 3. Bandy , [ Cast alternly . ] sp . various waies ] Bandito . Proscribed ( person . ] Military robbing ( person . ] Bandog , [ Dog tied for Guard. ] Bane . [ Destruction ] AS . I. 4. O. ratts — [ Arsenic ] St , VI. 4. A. Banes. [ Promulgation of fut . Marriage ] Bang , [ Strike . ] Mo. VI. 4. Banish ▪ [ a Exile . ] RJ. VI. 5. Bank. [ Oblong , more-high ( part ] [ Ridge ] Mag. V. 7. [ Shore ] W. IV. 6. [ Shelf ] W. III. 5. A. [ Series ] TM . III. 7. — of Mony , [ Mony ( Aggr. ) sp . to be lett ( segreg . ) ] Banker , [ adj demising ( person ( Merchant of Money . ] Banket . Pr. II. 1. A. Bankrout , [ adj . failing ( person ] [ Debtor Declared sentenced not-solutive ] Banner . [ adj . Ensign . RM. III. 2. Cornet . RM. III. 2. A. ( thing ] Banquet . Pr. II. 1. A. Banstickle . Fi. IX . 13. A. Baptism . RE. VI. 5. Bar. [ Bolt ] Po. IV. 5. — of , &c. Cylinder , Mag. III. 6. of &c. Prism . Mag. III. 6. A. of &c. [ adj . Impedient ( thing ) [ adj . Pleading ] RJ. I. 7. ( place ] to — [ a. Impedient ] T. II. 5. O. [ a. Forbid ] RO. V. 1. O. Barb. [ Back-diverging Cuspis ] to — the Hair. [ a. Figure ( Perf. ) by cutting . ] sp . the Beard . ] Barbarism Man. IV. O. Barbarous . [ adj . Barbarism ] Man. IV. O. [ adj . Rusticity ] Man. IV. 9. D. [ adj . Fierceness ] NP. IV. 4. O. [ adj . Cruelty ] Man. I. 5. O. Barber , [ Hair cutting ( Mechanic . ] Barbery . Sh. I. 4. A. Barbil . Fi. IX . 8. Bard , [ Old ( manner ) Poet. ] Bare . [ not-clothed ] [ Lean ] NP. V. ● . O. [ Scarce ] TM . I. 2. D. to — [ un-clothe ] Bargain . Contract . ] RC. V. Thing dealt for , RC. V. 8. Barge . RN. I. 2. Bark . [ Rinde ] PP . I. 5. [ Ship ] RN. I. 2. A. to — Peel [ un-rinde . ] Yelp , as Dog. Fox . to a. Dog ( voice ] to a. Fox ( voice ] Barly . HL. II. 3. wild — HL. III. 4. A. Barm . [ adj . a. ferment ( thing ) of Beer . Barn , [ House for Straw . ] Barnacle . Fish. Ex. VIII . 9. Instrument [ Nose Compressing ( instr . ] Baron . [ Noble ( person . ] sp . of the fifth degree downward ] — of Exchequer , [ Judge of Court for King's Revenue . ] Baronet , [ Gentleman of the first Degree . ] Barrel . Vessel , Pr. V. 3. Measure . Me. II. 4. Barrenness . NP. VI. 3. O. Barren-wort . HS. VI. 7. Barreter , [ Contentious ( person ) adj . a. Suit. RJ. II. A. ( apt ] Barricado , [ Transvers shutting ( sepiment ] Barriers , [ Sepimented end of Race ( place ] Barrister , [ Pleading Lawyer . ] Barrow , [ un-testicled Hog ] Jugament . Po. V. 3. A. Barter , [ Exchange . ] RC. V. A. Base . Subst . — of Column , [ Bottom . ] Sp. III. 7. O. — in Song , [ Grave ] Q. III. 1. D. Adj. [ Low ] TM . II. 4. O. [ Ignoble ] [ Rabble ] RC. I. 7. [ Villain ] RC. I. 8. [ Spurious ▪ ] T. III. 4. O. [ Vitious ] Man. I. O. [ Pusillanimous ] Man. III. 8. D. [ Sordid ] Man. III. 4. D. Bashfull . adj . Shame ( habit ) ] AS . VI. 2. A. Abjectness ] Man. III. 9. E. Basil. HF. VII . 5. Stone — HF. VII . 5. A. Cow — HS. V. 6. Basilisk . [ Serpent killing by seeing ] [ Great Ordnance ] Basket. Pr. V. 2. A. Bason , [ Dish . Pr. V. 4. deep . ] Bass. [ Bed. Po. VI. 7. A. of rushes . ] Bastard . [ Spurious ] T. III. 4. O. [ begot of Parents not together-married . ] Baste , a. [ Whip ] RJ. VI. 2. [ Cudgel ] RJ. VI. 2. A. Moisten . Pr. III. 7. Baston . Staff. ] PP . I. 4. Club. ] RM. V. 2. Bastonade , [ Cudgelling . ] RJ. VI. 2. A. Bat. [ Club ] RM. V. 2. Bird flying-Mouse ( kind . ) — fowling , [ Hunting Birds by Night . ] Batch , [ Bread. ( Aggreg . ] sp . in one ( time ) baking . ] Bath Po. II. 5. A. — ing , [ Soking ▪ ] O. III. 5. O. Battaglia , [ ordered Army . ] Battel . Part of Army . Action . RM. I. 8. A. — ax . [ Cutting Club ] Hammer ] Batter , [ Bruise by Striking . ] Knocking . ] a — y , [ Assault with Cannon . ] Battle , [ adj . Fat● . ] NP. V. 5. to — [ Score for Diet ( segreg . ] Battle-door , [ Lamin ( Instr. ) for striking . ] Battlements . Figure . Mag. IV. 9. A. [ Margin ( sepiment ) of the Roof . ] Bavin ▪ [ together bound ( aggreg ) of Twigs . ] Bawd , [ adj . Fornication ( Merchant . ] Bawdy , [ adj . Unchast . ] Man. II. 7. O. Bawl , [ Exclaim . ] AC . III. 3. O. Bdellium . Tr. VIII . 7. Beach . Sh. IV. 2. A. Beacon , [ adj . Fire ( sign ) of p. invaded . ] Bead. [ Sphere ( dim ) perforated . ] [ Cube ( dim ) perforated . ] — s-man . [ for praying ( person ] [ adj . p. Almes ( person ] Bede-tree . Tr. III. 9. A. Beadle . [ Before-walking ( Officer ] [ adj . a. Citation ( Officer ] [ Arresting RJ. II. 1. A. ( Officer . ] [ Whipping ( Officer ] Beagle . [ Dog ( dim ) hunting Beasts by smell . ] Beak . — of a Bird. PP . V. 4. — of a Ship. Beaker , [ Cylinder ( manner ) Cup. ] Beam. — of an house . Po. III. 5. A. — of a Cart. [ Pole ] Pr. V. 5. A. — of Balance , [ Transverse ( part , of B. ] Weavers — Transverse line of Wood. ] — of the Sun , [ Line of Light. ] Meteor . El. I. 4. Beam-tree . White — Sh. II. 3. A. Bean. HS. III. 3. French — HS. II. 1. Ginny — HS. II. 1. Kidney — HS. II. 1. — of the Ancients . HS. II. 2. binding — tree . Sh. IV. 6. — trefoile . Sh. II. 7. A. Bear. v. Be. IV. 1. A. — s foot . Sea — Ex. VI. 2. — s breech [ brank ursin ] HS. VIII . 8. — s-ear . HS. VIII . 2. — Sanicle . HS. VIII . 3. Bear. v. Support . Mo. VI. 1. A. [ Carry ] Mo. VI. 1. [ Parturition ] AC . I. 3. Suffer . [ a Passion ] T. I. 7. O. [ a. Patience ] Man. I. 8. — down . [ Fall ( make ) ] [ Compel to grant ] — off . [ adj . a. distant ( endeavour ] [ Suffer ( endeavour ] — out . [ adj . a. Safety ( make ] — up against . [ Continue Suffering ] [ Continue Resisting ] — with . [ a. Patience ] Man. I. 8. [ a. Condescention ] Man. VI. 2. — Company Companion — Respect v. Respect — Sway Sway — Witness Witness . — ones self , [ a. Demeanour . ] Beard . — of Animal . PP . VI. 4. — of Corn. PP . II. 3. A. Bearded Creeper . HF. III. 5. Beast Be. Beastly , [ adj . Beast . ( Metaph. ] Beat. [ Knock ] Mo. VI. 4. A. [ Strike ] Mo. VI. 4. [ Overcome ] — back . [ back - Drive . Put. by Striking . ] Fighting . ] — the Price . RC. VI. 1. A. Beatitude . [ Happiness ] Ha. I. 1. sp . Blessing ] AS . I. 3. Beaver . ( Castor ] Be. IV. 8. Beauty . NP. V. 6. Becalm , [ Quiet . ] TA. V. 9. Because . Conj . III. 2. O. Beccafigo . Bi. V. 6. Beckon [ v. Head ( sign ] Becometh . Transc . ( Inceptive ) is done [ is , adj . p. Action . ] is made . [ is , adj . p. Efficient ] [ is Effect ] T. II. O. [ is Event ] TA. V. [ is decent ] T. V. 2. Bed. Houshold-stuff . Po. V. 7. A. — sted . Po. V. 7. — rid , [ not-adj . rise ( pot ) out of — ] — of Earth , [ Superficies . ] Mag. I. 3. Ladies Bedstraw . HL. IX . 6. A. Bedaub , [ a. Defilement . ] TM . V. 6. O. Bedding , [ adj . Bed. ( things ] Bedewed , [ adj . p. Dew . ( make ] Bedlam , [ Prison of mad ( persons . ] Bee. Ex. IV. 1. humble . Ex. IV. 1. A. — like fly . Ex. IV. 3. — eater . Bi. III. 9. — flower . [ orchis ] HL. IV. 8. to — [ v. Being ] T. I. 1. Copula . Beech. Tr. IV. 4. A. Beef , [ Beev's flesh . ] Beeing . T. I. 1. as — [ as ] Adv. I. 3. Beer . [ Drink ] Pr. I. 7. A. [ adj . Carrying ( jug . ) for dead bodies . ] Beestings . [ Milk of adv . new adj . preter . parturition . ] Be et . HF. I. 10. Beetle . [ Insect ] Ex. V. Common — Ex. V. 4. Dung — Ex. V. 4. A. Knobbed horned — Ex. V. 3. A. Instrument [ wooden Mallet ( augm . ] Befal [ v. Event . ] TA ▪ V. Befool , [ a. Fool. ( make ] Before . — in place . Prep . V. 3. — in comparison , [ more then . ] — in time , [ adv , Preceding ] Sp. I. 2. E. — hand . [ Having Gained ] TA. V. 2. Prepared ] TA. III. 2. Prevented ] TA. III. 9. Beg. [ a. Begger ] RC. I. 8. A. [ Entreat . RO. V. 3. ( augm . ] — ger . RC. I. 8. A. Beget . [ a. Generation ] AC . I. 1. [ a. Efficient ] T. II. 1. Begin . TA. III. 3. Transc . ( Incep . ) Beginning . Sp. III. 3. D. Beguile , [ a. Fraud . ] RJ. IV. 4. Behave . [ a. Conversation ] Man. A. [ a. Demeanour ] AC . V. [ a. Gesture ] AC . VI. Behead . RJ. V. 1. Behind . Prep . V. 3. O. [ Hinder part ] Sp. III. 8. O. left — [ Staying ] TA. VI. O. [ Remaining ] [ Residue ] TM . VI. 7. O. — in Arrears , [ Debtor . ] TA. IV. 7. O. [ Inferior ] TM . I. 5. D. — hand , [ having Lost ] TA. V. 2. O. not-prepared . ] been Prevented . ] Behold . [ a. Eye ] See ] Observe ] Beholding . [ Beneficiary ] RO. III. 8. D. [ Owing thanks ] Beh●ve . [ v. Expedient ] T. V. 6. it — ed , &c. [ &c ought ] Mood II. 2. — full , [ Expedient . ] T. V. 6. Bel , [ adj . Ringing . Q. III. 2. ( Instr. ] — fry , [ adj . Convention ( place ) for adj . a. Ringing ( persons . ] — flower . HF. VII . 9. A. Belching . Mo. IV. 2. Beldame , [ Old ( corr . ) man. ( foem . ] Beleaguer , [ Besiege ] RM. I. 4. Bely , [ a. Calumny . ] RJ , IV. 7. Believe . AS . II. 4. Easiness to — [ Credulity . ] Ha. III. 2. E. Belly . PG. IV. 6. — Worm . Ex. I. 1. A. Bellis , [ Daisie ] HF. II. 3. A. Bellow , [ a. Bull ( voice ] Bellows , [ adj . a. Wind ( Instr. ] Belluine , [ adj . Beast ( Metaph. ] Belong , [ v. Pertinent . ] TM . IV. 5. Beloved , [ adj . p. Love. ] AS . V. 2. Below . [ Beneath ] Prep . V. 2. O. [ Inferior ] TM . I. 5. D. Belt , [ to-binding ( Armament ) Sword ] Bemoning . with sorrow ( sign ] for sorrow ( sign ] sp . With Voice . ] Bench. [ long fixed Seat ] [ adj . Judg. ( place ) ] RJ. I. 1. [ Assessors , ( aggr . ] RJ. I. 1. A. Bencher , [ Assessor in College of Relation Judicial ( person . ] Bend. O. I. 7. A. [ adj . a. Crooked ] Mag. III. 1. O. [ Shrink ] AC . VI. 3. [ be crumpled ] AC . VI. 3. A. [ p. Oblique ] Mag. II. 8. — ones fist , [ together-fold . ] O. V. 5. Beneath . [ Inferior ] TM . I. 5. D. [ Below ] Prep . V. 2. O. Benediction , [ Blessing . ] AS . I. 3. Benefactor . RO. III. 8. Benefice , [ Presbyter's ( place ] Beneficence . Vertue , [ Goodness ] Man. I. 4. Action , [ a. Benefactor . ] Beneficial , [ a. Benefactor . ] Beneficiary . RO. III. 8. O. Benefit , [ adj . a. Benefactor ( thing ] Benevolence , [ Favour ] AS . V. 9. Benjamin . Tr. VIII . 5. A. Benighted .   Benignity . [ Favour ] AS . V. 9. [ Courtesie ] Man. IV. 7. [ Gratiousness ] Man. VI. 1. Bent. [ adj p. bend . ] [ adj . pret . purposing ] AS . IV. 3. — of Grass , [ Ear ] PP . II. 4. A. Benum , [ a. Stupor . ] NP. II. 1. O. Bequ●ath . RC. V. 2. Beray , [ a. Defile . ] TM . V. 6. O. Berbery . Sh. III. 4. Bereave , [ a. Privative . ] T. III. 3. O. Berry . PP . III. 2. A. one — [ Herb true love ] HS. IX . 5. A. Beseech . [ Entreat . RO. V. 3. humbly . ] Beseeging . RM. I. 4. Beseem , [ adj . Decency . ] Beset . [ About-gard ] [ Besiege ] RM. I. 4. Beshrew . [ a. remorse . ] [ a. Velleity Miscarrying . ] Event ( corr . ] Beside . [ Near ] Prep . IV. 3. O. [ not to at &c. — the mark , Erring from ] Wandring from ] — himself , [ Mad. ] [ Also ] Conj . IV. 2. Redundant . Besmear , [ Defile . ] TM . V. 6. O. Besom , [ adj . sweeping ( instr . ] Besot . [ a. Dotage . NP. II. 2. O. ( make ] [ sp . with Love , ( Excess ] Drunkenness . ] Bespawl . [ Defile with upon-spitting . ] Bespeak . RC. VI. 1. Besprinkle , [ Wet ( make ) with Drops . ] Bespue . [ Defile with upon-spuing ] Best , [ most-good . ] T. III. 2. — part . TM . VI. 1. doe ones — [ most-endeavour . ] TA. III. 4. Bestiality . RJ. III. 6. Bestir . [ Move ( aug . ] Mo. [ Endeavour ] TA. III. 4. [ Diligence ] Ha. IV. 5. Bestow . [ Give ] TA. IV. 4. [ Disburse ] TA. IV. 5. [ Spend ] Bet. RC. VI. 8. A. Betake . [ to-Ition ] TA. VI. sp . for Safety . ] Bethink . Cogitation , AS . II. 1. [ Consider ] AS . III. 2. Betide , [ v. Event . ] TA. V. Betime . [ adv . Soon ] Sp. I. 4. [ adv . Morn ] Me. V. 7. Betoken , [ before-sign ] T. VI. 5. Betony . AF. VII . 15. Betraying . Evil. [ a. Treachery ] Man. V. 2. D. [ a. Perfidiousness ] Man. V. 6. O. [ a. Treason ] RJ. III. 2. Indiff . [ Shewing ] TA. I. 8. [ Manifesting ] TA. I. 9. Betrothed , ] RO. II. 3. Better , [ more-good . ] TM . I. 6. E. [ Victory . ] RM. II. 1. [ Superiority ] TM . I. 5. E. Ones — s. RO. III. Between . Prep . VI. 3. — themselves . [ Privately ] adv . TM . V. 4. — Both. [ Middle . ] SP. III. 3. [ Indifferent . ] Bever . [ Refection ] Pr. I. 1. A. Beast , [ Castor ] Hat , [ Head ( vest ) of Fur of Bever . ] Armour , [ For-head ( Armor ] Beverage . Pr. II. 6. A. Bevy . [ Aggreg . ] Bewail . [ for-grief ( sign ] sp . with Exclaiming . ] Beware . [ adj . a Heedfulness ] Ha. IV. 2. [ a. Aversation ] AS . V. 4. O. Bewitch . RJ. III. 1. Bewray . [ Shew ] TA. I. 8. [ Manifest ] TA. I. 9. Beyond . Prep . VI 2. O. [ Superior ] TM . I. 5. E. Bezoar . [ Contra-poison ] sp . Stone of the Persian Goat . ] By. the — [ Digression ] D. V. 9. A. Adjective . [ adj . Digression ] D. V. 9. A. [ adj . Accessory . ] TM . IV. 9. O. — word , [ accessary ( thing ) of common discourse ] sp . with contempt . ] [ not . adj . Principal . ] Pertinent . ] Public . ] Ordinary . ] Preposition . Efficient . Pre. I. 2. Instrument . Pre. I. 1. A. End. — reason of . Pre. I. 2. A. Local Temporal [ before ] — God. [ at ] come — [ obtein ] TA. V. 1. [ in ] — day . [ through ] [ beside ] [ Adverb ] Local [ nigh . ] Temporal [ nigh . ] — and — Nearly after . ] adv . future ( dim . ] Manner . — the by Adverb [ by the by ( 1 ) [ Digression ] — great Adverb [ by g. ( 1. ) [ Aggregate . ] — retail Adverb [ by r. ( 1 ) [ Segregate . ] — it self Adverb [ by it s. ( 1 ) [ Solitary . ] Segregation . — course [ c ( Segr. ] — the day [ d ( Segr. ] — degrees [ d ( Segr. ] — turns [ ● ( Segr. ] Day — day [ d. ( Segr. ] House — house [ h. ( Segr. ] Year — year [ y. ( Segr. ] Bib. a — [ Child 's breast ( vest ] to — [ Drink , AC . II. 2. A. ( freq . ] Bible , [ Book of Scripture . ] Bicker . [ a. Fight , RM ▪ I. 7. ( dim . ] [ a. Contention . Man. IV. 3. D. Bid. [ Command ] RO. V. 1. Invite [ Intreat to come . ] — Banes publish b. fut . ] — Festival publish f. fut . ] — Battel [ Offer b. ] — Defiance [ Offer d. ] — Money [ Offer m. ] — Prayer , [ Exhort to together-pray . ] — Price . RC. VI. 2. Biennial . During 2 years ] Returning 2 years ] Big . [ Great ] TM . I. 1. E. — with Child , [ adj . p. Great through having been impregnated . ] to look — [ to look angrily . ] AS . V. 8. proudly . ] Man. V. 2. O. Bigamy , [ Having together-two Marrieds . ] Biggin , [ adj . Linnen Head ( vest . ] Bilberry . Sh. II. 2. Bile . S. III. 3. A. Bill . — of Bird , [ Beak . ] PP . V. 4 Hook , [ Cutting-hook . ] Scroll , [ Lamin of Paper . ] [ Catalogue ] TM . III. 7. A. [ Accusation , &c. ] RJ. II. 3. [ Obligation . ] RC. VI. 5. — of Exchange , [ Bill for Exch. ] RC. V. A. Billet . — of Paper , [ adj . Paper ( Lamin . ] Appointment for Lodging ] — of Wood , [ Stick ( aug . ) sp . for Fuel . ] Billow , [ Wave . ] W. IV. 1. E. Bin. [ Box , Pr. V. 2. sp . for Bread. ] Binde . [ Ty ] O. II. 1. [ a. Bonds ] RJ. VI. 4. A. make Costive [ a. binding ] Mo. IV. O , [ Oblige ] v. RC. VI. — by Script . RC. VI. 5. — a Book , [ a. Mechanic — ] Bindweed . HS. VII . 6. Sea — HL. VI. 13. A. black — HF. I. 3. A. prickly — HS. IX . 7. Biographer , [ a. History ( person ) of Lives . ] Bipartite , [ divided into two parts . ] Birch . Tr. VI. 7. Bird. Bi. — lime , [ Viscous ( thing ) for taking Birds . ] — ' s-Cherry . Sh. II. 8. — ' s-Ey . HS. VIII . 2. A. — ' s-Foot . HS. III. 9. — ' s-nest . HL. V. 7. HF. V. 6. A. Birt , [ Turbut . ] Fi. V. 2. Birth . Extraction , [ p. Progenitor . ] RO. I. 1. Nativity , [ p. Parturition . ] AC . I. 3. Bearing , [ a. Parturition . ] that is born , [ adj . p. Parturition . ] AC . I. 3. after — [ Secundine ] PP . VI. 7. A. — wort . AS . VIII . 5. Bishop . RE. II. 4. A. — ' s-weed . HF. V. 4. A. Bisket . [ Bread bak'd for duration ] [ dried , Bread ( Lamin ) Bismute . Met. III. 3. Bisons , [ Bull ( kind ) having a bunch on the back ] Bissextile , [ Excedent fourth year . ] Bistort . [ Snakeweed ] HL. VII . 3. Bit. [ piece ] from-broken ( part ) ] — of Bridle , [ Horse-restreining ( Armament ) ] Bitch , [ Dog. Be. III. 1. ( ●em . ] Biting . as with Teeth , [ a. Tooth . ] — in , [ un-speak ( endeavour . ] as in Tast or Smell [ a. Acrimonious ] Bitter . — in Taste . Q. IV. 3. O. [ Austere ] Man. VI. 8 O. Doleful , [ adj . a. Grief , AS . V. 3. O. ( cause ] Bittour . Bi. VIII . 5. Brasileen — Bi. VIII . 5. A. Bitumen . St. V. 8. Blab . [ adj . a. Loquacity ] Man. IV. 5. O. Black. Q. II. 1. D. — art , [ Witchcraft . ] RJ. III. 1. — berry , [ Berry of Bramble . ] — bird . Bi. III. 6. — and blew , [ Blew Black. ] as Bruise ( sign ) Bladder . PG. VI. 7. A. swimming — PP . IV. 5. — nut . Tr. IV. 7. A. Blade , [ Lamin . ) Mag. V. 4. — of Plant , [ Leaf ] PP . II. 5. A. One — HM . VI. 22. Twy — HM . VI. 22. A. — of Shoulder , [ Flat bone of Shoulder . ] to — it [ a. Riotousness . ] Blain [ Boil ] S. III. 3. A. — worm Blame , [ Impute fault . ] — less , [ Innocent . ] RJ. II. 6. Blanch , [ a. White . ] Q. II. 1. E. Blandishment , [ a. Fawning . ] Man. IV. 7. E. Blank . [ White . ] Q. II. 1. E. [ not upon-written ] AC . III. 7. a — to — [ a. Mute . ] AC . III. 1. O. Blanket . [ woollen Covering ( thing . ] Bed ( vest . ] Blaspheme . [ Speak Evil of God. ] Injury of Princes . ] Blast . [ Decay . NP. IV. 4. O. ( make . ] Vapor . El. VI. 5. [ Blowing . Mo. III. 3. ( impetus . ] [ Wind. El. II. 4. ( impetus . ] Blatta foetida . In. III. 4. A. Blaze . [ a. Flame . ] El. I. 1. [ adj . a. Public . ] TM . V. 4. Blazing-star , [ Comet ] El. I. 2. Blazon . [ adj . a. Public ( make ] [ a. Description adj . Degree ( sign ] Blea , [ Bleak ] Fi. IX . 10. A. Bleach , [ open to the Wind. Sun. sp . for white ( make ] Bleak . [ Piercing Cold ] Fish. F. IX . 10. A. Bleared , [ Diseased by Inflammation of the Membranes . ] Bleat . a. Sheep ( voice . ] Goat ( voice . ] Bleed . [ a. Bloud ] PG. I. 5. Phlebotomy . Mo. IV. 6. Blemish , [ a. Spotted . ] Q. I. 5. O. Blend , [ Mix ] T. III. 8. O. Blenn . Fi. III. 14. Blessedness , [ Happiness . ] Ha. I. 1. Blessing . AS . I. 3. Blew . Q. II. 3. A. — bottle . HF. III. 2. Blight . Vapor , El. VI. 5. Decay , NP. V. 4. O. Blind . NP. I. 1. O. a — [ False pretence ] Blink . [ Dim ] Q. I. 3. O. [ Tremble with the Eye-lids ] Bliss , [ Happiness . ] Ha. I. 1. Blissom , [ a. Lust. ] sp . of Sheep . ] Blister . Mo. IV. 7. Blite . HF. I. 15. Blitheness , [ Mirth . ] AS . V. 3. Block . [ Stock ] PP . I. 2. — of Wood , [ Thick piece — ] — head , [ Dull ] Ha. III. 1. O. — house , RM. VI. 2. A. to — up , [ Besiege . RM. I. 4. remotely . ] Blood , vide Bloud . Bloom , [ Flower . ] PP . II. 1. Blossom , [ Flower . ] PP . II. 1. Blot , [ adj . a. Spot . Q I. 5 , O. ( thing . ] — out . Destroy Writing . ] Null Writing . ] Blote . a. Swell with Smoke ] a. Condite ( dim . ) with Smoke ] Bloud . Proper . Red juice of perfect Animals . PG. I. 5. One of the four humors . PG. I. 6. — bound , [ Dog. adj . hunt ( apt ) men by sent . ] — shot , [ Spotted with Bloud within the Tunicle . ] — stone , [ Cornelian . ] — thirsty [ adj . a. Murther . Kill . ( apt ] — wort . HA. II. 10. let — a. Mo. IV. 6. [ Descendent ( kinde ] [ Consanguinity ] RO. I. of the whole [ adj . Consang . by both Parents . ] of the half - [ adj . Consang . by one Parent . ] [ Murther ] RJ. III. 4. Bloudy Flix . [ Dysentery ] S. VI. 6. A. Blow a — [ Stroke ] Mo. VI. 4. [ Knock ] Mo. VI. 4. A. to — [ a. Breath ] Mo. III. 3. [ a. Winde ] — an Horn , [ a. Sound . ] Q. III ( make ] — one 's Nose . Mo. IV. 4. A. [ a. Flower ] PP . II. 1. Blubber . Fish. Ex. IX . 5. [ Fat of Whale . ] to — [ wet with weeping ] Blunder . [ adj . Unskilful ] Ha. VI. 3. [ adj . Stumble . Mo. II. 3. A , ( freq . ] [ Confused ( make ] Blunt. [ Dull ] NP. IV. 2. O. [ Rustic . ] Man. IV. 9. D. [ not-adj . a. Cutt ( apt . ) [ Obtuse . ] Blur. [ a. Spot . Q. I. 5. O. ( freq . ] Blush . AC . IV. 9. at first - appearance . ] p. See. ] Bluster , [ a. Winde violently . ] Boar , vid. Bore . Boord . Plank , [ adj . Wood ( Lamin . ] Entertainment , [ v. Hoste . ] RO IV. 5. — er , [ Guest . ] RO. IV. 5. O. to — a Ship , [ into-goe . ] sp . by Storm . Boast . [ Glorying ] AS . VI. 1. O. [ Oversaying ] Man. IV. 1. E. Boat. RN. I. 1. — Swain , RN. V. 6. Bob. [ Strike ( dim . ) with hand . [ Mock ( dim . ) Bode [ before Shew ] Sign ] Body . Op. to Spirit . W. I. O. [ Solid ] Mag. I. 4. Op. to Head. PG. III. O. [ Trunk . ] PG. IV. — of Tree , [ Stock ] PP . I. 2. — of Army , [ adj . Middle ( part ] Bodkin , [ adj Boring ( Instr. ) Cone ] Bog . Po. I. 9. A. Boy , [ adj . Childhood ( male ] Boil . Pr. III. 2. a — S. III. 3. A. Boisterous , [ adj . Tempest ] W. VI. 7. A Fierceness ] Stoutness , ( corr . ] Boldness . Temper , [ Stoutness . ] NP. IV. 6. Affection , AS . V. 8. Virtue , [ Fortitude ] Man. I. 7. Bole , [ Lump . ] TM . VI. 4. — armoniac . Bolled , [ adj . Husk . ] Bolster , [ Bed ( dim . ] sp . for the Head ] — up . [ Bear ] Mo. VI. 1. A. [ Encourage ] RO. VI. 2. Bolt , Bar. Po. IV. 5. prisoners — [ Pin of fetters ] [ obtuse Arrow . ] to shoot ones — [ Declare ones Opinion . ] thunder , — [ pibble ( kind ] — upright , [ adj . Direct . ] to — Meal . [ Sift , m. — through Bag. ] Linnen Sive . ] Bond. [ Obligation ] RC. VI. 5. — s. RJ. VI. 4. A. Bondage , [ Slave . ( abstr . ] Bondman , [ Slave . ] RO. III. 6. O. Bone. PG. II. 1. Bone-fire , [ Fire built for Joy. ] adj . Festival . ] Bon-grace , [ Shadowing ( Vest ) for the Forehead . ] Bonnet Low Head ( vest . ] Flat Head ( vest . ] — of Sail. RN. III. 6. A. Book . aggr . of Leaves . Pr. VI. 7. O. without — [ adv . Memory ] — binder , [ adj . Book ( Mechanic ] — seller , [ adj . Book ( Merchant ] agg . of Chapters . D. III. 3. A. Boom . [ Stick ] [ Pole ] [ Beam ] [ Tree ] — of Sail. RN. III. 2. — on Shore , [ Direct beam for flat ( signe ] Boon , [ adj . p. Petition . ( thing ] Boope . Fi. V. 12. A. Boot . [ adj . Leather . ( vest ) for Leg and Foot ] [ Vantage ] TM . VI 2. A. what boots it ? Profit ? ] Help ? ] [ what doth it Profit ? ] Help ? ] Fire — Materials permitted for f. ] Gate — Materials permitted for g. ] Plough . Materials permitted for p. ] Booth , [ Tent. ] Po. II. 1. A. Booty . RM. II. 5. E. make — of , [ Take for — ] Borage . HA. II. 9. Borax , [ Chrysocolla . ] St. V. 6. A. Bord , vid. Board . Bordell , [ adj . Fornication ( house ] Border , [ Margin . ] Sp. III. 4. A. Bore , [ Hog . Be. II. 4. ( male ] to — O. IV. 3. Born , [ adj . p. Parturition . ] Borne , [ adj . p. Bear ] Borough , [ Town ] RC. III. 2. A. [ City ] RC. III. 3. A. Borrow . RC. V. 4. O. Bosom . Space betwixt Clothes and Breast . ] [ Space between the Dugs . Boss , [ Protuberance ] Mag. IV. 3. Botanic , [ adj . Herb ( Science . ] Botargo , [ Condited Spawn of Mullet . ] Botch . [ Swoln Ulcer ] [ Piece unskilfully joined to Mend ] Fill ] to — [ v. Unskilfulness ] Ha. VI. 3. O. Both. — this and that , [ and — ] — waies , [ All — ] Botrys . HP . VI. 12. Bots , Ex. I. 3. A. Bottle . [ Pot with narrow mouth ] Figure . Mag. VI. 2. — nose , [ adj . Protuberance ( augm . ) — ] — flower . HP . I. 7. blew — — of hay , [ about-tied ( aggr . ) - ] Bottom . Lowest part . Sp. III. 7. O. — of the Heart , [ Inmost ( part ) - ] [ Foundation ] Po. III. 4. — of Thread . Mag. VI. 7. [ Ship. ] Bouget , [ Bag ( dim . ] sp . adj . Leather . ] Bough [ Branch ] PP . I. 3 : Bought , [ adj . p. Buy . ] Boule . Figure . Mag. VI. 6. A. [ adj . Bouling ( Instr. ] Mo. V. 4. Bounce . Knock ( Impetus ) Sound ( Impetus ) Bound . [ adj . p. Bind ] [ Beholding ] [ Beneficiary ] RO. III. 8. O. [ Owing thanks ] [ Limit ] [ Common , Margin ] Sp. III. 4. A. [ adj . End ( Place . ] ( Thing . ] ( Sign . ] [ Motion , adj . Reflexion . ] Bounty , [ Liberality . ] Man. III. 1. Bourn , [ River ( dim . ) Bout , [ Course . ] Boutefew , [ a. Contention Sedition ( make . ] Bow. [ Bend ] O. I. 7. A. [ a. Crooked . Mag. III. 1. O. ( make . ] — outward , [ a. Convex ( make ] — inward , [ a. Concave ( make ] Bowe . Weapon RM. V. 4. Cross — RM. V. 4. A. Figure . Mag. V. 3. rain — El. V. 1 , saddle — [ Convex ( part ) of the Saddle . ] Bowell , [ Gutt . ] PG. VI. 4. A. Bower . [ adj . a. Shadow ( thing ) ] [ Tent of Leaves and Branches . ] Ladies — Sh. II. 2. A. Virgins — HM . I. 7. A. Bowl . Mag. VI. 6. A. to — Mo. V. 4. Bowle , [ Wide Cup. ] Bowline . RN. IV. 7. A. Bowsprit . RN. III. 4. Bowyer , [ adj . Bow ( Mechanic . ] Box. Tree . Tr. III. 7. Chest. Pr. V. 2. Stroke , [ Striking with flat hand . ] Brabble , [ Contention in words . ] sp . about Contracts . ] Brace . Buckle , [ Together-ty . ] Couple , [ Together-two . ] — s of a Ship. RN. IV. 4. Bracelet , [ Ornament of the Wrist . ] Brach , [ Dog ( fem . ] Brachygraphy , [ short-Writing ( art ] Bracket , [ Up-bearing piece . ] Brackishness . Q IV. 5. Brag. AS . VI. 1. O. Bragget , [ Ale made with Spice . ] Bray . [ Pound ] Mo. VI. 5. Voice . [ a Ass Elephant &c. ( voice . ] Braid , [ Weave with fingers . ] Brail . RN. IV. 6. Brain . PG. I. 8. — pan , [ Bone that conteins the Brain . ] — sick . [ adj . a. fancy ( Excess ) ( Disease ) [ Mad , ( dim ) hair — [ adj . Ha. IV. 1. D. ] Brake . [ Aggr. of Fern ] HL. I. 4. [ Breaking ( Jugament ) for Flax ] Hemp ] Bramble . Sh. I. 1. A. Brambling . Bi. VI. 7. A. Bran , [ Courser ( Part ) of ground Corn. ] Branch . PP . I. 3. Brand. fire — [ Fire wood . ] Mark [ Stigmatization ( sign ] to — [ Stigmatize ] RJ. VI. 6. A Brandy . Pr. II. 7. A. Brandish , [ Swing . ] Mo. VI. 3. Brangle , [ a. Contention ( voice ] Brank , [ Buck-wheat ] HF. I. 3. Brank Vrsin . HS. VIII . 8. Brant goose , [ black headed goose ( kind . ] Brasil . Tr. VII . 5. Brass , Met. II. 1. Bravado , [ Glorying ( impet . ) of his a. fut . Action . ] Brave . Heroic . [ adj . Virtue . ( aug . ] Noble . [ adj . Generosity . ] Gawdy . [ adj . Ornate , ( aug . ] Brawl , [ a. Contention ( voice . ] Brawn . [ hard Muscle ] Fleshy ( part ) ] [ Bore's flesh soused . ] Braze , [ adj . p. Superficies ( make ) with Brass . ] Brazier , [ Brass ( Mechanic . ] Breach . vid. Break. Bread. white — [ fine — ] brown — [ course — ] sweet — [ principal Glandule . ] Breadth . TM . II. 2. Break , discontinue the parts , adv . impetus . Break. Proper . Mo. VI. 6. — ones neck . RJ. V. 3. A. — on the Wheel . RJ. V. 9. A. [ Tear ] Mo. VI. 6. A. — one 's belly , [ - one 's peritonaeum . ] — one 's winde [ - one 's diaphragm . ] [ adj . p. Asthma . ( make ] [ Violate ] TA. III. 6. O. — Covenant violate c. ] — Law violate l. ] — Oath violate o. ] — Promise violate p. ] Discontinue , [ adj . p. TM . III. ( make . ] — Company discont . c. ] — Course discont . c. ] — Custom . [ Reclaim ] — an Horse , [ un-adj . fierce ( make . ] [ Cease ] — fast , [ Cease to — ] — up , as Convention Ill weather &c. [ Cease confusedly . ] [ Fail ] TA. IV. 8. O. — State [ Decay ] — with Age Sorrow [ decay with Age. ] Sorrow ] [ Ruine ] — one 's heart . — one 's winde , [ a. Perish . ] — Superficies . — out in botches . [ Discont . the skin with , &c. [ Wound ] — one 's head . [ Wound the skin of — ] [ Plow ] [ Dig. ] &c. — up land . [ Open ] — one 's minde . — up a letter . [ Appear ] — out as Fire . Light. Sickness . [ a. Impetus ] — a Iest [ a. Jest. ( imp . ] — in , [ In-ition . ( imp . ] — open , [ a. Open. ( imp . ] — out , [ Out-ition . ( imp . ] — winde , [ a. Wind. ( imp . ] — upward . Mo. IV. 2. — downward . Mo. IV. 2. A. Breakfast , [ adj . Morning refection . ] Bream . Fi. IX . 9. Sea — [ Gilt-head ] Fi. V. 1. Breast , vid. Brest . Breath . [ adj . p. Respiration . Mo. III. 2. ( thing . ] Sucking up the — AC . IV. 6. A. [ Air ] [ Fume ] [ Vapor ] — ing . [ Respiration . ] Mo. III. 2. — sweat , [ Sweat ( remiss . ] Breech . PG. IV. 6. — es , [ Vest for the lower ( part ) of Trunk . ] Bear 's — HM . IV. 2. A. Breed . Ingender , [ a. Generation . ] [ p. Impregnate ] [ Educate ] RO. VI. a — [ Kind ] [ Race ] [ descendent ( aggreg . ) ( kind ) Breef . Adj. [ Shortness ] TM . II. 1. O. [ p. Epitome ] D. V. 7. Subst . [ Edict ] [ Commission ] RC. IV. 4. A. Breez . Insect Gentle Wind , El. VI. 6. Brest . PG IV. 2. [ Dugg ] PG. IV. 2. A. — plate , [ adj . Brest ( armor ] Bret. Fi. VII . 3. A. Breviary , [ Epitome . ] D. V. 7. Breviature . [ Shortning ] [ Shrinking ] Brevity , [ Shortness . ] TM . II. 1. O. Brew . Beer ( make ) Ale ( make ) [ Mingle ] T. III. 8. O. Brewes , [ Lamins of Bread steeped . ] sp . in Fat of boiled meat . ] Bribe . RJ. IV. 6. Brick . St. I. 1. A. Bride , [ adj . present Marriage ( fem . ] — groom , [ adj . pres . Marriage ( male . ] — maid , [ Companion ( fem . ) of the Bridegroom . ] — man , [ Companion ( male ) of the Bride . ] Bridal , [ adj . Marriage Solemnity . ] Bridewell , [ Public . adj . Correction ( house . ] Bridge . Po. II. 6. — of Lute , [ Ridge supporting the Strings . ] — of Nose , [ Prominent Gristle . ] Bridle . Po. V. 9. to — [ a. Cohibit . ] T. II. 2. O. Brier . Sh. I. 2. A. Brigade . RM. IV. 2. Brigandine . [ Coat of Male. ] [ Ship adj . a. Booty ( apt . ] Brightness . Q. I. 3. Brim [ Margin . ] Sp. III. 4. O. Brimstone . St. V. 4. Brine , [ Salt dissolv'd . ] — y taste , [ Saltishness . ] Q. IV. 5. Bring , [ Cause to with - go . come . Bring , [ with - go . ( make . ] come . ( make . ] [ to - carry . ] drive . ] lead . ] go to — [ fetch . ] TA. VI. 4. A. [ Cause , ] [ Cause to be . go . come . — down . [ adj . a. Low Inferior Under ( make ] [ diminish ] TM . I. 7. O. [ weaken ] NP. V. 7. O. — forth . [ a. Parturition . ] AC . I. 3. — low . [ diminish ] TM . I. 7. D. [ decay ] — to nought . [ adj . p. ruine ( make . ] [ a. destroy ] AS . I. 4. O. [ annihilate . ] AS . I. 1. O. — to pass . [ a. Cause ] T. II. [ a. Efficient . ] T. II. 1. — under . [ overcome ] RM. II. 1. E. [ conquer ] RM. II. 7. E. — up . [ begin ] TA. III. 3. [ educate ] RO. VI. [ with - go . come . — on the way . [ accompany in Travel ( incept . ] — to bed . [ assist in parturition . ] — word , [ — Narration . ] Brink , [ Margin . ] SP. III. 4. O. Briony . white — HS. IX . 6. black — HS. IX . 6. A. Brisk , [ Sprightly . ] NP. IV. 2. Bristle . PP . VI. 2. to — [ a. direct ( make ) one 's Bristles . ] Bristow Non-such . HS. V. 4. A. Brittleness . Q. VI. 5. D. Broach , [ adj . Rosting ( instr . ] to — [ a. un-barrel ( incept . ] Broad , [ adj . Breadth . ] speak — [ Plain corr . ] [ pronounce Rurally ] sp . opening ( augm . ) one 's mouth . ] [ a. openness . ] — awake , [ Perfectly — ] Brock , [ Badger . ] Be. V. 2. A. Brocket , [ Hart ( male ) of the second year . ] Broil . Pr. III. 4. A. Broils . [ Contentions ] Man. IV. 3. D. [ Troubles ] TA. V. 9. O. Broken-winded , [ adj . p. Asthma . ] Broker . [ Substitute ( Merc. ] [ Merchant of old things ] Brooch , [ Gemmed Ornament . ] Brood . [ Children ( aggr . ) [ Aggregate ( young ) to — [ a. Fotion by over-sitting ] Brook , [ River ( dim . ) — lime . HS. VI. 10. garden — HL. VIII . 3. A. to — [ adj . a. Patience . ] Man. I. 8. Broom . Sh. IV. 8. butchers — Sh. III. 8. thorny — Sh. IV. 2. A. — Rape . HL. V. 8. a — [ Brushing ( instr . ] — ing . RN. VI. 2. Broth. Pr. I. 5. Brothel [ Fornication ( house . ] Brother . RO. I. 4. half — RO. I. 4. A. — in Law , [ Brother by Affinity . ] — hood . [ Brother ( abstr . ] [ Corporation ] RC. III. 7. Brow , [ Forehead . ] PG. III. 6. Moving the — AC . IV. 1. O. — of an Hill. [ Protuberance . ] Mag. IV. 3. — Brown [ Dark ( dim . ] [ Black ( dim . ] Browzing . [ Mastication ] Mo. III. 5. sp . of Boughs . ] Bruise . [ Contusion ] O. IV. 1. A. Hurt . S. I. 1. A. Brunt , [ Impetus . ] T. VI. 6. A. Brush . [ Branch . PP . I. 3. ( dim . ] instrument . [ Brushing ( instr . ) clothes . ] [ Painting ( instr . ] to — O. V. 9. Brute . [ Animal ] W. V. 3. [ Rumor ] D. V. 3. Brutish . [ adj . Beast ( like ] [ adj . Irrational ] Bubble . El. III. 1. A. Buccinum . Ex. VII . 5. Buck. [ Deer ] Be. II. 4. sp . adult ( Male. ] — of Clothes . [ Clothes ( aggr . ) for washing by Lixiviation . ] — for fishing , [ adj . take ( mach . ] of Fish. ] — s horne . HL. VIII . 2. A. — s thorne . Sh. I. 7. — mast , [ Mast of Beech. ] — weed . — wheat . HA. V. 5. A. Bucket . [ Tub , adj . p. carry ( apt ) by handle . ] Buckle . Pr. IV. ● . A. Buckler . RM. V. 9. Buckram , [ Canvas stiffened . ] Bucksom , [ adj . Vigor face ( manner . ] Bud , [ Sprout . ] PP . II. 5. Budge . to — [ Move ( dim . ] Budget [ Bag ( dim ] sp . adj Leather ] Buff , [ adj . Leather ( Arms. ] sp . of Buffals Skin limber . ] Buffal , [ Bull. ( kind ) having flat rugged horns . ] Buffet , [ Strike with hand together-folded . ] Buffoon , [ adj . Scurrility ( person . ] Bug. In. II. 1. A. Bugbear , [ adj . a. Fear , ( apt . ) adj . Fiction ( thing . ] Buggery . RJ. III. 5. A. Bugle . [ adj . Glass-bead ] [ Horn ( dim . ) for sounding ] Herb. HF. VII . 16. A. Bugloss . HL. IX . 1. A. Vipers — HL. IX . 2. A. Wall — Buying . RC. V. 3. O. Build . — ing . Po. II. Greater parts of — Po. III. Lesser parts of — Po IV. — upon , [ Be confident of . ] Bul , vid. Bull. Bulbocastanon .   Bulbonach . HS. VI. 2. Bulbous , HL. IV. Bulfinch . Bi. IV. 3. Bulge , [ Mar. by in-crushing . ] Bulk [ Massiness ] [ Solid ] Mag. I. 4. [ Total ] TM . VI. [ Aggregate ] TM . III. 6. O. Bull. [ Beast , Be. II. 1. ( male ▪ ] Writing , [ Edict . ] RC. IV. 3. O. sp . of Pope . ] — Beetle . Ex. V. 2. A. — finch . Bi. IV. 5. — head ▪ [ Miller 's thumb . ] Fi ▪ IX . 12. — rush , [ Great ( kind ) rush . ] Bullace , [ Plum of Black-thorn . ] Bullet . RM. V. 8. Bullion Gold not-coin'd ] Silver not-coin'd ] Bullock , [ Bull , Be. II. 1. ( dim . ] Bulwark , [ Rampier ] RM. VI. 3. Bumbast . [ adj . Cotton stuffing ( thing ] [ not-necessary ( thing ) in-thrusted . ] [ affected words ] Bunch . [ Protuberance ] Mag. IV. 3. [ Cluster ] PP . II. 4. [ Aggregate ] adj . TM . III. 6. O. ( thing . ] sp . together-tied . ] Bundle , [ adj . aggregate . TM . III. 6. O. ( thing . ] sp . together-tied . ] Bung. [ Upper Orifice of the Barrel ] sp . for Infusion . ] Bungling , [ Unskilfulness . ] Ha. VI. 3. O. Bunting . Bi. IV. 1. Bunt-line . RN. IV. 6. A. Buoy . Figure . Mag. VI. 5. [ Anchor , ( sign ) Bur. [ Principal G●andule ] — of the Ear , [ Lower Protuberance — ] — of Dock , [ Ear ] PP . II. 4. A. Butter — HL. VI. 1. A. — reed . HL. III. 15. A. Great — HL. VI. 2. Little — HL. VI. 2. A. Burden . — of a Song , [ Repeated verse ] Load , Po. V. A. to — [ adj . a. Heavy ( make ) upon , &c. ] Burgeon , [ Sprout ] PP . II. 5. Burgess Magistrate of a Town . ] Free-man of a Town . ] Burglary . RJ. III. 8. A. Bury . RE. IV. 8. — alive . RJ. V. 6. A. Burl , [ Pick the knots and motes out of Cloth. ] Burlesque . [ Facetious imitation ( corr . ] [ Mocking imitation of Poem . ] Burly . [ adj . Ample . ] Sp. II. 5. [ adj . Fat. ( augm . ] Burnet . HF. VIII 4. Thorny — Sh. III. 1. A. Burning . Proper , [ adj . a. Fire . ] El. 1. house — RJ. III. 7. — alive . RJ. V. 7. A. — in the hand , [ Stigmat . ] RJ. VI. 6. — — Lance , [ Dart ] El. I. 4. A. [ Improper ] [ Rosting ( Exc. ] — Fever . S. II. 1. Sun — [ adj . p. Colouring ( corr . ) by the Sun. ] Burnish Smooth by rubbing ] Brighten by rubbing ] Burrage . HL. IX . 1. Burrow , [ Hole in the Earth . ] Cony — [ Cony's ( house . ] Burser , ( adj . disbursing ( off . ] Burst , vid. Break. — Cow , [ Blain-worm . ] Burstenness , [ hernia . ] Burt. [ Turbut . ] Fi. V. 2. Bush Shrubs ( aggr . ] Hairs ( aggr . ] Silver — Sh. VI. 6. A. Bushel [ 8 Gallons . ] Busie . [ adj . a. Business ] [ adj . a. Double diligence ] Ha. IV. 5. E. — body , [ adj . a. Diligence ( corr . ] Business . Employment , TA. III. [ adj . a. Troubling ( thing ] Busk , Lamin for Woman's breast ( vest . ] Buskin , [ Vest until middle of Leg. ] Bustard . Bi. II. 4. But. Conjunction . but. Conj . II. 1. O. — [ indeed ] Conj . II. 1. as , but lately , &c. — [ onely ] Adv. IV. 1. O. — that , [ unless . ] Conj . I. 3. O. — yet . [ notwithstanding ] Conj . II. 2. O. Preposition . [ beside ] Prep . IV. 3. O. a — [ thick extremity ] sp . of Stock . ] [ Barrel ( augm . ] [ measure ] [ Mark ] [ Bank at-adj . p. shoot ( apt . ] [ Sign , adj . p. aim ( apt . ] to — [ knock thrusting ] sp . with Forehead . ] Butcher , [ Butchering ( Mechanic . ] — ing . Pr. III. 1. — bird . Bi. I. 3. A. — 's broom . Sh. IV. 5. A. Butler , [ adj . Provisions ( Officer ] for adj . p. drink ( thing . ] Butter . Pr. I. 3. — milk , [ Milk after Butter ( make . ] — fly . Ex. IV. 9. Hawke — Ex. IV. 10. — bur . HL. VI. 1. A. — wort . HL. VI. Buttery , [ adj . Drinking ( room . ] Buttock . PG. IV. 8. Button . Mag. VI. 2. — hole . Mag. V. 2. A. — Fish. Ex. VIII , 2. Batchelour's — [ Campion ] HS. V. 2. Buttress . Po , III. 7. A. Butwin .   Buz , [ a. Bee ( voice . ] Buzzard , [ ●ite ] Bi. I. 2. A. bald — [ White-headed — ] C CAbala , [ Tradition . ] RE. VI. 1. A. Cabbage . HS. IV. 6. — Tree . Tr. VII . 8. Cabbin , [ Chamber ( dim . ] sp . in a Ship. ] Cabinet . [ Box for precious most esteemed things ] Cable . RN. IV. 8. Cacao . [ Chocolate ] Tr. IV. 7. Cackle , [ a. Hen ( voice . ] Cacochymia . S. I. 3. A. Cade . [ Lamb educated in house . ] Cadence , [ adj . Concluding Sound . ] Cadet , [ Dependent . ] Cadew . Ex. III. 4. A. Cage . [ Imprisonment ( room . ] sp . for Birds . ] Cayman [ Crocodile ] Be. VI. 3. Cajole . [ perswade by Craft . ] Flattering . ] Caitiff . Wicked ( augm . ) Miserable ( augm . ) Cake , [ Flat bread . ] Calaminaris . St. II. 7. A. Calamint . HF. VII . 2. A. Calamity , [ Misery . ] Calcine . O. VI. 8. Calculate , [ Reckon . ] TA. IV. 6. Calendar , [ adj . Year-book of Series of daies of every month . ] Calender , [ a. smoothness ] sp . of Cloth. a — [ adj . calendring ( mech . ] Calends , [ First day of the month . ] Calenture , [ Feaver ( augm . ] Calf , Beast . [ Bull , Be. II. 1. ( young . ] — 's snout [ Snap-dragon . ] HS. VIII . 6. [ Hart ( male ) of the first year . ] Sea — [ Seal . ] Be. V. 3. A. — of the Leg. [ Protuberance behind the Leg. ] [ Hinder Muscles of the Leg. ] Calif. [ Successor of Mahomet . ] Calk . RN. VI. 1. Call. [ a. Voice ] [ a. Name ] [ Summon ] — to mind , [ re-a . memory . ] — to witness , [ a. Witness ( make . ] — in , [ un-public ] [ a. annihilation ] — upon , [ Invocate . ] — ing , ] Profession . ] Callous . [ Hard skin . ] Muscle . ] Callow . [ Downy ] [ not-feathered ] Calm . El. VI. 6. A. [ adj . Peaceableness ] [ adj . Meekness ] Calo. RM. III. 8. A. Caltrops . Iron ( instr . ) having four points most distant from each other . land — HS. III. 9 A. water — HL. VII . 8. A. Calumny . RJ. IV. 7. Cambuge , [ Concrete juice purgative . ] Camel. Be. I. 3. — 's Hay . HL. III. 11. A. Camelopard , [ Giraffa . ] Be. II. 7. Camerade . [ adj . Chamber Companion ] Cammock , [ Rest-harrow . ] HS. III. 14. Camomil . HF. II. 8. Camp. RM. VI. 1. — master , [ adj . Camp. ( Officer . ] Campania , [ Plain . ] [ Summers war. ] Camphire , Tree . Tr. VIII . 6. Gum. [ Gum of Camphire tree . Campion . HS. III. 2. Can. Active . [ adj . Potentialness ] [ adj . Natural Power ] [ adj . Power . ] Pass . [ adj . Possibility . ] [ May ] Mod. I. 1. a — [ Footless Cup ] Canary . — bird . Bi. IV. 6. A. — grass . HL III. 1. — wine , [ Wine of the Canaries . ] Cancel . [ a. Annihilation ] [ a. Spoil ] [ un — ] Cancer . Ulcer . S. III. 4. Constellation , [ Star ( aggr . ) call'd the Crab. ] Sign [ the fourth of the twelve parts of the Zodiac . ] tropic of — W ▪ VI. 5. Cancer Majus . Ex. VI. 7. Candy , [ Condite with Sugar . ] — Alexander . HF. IV. 13. Candid . [ adj . Candor . ] Candidate . RC. I. 4. A. Candle . Pr. VI. 3. — stick , [ Supporting ( vess . ) for Candle . ] Candor . Man. I. 3. Cane . HL. III. 13. Canel . — bone , [ Bone next to the Weasand . ] — tree , [ Cinamon ] Tr. VIII . 8. Canibal , [ adj . Eating ( person ) of men . ] Canis . — major , [ Stars ( aggr ) called Greater Dog. ] — minor , [ Stars ( aggr . ) called Lesser Dog. ] Canker . [ Vlcer , ] sp . within the mouth . ] [ Rust ] Met. IV. 5. sp . of Brass . ] Worm , [ Caterpiller . ] Cankered , [ adj . p Canker . ] — stomach . [ Old Wrath ] Hatred . ] Cannibal , [ adj . Eating ( person ) of men . ] Canons . — of breeches , &c. [ Hollow Cylinders — ] — of a Cathedral , [ Assessors of the Bishop . ] Rules , [ adj . RE. Laws . ] [ Ordnance ] RM. VI. 5. A. Canonize . Make one a Saint ] Sentence one a Saint ] Declare one a Saint ] Canoo , [ Boat of one Tree . ] Canopy , [ over-adj . Head. ] adj . Shadowing Covering ( thing . ] Canorous , [ adj . a. Sing . ( apt . ] Cantharides . Ex. V. 9. Cantharus . Fi. V. 2. Canticle , [ adj . p. Sing ( thing . ] sp . Little , &c. Cantle , [ Fragment . ] TM . VI. 5. A. Canto , [ Treble ( part ) of a Song . ] Cantonize , [ Divide into little Governments . ] Canvas , [ Linnen of Hemp. ] — ing . a. Suter for suffrages . ] Contend for suffrages . ] [ Examin ( augm . ] Cap. [ adj Head ( vest ] sp . Congruous to the Head ] — case , [ Box ( dim ] to — [ un-vest the Head. ] [ Wooden ( jug . ) fastning Top-mast to the Mast ] Flag-staff to the Mast ] — a pe , [ from head to foot . ] — Verses , [ Play at repeating Verses . ] Capable . [ adj . a. Receive ( pot . ] [ adj . Subject ( pot ] [ adj . Passion ( pot ] Capacity . Subject ( pot . ] Receive ( pot . ] Passion ( pot . ] Caparison , [ adj . Ornat . ( armam . ) of Saddle . ] Cape . — of Cloke , [ adj . p. fold ( Lamin . ] [ Promontory ] W. III. 4. — Merchant . RN. V. 5. Ca●er . [ Leap ] sp . with trembling ( like ) of the Leggs . ] Fruit. Sh. IV. 2. Ship. [ Private man of War ] [ Ship praedatory . ] Capital . [ adj . Head. ] [ adj . a. Dy ( apt . ] crime , [ cr . punishable with dying ( make ] [ Cheef ] TM . IV. 4. Capitulate , [ Treat about Conditions . ] Capon . , [ un-testicled Cock. ] Capra saltans . El. I. 5 Caprichious , [ Fantastic ] ( corr . Capricorn , [ Tenth of the 12 parts of the Zodiac ▪ ] tropic of — W. VI. 5. Capriscus . Fi. IV. 9. Capstain . RN. II. 3. Captain . — of Foot , [ adj . Company ( Officer . ] — of Horse , [ adj . Troop ( Offi. ] — of a Ship. RN. V. 1. Captious . [ Censorious ] [ prone to be displeased dispute quarrel Captivate . RM. II. 6. E. Captive , [ adj . p. Captivate ( person . ] Caput Mort [ Sediment remaining of distilled ( thing ] Car , [ Cart. ] Caract , [ Eighteenth part of a Dram. ] Caraguia . Be. V. 6. Caramosel . RN. I. 4. Caranna . Tr. VIII . 5. Caravan , [ Travelling ( aggr . ) of Merchants . ] Caravel , [ Ship ( augm . ] Caraway . HF. V. 7. Carbine , [ Gun ( augm . ) of Horseman . ] Carbonado , [ Broil'd adj . p. flashing ] Pr. III. 5. Carbuncle . Sore . S. III. 4. A. Gem , [ Ruby ( augm . ] Card playing — [ adj . Card. Mo. V. 2. ( Instr. ] playing at — s [ Mo. V. 2. Geographic — [ Description by picture . ] to — wool . [ Un-intangle by Comb ] O. V. 9. A. [ Prepare for Spinning by Combing ] Cardamom .   Cardialgia . S. VI. 1. Cardinal , [ Principal . ] Chief , [ Clergy of Rome ] — points , [ East , West , North , and South . ] Care , [ Thinking ( augm . ] Carefulness . [ Heedfulness ] Ha. IV. 2. sp . with Trouble . ] Affliction . ] [ Diligence ] Carelesness . [ Heedlesness ] Ha. IV. 2. D. [ Sloth ] Caressing , [ a. Seem . ( sign ) love ( augm ] Cargo , [ Catalogue of Ships merchandize . ] Carine . RN. VI. 4. Cark . Ha. IV. 2. E. Carkanet , [ Jewel ( aggr . ) Carkass , [ Dead body . ] of a Fowl , [ Trunk . ] Carnal . [ adj . Flesh ] [ Natural ] [ Worldly ] [ adj . Lust ] [ Ungracious ] Carnation , [ adj . Flesh-colour . ] Carnosity , [ Flesh abstr . ] a — [ Excrescence , adj . Flesh. ] Carob . Tr. VI. 1. Caroll , [ Joyful Song . ] Carowse [ Drink ( aug . ] Carp. Fi. IX . 7. to — [ Calumniate words ] [ Except contentiously . ] Carpenter . [ adj . House faber ] [ adj . Wood ( Mechanic . ] Carpet . [ Woolen Ornament Vest for Table . ] Carract , [ Eighteenth part of a Dram. ] Carraway . HF. V. 7. Carreer , [ Running ( imp . ] Carrot . HF. V. 6. wilde . HF. V. 6. A. Carry . Go supporting . Mo. VI. 1. er . — RC. II. 8. A. Instruments for — ing . Po. V. [ a. Demeanour ] [ a. Converse ] [ Support ] Mo. VI. 1. A. Carriage . [ adj . p. Carry ( thing ) [ adj . a. Carry ( manner ) [ Demeanour ] AC . V. [ Converse ] Man. A. Carrick . RN. I. 4. Carrion . [ Dead body ] sp . putrid . ] [ Lean ( augm . ] Cart. Po. V. II. A. welsh — Po. V. 4. A. Cartilage , [ Gristle . ] PG. II. 1. A. Carve . O. IV. 6. — meat . Unjoint the Limbs . ] Segregate the Limbs . ] Distribute the Limbs . ] Carvel .   Case . Condition of dubitable Event [ Condition ] T. II. 4. [ State. ] T. VI. 4. [ Doubtful ( thing ] [ Question ] [ adj . p. Doubt Question ( thing ] [ State ▪ sp . of Question . ] — of Conscience , [ Moral Question ] in Law. [ Questionable Action ( kinde . ] [ Cause of Suit ] [ Supposition ] D. VI. 3. in — [ If ] in no — [ Not redupl . ] put — [ imp . Suppose . ] [ Event ] TA. V. [ sp . Doubtful Supposed Vessel . Pr. V. 1. A. — of a word . Obliquity of termination . ] Change of termination . ] Casement , [ Door of Window . ] Cash , [ Present Mony. ] — keeper , [ Private Mony ( Officer . ] Cashire . [ un-a . Souldier ( make ) penally . ] [ a. Incapacitating ] sp . a. Souldier . ] Cask , [ Vessel ] Pr. V. sp . Barrel . ] Pr. V. 3. Casket . [ Vessel ( dim . ] [ Box for precious ( things . ] Cassaware . Bi. II. 9. A. Cassia . Tr. VI. 2. Shrub — Sh. II. 11. A. Cassidony . HF. VI. 5. A. Cassock , [ Upper close ( vest . ] Cast. adj . p. Motion ( make . ) sp . Impetuously . & sp . from the Contiguity p. Support Capacity . of its mover . throwing , Mo. VI. 2. as Metal . O. IV. 5. A. as Guilty , [ Condemn . ] as Nauseous , [ Vomit ] — about . Think AS . II. 1. Consider AS . III. 1. Contrive AS . III. 7. — away . vid. — off . — down , [ down-cast . ] Sorrowful ( make . ] Despondent ( make . ] — in ones mind , vid. — about . — in ones teeth , [ Upraid . ] RJ. IV. 8. A. — into form a. Form sp . by casting . ] a. Figure sp . by casting . ] — into Sleep , [ adj . a. Sleeping ( make . ] — off . [ a. Reject ] AS .. V. 5. O. [ a. Abdicate ] TA. I. 3. O. [ a. Abandon ] TA. II. 2. O. [ a. Dereliction ] AS . I 5. O. — up . — into heap , [ a. Heap , ] — into sum , [ a. Sum. ] — clothes , [ not-fut . used cl . ] — dice , [ a. Dice ] — lots , [ a. Lots ] — skin . [ adj . a. Let go . Ta. I. 6. O — ] [ adj . a. Change. TA. II. 6. O — ] — water . [ a. Inquisition . RJ. II , 2. — ] [ a. Try. RJ. II. 4. A. — ] — Young , [ a. Abortion . ] Castle . Po. II. 2. A. Castor . Be. IV. 8. Castrate , [ Un - adj . a. testicle ( make . ] Castrel , vid. Kestrel . Casual , [ adj . Fortune . AS . I. 2. D. ] Casuist . [ Teacher of moral Doctrine . ] [ Solver of moral Doubts ] Cat. Be. IV. 4. Civet — Be. IV. 4. A. — mint , — s-tail . HL. II. 3. A. . Catalogue . TM . III. 7. A. Catamite , [ adj . p. Sodomy ( person . ] Cataplasm [ Plaster . ] Pro. VI. 4. A. Cataract , [ Direct fall of River . ] — in the eye , [ Opacous ( thing ) in the water of the Eye . ] Catarrh . S. IV. 4. Catastrophe , [ adj . a. Altering Conclusion . ] sp . Altering to worse . ] Catch . [ adj . p. Rest ( make ) sp . Impetuously . & sp . in its Comprehension . Catch , Mo. VI. 2. O. [ Arrest ] RJ. II. 1. A. — poll , [ Arresting ( Officer ] [ Pursevant ] RJ. I. 6. [ Obtain ] as Fire , [ a. Fire ( imp . ] as Infection , [ p. Contagion . ] [ Take ] TA. I. 4. — at . desire to get ] endeavour to take ] offer to Catch ] [ Overtake ] TA. VI. 6. A. — fly . HS. V. 2. A. Cate. [ Pr. II. ( thing ] Catechizing . RE. IV. 3. A. Category , [ Predicament . ] TA. Categorical , [ absolute . ] Cater , [ Buy provisions . ] Caterpiller . Ex. III. 6. Flower , HS. III. 12. A. Cathedral , [ Temple of Bishop's ( place . ] Catholic . RE. III. 2. Catmint . HF. VII . 1. A. Cattel , [ Beasts ] sp . Cloven footed . ] Cavalry . [ Horsemen ( kind ( aggreg . Candle , [ Broth of Egg , Wine , &c. ] Cave , [ Cavity in the Earth . ) [ Under-ground Room ] House ] Hole ( aug . ] Caveare , [ Condited spawn of Sturgeons . ] Caveat , [ Caution ( sign . ] Cavern , vid. Cave . Caught , [ adj . p. Catch . ] Cavill . Objection Contentious ] ( corr . ] Dispute Contentious ] ( corr . ] Cavity , [ Hollowness . ] Mag. VI. 1. E. Caul . PG. VI. 6. A. — for the head , [ adj . Net ( figure ) head ( vest . ] Cauldron , [ Kettle ( aug . ] Cause . Proper . T. II. [ Efficient ] T. II. 1. [ Impulsive ] T. II. 2. [ Occasion ] T. II. 4. [ End ] T. II. 6. In discourse . [ Reason ] [ adj a. Argumentation ( thing ] In Law. [ Cause of Suit ] [ Suit ] RJ. II. A. [ Proceeding ] RJ. II. Causey . [ Factitious way ] [ Way pav'd with Stones ] Causti● a. Burning Medicine . ] a. Corroding Medicine . ] Cautelousness , [ Heedfulness . ] Ha. IV. 2. Cauterizing , [ Stigmatize . ] RJ. VI. 6. A. Caution [ a Heedfulness . ] — money , [ Stipulatory-money before-paid . ] Cautiousness , [ Heedfulness . ] Ha. IV. 2. Ceas● Discontinue . ] Desist . ] Cecily , vid. Ciceley . Cedar . Tr. V. 4. Cell , [ Room ( dim . ] [ Regular's ( ●oom ] Celandine . HS IV. 10. A. Celebrate , [ a. Solemnity ] Celebs . RO. II. 1. Celerity . [ Swiftness ] NP. V. 9. [ Dispatch ] TA. III. 5. Celestial , [ adj . Heaven . ] W. II. Celibate , [ Celebs ( abstr . ] Cellar , [ adj . Store ( room ) for adj . p. Drink ( thing . ] Cement , [ Glue of Stones . ] Censer , [ adj . Burning ( vessel ) of Incense . ] Censor , [ Judge ] sp . of manners . ] Censorious . Man. I. 3. O. Censure , [ a. — Judge . ] Sentence . ] — ecclesiastic . RE. V. 3. Centaur , [ adj . Fiction Horseman . ] Center . Mag. II. 1. Center-fish . Ex. VIII . 1. A. Centon . [ adj . aggregate ( thing ) of divers fragments ] Cent●ry . Greater — HF. III. 3 A. Lesser — HS. V. 5. Century . 100. Centurion , [ adj . Company ( Officer . ] Cerecloth , [ Plaster'd cloth . ] Ceremony , [ Circumstance ] sp . solemn . ] Certain . [ Sure ] adj . AS . II. 6. — ly . Adv. I. 2. O. [ Manifest ] [ Some ] Pron . II. 3. Certainty . AS . II. 6. Certifie . [ adj . Certainty ( make ] [ adj . a. Know ( make ] Ceruse . Met. IV. 5. A. Cess [ tax ] sp . according to-his proportion ] Cessation Discontinue . Desist . Chas Recrement of winnowed Grain Husks of winnowed Grain Chafe . [ Heat by rubbing . ] [ Ruo ] O. V. 8. [ Heat ] Q. V. 1. E. — ing-dish , [ adj . Table ( vessel ) for Fire . ] Stomach , [ adj . Angry ( aug . ] Chafer . [ Bay Scarab ] Goat — Ex. V. 3. Green — Ex. V. 5. A. Chaffer . [ Treat concerning the Price ] [ Exchange ] Chaffinch . Bi. IV. 7. Chain , [ Cord of Loops for Binding . ] Ornament . ] Chair . Po. VI. 6. Chalcedony . St. V. 6. Chalcis . Fi. III. 12. A. Chaldron , [ 36. Bushels . ] Chalenge . [ Claim ] [ Provoke ] [ Accuse ] Chalice , [ Footed drinking ( vessel . ] Chalk . St. VI. 1. Chama . Ex. VIII . 6. Chamaecyparissus .   Chamber , [ Room ] sp . Sleeping ( room ] Chamberlein . [ adj . Chamber ( Off. ] [ adj . City mony ( Off. ] Chameleon . Be. VI. 4. A. Chamfer , [ Gutter ( freq . ) Chamomil . HF. II. 8. Champ , [ Mastication ] Champain , [ Plain . ] W. III. 1. E. Champion , [ Instead-fighting ( person . ] Chance , [ Fortune . ] Chancel , [ Chief adj . Temple ( Room . ] Chancellor , [ Judge of Equity . ] Chancery , [ Court of Equity . ] Chandler , [ Candle ( Mech . ( Merch. Chanel . W. IV. 5. A. Change. [ Alter ] TA. I. 1. O. Mutation , TA. II. 6. A. — of the Moon . [ Time when the Moon ends one Course , and begins another ] [ Exchange ] Changeable . Mutable , [ adj . Change ( apt . ] Of divers Colours . Q. II. 5. A. Changeling . [ Instead-put ] [ Idiot ] Channa . Fi. V. 11. A. Chant , [ Sing . ] Chanter , [ Chief Singer . ] Chantry , [ Ecclesiastical singing ( place . ] Chaos , [ Unformed matter . ] Chap. [ Chink ] Mag. V. 4. O. — of mouth . [ Jaw ] sp . Bone of it . ] Chape , [ End ( arm . ) of the Swords case . ] Chaplain Domestic Presbyter . ] Private Presbyter . ] Chaplet , [ Wreath of Flowers for the head . ] Chapman , [ adj . a. Buying ( person . ] Chappel , [ Temple ( dim . accessory . Chapter . — of book . D. III. 3. — of Cathedral . [ Bishop's Assessors ( aggr . ] [ Their Convention ] [ And Convention-house . ] — of Pillar , [ Top of Column . ] Character . D. I. 1. A. [ Description ] Charcole , [ Cole made by charking . ] Chare , [ Business ( dim . ] [ Instead-business ] Charge , Proper [ Load ] Po. V. A. — a Gun. [ adj . p. Ammunition ( make ] In Oeconomic . [ Command ] In Civil sense . [ Trust ] have — of , Be intrusted with . [ Office ] Cost , [ Expence ] In Judicial . [ Accuse ] Lay to one's — [ a. Accuser . ] In Military . [ Assault ] Charger , [ Dish ( aug . ) for Esculents . ] Chary . [ adj . Indulgence ] [ Heedful for ] [ Loth that it should suffer ] Chariot . Po. V. 2. Charity . Ha. V. 6. Chark . O. VI. 7. Charleswain , [ Stars ( aggr . ) called , &c. ] Charlock . HS. IV. 9. A. Charm Witch with words . Wizard with words . Charnel , [ Room for dead bodies . ] Charr . Fi. IX . 3. A. Charring . O. VI. 7. Charter , [ Patent ] sp . For grant of Privilege ] Chase. [ Treey Country ] sp . for Deer . [ Forrest ] Po. I. 2. A. to — [ Hunt ] [ Drive ] [ Persue ] Chasm , [ Emptiness . ] — in the Skie . El. V. 5. Chast , [ adj . Chastity . ] — ●ree ▪ Sh. V. 1. Chastise , [ Correct . ] Chatt , [ Loquacity . ] Chattels , [ Goods not inheritable . ] Chatter . with ones Tongue . as Birds . a. Swallow voice ] a. Pie voice ] [ Prate ] with ones Teeth . [ Tremble — ] sp . with Sound ( aug . ] Cheap . [ adj . Price Value ( dim . ] [ Sorry ] TM . I. 4. D. Cheapen , [ Treat concerning the price . ] Cheat , [ Fraud . ] Check . [ Interrupt Motion ] [ Hinder ] [ Cohibit ] [ Reprove ] Checker , vid. Exchequer . — ' d with Colours . Q. II. 7. Cheef , [ Principal . ] Cheek . PG. III. 7. [ Side ] Sp. III. 4. Cheer . Diet , [ Quantity of Food . ] [ Face ( manner ] to — [ Encourage ] [ Merry ( make . ] [ Cheerful ( make . ] Cheerfulness , [ Alacrity . ] Ha. IV. 3. Cheese . Pro. I. 3. A. Cheeslip , [ Sow . ] Ex. II. 9. Cheesrunning [ Ladies bedstraw ] HL. IX . 6. A. Cherish . [ a. Fotion ] AC . I. 4. [ Preserve indulgently ] Cherry . Tr. II. 3. Birds — Sh. II. 5. Winter — HS. IX . 8. Wildrock — of Austria . Sh. II. 5. A. Cherub . [ Angel ] [ Image of Angel ] Chervil . HF. V. 8. A. Chesil . [ Prism . for Cutting Carving Chess-playing . Mo. V. 3. Chest. [ Box ] Pr. V. 2. of the Body . [ Trunk ] sp . the Cavity of it . ] Chestnut . Tr. IV. 4. Cheverel , [ Leather of Gote's skin . ] Cheveron , [ Tooth ( like ) lines . ] Chevin , [ Chub. ] Fi. IX . 8. A. Chew , [ Mastication . ] — the Cud , [ Re-masticate . ] Chibbol , [ Young Onion . ] Chickling . HS. II. 5. under-ground — HS. II. 7. Chick , [ Hen ( young . ] — weed . HS. V. 9. A. Bastard — HS. V. 10. berry bearing — HS. IX . 8. A. Chide , [ Reprove angrily . ] Chill , [ Cold ( dim ] Chilblain . S. III. 7. Child . By Relation . Natural . RO. I. 2. O. to be with — [ to have conceived . ] — in the womb , [ Embryo . ] — birth , [ Parturition ] — bed , [ the Bed in which adj . a. pret . Part●●ition lies . ] in — [ adj . a. pret . Parturition . ] Adventitious . Foster — RO. III 2. O. God — RO. III. 1. O. Ward — RO. III. 4. O. By Age. [ Infant ] Boy . Childhood . [ Infancy ] Mea. VI. 1. Boy 's age , Mea. VI. 1. A. Childish , [ adj . Child ( like . ] Childless , [ Not-parent . ] Chime . [ Tune with the Bells ] [ Ring melodiously ] Chimaera , [ adj . Fiction ( thing . ] Chimist . [ O. VI. ( mech . ] Chimny . Po. III. 9. A. Chin. PG. III. 8. A. China , [ root of an Indian climbing plant . ] Chine , [ Bone of the Back . ] Chin-cough , [ adj . a. pret . Duration ( aug . ) Cough . ] Chink , Chap. Mag. V. 4. O. Chip . TM . VI. 5. to — [ Cut into Chips . ] [ From-cut the outside . ] Chiromancy , [ Wizarding by the sight of hand . ] Chirp . dim . Singing . AC . III. 5. A. Voice of Birds , [ a. Sparrow ( voice ] Chirurgeon . [ adj . RC. III. 2. ( person ] Chit , [ Cat ( young ] Chitterling , [ Smallest gu●s . ] Chivalry , [ War ( art . ] sp . adj . Horseman . ] Chives , vid. Cive . Chocolate . Tr. IV. 7. Choice . Subst . [ Election ] RC. IV. 2. [ Diversity ] [ Many of divers Kinds . ] Valors . ] Adject . [ Excellent ] Choke , [ Strangle . ] RC. V. 8. Choler . PG. I. 6. A. — adust , [ melancholy ] Choleric . [ adj . Choler ] [ adj . Anger ( apt . ] Choose , [ a. Election . ] As to do . AS . IV. 5. As to Office. RC. IV. 2. may — [ is adj . Liberty . ] cannot — but , [ is adj . p. Determination . ] Chop . [ Mince ] Pr. III. 6. A. — ing knife , [ Mincing ( inst . ] — ing block . [ Supporting ( inst . ) for the chopped ( thing . ] [ Cut by striking ] — of mutton . [ From cut ( part ) — ] sp . adj . Proportion . ] — in , [ Come sudden . ] [ Exchange ] Chord . Mag. II. 6. A. Chorister , [ adj . Singing ( Off. ] Chorus . [ together-Singers ( Aggr. ] [ Players together-speaking ( aggr . ] Chough . Bi. I. 6. A. Chrism , [ Anointing . ] Christ. G. II. Christen , [ Baptize . ] Christendom , [ World of Christians . ] Christianity . RE. I. 4. Christmas , [ Festival ( time ) of Christ's birth . ] — day , [ Festival day of Christ's birth . ] Chromis . Fi. V. 7. Chronicle . [ Relation of things done according to the Series of times . ] Chronology . [ History of times . ] [ Computing ( art ) of times ] Chrysocoll , [ Borax ] Chrysolite . PP . V. 6. A. Chub. Fi. IX . 8. A. Chuckle , [ Laugh ( augm . ] sp . Inwardly . ] Church . Society , [ RE. ( aggr . ] Temple . Po. II. 4. — warden , [ adj . Temple ( Off. ] — yard , [ Court of Temple ] Churching . RE. IV. 6. Churl , [ adj . Churlishness ( person . ] Churlishness . [ Rusticity ] Man. IV. 9. D. [ Moroseness ] Man. IV. 7. D. op . to Alms. Man. III. 5. D. [ Roughness ] Churn , [ Motion ( freq . ) vicissitudinary . ] Chur-worm . [ Fen-Cricket . ] Ex. II. 2. A. Chyle . PG. I. 3. Chymic Operation . O. VI. Cicada . Ex. IV. 6. — aquatica . EX . II. 4. A. Cicely . Sweet — HF. IV. 3. wi●d — HF. IV. 3. A. Cicutaria .   Cider , [ Wine of Apples . ] Cimex , [ Punice ] Ex. II. 6. A. — sylvestris . Ex. II. 3. Cinders , [ Fiery ashes ] — of Sea-cole , [ Charred remainders — ] Cinnabar . Met. III. 5. Cinna●ion , Tr. VII . 8. Cinqfoil . HF. IX . 2. Cipher . [ adj . Number ( sign ) Character . ] [ Character ] [ Secret Character ] [ Number ] to — [ adj . a. Number ( art . ] [ Nothing ( sign ) Character . ] Cypres , [ Transparent Linnen . ] — Tr. V. 6. Circle . Mag. III. 2. By which the World is divided . W. VI. Circuit . [ Region ] [ Margin of Circle ] Circular , [ adj . Circle . ] Circulate , [ About-going ] Circumcision . RE. VI. 5. Circumference , [ Circle about - adj . Margin . ] Circumflex , [ Long sounding . ] Circumlocution , [ Express by many words . ] [ Paraphrase ] D. V. 5. A. Circumscribe , [ About — a. compass . ] Circumspect , [ Cautious . ] Circumstance . T. VI. 3. Circumvent , [ a. Fraud . ] Cistern , [ a. Keeping ( vessel ) for Water . ] Citadel , [ Castle . ] Po. II. 2. Citation . Summons RJ. II. 1. [ Quotation ] D. IV. 9. Citerior . Sp. II. 2. E. City . RC. III. 3. A. Citizen . RC. I. 6. Citrine , [ adj . Citron colour . ] Citrinella . Bi. VI. 2. Citron . Tr. I. 8. Citrull . HS. VII . 2. A. Cittern , [ Little musical ( instr . ) having brass strings . ] Citysus . Sh. II. 6. A. Cive , HL. IV. 10. A. Civet , [ Sweat of the Civet Cat. ] — Cat. Be. IV. 4. A. Civil . [ adj . Civility ] [ adj . City ] [ adj . Civil relation ] — Relation . RC. — Lawyer . RC. II. 2. — War. [ War between men of the same Nation . ] Common-wealth . ] Civility . [ Courtesie ] Man. IV. 7. [ Complaisance ] Man. IV. 8. Clack , [ Knock ( freq . ) sound . ] a — [ adj . Knock ( machin . ] Clad , [ Clothed ] Clay . El. IV. 4. Claim . TA. I. 3. Clamber , [ Climbe adv . Difficult . ] ( corr . ] Clamminess . Q. VI. 4. E. Clamor , [ Exclaim ] AC . III. 3. O. Clancular , [ Secret. ] Clandestine , [ Secret. ] Clap. AC . V. 5. — up . [ Finish adv . sudden ] [ Imprison ] sp . suddenly . — of thunder , [ sound ( imp . ) of th . ] Clapboard , [ Oaken ( lamins ) for lining Rooms . ] Clapper . [ Box ] Pr. V. 2. Instrument , [ Striking ( part ) of ringing ( instr . ] Claret , [ Red French Wine ] Clary . HF. VII . 10. Wild — HF. VII . 10. A. Clarifie . [ Separating the course ( parts . ] [ a. Clear ( make . ] ● Clash . [ against-Strike ] sp . reciprocally . ] [ a. Contention ] Clasp . [ Hook ] [ Embrace ] Clasper , [ Tendril . ] PP . II. 7. A. Class , [ Series . ] Classic , [ Authentic . ] Clatter , [ Jarring . ] Clause . D. III. 1. Claw . as of man , [ Nail . ] a — back , [ Fawner . ] as of Beast . PP . VI. 5. A. as of Bird. PP . V. 3. as of Shell-fish . PP . IV. 7. to — [ Scratch . ] Clean. [ Pure ] TM . V. 6. Quite and — perfectly ] Totally ] Cleanliness . Man. II. 6. Cleanse . [ Clean ( make . ] [ a. Innocent ( make . ] [ Vndefiled ( make . ] [ Un a. guilty ( make . ] Clear. Entire of it self . — ly . [ Wholly . ] Not mingled with other . [ Simple . ] sp . not with worse . [ Pure ] [ Not hinder'd from being doing Receiving ( perf . ] E.g. in any genus , as of Quality or Relation NP. — understanding , [ Und. ( perf . ] — sight , [ Sight ( perf . ] as to Mind . [ Ingenuous ] [ Sprightly ] as to the Body . [ Sound ] [ Indolent ] [ Beautiful ] Ha. — repute , [ Rep. ( perf . ] sp . [ Sagacious ] [ Sincere ] Man. [ Candid ] [ Frank ] Quality . Visible . [ Lightsom ] — weather . El. VI. 1. [ Bright ] [ Transparent ] Unspotted . Q I. 5. Audible . — sound . Q. III. 7. RC. [ Not in Debt ] TA. IV. 9. RJ. [ Not in Guilt ] RJ. II. ● RM. [ Not in War ] RM. II. 7. RE [ Not under Censure ] RE. V. 5. O. S. [ Not Infected . ] Diseased . ] Not hinder'd from being done . [ Easie ] Not hinder'd from being known . [ Plain ] [ Manifest ] Not hinderd from being Come to . Pass'd through . [ Accessible ] [ Empty ] [ Passable ] Cleaver . [ Cleaving ( instr . ] [ Knife ( augm . ) to strike with ] Cleavers . [ goose-grass ] HL. IX . 9. A. Cleaving . Sticking . [ a. Clammy ] [ Adhering ] Chapping , [ apj. p. Chink . ] as with a Wedge . O. I. 3. Cloven-footed . Cleer , vid. Clear. Cleft . [ Chink ] Mag. V. 4. O. [ adj . p. Cleave ] Clematis . Sh. V. 7. Clemency . Man. VI. 8. Clergy . RE. II. Clerk. [ adj . Church - Writing ( Officer . ] [ adj . Clergy ( person ] [ adj Church ( off . ] — of Church , [ Minister's subordinate ( officer . ] [ adj . Writing ( offic ] — of Exchequer . — of Rolls . Gentleman 's — — of Market . [ adj . Market ( off . ] Clew , [ Bottom . ] Click , [ a. Sound as Watch. ] Clicket , [ Lust. ] sp . of Rabbets . ] Client . [ Dependent ] [ adj . p. Advocate ( person ] Cliff. W. III. 3. A. Climacteric , [ adj . a. Altering ( apt . ) seventh year . ] Climate , [ adj . p. Latitude ( place ) of 13 hours , 13 and a half , &c ] Climbe . Mo. II. 5. Climber of Virginia . Sh. V. 8. Clinch . — a Nail , [ Fix it by re-knocking folding the point of it . ] — ones Fist , [ Fold the hand . ] a — [ Urbanity ( endeavor ) by similitude of words . ] Cling . AC . VI. 9. Clink , [ a. Sound as Chains . ] Clip . [ Cut ] O. V. 4. A. [ Embrace ] Clock . Po. VI. 6. A. what is it of — [ what hour is it according to the — ] Clod , [ Lump . ] Clog , [ Hinder . ] Cloy . [ adj . p. Excess ( make ] [ adj . a. Nauseate with abundance . ] Cloister . [ House of Monks ] [ Roofed walking ( place ] Cloke , [ Wide outer ( Vest ] to — [ Cover ] [ Pretence ] [ Conceal ] Cloke-bag , [ Sack to be tied behind the Saddle . ] Closeness , Nearness impeditive of Penetration . Nearness of thing to thing . [ Nearness ] [ Contiguity ] [ Continuity ] of the parts of a thing . The Extremes . [ Narrowness ] The Middle parts . Closeness , Q. V. 3. [ Densness ] Q. V. 3. E. Impeditive as to the Surface . to close . [ adj . Hide . ] [ adj . Conceal ] Periphery . to close . [ adj . a. Sepiment ] a Close . [ adj . p. Sepiment ( place ] Top. to close . with its own . [ adj . Shut ] [ adj . p. Whole ] as a Wound . with anothers . [ adj . Cover ] Side . to close . [ Together-join ] [ Together-fold ] as a Letter . End. to close , [ adj . a. Finish . ] Of Penetration ; by Ey , [ Darkness ] as of weather . Ear , [ Silence . ] Reservedness . ] Hand , &c. [ Fastness ] [ Penuriousness ] Closet , Room ( dim . ) for privacy ] Clot. — bird . — burr . Cloth. Stuff for Clothing [ adj . Clothing thing ] Cotton — Pr. IV. 4. A. Hair — Pr. IV. 1. A. Linn●n — Pr. IV. 4. Woollen — Pro. IV. 1. — worker , [ adj . cloth ( Mechanic . ] Clothe . [ make Cloth ] put on [ adj . p. Clothing ( make ] Clothing . Pr. IV. Clottered , [ Coagulated ] Cloud . El. III. 2. Clove . — of Garlick , [ Bulb of the root ] — tree . Tr. III. 9. Cloun , vid. Clown . Clout . [ Fragment of Cloth ] [ adj . Mending ( thing ] to — [ Mend by addition . ] [ Strengthen by addition . ] Clown . [ adj Country ( corr . ] [ adj . Rusticity ( person ] — ishness , [ Rusticity . ] Clu , [ Bottom . ] Mag. VI. 7. Club. Weapon , RM. V. 2. [ Society . ] Cluck , as a Hen. [ Calling ( voice ] Clung . [ adj . a. preter . Cling ] [ together-adhering ] Cluster . PP . II. 4. [ adj . aggregate ( thing ] Clutch . [ Talon . PP . V. 3. ( Aggreg . ] [ Hand ] PG. V. 3. Holding . TA. V. 5. ( augm . ] to — [ Shrink ] AC . V. 5. O. [ Together-fold ] O. III. 5. [ Hold ( corr . ] Clutter . [ Confused Motion ] Sound ] Clyster , [ Medicinal drink for fundament . ] Coach. Po. V. 1. — man , [ Coach ( Officer . ] — box , [ Seat of Coach ( Officer . ] Coaction . AS . IV. 9. O. C●adjutor , [ With-helper . ] Coagulating . O. VI. 2. A. Coalition [ a. Uniting . [ p. Uniting . Coarctation . [ together-joyning ( augm . ] [ Shrinking ] Coast. Quarter , [ Country near . ] Sea-coast , [ nigh - adj . Sea Country . ] to — [ Travail ( end . ) by conjecture . ] Coat . Garment , [ Outward close ( vest . ] — of Male , [ Woven ( like ) armour . ] — of Arms , [ Nobility [ Gentility ( sign . Cottage , [ Rustic house ( dim . ] Cobble . [ Mend , ( corr . ] [ a. Unskilful ] Ha. VI. 3. O. Cob-iron , [ Supporting ( instr . ) for Spit . ] Cobler , [ Mending ( mech . ) of Leather ( vest ) for foot . ] Cobweb , [ Spider's woven ( thing ] Cock [ Male ] sp . bird ] [ Bird , Bi. II. 1. ( male ] — 's comb . HS. VIII . 7. — 's head . HS. III. 5. A. heath — Bi. II. 5. A. — of the wood . Bi. II. 5. Exanguious . Sea — Ex. VI. 6. A. — Roches . Ex. I. 7. A. winged — Ex. II. 3. A. Instrument . — of Dial , [ Pin — ] — of Gun-lock . [ adj . a. Fire ( machin . ] — for Water , [ Lock of Pipe. ] Weather — [ Winde ( sign ) instrument . ] — of Hay , [ Heap — ] — boat , [ Boat ( dim . ] — swain . RN. V. 6. A. Cockall , [ Dicing with heel-bones . ] Cockatrice , [ Serpent killing by Sight . ] Cocker , [ adj . a. Fondness . ] Man. VI. 7. D. Cocket , [ Writing of Tribute ( off . ) for impor● export of wares ] Cockle . Fish. Ex. VIII . 5 A. Herb. HS. V. 6. A. Cockrel , [ Hen ( male ) ( young . ] Coco . Tr. IV. 6. Cocothraustes . Bi. IV. 4. — Cristatus . Bi. IV. 4. A. Cod. Fish. Fi. III. 1. — of Plant. PP . III. 5. A. — of Animal , [ Testicles ( vessel . ] — piece , [ adj . Privities ( vest . ] Codicil , [ Added writing . ] Coequal , [ Equal . ] Coerce , [ Cohibit . ] Coessential , [ Of the same Essence . ] Coetaneous , [ Together in Age. ] Coeternal , [ Together-eternal . ] Coexistent , [ Together-existent . ] Coffee . Tr. IV. 7. A. Coffer , [ Chest. ] — er , [ Keeping ( off . ) of Treasure . ] Coffi . Tr. IV. 7. A. Coffin . [ Receiving ( vessel ] [ Box for dead body ] Cog. — of Mill , [ Tooth of wheel . ] to — [ Fawn . ] [ a. Fraud . ] Cogitation , [ Thinking ] Cognation of things . T. VI. 8. Cognisance . [ Acknowledging ] of Cause . RJ. II. 4. Badge , [ Service ( sign . ] Coheir , [ Together-heir . ] Coherent . [ Together Sticking . ] Joining . ] [ adj . Congruity ] Cohibitive cause T. II. 2. O. Cohobation , [ Repeated Distillation . ] Cohort , [ Troop . ] Coy , [ adj . Aversation ( apt . ] Ooif , [ Close adj . head ( vest . ] Coil , [ Confused Motion . ] Sound . ] to — a rope , [ a. Spiral . ] Coin ▪ — of a Wall. , [ Corner — ] [ Mony ] to — [ a. Mony ( make ] [ a. Print ] sp . in Metal ] [ a. Fiction ] [ a. Forgery ] Coincident , [ Together-adj . Event ] Coistrel , [ adj . Adolescence ( male . ] Coit . [ Lamin . adj . p. cast ( apt . ] Coition . AC . II. 5. A. Colander , [ adj . Streining ( vess . ] Cold. — to sense . Q. V. 1. D. [ Remiss ] a — [ Disease from cold ] Cole . Live — [ Fired fuel ( Part ] Dead — [ un-fired fuel ( part ] Sea — St. VI. 3. A. — black , [ Black ( augm . ] Cole-rake , Instr. Cole-mouse . Bi. VI. 7. A. Cole-wort , [ Cabbage . ] HS. IV. 6. Colet , Concave ( place of Ring . Gem ( place of Ring . Colic S. VI. 5. Coll , [ Embrace . ] Collar , [ Environing ( armam . ] for neck . ] Collateral . [ of the same Series ] [ Accessary ] Collation . [ Giving ] [ Right of giving ] [ Refection . Pr. I. 1. A. ] [ Comparing . TA. II. 5. ] Collect , [ adj . Epitome prayer . ] Collection . [ a. Gathering ] [ adj . p. Gathering ( thing . ] Collective . [ Together-gathering ] [ adj . Aggregate ] Collector , [ adj . a. Gathering Person . ] Officer . ] College . RC. III. 7 ▪ A. sp . of Schollars . ] Collegue . [ Companion . ] [ Together adj . p. Leag . ] adj . p. Colledg . ] Officer . ] Collier , [ Fuel ( mech . ] ( merc . ] Colli-flower , [ Cabbage ] Collision . [ Together striking . ] [ Reciprocal striking . ] Collogue , [ Fawn . ] Collop . [ Chip ] [ Slice ] Colloquy , [ Together-discourse . ] Collusion , [ Agreeing to cheat . ] Colon. [ adj . Fundament Gut. ] Period . D. I. 6. Colonel , [ Regiment ( Off. ] Colony . RC. III. 1. A. Coloquintida . HS. VII . 4. Color . Q. II. [ Pretext ] — s [ adj . Ensign Cornet ( thing ] Coloss , [ Image ( augm . ] Colt Horse ( young ] Ass ( young ] — s-foot . HL. VI. 1. mountain - [ Horse foot ] HL. VI. 3. Columbine . HS. I. 2. A. Column , [ Pillar Poss. III. 5. ] Colure , [ Meridian through Tropics . ] Comb. [ Combing ( instr . ] to — O. V. 9. A. Crest . PP . V. 7. Cox — Herb. [ adj . Folly ( person ] [ adj . Formalness , Man. IV. 6. E. ( person ] Hony — [ Bees Chambers ( aggr . ] Combat , [ Fighting . ] Comber . [ Burthen ] [ Trouble ] [ Hinder . ] Combine . [ Together-a , join . ] league . ] faction . ] Combustion . [ Burning . ] [ Contention ] [ Sedition . ] Come . Motion toward to TA. VI. 1. sp . from a remoter term to a nearer . — about , [ Turn . ] — after , [ Follow. ] — again , [ Return . ] — at a thing , [ Obtain . ] a person , [ Assault . ] — back ▪ [ Return . ] — by , [ Obtain . ] — forth . [ become visible . ] known . ] [ be manifested ] — forward Proceed . ] p. Increase . ] — in , [ Submit . ] — off , [ p. Event . ] — upon equal terms . RM. II. 1. — Victor . RM. II. 1. E. — Loser . RM. II. 1. D. — on , [ Proceed . ] — over , [ P. Convert . ] — a person , a. Craft . ] a ▪ Fraud . ] — out . [ become visible . ] known . ] [ be manifested . ] — to v. Event . ] p. Sum. ] — to good , [ v. Event . ( perf . ] — to hand , [ v. Event — ] — to light ▪ p. Manifest . ] p. Public . ] — to Minde , [ adj . p. Memory . ] — to nought , [ v. Event ] ( corr . ] nothing . ] — to pass , [ v. Event . ] — to self , [ Return to former Condition . ] — up , Become visible . ] Grow visible . ] — upon , [ Assault . ] — with , [ Bring . ] Being . [ future . ] to — [ adj . future . ] [ near . ] [ present . ] ( inc . ) [ adv . End. ] — short . [ v. Defect adv . End. ] — to , [ p. Sum adv . End. ] [ adv . Total . ] — to , [ p. Total . ] Being the Effect . — of it , [ Be the Effect — ] Being the Event . Vide supra . Appearing . Forth — ing , [ adj . fut . Appear . ] Parturition . Comedy , [ Play with merry Conclusion . ] Comely . [ Decent ] [ Handsom ] Comet . W. II. 3. A. Meteor . El. I. 2. Comfet , [ adj . p. Confection ( thing ) with Sugar . ] Comfort . RO. VI. 3. Comfrey . HL. IX . 4. Comical , [ adj . Comedy ] [ adj . Mirth ] Comity , [ Courtesie . ] Man. IV. 7. Comma . D. I. 5. Command . v. Precept . RO. V. 1. [ a. Master ] [ a. Magistrate ] at ones — [ adj . p. Command Govern by one . ] a commanded Party . RM. IV. 6. Commander . [ Commanding ( Person . ( Off. [ adj . Wood ( instr . ) for indriving Columns ] Commemorate [ Re - a. memory ( make . ] [ a. Memory solemnly . ] Commence . [ Begin ] [ Take a Degree ] [ Be made — Doctor . ] Master . ] — an Action , [ a. Action . ] RJ. II. O. Commend . [ Praise . ] — to self . RO. V. 7. — to others . RO. V. 8. Entrust , [ Deposit ] [ Speak ones Salutations to remembrance ( another . ] Commendations . To do ones — Speak ones Love. ] Be Messenger of ones Salutation . ] Instead-salute . ] Letters o - Praise . a. Trust ( make . Commensurate , [ Together-proportioned . ] Comment . D. V. 6. — ary . D. V. 6. Commerce . TA. IV. Commination , [ Threat . ] RO. V. 6. O. Commiserate , [ a. Pity . ] AS . VI. 7. O. Commissary , [ Officer . ] Ecclesiastic , [ Instead-Judge Eccles. ] Military , [ adj . Provisions ( off . ] Commission . RC. IV. 4. A. — er , [ Commission'd ( person . ] Commit . [ Doe ] fp . as Fault . ] [ Entrust ] as Prisoner , [ a. Imprisonment . ] Committee , [ Authorized persons ( aggr . ] [ Council ( dim . ] Commixtion . [ Mixture ] [ Together-mixture ] Commodious . [ Congruous ] [ Convenient ] [ Profitable ] Commodity . [ Convenience ] [ Profit ] [ Ware ] Common . [ adj . All Every Many Op. to Proper . TM . IV. 6. O [ Public . ] TM . V. 4. [ adj . People ] — wealth . [ adj . RC. ( thing ] [ Common Prosperity . ] [ Government by the People . ] [ Obvious ] [ Frequent ] [ Usual ] [ Not-consecrated ] Commonalty , [ People ( kind ] Commons , [ not-Lords . ] — of Victual . [ Proportioned Food . Provisions — for Ca●tel . [ Common Pasture ] [ Peoples Pasture ] Commotion . [ Motion ] [ Sedition ] [ Trouble ] Commune , [ Confer . ] AC . V. 7. A. Communicate . [ Common ( make ] [ Partnership ( make ] [ Known ( make ] Communication . [ Conversation ] [ Conference ] AC . V. 7. A. [ Discourse ] Communion . [ Together — Union . ] Partnership . ] [ Lord's Supper . ] RE. VI. 6. A. Community , [ Common ( kinde ] Commutation . [ Commerce ] [ Exchange ] Compact . [ Together-join ( augm . ] [ Close ( augm . ] [ Agreement ] [ Together-league ] [ Covenant ] Company . [ Together Being Going Travelling [ Companion ( abst . ] [ adj . aggregate ( thing ] [ adj . Multitude ( aggr . ] [ Society ] [ Convention ] [ Corporation ] of Souldiers . RM. IV. 2. To — [ Together - Be Go Travel Companion . Fellow . RO. IV. 2. [ Accessary ( person ] [ Urbane ( person ] [ Sorry ( person ] Compare . TA. II. 5. In Comparison of , [ Being compared with ] Compass . [ About-goe ] [ Goe about the out-side ] fetch — [ Go , adv . Curve ] [ About-sepiment ] [ v. Circle ] Mariners — [ Box to direct Navigation ] [ adj . Magnet ( Jug . ) ( Vess . ) Pair of — [ Writing ( instr . ) of Circles . ] [ Comprehend ] [ Obtain ] — of a year , &c. [ Space — &c. ] Compassion , [ Pity ] TA. VI. 7. O. Compatible [ Together - agreeing . adj . Congruous . Compeer . [ Like ] [ Companion ] Compell , [ a. Coaction ] Compellation , [ a. Name . ] Compendious . [ adj . Shortness ] [ adj . p. Epitome ] Compendium . [ Epitome ] [ Short method ] Compensate . TA. II. 7. A. Competent , [ Sufficient . ] Competitor , [ Rival . ] Compile . [ Compound ] [ a. Book ( make ] Complacence . [ Delight ] AS . IV. 7. Vertue . Man. IV. 8. Complain . [ Grief ( sign ] [ a. Accuser ] Complaisance . Man. IV. 8. Complementing . AC . V. 7. Complete . [ Perfect ] [ adj . p. Finishing ] Complexion . [ Aggregate ] [ Composition ] [ Temper ] [ Colour of Face ] Complie . [ v. Congruity ] [ Follow ] [ Imitate ] [ Please by v. Congruity . ] Complicated , [ Together aggregated intangled Mingled . Complices . [ Together-leagued ( persons ] [ Companions ] [ Accessories ] Comportment . [ Gesture ] [ Demeanor ] [ Conversation ( manner ] Compose . [ Together-put ] — a Book , [ a. Book Verse , [ a. Verse ( make [ a. Order ( perf . ] [ Un-confused ( make ] [ adj . a. Agree ( make ] [ a. Quiet ] Compound . [ Together put join [ Make of many parts ] [ a. Mixture ] [ Covenant to pay Less than ones debt . ] Comprehend . a. Capacity . TA. II. 4. [ Understand All Perfectly Totally Compression . O. I. 3. O. Comprize , vid. Comprehend . Compromise , [ together-submit to Arbitration ] Compulsion , [ Coaction ] Compunction . [ Remorse ] [ Repentance ( inc . ] Compurgation . [ a. Innocent by witness ] Computation . [ Account ] [ Numbring ] Con-over , [ again-say ( freq . ) for remembring . ] Concatenation , [ Together-chaining . ] Concave . Mag. III. 4. D. Conceal . TA. I. 8. O. Conceit . [ Fancy ] [ Opinion ] [ Witty saying ] Conceitedness , Ha. III. 3. D ▪ Conceiving . [ a. Common sense ] [ a. Fancy ] [ a. Understanding ] [ a. Thought ] — with young . AC . I. 2. A. Concentre , together — centre ] adv . Same centre ] Conception . AC . I. 2. A. Concern , [ v. Pertinent . ] Proper . ] Profitable . ] Concerning . [ Pertinent ] [ Of ] Concession . D. VI. 3. A. Concillator , [ Reconciler . ] Concise , [ adj . Shortness . ] Concitation , [ Impulsion . ] Conclave [ Chamber sp . Secret . ] [ Council sp . Secret . ] Conclude . [ End ] [ Finish ] [ Determine ] [ v. Inference ] Concoct , [ a. Digestion . ] Concomitant . [ adj . Simultaneity ] [ Together-being ] Concord . [ Agreeing ] Symphony . Q. III. 8. Concordance , [ Catalog . for finding of words ] things ] Concorporate , [ Together - a. Body a. Corporation Concourse . [ Together-coming ( augm . ] [ Convention ( augm . ] Concrete . [ Coagulate ] op . to Abstract . D. II. 2. O. Concubine . Appropriated Whore ] instead-Wife ] Concupiscence . [ Appetite . ] [ Desire ] [ Lust ] [ Nature ( corr . ] [ Original Sin ] Concur . [ Meet ] [ Together — be agree come Concussion , [ Shaking ] Condemn . Sentence . RJ. II. 7. O. [ Blame ] [ Disapprove ] Condense , [ dense . ] Condescend . [ a. Man. VI. 2. ] [ Permit ] Condescension . Man. VI. 2. Condign [ Worthy ] Conditing . Pr. III. 9. A. Condition . T. II. 4. [ Quality ] [ Disposition ] Capacity . TA. II. 4. [ State ] [ Supposition ] [ Covenant ] Condole , [ Together-grieve ] Conduce , [ a. Help . ] Conduct . [ Leading ] TA. VI. ● . [ a. Officer ] Safe — [ Licence of safe going ] Conduit , [ Aqueduct ] Po. II. 8. A. Cone . Mag. III. 7. Fruit. PP . III. 5. Confection . Pr. II. 2. A. Confederacy , [ League ] RC. III. 8. Confer . [ Give ] TA. IV. 4. [ Compare . ] TA. II. 5. Discourse together . AC . V. 7. A. Confess . [ Acknowledge ] anothers praise . our own . Sin. RE. IV. 2. Error . D. VI. 9. Confessor . adj . Hearing ( Person ( Officer for confession of Sins ] Sufferer for Religion . RE. III. 3. Confidence . Affection . AS . V. 7. [ Assuredness ] AS . III. 6. Confident , [ adj . Confidence . ] ones — [ ones adj . a. counsel adj . p. trust friend ] Confine . [ a. Finite ] [ a. Cohibit ] TA. II. 2. O. [ a. Imprisonment ] Confines , [ Margining Countries ] Confirm . [ Strengthen ] sp . More strengthen . ] [ More-assure ] [ a. Witness . ] — ation . D. VI. 6. A. — Ecclesiastic . RE. IV. 8. Confiscation . RJ. VI. 7. A. Conflict . [ Fight ] RM. I. 7. [ a. Contention ] Confluence [ Together - Coming ( aug . Convention Conform . [ adv . Congruous-do ] [ So-do ] [ a. Obedience ] Confound . [ adj . p. Confused ( make ] [ Mingle ] [ adj . p. Shame ( make ] [ Posing ] D. VI. 8. [ Destroy ] AS . I. 4. O. Confraternity . [ Colledge ] [ Corporation ] [ Penitents , ( aggr . ] RE. II. 6. A. Confront , [ a. Opposite present ] Confused , [ adj . Confusion . ] Confusion . Disorder , TM . V. 2. O. [ Shame ( augm . ] [ Destruction ] AS . I. 4. O. Confutation . D. VI. 7. Confute , [ a. Confutation . ] Congeal . [ a. Coagulate ] [ a. Gelly Ice ( make ] Congee . AC . V. 4. Conger . Fi. VI. 1. Conglutinate , [ together - glue ] join ] Congratulate , [ a. Joy for good of others . ] AS . VI. 6 Congregation , [ Convention ] Congruous , [ adj . T. V. 5. ] Conic [ adj . Cone . ] Conie . Be. III. 4. Conjecture . — ing . AS . II. 7. A. Conjugal , [ adj . Marriage ] Conjugate . [ Together-derived ] Conjugation , [ Forming ( manner ) of endings of Verbs ] Conjunction . [ Joining ] Particle . D. II. 9. A. — of Planets [ neerness ] Conjure . [ a. Witchcraft ] [ a. Entreat ( augm . ] Conjurer , [ a. Witchcraft ( person . ] Connexion , [ Joyning ( manner ] Connive . [ Tolerate secretly ] [ Not hinder ] [ Not-punish ] Conquer . RM. II. 7. E. Consanguinity . RO. I. Conscience . NP. I. 3. Stupidity of — NP. I. 3. O. Consciencious , [ adj . Conscience ( perf . ] Conscionable . [ According to Conscience ] [ adj . Equity ] Conscious . [ Knowing ] [ Together-knowing ] [ Accessory ] Consecration . RE. V. I. — of Bishop , [ a. Bishop ( make ] Consectary [ Inference Additional ] Accessory ] Consent . AS . II 3. with one — [ Together-Adv . IV. 1. consenting ] Consequence . [ Illation ] [ Importance ] sp . Future ] Consequent , [ Inference ] Conserve . [ Confection ] Pr. II. 2. A. to — [ Preserve ] [ Confect ] — ation . AS . I. 4. Consider . Think . AS . III. 2. [ Compensate ] TA. II. 7. A. — ing . AS . III. 2. — that , [ Whereas ] Con. IV. 1. Considerable , [ Important . ] Considerateness . Ha. IV. 1. Consideration . [ Impulsive ] [ Respect ] [ Compensation ] Consign , [ Assign ] RC. V. 1. Consist . [ adj . p. Simultaneous ] [ Agree ] — ence . Tactil Quality . Q. V. 5. Consistory . Council Council ( place sp . Ecclesiastic . ] sp . Of Bishops . ] Consolation , [ Comfort ] Consolidate . [ a. Wholeness ] [ a. Closeness ] Consonant . [ Congruous ] Letter . D. I. 2. A. Consort . [ Companion ] [ Harmony ] — of Music. Q. III. 6. A. Conspicuous . [ adj . p. See ( apt . ] [ adj . Manifest ( augm . ] Conspire , [ a. Faction ] Constable , [ Subordinate adj . a. peace ( Off. ] Constancy . Ha. IV. 7. Constellation , [ Stars ( aggr . ] Consternation . [ Fear ( augm . ] [ Extasie ] sp . through Fear . ] Constipation . [ Together-thrusting ] [ a. Close ] Constitute . [ a ▪ Cause ] [ a. Efficient ] Constitution . [ a. Efficient ] [ Appointment ] [ Law ] [ Edict ] [ Mixture ] [ Disposition ] [ Temper of mind ] NP. IV. [ Temper of body ] NP. V. Constrain , [ a. Coaction ] Construction . [ a. Efficient ] [ a. Interpret ] Consul , [ Magistrate of City . ] Consult . [ Together - Consider ] Counsel ▪ ] [ Ask advice ] [ Take advice ] Consume , vid. Consumption . Consummate . [ a. Perfect ] [ a Finish ] Consumption . [ a. Decay ( make ] [ Diminish ] [ Spoil ] [ Destroy ] [ Corruption ] Disease . S. II. 2. A. — of the Lungs . S. V. 3. Contact . [ Touch ] [ Contiguity ] Contagion . S. I. 1. Contaminate , [ Defile . ] Contein . [ Comprehend ] TA. II. 4. [ Keep chast ] Contemn . AS . II. 8. O. Contemplate , [ Meditate . ] AS . II. 1. A. Contemporary , [ adj . Simultaneity . ] Contemptible , [ adj . p. Contemn ( apt . ] Contend , [ a. Contention . ] Content . [ Capacity ] [ Contentation ] Ha. I. 3. [ Satisfaction ] AS . III. 5. Contentation . Ha. I. 3. Contentiousness . Man IV. 3 D. Contest , [ Contention in words ] Contexture , [ Together — Weaving ] Joining ] Contignation , [ Together joining of Floors . ] Contiguity . Sp. II. 2. Continence , [ Chastity ] Continent . [ adj . Chastity ] Land. W. III. 2. Contingent . T. V. 7. O. Continue . [ a. Permanence ] [ a. Duration ] [ Stay ] — ed — Quantity . TM . II. Continual . [ Permanent ] [ Perpetual ] Continuance . — of Place . Sp. II. 7. — of Time , [ Permanence . ] In — of Time. [ After much Time ] [ At length ] Contrabanded , [ Forbidden to be imported . ) Contract . [ Together-draw ] [ Bargain ] RC. V. [ Betroth ] [ Obtain ] — a disease , [ adj . p. Disease . ] Contradiction . D. VI. 4. A. Contradictory , [ adj . Contradiction ] Contrary . T. V. 5. O. Contribution . [ Giving ] sp . Proportionable ] sp . Free. ] [ Tax ] Contrition , [ Remorse ] Contrive . AS . III. 7. Controle . [ Observe Faults ] [ Censure Faults ] [ Reprehend ] [ Cohibit ] — er , [ adj . Cohibiting ( Off. ] Controversie . [ Dispute ] [ Suit ] Contumacy . Constancy ( Exc. ) Ha. IV. 7. E. op to Obedience Man. V. 8. D. Contumely , [ Affront . ] Contusion O. IV. 1. A. [ Bruise ] S. I. 1. A. Convey . [ v. Way ] [ Lead ] [ Carry ] [ Send ] — ance . [ Carriage ] [ Sending ] [ Contrivement ] [ Alienating Writing ] Convene . [ a. Citation ] [ v. Convention ] Convenience . Agreeableness . T. IV. O. [ Congruity ] [ Expedience ] Convenient . [ Congruous ] [ Expedient ] Conventicle , [ Secret Convention ( corr . ] Convention . RC. III. Converging . Mag. II. 7. D. Conversant . [ adj . Conversation ] [ Accustomed ] [ Expert ] Conversation . Man. A. Qualification for — Man. IV. Convert . [ Turn ( make ] [ Apply ] [ Proselyte ] RE. III. 6. [ Penitent ] RE. II. 6. A. [ Reform ] RO. VI. 7. Convex . Mag. III. 4. E. Conviction . D. VI. 8. A. — by Law , [ Prove Guilty . ] Convocation , [ Convention Ecclesiastic . ] Convoy , [ Travelling Guard. ] Convulsion , S. IV. 7. Cook , [ Cookery ( mech . ] — ery . Pr. III. 1. A. Cool , [ Cold ( dim . ] [ a. Cold ] Coop , [ Prison of Parallel Sticks ] to — [ Imprison ] [ Environ ] Cooper , [ adj . Barrel ( mec . ] Cooperate , [ Together-operate ] Coordinate , [ Of equal Height ] Degree ] Coo● . Bi. VIII . 8. Copal . Tr. VIII . 4 A. Copartner . [ Partner ] [ Accessary ] Cope . [ Change ] [ Fight ] [ Prune ] Priest's — Copy . Original . T. II. 3 Set a — [ a. T. II. 3. ] Transcript . T. II. 3. O. — out . [ a. T. II. 3. O. ] — hold [ Estate for life ] [ Tenement for life ] Copious , [ Abundant ] Copped . [ Sharp topped ] [ adj . p. Point ] Copper . Metal . Met. I. 4. [ Kettle ] Copperas , [ Vitriol . ] St. V. 2. A. Coppis , [ Place of Trees ( dim . ] Copula . D. II. 6. Copulation , [ Coition . ] Copulative , [ Joining . ] Coracinus . Fi. IV. 2. Coral . St. II. 6. Cord Pr. IV. 7. A. Cordage , [ Cord ( kind ] Cordial . [ adj . Heart ] [ Heart-strengthning Medicin ] [ adj . Sincerity . ] Cordylus [ Lizard ( kind ) having a tail annulated with scales . ] Core. [ Heart ( like ) part ] [ Middle ( part ] sp . Hardest part ] Coriander . HF. IV. 1. A. Cork . Tree . Tr. V. 2. A. [ Wood of Cork Tree ] [ Stopple of Cork-wood ] Cormorant . Bi. IX . 5. Corn. [ Plant for adj . Bread ] Standing — [ Not-reaped ] — field , [ Field of — ] — flagg . HL. IV. 6. A. [ Seed for Bread ] [ Grain ] PP . III. ● . — on the Toe . S. III. 6. A. [ Powder ] TM . VI. 4. A. To — [ a. Powder ] Pr. III. 7. A. sp . with Salt. ] Cornel-tree . Tr. II. 3. A. Cornelian , [ Sardius ] St. III. ● . Corner . [ Angle ] Mag. III. 2. A. [ Tooth ] Mag. IV. 2. [ Notch ] Mag. IV. 2. O. — of the eye , [ Dent — ] [ adj . Hiding ( place ] Corner . Ensign . RM. III. 2. A. Music , [ Bass pipe . ] Corollary , [ Inference additional . ] Coronation , [ Solemnity of a King ( make . ] Coroner , [ Enquiring ( Off. ) of Murther . ] Coronet , [ Head-environing , Nobility-sign , Ornament . ] Corporal , [ adj . Body . ] — of Souldiers , [ Subordinate , adj . Watch ( Off. ] — of a Ship RN. V. 2. A. Corporation . RC. III. 7. Corporeal [ adj . W. I. Op. ] Corps , [ Body . ] — dugard , [ Gard ( aggr . ] Corpulent . [ Having great Body ] [ Fat ( augm . ] Correct . End or Effect . General . [ Repair ] TA. II. 9. [ a. Right ] [ Mend ] TM . I. 9. E. Moral . [ Reform ] RO. VI. 7. Means or Instrument . Words . [ Reprehend ] RO. V. 7. O. Deeds . [ Punish ] Ha. I. O. Chastise . RO. VI. 6. Correlative , [ Together-relative . ] Correspond . [ a. Congruity ] [ a. Reciprocation ] [ adv . Reciprocal Congruity ] Friendship ] Known ( make ] Corrival , [ Rival ] Corroborate . [ Strengthen ] [ Confirm ] Corrode . O. VI. 3. Corrosive , [ adj . a. Corroding ( apt . ] Corruption . General , [ a. Evil ] T. III. 2. O. [ a. Worse ] TM . I. 9. D. By Admi●●tion . [ Defiling ] TM . V. 6. O. By Privation . Of its Being . [ Destruction ] AS . I. 4. O. Of its Usefulness . [ Spoiling ] TA. II. 9. O. Natural . [ Infection ] S. I. 1. [ Decay ] NP. V. 4. O. [ Putrefaction ] NP. V. ● . O. Moral . General . [ Unholiness ] Ha. V. ● . O. [ Vice ] Man. I. 1. O. Special . [ Unchastness ] Man. II. 7. O. [ Bribery ] RJ. IV. 6. Corslet . [ adj . Trunk ( armour ] [ Pike-man ] Cortex . — febrifugus Per●vin●us . Tr. VII . 9. — Winterianus . Tr. VII . 9. ● . Coruscation . [ Flame ( imp . ] [ Brightness ] sp . Trembling ( like . ] Cosmography , [ Science of the World. ] Cost . [ Expence ] [ Price ] Costard , [ Apple . ] Costive , [ adj . p. Binding . ] Costly , [ adj . Cost ( augm . ] Costmary , [ Ale-cost . ] HF. II. 4. Cottage , [ House ( dim . ] Cotton . — tree . Tr. IV. 8. . — cloth . Pr. IV. 4. A. — weed [ Cudweed ] HF. II. 5. A Couch . [ Contrive together ] [ adj . a. Prostrate . ] sp . Shrinking ] [ a — Po. VI. 6. A. — weed , [ Dogs grass ] HL. III. 3. A Covenant , [ Paction . ] Covent , [ House of Monks . ] Coventry Bell. HS. VII . 7. Cover . [ un-seen ( make . ] Put over . O. II. 3. [ a. Clothing ] Pr. IV. — a book , [ a. Book ( mech . ] [ a. Coition ] AC . II. 5. A. [ Un-seen ( make ] [ Conceal ] Coverlet , [ Upper Vest Covering of Bed. ] Covert , Hiding ( place . ] Protection ( place . ] Defence ( place . ] Coverture , [ Protection . ] Covet , [ a. Desire . ] Covetousness . Man. III. 1. D. Cough . Mo. IV. 5. Covie , [ Birds ( aggr . ] Coul. [ Tub ] Monk's — [ — head ( vest . ] Could , [ Mood . II. 1. ] Coulter , [ a. Ploughing iron ( inst . ] Council . RC. III. ● . A. Counsel , [ Advise . ] RO. V. 4. keep — [ a. Taciturnity . ] Count. Earl , [ Third degree of Nobility . ] to — [ Esteem ] [ Reckon ] TA. IV. 6. [ a. Sum ] Countenance [ Face ( Habit. ] ( Manner . ] out of — [ not knowing which way to look . ] [ Posed ] [ Ashamed ] to — [ Encourage ] [ adj . p. Reputation ( mak● ] Counter . [ Mony ( like ) of base Metal ] [ Prison for Offenders ( dim . ] Debtors ( dim . ] [ adv . Contrary . ] — b●nd , [ Bond for indemnifying-Surety . ] — charge , [ Accuse adv . Reciprocation . ] Counterfeit . [ a. Likeness ] [ Imitate ] sp . Fraudulently . ] [ a. ●eem ( make ] [ a. Feign ] [ a. Forge ] [ a. Hypocrisie ] Countermand , [ Command contrary . ] Countermine . RM. I. 5. O. Counterm●re , [ Opposite wall . ] Counterpane , [ Upper ( vest ) for bed ] Counterpart , [ Other Example . ] Copy . ] Counterpoint , [ Congruous part in Music , ] Counterpoise , [ Oppositely weigh ] Counterpoison , [ Medicin against poison . ] Counter-scarf , [ Opposite Rampier . ] Counter-tenor , [ High Mean ] Countervail , [ Compensate equally . ] Countess , [ Earl ( ●em . ] County , [ Shire , ] Country . op . to Town . RC. III. 2. [ Region ] W. III. A. ones own — [ Ones Nation ( place ] Country-man , vid. Country . Couple . [ Together-two ] sp . Join'd . ] [ Necks — joining Bonds . ] Armam . ] [ Unite ] [ Join-two ] [ a. Coition ] Courage , [ Fortitude . ] Courier , [ Messenger for dispatch . ] Course . Subst . [ Way ] Water — [ Stream ] [ Journey ] [ Running ] [ Hunting ] [ Persuit ] [ Order ] [ Series ] first — [ — dishes ( aggr . ] [ Turn ] [ Sail ] [ Custom ] words of — [ adj . Custome words ] [ Manner ] — of life Doing Living ( manner . Adj. [ Profession ] Gross . Q. VI. 3. D. [ Sorry . ] TM . I. 4. D. Courser . [ adj . p. ride ( apt ) horse ] [ Horse for running ] Courses , [ Menstruum . ] PG. I. 4. A. Court. — yard . Po. III. 3. [ King 's Family ] ●C . III. 5. [ King 's House ] [ Judgment ( place ] [ Judicial Convention ] — daies , [ Daies of judicial Convention . ] to — [ a. Suito● ] Courteous , [ adj . Courtesie . ] Courtesan . [ Common Whore ] Courtesie . Vertue . [ Civility ] Man. IV. 7. [ Affability ] Man. VI. ● . Thing , [ adj . a. Benefactor ( thing ] Salutation . AC . V. 4. A. Courtier . [ King 's domestic . ] [ adj . Courtesie ( augm . ] Complement ( person ] Courtliness , [ Complement ( ab●tr . ] Courtship , [ Converse adj . Complement ( augm . ] Cousen . RO. I. 5. A. first — RO. I. 5. to — [ a. Fraud ] Cow , [ ●ull . ●e . II. 1. ( fem . ] — with Ca●f , [ Pregnant Cow. ] — heard , [ adj . Cow ( Off. ] to — [ a. Coward ( make . ] Cowardise . Man. I. 7. D. Cowcumber . HS. VII . 3. wild — HS. VII . ● . A. Cow●ing , [ Stooping ] Cowslip . HS. VIII . 1. A. Cow wheat . HS. VIII . 8. A. C●●co●b , [ adj . Man. IV. 6. E. ( person . ] Crab. — fish . Ex. VI. 6. Mol●c●a — Ex. VI. 7. A. Little — Ex. VI. 4. — louse , [ Crab ( like ) — ] — tree , [ Sour Apple-tree . ] Fruit , [ Sour Apple . ] Crabbed . [ Austere face ( manner ] [ ●orose ] [ Difficult ] Crack . [ Break ] sp Incept . ] [ Chink ] [ Sound as of Breaking ] [ ●rag ] — brain'd , [ Mad ( dim . ] Crackle , [ Sound ( freq . ) of breaking ( inc . ] Cradle . [ Bed●●ead ( dim . ) adj . p. Volutation ( apt . ] Crafish . Ex. VI. 3. Craft . Cunning. Ha. VI. 2. E. [ Mechanic ( art . ] Crag , [ Rough augm . Rock . ] Rocky hill . ] Cram , [ Fill ( augm . ] sp . by thrusting . ] Cramp . S. IV. 7. A. — fish , [ Torpedo . ] Fi. II. 4. — iron , [ Iron hooks for joining . ] Crane . Bird. Bi. VIII . 1. — fly . Ex. IV. ● . — 's bill . HS. I. 5. Machin , [ Great listing ( machin . ] Crank . [ Vigorous ] [ adj . Mirth ] Cranny , [ Chink . ] Crash , [ Break. ] [ Sound of breaking ] [ Fit ] Crassitude . [ Thickness ] TM . II. 5. [ Density ] Q. V. 3. E. [ Courseness ] Cratch , [ Vessel in which 〈◊〉 feeds . ] Crave . [ a. Desire ] [ Entreat ] [ Petition ] Craven , [ Coward . ] Cravingness , Covetousness ] Scrapingness ] Craw , [ Stomach ] sp . of Bird. ] Crawling , Creeping ] Mo. I. 6. Wriggling ] Craze , [ Bruise . ] sp . the Superficies . ] Crazy , [ adj . Sickness ( apt . ] Creak , [ Acute sound of solid bodies mutually rubbing . ] Cream , [ Best Part. ] sp . of Milk. ] Create . Proper . AS . I. 1. [ a. Efficient ] Creature , [ adj . p. Create ( ●hing ] Credence , [ Belief ] Credible , [ adj . p. Believe ( pot . ] Credit . [ Believe ] AS . II. 4. [ Esteem ] AS . II. 8. [ Repu●ation ] ●a . II. 4. [ Trust. ] AS . III. 4. Creditor . TA. IV. 7. Credulity . Ha. III. 2. E. — in Religion . Ha. V. 4. E. Creed , [ Epitome of adj . p. ought-believe ( things . ] sp . in Christianity . ] Creek , [ Bay ( dim . ] Creep . Crawl . Mo. I. 6. [ Wriggle ] Mo. I. 6. A. as Ivy , [ Grow contiguous . ] [ a. Fawning ] — in , [ Get in Secretly . ] Gradually . ] Crescent , [ Increasing . ] sp . Moon . ] Cresses . garden . — HS. VI. 5. Indian — HL. VI. 12. Sciatica — HS. VI. 5. A. Sw●●es — HS. VI. 6. A. Water — HS. IV. 15. Winter — HS. IV. 7. A. Crescet . Supporting ( j●g . ) for boiling vess . ] — light , [ Not-cover'd Lantern . ] Crest . [ Comb ] PP . V. 7. — fallen , [ Discouraged ( augm . ] — of Helmet , [ Comb ( like ) — ] — of Arms , [ The Gentry ( sign ) upon the head ( armour . ] [ Mane ] PP . VI. 4. A. Crevit [ Chink ] [ Crafish ] Crew , [ Companions ( aggr . ] Crewet , [ adj . Glass-pot ( dim . ] Cry. [ Grief ] [ Weep ] AC . IV. 3. O. Vocal . [ Exclaim ] AC . III. 3. — out , [ a. Part●rition ( inc . ] — out upon [ Accuse publicly . [ Blame publicly . — mercy , [ Entreat for pardon . ] — quittance , [ compensate ] Proclaim , [ a. Cryer . ] Crib . Pinch ] [ Penurious ( person ] [ Oxe's Eating ( place ] Crick , [ Pricking ] A● . II. 7. sp . through Cold ] Cricket . Ex. II. 2. Fen — [ Eve - 〈◊〉 . ] Ex. II. 2. A. Crier . RJ. I. 5. A. Crime . RJ. III. — not-capital . RJ. IV. Crimson , [ Red adj . blood ( like . ] Cringe , Congee ( augm . ] ( freq ] Cripple , [ adj . p. Impotence in Limbs . ] Crisis , [ adj . Judgment ( time ] ( sign ] Crisping , [ Curling . ] O. V. 5. A. Critic . [ Judger of words ] Critical , [ adj . Judge ( apt . ] Crochet , vid. Crotchet . Crocodile . Be. VI. 3. Crocus . HL. IV. 7. A. Croft , [ Field ( dim . ] Croke . [ a. Toad Raven ( voice ] As the Bowels , [ Sound through wind enclosed . ] Crone , [ adj . Decrepit person . ] Crook . a — [ adj . Crookedness ( thing ] Mag. III. 1. O. [ Hook ] [ Saddle of sticks curved upward . ] to — [ adj . a. Bend ] [ adj . p. crooked ( make ] [ Hook ( make ] Crookedness . Mag. III. 1. O. Crop. — of Bird , [ first Stomach — ] — of Corn , [ adj . p. Heap ( aggr . ) — ] to — [ Off - pluck ▪ ] tear . ] break . ] Crosier , [ adj . Bishop's Staff. ] Cross. Figure or Site . [ Oblique ] Mag. II. 8. [ Transverse ] Mag. II. 8. D. — cloth , [ adj . Transverse forehead ( vest . ] to — a River , [ To go over a River . ] Decussated . Mag. IV. 4. A. — of wood , &c. [ adj . Crucifying ( jug ) — &c. ] sp . adj . Cross ( fig. ] [ Image of adj . Crucifying ( jug . ] to — himself , [ To a. Cross ( sign ) upon — ] — bow . RM. V. 4. A. — way , [ adj . Cross-way ] Quality . transcendent . [ Contrary ] [ Opposite ] moral . [ Perverse ] [ Contentious ] [ Morose ] [ Disobedient ] Event ( corr . ) [ adversity ] of action . to — [ Frustrate . ] of instrument . to — [ Spoil ] sp . with transverse line . ] Crossbill . Bi. IV. 5. A. Crosswort . HL. IX . 8. A. Crotchet . [ Hook ( dim . ] [ adj . Music Letter ] [ Invention ( corr . ] [ a. Craft ( dim . ] Crouch . [ Stoop ] AC . VI. 4. sp . Adoration ( sign . ] [ Fawn ] Croud . Throng , [ Togeth●r-thrusted ( aggr . ] Fiddle , [ Music ( instr . ) adj . ] p. strike sound with Bow ] Crow . Bird. Bi. I. 5. A. — 's foot . HF. IX . 4. Instrument , [ adj . iron adj . lifting ( instr . ] to — [ a. Cock ( voice ] [ a. Triumph ( voice ] [ a. Boast ( corr . ] Crown . Diadem , [ Head-environing Kingship ( sign ) Ornament ] — of the head , [ Top — ] — imperial . HL. IV. 1. Mony , [ 5 shillings ( aggr . ] Crucible , [ Vessel for melting of metals by Fire . ] Crucifie . RJ. V. 8. Crucifix , [ Image of Christ crucified . ] Crude , [ not boil'd prepared digested Pr. III. O. Cruelty . Man. I. 5. . D. Cruet , [ Small Glass ( vess . ) for oil , &c. ] Crum , [ Powder ] — of bread , [ adj . Inside ( part ) — ] Crumble , [ Crums ( make ] Crump , [ Sinew-contracted . ] — foot , [ Shrunk — ] — shoulder , [ Prominent — ] Crumpled . HC . VI. 3. A. Crupper . [ Rump ] [ Hinder stay of Saddle ] [ adj . Rump ( armam . ] Cruse . [ Bottle ( dim . ) of Glass . ] to — [ a. Scout . ] sp . for Booty . ] Crushing , [ Bruising . ] sp . by Compression . ] Crust . — of Shel-fish . PP . IV. 2. A. — of Bread , [ Out-side — ] sp . Hard. ] Crustaceous [ adj . PP . IV. 2. A. ] Crutch . [ fig. T ] Mag. IV. 4. Staff of lame ( person ] Cryptography , [ Secret writing art . ] Crystal . St. II. 4. Cu. [ Sign ] [ Beginning ( sign ] [ Foot ( armam . ) for Ox ] Cub Bear ( young . ] Fox ( dim . ] Cube . Mag. III. 5. O. Cubeb .   Cubit . Limb. PG. V. 2. Measure , [ Length from Elbow to fingers top . ] Cucking-stool , [ adj . a. Diving ( jug . ) of Scolds . ] Cuck●ld , [ Husband of Adulteress ] Cucko● . Bi. I. 3. — flower . HS. IV. 15. A. Cuckquean , [ Wife of Adulterer ] Cucumber . HS. VII . 3. Cud , [ Upper Stomach . ] chew the — [ Again-masticate , adj . p. pret . Swallowed ( thing . ] Cudgel . [ Staff ] [ Club ( dim . ] [ Cudgelling ( instr . ] — ing . RJ. VI. 2. A. Cudwort . HF. II. 5. A. Cuff , [ Ornament for Hand-wrist . ] to — [ Strike with folded hand . ] Cuirase . [ adj . Trunk ( armor . ] Cull , [ Elect ] sp . to have . ] Cullis , [ Broth of Poultry . ] Culpable , [ adj . p. Blame Reprehend ( apt . ] Cultivate , [ Manure . ] Culture , [ Manure . ] Culver , [ Pigeon ] Culverin , [ Great Ordnance ( kind ] Cumber . [ a. Burthen ] [ a. Trouble ] [ a. Hinder ] Cummin . HF. V. 7. A. Cunctation . Ha. IV. 1. E. Cunny . Be. III. 4. Cunning. [ Art ] [ Craft ] Cup. Pr. V. 9. A. — bearer . [ adj . Cup ( Off. ] — of a flower . PP . II. 8. to — Mo. IV. 7. A. Cupboard [ Table [ Box sp . for Cups ] Cur , [ Dog of ignoble breed , good only to accompany . ] Curasier , [ Armed ( perf . ) Horseman . ] Curate , adj . Parish Priest ] Subordinate Priest ] Instead - Priest ] Curb . [ Cohibiting ( part ) of Bridle ] [ Cohibiting ( augm . ) Bridle ] to — [ Cohibit ] Curdle , [ Coagulate . ] Cure , [ Re-health ] — of Souls , [ Officership for Souls . ] Curiosity . [ Perfection ] [ Excellence ] [ Beauty ( augm . ] [ Diligence ( augm . ] op . to Science . Ha. VI. 1. E. [ Niceness ] Man. II. 6. E. [ Intemperance . Man. II. O. as to Ornaments ] Dainties ] Curlew . Bi. VIII . 9. Curling . O. V. 5. A. Curr , vid. Cur. Currants . Sh. I. 1. A. Current . Subst . [ Stream ] Adj. [ Genuine ] [ Perfect ] [ Approved ] [ Adj. Custom ] RC. IV. 1. A. [ Common ] TM . IV. 6. A. [ Ordinary ] TM . V. 3. Year — [ — present ] Curry . [ Comb ] O. V. 9. O. sp . Horse . ] — combe , [ adj . Combing ( inst . ) for Horse . ] [ Prepare Leather . ] — favour . [ Fawn for — ] [ Endeavour ( corr . ] for — ] Currish [ Dog ( like . ] Curse . Action of God. AS . I. 3. O. Action of man. [ Excommunicate ] [ Imprecate ] Cursy . AC . V. 4. A. Cursory . [ Swift ] [ Rash ] [ Slight ] Curst . [ Execrable ] [ Fierce ] NP. IV. 4. O. [ Angry ] Man. I. 9. D. [ Morose ] Curtain . [ Shadowing ( vest ) before - adj . hang ( apt ] sp . about Bed. ] Curtal . [ Off-cut Tail ] [ adj . a. Brevity ] Curtesan , [ Common adj . Fornicator ( fem . ] Curtle-ax , [ Short Sword. ] Curve . [ Crooked . ] Mag. III. 1. O. Curvet . [ Go leaping . ] Cushion . Po. VI. 5. A. Cusp , [ Point . ] Mag. IV. 2. Custard , [ Pie of Milk and Eggs , &c. ] Custody . [ Keeping ] [ Garding ] [ Imprisonment ] Custom . Use. RC. IV. 1. A. [ Habit ] [ Manners ] [ Tribute upon Merchandize . ] — er . In buying or selling . RO. IV. 6. Cut. Discontinue . sp . by edged ( thing ) interpos'd . Body , sp . Consistent . Mo. VI. 7. Earth . [ Dig ] water — [ Furrow for — ] [ Plough ] Stone , &c. [ Carve ] [ Grave ] Plant. [ Fell ] [ Prune ] Animal . [ Wound ] horse — s [ - wounds himself . ] [ Un — a. Testicle ] Parts excrementitious . [ Pare ] [ Shave ] [ Clip ] Flesh , &c. [ Mince ] [ Chip ] [ Slice ] [ Slash ] Plain or Line , [ a. Intersection . ] Room , [ a. Partition ] — a caper , [ Leap with Leggs trembling ( like . ] Hurt . Sense . — ing , [ Acrimonious . ] [ Intense ] Minde . [ a. Grief ( augm ] [ a. Anger ( augm ] Estate , [ a. Fraud . ] Diminish . [ a. Short ] [ Dispatch ] Separate . — off , [ a. Separate . ] [ Excommunicate . ] [ Destroy . ] — purse , [ Thief ] — throat , [ Murtherer . ] [ Lot ] Cuticle , [ Skin . PG. II. 3. outermost ] Cutler . [ Sword ( mech . ] [ Fabrile ( mech ) of cutting ( instr ] Cutter , [ Robber . ] [ Swaggerer ] Cuttle-fish Ex. IX . 2. Lesser — Ex. IX . 2. A. Cycle . — of Sun , [ Revolution of 28 years , in which the Dominical Letter returns to be the same . ] — of Moon , [ Revolution of 19 years , in which the same Lunations return . ] Cygnet , [ Swan ( young . ] Cylinder . Mag. III. 6. Cylindroides . Ex. VII . 3. Cymbal , [ Round brazen Music ( instr . ] Cynical . [ adj . Dog ( like . ] [ Morose ] Cypress . Tr. V. 6. D. DAbble , [ Move ( freq . ) in wet ( thing . ] Dabchick [ Dydapper ] Bi. VIII . 7. Dace . Fi. IX . 10. Daffadil . HL. IV. 4. Dag , [ Gun ( dim . ] Dagger , [ Short Sword ( dim . ] Daggle , [ adj . a. Durt ( dim . ] sp . the Margin . ] Day . 24 hours . Mea. V. 5. holy — [ adj . Festivity . ] to — [ In this — ] Time of Light. Mea. V. 6 . ● — break , [ Day ( inc . ] — time , [ Day ( time . ] broad — [ adj . Perfect Manifest — ] far — [ Late in the — ] [ Victory ] RM. II. 1. E. Days-man , [ Arbitrator . ] Daily , [ adj . daies ( segr . ] Dainty , [ Nice ] — s , [ Sustenance extraordinary . ] Pr. II. Dairy . [ adj . Milk ( kind . ] [ adj . Milk ( room . ] Dale , [ Valley . ] Dally . [ Playing ] O. O. [ a. Fondness ] Man. VI. 7. O. [ a. Wanton ] NP. IV. 3. O. [ Protract ] TA. III. 5. O. Dam. [ Parent ( fem . ] Impedient ridge ] adj . Stay ( make ridge ] to — up adj . a. Impedient a. Stay with ridge ] Dame , adj . Noble fem . ] adj Gentle fem . ] Mistris , [ Master ( ●em . ] Dammage . [ Loss ] [ Hurt ] Dammask , [ Fine Linnen of Damascus ] to — [ a. Damascus ( manner . ] Damn . as God — Ha. I. 4. O. as man — [ Condemn . ] Damnifie , ] a. Dammage . ] Damosel , [ Young Celebs ( fem . ] Damp. Subst . — fiery . El. I. 7. — watery . El. II. 5. A. Adj. [ Moist ] Q. V. 2. ( dim . ) Damsin , [ Plum adj . Damascus ] Dancing . Mo. V. 5. Dandelion . HF. III. 12. A. Dandiprat , [ Little ( dim . ) man. ] Dandle , [ Shaking ( dim . ) in ones arms . ] Dandraf , [ Scurf of the head . ] Daneswort . HS. IX . 9. Danger . T. V. 3. O. Dangle , [ Hang swinging . ] Dank , [ Moist ] Q. V. 2. Dapper , [ Little nimble ] Dapple . Q. II. 7. A. Dare. Fish [ Dase ] Fi. IX . 10. Venture . [ adj . Fortitude ] [ adj . Bold ] AS . V. 8. — not , [ Fear ▪ ] [ Challenge ] RM. I. 2. — larks , [ a. Fear ( make . ] Darkness . to the Sight . Q. I. 1. D. to the Understanding . D. III. 9. O. Darling , [ Most beloved ] Darn , [ Sow knitting ( like . ] Darnel . HL. III. 5. Dart. RM. V. 5. Meteor . El. I. 4. A. Dase . Fi. IX . 10. Dash. Action . [ Motion ( imp . ] sp . Fluid against hard . ] or Hard against fluid . ] [ Cast ] Mo. VI. 2. [ Strike ] Mo. VI. 4. [ Write ( imp . ] [ Mixture ] sp . with worse . ] Effect . [ a. Fall ] [ a. Hurt ] [ Break ] [ Scatter parts ( dim . ] [ Spoil ] [ Destroy ] [ adj . Shame Despair ( make ] Dastard , [ Coward . ] Date . Fruit. Tr. II. 4. A. Time. Sp. I. 5. out of - [ Old [ Late ( exc . ] Daub , vid. Dawb . Daucus , [ Wild Carret ] Daughter , [ Child ( fem . ] — in Law. [ Child ( fem . ) by Affinity . ] Husband's Daughter ] Wife's Daughter ] [ Sons Wife ] Daunt . [ Fear ( make ] [ Discourage ] Daw. Bi. I. 6. Dawb . [ Plastering ] [ Smearing ] [ Defiling by Smearing ] [ Bribing ] Dawl , [ Dull with weariness . ] Dawning , [ Morning ( incept . ] Dazy . HF. II. 3. A. great — HF. III. 3. blew — HF.II. 14. Dazle , [ a. Dull with Light ( exc . ] Deacon . RE. II. 5. A. Dead deprived Being . Power . Action . Wanting Being . Power . Action . — Being . [ adj . pret . Dying ] — pay , [ pay of the Dead . ] — place , [ place of the Dead . ] [ Not-adj . living ] — Power . Natural [ Impotent ] Sense . [ num'd ] [ extasied ] sp . with fear . ] — asleep [ Dead ( like ) through — drunk [ Dead ( like ) through Sleep ] Drunkenness ] Vigor , [ Dull ] Strength , [ Weak . ] Transcendent , [ Remiss . ] — Action . Motion . — water , [ adj . Pool — ] Affecting the Sense . Sight . — Colour , [ Remiss . — ] Hearing . — of the night , [ Quiet ( time ) — ] Taste Q. IV. 6. O· Smell Q. IV. 6. O· Feeling . — cole , [ Unfired — ] — wall , [ adj . Yielding Q. VI. 1. — ] — nettle , [ Archangel ] Deadly . ( adj . Dying ( make ] [ Not-adj . p. end ( pot . ) until death ] Deafness . NP. III. 2. O. Deal . do [ adj . Action ] [ a. Conversation ] [ a. Business ] sp . ( merc . ] — between , [ a. Mediator . ] distribute , [ Give ( segr . ] a — [ Quantity ] [ Fir board ] Dean . [ Chief of Bishop's Assessors ] [ College ( Off. ] Dear . [ adj . p. Love ( augm . ] [ adj . Price ( augm . ] Dearn , [ Sow knitting ( like . ] Dearth , [ Scarcity . ] TM . I. 2. D. Death . Proper . AC . I. 7. O. Put to — [ adj . a. Die ( make ] [ a. Punishment capital ] [ Cessation ] [ Decay ] Death-watch . Ex. V. 6. Debarr , [ a : Impedient . ] Debase , [ a. lowness meanness ( make ] Debate . [ a. Contention ] [ a , Dispute ] Debauch , [ adj . Vice Sensuality Riotousness ( make ] Debilitate , [ a. Weakness . ] Deboist , adj . Vice Sensuality Riotousness Debonair . [ adj . Temper . NP. II. ( perf . ] [ Sprightly ] [ Merry ] Debt . TA. IV. 7. O. Decad , [ Ten ] Decalogue , [ the Ten Commands of God. ] Decaying . NP. V. 4. O. Decease . AC . I. 7. O. Deceive . [ a. Fraud ] [ a. Error ( make ] [ Frustrating ] sp . ones Expectation ] [ doe Beside - Contra - expectation . ] December , [ Twelfth month . ] Decent . T. V. 2. Deception , vid. Deceive . Decide . [ a. Sentence ] [ Finish ] sp . Suit ] Decimation , [ Tenthing ] Decipher . interpret obscure Characters . ] Explain obscure Characters . ] read obscure Characters . ] [ Un-conceal ] Deck , [ Floor of Ship. ] to — [ a. Ornate ( make . ] Declaim , [ a. Oration for . ] against . ] Delare . [ Interpret ] [ Shewing ] [ a. Manifest ] [ a. Public ] — for , [ Own publicly . ] Declension , [ Changing ( manner of the ends of Nouns ] Decline . [ a. Diverge ] — ing Dial , [ Erect Plain whose Surface is not situated toward North or South . ] [ Avoid ] [ Decay ] — ing age . Mea. VI. 3. A. — a Noune , [ a. Declension . ] Declivity . [ Obliqueness ] sp . Downward verging ] Decoction . [ Boiling ] [ Boil'd ( thing ] sp . Infusion ] Decoy . Po. I. 6. A. Decorum , [ Decency ] Decrease , [ Diminish ] Decree ▪ [ Purpose ▪ ] [ Sentence ▪ ] [ Edict ] Decrement . [ Diminution ] [ Loss ] Decrepit , [ adj . p. Stooping . ] sp . with Age. ] — age . Mea. VI. 4. A. Decretal , [ adj . Decree . ] Decuple , [ Ten-fold ] Decussation , [ Crossing ] Mag. IV. 4. A. Dedicate . As to God , [ Consecrate . ] RE , V. 1. As to Man , [ Give to the Honour Patronage of — ] Deduce , [ a. Illation . ] Deduct , [ a. Ablatum . ] Deed. [ Action . ] T. I. 7. in very — [ Truly ] [ Writing ] RC. VI. 5. Deem . [ a. Opinion ] [ a. Thought ] Deep , whose bottom is far from its top . Natural as the whole . deep . [ adj . TM . II. 3. ] the — [ Sea ] thick . [ adj . TM . II. 5. ] Six — [ Six in file ] as a part . [ adj . Inward ] — colour , [ Dark ( dim . ) — ] — Sound . Q. III. 1. D. — Notion [ hidden ] [ obscure ] [ adj . under ] [ adj . bottom ] Transcendental , [ adj . Intense ] — sleep , [ Sleep ( in t . ] Deer . fallow — Be. II. 4. red — Be. II. 3. Deface . [ Un-a ▪ Figure ] [ Spoil ] [ a. Deform ] [ Destroy ] Defalk , [ a. Ablatum ] Defame . [ adj . Infamy ( make ] [ a. Calumny ] Default , [ Defect ] — of appearance , [ Not appearance . ] Defeat . [ Frustration ] [ Overthrow ] Defecation .. [ a. Pure ( make ] [ Un-worst part . ] Defect . TM . I. 3. D. Defection . [ Apostasie ] [ Rebellion ] Defence , vid. Defend . Defend . Oppose . RM. I. 1. O. Protection . RO. VI. 5. [ a. Prisoner ] RJ. I. 3. O. - [ a. Defendent ] RJ I. 4. O. [ a. Advocate ] RJ. I. 7. Defendent . RJ. I. 4. O. Defensive , [ adj . Defend . ] — arms . RM. V. 1. A. Defer . [ a. Late ( make ] — before Action , [ Respite ] — in Action , [ Protract . ] Deferenoe , [ Respect . ] Defy . RM. I. 2. O. Deficient . TM . I. 3. D. Defile . TM . V. 6. O. [ a. Vice. ] [ adj . Vice ( make ] [ a. Unchast ] Define . [ a. Definition ] [ a. Sentence ] Definite . [ Finite ] [ Express ] Definition . D. IV. 3. Definitive . [ Express ] [ adj . a. Sentence ] [ adj . Finishing ] Deflour . [ a. Fornication ] Defluxion [ Distilling ] [ Catarrh ] Deformity . NP. V. 6. O. Defray . [ Disburse ] [ Pay ] Defraud , [ a. Fraud ] Defunct , [ adj . a. pret . Dying . ] Degenerate . [ Not-ancestor ( like ] [ Spurious ] Degrade . RJ VI. 8. Degree . T. VI. 6. — of person . RC. I. — in University , [ Graduate ( thing ] Measure . Mea. I. 9. Dehort . [ Dissuade ] Deject . [ Down-cast ] [ a. Sorrow ] [ a. Despair ] Deify , [ a. God ( make ] Deign , [ a. Condescension . ] Deity , [ God ( abstr . ] Delay . [ a. Late Slow ( make ] disposition , [ Cunctation ] — before Action , [ Respite ] — in Action [ Protract ] Delectation . AS . IV. 7. Delegate ▪ [ adj . p. Substitute ( person ] [ Instead — Put Sent Judging ( person . ] Deliberate . AS . III. 1. — ness . [ Considerateness ] Ha. IV. 1. [ Slowness ] NP. V. 9. O. Deliberation , vid. Deliberate . with — [ Considerately ] [ Slowly ] Delicate . [ adj . a. Delight ( apt . ] [ adj . Pr. II. ] Tender , [ adj . NP. IV. 7. O. ] [ Over-neat ] Man. II. 6. E. — s , [ adj . Pr. II. ( thing ] Delicious , [ adj . Delectation Pleasure ( aug . ] Delight . AS . IV. 7. Delineate . [ a. Line ] [ a. Description . D. IV. 3. ] sp . by Lines ] Delinquent . [ Guilty ] [ Prisoner ] Delirium . [ Dotage ] NP. II. 2. O. [ Frenzy ] S. IV. 1. Deliver , [ Motion ( met . ) of the Possession of Power over a thing ] from one person to another . ] — things . TA. IV. 13. as Intrusting , [ Deposite ] as Paying , [ Pay ] as Disclaiming , [ Resign ] — words of Fact , [ Narration ] Doctrin , [ a. Teacher ] — immediately . — by Mouth , [ Speak ] — by Pen [ Write . ] — mediately , [ Tradition ] RE. VI. 1. A. — from better to worse ] Passively . [ Dereliction ] AS . I. 5. O. Actively . Involuntary , [ Yielding ] Voluntary , [ Betraying ] — from worse to better ] Temporal . [ AS I. 5. ] Preventing . [ Preserve ] [ a. Escape ] Remedying . [ Un-captivate ] [ Un-slave ] [ Un-imprison ] [ a. Parturition ] to be — ed , [ Parturition ] Eternal , [ Redemption . ] AS . I. 7. Delve , [ Dig. ] Delude , [ Deceive ] Deluge , [ Over-flowing . ] Delusion , vid. Delude . Demand . — to know , [ a. Question . ] — to have . TA. IV. 2. O. — as Price . RC. VI. 2. A. Demean . [ Land which the Lord of the Mannor uses . ] [ a. Demeanour ] Demeanour . AC . V. Demerit . [ Worthy ( abstr . ] [ Earning ] Demi , [ Half ] Demi-cannon .   Demi-god , [ God ( dim . ] Demi-lance .   Demise . RC. V. 5. Demiss . [ Low ] [ Humble ] [ Abject ] Democracy , [ Government by the People . ] Demolish . [ a. Ruin. ] Demon , [ Spirit ] sp . Devil ] Demoniac , [ Inhabited by Devils . ] Demonstrate . [ Shew ] [ a. Certain by Argument ] Demur . Hesitate . AS . IV. 3. O. [ Ask more time for considering ] before answering . ] Demure . [ Grave ] [ Formal ] Den , [ Cavity under - adj . ground ] Lion's &c. — [ Lion's &c. ( house ] Deny , D. VI. 2. O. self — Ha. V. 3. Denison , [ Admitted member of Nation . ] Corporation ] Denominate , [ adj . p. Name ( make . ] Denote , [ a. Meaning . ] Denounce . [ Publish ] [ Threaten ] Density . Q. V. 3. E. Dent. Mag. IV. 3. O. Dentex . Fi. V. 5. A. Dentifrice , [ Teeth-cleansing ( thing . ] sp . Powder . ] Deodand , [ adj . p. ought Almsgiving ( thing ] Depart . [ Go ] TA. VI. 1. O. [ From-go ] [ Die ] Dependent . Op. to Absolute . TM . IV. 3. O. Op. to Patron . RO. III. 5. O. Deplorable . [ adj . a. Grief ( apt ] [ adj . Misery ( augm . ] Deplorate , [ adj . p. Despair . ] Deplore . [ Sorrow ( aug . ) for ] [ Shew sorrow ( aug . ] for ] Depopulate , [ Un-people . ] Deportation , [ Carrying into Exile ] Deportment , [ Demeanour ] Depose . [ Down Put Lay [ a. Privative ] — from Dignity , [ Degrade ] — from Office , [ Incapacitate ] — from Orders , [ Deprive ] [ Swear ] sp . before Magistrate ] Deposite . RC. V. 1. A. Deprave , [ a. Evil make . ] Deprecate . RO. V. 3. A. Depreciate . [ Un-a . valor ] [ Diminish the worth ] Depression . Down-forcing . O. I. 1. O. [ Shallowness ] TM . II. 3. O. Deprive . [ a. Privative ] — of Possession , [ Un-possess . ] — of orders . RE. V. 2. O. Depth , vid. Deep . TM . II. 3. Depuration . [ a. Pureness ] [ Un — a. Scum ] a. Sediment ] Deputy , [ adj . Substitute ( person ] Dereliction . [ Abandoning ] TA. II. 2. O. — to Evil. AS . I. 5. O. Deride , [ Mock . ] RJ. IV. 9. A. Derision , [ Mocking . ] RJ. IV. 9. A. Derive , [ a. Derivative ] Derivative . TM . IV. 1. O. Derogate . [ From-take ] [ Diminish ] sp . Praise . ] Reputation ] Descant , [ a. Paraphrase . ] Descend , [ Down-ition . ] Descendent . RO. I. 1. O. Descent . [ Down-ition . ] as of Ground , [ Down-obliquity . ] [ Descendent . RO. I. 1. O ( abstr . ] [ Extraction ] Descry . [ See ( inc . ] [ Finde by Sight ] sp . From far . ] Describe , [ a. Description . ] Description . D. IV. 3. A. Desert . Merit . [ adj . Worthy ( thing ] ( abstr . ] [ adj . p. Earn ( thing . ] Wilderness . [ Not-inhabited ] [ Not-inhabitable country ] [ Banket ] Pr. II. 1. A. to — [ Forsake ] Desertion [ Forsaking ] Deserve . [ a. Worthy ] [ a. Earn ] Designing . Internal . TA. III. 1. External [ Appoint ] Desire . In Affection . AS . V. 5. In Words . [ Intreat ] RO. V. 3. Desist . AS . IV. 6. O. Desk . [ Supporting ( jug . ) for Book ] [ Box to write upon ] Desolate . [ Solitary ( augm . ] [ Not-inhabited ] [ adj . Grief ( augm . ] Despair . Affection . AS . V. 8. O. Sin. Ha. V. 5. O. Desperate . [ adj . p. Despair . ] [ Rash ( augm . ] Desperation . Affection . AS . V. 8. O. Sin. Ha. V. 5. O. Despicable . [ adj . p. Contempt ( apt ] [ Sorry ] Despise , [ Contemn ] Despite . [ Contempt ] [ Malignity ] [ Done ( thing ) for to anger one . ] [ Affront ] Despondency , [ Despair , ] ( inc . ] ( dim . ] Destine . [ a. Purpose ] [ a. Fate . ] Destiny , [ Fate ] Destitute . [ adj . Defect ] [ adj . p. Forsake ] Destroy , [ a. Destruction ] Destruction . Action of God. AS . I. 4. A. [ Spoiling ] Desuetude , [ Un - a. custom . ] Detect . [ Discover ] [ Un-conceal ] [ Manifest ] Detein . [ Hold ] — unjustly . RJ. IV. 3. A. [ Stay ( make ] Determine . [ Finish ] [ a. Desist ] — the Liberty of the Will. AS . IV. 8. O. — by ones own [ a. Purpose ] AS . IV. 3. — by anothers [ Sentence ] RJ. II. 5. A. Deterre . RO. V. 5. O. Detest . [ Loath ( augm . ] [ Hate ( augm . ] Detract . [ a. Ablatum ] sp . From Reputation . ] [ Under-say ] Man. IV. 1. D. [ Calumny ] Detriment . [ Loss ] [ Diminishing ] Devastation . [ Destruction ] [ Spoiling ] Devest , un-a . clothe ] a. privativeness ] Deviate , un-a . clothe ] a. privativeness ] [ Wander ] [ Err ] Devil . W. I. 2. O. — 's bit . HF. II. 13. A. — 's dirt , [ adj . Vitriol earth ] — 's milk , [ Spurge . ] HS. V. 2. Devilish , [ adj . Devil . ] Devise . [ Invent ] [ Contrive ] By Will , [ Bequeath ] [ Feign ] [ Forge ] a — , [ adj . Craft ( thing ] [ Stratagem ] [ Posy ] Devoir . [ Endeavour ] [ Duty ] Devolve . [ Successive to — Putting ] [ Final to — Ition ] Devoted . [ adj . p. Vow ] [ Consecrated ] [ adj . Zeal ] Devotion . [ Worship ( hab . ] [ Zeal ] Devour . [ a. Ravenous . NP. IV. 5. O. ] [ a. Glutton ] [ Eat up all ] greedily ] Devout , [ adj . Devotion . ] Dew . El. III. 3. A. — claw , [ adj . Heel-claw . ] — grass , [ Grass ( kinde ) a. Seed ( apt ) millet ( like ] — lap , [ Loose skin of the neck . ] Dexterity . [ Agility ] [ Art. ( perf . ] Die. [ v. Death ▪ ] vid. Death . a. Colour . O. V. 3. A. a — [ adj . Dicing ▪ ( instr . ] Diabetes , [ Disease of Pissing ( exc . ] Diabolical , [ adj . Devil . W. I. 2. O. ] Diadem , [ Head-environing King ( sign ) Ornament . ] Diagonal . Ma. II. 3. Diagram , [ Lined figure . ] picture . ] Dial. [ Time-shewing ( instr . ] sp . By shadow . ] Dialect , [ Language ( manner . ] Dialogue , Discourse altern . ] Conference altern . ] Diameter . Ma. II. 5. Diamond . Stone . St. IV. 1. Figure , [ Square ] sp . of not-right Angles . ] Diaper , [ Linen ] Diaphanous , [ Transparent ] Diaphoretic , [ adj . a. Sweet ( make ] . Diaphragm . PG. VI. 3. Diary , [ Narration of days ( segr . ] Diarrhaea . S. VI. 6. Dibble , [ adj . Setting ( instr . ] Dicacity , [ Loquacity . ] Dice , [ adj . Mo. V. 1. A. ( instr . ] to play at — Mo. V. 1. A. — ore . Dichotomy , [ Division into two . ] Dicker , [ Ten skins of Leather . ] Dictate , AC . III. 6. Dictator , [ Chief adj . Authority ( Off. ] Dictionary , [ Book for words . ] Didapper , [ Dabchick ] Bi. VIII . 7. Dier . [ adj . Dying [ art . ] — 's weed . HF. I. 11. Diet. [ Regulated victual ( manner ] [ Council ] RJ. III. 5. A. Differ , [ v. Difference . ] Difference . Proper . T. IV. [ Diversity ] T. III. [ Dissent ] [ a. Contention ] making a — [ Distinction ] [ Partiality ] Difficult . T. V. 4. O. Diffident . AS . V. 7. O. Diffuse . [ Spread ] [ Infect ] Dig. O. III. 1. Digest . Natural . AC . I. 5. A. Chymic . O. VI. 5. [ a. Order ] Dight . [ Clothing ] [ Adorning ] Digit . [ Inch ] [ Inch ( like ] Dignifie , [ a. Dignity . ] Dignity . [ Worthiness ] T. IV. 6. High degree . Ha. II. 5. Digression . D. V. 9. A. Dike . [ Ditch ] [ Gutter ] [ Furrow ] Dil. HF. V. 1. A. Dilacerate , [ Tear ] Dilapidate . [ Ruin ] [ Suffer to decay ▪ ] Dilate . [ a. Breadth ] [ a. Ampliation ] Dilatory , [ adj . Delay ] Dilemma , [ Argument adj . a. retort ( apt . ) against both answers ] Diligence . Ha. IV. 5. Double — Ha. IV. 5. E. Dilling , [ adj . p. Favour ( aug . ] Dilucidate , [ Interpret . ] Dilute , [ Remiss . ] Dim . [ Blind ( dim . ] [ Dark ( dim . ] — ness . [ Sight ( Corr. ] ( Dim . ] op . to brightness . Q. I. 3. O Dimension . Ma. I. [ a. Measure . ] Diminishing . [ a. Little ▪ TM . I. 1. D. ] [ v. Remission . TM . I. 8. D. ] [ a. Few . TM . III. 1. D. ] [ More - a. little . T. I. 7. D. ] [ More - a. remiss ] [ More - a. few ] Diminutive , [ adj . Littleness . ] Dimple . [ Furrow ( dim . ] [ Dent ( dim . ] Din , [ Sound ( augm . ] Dine , [ adj . Noon-meal . ] Ding , [ Cast. ] Dinner , [ Dine . ] Dint , [ Impetus . ] Diocess , [ Bishop's Precinct ] ( Place ] Dip [ into - adj . a. Water . ] [ under - adj . a. Water . ] Dipthong . D. I. 3. A. Dire . [ Fierce ] [ Cruel ] Direct . [ Straight ] Ma. III. 1. Upright . Ma. II. 8. E. to — RO. VI. 1. Dirge , [ Prayer for the Dead ] Dirt. El. IV. 2. Disable . [ Un-a . able ( make . ] [ a. Impotence ] [ a. Weakness ] [ Incapacitate ] Disabuse . [ Un - a. wrong ( make ] Disadvantage . [ Hindrance ] [ Loss ] [ Hurt ] Disagree . [ Dissent ] [ Unpeaceable ] Disallow , [ Disapprove . ] AS . III. 3. O. Disanimate , [ Discourage . ] Disannul . [ Annihilate ] [ Spoil ] Disappoint . [ Un-appoint ] [ Frustrate ] Disapprove . AS . III. 3. O. Disarm . [ Un-armour ] [ Take away Arms ] Disaster , [ Adversity ] Disavow . [ Disapprove ] [ Deny ] [ abdicate ] Disband , [ Un — RM IV. ] Disbelieve . AS . II. 4. O. Disburse . TA. IV. 5. Disburthen , [ Unlode ] Discamp , [ Un - a. camp . ] Discard . [ Out-put Cards ] [ Incapacitate ] Discern See the difference ] Seen ( make the difference ] [ See ] [ a. Common sense ] [ a. Difference ] Discharge . [ Unlode ] — a Gun , [ Un - adj . p. ammunition ( make ) — ] [ Un-oblige ] From Duty . [ Perform ] [ a. Immunity ] From Debt . [ Pay ] [ Acquit ] From Guilt . [ a. Innocent ] [ Acquit ] [ Absolve ] Disciple , [ Learner . ] RO. III. 3. Discipline . [ a. Teacher ] [ Good Government ] Man. VI. 5. Church — RE. V. [ Correction ] Disclaim , [ Abdicate ] Disclose . [ Un-conceal ] [ Reveal ] AS . I. 6. [ Un-cover ] O. II. 3. O. [ Shew ] TA. I. 8. [ Open ] O. II. 4. O. Discolour , [ a. Colour ( corr . ] Discomfit , [ Overthrow . ] Discomfort . RO. VI. 3. O. Discommend , [ Dispraise . ] Discommodity . [ Inconvenience ] [ Hurt ] Disconsolate . [ adj . Discomfort ] [ adj . Grief ( augm . ] Discontent . [ Not-content ] [ adj . Anxiety ] Discontinue , [ a. Discontinued . ] [ Leave for some while . ] [ Absent for some while . ] [ Un - a. custom ] — ed. — Quantity . TM . III. — in Place , Here and there . Sp. II. 7. O. — in Time , Now and then . Sp. I. 7. O. Disconvenient , [ Inconvenient ] Discord . [ Not-congruity ] — in Music. Q III. 8. O. [ Dissent ] [ a. Unpeaceableness ] [ a. Contention ] Discover . AS . II. 2. A. [ Un-conceal ] [ Reveal ] [ Perceive ( inc . ] [ Uncover ] [ Shew ] Discountenance , [ Un - a. reputation . ] Discourage . RO. VI. 2. O. Discourse . Elements of — D. I. Words — D. II. Complex parts of — Grammatical . D. III. Logical . D. IV. Mixed . D. V. Modes of — D. VI. Discourtesie . [ a. Courtesie . Man. IV. 7. O. ] [ a. Malignity . AS . V. 2. O. ] Discredit . [ Disbelieve ] [ Infamy ] Discreet . [ Prudent ] Ha. VI. 2. [ Grave ] Man. IV. 6. [ Sober ] Ha. III. 3. Discrepant , [ Different ] Discretion , vid. Discreet . at the — of , [ To be disposed according to the will of ] Discriminate . [ a. Difference ] [ a. Distinction ] Discuss . [ Off — shake ] [ Apart — shake ] [ Scatter ] [ Inquisition ] sp . by Disputing . ] Disdein . AS . VI. 5. A. Disease . S. to — [ a. Disease ] [ a. Pain ] [ Trouble ] Disengage . [ Un-oblige ] [ Un-entangle ] Disentangle , [ Un-entangle ] Disesteem , [ Esteem ( corr . ] Disfavour , [ Un-favour . ] Disfigure . [ a. Figure ( corr . ] [ a. Deformity ] Disfranchise , [ Un-privilege ] Disfurnish , [ Un-furnish . ] Disgorge , [ Vomit . ] Disgrace , [ Infamy . ] Disguise , [ Un - a. seem ( make ] Disgust , [ Displicence . ] Dish . Vessel . Pr. V. 4. Chafing — [ adj . Table ( vess . ) for Fire . ] — Clout , Linen for cleansing Dishes . ] — washer , [ Wagtail . ] Bi. III. 8. A. — of meat , ( Meat ( aggr . ] sp . dished ] Dishearten , [ Discourage ] Dishevel'd , [ adj . p. Confusion . ] sp . Hairs . ] Dishonest . [ adj . Vice ] [ Unchast ] Dishonour . [ Infamy ] [ Disrespect ] Disimbarque Go out of Ship. ] Take out of Ship. ] Disinchant , [ Un - a. Witchcraft . ] Disingenuity , NP. IV. 1. O. Disinherit , [ Un-inherit ( make ] Disjoin , ] Un-join ] Disjoint , [ Un-joint ] Disjunctive , [ adj . Separate ] Dislike . [ Disapprove ] [ Displicence ] Dislocate . [ Un-place ] [ Place ( corr . ] Dislodge , [ Remove out of his Lodging . ] Disloyal . Man. V. 6. O. Dismay , [ a. Fear ( make ] Dismal , [ adj . Adversity ( augm . ] Dismantle , [ Un-fortifie . ] Dismember . [ Separate Member from Member . ] [ Tear ] Dismiss . [ Send away ] [ Permit to depart ] Dismount . [ Un-a . ride ] [ Un-a . jugament ] Disobedience . Man. V. 7. D. Disobey , [ a. Man. V. 7. D. Disoblige . [ Un-a . oblige ] [ Un-a . friend ] Disorder . [ Confusion ] [ Un-a . Series ] [ Irregularity ] Disown , [ Abdicate ] Disparage . [ a. Infamy ] [ a. Calumny ] Disparity , [ Unequality ] Dispark , [ Un - a. Park ( make ] Dispatch , [ Doe soon and perfectly . ] [ Doe ] [ Perform ] — soon . Hasten . TA. III. 5. — perfectly . Finish Send away Deliver a. Free ( make Destroy Kill Dispend . TA. V. 3. Dispense . Give [ a. Segregate a. Proportion [ Give adv . Proportion ▪ ] [ a. Segregate adv . Proportion ▪ ] Relax from Law. RC. IV. 8. Licence . RC. IV. 8. A. Dispensatory , [ Book of Pharmaceutical Compositions ( manner . ] Dispeople , [ a. empty of Dwellers ] Disperse , [ Scatter ] Displace , [ Un-place ] Display . [ Un-fold ] [ Open ] Displant . [ Un-plant ] [ Remove ] Displease . AS . IV. 7. O. Displeasure , [ Displeasing ] to doe one a — doe adj . displicent ( thing ] adj . hurt ( thing ] Dispose , [ a. Disposition . ] Disposition . [ Quality ] T. I. 6. A. Natural . [ Temperament ] — of the Mind . NP. IV. — of the Body . resp . Individ . NP. V. resp . Species . NP. VI. Actual . [ Inclination ] AS . IV. 1. [ Habit ] ( inc . ) Ha. A. Habit ] Ha. Action . ] T. I. 7. Cause ] T. II. a. Authority ] Appoint ] Prepare ] a. Efficient ] Give ] [ a. Segregate ] [ a. Order ] [ a. Series ] [ a. Place ] Dispossess , [ Un - adj . a. possess ( make . ] Dispraise . RO. V. 8. O. Disprofit . [ adj . Hurtful ( thing ] [ Loss ] Disproportion . [ Proportion ( corr . ] [ Unequality ] Disprove . [ Against-prove ] [ Confute ] Dispute , [ a. Argumentation . ] Disquiet . [ Anxiety ] [ Trouble ] Disquisition , [ Inquisition ] sp . by Argument . ] Disrank . [ Un-a . rank ] [ Un-a . Series ] [ Un-a . Order ] Disregard , [ Not-esteeming ] Disrespect . Man. V. 4. D. Dissatisfie , [ Not - Satisfie ] [ Un - Satisfie ] Dissect . [ Separate by cutting ] [ Cut ( segr . ] Disseize , [ Un-a . possess ( make ] Dissemble . [ Conceal ] [ a. Hypocrisie ] Dissention , [ a. Contention ] Dissenting . AS . II. 3. O. Dissertation , [ Book argumentative . ] Disservice . [ Service ( corr . ] [ Impedient ( thing ] Dissever . [ Separate ] [ a. Segregate ] Dissimular , [ Unlike . ] Dissimulation , [ Hypocrisie . ] Dissipate , [ Scatter . ] Dissolve . a. Loose ] Q. VI. 6. D. [ a. Fluid ] Q. V. 5. D. Melt . O. VI. 2. [ Separate ] [ Un-convention ] [ Destroy ] [ Corruption ] [ a. Ruine ] Dissolute . [ Careless ] [ Sensual ] Dissolution , vid. Dissolve . Dissonant , [ Different ] sp . in sound . ] Dissuade . RO. V. 2. O. Dissyllable , [ Of a Syllables ] Distaff , [ Staff of spinning ( machin . ] — thistle . Distance . — of time . Sp. I. 2. O. — of place . Sp. II. 2. O. Distast . [ Tast ( corr . ] [ Aversation ] [ Displicence ] Distemper . S. I. 4. [ Temper ( corr . ] Sickliness . S. I. 4. Distention , [ Stretching . ] Distich , [ Two Verses . ] Distillation . Rheum , [ Disease of dropping ( dim . ] Chymic . O. VI. 6. Distinct. [ adj . p. distinction ( perf . ] [ Differenced ] [ Separated ] [ Ordered ( perf . ] [ Plain ] Distinction . D. IV. 1. Distinguish . [ a. Distinction ] [ a. Difference ] [ Separate ] [ a. Period ] [ a. Order ( perf . ] [ a. Plain . ] [ a. Judge ] sp . ( segr . ] Distortion , [ Twisting ] [ a. Place ( corr . ] [ a. Deformity ] Distract . [ Pull several waies ] [ Separate ] [ Divide ] [ a. Waver ( make ] [ Mad ] Distrein , [ Arrest ] sp . Goods ] Distress . [ Adversity ] [ Trouble ( aug . ] [ Arresting ] sp . of Goods . [ Goods arrested ] Distribute . [ Give ( segr . ] [ Deliver ( segr . ] [ a. Division ] [ a. Partition . [ a. Kind ( segr . ] [ a. Part ( segr . ] [ a. Segregate ] District . [ Region ] [ Government ( place ] Distrust In the Judgment . AS . III. 4. O. In the Affection , [ Diffidence ] Disturb . [ Molest ] TA. V. 9. O. [ a. Impedient ] T. II. 5. O. Disunite . [ Un-unite ] [ Separate ] Disuse . [ Un - a. custom ] [ Discontinue Use ] Custom ] Ditch . [ Furrow ] [ Gutter ] Dittander . HF. VII . 6. Dittany . HF. VII . 6. bastard — [ Fraxinella ] HS. I. 1. A. Ditty , [ Words adj . p. sing . ( apt . ] Divaricate . [ Straddle ( make ] [ Separate ] Dive . Mo. I. 3. A. Divel , vid. Devil . Diver . Bi. IX . 8. dunn — Bi. IX . 8. A. Diverging . Ma. II. 7. E. Diverse . Various . T. III. Manifold , [ Many ( kind ] [ Unlike ] . TM . V. 1. O. [ Light ] adj . Ha. IV. 7. D. [ Morose ] adj . Man. IV. 7. D. Diversifie , [ a. Diversity ] Diversion , [ Beside-turn ] [ Digression ] [ Recreation ] Diversity . T. III. Divide , vid. Division . Dividend , [ adj . p. Divisor ( thing ] Divine , [ adj . God ] a — [ adj . RC. II. 1. person ] — 's profession . RC. II. 1. to — [ Wizarding , ] RJ. III. 1. A. [ Conjecturing ] AS . II. 7. Divinity [ God. ( abst . ] [ RC. II. 1. ( Science ] Division . Into kinds . Exactly . D. IV. 4. Not exactly . D. IV. 4. A. Into parts . ] [ a. Part ] [ a. Segregate ] Into Parties . [ Un-a . Society ] [ a. Contention ] Into Places . [ a. Separation ] [ a. Distance ] In Arithmetic , [ a. Divisor . ] In Music , [ a. Paraphrase tune ] Divisor . TM . VI. 9. Divorce . RE. IV. 5. Diuretic , [ adj . a. Urining ( make ] Diurnal , [ adj . Day ] a — [ adj . Narration ( thing ) of News ] Divulge , [ a. Public ( make ] Dizzard , [ adj . Doting ( person ] Dizzy , [ adj . Giddy . S. IV. 5. ] Do , vid. Doe . Do , [ Buck. Be. II. 4. ( fem . ] Docil . [ adj . Learn ( apt . ] [ adj . Sagacity ] Dock . [ Dent ] Man. IV. 3. O. For Shipping . [ Haven ( dim . ] [ adj . Building ( place ) for Ships . ] In the posteriors , [ Dent — ] [ Tail ] PP . VI. 6. A. to — [ Off-cut the Tail ] [ a. Short ] Herb. HF. I. 1. A. bur — great . — HL. VI. 2. little — HL. VI. 2. A. Docket , [ Accessory writing . ] Doctor , [ Highest Graduate ] Doctrine , [ Taught ( thing ] Document [ Thing to be Learn'd . ] Observ'd . ] Dodder . HF. VII . 17. Dodge , [ a. Lightness . ] Ha. IV 7. D. Dodkin , [ Least Mony. ] Doe . [ a. pres . ] How — you ? [ How are you ? ] sp . in Health . ] [ a. Action ] Business ] Have to — with , [ a. Business with ] [ a. Commerce with ] a — [ Deer ( fem . ] Doings Action Preparation Dog. Beast . Be. V. 1. — 's bane . HS. IV. 14. upright — HS. IV. 8. — berrry . Sh. II. 4. — 's grass . HL. III. 5. A. — 's tongue . HL. IX . 4. A. — 's tooth . HL. V. 2. [ Andiron ] [ Supporting ( jug . ) for fuel ] to — [ Follow privately ] — Fish. Greater . Fi. I. 6. Lesser . Fi. I. 6. A. Star. [ Star call'd the — ] [ Star ( aggr . ] call'd , &c. ] — daies , [ Daies in which the Sun rises with the Dog-star . ] Dogged . [ Perverse ] [ Morose ] Doggrel , [ Sorry . ] Dogmatical [ Fierce ] Ha. III. 4. D. Dole , [ adj . p. Alms ( thing ] — full , adj . Grief ] Dolor . [ Grief ] [ Pain ] Dolphin . Fi. I. 1. A. Dolt , [ Dull . Ha. III. 1. O. ( person ] Domestic . [ adj . House ] [ adj . RO. ] adj . Family . RO. III. 5. O. Domineer , [ a. Insolence . ] Dominion . [ Power ] [ Authority ] Donation , [ Giving ] Donative , [ adj . p. Give . ] Done , [ adj . p. Action . ] I have — [ I am adj . pret . Action . ] Finishing . ] Donor , [ adj . a. Give ( person ] Doom . [ a. Judge ] [ a. Sentence ] Door . Po. IV. 2. — keeper , [ Guard at door ] within — s [ Within the house ] without — s. [ Without the house ] Dor , [ Beetle ] Ex. V. 5. Doree . Fi. IV. 12. Dormant . [ Sleeping ] [ Not - acting ] shewn ] a — [ Beam ] Dormouse . [ Mouse ( kind ) adj . sleeping ( in t . ] ( apt . ] Dorser , [ Basket. ] sp . to be carried on the back . ] Dorter , [ adj . Sleeping ( room ] Dorychnium . Sh. IV. 9. A. Dose , [ Proportion ] sp . of Medicine ] Dotage , NP. II. 2. O. Dotal , [ adj . Dowry . ] Dotard , [ adj . Doting ( person ] Tree . Dote , [ a. Dotage . ] — on , [ a. Love ( exc . ] Dotterel . Bi. VII . 3. Double . [ Two ( kind . ] — diligence . Ha. IV. 5. E. — leaf , [ Twy-blade . ] — tongue , [ Horse tongue . ] — tongue , Hypocrisie . ] — heart Hypocrisie . ] to — [ a. Double ] as Hare , [ Back-goe in the same way . ] Doublet . [ Close ( vest ) for upper part of the trunk . ] [ Counterfeit gem ] Doublings of vest , [ Foldings — ] Doubt . AS . II. 5. O. — full , [ adj . p. Doubt ( apt . ] — less , [ adv . Certain ] Doucet . — of Deer . Dove , [ Pidgeon ] Bi. III. 1. Ring — Bi. III. 1. A. Stock — Bi. III. 2. Doughty , [ Valiant ] Douzen , [ Twelve . ] Dowager , [ Widow ] Dowe . [ Bread not baked ] — baked , [ Scarce baked ] [ adj . p. Future bread ] Dower , [ Wife 's revenue . ] Down . [ Downward vergent ] [ Toward - Underside . ] Bottom . ] Prep . V. 2. Bear — [ Down b. ] Break — [ Down b. ] Go — [ Down g. ] Pull — [ Down p. ] Sit — [ Sit ] — look [ Downward [ Guilty look ] — right . [ adj . Perpendicular ] [ adj . Sincere ] — Stream [ With the Stream . ] [ Decay ] [ Hill ] [ Sheep pasture ] Moss of Hair. PP . VI. 2. A. Dowry , [ Wife 's estate ] Doxy , [ adj . a. Fornication ( fem . ] Doxology , [ Sentence of praise ] Drab , [ Wicked Woman . ] [ Unchast Woman . ] Draco volans . El. I. 4. Dracunculus . Fi. III. 8. A. Draffe . [ Meat for Swine ] [ Worst part ] [ adj . a. Defilement ( thing ] Drag , [ Pull . ] O. I. 4. sp . Behinde After it . — net . [ Net ( instr . ) for fishing , adj . p. draw ( apt . ] Draggle-tail , [ Slut. ] Dragon . Fish. Insect . — fly , Ex. IV. 7. Plant. — tree . Tr. III. 8. A. — wort . HL. V. 9. — 's bloud . [ Juice of — Tree ] biting — [ Tarragon . ] Snap — HS. VIII . 6. Fire — El. I. 4. — 's head , [ Intersection point of Ecliptic by Planet toward adj . a. North. ] — 's tail , [ Intersection point of Ecliptic by Planet toward adj . a. South . ] Dray , [ Cart. ] Drain , [ Trench for water . ] to — [ Un - a. water ] Drake . Bird , [ Duck ( male . ] Gun , [ Least Ordnance . ] Fire — El. I. 4. Dram. Mea. III. 3. Draper , [ adj . Cloth ( merch . ] Draught . [ Drawing ] [ Drawn ( thing ] [ Exemplar ] [ Picture ] Ships — [ Depth of Ship under water . ] Jakes , [ Dunging ( room ] game of — s. Mo. V. 3. A. Draw , a. Move a. Move ( end toward it self . to it self . Corporeal . Pull ] O. I. 4. Pull ( end ] — cart [ Lead pulling — ] — net [ Lead pulling — ] [ Lift ] — bridge , [ Lift by pulling . ] — plants , [ Un a. root , &c. ] — water , [ Lift , &c. ] Ship — s , [ — is deep in the water . ] Take into it self . [ Breathe ] Mo. III. 2. [ Suck up breath ] AS . IV. 6. D. [ Snuf ] — after , [ Hunt by Smell . ] [ Suck ] Mo. III. 3. O. [ Drink ] AS . II. 2. O. Take out of another it's place . — blood , [ a. Bleed ] — lots , [ a. Lot. ] — mony . out-take — ] — purse out-take — ] — sword , [ Un-sheath . ] — tooth , [ Out-pull . ] — wine . Virtual . [ a. Exhalation ] Metonym . Effect by Motion . — of the Fingers . — mony [ Tell — ] — of the Needle . — cloth — of Pen or Pencil . — a Copy . — a Picture . — writing , [ a. Writing . ] — up writing , [ a. Writing . ] — dry , [ Empt. ( perf . ] — fowl , [ Un-a . gutt ] — out . [ Extend ] [ Protract ] Transcendental . Cause . — bloud , [ a. Bleed . ] [ Occasion ] [ Impulsive ] [ Persuade ] [ Entice ] [ Lead ] [ Seduce ] [ Obtein ] Beginning . — back . [ Retreat ( inc . ] [ Apostasie ( inc . ] — near [ near ( inc . ] — on [ near ( inc . ] — to an issue , [ Finish ( inc . ] Drawer . [ adj . Drawing ( person ] [ Box ( dim . ) to be out-pull'd and in-thrust ] Drawers , [ Inner thigh ( vest . ] Dread , [ Fear ] sp . ( augm . ) Dream , [ adj . p. AC . II. 4. A. ( thing ] mdash ; ing . AC . II. 4. A. — ness , [ Dulness ] [ Sloth ] Dregs . [ Worst part ] TM . VI. 1. O. [ Sediment ] TM . VI. 3. O. Drench . [ Medicinal drink ] to — [ Drink ( make ) by pouring into the mouth ] [ Bathe ] Dress . [ Prepare ] — meat , a. Butchery a. Cookery [ Cleanse ] — a Horse . a. Clothe a. Ornate Prune a. Surgery Dresser , [ Cook 's table . ] Dry. A●id . adj . Q. V. 2. D. [ Thirsty ] adj . AC . II. 2. [ Penurious ] adj . Man. III. 3. E. [ Reserv'd ] adj . Man. IV. 4. D· — jest . [ adv . concealed ● . Urbanity . ] Driblet . [ Sum ( dim . ] [ Part ( dim . ] Drift . [ Driving ] — of Snow [ Heap of — together blown ] go a — [ Be driven ] [ End ] Drill . to — [ bore ] [ Entice ] a — [ Boaring ( instr . ] [ Baboon ] Be. III. 1. Drink , [ adj . p. drinking ( thing ] — ing . AC . II. 2. A. a — [ Refection ] Drip . [ a. Drop ] [ Baste ] — ing . [ adj . basting ( thing ] Drive , move from before it self . Contiguous , [ Thrust . ] sp . with knocking ] Not contiguous . TA. VI. 5. A· — away , [ From — ] — back , [ a. Retire ( make ] — bees , [ a Move B. ] — out , [ Out — ] The Ship — s , [ The Ship is driven . ] sp . when the Anchor lets — go . ] Metaphor . [ Coaction ] AS . IV. 9. O. — off , [ Protract . ] Metonym . [ Scatter ] Drivel , [ Dropping Spittle . ] to — Let go the Spittle out of ones mouth . ] Drizzle , [ Rain drops ( dim . ] Droil . [ a. Operation ( augm . ] [ Servant , adj . a. operation ( aug . ] Droll , [ a. Urbanity . ] Dromedary , [ Camel. ] Be. I. 3. Drone . [ Bee ( male ] [ Idle ( person ] Droop . [ a. Decay ] [ p. Discouragement ( inc . ] Drop . El. II. 1. Dropsie . S. VI. 3. Dropwort . HF. V. 10. A. water — HF. V. 14. Dross . [ worst part . ] sp . of Metal ] Drove , [ adj . p. drive ( aggr . ] sp . of Cattel . ] Drover , [ Cattel-driving ( person ] Drought , vid. Dry. Drown . Kill . RJ. V. 7. [ Cover with water ] Drowzy . AC . II. 3. Drudge , [ a. Operation ( augm . ] sp . Servant . ] Drug . [ adj . O. VI. A. ( thing ] [ adj . Sorry ( thing . ] Druggist , [ Merchant of unprepared medicinal ( things ] Drum , [ adj . Drummer ( instr . ] — of the Ear , [ Drum ( like . ] — mer. RM. III. 3. Drunk , [ adj . a. Drunkenness ] — ard , [ adj . Drunkenness ( person . ] — enness . Man. II. 3. D. Due . T. IV. 3. [ adj . Debtor ( thing ] Dub. [ Knock ] sp . with Fist. ] Dubious , [ adj . Doubt . ] Duchess , [ Duke ( fem . ] Duchy . [ Duke 's ( place . ] Duck. Bi. IX . 2. A. — 's meat . HL. I. 10. to — [ Bow the head ] as Duck. [ Congee ( augm . ] [ Dive ] — and Drake [ Reflect ( freq ) from the Water . ] Ductil . [ adj . p. figure ( apt . ) by hammering . ] [ adj . p. Persuade ( apt . ] Dudgeon . [ Indignation ] [ Root of Box. ] — dagger , [ Short Sword whose handle is of the root of Box. ] Duel . RM. I. 7. A. Dug . PG. IV. 2. A. Duke , [ Noble-man of highest degree . ] Dull , [ Obtuse . ] Op. to Sprightly . NP. IV. 2. O. Strenuous [ Lazy ] Nimble [ Lumpish ] Swift [ Slow ] Op. to Sagacity . Ha. III. 1. O , Blunt , [ Not adj . a. Cut ( apt . ] [ Remiss ] Duscimer , Musical ( instr . ) Dumb [ Mute ] AC . III. 1. O. [ Not-speaking ] Dump ▪ [ Meditation ( in t . ] [ Anxiety ( imp . ] [ Grief ( imp . ] Dun , [ Colour of Mouse . ] &c. to — [ Come and demand ( freq . ] Dunce , [ Dull . Ha. III. 1. O. ( person . ] — down , [ Cat 's tail . ] Dung , [ adj . p. Dung ( thing . ] — fly . Ex. IV. 4. A. to — Mo. IV. 9. A. — land , [ Manure with Dung ] Dungeon [ Dark prison ] Duplicate , [ Correspondent type ] Durable , [ Permanent ] Durance , [ Imprisonment ] Duration . Mea. V. A. Dure , [ v. Duration ] — ing my stay , [ While I stay ] Duress , [ Affliction of body ] Durt . El. IV. 2. Durty . [ adj . Durt . ] [ Rustic ] Dusk , [ Dark ( dim . ] Dust. Earth . El. IV. 1. [ Powder ] TM . VI. 4. A. Pin — [ Powder of filed pins ] Saw — [ Powder of sawed ( thing ] Duty , [ Due ( thing . ] Dutifulness . Man. V. I. Dwarf , [ adj . Little. ] sp . ( person . ] — elder , [ Danes-wort . ] Dwell . Po. I. A. Dynasty , [ Series of Governours of one Kinde . ] Nation . ] Family . ] Dysentery . S. VI. 6. A. Dysury , [ Disease of pissing ( def . ] E. EAch , [ Every ( segr . ] — other , [ Every one reciprocally . ] Eager . [ Fierce ] Ha. III. 4. D. [ Desirous ( in t . ] [ Hungry ] AC . II. 1. [ Acid ] Q. IV. 4. [ Intense ] Eagle . Bi. I. 1. Eaglet , [ Eagle ( young ] Ean , [ a. Parturition . ] sp . as Sheep ] Ear. — of Animal . PG. III. 2. A. give — [ Hear ( end . ] [ Observe ( end . ] — of Pot , [ adj . Hand ( part . ] — of Plant. PP . II. 4. A. to — as Corn , [ To grow up to an Ear. ] — land , [ a. Arable . ] Sea — Ex. VII . 8. Earewig . Ex. V. 7. A. Earl , [ Noble man of third Degree . ] Early . [ Soon ] [ adj . Morning Mea. V. 7. ] Earn . RC. V. 6. Earnest . Adj. [ Serious ] [ Intense ] [ Diligent ] [ Zealous ] Subst . Pledge . RC. V. 7. A. in — [ Truly . ] Earth . Globe of — W. II. 7. Element of — El. IV. — nut . HF. V. 10. — quake . El. II. 5. — worm . Ex. I. 1. to — [ into-a . Earth ] Earthen Vessel , [ adj . O. IV. A. ( vess . ] Ease . [ Indolence ] — the Belly . [ a. Dung ] [ Rest ] [ Leisure ] Easement . [ a. Indolence ] [ Dunging ] [ adj . Dunging ( place ] Easie. [ adj . Easiness ] — to &c. [ adj . &c. ( apt . ] Easiness . Facility . T. V. 4. [ Plainness ] D. III. 9. [ Credulity ] — to , &c. [ &c. ( apt . ] East . Sp. III. 1. Easter , [ Passover ( time . ] Eat . Feed . AC . II. 1. A. [ Corr●de ] O. VI. 3. Eaves , [ Margin of Roof . ] — dropper , [ Concealed ( person ) hearing ( end ] Eb. [ Down-tide ] [ a. Low ] Ebony . Tr. VIII . 6. Ebullition , [ Bubbling ] Eccentric .   Ecclesiastic , [ adj . RE. ] — Relation . RE. — Officers . RE. II. — Discipline . RE. V. — Institutions . RE. VI. Echo , [ Reflex sound . ] Eclipse , [ Obscuring by interposition . ] sp . of Sun. ] Moon . ] Ecliptick . W. VI. 3. Eclog , [ pastoral dialog . Song . ] Edacity , [ Gluttony . ] Eddy , [ Re-flow . ] Edge . [ Margin ] Sp. III. 4. O. [ Ridge ] Mag. V. 6. [ Cutting ( apt . ] Set ones teeth on — [ Stupifie — ] — wise , [ adv . Side . ] Edible , [ adj . p. Eat ( abstr . ] Edict , RC. IV. 3. A. Edifie . [ a. Building ] [ a. Bettering ] Edifice , [ Building , ] Po. II. Edition , [ a. Public . ( make . ] Education , [ a. Nurse . ] — words . RO. V. — deeds . RO. VI. Eel . Fi. VI. 7. sand — Fi. VI. 4. A. — pout Fi. VI. 6. A. Effable , [ adj . p. Speak ( abstr . ] Effect . T. II. O. to this — [ — end ] of no — [ adj . Frustrate ] to — [ Efficient . ] to take — [ Event ( perf . ] Effectual , [ adj . a. Efficient ( apt . ] Effeminate , [ Woman ( like . ] [ Tender ] NP. IV. 7. O. [ Nice ] Man. II. 6. E. Efficacy , [ a. Efficient ( abstr . ] Efficient , T. II. 1. Effigies , [ Picture . ] Effluvium , [ adj . p. Exhalation ( thing . ] Effort , [ Endeavour ( imp . ] Effusion , [ Out — pouring ] [ Forth — pouring ] Eftsoon , ( At times . ] Sp. I. 8. O. Egge , DP . V. 6. with Egge , [ Impregnated with Egge . ] to — [ a. Impulsive ] Eglantine , [ Rose ( kind . ] Egregious , [ Excellent . ] Egress . [ Going out ] [ Way out ] Egret , [ Eagle ( kind . ] Egyptian , [ Wandring wizard . ] Eie , vid. Ey . Ejaculation , [ Prayer ( dim . ] sp . Sudden . ] Eject [ Out-cast ] [ Un-&c . ] Eight . Mea. II. 8. — teen . — ty . — hundred , &c. Either . [ Any of the two ] [ Or ] Eke , [ Also ] Eke out , [ Lengthen by Addition . ] Enlarge by Addition . ] Elaborate , [ adj . p. Diligence . ] Elate , [ adj . Insolence . ] Elaterium , [ concrete juyce of the wild Cowcumber . ] Elbow . PG. V. 2. A. [ Angle ] Elder . [ More-old ] [ Priest ] [ Fore-father ] Tree . Tr. III. 2. water — Sh. II. 12. A. Elecampane , HF. III. 6. A. Elect. — to do . AS . IV. 5. — to Office , &c. RC. IV. 2. Electuary , [ Moist consistent medicinal mixture . ] Eleemosynary , [ adj . Alms. ] Elegancy . [ Beauty ] [ Ornateness ] Elegy , [ adj . Grief verse ( aggr . ] Element . El. [ Principles ] — of Discourse . D. I. Elephant . Be. I. 4. Elevate , [ Lift. ] — ion of the Pole. Eleven .   Elf , [ Little sorry ( thing . ] Eligible , [ adj . p. Elect. ( ●●t . ] Elixir , [ Best part . ] sp . adj . Chymic . ] Elk. Be. II. 3. Ell , [ Three foot and 9 inches ] Ellipsis . Mag. III. 8. D. Elm. Tr. VI. 4. Elocution , [ Speaking Manner . ] [ Articulation Manner . ] sp . Artificial . ] Eloquence , [ Speaking ( art ) Ornately . ] Perswasively . ] Else . [ adv . Other ] [ Beside ] — where , [ In other place . ] Elucidate , [ Interpret . ] Elude , avoid ] frustrate ] Elucubrate , [ Diligent study . ] Ematiate , [ adj . Lean ( make . ] Emanation , [ Out-flowing . ] Emancipate , [ Un-slave . ] Embalm , [ Preserve by Conditing . ] Embark , [ Into-go . ] sp . Into Ship. ] Embassador , [ adj . RC. sent ( Officer . ] Embellish , [ a. Ornate ( make . ] Ember-week , [ Fasting week for Ordination . ] [ adj . Ordination ( time . ] Embers , [ Fired ashes . ] Embezil , [ a. Prodigality . ] Emblem , [ Signifying picture . ] sp . Moral . ] Embody , [ a. Body . ] Embolden , [ a. Bold ( make . ] Emboss , [ Adorn with protuberances . ] Embowed , [ Arched . ] Embowel , [ Un-bowel . ] Embrace . AC . V. 6. Embrew , [ Soke . ] Embroider , [ Variegate by sowing . ] Embryon . PP . VI. 7. Emendation . [ Mending ] [ Repairing ] Emergent . [ adj . Event ] [ adj . p. Occasion ] Emerod . Stone . St. IV. 4. [ Vein in the Fundament ] — s [ Tumors about those veins . — ] Emew , [ Cassaware . ] Bi. II. 9. A Eminence , [ Excellence . ] Emissary . [ Sent ( person ] [ Spy ] Emission , [ Out-sending . ] Emmet , [ Ant. ] Ex. IV. 5. Emolument , [ Profit . ] Empair . [ a. Worse ] [ Marring ] Empale . RJ. V. 4. A. Empannel , [ a. Catalog . ] Empeach , [ a. Accuser . ] Emperor , [ King ( augm . ] Emphasis . D. I. 8. Empire . [ King ( place ] [ King ( abstr . ] Empiric , [ Physitian ( corr . ] Employ . [ a. Business TA. III. ] [ Use. TA. V. 6. ] Empoverish , [ a. Poverty ( make . ] Empress , [ Emperor ( fem . ] Emptying . O. II. 7. O. Empyema . S. V. 3. A. Emry . St. I. 7. A. Emulation . AS . VI. 3. Emulgent , [ adj . Sucking . ] Emulsion , [ Milk ( like ) Medicine . ] Emunctory , [ Glandule ] PG. II 7 A. Enable , [ a. Able ( make . ] Enact , [ a. Law ( make . ] Enamel , [ Paint with melted Colours . ] Enamored , [ adj . a. Love. ] Encamp , [ a. Camp. ] Enchant , [ a. Witch with words . ] Encircle , [ About-a . circle . ] Encline . [ a. Oblique ] [ a. Vergency ] [ adj . p Disposition ] AS . IV. 1. Enclose . [ Shut ] [ Contein ] Enclosure . [ a. Enclosing ] [ Fence ] Encomium , [ Praise . ] [ adj . a. Praise Oration . ] Encompass , [ about - Ition . ] Putting . ] Encounter . [ Assault mutual ] [ Meeting ] Encourage . RO. VI. 2. Encrease . TM . I. 7. Encroach [ Usurpation ( inc . ] ( dim . ] Encumber . [ Hinder sp . with confused multitude . ] [ Trouble sp . with confused multitude . ] End. Part. [ Extreme ] [ Top ] [ Bottom ] — less . [ Eternal ] [ Infinite ] Cause . T. II. 6. to the — that . Conj . III. 1. Action . [ Desist ] [ Finish ] [ Event ] Endamage . [ a. Loss ( make ] [ a. Hurt ] Endanger , [ a. Dangerous ] Endeavour . TA. III. 4. Endite . [ a. Word ] sp . Writing . ] AC . III. 6. A. [ Accuse ] sp . by Writing ] RJ. II. 3. A. Endive . HF. II. 16. Endorse , [ Write on the backside . ] Endowment . [ Quality ] sp . NP. [ Habit ] [ Revenue . ] Endue , [ v. Quality . ] Endure . Suffer . [ v. Passion ] [ v. Patience ] cannot — [ a. Aversation ] Last , [ a. Duration . ] Enemy . RO. IV. 1. O. Energy . [ Efficient Faculty ] Act ] Enervate , [ a. Weakness . NP. V. 7. O. ] Enfeeble , [ a. Weakness . NP. V. 7. O. Enfeof . [ a. Right ] [ Deposit ] RC. V. 1. A. Enflame . [ a. Flame ] [ a. Heat ( exc . ] Enforce , [ Coaction . ] Enfranchise , [ a. Privilege . ] Engage . [ a. Obligation ] [ a. Sponsion ] [ a. Pawn ] [ a. Morgage ] [ a. Debtor ( make ] [ p. Business ( make ] Engender , [ Generation ] Engine , [ Machin ] English.   Engraft , [ Graft ] Engrave , [ Grave ] O. IV. 6. A. Engross . — writing , [ Write ( perf . ] — commodities . [ Buy all ] [ Appropriate ] TA. I. 2. Enhaunce . [ a. Intension ] sp . the price . ] Enigmatical , [ Obscured with Figures ] Enjoying . Fruition . TA. V. 7. [ Possession ] Enjoyn , [ Command ] Enlarge , [ Large ( make ] [ Ampliation ] D. IV. 2. O. [ More-a . large ( make ] [ Increase ] TM . I. 7. E. Enlighten , [ a. Light. ] Enmity , [ Enemy ( abstr . ] Ennoble , [ a. Noble ( make . ] Enormity . [ Wrong ( in t . ] [ Vice ( abstr . ] [ Crime ( augm . ] Enough , [ Sufficiency . ] — and to spare , [ Abundance . ] Enquiring , [ a. Inquisition . ] Enrage , [ adj . a. Anger ( make . ] Enrich , [ adj . a. Rich ( make . ] Enroll . [ a. Catalog . ] [ a. Register . ] Ensign . [ Sign ] Colours . RM. III. 2. Ensnare . [ Intangle by craft ] [ Take by Stratagem ] Enstall . [ a. Seizin solemnly ] sp . in Seat. ] Ensue . [ Follow ] [ Event ] Entail , [ a. Inherit ( make ) adv . Series . ] Entangle . O. II. 2. A. Enter . [ Into - go ] Put ] [ Direct ] [ Begin ] TA. III. 3. [ a. Teacher ( inc . ] — in a book , [ Write — ] — into bond , [ adj . p. bond . ] — upon . [ Possession ( inc . ] [ Seizing ] Enterchangeable , [ adj . Reciprocation . ] Entercourse . [ Reciprocal Passage ] Converse ] Business ] Enterfeir , [ Strike reciprocally . ] sp . with Heels or Ankles . ] Enterlace . [ Between-put ] [ Stratifie ] Enterline , [ Write between the lines . ] Enterlude , [ Player ( thing . ] Entermeddle , [ a. Business . ] Entermingle , [ adj . a. Mixt ( make . ] Enterprize , [ Essay . ] Enterr , [ Bury . ] Entertain . [ Receive ] [ a. Host ] Treat . AC . V. 2. A. Enthrall , [ a. Slave ( make . ] Enthrone , [ a. Seizin solemnly . ] sp . in King ( place . ] Enthusiasm , [ Counterfeited Inspiration . ] Enthymem . D. IV. 7. A. Entice , [ Allure . ] Entire . [ Total ] TM . VI. [ Whole ] NP. V. 1. [ adj . Integrity . Ha. IV. 6 . ] Entity , [ Being ( abst . ] Entitle , [ p. Right ( make ] [ a. Name . ] Entomb . RE. IV. 9. Entrals , [ Gutts . ] PG. VI. 4. A. Entrance , [ a. Enter . ] Entrap , [ Take . ] sp . in Machin . ] Entreat . Pray . RO. V. 3. [ Entertain ] AC . V. 2. A. Entrench . [ a. Ditch ( make ] [ Usurp ] Entry . [ Entring ( place ] — into house , &c. Po. III. 3. A. Entrust . [ Deposit ] [ Instead-p-right ( make ] Envenom , [ Poisoned ( make . ] Envy . AS . VI. 6. O. Environ . [ About be ] put ] Enumerate , [ a. Number ] Enunciation , [ Proposition . ] Enure , [ a. Custom . ] Enwrap , [ In-wrap . ] Eolipyle , [ adj . a. Winde ( vessel ) by Rarefaction . ] Epact , [ Difference between Solar and Lunar year . ] Ephemerides , [ Book of adj . daies ( thing . ] Ephialtes . S. IV. 2. A. Epicen , [ Of both Sexes . ] Epicure , [ adj . Sensuality ( person . ] Epicycle , [ Accessory Circle . ] sp . Whose Center is within the Circumference of another Circle .. Epidemical , [ adj . Nation . ] Epigram , [ Short Poem . ] Epilepsie . S. IV. 5. A. Epilog . D. V. 8. O. Epiphany , [ Festival of the Star's apparition ] Episcopal , [ adj . Bishop . ] Epistle . D. V. 2. A. Epitaph , [ Writing on Tomb. ] Epithalamium , [ adj . Marriage-song . ] Epithet , [ Adjunct word ] Epitomy . D. V. 7. Epoch . Sp. I. 5. A. Equal . adj . TM . I. 5. Relation of — s. RO. IV. Coming off upon — terms . RM. II. 1. Equality . TM . I. 5. [ Equity ] Equanimity . [ Equity ] [ Content ] Ha. I. 3. Equator . W. VI. 2. Equilateral , [ Having its sides equal . ] Equinoctial . — time , [ Time of equal night and day ] — Circle , [ Equator ] Equipollent . [ Of equal Power ] Efficacy ] Equippage , [ Furniture ( manner . ] Equitable , [ adj . Equity . ] Equity . Man. I. 2. Equivalent TM . I. 6. Equivocation . D. IV. 1. O. Equor . W IV. 1. Er , vid. Err. Eradicate , [ Un-root ] Ere . [ Before ] — long , [ Future ( dim . ] — while . [ At some time ] Sp. I. 8. Lately , [ adv . past ( dim . ] Rather then ] Erect . [ a. Direct . Ma. II. 8. E. ] [ a. Build . Po. II. ] Eringo . HF. VIII . 1. A. Vmbelliferous — HF. IV. 12. A. Ermin . Beast , [ Stoate ] Be. IV. 7. Fur , [ Fur of Ermin ] Err. TA III. 8. Errant . [ Genuine ] [ Wandring ] [ Sent ( thing ) sp . entrusted . ] Erroneous . [ adj . Err ] [ False ] Eruption , [ Out-breaking . ] Erysipelas . S. VII . A. Escape . Avoid being taken . RM. II. 6 . [ Pass not observed ] Escheat . [ To - event ] confiscation ] Eschew . [ Avoid ] [ Aversation ] Especial , [ Principal ] Espy , Spy ] See ] Espouse , [ a. Spouse ] Esquire , [ Gentleman of the middle rank ] Essay . TA. III. 4. A. Essence . [ Being ( abstr . ] [ Best part extracted by Distillation . ] Essential . [ adj . Being ] [ adj . Importance ] Essoin . [ Excuse for not appearing . ] Establish . [ adj . Steddy make ] [ Confirm ] Estate . [ State ] [ Condition ] [ Age ] [ Degree ] sp . of Nobleness ] Gentility ] [ Dignity ] [ Revenues ( aggr . ] [ Right ] [ Possession . ] Esteem . [ Think ] [ Jugde ] Value . AS . II. 8. [ Respect ] Estimation , [ Esteem ] Estival , [ adj . Summer . ] Estrange , [ Alienate . ] Estreat .   Estridge . Bi. II. 9. Estuate . [ Move vehemently . ] Etching , [ Graving with corroding moist ( thing . ] Eternal , [ adj . Everness ] Eternity , [ Everness ] Ether . El. II. 1. Ethic , [ adj . Manners ( art . ] Ethiopian , [ adj . Black ( person . ] Ethnic , [ Pagan ] Etymology . [ Derivation of words ] [ Derivation ( art . ] Evacuate . [ a. Empty ] [ a. Purge ] Evade . [ Avoid ] [ Escape ] Evangelist . RE. II. 3. Evaporate , [ Out-vapor ] Evasion , [ Evading ] Eucharist . RE. VI. 6. A. Eve. [ Before-day ] sp . before Festival ] Evechurr . Ex. II. 2. A. Even . Adj. [ Equal ] [ Of the same Quantity ] Number ] Strength ] Quitts ; [ Having compensated ] op . to Od. TM . III. 5. [ Plain ] Q. VI. 2. [ Self . ] Adv. [ Yea ] Expletive . — as , [ As. ] adv . I. 3. — now [ Now ] [ Adv. past ( dim . ] Evening . Mea. V. 7. O. Even-song , [ adj . Evening worship . ] Event . End. TA. V. [ Effect ] T. II. O. — of War. RM. II. Ever . All times . Sp. I. 9. for — [ adj . sp . I. 9. ] — since , [ From that ( time . ] — lasting , [ adj . Sp. I. 9. ] Life — lasting , [ Gnaphalium . ] Some times . — and anon . [ Frequently ] [ At times . ] Sp. II. 8. O. or — [ Before that ] Every . — one , Pron . III. 2. — where , [ In every Place . ] — whit , [ adv . Total . ] Evet , [ Salamander ] Be. VI. 5. Evict . [ Prove ] [ Convince ] Evidence , Adj. Manifest . [ Plainness ] [ Certainty ] sp . manifest ] [ Probation ] D. VI. 6. [ Testimony ] [ Writing . ] RC. VI. 5. Evil. T. III. 2. O. — at ease , [ Not-indolent ] King 's — S. III. 3. Evince , [ Prove ] sp . Plainly . ] Eunuch , [ Un-testicled ( person ] Euphony , [ Sound ( perf . ] Euphorbium , [ Concrete juice of a ( plant ] Ew . — tree . Tr. III. 6. — sheep [ Sheep ( fem . ] Ewer , [ Vessel for pouring water on hands ] Exact . Adj. [ adj . Rigor . ] [ adj . Perfect ] to — [ a. Rigor ] [ Demand Unmercifully ] The utmost ] [ a. Oppression ] Exaggerate . [ a. Great ] [ a. Intension ] [ add Provocation ] [ More-angry ( make ] Exagitate . [ Swing ] [ Vex ( endeavour ] Exa●t . [ Lift ] [ Praise ( augm . ] [ adj , a. Dignity ( make ] Examine . [ Inquisition ] AS . II. 2. [ a. Question ] [ Trial ] TA. II. 5. A. Judicially . RJ. II. 4. A. Example . [ Exemplar ] Instance . D. IV. 8. A. as for — [ e. g. ] Conj . IV. 3. O. Exanguious Animal . Ex. Exanimate . [ Discourage ( augm . ] Exasperate . [ a. Intension ] [ More-angry ( make ] Exauthorize , [ a. Un-authority . ] Exceed . [ Excell ] [ Abound ] [ Augment ] [ Intense ] [ v. Excess ] Excel . [ v. Excellent ] [ v. Superior ] [ v. Victory ] — lent . TM . I. 4. E. Except . Adv. [ Beside ] [ Unless ] — ion . [ Exemption ] — to rule . D. IV. 5. O. take — [ Be displeased ] Excess . Too-much . TM . I. 3. E. Vitious . Man. II. E. [ Gluttony ] [ Drunkenness ] Exchange . Bartering . RC. V. A. [ Merchant's Convention ( place . ] Exchequer , [ Court of Chief Magistrate's revenue . ] Excise , [ Tax upon vendibles . ] Excite , [ Impulse . ] Exclaim . AC . III. 3. O. Exclude . [ Out-shut ] [ Exempt ] TA. II. 4. [ Except ] Exclusive , [ Excluding the extreams ] Excogitate , [ Invent ] Excommunicate . RE. V. 5. Excoriate , [ Un-skin . ] Excreation . Mo. IV. 5. A. Excrement . [ Out-purged ( thing . ] [ adj . dunged ( thing . ] Excrescence . [ Out-growing gibbous ( thing ] Fruit-like . PP . III. A. Excruciate , [ Torture . ] Excursion . [ Out-running ] [ Digression ] Excuse , [ Defendent ( thing . ] Execrable , [ adj . p. Ought aversation ( augm . ] Execration . [ Cursing ] [ Renounce with Cursing ] Execution , [ Performing . ] — of Sentence in Law. RJ. II. 9. — Capital . RJ. V. — not Capital . RJ. VI. — er , [ adj . Execution ( Off. ] Executor , [ I●trusted ( person ) with Will. ] Exemplar . T. II. 3. Exemplifie . [ Give Copy ] Instance ] Exempt . TA. II. 4. O. [ a. Immunity ] Exercise . [ Practise ] [ Doe ] [ Custom to doe ] [ a. Experience ] [ Use ] [ a. Motion ] [ a. Recreation ] Exercitation , vid. Exercise . Exhalation . Met. II. 2. [ Vapor ] Met. II. 2. A. [ Fume ] Met. II. 3. Exhaust . [ Out-draw ] [ Empty ] Exhibit . [ Represent ] [ Offer ] [ Give ] Exhibition , [ adj . p. Stipend ( thing . ] Exhilerate , [ a. Mirth . ] AS . V. 4 . Exhort , [ Persuade ] RO. V. 2. Exhortation , [ a. Persuade . ] Exiccation , [ a. Driness . ] Q. V. 2. D. Exigent . [ Occasion ] T. II. 4. A. [ Expediency ] T. V. 6. [ Need ] Exile . RJ. VI. 5. Eximious , [ adj . Excellent . ] T. I. 4 . E. Existence , [ Being . T. I. 1. ( abstr . ] sp . Actual . ] Exonerate , [ Un-lode . ] Exorable , [ adj . p. Entreat ( abstr . ] Exorbitance . TM . V. 4. O. Exorcist , [ Un-adj. a. Devil ( Off. ] Exotic , [ adj . Forein ] RO. IV. 3 . Expansion . [ Stretching ] [ Spreading ] [ Opening ] Expatiate , [ Walk abroad . ] Expect . AS . III. 7. A. Expedient . T. V. 6. an — [ Means ] T. II. 6. A. Expedition . [ Dispatching ] TA. III. 5. [ Travel ] TA. VI. 3. sp . Military , ] Expel , [ Out-drive . ] TA. VI. 5. A. Expence , [ adj . p. Spend ( thing . ] Expend . [ Spend ] [ Disburse ] Experience . [ Essay ] TA. III. 4. A. Habit. Ha. VI. 4. Experiment . [ a. Experience ( end ] [ adj . p. Essay ( thing . ] Expert , [ adj . Experience . ] Expiate . [ Satisfie for Guilt . ] [ Un - a. Guilty ( make ] sp . by Sacrifice . ] Expire . [ Die ] [ End ] time — d , [ Time ended . ] past . ] Explain , [ Plain ( make . ] Explicate , [ Plain ( make . ] Explicit , [ Express , ] D. III. 8. Explode . [ Disapprove ( augm . ] [ Reject disgracefully ] Exploit . [ Action ( augm . ] [ adj . p. Perform ( thing . ] Exploration . [ Inquisition ] AS . II. 2. sp . by Essay . ] Expose . [ Out-put ] [ Un-cover ] [ adj . p. Danger ( make ] Exposition . [ a. Plain ] [ Interpretation ] Expostulate . [ Ask accusingly ] [ Complain ] Expound . [ a. Plain ] [ Interpretation ] Express . D. III. 8. — ion , [ Speech ( manner . ] Exprobrate , [ Upbraid . ] RJ. IV. 8. A. Expulsion , vid. Expel . Expunge , [ Un-write . ] Exquisite , [ adj . Perfectness . ] Extant . [ adj . Being ] [ Actual ] [ Adj. p. See ( abstr . ] [ Public . ] Extasie . AS . VI. 8. A. Extempore , [ Without premeditation . ] Extend , [ Stretch . ] Extension . Ma. A. Posture , [ Stretch ] Extent . Ma. A. Extenuate . [ adj . a. Little. ] [ adj . a. Thin ] [ Excuse in part ] Exterior , [ adj . Out-side . ] Exterminate , [ Exile . ] External , [ adj . Out-side . ] Sp. III. 6. O. Extinguish . [ Un-fire ] [ Annihilate ] Extirpate . [ Un-root ] [ Destroy ] Extoll . [ Praise ( augm ] Extort , [ From-gain violently ] — ion . RJ. IV. 5. A. Extract . [ Out-bring ] [ From-proceed ( make ] sp . by Chymic operation . ] an — [ Copy ] [ Epitome ] — ion [ adj . Descendent ( kind ) RO. I. 1. O. ] Extrajudicial , [ Not-judicial ] Extraneous , [ adj . Foreiner ] Extraordinary . adj . TM . V. 3. O. Extravagant . [ Exorbitant ] [ Impertinent ] [ adj ▪ Digression ] Extream . op . to Middle . Sp. III. 3. O. op . to Mediocrity . T. I. 2. O. [ Excessive ] Utmost . [ Most-adj . greatness . ] [ Rigid ] Man. I. 1. E. [ Defective ] Extremity . [ End ] Sp. III. 3. O. [ Misery ] [ Trouble ( aug . ] Extricate , [ Un-tangle . ] Extrinsecal , [ adj . Out-side . ] Extrusion , [ Out-thrusting . ] Exuberant , [ Abundance . ] TM . I. 2. E. Exudation , [ Out-sweating . ] Exulcerate , [ adj . p. Ulcer ( make ] Exultation , [ Triumph . ] Ey . Member . PG. III. 2. blear-ed sore — ed goggle-ed prominent — ed pink-ed little ( dim . — ed Apple of the — [ adj . Black ( thing ) of the Ey . ] — brow . PG. III. 6. A. — lid , [ adj . a. Cover ( thing ) of the Ey . ] — service , [ Seeming ( end . ) to serve ] — bright . HS. VIII . 7. A. [ Loop . ] Mag. V. 2. A. F. FAble . [ adj . p. Fiction narration ] [ Lie ] Fabric , [ Building . ] Fabrile Operation . O. IV. Fabulous , [ adj . Fiction . ] Face . Subst . Member . PG. III. 1. make — s , [ Change Face ( manner ] [ Presence ] to — — as Person , &c. [ Over against stand ] — as Garment , Pr. IV. 9. — about , [ Turn . ] — out a ly . [ a Ly impudently . ] pertinaciously . ] Facetiousness , [ Urbanity . ] Facil . [ Easie ] [ Credulous ] [ Affable ] Facilitate , [ a. Easiness . ] Facinorous , [ Crime ( augm . ] Fact. [ Done ( thing . ] Faction . ●C . III. 8. A. Factious , [ adj . Faction Sedition ( apt . ] Factitious . T. III. 7. O. Factor , [ Instead-Merchant ] Faculty . [ Natural Power ] [ Licence ] Fade . [ p. Transitoriness ] [ v. Decay ] Fag , [ End ( corr . ] Fagot , [ Sticks ( aggr . ) together-bound . ] Fail . [ p. Frustrate ] TA. V. 1. O. [ Miscarry ] TA. III. 7. O. [ Omit ] TA. III. 8. A. [ Defect ] [ Faint ] Insolvent . TA. IV. 8. O. Fain . [ Fiction ] [ a. Seem ] [ a. Hypocrisie ] I would — have it , [ I desire ( augm . ] Faint . — ing . S. V. 5. [ Weary ] [ Weak ] [ Remiss ] [ Slight ] — hearted . [ Coward ] [ Diffident ] Fair. Adj. [ Beautiful ] [ Clean ] [ Clear ] — dealing . [ Equity ] [ Candor ] — demeanour . [ Courtesie ] [ Affability ] — way , [ Not-durty — ] — Weather , [ Weather not rainy . ] — Weather , [ Weather not cloudy . ] — wind , [ Prosperous — ] Subst . Mart , [ Convention for Commerce . ] — ing , [ Given ( thing ) at Fair. ] Fairy , [ Feign'd man ( like ) Devil . ] Faith. [ Belief ] — rational . Ha. III. 2. — religious . Ha. V. 4. — full . [ adj . Fidelity . ] [ adj . Ha. V. 4. ] — less . [ Perfidious ] [ Not-adj . Faith ] Falchion , [ Short crooked Sword ] Falcon , Hawk ( kind . ) Falconer , [ adj . Hawk ( Off. ] Falling . Motion proper . — down , Down-fall . ] Navigate with the Stream . ] — in , [ Come ( imp . ] — with , [ Together-come ( imp . ] sp . in Fight . ] — off , [ Go ( imp . ] — on , [ Assault . ] — to — Leeward . RN. VI. 6. D. Motion metaph . Begin . — in hand with , [ Begin . ] — to ones meat , [ Eat ( inc . ] Event . sp . adj . Fortune . — in love with . — out , [ Event . ] — with one , [ Un-friend . ] — from higher to lower . — ing . — on knees . AC . VI. 6. — all along . AC . VI. 7. — en . — on knees . AC . VI. 6. A. — all along . AC . VI. 7. A. — ing Star. El. I. 2. A. water — s , [ a. More-low ( inc . ] wood — s , [ w. adj . p. Felling ] — from greater to less , [ Diminish . ] Flesh — s. — Hair — s. — Leaf — s. — of the Leaf , [ Autumn . ] Price — s. Water — s , [ p. Shallow . ] Wind — s , [ p. Diminish . ] — from better to worse . Sin. ] Apostasie ] [ Adversity ] [ Sickness ] — ing Sickness , [ Epilepsie ] S. IV. 5. A. — ing back . [ Again sickning . ] [ Destruction ] Fallacy , [ adj . a. Erring ( apt . ) Argument . ] Fallible , [ adj . Err. ( pot . ] Fallow , [ Not-plow'd . ] to — [ First plowing ] — deer . Be. II. 4. False . Untrue . [ adj . T. III. 1. O. ] [ ly ] [ Wrong ] [ Spurious ] [ Forged ] [ Trecherous ] Falshood . T. III. 1. O. Falsifie , [ a. False . ] Falter , vid. Faulter . Fame . [ Common Narration ] Rumor . ] [ Common Praise ( augm . ] Reputation ] Family . [ oeconomic relation ] RO. [ Kin ] RO. I. [ Houshold ] [ House ( aggr . ] Familiar . [ adj . Acquaintance ] [ adj . Custom ] — Spirit , [ — devil . ] Famin. [ Food ( def . ] [ Want of food ] [ Hunger ] Famish , [ Starve . ] Famous , [ adj . p. Fame . ] Fan , [ adj . a. Winde ( jug . ] — for Corn. [ adj . winnowing ( jug . ] Fanaticalness . [ Pretending Enthusiasms ] [ Fierceness in Religion ( cor . ] Fancy . Faculty . NP. II. 2. [ adj . Fancy representation ] [ Irrational ( imp . ] [ Disposition ( imp . ] ( corr . ] [ Opinion ] sp . ( corr . ] Approbation ] Delectation ] Love ] Fane , [ Index ( instr . ) of winde . ] Fang , [ Long tooth . ] Fantasie . NP. II. 2. Fantasm , [ Fancied ( thing . ] Fantastic . [ adj . Fancy ( corr . ] Indulging fancy . ] Following fancy . ] [ Conceitedness ] Far. [ adj . Distance ] [ Remote ] — into [ Deep into ] [ Averse ] [ Much ] — day [ Much day being past ] [ Late ] as — as , [ Until . ] so — as , [ So much as ] Farce , vid. Farse . [ Mixture of into — thrusted ( things . ] [ Pudding of mixt ( things ] [ Scurril Comedy ( corr . ] Farcy , Disease . Fard . [ Paint ] Fardle , [ Aggregated ( thing ] sp . by p. tied . ] Fare . Diet. Pr. I. [ Event ] — well [ I. valediction . ] [ Carriage ] sp . by Water . ] [ Carried ( aggr . ] ( persons ] [ Wages for Carriage ] [ Tower for direction of Navigators . ] Farm. Po. I. 1. take to — [ Hiring ] let to — [ Demising ] Farra . Fi. IX . 5. Farrier , [ Physitian for horses . ] Farrow , [ a. Parturition . ] sp . of Swine . ] Farse , [ Fill. By into-thrusting ] ( Corr. ] Fart . Mo. IV. 2. A. Farther , vid. Further. [ More-far ] — most . Sp. II. 2. D. [ More ] [ Also ] Farthest , vid. Furthest . [ Most-far ] [ Last ] [ Most ] Farthing . Mea. IV. 1. Fascinate , [ a. Witchcraft . ] sp . By look . ] Fashion . [ Figure ] [ Manner ] [ Custom ] sp . Common ] — of Clothes , [ Figure of Clothes . ] sp . Commonly accustomed . ] Fashions , Disease of Horse . Fast. Adj. Fixed . Q. VI. 6. E. — and loose , Light. [ adj . Ha. IV. 7. D. ] — asleep hold — [ asleep ( in t . ] [ hold ( in t . ] [ tie ( in t . ] ty — Firm. Q. VI. 5. [ Swift ] NP. V. 9. Subst . [ Absteining from feeding . ] Religious . RE. IV. 5. O. Fasten . [ Fast ( make ] [ Tie ] [ Bite ] Fastness , [ Place inaccessible . ] sp . through bogs . ] Fastidious . [ adj . a. nauseate contemn scorn ( apt . ] Fat. — of Animal . PG. II. 7. — Constitution . NP. V. 5. — Tast or Smell . Q. IV. 2. [ Vessel ] vid. Vat. Fate . AS . I. 2. E. Fatal . [ adj . Fate ( abstr . ] [ adj . a. Death . ] Father . Parent . RO. I. 2. ( male . ] — monk . RE. II. 7. — ly ▪ [ adj . Father . ] — less , [ Un-fathered . ] — in law , [ Father by Affinity . ] fore — [ Progenitor . ] RO. I. 1. Foster — RO. III. 2. God — RO. III. 1. God the — G. I. Fathom [ 6. Foot. ] Fatigue , [ a. Weariness ( thing . ] Faucet . Pr. V. 7. A. Fauchion , [ Broad short ( sword . ] Faucon , vid. Falcon. ] Fault . [ Defect ( corr . ] [ Evil action ] — capital . RJ. III. — not capital . RJ. IV. finde — [ a. Censoriousness ] [ Reprehend ] [ Blame ] Faulter . [ Stammer ] [ Stumble ] [ Err ] [ Fail ] Desist timorously . ] unfaithfully . ] Omit timorously . ] unfaithfully . ] Forsake timorously . ] unfaithfully . ] Faulty . [ adj . Fault ] [ adj . Wrong ] Faun , vid. Fawn . Favor . Affection . AS . V. 2. [ Favor ( sign ] sp . Ornament . ] sp . Riband . ] Countenance . [ Face ( manner ] ( fig. ] Favorite , [ adj . p. Favor ( person . ] Fautor , [ adj . a. Favor ( person . ] Fawn . [ Assentation ] Man. IV. 7. E. sp . By gesture . ] [ Buck. Be. II. 4. ( young ] Fealty . [ Fidelity ] [ Fidelity ( sign ] Fear . AS . V. 6. O. for — [ Left that ] Fearfulness . Timidity , [ Fear apt . ] Terribleness , [ a. Fear ( apt . ] Fearn . HL. I. 4. Oake — HL. I. 4. A. Feast . Thing . Pr. II. 1. Time , [ Festival ] Feat . [ Fact [ Done ( thing ] [ Handsome ( dim . ] Feather . Single . PP . V. 1. Plume [ Feathers ( aggr . ) for Ornament . ] Feature , [ Figure ( man. ] sp . Of face . ] February , [ Second month . ] Fecible . [ adj . p. doe ( pot . ] [ Possible ] Feculent , [ adj . Sediment . ] Fecundity , [ Fruitfulness . ] Fee. [ Revenue ] sp . of Office. ] [ Wages ] [ Stipend ] — simple . Hereditary right ] Absolute right ] — farm . [ Inheritance obnoxious to Rent . ] Feebleness , [ Weakness . ] Feed . AC . I. 5. — upon , [ Be fed with . ] Feeling . Sense . NP. III. 5. — for , [ For-search by — ] [ Suffering ] fellow — [ Compassion ] — Feelers . PP .. IV. 4. Fein , vid. Fain Fel. [ Feirce ] NP. IV. 4. O. to — [ a. Fall ] sp . With striking . ] — trees , &c. O. III. 8. A. a — [ Skin ] sp . With fleece . ] — monger . [ Skin ( Mech . ] ( Mer. ] — wort , [ Gentian ] HL. VII . 6. Fellow . Like ] Equal ] [ adj . RO. IV. ( person ] [ Companion . ] The — of it , [ The other congruous to it . ] — worker , [ Together — ] — of Colledge , [ Assessor of adj . Colledge ( off . ] [ Sorry ( person . ] [ Spoke . ] Po. V. 7. A. Fellowship . [ Fellow ( abstr . ] [ Society ] [ Communion ] Felon . [ adj . Felony ( person ] [ Apostem at the root of the nail ] Felony . RJ. III. 4. Felt. [ adj . p. Feel ] [ Head ( vest ) woollen with broad margin ] to — [ a. Cloth ( make ) by kneading ] Felter , [ Entangle . ] Female NP. VI. 2. O. Feminine NP. VI. 2. O. Fen. Po. I. 8. Fence , [ Enclosure ] [ Fortifie ] [ Defend ] Exercise . Mo. V. 6. A. Fenegreek . HS. III. 13. A. Fennel . HF. V. 1. Hogs — HF. V. 2. Gyant — HF. V. 3. Scorching — HF. V. 11. A. — flower . HS. V. 13. A. Feodary .   Feoff , vid. Enfeoff . Fermenting . O. VI. 5. A. Fern , vid. Fearn . Ferret . Be. IV. 5. to — [ Search ( in t . ] — out , [ Out-drive ( in t . ] — silk . Ferry . [ Boat for travelling over River ] [ Boating ( place ) over River . ] Fertility , [ Fruitfulness . ] Fervent . [ Hot ( augm . ] [ Zealous ▪ ] Ferule . Stone , [ Together-coagulated Gravel . ] Metalline , [ Ring ( fig. ) lamin . ] Wood , [ adj . Cudgelling ( instrum . ) for hand ] Fescu , [ Pin ( instr . ) for shewing the Letters . ] Fess , [ Transverse lamin ( fig. ) in the middle of the Scutcheon . ] Fester , Putrefie . ] Festival , [ adj . Festivity ( time . ] Festivity . RE. IV. 5. Fetch . to — TA. VI. 4. A. — breath , [ In-take — ] — out , [ Cause to come out . ] — up , [ Overtake . ] a — [ Invention ] [ Craftied ( thing ] Fetid , [ Stinking . ] Fetter , [ Bonds for Legs . ] Feud , [ Old enmity . ] Fever . S. II. 2. malignant — S. II. 3. Feverfew . HF. II. 9. Fewel , vid. Fuel . Fewness . TM . III. 1. O. Fy. Interj . II. 3. O. Fib , [ Lie ( dim . ] Fibre . PG. II. 5. A. Fickleness , [ Lightness . ] Ha. IV. 7. D. Fiction . T. I. 3. A. Fiddle , [ Music ( instr . ) stringed ] — stick , [ Bow for Music ( instr . ] — ing . [ a. Music with instrument . ] [ a. Vanity ] Fidelity . Man. IV. 2. Fidge , [ Vain ition ( freq . ] Fiduciary , [ adj . Deposit ( person . ] Field . [ Grounds . ] Po. I. 2. Keep the — RM. II. 3. Win the — RM. II. 1. E. Quit the — RM. II. 3. D. Fieldfare . Bi. III. 5. Fiend . W. I. 2. O. Fierce . NP. IV. 4. O. Wilde , [ adj . NP. IV. 4. O. ] op . to Moderate , [ adj . Ha. III. 4. D. ] op . to Meek , [ adj . Man. I. 9. D. ] Fife , [ Musical Pipe. ] Fifteen .   Fifty .   Fig. Tr. I. 5. Indian — Tr. I. 9 ▪ A. — wort . HS. VIII . 5. A. Fight . RM. I. 7. Figment , [ adj . Fiction ( thing . ] Figulation . O. IV. A. Figure . Shape . Mag III. A. Scheme line pictur'd fig. ] Rhetorical . D. III. 7. A. Fil. O. II. 7. Filament , [ Fibre . ] Filberd . Tr. IV. 3. Filch , [ Theft ( dim . ] File . — ing . O. IV. 2. A. a — Instrument , [ adj . filing ( instr . ] As of Souldiers . RM. IV. 4. A. Filial , ( adj . Son. ] Filipendula , [ Dropwort . ] Fill. O. II. 7. Fillet . [ Riband ] sp . adj . Linen . ] — of Beast . — of Pillar , [ Square ( part . ] Filly , [ young horse ( sem . ] Fillip , [ Strike with the nail of the finger springingly . ] Film , [ Thin Membrane . ] PG. II. 3. A. Filthy . [ adj . a. Defile ( abstr . ] [ adj . Slovenliness ( augm . ] a — deal , [ Much ( corr . ] Filtring . O. VI. 4. A. Fin. PP . IV. 6. Final , [ adj . End. ] Finch . Chaff — Bi. IV. 7. Bul — Bi. IV. 5. Gold — Bi. Green — Bi. IV. 6. Finde . — by Seeking . TA. I. 7. O. Perceive , [ a. Common sense . ] Discover . ] AS . II. 2. A. Invent. ] AS . III. 2. A. Contrive . ] AS . III. 7. — by Experience . [ Discover by Essaying . ] [ a , Experience ] Ha. VI. 4. — the Bill , [ Approve the Bill . ] — Fault . [ a ▪ Censoriousness ] [ Blame ] [ Reprehend ] — without seeking . [ a. Fortune to see . ] have . ] &c. [ Obtein ] TA. V. 1. [ Maintein ] RO. VI. 4. Fine . Adj. [ Simple . ] — force , [ Simple . f. ] [ Pure ] [ adj . TM . V. 6. ] [ Refined ] [ Un-adj. p. Worst part . ] Sediment . ] [ Thin . ] [ adj . TM . II. 5. O. ] — linen , [ Thin ( augm . ) — ] [ Soft ] [ adj . Man. I. 8. D. ] [ Tender ] [ adj . NP. IV. 7. O. ] [ Nice ] [ adj . Man. II. 6. E. ] [ adj . a. Dainties ( apt . ] [ adj . Ornateness ] [ Crafry . ] Subst . [ Mulct ] RJ. VI. 7 , in — [ In the End. ] Finger . PG. V. 7. Fore — [ Second — ] Middle — [ Third — ] Ring — [ Fourth — ] Little — [ Fifth — ] at ones — 's end , [ adv . Memory ( perf . ] light — ' d , [ adj . Theft ( apt . ] — fern . Ladies — HS. III. 4. Finical . Nice , [ adj . Man. II. 6. E. ] [ Conceited . adj . Ha. III. O. ] Finish . TA. III. 7. Finite . T. III. 6. Fir. male — Tr. V. 5. female — Tr. V. 5. A. Fire . Proper . El. I. bone — [ Fire built for Joy. ] Triumph . ] light — [ adj . Flame — ] wild — [ Confection of Powder , adj . a. Fire ( apt . ] — works . — brand . — Fork F. Shovel Sh. for — ] — lock . Meteor . — drake . El. I. 4. licking — El. I. 6. A. Disease . St. Anthonie's — [ Erysipelas . ] Firestone , [ Marchasite ] St. I. 3. A. Firing , [ Fuell . ] Firkin . [ Barrel ( dim . ] Measure . Firm. Fast , [ adj . Q. VI. 5. ] — land , [ Continent . ] W. III. 2. Constant , [ adj . Ha. IV. 7. ] Firmament . [ Starry heaven ] W. II. [ Ether ] El. II. 1. First . In Number , [ adj . Mea. II. 1. ] In Dignity . [ Principal . ] Fiscal , [ adj . Exchequer . ] Fisgig .   Fish. Fi. — hook , [ Hook for — ] — monger , [ adj . Fish ( merc . ] — pond . Po. I. 6. to — [ Hunt Fish ] [ a. Confess ( end ] Fisherman , [ Hunting ( artist ) of Fish. ] Fisk. [ Mo. II. ( corr . ] Fist , [ Hand Folded . ] Contracted . ] Fistic , [ Pistach . ] Fistula . S. I. 7. A. Fit. [ adj . Congruity . T. V. 5. ] [ Congruously proportion'd ] disposed ] prepared ] furnished ] Opportune [ adj . Time ( perf . ] [ Decent ] [ Expedient ] a — T. VI. 6. A. — of sickness , [ a. Sickness . ] — of the mother . S. VI. 7. to — [ a. Fit. ] — with the like , [ Compensate . ] Fitch , vid. Vetch . Fitcher . Mo. II. ( freq . ) cross — Fitchow , [ Polecat . ] Be. IV. 5. A. Fitting , vid. Fit. adj . Five . Mea. II. 5. — hundred , &c. Fixed . Fast , [ adj . Q. VI. 6. E. ] [ Not adj . p. move ( apt . ] [ Observing ( in t . ] Flag . Figure . Mag. IV. 7. A. — of a Ship. RN. III. 7. — Ship. [ Sedge . ] — flower , [ Iris. ] to — [ Be weak ] [ Decay ] [ Be limber ] sp . Through Weakness . ] Decay . ] [ Hang adv . limber ] Flagitious , [ Vitious ( augm . ] Flagon , [ Cylindrical pot . ] Flagrant . [ Intense ] [ Manifest ] Flay , [ Un-skin . ] Flail , [ adj . a. Threshing ( instr . ] Flake , [ Lamin . ] Flam , [ Ly , ] Flame . El. I. 1. Flank . Side . — of Animal . PG. IV. 5. A. to — [ a. Side . ] Flanker . RM. VI. 6. A. Flap . vid. Flag . [ Strike ] sp . with Lamin . ] a — [ adj . Limber ( lam . ] sp . Hanging . ] flie — [ Flap to drive away Flies . ] Throat — Cover ( thing ) of the rough Artery . ] Flash . [ Impetus . ] — of fire , [ Flame ( imp . ] — of water , [ Stream ( imp . ] — y. Taste . Waterish , [ adj . Water ( like . ] [ Fresh ] Q. IV. 5. O. Discourse , [ Light. ] Man. IV. 6. D. Flask . [ Box for Gunpowder . ] [ Carriage for Ordnance ] Flasket , [ Long Basket without Lid. ] Flat . Corpor. [ Plain ] W. III. 1. [ adj . Lamin ] [ Shallow ] TM . II. 3. O. [ Low ] TM . II. 4 . O. [ adj . Lying ] AC . VI. 7. O. — foot . PP . V. 3. A. Transcendent [ Manifest ] Absolute , [ adj . T. I. 8. O. ] [ Sorry . TM . I. 4. D. ] a — — in the Sea , [ Shallow ( place ) in the Sea. ] — in Music. Q. III. 5. D. Flattery . [ Fawning ] [ Assentation ] Flatulent , [ adj . a. Wind Inflation make ] Flaunt , [ adj p. Ornate ( exc . ] Flaw . [ Break ( dim . Outside . [ Notch ] [ Bruise ] [ Spot ] — of wind , [ Wind ( imp . ] Flawn , [ Py of Milk and Eggs. ] Flax. HS. V. 12. Toad's — Flea , Ex. I. 8. A. — bane . HF. III. 9. A. — wort . HL. VII . 4 ▪ A. Sea — Ex. II. 2. A. to — [ Un-skin . ] Fleam . Vid. Phlegm . [ adj . Phlebotomy ( instr . ] Fled , [ adj . pret . Flie. ] Fledge , [ Feathered ▪ ] Flee , vid. Fly. Fleece . PP . VI. 3. to — [ Un-fleece . ] Fleet , [ Swift ] to — vid. Flit . a — Navy , [ Ships ( aggr . ] Flegmatic , adj . Phlegm . ] Flesh. PG. II. 6. — ly . vid. Carnal . Natural ] Worldly ] [ adj . Lust ] AC . II. 5. — y [ adj . Flesh ] [ Having much Flesh ] to — one , [ Encourage . ] Fletcher , [ adj . Bow ( mech . ] Flew . [ adj . pret . Flie ] Vid. Flu. Flexible . [ adj . Q. V. 6. ] [ adj . p Persuade ( apt . ] Fly. As Bird. Mo. I. 2. As routed . RM. II. 3. D. — out . [ a Excess ] [ a. Squander ] Let — [ Shoot ] [ Strike at ] a — [ Flying Insect ] Crane — Ex. IV. 8. Dung — Ex. IV. 4. A. Flesh — Ex. IV. 4. Shepherd's — [ Crane-fly . ] Spanish — [ Cantharides ] Ex. V. 9. Catch — HS. V. 2. A. — boat . Flicker , vid. Flutter . Flight , vid. Fly. Flinch . [ Start ] AC . IV. 5. intermit timorously forsake unfaithfully abandon cowardly Fling . [ Cast ] Mo. VI. 2. — away , [ Away-goe suddenly . ] Kick , [ Strike with the heel . ] Flint . St. I. 3. Flirt . [ Impetus ] [ Woman ( corr . ] Flit . [ Remove ] [ Depart ] [ Transitory ] Flitch , [ Half the Trunk and Limms . ] sp . of a Hogg . ] Flitter , [ Torn fragment . ] — mouse , [ Bat. ] Flittern .   Flix , [ Disease of Dunging ( exc . ] bloody — [ Disentery ] — weed . HS. IV. 11. Flock . Aggregate . — together , [ a. Convention ] — of Wool. [ Course part of — ] [ Curls of Fleece . ] Flook , [ Barb of Anchor . ] Floor . Po. III. 4. A. Florentine .   Florid. [ adj . Beauty ] Vigor ] [ adj . Flourishing ] Ornament ] Flosculous . [ adj . Flower ] [ adj . Ornateness ] Flote . Mo. I. 3. a — [ Boat ( like ) of together tied timber . ] Floud . [ River ] [ Water ( exc . ] [ Inundation ] — gate . [ ●oor for floud ] [ ●ate to in-shut water ] Flounder . Fi. VII . 4. A. Flour . [ Best part ] TM . VI. ● . sp . of ground com . ] Blossom . PP . II. 1. — gentle . our Ladie 's — — de luce , [ Iris ] — bulbous . HL. IV. 6. — tuberous . HL. V. 3. A. to — [ a. Powder ] Pr. III. 7. A. a. Blossom . PP . II. 1. Flourish . [ a. Flour ] [ a. Vigor . ] a. Prosper ] Discourse ornately ] Boast ] Prelude , [ Preparatory Music. ] [ Vibrate ] Flout , [ Mock . ] — cream . Flow. [ a. River ] — ing tide , [ Upward-tide . ] [ Abound ] Flower , vid Flour . Flu , [ Not-adj . p. fat ( pot . ] the — of a rabbet , [ - Fleece — ] Fluctuate . [ a. Wave ] [ Waver ] AS . IV. 4. O. Fluellin . HS. VIII . 9. A. Fluent . [ abounding ] [ adj . Discourse ( apt . ] Fluidness . Q. V. 5. D. Fluke . Ex. I. 4. Flung . [ adj . pret . Fling . ] Flurt , vid. Flirt . Flush . [ Abundance ] [ Mellow ] [ Blush ( like ] [ Wholly of the same colour ] Flute , [ pipe ] sp . Musical . ] Flutter , [ Fly ( end . ] [ Shake ( freq . ) the wings . ] Flux . vid. Flix . [ Streaming ] to — [ Melt ] [ Purge ] sp . by Salivation . ] Fluxion . [ Flowing ] [ Fluxing ] Foe , [ Enemy ] Fodder Hay Straw Eatable . ] Fog , [ Thick mist. ] — gy , [ Fat ( exc . ] Foil . [ Overthrow ( dim . ] [ Accessory beauty ] sp . by Worse Contrary compar'd with it . ] Play at — s , [ Fence with blunt Weapons . ] Foin , [ Prick ( end ) by thrusting ( imp . ] Foist . to — [ adv . Silent . Mo. IV. 2. A. ] [ Forge ] — in [ Add secretly . ] fraudulently . ] forgingly . ] Gally — [ Predatory Ship ( dim . ] Fold . Pleit . O. V. 5. [ Shut ] Sheep — [ Sepiment for Sh. ] Fole , [ Horse ( young . ] to — [ Parturition· ] sp . of Mare . ] Foliage , [ Leaf ( aggr . ] sp . Factitious . ] Folio , [ Biggest book ( figure . ] Folk . [ Person ( kinde ] [ Man ( aggr . ] Folly. Ha. VI. 2. D. Follow. Go after . TA. VI. 6. As Enemy . Persue ] Hunt ] As dependent . RO. III. 5. O. [ Wait ] AC . V. 1. A. Obey Imitate Practise ] Be diligent about ] As consequent [ p. Inference . ] As Successor , [ Succeed . ] Fome , [ Bubbles ( aggr . ] Foment , [ a. Fotion ] [ Supple by soking ] sp . In hot ( remiss . ] Fondness . Indulgence . Man. VI. 7. D. Vainness ] Man. IV. 6. O. [ Folly ] Ha. VI 2. D. Font , [ adj . Baptism ( vessel ] Food . [ Feeding ( thing ] [ Nourishing ( thing ] Fool. [ adj . Folly ( person ] — hardy , [ Rash. ] Man. I. 7. E. natural — [ adj . NP. I. 1. O. ( person . ] to — one , [ a. Fraud . ] to — with one , [ a. Wantonness . ] Foolishness , [ Folly. ] Foord . [ Shallow ( part ) of River ] sp . over-adj . p. travel ( pot . ) Foot. — of Animal . PG. V. 6. — ball , [ Play of Striking Ball with Foot. ] [ Ball for play by , & ● — cloth . — man , [ adj . Running ( apt ) Servant ] — souldier . RM. III. 1. — stall , [ adj . Foot ( armam . ] — step , [ Foot ( sign . ] — stool , [ Foot-supporting ( armam . ] by — [ By Foot ( sign . ] Crump — ed , [ Shrunk — ed. ] Flat — ed. PP . V. 3. A. Splay — ed , [ Divergingly — · ed. ] to — it , [ Travel on his Feet . ] — of Cup [ Foot like — ] — of Pillar [ Foot like — ] Measure . — of Length . Mea. I. 3. — of Verse [ Verse part . ] Footing . [ a. Foot ( place ] Foppery . [ Vanity ] T. IV. 5. O. M. IV. 6. O. [ Folly ] Ha. VI. 2. D. For. Prep . [ Because of ] Prep . I. 2. A. if it had not been — [ Unless it had been — ] [ Concerning ] Prep . I. 3. O. as — me [ — me ] let him — me , [ Let him — me . ] [ Instead of ] Prep . II. 1. A. op . to Against . ] Adv. — a time , [ adv . Transitory . ] — ever , [ adv . Ever . ] Conj . [ Because ] Conj . III. 2. — all that , [ Notwithstanding ] Conj . II. 2 . A. — fear , [ Lest that . ] Conj . III. 1. O. — as much as , [ Whereas . ] Conj . IV. 1. — Example , [ e. g. ] Conj . IV. 3. O. Forage . [ Provisions ] sp . for Horses . ] [ Booty ] to — [ Goe forth to bring in Provisions . ] [ a. Booty ] Forbear . [ Abstein ] Omit ] Desist ] Spare ] a. Patience ] Forbid . RO. V. 1. O. God — [ Let God Prevent ] Hinder ] [ Be it not that ] Force . Coaction ] iolence ] Strength ] Ability ] Efficientness ] Importance ] of — [ adv . Necessity ] — s. RM. IV. Forcer . [ adj . a. Force ( Person ( Instr. Fore . [ Before ] [ adv . Preventing ] Fore-appoint , [ Before-appoint . ] Fore-arm , [ Before-arm . ] Fore-cast . [ Before . Consider ] Contrive ] [ Providence ] Man. III. 2. Fore-castle . RN. II. 4. Fore-conceiv'd , [ Before-conceived ] [ Meditated ] Fore-deem . Before judge . ] Preventingly judge . ] Fore-door , [ adj . Forepart-door . ] Fore-father ▪ RO. I. 1. Fore-foot , [ adj . Forepart-foot . ] Fore-front , [ Fore-part ] Fore-going , [ Preceding ] Fore-hand . [ Fore-part ] [ Prevent ] Fore-head . PG. III. 6. Fore-judge . Before — judge ] Preventingly — judge ] Fore-know , [ Before-know . ] Fore-land . W. III. 4. Fore-man , [ First ( person . ] [ Principal ( person . ] Fore-mast . RN. III. 4. A Fore-noon , [ Preceding part of the day . ] Fore-ordein , [ Before-ordein . ] Fore-part . Sp. III. 8. Fore-run . [ Before - Go ] Run ] [ a. Van-currier ] Fore-sail , [ Mizzen-sail . ] Fore-see , [ Before - See ] Know ] Fore-shew , [ Before-shew . ] Fore-sight . [ Fore-seeing ] [ Providence ] Fore-skin , [ adj . Forepart-skin . ] Fore-sleeve , [ Sleeve from the elbow to the wrist . ] [ adj . cubit ( vest ] Fore-slow . [ a. Slow ] [ Protract ] [ Hinder ] Fore-speak . [ Before-speak of ] [ Witch with words ] Fore-stall . Before — buy ] Preventingly — buy ] Fore-teeth , [ adj . Forepart-teeth . ] Fore-tell , [ Before-tell . ] [ a. Prophet ] Fore-think , [ Before - Think ] Meditate ] Fore-thought , adj . a. pret . adj . p. Fore-think . ] Fore-token , [ Before a. Sign . ] Fore-top , [ adj . Forepart-hair . ] sp . Above the Fore-head . ] Fore-warn , [ Before-warm . ] Forfeit . [ un-adj . p. right ] [ Lose right ] sp . Penally . ] [ Lose by confiscation ] Forge . to — Fabricate . O. IV. 5. Falsifie . RJ. IV. 4. A. Feign , [ adj . a. Fiction . ] a — [ Fabricating ( room ) ( place ) of adj . Iron ( mech . ] Forget , [ a. NP. II. 3. O ] — fulness . NP. II. 3. O. Forgive . As Crime . RJ. II. 2. O. As Debt . TA. IV. 9 O. Forgo , [ Be un-adj . p. Possession of ] Voluntarily , [ Let go . ] TA. I. 6. O. Begin to be so , [ p. Dereliction . ] Continue so , [ Abandon . ] Unvoluntarily , [ Lose . ] Fork . Figure . Mag. IV. 8. A. Instrument , [ adj . Fork ( instr . ] pitch — [ Preparing ( instr . ) of Hay . ] Forlorn . [ adj . p. Destruction ] [ adj . p. Despair . ] [ adj . p. Dereliction . ] — hope . RM. IV. 6. A. Form. Cause . T. II. 7. A. [ Manner ] set — [ Determined expression ( manner . ] [ Figure ] [ Hare 's ( Bed ] ( Place ] Seat. Mag. V. 8 . Formal . — c●●se . T. II. 7. A. [ adj . Formality ] Formality . [ Form , ( manner . ] Vice. Man. IV. 6. E. Former . [ Preceding ] — ly , [ adv . Preceding ( time . ] [ Past ] Formidable , [ adj p. Fear ( abstr . ] Formost , [ First . ] Formulary . [ Set-form ] [ Epitome ] Fornication . RJ. IV. 2 . Forrage , vid. Forage . Forrain , [ adj . RO. IV. 3. O. ] — er . RO. IV. 3. O. Forrest . Po. I. 2. A. — er , [ adj . Forrest ( Off. ] Forsake . As God , [ Dereliction . ] As Man. [ Desertion . ] — the Right , [ Abdicate . ] — the Possession , [ Forgo . ] — his Religion , [ Apostasie . ] Forsooth . Truly . Adv. I. 2. O. Ironic . Int. I. 3. Forswear . Abjure . Against-swear ] [ Deny ] with Oath . ] [ Renounce ] with Oath . ] [ Swear false ] Fort , [ Sconse . ] RM. VI. 2. Forth . Out of ] Prep . IV. 2. [ Without ] Prep . IV. 2. A. [ Public ] — coming . [ Forth-adj . p. bring ( pot . ] [ Ready to be brought forth ] — with , [ Soon ] Fortie .   Fortifie . Strengthen ] [ adj . a. RM. VI. ] Fortitude . Man. I. 7. Fortress , [ Sconse . ] Fortuitous , vid. Casual . Fortunateness . adj . Fortune ( perf . ] [ adj . Prosperity ] Fortune . AS . I. 2. D. — teller , [ Before-telling ( person ) of events ] to — [ adj . p. Event ] Forward . adj . Forepart ] adj . Alacrity ] adj . Incline ( augm . ] adj . p. Prepared Begin ( perf . adj . pret . Proceed ] to — adj . a. Adjuvant ] Proceed make ] Dispatch ] egg — [ a. Impulsive . ] going — Ition adj . a. forepart ] Proceed ] Foss. Furrow ] [ Ditch ] Fosset . Pr. V. 7. A. Foster . [ Nurse ] — father . RO. III. 2. — child . RO. III. 2. O. — brother , [ Together-foster-child . ] [ Fotion ] [ Educate ] Fotion . AC . I. 4. Fought , vid. Fight . Foul. [ adj . p. Defilement ] [ Deformed ] [ Vitious ] [ Slovenly ] [ Sordid ] a — deal , [ Much ( corr . ] [ Birds ] to — [ a. Foul ( make ] [ Hunt Birds ] Found . adj . p. find ] pret . find ] to — [ a. Foundation ] [ Cast ] O. IV. 5. Foundation . Po. III. 4. Founder . [ adj . a. Found ( person ] ( Mech . ] to — [ a. Impotent in going ( apt . ] [ Un-make adj . going ( apt . ] Foundling , [ adj . p. find ( person . ] Fountain . W. IV. 3. A. Four. Mea. II. 4. — fold , [ four ] — score , [ Eighty . ] — square , [ Square . ] Mag. V. 1. A. Fourm , vid. Form. Fowl , vid. Foul. Fox . Beast . Be. V. 2. — Fish. Fi. I. 7. A. — glove . HS. VII . 10. — tail . HL. III. 2. [ a. Drunkenness ] Fraction , [ Breaking ] Fracture , [ Breaking ] Fragment . TM . VI. 5. A. Fragrant , [ Sweet ] Q. IV. 1 . Fray. [ Skirmish ] [ Fight ( dim . ] to — adj . a. Fear ( make . ] Fraight . [ Burthen ] sp . for Ship ] 1 [ Wages for Carriage ] Frail. [ Brittle ] Q. VI. 5. D. [ Transitory ] a — [ Spherical Basket ] sp . of Rushes . ] Frame . — of Building . Po. III. 1 . Figure . in — [ adj . p. Order ▪ ( perf . ] out of — [ adj . p. Confusion ] Machin . ] Jugament . ] to — [ a. Efficient ] [ Feign ] [ Contrive ] [ a. Build ] [ v. Congruity ] Franchise , [ privilege . ] Frank. Man. IV. 4. Frankincense . Tree . Tr. VIII . 3. [ Resin of Frankincense-tree ] Frantic , [ Mad. ] S. IV. 1. Fraternity , [ Corporation . ] Fraud . RJ. IV. 4. Fraudulent , [ ad . Fraud . ] Fraught . [ Loaded ] [ Full ] Fraxinella . HS. I. 1. A. Freak . ●●dj . Conceitedness ( thing ] [ adj . Lightness ( thing ] 〈◊〉 , [ Spot ( dim . ) yellow . ] Free. [ adj . Liberty Ha. II. 1. AS . IV. 8. [ not - Prisoner ] Slave ] [ adj . p. Deliver ] AS . I. 5. — from , [ Without . ] [ adj . Spontaneity ] AS . IV. 9. [ adj . Alacrity ] [ Not-recompensed ] [ Liberal ] Frank [ adj . Man. IV. 4. ] — booter , [ adj . a. Booty ( person . ] — hold , [ Right not-rented . ] — man. [ Not-villain ] [ Citizen ] [ adj . Immunity Privilege person . ] Freedom . [ Liberty ] [ Ingenuity ] [ Immunity ] [ Privilege ] Fre-Mason , [ adj . Free-stone ( mech . ] Free-stone . S● . I. 1. Freez . Colour , [ Gray . ] ●loth , [ Napt ( augm . ] to — [ a. Frost ] Ice ] Freight , vid. Fraught . Frenzy . S. IV. 1. Frequent . Sp. I. 7. to — [ To come ( freq . ] Fresh . [ New ] — air , [ Breez . ] — man. [ New-comer ] [ Unexpert ( person ] [ adj . Vigor ] — taste . Q. IV. 6. Un-salted . Q. IV. 5. O. a — [ adv . Repeating ] Adv. IV. 2. Fresh water souldier . HS. VI. 1. Fret . [ Rub ] O. V. 8. — of musical instrument . [ Under-touching ( apt . ) transverse ( thing . ] [ Corrode ] O. VI. 3. Wine — s. Un-skin by rubbing ] Pain by corrosion ] — Work , Spirally , &c. [ Graving Spirally , &c. Vex , [ a. Anger . ] Fretum . W. IV. 5. Fry. [ Children ( aggr . ] sp . Of Fish. ] to — Pr. III. 4. Fricass , [ adj . p. Fry ( thing . ] Frication , Rubbing . ] Friction , Rubbing . ] Friday , [ The sixth day of the Week . ] Friend . RO. IV. 1. a — ship , [ adj . Benefactor ( thing . ] Frier , [ Monk ] RE. II. 7. Friars cowl ▪ Broad leaved — HL. V. 10. Narrow leaved — HL. V. 10. A. Frigat [ Man of War. ] Fright , [ adj . a. Fear ( make . ] Frigid . [ Cold ] [ Slight ] Frigot , [ Man of War. ] Fringe , [ Tufted line . ] Frippery , [ adj . Sorry ( thing . ] Frisk , [ Leap Nimble . ] ( freq . ] Fritter , [ Fried pudding ( like . ] Frittillary . HL. IV. 3. A. Frivolousness , [ Vanity . ] T. IV. 5. O. Frize , vid. Freez : Frizle , [ Curl● ( augm . ] Fro. Prep . vid. From. to and — [ Forward and Backward . ] a — [ Man ( fem . ] Frock , [ Upper vest of Horse ( Off. ] Frog . BE. VI. 2. Frolic , [ adj . Mirth . ] From. Prep . III. 2. — henceforth . [ From this time ] [ At all times after this ] Front. [ Forehead ] [ Forepart ] Frontier , [ Margin . ] Frontispice , [ Forepart ] Frontlet , [ Forehead ( vest . ] Frost . El. III. 4. — nail , [ Nail un-adj . a. slide ( apt . ] Froth , [ Bubble ( aggr . ] Frowardness . [ Disingeniousness ] [ Moroseness ] Frown . AC . IV. 2. O. Frozen , [ adj . p. Freez . ] Fructifie , [ adj . a. Fruitful . ] Frugality . Man. III. 3. Fruit. PP . III. Effect ] Event ] Profit ] — fulness NP. VI. 3. — less , Unprofitable . ] Vain . ] Fruiterer , [ Fruit ( merch . ] Fruition , [ Enjoying . ] TA. V. ● . Frumenty , [ Pottage of Wheat . ] ▪ Frump , [ Mock ( dim . ] Frustrate . TA. V. 1. O. Fucus , [ Paint ] sp . for the Face . ] Fuddle , [ a. Drunkenness . ] Fuel . Pr. VI. 2. Fugitive . [ Flying ] [ Apostate ] Ful. [ adj . p. Fill ] [ Whole ] [ Sufficient ] [ Perfect ] — moon , [ Moon in the midst of her month ] to — Cloth. O. V. 3. Fulfil . [ Perform ] [ Finish ] Fuliginous , [ adj . Soot . ] El. IV. 3. A. Fuller , [ Fulling ( mech . ] Fulsom. [ Sweet , exc . ] [ Nauseative ] NP. II. 4. O. Fumaria , [ Hollow-root . ] Fumble , [ a. Hand ( corr . ] Fume . [ Smoak ] [ Exhalation ] [ Indignation ] Fumigation , [ Smoking . ] Fumitory . HS. III. 4. A. Function . [ Calling ] [ Action in ones Calling ] Fundament . PG. IV. 8. A. Fundamental . [ adj . Foundation ] [ Chief ] Funeral , [ adj . Burial . ] sp . the Solemnity . ] Fungous , [ Porous . ] Funnel , Cone ( vessel ) for through-pouring . ] [ adj . Fur. PP . VI. 3. to — RN. VI. 3. A. Furbish , [ a. Bright ( make ] Fury , [ Anger ( augm . ] the — es , [ Devils ( fem . ] Furious . [ adj . Anger ( augm . ] [ Fierce ( augm . ] Furling , [ Tying loose . ] Furlong . Mea. I. 6. Furnace . [ Concave ( place ) to build Fire ( in . ] [ Kettle ( aug . ] — hole in Fortification . RM. VI. 7. A. Furnish TA. III. 2. A. Furniture , [ adj . Furnishing ( thing ] [ Provisions ] [ Tackle . ] [ Utensils ] Furrier , [ adj . Fur ( mech . ] ( merch . ] Furrow . Mag. V. 7. O. Further , vid. Farther . — more , [ Also . ] to — [ adj . a ▪ Adjuvant ] Furthest , vid. Farthest . Furz , [ Sh. IV. 8. A. Fuse , [ Cone notched spirally . ] Fusil . [ Notched ] [ adj . p. Cast ] [ Meltable ] Fusty , [ Musty . ] Q. IV. 7. Fustian . [ Course Cotton-cloth ] [ Sorry mixt ( thing ] Fustick .   Future . Sp. L. 1. D. Fuzbal . HL. I. 2. A. G. GAbardin , [ Sorry ( garment . ] Gabble , [ a. Loquacity not intelligible . ] Gabel , [ Tribute . ] Gabion . RM. VI. 9. A. Gable-end , [ End of roof . ] Gad. [ Pin ] — bee . to — [ Wander ] Gag , [ a. Gaping ( instr . ] Gage . [ Pledge ] to — Essay Depth ] Essay Capacity ] Gaggle [ Goose ( voice . ] Gay , [ adj . p. Ornateness ( exc . ] Gain . Lucre. TA. V. 2. [ Obtain ] [ Increase ] Gain-say . [ Against-say ] Deny ] Contradict ] Galades . Ex. VIII . 3. A. Galangal . HL. III. 12. Galaxy .   Galbanum , [ Concrete juice of Gyant Fennel . ] Galbula . Bi. III. 8. Gale. gentle — El. VI. 6. stiff — El. VI. 7. Galeass .   Galcot . RN. I. 4. Galingale . HL. III. 12. Gall. [ Choler ] [ Bladder of — ] Excrescence of Oke . PP . III. O. to — Un-skin ] Hurt ] Anger ] sp . by Rubbing ] Wearing . ] Gallant . [ Ornate ( augm . ] [ Excellent ] Galley . RN. I. 3. — foist . — pot Gallery , [ adj . p. walking ( room . ] Gallimaufry , [ Confused mixture . ] Gallinula serica . Bi. VIII . 9. A. Gallion .   Galliot . RN. I. 4. Galloche , [ Outermost foot ( vest . ] Gallon .   Galloon . Lace . Gallop , [ Run . ] Gallows , [ Jugament for hanging . ] Galls . Sh. V. 5. Gambado , [ Leg ( arm . ) for riding . ] Gambol . [ a. Activity ] sp . with Legs . ] Wanton Vain ( thing ] Game . Play. Mo. V. A. — ster , [ Game ( mech . ] [ Hunting . ] — some , [ Wanton . ] Gammon , [ Leg of Hog . ] sp . Smok'd . ] Ganch , [ Precipitating on hooks . ] Gander , [ Goose ( male . ] Gang. [ Society ] [ Faction ] Ganglion . S. III. 9. Gangrel , [ Long ( corr . ] Gangrene . S. I. 8. Gantlet , [ Armor for the ●and . ] Gantlope .   Gap , [ Notch . ] Gape . [ Open ( augm . ] sp . the mouth . ] — after , ( augm . ] [ Expect ( earnestly . ] [ Yawning ] [ Chasm ] Garb , [ Manner . ] sp . of Garments . ] Demeanor . ] Garbage , [ Entrails ] [ Worst part ] Garble , [ Un - a. worst-part . ] sp . Spice . ] Garboil . [ Contention ] [ Trouble ] Gard. — of Souldiers . RM. III. 6. to — Defend ] Protect ] Safe ( make . ] Princes - Servants for safety . ] Officers for safety . ] — of vestment , [ Margin strengthned . ] sp . with Lace . ] Garden . Po. I. 3. Gardian . RO. III. 4. [ Monks ( off . ] Gargane , [ White headed Teale ( kind . ] Gargarism , [ Gargling . ] Gargle , [ Gullet● to — [ Wash the top of the Gullet . ] Wind-pipe . ] Garish , [ adj . p. Ornate ( exe . ] Garland , [ Head-environing , Joy-sign ornament . ] Garlick . HL. IV. 11. Garment , [ adj . Clothing ( thing . ] Garner , [ adj . a. Keeping ( room ) for Corn. ] Garnish , [ adj . a. Ornate . ] Garret , [ Highest ( room . ] Garrison . RM. VI. 1. A. Garrulity , [ Loquacity . ] Garter . [ Ribband for Leg ] [ Binding ( vest . ] Gash , [ Slash . ] Pr. III. 5. A. Gasp , [ Gape for breath . ] Gastly , [ adj . a. Fear ( make . ] [ Pale ] AC . IV. 9. O. ( exe . ] Gate . [ Dore ] Poss. IV. 2. [ Going ( manner ] Mo. I. 1. Gather . [ a. Aggregate ] [ a. Convention ] Collect. O. II. 5. — as Curd , [ Coagulate . ] — as Fruits , [ Take F. ] — as Wind , [ adj . p. wind . ] [ Contract ] — up his Gown , &c. [ Lift contracted , ] Calv's — [ Cal'vs PG. VI. ] Gaud. [ Mock ] Vain , [ adj . T. IV. 5. O. ( thing . ] — y. [ Ornate ( exc . ] [ Feast ] Gavelkind , [ Distribution of Inheritance equally . ] Gaul , vid. Gall. Gaunch , [ Precipitate on hooks . ] Gaunt , [ Lean ( augm . ] Gauntlet , [ adj . Hand ( arm . ] Gaze , [ Look intently . ] — hound , [ Dog hunting by Sight . ] Gazel , [ Antilope . ] Gazet , [ adj . Narration ( thing ) of News . ] Gear , [ Thing ( corr . ] Geese , [ Goose plural . ] Geld , vid. Gueld . Gelder rose , [ Sh. II. 12. ] Gelly . Pr. I. 5. A. Gem. St. III. Gemini [ Third Constellation [ Third Twelfth part of the Zodiac . ] Gender , [ Sex. ] to — [ a. Generation . ] Genealogy , [ Catalogue of Ancestors . ] General . Op. to ▪ Special . TM . III. 4. [ adj . Genus ] [ All ] [ Common ] [ Total . ] [ Universal ] a — [ Army ▪ ( Off. ] [ Monks chief ( Off. ] Generation . Begetting AC . I. 1. [ Descendent ( aggr . ] RO. I. 1. O. [ Age ] Mea. VI. O. ● Generative facu●ty . NP. VI. Generousness . Man. III. 4. Genesis , [ Generation . ] Genet , [ Spanish Horse . ] [ Martin ] Genial , [ Festival . ] Genitals , [ Privities . ] PG. VI. 8. Genius . [ Temper of mind ] [ Disposition ] good — [ Proper Angel ] evil — [ Proper Devil ] Gentian . HL. VII . 6. Dwarfe — HL. VII . 6. A. Gentil . [ Pagan ] [ Maggot ] Ex. I. 5. A. Gentile , [ adj . Gentleman ] Gentle. T. V. 5. [ Tame ] NP. IV. 4. Courteous ] Clement ] Gracious ] Affable ] [ Easie ] [ Remiss ] — man. RC. I. 3. A. — woman . RC. I. 3. A. ( fem . [ Maggot ] Gentry . RC. I. 3. A. ( kind . ] Gentry . RC. I. 3. A. ( aggr . ] Genuflexion . [ Bending knee ] AC . VI. 6. [ Kneeling ] AC . VI. 6. A. Genuin . T. III. 4. Genus , [ Kind . ] T. I. Geography , [ Science of the World. ] Geomancy , [ Wizarding by the Earth . ] Geometra . Ex. III. 7. Geometry . [ Science of Magnitude . ] Georgic , [ adj . Agriculture . ] German . Cosin — RO. I. 5. Germander . HF. VI. 2. Tree — HF. VI. 2. A. water — HF. VII . 9. wild — HS. VI. 11. A. Germinate , [ v. Sprout . ] PP . II. 5. Gerund , [ Case of Participle Substantive . ] Gesses , [ Foot-bonds for Hawk . ] Gesticulation , [ Gesturing ( augm . ] ( exc . ] Gesture . AC . VI. Get. [ Gain ] TA. V. 2. [ Obtain ] TA. V. 1. [ Obtain to be ] doe ] — before Obtain to be before . ] Prevent . ] — by Heart , [ Obtain to remember ] — out . — from person , [ Obtain to be out , &c. ] — a nail , [ Pull out a nail . ] — with childe , [ Impregnate ] — Children , [ Generate ch . ] — clear , Obtain to be freeed . ] Escape ] — gone , [ From-goe . ] TA. VI. 1. O. — rid of , [ Obtain to be freed from . ] [ Mineral . ] St. VI. 3. Gewgaw , [ adj . Vanity . T. IV. 5. O. ( thing . ] Ghess , [ Conjecture . ] Ghost , [ Spirit . ] give up the — [ Dy. ] holy — G. III. — root . Giant , [ Great ( augm . ) person . ] Gib , [ Cat ( male . ] Gibberish , [ Speech not-intelligible . ] Gibbet , [ adj . hanging ( jug . ) with one stem . ] Gibbous , [ adj . Protuberance . ] Gibe , [ Mock . ] Giblets , [ Entrals . ] PG. VI. sp . Edible . ] Giddy . [ adj . Vertigo ] [ adj . Fancy ( corr . ] [ Wanton ] [ Conceited ] [ adj . Light ] Ha. IV. 7. O. Giddiness , [ Vertigo . ] Gift . [ adj . Give ( thing ] — of God. spiritual . Ha. V. Gig. [ Cone adj . horn to be vertiginated with whipping . ] [ Whimzy ] [ adj . Conceitedness ( thing . ] Gigantic , [ Great ( augm . ] ( exc . ] Giggle , [ Laugh ( augm . ] ( freq . ] ( exc . ] Gigglet , [ adj . Laugh ( apt . ] Gild , [ Colour with Gold. ] Gilden-pole .   Gill. — of Bird. PP . V. 7. A. — of Fish. PP . IV. 3. Gilliflower . HS. V. 1. Sea — HF. II. 14. A. Stock — HS. IV. 1. Wall — HS. IV. 1. A. Gilt-head . Fi. V. 1. Gimlet , [ Little-boring ( instr . ] Gimmal , [ Factitious joynt . ] Gimp , [ Shamois . ] Gin. [ Machin ] [ Trap ] Ginger , [ Root of an Indian Iris of a hot biting tast . ] — ly Gently Slowly without noise . ] Gingle . [ Ringing ( dim . ] [ Affect sound of Words ] Ginny . — hen , [ adj . Ginny-hen . ] — pig , Be. III. 6. A. Gipsie .   Giraffa . Be. II. 7. Gird , vid. Guird . Girdle , vid. Guirdle . Girl , [ Child ( fem . ] Girn , vid. Grin . Girt , uid . Guirt . Gith , [ Nigella ] Gittern , vid. Guittern . Give . — back , [ Retire ] — over . [ Desist ] [ Abandon ] Correct no more . RO. VI. 6. O. — up . [ Yield ] [ Submit ] — alms , [ a. Alms. ] — ear . [ Hear ( end . ] [ Observe with Ear ] — law , [ a. Law. ] — name , [ a. Name . ] — ones mind self to , adj . p. Disposition ( augm . ] — oath . [ Swear ( make ] [ Oblige by oath ] — place . — way . — to understand , [ a. Know ( make . ] mind — 's me . [ I conjecture ] [ I expect ] table — s. weather — s. Gives , [ Bonds for legs ] Gizzard , [ Second musculous stomach of Bird. ] Glad . [ adj . Mirth ] [ adj . Alacrity ] [ adj . Delectation ] Gladden .   Glade , [ Open ( place ) through a Wood. ] Gladiator , [ adj . Fencing ( person . ] Gladiolus , [ Corn-flagg ] Glaive , [ Long Sword. ] Glance . [ Oblique ( imp . ] a. Ey ( imp . ] a. Object ( imp . ] sp . adv . Accessory . ] Digression . ] [ Allusion ( dim . ] witty — [ Urbane ( dim . ] Glandule . PG. II. 7. A. Glans . [ Mast. ] PP . III. 4. Glass . St. II. 4. A. drinking — [ adj . Glass-cup . ] looking — [ Face-shewing ( instr . ) by reflexion . ] — wort . HL. VIII . 7. [ Splendor ] Glaucus . Fi. I. 3. A. Fi. IV. 1. A. Glave , [ Long Sword. ] Glavering , [ Fawning ] Glaze . [ a. Glass . ] [ To Shut Wall with Glass . ] [ a. brightness ] Glazier , [ adj . a. Glass ( mech . ] Glean , [ Gather the left things . ] scattered Ears . ] Glebe , [ Land. ] sp . Priest's . ] Glede , [ Kite . ] Bi. I. 2. A. Glee . [ Mirth ] [ adj . Mirth Song ] Gleek . [ Three ] [ Play ] Glib . [ Smooth ] Q. VI. 2. E. [ Slippery ] Glide , [ Kite . ] Bi. I. 2. A. to — [ Slide ] Mo. II. 4. Glimmer , [ Trembling light ( imp . ] Glimps , [ Sudden Light Sight ( dim . ] Glistering , [ Trembling ( like ) brightness . ] Glitter , [ Bright ] Globe , [ Sphere ] Mag. III. 5. — fish . Fi. VIII . 1. Gloomy . [ Cloudy ] [ Dark ( dim . ] [ Dim ] Q I. 3. A. Glory , Public Praise . Universal Reputation . to — AS . VI. 1. A. Glorifie , [ a. Glory . ] Gloss. [ Comment ( dim . ] [ Brightness ( dim . ] Glote , [ Look obliquely . ] Glove , [ adj . Hand ( vest , ] Fox — HS. VII . 10. Glow . [ Be hot ] [ Shine white ] [ Shine fire-like ] — worm ▪ Ex. I. 5. — fly . Ex. V. 9. A. Gloze , [ Assentation ] Glue , [ adj . Gluing ( thing . ] — ing . O. IV. 4. A. — y , [ Clammy ( augm . ] Glut. [ Fill ( augm . ] ( exc . ] [ Loathe ( make ) with abundance ] Glutinous . [ adj . Glue ] [ Clammy ] Gluttony . Man. II. 2. E. Glyster , [ Medicinal drink for the Fundament . ] Gnash . [ Together-strike teeth . ] [ noise ( make ) with teeth . ] Gnat. Ex. IV. 5. A. — snapper . Gnaw . [ Mastication ] [ Bite ( end ] [ Corrode ] Gnomon , [ Hour-shewing pin . ] Go. Proper . [ Ition ] TA. VI. — of Animal . Mo. I. sp . On legs . Mo. II. — on toes , [ Stalk . ] Mo. II. 3. [ Walk ] Mo. II. 1. Depart . TA. VI. 1. O. Figurate . [ Move ] [ Event ] — about , [ Endeavour ( inc . ] — about [ Begin ] — in hand with [ Begin ] — after , [ v. Succeed . ] — against me . [ I a. Nolleity ] [ I grudge it ] [ I loath it ] [ I nauseate it ] — astray , [ Err ] — back , [ Retire ] — ward [ v. Worse ] — before , [ v. Precede ] — beyond one . [ Superior ] [ Defraud ] — down , [ a. Downward . ] — forward , [ Proceed . ] — on , [ Proceed ] — out , [ Cease . ] [ quick , [ a. Quick , ] — through with it , [ Finish . ] — to . Int. — up , [ a. Upward . ] Goad , [ Long pricking ( instr . ) to drive with . ] Goal . [ adj . p. Object ( place ] sp . of Race . ] [ End ] T. II. 6. Goat . Be. II. 2. A. — 's beard . HF. III. 13. — Chafer . Ex. V. 3. — sucker , [ Owle of a short small Bill , and wide mouth . ] — 's thorn . skipping — El. I. 5. Gobbet . [ Lump ] [ Fragment ] Gobble , [ Swallow greedily . ] Gobius marinus . Fi. III. 7. Goblet , [ Cup ( augm . ] Goblin , [ Devil ( like ) fiction ] God. G. — head , [ God ( abstr . ] Action of — AS . ● . — the Father . G. I. — the Son. G. II. — the Holy Ghost . G. III. God-child . RO. III. 1. O. God-father . RO. III. 1. God-mother . RO. III. 1. ( fem . ) Godless , [ Ungodly . ] Godliness . [ Holiness ] [ Religion ( perf . ] [ Worship ( perf . ] Godwit . Bi. VII . 8. A. Goggle-eyed , [ Protuberantly eyed . ] Gold. Met. I. 1. — mine . [ — ( place ] — oar Crude g. not-prepared g. — smith , [ g. ( mech . ] ( merch . ] — of Pleasure . HS. VI. 8. A. — en locks . — rod. HF. III. 8. A. Gome , [ Grease black'd by agitation . ] Gone . [ adj . p. a. pret . go ] [ adj . Excess ] [ Spoil'd ] [ Destroy'd ] Good. Proper . T. III. 2. Profitable Sufficient Convenient [ Perfect ] [ Happy ] — against , [ Medicinal against ] — at , [ adj . Art in . ] — for , [ Profitable to . ] — face . [ Face ( perf . ] [ Handsom ] — fellow . — luck , [ Prosperity . ] — man of the House , [ Master of the Family . ] — success , [ Event ( perf . ] — turn , [ adj . Benefactor ( thing . ] — will , [ Favor . ] make . — [ Perform ] [ Repair ] [ Compensate ] find — [ Approve ] think — [ Approve ] Goodly , [ Handsom . ] Goodness . Man. I. 4. Goods . [ Possessions ] [ Houshold-stuff ] Googe .   Goose. Bi. IX . 1. A. green — [ young — ] stubble — [ autumnal — ] Soland — Bi. IX . 4. — berry . Sh. I. 3. — foot . HF. I. 9. A. — grass . HL. IX . 9. A. — nest . Gorbe●●ied , [ Protuberantly bellied . ] Gore , Congealed blood ] Coagulated blood ] Gellied blood ] to — [ Prick ( augm . ] sp . with Horn. ] Gorge . [ Gullet ] [ Stomach ] sp . of Bird. ] to — [ Feed ] [ Fill ] Gorgeous , [ Ornamented ( augm . ] ( exc . ] Gorget . [ adj . Neck ( armor ] [ Linen ( vest ) for shoulder ] Gors , [ Furz . ] Gosling , [ Goose ( young . ] Gospel , [ adj . Evangelist ( thing . ] Gosshawk , [ Biggest long winged Hawk . ] Gossip . [ Child 's Godfather ] [ Companion for mirth ] — ing , [ Women's Convention for mirth . ] Govern. [ v. Magistrate ] [ Authority ] [ Direction ] good — ance . Man. VI. 5. ill — ance . Man. VI. 5. O. Governor , [ adj . Govern ( person . ] Gougeon . Fi. IX . 11. Gourd . HS. VII . 2. Gourmandize [ v. Gluttony ] [ Eat gluttonously ] Gournet Red — Fi. IV. 4. Grey — Fi. IV. 4. A. Gout . S. II. 7. Gown , [ Loose long ( vest ] Gozling , [ Goose ( young . ] Grace . Favour ] Respect ] a. Graciousness ] Privilege ] Elegance ] Ornament ] Infused habit . Ha. V. — less , [ Ungracious ] — Before meat . — After meat . [ Thanksgiving ] RE. IV. Gracious . [ adj . p. Favour ] — ness . Man. VI. 1. Gradation , [ Degree ( segr . ] Gradual , [ adj . Degree . ] Graduate . RC. I. 4. Graffing . O. III. 7. Gray . Q. II. 1. Hoary , [ White ( inc . ) with age . ] a — [ Badger ] Be. V. 2. A. Grayhound , [ Dog-hunting beast by swiftness . ] Grayling . Fi. IX . 4. Grain . Corn. PP . III. 6 ▪ — s , [ Infused Corns of Malt. ] Weight . Mea. III. 1. [ Berry ] sp . of Spice . ] — s of Paradise , [ Cardamoms . ] in — [ Died with Alkermes ] [ Powder ] TM . VI. 4. A. — of Leather , [ Crenated Superficies ] — of wood , [ Fibres — ] Gramercy , [ Thanks ( augm . ] Grammar , [ Art of speaking properly ] — parts of discourse . D. III. Grammarian , [ adj . Grammar ( artist . ] Granado . RM. V. 8. Granary , [ adj . Grain ( room . ] Granat-pome . Tr. I. 6. Grand , [ Great ] Grandame , [ Grandmother ] Grandchild , [ Child 's Child ] Grandeur . [ Solemnity ( augm . ] Generosity ] Magnanimity ] Grandfather , [ Parent 's Parent ( male ] Grandmother , [ Parent 's Parent ( fem . ] Grandsire , [ Parent 's Parent ( male . ] Grange , [ Farm ] Grant. [ Concession ] [ Yield ] [ Give . ] Grape , [ Berry of Vine . ] Shrub . Sh. II. 1. Sea — Sh. II. 14. Graphical , [ figured ( perf . ] Plain ] Express ] Grapple . RN. III. 9. A. to — [ Catch with hands ] [ Wrestle ] Grasp . [ About-hand ] [ Embrace ] Grass . W. V. 3. A. Cotton — HL. III. 14. A. Crested — HL. III. 6. Dogs — HL. III. 5. A. Feather — HL. III. 14. Finger — HL. III. 8. A. Goose — HL. IX . 9. A. Hairy — HL. III. 9. A Knot — HF. I. 4. Medow — HL. III. 10. Oate — HL. III. 8. Pearle — HL. III. 9. Quaking — HL. III. 9. Scorpion — HS. III. 12. Scurvy — HL. VI. 13 Silk — HS. IV. 3. A. — of Parnassus . HL. VI. 7. A. — hopper , [ Locust ] Ex. II. 1. Grate . a — [ Squares ( plain ] [ Fewel ( jug . ) of parallel pins ( augm . ) Net ( like ] to — [ Rub ] Powder with rubbing . ] Un-skin with rubbing . ] [ a. Displeasing ] Grateful , [ adj . Gratitude . ] Gratifie . [ Merit thanks ] [ a. Benefactor ] [ a. Complaisance ] Gratings , [ adj . Net ( fig. ) Scuttle . ] Gratis . [ Not-hired ] [ Without wages ] Gratitude , Man. I. 6. Gratuity , [ Gift ] Gratulate , AS . VI. 6. Grave . — Disposition . NP. IV. 3. — Converse . Man. IV. 6. [ Old ( like ] — Sound . Q. III. 1. D. — ing O. IV. 6. A. RN. VI. 2. A. a — [ Burial ( room ] Gravel . St. I. 8. A. to — [ make not adj . a. travel ( abstr . ] Gravy , Pr. I. 6. A. Gravity , Weight . Q V. 4. E. [ Seriousness ] NP. IV. 3. Discreet carriage . Man. IV. 6. Graze . [ Eat Grass ] — ier , [ Merchant of fat Cattel . ] [ Touch with reflecting . ] Greas . [ Soft fat ] [ Worst parts of fat ] Great . adj . Magnitude . TM . I. 1. E. — with Child , [ adj . p. impregnate . ] — with one , [ Familiar ( aug . ] how — [ Of what magnitude ] the — [ Total-work to be done ] [ adj . Dignity ] Power ] [ Transc augm . Intense — many , [ Many ( augm . ] Greave , [ Leg-armor . ] Greaze , [ Smear with fat . ] Greazy , [ Fatty ] Greedy . Hungry ( corr . ] Ravenous ] Desire ( augm . ] Scraping ] Man. III. 2. E. Greef . Sorrow . AS . V. 4. O. op , to Pleasure . Ha. II. 3. op . to Ease . NP. V. 3. Green. — color'd . Q. II. 3. — Chafer . Ex. V. 5. A. — finch . Bi. IV. 6. — sickness . S. VI. 2. Unripe ] New ] — cheese , [ New cheese . ] — wound , [ New w. ] [ adj . Childe ] — goose , [ Young — ] — fish . Grees . [ Hog ( young ] [ Step ] Greet . [ Salute ] [ Gravel ] Greeve . [ a. Grief ] [ a. ●isplicence ] Greevance . [ adj . Displicence ] [ Injury ] Greevous . [ adj a. Grieve ( abstr . ] [ Unpleasant ] Grice . [ Hog ( young ] Gridiron , [ adj . Broiling ( jug . ] Griffon , [ Fiction ] Grig , [ Marsh-eele . ] Grilliade , [ Broil'd ( thing ] Grim. Fierce Face Frighting ( manner ] [ Austere ] — the Collier , [ Hieracium . ] Grin , [ Snare . ] to — [ Lowr dog ( like ] [ Shew the teeth angrily ] Grind. — ing . — Fabrile . O. IV. 2. — Chymic . O. VI. 1. — ers , [ Inmost teeth ] Griping . [ Grasping ] Distention ] Compression ] [ Pain by - , &c. ] Scraping . Man. III. 2. E. — of a Ship. RN. VI. 6. E. Grist , [ adj . p. Grinde ( thing ] Gristle . PG. II. 1. A. Grit , [ Sand ] Grizly . [ Gray ] [ Grim ] Groat , [ Four pence ] Groats , [ Oatmeal ] Grocer , [ Spice ( merc . ] Grograin , [ Stuff of grain ( augm . ] Groin . PG. IV. 7. Gromel . HL. IX . 5. Groning . Voice . AC . IV. 8. [ Parturition ] Groom , [ Horse ( Off. ] - of the Chamber , [ Chamber ( Off. ] Grope , [ Search by feeling ] Gross . Thick ] Great ] Course ] Lumpish ] Fat ] Dull ] Unskilfull ] a — [ 12 dozen ] the — [ Total ] Grot , [ Subterrane Cavity ] Room ] Grotes , [ Course Oatmeal ] Grove , [ Trees ( aggr . ] ( place ] Groveling , [ Lying ] AC . VI. 7. A. Ground . Earth ] Field . Po. I. 2. stand ones — RM. II. 2. get — RM. II. 2. E. loose — RM. II. 2. D. — Ivy — work , [ Foundation ] [ Foundation ] [ Cause ] sp . Impulsive ] [ Element ] [ Sediment ] Ground , [ adj . p. Grinde ] Groundling , [ Loach ] Fi. IX . 11. A. Ground-pine . HF. VII . 7. stinking — HF. I. 17. A. Groundsil . [ Threshold ] Herb. HF. III. 7. Grous . Bi. II. 5. A. Grout . Thick . broth ] Consistent broth ] [ Millet . ] HL. II. 6. A. Grout-head , [ Having a great head . ] Grow . adj . Accretion . AC . I. 6. A. — forth , [ — into being visible . ] — to the ribs — or , &c. [ Be continued by growth to , &c. ] [ adj . Vegetation ] Become , [ Be Effect ] Event ] sp . ( incept . ] [ Begin to be ] be made ] — in years [ Old ( inc . ] — old [ Old ( inc . ] — out of kind , [ Unkind ( inc . ] — out of use , [ Un-custom ( inc . ] [ Increase ] sp . adv . degree . ] — upon Usurp Get Increase Gradually . ] Growth , [ Growing . ] Grub. [ Maggot ] [ Worm of a Flie ] to — [ Un-root ] Grudge . [ Nolleity ] op . to Alacrity . Ha. IV. 3. D. [ Malignity ] an old — [ Old hatred ] — of a disease , [ Impetus ( dim . ] Gruel . [ Broth of Corn. ] Grumble . AC . IV. ● . A. Grummel . HL. IX . 5. Grumous . [ adj . Lump ] [ Coagulated ] Grunsil . HF. III. 7. Grunt , [ a. Hog ( voice ] Grus Balearica . Bi. VIII . 2. A. Gryffin .   Guaiacum . Tr. VII . 2. Guaperua . Fi. III. 17. A. Guara Brasileana . Bi. VII . 9. A. Guard , vid. Gard. Gubbins .   Gudgeon . Fish. Fi. IX . 11. Figure . Mag. VI. 4. Gueld , [ Un-testicle . ] Guelding , [ Untesticled horse ] Guerdon , [ Reward ] Guess , [ Conjecture ] Guest . RO. III. 9. O. Gugaw , [ adj . Vanity ( thing ] Guggle , [ Pouring ( like ) sound ] Guide . [ Direct ] [ Lead ] [ Govern ] Guidon , [ Commander's Staff ] Guild . [ Corporation ] — hall , [ Convention ( place ] of Corporation . ] to — [ Colour with Gold ] Guile , [ Fraud ] Guillam . Bi. IX . 7. A. Guilt . [ Guilty ( abstr . ] [ Guilded ] — head . Fi. V. 1. Guilty , [ adj . RJ. II. 6. O. ] Guinny . — hen , [ Hen of Guinny ▪ ] — pig . Be. III. 6. A. Guird . [ Bind about ] [ Twinge ] [ Mock ] Guirdle , [ About-binding ( arm . ] Guirl , [ Child ( fem . ] Guirt . [ Guirded ] [ Compass ] Horse — [ — Girdle ] Guise . Manner ] Custom ] [ adj . Custom ( manner ] Guittar .   Guittern .   Gulch , [ Short fat ( augm . ] Gules , [ Red ] Gulf. [ Bay ] [ Whirl-pool ] Gull. Fish , [ Miller's-thumb ] Fi. IX . 12. Bird. Bi. IX . 9. [ Goose ( young ] [ Young ( person ) adj . p. fraud ( apt . ] to — [ a. Fraud ] Gulle● . Wëasand . PG. VI. 1. [ Stream ( dim . ] Gul●igut , [ Glutton ] Gulp . [ Swallow ( imp . ] Gum. — of tree . PP . I. 6. — Ammoniac , [ Concrete juice of Giant Fennel ] — Animae . Tr. VIII . 4. — Arabic . Tr. VIII . 2. — Dragon , [ Gum of Goat's thorn . ] — Elemi . Tr. VIII . 3. the — s , [ Parenchyma of the Teeth . ] Gummy , [ Stiff ] sp . with p. Gumming . ] Gun ▪ RM. V. 6. — ner . RN. V. 3. — powder . RM. V. 7. A. Gurgions , [ Worst part of Meal . ] Gurnard , vid. Gournet . Gush , [ a. River ▪ ( imp . ] Gusset , [ Quadrangular ( thing ) to be between-sow'd ] Gust . Sense . NP. III. 4. Quality . Q. III. — of wind [ Wind ( imp . ] Gutt . PG. VI. 4. A. — wort . Sh. VI. 2. A. Gutter . Mag. V. 6. O. Guttural , [ adj . Throat ] Guzzle , [ Drink ( augm . ] Gypsie , [ Wandring wizard ] Gyrfalcon , [ Hawk for Herons ] H. HAak . Fi. III. 3. A. Haberdasher . — of Hats , [ Merchant of head ( vest . ] — of small wares . Haberdin .   Habergeon , [ Armor for trunk ] Habiliment , [ Armament ] Habit , Quality adj . custom . ] Condition adj . custom . ] Quality . Ha. of the mind . Infused . Ha. V. Acquired . Intellectual . Ha. VI. Moral . Man. I. of the body , [ Temperament of the body . ] of Clothes , [ Clothes ( manner ] [ Condition ] [ Custom ] Habitable , [ adj . p. Dwelling . ( abstr . ] Habitation , [ Dwelling . ] Habitual , [ adj . Habit. ] Habitude , [ Relation . ] Hack , Cut , sp . ( corr . ] ( ruggedly ] Hackney , [ Hired ( freq . ] Had. [ Was , pret . ] [ pret . Have ] Haddock , Fi. III. 2. Haft , [ adj . p. Hand ( part . ] Hag , [ Old deformed woman . ] Haggard , [ Wilde . ] sp . Hawk . ] Haggess , [ Pudding of Flesh minced . ] Haggle , Treat sp . cor . ] Commerce sp . cor . ] Hay . Pr. VI. 1. [ Net ] Hail . Meteor . El. III. 5. Sound . NP. V. 2. to — [ Salute ] Haillard , [ Rope for hoising the mizzen Sail. ] Hair. PP . VI. 1. — Cloth. Pr. IV. 1. A. — Lace , [ Ribband for binding the hair of the head . ] — brain'd , [ Conceited . ] — y river weed . HL. I. 10. A. Maiden — Haiward , [ adj . Pasture ( Off. ] Hake , [ Spit ( end ) out of the Throte . ] Halbard . RM. V. 3. A. Halcyon , [ King-fisher . ] — daies . [ adj . Calm — ] [ adj . Peace — ] Hale , [ Pull ] Half. go — [ Equal partner . ] — moon , Fortification . RM. VI. 5. Halibut . Fi. VII . 5. Halimus . Sh. VI. 6. Hall. [ First room ( augm . ] [ adj . Convention ( room ] [ Civil convention ] — day , [ Day of Convention . ] Hallow . [ Consecrate ] [ Exclaim ] Halm , [ Straw . ] sp . of Pease . ] Halo . El. V. 2. Halfer , [ adj . Ship - adj . drawing ( arm . ] Halt . Mo. I. 1. A. make a — [ Stay ] Halter , [ Cord with Loop in the end ( part ] [ adj . Hanging ( arm . ] [ adj . Neck-bonds ] Ham , [ Hollow ( part ) behind the Knee . ] Hamlet , [ Houses ( agg . ] Hammer . Po. VI. 2. A. to — [ a. Hammer ] [ a. Speak ( manner ) difficultly . ] Hammock , [ Hanging bed ] Hamper , [ Basket ( augm . ] To — [ Tangle ] Hanch , [ Breech . ] PG. IV. 6. Hand . PG. V. 3. — basket , [ B. adj . p. carry ( apt . ) in hand . ] — breadth , [ Measure of h. b. ] — full , [ Capacity of the hand . ] — gun , g. ( dim . ) adj . p. use ( apt . ) with hand . ] — kerchief , k. ( dim . ) adj . p. use ( apt . ) with hand . ] — mill , m ( dim . ) adj . p. use ( apt . ) with hand . ] — saw , s. ( dim . ) adj . p. use ( apt . ) with hand . ] — vice , v. ( dim . ) adj . p. use ( apt . ) with hand . ] — kerchief , [ adj . wiping ( linen ] — maid , [ Servant ( fem . ] — over head , [ adv Carelesness . ] — to — [ adj . Contiguous ( pot . ] at — Present ] Near ] at no — [ Not , not ] before — [ adv . Preventing . ] by — from — to mouth , [ adv . Necessary ( segr . ] in — Present ] Possessed ] in — with adj . pret . Begin ] Endeavouring ] bear in — Seem make ] Believe make ] go in — with , [ Begin . ] take in — [ Undertake ] in the turning of an — [ While one could turn his — ] out of — [ Soon ( augm . ] come to — To-event ] Be tame ] get the — of one , [ a. Victory ] left — l side ] right — r side ] Set ones — to Sign ] Assist ] under — Inferior ] Secret ] under ones — [ Signed by one ] upper — [ Victory ] on both — s , parts ] Sides ] man of his — s , [ Nimble ] lay — s on , [ Arrest ] shake — s , AC . V. 5. A. — of a clock , Pin for shewing the hour . ] Finger for shewing the hour . ] — at Cards , [ adj . p. event adj . a. Card ( things ] Handy , Nimble . adj . Operation ( apt . ] — craft , [ adj . Mechanic ( art . ] — gripes , Contiguously fighting . ] Wrestling ] — work , [ Work of hands . ] own . ] Handle . a — [ adj . p. hand ( thing ] ( part ] to — [ a. Hand ] [ Feel ] [ a. Object ( make ] Speak of . ] Discourse of . ] Write of . ] Entertain ] Treat ] Use ] Handsel , [ First selling ] using ] Handsome . [ Decent ] [ Beautiful ] Hang. Posture . AC . VI. 9. A. — by , [ Accessory ] — down ones head , [ a. downward the head ] — together , [ Together-adhere . ] — ●p , [ a Hang ] — ing of the hill , [ Declivity . ] Punishment . RJ. V. 8. — man , [ Execution ( mec . ] Being in suspence . Doubting ] Demurring ] Wavering ] As a room , Clothe the walls ] Line the walls ] Hanger . [ Short crooked Sword ] [ Loop for tying the Sword ] pot — [ Iron ( instr . ) for hanging pot . ] Hank . — of thread , [ Skein — ] [ Haunt ] Hanker , Vergency ] Incline ] Hanse , [ Corporation ] Hap. [ Fortune ] [ Contingence ] [ Event ] Happen , [ v. Hap ] Happy , [ adj . Happiness ] — ness . Ha. I. 1. — ly , [ adj . Fortune ] Harang , [ Oration ] Harbinger , [ Before-going ( Off. ) for preparing entertainment ] Harbour . [ adj . Hospitality ( place . ] [ Port ] W. II. 5. Hard. op . to Fluid . O. V. 5. E. op . to Yielding . Q. VI. 1. D. op . to Easie , [ Difficult ] — to be understood , [ Obscure ] — headed , [ Dull ] — to be pleased , [ Morose ] — to give , [ Penurious ] — to forgive . — to repent . — hearted , Cruel . ] Impenitent . ] — drink , [ Sowr'd . ] — ly , [ Scarce . ] — by , [ adj . Near. ] to fo●low — [ Follow ( augm . ] Harden . [ Hard ( make ] Incorrigible . RO. VI. 7. O. Hardy . Disposition . NP. IV. 7. Affection , [ Bold . ] Vertue , [ Valiant . ] fool — [ Rash. ] Hare . Beast . Be. III. 3. — brain'd , [ Rash ] — lipp'd , [ Cloven-lipp'd ] — 's foot . HF. VIII . 5. — 's ear . HF. IV. 14. A. Sea — Ex. IX . 4. Harken , [ Hear ( end . ] Harlot , [ adj . Fornication ( fem . ] Harm , [ Hurt ] — less , Innocent . ] Not adj . p. Hurt ] Harmony . Q. III. 9. — in sound . Q. III. 9. Harness , [ Armament ] Harp , [ Music ( instr . ) hollow arch with strings . ] — ing iron , [ Barbed dart ] Harpie , [ Ravenous ( person ] Harpsichord .   Harquebus , [ Foot-mans gun ( augm . ] Harras , Booty ] Spoil ▪ ] Harrow , [ adj . Harrowing ( instr . ] — ing . O. III. 2. Harsh . In general , [ Unpleasant . ] To Sense Austere ] Hoarse ] Rough ] Stiff ] To Manners Morose ] Man. VI. 1. D. Austere ] Hart. Be. II. 3. A. — 's tongue . HL. I. 8. A. — wort HF. V. 5. Sh. VI. 5. Hartichoak . HF. III. 1. A. Hierusalem — HF. II. 1. A. Harvest , [ Reaping ] — time , [ Autumn ] Hash , [ Sliced flesh ] Haslet , [ Inwards ] Hasp , [ Hook ] Hassock , [ Tuft ] sp . of Rushes . ] Hast , [ Havest ] Haste . sp . through Business . ] in — [ Swiftness ] to — en Dispatch ( augm . ] v. Soon ] Hasty . [ Sudden ] [ Rash ] [ adj . a. Anger ( apt . ] Hat , [ adj . head ( vest ) with broad margin ] Hatch . [ Half door ] — of a ship . RN. II. 6. to — — eggs . [ Ripen eggs by Fotion ] [ a. Parturition ] — flax . — hilt . [ Notch ( freq . ] Hatchet , [ adj . a. Cut ( instr . ) by striking . ] Hate . AS . V. 3. O. Have . [ Pret. ] [ TA. I. 6. ] — ing , adj . Have ] Scraping ] Haven , W. II. 5. Haver .   Haughty , [ adj . Pride ] Haunch , [ Breech ] PG. IV. 6. Haunt , [ adj . Custom ( place ] Havock . [ Spoil ] Haut . Be. III. 2. A. Haw , [ Berry . ] — in the eye , [ Spot — ] — thorn , [ White — ] Sh. I. 3. A. Cumberland — [ White Bean-tree ] Sh. II. 3. A. Hawk . Bi. I. 2. — fish . Haak . — weed . HF. III. 12. Hawker , [ Merchant ( corr . ] Hawser . RN. IV. 8. A. Hazard , [ Danger ] — at Tennis . Hazy . El. VI. 1. O. Hazle . — hen . Bi. II. 7. — nut , [ Small-nut . [ Tr. III. 1. — wort . He , Pron . I. 3. Head. PG. III. Proper . shake the — AC . IV. 4. A. give one his — [ adj . a. Liberty ( make . ] take a — [ a. Liberty ] Top. [ Horns ] nail — [ N. top ] Forepart . — of a barrel , [ adj . Forepart circle ( plain ) — ] all a — [ All to the fore-part . ] Root . — of an onyon , [ Bulbous root — ] Protuberant ( part . ) — land , [ Promontory . ] Fountain . Conduit — [ Fountain ] River — [ Fountain ] Chief . [ Magistrate ] to — [ v. Commander . ] Summe . draw to a — Heady . [ Rash ] [ Fierce ] [ adj . a. Drunkenness ( apt . ] [ Fuming ( augm . ] Headlines .   Headlong . [ with Head first ] adj . p. precipitate ] Direct ] [ Rash. ] Head-piece . [ Head ] [ adj . Head ( armor ] Headstall , [ Head ( arm . ] Headstrong . [ Rash ] [ Fierce ] [ Not adj . p. Persuade ( apt . ] Heal. [ a. Sound ( make ] [ Cover ] Health . op . to Sickness . S. O. op . to Rottenness . NP. V. 2. [ Remembrance in drinking ▪ ] Heap . O. II. 6. Hear . Sense . NP. III. 2. — judicially , Cognizance . ] Trial ] — say , [ Rumor ] Heart . Proper . PG. VI. 2. — burning , [ Cardialgia . ] S. VI. 1. — spoon . next ones - [ First doing eating &c. sp . in the Morning . ] — 's ease . [ Contentment ] Herb [ Parsly ] HL. VI. 5. A. [ Middle ] [ Best ( part ] Strength ] Vigor ] in — adj . Vigor ] out of — [ adj . Weakness ] [ Courage ] in — [ adj . Courage . ] out of — Cowardly ] adj . Diffidence ] Discouraged ] [ Affection ] sweet — [ Suitor ] with all one 's — [ adv . Alacrity ] — burning [ Old anger ] Hatred ] by — [ adv . Memory ] Hearten , [ Encourage ] Hearth . Po. III 9. Hearty . [ adj . Heart ] Sincere ] Willing ] Courage ] Heartless . [ Weak ] [ Diffident ] [ Formal ] Heat . Proper . Q. V. 1. E. [ Anger ] [ Zeal ] Heath . Plant. Sh. VI. 7. Place . Po. I. 7. A. Heathcock . Bi. II. 5. A. Heathen , [ Pagan ] Heave . Lift ( end ] Protuberant ( make ] sp by Up-thrusting . ] Heaven . W. II. Heavy . [ adj . Gravity ] [ Dull ] [ Lumpish ] [ Drowzy ] [ adj . Grief ] Hecatomb , [ Sacrifice of 100 Beasts . ] Hectic , [ adj . Habit. ] — fever . S. II. 1. Hedge . [ Sepiment of Branches , &c. ] — clerk , [ Sorry C. ] to — in a debt , [ Sure ( make ) d. ] Hedgehog . Be. III. 5. A. — trefoile . HS. III. 15. A. Hedge-sparrow . Bi. V. 8. A. Heed . [ Observe ] [ Be cautious ] . — fulness . Ha. IV. 2. — lesness . Ha. IV. 2. D. Heel . PG. V. 6. A. — ling of a Ship. RN. VI. 7. Hegira , [ Mahometan's Epocha . ] Hey-net .   Heifer , [ Cow adj . youth ] Heigh. Int. I. 1. Height . TM . II. 4. Heinous , Vitious ( augm . ] adj . Displicence ( augm . ] Heir , \ [ adj . Inheriting ( person . ] Held , prec . hold ] adj . p. hold ] Helebore . white . — HL. VII . 1. bastard — [ Helleborine ] Heleborine . HL. VII . 1. A. Helical figure . Mag. III. 9. A. Heliotrope . HL. IX . 5. A. Hell. W. II. O. Helm , [ adj . p. hand ( part ) of Rudder . ] Helmet , [ Armor for ( head . ] Help . [ a. Adjuvant ] [ a. Relieve ] [ a. Remedy ] — one to a thing , [ Furnish ] Helve , [ Staff of Hatchet ] Hem. Int. I. 2. to — [ Hake ] [ a. Acclamation ] [ Margent ] — in [ About Sepiment ] Inviron ] Hemicycle , [ Half circle ] Hemisphere .   Hemlock . HF. V. 9. water — HF. V. 9. A. Hemorrhoid . S. VI. 8. A. Hemp. HF. I. 5. Hen , [ Bird ( fem . ] Henbane . HS. VII . 11. A. Hence . [ From this place ] [ imp . Go ] [ Away ] — forth , From this time ] After this time ] Hep , vid. Hip. Hepatic , [ adj . Liver . ] Hepatica .   Herauld , [ adj . Degrees ( Off. ] Herb. W. V. 3. Considered according to their — Leaf . HL. — Flower . HF. — Seed-vessel . HS. — Christopher . HS. IX . 5. — Frankincense of Galen . HF. V. 3. A. — of Theophrastus . HF. IV. 6. A. — of Grace , [ Rue ] HS. V. 13. — Terrible . Sh. VI. 3. — True love . HS. IX . 5. A. — two pence , [ mony-wort ] HL. VI. 11. A. [ Leaf ] Herbage , [ Pasture ] Herbal , [ Book concerning Herbs . ] Herbalist , [ Herb ( artist ] Herd , [ aggregate ( thing ] — 's man. RC. II. 6. Here. [ In this place ] [ adj . Present ] — and there [ In some divers places — of , [ Of this ] Hereafter . [ After this time ] [ adv . Future ] Hereditament , [ adj . p. Inherit ( thing ] Hereditary , [ adj . Inheriting . ] Heresie . RE. III. 1. O. Heretic , [ adj . Heresie ( person ] Heretofore . [ Before this time ] [ adv . Past ] Hericano , [ Whirlwind ( augm . ] Hering , vid. Herring . Heritage , [ adj . p. Inherit ( thing ] Hermaphrodite , [ Of all Sexes . ] Hermit . RE. II. 7. A. Hermit fish . Ex VI. 5. Hermodactyl , [ Root of an exotic Colchicum ] Hernia . S. VI. 8. Hero. [ Excellent in virtue ] [ adj . Magnanimity ( person ] Heroical , [ adj . Hero. ] Heron. Bi. VIII . 3. Great white — Bi. VIII . 4. Little white — Bi. VIII . 4. A. — 's bill . Herb. Herring . Fi. III. 10. red — [ Dry salted smoked h. ] white — [ Moist salted ] Herse , [ Box of dead body . ] Hesitate , Doubt ] Demur ] Heteroclite , [ Irregular . ] Heter●dox , [ Not-orthodox ] Heterogeneous , [ Of diverse kinds . ] Hew . [ Colour ] [ Cut striking ] rough — [ Cut rough . ] Hy , Hasten . ] Dispatch ] Hickcough . Mo. III. 4. A. Hickwall , [ Woodpecker ] Bi. I. 9. Hide . [ Skin ] — bound . [ Disease of skin cleaving to the flesh . ] [ Penurious ] to — Conceal ] Cover ] Hideous , [ adj . a. Fear ( apt . ] Hierarchy , [ Ecclesiastical Magistracy . ] Hieroglyphic , Sacred Sculpture ] Secret Paint ] High. Tall , [ adj . TM . II. 4. O. ] [ Deep ] — shoes , [ Shoes to the ankle . ] — water , [ Deep overflowing tide ] Much ] Transcendent ( augm . ] — winde , [ Winde ( augm . ] [ Ample ] — forehead , [ Ample f. ] [ Public ] — way , [ Public w. ] adj . Dignity ] Excellent ] — day , [ Festival d. ] [ Principal ] — priest , [ Primate of P. ] — minded Proud ] Ambitious ] [ Until ] breast — [ Until the br . ] Hill. W. III. 1. E. Hillock , [ Protuberance ] Hilt , [ adj . hand ( part ) of Sword. ] Him. Pron . I. 3. — self , [ Him him . ] Hinde . [ Hart ] Be. II. 3. A. ( fem . ] [ adj . Agriculture servant ] Hinder . — part . Sp. III. 8. O. — most . [ adj . Hinder part ] [ Succeeding ] to — [ a. Impedient ] [ a. Trouble ] [ a. Loss ] Hinge . Po. IV. 6. [ Entrails ] Hint , Expression ( dim . ] Narration ( obscure ] Hip. [ Thigh ] PG. V. 4. [ Berry of the wild Rose ] Hippocampus . Fi. VIII . 5. A. Hippocras , [ adj . p. Spice wine . ] Hire , [ Hiring ( thing . ] — ing . RC. V. 5. O. His. [ adj . Pron . I. 3. ] — own , [ Pron . redup . ] Hiss . Q. III. 4. History , [ Narration ] Hit . [ a. Contiguity ] [ a. Strike ] [ a. Fortune ] Hither . To this place . ] Till this place . ] — most , [ Nearest ] — side , Sp. II. 2. E. — to , To this place . ] Till this time ] — ward , [ Toward this place ] Hive , [ Bees ( house ] Hm. Int. I. 2. Ho. Int. III. 1. no — [ No cohibition . ] not — [ For not-a . Providence for . ] Hoar-frost , [ Rime ] El. III. 5. A. Hoary . — with Frost , [ White — ] — with Age [ Gray — ] — with ●●ustiness , [ Mossie — ] Hoarseness . Q. III. 8. O. Hoast , vid. Host. Hob , [ adj . Rusticity ( person ] Hobby . Horse , [ Ambling horse ( dim ] — horse [ Horse ( like ) staff . ] Hawk , [ Hawk for Larks . ] Hobble , [ Run lame ( like . ] Hobgoblin , [ adj a. Fear ( apt . ] adj . p. Fiction ( thing ] Hoboy .   Hock , [ Foot. ] Hocus-pocus , [ Prestigiator . ] Hod , [ adj . Po. V. ( jug . ] Hodge-podge , [ Mixture ( corr . ] Hog . Proper . Be. II. 8. — 's bread . — 's fennel . — fish . Fi. I. 5. A. — louse , [ Sow ] — 's head Barrel ( augm . ] Measure [ 36 gallons . ] — Sheep . Hoise , [ Lift ] Hold. Not let go . TA. I. 6. — fast , [ Hold ( augm . ] [ Contain ] — water , [ c. w. ] Have ] Possess ] Right ( manner . ] [ Esteem ] — blameless , [ Esteem b. ] [ Continue ] — at a bay , [ a. Stay ] — back , [ Cohibit . ] — in , [ Cohibit . ] — off . — out , [ Continue permanent . ] — a town . RM. II. 4. — ones peace , [ a. Silence . ] [ together , [ Continue leagued . ] up , [ Support . ] [ Expletive ] [ counsel , [ Together advise ] [ Not loose ] [ Abstain ] — ones breath , [ Not-breath ] — ones hand Abstain ] Omit ] — ones water . [ Not - a. Urine ] the — — of a Ship , [ Lowest room ( augm . ) — ] lay — Catch ] take — Arrest ] Strong — RM. VI. Holder . [ adj . Holding ( person ] [ Longest tooth ] Hole . Through . Mag. IV. 1. O. [ Not through Dent ] Cavity ] lurking — [ adj . Hiding-place . ] Holy , [ adj . Holiness . ] — day , [ adj . Festivity-day ] — ghost . G. III. Holiness . Habit. Ha. V. 2. [ p. Consecration ] Holly . — oke . HF. IX . 6. A. — tree . Tr. III. 6. A. Sea — [ Eringo ] Hollow . Empty , [ adj . Mag. VI. 1. E. ] — hearted , [ adj . Hypocrisie . ] [ Concave ] — eyed , [ Deep-eyed ] As Spunge , [ adj . Porousness . ] Holm , [ Holly ] — oke . Holosteus . Fi. VIII . 4. Holothyrius . Ex. IX . 4. A. Holpen , [ adj . p. Help . ] Homage , Duty of Subjection ] Acknowledgment of Subjection ] Home , [ Dwelling ( place ] Sp. II. 4. — bred , [ Rusticly educated ] come short — [ a. Defect finally . ] of home . ] hit him Strike ( augm . ] a. Contiguity ( perf . ] Homeliness . Not ornate . TM . V. 5. O. [ Rusticity ] Homicide , [ Man-killing ] Homiletical , [ adj . Conversation ] — Vertue . — Common . Man. IV. — Belonging to Superiors . Man. V. — Belonging to Inferiors . Man. VI. Homily , adj . p. preaching ( thing ] sp . Commanded . ] Homogeneal , [ Of the same kinde . ] Homonymy . D. IV. 1. O. Honesty . [ Vertue ] [ Chastity ] [ Integrity ] Flower , [ Bulbonach ] HS VI. 1. Hony. — apple , [ Sweet apple ( kind ] — comb , [ Bees ( rooms ] — dew , [ adj . Hony dew ] — moon , [ First month after Marriage ] — suckle , [ Woodbine ] Sh. II. 8. French-suckle . HS. III. 5. Trefoil . HS. III. 10. A. — wort . HL. IX . 3. A. Honour . [ Reputation ] [ Dignity ] [ Respect ( augm . ] — able . [ adj . Honour ( abstr . ] [ adj . Nobility ] Honourary , [ adj . Honour ( sign ] Hood , [ adj . Cover ( vest ] — for head , [ Face-covering head ( vest . ] — wink , [ Cover the eyes . ] Token of Degree , [ Loose adj . shoulder ( vest . ] Hoof. PP . VI. 5. to — [ Un-hoof ] Hook. Mag. IV. 8. By — or by crook , [ By right or wrong . ] — ed , [ Curve . ] Hoop , [ Ring ( augm . ) of Wood. ] Iron , &c. ] Bird. Bi. III. 8. A. Hooper , [ Wild swan ] Bi. IX . 1. Hooping , [ Acute exclamation . ] Hoord , [ Lay up ] TA. V. 4. Hooting , vid. Hooping . Hop . Plant. HF. I. 5. A. [ Leaping ] Mo. I. 5. — on one leg . Mo. I. 5. A. Hope . Affection . AS . 5.6 . past - [ adj . a. p. Despair . ] Grace . Ha. V. 5. Hopeless , [ adj . a. p. Despair . ] Hopper .   Horary , [ adj . Hour . ] Horde , [ Lay up ] Ta. V. 4. Horebound . Base — HF. VII . 2. Black — HF. VII . 11. A. White — HF. VII . 6. A. Horines , [ Mould ] HL. I. 1. A. Horizon . W. VI. 1. Horn. Proper . PP . VI. 6. [ Angle ] — owl . Bi. I. 4. — work . RM. VI. 5. A. Horn-beam . Tr. VI. 4. A. Hornet . Ex. IV. 2. A. Horoscope .   Horrible , adj . a. Fear Evil ( augm . Horrid , adj . a. Fear Evil ( augm . Horror . [ Fear ( augm . [ Rigor through Fear ] Horse . Be. I. 1. sp . ( male ] to — — a man , [ Ride ( make . ] sp . on Horse . ] — a Mare , [ a. Coition with Mare . ] on — back , [ On horse ] — cloth , [ Horse's vest ] — courser , [ Horse ( Merc. ] — foal , [ Young horse ( male ] — leach . [ Physician for Horse ] Insect . Ex. I. 2. — litter , [ Sedan adj . p. carried between Horses . ] — man. [ Rider ] Souldier . RM. III. 1. A. — hoof . HL. VI. 3. — tail . HL. IX . 7. — tongue . Sh. III. 7. A. — fly . — mint . — radish . — shooe . HS. III. 6. A. Sea — [ Morse ] Be. V. 3. Wooden — [ Horse ( like ) jugament . ] Hortulane . ●i . IV. 2. A. Hose . [ Leg ( vest ] [ Breeches ] Hofier , [ adj . Hose ( merc . ] Hospitable , [ adj . Hospitality . ] Hospital , Sick men's house . ] Poor men's house . ] Hospitality . Man. III. 6. Hostage , [ adj . Pledge ( person ] Hoste . [ adj . Eucharist bread ] [ Army ] op . to Guest . RO. III. 9. to — [ a. Guest ] Hostility , [ Enemy ( abstr . ] Hostler , [ Horse ( Off. ] Hostry , [ adj . Hoste ( house ] Hot , [ adj . Heat Hot , [ adj . Zeal — house , [ Stove ] Hotchpotch , [ Mixture ( corr . ] Hovel , [ House ( dim . ] sp . not walled . ] Hovering . Mo. I. 2. A. Hough , vid. Hoof , [ Lower joint of hinder Leg. ] Houl ▪ [ adj . Weeping ( voice . ] Houlet , [ Owl . ] Hound , [ Dog hunting wild beasts by smell . ] — fish . Fi I. 4. spotted — Fi. I. 4. A. — 's tongue . HL. IX . 4. A. Hour . Mea. V. 8. — glass . Mag. VI. 5. A. House . Building . Po. II. 1. — breaking . RJ. III. 8. A. — burning . RJ. III. 8. to — [ a. House ] — ed , [ Possessing houses . ] [ Family ] [ Kindred ] Houshold , [ Together-adj . house ( aggr . ] — bread , [ Course bread ] — stuff , [ Utensils . ] House-keeping , [ Family-office . ] Housleek , HL. VIII . 1. Hout , [ Exclamation . ] sp . a. Mocking . ] How. [ In what manner ] — then , [ - therefore . ] op . to So. Adv. II. 1. Howbeit , [ Although ] Howsoever , [ How , how . ] Hu , [ Colour . ] Hu and cry , [ Pursuit successive ] Huck , [ Treat , ( augm . ] Huck , [ Treat , ( corr . ] Hucklebone . PG. V. 4. A. Huckster , [ Merchant ( corr . ] Huddle , Gather ( corr . ] Heap ( confusedly . ] Huffing . AC . IV. 6. Hug , [ Embrace ] Huge , [ Great ( augm . ] Hugger-mugger , [ Secret ( corr . ] Hul. — of a Ship. RN. II. — ing . RN. VI. 5. A. — lying at RN. VI. 5. A. — of Corn , [ Husk ] Hulch , [ Protuberance ] Hulk , [ Trunk ] Hulver , [ Holly ] Hum. [ Indistinct noise ] [ Bees ( voice ] [ Approve ( voice ] Humane . [ adj . Man ] — learning , Worldly Lay Sciences . ] [ Courteous ] Humble . — ness . Man. V. 2. — bee . Ex. IV. 1. A. — plant . Sh. IV. 7. to — Low Humble Submit ( make ] Humid , [ Moist ] Humiliation a. Humility . ] Fasting . ] Humility . Man. V. 2. Humming bird . Bi. VI. 5. Humor . Liquor , [ adj . a. Moistness ( thing ] Temper of mind . [ a. Complacence ( end . ] [ a. Conceitedness ] Humorist . Conceited ] Seeming of divers dispositions ] . — physician . Humorous , [ adj . Humor ( corr . ] Humorsome , [ Morose ] Hundred . Weight . Mea. III. 7. — pound in mony . Mea. IV. 6. Hung , pret . hang ] Hung , adj . p. hang ] Hunger . AC . II. 1. Hunt. [ a. Hunts-man ] — 's man. RC. II. 7. 's up Hurdle , [ adj . p. Weave ( thing ) of sticks . ] Hurl , [ Cast ] Hurlbat , ] Club adj . p. cast ( apt . ) Hurlyburly , [ Confusion ] sp . Seditious ] Hurry . Swift imp . ] Dispatch imp . ] sp . with Confusion . ] Hurt . [ a. Hurtful . ] — full . T. IV. 1. O. a. Injury ] a. Loss ] a. Wound ] Hurtleberry , vid. Whittle . Husband . [ adj . Married ( male . ] to — [ a. Frugal . ] good — [ Frugal ( person ] ill — [ adj . Squandring ( person ] — man. RC. II. 6. A. Husbandry . Profession RC. II. 6. A. Work , [ Agriculture ] good — [ Frugality ] ill — [ Squandring ] Hush , [ adj . Silence ] Husk . PP . II. 3. Huso . Fi. I. 8. A. Huswife . [ Mistress of the house ] [ Frugal ( fem . ] Hut , [ House ( dim . ] sp . of Boughs . ] Hutch , [ Box. ] Huzz , ( a. Bee ( voice . ] Hyacinth . HL. IV. 4. A. Indian . — HL. V. 5. Hybernal , [ adj . Winter . ] Hydra , [ adj . Water-serpent . ] Hydrography , [ Water 's science . ] Hydropic , [ adj . Dropsie . ] Hyena .   Hymen , [ Marriage . ] Hymn . RE. IV. 2. A. Hyperbole . Mathemat . Mag. III. 8. E. Rhetor. [ fig. of Expression ( exc . ] Hyphen . D , I. 4. A. Hypochondriac . S. VI. 4. A. Hypocrisie . Ha. IV. 4. O. Hypotenuse , [ Side over against the right Angle . ] Hypothesis , [ Supposition . ] Hypothetic , [ adj . Supposition . ] Hyssop . HF. VI. 7. Hedge — HF. VII . 14. Hysterical , [ adj . Womb. ] PG. VI. 9. Disease . S. VI. 9. Hysteron proteron .   I. I. Pron . I. 1. Iabber , [ Pronounce Child ( like . ] Imperfectly ] Indistinctly ] Iacinth , vid. Hyacinth . Iack. Sorry person ] sp . ( male . ] Man ( corr . ] — anapes , vid. Ape . — Daw , vid. Daw. Fish. [ Pike ] Fi. IX . 1. — of the Hedge , [ Alliaria . ] — with a lantern . El. I. 6. — of a Ship. RN. III. 9. A. [ adj . Back ( armor ] leathern — [ leathern Pot ] Pr. V. 5. — to turn spit , [ Vertiginating ( machin ) of rosting ( instr . ] Iackall . Be. V. 4. Iacket , [ Short loose ( vest ) for Trunk . ] Iade , [ Sorry ] sp . Horse . ] Iag , Slasht margin . ] Torn margin . ] Iaguraca . Fi. V. 8. Iay. Bi. I. 8. A. Iail , [ adj . Prison ( place . ] — er . [ adj . Prison ( Off. ] Iakes , [ adj . Dunging ( room . ] — farmer , [ Emptying ( mech . ) of Jakes . ] Iamb , [ adj . Side column . ] St. Iames-wort .   Iangle . Q. III. 9. O. [ a. Contention ] Iannock , [ Flat bread of Oats . ] Ianuary , [ First month ] Iar. [ Earthen pot for Oil ] Sound . Q. III. 2. A. [ a. Contention ] Iargon , [ a. Fiction Language . ] Iasmin . vid. Iessamin . Iasper . St. II. 3. Iavelin , [ Dart. ] Iaundies . S. VI. 2. A. Iaunt , [ Going ( augm . ] Iaw . PG. III. 9. Ice . El. III. 4. Idea . T. II. 3. Identity . T. III. O. Idiom , [ Property of Language . ] Idiot . NP. I. 1. O. ( corr . ] Idle . [ adj . Sloth ] [ Negligent ] [ Not-busie ] [ Not-pertinent ] Idol , Picture adj . p. Worship ( person ] Image adj . p. Worship ( person ] Idolatry , [ Worship of Picture Idolatry , [ Worship Image ] Iealousie . AS . VI. 3. A. ] Ieat . St. VI. 3. Ieer , [ Mock ] Iejune , [ adj . Scarcity of . ] Ielly . Pr. I. 5. A. Iennet , [ Spanish nimble horse . ] Ieopardy , [ Danger ] Ierfalcon .   Ierk. [ a. Motion ( imp . ] [ Whip ] RM. VI. 2. Ierkin , [ Short loose ( vest ) for Trunk . ] Iessamin . Sh. V. 3. Yellow — Sh. II. 13. Iesses , [ Foot-bonds for Hawks ] Iest. [ Not-serious ] [ adj . Urbanity ( thing ] Iesuits powder , [ Cortex febrisugus Peruv . ] Tr. VII . 9. Iet . St. VI. 3. [ adv . proud ( like ) going ( manner ] Iew. RE. I. 3. ( person ] — ' s-ear , [ Fungus of Elder . ] Iewel . [ Gem ] [ Gemms ( aggr . ] [ Precious ( thing ] Iewry , [ Dwelling ( place ) of Jews . ] If. — not , [ Unless . ] — it had not been for , &c. [ Without , &c. ] as — Adv. IV. 2. O. Ignis fatuus . El. I. 6. — lambens . El. I. 6. A. Ignoble . [ Not-noble ] [ adj Mean ( augm . ] Ignominy . [ Infamy ] [ Infamation ] Ignorance . Natural . NP. I. 1. O. op . to Science . Ha. VI. 1. D. op . to Art. Ha. VI. 3. D. Iguana , [ Senembi ] Be. VI. 3. A. Iig , [ Walk wantonly ] [ Trick . ] Iill . Sorry ( fem . ] Woman ( corr . ] [ Half pint ] Iingle . [ Ringing ( dim . ] [ Affectation of sounds of words . ] Iland . W. III. 2. O. Iliac-passion . S. VI. 5. A. Ill. adj . [ Evil ] [ Sick ] — at ease , Pained ] Not-indolent ] — favoured , [ Deformed ] — man , [ Vicious man ] — name , [ Infamy ] — will , [ Malignity ] with an — will , [ adv . Nolleity ] adv . [ adv . Evil ] [ adv . Difficult ] Illation . D. IV. 6. A. Illegal , Not — adj . Law ] Against - adj . Law ] Illegitimate , Begotten not adv . Law. ] Spurious . ] Illiberal , [ Not - adj . Reputation . ] Illiterate . Ha. VI. 4. D. Illuminate , [ a. Light. ] Illusion . [ Deceit ] [ Mocking ] [ Diabolical Apparition ] Illustrate , [ a. Plain ( make ] Illustrious . [ Bright ] [ Noble ] [ adj . Dignity ] Image . Pr. VI. 8. A. Whether painted im . graven im . carv'd im . molded im . molten im . Statue , [ Solid Image ] Imagin . [ a. Fansie ] [ Think ] [ Invent ] Imbargo , [ Arrest of Ships . ] Wares . ] Imbark , [ Into - a. Ship. ] Imbase , Depreciate by mixture . ] Defile . ] Imbattel , [ a. Order for Battel . ] Imbaulm , [ Condite ] Imbecillity , [ Weakness ] Imbellish , [ a. Ornate . ] Imbezil , Spoil ] a. . Prodigal ] Imbibe , Drink ] Soke ] Imbolden , a. Boldness . ] Encourage ] Imboss , [ Adorn with Protuberances . ] Imbroider , [ Variegate by sowing . ] Imbrue , [ Soke ] Imbue , [ adj . p. Quality ( make ] Imburse , [ Receive into purse . ] Imitate . TA. II. 8. A. Immaculate , [ Clear. ] Immanent , [ adj . Action adv . inside . ] Immanity , [ Cruelty ( augm . ] Immatureness . NP. VI. 4. D. Immediate . TM . IV. 2. [ Next ] [ Soon ] Immense , Infinite . ] Great ( augm . ] Immerse , [ Into-ition . ] Imminent , Near. ] Soon . ] Immoderate . [ adj . Excess . ] [ Fierce ] Ha. III. 4. E. Immodest , Not — modest Against — modest Immortal . [ Not-adj . die ( abstr . ] [ adj . Ever . ] Immoueable . [ Not moveable . ] Immunity . RC. IV. 9. A. Immure , Sepiment with walls . ] Shut up with walls . ] Immutable . [ Not - adj . p. alter ( abstr . ] Imp , Graft . ] Lengthen by Grafting ] Impair , [ a. Worse . ] Impale . RJ. V. 4. A. [ Sepiment with Pales ] Impannel , [ a. Catalogue . ] sp . Names . ] Imparity . [ Inequality ] [ Odness ] Impark , [ a. Park ( make ] Impart . [ adj . Partner ( make ] [ a. Narration ] Impartial , [ Not-partial ] Impassible , [ Not - adj . suffer ( pot . ] Impatience . Man. I. 8. O. Impeach , [ Accuse . ] Impedient . T. II. 5. O. Impediment , [ adj . a Impedient ( thing . ] Impell , [ a. Impulsive ] Impendent , [ Over-hanging ] Impenetrable , [ Not-adj . p. pierce ( abstr . ] Impenitence . Ha. V. 1. O. Imperative , [ adj . a. Command ( manner . ] Imperceptible , [ Not - adj . p. common sense ( pot . ] Imperfect . T. III. 9. O. Imperial , [ adj . King ] Crown — Imperiousness . [ Insolence ] [ Magisterialness ] Impertinency . TM . IV. 5. O. Impetrate , [ Obtain ] sp . by Entreaty . ] Impetuous , [ adj . Impetus ] Impetus . T. VI. 6. A. Impiety . [ Gracelesness ] [ Atheism ] [ Prophaneness ] Implacable . [ Not un - adj . p. anger ( abst . ] [ adv . Pertinaciously angry . ] Implant , [ In-plant ] Implead , [ a. Suit. ] Implements , [ Utensils ] Imply , Comprehend by consequence ] Infer by consequence ] Implicit . [ Comprehended ] TA. II. 4. [ Understood ] D. III. 8. O. — faith , [ a. Belief ( abstr . ) with ignorance of the things to be believed . ] Imploy . [ Business ] [ Use ] Implore , [ Intreat ( augm . ] humbly ] Import . [ In-carry ] [ Meaning ] [ Importance ] Importance . T. IV. 5. Importune , [ Intreat , ( augm . ] Importunate , [ adj . Desire Entreat ( aug . ] Impose . [ Upon-pat ] [ Injoin ] [ a. Fraud ] Impossible . T. IV. 4. O. Impost , [ Tax of imported ( things ] Imposthume , [ Aposteme ] Imposture . [ Deceit ] [ Forgery ] [ Fraud ] Impotence . op . to Natural power . NP. O. op . to Acquired power . Ha. II 6. O. [ Not-coition ( apt . ] Impotent . [ adj . Impotence ] [ adj . p. Passion ( exc . ] Impoverish , [ adj . Poverty ( make ] Impound , [ Imprison in Pound . ] Imprecate . RC. VI. 4. A. Impregnable , [ Not-takeable . ] Impregnation . Getting with Child . AC . I. 2. [ Infusion ] O. V. 7. A. Impress . [ Print ] [ Appropriate sentence ] Impression . Influence ] During effect ] a. Printing ] Sign ] Imprimis , [ adv . First . ] Imprint . [ Print ] [ Leave sign ] Imprisonment . RJ. VI. 4. Improbable , [ Not - true ( like ] proveable ] opinable ] Improove . [ Mend ] [ Increase ] [ a. Better ] [ Use ( perf . ] Improper . [ Not-proper ] [ Spurious ] [ Figurate ] Impropriation , [ Inheritance of Priest's revenue . ] Improvidence . Man. III. 2. D. Imprudence . Ha. VI. 2. D. Impudence . Man. III. 7. D. Impugn . [ Fight ] [ a. Opposition ] [ a. Obiection ] Impulse , [ a. T. II. 2. ( abstr . ] — ive cause . T. II. 2. Impunity , [ Not - p. punishment . ] Impure , Defiled ] Impute , Claim ] Predicate ] In. Rest. Prep . IV. 1. O. — to . Prep . IV. 1. — as much as , [ Whereas ] Conj . IV. 1. [ Eng●●●d ] [ Fri●●● ] Motion , [ Into ] Prep . IV. 1. drive — Into — drive ] drop — Into — drop ] — pieces , [ Into pieces . ] Inability , [ Impotence ] Inaccessible , [ Not - adj . p. come ( abstr . ] Inamissable , [ Not - adj . p. lose [ abstr . ] Inamour , [ adj . a. Love ( make ] Inanimate , [ Not - adj . life ] Inaugurate , [ Admission adv . solemnity ] Inauspicious , [ adj . Adversity ( sign ] Inbred , [ In-natural ] Incamp , [ a. Camp ] Incapacitating . Punishment . RJ. VI. 8. A. Incapacity , [ Impotence ] Incarnate , [ adj . p. Flesh ] to — [ a. Flesh ] As a wound healing , [ Again-flesh . ] Incendiary . [ House-burner ] adj . RJ. III. 7. ( person ] [ adj . a. Contention ( make ] Incense . RE. VI. 3. to — [ adj . Anger ( make ] Incentive , [ Impulsive ] Inceptor . [ adj . Begin ( person ] [ Candidate ] Incessant , [ Permanent ] Incest , [ Unchastity with Kin. ] Inch. Mea. I. 2. Inchant , [ a. Witch by words ] Inchoate , [ adj . p. begin ] Incident . adj . Contingency ] adj . p. Event ] Incision , [ Cutting ] Incite , [ a. Impulsive ] Incivility , [ Rusticity ] Inclination . [ Down-obliquing its superficies ] — towards , [ Vergency ] Sp. III. A. [ Disposition ] — of the will. AS . IV. 1. — of the affection . [ Favor ] AS . V. 2. Inclose . [ In-sepiment ] [ Shut ] [ Comprehend ] Include , [ Comprehend ] Inclusive , [ Comprehending the Extremes . ] Incogitancy . [ Not-thinking ] [ Heedlesness ] Incombustible , [ Not - adj . p. burn ( pot . ] Income , [ Revenue ] Incommensurable , [ Not with - adj . p. Measure Proportion ( pot . ] Incommodious , [ Not - profitable ] convenient ] Incommunicable , [ Not-communicable ] Incomparable . [ Most excellent ] [ Not - adj . p. Like adj . p. Equal ( pot ] Incompatible . [ Not — adj . p. Join adj . p. Simultaneous . ( pot . ] Incompetent , [ Not-competent ] Incomprehensible , [ Not - adj . p. know ( pot . ) totally . ] Incongruous , [ adj . Contrariety ] Inconsiderate , [ Careless ] Inconsistent , [ Not - adj . p. Simultaneity ( pot . ] Inconstancy . Ha. IV. 7. D. Incontinent , [ Unchast ] — ly . [ Soon ( augm . ] Inconvenient . T. V. 5. O. Incorporate , [ Join into one body . ] Incorporeal , [ Not - adj . body ] Incorrigible . [ Not-adj . p. better ( pot . ) by Correction ] [ adj . p. Harden ( apt . ] Incorruptible , [ Not - adj . p. corruption ( pot . ] Incounter . [ Meet ] [ Fight ] Incourage . RO. VI. 2. Incrassate , [ adj . a. Thick ] Increase . TM . I. 7. E. [ v. Great ] TM . I. 1. E , Intense ] TM . I. 8. E. [ v. More-Great , &c. ] [ Many ] TM . III. 1. [ Abundant ] TM . I. 2. E. Incredible , [ Not - adj . p. believe ( pot . ] Incredulous . Ha. III. 2. D. Increment , [ Increase ] Incroach , [ Usurp ] Incubus , [ Ephialtes ] S. IV. 2. A. Inculcate , [ Repeat ( freq . ] Inculpable , [ Not - adj . p. blame ( pot . ] Incumbent . [ Church ( Off. ] sp . Parish Priest ] — on , [ Pertinent to ] Incumber , Hinder sp . with confused multitude ] Trouble sp . with confused multitude ] Incurable , [ Not re - adj . p. soundness ( pot . ] Incurr , adj . p. Object ] adj . p. Dangerous ] Incursion , [ Assault ] Indammage , [ a. Loss ] Hurt ] Indanger , [ a. Dangerous ] Indebt , [ a. Debt ] Indecent . T. V. 2. O. Indeclinable , [ Not - adj . p. decline ( pot . ] Indecorum , [ adj . Indecency ( thing . ] Indeed . [ Truly ] Adv. I. 2. A. [ adv . Thing ] Indeer , [ adj . p. Love ( make ] Indefatigable , [ Not - adj . p. weary ( pot . ] Indefinite . [ Not - distinct ] [ Not-limited ] Indeleble , [ Not-deleble ] Indemnifie , [ Preserve from adj . p. hurt ] Indemnity , [ Not - p. Hurt ] Indent . [ a. Notch Dent ( line ] [ a. Paction ] Indentures , [ Bonds of reciprocal Obligation ] Independent , [ Absolute ] TM . IV. 3 Indeterminate , [ Infinite ] T. III. 6. O. Indevour . TA. III. 4. Index . [ Sign ] [ Catalogue ] Indication , [ a. Sign ] Indiction , [ Space of 15 years ] Indifferent . Between Great and little . TM . I. 1. Excellent and sorry . TM . I. 4. Intense and remiss . ] TM . I. 8. [ Not-unlawful ] T. V. 1. A. [ adj . Moderation ] [ Not - adj . zeal ] party ] Indigent . [ Poor ] [ Deficient ] [ Wanting ] Indigestion , [ Not-digesting ] Indign , [ Unworthy ] Indignation . AS . VI. 5. Indignity , Disgraceful injury ] Affront ] Indirect . [ Not-straight ] [ Wrong ] Indiscretion , [ Folly ] Indisposition . [ Disposition ( corr . ] [ Not-health ] Indissoluble , [ Not - adj . p. loosing ( pot . ] Indistinct . [ Not-distinct ] [ Confused ] Individual , [ Singular . ] Indivisible , [ Not - adj . p. divide ( pot . ] Indocil , Dull . Ha. III. 1. O. Not-adj . p. learn ( apt . ] Indoctrinate a. Teacher ] a. Learning ] Indolence . NP. V. 3. Indorse , [ Write on the hind-part ] Indow . [ Give ] sp . permanently . ] [ adj . a. Possessions ( make ] Indue , [ adj . a. Quality . ] Inducement . [ adj . Impulsive ( thing ] [ adj . Persuading ( thing ] Induction . D. IV. 8. — into a Benefice . Indulgence . [ Graciousness ] [ Fondness ] Pope's — [ P. Pardon ] Indurate , [ a. Hard ( make ] Industry , [ Diligence ] Inebriate , [ adj . p. Drunkenness ( make ] Ineffable , [ Not - adj . p. speak ( pot . ] Inequality , T. I. 5. O. Inestimable , [ Not adj . p. value ( pot . ] Inevitable , [ Not - adj . p. avoid ( pot . ] Inexcusable , [ Not-adj . p. excuse ( pot . ] Inexhaustible , [ Not-adj . p. emptying ( pot . ] Inexorable . [ Not-adj . p. Intreat ] Persuade ] Inexperience . Ha. VI. 4. D. Inexpiable , [ Not Un-adj. p. guilty ( pot . ] Inexplicable , [ Not - adj . p. plain ( pot . ] Inextricable , [ Not Un - adj . p. tangle ( pot . ] Infallible , [ Not - adj . erre ( pot . ] Infamation . RJ. VI. 6. Infamy . Ha. II. 4. O. Infancy . Mea. VI. 1. Infantry . [ Footmen ] RM. III. 1. ( kind ) Infatuate , [ adj . a. Folly ( make ] Infect . S. I. 1. Infeeble , [ adj . a. Weakness ( make . ] Infelicity , [ Adversity ] Infeoff . [ Assign ] [ Deposite ] Infer , [ a. Inference . ] Inference . D. IV. 6. A. Inferiority . op . to Equality . TM . I. 5. D. Relation of — RO. III. O. Infernal , [ adj . Hell ] W. II. O. Infertile , [ Barren ] Infest , [ Trouble ] Infidel , [ adj . Infidelity ( person ] Infidelity . Ha. V. 4. O. Infinite . T. III. 6. O. Infirm , [ Weak ] Infix , [ In-fix ] Inflame . [ a. Flame ( make ] [ a. Worse ( make ] Inflamation . S. I. 4. A. Inflate , [ Swell with Wind ] Inflation . S. I. 5. A. Inflexibleness . [ Not - adj . p. bend ( pot . ] [ Stiffness ] Constancy ] Pertinacy ] Inflict . [ a. Action ] sp . adv . Punishment ] [ Execute ] Influence . Efficiency ] Effectivity ] sp . Secret ] sp . of Heavenly bodies ] Infold , [ In-fold ] Inforce , [ a. Coaction ] Inform. [ Tell ] sp . Privately ] [ Teach ] [ Accuse ] Infortunate , adj . Fortune ( corr . ] Adverse ] Infringe , [ Violate ] Infuse . [ Steep ] O. V. 7. O. [ Inspire ] — ed habit . Ha. V. Ingage , [ Oblige ] Ingeminate [ Repeat ( freq . ] Ingender , [ a. Generation ] Ingenious , adj . Fancy ( perf . ] Sprightly ] Ingenuous . NP. IV. 1. Ingestion , [ In-putting ] Ingle .   Inglorious , [ Not - adj . p. reputation ] Ingot , [ Lump ( dim . ] sp . of Fined metal ] Ingraft . O. III. 7. Ingrail , [ a. Tooth Mag. IV. 2. ( line . ] Ingratiate , [ adj . p. Favor ( make ] Ingratitude . Man. I. 6. D. Ingredient . [ Simple ( part ) of Composition ] [ adj . a. Compounding ( thing ] Ingress . [ Into-goe ] [ License of into-going ] Ingross . [ Write ( perf . ] [ Buy all ] Ingulf , [ a. Whirl-pool ] Ingurgitate , [ In-swallow ( aug ] Inhabit , [ Dwell ] Inherent . [ In-being ] [ Adjunct ] Inherit . RC. V. 2. A. Inhesion . [ In-being ] [ Adjunct ( abstr . ] Inhibit . [ Forbid ] [ Cohibit ] Inholder , [ Common Host ] Inhospitable . Man. III. 6. D. Inhumane . Not - adj . Man ] Against - adj . Man ] Cruel ] Inject , [ Into-cast . ] sp . with Syringe ] Inimitable , [ Not-adj . p. imitate ( pot . ] Injoy . TA. V. 7. Injoyn , [ Command ] Iniquity . op . to Equity . Man. I. 2. [ Unholiness ] Initiate , Begin . ] Admit . ] Injudiciousness . NP. I. 2. O. Injunction , [ Command ] Injury . RJ. IV. 1. Injustice . Man. I. 1. O. Ink. Pr. VI. 6. A. — horn , [ adj . p. carry ( apt . ) Vessel for Ink. ] Inkling . Discovery ( dim . ] obscure ] Narration ( dim . ] obscure ] Expression ( dim . ] obscure ] Inlay , [ Variegate the superficies with in-put ( things . ] Inlarge , vid. Enlarge . Inlighten , [ a. Light. ] Inmate , [ Subordinate dweller . ] Inmost . [ Most-adj . inside . ] Inn , [ Common Host ( place ] — keeper , [ Common Host ] to — Corn , [ Into - a. house Corn. ] Innate , [ In-natural ] Innavigable ▪ [ Not - adj . p. navigation ( pot . ] Inner , [ adj . Inside ] Innocent . op . to Guilty . RJ. II. 6. [ Harmless ] Idiot ] Infant ] Innovate . [ a. New ] [ Begin a Custom● Innoxious . [ Not-hurtful ] [ Innocent ] Innumerable , [ Not - adj . p. number ( pot . ] Inoculate . O. III. 7. A. Inofficious , [ Not - adj . complaisance ] In-ordinate , Wrong ] Irregular ] Inquest , [ adj . a. Inquisition ( Off. ] ) agg . ] Inquination , [ Defilement ] Inquire , [ a. Inquisition ] Inquisition . AS . II. 2. [ Examine ] [ Ask ] Inrich , [ adj . Riches ( make ] Inrode , [ Assault Country ] Inroll , [ In - a catalogue ] Insatiable , [ Not-adj . p. suffice ( pot . ] Inscribe , [ On-write ] Inscription , [ Name ] Inscrutable , [ Not - adj . p. find ( pot . ] Insculption , [ On - carving . ] Insect . [ Exang . ( dim . ] Insensible , [ Not-adj . p. sense ( pot . ] Inseparable , [ not - adj . p. separate ( pot . ] Insert , [ In add . ] put . ] Inside . Sp. III. 6. Insidiate . [ a. Ambush ] [ a. Snare ] Insidious . [ adj . Ambush ] Insight . [ Into-seeing ] [ Science ] [ Art. ] Insinuate . [ Into-wriggle ] [ Flatter . ] Insipid , [ Not - adj . p. taste ( pot . ] Insist , [ Upon-stay ] Insociable . op . to Homiletic Vertue , [ adj . Man. IV. O. ] Not - adj . Society ] Against adj . Society ] Insolent . op . to Magnanimity . Man. III. 8. E. op . to Condescension . Man. VI. 2. D. Insoluble , [ Not - adj . p. loosing ( pot . ] Insomuch , [ So. ] Adv. II. 1. O. Inspection . [ Seeing ] [ Oversight ] Inspersion . [ On - sprinkling ] scattering ] Inspiration of God. AS . I. 6. A. Instable , [ adj . Lightness . ] Hab. IV. 7. D. Install . [ Admit solemnly ] [ Consecrate ] Instance . [ Example ] [ Earnest intreaty ] Instant . Sp. I. O. [ Near ] — ly , [ adv . Soon Diligently augm . ] Instauration , [ Re - newing . ] mending ] Instep , [ Convex of foot-joint . ] Instigation . [ Impulsion ] Instill , [ In-drop ] Instinct , [ Natural disposition . ] impulsion . ] Institute , [ a. Institution . ] Institutes . [ Commands ] [ Ordinances ] Institution . [ Instruction ] [ Ordinance ] — religious . RE. VI. Instruction , [ Know ( make ] [ a. Teacher ] — s. [ Directive precepts ] Instrument . Cause . T. II. 1. A. — of Vertue , Ha. II. — mechanical . Po. VI. 1. — of Music , [ adj . Music , ( instr . ] — written , [ Bond. ] [ Substitute ] [ Transc . ( instr . ] Insufficient . [ Not-sufficient ] [ Defective ] Insular , [ adj . Island ] Insult , [ a. Insolence . ] Insuperable , [ Not-adj . p. overcome ( pot . ] Insupportable . [ Not-adj . p. support ( pot . ] Insurrection . [ Sedition ] [ Rebellion ( inc . ] Intail , vid. Entail . Intangle , [ Tangle ] Integer , [ Whole ] sp . Number : ] Integral , [ Whole ] — word . D. II. 1. Integrity . Ha. IV. 6. Intellect . NP. I. 1. Intelligence . [ Knowledge ] [ Narration ] sp . Private . ] Intemperance . [ Sensuality ] Man. II. 1. D. [ Excess ] Intend . [ Purpose ] [ Heed ] [ a. Intense ( make ] Intenseness . TM . I. 8. E. Intent . [ Purpose ] [ End ] Intentive . [ Heedfull ] [ Seriously dispos'd to ] [ Earnestly dispos'd to ] Intercalation , [ Between-putting . Intercede . RC. VI. 6. A , Intercept . [ Take in-coming ] [ Not-seen ( make ) by between-being ] Intercession . RC. VI. 6. A. Interchangeable , [ Reciprocal . ] Intercourse , [ Commerce ] Intercurrent , [ Between - adj . ition . ] Interdict , [ Forbid ] Interest . [ Concernment ] [ adj . Pertinent ] [ Proper profit ] [ Right ] Usury . [ Rent of mony ] Interfere , [ Strike mutually . ] sp . Hurt Hinder by strik . m. ] Interjacent , [ Between-being ] Interjection . D. II. 7. A. Interim , [ Between-space . ] Interior , [ adj . Inside ] Interlace . [ Mingle ] [ Stratifie ] Interlard , [ a. Stratifie Interline . [ Between a. line . ] [ a. Stratifie ] Interlocution .   Interlope , [ a. Prevent ] sp . in Buying . ] Interlude , [ Stage-play ] Intermeddle . [ With-mingle ] [ Between a. business . ] Intermediate . [ Middle ] [ Mediator ] Intermingle , [ a. Mixture ] Intermit , [ adj . p. Discontinue ( make ] Intermix , [ a. Mixture . ] Internal , [ adj . Inside ] Interpellation . [ adj . p. Discontinue ( make ) discourse by between-speaking . ] Interpolation . [ Between-put ] sp . adj . p. Forgery ( thing ] Interpose . [ Between-put ] [ a. Intercession ] Interpretation . D. V. 4. Interpunction . D. I. 4. Interr , [ Bury ] Interreign , [ Between-time of two a. Kings . ] Interrogation , [ Question ] Interrogatory , [ adj . p. Question ( thing . ] Interrupt. [ adj . p. Discontinue ( make ] [ Hinder ] Intersection . Ma. II. 2. A. Interval , [ Between-space ] Intervene , [ Between - a. event ] Intestate , [ Not - adj . a. preter . bequeathing . ] Intestine , [ adj . Inside ] Inthrall , [ a Slave ( make ] Inthroning , [ On-seating ] sp . for Admission ( sign ] Intice , [ Allure ] Intimate . [ a. Narration concealedly ] obscurely ] — friend , [ Friend ( augm . ] Intire . [ Total ] [ Whole ] [ adj . Integrity ] Intitle . [ adj . Right ( make ] [ Name ] Into . Prep . IV. 1. Intolerable . [ Not - adj . p. suffer Permit pot . ] Intoxicate . [ a. Fume ( augm . ] [ adj . p. Drunkenness ( make ] Intractable , [ Perverse ] Intrada , [ Revenue ] Intralls . PG. VI. Intrap , [ a. Trap ] Intreat . [ Pray ] RO. V. 3. [ Entertain ] Intrench , [ a. Trench ] Intricate . [ Tangle ] [ a. Difficult ( make ] Intrigue . [ adj . p. Concealed ( thing ] [ adj . Obscure ( thing ] Intrinsecal , [ adj . Inside ▪ ] Introduction . [ In-bringing ] [ Prologue ] Intrude , [ Into-thrust . ] Intrust . [ Instead - a. right ] [ Deposite ] Intuition . [ Seeing . ] sp . distinct . ] Invade . [ Assault ] [ Usurp ] Invalid . [ Impotent ] [ Weak ] [ Defective ] Invasion .   Inveck , [ a. Notch ( line ] Invective , [ adj . Reviling ( thing ] Inveigh , [ a. Revile ] Inveigle , [ Allure ] sp . to Evil. ] Invelop , [ a. Wrap ] Invenomed , [ adj . p. Poison ] Inventing . AS . III. 2. A. Inventory , [ Catalogue ] sp . of Possessions . ] Invert . [ Turn ] AC . VI. 8. sp . adv . Contrary . ] [ Retort ] Invest , [ a. Admision solemnly . ] Investigation , [ Inquisition ] Inveterate , [ Old ] Invincible , [ Not - adj . p. overcome ( pot . ] Inviolable , [ Not - adj . p. violate ( pot . ] Inviron , [ About-margin ] Invisible , [ Not - adj . p. see ( pot . ] Invite . [ Intreat to come ] [ Provoke ] Inundation , [ Overflowing ] Invocate . [ Call ] [ Pray ] Involve , Comprehend ] Intangle ] Involuntary , [ Not - adj . p. will. ] Invulnerable , [ Not-adj . p. wound ( pot . ] Inward , [ adj . Inside ] — s. PG. VI. Iob. [ Operation ( dim . ] [ Knock ( dim . ] Iob's tears . HL. III. 7. A. Iocular , [ adj . Urbanity ] Iocund . [ adj . Mirth ] [ adj . Urbanity ] Iog . a. Motion ( imp . ] a. Shaking ( imp . ] be — ing , [ From-go ] TA. VI. 1. O. St. Iohn's wort , HS. V. 7. St. Iohn's Bread , [ Carob ] Tr. VI. 1. Poor Iohn , [ Haak ] Fi. III. 3. A Ioy. [ Mirth ] AS . V. 3. — for good of others . AS . VI. 6. — for evil of others . AS . VI. 7. to — joy one of , &c. [ Congratulate one for , &c. ] Ioin . Together-put . TA. II. 1. a. Nearness ] a. Contiguity ] a. Continuity ] Associate ] a. Partner ] a. League ] — battel , [ a. Battel . ] — company , [ With - sit . travel , &c. ] — er , [ adj Fabrile ( mech . ) of wooden Utensils . ] Ioint . [ adj . p. Join ] — ly , [ Together . ] Limm . PG. V. [ Knitting ] out of — [ Having its Joint unplaced . ] to — [ Cut the Joints . ] Iointure , [ Widow's Revenue . ] Iole , [ Head. ] sp . Cheek . ] Iolly , [ adj . Mirth . ] Iolt , [ Shake ( imp . ] sp . by Leaping ( like . ] Iot . Point ] Little ( thing ] Iove , vid. Iupiter . Iovial , [ adj . Mirth . ] Iournal , [ Narration of daily [ things . ] Iourney , [ Travel ] — man , [ Hired subordinate ( mech . ] ( merc . ] Ioros . Fi. III. 8. Irascible , [ adj . Angry ( apt . ] Ire , [ Anger ] Iris , HL. IV. 6. HL. V. 3. A. Irksome . [ adj . Displicence ( augm . ] [ adj . Aversation ( augm . ] Iron . Met. I. 6. — monger , [ adj . Iron ( mer. ] — wort . HF. VII . 12. A. Irony . D. I. 8. A. Irradiation , [ ad● Bright ( make ] Irrational . NP. I. O. Irreconcileable , [ Not re - adj . p. Friend ( pot . ] Irrefragable [ Not - adj . p. deny ( pot . ] adj . p. confute ( pot . ] Irregularity . TM . V. 4. A. Irreligious . [ Atheistical . ] Irremissible , [ Not - adj . p. forgive ( pot . ] Irreparable . [ Not-adj . p. compensate amend ( pot . ] Irresolute , [ adj . Wavering ] Irreverence . Man. V. 3. D. Irrevocable . [ Not again-adj . p. get back-adj . p. call ( pot . ] Irrision , [ Mocking ] Irritate , Provoke ] a. Impulsive ] Irruption , [ Violent into-ition ] Is , a. Being ] Copula ] Ischury , [ Disease of not-adj . a. Urin ( pot . ] Ise. El. III. 4. Isicle , [ Frozen drop . ] Ising-glass , [ Selenites ] Issue , [ Out-goe . ] [ a. Stream ( dim . ] [ Sally ] Off-spring , Children ( aggr . ) RO. I. 2. O. ] Descendents ( aggr . ) RO. I. 1. O ▪ ] [ Event ] — at Law. RJ. II. 5. to joyn — [ adj . p. Issue ( make ] Isthmus . W. III. 3. It. Pron . I. 3. Itch. AC . II. 6. Disease . S. III. 2. Item . [ adj . p. Reckon Add ( thing ] Admonition ( dim . ] Narration ( dim . ] Iterate , [ Repeat ] Itinerant , [ adj . a. Travel ] Itinerary , [ adj . Travel ] Ition . TA. VI. Iubile . [ adj . Festivity-year . ] [ Mirth ( augm . ] Iucca . HL. V. 4. A. Iudaism . RE. I. 3. Iudas-tree . Tr. VI. 3. Iudge . RJ. I. 1. Iudgement . Faculty . NP. I. 2. [ Opinion ] [ RJ. ( thing ] [ Sentence ] — of God , Punishment from God. ] Cursing . AS . I. 3. O. Iudicatory , [ adj . RJ. ] sp . Place . ] Iudicial Relation . RJ. Persons in — R● . I. Proceedings in — RJ. II. Iudicious , [ adj . Judgment ( perf . ] Iug , [ Narrow-neck'd pot . ] sp . of Earth . ] Iugament . Po. VI. 3. Iuggle , [ a. Prestigiator ] Iuggler . RC. III. 9. A. Iugular , [ adj . Throat ] Ivy. Sh. III. 12. ground — HL. VI. 11. Virginian — Sh. V. 8. Iuice . PP . I. 7. Iujub , Common . Tr. II. 6. white — Tr. II. 6. A. Iulap , [ Cooling Potion ] Iuly , [ Seventh month ] Iulis . Fi. V. 9. A. Iulus . Ex. II. 19. A. Iumble , [ a. Confused . ] Iump , [ Leap ( imp . ] Iuncto , [ Faction ] Iuncture , [ Present state of things . ] Iune , [ Sixth month ] Iuniper . Sh. III. 10. Iunket , [ adj . Banquet ( thing ] Ivory , [ Elephant's horn ] tooth ] Iupiter . W. II. 4. A. Iury , [ Equals sworn to judge . ] Iurisdiction , Judges ( place . ] Magistrates . ( place . ] Iust. [ adj . Justice ] [ adj . Perfection ] — temper . TM . I. 8. — so , All so . ] So so . ] to — [ Game of mutual assaulting with Spears . ] Iustice. Man. I. 1. — of Peace , [ adj . Justice ( Off. ] Iustifie . [ a. Just ] Innocent ] Pronounce Just ] Declare Innocent ] Iustle , [ Thrust ( imp . ] sp . with Shoulders . ] Elbows . ] &c. Iut out , [ a. Protuberant . ] Iuvenile , [ adj . Youth , ] K. KAlend , [ First day of the month . ] Kalendar , [ Book of months ] Kank , [ Muscovia glass . ] Katkin . PP . II. 1. A. Kecks , [ Hollow stalk . ] Kedger , [ Anchor ( dim . ] Keel . RN. II. 1. Keeling . Fish. Keen . [ adj . a. Cut ( apt . ] [ Acrimonious ] [ Intense ] Keep. In Good. [ Preserue ] [ Maintain ] Out of Evil. Hurtful , [ Deliver . ] Dangerous , [ Defend . ] [ a. Permanent ] In Quantity . — at a stay . TM . I. 9. In Quality . — dry [ a. permanent dr . ] — warm , [ a. permanent w. In Place , [ Stay. ] — close , a. Permanent Stay ( close . ] — one 's bed a. Pernent Stay in one's bed . ] — ones ground . RM. II. 2. — the field . RM. II. 3. — the town . RM. II. 4. In Possession . [ Hold ] TA. I. 6. Not lose . TA. V. 5. [ Not change ] — one 's course . — a wind . RN. VI. 6. [ Not violate ] — command , Perform com . ] — promise , Perform pro. ] — word , Perform word . ] — holy-day Perform h.d. ] — away from , [ Absent be ] make ] — back , [ Cohibit . ] — in , [ Cohibit . ] — off , Be Make distant ] — to it , [ v. Permanent doing , ] &c. ] — under , [ v. Permanent restraining . ] subjecting . ] — company , a. companion . ] together-go . ] — counsel , [ a. Taciturnity ] — house , [ a. RO. III. 5. ] — a good house , [ a. RO. III. 5. liberally . ] — silence , [ a. Silence . ] — watch , [ a. Guard. ] Keeper . Keeping ( Off. ] Guarding ( Off. ] [ Park ( Off. ] Keg . [ Barrel ( dim . ] Measure . Key . — of door . Po. IV. 4. A. — of Music , [ Principal note ] Fruit. PP . III. 4. A. [ Haven ] Kell . PG. VI. 6. A. Kemb , vid. Comh . Kemboing the arm● . AC . IV. 7. Ken , [ See ] sp . From remote ( place . ] Kennel . [ Bed ] [ Room ] [ Sink ] [ Receptacle of filth ] [ Gutter for filth ] Kerchief , [ adj . Linen ( vest ) for head . ] Kern . [ Grain ] [ adj . Rusticity ( person ] Kernel . Fruit. PP . III. 6. A. [ Glandule ] PP . II. 7. A. Kersy .   Kestrel , [ Hovering Hawk ] Ketch . RN. I. 2. A. Kettle . Pr. V. 6. Kibe , [ Chilblane . ] S. III. 7. Kick , [ Strike with foot ] hee l ] Kid , [ Goat ] Be. II. 2. A. ( young ] to — as Pease . [ a. PP . III. 5. A. ] Kidney . PG. VI. 7. Kil . a — [ Arched fire ( place ] to — [ a. dy ( make ] Kilderkin , [ Barrel ( dim . ] Kin. [ Consanguinity ] RO. I. [ Affinity ] RO. II. Kine . Be. II. 1. Kinde . Genus . T. I. [ Species ] T. I. A. a — of , &c. out of — [ worse than its ancestors ] it hath been . ] [ Sex ] [ Manner ] [ adj . Kindness ] — ly , eat — taste ( perf . ] ripen — ripen ( perf . ] Kindeness . [ Favour ] [ Courtesie ] [ Graciousness ] Kindle . [ a. Fire ( inc . ] [ a. Anger ( inc . ] Kindred . [ Consanguinity ] RO. I. [ Affinity ] RO. II. King. Monarch . RC. I. 2. — dom , [ King ( place ] — 's evil , S. III. 3. — at arms , [ Principal Herald . ] — fisher , Bi. III. 9. A. — spear , [ Asphodel ] HL. V. 1. Kiss . AC . V. 6. A. Kitchin , [ adj . Cookery ( room . ] Kite Bi. I. 2. A. — fish . Fi. III. 6. Kitlin , [ Cat ( young ] Knack , [ adj . Vanity ( thing ] Knag , [ Knurl ] PP . I. 1. A. Knap , [ Top ] sp . tufted . ] — sack , [ adj . Travel ( bag . ] — weed . HF. III. 4. Silver — HF. III. 4. A. Knave . adj . Crafty ( person ] adj . a. Cheat ( person ] Kneading . O. IV. 7. Knee . PG. V. 5. A. — pan , [ Bone defending the Knee-joint . ] being on his — s. AC . VI. 6. A. Kneel . AC . VI. 6. Knell , [ Ringing for pret . dying ( sign . ] Knife . Po. VI. 2. Knight , [ Gentleman of highest degree . ] Knit . — knot , bind . ] tie . ] — stockings . O. V. 2. A. Knob , [ adj . Protuberance ( thing ] Knock. Mo. VI. 4. A. Knoll . [ Hill ( dim . ] [ adj . Protuberance ( thing ] Knop , [ adj . Protuberance ( thing ] sp . tufted . ] Knot . [ adj . p. Knit ( part ] [ Ribbands ( aggr . ) tied for ornament ] — in garden , [ Area figur'd for ornament ] Crew , [ adj . aggregate ] sp . ( corr . ) — of a tree . PP . I. 1. A. — in grass , [ joint ( like — ] — grass . HF. I. 4. Bird. Bi. VII . 6. [ Difficulty ] to — [ a. Bud ] [ a. Coagulate ] Know. — mentally . AS . II. 5. — carnally , [ Coition . ] to be known of , Claim . ] Confess . ] Knowledge , [ Knowing ] [ Science . ] Ha. VI. 1. [ Experience . ] Ha. VI. 4. Knuckle . PG. V. 7. A. Knurl , [ Knot ] PP . I. 1. A. L. LAbel , [ Lamin . ] sp . of skin upon — p. writing ( apt . ] sp . Ac●essory . ] Labor . [ Operation ] [ Endeavor ( augm . ] [ Diligence ] ● to be in — [ a. Parturition ] [ adj . p. Pain by Parturition ] Laborer , [ adj . Operation ( person . ] Laborious .   Labyrinth , [ Buildind adj . a. tangle Wander ( apt . ] Lac , [ Wax of Ants. ] Lace . Pr. IV. 5. to — [ a. Face with Lace . ] to — together , [ Together-bind . sp . with Lace . ] Laceration , [ Tearing ] Lack. [ Not-have ] [ Scarcity ] [ Defect ] [ Want ] Lacky , [ adj . a. Foot-servant ] Laconism , [ Brief sentencing ( manner . ] Lactation . AC . I. 4. A. Lad , [ adj . Adolescence ( person . ] Ladanum , [ Concrete exudation of the holy rose ] Ladder . Po. IV. 1. A. Lade , [ a. Burden . ] — ing , [ adj . Burden - ( thing ] Lady . adj . Noble ( fem . ] adj . Gentle ( fem . ] — cow . Ex. V. 6. A. — laces , [ Striped grass ] 's Bedstraw . HF. IX . 6. A. — 's Bower . — 's Glove . HL. IX . ● . — 's Mantle . HL. VI. 9. A. — 's Milk , [ White Thistle ] — 's Seal , [ Black Briony ] — 's Slipper . — 's Smock . HS. IV. 15. A. — 's Thistle . [ White Th. ] Ladle , [ Spoon ( augm . ] Lag . [ Protract ] Lagopus . Bi. II. 7. A. Lay. [ Pasture , [ adj . lying ( make . ] Condition ( put ] Place ( put ] — about him , ( augm . ] a. Operation a. Diligence ] — aside . [ a. Desist ] [ Un - a. Officer ( make ] — down , [ Defist ] — on , [ On-put ] — out for Take ( end ] Get ( end ] Disburse for ] — to one's charge , [ a. Accuse . ] — to ones Wrist , [ Apply ] — together , [ a. Summe ] — up . TA. V. 4. — land , [ a. Rest from plowing . ] — a cloth , Put Spread on table . ] — egg , [ a. Parturition ▪ ] foundation , [ a. Foundation . ] — hands on , Catch ] Arrest ] — hold on , Catch ] Arrest ] — level , [ a. Level ( make ] — open , [ a. Open ( make ] — siege to , [ Besiege ] — wager , [ a. Wager ] — wait , [ a. Ambush ] a — — land , [ adj . Rest land ] — man , [ adj . RE. O. ( person . ] [ Song ] [ Wagering ] Rank ] Course ] Laic , [ Temporal ] Laire . [ Deer's lying ( place ] [ Stratifie ] Lake . W. IV. 2. A. Tree . Tr. VIII . 8. Lamb , [ Sheep ] Be. II. 2. ( young ) to — [ v. Parturition ] Lame . [ Mutilated ] [ adj . Halt ( apt . ] Lament . [ Grief , ( augm . ] ( sign ] Lamin . Mag. V. 4. Lamm , [ adj . Cudgelling ] Lamp. Pr. VI. 3. A. Lamprey . Fish. Fi. VI. 5. Disease . Lamprill . Fi. VI. 5. A. Lanar , Woolly feathered Hawk . ] Soft feathered Hawk . ] — et , [ Lanar ( male . ] Lance. [ Short Pike ] Burning — [ Dart. ] El. I. 4. A. to — Scarifie ] Cut ] Open by cutting ] Lancea ardens , [ Dart ] El. I. 4. A. Lance-knight , [ Foot-souldier ] Lancepresado , [ adj . Military ( Off. ) over 10. ] Lancet , vid. Launcet . Lanch , [ a. Navigation ( inc . ] Land. [ Earth ] [ Field ] Po. I. arable — Po I. 4. [ Countrey ] RC. III. 2. — loper , [ adj . Wander ( person . ] — mark , [ adj . Margin ( sign . ] to — Come Bring on shore . ] Landlord adj . pret . Demising ( person of House . ] Land. ] adj . p. Right ( person of House . ] Land. ] [ Host ] Landress , [ adj . Washing ( mech . ] ( fem . ] Landskip , [ Picture of Countrey . ] Lane , [ Narrow Street ] adj . Travel ( place . ] by — [ Not usual — ] Language . D. A. good , g. Discourse ( manner . ] ill , ill . Discourse ( manner . ] Languid , [ adj . Weakness . ] Languish , [ Decay ] Lank , Lean ] Empty ] Limber ] Lantern , [ adj Candle ( room . ] Lap. — of garment , Corner Margin of Vest. ] [ Space upon the knees ] — dog , [ Little Dog kept onely for delight . ] — of ear . to — as a Dog , [ Drink by licking . ] — up warm , Fold Clothe for warmth . ] Lapidary , [ adj . Gem ( merc . ] Lapse . Stumble ( dim . ] Fall ] [ Lose by omission ] Lapwing , Bi. VII . 1. Larboord [ Left side ] Larceny , [ Theft . ] Larch-tree . Tr. V. 3. A. Lard , [ Fat of Swine ] to — Pr. III. 8. — er , [ adj . Flesh ( room . ] Large . Ample ] Broad ] Great ] [ Abundant ] [ Liberal ] at — [ Not — cohibited ] imprison'd ] [ adj . Liberty ] Largess , [ Gift ( augm . ] Larix tree . Tr. V. 3. A. Lark . Bi. V. 4. Sea — Bi. VII . 3. A. Tit — Bi. V. 4. A. — 's heel . HS. I. 2. Lasciviousness . [ Wantonness ] [ Unchastness ] Lash , [ Whip ] to — out , [ a. Irregularity ] Excess ] Prodigality ] Laserwort . HF. IV. 6. Lask , [ adj . Excess dunging ( apt . ] Lass , [ adj . Adolescence ( fem . ] Lassitude , [ p. Weary ( abstr . ] Last - [ Most . New ] Late ] Remotest ] Hindermost ] adj . Finishing ] End ] a — [ Exemplar ] sp . for Foot vest ] ro — v. Duration ] v. Permanent ] Latch . Po. IV. 5. A. — et , [ Thong ] sp . for Foot vest . ] Late . op . to Old. Sp. I. 3. op . to Soon . Sp. I. 4. O. Latent , Concealed ] H●d ] Lath , [ Lamin ] sp . of Wood ] Lathe , [ adj . Turning ( jug . ] Latin , [ Language of Romans ] Latitude . [ Breadth ] [ Distance from the Equator ] Latter , [ Succeeding ] Lattin , [ adj . Iron ( Lamin ) tinn'd . ] Lattis , [ Oblique Crosses ( plain . ] Lavarettus . Fi. IX . 5. A. Laudable , [ adj . p. Praise ( apt . ] Lave , [ Empty by out-scooping . ] Lavender . HF. VI. 5. French — [ Cassidony ] HF. VI. 5. A. Sea — HS. VI. 9. A. — Cotton . HF. II. 10. A. Laver , [ adj . Washing ( vessel ] Laugh . AC . IV. 3. — to scorn , [ Laugh Contemning . ] Mocking . ] Lavish , [ Prodigal ] Launce , vid. Lance. Launch , [ a. Swim ( inc . ] sp . Ship. ] Laundress , [ adj . a. Washing ( mech . ] Laurel . Tr. III. 5. A. Alexandrian — Sh. III. 7. Law , RC. IV. 3. — of nature . RC. VI. 2. — positive . RC. VI. 3. Civil — [ Roman Law ] Father in — [ Father by affinity . ] go to — [ a. Suit. ] — day , [ a. Cause-day . ] — full . T. V. 1. — less Licencious . ] Without Law. ] Lawyer . Civil — RC. II. 2. Common — RC. II. 2. A. Lawn . [ Linnen fine ( augm . ] [ Treey pasture . ] Lax. [ Tied ( dim . ] [ Loose ] Laxative , [ adj . a. Dung ( apt . ] Lazer , [ adj . Leprosie ( person . ] Lazerole . Tr. I. 3. A. Lazy . op . to Stout . NP. IV. 6. O. [ adj . Sloth ] Lazul stone . St. II. 3. A. Leach . [ Physitian ] Lead . Met. I. 5. Black — Met. III. 6. Red — White — [ Ceruse ] Met. IV. 6. — s of house , [ Leaden roof of — ] — wort Leade . Go before . TA. VI. 5. [ Begin ] [ Direct ] [ Allure ] - ing case , [ Example ] D. IV. 8. - aside , Leade ( corr . ] Err. ( make . ] Seduce . ] - life , a. Conversation ] a. Life ] Leaf . — of Plant. PP . II. 5. A. — of Paper , [ Lamin . ] — of Fat , [ Fat next the ribs . ] sp . of Hogs . ] — of Gold , [ Lamin — ] League . Confederacy . RC. III. 8. Measure . Mea. I. 8. Leaguer , [ Siege . ] Leak . [ Into-receive water ] spring a — [ into-receive ( inc . ) water . ] Leam , [ Lamin of flame . ] Leaning . Posture . AC . VI. 4. A. [ Obliquing ] — toward , [ Vergency ] Leanness . NP. V. 5. O. Leap. — ing . AC . I. 5. [ a. Coition ] — year , [ Year of 366 days . ] Learn , a. Learner ] Know ( inc . ] — er . RO. III. 3. O. — ing . Ha. VI. 5. Lease . [ Obligation of hire ] [ Pasture ] to — let a — [ Demise by ●●ligation of hire ] Glean , [ Gather the left ears . ] Ly , [ a. Man. IV. 1. Leash . [ Three ] [ Dog-couple ] [ Whip ] Least , [ Most-little ] at — adv . Most-little ] Not less ] — that . Conj . III. 1. O. Leasure . TA. III. O. — ly , Slow . ] adj . Degrees ( segr . ] Leather . Pr. IV. 2. Leave . [ License ] Take ones — [ a. Valediction ] to — Not take . TA. I. 4. O. Abandon ] [ a. Residue ] a. Dereliction ] a. Desertion ] Give over ] Omit ] Desist ] Leaven , [ adj . a. Ferment ( thing ] sp . of Bread. ] Leaver , [ adj . Lifting ( instr . ] Lechery , [ adj . Lust ( apt . ] Leccia Salviani . Fi. IV. 1. Lecture , [ adj . p. Read ( thing ] Lecture , [ adj . p. Read ( thing ] Teacher ] Ledge , [ Transverse protuberant ( thing . ] Lee. [ Sediment ] [ Cover'd from wind ] Fall to Leeward . RN. VI 6. D. Leech . Ex. I. 2. Vid. Leach . Leek . HL. IV. 9. A. House — [ Sedum ] Leer , [ Look obliquely ] deceitfully ] Leese , [ Lose ] Leet , [ Law-day ] Left. pret . Leave . adj . p. Leave . [ Residue ] TM . VI. 7. O. Sinister . Sp. III. 9. O. Leg , [ Shank ] PG. V. 5. - of Mutton , [ Thigh of sheep . ] to make a leg , [ a. Congee . ] Legacy , [ adj . p. Bequeathing ( thing . ] Legal , [ adj . Law ] Legate , [ Public adj . p. send ( person . ] Legend , [ Fabulous Narration . ] Legerdemain , [ adj . Prestigiator ( thing . ] Legible , [ adj . p. read ( pot . ] Legion , [ Regiment . ] Legislative , [ adj . a. Law ( make . ] Legitimate , adj . Law. ] Genuine . ] to — [ Un-a Bastard . ] Legumen , [ Pulse . ] Leman , [ adj . Fornication ( fem . ] Lemon . Tr. I. 8. A. Lend . RC. V. 4. Length . TM . II. 1. at — [ After all this ] Adv. III. 3. O. Lengthen , a. Length . ] Protract . ] Lenity , Clemency . ] Meekness . ] Lenitive , Un — adj . a. Pain ( apt ] adj . a. Indolence ( apt . ] Lent. pret . Lend . ] adj . p. Lend . ] [ adj . Fasting ( time . ] Lentils . HS. II. 3. A. Lentisk , [ Mastic-tree . ] Lentitude , [ Excess of Meekness ] 〈◊〉 . I. 9 , E. Leo , [ Fifth of the 12. parts of the Zodiac . ] Leopard . Be. IV. 2. A. — s bane . HF. III. 6. Leper , [ adj . Leprosie ( person . ] Leprosie . S. II. 5. Less , [ More-little . ] Lessee , [ adj . a. Hire ( person . ] Lessen , [ Diminish . ] Lesson , [ adj . p. Read Teacher ( thing . ] Lessor , [ adj . a. Demising ( person ] Let Licence ] Permit ] - alone , [ Not hinder . ] - bloud , [ a. Bleeding . ] - down , Cause Help . Suffer to descend ] - go . TA. I. 6. O. - in , Suffer to in - out - go ] - out , Suffer to in - out - go ] - pass , [ Omit . ] - slip , [ Omit . ] [ Impedient . ] [ Demise . ] Lethargy . S. IV. ● . Letter . [ Element . ] D. I. 1. [ Epistle ] [ Bond ] s patents , [ Patent . ] Lettice . HF. III. 11. Lambs — Level . [ Lying ] Plain ] Equal ] Smooth ] [ Plainness-trying ( instr . ] Aim , Towards Against . direct . ] op . to Degrees of persons . RC. I. O. Leven , vid. Leaven . Leveret , [ Hare ( young . ] Leviathan , [ Crocodile ] Be. IV. 3. Levy , [ Gather . ] Levite . RE. II. 2. A. Levity . Tactil quality . Q. V. 4. D. Inconstancy . Ha. IV. 7. D. Vainness . Man. IV. 6. D. Lewd . [ Evil ( augm . ] [ Vicious ( augm . ] [ Unchast ] Lexicon , [ Catalogue of interpreted words . ] Ly [ v. Situation ] — near to , [ v. Near. ] — next to , [ v. Near. ] v. Prostrate . ] AC . VI. 7. A. a. Guest . ] RO. III. 6. A. a. Permanent . ] Sp. I. 6. — down . AC . VI. 7. A. — from home , Be all the night a Guest ( from home . ] — in child-bed , [ Be Shut up In bed after ( parturition . ] — in wait , [ a. Ambush ] — together , [ together - a. a. Coition ] a. Bed ] — under , Under-ly ] adj . p. Subject ] — up , [ Rise ] — with , [ With - a. Coition . ] a. Bed. — bedrid , [ Be un-adj . a. Rise ( pot . ) by sickness . ] — hid , [ adj . p. Conceal . ] — open , [ adj . p. Opening . ] — still , [ adj . Rest. ] [ a. Lying ] Man. IV. 1. O. tell a — [ a. Man. IV. 1. O. a — [ a. Lying ] Ly [ adj . a. Lixiviation [ thing ] Lyingness . Man. IV. 1. O. Liable , [ adj . p. Object ( pot . ] Lib , [ Un - a. Testicle ] Libbard , [ Leopard . ] Libel , [ adj . Book ( dim . ] sp . Backbiting . ] Libella worm . Ex. III. 5. Lib-ral . [ adj . Free-man ] — Science , [ Learning ] Ha. VI. 4. [ adj . Liberality ] Liberality . Man. III. 1. Liberty . RC. IV. A. — of converse , [ Frankness ] — of will , AS . IV. 8. at — adj . Liberty ] Un - adj . p. Slave . ] Imprisonment . ] Libertin , [ Not-cohibited adj . Vice ( person ] Libidinous , [ adj . a. Lust ( apt . ] Libra , [ Seventh part of the Zodiac ] Library , [ adj . Books ( House . ] ( Room . ] ( aggr . ] Libration . O. I. 2. Lice , [ pl. Lowse ] — bane . Licence . RC. IV. 8. A. Licentiousness . [ Liberty , ( exc . ] corr . ] [ Not cohibited Vice ( abstr . ] Lick . Mo. III. 7. — 〈◊〉 . El. I. 6. A. Licorice . Sh. IV. 5. wild — HS. III. 3. Licourous , [ Intemperate in banquetting ] Lid , [ adj . Covering ( instr . ] ey — [ Covering ( part ) of the Ey . ] Liege , [ adj . Law ] — lord [ Proper King ] — man , [ Proper Subject ] Lieger . Resident Ordinary Embassador Lieu , [ Substitute ( abstr . ] in — of . Prep . II. 1. A. Lieutenant , [ adj . Substitute ( person ] ( Off. ] — of a ship . RN. V. 1. A. Life . [ Living ( abstr . ] to the — [ Living ( like ] Tree of — Sh. IV. 6. A. . — everlasting , [ Gnaphalium ] — time . Mea. VI. — of Cicero , [ Narration of &c. ] Of — and death , [ adj . Capital ] [ Vigour ] Lift. Move upward . O I. 1. [ Exalt , a. High. ] a. Higher ] — up ones voice , [ Exclaim . ] — of a Ship. RN. IV. 4. A. Ligament . PG. II. 2. Light. Subst . Primary — Q. I. 1. E. Secondary — Q. I. 2. [ Brightness ] [ adj . a. Light ( instr . ] as Candle , &c. to — a fire , [ a. Fire ( inc . ] [ adj . Lightness ] — ness . op . to Heaviness . Q V. 4. D. — headed , [ Vertiginous ] [ Agility ] — horse , [ adj . War-horse . ] op . to Seriousness . NP. IV. 3. O. Constancy . Ha. IV. 7. D. Gravity . Man. IV. 6. D. Chastity . Man. II. 7. D. [ Easiness ] — of belief , [ Credulity ] [ Frivolousness ] [ Remisseness ] make — of , [ Contemn ] to — as Bird Descend ] Settle on feet ] — from horse , [ Descend — ] Happen [ a. Event ] — on , [ Happen to find ] Lighten . [ a. Light ] [ Un - a. Burden ] Pain ] [ a. Lightning ] Lightening . El. I. 3. Lighter , [ Boat for burden ( aug . ] Lights , [ Lungs ] PG. VI. 2. A. Lightsome , [ adj . Light. ] Lignum Aloes .   Lignum Nephriticum , Tr. VII . 4. Lignum Rhodium .   Ligurious . Bi. VI. 1. Like . [ adj . Likeness ] — as , [ As ] — wise , [ adv . Like ] [ adj . Equality ] — for — [ Compensate ] I — it , [ I Approve Love it . ] Likely , Probable ] True ( like ] Likeness ▪ TM . V. 1. Liking . Condition ] State ] Approbation ] Love ] Lilach . Sh. IV. 1. Lilly. HL. IV. 2. day — HL. V. 3. water — HL. VI. 4 , — of the valley . HL. VII . 7. A. Limb. [ Joint ] [ Part ] Limbeck , [ Vessel for hot distilling ] Limberness . Q. V. 6. E. Limbus , [ Margin ] Lime . El. IV. 5. Bird — [ Glue to catch entangle Birds . ] sp . Prepared juice of Misleto ] — hound . — tree . Tr. VI. 10. Limit . [ Finiting ( Sign ] ( Thing ] ( Place ] Side ] Margin ] to — [ a. [ Limitation ] [ Determination ] [ pohibit ] [ Apoint precisely ] Limitation . D. IV. 2. Limn , [ Paint with Water-colours . ] Limon .   Limp , [ Halt ] Limpet . E● . VIII . 1. Linage , [ Descendents ( aggr . ] RO. I. 1. O. Linchpin .   Linden tree .   Line . Dimension . Mag. I. 1. — of writing . the — [ Equator ] W. VI. 1. Measure . Mea. I. 1. [ Thred ] Fishing — [ String of hairs for fishing ] plumb — [ String for measuring . ] [ Series ] to — Pr. IV. 9. A. to — one Fortification with another . RM. VI. 4. A. — a hedge with , [ Within garrison with Series of ] [ a. Coition ] sp . of Dog. ] Lineal , [ adj . Line . ] Lineament , [ Figure ] Ling. Fish. Fi. III. 3. [ Heath ] Linger , [ Protract ] [ Delay ] Linguist , [ adj . language ( artist . ] Lingwort .   Link . [ Candle of pitch'd Tow ] [ Loop ] to — together Knit ] to — together Joyn ] [ Sausage ] Linnen . Pr. IV. 4. — draper , [ adj . Linnen ( merc . ] Linnet . Bi. IV. 8. Red — Bi. IV. 8. A. Linseed , [ Seed of Flax ] Linsey-woolsey . [ Woven ( thing ) of Linnen and Woollen ] [ Mixture ( corr . ] Lint , [ Down ( like ) Shaving Scraping of Linnen ] Lintel . Po. IV. 3. A. Lion. Be. IV. 1. — s tooth , [ Dandelion ] Lip. PG. III. 8. Liquid , [ adj . Moistness ] Q. V. 2. Liquid amber . Tr. VIII . 9. Liquor , [ adj . a. ( thing Moistness Wet Lisping . AC . III. 2. A. List. [ Catalogue ] — of cloth , [ Margin ] the — s , [ Combate ( place ] as he — eth , [ as he willeth ] Listen . [ Hear ( end ] [ Observe with Ear ] Listlesness . NP. I. 4. O. Litany , [ Brief vicissitudinary Prayers ] Literal , [ adj . Letter ] Literature , [ Learning ] Ha. VI. 4. Litharge . Met. IV. 1. Litheness , [ Limberness ] Q. V. 6. E. Lither . lazy ] Idle ] [ Slow ] Litigious , [ adj . Contentious ] Litter . Birth [ Children ( aggr . ) of one parturition . ] Straw [ Bed for Horse ] horse — [ Sedan to be carried between Horses ] Little. TM . I 1. D. by — and — [ adv . Degrees ( dim . ] — ones , [ Young children ] Liturgy , [ Public Manner Form of Worship ] Live. Proper . AC . I. 7. [ Be ] — in exile [ Be banisht ] [ Feed ] — upon , [ Feed upon ] [ a. Conversation ] Lively , [ adj . Sprightliness ] Vigour ] — hood , [ Maintenance ] Live-long . [ Total ] [ Orpine ] Liver . [ adj . Living ( person ] Part. PG. VI. 5. — wort . HL. I. 3. A. Noble — [ Hepatica ] Livery . [ adj . Service ( sign ) garment ] [ Delivering ] TA. IV. 5. sp . of possession . ] — and seisin . RC. V. 8. A. Horse at — [ H. at hired guesting ] Living . Vid. Live. [ Maintenance ] Lixiviation . O. VI. 8. Lizard . Be. VI. 4. Lo , [ Imp. Look . ] Loach . Fi. IX . 11. A. Loaf , [ Bread ] Loath , [ adj . Nolleity ] Loathe . op . to Appetite . NP. II. 4. O. [ Aversation ] AS . V. 5. O. [ Being cloy'd ] AS . V. 1. O. Loathsom , [ Loathed ( apt . ] Lob , [ adj . Lumpish ( person ] sp . Great . ] Lobby , [ Outer room ( dim . ] Lobe , [ Protuberant ( part ] Lobster . Ex. VI. 1. Local , [ adj . Place . ] Loch . Fish. Fi. IX . 11. A. [ adj . p. Lick ( apt . ) Medicin ] Lock . [ adj , Shutting ( jug . ] — on door , &c. Po. IV. 4. — on a River , [ Water-course-narrowing ( jug . ] [ Tuft ] — of Hair. — of Wool. Locker , [ Chest ] Locomotion , [ Motion from place to place . ] Locust . Ex. II. 1. — tree . Sh. IV. 6. A. Lode . [ Burden ] to — O. VI. 7. [ Leading ] — star , adj . Pole Directing Star. ] — stone . St. II. 7. Lodge . [ v. Night ] [ a. Rest ] sp . by night ] [ a. Guest ] a — [ House ( dim . ] Loft , [ Upper room ] Lofty . [ High ( augm . ] [ Proud ] Log. Thick wood ] Part of trunk ] sp . for Fuel . ] — line , [ Way-measuring line ] sp . of Mariners . ] Logarithm .   Loggerhead . [ Great ( corr . ) head ] [ Dull ( augm . ] Logic , [ adj . a. Reason ( art . ] — parts of Discourse . D. IV. chop — [ Dispute ( corr . ] Logistic , [ adj . a. Computation ( art . ] Logwood . Tr. VII . 5. A. Lohoch , [ Medicament to be licked ] Loial . Man. V. 6. Loin . PC . IV. 4. Loiter . [ a. Cunctation ] [ a. Slattering time ] Lolling , [ a. Lean ( corr . ] Lome , [ Mortar ] London tuft . HS. V. 4. Lone , [ Lending ] Lonesome , [ Solitary ] Long. a. Length ] ● . Duration ] — suffering , Meekness ] Patience ] — time , [ Permanent ( aug . ] to — a. Desire ( augm . ] a. Appetite ( augm . ] Long Oyster . Ex. VI. 1. A. Longaevity , Long life ] Permanence ( aug . ] Longitude . [ Length ] [ Distance from first Merid. ] Looby , [ Great ( corr . ) person ] Look . [ a. Ey ] [ Face , ( State ] ( Manner ] to — [ a. Ey ] — about , [ a. Heedfulness ] — for , [ Expect ] — on , [ a. Ey ] — to , a. Heedfulness ] a. Observing ] Looking-glass , [ Sight-reflecting ( instr . ] Loom , [ adj . Weaving ( jug . ] Loop . Mag. V. 2. A. — hole , [ Chink ] Loose . Not-fixt . Q. VI. 6. D. Not cohibited ] Irregular ] [ Remiss ] Negligent ] Careless ] [ Vicious ] — in one's body . [ Diarrhaea . ] S. VI. 6. to — Unty . O. II. 1. O. [ Absolve ] RE. V. 5. O. Loose strife . codded — HS. IV. 3. hooded — HF. VII . 14. A. purple — HF. VII . 15. A. yellow — HS. V. 12. A. Looverhole , [ Open place in the roof . ] Lop , Off-cut branches ] Un-branch ] Loquacity . Man. VI. 5. D. Lord. [ Baron ] RC. I. 3. [ Master ] RO. III. 7. Lordan , [ Lazy ( person ] Lorldy . [ adj . Lord ( like ] Proud ] Magisterial ] Lordship . [ Lord ( abstr . ] Mannour . Po. I. 1. A. Lose . op . to gain . TA. V. 2. O. op . to hold , [ Let go ] op . to keep . TA. V. 5. O. as Garrison . RM. II. 4. D. Lost. [ adj . p. Lose ] [ adj . p. Destruction ] Lot , [ adj . a. Mo. V. 1. ( thing ] to cast — s Mo. V. 1. Lothe , vid. Loathe . Lotion , [ Washing ] Lottery .   Lotus . HS. III. 13. Lovage . HF. IV. 4. A. Loud , vid. Lowd . Love , Affection . AS . V. 3. in — [ adj . Love ( augm . ] make — [ a. Suitour ] Apple of — [ Charity ] Lovely , [ adj . p. Love ( apt . ] Lour . AC . IV. 2. O. Lout , [ adj . Rusticity ( person ] to — AC . IV. 2. O. Low , [ a. Cow ( voice ] Lowbell , [ Bell to Extasie Hunt Birds ] Lowd , [ adj . Sound ( augm . ] Lowe . [ adj . TM . II. 4. O. ] [ adj . Inferiority ] Meanness ] [ adj . Under-part ] [ adj . Bottom ] — water , Shallow w. ] Down-tide ] — sound , [ Grave s. ] Lowermost , [ Most-lowe ] Lowly , [ Humble ] Lowre . AC . IV. 2. O. Lowse . Ex. I. 8. — wort . Hog — [ Sow ] Sea — Ex. II. 11. Wall — [ Punice ] Lowt , vid. Lout . Lozange , [ Quadrat whose opposite Angles are equal , but not right . ] Lozell , [ Great lumpish ( person ] Lubber ,   Lubricity . [ Unctuousness ] Lucid , [ adj . Light ] Luck , Fortune ] Event ] sp . Prosperous . ] Good — [ Prosperity ] Ill — [ Adversity ] Lucre , [ Gain ] Lucubration , [ adj . night Study ] Work ] Lug , [ Ear ( corr . ] Sad-worm . to — [ Pull ] Luggage . [ Burden . ] Poss. V. O. [ Impediment ] T. II. 5. O. [ Utensils ( corr . ] [ Baggage ] RM. V. O. Lugubrious , [ adj . Grief ] Lukewarm . [ Neither hot nor cold ] [ Temperate ] Lull , [ Allure to rest ] — asleep , [ a. Sleep ] Lumber , vid. Luggage . Luminary , [ adj . a. Light ( thing ] Lump . TM . VI. 4. — fish . Fi. II. 6. A. Lumpish . NP. V. 8. O. Lunar , [ adj . Moon ] Lunatic , [ Mad ] sp . monthly ] Lunchion , [ Fragment ( augm . ] Lungs . PG. VI. 2. A. Lungwort .   Lupin . HS. III. 1. A. Everlasting — Lupus . Fi. IV. 3. — marinus Schonfeldii . Fi. III. 16. Lurch , [ a. Theft ] — er , [ Dog hunting lesser beasts by swiftness . ] Lure . [ adj Alluring ( thing ] [ a. Exclaiming ] Lurk . [ Lie concealed ] [ a. Ambush ] Luscious , [ Sweet ( exc ] Lust. Appetite ] Desire ] sp . of Coition . AC . II. 5. Lusty , [ adj . Vigor . ] Luster , [ Space of 5 years ] Lustration , [ Un-prophane ] sp . by Sacrifice . ] Lustre , [ Brightness ] Lute , [ Music ( instr . ) of gut-strings to be struck with fingers . ] to — Shut by sodering ] Joyn by sodering ] Luxation , [ a. Loose ] Q. VI. 6. D. Luxury . Man. III. 4. E. Luxuriant , [ adj . Excess ] Luxuriousness , [ Riotousness . ] Man. III. 4. E. Lynx , [ Ounce ] Be. IV. 3. Lyra altera Rondeletii . Fi. IV. 5. A ▪ Lyric , [ Verse for song . ] M MAcarone . [ Pudding ( like ) of Almonds , &c. ] [ Confused Mixture ] Mace. Staff , [ Magistracy ( sign ) club . Spice , [ Husk of Nutmeg ] Reed — HL. III. 15. Maccaph , [ Hyphen ] D. I. 4. A. Macerate . Infuse ] Soke ] Pine. Man. II. 2. E. Machin . Po. VI. 8. Machinate . [ a. Machin ] Design ] Contrive ] Macilent , [ Lean ] Mackerel . Fi. III. 5. Mad. — ness . S. IV. 1. A. [ Frenzy ] S. IV. 1. [ Anger ( augm . ] — wort . HS. VI. 2. A. Madder . HL. IX . 8. bastard — HL. IX . 9. Made . pret . p. Make ] adj . p. Make ] — by art , [ Factitious ] T. III 7. O. Madrigal , [ Song adj . Shepherd . ] Maenas . Fi. V. 12. Magazine , [ Ammunition ( House ] ( Room ] Maggot . Ex. III. 1. Bee — Ex. III. 2. Wasp fly — Ex. III. 3. A. Magic . [ Science of obscure Natural ( things ] [ Witchcraft ] Magisterialness . Man. IV. 8. D. Magistrate . RC. I. 1. Magnanimity . Man. III. 8. Magnet . St. II. 7. Magnifie , a. Greatness . ] a. Praise ( augm . ] Magnificence , [ Generosity ] Man. III. 4. Magnitude . Mag. Magpy . Bi. I. 8. Mahometanism . RE. I. 5. May. [ Fissh Month. ] — fly . Ex. IV. 7. A. — weed . HF. II. 8. A. [ Have Ability ] Liberty ] Maid . [ Virgin ] [ Servant ( fem . ] Fish , [ Ray ] Fi. II. 3. Mer — [ Man ( like ) Fish. ] — en hair . black — HL. I. 5. A. English black — HL. I. 7. white — HL. I. 5. Majesty , [ King ( abstr . ] Majestic , [ adj . King ( like ] Mail , [ Woven ( like ) armour ] Maim , [ a. Mutilation ] Main . [ Great ] — land , [ Continent ] — sea , [ Ocean ] — mast . RN. III. 5. [ Principal ] — battel , [ Middle b. ] — chance , [ Chief Stock ] Concernment ] [ Intense ] — strength , [ Strength ( augm . ] Maintain . Keep RO. VI. 4. [ Defend ] RO. VI. 5. Justifie , [ a. Advocate ] Major . [ Greater ] [ Un-adj. p. Pupil ( apt . ] Serjeant — [ adj . Regiment ( Off. ) that gives orders ] Maior , [ Chief Town ( Off. ] Maiz , [ Indian Bread-corn ] HL. II. 2. Make. the — [ Figure ] to — a. Cause ] a. Efficient ] Create ] Change into ] Invent ] Feign ] [ Enrich ] [ Prepare ] — a bed , [ Prepare a bed ] [ Esteem ] — account , [ Esteem ] — way , [ Prepare way ] — much . [ Esteem much ] Indulge ] Favour ( sign ] — nothing of , [ Contemn ] [ Sell for ] — money of , [ Sell for money . ] — the most , [ Sell to the most-bidder . ] — better , Better ( make ] Fire ( make ] — fire , Better ( make ] Fire ( make ] — good . Compensate ] Repair ] Defend ] Hold out ] — his ground . RM. II. 2. — hast , [ Dispatch ] — a league , [ League ( make ] — out , [ Plain ( make ] — ready , Prepare ] Clothe ] — reckoning , [ Expect ] — as if , [ Seem ( make ] — sale , [ sell ] — shew , [ Seem ( make ] — shift , [ Obtain difficultly ] — a stand , [ Stand ] — a stir , [ Stir ] — a verse , [ a. Verse ] — up , [ a. Reconcile ] Repair ] Perfect ] — use of , [ Use ] Malady , [ Disease ] Mal-administration . Man. VI. 5. O. Mal●pert . [ Ill-tutor'd ] [ Irreverent ] [ Bold ( corr . ] Male. — sex . NP. VI. 2. [ Riding-bag ] Coat of — [ Woven ( like ) armour ] Malecontent , [ Not-content ] Malediction , [ Cursing . ] AS . I. 3. O. Malefactor . [ adj . a. pret . Evil ( person . ] [ adj . Criminal ( person ] Maleficence , [ Mischievousness ] Malevolence , [ Malignity ] AS . V. 2. O. Malice , Malignity sp . old ] Hatred sp . old ] Malign . [ a. Malignity ] [ a. Envy ] Malignant fever . S. II. 3. Malignity . AS . V. 2. O. Mall , [ Mallet ( augm . ] to — [ Beat ( augm . ] Mallard . [ Duck ( male ] Malleable , [ adj . p. Knocking ( pot . ] Mallet , [ Wooden hammer ] — figure . Mag. VI. 4. A. Mallow . HF. IX . 6. Marsh — HF. IX . 7. Shrub — Sh. V. 4. Tree — HF. IX . 7. A. Vervain — HF. IX . 8. Malmsey , [ Wine of Malvasia ] Malt , [ adj . p. pret . Fermenting Barley ] Mammock . [ Lump ] [ Fragment ] Man. Kind . W. V. 5. Sex , [ Man ( male ] [ Servant ( male ] If a — [ If any one ] Chess — [ adj . Chess ( Instr. ] — of war. RN. I. 6. Manacles , [ Bonds for the hands . ] Manage , [ a. Business ] Using ] Governing ] Manchet , [ Bread of Flowr . ] Manciple , [ Buying ( Off. ) of Victual ( things . ] Mandate , [ Command ] sp . Sent. ] Mandible , [ Bone of the jaw . ] Mandilion , [ Loose upper vest ] Mandrake . HS. IX . 4. A. Mane. PP . VI. 4. A. Maner , vid. Manner . Manfull , adj . Manhood ] Stout ] Mange , [ Itch ] Manger , [ Horses provender ( vess . ] Mangy , [ adj . Itch ] Mangle . [ Mutilate ] [ a. Fragment ( segr . ] Manhood . [ Valour ] Age. Mea. VI. 3. Many , [ adj . Multitude ] Manifest . TA. I. 9. Manifesto , [ Public Declaration ] Manifold , [ adj . Multitude ( kind ] Manly . [ Man ( like ] [ Stout ] [ adj . Fortitude ] Manna . El. III. 6. Manna sold in shops , [ Concrete Exudation from the wild Ash. ] Manner . [ Mode . ] T. V. In a — Almost ] Thereabout ] in some — [ adv . some ] of what — [ What manner ] [ Quality ] [ State ] [ Custom ] Mannerly , [ adj . Civility ] Respect ] Manners . [ Civility ] [ Respect ] Mannish . [ Man ( like ] [ Familiar ( apt . ) with man ] Mansion . Staying ( place ] Dwelling ( place ] [ House ] Manslaughter , [ Man-killing ] Mantel , [ Beam of Chimney ] Mantle . [ Garment to cast about one ] [ Upper loose vest ] to — [ a. Froth ] Mantis . Ex. II. 1. A. Manual . [ adj . Hand ] [ Book ( dim . ] Manucodiota . Py ( kind ) Manuduction , [ Leading ] Manufacture , [ adj . p. Mechanic ( thing ] Manumise . [ Un-villain ] [ Un-slave ] Manuring . [ Agriculture ] O. III. Soiling . O. III. 3. Manuscript , [ Written Book ) Map , [ Picture of Country ] Maple . Tr. VI. 6. Mar , vid. Marr. Marble . St. II. 1. March. [ Third Month ] to — [ Travel ] sp . as Souldier . ] — es , [ adj . Margin country ] Marchant , vid. Merchant . Marchasite . ▪ St. I. 3. A. Marchioness , [ Marquess ( fem . ] Marchpane , [ adj . Pr. II. Bread ] Mare , [ Horse ( fem . ] Night — [ Ephialtes ] S. IV. 2. A. Margin . Sp. III. 4. A. Mary , vid. Marry . Marigold . HF. II. 2. African — HF. II. 7. Gorn — HF. II. 6. marsh — HL. VI. 4. A. Marine , [ adj . Sea ] Mariner . Navigator . RC. II. 8. [ Seaman ] RN. V. Marjoram . HF. VII . 4. Goates — HF. VI. 3. A. wild — HF. VII . 4. A. Marish . Po. I. 8. A. Maritim , [ adj . Sea ] Mark. [ Sign ] Brand , [ Stigmatization ( sign ] Boundary , [ Margin ( sign ] Goal , [ adj . p. Object ( place ] ( thing ] Weight , [ 8 Ounces ] Money , [ 13 s. — 4 d. ] to — [ a. Sign ] [ Stigmatize ] [ Observe ] Market , [ a. Merchant ] — place , [ adj . Merchant ( place ] Marl , [ Chalky clay for manuring ] Marlin .   Marmalet . [ adj . Pr. II. ( thing ) of boil'd Quince . ] Marmosit , [ Monkey ( dim . ] Marmotto . Be. III. 4. A. Marquess . [ adj . Limit ( Off. ] [ Next the highest Noble . man. ] Marring . TM . I. 9. D. Marry . RE. IV. 6. — ed. RO. II. 4. Marrow . PG. I. 8. A. Mars . W. II. 5. Marshal . Provost — RC. I. 6. A. to — [ a. Order ] Mart , [ Convention for Merchandise ] Letters of — [ Licence of naval prepation ] Martagon . HL. IV. 2. A. Martern , [ Fur of Marten ] Martial , [ adj . War. RM. ] Martin . Be. IV. 6. Bi. V. 2. sand — Bi. V. 2. A. Martingal , [ Horse ( arm . ) down-holding head ] Martlet , [ Swift ] Bi. V. 1. A. Martyr . RE. III. 4. Martyrology , [ History of Martyrs . ] Marvel , vid. Mervail . Mascarade , [ Antic dance of disguised ( persons ] Masculine , [ adj . Male ] Mash , [ Mixture ] sp . of moist consistence ] sp . made by Mastication . ] Mask , [ Dance of disguised ( persons . ] — for face , [ adj . Conceal vest for face ] Mason , [ adj . Stone Wall ( mech . ] Mass. Great Body ] Total Body ] [ Lump ] [ Eucharist ] Massacre , Promiscuous killing General killing ] Massy . [ adj . Mass ] [ Weighty ] Q. V. 4. [ adj . Ma●siness ] — ness . Mag. VI. 1. D. Mast. Fruit. PP . III. 4. — of ship . RN. III. 1. Fore — RN. III. 4. A. Main — RN. III. 5. Middle — RN. III. 5. A. Top — Master . [ adj . Authority ( person ] Power ( person ] — of servant . RO. III. 7. — of family . RO. III. 5. — of a ship . RN. V. 4. [ Teacher ] RO. III. 3. — of arts , [ Graduate in the arts ] [ Chief ] — beam , Principal b. ] — piece , Principal p. ] to — [ Get the power over ] [ Conquer ] [ Cohibit ] [ Govern ] Masterless , Disobedient ] Licencious ] Masterly , [ Magisterial ] Masterwort . HF. IV. 5. A. Mastic , [ Gum of the Mastic-tree ] — tree . Tr. III. 8. Mastication . Mo. III. 5. Mastive , [ Dog kept for watch ] Mat , [ Woven ( thing ) of Rushes ] Straw ] — weed . HL. III. 4. Match . [ Equal ] [ Companion ] Contract ] Paction ] [ Marriage ] [ adj . p. Brimstone ( instr . ) for a. fire . ] — for Gun. RM. V. 7. Mate . [ Companion ] [ Married ] [ Conquest ] Material . [ adj . Matter ] [ Pertinent ] [ Important ] Maternal , [ adj . Mother ] Mathematic , [ Quantity ( Science ] Matriculate . [ a. Catalogue ] [ Admit into University ] Matrimony , [ Marriage ] RE. IV. 6. Matrix , [ Womb ] PG. VI. 9. Matron . Married Grave ( fem . ] [ Housholder ( fem . ] Matter . Material cause . T. II. 7. Subject ] Object ] Thing ] Business ] makes no — [ Is not important ] [ Bloud rotted in the flesh ] Mattins , [ Morning worship ] Mattock , [ adj . Mallet ( fig. ) pecking ( instr . ] Mattress , [ Bed stiffen'd with sowing ( augm . ] Maturity , Ripeness ] Perfection ] Maugre . [ In enmity of ] [ adv . Coaction ] Mavis , [ Thrush ] Bi. III. 3. A. Maukin . [ adj . Man ( like ) engine ] [ Oven-sweeping ( instr . ] Maul , vid. Mall . Maund , [ Basket ] Maunder , [ Grudging ( voice ] Maw , [ Stomach ] PG. VI. 4. Maxim , [ Rule ] Maze . [ Extasie ] Structure full of perplex Windings ] Turnings Place full of perplex Windings Turnings ] Mazer , [ Cup ( augm ] Me , [ I accusat . ] Mead. [ Medow ] [ Wine of honey ] Meagre , [ Lean ] Meal . [ Ground corn ] Eating . Pr. I. 1. — worm . Ex. I. 5. A. Mean. [ adj . Mediocrity ] [ Low ] adj . Ha. II. 5. O. Plebeian , [ adj . People ( kinde ] a — [ Mediator ] [ Between — space ] — among sounds . Q. III. 1. — s. T. II. 6. A. [ Riches ] — ing . Signification . D. II. A. [ Purpose ] Measure . Proper . Mea. — of Magnitude . Mea. I. — of Number . Mea. II. — of Gravity . Mea III. — of Valour . Mea. IV. — of Time. Mea. V. [ Moderation ] Meash , [ Hole . ] Meat . [ Sustentation ] [ p. Eating ( thing ] Sweet — s Pr. II. White — s [ Meats of milk ] Meazles . S. II. 4. A. Mechanic . — work . O. I. — profession . RC. II. 5. A. Mechoacan .   Medal . [ Ancient money ] [ Money ( like ] Meddle . [ Mingle ] Action ] Business ] [ a. Diligence ( corr . ] — with , [ a. Object . ] Mediastine . PG. V. 3. A. Mediateness . TM . IV. 2. O. Mediator . RJ. I. 2. A. Medicine , [ adj . a. Medicating ( thing ] Mediocrity . TM . I. 2. Meditate . AS . II. 1. A. Medle , vid. Meddle . Medley , [ Mixture ] Medler . Tr. I. 5. Medow . Po. I. 4. A. — sweet . HF. IV. 8. A. Mee , [ I accusat . ] Meed , Earning ] Reward ] Meekness . Man. I. 9. Meer . [ Simple ] [ Lake ( augm . ] [ Limit ( sign ] Meet . [ Congruous ] [ Expedient ] to — Come together . TA. VI. 7. [ a. Convention ] — with , [ Compensate . ] Meeter . D. III. 5. Megrim .   Melancholy . Humour . PG. I. 7. A. [ Grief ] sp . ( Habit ] Melanurus . Fi. V. 5. Meldew , [ Honey-dew ] Melilot . HS. III. 10. Mellifluous , [ Sweet ] Mellow , [ Ripe ( augm . ] Melody , [ Harmony ] Melon . HS. VII . 1. A. Melt , [ Dissolve ] O. VI. 2. Member . [ Limb ] [ Part ] Membrane . PG. II. 3. A. Memorable , [ adj . p. Memory ( apt . ] Memorandum , [ adj . p. ought memory ( thing ] Memory . NP. II. 3. Memorial , [ adj . a. Memory ( sign ] Menace , [ Threaten . ] Mend. [ Repair ] [ Better ] TM . I. 9. E. Mendacity , [ Lyingness ] Mendicant , [ Begging ] Menial , [ Domestic ] Menstruum . PG I. 4. A. Ment , vid. Mint . Mental , [ adj . Mind ] Mention . [ of-speaking ] [ a. Express ] Mercenary , [ adj . p. Hire ( person , ] Mercer , [ adj . Silk Pr. IV. 3. ( merc . ] Merchandise , [ adj . p. Merchant ( thing ] Merchant . Profession . RC. II. 5. — ship . RN. I. 5. Mercy . Man. I. 5. Mercury . Planet . W. II. 6. Metall . Met. III. 1. Herb. HF. I. 6. childing — HF. I. 6. A. Dogs — HF. I. 7. English — HF. I. 8. Mercurial . [ adj . Mercury ] Nimble ] Sprightly ] Meridian . W. VI. 4. Meridional , [ adj . South ] Merit . [ Earning ] [ Worthy ( thing ] Merlin , [ Hawk for Finches ] Mermaid .   Mermaids head . Ex. VIII . 2. A. Merry , [ adj . Mirth ] Urbanity ] Mervail , [ a. Admiration ] — of Peru. HS. VII . 8. Merula . — montana . Bi. III. 7. A. — saxatilis . Bi. III. 4. — torquata . Bi. III. 7. Mes , vid. Mess. Mesentery . PG. VI. 6. Mesh , [ Hole ] Meslin , [ Mingled corn ] Mess , [ Proportioned part ] sp . of Meat . ] Message , [ Word sent ] Messenger , [ Sent ( person ] ( Off. ] Messias , [ Anointed ( person ] Messuage . [ House ] [ Farm ] Metall . Met. Natural — Met. I. Factitious — Met. II. Imperfect — Met. III. Metamorphosis , [ Altering ] sp . of kinde ] Metaphor .   Metaphysic , [ Science of Transcendents . ] Mete , [ Measure ] Metempsychosis .   Meteor . El. A. Metheglin , [ Wine of honey ] Method , [ Order ] Metonymy .   Metrical , [ adj . Moeter . ] Metropolitan . [ adj . Principal ] [ Primate ] Mew . Bi. IX . 9. Mezereon . Sh. II. 10. My.   Mich. [ a. Absent ] [ a. Conceal ] [ a. Penuriousness ] Microcosm , [ World ( dim . ] Microscope , [ Glass for seeing little ( things ] Mid. [ Middle ] Middle . Sp. III. 3. Mid●if . PG. VI. 3. Midwife , [ Parturition ( Off. ] ( mech . ] Might , Strength ] Power ] ( Mod. Cond . ) — y , [ adj . Strength Power ( aug . ] Milch , [ adj . a. Milk ] Mildness . [ Gentleness ] Meekness ] Graciousness ] Clemency ] [ Not-austereness ] Mile . Mea. I. 7. Military Relation . RM. Persons Segregate . RM. III. Aggregate . RM. IV. Action . RM. I. Events . RM. II. Ammunition . RM. V. Places . RM. VI. Militia . [ RM. ( thing ] Milk. PG. I. 3. A. — wort . HS. III. 11. Mill. Po. VI. 9. Millefoil . HF. II. 12. water — HF. V. 13. horned — HL. IX . 7. A. Millers-thumb . Fi. IX . 12. Millet . HL. II. 6. A. Indian — HL. II. 6. Million , [ 1000000 ] Milt , [ Spleen ] PP . IV. 5. A. — wort , [ Spleenwort ] HL. I 7. A. Sperme of male fishes . PP . IV. 8. Milter , [ Fish ( male ] Mimic . [ adj . Player ] [ adj . a. imitate ] sp . with gesture ( corr . ] Mince . Pr. III. 6. A. — ing Wanton ( dim . ) gate Conceited gesture ( mode ] Mind . [ Soul ] W. I. 6. Rational — NP. I. [ Understanding ] [ Thought ] sp . ( freq . ] [ Opinion ] [ Observing ] [ a. Heedfulness ] cast in one's — [ Consider ] [ Will ] [ Inclination ] [ Velleity ] [ Purpose ] fully — ed , [ adj . pret . Resolution ] high — ed , [ Proud ] ill — ed , Ill-purposing ] adj . Malignity ] well — ed , [ Well affectioned ] set one 's — [ a. Purpose ] Sensitive internal . [ Fancy ] [ Memory ] call to — [ a. Memory ] put in — [ a. Memory ( make ] [ Appetite ] [ Desire ] have a — to , [ a. Desire . ] Mindfull . [ adj . Memory ] Mine . [ adj . I ] [ Metal ( place ] [ Face ( manner ] to — RM. I. 5. Mineral . W. V. 1. Minew , vid. Minnow . Mingle , [ a. Mixture ] Minion . [ Love ( augm . ] [ Ordnance ( kind ] Minister . [ Servant ] [ Clergyman ] [ Presbyter ] to — [ Serve ] [ a. Adjuvant ] [ Give to ] Miniver , [ Fur of Squirrels Weasels bellies . Minks , [ adj . Conceitedness ( fem ] Minnow . Fi. IX . 13. Minority , [ Age Pupillary ] Not-virile ] Minster , [ Monks College ] [ Monks House ] Minstrel , [ adj . Music ( mech . ] Mint . Herb. HF. VII . 1. Cat — HF. VII . 1. A. [ Place of a. Money ( mech . ] to — [ a. Money ( make ] [ a. Fiction ] Minute . [ Small ( dim . ] — of time . Mea. V. 8. A. Miracle .   Mire , [ Durt ] Quag — [ Bog ] Mirobalan . Tr. II. 5. Mirrour . [ Looking-glass ] [ adj . Excelling ( thing ] Mirth . AS . V. 4. Mis , vid. Miss . Misadventure . [ Fortune ( corr . ] [ Adversity ] Misapply , [ Apply ( corr . ] Misbecome , [ Indecent ] Misbegot , [ Begot not in marriage ] Misbehave , [ Demeanor ( corr . ] Misbelief , [ Belief ( corr . ] Miscall , [ Name ( corr . ] Miscarry . TA. III. 7. — with child , [ a. Abortion ] Miscellany , [ adj . Mixture ] Mischance . Event ( corr . ] adj . Adversity ( thing ] [ Abortion ] Mischief . [ a. Mischievousness ] [ Hurt ] Mischievousness . Man. I. 4. D. Misconstrue . [ Understand ( corr . ] [ Interpret ( corr . ] Miscreant . [ Believer ( corr . ] [ Heretic ] [ Unholy ( person ] Misdeed , [ Ill deed ] Misdemeanour , [ Demeanour ( corr . ] Misdoing , [ Action ( corr .. ] Misdoubt . [ Suspect ] [ Distrust ] Miser , [ Penurious ( person ] Misery . Ha. I. 1. O. Misfortune . [ Fortune ( corr . ] [ a. Adversity ] Misgive , [ Doubt ( make ] Misgovern , [ Govern ( corr . ] M●shap . [ Fortune ( corr . ] [ a. Adversity ] Misinterpret , Understand Interpret ( corr . ] Mislead . [ Lead ( corr . ] [ Seduce ] Mislike , [ Disapprove ] Misname , [ Name wrong ] [ Name ( corr . ] Misplace , [ Place wrong ] ( corr . ] Misprision , [ Suspition ] Misreckon , [ Reckon ( corr . ] Miss . [ Err ] [ Omit ] [ Want ] [ Discover want ] Missal , [ Mass-book ] Mishapen . [ Figur'd ( corr . ] [ Deformed ] Mission , [ Sending ] Missive , [ Sent ( thing ] Mispend , [ Spend ( corr . ] Mist. El. III. 2. A. Mistake . Wrong ] Errour ] [ Opinion ( corr . ] Mistle-thrush . Bi. III. 3. Mistleto . Sh. III. 12. A. Mistress . [ Master ( fem . ] [ Suitor'd ( fem . ] Mistrust . [ Doubt ] [ Distrust ] [ Suspition ] Misuse , [ Use ( corr . ] Mite . Insect . Ex. II. 7. Money . Miter , [ adj . Bishop ( sign ) head vest . ] Mitigate . [ Diminish ] [ a. Remills ] [ Un-anger ] Mittens , [ Woollen hand ( vest ] Mix , [ a. Mixture ] Mixen . [ Dunghill ] [ Heap of Dung ] Mixture . T. III. 8. O. Mizen-mast . RN. III. 3. A. Mizzle . El. VI. 2. Mobility . [ Motion ( abstr . ] [ Unconstancy ] Mock . Scoff . RJ. IV. 9. A. [ Deceive ] Mode of thing . T. VI. Model . [ Description by lines ) [ Example ( dim . ] [ Epitome ] Moderation . [ a Mediocrity ] — in opinions . Ha. III. 4. — in recreations , Man. II. 5. Govern ] Cohibit ] Moderator , [ Judge ] Modern , [ New ] Modesty . — about disgraces . Man. III. 7. — about honours . Man. III. 9. Modicum , [ Little ] Modulation , [ Warbling ] Moil . [ Operation ( augm . ] [ a. Defilement ] Moistness . Q. V. 3. Moity , [ Half ] Mold , vid. Mould . Mole . [ Bank factitious ] [ Spot ] Beast . Be. III. 8. Fish. Fi. II. 6. Molest , [ Troubling ] TA. V. 9. O. Indian Molle . Tr. III. 10. A. Mollifie , [ a. Soft ] Molten Melted ] Cast ] Moly . HL. IV. 11. A. Moment . — of time , [ Instant ] [ Importance ] Monarch , [ Sole King ] Monastery , [ Monk's College ] [ Monk's House ] Monastical , [ adj . Monk ] Mone , [ Grief ( sign ] [ Grief ( voice ] Money . Mea. IV. A. — wort . HL. VI. 11. A. Moneth . Mea. V. 4. Mongrel . [ Of mingled extraction ] [ Spurious ] Monition [ Warning ] Monk. RE. II. 7. Monky . Be. IV. 4. A. Monoceros Clusii . Fi. IV. 10. A. Monopoly Privilege of sole Appropriated selling ] Monosyllable , [ Of one syllable ] Monster , [ Beside-natural ( thing ] Month. Mea. V. 4. Monument . [ adj . a. Memory ( sign ] [ Tomb ] Mood . [ Manner ] T. VI. [ Disposition ] Moon . Planet . W. II. 8. New — [ — Beginning her monethly course ] appearing — [ — ( like ) Meteor . ] — wort . HL. I. 9. Half — Fortification . RM. VI. 5. Moor. Man , [ Tawny man ] Land. Po. I. 9. — hen . Bi. VIII . 9. to — a ship . Moot , [ Discourse on Law-case . ] Moral , [ adj . Manners ] — Philosophy , [ Ph. concerning manners . ] a — [ Signification belonging to manners ] Moralize , [ Apply to manners ] More . [ Superiour ] Adv. II. 2. — over , [ Also ] Morfew , [ Disease of Scurf on the skin ] Morgage . RC. VI. 7. Mormylus . Fi. V. 3. A. Morning . Mea. V. 7. Moroseness . Man. IV. 7. D. Morris , [ a. Moor's dance ] Morrow . [ Day Next after ] following ] Good — [ adj . Morning salutation . ] Morse . Be. V. 3. Morsel , [ Fragment ] sp . off-bitten . ] Mortal . [ adj . Dying ( pot . ] [ adj . a. Dying ( apt . ] [ Capital ] — ity . [ Dying ( pot . ] [ Dying ( apt . ] [ Killing infection ] Mortar . For building . El. IV. 4. A. [ adj . Contusion ( vess . ] Mortifie . [ a. Death ] [ a. Repentance ] Mortiss , [ Hole in beam . ] sp . in side of it . ] Mortmain .   Mortuary , [ Payment for the dead . ] Mosaic work .   Mosque , [ Temple ] sp . of Mahometans . ] Moss . HL. I. 3. Most . Adv. II. 2. A. for the — part , [ adv . Most ] [ Chiefly ] Mote . [ Ditch ( augm . ] Atom , [ Powder ( dim . ] Moth , Ex. II. 8. Ex. IV. 9. A. — mullein . HS. VIII . 4. A. Mother . [ Parent ( fem . ] — tongue , [ Language of one's own nation ] — of pearl . Ex. VIII . 3. [ Womb ] PG. VI. 9. [ Disease ] S. VI. 7. — wort . HF. VII . 13. [ Sediment ] Motion . [ Locomotion ] Mo. — of Animals Progressive . Mo. I. — of the parts of Animals . Mo. III. Violent — Mo. VI. [ Inclination ] AS . IV. 1. Motive . [ adj . Move ( apt . ] [ Impulsive ] Motley , [ Variegated ] Motto , [ Appropriated sentence ] D. III. 1. A. Move . [ a. Motion ] — the brows . AC . IV. 1. A. the head . AC . IV. 4. A. [ Offer ] TA. IV. 2. [ a. Impulsive ] [ Persuade ] [ Allure ] [ Angry ( make ] Moveable , [ adj . p. Motion ( pot . ] ( apt . ] — s , [ Utensils ] Mould . [ Earth ] [ Type ] sp . convex ] Casting ( vess . of melted bodies ] Figuring ( vess . of melted bodies ] — of the head , [ Dent of the upper part of the head ] to — a. Knead ] a. Type ] Moulder . [ p. Powder by putrefaction ] — away , [ Decay ] Mouldiness . HL. I. 1. A. [ Mustiness ] [ Down ( like ) rottenness ] Moulter , [ Un-feathered ( make ] Mound . [ Sepiment ] [ Bank ] [ Rampire ] Mount. [ Mountain ] [ Factitious hill ] to — [ Ascend ] — a horse , [ Ascend upon a horse ] ill — — ed [ Riding on horse ( perf . ] well - — ed [ Riding on horse ( corr . ] — a cannon , [ Lift a cannon to his carriage ] Mountain . W. III. 1. E. Mountebank . Wandring Physician ] Juggling Physician ] Mourn . [ Shew grief ] [ Grief ( sign ) sp . with ( voice ] in — ing , [ adj . p. Vest adv . grief ( sign ] Mouse . Be. III. 7. A. Dor — [ adj . a. sleep ( apt . ) Mouse ( kind ] Field — [ Long snouted venomous mouse ( kind ] Flitter — [ Bat ] — ear . HF. III. 13. A. — tail . HL. III. 16. codded — HS. IV. 12. A. Mouth . Proper . PG. III. 3. — full , [ adj . Mouth capacity ] foul — ' d. [ Speaking ( apt ) indecent ( things ] [ Reviling ( apt . ] mealy — ' d , [ not - adj . reproof ( apt . ] Orifice [ Mouth ( like ] [ Entry ] to — [ a. Reviling ] Mouthy , [ adj . Reviling ( apt . ] Mow. [ Heap ] sp . of Corn. ] [ Mock ] sp . with face ( manner ] Mowe , [ Reap ] Mue . [ a. Imprisonment ] — feathers , [ Let go f. ] Much. Great ] Many ] as — [ Equal ] for so — as Conj . IV. 1. make — of , [ a. Courtesie ( augm . ] too — [ Excessive ] very — [ Abundant ] [ Transc . ( augm . ] ( intens . ] Mucilaginous , [ Slimy ] Muck.   Mucus . Dung ] Snivel ] [ Excrement ] Mucketer , [ adj . Wiping ( thing ] Mud , [ Macerated durt ] Muff , [ Tube for warming the hands ] Muffle , [ Conceal ( vest ) sp . face ] Muffler , [ Mouth ( vest ] Muf●y , [ Mahometan chief Primate ] Mug , [ Pot for drink ] Mugwort . HF. II. 11. A. Mulberry . Tr. III. 1. Mule. Be. I. 2. A. — fearne . HL. I. 8. Muletier , [ adj . Mule ( Off. ] Mullein . HS. VIII . 4. moth — HS. VIII . 4. A. Sage — Sh. VI. 4. A. Mullet . Fi. IV. 6. English — Fi. IV. 3. A. Lesser — Fi. IV. 6. A. Mult . RJ. VI. 7. Multifarious , [ Many ( kind ] Multifidous beasts . — of the biggest sort . Be. III. — of the middle sort . Be. IV. — of the least sort . Be V. Multiply . a. Many ] Increase ] [ a. Multiplier ] Multiplicity , [ Variety ] Multiplier . TM . VI. 8. Multitude . TM . III. 1. Mum. [ Beer in which husks of Walnuts are infused ] [ st ' ] Interj . III. 1. O. — ing , [ Dance of Silents ] — ing , [ Dance of Disgui●ed ] Mumble . [ Mastication ( corr . ] Voice confusedly ] Speak confusedly ] Mummy , [ Gum ( like ) embalmed flesh ] sp . of Man ] Mump , [ Move ( corr . ) the mouth ] Mumps , [ Disease swelling of the chaps ] Munday , [ Second day of the week ] Mundane , [ adj . World ] Municipal , [ adj . City ] Corporation ] Munificence , [ Liberality ] sp . in gifts ] Muniment , [ Deed ] RJ. VI. 5. Munition . [ Fortification ] [ Ammunition ] Muraena . Fi. VI. 1. Mural , [ adj . Wall ] Murder . RJ. III. 4. Murex . Ex. VII . 2. Murmur , Grudging Discontent Indignation sp . ( voice ] Murr , [ Disease of hoarseness through cold distillation ] Murrain , Disease infectious Plague of ( beasts ] Murry , Dark red ] Rust colour ] Murrion , [ Head ( armour . ] Murther . RJ. III. 5. Muscle . PG. II. 6. A. Fish. Ex. VIII . 7. A. Musculous , [ adj . Muscle ] Muse. [ a. Verse ( art . ] [ Feign'd Goddess of vers ( art ] [ Hole through hedge ] to — [ Meditate ] Mushrom . HL. I. 1. Music. Sound . Mo. V. 7. A. [ Harmony ] Art. Mo. V. 7. A. ( art . ) Musk , [ Sweet ( thing ) of Muskcat ] — cat . Herb. Muskadell .   Musket . Hawk , [ Sparhawk ( male ] Gun , [ Footman 's gun ( augm . ] Mussle , vid. Muscle . Must. Mood of Necessity [ Determination ] AS . IV. 8. [ Necessity ] T. V. 7. [ Wine not yet fermented ] Mustaches , [ Upper beard ] Mustard . Common . HS. IV. 9. [ Sauce of Mustard ] Tower — HS. IV. 12. Yellow Arabian — HS. IV. 13. A. Muster . [ adj . a. Number ] [ Catalogue ] adj . a. TM . III. 7. O. Mustiness . Q. IV. 7. Mutable . [ adj . Alter ( apt ] [ Light ] Ha. IV. 7. D. Muteness . AC . III. 1. O. Muting , [ Dunging ] Mutilous , NP. V. 1. O. Mutiny , [ Sedition ] Mutter , [ Speak indistinctly ] confusedly ] grudgingly ] Mutton , [ Flesh of sheep ] Mutual , [ Reciprocal ] Muzzle . [ Bonds of mouth ] [ a. Silence ( make ] Myriad , [ 10000 ] Myrrh . Tr. VIII 1. Myrtle . Sh. III. 11. — Symach . Sh. III. 11. A. Mystery . Obscure ( thing ] Concealed ( thing ] [ Trade ] Mythology , [ Interpretation of feigned Narrations . N. NAdir , [ Under - adj . Horizon pole ] Nag , [ Gelded horse ( dim . ] Nay , [ Not ] say — [ Deny ] Nail . — of Animal . PP . VI. 5. A. Iron pin to be driven in by knocking ] Brass pin to be driven in by knocking ] Naked , Not - clothed Un - covered Name . Word . T. I. 4. — ly , Conj . IV. 3. nick — [ Name ( corr . ] [ Reputation ] Nap. [ Tufted superficies ] [ Sleep ( fit ] Nape , [ Hinder part of the neck ] Naphew . HS. IV. 4. A. Naphtha . St. V. 5. A. Napkin , [ Linen for wiping ] Nappy .   Narciss , [ Daffadil ] HL. IV. 4. Narcotic . [ adj . a. Sleep ] [ adj . A. Stupor ] Nard .   Narration . D. V. 3. Narrow . op . to Ample , [ adj . Sp. II. 5. O. ] op . to Broad , [ adj . TM . II. 2. O ] — ly , [ adv . Heedfulness ] Nastiness , [ Slovenliness ( augm . ] Nation . RC. III. 1. Native , [ adj . Birth ] Nativity . [ Birth ] [ Birth ( time ] Natural . [ adj . T. III. 7. ] — ly , [ adv . Spontaneity ] — power . NP. — fool , [ adj . Idiot ( person ] Naturalist , [ adj . Nature ( artist ] Naturalize , [ a. Nation ] Nature . [ Natural ( abstr . ] Law of — RC. IV. 1. [ Temper of Mind ] Body ] [ Disposition ] Naval , [ adj . Ship. ] Nave . — of a Church , [ Greatest Temple ( room ] — of cart , &c. Po. V. 7. Navel . PG. IV. 6. A. — wort . HL. VIII . 6. Sea — HL. I. 11. A. Navew . HS. IV. 4. A. Naught . [ Nothing ] come to — [ Be annihilated ] set at — [ Contemn ] [ Evil ] — for , [ Hurtful to . ] Navy . [ Ships ( aggr . ] [ Army of ships ] Navigation , [ Sailing ] Nauseate . [ a. AS . V. I. O. ] Nauseousness , [ Lothing ] NP. II. 4. O. Nautic , [ adj . Ship. ] Nautilus . Ex. VII . 1. Neap-tide , [ Shallowest tide ] Neast , vid. Nest. Neat. Beast . Be. II. 1. [ adj . Neatness ] — ness . [ Pureness ] [ Cleanliness ] [ Decentness ( augm ] [ Ornateness ] Neb , [ Tooth ] Mag. IV. 2. Nebulous , [ adj . Mist. ] Necessary , [ adj . Necessity ] Necessity . Proper . T. V. 7. [ Want ] [ Poverty ] [ Determination ] Necessitous , [ Needy ] Neck . PG. IV. 1. — of land , [ Isthmus ] Necromancy , [ Witchcraft by the dead ] Nectar , [ Drink of the feigned Gods ] Nectarine . Tr. II. 1. A. Neece , [ Nephew ( fem . ] Need , [ Want ] sp . of necessaries ] must — s , [ Must ( augm . ] Needfulness . [ Necessity ] [ Expedience ] Neediness , [ Poverty ] Needle , [ Sowing ▪ pin ] — fish . Fi. III. 13. ( p. Magnet ] Mariners — [ adj . iron pin . adj . Shepherds — [ Venus combe ] HF. I. 5. A. Needless , [ Abundant ] Neer . adj . neerness ] adv . neerness ] well — [ Almost ] [ Beside ] — ness . Nighness . Sp. II. 3. [ Frugality ] [ Penuriousness ] Neeze , [ Sneez ] Neezing-wort , [ White Hellebore ] HL. VII . 1. Nefarious , [ Vicious ( augm . ] Negation . D. VI. 2. O. Neglect , [ a. Negligence ] Omission ] Contemning ] Negligence . Ha. IV. 5. D. Negotiate . [ a. Business ] [ a. Commerce ] Negro , [ Black man ] Neigh , [ a. Horse ( voice ] Neighbour . RO. IV. 3. [ Neer ] sp . dwelling ] Neither . [ None of the two ] [ Nor ] Neophyte , [ New Disciple ] Neoter●o , New [ adj . Sp. I. 3. O. Nep , [ Cat-mint ] Nephew . RO. I. 3. O. Nerites . Ex. VII . 4. A. Nerve . PG. II. 5. Nest , [ Room sp . of bird ] [ Bed sp . of bird ] Nestling , [ Bird ( young ) taken out of the nest ] Net , [ Squares ( plain ) of the thred ] sp . for hunting ] Nether . [ More-low ] [ Inferiour ] — most , [ Most low ] N●●●le . MF . I. 14. dead — [ Archangel ] HF. VII . 11 — tree , [ Lotus ] Tr. III. 4. Sea — Ex. IX . 6. A. Never . Sp. I. 9. O. — so much , [ How much soever ] — the less . Conj . II. 2. O. Neuter , [ Of no Faction ] . Neutrality . [ Slightness ] Ha. III. 4. E. [ Being of no Faction ] New. Sp. I. 3. — of the Moon , [ Beginning of Moon 's monethly course ] — s , [ New Narration ] Newt , [ Lizard ] Be. VI. 5. Next . [ Most ●sar ] [ Preceding ] [ Following ] [ Immediate ] Nibble , [ Gnaw ( dim . ] Niceness . op . to Hardiness . NP. IV. 7. O. Over-cleanliness . Man. II. 6. E. Niche , [ Dent ] Nick , [ Notch ] — name , [ Name ( corr . ) sp . adj . Contempt ] in the — [ In the instant of time ( perf . ] to — Niess , [ Hawk ] Nigella . HS. V. 13. A. Niggard , [ Penurious ( person ] Nigh , [ Near ] Night . Mea. V. 6. O. — crow . — mare , [ Ephialtes ] — shade . HS. IX . 4. Enchanters — HF. VIII . 3. A. Nightingale . Bi. V. 3. Nightly , [ adj . Night ( segr . ] Nilling . NP. I. 4. O. AS . IV. O. Nim , [ a. Theft ( dim . ] Nimbleness , [ Agility ] NP. V. 8. Nimis , [ Excess ] Nine . Mea. II. 9. — ty . — hundred , &c. Ninny , [ Fool ] Nip . [ Pinch between the tops of the fingers ] [ Bite ( dim . ] [ Mock ( dim . ] Nipple , [ Protuberance ( dim . ) of Dug . ] — wort . HF. III. 14. A. Nit , [ Egg of Louse ] Nitre . St. V. 1. A. No. [ None ] [ adj . Nothing ] [ Not any ] — body , [ No man ] — where , [ Sp. II. 8. O. ] [ Not ] Nobility , [ Lord ( abstr . ] Noble , adj . Lord. RC. I. 3. Money [ 6 s. — 8 d. ] Nocent , Guilty ] Hurtful ] Nock , [ Notch ] Nocturnal , [ adj . Night ] Nod , [ Move the head ] AC . IV. 4. A. Noddy , [ Fool ] Noddle , [ Hinder part of the head ] Node . [ Protuberance ] [ Tumour ] Noggin , [ Pot ( augm . ) for drink . ] Noise . [ Sound ( augm . ] [ Rumour ( augm . ] Noisom . [ Hurtful ] [ adj . Molesting ( apt . ] Nolleity . AS . IV. 2. O. Nomenclator . [ Teacher of Names ] [ Dictionary ] Nominate . [ a. Name ] [ Appoint ] Nonage , [ Pupillary age ] Nonce , [ Purpose ] None , [ adj . Nothing ] Nones , [ Days of the moneth next after the first ] Nonplus , [ Posing ] D. VI. 8. Non-resident , [ Not dwelling ] Nonsuch , [ Campion ] Nonsuited , [ adj . p. Desist plaintiffing ] Nook , [ Angle ] Noon , [ Mid-day ] Nooze , [ Loop ] sp . of snare ] Nope , [ Bulfinch ] Bi. IV. 5. Nor. Conj . I. 2. O. North. Sp. III. 2. Nose . PG. III. 3. A. Nosegay , [ Flowers ( aggr . ] Nosthril , [ Hole of the nose ] Not. Adv. I. 1. O. — withstanding . Conj . II. 2. O. if — [ Unless ] to — — Sheep . Notable . [ Extraordinary ] [ Excellent ] Notary . RJ. I. 5. Notation , [ Derivation of word . ] Notch . Mag. IV. 2. O. Note . [ Sign ] [ Character ] [ Comment ( dim . ] Tone . Q. III. 5. [ Extraordinariness ] of — [ Extraordinary ] to — [ Observe ] Nothing . T. I. 1. O. Notice . Knowledge ] Warning ] give — Known ( make ] Warn ] take — Observe ] Shew to know ] Notifie , Known ( make ] Warn ] Notion . T. I. 3. Notorious . [ Extraordinary ] [ Manifest ] [ Publicly known ] Novacula Fi. III. 15. A. Novel , [ New ] a — [ New narration ] Novelty , [ Newness ] November , [ Eleventh moneth ] Nought , vid. Naught . Novice . [ New Disciple ] [ Not-expert ] Noun . [ Name ] [ Integral ] Nourish . [ Nutrition ] AC . I. 6. [ Feeding ] Now , [ At this time ] — a days , [ In these times ] — and then , [ At some times ] Noxious , [ Hurtful ] Nuisance , [ Hurtful ( thing ] Nullity , [ Frustration ] Number . Mea. II. A. Numerous , [ adj . Multitude ] Numness . Impotence . NP. III. 5. O. Disease . S. IV. 6. A. Nun , [ Monke ( fem . ] ●ird , [ Titmouse ] Nunchion , [ Refection in the afternoon ] Nuncupative , [ Spoken ] Nuptial , [ adj . Marriage ] Nurse . RO. III. 2. ( fem . ) — child . RO. III. 2. O. Nursery . [ Children ( aggr . ] [ Young trees ( aggr . ] Nusance , [ Hurtful ( thing ] Nut. Fruit. PP . III. 3. Bladder — Tr. IV. 5. Chest — Tr. IV. 4. earth — HF. V. 10. Fistic — [ Pistach ] Tr. IV. 2. Hazle — Tr. IV. 3. A. Small — Tr. IV. 3. A. Wall — Tr. IV. 1. — cracker , [ Nut-breaking ( jug . ] — of a bow , [ Retaining ( jug . ) of the string . ] — of the thigh , [ Fat Glandule of the — ] Nut-hatch . Bi. I. 9. A. Nutmeg , [ Fruit of the Nutmeg-tree . ] — tree . Tr. IV. 6. A. Nutriment , [ adj . Nourishing ( thing . ] Nutrition . AC . I. 6. Nymph , [ Feign'd Goddess of Woods . ] Rivers , &c. ] O OAr. — of ship . RN. III. 3. — of metal , [ Crude m. ] Oath . RC. VI. 4. Oats . HL. II. 4. Obdurate . [ Hard ] [ Impenitent ] Obedience . Man. V. 7. Obey , [ a. Obedience ] Obelisk , [ Round Pyramid ] Object . T. VI. 2. Objection . D. VI. 5. Obit , [ Funeral solemnity ] Oblation . RE. VI. 2. Obligation . RC. VI. Written RC. VI. 5. Oblique . Ma. II. 8. Obliterate , [ Un-write ] Oblivion , [ Forgetfulness ] Oblong , [ More long than broad ] Obloquy , [ Reproch ] Obnoxious , [ adj . p. Object ( apt . ] Obnubilate . [ a. Cloud ] [ Darken ] Obscene , [ Unchast ] Obscure . [ Dark ] op . to Plain . D. III. 9. Plebeian , [ adj . People ( kind ] Obsecration , [ Intreating ( augm . ] Obsequies , [ Solemnity of burial . ] Obsequious , [ adj . Obedience ( augm . ] Observe . Mark. AS . III. 1. A. [ Perform ] [ a. Respect ] Observant . [ adj . Respect ] [ adj . Obedience ] Obsolete , [ Unaccustom'd ] Obstacle , [ adj . Impedient ( thing ] Obstetrication , [ Assisting Parturition ] Obstinate . Patience ( exc . ) Man. I. 8 E. Constancy ( exc . ) Ha. IV. 7. E. Obstruction . [ Hindering ] [ Stopping up ] Disease . S. I. 4. Obtain . TA. V. 1. Obtestation , [ Entreating ( augm . ] Obtrude , [ On - thrust ] put ] Obtuse , [ Blunt ] — angle . Mag. III. 3. E. Obvious . Sp. II. 6. Obumbration , [ Shadowing ] Occasion . T. II. 4. A. Occidental , [ adj . West ] Occult , [ adj . p. Conceal ] Occupation . [ Business ] [ Profession ] Occupy . [ a. Business ] [ a. Possession ] Occur . [ p. Event ] [ Meet ] Ocean . W. IV. 2. Ockam , [ Tow for calking of ships . ] Octave , [ Eighth day after ] Octavo , [ Third figure of books ] October , [ Tenth moneth ] Ocular , [ adj . Ey ] PG. III. 2. Odd ends , [ Residue ] Odds , [ Superiority ] at — Enemies ] a. Contention ] Ode , [ Song ] Odious . [ adj . p. Hate ( apt . ] Odness . op . to Evenness . TM . III. 5. O. [ Extraordinariness ] Odor , [ Smell ] Odoriferous , [ Sweet ] Ods , vid. Odds. Oeconomic . RO. Oecumenical . [ adj . World ] [ Universal ] Of. Genitive . Prep . I. 1. [ By. ] Prep . I. 2. [ Concerning ] Prep . I. 3. A. out — Prep . I. 3. South — [ S - from ] Of. [ Distant ] Prep . III. 2. A. Cut — from - c. ] Drive — from - d. ] Offal , [ Worst part ] TM . VI. I. O. sp . adj . Residue . Offend . Displease ] Hurt ] [ Sin ] — in fighting . RM. I , 1. Offensive . [ Displeasing ] [ Hurtful ] Offer . — to do . TA. III. 3. A. — to give . TA. IV. 2. [ Bid ] [ Give to God ] [ a. Oblation ] [ a. Sacrifice ] [ a. Incense ] Offertory , [ a. Oblation ] Office. Trust. RC. IV. 6. A. [ Employment ] TA. III. good — [ Benefit ] house of — [ adj . Dunging ( house ] ( room ] Officer , [ adj . Office ( person ] Ecclesiastical — RE. II. Official , [ Ecclesiastical Judge ] Officious . Man. IV. 2. E. [ adj . Complaisanc● ] Offspring , [ Descendents ( aggr . ] RO. I. 1. O. Often , [ adv . Frequent ] Oh. Interj . Oil Pr. I. 6. — box of a Bird. PP . V. 8. A. — of corn , [ Beard — ] Oilet , [ Hole ] sp . for Button ] Ointment . [ adj . Anointing ( thing ] [ Salve ] Oister . Ex. VIII . 4. — weed . HL. I. 13. A. Okam , [ Tow for calking of ships ] Oke . TR. V. 1. bitter — Tr. V. I. A. holme — Tr. V. 2. Holy — HF. IX . 6. A. Scarlet — [ Holm ] — fearn . HL. I. 4. A. — of Cappado●ia . HF. I. 13. A. — of Ierusalem . HF. I. 13. Oker . Yellow — St. VI. 2. Red — St. VI. 2. A. Old. [ adj . Age ] how — [ of what age ] — age . Mea. VI. 4. [ Decrepit ] adj . Mea. VI. 4. A. op . to New. Sp. I. 3. A. — clothes , [ Decayed c. ] — fashion , [ Unaccustom'd f. ] — souldier , [ Experienc'd s. ] — time , [ T. past ( augm . ] Oleander . Sh. VI. 1. Olibanum , [ Frankincense ] Tr. VIII . 3. ● Oligarchy , [ Government by a Faction ] Olive . Tr. II. 4. Ominous , [ Before-signing ] Omitting . TA. III. 8. A. Omnipotency , [ All-mightiness ] Omnipresence , [ adv . Ubiquity presence ] Omniscient . [ All-knowing ] On. — the contrary , [ adv . contrary ] — fire , [ adj . p. Fire ] [ Toward ] — the left hand , [ Towards — ] right hand , [ Towards — ] Concerning ] In ] agree — [ Agree In ] Concerning ] [ Forward ] come — [ Proceed ] fight — [ Prosecute fighting . ] hold — [ Prosecute ] set — a. Assault ] a. Impulsive ] [ To ] a. Assault ] a. Impulsive ] happen — [ H. to . ] [ Upon ] Prep . VI. 1. Once . [ One ( time ] [ In past time ] all at — [ Together-all ] One. Proper . Mea. II. 1. — by — [ adv . Segregateness ] — another , [ adv . Reciprocation ] — for another , [ Compensation ] — with another , [ adv . Mixture ] Confusedness ] [ Any ] Pron . III. 1. some — Pron . II. 3 A. certain — Pron . II. 3. [ Onely ] RO. IV. 2. O. [ The same ] all — Equal ] Alike ] One blade . HL. VII . 5. Onely . Adv. IV. 1. O. [ Alone ] RO. IV. 2. O. Onerate , [ Lode ] O. VI. 7. Onion . HL. IV. 9. Onset , [ Assault ] Onslaught . [ Storming ] Onyx . St. III. 4. Opacity . Q. I. 4. O. Opal-stone . St. III. 1. Open. — ing . Unshut . O. II. 2. O. Uncover . O. II. 3. O. Unfold , [ Spread ] Un - adj . p. Seal ( make ] Un adj . p. Impedient ( make ] Un-adj. p. Obstruction ( make ] Un-conceal Reveal ] Manifest ] Un-adj. Publicness ( make . ] Un-obscure , [ a. Plain ] Un-implicit , [ a. Express ] [ adj . p. Opening ] — air , [ Clear air ] — handed , [ Liberal ] — hearted . Frank , [ adj . Man. IV. 4. ] In excess , [ adj . Man. IV. 4. E ] — house , [ Hospitality for all comers . ] — war , [ Manifested war ] — weather , [ W. not cloudy ] frosty ] Operation . Mechanic . O. I. in General . O. II. in Agriculture . O. III. in Fabrile . O. IV. in Sartorian . O. V. in Chymic . O. VI. in Pharmaceutic . O. VI. A. [ a. Efficient ] Ophidion Plinii . Fi. VI. 4. A. Opiniastre . [ Conceited ] [ Wilful ] [ Obstinate ] Opinion AS . II. 6. O. Opium , [ Soporative juice of Poppy ] Opopanax , [ Gummy juice of the root of Hercules Allheel ] Oppilation , [ Obstruction ] S. I. 5. Opponent , [ adj . Opposition ( person ] Opportunity . [ Time ( perf . ] Occasion ( time ] adj . Congruity ( time ] Oppose , [ a. Opposition ] Opposition . T. VI. ● . O. — of proposition . D. VI. 4. in — [ distant ½ of a great Circle ] Oppression . RJ. IV. 5. Opprobry , [ Reproch ] Oppugn , [ Oppose ] Optic . [ adj . Seeing ] [ Seeing ( art ] Optimacy , [ Government by the chief ( persons ] Option . [ Choice ] [ Wish ] Opulent . [ Rich ] [ Abundant ] Or. Conj . II. 3. . — else , [ adv . Other ] Oracle , [ adj . p. Speaking revelation ] Orage . HF. I. 9. Oral , [ adj . Mouth ] Orange . Tr. I. 7. A. Oration . D. V. 2. Orator , [ adj . Oration Entreaty ( person ] Oratory . [ Oration ( art . ] [ Prayer ( place ] Orb. [ Sphere ] — Imaginary . W. VI. A. Orbicular , [ adj . Sphere ] Orbis . — Echinatus . Fi. VIII . 2. A. — hirsu●us . Fi. VIII . 1. A. — maricatus . Fi. VIII . 2. — scutatus . Fi. VIII . 1. Orchard . Po. I. 3. A. Orchis . HL. IV. 8. Ordain . [ Appoint ] [ a. Ordinance ] [ a. Ordination ] Order . TM . V. 2. Method . TM . V. 2. [ Government ] [ Decree ] — ly . [ adj . Order ( perf . ] [ adj . Manners Homiletic ] [ adj . a. Subjection ] Orders . [ plur . Order ] [ adj . Ordination ( thing ] Ordinance . [ Decree ] [ Law ] [ Edict ] [ Institution ] RE. VI. Cannon , &c. RM. V. 6. A. Ordinary . Usual . TM . V. 3. ] Between course and fine . Q. VI. 3. [ Bishop ] Ordination . RE. V. 2. Ordure . [ Dung ] [ Filth ] Ore , [ Metal not yet prepared ] O're , [ Over ] Organ , [ Instrument ] Musical — Organy , [ Wild Marjoram ] HF. VII . 4. A. Orient . [ East ] [ Bright ] Orifice , Hole ] Mouth ( like ] Origany . HF. VII . 4. A. Original . Primitive ] First ] [ Beginning ] [ Rise ] — copy , [ Exemplar ] Orizon , [ Prayer ] Ornament , [ adj . a. Ornateness ( thing ] Ornateness . TM . V. 6. Orphan , [ Un-parented ] Orpiment . St. VI. 4. Orpin . HL. VIII . 2. Orrage . HF. I 9. Ort , [ Fragment adj . Residue ] Orthodox . RE. III. 1. Orthography , [ a. Letter ( perf . ] Orthopnoea . S. V 2. A. Oscitation . [ Yawning ] [ Carelesness ] Osmund .   Osprey , [ Bone-breaking Eagle ] Ostentation . [ Over-saying ] [ Glorying ] Ostler , [ Common horse ( Off. ] Ostrich . Bi. II. 9. Otes . HL. II. 4. Othe . RC. VI. 4. Other . adj . Diversity ] Pron . II. 2. O. — wise , [ adv . Other ] — whiles , [ In some ( times ] — where , [ In other ( places ] every , — [ Every second ] the — [ The rest ] Otter . Be. IV. 8. A. Oval . Mag. VI. 6. Ouch , [ Ornament of gemms ] Oven , [ adj . a. Baking ( place ] Over . [ adj . Superiority ] [ adj . Power ] Authority ] [ adj . Abundance ] Excess ] — bold , [ B. ( Exc. ] — much , [ Excess ] adv . Vantage ] Besides ] — and above . more — [ Also ] [ Above ] Prep . V. 1. — thwart . Prep . III. 3. [ Throughout ] Prep . IV. 3. — again , [ Through it again ] all — [ Through all ] all is — [ All is past ] give — [ Desist ] read — [ Beyond ] Prep . VI. 2. A. — against . Prep . VI. 3. O. Overaw . [ a. Fear ( make ] [ Coaction by fear ] Overbear . [ a. Submit ( make ] [ a. Magisterialness ] Overbid , [ Bid More then . ] ( exc . ] Overbold , [ Bold ( exc . ] Overburden , [ Burden ( exc . ] Overbuy , [ Buy dear ( exc . ] Overcast , Cover ] ●hadow ] Overcatch .   Overcharge , [ Burden ( exc . ] Overcome , [ a. Victory ] Overfill , [ Fill ( exc . ] Overflow . [ Over-flow ] [ v. Abundance ] Overglut , [ Glut ( exc . ] Overgone , [ pret . Gone ( exc . ] Overgrow . [ Grow more than , &c. ] ( exc . ] [ Cover by growing ] Overhasty , [ Hasty ( exc . ] Overhear , [ adv . Concealed hear ] Overheavy , [ Heavy ( exc . ] Overlay . [ Cover ( exc . ] [ Kill by covering ] Overly , [ adv . Slightness ] Sloth ] Overload , [ Load ( exc . ] Overlong , [ Long ( exc . ] Overlook . a. Ey another's doing ] Observe the thing doing done [ Look too high ] [ adv . Omitting ] Overmaster , [ a. Victory ] Overmatch , [ a. Superiour ] Overmeasure , [ Excess ] Overmuch , [ Excess ] Overpass . [ Omit ] [ Excel ] Overplus . [ Redundant ( thing ] [ Vantage ] [ Residue ] Overrate , [ Tax more than proportion ] Overreach , Overtake ] a. Fraud ] Overreck●n , [ Reckon ( exc . ] Overripe . NP. VI. 4. E. Overrule . [ v. Superiour ] RO. III. [ Yield ( make ] ●p . by Authority ] [ Overcome ] Overrun . [ Fill ( exc . ] [ Cover with multitude ] Oversaying . Man. IV. 1. E. Oversee , [ a. Oversight ] Overshadow , [ Cover with shadow ] Overshoot , [ Beyond shoot ] go ] — himself , [ a. Excess ] Oversight . [ Office. ] sp . of observing what others do in their offices ] [ Errour ] Overskip . Omit Lose sp . by neglect . ] Overslip . [ Omit ] Neglect ] Forget ] Overspread , [ Over-spread ] Overt , [ Manifest ] Overtake . TA. VI. 6. A. — n with wine , [ p. Drunkenness — ] Overthrow , a. Transverse ( make ] a. Victory ] to receive an — RM. II. 1. D. Overthwart , Transverse ] Prep . III. 3. Overtoil , [ Toil ( exc . ] Overture , [ adj . p. Offer ] sp . Proposition ] Overturn , [ a. Transverse ] Overvalue , [ Value ( exc . ] Overween , [ a. Arrogance ] Overweigh , [ Weigh more than ] Overweight , [ More than weight ] Overwhelm , [ Cover ( augm . ] Ought . v. Dueness ] Mood of duty ] [ Any thing ] Ounce . Weight . Mea. III. 4. Beast . Be. IV. 3. Our , [ adj . plur . Pron . I. 1. ] Out . Material . Prep . I. 3. Local . Of Motion . Prep . IV. 2. get — [ Obtain ] sp . to be without ] scrape — Of Rest. Prep . IV. 2. A. all is — Past ] Finisht ] Spent ] Extinct ] Discovered ] Public ] the secret is — he is — [ He erreth ] they are — [ They are enemies ] — of date , [ Un - custom'd ] autoritied ] — of doors , [ Without d. ] — of doubt , [ Without d. ] — of fashion , [ Un-custom'd ] — of frame , [ Confused ] — of hand , [ adv . Sudden ] — of heart , [ Discouraged ] — of joynt , [ Un-joynted ] — of kinde , [ Degenerous ] — of order , [ Confused ] — of patience , [ Vn-patienced ] — of sight , [ Not-visible ] — of use , [ Not-used ] — of wits , [ Mad ] — upon . Int. II. 1. O. Int. II. 3. O. Outcast . [ Rejected ] [ Banished ] Outcry , [ Exclamation ] Outgo . [ 〈◊〉 faster ] beyond ] [ v. Superiority ] Outlandish , [ adj . Foreiner ] Outlaw'd . Un-adj. Suit ( pot . ] Proscribed ] Outlet , [ Out-ition ( place ] Outlive , [ Live longer than ] after ] Outmost , [ Most adj . outside ] Outpass , [ a. Superiority ] Outrage , [ Injury ( augm . ] Outragious , [ adj . Excess ( augm . ] sp . in Anger . ] Outside . Sp. III. 6. O. Outstand , [ a. Duration after ] Outstrip , [ Run faster than ] Outward , [ adj . Outside ] Outwork . [ adj . Outside . RM. VI. ] [ Rampier ] RM. VI 3. Owe. as Debt , [ a. Debtor ] as Duty , [ a. Dueness ] Owl . Horned . Bi. I. 4. Not Horned . Bi. I. 4. A. Own. my — [ adj . I , adj . I. ] one 's — man , [ Rational ( perf . ] — er , [ adj . Propriety ( person . ] to — Appropriate ] Claim ] Owze . W. III. 7. A. Owzle , [ Black bird ] Ox , Bull. Be. II. 1. [ untesticled ] Oxey . Herb. HF. II. 6. A. Bird. [ Woodpecker ( kind ] Bi. I. 9. A. Ozier , [ Sallow ] Tr. VI. 9. A. P. PAce . [ Mode of going ] Mo. II. [ Step ] [ Five foot ] [ Degree of swiftness ] [ Measure in dancing ] — ing , [ Ambling ] Mo. II. 2. Pacifie , a. Peaceable ( make ] Un-anger ] Pack , Aggregate . TM . III. 8. sp . together tied ] — horse , [ H. for carriage of pack ] — saddle , [ S. for carriage of pack ] — thred , [ Course thred for tying ] to — a. Aggregate by together tying ] to — Heap and bind ] — away , [ Depart with one's goods ] — cards , [ Order C. fraudulently ] — Iury , [ Chuse partially a Jury ] to set — ing , [ Depart ( make ] Packet , [ Aggregate ( dim . ] sp . together tied ] — boat . RN. I. 8. Paction . RC. VI. A. Pad . [ Saddle ( dim . ] — nag , [ adj . p. Riding ( apt . ) horse ] — lock , [ adj . p. Hanging ( apt . ] Paddle , [ Spade ( like ) staff ] to — [ a. Hand ( freq . ] sp . in water . ] Paddock . [ Frog ] [ Park ( dim . ] Paedobaptism , [ Baptism of Infants . ] Paganellus . Fi. III. 7. A. Paganism . RE. I. 2. Page . [ Servant for waiting ] — of paper , Side Area of paper ] Pageant , [ Arch for ●ights ] Pagrus . Fi. V. 4. Pay , [ adj . a. Paying ( thing ] — master , [ adj . Paying ( Off. ] put out of — Souldiers — [ S. hire ] — ing . TA. IV. 8. [ Compensating ] Paigle . HS. VIII . 1. A. Pail , [ Tub ( dim ) with handle ] Pain . [ a. Punishment ] op . to Ease . NP. V. 3. O. [ a. Torture ] RJ. VI. 1. [ Aking , &c. ] AC . II. 7. op . to Pleasure , [ a. Unpleasantness . ] [ Grief ] — s , a. Operation ] a. Diligence ] — fulness , [ a. Pain Pains ( apt . ] Painim , [ adj . Paganism ( person . ] Painting . O. IV. 8. Pair . [ Equal ] [ Companion ] [ Two ] [ Aggregate ( thing ] — of bellows , [ B. ] — of cards [ Suit of c. ] Palace . Po. II. 2. Palate . Roof . PG. III. 5. [ Ta●t ] Palatine , [ adj . Palace ] Pale . — ness . AC . IV. 9. A. a — [ Lamin ] sp . of wood ] Pales , [ Sepiment of Lamins erect . ] Palinody , [ Recanting ] D. VI. 9. A. Palisado . RM. VI. 7. Pall.   Pallet , [ Bed ( dim . ) to be laid on the floor . ] Palliate , Seem ( make ] Cover ( corr . ] Palm . — of hand , [ Concave ( part ] Tree , [ Date ] dwarfe — Sh. III. 2. [ Carkin ] PP . II. 1. A. Palmer . [ Pilgrim ] — worm , [ Caterpillar ] Palme●to royal [ Cabbidg tree ] Tr. VII . 7. Palmistry , [ Wizarding by inspection of the hand . ] Palpaple . [ adj . p. Feeling ( apt . ] [ Manifest ( augm . ] Palpitation . S. V. 4. Palsy . S. IV. 6. Palter , [ a. Sloth ] Lightness ] Paltry , [ Sorry ] Pamper , [ a. Fat ( augm . ] Pamphlet , [ Sorry book ( dim . ] Pan , [ Shallow wide ( vess . ] sp . earthen ] Brain - [ Concave bone covering the brain ] Knee - [ Convex bone covering the knee ] Warming - [ adj . Warming ( vess . ] Frying - [ adj . Frying ( vess . ] — cake , [ Fry'd Pudding ( Lamin . ] Panade , [ Broth of boil'd bread ] Panage , [ Feeding for hogs under the deciduous trees . ] Panch . Stomach ] Belly ] [ Earthen Tray ] Pander , [ adj . Fornication ( merc . ] Pandiculation . Mo. III. 6. A. Pane , [ Lamin ] Panegyric , [ adj . a. Praise oration ] Panel . [ Lamin ( dim . ] [ Catalogue of names ] [ Saddle for burdens ] — of Hawk , [ Belly — ] Pang , [ Impetus ] sp . pain ( imp . ] Panic . [ Corn ] HL. II. 5. — grass . HL. III. 1. A. — fear , [ Causeless universal f. ] Panier , [ Basket. ] sp . for carriage on horse . Pannage , [ Tax on cloth ] Pannicle , [ Membrane ] Pannier , vid. Panier . Pansy . HL. VI. 5. A. Pant. S. V. 1. Panther , [ Pard ] Be. IV. 2. A. Pantler , [ adj . Bread ( Off. ] Pantofle , [ Loose foot ( vest ] Pantry , [ adj . Bread Victual ( room ] Pap. [ Water adj . p. consistence with bread . ] — of an apple , [ adj . p. consistence pulp — ] [ Dug ] Papal , [ adj . Pope ] Paper . Reed . Factitious . Pr. VI. 7. Papilionaceous fly . Ex. IV. 6. A. Papist , [ Of the Pope's faction ] Parable , [ Tralatitious Narration ] Parabola . Mag. III. 8. Parade , [ a. Preparation ] Paradise , [ Pleasure ( place ] Bird of — Fools — [ Deceiving Hope ] Delight ] Paradox , [ Against common opinion ] Paragon , [ Excellent ] Paragraph , [ Section ] Parallax , [ Difference between the true place and the seeming . ] Parallel . Mag. II. 7. Parallels . W. VI. 7. Parallelogram , [ Quadrangle , whose opposite sides are parallels ] Paralogism , [ Syllogism ( corr . ] Paralytic , [ adj . Palsy ] S. IV. 6. Paramor , Suitor Lover sp . ( corr . ) Paramount , [ adv . Chief adj . right ] Parapet . RM. VI. 9. Paraphrase . D. V. 5. A. Paraqueto . Bi. I. 7. A. Paraselene . El. V. 3. A. Parasite , [ Flatterer ] sp . for victuals ] Parathesis . D. I. 7. A. Parboil , [ Boil ( dim . ] Parbreak , [ Vomit ] Parcel , Part ] Aggregate ( dim . ] to — [ a. Segregate ] Parch , [ Dry ( exc . ) with heating ] Parchment , [ Paper of skin ] Parcimony , [ Frugality ] Parcity , [ Sparingness ] Pard . Be. IV. 2. A. Pardon . RE. II. 9. — fault . [ Absolution ] — debt . TA. IV. 9. A. Pare , [ From-cut Superficies ] Extremity ] Parelius . El. V. 3. Parenchyma . [ Flesh ] PG. II. 6. Parent . RO. I. 2. — age , [ Parent ( kind ] Parenthesis . D. I. 7. Parget , [ Plastering ] Parish . RC. III. 4. A. Parity . [ Equalness ] [ Evenness ] Levelling . RC. I. O. Park . Po. I. 5. A. — leaves , [ Tutsan ] HS. V. ● . Parlament , [ National Council ] Parly , Confer ] Treat ] Parlour , [ adj . Discourse ( room ] Parching . RN. VI. 1. A. Parochial , [ adj . Parish ] Parole , Word ] Parole , Promise ] Paroxysm , [ Impetus ] Parrhesy , [ Frankness ] Parricide , [ Murder of near kin ] Parrot . Bi. I. 7. Parsimony , [ Frugality ] Parsly . HF. IV. 9. Bastard — HF. V. 12. A. milky — HF. V. 13 A. Stone — HF. IV. 2. Parsnip . HF. IV. 2. Cow — HF. IV. 15. Water — HF. IV. 15. A. Parson , adj . Parish-Priest ] Possessor of Priest's revenue ] Part. Portion TM . VI. O. Member TM . VI. O. Best — TM . VI. 1. Worst — TM . VI. 1. O. Person ] Faction ] Interest ] for my — [ Concerning my Person ] Interest ] for the most — Concerning most persons ] adv . Most ] on all — s , [ By all Persons ] Factions ] take one 's — [ Assist , &c. ] Quality ] Action ] Duty ] one of excellent — s , [ — Qualities ] good ill — of him g. action ] good ill — of him i. action ] to take in good — [ Accept ( perf . ] to take in ill — [ Accept ( corr . ] to — [ a. Division ] Partition ] Segregateness ] [ a. Open ] Separate ] [ Depart ] — a fray , [ Un-a . Contention ] Fight ] Partake . [ a. Partner ] Accessory ] Party . Person ] Faction ] [ Aggregate ] — of souldiers . a commanded — RM. IV. 6. — colour'd , [ adv . Variety colour'd ] — per pale , [ Alternly ] [ Accessory ] Partiality , Ha. II. 6. O. Participate , [ a. Partner ] Accessory ] Participle . D. II. 3. A. Particle , [ Part ( dim . ] Word . D. II. ● . A. Particular . op . to Universal , [ adj . TM . III. 3. ] op . to General . [ adj . TM . III. 4. a — [ Catalogue ] — ize , [ a. Induction ] Example ] Partisan . [ Partaker ] [ Halbert ] Partition . — in a building . Po. III. 1. A. — in discourse . D. IV. 4. A. Partner . RO. IV. 5. Partridge . Bi. II. 6. red — Bi. II. 6. A. Parturition . AC . I. 3. Paru . Fi. III. 17. Pasch , [ Passover ] — flower , [ Pussatilla ] HF. IX . 3. A. Paschal , [ adj . Passover ] Pasquil , [ adj . Mocking writing ] Pass . [ a. Ition ] Coming ] Going ] Proceeding ] Travelling ] sp . Beside ] Over ] Beyond ] - by Omit ] Not-observe ] - over , a. Omission ] a. Transition ] - one 's life , [ Live ] word , [ Promise ] - as bell , [ a. Dying ( sign ] [ a. Past ] - away . - one 's right , [ Alienate ] - the time . bring to — Effect ] Perform ] come to — [ adj . p. Event ] let it — I will — [ I will desist ] Suffice ] Exceed ] Excell ] I — not for it , [ I esteem it not ] a — [ way ] sp . over river ] [ State ] brought to that — Venue , Thrust ( imp . ] Prick ( end ] [ Written Licence for travelling ] Passable , [ Indifferent ] TM . I. 4. Passage . [ Going ] way ] Entry ] [ Fare ] — boat . [ Transaction ] [ Clause ] Passenger , [ adj . Travelling ( person ] Passer solitarius . Bi. III. 6. A. Passion . Suffering . T. I. 7. O. Affection . AS . V. [ sp . Anger ] Corp. action sign into it . AC . IV. Passive , [ adj . Passion ] Passover . RE. VI. 5. A. Pass-port , [ Written Licence of travelling ] Past , [ adj . Past time ] — time . Sp. I. 1. E. Paste . [ Raw bread ] [ Glue of ground corn ] Pasteler , [ adj . a. Py ( mech ] Pastern , [ Cavity of the heel ] Pasty , [ Py ( augm , ] Pastime . Recreation ] Mirth ] Pastinaca . Fi. II. 1. Pastor . Shepherd ] Priest ] Pastry . [ adj . Store-room for adj . py ( things ] [ a. py ( art . ] Pasture . Po. I. 5. Pat , [ Congruous ] Patch , [ Fragment ] to — [ Repair with fragments ] — with , [ a. Fraud ] Pate . PG. III. 1. A. Patent . RC. IV. 4. Paternal , [ adj . Father ] Paternity , [ Father ( abstr . ] Path , [ adj . p. pret . Walk ( place ] Pathetic , [ adj . a. Passion ( apt . ] Patible quality . Q. Patience . Vertue . Man. I. 8. Herb. Patient . [ adj . Passion ] Patience ] a — [ adj . p. Physician ( person ] Patin , Wide shallow dish ] Cover of cup ] Patriarch . Before Christ. RE. II. 1. [ Primate ] Patrician , [ Noble ] Patrimony , [ adj . p. Inherit ( thing ] Patriot , Lover of one's Nation . ] Benefactour of one's Nation . ] Patron , of Dependent . RO. III. 9. of Slave , [ Master ] of Church-living , [ adj . Giving ( pot . ] Patronage , [ a. Patron ] Patronize . [ a. Patron ] [ Protect ] Patronymic , [ adj . Family ( name ] Pattern . [ Example ] [ Type ] Pattin ▪ vid. Patin . [ Under-adj . foot ( jug . ] Paucity , [ Fewness ] Pave , [ a. Floor ] sp . with stones ] Pavement , [ adj . Stone-floor ] Pavillion . [ Tent ( augm . ] Paw , [ Multifidous foot ] Pawn . RC. VI. 7. Pawnage , vid. Panage . Pawnch , Belly ] PG. IV. 6. Guts ( aggr . ] to — [ Un-a . bowel ] Pawse , Discontinue ] Rest ] a — [ Period ] Peace . RM. O. — ableness . Man. IV. 3. to hold one's — [ a. Taciturnity ] Silence ] Peach . Tr. II. 1. to — [ Accuse ] Peacock , [ Bi. II. 2. sp . ( male ] Peahen , [ Peacock ( fem . ] Peal , [ Tunable ringing ] Pear . Tr. I. 2. Peasant , Rustic ( person ] Villain ( person ] Pease . HS. II. 2. A. Chich — HS. III. 2. Winged wild — HS. II. 5. A. — Earth-nuts . HS. II. 7. A. Peasecod , [ Cod of Pease ] Peccadillo , [ Sin ( dim . ] Peccant , adj . a. Sin ] Guilty ] Peck , [ Two gallons ] to — Mo. VI. 5. A. Pectoral , [ adj . Breast ] Peculiar , [ Proper ] Pecuniary , [ adj . Money ] Pedal .   Pedant , Teacher ( corr . ) of children ] adj . Pusillanimity ( person ] Pedee . RM. III. 8. A. Pedegree , [ Series of Ancestors ] Pedestal . Mag. V. 3. Pedler , [ Wandring Merchant ( corr . ] Pedling , Sorry ( dim . ] Little ( corr . ] Pedobaptism , [ Baptism of Infants ] Peeble . St. I. 2. Peece . [ Part ] Chip ] Fragment ] — meal , [ adv . Part ( segr . ] all to — s , [ In parts ] [ Total ] of one - Entire ] Continued ] [ Gun ] [ 20 s. ] to — [ Repair ] sp . by adding fragment ] - together , [ Together-joyn ] Peel , vid. Pill . Bakers — [ Staff with Lamin at the end ] Peep . — of day , [ Day ( inc . ] to — [ See ( end ) secretly ] [ Cry as Bird ( young ] Peer . [ Equal ] — less , [ Not adj . p. Equal ( pot . ] [ Nobleman ] [ Factitious bank ] Peevishness , [ Moroseness ] Peg , [ Pin ] sp . for fastning ] Peiony , HS. I. 1. Pelamis . Fi. III. 4. A. Pelf , [ Riches ( corr . ] Pelican . BI . IX . 4. A. Pellet . [ Bullet ( like ] Pellitory . — of Spain . HF. V. 11. — of the wall . HF. I. 16. Pellucid , [ Transparent ] Pelmel . [ Game of striking bowl ( dim . ) through a hole ] [ adv . Mixture ] Confusion ] Pelt . Sheeps — [ Sh. skin ] Shepherds — [ Sh. ( vest . ] to — [ Chafe ▪ ] [ Cast stones ] Pen. [ Coop ] [ adj . Writing ( instr . ] - man , [ adj . Writing ( person ] ( Off. ] - knife , [ K. for pens ] to — Sepiment ] Write ] Penal , [ adj . Punishment ] Penalty , [ Punishment ] Penance . [ Punishment ] [ Repentance ] Pence , [ plur . Penny ] Pencil , [ adj . Painting ( instr . ] Pendant . [ p. Hanging thing ] [ Flag ] Pendulous , adj . a. Swing ] Doubtful ] Penetrate , Into — ition ] Through - ition ] Out — ition ] Penguin . Bi. IX . 6. A. Penisle . W. III. 4. O. Penitent , [ adj . Repentance ] Penner , [ adj . Pen ( vess ] Writing ( person ] Penny. Mea. IV. 2. — father , [ Penurious ( person ] — worth , [ Price ( manner ] Pennyroyal . HF. VII . 8. Pennywort . Wall — HL. VIII . 6. Pennon , [ Flag ( dim . ] Pension , [ adj . a. Stipendiating ( thing ] — er , [ adj . p. Stipendiated ( person ] Pensive , [ adj . Grief Thinking ( apt . ] Pent , [ adj . p. Sepiment ] Pentagon , [ Figure with five angles ] Pentecost , [ Festival for descension of the Holy Ghost ] Penthouse , [ Protuberant margin of roof . ] Penuriousness . op . to Liberality . Man. III. 3. E. op . to Magnificence , [ Sordidness . ] Penury . Poverty Want. People . [ Nation ] Common — RC. I. 5. to — Fill Furnish with men ] Pepper . Sh. II. 9. — wort . HS. VI. 6. Ginny — HS. IV. 8. A. Wall — HL. VIII . 5. A. Peradventure , [ adv . Fortune ] Contingence ] Perambulation , About — walking ] Through - walking ] Perce , vid. Pi●rce . Perceive . a. Sense sp . inc . ] See. sp . inc . ] Understand sp . inc . ] Perceptible , [ adj . p. Perceive ( pot . ] Perch . [ Transverse stick ] to — [ Sit upon a stick ] Measure . Mea. I. 5. Fish. Fi. IX . 6. Sea — Fi. V. 10. Percolation , [ Straining ] O. VI. 4. Percussion , [ Striking ] Perdition , Destruction ] Loss ] Perdue . RM. III. 7. A. Peregrination , [ Travelling ] sp . forein ] Peregrine , [ adj . Foreiner ] Peremptory , Absolute ] Obstinate ] Perennial , [ During through the year ] Perfect . T. III. 9. [ Finished ] [ adj . Integrity ] [ adj . Art ] Experience ] Perfidiousness , [ Treachery ] Perforate . [ a. Hole ( make ] [ Through-bore ] Perforce , [ adj . Coaction ] Perform . TA. III. 6. Perfume , [ adj . a. Sweetness ( thing ] Perfunctory . [ Slight ] [ Heedless ] [ Negligent ] Perhaps , [ adv . Fortune ] Contingence ] Adv. I. 2. Periacantha . Sh. IV. 5. Perianthium , [ C●p ] PP . II. 8. Pericardium , [ Skin about the heart ] Pericarpium . PP . II. 8. A. Pericranium , [ Skin about the skull ] Peril , [ Danger ] T. V. 1. O. Perineum , [ Under-privities ( part ] Period . [ a. Ceasing ] [ End ] [ Sentence ] D. III. 1. A. . Point . D. I. 6. A. Interpunction . D. I. 4. Periodical , [ Returning at certain times ] Periphery , Line about the extremity ] Circle ▪ ] Mag. III. 2. Periphrasi● , [ Paraphrase ] D. V. 5. A Periploca ▪ Sh. I. 7. A. Perish , Decay ] p. Destruction ] Perista●i● motion . Mo. III. 1. A. Peritonaeum , [ Membrane of the belly ] Perjury , [ Swearing a Lie ] Periwig , [ Factitious hair ( aggr . ] Periwinkle . Shrub . HS. VIII . 10. Fish. Ex. VII . 6. A. Perk , [ Proudly lift himself ] Perl . Gem. St. III. 2. Mother of — [ Shell of the adj . a. Perl-oyster ] — in the ey , [ Perl ( like ) spot in the ey ] Permanent , [ adj . Sp. I. 6. ] Permit . [ Not-forbid ] [ Not-hinder ] [ Yielding ] TA. IV. 1. [ a. Licence ] Permutati●n , [ Change ] Pernicious , [ adj . ● . Destruction ] Pernoctation [ a. Night ] Perora●ion , [ Conclusion of oration ] Perpendicular , [ Direct ] Perpetrate . [ Doe ] [ Perform ] Perpetual . Sp. I. 8. Perpetuity ]   Perplex , [ Tangle ] — ity . [ Tangling ( apt . ) difficulty ] [ Anxiety ] Perquisite , Necessary ] Expedient ] — s , [ adj . Event profits ] Perry , [ Wine of Pears ] Perriwig , [ Factitious hair ( aggr . ] Persecute . [ Pursue ] [ Afflict ] For Religion . RE. III. 4. O. Perseverance , [ Constancy ] Persevere , [ a. Constancy ] Persian shell . Ex. VII . 7. A. Persist , [ a. Constancy ] Duration ] Persly , vid. Parsly . Person . T. I. 4. A. — Iudicial . RJ. I. — Military . RM. III. Degrees of — RC. I. Personable , [ Figured ( perf . ] Personage , Person ] ( manner ] Personal presence . Sp. II. 1. Personate , [ Imitate as Player ] Perspective , [ Seeing ( art . ] Perspicacity , [ Sagacity ] Perspicuity , [ Plainness ] Perspiration , [ Transpiration ] Persuade . RO. V. 2. Persuasion . AS . III. 6. A. Pert. Sprightly ] Vigorous ] ( Confident ] Pertein , vid. Pertinence . Pertinacy . Ha. IV. 7. E. Pertinence . TM . IV. 5. Perturbation . Molesting sp . by affection ( augm . ) Confusion sp . by affection ( augm . ) Perverseness . NP. IV. 1. O. Pervert . [ Seduce ] [ Wrest ] Pervicacy . [ Pertinacy ] Peruse , Through - consider ] All - consider ] Perwinkle , vid. Periwinkle . Pesant , Rustic ( person ] Villain ] Pest , [ Plague ] Pester , [ Molest ] sp . ( freq . ] Pestiferous , adj . a. Plague ] Hurtful ( augm . ] Pestilence , [ Plague ] S. II. 3. A. Pestle , [ Br●ying ( instr . ) Cylindrical ( fig. ] — of Pork , [ Thigh — ] Pet , [ Anger ( imp . ] Petard , [ Ordnance ( like ) machin for breaking gate ] St. Peters fish , [ Doree ] Fi. IV. 12. St. Peter's wort . HS. V. 7. A. Petition [ Entreaty ] Religious . RE. IV. 2. A. Petrifie , [ a. Stone ( make ] Petronel , [ Horseman's gun ] Petty , Little ] Sorry ] Petticoat , [ Loose thigh ( vest ] Pettifogger , [ Lawyer ( corr . ] Pettishness , [ Moroseness ] Petulance , [ Impudent wantonness ] Pew , [ About-sepimented seat ] Pewter . Met. II. 2. Phantasy , [ Fancy ] Phantasm , [ Seeming ( thing ) to fancy ( corr . ] Phantastic , adj . a. Fancy ( corr . ] Conceited ] Pharmaceutical operation . O. VI. A Phenicopter . Bi. VIII . 2. Phenix .   Phesant . Bi. II. 3. Phyllyrea . Sh. III. 3. Philologer . RC. II. 4. Philosopher . RC. I. 1. A. Philtre , [ adj . a. Love ( make ] medicin ] Phlebotomy . Mo. IV. 6. Phlegm . PG. I. 6. Pholas . Ex. VIII . 8. Phrase , Sentence ( manner ] Instead-word ] Phrenetic , [ adj . Frenzy ] Phylactery , [ Written ( lam . ) to be worn ] Physic , [ adj . a Physician ( thing ] Physician . RC. II. 3. Physiognomy . [ Face ( manner ] [ Wizarding by inspection of the face . ] Physis . Fi. V. 11. Py. Provision . Pr. I. 4. A. Bird. Mag — Bi. I. 8. Sea — [ Sea-mew ] Bi. VII . 8. Piacular , [ That ought to be expiated by sacrifice ] Piazza , [ About-housed Area . ] Pibble . St. I. 4. Pick. [ Peck ] [ Pluck ] [ Open ] — a lock . [ Discover ] — out . — a secret . [ Chuse ] — out , [ a. Election ] [ Gather ] — up . [ Gain ] — out of one , [ Gain from one ] — a quarrel , [ Obtain ( end ) an occasion of q. ] — a thank , [ Obtain ( end ) thanks [ sp . by accusing ] [ Pilfer ] — Pocket , [ a. Theft out of p. ] — Purse , [ a. Theft out of p. ] [ Cleanse ] — a bo●e one's ear one's teeth , [ Cleanse b. ] — a bo●e one's ear one's teeth , [ Cleanse e ] — a bo●e one's ear one's teeth , [ Cleanse t ] Pickax , [ adj . a. Pecking hammer ] Picked , [ adj . p. Tooth ] Mag. IV. 2. Pickeer , [ a. Skirmish ] Pickerel , [ Pike ( dim . ] Pickeroon , [ adj . a. Bootying ship . ] Pickle , [ adj , a. Pickling ( things ] [ State ( corr . ] Pickling . Pr. III. 9. Pickrel , [ Pike ( dim ] Picture . Pr. VI. 8. Pied , [ Variegated ] Pierce . Into — ition ] thrusting ] [ Boring ] — a vessel , [ Broach a v. ] — ing pain , Pricking ] Smarting ] — er , [ Boring ( instr . ] Piety . to God , [ Religion ( hab . ] to Parents , [ Gratitude ] Pig , [ Hog ( young ] Be. II. 4. Ginny — Be III. 6. A. — of lead , [ Cast ( thing ) of Lead . ] Pigeon . Bi. III. 1. Piggin , [ Tub ( dim . ] Pike . [ Spear ] RM. V. 3. Fish. Fi. IX . 1. Pilchard Fi. III. 10. A. Pile . [ Post ] [ Heap ] [ Emroid ] — wort . HF. IX . 4. A. Pilfer , [ a. Theft ( dim . ] Pilgrim , [ Vow'd traveller for Religion . ] Pill . a — [ Ball ( dim . ] [ Rinde ] to — Strip , rinde ] clothe ] [ Un-a . rinde ] clothe ] [ Rob ] Pillage . [ Robbery ] [ Booty ] Pillar . Po. III. 5. Pillaster , [ Pillar ( dim . ] Pillion , [ Woman 's riding cushion ] Pillory , [ Imprisoning ( jug . ) for head and hands ] Pillow , [ Cushion for the head ] — beer , [ Case of Pillow ] Pilot. RN. V. 4. A. Pimpernel . HS. V. 10. A. Pimple , [ Pustule ] S. III. 1. Pin. Figure . — without head . Mag. IV. 1. — with head . Mag. VI. 2. A. — fish . Fi. VI. 2. A. — and web , [ Suffusion in the ey . ] — fold , [ Imprisoning ( sep . ) for beasts . ] to — Bolt ] Shut ] — a house , [ Under-fill the foundation ] Pincer , [ adj . Pinching ( jug . ] Pinch . [ a ▪ Compression ] as pain , [ Twitch ] [ a. Narrow ( make ] — penny , [ Penurious ( person ] [ a. Anxiety ] Pine. Tr. V. 4. A. — apple , [ Nut of the Pine-tree ] to — [ a. Decaying ] Lean ( augm . ] Pink. Flower . HS. V. 1. A. [ Ship ( dim . ] to — Pr. III. 5. — eyed , [ Narrow ey ] Pinna . Ex. VIII . 7. Pinnace , [ Ship ( dim . ] Pinnacle , [ Turret for ornament ] Pinnion . Figure . Mag. V. 5. A. — of wing , [ Elbow — ] to — [ a. Bonds for the arms ] Pinte .   Pioneer . RM. III. 8. Piony . HS. I. 1. Pious , [ adj . Piety ] Pip. [ Point ] [ Disease ] Pipe. [ Tube ] Square . Mag. V. 9. Round . Mag. V. 9. A. [ Barrel ] Measure . Wind — PG. VI. 1. A. — tree . Sh. IV. 1. White — Sh. V. 3. A. to — [ a. Music with pipe ] Acuteness ] Piper , [ Tub-fish ] Fi. IV. 5. Pipkin , [ Earthen ( dim . ) adj . boiling ( vess . ] Pippin .   Pique , Malignity sp . secret ] Hatred sp . secret ] Pirate , [ adj . Sea-robber . ] Pisces , [ Last of the 12 parts of the Zodiac . ] Piscis triangularis . Fi. VIII . 3. — Cornutus . Fi. VIII . 3. A. Pish , [ Int. of Contempt ] Aversation ] Pismire , [ Ant ] Ex. IV. 5. Pissing . Mo. IV. 8. Pistach . Tr. IV. 2. Pistol . [ adj . Hand-gun ( dim . ] Money . Pit , [ Dent ] Arm — [ Concave ( part ) under the arm ] — fall , [ Concave ( place ) in the earth for catching birds ] Pitch . [ Height ] — of a hill , [ Obliquity ( inc . ) — ] [ Tar boyled to a consistence ] to — [ Smear with Pitch ] — Camp , Place c. ] — Net , Direct n. ] — Tens , Fix t. ] — a floor , [ a. Floor with stones ] Pitcher , [ Earthen pot . ] Pitchfork , [ Fork ] Piteous , vid. Pittiful . Pith. PP . I. 5. A. Pithy . [ adj . Pith ] Importance ] Pittance , Part ( dim . ] Proportion ( dim . ] Pittty . AS . IV. 7. O. Pittiful , [ adj . a. Pitty ( apt . ] p. Pitty ( apt . ] Pittiless . [ Not-adj . a. Pitty ] [ Cruel ] Pituitous , [ adj . Phlegm . ] Pizzle , [ Genital ( male ] Placable , [ Un-adj. p. anger ( apt . ] Placard , Patent ] Edict ] Place . Proper . Sp. II. [ Situation ] — Military . RM. VI. [ House ( augment . ] [ Order ] [ Dignity ] [ Degree ] RC. I. [ Office ] [ Stead ] to — a. Place ] Put ] chuse in ones's — [ a. Substitute ( make ] Successor ( make ] give — Yield Superiority ( sign ] Take Superiority ( sign ] take — Yield Superiority ( sign ] Take Superiority ( sign ] Placid , [ Meek ] Plagiary . [ Stealer of Men ] Writings ] Plague . [ Pestilence ] S. II. 3 A. [ Adversity ( augm . ] to — Afflict ] Punish ] Play. op . to Work. O. A. — fellow , [ Companion in play . ] — with , [ Together-play ] Imitate ] a. Action ] — fast and loose , [ a. Lightness . ] — the Coward , [ a. C. the Fool , [ a. F. the Hypocrite , [ a. H. the Truant , [ a. T. the Wanton , [ a. W. — er . RC. II. 9. Stage — [ adj . p. Player ( thing ] a. Recreation ] Mo. V. a. Game ] Mo. V. A. — at a game , [ a. Game ] — at Dice , &c. [ a. Dice , &c. ] — at single Rapier , &c. [ a. Fence at s. &c. ] — upon an instrument , [ a. Music . ] — upon a man , [ a. Mock a man. ] — upon with guns , [ a. Gun ] Plaice . Fi. VII . 4. Plain . Plain . Mag. III. 4. Even . ] Q. VI. 2. Champain . W. III. 1. Carpenter's — [ adj . a. Even ( instr . ] Not-obscure . D. III. 9. Manifest ] TA. I. 9. Simple ] Mean ] Homely ] Sincere ] Frank ] Plaint , [ Complaint ] Plaintiff . RJ. I. 4. Plais . Fi. VII . 4. Plaister , vid. Plaster . Plait , vid. Pleit . Plancher , [ Room for fatting of Boar ] Plane . Tr. VI. 10. A. [ adj . a. Even ( instr . ] Planet . W. II. 3. — struck . Planisphere , [ Picture of sphere in plain ] Plank , [ Thick adj . wood ( lamin ] to — [ a. Floor with wood ( lamin ] Plant. W. V. 2. to — Q. III. 6. — guns , [ Place guns on bank ] — a Country , [ a. Colony ] — of foot , [ Bottom — ] Plaintain . Herb. HL. VII . 2. Sea — HL. VII . 4. Tree . Tr. I. 9. Plantation . [ Planting ] [ Colony ] RC. III. 1. A. Plash , [ Spread boughs ] — of water , [ Lake ( dim . ] — y , [ adj . Lake dim . ] Plaster . Medecin . Pr. VI. 4. A. Morter . El. IV. 5. A. — er , [ adj . Morter ( mech . ] Plastic , [ Figuring ( art . ] sp . by Carving ] Moulding ] Plat , vid. Pleit . Plate . [ Lamin ] sp . Metall ( lam . ] [ Vessel ] sp . of Silver or Gold ] [ Shallow dish ] Platform . Exemplar ] Description by lines ] Sconce ] Platter , [ Shallow dish ( augm . ] Plaudite Praise ( voice ] Joy ( voice ] Plausible , [ adj . p. Praise ( apt ] Plea , RJ. II. 3. A. Pleader . RJ. I. 7. Pleasant . T. IV. 2. [ adj . a. Delectation ( apt . ] [ adj . Mirth ] [ adj . Urbanity ] Pleasing . [ Delectation ] [ Appeasing ] Pleasure . Ha. II. 3. [ Delectation ] [ Will ] at one 's — [ According to ones will ] to — one , [ a. Benefactor ] Complacence ] Plebeian , [ adj . People ( kinde ] Pledge , [ Pawn ] to — one , [ Answer in drinking ] Pleit Fold in wrinkles ] Weave with the fingers ] Plenary , Full ] Totall ] Perfect ] Plenipotentiary , [ Perfectly authorized ] Plenty , [ Abundance ] Pleonasm , [ Abounding ( manner ) of sentence ] Plethory . S. I. 3. Pleurisie . S. V. 6. Ply , [ a. Diligence ] Operation ] Pliable [ adj . Limberness ] a. Obedience ( apt . ] p. Persuasion ( apt . ] Pliant , [ adj . Limberness ] a. Obedience ( apt . ] p. Persuasion ( apt . ] Plight , [ Oblige ] [ State ] in good — [ adj . Vigour ] Plot. Area ] Description by lines ] [ Design ] Plover . green — Bi. VII . 2. grey — Bi. VII . 2. A. Plow , [ adj . Plowing ( jug . ] — ing . O. III. 1. A. Pluck , Pull ] Draw ] — a Bird , [ Un a. feather ] Sheeps — [ Sh. PG. VI. ] Plug , ( Wooden adj . stopping ( thing ] Plum. PP . III. 2. — tree . Tr. II. 2. A. Plumb , [ Perpendicular ] — rule , Perpendicularness measuring ( instr . ] Transversness measuring ( instr . ] Plume , [ Feather ] PP . V. 1. [ Feathers ( aggr . ) for ornament ] to — Un - a. Feather ] a. Order ( perf . ) the feathers ] Plummer , [ adj . Lead ( mech . ] Plummet , [ Weight ( dim . ] Carpenter's — [ Weight for measuring perpendicularness . ] Plump . [ Fat ] [ Convex ( perf . ) with fatness ] Plunder , [ Booty ] Plunge , Dive ( make ] Difficulty ( imp . ] Plural , [ adj . Plurality ] — ity . TM . III. 2. O. Pluff , [ Silk adj . p. superficies with long tuft ] Poche . [ Hunt ( corr . ] — egg , [ a. Consistence by boiling ] sp . unshelled ] Pock . Small — S. II. 4. — hole , [ Concave Pox ( sign ] French — S. II. 6. — wood [ Guaiacum ] Tr. VII . 2. Pocket , [ adj . Garment ( bag ] Pod , [ Cod ] PP . III. 5. A. Poem , [ adj . p. Poet ( thing ] Poet. RC. II. 4. A. Poetry , [ adj . Poet ( art . ] Poinard , [ adj . Pricking ( apt . ) sword ( dim . ] Point . Title . Mag. I. 1. — blank , [ Transverse ] Full — [ Period ] [ Instant ] — of death . [ Tooth ] Mag. IV. 2. — in the compass , [ A two and thirtieth part of the circle . ] — in Tables , [ A four and twentieth part of the Area . ] — of land , [ Promontory ] [ Cord ( dim . ] [ Part ] in every — it is a — of [ State ] 't is come to that — [ Proposition ] [ Case ] [ Question ] — in controversie . to — [ a. Point ] [ Shew with finger ] [ Distinguish with Period ] Poise . [ Try the gravity ] [ Weigh equally ] Poisoning . RJ. V. 5. A. Poke , [ Bag ] Pole , vid. Poll. [ Staff ( augm . ] — ax , [ Cutting Club ] Hammer ] — of Cart. Po. V. 5. A. — of a ship . RN. III. 3. A. — of a globe . Mag. II. 1. A. Measure . Mea. I. 5. Fish. Fi. VII . 2. Polecat . Be. IV. 5. Polemic [ adj . RM. ] Disputation ] Policy . [ Wisdom ] [ Government ] Civil — [ adj . RC. ( art . ] — of assurance , [ Bond against loss ] Polipus . Ex. IX . 1. sweet — Ex. IX . 1. A. Polish . [ a. Smooth ] [ Brighten ] Polite , Beautiful ] Adorn'd ] Political Relation ▪ RC. Poll , vid. Pole. [ Hinder part of the neck ] by the — [ adv . Persons ( segr . ] to — [ Cut ( perf . ) the hair ] [ a. Tax ] Oppress ] Impoverish by taxes ] Pollard . [ Deer ( male ) adj . pret . let go his horns ] [ Lopped tree ] Pollute , [ Defile ] Poltron , [ Coward ] Polygamy , [ Having many wives ] Polygon , [ Having many angles ] Polymountain . HF. VI. 6. Polypody . HL. I. 6. Polysyllable , [ Having many syllables ] Pomander , Sphear of perfumes ] Apple ( like ] of perfumes ] Pomecitron , [ Apple of the Citron-tree ] Pomegranat . — tree . Tr. I 6. Pomel , [ adj . Sphear ( part ] to — [ Bear ] Pomp , [ Solemnity ] Pompholyx . Met. IV. 2. A. Pompion . HS. VII . 1. Pompousness , Solemnity ( augm . ] Magnificence ] Pond , [ Lake . W. IV. 7. A. ( dim . ] — weed . HL. VII . 8. narrow leaved — HF. VIII . 6. A. Fish — Po. I. 6. Ponder . [ Deliberate ] [ Meditate ] [ Consider ] Ponderousness , [ Heaviness ] Poniard , vid. Poinard ] Pontage , [ Tax for bridge ] Pontificial . [ adj . Bishop ] Primate ] Pool . W. IV. 7. A. Poop , [ Hinder part of ship ] Poor . [ adj . Poverty ] Needy , [ adj . wanting ] [ Lean ] [ Little ] [ Sorry ] [ adj . p. Pitty ( apt . ] — ness , [ Poverty ] Pop , Bladder ] Sound of breaking of bladder ] — gun , [ Gun ( like ) Tube ] Pope . [ Father ] [ Bishop ] sp . of Rome ] Popinjay , [ Parrot ] Poplar black — Tr. VI. 8. white — Tr. VI. 8. A. Poppet , [ Statue ( dim . ] Poppy . HS. VI. 4. bastard — HS. VI. 4. A. horned — HS. IV. 10. Populace , [ People ( kind ] Popular . [ adj . People ] [ Beloved by the people ] Populous , [ adj . p. People ( aug . ] Porcellane . Herb. HL. VIII . 3. Vessel . Porch , [ adj . Door ( room . ] Porcupine . Be. III 5. Pore . Mag. VI. 1. — blind . to — [ Look near ] fixedly ] Pork , [ Hog 's flesh ] Porker , [ Young hog ] Porphyry , [ Reddish Marble ] Porpois . Fi. I. 1. A. Porrage , vid. Pottage . Porringer , vid. Pottinger . Port. [ Haven ] [ Gate ] — hole . RN. II. 7. [ adj . out-side Dignity ] Portable , [ adj . p. Carry ( pot . ] ( apt . ] Portage , [ Payment for carriage ] Portal , [ Door ( room ] Portcullis . RM. VI. 8. A. Portentous , [ Fore-signing some evil ( augm . ] Porter , [ adj . Door ( Off. ] [ Bearer ] Porthole . RN. II. 7. Portion . [ Part ] [ adj . Proportion ( part ] Wife 's — [ W. part of the Inheritance ] Portmantean , [ adj . Riding-bag ] Portray , a. Description ] a. Picture ] Portsale , [ Public sale ] Pose . [ Try ] sp . by questions Non-plus . D. VI. 8. Posie , Flowers ( aggr . ] Sentence upon-written ] Position . Proposition ] Affirmation ] Site ] Posture ] Positive . T. III. 3. Positure , [ Posture ] Posnet , [ Standing pot with a handle ] Possess , Have ] Hold ] a. Possession ] — ion . Po. Prescription , [ Custom of possession ] take — ( Possess ( inc . ] Posset , [ Broth of coagulated milk ] Possibility . T. IV. 4. Post. [ Wooden column ] [ Swift , Carrier ] Messenger ] ride — [ Ride on divers horses successively ] to — [ adv . Swiftness ( ition . ] sp . Riding ] [ Publish by writing on column ] — accounts [ Write the summes in another page ] book ] Post-date , [ Date after pret . writing ] Posteriority , [ Succeeding ( abstr . ] Posterity , [ Descendents ( aggr . ] RO. I. 1. O. Postern , [ adj . Hinder-part ( door ] Posthumous , [ Born after Father's death ] Postil , [ adj . p. Preaching ( thing ] Postilion , [ Before-riding ( person ] Postpone , [ Less esteem ] Postscript , After - written ( thing ] Under - written ( thing ] Postulation , [ Demand ] Posture . AC . VI. A. Pot. Pr. V. 5. — companions , [ adj . a. Drunkenness c. ] — hangers , [ adj . a. Hanging ( jug . ) for pot . ] — herb , [ H. for broth ] — lid , [ adj . Covering ( thing ) for pot . ] — sherd , [ Fragment of earthen ( vess . ] Potable , [ adj . p. Drink ( apt . ] Potato . HS. IX . 3· . Potent , [ adj . Power ] Potentate , Powerful ( person ] Prince ] Potential , T. III. 5. O. Potgun . [ Gun ( like ) Tube ] Potion , [ Potable ( thing ] sp . Medicinal ] Potsherd , [ Fragment of earthen ( vess . ] Pottage , [ Broth ] Potter , [ adj . O. IV. A. ( mech . ] Pottinger , [ Dish for broth ] Pottle , [ Two quarts ] Potulent , [ adj . p. Drink ( apt . ] Pouch . [ Bag ( dim . ] [ Stomach ] . ●o — [ Swallow ] Pouder . TM . VI. 4. A. gun — RM. V. 7. A. to — [ a. Pouder ( make ] Sprinkle . Pr. III. 7. A. sp . with salt ] Poverty . Ha. II. 2. O. Poult , [ Grouse ] Poultice , [ Soft plaster ] Poultry , [ Cock Bi. II. 1. ( kinde ] Pounce , [ Claw of bird ] to — [ Pink ] Pound . Weight . Mea. III. 5. Money . Mea. IV. 5. Pinfold , [ Imprisoning ( sep . ) for beasts . ] to — [ Imprison ] [ Bray with Cylinder ] Mo. VI. ● . Poundage , Tax adv . Pound ( segr . ] Payment adv . Pound ( segr . ] Pourcontrel . Ex. IX . 1. Pouring . O. II 8. Pourtraicture , [ Picture ] Pout , [ Angry mouth ( manner ] to — AC . IV. 2. O. Eel — Fi. VI. 6. A. [ Heathcock ] Bi. II. 5. Power . Natural — NP. Might ] Ha. II. 6. Authority ] — full , [ adj . a. Power ] in one 's — [ adj . p. Power ] Pox. French — S. II. 6. Small — S. II. 4. Practice . RC. II. A. — Law RC. II. A. L. ] — Physic RC. II. A. P. ] Action ] Endeavour ] Essay ] Exercise ] — ed , [ Expert ] Pragmaticalness , [ Diligent ( corr . ] Pray . RE. IV. 1. Prayer , [ adj . RE. IV. 1. ( thing ] Praise . RO. V. 8. Prance , Go proudly ] Trot ] Prank . [ Extraordinary action ] to — [ a. Ornate ( make ] Prate , [ a. Loquacity ] Pratic , [ Licence to trade ] Prattle , [ a. Loquacity ] Pravity , [ Evil ( abstr . ] Prawn , [ Shrimp ] Ex. VI. 4. Preach . RE. IV. 4. Preamble , [ Prologue ] Prebendary , [ Assessor of Cathedral Collegiate Church ] Precaution , [ Warning ] Precedence . Sp , I. 2. E. Precedent . [ Exemplar ] [ Preceding ] Precellence , [ Excellence ] Precept , [ Command ] Precinct , [ Authority ( place ] Precious , [ adj . Price ( augm . ] — stone , [ Gem ] Precipice , [ Steep ( place ] Precipitate . Chymic . O. VI. 3. A. Capital punishment . RJ. V. 3. A. [ Hast ( exc . ] [ a. Rashness ] Precise . Perfect ( augm . ] Regular ( augm . ] [ Scrupulous ] Precocity , [ Soon ( exc . ) Ripeness . Precognition , [ Before-knowing ] Precontract , [ Before-contract ] Predatory , [ adj . a. Booty ] Predecessor , [ adj . Preceding ( person ] Predestinate , [ Before determine ] appoint ] Predicable , [ adj . p. Predicate ( apt . ] Predicament . TA. Predicate , D. II. 5. A. Predication , [ a. Predicate ] Prediction , Before-telling ] Prophecy ] Predominant , More powerful ] adj . a. Victory ] Pre-election . [ Rather-chusing ] Pre-eminence . SuperIority ] Excellence ] Dignity ] Privilege ] Preemption , Before-buying . ] First-buying . ] Preexistence , [ Before-actualness ] Preface , [ Prologue ] Prefect , [ adj . Authority Office ( person ] — ure , Authority ] Office ] Prefer . More - esteem ] Before - chuse ] — person , [ adj . a. Dignity ] Power ] — bill , [ adj . a. Bill ] Prefigure , [ Before adj . a. type ] Prefix , [ Before - adj . a. Fasten ] Appoint ] Pregnant , Full ] Important ] Prey , [ Booty ] Prejudice , [ Before-opinion ( corr . ] — ial , Hurtful ] Impedient ] Prejudicate , [ Before - a. Sentence ] Condemn ] Preke , [ Pourcontrel ] Ex. IX . 1. Prelate , [ Bishop ] RE. II. 4. A. Prelude , [ adj . Preparation play ] Premeditate , [ Before-meditate ] Premise , [ Before - put ] suppose ] Premonish , [ Before-warn ] Premunire , [ Forfeiture of goods and liberty ] Prentice [ Disciple ( merc . ] ( mech . ] Preoccupation , [ Before-possess ] Preordain , [ Before-ordain ] Prepare . TA. III. 2. — food . Pr. III. Preponderate , [ More-weigh ] Preposition . D. II. 8. Preposterous , [ Against-order'd ] Prepuce , [ Skin to be cut off in Circumcision ] Prerogative . RC. IV. 7. Presage , [ Before-sign ] Presbyter . RE. II. 5. A. Prescience , [ Before-knowing ] Prescribe . [ Before-appoint ] — by Law , [ a. Law ] — by Custom , [ a. Right ( make ) by pret . custom ] Presence . — in place . Sp. II. 1. — chamber , [ Room for King's presence ] — in time . Sp. I. 1. [ Sprightliness ] Present , [ adj . Presence ] to — [ Represent ] [ Accuse ] a — [ Gift ] Prntation Right of giving Giving of right Priest's ( place ] Presently adv . Present ] adv . Future ( dim . ] Preserv , Keep ] Defend ] Condite ] Action of God. AS . I. 4. Preservative , [ adj . a. Preserve ( thing ) President . [ Prefect ] [ Example ] Press . Thrusting ] a. Compression ] — to death . RJ. V. 3. Printer's — [ adj . a. Printing ( jug . ] Wine — [ adj . Wine ( jug ] [ a. Dense Fast Hard Heavy make ] [ a. Necessity ] Coaction ] — souldiers , [ a. Souldier ( make ) by coaction ] [ a. Persuade Intreat ( augm . ] a — Throng , [ Dense Multitude ] Aggregate ] — for Apparel Books [ Box — ] Pressure , Pressing ] Necessity ] Affliction ] Prest , [ Ready ] Prestigiator . RC. II. 9. A. Presume . [ a. Boldness ] Confidence ] [ a. Hope ( corr . ] Presumption . [ Presuming ] [ Strong argument ] sp , Conjectural ] Presumptuousness . [ Hope ( corr . ] [ Rashness ] Irreverence ] Arrogance ] Presuppose , [ Before-suppose ] Pretence . Seeming cause ] Feigned cause ] Pretend . [ Seem ( make ] [ Dissemble ] Preterition , [ Omission ] Pretermit , [ Omit ] Pretext . Seeming cause ] Feigned cause ] Pretty . [ Handsom ( dim . ] [ adj . Mediocrity ] Prevail . [ a. Superiour ] Victory ] [ Obtain ] Prevarication . [ Betraying by pleading ] [ Deceitful , Action ] Speech ] Prevent . TA. III. 9. Previous , [ adj . Preceding ] Preparation ] Pry , See ( end ] a. Spy ] Priapism . Disease . Price . RC. V. 7. Prick . [ Point ] . Mark● [ adj . p. Object ( thing ] Tooth ] Mag. IV. 2. Prickle , [ Thorn ] PP . I. 3. A. — ing . Mo. VI. 7. A. — pain . AC . II. 7. A. — forward , [ a. Impulsive ] — on , [ a. Impulsive ] — in , [ a. Plant ] up , [ a. Direct ] — wood . Sh. I. 4. A. Pricket , [ Buck. Be. II. 6. of the second year . ] Prickle , [ Thorn ] PP . I. 3. A. Pride . Man. V. 2. D. Priest. Iewish — RE. II. 2. Christian — RE. II. 5. Primary , [ Chief ] Primate . RE. II. 4. Prime , First ] Chief ] Primitive . TM . IV. 1. Primogeniture , [ First birth ( abstr . ] Primrose . HS. VIII . 1. Prince . RC. I. 2. A. [ King 's Son ] — 's feather . HF. I. 15. A. — 's wood . Tr. VII . 6. A. Principal . [ Chief ] [ Governour ] [ Money demised ] disbursed ] — ness . TM . IV. 4. Principality . [ Government ( place ] Principle . [ Cause ] [ Rule ] [ Element ] Print . [ Mark ] [ Impression ] — ing . AC . III. 7. A. Prior , [ Abby ( Off. ] Priority , [ Preceding ( abstr . ] Prism . Mag. III. 6. O. Prison , [ Imprisonment ( place ] Prisoner . Reputed Criminal . RJ. I. 3. O. [ adj . p. Imprison ( person ] Pristin , Former ] Old ] Privado , [ Friend ( augm . ] Private . op , to Public , [ adj . TM . V. 5. O. [ Concealed ] — man , [ Not-magistrate ] Privateer , [ Private man of war. ] Privation , [ a. Privative ] Privative . T. III. 3. O. Privet . Sh. II. 11. Ever-green — Sh. III. 3. A. Mock — Sh. III. 3. Privy . [ Knowing ] [ Accessory ] [ Hidden ] [ Secret ] — parts . PG. VI. ● . Jakes , [ Dunging ( room ] Privilege . RC. IV. 7. A. — ed place , [ p. Immunity ( place ] Privities . PG. VI. 8. Prize . [ Booty ] [ Reward of victory ] Fighting sp . for wager ] Gaming sp . for wager ] to — [ a. Price ] Value ] [ Esteem ] Probable , [ adj . Opinion Probation ( apt . ] Probation . D. VI. 6. — er , [ adj . p. Essaying ( person ] Probe , [ Depth measure ( pin ] Problem , Proposition to be disputed ] Question to be disputed ] Proboscis , [ Trunk ] PP . V. 4. A. Proceed . TA. VI. 2. - from , [ adj . p. Cause Birth Being from ] - ings , [ Series of actions . ] - Iudicial . RJ. II. the — Gain ] Revenue ] Process . [ a. Proceeding ] [ Series ] — of a bone , [ Protuberant ( part ] — of time , [ After some much time ] — in law , [ Citation ] sp . written ] Procession . [ Proceeding ] [ Solemn about-walking ] Proclaim , [ Publish ] sp . solemnly ] Proclamation Publishing ] Edict ] Proclivity , [ Inclinableness ] Procrastinate Delay sp . till next day . ] Protract sp . till next day . ] Procreate , [ Generate ] Proctor . [ Substitute ] [ Advocate ] Procuration . [ adj . Proctor ( make ] sp . writing ] [ Procuring ] Procure . [ Cause ] [ Furnish ] [ Obtain ] Prodigality . Man. III. 1. E. Prodigy , Preter-natural ( thing ] Extraordinary ( thing ] sp . before-signing a. adversity ] Prodigious . [ adj . Prodigy ] [ Great ( augm . ] Produce . [ Out-take ] sp . from concealing ( place . ] [ a. Cause ] — fruit , [ a. Fruit ] — by Multiplication , [ a. Product ] [ Known ( make ] Extend ] Long ( make ] Continue ] Product . TM . VI. 8. O. Proem , [ Prologue ] Profane . Irreligious , [ adj . RE. IV. D. ] [ Not-consecrated ] to — , RE. V. 1. O. Profess [ a. Profession ] — ion [ Acknowledgment ] Calling . RC. II. Proffer , [ Offer ] Proficient , [ adj . Profit ] Profit . [ adj . Profitable ( thing ] [ Gain ] [ Revenue ] — able . T. IV. 1. to — [ a. Profit ] — in learning , [ Increase — ] Profligate . [ Driven away ] [ Vicious ( augm . ] Profound . [ Deep ] [ Obscure ] Profundity . [ Depth ] [ Obscureness ] Profuse , Prodigal ] Squandering ] Progeny , [ Descendents ( kinde ] ( aggr . ] Progenitor . RO. I. 1. Prognosticate . [ Before - know ] tell ] Progress . Proceeding ] Journey ] [ Increase ] — ion . [ Proceeding ] — of Animals . Mo. I. Continuing ] Joyning ] Prohibit . [ Forbid ] [ Hinder ] Projecting . [ Designing ] [ Contriving ] Projection . — Chymic , [ a. Factitious Gold ] — of sphere , [ Repressing it upon a Plain ] Prolation , [ Articulation ] Prole , [ Wander seeking ] Prolifical , [ Fruitful ] Prolix , [ Long ( augm . ] [ Ample ] Prolocutor , [ adj . Speaking ( Off. ] sp . First Chief Speaker ] Prologue . D. V. 8. Prolong . [ Lengthen ] [ Delay ] Prominent , [ Protuberant ] Promiscuous , Mixed ] Confused ] Promise . RO. V. 6. — to God , [ Vow ] — in contract . RO. VI. 3. — for another , [ Stipulate ] Espouse . RO. II. 3. Promontory , W. III. 4. Promooter , [ adj . Accusing ( Off. ] Promote . [ a. Help ] [ a. Dignity ] Prompt . [ adj . Dispatch ] Alacrity ] [ adj . p. Disciple ( apt . ] [ adj . Sagacity ] to — [ Dictate secretly ] Promptuary , [ adj . Laying-up ( place ] Promulgate , [ Publish ] Prone , [ adj . p. Disposition ] Inclination ] Prong , [ adj . Pricking ( apt . ) Fork ] Pronoun . D. II. 7. Pronounce , [ v. Articulate ] Proof . [ Probation ] [ Essaying ] of — [ adj . p. Essaying ] in — [ Fat ] Prove . Probation ] Confirmation ] [ Essay ] [ Become ] Prop. Po. III. 7. Propagate , [ v. Multitude ( kind ] Propensity , Alacrity ] Inclination ( apt . ] Proper . op . to Common . [ adj . TM . IV. 6. ] op . to Figurate [ adj . D. III. 6. [ Tall ] Property . [ Proper ( thing ] [ Propriety ] Prophane . Irreligious . [ adj . RE. IV. D. ] [ Not-consecrated ] to — RE. V. 1. O. Prophesie , [ a. Prophet ] Prophet . RE. II. 1. A. Propinquity , [ Nearness ] Propitiation , Un-enemy ] Un-guilty ] Un-anger ] sp . by Sacrifice ] Propitious , [ adj . Favour ] Proportion . Mea. A. — Arithmetical , [ Equality of differences ] well — ed , [ Figured ( perf - ] Propose . [ a. Proposition ] [ Offer ] Proposition . D. V. 1. Propound , vid. Propose . Proprietary , [ Proper owner ] Propriety . RC. IV. 5. Prorogue , [ a. Stay till another time ] Proscarab . Ex. I. 6. Proscribe , [ Publish Command Permission to kill ] Prose . D. III. 4. Prosecute . AS . IV. 6. — judicially , [ Continue adj . a. Accuser ] Proselyte , [ Convert ] Prosodia , [ Measuring ( art ) of quantities of syllables ] Prospect , [ adj . p. See ( pot . ] ( Place ] ( Area ] — ive glass , [ Glass ( instr . ) for seeing remote ( things ] Prosperity . Ha. I. 2. Prostitute , [ adj . p. object ( make ) adv . common ] sp . to a. Unchastness ] a — [ Commona . unchast ( fem ] Prostrate , [ Lying ] AC . VI. 7. O. Prosyllogism , [ Preceding Syllogism . ] Protect . Man. VI. 4. [ Conservation ] [ Defending ] Protest . RC. VI. 3. A. — against . RJ. II. 8. Protonotary , First notary ] Chief notary ] Prototype , First type . ] Chief type . ] Protract . TA. III. 5. O. Protuberance . Mag. IV. 3. Proud , [ adj . Pride ] — bitch , [ adj . Coition ( apt ) b. ] Prove , vid. Proove . Provender , [ Corn for horses ] Proverb , [ Adage ] Provide . [ a. Providence ] [ Furnish ] - for , [ a. Heedfulness against ] — ed that , Conditionally that . ] If. ] Providence . — of God. AS . I. 2. — of Man. Man. III. 2. Provident , [ adj . a. Providence ] Province . RC. III. 3. — Eccesiastical , [ Primate's ( place ] Provincial , [ adj . Province ] a — [ Chief ( Off. ) of a Province ] Provision . [ a. Providence ] Necessaries . Pr. Proviso , [ adv . Condition ] Provoke . [ a. Cause ] Impulsive ] [ Angry ( make ] Challenge . RM. I. 2. Provost , [ adj . Authority Office ( person ] Prow , [ Fore-part of a ship ] Prowess , [ a. Fortitude ] Proxy , [ Substituted ( person ] Proximity , [ Nearness ] Prudence , [ Wisdom . ] Prune . [ Plum ] to — O. III. 8. Prunel .   Psalm . RE. IV. 3. A. Psalter , [ Book of Psalms ] Ptisan , [ Broth of Barley ] sp . Medicinal . ] Publican , [ adj . Tax ( Off. ] Publicness . TM . V. 5. Publish , [ a. Publicness ( make ] Pucker , [ Un - a. Evenness by shrinking ] Puck-fist , [ Fuzball ] HL. I. 2. A. Pudding . Pr. I. 2. A. — grass , [ Penny-royal ] Puddle , [ Stagnum ] W. IV. 7. A. [ Durty water ] to — [ a. Durty ( make ] Puet , [ Lapwing ] Bi. VII . 1. Puff . Wind ( imp . ] Breath ( imp . ] [ Swell ] sp . with wind ] S. I. 5. A. — up , [ a. Proud ( make ] Puffin . Bi. IX . 6. Pug , [ Monkey ] Puissance , [ Power ] Puke , [ Vomit . ] Pulchritude , [ Beauty ] Pule , [ Acute grief ( voice ] Pull . O. I. 4. sp . looking toward the object . ] sp . without success ] — bird , [ Un - a. feather b. ] — down , Diminish ] Weaken ] — in pieces , [ Tear into fragments ] Pullein , [ Cock Bi. II. 1. ( kinde ] ( aggr . ] Pullet , [ Young hen ] Pully , [ adj . O. I. 3. ( jug . ] Pullulate , [ Sprout ( inc . ] Pulp .   Pulpit , [ Preaching ( place ] Pulse . Motion . Mo. III. 1. [ Legumen ] oyly purging — HS. VII . 10. A. Pulverize , [ a. Powder ( make ] Pumice . St. I. 7. Pump . Po. VI. 3. A. Shoe , [ limber-bottom'd adj . foot ( vest . ] to — out , [ Know ( end ) by questioning ] Pumpion .   Punaise , [ Wall-louse ] Ex. II. 6. A. Punch , [ Thrust ( imp . ] [ adj . p. Hole ( make ) by striking ] [ Drink of Brandy and Water ] Punctilio , [ Point ( dim . ] Punctual , [ Perfect ] Pungent , [ Pricking ] Puny , New ] sp . Learner ] Unexpert ] Punishment . Ha. I. O. — Capital . RJ. V. — not Capital . RJ. VI. Punk , [ adj . Unchast ( fem . ] Pupil . RO. III. 4. O. Puppet , [ Image ( dim . ) of man ] Puppy , [ Dog. Be. III , 1. ( young ] Purblind , [ Not-adj . a. See ( pot . ) remote ( things ] Purchase , [ Buy ] Pure . [ Simple ] [ Clean ] — ness . TM . V. 7. [ Holy ] Purgation . Mo. IV. vid. Purge . Purgatory , [ Punishment ( place ) for purging from sin ] Purge . Evacuation . Mo. IV. [ Dunging ] sp . by Physic ] [ Cleanse ] [ Pure ( make ] Expiating [ Unguilty ( make ] [ Absolving ] — upon oath , [ Swear ( make ) innocence ] a — [ a. Dunging medecin . ] Purifie , [ a. Pure ( make ] Purity , vid. Pureness . Purle . ● of lace . Pr. IV. 5. A. [ Mixture of drinks ] sp . with wormwood . ] Purloin , [ a. Theft ] Purlue , [ Margin of Forrest ] Purple . Fish. Fi. Ex. VII . 2. A. Colour . Q. II. 4. — s , [ adj . a. Purple fever ] Purport , [ Meaning ] Purpose . Intention . AS . IV. 3. [ Design ] full — [ Resolution ] beside the — [ Impertinent ] of — [ adv . Design ] on — [ adv . Considerate ] to the — [ adv . Congruous ] Pertinent ] Perfect ] to no — [ adv . Frustration ] Frivolous ] to what — [ For what end ] Purpura . Ex. VII . 2. A. Purse , [ Bag for money ] — er . RN. V. 5. A. — net , [ Net bag ( like ] Shepherd's — Pursevant . RJ. I. 6. Pursy , Asthmatical ] Fat ( corr . ] Purslane . HL. VIII . 3. — tree , [ Halimus ] Sh. VI. 6. Pursue , [ Follow ] — ing . RM. II. 3. E. Purvey , [ Provide ] Purulent , [ Mattery ] Push . Tumor ( dim . S. III. 1. to — [ Thrust ( imp . ] Pusillanimity . Man. III. 8. D. Puss , [ Cat ] Pustule . S. III. 1. Put. Proper . TA. I. 1. a. Place ] [ a. Cause ] — away , [ Abdicate ] — back , [ Retire ( make ] — by , [ a. Frustration ] — down , [ Un-a . Power ] Authority ] Office ] — forth . Publish ] P●llulate ] Un-a . Authority ] Power ] Office ] — in , [ a. Inside ] — bail , [ a. Stipulation ] — a box , [ Into a box ] — execution , [ a. Execute ] — fear , [ a. Fear ( make ] — one 's head , [ a. Think ( make ] — hope , [ a. Hope ( make ] — mind , [ a. Remember ( make ] — order , [ a. Order ] — practice , [ a. Practice ] — print , [ a. Print ] — remembrance , [ a. Memory ( make ] — writing , [ a. Write ] — off , Delay ] Sell ] — ones clothes , [ Un - a. clothe ] — on , Hasten ] a. Impulsive ] — one 's clothes , [ a. clothe ] — over , [ a. Digestion ] Assign ] — out , Quench ] Annihilate ] Publish ] — of doors , [ a. Exile ] — of office , [ Un - a. Office ] — of order , [ a. Confusion ] — one 's eyes , a. Blindness ] Un - a. Eye ] — to Adde ] Apply ] Arbitrator ( make ] Shut ] — be done , [ Appoint to be d. ] — be kept , [ Appoint to be k. ] — death , a. Dy ] a. Capital punishment ] — flight , [ a. Fly ( make ] — shame , [ a. Shame ] — shift , [ a. Difficulty ] — it , [ a. Difficulty ] — sword , [ a. Sword ] — venture , [ a. Essay ] — use , [ a. Usury ] — together , [ Together ▪ put ] — up . — a hare , [ a. Motion h. ] — petition , [ a. Petition ] — sword , [ a. sheath s. ] — wrong , [ Not-revenge w. ] — upon , [ a. Impulsive ] — case , [ Suppose ] — an end to , [ a. End ] — trick on , [ a. Affront ] Mock ] Putrefaction , [ Rottenness ] Putrefie , [ a. Rotten ( make ] Putrid , [ Rotten ] Puttock , [ Kite ( kinde ] Puzzle , [ Pose ] Pygmy , [ Man ( dim . ] Pyramid . Mag. III. 7. O. Pyromancy , [ Wizarding by inspection of fire ] Pyx , [ Box ] Q QVacksalver , [ Physician ( corr . ] Quadrangle , [ Four-angled Area . ] Quadrant , [ The fourth part of a Circle ] Quadrate , [ Square ] Mag. V. 1. A. Quadrature , [ Squaring ] Quadripartite , [ Divided into four parts ] Quadruple , [ Fourfold ] Quaff , [ Drink ( augm . ] Quagmire , [ Bog ] Quail . Bi. II. 8. to — [ adj . p. Discouragement ] Quaint . Beautiful ( augm . ] Ornate ( augm . ] Perfect ( augm . ] Quake , [ Tremble ] Qualifie , [ a. Quality ] Moderate ] Quiet ] Qualification . Quality ] Condition ] Quality . T. I. 6. A. Transcendental Relation of — TM . V. Sensible . Q. Visible — Q. I. Audible — Q. III. Belonging to Tast or Smell . Q. IV. Tactile — more Active . Q. V. more Passive . Q. VI. [ Disposition ] [ Habit ] [ Manners ] [ State ] [ Degree ] Qualm . Nauseousness ( imp . ] Fainting ( imp . ] Quandary . [ Doubt ] [ Musing ] Quantity , T. I. 6. Relation of in General . TM . I Continued . TM . II. Discontinued . TM . III. Quarrel , [ a. Contention ] — of glass , [ adj . Glass ( lam . ] Quarry . [ Stones ( place ] [ Booty ] Quart.   Quartan , [ Ague returning every fourth day ] Quarter . [ Fourth part ] — of the Moon , [ The fourth part of her monethly course ] — of corn . — of timber , [ The fourth part of a tree cut long-wise ] — staff . — of Mutton , [ The fourth part of the body of sheep ] to — [ Cut into quarters ] Capital punishment . RJ. V. 1. A. [ Coast ] [ a. Guest ] — master . RN. V. 2. [ Immunity from killing ] Quartile , [ Distance of ● / 4 of great — Circle . ] Quarto , [ Second figure of book ] Quash , [ a. Shame Despair ( make ] Herb , [ Pompion ] HS. VII . 1. Quave , [ Tremble ] sp . a● bog ] Quaver . [ Tremble ] [ Modulation ] Quean , [ adj . Unchast ( fem . ] Queazy , [ adj . Nauseousness ( apt . ] Queen , King ( fem . ] King's Wife ] Queest , [ Ringdove ] Bi. III. 1. Quell , [ a. Conquer ] Quench , [ Un-a fire ] — thirst , [ Un-thirst ] Querister , [ adj . Singing ( Off. ] Quern . [ Grinding mill . ] Querulous , [ adj . a. Grudge Complain ( apt . ] Quest , [ Seeking ] [ Sworn adj . searching ( Off. ] Question . D. VI. 1. to call in — Accuse ( inc . ] Suspected ( make ] 't is a — [ 'T is a doubted disputed ( thing ] Quetch , Motion ( dim . ] Noise ( dim . ] Quibble , [ a Urbanity in sound of words ] Quick. [ Alive ] Sprightly ] Vegete ] — of apprehension , [ adj . Sagacity ] Nimble ] Swift ] Soon ( augm . ] Transitory ( augm . ] [ adj . Dispatch ] — sands . W. III. 7. — set , [ Growing sepiment ] — silver . Met. III. 1. Quicken , [ a. Quick ] Quicken-tree . Tr. III. 3. Quiddity , [ Being ( abstr . ] Quiet . op . to Motion . Mo. O. [ adj . Silence ] [ Peaceable ] op . to Molest . TA. V. 9. [ Without care ] Quill . PP . V. 1. A. [ Pin ] sp . concave ] Quillet , [ a. Frivolousness ( dim . ] Quilt . [ Satiate ] [ Stiffen with sowing ] Quince . Tr. I. 2. A. Quintal , [ 100 pound ] Quintessence , [ Best part ] sp . extracted Chimically ] Quintin .   Quipp , [ Secret Scoff ] Reproof ] Quire. — of Church , [ Chief Temple ( part ] — of people , [ Singers ( aggr . ] — of paper , [ Four and twenty sheets ] Quirk , [ Little ftivolous ( thing ] Quit. to be — with , [ adj . a. pret . Compensate ] to — Acquit ] Absolve ] [ Forsake ] Quitch , [ Dogs grass ] HL. III. 5. A. Quite , [ adv . Total ] — and clean . [ adv . Total ] Quittance , [ adj . Acquitting ( thing ] sp . writing ] Quiver , [ Case for arrows ] to — [ Tremble ] Quoil , Confused noise ] Endeavour ( augm . ] Quoit , [ adj . p. cast ( apt ) stone ( lamin . ] Quotation . D. IV. 9. Quoth , [ Saith ] Q●●tidian , [ adj . Days ( segr . ] Quotient . Number TM . VI. 9. R. RAbbet , [ Cony ] Be. III. 4. Rabbin , [ Jewish Teacher ] Graduate ] Rabble . RC. I. 7. Race . [ a. Running ] [ adj . Running ( place ] [ Series ] [ Descendents ( aggr . ] RO. I. 1. O. to — [ Spoil ] vid. Raze . Rack . [ Jugament of parallel pins ( augm . ] — for horse , &c. [ Rack for Hay ] — for spit , [ Spit-supporting ( jug . ] — for torment , [ adj . RJ. VI. 3. ( jug . ] — bone . PG. IV. 3. to — [ Extend violently ] Torment . RJ. VI. 3. — wine , [ Separate it from the Lees ] Racket . [ adj . Net ( instr . ) for a. balling ] [ Tumult ] Radiation , [ a. Shining adv . line ( figure ] Radical , [ adj . Root ] Radicate . [ a. Root ] Radish . HS. IV. 5. Raff , [ Worst part ] Raft , [ Ship ( like ) of together-tied Timbers ] Rafter , [ Wooden column ( dim . ] Rag , [ Off-torn fragment ] — stone . St. I. 2. — wort . HF. III. 7. Rage . [ Violence ( augm . ] sp . of anger ] Ragged , [ adj . p. Rough ] sp . by tearing ] Raya Oxyrinchos . Fi. II. 3. Ray. Fish. Maide . ] [ Half diameter ] Beam [ Line of light ] [ Leaf of metal ] — in battel , [ adj . p. Order for battel ] — of a Fish. PP . IV. 6. A. Ray-weed , [ Darnel ] Rail . [ Bar ] Bird. Bi. II. 8. A. to — [ Revile ] Raillery , [ a. Urbanity ] Raiment , [ Clothing ] Rain . Water . El. III. 3. — bow . El. V. 1. Raise . Lift ] Rise ( make ] — Devils , [ Appear ( make ) D. ] — from sleep , [ Waken ] — siege , [ Un - a. siege ] — up , [ Up-raise ] [ High ( make ] [ a. Dignity ] [ a. Cause ] — a bank , [ a. Bank ( make ] — men , Gather — ] — money , Gather — ] — war , [ War ( make ] [ a. Intension Augmentation sp . more - ] — one 's voice , [ More-a . voice ] Raisin , [ Dried grape ] Rake , [ Staples ( line ] — of a ship . RN. II. 9. A. [ adj . Staples ( line ) together adj . gathering ( instr . ] — hell , [ Vicious ( augm . ) person ] to — [ Gather with Rake ] — up together , [ Gather as with Rake ] [ a. Pain adv . scratching ( like ] Rally , [ Again - a. gather ] a. order ] Ram. [ Sheep . Be. II. 2. ( male ] [ Stinking adv . Goat ( like ] to — [ a. Dense ] Fast ] sp . by down-knocking ] — Into , [ Into-ram ] — mer , [ a. Dense Fast ( instr . ] sp . by knocking ] Ramage .   Ramp , [ Leap ] — ant , [ Standing on the hinder legs ] a — [ Wanton adj . a. Rusticity ( fem . ] Rampier . RM. VI. 3. Rampion . HS. VII . 7. Ramson . HL. IV. 12. mountain — HL. IV. 12. A. Rana piscatrix , [ Toad-fish ] Rancour , [ Hatred ( augm . ] sp . old ] Rand. — of beef , [ Flank — ] — of leather , [ Long ( part — ] Random , [ Wandering ] — shot , [ Not-aimed ] Range . [ Sift ] [ a. Order ] Wander ] About-v . journey ] Rank . [ Excessive ] [ Leafed ( exc . ] [ Rammish ] [ Genuine ( corr . ] a — [ Order ] [ Series ] [ Line ] op . to File . RM. IV. 4. [ Degree ] sp . of person ] RJ. I. Rankle , [ Rot ] Ransack . [ Booty ] [ Search ( augm . ] Ransom , [ Price for un - slaving ] captivating ] to ● [ Un - a. slave captive sp . with price ] Rap , [ Little striking ( imp . ] Rapacity . Greediness . NP. IV. 5. [ Scraping ] Man. III. 2. E. Rape . [ Wild Turnip ] [ Force ] [ Forcible stupration ] Rapid , [ Swift ( augm . ] Rapier , [ Sword adj . pricking ( apt . ] Rapine , [ a. Scrapingness ] sp . by violence ] extortion ] Rapture , [ Extasie ] Rare , [ adj . Rarity ] [ Thin ] [ Seldom ] [ Excellent ] Rarifie , [ a. Q. V. 3. D. ] Rarity . [ Seldomness ] Sp. II. 6. O. [ Excellence ] Tactil quality . Q. V. 3. D. Rasbury . Sh. I. 1. Rascal . [ Lean ] [ Sorry ] Rasher , [ Broil'd ( lamin ] Rashness . op . to Fortitude . Man. I. 7. E. op . to Considerate . Ha. IV. 1. D. Rasp , [ adj . Filing ( instr . ) adj . teeth ( plain ] Raspis . Sh. I. 1. Rat. Be. III. 7. — 's bane , [ Arsenic ] Rate . [ Proportion ] [ Price ] [ Tax ] [ Chide ] Rathe . [ Soon ] [ Early ] Rather , [ More ] sp . More-willingly ] I had - [ I more will ] before chuse ] Ratifie . [ a. Authority ] [ Confirm ] Ratiocination . [ a. Rational ] [ Discourse ] Rational . [ adj . NP. I. ] — Power . NP. I. — Soul. W. I. 6. Rattle , [ adj . Rattling ( instr . ] Rattling . [ Noise by mutual striking of solids ( dim . ] [ Reproving ( augm . ] — of ship . RN. IV. 2. Ravage , [ a. Booty ] Rave . S. IV. 1. A. Ravel , [ Tangle ] [ a. Confusion ] Ravelin .   Raven . Bird. Bi. I. 5. to — [ a. Rapacity ] [ a. Scrapingness ] Extortion ] [ a. Booty ] Raving . S. IV. 1. A. Ravish . Take violently ] Stuprate violently ] [ a. Extasie ] Raw. [ Un-skinn'd ] Not-cook'd . adj . Pr. III. O. [ Not-digested ] [ Unexpert ] Raze . [ a. Ruine ] [ a. Destruction ] Spoiling ] sp . by shaving ] Razor . [ Shaving ( instr . ] [ Knife for shaving ] Fish. Ex. VIII . ● . A. Bird — bill . Bi. IX . 7. Re. Ad. III. 3. A. Reach . [ Extend ] AC . VI. 2. — out . [ Extend one's arm ] [ Deliver with extended arm ] a. Pandiculation ] Vomit ( end ] [ v. Continuance until ] Take ] Obtain ] — after , [ Take ( end ] [ Understand ] a — — of a river , ( curve ( part ) of stream ] End ] Design ] Reachless . [ Careless ] [ Idle ] Read. AC . III. 4. — ing , [ Learning ] Ha. VI. 4. — to , [ a. Teacher ] Ready . [ Present ] Soon ] Near ] [ Easie ] Willing ] Inclined ] [ adj . Alacrity ] Prepared ] Furnish'd ] Clothed ] [ Dispatch'd ] — to dy , [ Almost adj . fut . dying ] Readmit , [ Again-admit ] Reality . [ Thing ( abstr . ] [ Sincerity ] Realm , [ King 's ( place ] Ream , [ Twenty quires ] Reap . O. III. 4. A. Rear . [ Raise ] [ a. Direct ( make ] Reason . [ Cause ] sp . Impulsive ] Final ] [ Argument ] Faculty . NP. I. Moderation ] Equity ] by — of . Prep . I. 2. O. in — [ adv . Equity ] out of — [ Excessively ] to — — in one's mind . Discourse ] Dispute ] — for , [ a. Probation ( end ] — against , [ Confute ( end ] Reasonable , [ adj . Reason ] Mediocrity ] — government . Man. VI. 6. Reassemble , [ Again-assemble ] Reave , [ Un-knit ] Rebaptize , [ Again-baptize ] Rebate , [ Diminish adv . proportion ] Rebeck .   Rebellion . Vice. Man. V. 5. D. Crime . RJ. III. 3. Rebound , [ Leap reflexly ] Rebuff , [ Back-striking ] Rebuild , [ Again-build ] Rebuke , [ Reprove ] Rebus , [ Expression ( manner ) of Name Sentence by picture ] Recall , Back-call ] Recant ] Recantation . D. VI. 9. A. Recapitulate , [ Repeat the sum ] Recede . [ Back-go ] [ Retire ] Receit . [ Receiving ] [ Direction of Physic ] [ adj . Acquitting ( thing ] Receive . Proper . TA. IV. 3. O. [ Accept ] [ Entertain ] — er . [ adj . Receiving ( person ] [ adj . Gathering ( Off. ] — ed , adj . p. Receive ] Customary ] Receptacle . Receiving ( thing ] Containing ( vess . ] Reception , [ Receiving ] Recess . [ Receding ] [ adj . Concealing ( place ] Rech , vid. Reach . Recidivation , [ Relapse ] Reciprocation . T. VI. 7. O. Recite . [ Repeat ] [ Again-say ] [ a. Narration ] Reckon . [ Esteem ] [ a. Number ] [ Account . ] TA. IV. 6. — up , [ a. Number ] over — Number ( exc . ] Account too-much ] the — ing , [ adj . p. ought pay ( thing ] Reclaim . [ a. Gentle ( make ] [ Turn ] — from errour , [ Convert ] — from vice , [ Repent ( make ] Recline , [ Down-oblique the superficies ] Recluse . [ Shut up ] [ Solitary ] Recognize . [ Consider again ] [ Acknowledge ] Recognizance , [ Bond acknowledged before Magistrate ] Recoil . [ Reflect ] [ Retire ] Recommend . [ Offer ] [ Entrust ] sp . adv . Commending ] Recompence . [ Compensate ] [ Reward ] Reconcile . [ Un-a . Enemy ] Contention ] [ a. Peace ( make ] Reconquer , [ Back-conquer ] Record . [ a. Memory ] [ a. Notary ] take to - [ a. Notary ( make ] — er . Notary ] RJ. I. 5. Judge assistant to the City ( Off. ] [ adj . Music pipe ] Recover . [ Back-come ] [ Again - obtain ] Gain ] [ Possess again ] [ Repair ] [ Again - v. Healthy ] Recount . [ a. Narration ] [ Consider ] Recourse , [ To-coming ] sp . often ] Recreant , [ Perfidious ] sp . through Cowardise ] Recreation . Mo. V. Moderateness in it . Man. II. 5. Immoderateness in it . Man. II. 5. D. Recrement , [ Worst part ] — of Metals . Met. IV. Recriminate , [ Retort accusation ] Recruit , [ Again - strengthen ] fill ] Rect. op . to Curve . ] — angle , [ Square having four right angles . ] Rectifying , [ a. Right ( make ] Chymical — O. VI. 6. A. Rector , [ Governour ] Recumbency , Leaning ] Trust ] Recusant . [ adj . Refusing ( person ] [ Schismatic ] Red. Q. II. 2. — breast . Bi. V. 5. — lead , [ Cinnabar ] — start . Bi. V. 5. A. Redargution , [ Reproof ] Redbreast . Bi. V. 5. Redeem . Action of God. AS . I. 7. [ Back-buy ] [ Buy liberty ] [ Un-captivate ] [ Un - a. slave ] Redeliver , [ Back-deliver ] Redemand , [ Back-demand ] Redemption , [ Redeeming ] AS . I. 7. Redolent , [ Sweet ] Redouble , a. Double ] Repeat ] Redoubt . RM. VI. 6. — ed , [ Excellent ] sp . in Reputation ] sp . for Fortitude ] Redound , [ a. Event ] Redress . Remedy ] Amendment ] Redshank . Bi. VII . 4. Redstart . Bi. V. 5. A. Redwing . Bi. III. 5. A. Reduce . [ Cause ] Make ] Again-make ] [ Bring back ] Redundant . [ adj . Excess ] [ Superfluous ] Reduplicate . [ a. Double ] [ Repeat ] Reed . HL. III. 7. Burr — HL. III. 15. A. flowring — HL. V. 4. sweet smelling — HL. III. 11. — mace . HL. III. 15. Re-edifie , [ Again-build ] Reek . [ Heap ] [ Vapour ] Reel . [ Stagger ] Mo. II. 4. O. [ a. Skein ] a — [ adj . a. Skein ( instr . ] ( jug . ] Re-entry , Again — entry ] Back — entry ] Re-establish , Again — establish ] back — establish ] Refection . [ Refreshment ] Feeding . Pr. I. 1. A. Refectory , [ adj . meal ( place ] Refell , [ Gonfute ] Refer . [ a. Relation ] [ a. Arbitrator ( make ] Reference , [ a. Arbitrator ( make ] Refine . [ a. Pure ( make ] [ Un - a. sediment ] Reflect , [ a. Mag. II. 9. ] [ Look back ] [ Again-consider ] Reflection , Reflecting ] a. Reputation ( corr . ] Reflux , [ Ebbing ] Reform ▪ RO. VI. 7. Reformado , [ adj . pret . Military ( Off. ] Refracted . Mag. II. 9. A. Refractoriness . [ Perversness ] [ Contumacy ] Refrain , [ Abstain ] Refrane , [ Proverb ] Refresh . op . to weariness . TA. V. 8. [ Mend ] [ Renew ] Refrigerate , [ Cool ] Refuge , [ To-flying ] sp . for safety ] Place , [ adj . Safe Protection ( place ] Refulgent , [ Shining ] Refund . TA. IV. 5. A. Refuse . [ Denying ] [ Rejecting ] [ Abdicating ] [ Power of first buying ] the — [ Worst part ] Refute , [ Confute ] Regal , [ adj . King ] Regard . [ a. Relation ] in that — [ Therefore ] Conj . III. 3. A. in — of . Pron . I. 2. [ Esteem ] [ Respect ] [ Observe ] — less , [ Careless ] Regenerate , Again beget ] a. Ha. V. ] Regent , [ Instead-King ] Regiment . [ Government ] [ Militia ] as a — of souldiers . RM. IV 2. A. Region , [ Country ] W. III. A. — of the air , [ Part ] Register , [ Notary ] Regrate , [ Buy to sell ( corr . ] Regerss , [ Again-come ] Regret . [ Grudging ] [ Nolleity ] [ Aversation ] Regular . RE. II. 6. Regularity . TM . V. 4. Regulate , [ a. Rule ] Regulus Cristatus . Bi. VI. 4. — non cristatus . Bi. VI. 4. A. Rehearse . [ Repeat ] [ Again-say ] [ a. Narration ] Reject . AS . IV. 5. O. [ Abdicate ] Reign . [ a. King ] [ King 's ( time ] Reimbark , [ Into a. ship again ] Reimburse , [ Pay ] Rein. Horse — [ adj . Cohibiting ( arm ] [ Cord of Bridle ] [ Kidney ] PG. VI. 7. Running of the — [ Flux ] Reindeer . Be. II. 4. A. Reinforce , [ Again-strengthen ] Reinvest , [ Again-invest ] Rejoyce , [ v. Joy ] Rejoynder , [ Again-answer ] Reister , [ Horseman ] Reiterate , [ Repeat ] Relapse , Again — fall ] Back — fall ] [ Again-sicken ] [ a. Apostasie ] Relate . [ a. Relation ] [ Tell ] [ Pertain to ] Relation . T. I. 8. — Oeconomic . RO. — of Consanguinity . RO. I. — of Affinity . RO. II. — of Superiority and Inferiority . RO. III. — of Equality . RO. IV. — Civil . RC. — Iudicial . RJ. — Military . RM. — Naval . RN. — Ecclesiastic . RE. [ Narration ] [ Report ] Relative , [ adj . Relation ] Relaxation . [ Loosning ] [ Ease ] [ Refreshing ] Release . [ adj . a. Liberty ] [ Un-ty ] [ Un-imprison ] [ Un-captivate ] [ Acquit ] Releef , [ Relieving ] High - [ Protuberance ( augm . ] Low - [ Protuberance ( dim . ] Relegation . RJ. VI. 5. A. Relent . [ Soften ] a. Pity ( inc . ] a. Repent ( inc . ] Rely , [ v. Confidence ] Relick , [ Residue ( thing ] Relict . [ Residue ] [ Widow ] Relief , vid. Releef . Relieve . [ a. Adjuvant ] [ Refresh ] [ a. Alms ] — guard , [ Renew g. ] — town . RM. I. 4. O. Religion . RE. II. Natural — RE. II. 1. Gentil — RE. II. 2. Iewish — RE. II. 3. Christian — RE. II. 4. Mahometan — RE. II. 5. Religious , [ adj . Religion ( hab . ] a — person . Regular . RE. II. 6. Relinquish . Leave ] Let go ] Abandon ] [ a. Desertion ] Dereliction ] Relish , [ Tast ] Reluctancy . [ Nolleity ] [ Aversation ] Remain . [ a. Permanent ] Residue ] [ Stay ] Remainder , [ Residue ] Remark , [ Observe ] — able , Observable ] Excellent ] Remedy . TA. III. 9. A. Remember . [ a. Memory ] [ a. Express ] Remission . — of fault . RJ. II. 9. O. — of debt , TA. IV. 9. O. Remisseness . op . to Intenseness . TM . I. 8. D. [ Slightness ] Ha. III. 4. E. [ Sloth ] Ha. IV. 5. D. Defect of justice . Man. I. 1. D. Remit , [ Send ] sp . back ] [ v. Remission ] Remisseness ] Remnant , [ Residue ] Remonstrance , [ adj . a. Publicness ( make ) writing ] Remora . Fi. VI. 8. A. [ adj . a. Impedient Staying ( thing ] Remorse . AS . VI. 4. Remoteness . Sp. II. 3. O. Remove , [ From - motion ] ition ] Remunerate , [ Reward ] Rencounter , [ Meeting ] sp . sudden ] Rend , [ Tear ] Render . [ a. Efficient ] [ Yield ] — as taken . RM. II. 6. D. [ Give ] [ Back-give ] [ Repeat ] — lesson , [ Repeat l. ] [ Compensate ] — like for like , [ Compensate ] [ Translate ] — account , [ a. Account ] — a reason , [ Shew reason ] — thanks , [ a. Gratitude ] Rendezvouz . [ Convention ] sp . Military ] [ Convention ( place ] Renegado . [ Revolter ] [ Apostate ] Renegue , [ Abdicate ] Renew . [ a. New ] [ Repair ] [ Repeat ] Rennet , [ adj . a. Fermenting ( thing ) of Calf's stomach ] Renovation , [ Renewing ] Renown . Reputation ( augm . ] Fame ( augm . ] Renounce . [ Abdication ] [ Rejection ] Rens , [ Wash ( dim . ] Rent . [ Tear ] [ Revenue ] [ Hire ] Renverse , [ Reverse ] Repay , Un-disburse ] Back-pay ] Repair . Restore ] Mend ] TA. II. 9. Compensate ] [ Go ] in good — [ In g. state ] Reparation , [ Repairing ] to give — [ Compensate ] Repast , Eating ] Refection ] Repeal , [ Un-law ] Repeat . TA. II. 6. A. — lesson , [ Say I. ] Repel , [ Back-drive ] Repentance . AS . VI. 4. A. Repeople , [ Again-inhabited ( make ] Repercussion , Back-strike ] a. Reflex ] Repete , vid. Repeat . Repetition , [ Repeat ] Repine , op . to Alacrity ] Aversation ( augm . ] Replenish , [ Fill ] Repletion , [ Filling ] Replevy , [ Un-arrest ] Reply , [ Again-answer ] Report . [ Rumour ] [ Narration ] [ Reputation ] — of a gun , [ Sound of gun ] Repose . [ Put ] [ Lay down ] [ Rest ] [ v. Confidence ] Repository , [ adj . Laying-up ( place ] Reprehension . RO. V. 7. O. Represent . TA. II. 8. Repress . [ Restrain ] [ Subdue ] Reprieve , [ Procrastinate Execution ] Reprize , [ Diminution of payment ] Letters of — [ Commission for Compensation for losses by bootying ] Reprobate , [ Rejected ] Reproch . RJ. IV. 8. Reproving , [ Reprehension ] Reptile , [ adj . Creeping ( thing ] Republic , [ adj . RC ( thing ] Repudiate . [ Reject ] [ Abdicate ] [ Un-marry ] Repugnant , Opposite ] Contrary ] Repullulate .   Repulse . [ Back-driving ] [ Denial ] Reputation . Ha. II. 4. Repute . [ a. Opinion ] [ Esteem ] Request , [ Petition ] Master of — s , [ Receiving ( Off. ) of Petitions ] Requiem , [ Rest ] Require . [ Demand ] [ Command ] Requisite , Necessary ] Expedient ] Requite ▪ [ Compensate ] Rere , [ Hinder-part ] Rere-boil'd , [ Boil'd ( dim . ] Reremouse , [ Bat ] Rereward , [ Hinder part of army ] Rescind , [ Spoil ] Rescript , [ Edict ] Rescue . [ Deliver ] [ Un - captive ] prisoner ] Resemble . [ Like ] [ Compare ] Resent , [ a. Apprehension ] Reserch , [ Inquisition ] Reserve . [ Keep , part ] till another time ] [ Except ] a — — of souldiers . RM. IV. 5. A. — edness . Man. IV. 4. D. Reside . [ Inhabit ] [ v. Present ] Residue . TM . VI. 7. O. Resign . [ Let go ] [ Assign ] [ Yield ] [ Deliver ] — to God , [ a. Self-denial ] Resin . PP . I. 6. A. Resisting . RM. I. 3. O. Resolve . [ Un - a. doubt ( make ] [ a. Solution ] Answer ] [ Purpose ] AS . IV. 4. [ a. Result ] Resolute , [ adj . pret . Resolve ] Constancy ] Fortitude ] Resolution . [ Resolving ] [ Resoluteness ] Resort , [ Come ( freq . ] Resound , [ Sound ( augm . ] Resource , [ Again-rising ] Respect . [ Relation ] Deference . Man. V. 4. in — of , [ For ] Prep . I. 2. A. Respiration . Mo. III. 2. Respite , Time of Intermission ] At times ] Interval ] Sp. I. 8. O. sp . of ease ] to — [ Protract ] Resplendent , [ Shining ] Responsal , [ Answer ] Responsible , [ adj . Paying ( pot . ] I will be — for , [ I stipulate for ] Rest. op . to Motion . M. O. Stay ] Desist ] a. Period ] — in Music , Silence ( sign ] Period ( dim . ] — of gun , [ Stick for supporting gun . ] to be at — P. Quieting ] to set at — a. Quieting ] — upon , Lean ] a. Confidence ] Trust ] the — [ The residue ] Restauration . [ Restoring ] [ Mending ] Restharrow . [ Cammock ] HS. III. 14. Resty . vid. Restive . Restitution . [ Restoring ] TA. II. 7. [ Compensating ] TA. II. 7. A. Restiveness . [ Disingenuity ] [ Disobedience ] [ Contumacy ] Restorative , [ adj . a. Restoring ( apt . ) Medecine ] Restore . TA. II. 7. — to Estate [ re - adj . p. Estate Favor [ re - adj . p. Favor Health [ re - adj . p. Health Liberty [ re - adj . p. Liberty Life [ re - adj . p. Life ( make ] Restrein . [ Diminish ] sp . Liberty ] Ha. II. 1. O. [ a. Cohibit ] Impedient ] [ a. Shortness ] Narrowness ] holding ] exempting ] limiting ] excepting ] Restreint , a. restreining ] p. restreining ] [ Imprisonment ( dim . ] Restriction , [ Limitation ] Restringent , [ Binding ] Mo. IV. O. Result . [ Event ] [ Summe ] [ Illation ] Resume . [ Again — take ] [ Back — take ] [ Again - begin ] [ Re — begin ] [ Repete ] Resurrection , Again - Re — life ] Retail , [ Sell parts ( segr . ] Retaliation , [ Compensation ] Retard , [ a. Late Slow make ] Retching , [ Stretching ] [ Pandiculation ] [ Vomiting ( end ] Retchlesness . [ Improvidence ] Man. III. 2. O. [ Carelesness ] [ Sloth ] Retein . [ Hold ] [ Keep ] TA. V. 5. as his Lawyer , [ Bespeak ] sp . with earnest ] — to adj . Pertinence ] Dependent ] Reteiner , [ Dependent ] Retention , Holding ] Keeping ] Retentive faculty , Holding Keeping ( pot . ] Retinue , Waiters Dependants ( agg . ] Retire . [ Back-go ] [ Go ] TA. VI. 1. O. — for safety ] RM. II. 2. D. — for Concealment ] Privacy ] Solitariness ] Retired , [ adj . pret . retir● ] [ Solitary ] Retirement . [ a. Retire ] [ adj . Retire ( place ] Retort . to — D. VI. 7. A. a — [ Crooked ( vess . ) adj Bottle ( fig. ] Retract . [ Back-draw ] [ Recant ] D. VI. 9. O. sp . part ] Retreat . [ a. Retire ] [ adj . Retire ( place ] Retrench . [ From-cut ] sp . part . ] [ a. Ablatum ] Diminution ] Retribution [ Compensate ] Retrive , again - finde re — finde Retrogade , [ back-going ] Retrospection , [ Considering past ( thing ] Return . [ re - be ] come ] go ] [ Repent ] [ again - be ] come ] go ] [ a. Turn ] T. VI. 8. Reciprocation ] T. VI. 8. A. Answer ] Retort ] [ Repeat ] Restore ] Compensate ] Refund ] Pay ] — Money , [ Lend m. to be paid in another ( place ] — to life , [ re-live ] [ re - cause ] doe ] give ] Reveal . [ Revelation ] AS . I. 6. [ Shewing ] TA. 1.8 . Reveils , Sound ( fig. ) for waking Music ( fig. ) for waking ( make ] Revelation . AS . I. 6. Revel , a. Man. II. 5. O. ] a. Riotousness ] sp . Late in the night — rout , [ Sound ( augm . ) of a. riot ] — s , [ adj . Night recreations ] sp . of dancing ] Revenge . AS . V. 9. A. Revenue . Po. A. Reverberate . [ Re-strike ] [ Reflect ( make ] Reverence . Man. V. 3. Sir — [ Dung ] Reverend , [ adj . p. Reverence ( apt . ] Reverse . to — Annull , [ Un - law ] decree ] sentence ] [ Turn ] AC . VI. 8. A. the — [ Hinder part ] Reversion . Right of fut , possession ] Potentialness ] [ Residue ] Revert . [ Return ] [ Be right of fut . possession ] Revy , [ More-bet ] Review , [ again See ] Consider ] Examin ] Revile . RJ. IV. 9. Revise , [ Again See ] Consider ] Examin ] Revive , [ re-a . Life ] Vigor ] Reunion , [ re-a . One ] Reunite , [ re-a . One ] Wholeness ] Revoke . [ Recall ] [ Recant ] [ a. Nothing ] — law [ Un-law ] sentence a. sentence ] Revolt . [ a. Apostate ] [ a. Rebellion ] Revolve , [ Consider ( freq . ] ( augm . ] Revolution . [ Vertigination ] sp . till the same situation ] [ Altering ] Revulsion [ From - pulling ] motion ] Reward . Ha. I. Rhapsody [ Confused mixture ] Rhetoric , [ Speaking ( art . ) adv Ornate ] Rhetorician , [ Teaching ( artist ) of speaking ornately ] Rheubarb , vid. Rubarb . Rheum , [ Catarrh ] Rheumatic , [ adj . Catarrh ] Rheumatism . S. IV. 4. A. Rhinocerot . Be. II. 6. — Fly Ex. V. 1. Rhomb . Line , [ Line of Vergency ] Figure , [ Square having all its sides equal , but no right Angles ] Rhomboide , [ Square having its 2 opposite Angles equal , but not all its sides equal ] Ry. HL. II. 1. A. Rial .   Rib. — of Animal . PG. IV. 4. A. — of Ship , [ Direct beam of Ship. ] Ribaldry , [ Unchastity ] Riband . Pr. IV. 6. Rives , [ Red Goosberries ] Rice . Plant. HL. II. 3. A. Jugament , [ adj . a. Skein ( jugament ] [ Branch smear'd with Bird-lime ] Rich. [ adj . Riches ] [ adj . Price ( augm . ] Riches . Ha. II. 2. Rick , [ Heap ] Rickets . S. IV. 8. Rid. [ adj . pret . riding ] to — [ Empty ] O. II. 7. O. [ Un - burden ] tangle ] [ a. Liberty ] Ha. II. 1. [ Deliver ] AS . I. 5. get - Escape ] Obtein liberty ] [ Dispatch ] TA. IV. 5. — way , [ Dispatch his journey ] Riddance , a. rid ] p. rid ] Ridden , [ adj . p. ride ] Riddle [ Speech obscured with figure ] Ride . — on horse , &c. Mo. II. 7. — at anchor . RN. VI. 5. Rider . [ adj . riding ( person ] [ Lowest adj . horse ( Off. ] Money ( kinde ] Ridge . Bank. Mag. V. 7 . — bone , [ Back bone ] [ Upper Margin ] Side ] Ridiculous , [ adj . p. Laugh ( apt . ] Ridgeling , [ Having only one testicle ] Riding , vid. Ride . [ Shire ( part ] Rise , Frequent ] Obvious ] Riffraff . [ Worst part . TM . VI. 1. O. [ Sorry ( augm . ) discourse ] Rifle . [ Spoil ] RM. II. 5. E. Dice . Rift , [ Chink through cleaving ] Rig. [ a. Rigging ] [ Wanton ( fem . ] Rigging . RN. IV. Right . Subst . RC. IV. Adj. [ Streight ] Mag. III. 10 adj . Justice ] Equity ] True ] Good ] Genuine ] Natural ] Simple ] Perfect ] Due ] Worthy ] Lawful ] Congruous ] Regular ] Pure ] — angle . Mag. III. 3. — hand , [ adj . right side h. ] — side . Sp. II. 9. make — [ Repair ] Set ( to — S. ) [ Repair ] adv . Right . — in the nick , [ adv . perfect in the nick ] &c. Righteousness . [ Holiness ] Ha. V. 3. [ Vertue moral ] Man. I. Justice ] Equity ] Rightful , [ adj . Justice ] Equity ] Rigid , [ adj . Rigor ] Rigor . Stiffness . AC . IV. 5. D. op . to Justice . Man. I. 1. E. Equity . Man. I. 2. O. op . to Gratiousness Man. VI. 1. O. Clemency . Man. VI. 8. O. Rill , [ Stream ( dim ] Rimm , [ Margin ] — of the belly , [ Membrane of the b. ] Rime . Verse D. III. 5. A. [ Mist that freezes in falling ] El. III. 5. A. Rince , [ Wash ( dim . ] Rind . PP . I. 5. Ring . to — Neuter . Q. III. 2. Active , [ a. Ring . ] — all in , [ a ▪ Ring the last ( time ] — in peal , [ a. Ring adv . [ Harmony ] — out , [ a. Ring ( augm . ] a — of bells , [ Suit of bells ] a — figure . Mag. V. 2. — bone , [ Bone in Horses foot ] — dove ▪ Bi. III. 1. A. — finger , [ Fourth finger ] — leader , [ Principal ] — tail , [ Buzzard having white streak on his train ] — worm , [ Tetter ] all in a — [ adj . Circle ( fig. ] hog — [ Pin adj . p. Circle ( fig. ] ride the — [ Ride adv . Circle ( fig. ] Rinse . [ Wash ( dim . ] Riot . [ a. Riotousness ] [ Sedition ] Riotousness . Man. III. 4. E. Rip . [ Unsow ] [ Open by cutting ] Ripeness . NP. VI. 4. Ripier , [ Carrier of fish ] Rise . the — Source . Sp. II. 4. A. to — [ v. Rising ] Upward-go ] More-adj . p. High ] arise . AC . VI. 1. [ adj . p. Birth ] Beginning ] Being ] Increase ] [ Grow ] as Hill , [ Upward-adj . oblique ] as Fountain , [ Spring ] as Sun , appear ( inc . ) above Horizon ] above-adj . Horizon ( inc . ] Rising , [ v. Rise ] Protuberance ] Mag. IV. 3. Top ] Sp. III. 7. — of a hill , [ Oblique ( part ) of h. ] Hill , [ Mountain ( dim . ] Tumor ] S. III. Inflation ] S. I. 5. A. Barm , [ adj . a. Fermenting ( thing ] Insurrection , [ Rebellion ( inc . ] Resurrection , [ Re-life ] Risk , Essaying ] Danger ] Rite , [ Circumstance ] sp . Customary ] sp . Solemn ] Ritual , [ Book of Ceremonies ] Rival . RO. II. 2. A. Rive , [ Cleave ] Rivel , Wrinkle ] Furrow ] River , W. IV. 7. Rivet , [ Fasten pin by flatting the point of it ] Rivulet , [ Stream ( dim . ] Ro. Of Fish. Soft — [ Milt ] hard — [ Spawn ] Beast . Be. II. 5. Roan horse .   Rob. RJ. III. 7. Robe , [ Loose upper ( vest ] sp . Solemn ] Robin red breast . Bi. V. 5. Robins . RN. IV. 5. Robustious , Strong ] Hardy ] Rock . a — Stone . W. III. 3. [ Staff of adj . Spinning ( machin ] to — [ a. Volutation ] Roch. Fi. IX . 9. A. — Allum , [ Allum of the rock ] Rochet . Fish , [ Red Gournet ] Vest , [ Bishops upper adj . Linen ( vest ] Rocket . HS. IV. 7. base — HF. I. 11. A. double — [ Dames Violet ] HS. IV.2 . Rod. [ Wand ] PP . I. 4. A. Measure , [ 16 foot & ½ ] [ adj . Whipping ( instr . ] of branches ( aggr . ] Rode. [ Public way ] — for Ships , [ adj . Resting ( place ) for ships ] Rodomontade , Oversaying Glorying Rogation , [ Week of walking about the bounds ] Rogue . [ Begger ] [ adj . Wandring ( person ] Vice ( person ] Fraud ( person ] [ adj . Scurril ( person ] Roial , [ adj . King ] the — s of a Stag. Roialty , [ Prerogative ] sp . of King ] Roister , [ a. Riotousness ] Insolence ] Magisterialness ] Roll. to — [ a. Vertigination ] — land . O. III. 2. A. — a Swathe about one , [ Clothe adv . Helical ] [ a. Volutation ] as Ship — RN. VI. 7. A. a — adj . a. Rolling ( instr . ] adj . p. Roll ( thing ] [ Cylinder ] — of paper , &c. [ Paper , &c. adj . p. Cylinder ( fig. ) by Vertigination ] [ Catalogue ] [ adj . Ring ( fig. ) ornament ] sp . adj . p. Twist . ] Roller , [ Cylinder ] sp . adj . p. Vertigination ( apt . ] sp . for rolling ] O. III. 2. A. Rolling [ Sub. role ] [ Adj. role ] — eye [ adj . motion ( apt . eye ] — tongue [ adj . motion ( apt . tong . ] — Press , [ adj . rolling ( machin ) for Printing ] Rolls . [ Catalogue of judicial causes and proceedings ] [ adj . Notary ( things ] Notary ( place ] Master of the — Romb , vid. Rhomb . Romance , [ Feigned Narration ] Rome , [ Wander ] Rood . [ Stick ] Measure , [ 16 foot & ½ ] [ Wooden pillar ] [ Wooden Image of Christ crucified ] Roof . — of house . PO. III. 8. — trees , [ Rafters that support the roof ] — of mouth , [ Palat ] PG. III. 5. Rook. to — [ a. Fraud ] a — [ Crow that feeds on corn ] Chess . Room . Space ] Place ] sp . Sufficient ] to make — [ Prepare place ] in a house . Po. III. 2. of Predecessor . TG . VI. 6. Roost , [ Birds adj . sleeping ( place ] Root . Proper . PP . I. 1. to — [ v. Root ] to take — [ v. Root ] — out [ out pluck the Roots ] — up [ out pluck the Roots ] — of a number the Number which multiplied by it self produces that other number . ] the side ] Mag. II. 3. A Extraction of — — of the tongue , [ bottom of t. ] Hebrew — [ Primitive H. word ] Rope . a — [ Cord ( augm ] — of onions , [ Onions ( aggr . ] to — [ v. Sliminess ] Ropy , [ adj . Sliminess ] Rore , Sound Exclamation ( augm . ] Ros Solis , [ Sun-dew ] Rosary .   Rose . Sh. I. 2. — Cake , [ Caput mort . of distilled roses . ] — water , [ distilled w. of roses ] Guelder — Sh. II. 12. holy — Sh. VI. 1. our Ladies — Sh. VI. 8. Sweet mountain — Sh. VI. 5. A. — Bay , [ Oleander ] Sh. VI. 1. A — Campion . Sh. III. 2. — of Iericho . Sh. VI. 8. Rosemary . Sh. VI. 4. Rose noble , Money ( kind ] Rosewood . Tr. VII . 4. A. Rosewort . HL. VIII . 2. A. Rosy , [ adj . Rose ] Rosin . PP . I. 6. A. Rost. — ing . Pr. III. 3. rule the — [ a. Power ] Authority ] Rot. to — [ v. Rottenness ] the — among sheep ] Rota .   Rotation , Vertigination ] Wheeling ] Rote . by — [ Without - Rules ] a. Reason ] Rottenness . Putrefaction . NP. V. 2. O. Tast or Smell . Q. IV. 7. O. Rotundation , [ From cutting the less parts ] sp . the parts not-aliquot ] Rotundity , [ Roundness ] Rove , [ Wander ] Rover , [ Wanderer ] at — s [ Not adj . a. Object ] [ adj . Sea. adj . Robbing ( person ] Rough. Proper . — to feeling , Having unequal Surface ] Q. VI. 2. D. — cast , [ Rough p. plaster ] — draught , [ First Picturing ] Writing ] — hew , [ First cutting ] — mason . — Sea , [ adj . p. wave ( aug . ) Sea. ] — way . [ Hairy ] — footed . — to tast . Q. IV. 3. Moral . [ Fierce ] Rigorous ] Churlish ] Morose ] Magisterial ] Rustic ] Insolent ] Supercilious ] Harsh ] Austere ] [ Angry ] Transc . Unpleasant ] Violent ] T. V. 5. O. Not-wrought ] Homely ] to — u● [ Reprehend adv . Anger ( like ] Rouncival , [ Great ( augm . ] Round Proper , [ not-adj . p. angle ] More perfect . [ adj . Sphere ( fig. ] Oval ( fig. ] Bowl ( fig. ] — hill , [ Hill whose top is adj . Sphere ( fig. ] Oval ( fig. ] Bowl ( fig. ] [ adj . Cylinder ( fig. ] Tube ( fig. ] [ adj . Cone ( fig. ] [ adj . Circle ( fig. ] Ring ( fig. ] Wheel ( fig. ] [ adj . Spiral ( fig. ] Helix ( fig. ] Less Perfect . [ Crooked ] [ adj . Bow ( fig. ] [ adj . Parabola ( fig. ] Hyperbole ( fig. ] Ellipsis ( fig. ] adv . — about , [ On every side ] turn — Vertiginate ] Turn adv . Vertigination ] Winde to — — hair , [ adj . equal ( make ) by clipping ] — a place , [ about-go ] Round improper . [ Perfect ] — blow , [ b. ( augm . ] — number . — Sum , [ Sum ( augm . ] adv . tell him — ly , [ Tell h. plainly ] go — ly on , [ Proceed without Let ] Haesitation ] to — one in the ear , [ Whisper ] a — in music , [ Continued circling ( like ) Song ] a — of a ladder , [ Step of l. ] Roundelay .   Roundhouse . RN. II. 4. A. Roundish , [ Round ( dim . ] Rounds .   Rouse . [ Rise ( make ] [ a. Impulsive ] Rout. [ Confused multitude ] [ Overthrow ] to — Fly ( make ] Unorder Army ] [ Snore ] — as hog , [ Un-root plants ] Rowze , vid. Rouse . Row. of Fish. hard — [ Spawn ] soft — [ Milt ] of bodies , [ Series ] [ Rank ] [ File ] to — [ a. Motion ( make ) with Oats ] Pole ] a — Barge . Rowel . a — [ adj . Wheel ( fig. ) adj . pricking ( jug . ] to — a horse . Rowen hay , [ Second mowen hay ] Rowle , vid. Roll. Ru. Herb , vid. Rue . to — a. Repentance ] Wish un-done ] Rub. a — [ adj . Impedient ( thing ] [ adj . Promberance ( thing ] to — Scrub . O. V. 8 . — along , [ Go ] sp . adv . difficulty ▪ ] — off , [ From rub ] — at Cards . Rubarb . HF. I. 1. Monk's — [ Patience ] Rubbers , [ Two Games ] Rubbish   Rubble [ Confused ruine ] [ Worst part ] Rubellio . Fi. V. 4. A. Ruby . St. IV. 2. Rubrick , [ Rules for direction in red Letters ] Rudder . RN. II. 3. A. Ruddy , [ Red ( dim . ] Ruddle Red Oker ] Cinnabar ] Ruddock , [ Red brest ] Bi. V. 5 ▪ Rude . [ Homely ] Not-taught ] Unlearned ] Ignorant ] Unskilful ] Morose ] Rustic ] Rudiment , Element . D. I. adv . First adj . p. Learner ( thing ] Rue . HS. V. 13. Goates — HS. III. 8. Meadow — HF. I 12. Ruff. Vest. Bird. Bi. VII . 4. A. Fish. Fi. IX . 6. A. at cards . to — Ruffian . Bawd ] Ribald ] [ Swagger ] Ruffle . [ a. Roughness Confusion ( make ] [ a. Sound of Silk ( vest ] Ruful , [ adj . a. Grief Pity ( make ] Rug , [ Tusted bed ( vest ] Rugged , vid. Rough. Ruine , [ a. Ruines ] Destruction ] Poverty ] — s. Po. II. O. Ruinous , [ adj . Ruine ] Rule . Sentence . D. IV. 5. Law ] Edict ] — ed case , [ Condition adj . p. rule ( ought ) according to exemplar . ] according to — [ Regular ] Power ] Authority ] to — Direct ] Govern ] instrument , [ adj . a. Measuring ( instr . ] to — [ a. Line with adj . a. measuring ( instr . ] Ruler . [ Magistrate ] [ adj . a. Measuring ( instr . ] Rumb , vid. Rhomb . Rumble , [ Confused noise ] sp . as of rolling ] Ruminate . Mo. III. 5. A. [ Consider ] Rummage , [ Move things for seeking ] Rumor . D. V. 3. A. Rump , [ Bone at the end of the Vertebrae ] — of bird . PP . V. 8. — of beef . Rumple , Unsmooth ] a. Furrow ] Run [ ition swift ] sp . of Animal ] Proper . Mo. II. 1. A. [ Fly ] RM. II. 3. D. Ition ] — the adventure to-ition essay risk submit to the danger ] [ Become ] — a ground . — ashore . — mad . [ Continue ] — his course . [ Proceed ] [ Increase ] as weeds — [ a. Contagion ] [ Abound ] [ Exceed ] as tong — s [ Spread ] O. II. 6. O. Stream ] as — ing water Weep ] as — ing eye Drop as — ing nose Let go as — ing nose [ Spend ] [ Finish ] hath — his course . v. Swiftness . — a division [ Swiftly Sing Play a division ] [ Thrust ( imp . ] [ Dispatch ] — about — all — [ Spread , sp . by adj . p. dissolving ] — after after-ition ] follow ( augm . ] Pursue ] — against run thrust ( imp . against ] — at thrust ( imp . at ] assault ] — large , [ Abound ] random , [ v. Exorbitancy ] tilt , [ Fence with ( spears ] — away , [ Fly ] — before Become before ] Prevent ] — down , [ a. Falling by thrusting ( imp . ] — in discourse , [ Posing ] — with blood , [ Streaming with b. ] — forth , Let-go ] Spill ] — in , [ Prick ] — debt Become Increase being debtor ] — upon one , Thrust ( imp . ] Storm ] — off , From-ition ] Digression ] — on Proceed ] Increase ] — over Through-ition swiftly ] Let-go ] Sp. through fulness ( exc . ] — out . — as Prodigal [ Spend ( exc . ] — as Vessel , [ Let-go ] — in discourse , [ Abound ] — his course [ Finish ] his length , — through , [ a. hole by thrusting ( imp . ] — to ruine , [ Become ruinous ] — up , [ Increase ] sp . adv . Soon ] — upon , Begin hastily ] Storm ] Runagate , [ Apostate ] Runaway , [ Fugitive ] Rundle , [ Round thing ] sp . Circle ] Ring ] Rundlet , [ Barrel ( dim . ] Rung . RN. II. 1 . A. Runner . Bird. [ Upper stone of Mill ] Runt , [ Bull ( dim . ] Rupture , [ Breaking ] a — S. VI. 8. — wort . HF. I. 17. Rural , [ adj . Country ] Rush. HL. III. 12. A. Flowering . — HL. V. 6. to — [ a. Running Thrusting ( imp . ] Russet , [ Gray ] sp . adv . Natural ] Rust. Mea. IV. 4. — of bacon [ Rottenness ( inc . ] Rustic , [ adj . Country ] Rusticity ] Rusticity . Man. IV. 9. D. Rustle , [ Sound of confused motion ] Ruthful , [ adj . a. Pity Grief ( apt ] Ruthless , [ Pitiless ] Rut of Cart , [ Sign of Wheel having gone ] Rutting , [ Coition ] sp . of Deer ] S. SAbbath , Day of rest ] Festivity ] sp . Weekly ] Iewish — [ The 7th . day of the week ] Christian — [ The first day of the week ] Sabbatical year , [ 7th year ] Sable . [ Black Martin ] [ Skin of Black Martin ] [ Black ] Sacerdota● , [ adj . Priest ] Sack , [ Bag ( augm . ] [ Course hairy-cloth ] — cloth . [ Spanish Wine ] to — [ Spoile ] RM. II. 5. E. Sackbut .   Sachel , [ bag ( dim . ] Sachettus . Fi. V. 10. A. Sacrament . RE. VI. 4. the — [ Eucharist ] Sacred , Holy ] Consecrated ] Sacrifice . RE. VI. 3. ●●criledge , Theft of consecrated ( things ] Robbery of consecrated ( things ] Sad. — Disposition ] [ adj . Melancholy ] [ adj . Seriousness ] [ adj . Dulness ] Lumpishness ] [ adj . Grief ] — color , Dark Black ( dim . ] — bread , [ Dense ( exc . ] Saddle . Po. V. 8. — backt , [ Hollow backed ] — tree , [ adj . wood ( part ) of S. ] Pack — [ Saddle for burdens ( augm . ] Saddler , [ adj . Saddle ( mech . ] Safe . [ adj . Safety ] — and sound , Healthy ] who le ] — Conduct Compact of safe return ( pot . ] Licence for safe passing ] — guard , [ Safety ] Womans — [ Uppermost adj . riding ( vest ) of woman ] a — [ Box ] Safety . T. V. 3. Saffron , [ Crocus ] HL. IV. 7. A. bastard — HF. III. 5. meadow — HL. IV. 7. Sag , [ Move ( dim . ] sp . backward ] Sagacity . Ha. III. 1. Sagapenum , [ Concrete juice of Giant Fennel ] Sage . Herb. HF. VI. 1. — of Ierusalem . HL. IX . 3. Wood — HF. VII . A. [ adj . Wise ] Sober ] Sagittarius , [ Ninth of the 12 parts of the Zodiac ] Say. to — [ Speak ] AC . III. 1. — by heart , [ Say adv . memory . ] — less than true , [ Undersay ] — more than true , [ Oversay ] — nay , [ a. Negation ] — nothing , [ a. Silence ] that is to — Conj . IV. 3. [ Essay ] TA. III. 4. A. Subst . [ Adage ] Part. TM . VI. 3. Stuff . Saying , adj . Spoken ( thing ] Sentence ] Sail. a — of Ship , &c. RN. II. 6. — yard . RN. III. 2. main — [ Principal S. of Ship. ] mizzen — [ S. of hinder ( part ) of Ship ] Sprit — [ S. of forepart of ship ] top , — [ Highest S. ] hoise — [ Up-lift S. ] strike — [ a. fall the S. ] [ Ship ] to — Mo. II. 7. A. Sailer . RN. V. 8. Saim , [ Soft fat of hog ] Sainfom . HS. III. 5. A. Saint . RE. III. 5. — s bell . Sake [ end ] T. II. 6. for the — of . Prop. I. 2. A. Saker . Hawk . Ordinance . Sal , vide Salt. — armoniac . St. V. 6. — Gemma . St. V. 2. A. Salable , [ adj . p. Sell ( apt . ] Salacity , [ Lust ( Pron . ] Salad . [ Sawce of herbs ] [ adj . head ( armor ] Salamander . Land — Be. VI. 5. Water — Be. VI. 5. A. Salary , [ Wages ] Sale , [ Sell. ] Saleable , ( Fit to ) adj . p. Sell ( apt . ] Saligot . [ Water-Nut ] Saline , [ adj . Salt ] Saltishness ] Salivate , Spit ( make ] Drivel ( make ] Sallet , vid. Salad . Sally . RM. I. 6. A. Sallow . Tree . Tr. VI. 9. A. Color , [ yellow ( dim . ) adj . Sallow ( like ] Salmon . Fi. IX . 2. Salomons Seal . HL. VII . 7. Salpa . Fi. V. 2. A. Salt , vid. Sal. Subst . St. V. 1. A. — Armoniac . St. V. 6. — Peeter , [ Nitre ] St. V. 1. — wort , [ Gl●sswort ] Bay — [ Coursest S. ( kind ] Drinous — St. V. 5. Vessel . — Sellar , [ adj . Table , adj . Salt vessel ] Trencher — [ adj . Trencher . adj . Salt ( vessel ] adj . — taste , [ adj . Q. IV. 5. — Marshes , [ Marshes ] Saltive .   Salve . Pr. VI. 4. to — [ a. sound ( make ] Salvation . [ Deliverance ] [ Safety ] Everlasting bliss . Ha. I. 4. Salvediction . AC . V. 8. Salvo , Exempting ] Exception ] Salute . AC . V. 3. — at meeting . AC . V. 8. — at parting . AC . V. 8. A. Samarre , [ Upper most loose adj . Woman ( vest ] Same . Pron ▪ II. 2. — ness , [ Identity ] of the — time , [ Simultaneous ] Samphier . HF. V. ● . A. Golden flowred — HF. III. 10. A , Sample Exemplar . T. II. 3. Sampler Exemplar . T. II. 3. Sanamunda . Sh. VI. 2. Sanctifie . [ adj . Holiness ( make ] [ Consecrate ] Sanction , Law ] Edict ] Sanctity , [ Holiness ] Sanctuary . [ Temple ] sp . Inner ( part ) of it ] [ adj . a. Safety ( place ) for offenders ] Sand. St. I. 8. — eeles . Fi. VI. 4. A. the — s , Strand . W. III. 6. Quick — s. W. III. 7 . — blind . Sandal , [ Lamin for the bottom of foot ] Sandarach . St. VI. 5. Sanders . Red — Tr. VII . 3. Yellow — Tr. VII . 3. A. Sandover , [ Scum of glass ] Sanguin . [ adj . Blood ] PG. I. 6. [ Merry ] Sanguinary , [ adj . a. RJ. III. ] Sanhedrin , [ Council ] Sanicle . HL. VI. 9. bears ear — HS. VIII . 3. Spotted — HL. VIII . 4. Yorkshire — [ Butterwort ] HL. VI. 7. Sanity . [ Health ] [ Soundness ] Sap. Subst . [ Juice ] PP . I. 7. — of tree , [ adj . juice ( part ) of tree ] to — [ Undermine ] Saphena vein , [ Vein at the Ankle ] Saphire . St. IV. 5. White — St. IV. 1. A. Sapience , [ Wisdom ] Saphic .   Saracens Con●ound [ Comfrey ] HL. IX . 4. Sarcasm . [ Mock ] Sarcocolla . Tr. VIII . 2. A. Sarda , [ Chalcis ] Fi. III. 12. A. Sardius . St. III. 3. Sardonix .   Sarg●s . Fi. V. 3. Sarplier , , [ adj . packing cloth ] Sarsaparilla , [ Root of herb ▪ like pricking Bindweed ] Sartorian Operation . O. V. Sassafras . Tr. III. 10. Satan , [ Devil ] W. I. 2. O. Sate . AC . VI. 5. A. Sated , [ adj . p. fill ( augm . ] ( exc . ] Satelles . W. II. 8. A. Saterday , [ Seventh day ] Satiate , [ a. Sufficience ] Satiety , [ a. Sufficience ] Satisfaction . [ Sufficience ] Mind-quieting . AS . III. 5. [ Conviction ] [ Payment ] [ Restitution ] Satisfy , [ a. Satisfaction ] Sattin . [ Smooth shining Silk ] Herb [ Bulbonach ] HS. VI. 2. Saturn . W. II. 4. Satyr . [ adj . Mocking Reproving Verse ( aggr . ] [ Baboon ] Be. III. 1. Saty●ion , [ Orchis ] HL. IV. 8. Savage , Fierce ] Cruel ] Sauce . Pr. II. 2. Sauce alone HS. IV. 8. Saucer , [ Shallow dish ] sp . for Sauce ] Saucy , Impudent ] ●reverent ] Saucidge , vid. Sausage . Save . General . — from danger , [ a. Safety ] T. V. 3. — from loss Preserve ] AS . hurt I. 4. — one 's oath , [ pr ▪ himself from perjury ] incumbent , [ Deliver ] AS . I. 5. imminent . as to it , [ prevent ] TA. III. 9. as to him Defend ] ●O . VI. 5. Protect ] a. Man. VI. 4 Special , as to Estate , Lay up ] TA. V. 4. Keep ] TA. V. 5. from spoiling . ●M . II. 5. from spending . Ta. V. 3. Liberty . RM. II. 6. Event of War. RM. II. 7. Soul. from Sin , [ Redemption ] AS . I. 7. from Hell , [ Salvation ] Ha. I. 4. Comparate . [ Exempt ] TA. II. 7. O. [ Except ] D. IV. ● . O. Conj . [ Unless ] Prep . [ Besides ] Savin . Sh. III. 10. A. Saving , vid. Save . Savingness , [ Frugality ] Savior , [ adj . a Save ( person ] Savor . [ Tast ] Q. IV. [ Smell ] Q. IV. A. Savory . [ adj . Savor ( pers . Winter — HF. VI. 7. A. Saurus . Fi. IV. 7. A. Sausage , [ Pudding of minced Hogg's flesh ] Saw. to — O. IV. 3. A. — dust , [ Powder made by Pawing ] a — [ adj . Sawing ( instr . ] — wort . HF. III. 3. Fish. Fi. I. 2. an old — [ Adage ] I — [ I am adj . pret . See ] Sawyer , [ adj . Sawing ( mech . ] Saxifr●ge . Burnet — HF. IV. 12. Golden — HL. VI. 10. A. White — HL. VI. 10. Scab . S. III. 1. A. Scabbard , [ Case for Sword ] Scab●ous . HF. II. 13. Scaffold . Po. II. 6. A. Scalad● , [ Storming with Ladders ] Scalde . [ a. Heat ( excess ] sp . with Liquor ] [ Un-a . skin feather hair with hot liquor . ] — head , [ Un-haired head ] sp . with scurf ] Scale . — of fish . PP . IV. 1. — of bone , [ Scale ( like ) Fragment Chip of bone ] — of metal . Met. IV. 3. to — [ Un-adj. a. Scale ] [ Dish of the librating ( jug . ] Pair of — s , [ Librating ( jug . ] [ Ladder ] — as of miles , &c. [ Line adj . p. part for measuring distances ] to — Climb ] Storm ] sp . with Ladder . ] Scallion , [ Onion ( dim . ] Scalp , [ Pate ] PG. III. 1. A. — ing iron , [ adj . Iron . adj . Scratching ( instr . ] Scamble . [ Catch ( end ) adv . Confusion ] [ a. Confusion by curting ( corr . ] Scamony . HS. VII . 6. A. Scan. Consider ] Examin ] — verse [ a. M●●sure v. ] Scandal , Tempting ] Occasioning to sin ] Scandalous . RE. III. 5. O. Scant , [ adj . Scarcity ] Deficience ] Narrowness ] adv . [ Scarce ] adv . V. 2. Scantling . [ Little ] [ Say ] TM . VI. 2. [ Measure ] Mea. II. [ Proportion ] Scape , [ Escape ] a — [ Fart ] Scapula , [ Shoulder ] PG. IV. I. Scar , [ pret . p. Wound ( sign ] Scarab Ex. V. Scarabee Ex. V. great water — Ex. V. 8. little water — Ex. V. 8. A. Scarce . [ adj . Scarcity ] Seldomness ] Rareness ] [ adv . Adv. V. 2. ] adv . Difficulty ] Scarcity . TM . I. 2. D. Scare , [ a. Fear ] — crow , [ adj . Vanity ( thing ) for a. fear ] Scarf . Pr. IV. 6. A. Scarlet , [ Bright red ] — Oke , [ Holm ] Scorrifie . Mo. IV. 6. A. Scatches , [ Leg-lengthning sticks ] Scate . Fi. II. 5. Scath , [ Hurt ] Scatter . O. II. 5. O. Come in — ing , [ Come ( segr . ] Scavel , [ adj . hungry ( exc . ] Scavinger , [ adj . a. Cleanliness ( Off. ) of streets ] Sceleton , [ Frame of dead bones ] Scene . [ a. Player ( room ] [ The place represented ] [ The home of any action ] [ Chapter of adj . p. Player ( thing ] Scepter , [ adj . King ( sign ) Stick ] Sceptic , [ adj . Incredulity ] Doubting ( apt . ] Schedule , [ Paper ( lam . ] Scheme , [ Figure ] sp . Lined ] Pictured ] Schism , [ Schismatic ( thing ] Schismatic . RE. III. 2. O. Scholar . [ Learner ] [ adj . Learning ( person ] — of a Colledge , [ S●pe●diated Learner ] — ship , [ Learning ] Scholastic , [ Learned ( like ] Scholast , [ adj . a Commentary ( dim . ] School . Greater place , [ University ] — man , [ adj . University Divine ] Lesser place , [ RC. III. ● . A. ] — boy , [ Learner at School ] — master , [ Teacher of School ] [ Sect ] Schreight , [ Missle bild ] ●l . III. 3. Sciatic● , [ Gout in the Hip ] Science , [ Ha. VI. 1. A. Liberal — [ adj . Learning Science ] Scimiter , [ Crooked Sword ] Scink , [ Small-headed Lizard ( kind ] Scintilla volantes . El. ● . ● . A. Sciolist , [ adj . Science ( dim . ] Scion , [ Branch ] PP . I. 3. Schir●bus . S. III. 4. A. Scissors , [ adj . Clipping instr . Scecheon , vid. Sc●●cheo● . Scoff , Reproch ] Mock ] Scold , a. Contention ( voice ] Reprove ( ex●● ] Scole , [ Fishes ( aggr . ] Scolop . Ex. VIII . 5. Scolopendra . Ex. II. 10. Sconse . [ Mult ] Military place . RM. ●I . 2. [ adj . Hanging adj . supporting ( instr . ) for Candle ] Pate ] adj . Head ( vest ] Scoop , Pr. V. 7. A. Scope . End ] T. II. 6. Object ] T. VI. 2. Liberty Sufficient ] Space Sufficient ] Place Sufficient ] Scorbutica [ Scurvy ] Scorch , [ adj . a. Fire Heat ( exc . the outside ] Scordium . HF. VII . 8. Score . [ adj . Reckoning ( thing ] [ Stick notched ( freq . ) for reckoning ] in — [ Debtor ] upon - [ Debtor ] — up . quit — s ▪ [ Ballancing ] [ Twenty ] Scoria . Met. IV. 3. Scorn , Contemn ] AS . IV. 2. a. Indignation ] Scornfulness , [ Superciliousness ] Scorpana . Fi. IV. 11. A. Scorpi●ides . Fi. III. 14. A. Scorpion . Ex. II. 5. A. — grass . HS. III. 12. water — Ex. I. 9. Fish. greater — Fi. V. 6. lesser — Fi. V. 6. A. Constellation [ 8th . ( part ) of the Zodiac . ] Scot. [ Shot ] [ Tax ] Scotfree . [ adj . p. Immunity from payment ] [ not-adj . p. Hurt ] Punishment ] Scotomy , [ Vertigo ] S. IV. 5. Scoul , [ Lowring ] Scoundrel , [ adj . Sorry ( person ] Scour . a — [ Shallow ( part ) of swift river ] to — Wash ( augm . ] Rub ( augm . ] [ adj . a. Purity ] Brightness ] sp . by Washing ( augm . Rubbing ( augm . [ Dung ( exc . ] Scourge , [ Whip ] a — [ adj . Whipping ( instr . ] Scourse , [ Exchange ] Scout . RM. III. 5. Scrag , Tooth ] Rough protuberance ] Scraggy , [ Lea● ( augm . ] Scray , [ Sea Swallow ] Bi. IX . 9. A. Scrall , [ Write ( corr . ] Scramble , [ Climbe ( corr . ] Scrap , Residue ] Fragment ] Scrape , Rub ] Scratch ] Shave ( corr . ] — for favour , [ Fawning ] — out , Spoil as Nothing by scratching ] — together , [ Gather adv . Scrapingness ] Rapaciously . ] a — [ Trap ] Scrapingness . Man. III. 2. E. Scra● , [ Of both sexes ] Scratch . AC . II. 6. A. the — es [ Disease in horse's heels ] Scrawl , [ Writing ( corr . ] Scream , Acute Voice ( augm . ] Exclamation Screech , [ v. acute exclamation ( augm . ] — Owl , [ Owl ] Screeking , [ acute sound of Solids rubbing together ] Screen , [ adj . a. shadow ( jug . ] Screw , vid. Scrue . Scribble , [ Write ( corr . ] sp . swiftly ] Scribe , Notary adj . writing ( Off. ] Scrip , [ Bag ] Scripture . RE. VI. 1. Scrivener , [ adj . Writing ( mech . ] Scrole , [ Paper ( Iam. ] [ Catalogue ] Scrophula , [ King 's Evil ] Scrophularia , [ Pilewort ] Scrue . O. I. 6. — into , [ Into-wriggle ] — out , [ Obtain by-a . Craft ] Scrub , [ Rub ( augm . ] a — [ Sorry ( person ] Scruple . Weight . Mea. III. 2. [ Doubt ( dim . ] practical . AS . III. 5. O. ( Pron . ] Scrupulousness , Doubting Scruple Incredulity ] Scrutiny , Inquisition ] Examining ] Scud , [ v. Ition swiftly ] Scuffle , [ Confused Mutiny ] fighting ( dim . ] Scull . [ Bone of Head ] Pate ] [ adj . Head ( armor ] Pa●e ( armor ] — of fish , [ Fishes ( aggr . ] Sculk , [ v. Concealing ] Sculler , [ Boat adj . p. Oa● by one man ] Scullory , [ adj . Washing ( room ) of adj . Cookery vessel ] Scullion , [ Cook 's Servant ] Sculpture , [ Carving ] Scum. TM . VI. 3. a — [ Sorry ( person ] Scummer , [ Spoon for taking away the Scum ] to — [ Dung ] Scooper . RN. II. 7. A. Scurf . S. II. 6. A. Scurrility . Man. IV. 9. F. Scurvy . Disease . S. VI. 4. — grass . HL. VI. 13. adj . Sorry ] Evil ] Scut , [ Tail ] PP . VI. 6. A. Scutcheon . [ Picture of shield ] [ Area of painted degree ] — in building . ( sign ] Scuttle . [ Basket ] — of Ship. RN. II. 6. A. to — water , [ Un-defile w. by motion ] Sea. W. IV. A. — bat , [ Flying fish ] — bells HL. VI. 13. A. — bindweed HL. VI. 13. A. — Calf . Be. V. 3. A. — Card. — Coast , [ adj . Shore Countrey . ] — Cob. Bi. IX . 9. — Cole . Herb. HE. VI. 13. A. Stone . St. VI. 3. A. — Coot . — Cormoran●● — Devil . Fi. II. 4. A. — dragon . Fi. IV. 8. — drake , [ Cormorant ] — ear . Animal . Ex. VII . 8. Plant. HL. I. 13. — fan . HL. I. 15. — fa●ing man. RN. V. — frog . Fi. II. 4. A. — grass . HL. I. 14. — green , [ Green adj . Sea ( like ] — gull . Bi. IX . 9. — hog , [ Porpois ] — lettice . HL. I. 12. — man. RN. V. — mew . Bi. IX . 9. — moss . HL. I. 12. — navelwort . HL. I. 11. A. — nettle . Ex. IX . 6. A. — onion . HL. IV. 13. — raven , [ Cormorant ] — sick , [ Sick through motion upon the sea . ] — swallow . Bi. IX . 9. A. — toad . Fi. II. 4. A. — weed , [ S. moss ] — withywinde . HI . VI. 13. A. arm of the — [ Bay ] W. IV. 4. [ Fretum ] W. IV. 5. calm — W. IV. 1. narrow — [ Fretum ] W. IV. 5. Seal , [ adj . RC. VI. 5. ( instr . ] Fish , [ Sea-calf ] Be. V. 3. A. Sealing . RC. VI. 5. A. Seam , [ adj . p. sowing ( thing ] — of the head . — of Ship. RN. II. 8. [ Hog 's fat ] Seamster , [ adj . Sowing ( mech . ] Sear , [ Dry ( exc . ] to — [ Harden with a. fire ] — ed Conscience , [ Unconscionableness . ] Searce , [ Sift ] O. VI. 1. A. [ adj . Sift ( instr . ] Search . [ Seek ] [ a. Inquisition ] [ Try ] Transc . TA. II. 5. A. Judic . RJ. II. 4. A. — ing , [ Sagacity ] Season . [ Time ] adj . Congruity ( time ] Time ( perf . ] in — [ adv . Perfect ] out of - [ adv . Corrupt ] — of the year , [ Year ( part ] sp . adj . Congruity ] to — a. Salt ] Q. IV. 5. a. Condite ] Pr. III. 9. A. Seasonable , [ adj . Season ] Seat. [ adj . p. Sitting ( ●●g . ] Stool ] Po. VI. 5. Chair ] P. VI. 6. [ Situation ] sp . III. Sebesten . Tr. II. 5. A. Secant . Mag. II. 4. Secession , [ Separation ] Seclude , Out-shut Exempt Except Second . [ adj . Two ] Every — [ Every adv . turn adj . two ] Subst . — of a degree . in Magn [ 3600 th ( part ) of a Degree ] in Time , [ 60 th part of a Minute ] [ adj . Accessoriness , Fighter ] Speaker ] Doer of any thing ] to — [ Do any thing adv . Accessoriness ] Immediate after ] Secondary , [ adj . Two ( kind ] Secondine . PP . VI. 7. A. Secrecy , Concealing ] Taciturnity ] Secret. Concealed ] adj . p. Taciturnity ] Secretary , Notary ] adj . Writing ( Off. ] Sect , Faction ] Schism ] Sectary , [ Schismatic ] Section , [ adj . p. Cut ( part ] Part of Book . D. III. 2. A. Sector .   Secular . [ Temporal ] RE. O. [ Laic ] RE. II. O. [ Not-regular . RO. IV. 6. ] Secundine . PP . VI. 7. A. Secure . [ Safe ] Confident ] Assured ] Fearless ] Heedless ] Careless ] to — [ a. Security ] [ a. Imprisonment ] Security , Safety ] Confidence ] &c. Sponsion ] Morgage ] Sedan . Po. V. 3. Sedate , [ adj . p. Quiet ] Content ] Satisfaction ] Sedentary , [ adj . Sitting ] Sedge , Flagg ] Reed ] Sediment . TM . VI. 3. A. Sedition . RJ. III. 3. A. Seduce . RO. VI. 1. O. Sedulity , [ Diligence ] See. v. Sight ] a. Heedfulness ] — to , [ a. Heedfulness ] — you do it , [ a. Heedfulness that you do it ] fair to — to , [ Beautiful ] go to — [ Visit ] a — [ Bishops City ] Seed . — of Plants . PP . III. 6. — plot , [ adj . p. Sowing ( place ] — time , [ adj . Sowing ( time ] run to , [ a. Seed ] — of Animal . PG. I. 4. Seeing . Sight . NP. III. 1. [ adj . a. Sight ] — that , [ Whereas ] Seek . TA. I. 7. — to do Inquisition to do ] Design to do ] Endeavour to do ] — to him , [ Intreat him ] Seeling . of Room . Po. III. 8. A. of Ship , [ Heeling ] RN. VI. 7 . — birds eye , [ Sow together the Eyelids ] Seem . TA. I. 9. A. Seemly , Beautiful ] Decent ] Seen , [ adj . p. Sight ] to be — Shew ] Manifest ] by Shew ] Manifest ] well — in , [ Skilled ( perf . ] Seer , [ Prophet ] Seeth , [ Boyl ] — over , [ Spill by Seething ] Segment , [ From-adj . p. Cut ( part ] Segregate . TM . III. 6. — ing , [ Separate ] TA. II. 1. O. Seigniory , [ Magistrate ( place ] Seise , Take to possess ] Arrest ] Seizin . RC. V. 8. A. Seldom . Sp. I. 7. O. [ Rare ] Sp. II. 6. O. Select , [ Elect ] Selenite . St. II. 5. Sell. RC. V. 3. Self . him — [ Him him ] beside - [ adj . Dotage ] Frenzy ] Madness ] my — [ Me me ] thy — [ Thee thee ] by it — [ Solitary ] he is him — [ He is adj . Understanding ( perf . ] In State ( perf . ] Selfconceit , Pride ] Esteem ( exc . ) of self ] Selfdenial . Ha. V. 3. Selfends , [ Selfishness ] Selfheal . HF. VII . 16. Selfishness . Ha. V. 3. O. Selflove , [ Love of Self ] Selfwill , Disobedience ] Contumacy ] Pertinacy ] Selvage , [ Margin of ●loth ] Semblable , [ Like ] Semblably , So ] Also ] Accordingly ] Semblance , Seeming ] Likeness ] Sembreef .   Semicircle , [ Half Circle ] Semicolon . D. I. 5. A. Seminary . [ Seed ( place ] [ Education ( place ] Semination , [ Sowing ] Sena . Sh. IV. 4. bastard — Sh. IV. 4. A. Senary , [ Six ] Senate , [ Council ] Send . TA. VI. 4. — for one , [ Call by one sent ] Senembi . Be. VI. 3. A. Seneschal , [ Steward ] Sengreen , [ House-seek ] HL. VIII . 1 . Indented — HL. VIII . 4. A. Senior . [ More old ] [ Superior ] sp . through more age ] Sennight , [ Week ] Sense . — of a word , [ Meaning ] Faculty . — internal . NP. II. common — NP. II. 1. — external . NP. III. Sp. [ Feeling ] Sensible . [ adj . a. Common sense Understanding ( apt . [ adj . p. Common sense Understanding ( pot . ] — Quality . Q. Sensitive . — Soul. W. I. 5. — faculty . Internal . NP. II. External . NP. III. — plant . HS. III. 8. A. — action . AC . II. Sensless . [ adj . Stupor ] [ Not adj . p. Understanding ( pot . ] Sensual , [ adj . Sensuality ] Sensuality . Man. II. 1. O. Sent. pret . Send ] adj . p. Send ] [ Smell ] Sentence . [ Opinion ] Clause . D. III. 1. A. — in Court. RJ. II. 5. A. Sententious , [ Abounding in short sentences . ] Sentiment . Understanding Common sense Apprehension Opinion Sentinel RM. III. 7. Sentry RM. III. 7. Senvi , [ Mustard seed ] Separate . TA. II. 1. O. Segregate Abstract a. Schismatic ] Excommunicate ] Separatists , [ Schismatic ] Sepiment . RM. VI. 4. Seps Serpt .   September , [ 9 th month ] Septenary , [ Seven ] Septuagint , [ Seventy Translators ] Septuple , [ Sevenfold ] Sepulchre , [ adj . Intombing ( thing ] ( place ] Sepulture , [ Burying ] Sequel , Following ] Event ] Illation ] Sequence , [ Following adv . Series ] Sequestration , [ Depositing with not-party ] Seraglio , [ Palace of the Mahometan King ] Seraphin , [ Angel ] Serenade , [ a. Music near ones adj . sleeping ( place ] Serene . Clear ] Bright ] [ Gracious ] adj . Man. VI. 1. Serjant . [ pursevant ] RJ. III. 6. — at arms , [ Most adj . Superiority . RJ. III. 6. ] — of Law , [ Most adj ▪ Superiority Graduate of common Lawyers ] [ Chief pleader ( kind ] [ Highest degree of Pleaders ( kind ] — of foot . RM. III. 4. Series . TM . III. 7. Serinus . Bi. VI. 1. A. Seriousness . The Disposition . NP. IV. 3. The Vertue Sobriety ] Gravity ] Sermon , [ adj . -p . Preaching ( thing ] Sermountain . HF. IV. 7. Serous , [ adj . Serum ] Serpent . Be. VI. 6. Sea — Fi. VI. 2. Serpentine , [ adj . Serpent ] — Line , Spiral ] Mag. III. 9. Helix ] Mag. III. 9. A. Serve . [ v. Slave ] Servant ] Souldier ] — as to wages . [ adj . p. Hiring ] as to work , [ a. Slave ] Servant ] Souldier ] [ a. Subjection ] Obedience ] — God , [ a. Obedience Worship God ] [ Wait ] Carry ] Deliver ] — Process . — up to Table . — wine . Furnish ] Sell ] — one with ware , [ Sell w. to one ▪ ] as to use , Transc . [ Action ] — one , a trick in his kind [ v. adj . Adjuvant ] Profitable ] v. adj . Congruous ] Convenient ] ▪ — when time — s. [ v. adj . Stead ] — for instead of [ v. adj . Sufficience ] Pertinence ] — for such a use . Servant . RO. III. 7. O. [ Suitor ] RO. III. 2. [ Beneficiary ] RO. III. 8. O. Service . [ v. Servant ] [ a. Souldier ] [ a. Obedience ] divine — [ d. worship ] Waiting . first [ meats ( aggr . carried adv . first ] second [ meats ( aggr . carried adv . second ] [ v. adj . Adjuvant ] Profitable ] [ a. Benefactor ] — doing one a [ p. Use ] [ Berry of Service-tree ] — Tree . Tr. I. 4. Common — Tr. I. 4. A. Serviceable , [ adj . Service ( pot . ] ( pron . ] Servile , [ adj . Servant ] Slave ] Villain ] Servingman , [ Servant for waiting ] Servitor , [ Servant ] Servitude , [ p. Slave ( thing ] Serum . PG. I. 2. Seseli , [ Ha●twort ] Sessions , [ Convention ] RC. III. sp . for RJ. Set. [ Cause , sp . by motion ] to be in a Place sp . of Rest ] to be in a Situation sp . of Rest ] [ Cause to be so ] — a copy , [ a. Exemplar ( make ] — a song , [ a. Tune ( make ) for a s. ] — fast , [ Fast ( make ] — free , [ a. Liberty ( make ] — open , [ Open ( make ] — packing , [ From-go ( make ] — Right , Put ( perf . ] adj . Right ( make ] — upright , [ Upright ( make ] Design ] Appoint ] sp . according to Contract . ] — an allowance , [ appoint an all . ] — a fine on , [ Appoint , &c. ] — a form , [ appoint a form ] [ Offer ] sp . for p. Hire ] Sell ] [ Esteem ] AS . II. 8. — Light by , [ Contemn ] AS . II. 8. A. a. Place ] Put ] — himself , a. place h. ] Purpose ( augm . ] — ones hand to Put ones , &c a. Adjuvant ] Write under ] - Birds observe the place of B. ] - Travellers , &c. observe the place of Tr. ] [ a. Scituation ] Figure ] — a bone Place ( perf . ] Situate ( perf . ] — a bowle . — a Ruff , [ a. Situation ( perf Figure ( perf [ Motion ] Mo. as Current , [ v. Motion ] as Boatman [ Thrust ( imp ) with hands ] as Horse [ Thrust ( imp ) with feet ] [ a. ition ( make ] [ Rest ] Mo. O. Plant. the Root . O. III. 6. the Grain . O. III. 6. A. [ Sit ( make ] [ a. Steadiness ] Q. VI. 6. Fastness ] Q. VI 6. E. — fast , a. Fast ( make ] Imprison ] — about [ a. Begin ] [ a. Endeavour ( inc . ] against , [ v. opposite ] [ a. opposite ] — apart a. Segregate ] Reserve ] Appropriate ] — aside , a. Segregate ] Exempt ] Except ] Reject Forsake ] — at [ a. Impulsive ] — at liberty , [ adj . a. Liberty ( make ] — nought , [ Contemn ] — ods , [ Un-a . peaceable ( make ] — peace , [ Un - War ( make ] Fight ( make ] Contention ( make ] — by [ Esteem ] — the ears , [ a. contention ( make ] — down — Down-ition ( make ] Write ] — farther off , [ More-distant ( make ] — forth , Vid. out . [ v. Go ( inc . ] [ a. Travel ( inc . ] Manifest ] a. Publick ( make ] [ a. Ornate ( make ] [ Praise ] — forward [ v. Travel ( inc . ] [ a. Proceed ( inc . ] — in [ Begin ] — order , [ a. Order ] — off , vid. forth . — farther off , [ More-distant ( make ] — on , vid. upon Impulsive ] Incourage ] — edge , adj . a. edge ( make ] a. Stupor — fire , [ a. fire ( make ] — foot , Begin ] Cause ( inc . ] — over the fire , [ Place above the fire ] — a fine on , [ a. Mulct ] — out , vid. forth . [ Out-ition ( make ] — Ship [ furnish & send Sh. ] Souldier [ furnish & send So. ] — to To-put ] Operate ( end ] — Hire ] Sale ] — work , a. Operate ( make ] Operate ( inc . ] — ones hand . — together , Joyn ] a. One ( make ] — by the ears , [ a Contention ( make ] — up , [ Begun ] — again , Repeat ] Restore ] — a building , [ Build ] — a fashion . — a trade . — one instead of another , [ a. Room ] — upon his Legs , Lift ] a. Upright ] — upon , vid. on . — a person , &c. Assault ] Offend ( end ] — a thing Resolve ] Undertake ] Attempt ] Subst Aggregate ] Series ] Suit ] [ Game ] — at Cards . Dice . Sun — [ Under-a . Horizon ] Adj. Purposed ] Designed ] Appointed ] sp . by consent ] — allowance . — Battle . — Company . — Fight . — Form. — Place . — Price . — Purpose . — Resolution . — Speech — Time. He is — [ Has lost the game ] Sun is — [ S. is under the Horizon ] Well — [ adj . p. figure ( perf . ] Setter . [ adj . Setting ( person ] Theefs — spy ] [ Dog. adj . Observing ( apt . ) the place of Birds ] Settle . v. a. Cause ] Confirm ] [ adj . Permanence ] — ones estate , [ Assign the sut . right of it ] sp . by sealed adj . Obligation ( thing ] — to a business , Prepare for permanence in a b ] Permanent ( inc ) in it . ] Staying ] Dwelling ] as Bird , Rest ] Stand ] [ adj . Staiedness ] Fastness ] as grounds Precipitate ] Sediment ] [ Habit ] Sobriety ] Gravity ] Subst . [ Long Chair ] — bedstead , [ Bedstead adj . p. folding ( apt . ] Setling , vid. Settle . [ Sediment ] Seven . Mea. I. 7. Sevenfold , [ Seven ( kind ] Sevennight , [ Week ] Seventeen . 17. Seventh , [ adj . Seven ] Seventy . 70. Sever. Separate ] Segregate ] [ adj . Solitary ( make ] [ a. Difference ] Diversity ] Several . [ adj . Difference ] Diversity ] [ adj . p. Sever ] Severity . Man. VI. 7. [ Rigor ] Sewee . [ adj . a. Order ( Off. ) of meats ] Suit ( Off. ) of meats ] [ Sink ] Po. II. 9. A. Sewer , Hard Fat ] Dried Fat ] Sex. NP. VI. 1. Sextant , [ Sixth part of Circle ] Sextary , [ Roman measure ] about a pint ] Sextile , [ Distance 〈◊〉 of a great Circle ] Sexton , [ adj . Sweeping ( Off. ) of Temple ] Sextuple , [ Sixfold ] Shackles , [ Bonds ] Shad. Fi. III. 11 . Shade Q. I. 2. Shadow Q. I. 2. — in painting , [ Shadow ( like ] Shaft . [ Cylinder ] [ Arrow ] Cone ] Pyramid ] [ Steeple ] of Coach , &c. Po. V. 5. Shagg , [ Rough hair ] Bird. Bi. IX . 5. A. Shake. Proper . Mo. VI. 3. A. — Hands . AC . V. 5. A. — down , [ Down-a . ition ( make ) with shaking ] — off , [ Abandon ] — in pieces , [ Break with shaking ] — to pieces , [ Break with shaking ] — up , [ Reprehend severely ] [ Tremble ] Shake-rag , Clothed ( freq . ) with torn ( vest ] Beggar ] Shall . fut . Shale . a — [ Pod ] PP . III. 5. A. to — [ Un-a . pod ] Shallop , [ Ship ( dim . ] Shalot . HL. IV. 10. Shallow . Not deep . TM . II. 3. A. a - Shallow ( place in the sea ] Bank ] W. III. 5. A. Not wise , [ adj . Folly ] Shalm , [ adj . Tube adj . Music inst . ] Shamble , [ adj . Butchering ( place ] Shame . Affection . AS . VI. 2. A. Cause , [ Infamy ] Shamefaced , [ adj . Shame ( apt . ] Modesty ] Sheepishness ] Shameful , [ adj . Shame ] Shameless , [ adj . Impudence ] Shamois , [ Goat ▪ ( kind ) having small horns hooked at the end ] Shank . of Animal . PG. V. 5. of Plant , [ Stalk ] Shape , [ Figure ] Share . [ Part ] sp . adj . Proportioned ] to — Divide ] Distribute ] Partner ( make ] Pubes . PG. IV. 7. A. — bone , [ Bone of the sh. ] Plow — [ adj . Cutting ( part ) of the adj . plowing ( jug . ] Sharer , [ Partner ] Shark . Fish. Fi. I. 3. [ adj . a. Fraud ( person ] sp . impudently spending anothers ] Sharp . [ adj . Acute Angle ] [ adj . Point ] Edge ] [ adj . Cutting ] Pricking ( apt . ] of Animal , [ adj . Vigor ] — sighted . — of hearing ] — voice , [ Shrill ] — in music . Q III. 5. E. of taste . Q. IV. 4. [ Hungry ] of mind [ Sprightly ] [ Sagacious ] Severe ] Austere ] Cruel ] Sharpen , [ a. Sharp ( make ] Sharpling , [ Stickleback ] Shatter , Shake into parts ( dim . ] Bruise ( freq . ] Shave . O. IV. 1. — grass , [ Horse tail ] Shaver , [ adj . Shaving ( person ] a notable — [ Extraordinary ( corr . ] Sheaf , [ Aggregated ( thing ] sp . by together-p . bind ] Shear , [ Clip ] Shears , [ adj . Clipping ( instr . ] Sheard , Fragment of earthen vessel Piece of earthen vessel Sheat . Rope . RN. IV. 5. A. — Anchor , [ Last anch . ] — fish . Fi. VI. 6. [ Young hog ] Sheath . a — [ Case ] — fish . Ex. VIII . 8. A. — flies wing , [ Crust of fly w. ] to — [ into-a-case ] — a ship . RN. VI. 3. Shed . Lose . Let go . Spill . Lose . — tears Drop tears ] Weep ] — water , [ Spill w. ] a — [ House ( dim . ) sp . not walled ] Shee , He ( fem . ] Female ] Sheep . Be. II. 2. — Cote , [ House for sheep ] — Fold , [ About-sepimented ( place ) for sheep ] — Hook , [ Shepherds Hook ] Sheepishness . Man. III. 7. E. Sheere , [ Clip ] — water , [ Simple water ] — wind , [ adj . Cutting ( like ) wind ] Sheet , [ Lamin ] — of Linnen , [ adj . l. Bed ( vest ] Shell . of Animal . of Oyster , &c. PP . IV. 2. of Lobster , [ Crust ] PP . IV. 2. A. Egg — [ Crust of Egg ] of Vegetable . — of Nut , [ Stone ] PP . II. 2. A. — of Bean , &c. [ Cod ] PP . III. 5. A. — of Grain , [ Husk ] PP . III. 3. Shellaple . Bi. IV. 5. A. Sheldrake . Bi. IX . 2. Shelf . Boord . Po. VI. 4. A. Flat in the Sea , [ Bank ] W. III. 5. Shelter . [ adj . a. Safety ( place ] [ adj . a. Protection ] Defence ] sp . ( place ] Shelving , [ Oblique ] Shent , [ adj . p. Reprehend ] Shepherd , [ Herdsman of sheep ] — s bodkin , [ Cranes bill ] — s fly . Ex. IV. 8. — s needle , [ Venus comb ] HS. I. 5. A. — s purse . HS. VI. 3. A. — s rod. HF. VIII . 2. A. Sheriff , [ adj . Shire ( Off. ] Shew . General , a. Know ( make TA. I. 8. Un-a . Conceal TA. I. 8. Perfect , [ Manifest ] TA. I. 9. Publick , [ a. Public ( make ] — what is not ▪ [ a. Appearance ] — Otherwise than it is a. Seeming TA. I. 9. A. a. Hypocrisie to sense . by signes , [ a. sign ] [ a. Finger ( sign ] by like , [ Represent ] to the ear . [ Narration ] [ Interpretation ] [ Probation ] to the eye Offer to be seen ] a. See ( make ] — sights , [ a. Sights ] — tricks , [ a. Prestigiator ] to the mind , [ Revelation ] Improper , Do ] Give ] — mercy , [ a. Mercy ] Shy , [ adj . Reservedness ] Shide of wood , [ Thick piece of w. ] Shield , [ Buckler ] to — Defend ] Protect ] — of Brawn . Shift . a — [ Means ] sp . ( corr . ] [ a. Craft ] Fraud ] make — to [ Obtain to ] Put to his — s , [ Necessitated to difficult ( things ] to — Change ] Alter ] — place , [ Go ] — person , Escape ] Deliver ] — thing , Prevent Remedy ( altering ] — for , [ Provide for ] — off Delay ] Avoid ] Frustrate ] sp . adv . Craft ] Shifter , [ Crafty person ] sp . Living by craft ] Shilling . Mea. IV. 3. Shin , [ Forepart of Leg ] Shine , [ a. Brightness ] Shingle , [ adj . wood ( lamin ) for ( roof ] — s [ Tetter ] Ship. RN. I. 1. A. — wrack Destruction Ruine of ship ] — wright , [ adj . Ship ( mech . ] Shire . RC. III. 4. Shirt , [ Inmost Linnen ( vest ] Shittle , [ Inconstant ] vid. Shuttle . Shive , [ Chip ] Shiver . to — [ Tremble ] — in pieces Shake Break into chips ] a — [ Chip ] Shock . — of Corn , [ Heap of c. ] — of battel , [ Battel ( imp . ] Shod , adj . pret . Shoo ] adj . p. Shoo ] Shog , [ Move ( imp . ] Shole . [ Shallow ( place ] [ Fishes ( aggr . ] Shoo. [ adj . Leather adj . Foot ( vest ] — ing horn , [ On-drawing ( instr . ) for shoo . ] horse — [ Under-foot ( armam . ) for horse ] Shook , [ adj . p. pret . Shake ] Shoot . Move swiftly ] Fly swiftly ] Out — Cast ] Powre ] as Bow Gun [ a. b. ] g. ] o. ] Ordinance — one . RJ. V. 2. A. as Star [ fall Suddenly ] Swiftly ] as Plant , [ a. Sprout ] — off , Desist ] a. Gunner ] — up , [ Grow swiftly ] a — Sprout ] PP . II. 5. Branch ] PP . I. 3. Sucker ] PP . I. 2. A. Hog ( young ] Shop , [ adj . [ a. Mechanic Merchant room ] — keeper , [ Merchant ] Shore . of land . W. III. 6. of water . W. IV. 6. bird . Bi. V. 2. to — up , [ a. Prop ] Shorn , [ adj . Clip ] Short. op . to long , [ adj . TM . II. 1. O ] Low ] Little ] Less ] [ adj . Epitome ] Soon ] Transitory ] — ly , [ adv . Soon . ] Future ( dim . ] — breathing S. V. 1 . — windedness S. V. 1 . be — with a. Fewness a. Harshness words ] come — fall — v. long ( def . ] v. short ( exc . ] [ adj . Defect ] [ be more short ] sp . than it was expected ] keep — [ a. Co●ibiting ] Shorten , [ a. Short ( make ] Shot . adj ▪ p. pret . Shoot ] adj . p. Shoot ] [ Bullet ] [ adj . a. pay ( thing ] — free , [ adj . p. Immunity from paying ] Shotten , [ Having spawned ] Shove , [ Thrust ] — net , [ Net for catching fish ] sp . by thrusting and lifting it . ] Shovel , [ Up-takeing ( vas ) Fluid Granulous ( things ] — er . Bi. VIII . 6. Should , [ Mood of Duty ) Necessity ] Shoulder . of trunk . PG. IV. 1. A. — blade , [ Broad bone of — ] Joynt . PG. V. 1. A. to — [ Thrust up with shoulder ] — up , [ a. Prop ] Support ( end . ] Showr . El. VI. 2. O. Shout . [ Voice ( augm . ] [ Exclamation ( imp . ] sp . for joy ] Show , vid. Shew . Shread , [ Mince ] Po. III. 6. A. a — [ Chip ( dim . ] Shreek , [ Acute exclamation ( imp . ] Shreeve , a. Confess ( make ] Examin for a. confess ( make ] sp . adv . Solitary to Priest ] Shrew , [ adj . Moroseness Contention ( fem . ] — mouse , [ Long-snouted venemous mouse ( kind ] Shrewd . [ Crafty ] [ Hurtful ] — turn , [ a. Hurtfulness ] Shrift , [ a. Shreeve ] Shrill , [ adv . acute adj . Sound ( augm . ] Exclamation ] Shrimp . [ Little ] Fish. Ex. VI. 4 . River — Ex. II. 11. A. Shrine , [ Case ] sp . of Image ] Shrink . Gesture . AC . VI. 3. Posture . AC . VI. 3. A. [ adj . Density ] [ adj . Diminish ] [ Back-draw ] [ Retire ] Shrivel , [ Wrinkle ] Shroud . — of a Ship. RN. IV. 1. [ adj . Shrouding ( thing ] [ Outmost adj . Linnen ( vest ) of the dead ] to — [ Cover ] sp . for protection ] Shrovetide . [ adj . Shreeving ( time ] [ adj . Feast ( time ) next before Lent ] Shrub . Sh. to — [ a. Cudgel ] Shrugging . AC . IV. 7. A. Shuddering , [ Trembling ] Shuffle , [ Mingle confusedly ] sp . by motion ( freq . ] Shun , [ Avoid ( end . ] Shut , vid. Close . — ing . O. II. 4. — in of the day , [ Evening ] — up , Shutting ( augm . ] a. Conclusion ] Shuttle . [ adj . p. Cast ( apt . ) adj . Weaving ( instr . ] [ adj . p. Motion ( apt . ] — Cock. — headed , [ Inconstant ] Sybil , [ adj . Paganism Prophet ( fem . ] Sick , [ adj . Sickness ] Sickle , [ adj . Reaping ( instr . ] Sickly , [ adj . Sickness ( apt . ] ( freq . ] Sickness . in body . S. the — [ Plague ] in mind . TA. V. 7. O. Side . Part. Sp. III. 4. — of a Figure . Ma. II. 3. A. — of ones body . PG. IV. 5. Page , [ Surface ] [ Margin ] — blow adj . oblique striking ] — long , [ adj . Side ] — wayes , [ adj . Aside ] Obliquity ] — of the Country , [ Part of the Country ] — of the hill , [ Oblique ( part ) of the h. ] — of River Sea [ Shore ] kin by the Mothers — [ Kin by the Mother ] on this — Citerio● ] Prep . VI. 2. on that — Ulterior ] Prep . VI. 2. O. ] on the other — Opposite ] Prep . VI. 3. O. ] on every — Environing ] Prep . III. 3. O. on my — [ For ( Prep . II. 3. ) inc . ] to — [ a. Faction ] League ] Accessory ] Sider , [ Wine of Apples ] Sidesmen , [ Churchwardens adj . adjuvant ( Off. ] Siege . Leaguer . RM. I. 4. [ a. Dunging ] Sift . Searce . O. VI. 1. A. [ Examin ] — out , [ Find by examining ] Sigh . AC . IV. 6. E. Sight . Sence . NP. III. 1. a. Seeing ] — of the eye , [ adj . Seeing ( part ) of eye ] — of a gun , [ Through-adj . p. See ( apt . ) gun ( part ] Seeing — s. Mo. V. 7. Sigil , [ adj . Wizarding seal ] Signature , [ a. Sign ] Signe . Mark. T. VI. 5 ▪ — of an affection , AC . IV. [ Constellation ] — in the Zodiac , 1● / 12 of the Zodiac ] to — RC. VI. 5. Signet , [ Seal ( dim . ] Signifie . [ a. Sign ] [ a. Meaning ] [ Narrate ] Silence . op . to Sound . Q. III. O. Virtue , [ Taciturnity ] Silk . Pr. IV. 3. — man , [ adj . Silk ( merc . ] — worm . Ex. III. 6. A. — Grass , [ Upright Dogs-bane ] HS. IV. 3. A. Sill , [ adj . Foundation Beam ] Sillabub , [ Drink of milk coagulated with wine ] &c. ] Silly , [ adj . Folly ] Silver . Met. I. 2. quick — Met. III. 1 . — weed , [ Wild Tansey ] Silurus . Fi. VI. 6. Similar , [ All of one kind ] Simile , [ adj . Translatitious ( thing ] Similitude , [ Likeness ] Simnel .   Simony , [ Buying ( corr . ) of religious ( thing ] Simper , [ Smile ] Simple . [ adj . Simpleness ] — figure . Mag. III. [ Simple medicinal ( thing ] sp . Herb ] to — [ Know ( end . ) the growing herbs ] Simpleness   Simplicity Singleness ] Primitiveness ] op . to mixture . T. III. 8. Purity ] Homeliness ] Sorriness ] op . to figurateness . D. III. 7. O. [ Sincerity ] Folly ] Unskilfulness ] Unlearnedness ] Unexpertness ] Simulation , [ a. Hypocrisie ] Simultaneous . Sp. I. 2. Sin v. a. Ungraciousness ] Unholiness ] [ Vice ] [ Evil action ] Since . [ Before this time ] [ After this time ] — that , [ Whereas ] Sincerity . Ha. IV. 4. Sine . Mag. II. 6. Sinew . PG. II. 5. Sinful , Ungracious ] Unholy ] Vicious ] Sing . AC . III. 5. as the ears — [ Ring ( like ] Singe [ Burn ( incept . ] Outside ] Hair ] Single . One ( kind ] Simple ] [ Singular ] Solitary ] Onely ] — combate , [ Duelling ] — life , [ Coelibate ] RO. II 2. A. a — [ Tail of Deer ] Singular . Excellent ] Unlike all others ] — number . TM . III. 2. Singularity , Affectation of being unlike others ] Conceitedness ] Sinister . [ Left side ] [ Malign ] [ Censoriousness ] [ adj . Adversity ] Sink , [ Down-ition under water . ] Proper . Mo. I. 4. O. [ Soke ] — into ones mind , [ Be fixed in ones m. ] — ing paper , [ Porous ( augm . ] [ Drown ] Improper , [ Fall ] sp . ( inc . ] — under the burden . [ adj . p. Dent ] [ Diminution ] [ Ruining ( inc . ] a — Po. II. 9. A. Sinnet , [ Cord ( augm . ) of three Cords together twisted ] Sinople . Subst . [ Cinnabar ] adj . [ Green ] Sip. [ Drink ( dim . ] [ Suck ( dim . ] Sippet , [ Bread ( lam . ) adj . p. Soke ( apt . ] Siquis , [ adj Paper ( lam . ) publish'd for finding lost ( things ] Sir , [ Voc. adj . Dignity ( person ] Sire , [ Parent ( male ] Sirname , [ adj . Parent name ] Sirra , [ Voc. Mean ( person ] Sise , [ Six ] Siskin , [ Finch green ] Sister , [ Brother ( fem . ] Sisterhood , [ Corporation ( fem . ] Sitting . Gesture . AC . VI. 5. Posture . AC . VI. 5. A. — as Commissioners , [ Together sitting ] — as a hen , [ a. Fotion by upon sitting . ] — down . [ Sitting ] — out , [ Not-playing ] — up , Rising ] adj . Permanence out of bed . ] as Bird , Rest ] Stand ] [ Permanence ] — hard at it , [ adj . a. Diligence . adv . permanence ] Site Sp. III. Situation Sp. III. Sith that , [ Whereas ] Sithe , [ adj . Reaping ( instr . ] Sive , [ adj . Sifting ( instr . ] Sivet , [ Sweat of the Civet Cat ] — cat . Be. IV. 4. A. Six . Mea. I. 6. Sixfold , [ Six ( kind ] Sixt. [ adj . Six ] Sixteen , 16. Sixty , 60. Size . Proportion Measure Gummy liquor , [ adj . a. varnish ( thing ] sp . of boil'd Leather ] to — [ a. Size ] [ Sear the Seams ] assize , [ Convention of shire for adj . ● J ( things ] Sizers , [ adj . Clipping ( instr . ] Skein . Mag. VI. 7. A. Skeleton , [ Frame of bones ] Skew , [ Oblique ] Sky . [ Aether ] El. II. 1. . [ Heaven ] Skill . [ Science ] [ Art ] [ Learning ] it — eth not , [ It is not adj . importance ] Skillet . Pr. V. 6. A. Skim , [ Unskum ] Skin . Hide . PG. II. 3. — and bone , [ Lean ( ex● . ] to — Un-a . skin ] Cover with skin ] Membrane ] PG. II. 3. A. [ Husk ] PP . II. 3. Skink , [ Scink ] to — [ Powre for p. drinking ] Skinker , [ adj . Waiting ( Off. ) that skinketh ] Skinner , [ adj . Skin ( merc . ] Skip . [ Leap ] — Iack , [ Sorry man ( dim . ] [ Omit ] Skipper , Sailer ] RN. V. 8. Master ] RN. V. 4. Skirmish . RM. I. 8. Skirret . HF. IV. 11. A. Skirt , [ Margent ] — of doublet , [ Lower Margent of d. ] Skittish . [ adj . Leap Kick ( pron . ] Disingenious ] Wanton ] Skreen . — for corn , [ adj . Seperating ( jug . ] — between Rooms , [ adj . Separating ( sep . ] Sku , [ Oblique ] Slab , [ adj . Moor Bog ( place ] Slabber . [ Let-go Spittle ] [ Wet ( corr . ] [ Defile ] Slack . Loose ] Limber ] [ adj . Remission ] Diminution ] [ adj . Slight ] Neglect ] [ adj . a. Slow ] Protract ] [ adj . a. Cunctation ] Slay , [ a. Die ( make ] — of weavers loom . Slake , [ a. Remission ] — fire Un - a. fire ( dim ] — thirst Un - a. thirst ( dim ] Slander ▪ [ Calumny ] Slank . [ Thin ] Herb , [ Wrack ] Slant , [ Oblique ] Slap , Strike ] Cudgel ] — up Eat greedily ] Lick ( corr . ] Slash . Cut in many places . Pr. III. 5. A. [ Cut deep ] [ Whip ] Slate . St. I. 5. Slattering . [ a. Slightness ] [ Carelesness ] Improvidence ] Man. III. 2. D. Slave . RC. I. 9. O. Slaver , vid. Slabber . Slaughter , [ a. Die ( make ] — house , [ adj . Butchering ( room ] Slaunder , [ Calumny ] Sleave . — silk , [ Not-spun S. ] — fish . Ex. IX . 3. red — Ex. IX . 3. A. Sleazy , [ Loose ] Sled . Po. V. 4. Sledge , [ Hammer ( augm . ] Sleek , [ Smooth ( augm . ] — stone , [ adj . stone adj . a. smoothing ( instr . ] Sleep . AC . II. 3. A. [ Numness ] Sleepy , [ adj . Sleep ( apt . ] Sluggardliness ] Sleering , [ Crafty oblique a. eye manner ] Sleet . El. VI. 4. A. Sleeve , [ adj . arm ( vest ] Sleeveless Impertinent ] Vain ] Sleight , vid. Slight . [ a. Craft ] Art ] Slender . [ Thin ] TM . II. 5. O. Remiss ] Not sufficient ] Sleve . — silk , [ Not-spun S. — fish . Ex. IX . 3. red — Ex. IX . 3. A. Sly , Crafty ] Reserved ] Sliceing . Cut. Pr. III. 6. a — From-sliced ( part ] Chip ] sp . Thin ] iron — to — [ D●ng ] Sliding , [ Motion swift whose parts are not seen ] Proper . Mo. II. 5. — knot , [ k. un-adj . p. ty ( apt . ) by pulling ] — as water , [ a. Stream adv . silence ] away from - ition adv . silence ] - back back - ition adv . concealing ] - by [ beside - ition adv . silence ] - over [ over - ition adv . concealing ] Slight , vid. Sleight . [ Thin ( augm . ] Little ] Deficient ] [ Loose ] Sorry ] Remiss ] [ adj . Vanity ] [ Homely ] Moral , [ adj . Ha. III. 4. E. ] [ Careless ] to — [ Contemn ] [ a. Disrespect ] — works , [ Spoil w. ] Slim , [ Long thin ] Slime , [ adj . a. Sliminess ( thing ] Sliminess . Q. VI. 4. Sling , [ adj . Casting ( instr . ] pair of — s. [ adj . Lifting ( instr . ) for Carriage ] sp . of Barrels ] Slink , [ Abortive Bull ( young ] — away [ from - ition adv . Concealing ] — back [ back - ition adv . Concealing ] Slip. Proper , [ Slide ( dim . ] [ Stumble through sliding ( dim . ] [ Err ] [ Omit ] - away , [ From - ition adv . Concealing ] - back , [ Back - ition adv . Concealing ] - by , [ Beside - ition adv . Concealing ] - off , [ From - ition , &c. ] - on , [ Upon — ition , &c. ] — Clothes cloth ( swiftly ] — Clothes un-cloth ( swiftly ] give one the — [ From ition adv . Concealing ] let — Omit ] Let go ] Lose ] sp . through Carelesness ] a — [ v. Slip ] — of plant , [ Branch ] to — [ From Cut ] Pull ] [ Cord with Loop in the end ] — knot , [ Tied ( part ) for a Loop ( make ] Slipper , [ adj . Foot ( vest ) not adj . p. ty ( pot . ] Slipperiness . Smoothness ] Unctuousness ] [ adj . Let go ( pron . ] [ Lightness . ] Ha. IV. 7. D. Slit Cleft ] Chink ] to — Cleave ] a. Chink ] Slive , [ Chip ] Slo , [ Plum of Slow tree ] — tree . Sh. I. 4. Slop , [ Loose adj . Thigh ( vest ] Slopeing , [ Oblique ] Slot , [ adj . Foot ( sign ) of stag ] Sloth . [ Laziness ] NP. IV. 6. O. Negligence . Ha. IV. 5. D. [ Sluggardliness ] Man. II. 4. O. Beast . Be. III. 2. A. Sloven , [ adj . Slovenliness ( male ] — liness . Man. II. 6. O. Slouch Great ( corr . ] adj . Rusticity ( person ] Slough . [ Bog ] [ Abandoned skin ] Slow . op . to swift . NP. V. 9. O. op . to soon , [ Late ] [ adj . Protracting ] Slow worm . Be. VI. 8. Slubber , [ a. Negligence ] Unskilfulness ] Slovenliness ] — over , [ Perform Negligently ] Unskilfully ] Slovenly ] Sluce , [ Stream stopping ( jug . ] Slug , [ adj . Sluggishness ] Sluggardliness ] Slowness ] — abed , [ adj . Man. II. 4. D. ( person ] Sluggard , [ adj . Sluggardliness ( person ] Sluggardliness . Proper . Man. II. 4. O. [ Negligence ] [ Slowness ] Sluggishness , Sluggardliness ] Laziness ] Lumpishness ( dim . ] Slumber , [ Sleep , ( dim . ] ( inc . ] Slung , adj . a. pret . sling ] adj . p. sling ] Slunk , adj . a. pret . slink . ] adj . p. slink . ] Slur , Fraud . ] Affront ] Slurry , Disgrace ] Defile ] Slut. [ Woman ( corr . ] [ adj . Sluttishness ( fem . ] Sluttishness . Man. II. 6. D. Smack . [ Sound of separating the lips ] [ Kiss ] [ Tast. Q. IV. ( dim . ] a — of it , [ p. adjunct ( dim . ] Small . [ Little ] — nut . Tr. III. I. [ Fine ] cut — Cut into pieces ( dim ] Mince ] — as — beer , [ Weak ] — number , [ Few ] — wares , Wares ( dim . ] Little ( things ) of value ( dim ] Smallage . HF. IV. 9. A. Smaragd , [ Emerald ] Smart . AC . II. 8. A. — in discourse , [ adj . Vigor ] — of tast , [ adj . Vigor ] Freshness ] Smatch ▪ [ Tast ( dim . ] Smatter , [ Skill ( dim . ] Smear . O. V. 6. A. [ a. Defiled ( make ] Smell . Sense ▪ NP. III. 3. — out , [ Find by sm . ] a — feast , [ Flatterer for p. feast ] Object . Q. IV. [ a. Unsavoriness ] Smelt . pret . Smell ] adj . p. Smell ] Fish. Fi. IX . 2. A. Smile . AC . XIV . 2. Smirking , [ Smiling adv . mirth ] Smite , [ Strike ] Smith , [ adj . a. Fabrile ( person ] Smock , [ Inmost linnen ( vest ] sp . of man ( fem . ] Smoke . El. II. 3. A. [ Fume ] Exhalation ] Vapor ] Smooth . Proper , [ adj . Q. VI. 2. E. ] of behaviour , [ adj . Courtesie ▪ ] Complaisance ] Smother , [ Stifle ] Smug , Cleanly ( augm . ] Ornate ( augm . ] Smut [ Defile with black ( dim . ] Smutch [ Defile with black ( dim . ] Smutty , [ Defiled with black ( dim . Snacket , [ Hasp of Casement ] Snaffle , [ Bridle ] Snail . Ex. I. 2. A. — Trefoil . HS. III. 15. water — Ex. VII . 1. A. Sea — Ex. VII . 4. Snake . Be. VI. 7. — weed . HL. VII . 3. — wood . Tr. VII . 2. A. Snap. [ Bite ( imp . ] [ Sound of bite ( imp . ] — dragon . HS. VIII . 6. Snaphans , [ Gun with Fire-lock ] Snappish , [ adj . Rash anger ] adj . Biting ( apt . ] Morose ] Snare , [ Loop for entangling ] [ Trap ] Snarle . [ adj . Anger ( voice ) of Dog ] [ adv . a. Confusion , Knit ] Entangle ] Snatch , [ Catch ( imp . ] by — es , [ Sp. I. 8. O. ( imp . ] Sneak , Look adv . Concealing ( end . ] Go adv . Concealing ( end . ] into corners , [ adj . p. Conceal ( end . ] Sneakingness . Sheepishness ] Abjectness ] Sneering , Dissembling Smiling ] Crafty Smiling ] Sneezing . Mo. IV. 1. [ White Hellebore ] — wort . HL. VII . 1. HF. II. 10. Austrian — HF. III. 2. A. Snib , Secret reprehend ] Short reprehend ] Sniff , [ Suck-up breath ( imp . ) with nose ] Snip , [ Chip ] to — From-cut chip ] a. Tuft margent by cutting ] Snipe Bi. VII . 7. A. Snite Bi. VII . 7. A. Snivel , [ Fluid excrement of the nose ] Snore Mo. III. 2. A. Snort Mo. III. 2. A. Snot , [ Consistent excrement of the nose ] Snow . El. III. 4. A. — drop , [ Bulbous violet ] HL. IV. 5. A. Snout . [ Nose ] P● . III. 3. A. [ Trunk ] PP . V. 4. A. Snudge . [ Crumpled ] Snuff , [ Suck up the breath with nose ] [ Huff ] AC . IV. 6. take in — [ Be Displeased Angry ( with ] — of Candle , [ Burning end of the Wick of Candle ] to — [ From - cut the adj . Ashes Shadowing ( end of . &c. ] Snuffers , [ adj . Bright ( instr . ] Snuffle , [ a. Voice through the nose ] So. op . to as , Adv. I. 3. O. — that If ] Conditionally that ] op . to how , Adv. II. 1. O. — Long. — Many . — Much. — Oft. And — forth . Conj . IV. 2. O. So so , [ Indifferently ] Soake , vid. Soke . Soar , [ Fly high ] Sob . Mo. III. 4. Sober , [ adj . Sobriety ] Sobriety . in temper , [ Seriousness ] In Judgment . Ha. III. 3. In drink . Man. II. 3. In conversation , [ Gravity ] Soccage .   Sociable . [ adj . Homiletical vertue ] [ adj . Companion Society ( apt . ] Society . [ Companion ( abst . ] Community . RC. III. A. [ Corporation ] Sock , [ Inner adj . foot ( vest ] Socket , [ Hollow ( part ) for containing ] Sod , [ adj . p. Boil ] a — [ Lump covered with grass ] Sodain , vid. Sudden . Sodering . O. IV. 4. Sodomy . RJ. III. 6. A. Soft . Proper , [ adj . Q. VI. 1. E. [ Gentle ] Merciful ] Meek ] Courteous ] Complaisant ] Gracious ] Clement ] Dull ] Lazy ] Nice ] Weak ] Slow ] [ Foolish ] Cowardly ] Impatient ] Sheepish ] Pusilsanimous ] Soho . Int. III. 1. Soil . Land ] Land ( kind ] [ adj . a. Manuring ( thing ] to — [ Manure ] [ adj . a. Defiling ( thing ] to — [ adj . a. Defiled Spotted ( make ] — of Boar , [ adj . Foot ( sign ) of Boar adj . pret . going ] take — as Deer , [ Go into water ] Sojourn , [ a. Guest ] Soke . Steep . O. V. 7. [ Drink ( augm . ] [ a. Drunkenness ] Solace . [ Comfort ] [ Mirth ] Soland Goose. Bi. IX . 4. Solar , [ adj . Sun ] W. II. 2. A. Sold , adj . a. pr●t . Sell ] adj . p. Sell ] Soldier . RM. III. Sole ▪ alone ; [ Solitary ] — of foot [ Bottom ( part ] — of shoo [ Bottom ( part ] Fish. Fi. VIII . 1. Spotted — Fi. VII . 1. A. to — — a bowl , [ a. b. ( place ) for volutation ( inc . ] — ones ear , [ Pull ( augm . ) — ] — a shoo , [ to - sow bottom ( part ] Solecism , [ a. Grammar ( corr . ] Solemn , [ adj . T. VI. 3. A. ] — look , [ adj . Gravity , face ( manner ] Solemnity . T. VI. 3. A. Solemnize . a. T. VI. 3. A. Solicite . [ Instead - a. Action ] Business ] [ Intreat , augm . ] freq . ] Solicitous , [ adj . Carking ] Solicitude , [ Carking ] Solid . Body . Ma. I. 4. [ Massie ] [ Sufficient ] Judicious ] Grave ] Soliloqu● , [ Alone-speaking ] Solitary . RO. IV. 2. O. Solitude . [ Solitary ( abstr . ] [ Not-inhabited Countrey ] Solstice , [ Motion ( time ) of Sun in Tropic ] Solve , [ a. Solution ] Soluble . [ adj . Dunging ( apr . ] [ adj . p. Solution ( pot . ] Solution . D. VI. 5. O. Solutive , [ adj . a. Dunging ( apt . ] Some . — one . Pron . II. 3. O. — certain . Pron . II. 3. — body , [ — ( person ] — time . [ in some ( time ] [ adv . at times ] Sp. I. 8. O. — what [ — ( thing ] Little ( part ] ( dim . ] — while [ Through some ( time ] [ adv . Permanence ( dim . ] Son. [ Child ] sp . ( male ] — in Law , [ adv . Affinity Son ] God the ▪ — G. II. Song , [ adj . p. Sing ( thing ] sp . verses ( aggr . ] Sonorous , [ adj . Sound ( augm . ] Sontic . [ Hurtful ( augm . ] [ adj . a. Impotent ] Soon . Sp. I. 4. — at night , [ in the evening ] Soop , [ Drink by sucking ( imp . ] Soot . El. IV. 3. A. Sooth , [ Truth ] Soothing , [ Assentation ] Soothsayer , [ adj . Wizarding ( person ] sp . by signes ] Sop , [ Soked bread ( lam . ] to — [ Soke ] Sope , Pr. VI. 5. — wort . HL. VII . 3. A. Sophism , [ a. Argumentation ( corr . ] Sophisticate . a. Spurious ] Forge ] [ Make worse by mixture ] Sophistry , [ adj . Seduce ( apt . ) a. argumentation ( Art ] ( Manner ] Sorb , [ Service ] Sorcery , Witchcraft sp . by a. Lots ] Wizarding sp . by a. Lots ] Sordidness . [ Slovenliness , [ Man. II. 6. D. Baseness . Man. III. 4. D. [ Pusillanimity ] Man. III. 8. D. Sore . [ adj . Pain ] [ Fierce ] ( augm . — afraid , [ afr . ( augm . ] to — [ Fly high ] a — [ Ulcer ] [ Deer ( male ) of the fourth year ] Sorel , [ Deer ( male ) of the third year ] Sorites , [ Syllogism ( aggr . ] Sorrel . HF. I. 2. — colour . French — HF. I. 2. A. Sorry . [ adj . Grief ] Contemptible . TM . I. 4. D. Sorrow , [ Grief ] Sort. Kind ] Species ] to — [ a. Kinds Species ( segr . ] [ Manner ] after a — [ in some Manner ] Relation ] Sortition , [ a. Lots ] Sot. [ Fool ( augm . ] [ Dull ( augm . ] [ adj . Dotage ( person ] [ Drunkard ] Souce , [ Pickle ] Soverain . [ Chief ] [ King ] [ Excellent ] Sought , adj . a. pret . Seek ] adj . p. Seek ] Souldier . RM. III. — fish . Ex. VI. 5. Soule . W. I. 3. Vegetative — W. I. 4. Sensitive — W. I. 5. Rational — W. I. 6. Sound . adj . Sanity , [ adj . NP. V. 2. ] [ adj . Health ] [ Whole ] Perfect ] Great ] [ Solid ] [ Sincere ] a — Noise . Q. III. Articulate . Q. III. 3. A. Fretum . W ▪ IV. 5. [ Condited stomach of Cod-fish ] to — [ Sound ( make ] — w●ll [ a Reputation ] — ill [ a Infamy ] [ Essay for knowing the depth ] [ Essay for knowing by conference ] Sour . as Vinegar , [ adj . Q. IV. 4. ] as green Fruit ▪ [ adj . Q. IV. 3. ] [ Morose ] Look — [ Lowr ] Source . [ Original ] [ Fountain ] [ Rise ] South . Sp. III. 2. O. — ern wood . HF. II. 10. Sow . [ Hog . Be. II. 4. ( fem . ] — gelder , [ Un-adj. a. Testicle ( mech . ] — 's bred . HL. VI. 6. A. — thistle . HF. III. 14. Insect . Ex. II. 9. — of Lead . [ Cast ( thing ) — ] Sowe . as Land , &c. O. III. 4. as Cloth , &c. O. V. 4. — up , Shut by sowing ] Joyn by sowing ] Souse , [ Pickle ] Sowter , [ adj . Mending ( mech . ) for adj . Foot ( vest . ] Sowthistle . HF. III. 14. Space . Sp. Interval , [ Between — space ] Spacious , [ Ample ] Spade , [ adj . lamin adj . digging ( instr . ] Spada marina . Fi. VI. 8. Spay , [ Un-a . testicle ] Spaid , [ Red Deer ( male ) of the third year ] Spalt , [ Spelter ] Met. III. 4. Span. [ Measure by extending the fingers ] [ Prepare adj . Gun ( machin ) by a. vertiginating ] Spangle , [ Little round adj . metal ( lamin ] Spaniel , [ Dog hunting birds by smell ] Spanish picktooth . HF. V. 12. Spar. [ Lapis Selenites ] or [ Muscovia glass ] [ Bolt ( augm . ] Spare . Not-used ] Abundant ] — time , [ adj . Leisure ( time ] [ adj . Lean ] — ribs . to — Not-punish , [ a. Clemency ] Not-spend , [ Save ] TA. V. 3. Not-use , [ Abstain ] Leave ] Want ] Sparingness , [ Frugality ] Spark . El. I. 1. A. [ Gallant ( person ] Sparkle . El. I. 1. A. Sparrow . Bi. IV. 3. Mountain — Bi. IV. 3. A. — bill , [ Pin ( dim . ] — hawk , [ Least long winged h. ] — mouth'd , [ Wide-mouth'd ] Sparus . Fi. V. I. A. Spathula , [ adj . a. spreading ( lamin . Spatterdashes , [ adj . outward-buttoned Leg ( vest ] Spavin . S. III. 9. Spawl , Spit ( augm . ] Spawn . PP . IV. 8. A. — er , [ Fish ( fem . ] Speaking . AC . III. 1. — against , [ a. Contradiction ] — for , [ Intercession ] — in the nose , [ a. Voice through the n. ] — with , [ Conference ] Speaker . [ adj . Speaking ( person ] — in Parliament , [ Speaking ( Off. ] Spear . [ Pike ] boar — [ Pike for hunting b. ] fish — [ Pike for hunting f. ] Kings — [ Asphodel ] — mint . Special . [ Principal ] [ Particular ] op . to general , [ adj . TM . III. 4. ] Specialty , [ Bond ] RC. VI. 5. Species . T. I. A. Specifie . [ Name the particulars ] [ a. Example ] D. IV. 8. A. Specifical , [ adj . a. Species ] Specious , [ adj . Seeming ( perf . ] Speck , [ Spot ( dim . ] Speckled . Q. II. 6. Spectacle . [ Sight ] Mo. V. 7. [ adj . Glass ( instr . ) for helping the fight ] Spectator . [ adj . Seeing ( person ] [ adj Mo. V. 7. ( person ] Speculation , Meditation ] Inquisition ] Speech . Speaking ] Spoken ( thing ] — less , [ Not-adj . Speak ( pot . ] [ Oration ] [ Language ] Speed. Swiftness ] Soonness ] Dispatch ] [ Event ( kind ] good — [ Prosperity ] — well . HS. VI. 11. Female — well . HS. VIII . 9. A. Speight , [ Woodpecker ] Spell . [ Charm ] to — AC . III. 4. A. Spelt .   Spelter . Met. III. 4. Spence Room for adj . sustentation ord . ( things ] Box for adj . sustentation ord . ( things ] Spend. TA. V. 3. O. [ a. Decay ( make ] [ a. Diminution ] — Time — [ v. Time. ] Spendthrift , [ adj . Squandring ( person ] Sperage .   Sperme . PG. I. 4. Spermaceti .   Spew , [ Vomit ] Sphacelus . S. I. 8. Sphear . Mag. III. 5. Coelestial , [ Orb ] W. VI. A. Sphyraena . Fi. IV. 7. Spy. a — RM. III. 5. A. to — [ a. Spy ] a. Eye . ] Sight ] Observe ] sp . adv . Concealed ] Spice . Pr. II. 4. to — [ Powder ] sp . with Spice ] a — of a disease , Beginning — Degree ( dim . ) ( of disease ] Spicknel . HF. V. 4. Spider . Ex. II. 5. — wort . HL. V. 1. A. Crustaceous — Ex. VI. 9. A. Sea — Ex. VI. 9. Water — Ex. II. 4. Spignel . HF. V. 4. Spigot , [ Tap ] Spike , [ Lavender ] Spikenard .   Spill . Shed . O. II. 8. O. [ Mar ] Spin. O. V. 1. A. — out time , [ Protract ] as a top , [ p. Vertiginate ] Spinach . HF. I. 8. Spinal , [ adj . Backbone ] Spindle , [ adj . Vertiginating adj . axis ( pin ) of adj . spinning ( mach . ] — tree . Sh. II. 10. A. Spink , [ Chaffinch ] Spinster , [ adj . Spinning ( mech . ] Spiral . Mag. III. 9. Spire Cone ] Pyramid ] [ Steeple ] to — as corn , [ v. ear ( inc . ] Spirit . Immaterial substance . W. I. holy — G. III. Angel ] Devil ] [ Soul ] Animal — PG. I. 1. — s extracted . Pr. II. 7. Disposition ] Temper ] Sprightliness ] Vigor ] Spiritual . [ adj . Spirit ] Ecclesiastical . RE. — Persons Eccl. RE. II. Spirituous . [ adj . Spirit . PG. I. 1. ] [ adj . Freshness ] Spirt , [ Syringe ] O. I. 6. A. for a — [ adv . Transitoriness ( imp . ] Spit . Excretion . Mo. IV. 4. [ Rosting ( instr . ] — Fish , [ Lucius Marinus ] — deep , [ Deep the length of adj . digging ( lam . ] Spite , Malignity ] Hatred ] Envy ] in - [ adv . Enemy ] Contempt ▪ ] — of Contrary to ones will ] adj . Coaction ] Spittle . [ adj . p. Spit ( thing ] [ House of sick ( persons ] Spitter , [ Smooth horned Red Deer ( young ] Splayfooted , [ adj . Oblique footed ] Spleen . PG. VI. 5. A. — wort . HL. I. 7. A. Rough — HL. I. 6. A. Splendid , [ Bright ] Splendor , [ Brightness ] Splenetic . [ Sick in the Spleen ] [ Hypochondriac ] [ Adj. Anger ] Spindletree . Sh. II. 10. A. Splent . [ Lamin ] sp . adj . Furrow ( fig. ] [ Chip ] Splinter , [ Chip ] Split , [ Cleave ] [ Chink ] Spodium . Met. V. 2. Spoil . [ Mar ] — for use . TA. II. 9. O. Harras . RM. II. 5. D. Spoke . [ adj . pret . p. speak ] — of wheel . Po. V. 7. A. Spokesman , [ Instead-speaker ] Spondyl . Ex. VIII . 4. A. [ Vertebra ] PG. IV. 3. A. Fish. Ex. VIII . 4. A. Sponk , [ Touchwood ] Sponsion . [ Paction ] Suretiship . RC. VI. 6. Spontaneity . AS . IV. 9. Spool of weaver .   Spoon . Pr. V. 8. — bill . Ei . VIII . 6. Sport. [ a. Wanton ] [ Play ] [ Recreation ] [ Game ] [ Mirth ] Sportful , [ Wanton ] Spot , [ adj . a. Spottedness ( thing ] Spotted , [ adj . Q. I. 5. O. ] — fever , [ Malignant f. ] Spouse , Betrothed ( fem . ] Married ( fem . ] Spout . Concave ( thing Tube for out-streaming ] Narrow ( vas for out-streaming ] [ Faucet ] — of Rain . El. VI. 3. to — Powre Syringe Stream ( dim . ] Sprain , [ a. place ( corr . ] sp . by stretching ( exc . ] Sprat , [ Herring ( young ] Sprawling . [ Creeping ] Lying ] Reverse ] Spread . Unheap . O. II. 6. O. Stretch ] AC . VI. 2. Be extended ] AC . VI. 2. A [ a. Publick ( make ] A. [ a. Contagion ] Sprig , [ Branch ( dim ] PP . I. 3. Sprightliness . NP. IV. 2. Spring . [ adj . Beginning ( part ] — of the year . Mea. V. a. Day — [ Day ( incept . ] [ Rise ] Sp. II. 4. A. — Fount . W. IV. 3. A. [ Increase ] - Tide , [ Tide at the New Full of the Moon ] Motion . O. I. 7. - of Lock , [ adj . Spring ( inst . ] to — Sprout ] Grow ] [ Leap ] Mo. I. 5. — forth , [ Being ( inc . ] — from , [ be Effect ] Descendent ] — a leak , v. Chink v. Crack ( inc . ] — a mine , [ Find a m. ] — Partridges , Rise Fly ( make ) Partr . ] Springal ; [ adj . Adolescency male ] Springe , [ Trap of threads ] Sprinkle . [ Scatter drop ] Baste ] Powder ] Sprit . Boul — ( RN. II. 4. ) — Sail. Sprout . PP . II. 5. Spruce , [ Ornate ( augm . ] Sprung , a. pret . Spring ] adj . p. Spring ] Spu , [ Vomit ] Spud , [ Short Knife ] Spume , [ Froth ] Spun , a. pret . Spin ] adj . p. Spin ] Spunge . HL. I. 11. Spungy , [ Porous ] Spunk , [ Match ] Spur. — of Bird. PP . V. 5. - of a boo● , [ adj . heel ( arm . ) of horseman ] to — [ Impulsive ] Spurge . HS. V. 11. — Laurel . Sh. III. 5. — Olive . Sh. III. 6. Tree . Sh. IV. 6. Spurket . RN. II. 8. A. Spurious . adj . T. III. 4. op . Spurn , [ Strike with foot ] Spurry . HL. IX . 10. A. Spurt , vid. Spirt . Squab , [ adj . Fat ( augm . ] to — [ Break ] sp . by down casting ] Squabble , [ a. Contention ( corr . ] Squadron . RM. III. 4. A. Squall , [ Exclamation ] Squalid , Slovenly ] Defiled ] Squander . in spending . Man. III. 3. D. not lay up . TA. V. 4. O. Square . Proper Plain . Mag. V. 1. A. Solid , [ Cube ] Carpenters — [ c. adj . Squaring instr . ] Improper . [ Spread ] AC . IV. 2. A. — out of — [ Exorbitant ] — dealing , [ a. Justice ] to — [ a. square ( make ] — with , [ a. Congruous ] Squash , [ Break ] sp . by down 〈◊〉 ] Squat . [ Sit ] a — [ Sate ] [ Bruise ] sp . by down casting ▪ ] adj . [ Thick short ] Squatino-Raia . Fi. II. 3. A. Squeak v. Exclamation acute ] Squeal v. Exclamation acute ] Squeamish . [ adj . Loathing ( apt . ] sp . of meats ] [ adj . Niceness ] Squeezing Compressing ] Straining ] Squib . [ adj . Gunpowder ( instr . ) for ( sound ] [ Jest ] Squill . HL. IV. 13. Squilla Mantis . Ex. VI. 4. A. Squinancy . S. IV. 9. Squinant , [ Camels-hay ] Squint , [ a. Eye ( manner ) oblique ( corr . ] Squire , [ Middle ( kind ) of Gentleman ] Squirrel . Be. III. 6. Squirt , [ a. Syringing ] Squirting , [ Sorry ] St. Int. III. 1. O. Stab . RJ. V. 4. Stability . Steadiness ] Fastness ] [ Constancy ] Stable . [ adj . Stability ] [ adj . Horse ( room ] Stablish . [ adj . Stability ( make ] [ a. Confirmation ] Stack , [ Heap ] Stachas . Golden — HF. II. 5. Staff , [ Stick ] PP . I. 4. — of a Song , [ Section of S. ] Stag. Be. II. 3. A. — Beetle . Ex. V. 1. A. Stage . [ Scaffold ] [ adj . a. Player Room ] — Play , [ adj . Player fight ] [ Journey ] [ adj . Staying ( place ] Staggering . Mo. II. 4. O. Doubting ] Wavering ] Staggers .   Staggerwort , [ Ragwort ] Stagnate , [ v. Stagnum ] Stagnum . W. IV. 7. A. Stay , u. Continue rest ] a. Discontinue motion ] Continue , [ Duration ] — Little while , [ Transitoriness ] — Long time , [ Permanence ] — for ever , [ Perpetuity ] the same being . T. I. 7. the same ●●gree . T. I. 8. the sa●e goodness . T ▪ I. 9. the same place . TA. VI. O. [ Stand his ground ] RM. II. 2. [ Keep the field ] RM. II. 3. [ Home ] sp . II. 4. [ Dwelling ] Po. I. A. [ Rest ] Mo. O. Discontinue . Cohibitive ] Impedient ] [ Obstruction ] Hold ] Keep ] — Injuriously . RJ. IV. 3. A. [ Protract ] [ Desist ] — by , Adhere ] Constancy ] — for , [ Wait expecting ] — up , Bear ] Prop ] — upon ▪ [ Lean ] a — [ adj . a. Stay ●●thing ] great — to one Adjuvant ] Refreshing ] Bring to that — [ a. state ] Keep at a — TM . I. 9. Staid , Serious ] Sober ] Grave ] Staies . — of a ship . RN. IV. 1. A. Stain . [ Dying ] O. V. 3. A. [ a. Spottedness ] [ a. Colour ( corr . ] [ Defile ] [ Infamy ] Stairs . Po. IV. 1. Stake . [ Stick ] PP . I. 4. [ Wager ] — down , [ a. wager in present money , &c. ] Stale . [ Old ] sp . corr . ] — Beer , [ B. ripe ( augm . ] [ Urine ] sp . Old u. ] [ adj . Alluring ( thing ] Stalk . a — — of plant , [ Stock ] PP . I. 2. — of leaf or flower . PP . II. 7. to — Walk lofty . Mo. II. 3. [ Go Covered ] Concealed ] Stall . Room ] Table ] sp ▪ for selling things ] Head — [ adj . head ( par● ) of bridle ] Stallion , [ Horse kept for generation ] Stamen ▪ PP . II. 6. A. Stammel , [ Red ( dim . ] Stammer , [ Stutter ] Stamp . [ Pound ] Mo. VI. 5. — with foot , [ Pound with sole of foot ] [ Contusion ] [ Print ] AC . III. 7. A. Coin , [ ● . money with strikeing ] Stanch . Cohibit ] Desist ( make ] sp . Dropping ] Streaming ] [ adj . Taciturnity ] Reservedness ] Stand , Be for some time , unmoved , in posture direct . AC . VI. 1. A. [ Being ] [ Duration ] — little while , [ Transitoriness ] — long time , [ Permanence ] — of long — ing , [ ad ] [ Rest ] — still ▪ [ Stay ] — ones ground . RM. II. 2. [ Stagnate ] — ing water , [ Stagnum ] [ Consist ] Q. V. 5. Place ] Situation ] Posture ] [ Direct ] Mag. II. 8. E. [ Grow ] — er , [ Tree left for growth ] — ing corn , [ Not reaped ] — about , [ Protract ] — against , [ Resist ] - by , Help ] Defend ] — er by , [ Not-concerned ( person ] — for , [ adj . Faction ] — child , [ Be Godfather ] — degree , [ Be Candidate ] — preferment , [ Obtain ( end ) p. ] — in [ p. Price ] [ adj . Permanence ] Constancy ] Obstinacy ] sp . in affirming ] — Doubt , [ adj . Doubt ] — Fear , [ adj . Fear ] — good-stead Adjuvant ] Useful ] — the way , [ Impedient ] — off , adj . aversion ] Demurring ] — out . [ Be constant ] sp . Opposing ] Resisting ] Not-yield ] Hold-out ] [ Be protuberant ] — to [ Be constant ] Assist ] Defend ] Compensate ] Refund ] — under , [ Bear ] — up , Stand ] Rise ] — upon . Esteem ] Value ] [ adj . Permanence disputing ] — with , [ adj . Permanence treating ] a — [ adj . Standing ( place ] — for drink , [ adj . bearing ( jug . ] — of Pikes , [ RM. IV. of p. ] Beat a — TM . I. 7. Stand Doubting ] Stay Doubting ] Keep at a — TM . I. 9. ●●ke a — [ Stay ( imp . ] Standard . [ adj . Standing ] [ Ensign ] sp . adj . King ] — bearer , [ Ensign ] RM. III. 2. sp . adj . King ] [ adj . Permanence ] Measure . Mea. II. 4. Standergrass , [ Satyrion ] Standish , [ adj . Ink ( vess ] sp . Not-adj . p. carry ( apt . ] Stannery , [ adj . Tin ( place ] Stanza , [ Section of Poem ] Staphylinus . Ex. V. 7. Staple . for bolt , &c. Po. IV. 6. A. figure . Mag. IV. 5. [ Publick sale ] Star. Proper . W. II. 1. fixed — W. II. 2. wandring — [ Planet ] day — [ Venus ] Morning — [ Venus ] Evening — [ Venus ] Blazing — Star. W. II. 3. A. Meteor . El. I. 2. falling — El. I. 2. A. Herb. - of Bethlehem , [ Ornithogalon ] - wort . HF. III. 9. Sea — HF. III. 10. Fish. Fl. VIII . 6. — in forehead , [ Star ( like ) sign in foreh . ] Starboard , [ Right side ] Starch . Pr. VI. 5. A. Stare . Bi. III. 4. to — AC . IV. 1. as hair [ Direct ] sp . adv . Confusion ] Stareling , [ Stare ] Bi. III. 4. Stark . [ Stiff ] ( aug . ] — Dead , [ who le dead ] Start , [ Move ( imp . ) sp . through Fear ] Admiration ] Passion sign . AC . IV. 5. [ Move ( imp . ] [ Run ( inc . ] — a Hare , [ Raise a H. ) — aside [ a. Levity ] — back [ a. Levity ] Abandon ] Forsake ] — up , [ Rise ( imp . ] get the — [ Obtain Precedence ] Superiority ] Starter , [ adj . a. Levity ( person ] Starting hole , [ Way of escape ] Startle , [ Fright ( imp . ] Startup , [ Outmost Leg ( vest ) for warmth ] Starve . RJ. V. 5. Starveling , [ Lean ( augm . ] Starwort . HF. III. 9. Sea — HF. III. 10. State. General . [ Quality ] [ Condition ] [ Circumstances ] Extraordinary , [ Solemnity ] All together . T. VI. 4. Personal . [ Age ] Disposition ] Temperament ] [ Dignity ] [ Degree ] sp . of Nobility ] Gentility ] Take — upon him , [ Arrogate , &c. ] [ Revenues ( aggr . ] Right ] Possession ] Civil . RC. the — s , [ Chief Magistrates ( aggr . ] Ecclesiasticals . RE. — of Religion . RE. III. Stately . [ Noble ] [ adj . Solemnity ] [ adj . Generosity ] Proud ] Supercilious ] Static , [ adj . Measuring ( art . ] Station , Resting ( place ] Standing ( place ] Stationary , [ adj . Standing ] Stationer , [ adj . Paper Book ( Merc. ] Statue , [ Image ] Statuary , [ adj . Image ( mech . ] Stature , [ Height ( manner ] Statute . [ Law ] [ Morgage ] Stave . — a barrel , [ Unbottom a b. ] — off , Off-keep ] a. Distance ] sp . with staff . ] Stavesacre . HS. I. 4. A. Stead . as Successor . T. VI. 6. as Substitute . T. VI. 6. A. in — of . Prep . II. 1. A. in no — [ Not Helpful ] Useful ] Steadfast . Steady ] Fast ] To look — ly , [ a. Eye adv . heedfulness ] Constant ] Steady . Not-loose . Q. VI. 6. go — Mo. II· 4 ▪ Not light , [ Constant ] Steake , [ Fried flesh ] Steal . [ a. Theft ] Come ( adv . Concealing ] Goe ( adv . Concealing ] Stealth , [ Theft ] To come by — [ Come adv . Concealing ] Steam , [ Exhalation ] El. II. 2. Steed , [ Horse ( perf . ] Steel . Met. II. 3. a — [ adj . Steel ( Instr. ] Steep Oblique ( dim . ] Almost-perpendicular ] to — [ Soke ] Steeple . Po. II. 3. A. — figure , Cone ] Pyramid ] Steer , [ Bull ( young ] to — a ship , [ Direct with the Rudder ] Steerage , [ adj . Rudder ( room ] Stellion , [ Spotted Lizard ] Stem . [ Descendants , ( aggr . ] ( kind ] — of a plant , [ Stock ] PP . I. 2. — of a ship . RN. II. 2. [ Austere ] Stench , [ Unsavoriness ] Step. a. Motion ] a. Going ] Mo. I. 1. — in , Come Enter sp . suddenly ] foot — [ adj . foot ( sign ] a — figure . Mag. V. 8. A. — father Father adv . affinity ] Mother's husband ] — mother Mother adv . affinity ] Father's wife ] Sterility , [ Barrenness ] Sterling , [ adj . p. Authority by Law ] Stern . [ Austere ] sp . Face ( manner ] — of a ship . RN. II. 2. A. Stew. Pr. III. 2. A. a — [ adj . Bathing ( room ] [ adj Keeping ( place ) for fish ] Steward , [ adj . Revenue ( Off. ] Stewes , [ adj . Fornication ( house ] Sty . [ adj . Hog ( house ] [ Pustle within the eye-lid ] Stibium , [ Glass ( like ) O. VI. of Antimony ] Stick . to — [ a. Clamminess ] Gluing ] Stay. — at Doubt ] Demur ] — in , [ into-fasten ] — out , [ Protuberance ] — through , Prick ] Stab ] — to adhere ] v. Constant ] — with Cloves , &c. [ Lard with cl . &c. a — PP . I. 4. Stickadove , [ Cassidony ] HF. VI. 5. A. Stickle , Endeavour ( augm . ] a. Business ] a. Intercession ] — back . Fi. IX . 13. A. Stiff . op . to Limber . Q V. 6. D. — gale of wind . El. VI. T. [ adj . Rigor ] AC . IV. 5. D. [ Stout ] Zealous ] [ Rigid ] [ Pertinacious ] — necked . Disobedient ] Contumacious ] Stifle . RJ. V. 6. Stigmatize . RJ. VI. 6. A. Stile , [ Transverse sepiment for over-p●ition ] Still . [ Calm ] [ Gentle ] [ adj . Silence ] Taciturnity ] Peaceable ] adj . Quieting ] [ adv . Permanence ] Perpetuity ] [ Yet ] [ Distill ] Stilborn , [ Abortive ] Stilletto , [ Short sword ( dim . ] Stilts , [ Leg-lengthning sticks ] Stimulate , [ a. Impulsive ] Sting . PP . V. 5. A. Stink , [ a. Unsavoriness ] Stint . Cohibit ] Limit ] [ Remit ] [ Cease ] Bird. Bi. VII . 6. A. Stipend , [ Wages ] to — RO. VI. 4. A. Stipulation , [ Sponsion ] Stir . [ Move ] [ Endeavour ] [ Provoke ] — up , [ a. Impulsive ] — s Troubles ] Sedition ] Stirrop . Po. V. 8. A. Stitch. Disease , [ Cramp ] Pain , [ Pricking ] [ Sowing ] through — Totally Perfectly — wort . HS. V. 9. Stithy , [ Supporting ( instr . ) of hammer'd ( thing ] Stoat . Be. IV. 7. Stoccado .   Stock . — of plant . PP . I. 2. [ Descendents . ( aggr . RO. I. 1. O. ( kind . RO. I. 1. O. [ Chief Revenue ] Possessions ] [ adj . a. Gain ( thing ] Laughing — [ adj . p. Laugh ( thing ] Stockdove . Bi. III. 2. Stockfish .   Stockgilliflower . HS. IV. 1. Stockings , [ adj . Leg ( vest ] Stocks , [ Prison for the feet ] Stoic .   Stole . adj . a. pret . Steal ] adj . p. Steal ] [ Long loose ( vest ] Stolidity , [ Folly ] Stoln , [ adj . p. Theft ] Stomach . Ventricle . PG. VI. 4. [ Appetite ] Anger ] Courage ] Stomacher , [ adj . Brest ( vest ] Stone . St. Common — St. I. middle sort of — St. II. Precious — — less transparent . St. III. — more transparent . St. IV. Weight . Mea. III. 6. — pitch , [ Hard p. ] Disease . S. VI. 7. — of a plum . PP . II. 2. A. Testicle . PG. VI. 8. A. to — one , [ Throw stones at one ] — to death . RJ. V. 2. Stonebow , [ Cross-bow ( dim . ] Stonebuck [ Goat ( kind ) having angular knotted horns ] Stonecrop . HL. VIII . 5. Stonefern .   Stonesmiche . Bi. V. 8. Stonewort .   Stool . Seat. Po. VI. 5. Close — [ Stool ( like ) adj . dunging ( vess . ] going to — [ a. Dunging ] Stoop . AC . VI. 4. — as Barrel , [ a. Oblique ] Stop. [ Stay ] [ a. Impedient ] [ a. Binding ] Obstruction ] [ Fill ] — up [ Shut ] [ a. Period ] to make a — Stay ( make ] Hinder ] Stopple , adj . Stopping . ( pin ] Tap ] Storax . Tr. IV. 2. A. Store . [ Provisions ] Multitude ] Abundance ] to — [ Lay up ] Story , [ adj . p. Narration ( thing ] of building ▪ [ Degree of rooms ] Stork . Bi. VIII . 1. A. Storm . El. VI. 4. to — Chafe , Be angry ( augm . ] v. Anger ( voice ] [ Assault ] RM. I. 6. Stote . Be. IV. 7. Stove . Room . Po. II. 5. [ Box for Heating ] Drying ] Stout . Active . NP. IV. 6. Strong ] adj . Fortitude ] Hardy ] Obstinate ] [ Perverse ] NP. IV. 1. O. [ Proud ] [ Contumacious ] Stow , Lay up ] Heap ] Stradle . Mo. II. 3. A. Straggle , [ Wander ] Stray , Wander ] Err. Straight , vid. Streight . Strain , vid. Strein . Strake , [ Variegating line ] — of Cart-wheel , [ Ring — ] Strand , [ Shore ] W. III. 6. Strange . Not-adj . Custom ] Extraordinary ] [ Seldom ] [ Not-expected ] [ New ] [ adj . Stranger ] Stranger . RO. IV. 4. O. Strangle . RJ. V. 8. A. Strangury . S. VI. 7. A. Strap , [ adj . Leather thong ] — of Boot , [ Loop for on-drawing ] Strappado . RJ. VI. 3. A. Stratagem . RM. I. 9 , Stratifying . Pr. III. 8. Straw . Pr. V. 1. A. — worm , [ Cadew ] Ex. III. 4. A. to — Scatter ] Spread ] Strawberry . HS. IX . 1. — tree . Sh. III. 4. Streak , Line . — of Cart-wheel , [ Ring — ] — s in the sky . El. V. 4. Stream . W. IV. 7. — er . RN. III. 8. Street . Po. II. 7. Streight . op . to crooked , [ adj . Ma. III. 1. ] [ Narrow ] Strict , [ adj . Rigor ] — against . Prep . VI. 3. A. — forward . [ adj . Proceeding adv . — ] — way , [ adv . fut . ( dim . ] a — [ Perplex difficulty ] Necessity ] Distress ] [ Fretum ] W. IV. 5. Strein . a. Intend ] Endeavour ( augm . ] [ Hurt by endeavouring ( aug . ] Depress ( augm . ] Compress ] [ Arrest goods ] Percolate . O. VI. 4. a — [ Degree ] — of musick , [ Part of tune ] Strength . [ Power ] — of body . — Vigor ] Strength ] NP. V. 7. — of mind . — Sprightliness ] Fortitude ] Military . Forces ] RM. IV. Places ] RM. VI. Importance ] Intenseness ] Taste ( augm . ] Smell ( augm . ] [ a. Drunkenness ( apt . ] Strenuous . [ adj . Stoutness ] Diligence ] [ adj . Strength ] Fortitude ] Stress , Endeavour ( augm . ] Depression ] Gravity ] Stretch . Extend ] AC . VI. 2. Pandiculation ] Mo. III. 6. O. Long ( make ] Broad ( make ] Ample ( make ] Coaction ] Wrest ] Strewing , Scattering ] Powdering ] Striated . Q. II. 6. A. Stricken , [ adj . p. strike ] in Age , [ Old ] adj . Mea. VI. 4. Love , [ adj . Love ( augm . ] Years , [ Old ( augm . ] with amazement , [ Extasied ] Strict . Perfect ] Regular ( augm . ] Rigorous ] Severe ] Stricture . [ Touch ( dim . ] [ Comment ( dim . ] Stride , [ Stradle ] Strife , [ a. Contention ] Emulation ] loose — yellow — HS. V. 12. A. Strike . Proper . Mo. VI. 4. Knock ] Pound ] Peck ] Stab ] Cudgel ] Cause ( imp . ] Move ( imp . ] as Sail , a. Downward ] Fall ( make ] — a bargain , [ a. Paction ] — blind , [ Blind ( make ] — a colour , [ cause a c. ] — corn , [ a. Even the surface ] sp . by upon motion of straight ( thing ] — fire , [ Cause to sparkle ] — heat , [ Cause h. ] — in , vid. Stricken . Come Suddenly ] v. Friend Suddenly ] Bargain Suddenly ] [ Stab ] — off . — account , Ballance ] Acquit ] — ones head , [ Behead ] — out . [ Spoil ] [ Unwrite ] — to the heart . [ a. Passion ( augm . ] [ Stab ] — up . [ Begin ] sp . Music. ] [ a. Paction ] — ones heels , [ Fall ( make ] sp . by wrestling ] — with , vid. Stricken ] a — [ Bushel ] [ Stick for a. Even ( make ] String . [ Cord ] [ Fibre ] Strip . [ Un - a. Skin ] Clothe ] [ a. Privative ] Stripe , [ Stroke ] — ed , [ Variegated with lines ] Stripling , [ adj . Adolescence ( male ] Strive . [ a. Contention ] Emulation ] Endeavour ( augm . ] a. Diligence ] — against , [ Resist ] — for , [ Obtain ( end ] Stroy , [ Destroy ] Stroke . a — [ Striking ] bear a. great [ adj . power ] to — [ Wipe with hand ] Stromateus . Fi. III. 15. Strong . [ adj . Strength ] — hold . RM. VI. Strow , [ Scatter ] Struck , vid. Stricken . Structure , [ Building ] Struggle . [ Wrestle ] [ Strive ] Strumpet , [ adj . Fornication ( fem . ] Strung , adj . a. pret . String ] adj . p. String ] Strut . [ Swell with fullness ] [ Stalk ] [ Go proudly ] Stub . [ Bottom ( part ) of stock ] [ Fragment of stick ] Stubble . Stalk , [ adj . p. residue after reaping ] — goose , [ adj . Autumn fatted Goose ] Stubborn . [ Contumacious ] [ Obstinate ] [ Perverse ] Stuck , adj . a. pret . Stick ] adj . p. Stick ] Stud , [ Protuberance ( dim . ] Student , [ adj . a. Learning ( end ] Study . Endeavour ] a. Diligence ] Meditation . ] a. Considerateness ] Closet , [ adj . meditation ( room ] Studious , [ adj . Study ( apt . ] Stuff . [ Matter ] — of cloathing . wollen — Pr. IV. 1. Hairy — Pr. IV. 1. A. [ Utensils ] [ adj . Filling ( thing ] to — [ Fill by into-thrusting ] Stum , [ Wine not-adj . pret . Fermenting ] Stumble . Mo. II. 5. A. Stump . [ adj . Residue ( part ) after Cutting ] Felling ] Stupidity . [ Dulness ] [ Numness ] S. IV. 6. A. Op. to common sense . NP. II. 1. O. Stupifie , [ adj . a. Stupidity ( make ] Stupor , [ Numness ] S. IV. 6. A. Stuprate , [ adj . a. Fornication ] Sturdy . Bold ] Valiant ] [ Obstinate ] [ Strong ] Sturgeon . Fi. I. 8. Stutter . AC . III. 2. Stygian , [ adj . Hell ] Style , Discourse ( manner ] Writing ( manner ] Sentence ( manner ] to — [ Name ] sp . of Dignity ] of a flower . PP . II. 6. Styptic . [ Astringent ] [ adj . Acerbity ] Su. Intreat ] Petition ] for Marriage , [ a. Sutor ] Preferment , [ a. Candidate ] [ in law , [ a. Action ] Suasory , [ adj . Persuade ] Subaltern , [ Inferior ] Subcontrary [ Opposite together-true ( pot . ] Subdeacon , [ Next RE. II. under deacon ] Subdivide , [ divide the Parts ] Species ] Subdue , a. Victory ] Conquer Subduction , [ a. Ablatum ] Subject . op . to praed . D. II. 5. op . to adjunct . T. VI. 1. Liable , [ adj . p. Subject ( pot . ] op . to . Governour . RC. I. 1. O. [ adj . a. Subjection ] [ adj . a. Obedience ] Submission ] Subjection . Man. V. 5. Subjoin , [ After-join ] Subjunctive .   Subliming , O. VI. 7. Sublimation , O. VI. 7. Sublime .   Sublimity , [ Height ] Submission . [ Humility ] [ Subjection ] op . to conquest . RM. II. 7. D. to Action . TA. IV. 1. A. Suffering . Man. V. 8. Submissive , [ adj . Submission ] Submit , [ a. Submission ] Subordinate , [ Inferior ] sp . in Series . ] Suborn . RJ. IV. 6. A. Subpoena , [ Citation with express threatning ] Subscribe . [ Under-write ] [ Sign ] Subsidy , [ Tax ] Subsidiary , [ adj . Adjuvant ] Relieving ] Subsist . [ Being ] sp . Absolute ] sp . Permanent ] [ v. Substance ] [ Maintain himself ] Substance . [ Predicament . T. I. 5. [ Matter ] T. II. 7. [ Possessions ] Po. Substantial . [ adj . Substance ] [ adj . p. matter ( perfect ] [ Of sufficient Wisdom ] Possessions ] Substitute , [ adj . Stead . TG . VI. 6. A. ( person ] Substract , a. Ablatum ] Diminish ] Substruction , [ Under-building ] Subterfuge , Escape ] Solution ( corr . ] Subterraneous , [ Under-adj . earth ] Subtle . [ Fineness ] [ a. Craftiness ] Subvert . [ Destroy ] [ Ruine ] Suburb . [ City ( part ) without the walls ] Suck . Proper . Mo. III. 3. A. — in , [ Suck ] — up . — the breath . AC . IV. 6. D. give — [ Lactation ] Succedaneous , Instead-of coming ] adj . Succeed ] Succeed . Be after , Mag. I. 2. D. Be Successor , [ a. T. VI. 6. ] Come by Succession . RC. IV. 2. A. [ Be Event ] — ill , [ adj . Adversity ] — well , [ adj . Prosperity ] Success . [ Effect ] [ Event ] — of war. RM. II. [ Prospering ] Succession . RC. IV. 2. A. Successive , [ adj . Succeed , adv . Series ] Successor , [ adj . a. Succeed ( person ] Succinct , Brief ( perf . ] adj . Epitomy ] Succor , [ adj . Adjuvant ] Relieve ] Succory . HF. II. 16. A. Gum — HF. III. 11. A. Succuba , [ adj . Coition ( fem . ] Succulent , [ adj . Juice ] Succus nutritius . PG. I. 2. A. Such . [ of that Quality ] Quantity ] [ of the same quality ] like quantity ] — as it is , [ Such so ever ] Suck , vid. Suc. [ a. Suction ] — up the breath . AC . IV. 6. D. give — [ Lactation ] Sucker . Branch . PP . I. 2. A. — of a Pump , [ adj . Sucking ( part ] Sucket , [ Confection ] Suckle , [ Lactation ] Suction . Mo. III. 3. A. Sud , [ Froth ] Sope — s. Suddain . [ Soon ] [ Swift ] [ adj . Dispatch ] Sudorific , [ adj . a. Sweat ( make ] Suet , [ Hard Fat ] Suffer . [ Passion ] — affliction , [ adj . p. affliction ] — persecution , [ adj . p. Persecution ] — punishment , [ adj . p. punishment ] — execution , [ adj . p. Execution ] Licence ] Toleration ] Not-hinder ] — to take , [ Yield ] TA. IV. 1 ▪ — to do , [ Submit ] TA. IV. 1. A. Meekness ] Condescension ] Patience ] Submission ] Sufferance , Licence ] Toleration ] Suffice , [ adj . Sufficience ] Sufficience . TM . I. 3. Sufficient , [ adj . Sufficience ] — man , [ Of Suff. Wisdom ] Riches ] Suffocate . [ Stifle ] [ Strangle ] Suffocation of the womb . S. VI. 9. A. Suffragan , [ Instead Bishop ] Suffrage , [ Consent ( sign ] Suffumigation , [ Fuming ] Suffusion , [ Spreading ] Sug , [ Sea-●lea ] Ex. II. 11. A. Sugar . Pr. II. 3. Suggest . Think ( make ] Remember ( make ] [ Dictate ] Suit. Intreaty ] Petition ] — in law , [ Action ] Aggregate . TM . III. 8. to — with , [ adj . v. Congruity ] Suitable , [ adj . Conveniency ] Congruity ] Suiter . [ adj . Intreating ( person ] Petitioning ( person ] — for marriage . RO. II. 2. [ Candidate ] RC. I. 4. A. Sullen . [ Disingenuous ] [ Morose ] [ Contumacious ] Sully . [ a. Colour ( corr . ] [ Defile ] Sulphur . St. V. 7. — wort , [ Peucedanum ] Sultan , [ King ] Sultry , [ Hot ( exc . ] Sum. — of money , [ Money ( aggr . ] total — TM . VI. 6. A. Sumach . Tr. III. 2. A. Red — Sh. V. 5. A. Summary , [ Epitome ] — ly , [ Briefly ] Summer . Mea. V. 2. A. [ Principal beam ] Summer-sault , Leap ] Vault ] Summon , [ a. Citation ] Summum jus . Man. I. 2. O. Sumner , [ adj . Citation ( Off. ] Sumpter , [ adj . Riding ( apt . ) box ] Sumptuary , [ adj . Spend ] Sumptuous . [ adj . Spend ( augm . ] Price ( augm . ] [ Generous ] Sun. True. W. II. 2. A. — Shine , [ Brightness ] to — [ Open to the Sun ] appearing — [ Parelius ] Sunday , [ First day of the week ] Sunder , [ Separate ] Sundew . HL. VI. 8. A. Sundry , [ adj . Diversity ] Sunflower , HF. II. 1. Sung , a. pret . Sing ] adj . p. Sing ] Sunk , a. pret . Sink ] adj . p. Sink ] Sup. [ Suction ] [ Drink adv . Suction ] [ adj . Evening meal ] Superabound , [ more-abound ] Superciliousness . Man. VI. 3. O. Supereminence , [ Superiority ] Supererogation , a. good more-than duty ] Deserve for others ] Superfetation , [ Again-conception of impregnated ( fem . ] Superficial . [ adj . Superficies ] Slight ] Careless ] Superficies . Surface ] [ Outside ] Superfine , [ Fine ( augm . ] Superfluity , Excess ] Abundance ] Superinducing , [ Again-marrying of married ( person ] Superintend . [ adj . p Office ] sp . to observe what others do in their Offices ] Superintendent . [ adj . Superintending ( person ] [ Bishop ] Superiority . TM I. 5. E. Relation of — RO. III. Superlative . [ Most — Great ] Excellent ] [ Principal ] Supernal , [ adj . Upper side ] Top ] Supernatation , [ Upon-swimming ] Supernatural , Above - adj . nature ] adj . Miracle ] Supernumerary , [ Beside the due number ] Superscription , [ Upon-write ] Supersede , Desist ] Omit ] Superstition . RE. IV. E. Superstructure , [ Upon-building ] Supervene , [ Whilst-event ] Supine , [ Careless ] Supper , [ adj . Evening meal ] — of the Lord , [ Eucharist ] Supplant . [ a. Fraud ] [ Dispossess by fraud ] Supple , Soft ] Limber ] Supplement , adj . Supplying ( thing ] Vantage ] Supply . a. Adjuvant ] adj . a. Perfect ] [ Un-deficient ( make ] [ Again-fill ] [ Relieve ] Compensate ] Repair ] [ a. Room ] T. VI. 6. Suppliant , [ adj . a. Petition ( person ] Supplicate . [ Intreat ] [ a. Petition ] Support . [ Bear ] [ a. Adjuvant ] [ a. Patron ] [ Maintain ] Supposing . [ Thinking ] [ v. Opinion ] [ v. Supposition ] Supposition . D. VI. 3. Supposititious , [ Forged ] Suppository , [ Cylinder ( dim . ) Medicinal ] Suppress . a. Victory ] Conquer ] [ Conceal ] Suppuration , [ Ripening of rotten ( thing ] Supremacy , [ Right of being most principal ] Supreme , [ Most principal ] Surbate , Un-skin Bruise by motion ( freq . ] Surcease , [ Desist ] Surcharge , [ Burden ( exc . ] Surcingle , [ About-adj . p. binding ( arm . ] sp . for horse ] Surcoat , [ adj . Upper ( vest ] Surd , [ adj . Deafness ] — number , [ Root not-expressible by numbers ] Sure. Certain ] Assured ] [ Betrothed ] Constant ] Faithful ] [ Fast ] [ Safe ] Surely , [ Truly ] adv . I. 2. O. Surety , [ adj . ( Sponsion ( person ] Surface , [ Superficies ] [ Outside ] Surfeit . [ Sickness through Eating ( exc . ] Drinking ( exc . ] Labor ( exc . ] [ Excess ] [ Gluttony ] Surge , [ Wave ▪ ( augm . ] Surgeon . RC. II. 3. A. Surly , Fierce ] Morose ] Supercilious ] Surmise . [ Opinion ] [ Conjecture ] Distrust ] Jealousie ] Surmount , [ v. Superior ] Surname , [ adj . Family name ] Surpass . [ a. Excess ] Excell ] Superiority ] Better ] Surplice , [ Upper linnen ( vest ) of Ecclesiastic ( person ] Surplus . [ Residue ] [ Vantage ] Surprize , Take Unexpectedly ] Arrest Unexpectedly ] sp . by Stratagem ] sp . by Ambush ] Surquedry , Pride ] Insolence ] Surrender . [ Let go ] Yield ] Submit ] [ Deliver ] Surreptitious , [ adj . Theft ] Forgery ] Surrogate , [ Substitute ] Surround , About-go ] a. Circle ] Survey . [ a. Eye ] [ Consider ] [ Measure ] Surveyer . [ Officer for observing others ] sp . in building ] [ adj . Measuring ( artist ] Survive , [ Continue after-living ] Suspect . [ Distrust ] Diffidence ] Jealousie ] [ a. Censoriousness ] Suspence , [ Doubtful Expectarion ] Demurring ] Wavering ] Suspend . RE. V. 4. Suspition , vid. Suspect . Sustein . [ Bear ] [ Maintain ] [ Suffer ] [ a. Patience ] Sustenance , [ adj . nourishing ( thing ] Sustentation , [ adj . nourishing ( thing ] Ordinary . Pr. I. Extraordinary . Pr. II. Sutable , [ Congruous ] Suture — [ Sowed Series ] Line ] Swabber . RN. V. 7. Swaddle , [ About-bind adj . bottom ( like ] [ Cudgel ] Swag , [ adj . p. Oblique ] sp . with shaking ( imp . ] Swage , [ a. Remission ] Swagger . [ a. Insolence ] [ a. Glorying ( corr . ] Sway. Power ] Authority ] Direction ] [ a. Magistrate ] [ a. Oblique ( make ] Swain . [ adj . Country ( person ] Swallow . Bird. Bi. V. 1. — tail , [ adj . Mag. IV. 4. end of beam ] ▪ — wort . HS. IV. 14. A. Sea — BI . IX . 9. A. — fish . Fi. III. 6. A. — ing . Mo. III. 7. A. [ Gulf ] Swan . Bi. IX . 1. Swap , [ Exchange ] Swarm , [ adj . Aggregate ( thing ] Multitude ( thing ] Swart , [ Dark ( dim . ] Swarth , [ Ridge of mowen grass , &c. ] Swashbuckler , [ adj . Boasting ( person ) of fighting ] Swathe , [ About-bind adv . bottom ( like ] Swear . RC. VI. 4. Sweat. Mo. IV. 3. Sweeping , [ Brushing ] Sweet . Proper . Q. IV. 1. — bread , [ Glandule ] PG. II. 7. A. — meats , [ Banquet ( thing ] [ adj . p. Love ] Delectation ] — heart , [ Suter ] [ adj . a. Pleasure ] — music . [ adj . a. Courtesie ] Swell . [ Tumor ] [ v. Protuberance ] Swelter , [ a. heat ( exc . ] Swerve , [ Err ] Swift , [ adj . Swiftness ] Bird. Bi. V. 14. Swiftness . NP. V. 9. Swill , [ Drink ( augm . ] — for swine , [ Drink for swine ] Swimming . Mo. I. 4. Disease , [ Vertigo ] Swine , [ Hog ( kind ] — s bread , [ Sow-bread ] — s grass , [ Knot-grass ] — Pipe , [ Redwing ] Bi. III. 5. A. Swing . Mo. VI. 3. Swinging , Striking ( aug . ] Whipping ( aug . ] Cudgelling ( aug . ] adj . [ Great ( augm . ] Swingle , [ adj . Striking ( part ) of adj . threshing ( instr . ] Swipe , [ adj . Lifting ( instr . ) on direct Pole ] Switch , [ Wand ] PP . I. 4. A. to — [ Cudgel with wand ] Swivel , [ Wheel ] Swoln , [ adj . p. Swell ] Swoon . S. V. 5. A. Sword. Proper . RM. V. 2. A. Put to the — [ a. Dy ( make ) with sword ] — of Bacon . [ Skin of Bacon ] — fish . Fi. I. 2. A. green — [ Grassie land ] Sworn , [ adj . p. Swear ] pret . Swear ] Swum , [ pret . Swim ] Swung , [ pret . Swing ] Sycamore . Tr. VI. 6. A. Sycophant . [ adj . Fawning Accuser ] Syllable . D. I. 3. Syllogism . D. IV. 7. Sylvan , [ adj . Woods . ( person ] Symbol , [ Sign ] sp . adj . Private ] sp . adj . Obscure ] sp . adj . p. Concealing ] Symbolizing , [ adj . Congruity ] Symmetry , [ Proportion ( perf . ] Sympathy , Congruity ( pron . ] Friendship ] ( pron . ] Together-suffering ] ( pron . ] Pity ] Congratulation ] sp . Concealed ] Symphony , Concord ] Harmony ] Symptom , [ Simultaneous sign ] sp . corr . ] Synagogue , [ adj . Jews Church ] Convention Ecclesiastic ] Temple ] Synchronism , [ Narration of simultaneous ( things ] Syndic , [ Magistrates Assessor ] Synedrium , [ adj . Jews principal Council ] Synod , [ Council Ecclesiastic ] Synonym , [ Of same meaning ] Synopsis , [ Epitome ] Syntax , [ Together-joyning of Integrals ] Syren .   Syringe , [ Tube for syringing ] Syringing . O. I. 6. A. Syrt , [ Quicksands ] W. III. 7. Syrup . Pr. II. 3. A. System , [ Epitome ] T. TAbacco . HS. VII . 11. Tabernacle , [ Tent ] Tabid , [ adj . Consumption ] Table , Lamin sp . adj . Tressel ( fig. sp . for a. meal . Lamin . for upon-writing . — Book , [ Book of Lamins upon-adj . p. writing ( apt . ] [ Catalogue ] for upon-playing . Pair of — s , [ adj . Mo. V. 2. A. ( jug . ] — man , [ adj . Mo. V. 2. A. ( instr . ] Play at — s. Mo - V. 2. A. Adj. Tressel ( fig. ) Po. VI. 4. Meat . Plentiful — to — [ a. Host ] Guest ] Tabler , [ Guest ] Tablet , [ Flat Gem ] Tabor [ Drum ( dim . ] Tabret [ Drum ( dim . ] Taca mahaca . Tr. VIII . 7. A. Tachygraphy , [ Swift writing ( art . ] Tach , Hook ] Loop ] Tacit. [ adj . Silence ] [ Understood ] adj . D. III. 8. O. Taciturnity . Man. IV. 5. Tack . [ Pin ( dim . ] hold - [ Hold out ] RM. II. 4. to — [ Fasten ] sp . with pin ( dim . ] [ Turn ] Tacks of ship . RN. IV. 7. Tackling , [ Armament ] — of ship , [ Rigging ] Tactic , [ War ( art ] sp . of Ordering . RM. IV. Tactil , [ adj . Feeling ] — Quality . Q. V. Tadpole , [ Toad ( young ] Taedium . AS . V. 1. O. Taenia major . Fi. VI. 3. — minor . Fi. VI. 3. A. Taffety , [ Silk adj . Sound ( apt . ) in p. motion ] Tag , [ Pin of string ] — & — rag , [ Rabb●e ] Tail. PP . VI. 6. A. to — [ Tie by the tail ] Tailor , [ adj . Clothing ( mech . ] Taint . [ a. Contagion ] [ adj . Rottenness ( make ] [ Defile ] Take , Cause to be out of anothers & — in ones own possession ] Proper . without consent . TA. I. 4. Judicially . Person or Goods , [ a. Arrest ] Part for Whole , [ a. Seisin ] Injuriously , [ Usurp ] Militarily . Person , [ Captivate ] Place . RM. II. 4. E. Goods , [ a. Booty ] with consent . Receive ] Accept ] Improper . Undertake ] Think ] Esteem ] [ Elect ] [ Find ] To — ition ] Into-ition ] [ Obtein ] sp . its end ] [ Please ] [ Have ] [ Use ] — account , [ Reckon ( make ] — the air , [ Go into the open Air ] — Breath , [ a. Breath ] — Exceptions , Except ] adj . v. Displicence ] — fire , [ adj . v. fire ( inc . ] — Head , adj . p. Power ( inc . ] adj . Disobedience ( inc . ] — Heart , [ adj . p. Encouragement ] — Heavily , [ adj . a. Grief for ] — Heed , a. Heedfulness ] Observe ] — his heels , [ Fly ] — the height , [ Measure the h. ] — hold , [ a. Hand ( inc . ] — horse . as a man , [ Up-ition upon his h. ] as mare , [ v. Coition ] — ill , v. Displicence ] Esteem not-adj . friend ] — Leave , [ a. Valediction ] — Notice , [ Observe ] — Oath , [ Swear ] — pains , a. Diligence ] Operation ( augm . ] — place , [ Precede ] — a pride , [ Glorying ] — Prisoner , [ Captivate ] — a Purse . [ Steal a purse ] [ Rob money ] — Root , [ a. Root ] — shipping , [ into a. ship ] — tardy , Discover defect ] Find adj . pres . action ] — warning , [ adj . p. Warning ] Heedfulness ] — Water . [ Into-take water ] [ Go into water ] [ Navigate ( inc . ] — well , [ adj . p. Delectation ] Consent ] — away . [ a. Privative ] Diminish ] a. Ablatum ] — forth , Imitate ] Proceed to learn ] — in . — a town . RM. II. 4. E. — hand , Undertake ] Attempt ] — Pieces , [ Separate the parts ] — Writing , [ Write ] — off From-take ] Diminish ] — on . [ a. Grief ( sign ] Anger ( sign ] — to , To-ition ] Confidence ] — Mercy , [ Be merciful to ] — Wife , [ Marry ] — up . [ Lifting take ] [ Reprehend ] sp . angerly ] — Cloth , [ Buy c. &c. without paying ] — money , [ Borrow money ] — a quarrel , [ Un-adj. a. contention ( make ] — his rest , [ Rest ] — time , [ Spend t. ] — upon him , [ Claim ] Taken , [ adj . p. Take ] — for , [ Instead — Thought ] Judged ] — with . as with diseases , [ Sick ] as with pleasure , [ Pleased with ( augm . ] Talc . St. II. 5. A. Tale. [ Narration ] sp . adj . fiction ] [ Number ] — bearer , [ Backbiter ] Talent . [ Natural power ] [ Acquired Habit ] Talio , [ Compensation ] Talisman , [ adj . Wizarding Image ] Talk , Speech ] Conferring ] Discourse ] Talkative , [ adj . Loquacity ] Tall , [ High ] — wood [ Blocks ] Tally , [ Notched stick for reckoning ] Tallow , [ Hard Fat ] sp . for Candle ( make ] Talon , [ Claw ] PP . V. 3. Tamarind . Tr. VI. 2. A. Tamarisk . Sh. V. 2. Tame , [ adj . Tameness ] to — Tame ( make ] Conquer ] Tameness . Disposition , [ Gentleness ] Vice. op . to Fortitude , [ Cowardize ] op . to Peaceableness . Man. IV. 3. E. Tan. [ a. Yellowness ( corr . ] Make Leather by juice of Oak ] Prepare Leather by juice of Brasil ] &c. Tang , [ Tast ( dim . ] sp . Unsavoriness ( dim . ] Tangent . Mag. II. 4. Tangible , [ adj . p. touch ( pot . ] Tangle . O. II. 2. A. Tankard , [ Pot having cover ] Tanner , [ adj . a. Leather ( mech . ] Tansy . HF. II. 12. Maudlin — HF. II. 4. A. Wild — HF. IX . 1. Tap. [ Striking ( dim . ] to — [ Strike ( dim . ] Spiggot . Pr. V. 7. — House , [ adj . Selling ( House of Ale ] — House , [ adj . Selling ( Room of Ale ] to — [ Stream ( make ] sp . by into-thrusting faucet ] Tape , [ Narrow Ribbon ] Taper . [ adj . Wax candle ] [ Conical ] Tapestry , [ adj . Room ( vest ) woven with pictures ] Tapster , [ adj . Selling ( Off. ) of Beer , &c. ] Tar , [ Black liquid Rosin of Fir Pine &c. trees out-drawn by fire ] Tarantula , [ Spider ( aug . ) adj . poison ( apt . ) by bi●eing ] Tardy . Slow ] Late ] [ Guilty ] take — [ Find adj . pres . action ] Tare , [ Worst part ] Tares . HL. III. 5. Target , [ Buckler ] Tarragon . HF. II. 10. A. Tarras . [ adj . Walking ( place ) on Building ] [ Courser plaister adj . p. hard ( apt . ) in water ] Tarry . [ Stay ] — for , [ Wait ] Delay ] Protract ] Tart. [ adj . Austereness ] Q. IV. 3. a — [ Py of fruits ] sp . of sowr f. ] Severe ] Austere Man. VI. 8. O. Tartar. St. V. 4. Task , Appointed operation ] Undertaken business ] — work , [ adv . Aggregate ( segr . ] Tassel , Tuft ] Tufted Button ] — of hawk , vid. Teircel ] Tast. the Sense . NP. III. 4. Sensible quality . Q. IV. to — a. Tast ] a. Essay ] sp . by tasting ] — er . [ before adj . tasting ( off . ] [ Cup ( dim . ) for essaying by tast ] Tatter , [ adj . Tear freq . ] augm . ] a — [ Fragment from adj . p. tear ] Tattle , [ a. Loquacity ] sp . Uncertain ] Tavern , [ adj . Wine ( merc . ) house ] Taught , adj . a. pret . Teach ] adj . p. Teach ] Taunt . [ Mock ] [ Reproach ] [ Reprove adv . Mock ] Reproach ] Taurus , [ Second of the 12 parts of the Zodiac ] Tautology , [ Repetition of words ] sp . Vain ] Taw , Beat ] Rub ] sp . for Limberness ( make ] Tawny , [ Dark yellow ] Tax . [ Proportion ] Payment public . RC. V. 9. A. [ Price ] to — [ a. Tax ] [ Accuse ] [ Reproach ] Teach , [ a. Teacher ] — er . RO. III. 3. Teal . Bi. IX . 3. A. Team , [ Series ] sp . of drawing beasts ] — of ducks , [ Aggregate of ducks ( young ] Tear. a — [ adj . p. Weeping drop ] Iob's — s. — ing . Mo. VI. 6. A. Teat , [ Dug ] PG. IV. 2. A. sp . Nipple of it ] Teazle . HF. VIII . 1. Technical , [ adj . Art ] Tedious . Irksom , [ adj . a. AS . V. 1. O. ( apt . ] Tiring , [ adj . a. Wearying ( apt . ] Long ( exc . ] Slow ( exc . ] Teeming , [ adj . p. pret . impregnate ] Teeth , [ plur . Tooth ] Teint , vid. Taint . Telescope , [ Tube for seeing remote ( things ] Tell. [ Say to ] [ a. Narration ] cannot — [ Know not ] [ a. Openness ] Loquacity ] [ a. Discover ] Shew ] — tale Blab ] Informer ] [ admonish ] [ a. Number ] Tellina . Ex. VIII . 6. A. Temerity , [ Rashness ] Temper . natural — NP. — of mind . NP. IV. — of body . resp . Individ . NP. V. resp . Propagation . NP. VI. Iust — TM . I. 8. [ Disposition ] out of — [ Sick ( dim . ] to — [ Mix ] [ a. Mediocrity ( make ] [ Moderate ] Temperament , ] Temper ] Temperance . Man. II. 1. Temperate . [ adj . Temperance ] adj . Mediocrity ] Moderation ] — Heat , &c. Q. V. 1 , &c. Tempest . El. VI. 7. A. Temple . Po. II. 4. Temples . PG. III. 7. A. Temporal . [ Secular ] adj . RE. O. [ Transitory ] [ adj . Temples . ] Temporality , [ Secular estate ] Temporary , [ Transitory ] Temporize , adj . a. Congruity with times ] Alter with times ] Tempt . [ Try sp ▪ into a. vice ] [ Allure sp ▪ into a. vice ] [ Seduce sp ▪ into a. vice ] Ten.   Tenacity . [ Keeping ( apt . ] [ Penuriousness ] Tenant , [ Hirer of Farm ] House ] Land ] Tench . Fi. IX . 7. A. Sea — Fi. VI. 4. Tend . [ v. Tendency ] [ Wait ] [ v. Leisure ] Tendency . Sp. III. A. Tender . Soft ] Brittle ] [ adj . p. Hurt ( apt . ] Gentle ] Nice ] Compassionate ] Merciful ] Courteous ( augm . ] Clement ] Fond ] [ adj . Aversation from Hurting Offending to — [ a. Tender ] [ Offer ] Tendon . PG. II. 2. A. Tendrel . PP . II. 7. A. Tenement , [ Farm ] Tenent , [ adj . Affirmed ( thing ] Tennice , [ Balling with adj . net ( fig. ) striking ( instr . ] Tennon , [ Protuberance ( dim . ) in the end of beam ] Tenor. Contained ( thing ] Sum ] [ Meaning ] — in musick , [ next ( part ) above the Base ] Tent. Tabernacle . Po. II. 1. A. — work , [ White Maiden hair ] HL. I. 5. [ Pin of Down ( like ) for stopping wound ] Tenter , [ Hooked Pin ] Tenth , [ adj . Ten ] Tenuity , [ Thinness ] Tenure , [ Right ( kind ] Tepid . Q. V. 1. Terce , vid. Tierce . Tergiversation . [ Deny ] [ Forsake ] sp . Cowardly ] Unfaithfully ] [ Demur ] Term ] [ Limit ] [ Time ] sp . limited ] [ adj . 〈◊〉 . ( time ] [ Word ] [ Name ] — s Conditions ] State ] Coming off upon equal — RM. II. 1. Terminate Desist ] End ] Termination , [ Ending ( part ] Ternary , [ Three ] Terrene , [ adj . Earth ] Terrestrial , [ adj . Earth ] Terrible , [ adj . a. fear ( make ] Herb. Sh. VI. 3. Terrier . [ Catalogue of lands ] [ Dog for hunting beasts out of holes in the earth ] Terrifie , [ adj . a. Fear ( make ] Territory , [ adj . authority ▪ place ] Terse . [ Wiped ] [ Clean ] [ Smooth ] Tertian , [ Returning every second day ] Test. [ Trial. [ Vessel ( dim . ) for trial by melting ] Testaceous , [ adj . Shell . PP . III. 2. Testament . [ adj . Bequeathing writing ] [ Scripture ] RE. VI. 1. Testator , [ adj . Bequeathing ( person ] ▪ Testy , [ Morose ] Testicle . PG. VI. 8. A. Testifie , [ a. Witness ] Testimony Witnessing ( thing ] Witnessed ( thing ] Testimonial . [ adj . Witnessing ( thing ] sp . Writing ] Testor . [ adj . Covering ( jug . ) of bedstead ] [ Half shilling ] Tet , vid. Teat . Tether , [ adj . tying ( thing for the leg ] Tethya . Ex. IX . 6. Tetter . S. III. 2. A. Tew , [ Pull ( augm . ] Text. [ adj . Subject writing ] [ adj . Scripture sentence ] Texture , [ Weaving ] sp . ( manner ] Thanks , [ a. Gratitude ] — fulness , [ Gratitude ] Thanksgiving , [ a. Gratitude ] — to God. RE. IV. 3. That . [ the ] Art. II. [ he ] Pron . I. 3. that . Pron . II. 1. O. — Same , [ Same ] [ Which ] Pron . III. 2. A. that . Conj . III. 1. Thatch , [ adj . Straw roof ] to — [ a. Roof with straw ] Thaumaturgic , [ operation ( art ) of things adj . p. admiration ( apt . ] Thawing . [ Un-a . frost ] [ Dissolving ] The. Art. II. Theater , [ adj . Sights a. Player Place ] Thee , [ Thou ] Theef , [ adj . These ( person ] Theevery RJ. III. 7. A. Theft — RJ. III. 7. A. They Pron . I. 3. pl. Them Pron . I. 3. pl. Theme , [ Subject adj . p. Speaking ] Writing ] Then. Comparative . Adv. III. 1. O. [ at that time ] how — How therefore ] what Next ] if - [ If Therefore ] Next ] Thence . From that ( thing ] ( time ] ( place ] Theology , [ Divinity ] Theologue , [ Divine ] Theorem , [ Rule adj . Theory ] Theory , Meditation ] Inquisition ] sp . adj . a. Science ( apt . ] There , [ in that Thing ] Place ] — about . Adv. V. 3. — fore . Conj . III. 3. O. — in in it ] — of of it ] — upon [ Upon it ] [ Upon that ] Conj . IV. 1. O. Thesis . [ Proposition ] [ Positive sentence ] Thi , [ adj . Thou ] Thick . as to magnitude . TM . II. 5. as to number , [ adj . multitude ] as to time , [ Frequent ] [ as to place , [ Obvious ] as to parts . Their greatness , [ adj . Courseness ] Their nearness to each other , [ adj . Density ] the cause of it . In Arids , [ Fulling ] In Liquids , [ Coagulating ] our sence of them , [ adj . Opacity ] the sense it self . — of hearing , [ Dull of hearing ] Thicke● , Shrubs ( aggr . ] Woods ( dim . ] Thigh . PG. V. 4. Thill , [ Shafts ] Thiller , [ The horse between the Shafts ] Thimble , [ adj . Finger , ( armam . ( armor for sowing ] Thin . as to magnitude . TM . II. 5. O. [ Lean ] as to number , [ adj . Fewness ] as to time , [ Seldom ] as to place , [ Rare ] as to parts ] their nearness , [ Rare ] their bigness , [ Fine ] The cause of it . In Arids . In Liquids , [ Dissolving ] Our sense of it , [ Transparent ] Thine , [ adj . Thou ] Thing . T. I. 2. ( Thing ) Think . [ Cogitation . AS . II. 1. [ v. Opinion ] me — s , [ I am adj . opinion ] [ adj . v. Perswasion ] [ Consider ] [ v. Meditation ] [ Esteem ] — good Approve ] Consent ] — much , [ adj . v. Nolleity ] — well of , [ Esteem ( aug . ] good ] Third , [ adj . Three ] Thirsting . AC . II. 2. Thirteen . 13. Thirty . 30. This. Pron . II. 1. Thistle . HF. III. 1. Fullers — [ Tezzle ] Globe — HF. VIII . 2. Sow — HF. III. 14. Thither , [ To that place ] — ward , [ Toward that place ] Thlaspi . HS. VI. 3. Thong . Pr. IV. 8. Fi. II. 2. A. Thorn. Prickle . PP . I. 3. A. Tree . Black — Sh. I. 4. Box — Sh. I. 6. A. Bucks — Sh. I. 7. Christs — Sh. I. 6. Ever green — Sh. III. 4. Goats — Sh. IV. 9. Purging — Sh. I. 5. White — Sh. I. 3. A. — Apple . HS. VII . 7. A. Thornback . Fi. II. 2. A. Thornback Dog. Fi. I. 5. Thorpe , [ Village ] Those , [ Plur. He ] That ] Thou . Pron . I. 2. Though , [ Although ] Conj . II. 2. Thought , v. [ Thinking ] — Taking Anxiety ] Heedfulness ] Thoughtfulness , [ Thinking ( aug . ] Heedfulness ] Carking ] Thousand . 1000. — pound . in weight . Mea. III. 8. in money . Mea. IV. 7. Thrall , [ Slave ] Thrasonical , [ Boasting Coward ] Thrave , [ 24 Sheaves ] Thred . to — a needle , [ Through-put thred ] Thred-bare , Worn to the threads ] Un-adj. p. Wool by wearing ] Threatning . RO. V. 6. O. Three . Mea. I. 3. — Fold , [ Three ( kind ] Threescore . 60. Thresh . O. III. 5. Threshold . Po. IV. 3. Thrice , [ adv . Three ] Thrill . [ Bore ] [ v. Inward trembling ( like ) sound ] Thrift . [ Frugality ] Herb. HF. II. 14. A. Thrifty , [ adj . Frugality ] Thrive . [ adj . p. Prosperity ] Increase ] Become rich ] Grow ] adj . v. Vigour ] Throb , [ Pulse of the heart ] sp . Pulse ( augm . ] Throne , [ adj . King Chair ] Throng , [ Dense multitude ] to — Thrust ] a. Density ] Throstle , [ Thrush ] Throat PG. III. 5. A. Set out — [ Exclamation ] — Boll , [ Protuberance of the ( th ] — wort . HS. VII . 7. A. Throttle , [ Protuberance of the Rough Artery ] to — [ Strangle ] sp . by compressing throat ] Through . Prep . IV. 3. Perfect ] Total ] Only ] — & through , [ Through both sides ] — fare , [ Through-passage ] — out , [ adv . Perfect ] who le ] — Paced Perfect Only — ambling ] — stitch , [ Perfect ] quite — [ Through both sides ] [ For ] Prep . I. 2. A. [ By Impulsion Means of ] [ With ] Prep . I. 1. A. [ Over ] Prep . III. 3. [ By ] Prep . I. 2. Through wax . HF. IV. 14. Codded — HS. IV. 6. A. ● Throw . [ Cast ] Mo. VI. 2. — a dart , [ a. Dart ] — down , [ a. Fall ] — Person , [ Precipitate ] — Building , [ a. Ruine ] — forth Unpossess ] — out Unpossess ] Pang , [ Pain ( imp . ] Thrum , [ Tuft ] Thrush . Bi. III. 3. A. Sea — Fi. V. 9 . Thrusting . O. I. 4. O. — forth [ Un-possess ] — out [ Un-possess ] Himself in , [ Usurp ] — into , Prick ] Stab ] — through , [ Through Stab ] Wound ] Thumb , First Finger ] biggest Finger ] Thump . [ Strike ] sp . with obtuse ( thing ] [ Sound of striking ] Thunder . El. I. 3. A. — Bolt Long ( dim . ) Pebble ( kind ] — stone Long ( dim . ) Pebble ( kind ] Thursday , [ 5 th day of the week ] Thus. [ In this manner ] — far , [ Until this ( time ] ( place ] Thwack , Strike ] Cudgel ] Thwart . [ adj . Transverse ] Cross ] [ Contrary ] [ adj . Disingenuity ] to — [ Oppose ] [ Contradict ] Ty. Knit . O. II. 2. [ Bind ] [ Oblige ] Tice , [ Allure ] Tick , vid. Tike . Ticket , [ adj . Written ( dim . ] Tickling . AC . II. 8. Tide . motion of the Sea. W. IV. 6. A. Season , [ Time ] good — [ Festival ] Tidings , [ Narration ] sp . of new ( thing ] Tierce , [ 2 / ● of a Hogshead ] Tiercel , [ Hawk ( male ] Tiffany .   Tigby , [ Laugh ( exe . ] Tight . [ Whole ] [ Stiff ] Tike . [ adj . Countrey Rusticity ( person ] Insect . Ex. II. 6. Sheep — Ex. II. 6. A. Bed — [ Case of Bed ] Tile . St. I. 5. A. to — [ a roof with Tiles ] Till . a — in a Chest , [ Box ( dim . ) adj . drawn ( apt . ] adv . [ Untill ] to — [ a. Prop ] [ Allure ] a. Agriculture ] a. Plow ] — ed Land , [ Arable ] Tillage , [ Agriculture ] Tilt. a — [ adj . Cloth roof ] to — [ Fence with Spear ] — a vessel , [ adj . a. Oblique v. ] Tilth , [ State ] sp . of Land ] Land in — [ L. adj . p. agriculture ( perf . ] Timber [ Wood for building ] — of fur [ aggregate — ] Timbrel , [ adj . Music ( instr . ] Time. Space . Sp. I. — to come , &c. [ Future , &c. ] at — s. Sp. I. 8. O. at all — s. [ adv . Perpetuity ] often — s , [ adv . Frequency ] Some — s , [ adv . Rarity ] [ Date ] Duration ] Age ] for a — [ adv . Transitory ] Long — [ adv . Permanence ] — in music . measure of — Mea. V. Leisure ] Opportunity ] in — adv . time ( perf . ] in good — adv . time ( perf . ] out of — [ adv . time ( corr . ] [ Action in the — ] First , [ f. action ] the — s , [ adj time ( things ] Time. Herb. HF. VI. 4. Timely . [ Opportune ] [ Early ] Timeserving , vid. Temporizing . Timidity , Fear ( apt . ] Cowardise ] Timorous , [ adj . Timidity ] Tin. Met. I. 3. — glass , [ Bismute ] Met. III. 3. to — a. surface with Tin ( lam . ] Tinca marina . Fi. VI. 4. Tincture . [ Dying ] [ Coloured Liquor ] [ Colour ] Tind , [ v. Fire ( inc . ] Tinder , [ Charred Linen ] Tine , [ Toothed ( pin ] Ting , [ Ring ( dim . ] sp . adv . acute ] Tingle . AC . II. 9. A. Tinker , [ adj . Wandring . adj . metal ( mech . ] Tinkle , [ Ring ( dim . ] sp . Acute ] Tinsel , [ Cloth between-woven with Copper silver ( like ] Tintamar , [ Jangling sound ( augm . ] Tip. Sp. III. 7. to — [ a. Tip ] [ a. Fall by striking with adj . p. cast ( thing ] Tippet .   Tippling , Drinking ( freq . ] a. Drunkenness ] Tipstaff , [ Marshal ] Tiring . [ Wearying ] — for hawk , [ adj . a appetite ( thing ) by adj . p. pecking ] [ a. Clothing ] — woman , [ Hair - [ adj . a. Order Ornate ( mech . ] Tissick . S. V. 2. Tissue , [ Cloth between-woven with Gold ] Tit. Bird. crested — Bi. VI. 8. A. long-tail'd — Bi. VI. 8. [ Horse ( dim . ] to — over , [ Fall ] Tithe , [ Tenth ( part ] Tithymal , [ Spurge ] HS. V. 11. Titillation , [ Tickling ] Title . [ Name ] sp . of Dignity ] [ Right ] Titmouse . Bi. VI. 7. great — Bi. VI. 6. Tittle . [ Point ] [ Most-little ( thing ] — tattle , [ adj . Loquacity ( thing ] Titular , [ adj . name ] To. Prep . [ For ] — the end , [ For the e. ] — that , [ That ] [ In ] to day [ in this day ] morrow [ in next day [ Of ] Prep . I. 1. according — Prep . II. 1. in — Prep . IV. 1. un — Prep . II. 1. — and fro , toward to several places ] Subst . [ Finger of foot ] — do Doing &c. ] — say , &c. Saying &c. ] Toad . Beast . Be. VI. 2. A. — 's flax . HS. VIII . 6. A. — Stool , [ Mushrom ] HL. I. 1. — fish . Fi. II. 4. A. Tobacco . HS. VII . 11. — pipe . — fish . Fi. III. 13. A. Tod , [ 28 pounds ] Together . Adv. IV. 1. — with . Prep . II. 2. Toy . [ Vain ( thing ] [ adj . Valour ( dim . ] to — [ a. Wantonness ] Toil. . [ Net ] [ Labour ( augm . ] Token . [ Sign ] [ adj . Witness ( sign ] [ Pawn ] [ Gift ] sp . sent ] Told , adj . a. pret . Tell ] adj . p. Tell ] Tole , vid. Toll . [ adj . Paid ( part ) out of adj . p. rinding ( thing ] [ Tribute ] — boothe , [ Prison ] Tolerable . [ adj . p. Patience ( apt . ] [ Indifferent ] Toleration . RC. IV. 9. Toll , vid. Tole . to — [ Ring ( dim . ] [ Allure ] Tomb , [ adj . Entombing ( place ] Tome , [ Book ] D. III. 3. A. Tone . [ Voice ( manner ] [ Distance between two notes ] Tong. PG. III. 4. — tied , [ Dumb through not-motion ( pot . ) of tong ] Dogs — HM . II. 3. [ Language ] — of a ballance , [ Direct pin of ballance ] Tongs , [ adj . Taking ( jug . ) for adj . fire ( things ] Tonsilla , [ Glandules ] adj . PG. III. 9. A. place of them . PG. III. 9. A. Too . [ adv . Excess ] [ Also ] Conj . IV. 2. Tool , [ Instrument ] Tooth . PG. III. 4. A. — and nail , [ adv . Diligence ] Fierceness ] — som , [ adj . Taste ( perf . ] Eye — [ Longest . ] figure . Mag. IV. 2. — wort . HS. IV. 2. A. — without Leaves . HL. V. 8. A. Top. Highest . Sp. III. 7. — of a ship . RN. III. 1. A. Best part ] Principal ] [ Cone . adj . p. Vertiginate ( apt . ) by ad .. p. whipping ] to — [ Cut off the top ] [ a. Superiority ] [ a. Stay ] Topaz . St. IV. 3. A. Tophus . St. I. 5. Topic. — medicine , [ m. applicable to the Sick ( part ] [ adj . Invention ( place of argument ] [ Foundation ( like of argument ] Topsy turvy , [ With top adj . p. undermost ] Torch , [ adj . Wax Candle Pitch ( augm . ] Torment Pain ( augm . ] Torture ] Tormentil . HF. IX . 2. A. Torn , [ adj . p. Tear ] Tornado . Wind. Torpedo . Fi. II. 1. A. Torpid , Num'd ] Dull ] Torrent , [ Stream ( augm . ) sp . transitory ] Torrid , [ Hot ( augm . ] Tortion , [ Twisting ] Tortois . Be. VI. 1. Torture , RJ. VI. 1 . Pain ( augm . ] Toss , Cast upward ] a. Volutation ] — pot , [ adj . Drunkenness ( person ] Toste , [ Roste ] sp . without vertigination ] Total , [ adj . who le ] Sum ] Totter , Shake ] Stagger ] Touch. [ Feeling ] NP. III. 5. [ Sense ] Extern . NP. III. Intern . NP. II. [ Anger ] [ Tactil quality ] — active . Q. V. — passive . Q. VI. [ v. Contiguity ] Essay ] a. Experience ] Try ] the — [ p. Experience ] — stone . St. I. 6. A. [ v. Pertinent ] — ing , [ Concerning ] Prep . I. 3. A. a — Little ] Say ] to — Speak little of ] a. Object ( dim . ) — wood , [ Fungus of tree for a. fire ( inc . ] Touchy , [ Morose ] Toughness . Q. VI. 5. E. Touze , [ Pull ( augm . ] Tow , vid. Towe . Toward . [ That adv . way ] — ly , [ adj . Learn ( apt . ] About . Adv. ] V. 3. Almost Adv. ] V. 1. Towe , [ Hemp prepared for adj . p. spinning ] to — [ Draw with cord ] Towel , [ Linnen for wiping ] Tower. Po. II. 3. Town . RC. III. 2. A. — s man adj . Town ( person ] Citizen ] Towre , [ Fly high ] Towze , vid. Touze . Toze , [ Loosen by pulling ( freq . ] Trabs . El. I. 4. Trace . Harness . Po. V. 9. A. to — Follow by track ] Hunt by track ] Trachurus . Fi. IV. 8. A. Track , [ adj . Foot Wheel sign ] Tract . [ Country ] W. III. A. [ Written Discourse ] — of time , [ Time ( augm . ] Tractable , Gentle ] Courteous ] adj . p. Govern ( apt ] Trade . [ Profession . RC. II. sp . Unlearned ] [ Art. Ha. VI. 3. sp . Unlearned ] to — [ a. Merchant ] — winde , [ Constant w. ] Tradition . [ Narration ] sp . Successive ] Ecclesiastic . RE. VI. 1. A. Traduce . [ Reproach ] [ Calumniate ] Traffick , [ a. Merchant ] Commerce ] Tragedy , [ Play adv . a. Grief ending ] Tragical , [ adj . a. Grief ] sp . in the Ending ] Tragicomedy , [ adj . a. Grief play adv . mirth ending ] Tragopogon . HA. I. 8. A. Tray. Pr. V. 4 A. Trail , [ Draw on the ground ] sp . for a. Sent ( make ] Train . — of garment , [ Long hinder part of g. ] bird 's — PP . V. 2. A. Series — of powder . Aggregate . [ Waiters ( aggr . ] — of an Army . RM. IV. 7. [ Allurement ] to — a. Teacher ] Educate ] [ Entice ] Traytor , [ adj . Perfidiousness Treason person ] Tralatitious . D. III. 6. O. Tramel , [ Net adj . p. carry ( apt ) between two ( persons ] Trample . [ on - a. foot ] [ a. Sound ( augm . ) with a. foot ( augm . ] Trance , [ Extasie ] Tranquillity . [ v. Quieting ( abstr . ] [ Contentation ] Transaction . [ a. Business ] Transcendent . T. [ Excellent ] Transcribe , [ a. Type writing ] Transfer . Remove ] Deliver ] Alienate ] Transfigure , [ Alter the form ] Transgress . [ a. Excess ] a. Disobey ] a. Violate ] [ a. Sin ] Transient , [ Transitory ] Transition . D. V. 9. Transitory . Sp. I. 6. O. Translation . D. V. 5. vid. Transfer . Transmarine , [ Beyond adj . Sea ] Transmigration , [ ition from one ( place ) to another ( place ] Transmit , Derive from , &c. ] a. ition from , &c. ] Transmutation , [ Altering ] Transom , [ Transverse beam ] Transparent . Q. I. 4. — stone , vid. Stone . Transpiration . Mo. IV. 3. A. Transplant , [ Re-move into another ( Place ] ( Countrey ] Transport . [ Carry into another Countrey ] [ a. Extasie ] Transpose , Exchange the Place ] Alter the Order ] Transubstantiation , [ Altering the substance ] Transverse . Ma. II. 8. D. Trap. PO. VI. 8. A. — door , [ Door adj . p. open with lifting ] Trappings , [ adj . a. Ornate ( arm . ] Trash . [ Sorry ] [ Worst part ] [ Filth ] Travel . [ Journey ] TA. VI. 3. sp . into forreign Countreys ] [ Labour ] [ Parturition ] Travellers Ioy. Sh. V. 7. A. Traverse . to — [ a. Transverse ] — Suit , [ Denying the action ] . Treachery . op . to fidelity . Man. IV. 2. D op . to Loyalty . Man. V. 6. D. Treacle , [ Physical mixture of vipers , &c. ] Tread . [ a. Foot ] — down , [ a. Prostrate by upon - a. foot . ] [ Goe ] [ v. Coition ] sp . as bird ( male ] Treason . RJ. III. 2. Treasure , Money ( place ] Riches ( aggr . ] — r , [ adj . keeping ( Off. ) of money ] Treat . [ a. Object ] [ Entertain ] in order to a Bargain . RC. VI. 1. A. Treaty , [ a. Treat ] Treatise , Written Discourse ] Printed Discourse ] Treble . [ Threefold ] — in Music. Q. III. 1. E. Treddle , [ Navel of fut . Chick in egg . ] Tree . Tr. — of life . Tr. V. 6. A. — of saddle , [ adj . wood ( part ) of s. ] Trefoil . bean — Sh. IV. 3. Hedghog — HS. III. 15. A. Shrub — Sh. IV. 3. A. Snail — HS. III. 15. Starheaded — HF. VIII . 5. A. Trey . Pr. V. 4. A. [ Three ] Trembling . AC . IV. 5. E. Trench , [ Ditch ] Trencher . Pr. V. 9. — friend , [ Flatterer for victuals ] — man , [ Eater ] Trepan . [ adj . boring ( instr . ) for head-bone ] to — [ allure into p. Hurt ] Danger ] Trepidation , [ Trembling ] sp . through fear ] Trespass . [ a. Excess ] Disobey ] Violate ] [ a. Sin ] [ Injury ] Tress . [ Lock of hair ] [ Tassel ( like ] Tressle . Mag. V. 5. Trevet , [ Stool with three legs like ] Try. Consider ] Examine ] TA. II. 5. A. — at law . RC. II. 4. A. Prove . TA. II. 5. A. Essay ] a. Experience ] — out , [ Try the utmost ] Refine , [ Separate the course parts ] Triangle . Mag. V. 1. Tribe , [ Society ] sp . from one progenitor ] Tribulation , Adversity ] Misery ] Tribunal , [ Seat of Judge ] Tribune , [ adj . Regiment ( Off. ] Tribute . RC. V. 9. Trice , [ Instant ] Trick . [ a. Craft ] [ a. Prestigiator ] Action ( dim . ] thing ( corr . ] to — [ a. Ornate ] Trickle , [ Drop ] sp . adv . Series ] Trident , [ Halbert with three teeth ] Trifle . [ Vain ( thing ] [ Thing of no value ] — ing , [ a Wantonness ] [ a Sloth ] [ a Lightness ] [ a Cunctation ] Trigger . [ adj . Staying ( instr . of vertigination ] Impedient ( instr . of vertigination ] [ Sign of standing ( place ] Trill , [ Tremble ( like ) with voice ] Trim , [ adj . Ornate ] — ing a boat , [ a. Ballancing ] — ing a ship — RN. VI. 4. A. Trine , [ Distance ● of a great Circle ] Tringa . — major . Bi. VII . 5. — minor . Bi. VII . 5. A. Trinity , [ Three ( abstr . ] Trinkets , [ Sorry ( Instruments ] ( Things ] Utensils ] Trip. [ a. Slide ( make ] [ Stumble ( dim . ] — along , [ Walk nimbly ] Tripe , [ Prepared stomach of beast ] Tripartite , [ Three ( kind ] Triple , [ Threefold ] Trivial . Ordinary ] Common ] [ Sorry ] [ Vain ] Triumph . RM. II. 8. Triumvirat , Government of together-three ( persons ] Magistracy of together-three ( persons ] Trochisc , [ Round lamin ( dim . ] Trochus . Ex. VII . 6. Trod , adj . a. pret . Tread ] adj , p. Tread ] Troy weight , [ w. of 12 ounces in a pound ] Troll , [ Ition adv . Smooth ] [ Hunt fish with adj . vertiginating ( mach , ] Troop . Company . RM. IV. 3. [ Aggregate ] Trooper , [ Horseman ] RM. III. 1. A. Trope , [ a. Tralatitious ] Trophee . RM. II. 8. A. Tropic . — of Cancer . W. VI. 6. — of Capricorn . W. VI. 6. A. Trot. a — [ adj . Decrepit ( sem . ] to — Mo. II. 2. A. Trotter . [ Foot ] sp . of Sheep ] Trouble . Molest . TA. V. 9. O. in — [ adj . p. TA. V. 9. O. ] Adversity ] Misery ] Grief ] Remorse ] Anxiety ] — water , [ Un ▪ a. quiet ] Troublesom , adj . a. Trouble ( apt . ] Contentious ] Trough , [ Long Trey ] Trout . Fi. IX . 3. Trowel . [ adj . spreading ( instr . ) of Mortar ] Trowle , vid. Troll. True , [ adj . Truth ] Genuine ] Truant . [ Wanderer ] [ Slothful ( person ] Trub● . HL. I. 2. Truce , Transitory peace Between-space of quiet ] Truchman , [ Interpreter ] Truck , [ Exchange ] Truckle , [ Wheel of pully ] to — under - Be ] Ly ] [ Submit ] Truculent , Fierce ( augm . ] Cruel ( augm . ] Trufle , Trubs . HL. I. 2. Truly . Adv. I. 2. O. Trull , [ Common adj . fornication fem . ] Trump . [ Trumpet ] [ adj . Victory ( kind ) of Cards ] Trumpery , Sorry ( things ] Worst part ] sp . ( aggr . ] Trumpet , [ adj . Trumpeter instr . ] Trumpeter . RM. III. 3. A. Fish. Fi. IV. 10. Truncheon , Short thick stick ] adj . Cudgelling ( inst . ] Trundling , [ motion Upon wheels ] adv . Vertiginating ] Trunk . Body . — of plant , [ Stock ] PP . I. 2. — of animal . PG. IV. [ Box ] Chest. sp . with convex adj . covering ( thing ] Tube ] Snout . PP . V. 4. A. Truss . Together — Tie ] Up — Tie ] [ a-aggregate by tying ] — of hay , [ adj . p. bound ( aggr . ) of h. ] Trust. [ Believe ] v. Confidence ] AS . III. 4. — with , [ Deposit ] — for , [ Lend ] Trusty , [ Faithful ] Truth . T. III. 1. in — Adv. I. 2. O. Tub Pr. V. 3. A. — fish Fi. IV. 5. Tube Round — Mag. V. 9. O. Square — Mag. V. 9. Tuberous , [ adj . Protuberance ( freq . ] ( Sword ] Tuck , [ Long adj . pricking ( apt . ) of a ship . RN. II. 9. to — [ Fasten the extremity ] Tuesday , [ Third day of the week ] Tuff Taffate , [ Tufted Taffata ] Tuft . Tassel . Mag. IV. 6. — of flower . PP . II. 6. [ Aggregate ] Tugg , [ Pull ( augm . ] ( imp . ] Tuition , [ a. Guardian ] Teacher ] Tulip . HL. IV. 3. Tumbling . Mo. II. 6. A. Tumbler , [ Dog hunting lesser beasts by agility ] [ Praestigiator by tumbling ] Tumbrel , [ Cart ] Tumor . S. III. Tumult . [ Sedition ] [ Confused multitude ] Tumultuary . [ Seditious sudden ] Tun. [ Barrel ( augm . ] [ Measure ] Weight . Mea. III. 9. Tune . Q. III. 6. to — [ Prepare ( perf . ] — able , [ adj . Music ] Tunhoof , [ Ground-Ivy ] HL. VI. 11. Tunicle , [ Membrane ] Tunnage , [ Tribute ] Tunnel , [ Concave Cone ] — of Chimney , [ Concave ( part ) of ch . ] Tunny . Fi. III. 4. Turbant , [ adj . head ( vest ] Turbinated , [ About — spirald adj . Cone ] Turbith . Tr. VI. 11. A. Turbith .   Turbo . Ex. VII . 5. A. Turbulent , Seditious ] Contentious ] Turbut . Fi. VII . 3. Turcois . St. III. 5. Turdus . Fi. V. 9. Turf , [ Grassie clod ] Turgid , [ adj . Tumor ] Protuberance ] [ Full ( augm . ] Turks Cap , [ Martagon ] HL. IV. 2. A. Turky . Bi. II. 2. A. Turmoil , Trouble ] Operation ( augm . ] Business ( augm . ] Turn . op . to proceed . TA. VI. 2. O. — head , [ Resist ] Gesture . AC . VI. 8. — inside out . — upside-down . [ Fold ] — down . — up . [ Dig ] — up the ground . Bend ] Curve ] [ a. Helical ] Spinal ] [ a. Volutation ] [ a. Vertigination ] — Spit . — with a Lave . O. IV. 7. A. — er , [ adj . — ing ( mech . ] [ Change ] — into [ Become ] [ v. Convert ] [ v. Apostate ] [ Translate ] — away , [ From — ] — back , [ Back — ] — over — out , [ Eject ] — up a — [ Turning ] [ Alteration ] at every — [ Office ] a good — [ a. Benefactor ] an ill — [ Mischief ] Course . T. VI. 7. by — s , [ adv . Course ] Turnament , [ Game of horsemen mutually assaulting with spears ] Turnep . HS. IV. 4. Turnpike . RM. VI. 8. Turpentine , [ Liquid resin of Larch Turpentine Pine Tree out-drawn by incision ] — tree . Tr. III. 3. A. Turpitude , [ Indecency ( augm . ] Turnstile , [ adj . p. Vertiginate ( apt ) transverse cross ] Turret . [ Tower ( dim . ] fig. Mag. VI. 3. A. Turtle . Bird. Bi. III. 2. A. Beast . Be. V. 1. A. Tush . Int. I. 3. II. 3. A. Tusk , [ Long Tooth ] Tut , vid. Tush . Tutelary , [ adj . a. Protection ] Defence ] Safety ] Tuty .   Tutor , Guardian ] Teacher Tutsan . HS. V. 8. Tutty , [ Flowers ( aggr . ) together-tied ] Twayblade . HL. VII . 5. A. Twain , [ Two ] Twang , [ Ring ] Tweez , [ Box of instruments dim . ] Twelve .   T — month , [ Year ] wenty . Twibill , [ adj . pecking ( instr . ] Twice , [ Two times ] Twig , [ Wand ] PP . I. 4. A. Twilight . Q. I. 1 : Twins , [ Two together-born ] Twine , Twist sp . mutually . ] Embrace sp . mutually . ] Twinge , Pull ( imp . ] Pain ( imp . ] Twinkle , [ Un-appear ( freq . ] Twirl , [ Vertiginate ( imp . ] Twist . the — [ share ] to — O. V. 1. Twit , [ Upbraid ] Twitch . [ Pull ( imp . ] [ Pain ] AC . II. 9. Twittle , [ Chirp ( dim . ] Two. Mea. II. 2. — fold , [ Two ( kind ] Tygre . Be. IV. 2. Tympany . S. VI. 3. A. Type . T. II. 3. A. [ Letter-printing ( instr . ] Typographical , [ adj . Printing ] Tyranny . Man. VI. 4. O. Tyrant . [ Kingship , adj . Usurping ( person ] [ adj . Man. VI. 4. O. ( person ] V. VAcant . [ Empty ] [ Not-Furnished ] [ Not-Used ] [ adj . Leisure ] Vacation . adj . Leisure ( time ] not-adj . RC. ( time ] Vacillation , [ Staggering ] Mo. II. 4. O. Vacuity , [ Emptiness ] Vagabond , [ adj . Wandering ( person ] Vagary . [ v. Wandring ] [ a. Conceitedness ] Vail , vid. Veil . — s [ adj . Vantage Profits ] Revenue ] sp . besides-wages ] Vain . [ adj . Vanity ] — glory , [ Glorying ( corr . ] vid. Vein . Vallens , [ About - adj . hanging ( vest ) of the upper Margin of the Bedsted ] Vale , [ Valley ] W. III. 1. D. Valediction . AC . V. 8. A. Valerian . HF. IV. 8. Valet , [ adj . Waiting ( Off. ] Valiant , [ adj . Fortitude ] Validity , Sufficience ( apt . ] Efficience ( apt . ] Valley . W. III. 1. D. Valour . Worth. Mea. IV. [ Fortitude ] Value . Worth. Mea. IV. to — [ Esteem ] a. Valour ] a. Price ] Vamp , [ Mend by Adding ] [ Mend by Renewing part ] Van. [ Forepart ] sp . of army ] [ Winnowing ( jug . ] Vane , [ Flag for shewing the vergency of the wind ] Vanish , [ Un-appear ] Vanity . Frivolousness . T. IV. 5. O. Not-profitableness ] Frustrating ( abstr . ] Wantonness ] Conceitedness ] op . to gravity . Man , IV. 6. O. Vanquish , [ a. Victory ] Conquest ] Vantage . TM . VI. 2. A. Vantcurrier . RM. IV. 5. Vantgard , [ Forepart of army ] Vapor . [ Exhalation ] El. II. 2. A. [ Glorying ] Vardingale .   Vary . v. Diversity ] [ Alter ] [ a. Contention ] Variable , adj . Alter ( apt . ] Inconstant ] Variance , [ Contention ] Variegated . Q. II. 5. Variety , [ Diversity ] Varix . S. III. 8. Varlet , [ Sorry ( person ] Varnish . O. IV. 8. A. Varvels , vid. Vervels . Vassal . [ Subject ] [ Villain ] Vast , [ Ample ( augm . ] Vat Tub ( augm . ] Barrel ( augm . ] Vate Tub ( augm . ] Barrel ( augm . ] Vault . Po. II. 8. to — [ a. Vault ] [ Leap ] Mo. V. 5. A. Vaunt . [ Glorying ] sp . corr . ] [ a. Insolence ] — gard , vid. Vantgard . Vauward , [ Forepart of army ] Vaumure . RM. VI. 4. Vbiquity . S● . II. 9. Vdder , [ Dug ] PG. IV. 2. A. Veal . [ Calf ] [ Flesh of Calf ] Veer . [ Turn ] Let-go more Sail ] Out-put more Cord ] Vegetable , [ Plant ] W. V. 2. Vegetation . [ adj . p. Vegetative soul ( make ] [ a. Vigor ] Vegetative . [ Plant ] W. V. 2. — Soul. W. I. 4. its actions . AC . I. Vegetous , [ Vigor ] Vehemence . [ Intenseness ] [ Fierceness ] Ha. III. 4. D. Vehicle , [ adj . Carrying ( thing ] Veil . a — [ adj . Covering thing ] sp . thin ] to — [ Cover ] [ a. Respect ( sign ] Vein . — of animal . PG. II. 4. opening a — [ a. Bleeding ] Mo. IV. 6. — of Metal [ Vein ( like ) line of — m in the earth ] — of Stone [ Vein ( like ) line of — S in the earth ] Temper ] NP. IV. Disposition ] [ Style ] Vellam , [ Paper of Calves skin ] Velleity . AS . IV. 2. Vellication . [ Pulling ( frep . ] [ Twitching ] AC . II. 9. Velvet , [ Silk adj . p. surface with short tufts ] Venal adj . p. Sell ( pot . ] adj . p. Sell ( apt . ] Vendible adj . p. Sell ( pot . ] adj . p. Sell ( apt . ] Vending , [ Selling ] Veneration . [ Reverence ] [ Worship ] Venery . [ Coition ] [ Hunting ] Vengeance . [ a. Revenge ] [ Punishment ] Venial , [ adj . p. Forgive ( pot . ] [ adj . p. Forgive ( apt . ] Venison , [ Flesh of hunted beasts ] Venom , [ Poison ] Vent . Wind ] Exhalation ] [ Hole for out-a . Wind ] [ Hole for out-a . Exhal . ] [ Sent ] Q. IV. A. to — [ a. Vent ] in — ition ( make ] out - ition ( make ] sp . Air ] [ Sell ] Ventiduct , [ adj . a. wind ( jug . ] [ adj . a. wind tube ] Ventilation , [ Winnowing ] Ventosity , [ Wind ( abstr . ] Ventricle . [ Hollow ( place ] [ Stomach ] PG. VI. 4. Venture . [ Danger ] [ Fortune ] [ Essay ] sp . its danger ] sp . ones fortune ] at a — [ adv . Essaying its danger ] at a — [ adv . Essaying ones fortune ] Venturous . [ Dangerous ] [ adj . Essaying ( apt . ) danger ] [ Bold ] [ Rash ] Venu . [ Thrust ( imp . ] [ Stab ( end ] Venus . W. II. 5. A. — comb . HS. I. 5. A. — flax . — Looking glase . HS. V. 3. — Shell . Ex. VII . 7. Veracity . Man. IV. 1. Verb. D. II. 3. Verbal , [ adj . Word ] Verbatim , [ adv . Word ( segr . ] Verbosity . [ a. word ( exc . ] [ Loquacity ] Verderer , [ adj . Forrest ( Off. ) assessor ] Verdict . [ Sentence ] [ Opinion ] Verdigreece . Met. IV. 5. Verdure . [ Greenness ] [ Vigor ] Verge . [ Margin ] [ Capacity ] [ Stick ] Verging . Sp. III. A. Verger , [ Before — adj . Walking ( Off. ] Very . Self ] same ] ( augm . ] True ] Genuine ] — ly . Adv. I. 2. O. in — deed Adv. I. 2. O. Verifie . [ a. Truth ( make ] [ Perform ] Prove ] Confirm ] Verity . T. III. 1. Verjuice . Pr. II. 5. A. Vermilion . Met. III. 5. A. Vermin . [ Insects ] sp . Hurtful ] [ Hurtful Animals ] Vernacular , [ adj . ones Nation ( place ] [ adj . ones Tribe ( place ] Vernal . [ adj . Spring ] Vernish , [ adj . a. Vernishing ( thing ] — ing . O. IV. 8. A. Verse . Part of Book . D. III. 2. op . to Prose . D. III. 4. O. Versicle , [ Verse ( dim . ] sp . adj . preceding ] Versifie , [ a. D. III. 4. O. ] Version , [ Translation ] Vertebra . PG. IV. 3. A. Vertical . [ adj . Top ] — point , [ Upper pole of the Horizon ] [ adj . Vertex . Ma. II. 2. Vertiginous . [ adj . Vertigo ] — motion . O. I. 5. Vertigo . S. IV. 5. Vertue . [ Habit ( perf . ] infused . Ha. V. acquired . intellectual . Ha. VI. moral . Man. I. Respecting the body . Man. II. Respecting the state and dignity . Man. III. Homiletical . — Common . Man. IV. — belonging to superior . Man. V. — belonging to Inferior . Man. VI. Instruments of — Ha. II. Affections of — — Intellectual — Ha. III. — Moral — Ha. III. [ Efficacy ] Verven . HS. V. 9. Vervels , [ adj . Leg bonds of Hawk ] Verule , [ adj . Lamin ring ] Vesicle , [ Bladder ( dim . ] Vespers , [ adj . Evening worship ] Vessel . General . Pr. V. — of animal body , [ adj . containing ( apt ) hollow ( parts ] — Heterogeneous . PG. VI. — Homogeneous . PG. II. [ Ship ] Vestment , [ Clothing ] Vestry , [ adj . Clothing ( room ] Vesture , [ Clothing ] Vetch . HS. II. 3. bitter — HS. II. 4. Crimson grass — HS. III. 7. hatched — HS. III. 6. Kidney — Milk — HS. III. 3. A. Yellow wild — HS. II. 6. Veternus . S. IV. 2. Vex. [ a. Angry ( make ] [ a. Grieved ( make ] [ Molest ] [ a. Anxiety ] Vgly Deformed ( augm . ] Indecent ( augm . ] Vy . a. Emulation ] Provoke ] [ More — a. wager ] Vial. [ adj . Glass bottle ( dim . ] [ adj . Music ( instr . ) to be sounded with bow ] Viands , [ Victuals ] Vibrate , [ Swing . ] Mo. VI. 3. Viburnum . Sh. I. 5. Vicar . [ Deputy ] [ Second ( kind ) Presbyter ] Vice. [ Moral ] Man. I. O. Feign'd fool ] adj . Scurrility ( person ] [ adj . Holding ( mach . ] Vice — [ instead ] Vicegerent , [ Substitute ] Viceroy , [ Instead-King ] Vitiate . [ Vitious make ] [ Unchast ( make ] [ Mar ] Vicinity . [ Neighborhood ] [ Neerness ] Vicount , [ Nobleman of the fourth Degree ] Vicissitude . [ a. Turn ] T. VI. 8. [ Alteration , adj . turn ] Victim , [ Sacrifice ] Victor , [ adj . RM. II. E. ( person ] Victory , [ adj . RM. II. 1. E. ( thing ] get the — RM. II. 1. E. Victualler , [ adj . Victuals ( Off. ] [ adj . Victuals ( Merc. ] Victualling house , [ House of adj . Victuals ( merc . ] Victuals . Pr. I. fall to his — [ Eat ] View . [ a. ey ] PG. III. 2. [ Observe ] [ Examine ] Vigilance . Abstinence . Man. II. 4. [ Heedfulness ] Vigils . [ a. Vigilance ] [ adj . p. Wake night before festival ] [ Day before the Festival ] Vigor . NP. V. 4. Vile . [ adj . Valor ( dim . ] [ Sorry ] [ Vicious ] Vilifie . [ a. Disrepect ] [ Contemn ] Village , [ Houses ( aggr . ] [ Parish ] Villain . Lowest degree of Commonalty , RC. I. 8. [ Sorry ( person ] [ Wicked ( person ] Vindicate . [ a. Defendant ] [ a. Advocate ] [ Shew Innocence ] Vindictiveness , [ a. Revenge ( apt . ] Vine . Sh. II. 1. Vinegar . Pr. II. 5. Vinewd , Mouldy ] Musty ] Vintage . [ Gathering grapes ] [ a. Wine ( make . ] Vintner , [ adj . wine ( merc . ] sp . adv . segregate ] Vineyard , [ Orchard of Vines ] Violate , TA. III. 6. O. Violence . T. V. 5. O. in Motion . Mo. VI. [ Coaction ] [ Fierceness ] Ha. III. 4. D. Violet . HL. VI. 5. bulbous — HL. IV. 5. A. dames — HS. IV. 2. Violin , [ Vial ( dim ] Viol. [ adj . Music ( instr . ) so be sounded with Bow ] vid. Vial. Viorna , [ Travellers Joy ] Sh. I. 7. Viper . Be. VI. 7. A. — s grass , [ Scorsonera ] Virago , [ Man ( like ) woman ] Virga , Meteor . El. V. 4. Virgin. [ Not-married ] RO. II. 1. [ Chast unmarried ] RO. II. 1. A. First ] New ] — honey , [ First h. of Bees ] — parchment , [ p. made of the skin of an abortive ] [ Undefiled ] — s bower , [ Clematis ] Sh. V. 7. Virginals , [ Chest ( like ) adj . Music ( instr . ) with metallin string ] Virginity . RO. II. 1. A. ( abstr . ] Virgo , [ 6 th of the 12 parts of the Zodiac ] Virility . age of manhood . Mea. VI. 3. [ Male ( abstr . ] Virtue , vid. Vertue . Virulent . [ adj . Poison ] [ adj . Malice ] Visage . Face . PG. III. 1. [ Face ( manner ] [ Seen ( part ] Visard , [ Factitious face ] Viscous , [ Clammy ] Visible , [ adj . p. See ( pot . ] Vision . [ Seeing ] adj . apparence ( thing ] adj . p. See Revelation ] Visit. AC . V. 1. [ About-ition for a Discipline ] Visor of Helmet , [ Up — adj . p. fold ( apt . ) adj . forehead ( part ] Vital , [ adj . life ] Vitiat , vid. Viciat ] Vitrifie , [ a. Glass ( make ] Vitriol . St. V. 3. Vivacity , [ Long life ( apt . ] Vivifie , [ a. Live ] Viviparous , [ adj . parturition adj . living ( thing ] Vlcer . S. I. 7. Vlterior . Sp. II. 2. D. Vltimate [ Most - Remote ] Latter ] Vmber . Fish. Fi. IX . 4. A. Colour ] Vmbilical , [ adj . Navel ] PG. IV. 6. A. Vmbles , [ Inwards ] PG. VI. Vmbra . Fi. IV. 2. A. Vmbrage . [ Doubting ] Distrust ] Jealousie ] Vmbrella , [ adj . Shadowing ( jug . ] Vmpire , [ Sole arbitrator ] Vn — vid. In — [ Not — ] [ Not-yet ] Vnable , [ adj . Impotence ] Vnacceptable . Not — acceptable ] Against acceptable ] [ adj . Displicence ] Vnaccessible , [ Not-adj . p. come ] Vnaccustomed , [ Not-accustomed ] Vnacquainted , [ Stranger ] Vnadvised , [ Rash ] adj . Ha. IV. 1. D. Vnallowed , [ Not-allowed ] Vnanimous , [ adv . Identity — Opinioned ] [ adv . Identity — Minded ] Vnappeasable , [ Not-adj . p. Peaceableness ] [ Not-adj . p. Meekness ] Vnapt , [ Not-apt ] Vnapproachable , [ Not-adj . p. Neerness ] Vnarmed , Not - armed ] Un - armed ] Vnassured , [ Not-assured ] Vnasswaged , [ Not-asswaged ] Vnavoidable , [ Not adj . p. escape ( pot . ] Vnauthorize , [ Un - a. Authority ] Vnawares [ Not — Heeding ] [ Not — Expecting ] taken at — [ Surprized ] Vnbar , [ Un-a . bar ] Vnbelief . AS . II. 4. O. [ Incredulity ] Ha. III. 2. D. [ Infidelity ] Ha. V. 4. O. Vnbend , [ Un-bend ] Vnbenum , [ Un-a . Stupo● ] Vnbeseem , [ v. Indecency ] Vnbesot , [ Un-a . Dotage ] Vnbewitch , [ Un-a . Witchcraft ] Vnbidden , [ Not-bidden ] [ adj . Spontaneity ] Vnbind , [ Un-a . bind ] Vnblameable , [ Not-adj . p. blame ( pot . ] Vnblind , [ Un-a . blind ( make ] Vnboild , [ Not-boild ] Vnbolt , [ Un-a . bolt ] Vnbound , [ Not-adj . p. bind ] Vnbounded , [ Not-adj . p. bound ] Vnbowel , [ Un-a . bowel ] Vnbrace , [ Un-a . brace ] Vnbridle , [ Un-a . bridle ] — d , [ Irregular ] Vnbroken , [ Not-adj . p. break ] Vnbuckle , [ Un-a . Buckle ] Vnburden , [ Un-a . burden ] Vnburied , [ Not-adj . p. buried ] Vnbutton , [ Un-a . button ] Vncalled , [ Not-adj . p. call ] Vncapable , [ Not-capable ] Vncase , [ Un-a . case ] Vncaught , [ Not-adj . p. catch ] Vncertain . [ Not-certain ] [ Doubtful ] [ Wavering ] Vnchain , [ Un-a . chain ] Vnchangeable , [ Not-adj . p. alter ] Vncharitableness . Ha. V. 6. D. Vncharm , [ Un-a . Wizard ] Vnchastness . Man. II. 7. D. Vnchewed , [ Not-chewed ] Vncircumcision , [ Not - p. circumcision ] Vncircumspect , [ Careless ] Vncivil . [ Morose ] [ Rustic ] Vncle RO. I. 3. Vnclasp , [ Un-a . clasp ] Vnclean . [ adj . Defilement ] [ Unchast ] Vnclose , [ Un-a . close ] Vnclothed , Not - clothed ] Un — clothed ] Vncomely , [ Indecent ] Vncomfortable [ adj . Discomfort ] Vncompounded , [ Simple ] Vnconceivable , [ Not-adj . p. apprehension ] Vncondemned , [ Not-condemned ] Vnconquerable , [ Not-adj . p. conquer ( pot . ] Vnconscionable . NP. I. 3. O. Vnconstant . adj . Ha. IV. 7. D. Vnconstreined , [ Not-adj . p. coaction ] Vncorded , [ Not-adj . p. cord ] Vncorrected , [ Not-adj . p. correction ] Vncorrupt . [ Not-corrupted ] [ Sincere ] [ Impartial ] Vncover . O. II. 3. O. Vncouple , [ Un-joyn ] Vncourteous . [ Not-courteous ] [ Rustic ] Vncouth . [ Not-adj . custom ] [ adj . Stranger ] [ New ( corr . ] [ Extraordinary ( corr ] Vnction , Anointing ] Vnctuousness . to feeling . Q. VI. 4. D. to tast . Q. IV. 2. Vncurable , [ Not-adj . p. cure ] ( pot . ] Vndaunted , [ Not-adj . p. fear ( pot . ] Vndecent . adj . T. V. 2. O. Vndecided , [ Not-decided ] Vndefiled . [ Not-defiled ] [ Pure ] Vndefrayed , [ Not - Paid ] Refunded ] Vnder. Proper . Prep . VI. 1. O. — foot — hand [ adv . Private ] Concealed ] — hand and seal , [ Under written and sealed ] [ With in ] Contain — it . [ c. within its capacity ] [ Below ] — age [ of adj . pupil age ] — years [ of adj . pupil age ] Less . Too little — bid ] — price . — sell. — value . [ Lower ] — leather . — lid of eye . — lip . — side . Sp. III. 5. O. — woods . Inferior ] Subordinate ] — Butler . — Officer . — Sheriff . [ Dependent ] [ Subject ] bring — Subject Conquer ( make ] Keep —   Vndergo , v. Subject ] Suffer . Vnderhand , [ adv . Private ] Concealed ] Vnderlay , [ Mend by under-putting ] Vnderleather , [ Lower Leather ] Vnderling . RO. III. O. Vndermine , RM. I. 5. — craftily , [ a. Treachery ] Vndermost , [ Most-adj . under part ] Vnderneath . Prep . VI. 1. O. Vnderpart . Sp. III. 5. O. Vnderpin , [ Instead-a . foundation ] Vnderprop , [ a-prop ] Vndersay . Man. IV. 1. D. Vndersell , [ Sell for less . ] Vnderset , [ a. Prop ] Vndersheriff , [ Inferior adj . shire ( Off. ] Vnderside . Sp. III. 5. O. Vnderstand . a. Intellect . NP. I. 1. give to - Narrate ] Know ( make ] Omit . D. III. 8. O. [ Suppose ] Vnderstanding . Faculty . NP. I. 1. action of the — Speculative . AS . II. Practical . AS . III. Vnderstood . adj . -a . pret . Understand ] adj . p. Understand ] Omitted . D. III. 8. O. Vndertake . TA. III. 1. A. — for , [ a. Sponsion ] — to do [ Oblige himself by promise ] Vndervalue , Value less than due ] Contemn ] Vnderwoods , Lower woods Young woods Vndeserved , [ Not-deserved , ] Vndeserving , [ Unworthy ] Vndetermined , adj . Liberty ] Not-determined ] Vndigested , [ Not-digested ] Vndischarged , [ Not-discharged ] Vndiscreet , [ Foolish ] Vndistinct , [ Not-distinct ] Vndivided , Not-divided ] Entire ] Vndo . [ Un-do ] [ Un-ty ] [ Loosen ] Spoil ] a. poverty ( augm . ] Vndone . [ adj . p. Undo ] [ Not-done . ] Vndoubted , [ Not-doubted ] Vndress , [ Un cloth ] Vndue . T. IV. 3. O. Vndulate . Figure . Mag. IV. 9. Motion , [ a. Wave ] W. IV. 1. E. Vndutiful . Man. V. 1. D. Vneasie , [ Difficult ] Vnequal . [ Not-equal ] [ Not-equitable ] Vnestimable , Not-adj . p. Esteem ( pot ) Worthily ] Sufficiently ] Vnevenness . Q. VI. 2. O. Vnevitable , [ Not adj . p. escape pot . ] Vnexcusable , [ Not-adj . p. excuse pot . ] Vnexecuted , [ Not-executed ] Vnexpected , [ Not-expected ] Vnexpert . Ha. VI. 4. D. Vnfaithful . Man. IV. 2. O. Vnfashioned , Not-figured ] Figured ( corr . Vnfastned , Not-fastned ] Un — fastned ] Vnfeathered , Not-feathered ] Un — feathered ] Vnfeigned . Not-feigned ] Sincere ] Vnfettered , Not-fettered ] Un — fettered ] Vnfinisht , [ Not-finished ] Vnfit ▪ [ Not-congruous ] Vnfitting , [ Indecent ] Vnfix , [ Un-fix ] Vnfold , [ Un-fold ] [ Explain ] Vnformed , [ Not-formed ] Vnfortified , [ Not-fortified ] Vnfortunate , [ adj . Fortune ( corr . ] Adversity ] Vnfriendly , [ Not-adj . friend ] Vnfruitfulness . Barrenness . NP. VI. 3. O. [ Unprofitableness ] Vnfurnisht , Not-furnished ] Un — furnished ] Vngainful , [ Not-adj . a. gain ( apt . ] Vngarnisht , [ Not - adj . p. ornate ] Vngentle , [ Not●gentle ] Vngirded , Not-adj . p. Bound ] Un — adj . p. Bound ] Vnglew , [ Un - a. glue ] Vngodly . [ Graceless ] [ Unholy ] Vngraciousness . Ha. V. O. Vnguent , adj . -anointing thing ] Salve ] Vnhabitable , [ Not-adj . p. dwelling pot . ] Vnhallowed [ Profaned ] [ Unholy ] Vnhandsom , Deformed ] Indecent ] Vnhappiness , [ Misery ] Vnharness , [ Un-a . armament ] Vnhealthy , [ Not-healthy ] Vnheard , [ Not-adj . p. hearing ] Vnheeded , [ Not-heeded ] Vnholy . Ha. V. 2. O. Vnhorse , Down-put from hors Un-a . ride ( make ] Vnhurt , [ Not-hurt ] Vnhusbanded , [ Not-adj . p. agriculture ] Vnicorn , [ One-horned beast ] Vniform , [ adv . Identity adj . p. Figure ] Manner ] Circumstance ] Vniformity , [ Identity ( manner ] Vnimaginable , Not-adj . p. imagination ( pot . ] Vnimitable , [ Not-adj . p. imitation ( pot . ] Vninhabited , [ Not - adj . p. dwelling ] Vnjoyn , [ Separate ] Vnjoynt . [ Un-a . joynt ] [ Separate the parts ] Vnion . [ a. One ] Peaceableness ] League ] Vnison , [ adj . p. Identity adj . a sound ] Vnit , [ One ] Vnite , [ a. one ( make ] Vnity , [ One ( abst . ] Vniverse , [ Whole world ] Vniversal , adj . Universality ] who le ] Vniversality . TM . III. 3. O. Vniversity . RC. III. 6. Vnivocal , [ Of one signification ] Vnjust , [ adj . Injustice ] Vnkennel , [ Un-a . bed ( room ] Vnkind . [ Uncharitable ] [ Discourteous ] adj . Man. IV. 7. O. [ Not-adj . friend ] Vnkle . RO. I. 5. Vnknit , [ Un-ty ] Vnknown , [ Not-known ] Vnlace , Un — a. Lace ] Not-a . String ] Vnladen , [ Un-adj. burdened ] Vnlawful , Not — Lawful ] Against-Lawful ] Vnlearn , [ Un - a. Learner ] Vnlearned . Ha. VI. 5. D. Vnleavened , [ Not-leavened ] Vnless . Conj . I. 3. O. Vnlike , [ adj . Unlikeness ] — ness . TM . V. 1. O. Vnlikely , Not — True like ] Against-True like ] Vnlimited . Not - Limited ] Cohibited ] Determined ] [ Infinite ] Vnlined , Not-lined ] Un-lined ] Vnload , [ Un-a . burden ] Vnlock , Un-a . lock ] Open-with key Vnlookt for , [ Not-expected ] Vnloose , [ Loose ] Vnlovely , Not — adj . p. love ( apt . ] Againstadj . p. love ( apt . ] Vnlucky , [ adj . Fortune ( corr . Event ( corr . Vnmake , [ Un - a. Efficient ] adj . Creation ] Vnmannerly , [ adj . Rusticity ] Disrespect ] Vnmanly , Not — adj . man ( male ] Against-adj . man ( male ] Vnmannured , [ Not-manured ] Vnmarried . [ Not-adj . pret . married ] [ Divorced ] [ adj . Celibate ] Vnmask , [ Uncover the face ] Vnmatchable , [ Not adj . p. equal ( pot . ] Vnmeasurable . [ Not - adj . Measure ( pot . ] [ Infinite ] Vnmeet , [ Indecent ] Vnmerciful , [ adj . Cruelty ] Vnmindful , [ Not-adj . remembring ] Vnmingled , Simple ] Pure ] Vnmoveable , [ Not-adj . p. move ( pot . ] Vnnail'd , Not-nail'd ] Un-nail'd ] Vnnatural , [ Against-natural ] Vnnecessary , Not-necessary ] Vnneedful - Not-necessary ] Vnnoble , [ Against-noble ] Vnoccupied , [ Not - adj . p. Business ] Use ] Vnorderly . [ Confused ] [ Irregular ] Vnpacked , Not-bound together ] aggregated ] Un-bound together ] aggregated ] Vnpaid , [ Not-paid ] Vnpainted , [ Not-painted ] Vnpaired , Not - Un-companioned ] sp . ( perf . ] Vnpardonable , [ Not adj . p. pardon ( pot . ] Vnpeaceable . Man. IV. 3. O. Vnpeople , [ Un-adj. p. Dwelling ] Vnperformed , [ Not-performed ] Vnpinned , Not-fastened with pin ] Un-fastened with pin ] Vnplanted , Not-planted ] Un-planted ] Vnpleasantness , Ha. II. 3. O. T. IV. 2. O. Vnpleasing , [ adj . Displicence ] Vnpolished , [ Not-polished ] Vnpolluted , [ Not-defiled ] Vnprepared , [ Not-prepared ] Vnprofitable , [ Not-profitable ] Vnprosperous . [ Not-prosperous ] [ Adverse ] Vnproved , [ Not-proved ] Vnprovided , [ Not-provided ] Vnpunisht , [ Not-punisht ] Vnquenchable , [ Not-adj . p. quench ( pot . ] Vnquiet . [ Against-quiet ] [ adj . Molesting ] Vnranked , Not-ranked ] Un-ranked ] Vnravel , [ Un-intangle ] Vnready , [ Not - Prepared ] Clothed ] Vnreasonable . [ Irrational ] Not — adj . Equity Against — adj . Equity in commanding , [ Man. VI. 6. O. ] [ Irregular ] [ adj . Excess ] Vnreclaimed , [ Not — r. ] Vnrecompensed ▪ [ Not — r. ] Vnreconcileable , [ Not — r. ] Vnrecoverable , [ Not — r. ] Vnredeemed , [ Not — r. ] Vnregarded , [ Not — r. ] Vnremedied , [ Not — r. ] Vnrepaired , [ Not — r. ] Vnreproved , [ Not — r. ] Vnrestored , [ Not — r. ] Vnreturned , [ Not — r. ] Vnrevealed , [ Not — r. ] Vnrevenged , [ Not — r. ] Vnrewarded , [ Not — r. ] Vnrighteousness . [ Injustice ] [ Unholiness ] Vnripeness . NP. VI. 4. D. Vnrivetted , Not-rivetted ] Un-rivetted ] Vnroll , Un — roule ] Back-roule ] Vnrooted , Not-r . ] Un-r . ] Vnruly . [ Irregular ] Rebellious ] Disobedient ] Vnsadled , Not-s . ] Un-s. ] Vnsafe , [ Dangerous ] Vnsaid . [ Not-said ] [ Recanted ] Vnsalted , Not — s. ] Fresh ] Vnsaluted , [ Not — s. ] Vnsatiated , [ Not — s. ] Vnsavoriness . Q IV. 1. O. Vnsealed , Not-s . ] Un-s. ] Vnsearchable , [ Not-adj . p. searched ( pot . ] Vnseasonable , [ adj . Time ( cor . ] Vnseemly , [ Indecent ] Vnseen , [ Not — s. ] Vnserviceable , Not-adj p. use ( pot ] ( apt ] Unprofitable ] Vnsetled , Not-fast ] Loose ] Light ] Vnsheath , [ Un-a . Case ] Vnshod , Not-adj . p. Shoo ] Un — adj . p. Shoo ] Vnshorn , [ Not-clipped ] Vnskilfulness . Ha. VI. 3. O. Unlearnedness ] Inexperience ] Vnsociable , [ adj . Man. IV. O. ] Vnsound . Not-sound ] Rotten ] Vnsowed , Un — Sowed ] Not-Sowed ] Vnspeakable , [ Not-adj . p. speak ( pot . ] Vnspent , [ Not-spent ] Vnspotted , Not-spotted ] Clear ] Vnstable , Not-constant ] Light ] Vnstaid , [ Light ] Vnstained , [ Not-stained ] Vnsteadfast , Not-constant ] Light ] Vnsteady , [ Not-steady ] Vnstirred , [ Not-stirred ] Vnstitched , Not — sowed ] Un — sowed ] Vnstopped , [ a. Open ] Vnstrung , Not — Strung ] Un — Strung ] Vnstuffed , Not — Stuffed ] Un — Stuffed ] Vnsubdued , [ Not-subdued ] Vnsufferable , [ Not-adj . p. suffer ( pot . ] Vnsure , [ Not - Certain ] [ Not - Safe ] Vnsutable , Not-congruous ] Disagreeable ] Vnswathed , Un — swathed ] Not — swathed ] Vnsworn , [ Not-sworn ] Vntamed , [ Fierce ] Vntangle , [ Un-tangle ] Vntaught , Not-taught ] Ignorant ] Vnteachable , Dull ] Incredulous ] Vnthankfulness , [ Ingratitude ] Vnthought of , [ Not-thought of ] Vnthriftiness , [ Squandring ] Vntied , Not — Tied ] Un — Tied ] Vntil . Adv. III. 2. O. — now , [ Until this time ] Vntilled , [ Not-tilled ] Vntimely , [ Not-timed ( perf . ] — birth , [ Abortion ] Vnto , [ To ] Vntold , [ Not-adj . p. Speaking ] Narration ] Number ] Vntoucht , [ Not-toucht ] Vntowardnes Incredulity Vntractableness Contumacy Disingenuity ] Dulness ] Fierceness ] Incredulity ] Fierceness ] Pertinacy ] Undutifulness ] Disobedience ] Contumacy ] Vntrimmed , Not-ornate ] Homely ] Vntrue , Not-true ] False ] Vntrussed , Not — trussed ] Un — trussed ] Vntrusty , [ Treacherous ] Vntruth , [ Falshood ] Vntunable , Not-harmonious ] adj . Discord ] Vntwined , Not - twisted ] Vntwisted , Un — twisted ] Vnvaluable , [ Not-adj . p Value ( pot . ] [ Not-adj . p Price ( pot . ] Vnvanquisht , [ Not-vanquisht ] Vnvaried , [ Not-varied ] Vnveil , [ Uncover ] Vnverst , [ adj . Inexperience ] Vnusual . Extraordinary ] Not-customary ] Seldom ] Not-common ] Vnutterable , [ Not - adj . p. express ( pot . ] Vnwalled , [ Not-walled ] Vnwary , [ Careless ] Vnwashed , [ Not-washed ] Vnwasted , [ Not-wasted ] Vnwearied , [ Constant ] Vnweaved , [ Not-weaved ] Vnwelcom , Not-welcom ] adj . a. Displicence ] Vnweildy . Lumpish ] Slow ] [ Not-adj . p. motion ( apt . ] Vnwholsom , [ adj . a. sickness ( apt . ] Vnwilling . [ adj . Nolleity ] Aversion ] [ adj . Coaction ] Vnwind , [ Un-wind ] Vnwise , [ adj . Folly ] Vnwisht for , [ Not-wisht ] Vnwitting , Not-knowing ] Ignorant ] Vnwonted , [ Not-adj . p. Custom ] Vnworthiness . TG . IV. 6. O. Vnwrap , [ Un-fold ] Vnwreath , [ Un-twist ] Vnwrinkle , [ Un-wrinkle ] Vnwritten , [ Not-written ] Vnwrought , Not-wrought ] Homely ] Vnyoke , Un-yoke ] Separate ] Vocabulary , [ adj . Catalogue Book of words ] Vocal , [ adj . Voice ] Vocation , Calling ] Profession ] Vocative , [ adj . Calling ] Vogue , Reputation ] Rumor ] Voiage , Sailing ] Travelling ] Voice . Proper . Q. III. 3. Song of 3 — s , [ Song for 3 together-singing ( persons ] Suffrage , [ Consent ( sign ] Void . adj . [ Empty ] — of , [ Without ] [ Not-possest ] [ adj . Frustrate ] Vanity ] Nothing ] to — [ a. Empty ] [ Un-possess ] [ Go ] [ Banish ] [ Purge ] [ Dung ] Spoil ] adj . Nothing ( make ] Voider , [ Dish ( aug . ) Shallow ] sp . for carrying adj . meat ( things ] Voidance , [ Un-possessing . ] Volatil . [ Flying ] [ adj . a. Exhalation ( apt . ] Volly , [ Together-shootings ( aggr . ] Volubility , [ Agility ] sp of tongue ] Volum , [ Book ] Voluntary , [ adj . Will ] Spontaneity ] Voluptuousnes , [ Sensuality ] Volutation . O. I. 5. A. Vomiting . Mo. IV. 9. Voracity , Rapacity ] Gluttony ] Vorago , [ Whirlpool ] Votary , [ adj . pret . Vowing ( person ] Vote . Wish , [ Velleity ] Suffrage , [ Consent ( sign ] sp . by speaking ] Vouch. [ a. Protestation ] [ a. Sponsion ] Vouchsafe , [ Condescend ] Vow . RE. IV. 1. Vowel . D. I. 2. Vp , [ Upward vergent ▪ toward Upperside ] [ Upward vergent ▪ toward Top ] [ Direct ] — on end . he is — [ adj . p. pres . motion ] Bell is — b. is in motion ] Hare is — h. is in motion ] Name is — n. is in motion ] from Beginning Part Imperfection till end ] who le ] perfection ] Finally ] Wholly ] Perfectly ] — and down , to and fro ] divers ways ] — by the root , [ Together with the r. ] — hill , [ Upward on the hill ] — to , [ Until at ] Barrel — [ Lay up in Barrel ] Blow — a. Tumor ] a. Inflation ] Upward cast ] Overthrow ] sp . by firing Gunpowder ] Bring — Begin ] Educate ] Burn , [ b. perfectly ] Clap — Bargain ] Finish ] Give — Yield ] Submit ] Let-go ] Knit - K. together ] Finish ] Lay — Put on the heap ] Store - TA. V. 4. Lift — [ Lift ] Put — a. case ] a. patience ] Rise — [ Rise ] Rouze — [ Rise ( make ] Sit — [ Sit direct ] Sow — Sow together ] Shut by sowing ] Stay — [ Bear ] Stand — [ Stand ] Stir — Provoke ] a. Impulsive ] Ty — Together-ty ] Shut by tying ] Vpbraid . RJ. IV. 8. A. Vphold , Bear ] Prop ] Vpholster , [ adj . Bed ( mech . ] Vpland , [ adj . Mountain Countrey ] Vpon . Accus . Grow — [ Usurp ] Look — [ a. Sight ] [ Concerning ] agree — [ Toward ] — that hand , [ t. that side ] [ To ] Happen — Prep . VI. 1. come — [ Assault ] Run — Assault ] Storm ] [ After ] — this , [ after th . ] worde — word . Vpper . Proper . — end , [ Top ] — side . Sp. III. 5. [ Superior ] — hand , [ adj . Dignity ( place ] Get the — [ a. Victory ] Vpright . [ Direct ] ly — [ ly adj . reverse ] [ adj . Sincerity ] Integrity ] — Dealing Equity ] Justice ] Vprising , [ Rising ] Vproar , [ Sedition ] Vpshot , [ Event ] Vpside , [ Upperside ] — down Lying ] Upside down turned ] Vpsitting . [ Sitting direct ] Vpstart , [ New corr . ] Vpward . Prep . V. 1. Vranoscopus . Fi. IV. 11. Vrbanity . Man. IV. 9. Vrchin . [ Hedgehog ] [ Little sorry ( person ] Vre . [ Custom of useing ] Vreter , [ adj . Urining Vein ] Vrge . [ a. Impulsive ( augm . ] [ a. Fierceness ] [ Intreat ( augm . ] [ Angry ( make ] Vrgent . [ Intense ] [ Fierce ] Vrine , [ Pissed ( thing ] Salt of — St. I. 5. Vrinal , [ Glas ( vess . ) for Urine ] Vrn , [ adj . Figulatory Pot ] sp . for burying Ashes ] Vrtica . Ex. IX . 6. A. Vrus , [ Bull ( kind ) bearded ] Vs , [ We ] Vsage . [ Use ( manner ] [ Entertaining ( manner ] [ Custom ] Vse . [ Using ] [ Usus fructus ] Interest , [ Rent of money ] Lend upon — [ Lend for hire ] Take upon — [ a. hire ] [ Manner ] sp . adj . Custom ] [ Custom ] in — [ adj . Custom ] Out of , [ Un-adj. Custom ] [ Habit ] [ Practise ] to — TA. V. 6. [ Apply ] [ Entertein ] [ Accustom ] [ Practise ] Vsher. [ adj . Preceding ( Off. ] — in In-bring ] Precede ] [ Accessory Teacher ] Vsual . [ adj . p use ( freq . ] [ Customary ] Common ] Ordinary ] Vsufructuary , [ adj . Usus fructus ( person ] Vsurp . RJ. IV. 3. Vsury , [ Hire of money ] Vsus fructus . RC. IV. 5. A. Vtensil . Po. VI. Vterine , [ adj . Womb ] PG. VI. 9. Vtility , [ Profit-ableness ] Vtmost . [ Most-adj . Outside ] [ Extream ] [ Most ] [ Whole ] Vtopia , [ adj . p. Fiction Country ( perf . ] Vtter . [ adj . Outside ] [ adj . Extream ] [ Whole ] to — Out-put ] Shew ] Speak ] Express [ a. Narration ] Alienate ] Sell ] Vtterance , [ Speaking ( pot . ] ( manner ] Vttermost . vid. Vtter . Vulgar , [ Common ] — People , [ Rabble ] Vulnerary , [ adj . Wound ] Vulture . Bi. I. 1. A. Vvula , [ adj . Flesh Cylinder ( dim . ) for shutting the wind-pipe ] Vxorious , [ Fond of Wife ] W. WAd , [ adj . heap ( thing ) together-tied ] Waddle , [ Walk adv . Volutation ] Duck ( like ] Wade , [ Walk In — through River , &c. Wafer , [ Thin ( lamin ] sp . of Pudding ( kind ] Waft , [ Carry over-water ] Wag , Motion ( dim . ] Shaking ( dim . ] a — [ adj . Urbanity ( person ] Wage . — Law , [ a. Suit ] — Souldiers , [ Bargain with S. ] — War , [ a. War ] Wager . RC. VI. 8. Wages . RC. V. 6. A. Waggle , [ Wag ( dim . ] Wagon , [ Wain ] Waife , [ Abandoned ( thing ] Wagtail , Bi. V. 7. Yellow . Bi. V. 7. A. Way . adj . ition ( place ] factitious way . Po. II. 7. A. — faring , [ adj . Travelling ] — man , [ adj . Travelling ( person ] — Tree . Sh. II. 3. — Laying , [ a. Ambush ] give — [ not — Resist ] Oppose ] [ Submit ] go his — [ Go ] Lead the - Lead ] Before-go ] make — [ Prepare w. ] shew the — [ Direct in the w. ] By the - Accessorily ] adj . Digression ] In the — [ Hindring ] Set in the — [ Direct ] on the — Bring on the — [ Accompany in the beginning of his journey ] Go on his — [ Proceed ] Out of the — [ Beside the scope ] Erring ] Wandring ] [ Avoiding ] [ adj . a. Losing ] [ Distance ] [ great — [ Remote ] — about , [ Curve ( augm . ] — off , [ Remote ( augm . ] [ Vergency ] many — s , [ adv . Diversity vergent ] Kind ] Manner ] Means ] Method ] Wail , [ a. Sorrow ( Voice ] ( sign ] Wain . P. V. 1. A. Wainscot , [ Wooden lining of a Room ] Wait. [ Stay ] TA. V. 1. O. Stay , by With For one . AC . V. 1. A. as Companion , [ a. companion ] Dependent , [ a. dependent ] Servant , [ a. Servant ] Lay — [ a. Ambush ] Waits , [ Wakening Music. ] Waiward , [ adj . Disingenuity ] Moroseness ] Wake . awaken . [ End sleep ] [ Begin to wake ] not-sleep . AC . II. 4. [ adj . p. Wake night before festival ] [ adj . Country festival ] — Robin . HL. V. 9. A. Wakeful , adj . p. wake ( apt . ] [ Vigilant ] Walk . Proper . Mo. II. 1. a — [ Walking place ] fetch a — [ Go for a walk ] as Ghost , [ appear ] Wale , [ Ridge of threeds in cloth ] Wall. Po. III. 6. [ Sepiment ] [ Rampier ] [ Partition ] — creeper , [ Woodpecker ] of a long slender bill , about the bigness of a Sparrow ] — eyed , [ White eyed ] — flower . HS. IV. 1. A. — Louse , [ Punaise ] Po. III. 6. — Nut. Tr. IV. 1. A. — Rue , [ White Maiden hair ] HL. I. 5. — wort , [ Danewort ] Wallet , [ Riding bag ] sp . Open in the middle ] Walnut . Tr. IV. 1. Wallowing , [ Volutation ] Wambling , [ Volutation ] Loathing ( dim . ] Aversation ( dim . ] Wan , Pale ] Dead like ] Wand . PP . I. 4. A. Wander . TA. VI. 3. A. Wane , [ Decrease ] Want. [ Have occasion to use ] Not have . TA. I. 5. O. [ Not have enough ] Scarcity ] Defect ] [ Poverty ] — little of [ Almost . ] a — [ Mole ] Wantonness . Playwardness . NP. IV. 3. O. [ Unchastity ] Wapentake , [ Hundred ] War. RM. Man of — [ Souldier ] Ship. RN. I. 6. Warbling , [ Trembling ( like ) voice ] Ward . Defend ] Protect ] — off , [ Defend from ] Guard ] RM. III 6. : Watch ] RM. III. 6. [ Together adj . ought , Guard City ( part ] [ Imprisonment ( place ] [ Pupil ] — of key , Cavity in the lamin of the key ] Notch in the lamin of the key ] — of a lock , [ Curve ( lamin ) within L. ] Warden . adj . Keeping ( Off. ] Magistrate ] — tree , [ Pear ( kind ] Warder . [ adj . Keeping ( Off. ] [ adj . Guard ( person ] Watch ( person ] Wardrobe , [ adj . Keeping ( Room ) of clothing ] Ware. [ adj . p. Sell ( thing ] [ a. Imperat-heedfulness ] Warfare , [ War ] Wariness . [ Heedfulness ] [ Reservedness ] [ Frugality ] Warlike , [ adj . War ] Warm . [ Temperate ] Fierce ( dim . ] Zealous ] Warn . RO. V. 4. A. — to appear , [ Citation ] Warp . the — [ Direct threed ] to — [ Bend ] Warrant . [ Written Command ] [ Sponsion ] Warranty , [ Paction for safe ( make ] Warren , [ Park for Rabbets ] Warrener , [ adj . Park ( Off. ) of Rabbets ] Warrier , [ Souldier ] Wart . S. III. 5. Was , [ Am having been ] Wash . O. V. 6. — es . W. III. 6. A. hog — [ Broth for hogs ] Wasp . Ex. IV. 2. — ish , [ Morose ] — like 〈◊〉 . Ex. IV. 3. A. Wassail , [ adj . Country Banquet ] Wast . Girdlestead , [ Middle ( part ) of trunk ] — of a ship . RN. II. 5. Not — Used ] Inhabited ] — land . [ Superfluous ] — water . to — Decay ] Diminish ] [ Booty ] Mar ] Destroy ] [ a. Ruine ] [ Spend ( corr . ] [ Squander ] Wastcote , [ Thin adj . 〈◊〉 ( vest ] Wastful , [ adj . Squandering ] Watch. to — [ Wake ] [ a. Vigilance ] a. Heedfulness ] Observe ] a. Guard ] Watch ] — for , [ Expect waiting ] — with , [ Wait waking ] a — [ a. Watch ] — man , [ adj . Watching ( person ] ( Off. ] - for custody of Persons , [ Guard ] Places . RM. III. 6. A. — word , adj . word ( sign ) of Watch ] time ( sign ) by word ] Clock without Bell ] adj . Pocket Clock ] Watchet , [ Blue ( kind ] Watchfulness . ( Vigilance ] [ Heedfulness ] [ Diligence ] Water . Element . El. III. the — W. IV. Running — [ Stream ] Standing — [ Pool ] by — Swimming ] Sailing ] in a — [ adj . Sweating ( aug . ] under — [ Covered with — ] — bank . — beetle . Ex. V. 8. — Chein , [ Chain ( dim . ] — Course Stream ] Aqueduct ] — Furrow , [ Trench for drein ] — Hen , [ Moorhen ] Bi. VIII . 9. — Lilly. — man , [ adj . Rowing ( person ] — Nut — Pepper . — Raile — Rat — Scorpion . Ex. I. 9. — Shoot , [ Barren branch ( dim . ] — Snail . Ex. VII . 1. A. — Spider . Ex. II. 4. to — — Cattle , [ Drink ( make ) c. ] — garden , [ a. Wet ( make ) the surface with — ] — meat [ Soke in with water ] Vrin. to make — [ v. Vrination ] [ Out — [ Distilled ( thing ] [ adj . [ Washing ( thing ] sp ▪ Medicinal ] mouth — Watery adj . Water ] Waterish adj . Water ] — blood , [ Serous blood ] — tast , [ adj . water ( like t. ] Wattle , [ a. Weaving sticks ( dim . ] [ Gill ] PG. V. 7. A. Wave . W. IV. 1. E. — ing . [ Undulation ] [ Shaking ( dim . ] Aversion ] Avoiding ] Waver . AS . IV. 4. O. Wax . Subst . El. III. 7. A. ear — [ Excrement of the ear ] to — [ a. wax ] Begin ( inc . ] [ Increase ] [ v. Event ] Waze , [ Wreath ] sp . of Straw ] Weakness . [ Impotence ] Feebleness . NP. V. 7. O. Remisseness ] Deficiency ] Weale , Being ( perf . ] Happiness ] Wealth . [ Riches ] Common — [ adj . RC. ( thing ] [ Common prosperity ] [ Government by the people ] Wean , [ Teach to abstain ] — a child , [ Un - a. suckle Child ] Weapon . RM. V. 1. Wear . Lessen by use ] Worse by use ] Decay by use ] — out , [ Spoil by use ] — as clothes , [ v. Clothing ] Pr. IV. — in his pocket , [ Carry ] Mo. VI. 1. — as Ring , &c. [ with p. Ornate ] TM . II. 6. a — [ adj . Taking ( mach . ) of fish ] Weary . to — TA. V. 8. O. — of [ Sick of ] adj . TA. V. 7. O. Wearish tast , [ Unsavory t. ] Weasand , [ Wind-pipe ] PG. VI. 1. A. Weather . [ Guelt Sheep ] Be. II. 2. Temperament of Air. El. VI. — Cock , [ Shewing ( jug . ) of the vergency of the wind ] — glass , [ adj . Glass ( instr . ) for shewing Heat Cold of the air ] to — one , [ a. patience ] Weave . — ing . O. V. 2. — er . [ adj . Weaving ( mech . ] Fish. Fi. IV. 8. Web , [ Woven ( thing ] Cob - [ Woven ( thing ) of Spider ] [ White spot in the eye ] Wed , [ a. Marriage ] Wedding , [ adj . Marriage solemnity ] Wedge . [ Prism ] sp . for cleaving ] — of Silver . to — in . [ In-thrust ( augm . ] [ In-fasten ] sp . by prisms in-thrusted about it ] Wedlock , [ Marriage ] Wednesday , [ 4 th day of the week ] We. Prep . I. 1. A. Weed . [ Sorry garment ] [ Herb ] sp . Unprofitable ] Hurtful ] — ing . O. III. 3. A. Week . — of time . Mea. V. 4. A. — of Candle , [ adj . p. flame ( apt . ) string ( part ] Wee l , , [ adj . Taking ( machin ) for fish ] Weeld . [ Handle ] [ Swing ] Ween , [ a. Opinion ] [ a. Supposition ] Over — [ a. Pride ] Weeping . AC . IV. 3. O. Weesel . Be. IV. 7. A. Weevel . Ex. V. 1. A. Weigh . v. mea . III. — with Balances . O. I. 2. [ Be heavy ] v. Q. V. 4. — anker , [ Lift a. ] — down . [ Depress ] [ Consider ] Weight . Gravity . Q. V. 4. E. Measure of . Mea. III. Measuring ( instr . ) Mea. III. A. Gold — Weight perfectly equal ] Standing — Weight perfectly equal ] [ Importance ] Weighty , [ adj . Weight ] Welk , [ Periwinkle ] Ex. VII . 6. A. Welkin , [ Sky ] well . [ adv . Good ] Regular ] Sufficient ] — a day . Int. II. 2. O. — advised , [ a. Considerate ] — beloved , [ Loved ] — born Noble man ] Gentle man ] — come Accepted ( perf . ] adj . a. Delectation ] to — one . [ Joy. AS . VI. 6. ( sign ) for his coming ] [ Entertain ( perf . ] — fare , [ Being ( perf . ] — favoured , [ adj . Decent ] ( fig. ] — in health , [ adj . Health ] — in years , [ adj . Old ( dim . ] — nigh , [ Almost ] Adv. V. 1. — now Int. III. 2. O. — then Int. III. 2. O. — to pass , [ Rich ( dim . ] — willing adj . Favour ] — wishing adj . Favour ] as — Adv. II. 1. a — W. IV. 3. Welt , [ Margin ] sp . made by sowing ] Welter , [ v. Volutation ] Wen. S. III. 5. Wench . [ adj . Childhood ( fem . ] Adolescence ( fem . ] [ Sorry ( fem . ] [ adj . Fornication ( fem . ] to — [ a. Fornication ] Went , [ adj . pret . go ] Wept , [ adj . pret . weep ] Were . [ are having been ] it — [ It might be ] as it — Adv. IV. 2. O. West . Sp. III. 1. O. Wet . Q. V. 2. E. Whale . Fi. I. 1. — of the river , [ Sheatfish ] Fi. VI. 6. Wharf , , [ adj . River haven ] Wharfinger , [ adj . Wharf ( Off. ] What. Interrog . Pron . III. 1. A. Relative . Pron . III. 2. A. — manner of , [ of what manner ] kind ] — soever . Pron . III. 3. A. — a poor shift , [ How sorry a shift ] Wheal . [ Pustle ] S. III. 1. — worm . Ex. II. 7. A. Wheat . HL. II. 1. Buck — HF. I. 3. Cow — Indian — [ Maiz ] HL. II. 2. Wheat-ear . Bi. V. 6. A. Wheat-grass . HL. III. 3. Wheedle . [ adj . Fawning adv . Fraud ] Wheel . Figure Mag. V. 3. A. to — [ Vertiginate ] — about Turn ] Go in crooked ( Line ] — of Curt , &c. Po. V. 6. — Barrow . [ One wheel'd Cart ] to break on the — RJ. V. 9. A. Wheeze , [ a. Asthma with sound ( augm . ] Whey . [ Serum ] PP . I. 2. Whelk . [ Pustle ] S. III. 1. Whelm . [ Cover ] ( augm . ] Whelp , Dog ( yong ] Lion ( yong ] &c. ( yong ] When. [ At what time ] [ Whereas ] Conj . IV. 1. Whence . [ From what place ] — soever , [ From whatsoever place ] Where . What. — by , [ By what ] — in , [ in what ] — of , [ of what ] — to , [ to what ] — as . Conj . IV. 1. — fore . Conj . III. 3. [ in what place ] — soever , [ In whatsoever place ] any — [ In any place ] every — Sp. II. 8. no — Sp. II. 8. O. Wherl ( adj . Vertigination ( jug . ] Whern ( adj . Vertigination ( jug . ] Wherret , [ Striking ] sp . with hand ] Wherry , [ Boat adj . p. row ( apt . ) with 2 Oars ] Whether . — of the two , [ Who of the two ] Affirm . Conj . I. 1. Negat . Conj . I. 1. O. — or no. Conj . I. 1. or Conj . I. 1. O. Disjunctive indefinite . Conj . II. 3. A. Whet. as point adj . p. tooth ( make ] adj . a. pricking ( apt . ] as edge , adj . p. edge ( make ] adj . a. Cutting ( apt . ] — Stone . St. I. 6. Why , [ Wherefore ] Which . Interrog . Pron . III. 1. A. Relative . Pron . III. 2. A. VVhiffler , [ Disguised adj . waiting ( Off. ) with Candle ] VVhig . [ Drink of acid whey ] VVhile . [ Time ] sp . between ] a good — adv . permanent ] a great — adv . permanent ] a long — adv . permanent ] — age [ adv . old ] — since [ adv . old ] a little — [ adv . transitory ] a short — [ adv . transitory ] — ago [ adv . new ] — since [ adv . new ] mean — [ in the middle time ] after a — [ after some time ] within a — [ after some time ] after a little — [ adv . soon ] within a little — [ adv . soon ] after a long — [ adv . late ] within a long — [ adv . late ] to — Off. a. Cunctation ] Delay ] Protract ] VVhilst . Adv. III. 3. VVhimper , [ Acute ( dim . ) grief ( voice ] VVhimzy . [ a. Fancy ( corr . ] [ adj . Conceitedness ( thing ] VVhin . [ Furz ] VVhine , [ acute ( dim . ) desire grief ( voice ] VVhip . [ adj . Whipping ( instr . ] Figure . Mag. IV. 7. [ adj . hand ( part ) of Rudde ] to — Punish . RJ. VI. 2. [ a. Agility ] [ about-wind threed ] — a top , [ Vertiginate t. with adj . Mag. IV. 7. ( instr , ] VVhipsaw , [ Saw ( dim . ] VVhirl . — bone , [ Bone covering the knee ] — pool . W. IV. 1. D. — wind . El. II. 4. A. o — [ Vertiginate ( augm . ] [ Cast adv . Vertiginating ] VVhirligig .   VVhirtle . Sh. III. 3. A. VVhisk . [ Move ( imp . ] [ Brush by striking ] VVhisker , [ Great ] [ Mustache ] VVhisper . AC . III. ● . — er , [ adj . Whispering Backbiting ( person ] VVhist . Int. III. 1. O. VVhistle . [ Whistling ( instr . ] sp . adj . Tube ( fig. ] — ing . Q. III. 4. A. VVhit , [ Least ] any — [ adv . any ] every — [ adv . all ] who le ] VVhite . — Colour . Q. I. 1. E. — bread , [ Fine bread ] — lead , [ Ceruse ] — liver'd , [ adj . Coward ] — meats , [ adj . milk victuals ] — pot , [ Fluid Pudding ] — ing . [ White ( make ] Fish. Fi. III. 2. A. VVhither . [ To what place ] — soever , [ To whatsoever place ] VVhitlow . [ Bile on the finger ] — grass . Whitsontide , [ adj . Festivity ( time ) for pret . Descension of the Holy Ghost ] Whitster , [ adj . a. white ( mech . of Linen ] Whittle , [ Cut ( corr . ] — ' d , [ Drunk ] Whizz . [ adj . Hissing ( voice ] Who. Interrog . pron . III. 1. A. Relative . Pron . III. 2. A. — So Pron . III. 3. A. — soever Pron . III. 3. A. Whole . Total . TM . VI. Entire ] NP. V. 1. adj . Soundness ] NP. V. 2. Sum. — Sale , [ Selling adv . aggregate ] — ly [ adv . who le ] All ] Wholesom , [ adj . Health ] So●ndness ] Whom , vid. Who. Whoop , [ v. Exclamation ( augm . ] Whore. [ adj . fornication ( fem . ] — dom , [ Fornication ] — monger , [ adj . fornication ( male ] Whortle . Sh. II. 2. Sweet — Sh. II. 6. A. Whose , adj . Who ] of Who ] Whosoever . Pron . III. 3. A. Wicked , Graceless ] Unholy ] Vicious ( augm . ] Wicker , [ Woven ( thing ) of wands ] sp . adj . Ozier ] Wicket . [ Door ( dim . ] Wide . [ Ample ] — open , [ Wholly open ] [ Remote ] — from the matter , [ Impertinent ( augm . ] Widgin . Bi. IX . 3. Widow . RO. II. 5. — Wail . Sh. III. 6. A. Wield . [ Handle ] [ Govern ] Wife , [ Married ( fem . ] house — [ Mistress of family ] good — [ adj . Providence ] Frugality ( fem . ] [ Woman ( corr . ] Wight , [ Person ] Wild. — ness . Wantonness ] Fierceness ] Conceitedness ] Lightness ] [ Riotousness ] [ Barbarousness ] [ Irregularness ] [ Impertinence ( augm . ] — fire , [ Confection of wetted Gunpowder ] — plant , [ Naturally growing ] Wilderness , [ Not-adj . p. Dwelling ( place ] Wilding , [ Naturally growing Apple ] Wile , [ a. Craft ] Will. Future tense ] Mood III. ] Faculty . NP. I. 4. Act. AS . IV. Inclination ] Velleity ] Purpose ] Desire ] Command ] Good — [ favour ] with a good — [ adv . Alacrity ] Ill — [ Malignity ] with an ill — [ adv . Grudging ] [ Testament ] — with a Wisp . El. I. 6. Wilful . [ Fierce ] [ Pertinacious ] [ adj . Disobedience ( apt . ] [ Not-adj . p. Perswade Dissuade ( apt . ] Willingness . [ Will ( abstr . ] [ Spontaneity ] [ Alacrity ] Willow . Tree . Tr. VI. 9. Herb. Codded — HS. IV. 3. Spiked — Sh. V. 1. A. Wimble . [ adv . p. Vertigination Boring ( instr . ] Wimple .   Win. Obtain ] Gain ] — a Victory , [ a. Victory ] Take ] Conquer ] Perswade ] Allure ] Wince , [ Strike with heels ] Winch , [ adv . Vertiginated Pulling Scruing ( machin ] Wind. Proper . El. II. 4. — fall , [ adj . p. Fall Event sp . by wind ] — flower , [ Anemony ] HF. IX . 3. — mill , [ Mill adj . p. operation ( make ) by the wind ] Side — [ Oblique — ] Whirl — El. II. 4. A. Air ( augm . ] Vapor ] Fume ] — gall . — in the guts , [ Colic ] [ Breath ] — pipe . PG. VI. 1. A. fetch — [ a. Respiration ] long — ed ] short — ed ] [ Sent ] is in the — of [ Discover ( inc . ] to — — a horn , [ a. sound h. ] [ smell ] sp . ( inc . ] [ v. Crooked ] v. Parabolical ] v. Hyperbolical ] v. Elliptical ] [ Turn ] — ing way . [ Fold ] — ing sheet , [ adj Linen ( vest ) for adj . buried ( person ] [ v. Round ] Circular ] [ Vertiginate ] [ v. Undulated ] [ Wriggle ] — in and out Turn adv . Diversity ] Wriggle adv . Diversity ] — up and down . [ Insinuate ] — into one . — one out of [ v. Spiral ] Helical ] [ Twisting ] [ v. Bottom ] Skein ] [ Glomerate ] — up , [ End ] — a Bottom , [ a. Bottom ] — a Skein , [ a. Skein ] — a Watch. Windle . Mag. IV. 5. A. Windlass , [ Pulley ] Window . Po. IV. 2. A. Wine . Pr. II. 6. Wing . PP . V. 2. — of an army , [ adj . side ( part ) of Army ] Wink . [ Shut eye ] [ Sign by shutting eye ] — at . [ Seem not to observe ] [ Not — Correct ] Punish ] Winnow . O. III. 5. A. Winter . Mea. V. 3. A. — cherry . — Gillyflower . — Green. HL. VI. 8. to — Permanence through the winter ] Dwelling ] through the winter ] Wipe . Stroke . O. V. 8. A. — clean , [ a. Clean by wipeing ] — out , Annihilate by — ing ] Spoil by — ing ] [ a. Fraud ] [ Jeer ] Wire , [ adj . Metal threed ] Wise. [ Manner ] [ adj . Wisdom ] Wisdom . Ha. VI. 2. Wish . a. Will ] Desire ] — one to do , Advise one &c. Command one &c. — well to [ a. Favour ] [ a. Velleity ] Wisp . [ Wreath ] sp . of Straw ] [ Inflammation of the eye-lid ] . Wist , [ Pret. know ] Wistly , [ Steddily ] Wit. [ Understanding ] [ a. Fancy Invention ( person ] [ Sprightliness ] Wisdom ] Art ] — less , [ Without — adj . wit ] in ones●s , [ adj . Understanding ( perf . ] out of ones — s [ Mad ] little — [ Wit ( def . ] Pleasant — [ Facetiousness . ] Searching — [ Sagaciousness ] to — [ Conj . IV. 3. Witch , [ adj . RJ. III. 1. ( person ] — Craft . RJ. III. 1. With. Fight — Run — [ Against ] [ Fight — ] [ by ] Adv. I. 1. A. — much pain , [ adv . Painful ] together — Adv. II. 2. — all With it ] Also . a — [ Twisted Wand ] Withdraw . Abstain Giving ] Cease Giving ] [ Take away ] sp . Concealing ] [ Remove ] [ Depart ] [ Retire ] sp . adv . Concealing ] - ing Room . [ Inner Room ] Wither . [ Decay ] sp . through Nutrition Moisture ( def . ] Withers of a horse , [ Convex ( part ) between the shoulders ] Withhold . Hold ] Detention ] [ a. Impedient ] Withy . Willow . Tr. IV. 6. Sallow . Tr. IV. 6. A. Within . [ On this side ] Prep . VI 2. in . Prep . IV. 1. A. — a little , [ Almost ] Without . Not with . Prep . II. 2. O. — doubt , [ adv . Certain ] Not within . Prep . IV. 2. A. Beyond . Prep . VI. 2. A. Withstand . Oppose ] Resist ] [ a. Impedient ( end ] Withwind .   Witness . RJ. I. 7. A. Wittal , [ Consenting to his Wifes Adultery ] Witty. [ adj . Wit ] Witting . [ adj . Knowledge ] Witwal . [ Wood speit ] Bi. I. O. Wizarding . RJ. III. 1. A. Wo. Misery ] Grief ] Woad . HS. VI. 8. Woful [ adj . Misery ] Grief ] Wolfe . Beast . Be. V. 1. A. — sbane . HS. I. 3. Berry bearing — [ Herb Christopher ] HS. IX . 5. wholesom — HS. I. 3. A. Winter — HS. I. 4. [ Cancer ] S. III. 4. Woman , [ Man. W. V. 5. [ female ] — s , age Man. VI. 2. estate Man. VI. 2. — s , Sex. NP. VI. 2. O. Womb. PG. VI. 9. Wonder . [ Admiration ] Wont . [ Custom ] Woo. [ a. Suitor ] Wood. Part of Tree . PP . I. A. Place of Trees . Po. I. 7. — man [ adj . Po. I. 7. ( Off. ] — ward [ adj . Po. I. 7. ( Off. ] [ Trees ( aggr . ] Woodbind . Sh. II. 8. Vpright — Sh. II. 8. A. Woodcock . Bi. VII . 7. A. Woodculver , [ adj . Wood-pigeon ] Wood , Angry ( exc . ] Mad ] Woodfretter .   Woodlark . Bi. IV. 1. A. Woodlouse .   Woodman . adj . Po. I. 7. A. Woodpecker . Bi. IX . 9. Woodpile . [ Heaped wood ( aggr . ] Woodroof . HL. IX . 10. Woodsear .   Woodsorrel . [ Three-leav'd Sorrel ] Woodspeight . Bi. IX . 9. Woodward , [ adj . Po. I. 7. ( Off. ] Woodworm , [ Wood-boring insect ( dim . ] Woof , [ Transverse threeds of woven ( thing ] Wool. PP . VI. 1. A. — en cloth . Pr. IV. 1. Word . Proper . D. II. at a — [ Briefly ] in a — [ Briefly ] in — only , [ adv . Hypocrisie ] by — of mouth , [ adv . present speaking ] by — [ Proverb ( corr . ] [ Watchword ] [ Narration ] bring b. [ Narration ] send s. [ Narration ] [ Promise ] Work. a. action ] v. efficient ] [ Operation ] O. make — a. Efficient more-operation ] Do adj . must . undone ( things ] [ a. Mechanic ] sp . for Ornateness ] [ Embroider ] [ Ferment ] a — [ adj . p. work ( thing ] [ Book ] Workman , [ adj . Work ( person ] sp . ( perf . ] — ship , [ Work ] sp . ( perf . ] World. The Universe of Creatures . W. The Globe of earth and waters . W. II. 7. The earth . W. III. a — of [ adj . Multitude ( aug . ] Worldly . [ adj . world ] [ adj . Scraping ] Worldling Graceless ( person ] Selfish ( person ] Covetous ( person ] Worm . Insect . bear — Ex. III. 8. A. belly — Ex. I. 1. A. blain — churr — [ Evechurr ] Ex. II. 2. A. earth — Ex. I. 1. Gally — palmer — Ex. III. 8. A. Silk — Ex. III. 6. A. Skipping — Ex. III. 7. Wheal — Ex. II. 7. A. [ Spiral Pin ] Wormseed . Treacle — HS IV. 13. Wormwood . Sh. V. 3. Worn , adj . a. pret . Wear ] adj . p. Wear ] Worry , [ Shak in teeth ] Worse . TM . I. 6. D. — and — [ adj . Worse ] Worship . [ Dignity ] [ a. Reverence ] adoration . RE. IV. Worshipful . [ adj . Dignity ] [ Gentleman ( kind ] Worst . [ Most evil ] — part . TM . VI. 1. O. to — [ Overthrow ] Worsted . [ Fine threeds of Wool ] Wort. [ Herb ] ale [ not yet fermented ] beer [ not yet fermented ] Worth Worthiness ] Excellence ] [ Valor ] [ Price ] [ Riches ] Worthiness . TM . IV. 6. Worthless , [ Sorry ] Wote , [ Know ] Woven , [ adj . p. Weave ] Would . — ing , [ Velleity ] — god , [ I wish ] I — [ Have it ] [ Mood conditional III ] Wound . hurt . S. I. 2. adj . a. pret . Wind ] adj . p. Wind ] Wrack . Spoil Ruine sp . of Ship ] go to — [ Wracked ( inc . ] Herb. HL. I. 14. Wrangle . [ a. Contention ] sp . in words ] Wrap , Fold ] Cover by folding ] — about , [ About fold ] — up . Together-fold ] Cover by folding ] [ Tangle ] [ a. Obscure ] Wrath. [ Anger ( augm . ] Wreath . [ Twist ] a — [ Cylinder about-spirald ] Wreck , Perform ] Execute ] Wren . Bi. VI. 3. Wrench . [ Violently extend ] open ] sp . by lifting ] [ Hurt by violently extending ] Wrest . [ Coaction ] sp . by twisting ] [ Interpret ( corr . ] — from . [ From-take by wresting ] [ Extort ] VVrestle . Mo. V. 6. VVretch , [ adj . wretchedness ( person ] VVretchedness . [ Misery ] [ Penuriousness ( augm . ] [ Sorriness ] VVry . [ Oblique ] [ Crooked ] — neck , [ Woodpecker ( kind ] adj . holding ( freq . ) his head adv . oblique ] VVriggle . as Reptils . Mo. I. 6. to denote affection . AC . IV. 4. — out , Go Get [ out adv . wriggling ] VVrinch , vid. VVrench . VVringing . [ a. Compression ] sp . adv . Twisting ] — from one . [ From take violently ] sp . by wringing ] [ Extort ] — pain , [ p. as if by wringing ] VVrist . PG. V. 3. A. VVrit . [ Commission for arresting ] [ holy — [ Scripture ] Writing . AC . III. 7. a — [ Written thing ] Deed. RC. VI. 5. VVrithing , vid. VVreathing . VVrong . [ Irregular ] Evil ] Evil ( kind ] a. Injustice ] Injury ] in the — [ adj . erring ] VVroth , vid. VVrath . VVrought adj . a. pret . work ] adj . p. work ] VVrung , adj . a. pret . wring ] adj . p. wring ] Y. YArd . [ Stick ] Sail — RN. III. 2. [ 3 foot ] — land . [ Court ] Po. III. 3. PG. VI. 8. ( male ] Yarn , [ Threed adj . p. weave ( apt . ] Yarrow . [ Millefoil ] Yawn . Mo. III. 6. Yea. affirmat . Adv. I. 1. [ Rather ] Adv. III. 1. Yee . Pron . I. 2. A. Yeeld . Suffer to take . TA. IV. 1. Sold for ] Demised for ] — account , [ a. Account ] — Fruit , [ a. Fruit ] a. Subjection ] Submit ] Grant ] D. VI. 3. O. Assent ] AS . II. 3. Confess ] D. VI. 9. as Garrison . RM. II. 4. D. as Prisoner . RM. II. 6. D. as Conquer'd RM. II. 7. D. — up the Ghost , [ Dy ] Diminish ] Remit ] as in moist weather , [ v. moistness ] as to the touch , [ v. Yieldingness ] Yeeldingness . [ Yield ( apt . ] [ Softness ] Q. VI. 1. Yeer . Mea. V. in — s [ Old ] adj . Mea. VI. 4. Yeest , [ adj . fermenting ( thing ) of Ale ] Beer ] Yell , [ Exclaim ] Yellow . Q. II. 2. A. the — s — hammer . Bi. IV. 2. Yelp , [ a. voice as dog ( young ] Yeoman . RC. I. 6. A. — of the Larder , &c. [ Officer of the L. &c. ] Yerk , Cast ( imp . ] Strike ( imp . ] Yern , [ adj . p. Motion ] sp . with Pity ] Desire ] Yes . Adv. I. 1. Yesterday , [ adj . preceding day ] Yet . Nevertheless Conj . II. 2. O. Before this time ] Till this time ] Yew , [ Sheep Be. II. 2. ( fem . ] — tree : Tr. V. 3. Yex , [ Hiccough ] Yoke . [ Neck-binding ( jug . ] [ Together-two ] Yolk , [ Yellow ( part ) within the Egg ] Yong , vid. Young ] Yonker , [ Young ( person ] — of ship . RN. V. 8. A. Yore , [ Old ] Sp. I. 3. O. You , Thou Yee Young. — of age , [ adj . youth ] — ones , [ Children ] [ New ] — beginner , Learner ] Beginner ] Your , [ adj . You ] Youth . Under age Infancy . Mea. VI. 1. Childhood . Mea. VI. 1. A. Of age Adolescence . Mea. VI. 2. Youth . Mea. VI. 2. A. a — [ adj . Youth ( person ] — full , [ adj . Youth ( like ] Z. ZAny , [ adj . Scurril ( person ] Zeal . AS . VI. 1. Zedoary . Herb , [ Root of an Indian Iris ] Tree . Tr. VI. 11. Zelot , [ adj . Zeal ( person ] sp . ( corr . Zenith , [ Upper Pole of the Horizon ] Zink , [ Spelter ] Met. III. 4. Zodiac . W. VI. 3. A. Zoilus , [ Censurer ( corr . ] Zone . [ Girdle ] [ Space of earth , &c. ] frigid — [ Space of earth between pole and polar Circle ] temperate — [ Space of earth between Polar Circle and Tropic ] torrid — [ Space of earth between the two Tropics ] Zoophyte , [ Plant-Animal ] Zyris .   FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A66045-e4230 §. I. §. II. Horat. lib. 1. Sat. 3. Gen. 11.1 , 6. Nat. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 5. Strabo , lib. 11. Mr. Cambden's Remains . Purchas Pilg. lib. 8. sect . 4. chap. 1. §. III. Diatribe de Europaeorum linguis . Brerewood's Enquiries , chap. 1. De honesta disciplina , lib. 3. cap. 3. Verstegan , chap. 7. Gesuer . Mithridates , cap. 21. Enquiries , chap. 4. §. IV. Judges 12. Judges 18.3 . Matth. 26.73 . Georg. Hornii Epist. in Boxhornii Origines Gallic . In Epist. Boxhorn . Origin . Gallic . cap. 6. & 8. Brerewood's Enquiries , chap. 9. John 5.2 . & 19.13 , 17. Acts 21.40 . Bochart . Geog. l. 1. cap. 15. Luke 4.15 , 16. Acts 13.15 . §. I. Brerewood's Enquiries , chap. 2. & 6. Histor. lib. 3. §. II. Alex. Gill Logonom . Anglican . Pre●ace . Cambden's Remains , pag. 23. Lisle's Saxon Monuments . Horat. de arte poëtica . §. III. Ludov. Vives Annot. in August . Civ . Dei , lib. 19. cap. 17. Brerewood's Enquiries , chap. 6. De Bello Gallico , lib. 6. § IV. Cambden's Remains . Linschotten vo●age , chap. 18. Additamentum de Regno ●atayae . §. I. Tuscul. Qu. lib. 1. Coelum Orientis . §. II. Grotius de Veritate Relig . lib. 1. Nat. Hist. l. 7. cap. 56. Lib. 5. cap. 12. Bell. Pharsal . lib. 3. a Terpsichore . b Symposiac . lib. 9. c Histor. lib. 4. Scaliger . Appendix de Emendat . Temp. Brerewood's Enquiries , chap. 7. Geograph . l. 2. Animad vers . in Eusebium , Anno 1617. Nat. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 56. Histor. lib. 1. Annal. 11. De Origine Scribendi , cap. 5. §. III. Enquiries , chap. 5. §. IV. Vid. Purchas book 5. chap ▪ 7. sect . 1. Trithemius de Polygraphia , §. V. Histor. Nat. Indiae , lib. 4. c. 3. De Augment . lib. 6. cap. 1. Orig. scribendi , cap. 4. §. VI. Martinii Atlas Sinensis . §. I. §. II. Vossius . §. III. De Pronunc . cap. 5. Grammat . lib. 1. cap. 12. Ios. Scal. Diat . De varia pronunciatione . De Linguae Anglicanae pronunciatione . Cessio , Sessio , Gratia. Priscian . §. IV. De Origine Scribendi c. 7. §. V. Scaliger de Causis L. L. cap. 46. §. VI. Scaliger de Causis L. L. cap. 188. Bp. Walton Prolegomena de Lingua Arabica , sect . 6. Sir Tho. Smith de recta Scriptione . Gregorius Turone●sis . §. I. Vossius de Arte Grammat . lib. 1. cap. 4. Vossius ibid. cap. 3. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 1. cap. 7. §. II. §. III. Notes for div A66045-e16730 I. KIND . II. CAUSE . III. DIVERSITY . IV. DIFFERENCE relating to the END of Action . V. DIFFERENCE relating to the MEANS . VI. MODE . I. Transcend . Relations of QUANTITY MORE GENERAL . II. Transcend . Relations of CONTINUED QUANTITY . III. Transcen . Relations of DISCONTINUED QUANTITY . IV. Transcen . Relations of QUALITY at large . V. Transcend . Relations more strictly . VI. Transcen . Relations of WHOLE and PART . I. TRANS. RELAT. of ACTION SIMPLE . II. Trans . Relat. of Actions COMPARATE . III. Trans . Relat. of BUSINESS . IV. Transcen . Relations of COMMERCE . V. EVENT . VI. ITION . §. VI. I● . ELEMENTS . II. WORDS . III. COMPLEX GRAMMATICAL NOTIONS . IV. COMPLEX LOGICAL NOTIONS . V. MIXED NOTIONS OF DISCOURSE . VI. MODES OF DISCOURSE . §. I. §. II. I. SPIRIT . II. HEAVEN . III. EARTH . IV. WATER . V. ANIMATE PARTS OF THE WORLD . VI. IMAGINARY CIRCLES . §. I. I. FIRE . II. AIR . III. WATER . IV. EARTH . NOTE . V. APPEARING METEORS . VI. WEATHER . §. II. I. VULGAR STONES . II. MIDDLE PRIZED STONES . III. PRECIOUS STONES LESS TRANSPARENT . IV. PRECIOUS STONES MORE TRANSPARENT . V. EARTHY CONCRETIONS DISSOLVIBLE . VI. EARTHY CONCRETIONS NOT DISSOLVIBLE . §. III. I. NATURAL METALS . II. FACTITIOUS METALS . §. I. §. II. §. III , I. IMPERFECT HERBS . Fungus . Mucor . Tuber . Fungus p●lverulentus . Moschus . Lichen . Filix . Diyopteris . Adianthum album . Capillus Veneris . Polypodium . Lonchitis . Trichema●●s . Asplenium . Hemionitis . Phyllitis . Lunaria . Ophioglossum . Lens palustris . Conferva . Spongia . Androsace . Lactuca marina . Auris marina . Opuntia marina . Alga . Corallina marina Reticulata . II. GRAMINEOUS FRUMENTACEOUS HERBS . Triticum . Secale . Frumentum Indicum . Hordeum . Oriza . Avena . Panicum . Sorgum . Milium . III GRAMINEOUS PLANTS NOT USED BY MEN FOR FOOD . Phalaris . Gra. Pan●ceum . Alopecuros . Gr. Typhinum . Gr. Triticeum . Spartum . Gr. Hordeaceum . Lolium . Gr. Caninum . Gr. Cristatum . Arundo . Lachrimae Iob Gr. Avenaceum . Dactyloides . Gr. tremulum . Gr. hirsutum . Gr. pratense paniculatum . Calamus Aromaticus , Schoenanthus , Cyperus . Iuncus . Canna . Gr. plumosum . Gr. tomentosum . Typha . Sparganium . Myosuros . IV. GRAMINEOUS HERBS of BULBOUS ROOTS . Corona Imperialis L●lium . Martagon . Tulipa . Fritiliaria . Narcissus . Hyacinthus . Ornithogalum . Viola bulbosa . Iris bulbosa . Gladiolus sigetum . Colchicum . Crocus . O●ch●s . C●pa . Porrum . Ascalonitis . Porrum sectile . Allium sativum . Moly . Allium Vrsinum . Victorialis ●onga . Scylla . V. HERBS OF AFFINITY TO BULBOUS PLANTS . Asphodelus . Phalangium . Dens caninus ▪ Liliasphodelus ▪ Iris tuberosa . Canna Indica . Iucca . Hyacinthus . Indi●●●tu erosu● . Iuncus floridus . Nidus avis ▪ Orobanche . Dentaria aphyllos . Dracontium , Arum . Arisarum lat●sol . Arisarum angus●ifol . VI. ROUND LEAVED HERBS . Tussilag● . Petasitis . Bardana major . Bardana minor . Ca●aha . Nymp●●ea . Caltha palus●ris . Viola . Herba Trinita●is . Asarum . Cyclan●e● . Pinguicula . Gramen Parnassi . Pyrola . Ros solis . Sanicula . Alchymilla . Saxifraga alba . Saxifraga aurea . Hedera terrestris . Nummularia . Nasturtium . Indicum . Cochlearia . Soldanella , VII . HERBS OF NERVOUS LEAVES . Helleborus albus . Helleborine . Plantago . Coronopus . Bistorta . Saponaria . Holosicum . Psyllium . Monophylion . Bitolium . Gentiana . Gentianella . Sigillum Salomonis . Lilium convallium . Potamogeiton . Tribulus aquaticus . VIII . SUCCULENT HERBS . Sedum majus . Aloe . Teleph●um . Rhodia radix . Portulaca . Cepaa . Sanicula guttata . Sedum serratum . Sedum minus . Illecebra . Vmbilicus Veneris . Cali. IX . HERBS considered according to their SUPERFICIES , or MANNER OF GROWING . Borago . Buglossum . Anchusa . Echium . Pulmonaria . Corinthe . Symph●tum . Cynoglossum . Lithospermum . Heliotropium . Asparagus . Gallium . Equis tum Millefolium cornutum aquaticum . Rubia ●inilerum . Cruciata . M●llugo . Apar●● . A 〈…〉 la Spergula . §. IV. I. HERBS OF STAMINEOUS FLOWERS . Rhabarbarum . Lapathum . Acetosa . Acetosa Romana . Tragopyrum . Convolvulus niger . Polygonum . ●aunabis . Lupulus . Mercurialis . Phyllon . Cynocrambe . Spinachia . Bonus Nenri●●● . Atriplex . Pes Auserinus . Beta . Luteola . Reseda . Thalictrum . Botrys . Ambrosia . Vrtica urens . Blitum . Amaranthus . Parietaria . Herniaria . Camphorata . II. HERBS OF A COMPOUND FLOWER NOT PAPPOUS . Flos solis . Flos solis Pyramidalis . Caltha . Bellis major . Bellis minor . Cosius hortorum . Ageratum . Stoechas citrina . Guaphalium . Chrysanthemum segetum . Buphthalmum verum . Flos Africanus . Chamaemelum . Cotula faetida . Mal●●aria . Ptarmica . Draco h●rba . Abrotanum . mas . Abrotanum foemina . Absinthium . Artemisia . Tanacetum . Millefolium . Scabiosa . Morsus Diaboli . Globularia . Caryophyllus marinus . Endivia . Cichoreum . III. PAPPOUS HERBS . Carduus . Cinara . Cyanus . Ptarmica Austriaca . Serratula . Centaurium majus . Iacea . Stabe . Carthamus . Chondrilla crupina . Doronicum . Helenium . Senecio . Iacobaea . Eupatorium cannabinum mas . Virga aurea . As●er . ●oniza . Tripolium . Crithmum chrysanthemum . Lactuca . Chondrilla . Hieracium . Dens Leonis . Tragopogon . Pilosella . Sonch●● . Lampsana . IV. UMBELLIFEROUS HERBS OF BROADER LEAVES . Anisum . Coriandrum . Sison . M●rrhis . Cicutaria vulgaris . Hipposel●num . Levisticum . Angelica . Imperatoria . Laserpitium . Libanotis Theophrasti . Silermontanum . Valeriana . Vlmaria . Petroselinum . Apium palusire . Panax Herculeum . Pastinaca sativa latifol . Sisarum . Persoliata . Bupleurum . Pimpinella saxifraga . Eringium umbelliferum . Smyrnium Creticum . Sphondilium . Sium . V. UMBELLIFEROUS HERBS OF FINER LEAVES . Foeniculum . Anethum . Peu●edanum . Crithmum . Ferula . Libanotis Galeni . Meum . Ammi . S●seli Massili●use . Pastinaca sativa tenui fol. Daucus . Carum . Cuminum . Panax Ascl●pium . Cherephyllon . Cicuta . Cicutaria aquatica . Bulbocastanon . ●lipendula ●ul●a●is . Pyrethrum . Thapsia . Gingidium . Caucalis . Millefolium aquaticum . Thyscelinum . Oenanthe . VI. VERTICILLATE FRUTICOSE HERBS . Salvia . Chamaedris . Teucrium . Marum . Tragoriganum . Thymus . Lavendula Staechas . Polium montanum . Hyssopus . Satureia . VII . VERTICILLATE NOT FRUTICOSE . HERBS . Mentha . Nepeta . Melissa . Calamintha . Molucca . Majorana . Origanum . Ocymum . Acinos ▪ Dictamnus . Marrubium album . Chamaepytis . Pulegium . Scordium . Scoredonia . Sclarea . Ho●minum . Vrtica iners . Marrubium nigrum . Stachis . Sideritis . Cardiaca . Gratiola . Lysimachia galericulata . Betonica . Lysimachia purpur●a . Prunella . Bugala . Cuscuta . VIII . SPICATE HERBS . Dipsacus . Eryngium . Carduus globosus . Virga Pastoris . Agrimonia . Circaea Lutetiana . Pimpinella sanguisorba . Lagopus . Trifolium stellatum . Perficaria . Potamog●iton angustifolium . IX . HERBS BEARING MANY SEEDS IN A BUTTON . Argentina . Cariophyllatae . Pentaphyllon . Tormentilla . Anemone . Pulsatilla . Ranunculus . Obelidonium minus . Flos Adonis . Malva . Malva hortensis major . Althaea . Malva arborea . Alc●a . §. V. 1. HERBS OF CORNICULATE SEED VESSELS . Paeonia . Fraxinella . Delpi●nium . Apud gia . Acomtu● . Anthora . Acomtum hy●male . Staphis ag●●a . Geramum . 〈◊〉 . II. PAPILIONACEOUS CLIMBERS . Phaseolus . Faba veterum . Pisum . Vicia . Lens . Orobus . Lathyrus . Ochrus . Aphaca . Arachidua . Terrae glandes . III PAPILIONACEOUS NOT CLIMBING . Faba . Lupinus . C●rn . Glaux vulgaris . Astragalus . sylvaticus Anthyllis leguminosa . Fumaria . Hedysarum clypeatum . Caput gallinaceum . Securidaca . Ferrum Equinum . Catanance . Galega . Herba viva . Ornithopodium . Tribulus terristris . Melilotus . Trifolium pratense . Polygala . Telephium Scorpoides . Scorpoides buplurifolio . Lotus . Foenum Gracum . Resta bovis . Medica cochleata . Medica Echinata . IV. SILIQUOUS NOT PAPILIONACEOUS HERBS . Leucoium Keiri . Hesperis . Dentaria . Lysimachia siliquosa Apocynum rectum Syriacum . Rapum . Napus . Raphanus . Brassica . Perfoliata siliquosa . Eruca-Barbarea . Alliaria . Capsicum . Sinapi . Rapistrum . Papaver corniculatum . Chelidoni●m majus . Sophia Chirurgorum . Turritis . Pilosella siliquosa . Camelina myagrum . Draba lute● . Apocynum . Asclepias . Nassurtium aquaticum . Cardamine . V. CAPSULATE HERBS of FIVE LEAVED FLOWERS . Caryophillus . Caryophillus minor . Lychnis . Muscipula . Speculum Veneris . Armeria . Lychnis Chalcedonica . Centaurium minu● . Vaccaria . Pseudo . melanthium . ●ypericum . Ascirum . Androsaemum . vulgare . Gramen Leucanthemum . Alsine myoso●is . Alsine . Anagallis . Tithymallus . Linum . Lysimachia lutea . Ruta . Nigella . VI. CAPSULATE of three or four leaved flowers . Militaris Aizoides . Sagittaria . Viola lunaris . Alysson Dioscoridis . Thlaspi . Bursa pastoris . Papaver . Argemone . Nasturtium . Iberis . Lepidium . Coronopus Ruellii . Epimedium . Glastum , Myagrum . Verbena . Limonium . Anagallis aquatica . Veronica . Chamadris spuria . VII . CAMPANULATE Pepo . Melo Cucurbita . Citrullus . Cucumis . Colocynthis . Cucumis asininus . Balsaminamas . Convolv●lus . Scammonia Syriaca ▪ Violae Marianae . Trachelium . Mirabile Peruvianum . Strammonium . Rapunculus . Campanula . Digitalis . Sesamum . Nicoti●na . Hyosciamus . VIII . CAPSULATE HERBS NOT CAMPANULATE Primula veris. Paralysis . Auricula Vrsi . Paralysis montana . Cortusa . Verbascum . Blattaria . Aristolochia . Scrophularia . Antirrhinum . Linaria . Crista galli . Euphrasia . Branca Vrsina . Melampyrum . Noli me tangere . Elatine . Vinca pervinca . IX . BACCIFEROUS HERBS . Fragaria . Pomum amoris . Malum insa●um . ●attata . Solanum . Mandragoras . Aconitum racemosum . Herba Paris . Bryonia alba . Bryonia nigra . Smilax aspera· Alkake●gi . Cacubalum . Plinii . Eubulus . §. VI. Rubus Idaeus . Rubus vulgaris . Rosa. Rosa canina . Groscularia . Oxyacantha . Prunus sylvestris . Berberis . Rhamnus Catharticus . Paliurus . Lycium . Rhamnus , II. BACCIFEROUS DECIDUOUS NOT SPINOUS . Vitis . Ribes . Vitis Idaea vulgaris . Viburnum . Aria . Cornus foemina . Padus Theophrasti . Mahalab . Chamaemespilus . Diospyros . Alnus nigra baccifera . Periclymenum Periclymenum rectum . Piper . Mezereon . Enonymus . Ligustrum . Cassia Po●tarum . Sambucus Rosea . Sambucus aquatica , Polemonium . ●●agus . III. BACCIFEROUS SEMPERVIRENT SHRUBS . Balsamum Iudaicum . Poterium . Palma humilis . Philyrraea . Alaternus . Arbutus . Pyrocantha . Laureola . Thymalaea . Chamaelaa tricoccos . Laurus Alexandrina . Hypoglossum . Ruscus . Laurus tinus . Iuniperus . Sabina . Myrtus . Rhas myrtifol . Hedera . Viscus . IV. SILIQUOUS SHRUBS . Syringa caerulio ●lore . Capparis . Aspalathus . Laburnum . Cytisus . Sena . Colutaea . Glycyrrhiza . Acacia . Acacia Americana . Planta humilis . Genista . Genista spinosa . Tragacantha . Dorycnium . V. GRANIFEROUS DECIDUOUS SHRUBS . Agnus castus . Spirae● Theophrasti . Tamariscus . Iasminum . Syringa alba . Althan . Elaeaguus cordi . Coccigrea . Tithymallus arborescens Clematis . Vi●rna valgi . Hedera quinquefol . Canad●●sis . VI. GRANIFEROUS EVER-GREEN SHRUBS . Ci●●us . Nerium . Sana munda . Tarton rair . Alypum monspeliensium . Rosmarinus . Salvia frutic●sa . Seseli Aethiopicum . Ledum Alpinum . Halimus . Iovis barba . Erica . Rose Hiericuntina . §. VII . I. POMIFEROUS TREES . Malus . Pirus . Malus cydonea . Mespilus . Mespilus Aronia . Sorbus . Sorbus torminalis . Ficus . Malus Punica Aurantia . Pomum Adami . Malus medica . Limonia . Musa arbor . Ficus Indica● . II. PRUNIFEROUS TREES . Malus Pers●ca . Nucipersica . Malus Armeniaca . Prunus . Cerasus . Cornus . Olea . Palma . Myrobalanus . Sebesten . Zizyphus alba . Zizyphus sativa . III. BACCIFEROUS TREES . Morus . Sambucus . Rhus Sumach . Fraxinus bubula . Terebinthus . Lotus . Laurus . Laurus cerasus . Taxus . Agrifolium . Buxus . Lentiscus . Draco arbor . Caryophyllus aromaticus . Azedarach . Sassafras . Molle arbor . IV. NUCIFEROUS TREES . Iuglans . Amygdalus . Pistacea . Styrax . Avellana . Corilus sylvestris . Castanea . Fagus . Staphylo-dendron . Nux moschata . Cacao . Buna arbor . Gossipium . Anacardium . V. GLANDIFEROUS and CONIFEROUS TREES . Quercus . Cerrus . Ilex . Suber . Alnus . Larix . Cedrus . Pinus . Abies mas . Abies foemina . Cupressus . Arbor vitae . VI. TREES whose Seeds are in SINGLE-TEGUMENTS . Siliqua arbor . Cassia . Tamarindus . Arbor Iuda . Vlmus . Carpinus . Fraxinus . Acer minus . Acer majus . Betula . Populus tremula . Populus nigra . Populus alba . Salix angustisol . Salix latifol . T●lia . Platanus . VII . TREES considered according to their WOODS or BARKS . Lignum Aloes . Lignum vitae . Lignum colubrinum . Santalum rubrum . Santalum citrinum . Lignum ●ephriticum . Lignum Rh●dium . Brasilium lignum . Ebenum . Cinnamomum . Cortex febrifugus . Cortex Winteranus . VIII . TREES considered according to their GUMS or ROSINS . Myrrha . Gummi Arabicum Sarcocolla . Thus. Gummi Elemi . Gummi Anima . Copal . Caranna . Benzoin . Camphora . Bdellium . Taca mahaca . Lacca . Liquidambra . Balsamum Peruvianum . §. I. §. II. I. INSECTS ▪ having no feet , or but six , being without wings . Vermis . Lumbricus Intestinorum . Hirudo . Limax . Cicindela . Farinaria . Proscarabeus . Brucus . Blatta non alata . Pediculus . Pulex . Scorpio aquaticus . II. INSECTS winged , or having above six legs . Locusta . Mantis . Gryllus . Gryllo-talpa . Cimex . Blatta alata . Tipula . Cicada aquatica . Aranea . Scorpius . Ricinus . Cimex . Syro . Acaris Tinea . As●llus . Scolopendra . Iulus . Pediculus marinus . Pulex marinus . III. ANOMALOUS INSECTS . Eula. Phryganeum . Spondyle . Eruca . Bombix . IV. NAKED WINGED INSECTS . Apis. Bombilius . Vespa . Crabro . Musca carnari● . Musca slercoraria . Formica . Culex . Cicada . Musca papilionacea . Libella . Se●icauda . Papil●o . Phalaena . Praedatrix . V. SHEATHED WINGED INSECTS . Rhinoceros . Scarabaeus nasi-cornis . Cervus volans . Buceros . Capricornus . Scarabaeus Antennis nodo●s . Scarabaeus vulgaris . Scarabaeus Pilularis . Scarabaeus Arboreus . Scarabaeus dome●●icus . Scarabaeus punctatus . Staphilinus . Forficula . Scarabaeus aquat . major . Scarabaeus aquat . minor . Cicindela . VI. CRUSTACEOUS EXANGUIOUS ANIMALS . Astacus . Lo●nsta marina . Vrsus marinus . As●acus fluviat●lis . Squilla . Squilla Mantis . Cancellus . Cancer vulgaris . Cancer Heracleoticus . Cancer majus . Cancer molucensis . Cancer minor . Aranea marina . Aranea crustacea . VII . TESTACEOUS TURBINATED ANIMALS . Cochlea . Concha Veneris . Concha Persica . Auris marina . VIII . TESTACEOUS ANIMALS NOT TURBINATED . Patella . Balanus . Echinus . Echinus spatagus . Concha margaritifera . Galades . Ostrea . Spondylus . Pecten . Pectuncalus . Chama . Tellina . Pinna . Musculus . Pholas . Solen . Bernicla . IX . SOFT EXANGUIOUS ANIMALS . Polypus . Bolitaena . Sepia . Sepiola Rondeletii . Loligo . Loligo rubra . Lepus . Holothurius . Pulmo marinus . Tethya . Vrtica marina . §. III. I. VIVIPAROUS OBLONG FISH . Balana . Dolphinus . Pristis . Xiphias . Canis carcharias . Glaucus . Mustelus levis . Asterias . Galeus spinax . Centrina . Catulus major . Catulus minor . Zygaena . Vulpecula . Acipenser . Huso . II. VIVIPAROUS FISH NOT LONG AND ROUND . Pastinaca . Aquila . Raia Lavis . Raia clavata . Torpedo . Rana piscatrix . Squatina . Mola . Lumpus . III. OVIPAROUS FISH of FLEXILE FINNS . Molva . Asellus n●ger . Asinus amiquorum . Asellus mollis . Asellus longus . Merlucius . Thynnus . Pelamis . Scombrus . Milvus . Hirundo Plinii . Gobius marinus . Harengus major . Harengus minor . Clupea . Encrasicholus . Acus . Petimbuaba . IV. OVIPAROUS FISH having one finn SPINOUS , and the other FLEXILE . Mugil . Cuculus . Hirundo . Lyra prior Rondeletii . Mullus major . Mullus minor . Draco . Scolopax . Monoceros Clusii . Ea●●r . V. OVIPAROUS FISH of ONE FINN , partly STIFF , and partly SOFT . Aurata . Sparus . Scorpius major . Scorpius minor . Turdus . Perca marina . VI. EEL-FIGURED FISH . Congrus . Serpens marinus . Lampetra major . Lampetra minor . Silurus . Mustela . Anguilla . VII . OVIPAROUS PLAIN FISH . Solea . Solea oculata . Cynoglossus . Rhombus . Passer . Passer niger . VIII . FISHES OF A HARD CRUSTACEOUS SKIN . Piscis triangularis . Piscis triangularis coruntus . Stella piscis· IX . SQAMOUS RIVER FISH . Lucius . Salmo . Violacea . Trutt● . Carpio . Thymallus , Oxyrynchos . Perca . Perca aurata ▪ Cyprinus . Tinca . Barbus . Capito . Abramis . Rubellio . Luciscus . Alburnus . Gobio . Gobites barbatus , Gobio Capitatus . Phoximus . Pungitius . § IV. I. CARNIVOROUS BIRDS . Aquila . Vultur . Accipiter . Milvus . Cuculus . Lanius . Bubo cornutus . Bubo non cornutus . Corvus . Cornia . Monedula . Coracius . Psittacus . Psittacus minor . Pica candata . Pica glandaria . Picus martius . Osprey . Percnopteros . Vultur Boeticus . Ald. Vultur aureus . Accipiter Palumbarius . Accipiter fringillar●us . Tinnunculus . Iersalco . Falco montanus . Falco . Lanarius . Subbuteo . Aesalon . Nilvus . Buteo Triorchis . Anataria . Pygargus minor . Vlula Aldrovandi . Aluco . Strix Aldrovandi . Caprimulgus . Cornix frugif ▪ Cornix Ciner : Manucodiata . Picus Martius viridis . Picus maximus niger . Picus varius . Iynx , Torquilla . Sitta . Picus murarius . Certhia . Iunco . Canus varola . II. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF SHORT WINGS . Gallus . Pavo . Gallo-pavo . Phasianus . Otis . Vrogallus . Tetrao . Perdix . Perdix rutta . Galli●a Coryllorum . Coturnix . Rallus . Struthio-camelus . ●meu . III. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF LONG WINGS . Columba . Palambus torquatus . Oenas , Vinago . Turtur . Turdus viscivorus . Turdus . Stur●●s , Turdus pilaris . Turdus iliacus . Merula . Vpupa . Apiast●r , Merops . 〈◊〉 . IV. PHYTIVOROUS BIRDS OF SHORT THICK BILLS . Emberiza alba Gesneri Alanda congener . Cenchryamus Belloni● . Citrinella Hortulanus . Passer . Passer montanus . R●bicilla . Loxia . Chloris . Passer Canarius . Fringilla , Monte-fringilla . Linaria . Linaria rubra . V. INSECTIVOROUS , GREATER . Hirundo . Hirundo apes . Martes . Hirundo riparia . Luscinia . Alauda . Alauda pratenys . Rubecula . Ruticilla . Ficedula . Oena●ths . Motacilla . Motacilla flava . Muscicapa tertia Aldrevandi . Curruca . VI. LEAST INSECTIVOROUS BIRDS . Passer Troglod●●● . Ton●nius . Tringillago . Parus C●rul●us . Parus ater . Parus caudatus . Parus Cristatus . VII . AQUATIC BIRDS living NEAR WET PLACES . Vanellus . Pluvialis viridis . Pluvialis cinereus . Morin●llus . Charadrios . Hamatopus . Avis pugnax . Scolopax . Gallinago minor . Haemantopus ▪ Belloni● . Fedoa . Arquata . VIII . AQUATIC FISSIPEDES . Grus . Ciconia . Ardea . Ardea alba major . Ardea alba minor . Ardea stellaris . Ardea Brasilica . Platea . Colymbus major . Colymbus minor . Fulica . Gallinula . IX . AQU●TIC PALMIPEDES . Cygnus . Anser . Ana● . Penelope . Querquedula . Onocrotalos ▪ Corvus marinus . Graculus palmipes . Anas arctica Clusii . Penguin . Alca Wormii . Iomavia . Mergus . Mergus ●irratus . Larus . Hirundo marina , §. V. I. WHOLE FOOTED BEASTS . Equus . Asinus . Mulus . Lev. 11.4.26 . Camelus . Eliphas . II. CLOVEN FOOTED BEASTS . Bos. Ovis . Caper . Alcis . Cervus . Dama . Rangifer . Capreolus . Rhinoceros . Camelopardus . Porcus . Ibex . Gimpse Rupicapra . Gazel . III. CLAWED NOT RAPACIOUS . Papio . Simia . C●rcopithecus . Ignavus . Levit. 11. Lepus . Cuniculus . Mus Alpinus . Histrix . Echinus . Sciurus , Sorex . Mus domes●icus . Talpa . Mus Norvagicus . Mus Araneus . Mus Avellanarum . Vespertilio . IV. RAPACIOUS CAT-KIND . Leo. Vrsus , Tigris . Pardus . Lynx . Catus . Zibetta . Viverra . Putorius . Martes . Mustela . Castor . Lutra . V. RAPACIOUS DOG-KIND . Canis . Lupus . Vulpes . Taxus . Phocas . Lupus aureus . Tamandua . Ta●u . S●●ivulpes . VI. OVIPAROUS BEASTS . Testudo . Testudo marina . Rana . Bufo . Crocodilus . Lacerta . Chamal●● . Salamandra terrestris . Salamandra aquatica . Serp●n● . Katrin t●●quata . Vipera . Ca●illa . §. VI. 1 Sam. 17.4 . §. I. PECULIAR PARTS of Animate Bodies . I. LASTING PARTS of Plants . II. ANNUAL patts of Plants . III. Kinds of FRUITS . IV. Parts peculiar To SWIMMING ANIMALS . V. Parts peculiar TO FLYING ANIMALS . VI. Parts peculiar TO GOING ANIMALS . §. II. I. CONTAINED HOMOGENEOUS PARTS . II. CONTAINING HOMOGENEOUS PARTS . III. Of the HEAD . IV. Of the TRUNK . V. Of the LIMMS . VI. Of the INWARDS . §. I ▪ I. DIMENSION . II. MUTUAL RELATIONS . III. SIMPLE FIGURE . IV. Compound Figures LINEARY . V. Compound Figures PLANARY . VI Compound Figures SOLIDARY . §. II. I. TIME . II. PLACE . III. SITUATION . §. III. MEASURE . I. MULTITUDE . II. MAGNITUDE . III. GRAVITY . IV. VALOR ▪ V. TIME : VI. AGE . §. I. I. RATIONAL FACULTIES . II. INTERNAL SENSES . III. EXTERNAL SENSES . IV. TEMPERS OF SPIRIT . V. TEMPERS OF BODY FOR THE INDIVIDUUM . VI. TEMPERS FOR PROPAGATION OF THE SPECIES . §. II. I. REWARDS OF VERTUE . II. INSTRUMENTS OF VERTUE . III. AFFECTIONS OF INTELLECTUAL VERTUE . IV. AFFECTIONS OF MORAL AND HOMILETICAL VERTUE . V. INFUSED HABITS . VI. ACQUIRED INTELLECTUAL HABITS . §. III. I. VERTUE . II. Vertues relating to our BODIES . III. Vertues relating to our ESATES and DIGNITIES . IV. HOMILETICAL COMMON ●ertues . V. HOMIL . VERT . towards SUPERIOURS . VI. HOMIL . VERT . toward INFERIOURS . §. IV. I. LIGHT . II. COLOUR . III. SOUND . IV. TAST and SMELL . V. ACTIVE TACTILE QUALITIES . §. V. I. GENERAL CAUSES OF DISEASE . II. DISTEMPERS of Body . III. TUMORS . IV. DISEASES of the HEAD and NERVES . V. DISEASE● of the MIDDLE REGION . VI. DISEASES of the BOWELS . §. I. I. ACTIONS OF GOD. II. SPECULATIVE ACTIONS of the Understanding . III. PRACTICAL ACTIONS of the Understand●ng . IV. ACTIONS OF THE WI●L . V. SIMPLE PASSIONS . VI. MIXED PASSIONS . §. II. I. ACTIONS VEGETATIVE . II. ACTIONS SENSITIVE . III. ACTIONS PECULIAR TO MEN. IV. SIGNS OF PAS●IONS . V. DEMEANOUR . VI. GESTURE . §. III. I. ANIMAL PROGRESSION . II. MODES OF GOING . III. MOTIONS OF THE PARTS . IV. PURGATION . V. RECREATION . VI. VIOLENT MOTION . §. IV. I. MECHANICAL OPERATIONS . II. MIXED MECHANICAL OPERATIONS . III. AGRICULTURE . IV. FABRILE OPERATIONS . V. SARTORIAN OPERATIONS . VI. CHYMICAL OPERATIONS . §. I. I. CONSANGUINITY . II. AFFINITY . III. SUPERIORITY . IV. EQUALITY . V. EDUCATION specially relating to WORDS . VI. EDUCATION DEEDS . §. II. I. Possessions of LANDS . II. BUILDINGS . III. Greater parts of BUILDINGS . IV. Lesser parts of BUILDINGS . V. Things for CARRIAGE . VI. FURNITURE . §. III. I SUSTENTATION ORDINARY . II. SUSTENTATION EXTRAORDINARY . III. PREPARATION OF FOOD . IV. CLOTHING . V. VESSELS . VI. COMMON , MIXED MATERIALS . §. I. I. DEGREES OF MEN. II. PROFESSIONS . III. CONVENTION ▪ IV. RIGHTS . V. CONTRACT . VI. OBLIGATIONS . §. II. I. PERSONS . II. PROCEEDINGS . III CRIMES CAPITAL . IV. FAULTS NOT CAPITAL . V. PUNISHMENTS CAPITAL . VI. PUNISHMENTS NOT CAPITAL . §. III. I. MILITARY ACTIONS . II. MILITARY EVENTS . III. Military PERSONS SEGREGATE . IV. Military PERSONS AGGREGATE . V. AMM●NITION . VI. MILITARY PLACES . §. IV. ● KINDS OF VESSELS . II. HULL . III. Parts for PROGRESSIVE MOTION . IV. RIGGING V NAVAL PERSONS . VI. NAVAL ACTIONS . §. V. I. RELIGION . II. ECCLESIASTICAL PERSONS . III. STATES OF RELIGION . IV. WORSHIP . V. DISCIPLINE . VI. INSTITUTIONS . §. I ▪ §. II. TRANSCENDENTAL . SUBSTANCE . QUANTITY . QUALITY . ACTION . RELATION . §. III. TRANSCENDENTALS . SUBSTANCE . QUANTITY . QUALITY . ACTION ▪ RELATION . §. IV. Notes for div A66045-e299040 § I. De Causis L. L. Cap. 76. § II. § III. § IV. § V. § VI. § VII . § VIII . § IX . § X. § I. § II. § III. Jul. Scalig. de caus . L. L. Cap. 127. § IV. Ego me . Meus . Egomet . Ego ipse . Tu te . Tuus . Tu ipse , temet . Ille , iste . Suus , ejus . Ipse , se. Nos . Noster . Nos ipsi , nosmet . Vos . Vester . Vos ipsi , vosmet . Illi . Suus , eorum . Illi ipsi , Ssee . Hic . Hujus . Hic ipse . Hìc . Nunc. Hujusmodi . Idem . Ejusdem . Ibidem . Quidam . Ille , is , iste . Illius . Ille , ipse . Illic , ibi , istic Tunc . Istiusmodi . Alius . Alterius . Alibi . Alias . Aliter . Aliquis . Alicubi . Aliquando . Quodammodo . Vllus . Vllibi , usquam . Vnquam . Vllo modo . Vnusquisque Omnis . Vbique Semper . Omnimodo . Quis ? Cujus ? Vbi ? Quando ? Quomodo ? Qui. Cujus . Vbi . Quando . Quomodo . Quisquis , Quicunque Cujuscunque Vbicunque Quandocunque Quomodo cunqu ; § V. Scalig. L. L. Cap. 13. § VI. Utinam , ● si . § I. § II. Cas. Gen. Cas. Abl. Ab. a. per. Ob , pro , propter . Ex , è. De , circa . Inster , secundum . Pro , vice . Cum , Sine , absque Pro , Contra. Ad. A. Apud . Procul . Trans . Circum . In. Ex. Intra . Extra . Per. Praeter . Sursum . Deorsum . Supra . Infra . Ante. Post. Super. Sub. Citra . Ultra . Inter Adversus . § III. § I. Chap. 1. Sect. 8. a As. So. From. This. That . b Yea. Nay . Perhaps . Truly . Rather . Than . § II. Ita , immo , maximè . Non , nequaquam , minimè . Fortè , forsan . Profecto . Ut. Sic. Quàm . Tam. Magis . Maximè . Minùs . Minimè . Potiùs . Quàm . Adhuc , hactaenus . Done● . Dum. Tandem . Unà , simul . Tantùm . Iterum . Quasi . Un. dis . Re , retro Fere. Vix . Circiter . § III. An. Noune . Et , atque Nec . Si. Nisi . Equidem . Sed. Etsi . Tamen . Vel. Sive . Ut. Ne. Nam . Quia . Cur. Ergo. Quum . Exinde . Etiam . E●caet . Videlicet , nempe . Exemp . gr . § I. § II. § III. § IV. Metaphor . Like . Kind . Manner . Thing . Person . Place . Time. Cause . Sign . Aggregate . Segregate . Pin. Instrument . Vessel . Jugament . Machin . Sepiment . Armament . Armour . House . Room . Habit. Art. Officer . Artist . Mechanic . Merchant . Power . Aptitude . Inceptive . Frequentative . Endeavour . Impetus . Augmentative . Diminutive . Excess . Defect . Perfective . Corruptive . Language . Young. Part. §. I. Chap. 5. § II. Chap. I. § XI . § III. § I. Dr. William Holder . Mr. Lodowick . § 11· § III. Lipsius de rect . Pronuntiatione L. Lat. cap. 3. De Antiquitate Punctorum , l. 1. Scaliger de Causis L. L. cap. 28. Vossius Gram. lib. 1. cap. 15. ibid. Iudges 12.6 . Vossius de Gram. cap. 16. Scaliger de de Causis L. ▪ L. cap. 21. Vossius Gram. cap. 27. Diatribe de varia literarum pronuntiatione . Alex. Gyll , Gram. cap. 1. D● Wallis Gram. Vossius de Gram. cap. 18. § I. Names § II. Order . De causis Ling. Lat. cap. 38. § 3. Affinity . § 4. Figure . § 5. Pronunciation . Prolegomena in Biblia Polyglot . R. C. of Anthony in Cambd. Remains . § 6. Purchas . lib. 5. Chap. 9. B p Walton Introduction . Idem Proleg . 13.5 . * Vincent le Blanc . Part 3.16 . † Alex. Rhodes Diction . Anim. cap. 1. ‖ De recta scriptione Linguae Anglicanae . Alex. Rhodes ibid. Purchas . lib. 5. cap. 9. Idem l. 10. c. 3. Item . vol. 5. c. 18. Sect. 6. Vossius de Gr. cap. 27. Notes for div A66045-e374980 Our Parent Who Art In Heaven . Thy Name May it be Hallowed Thy Regnation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regnare . May it be coming . Thy Will May it be Done So In Earth As In Heaven Maist thou be Giving . To. Us. In This Day Our Bread Expedient And Maist thou be Forgiving To Us Our Trespasses As We Are Forgiving To Them Who Have been Transgressing Against Us And Not Maist thou be Leading Us Into Temptation But Maist thou be Delivering Us. From Evil For The Regnation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regnare . And The Power And The Glory Is Thine Everly Amen So May it be . I Am Believing God the Father Almighty The Having been Creating person Of Heaven . And Of Earth And Jesus Christ His Son Only Our Soveraign Who Was Conceived By The Holy Ghost Borne Of The Virgin Mary Capitally punished Under Pontius Pilate Was Crucified Dead And Buried He Was Descending Into Hell He Was Rising From The Having been Dead persons On The Day Third He Was Ascending Into Heaven In Which place He Is Sitting At The Right hand Of God the Father From Which place He Shall be Coming For Judging The Quick And The Having Died persons I Am Believing The Holy Ghost The Church Holy Universal The Communion Of Saints The Being forgiven Of Sins The Future Relife , or living again Of The Body And The Future Life Everlasting Arithmet . Pract. cap. 17. Our Parent Who Art In Heaven Thy Name May it be Hallowed Thy Kingdom or Regnation May it be Coming . Thy Will or volition May it be Done or accomplished So In Earth As In Heaven Maist thou be Giving . To. Us In This Day Our Bread Expedient And Maist thou be Forgiving To Us Our Trespasses or Male-actions As We Are Forgiving To Them Who Have been Transgressing Against Us. And Not Maist thou be Leading Us Into Temptation But Maist thou be Delivering Us From Evil For The Kingdom And The Power And The Glory I● Thine Everlastingly Amen So May it be . I Am Believing God the Father Almighty The Having been Creating person Of Heaven . And Of Earth And Jesus Christ His Son Only Our Soveraign Who Was Conceived By The Holy Ghost Borne Of The Virgin Mary Capitally punished Un●er Pontius Pilate Was Crucified Dead And Buried He Was Descending Into Hell He Hath been Rising From The Having been Dying persons On The Day Third He Was Ascending Into Heaven In Which place He Is Sitting At The Right hand Of God the Father From Which place He Shall be Coming For Judging The Quick And The Having Died persons I Am Believing The Holy Ghost The Church Holy Universal The Communion Of Saints The Being forgiven Of Sins The Future Relife , or living again Of The Body And The Future Life Everlasting Scaliger de causis L. L. cap. 124. Ibid. cap. 121. De causis L. L. Cap. 117. De Analogia lib. 3. cap. 8. Plaut . Capt. Vossius de Analog . Lib. 3. cap. 9. and 11. De Lingua Latina , Lib. 5. De Augment . Scient . lib. 6. cap. 1. Vossius de Anal . Lib. 1. Cap. 39. ad Cap. 44. Vossius de Anal. Lib. 1. Cap. 47.48 . Lib. 2. à 1 o ad vicessimum caput . Ibid. Lib. 2. Cap. 22. Ibid. Cap. 3.5 . Ibid. à Cap. 19. ad Cap. 47. Trigaltius Hist. Sinensis , Lib. 1. Cap. 5. Semedo Hist. of China , Part 1. Cap. 5. Theoph. Spizelius de Reliteraria Sinensium , lately Published 1661. Sect. 6. Histor. Chinae , Part 2. Cap. 2. Lingua Anamitica , cap. 2. Hist. Part 1. Cap. 6. Ibid. Mr. Beck of Ipswich . De origine Scribendi , Cap 4. Bp Walton , Davies . Boxhornius . Grammar . Philosoph . Lib. 1. Cap. 1. 
A50014	----	An entire body of philosophy according to the principles of the famous Renate Des Cartes in three books, (I) the institution ... (II) the history of nature ... (III) a dissertation of the want of sense and knowledge in brute animals ... / written originally in Latin by the learned Anthony Le Grand ; now carefully translated from the last corrections, alterations, and large additions of the author, never yet published ... by Richard Blome. Institutio philosophiae secundum principia D. Renati Descartes. English Le Grand, Antoine, d. 1699. 1694 Approx. 5833 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 444 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A50014 Wing L950 ESTC R20857 12358474 ocm 12358474 60175 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50014) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60175) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 215:4) An entire body of philosophy according to the principles of the famous Renate Des Cartes in three books, (I) the institution ... (II) the history of nature ... (III) a dissertation of the want of sense and knowledge in brute animals ... / written originally in Latin by the learned Anthony Le Grand ; now carefully translated from the last corrections, alterations, and large additions of the author, never yet published ... by Richard Blome. Institutio philosophiae secundum principia D. Renati Descartes. English Le Grand, Antoine, d. 1699. Blome, Richard, d. 1705. Kip, Johannes, 1653-1722. Gucht, Michael van der, 1660-1725. Lens, Bernard, 1659-1725. Freman, G. [31], 403, [3], 263 p., [100] leaves of plates (1 folded) : ill. Printed by Samuel Roycroft, and sold by the undertaker Richard Blome [and 10 others], London : 1694. Translation of: Institutio philosophiae secundum principia D. Renati Descartes. "The whole work illustrated with almost an hundred sculptures dispersed to such places as best admit thereof: all designed, drawn and engraven historically by good artists" The plates are variously signed by Kip, Gucht, Lens, and Freman. Reproduction of original in University of Michigan Libraries. Imperfect: film lacks pt. 3. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Philosophy -- Early works to 1800. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To her Royall Highness the Illustrious Princess Ann of Denmarke &c. w : : This Plate in all humility is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blom Clare et Distine té . G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp . AN ENTIRE Body of Philosophy , According to the PRINCIPLES Of the Famous RENATE DES CARTES , In Three Books : I. The INSTITUTION , in X. Parts ; 1. Logick . 2. Natural Theology . 3. Daemonology , or of Created Spirits . 4. General Physicks , or Natural Philosophy , generally considered . 5. Special Natural Philosophy , of the World and Heaven . 6. The Four Great Bodies , Earth , Water , Air and Fire , and what have their rise from them ; where , of Metals and Meteors . 7. Of Living Things in general , and in particular of Plants and Animals . 8. Man , in respect to his Body . 9. Man , as to his Mind or Soul. And , 10. Ethicks , or Moral Philosophy , treating of Man's right Ordering his Life . II. The HISTORY of NATURE , which Illustrates the Institution , and consists of great Variety of Experiments relating thereto , and explained by the same Principles , in IX . Parts , 1. Of Bodies . 2. Of Qualities . 3. Of the Earth and Heaven . 4. Of the Earth , Water , Fire and Air. 5. Of Things dug out of the Earth . 6. Of Meteors . 7. Of Plants . 8. Of Animals . And , 9. Of Man. III. A Dissertation of the Want of SENSE and KNOWLEDGE in BRUTE ANIMALS , in II. Parts , giving a Mechanical Account of their Operations . Written Originally in Latin by the Learned ANTHONY LEGRAND . Now carefully Translated from the last Corrections , Alterations , and large Additions of the Author , never yet Published . The Whole WORK Illustrated with almost an Hundred SCULPTURES Dispersed to such places as best admit thereof : All designed , Drawn and Engraven Historically by good Artists . Besides the FIGURES or SCHEMES for the Explanation of the Philosophical Parts that require the same . Endeavoured to be so done , that it may be of Use and Delight to the Ingenious of both Sexes . By RICHARD BLOME LONDON : Printed by Samuel Roycroft , and Sold by the Undertaker Richard Blome , dwelling in New Weld-street , at the Green Pales , near Clare-Market : And at these Booksellers following ; Mr. Horn and Mr. Southby by the Royal Exchange ; Mr. Chiswell , Mr. Clavell and Mr. Brome , in S. Pauls Church-yard ; Mr. Tonson , in Fleetstreet ; Mr. Saunders , in the New Exchange ; Mr. Gilliflower , in Westminster-Hall ; and Mr. Richards , at the Bible , the Corner of Essex-Street , against S. Clements Church . MDCXCIV . TO THE Right Honourable , and Truly Noble , HENRY Lord Viscount Sydney of Shepey , Baron Milton , Lord Lieutenant of Kent , Constable of Dover Castle , Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports , Master General of Their Majesties Ordnance , Colonel of Their Majesties First Regiment of Foot Guards , one of the Gentlemen of His Majesties Bedchamber , and one of the Lords of Their Majesties Most Honourable Privy Council , &c. My Lord , I Am not unsensible that some part of the World , when they shall see your Lordships Name affixt to this Book , will be apt to say , That my inducements for laying it at your Honours Feet , are those generally made use of by Authors ; to wit , the necessity of an Illustrious Patronage to defend the Work against the assaults of Envy and Ignorance : But I must beg leave to assure your Lordship and the World , that the true Reason for this my Dedication , ariseth from a well-grounded Belief , and the general concurrence of the Learned Part of this Nation , that your Honour is the properest Person to patronise a Work of this Nature , having by all the Actions of your Admired Life fully convinced the World , that you only are the absolute Master of the whole Body of PHILOSOPHY ; and I my self have ever held it as a reasonable Position , That the Works of the Learned , like the Actions of the Noble , ought only to be judged by their Peers ; nor can I think your Lordship , or any Learned Person will say , that a virtuous desire of Knowledge ( and such I humbly conceive is Philosophy ) needs or wants a Protection from any , since 't is an experienced Truth , That Virtue carries her own Safeguard , as well as her own Reward . But as to the Subject Matter of this Book , and the method of handling it , I shall not say any thing , but refer your Lordship to the Book it self , of which your Honour is so great a Judge ; having in my memory , the admonition of Apelles to Alexander the Great , speaking improperly of the Noble Art of Painting ; In things you understand not , says that Great Artist , be alwaies silent , lest by speaking , you betray a want of Judgment . But as for the Designing and Engraving the SCULPTURES which Imbellishes this Work , things more properly mine , than any other part of the Book , and in which through Practice and Experience I may be allowed to have some knowledge ; I must beg leave to assure your Lordship , that they are , if not accurately , at least elaborately done ; and had I not been therein concern'd , might have ventured to have said , they are the best over made publick in this Nature and Nation . And if they be so happy as to contribute in the least ●o your Honours Satisfaction , or Entertainment , I shall thereby be abundantly rewarded for all my Care , Charge and Trouble ; for the very White at which I ainted , both in publishing this Book , and writing this Epistle , was to have it in my power to declare to your Lordship , that the ultimate of my Ambition is to serve you whilst I Live , and when Dead , to be recommended to Posterity under this desirable Character , That I had the happiness to be known to your Honour , who is allowed by all the Judicious , to be the Glory of the Age you live in , and to excel all that have gone before you , and to stand a Great , Noble , and hardly to be pattern'd Example to those that shall succeed . And of You , most Noble Sir , 't is with more Truth than Complement said , that HENRY Lord SYDNEY doth abundantly surpass both in Wisdom and Heroick Performances , the so much famed Sir PHILIP SYDNEY ( whom , the Age he lived in , thought worthy to be a King ) and ▪ that in times to come they will mention his Alliance to you , to aggrandize his Character . Nor are these , my Lord , half the Hecatombs of Praise offered up to your great Merit , by the grateful and understanding part of Mankind ; nor one third of what I might justly say : But such is your Lordships great Modesty , to be equalled by nothing but your Courage , that you always decline hearing a recital of your Illustrious Actions , tho' you never omit any opportunity of performing them : And therefore I shall only beg leave to tell your Honour , with all due Deference to your Exalted Station ; that there is no part of the World which You have graced with Your Presence , and obliged with Your Goodness , is , or can be more truly sensible of what they owe You , or more willing entirely to sacrifice their All to your Lordships Service , than the Publisher of this Work ; who is , may it please your Honour , with the most profound Respect imaginable , My Lord , Your Honours most Obliged , and most Humble Servant , Richard Blome . THE EPISTLE TO THE READER . BY my indefatigable Labour for these twenty Years , I have employed my time , with no small Expences in the Printing of several Volumes , not only Vseful , but Honourable to this Nation , which have met with a kind Reception from the Nobility and Gentry , some of which I shall here give the Reader a short account of , as having a small quantity of each remaining , which the Curious may be accommodated with . And this their Encouragement has emboldned me to undertake this Great Work in English , which of all Subjects , is the most wanting ; and the rather , because appearing in our Native Tongue , 't is thereby more useful for the Publick Good , and of more universal Benefit . For it seems a kind of Illnatur'd Retrenchment upon the common Freedom of Mankind to lock up all Ingenious Arts and Sciences from them , unless they are Masters of a Greek or Latin Key to open ' em . The Travel into PHILOSOPHY and true Wisdom , like the Commerce into the Rich Indies , should be declared Free , and of equal Right to all the Subjects of England , without incurring the Premunire of Interlopers . Tongues and Languages , I confess are a fine and sumptuous Portico ; but then they are no more than a Portico . The Sciences to which they introduce , are the Main Mass and Body of true Learning ; and 't is somewhat of the hardest , that so fair a Pile should have that only Gate to enter at : Besides , not to instance how many , otherwise very ingenious Men , are hereby debarr'd the Study of Wisdom and Virtue , whilst couch'd only in a Language , which possibly their Education , or want of Leisure has not made them Masters of : Here 's a perfect Turkish piece of Cruelty ; for we thus make Learning an absolute Mahometan Mosque , whilst the whole Fair Sex are at once excluded from any part of their Devotion in it . And let me tell you , the most complaisant French Authors generally Print their Philosophical Books in their own Language , by which the French Ladies , to the Glory of their Sex , have arrived to a great perfection of Knowledge ; in which extraordinary Accomplishments , being able to discourse of the Heavens , the Motion of the Planets , and the Nature and Causes of Mundane Things , &c. beside the Improvement of Virtue , they have elevated their Conversation above the Common Rate of Feminine Eloquence , such as their descant upon Commodes , New Fashions , or the little Vanities , and have added no little Charm and Grace to many Profest Virtuoso's . And truly tho' we have at present set up our Standard against France , yet I could wish we might still continue one piece of Friendship , viz. our old Custom of following the Mode of France , in bringing that one French Fashion up , of making our Learning speak English to instruct both ours , and the Fair Sex. And altho' this Volume of PHILOSOPHY has been so well received in Latin by the Sale of several Impressions , yet for the making it more exact and perfect , I contracted with the Author Mr. Le Grand to make Additions thereunto ; so that by his large Additions and great Alterations throughout , it may be boldly said to be a New Book , and the best yet extant in any Language . My next business was to employ an able Translator and Supervisor ; which with the care of the said Mr. Le Grand , every thing throughout is rendred so facile , and adapted to the English Dress , as to be of Vse and Delight to all Persons . I have also Engraven the SCHEMES or FIGURES that were formerly in Wood , now on Copper : And for the adornment of the said WORK , have illustrated it with above 90 SCULPTURES , Historically and Poetically Designed , and Engraven by good Artists , relating to the several Subjects that best admit thereof : And have added an Explanatory INDEX or TABLE of the several SCULPTURES , that the Reader may the better know the meaning thereof . The SCHEMES or FIGURES are Engraven on three Copper Plates , two for those in the Institution , and one for those in the History of Nature , all numbred 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and so on as in the Plates , with reference to the Book by the Folio , and the said number in the Margent ; which said Plates of Schemes are to be placed at the beginning of the Book next the Preface of Mr. Le Grand , which gives you an account of the Work , and the Arms of the Benefactors to follow the Schemes . Richard Blome . An Account of some Volumes which the Curious may be accommodated with by me . The Gentleman's Recreation , in Two Parts , in large Folio . The first , of the Liberal and Mathematical Sciences ; which in a brief and clear Method treats of the Doctrin and General Parts of each Art , with Eliptical Tables engraven on Copper Plates , for the better comprehending the same . The Second Part at large treats of Horsemanship , Hawking , Hunting , Fowling , Fishing and Agriculture ; all being Collected from the most Authentick Authors , and the many gross Errors therein Corrected , with great Enlargements made by those well Experienced therein . And for the better Explanation thereof great variety of useful Sculptures , as Nets , Engins , Traps , &c. are added , for the taking of Beasts , Fowl and Fish , not published by any : Nothing material being omitted for the rendring them Compleat . The whole Illustrated with about 86 Ornamental Copper Plates ; in Folio . The History of the Old and New Testament , treating of the most remarkable Transactions therein , with good and useful Morals , for the better government of our Actions in all Conditions . To which is added , the Travels , Voyages and Lives of the Apostles ; with a large Historical Chronology of such Matters of Note that are related in the Bible : Collected and Translated by good Hands , from Authentick Authors . The whole Illustrated with about 240 Sculptures , of the most remarkable Passages , performed by good Artists , far surpassing any Collection hitherto done , to the end it may be the more acceptable to the Curious . This Work is Printed in Two Volumes in large Folio , of a fair Print , and chiefly designed for the Curious . The said Work is likewise Printed in large Octavo , with all the Sculptures , as designed for a more general Sale , for Youth , to Instruct them in the Historical parts of the Bible : Sculptures being lively Emblems , to imprint the same in their Memories . A useful Volume of Cosmography and Geography , in Two Parts , in Folio . The First , of the Arts of Cosmography and Geography , being a Translation of the much Esteemed VARENIUS . The Second Part is a Geographical Description of the World , from the Works of the Famous Monsieur SANSON ; with about a 100 Geographical Tables of the Kingdoms and Isles in the World , with their Chief Places , drawn from the Maps of the several Kingdoms , which illustrates this Work. And to this Impression are added the County Maps of England , drawn from those of Speed's in a smaller Scale . THE PREFACE . SECTION I. Of the Nature , Principles , Object , Vse , Rise and Progress of PHILOSOPHY . What PHILOSOPHY is . PHILOSOPHY , according to its Etymology , is the love and study of Wisdom ; where by Wisdom we understand such a disposition of the Mind , by which Man is firmly inclined to have right Sentiments of the Things that occur to his perception , and to make a just Examination of the Actions that belong to his Life . For Wisdom doth not only direct the Understanding , and guide the Mind in the Contemplation of Truth ; but also inclines it to Honesty , and assists the Will in the prosecution of Vertue : So that Wisdom is indeed nothing else but a perfect Knowledge of all those things which it is possible for Man to know , and which may be both a Rule to his Life , and a Help to the Inventing of all Arts whatsoever . How it is defined . Whence PHILOSOPHY may be defined a Habit of the Mind , acquired by Study and Exercise from Inborn Idea's and self-evident Principles , enlightning the Understanding into the knowledge of necessary things , and perfecting the Will by Honest and Vertuous Actions . Of what kind the Principles of Philosophy are to be . Now to the end this Science may have these Effects , it is necessary that it be deduced from first Causes ; so that whosoever desires to be Master of it , must begin with an enquiry into these Causes : Because this is the first property of the Principles of Things , to be so clear and evident as not to stand in need of any proof of their Certainty , and to be raised beyond the reach of Doubting ; so that whosoever minds them , can't doubt of their Truth . Secondly , They are such on which other things depend , and without the knowledge whereof nothing of Certainty can be had . Wherefore tho' the first Causes of Things may be known , tho' the Things themselves be unknown ; yet it is impossible , but that when these are known , those must be likewise known ; because the Truth of these depends on the evidence of their first Causes . And accordingly whatsoever is demonstrated concerning them , without a self-evident Principle must needs be dark and uncertain . For as DESCARTES saith ; No Conclusions deduced from an unevident Principle , can be evident , tho' they should be deduced thence with the greatest Evidence imaginable . What is the Object of Philosophy . It is not only one Genus , or general Head of things , that is the Object of PHILOSOPHY ; but she extends her self to all things which the Mind of Man is capable of knowing . And therefore Plato , as Ammonius tells us , called it The knowledge of things Human and Divine ; forasmuch as it doth not only consider Corporeal Things , but also contemplates the Supream Cause and Intelligences void of Matter , and enquires into their Attributes and Perfections . For this is it ( saith Cicero ) which dispels all dimness from the Eye of the Soul , and enableth us to see all things , whether Superior or Inferior , first , last , or middlemost . What is the Use of Philosophy . From whence we may gather the true Vse of PHILOSOPHY , and how many Advantages it affords us . For , first it helps the Soul to contemn those Transitory and Temporal things , to which from its Childhood it has been too much addicted , and raises its desires to things Heavenly and Eternal . Secondly , It assists us in the thorough search into our own Natures , in the knowledge of our Creator , and the attentive Consideration of his Works . Thirdly , Whilst it evidenceth Truth to us by clear and indubitable Demonstrations , it affords us extraordinary pleasure and delight , as displaying those things in a full light to us , which are hid from the greatest part of Mankind . Fourthly , It removes Wonder , which ever is the Companion of Ignorance , and gives us a clear Light , whereby to discern Great things from Small , and to esteem things according to their true Value . Fifthly , By the Exercise hereof we are prepared to know the several Objects we meet with more distinctly , and to judge of them with more Caution and Exactness ; for by the long continued Study of Philosophy we become more prudent and cautious in passing Sentence concerning things . Whence Philosophy had its rise . PYTHAGORAS was the first amongst the Ancients who assumed the Name of Philosopher , by way of Modesty , as condemning the Pride and Ar●ogance of others who would be called Sophi , that is , Wise Men. For this discreet Person was ●o sensible of our Ignorance , that he thought that that Title did beseem God alone , and could not de●ervedly be given to any Mortal . But because the Original of Wisdom and Philosophy is one and the same , which was many Ages before Pythagoras , we must look for it long before his time : Which if we do , we shall find that it could not proceed from any one else but God , the Father of Lights , from whom every perfect Good comes , and the Truth of all things is derived . Hence it is the Poets tell us , That Pallas or Minerva , the Goddess of Wisdom , was the birth of Jupiter's Brain ; intimating thereby that all Knowledge comes from GOD , and takes its rise from his Understanding . For it is certain that Adam , the first of Mankind , was a wise Man , forasmuch as he gave Names to Things , and taught his Sons the knowledge of the Stars , which he could never have done , if he had not been endued with Wisdom , and understood the Nature and Property of Things . How Philosophy has been transmitted to us from Adam . It is probable that this most excellent Gift of God , was handed from Adam by Methusalem to Noah , and from him , his Sons and Grandchildren , to the Chaldeans and Hebrews , who were famous for their Knowledge of many things , and from them to the Egyptians ; from the Egyptians to the Grecians , and from them to the Romans ; from whom , in process of time , the same was derived to the Northern and Western Nations . How some think it had its rise according to the Nature or scituation of Countries . Some that begin not the Pedigree of PHILOSOPHY so high as we do , tell us , That it had its rise according to the Nature or Scituation of the Countries where those lived who had the first Knowledge of it : Necessity , which is usually the first Mistress of Sciences , having taught them what were proper for their Needs . 'T was thus , say they , that the EGYPTIANS began to observe the Increase and Decrease of the Nile , and to make every Year a Prognostick of the Fruitfulness or Sterility of their Lands . And to part , with the more facility their Harvest , among those particular Persons who were to have their Shares thereof , they learnt the first Principles of Geometry . The ASSTRIANS , who inhabited vast and unclouded Countries , having nothing to hinder them from contemplating the Stars , were the first that observed their Motion ; and the CHALDEANS , who were amongst these People a king of Philosophers , found from this Speculation an Art of Foretelling things to come . In fine , The PHAENICIANS , who were Neighbours to the Sea , drew another Benefit from the Knowledge of the Stars , and addicted themselves to observe those which might be useful to Navigation ; in which they succeeded so well , that they found out that there was a fixed Point towards the Pole , the observation of which might be a Guide to Pilots . SECTION II. The Chief and most Celebrated PHILOSOPHERS . THALES . AMongst those who are most Celebrated for Philosophy , THALES the Milesian , so called from Miletus the Capital City of Ionia , in which 't is said he was born , 639 years before Christ , is accounted the first . He was a great Astronomer , and the first that observed the Solstices and Equinoxes . His Opinion was , That Water was the Principle of all Things . ANAXIMANDER . The Successor of Thales was ANAXIMANDER , who was also Born at Miletus , and the first Founder of Founder of the Ionick Sect. He distinguished the Four Elements , placed the Earth in the Center , and by the scituation he gave them , was the first that erected a kind of System of the World. Strabo and Laertius assure us , that he was the first also that made Maps . He never determined , as Thales , which of the Elements was the Principle of Natural things , but concluded it to be Immense . ANAXIMINES followed Anaximander , being also Born in the same City . He owned Infinite Air to be the Principle of all Things . His Disciple was ANAXAGORAS of Clazomene , who was the first that brought Philosophy from Ionia to Athens . He declared Matter and Spirit to be the first Principles ; that at the Beginning all Things were in Confusion , and that it was the Spirit that separated , distinguished and establish'd them in that beautiful Order wherein we see them . Anxagoras his Scholar was ARCHELAVS the Athenian , who was the Assertor of Similar Parts , and held Heat and Cold to be the Principles of all Things . To these also may be added , HERACLITVS the Athenian , who maintained that the first Principle was Fire : And DEMOCRITVS the Abderite , who would have it to be Atoms . These were of the Ionick Sect. In the Preface Philosophers G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Scul . To the Right Noble Frances Teresa Stuart , Dutchess Dorvager of the High borne Prince , Charles Stuart Duke of Richmond and Lenox , Earle of March , Litchfield , & Darnley , Baron of Leighton , Bromsrvold , Nerobury , Torbolton , and Metheuen ; Hereditary Ld. High Chamberlaine , and Ld. High Admirall of Scotland , &c. a Ld. of Aubigny in France , Grandee of Spaine and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter &c. a This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Bloine . SOCRATES . SOCRATES , who was Born at Athens 468 years before Christ , leaving the Study of Natural Philosophy , wholly addicted himself to Ethicks . Accordingly Tully , in the Third Book of his Tusculan Questions , tells us , That all that Philosophy which undertakes the Conduct of Life and Manners , was derived from Socrates ; and therefore saith , That he had called down Philosophy from Heaven , to take up its abode in Cities and Houses . PLATO . PLATO , an Athenian , was born in the year 427 before Christ , and for his extraordinary Learning and wonderful Sagacity in the searching out of Truth , had the Name of the Divine Philosopher bestowed upon him . His School set about with Trees was in the Suburbs of Athens , first called Ecademia , from one Ecademus the Possessor of it , and afterwards Academia , which gave the Name to his Sect. He concluded God , Idea and Matter , to be the Principles of all Things . Concerning his Opinion of these Idea's , the Learned are much divided . Some would have him hold that they are Eternal Substances , Forms existing from themselves , and distinct from the Knowledge of God , as Models quite separated from him , and such as upon which he forms the Ground of his Work. But others are of another Judgment , declaring that in his Doctrin the Idea of the World is no other thing than the Image the Creator has formed . As for Matter , he suppos'd it to be void of all Form , and that before the Creation of the World it was a kind of Chaos , yet capable of all Forms : And forasmuch as it hath a Disposition whereby it may be distinguished into divers Bodies , which disposition he makes to be nothing else than a Pyramidal , Cubical , or other kind of Figuration , of the least and invisible Particles of which the Elements are compounded ; He consequently asserts , that Pyramidal volatile Particles constitute Fire ; that Cubical and subsiding Particles make Earth ; Octahedrical or Eight corner'd , Air ; and Eicosahedrical or Twenty corner'd , Water . ARISTOTLE . ARISTOTLE , the Son of Nichomachus , Born at Stagyra in Macedonia 383 years before the Birth of Christ , differed much in his Sentiments of Philosophy from his Master Plato , who therefore compared him to a Colt kicking his own Dam. He had the Liceum for his School , a House near Athens , which had been Apollo's Temple , built by a certain one called Licus . Here his Disciples Disputed Walking , from whence that place , according to the Greek word for it , was called PIRAPATVS , and they themselves PERIPATETICKS . This Philosopher became Famous by being the Praeceptor of Alexander the Great , as well as by his sharp Wit , and the great number of his Writings . He held Matter , Form and Privation to be the Principles of all Natural Beings . ARCESILAUS . ARCESILAVS of Sardis in Lydia , flourish'd in the Year 297 before Christ , and Taught at Athens , where he was the Author of a Sect called in after Times the Middle Academy , to distinguish it from the Old Academy , which begun with Plato ; and from the New , which was instituted by Lacides of Cyrene , as will be presently declared . He asserted that there was no Certainty , but only a bare Probability in the Knowledge of Things ; so that he thought we might equally hold Pro and Con upon all Subjects , and therefore would never determine , but always suspended his Judgment . LACIDES . LACIDES the Cyrenean , newly mention'd , Taught in the same School some years after Arcesilaus , and was the Head ( as I said ) of the Sect which was called the New Academy . He acknowledged that something was highly probable , at least that one thing was more probable than another , and accordingly determin'd ; but was not sure that any thing was absolutely True. PYRRHO . PYRRHO of Elaea , was also the Founder of a New Sect , that is , a New manner of Philosophizing ; for he had no Dogma's at all , as believing that nothing was true or likely , that is , so much as probable . He went beyond the Academicians : For whereas they comprehended ▪ that Nothing could be comprehended , he did not comprehend that . His Followers were called EPHECTICI , from their withholding their Assents : SCEPTICI , from their Considering and Canvasing : ZETETICI , or Seekers , from their Search and Enquiry : And APOZETICI , from the continual Doubts and Difficulties they were used to object to the Dogmatical Philosophers . ZENO . ZENO the Citian had his School at Athens in a Painted Gallery called Stoa , whence his Diseiples had the name of Stoicks . Vertue was the Sovereign Good in his Morals , and he is famous for that Constancy he inspired into his Followers in the extremity of Affairs . They would never confess Pain to be an Evil. He held the first Matter to be destitute of all Qualities , as of Heat , Cold , &c. as also without any Form , Shape , or Figure . He supposed that besides the World , there was a certain infinite Space altogether void and empty , in which the World after its Conflagration might be resolved . He asserted two Principles , viz. God and Matter , without which nothing could subsist . EPICURUS . EPICVRVS was Born at Athens 257 years before Christ . He kept his School in some Gardens in that City , and was the Author of a peculiar Sect. He Taught , as well as ZENO , the love of Vertue ; but that only for the Pleasure of it , and in that Pleasure he comprehends that of Sense , as well as that of the Soul ; maintaining , That a Wise Man could not be happy , if he enjoyed not all Pleasures Mankind was capable of . In this he did not so well explain himself , but that he gave occasion of raising Doubts concerning his true Conceptions ; some believing them to be Innocent , whilst others , and those the most numerous , think otherwise ; insomuch that the Epicureans are now generally look'd upon as too Sensual . The rest of his Morals , concerning God , Providence , and the Soul , are also much blamed . He took from DEMOCRITVS the Principle of his Physick , adding thereto the declension of Atoms , with a motion of Weight . His Opinions were , That nothing was without Beginning or End , but Atoms and empty Space : That the Universe always abides unchangeable in the Whole , tho' as to its Parts it be variously altered . He endeavours to prove the necessity of an Empty Space from Motion , and asserts , that the World shall some time or other be dissolved by the force of Nature . GASSENDUS . The Famous PETRVS GASSENDVS , Mathematick Professor in the University of Paris , Born in Anno 1592 , hath endeavoured to Amend and Perfect the Epicurean Philosophy , especially by refuting its Errors concerning God , Providence , the Souls Immortality , &c. and by a cautious Explication of such of his Opinions in Natural Philosophy , which tho' not utterly condemned , yet not being sufficiently proved , but Doubtful and Slippery , might be an occasion of falling into Error . DESCARTES . After all these was Born RENATVS DESCARTES , at la Haye in France , of a Noble and Ancient Family , in the year of our Lord 1597 , who by a Method , before his Time but imperfectly known , restored Philosophy from the very Foundations , opening a sure and solid Way to Mankind into the inmost Recesses of Nature . He was of such a singular Genius , that he alone discovered more Philosophical Truths , than ever were discovered in all foregoing Ages . We do not go about here to give any Instances of his Philosophical Sentiments , since this whole Work contains nothing else , but his Opinions , or what may clearly and distinctly be deduced from them . SECTION III. The Parts of PHILOSOPHY , and the Design of this whole Work. Of the Parts of PHILOSOPHY . PHILOSOPHY is commonly divided into Three Parts , viz. First , Into METAPHYSICKS , or NATVRAL THEOLOGY , which proves the Being of a God , or First Cause , on whose existence all Truths depend , and without the knowledge of whom no Science can be had . Secondly , Into PHYSIOLOGY , or NATVRAL PHILOSOPHY , which comprehends the Principles of Material Things , considers the Original of the World , and enquires into the Parts whereof it doth consist ; and afterwards descends to consider the Form , and Qualifications of the Sun , Stars and Planets ; the force and vertue of the Air , Water , Fire , Fossils , or things dug out of the Earth , as Metals , &c. And lastly , Enquires into the Nature of Plants and Animals , and more especially of Man , who is a Compendium of the Universe ; and lastly into MORAL PHILOSOPHY , or ETHICKS , which searches into the Nature of Good ; discovers what Manners are honest and becoming , and directs and governs all our voluntary Actions , according to the Rule of Right Reason . But to the end that in the handling of Philosophy the Modus ( that is , the Natural Way and Order ) of Science may be observed , I have rather thought fit to distinguish Philosophy into Ten Parts , that by this Division my Discourse might be more Methodical , and avoid the Confusion which is incident to the former Partition . LOGICK , the First Part of Philosophy . I thought fit therefore to make LOGICK the First Part of my Discourse , it being the Organ or Instrument of all PHILOSOPHY , and very necessary to the attaining of all Sciences . Because I never esteemed any thing more valuable in Man , than a good Mind or Understanding , whereby he is enabled to unfold the Natures of Things , and to discern Truth from Falshood . For all other Gifts of the Mind have their Bounds , and are only determin'd to some particular Offices : But the Rectitude of the Understanding is conducive to all the Vses of Life ; and is not only profitable in the dispatch of Business , but for the attaining of Arts and Sciences . For this Reason it is that I have begun this Philosophical Treatise with LOGICK , which is the Art that Teaches the right use of Reason , and how Man ought to manage his Thoughts in the knowing and judging of Things . And forasmuch as the Mind of Man is subject to many Errors , and is biast for those Opinions it has embrac'd during Childhood , having premised something of the Vsefulness of LOGICK , I take occasion to advise every one carefully to avoid the Prejudices of Infancy , and not to admit any thing for Truth , but what clear and distinct Perception hath manifested to be such . For he judgeth wrong who doth not give heed to his Conceptions , and compriseth more in the Conclusion , than he had perceived in the Premisses . For the avoiding of this Praecipitancy , I first examin the simple Terms of Things , and briefly enumerate those Notions of which our Thoughts are compounded ; afterwards I set down a Scheme of Substance , and its Attributes , by which it is more distinctly understood and distinguish'd from the Modes that belong to it . To this end it will be of great use attentively to consider the Genealogy of Things and Modes ; as also the Imposition , Signification , Definition and Use of Names . But because it is not sufficient to have Idea's of Things , except we know also whether they be simple , or resolvable into other Parts : I have added the Chapter of Definition and Division , by which means all Confusion may be removed , and the Nature of every thing , and its distinction from others more clearly known . After the clear Perception of Things , I come to the Judgment we are to make of every Thing ; and in so doing , I proceed from simple Things to those that are Compound , and as it were from the first Step of Logick to the second . The Sum whereof is this ▪ That in our search of Truth , we never give our Assent to any thing which doth not exactly answer to our Perception : For it is not enough that Truth be in this or the other thing , except the same do appear to us , and we be fully convinc'd of its Certainty . For I take him to know nothing at all , who relies only upon the Authority of others , and is led by their Judgment , without hearkning to his own . After this , I proceed to the Explication of a Syllogism , which is made up of divers Judgments that are found of them . Now whether Syllogisms are of so great use towards the acquiring of Sciences , as in the Schools they are boasted to be , I dare not assert , seeing that the greatest part of those Errors Men fall into are much more caused by their using of false Principles , than by their not observing the Rules of Good Reasoning . However , they must be acknowledged to have their Use , as being very helpful for the exercise of Wit , and more especially for those , who through overmuch Subtilty , or want of due Attention , suffer themselves to be deceived by false Consequences , and to be led into Error . That which concludes this Part of PHILOSOPHY , is METHOD , which is the chiefest Part of Logick , and without all Controversie the most useful . For it being that Judgment of the Mind , by means of which whatsoever belongs to a whole Science is fitly and rightly disposed and digested ; it is extreamly conducive to the discovering any Truths we are ignorant of , or to the convincing of others of those we know already . This Method in particular is either Genetical or Analytical , in both which the true Practice of Logick is perfected . The Second Part , is of GOD. But forasmuch as all our Knowledge is uncertain , as long as the most perfect Being , from whom all others do proceed , is not known to exist ; therefore I begin the Second Part of this Treatise with the Existence of GOD. This I evince from the Idea we have of him which represents a Being absolutely perfect , wise , and powerful . For 't is a Contradiction , that that which includes all Perfection should not be necessarily Existent , seeing that Existence is a vow'd Perfection , which therefore can't be absent from a Being absolutely Perfect . And therefore as we clearly understand , that in the Idea of a Triangle is contain'd , that its three Angles are equal to two right ones ; so we find , that in the Conception of GOD is involved Necessary and Eternal Existence . From hence we duly infer , that GOD is the Creator of all things , not only in respect of their Existence , but also of their Essence : So that even the Propositions of Eternal Truth do depend on this first Truth , and are no farther True than as they are determined thereby . The Existence of GOD being demonstrated a priori , I proceed to lay open his Attributes , which by necessary consequence follow from it ; since it is impossible but the supream Being must include Unity , Eternity , Omnipotence , Immensity , Beneficence , Providence , &c. The Third Part ; Of Intelligences and Daemons . Having thus examined the Nature of GOD , and inquired into his Perfections according to the measure of our weak Understanding , the next in order to be considered , are the INTELLIGENCES and DAEMONS , whose Existence , as far as it can be reached by Natural Light , I have endeavoured to demonstrate : And afterwards proceeding to their Faculties , have shewed them to be endowed with Understanding and Will : And because there is no small Dispute betwixt our Divines and the Talmudists , concerning their Number , Distinction and Subordination , I have barely set down their Opinions without adding any thing of my own . Thence I pass to the Power they have to assume Bodies ; and add something concerning the Care and Concern they have for Mankind , which I briefly confirm from Texts of Scripture and Reasons deduced from their Natures . The Fourth Part ; Of Natural Philosophy in general . It being proved that there is a GOD , by whose Power the Angels and all Things are produc'd , and that it is repugnant to his Nature to deceive us : We are sure that we can't be mistaken in those things which are clearly and distinctly known by us ; and therefore seeing we have clear and distinct Idea's of Bodily Things , which we are not the Causes of , as being often represented to us whether we will or no ; I thence infer , they must needs proceed from Objects without us , which really and actually exist in the World. For otherwise , if GOD should immediately impress such Idea's on our Minds , or cause them to be conveigh'd from Objects in which there was nothing of Extension , Motion , or Figure , it would follow that he did impose upon us ; and therefore we must conclude , that there is a Substance extended in length , breadth and depth , or thickness , which we call Body , and is the Object of this Fourth Part. For all things that are handled in Physiology belong to Body , as its Forms or Affections . Let not any one wonder that I exclude all substantial Forms from a Body , or extended Matter , since they are so obscure that they can't be explain'd , no nor so much as conceived by those very Men who are the great Patrons of them . Whereas on the other hand , nothing is more obvious and agreeable to our Senses , than to assign the Effects o● Nature to the different Magnitude , Figure , Position , Motion , and the Rest of Bodies . Who is so stupid as not to apprehend these Principles ? Is it not better to explain Things by Causes known and obvious to all , than to have recourse to some Principles , which none understand , and which are as dark and difficult to those that teach , as to those that learn them ? It is folly to admit any thing in PHILOSOPHY which no Body could ever yet comprehend , no , nor I dare boldly say , ever will be comprehended . If we admit that Material Substance consists in a Threefold Dimension , and that it can't be distinguished from Extension , save only by Reason or a Mental separation ; it will be easie to demonstrate , that it is impossible for any Vacuum to be in Nature : That Rarefaction is only made by the intervening of New Matter : That the World is not circumscribed by any Bounds : That the Internal place of a Body , doth not at all differ from the Body it self ; and that the Heavenly Matter is of the very same Nature with the Inferior and Sublunary . Forasmach as that which the Philosophers call Quantity , is not the precise extension of the Body , but only its extension as such ; that is , with respect to its being commensurate to such a number of Inches , Feet , Yards , &c. it being apparent that a Body retaining the self same quantity , may be further extended in length and less in breadth , or on the contrary . As Matter hath some Essential properties , viz. Divisibility , Figure , Mensurability , and Impenetrability ; so likewise it has some common Accidents , viz. Rarefaction , Local Motion , Heaviness , Lightness , Hardness , Softness , &c. which are not in it , as so many distinct things ; but only as Modes , which can't be separated from the Body ; and if they could , they would be no longer called Modes , but Substances , whose peculiar property it is to exist by themselves , and independent of any Subject . And seeing that as all the diversification of Matter , or the variety of its Forms , depends on Motion , by which the Matter is divided into Sensible and Insensible parts , I clearly make out , that the Three Elements of the World had their rise thence . Then having shewed that a Body hath no power to move it self , I make it appear , that all those Motions , which by the Peripateticks are commonly attributed to the prevention of a Vacuum , are occasioned ; because all Motion of Bodies is in a manner circular , one succeeding in the place of another . Then I proceed to the determination of Motion , whether simple or compound , treat of Reflection and Refraction , of the Acting and Resisting power in Bodies , and wherein it consists . Afterwards of the state of Bodies , as to their Hardness , Fluidity , Rarity or Loosness of Parts , Closeness , Roughness and Smoothness , &c. where I shew , that there are Pores as well in fluid , as in hard Bodies ; and last of all give a hint , that the Ends of GOD are not to be searched into in Physiology , because it is an Argument of Rashness and Arrogance . And as for TIME , under which we consider the Existence of Created things , it is improperly said to be an Affection belonging to them , since indeed it is a meer Mode of Thinking , serving only to explain Duration , and distinguish the Parts of it . The Fifth Part ; Of the World and Heaven . Having thus laid those Foundations of NATVRAL PHILOSOPHY , I proceed to consider the Unity and Perfection of the World , and endeavour first to shew , that the Creation of it may be discovered by Natural Reason : That its Extension is immense , or rather indetermin'd , so as not to be circumscribed by any Figure , or Bounds : That the Matter of Heavenly and Earthly Bodies is one and the same ; and enquire at large what is the Form of the World , whether it be the Soul , that is , the Spirit of Nature , or the best disposition of Parts : And in the next place assert ▪ That GOD hath communicated to the Matter whereof the World is made , a determinate Measure of Motion , and doth preserve the same quantity in the same . Then pass on to examine the Action of Bodies , and the communication of Motion , and add some Rules by which we may know , what must of necessity happen in the meeting of Bodies . Then follow the Three noted Systems of the World , viz. The Ptolomaick , Tychonick , and Copernican , and after having rejected the two former , I with Descartes embrace the latter , as being more simple and better agreeing with the several Phaenomena of the World. Then shewing the Heavens to be fluid ▪ I go on to Evidence how they were disposed or rank'd at the beginning , and of what manner their Motions were , and what is the Action of the Heavenly Matter . And for a better understanding of the Celestial Motions , I define the Heavenly Globe with all its Circles , and their several Uses . Then examin the Nature of the Sun , the Adjuncts of Light and Luminosity . How Spots are generated about the Sun and the fix'd Stars , and vanish again . What Comets are , and how it comes to pass that fixed Stars are changed into Comets . Next to the Comets are the Planets , whose rise is shewed , together with the Principle of their Motion , and how they become Direct , Retrograde , and Stationary . Then the Moons motion is considered , with its various Appearances , and the Eclipses of it , as well as of the Sun. Next follows the Nature of the fix'd Stars , their Number and Constellations , and concerning their Influences , as well as of the other Stars , and what Judgment we are to make of Judicial Astrology . The Sixth Part ; Concerning the Four Bodies . Having thus taken some Turns in the Heavens , we return again to the Earth , to take a more exact Account of its Original parts and Figure , and the manner of its being moved in the fluid Heaven ; demonstrate also its Motion by Reason , and Answer the Objections made against it ; and then discover all the Vicissitudes of Night and Day , and the several Seasons of the Year , which proceed from the Diurnal and Annual motion of the Earth . Then take notice of the Five Zones , invented by Geographers , to distinguish the Variety of Heat and Cold in the several Parts of the Earth , occasioned by the nearness or distance of the Sun ; and the Climates made use of , for a more distinct Explication of the several Tracts and Regions of the Earth . Then proceed to the discovery of those Things which are generated in the Bowels of the Earth ; as Fountains , Metals and Minerals , Stones , Gems , the Load ▪ stone , and Electrical Bodies . After , speak of the Water , the Flux and Reflux of the Sea ▪ Of the Air , and its Elastick virtue . Then of the Meteors in general , and particular ; as of Winds , Clouds , Mists , Rain , Dew , Hoar-frost , Cool of the Evening , Snow , Hail , Thunder , Lightning , Coruscations , the Rain-Bow , Circles formed about Stars , and Mock-Suns . Then unfold the Nature of Fire , Heat and Cold : The most remarkable Effects of Fire , as the Effervescence of some Bodies , and the Turning of others into a Calx or Ashes , Earthquakes , Fermentation , &c. and last of all consider the Mixtion , Generation , Corruption , Alteration , Augmentation , and Diminution of Bodies . The Seventh Part ; Of Living Creatures . Having thus largely enough handled ( as I suppose ) Inanimate things , I proceed to those that are Living , and having premised their Distinction from Things without Life , I assert their Life to consist in a due Temperament of Heat and Moisture , and consequently that their Death proceeds from the contrary Causes of Cold and Dryness . Next I enquire into the Cause of the Hardness which is observed in the Outside of them , and of the difference of this Vital Heat in Living Creatures , and why the same is weaker in some , and more strong and durable in others . Then discover the Nature and Virtue of the Aliment or Food wherewith Living Creatures are Nourished , and how Living Things come to be changed by the diversity of Place and Time ; and then come down to Plants , and having explained their Parts , Original Nutrition , Growth , Difference and Propagation , I enquire into the Causes of their different Colour , Taste and Smell ; as likewise of their Perishing or Death . Lastly , I lay open the Nature of Animals , what the Souls of Beasts are , and then examin in particular the Nature of Fourfooted Beasts , Creeping Things , Birds , Fish and Insects , and wherein the Death of these consists . The Eighth Part ; Of MAN. After having taken a View of this Great World , I proceed to the Consideration of the Lesser World MAN , who may be defined a Compound of a finite Mind , and rightly disposed Body . But forasmuch as these two Parts are wholly of a distinct Nature , without any Analogy between them , I thought fitting to consider them each apart , and handle them distinctly , that the several Proprieties of each might be the better known . Wherefore I set down the description of the most principal Parts of Mans Body , both Internal and External ; give an Account of the Formation of the Birth in the Womb , and of its Animation ; as likewise of Nutrition , the motion of the Heart , Arteries and Muscles , and of the Circulation of the Blood. Then follows Respiration , and how the same is performed in Man ; and lastly , some things are added of the Increase and Decrease of Mans Body , its Temperaments , and different Ages . And forasmuch as the Senses do chiefly belong to Man , I treat first of the Senses in common , and shew that they are the Effect of the Nerves , and that the Soul of Man feels only , for asmuch as it resides in the Brain : Then I speak of the senses i● particular , viz. of Feeling , Tasting , Smelling , Hearing , and lastly having said something concerning the Eye and its Object , I Discourse concerning Sight , the most Noble of all the Senses , an● of the manner how it is performed , and shew how the Scituation , Distance , Magnitude and Figure of Bodies are thereby discerned ; and then add some Chapters of Waking , Sleep and Dreams ; ●he Appetite of Hunger and Thirst ; of the Common Sense , Imagination and Memory ; of Health and Sickness ; and lastly , of Medicaments in general , and their Operation . The Ninth Part ; Of the Mind , or Soul of Man. I look upon the Rational Soul as the Chief Part of Man , which excelleth the Body in its Nature and Functions ; I evince that the same is more evidently perceived by us than the Body , since we cannot doubt of its existence even at the very instant we are doubting of it : For it is a Thinking Being , not only potentially , as some conceive , but actually ; because Thinking can't be separated from it without the destruction of its Nature ; whence I Argue , that it is essentially distinct from Material things , which consist in extension , and consequently that it is Spiritual and Immortal . Now as to the manner of the Vnion of these two Substances in Man , I briefly assert , that the same consists in this , that the Functions of the Body depend on the Cogitations of the Mind , and they again on the Motions of the Body , which Miracle is the work of the All-wise and Omnipotent GOD alone , as the Immortality and Eternal duration of the Soul is the effect of his Good pleasure . I prove that there are inborn Idea's in the Mind of Man , especially of GOD , a Thing , Substance , general Maxims of Truth , Good , Equity , &c. and explain the four Faculties of the Mind of Man , viz. Understanding , Imagination , Will and Memory ; not as Things really distinct from it , but only as so many Modes , whereby it Understands , Imagins , Wills and Remembers . And because the Affections and Passions are the consequence of the close Vnion there is between the Soul and Body , I shall in the next place handle them , and endeavour to lay down in short their Nature , Causes and Effects ; and tho' there be many of them , and according to the variety of their Objects , are called by several Names , yet they have all of them but one and the same common Principle , to wit , the Animal Spirits , by the Motion whereof they are produced and strengthned . For all of them ( if we except Admiration ) are conveighed to the Brain , and are always accompanied with a peculiar dilatation of the Blood. I enquire also in what part of the Body the Soul entertains its Passions ; what Love is , what Hatred , what Joy , and what Sorrow . Lastly , I undertake to assign the Cause of those Inclinations which are peculiar to certain Persons , and to which some give the Names of Sympathy and Antipathy , which I deduce from those Motions , that by some external Cause are excited in the Body from its first Infancy , and are apt afterwards to awaken the same Thoughts in the Soul ; as on the other hand likewise the same recurring Thoughts produce the same Motions in the Body . The Tenth and last Pa●t ; Concerning the right Conduct of Life . Last of all , this PHILOSOPHY is concluded with a Discourse of the right ordering and guidance of Life , the Happiness whereof doth not consist in Bodily pleasures , the Goods of Fortune , or the Gifts of the Mind ; but in a firm unshaken purpose and resolution of well-doing , and in the satisfaction which thence ariseth . And because no Body can be said to do well , but he that acts according to Vertue , I proceed to the Explication of VERTVE in general , and unfold its Essence , shewing that it doth not consist in a Mean of the Affections , but in a constant pursuit of what seems best to Right Reason ; and then pass on to the several Species of it , viz. Prudence , Temperance , Fortitude and Justice , which are so many Foundations of Human Happiness . I have not thought it any Crime in the handling of them , to depart from the received Custom of the Schools , and to Exhort my Readers rather to Doing than Talking , as knowing that Vertues are not acquired by Questions or Divisions , but by Precepts or Rules for the Forming of our Manners . I have also added some Articles concerning the use of the Passions , which I conceive to be of no small Advantage to the obtaining of Human Felicity , as long as they continue under the Guidance of Reason , and without Transgressing any of its Laws . And forasmuch as all Vertue would be in vain , in case Man were deprived of Free-will , I endeavour to prove , that Man was created Free by God , and that his Praescience and Power , is no hindrance to Human Liberty , and that notwithstanding the same , a Man may exert Actions worthy of praise or reproach . But because these ETHICKS might appear defective without saying something concerning Human Actions , I thought fit to add a few things concerning the Duties , or Offices of Man in general , and of a good Citizen in particular ; wherein I first discourse largely enough concerning the Rules of Human Actions , whether they respect GOD , our SELVES , or our NEIGHBOVR , and tho' in these Three all Human Obligations seem to consist , yet have I not thought much to superadd to these some other Laws of Humanity , and Rules of Covenants and Contracts , whereby all Persons , whether they be in a publick or private Station , may be informed what they are bound to do , and which be the Offices and Duties of Human Life . Of the Means and Helps which conduce to Philosophizing . Altho' throughout this whole Philosophical Work I have endeavoured to observe a due Order , and to deduce subsequent Truths with all possible clearness from those that precede , yet I thought it would not be besides the Matter , if I should subjoyn some Rules for New Beginners in PHILOSOPHY to observe , in order to the Securing them from Error , and for the right conduct and guidance of their Reason . First Rule . First RVLE , That they lay aside all the Prejudices of their Infancy , and admit nothing for Truth , which they have not first discust and examin'd anew . Second Rule . Second RVLE , That they be not rash in their Judgments , but always abstain from Judging , as long as they have no clear and distinct Perceptions ; and that they neither affirm or deny any thing , except it be of Things that are clearly and distinctly known by them . Third Rule . Third RVLE , That they give great heed to the Question propounded , and warily consider , whether what they suppose themselves to have perceived , do necessarily follow from those Truths , which by a new Examination or Scrutiny they have found out . Fourth Rule . Fourth RVLE , To distribute the Difficulty they undertake to Examin into so many Parts , as is fitting for the more easie and commodious resolving of it . Fifth Rule . Fifth RVLE , So to dispose the Members of this Division , as to begin with those that are most simple and easie to be known ; observing therein the Order of Nature , as far as may be , and so by degrees proceed to the knowledge of such as are more difficult and compound . Sixth Rule . Sixth RVLE , To examine all the Parts singly by themselves , with so much Attention and Exactness , that they may be assured of having omitted none ; and especially minding , whether they do not oppose and contradict those first Truths and primitive Notions they have already discovered and clearly perceived . The Design of the HISTORY of NATURE . Thus having gone through the Book of the INSTITVTION , next follows the HISTORY OF NATVRE . For seeing that the Truth of the Principles of any Science is made manifest by the Evidence of its Deductions , and that their Certainty is look'd upon as Indubitable , if those Things that are Inferr'd from them , do wholly depend upon the knowledge of them ; I was desirous to try , whether the several Appearances of Nature , or all those Things which our Senses perceive to be in Bodies , did comport with the Principles laid in my INSTITVTION OF PHILOSOPHY , and whether there be such a Connection between them , as that tho' the latter may be Apprehended without the former , yet the former can never be Vnderstood without the latter . For tho' the Principles I make use of in the Explaining of Things Natural seem to be very plain , as being nothing else but the Magnitude , Figure , Motion , Rest , and Position of Bodily Things ; nevertheless I dare affirm , that in this NATVRAL HISTORY I have had recourse to no other Principles ; and that I have not only explain'd all those Effects , which by the Peripateticks are commonly look'd upon as the Miracles of Nature , without the Auxiliaries of Sympathy and Antipathy , or the assistance of occult Qualities ; but have also given a true and Natural Reason of them , so as to leave no room for doubting of their Certainty , especially if it be cousidered , how many Things concerning Bodies , Qualities , Metals , Animals , &c. are unfolded and cleared from so few and such simple Principles , which certainly could never so well cohere together , except they were true , and out of the reach of doubting . I confess I have chiefly taken upon me to explain the common Phoenomena , and such as most frequently occur ; yet must it not be thence inferr'd , that I can't with the same ease render a Reason of the more extraordinary , which do seldom happen ; since the Cause of all Effects is alike , and forasmnch as whatsoever we meet with in the World hath its Use and End from the same Principles . Wherefore I have generally forbore mentioning such as those , lest I should seem to stand in need of strange and uncommon things , to demonstrate the Certainty of my Principles , or to have recourse to Monsters and Prodigies to be my Witnesses of their Evidence . My Design therefore in this Work was , not to describe the whole HISTORY of NATVRE , or to comprehend in One Book all the Phoenomena of the Universe , since that would be an infinite Task ; but only to make out , that all the Things we see do perfectly well agree with the Principles I have establish'd in my INSTITVTION of PHILOSOPHY ; and that nothing is handled by the Philosophers of any Sects whatsoever , which is not accommodately , yea , more distinctly and clearly explained by these Principles . The First Part is , Of the Nature of a BODY . The First Part therefore I begin with is the Nature of a BODY , and at the very beginning endeavour to prove against EPICVRVS and the most Famous GASSENDVS , that there is no empty Space to be found between the Parts of Matter : That the Arguments and Experiments which they alledge for the proving of a Vacuum are to no purpose , and wrongly applied . And in the next place proceed to the Affections of Bodies ; where , after I have asserted the indefinite Divisibility of a Body , I lay down several Experiments of Bodies , Thin and Close , Hard and Fluid , Rough and Smooth , Transparent and Dark , Bended and Comprest , assigning the true Reason of their several differences . The Second Part is of Qualities . And forasmuch as Qualities do always accompany Material Substance ; and affect and determine the same in whatsoever State the same may be ; I was willing to demonstrate the true Nature of them by Experiments , shewing that they consist in Quantity , Motion , Figure , and Position of Parts ; which afterwards I make manifest by the Examples of Heat and Cold , Heaviness and Lightness ; Taste , Smell , Sound , Colour and other Affections of Bodies which strike our Senses . Which done , I discover those Effects which are commonly attributed to unknown Qualities , which they term Occult , and declare the Causes of them . The Third Part is , of the World and Heaven . Afterwards I proceed to the History of the WORLD and HEAVEN , taking my rise from the Beginning of the World , which is followed by the Generation of Things , and the Ordering of the several Parts of the World , with the end that threatens it from the Generation and Corruption of Things : After these come the Phaenomena of the HEAVEN , SVN , and FIXT STARS , and the Spots that appear in their Bodies : And next to these the PLANETS and COMETS : And then from various Examples enquire , whether they have any Power upon us , or Inferior Bodies , or Foretel any thing with Certainty , and declare what we ought to judge of these kind of Predictions . The Fourth Part is , of the Four Bodies . The Fourth Part is taken up by the Four great Bodies : First , The EARTH , which is almost to be look'd upon as nothing , if compared with the Universe : Next , the WATER , with its various Properties : Then the Rivers and Fountains , whose rise is discovered ; and after those the Sea , with the Cause of its Ebbing and Flowing : These being the Things that have not only troubled the Heads of the Philosophers of this Age , but also those of the Ancients , and forced them to betake their refuge to occult Qualities . Next to the Water , the Phaenomena of the FIRE are discovered , the Effects whereof are very different , as Earthquakes ( which don 't affect the whole Globe , but only some part of it ) Glass and Coals , which are produced by its Operations ; and many other Things are Explained , not only of those which are generated here with us on the Surface , but also in the inward Parts of the Earth . And lastly , the AIR brings up the Rear of the Elements , whose power and efficacy appears as well in Natural as Artificial Things . The Fifth Part is , of Fossils . And forasmuch as the Earth doth hide many Things in its Bowels , which deserve our Consideration , I have added something concerning FOSSILS , viz. Things dug out of the Earth in general : And first of Quicksilver , Brimstone , Salt , Gold , Silver , Tin , Lead , Brass , Iron , and other Minerals , whose Generation is no less wonderful than their Operations and Effects . This done , I proceed to the Stones , and having discussed their various generations , I examine their distinction and different Constitution : And lastly , consider the LOAD ▪ STONE , which tho' it be reckon'd amongst common Stones , and hath nothing of lustre , yet has very singular effects , and such as are astonishing to those , who do not own the Striate or Screw like Matter to be the Cause of them . The Sixth Part is , of Meteors . After this , I proceed to the discovering of the Phaenomena of METEORS , whose place as it is between the Earth and the Stars , so they seem to participate of both their Natures . First , I open the Nature of Vapours and Exhalations , and what goes to the forming of them : Then speak of the WINDS , which like wandring Travellers never rest . These are followed by Rain , Hail , Snow , Dew and Honey ; and then I declare the rise and effects of TEMPESTS and THVNDER ; also why LIGHTNING is so fierce , and why it seizeth hard Bodies without touching those that are soft . Amongst Meteors , the RAINBOW challengeth the first place , and other Fires kindled in the Air , which as they do more closely or loosly stick to their Matter , so they vanish sooner or later . The Seventh Part is , of Plants . After these comes the Seventh Part , concerning PLANTS , whose variety is almost infinite ; where first I discourse of their Parts , Virtues and Qualities , whether hid or manifest , that are common to every Plant. Then I explain the Sympathy and Antipathy of some of them , adding something of their rise , nutrition , germination and decay , as much as may seem sufficient not only to under stand their Phaenomena , but also their whole Nature . The Eighth Part is , of Animals . I begin my Treatise of ANIMALS with those that are begot of themselves , or as others will have it , begot of putrefaction , and from them proceed to Animals that are produced from Seed . And having enquired into the Cause of MONSTERS , I speak concerning their different Time in bringing forth ; and then passing over to their Affections , I search into the Causes of HVNGER and THIRST , and of the CIRCVLATION of the BLOOD ; and then consider what it is in them that is the Principle of such various Operations , and make out that they are performed in them Mechanically , without any perception or knowledge ; why some of them hate , and others love one another ; and lastly , why some sleep more , and others less ; and why they are subject to different Diseases . The Ninth Part is , of MAN. This whole History is concluded with MAN , who in the becoming Form of his Body excells all other Creatures of the World , as well as he exceeds them by his Reason , Understanding , and his Soul or Mind : For tho' he makes use of the same Organs of the Senses , with other Animals ; yet he doth not perceive the Objects of them as they do , since Sensation is a kind of Cogitation in him , which is not compatible to Brutes . And thus having explained some Experiments concerning Feeling , Tasting , Smelling , Hearing and Seeing ; I proceed to Imagination and Memory , and lay open the Cause of Sleep and Dreams . And lastly , having described the Causes of Passions that outwardly appear , I Conclude this my Natural History , with the peculiar Natural propensions and aversions of some Persons , the Original whereof tho' of long time hid , is now made plain and perspicuous . The Design of the Discourse , concerning the want of Sense and Knowledge in Beasts . The Third and Last Book , is of the want of SENSE and KNOWLEDGE in BEASTS ; where , tho' from the Beginning of the World it hath been the Common received Opinion , that Brute Beasts are endowed with Sense and Knowledge , and consequently that they are but gradually distinguish'd from Men , yet I make no scruple in this Discourse , to deprive them of those Operations , and to render them meer Machins , which by the furniture of Organs they are provided with , exert their several Actions , and perform all those wonderful things which most Men think can't be done without Knowledge . For seeing that Sense and Knowledge do include an immediate Consciousness of Perceptions , which it is Contradictory to suppose in the most subtil or refin'd Body that may be , I think that Beasts ought to be deprived of them both , and that they are neither more nor less than meer Engins or Machins . But what will some say ; Have not the Beasts then any Senses or Appetites ? Tes , they have ; but without understanding or knowing what they do so feel or desire : For this is the peculiar Excellency of MAN , whereby he exceeds Beasts . For in them is nothing to be met with besides several Motions , which may as well be found in an Artificial Machin , as has been seen in the Flight of an Artificial Fly , and in that Iron-Statue , which after many Turnings and Windings presented it self before the Emperour of Morocco , kneeled down , delivered a Petition , and then rising again , returned the same way it came , as Historians assure us . Accordingly it will appear , that all those Motions which we perceive in Beasts , are only determined by the Animal Spirits , with the help of the Nerves and Muscles , and are performed in the same manner , as in us , when we do any thing without minding or knowing what we do : For indeed tho' such Actions be done in us , yet they are not properly done by us ; wherefore I allow no Soul in Beasts , besides the Blood , which being a fluid Body , and swiftly moved , it s more subtil part , which we call Spirit , and continually is carried by Arteries to the Brain , and from thence into the Nerves and Muscles , moves the whole Body , as I have fully here demonstrated . This Work in all its Parts , more Compleat and Perfect than hitherto Publish'd . Here is nothing more to be said , unless it be to acquaint the Reader , That tho' the Three Treatises contain'd in this Volume , have been well received in their former Dresses , both at home and abroad , having been often Printed here in England and in Foreign Countries , the last having been also Translated into French by Monsieur de VILLEMESMES , then Counsellor to the present French King. Yet to make them more useful to all Persons , I have now carefully Reviewed , Altered , and Enlarged them all ; so that this whole Work , in all its Parts , is more Compleat and Perfect , than what has hitherto been Published in any Language . Anthony Le Grand . THE CONTENTS OF EACH CHAPTER In each Part of the INSTITUTION of PHILOSOPHY . The first Part concerning LOGIC , in 23 Chapters . INtroduction of the Nature and Constitution of Logick , Folio 1 Of the true use of Logick , shewing that Logick is useful and necessary to the conduct of a Rational Life , 2 The first part of Logick ; of the clear and distinct perception of the Mind . What the hindrances of Science are , and how to be removed , 4 Some Rules for the attainment of Truth , 5 Concerning the various Modes of Perception , viz. pure Intellection , Imagination and Sense , 9 Of the 5 Universals , or Predicables , 10 Universals singly examined , as to their Nature , Properties and Use , 11 Of Substance , and its Affections and Modes , 14 Of the Common Attributes of Substance , 15 How the name of Substance agrees to God , and the Creatures , 17 The Genealogy of Things and Modes , 18 Of the Whole and Parts , Causes and Effects , Subject and Adjunct , 20 Concerning the distinctions , whence the nature and difference of Idea's is deduced , 22 Of the Imposition , Signification , Definition and use of Names , 23 The Second Part of Logick . Concerning the right judgment of the Mind , or Proposition , 26 Of Judgment , absolute and compared , ibid. What a Proposition is , and how manifold , with the several Rules , 27 Concerning the Truth and Falshood of Propositions , with the Rules , 29 Of Division and Definition , with the Rules , 31 The Third Part of Logick . Concerng the Minds Ratiocination , Syllogism , 33 Of Reasoning , or Argumentation , ibid. Of simple Syllogisms , and those either Complex , or Incomplex , 34 Of Conjoin'd or Compound Syllogisms , 37 Of Imperfect Arguments , 38 Of Demonstration , a Topical Sylogism and Sophistical , 39 The places whence the Middle Term is fetcht , 41 The Fourth Part of Logick . Concerning Method , or Orderly Disposition of our Thoughts , 42 Of the General Method of Knowing , ibid. Concerning special Method ; and first of that which is called Analitical , 44 Of the Method of Composing , 46 Rules of Definitions . Rules of Axioms , 47 Most General Axioms . Special Logical Axioms : from the Genus : from the Species : from the Forms or Differences : from the Property : from the Definition : from Division . 48 , 49 , 50 From the Cause : from the Effect : from the Subjunct , and Adjunct : from the Whole : from the Parts : from Like and Unlike : from Contraries : from Privative Opposites : from Contradictories : from Parity or Equality : from the Greater : from the Lesser : from Divine Authority : from Human Authority . Rules of Demonstration , 51 Of General Method , 52 The Second Part , viz. Natural Theology . in 16 Chapters . An Introductory Discourse of the Definition of Natural Theology , and its certainty , 53 What God is , and how he may be reached by us , 54 By the Inborn Idea that is in us , we know that God exists , 56 That is belongs to the Nature of God to exist , 58 The Contemplation of the World proves God's existence , 59 Concerning Fate and Will , or the Divine Decree , 62 How God is said to be the Cause of Propositions of Eternal Truth , 63 Concerning the Divine Attributes , and first of the Unity of God , 64 That God is Eternal , or without beginning or end , 65 That God is Infinite , and how we are to understand , that he is circumscribed to no place , 66 That God is the most Simple Being , 67 God is true , and as he can't be deceiv'd so he cannot deceive , 68 That God is the most highly Intelligent , or Omniscient , 69 That God is Good , and doth Good , 70 Of the Omnipotence of God , 71 That God is the Creator of all things , 73 Concerning God's Government of the World , and Providence , 74 The Third Part , viz. of Daemonology , or of Intelligences and Created Spirits , in 11 Chapters . A Prefatory Discourse , of the Division of Created Things ; the Definition of Pneumaticks , or the Doctrin of Spirits , and its certainty , 76 Of the Nature of Angels , 77 Whether the existence of Angels be demonstrable by the light of Nature , and how the same may be evinced , 79 Of the Faculties of Angels , and of their Understanding , and its Object ▪ 80 Of the Wills of Angels , 81 The Power of Angels , as to their moving , and producing of Bodies , 82 Of the Number , Distinction and Subordination of Angels , 83 Whether Angels be in a place , 85 How Speech is attributed to Angels , 86 How Angels assume Bodies , and what Actions they exert in them , 87 Whether there be any Order amongst Devils , and of what kind , 88 Of the care of Angels as to Man , and the things here below , 89 The Fourth Part , viz. General Natural Philosophy . In 25 Chapters . Of the Essence and certainty of Natural Philosophy , 91 The Existence of Material Things , proved , 93 Of the Nature and Constitution of Matter , 94 Of the properties of extended Substance , viz. Mensurability , Divisibility and Impenetrability , 96 Of the Division of Matter into sensible and insensible parts , 98 Of the threefold kind of Matter , and that there are but three Elements in the World , 99 No Substantial Forms really distinct from Bodies , 102 No Qualities or real Accidents distinct from Substance , 104 What Intelligible Forms may be attributed to Natural Things , 106 What Rarefaction is , and how performed , 108 Of heaviness and lightness of Bodies , 109 Concerning Place , 111 The supposing a Vacuum in Nature , implies a contradiction , 113 Of the Vulgar and Philosophical definition of Motion , 114 Of the Principles of Local Motion , 116 A Body can neither move it self nor another Body , 119 Of those Motions which are ascribed to Natures avoiding of a Vaccum , 120 Of the determination of Motion , both simple and compound , 122 Of Reflexion and Refraction , 123 Of the force of Acting and Resisting , 125 Of the state of Bodies , viz. hard , fluid , frangible , friable , soft , ductile , and such as may be cut or slit , 127 What loose and close , rough and smooth , contiguous and continuous Bodies are , 129 Pores in hard Bodies , as well as in fluid or soft , ibid. Concerning Duration and its Species , Time and Eternity , 131 The ends of God are not to be enquired after in Natural Philosophy , 132 The Fifth Part , viz. of Special Natural Philosophy , concerning the World and Heaven . In 24 Chap. Of the Unity and Perfection of the World , 134 The Creation of the World proved by Natural Reason , 136 The World is not circumscribed by any Figure or Bounds , 137 The Matter of Heavenly and Earthly Bodies , is one and the same , 138 What the form of the World is , whether it be the Soul , that is , the Spirit of Nature , or the most excellent disposition of its parts , 139 That God , as he is the efficient and conserving cause of Matter , so of Motion , 141 Of the Actions of Bodies , and the Communication of Motion , 143 Of the Platonick , Copernican and Tychonick System of the World , 146 Of the true System of the Universe , 148 The Heavens are fluid Bodies , 150 How the Heavens were disposed at first , and of their divers Motions , 151 Concerning the Action and Motion of the Heavenly Matter , 153 Of the Heavenly Sphere and its Circles , 155 Of the Sun , 157 Of Light , 158 How Spots come to be generated about the Sun and fix'd Stars , and how they vanish again , 161 Concerning Comets , 162 Of the Nature , Original and Affections of Planets , 164 Concerning the principle of the Planets Motion , and of their Direction , Station and Retrogradation , 166 The Motion of the Moon , and its various Appearances , 168 Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon , 170 Of the Fixed Stars , 172 Of Asterisms and Constellations , 174 Of the Influences of the Stars , and of Judicial Astrology , 177 The Sixth Part , viz. the four Great Bodies , the Earth , Water , Air and Fire , and of the mixt and compound Bodies , which arise from them ; as also of Metals and Meteors . In 24 Chapters . Concerning the Original of the Earth , its Parts and Figure , 179 The Earth is moved by the Fluid Heavens , that encompass it round , 182 The Earths Motion establish'd by other Arguments , 183 The Objections answer'd , which by Aristole and others are framed against the Motion of the Earth , 185 Concerning Day and Night , and the vicissitudes of Seasons , 187 Of the Zones and their Inhabitants , and of the Climats , 190 Of things generated in the Earth , and first of Fountains , 192 Of Metals and Minerals , 194 Of the Generation of Stones , Common and Precious , and of their difference and distinction , 196 Of the Loadstone , and Electrical Bodies , 199 Of the Water , 202 Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , 204 Of the Air , 207 Of the Elastick force of the Air , 209 Of Meteors in general , 210 Of Meteors in particular , and first of the Winds , Clouds and Mists , 211 Of Rain , Dew , Hoar-frost , and the Cool Evening Air , 214 Of Snow and Hail , 215 Of Thunder , Lightning , and Flashes , 217 Of the Rainbow , circles about the Sun and Moon , and of Mock-Suns and Mock-Moons , 218 Of Fire , 221 Of the Nature of Heat and Cold , 223 Of the various effects of Fire , 225 Of the Mixion of Bodies , as likewise of their changes , conversion , generation , corruption , alteration , augmentation and diminution , 227 The Seventh Part , viz. Living Creatures in General ; and specially of Plants and Animals . In 23 Chapters . Introduction of the Division of Living Creatures , 229 How Living Bodies differ from those that are Inanimate , and destitute of Life , 231 The Life of Bodily Things consists in Moisture and Heat , 232 The death of Living Things proceeds from contrary Principles , viz. from Cold and Driness , 233 What is the cause of that hardness , which is observed on the outside of Living Bodies , 234 Of the different degrees of Heat in Living Bodies , 235 The Virtue and Nature of Aliments remain in the Bodies that are fed and nourished by them , 236 Living Things vary according to the difference of Place and Time , 237 Of Plants , and first of their several parts , 238 Of the Original of Plants , 240 Of the nourishment and growth of Plants , 241 Of the division and difference of Plants , 243 Of the propagation of Plants , 245 Of the colours of Plants , 247 Of the several tastes of Plants , 248 Of the odour or scent of Plants , 250 Of the diseases and death of Plants , 251 Of Animals , or living sensible Creatures , 252 What the Souls of Brute Beasts are , 254 Of Four-footed Beasts and Creeping Things , 256 Of flying Animals , or Birds , 257 Of swimming Animals , or Fish , 259 Of Insects , 260 Of the death and destruction of Animals , 262 The Eighth Part , of Man , considered with relation to his Body , in 24 Chapters . The definition of Man , 264 A description of the External Parts of Mans Body , 266 A description of the principal Inward Parts of Mans Body , 268 Of the forming of the Birth in the Womb , and of its Animation , 270 How Mans Body is nourished and encreased , 272 How the Motion of the Heart , Arteries and Muscles are performed in Mans Body , 275 Of the circulation of the Blood , 277 Concerning Respiration , 279 Of the growth and decrease of Mans Body ; of the temperaments and the difference of Age , 281 Of the Senses in general , 283 That the Senses are the effect of the Nerves ; and that the Soul of Man only feels , forasmuch as it resides in the Brain , 285 Of the Senses in particular , and first of the Touch , 286 Of the Sense of Tasting , 288 Of the Sense of Smelling , 290 Of the Sense of Hearing , 292 Of the Eye , 294 Of Colours , 295 Of the Sense of Seeing , 297 How Vision or the Sense of Seeing is performed , 300 Of Waking , Sleep and Dreams , 303 Of the Appetite of Hunger and Thirst , 305 Of the Cmmon Sense , Imagination and Memory , 306 Of Health and Sickness , with the several Diseases , 308 Of Medicaments in General , and their operations , 315 The Ninth Part , viz. of Man , considered in the other Part , to wit the Mind , in 15 Chapters . Of the nature of Human Mind , and that is more evidently perceived than Body , 320 That Human Mind is distinguished from the Body , and is Spiritual and Immaterial , 322 How Human Mind is united to the Body , 324 Whether there are Innate Idea's in Human Mind , 327 Of the faculties of Human Mind , Intellect , Imagination , Will , Memory , R●miniscence and Wit , 328 Of the Affections , or Passions of the Mind , 331 In what part of the Body the Soul receives its Passions , 333 Of the Order and Number of the Passions , 334 Of Admiration , 335 Of Love and H●tred , 337 Of Affections , 338 Of Joy , 339 Of Sadness , 340 Whence the Natural Inclinations and Aversions of some Men arise , 342 Of the Immortality of Human Mind , and of its State after Death , 343 The Tenth Part , viz. Ethicks , or the Right way of ordering the Life of Man. In 37 Chapters . A Prefatory Discourse of the dignity and use of Ethicks , 346 Of the nature of Ethicks , and its principal Parts , 347 What Good is , and how , and why desired , 349 What the Highest Good is , 350 That the good things of the Body conduce not to Mans happiness , 351 External good things are not Mans good , 352 What is Mans highest good in this Life , and his ultimate end , 353 Of the nature of Virtue in general , 354 Of the Law of Nature and Right Reason , with the principal Dictates thereof , 356 Of Prudence , and its Parts , 359 Of Temperance , 361 Of Fortitude , 363 Of Justice , 365 The usefulness of the Passions or Affections of the Soul , 367 What is the use of Wonder or Admiration , 369 Of the end or usefulness of Love and Hatred , and the interpretation of them , 370 Of what use the passion of Desire is , 371 Of the usefulness of Joy and Sorrow , 373 Of the Government of the Passions , and of their more general Remedies , 375 Of the liberty of Mans Will , 376 How presupposing Gods Omnipotence , Men can abide free in their Wills ; and whether the Free-will of Man can be hindred , 377 Of Human Acts , and of the goodness and pravity of them , 379 Of the Rule of Human Actions , 380 Of the Duty of Man towards God , 382 Mans Duty towards himself , 384 Of the Laws we are to observe with respect to other Men , being our Duty to our Neighbour , 385 Of the Laws of Mutual Humanity , 387 Of the Laws to be observed in Covenants and Contracts , 388 Of Special Agreements , 390 How many ways the Obligation arising from Covenants , may be dissolved , 391 Of the Laws that concern Speaking and Swearing , 392 Of Dominion , and the Duties thence arising , 393 Of the Duties of Married Persons , 395 Of the Duties of Parents and Children , 396 Of the Duties of Masters and Servants , 397 Of the Right of Sovereign Dominion , and the different Forms thereof . 398 Of the Duties of Sovereign Princes , 399 Of the Duties of Citizens , 401 The Contents of each Chapter in each Part of the HISTORY of NATURE . The First Part , viz. of Bodies . In 9 Chapters . OF a Body extended , 1 The Arguments of Epicurus answered , about empty Spaces intersperst between Bodies , 3 Gassendus his Experiments examined , whereby he endeavours to prove Vacuities in Bodies , 4 Of the Divisibility of Bodies , 7 Of loose and close Bodies , 9 Of hard and fluid Bodies , 11 Of rough and smooth Bodies , 14 Of transparent and opake or dark Bodies , 15 Of Bodies bent and prest together , 17 The Second Part , viz. of Qualities . In 10 Chapters . Of Qualities in general , 21 Of Heat , 22 Of Cold , 25 Of Heaviness and Lightness , 28 Of Taste , 33 Of Smelling , 35 Of Sound , 38 Of Light , 43 Of Colours , 45 Of Occult Qualities , 50 The Third Part , viz. of the World and Heaven . In 14 Chapters . Of the beginning of the World , 54 Of the Creation of Things , and of the ranging of the several parts of the World , 56 Of the end of the World , 58 Of the Generation and Corruption of Things , 59 Of the Heaven , or most subtile Aether , 61 Of the Sun , 62 Of the Fixed Stars , 65 Of the Moon , 67 Of the Planets , Mercury , Venus , Jupiter and Saturn , 70 Of the Spots about the Sun , and the fixt Stars , 72 Of Spots that appear in the Orb of the Moon , 73 Of Comets , 75 Of the Production of the Stars , 77 Of the Predictions of Astrologers , 79 The Fourth Part , viz. of Earth , Water , Fire and Air. In 11 Chapters . Of the Globe of the Earth , 81 Of Water , 83 Of the wonderful properties of some sorts of Water , 85 Of Fountains and Rivers , 88 Of the Sea , 90 Of the Ebbbing and Flowing of the Sea , 97 Of Fire , 99 Of Earthquakes , and Subterranean Fires , 103 Of Ashes and Coals , 105 Of Glass , 107 Of the Air , 108 The Fifth Part , viz. of Things dug out of the Earth . In 10 Chapters . Of Metals in general , 113 Of Quicksilver and Brimstone , 114 Of Salt , 117 Of Gold , 119 Of Silver and Tin , 121 Of Lead and Copper , 123 Of Iron and Steel , 124 Of the various generation of Stones , 126 Of Pearls and Precious Stones , 128 Of the Magnet , or Loadstone , 131 The Sixth Part , viz. of Meteors . In 11 Chapters . Of Vapours and Exhalations , 134 Of Winds , 136 Of Clouds and Mists , 139 Of Rain , 141 Of Hail and Snow , 143 Of the Dew , Hoar-frost , Honey and Manna , 145 Of Storms and Thunder . 147 Of Lightning and Thunderbolts , 149 Of the Rainbow , 151 Of Fires kindled in the Air , 153 Of Circles about the Sun or Moon , and of Mock-Suns , 154 The Seventh Part , viz. of Plants . In 9 Chapters . Of the parts of Plants , 156 Of the Virtues and Efficacy of Plants , 158 Of the obvious , or known qualities of Plants , 160 Of the occult qualities of Plants , 162 Of the Sympathy and Antipathy of Plants , 164 Of the Original of Plants , 166 Of the Nourishment of Plants , 169 Of the Germination , Sprouting or Budding of Vegetables , 171 Of the Decay and Death of Vegetables , 172 The Eighth Part , viz. of Animals . In 10 Chapters . Of Animals , commonly supposed to be of a Spontaneous Birth , 175 Of Animals produced of Seed , 178 Of Monsters , 181 Of the Birth of Animals , 183 Of Hunger and Thirst , 185 Of the motion of the Heart , and circulation of the Blood , 188 Of the actions of Animals , 190 Of the aversion and affections of Animals , 193 Of Sleep and Waking , 195 Of the Diseases and Death of Animals , 198 The Ninth Part , viz. of Man. In 10 Chapters . Of the Sense of Touching or Feeling , 202 Of Taste , 204 Of Smelling , 206 Of Hearing , 207 Of Sight , 209 Of Imagination , 214 Of Memory , 216 Of Slumber and Dreams , 218 Of External Passions , 220 Of some Persons Natural Inclinations and Aversions , 222 The Third Part. A Dissertation of want of Sense and Knowledge in Brute Animals , 225 The Contents of which Discourse appears according to the several Articles printed in the Margent , to which the Reader is referred . An Explanation of the Sculptures in this Work. First in the INSTITUTION of PHILOSOPHY THE Title , represented by the Figure of Fidelity , sitting on a Chair ascended by three Steps , which Steps are Emblems of those three Parts of Philosophy , over which we must pass , before we can arrive at the perfection of Truth ; her Eagle denotes her quick-sightedness , by which she is able to read the Book , held at that distance , clare & distincte ( plainly and distinctly ) as is therein written , whilst the Sun that seems to enlighten the Book , is an Emblem of that assistance Heaven freely affords us in our virtuous persuit of Learning and Knowledge : The Figure with its Foot on the first Step of the ascent , as likewise that with the Globe , and the other behind are Emblems of some Proficients in Philosophy , their particular progression in that noble Study being denoted by precedency of order . In the Preface , the Sculpture represents the several Pourtraitures of those Philosophers , cited by the Author in his prefactory Discourse ; those standing on the fore-ground , are Descartes , Gassendus , Epicurus and Zeno , the fittest to have the first place in this Sculpture , since by their Works they contributed most to the building this Body of Philosophy ; which Emblem may likewise teach us not to be forgetful of those from whom we have received Benefits . LOGICK , Part 1. Chap. 1. fol. 1. Represented by a Woman sitting in a Chair , holding in her Right Hand a two pointed Sword , and in her Left a Serpent , who twists about her Arm ; on her Head , a Helmet surmounted by an Eagle ; beneath her Feet are Books , Swords and Garlands , with Boys , having Keys and Locks in motion ; at a distance two Philosophers discoursing : Her Swords are her most proper Emblems , Logick being pugnatio Verborum ( a Word-fight ) ; her Snakes denote her subtilty , her Helmet her strength , and her Eagle her discerning faculty ; the Locks and Keys denote her power to lay open or conceal ; the Garlands on the Pedestals of the Pillars , are the Trophies of her Victories gained over other parts of Learning , which Victory is represented by her having Books , Swords and Garlands laid at her Feet ; the Sword occuping her Right Hand , and the Snakes her Left , denotes Powers , being nobler than cunning : The building in prospect , is the School of Learning dedicated to the Goddess Minerva . LOGICK with Truth and Falshood , Part 1. Chap. 2. fol. 3. The Figure which seems just risen from her Chair is Logick , as appears by her usual Emblems , ( treated of before ) the Figure whom she seems to court , is Truth , represented with a Glory round her Head , having a loose Garment cast about her ; the Glory denotes her Excellence , and her regardless Robe shews that Truth needs no Ornament , nor ought to be covered , tho' with the most pleasing and becoming pretences : The Figure next her , represents Falshood , being a Syren with a Mask and Mirror , the proper Emblems of that Vice , it being reported of that Creature , that she destroys with her Voice all that give ear to her ; her Mirror denotes the double dealing of Falseness , and her Mask the disguises she is forced to make use of ( for as it is said of Virtue , that could Men see her Naked , they would be most passionately enamoured of her , ) so on the contrary , could they see Falsity undrest of her Masks and Disguises , they would flee from her , as the ugliest and most dangerous Monster . The Building behind , represents the Palace of Logick , being the School of Learning . LOGICK discovering Falshood , Part. 1. Chap. 2. Rule 1. fol. 5. The representation of Logick as before , viewing intently the Syren , who has covered her Face with a Mask , under which appearance she endeavours to pass for Truth ; but her lower parts being her badge of distinction , are uncovered by a little Boy , and so she is detected ; which shews that the best maskt Falshood is discoverable by Truth and Innocence , tho' in its Childhood . LOGICK embracing Truth , Part 1. Chap. 2. Rule 4. fol. 8. The Sculpture represents a Garden , in which the Figure of Logick appears together with Truth , both emblemis'd as before ; the seeming Imbraces of Logick given to Truth , denote the acceptableneness of it to Learning ; they being placed ▪ in a Garden , is to shew the Pleasures and Sweets that attend them both . JUDGMENT , Part. 1. Chap. 11. fol. 26. Represented by an elderly Man sitting on a Rainbow in the Clouds , having Books and a Scrole of Parchment under his Left Foot , on his Right Knee a Book opened ; the Figure standing by Judgment , is Logick , and points towards the opened Book : The Building is the prospect of a Theatre , the Books and Serpents under , are the Emblems of Learning and Wisdom , the inseparable Companions of True Judgment , who is represented elderly , as a Badge of Experience , and placed in the Clouds to shew his inspection of all Human Affairs ; and the various Colours of the Rainbow he sits on , denote the various Methods he makes use of to be informed , and the brightness of its Rays , the clearness of his apprehension , and the seeming information given him by Logicks , pointing to the Book , shews the necessity of Learning , to enable us to make a true Judgment . REASONING , Part 1. Chap. 15. fol. 33. Represented by an elderly Woman , sitting on a Pedestal , leaning her Head on her Left Hand , with Books under her Left Foot and Elbow , in her Right Hand a Book a little opened , her Forefinger therein , and a Scrowl hanging from below the Book , with this Motto , in perfecto quieseit ; the Figure standing in a Glory , incircled with Clouds ; and on which Reasoning seems to have her Eye , represents Truth holding a Book in her Right Hand , and a Branch of Palm in her Left , having the Globe of the Earth under her Foot : On the Fore-ground are Boys and Books . The Motive for representing Reasoning by these Figures , are these , 't is represented by a Woman , to denote its productive Faculty , right Reasoning being the common Mother of every great Good and wise Action ; the Books under her Foot , denote some doubts she hath long since overcome ; and those under her Elbow , some doubts just removed ; her melancholy Posture and Air , shew the necessity of seriousness in Reasoning ; the Book in her Right Hand , seems to contain ( and more especially that part which she engageth with her Forefinger ) what is exprest in the Scrole that hangs from it , which is , that by the help of Reasoning we may bring all our undertaking to that perfection as will afford the means of being at rest : The placing Truth , as in the description , is to shew , that Reasoning hath always Truth in view , that being the End she aimeth at ; the Glory incircled with Clouds , express the inward Beauties of Truth , tho' sometime vail'd with Clouds of Ignorance ; the Book and Palm which occupy her Hands , are Emblems of those Goods she gives her Possessors , Peace and Knowledge ; and her Foot being placed upon the Terrestrial Globe , denotes her excellence above all earthly things . CONTEMPLATION Part 2. Introduction , fol. 53. The Sculpture represents a Woman kneeling at her Devotion , having beneath her the Globe of the Earth , with Eyes covered , holding a Scepter in her Right Hand , and on the same side , the Sun in Glory ; and on her left side the Moon and Stars , which she seems to inspect with care ; above in the Clouds , the Glory of the Supream Deity , with the word Jehovah , environ'd with Blessed Spirits in postures of Adoration : She is placed above the World , to shew that those who seriously contemplate the Glory of GOD , must be contemners of the World , and have their Eyes , like hers , vail'd to all its Inducements , flattering Joys and Temptations ; her Scepter denotes the power of heavenly Contemplation , we being thereby made more than Kings and Conquerors ( according to the Scriptures ; ) her contemplating the Sun , Moon and Stars , shews that whosoever soberly considers the wonderful Creation of those Glorious Bodies , will think their time best imploy'd in contemplating with Gratitude and Wonder the Excellence and Power of that GOD who made them . FATE and WILL Part 2. Chap. 5. fol. 62. The Figure on the Right Side with folded Hands , and clad in a full Garment , is Fate ; his folded Hands are Emblems of Unchangableness , and his full Garment resembles his Amplitude ; the Golden Chain which seems to fall from the Star in Glory , on which Fate looks , and with which both he and the other Figure who represents Will , are incircled , shews the necessity of the Wills complying with Fate , being bound thereto with a Chain of Coelestial Causes ; the Wings of Will are Emblems of her swiftness ; and her extended and erected Hands and Head towards Heaven , shews we will every thing under the appearance of Good. PROVIDENCE , Part 2. Chap. 16. fol. 74. Represented by a Woman sitting on a Pedestal , her Right Arm leaning on a Wheat-sheaf , and on her Left a Boy winged , bringing her a Cornucopia of Fruits and Flowers , as shewing the great goodness of Providence , who gives not only on the Right , Corn to support the necessity of Nature , but also on the Left , Fruits and Flowers to recreate and cherish it : At a distance in prospect is a Corn-field , in reaping time , brought to its maturity by that Eye of Providence , which from out of a Glory inspects it , and thereby demonstrates that GOD in his Providence vouchsafes to look down from his all Glorious Throne of Heaven to bless the Goods of the Earth to Mans use , which ought to draw from us returns of Praise and Thansgiving . SPIRITS , Part 3. Introduction , fol. 76. In the Clouds are represented Choirs of blessed Angels playing on Musical Instruments , and singing and praising GOD. In a Cavern below , are represented the Infernal Spirits , seeming to utter hideous Cries and Groans , the effects of the anguish they suffer in themselves , and that raised in them by their enviously beholding the happiness of the Blessed above ; for true Happiness is by nothing so much exprest as by praising GOD. NATURE of ANGELS , Part 3. Chap. 1. fol. 77. In the Clouds appears a glory of Angels and Cherubims contemplating with desire and joy , the Glory of GOD which appears above , half veild by a dark Cloud ; it being the Nature not only of Angels , but of all good Men to behold with Praises and Adoration that GOD who made them for that end . MOTION of ANGELS Part 3. Chap. 5. fol. 82. Represented by several Angels , occupying themselves in doing the service acceptable to their Creator , as bringing Peace and Reward to the Good on Earth , which is shewn by those two , who bear a Coronet and Branch of Palm downwards , as likewise in carrying the Actions and Prayers of the Just to Heaven , shewn by that Angel who bears the Pot of Incense towards the Sky ; and by the other who is uncovering the Monument of King Charles the Second , to lay , as it were , open the good Actions of that best of Princes , to that GOD who will reward them . ORDER NUMBER and DISTINCTION of ANGELS , Part 3. Chap. 6. fol. 83. The Sculpture represents the three Hierarchy of Angels , and in each Hierarchy the three Orders ; the 1 st . containing Seraphims Cherubims and Thrones , the 2 d. Dominions , Virtues and Powers ; the 3 d. Principalities , Arch-Angels , and Angels with Palms , Swords and Crowns , denoting their Offices of Peace , Power and Glory , given them by that GOD , who is represented above them , and who made , ordered , numbred and distinguished them for his Service and Glory . DAEMONS , Part 3. Chap. 10. fol. 88. In a gloomy Cavern are represented the nine degrees of Daemons , or Infernal Spirits , distinguished by their monstrous and ugly variety , and which ( according to the Discourse ) they are known by : The first termed Belzebub , generally allowed Sovereign Emperor over all the rest , tho' his Name signifies no more than King of Flies ; the 2 d. Python , 3 d. Belial , 4 th . Asmodeus , 5 th . Satan , 6 th . Meririn , 7 th . Apolyon , 8 th . Astorath , and 9 th . Mammon : The Figures in the Air are Angels , bearing up a Child , whom they had rescued from the Devils : The reason for the precedency of these Devils to one , the other ariseth from their greater or lesser power in doing hurt , and therefore some people may wonder why Mammon , who is taken for the Devil of Riches , should be placed last , the power of Gold in doing ill being the greatest . CARE of ANGELS , Part 3. Chap. 11. fol. 89. Represented by an Angel , rescuing and protecting a young Man from the fury of the Devil , and by two Angels driving a Daemon before them , the defending us from the assaults and snares of the Devil , and driving him from us , being their constant employment and care . PHISICKS , Part 4. Chap. 1. fol. 91. Represented by a Woman with a Sphere and Books ; on her Right Side an Eagle , and on her Left two Boys , having a pair of Compasses and a Square ; the three Figures in prospect are three Philosophers in consultation concering the Planets and Stars , the Books , Mathematical Instruments , and Eagle are Emblems of the quicksightedness , Learning and Practice requisit to the true understanding of Phisicks . DURATION and TIME , Part 4. Chap. 24. fol. 131. Time is represented by Saturn , being on Old Man bald Headed except one Lock , and standing on Tiptoe with one Foot on a Rock , having a Syth and Hourglass : Saturn is feigned by the Poets to be the Father of the Gods , the first beginner of Time , his Age and Bald-pate denote his antiquity and duration , and his one Lock , the one punctum of Time present , by which we ought to hold ; he stands on Tiptoe to shew he hastens to be gon ; his Hourglass and Wings are Emblems of his never resting and swiftness , and the Syth the destruction and consumption he makes of all things . The four Figures below him , represent the four Seasons of the Year and parts of Mans Life , following one another towards the Temple of Eternity ; our Childhood brings Youth , Youth brings Manhood , Manhood Old Age , and Old Age to that Eternity properly described by the Circle over the Temple , and the Hoop in the Boys Hand , being what are in appearance without end . The Motion of the PLANETS , Part 5. Chap. 1. fol. 134. Represented by Sybell , having a Castle on her Head , and sitting on Lions , placed on the Globe of the Earth ; the Castle and Lions denote the strength of the Earth , both in respect to its Creatures and improvements , the Lion being the strongest Animal made by Nature , and a Castle the strongest thing made by Art ; her having the Castle on her Head , and the Lions below her , shew the strength of Human Art is greater than the strength of Beasts ; the seven other small Figures are bodily representations of those Poetical Heathen Gods , whose Names are made use of to distinguish the Planets by ; that in the midst and over the Earth , is Apollo , encircled with Light , as God of the Sun ; his Bow and Arrow denote the piercing power of his Rays and Sun-beams : That standing on a Cloud , and under the Earth , is Luna ; the Bow in her Hand , and Cressent on her Head , are Badges of her two-fold Devinity ; the first as she is Goddess of Hunters , by the Name of Diana ; the last as Goddess of the Moon , by the Name of Luna , as above : The Figure over Apollo , is Mercury , the Wings of his Feet denote his swiftness in running , as his Staff twisted with Snakes doth his Cunning ; those being the peculiar Excellencies given him by the Poets , and the Qualifications that rendred him capaple of the great Employments he possesseth , of being Envoy and Currier in Ordinary to the Gods : The Figure on the Right Side of Apollo , is Venus , the Star on her Forehead denotes her Divinity ; her Doves are Emblems of Love , and properly joined to her who is the Goddess of Love. Over Mercury stands Mars , who bears a Sword and Buckler , being accounted the God of War ; that on the Left Hand is Jupiter , the Thunderbolts in his Hand , and the Eagle under him are the Coat Armour of Heaven , of which by the same Authority , he is accounted God : That on the Right Side is Saturn , his Wings denote the fleeting of Time , of which he is reported God , and the Syth in his Hand , shews the destruction made of all things by this Divinity Time. The SUN in GLORY , Part 5. Chap. 14. fol. 157. Within a Glory is represented , Phaebus in his Chariot drawn by white Horses , they being the Creatures he is said to have ordered to be offered up to him in Sacrifice ; beneath lies a Shepherd and his Dog a sleeping , who are recovered from their drowsiness by the brightness of his Rays , and the warmth of his Beams , which cherish and enliven all Human Creatures . The MOON , COMETS , &c. Part 5. Chap. 17. fol. 162. The Figure covering his Eye with his Finger , is Archimedes a viewing the Moon , Stars , and other Planets , through a Teliscope ; and that Figure next him is a Philosopher discoursing him about some Planetary Observations ; upon and below the Table are several Mathematical Instruments , as Squares , Globes , &c. The EARTH , Part 6. Chap. 1. fol. 179. Represented by Sybell , drawn by Lions in her Charriot , having a Castle on her Head , and the Globe of the Earth beneath her : The reason for representing the Earth by this Figure , is given before in the Treatise of the Motion of the Planets : The Angel bearing Fruits and Flowers , as it were from Earth to Heaven , denotes that the sweetest things of the Earth ought to be offered up to the GOD of Heaven , who made and preserves the Earth . DAY and NIGHT , Part 6. Chap. 5. fol. 187. The Figure of the Young Man with Wings holding a lighted Torch in his Right Hand , and a Serpent in a circular form in his Left , having one Foot on a Cloud , and the other on the light part of the Globe , represents Day ; his Youth is the Morning , and his lighted Torch the Noon ; his circular Serpent shews the motion of Time , and his treading on a Cloud , that he puts Darkness under his Feet ; behind the Globe on the backside , slipping away as it were , stands a Woman Winged and Cloathed in a a Sables Garment , embroidered with Stars , having on her Head a Crown of Poppeys , representing Night ; her Posture shews her not to be able to stay in presence of Light ; her Garment is her proper Emblems , and her Poppeys are promoters of Sleep , the true business of the Night : The Element below her spangled with Stars , shews the descending of Night at the ascending of Day . The WATER , Part. 6. Chap. 11. fol. 202. Represented by Thetis , whom the Poets have fain'd to be Goddess of the Sea ; her Charriot is drawn by Dolphins , accounted the best natured and most compassionate Fish ; and for that reason preferred to the honour of drawing their Queen : Over her is the Figure of a Boy , who pours Water out of a Watering pot , as intimating that we have Water from above in Rain , as well as below in Rivers . The AIR , Part 6. Chap. 13. fol. 207. Represented by the Goddess Juno , Wife of Jupiter , sitting in a Charriot drawn by Peacocks ; she is accounted by the Poets as Goddess of the Air , and is drawn by these Birds as the most beautiful Creatures , to compleat whose beauty , she hath adorned their Tails with a hundred refulgent Eyes , taken from Argus , to whom she had given them , the better to see into the Amorous Intreagues of her Husband Jupiter , of whom she was Jealous , but Argus being kill'd by Jupiter , she reassumed her Gift and disposed of them as above . The WIND , Part 6. Chap. 16. fol. 211. Represented by a Figure Crown'd and Sceptr'd , being Aeolus , the Poetical God , and King of the Winds ; on each side of him are two Figures , representing the four Winds ; the lowest on the Right Hand is Boreas , the North wind , depicted like an Old Man , with Bats Wings and a Serpents Tail ; his Bats Wings denote his blowing most in Evenings and Nights , and the Serpents Tail his stinging Colds and Blasts ; above is Eurus the East-wind , represented also by a Man with Wings , to shew the swiftness of his motion : The uppermost on the Left Hand is Auster , the South-wind , represented by a Young Man , and below him Zephyr , the West-wind , represented by a Man pouring out Water , as generally bringing Rain along with him ; they are all blowing out Winds , which occasions a Tempest , as appears by the foaming and raging Billows of the Sea , that seem to overwhelm the Ships therein . THUNDER , Part 6. Chap. 19. fol. 217. Represented by Jupiter , who , as before is said , is accounted the chief God of Heaven , and the Inventer and User of Thunderbolts , having as 't is storied , been forc'd to contrive this Weapon to defend his Coelestial Kingdom against the assaults of the Giants , who dared to attempt the Invasion of it ; they are made by Vulcan , the Black-Smith in Ordinary to the Gods , and accounted as such himself , and are of that subtile contrivance , that they at once kill , burn and astonish without being seen ; for which reason there is no Guard to be made against them ; he is set upon an Eagle , the Emblem of Quick●ight and Power ; for as that Bird only can gaze on the Sun with unmoved Eyes , and destroy with her strength whom she pleases of the Birds , so Heaven only has power to discern our Actions , and to punish where it thinks fit : The Figures below represent two Men , covering their Heads for fear of the Thunder , and affrighted at its noise ; the Houses on Fire , the Trees Blasted and beaten down are the visible effects of Thunder , and may admonish us to beware of offending Heaven , who can destroy with its Breath . The FIRE , Part 6. Chap. 21. fol. 221. Represented by Vulcan standing in his Charriot , which is drawn by Sea-dogs , at work at an Avil , being furnished with Fire from Mount Aetna . Vulcan is the fam'd Blacksmith to the Gods , as is before said , and consequently a great Dealer in Fire ; the two Sea-Dogs chained to , and drawing his Charriot , are Emblems of the predominancy that Fire hath over its contrary Element the Water ; and by Mount Aetna is shewn the power of this hot Element even in the Earth . ANIMALS in general , Part 7. Introduction , fol. 229. In the midst a Man contemplating with admiration the variety of Beasts and Fowls about him . GARDNING , Part 7. Chap. 12. fol. 245. The representation of a Garden , in which the four Figures are Gardners , imployed in so many several Actions belonging to that Ingenious Art , as Digging , Grafting , Inoculating and Screening of Earth ; in prospect a Fine House . ANIMALS , Part 7. Chap. 17. fol. 252. The representation of several Animals , and more particularly those extraordinary in their kind , as the Horse , Elephant , Lion , Camel , Deer , Bear , Swine , Sheep , Dog , &c. CREEPING THINGS , Part 7. Chap 19. fol. 256. Represented by a Tortoise , Crocadile , Lyzard , Serpent , Mole , &c. FOWL or FLYING ANIMALS , Part 7. Chap. 20. fol. 257. Represented by the Ostridge , Eagle , Peacock , Swan , Turkey , Cock and other Birds . FISH or SWIMMING ANIMALS , Part 7. Chap. 21. fol. 259. Represented by the Salmon , Pike , Lobster , and other Fish ; in prospect some Men in Fishing Boats , and Nets a catching Fish . INSECTS , Part 7. Chap. 22. fol. 261. Represented by several sorts of Butterflies , small and great Flies , Grashoppers , &c. MAN as to his BODY , Part 8. Chap. 1. fol. 264. The Figures represent Man in his compleat Body , composed by Bones , Flesh and Skin : That on a Pedestal on the Left , is perfect , the next is the Muscular , having his Skin off , and the next an Anatomy of Human Body ; the Figures seeming to inspect them , represent Physicians as consulting . The five SENSES in general , Part 8. Chap. 10. fol. 283. 1 st . Smelling , represented by the Figure holding a Flower to her Nose . 2 d. Hearing , represented by a Young Woman playing on an Instrument of Musick . 3 d. Tasting , represented by a Young Woman filling a Glass of Wine , and by her side a Munkey eating an Apple . 4 th . Feeling , represented by a Woman pulling a Snake from her Hand , and by two Cocks fighting . 5 th . Seeing , represented by a Woman in a Habit of a Falconer , having a Hawk on her Fist , ready to be cast off at that Bird in the Air which the seems to view . FEELING , Part 8. Chap. 12. fol. 286. Represented by a Woman seeming to snatch her Hand from a Parrot , who seems to bite it ; at the same time a Dog is pulling her by the Coat ; as also by that feeling story of the Monkey making use of the Cats Paw to pull the Chesnut out of the Fire ; and by a Mans beating a Dog , and by the fighting of two Birds , all true Emblems of this noble Sense . TASTING , Part 8. Chap. 13. fol. 288. Represented by two Women in a Garden , the one seated and eating an Orange , expressing by her gay Air the pleasure afforded her by that noble Sense ; the other is the Figure of a Woman pulling some Fruit in order to eat it ; there are also Cupids eating Oranges , to shew the pleasures of Love consist chiefly in Tasting . SMELLING , Part 8. Chap. 14. fol. 290. Represented by two Women in a Flower Garden , and smelling the Flowers : By a Blood-hound in Scent after his Game ; as likewiseby an Incense Pot smoaking with Perfumes , being the most pregnant Emblems of that Sense . HEARING , Part 8. Chap. 15. fol. 292. Represented by a Woman playing on an Organ , having two Women standing behind her , with Musick-Books in their Hands , and seeming to sing in consort ; and by a Cock pearching on a Pedestal , being the Creature who hears at a greater distance than any other . SEEING , Part 8. Chap. 18. fol. 297. Represented by a Man with a Prospective in his Hand , standing on a Hill viewing an Ingagement of Ships at some distance , and by a Figure lying on the fore-ground , having his Eyes fixt on the Sea , which seems at a distance . MEDICIN , Part 8. Chap. 24. fol. 315. Represented by the Serpent Python , surmounted by Apollo , the God of the Sun. This Serpent is said to Poison all the Herbs and Grass he comes near , and for that reason was destroyed by Apollo , who also is the God of Wisdom , and properly Emblemiseth Medicin , there being , in wisely prepared Medicins , a remedy to destroy all poisonous Diseases . MAN as to his MIND , Part 9. Chap. 1. fol. 320. The Womanish Figure holding a Sphere in her Right Hand , and a Glory descending from Heaven upon her Head , represents a Human Soul ; the Sphere is the Emblem of its knowledge , as to Human Affairs , the descending Glory , its Immortality ; on her Right Hand stands Knowledge , represented by a VVoman , who holds a Torch lighted in her Right Hand , an open Book on her Lap ; and on the Left Hand is the Figure of a Man , sitting in a musing posture , having Wings on his Back , and represents Thought ; she is thus attended to shew that the two noblest Faculties of the Soul are Knowledge and Thinking . The FACULTIES of the MIND , Part 9. Chap. 5. fol. 328. The four Figures represent the four Faculties . 1 st . Understanding , represented by a Young Man , to denote the Beauty of it , Robed and Crown'd to shew that Honour and Power attend it ; and the Flame encircling the Head , is an Emblem of its alliance to Heaven , and the Eagle is an Emblem of its quickness in perceiving . 2 d. On the Right Hand of Understanding stands Imagination represented by a Woman , to shew its productive Power , which is also shewn by the Coronet of small Figures she bears on her Head ; Imagination producing more various forms and beings than Dame Nature can boast of ; the Wings on her Head denote the swiftness of that Faculty . The 3 d. is Memory , represented by a Woman with a Helmet on her Head , to shew the strength of that Faculty ; and by her a Dog in a Slip ; a Dog is a proper Emblem of Memory , enjoying , as by Experience is found , more than any other Creature , of that noble Faculty . The 4 th . is Will , represented by a Young Man Wing'd and Blindfolded with extended Arms , and erected Head ; the reason for representing that Faculty is given before . ADMIRATION , Part 9. Chap. 9. fol. 335. Represented by a Woman , seeming to have all her Faculties at work , by viewing that admirable Object that lies before her , being a Lion and a Lamb lovingly enfolded , and by other Figures , whose Looks spake this Passion ; in prospect , a Building . LOVE and Hatred , Part 9. Chap. 10. fol. 337. Represented by Venus the Goddess of Love , sitting in the Clouds , and over her Cupid her Son and Messenger ; the Arrow he holds in his Hand , is the Weapon that opened the way for the love of the Man below , to the Heart of that Lady , who seems to embrace him : The Figure , as it were stabbing the other with a Dagger , represents Hatred , and the Devil behind him shews the ugly and damnable qualities of that Vice. AFFECTIONS or DESIRE , Part 9. Chap. 11. fol. 338. Represented by a Young Woman , who in the persuit of Honour and Riches , which seem to appear to her at a distance , is thrown down by the Figure of Will ▪ ( represented as usually ) and at the same time a Serpent bites her by the Heel , shewing the misery and pain which attend the desiring or affecting too much above what we want , to sustain Nature , and the Precipice we are hurl'd from by our Will , in placing our Affections on those Goods of Fortune which are not in our reach . JOY , Part 9. Chap. 12. fol. 339. Represented by a Young Woman , in a loose Garment , having a Bottle of Wine in one Hand , and a Glass in the other ; by her another Figure with a Bottle , and on the fore-ground Boys playing on Flutes : This Passion is most properly thus emblemised , Women , Wine , and Musick being the Joy Heaven gave us to guild this otherwise bitter Pill of Life . SADNESS , Part 9. Chap. 13. fol. 340. Represented by a Woman in a Widows habit , sitting on the ground in a melancholy posture , leaning her Head on her Hand ; by her a Boy a weeping , and below her a Boy with an extinguished Torch ; above , and at some distance from her , stands an Urn impaled with Cyprus Trees ; upon the Rails which encompass the Pedestal of the Urn , stand Pots of Fire flaming , to the memory of him whose ashes are contained therein : These Figures are the properest Emblems of this Passion of Sorrow , no state being so void of Joy as hers , who being a fond and virtuous Wife , is by death robbed of a deserving tender Husband ; the darkn'd Torch held near her , shews she has no flame , but that which burns to the Manes of her departed Lord. ETHICKS , to front Part 10. fol. 346. Represented by a Woman , seated in a graceful Posture on an ascent , holding a Lion bridled in her Left Hand , and in her Right a Level ; her ascent and graceful Posture , shew the Majesty of this Noble part of Philosophy ; her bridled Lion denote its Power ; the force of her Arguments in evincing and clearing , are shewn by her Level : On her Right Side are the three Cardinal Virtues , Truth , Justice and Charity ; the first represented by a naked Figure , holding a Book and Palm Branch in one Hand , and the Sun in the other : 'T is naked , to shew Truth ought not to be covered ; her Book and Palm are the rewards she gives , which are Peace and Knowledge ; and the Sun is an Emblem of her Brightness , Truth being as clear as the Noon Day : The 2 d. is represented by the Figure of a Woman vailed , holding a Scepter , with an Eye upon the top , in her Hand ; she is veiled , to shew she looketh not on , nor regardeth the Person of any , but administers Justice impartially ; her Scepter and Eye denote her Power and Knowledge : The next is Charity , represented by a Woman comforting Children ; on the Left Side of Ethicks stand the four Vices , Envy , Drunkenness , Lasciviousness and Deceit . The 1 st . Envy , is represented by an Old Woman half naked , having Snakes about her Body and Hair ; Age and Snakes are the proper Emblems of this Vice , it being as old as the Devil , and poysoning the Minds of all that entertain it , as Snakes do the Bodies of all that touch ' em . The 2 d. Drunkenness is represented by a Man a spewing , the true loathsom Emblem of that Gluttonous Vice. 3 d. Lasciviousness represented by a Woman in an immodest posture , that being Lasciviousness . 4 th . Deceit , represented by a Woman holding a Mask , shewing the necessity that Vice hath of being disguised , and of its often appearing under borrowed forms : Ethicks is thus attended to shew the Virtues she possesseth , and the Vices she hath overcome . The HIGHEST GOOD , Part 10. Chap. 3. fol. 350. Represented by a Young Man , cloathed in a short Garment , with his Eyes lift up towards Heaven , holding in one Hand an Olive Branch , and in the other a burning Heart , into which his Tears seem to fall , and on his Head the Glory of Heaven descending , as through a Cloud : The highest Good consists in these three things , peace of Mind , favour of God , and a Heart flaming with desire of Heavenly things ; and therefore 't is properly represented by this Figure . The LAW of NATURE , Part 10. Chap. 8. fol. 356. Represented by a Young Woman half naked , having her lower parts covered with a Lamb-skin , Emblems of that innocence and modesty prescribed by Natures Law ; she is placed in a pleasant Garden , holding a Table on her Knee , and a pair of Compasses in her Hand , measuring two parallels , with this Motto . Aequa lance ; behind her a Woman holding Books , and having other Books under her Feet ; all which denote how even just and pleasant the Laws of Nature are : On her Right Side are the three Virtues , Truth , Justice and Charity ; and on her Left Side , Envy , Drunkenness , Malice and Pride , all properly Emblematis'd as before ; by the Virtues being on the Right of Nature , and the Vices on the Left , we are taught that Virtue is more acceptable than Vice to Nature in her first Principles , till she is dabaucht by Custom or Practise . PRUDENCE , Part 10. Chap. 9. fol. 359. Represented by a Woman , standing in a graceful posture , holding in her Right Hand a Looking-glass , and in her Left a Serpent ; and over her an Angel putting an Helmet on her Head ; on her Right Hand a Cupid , holding an Olive Branch in one Hand , and a Palm in the other ; and on her Left Side a Young Man with a Sword and Buckler : The Looking-glass in her Right , denotes that every prudent Person ought to look into , and know themselves ; the Serpent is an Emblem of Cunning , and the Angel putting the Helmet on her Head , expresseth Heavens aiding us in all our prudent undertaking : The Cupid with Branches , and the Young Man Armed denote that Prudence brings success in Love , and Victory in War. TEMPERANCE , Part 10. Chap. 10. fol. 361. Represented by a VVoman , holding in her Right hand a Bridle to curb the exorbitant desires of the Flesh , and over her Headan Angel , crowning her with Lawrels , having a Palm in his Hand , thereby shewing that Heaven will reward this Virtue with Peace and Glory ; on her Right a Cupid , pouring out liquor in a Vessel , and on her Left an Elephant , dividing his proportion of Corn , denoting thereby that we must use Temperance even in Love , and that Beasts , share in that Virtue which men must blush to want . FORTITUDE , Part 10. Chap. 11. fol. 363. Represented by a VVoman , holding a Pillar , and curbing with a Bridle a Lion , who seems inraged : In the Air is represented Hercules , with his Club and Lions Skin ; the story of Hercules , and the reason for his being so adorn'd is so little estranged , that it needs not be here repeated , theresore I shall only add , that the Emblems of Corporal Fortitude , as here described , serve only to enable us to judge of the greater fortitudes of the Mind discourst of in the Book . JUSTICE , Part 10. Chap. 12. fol. 365. Represented by a VVoman , holding in her Right Hand a Sword , and in her Left a pair of Scales ; next her a Boy bearing the Fasces and Axes carrying before the Roman Victors : The Figures of the Men represent Philosophers contemplating Justice , that being the work of every wise Man ; the Fasces were Rods , with which they used to chastise Malefactors for small faults . MANS DUTY to GOD , Part 10. Chap. 23. fol. 382. Represented by a Man , VVoman and Boy , addressing themselves to Heaven , in a becoming posture , and in the Clouds two Angels with Trumpets ; 't is represented by these three , to shew that Men , VVomen and Children are obliged to this Duty ; the Angels with Trumpets , denote the joy the Blessed have in beholding the Righteous Actions of Men ; the Angel below pointing to the Coronet and Cornucopia , is an Emblem of that Honour promised to the Righteous ; the Flame three-fold , flaming on the Womans Head , denotes by its number the Trinity , by its heat , the warmth of her Zeal , and by its light , the brightness of her Faith. MANS DUTY to HIMSELF , Part 10. Chap. ●4 . fol. 384. Represented by an Old Man , in a becoming posture , holding in his Right Hand a Staff , having a Serpent twisted about it , his Head Crowned with Lawrel ; on his Right Side a Young Man armed , having on his Head a Helmet , in his Right Hand a Sword , and in his Left a Target ; self-preservation is every Mans duty to himself , and therefore provident Nature hath furnish'd the means ; to the Old she hath given Cunning to save themselves , emblematis'd by the Old Mans Staff , encircled with Serpents , the cunningest and most subtile of Creatures ; to the Young , strength and valour , represented by the Sword and Target , held in the Young Mans Hand , whilst the Figure of Justice , who stands before them both , informs us that both Old and Young are obliged to be just , not only to others , but to themselves . MANS DUTY to his NEIGHBOUR , Part. 10. Chap. 25. fol 385. Represented by two Men kindly embracing each other ; on their Right Side are Justice , Love and Charity , with their proper Emblems as before described ; and on their Left , a Woman with a Cornucopia of Fruits and Flowers , the Emblem of Plenty ; all which denote , that we ought to be friendly in our carriage , just in our dealings , and charitable ( according to our ability , to all that want ) and that those who do so , shall have plenty of all the Fruits of the Earth . CONTRACTS , Part 10. Chap. 27. fol. 387. Represented by the Platform of a Custom-house Key , with Figures of several Men , denoting a Merchant , a Chapman and Porter ; in a Barge a Man stowing some goods , which they seem to have contracted for . MUTUAL FAITH or MARRIAGE , Part 10. Chap. 32. fol. 395. Represented by the Figure of Faith , being a Woman almost naked , having a Glory about her Head ; her nakedness denotes her innocence , and the Glory is the Emblem of that Heaven from whence she sprung ; she is placed between a Man and Woman , joining Hands as in Marriage , to shew that she only can truly perform that Office : On the Mans side is the Figure of Justice , an emblem of what he owes to his Wife ; and on the Womans , that of Constancy , and a Cupid with a lighted Torch , denoting that the Duties of a Wife to her Husband are constant Love and Desire towards him ; the Torch is a Badge of the ancient way of performing that Ceremony of Marriage , for on the Wedding-day they used to light up a considerable number of them , in honour to Hymen the God of Marriage ; the billing Turtles are emblems of that Love and Harmony which ought to be between Man and Woman . DUTY of PARENTS and CHILDREN , Part 10. Chap. 33. fol. 396. Represented by a Man and Woman , sitting in a grave and loving posture , having Children about them ; by their side is the Figure of Justice , having her Head covered with a Helmet , and a Mound under her Foot , to denote that the Duty of Parents is giving good example to their Children , and that their Justice ought to take place and surmount all paternal fondness ; on the Right Side is the Figure of a Woman veil'd , representing the modesty Children must observe in the presence of their Parents ; the Stork by her Side is the emblem of ill Parents , it being reported of that Bird , that she eats her Young Ones . DUTY of MASTERS and SERVANTS , Part 10. Chap. 34. fol. 397. Represented by a Woman , sitting in a graceful posture in a Chair , attended on the Right Hand by a Woman holding a Garland and Cornucopia , representing Plenty ; and on the Left by a Woman , bearing a Sword and Ballance , the emblem of Justice ; before the Chair stands a Blackamoor Lackquey , seeming to receive some Errant to go on ; beneath the Figure of Plenty stands a Maidservant attending her Ladies Commands , all which properly describe that Masters and Mistresses are bound in duty to do Justice to , and provide for their Servants plenty , and that the duty of Servants is the careful , honest and respectful performance of all their Masters or Mistresses lawful Commands . REGAL POWER , Part 10. Chap. 35. fol. 398. Represented by a Man , seated on a Throne , Crown'd , Rob'd , Scepter'd , with a Mound in his Left Hand , attended on by his Courtiers , as also by the representations of Justice , Prudence , Clemency , Fortitude and Truth , as the eternal Companions of true Regal Power ; he being no more properly a King , who wants these Virtues , than an illiterate Man can be a Judge of Learning . The Explanation of the Sculptures in the HISTORY of NATURE , Book II. THE FRONTICEPIECE , represented by a Woman looking behind her , and writing in a Book , which lies on the Back of Time , emblematis'd as before ; shewing the nature of History , which is the immediate representation of things past ; and by another Figure reviewing the Sun , Moon , Stars , &c. and surrounded with several Beasts , Birds , &c. denoting the generality of things treated of by History . No VACUUM , Part 1. Chap. 1 , 2 , 3. fol. 1. The Author having proved it in his Book , 't is thus represented by the Sculpture , a Boy pouring Liquor out of one Vessel into another , thereby shewing , that as the Air which occupied the lower Vessel is drove out by the heavier Element of Water , it immediately enters into , and fills the upper Vessel ; as also by the blowing up of a Mine , the visible effects of the extension and dilatation of Air : The Figures seeming to discourse , represents Philosophers . SMELLING , Part 2. Chap. 6. fol 35. Represented by a Blood-hound in scent after his Game ; by a Woman smelling to a Nosegay ; by a Man who seems offended at some unpleasing smell ; and by a Woman in a swoon , supported by two others , and one of them holding a Box or Glass of some Scent to her Nose , which seems to recover her : In prospect a Pack of Hounds in chase of a Fox . SOUND , Part 2. Chap. 7. fol. 38. Represented by several Musical Instruments lying on the fore-ground ; also by a Man ringing a Bell , by another sounding a Trumpet , by another beating a Kettle-Drum , and by a Woman tinkling on a Brass Vessel to a swarm of Bees to hive them , all proper emblems of Sound . OCCULT QUALITIES , Part 2. Chap. 10. fol. 50. Represented by a Man , seemingly trembling at the sight of a Lion , and hastily running from it ; by the terror of a Sheep at the sight of a Wolf ; by the seeming trembling and fear of a Hen and Chickens at the sight of a Kite , and by the hasty flight of a Dove from a Hawk ; all the visible effects of qualities proceeding from a Cause admired , but never known . The BEGINNING or INFANCY of the WORLD , Part 3. Chap. 1. fol. 54. Represented by the Figures of a Savage Man , Woman and Children , who seem to live in those Huts placed in the Woods , having several Animals about them . The Primitive Times supposed to want the conveniencies of Houses and Apparel , through want of experience . The SUN , Part 3. Chap. 6. fol. 62. Represented by Phoebus , sitting in his Charriot in the Clouds , drawn by four white Horses , for the reasons before given in the description of the Sun in Glory . The Figures on the lower part are representations of several Men , Women and Animals , bathing themselves ( as it were ) in those brilliant Rays proceeding from this warm De●ty , Phoebus , and may teach us how pleasant and joyful it is to live in the Sunshine of Heaven . The MOON , Part 3. Chap. 8. fol. 6● . Represented by the Goddess Diana , she having a Sovereignity of this seeming Ball of Fire , given her by the Poets : At her Back are Dogs pursuing a Stag , the emblem of Hunting , of which she is , by the same Authority , Goddess ; and underneath is a Landskip with Deer therein , the Victims offered up to her Divine Recreation . The PLANETS , Part 3. Chap. 9. fol. 70. Represented by the Personal Figures of those Heathen Deities from whom they borrow their Names . As Luna , Mercury , Venus , Apollo , Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn . The reason for these Gods and Goddesses being so adorned , are given in the explanation of the Sculpture , representing the motion of the Planets : The Child in Saturns Arms , and which he seems to devour , relates to the Story fathered on him by the Poets , that as soon as ever his Coelestial Spouse was brought to Bed , he did eat the Children , to prevent their dethroning him of his Kinddom . The GLOBE and SPHERE of the Earth and Heavens , Part 4. Chap. 1. fol. 81. Represented by the Personal Figures of those two great Geographers , Ptolomy and Copernicus , the one with a pair of Compasses , taking seemingly the distances of some places , delineated on the Globe of the Earth ; and the other holding a Sea Chart , having a pair of Compasses , and the Sphere of the Heavens before him : The Figure seeming as it were to take an Observation , represents the Learned Tycho ; on the Table are Charts , &c. FOUNTAINS and RIVERS , Part 4. Chap. 4. fol. 88. Represented by the Figure of Thame , being an Old Man lying in the Reeds or Osiers , having an Oar in his Right Hand , and leaning his Left Arm on a VVater-Pot ; as also by the Figure Isis , being a VVoman sitting on a Rock , having also a VVater-Pot . Thame and Isis are storied to be Man and VVife , and stand as Godfather and Godmother to that most ample River , vulgarly , Thames , it bearing the name of both , as Thamesis ; as also by the Figure of a Nymph of the Rivers and Fountains , named Arethusa , holding a VVater-Pot and Flowers ; and by the Figure of a Young Man named Alpheus , having a VVater-Pot and Cornucopia of Flowers , being the Patron of Fountains . The Figures are thus coupled , to shew that the Friendly Communication between Rivers and Fountains , resemble that between Man and VVoman : The Figure in the Sky , and seeming to press the Clouds , is the emblem of Rain . The SEA , Part 4. Chap. 5. fol. 90. Represented by Neptune , God of the Sea , drawn in his Charriot by Sea-Horses , having his Trident in his Hand , being his watry Scepter , the Hooks at the ends of it , are to lay hold on his subject Fishes , who fail in their Allegiance : Behind him are the two Figures , holding and seeming to sound through their Sea-Shels , are representations of Tritons , Creatures formed by the Poets to serve his floating Divinity in the nature of Trumpeters . In prospect the Sea with Ships , &c. The FIRE , Part 4. Chap. 7. fol. 99. Represented by Vulcans Cave , in which the Cyclops ( the Journey-men Blacksmiths of Vulcan ) are at work , in making Thunderbolts for Jupiter , who is placed above in the Clouds , attended as usually with his Eagle , as inspecting the well-making of his Weapons ; and behind the Anvil stands a Forge of Fire , with a Figure seeming to blow it , which causes that Smoak that arises from the Funnel placed by Jupiter ; below the Cyclops Feet lie Breast-plates , Helmets , &c. in some measure emblems of Fire , as owning their form and make , to his Power . EARTHQUAKES and SUBTERRANEAN FIRES , Part 4 Chap. 8. fol. 103. Represented by the Figures of the four windy Gods , Bo●●as , Eolus , Auster and Zephirus , each with utmost strength blowing into a Cavity of the Earth , and heaving up of the Rocks , ●which in several places seem to break forth , and thereby throw down Trees and Buildings : At a distance the figures of Men , Women and Children affrighted , and running to avoid being buried in Graves of Nature , making the Mountain , whose top breaths flames of Fire , represent Mount Etna ; these Convulsions of Nature are thus properly emblematis'd , it being the general Opinion that they are caus'd by Winds , being inclosed in some cavities of the Earth , who are forced to break the surface to find a passage to their proper center . The AIR , Part. 4. Chap. 11. fol. 108. Represented by Juno the Monarchess of this Element , with all her Poetical Equipage about her , and attended by her four Handmaids , Iris , Imber , Cometa and Rugida , who all have their Aerial Imployments under her ; as 1 st . Iris takes care of putting out and taking in the Rainbow . 2 dly . Imber disposeth the Rain . 3 thly . Cometa placeth the Comets . And 4 thly . Rugida destributeth the Dew ; all which employments are exprest by the emblems that each of them bear . METALS , Part 5. Chap. 1. fol. 113. Represented by the 7. Deities , who according to the Poets , patronise the 7. Metals ; and they are placed in the Clouds : That in the midst is Apollo , or the Sun , holding in his right Hand a wedge of Gold , being the Metal he is said to produce ; on his right Hand sits Luna , having a wedge of Silver in her Hand ▪ being the Metal that owes its being to her proper bounty ; that on the left is Mercury , arm'd and crown'd ; he is said to produce Quicksilver by his celeritous Divinity : The four others that appear behind , are likewise said to produce the four other Metals ; as Mars , Iron ; Jupiter , Venus and Saturn , Brass , Lead and Copper : In the lower part on the ground , are Directors and Diggers of Metals . The LOADSTONE , Part 5. Chap. 10. fol. 135. Its Virtues and Properties are demonstrated by the three Figures representing three Philosophers , one of whom holds a Knife , with a Needle on the edge ; another having the Compass before him , and the other holding a Loadstone at a distance : The Figures of two other Philosophers seemingly discoursing of the magnetick power of this wonderful Stone . The WINDS , Part 6. Chap. 2. fol. 136. In the Sculpture , Apollo sitting in the Clouds , and pointing to the God of the Winds , Eolus , who sits in the Clouds below him , adorned as before , commanding the four Winds exprest by the four Figures of Boreas , Zephirus , Eolus and Auster , with their proper emblems as before , to discharge their Office ; their execution of his Commands are visible in the effects of the Wind upon the seemingly tost and overwhelm'd Ships in the Sea below . The NYMPHS of the Air , emblems of Clouds , Mist , Snow , Hail , Rain , Dew , &c. Part 6. Chap. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. fol. 139. 1 st . Represented by two Nymphs of the Air in their proper array , young , beautiful and winged , stretching out their Arms , as gathering together and dilating the Mists . 2 ly . The Nymph Nix , scattering of Snow through a Sieve . 3 dly . The Nymph Imber , pressing the Clouds to provide Rain . 4 thly . The Figure of a Man scattering small Hail out of a Water-Pot ; and underneath three Figures , the middlemost representing Dew , the 2 d. Snow , and the 3 d. small Hail . In prospect a Landskip covered with a cast of each of their Offices to which they are assigned by the Poets , and therefore may properly be used in Sculpture , it being an attendant of Painting , which is Poema silens . STORMS and THUNDER , Part 6. Chap. 7. fol. 147. Thunder is represented by Jupiter , preparing to cast ▪ his noisie Bolts : and the Storms by Eolus , the God of the Winds , commanding the four Heads who breath out Storms in their Stations , as Boreas in the North , Zephirus in the West , Auster in the South , and Eolus in the East : Below is the true emblem of a Storm , being Ships tost in a rugged Mountanous Sea ; the Fires seeming to blaze on the Main Yards of the Ship are two Sea Wills in the Wisp , and made by the Poets , tho' not Gods , yet Godlings of the Sea , and Protectors of Sea●aring-Men , and by them named Castor and Pollux , the names of two Brothers , reported to have been drown'd . The RAINBOW , Part 6. Chap. 9. fol. 151. A Rainbow proper , surmounted by Iris the Goddess thereof , the Rays of the Sun darting on it ; by which , as we conjecture , it receives those beautiful and various Colours : The Figures below , represent Philosophers as consulting concerning its Nature ; and about that Ignis-Fa●uus which appears in the Fields of the Landskips ; the representation of a Nyn●h or beautiful Virgin , placed on the Rainbow , took its rise from fan●y , but since hath been attested for reality by a Captain of a Ship , who solemnly asserts his having seen it so . GARDNING , Part 7. Chap. 1 fol. 156. In the Sculpture , the 1 st . Figure is the Goddess Rea , Commandress of the Earth , seated thereon , as her proper Throne , having a Castle on her Head , and a Lion by her Side , emblems of her Strength and Power ; next her is Hebe , one of Jupiters Cup-bearers , pouring out Wine on the Earth , as the Tyth due to her producing it ; the next Voluntina , who assists the Flower in budding ; then Flora , embracing the Plantine-Tree , being consecrated to her , and holding in her Hand a Flower , being Goddess thereof ; behind Rea is Virtumnus , holding one Fruit , and eating another ; on the lest side of the Tree is Nodinus , holding the Leaves as it buds into Branches : Next is Pros●rpina , who hath the care of the Bud till it is out of the Earth ; behind Nodinus is Patelena , holding a Leaf in its full perfection : The reason for thus representing Gardning , arises from the authority of the Poets , who have made all these Gods and Godesses concerned in the prefervation of those Vegteables that adorn it , tho' I suppose they only meant the Garden of the Muses , in which none but they and their Successors were to be allowed the liberty of walking : In the upper pa●t of the Sculpture , are the representations of Jupiter , Juno , Saturn , Feronia and Luna , in their proper emblems , relating to their several Empires , as before discoursed of , and intimates the necessity of the good will of Heaven , and temperate seasonable Weather to bring the Fruits of the Earth to perfection . NATURE of ANIMALS , Part 8. Chap. 1. fol. 175. For Animals begot , they are represented by a Woman suckling her Child , having a Cradle standing by her ; their Thirst represented by a Cow a drinking ; their Hunger by a Deer grazing , their Action by two little Dogs a playing ; their Sleep by a Cat a sleeping ; their Wakefulness by a Cock sitting on his Pea●ch , and seeming a Crowing ; their Sickness by a Farrier bleeding of a Horse , and their Death by a Horse lying dead . IMAGINATION , Part 9. Chap. 6. fol. 214. Represented by a Woman in a sendentary posture , having on her Head a pair of Wings , and a Coronet composed of small Figures , which Figures denote the productive faculty of Imagination , and the Wings its swiftness : The Child standing by the Figure of Imagination , partly black partly white , denotes the strength of this Passion , being able ( as by this Example appears ) to perform those things , which neither Human Wisdom , nor the common way of Natures working could effect : The other Figure having Eyes vailed , and Wings on her Back , represents what Women call longing , 't is swift as Wings to Desire , and blinded to Reason . MEMORY , Part 9. Chap. 7. fol. 216. Represented by a Woman , having a Steel Cap on her Head , set with Jewels , denoting the Strength and Riches of this Faculty ; she is putting her Finger to her Ear , as the proper Organ by which this Good is received ; and in her Hand she holds the Picture of a Man , whom she knows , tho' absent , by the means of Memory ; below are the representation of Children conning their Lessons , and of a School ▪ Mistress , who seems awing them with a Rod ; The Statue on Horseback is the representation of King Charles II. as the properest object to exercise this Noble Faculty of Memory upon . The Author having asserted in his Discourse of the want of Sense and Knowledge in Brute Animals , that they are nothing more than Machins , moving in their several Stations by Natures Clockwork : His ingenious position is illustrated by the Sculpture that fronts the said Tract . First on the foreground is the Figure of a Woman , being the representation of Daedalus his Wooden Venus , which imitated the Action of a Woman ; next in the midst the Figure of a Man , being that Iron Statue , which presented a Petition to the Emperor of Morocco , as taken notice of in the latter end of that Authors Preface to the Reader . On the Right Side of this Figure , is that of a Man with a Drum , which artificially beats on it , and at the same time performs several motions with his Head and Eyes ; which Clockwork was shewn in London not long since . Between these aforesaid three Figures , is a Dial and a Dog sitting , which is another piece of Clockwork . At a distance on the second ground , is supposed the Army of Maximilian the Emperour , over whose Head is an Eagle , being the representation of the Norimberg Eagle , framed by Athanasius Kirchir , which flew over his Head , and accompanied him in his return to the City . Then on a Hill , a Statue of a Man , which saluted the Sun at his rising , with a Hymn Musically composed : And to conclude , a Pidgeon framed by Architus the Tarentin , which flew in the Air like a living Bird ; all which the Author hath taken notice of , to which I refer the Reader . Figures or Schemes in the Institution of Philosophy . Plate 1. Note F. Signifies Figures P. Part C. Chapter . Figures or Schemes in the Institutions of Philosophy . Plate 2. Figures in the History of Nature Plate 3. Benefactors to this Work folio 1. Her Royall Highness the Princess Ann of Denmark &c. a. 3 The Rt. Noble Frances Jeresa Stuart Dutchess Dowager of Richmond , and ●ennox &c. a. 4 The most Honourable Rose Marchioness ▪ Dowager of Antrim &c. a. 5 The Right Honourable Iohn Lord Cutts Baron of Gowran &c. a. 6 Sr. Thomas Mompesson of Bathampton in Wilt shire Knight ▪ 7 Henry Portman of Orchard in the County of Somerset Esqr. 8 Ralph. 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Benefactors to this Work Folio . 2. 26 The Right Noble Catherine Dutchess and Countess of Northumberland Viscountess Falmouth and Baroness of Pontefract &c. a. 27 The Honourable Iohn Granville , Second Son to the Right Honourable Iohn Earle of Bath ▪ &c. a. 28 Sr. Samuel Gerard of Brafferton hall in the north Rideing of York : shire Knight . 29 The R ● . noble Henry Duke of Beauford , Marqutss of 〈◊〉 Baron Herbert of Raglon & Gower , Knight of the most noble order of the Garter &c. a. 30 The Right Honourable William Legge Baron of Dartmouth &c. a. 31 The Right Honoura ble . Francis Viscount Newport , Baron of High Arcall in Shropshire &c. a. 32 The Honourable Sr. William Wogan Knight their Ma ti●s . first Sergeant at Law. 33 Sr. John Bolles of Scampton in the County of Lincoln Baronet . 34 William Emmerton of the middle Temple Esqr. am ● . 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Sr. Ralph Delaval of Seaton Delaval in 〈◊〉 K t one of the Comissioners for 〈◊〉 the office of L ● High Admiral of England 〈…〉 Admiral of their Ma ●is Fleet 52 S r Iohn Wentworth of North Elmes-hall in 〈◊〉 West Rideing of Yorke Shire Baronet 53 Sr. Rowland Gwynne of Lanelweth in the County of Radnor Knight 54 Sr. Denis Hampson of Taplow in Buckingham ▪ Shire & of Bradwell in ▪ Oxford-Shire Baronet 55 Sr. Barkeley Luey of Netley in Hant Shire Baronet 56 Sr. Iohn Bramston of Screens in the Parish of Roxwell in Essex Knight of the Bath 57 Phesaunt Crisp of 〈◊〉 Square in London 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Son of Samuel Cri●p of ●●apham in Surrey Esq ; 58 William Bridgeman of the Citty of Westminster Esq one of the Clarks of their Majestys most Honourable ▪ Privy Councill &c. 59 Francis Forbes of the Citty of London Gentleman 60 Sr. Iames Edwards of the Citty of Yorke Baronet 61 Sr. Solomon Swale of Swale-Hall in the North Rideing of Yorke Shire Baronet 62 Martin Folkes of Grais Inn in Middlesex Esq 63 Thomas Phillips of Southampton in Hantshire Esq Second Engineer of England &c. a 64 Iohn Berkeley of Swake in Glocester shire Esq 65 Iohn Gilbert of S ● . Martins in the Fields in Middlesex Gent descended of the Gilberts of Frodley in Stafford shire 66 Reginald Marriott of the Parish of St. Clements Danes in Middlesex Esq 67 Sr. Christopher Greenwile of Preston in Lancashire Knight . 68 Thomas Brotherton of Hey in the County Palatine of Lancaster . & of Grays ▪ Inn in Middlesex Esq . 69 Francis Sambrooke of the Middle Temple London Gentleman . 70 Sr. William Holford of Welham in the County of Leicester Kt. descended from the antient family of 〈◊〉 Holfords of Holford 〈…〉 71 Sr. John Morden of Ricklemarsh in the Parish of Charlton in Kent Baronet . 72 Christopher Park●r of 〈◊〉 in the County of Lancaster Esq . 73 Nathaniel Boothe of Mottram Andrewe in Cheshire Esq . 74 Theodore Iohnson of the Citty of London Gentleman . 75 Hallyday Mildmay of Shawford in the Parish of Troyford in the Coun●● of Southamlon Esq Benefactors to this Work. Folio . 4. 76 The Rt. Hon ●le . Charles Lord Herbert Marquess & Earle of Worcester , eldestson to his Grace Henry Duke of Beaufore &c. a. 77 Sr. Iohn Leveson-Gower of Trentham in Staffordshire Baronet . 78 Simon Harcourt of the Middle Temple London Esqr. 79 George London of their Majesties Royall 〈…〉 in St. Iame's 〈◊〉 Gen● Deputy 〈◊〉 and Mr. Gardiner of their 〈◊〉 Gard●●s & Plantations in England . 80 Chichester Graham of W●tton Conyers in the North Rideing of York-shire Esqr. 81 Sr. William Hooker of Greenwich in Kent and of the Citty of London Kt. & Ld. May or . thereof Ano Do● : 16●3 82 Peter Rycaut of King Stephens Castle in Ofpring in Kent Esqr. only Son and heyre of Collonell Phillip Rycaut , and nephew to Sr. Paul Rycaut Knight . 83 Ferdinando Gorges of the Citty of Westminster Senior. Esqr. , Grandson of Sr. Ferdinando Gorges of Ashton Phillips in 〈◊〉 set shire Knight . 84 The Honourable Sr. Richard Onslow of Clandon in Surrey Baronet . 85 The Right ●●●●●rable Iohn ▪ Sheffeild , Baronet of ▪ ●otterwick , Earle of ●●lgrave &c. ● ▪ 86 The Right Honourable Henry Lord Viscount Sydney . 87 Captaine William Wallis of St. Martins in the Fields in Middlesex . 88 The Hon ble . Samuel Pepys of the Inner Temple Esq ● Secretary of the Admiralty of England to K. Charles , and Iames the Second . 89 Henry Gorges of Eye in Herefordshire Esqr. 90 John Pulteney of the Parish of St. Jame's in Middlesex Esqr. 91 The Right Honourable Edward Lord Radcliffe Son and heyre of the Right Honourable Francis Earle of a Darwentwater &c. a. 92 Sr. Godfrey Kneller of Lubeck in Saxon● ▪ and of St. Pauls Covint Garden in Middlesex Knight , Principall ●ainter to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93 Sr. William Thomson of the Middle Temple Kt. their Ma t●s . Sergeant at Law &c. a. 94 To the Right Honourable William Wentworth ●arle of Strafford , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Baron Wentworth Wood ▪ house New march overs 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Knight of 〈…〉 95 The Right Honourable Elizabath Countess Dowager of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●aidston , and 〈◊〉 of Ea●● 〈◊〉 &c. a ▪ 96 John Hervey of Ickworth in the County of Suffolk Esqr. 97 Leivtenant Collonell Andrew Wheler of Datche● in Buckingham shire one of the Captains of their Ma t●s . first Regiment of foot 〈◊〉 98 Sr. Robert Clayton of Marden in Surrey and of the Citty of London Knight and Alderman ▪ Lord Major thereof 1680 99 Sr. Basil Firebrace Knight Alderman and Sheriff of London Anno Domini 1688. 100 Richard Richardson of the Middle Temple London Esqr. one of the Citty Councell for the Sheriffs Court. Benefactors to this Work. Folio . 5. ●01 Sr. Iames Butler of Lincolns Inn in Middlesex Knight , Steward of his Majestyes Palace and Marshalsea . 102 Sr. Charles Kemeys of Kevenmakley in Glamorganshire Baronet . 103 Iohn ▪ Harborough late of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge ▪ and now of the Citty of London ▪ M. D. descended from the Harboroughs of Win-farthing in Norfolk , which family descend●● from the Harboroughs of Leicester 〈◊〉 . 104 Sr. Comport Fitch of Eltham and Mount-Mascall in Kent ▪ Baronet , son and heyre of Sr. Thomas Fitch of the Sr. places Knight & Baronet , by Ann Daughter & 〈◊〉 of Richard Comport of Eltham in Kent Gent de●●sed ▪ 105 Thomas Ryves of Ransford in the County of Dorset Esqr. 106 The Right Honourable Charles Earle of Dorset and Middlesex , Baron Buc●●urst and Cranfield , K ● . of the ●arter , L ● ▪ Chamberlaine of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the Lords of their 〈◊〉 most Honourable Privy Councell &c. a. 107 The Rt. Hon ●le . Thomas Earle of P●●brock & M●nt●omery , Baron Herbert of ●●urland , Cardiff , R●ss of K●●dale , Parr , 〈◊〉 & S ● . 〈◊〉 Ld. 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 one of 〈◊〉 L ds . of the 〈◊〉 L ● . Pr●●● Seals , 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most Honourable Privy 〈◊〉 . 108 The Right Honourable Iohn Earle of Exeter ▪ Baron Caecill of Burleigh &c. a. 109 The Right Honourable Iohn Earle of Bristoll , Baron Digby of Sherborne &c. a. 110 The Right Reverend Father in God , Dr. Thomas Spra● Lord Bishop of Roches●●r , Dean of Westminster 〈◊〉 111 James Mundy of the Inner Temple Esqr. one of the Iudges of the Sheriffs Court London . 112 The Reverend Knightley C●etwood of Ch●●wood in Buckingham shire Lineally descended from the most antient - Barons of Wa●●ll , alias Wood●●ll in Bedford shire . 113 The Worshipfull Francis Lane of Glendon in the County of Northampton Esqr. And to 〈◊〉 his wife , oldest Daughter , and 〈◊〉 of Andrew Lant of 〈◊〉 in the said County Esq r deceased . Booke i. Part i. Chap 1. G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Right Honourable John Lord Cutts , Baron of Gowran ; Captain-Generall and Governour of the Isle of Wight ; Constable of Carisbrooke Castle ; Brigadieer Generall over all the Infanterie in their Majestyes Service ; and Collonell of a Regiment of Foot &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . The First Part : OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . CONCERNING LOGICK . INTRODUCTION . CHAP. I. Of the Nature and Constitution of LOGICK . I. What we are to understand by the word LOGICK . FOrasmuch as the Mind of Man is obnoxious to many Errors , as well in the searching out of Truth , as in the pursuit of that which is Good , in both which it is frequently mistaken ; two Arts have been found necessary , whereof the former might direct the Will in the choice of the True Good , and the latter assist the Understanding in the discovery of Truth . The first of these , called ETHICKS , is an help to human Infirmity , directing the Mind of Man in the prosecution of Good , and shewing it what it ought to embrace , and what to avoid ; the other called LOGICK , is the Rule of Man's Thoughts , which he is to observe in the framing of them , and by means whereof he may communicate his Perceptions and Judgments to others . II. The Definition of Logick . For LOGICK is nothing else , but the Art of right Thinking , or of using our Reason aright ; where by the word Thinking we do not only understand simple Idea's or Notions , but also Judgments and Discourses : For he who Reasoneth or Judgeth , thinks as well as he , who only attends to simple Notions . So that Logick extends it self to all kind of Thoughts , and gives Rules to all the Actions of the Mind ; because Discoursing , Judging and Conceiving , are but so many different Modes of Thinking . III. Why Logick is called the Art of right Thinking . It is to be observed , that LOGICK is not simply said to be the Art of Thinking , because Thinking is Natural to us , and the spontaneous products of our Mind ; but the Art of Thinking aright . For since Thinking may be performed well or ill , there is need of an Art that may rightly direct the Actions of the Mind , and prescribe Rules for the discerning of Truth from Falshood . For as the Art of Husbandry teaches the convenient ordering and disposing of those Plants , which otherwise grow of themselves and at random : So Logick furnisheth us with Rules to define Things , to sort them under their General Heads , and furnish them with their Adjuncts . IV. How Logick assists the Mind . Wherefore LOGICK may be said to be the Art of Knowing each Knowable that can be the Object of Human Understanding : Not that it informs the Mind of the Things themselves , for that is the Duty of Natural Philosophy ; but because it discovers the Ways of right knowing in general , and delivers those Rules by which the Mind of Man may be directed , whilst it endeavours to know any thing , so as not to wander from the Path of right Reason . V. Four things required to the use of right Reason . Now , that a Man may use right Reason , and be able to frame his Thoughts aright , and interpret them to others ; it is necessary for him to Perceive aright , Judge aright , Reason aright , and Order aright . VI. First , to Perceive . We are said to perceive a thing , when we clearly and distinctly conceive the Object offer'd to us : As when we represent to our Thoughts God , an Angel , a Circle , a Triangle , and stop there , without forming any Judgment concerning them . And the Form , by the immediate perception whereof we are conscious of our knowing any Object , is called an Idea . VII . What we are to understand by the word Idea , or Species . For by the word Idea we are not to understand any Representations imprest upon our Senses ; but those Images of Things , which the Mind frames by Thinking . For the easier apprehension whereof we are to observe , that in the Idea or Notion of a Thing two things are to be consider'd : First , That it is a Modus inherent in the Mind , from whence it proceeds : The other , That it shews or represents something . The former of those proceeds from the Mind , as its effective Principle ; the latter from the Object , or thing apprehended ▪ as from its Exemplary cause . So that when we name the Species of any thing by Thinking , that first view of-our Mind , by which it represents and conceives the Thing as present , is called Perception , or in other words , The first operation of the Mind , or Simple Apprehension . So that this Perception is said to be Simple , not with reference to the Object , which often is complex ( as when the Sun is considered as a Light or Lucid Body ; ) but with respect to the Modus , under which the Thing is conceived . VIII . The Second , to Judge . We are said to Judge , when we affirm or deny any thing of the said known Objects ; or when we by the Action of our Mind joyning two Idea's , assert the one to be the other ; or deny the one of the other . As when considering the Idea of the Sun and that of Fire , we affirm the Sun to be Fire , or deny the Sun to be Fire . This way of Thinking is different from the foregoing , forasmuch as this is not the Simple apprehension of a thing ; but a Compound , viz. an Affirmation or Negation , and is commonly called a Proposition , because the Mind thereby propounds its Sentiment of Things . It is also called Judgment ; forasmuch as by this Mode of Perceiving , we do not barely apprehend a thing , but also judge or determine what it is , or is not . IX . The Third , to Discourse . To Reason or Discourse is that Action of our Mind , which frames a Judgment of many others , or which from two Propositions , or from one , infers another : As for Example , After it hath judged that a Body is a Substance extended in Length , Breadth and Depth , and that Heaven is a Body ; infers the Heaven to consist of three Dimensions . So likewise observing that the Idea of a Man agrees with that of an Animal , but doth not agree with the Idea of a Plant , concludes , That therefore neither can the Idea of a Man , suit with that of a Plant. Wherefore finding that Man is an Animal , and that an Animal is not a Plant , it infers this Third Proposition , that therefore Man is not a Plant. This way of Thinking is call'd Discourse , because by running from one Proposition to another , it comes to a Third . X. The Fourth , to Order . To Order is an Action of the Mind , whereby many things found in the same Subject , are disposed in a fit and congruous manner : As when the Mind , after it has fram'd several Idea's , Judgments and Argumentations , digests them in the most convenient and fit manner , for the ready and distinct conceiving of them . XI . Of what use the observing of these Rules is . So that he that would proceed according to Order , must begin with those things that are more known , passing on to such as are less ; and in the same manner proceed all along from one thing to another , so as that which goes before may always afford light to what follows . If any one saith , That all these things may be done by the conduct of Nature only , since Experience shews , that such Persons sometimes perform them more exactly , who are wholly ignorant of the Rules of Logick , than they who have studied them : We freely grant as much , nor do we pretend this Art to consist , in prescribing the Modus how those Operations are to be done , since Nature alone is sufficient to make us Perceive , Judge , Discourse and Methodize , without any foreign assistance . Yet is not Logick therefore to be judged useless , because it helps us to examine our Actions , and observe those Things which we do by Natural instinct . XII . The Threefold use of Logick . As , First , that we may be assur'd that we use our Reason aright . Secondly , That we may with more ease discover the Mistakes , or supply the Defects , that may intervene in our Mental Operations . For it oft happens , that by the sole Light of Nature we are aware of some Falshood , and yet are ignorant where that Falshood lurks . As we find that Men ignorant of the Art of Limning , are often offended with a Fault they see in a Picture ; tho' they cannot make out what properly the Defect is wherewith they are displeased . Thirdly , That the Nature of our Mind may be the more distinctly known by us , whilst we observe and give good heed to those Actions that are proper to it , and which vastly raise it above all Bodily things . Wherefore seeing that the Mind suffers it self sometimes to be impos'd upon by false Representations , it has been found necessary to prescribe some Rules by which it might be assisted in its Operations , in order to a more certain reaching of Truth . And accordingly the whole aim of Logick is to inform us , how we ought to make use of our Reason , and what Evidence we ought to have , before we give our Assent or Dissent to things , which by Idea's are presented to our Understanding . XIII . Logick divided into Four Parts . Whence follows , that LOGICK is to be divided into Four Parts , according to the divers Reflections we have of these Four Operations of our Mind . The First , concerning Idea's , or the simple Perception of Things : The Second , of Judgment , or of Propositions , wherein is Truth or Falshood : The Third , of Discourse or Syllogism : The Fourth , of Method , or the Orderly digesting of our Thoughts , by which , as by so many Steps , we arrive to the Modus or Way of Knowing . Forasmuch as by the first we are led from Inconsiderateness to Attention ; by the second delivered from Doubts and Errors ; by the third we are accustomed to Reasoning ; and by the last , we infallibly prove some Truth , or demonstratively persuade the same to others . CHAP. II. Of the true Vse of LOGICK , shewing that Logick is useful and necessary to the Conduct of a Rational Life . I. The Opinion of the Ancients , concerning Logick . LOGICK was always in so great esteem amongst the Ancients , that some of them admir'd it as a thing inspir'd from Heaven , and look'd upon them as rais'd above the Condition of Men , who understood the Rules of it , and were dextrous in the practice of them . Wherefore Cicero tells us , that the Contemplation and Knowledge of Nature is , as it were , by a Wall or Rampart secured and defended by the way of Reasoning , by the Judgment of what is True or False ; and by a kind of Art of knowing what is agreeable and comporting with every thing , and what is contrary to them . And for this Reason the Philosophers of Old have bestowed several Names upon it , and measuring the dignity of it by its Necessity ; have called it , the Medicine of the Soul , the Organ or Instrument of Sciences , and the Eye of the Mind . II. The Logick taught in the Schools hath its use . True it is , that LOGICK seems to have declined from its primitive Majesty , since it now chiefly considers Forms , and is in a manner wholly taken up with the Resolving of unprofitable Questions : Yet neither is it wholly to be undervalued upon that account , since those Questions exercise the Wit of Men , and are not a little conducive to the examining of the Difficulties we meet with in other Sciences . As Geometricians , by exercising themselves in the crabbed Questions of Algebra , which are altogether Abstracted , and of no use for the Conduct of Life , are nevertheless thereby disposed for the understanding of other difficult Problems , that are of great use in the Life of Man. In a word , which way soever we consider Logick , we shall find it to be of use , and in that regard not inferiour to other Arts or Sciences . III. As Physick cures the Body , so Logick does the Mind . This will be evident , if we consider Man in himself , and the Diseases he is subject to . For a Man consists of Body and Soul , which both of them have their Infirmities and defects . So that as Physick takes care of the Body , by removing Sicknesses that afflict it ; so there is need of Science , that may assist the Mind , by dispelling of its Darkness . Wherefore Logick takes care for the Souls health , and consequently is as necessary to the Intellectual Life , as Physick is to the Body : Nay , and is by so much the more excellent and necessary , by how much the Nobleness of the Soul exceeds that of the Body , and by how much its Diseases are more hidden and more difficult to be cured . IV. Why Physicians are more esteemed than Logicians . Neither is there any great reason of Wonder , why Physicians are so much respected every where , and favour'd with Honour and Riches ; whereas Logicians are commonly very despicable : For the reason of this is , because the Diseases of the Body do affect the Soul ; whereas the Disorders of the Mind do only afflict it self , and communicate little or nothing of their Smart to the Body ; whence it happens , that in a manner all Mankind choose to lead an Animal Life , and but very few do follow a Spiritual or Mental Life . To which may be added , that the greatest part of Men are little concerned about the Vices of the Soul , and being only intent on the Care of their Bodies , think themselves most happy as long as they are in health ; and all this , because they are drowned in the flesh , and wholly addicted to sense . V. That Nature alone is not sufficient to direct the Operations of the Mind . It is Notorious , that we brought no Science into the World with us , but that the same is acquir'd by Industry , or received from Masters : But seeing there are few that are able to Teach us , and that they who undertake it are frequently deceived themselves ; we must find out a Method , whereby we our selves may correct our Errors , and endeavour to mend our Faults . VI. The force of Human Reason . If you say , that our Reason is sufficient for this , whose property it is to know the Natures of Things , and to discern Truth from Falshood . I answer , That indeed NATURAL LOGICK , or the very force and strength of Reason , which we have by Nature , doth not a little conduce to the attaining of Truth : For it consults those Rules Nature her self has prescribed , and being informed thereby , examins its Operations and Discourses by them ▪ For to speak truth , we naturally follow almost all those Rules , which after long study and great pains taking , Logicians have delivered to us ; so that Nature it self seems to have taught us the Art of Reasoning ; but yet we find , that she is not sufficient to furnish us with all necessary Knowledge , except she be assisted by Precepts , and perfected by Art. Who can deny , but that the Faculty of Painting is born with Man ; and yet Art is necessary for the right forming of Images . All Men are endued by Nature , with a power of Speaking and framing of Words , which yet will never be reduced to Art without Use and Exercise ; since it is clear beyond doubt , that should an Infant from his Birth be left alone , it would continue Dumb all its Life , unless it were taught to Form Words and give them their due Sound . VII . The Necessity of Logick , proved by Galen . Thus Galen proves the Necessity of Logick against Erasistratus by this Argument ; Either every thing follows from every thing , or not : If you assert the former , then it will follow , that because a Crow is black , and a Swan white , Erasistratus is a Fool and mad ; if the latter , then you must grant there is need of Art , that may inform us what follows and what not . For we cannot make out that a Consequence is right , or a Demonstration good , without the assistance of Logick . VIII . Natural and Artificial Logick . LOGICK therefore is to be distinguish'd into Natural and Artificial . Natural Logick is that force of the Mind , by which it rangeth its Thoughts and reduceth them to order , or else Discourseth spontaneously without observing any order . Artificial Logick is that which is acquired by Use and Practice , and at first took its rise , and increase afterwards from various Observations taken from the Actions of the Mind . IX . The Use of Artificial Logick . Wherefore tho' we bring Natural Reason along with us into the World , yet is not that sufficient to direct the Actions of our Minds : For we find that notwithstanding the Use of Reason we fall into many Errors , and labour under the Prejudices of Infancy ; and therefore must conclude , that Artificial Logick is not only useful , but necessary to cure the Diseases of the Soul , and to direct and guide its Operations : Where , by the Souls Diseases , I do not mean Sins and Moral delinquencies , the Cure whereof is endeavoured by Divines and Moralists ; but the Weakness of our Mind in the Perceiving of Things ; viz. all manner of Errors , Confusions and Obscurities of our Conceptions ; False and uncertain Judgments , and undue Consequences in our Reasonings , the discerning and removing whereof is the whole business of Logick . X. Doctrinal and Practical Logick . There is another common Division of LOGICK into Doctrinal and Practical . Doctrinal Logick is that which delivers the several Rules , directing us in Perceiving , Judging and Reasoning . Practical , is that which applies those Rules to Use and Practice : For which reason the Ancients called the former Abstracted or Separate from Things ; but this latter , Concrete or joyned to the Things themselves we are discoursing of . The First Part. Of the Clear and Distinct Perception of the Mind . SEing it is evident from the foregoing Discourse , that there are Four Parts of LOGICK , correspondent to as many distinct Operations of the Soul , about every knowable Object : We will here begin with the First Part of it , which directs the simple Perceptions and Apprehensions of our Mind . And to perform this the more effectually , we will endeavour to take out of the way the several Hindrances of Science . CHAP. I. What the Hindrances of Science are , and how to be removed . I. The chief Causes of our Mistakes . THere are Two things by which we are easily led aside into the By-way of Error and Falshood , viz. Prejudice , which makes us take up any thing for Truth , before sound Reason hath convinced us of it ; and Slavishness , by which we are so addicted to the Opinions of others , that we think it a Crime to differ from them . II. We are very subject to be seduc'd by the Prejudices of Infancy . Wherefore it is no wonder that we find so few Men truly Wise , and who know the Causes of Things aright , seeing they scarce consider any Thing well and duly throughout their whole Life , and do not so much give their assent to Right Reason , as to their Prejudices and the Testimony of their Senses . For the force of Prejudices is so prevalent with some , that they cannot admit any thing for Truth , which is not grounded on those false Opinions they have suck'd in from their Cradles . Wherefore it will be worth our while to shew , how vain the Things are we then know , and that we ought to distrust and suspect whatsoever proceeds from such weak Causes . For what did ever any Infants perceive , which they did not wholly refer to their Bodies , and which they did not desire or dread , according as they fancied them hurtful or grateful to the same ? Thus we see they are pleased with the Light and Shining things , because Refulgency with its Beauty pleaseth their Eyes ; whereas they dread a Rod , because with it they are chastis'd and put to pain . Wherefore Children judge of things , as they appear to their Senses ; As that the Earth is far bigger than the Sun , and the rest of the Heavenly Bodies ; because the Earth is nearer to them , the other being at a great distance from them . Thus likewise they think , that there is more Matter in Lead and other Metals , than there is in Fire or Air ; because they find more Weight and Hardness in the one than the other . And again , because they perceive no more Brightness from the fix'd Stars than from the small Light of a Candle , they are apt to think that the Stars do not exceed the bigness of a Candle , and therefore fancy them as so many bright and shining Studs fix'd in the Firmament of Heaven ; whereas there is no Natural Philosopher but knows , that the fix'd Stars are equal to the Sun both in Bigness and Brightness . III. The Prejudices of Childhood hinder us after we are come to the use of Reason . Now these Errors are not only to be found in Infancy , but in process of Time they get strength , and become so rooted into Mens Minds , that they accompany them the whole course of their Lives . Hence it is that we meet with some that have the Gravity of Old Age , but at the same time are subject to the Weakness of Children . Which Mistakes arise from hence , because they suppose that the Opinions they have taken in during their Childhood and Youth , are inborn Notions , and common to all Mankind . Whereas they ought to consider , that they have admitted many things for Truth , without any sufficient Examination , and that therefore they ought rather to think them to be false than true . But the case is the same with them , as with those that have Sore-Eyes , who delight in Darkness and are offended with the Light ; for they hug their Errors , and are loath to part with them . IV. Some only give credit to the report of their Senses . Some of the Philosophers of Old were not free from this Weakness , who asserted the Sun not to be above two Foot over , because they had never seen it greater . And it was to no purpose to persuade them by Astronomical Arguments , that it was not only far greater than so , but many times bigger than the Earth ; because their preconceived Opinion was so rooted in them , that they could no otherwise apprehend it . Thus likewise when they were Children , and thought of nothing but what was Bodily , they thought nothing could be Corporeal , but what must be Sensible also , from which Prejudice they concluded afterwards , that there could be no Insensible parts . If one argues against this , that such Parts must of necessity be admitted to avoid a Vacuum in Nature , and for the Explication of many Natural Appearances ; they have nothing else to answer , but that they cannot see them , and that they are not certain of any thing , except it fall under their Senses . From the same Prejudice it is , that they conceive all Immaterial things after the manner of things Sensible , and apprehend the Mind of Man , not as a Thinking Being , void of all Matter , but like a Wind or Fire infus'd into the Grosser parts of the Body , to which tho' they attribute the Name of Spirit , yet conceive of it under a Bodily likeness . Wherefore also they greedily embrace that Maxim of Aristotle , That there is nothing in the Understanding , which was not first in the Senses . V. And therefore assert , that God cannot be known but by sensible things . If we go further and tell these Men , That God doth not fall under any of our Senses , and therefore cannot be conceiv'd of under any sensible Form ; yet by reason of their Inveterate Custom of false Judging , they rather chuse to frame several Distinctions , than to forsake their beloved Maxim , tho' only supported by Childish Prejudices ; saying , That God is made manifest unto us by his Effects , or by some Signs , as by his Creatures and Words that signifie his Nature unto us . Which Prejudices do really divert the Mind from the knowledge of Things , and hinder it from ever attaining the true way of Philosophizing . For how can we think ever to attain it , if we always Judge after the manner of Children , and only believe those Things to be true , which through the Senses are conveigh'd to us ? How can we ever think to make a right use of our Reason , if we only take those things to be good which are of Profit to us ? If we think the Air , Cold and Heat to be nothing , when they do not sensibly affect us ? Or , if we judge the World to end where our Sight is bounded , and innumerable other Things , which the Love of Antiquity , or the Authority of some Men have induced us to maintain . Booke 1. Part 1 Chap 2 Rule ● . G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Worshipfull John Emmerton of the Middle Temple London Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome ▪ Book . 1. Part 1. Chap ▪ ● in the Introduction ▪ G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Right Honourable William Legge Baron of Dartmouth &c.w. son of the Right Honourable George Lord Dartmouth , Master Generall of the Ordnance , Master of the Horse , Admirall of his Majestys fleet of ships , and one of the Lords of his Majestys most Honourable Privy Councell &c.w. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome VI. Education and Custom lead us into Error . Now all these Prejudices are much increased , by those Words which are in common use , and which the illiterate Multitude hath imposed ; as having more reference to the Use of the Body , than to the Contemplation of Things . Moreover Education , Custom , and Converse with other Men , the Authority of those we reverence , the Consent of Mankind , and many other such like , hinder us from scanning of Things purely and sincerely , and lead us into many Errors . What hath once been prov'd to us , or believed by us , we scarcely ever reject , insomuch that the Vices and Affections of our Will , do communicate their contagion to our Mind and Understanding . VII . Hard and difficult things are apt to please us more than things easie and obvious . Sometimes it happens on the contrary , that those Things which are clear and perspicuous of themselves , are suspected by us ; because Things obscure and liable to dispute do more affect us . Thus we are apt to contemn Experiments , as being too despicable , and our Mind desirous to take a higher flight , and hating to be confin'd to the narrow bounds of an Experiment , chooseth rather to please it self with some General Notions , which for the most part are of no use at all ; and so prefer swelling Words of Vanity , which fill the Fancy , before things real and solid . Hence it is , that the High-flown Expressions of the Platonists and Chymists do allure so many . Besides , we are apt to suffer our selves to be deceived by the respect we have for Antiquity as well as by our affectation of Novelty , as if a thing were therefore true , because it is either New or Old , as if True things had not always been so , as if in this old Age of the World we might not expect the discovery of many Things heretofore unknown , or as if we might not look for a riper Judgment , and more knowledge from Old Men , that daily Experience many things , than from others . VIII . We must first examin our Opinions , before we lend an assent to them . We are therefore to examine our Opinions by the Standard of Reason , before we give our assent to them ; and must judge those things to be True , not which the Authority of the Ancients , or the Judgment of most Men doth approve , but which are evidenc'd to be so by the strength of Reason . For the obtaining of which the following Rules will be helpful to us , if we seriously mind them , and judge of Things propos'd to us , according to their direction . CHAP. II. Some Rules for the Attainment of Truth . The First Rule . We are to admit of nothing that involves any thing of Doubtfulness . I. Doubts hinder us from the attaining of Truth . THe Light of Nature assures us , that Doubting is an obstacle to Science ; and that we can never attain it , as long as the thing we apprehend is not clearly and distinctly represented to our Mind . Wherefore we shall do well to esteem all Doubtful Matters , as if they were false , and despise them as hurtful Images , that are apt to lead us into Error . For seeing that all Things that are built on any Principle , derive all their Certainty from the same ; if that Principle be weak and tottering , the superstructure must partake of the same Conditions . II. Yet must not this be too scrupulously observ'd in matters of daily business . But tho' this Rule be of use for the clear knowing of Things , yet must we not extend the same to Human Prudence , or the use of Common Life . For it often happens , that we are forced to embrace what is least suspected ; and to esteem that as Good , which doth least hurt another . Thus the Laws wink at the Toleration of Whores , to prevent the greater Evils of Rapes and Adultery . Thus in Human Actions we are forc'd to choose that which seems probable , and to leave that which is more true . But in the Search of Truth , whatsoever hath the least Doubt in it , is to be rejected , and is no more to be regarded than if it were a thing feigned at pleasure . For whatsoever doth not conduce to the attaining of Truth , must be look'd upon as a straying from it . III. The rejejecting of things Doubtful , is a help to the attainment of Science . Wherefore he that would Philosophize in good earnest , must rid himself of all the Prejudices of his Infancy , forasmuch as they have crept into our Minds , without any foregoing Examination of Reason ; and therefore are to be consider'd by us , as false , rather than doubtful . Hence it is that our Philosopher saith , I have now for some years consider'd how many false things from my first Childhood , I have taken up for True ; and how uncertain and doubtful all those things are I have built upon them ; and therefore that it were best once in my life to overthrow them all ; and to begin again from the first Foundations , if ever I would desire to establish any thing in Sciences that might be firm and lasting . IV. There is no danger in this Doubting of things . Neither need we to fear , lest by taking all things for false , we should be in danger of being deceived ; because this Doubting is only indulg'd for to attain to greater certainty , and that we may the more evidently distinguish Falshood from Truth . For whatsoever includes the least Doubt , destroys Science , as hath been said , and leads to Error as well as Falshood it self . Is it not lawful for the Philosophers to suppose many Things , that by this means they may find out what is most certain and easiest to be known ? Thus the Astronomers imagin an Aequator , a Zodiack , and other Circles in the Heavens , that by the help thereof they may the more accurately describe the Sun's Course . Geometricians also make use of the like Suppositions , when with new Points they measure Lines , and to the Figures given add other Lines . Wherefore it will be of advantage to those who search after Truth , to reject all things that occur to them , and to give their assent to those things only , which they understand to be Certain and Evident . V. The way of Doubting approved by Aristotle . This way of Proceeding in the attainment of Sciences is not peculiar to Descartes , for Aristotle himself hath followed the same , as may be seen in the First Chapter of his Third Book of Metaphysicks , which bears this Title ; Of the Usefulness of Doubting , and what things we ought first to doubt of : Where he speaks thus ; In order to our attaining the Science we desire , it is in the first place needful to take a view of those things we are first to doubt of ; now such are all those things about which Men are divided in their Opinions , with other things besides . It being an Industry well worthy the pains of those who desire Knowledge , to Doubt aright . Wherefore we need not think strange , that our Philosopher begins his Philosophy with Dubitation , and requires us to reject all those Opinions wherein we meet with the least cause of Doubting , that by this means we may at last find out a true and unshaken Principle . The Second Rule of Truth . We are not to rely too much on our Senses . I. The Senses are subject to mistake on several accounts : As , Forasmuch as our Senses are deceivable , and we are frequently imposed on by them ▪ Common Reason will tell us , that we must not overmuch trust to them , but rather suspect whatsoever they offer to us ; for it is a sign of Rashness and Imprudence , to trust them that have once deceived us . Now how apt our Senses are to deceive us , daily Experience teacheth . For it happens often , and for divers Reasons , that things appear otherwise to our Senses than they are indeed . First , By reason of their Distance , as when the Object is so far from us , that all the Reflex Rays proceeding from it , cannot whole and entire reach us : As for Example , The Sun , and a Square Tower at a distance seem less , and otherwise figured than indeed they are . Secondly , By reason of the Medium , as when the Rays are variously refracted in the same : Thus a Stick and other Bodies seen through the Water , appear Crooked . Thirdly , By reason of the Surface , which as it appears to the Senses , doth not represent the Essential position of the Parts of the Body whose Surface it is : Thus the outside or superficies of a Bean , which falls under our Senses , represents a Figure very unlike that of a Plant ; whereas the Microscope discovers to us , That it hath the same Essential disposition of Parts with the whole Plant , whose Seed it is . So likewise the Spawn of Frogs appears to our Eye , to be an Unorganical Mass ; whereas the said Magnifying Glasses assure us , that they are distinguish'd into several Members . And the same may be proved by many more Instances . Neither is it to be doubted , but that there be many Bodies ; the Essential Constitution of whose Parts were never yet discovered to us by any of our Senses , which if they were , we should judge otherwise of them , than the Vulgar do . Fourthly , By reason of the Impression made upon our Senses , when the Vibration ( caus'd by the Object ) doth for some time continue ; As when the Sun appears to our Eye after it is shut ; or as when a Torch is with great swiftness turn'd round , whereby a fiery Circle is represented to the Eye , tho' the Torch be not in all the Points of the Circle . Or when the Impression proceeds from something else besides the Objects ; as in Dreams and strong Imaginations , &c. or when an Angel ( by moving the Organ of Sight ) doth represent himself to us . II. This Rule is not to be extended to the Actions of Life . Which deception doth not only frequently happen to our External Senses , but even our Internal Sense is not free from it . Thus we see , that those who are troubled with the Vertigo , think that all the Bodies about them turn round , and suppose the Air to be darkned : Thus likewise Drunken Men see all things double . Now when it is said , that we are not to trust the Testimony of our Senses , but are to look upon them as if they were false ; we are to observe that this Rule must not be transferr'd by us to the Actions of Life . For it is contrary to Reason , not to trust our Senses in the conduct of our Lives : For by this means we shall make our selves guilty of the Folly of those Scepticks , who out of a foolish distrust of their Senses were ready to expose themselves to eminent danger of their Lives , but that their Friends hindred them . Tho' indeed , when the Question is about the bare knowledge of Things , then it is on the other hand every whit as Irrational , not to reject whatsoever is in the least doubtful , because things that are so , are as opposite to the attaining of Science , as those which are altogether false or unknown . III. Our Senses having once deceived us , are to be look'd upon as always liable to deceive us . And tho' our Senses sometimes may represent to us Things as they are , yet must not this hinder us from suspecting their Evidence : For having once deceiv'd us , they may always deceive us ; or how can we rely upon them , which have once led us into Error ? And therefore Plato in his Phaedrus tells us , That Men who are desirous of Science , know , that Philosophy having once undertaken the Care of their Mind , does by little and little inform it , and loose it of its Bands ; representing to it , how deceiving the Judgment of the Eyes , Ears , and other Senses are , persuading it to leave them , as far as absolute Necessity does not oblige us to close with them , and to recall it self , and to recollect within it self , without giving credit to any thing besides it self . IV. Our Senses are of no use , for the discerning of the Objects of Sciences . For our Senses are not given us by Nature for the searching out of Truth , or to contemplate the Principles of Things : Because if we take an exact view of the Objects of Sciences , we shall find that most of those things that occur to our Mind , are not represented by any Bodily Figure : As for Example , All the Objects of Metaphysicks and Natural Divinity , which admit nothing of any Corporeal Form. For we have in our Mind an Idea of God himself , whose Authority we believe , and whose Dominion over all we firmly are persuaded of . For how could we demonstrate so many things concerning God , if his Idea were not inherent in us ? But do any of our Senses hand this Knowledge of God to us ? What Phantasm manifests to us the General Notions of Entity , Unity , Truth and Goodness ? What Species represents to us the Idea of Angels , or our own Soul , since there is nothing like them in the whole Universe of Material Beings , and with which they have not any thing in common , save only the Name of Substance ? Wherefore it is very absurd to go about to derive all Knowledge and Idea's from the Senses . And if from these we pass to Physical or Natural Beings , we shall find that not only the Beginning of them are hid from our Senses ; but that not so much as their Figures are represented to us , such as they are indeed , but very different from what our Souls upon enquiry find them to be . Do not we reach the Nature even of those thing that most strongly affect our Senses , as Light , Heat and Cold , far better by our Understanding than by Sense ? And are not many times the most sensible Objects the least perceptible to our Intellectual Sight ? V. To what end our Senses are given us . The Senses therefore are bestowed upon us by Nature to discover to us , who consist of Soul and Body , what things are good or hurtful for us ; and we pervert the order of Nature when we put them to another use , and apply them to the knowledge of Truth , which are only design'd for the Preservation of the Compound . Wherefore also this may be reckon'd amongst the chief Causes of Error , wherewith we are possest from our Childhood , that we are apt to judge of things , not as they are in themselves , but only as they gratifie or offend the Body . VI. Objection , That the Senses inform us of many things . If any one object , That we attain to the knowledge of many Things by our Senses ; that by our Feeling we perceive Bodies , as Stones , Wood and other things that come within the reach of our Hands ; by our Sight , things at a distance , as the Sun , Moon , Stars , Heaven , &c. and that without them we could never have any knowledge of these Objects . VII . The Senses do only accidentally discover things to us . To this I answer , that I do not wholly reject the Service of the Senses ; but only assert , that they are insufficient and inadequate for the knowledge of Truth . For tho' the Senses may inform us that Bodies exist ; yet cannot they discover to us what those Bodies are , or what their Nature and Essence is ; because this is not necessary for the Conservation of the Compound . And if ever they inform us what they are in themselves , this is only sometimes and by accident . For seeing that our Senses cannot perceive Corporeal things but through the intervening Medium , it is evident , that according as that is variously disposed , so their Judgment concerning them must vary accordingly . Thus we see that for this Reason the Stars appear to us of various Colours , sometimes more red , and sometimes paler , according as the Air that comes between our Sight and them is clearer or thicker . And therefore , as Lucretius saith , Lib. 4. we have great reason to suspect , that the Inferences we fetch from our fallible Senses , must be false and deceivable . VIII . How our Senses are said to be deceitful . But when we say , that our Senses are deceitful or subject to Mistake ; we must not so understand this , as if there were an Error in the Motion it self , or in the affecting of the Corporeal Organ , because that is done by a kind of Natural Necessity ; but because the Mind of Man , by reason of its intimate Union with the Body , doth from that Affection or Motion take occasion , to apprehend or judge of the thing amiss . And forasmuch as this precipitancy and inconsiderateness in Judging is commonly attributed to the Senses , and not to the Mind , the Senses are said to deceive us , because our Judgments follow those Perceptions that are attributed to our Senses . The Third Rule of Truth . Whatsoever we Perceive , we perceive with our Minds . I. Our Understanding is the searcher out of Truth . Forasmuch as Divine Revelation , or Human Tradition , have no admittance in Philosophy , and that according to the fore-going Rule , we are to suspect whatsoever comes from the Senses ; it remains that the Understanding alone must be the sole searcher out of Truth , whose property it is to investigate the Natures of Things , and so judge of them according to the Attributes that are found in them . II. Not only common or general Natures , but partilar also , are known by the Understanding . Neither is this only to be understood concerning Essences , or Abstract Natures , as the Metaphysicians call them ; but of every particular Object that strikes our Senses . For it is the Mind alone which sees , hears and feels through the Organs . For Gold , by Example , that is newly dug out of the Mine , doth at first sight look like Earth , and before Coagulation is more like Sand , than a Metal : But after it is once cast into the Furnace , it loseth the form of Earth , its parts run together and shine like a Star ; and what before lookt so much like Dirt , now delights and pleaseth all Men. So that my Senses at first perceived nothing of the Nature of Gold ; for whatsoever my Sight or Touch before discovered of it , is quite changed , the substance of Gold still remaining . III. 'T is by the Mind alone we know Objects . Wherefore , it is the Mind alone that knows the Nature of Gold , neither can we discern what it is , but by our Faculty of Judgment . We make no scruple to say , we see a Man , when we see one walking in the Market , tho' indeed we see nothing but his Cloaths , under which possibly a meer Machin might be conceal'd . It is plain therefore , that we do not make this Judgment by our outward Eyes , but by our Faculty of Judging , which is Internal . IV. It is by our Understanding alone we know that there are Pores in our Body . To explain this by another Example ; Our Skin appears to us to be a continuous Body , without any Holes in it that our Eyes can perceive ; but yet our Mind , by the Transpiring Sweat , concludes there must be Pores in it , by this way of Reasoning : The Moisture that is sent forth through my Skin , is a Body ; now a Body cannot pass from one place to another without passing through a Medium ; wherefore it must follow that my Skin is like a Sieve or Strainer ; that is , of such a Texture , as to be full of little Holes , through which the Moisture may pass . V. Many things cannot be discovered to us by our Senses . This Rule is so certain , that whosoever denies it will never be able to attain any thing distinctly or by Reflex knowledge , which is necessary to Science . And though some relying upon Aristotle , suppose all our Idea's to arise from our Senses , and that there is nothing in our Understanding , which was not first entertain'd in our Senses ; yet it is evident , that this Opinion , tho' common , is directly opposite to Divinity and true Philosophy . For first , there is nothing we perceive so distinctly as our Thoughts , neither is there any Proposition that shews it self to our Mind with fuller Evidence than this , I think therefore I am ; and yet neither of these Idea's of Cogitation , or Being , were ever discover'd to us by any Sense : Not by our Sight or Hearing , as being without Colour or Sound ; nor by any other of the Senses , because they have no Sensible qualities , or if they think they have , let them declare them . But if they cannot satisfie us herein , what remains but for them to own our Assertion , That the Notions of Thinking and Being do not depend on the Senses , but that our Mind forms them by its own proper virtue or efficacy ; tho' we do not deny but the Mind may be sometime excited to the forming of them by outward things that affect our Senses . VI. GOD cannot be represented by any outward Appearance . Who can believe that the Idea of GOD , which is in us , doth proceed from our Senses ? Or shall we think so , because some Ignorant persons conceive him under the form of a Venerable Old Man , as Gassendus tells us . But this is to confound and deprave Idea's , when we go about to imagin Spiritual things under a Bodily form : And he is in as great a Mistake , who would imagin Immaterial Substances as he is , who would hear Colours and see Sounds . It is apparently false therefore , that the Notions which we have of Spiritual things do proceed from the Senses ; nay , what is more , it is certain that no Representations of Material things come to our Mind , save only occasionally ; that is , forasmuch as the Motions made in our Brains ( for nothing but Motions can affect our Senses ) do give the Soul occasion of forming several Notions , which without them it would not do . Which Notions are also wholly distinct from those Motions and Representations , which are in the Brain or Senses . For they who are Blind and Deaf , tho' they receive no Species or Sounds from the Objects , yet are not without the Idea's of Cogitations , especially when they reflect upon the things they are thinking of . VII . How the Idea of Immaterial things are said to be inbern in us . Wherefore seeing we can perceive nothing by our Sense or Imagination but what is Material , it follows that the Idea's of all other things that are not Material , are inborn with us ; for by what other means could they be convey'd to our Minds ? Yet when I assert that these Notions were put into the Mind in its first beginning , I would not be so understood , as if they did actually exist there , and were continually obvious to our Thoughts ; but only that God hath vouchsafed a Faculty to our Mind , of exciting and producing such Notions ; as shall be more largely treated in the Ninth Part , concerning the Mind of Man. The Fourth Rule of Truth . That is True which we know clearly and distinctly . I. Cogitation is the Rule of Truth . Wherefore there can be no more certain Rule of Truth than our Cogitation , so that the same be but distinct and clear , and without the least Doubtfulness ; because it is impossible for us to mistake , as long as the Judgments we frame of any thing do correspond to our Perceptions . It being an undoubted Axiom with us , That our Knowing of a thing is a sure Argument of its Essence . Not as if because we perceive the Essence of any thing , that from thence we should presently conclude that it exists : But because it is impossible that any thing which is clearly known by us , should not be such as it is known by us ; that is , the thing must exist , if its Existence be perceived by us , or must be of this or the other Nature , if its Nature be represented to our Mind . II. From this Principle the Existence of GOD is proved . From this Principle Descartes evidently demonstrates the Existence of GOD. For if upon the account only ( saith he ) that I have such an Idea in my Mind , it doth follow that whatsoever I perceive clearly and distinctly to belong to it , doth really do so ; may I not from hence fetch an Argument for the Existence of God ? Yes surely : For the Idea of GOD , represents a Being absolutely Perfect : Now it is every whit as repugnant to a Being absolutely Perfect , to want any Perfection , as for Example , Existence , as it is for a Triangle not to have three Angles equal to two right ones . III. Provided it be clear and distinct . I said in the Beginning , provided our Cogitation be clear and distinct ; because no Certainty can be expected from a thing , whose Knowledge involves the least degree of Obscurity or Confusion . And therefore Plato in his Timaeus tells us , That when we discourse of a firm , stable , and intelligible thing , our Reasons also must be stable , immutable , and insuperable . For seeing that clear and distinct Knowledge is something which we our selves are not the Authors of , it must follow that GOD is the Author of the Connexion there is between clear and distinct Knowledge , and the assent which the Will infallibly yields to it . So that it is absolutely impossible , that what I thus apprehend to be true , should be false : As for Example , When I perceive Two and Four to be Six ; that in a Triangle there be three Angles equal to two Right ones ; and the like . It is impossible these should be false ; not because they are so conceived by me , but because except they were true , I could never have clearly or distinctly perceiv'd them . IV. It is impossible that what we clearly and distinctly perceive should be false . For if any thing thus apprehended by me could be false , this would destroy all Human Knowledge ; neither could any of us be sure of any Truth , no not of the Existence of God , nor of any of those things which are related to us in Holy Writ : Since it might still be objected to us , that those very things may be false which we most clearly and distinctly perceive . V. Knowledge arising from the Senses is Doubtful . But we cannot attain the same certainty of Knowledge in those things which are only perceived by the Senses , forasmuch as they are liable to Mistake : As when a Man , whose Eyes are deprav'd by a suffusion of Gall , takes all things he sees to be Yellow ; and perceives the same as clearly , as those who see the true Colour of every thing . VI. The certainty of our Perception depends on the Understanding . It remains therefore , that all the Certainty we have , is only of those things which we apprehend with our Understanding . Neither doth it destroy this Rule , that some tell us they have sometimes been deceived even in those things which they thought to be most true , and which they were con●●dent they had clearly perceived . For this happens to them , because they derive the clearness of their Cogitation , not from their Mind , but from their Senses , or from some preconceived Opinion : For we can never doubt of those things which we clearly and distinctly know . As will be evident to those who by frequent Meditation , and earnest Study , have acquir'd a habit of Judging between a clear and dark Conception . VII . The foresaid Rule is not to be extended to Believers . We are also to take Notice , that when we assert that to be true which is evidently and distinctly known by us ; and therefore that we are not to give our Assent to things that are not so known by us , this is not to be understood of Matters of Faith ; forasmuch as they are not accompanied with any such Evidence , neither have we any clear Notions of them , as we have of the Subjects of Natural Sciences . For there is a vast difference betwixt the Mysteries of Faith and Natural things , because in these Evidence , but in the former Authority commands our Assent . That a Man may be a Believer , he must believe without Evidence ; but to be a Philosopher , he must have a clear and distinct Perception . VIII . How a man may be certain that he clearly knows a thing . If any Man demand , How he may be sure of his knowing a thing clearly and distinctly ? I answer ; If he follow the Order prescribed by right Reason ; if he do not precipitate his Judgment , before he be enlighted with the Truth of Evident Perception . So that the Judgment of our Understanding must always go before , as it does when we never assert or deny any thing , except it be of Things we have clearly and distinctly perceived ; that is , when our Judgment is exactly conform to our Perception . For it is not a sufficient Argument for us to embrace any Opinion , because there is Truth in it , except the same do appear to us ; so as that our Perception may be the Rule and Line of Truth to us . A Transition , containing the substance of what hereafter follows , concerning the clear and distinct Perception of Things . IX . The Order or Series of things to be handled in the first Part of Logick . Forasmuch as it hath been made out , that the clear and distinct Perception of the Mind , is the one and only Rule for the attaining of Truth ; it remains now that I shew , how the Mind may arrive to the same : Which that I may the more easily accomplish , the following Points are heedfully to be minded . First , What Cogitation it self , or Perception is , and what be the Modes of it . Secondly , What be the Objects of our Perceptions , whether Universal or Singular . Thirdly , How our Mind may arrive to the knowledge or Perception of Things , with respect had to the Things that are to be known ; such as are the Common Attributes , Causes , Effects , Subjects , Adjuncts , &c. Fourthly , Whence the clearness and distinction of Idea's do depend , as likewise the Agreement and Disagreement of Things . CHAP. III. Concerning the various Modes of Perception ; viz. Pure Intellection , Imagination and Sense . I. We must never give our Judgment of a thing unknown . FOrasmuch as Natural Instinct teacheth us never to judge of a Thing unknown ; and since nothing is known to us but what our Mind clearly perceives , we will first treat of the Nature of Cogitation , before we examine that of Simple Notions , to the end we may be able to discern what things are confusedly , and what distinctly apprehended by us . II. What is to be understood by Perception . By COGITATION in General , I understand all those things which we experience in our Selves , and whereof we are Conscious : Which Description comprehends all the operations of our Understanding , Will , Imagination and Senses ; for to Understand , to Will , and to Imagine , is nothing else but to represent to our selves the thing whereof we have an Idea . And accordingly from these various ways of Perceiving , is deduc'd that first Truth , which we meet with in an orderly way of Philosophizing : For because I Think , that is , because I Perceive , Imagine and Feel , it necessarily follows that I exist : And therefore that Proposition , I Think , therefore I am , is of undoubted Truth ; since it is impossible that I should Think , and yet be Nothing . And so in like manner when I say , I walk , I write . Not as if Walking or Writing , which are perform'd by the Organs of the outward Senses , did infer my Existence , because I may think I perform them in a Dream ; but only because the Consciousness which is in my Mind , of my Walking and Writing , could not be there without I did exist . III. Our own Existence is before any other Truth . I have said , that this Proposition , I Think , therefore I am , is the first Truth we meet with in our orderly Philosophizing ; because the Existence of our own Soul , which we gather from our Cogitation , is more known to us than the Existence of any other Beings . For the Thinking Mind , which is understood by this word , I , doth know it self before it knows any thing else ; and the word , am , which imports the first Person , is before the word , is , which is only applied to the Third Person . For who is there who doth not first Think of himself as of a particular Being , before he doth of Man in general ? It is natural to our Mind to think of a singular Being , which is proposed to our Sense or Understanding , before we think of a Being taken in general ; and therefore this Proposition may well be esteem'd by us as a first Principle , since from this proof of our own Existence , we confirm the Existence of God , of Material things , and in a word , of all Creatures whatsoever . IV. It is impossible for the same thing to be , and not to be , is not the first Principle . I am not ignorant , that this is commonly taken to be the first Principle , It is impossible for the same thing to be , and not to be . But I see not how this Proposition can be of any use to us , in order to the attaining of Knowledge , since it doth not prove the Existence of any thing , and doth seem to suppose that something is , which ought to have been prov'd before . For it presupposeth its Division into Ens and Non Ens , or Being and Not Being ; whence that Maxim is derived , Every thing either is , or is not . But our Principle , I who think do exist , presupposeth nothing at all ; and when all other things are liable to be question'd and doubted of , yet it is absolutely impossible , that I who think shonld not be something ; that is , that I should not exist . V. Three Species or kinds of Perception . There be Three Species of Cogitation ; Pure Intellection , Imagination and Sense : For by these Three Modes or Ways the Mind of Man perceives or thinks . VI. Pure Intellect . The Mind is said to Understand purely , when by her self alone , and by turning into her self , she perceives a thing only by attending to the Idea she hath of it ; or when she perceives a thing , whereof there is no Footstep in the Brain . And in this manner the Soul apprehends things Spiritual and Universal , Common Notions , the Idea of Perfection , and finally , all her own Thoughts : Or likewise when it understands Material things , Extension with its Affections : For it is with the Vnderstanding alone , that a Perfect Circle , a Thousand Corner'd Figure , &c. can be conceived . VII . Imagination . The Mind is said to Imagin , when it applies its Knowing faculty to the Body , as intimately present with it ; or when it applies it self not to the Thing it self , which is present to the outward Sense , but to the Phantasm impress'd by it in the Brain : As when it perceives a Figure , a Circle , a Triangle , the Stars , a Machin , &c. And these Perceptions are called Imaginations , because the Mind by representing these Things to her self , doth-form Images in the Brain ; and forasmuch as it cannot frame any Images of Spiritual things , it follows that neither can they be imagined . VIII . Sense . Lastly , The Mind of Man , by Sense , only perceives sensible Objects and things that are more obvious , as being present , and affecting the outward Organs . Thus it perceives Steeples , Fields , Animals , &c. and these Perceptions are called Sensations . 'T is by these Three ways only that the Mind of Man perceives things : For whatsoever is represented to it is either Spiritual or Material ; if Spiritual , it can be apprehended by the Understanding only ; if Material , then it is present or absent : If absent , the Soul represents it to it self by the Imagination ; if present , it perceives it by Impressions made on the Senses . So that there are only Three ways by which the Soul apprehends any thing , viz. by Pure Intellect , Imagination , or Sense . IX . The Object of the Understanding is more common or general , than the Object of Imagination . Hence it is manifest , that the Object of the Understanding is of a larger extent , than the Object of Imagination : For by our Understanding we do not only conceive the Nature of Spirits and of a Body in general ; but also the Proprieties of particular Bodies , which cannot be discovered by the Senses , nor by the Imagination neither , being only perceivable by the Intellect . Thus , tho' the Understanding perceives that the Diagonal Line of a Square , is to that degree incommensurable with the side of it , that tho' a Division into infinite parts should be supposed , yet we could never come to a Particle that might be the common Measure of them both : Nevertheless this Truth can never be reached by the Imagination , but rather seems repugnant to it : Because we can imagin nothing but some particular determinate Body , the Species whereof is imprest on our Brain , as hath been said . X. No Corporeal Species are required to Pure Intellection And tho' the Mind doth sometimes contemplate Material and Corporeal things ; yet it doth never admit any Corporeal Species , which are only received into the Brain , on which the Mind doth not depend in its Operations . For in order to Pure Intellection , we have no need of the Brain , but only for Sensation or Imagination . Whence it follows , that we can Understand many things which we cannot Imagin . I perceive by the Light of Nature that GOD exists , tho' I cannot represent him to my self by any Image . So likewise I have a clear perception of a Chiliogon or Thousand Corner'd Body ; which yet I cannot imagin , that is , presentially behold its Thousand Sides ; because the vast number of them confounds the Imagination . Now that I have a clear Perception of a Thousand Corner'd Body appears , because I can demonstrate many things concerning it , as that all its Angles together are equal to 1996 right Angles ; which could not be , if I had only a confus'd Conception of it . XI . Truth or Falshood is not in the Understanding . It is to be noted , that no Error can be in the Understanding or Imagination , as long as they continue purely in the Contemplation of things : For if the Idea we have of those things it represents be conform with them , it is true ; and if it disagree , then is it no representation of them . Moreover , since Falshood or Error consists in our attributing to a Subject what doth not belong to it , or denying of it what doth , it is plain that since the Understanding or Imagination do neither affirm nor deny , there can be no Falshood in them . Neither doth it contradict this , that the Understanding sometimes apprehends a False thing , as when it conceives a Non Entity , or Repugnant terms ; as when the Mind conceives one that is no Physician , to be a Physician ; in which Conception there can be no Falshood , because it truly conceives a Physician , tho' it apply that Conception to a wrong Subject . XII . But only in the Will. Wherefore all danger of Mistake is from our Will , when we give our Assent or Dissent to any thing we have not clearly perceived . Yet is not this to be understood , as if we did wilfully embrace Error ; but because we do not restrain our Will sufficiently , but reach it forth to those things we do not perfectly understand . For it is another thing to be willing to be deceived , and to assent to those things in which Falshood is involved . And tho' few be so careless of themselves , as to desire to fall into Error , yet many are willing to give their Assent to those things in which Error is hid . For all Assent belongs to the Will , and is to be numbred amongst its Perceptions . For we see it is in our Power , tho' we perceive a thing , yet to suspend our Judgment , which restraint is the Determination of the Will ; as likewise are Desire , Aversion , Dubitation , &c. For to the Understanding only belong Pure Intellection , Imagination , and Sensation . XIII . Sometimes the Understanding is the cause of Error . Since therefore FALSHOOD consists in the hasty Consent of the Will , it can by no means be imputed to the Intellect , because Error is not to be found in Perceptions , neither is it any way intelligible . Yet forasmuch as the Understanding commonly hath imperfect and confused Conceptions of things , it may be said to be an occasional Cause of our Errors . For as our Bodily Sight frequently leads us into Mistake , by representing Objects confusedly and imperfectly to us ; so the Understanding having for the most part only a confused Perception of things , is a cause of the Wills falling into many Errors , by assenting to those things which are obscurely perceived by the Understanding . CHAP. IV. Of the Five Vniversals , or Predicables . I. There is a twofold Genus of Beings or Entities . WE are to suppose in the first Place , that there are Beings that have some reality in the Nature of things ; and whose Attributes belong to them , whether the Understanding think so or not . Such are all Substances , and all Attributes or Modes , which denominate or vary them . Others again derive all the Being they have from the Intellect , on the operation whereof they so depend , as to vanish away upon its Cessation ; as are all those which are called Entia Rationis ( Entities of Reason ) in the Schools . II. Universals are only Modes of Thinking . In the Second place we are to suppose , that nothing else is to be understood by the word Universal , than that which agrees or is attributable to many things ; as the word Substance , which agrees to Body and Spirit . Wherefore all Universals are in our Understanding , and to speak properly , are only Modes of Thinking . For seeing all Natural things are Singular and distinct from each other , these Universals can have no Unity , but what our Understanding gives them . By Example , Two Lines if separately consider'd , cannot be said to agree in the Notion of a Line ; because in the Conception of the one , is included the Negation of the other ; wherefore to the end they may agree , we must first frame an Idea , which may serve us for the conceiving of all Lines that are like one another . Thus we put some Common Name upon all those things which are represented by an Idea , which Name is commonly called an Universal . And thus that famous Number of Universals , which hath rack'd so many Brains , may easily be salved . Booke 1. Part 1. Chap 2 Rule ● G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Right Worshipfull S. r Thomas Mompesson of Bathampton in Wilt-shire Knight This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome IV. An Universal as considered as a Whole , or as a Part. Whence it follows , that one and the same Universal , with respect to the self-same Inferiour , may be considered either as a Part ; or a Whole : For both the Genus in respect of the Species , and the Species in respect of the Individuals , is called a WHOLE : Thus Animal contains a Man and Beast . Universals also may be look'd upon as Parts of their Inferiours ; so a Man is conceived as consisting of his Genus and Difference , that is , of an Animal and Rationality . V. The Original of Difference and Proprium . Neither hath the Universal , called Difference , any other Original ; for when we consider that there is some difference between those things which we understand to be under the same Genus , or Species ; we apprehend this variety under some common Notion , which we afterwards attribute to every Difference : As Streightness or Rectitude , whereby a Line is distinguish'd from one that is of another Figure . Roundess , whereby a Globe is distinguish'd from an Angular Body , &c. The Predicable Proprium is made , when we abstract one Notion from those that are peculiar to Things , and to which alone it agrees , and to no other : As Partition or Divisibility , and Mobility to a Body . 〈…〉 called Accident is framed . Accident is framed by us , when after we have considered that many things may happen to , or be taken from Things , without the destruction of their Nature , we conceive the Idea of an Entity separable from them , which we call Accident : Which Name we make use of for the conceiving of all those things , which fortuitously happen to Things . And this is sufficient for the Explication of the Nature of Universals , especially to those who do not love to spend their time in vain Questions , or to confound the Notions of Things with fruitless Disputations . VII . The Partition of an Universal into five Species is a compleat Division . Now that this Division of an Universal , is Adaequate ; that is , that there are neither more nor less Members of them than these Five , appears thus : The Idea which we frame in our Mind , and make use of to conceive many Things , either represents many Things distinguish'd by Species , and then it is Genus ; or only Numerically distinct , and then it is Species ; or it represents the Diversity , whereby many Singulars differ amongst themselves , and from other things , and then it is Difference ; or the Property which belongs to them alone , and then it is Proprium ; or some Contingency separable from their Essence , and this makes Accident , or the first and last Predicable . VIII . What Predicables are . These Five Universals are otherwise called Praedicabilia , Predicables , because they are Modes of conceiving Universal Notions , which are affirmed of many things Truly , Properly , Naturally and Immediately . They are said to be Modes of Conceiving , to intimate to us , that Predicables are Second Notions . For Genus is nothing in it self , but only with respect to those things with which it is compared ; neither is there any Species , but with respect to the Genus to which it is subjected : neither can Difference , Property or Accident be conceived , but with relation to the Subjects they belong to . CHAP. V. Vniversals singly examin'd , as to their Nature , Properties , and Vse . I. It is of use to take a review of these Universals . THough I have in the foregoing Chapter sufficiently made out , that there are Five Universals or Predicables , and that they are distinguish'd from each other by their Differences ; yet I suppose it may be of use to give a more particular Explication of them , and set down how they are predicated of their Inferiours . II. Genus takes the first place amongst Universals . GENUS deserves the first place amongst Universals , both in order and dignity ; for from it , as from their Head , the other Members depend and are maintain'd , and upon its ceasing perish and vanish . Genus therefore is an Universal , which is predicated of many things distinct by Species , in the Question what it is . As Substance is a Genus in respect of Substance extended , called a Body , and Substance Thinking , which is called a Mind or Spirit ; and a Quadrilateral or Square Figure , is the Genus with respect to a Parallelogram and a Trapezium . To be predicated in the Question What , is when enquiry is made into the Nature of any thing , what it is . Thus when I enqnire what a Body , or what a Mind is , the Answer is properly made by their Genus , viz. Substance ; and herein it differs from Difference , Property , and Accident : For tho' Difference be predicated by What , or Essentially , of those things whose Difference it is ; yet it is not simply predicated so , but with the addition of Quale , which denotes the Form or Quality of a thing ; and Property and Accidents are only predicated in Quale . III. What it is to be distinguish'd by Species , in the definition of Genus Wherefore in the foregoing Definition of Genus , to be distinguish'd by Species , is to differ Essentially , so as that some Essential part is found in the one and not in the other . Thus Man and Beast are said to be distinct by Species ▪ because a Mind or Rational Soul is found in Man , which is not to be met with in a Beast . IV. Genus is twofold , one supream or the highest . Genus is twofold : One , the most General or Highest , which hath no Genus above it : As a Corporeal Being amongst extended Substances ; and an Intellectual or Thinking Being , amongst those that are endow'd with Knowledge and Understanding . V. The other , Subaltern . The other Genus is called Subaltern , which intervenes betwixt the highest Genus and the lowest Species ; or which with respect to the things above it is a Species , and with respect to the Inferiour is call'd Genus . Thus Living Thing , if it be referr'd to Body , under which it is sorted , is called a Species ; but if to Animal , it is a Genus . And consequently , Body is a remote Genus of Animal , but Living Thing the nearest Genus . VI. What Species is , and how i● is divided . The Second Universal is SPECIES , which is predicated of many , only Numerically distinct in the Question , what a thing is . By the last part of this Definition of Species we find it agrees with Genus , in that they both of them answer to the Question , what a Thing is : As when I ask , What is Peter ? I answer aright by saying , that he is a Man. VII . The Division of Species . Species is twofold : The one called the Lowest or most Special ; the other , Middlemost or Intervening : The latter of which , tho' with respect to the Genus under which it stands , it be called Species ; yet with respect to the Inferiours , of which it is predicated , it is a Genus ▪ So Animal which is the Species of Living Thing , is the Genus in respect of Man or Beast . VIII . What the m●st Special , or Lowest Species is . The most Special , or the Lowest Species , is that which is immediately predicated of Individuals : As Man of Charles and James ; a Circle of all particular Circles : Which is therefore call'd the most Special or Lowest Species , because it hath no Species under it , but only Individuals . Wherefore also it is commonly defined , that which is predicated of Many , differing only Numerically in the Question which asks , What a thing is ? IX . How many ways Difference is to be understood . The Third Universal is DIFFERENCE , which may be variously considered : First , forasmuch as it is the Constituent of Species ; and then it may be defined to be that whereby the Species doth exceed , or is more worthy than the Genus : As Man exceeds an Animal or Sensitive Creature by Rationality . Secondly , As it is something Predicable , and so it is commonly defined to be an Universal , which is predicated of many different in Specie , in the Question , Quale quid , or of what kind of Essence a thing is . And this Definition agrees only to the intermediate Difference . Thirdly , Inasmuch as it divides the Genus into differing Species ; thus Rational and Irrational divide Animal , and constitute two Species , viz. Man and Beast . So the Equality of the Sides constitutes an Equilateral Triangle , and determines the Idea of a Triangle , which before was common to a certain Species . Fourthly , As it is an Essential part of the whole Compound , and so it makes a part of its Essence , and belongs to its Definition : Wherein it differs from a Property and Accident , as being an Actual part of the things to which it is attributed . X. The Species includes more than the Genus . For in every Species there must necessarily be something more than there is in the Genus ; for otherwise there would be no distinction at all between the several Species , seeing they all agree in the Genus ; and therefore if there be any diversity betwixt them , the same is to be fetch'd from the Difference . For Example ; The Body and Mind are two Species of Substance , and therefore it is necessary that in the Idea of Body there should be somewhat more found than in the Idea of Substance ; and the same must be said of the Idea of the Mind . Now whereas the first thing we meet with in a Body , is Extension ; and in the Mind or Soul , Cogitation ; we may say , that Extension is the Difference of Bodies , and Cogitation the Difference of the Soul : Or in other words , That a Body is a Substance extended , and the Soul or Mind a Thinking Substance . Wherefore Difference , as it is the Third Predicable , may be thus defined : That which is predicated of the Species , and of the things contained under it by the Question , Quale quid , or of what kind of Essence the thing is . XI . The fourfold division of Property . PROPRIUM is taken in a Fourfold Sense or Acception : First , That which agrees alone to the Species , but not to all the Species ; that is , to all the Individuals resorting under it . As , to Cure by Art , is attributable to Man alone , but not to all his Individuals . XII . The Second . Secondly , That which agrees to the whole Species , but not to it alone . As it agrees to Man to walk on two Feet ; for the same may be also said of other Animals yet not of all . So Divisibility is the Property of Extension , because every extended Being can be divided ; tho' Duration and Number be also divisible . XIII . The Third . Thirdly , That which is attributable only and to the whole Species , yet not always , but only at a certain time : As to grow ●grey-headed is peculiar to a Man ; not in his Childhood or Youth , but in his Old Age : For if it happens otherwise , it is look'd upon as a Prodigy . XIV . Proprium ▪ in the 4th Mode . Fourthly , That which is attributable only , and to the whole Species , and at all times : As it is the property only of a Circle , of every Circle , and at all times , that all the Lines drawn from the Circumference to the Center , are equal . And this last sort of Property is that which constitutes the Fourth Universal ; the other three Modes being rather referrable to Accidents , because they do not agree necessarily , nor always , nor to the whole Species , but contingently , sometimes and in part only . And thus Proprium in this last Sense may be defined , that which is predicated of many things by themselves , and necessarily , yet not essentially . I have added the word Necessarily , because Property doth so agree with a thing , that it cannot so much as by Thought be separated from it ; forasmuch as it is a necessary consequent of its Essence , and is convertible with it . Thus it is the essential Property of a Triangle , that two of its Sides taken together , are bigger than the third , and that its three Angles be equal to two right ones ; because these do necessarily agree to a Triangle , inasmuch as it is a Figure bounded by three right Lines . XV. What an Accident is , and how many ways it is taken . In the last place , we call all that Accident , which is not Substance , neither doth necessarily agree to it , but doth only contingently follow the same ; or is that which without the destruction of the Subject may be present or absent . As Roundness , Hardness , &c. are common Accidents with respect to a Body , as Sorrow and Fear are Accidents with regard to the Soul or Mind . An Accident is twofold ; Separable , which may easily be separated from the Subject in which it is conceived to be , as sleep , from Man ; or Inseparable , which cannot be separated from the thing in which it is by the force of Nature , as whiteness from a Swan , blackness from a Blackamore : Tho' they may be abstracted by Cogitation ; for we can conceive a Swan without whiteness , and a Man without blackness . Wherein , as hath been said , it is distinguish'd from a Propriety , which cannot so much as by Cogitation be removed from its Subject . XVI . The definition of Accident is true in a divided Sense , not in a Conjunct . When an Accident is said to be present or absent without the destruction of the Subject ; this is not to be understood in a Conjunct Sense , as if the same Accident could at the same time be present and absent from the same Subject : But in a Divided Sense , so as that the Accident which is now present may be absent , and on the contrary . For it is a Contradiction that two opposit Predicats , should at the same time be predicated of the same thing , though they may at divers times . XVII . The Series of Genus's and Species To the end that the Order of the Highest Genus , and those that are Subaltern , as also of the Species , may be the better known , it will be of use to subjoyn here a Series of Universals , by which we may be able to descend from the highest Genus , to wit , Substance , to Individuals ; and remount back again from the Individuals to the highest Genus . For by this Scheme the Mind is much enlightned , and avoids that Confusion , which otherwise is apt to arise in the Defining , Dividing , and Enumerating of things .   A Substance ,   Corporeal ,   Intellectual .   A Body ,   Living ,   Void of Life .   A Living Thing ,   Sensitive ,   Void of Sense .   An Animal , or Sensitive Creature ,   Endued with Mind ,   Void of Mind .   A Man ,   This , Another ,   Plato . XVII . Which Series may be made after an Analytical way . The Words which follow from Substance to Man , are called Intervening Genus's , and those on the Right and Left are the Differences , which are said to be placed in an Indirect Line . From those words which are disposed in a Direct Line , we make the Series in a twofold manner ; either by Analysis or Division descending , beginning from the Highest Genus , which is Substance , and distributing it , and all other the Genus's that resort under it , into their Species by their Difference , till we come to the Individuals . As if one should divide Substance into Corporeal and Intellectual ; and then a Body into Living and Void of Life ; and then a Living Body , into that which is Sensitive and devoid of Sense ; and a Sensitive Creature or Animal , into that which hath a Mind , and which is destitute of it ; and at last , an Animal endued with a Mind , viz. a Man into Plato , Socrates , Aristotle , &c. XVIII . Or by a Synthetical . The other is by way of Synthesis ascending , beginning from the Individuals , and from them mounting to the Subaltern Genus's , and lastly to the Highest Genus , viz. Substance . As when considering all particular Men , and finding them all to agree in the Nature of Man , we place Man as the Species above the Individuals . Then comparing Man with Animals or Sensitive Creatures , and finding in them the common Nature of Animals , we place Animal as the Genus above Man. Afterwards making a Comparison of an Animal with Plants , and finding them to agree in the common Attribute of Life or Living ; we put Living above Animal : And then if we compare Living things with those that are destitute of Life , we shall find the common Notion in them both ; and therefore place Body above Living . Lastly , If we compare Bodily things with Angels and the Mind of Man , we shall find the common Notion of Substance in them both ; and therefore will place Substance as the Genus above Body , by which means Substance will be left the Highest Genus . XIX . What an Individual is , and its division . A Singular or Individual is opposed to an Universal , because it cannot be common to many Inferiour ; as this Man , this Sword. It is twofold , either Indeterminate , which without difference may signifie this or the other Individual ; as a certain Man , a certain Woman : Or Signate and Determinate ; as Julius Caesar , which is called Determinate by its Signification ; or by Demonstration , as when a common Word is determined by a demonstrative Particle ; as this Colledge , this Court or Yard : Or by Circumlocution ; as the Son of Sophroniscus for Socrates , or the Son of the Blessed Virgin for Christ : And are therefore called by Aristotle , Individuals , Singulars , and Things differing in Number , because they cannot be divided as the foresaid Universals ; and because we in a manner point at them , as if we were counting of them one by one , when we say this , that , the other , &c. XX. The first Use of Universals . Hence it appears what is the Use of Universals , and how far they conduce to the Knowledge of Things : For seeing that a thing considered under an Universal Notion ▪ is a thing ; as it is apprehended common to many Inferiours , or as it is predicable of many ; we shall find that the consideration of Universals , is a great help to clear and distinct Perception , the obtaining of which is chiefly aimed at by all that is handled in this LOGICK . For by the help of these Universals , or Praedicables , we are enabled to discern the Attributes which constitute the Essence of a thing , from those which are Consequent to , and to know which are the Properties and Accidents of every thing : As for Example , it belongs to the Constitution of Socrates his Nature , that he be a Man , a Sensitive Creature , and Rational : Which Three in their Universality are distinguish'd ; Man being the Species , Sensitive Creature or Animal the Genus , and Rational the Difference . Which tho' in Socrates they are all one and the same , yet are distinguish'd according to our Mode of Thinking . But the Faculty of Laughing , or Laughter it self , is consider'd as a consequent of Socrates his Essence , who is already constituted a Man , by his being an Animal and Rational . And the Faculty of Laughing is the Property of Man , but the Act of Laughing an Accident . XXI . The second Use of Universals . The Consideration of Universals is also of great Use to the more clear Perception of Things , whether they be Singular or Common . Of Singulars , whilst we enquire under what Species they are placed , what Genus's they have , ascending by degrees to the Highest . Of Common or Universals , when we examine what Differences they have , and what Species they contain , descending in this manner to the very Individuals . Thus by ascending , I know Socrates to be a Man , a Man to be an Animal , an Animal to be a Substance : And again by descending , I learn that Substance is either Intellectual or Corporeal ; the Intellectual to be either Infinite , as God ; or Finite , and that either without a Body , viz. an Angel , or joyned to a Body , as Man's Soul ; under which Species the Mind of Socrates , as a Singular or Individual doth resort . XXII . Our Mind frames a general Idea two several ways , the one by joyning or aggregating . The Second thing which follows from the Consideration of Universals is , that there are two ways of framing General Idea's , the one by Aggregation , the other by Abstraction . The Mind forms an Universal Idea by Aggregation , when it joyns many Singular Idea's of a like Nature together into one complex Universal Idea , which is called Genus . Thus making a Congeries or Collection of all Brute Beasts , as of Lions , Horses , Bears , &c. we find them all to agree in the Idea of a Brute Beast , which we therefore call the Genus of them . XXIII . The other by Abstraction . Again , we may form an Universal Idea by Abstraction , when we attribute the Attributes which constitute the Essence of a thing into several ranks or degrees , as if they were so many Parts . For tho' the Idea's of Singular things do agree in some one thing , yet they differ in more ; wherefore when the Mind doth abstractedly and severally consider things , in which many like Idea's are found , neglecting those wherein they differ ; this abstract Consideration is called an Universal Idea or Genus . As for Example , If I take from John , Peter , James , all the Particularities that determine them , as that the one is a Physician , the other old , the third young , &c. and that I only confider them as being all endued with Sense and Reason : This affords me the General Idea of a Man , forasmuch as thereby not any particular Man is represented to me ; but Man in Common , or the Nature of Man as such . CHAP. VI. Of Substance , and its Affections or Modes . I. The difference of our Perceptions . THe difference of Perceptions or Idea's is taken either from the Things themselves which we understand , or from our different ways of Perceiving them , or lastly proceeds from the Words or Signs whereby we express our Notions . Now whatsoever is understood by'us , is either conceived as a Thing , or Substance , existing by it self ; or as the Attribute of a Thing , or Mode of Substance ; or as something made up of a Thing and Mode ; or a Modified thing ; or lastly , Propositions of Eternal Truth residing in our Mind . II. What Substance is . Substance is a thing , which does not need any other Substance for its existence ; that is , which hath an Essence really distinct and separable from others . By this means is a Substance distinguish'd from an Accident , which is not really distinct from a Substance , nor can exist separate from it : Nay , an Accident cannot be clearly and distinctly conceived without a Substance , because its very Essence is to be in another ; and nothing can be clearly and distinctly conceived without its Essence . III. Substance is known by its Attributes . Tho' it be sufficient for the Explication of the Notion of Substance , to say , that it is a thing which exists independently of another ; yet we cannot distinctly understand it , but by means of some Attributes that belong to it ; and the more of these are found in any Substance , the clearer it is said to be known . For the Attributes or Properties of Things are , as it were , certain Forms that actuate them , and distinguish them from others : For we more easily know a Rational Soul , by conceiving it as a Thinking Substance , than as a thing Existing ; because if it thinks , it must of necessity exist . So in like manner we have a clearer knowledge of a Body , by considering it as a Thing extended , than only as a thing existing , as is evident to him that considers it . IV. A Substance is either Created or Uncreated . SUBSTANCE is twofold , Created or Increated . Increated is a Substance independent of all other things whatsoever , as GOD : A Created Substance is that , which tho' it do not stand in need of another Substance for its Existence , yet wants the Divine Concourse , without which it cannot exist ; and therefore is not an absolute , but only a dependent Being . V. Created Substance is divided into Intellectual and Corporeal . Of Created Beings , some are Intellectual , others Corporeal . An Intellectual Being is a Thinking Substance , as the Mind of Man : A Corporeal , is a Substance extended in Length , Breadth and Depth ; or is the immediate Subject of Local Extension , and of all Modes that presuppose Extension , as Magnitude , Motion , Figure , Position , and all other such like , which cannot be conceived without Local Extension , as the foundation of them . And to the Mind or Soul belong all Acts or Modes of Cogitation , as to Understand , Imagin , Feel , and whatever else agrees in the universal Notion of Cogitation . VI. There be only two Genus's of Things . Whence follows that there are only two Genus's or General Heads of Things , viz. of Material and Intellectual , or Cogitative : All others being reducible to these as Modes or Affections ; now what these are , and how related to their Subjects ; we shall next proceed to explain . VII . What an Attribute or Modus is . There be many Attributes we may conceive in every thing ; some of which constitute the Nature and Essence of a thing , and distinguishes it from all others ; as Extension , which constitutes a Bodily Substance , and distinguishes it from a Cogitative Being : Others again presuppose the Nature constituted , and do only diversly affect or vary the same , as Volition doth the Mind , and Figure the Body ; and these are called the Modes of Substances . Because tho' they affect or vary the Substance , yet it may be conceived without them , tho' they themselves cannot be understood but as inherent in some Subject ; for herein properly the Nature of a Modus doth consist , that it cannot be conceived without including the Conception of the thing whose Mode it is . Thus I clearly perceive that a Body is an extended Substance , without Motion or Figure : But it is impossible for me to conceive Motion or Figure , except it be in an extended Being . So likewise I clearly perceive the Mind to be a Thinking Substance , without Imagination or Sense , because tho' these were absent it would be Cogitative notwithstanding : But Sense and Imagination cannot be conceived , but in a Cogitative Being . VIII . How Modes are distinguish'd from Aristotelical Accidents . Wherefore a Modern Philosopher calls a Mode , the Appendix of a Being ; because it cannot exist without the thing whose Appendix it is . Which we are to observe in opposition of those , who suppose that the Modes of things differ not at all from Real Accidents ; forasmuch as these , according to them , may be conceived separate from their Subjects , and can exist so by the Divine Power : Whereas Modes can neither be separated from their Subjects , nor conceived without them ; for otherwise they would be Substances , whose Nature it is to be Things subsisting . IX . What a Substance is . Substance therefore is a thing that subsists by it self , and is the Subject of all the Attributes that are conceived to be in it . X. Whas a Mode is . A Mode is that Attribute or Quality , which is conceived to be in the Substance it self , which determinates it to be such like . And this Mode is called by us an Imperfect Being , because it belongs to the Nature of it , that it cannot be by it self , and without some Substance in which it is ; and whose Being , as the Schools express it , is nothing else but Inbeing ; so that it is a contradiction for a Mode to be , and not to be or exist in a Substance . Wherefore neither can a Modus pass from the Substance , which is its Subject , and does support and uphold it , into another ; for this would argue it not to have been dependent on the Substance wherein it was before , which implies a Contradiction . XI . The division of Modes into Internal and External . Of Modes , some are Internal , others External : Internal are such as are conceived to be in the very Substances , as Figure , Motion , Rest , &c. External are such as depend on other Things , and are not in the Substances themselves , as to be Beloved , Desired , &c. which are Modes depending on the Action of another ; and the Expressions we make use of to signifie the said Modes , are called Extrinsecal Denominations ; because they only express the Modes under which things are conceived . XII . What a thing Modified is . A Theng modified is the Substance it self , which is determined by a Modus . XIII . These Three things explain'd by an Example . As when I consider a Body , the Idea I have of it represents to me a Body or Substance , because I apprehend it as a Self-subsisting thing , which needs no outward thing to its existence : But when I consider that Body Round or Square , the Idea which I have of its Roundness or Squareness represents nothing else to me , but a certain Mode of Existence , which I find cannot naturally exist without a Body , to which the Roundness or Squareness belongs : And lastly , when I joyn the Mode with the Thing , that Idea represents to me the Thing modified . XIV . Modes make no Compound of the thing whose Modes they are . From what hath been said , it follows , First , That the Modes of Things are no hindrance to their Simplicity : For Extension , by Example , with the various Modes of Extension , as Figure , Motion , &c. is not a Compound , but a Simple thing . For that is said to be a Compound which contains two , or more Attributes , whereof the one may be distinctly perceived without the other ; and since the Modes cannot be considered without the Substance in which they are , it cannot be said that they make a Compound of it . A Simple Being is that in which one only Attribute is found ; whence it follows , that that Subject in which Extension alone , with its various Modes is understood , is a Simple Being ; and that wherein we only apprehend the Cogitative Faculty , with the various Modes of Willing , Understanding , Imagining , is likewise a Simple Being : But that which comprehends both Extension and Cogitation is a Compound , viz. Man , who confists of Soul and Body . XV. Substance is sometimes consider'd as a Mode . Secondly , Hence it follows that a Substance may sometimes be applicatble to another in manner of a Mode . So Cloaths , when a Man is said to be Cloathed , must only be called a Modus , notwithstanding that they are Substances ; because Man is then considered as a Subject , to which Cloaths are added in the manner of a Mode . XVI . The distinction betwixt an Attribute , a Mode , and a Quality . Thirdly , From what hath been said we may gather , that we may conceive some difference between an Attribute , a Mode , and a Quality : As that an Attribute is that which is generally conceived to be in a Substance ; so he who thinks of the Duration of the Sun doth contemplate an Attribute , under which the Sun is understood , forasmuch as it continues in its being . And thus all Attributes are then distinctly understood by us , when we take care to affix no Conception of a Substance to them . We call that a Mode , which any way affects or varies a thing : So Wax is diversified by Figures . And a Quality is that whence a Substance is denominated Talis , or such like ; as Wax , that is , soft , cold , white , &c. so softness is the Quality of Wax . XVII . With what Names Substances and Modes are exprest . The Names whereby we express Substances , are called Nouns Substantive , as Mind , Body , &c. The Names which express Things modified , and which primarily and directly signifie Substances , and Modes indirectly , are also Nouns Substantives : As the Earth , the Sun , &c. But Words that primarily and directly , but confusedly signifie Substances , and which indirectly , but distinctly express Modes , are called Nouns Adjective ; such are round , white , just , &c. XVIII . What Propositions of Eternal Truth are . The other things which fall under our Knowledge , are Propositions of Eternal Truth ; which are not understood as Existing things , or the Modes of things ; but as Eternal Truths abiding in our Understanding : As , That which is , whilst it is , cannot be nothing : I am , because I think : What is once done , cannot be undone ; which are therefore called Common Notions , because they are so simple and clear , that they cannot but be perceived by all Men. Neither must it be look'd upon as an Absurdity , that we call any thing Eternal and Immutable , besides GOD ; because we do not speak here of Existing things , but ●only of Notions and Axioms which are in our Mind . XIX . The same are perceived by all , except their Prejudices hinder them . Neither doth it hinder the Truth of these Propositions , that all of them do not appear equally evident to all Men ; for the Reason of this is , because they are not all conceived after the same manner , and consequently not with the same Evidence . Not that I think the Minds of Men to be divers , and that the Knowing Faculty of one Man is larger than anothers ; but because probably these Common Notions may thwart the prejudicate Opinions of some Men , who therefore cannot so easily apprehend them ; tho' others that are free from such Prejudices , do perceive them with the greatest Evidence . CHAP. VII . Of the Common Attributes of Substance . I. The Attributes by which Substance is known . FOrasmuch as Things are understood by their Attributes , and are the more distinctly conceived by us , by how much the more Attributes we apprehend in them ; I thought it needful to reckon up all the Attributes of Substance , that so nothing that belongs to the Nature of it , may be concealed from us . II. There are two Genus's of Attributes . The Attributes of Substances are either Primary or Antecedent , or Originate and following from the Antecedent . The Primary are those which are considered by us as certain Principles ( not Effective , but Formal ) as well of the Substance , as chiefly of all the rest of the Attributes ; seeing that when they are supposed , the others immediately follow , and are therefore called the Principles of Being or Substance ; and they are two , viz. Essence and Existence . III. Essence . ESSENCE is the first Radical and inward Principle , Foundation , and Root of Substance , and all its Properties and Operations : For it is the Entity or Form whereby it is something , and that which it is . Thus a Spiritual thing , fuppose an Angel , by means of its Essence is not only a thing , but also such a Being that is Intelligent , and not a Material Substance . And so likewise a Body hath not only from its Essence that it is something , but also that it is Material , and void of Understanding . And therefore the Essence is by the Schools called , the Metaphysical Form , because it is the Chief thing whereby a Thing is distinguish'd from all others . When I say , the Chief Thing , it is not to be understood as if there were something in Substance , besides Essence , but only with respect to our Perception , which commonly proceeds by Parts , tho' the Thing it self be Simple , without any Composition . IV. Existence . Having inform'd our selves what the Thing is that is in question , the next enquiry is , Whether it be ; that is , whether such a thing be to be found in the Nature of Things ; to which the foresaid Essence doth belong ; and to this Question Existence belongs , by which a Being is said to subsist , or by which the Essence is constituted in the Nature of Things : And therefore is called Actus Entitativus , an Entitative Act ; as if Existence were only understood by the operation or acting of Things . A Being in Potentia , or a Possible Being , is opposed to a Being in Act. So a Lilly in Summer is said to be an Existent Being ; but in Winter , a Possible Being , Ens in Potentia ; because tho' it do not then exist , yet it is not repugnant to it , to be or exist in Time. Whence it appears that Essence and Existence cannot be separated from each other , since ( to speak properly ) they are nothing else but two different Modes of Thinking : For we do otherwise conceive the Essence of a thing , when we abstract Existence or Non-existence from it , than when we conceive it Existing . So when we apprehend Possible and Actual Being in one and the same thing , by different Conceptions , we do indeed conceive the thing as in a twofold State , but do not therefore divide it into more things . Thus the Sun that now appears in our Heaven , is the same that has continued from the beginning . Therefore the Power by which things that are not yet , are said to be Possible , is called Objective ; forasmuch as such Things are the Objects of some Cause , by which they may be produced in due place and time . V. Attributes Originate , or proceeding from others . From these two first or primary Attributes , other Attributes follow , which are likewise common to all Substance , and are called Originate , or Consequent ; and are either Absolute , which belong to the Substance considered by it self ; or Respective , which agree to the Thing with reference to others . The Absolute Attributes are Duration , Unity , Truth , Goodness ; &c. VI. Duration . Duration is nothing else but an Attribute , under which the Existence of Created Things is understood , with reference to their perseverance in their Actual existence . So that Duration agrees to all Existent Beings , as long as they exist . With respect to Duration , some things are called Corruptible , and others Incorruptible . A Corruptible Being , is that which can perish and cease to be , or lose the Existence it hath : As the Individuals of every Species , which may be corrupted and changed into another Species . An Incorruptible Being is that , whose Existence cannot be destroyed , and is either Simply such , as GOD , who is subject to no Change or Corruptibility ; or in certain respects only , which is preserved by the Power of GOD , so as to suffer no diminution or increase . So Matter which continues one and the same in the World , is said to be Incorruptible ; tho' second or singular Matters , as to their Forms , be subject to Generation and Corruption . VII . Unity . Another Attribute of Substance is Unity , by which every thing is said to be Undivided in it self . Thus those things are said to be One , which are of the same Subaltern Genus or Species , because they are considered by us under one and the same Notion , and for that we make use only of one Conception , to represent all those Things to our Minds which agree together : And this Unity is called Universal . But Singular Unity appertains to those Things , which without the Operation of our Mind are undivided , or to whose Nature it is repugnant to be divided into more Entities ; whereby is verified that Common Saying of the Philosophers , That whatsoever is , is Singular ; because that which is not One , cannot be esteemed to be . Some Things again are One by themselves , and others by Accident : Things One by themselves are such as have an Undivided Nature , whether they be Simple or Compound . For the multitude of Parts is no hindrance of Unity , so the Parts , which constitute a Third thing , be but closely joyned together . For Man is said to be One by himself , notwithstanding that he consists of Parts of a different Nature , and separable from each other . Whereas those things are called One by Accident , which consist of disjoynted Parts , and between which there is only a very slight Union . So an Army is called One Body by Accident , because it consists of a great number of Men joyn'd by an Imperfect Union . VIII . Truth . In Substance we also consider Truth , which is commonly called Metaphysical , or Transcendental ; and is nothing else but the correspondence of the Name with the Thing signified by it . For in this Sense the Nature and Essence of every thing may be said to be True. So that to enquire into the Nature of any Thing , is the same as to search what a Thing is , and of what kind it is : And to find out Truth is nothing else , but to comprehend whether a Thing be , and of what Nature a Thing is . Wherefore , since it is not in the Power of Creatures , to change the Natures and Essences of Things , no more than they can Eternal Truths , it follows , that there is nothing opposed to Transcendental Truth . For tho' Justice be opposed to Injustice , Truth to Falshood , and true Gold to false Gold ; yet the Things which are opposed to true Vertues have no Nature , neither have we any positive Idea of them : For that which is opposite to true Gold hath no Essence at all ; and in like manner , that which is contrary to True Faith , or True Fortitude . IX . What things are said to be true Metaphysically . To Metaphysical Truth are referred not only those Things which have , or may have an Existence without the Intellect , as all Natural Beings ; but also whatsoever is Positive , and consequently hath an Essence or Nature , tho' it have no Existence without the Intellect . For not only those Things which are the Object of our Senses , as Heaven , Earth , the Sea , Sound , Colour , &c. do enjoy a True and proper Essence ; but Fortitude , Justice , a right Line , a Triangle , Cause , Effect , and in a word , whatsoever we apprehend as Positive , or in the manner of an Entity . For we say , True Justice , a True Triangle , &c. because their Nature is True , and because we can demonstrate many things of them ; as of Justice , that it gives to every thing it s own : Of a Triangle , that its three Angles are equal to two Right ones . X. Goodness . Goodness follows Truth , and is likewise reckoned amongst the General Affections of Substance : For if a Thing have that Essence which it ought to have ; that is , if it be True , it must of necessity be Good also . And therefore we frequently confound the Denominations of True and Good ; as when we call a True Syllogism , Good , because the thing which agrees with our Understanding , cannot disagree with our Will , in case the Will be right , and that it be carried towards it after clear Perception . Thus GOD , after he had Created the World , and all things contain'd in it , he declar'd them all to be very good , because they agreed with the Idea's he had of them , and therefore were such as he would have them to be . Wherefore Aristotle defines Good to be that which all do desire ; forasmuch as nothing is desired , but what agrees with the Will. As there are many degrees of Truth , so also of Goodness , whilst we account some more excellent than others , which we more especially do , when we measure the Goodness of any thing from its Actions , or the strength and force of its Acting . Thus we say , that the Mind excels the Body , and the Fire the rest of the Elements . XI . Relation . Thus much for the Absolute Attributes of Substance ; we proceed now to the Relative , which agree to a Substance as related to another , and not as considered in it self . Now Relation is nothing else , but a Mode of our Understanding , comparing one thing with others , because of some Properties or Acts that are found in them : So a Father is Related to his Son , because he hath begot him ; and the Son to his Father , as being begotten of him . If we consider a Father and Son Materially , without their Relation , we shall call them Subject ; but if we consider them with respect to one another , we shall call the one the Relate , and the other the Correlate ; because as the Father is related to the Son by Paternity or Fatherhood ; so is the Son to the Father by Filiation or Sonship . Upon which account it is that Relatives are said to be or exist Naturally both together ; because you cannot suppose the one , without supposing the other : For supposing a Husband , you must suppose a Wife too ; and supposing a Master , he must have a Servant . XII . Relation is manifold . Relation is manifold ; viz. a Relation of Origination , of Negation , of Affirmation , of Comparison , of Composition , of Accession , and of Substitution . Relation of Origination is , between a Principle and that which proceeds from it ; as between the Day-break and a Day , a Point and a Line , a Substance and its Properties . Relation of Negation , is between distinct Things , or between Things going before , and those that follow after . The former of these is called a Relation of Distinction , the latter a Relation of Order . Relation of Affirmation is , whereby one thing is affirmed of another . Relation of Composition , is between the Whole and the Parts , the Simple and the Compound , the Perfect and Imperfect , Relation of Accession , is between the Subject and the Adjunct . Lastly , Relation of Substitution , is that which intervenes betwixt the Sign , and that which is signified by it ; the Measure and the thing Measured ; the Image and the Original . XIII . Opposition . As one Substance is related to another , so likewise it is opposed to another : As when we so conceive of Two things , as that they cannot consist together . So white and black Things are said to be opposed , and these are called Contraries , because the Essence of one is different from the Essence of the other ; yet not wholly and altogether , but because there is something in the Nature of one of them , which is not in the other . Those things are called Disparate , or Disagreeing , when one thing is opposed to many after one and the same manner ▪ As white is opposed to green , yellow , blew ; because white is not only opposite to green , but also to yellow and blew , and all Middle Colours . But when one Opposite altogether denies the other ; as a God , No God ; they are commonly called Contradictories . And this is the greatest of all Oppositions , forasmuch as it denies every where , and always . But if it deny the same only in a certain Subject , as Sight in a Sensitive Creature , then they are called Privative Opposits : Because by Privation is understood the absence of some Entity in a Subject capable of receiving it , as Blindness in the Eye , which is capable of Sight . XIV . Order . Order is another Attribute of Substance , consisting in first and last , or former and latter . It is various , according to the diversity of Place , Time , Dignity , Knowledge , and Perfection , which we conceive to be in things . Order of Knowledge , is taken from the Things themselves ; and by this Causes are before Effects ; Simple Terms are more known than Complex . Order of Dignity , is fetch'd from the Essence of things ; thus the Mind is more worthy than the Body : Or from Accidents ; thus a King is more worthy than his Subjects , a Master than his Servants . A Thing is said to be before another in Nature , whose Essence doth precede the other ; or from whose Existence the latter is not inferr'd , but on the contrary : So an Animal , or a Sensitive Creature , is said to be by Nature before Man ; because tho' an Animal exist , it doth not therefore follow that a Man exists ; yet when a Man exists , it follows that an Animal exists also . CHAP. VIII . How the Name of Substance agrees to GOD and the Creatures . I. How many ways Names agree to a Thing . FOr the better clearing of this Difficulty , we are to suppose with Logicians , that a Name may after divers manners be communicated to a Thing . First , Univocally , when it agrees to many Things for the same Reason ; as when the name Triangle is given to all Figures contained within three Lines . Equivocally , when we call many things that are Essentially distinct by the same common Name , for divers Reasons : As when in Latin we use the Name Gallus , to signifie a Cock and a Frenchman ; or when we use the word Parabola , to signifie an Allegory , or Similitude , and a Geometrical Figure . Analogically , as when we give the same Name to many Things ; but to one Principally , and to the other Secondarily : As when we say that an Animal , a Pulse , and Physick are Healthful ; for Health principally and chiefly agrees only to an Animal , to the Pulse as it is a sign of it , and to Medicine , because it procures it . Having briefly observed these things , II. The Idea of Substance does not agree Univocally to GOD and the Creatures . I say , First , that the Name of Substance doth not agree to God and the Creatures Univocally . Which I prove thus : Different Participation destroys Univocation ; but God and the Creatures participate the Name of Substance after a different manner therefore . The Minor is proved , because God is a Substance Independent of any other ; but all other Creatures are Substances dependent of Him : GOD alone is He , who needs no other to his Existence ; but all Creatures stand in need of the Divine Concourse for their Existence , neither can they without it be conceived to exist in the Nature of Things . III. The same exprest in other words . Or otherwise thus : The Idea of Substance , is the conception of a Being subsisting of , or by it self ; but there is no Creature so exists by it self , as to be sufficient for its own Existence , or so Powerful , as to be able to keep and preserve it self : Wherefore the Name of Substance cannot Univocally agree to God and the Creature . IV. A Being from himself and from another , are absolute Differences . And if with more attention we consider the Matter , we shall find that God and the Creature do not agree in the Idea of any Genus whatsoever ; and that the word Being , Ens , which is commonly by Logicians attributed to God and the Creature , is perfectly Equivocal ; and that the Equivocation is not more plain in the word Dog , when attributed to a Constellation in Heaven , and to a Beast on Earth ; or in the Latin word Jus , which signifies Law or Right , and Broth , than in the word Ens , or Being , when given to a Being which is of it self , and to one that is from another and altogether dependent . For to exist of ones self , or to be made by another are meer Differences , which do not admit any common Genus ; and as God is distinguished by the former , so are all Creatures by the latter : God being a purely Self-existent and Independent Being , and the Creatures purely dependent Beings , and existing from another . V. God is above Substance . Wherefore S. Denys calls GOD Super-substantia , and Super-ens , ( Above-substance , and Above-entity ) because he is raised above all Substances , and separate and distinct from all other Things whatsoever . Accordingly he that would make a true Scheme of the Predicaments , must set down Ens à se , or a Self-existent Being by it self , and distinct from the Series of other things ; and afterwards Ens ab alio , or a Being that is from another , as the Original of Differences , placing at the Right hand of it Intellectual , and on the Left Corporeal , and then put the next Division of Things . Because the Name of Entity , or Being , only agrees with the Being , which is of it self , and can only Equivocally be assigned to Creatures , that have their Being from another . VI. An Objection answer'd . If any one say , that the word Substance agrees in common both to God and the Creatures , and that all the Inequality that is found in them doth arise only from the Differences of it ? I answer , That this is not true , forasmuch as Dependency is involved in the Essential Conception of a Creature . Now it is required to the Nature of Univocal Words , that they be equally communicable to all , and not to one Primarily and to the other Secondarily , or with dependance on the First . VII . The Idea or Notion of Substance is Univocally competent to Creatures . I say in the Second place , that the word Substance doth Univocally agree to all Creatures . For all Creatures are conceived under this Common Notion , that all of them stand in need of the Divine Concourse for their Existence . Now that Name which is attributed to many for the same Reason , and equally participated by them , is Univocal ; therefore the Name of Substance is distinctly understood to be Common to all Creatures , according to the property of Univocals . VIII . Why the Genealogy of Things and Modes is here annexed . Having thus explained these Things , I think I have with one and the same labour explained all Metaphysicks , concerning Entity and its Affections ; yet that no Body may complain , that the same has been left out in this Institution , seeing the consideration of it doth indeed belong to Logick , I shall subjoyn here such a Genealogy of Things and Modes , by means of which the Student of Philosophy may , as it were at one View , contemplate the whole University of Things . The Fifth Rule of Truth . It avails much to the clear and distinct Perception of Truth , to retain in ones Mind an accurate Genealogy of Things and Modes , that with one cast of an Eye we may be able to take a view of the whole Universe of Things , beginning from the most General , and ending in the most Special . IX . The Use of the foregoing Rule . The Reason is , because this will be a great Help towards the thorough Knowledge of Things , as pointing us to what Tribe they do belong , what Affinity they have with some , and what Difference from other Things ; neither will it be of less Use to us in the defining , describing , and distributing of Things . And to the end you may have a short Compendium at hand , of all those Things in general , which fall under the Perception of our Mind , and consequently also of those Idea's , which the Mind forms to it self , whilst it beholds them : Behold I here furnish you with such a Genealogy , as contains all and every one of the Genera of Things and Modes , each in its proper order and degree . The Genealogy of Things and Modes . Whatsoever falls under the clear and distinct Perception of our Mind , is somewhat . And that Somewhat , is either A Thing , A or , The Mode of a Thing , B A. I. A Thing , ( or an Entity or Substance , for they are Synonymous ) is something which hath an Essence and Existence distinct from all other Things . Essence is the Natural and Invariable Constitution of the Thing , by which it is that which it is . Existence is a Consequent upon the Essence of a Thing , by which it now actually is , or is the Essence it self now existing in the University of Things . The Consideration whereof belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by some called First Philosophy , and by others Metaphysicks , which treats of Things Universally , and therefore also is called Catholi●k , or Universal . A Thing or Substance in General , is twofold Thinking , a or , Extended , b Thinking , or a Mind is either a. 1. Infinite , as GOD , whence is Natural Theology . 2. Finite , as the Mind of an Angel , whence is Angelography . a Man ; whence Psychology . This part of the Genealogy of a Thinking Substance is handled in Noetica , that is , Pneumatica , as others term it ; the Parts whereof I have just now mentioned . b. A Thing Extended , or a Body , is twofold . I. An Element ; that is , a Principle whence other mix'd Bodies have their Original , and into which they are resolved again at last . Which again is Threefold . 1. Subtil Matter , which constitutes the Stars . 2. The Heavenly Globular Matter , whence the Light and Heavens are . 3. The Grosser Particles of Matter , whence are the Planets and Comets . II. Elementatum , or Principiatum ; that is , all those things that have their Original from the Elements . And these are again Twofold : I. Without Life , or Concrete ; which branch themselves into , 1. Simple Concretes ; as the Heaven , which consists of the Globuli of the Second Element ; and the Stars , of the Matter of the First Element . 2. More Compound Concretes . 1. Those on high , as Planets , Comets , &c. 2. Those beneath , as Fire , Air , Water , Earth , and things consisting of these : As , 1. Meteors , as Vapours , Wind , Rain , Snow , Hail , Thunder , &c. 2. Fossils ; that is , Minerals , Metals , and Stones Common , or Precious . II. Living , or Animated . 1. Without Sense , or Vegetable , As all kind of Plants , whether Herbs , Shrubs , or Trees . 2. Endowed with Sense ; as an Animal , 1. Rational , as Man. 2. Irrational , as a Beast . This Part of the Genealogy , concerning Extended Substance , or Body , is unfolded in Physiology , or Natural Philosophy , which is also called Somatica . B. II. The Mode , ( that is , the Attribute , Affection , Accident ) of a Thing , is somewhat of an Entity or Being , that is and exists by the assistance of another thing . These are Twofold , General , a or Special , b a. I. General ; Such are the Modes or Attributes of all Things in General , commonly called Transcendentals : As , 1. Unity ; by which every thing is always one and the same , and Undivided . Multitude is a Collection of Unities . 2. Truth ; by which a thing is conformable to its Idea . Falsity contrariwise . 3. Goodness ; whereby it is fit for Use . 4. Perfection ; whereby it is whole and entire , and hath whatsoever it ought to have . 5. Locality ; whereby it is every where , as God ; or somewhere , as all other Things besides God. 6. Duration ; whereby a Thing continues in its Existence either always , or for a certain time : As Eternity . Time Present , Past , Future . These Things are explained in the First Philosophy , or Metaphysicks , which treats of Things , and of their Modes and Affections Universally . b. II. Special ; Such are the Modes or Attributes of Things in Specie . ( 1 ) For the Division of Things : As , 1. The Modes , that is , the Attributes of a Thing Cogitating : As , Intellection , and Volition . Power to act of it self , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. The Modes or Attributes of a Thing extended , or Corporeal : As 1. Quantity , or Magnitude ; which Mathematicks , or Posotica treats of . 2. Figure , or the different Termination of Magnitude , handled in that Part of Mathematicks , which is called Geometry . 3. Situation , or the certain Position of a Thing in Place and Space . 4. The Quiet or Rest of the Parts of any Thing . 5. Local Motion , or the Variation of Situation , whence proceed Active and Passive Qualities ; as Rarity and Density , Fluidity and Hardness , Heat and Cold , Moisture and Driness , and the rest ; which are treated of in Natural Philosophy . ( 2. ) From the Conjunction of a thing Thinking , and Extended . result the following Modes and Affections . 1. The Appetite of Hunger and Thirst . 2. The Senses Internal ; Phantasy or Imagination and Memory . External ; Seeing , Hearing , Smelling , Tasting , and Feeling . And their Affections , as Waking and Sleep . 3. The Affections or Passions ; as Love , Joy , Hatred , Sorrow , Hope , Fear , and the several kinds of them , which are also handled in Physiology . X. The Scope of a Philosopher is , to know the Natures of Things . Hence we may gather in the first place , that Philosophy considered in all its Parts , is nothing else but a Scientifical Explication of this or a like Genealogy . For a Philosopher pretends nothing else , and is content with this alone to understand the Natures of Things , to know their Forms , Differences , Affections , and that from the nearest Causes , if the Mind can reach them . Now this will hardly be obtained by him who is not well vers'd in the Genealogy of Things . In the next place , That this Genealogy is abundantly sufficient to supply the place of the Common Categories and Predicaments of the Aristoteleans . XI . What the Peripateticks understand by Predicaments . By Predicaments and Categories , they understand such a Series and Disposition of Things , in which the Superiour is always predicated , that is , affirmed Univocally , that is , according to Name and Thing , of its Inferiours in the same Predicamental Line . Taking this for granted , as a thing known to all Men , there are many things which I cannot approve of in the Constitution of those Predicaments . XII . What is to be disproved of in the Categorical Series . First , That they divide Ens into Substance and Accident without any Reason : Forasmuch as an Accident is no Entity , as appears from the foregoing Definition of Ens ( A. I. ) ; but rather is something belonging to an Ens , according to ( B. II. ) Secondly , In that they constitute Nine supream Genera of Accidents , which they thus reckon up ; Quantity , Quality , Action , Passion , Relation , When , Where , Situation , and Habit. Where first they mistake in this , that they make those to be the Supream Genera , and distinct too , which truly are not so ; as Quantity , and Quality : For the greatest part of Physical or Natural Qualities arise from Quantity , Figure and Motion . Secondly , Relation doth not in the least belong to the Genealogy of Things , because it is no absolute thing , but only an Affection framed by Reason , viz. an Opposition , with or under some respect . Thirdly , Action and Passion in Bodies are reducible to Motion , whose Species or Modes they are . Fourthly , The Division of Ens into Substance and Accident , invented by Aristotle , deviates from the Rules of a good Division ; because the Parts of it are not opposite . Fifthly and lastly , If any true Attributes of Things be fonnd amongst them , the same may be more fitly deduced from our Genealogy : As for Example , Quantity belongs to the first Mode of an Extended Being : Quality , if it be Mental , to the Modes of Intellection and Volition ; if it be Physical , or Corporeal , to the Fifth Mode of an Extended Being , or to others : When and Where , to Duration and Place , which are the General Attributes of Things : Situation is the Mode of an Extended thing , or the respect of one Body to others , considered as near to it : And Habit is the Common Adjunct or Accident of some Things ; as of a Human Body , or some other . CHAP. IX . Of the Whole and Parts , Causes and Effects , Subject and Adjunct . I. Some other things necessary to be known in order to clear Perception . HAving thus Explained the General Attributes of Things , as far as is sufficient for the Knowing of Things in General ; if any one further desire to Know Things more distinctly and evidently in Specie , and particularly , he must consider the thing either as a Whole , consisting of Parts ; or as an Effect , produced by Causes ; or as a Subject , furnish'd with various Attributes . For this will be a great furtherance to attain a clear and distinct Knowledge , that is , Perception of any Thing . II. The Order of Things here to be treated of . It follows therefore , that we explain the Notions of a Whole and its Parts , of a Cause and its Effects , of Subject and Adjunct ; because from these Notions , the Idea of every thing is absolutely and to the Life express'd in the Mind of him that Thinks . III. What a Whole is , and how manifold . We call that a WHOLE , which consists of many things joyned together , or which hath Parts , into which it may be divided : For a thing which wants Parts , is improperly called a Whole . Wherefore the Aristotelians are in a Mistake when they say , that the Mind of Man is Whole in the whole Body , and Whole in every Part ; because the Mind being an Intellectual Substance , is without Parts , and after an Indivisible manner in the Body . Wherefore also an Immaterial Substance cannot be said to be Whole , save only Negatively , inasmuch as it doth not admit of Parts , or Division . A Whole is threefold , Essential , Integral , and Universal . An Essential Whole , is that which consists of Parts , whereof the one is in the other , as are Matter and Form : Thus Man consists of Soul and Body . An Integral Whole , is that which hath Parts without each other ; as a Man's Body consists of Head , Hands , &c. An Universal Whole , is any Genus with respect to its Species ; as Animal respecting Man and Beast : Or a Species , referring to its Individuals ; as Man to to Socrates and Plato . IV. What a Part is , and how manifold . We call that a PART , which together with its Copart , or with many of them , doth constitute a Whole ; as the Soul and Body make a Man. A Part is either Principal , without which a Whole cannot consist ; as is the Head in a Human Body : Or Less Principal , which when sever'd doth only maim the whole , but not destroy it . V. What is meant by the word Cause . Tho' the Word CAUSE be of it self sufficiently known to all , and therefore the Explication of it seems superfluous ; yet is it commonly defined , That from whose Being something else follows : Or , That which of it self , influenceth something different from it self . Accordingly , GOD the Father is the Principle , but not the Cause of the Son ; for the Son is another Person from the Father , but not another Thing , that is , not of another or different Nature . VI. The division of Causes . There are Five Genera or kinds of Causes , viz. the Material , the Formal , the Efficient , the Exemplary , and the Final . VII . What the Material Cause is . The Material Cause , is that out of which things are made or formed ; as Wax is the Matter of which Tapers are made ; Pewter , the Matter of which Pots are made ; Gold , of which Guinea's are made . So that whatsoever is agreeing or disagreeing with the Matter , the same also agrees or disagrees with the Things that are made out of it . VIII What the Formal . The Formal is that which Constitutes another thing and distinguisheth it from all other ; as the Soul is the Form of Man. But whether the Forms of other things be Physical Entities , as they talk in the Schools , or only a disposition of Parts , shall be discoursed in the General Part of Physiology , where this Point shall be distinctly handled . Both these Causes are called Internal , because they abide in those Things whose Essence they do constitute . IX . The Efficient . The Efficient , or Effecting Cause , is that which produceth another thing ; and the same is manifold . X. A Total Cause . Total or Adequate , which alone doth produce the Effect , excluding other Causes of the same Rank ; as God creating Adam , whom he produc'd without the Concourse of any Other . XI . Partial Causes . But a Father and Mother , or Male and Female , are said to be Partial Causes , with respect to the Child they generate ; because they need each others assistance , and can do nothing solitarily . XII . Proper and Accidental Causes . The Sun is the Proper Cause of Light ; but only an Accidental Cause of the Death of a Man , who is kill'd by too great Hear ; because the bad Constitution of his Body , was the occasion of his being hurt by the Heat of the Sun. XIII . The Near and Remote A Father is the Near Cause of his Son ; but a Grandfather the Remote . XIV . The Effective Cause . A Mother is the Effective , or Productive Cause of her Son , because she effects a thing which before did not exist . XV. The Conserving Cause . A Nurse is only the Conserving Cause , because she only effects the Continuation of its Existence , and lends her assistance that it may continue in that Existence , which it hath received from its Parents . XVI An Univocal Cause . A Father is an Univocal Cause , with respect to his Children ; because they are of the same Nature with him . XVII . An Equivocal Cause . But GOD is only an Equivocal Cause , with respect spect to his Creatures ; because they are of a different Nature from His , and in Dignity inferiour to him . XVIII . A Principal Cause . An Artificer is called the Principal Cause of his Work , because he acts voluntarily ; but Instruments , because they are managed by him , as means subservient to the performing of his Work , are only said to be Instrumental Causes : Because tho' there be some kind of Power to work in the Instruments , as in the Hatchet to Cleave , in the Knife to Cut ; yet can they not produce the said Effects , except they be actuated and applied by another Cause . And therefore are called Passive , because they receive their acting Power from the Principal Cause . XIX . An Universal Cause . The Water that springs up into divers Water-Works in the Gardens of Princes , and which moves variety of Machins , is the Universal Cause of their Motion , because it is indifferently forced up into them all : But the Artificial disposition and figure of the Pipes is the Particular Cause , which determines the Universal , and restrains it to some particular effect . XX. A Natural Cause . Bodily Things , when they act , are said to be Natural Causes , because they produce an Effect from a Natural Propensity or Necessity , without any fore-knowing Knowledge ; as the Sun , Fire , and the like : But Man is the Intellectual Cause of those things which he effects by his Understanding and Will. XXI . A Voluntary Cause . A Man that Walketh is a Free Cause , because he acts spontaneously , and not by force : But a Fire burning Wood is a Necessary Cause ; because where those things are present which are required to its action , as dry Wood , application of them to the Fire , and Ventilation or Blowing , it cannot but burn them , neither can it exert any other Action instead of it . XXII . A Proper Cause , and without which . The Sun , whilst it enlightens a Chamber , is the Proper Cause of the Light that is in it : But the opening of a Window , or taking down of the Shutters , is only a Cause sine qua non , or without which such an Effect would not follow ; which Cause is also called the Condition , without which a Thing cannot be . XXIII . A Physical and Moral Cause . A Fire that burns Houses , is the Physical Cause of that Burning or Consuming , because the Fire properly and of its own Nature burns : But a Man who sets Houses on Fire , or that exhorts or commands others to do so , is only a Moral Cause of this Burning ; because he hath only Morally contributed to that effect , viz. by Exhorting or Commanding . Thus the Serpent , or the Devil , was the Moral Cause of the Fall of our First Parents . XXIV . An Exemplary Cause . The Form which a Man proposeth to himself in going about to make a Work , is called the Exemplary Cause ; as the Form which an Architect conceives of a House he is about to build ; and generally whatsoever can be a Cause of an Objective Entity , or of forming any other Image . So he who is the Object of the Eyes or Mind of the Painter , is the Exemplary Cause of his own Effigies or Likeness . XXV . What the Final Cause is . The Final Cause , is the End for which any thing is ; as when a Man applies himself to his Studies , in order to the attaining of Learning : And therefore the End is commonly defined , the Cause for whose sake any thing is . XXVI . A Primary End. An End is twofold , either Primary , which is principally intended ; as the End of a Knife is to Cut ; of a Garment , to cover the Body , and to shield it from the Injuries of the Weather . XXVII . A Secundary ' End. A less Principal or Secundary End is , which moves one only in a less degree , and is only considered as something Accessory . Thus the Secundary End of a Garment is to adorn the Body . XXVIII . The End for whose sake . That which a Man intends to do , or to obtain , is called the End for whose sake : So Learning is the End of Studies , Health the End of the Physician 's Art , as being that which it intends to procure . XXIX . The End for whom , Adequate and Partial . He for whom any thing is desired , is called the End for whom : So Man is the End for whom of Medicine ; because it designs to procure Health to him . To form ones Reason aright , or to direct the Understanding into the knowledge of all things whatsoever , is the Adequate End of Logick : But to direct the Understanding in Natural things , or in the exercise of Vertuous Actions , is the Inadequate or Partial End of Logick . XXX . The Number of Causes . Whence we may gather , that the Material Cause is that out of which Things are made ; the Formal , by which ; the Efficient , from which ; the Exemplary , according to which ; and the Final , for which things are made . XXXI . The Causatum , or Thing Caused is fivefold . Whence it follows , that the Effect or Thing caused , which depends on the Cause , and by virtue whereof it is , is Fivefold ; viz. an Effect , which proceeds from the Efficient Cause : The Thing designed , or the Means ordained to the End : The Thing materiated , or which consists of the Matter , and is made of it : The Thing formed , or constituted by the Form. To these you may add the Thing exemplated , in respect of the Exemplar according to which it is made . XXXII What a Subject is . That is called a Subject to which something is adjoyned , or to which something accrues besides its Essence : So Cloaths are put on the Body ; the Soul of Man is joyned to his Body ; Writing is applied to Paper . XXXIII . The difference betwixt a Subject of Inherence and Adherence . A Subject of Inherence , is that into which something is received : So a Spunge is said tobe the Matter into which the Water is received : The Outside of the Wall is that which receives the plaister or whiting in it . A Subject of Adherence is , which receives another thing upon it self , or to it self , as a Hand that puts on a Glove . A Subject Containing , is that which comprehends any thing within it self ; as a Vessel doth Water , or the Sheath doth the Sword : Because by Subject nothing else is understood here , than that to which something is joyned besides its Essence ; or to which something supervenes after its production and constitution . XXXIV . A Subject is sometimes taken for an Object . A Subject is sometimes taken for an Object ; as when we say , to subject a thing to the Eyes of any one ; that is , to propose a thing to any ones Faculties , that he may act about or in it . So the Object of Hearing is a Sound , the Object of Seeing , Colour . XXXV . What an Adjunct is . We call that an Adjunct , which we consider to be in a thing besides it Essence , as something added , accruing or hapning to it , whether the same bring along with it some proper Reality ; as Fire in the Pores of hot Iron , the Soul in the Body : Or whether it be nothing else but a Mode of Substance ; as Love or Science in the Mind ; Motton , Figure , Rest , Situation in a Body . XXXVI . Adjuncts are only attributed to their Subjects in the Concrete . An Accidental Adjunct is predicated of its Subject in Concrete , and not Abstractedly . That is called a Concrete Adjunct , which denotes the Accidental form together with the Subject ; as White , Learned , Great , &c. An Abstract Adjunct is that which signifies only the Accidental or Modal form ; as Whiteness , Learning , Greatness . Wherefore an Adjunct is predicated of its Subject in the Concrete ; Snow is white , Socrates is Learned , Great : But by no means in the Abstract ; as Socrates is Whiteness , Learning , Greatness . To these things thus at large explained , we will subjoyn this Rule . The Sixth Rule of Truth . XXXVII . The Sixth Rule of Truth . The Idea or Perception of every thing is by so much the more clear and perfect , by how much the more Parts , Causes and Adjuncts of the thing it doth represent . For from the Parts we have a view of the Whole ; from the Causes , what is contained in the Effects ; from the Adjuncts , as so many Complements and Ornaments , we perceive the Nature of the Subject , and its Qualifications , especially from its proper inborn Qualities . CHAP. X. Concerning the Distinctions , whence the Nature and Difference of Idea's is deduced . I. What is the Consent and Dissent of Things . FOr a more clear understanding of what follows , we will premise something concerning the Consent and Dissent of Things . Now those things seem to me to Consent , which agree in Common Attributes and Logical Notions ; and those to Dissent , which do more or less disagree in the same . The Seventh Rule of Truth . II. The Seventh Rule of Truth . Those Things are to be looked upon as Agreeing , which agree in some common Idea or Reason , or whereof the one is included in the Idea of the other ; and they are said to disagree or to be diverse , which are the Objects of Different Idea's , and are apprehended after a diverse manner ; or the one whereof is not included in the Idea of the other . III. Which Things agree , and which do disagree . For those things only do Agree , which have the same Genus or Species , or Parts , or Causes , or Effects , or Subjects , or Adjuncts ; or Agree upon some other account : Whereas those which Disagree in the same , are diverse and dissentaneous . But those things do most of all Disagree , which are separated from each other by opposite Differences . IV. What distinction is , and how manifold . Wherefore Distinction in Common is nothing else , than the Diversity we find , between many things . Which Diversity , to speak properly , is only to be found between Existent Beings : For that which is not , cannot be said to be distinguish'd . Distinction is threefold , Real , Modal , and Distinction of Reason . V. What a Real Distinction is . Real Distinction is that which is found between two or more compleat Beings or Substances ; as between the Soul and Body , which we know to be distinguish'd from each other , because we can distinctly know the one without the other : For we can have no more evident sign of Real Distinction than this , that we do distinctly and clearly understand the one without the other . I said in the Definition , that Distinction is a Diversity , and not a Division ; because Distinction doth not take away Union , but Identity only . For tho' the Soul be never so closely United to the Body , yet it continues no less distinct from the same , than if it were actually separated from it : For it is sufficient to make a distinction , if the Things may be separated and preserved apart from each other . VI. The Soul and Body are Really Distinct , as Compleat Beings . But you 'l object against the Instance of Soul and Body , that they are only Incompleat Substances , and therefore cannot be really distinguish'd ? I answer , by distinguishing the Minor. I grant that the Soul and Body are Incompleat Substances , if they be referr'd to the Compound which they constitute . But if by calling them Incompleat Substances , you mean that they cannot subsist by themselves : This I deny . VII . What we are to understand by these Words , A Compleat thing . For when we say a Compleat thing , we understand nothing else , than a Substance furnished with such Attributes and Forms , as from which we gather it to be a Substance : For it is plain , that we do not know a Substance immediately , but from its Attributes , which because they must be in something or other , therefore we call the Subject in which they are , Substance . In which respect the Soul and Body are said to be Compleat Beings . The same may be said of all the Parts that concur to the making up of a Whole . Thus an Eye , for Example , is an Incompleat Substance , if it be compar'd with the Body , whose Part it is : But is said to be a Compleat Entity , when considered by it self alone ; and in like manner the Soul and the Body are Incompleat Substances in reference to the Whole Man ; but Compleat , when they are considered with those Attributes by which we know them to be Substances . VIII . What a Modal Distinction is . A Modal Distinction is that which is found between a Mode and its Subject , whose Mode it is : So Figure is distinguished from a Bodily Substance ; the Act of Imagining or Willing from an Immaterial Substance , or the Soul. For those things we know to be Modally distinguish'd , where the one of them may be conceived to exist without the other , but not on the contrary : As we can easily understand a Corporeal Substance without Motion and Figure , but can by no means conceive Motion or Figure without a Body . IX . How two Modes are distinguish'd . There is another Modal Distinction between two Modes of one and the same Substance : As between the Figure and Motion of one and the same Body , or between a Substance and the Mode of another Substance : But this latter is rather to be called a Real Distinction , than Modal ; forasmuch as That Mode may be clearly understood without the other , and hath no dependance on the Substance , as not affecting or modifying it . X. Distinction of Reason . A Distinction of Reason , is that which is found between a Substance and some one of its Essential Attributes : Thus Quantity doth not differ from a Bodily Substance , but only by a Distinction of Reason ; as Cogitation from the Mind . The Sign of this Distinction is , when we cannot have a distinct Idea of the Thing , if we remove from it that Attribute , as appears in the Examples alledged . And so likewise , two Attributes of the same Substance are distinguish'd only by Reason , if they be such as that the Notion of the one cannot be clearly conceived without the other ; as Justice and Mercy in GOD. And these are said to be Formally distinguish'd , because their Formal Idea's or Definitions are distinct or diverse . Booke 1. Part. 1. Chap 15. In Perfecto quiescit G. Freman Inv. I Kip Scul To the Worshipfull Thomas Vincent of Fetcham in the County of Surrey Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome . XII . The Idea's we have are not the Product of our Senses . In the Second place we infer hence , that the Ideas of our Mind , do not proceed from our Senses : For , as was said before , nothing is so clear an object of our Mind , as our Cogitation , neither is any thing more distinctly known to us , than this Proposition , I think , therefore I am : Now we can have no certainty of this Proposition , except we distinctly conceive , what Being is , and what Cogitation is ; and it would be in vain for any to demand any further Explication of these Words from us , since every one understands them , and cannot be further explained without some confusion . But who will say that these Idea's of Being and Thinking are produced by the Senses , and have been convey'd to the Mind , by the help of Bodily things ? Wherefore Ideas are not to be attributed to the Senses , but to the Mind , which hath the Power of producing them , and forming them out of it self , without any outward assistance . Tho' indeed the Mind be often excited to the producing of them from things that strike the Senses : Because this is no more , than in the case of an Architect , who may be inclined to Build a House from the Mony which is promised him : But it would be very foolish therefore to assert , that Mony had been the Original of the House . XIII . Clear Idea's . Thirdly , We may gather that Idea's are of two kinds , clear and confused : Because all of them have not the same Evidence , but exceed one another in clearness and distinction . Now those Idea's are called clear , which are evident and manifest to our Mind , when it gives heed to them ; in the same manner as we say that Objects are clearly beheld , when being present to us , they act strongly enough to be perceived by us , and our Eyes are well disposed to behold them . XIV . Distinct Idea's . Those Idea's are called Distinct , which are so precise , and diverse from all others , that they contain nothing , which doth not manifestly appear , to him that gives heed to them , as he ought . So when a Man feels some great Pain , that perception of Pain , is very clear to him , but is not always distinct : For commonly Men confound it , with their obscure Judgment concerning its Nature , which they suppose to be in the grieved part , and to resemble the Sense of Pain , which alone they clearly perceive . And the reason is the same concerning other Qualities , viz. Sound , Colour , Smell , Cold , Heat , all which they conceive to be in the Objects themselves , and think there is something like these Sensations in the Senses , or the Idea's we have upon their account . These Idea's therefore are called Obscure , because they represent things or Objects , confusedly or obscurely . Let this therefore be The Eighth Rule of Truth . XV. The Eighth Rule of Truth . That Idea , or perception of a thing is clear and distinct , which represents the thing it self to the Mind , according to the foregoing Rules of Truth : And that obscure and confused , which doth more or less depart from the same . XVI . The Rule explained . For seeing that that Idea is more clear and distinct , which involves least doubtfulness , and which represents more parts and Adjuncts of a thing to the Mind , and distinguisheth it from all other things ; it must follow that that Perception is clear and distinct , which represents a thing to the Mind according to the foregoing Rules . The Ninth Rule of Truth . XVII . The Ninth Rule . He whose Mind is furnished with most , and most perfect Idea's , is the most knowing and understanding Man. XVIII . The Explication of this Rule . For seeing that every thing is made manifest by its Idea , and whatever is known of it , is contain'd in its Idea , it is clear that the more Idea's we have in our Minds , the greater must be our Knowledge : And by how much the several Perfections do evidently and distinctly comprehend more particulars , by so much the more excellent and perfect must that Knowledge be . AN APPENDIX . Of the Imposition , Signification , Definition and use of Names . I. Of the Things that are handled in this Appendix . FOr as much as the Names or Words , we use in discourse are Marks and Signs of our Conceptions , and consequently of the things themselves , we have thought fit to add something here concerning their Imposition , Signification , Definition and Use , and this by way of Conclusion . II. Epicurus was of opinion that the names of things were from Nature . It hath been an enquiry amongst the Philosophers of old , whether the Names or Words we use in Speech , were from Nature , or from Custom , and Consent : Or , which is the same , whether it be natural for all Men to speak those words , by which they utter their Conceptions ; or whether they were imposed on things from the free choice of Men , and invented to be put instead of our Conceptions . Epicurus ascribes the original of Names to Nature , and asserts them to be effects produc'd by the force thereof . So that the first Men , when they were struck by the Image , proceeding from the Object , and found several Passions of Love or Hatred stirr'd up in them , broke forth into some Voices , by which they designed them , no otherwise than if they had pointed at them with the Finger , or some other Bodily Gesture . And accordingly his opinion was , as Proclus tell us , Chap. XVII . That Names are as well from Nature , as are the operations of Nature that go before them , as a Vocal Sound , or the Function of Seeing ; for that the same thing that sees and hears , must also name the things it sees and hears ; So that the Name Nature , is an effect or work of Nature . III. Whence the variety of Names proceeds according to Epicurus . For the variety of Names according to Epicurus , which is found in divers Nations , is to be ascrib'd to their different Temperaments , who being affected with different Passions , at the perceiving of things , did express one and the same thing diversly , that is , by a different Voice or Sound . Whence it came to pass that those Nations , who had no Commerce with others , still kept their own Idiom ; whereas those that had more Communication with others , did take in some of their Words , which were unknown to their Forefathers . IV. Names were imposed from Mens free choice . But whatsoever Epicurus may alledge to the contrary , the Names of things do not seem to proceed from Nature , but from the consent and agreement of Men. As may be proved first from Homonymy or Equivocation , by which the same word is attributed to divers things ; which was occasion'd by Mens joyning the same sound to different Idea's , so that the same Sound agrees to many Things , not according to the same , but different Idea's . As for Example , this word Vacuum or an Empty space , according to the vulgar use signifies , a place in which nothing is contained , of that which we suppose ought to be in it : As when we say that a Ship is empty , because it hath no lading . But according to Philisophers , Vacuum signifies a place in which no bodily thing is contained . In the second place , that Names have their original from the voluntary imposition of Men , is apparent from Polyonymy , and Synonymy which attributes divers words to one and the same thing : As Liber , Codex , both which signifie a Book ; Ensis , Gladius a Sword. Thirdly , The same may be proved from the changing of Words , by which sometimes one Word , and at other times another is given to the same thing : as now Aristocles , afterwards Plato ; now Tyrtanus , then Euphrastus , and afterwards Theophrastus . Which would not happen so , if words owed their use to Nature , and not to the voluntary institution of Men. V. Words signifie diversly amongst divers Nations . Moreover we find by Experience , that Words have their signification from the imposition and will of Men , forasmuch as the same Word signifies one thing in this Nation , and another in another Nation . For what is more common than for a Name or Word , which before represented nothing to your Mind , now to signifie something from the institution of Men ? For tho' words must be taken from the People , who have the Power of giving Law concerning them : Yet it is certain , that there is a kind of Speech proper only to those who follow some particulart Art or Calling . And tho' as Philo Judaeus saith , Speech be proper to Man , as Neighing to a Horse , Barking to a Dog , and Lowing to an Ox ; yet is not the faculty of speaking Natural , as to the signification of speech , but only with respect to the sound of the Word . For the signification of every word doth not agree to it , by any force of Nature , but wholly depends on the free will of Men. VI. Names are the Notes or Marks of our Conceptions . WORDS therefore being instituted by Men , are the Notes , and Signs of our Conceptions , and therefore of the things themselves ; whether they signifie our conceptions , or the things themselves . That they signifie the inward conceptions of our Mind , appears hence , that whenever we please , we can discover our Secrets , by words to others , they being the Interpreters of our Mind , which represents the image of our Thoughts . The word that sounds without , saith S. Austin 15 de Trin. Cap. XI . is a sign of the word , that lies hid within . For otherwise , except Words did intimate our Conceptions , there would be no such thing as a Lye , which consists in this , that the Mind of a Man doth disagree with the words he utters ; or when we have other conceptions in our Mind , than our words import . VII . Names do also signifie the things themselves . And that Names do also signifie the things themselves , we can prove by experience ; for because we cannot carry all things with us , we make use of words , for signs whereby to signifie absent things . For it is apparent , when any one calls for some particular Person , as for Example , Socrates , that the Name by which he calls him forth signifies the thing which Socrates is ; and when he commands him to come to him , to return answer , that the Thing is meant and not the Words . Hence the Scripture tells us , that GOD set all living Creatures before Adam , that he might give Names to them , conform to the Things themselves . So that it appears that Mankind makes use of Words to manifest their Conceptions , and the Things themselves . VIII . To avoid the confusion of Perceptions , we ought to define our Words . But because when Words are wrongly understood by us , it occasions great Confusion in our Idea's , and also in our Discourse , therefore we are used to define what we mean by our Words , and to declare what we would have to be understood by them . For it often happens , that one Word , signifies many Things , by which means , the Mind may be easily confounded , by applying it sometime to the one , and sometime to the other Idea . For example , The antient Philosophers perceiving that there was something in Man , that was the cause of Nutrition and Augmentation , called it the Soul , which Idea they afterwards attributed to Animals and Plants , as finding the same Faculty in them . And discovering also in Man a Principle of Cogitation , they gave to it likewise the Name of Soul. And so from this Sameness of the Name , they took occasion to confound the Principle of Cogitation with that of Nutrition , and Growth , and took Things wholly different to be one and the same : Which confusion can no otherwise be avoided , than by considering the word Soul , only as a Sound , devoid of any meaning , and afterwards bestowing it upon that Thing alone which Thinketh , Saying , I call that the Soul , which is the Principle of Thinking in us . IX . What the Definition of a Name is . And this is that which commonly is called the Definition of a Name , and is very familiar with Geometricians , by whom it is rightly made to be a kind of Principle . For it is in the Power of Men , to denote a certain Idea by certain Names or Words , and to apply them to what they have a mind . This being the difference between the Definition of a Name , and the Definition of a Thing , that it is not in the power of the Will of Man , to make the Idea contain what they please . For they must needs fall into Error , who going about to define Things , attribute any thing to their Idea's , which they do not contain . As for example , If we deprive the name Parallelogram of its signification , and no longer consider it , as a Figure including Four sides , but consider it only as a naked Sound , or will have it to signifie a Triangle or Figure consisting of Three sides , we may do so , if we please , neither shall we thereby make our selves lyable to Error , as long as we make use of the word Parallelogram only to signifie a Figure contained within Three lines . And therefore we may say ; A Parallelogram hath its Angles , equal to two Right ones , and that the greater Angle in a Parallelogram , is subtended by the greater side , &c. But if retaining the signification of the Word , and its ordinary Idea , which represents to us a Figure , whose opposite sides are Parallel , we should still assert that a Parallelogram is a Figure consisting of Three sides , we should fall into Error ; for then we should not define a Name , but the Thing ; seeing it is a contradiction , that a Figure consisting of Three lines should have its sides Parallel . X. How the Definition of a Name , is distinguish'd from the Definition of a Thing . From hence it follows . First , That the Definition of Names cannot be called in question , because they depend on the will and choice of Man. For it cannot be denied , but that he who defines a Name , may give such a signification to the sound of the Word , as best pleaseth him , and maintain that signification , which he puts upon it . But this cannot be in the Definition of Things , which frequently are controverted , for as much as they may be false , and represent the thing otherwise , than indeed it is . XI . The Definitions of things may be doubtful . In the second place it follows , that since the Definitions of Names cannot be questioned , they are therefore to be lookt upon as Principles ; which cannot by any means belong to the Definitions of Things , they being Propositions , which can be denied by those who find any obscurity in them , and therefore stand in need to be proved , as other Propositions ; neither are they to be taken for granted , except they be self-evident , and partake of the clearness of Axioms . XII . Whence Errors do arise in the common Philosophy . Wherefore they who are taught in the Aristotelean Philosophy , do doubly mistake , First , By confounding the Definition of a Thing , with the Definition of a Name , and attributing to the former , what only belongs to the latter ; for after that they have alledg'd several Definitions , not of Names , but of Things , which are altogether false , and neither express the Essence of Things , nor the Idea's which we Naturally frame from them ; they will needs have us to consider these Definitions , as so many Principles , or Perspicuous Notions , which no Man is able to gainsay ; insomuch that if any one refuse to admit them for Principles , they are incensed , and do not think such a Person fit to be disputed with . XIII . The necessity of Defining Names . Secondly , The common Philosophers are mistaken , in that they seldom or never have recourse to the Definition of Names , to rid them of all obscurity , and to addict them to certain and clear Idea's , but leave them in their confusion and obscurity . Hence it is that the greater part of their Disputations are no better than Contests about Words ; which would be easily removed , if those Words that involve any obscurity were defined , and whatsoever makes their meaning doubtful and uncertain were removed . This will appear more fully by an Example : Philosophers suppose that nothing is more evident in Nature than that Fire is Hot ; but except it be first cleared what we are to understand by Heat , we shall never know , how or in what regard Fire is said to be Hot. By Heat , therefore they do understand either a certain power , wherewith the Fire is endowed , to produce in us the sensation of Heat , and in this case they truly apprehend the thing as it is : Or else by Heat , they apprehend a certain Quality , like to the sensation they perceive , wherein they are mistaken , since that is obscure , neither can it any way be made out how Fire is Hot , after this manner . For tho' it be clear that the cause of that Motion which we experience in our Bodies , be in the Fire , yet have not we the least ground of evidence , that the Fire contains any thing like that which we feel , when we stand near the Fire . XIV . It is not necessary to defin● all Names or Words . But tho' the Definition of Names contributs much towards the clear understanding of Things ; yet it is not necessary to explain all Names by Definitions , because that would be often superfluous , and indeed is utterly impossible . For it is certain that Men have many Idea's that are so distinct , that those who understand the same Language , as soon as they hear the Names of Things , they immediately form the same Idea's . So they who hear those Names Entity or Being , Cogitation , Existence , Certainty , Equality , and such like , do immediatly apprehend the Things that answer to them in their Minds ; and therefore it is superfluous to explain them by Logical Definitions , as being most simple Things , and such as are known of themselves . I said also that it was impossible to define all Names , forasmuch as to the explaining of any Word , we must make use of other Words , to determin the Idea's , to which the Words are addicted , and those Words again stand in need of other Words to explain them , so that it would be necessary to run into infinite . For this Reason we must keep to Primitive Words , and not easily change those which Use hath made to pass current amongst Men. XV. In the use of words we are never to recede from the common received Sense and meaning of them . They are much in the wrong , who when any Word is to be defined , do not consider what Sense Men commonly attribute to it , and that as far as may be , they are never to recede from it . So he that would put the Name of Parallelogram upon a Triangle , would be accounted a Mad-man for his Pains , for contradicting the Etymology of the Word , and running Counter to common use and custom . In which regard the Chymists are greatly to be blamed , who without the least profit thence ensuing , have changed the Names of Things , and assigned others to them , which have no true Affinity at all with those Idea's to which they affix them . Thus by the Name of Sulphur ( Brimstone ) they do not understand that Thing , which the Vulgar know and call by that Name , but a liquid , odorous , oleous and Inflammable Substance , which is the Glue that joyns the Parts of dry Things together : Neither do they by the word Mercury , understand Quicksilver , but a certain most subtil and clear Liquor , of an Acid or Sourish Taste , which readily Penetrates every where , and easily vanisheth away . And by the name of Water they understand another far more copious Liquor , which dissolves Salt , which cannot be dissolved by Sulphur or Mercury . Hence we infer The last Rule of Truth . XVI . The Tenth Rule of Truth . The Names of Things which we use in Philosophizing , must be clear and determinate as to their Signification ; not Obscure or Ambiguous . For seeing that all the Things which we do heedfully Interpret , are delivered by us , in External Expressions , the highest excellency whereof is Perspicuity , it is necessary that we make use of fit and usual Words for the expressing of Things , and take care to give distinct Names to distinct Things . The Second Part of Logick . Concerning the Right Judgment of the Mind ; or Proposition . CHAP. XI . Of Judgment , Absolute and Compared . I. What Judgment is , and that Affirmation and Negation belong to it . HAving thus informed our selves what Idea's are , and how they are distinguish'd from each other , the Order we have set our selves in the beginning of this Treatise of LOGICK , requires that we now speak of their Composition , whence JUDGMENT , or the Second Operation of the Mind , as others call it , doth proceed . And herein consists the whole Sum of our Knowledge ; because when our Mind hath once past a firm and stable Judgment of any thing , it thinks it self arrived to the very Top of Science . To Judge therefore , is nothing else , than to assent to those Things , of which we have clear and distinct Idea's ; or to deny our assent to those things whilst the Idea's that represent them are obscure , and are perceived to be so . And therefore Judgment is a kind of Composition , by which the Mind joyns one Idea with another by Affirmation , or separates it from another by Negation : As when from the Perception of the Sun and Light , he assents that the Sun is Lucid ; or from the Perception of the Moon and Cheese , denies the Moon to be Cheese . II. To Judgment assent or dissent is required . For it is not sufficient to Judgment , to know two Idea's jointly ; but it is necessary , that the one be conceived to be in the other , and that assent be given to Truth as soon as it appears : For an Affirmation and Negation appertain to the Essence of Judgment ; neither can there be any Judgment without Assent or Dissent . Wherefore as long as a Man sticks in doubtful Enunciations , to which the Will doth not yet yield its assent , and being Uncertain , enquires concerning the Truth of them , he cannot be said to Judge , till after a full determination of his Mind he affirms the thing to be , or denies it to be such as he perceives it . III. To the right forming of Judgment , it is first required , that the Understanding precede . To the right Forming of Judgment , it is required , First , That the Understanding do precede , and that the things be known , before that we affirm or deny any thing concerning them ; since we cannot attribute ought to another thing , except we have first perceived them both . Wherefore in every Categorical or Simple Proposition , it behoves us to have a distinct Perception of the Terms , viz. the Subject and the Attribute , before we assent to the Conjunction of them ; in every Hypothetical , of the Connexion of the Antecedent and Consequent ; in a Modal , of the Mode and the Thing said ; in a Disjunctive , of the Repugnance between the Antecedent and the Consequent ; in a Copulative , of their Simulty or Existing at one and the same time . And the same Caution is to be used in refusing our Assent to any Proposition ; seeing that Men for want of this Observance fall into great Errors , and judge preposterously of things . How many are there that judge the Earth to be plain or level ; that the Moon has the Figure of a Dish or Platter ; that the Stars are very Little things , and that the Sun is much less than the Earth ; because they never had a true Perception of any of these things , but trusting to their Infant Prejudices , believe nothing to be True , but what agrees with the report of their Senses . IV. Secondly , we must examine all things anew . Wherefore it is requisite in the next place , for the avoiding of all Mistakes in Judging , to take a firm Resolution , not to admit any of those things for Truth , which formerly we believed such , before we have called them to a fresh and accurate Account , according to the foresaid Rules or Precepts of clear and distinct Perception ; and that we suspend our Judgment , till we be certain of their Truth . For he who withholds his Assent is thereby secured from Error ; and he who assents to what he hath well understood , is so far from being Mistaken , that he embraces and enjoys Truth . V. Thirdly , In passing our Judgment , we are to distinguish between Objects and Occasions . In the Third place , To avoid our mistake in Judging , we must distinguish between the Things and Occasions in which we are to pass our Judgment : For either we are conversant about the Search of Truth , or about the things that belong to Life , and which are considered with relation to Practice . If we consider things under the first respect , we must suspend our Judgment , when they are not fully known by us , that is , when any obscurity or confusion appears in the things we have under Examination . If we consider them the Second way , we need not make use of so great Precaution , especially when the necessity or opportunity of Business doth not allow us sufficient time for an exact Disquisition ; for otherwise we should often let slip an Occasion , before we could resolve our Doubts about the matter . Wherefore in cases where delays are prejudicial , it is best to examine the thing only so far as Time permits , and to embrace what appears for that time clearest and best to us . And having once past our Choice , we are no longer to consider it as Doubtful in reference to Practice ; but as a thing most evident and certain , as if we had been assured of it by a clear and manifest Demonstration . VI. What Compar'd , or Comparative Judgment is . Compared , or Relative Judgment , is between more things , which we refer to another Third thing ; in which , if they agree , they are called the Same ; but if they disagree , Diverse . For Comparison is not the simple Consideration of one thing , to which we Assent or Dissent ; but the Comparing of one thing with another in Quantity or Quality : In Quantity , when we enquire not only of the Dimension , but of the Value , Virtue , or Perfection of a thing ; for from hence comes the Equality and Inequality , Greater and Lesser . For things that are compared together in Quantity , are such as have either the same Quantity one as the other , or a greater or lesser . VII . What things are even or Equal . Things that agree in the same Quantity , are called Even or Equal , because they are compared with respect to something , which is found in the things compared in an Equal Proportion . As at the Equinoxes , the Night is equal to the Day : Hector is equal to Achilles in Bodily Valour , Forasmuch as by the Name of Quantity is not precisely to be understood Mathematical Magnitude , but any Equality or Inequality , whether it be measurable , or not . VIII . What Uneven , or Unequal . What Greater . Things that differ in Quantity , are called Uneven , or Unequal ; and such are either Greater or Lesser . Things Greater , are such as exceed others in Quantity , or which by their Quantity , exceed the Quantity of those things wherewith they are compared . IX . What Lesser . Those things are Lesser , which in Quantity are exceeded by others ; For the Lesser is made use of to set forth the Greater Excellence , Dignity , Number , or Usefulness of the other . Thus Plato is said to be a more Excellent Philosopher than Socrates : A Dog swifter than a Wolf. A Comparison in Quality is , when the Similitude , that is , the Proportion ; or Dissimilitude , that is , the Disproportion of things is consider'd . Where by the Name of Quality , we are not to understand a Physical or Natural , but a Logical Quality ; such as is Affection , Nature , Faculty , Action , Passion , &c. X. What things are Like . Hence those Things are called Like , which agree in Quality ; or which being compared together , are found to have some like Affection or Faculty . As when we compare the Sun and the fix'd Stars , with respect to Light which is found in them both , we say they are like one another . For things compared are not alike in all things , but differ also in many Specialties . But when we compare those parts or respects wherein they agree , from one Like we rightly conclude the other , because the Effects and Adjuncts of like Causes and Subjects are alike , and so on the contrary . XI . What Unlike . Those things are unlike whose Quality is diverse ; or those are diverse Comparates , which differ in Qualities , Actions , and Passions . So , A Wise man is unlike to the Moon ; A Constant man is unlike to a Reed shaken with the Wind. Hence from things that are Unlike , Unlike things are concluded ; because the Effects of Unlike Causes are unlike , as are the Adjuncts of unlike Subjects , and on the contrary . Wherefore because a Reed is easily driven this way and that way by the Wind ; and S. John is not so easily shaken , therefore in this regard , S. John and a Reed are unlike . Here we are to take notice , that the Unlikeness is to be restrained within the bounds of that Quality , wherein the Comparison is made . CHAP. XII . What a Proposition is , and how manifold . I. What things make up a Proposition . A Proposition , or Enunciation , according to Aristotle , is an Oration or Speech , which affirms or denies ; or an Oration , that signifies either true or false . From which Definition it clearly appears , that to every Proposition two Forms at least are required ; the One , of which something is affirmed or denied , which Term is called Subject ; the Other , which is said or denied of another , which Term is called the Attribute : As when I say , God is Existing ; God is the Subject , and Existing the Predicate . II. The word Is , joyns the Predicute with the Subject . But because it is not sufficient to conceive these two Terms , except by our Cogitation they be joyned together , or disjoyned ; the word Is , is the Sign of the Mind 's affirming , that is , of joyning these two Idea's of God and Existing , as agreeing together . But when I say , God is not finite , the word Is , joyned with the Negative Particle Not , imports an Action contrary to Affirmation , on denotes , that we look upon these two Idea's as repugnant ; forasmuch as in the conception of Finiteness something is included , which is contrary to the Nature of God. III. A Proposisition doth not always stand in need of an Attribute , Subject , and something to joyn them both . Yet some times we express Propositions after another manner : As when we say , Charles walketh ; Injustice thrives amongst men ; because under these words , as well the Connecting word Is , as the Predicate are contained : And therefore these Propositions are the same as if one should say , Charles is walking ; Injustice is thriving amonst men : Yea , it is customary with Logicians , as often as the word Is , is used without any Predicate following it , to understand the Predicate to be comprehended under it : For this Proposition , Man is , is resolvable into this other , Man is existing . It matters not therefore whether a Proposition consist of Three words , as Charles is walking , or of Two , as Charles walketh , or One word only , as Ambulo , I walk , the Latin word including all the Parts of a Proposition in it . IV. A Proposition is either Affirmative or Negative . From this Explication of a Proposition it follows , that all Propositions are either Affirmative or Negative : For since the Judgment of our Mind is twofold , viz. Assent and Dissent , Propositions which are the Interpreters of it , must likewise be divided into Affirmative and Negative . Which indeed is the first and chiefest Division of them , as being taken from the Copula or Connecting word it self , or from that Action of the Mind , which either joyns the Attribute with the Subject , or separates it from it . Wherefore concerning the Judgment of an Affirmative and Negative Proposition , let this be . The First Rule . V. The First Rule . That is an Affirmative Proposition in which the Subject and Attribute are joyned , or do agree ; and Negative , in which they are disjoyned , or disagree . VI. Explication of the Rule . For a Thing is then affirmed to be what it is , when the Predicate or Attribute agrees with the Subject , or when it is one and the same thing with it : As when we say , Man is an Animal . But a thing is pronounced not to be , what it is not , when the Attribute differs from the Subject , and agrees not with it : As when we say , Man is not a Beast , because Man is declared not to be such , as indeed he is not . This Division of a Proposition is according to Quality ; because when any one asks , of what kind the Proposition is , it is answered , Affirmative or Negative . VII . In an Affirmative Proposition the Attribute is restrained . We are to observe , that in an Affirmative Proposition the Attribute is to be taken in all its Comprehension , but not in all its Latitude . As when I say , Every Circle is a Figure ; whatsoever is contained in the Idea or Essence of a Figure , the same is affirmed of a Circle ; but yet the word Figure is not taken in its whole Latitude , for it is of much larger extent than that of Circle ; and therefore this Proposition cannot be simply converted in saying , Every Figure is a Circle . Wherefore in this Proposition the Attribute is restrained by the Subject , and reacheth no farther than the Subject doth . VIII . But not in a Negative . But the case is different in a Negative Proposition ; as , No Circle is a Square : For here the Attribute is taken in its whole Latitude ; so as that we may say as well , that No Square is a Circle , and all Squares must be denied of a Circle . But the Attribute is not taken according to the whole Comprehension of its Idea , as if all the Attributes of a Square , were to be denied of a Circle : For a Circle and Square agree in the Idea or Notion of Figure . IX . There are Propositions Universal , Particular and Singular . There is another Distinction between Propositions , which ariseth from the Subjects , that go before the Copular according to which they are called , Universal , Particular , or Singular . An Universal Proposition is that to whose Subject a Note of Universality is annexed ; such as Every or All , None : As , Every Man has a Soul ; because Man is a common Term , which is taken in its whole Latiude . But when a common Term is only taken in an undeterminate part of its Extension , with these Notes ; Some , Some Body , &c. then it constitutes a Particular Proposition , whether it Affirm , as Some Lovers are miserable ; or deny as , Some Courtiers are unjust . But if the Subject of the Proposition be Particular , it makes a Singular Proposition , as Charles . I. now Reigneth in England . And this Distribution of a Proposition , into Universal , Particular and Singular , is said to be made with respect to Quantity , because when any one asks Quanta ( of what extent ) the Proposition is , we fitly answer , that it is Universal , Particular or Singular . The Second Rule . Concerning the Judgment of an Vniversal , Particular and Singular Proposition . X. The Second Rule . The value of these Propositions is to be Estimated , from the Extension and Limitation of the Subject and Attribute . XI . Universality is towfold , Metaphysical and Moral . That we may the more exactly distinguish Universal Propositions from Particular , we are to take notice of a two-fold Universality , the one Metaphysical , the other Moral . Metaphysical Universality , is when a thing is taken according to its whole Extension , without any Exception : As , Every Body is Extended : For this admits no Exception . Moral Universality is that which hath Exception ; because in Moral Things , it is only minded whether things be so for the most part , as they are declared to be . As if one should say , All Singers have this fault , that they never will be entreated to Sing , but when not entreated , they can never leave Singing : Because it is sufficient if it commonly be so . For seeing that such Propositions as these , are not so general but that they admit of Exception , nothing can be rigorously infer'd from them ; since it may be false of this or the other particular Singer , that he will never be Entreated to Sing , and never cease Singing when not Entreated . XII . Propositions of the Singulars comprehended under one Genus . There are other Propositions that are Universal de Generibus Singulorum , but not de Singulis Generum , that is , of all the Species contained under one Genus ; but not of all the Particulars of the same kind : As , when it is said that all living Creatures were saved in the Ark of Noah , which is not so to be understood , as if all , of all the Species of Animals had been shut up in the Ark , in the time of the Deluge ; but only that some of all kinds were there saved . XIII . Propositions Indefinite . Besides the Universal , Particular and Singular Propositions , there are those which are called Indefinite , which tho' they have an Universal Subject ; Yet the same is taken neither Universally nor Particularly , but Indeterminately : As , Man is a Living Creature . A Triangle has Three Angles equal to Two Right ones . Because no Universal Note as Every , None , or Particular , as Some , Some one , is put before Man and Triangle . XIV . Of Propositions , some are Simple and others Compound . A Proposition in general is divided into Simple and Compound . That is a Simple Proposition , which consists only of one Subject and Predicate : As , Man is a Living Creature . A Loadstone draws Iron . Compound Propositions are such as consist of more Subjects and Predicats : As , Peter and John , went up at the ninth Hour of Prayer . Where this Attribute went up , is not affirmed of one Subject , but of more than one , viz. Peter and John. And such Propositions as these are Equivalent to two or more Propositions ; for if this Proposition were to be explained , we must do it by these two Propositions , Peter went up , John went up . XV. Words Adjective make a Complex or Compound Term. Words Adjective , or Connotative , make a Complex Term , whether they be put alone , or joyn'd with Substantives . For the Word Wise , doth confusedly signifie the thing in which Wisdom is ; but denotes Wisdom distinctly . And when I say , a Wise Man , in these two Words a kind of Proposition is contained : For it comes to the same thing whether I say , a Wise Man , or a Man that is Wise . Wherefore every Adjective or Connotative Term , doth include a Proposition , which since it accedes from without , to the Proposition called Principal , it may be rightly called an Adjunct , or Incident Proposition . The Third Rule . Of the Judgment of a Simple and Compound Proposition . XVI . The Third Rule . The Simplicity or Composition of a Proposition is taken from the Combination or Disjunction of the Terms , that is , of the Subject and Predicate , whether the same be single or manifold . XVII . Compound Propositions are manyfold . Compound Propositions are of two kinds ; for some are such in which the Composition is Evident ; others again in which it is more hid , which the Logicians therefore call Exponibiles : Of the first sort are Propositions , Copulative , Disjunctive , Conditional , Causal , Relative , and Discretive . XVIII . Of Compound Propositions some are Copulative . Copulative Propositions are such as include more Subjects and Predicates , joyned by an Affirmative or Negative Conjunction . As when I say , the Sun and Moon Illuminate the Earth ; for here I joyn Sun and Moon together , and affirm of them both , that they Illuminate the Earth . For the parts of a Copulative Proposition , are entire simple Propositions , which have another Predicate or Subject . XIX . Some Disjunctive . Disjunctive Propositions are those in which the Disjunctive Note or , either , whether , and the like is found ; As , a Man either has , or has not a Child . Either the Earth is mov'd about the Sun , or the Sun about the Earth . The truth of which Propositions , depends upon the necessary Opposition of the Parts , between which no Medium can be assigned . And therefore this Disjunctive Proposition , It is either a Man , or an Animal , is false , because the Parts are not opposite to each other . As is likewise this , It is either Peace or War , because there may be a Truce or Cessation of Arms , which is a Mean between War and Peace . So that to the absolute Truth of Disjunctive Propositions , it is necessary that they have no Mean at all ; but to their being Morally true it is sufficient , if commonly they have none . XX. Others Conditional . Conditional Propositions consist of two Propositions , joyned by the Conditional If , as ; If God be merciful , he will forgive Sinners : If that be a Triangle , it hath three Angles equal to two Right ones . The First , In which the Conditional is put , is called the Antecedent , and the other the Consequent . And it is to be noted , that the Truth of an Hypothetical or Conditional Proposition , doth not consist in the Truth of the Antecedent or Consequent , but in the Union and Knitting of them both by the Conditional If ; for a Conditional Proposition may be true , tho' both its Parts be false ; as If a Tree walks it hath Feet . XXI . Others Causal . Causal Propositions , are such as contain two Propositions , joyned by the Causal Conjunctions Because , That ; As , A Covetous Man loves no Body , because he confides only in himself . Kings are often raised to a Throne , that they may be miserable . For to the Truth of such Propositions as these it is requisit , that the one of them be the cause of the other , and therefore both of them must be True : For what is false hath no Cause , neither can it be the Cause of another thing . XXII . Others Relative . Relative Propositions , are known by some Note of Comparison ; as Where the Treasure is , there is the Heart also . A Woman is so far to be esteemed , as she is Vertuous . XXIII . Others Discretive . Lastly , Discretive Propositions , are such in which we frame different Judgments , and determine the said Difference by such Signs as these , But , Yet ; As , Tho' GOD be Merciful , yet he is Just . The beloved thing may be separated from a Lover , but Love not . The Truth of these depends on the Truth of their Parts , and of the separation which is put between them . Tho' both the Parts were true , yet because there is no opposition between them , this would be a ridiculous Proposition : A Covetous Man Loves Riches , and yet cannot endure that any one should be Liberal towards the Poor . A Discretive is the only Proposition that is excluded from the Composition of a Syllogism . XXIV . Of Propositions some are Subaltern , Contrary , Subcontrary , and Contradictory . Amongst Propositions that have the same Terms , and disposed in the same Order , but modified with various Quantity or Quality , are reckon'd up the Subaltern , Contrary , Subcontrary and Contradictory . Subaltern Propositions are an Universal , and particular of the same Quality : As , Every Circle is a Figure ; some one Circle is a Figure . Contrary , are two Universal Propositions of divers Qualities : As , Every Man is Rich , No Man is Rich ; which may be both false . Subcontrary Propositions , are two particulars of divers Qualities ; As , Some one Man is a Physician ; Some one Man is no Physician . Contradictory are such as differ in Quantity as well as Quality ; As , Every Man is a Living Creature , Some one Man is no Living Creature : Which cannot both of them be true , nor both false . CHAP. XIII . Concerning the Truth and Falshood of Propositions . I. Truth is found in three things T Is commonly said that Truth and Falshood are found in these three Things ; viz. In the Mind , in Things , and in Propositions . Truth is in the Mind , as in its Subject : So things are said to be true , in the Divine Intellect , because they had there from Eternity , their objective and known Being : Which does not properly place any Eternity in them , but in God. Things are said to be True , when they have such an Essence as they ought to have , or when they comport with their Idea ; and those false which disagree with their Definition or Essence . So GOD answers to that Idea , which he himself hath of a Being , Infinite , Immense , Eternal , &c. But the Sun is no true God , because it differs from that form of Cogitation which we have concerning God. II. Wherein the Truth and Falshood of a Proposition doth consist . The Truth of a Proposition , consists in this , that it pronounceth a Thing to be such as it is : As when I say , the Earth is Round , it is a true Proposition , because I Affirm that of the Earth , which belongs to it , viz. a Round Figure . So likewise when I say , A Beast is not Rational , it is a true Proposition , because I remove from a Brute what does not belong to it . Wherefore Truth is said to be the Property of a Proposition , and to which it peculiarly doth belong . For since a Proposition is either Affirmative or Negative , that wherein the Attribute is affirmed to be in the Subject , is True , that is , conformable to the Object , if it be really in it ; and False if it be not in it . And so a Negative Proposition , in which the Attribute is denied to be in the Subject , is True if it be not in it ; but False if it be in it . III. Truth is either objective or Subjective , which is also called Formal . The Truth which consists in the Connexion or dissent of both extreams , is called Objective ; but Subjective or Formal Truth , is the Judgment or Act of the Mind , by which the extreams of a Proposition are joyned together ; or disjoyned as far as the Judgment agrees with the thing it self . IV. One and the same Proposition cannot be true and false at one and the same time . The same Proposition cannot be both True and False , for then Contradictories would exist together : For suppose some Affirmative Proposition ; if it be true , the Attribute agrees with the Subject ; if False , it doth not agree . And therefore , if we should suppose it to be True and False at once , then must it at the same time agree and not agree . Now it is a contradiction that the same thing should agree and disagree with the same thing ; or that the same Attribute should be , and not be in the same Subject . It follows also , that we cannot at the same time Assent to , and Dissent from the same thing , because both those Judgments are opposite , and that the one excludes the other : Which would happen , if the same Affirmative Proposition , were at the same time True and False ; for we should assent to it , if the Attribute did agree with the Subject ; and should deny our assent , if it did not agree ; which plainly implies a Contradiction . V. An Objection answered . If you object , this Copulative Proposition , Claudius and Theophilus Gaze upon the Stars , when only one of them beholds the Stars , will be both True and False ; seeing it is True , that the one beholds the Stars , and the other not . I answer , that this Proposition to speak absolutely is False , forasmuch as Copulative Propositions import a Sameness of Time , and their Truth depends on both extremes , so that if one of them doth not agree with its Attribute , it renders the Proposition False . As , suppose any one should say , A Good Life and Riches are necessary to Salvation , this Proposition would be False , because that tho' a Good Life be necessary to Salvation , yet Riches are not . But if we take this Proposition without including any Sameness of time , then it will furnish us with two Mental Propositions , and so it will be True , Claudius Gazeth on the Stars , and Theophilus does not ; and on the contrary . VI. Propositions necessarely true , and necessarily false . Tho' it be necessary that all Propositions be either True or False , yet are not all equally true and certain : Or which is the same , the Attributes do not agree with the Subjects in the like degree of necessity . For some Attributes are after that manner in their Subjects , that their Subjects cannot be without them : As Extension , with respect to Bodily Substance ; Cogitation , in reference to the Soul : And therefore this Proposition , A Body is an extended Substance ; A Soul is a thinking Substance , are called necessary , because their Predicats and Subjects are united by an Indissoluble Band. Whereas other Attributes are at such a distance from those Subjects , that its impossible for them to agree with them , as a Stone with relation to Man ; Unevenness with respect to the Number Two ; and therefore these Propositions , Man is a Stone ; The Number Two is Uneven , are said to be necessarily false ; because there is a manifest Repugnance , that the Predicate Stone should agree with Man , and Unevenness with the Number Two. Both these kind of Propositions , by reason of the immutable Consent or Dissent of their Terms , are said to be of Eternal Truth . The Fourth Rule . Concerning the Judgment , or a Proposition necessarily true or false . VII . The Fourth Rule . That Proposition , whether Affirmative or Negative , is true , wherein things to be joyned , because of the immediate and indissoluble Band of the Terms , that is , of the Subject and Predicate , are conjoyned universally of themselves , and reciprocally ; or are disjoyned , because of the incompossibility or repugnancy of their Terms . And on the other hand , That Proposition is false , wherein Things to be joyned are disjoyned , and things Dissentaneous conjoyned . VIII . The Rule explained . For seeing that Objective Truth consists in the Agreement or disagreement of both Extreams , viz. of the Subject and Attribute , it must follow that that Proposition in which things consentaneous are Conjoyned , because of their indissoluble Connexion , is necessarily true : As , Man is a living Creature ; because Man , without a living Creature , cannot be . And , Man is not a Beast , is necessarily true ; because it is repugnant that Man should partake of the Nature of a Beast . In like manner these Propositions , Man is not a living Creature , and Man is a Beast , are necessarily false ; because it is a contradiction that living Creature should be separate from Man , or that Man should be a Beast . The Fifth Rule . IX . The Fifth Rule . That Proposition , whether Affirmative or Negative , is contingently true , wherein the Subject and Attribute do only sometimes agree , or not agree , because of their separable connexion ; and that false , in which the thing is otherwise exprest than it is , whether it be propounded Affirmatively , by conjoyning things which are to be disjoyned ; or Negatively by disjoyning things to be conjoyned . So this Proposition , The Air is enlightned , or Man runs , is only contingently true ; because the Subject in the first Proposition , viz. Air , may be without its Attribute , as being but sometimes enlightned : And the Subject in the second Proposition , viz. Man , may likewise be without its Attribute , seeing it is but sometimes that he Runs . But if any one , whilst the Air is enlightned , should say the Air is not enlightned , the Proposition will be false ; because he separates Light from the Air , which then agrees to it : Or if when it is dark , he should say , The Air is Light ; because he joyns things that ought to be disjoyned . X. What Opinion , Science and Error is . Hence it appears , what is a probable Proposition and Opinion , as also what Science and Error is . For seeing that the probability of a Proposition consists in this , that it approacheth more to Evidence than Obscurity , that Proposition is to be accounted probable to which the Mind assents , because of the likelyhood there is of the Attributes agreeing with the Subject , or on the contrary , of the Attributes disagreeing with the Subject . Whereas Science is , when the Truth of a thing is certainly and evidently perceived by Reason . For since the certainty of a Proposition depends of its Evidence , that Proposition is accounted certain to which the Mind firmly adheres , and whose Attribute it judges doth necessarily agree with the Subject . And lastly , Error is , when the Mind assents to a false Proposition for a false Reason , which it apprehends to be a true one . XI . Contingent Propositions , are disjunctively necessarily true or false . There are other Propositions , which tho' they be neither necessarily true nor false , yet must needs be either true or false disjunctively ; such are those Propositions whose Predicats do only contingently agree with their Subjects , and may be absent or separate from them : As , Rich , Powerful , Married , &c. with respect to Man. Wherefore these Propositions , Croesus is rich ; Caligula is powerful ; Thomas is a Husband ; are said to be Contingent , that is , they are true in such a manner , as that they may be false ; and yet it is necessary for them to be either true or false separately : Because every Proposition , in contingent matter , is either true or false disjunctively , that is , cannot be deny'd to be either true or false . It may indeed be deny'd , that such a Proposition is necessarily true or necessarily false ; but it cannot be deny'd , but that it must be either necessarily true , or necessarily false disjunctively . XII . A true Contingent Proposition , cannot be changed into a false one . A true Proposition in Contingent Matter , cannot be changed into a false one . Which is thus proved ; because if this Proposition , for Example , John walketh , be true , tho' but in one instant of time , yet it cannot be said to be false in that very instant wherein it is true : But it is true at one instant ; therefore for that instant it cannot be false . Moreover , this Proposition considers John walking such a time , at which time wherein he is supposed to walk , it is always true ; or if it signifie another time , in which it may be John doth not walk , in that case the Object is changed , and therefore is not the same , but another Proposition . XIII . Objection . If you say , That during the Time wherein this Proposition , John walks , is pronounc'd , John , who before walked , may cease from motion , and rest ; and thus this Proposition , John walks , which before was true , will be changed into a false one . XIV . Answer . To this I answer , That tho' at that time wherein this Proposition , John walks , is pronounced , John may cease to walk ; yet the Proposition continues true notwithstanding , if once it was true : Because it either determines the time wherein he walks , or that wherein he did walk , and in this respect the Proposition is true ; or else absolutely denotes some difference of time in reference to which it is verified , and therefore with respect to that Time wherein he hath walked , is true . XV. Propositions concerning a future Contingency , have a determinate truth or falshood . The Difficulty is greater concerning the truth of Propositions of a future Contingent : For it is evident enough , that of opposit Propositions of the Present time , one is true and the other false : As , Peter speaks , and Peter doth not speak : But it may be doubted , whether the same truth be found in those Propositions that respect the Future time ; As , Peter will speak to Morrow ; Peter will not speak to Morrow . But it seems certain , that Propositions of a future Contingent , have a determinate truth or falsity : For supposing Peter to exist , these two Propositions , He shall speak , He shall not speak , are contradictory : Now as two Contradictories cannot be together , so it is impossible they should be both of them true , and therefore one or other must be true only ; and therefore Peter will either speak , or not speak ; if he does , the Proposition is true ; if he does not speak , it is false : So that one of them is determinately true , and the other false . Again , such as are the Propositions of the Present or Past time , with respect to Truth , or Falshood , such are the Propositions of the Future : But one of these is determinately true , and the other false ; Therefore , &c. The Major is clear : For he that pronounceth that a thing will be , and that it will not be , doth speak as true , as he who pronounceth that a thing is , and that it is not ; or that a thing was , or that it was not , because it is necessary that one of them must come to pass . XVI . Yet is is not necessary , that it be known which of them is true . Neither doth it hinder , that we know not which of the Propositions be true , and which false : Because the Truth of Propositions doth not depend upon its being known , or unknown ; but upon the Being , or not Being of the thing . Besides , it is certain , that GOD knows which of them is true , and that he can reveal the same to whomsover he pleaseth . CHAP. XIV . Of Division , and Definition . I. Transition , or Connexion of the following Matter , with what goes before . HAving explained the Nature of Propositions , and clearly and distinctly unfolded their Affections of Affirmation and Negation , Universality and Particularity , Truth and Falshood ; it only now remains , that we add something concerning Distribution and Definition , which are accounted the most Scientifical , or conducive to Science of all other Propositions ; and are nothing else , but Tokens or Instances of a clear and distinct Perception ; or , if you will , they are Primary Enunciations , Axioms of solid Judgment , and Maxims worthy of all belief . II. What Division is . DIVISION therefore is the Distribution of some Whole into Parts ; As , of a Living Creature into Man and Beast ; of Number into Even and Uneven . Now Division will not a little conduce to our acquiring a clear and distinct Knowledge of Things , if so be we know how dexterously to make use of it . For seeing that almost in every Object there are many things to be considered , which because of the Difficulties wherewith they are involved , cannot be clearly apprehended by us ; it is needful to resolve them into Parts , that so having by Division removed all Confusion , the Particulars may more clearly appear such as they are . III. Division is either Real , or Mental . Division is twofold , the one Real , the other Mental : The Real is , whereby a Whole is really and indeed divided into Parts ; as a House into the Roof , Walls , Foundation , &c. of which it consists . A Mental Division is , when we divide a Whole only by the help of our Understanding : As when we consider in GOD , his Goodness , Omnipotence , Eternity . For it doth not always follow , that the thing which our Mind distributes into Parts , is compounded and divisible ; but that only our Conception of it is compounded , and unable to understand so many Attributes under one and the same Notion . IV. The Primary Division of Genus and Species ; and of an Integral , and Essential Whole . Division is manifold , according to the threefold kind of a Whole and its Parts . For it is either of the Whole Genus into its inferiour Species , or of the Species into its Individuals : As the Division of Substance into Mind and Body ; of Mind , into an Angel , or Man's Soul : The other is of an Integral Whole into its Parts ; which is properly to be called Partition : As the Division of the Body of Man into Head , Teeth , Hands , and Arms. The third and last , is the Division of an Essential into its Essential Parts ; as the division of Man into Mind and Body . And these Three are called Primary Divisions . V. The Difference between the Division of a Genus into Species , and of a Whole into its Members . There is this difference between the two former Divisions : In the Division of a Genus into Species , and of a Species into Individuals ; the thing Divided may in the Nominative Case be predicated , of the several Parts that divide it : As when Living Creature is divided into Man and Beast , Living Creature is exprest in the Nominative of Man and Beast ; as Man is a Living Creature ; a Beast is a Living Creature . But in the Division of an Integral into its Members , the thing divided cannot be predicated of the Dividing Members , but in an Oblique case ; as when a Body is divided into Head , Breast , Belly , &c. it cannot be pronounced of the Parts , but in an Oblique : For we cannot say , the Head is the Body , the Belly is the Body , but part of the Body . And the reason of this difference is , because the whole Essence of the Genus is included in the Species , whereas the Nature of the Whole is not in every Part. VI. The Secondary Division of an Accident into Subjects , or contrariwise . The other Divisions are called Secondary ; as a Division of an Accident into the Subjects , in which it is found . As if we should say of the things that are moved , one is the Earth , another is the Moon , &c. A Second , is the division of a Subject into its Accidents ; as when a Subject is ranged or distributed according to its Accidents . As for Example , Some men are Learned , others Ignorant ; some Good , and others Wicked . The Third , of an Accident into its Accidents ; by which an Accident is divided , not by its own Differences , but by other Accidents of a different kind : As when we say of White things , some are hard , others soft , &c. VII . Conditions of a good Division . The First . Moreover , there are some Conditions required to the constituting of a right Division . First , That all and every one of its Parts be exactly enumerated , without omitting any that belong to it ; so that the Dividing Members may exhaust the Divided Whole , and neither be more extended or contracted than it : As , Even , and Uneven , do comprehend the whole extent of this Term , Number , seeing there is no Number which is not in it self either Even , or Uneven . VIII . The Second . The Second is , That both parts of the Division , be as far as may be expressed in positive Terms . For the Attributes of a thing that is distributed , may be better understood by Positive Terms , than by Negative . I add , as far as may be , because it sometimes happens , that the Positive Thing wants a Positive Name , and so we are forced to use a Negative in the dividing of it : As when we divide Living Creature into Rational and Irrational : Or Substance into Material and Immaterial . IX . The Third . The Third Condition is , That the Whole be distributed into its nearest Parts : According to this Rule , it would not be well done to divide Substance into Rational and Irrational ; because these are not immediately contained under Substance , but under Living Creature . The Sixth Rule . Of the Judgment of Distribution . X. The Sixth Rule . That Distribution or Division is the most perfect of all , which doth honestly and equally divide a Whole into its Parts ; whether it be a Genus into Species , or an Integral into its dividing Members , or a Subject with respect to its Accidents , or an Accident into the Subject , to which by the Right of Division they belong . XI . Explication of the Rule . Thus the most perfect Distribution of a Genus is , when all its Species are Enumerated : As if one should say of Living Creatures , some Walk , others Fly , others Swim , others Creep , and others are Plant-Animals . An Integral Whole is well divided , when all the Parts that constitute it are instanc'd : As the Parts of a Man are , Head , Breast , Belly , Arms , Legs , &c. That is a perfect Distribution of a Subject , with respect to its Adjuncts , when the Adjuncts are reduc'd to certain Heads , and these again subdivided into others : As when we say , In Man there are some Adjuncts of the Soul , and others of the Body ; those of the Soul , are Knowledge , Virtue , &c. those of the Body are Health , Beauty , Tallness , Strength , &c. XII . What a Definition is , and of what Parts it consists . DEFINITION is that which manifests the Nature of Things , shewing why they are , and how they are distinguisht from others . There are two things principally that constitute a Definition , Genus and Difference . By the first we understand the agreeableness which the Thing Defined hath with others , that are of the like nature with it . By the Difference we are informed , how it differs from the same , and what Rank it keeps amongst Real Beings . As for Example , when we define Man to be a Reasonable Living Creature ; by a Living Creature which is the next Genus of Man , we understand something that is common to other things like unto us , viz. the Beasts . And by Reasonable , which is the Difference , we clearly perceive our Distinction from them ; forasmuch as no Beasts are partakers of Reason . Definition therefore is that , which by exhibiting the Essential Parts of the Thing Defined , expresseth its Nature ; as in the foregoing Example . XIII . In Definitions we must make use of the nearest Genus . We are to observe , that every Genus is not sufficient to lay open the Nature of a Thing , but the Nearest only : Partly , because it contains all the Genera above it , so that by expressing it we include all the rest : For he that affirms Man to be an Animal , doth consequently affirm him to be Living , Corporeal and a Substance , and whatsoever else can be imagined higher . Partly , because there is no other Genus can more fitly be joyned with the Specifical Difference , than the nearest , nor which doth more correspond with it . XIV . Of Definitions some are Essential , others Accidental . Amongst Definitions some are Essential , which properly deserve the Name of Definition ; and are those which are explained by their Essential Degrees . By Essential Degrees , I mean Essential Attributes , which constitute the Nature or Essence of a thing . And these are only Genus and Difference , as , Animal and Reasonable with respect to Man. Other Definitions are Accidental and less exact , which express the thing by some Properties or External Causes , as when we define Man , to be a Creature made after the likeness of God. For tho' Property be an Essential Attribute , yet not in that Sense as if it did constitute the Essence or Nature of a Thing , but because it immediately follows the Nature of a thing already constituted : As , Partition and Mobility with relation to a Body . Wherefore the first Definition is called a Perfect Definition , because it consists only of Causes that do constitute the Essence , and by them doth most fully and perfectly lay open the Nature of the thing : Whereas the second Definition is called imperfect , or a Description , because it defines and explains the Thing by other ways , than by its Causes . XV. What things are required to a p●rfect Definition . Yet we are not to think , that all things that are objected to the Mind , may be comprehended in a Definition ; but it is required , that the Thing which is to be defined be One , that is of one Essence ; for those Things which involve a manyfold . Nature , cannot be manifested by a Genus and Difference . The Second is , That it be Universal ; for seeing that Definition is a Declaration of the Nature of a Thing , it is necessary that we divest it of all particular Circumstances , that it may be viewed such as it is . Thirdly , No Universal Nature but a Species can be exactly defined ; and that because nothing but a Species can consist of a Genus and Difference ; and therefore seeing that the Supream Genus does want them , it follows that the Things which are defined must be either Species of the lowest Rank , or Intermediate : Which also will but be obscurely defined , without their immediate Genus and nearest Difference . XVI ▪ Rules of a right Definition . The First There are Rules and Precepts of a right Definition . First , That the Definition must be of the same extent with the Thing defined , and agree to all those things which the Thing defined agrees with . As for Example , because Animal agrees to a Man , therefore a Corporeal Substance endowed with Life , Sense and Motion , which is the Definition of an Animal , must agree to Man also . XVII . The Second Secondly , That nothing be wanting or redounding in the Definition , but that only those Words be made use of , that are necessary for the explaining of its Nature : Wherefore this Definition of a Man , That he is a Reasonable , Mortal Animal , is Superfluous , because the Word Mortal is not needful to the Definition of a Man. The Third . The Third , That the Definition consist of that which is more known : For seeing that a Definition is declarative of the Essence , it must therefore employ clearer Terms ; lest we should be guilty of endeavouring to explain an unknown thing , by that which is more unknown , and so instead of attaining a clear and distinct Perception , should fall into Obscurity and Confusion . Wherefore the common Definition of time , that it is , The Number or Measure of Motion , cannot be good , seeing it is evident , or apparent , that Time doth as well Measure Rest , as Motion , since we say , as well that a thing hath rested so long , as that it hath been in Motion for that time . Booke 1. Part 1. Chap 12. G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Rt. Worshipfull Sr. William Thomson Knight , their Majesties Sergeant at Law , only Son and Heyre of Henry Thomson of Hollin Hall near Rippon in yorkshire Gent , by Elizabeth Daughter and Coheyre of Sr. Henry Blencow , of Blencow in Cumberland Knight . This Plate is humbly Dedicated , by Richard Blome . The Seventh Rule . Concerning the Judgment of Definition . XIX . The Seveath Rule . That Definition is the most perfect and consummate of all others , which defines the Thing by its Essential Attributes , or constituent causes of its Nature and Essence . As if one should define the Soul to be a Cogitating Substance , or a Body to be a Substance consisting of three Dimensions . Because Substance as the Genus doth constitute the Soul and Body ; and Cogitation as the Difference , distinguisheth the Soul from the Body ; As Extension in Length , Breadth and Depth , doth difference the Body from the Soul : Neither is there any thing else required to the understanding of them both . The Third Part of Logick . Concerning the Minds Ratiocination , Syllogism . CHAP. XV. Of Reasoning or Argumentation . I. What it is to Reason or Discourse HAving spoken of Idea's which represent Substance , and their Modes , and concerning the Judgment and Axioms which arise from their Connexion , it now remains to explain what Reasoning or Ratiocination is , or that Judgment , by which from one Axiom , another is gathered or inferred . For to Reason is nothing else than from a thing known to derive the Knowledge of another : And Reasoning is nothing else , than the Knowledge of one thing deduc'd from the Knowledge of another : As when a Man infers the Heaven to be extended , because all Bodies are extended . And therefore this Judgment is called Dianoetick or Discursive , because the Mind by it runs from one thing to another , and from the Antecedent is lead to the Consequent . II. What it is that Argumentation superadds to Judgment . Wherefore as Judgment , or the second Operation of the Mind , superadds to the first , which is Perception , Assertion , that is , Assent or Adhesion to Truth : So Ratiocination adds to them both , Deduction , Illation , &c. III. What thingsare to be minded in Discourse . In every Argumentation there are two Things chiefly to be minded , the Question it self , that is propounded , and the Argument or Reason that proves the same , or which confirms that which is doubtful , by those things that are certain and evident , and from the Question produceth an undoubted Conclusion . Accordingly in every Argumentation there are two things , that which infers , and that which is inferr'd ; that which is gathered , and that from whence it is gathered , howsoever these parts may be disposed or exprest . IV. Ratiocination contains two Parts . Hence it is that every Argumentation consists of two Parts , viz. of an Antecedent and Consequent , or the Part inferring and that which is inferr'd . That goes before for the confirming of something else ; this follows and is gathered from the former : As , when I say , An Angel is Immaterial ; and therefore is Indivisible . For the first Part , viz. An Angel is Immaterial , is the Antecedent , and the other , An Angel is Indivisible is the Consequent : And the word Therefore is the Sign of the Inference , or formal Consecution . V. The Premisses in is be more known thar . the Conclusion . It is requisit to the Notion of an Antecedent , from which a certain Conclusion may be deduced , that it be better known and more evident to us ; for otherwise it will not conduce to that which we would infer thence . For the Order of Science requires , that beginning from the Easiest things , we proceed by degrees to those which are more difficult to be known . Wherefore , to discourse readily , it is needful that we have ready at hand a Stock of many Axioms , Springing from the Complexion of the Things we have clearly and distinctly conceived , that may serve us instead of Principles , and by whose helps we may arrive to the knowledge of things more abstruse . For we must not promiscuously make use of any known and certain Propositions to infer any thing ; but it is requisit that between them there be some Connexions by means whereof , this rather than any thing else may be gathered or inferr'd from it . Because there is a Consequence assigned to every Argumentation , yea a necessity of Consequence , which doth not only depend on the Order of Knowledge , but also on the Natural Connexion of the Things that are to be known . VI. Reasonings or Argumentations differs in Truth . All Argumentations have not the same force ; for seeing that the Judgments of which they are compounded , have not the same Connexion , they must needs according to the variety of Propositions , produce various kinds of Reasoning . For Consequences that are deduc'd from Contingent Premisses , cannot have so great Truth and Certainty as those , which are inferr'd from Necessary Premisses , and which cannot be otherwise . By Example , this Proposition , Sempronia Loves her Childeren , deduced from this Antecedent , every Mother Loves her Childeren , differs from this , Peter is an Animal , which is deduced from this Antecedent , A Man is an Animal : Because the certainty we have that a Man is an Animal , is Metyphysical ; Seeing we cannot conceive a Man any otherwise . And therefore this Proposition , A Man is an Animal , is so True , that it can never be false : Whereas the certainty we have , that Mothers Love their Childeren , is only Moral , since it can happen that some Women may not Love their Children . VII The Definition of an Argumentation in general . An Argumentation in general , is a Speech wherein from certain Propositions expressly or tacitly premised , An other Proposition distinct from those premisses is necessarily inferred , by Reason of the due Disposition of them . VIII . What the Major Preposition is . If there be just three Propositions in the Argumentation , The first is called the Major , because in it the Major Term is disposed with the Mean or Medium . And by some it is called only The Proposition , by way of Excellence , because it propounds the Foundation of the whole Argumentation . IX . What the Minor is . The Second is called the Minor , in which the Minor Term is disposed with the Medium . It is by some called Assumption , because it is assum'd or taken in as a help , to infer the Third , or Conclusion . X. What the Conclusion is . The Third is called Conclusion , in which the Minor and Major Terms are disposed . And is by some termed the Question , because it contains that whose Truth was enquired after , as also the Inference or Consequence , because it is inferr'd and follows from what went before , and that by the illative Conjunction Therefore , &c. XI . The two Propositions must go before in every 〈◊〉 . The two first Propositions are called Premisses , because they must Precede the Conclusion , at least in our Conception , in as much as it necessarily follows from them ; because it is impossible , supposing the Truth of the Premisses , that the Conclusion should not be true . Yet it is not necessary , that in every Argumentation the Premisses should be expressed , since frequently one alone is sufficient , to make the Understanding , tho' somewhat confusedly , to conceive both . For he who from this Antecedent , Every Stone is a Body , deduceth this Consequence , A Diamond is a Body , had a confused Knowledge thereof in the Antecedent , wherein it is implicitly contained . And he that from this Proposition , A Body is a Substance , infers , that A Diamond is a Substance , by knowing it to be a Body , knows it to be a Substance . XII . In every Argumenmentation are found three Idea's . Every Argumentation consists of three Idea's ; the Minor Extream , or Idea , which is the Subject of the Question , or Conclusion , and is also called the Minor Term ; because the Subject is of less extent than the Predicat : The Major Extream , or Idea , which is the Predicat , and which is also called the Major Term , because it is of larger extent than the Subject : And the Mean , or Medium , which is twice put in the Premisses , and is that which joyns both Idea's together ; as in this Argumentation : Every Intellectual Substance is Cogitative , The Mind is an Intellectual Substance ; Therefore the Mind is Cogitative . Here Intellectual Substance is the Middle Term ; Cogitative , the Major Extream ; and Mind , the Minor Extream . XIII . Why there are three Idea's required in every Argumentatation . The Reason why these Three are required in every Argumentation is hinted by Aristotle , when he saith , That we meet with Three things in every Science , or Demonstration , viz. the Subject , of which the Attribute is demonstrated : The Property it self , or Attribute , which agrees with the Subject ; and the Reason , or Principle , which makes out this Agreement of the Affection with the Subject . So that the Subject , of which the Demonstration is made , is the Less Extream ; the Attribute , or Affection , which is prov'd , the Greater Extream ; and the Common Term , wherewith the Subject and Attribute are joyned together , is the Argument , or Middle Term. XIV . The matter explained by an Example . For Example : This Question is propounded to be explained , whether the Earth be Round ; and the thing required is , That from the Doubtful Question a certain Conclusion be deduced : The Earth ir the Subject or Minor Extream ; Roundness is the Affection , or Property , to be demonstrated ; and I am to find out a Medium , by which it may appear that the Attribute agrees with the Subject . Which may be this : That the Shadow of the Earth , as appears in a Lunar Eclipse , is Round , for the Shadow intimates the figure of Opaque Bodies : From which accordingly this Syllogism may be framed . A Body whose Shadow is round , must it self be round also . But the Earth is a Body , whose Shadow is round . Therefore the Earth is round . XV. Somtimes more than three Idea's are found in an Argumentation . But notwithstanding that an Argumentation is made up of three Propositions , yet many more may be added to them , without any Redundance or Defect ; as long as the Precepts of Ratiocination are but observed . For if the Third Idea , which we have taken to discern whether the Attribute agree with the Subject , or be removed from it , after having compared it with both the Extreams , do not give us a clear discerning , whether it agree with it or no ; we may assume another fourth Term , to procure a further clearness ; and if that be not yet sufficient , may proceed to a fifth , until we come to some Term , which may joyn the Attribute of the Conclusion with the Subject . As , supposing a Man should doubt whether Courtiers be miserable , he may consider that Courtiers are subject to many Passions , as Ambition , Envy , &c. and if he thinks this not to be sufficient , to prove them to be miserable , he may further examine what it is to be subject to Ambition , Envy , &c. which if he does , he shall find that it is continually to hanker after Honour , to be grieved at the prosperity of others , &c. and that such a Condition as this cannot but be obnoxious to many Miseries ; whence he may form this Argumentation : Courtiers are tormented with Ambition and Envy , and they that are so , are in continual Trouble , and they that are in continual Trouble , are miserable : Therefore Courtiers are miserable . XVI . The Division of an Argumentation into Perfect and Imperfect . Argumentation in General , is divided into Perfect , and Imperfect . Perfect Argumentation is a Syllogism , which forasmuch as it consists of Three Propositions , duly disposed , is of a perfect Form , and most proper to persuade . An Imperfect Argumentation is , either an Enthymeme , an Induction , an Example , a Dilemma , or a Sorites , whose Form is less accurate , and not so accommodate to persuade as the Perfect . We shall first treat of a Syllogism , and afterwards proceed to the rest . CHAP. XVI . Of Simple Syllogisms ; and those either Complex , or Incomplex . I. What Simple , and what Conjunct Syllogisms are . OF SYLLOGISMS , some are Simple , others are Conjunct . Simple Syllogisms are such , in which the Medium is only joyned to one Term of the Conclusion at once : Conjunct are those in which the Medium is at once joyned with both Extreams . Accordingly this Syllogism : Every Planet is enlighted by the Sun : Saturn is a Planet : Therefore Saturn is enlightned by the Sun. Is Simple , because the Medium , viz. Planet is separately joyned with the Term Saturn , which is the Subject of the Conclusion . But for the contrary Reason this Syllogism : If a Covetous man serves Mammon , he cannot obey the Law of God ; But a Covetous man serves Mammon : Therefore a Covetous man cannot obey the Law of God. Is Conjunct , because a Covetous man , which is the Subject of the Conclusion , and cannot obey the Law of God , which is the Predicat , are both joyned with the Medium , s●rves Mammon , in the Major Proposition . Of this latter sort we shall speak in the next Chapter . II. There are two sorts of Simple Syllogisms . A Simple Syllogism is divided into two other kinds : For there are some , in which tho' the Conclusion be Complex , that is , composed of Complex Terms ; yet one part only of its Subject or Predicat is taken , to be joyned with the Medium in one Proposition ; and the rest , which is no more than one Term , is taken and joyned in the other Proposition : As in this Syllogism ; The Divine Law requires us , to honour Kings ; Charles the Second is a King : Therefore the Divine Law requires us to honour Charles the Second . There be others again , in which each whole Term of the Conclusion is joyned with the Medium ; to wit , the Attribute in the Major , and the Subject in the Minor. The former are called Complex , the latter Incomplex : And of these two kinds of Simple Syllogisms , we shall speak under this Head. III. The Definition of a Simple Syllogism , A Simple Syllogism therefore is a Perfect Argumentation , in which from two Propositions premised in the Antecedent , the Conclusion or Consequent necessarily follows , in case the two foregoing Propositions have been granted . I have said in the Definition , That the Conclusion necessarily follows from the Premisses ; because our assent to the Premisses necessitates the Conclusion , not only as to Species , as they call it , but as to Exercise . For the Knowing Faculty acts necessarily , that is , supposing all Requisites necessary for Operation , cannot chuse but operate : But when the Major and Minor are granted , there is nothing more wanting to infer the Conclusion ; therefore the Understanding cannot but infer it . IV. The Understanding cannot but assent to a Proposition that is clear and evident . Neither is it any obstacle to what hath been said , that the Understanding is subject to the Will : For this is false , whenever the Object is evidently and distinctly propounded to it ; because in that case it is forced to assent by the Evidence of of the thing . For we often experience in our selves , that the Understanding cannot be restrained from giving its assent to a Proposition which appears clear and manifest to it ; tho' the Will may sometimes indirectly hinder it , by diverring it , and busying it about other Objects : But this it cannot do directly , by commanding it not to assent to the Conclusion ; because the Understanding doth not follow the command of the Will in things that are Evident , but only in those that are obscure and doubtful . V. The Form of a Syllogism . The Form of a Syllogism , is the Regular disposition of the three Propositions , so that the Conclusion may necessarily follow from the Premisses ; which consists in this , that the Middle Term be fitly ranked with the two Extreams , that is , with the Major and Minor ; and also that the Propositions be orderly placed , as to Quantity , that is , Universality and Singularity ; and Quality , that is Affirmation and Negation . The former of these , which is the Disposition of the Terms , is called Figure ; the latter , which is the Determination of the Propositions , is called the Mode of a Syllogism . So that the Figure respects the remote Matter of a Syllogism , viz. the Three Terms , the Middle Term , and both Extreams ; whereas the Modus regards the next Matter of a Syllogism , viz. the Three Propositions , the Major , Minor , and Conclusion . VI. The three Figures of Syllogisms . There be three Figures of Syllogisms : The First is , when the Middle Term is the Subject in the Major , and the Praedicat in the Minor. The Second , when the Middle Term is the Praedicat in both Premisses . The Third is , when the Middle Term is the Subject in them both . VII . Of the Modes of Syllogisms . There are reckoned 21 Modes of Syllogisms , which may be reduced to 14. The Modes of the First Figure , are Barbara , Celarent , Darii , Ferio . Of the Second , Cesare , Camestres , Festino , Baroco . Of the Third ; Darapti , Felapton , Disamus , Datisi , Bocardo , Ferison . The Modes of the first Figure are called Direct and Perfect , because all manner of Questions , whether Affirmative or Negative , Universal or Particular , may be concluded by it . Whereas in the Second , Negatives only ; and in the Third , Particulars only can be inferr'd . In all the foregoing Artificial Words there are Three Syllables , whereof the first signifies the Major , the second the Minor , and the third the Conclusion ; and the Vowel of each Syllable shews what Quantity and Quality the Proposition must be of . For A signifies an Universal affirming ; E , an Universal denying ; I , a Particular affirming ; and O , a Particular denying Proposition , according to the common Distick . Asserit A , negat E , verum Generaliter ambo : Asserit I , negat O , sed Particulariter ambo . A affirms , E denies , but Generally both : I affirms , O denies , but Specially both . For the further clearing of the Figures of Syllogisms , I shall add Examples of the Modes of each Figure . The First Figure . Every Body is extended , Every Stone is a Body ; Therefore every Stone is extended . No Mode is a Substance , Every Figure is a Mode ; Therefore No Figure is a Substance . Every thing that is mov'd , is moved by another , Some Body is mov'd ; Therefore some Body is mov'd by another . No Spirit is Material , Some Substance is a Spirit ; Therefore some Substance is not Material . IX . On what Principles the first Figure is grounded . The force of the first Figure is grounded on the Dictum de Omni , and Dictum de Nullo . The Dictum de Omni is this : Whatsoever is Universally affirmed of an Universal , is also affirmed of that which is contained under that Universal : As of a Body , it is universally affirmed that it is Extended ; which must ▪ therefore also be affirmed of a Stone , which is contained under it . Dictum de Nullo is , when whatsoever is universally deny'd of an Universal , is also deny'd of that that which is comprehended under that Universal : As when every Substance is deny'd to be a Mode , and Figure is contain'd under the Notion of a Mode ; therefore Figure is denied to be a Substance . No Stone is a Plant , Every Oak is a Plant ; Therefore no Oak is a Stone . Every Body is divisible , No Point is divisible ; Therefore no Point is a Body . No Impenitent person shall be saved , Some man shall be saved ; Therefore some man is not an Impenitent person . Every ●niversal is communicable to more than one , Some Nature is not communicable to more than one ; Therefore some Nature is not Universal . The Third Figure . Every Body is divisible , Every Body is a Substance ; Therefore some Substance is divisible . No Angel is circumscrib'd by place , Every Angel is Finite ; Therefore something that is finite , is not circumscrib'd by Place . Some Number may be increased , Every Number is an Affection of things ; Therefore some Affection of things may be increased . Every one that serves God is a King , Some one that serves God is poor ; Therefore some one that is poor , is a King. Some Folly is not to be blamed , Every Folly is a defect of right Reason ; Therefore some defect of right Reason is not to be blamed . No heavy Body tends downward of its own accord . Some heavy Body is Matter ; Therefore some Matter doth not tend downward of its own accord . XII . Galens Fourth Figure . The Fourth Figure is said to be Galen's , and is when the Medium is predicated in the Major Proposition , and subjected in the Minor ; which tho' it concludes necessarily , yet ( as Averrhoes saith ) with some Machination or difficulty , and besides Expectation . General Rules of Syllogisms . XIII . The Rules of Syllogisms . Forasmuch as all Conclusions cannot be deduced from any Premisses : There are some Common Rules , which are to be observed in all Syllogisms . XIV . The First . The First is this , The Middle Term must he distributed , that is , it cannot be twice taken particularly , but must once at least be taken generally . For should the Medium be twice taken particularly , as it must be when the Premisses are particular , it may be taken for divers parts of the same Whole ; because Particulars are distinct , and so nothing will be concluded , or at least nothing necessarily concluded . Which is sufficient to make an Argumentation faulty , since that only is called a good Syllogism , whose Conclusion , if the Premisses be true , cannot be false . And therefore this Argument , Some Body is Triangular , Some Body is Spherical ; Therefore some Spherical Body is Triangular . For since Body is taken here for divers parts of Bodies , a Spherical cannot be joyned with a Triangular ; because the same Body which is Spherical , cannot also be Triangular . XV. The Second Rule . The Second , From pure Negatives nothing can be concluded . The Reason is , because two Negative Propositions separate the Subject from the Medium , and the Attribute also : Now from the separation of two things from the same Thing , it doth not follow , that they are the same Thing , or that they are not the same Thing . As for Example , from these Propositions that the Mind , is not the Body , and that the Body is not capable of Perception , it doth not follow , that the Mind is not capable of Perception . XVI . The Third . The Third , The extreams of the Conclusion , must not be more Universally taken , than they were taken in the Premisses . Wherefore when either of the Extreams is taken Universally , the Argumentation must needs be false , if it be taken particularly in the two first Propositions . The Reason of this Rule is deducible from the first , because it is irregular to Argue from a Particular , to an Universal . For from this , that some Men are given to Drink Wine , it cannot be concluded , that all Men are given to Drink Wine . XVII . The Fourth . The Fourth , The Conclusion always follows the weaker part of the Premisses . That is , if either of the Premisses be Negative , the Conclusion must be so also ; and if either of the Premisses be Particular , the Conclusion must be Particular also . The Reason of this Rule is , because where there is a Negative Proposition in Syllogism , the Medium is removed from one of the extreams of the Conclusion , and therefore can never joyn them together , which is required to make an Affirmative Conclusion ; and if either of the Propositions be particular , no Universal Conclusion can be deduced from them . For if the Universal Conclusion be Affirmative , the Middle Term being Universal , must also in the Assumption or Minor Proposition be Universal , and therefore must be its Subject , since the Attribute , in Affirmative Propositions , is never taken Universally ; wherefore the Medium joyned to the Subject , will be particular in the Minor ; and so the Universal will be in the Major ; for otherwise it would be twice particular : And therefore it will be the Subject , and therefore that Major , must be likewise Universal . So that there can be no particular Proposition in an Affirmative Argumentation , whose Conclusion is Universal . Of Complex Syllogisms . XVIII . What Complex Syllogisms are . From what hath been said , may easily be understood what Complex Syllogisms are : For they are not so called , because they consist of Compound Propositions , but because the Terms of their Conclusions are Complex , and are not taken entire in each of the Premisset , in order to their being united with the Medium , but only one part of their Terms : As in this Example . Gold is an Inanimate Thing , Covetous Men worship Gold ; Therefore Covetous Men worship an Inaminate Thing . In which Syllogism the Attribute of the Conclusion is , Worship an Inaminate Thing , whereof only some part is put in the Major , viz. an Inaminate Thing , and Worship in the Minor. XIX . Complex Syllogisms are to be reduced . These Syllogisms in the Conversation and Discourses of Men , are more frequent than Incomplex ones , which are seldom or never used , except it be in the Schools ? For who ever in common Speech , heard a Man Discourse at this rate : Every Stone is a Body , A Diamond is a Stone ; therefore a Diamond is a Body . And tho' Complex Syllogisms seem at the first sight , to deviate from the Rules of Figures , yet they appear to be true , when they are reduced to Incomplex ones . For this Syllogism , The Scripture Commands us to Honour Kings . Charles the Second is a King , Therefore the Scripture Commands us to Honour Charles the Second . Tho' it be in the Second Figure , in which it is repugnant for all the Propositions to be Affirmative , yet it is for all that a true Syllogism , because in this Proposition , The Scripture Commands us to Honour Kings ; the word Kings , is taken for all Kings in particular , and therefore Charles the Second is reckoned amongst them , that are to be Honour'd . Besides King , which is the Middle Term , is not the Attribute in this Enuntiation ; the Scripture Commands us to Honour Kings , tho' it be united to the Attribute Commands . For that which truly is the Attribute , is affirmed and agrees : But King is neither affirmed , nor agrees , that is , it i● not here annexed to Scripture , which is the Subject . Again , the Attribute is restrain'd by the Subject , but the term King , is not restrain'd in this Proposition ; The Scripture Commands us to Honour Kings , because it is taken Universally . Wherefore we must say , that it is the Subject of another Proposition involved in it , as if I should say , The Scripture Commands that Kings be Honoured . So that this whole Argument consists in these Propositions , Kings are to be Honoured , Charles the Second is a King ; Therefore Charles the Second is to be Honoured . And therefore this Proposition , The Scripture Commands , which before was look'd upon as Principal , is only incident to this Argumentation , and is joyned to the Affirmation , to which the Scripture is added as a Proof . Whence it is manifest , that this Argument is of the first Figure , and in Barbara , because that Singulars are esteemed Universals , when they are made use of in their whole Latitude . CHAP. XVII . Of conjoynd or Compound Syllogisms . I. What is required to make a Compound Syllogism . COnjoynd or Compound Syllogisms are those in which the Major is so compounded , that it contains the whole Conclusion . And because the Major Proposition of such Syllogisms is four-fold , viz. Conditional , Copulative , Disjunctive and Proportional or Analogical , therefore they constitute four kind of Syllogisms , Conditional , Copulative , Disjunctive , and Analogical . II. Conditional Syllogisms . Conditional Syllogisms are those in which the Major Proposition is Conditional , and contains the whole Conclusion , As If the Soul of Man be Corporeal , it may be divided into Parts , But the Soul of Man cannot be divided into Parts , Therefore it is not Corporeal . The Major consists of two Propositions ; the first is the Antecedent , If the Mind of Man be Corporeal ; the second , the Consequent , it may be divided into Parts . III. The twofold Figure of Conditionals . The Figure of Conditionals may be two-fold ; the first is , when the Antecedent of the Major , or Principal Proposition , is put in the Minor or less Principal , so as that the Consequent of the same may be put into the Conclusion ; as in this Syllogism : If created things cannot subsist of themselves , it is necessary that they be preserved by God , But created things , cannot subsist of themselves , Therefore it is necessary that they be preserved by God. IV. The Maxim of the first sort of Conditional Syllogisms . And this sort of Argument is founded upon this Maxim ; where the Antecedent is put the Consequent must be put also . The other Figure is when the Consequence of the said Major Proposition , is taken away , that the Antecedent may be taken away also ; As , If John doth Marry this Woman , he is unwise , But John is not unwise , Therefore John doth not Marry this Woman . V. The Maxim of the other sort of Conditional , Syllogisms . This kind of Argumentation is founded on this Maxim ; Where the Consequent is taken away , the Antecedent must be taken away likewise . Now to put the Antecedent or Consequent , is to Affirm that which is Affirm'd , and to Deny that which is Denied : And to take them away , is to Deny that which is Affirm'd , or Affirm that which is Denied . Or to speak more distinctly , to put , is to Affirm the Antecedent that hath been Affirm'd ; or to Deny the Antecedent that hath been Denied ; and on the contrary to remove , or take away , is to Deny the Affirm'd Consequent , or to Affirm the Denied Consequent . So that he also takes away that Affirms , that which was Denied before . As for Example , If an Angel hath not Organs , he doth not Feel : But he hath not Organs , Therefore he doth not Feel , Is a Syllogism deduced from the Position of the Antecedent , to the Position of the Consequent , notwithstanding that it proceed by way of Negation . VI. Conditional Arguments may be faulty two manner of ways . Conditional Arguments become faulty , these two manner of ways ; the one is when from a true Major , a false Conclusion is deduced : As when the Antecedent is inferred from the Consequent : As if one should say ; If a Stone be a Living thing , it is a Substance , But a Stone is a Substance , Therefore it is a Living thing . And another way , when from the Negation of the Antecedent , is inferred , the Negation of the Consequent ; As in the same Example , If a Stone be a Living thing , it is a Substance , But a Stone is not a Living thing , Therefore it is not a Substance . VII . What Copulative Syllogisms are . Copulative Syllogisms are only of one sort , as when in a Copulative Proposition Negative , one part is put , to take away , or remove the other : As , The same Body cannot be at the same time , both Round and Plain ; But the Earth is Round , Therefore it is not Plain . Because these Syllogisms do not necessarily conclude , when one part is taken away , and the other is put in its place ; as appears in this Argument , taken from the same Proposition . The same Body cannot be both Plain and Round , But the Earth is not Round , Therefore it is Plain . VIII . What Disjunctive Syllogisms are . Disjunctive Syllogisms are such whose first Proposition is Disjunctive , that is , whose Parts are joyned with the Disjunctive , or , either . Death happens to Man either by default of the Soul , or of the Body ; But it doth not happen by default of the Soul , Therefore by default of the Body . IX . Their Figure is twofold . The Figure of Disjunctive Syllogisms is twofold ; the one , when one part is taken away , that the other may be put ; as in the Example before alledg'd : The other , when one part is put , that the other may be taken away : As , They who first gave us an account of Antipodes , either spoke the Truth , or imposed upon us ; But they spoke the Truth , Therefore they did not impose upon us . A Disjunctive Syllogism is grounded on this Principle , that two Contradictions cannot be true at the same time . Wherefore it is necessary , that the Parts of a Disjunctive Proposition must be Repugnant , so as that when one is put , the other is remov'd ; and when one is remov'd , the other is put , as in the alledged Examples . When it happens , that there be more Parts of the Disjunction than two , one of them must be opposed to all the rest ; as if one should make this Proposition : It is either Winter , or Summer , or Spring , or Autumn , One part only must be put in the Assumption or Minor Proposition ; that so in the Conclusion , the rest may be taken away ; As thus , It is Winter , therefore it is neither Summer , nor Spring , nor Autumn , Or else the rest must be taken away in the Assumption , that one Member may be put in the Conclusion ; thus , It is neither Summer , nor Spring , nor Autumn , therefore it is Winter . X. How Analogical Syllogisms are formed . To these we may add Proportional or Analogical Syllogisms , in which the Analogy and Proportion is dilated , or Adjuncts are explained . For Proportions here spoken of is nothing else , than the agreement of Relatives . As when from four Relatives ; as for Example , four Numbers , 2 , 4 , 3 , 6 , we say that the same is the Relation of the half , and double , between 2 and 4 , as between 3 and 6. Or when in a Triangular Figure , considering the two Angles of it , and the two opposit Sides ; we assert the Relation of Equality and Inequality to be the same , as there is between Side and Side . The First and Third , are by Geometricians commonly called Antecedents , as the Second and Fourth Consequents , because they follow from the former . XI . What Analogical Syllogisms are . SYLLOGISMS are called Proportional or Analogical , when the Proportion set down in the Major Proposition , is protracted , or dilated : Which then happens , when the Consequents in the Minor , being taken for Antecedents , are further referred to other Consequents : And then conclude , that there is alike Proportion between the first Antecedents , as between the latter Consequents . As when we say , 2 are to 4 , as 3 are to 6 , and 4 are to 8 , as 6 to 12. Therefore 2 are to 8 , as 3 to 12. Because in this way of Discourse , it is made clear , that 4 and 6 , which are the Consequents in the Major Proposition , are made the Antecedents in the Minor : And because the Relates are the Middle Terms , to which the Extreams ( viz. the Antecedents and Consequents ) are joyned , therefore we infer , that the Extreams themselves , agree also . And such Syllogisms as these , are said to conclude equally ; forasmuch as in them , both the Relations as they begin in the same manner , so likewise they proceed and end , in the same manner . XII . The Second way of forming Proportional Syllogisms . Analogical Syllogisms are also formed in this manner , when after that a like Proportion hath been set down in the Major Proposition , an Adjunct is taken up in the Minor , by which the Proportion is rendred more evident , which therefore so agrees to one Antecedent , with respect to its Consequent , that thence we conclude , that it also agrees with another Antecedent , with respect to its Consequent . For if one should call at Pleasure two Sides of a Triangle , A , B , and the two opposit Angles , C , D , and then argue thus : The Side A is to the Side B , as is the Angle C to the Angle D ; but the Angle C is greater than the Angle D ; therefore the Side A is greater than the Side B. For by this Term Greater , it is clearly explained wherein the Proportion consists . XIII . The Third way . Thirdly , Proportional Syllogisms are made by the Commutation of Proportions ; viz. when a Proportion being set down in a like manner in the Major Proposition , the Minor is past by in Silence , and the Relates are so inverted , that they are mutually concluded of each other . This way of Arguing is often used by Geometricians , and more especially by Arithmeticians : As when they reason thus ; There is the same Proportion betwixt 2 and 4 , as betwixt 3 and 6 , and therefore 4 are to 2 , as 6 are to 3 ; because that Maxim is implicitly understood , that Like things agree with their Like reciprocally . CHAP. XVIII . Of Imperfect Argumentations . I. What Imperfect Argumentations are . SOme Argumentations are called Imperfect , not with respect to the Matter whereof they are composed ; but with regard to the Form , which is not so exact in them , but less digested than that of a Syllogism . For in these the Antecedent consists expresly but of One Proposition , or of Many : Such are Enthymeme , Induction , Example , Sorites , and Dilemma . II. What an Enthymeme is . An ENTHYMEME seems to have taken its Name from this , that it expresseth only One Proposition , and suppresseth the other , as being too clear and obvious , and which is easily understood by those we discourse with . This way of Arguing is very common among Men , who in their usual Reasoning commonly suppress the Proposition , as supposing that they to whom they speak will easily supply it : As when we say , I was able to save thee , And therefore also to ruin thee . In which Argumentation there is only one of the Premisses express'd , and the other supprest or imply'd , which when added it affords this Perfect Syllogism . Whosoever was able to save thee , was also able to ruin thee ; But I was able to save thee , Therefore I was also able to ruin thee . III. Induction . INDUCTION is an Argumentation , which from many Singulars concludes an Universal : As , This Triangular consists of three Lines , and so doth that likewise , and all the rest ; therefore every Triangle consists of three Lines . To this way of Reasoning it is required , that it contain an enumeration of all the Species and Parts ; for if but one be wanting , it admits of an Exception , and subverts the whole Proposition . Wherefore nothing can certainly be proved by Induction , except the same be whole and compleat in all its Parts , and so General , as to admit no Exception , which is very difficult , and almost impossible . For who can recollect in his Mind all the Cases of Law ? or what Student of Natural Philosophy , can reckon up all the several kinds of Bodies , all Plants , Animals , Stars , & c. ? Are not almost all Men of Opinion , that Heat dilates , and Cold contracts ? Yet when we search more narrowly into the matter , we find that when Water is frozen , it takes up more space than when it is not frozen ? Wherefore in cases where the greatest part of Particulars is only known , we can infer no more but thus ; that for the most part it is so : Tho' sometimes we meetwith some Special Cases , which swerve from the Common Rule . So from many Experiments we conclude , Snow to be white , a Crow black , and Honey sweet ; notwithstanding that in some Countries there be found red Snow , white Crows , and bitter Hony. IV. What Example is . EXAMPLE is a kind of Imperfect Argumentation , whereby from one Singular we gather another , because of a likeness of Reason that is between them . As when from this , That Caesar subdued the People of Rome more by his Clemency , than by his Arms ; I gather , that a Prince ought rather to have recourse to Clemency , than to Arms , for the reducing of his Subjects . Or when considering that others , by serious Meditation have arrived to some degree of Learning ; I infer , that I my self also may arrive at the same by closely following my Studies , and by an attentive Consideration of the Things I undertake to examine . V. Argument from Authority . To an Example belongs that which is called an Argument from Authority ; which is , when we make use of the Testimony of one or more , to infer a Conclusion ; whose force depends of a concealed , but yet imply'd Proposition : As when a Man saith , Archimedes , and other famous Mathematicians assert , that the Sun is many times bigger than the Earth : Therefore we ought to hold the Sun to be many times greater than the Earth . For here this Proposition is understood , That every man ought to be belived in his own Art and Profession : Or we are to take that for Truth , which Archimedes , and the most Learned Mathematicians do assert of their own Art. VI. Sorites . SORITES , is an Argumentation consisting of many Propositions so disposed , that the Predicat of the foregoing Proposition becomes the Subject of the following ; whence the last Predicat is in the Conclusion attributed to the first Subject : As in this Example , Covetous persons desire many things , They who desire many things want many things , They who want many things are miserable ; therefore Covetous men are miserable . VII . When a Sorites doth not conclude truly . This Argument doth not conclude truly , but when whatsoever is said of the Attribute , is likewise said of the Subject : Wherefore this Ratiocination , Salt-meat excites to drink , and by drinking Thirst is extinguish'd ; therefore Salt-meat extinguisheth Thirst , is faulty : Because Salt-meat only by Accident invites Men to drink , forasmuch as it caves a dryness in the Throat , which causeth drinking . VIII . What a Dilemma is . A DILEMMA is made by the Disjunction of many Propositions opposite to one another , whereby the Answerer is so shut up , that there is no way left for him to avoid the dint of it , which part soever he chooseth : As suppose a Man should accuse another of a Crime he hath committed , thus ; Either you did know your self to have offended against the King , or not ; if you did know it , how durst you violate the Law of Majesty ? If you did not , why did you run away ? IX . A Dilemma may be faulty two manner of ways . The First . A Dilemma may be faulty two manner of ways : One ▪ when the Disjunctive Proposition wherein it is founded doth not contain all the parts of the thing divided : As if a man would prove , That one ought not to Marry , by this way of Arguing ; If you marry a Wife , she will be either Beautiful or Deformed ; if Beautiful , she will make you Jealous ; if Deformed , you will loath her ; therefore you ought not to marry at all . The Mistake is , because there are Women who neither are so Beautiful , as to cause Jealousie ; nor so Deformed , as to cause Loathing . X. The Second . In the Second place , a Dilemma is vicious , when the particular Conclusions of either part are not necessary : Thus it doth not follow that a Beautiful Wife must needs make her Husband Jealous , forasmuch as she may be so Prudent and Chaste , as not to give the least occasion to doubt of her Vertue . Neither is it necessary that a Deformed Wife should be displeasing to her Husband , because her Deformity may be made up by her Vertue and Ingenuity , which may render her very grateful to her Husband . XI . What is to be observed in a Dilemma . He that makes use of a Dilemma , must take care that it be such as may not be retorted upon himself , which it is said Protagoras did ; to whom Euathlus , his Disciple , having promised a certain Sum of Mony in consideration of his instructing of him , to be paid on that Day when he should first get the better in the Cause he pleaded ; and taking that for his first Cause , to plead whether he was to pay that Sum of Mony he had promised him , made use of this Dilemma : Either I shall lose this Cause , or I shall win it : If I lose the Cause , then according to our Agreement , I am to pay you nothing ; if I win it , then I shall owe you nothing by the Sentence of the Judges . Which Argument Protagoras thus retorted ; Either you will lose this Cause , or win it : If you lose it , you will by Sentence be obliged to pay me ; if you win it , you must pay me according to the Tenour of our Agreement . CHAP. XIX . Of Demonstration , a Topical Syllogism and Sophistical . I. How Science , Opinion , Faith , and Error are distinguish'd . FOr the better understanding of the following Discourse of Apodictical , Topical , and Sophistical Syllogisms , it is necessary that we first explain the Nature of Science , Opinion , Error , and Faith ; that by exhibiting their distinct Notions , the Principles from whence they are derived may be the better known . II. What Science is . SCIENCE is the certain and evident knowledge we have of any thing : For whatsoever is so evident to us , that we are certain of it , that we are said to know , or have the Science of . Accordingly the knowledge of a Conclusion is certain and evident , when the Premisses , whereon as Principles it doth depend , are so . III. What Opinion is . OPINION , is a Knowledge that is not altogether certain , but joyned with some fear or wavering of the Intellect , in its assent to it . For Opinion , tho' it be a true assent to the Conclusion , yet is it doubtful and uncertain ; and such an assent as this is the Effect of a Dialectical Syllogism , as Science is the Effect of a Demonstrative , or Apodictical Syllogism . IV. What Error is . ERROR is an Opinion opposite to Truth , that is , a False one . V. What Faith is . FAITH is a Persuasion founded upon the Testimony of another , which may be either true or doubtful , according to the different Authority it rests upon . So the Faith we have to God is most firm and stable , because we know him to be True , and that to Lye is repugnant to his Nature . But the Faith we have to a Man , hath always something of Uncertainty joyned with it ; since there is no man but can deceive another , if he please . VI. How we may distinguish the several kinds of knowledge . If in considering any Axiom , the truth of it do immediately appear to us , from the Evidence that is sound in it , without any further Proof or Disquisition , this kind of Knowledge we call INTELLIGENCE : And thus we know first Principles . But if by its own proper Evidence , it cannot engage the Understanding to assent , then we must have recourse to other Motives , by which the Intellect may be convinced of its Truth : Now these Motives can be no other , but Reason and Authority . If Authority engageth us to assent to the things Propounded to us , this is that we call Faith : But if Reason sways us , then either that Reason leaves some fear behind it , whereby we are made doubtful of the certainty of the thing , and then this assent is called Opinion : Or the Reason doth satisfie fully the Understanding , and then it is either Seemingly only Evident , for want of due Attention , and thence comes Error in case it be really false ; or at least a Rash Judgment , if we take it to be true , before we have sufficient grounds of giving our Assent to it : Or if the Reason proposed to us , be not only seemingly true , but evidently so , and be clearly and distinctly perceived by our Understanding , then the Conviction produced in our Mind by this Reason , is called Science . Forasmuch therefore as Demonstration begets Science , and that the Conclusion of a Demonstration is Science , we will first Treat of it , and afterwards in order , of those things that produce Opinion and Error . VII . What Demonstration is . DEMONSTRATION is a Syllogism consisting of Premisses that are True , Immediate , Prior , more known and causes of the Conclusion . Those Propositions are said to be True and Immediate , which have their Evidence from themselves , and not from any other thing : And which are known by their Terms : As , Every thing is , or is not . For there is an Inborn Power or faculty in us , whereby we assent to first Principles . Wherefore we should never give our assent to the Conclusion , except the Premisses appeared evident to us ; neither do we assent to the Conclusion , but because we believe the Premisses to be true ; and therefore it is necessary that the Premisses , be more known than the Conclusion , according to that saying ; That for which any thing is such , is more such it self . VIII . Demonstration is two fold either à Priori , or from the Cause . Demonstration is twofold , the one à Priori , and the other à Posteriori . Demonstration â Priori ( which alone , to speak properly , is Demonstration ) is that in which the Effect is Demonstrated by its Cause : As when we prove the Existence of Light , by the Existence of the Sun. Or when Geometricians prove that round Wounds are longer a Healing , than such as are of a long Figure , forasmuch as in those , the Sides are further distant than inthese . IX . Demonstration à Postiriori , or from the effect . Demonstration à Posteriori is when we Demonstrate the Cause by the Effect : As when from the Existence of Light , we Demonstrate the Existence of the Sun. When we prove the Heaven to be Fluid and Corruptible , from the various Things that are Generated in it ; as from the Comets that are found in it ; from the Spots about the Sun , and from many Stars , which for some time shew themselves there . To this kind of Demonstration may also be reduced the Demonstration which is made from the remote Cause , as when one proves that a Stone doth not breath , because it is not an Animal , when it would have been more proper to have proved it by this , because it hath no Lungs . For the having of Lungs is the near cause of Respiration , and not the being an Animal ; nay it will be found that to have Longs is not the property of an Animal , since there are many Animals that have no Lungs , as Oysters , &c. X. Of Ostensive Demonstration . Antient Authors make mention of another kind of Demonstration , which they call Ostensive , by which a thing is Demonstrated from proper Principles , directly and by it self . As if a Man , when a right Line is given , and a Semidiameter made of two Circles , and two other right Lines , to one of the Intersections of the Circles , drawn from their Extreams , and by these three Lines a Triangle is made , should prove Ostensively that this Triangle is Equilateral , or hath all its Sides alike , by shewing that the two last Lines are even , or of the same Length , because they are equal to the same Line given ; and that they are equal to the same Line given , because both of them separately proceed from the same Center , to the same Circumference with it . XI . Demonstration by Deduction to an inconvenient . To this they have added another kind of Demonstration , which they call Deductive to an inconvenient ; which tho' it be inferiour to the former , yet may be of use , where we cannot have an Ostensive Demonstration , as being also of insuperable necessity . And this is when we demonstrate a thing to be so , because if it should be otherwise , either an Absurdity , or an Impossibility , or a contradiction must necessarily be granted : Such as is , That the Effect doth not depend on the Cause ; And that the thing containing is less , than the thing contained , and the like . As if by Deduction to an inconvenient he would prove the abovesaid Proposition from hence , because no Side can be admitted to be equal to another ; but at the same time it must be granted , that all Lines drawn from the Center to the Circumference are equal ; or that two things which are equal to one thing , are not equal between themselves . XII . What a Topical Syllogism is . A TOPICAL SYLLOGISM , which is also called Suasory , or Opinable , is that which concludes from Probables : Or whose Premisses do not hold forth , a necessary Connexion of the Subject , with the Middle Term , or of the Middle Term with the Attribute . For tho' the Conclusion it proves , partaks more of Evidence than Obscurity , yet it leaves something of doubt or Hesitation behind it , which makes that the understanding cannot assent without some Scruple . And therefore 't is commonly said that a Topical Syllogism doth persuade indeed , but doth not force one to assent as a Demonstration doth . XIII . What things are called probable . Those things are called Probable , which seem to be so to all , or to the most , or to the Wise , or at least to the most , or most considerable amongst them : As it seems Probable to all , that the approaching Summer will be Hot , yet it is not certain , forasmuch as it sometime happens that the Summer is very Cold. It appears to most , that Physick is necessary for the Curing of Diseases , whereas , notwithstanding it often happens , either through the Ignorance of the Physitian , or through Default of the Patient , the Distemperature of the Air , or the Unhealthfuness of the Place , that a Medicin may do more hurt than good . It appears to Wise Men , that Learning ought to be desired by all ; when notwithstanding there be many found that despise it , and who prefer their Ignorance before Learning . The most considerable Men , are of Opinion that the Earth is moved , and that the Sun stands still in the midst , and yet there are many that oppose this Opinion , and maintain the contrary . XIV . How a Topical Syllogism is distinguisht from all others . Wherefore all those Syllogisms , whose Premisses are Contingent , and do not infer a necessary Connexion between the Subject , and the Middle Term ; or between the Middle Term , and the Predicate , are called Topical , that is , Local or Probable . The former from the Places whence their Proofs are taken , the latter from the likelyhood of them . XV. What a Sophistical Syllogism is . A SOPHISTICAL or Paralogistical Syllogism , which with one Word is called a Sophism , is a Syllogism consisting of false Propositions , which yet have an appearance of Truth : Or is a Syllogism , that begets Error . As for Example , this Syllogism , All Lines drawn from one Point to another are Equal ; But a Right and a Crooked Line , may be drawn from the same Point , to the same Point ; Therefore a Right and a Crooked Line are Equal . XVI . Of the various ways of deception in Sophitical Syllogisms ; and first of the Fallacy in Words . All Fallacy or Deception , is either in the very Form of the Argument , or in the Words , or in the Things . As to the Form of Argumentation , we have already largly Treated , in Chapter XVI . As for the Cavilling which consists in Words , that is callen Fallacia Dictionis , or Fallacy in Words , which frequently consist in the Homonymy of the Words , when things altogether different are signified with the same Word . Sometimes also in the Ambiguous context of the Speech , and then it is called Amphibology ; Examples of which kind , do also occurr amongst the best of Authors . XVII . The Fallacy from a conjoyned Sense to a divided , and on the contrary . There is another Sophistical way of Arguing , from conjoynd Things , to those that are divided ; and on the other Hand , from Things divided to those that are conjoynd . This hath given occasion , to that Distinction of a Divided and a Compound Sense . The former is , when a Faculty or Power is joyned with an oppsite Act ; as the Faculty of Laughing , with the Act of Weeping ; for this Proposition , he that Weeps can Laugh , is true in a Divided , though not in a Compound Sense . But a Compound Sense is , when two opposite Acts are united together ; and thus , this Proposition , He that Laughs cannot Weep , is true in a Compound , Though not in a Divided Sense . XVIII . The Fallacy from the second Intention to the first . There is a Third way of Cavilling , when we Argue from Second intentions , to First ; as thus ; A Circle is a Figure ; But Figure is a Genus , therefore a Circle is a Genus . XIX . From a Relative to an absolute Expression . The Fourth is à Dicto secundum quid , from a Relative Expression , ad Dictum simpliciter , to an absolute Expression ; As if a Man should Argue , that because Blackamoors are White , with repect to their Teeth , therefore they are absolutely White ; or because Wine is for the most part Hurtful to Sick Persons , should conclude Wine to be absolutely Hurtful . XX. Ignorance of the matter in Question . The Fifth is that which is called Ignoratio Elenchi , or Ignorance of the matter in Question , which is , when another thing is proved , than that which is denied by the Adversary . XXI . Petition of the Principle . The Sixth is Petition of the Principle , when the Point indispute is taken for granted . As if one should go about to prove that the Earth doth rest , because the Sun is moved : that being the Principal thing in Question , whether the Sun be moved . XXII . From a No-cause to a Cause . The Seventh is taken à Non Causa ad Causam , from a No Cause to the Cause , as when that is brought in for a Cause , which is no Cause at all : As when we refer the changes of times to the Moon . XXIII . From a manifold Question . The Eighth way of Cavilling , proceeds from a manifold Question , which is , when many Questions are so Propounded , that they look like one only . As if one should ask , whether the Sun and Earth are moved . XXIV . The manner how to avoid Sophisms . There is no safer way to avoid these Captious Sophisms , than to define the Words themselves , in case of a Fallacy from Equivocation , or Homonymy . Neither are we only diligently to consider , what the thing in Question is , but also , what is the Attribute of the Question , and what Relation and Order it hath to the Subject it self . For it is of great importance , whether the Attribute be Universally by it self , and primarily Attributed to every Subject , or that it agree to some one only , or by Accident . In like manner , whether the Attribute be spoken of the Subject simply , that is , absolutely , or with respect to something : All which particulars may be easily known , from what hath been already said . The Places from whence the Middle Term is Fetch'd . XXV . What the Places are from which the Middle Term is fetch'd . We come now to the General Heads , or as the Rhetoricians call them , Places of Arguments , to which the Proofs which we use in any matter , may be reduced . For as some Syllogisms are Demonstrative , others Opinable or Opinionative and Suasory , and others again Paralogistical or Erroneous , so there must be divers Places , whence the Middle Term or Argument may be Fetch'd . XXVI . The Middle Term in a Demonstr●tive Syllogism , may be the Genus . For in a Demonstrative Syllogism , the Middle Term agrees with the Subject , and the Attribute with the Middle Term , as a Genus , or a Propriety , or a Definition , or a Cause acting necessarily , and the like . As if a Man should have a Mind to Demonstrate that a Mote in the Sun , is indefinitely divisible , he may take the Genus for his Middle Term , and argue thus : A Mote is a Body , but a Body is indefinitely divisible ▪ therefore a Mote is indefinitely divisible : The Minor is to be suppos'd from Natural Philosophy . XXVII . Or a Propriety . So to demonstrate a Mans being Rational , we may take his Property , which is the Faculty of Speaking , and Reason thus : The Power of Speaking , that is , the Faculty of expressing ones Mind by Words , Signs , or Gestures , belongs ot Man ; But whatsoever enjoys this Faculty doth partake of Reason ; therefore Man doth partake of Reason . XXVIII . Or a Definition . So likewise a Definition may serve for a Middle Term , to prove that Oysters are Animals , thus : Oysters are Bodily things , endued with life and motion : But whatsoever hath life and motion is an Animal : therefore Oysters are Animals . XXIX . Or a Cause . And so also a Cause acting necessarily , may be the Middle Term ; for thus a Lunar Eclipse may be proved from its Efficient Cause , viz. the Sun and Moon being placed in opposite Nodes , or in the Intersections of their Orbs , after this manner : It is necessary for the Moon to be Eclipsed , as often as the Globe of the Earth interposeth between the Moon and the Sun , from which the Moon borrows her Light ; but then the Globe of the Earth interposeth between the Moon and the Sun , when the Sun and Moon are in opposite Nodes ; ( because at that time they are Diametrically opposite , and the Earth plac'd in their Diameter ) therefore there must necessarily be an Eclipse of the Moon , when the Sun and Moon are constituted in their Nodes , or the opposite intersection of their Orbs. XXX . The Middle Term in a probable Syllegism , may be fetch'd first from the Genus . We make use also of like places in a Probable or Suasory Syllogism ; yet so as that tho' the Middle Term agree to the Subject , ( yet the Attribute does not to the Middle Term , as a Genus , Propriety , &c. as before : ) As if a Man to prove Rhetorick to be profitable for Mankind , should argue thus ; Rhetorick is an Art , but every Art is profitable to Mankind ; therefore Rhetorick is profitable to Mankind . In which Syllogism , the Middle Term Art , is indeed the Genus of the Subject Rhetorick ; but the Attribute is profitable , is not its Genus , but only a contingent Adjunct , or common Quality ; and therefore neither doth the Mind assent to it without something of Doubtfulness , whether or no Rhetorick may not be reckon'd amongst those Arts , which tho' they be accounted Subtil , yet are esteemed by some as unprofitable , or at least indifferent . XXXI . From a Propriety . In like manner one may prove , from a Propriety of Logick , that Logick is a thing desirable , thus : It is the Property of Logick , to direct the Mind in the knowledge of things ; but what directs the Mind in the Knowledge of things , is something desirable ; therefore Logick is a thing desirable . This Argument also leaves some hesitation in the Mind , because the directing of the Mind in the Knowledge of Things , doth not necessarily conclude the thing to be desirable ; because there are many who rather desire to continue in their Ignorance , than to be instructed in Logick . XXXII . From the Cause . We may also argue from the Cause thus : This Picture is drawn by Apelles ; but the Pictures drawn by Apelles are very exact : Therefore this is an exact Picture . Which enforceth only a Probable , but not a certain Conclusion ; because the best Painters do not always Paint alike , nor so exactly , but that sometimes Faults may be spied in their Works . XXXIII . Ambiguity is the only place for a Sophistical Syllogism . A Paralogistical , or Sophistical Syllogism , has but one only place , viz. Ambiguity ; which being once detected , its Imposture lies open ; and that which seem'd to be a good Syllogism appears to be none at all . Because the Reason of Syllogism requires , that it have only one Middle Term , one Subject , and one Attribute ; whereas in a Sophistical Syllogism there are two Subjects , and as many Attributes without a Middle Term : As when a man Argues , some Mountain is Taurus , Taurus is a Lowing Animal : Therefore some Mountain is a Lowing Animal . For the Ambiguity here lies in the word Taurus , which agreeing to two different things , is in the Major taken for a Mountain , and in the Minor for a Four-footed Animal . Whence it appears , that the word Taurus is no Middle Term , forasmuch as it doth not agree with the Subject and Predicate . XXXIV . Ambiguity is the cause of Deception in all things . For Ambiguity is that which occasions deception in all things ; for he that concludes , that a Man asleep is awake , because it hath been before granted , that it is possible for a man that sleeps to be awake , doth not do it for any other Reason , but because this Proposition may be understood either disjoyntedly , with respect to different times ; or conjunctly , with regard to the same time . And he who concludes that the Buyer hath eaten raw flesh , because it may be , he confess'd that he had eaten what he had bought , doth so because of the Ambiguity of the words , What he had bought ; which may either be taken only for the substance of the Flesh ; or also for an Accident of it , viz. Rawness . And the like may be said of all Sophistical Places , Amphibology , Composition , Division , Account , &c. forasmuch as they all agree in this , that they have some Ambiguity either in a Word , or in a Phrase ; or that one Sense is taken in the Proposition , and another in the Assumption . So that it is no wonder , that when both are admitted for True , an Absurdity follows from them . The Fourth Part of Logick . Concerning Method , or the Orderly Disposition of our Thoughts . CHAP. XX. Of the General Method of Knowing . I. Method is necessary to the Right forming of our Thoughts . FOrasmuch as LOGICK was found out for the attaining of Sciences , and that our Thoughts can hardly be rightly formed without its assistance , METHOD seems to be necessary to assist and accomplish our Mind in the Knowledge of Things . For tho' possibly there may be some of such quick and piercing Wits , as without difficulty to dive into the Natures of Things , and to solve the most abstruse Questions ; yet will he never be able to attain certain Knowledge , except he be first acquainted how he must direct his Mind , and what Order he must observe . Wherefore Method is necessary , as well to assist him in the searching out of Truth , as in the avoiding of Error , Confusion , and Obscurity . Which Method is nothing else , but an Orderly disposition of things to be treated of , suitable and accommodate to the Capacity of Learners . For it must be of that Nature , as not to put any force upon the Wit of Man , but rather pleasantly allure it , and guide and direct it by the Evidence and Easiness of its Rules and Precepts . II. Three things are requisite to the manner of Knowing . This Mode or manner of Knowing consists in Three things : First , That the thing propounded may be clearly and distinctly Perceived . Secondly , That we judge rightly concerning the Matters we have thus clearly and distinctly perceived . Thirdly , That we commit to Memory the Truths we have discover'd , that is , the things we have rightly . Perceived and Judged . By observing these Three Precepts , we shall relieve all the Weaknesses of our Mind , and prevent those Errors into which it is apt to fall . For seeing that the main Obstacles of Science are , either an over-hastiness of the Mind ; the same will be removed by clear and distinct Perception ; or else Error and Doubt , which will be cured by Sound Judgment ; or lastly , Forgetfulness , which will be prevented by the Remembrance of the Things perceived and judg'd by us . It remains only to enquire , by what means this distinct Knowledge may be attained ; and how our Mind may be brought to that pass , as never to assent to any thing which it has not before clearly perceived , and so to impress the Things she has judged of in her Memory , that she may never forget them . III. First , the distinct Perception of the thing . As to the First , it is requisite , that setting aside all Precipitancy , we give heed to the Matter propounded , and ( as it were ) scan the same with our inward Eyes . In order to which , it will be proper for us to behold or contemplate one thing only at once , that our Understanding may not be distracted by the multitude of Objects , and lest by minding many things , our attention to Particulars may be the less . For the multiplicity of Objects presented to our Understanding , breeds Confusion ; and as they who behold a Field , distinguish'd with variety of Colours , do not distinctly perceive the variety of Colours that is in it , but behold it under the appearance of one Colour only : So they who consider several Objects at once , cannot bestow a due attention upon every particular ; and it cannot otherwise be , but that they must be promiscuously confounded in their Mind . IV. Wherefore we must rather set our selves to examine Simple things , than those that are Compound . In order to attain this due Attention , it will be of good use to undertake the examining of a Simple thing , or of some Attribute or Mode : For these kind of Perceptions , whereby Simple and Incomplex things are represented to us , are more clear and distinct . As for Example , The Soul of Man is more distinctly perceived by us than Man ; because the Soul of Man imports one Nature only , viz. a Thinking Being ; whereas a Man comprehends two Natures , viz. a Soul and Body , which belong to two different Genera , and therefore cannot be both at once proposed to the Intellect without some confusion . V. Things Simple are to be examin'd before those that are Compound . Accordingly Simple things are to be known before Compound , near before remote , and few before many . Thus we attain a fuller knowledge of the things that are born , if we begin the consideration of them from their first beginning . By which means the Famous Harvey perspicuously discovers the generation and growth of a Chicken , by shewing what Parts are daily formed in an Egg , which an Hen hatcheth . In like manner we arrive to a more accurate knowledge of a Plant , when we take a view of its beginning , progress , and perfection , considering it in its distinct Stages of its budding , growth , blooming , and bringing forth fruit ; and the same may be said of all things that grow and increase . VI. Things Positive are more distinctly conceiv'd , than Negative . But forasmuch as Substances are chiefly known by their Attributes , and that many of them are found in every Substance , we are rather to consider those that are Positive , than the Negative . Thus the Nature of the Soul is more easily known by me , when I consider it as an understanding , willing , and judging Subject , than when I conceive it as Immaterial , Incorporeal , Invisible , &c. because Negative Attributes do not so much declare what a thing is , as what it is not . Wherefore it will also much conduce to the attaining of Knowledge , if we always begin our Enquiries with those things that are more Universal , and from them to proceed to Singulars : Because the knowledge of Universals doth more accomplish our Minds , than that of Singulars ; the reason whereof is , because Universals are in a manner Eternal , as having no Original , and not being comprehended within any difference of Time or Space of Place , which has given occasion to that noted Axiom of Philosophers , that Science consists in Universals , and not in Singulars . VII . We must call to Mind , what hath been said in the First Part of this Discourse . We shall the better understand all these Particulars that refer to clear and distinct Perception , by firmly retaining in our Memory , what hath been already handled in the First Part of Logick ; because this Fourth Part is founded upon those Rules which are there delivered , concerning the Genealogy of things , their Causes and Effects , Subjects and Adjuncts , Agreement and Disagreement of things ▪ &c. VIII . The Second Precept , about the manner of Knowing , is concerning Judgment . The Second Precept about the Mode of Knowing is this , That our Judgment do always follow our Conceptions ; that is , that we never assent to any thing which we have not before clearly and distinctly perceived : For the Order of Reason requires , that Knowledge always go before Judgment , and that Simple Terms make way for those that are Complex ; but yet so , as that the Judgment we pass of any thing , may exactly answer to the Knowledge we have of it ; as I have before hinted in the Fourth Rule for the attaining of Truth . For since the Second Operation of the Mind , or Judgment , doth involve two things , the Subject , and the Predicate or Attribute , it is necessary that the Nature of both be fully known to us , before we can judge whether the one do agree with the other , or dissents from it . Thus we must first have distinctly understood what the Sun , and what Heat is , before we can affirm the Sun to be hot , or ( which is the same ) that Heat agrees to the Sun. As to which point they do greatly mistake , who too much cleaving to the Prejudices wherewith they have been tainted from their Childhood , do judge according to them ; because they pervert the Order of Reason , and do not follow their Perceptions as they ought to do ; but anticipate them , and believe them to be true ; before they have perceived them to be such . IX . What is to be done by him who is in doubt about the Matter propounded to him . If a Man chance to doubt of the Truth of the thing he is enquiring into , he may easily avoid falling into any Error , by suspending his Judgment , and not affirming or denying any thing concerning it , until he have exactly examin'd all the Difficulties of it , and by the Rules of Perception have removed all doubts concerning it . For we must not think it enough , that this or the other thing appears distinctly and clearly to others , except it appears likewise to us . For seeing every one desires Knowledge for himself , it is but reasonable , that he make use of his own Understanding , and not of anothers ; and that he pass Judgment so far only , as his own Knowledge guides him . Wherefore , before we can with any safety give our assent to any thing , we must be certain that the thing be so indeed , as it is conceived by us , and not only so , but that it cannot be otherwise . X. There is a different certainty of Truth in things . Yet are not we to conceive that all things that are true , are of the same certainty ; for some things are only Contingently true , that is , such as are taken to be true by us , tho' indeed they may be false ; as when I take a Man to be Godly , because he is frequent at Church , and at Sermons , and is liberal to the Poor ; all which Signs are sufficient Morally , to persuade me that he is Godly ; tho' notwithstanding all this , it may happen that he is not so . Other things again , are altogether Certain and True , as are all Propositions of Eternal Truth , which are true in that degree , that they cannot admit any suspicion of Falshood : Such as are these Propositions , Twice four make Eight . Three is a number . And therefore such necessary Propositions as these are called Axioms ; because their Predicates agree with all their Subjects , and at all times , and according to the different degree of necessity , they partake and admit of several Names . XI . What Physical Certainty is . Some Attributes are said to be joynd with their Subjects , by a Physical certainty , when according to the order of Nature , it is impossible but they must be joyned to them ; as when we say , that a Man hath two Feet ; because , that tho' a Man may be conceived without Feet , yet Naturally Man is never without them . Other things are called true , by Metaphysical certainty , when an Attribute is so indissolubly attributed to its Subject , that it cannot be conceived to be otherways : As when we say , Three is a number . And the same may be said of singular Axioms , forasmuch as the same Definitions , Differences and Attributes occur in them as in Universals . As to Judgment , the Reader may have recourse to what hath been said in the second part of Logick , where is treated of Judgment , and the nature of Propositions . XII . The Third Precept is Memory . And forasmuch as it is of little use to know the nature of things , except we remember them ; we are also to be informed , how the things we understand , may be so imprest on our Memories , that we may not easily forget them again . This we may easily procure , by following the Order of our Method ; that is , by taking care , that we commit nothing to Memory , which we have not before throughly examined , and passed a right Judgment of . For daily experience shews us , that the more clearly any thing is perceived by us , the stronger it is imprest on our Memories , and that we more easily remember the things , that are in order propounded to us , than those which are offered to us confusedly . For the Memory doth of it self , and spontaneously embrace things that are clearly understood , and , as a Foot-boy , follows right Judgment . XIII . Helps of the Memory . But yet we may promote and assist our Memory . First , By keeping our Mind still and quiet , without suffering our Understanding to be variously distracted by multiplicity of Objects : Especially if to these we add the desire of Learning some new thing or other , or that we be excited by admiration to insist the longer on the matter we desire to know . For such things as these we are wont more to imprint in our Memory . It is also greatly strengthened by moderate Study and frequent Exercitation . For as the Fingers by playing upon a Lute , do accustom themselves to such and such Motions , so by Exercise we attain to ability and readiness . To which we may add , that by Study , the Species in the Brain become distinctly ranged and joyned , and by use alone , almost all obstructions are removed . Thirdly , It will be a great help to our Memory , if the things we commit to it be not only evident , but also connexed , and orderly disposed , and adorned with the Circumstances of Causes , Effects , Time , Place and other such like . This is the first office of Memory . XIV . The Office of Memory . It is the office of Memory , to retain the things we have committed to it ; which we shall obtain by frequently repeating , and a diligent consideration of them : As likewise by endeavouring to reduce Compound Things to those that are Simple , and special things to General . For by this means , they will more clearly be represented to our Minds , and more firmly fixed in our Memory : As is apparent in those Sciences , which from simple terms proceed to Propositions and Axioms ; which without any trouble , are insinuated into our Minds , and continue with us till our Lives end . CHAP. XXI . Concerning special Method ; and first of that which is called Analytical . I. Another Method necessary to the orderly disposing of our Thoughts . THe word Method , is taken more strictly here than in the foregoing Chapter ; because it being there , only our design to inform Beginners , what Order they were to observe in the knowledge of Things ; it was sufficient to set down a Method , which might be helpful to them for this end , and point out to them the way , whereby to arrive at the distinct knowledge of Things . But here we are to handle , not only how we ought to form our Conceptions , but also how we ought to order and dispose them , either for the discovering of the Truth we are ignorant of , or for the proving of the Truth we know to others . II. Method is twofold , Analytical and Synthetical . And accordingly there is a twofold Method , the one called Analytical , or the Method of Resolution , which shews the true way , by which the thing was Methodically and Primarily invented . The other Synthetical , or the Method of Composition , which clearly demonstrates what hath been concluded ; but by an opposit way , and fetch'd à Posteriori . For a whole Science cannot be set down according to Analytical Method , but only some particular Questions , about certain Terms or Things . III. What is to be observed about Terms About Terms we may enquire , what is to be unstood by the Word in Question ; for seeing that some Words , belong to Notions , that are common to all Men ; and other proper or peculiar to some that profess some certain Disciplines : We are to mind , what Men are wont to understand by the Word ; or what the Masters of those Disciplines are used to signifie by them ; or what he means by them , who makes use of them in Writing or in his Speech . For it cannot be doubted , but that the most part of our disputes arise from the Ambiguity of Words ; whilst one takes them in one Sense , another in another ; which disputes might easily be decided , if the Parties in contest were agreed about the signification of the Word in question . IV. What is to be observed about things . About the thing it self , we are to consider what it is , that is , what its Essence and Properties are . Whether it be , that is , whether it exist in the Nature of Things ; and if it do , whether its existence be possible or necessary . Whence it hath its Original , whether from it self , or from some other thing ; and if it proceed from another , whether by Creation or Generation . Of what Nature it is , Matcrial or Intellectual , and with what Faculties it is endowed , &c. Of what quantity , or bigness it is , and what space it takes up amongst other Bodies , if it be Material ; and what if it be Intellectual , what its Powers are . What effects it produceth , that is , whether it be a Principal Cause , or an Instrumental only ; whether it work voluntarily or necessarily ; whether it be Univocal , or Equivocal , &c. How it is distinguished from other things , or what distinction there is between it , and other things , and whether it differ from them really , or Notionally only . V. What a Question is . Analytical Method being the Art which guides Reason in the Research of Truth , we must before all things , endeavour to know the Nature of the Question , which we are to examin , and to consider afterwards , how many sorts of Questions there may be made . Questions are Propositions , which include something that is already known , and something that is unknown . For otherwise , they would be rather known Truths , than Truths to be known ; and if they did not also contain something that is known , they could not properly be called Questions , because we cannot proceed to that which is unknown , but by means of something that is known . VI. There is a four-fold way of searching out the Truth of things : First when by the Effects we find out the Cause . All Questions concerning things may be reduced to four Species . First , When from the Effects we find out the Cause . As for Example it is Notorious , , that the Sun shining upon a Prism , represents therein variety of Colours ; the Question is , what is the true cause of so many divers Effects . It is a known thing , that Air and Water are subject to Rarefaction , and that at one time they take up more space than at another : the Question is , what is the reason of this change , and what there is in Nature , that can encrease the quantity of Bodies . VII . The second is when from the Causes we enquire into the Nature of the Effects . The second sort of Questions is , when Effects are endeavoured to be discovered by their Causes . It is a known thing , that Wind and Water have great force in them , to move Bodies ; but our Fore-Fathers , for want of due attention , not considering duly what Effects might be produced from those Causes , did not make that good use of them , as we now do , by the useful inventions of Watermils and Windmils , and many other conveniences , by which abundance of human labour is spared , which is an advantage of true Natural Philosophy . The first sort of Questions , in which the Cause is searched out by the Effects , are the total Object of Natural Philosophy ; and the second sort , in which the Effects are enquired into by the Cause , are the whole Practise of it . VIII . Thirdly , when from the Parts we enquire into the Nature of the Whole . The third sort of Questions is , when from the Parts we enquire into the Nature of the whole ; as when after having set down several Numbers , by adding them together , we enquire , what Number results from them all . Or when having got two Numbers , we enquire , what they produce by mutual Multiplication . IX . Fourthly , when from one Part we search into the Nature of another . The Fourth is , when having a whole , and some part of it , we search out the other part of it : As , when having a determinate number , and that part which is to be taken from it , we enquire , what number will afterwards remain to us . By the Word Part in this place , we are not strictly to understand , only the Part of a thing , but whatsoever doth belong to any Substance , such as are Modes , Properties , Accidents , and in a Word , all the Attributes that are found in any thing . X. What is required to enable us to answer these Questions . That we may be able to answer these Questions , in the First place , it is requisite , that we clearly and distinctly conceive the point , that is precisely enquired after . Secondly , that we do not precipitate our Answer , till we have discovered whotsoever belongs to the Question , by certain Signs and Tokens , and not imitate those , who hearing their Friends Name , presently conceive it to signifie that particular Person , and give their answer , before they know what he , who asked the Question , means by it . Thirdly , Forasmuch as in every Question , there is something conccaled , we must be careful to denote that which is hid , by some certain Conditions , which may determine us to the seeking of one thing , rather than another , and which may induce us to judge , that that which we have found is the very same thing , that was enquired after . Fourthly , After we have examined the Conditions , let us set our selves seriously to consider , whatsoever in the matter propounded is either hid from us , or clear and evident to us ; forasmuch as by means of this , we may arrive to that which is unknown to us . And in this our Attention to that which we know of a thing , in the resolving of a Question , Analytical Method chiefly consists : The whole Art and industry whereof consists in this , by this Examination to find out several Truths , which may lead us to the knowledge of that thing , which we are endeavouring to discover . XI . What Analytical Method is . Analytical Method therefore is nothing else , but a Particular application of the Mind , to that which is known , of that which is most particular in the Qestion to be resolved ; whence it successively deduceth other Truths , which lead it at last , to the thing it desires to know . I say , that Analytical Method is a particular Application of the Mind , to that which is known ; to observe that which Analytical Method , hath in common with Synthetical , which also begins with that which is known . And add , of that which is most particular in the Question it would resolve . To intimate the difference that is between the Analytical and Synthetical Method ; and that this latter takes that which is known , of that which is most general in the Questions ; whereas the other takes it of that which is most particular in them . XII . How by way of Analysis we may prove the Mind of Man to be Immortal . As suppose the Question to be whether the Mind of Man be immortal ; and to find out this , we consider the Nature of the Mind , and presently discover , that Thinking is the property of the Mind of Man , which tho' it might be supposed to doubt of every thing besides , yet cannot doubt of its own Thinking , since its doubting is a kind of Thinking . Afterwards it proceeds to examin what it is to Think , and when it perceives that nothing is included in its Idea , of what is involved in the Idea of an Extended Substance , or a Body : Yea , that it may be denied of Cogitation , that it belongs to the Body , forasmuch as it is something extended in Length , Breadth , and Depth , hath Parts , is of such and such a Figure , is Divisible , &c. without destroying the Idea we have of Cogitation : We conclude , that Cogitation cannot be the Mode of an Extended Substance ; because the Nature of a Mode is such that it cannot be conceived , when the thing whose Mode it is , is denied of it . Whence it may also be inferr'd , that seeing Cogitation is not a Mode of the Body , it must needs be the Attribute of another thing ; and that therefore a Thinking Substance , and an Extended Substance , are two distinct Substances . From which finally we conclude , that the destruction of the one , doth not infer the destruction of the other . Add also , that Extended Substance cannot properly be said to be destroyed , since whatsoever we may call its destruction , is nothing else but a change or dissolution of some parts of the Matter , which still remains the same in Nature as it was . As when all the Wheels of a Watch are broken , we may easily judge that no p●rt of the Watch is destroyed , tho' the Watch it ●elf be commonly said to be spoil'd or destroyed . From which Example it appears , that the Soul , which is not divisible , neither consists of any parts , cannot perish , and consequently that it is Immortal . XIII . Analytical Method proceeds from a heedful Consideration of a thing . Whensoever therefore the Nature or Cause of any thing is proposed to our Examination , we must in the first place accurately examine all the Conditions of the Question propounded , without minding such as are Extraneous , and do not belong to the Question . Secondly , We are to separate those things which are certain and manifest from those that include any thing of Confusion or Doubt : For we are to search and trace out the thing we enquire for , from clear and evident Idea's . Thirdly , Every Difficulty we meet with is to be divided into Parts , which Parts are to be considered by themselves . For Partition is like a Torch to a Learner , directing him which way he is to go , without uncertainly wandring up and down . Fourthly , We are orderly to dispose of our Perceptions , and the Judgments we frame thence ; so that beginning from the most easie , we may proceed by degrees to those that are more difficult . Wherefore our chief business must be , diligently to consider , and well to weigh those Particulars chiefly , which are clear and perspicuous in the Question , and not proceed to those that are unknown , except we find that by those which are already known to us , we are likely to Master them . Fifthly , That the Thing in question , be furnish'd with some Note or other that may determine it , and make us judge it to be the same , whenever we meet with it . XIV . An Example of the aforesaid Analytical Method . As by Example , it is apparent that Water , and all Liquid things , have their Parts in Motion : For we see that Water dissolves Salt and Sugar . which would not be , if the insensible parts of the Water by their continual motion , did not run against the Salt and Sugar . And if we enquire into the Cause of this Motion , we shall find that Water and other Liquid Bodies , are not moved of themselves , because they are Bodies , since all Bodies are not moved ▪ and those which rest are Bodies as well as those which are moved . Wherefore we are to seek for a Foreign Cause , which produceth Motion in Liquid Bodies , and makes them to dissolve the Particles of Salt And findingthat the Air , by penetrating the Pores of the Water , cannot be the Cause of this Motion ; for whence should the Air have the force to agitate all the parts of the Water ? it remains that we assign some other Matter more subtil than Air , and more fluid , which may put the Air , Water , and other Liquid Bodiet into Motion , which in the General Part of our Natural Philosophy we shall declare to be the First Element . For the more subtil any Body is , or divided into less Parts , so much the more easily it is agitated , and being once put into Motion , doth th● more easily retain it . Wherefore the most subtil Aether , or Celestial Matter , must be supposed to be the first Principle of Motion , which Matter abounds in the Fire , Sun , Fix'd Stars , Spirit of Wine , and other Liquors . XV. In all Method we are to proceed from that which is more known , to that which is less known . Wherefore in the Analytical , as well as Synthetical Method , we are always to proceed from that which is more known , to that which is less known . This Rule is common to all Method , neither is any to be accounted true that deviates from this Principle . Yet there is this difference between the Method of Resolution , and that of Composition ; that in the former , the Known Truths used in the Examination of the thing , which is propounded to be known , a●e taken from Particulars , and from them we do ( as by special Steps ) ascend to Generals ; not as is done in the latter , where beginning with Generals , we come down to Particulars . So that these two Methods differ , as the Ascent or Descent of the same Hill ; or the Way whereby we go up from the Valley to the Top of the Hill , and again come down from thence to the Valley . CHAP. XXII . Of the Method of Composition . I. What use we are to make of the Synthetical Method . THis Method is called the Method of COMPOSING , because it makes use of General and Common things , to come to things Particular and Compound : As for Example , If I have a mind to teach another by the way of Synthetical Method , that the Soul of Man is Immortal , I begin with these general Maxims ; That Every Being is either a Substance , or a Mode ; that there are two Substances , viz. a Thinking Substance , and an Extended Substance ; that no Substance can properly be said to perish ; that what we call Destruction in a Bodily Substance , is only a Dissolution of its Parts : Whence I conclude , that that which hath no Parts , as the Soul , cannot be destroyed , and that by consequence it is Immortal . II. Why Synthetical Method proceeds from things General , to less General . I have said , that the Method of Compounding proceeds from more Universal things , to such as are less Universal ; and it does so , because by this way of proceeding , all Repetitions , which commonly occasion Confusion and Tediousness , may be avoided . For should we treat of Species , before we have spoken of the Genus ; forasmuch as we cannot know the Species , without knowing the Genus first , we should be fain to explain the Nature of the Genus , as often as we had occasion to treat of any Species . But because this way of Demonstration is peculiar to Geometricians , and is look'd upon by them as very necessary to persuade Truth , we will borrow from them whatsoever we have to say concerning it , to the end that we may follow the same way in searching out the Knowledge of other things , which they use in the demonstration of Matters Geometrical . III. What things Mathematicians make use of in their Demonstrations . Mathematicians are wont to deduce those things that are of the greatest moment and weight from known and easie Principles , by a Chain of Simple Truths ; which they refer to three kinds ; the first whereof includes Definitions : As , a Right Line is that which is the shortest betwixt two Points . A Point is that which hath no Parts . The second contains Postulata , or things demanded or taken for granted , which are so evident as to need no confirmation , and want nothing but the Hearers assent , viz. that from any Center , and at any distance , a Circle may be described . The Third comprehends Axioms , or common Notions of the Mind , which are not only manifest and evident in the Science we are treating of , but also in all others : As that all Right Angles are equal amongst themselves ; that which is Equal , is bigger than all its Parts taken together . IV. Three things are required to the Extorting an Assent . Hence three things are chiefly observed by Geometricians , for the forcing of Assent . First , That no Ambiguity be left in the Terms , which is easily avoided by the Definitions of the Terms , which ( as was said before ) are nothing else but open Explications of the Terms and Words by which the things under debate are signified . The Second is , That every Ratiocination be founded on clear and distinct Principles , being so evident , that whosoever rightly understands the Words , must needs give his Assent to them . Which is the Reason why Mathematicians do always presuppose their Axioms , which they require to be granted them , as being so evident , that they stand in need of no Explication . The Third is , That every Conclusion they propound be proved demonstratively , making use only of those Definitions they have already alledged , or such Principles as have been granted them : Or lastly , Propositions , which by force of Argument they have deduced from them . So that all which Mathematicians observe concerning this matter , may be reduced to these Heads , which we shall comprehend in the following Rules . Rules of Definitions . V. First Rule of Definitions . The First , That every Obscure or Equivocal Term be defined . VI. Second Rule . The Second , That no Terms do enter the Definition , which are not altogether clear , or have not been before explained . Which two Rules are of that necessity , that they cannot sufficiently be imprinted in our Minds ; forasmuch as by this means many Disputations are taken out of the way , which oft consists only in the Ambiguity of Words ; as when the same Term is by divers Persons taken in a different Sense ; which is a thing that happens very frequently in Schools . Wherefore , for the Removal of so many Disputations , which often do arise amongst the divers Sects of Philosophers , it will be sufficient if the Disputing Parties take care to explain distinctly , and in few words , what they conceive by the Term about which they Dispute , and what they would have others to understand by it . As for the Qualifications of the Definitions of things , of these we have treated in the Fourteenth Chapter . The Rule of Axioms . VII . A Rule for Axioms . This is a Rule of Axioms , That no Propositions be set up for Axioms , but such as are most manifest and evident . For no body questions , but that there are some Common Notions of the Mind that are so clear and perspicuous , as to stand in need of no Demonstration , to make them appear more distinctly . For did they involve the least Doubtfulness , they could not be the Foundation of a certain Conclusion . And therefore they are called Axioms , or common Enunciations , because they are so clear and manifest , as to stand in need of no Demonstration . VIII . The Evidence of Axioms doth not arise from the Senses . But we are not to suppose , as some do , that the Certainty and Evidence of Propositions doth in any degree proceed from the Senses ; for that is absolutely false . For the Truth-discerning-Faculty is not placed in the Senses , which are often deceived by a Similitude of Things , and are not able to dive into the Difference that lies hid in them . Who is it that doth not experience how narrow and weak our Senses are , and how frequently they deceive us , when we go about to search out any thing by their means ? For altho' this Axiom , That the Whole is greater than any one of its Parts , be in some sort discernible by the Senses , yet not with such a Certainty as is necessary to Science ; because whatsoever our Senses discover to us concerning it , is only founded on the observations of ou● Infancy , which cannot afford us an undoubted , but only a probable Certainty . For by Induction a thing cannot be certainly known , except we be certain of the fulness of the Induction ; there being nothing move common , than for us to discern at last the falsity of those things , which from general Inductions we were persuaded to be most True. The whole Truth of this Proposition , the Whole is bigger than its Parts , doth depend on the clear and distinct Notions we have of the Whole and Parts , by which we judge that the Whole is greater than any one of its Parts , and that the Part is less than the Whole . For when we are discoursing of any thing that is firm and stable , we must not have recourse to the Senses , as Plato saith ; but to constant , immutable , and impregnable Reasons . Thus we clearly know , that a Triangle is a Figure , that the Number Two is an even Number ; because the Notion of a Figure is contained in the Definition of a Triangle ; and in that of the Number Two , the Notion of an Even Number . IX . The Certainty of Propositions depends on the clear Knowledge we have of them . Wherefore all the Certainty of our Knowledge in Natural things , depends on this Principle , Whatsoever is included in the clear and distinct Idea of any thing , the same may with truth be affirmed of it . Thus because Substance is included in the Conception of a Body , we may affirm a Body to be a Substance . Because it is involved in the Idea of a Circle , to have equal Diameters , we may assert of every Circle , That all their Diameters are Equal . Because it is included in the Idea of a Triangle , that all its Angles are Equal to two Right ones , we may affirm the same of all Triangles . What must be the Qualifications of Axioms , appears from what we have said of the framing of Propositions that are necessarily true , in the Thirteenth Chapter . Most General Axioms . X. To have many Axioms in a readiness , is a great help to ready Arguing or Ratiocination . But forasmuch as it is of great use , to have good store of Axioms at hand , whereby to prove and discover what is obscure and abstruse ; it will be necessary to set down here some general and necessary Propositions , from which as so many Fountains , more special ones as Rivulets may be derived . I. Whatsoever is comprehended in the clear and distinct Conception of any thing , the same may with Truth be affirmed of it . For since in the clear and distinct Conception of a Body Extension is contained , and Cogitation in the Idea of the Soul , I can truly affirm of a Body that it is extended ; and of the Soul , that it is a Thinking Substance . Wherefore we are to lay down this , as the Foundation of all Sciences ; that we must never give our full assent to any Proposition , which doth not appear evidently true to us , so as that we cannot but assent to it , without doing violence to our Minds . II. In every Idea or Conception is involved either Possible or necessary Existence . Since nothing can be apprehended by us , except under the notion of being Existent ; that is , necessary Existence is comprehended in the notion of a Being absolutely perfect , that is , of God ; and possible Existence in that of a Creature , or of a limited and finite Being . III. Nothing has no Affections or Properties . So it cannot be said , that nothing is Divisible , that it hath Parts , that it can be moved , &c. Wherefore , wheresoever any Property is found , there we may assert that there is a True and Real Being . IV. Nothing cannot be the Cause of any Thing . Forasmuch as the Cause of a Thing is supposed to be , before it can produce any thing , and that Nothing cannot exist , it doth follow , that neither can it be Principle or cause of any thing . For if Nothing could ever be Something , it would follow , in opposition to the foregoing Maxim , that it must have some Property , which is a Contradiction . From this Axiom , some others are deduced by way of Corollaries ; such as are , V. Nothing , nor any Perfection of a thing , actually Existent , can have Nothing , or a thing not Existing , for the cause of its Existence . Another Corollary : VI. Whatsoever Reality , or Perfection there is in any thing , the same is formally , or eminently in the first , and adequate cause of that thing . Whence it follows , that the Objective Reality of our Idea's , requires a Cause in which the same Reality , is contained , not only Objectively , but Formally , or Eminently . For this Axiom doth not only belong to the Efficient Cause , but also to the Exemplary . For if an Image be made more excellent than its Exemplar or Original , so that more Perfections are found in it , than in the thing it self , after the likeness of which it is made , it cannot be said to imitate its Exemplar , and consequently cannot properly be called its Image . VII . A Thing or Substance , cannot naturally be Annihilated . That is , it cannot so cease to be , as that nothing at all should remain of it . For we easily conceive , that when any thing ceaseth to appear , it doth chage its Nature , or is converted into another thing ; As for Example , we can well enough conceive , how Wood comes to cease to be Wood , how it comes to be Fire , and how the several Particles of Fire are subdivided into others , that at last they cannot be perceived by any Sense : But we can by no means conceive , how they should be reduced naturally to nothing , and from Being pass , to not Being . VIII . That which is clear and evident is not to be denied , because that which is obscure , cannot be comprehended . For we cannot doubt , but that there is Liberty and Indifferency in us , because we are conscious of it , and comprehend nothing more evidently or perfectly , tho' we cannot comprehend , how God doth leave the free actions of Men indetermined . IX . It is the nature of a Finite Mind , to be unable to comprehend that which is infinite . Because it is the nature of an Infinite being , to be Incomprehensible ; for if it could be comprehended , it would not be Infinite . What wonder is it therefore , that we cannot conceive matter to be Divisible into Infinite ? Or that we cannot understand the Mystery of the Trinity , or the Incarnation of the Divine Word ? Because our Mind is Finite , and bears no propotion to the Mysteries . Would but some Men weigh this Axiom , as they ought , they would not with so much obstinacy , rely upon their weak Reason , or trusting to their own Wits , invent a new kind of Divinity . X. If you take Equals from Equals , what remains will be Equal . XI . If you add Equals to Equals , the whole will be Equal . XII . It is in vain to endeavour that by more , which can commodiously be performed by less . Special Logical Axioms . Logical Axioms are of great use . To these we may subjoyn some Logical Axioms , which are of great use , in the guiding of our Discourse , and are taken from the Genus , Species , Difference , Division , Causes , &c. From the Genus . I. Whatsoever is affirmed or denied of the Genus ' the same is affirmed or denied of the Species . The reason is , because the Genus contains the Species , and because the whole Essence of the Genus is found in them : Thus , because it is affirmed of an Animal , that it is Sensitive , the same is also affirmed of Man and Beast . And because the same Animal is denied to be a Stone , so likewise , the same is denied of a Man and a Beast . Wherefore , the Genus is of no use to prove the Species , but only to remove it . For that which is not an Animal , neither can it be a Man ; but that which is a Man , must therefore be an Animal . II. The supposing of the Genus , doth not suppose such a Species . As for Example , supposing any thing to be an Animal , it cannot from thence be concluded , that it is a Man ; because it may be a Beast , which is likewise an Animal . II. The Genus being destroyed , the Species must be destroyed with it . For seeing that the Genus is an essential part of the Species , it must follow that the Genus being destroyed , that must needs be destroyed with it , which consists of it . Thus if we take away an Animal , we together take away the Species , that are contained under it . And by taking away a Foursquare Figure , we at the same time take away a Parallelogram and a Trapezium , which are the Species of a Foursquare . From the Species . I. The supposing of the Species , supposeth the Genus ; but the taking away of one Species , doth not necessarily remove the Genus . Because the Idea of the Genus , is comprehended in the Essential Conception of the Species , without which the nature of the Species cannot be explained . So supposing a Binary or the number two , we suppose a number also ; and asserting a Parallelogram , we likewise assert a Square . And if all Beasts were taken out the World , yet would not Animal be therefore taken away , seeing it would be preserved in Man. Hence it is , that the Species is of great force to prove the Genus , but of none at all to deny it . For that which is a Binary , must be a number , but it does not follow , that that which is no Binary , is therefore no number . II. All the Species being destroyed , the Genus is destroyed likewise . For in this case all the power of the Genus is exhausted , neither doth there any thing remain , of which it can be affirmed . So supposing the Sight , Hearing , Tasting , Smelling and Feeling to be destroyed ; the outward Sense must be destroyed likewise : And taking away Prudence , Justice , Temperance and Fortitude , takes away Vertue also . From the Form or Difference . I. The Form is that by which a thing is , what it is . Because the Form or Difference , is the chief Essential Attribute that is found in the Species , and whose property it is to constitute the same , and distinguish it from other Species . Thus Extension constitutes a Body , and Cogitation the Mind or Soul of Man. II. Where the total Difference or Form can be affirmed or denied , of the same the Species also may be affirmed or denied . This Axiom as a Corollary is deduced from the former ; for seeing the thing is constituted by the difference , where the same is found , it is necessary that there the Species be also . Thus , because Cogitation may be affirmed of the Mind of Man , therefore we may affirm it to be a Thinking Being . III. The Form and Species are reciprocated . The Reason is , because Difference constitutes the Species , and doth distinguish it from other Species , and therefore must have the same latitude as the Species it self , and therefore must reciprocally be affirmed of one another : As , Every thing that Thinks is a Mind , and every thing that is a Mind Thinks . From the Property . I. The Property is consequent on the Form. For the Property is something flowing from the nature of the Species , and so bound to it , that it agrees to the whole Species : So Divisibility follows Extension , and is so necessarily joyned to it , that no Body can be extended , but that it must be Divisible also . II. The supposing of the Form , supposeth the Property , and the taking away of it , takes away the Property also . As when Extension is supposed , Impenetrability and Divisibility are supposed likewise ; and if that be taken away , the Properties are taken away also . From the Definition . I. Whatsoever agrees with the Definition , agrees also with the thing Defined . For seeing that a Definition declares the nature of a thing , by its Essential Attributes , viz. by its Genus and Difference , it must include the Whole , contained in the thing defined ; and therefore whatsoever is Attributed to the Definition , the same must necessarily be also Attributed to the thing defined . Thus , because it agrees to the Art of Discoursing well , to direct the Mind ; therefore also it must agree to Logick , to direct the Mind . II. If the Definition belong to a thing , the thing defined must also belong to it . Thus , because it belongs to the Mind of Man , to be a Thinking Substance , it belongs also to the same to be a Spirit . And because to a Stone , belongs Extension in Length , Breadth and Depth , therefore it also belongs to it , to be a Body . III. If a Definition agree with a Definition , the thing Defined also , must agree with the thing Defined . As , That which consists of a Body and Mind , is endowed with Sense ; therefore Man is an Animal . Substance is something which hath an Essence and Existence distinguisht from all other things ; and on the contrary . From Division . I. If no part of the Division agrees to a thing , neither doth the thing divided agree with it . Thus , because the notion neither of a Spirit nor Body , doth agree to Substantial Forms ( save only the Soul of Man. ) Therefore , Substantial Forms cannot be Substances . II. Every Division must be entire , that is , it Enumerates all and every Part belonging to a thing . For should any part belonging to a thing , be omitted in the Division , there could not be an Adequate Enumeration of the Parts , neither consequently would the thing , by means of such a Division , be distinctly perceived . Thus the Division of a Man into Sound and Sick , is not Adequate , because there is a kind of Middle State , as , is that of a Man , that is recovering from Sickness . But the Division of Hand into Right and Left ; of a Line into Right and Crooked ; of a Number into Even and Odd , is Adequate because it Enumerates all and every Part. III. The Parts of a Division must be opposit . This Axiom follows from the foregoing . Thus things are better divided into Material and Immaterial , than into Visible and Invisible ; because some Invisible things , as a very clear Air , and our Breath , are not by nature distinct from Visibles . From the Cause . I. The Cause is always before the Effects For seeing the Cause is that from which a thing hath its Original , or that of which that Being doth in some sort depend , therefore it must needs exist before it . So a Carpenter is before the Building ; A Father before the Son , &c. A Cause is in a twofold Sense said to be before its Effect , viz. by a Priority of Nature and Time. A Cause is before its Effect by a Priority of Nature ; because the Effect exists by the Power of the Cause , and not the Cause by the power and virtue of the Effect ; yet not always by priority of Time , because some Effects exist at the same time with their Causes , as all those Effects which proceed by Emanation ; as the Proprieties do from their Subjects , which therefore exist the same moment with them . II. Nothing can be a Cause of it self . For seeing there is a Dependance in the Effect , whereby it proceeds from something that was before it ; it cannot be conceived , how any thing should be prior to it self . III. Supposing the Cause in Act , we suppose the Effect in Act also . The Reason is , because when the Cause is constituted in Act , it always does something , and that which it does is called its Effect . As supposing God a Producer , we must necessarily suppose something produced ; and therefore the Cause and its Effect , as well as other Relates , are said to be simul Natura , that is , to be both at once ; for no sooner is one Relative named , but at the same time we understand the other . So he is a Father , who hath a Son ; and he a Son , who hath a Father . IV. A Cause cannot give that which it hath not . For a Cause gives something to another thing , but it cannot give that which it self wants . V. Whosoever Acts by another , is esteemed to act of himself . As he who desires , exhorts , and adviseth others to commit some Wickedness , is said to be the Moral Cause ; because by Desiring or Commanding , &c. He makes the Effect to be imputed to him . From the Effect . I. The Effect is posterior to its Cause . This Axiom follows from the foregoing : For if the Cause be before the Effect , it follows that the Effect must presuppose it . II. No Effect exceeds the virtue of its Cause . For seeing the Effect borrows its Being from the Cause , it is impossible it should take any thing that goes beyond or exceeds the Power of its Cause . For Fire would never be able to warm the Hand , if to warm did exceed the virtue of Fire . III. That because of which every thing is such , is it self more such . That is , if the Nature of the Effect be good or bad ; the same doth more clearly appear in the Cause . This is true when both are capable of the same Quality : Thus because the Kettle is hot because of the Fire , the Fire must needs be more hot . But we cannot argue , a Man is satiated with the Meat he eats , therefore the Meat is more satiated . From the Subjects , and Adjuncts . I. Where the Subject is , there are the Adjuncts also . For seeing that the Adjunct is the Mode of the Subject , it does always accompany the fame : As where the Fire is , there is heat ; where a Dead Carkass is , there is a stink . II. Such as the Subject is , such are the Adjuncts . For such as the Orator is , such is his power in Persuading ; as the Sick is , such are his symptoms . III. Where the Adjuncts are , there is the Subject . Because Adjuncts are added to the Subject , and are considered as things that belong to it . As where Motion , Magnitude , &c. is found , there must also be a Body . From the Whole . I. What agrees to a Similar Whole , agrees also to the Parts of it . For seeing that a Similar Whole is made up of a Conjunction of Similar Parts , it must needs be of the same Nature with them . Thus , because Lead is heavier than Brass ; therefore every part of Lead , proportion being observed , must be heavier than Brass . II. Where any Whole is , there are all its Principal Parts . For the Principal Parts are Essential to the Whole . I say , the Principal Parts , as the Head , and the like ; because there are some Parts which belong to the Entireness , but not to the Essence of the thing . III. The Entire Whole being supposed , all its Parts are supposed also . The Reason is , because this Whole is nothing else than the Parts taken all together : As where the Entire Body of Man is , there must be its Skin , Bones , Sinews , Veins , Flesh , and all things that belong to the Entireness of it . From the Parts . I. Every Part , with respect to its Whole , is Imperfect , and Incompleat . So the Soul and Body , with respect to a Man , are Imperfect and Incompleat ; because they both belong to make a Perfect Man. So the Hands , Feet , Head , which are the Integral Parts of Mans Body , are more Imperfect than the Whole Body . II. Where all the Parts are , and joyned together , there is the Whole . This Axiom is evident from what hath been already said . From Like and Vnlike . I. Like do agree with Like . A Prince must govern a Commonwealth after the same manner , as a Father of a Family takes care of his Family . II. To Unlike things , Opposits do agree . As we love an Honest man , so we hate a Wicked person . A Shepherd feeds his Sheep , an Hireling neglects them . From Relates . I. Relates are by Nature together , or at one and the same time . For seeing that every Relation is mutual , and one Relative respects the other ; it cannot be , but that if you put the Relate , you must put the Correlate likewise : And therefore the Cause and the Effect , that which is before , and that which is after , and all other things that do mutually respect each other , are always at once and together in the Mind . From whence follows also this Axiom . II. One Relative being put , the other is put also ; and being taken away , the other is so likewise . From Contraries . I. That which is susceptive of one Contrary , is also susceptive of the other . As Water can be made hot , therefore it may also be made cold . A Dog cannot act justly , and therefore neither unjustly . II. Of Contraries , it is necessary that the one be in the Subject susceptive of it ; the other not . Thus if a Number be not Even , it must be Uneven . Yet this Axiom doth not hold in all Contraries ; for it is not necessary that a Wall should be white , because it is not black . From Privative Opposits . I. If the one be Absent , the other must be absent also . This must be understood in a Capable Subject . As if a Man sees , he is not blind . It is Light , therefore not Dark . II. For the Most part , there is no going back from a Privation to a Habit. As from Death to Life , from Blindness to Sight . III. What in one Subject is Privation , is often a Negation with regard to another . This appears in our Errors , which with reference to God , who doth not bestow upon us the whole knowledge of Truth , are only called Negations ; but with reference to us are Defects and Privations . Thus Ignorance of the Laws is blame-worthy in him , who professeth skill in Law ; but not to him who is of another Profession . From Contradictories . I. One Contradictory being put , the other is removed ; and on the contrary . As supposing that Peter walks , it cannot be that he should not walk . From Parity , or Equality . I. Even things with Even things agree , or disagree . As Faith to the Patriarchs was necessary to Salvation ; therefore to us also . From the Greater . I. If that which is more Likely is not ; much less that which is less Likely . As if a Woman could not be tempted to Sin by an hundred Guinea's , much less by thirty . From the Lesser . I. If that which is less Likely is , much more that which is more likely . As , a Man hath kill'd the King , therefore he will make no difficulty of killing one of his Fellow - Citizens . From Divine Authority . I. The Testimony of a Being Sovereignly Intelligent , Wise , and True , is of greater efficacy to persuade , than any other the most strong and evident Reasons that may be . Thus since God tells us , that they are blessed who are persecuted for Righteousness sake , we are to hold it for an undoubted Truth ; because we have a greater Certainty , that he who is Sovereignly Intelligent , and Infinitely Good , cannot be deceived , than we can be certain that we our selves are not deceived , even in those things that appear most clear and evident to us . For we are to give credit to the Divine Testimony , not because of the Affirmation or Negation , but for the Authority of the VVitness , as being Omnipotent , Omniscient , and of the most Sovereign Veracity and Truth . From Human Authority . I. VVe ought not to oppose that which is owned by all Men , or most Men , or wise Men , or by the most Famous and most Approved of them . As for Example , it is a Truth received by the common censent of all Men ; that we ought to venture our Lives for the welfare and safety of our Native Country : And that it is the Duty of every Man , to live honestly , to hurt no body , and to give to every Man his Right . For this unanimous Agreement of all Men shews , that their Judgment in these Cases proceeds from common inborn Notions , and not from any Compact to impose upon others , or deceive themselves . But yet we must not have the same Opinion of those Men , who being over-credulous , deceive others , by reporting Prodigies which they had from others ; as that there are Sciopodes , Men that have but one Foot , and that so great , that lying on their Backs they can shade their whole Body with it ; or that there are Men that have so great Ears , that they reach down to their Feet , and so broad that they can lye upon them ; and others again that have no Heads , and have their Eyes about their Shoulders : Because we are not to believe every one , but only those whose sufficient knowledge of the Matters they relate , and Veracity , are fully known to us . Two Rules of Demonstrations . I. All Propositions that involve any thing of Obscurity , are to be proved without alledging any thing in proof of them , besides Definitions which have gone before , or Axioms that have already been granted , or Propositions before demonstrated , or the Construction of the thing in discourse , when any Operation is to be done . II. VVe are never to make an ill use of the Equivocation of Terms . This may be occasioned by not adding their Definitions , to restrain or explain them . For to every true Demonstration two things especially are required . First , That in the Matter it self nothing be contained , but what is certain and indubitable : The Other , That there be no fault in the Form of Argumentation : Which Faults we shall avoid by the Rules now given , that is , by not making an ill use of Equivocal Terms , and by using no other Propositions in our Demonstrations , but what are either Definitions of Terms before explained , or Axioms that have been before granted , and which ought not to have been supposed , without being sure of their Evidence ; or Propositions , that have been before demonstrated , or the Construction of the Thing of which we treat , when any operation is to be performed . For by observing of these things all Defects or Mistakes will be easily avoided both in Matter and Form. As to the Constitution of Demonstrations , we have handled it in the Nineteenth Chapter of the Third Part. CHAP. XXIII . Of Genetical Method . I. Themes are two-fold , Simple or Conjunct , HAving largly enough , as I suppose , spoken of Method in general , and of Analytical and Synthetical in particular , it may now be fitting to subjoyn something concerning Genetical Method , because it is of use , and belongs to the true Practice , or Exercise of Logick . Genetical Method , teacheth us to frame a Discourse upon any Theme , and takes it Name from Genesis , because it is as it were a new Generation of a Thing , and that whereby we Elaborate a Theme , that hath not as yet been Explained , or Demonstrated . And for as much as the Theme , or Matter proposed to be known , is either One and Simple , or Conjunct and Complex ; as when for Example , I consider God , or the Power of God , in Creating the World , I consider something that is Simple or Incomplex : But when I set before me this Sentence , God Created the World ( or any other Proposition , whereby any thing is affirmed or denied of another ) I think of something that is Conjunct or Complex . II. How we are to handle a Simple Theme . The handling of a Simple Theme , consists in the seeking of Arguments , that may declare a Simple Theme , and the disposing of them in a due order . Arguments shew us the manner of inventing the Definitions of Single Terms , such as are the Cause and Effect , Genus and Species , the whole and its Parts , Subject and Adjunct , Opposits , Divers , &c. As for Example , if any one seeks for the Efficient Cause of Man , he must have recourse to the Definition of the Efficient Cause , which is , that from which a thing by true Causality doth proceed : Which Definition of the Efficient Cause , if it be referred to Man , presently , either God will be brought to his Mind , by whom he was Created presently after the Beginning of the World ; Or his Parents , by whom all other Men since have been produced . And after the same manner he may find out the Matter of which he is made , the Form by which he is distinguisht from all other things ; and the End for which he was Created by God. III. How the Effects are shewed . So likewise the Effects of Man are manifested by examining the Works that proceed from Man , as the Efficient Cause , &c. and in like manner handle the rest , as far as the Theme propounded will bear : For it is evident , that all Themes will not admit the same Arguments ; seeing God , for Example , hath neither any Efficient Cause , nor Form , nor Matter , and therefore the same cannot be considered of in him . The same may be said of the Angels , and the Mind of Man , which have neither Matter , nor Form , nor consist of any Parts . IV. In a Simple Theme we are to examin the Word . In the handling of a Simple Theme , this order is commonly observed , as far as the nature of Argument will permit : First , To examin the Word of the Theme , whether it be derived , and if so , to give its Etymology : Secondly , Whether it be Ambiguous , and then its various Significations are to be Enumerated and expounded . Thirdly , Whether it be Abstract or Concrete . V. The Genus . In the Second Place , we must enquire into the Genus , from the Predicamental Table set down in the First part , Chap. V. which represents all the Genera and Species , which conduceth much to the knowledge of the Theme , forasmuch as the manner of handling Themes varieth according to the Diversity of the Genera . VI. The Causes . Thirdly , We must enquire into the Causes , which we have set down and Enumerated , First part , Chap. IX . VII . Effects . Fourthly , The Effects are to be considered ; not every one , but such as are Memorable , and worth the Mentioning . VIII . Adjuncts . Fifthly , The Adjuncts are to be handled according as the Theme is , whether Universal or Proper ; as also the Antecedents and Consequents . IX . Definition . In the Sixth Place , Definition , which , as soon as we have have found out the Genus and Difference , doth present it self unto us . X. Division . Next comes DIVSION , whereby the Subject is divided into its Integral Parts , if the Theme be an Integral Whole ; or into Species , if it be a Genus . XI . Comparates . In the Eighth Place , COMPARATES , or Things that agree in Quantity or Quality . XII . Opposits . Lastly , OPPOSITS , are subjoyned to all these , and are of considerable use , according to that common Saying , Contraries set together , Illustrate each other . XIII . How a Conjunct Theme is to be demonstrated . A Complex Theme , or Proposition is Genetically Demonstrated from the Subject and Predicat , which as two Integral Parts do constitute the same . Because by them we judge , whether a Proposition be True or False , Universal or Particular , Necessary or Contingent , Affirmative or Negative . As suppose this Conjunct Theme be to be proved , Man is Created after the Image of God , we are to consider both the Parts , viz. the Subject Man , and the Predicat , the Image of God , after which Man is said to be Created : Next the Quantity and Quality of the Proposition are to be Examined : And Lastly , The Reasons or Arguments of the Affirmation are to be investigated from the nature of the Subject and Predicat . XIV . How the Subject is to be considered . The Subject Man furnisheth us with Reasons or Arguments . First , From the Efficient Cause , because the Holy Trinity entred as it were into Consultation about the Creating of Man , which was not done in the other VVorks of the Creation , which is an Argument of a peculiar Prerogative of Man , before other Creatures , which consists in that he is an Image of God. Secondly , From his Matter , because he is made with a Face , directed towards Heaven , &c. Thirdly , From his Form , because he only of all sublunary Creatures , had a Mind breathed into him . Fourthly , From Singular Effects , which are the Evidences of a peculiar Virtue bestowed upon him . Fifthly , From his Adjuncts , because he excells all other Creatures , by the Power he has of Understanding , and determining himself . Sixthly , From his Definition , because he is a Substance consisting of Mind and Matter . Seventhly , From the Place of Comparats , because he comes near to the nature of the Angels ; and Ninethly , From that of Opposits , because he is not a Beast , devoid of Reason . XV. How the Predicat is to be considered . The Predicat , made after the Image of God , doth also afford us Arguments taken from the Nature of the Divine Image ; viz. from its Formal Reason , or from its Effects , Adjuncts , Parts , Definitions , Comparats , Contraries , &c. which Theology handles at large . Books . 1. Part. 2. Introduction To the Honourable Dr. John Fielding Arch-Deacon of Dorsett &c.w. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome The Second Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . Viz. Natural Theology , OR , A TREATISE CONCERNING GOD. An Introductory Discourse Of the Definition of Natural Theology , and its Certainty . I. Why Natural Theology is set before the other parts of Philosophy . SOME , it may be , will find it strange that I have given NATURAL THEOLOGY the precedence before other Parts of Philosophy , and that I betake my self to the demonstration of the Existence of GOD , and of his Perfections , before I have handled the Nature of Corporeal Things . But their Wonder will cease , if they consider how necessary Natural Theology is to other Disciplines , and of how great concern the knowledge of the Divine Existence is , for attaining a firm and evident Knowledge of all other Things . For seeing that GOD is the Author of the VVorld , and all things that are in it , and the Original of all Truth , the Knowledge of him is to be premised , of whom all Certainty and Truth of Science doth so closely depend , as that without it no Evidence or true Knowledge at all can be had . For since Science cannot be had but from First Causes , how will the same be attainable by us , if we do not know them ? Seeing it is the Nature of First Principles to be Clear and Evident ; and that the Knowledge of other things do so depend upon them , th●t tho' Principles may be known , tho' the things be unknown ; yet the things themselves can never be known , except the Principles be known : Seeing therefore that GOD , the Author of All Created Beings , is ( according to S. Austin ) the Light of all things knowable , and the Good of all things to be done ; we must Know him , before other Causalities can either have a Being , or be exactly known by us . II. All Geometrical Demonstrations derive their Evidence from the Existence of GOD. Notwithstanding that Geometrical Demonstrations be of that Evidence as to force our Assent , and being once clearly perceived , do no longer leave any place for doubting , as long as we attend to them ; yet will they cease to appear such , if we be ignorant of the Existence of God. For how can we know , but that we are made with such Natures as to be deceived in those things that appear most evident to us ? For we cannot be convinc'd to the contrary , except we first know God to Exist , and that He is the Fountain of all Truth , and hath not given us such Understandings , as to be deceived in the Judgment we make of things that we do most clearly and distinctly comprehend . III. We cannot be certain that any Conclusions are true , but only so long as we do give heed to the Premisses . True it is , that our Mind is conscious to several Idea's in it self , in the Contemplation whereof it never finds it self deceived , as long as it neither affirms nor denies ought concerning them . It is certain also , that it finds in it self Common Notions , whence it frames several Demonstrations , which it persuades it self to be very true , as long as it gives heed to the Premisses from whence it deduceth its Demonstrations . But because it cannot continually give its attention to them , and often forgets them , it may afterwards easily come to doubt of their certainty , if it have not a clear and distinct Conception of God , that is , except it be assured that God is True , and that it is repugnant to his Nature to be a Deceiver . For as Cartesius saith in his Fifth Meditation , Tho' I am of that Nature , that as long as I clearly and distinctly perceive any thing , I cannot but believe it true ; yet because I am also of that Nature , as not to be able always to fix the intention of my Mind , upon one and the same thing , in order to my clear perceiving of the same ; and that I oft call to Mind a Judgment I have made before , when I no longer attend to the Reasons , upon which I judged it to be such , other Reasons may be alledged , which might remove me from my Opinion , if I were Ignorant of the Existence of God ; and consequently should never have any true or certain Science concerning things , but only Fleeting and Mutable Opinions . IV. This confirmed by an Example . Thus he who considers the Nature of a Triangle , is indeed forced to conclude , that its Three Angles are equal to Two right ones , neither can he think otherwise as long as he attends to its Demonstration : But yet as soon as he turns the bent of his Mind from it , tho' he remembers that he hath clearly perceived it , yet he may easily question the truth of it , if the Existence of God be unknown to him . V. An Objection taken from Atheists . If it be said that Atheists , who deny the Existence of God , do notwithstanding clearly understand general Axioms , such as these , Equal Quantities added to Equal , make the whole Equal ▪ Those things which agree in a Third , do agree amongst themselves ; and such like : From which they easily Demonstrate , that the Three Angles of a right Angle , are Equal to Two right ones . And that it is a thing apparent to all that are skilled in the Principles of Geometry , that the Square of the Basis of a Triangle , is equal to the Square of the Sides : So that it is possible to have true knowledge , without supposing the knowledge of God. VI. Answered . I Answer , That it cannot be denied , but that Atheists have a clear knowledge of Geometrical Demonstrations , and that they are so evident , as to force their assent : But yet this knowledge of theirs cannot be said to be true Science , founded upon certain Principles : Because no knowledge deserves the name of Science , that can in the least be called in doubt , and whose certainty doth not depend on an evident Principle . Now forasmuch as these Men are supposed to be Atheists , neither can they be certain that they are not mistaken in those very things , which they think themselves to have most clearly apprehended . And tho' it may be this doubtfulness do not trouble them at present , yet it may hereafter , upon their examining of the matter , or upon its being started by others ; neither can they ever be secured from this Hesitation , without owning God to be ●he Author of their Being . VII . Natural Theology influenceth all human Disciplines . NATURAL THEOLOGY Transcends all the Parts of Philosophy ; and as the Sun , that Enlightens all the World , is diffused through all Arts , and Sciences : For who is there , that considering the Works of God as he ought , doth not admire his Power , Goodness and Wisdom , and is not raised thence to the Knowledge of Him ? Do not the Earth , the VVater , Vegetables , Animals and Stars , all lead us to the Understanding of Him ? For all things have relation to God , as to their First Principle , and proclain him to be the one Supream cause of their Being . For how is it possible for him , who attentively considers the Connexion of Bodies , the Motion of the Stars , the Vicisisitude of Seasons , the Succession of Generations , the orderly Disposition of the Parts of the VVorld , not to discern the Wise Author and Orderer of all these ? VIII . The rest of Bodies proves an Intellectual Principle . Bodies have no power to move themselves ; how can therefore their so orderly Motion be perform'd , but by some Intellectual Being , by which as their Effective Principle , they are disposed , and directed to their appointed end ? Wherefore Lactantius was of Opinion , that no Man could be so Ignorant or Savage , but that , lifting up his Eyes to Heaven , tho' he may not know by whose Providence all these things are govern'd , yet must needs understand from the Motion , Disposition , Constancy , Usefulness , and Contemperation of things , that they are under a wise conduct ; and that it is impossible , that what is so wonderfully framed and ordered , must be managed , by the highest Counsel and Wisdom . IX . What Natural Theology is . From what hath been said it appears what Natural Theology is , viz. the Knowledge or Science of God. For Theology is divided into Natural and Supernatural ; Supernatural is called that which is fetched from Holy Scripture , and which , by the assistance of Supernatural Light , attains Divine Truths : Natural , is that , which declares and demonstrates the Existence and Attributes of God , from the Book of Nature , and from Principles , derived from the Light of Nature . X. How useful the same is to Atheists and ungodly M●n . Wherefore , this Natural Theology is very profitable for Unbelievers , and Wicked Persons , that are Theoretically so , who cannot be brought to any Religion , except it be first demonstrated to them , that God Exists . As also for those who are Practical Atheists , that is , who live , as if there were no God , no Providence , no Reward after this Life , nor any Punishment ; for how will these be able to defend this their Opinion , after that they are once convinced , that there is a God , and that his Attributes , are not only shadowed out in all things throughout the whole VVorld , but besides are most clearly represented in their own Souls ? XI . The Certainty of Natural Theology . The Certainty of Natural Theology doth plainly appear , in that it is required to the laying of the Foundations of Human Disciplines , and in that without the knowledge of God , no solid Knowledge can be had of any thing whatsoever . He cannot be called a Philosopher , who is destitute of the knowledge of God , and who doth not worship him as he ought . Hence Des Cartes 1. Princ. Artic. 29. proves the certainty of the Natural Light given to him by God , by this Argument , because God is True , and that he is the Original and Principle of our Intellect . CHAP. I. What God is , and how he may be reached by us . I. We are to enquire what God is , before we enquire whether he is . FOrasmuch , as according to the Rules of Logick , we are never to enquire , whether a thing be , before we conceive what it is : I suppose it needful to examin , what the Nature of God is , and what is included in the Essential Conception of him , before that I proceed to the Discussing of the Point , how his Existence comes to be known to us . II. All Men agree in the knowledge of God. The first of these will not be difficult , if we only follow the Judgments of Men , that ever had any Opinion of God : For I believe , that Men do less disagree in this , than in any other Opinion whatsoever . There is no Man that ever heard any thing of God , but doth acknowledge him to be a Substance Infinite , Independent , of the Highest Understanding and Power , and the Creator of all things that are . Or if he doth not distinctly conceive thus much , yet at least must own , that all Perfections that can possibly be conceived by Man , do belong to him in the highest and most perfect manner that can be . III. Tho' God be infinite , yet doth he not therefore exclude all Finite Beings . It may be some will here Object , that if God be an Infinite Being , or such a one as comprehends all manner of Perfections whatsoever , he must necessarily exclude every Finite Being , and so nothing would exist besides him . But the Falsity of this Reasoning is apparent ; for we cannot conclude , that , because a Man hath a more excellent Wit than others , that therefore others have no Wit at all . Or supposing his Wit to encrease to Infinity , would this diminish the less Portion of Wit possest by others ? Thus , tho' God be consummate in all manner of Perfections , yet doth not he therefore exclude all other Beings ; except we should conceive God to be Corporeal and Material ; for indeed if he were Corporeally Infinite , he must exclude all other Bodies . But if we should conceive God to be Corporeal , we cannot suppose him Infinite , that is , comprehending all manner of Perfections , because then he would be Divisible , and lose his highest Simplicity and Unity . IV. Gods Perfections are only Infinite . But some will urge further , that it is of the Nature of a most perfect Being , to include all manner of Perfections , and therefore it is necessary for him , formally to comprehend whatsoever Perfection is in the Creatures . To which I Answer , That the Antecedent is false , for seeing that the Perfections of the Creature are Finite and imperfect , they cannot be in God , because otherwise God could not be the most Perfect Being , as containing imperfections in himself . Wherefore we ought rather to say , since God is the Highest Being , he includes only Infinite Perfection , and excludes all other . V. How God is said to be Infinite . God is said to be Infinite , because he is without all Bounds , not only as to his Essence , but also as to his Duration , as being a necessary Being , and Subject to no Change or Mutability . VI. God is Independent . He is said to be Independent , because he derives his Being , from none besides himself . Which yet is not so to be understood , as if God did depend of himself , as of an Efficient Cause , since it might be still further enquired , whether that Cause had its Being from it self or from another . But that he is possest of so great and immense a Power , that he doth not stand in need of the help of any Being , for his Existence and Conservation ; and that therefore in some Sense , God may be said to be the Cause of himself . VII . In what Sense God is said to be Positively of himself . You will say , that Divines will not allow this way of Speaking , as abhorring to admit the notion of Causality in God ; and therefore when they would explain How God is from himself , they say , that that ought only to be understood Negatively , that is , God is not of another , but by no means positively of himself , as of a Cause . I Answer , That it is true , that God is of himself Negatively , or which is the same thing ; that he is not beholden to any Cause for his Existence ; but withal do assert , that this Negation is not sufficient to explain the Nature of God , without admitting something that is positive , by which he continues to be or exist ; and this we say is nothing else but his Inexhaustible and Incomprehensible Power ; for it is certain that the Power , Efficacy and Vertue which we conceive in God , is the most Positive , Perfect and Real that can be : And therefore , forasmuch as God exists by reason of his Nature , or the Perfections that are in him , who can question but that he is positively of himself ? For if the first Man had been from Eternity , so as nothing had been before him , yet forasmuch as the Parts of Time in which he Exists , may be separated from each other ; and because from his Being to Day , it doth not follow that he shall be to Morrow , except there be some cause to renew him , and as it were , to produce him anew every Moment ; we make no difficulty to assert that the Cause which thus preserves is something Positive . Thus notwithstanding God hath been from Eternity , yet because he himself preserves himself , we may conclude he is of himself , not only Negatively , but Positively , inasmuch as his Immensity is the Cause of the Perseverance of his Being . VIII . This Argument further urged . But you will say , if God be positively of himself , he will be his own Cause , or the Cause of himself , since he does the same with reference to himself , what the Efficient Cause doth with respect to its Effect . Now to say , that God is the Cause of himself , sounds harshly in the Ears of some Divines , and is looked upon as an Error . IX . Answered . I Answer , that God may be said , in some manner to be the Cause of himself , inasmuch as he is positively preserved by himself , as long as by the word Cause we do not understand the Efficient , but only the Formal Cause ; so that the meaning of that Expression will be no more than this , that the Immensity of the Divine Essence , is the Reason why he doth not stand in need of any Cause for his Existence or Conservation ; or that the Divine Perfection is so great , that he his the Reason of his own Existence , not diverse , but inseparable from himself . Which is not so to be understood , as if God by a Positive Influx did conserve himself , as all Created Beings are conserved by him ; but only that this supreme Power , and the Immensity of his Essence is such , that he stands in need of no Conservator . But now who will pretend , that this Immensity of the Divine Power is not a most positive thing ? When therefore it is demanded why God Exists , we must not answer , by an Efficient Cause ; because that is properly called an Efficient Cause , where the Cause is distinguisht from the Effect , and where the Effect is supposed different from the Cause ; but we are to Answer , by the Essence of the Thing or the Formal Cause , which bears some Analogy with the Efficient . X. God is conceived by all as supremely Intelligent . GOD is also acknowledged to be a Being of Soverening Wisdom and Understanding , because nothing is hid from him , and because al past , present and future things are Naked , and open before him . XI . As most Powerful . Moreover God is acknowledged to be most Powerful , because he Rules over all , and can produce whatsoever doth not imply a Contradiction . XII . In what sense God is said to be the Creator of all things . He is also owned to be the Creator of all things , because all things depend on Him , not only to their Being , but also with regard to their Conservation . For since Infinite Power is included in the Idea we have of God , it is a Contradiction , that any thing should Exist , which is not produced by him . XIII . God may be known by us , tho' not comprehended . Under these Attributes it is , that God may be known by us : For we have a clear and distinct knowledge of God as he is . A Being Infinite , Omnipotent , Eternal , Omniscient , and the effective Principle of all things . And he may be thus defined by us : A Being thinking in Perfection ( or most perfectly thinking ) Simple , Unchangeable , Eternal , Consummate , Necessary , Immense , Incomprehensible , Omnipotent , and of which all things depend , not only with regard to their Nature and Existence , but also to their Order and Possibility . Neither is it any Contradiction to what hath been said of our knowing him , that he is declared to be Incomprehensible : For it is one thing to know a thing , and another to comprehend it : I own that we who are Finite cannot comprehend the Infinite Essence of God , since it is of the Nature of Infinity to be Incomprehensible : But it is no Contradiction to say , we may know that which is Infinite , that is , clearly and distinctly apprehend a thing to be such , that no bounds or limits can be found in it , or set to it . XIV . A Objection fetch'd from the Divine Incomprehensibility . You will oppose , That if the Weakness of Man cannot aspire to the comprehension of that which is Infinite , he will never be able to conceive the Notion of that which is so , but only of that which is Finite : For who will say that he sees a Man , when he sees only one Hair of his Head ? Now there is less proportion between a Finite thing and an Infinite , than there is between one Hair of a Man's Head , and his whole Body . XV. We may have an Idea of God , without comprehending of him . I Answer , That it is not at all needful , in order to our having the Notion of an Infinite thing , than we should comprehend all its Perfections , this being sufficient if we find no bounds or limits in it ; because then we understand the whole Infinite , tho' not Totally , as the Schools term it , and as to every one of its Parts . Who dare say that I have not the Idea of a Triangle , when a Figure comprehended within three Lines is represented to my Mind ; tho' it may be I am ignorant , that its three Angles be equal to two right ones ? And so in like manner I may have an Apprehension or Notion of God , without comprehending all his Attributes . For if it were otherwise , I should understand nothing at all , when mention is made of the Worship of God , his Works , Mercy , or Justice . For it is not of the Essence of an Image , that it be in all things the same with the thing it represents , but only that it be in some degree like it . XVI . The word Cogitation is Equivocal . But yet we are to observe , that the word a Thinking-Being , or Substance , is Equivocal when attributed to God and the Creatures ; because the Cogitation , which constitutes the Nature of God , is Independent and Perfect , and that which constitutes the Nature of a Created Spirit is Imperfect , and dependent of God : Wherefore to mark this difference , I say , that the Cogitation , which constitutes the Nature of God , subsists by it self ; whereas that which constitutes the Nature of a Created Spirit , subsists indeed in it self , but not by it self . CHAP. II. By the Inborn Idea that is in us , we know that GOD exists . I. What we are to understand by the word Idea . BY the word IDEA , we understand that form of our Cogitation , by the immediate apprehension whereof we are conscious of the said Cogitation : So that we can express nothing , without having formed an Idea before of it in our Minds . Or to express it shorter , An Idea is nothing else but the thing it self perceived or thought of , as it is Objectively in the Understanding . Wherefore every Idea includes two things , the one Formal or Proper , inasmuch as it is an Operation of the Mind ; the other Objective , as it is the Image of a Thing thought , or is instead of it . II. What distinction there is betwixt Idea's . In the Second place we are to tak notice , That tho' there is no inequality in the Idea's of our Mind , as they are Modes of Thinking ; yet are they very different with respect to the things which they represent . For it cannot be question'd but the Idea , which represents Substance to me , contains more Objective Reality , than that which represents a Mode , or any thing else adventitious to a perfect or compleat Substance . And so that Idea which represents to me an Infinite Being , All-powerful , All-wise , Eternal , &c. doth undoubtedly contain more Objective Reality , than that which expresseth Substances that are Created , Dependent , Mortal , &c. For seeing that these Idea's are something , they must have a Cause of their Existence , and consequently have so much the more Reality , as the things they represent have of Entity . III. Whatsoever is in the Effe●t , is formally or eminently in its Cause . Thirdly , we are to observe , That there is nothing found in any Effect , which is not Formally or Eminently contain'd in its Cause . A thing is said to be Formally in its Cause , when it is such there as we perceive ; but Eminently , when the Cause can supply its stead . Thus Fire , when it produceth heat in a Body , is said to contain it formally , because it hath the very same thing in it self , which it hath produc'd in the Body ; but the Sun and the Earth , when they produce Fruits , do not comprehend the thing caused by them Formally , but Eminently only . This Notion is the First of all others , and is as evident , as that Nothing can be made out of Nothing : For should we admit that something is contained in the Effect , which is not contained in the Cause , we must own that Something may proceed from Nothing . Neither can we give any other Reason , why Nothing cannot be the Cause of any thing , but because in it there cannot be found what is in the Effect . IV. From the Idea we have of God , we conclude that God is . Wherefore we conclude from the Idea we have of God , that he exists ; which is , First , thus demonstrated : Every thing represented by an Idea must have a Cause , in which it is either Formally or Eminently contained ; but we have an Idea of God , as he is a Most perfect Substance , excluding all Limitations : Therefore this Idea must have GOD for its Cause . The Minor is thus proved : There is nothing found in all Created Beings that can afford us this Idea : For tho' I can form the Idea of a Substance , because I my self am a Substance ; yet will this Idea never represent an Infinite Substance , because I my self am Finite and of bounded Perfections ; wherefore it is necessary that if I have an Idea of an Infinite Substance , it must proceed from God alone , who is Infinite . V. An Objection answer'd . If you argue , that this Idea may be formed from the several Perfections scattered up and down in the several Parts of the Universe ; after the same manner as from the Notion of an Angel , and my own Mind , I can frame an Idea of a Divine Understanding . I answer , How can I from the several Endowments of diverse Things , frame a Being that is absolutely Perfect ? Shall I do it by enlarging and extending those Images ? But whence have I the Faculty of enlarging all the Perfections of Created Things , and concerning something that far exceeds them all ? We ought rather to conclude , that this is , because the Idea of a most Perfect Being is impress'd upon my Mind . Moreover , the supream Perfection of God consists in this , That all his Perfections are not separate , as in the Creatures , but in conjunction with the most absolute Simplicity and Unity . VI. No Idea of an Infinite Being is contained in the Idea of a Finite Being . And tho' the Idea of an Infinite Substance , which most perfectly includes all the Perfections our Mind can conceive , may also contain the Idea of a Finite Substance , ( as a Multitude contains an Unity , and a greater Number a lesser ; ) yet is not the Idea of an Infinite Being , contain'd in that of a Finite Being . And therefore Des Cartes in his Third Meditation says thus : I manifestly understand , that there is more Reality in an Infinite Substance , than in a Finite ; and therefore that the Perception of an Infinite Being , is in some sort precedent in me , to that of a Finite Being , that is , the Idea of GOD , to that of my Self . For how could I understand that I Doubt , that I Desire , that is , that I want something , and am not altogether Perfect , if there were not in me the Idea of a more Perfect Being , by comparing my Self with whom I discern my own Defects ? VII . That which is Perfect cannot proceed from that which is Imperfect . Secondly , That which is perfect cannot proceed from that which is imperfect , as from its Total and Efficient Cause : But we , as all other Creatures , are Imperfect ; and the Perfections which are in God , are neither Formally nor Eminently contained in us : So that the Idea of GOD , which contains all his Perfections , cannot be thought to proceed from us , and consequently God must be the Cause of it ; and because He cannot be the Cause of it , except He do exist , we may undoubtedly conclude that He doth so . VIII . The Idea of God is inborn in us , If any one ask , whence we have this Idea , since it doth not proceed from our Senses , nor from any Created Being ? My Answer is , That it is born with us , as the Idea of our Selves also is : For God impress'd it upon every Man in his Creation , and hath so order'd it , that every one should understand and know God by the same Faculty whereby He knows himself . For it is impossible that any one should understand himself to be imperfect , depending on another , and of uncertain Duration ; but that at the same time he must also understand Him , with whom compared , he is imperfect , and on whom he depends ; so that reflecting upon himself , he concludes that God is , and by the Idea which he hath of him , is convinc'd of his Existence . I say , by reflecting on himself ; for by the impression made upon us by God , we are not to understand that this Idea is always actually represented to us ; for were it so , we should always think of God : But by this Impression is meant nothing else , but that God hath vouchsafed such a Faculty to Man , whereby he can excite this Idea in himself , without the help of any other Idea's whatsoever . IX . The Idea of God cannot be said to be invented by us . It cannot be said , That this Idea is framed ●r invented by us , as many Notions are , which ha●e no other Existence , but what they have in our Understanding ; because nothing can be added or taken away from this Idea , for the Essences of things are indivisible : So that if any Thing could be added to any Idea , representing the Nature of a Thing , it would be no more the same , but another Idea . And tho' new Perfections may still be perceived in God , which were not known before ; yet doth not this change the Idea of God , but only makes it the more clear and distinct ; no more than the Idea of Man is increased , when some new Properties are discover'd in him , which before were unknown , because they ought to have been included in the Idea which we had of him befor e. X. An Objection to prove , that the Idea of God is framed by us . But you will farther urge , That Man who has this Idea is a free Agent , and that consequently he can frame the same at pleasure . And Des Cartes seems to hint as much in the Beginning of his Fifth Meditation , where after he hath said , That innumerable Idea's of Things are found in his Mind , adds , Which tho' they be in some sort thought by me at pleasure . Now if we can think of Objects according to our pleasure , why may we not say , that the Idea of God is framed by us , whilst we are thinking of it ? XI . Many things ●ocur to our Thoughts , which tho ▪ they do not Exist , yet have their Nature . I Answer , That Idea's do indeed depend on us , as far as they have a formal and proper Being in our Mind ; but not as they are considered in their objective Being ; because in that respect they have a necessary Cause . I own it to be in our power , to think , or not to think of any particular Object , and that we are thus free by a liberty of Contradiction , or by a liberty as to the Exercise of the Act , as the Schools express it ; but that it is not in our power , to think differently of the same thing that is true , that is , we have no liberty of Contrariety , and as to the Specification of the Act. For it doth not depend on our Will to think the Number Nine to consist of three Ternaries , and not to consist , or to be an Even or Uneven Number , &c. Neither can we conceive a Substan●e absolutely perfect , as Existing or not Existing , Wise or Ignorant , Merciful or Cruel ; but must necessarily conceive him necessarily Existing , All-wise , and All good . Where●ore when Des Cartes faith , That many Idea'l are found in him , which it may be have no Existence , besides his Cogitation , he presently subjoynd ; yet are they not feigned or inven●ed by me , but have their true and unchangeable Natures . XII . The Idea we have of God , is not derived from our Parents . Neither doth it contradict our Assertion , what some say , That we have deriv'd all the Knowledge we have from our Parents , who having receiv'd the same from the first Men , afterwards commnicated the same to us , and that consequently the Idea we have of GOD is not inborn , seeing that this Objection seems rather to confirm the Idea of GOD to be inborn in us : For let us ask them , from whom those first Men had this Idea ; if from themselves , why may not we have it as well ? If from GOD revealing the same to them , then they must own GOD to Exist . CHAP. III. That it belongs to the Nature of God to Exist . I. Whether Existence doth appertain to God. I Have evidently enough , as I suppose , Demonstrated in the foregoing Chapter , that because I find in my self the Idea of a Being absolutely Perfect , therefore that Being must Exist . Now I proceed to shew whether the Existence of God , can be proved from the consideration of his Nature , and whether a Possible only , or a Necessary Existence do belong to him . II. The Existence of any thing may be enquired into after a two-fold manner . Two Questions may be formed of a thing that Exists in Nature , the one with respect to our Knowledge , the other with repect to the Thing considered in it self . By the First , the Reason is sought , why any thing , suppose God or the Soul , is affirmmed by us to Exist : By the Second we enquire , how it comes to pass , that the said thing is not only Possible , but really Existent . By either of these ways we may enquire after the Existence of God , for we have Reasons that not only assure us that God Exists , but also that this his Existence is necessary . III. The Idea of an Infinite Being prove its Existence . Neither will it be hard to Demonstrate this , if we attend to the Idea we have of God , viz. that he is Infinite , all Powerful and all Perfect : For we argue thus : Whatsoever we clearly and distinctly perceive to belong to the Essence of any Thing , the same we know to be true as we perceive it ; but we clearly and distinctly understand , that it belongs to the Essence of God that he Exists ; therefore it is true that God Exists . The Minor is thus proved ; It is a contradiction for a most perfect Being , to want any Perfection ; but Existence is a Perfection ; therefore God cannot be conceived , but Existent . For since where a Multitude is , there must needs also be a Unity ; therefore since God possesseth all Perfections conceivable , he must of necessity also have Existence . IV. The Existence of God is necessary . Neither doth it oppose the Truth of what hath been said , that in all other Created Beings , the Essence is distinguisht from their Existence ; and that it doth not follow , that a thing doth exist because we have a Notion of it . For the Reason thereof is , because in the Idea of all other Things only Possible , and not actual Existence is contained , whereas the Nature of God includes actual , necessary and Eternal Existence : So that it is as impossible for us to conceive a Hill without a Valley , as to conceive an absolutely perfect Being , to whom any Perfection is wanting , or who is not Existent : For as Cogitation supposeth the Existence of a thing Thinking , for if it had no Being , it could not Think : So absolute Perfection presupposeth necessary Existence , since nothing can be conceived absolutely perfect , except it Exist . V. Existence is a Perfection without which the nature of God cannot be conceived . Wherefore in this point , we differ from Gassendus , who denies Existence to be a Perfection , or the Propriety of any thing , but that which adds neither Perfection nor Imperfection to a thing . Because when we attend to the Notion of God , we perceive , that Existence is a Divine Property , and no less belongs to God than Omnipotence or Immensity , &c. or that an equality of Angles belongs to two Right ones . Because it belongs to the Nature of God to be ; neither can he be conceived without Existence . For would not something be wanting in God , in case he did not Exist ? Or how otherwise could he be said to be a Being absolutely perfect ? Since Existence is nothing else but the Reality of any thing , whereby it is placed out of Nothing , which therefore no Being absolutely perfect , can be supposed to be without . For as Cogitation presupposeth the Existence of the thing that Thinks ; so likewise , absolute Perfection requires Existence ; because an absolutely perfect Substance cannot be conceived , but as actually Existent , and unchangable from Eternity . VI. Objection . You will say : Tho' we cannot conceive a Mountain without a Valley , yet it doth not follow thence , that there is any Mountain in Nature , since a Mountain doth not include Existence : And therefore neither doth it follow that God Exists , because I conceive him as Existent . For there is no necessity laid upon things to Exist , from my Thought or Apprehension . VII . Answered . I Answer , That this Argument doth not proceed aright ; for tho' a Valley enters the Conception of an Hill , and neither can be apprehended without the other , yet is it not inferred thence , that either a Mountain or Valley doth Exist ; but that whether they Exist or do not Exist , they cannot be separated from each other . But seeing I cannot conceive God without Existence , I must conclude , that Existence is inseparable from him , and that therefore God cannot be conceived , but as Existing . VIII . An instance urged against this Answer . But you will further urge , that the Sun Existing doth essentially involve two things , viz. the Sun and the form of Existence , so that Existence belongs to this complex Notion of the Sun Existing . But Gods knowing this complex Notion from Eternity , doth not impose a necessity of Existing upon the Sun , without presupposing its actual Existence in the World. So likewise tho' Existence be contained in a Being absolutely perfect , yet cannot we conclude thence that it actually Exists , except we suppose it to include Existence , as well as the other Perfections . IX . The instance Answered . I Answer , That in the Idea of an Existing Sun there is only a Possible , but not a necessary Existence contained ; because we do not understand that actual Existence must of necessity be joyned with the Properties of the Sun ; for tho' it be conceived as Existing , yet doth it not follow thence that it doth Exist ; forasmuch as this complex Notion , the Existing Sun , may be framed by the Understanding ; and that these two Notions may be separated , not only by Abstraction , but also by a clear and distinct Operation , so as that the Sun may be conceived without Existence . Whereas , in the Idea of God actual and necessary Existence is involved , which hath an inseperable Connexion with the rest of his Attributes . So that it is impossible to conceive an Infinite Being to have all Perfections , except it do actually Exist . For necessary Existence is the Property of God , which agrees to him alone , and makes a part of his Essence . X. The Idea of every thing doth not argue actual Existence . Wherefore , when we enquire , whether the Existence of a thing absolutely perfect can be inferr'd from its Idea , the Question is not , whether out of every Conception or Idea of a thing , we can Demonstrate its Existence ; but only whether from the Idea we have in our Mind of a Being absolutely perfect , we may rightly conclude its Existence . For it is a Fallacy , when we bestow an Attribute , that agrees only to one Subject , upon all . Wherefore I do rightly and demonstratively conclude , that if necessary Existence be contained in the Idea of God , that is , if by a clear and distinct Perception , I cannot divide actual Existence from his Nature , God must necessarily Exist ; by the same necessity that the Nature of Man doth consist of Soul and Body , and that a Valley includes the Conception of an Hill. XI . The Essence of God is not a Figment of our Understanding . Some with whom I have Discoursed about this Point , deny the Essence of God to subsist any where but in our Mind , and that it is nothing else but a figment or thing feigned by the Understanding . But this is easily overthrown by shewing , that necessary Existence is not included in any Fiction of our Understanding . Besides , the Essence of God is either Possible , or Impossible ; if they grant the first , it must necessarily Exist ; for what other thing can impart Existence to a thing that is Possible ? If they say it is Impossible , it will lye upon them to prove the Contradiction it implies . XII . The Existence of God may be proved from the Conservation of us . The Existence of God may also be proved from our continued Preservation . For seeing that a Creature hath no power to preserve it self , we must have recourse to some Cause that preserves it . Time we know is divided into many Parts , which are independent of one another ; since a Thing under Duration , may every particular Moment cease to be ; neither doth it follow , because it was yesterday , that it must be to day ; wherefore there must be some Cause to preserve it , and as it were to produce it anew every Moment , which its self cannot do , no more than it could at first give its self a Being . For Conservation is not distinguishable from Creation , but only by Reason ; neither is there any less power required to Conserve a thing , than to produce it : Neither can Parents do this , since they only procure some Dispositions in the Matter , to prepare it for the Reception of the Soul , and we may Live after they are Dead : Wherefore there must of necessity be some first Cause , which may not only create and produce us , but also keep and preserve us . XIII . How it is to be understood that things cannot preserve themselves . If you oppose to what I have here alledged , the Law of Nature set down by Des Cartes : That every thing , as far as in it lies , endeavours to continue in the same State , neither is ever changed , except it be forced to it by a foreign Agent ; and that according to this Law , every thing which Exists , must continue always to Exist , neither stands in need of any new force , whereby to be sustained in its Essence . I Answer , That whatsoever is besides God , is a Being depending on another ; and whatsoever once essentially depends on another , must of necessity , for always so depend on it , because what is Essential admits of no change ; and so great a Virtue is required in an Independing Being , that all things depend on it , as in the First Moment , so also in the Second , Third , &c. Wherefore when it is said , that every thing , as much as in it lies , continues in the same State ; this must be understood with regard to the Perfection or Nature which hath been given to it , to which God who is constant and unchangeable , is supposed to afford his continual concourse . XIV . An account of what is to be handled in the following Chapter . Tho from the Idea we have of God , and from the Contemplation of him , and our own Conservation , his actual Existence is evidently deducible ; nevertheless we will also endeavour to make out the same from all Sensible Objects . This was not undertaken by Des Cartes , forasmuch as he being chiefly intent on the Idea of God , had not yet discovered Material things , and therefore could not properly alledge any Argument from their Production . CHAP. IV. The Contemplation of the World proves the Existence of God. I. The first Argument for the Existence of a God from the Fabrick of the World. ALmost all the Philosophers that ever duly considered the Miracles of Nature , constantly acknowledged an Eternal Godhead , by whose out-breathing all things are Quickned , and receive Life and Heat . For who is there so stupid , who from the Stupendous Structure of the World , the continual Rotations of the Heavens , and the never discomposed order of Nature , doth not necessarily infer , that there is a Supreme Creator , who doth govern the World , as Boethius saith , by Perpetual Reason , at whose command Time is , and who being Stable , and Immoveable himself , imparts Motion to all things ? What else doth the vast extent of this World , the variety of things therein contained , the Beauty of its Parts , the constancy of its Motions Preach to us , than that there is a great Moderator , who is the Author of this Transcendent Structure , and the Original disposer of this Harmonious Order ? We all are link'd to God , a silent Breast , His Temple is . — What is the Place of God but Heaven and Earth The Air and Seas , to which he 's given Birth ? What but a Vertuous raised holy Mind ? Where if we can't , we 'l scarce him elsewhere find . All that thy Gazing Eye doth see , and all That doth thee move , is that which God we call . Lucan . lib. 9. II. Order supsposeth an understanding Artificer . I will own that some mean Philosophers , may rest in the Contemplation of Second Causes , and ●●●tertain their Minds with the consideration os Natural Objects , without looking further . But it is impossible , that he who attentively considers their Subordination , and diligently weighs their Connexion , should not be forced to own a Creator of Heaven and Earth , and acknowledge his perpetual Providence , except ( as Aristotle saith ) he be so unhappy , as to be fallen into the deepest Gulf of Blindness and Misery . But that we may illustrate this a little by an Example , Let us suppose that Protagoras , or some other Atheist , had got a view of Archimedes his Glassy Sphear , in which the Heavens , I say , perform their several Motions ; where the Sun and Moon do by degrees withdraw themselves towards the East , and being hurried along by the Primum Mobile , are whirld about , within the space of Twenty four hours ; Do you think that Protagoras would have believed this Machine , to have been jumbled together by Chance , by a Fortuitous Concourse of the Parts , and not much rather that it was the effect of Art , and of the Brain of a most Subtil and Accomplisht Mathematician ? For seeing it doth chiefly belong to an Intellectual Agent , fitly to adapt divers things , and to dispose them according to his designed end , he will be forced to confess that such an accurate and ingenious piece of Work , must have proceeded from Reason , and not from a Chance-medly of Atoms . III. Never were any Miracleswrought for the Conviction of Atheists . But if it be lawful to compare Great things with Little , and Weak things with such as are Perfect , what is Archimedes his Sphear in comparison to this Universe ? How much more Perfect is the Original , than the Copy ? And shall we believe that Archimedes , in his Imitation of the Motion of the Wandring Stars , made use of Reason , and at the same time suppose , that this infinite num●er of Stars , this wonderful adorning of the Heavens , this excellent Order of an unutterable variety of Works were the product of casually jumbled and justled Atoms ? This can never be supposed by any one in his right Wits : And he that hath either outward Eyes to see with , or an Vnderstanding to discern , can never submit to what is so contradictory to Sense and Reason . For this cause I suppose it is , that GOD who disposeth all things in Number , Weight , and Measure , and who takes so great Care for Mankind , yet hath never been known to work any Miracles in favour of Atheists ; because the Workmanship of Nature is not only a convincing Argument of his Power , but doth also strongly invite and persuade us to the highest Admiration of all his Divine Perfections . And to speak the truth , I could much more easily believe all the Fables of Aesop for true Histories , and that Mice had conferences together , and that a Weesel entertain'd a witty Discourse with the Fox , than that the Rising and Setting of the Stars , the Vicissitudes of Day and Night , the variety of Seasons in the Fourfold divided Year , the two Aequinoctials , and as many Solstices , could ever have been so ordered , without the Divine , that is , the most Perfect Reason ; or preserv'd in the same , by an invariable and uninterrupted Succession . For do not all these , and all the other Wonders , with a constant and never ceasing Voice seem to proclaim , that they are the Off-spring of an Invisible Sovereign Power , and by no means their own Artificers ? He hath made us , and not we our selves . IV. The various Species of Animals prove the Being of a GOD. But that I may not insist too long in laying open the Beauty of the Universe , I will pass by the vast Globe of the Earth , poised in the midst of the Air , the Mountains lifting up their Heads towards Heaven , the Rivers that water and fructifie the Earth , the prodigious variety of Vegetables , which grow of themselves , and the vast number of Mines and Quarries , from which Gold , Silver , and the rest of the Metals , with several sorts of Earths and Stones are dug . Let us only consider , the almost infinite differing kinds of Living Creatures , whose opposit outward shape , and the great and many Conveniences and Necessaries they afford to Mankind , declare them to be the effect of the One only First Principle or Author of all things . For who can imagin that the difference of Male and Female , the desire of Mutual Embraces , and of perpetuating themselves by their Posterity , and Organs fitted for that purpose , were design'd and contriv'd by any thing less than a Wise Omnipotence ? Who is there , that upon a diligent view of the several sorts of Birds , their astonishing Artifice in making their Nests , their Hatching and care of Feeding their Young , their dexterousness in teaching them to Fly , doth not presently discover the Supream Cause of them , who with wonderful Wisdom and Artifice hath contriv'd and order'd all things , and hath imparted several virtues and forces to different Animals , according to their various use and capacity ? How exquisitely is their whole frame suited to the use for which they are design'd , and how accurately are their Organs adapted to their several Actions ? Thus Bulls are furnish'd with Horns ; Lions with their Paws ; Elephants with their Teeth and Snout ; and the Rhinocero's with his close Armour , as well in order to the attaining of their designed End , as to defend themselves , and offend their Enemies . V. The various Faculties in Beasts , plainly prove a Sovereign or Supream Power , ordering and designing all things . Shall any one be so weak as to think , that broad and flat Feet were given to Water Fowl without any design , and by meer hap hazard , when the use of them in Swimming is so apparent ? Can any one suppose that Herns , should by chance , have long Legs and Necks , and Beaks sharp-pointed like Daggers , wherewith they pierce the Fishes , and draw them out of the Water for their prey ? Whench hath the Pike his prominent Saw-like Teeth on each side his Jaws , and the Roof of his Mouth thick set with Hooks , that the slippery Prey might not escape his greedy Jaws ? Is it by chance that the Woodpacker is furnish'd with Claws , wherewith it runs up the side of Trees like a Cat , and a forked Tongue , wherewith it robs the Tarantula of her Prey ? Consider the Arts and Industry of the Bees , Pismires , and other Beasts , about their Food , begetting of their Kind , breeding of their Young , and fighting with their Enemies , and it will appear self-evident , that none of these can be supposed the fruit of an Accidental and Confused motion of Atoms , forasmuch as nothing more excellent , more apposit or useful , can be conceived by the Mind of Man. VI. The beholding of Man , leads us to the knowledge of ▪ GOD. But to make no longer stop here , let us take a view of Man , Nature's Masterpiece , and behold all the Excellencies dispers'd up and down in all other Living Creatures , united in this Microcosm , or Little World. Can any one behold his comly Form , the erect posture of his Body , his Face looking upwards , and ( as it were ) directed towards Heaven , and the Beautiful symmetry and proportion of his whole Body and Parts , and suppose him to have had no Author of his Being ? But to leave the Wonders of his Outside , if we proceed to take a view of his Inward Parts , their structure and situation , the Nerves and Sinews deriving their Original from the Brain , the Arteries from the Heart , the Aethereal ever moving Spirit that fills them , and imparts motion to all the several Joynts and Members of the Body , and vigour and strength to perform all manner of Actions , we shall find still stronger Arguments to persuade us , that there must be a First Cause , who is the Principle of all Human Perfection . VII . The description of the Eye , as to its External parts . But forasmuch as Vulgar Wits are more apt to be taken with Examples than Discourse , let us take to task some one Part of the Body of Man ; for Example , the Eye , and scan the Miracles it contains . And here at first sight we meet with so many Wonders in its most curious Make and Contrivance , that it is impossible for a Man , not wholly bereft of Reason and Understanding , to doubt of the Sovereign Perfection of the Artificer . In running over its outward Parts , we meet with the Bony Orbit , or round Ossea Orbita , together with the Eyelids , the Hair of the Eyelids , and the Eye-brows , as also the Glandules or Kernels , with the Excretory Vessels and Passages , all which serve either to defend that tender Part , or assist and facilitate its motion . The Eyelids are as Curtains to the Eyes , and are assisted with the ministry of several Nerves , which by insertion into the Muscles , become useful for the opening or shutting of them . The Eyebrows and Hair on the Eyelids , are like Ramparts , to secure the Eye from things that are hurtful to it , and to prevent their sudden and unexpected eruption . The Excretory Passages serve to carry off the superabounding Humor , that the Eye may not be clog'd by the affluence of serous Matter , or the Eyesight dimmed by the acrimony thereof . VIII . The Inward Parts of the Eye consider'd . If we proceed to the Inner Parts , which Nature hath hid from , but Anatomy lays open to us ; we shall first find the Muscles , wherewith this miraculous little Globe continues hung up and equally pois'd within the Orbit , and performs its various motions . In the Midst of it is the Pupilla , or Sight , of a round Figure , that the visible Species or Rays proceeding from Objects , might be the better received by it , from what part soever of the Hemisphere they come . After these appear the Coats , or Membrans of the Eye , and next the Humors , which like a Dioptrick-Glass do refract and concenter the Rays that represent the Images of Bodies . For the Watry Humor distending the Membran , and making it gibbous , doth ampliate the Convexity of the Eye : And the Crystalline Humor placed within the opening of the Grape-like Coat , Tunicâ Uvea , like a piece of Glass set opposite to a Hole , in which the Rays coming from all parts are collected and refracted . And behind the Crystalline Humor is placed the Glassy Humor , by means whereof the Tunica Retina , or Network Membrane is at a fit distance separated from the Crystalline Humor , so that when the Rays with due refraction have past the same , they attain their proper place and center . IX . The structure of the Ear examin'd . Tho' the EAR be not of equal use and concern to the convenience and necessities of Life , as the Eye , and is only design'd for the perceiving of Sounds ; yet is it for the Excellence of its structure very little inferiour to that of the Eye , especially if we consider its Inner parts , and the mutual connexion of them . For from the Lappet of the Ear , which is narrowed by degrees , we see that the Hollow of the Ear goes slanting inwards , to the end that the Sounds , by passing its crooked Windings and Turnings , might be encreased . For the thin Membrane , placed near the Hole of this inward Cavity , being struck by the impuls'd Air ▪ doth affect the Fibres and Auditory Nerve with the same motion . There are also three small Bones fitly disposed and tied together with a Ligament : The first of these is call'd the Hammer , because of the resemblance it bears with that Instrument ; the second is call'd the Anvil , which is somewhat roundish ; and the third , the Stapes or Stirrop ; they are moveable , and seem to be of good use to defend the Drum of the Ear , and prevent its being too much slackened , or too stiff bent . From the fore-mention'd Hollow of the Ear , the Passage ( commonly called by Anatomists the Oval Hole , or Window ) opens into the Labyrinth , and so leads to the last Inner Cavity , called Cochlea ; because in its Spiral Windings it resembles a Snails Shell , which if well view'd , appears to be the work of admirable Artifice ; for being form'd with such Turnings , it renders the Sounds more distinct , and causes that there be no confusion of them . Besides , there are many other Parts not here to be insisted on , whose wonderful Contrivance does much conduce to Hearing . X. The structure of the Eye and Ear , cannot be the effect of a Fortuitous Concourse of Atoms . Now who can be conceived so stupid and void of all Judgment , as to think that the Organs of these two Senses were made by a fortuitous jumbling together of small Bodies ; and not rather acknowledge the most High God , who by his inimitable Wisdom has so curiously framed , and orderly disposed all these several Parts , that nothing can be imagin'd more adapt , and better suited to the uses for which they were designed . XI . Living Creatures could never be by Chance . I could never approve of Democritus his Opinion , which attributes the Original of the World to a company of justling Atoms , as if their Roaming vagaries were an adequate Cause to produce all the Bodies in the Universe . For how can we suppose , that in that infinite Space , wherein he asserts his Atoms to be toss'd , they should come together and unite , to the framing of all the Parts of Living Creatures ? Can we imagine , that by the hudling concourse of like Bodies so many Nerves and Muscles , so many Ligaments and Tendons , so many Filaments and Fibres , could be formed ? Can we think that the Legs , Shins , Feet , Toes , Joynts , with all the other Organs of the Body , were the effect of blind and impotent Chance ? Can we conceive that the Heart , that Noble Muscle , and the Breast in which it is contain'd , together with its Ribs , Muscles , the Lungs , and the Midriff , were made without a Cause and at Hap-hazard ? Or that such a vast number of Veins , Arteries , Grissels , and Membrans had no other rise , but meer Chance and the Heaviness of Bodies ? Who can force himself to imagine , that an infinite number of Blind Men plac'd in an open Field , by a confused running in amongst one another , should at last produce an Army orderly drawn up in Battle , according to the most exact Rules of Military Art and Discipline ? Or why may not we as well with CICERO , suppose that a vast number of Alphabetical Characters , being casually thrown upon the Earth , should all rank themselves into Lines and Words , making the Annals of ENNIUS the Poet ? Now as no Man can so much over-bear his Reason as to think this possible , how much less will he be able to believe , that the curious Structure and Order of the Parts of Animals , is the effect of Chance , that is , of no Cause at all ? XII . Atoms cannot produce any t hing of themselvee . And to deduce this matter from the Beginning of the World ; If it be so that Atoms have a Power to produce and generate things , why do they not now produce or renew the same Things they framed so long ago ; why are there no Mountains raised anew ? How is it that they do not constitute another Sun ? How it comes to pass that all Living Creatures keep to their kinds , and that no new ones do arise from their Sensless Jumbling together ? Neither will it be of any advantage for the Atheist to alledge here , that Flies , Mice , and other Insects are daily generated without the Union of both Sexes ; because the Question here is not concerning the Production of Things , but concerning the inborn Power of Nature , or Seeds , out of which Living Creatures are Born , and are endowed with a Virtue fit for the Generating of them . And seeing they have not this of themselves , since it is a contradiction for a thing to be productive of it self , it must follow that they are the effect of the All-wi●e God , by whose power they act whatfoever they do . CHAP. V. Concerning Fate and Will , or the Divine Decree . I. The Ancients took great Pains to reconcile the Divine Preordination with the Liberty of Mans Will. THe Ancients were so solicitous of Preserving Human Liberty , that when they found they could not reconcile them with some of the Divine Attributes , they chose rather to acknowledge their own Ignorance , than to deny it . For when they found that all our Actions must be pre-ordained by God , forasmuch as he is the All-knowing Governour of the World ; and on the other hand experienced in themselves a Freedom of Will , they admitted both to be True , viz. that God doth pre-ordain all our Actions , and that we nevertheless enjoy Liberty of Will. But when they afterwards proceeded to enquire further , how it could be , that Mans Liberty standing , God could have fore-ordained all things from Eternity , they ingenuously profest their Ignorance , and that it was no wonder , that an Infinite Being could not be Comprehended by a Created Understanding . This acknowledgment of Human Frailty was certainly praise-worthy in them : But forasmuch as all are not satisfied with this Answer , many being solicitous to know how the Liberty of Man may be reconciled with Gods Decree , I suppose it will not be useless to make out , that Gods Foreknowledge of and Foreordination of Human actions , doth not take away the Liberty of them . II. What Fate or the Divine Decree is . And here if we consider the Nature of Fate , or the Divine Decree , we shall find it to be nothing else , but what God hath determined concerning every one of us : Or it is the Eternal Decree of his Providence , by which he Sees , Knows and Governs all things . And as BOETHIUS expresses it ; Fate is an Order or Disposition , Inherentin changeable things , by which Providence links them to their due Ranks and Orders . III. Fate lays no necessity upon Human Actions . Now that this Order or Disposal doth impose no necessity upon Human Actions , is apparent , because we find that it is in our Power , to give our Assent to , or to Dissent from many things , and after haveing ballanced both parts , to choose one , and reject the other . We see likewise that Men frequently change their Minds at the Persuasions of their Friends , and do refuse what first they had embraced . And indeed were it otherwise , all Prudence and Reason in Mens ordering of their affairs would be taken away ; for if they had no Freedom to chuse that part , to which they are inclined by Rational motives ; they would not act by the direction of Wisdom , but by Chance and Fortune . IV. It is an Argument of our weakness , that we cannot reconcile Gods omnipotence , with the liberty of our will. And what can be more absurd than to go about to deny our Liberty , which we experience in our selves , and whereof we are so fully Conscious , that nothing can be more illustrious by the Light of Nature than it is , because we can scarcely reconcile it , with the Divine Omnipotence and Providence ? We ought ever to remember that we are Finite , and that God is Infinite ; and that our Liberty must not presently be denied , because we cannot conceive it inconsistence with the Will of God , which is without us , and which our Minds are not able to comprehend ; forasmuch as this only proceeds from the weakness of our Wit and Understanding V. The Decree of God doth suit it felf and comport with things . 'T is true indeed that Fate is immoveable , but yet so as that it inheres in things that are moveable ; because it doth not take away the Nature or inbred Motions of things , but moves them sweetly and without any manner of constraint ; according to the Requirings of the different Nature of things , so as to act necessarily , with things necessary , and freely with free and voluntary Agents . VI. Gods Foreknowledge lays no necessity or force upon Mans will. Neither is this Assertion overthrown by that common Objection : If God foresees that I shall Sin , seeing that his Foresight cannot be deceived , it follows that I must necessarily Sin. For God doth not foresee my Sinning necessarily , but freely and voluntarily ; and his Knowledge imposeth no necessity upon my Actions , no more than my knowing that Peter will walk to morrow , doth lay a necessity upon him of doing so : Or than the knowledge I have of the Suns Existence in the Heavens , doth cause the Sun to be there . VII . The knowledge of God being external to the thing known , cannot hinder its Liberty . For what can be more Childish than to think , that the Foreknowledge of God , which is altogether External to the thing known , should put a force upon the Will of Man ? But you will say , God cannot be deceived . And what then ? Consequently , you 'l say , it was either true from Eternity , that you were to recover of this Sickness , or else false : Therefore it is in vain to make use of a Phisician , since neither the necessity of Fate , nor Eternal Truth can ever be changed . This is worthily stil'd by CICERO to be a lazy Question , because by the same Argument you may overthrow all Human Actions . But that Gods Foreknowledge , doth not import any necessity is evident from this ; that a Contingent thing is of its own nature Indefinite , and of a doubtful event , tho' with respect to the Divine Foreknowledge , it be Definite and determined . AMMONIUS illustrates this by the Example of a Globe , resting on the Plain of the Horizon , the indifferency whereof as to Rest or Motion , doth well express the indifferency of our Will ; but if this Plain be never so little inclined , then it must move of necessity : So likewise when the Will is inclined to any thing , this makes a kind of necessity , upon Supposition only , that the Will turned it self this way ; or that God did foresee this inclination from Eternity . VIII . The certainty of Gods Foreknowledge is no Argument for a force upon our will. You will say , Gods Prescience is most certain ; therefore its Object cannot but come to pass ; and that which cannot but come to pass , is therefore necessary : Therefore , Gods Foreknowledge imposeth a necessity on the Will. I Answer , by distinguishing the Consequent ; I grant that the thing which is the Object of the Divine Foreknowledge , cannot but happen upon Supposition , that it is to happen so , from a necessity of Consequence ; but I deny that it cannot but come to pass absolutely , and by a necessity of Antecedence . Books . 1. Part. 2. Chap. 5. G. Freman Inv. I ▪ 〈◊〉 To the Worshipfull Captaine Richard Cheyney of Hamerton in the Parish of Hackney in Middlesex Esqr. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . CHAP. VI. How God is said to be the Cause of Propositions of Eternal Truth . I. How the Essences of things are distinguisht from their Existency . FOr the better understanding of this Question , we are briefly to presuppose , that the Essences of things are modally distinguisht from their Existency : For we understand the Essence of a thing after one manner , when we abstract it from Existence or non Existence ; and after another when we conceive it as Existing . For a thing is understood to be Existent , when it is without our Understanding : But a thing that doth not Exist , is objectively in our Understanding , and is not without our Thought . Of this kind are Eternal Truths , viz. That a Triangle hath three Angles equal to two right ones : Six and Four make Ten ; and such like , which are considered as Ideas in our Mind . And forasmuch as these Idea's cannot be said to be nothing , but something , the Questions is , what is the cause of them , that is , whether they depend on the Understanding of Man forming them , or whether they owe their production to some other Principle . II. God is the cause of Propositions of Eternal Truth . I Answer , that all Eternal Truths are from God , as from their efficient and total Cause ; for he is the Cause of all Creatures , not only as to their Existence , but also with regard to their Essence . Forasmuch as he being Infinite Goodness , could not be impulsed by any other Reason of Goodness , to do that which is best : But on the contrary because he determined himself to produce the things that are , therefore they deserve the Title of being Good. As for Example , he did not therefore will the three Angles of a Triangle to be equal to Two right ones , because he saw , that they could not be otherwise ; but on the contrary , because according to his Free-will he had determined the three Angles to be necessarily equal to Two right ones , therefore they could not be otherwise . For in God to Will , to Understand and Create are one and the same thing : Wherefore because he knows a thing , therefore it is true . III. The non-Existence of God being supposed nothing is less true . Neither can we say , that these Truths would be no less true , whether God be supposed to Exist or not : For this is most false ; because all Truths depend upon the Existence of God , who is the first Eternal cause of them , from whence they all flow as from their Fountain . Neither is this difficult to be conceived , if we consider God as an Infinite , Eternal , Incomprehensible Being , the Author of all Good , and on whom all things depend . And therefore they are in a great Error , who think that any thing can be independently of his Will. IV. That twice four make eight is from God. Neither doth it oppose what we have said , that the Mind of Man cannot conceive the three Angles of a Triangle not to be equal to two right ones ; or that twice four should not make Eight : For to prove this , it is sufficient to shew , that there can be no Being which does not depend on God , and was not freely constituted by him : For this being laid down , it evidently follows , that it was not always necessary , that the three Angles of a Triangle should be equal to two right ones , or that twice four should make eight , but that it was ●o constituted by God. V. God being of himself there is nothing independent of him . For seeing God is positively of himself , he is endowed with such an Essence and Nature , that from the consideration thereof we can assign a Reason for Eternal Truth , without need of having recourse to any other Object , for the clearing of their Evidence and certainty . This Attribute would agree to some other besides God , if we should suppose some Natures , Truths and Essences to be such as to be independent of God. Because if any one should demand why they were such , and whence they had their Truth , it might be answered , that they were Eternally so of themselves , and that for that Reason , they became the Objects of the Divine Knowledge , as being of themselves Antecedent to it . Which is so derogatory to the Divine Omnipotence , that it is a wonder to me how any can assert such a thing , who consider well the Divine Independency upon any things whatsoever . Forasmuch as it would follow from hence , that the Complement of the Divine Cogitation would not depend on the sole understanding of himself , but also of some other thing , which was not of the Nature of God , and which is conceived as independent on his Will. VI. In what Sense the Essences of things are said to be immutable and Eternal . If you Object that the Essences of things are Eternal and Immutable ; I answer , That they are so indeed , if it be understood concerning the Immutability and Eternity , which God hath prefixt to them , whilst by his Free-will he has determined some things to be unchangeable . Or else it may be said according to the Sense of the Vulgar , that the Natures of things are Eternal , because there was no Time before them ; or rather because the Eternal God , doth conceive them without Succession , neither will suffer them for ever to cease or be changed . VII God is tho Cause of Truths , as a King is of his Law● . GOD therefore is the Efficient Cause of all things ; not only of such as Exist , but also of Possibles , and of all Truths that we call Eternal : In like manner as a King is the Maker of all the Laws in his Kingdom . For all these Truths are inborn in us from him ; as a King also woul● have them so in his Subjects , if he had Power enough to write his Laws in their Hearts . VIII . Objection . If any one say , That this would make God inferiour to a King , who can at his Pleasure annul the Laws he has made ; which if God should do , those Truths would lose their Essence , and consequently would be no longer True or Immutable . IX . Answer . I Answer , That the Case of God and a King are very different . A King can change his Laws , because his Will is changeable , but God's Will is unchangeable ; for it is his Perfection , that he acts in a most constant and invariable manner . Neither doth it hinder this that his Will is free ; for as his Will is free , so likewise is his Power Incomprehenfible . Wherefore tho' I cannot comprehend how it should not be true , that One and Five are Six ; yet I understand clearly enough , that it is impossible there should be any thing in the whole Universe of Things , which does not depend on him . And therefore it is contrary to Reason to think that any thing cannot be otherwise , because we cannot understand how it can be . It is indeed true in the general , that GOD can do all those things , which are clearly and distinctly known by us ; yet doth it not follow from thence , that he cannot do those things that we cannot conceive : For our Imagination , or Understanding , cannot be the Rule of his Power . Therefore we must conclude , That the Essences of Things , and Mathematical Truths are from God , because he so conceived them , so ordered , and so commanded them : According to that of S. Austin ; Because thou seest them , ( or rather , because it listeth thee ) therefore they are . CHAP. VII . Concerning the Divine Attributes ; and , First , Of the Vnity of GOD. I. What the Attributes of GOD are . ALtho' GOD be One meer Cogitation , and all his Perfections or Attributes indivisibly United ; yet the Acts of Cogitation that we have of him , stirr'd up from several Occasions , which frequently involve many Objects , are Many . For when I consider , that my Mind doth not exist of it self , neither can do all , nor understand all things , &c. I turn my self to the Divine Cogitation , which comprehends all Perfections . And these Reflexions , whether as referr'd to God , or to the various Conceptions of Objects , are called Attributes . Whence it comes to pass , that one of my Cogitations I have of God , as Existing , is different from another Cogitation I have of him , as All-powerful , or Eternal : Because the occasions of these my Thoughts are different ; and one Object which I refer or apply to God , is different from another which I can likewise apply to him . Wherefore seeing I do not find my Mind to be one only , but perceive also the Idea's of other Minds of the same Nature with mine , I cast my Eye on the Divine Cogitation , and thence take an occasion of considering its Unity . II. The Divine Attributes aro indivisibly united . If therefore we consider the Essence of God in it self , it appears to us to be one Simple , Uniform Cogitation , exempt from all Order , Distinction , Priority , or Posteriority . Forasmuch as all the Perfections that are , or we can think of in God , are not only actually present in his Nature , and inseparably united with it ; but are so intimately joyned , that the one is the other ; yea , that one of them is all the rest , and All are most properly One in their Essence : So as that his Eternity is his Omnipotence , his Life , his Spirituality . In a word , All his Attributes are his Life , and his Life is all his Attributes . III. The Unity of GOD was known to the Ancients . It was the constant Opinion of the Ancients , That GOD is One only , the Sovereign of the Universe , whom all things obey . Both Poets and Philosophers own'd this , who frequently call him , The Maker of all things , The Ruler of the World , and The Mind diffus'd through all things . Wherefore also they gave him no peculiar Name , as supposing that no Title could be given to him , who was singular , and had nothing common with other things ; for that Names were only necessary where Plurality is to be distinguish'd , and persons discriminated by certain Marks . IV. The Divine Unity is to ●e explained . But because the word Unity is taken in divers Senses , we are to enquire first , in what respect God is said to be one , before we can come to know , that there can be no more than one . V. A thing is said to be One , three several ways . A Thing is said to be one , First , when its Parts are united ; yet so as that it may be divided into them ; as a Body is said to be One , because of the Union of its Parts , tho' they be separable . Secondly , A Thing is said to be One , because it hath one single Essence , which cannot be divided into Parts ; tho' the Attributes and Modes wherewith it is diversified , may be separated from it , such as Knowledge and Vertue , without which the Soul of Man may be . Thirdly , a Thing is said to be One , which is so undivided , that it can in no respect be divided , nor hath any Attributes , or Modes , that are separable from it , but all things appertaining are most simply one . VI. How God is said to be One. In this last meaning God is said to be One , because all that is in him is One , neither hath he any Attributes that are not Essential to him , and Inseparable from him . And therefore according to our Philosophy , the Divine Attributes are only Modes of Thinking . For when we distinguish his Will and Understanding , that distinction is only made by our Minds , as we conceive him to be conversant about Goodness or Truth . But Real Modes are found in the Things themselves , which they affect and distinguish from others ; as Figure and Motion in Bodies ; Willing and Understanding in the Mind . And are therefore call'd the Modes of Things , because they agree to mutable Things , such as all Created Beings are ; but not to a Being that is constant and ever-abiding , such as God alone is . Wherefore whatsoever is in God is only distinguishable by reason . VII . God is one in such a manner , that there can be no more besides him . Having shewed what manner of Unity agrees to GOD , it may further be queried , Whether God be one in such a manner , as to suffer or admit none besides him . To which I answer , That God is One in such a manner that he cannot be multiplied : For seeing by the Name , GOD , we understand a most Perfect Being , it is necessary that it comprehend all that is most Real ; so that supposing him to exist , all conceivable Perfection must be placed in him , so as by his Idea and Essence formally to exclude every most perfect Being besides himself . For indeed how can any be equal to him ? Or how can all conceivable Perfections be in two several Subsistences ; seeing that whatsoever admits of Division is subject to dissolution , which is the most remote from the Nature of God , who is Incorruptible and Eternal . VIII . Multiplicity of Gods implies a Contradiction . If it be said , That this Division is no hindrance to their Immortality , as long as the one doth not arrogate any thing that belongs to the other , but each of them follow their own work . It will still come to the same thing ; for this distribution of their Work or Business , is an evident Instance of great Imperfection ; because this supposeth them to stand in need of one anothers assistance , being unable all alone to govern the World ; which is contradictory to the Divine Essence , which is known to be Omnipotent , Insinite , and All-wise . IX . If there were more Gods than one , they could not be equal . Moreover it is most certain , that supposing a Plurality of Gods , they cannot be every way equal , but that some Perfections would be found in the one , which are not in the other , which is altogether incompetible to the Supream Being . For let us suppose two Gods , whom for the greater clearness of Discourse , we will call Saturn and Jupiter . Now these two Gods , forasmuch as they severally include all Perfections , they must of necessity be All-knowing , so as not only to know themselves , but others also ; and because in the Idea of either of them , necessary Existence is included , it will follow , that the Cause of the Necessity and Truth of the Idea of Saturn , which is in Jupiter , will be Saturn himself ; and the Cause of the Truth and Necessity of the Idea of Jupiter , which is in Saturn , will be Jupiter ; and therefore some Perfection will be found in Saturn , which is not in Jupiter ; and in Jupiter , which is not in Saturn . The reason whereof is this , because the Perfection of the understanding of either of them , will depend on the other ; and so must be both of them Imperfect , which is repugnant to the Nature of a most perfect Being . X. Neither could they be Omnipotent , or All-knowing , It belongs also to the Idea of a most perfect Being , that he be All-powerful and All-knowing ; but it is a Contradiction , that more Beings than one should be endowed with these Perfections : For either they would be able to hide their Thoughts from each other , or not be able ; if the first , how could they both be Omniscious ? If the latter , how could they be Omnipotent ? IX . If God exist , he must be One. Lastly , Necessary Existence is included in the Idea of God , because he is Independent of , and before all other Beings . Now whatsoever doth necessarily exist , must of necessity be Singular , since Singular Being is nothing , but actually to exist , which is so peculiar to God , that he cannot but exist : Wherefore seeing Singularity and Unity are one and the same thing , it is evident that the Divine Nature excludes all Multiplicity , that is , cannot be divided into more Gods ; and consequently , as God is Undivided in himself , so neither can he be partible into others . XII . The Heathens did not own many Gods. But may some say , How comes it to pass then that the Heathens worship'd many Gods , if it be so that more Gods than one implies a Contradiction ? I answer , That the Heathens never had any Idea of many Beings absolutely perfect , as is evident from their Writings ; because they made one to Rule in Heaven , another in Hell , a third over the Winds , a fourth over the Fire , and distributed the Government of the Universe amongst many Gods : But they did not suppose any of them to contain all manner of Perfections , and to have the Power and Dominion over all Creatures ; but took them to be much of the same Nature as we conceive the Angels . And Marsilius Ficinus tells us as much , Argument . in Cratylum : Neither let it trouble you , saith he , that Plato doth frequently make mention of many Gods : For he proves in his Parmenides and Timaeus , that there is but One God ; and that the rest are only his Angelical and Heavenly Ministers ; and by calling them Gods , doth not so much imply their being Gods , as their being Divine . For indeed the Philosophers do so much abhor a Plurality of Gods , that it would be more easie to persuade Euclid , that many Centers may be found in a Circle , than to make Philosophers believe that there are more than one God in the World. CHAP. VIII . That GOD is Eternal , or without Beginning and End. I. The Error of some , who say , that God was the Efficient Cause of himself . THo' almost all Philosophers agree in this , that there is a GOD , and that he governs the World ; yet don't all of them conceive his Existence after one and the same manner . Some of them are of Opinion , that GOD had some kind of Beginning , and tho' the same were before all Ages ; yet that he was born or produced as all other Things . But forasmuch as it was unbecoming the Divine Majesty to proceed from any other , and that he who is the Author of all Good , should derive his Being from another , they asserted himto be his own Efficient Cause , and that he so proceeded from himself . II. This Opinion destroys the Nature of God. But this Opinion does not so much oppose Reason , as it destroys the very Nature of God : For how could God produce himself , since this supposeth that before his Production he was not , because he was then to be produced , and yet was at the same time , forasmuch as he did then influence his own Production , which are absolute Contradictions . And whatever may be said in this case , we must allow some Principle of the Divine Production , which is absolutely repugnant to the Nature of God. For we no sooner consider the Nature of GOD , but we find him to be the Most perfect Being , which excludes all Imperfections , that is , any bounds or limitation of his Perfections , and includes all Perfections , and consequently also Existence , by which he is distinguish'd from all other things . III. Necessary Existence is contain'd in the Nature of God. For tho' whatsoever we conceive be apprehended by us as Existing ; yet we find that Existence doth not belong to God and the Creatures in the same manner . For in the Conception of Creatures , whose Perfections are finite , only Contingent and Possible Existence is contained ; whereas in the Notion of God , Necessary Existence is included , as being an Eternal Perfection ; insomuch that it is as obvious to our knowledge that GOD exists , as it is to a Mathematician , that a Triangle hath three Angles equal to two right ones . For as it is the Nature of a Triangle to have three Angles equal to two right ones ; so likewise it is the Nature of God , to be necessarily Existent , and therefore as he exists now , it must be acknowledg'd that he hath existed from all Eternity . IV. They who distinguish God's Essence from his Existence , takes away his Eternity . They who do not mind this , are very liable to Error , and to ascribe to God simple Duration instead of Eternity : For by distinguishing Existence from Essence in God ▪ as in other Created Beings , they imagine Succession of Time to have place in him , and by this means divide that which is Infinite , into Parts , and assign differences of Duration to it . Hence it is that some demand , Whether God hath not existed longer now , than when he first Created the VVorld ; or whether he did not exist longer before the Creation of the VVorld , than the Time that has run from the Beginning of the VVorld till now . Which Questions are occasion'd by their separating the Essence of God from his Existence , and supposing that the Eternity of God may be understood , without the contemplation of his Essence ; or because they have not distinguish'd Duration from Eternity , but have concluded them to be confounded together . For Duration is an Attribute of the Existence of things , not of their Essence . Who will not say that the Propositions , Twice three make six ; Nothing is made out of Nothing ; which are only said to be true according to their Essence , that they have continued longer now than at any other time ? Wherefore Duration is only an Affection of Existence ; whereas Eternity cannot be conceived without the Divine Essence ; and forasmuch as the Existence of God is contain'd in the Conception of his Essence , we are also to attribute Eternity to him , and not Duration . V. The Nature of God includes no Conception of Futurity . Therefore we say , that all Creatures Enjoy Existence , forasmuch as it doth not belong to their Essences , but is in a manner foreign to them . But this cannot be affirmed of God , because his Existence is not distinct from his Essence , and is GOD himself . Besides , all Creatures , whilst they enjoy the present Time and Existence , may be said to have it to come , forasmuch as their Existence is without them , and only successively bestowed upon them : Whereas we cannot say of the Divine Existence , that it will be , or is to come , because he has now the same Existence he will have for ever ; Actual Existence in him being like all his other Attributes , which denote no difference of Time in Him. VI. Whether the Mind of Man hath a permanent Existence , as God hath . It may be Objected , That some Philosophers and Divines hold , that the Duration of the Mind of Man is Permament , and as they express it , All at once , and ye none of them attribute Eternity to it : So that accordingly , tho' the Existence of God have no Parts whereof some are before the other ; yet for all that Duration may be attributed to him . VII . An Answer to this Doubt . I answer , That Permanent Duration can only improperly be attributed to the Mind of Man , because we find a manifest Succession in our Thoughts , whereof nothing is to be found in the Divine Perception . But to explain my Mind more fully , I think that Permanency is very improperly attributed to Creatures , forasmuch as the most Perfect of them , cannot all at once admit all the Attributes and Modes it is capable of . For as it implies a Contradiction for a Body at one and the same time to admit several Figures , as to be Square and Round , to Move and Rest , so neither can a Created Spirit affirm and deny the same thing , or comprehend all those things with one Thought , which it is capable of knowing . But GOD possesseth all Perfections , and all Attributes , at one and the same time , neither is any of them before or after the other . And therefore Permanence appertains only to GOD , and Duration to all other Beings . Besides , since all Creatures are Created by God with equal dependency , and have their Preservation no longer than he pleaseth to continue it ; it follows , that their Duration is not permanent , but successive , and can indeed be nothing else but a continual Reproduction , by which they persevere in their Beings . CHAP. IX . That GOD is Infinite , and how we are to understand , that he is Circumscrib'd in no Place . I. All things are not contain'd in some place . AMongst those Prejudices , which we have taken in from our Childhood , and which some to this day hold for Truth , there is none more dangerous in Philosophy than that which ARISTOTLE teacheth in the Fourth Book of his Natural Philosophy , the First Chapter , viz. That all things are somewhere , that is , contained in some certain Space ; because he supposed whatsoever is not , to be no where ; which he takes to be so notorious and evident , that he is not afraid to rank it amongst Common Notions , and to esteem it an indubitable Truth . Wherefore also in his First Book of Heaven , the Third Chapter , he assigns the Highest place to the Gods , as most becoming their Dignity , and whence with greater ease they may take a View of all Things . And in the same Book , Chap. 2. he disputes against the most ancient Philosophers , and denies God to be diffus'd through all Things , as supposing it most unworthy the Divine Majesty to be present with the Earthly World. II. Immaterial things cannot be said to be in a Place . But that this is an Erroneous Opinion , appears from the Immensity of GOD , and the Existence of Spiritual Things : For it is evident that God and Immaterial Substances are , or have a Being , and yet they are not comprehended in any determinate Place . For to be in a Place is the Property of Extended Beings , and cannot be attributed to an Immaterial Substance void of all Extension . If at any time Places be attributed to the Soul , this is not with respect to its own Essence , which consists only in Cogitation , but with respect to the Body , to which it is joyned ; because it cannot be , but that the Body being limited to a certain Space , the Soul , which is intimately present with it , may be said to be included in one place , rather than in another . But if the Soul be considered by it self alone , forasmuch as it is a Thinking Substance and void of all Extension , it cannot fill any Space , nor have any situation amongst Bodies ; for otherwise it would be Divisible and Mensurable , which is repugnant to the Nature of an Intellectual Being . III. God is comprehended in no Place . And as for GOD , he is much less comprehended in any Place : For tho' he be said to be every where , yet may he also be said to be no where ; forasmuch as his Immensity is unbounded and diffus'd through all Places . But because all do acknowledge , that the most Perfect Being hath no Bounds , either of his Duration or his Presence , the only difficulty will be in the Explication of the Divine Immensity , viz. in what sense God is said to be Infinite , and so diffused through all , as to be every where . IV. Some falsly suppose God to be every where by his Presence . Some , whom I call Vulgar Philosophers , derive the Immensity of God , from his Presence in every place , supposing God to be every where , because there is no place in which he is not present , or which is not filled by him . But these seem to Attribute Extension to God , by conceiving to partake of Quantity , as Occupying all places : And therefore would think his Greatness to be Finite , if there could be any place , in which he were not present , and coextended with it . V. God , before the Creation of the World , was not in any Space . Whereas we know that God was , before there was any Space ; for what Place did God fill before the Creation of the World ? If God therefore did Exist before there was any Space , it is evident that being in a Space is not Essential or Proper to him . VI. God is said to be every-where , because all Created things perpetually depend upon him . Wherefore to leave this gross way of Philosophizing , we say , that God is precisely Infinite , fornsmuch as all Created things , are every moment as it were anew Created , and cannot Exist without his continual Influx : For the perpetual dependence of the Creatures , doth clearly Evidence Gods Omnipresence ; because those things which are in Nature , are not preserved by any Force or Virtue of their own , but only by the Essence of God , and by this Favour continue in their Beings . Neither is a less potent Cause required to the Preserving of things , than was to the Creation of them . For from this that a thing now Exists , it doth not follow , that it shall Exist the next moment , since there is no necessary Connexion of the Parts of time , but one of them is alway distinct from the other ; so that God must influence his Creatures in the same manner for their Conservation : In which Conservation , and presence in every thing , the Immensity of God doth consist . Thus God is said to be present to our Minds , because he is with every one of our Thoughts , and concurs to every determination of our Wills. And he is said to be present to our Bodies , because he doth dispose , move and make them rest . Lastly , he is present to all other things , because he doth as it were continually produce them anew , cherishing and preserving them by a way that surpasseth our Understanding . VII . God is not present every where by his Power , but by his Essence . Neither can I assent to those who say , that God is present every where , not by his Essence , but by his Power only , by which they seem to divide his Power , from his Essence and other Attributes ; whereas indeed all things that are in God , are one with his Essence ; nor are his Attributes any thing else , but divers Modes of Thinking . For they must be fain to confess that this Power is something that is Created , or something that is only accidentary to the Divine Essence , without which he may be understood or conceived . Now it is the most absurd thing to make it a Creature , since whatsoever is Created doth stand in need of the Divine Power for its Existence ; and since this Divine Power it self is supposed to be a Creature , it will stand in need of some other Power to preserve it , and by this means we shall make a Progress to Infinity . Or if they will rather make this Power to be accidental to God , and distinguisht from his Essence , then they must be forced to admit , that God is not a most Simple Substance ; because , according to their saying , he would be compounded of his Essence and that Power . Wherefore we conclude , that God is present to all things by his Essence , and that he is in every Place , forasmuch as he continually procreates and conserves the things which he hath Created . VIII . The Immensity of God is only an External Denomination . Hence we may perceive the false way of Reasouing used by the Peripateticks , who to make out the Doctrin of Gods Immensity , have invented immaginary Spaces ; as if the Immensity or Omnipresence of God were any thing else , but an Extrinsecal Denomination , taken from his Works ; forasmuch as he Works in all Created things , and by Reason of that Operation is said to be present with them . For Immensity in God , seems to have some Affinity with Creation ; and as Creation is Attributed to God , from the Action of Creation , since before the Creation he could not be called a Creator : So likewise Immensity is Attributed to God , with respect to his Creatures , since he could not be present with them , before they were Created . CHAP. X. That God is the most Simple Being . I. What Composition is , as it is opposed to Simplicity . As things are more clearly and distinctly perceived by comparing them by their contraries ; so I suppose it will be of great use for the Explaining of the Simplicity of God , to unfold what Composition is , and to what distinction of parts it answers . Now Composition is the Coalition or Union of many things , which presupposeth a distinction of Parts , since nothing can be united to it self , but to another . And it is various according to the diversity of the Parts , of which things are compounded . II. There is a three-fold Composition Real , Modal and that of Reason . For one Composition is Real , which consists of Parts really distinct ; as a Man is compounded of Soul and Body , because we can clearly and distinctly perceive the Mind without the Body , and the Body without the Mind . Another is Modal , which consists of a Subject and Antecedent or Mode ; as a Prudent Man is compounded of a Man and Prudence ; and is known by this Mark , that tho' a Substance may be clearly perceived without the Mode , by which it is diversified ; yet on the contrary , the Mode cannot be clearly understood without the Subject , whose Mode it is . The third sort of Composition is called , a Composition of Reason , which consists of the Genus and Difference , as when Man is said to be compounded of an Animal , and Rationality . Which consists in this that we cannot perceive a thing clearly , if its Attribute be excluded from it : As Extended Matter or a Body , is said to differ only by Reason from Extension , because we cannot conceive a Bodily Substance , if Extension in Length , Breath and Depth be separated from it . And therefore , such kind of Attributes as these are not called the Modes of Things , but only Modes of Thinking , forasmuch as by the help of Reason only , they are distinguisht from those things , with respect to which they are so called . III. God does not consist of Parts These things presupposed , it will not be difficult to shew that God is no Compound , that is , that he hath no Parts that are Really or Modally distinct from each other . For there is no more certain Argument of a real Distinction , than that the Idea of one thing is perceived , not to be the same with the Idea of another thing ; or to speak in School Terms , that the one can Exist without the other : But it is manifest , that no such distinction is to be found in God , forasmuch as all his Attributes are Essential , and not Separable from him , but by the Operation of our Mind . IV. Nothing in God is before other , and therefore no Composition Moreover the things that go to the making up of any Compound , must at least by Nature be before the thing Compounded , or that is made up of them : Thus every Cause is said to be before its Effect ; Substance before Accidents ; and Subjects before Adjuncts : And therefore those Substances , by the Union of which God is supposed to Exist , must of necessity have been before him , since we understand them to be , before they constitute the Divine Essence . Thus Matter and Form , which are considered in Natural Philosophy , as the two Principles of a Natural Compound , are apprehended to be , before they do constitute their Compound . And in like manner , if really distinct Substances were found in God , they would be intelligible to us , before that they were Attributed to him ; yea tho' they should never be Attributed to them . V. God is not Compounded either of Corporal or Spiritual Parts . And forasmuch , as we acknowledge only two general heads of things , viz. Material and Spiritual , we must of necessity suppose , that the things of which God should be composed , must be Corporal or Intellectual . If the first , it will follow , that seeing a Body is the immediate Subject of Local Motion , God is Divisible and Limited , yea , Subject to Passion and Alteration , all which include Imperfection , and consequently are repugnant to the Divine Nature . If they be supposed to be Spiritual , since there is a real distinction between them , and one of them according to the Rules of Logick , can Exist separate from the other , consequently there will be as many Gods as there are Substances , that are supposed to constitute God. For seeing they can Exist by themselves , and need no assistance from any other to their Conservation , they will also have power to confer upon themselves all the Perfections , which belong to God alone . Than which nothing more absurd can possibly be imagined by the Mind of Man. VI. There are no Modes in God , out of which he may be said to be compounded We say therefore , that there are no Substantial Parts in God , into which he can be divided , or from the Union and Coalition whereof he doth consist . Neither is there any Composition in God , out of a Subject and Accidents or Modes ; because Modes arise only from the various Change of the Substance , which therefore cannot be supposed in God , because in him there is no Change or Variation . Wherefore it follows , that whatsoever is in God , is only distinguishable by our Thoughts , because every Attribute of God may be called his Essence , and have the name of supreme Perfection : And therefore are neither more nor less than the one God , in the Unity of Nature . So that we must conclude God to be the most simple Being , utterly devoid of all Parts , or Divisibility . CHAP. XI . God is true , and as he cannot be deceived , so neither can he deceive . I. If God was not true , we could not be assured of any thing . THo' Human Cogitation be commonly held to be the Rule of Truth , and whatsoever , we clearly and distinctly perceive , is supposed to be true ; yet all this certainty would come to nothing , if God were not true , and most remote from the least suspicion of deceiving us : For how should we believe Revelation , if it were possible for God to deceive us ? For he having bestowed upon us our Intellectual Faculties , it might be questioned , whether it was not his pleasure to make us such , as that in the use of them , we should be deceived , and against our will fall into Error . II. Truth is a necessary Ingredient of a Being absolutely Perfect . But this Doubt will be easily removed , and the Divine Veracity cannot but be manifest , by considering that all Perfections that can be conceived by us , do belong to God. For , forasmuch as he is the Highest Being , he must also of necessity , be the most Soveregin Good and Truth : Now it is as much a Contradiction , that any Falsity should proceed from the Highest Truth , as that any Evil should come from the Highest Good : Which yet would be , if in the use of our Faculty of knowing , that is , in assenting to things that are clearly and distinctly perceived by us , we should fall into Error . And indeed seeing that whatsoever is real in us does proceed from him , and that the Faculty we have for the knowing of Truth , and distinguishing it from Falsehood , is Real , we could not but take him for a Deceiver , in case our Faculty could not reach the Object , but should always take Falsehood for Truth . Than which nothing can be imagined more injurious to the most Perfect Being and the Fountain of all Good. III. That the Most Perfect Being should deceive us , implies a Contradiction . Besides by the Name God , we understand the most perfect Substance ; and Imposture or Deceit is a manifest Imperfection , because it has a non Entity for its End , that is , something that is not true ; for all Deceit includes Falsity , which being oppos'd to Truth , it must be carried to that which is no Truth , that is , a non-Entity : So that from hence it will follow that God cannot without a contradiction be said to deceive us . IV. Deceit it an Argument of Fear or Malice . Lastly , Tho' perhaps amongst Men , it may be accounted a piece of Cunning to deceive others , yet Falseness or a will to deceive others , proceeds from Fear or Malice : And forasmuch as Fear supposeth Weakness , and Malice the want of Goodness , neither of these can be admitted in God ; and consequently neither can a Will to deceive be ascribed to him ; yea , he must be supposed to be the Highest Truth , and not thought a Deceiver upon any account whatsoever . V. An Objection from the Concourse of God. You will object that he who concurs to those Actions of the Will , or those Judgments by which a Man is deceived , he is to be looked upon as the Cause of that Man's Error : But God so concurs to those Judgments of Men , by which they are deceived ; therefore God is the cause of Men's Errors . VI. God doth not concur to the Formality of Error . This Objection is easily answer'd by distinguishing between the Material and Formal , or between an Act and its Privation . For all Acts are true and Good , forasmuch as they depend on God ; and as it is a greater Perfection in Man , that he can exert them , than if he could not . But Privation , wherein alone the Formal Reason of Falsity doth consist , doth not stand in need of any Divine Concourse , because it is No thing , and with Relation to God , is not to be call'd a Privation , but only a Negation . VII . Whether God may be said to deceive the Devils and Damned Souls in Hell. I know that some Divines seem of a different Opinion , who think that God can deceive Men , by inspiring them with Idea's that deceive them ; and that he does this of his free Will , as being the Supream Lord of all , and therefore may deal with his Creatures , as he listeth . So as that they are clearly persuaded that they feel something , which indeed they do not , according as it happens to the Devils and Damned Souls , who think they are tormented with Fire in Hell , when indeed there is no Fire there at all ; or if there be any , it is Material , and so cannot affect Pure Minds . VIII . The foregoing Douts answer'd . I Answer , That GOD does not deceive , or by false Apparitions delude the Devils or Damned Souls ; because the Fire wherewith they are tormented , is not only an Idea of Fire impress'd on them by God , but the true substance of Fire wherewith they are tormented , and sensibly affected . For why may we not suppose , that God can joyn the Soul of Man with some Body , and so unite his Thoughts to the Motions of that Body , that according to the greater or lesser force of the one , a greater or lesser sense of Pain may be excited in the other ? For as we see that the Soul of Man is kept link'd to the Body , so it may as well , by the Divine Power , be detained and suffer by Corporeal Fire ( as we suppose that in Hell to be ) seeing that this is consonant with the Scripture , and establisheth the Truth of GOD. IX . In what sense God it said to Blind the Minds of Men. If any one urge further , That GOD doth sometimes harden the Hearts of Sinners , and so blind their Minds , that they contemn his Commands , and run headlong into the greatest Sins , as appears by PHARAOH , whose Mind the LORD did so incline to Evil , that it was not in his Power to obey his Precepts . Besides , we read in Scripture , That GOD put the Prophets upon foretelling Things that did not come to pass ; as appears from the History of Jonah the Prophet , who declar'd from God to the Ninevites , that their City should be destroyed within forty days , which never came to pass . X. Answer . I Answer , That tho' Pharaoh , by the Perversness of his Will did refuse to obey God , and to dismiss the Children of Israel , notwithstanding the frequent Warnings he had from above ; yet is not this so to be understood , as if God by any positive Influx had hardened his Heart , and forced him to despise his Commands ; but only that he withheld Efficacious Grace from him , and left him to his own wicked Will. And as for Jonah , who foretold the ruin of the City Nineveh , that is not to be called a Lye , but rather a Threatning or Denunciation , the Execution whereof depended on their Obstinacy or Conversion , as appear'd by the Event : For the Ninevites Repenting in Sackcloth and Ashes , and earnestly deprecating the Divine Displeasure , did escape the Prophet's Commination . XI . God may sometimes deceive us for our Good. Tho' it be a most undoubted Truth , that it is repugnant to the Divine Perfections to deceive any one ; yet this does not hinder , but he may make use sometimes of a Prudent Deception towards us for our profit , in like manner as Physicians and Parents sometimes deceive their Patients and Children for their good and advantage . Neither can God properly be said to deceive us , when things appear to us otherwise than they are ; because God is not the cause of that Deception , but we our selves , who judge of Bodily things according to their External appearance before that we have sufficiently examin'd them ; forasmuch as in these and the like Appearances we should suspend our Judgment , before we do determine any thing concerning their Truth . XII . We cannot be said to be deceiv'd when we imagine the Sun to move , and the Earth to stand still . Thus GOD cannot be said to deceive us , when by the Earths whirling about its Axis , the Sun seems to us to rise and set ; but we rather deceive our selves , when we attribute Motion to the Sun , and Rest to the Earth , before we have fully discuss'd the Point : When indeed we ought to suspend our Judgment until having weighed the Reasons on both sides , we did clearly and distinctly perceive , to which of these Bodies the motion we perceive were to be ascribed . Neither are the Common People look'd upon to be absolutely in an Error , when they suppose the Sun to move ev●ry day about the Earth , tho' it be not true , because herein they follow what seems probable , which is sufficient to free them from the imputation of being deceived . XIII . From God's Veracity we may conclude , that whatsoever is clearly perceived by us , is true . Hence it follows , that whatsoever is clearly and distinctly known by us , is true : For since the Light of Nature , or our Faculty of Knowing , hath been given us by God , it can reach no Object which is not true , so far as it is reached by it ; that is , forasmuch as it is clearly and distinctly perceived . For God might with reason be look'd upon as a Deceiver , in case he had given us a Faculty that embraced Error instead of Truth : Wherefore forasmuch as Mathematical Truths are most clear and evident , so as to thrust themselves upon our Understandings , we ought not in the least to suspect them , but receive them as undoubted Truths . CHAP. XII . That GOD is most highly Intelligent , or Omniscient . I. Omniscience is included in the Conception of a most Perfect Being . IT will not be any hard matter to make out , that GOD is Omniscient or All-knowing , and that at one view he comprehends all things , if we remember him to be the Most perfect Being , in whom no defect or limitation can be conceived , which would not be if his Knowledge were finite , and that any thing could escape his Understanding . Therefore the Ancients called GOD , the Mind , or Soul of the World ; not only for that he was diffused throughout the Universe , and did animate all Things ; but also because he knows them all , and pierceth their most Secret parts . For Ignorance is a mark of Weakness of Soul , and that Being cannot but be Imperfect , whose Understanding is bounded by any Bound or Limit , beyond which it cannot reach . II. This Point further made out out by Reason . But because Discourse and Reason serve to illustrate the Truth of Things , I shall make use of this Argument : Either GOD understands all things , or some things only , or nothing at all . If he only understand some things , then his Understanding is supposed imperfect , which no body will say of God , that is persuaded of his absolute Perfection . But if he knows nothing , then certainly he cannot be supposed to be God. Wherefore it follows , that as God contains all Perfections , so he is endowed with knowledge in the highest and most transcendent degree . III. How the Divine Knowledge is distinguish'd from the Knowledge of Men. I say , in the most transcendent degree , because Human Cogitation is very different from the Divine . For the Idea's of Men are bounded by the Objects that are without them , and according to the diversity of things which it contemplates , are said to be either clear or obscure . For it does not depend of us , that our Idea's do represent this or the other thing to us , they being only Modes of Cogitation , and as such are all of them equal , all their difference proceeding from the Objects they represent ; so that some hold forth to us an Extended Substance , others a Mind ; some Simple things , others Compound ; all which variety the Idea's borrow from the Things themselves . For it cannot be question'd , but that those Idea's which represent some particular Substance to us , contain more objective Reality , than those which only exhibit Modes to us , which are only the determinations or limitations of Substance . But the Divine Knowledge doth not thus depend on the Creatures , neither are his Conceptions bounded by any things without him ; but all Created Beings derive their Essence from his Understanding , and according as they are determin'd by the same , do obtain divers degrees of Entity . For the Divine Intellect , whereby God knows the Creatures , is the same thing with his Will and Power that does determine them , and are only distinguish'd by us , according to our various ways of considering them . IV. There is no Object of God's Knowledge , that is without himself . Wherefore we are not to suppose any Object of the Divine Science to be without himself , who is alone the Object of his own Knowledge ; or to speak more properly , He is himself his own Knowledge . For should we suppose , that Created Beings were before the Divine Intellect , and that as Objects they did terminate his Idea's , they must be supposed to have a Nature and Essence independent on God , as being at least by Nature before him . Which to assert would be as foolish , as to say that a Pourtrature drawn by a Skilful Limner , is the Object of that Art : For a Limner stands in need of Pencils and Colours , to perform his Work●● whereas GOD did not stand in need of any thing for the Creation of the World , but all Created things did proceed from his Understanding and Free Will ; not only as to their Existence , but as to their Essence also . V. Indifferency in God is the Highest Perfection . Whence it appears , that Indifferency which is an Imperfection in Man , and is held to be the Iowest degree of his Liberty , is the Highest Perfection in God , as being a sign of his Sovereign Empire and Power , who is unbounded by any Laws or Rules , and the sole Author of all Order , Truth , Justice and Goodness . For it implies a Contradiction , to suppose that the Divine Will was not indifferent to all things , that have been or shall be made . Because no Goodness or Truth can be imagined , the Idea whereof was in the Divine Intellect , before that his Will had determined to make it so . VI. How God knows Sins , and those things which are called Entia Rationis . Entities of Reason . Some Question whether the Divine Knowledge doth extend it self to all things , and whether God besides Positive things , that is , real Substances , doth also know things Privative and Fictitious ▪ such as are Sins , entities of Reafon , &c. VII . Answer . For Answer I say , that God knoweth all things whereof he is the Efficient Cause , because as was said in the Chapter of Gods Immensity , all things are continually procreated by him , as not being able to continue one Moment without his Concourse : But Sins being no real things , and depending on the Will of Man , are not known by him without the Minds of Men. And as for Entities of Reason , forasmuch as they are nothing else but Modes of Thinking , which are used for the easier Explication of the things we know , or the better retaining of them ; these are no otherwise understood by God , than as he is the Procreator and Conservator of our Minds . For if we enquired what is meant by an Entity of Reason , we shall find it to be a meer Nothing , without the Understanding . But if we have regard to the Modes themselves of Thinking , they may be said to be real Entities . Thus , when I enquire what is Genus , I demand nothing else but the Nature of that Mode of Thinking , which is truly considered as a Being , and differs from a Species , which is another Mode of Cogitation . VIII . God understands Entities of Reason only forasmuch as they are conceived by us . Now God doth not contain any of these Entities of Reason or Notions , as if he stood in need of these Modes of Cogitation , to retain the things that he understands ; but only inasmuch as the Mind of Man , whose Modes they are , is perceived by us to be preserved and maintained in its Being by God. We conclude therefore that God is All knowing , and that he contemplates all things by one only most Simple Idea ; for to speak properly , God for no other Reason is called Omniscient , but because he has his own Idea , which being nothing else but his Essence , is therefore inseparable from him , and consequently extends it self to all positive or real Objects . CHAP. XIII . That God is Good , and doth Good. I. In what Sense God is said to be Good. SEeing that no Creature exists by its own Power , and that all thing derive their Essence from God , we must conclude that God is Good and Beneficent . For as by his comprehending all things he is All-knowing , and by his Power to do all things , Omnipotent : So because he hath Created all things , he is said to be Good , and because he preserves the same , Beneficent . II. Good and Evil are Respective Terms . This will more clearly appear , if we consider what Good and Evil is , and wherein precisely the Nature of both doth consist . A thing considered by it self apart , cannot be said to be Good or Evil , but is denominated such with respect to an other thing , to which it is profitable or hurtful . And accordingly , the same thing may at the same time , be said to be both Good and Evil. So the Punishment inflicted on a Criminal is Good , forasmuch as it conduceth to the Safety of the Commonwealth , and to deter others from committing the like Crimes : And yet it is Evil to the Criminal , because by the same he suffers Death , which deprives him of Life , being the dearest thing he enjoys . So likewise the Sea is of great use for the carrying of Ships , and in that regard is a Good to the Merchants ; but Evil when raging by a Storm it Swallows and Shipwracks their Vessels . Yea , there be many Good things , which are not such to all : Thus , to be in Heaven and to enjoy the company of the Blessed , is a Good , yea the greatest Happiness to Man , but yet to Brutes and Plants it is neither Good nor Evil , as having no Relation to them . III. God is said to be Good , as being beneficial to all . GOD therefore is said to be supremely Good , because he does God to all , and is the Conservator of all things , for all things are preserved by his Omnipotence . Moreover , forasmuch as there is no Connexion between the parts of Durations ; and it doth not follow , that because the Creatures exist to day , they will continue to morrow : We may say that Gods Conservation of his Creatures , is a continual production of them . Neither doth it oppose this Truth , that the Will of Man is free , and is oft determined by things without it : Because even those very Actions are determined by God , and are not exerted but by his Good-will , as will be said more at large in the following Chapter . For it implies a contradiction , that any thing should determine the Will , and that the Will it self should not be determined by God , to whom all created things are Subject . IV. The Love of God to Mankind is from Eternity . Gods Beneficence doth not only appear in the Creation of the World , and the preserving of all Creatures ; but he hath also from Eternity testified his Love unto us , by electing us from before the Foundation of World , and by loving us with an everlasting Love. For as Heat cannot but warm , and Light illuminate , so the highest Love cannot but in he highest degree love it self , and all things proceeding from him . And this Eternal Love of God is manifested by a two-fold effect , viz. the Mortal Life we Live here , and the Immortal Life we hope for , hereafter . With reference to the present Life , he hath adornd the Heaven with Stars , that they might assist inferior things with their Light , and promote the innumerable Generations of Natural things ; he hath distinguisht the Elements in their proper Place , endowed them with Qualities , and made them by their inborn Virtues , to concur to the Mixtion and Production of all things ; he hath appointed the Fire for Action , the Air for Respiration , the Water and Earth for Fruitfulness , and the Production of so many kinds of things for necessity and delight , but the chiefest Pledge of Gods Love towards us ; is , that he hath predestinated us to the Adoption of Children in Christ Jesus , so as that we have Redemption by his Blood , and the Forgiveness of Sins , according to the Riches of his Grace . For Grace hath preceded Merit ; neither doth Grace come from Merit , but Merit from Grace . He gave for Nothing , or out of meer Grace , who found Nothing why be should Save , and Much why he should Damn : He prevented us by the Blessings of his Sweetness ; for that Grace tastes sweeter , which helps even those that have ill-deserved , and entertains Thoughts of Peace towards us , whilst we do the VVorks of Death . S. Austin , Serm. 15. de verb. Apost . VI. God is said to be Good and Infinite , respectively onely . But you will say , What shall not GOD be good then , except he do Good to Mankind , and preserve the Universe ? What can be imagin'd more absur'd , than not to acknowledge GOD Good , as well as Immense , VVise , and Powerful ? Notwithstanding this Objection , we must assert , That the Attribute of Goodness did not belong to God before the Creation of the VVorld ; because a Thing considered in it self , and without respect to others , cannot be said to be either Good or Evil : Neither needs this seem strange or absurd to any one , forasmuch as the Goodness we speak of here , denotes a Respect between God and his Creatures , as his Immensity does , which consists , as we have seen , in that Operation whereby he continues them in Being . So that as supposing they were not , tho' he would be present to Himself ; yet Ubiquity , or Omnipresence could not be attributable to him ; so before the Creation of the VVorld , tho' GOD be Good by his own Essence , yet because there was nothing on which he could exercise his Beneficence , he was only Potentially Good , Merciful , a Judge , a Creator , &c. VII . How it coms to pass that God being Good , permits Sin. But some will say , If GOD be Good , why doth he permit the Corruption of Nature , and the Sins of Men to offend his Divine Majesty ? VIII . The First Answer . To which I Answer , First , That it is not repugnant to the Divine Goodness that there are Sins , and that Men swerve from their Duty ; yea , it seems more to comport with his Omnipotent Goodness to bring Good out of Evil , than not to suffer Evil. But yet it is not our business to enquire over-curiously , why God permits Sin , lest we should seem to endeavour with the scanty Line of our Reason , to fathom the depth of the Divine Wisdom . IX . The Second Answer . In the Second place I Answer , That it is not contrary to the Divine Goodness , that he hath not made his Creatures so perfect , as to place them out of the reach of Error , or danger of Falling ; and that he hath pitch'd upon such an Order , in which Sins take place ; forasmuch as Man Sins without any force put upon him ; neither can the Guilt of it be imputed to God : For God did not from Eternity decree Sin , neither did he decree , that Sin should be possible ; for seeing Sin is no positive thing , but a deficiency of Reality , it cannot be of God , but he only hath established that Order , in which he sees the possibility of Sin before his Decree and Will concerning it . And therefore upon this Hypothesis only it follows , that having establish'd such an Order , and making positive Things possible , he can be said the Author of Sin ; forasmuch as by the said Order , Sin is made Possible , which in this sense is not repugnant to the Goodness and Holiness of GOD. CHAP. XIV . Of the Omnipotence of GOD. I. It is an inborn Notion with all Men , that God is Omnipotent . NO Man that ever own'd a GOD , deny'd him to be Omnipotent : This is a Notion all Men brought into the VVorld with them , who therefore when they are in any affliction or danger , lift up their Hands to Heaven , and send up their Prayers to him for the thing they wish for , and thereby tacitly acknowledge his Omnipotence . Yet there are some Philosophers who seem to destroy this Notion , who assert the Essences of Things to be Eternal , as if without the Power of God they had some Nature of their own , to which God at a certain time did vouchsafe Existence , and made them to be Actual Beings . And therefore they say , that Possible things only , that is , such as are so in their own Nature , can be produc'd by God , and that his Power doth not extend it self any further . II. What a Possible , Necessary and Contingent Being is . But because this Doctrin seems to derogate from God's Omnipotence , we will endeavour to shew the Falsity of it , by declaring what the true Nature of a Possible , Necessary , and Contingent Being is , and whence they take these Affections . A Necessary Being is said to be such with a twofold respect , either with respect to its Essence , or to the Effective Principle whence it proceeds . After the first manner , we know that God only doth necessarily Exist ; and therefore he is said to Exist so , as that he cannot but exist ; because Existence is involved in his Conception , so that his Essence cannot be understood without it . But after the Second manner , that is , with respect to the Effective Principle , Corporeal things are said to be Necessary , forasmuch as they can be produced by God ; but not with respect to their own Essence , because we can clearly and distinctly understand the same without Existence , and therefore they can never exist by virtue of their Essence . That is call'd a Possible Being , whose Efficient Cause is known to us ; but yet we do not know , whether he be determined to produce it or no ; and therefore is commonly described , That which hath not been , but might have been ; and in this sense all things besides God are said to be Possible . But if we consider only their Natnre , and not their Productive Cause , we shall call all things Contingent ; because with respect to their Natures , no necessity of Existing is found in them , as in God : Neither is there in them any Repugnancy or Impossibility , but that they may be ; and therefore in case they do exist , they exist so , as that they may not exist . III. All things present , and things to come , depend on God. We will now shew , That all things that are now , or are to come , have their Dependence on God ; and that there is nothing in Nature , that doth not proceed from his Decree . For seeing no Creature exists by the necessity of its Essence , it follows , that they must all borrow their Being from the Divine Decree . For it is evident by the Light of Reason , that it is impossible a thing should exist , which hath no Internal or External Cause of its Existence : Now no Creatures can exist by the Power of their own Nature , and therefore we must have recourse to one only External Cause , viz. the Divine Decree , for their Existence ; in which Divine Decree , if their Existence be not found , they are to be look'd upon as Impossible , forasmuch as they cannot be produc'd by any Cause . From whence it evidently follows , not only that the Existence of all Creatures doth depend of God , but also their Nature and Essence : for seeing there is no perfection which is not in God , there can be no Essence in the Creatures , which should be the cause of Gods knowledge . Wherefore we must conclude that all Creatures before Gods Decree were nothing , and consequently that of themselves they have no necessity to exist . IV. God is the Efficient Cause not only of substances , but also of their Modes . When I say that all things have their Being from the Divine Good Pleasure , this to be understood not only of Material Substance , but also of Thinking or Spiritual ; because not only the properties and Modes of Bodies derive their reality from the Will of God ; but also the Modes of Minds . For it is a meer prejudice of our Youth to imagine that the Modes of Cogitation , Knowledge , Judgment , Affections , and other inward Acts of our Mind do less depend on the Divine Power , than the Modes of Material and Bodily things . Because whatsoever is not God , is of it self altogether nothing ; neither can it exist but by his will ; for since nothing can be the cause of its own Existence , save God alone , it follows that whatsoever exists , must derive all its reality from God as its first Principle . V. In what sense the Natures of things may be said to be immutable . If it be objected that the Essences of things are commonly said to be Immutable and Eternal . I answer , that the Essences of things are only said to be immutable , forasmuch as they are exprest by Definition , and are consider'd Universally , as is commonly done in Sciences , whose certainty requires firm and stable Definitions . So the Definition of a Mind that it is a Thinking substance , is always the same , neither is lyable to any change , tho perhaps there may be a further degree of perfection in the Mind of one Man , than of another . And whereas they are said to be Eternal , or that their Essence was known from Eternity in the Divine Intellect , this does not argue any Eternity in them , but in God ; since to be known in the Mind of God , with respect to the Creatures , is only an Extrinsecal Denomination , or an Entity of Reason , which superadds no reality to things . VI. No things are Contingent with respect to God. As for Possible and Contingent Things , there are none such with respect to God ; Because there are none that of themselves can Exist , and not Exist , or that have real Contingency . For surely there is no less Power to the creating of a thing , than to the Conserving of it ; and since no created thing acts any thing by its own Power , so neither can it give it self Existence by the same . It remains therefore that all things must have their Dependence on God , and that the things that are , be produced by vertue only of the Divine Decree . And forasmuch as there is no Change or Inconstancy in God , we must conclude that the things which he creates , have from Eternity been decreed to be created by him ; so that all Creatures from Eternity had a kind of necessity of Existence ; And therefore that no Things are Possible , Necessary , or Contingent of their own Nature , but by the Divine Decree , which is the only Cause of all things . VII . Nothing can be suppos'd antecedent to Gods Decree . Neither doth it contradict what we have said , that God might have decreed otherwise concerning his Creatures , and that upon that score they may be said to be contingent ; For since in Eternity there is no Before or After , first or last , it is a Vanity to search after those Moments in which God existed before those Decrees , and in which it is supposed that he might have determin'd otherwise . Wherefore since God without any necessity resolved to make Creatures , they are all of them said to exist Contingently , because they include no Necessity of Existing ; tho with respect to the will of God they exist Necessarily : Forasmuch as no greater necessity can be conceived in Things than that whereby an Effect follows from an Efficacious Principle and a Determinate Efficient Cause . How the Will of Man is said to depend on God. There is one difficulty more remains to be discust , and that is since all Creatures are predetermined by God , and that there is a kind of necessity of Existence in them from Eternity , how the Will of Man can be said to depend of God , seeing that it is free , and indetermin'd . But notwithstanding this , we must say that the Will also is conserved by the Divine Concourse , so that it is not in the Power of Man to Will or Act any thing , which is not preordained by God. But how these two things may be reconciled , that God hath decreed all the Acts of our Will from Eternity , and yet our Will remains undertermin'd , is I confess more than I do clearly perceive . I do acknowledg my Mind to be but of a finite capacity ; and the Power of God , whereby he hath not only foreknown all present and future things from Eternity , but hath also decreed and determin'd them , to be infinite and unbounded : Yet cannot this consideration make us doubtful of the Freedom of our Will , since in all our actions we experience our selves to be free , and that it is in our Power to give or withhold our Assent ; which is so manifest that we have good reason to rank it amongst first and common Notions . IX . It is a difficult thing to reconcile the Divine Decree with the Liberty of Mans Will. Hence is it that the Famous Philosopher in the Ninth Epistle of his l. Volume , saith . As to Free will , if we only consider our selves , I must confess we cannot but think it to be Independent : But when we cast an Eye on the Infinite Power of God , we cannot but believe that all things must depend on him , and therefore that our free will is not exempt from his Command . For it implies a contradiction that God should have created Men of such a nature , that the Actions of their will should not depend on his will : Because that is the same as if one should say that his Power is both Finite and Infinite : Finite since there is something that doth not depend on it ; and Infinite , in that he was able to create this thing Independent . But as the knowledg of the Divine Existence , must not take away the certainty of our free will : So neither must the knowledg of our free will , make us to doubt of the Divine Existence . For the Independency we experience and find in our selves , and which makes our actions blame or praise worthy , is not opposite to a dependence of another kind , whereby all things are subject to God. X. God is no less a cause of the Creature when it is made than when it is a making . Gods Omnipotence does not only appear in the Production of things , but also in their conservation : for God is not only the Principle of created Beings when they are making , but also when they are made . Hence it is that he preserves them by a continual Influence ; and should he cease from his Concourse , whatsoever he hath produc'd would fall to nothing ; Because before they were created and he afforded them his Concourse , they were nothing . Neither doth it contradict this , that all things that are produced by God are substances , to whom it does agree to subsist ; for they are not call'd Substances as if they could subsist without the Divine Concourse , but because they are such things , as do not need the assistance of any creature towards their being . In which Preservation of the creatures , the infinite Divine Power is evidently exemplified , in that he hath produc'd all things so , as that they cannot subsist one moment without him , like as the Image of the Sun reflected in the Water , or in a Looking-glass , doth depend on the Sun , not only as to its being , but as to its Preservation or continuance . CHAP. XV. That God is the Creator of all things . I. Some Attributes agree to God from Eternity , others in Time. THO all the Divine Attributes be Eternal , and undistinguisht from his Essence , yet do not all of them in a like manner agree to him . For some of them constitute his Nature , and can only by the operation of our Minds be separated from it , such as are his Eternity , Omniscience , &c. Others again presuppose creatures , and are only attributable to him since the beginning of the World , as to be a Judge , a Creator , &c. Which from Eternity did only Potentially belong to him . But because the Power to create the World was in God from Eternity , and that it appertains to his Nature to be Omnipotent , it is as easy to prove God to be the Creator of all things , as it is to evince him to be Immutable . II. Whatsoever hath a Being , hath it either from it self , or from another . For whatsoever is besides God , either hath the Principle of its Existence from it self , or from another : For natural light evinceth that things can not be made of nothing . If any thing was of it self , it would want nothing ; Yea , it would give it self all those Perfections it hath any Idea of ; but nothing hath the Power of bestowing those perfections on it self , for otherwise it would actually be possest of them ; for the Will is infallibly carried to the Good it knows ; and consequently it hath not the Power of giving it self a Being . If it hath its Being from another , we may then demand whence that other hath his Being , whether from it self or from another , till we come to the last Cause , who is the Author of all things that Exist . III. Forasmuch as the Parts of Time have no necessary connexion , it follows that Creatures are not preserved by themselves . Besides , the Parts of time have no necessary defendence on each other ; neither doth is follow that because a thing is now , it will be the next Moment : Therefore to the end it may continue to exist , there must be some Power , which may each Moment reproduce it : But no such Power is in the Creature , and therefore there must be some Being , whose Nature includes Existence , and which is the Cause why the thing that hath existed hitherto , doth continue so to do . For tho' a thing have begun to Exist , yet doth not its Essence any more involve necessary Existence , than it did before its Existence ; and therefore it stands in need of the same Virtue to continue to exist , as it had to begin to exist . IV. The Essences of things are clearly known by abstracting them from Existence . Moreover we clearly understand , that the Soul of Man is a Thinking Substance ; that a Body consists of three Dimensions , and that Man is a compound of Mind and Body , without any Existence : Wherefore we ought not to ascribe to Man any Power whereby he can exist , and therefore he must be created by God , before he can exist . For every Effect we know is contained in its Cause , either formally or eminently , and seeing neither the Soul nor the Body , nor Man that consists of both , can be the Causes of themselves , they cannot be contain'd in themselves as in their Cause ; and therefore we must look out for a higher Cause that may eminently contain whatsoever is formally found in the Creatures ; and that is that which we call God. V. Abstractions do more clearly explain the nature of a thing . And forasmuch as the Form , according to ARISTOTLE gives Being to a thing , and Concretes are more perspicuously understood by their Abstracts ; for a Confirmation of what we have said , it will be worth our enquiry what Creation is , and whether the name of Creator could be attributable to God from Eternity . VI. What Creation is . As to the first , the received Definition of Creation is , that it is the Production of a thing out of Nothing ; Which may be admitted without Hesitation , if by Nothing we understand a Negation of all Reality , and not any thing Imaginary , which some do suppose to be that out of which all things are produc'd . For some do conceive this Nothing to be , as it were , a matter shut up in an Imaginary space , from whence all things do proceed . Wherefore , lest I should seem to favour their Error , I will take away all Ambiguity and define it thus , viz. That it is an operation , whereby things are produc'd by an efficient Cause , no other Cause concurring with it . So that a thing is said to be created , which besides God needs no other Cause towards its Existence . Where it appears that neither Modes nor Accidents are created , since they depend on the Substance , in which they are , and without which they cannot be conceived : As we have shewed in our Logick , in the Chapter of substance . VII . What we are to understand by the Name Creature . A thing Created is that whose nature or Essence can clearly be understood without Existence . As the Soul of Man , of which we have a clear and distinct Notion , for as much as it is a Thinking substance , abstracted from its Existence . And solikewise we have a distinct conception of a Corporeal Substance , as including three Dimensions , without considering its Existence : And therefore these must be Created by God before they can exist , and when they do so , must be preserved by his continual Influx . VIII . Before the Creation of the World there was no Time. It remains now to enquire whether God , could be call'd a Creator from Eternity , or whether the things created by him could have their Original before all Time. Before we can resolve this clearly , we are to take notice that before the Creation of the World , no Time can be understood by us , seeing that Time is nothing else but the measure of Duration ; or to speak more clearly , is nothing else but a meer Mode of Thinking . For as the Modes of Material things serve for the easier explication of their Natures , so we make use of Time to express Duration , so that it is necessary that before Time could be , there must have been , not only Creatures , but Men also , that might compare the Duration of things Existing , with the Duration of other things , that had a determinate Motion . Now Duration , seeing it is not distinct from the Existence of things , save only by Reason , begins as soon as they began to exist , and ceaseth when they cease to be ; because it supposeth them to be Created . Wherefore they who imagine Duration or Time before the first Production of things , are as deeply prejudic'd as those are who fancy an Extension of Space , without any Bodily Extension . To enquire therefore , whether a Created thing could be from Eternity , is as much as to demand whether there can be a Duration without any Beginning , and which cannot be expressed by any Number whatsoever . IX . God cannot produce Eternal Duration . That such a Duration as this cannot be created by God , appears from hence , that no Duration can be mentioned , but that God is still able to produce a greater . For such is the Nature of Duration , that assign what Duration you please , a greater or lesser can still be conceived , seeing that it is , as it were composed of Parts , and always may be conceived as Divisible into them : For as there are no parts in a Body , altogether Indivisible ; so neither are there any Moments in Duration , but may still be divided into lesser parts to Infinity . X. No Duration can be understood to be in God. Neither can we say , that because God hath been from Eternity , and is still , therefore we ought to attribute to him the greatest Duration that can possibly be conceived ; for it is evident from what hath been already said , that no Duration consisting of Parts can be ascribed to God , but Eternity only , which is not an affection of Existence , but of Essence : And therefore that we cannot conceive any Duration in God , except we have a mind to destroy the Idea we have of him ; forasmuch as it is essential to the notion of Duration that none can be conceived so great , but still greater may , which in no wise can be attributed to God , who is Infinite , and admits no Division of Parts . XI . Whether God could have Created the World from Eternity . You will say that God is as Powerful , whilst he acts freely , as if he did act necessarily , since liberty or necessity of acting , doth not alter the property of Power . But if God acts by necessity of Nature , he must have Created the World from Eternity , forasmuch as his Power is Infinite , and consequently it is no contradiction , that a Creature should be Eternal , that is , be produced without a Beginning of Duration . XII . Answer . I Answer , that this Argument is deduced from a false Hypothesis , viz. that if God should act necessarily , he might for all that be of Infinite Power , which is very false ; because it is the Property of a most perfect Being to act freely , which is so essential to it , that it can never be separated from its Idea : since there is but one only Being , that by us is conceived to be such . XIII . God can produce still greater and greater Duration . Besides , it is the Nature of Duration that how great soever any is supposed , it may be still supposed greater ; and therefore God who is of Infinite Power and a free Agent , may always produce a greater or lesser Duration than the supposed Duration is . But if God did act according to the necessity of Nature , no such Duration would be possible , because God acting necessarily , would only produce that which did follow from necessary Action ; and consequently being unable to produce a greater , his Power would be Bounded , which is destructive of the Idea of God. CHAP. XVI . Concerning Gods Government of the World , and Providence . I. Supposing God to be All knowing and All powerful , he must also be Provident . FRom what hath been already said of the Divine Attributes , we may easily conclude that God is Provident , and the Ruler and Governour of all the World , and all things that are in it . For seeing that he hath Created all things , and by his alone Power , brought them into a State of actual Existence , it seems to be Repugnant to his Goodness and Omnipotence , that he should neglect the care of them , and leave them to the Government and disposal of others . For since he is All-knowing , All-powerful , and supremely Good , he cannot but keep his Eye upon his Creatures , and govern and dispose of them for their good . For Will and Power , with respect to things without them , are not distinguisht from the Divine Understanding ; and since God hath decreed that at some certain time , Creatures should exist , he also determined them to exist so , as that their Essence and Existence might depend on his Will and Power , without being able to attain any Ends without his special Providence . II. What Providence is . By Providence , Divines understand that Eternal disposal , by which God doth Efficaciously direct all his Creatures to certain ends foreseen by him , so as that in time they come to attain them . For Providence doth not only denote the operation of the Intellect , by which a thing is foreseen before it be brought to pass ; but also that of the Will , or the Decree and Counsel , whereby , before the work is done , it is disposed to the end appointed for it . And that such a Providence as this appertains to God , may be proved by several Reasons . III. God would not be the most perfect Being in case he did not take care of his Creatures . For First , it belongs to the Nature of God to bemost perfect ; but how can he be said to be so , without being present to his Creatures , and taking care for them ? For it is without doubt a greater perfection to provide for the Universe , and to govern and dispose all things for the best , than to leave them to themselves , or to be disposed of by others . For by so much the more perfect , any one is , by how much the more he excells others in Command , Wisdom , Goodness and Liberality : But if the care of the World should be supposed taken away from God , we shall make him an Idle and Unactive Being , as EPICURUS doth ; and by this means shall be able to conceive a more perfect Being , who together with the highest Felicity has the Sovereign command over , and disposeth of all things , and whose Tranquillity is not disturbed or interrupted by the Multiplicity of the Affairs he manageth . Wherefore , since nothing can be admitted to be more perfect than God , we must conclude , that he takes the care of , and disposeth all things . For it is not becoming , as DAMASCENUS saith , that there should be one Builder or Architect of this World , and another that takes Care of it , forasmuch as this would Argue a disability in them both ; in the one of Making or Effecting , and in the other of taking Care for and Disposing of it . IV. Gods Providence is proved from his Eternity . Secondly , Forasmuch as God is Eternal , having no Bounds of his Existence , it is necessary that his Understanding should be Eternal also , because it belongs to his Essence to be conceived by us as Supremely Intelligent : Now his Understanding is not distinguisht from his Will or Decree , but only by Reason , or our meer Conception ; therefore when we say that God understood , or knew all things from Eternity , we at the same time assert , that he also from Eternity provided for all things , and designed them to their appointed ends ; seeing that his Will is Supremely Efficacious , and never fails of the ends he intends . Book I. Part 2. Chap 16. M Vander Gu●●t . Sculp . G. Freeman Invent : To the Worship-full Ieffrey Ieffreys of the Priory in Brecknockshire & of the Citty of London . Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome V. The same is made out from his other Attributes . The same may be confirmed from the rest of his Attributes : For if God be Sovereignly Intelligent , he must also be most Wise ; and will not he be accounted more Wise by governing the World , and administring all things , thereby not only Speculatively , but Pratically understanding them ? If God be most Powerful , he must be able to do all things , so as that nothing may be in a condition to resist his Will , or escape his Power . But how can this be , except he govern the things he hath produced , and concur to their Actions ? If he be most Good , sure it is necessary that all Creatures experience his Goodness : But how can that be , if he takes no Care of them , nor Provides for them ? Therefore we must own the Divine Providence ; forasmuch as without it , his chiefest Attributes are destroyed , and nothing is left whereby we may demonstrate his Sovereign Power , Wisdom and Goodness . VI. God's Providence , and Government of the World , may be proved from the things themselves . Another Argument may be taken from the Creatures themselves . For whosoever considers the frame of this World , and the order of its Parts ; whosoever takes a view of the Earth , the variety of its Seasons , the different Shapes of Living Creatures , the manifold Virt●es of Plants ; whosoever scans the Fabrick of the Microcosm , MAN , the multiplicity of his Members , with their admirable Connexion and Harmony : Whosoever takes a Prospect of the Heavenly Bodies , their Lustre , Beauty , constant Motion and Proportion , will be forced by his Conscience to acknowledge , that these Wonders could not be the product of Chance and Fortune , but the Effect of the Great GOD. And therefore CICERO , in his Book de Natura Deorum , speaks thus : Shall we call him a Man , who beholding the certain Motion of the Heavens , the wonderful Order of the Stars , and all so fitly link'd and suited together ; shall suppose that all this is manag'd without any reason , and by Chance ; when indeed we can never have any Conceptions of the greatness of that Wisdom and Counsel which disposeth all these things ? When we see any thing moved by Springs and Engins , as a Sphear or Watch , have we any the least doubt of their being the Effects of Reason ? and when we see the Heavens moving with admirable Swiftness , and constantly to persist in their Motions , sinishing their Anniversary Revolutions , for the Health and Conservation of all Things ; shall we question whether these Things are order'd and directed by a most Excellent and Divine Reason ? VII . How any thing can be said to be by Chance , if all things be rul'd by Providence . Tho' no body that owns a God , can doubt of his Providence ; yet this Difficulty remains to some , How any thing can be said to be by Chance in the World , if God governs all Things , and directs them to their certain Ends ? And besides , How comes it to pass , that God taking Care of all things , his Thunder often spares the Wicked , and strikes the Innocent ? Or , if every Motion , and all other things that keep their certain Periods , be called Divine , must we not also suppose Tertian and Quartan Agues to be such , whose Motion and Returns are so certain and constant ? VIII . With respect to God , nothing happens by Chance . There is no question , but that many things happen by Chance in the World , with regard to Second Causes ; but nothing at all with respect to the First Cause , who disposeth and fore-ordains all things from Eternity . For Chance and Fortune are only in respect of him , who is ignorant of the Intention of the Director : And forasmuch as the Divine Intention is hid from Man , till the thing be done ; therefore the same , with respect to Man , is said to happen by Chance , but not with respect to the First Cause . How many things seem to happen in a Commonwealth , which with reference to us are fortuitous ; but not so with respect to the Prince who governs it , who order'd things so on purpose , and made use of such Ministers and Means , so as that things could not happen otherwise ? And whereas it is further objected , That sometimes Thunderbolts pass by the Wicked , and light upon the Innocent . IX . How things come to be so turbulently carried in this World. We are to consider , that all these things happen by God's particular Direction , for very good ends , which tho' they be unknown to us , yet are not we therefore to deny them : For it is too great a pi●ce of Rashness , to have so great an esteem for our own Wit , as that whenever we cannot find out the True Cause of any thing , we should presently suppose the World to be without a Ruler , and that the Concerns of Men are committed to the management of Blind Chance . X. Why wicked Men prosper in this World. But you will say , If there be a Cause that presides over Inferiour things , why do we perceive such Confusion in the World ? Why are the Good neglected and oppress'd by Poverty , Slavery , and Diseases ; whilst in the mean time the Wicked flourish , and abound with Honour and Riches ? XI . Answer . This is the Complaint of most Men , who being ignorant of the True Good , are taken with the outside of Things : For if we attend to the Nature of Good , we shall find that Vertue alone deserves that Name , which whosoever wants , is worthily esteem'd Miserable . Hence it is that Wicked Men , being devoid of Vertue , do not make use of those outward good things with that Moderation of Mind as they ought , but in the midst of their Riches suffer Want , and in the midst of their Pleasures , Pain and Torment ; so that they are not True good things to them , but in appearance only . But if on the other hand , Evil things happen to those that are Good , forasmuch as they are conducive to the exercise of their Vertue , they ▪ ●re rather to be accounted Good things , because by them their Minds are estranged from Worldly Lusts , and raised to the love and desire of Heavenly things . This therefore is the greatest Instance of Providence , when we see Good things bestowed upon Ill Men , that they may grow the worse ; and Evil things upon Good Men , that thereby they may grow better . XII . Why God Created Men and Angels , whom he foresaw would be corrupted by Sin. But you will say , That God created Angels and Men , whom he foresaw would fall and continue in Evil or Wickedness . St. AUSTIN Answers , That GOD would not have created any Angel or Man , whom he foreknew would fall into Sin , if he had not known , at the same time , to what good Ends he could make use of them , and so compose the Harmony of this Universe , as a pleasant Song of Discords mix'd with Concords : For as these make the Sweetness of Musick , so the Beauty of this World is made up of these Contraries . And therefore in the Third Book of Free-Will he plainly teaches , That GOD ought not to have abstained from Creating of the Creature , whom he foresaw that by his own Fault ( not by any of his Creator ) should lose that Beauty in which he was created : For as a lost and wandring Horse is better than a Stone , which cannot wander , because it wants sense and motion ; so that Creature is more Excellent , which sins by its Free-will , than that Creature which doth not sin ; because it hath no Free-will . And as I would commend Wine as good in its kind , tho' I blame the Man that is made drunk by it , and yet would prefer this drunken and blamed Man before the praised Wine that had made him drunk : So likewise a Bodily Creature is to be commended in its degree and kind , whereas they are Blame-worthy , who by the immoderate use thereof , are turned aside from the Perception of Truth . The Third Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . VIZ. DAEMONOLOGY ; OR , Of Intelligences and Created SPIRITS , GENIUS's and DAEMONS , Commonly called ANGELS . A Prefatory Discourse . Of the Division of Created Things ; the Definition of Pneumaticks , or the Doctrin of Spirits ▪ and its Certainty . I. The aim of the Author in this Treatise . NOtwithstanding that to Treat of ANGELS does seem chiefly to belongs to Divines , and the consideration of their Nature and Faculties may be thought to exceed the Bounds of Metaphysicks ; yet I think it may not be useless to try what Natural Light can do in this case , and how far by the Guidance thereof , we may discover their Essence , Existence , and Operations . II. Division , a great Help to the Knowledge of Things . They who endeavour to search into the Nature of Things , take care to divide them , as fitly as may be , into those Parts which may be helpful to the obtaining a more distinct Conception of them . For Division takes away the doubtfulness of Terms , and makes that which before was confusedly perceived under one Name or Word , to be more clearly understood by more Words , expressing the Parts of it . III. The Division of Substance into Thinking and Extended . It is notorious to all Philosophers , that Created Things are divided into Spiritual and Corporeal , or into Thinking and Extended . By the Name BODY , all Material or Extended Substances are understood , of what Nature soever they be , whether they be more Gross or Subtil ; whose Essence consists of three Dimensions , or in Extension in Length , Breadth , and Depth . And we call that an Incorporeal Substance , or Immaterial , which is without Extension , and all those Modes and Accidents which accompany a Bodily Substance . Whence it appears , how very improperly the Name of SPIRIT is attributed to the Air , Wind , Fire , Vapor , &c. because tho' these Things be more Thin and Subtil than others , yet don't they for all that cease to be material , impenetrable , and indefinitely divisible . Book . 1 Part. 3. Chap. 1. G. Freman Inv ▪ I. Kip. Sc● To the most Honourable Rose Marchioness Dowager of Antrim ▪ relict of the most Honourable Randall mc. Donnald , Marquiss and Earle of Antrim Viscount Dunluce ; and sole daughter and Heyress of Sr. Henry O'neille of Edenduf-Carick in the County of Antrim in the Kingdome of Jreland &c.w. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome Book . 1. Part. 3. Introducti●n . G. Freman Inv. 〈◊〉 Kip 〈◊〉 To the Worshipfull John Jeffreys of Llywell in the County of Brecknock and of the Citty of London Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blame IV. Quantity cannot be attributed to Angels We may also perceive with how little Reason some do attribute Quantity to Angels and Human Souls , and conceive one part of them to be without another , as if they were Material . Whereas if a Man consider a Corporeal and Intellectual ▪ ●●stance , he will find them to be distinguisht by Properties and Attributes , and to have no affinity at all with each other . For what Similitude can there be supposed between a thing extended , and a Being devoid of all Extension ? Or what agreement is there , between a Substance that understands , wills , and imagins , and that which is divisible into parts , and is diversified by Figures , and which is commensurate to a certain space and Place ? V. Substance is wrongly divided by some into immaterial and Bodily . Others divide created substance into Immaterial and Corporeal ; but this Division doth not seem to be exact , or made according to the Rules of a right Division : because Immaterial and Incorporeal being Negative Terms , can represent no positive Idea to our Mind , such as is desir'd by all , where it may be had . For Negative Words represent no Properties or Attributes to our perception , and rather tell us what the thing is not , than what it is . True it is , that this Diviston is set down by many Philosophers of great note : but forasmuch as a Privative or Contradictory opposition ( which those words do import ) cannot have place in a lawful Division , this is not to be admitted . Moreover this Division seems to be grounded on this Childish mistake , that the Substance of Material things is more real , than that of Spiritual ; and that therefore the former , as more perfect , are exprest by Positive words , but the latter , as more Imperfect , by Negative . VI. It better divided into Thinking and Extended . Wherefore Created Substance is more fitly divided into Thinking and extended , or into Intellectual and Corporeal ; because then the Dividing parts , are apprehended by Positive conceptions , and exprest by Positive Terms . For without doubt , we shall have a more clear notion of an Angel by conceiving him Intelligent , Willing and Powerful , than by apprehending him Immaterial , Incorporeal and Invisible : Forasmuch as these Negative Attributes , as I said , rather declare what an Angel is not , than what he is . Besides , he that perceives the Positive Properties of a thing , does by consequence understand the Negative ; but not on the contrary : For he that knows an Angel to be Intelligent , doth at the same time know him to be Incorporeal and Invisible ; but tho' he understand him to be Incorporeal and Invisible , he does not therefore understand him to be Intelligent ; for the Air is Invisible , and yet is neither Intelligent nor Incorporeal . Wherefore created Beings are very properly divided into Intellectual and Corporeal or Material , for no substance can be conceiv'd by us , which is not either Thinking or Extended , or in other words , which is not Active or Passive . Hence St. AUSTIN saith , Amongst things , some thing is acted , and not Acting , as a Body ; another is Acting , and not Acted , as is God ; and a third Acting and Acted , as are all Spiritual Substances . VII . The Distribution of Science Universally consider'd . As all created substance is divided into Material and Intellectual , so the knowledge of that Substance is distinguish't into SOMATICA , or the Science of Bodies , and PNEUMATICA , or the Science of Spirits : Which may again be subdivided into other Species , according to the various notions under which a Body or Spirit may be considered . For as a Body is conceived by us , either as Natural , or as 〈◊〉 or as having Quantity , and being Figur'd , or as subject to Sickness and recoverable ; 〈◊〉 accordingly divers Species of Sciences are constituted . Natural ●hilosophy considers a Body as Natural , and explains its Essence and Properties . Mechanical Science Minds the outward frame and structure of the Body , and the figures it obtains by workmanship and Art. Mathematicks take to task the various Modes of a Body , as the figures which bound it ; the situation of one part with reference to others ; the Motion or change of situation ; and Rest or continuance in one place : Lastly , Physick or Medicine considers the Body as subject to Diseases and recovery , and endeavours to maintain the health , or to restore it when lost . VIII . The Division of Pneumatica , or the Science of Spirits . In like manner as Intellectual Substances are divided into God , Angels , and the Souls of Men ; so Pneumatica is divided according to the Diversity of the objects it contemplates into Natural Theology , Geniography or the science of Angels , and Psychology , or the Doctrin of the Soul. Natural Theology considers the Essence of God and his Attributes ; Geniography the nature of Angels and Intelligences , and Psychology examines the constitution of the Mind of Man , its Faculties and Passions . So that Pneumatica is nothing else but the science of Spirits , which admits of divers names , as it Considers God , the Angels , or the Soul of Man. IX . The certainty of the Science of Spirits . The certainty of this science is very clear from its Definition , because it treats of Incorporeal things , and such as are not subject to change : For if Natural Philosophy which treats of a Natural Body , and Mathematicks which handles the Modes that follow it , deserve the name of Science , because they are founded on Axioms of Eternal Truth , much more doth the Doctrin of Spirits deserve the name of True Science , forasmuch as it is not only grounded on General Propositions , but likewise borrows its certainty from the Object it considers , and deduceth clearer Conclusions thence , than Natural Philosophy doth from a Body or extended Substance . For tho' the vulgar sort of Mankind is apt to be mistaken , and doubtful about Immaterial Substances , whether they do really exist , and think that the name of Thing ought only to be attributed to Bodies ; yet the Lovers of Wisdom do own Thinking substances , to be much truer , and much more real than any Bodily or Material Beings . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Angels . I. What we are to understand by the Name of Spirit . THE Division of created Substance into Thinking and Extended being suppos'd , it will not be difficult to conceive what a Spirit is , and how it is to be distinguisht from other things . For the Word Spirit is here to be taken in its most proper sense , for such a substance as is endued with the Faculty of perceiving and willing . Because as the formal Reason of a Body consists in Extension , which is always attended with Divisibility and Impenetrability ; so the essence of a Spirit consists in this that it is a Thinking Substance , the conco●itants whereof are Indivisibility , Perception and Volition . And as a Body cannot be conceived without Extension , so neither can a spiritual Substance without Cogitation : And therefore it is necessary that Cogitation do constitute a Spirit in its spiritual Nature , as Extension constitutes a Body in its sensible and divisible Nature . Forasmuch a● according to ARISTOTLE , that is suppos'd to belong to the Essence of any thing , without which it cannot be understood . II. Some think there is no Substance but what is Material . And whereas some suppose they cannot conceive an Angel without Extension , and so confound the Notion of substance with that of Extension ; this proceeds only from a false prejudice they have entertained , viz. that there is nothing Intelligible , but what is likewise Imaginable , which certainly is a very great mistake ; for Angels and all other Spiritual Substances , cannot be reached by our Imagination , but only by our Intellect . For all Men generally take an Extended Being , to be somewhat Imaginable , in which there are various parts of a determinate Magnitude and Figure , and whereof the one is not the other ; which Notion in no wise can agree with Spirits . III. Spirit is a general name to Angels and Daemons . By the Name Spirit , therefore we are here to understand a Finite Thinking Substance , altogether independent on , and free from Matter : Under , which Angels , Daemons and Intelligences are comprehended ; neither is there any Distinction between them , save only that the Angels are Good , and the Devils Evil ; that these aim at the Destruction of Mankind , the other assist their Salvation ; these abide in Sin , the others continue in Grace ; these are bound in Hell , the other enjoy the Vision of God in Heaven : All other things , as Essence , Existence , Knowledge , Power , the taking up of Bodies , Talking together , &c. being common to them both . IV. The Angels are Immaterial Substances . From the Definition of a Spirit or Immaterial Substance , we may with great Evidence conclude , that Angels are Pure Spirits , or as DIONYSIUS in his fourth Book concerning Divine Names , saith , Free from Matter , and Incorporeal . Because a Thinking and an Extended Substance , are altogether distinct from each other , so that the one of them can be clearly perceived without the other . For we most clearly perceive a Spirit or Thinking Substance without a Body ; and on the contrary , a Body without a Spirit . Now things that are thus distinguisht , cannot agree to one and the same Subject : Because these Attributes are altogether different ; and there can be no greater opposition between Attributes of Substance , than Diversity . And therefore to say , that Extension and Cogitation agree to one and the same Subject , is in effect to affirm , that one and the same Subject can have two Natures or Essences , which cannot be said of a Simple thing without a Contradiction . Because Cogitation and Extension are not only two Essential Attributes , but also constitute the nature of the thing to which they are attributed , and are more inconsistent , than Blackness and Whiteness , Heat and Cold , in the same Subject . For Heat and Cold may succeed one another in the same Subject , and the same thing which is Cold now , may afterward become Hot : But it is altogether Contradictory that Cogitation and Extension should be in the same simple Subject , and constitute two Natures at once , or Successively . V. Forasmuch as Angels are Indivisible , they are likewise Incorporeal . Moreover , if Angels were Material , they might be divided ; for Divisibility is a Concomitant of Extension ; but Angels are not Divisible , therefore they are not Corporeal or Extended . The Minor is thus proved : The Essence of an Angel consists in Cogitation , which admits of no Division ; or no body 〈◊〉 the half of a Thinking Being ; wherefo●● Angels are exempt from matter , and from any Corporeity , how subtil soever the same may be conceived . VI. The effects of Angels proves their Incorporeity . The Immateriality of Angels may be made out from some Effects that exceed all Human Power , and the utmost activity of Bodily force : Such as are the Antient ▪ Idol Oracles ; the Speech of PEOPLE POSSEST , which are often in those Languages , which the possessed party does not understand ; the Penetration of Bodies , and such like , which are an incontestable proof of Intelligent Natures , and which exert their Activity without the help of any Body . Besides we Read in Scripture that a vast mult tude of Devils entred one Body , Mark 5. yea , a whole Legion , which according to the most common Account contains 6666 , which is absolutely impossible , if the Devils have Bodies and take up a determinate place . VII . Whether Angels be capable of Generation , They who assert Angels to be Compound Beings , and to have Bodies , tho' much purer , and of a more subtil matter than ours , endeavour to confirm their Opinion from Gen. 6. where it is said , that the Sons of God came in unto the Daughters of Men , and they bare Children to them , and the same were Mighty Men or Giants . Which could not be , except we suppose the Angels to have Bodies ; Spirits , as purely such , being incapable of Generation . VIII . What we are to understand by the Sons of God in Scripture . But this place is wrongly interpreted ; for by the Sons of God in that place we are not to understand Angels , but the Posterity of Seth , who imitating the Pious conduct of Enos , did worship God , and call upon his Name ; but their Posterity degenerating from the Piety of their Fore-fathers , and plunging themselves into Carnal Concupiscence , joyned themselves with the Daughters of Men , that is , with Cain's Posterity ; from which Conjunction Giants were born , that is , monstrous and deformed Bodies , as a Punishment of their Lust . For it is contrary to Reason to suppose , that Angels can Generate . Wherefore , the Fathers of these Giants were not Angels , but Men , as the Scripture sufficiently declares , Gen. 6. 3. My Spirit shall not always strive with Man , for that he is Flesh . IX . Objection that the Angels will be equal to God in the Simplicity of their Natures . But will some say , if the Angels be altogether exempt from Composition , and any Matter whatsoever , they will be as Simple as God himself as being the one as well as the other Pure Spirits , having only an Essence , and some Modes , which do not hinder Simplicity . X. The Simplicity that is in God is very different from the Simplicity which is in Angels To which I Answer , that tho' neither in God , nor the Angels there be any Composition of Matter and a Substantial Form , yet are not the Angels exempt from all other Composition , as consisting of Potentiality and Act , of Essence and Existence : Which Composition is not to be found in God , forasmuch as the Divine Modes are only distinguisht by Reason ( that is , our way of Understanding ) from the Essence of God. Wherefore the Schoolmen call Angels and Souls Impure , and Imperfect Acts , but God the most Pure and perfect Act. Hence it is that DESCARTES in the 23 Article of the first Book of his Principles , Teacheth , that our Mind ( and the same is to be understood of Angels ) doth understand , and will , by Operations that are in a manner distinct ; whereas , God by one and the same most Simple Operation , doth Understand , Will and Act , XI . Angels do not understand all things actually . Besides , Angels have not actually all the Cogitations they can have , seeing that many things can be Revealed to them by God , and we understand them to have many Thoughts potentially only ; so that at the same moment of time , they are conceived as Thinking in part Actually , and in part Potentially . Which is sufficient to denominate them Compounded , and excludes them from the Simplicity which is in God. CHAP. II. Whether the Existence of Angels be demonstrable by the Light of Nature , and how the same may be Evinced . I. The Antient Philosophers believed Angels . IT was the constant Opinion of the Antient Philosophers , that there were Daemons and Genii or Intellectual Substances , which did preside over the things of this World , and were the managers of Heavenly things also , as so many Divine Ministers . For they thought it not beseeming the Majesty of God , to Administer the World by himself , but that he made use of Ministers and Servants , in the discharging of so many different Offices . For should God be thought inferiour to the King of Persia , who residing at Susa or Hispahan , Govern'd his large extended Empire , and by the Hands and Heads of others , was every where present with his Subjects , provided for them , and defended them ? Seeing therefore that God hath his Ministers , they must needs be Spirits , that is , most active and ready to expedite his Commands : But how can they be such , if they be clog'd with the weight and cumber of a Body ? Whence they conclude , that there are Angels , which are call'd Genii , forasmuch as they assist Men ; and Daemons as they are the Administrators of this lower World ; this is confirmed by a Verse quoted by CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS , and ascribed to ORPHEUS . Standing about thy Throne the Angels are , Who of Mankind do take the Active Care. II. God can govern the World by himself . By this way of Arguing it appears , that the Antient Philosophers did believe Angels , tho' it does not prove that they really Exist ; forasmuch as all those things , which they commit to the care and management of Genii and Daemons , may be done by God alone . Neither indeed is it unbecoming the Divine Majesty , by his own Power to provide for his Creatures , without the assistance of any Ministers , to share in the Burthen of the Government : For God being Omniscient and Omnipotent , always chuseth that which is best , and therefore does not stand in need of any Angelical Assistance , in the Execution of his designs . And if there be any Intelligences in the VVorld , that perform his Commands , that is because God thinks it best , and most conducing to that State of the VVorld , which in his Wisdom he hath allotted it , that so the Universe should be a kind of Common-wealth , wherein He as Lord paramount , should Govern and Administer all things , especially the concerns of his Rational Creatures by the Mediation of Angels , as subordinate Magestrates under him . III. The Existence of Angels cannot be demonstrated à Priori . Neither indeed is it so easie a matter , to prove the Existence of Angels by the Light of Nature only ; because tho' we have a clear and distinct perception of Spiritual things , as they are Thinking Beings , and distinguished from things extended ; yet forasmuch as their Existence is only Possible and Contingent , all that we can infer from thence is only thus much , That Angels may Exist , but not that they do really so . For if the Existence of Angels could be demonstrated , it must be by an Argument à Priori ▪ when we demonstrate any thing by its nearest Efficient Cause ; but so we cannot prove ▪ that God the Maker of all things hath Actually Created Angels , since Creation depends one the meer Good Pleasure of God , which cannot be known to any without a Special Revelation . IV. The Existence of Angels proved from their effects . Wherefore we can have no certainty of the Existence of Angels , save only from their Effects , or other signs that argue their presence . Thus we may prove , that there are Angels , from Persons Possessed , who tho' they be altogether Ignorant and Illiterate , do notwithstanding Speak strange Langguages , and Discourse of several things beyond their Capacity ; declare what is done by Persons far absent , and are carried through the Air , notwithstanding the weight of their Bodies . Who can deny , but that all these things must be performed by Spirits , since they Transcend the Activity of Bodies , and the Power of Nature ? V. Soothsayers and Oracles prove the Existence of Daemons . The Existence of Angels is confirm'd by the Answers of Idols , and the Predictions of Soothsayers , and those unwonted Motions , the Cause whereof cannot be assigned , unless we should say , that they are produced by such Invisible Agents . For we must not say , as some do , that these Effects may be produced by the First Cause ; because God never Thwarts himself , nor does any thing Derogatory to his Glory , as are the Idol Oracles , and things done by Persons that are Possessed . VI. From the inactivity of Matter , we may infer , there must be Spirits to move it . It is a received Axiom amongst the Antient Philosophers , That a Body cannot move it self , or that whatsoever is moved , is moved by another : Wherefore there must be allowed some Active Principle , that may move Matter . For evident Motions must have a Cause , which cannot be Coporeal ; for so the Question would return , By what Principle that was moved , and so to Infinity , till we come to some Immaterial Cause . Hence it is , that ARISTOTLE and other Philosophers hold , That Intelligences move the Heavenly Bodies : And consequently , that the Superior Bodies communicate no other Motion to Inferiors , but what they have first received from the Angels . VII . Reason convinceth us of the Existence of Spiritual Substances . Neither do we want very probable Conjectures of the Existence of Angels , if we consider the Harmony and Order of the World , and how its extream Parts are linked together , by Intervening Middle Parts . For since we see some things in the World , that are Compounded of a Thinking and Extended Substance , as Man , who consists of Soul and Body ; it seems very Rational , that as there are things that are altogether Bodily , or that include nothing but Extension ; so on the other hand there should be Spiritual Substances , whose Idea involves nothing but Cogitation . VIII . Apparitions of Angels . This may be confirmed from divers Apparitions of Angels mentioned in Holy Scripture , which happened in divers Places and Times : Thus , they appeared to Jacob as he was on his Journy , Gen. 32. To Zachary in the Temple , Luke 1. To Guideon in his Fathers Ground ▪ Judg. 6. To our Saviour in the Garden , Luke 22. To the Childeren in the Fiery Furnace , Dan. 3. In the Prison to Peter , Acts 12. At our Lords Sepulcher , Mat. 28. In the Wilderness to Hagar , Gen. 21. CHAP. III. Of the Faculties of Angels , and first of their Vnderstanding , and its Object . I. A thinking Nature hath two Faculties . INtellectual Nature hath two Faculties , Understanding and Will , which are as it were its Properties , and inseparable from it . The first of these perceives Objects by contemplating the Notions , it finds in it self ; the other determines an Intelligent Being , to the embracing or avoided of a thing , or to suspend its Judgment , where the thing is not sufficiently understood . And forasmuch as these Faculties are distinguisht at least by Reason , and are variously conversant about their Objects , we will also separately handle them , speaking first of the Understanding , and afterwards of the Will. Because it will conduce much to the discovery of the nature of Angels to know how far their Knowledg and VVills do extend . II. The Various objects of Angelical knowledg . As to the Object of Angelical Understanding , the Schoolmen dispute , First , whether Angels and Devils do understand the mysteries of grace by their natural ability . Secondly , whether they know the Thoughts of men , and can penetrate the secrets of their Hearts . Thirdly , whether they know Future things . The First Question I leave for Divines to determine , contenting my self to speak a few words to the two latter , which do not exceed the Bounds of Philosophy , III. The Common opinion of Schoolmen concerning the knowledg of Angels . As to the second Question , viz. whether Angels know Mens thoughts ? the common Opinion is that Angels and Devils cannot naturally know the Thoughts of Men without their consent . The Cause of this hiddenness of Mens Thoughts , some ascribe to the Free VVill of Man ; others to the Abyss of Mans Heart ; others to the VVill of God , who denies his Concourse to the knowing of them ; others to the nature of Mens thoughts , which cannot objectively occur to others without the VVill of him that thinks them . IV. The common opinion refused . But indeed all these Reasons are very weak , and do not at all prove that the Thoughts of Men are inscrutable by Angels ; because the Perceptions and Determinations of Mans Mind , are in themselves no less Natural , than the very nature of Angels : And therefore as an Angel beholds his own thoughts , there seems no Reason , why they should not as well perceive those of other Angels and Men , seeing they agree in Substance . Besides , it cannot be doubted but the Angels understand their own thoughts , and those of others too , with their consent : But the Identity or Sameness of subject , or anothers consent , doth not encrease the Faculty , or communicate any perfection to it , or render the understanding Faculty more proportionate to its Object ; wherefore if Angels by the consent of another can penetrate his thoughts , they may as well without it . Neither is it any objection against this , that humane Actions are free , and depend on their Wills , because all the foremention'd difficulties recur also upon this : And this only seems deducible from it , that Angels know such Acts as these to be free , and like to those they themselves produce . But who will say that Elicit Acts have such a dependence on the will that they cannot be known by another , without the consent of him that Elicits them , seeing there is no difference between Acts that are free , and such as are not free ; and that the same Act may successively change its nature , and of Free become Necessary ? Wherefore I think we may conclude , that as Angels ▪ can know Acts that are not free , so likewise may they those that are free . V. That Angels do penetrate the secrets of Mans Heart . Wherefore let this stand fast , that Angels can perceive the Thoughts of Men : For seeing that Angels are Intellectual Substances , and that the Perception of the Understanding and Determination of the will , are the operations of Intellectual Faculties , there must needs be a Proportion between them . Besides , there are but few determinations of our will , which are not discovered by some signs , as by the motion of Spirits about the Heart , or by some outward tokens , which may give an occasion to Angels and Devils to discover the Thoughts and Affections of the Heart . But if all those signs were taken away , yet there is such an Agreement or Correspondence betwixt the Operations of the Mind , that they cannot but naturally perceive the Conceptions of our Understandings , and Decrees of our Wills. I my self some few years since heard a Devil speaking out of a possessed Woman at Brussels , who revealed the inward thoughts of many that came to her , tho' they were not discoverable by any sign . And when one of the standers by asked the Spirit , What it was he thought of at that instant ? He told him that he resolv'd to take a Journey the next day , which he could not deny , but it was so . Neither needs this seem strange to us , seeing that we our selves would know as much if we were not shut up in these Bodies ; and therefore are our thoughts hidden from others , because the Eyes of Men cannot pierce into out Breasts , which by reason of their materiality , are impenetrable . And it is probable that when some of the Holy Fathers deny'd the knowledge of Mens thoughts to Angels , it was for no other reason , but because they held them to be material . VI. An objection from Scripture . If you say that this Opinion seems contrary to Scripture , I. Kings 8. 29. ver . For thou only knowest the Hearts of all the Children of Men. And Jerem 17. ver . 9. The Heart is deceitful above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? I the Lord search the Heart and try the Reins . In which places by the Heart are meant the secret thoughts , and whatsoever immediately depends on the Mind . VII . Answer . This Objection is easily answer'd by saying , that the Scripture in these places doth distinguish God from Men , with respect to the knowledg of thoughts , but not from Angels and Devils . And whereas Holy VVrit seems to attribute this Priviledg to God only , not to Angels ; this is , because it considers the Angels as Gods Ministers , and therefore ascribes to God whatsoever is done , or perceiv'd VIII . By the knowledge of Future things , we are not to understand that which is gathered by conjectures . by them . As to the Third Question , whether Angels know things to come ? We are to suppose that this is not to be understood of a knowledg of Futurities that may be gather'd by conjecture from probable Causes ; as a Master of a Ship foresees a Tempest , or a Physician the probable Event or Issue of a Disease ; or a General the Event of a Battle ; but of the Knowledg of things that are meerly Fortuitous and Contingent , which have no causes , or which are the effects of Mans free will ; as that John will be kill'd by a Tile falling from a House ; or that Peter is to take a Journey to morrow . IX . Angels naturally cannot foreknow Future things . I say therefore that neither Angels nor Devils do foreknow future Contingencies , which either have no certain Causes , or depend on Free will. The Reason is because an Effect must be known either in it self , or in its cause ; but these Futurities cannot be known either way , and therefore cannot be known by Angels . That they cannot be known in themselves is evident , because they are not determin'd , neither have any necessity of existing ; nor in their Cause , for that is free , either to produce or not to produce an effect . This may be further confirm'd thus ; Angels are ignorant what themselves shall act , before they have resolv'd it with themselves , and therefore much less do they know what others will do . And therefore some Schoolmen are of Opinion , that the Devils did not foreknow their Fall , nor the Miseries consequent upon their Sin. X. Yet they may probably Conjecture of things . Yet it cannot be deny'd but that Angels and Devils may know many things by conjecture ; since they can have a great insight into the Temper and Propensity of men , by knowing their Manners , and discerning the resolutions and thoughts of their mind by external signs and tokens . CHAP. IV. Of the Will of Angels . I What the Will is , and whether it be found in Angels . THE Will is here taken for that Power or Faculty whereby an Intellectual Nature produceth all its actions and thoughts that are of choice and determination , from himself without any force or compulsion . For it is the nature of a Thinking Being , that consider'd in it self , it can do something , and determine it self to Act or not to Act. Now this determination proceeds either from the things themselves , without the Intellectual nature , or from the Intellectual nature it self . The Actions which have no other Principle , besides the Thing that Thinks , are called Volitions ; and the Intellectual nature as it is to be consider'd to be an Elective Faculty , and a sufficient Principle to produce such Actions , is called Will. Now , that such a will is to be found in Angels cannot be question'd , forasmuch as they are Thinking Substances , or Beings that of their own nature have a Power of Willing and Nilling . II. Two Doubts about the Will of Angels . Concerning the will of Angels it may be enquired , First , whether this Active Power in them be free , and without force , from any thing that is External : Secondly , whether the Angels have such a power over their Thoughts , that they can cease from all Perception and Judgment . III. The Will of Angels is free . As to the First it seems certain , that the Will of Angels is free , and cannot be forc'd by any Agent to do any thing , or leave it undone ; because the Nature of the Will consists in its being free , so that it implies a contradiction for it to be forced by any External Agent , since no Agent can destroy the Nature of another , which would then be , if the Will should will any thing with reluctancy . Besides , the original of this Freedom comes from hence , that it is the very Angel himself , that determines himself , and wills this thing or the other ; so that it depends on his own meer Will , that he freely Wills or Nills . Moreover , The Will , and Free Will , if well look'd into , are one and the same thing , and differ only in this , that the Will is understood to be the Chusing or Elective Power , by which a Cogitative Being doth determine it self , and perform all his Motions and Actions that proceed from the said Will : And by Free Will , we understand the same Faculty , forasmuch as it hath the Power of Chusing . Now since both these are found in the Angels , they must by consequence also have Free Will. IV. An Objection against the Liberty of Angels . If you Object , That the Angels do infallibly follow and embrace the Good they know ; and that therefore Divines say , That they Love GOD so , as not to be able to turn their Love from him : Because by Grace they are so united to God , that they cannot be separated from him , and are so satiated with the Divine Glory , that they cannot be drawn from the Enjoyment of so great a Good. V. The Objection Answer'd . I Answer , That notwithstanding all this , the Angels still continue Free , and Love God freely ; beeause the Essence of Liberty doth not consist in Indifferency , but in the free determination of the Will , by which an Angel , or the Mind of Man , is so carried towards that which is propounded to it by the Understanding , either in Affirming or Denying , Embracing or Avoiding , as not to be determin'd thereto by any outward force . For the Indifferency of the Will only then takes place , when there are no Reasons to sway the Mind one way more than the other ; which State is the lowest Degree of Liberty , and argues no Perfection in it , but only a Defect in its Knowledge . For who can deny , That Man doth nothing more voluntarily , than those things in which he finds not the least cause of Doubting ? Wherefore Des Cartes concludes in his 4 th Meditation , That Divine Grace , or Natural Inclination , do never diminish Man's Liberty , but rather increase and strengthen it ; and that a Man ought to be accounted so much the more Free , by how much the more he is byassed one way ; either because of his clear discerning of the Goodness and Truth that is in it , or because God so disposeth his Thoughts . Wherefore , when the Angels do inseparably adhere to God , and are link'd to him by stable Eternity , as Divines express it , they do not by this means lose their Liberty , but by Grace are inclined to one part ; and tho' indeed their Indifferency be diminished , yet their Liberty is rather increased , since to act Freely , and to act Voluntarily , are one and the same thing . VI. Liberty may be consider'd two ways . The Matter will be more evident , if we consider the Liberty of Voluntary Actions , either before , or in the same moment they are exerted : If the Actions of the Will be considered before they be exerted , there is no question , but that the Angels have power to determine themselves to one or the other Contrary , that is , to prosecute or avoid one and the same thing . Yea , according to some Divines , the Angels , whether Good or Evil , daily change their Wills. The latter , when they surcease their Temptations , finding that they are of advantage , rather than any hurt or hindrance to good Men. The former , when they forsake the Wicked , whom they find they cannot reclaim from their Impiety . But if we consider Liberty in Voluntary Actions the same Moment they are exerted , so it contains no Indifferency , in what sense soever it be taken ; whether for that State wherein the Will is not prompted to embrace one thing rather than the other , by any knowledge of the Truth , or Goodness of them ; or whether it be taken for that Positive Faculty of Intellectual Nature , whereby it can chuse , which it pleaseth of two Contraries . Because that which is a doing , cannot but be a doing at the same time it is a doing . And the Liberty which Angels have is such , as according to the increase of their Faculty of Acting , as was said before , is increased and strengthned . VII . The Angelical Will is not determin'd to one Action . As to the Second Doubt , VVhether the VVill of Angels be determin'd to elicit any Action ; or whether it can at its pleasure omit the same , and be void of all Thoughts ? I Answer , That the VVill of Angels is not ty'd to any certain Action , as being Indifferent of its own Nature , and not bound to any certain Knowledge , since they neither love themselves , nor God necessarily , as their Natural End. Yet they cannot at their pleasure rid themselves of all manner of Thoughts , as some think they may , because it is the Nature of a Spiritual Substance to Think always ; and therefore it implies a Contradiction , for an Intellectual Creature to be without all Thoughts , seeing we understand nothing else by the Name of Spirit , but a Thinking Being . VIII . An Angel Thinks , whilst he commands himself te cease from Thinking . If any one urge ▪ That an Angel may abstain from all Thoughts , by commanding his Understanding to leave Thinking . I Answer , That this very Command or Will not to Think , cannot be exerted by an Angel without his being conscious to it , and consequently without his Thinking . For to Nill is as much a Thought as to VVill ; wherefore Angels cannot cease from all Thoughts . CHAP. V. Concerning the Power of Angels , as to the moving and producing of Bodies . I. There is a Faculty in Angels , to move Bodies . BEsides the Operations of the Will , mention'd in the foregoing Chapter , there is another whereby a Spirit doth move a Body , and acts upon another Spirit like it self . For this Faculty is so intimate to a Spirit , that it cannot be conceived without it . We may indeed understand a Spiritual Substance , without the Power of Moving a Body , or of acting on another Spirit , in the same manner as we may understand a Spirit without the Faculty of Perceiving or Willing , which are two Modes of Thinking : But we cannot understand a Faculty of Moving it self , or from its own strength ▪ without a Thinking Substance . And therefore we rightly conclude , That the Faculty of Moving a Body , and Acting upon a Spirit , do belong to Intellectual Nature , and is one Mode of Thinking . II. The Point confirmed by Examples setch'd from Scripture . That this Power is in Angels , seems unquestionable ; forasmuch as Holy Scripture doth witness , that several Bodies have been translated from one place to another by the Help of Devils or Angels . Thus we find the Prophet was Transported from one place to another by an Angel ; the Body of Christ by the Devil , to the Pinnacle of the Temple ; the Stone remov'd from our Saviour's Sepulcher ; and other like Examples , which prove Angels to have the Power of Moving Bodies . III. How Angels move Bodies . There remains only one Difficulty to be explained ; How Angels , that are Immaterial , can move Bodies , seeing they impress no Quality upon them , neither do communicate ought to the Thing moved , as Bodies do . IV. Answer . I Answer , That Angels move Bodies by their Wills , neither is there any thing else required to it . For tho' God ( as shall be explained in our General Physiology ) be the Universal Principle of all Motion whatsoever ; yet this doth not exclude Particular Causes , that have a Power of Moving Bodies , according to that degree which God hath been pleased to impart with their Wills. And tho' it be difficult to comprehend how a Spirit doth act on a Body , and move it ; yet are we not therefore to make a Doubt of it , only because we are ignorant how it is done . V. We meet with the same Difficulty in our selves about Motion , which we find in Angels . Indeed , if we duly weigh the Thing , we experience the same thing in our Selves : We find that our Soul moves our Animal Spirits , and directs them into the Nerves and Muscles , meerly by the Inclination of the Will it hath to excite this or the other Motion in the Body : And we experience also , That the Motion of our Spirits , Muscles , and Nerves , is consequent upon this Propension of the Will ; and yet all this while our Soul doth not understand , how and after what manner our Soul , being an Immaterial thing , moves a Body ; and therefore neither is it any wonder , if we do not know the manner how Angels moves Bodies : In like manner neither do we understand , how from a certain Motion of the Spirits and Blood , the Affections of Hunger and Thirst are stirred up in us , tho' we plainly feel them of our selves . Wherefore we are certain that Angels , being Spirits , move Bodies by their VVill , tho' the manner how , be hid from us , as being one of those things our Understandings cannot reach . VI. Angels may Generate Bodies . Neither do Angels seem to be destitute of the Power to produce and generate some Bodies . For since Generation is performed by Motion , and that nothing else is required to Generation , but a fit and suitable adaption of Parts , according to the Constitution of every thing ; there is no sufficient Reason , why we should deny Angels such a Production . For in the Generation of a Plant or Animal , no new Substance is procreated , but only the Particles , whether Sensible or Insensible , acquire a new Connexion , and are otherwise disposed with relation to their Magnitude , Motion , Rest , Figure , and Scituation ; after the same manner as a House or VVatch , which are framed without the production of any New Substance , by the fit joyning of Parts before existing . And seeing Angels have the Power of moving , agitating , and reducing Bodies into order , neither can we deny them the Power of Generating them . Besides , Angels having great knowledge of Natural Things , by the study of their Virtues and Dispositions so many Thousand years , they cannot be ignorant at what times , in what places , with what Measure the Qualities of things are to be temper'd , and what will be the product of the Mixture of such and such Particles . Besides , we see Men , who are much inferiour to the Angels , produce divers things , which before were not extant , and which would never have been so without their Industry . Wherefore we must conclude , that Angels will be much more able to do so . Book ● . Part. 3. Chap 5. In Memoriam CAROLI S●cundi Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , et Hiberniae Regis &c. G Freman I● I Kip S To the Worshipfull William Bridgeman of the Citty of Westminster Esq one of the Clarks of their Majestyes most ▪ Honourable Privy Councill &c. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome Book 1. Part. 3. Chap. 6. I. Ki● . S●●lp . To the Worshipfull Sr. William Holford of Welham in the County of Leicester Knight . descended from the Antient Family of the Holfords of Holford in Cheshire . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome VII . Magicians , by the help of Devils , produce Animals . This is prov'd , because Magicians , by the assistance of Devils , have produced some Animals , as Frogs , Serpents , Dragons , &c. So the Scriptures tell us that the Magicians of Egypt turn'd their Rods into Serpents , Exod. Chap. 7. Now that these were true Serpents appears hence , because the Scripture tells us , That the Serpent into which Aaron's Rod was turned , devoured the Serpents of the Magicians : For otherwise we must acknowledge , that Moses his Miracles were meer Impostures , and false Appearances . VIII . The Reason why Man cannot produce some Animals , proceeds from the unsuitableness of the Matter . If you say , That we cannot rightly argue from the Natural Perfection of Angels , that they have Power of producing Animals ; since we see that Men , who by many degrees excel Mice , Gnats , &c. yet cannot produce or generate them . I Answer , That this Impotence in Man , does not proceed from his Inability , but from the defect of Matter , proper for the procreating of such Animals . For every Body cannot be framed of every Matter , but of such only as Nature hath appointed for that purpose . For as a Stone-Cutter can do nothing without Sand and Stone , tho' he hath the Power of Squaring and Polishing them ; so seeing that Man is destitute of fit Matter for the Generating of Animals , it is no wonder that he cannot produce them . Neither doth it oppose this , that divers Plants , Fruits , and Flowers , do arise from the Seeds that Man casts into the Earth : For if a Man had the Seeds of Living Creatures , and committed them to places suitable to their Nature , he would produce proportionate Animals from those Seeds . We may conclude therefore , that Angels understanding the Virtues of Herbs , Juices , Metals , Animals , and Men , may take whatsoever is required to the Composition of Bodies , or Animals , and disposing the same in a fit place , produce or procreate them . IX . Angels cannot Create . But tho' Angels may produce Material Substances , yet can they not create them , nor Spiritual things . For it implies a Contradiction , that a Creature should produce any thing out of nothing ; Creation being an Operation to which nothing concurs , save only the Efficient Cause ; but if an Angel could create another , this Definition would not hold good ; because the produced Angel would either totally depend on the Producing Angel , or would own God also for his First Cause . If the first ; we must be forc'd to admit something Independent in the World , besides God , and so God would not be the First Cause . If the second ; since this Productive Power in the Angel would be subordinate to God , the Effect would not be attributable to him , but to the Primary Cause . X. How we are to understand that the Efficient Cause can produce its own like . You will say , That a Perfect Efficient can produce its own like ; as Fire can produce Fire , a Lion generate a Lion ; and that therefore an Angel being more perfect than any Material Thing , can produce another Angel ; not indeed by Generation , because an Angel is a Simple Being , not consisting of Parts , but by Creation . XI . Answer . I Answer , That this Maxim of ARISTOTLE has no place in Thinking things , but only in Material , which are subject to Corruption , whose Property it is to preserve their Species , by the multiplication of Individuals : Whereas Angels , being exempt from Corruption and Materiality , have no need to preserve their Species by Propagation . CHAP. VI. Of the Number , Distinction , and Subordinanation of Angels . I. The Number of Angels is very Great . 'T Is certain from Holy Writ , that there are vast multitudes of Angels , which tho' they be ●ometimes express'd by a certain number , Dan. 7. 10. Thousands of Thousands ministred unto him , and ten Thousand hundred Thousands assisted him . Revel . 5. 11. And the Number of them was , Thousands of Thousands ; yet they cannot be reduc'd to any determinate Number . For since Great or Little are only Comparative Terms , and no Number can be called the greatest , but in comparison with a lesser ; the Multitudes of the Angels must be compared with some other Multitude , that by the Excess of either we may find out which is the greater . II. According to some , the number of Angels far exceeds the number of Mon. Hence some are of Opinion , That the number of Angels is very great , if compar'd with the number of Men , that are , have been , or shall be ; since it is not probable that God hath left such vast and magnificent Spaces without Inhabitants , except only the Empyreal Heaven : And because it seems probable to them , that the more Perfect Beings should exceed the less Perfect and Ignoble , in bulk or quantity , if they be Extended ; and in Number , if Spiritual . III. But without any cogent Reason . This Argument would indeed conclude something , in case the Angels were Extended Beings , and took up place ; but being Intellectual and devoid of Matter , they cannot fill any Space . Nor is the Reason that supports this Argument of any strength : For if it were generally true , that things more Perfect must exceed the less Perfect in Number , I know no reason , but that upon the same account it might be concluded , that there must be more Gods than one ; more Suns than Planets ; more Pearls and Precious Stones , than Common Stones ; the first of which is contrary to Faith , the second to Reason , and the third to Experience . IV. The Opinion of the Talmudists . concerning the Number of Angels . The TALMUDISTS reduce the Angels to certain Numbers , dirstributing them into several Companies or Bodies , and assigning to every one of them a set number ( as it were ) of Inferiours , as Subjects or Soldiers . For according to R. F. Georgi the Venetian , of the Order of St. Francis , the Talmudists distribute the Armies of the Angels into Mazaloth , El , Legion , Rihaton , Chirton , and Gistera . Mazaloth they say are Twelve , according to the XII Signs of the Zodiack . El are thirty Bands or Regiments , for every one of those Twelve ; and accordingly there are 360 Bands of Angels . Legion multiplies this Number of 360 by 30 ; whence doth arise the Number 10800. And this Number they multiply again by Thirty ; which makes up Rihaton , consisting of Three Hundred and Twenty five Thousand ; which multipyed by Thirty , makes Chirton , consisting of Nine Millions , Seven Hundred and twenty Thousand . Which they multiply again by Thirty ; the Product whereof is Gistera , consisting of Two Hundred and Ninety one Million , and Six Hundred Thousand . The Sum Total of them all being , Three Hundred and One Million , Six Hundred Fifty five Thousand , One Hundred Seventy two , as appears in the subjoyned Table ▪ 12 12 Mazaloth . 30 360 El. 360 10800 Legion . 30 324000 Rihaton . 10800 9720000 Chirton . 30 291600000 Gistera . 324000 301655172 Banns or Regiments of Angels in all , 30   9720000   30   291600000.   Whether the Talmudists have truly assign'd this number of the Angels , cannot be decided by any evident reason : Wherefore we may conclude with St. Gregory on the 26. of Job , Humane Reason cannot assign the Number of the Superiour Spirits : because it doth not know the Multitudes of those Invisible Beings . And a little after , The Number of the Spirits or Citizens above can only be counted by God , but are Innumerable , as to Men. V. All the Angels are not of a different Species from each other , As to the Difference of Intelligences , the THOMISTS are of Opinion that all of them differ Specifically , and that Intellectual nature is their Genus . Their Reason is , because they make Matter the Principle of Numerical Distinction , and therefore suppose that all Immaterial Things must differ Specifically . But this is a mistake , forasmuch as Numerical Distinction doth not arise from matter , but from the Essence it self of every thing whereby it is Distinguisht from others . According to this Axiom , Form gives the Being to a thing , or Essence is that whereby a thing is principally known and differenc'd from others . SCOTVS therefore calls singular Essence Haecceity . For who will say that two Modes in the same Body , or two Perceptions in the Soul , differ specifically only because they are without Matter ? Besides , two Humane Souls are immaterial , their notion involving nothing besides Cogitation ; and yet no Body ever asserted their Specifical Distinction : And why may not Angels as well differ only Numerically under the same Species , forasmuch as no Diversity is found in their Nature , which consists in Cogitation , nor any so great Distinction with Relation to their several Offices ? For most of them have like Offices , and a common Operation . And therefore it is not to be question'd but that many of the Angels are of one Species and differ only Numerically . VI. Nothing hinders but that there may be many Species of Angels . Yet for all this , there may be many Species , for ought we know amongst the vast number of Angels , especially amongst those who are of a Different Order and Hierarchy . And this we shall be easily persuaded of by considering the several Quires of Angels , which seem to differ , as in their Dignity and Offices , so in their Essence also . For these Functions being proportioned to their several Natures , prove their different condition . Moreover , as the Beauty of this visible World , consists much in the Different Species of Bodily Things ; so likewise we may with more reason conclude that the Invisible World is adorned and Beautified with the Diversity of Spiritual Natures . Tho' indeed this is a matter we cannot absolutely determine , whether the Angels differ Specifically , or only Numerically , and therefore must say with Damascenus , That he only knows this who hath Created them . VII . The Immense multitude of Angels is distributed into three Hierarcbies . There is without Question an Order and Subordination amongst the Angels , which some call a HIERARCHY : This is a Greek Word and signifies a Sacred Rule or Principality ; or a company of Sacred Princes , who with some Subordination constitute one Body . This Hierarchy is commonly said to be twofold , Ecclesiastical , or Heavenly ; the Ecclesiastical consists of Prelats , Priests and Ministers of the Church ; but the Heavenly Hierarchy , is the whole Multitude of Angels , which is divided into three Hierarchies , viz. the superior , which by FLUD in his Philosophy , is called EPIPHANIA , to which belong the Seraphims , Cherubins and Thrones ; the middle-most , or as he will have it , EPIPHONOMIA , which contains Dominations , Virtues and Powers ; and the Lowest or EPHIONIA , which consists of Principalities , Archangels and Angels ; to all which he assigns several Offices . The First of these , because of their most pure Essence , he places before God , as his Assisting Ministers : The second he makes to preside over the Celestial Spheres , and to have the Dispensing of their Influences to the inferiour World : The Third he makes the Superintendents over Sublunary things , as being Spiritual Creatures diffus'd through Bodies , and Destinated to the Quickening and Moving of them , and are therefore call'd Ministring Spirits . VIII . The Three Hierarchies explained . But because our forementioned Doctor writes very Enigmatically , so as to stand in need of an Interpreter rather than a Reader , I shall endeavour to give a short Explication of every one of these Hierarchies . The First , Hierarchy therefore is so called from the Relation they have to God , as being , as it were , his Grandees and Honourable Prime Ministers and Officers , who being nearer to God , receive his Commands from his Mouth and impart them to Inferiors . They who are the highest in this Hierarchy are called Seraphims , that is , Burning or Flaming , from the fervour of Divine Love Burning in them ; being most pure themselves , and greatly purifying others , and wholly aspiring to things that are on high . The Middle Order is that of Cherubims , so called from that Transcendent knowledg of all Divine Mysteries . The Lowest is that of Thrones , who as so many immovable Seats receive the Rayes of Divine Glory , and without any motion of their own , abandon themselves wholly to God. IX . The Offices of Angels of the Second Hierarchy . Dominions , who are the first Order of the second Hierarchy , preside over those things that are to be done by Inferiour Natures , and by disposing and ordering of them , bear sway in the Government of Humane Affairs . Virtues execute with a masculine and unshaken Fortitude whatsoever they are charg'd with , as Dionysius expresseth it , Hierarch . cap. 18. Being always ready and prepared to perform the Divine will , Those that are call'd Powers , resist Devils , and restrain their power , from setting upon Men , and from Tempting them beyond their strength . X. The Properties of the Third Hierarchy . The Third Hierarchy also hath its particular Properties . Principalities are destinated to have the superintendence over Princes and Prelats : Archangels over Kingdoms , People and Provinces ; and Lastly , Angels have the care of particular Persons , and are as it were Ministers and Messengers between God and Men. Whence it appears that there are Nine Quires or Orders of Angels ; Seraphim , Cherubim , Thrones , Dominions , Vertues , Powers , Principalities , Archangels and Angels . The Talmudists also agree in the same Number , tho they call the several Orders by other names . CHAP. VII . Whether Angels be in a Place . I. What Place is , and how many fold . BEfore we resolve this Question it will be necessary to Enquire what Place is , and how a thing is said to be somewhere . Place is commonly taken for that space in which things are ; and it is twofold , either Internal , which is nothing but the space it self that every Body occupies , and which does not differ from its Extension , but by our manner of conceiving it , in that Extension in a space or place is consider'd in general , and as common to the Air , a Stone , a Book , &c. whereas in Bodies , that are said to be in Space , Extension is only consider'd Individually , and as Inseparable from them . Therefore as a Body consider'd in General consists of three Dimensions ; so place is a Space Extended , according to the foresaid Dimensions ; so that wheresoever there is a Body there must also of necessity be a Space or Place . External Place is the same with Internal Place , save only in that it denotes over and above the Situation and Order it keeps amongst other Bodies ; and is properly nothing else but the surface of a Body , that surrounds another Body , and which with respect to the Body it surrounds , is no more than a Mode , since it cannot be understood without the Conception of a Body . II. Angels are not in a Place . These things being premis'd , I answer to the Question , that Angels and all Spiritual Substances have no place , neither Internal nor External . Because to be in a Place is the Affection of a Body , and therefore Angels being Incorporeal , and without any Extension , they cannot take up any place ; and if they fill no Space , what Situation or Order can they have as to other Bodies ? Wherefore Spiritual things can no more be said to be in a place , than they can be said to be of such a Colour , Taste or Smell , which denote Bodily Modes . So that to say that a Thinking Substance can become mensurate to a Space , is the same as if one should assert it to be material . III. How we are to Understand that common saying , that Every thing that is , is somewhere . You will say , if Angels be not contained in any place , then they must be nowhere , which is contrary to that Axiom of Philosophy , that Whatsoever is , is somewhere ; and that whatsoever is nowhere doth not exist at all : But Angels do exist , therefore they must be in some place . IV. Answer . I answer , if by Nowhere you understand no Space Measurable by Longitude , Latitude , and Profundity , it may be admitted that Intelligences in this sense are nowhere , as being devoid of all Dimensions . But if by nowhere you mean , that Immaterial Beings do not exist at all , this cannot be admitted , forasmuch as in this sense they are somewhere , that is , they do exist . For it is not necessary that every thing that exists should be comprehended in some Space , this being only proper to Extended Beings or Bodies . Yea , even the whole Universe , containing the Infinite Expansion of all things , is not comprehended in any Place , but is every where , that is , we can imagin nothing that doth enclose and surround it . And therefore the Category Ubt is only Attributable to the particular Bodies of which the Universe doth consist , not to the Universe it self . V. Angels being without Extension , cannot be said to be in a Place . Forasmuch therefore , as the Angels are destitute of all Extension , and do not concur as Parts to the Construction of the Visible World , as particular Bodies do , therefore neither can they be said to be somewhere , that is , to take up some Place . For we are to avoid the perverse Custom of Common Philosophers , who apprehend all things after a Bodily manner ; by Attributing some kind of Extension unto them . And yet nothing appears more clearly to our Mind , than that Cogitation , which Constitutes the Nature of an Intellectual Be ing , is devoid of all Extension , and hath no commerce at all with Matter . Forasmuch therefore as Space in its Conception Involves Extension , it is evident that it cannot be Attributed to Spirits . VI. How Angels can be said not to be somewhere , seeing they are Finite . If you urge further , that Angels are limited Beings , which cannot be present to all places ; and that which is not every where , is comprehended in some Space , and answers to the Determinate part of the Divine Immensity ; and that therefore the Angels are in some certain place . VII . Answer . I answer , that this Argument is true in one Sense , and false in another . It is true as to the First Part , that Angels are Finite Beings , as to their Essence and Operation , seeing that they are Creatures , that depend on their Creator both as to their Conservation and Production . Yet can they not be said to be finite as to Quantity , because they are devoid of all Extension , and in that regard are neither Finite nor Infinite , and neither take up all places , nor are shut up in one certain place , forasmuch as to be Extended , and to be in a place , are one and the same thing . VIII . How the Angels are contained in the Divine Immensity . It is true also , as to the Second Part , that the Angels , as all other Creatures , are contained in Gods Immensity ; because his Immensity is nothing else , but his Omnipotence , by which he is present to all his Creatures , Producing and Preserving them , as has been explain'd at large in the foregoing part . So that this Omnipresence in God is nothing else but an Extrinsecal Denomination springing from Gods Operation , which he works in all Created Things . But it is false that the Angels answer to any part of the Divine Immensity , if the Divine Immensity be conceived under the notion of Infinite Extension , including an Infinite Quantity of real or Virtual Parts : for seeing God is most Simple and free from all manner of Extension , he cannot be Coextended to the many Parts of the World , nor fill any real or Imaginary Spaces . IX . The Angels are said to be somewhere by their Operation only . Forasmuch therefore as Angels do take up no places , and cannot be said with respect to their Substance to be Here , There , or Every Where ; it remains that their presence is only determinable by their Operations . And this seems to follow from the Nature of an Intellectual Creature . For seeing that the Angels are Active Beings , and that the life of Active Existency consists in Operation , we can only say that they are there , where they Operate , viz. in a Body , or about a Body . For since things are said to be somewhere according to their own Proper Nature , Matter being an Unactive Lumpish thing , is Passively Constituted in a Place according to its Length , Breadth , and Depth : whereas a Spirit is said to be somewhat Actively , viz. by that force and Efficacy , whereby it governs and moves the Body , and carries it from one Place to another ; and so is said to be present to that Body in which , and about which it immediately works . X. The Soul by its Operation is present to the Body . Accordingly in the Fifth Part of this Institution it will be declar'd that the Soul of Man is peculiarly present to the Conarion or Glandula Pinealis , Situate in the midst of the Brain ; forasmuch as it Operates , and immediately exerts its Powers in the same . In like manner the Divine Immensity is deduced from his Operation about this World , so that before this Operation he could not be stiled Immense , no more than he could be called Creator , before ever he had Created any thing : Forasmuch as , according to what hath been said before , Immensity denotes only a respect between Created Things , and Gods Operation about them . And upon this account it is that when we pray to God , we assign his proper place in Heaven , because he there exerts his most wonderful Operations , and more Efficaciously manifests his Power . CHAP. VIII . How Speech is attributable to Angels ? I. Speech is twofold . NOtwithstanding that Angels are simple Beings , and do not consist of Soul and Body ; yet most Metaphysicians Attribute Speech to them , whereby they are capable of conversing with one another . For that is not only call'd Speech , which is performed by the outward Organs of the Body , but also that inward speaking of the Mind , whereby it thinks or perceives ; according to that Expression of the XIV . Psalm . The Fool hath said in his Heart , &c. and suitable to that way of speaking we so frequently use , when we say to others What saith your Heart to this or that ? And of this manner of Speech Divines are to be understood , when they enquire whether Angels Speak , and make known their Conceptions to one another . II. 'T is not necessary that Angels should speak to one another . This Question may be resolv'd from the Third Chapter ; for seeing that Angels penetrate each others Thoughts , and Voluntary Determinations , they do not seem to need Speech , because this is only requisit for Communication , and mutual Society . For there are four things required to Speech . First , that it be free , according to the will of the Speaker . Secondly , That it be discovered only according to his intent and likeing ; so as to reveal secrets to those to whom it is directed , and conceal them from others tho' present . Thirdly , that the Speaker be able to excite him whom he is about to speak to , tho' he may be busied about other thoughts . Fourthly , That he that hears may know from whom the Speech procceds . III. Angels cannot speak according to these Conditions of Speech . But how shall the Speech of Angels be Free ▪ when their thoughts are always open to others ? and seeing it is not in their Power to conceal their thoughts from others ? How will they be able to chuse their Auditors , so as not to open their Secrets , but to whom they please , since it is not in their Power to hide them , and that their Perceptions are as Natural as their Substance ? Moreover how will they be able to excite their Auditors to the understanding of what they have to say , since they have nothing new to manifest to them ? Lastly , how shall the Auditor know him that speaks to him , and Distinguish him from others , if he be not call'd upon , and if from his knowledg nothing accrue to him ? Wherefore we must conclud● that Angels do not discourse together after the manner of Men ; but that they so understand each others Conceptions , as that nothing is hid from them . Whence Divines tell us that the Language of Angels is their Understanding . IV. Some Scriptures explained which attribute Speech 〈◊〉 Angels . Neither is it any contradiction to this , what the Scripture mentions of the Discourse and Speech of Angels , as that of the 7th of the Revelation , where an Angel is said to call with a loud Voice to the four Angels ; and in the 6th of Isaiah t is said that the Seraphims cried one to the other and said , &c. And the Apostle saith in the 13 Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians , If I speak with the Tongues of Men and Angels , &c. because the Speeches here spoken of are Visionary and only seem'd to be utter'd by the Angels . For Spirit ▪ do not discourse together by an outward Voice formed in the Air ; neither do they discover their thoughts as we do by any outward Organs . Therefore these Speeches were seemingly heard by the Prophets , for their Illumination , and that Posterity Reading their Writings , might be acquainted with those Mysteries , and be assur'd of them by their Testimony . As to that Expression of the Apostle , who Attributes Tongues to Angels , this must not be understood of those Internal Speeches which Angels use amongst themselves ; but of those which Angels in former times used amongst Men , to manifest their Conceptions unto them , which tho' they were known and understood by Believers , yet served only to strike Unbelievers with Wonder , and Astonishment . And that this is the Genuine Sense of the Apostle in this place , appears from the Words immediately following , and have not Charity , I am become as sounding Brass , or a Tinkling Cymbal ; which is only applicable to outward Speeches , that is , to Sounds and Voices utter'd by Bodily Organs , which we know cannot be fram'd by Angels . V. The Manner how the Angels speak is inexplicable . Neither indeed can it be shewed , how Angels Speak or Discourse , since it may be question'd whether the signs wherewith they express their Thoughts be Spiritual or Corporeal . And again , whether those Signs be Natural , or Voluntary . Whether all Angels make use of the same Signs , or every one of them have Signs peculiar to themselves . How it comes to pass , that when one Angel speaks , all the rest ( without any difference ) do not hear his Speech ? By what Artifice their Communication may be hindred ? Whether against their Will they perceive the Speeches of others ; or whether their Consent be required to the perception of them ? Whether Angels can reveal their Thoughts to some , and hide them from and impose them upon others ? Which things , and many other such like , cannot be attributed to these Heavenly Spirits , and therefore prove their Conversation to be different from ours . VI. Superior Angels inform the Inferiour of things unknown to them . It remains therefore , if Speech be attributable to Angels , that the same only belongs to Superiour Angels , with respect to such as are Inferiour : For seeing that Speech is the manifestation of something unknown , if any New thing be discovered to them , it must proceed from the Superiour Angels . Wherefore Divines admit Illumination , which is a kind of Speech , to be amongst Angels , whereby they reveal unknown Truths , received from God to one another . And accordingly DAMASCENUS tells us in his Second Book of Faith , Chap. 3. It is evident that all the superiour and higher Angels , do impart their Light and Knowledge to the Inferiour . So that a more excellent Angel is as a Light to those that are under him , to illuminate them , and communicate new Knowledge to them . VII . Sometimes this Order is changed . But tho' this manner of Illumination be the most ordinary and best agreeing with the Angelical Orders ; yet it is not necessary that it should always be after the same way : For without doubt God may manifest a Mystery to some Inferiour Angel , which by him may afterwards be communicated to the Superiour ; and accordingly some think it probable , that God communicated his purpose of being Incarnate , only to the Archangel GABRIEL , who was to carry the Message of it to the Blessed Virgin ; notwithstanding that ●e belonged to the Inferiour Hierarchy . But according to the ordinary course , the Superiour Angels Speak , and the Inferiour Hear and Listen ; the former , as DIONYSIUS tells us , being the Guides and Teachers of the latter . CHAP. IX . How Angels assume Bodies , and what Actions they exert in them . I. Apparitions of Angels bave been very frequent . IT cannot be question'd , but that Angels and Devils do really appear , and take up Bodies to make themselves Visible ; this being a thing abundantly confirm'd by Profane and Sacred History . Thus the Devil , in the appearance of a Serpent , Tempted Eve , Gen. 3. Three Angels appeared to Abraham , Gen. 18. Two Angels came to Sodom , Gen. 19. The Angel Gabriel appeared to the Blessed Virgin , and brought her the Message of the Divine Incarnation . Neither can these Apparitions be ascribed to the Power of Imagination , or some Melancholy Humour , forasmuch as these Bodies can be felt , and manifest themselves by Corporeal qualities . Seeing therefore we cannot doubt of the Truth of these Bodies , it remains only to enquire , what kind of Bodies are fit for this use , and what Actions Angels exert in them . II. What kind of Bodies Angels do assume . As to the first of these Enquiries , it seems probable that the Angels chiefly assume Aery Bodies , which they form by their own Power , and adapt them to their Intention ; so as that from the Different Disposition of the Parts , Variety of Colours do arise , and the Figure of a Man or Beast be represented to the Beholder . For these Bodies having real Extension , and being variously terminated , may according to the various Reflexion or Refraction of Light appear of another Figure , Situation and Bulk , than indeed they are . In this manner , the Devil , according to the Relation of William of Paris in his last part of the Universe , deluded a Souldier , by assuming the Dead Carkase of a Beast , who supposing himself to have enjoyed a Beautiful Young Woman , found himself , in the embraces of a loathsome rotten Carrion : Which sort of Delusions are peculiar to Devils , who Understanding the Nature of Bodies , and being skill'd in Perspectives , can so order the matter , as to make things appear quite otherwise than they are . III. Angels can appear without Bodies . Tho' this be the receiv'd Opinion amongst Divines , that Angels and Devils can assume true Bodies in order to their appearing to Men ; yet I do not see but that they may visibly shew themselves without the taking up of Bodies . For seeing Bodily things , as MAGNANUS tells us in his Philosophy of Nature Cap. 33. have no other Power of Acting , than that of moving or resisting Local Motion , it will follow , that they appear to our Senses either by the Motions they impress upon them , or by their resisting of other Motions . Wherefore since we understand that a Spirit can exert all those Motions on our Senses which any Bodily Substance can , and likewise resist other Motion as well as any Body whatsoever ; we may likewise conceive how a Spirit may be perceived by our Senses under the Corporeal Form of that Body , whose Manner and Measure of Motion , or Resistance of Motion , he shall purpose to imitate . Wherefore an Angel in Order to his appearing will not need to make himself a Body of such a Colour , Figure and other Qualities , as he intends to appear with ; but it will be sufficient , if he only Refract and Reflect the Light in such a Manner and Measure , as that Body would , in whose shape he desires to appear . IV. How an Angel can make , a sound to be heard . In like Manner when an Angel has a mind to make himself heard , it will be sufficient , if he only so beat and agitate the Air , as that Sounding Body would do whose Sound or Voice he designs to imitate . For by this means the Agitated Air , will communicate the Motion it hath receiv'd from the Spirit to the Drum of the Ear ; and consequently will perceive a Sound like to that which the Body would have caused . And by this means an Angel or Soul may at pleasure appear to one Person , and hide himself from another , which would be impossible for them to do , after having assum'd an Aerial Body ; because such a Body would indifferently appear to all . V. Supposing Angels to assume Bodies , what they do with them , and work in them . But forasmuch as both Angels and Devils do sometimes assume true Bodies , as hath been shewn from Holy Scripture , we are next to enquire how they are present to these Bodies , and what they Work in them . VI. Angels are not so intimately joyn'd to the Bodies they assume , as Souls are to their Bodies ▪ Angels are not in Bodies after the same Manner as Souls are , so as that the Motions of the assumed Body and Spirits should follow the Voluntary Determinations of the Angels , and that the Angels also should be affected by the Bodies assumed . For herein doth the Union of Spiritual and Bodily Things consist , as shall be shewed in the ninth part of this Institution . Because it is one thing for a Spirit to be present to a Material thing , and another to be united to the same : Whenever a Spirit is joyned to a thing , he is also present with it ; but not on the contrary ; for a Spirit may be present with a thing and yet not be united to it . Now that conjunction which is between an Angel and his assumed Body , is not much unlike that , whereby the Master of a Ship is present to his Vessel , a Coach-man to his Coach , and a Rider to his Horse . For as the Master of a Ship may leave it , and return to it again at his pleasure ; so the Angels may when they please quit their assumed Bodies , and remove into others ; which they could not do , in case they were substantially united to them , as Souls are to the Bodies they animate . And as many Pilots may be in the same Ship , so more Angels or Devils than one may be in the same Body ▪ as appears from the Gospel ; but many Souls cannot be joyned to the same Body . The Soul is frequently against its Will united to a Body , and cannot at pleasure be separated from it , whereas an Angel is never unwillingly join'd with the Body it assumes . We conclude therefore that Angels are only accidentally , and as assisting Forms join'd to the Bodies they assume . VII . Angels exert no Vital Actions in Bodies . From what hath been said , it is evident what Angels can perform in the Bodies they take up , and what Actions they exert in them ; for it is manifest that they can produce no Vital Operations in them ; for tho' they be willing to Eat or Drink , yet are they never troubled with Hunger or Thirst ; and tho' they really Eat and Drink , yet have they no Sense of it ; and the like may be said of other Corporeal pleasures , which no more affect the Minds of Angels , than that of Eating or Drinking . For all these suppose the union of a Spirit with a Body ; and do not so much belong to the Mind as to the Body . For he who resolves for the Love of God to abstain from Eating , hath no will to Eat , because he is otherwise determin'd ; and yet frequently feels the gnawing of his Stomach , and dryness of his Throat , and a natural desire to Eat and Drink . And in like Manner Venereal pleasure belongs to the Animal and sensitive life we have here , but not to the life we shall enjoy hereafter : for in the Resurrection , as the Scripture saith , Mankind shall be like the Angels , in Heaven and neither Marry , nor be given in Marriage . Matth. 22. 30. VIII . Devils cannot generate . Whence it appears , that it is altogether irrational what some assert , that MERLIN was begot by a Spirit ; that the People called HUNNI were begotten by Satyres on the Bodies of Gothick Witches ; or that CORCOTON a Daemon in Hispaniola , was us'd to beget on the Bodies of Women , Births in the shape of Men with Horns on their Heads . These and such like Stories I take to be meer Fables : For seeing that Devils are immaterial , they can neither yield any Matter fit for that purpose of themselves , nor take it from any other Body , forasmuch as it is a part of the Living Body , and the remainder of the best concocted Aliment . CHAP. X. Whether there be any Order amongst the Devils ; and what kind of Order that is . I. Since Angels have different Offices , there must be some order amongst them . FOrasmuch as the Devils are deputed to different Works , and according to TRITHEMIUS his Opinion , are sent abroad into divers parts of the World , they must of necessity observe some Order , and somewhat imitate the Government that is amongst the Angels of Light. For seeing they perform various Offices , and inhabit the Fire , Air , and Earth , as also the Waters and Bowels of the Earth , and that in perpetual Darkness ; it does not appear how they could be kept to their several Tasks and Duties , if there were not some dependence between them , and if they did not derive their Power from one Head. Wherefore , LUCIFER in Holy Writ is called the Devil , because he is the Prince of all the Devils : And accordingly when the Pharisees told our Saviour that he cast out Devils by Beelzebub the Prince of Devils ; he replies : If Satan be divided against himself how shall his Kingdom stand ? By which Words Christ himself supposeth that there is a Primacy , and consequently a Government amongst Devils . II. The Power that Angels have , is not proportion'd to their Perfection . The only difficulty here is to explain wherein the mutual subjection of the Devils is founded . Some fix it in the different Perfection of Devils , as supposing them to be endued with Power , according to the Proportion of their Dignity . But this seems to be said without sufficient ground ; for there seems to be no Connexion between Natural Perfection , and Command or Moral Praeeminence , except that the one should necessarily follow from the other ; or that one should be the Rule of Manners ; neither of which can have place in the Devils ; for otherwise an Inferiour Angel would have as many Commanders and Rulers , as there are Angels more perfect than himself , which would be a most miserable State of Slavery , and Incomparably worse than any other . III. The Commonwealth of Devils is establisht by their mutual consent . It seems more Rational to conclude that the Form of their Commonwealth , hath proceeded from themselves , and been established by their mutual consent . For tho' the Devils be exceeding Proud , and each of them hath Ambition enough to aspire to be Governour in chief ; yet because they are full of hatred against God and the Envy they bear to Mankind , they suppose they can take no better way to Rob God of his Honour and to destroy the Souls of Men , than by mutually agreeing to submit themselves to a Government setled by Laws . Wherefore the Devils chose Lucifer the first Author of the Rebellion , to be their Prince , as Robbers us'd to do , who having join'd themselves together , choose one from amongst themselves to be their Captain . IV. The Devils are divided into Nine Orders , like the Angels . But what kind of Government the Devils have amongst themselves , is not easily Determinable , except we assent to them who divide the Devils into three Hierarchies and nine Quires , like the Angels . For so CORNELIUS AGRIPPA in his third Book of Occult Philosophy tells us , that there are Divines , who distribute the Devils into Nine Ranks , as standing in Opposition to the Nine Angelical Orders . Whose Opinion he follows and ranks them so himself . V. The First Order of Devils . The First Order of Devils according to Agrippa , are the PSEUDOTHEI , or False Gods , who Usurping the name of God , presume to be worshipt like God , and to have Sacrifices , and Adorations made to them ; like that Devil , who said to Christ , All these things will I give thee , if thou wilt fall down and Worship me , shewing him all the Kingdoms of the Earth . And the Prince of these is he who said , I will ascend above the height of the Clouds , and will be like the most High ; and who is therefore called Beelzebub , that is , the old God. VI. The Second Order . The Second Order are the Lying Spirits , such as he was that entred the Prophets of Ahab , and was a Lying Spirit in their Mouths . And the Prince of these is the Serpant PYTHON , from whence Apollo is called Pythius , and that Woman Pythonissa , 1 Sam. 28. as also that Other in the Acts of the Apostles , Chap. 16. This sort of Devils make it their business to delude Men by Ambiguous or false Oracles , Divinations , and Predictions . Book . 1. Part. 3. Chap. 1● G. Freman Inv. To William Edgell of Clapton in the Parish of Hackney in the County of Midelesex Gentleman . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome Book . 1. Part. 3. Chap. 10 ▪ G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sc To William Benge of Cosely Woodin Wadherst in the County of Sussex Gentleman This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome . VIII . The Fourth Order . Those of the Fourth Order are called Avengers of Wickedness , whose Prince is ASMODEUS , the Executioner of Justice . IX . The Fifth Order . The Devils next to these are Juglers , so called , because they imitate Miracles , and assist Magicians and Witches , seducing the People by their seeming Miracles , as the Serpent seduced Eve. And their Prince is SATAN , of whom it is written in the Revelation , that he deceives the whole world , working great Miracles , and causing Fire to come down from Heaven in the sight of Men , and deceiving the Inhabitants of the Earth , by the wonders he doth . X. The Sixth Order . The Sixth Order are those that are called the Powers of the Air ; these are very busie in Thunder and Lightning ; they corrupt the Air , and cause the Plague ; and of this Number were those , of whom the Revelation mentions , that it was given to them to hurt the Earth and the Sea. And their Prince is MERIZIM . This is the Noon-Devil , the Burning Spirit , and the Devil that rageth at Noon ; whom St. Paul in his Fpistle to the Ephesians calls The Prince of the Powers of the Air , the Spirit that Works in the Children of Disobedience . XI . The Seventh Order . The Seventh Rank or Order is that of Furies , the sowers of mischief and Dissension , of Wars and Devastations ; whose Prince in the Revelation is called APOLLYON , and in Hebrew Abaddon , that is , the Destroyer . XII . The Eighth Order . In the eighth Order are Accusers , whose Prince is called ASTAROTH , that is , a Spie ; and in Greek Diabolus , that is to say a Slanderer ; who in the Revelation is called the Accuser of the Brethren , who accuseth them before the Face of God , day and night . XIII . The Ninth Order . The last Order of Devils are those that are called Tempters , or Lyers in wait , who do accompany Men continually to tempt them to Evil , and are therefore called Bad Angels . Their Prince is MAMMON , that is , Lust or Concupiscense . XIV . This Ordination of the Devils is not to be respected . And tho' this Ordination of the Devils be no where else to be found but in Agrippa , yet is it not therefore to be the less esteemed , seeing that it imitates the Orders of the Good Angels , and is derived and descends from Lucifer the Prince of the Apostate Spirits : So that as God hath his Angels , so Lucifer hath his Devils . CHAP. XI . Of the Care of Angels about Mankind , and the things here below . I. There is a twofold care of Angels . IT is manifest that God makes use of the Ministry of Angels , in the Ordering of things below ; and there seems to be a twofold care in them ; the one General , whereby they are concernd for the whole World ; the other particular , whereby they watch over particular Men. Wherefore NAZIANZEN in his 6 th . Poem writes thus concerning them . Some with most Awful looks surround the Throne , Ready and Girt t' obey the Holy one : Others support the World , and lend their Aid To all the Several Creatures God hath made . Their Care is diverse , as are Gods Commands , These govern Men , and Those Cities and Lands . II. The Opinion of the Ancients concerning the Guardianship of Angels . Accordingly the Ancients tell us of Universal Angels , every one of which did preside over a whole Nation , and were called the Angels or Genius of such or such a Nation : And of Particular Angels that are singly appointed to take care of this or the other particular Person , and are more particularly called Genii , because they superintend the Generation of particular Persons , and as soon as they are born do inseparably assist them . Such an Angel as this is called by Epictetus a Keeper , Particular Overseer , a Domestick Spie , a Proper Curator , an intimate Cognitor , a Continual Observator , an Individual Arbiter , an Inseparable Witness , a Reprover of Vice , and an Approver of Virtue . O ye Men ( saith he in Arrian ) take it for granted , that every one of us is committed to the care of a certain deligent and worthy Keeper : Whensoever therefore you shall have shut your Doors upon you , and shut out the Light from you , take heeed you do not conceit your selves to be alone ; for most certain it is you are not so ; for God is with you ; and so likewise is your good Angel. III. The same confirm'd by Christians . What the Ancients called Genii , the same the Christians call Angels , and do own both their General and special Guardianship . For all Christians hold it for an undoubted Truth , that they have Angels deputed by God to be their Keepers and Companions , to inspect their Actions , to divert Mischief from them , and to take care for their Future Bliss and Happiness . For thus much may be deduced from the Offices of Angels , who , as the Apostle tells us , are Ministring Spirits , whose duty chiefly it is to put by the Devils Snares , to exercise Mens Minds to Virtue , to raise up such as are fallen , to suggest good advice , and to present their Prayers and Wishes to Almighty God. Indeed for this very cause they are called Angels , as being a kind of Messengers betwixt God and Men , whom they are to direct as School ▪ masters and Pastors . IV. The Angelical care is deducible from the Providence of God. In this Angelical superintendency , the Providence of God most clearly appears , forasmuch as he governs and rules these things here below , by Superiour Powers , and Administers changeable things , by such as are Spiritual and unchangeable . For as by the Prudence and Forecast of a Good Emperour ( saith Chrysostom ) all Cities , Towns and Castles , are furnisht with sufficient Garrisons against any Hostile Invasion , and all places so provided with Arms , that they may not stand in fear to be laid waste by a Barbarous Incursion : In like manner God , because the Devils with Barbarous and cruel minds are always hovering about us to overthrow our peace and happiness , appoints for our Safeguard the Hosts of his Angels , that by their presence , the stout boldness of the Devils may be represt , and the Grace of Peace vouchsafed to us . For Angels are , as it were , the Protectors of Men , specially deputed by God for their Safety : Not as if God were unable to save them ; but as a King , who orders his faithful Officers to crush the Design of his barbarous Enemies , and to Chastize the Insolence of his Subjects . V. The same confirmed by Scripture . Scripture also confirms the same to us : Do not despise one of these Little ones ( saith our Saviour , ) for their Angels continually behold the Face of my Father which is in Heaven . Wherefore it nearly concerns us always to continue in the Fear of God , as being certain that we have God's Angels about us , who observe all our Thoughts and Actions : And whenever we do that which is good , we cause great Joy to our Angels ; whereas , if we do Wickedly , we drive them with grief away from us , and make way for the Devils to come to deceive and ensnare us . VI. The Effect of the Guardianship of Angels . We see therefore that the Assistance of Angels is of great advantage to Men , by procuring them much Good , and by diverting many Evils both from their Souls and Bodies . They greatly assist our Minds , by enlightning our Understanding to perceive Truth , and by exciting our Will to the exercise of Vertue , and to embrace the Good that is offered to us : They also put by many Evils which threaten our Bodies , whether from Natural Causes , or from Free Agents , as from Men that are our Enemies , and from Devils ; and prevent them from hurting those , whose Safety they take to heart . Sometimes also they send Sickness and Adversity , to correct Mens Vices , and thereby to reduce them to a sober and sound Mind . Yea , and sometimes may inflict Death also , and that in great Kindness ; forasmuch as it may be very profitable and necessary for some to be taken out of the World , lest being overcome by the Vanities and Lusts of this World , they should run themselves into Perdition . VII . The Superintendence of Angels , extends itself also to Countries and Cities . As there are Special Angels consigned to the Guardianship of Men , so there are others who have care of Cities and Countries committed to them , who , as so many Presidents , or Lords Lieutenants , do watch over them for their Good. And as a whole Nation doth in Dignity far exceed every particular Member of it ; so do the Angels , that preside over a whole People , excel those who have the Care only of some particular Person . Now that Nations have their Guardian-Angels alotted them , is most evident from Scripture , Deut. 32. 8. When the Most High divided to the Nations their Inheritance , when he separated the Sons of Adam , he set the Bounds of the People according to the number of his Angels , as the Septuagint expresseth it . Wherefore the Ancient Fathers believed , that the Archangels had the Care committed to them of the Government of the Universal Church . Thus we read that MICHAEL fought with the Dragon , stood up for the defence of the People of Israel , is the Provost of the Church , and assists particular Angels . What is more clear in Scripture , than that GABRIEL was sent with a Message to the Blessed Virgin , about the Salvation of Mankind ? and that RAPHAEL was sent to Succour Israel , and to exhort them to the Fear of God ? All which are evident Testimonies of the Publick Ministry and Administration of Angels . Book . 1. Part. 4. Chap. 1. G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Worshipfull Thomas Drax of Sibsy in the County of Lincolne Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome The Fourth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . VIZ. GENERAL Natural Philosophy . CHAP. I. Of the Essence and Certainty of Natural Philosophy . I. What Natural Philosophy considers . HAving considered the Nature of GOD , and enquired into his Attributes , as far as Human Weakness would permit , and afterwards examin'd the Essence of Angels and Devils , and discovered their Faculties and Operations ; PHYSIOLOGY comes next to be considered by us , which contemplates Natural Things , and deduceth their Causes from their first Original . For the Order of Nature seems to require , that having laid down a Supream and Universal Principle , we should next proceed to the examining of its Effects , that Affections belonging to them may be discovered to us . II. What Natural Philosophy is . Natural Philosophy therefore , or Physiology , is the Science of Natural Bodies , and their various Affections . And therefore is called Natural Philosophy , because it enquires into the Essence of Material things , and treats of their Properties , Accidents , or Modes : And those are called Natural Things , or Bodies , which are endued with Nature , or that are compounded of Matter and Form , which are the inward Principles of their Activity , Passibility , and Cessation . III. The Word NATURE taken in a threefold Sense . The Word NATURE is of various Signification : First , and more strictly , it is taken for the peculiar Disposition of Parts in some particular Body : For when we say , that it is the Nature of Fishes to live in the Water ; it is the same as if we said , that the Disposition of their Organs is such , as makes the Element of Water most suitable to them . Secondly , It is taken more largely for the Universal Disposition of all Bodies : And in this Sense it is nothing else , but the Divine Providence , forasmuch as it governs and directs all things by cetain Rules and Laws , accommodated to the Natures of things . Wherefore God is said , to cloath the Lillies of the Field ; to send Rain upon the Good and the Bad ; and to give Food to all living Creatures ; because , that by the Rules by him prescribed , all things conspire to the producing and maintaining such Effects as these . Thirdly , It is taken for the Essence of any thing , with the Attributes belonging to it : Thus we say , that it is the Nature of GOD to be Good , and the Nature of the Soul to Think . IV. Natural things do not differ from Artificial . Neither do Natural things differ from those that are made by Art , save only in this , that in the former , how mean soever they be , there appears a far more excellent Artifice , and more exact contexture of Parts , than in the latter . Yet this is common to them both , that they are moved from an inward Principle , and perform their Functions by their own Virtue . For a VVatch or Clock is no less moved of it self , by the Figure of its VVheels and VVeights , than a Ball of Lead is , whilst it falls down through the Air , towards the Center of the Earth . For every Natural thing is moved by a Motion deriv'd from another , and doth always retain the same , till it be put by by a stronger . V. Physiology is a true Science . Now that Physiology is a Species of Science , and is conversant about things that are True and Necessary ▪ appears from the Demonstrations that are made of Natural things ; the Certainty whereof depends on the Stability of the Things that are defined , and supposeth their determinate Essence . For Example , this way of Arguing , Every Extended thing is Divisible ; A Body is Extended : Therefore a Body is Divisible , could never be esteem'd a Demonstration , if it were not most certain that Extension enters the Nature of a Body , and that Divisibility , as a Property , ariseth from it . Now it is notorious , that all certain and necessary Knowledge , is Science ; since no such can be had , but where the Effects are demonstrated by their true Causes : And that many such may be had in Natural Philosophy , is not to be question'd . For we know that Matter is moveable , because it is a Substance extended in Length , Breadth , and Depth . We know that every Body may be carried on from one place to another ; because it implies a Contradiction , for one and the same Body to be in two places at one and the same time . And innumerable such like , which a Natural Philosopher considers as so many unshaken Truths , that cannot be gain-said by any Person in his Wits . VI. Whether Natural things be discerned by the Senses . If you say , That the Certainty which is required to Science , cannot be had in Natural things , seeing that Bodies and all their Attributes are only perceived by the Senses ; which being liable to Mistake , may represent False things to the Understanding : Whence it is that not only Children , but also Men of Age labour under so many Prejudices , which they being unable to correct , persevere in their Errors to theit Lives end . VII . Material things are not discerned by the Senses . I Answer , It is False that Material things are known by the Senses , as I have shewed by the Example of Gold , in the Second Chapter of the First Part of my LOGICK ; forasmuch as it continues always the same , tho' it puts on divers Forms , and appears variously to the Senses . For if we mind well how far our Senses reach , and what that precisely is , which they represent to our Minds ; we shall find , that they give us no such Notions of Material things , as we in our Minds have of them : And indeed , to speak properly , nothing is conveigh'd from things without us , by the Organs of Sense , to our Minds , save only some Bodily motions , by which the Idea's of Objects are offer'd to them . For what doth our Sight exhibit to us , besides outward Images , or our Hearing , besides Voices and VVords ? So that if we do apprehend any other thing besides those Pictures and Voices , that is , their Signification ; we may be sure the same is offer'd to us , not by our Senses , but by those Idea's or Notions that proceed from our Thinking Faculty . VIII . But are apprehended by the Understanding only . Wherefore , Bodily things are not known by the Senses , but by the Understanding alone : So that to be sensible of a Material Substance , is nothing else , but to have an Idea of it , which is not the work of the outward Senses , but of Cogitation . Neither must this seem strange unto us , seeing that Certainty is required to perfect Knowledge , which since it cannot be had from the Senses , as being subject to Error , we must have recourse to the Certainty of the Understanding that may correct our Errors , and represent the true Image of the thing to us . IX . Whether the Errors occasioned by our Senses , can be corrected by our Senses . If you urge further , that there are many Things that cannot be corrected by our Understanding , except our Senses be first well-disposed , and that our Mind borrows its Certainty from them ; as appears by a Stick standing in VVater , which because of the Refraction seems to be broken or bent , when indeed it is strait or whole ; because this Error is not to be corrected by the Understanding , but by the Touch : And the same may be said of the other Senses . X. Answer . I answer , tho' by our Touch we know the Stick to be streight , yet is not that sufficient to correct the mistake of our Sight , but there is need of a Reason to persuade us , that in this case we are rather to give credit to the report of our Touch , than to that of our Eye-sight ; which Reason cannot be ascribed to our Sense , but to our Understanding alone . It remains therefore that the knowledge of Natural things depends on our Cogitation and that they cannot be perceived by our Senses such as indeed they are . XI . An Objection against the certainty of Bodily things . You will object , that Material Things , of which Natural Philosophy treateth , do not continue in the same State , but are subject to various changes , quitting and assuming several Forms , which seems to be inconsistent with the Notion of Science , which is the knowledge of things certain and Perpetual . For what is more common than the Rise and Destruction of Bodies ? For all things that consist of Matter and Form are subject to Generation and Corruption , and never continue long in the same state and condition . XII . The Certainty of Bodily things established . Nevertheless we must say , that Natural Philosophy is indeed a Science , because the Nature of a Science is not consider'd with respect to the things it treats of , but according to its Axioms of an undoubted Eternal Truth . For tho' the things which Physiology handles , be changeable ; yet the Judgments we make of them are stable and firm ; and consequently the Truth we have of them is Eternal and unchangeable . As for example , these are indubitable and constant Truths , that all that is Bodily is changeable ; that every Mixt Body is dissoluble , tho' they be of mutable and changeable things . For as the knowledge we have of Matter is Immaterial ; so we may have an immutable Science of changeable and corruptible things . XIII . The Object of Physiology . Forasmuch as every Science hath a Subject , about which it is conversant , and to which , whatsoever is handled in the same may be attributed either as Principles , Parts or Affections ; we say that the Material Subjects of Physiology , are natural things ; and that Magnitudes , Figures , Situation , Motion and Rest are the Formal Subject of it ; as under which , Bodily things are consider'd , and from whence they derive their force and Virtue , as shall be said in the 10th Chapter . Wherefore if a Natural Philosopher consider nothing in Matter besides these Divisions , Figures and Motions , and admit nothing for Truth concerning them , which is not evidently deducible from common Notions , whose Truth is unquestionable , it is altogether manifest , that no other Principles are to be lookt for in Natural Philosophy , than in Geometry or abstract Mathematicks : and consequently that we may have as well Demonstrations of Natural Things , as of Mathematical . Book . 1. Part. 4. Chap. 2 G Freman . 〈◊〉 I. Kip Scul To the. Right Worshipfull Sr. Samuel Garard of Brafferton hall in the. North Rideing of Yorke shire Knight , & to Elizabeth his Lady Daughter & Coeheyre of Sr. Thomas Spencer of Yarington in Oxford Shire Baronet This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome XV. Natural Philosophy is either General or Special . Natural Things are considered two manner of ways in Physiology , viz. either Generally or Specially ; and accordingly Natural Philosophy is Distinguisht into that which is General , and that which is Special or Particular . General Physiology is , that which considers a Body or Matter in General , that is , its Nature , Principles , General Affections and Differences . Special or Particular Physiology is that , which considers Matter as distinguisht into Species ; and doth more particularly explain the Properties , Differences and Changes of those several Species . Wherefore we are to begin with the most simple Principles of Natural Things , and from them proceed to the Bodies themselves , that are made up of them . CHAP. II. The Existence of Material Things Proved . I. We may question the Existence of Bodily things . FORasmuch as it is lawful to doubt of every thing , whether or no it do Exist , as long as its nature is not clearly known to us ; we may also question whether Material Substances be , beside our Cogitation , and if they be , by what Argument this may be proved : As to which thing every one will be able with great ease to satisfie himself in this matter , only by giving heed to the Conception we have of Bodily Things . II. The Notion of a Material thing frequently accurs to us . No Philosopher ever deny'd that we have the Notion of Material Things ; yea , if we throughly examine their Nature , we shall find many Properties in them , which would not agree to them , if they had not some Nature . For we can Demonstrate of an Extended Being , that it is Moveable , Divisible , Impenetrable , &c. For since to be extended is nothing else but to have distinct Parts , it cannot happen by the Power of Nature , that the parts of Matter should take up the same place . III. God can do whatsoever can be clearly known , or apprehended by us . Moreover , we know God to be Omnipotent , and that he can do whatsoever can be clearly and Distinctly known by us . Yea , if we will reason aright , we must say , that nothing is impossible , but because it is inconsistent with our clear and distinct perception : But we do clearly and distinctly know Matter to be something extended in Length , Breadth and Depth : Therefore Matter must at least be producible by God. IV. The Actual Existence of Bodily things proved . Nor will it be difficult to prove that this Material Substance doth exist actually . For tho' our Senses be apt to deceive us ; yet we cannot doubt of all the things they represent to us . Because we dayly experience and find in our selves many Ideas or Species of Natural things , which must proceed from some things or other without us , that are the Causes of such Ideas . For it doth not depend on our Wills , that we perceive by our Senses one Substance more than another ; but that difference proceeds from the Objects , which produce such a Sensation in us . For oftentimes these Species occur to us without our heeding it , and before that we think of them by any reflex Cogitation . Wherefore we must conclude that these Ideas proceed from things , which consequently must exist in Nature . Lastly , there is no Man who doth not perceive himself to be endued with an Imaginative Faculty , in that he doth almost every moment conceive so various and different things ; now the Imaginative Faculty considers Bodies as present , and is altogether conversant about Bodies ; wherefore it is necessary in order to its perfection that Material Things should exist . V Tho' the Senses deceive us in the manner of their representing things to us ; yet not with respect to the substance of things . If you object , that nothing of certainty can be gather'd from the Senses , forasmuch as they do frequently deceive us . For we find by experience that things are represented by them otherwise than they are , as when a Square Steeple appears round to us at a distance ; or when a great Brass Ball at the top of a high Steeple , shews like a little Apple to our Sight . VI. Answer . I answer , that these Errors do not destroy the Truth of Material Things , tho' our Senses deceive us in their representing of them . For it may happen that that which I see with my Eyes , is quite another thing than I Imagin it to be ; yet for all that it cannot be , but that which does appear to me must be something Material , which is sufficient to prove the Existence of Matter ; because the variety of Figures does not take away the Subject , but rather doth manifest it , and forceth us to confess , that those things that appear to us under divers Figures are something that is Material or Corporeal . VII . The Motions we find in our selves prove us to be Corporeal . Neither do those things that are within us , less evidence this Truth than those that are without us : For if we give heed to the Ideas of things in our Mind , we shall find that besides the notions of Intimate Consciousness , Perception , Judgment , and Affections , we meet with others that consist of Extended Parts , diversified by Length , Breadth and Depth . Moreover , besides these , we experience many Motions in our selves , as Hunger , Thirst , Pain , which do not belong to our Soul , forasmuch as it is a Thinking Being ; for the Soul of Man being Immaterial is incapable of any of these , and only perceives them as she is united to a Material Substance . For Pain doth not touch our Mind , save only so far as it is joyn'd to the Body ; neither can it be vexed with Hunger or Thirst , save only so sar as it is link'd to the Stomach and Throat , the one whereof is pinch'd with a Vellication , and the other with Drought . So that it cannot be doubted but that there are many Ideas of Natural Things in us which are not fram'd by our selves , but come to us from abroad , and present themselves to our Imagination . VIII . If there were no material things without us , God might be thought to impose upon us . For as the Philosopher discourseth in the last Part of his Principles , Sect. 1. We may enquire concerning the thing which is represented to us , wheit be God , or something distinct from him : But because we feel , or rather by Motions imprest upon our Senses , do clearly and distinctly perceive a certain matter extended in Length , Breadth and Depth , whose various parts have diverse Figures , and are tost with several Motions , and are the cause of Diverse Sensations in us , as of Colours , Smells , Pains , &c. If God did immediately by himself represent the Idea of Matter to our Mind ; or if he should cause the Idea thereof to be represented to us , by any thing wherein there was nothing of Extension , Figure or Motion , this would be to impose upon us . For we clearly understand Extended Matter , as a thing altogether distinct both from God and from our selves , that is , our Minds ; and we clearly seem to perceive that the said Idea proceeds from things plac'd without us : Now it is utterly repugnant to the Nature of God to impose upon us . And therefore we must peremptorily conclude that there is really Existing such a thing as is extended in Length , Breadth and Depth , and hath all those Properties , which we do clearly perceive do agr●e to such a Being . And this is that thing which we call Body or Matter . IX . The Order of things to be handled hereafter . But forasmuch as every thing is best known by its Essence , Properties and Affections or Accidences , to the end we may have a more perfect knowledge of Matter , whose Existence we have just now demonstrat●d , it must be our business to prove , wherein its Nature doth consist , what are its Properties and what Accidences it is capable of . Accordingly we will first enquire what it is that doth constitute Matter , and next what those things are that do inseparably accompany it , and lastly the Accidences that happen to it . CHAP. III. Of the Nature and Constitution of Matter . I. What Matter is , and how it differs from a Body . MAtter is a Body , in asmuch as it is a Body or a Substance extended in Length , Breadth and Depth : Wherefore a Material and a Bodily thing are Synonymous Terms , and do not differ , save by our Mode of considering them . That which consider'd absolutely is call'd a Body ; the same with regard to that which is made of it , is call'd Matter : As for example , this extended Mass , consider'd as something undivided , and indistinguisht , is a Body ; but if referr'd to those distinct Bodies that are made out of it , it is called their Matter . II. This Matter doth not differ from Aristotles first Matter . This is that First Matter about which there are so many Squablings in the Peripatetick School ; and is nothing else , but an inadaequate Conception of a Body , as it may be conceiv'd by us without any Figure , Hardness , Softness , Colour , or any other Modifications , and only as Extended , and consisting of three Dimensions . For the further Explication of this N●tion , and that the agreement of the Cartesians and Peripateticks in this matter may appear , I shall add these following Propositions . III. How Matter is said to be without Form. The First Proposition : The First matter is without form : For in this , the Notion of Extension is abstracted from all Modifications , that belong to the Essence of a Body . IV. How it is the same in all Bodies . The Second : The Matter of all things is the same ; for all Bodies agree in this first or Primary Attribute of a Body , viz. Extension , neither is there any Distinction between them with relation to the Matter . V. How Matter is capable of all Forms . The Third : Every thing may be made of every thing ; or , according to the Peripateticks , Matter is capable of all Forms : For since all Bodies agree in Extension , all their difference must be from their various Modifications ; if therefore there be an Efficient Cause sufficient to alter these Modes , it may make every thing of Every thing . On this Proposition are grounded all those varieties which are observed in Bodies . VI. How it is ingenerable and incor●uptible . The Fourth : A Body as such , or the First Matter , is Ingenerable and Incorruptible : that is to say , there is no new Substance created ; neither is the least part of Matter annihilated ; for only the Modes are changed , in all Alterations . VII . What we are to understand by the word Matter . Physical Matter therefore , or a Natural Body , is a Substance Extended in Length , Breadth and Depth ; neither can any thing else be represented to the Imagination by the name of Matter : For Extension , as hath been said , is that Primary , Intimate , and Radical Attribute , which is conceiv'd or apprehended in every Body , and which in all alterations continues the same , nor can it be destroyed , but by Annihilation of the Body . So that we must stand to it as an undoubted Truth , that Extension is identified , that is , is one and the same thing with Matter , so that how much soever is taken from Quantity , so much is taken away from the Body ; and on the other hand , whatsoever is taken from Body , the same is taken from the Quantity of it . VIII . Aristotle doth not oppose this Doctrin in his Metaphysicks . Most men I know are of Opinion , that herein we differ from Aristotle , who in his Metaphysicks tells us , that Matter of it self is neither Quid ( something ) nor Quantum ( of any Bulk or Quantity ) nor any other thing of all those , whereby a Being is determin'd . From which words they argue that Aristotle supposed Matter to be devoid of all Extension , yea that it did not exist in the nature of things . To which I answer , that Aristotle indeed makes a distinction between Extension and Quantity , which we also freely admit , because Matter may be conceived without Quantity . For he that Measures a piece of Land , immediately conceives the Extension of it , but doth not know the Quantity of it , till after he hath measur'd it . Indeed Quantity is nothing else but a certain mode of Extension , or some Measure of it , by which we answer him , who demands what the Quantity or Bigness of a Body is . And so Quantity is an Attribute modally distinct from Extension . And in this Sense it is not repugnant to say , that Matter is an extended Substance , and yet that it is nothing of all those things which Aristotle in the foresaid place removes from it ; forasmuch as they cannot be understood but of Matter determin'd by some particular Form. Thus we cannot say that Matter Universally taken , and as consider'd at first view , is either Hot or Cold , that it is of such a determinate Measure , or that it is some particular thing , as Wood , Marble , Gold , &c. much after the same manner as when we consider a living Sensitive Creature in General , we cannot say that it is a Horse more than a Lion or any other particular Species . IX . Extension is not the Mode of a Body . Neither do those argue at any better rate , who distinguish Extension from Matter , and consider it only as a Mode of it : As for example , whilst they mind the Extension of a Table , they will have the Extension to be the Mode , and the Table , the Substance whose Mode it is : For these talk as absurdly , as if one hearing another discoursing of the City of Rome , should imagine these to be two different things , whereof the one should be the Mode and the other the Substance ; or as if one should go about to distinguish Humanity from Man. For as Humanity , or the Nature of Man , doth not differ from Man generally consider'd , but only as an Abstract and Concrete , so neither doth Extension differ from a Body in a general acception . X. Why the Natural Philosophy of the Schools is so barren . Those therefore who deny that Extension constitutes the Nature or Essence of Matter , will never be able distinctly to explain what they mean by the Word Matter , nor wherein its Essence doth consist : Yea , they lay that down for a Principle , from which it is impossible for them to deduce any Consequence , which may illustrate the Mind of Man , or be of use towards the discovery of any Truth ; and therefore they must not wonder to find their Physiology so barren as it is , and that they have not been able hitherto to explain the least product of Nature by means of it . XI . Whether there be no more Matter in a Vessel fill'd with Gold , than in one fill'd with Air. But they who estimate the Properties of Matter by their Senses , and by them measure the Essences of things , argue thus against this Opinion . If a Bodily Substance were something indistinct from Extension , it would follow , that wherever there was found some Proportion of Matter , there would also be the same of Quantity : But this is found to be false in two Vessels of the same bigness , forasmuch as more Matter is found to be in that which is fill'd with Gold , than in the other which is only fill'd with Air or Water . Therefore Quantity is not always proportionate to the Body , and consequently differs from it . XII . Answer . I answer , that there is no more Matter in the Vessel that is fill'd with Gold , than in the other that contains Water or Air , tho' indeed there be more Hardness and Weight in the one than the other : For the Essence of Matter doth not consist in Hardness or Weight , or any other Qualities ; for Fire that is subtil , and melted Wax that hath lost its hardness , is never a whit less a Body , than the heaviest Metal ; and therefore Matter precisely consists in this , that it is extended in Length , Breadth and Depth , which is found to be equal in both Vessels . XIII . The Nature of a Body doth not consist in Hardness . Conclude we therefore , that the Nature of Material things doth not consist in Weight , Hardness , Colour , or the like , but in this only that they are Extended Beings . For as to Hardness we can deprehend nothing else of it by our Sense , than that the Parts of hard Bodies resist the Motion of our Hands , when they run against them ; for if as oft as our Hands are mov'd towards any place , all the Bodies that are there should give way , and remove thence with the same swiftness , as our Hands advance , we should never feel any Hardness . Neither can it be conceived , that the Bodies which thus remove or give way , should therefore lose the Nature of Bodies : wherefore the Essence of Material Things doth not consist in Hardness . XIV . Nor in Figure , Weight , Colour , &c. And in like manner it may be made out , that Weight , Colour , and other such Qualities , which by the Senses are perceiv'd in Matter , may be taken away from it self , remaining whole as before : For suppose the Hardness of Ice melted into Water , to be vanished ; its Figure also to be quite changed ; suppose also that Water to be rarified into Vapors , and having quit its Bulk and Heaviness to disappear from our Eyes , by its extreme Tenuity and Thinness ; yet it is evident that the Bodily Quantity or Extension , which is the Seat and Subject of all these mutations , does remain entire and untoucht , and altogether inseparable from the Ice , the Water and Vapors . XV. An Objection that Matter ought to be Defined by some Relation to the Senses . It may be you will say , that tho' a Body be not bound to one Figure , and may be deprived of a Cubical , Triangular or Spherical Figure , yet must it still have some Figure or other . In like manner tho' a Body be not necessarily either Soft or Hard , Hot or Cold , yet it is necessary that a Body should be sensible , or as Lucretius expresseth it , Tangible . Besides a Body , as we see , Nothing can Touch , or Touched be . XVI . The First Answer . To which I answer , First , that Sensibility is only one of the Properties of a Body , and not the whole nature of it ; since a Body may really exist , tho' there should be no Men to whose Senses it might offer it self to be perceived ; as we know that Matter was created before there were any Senses made . Wherefore there seems to be no absolute Necessity that every Body should be sensible . On the contrary , we find that there is no Body , which may not become insensible , by being divided into so minute parts , as not to be able to move our Nerves , especially if those parts be also swiftly moved . XVII . The Second Answer . I answer Secondly , that a Power to affect the Senses , presupposeth something that is extended , and is no more than a Respect , and Extrinsecal Denomination , which must be grounded in some Internal or absolute Attribute . XVIII . Extension only belongs to the Essence of a Body . Extension therefore is that alone which constitutes the Nature of a Body , as agreeing to all , only , and always to them , so that nothing can be perceived in a Body before it . For it agrees to every Body , to Earthly as well as to Heavenly , to the Sun , Fire , Air , as well as to Wood , Stone , &c. It belongs only to a Body , because no Intellectual Substance is Extended and Divisible . And it agrees always to a Body ; because tho' all other Attributes be taken from it , and be changed , yet the Extension continues as long as the Body doth . Besides , nothing can be conceived in Matter before Extension ; for tho' Matter be Divisible into Parts , yet that is not the first affection we perceive therein ; for therefore only a thing is Divisible because it is extended . XIX . That Quantity seems to be encreased in Rarefact●on . Some are of opinion that Quantity may be encreased , without any encrease of the Matter : Thus in Rarefaction the Quantity seems to be augmented , tho' the Substance continue the same it was ; and this they endeavour to prove by a Pot of Water on the Fire that boils over ; at which time they suppose the Water to take up more place than it did before ; now it cannot take up a larger place , without a greater degree of Extension . XX. Rarefaction is performed , by the introduction of another Matter . I answer , that Rarefaction is not performed by an addition of Quantity , but by the entrance of other little Bodies from abroad ; so that those Bodies are said to be rarefied , whose Pores being opened are filled with the Air , or some other Subtil Matter entring into them ; and they become close or compact again , when by the expulsion of those Adventitious Particles , those Spaces are narrowed again , and the parts come closer together . For certain it is , that nothing can be encreased in Quantity , but that at the same time its Extension must be encreased also . Of which I shall treat more at large when I shall have occasion to speak of Rarefaction . XXI . An Objection from the Nature of Space . But you will object , that Space is conceiv'd to be something extended in Length , Breadth and Depth : Yet Space is not a Body ; therefore the Essence of a Body doth not consist in Extension . The Minor is proved , for that if space were a Body , then one Body would be in another . XXII . Answer . I answer , It is false to say that Space is not a Body ; because the same Extension which constitutes the nature of a Body , doth also constitute that of Space . And therefore to say that a Body takes up such a Space , is no more than to say , that it is so great a part of the World ; because Bodies bring their Spaces along with them , and when they remove , carry them away with them . And when Bodies are said to leave their Spaces , it is the same as to say that they quit the Magnitude , Figure and Situation they had amongst other Bodies . Wherefore the Extension of Space doth not differ really , from the Extension of a Body , and therefore we must conclude every Space to be corporeal . XXIII . Tho' God be immense or Infinite , yet he hath no quantity . And whereas some say that God occupies or takes up all places of the World , as being Insinite , Immense and Omnipresent , &c. which cannot be conceived without some Extension ; this is an objection of no moment . For tho' God be Omnipresent , yet this doth not prove him to be extended ; because by an Extended Being all Men understand something that is Imaginable , of a certain Figure and Magnitude ; whose parts are separate from each other , so that one of them cannot be in the place of the other ; which cannot agree to God , or any Spiritual Substance , as being imperceptible to the Imagination , and apprehended by the Intellect only . When we say that God is extended through all the World , this is not to be understood of the Extension of Substance , but of the Extension of Power , so that the meaning only is , that God can exercise his Power , sometimes on a greater , and other times on a less part of Matter . For if there were no Bodies , we could not conceive a Space , to which God should be co-extended . XXIV . A Natural Body is the same with a Mathematical Body . Wherefore with our Philosopher I profess my self to own no other Matter of Bodily things , than that which is altogether Divisible , Figurable and Moveable , which Geometricians call Quantity , and which they make the object of their Demonstrations ; and that I consider nothing in it , besides those Divisions , Figures and Motions which are the properties of it . And tho' such a Body as I have here described , be by others called Mathematical , yet I take it here in this General Physiology for a true and Real Body . Indeed Natural Philosophy is one of the parts of the Mathematicks , and has the same relation thereto , as Metaphysicks have to the other Disciplines ; the only Difference between them is , that the Mathematicks consider Magnitudes and Figures abstractedly , without being sollicitous whether they be such indeed , or only can or may be so . But Physiology considers the same as inherent in Matter , and as she finds them in the several Bodies that are in the Vniverse . Now this Abstraction doth not at all hinder , but that Physical or Natural Matter may be the same with the Geometrical , because the Species is not really distinct from its Genus . CHAP. IV. Of the Proprieties of Extended Substance , viz. Mensurability , Divisibility and Impenetrability . I. Mensurability , Divisibility and Impenetrability are the Properties of an Extended Substance . THere are three Properties which accompany an Extended Substance or Quantity , viz. Mensurability , Divisibility and Impenetrability . Mensurability is an aptitude in a Body , whereby it may be apply'd or conform'd to a certain measure . Divisibility is that disposition of a Body whereby it is conceiv'd to have Parts into which it may actually , or by thought , be divided . Lastly , Impenetrability is the distinction of one Extended Being from another , by which the Extension of one thing is different from that of another ; so that two things Extended cannot be in the same place , but must of Necessity exclude each other . II. From the Extension of Matter we may easily infer its Divis●bility . That a Bodily Substance is Mensurable and Divisible , may be easily gathered from what goes before ; for since it hath a threefold Dimension , Length , Breadth and Depth , it must also admit a threefold Measure , by which its Magnitude may be determin'd . It s Divisibility also may be gather'd with the same evidence from its Extension , forasmuch as it hath Parts placed besides one another , so that we may easily conceive them to be separable , in which the very Essence of Division consists . But because many , who follow DEMOCRITUS , are of opinion , that there may be Indivisible Bodies out of which all other things are made , it will be worth our enquiry , whether the parts that constitute Matter , be Indivisible , or such as admit of further Division . III. Every Body is D●visible . To which I answer , that Matter is not compounded of Indivisibles , that is , of parts that cannot be divided into others . This is the opinion of most Philosophers , and the reason is this , because the Essence of Matter is to have parts that are extended ; and whatsoever is extended , is Divisible . For it cannot be conceived that a thing should be Extended , and yet not be Divisible ; because Extension is nothing else , but an answerableness to divers points of Place , and such a disposition wherein one part is distant from another , not by actual separation , but by an aptitude to be separated , which is sufficient to make one thing not to be another . IV. Th●re are no Indivisible Bodies . Moreover , Beings are not to be multiplied without necessity ; now there is none that forceth us to have recourse to Indivisibles : For Points are not the Parts of a Line , but smaller Lines ; neither are the Parts of a Surface Indivisible Lines , but smaller Surfaces ; neither are the Parts of a Body Atoms , or Indivisibles , but Particles indefinitely lesser , or Divisible without end . For in things extended we can never come to the very least Part , because as long as it is extended , it cannot but be conceiv'd Divisible . Whence proceeds that Axiom , that no Quantity or Magnitude can be made of that which is not Quantitative . If you say that the Terms or extreams of Magnitude cannot be explain'd without them ; I answer , that every Extended Being is sufficiently terminated by the negation of any further Extension : Nor do I see , what can be more requir'd to the Termination of a thing , than that it is no further extended . If it be said that they are necessary to joyn the Parts of Matter . I answer that neither are they necessary upon that account , because the Parts of Matter sufficiently hang together without standing in need of a third to link them together V. An Argument to prove Atoms . You will Object , that there are some Particles in Bodies so small , that they cannot be divided ; and without question there may be such , as Atoms , and the like , which can by no human artifice be made less than they are ; and yet no Body can deny these to be Corporeal Substances ; therefore it cannot be said that a Body is divisible into parts that are always further Divisible . VI. Epicurus his Atoms are Divisible . I say it is Impossible that any Body should have any parts so small as to be Indivisible , because the least part or Atome of a Body is extended , and therefore cannot be Indivisible . For Bodies as such are Extended , without which they cannot be conceived . For suppose an Atome lying on a Plain , or three Atomes join'd together on a Plain , they must be suppos'd to have Sides , whereby they touch both themselves and the Plain , which is their Extension . VII . How Matter is said to be Divisible . Matter therefore is Indefinitely Divisible ; that is , the Mind of Man in the Division of Matter can never come to a Term where it is stopt from proceeding further ; for the least Particle will always be extended , and whatsoever is extended must therefore be conceiv'd to have distinct Parts , and what is conceiv'd to have such Parts ; must be conceiv'd Divisible ; especially if we consider that God can do whatsoever we do clearly and distinctly conceive . And tho' God , it may be , will have it so , that some Atomes should not be actually divided by us , yet we must not say that he hath deprived them of the Power to be divided ; for we clearly understand that they can be divided by God , as long as we suppose them to be Extended . Therefore Indivisibles cannot enter the Composition of a Body ; forasmuch as nothing is found in a Body , that doth not consist of Length , Breadth and Depth . VIII . Matter is Indefinitely Divisible . But tho' the Parts of Matter be always Divisible , so as that we can never come to the very least of them ; yet doth it not follow therefore that the Parts of Matter are Infinite , but only Indefinite . For it is one thing to say a thing is Infinitely Extended ; and another , to say it is only Indefinitely so . That is Infinite in which there are no Bounds at all , and so God alone is Infinite : Whereas those things which in some respect only have no End , are better called Indefinite , than Infinite ; such as Matter is , which divide it never so much , will still be further divisible . And herein Magnitude differs from Multitude , because in the latter we come by division to a Unity or Indivisible ; whereas in the Division of the former , we may still go on , and divide for ever . Because a Body cannot be divided into so many Parts , but that every one of them will still be capable of a further Division ; and therefore these parts are said to be Indefinitely , extended . This will appear more clearly by an Argument taken from Geometry , because in that Science it can be demonstrated , that there are some Magnitudes which have no common Measure , and therefore are called Incommensurable , as are the Diagonal line , and the sides of a Quadrangle or Square Figure . IX . What Quantities are said to be Commensurabe . Two Quantities are said to be Commensurable , when we can find a Third , which is a Part of both the one and the other , that is to say , which measures them both . Thus a Pace and a Rod are two Commensurable Quantities , because we can name a third Quantity , viz. half a Foot , which will measure both a Pace and a Rod ; for the half Foot taken five times , will be equal to a Pace , and the same Measure taken twelve times will be equal to a Rod. X. What Quantities are Incommensurable . Fig. 1. But if no such third Quantity can be found to measure them both , then those Quantities are called Incommensurable . Supposing therefore the Figure ABCD to be a Quadrangle , it is manifest by Geometrical Demonstration that the side of AB is in Commensurable with the Diameter or Diagonal AB . XI . The Divisibility of Matter Demonstrated Divide we then in our Mind the Line AB into a thousand equal Parts , and every one of those again into a thousand more , and these last again into a thousand other equal Parts . This Division may be continued for a hundred years , and yet shall we never be able to come to Parts so small , that we can say that the Line AC contains a certain and determinate number of them . Which could never happen so , if Extension could not be Indefinitely prolonged . For after the Division , by Example of the Line AB into the least Parts into which Extension could be divided , it would necessarily follow that the Line AC contains a certain and determinate number of them . Wherefore we must conclude that every Extension , or determinate Portion of Matter is Indefinitely Divisible . XII . An Objection against the Divisibility of a Body . It may be oppos'd to this Demonstration , that in case all Bodies were Indefinitely Extended , it would follow that two Bodies of unequal Magnitude , would have an equal number of Parts . Yea , moreover if it be granted that one Part of a Body be Indefinitely Divisible , there will be as great a Divisibility in one part as in the whole ; For Example , in a grain of Barley as in the whole Field wherein it grew . But this seems ▪ very absurd , that there should be as much divisibility in the least part of Matter as in the vastest quantity ; wherefore Indefinite Partition cannot agree to Extension . XIII . The First Answer . To which I answer in the first place , that they are very much mistaken who attribute Equality or Inequality to a thing Indefinite , these being the Properties of Finite things only . For how can those things be call'd Equal or Unequal , which are Indefinitely divisible , and to the least part of which we can never come ? Those things only can be call'd Equal or Unequal , which we can comprehend , and compare together ; but not those which are Indefinitely Divisible , and which our Mind can neither apprehend , nor compare together . XIV . The Second Answer . Secondly , supposing two unequal Bodies , should be divided into an equal number of Parts , yet would it not follow thence that those two Bodies were Equal ; because the Parts of one Body , would proportionably be greater than the Parts of the other Body , and therefore the Divisibility of one Grain would not be so great , as that of the whole Field wherein it grew , tho' it be Divisible into as many parts . XV. The Incomprehensibility of the Divisibility of Matter is no Argument against the Truth of it . Neither it a sufficient argument against this , that some say they cannot comprehend how the least Body should be Indefinitely Divisible ; for who knows not that there is a vast number of things which cannot be comprehended by the Imagination ? The famous ROHAULT proves this by two Examples , very pat to the purpose , viz. by the Division of Gold which is made by the Gold-beaters , and the partition of the same Gold made by the Wire-drawers . XVI . The Division of Gold by Gold-beaters . For the Gold-beaters of one ounce of Gold make 2790 Square Leaves of Gold ; each side of which contains two inches and ten Lines ; and if we deduct hence the Wast Pieces that are cut off , which almost reach to one half of it , the surface of every Leaf of Gold will be found to contain 1156 square Lines ; so that all of them joyned together side by side , will make out a superficies of 3155880 square Lines . And if we add to this the Third part thereof for the Loss in the making , it will follow that the Gold-beaters out of one Ounce of Gold , beat 4270840 square Lines . Seeing therefore this Number includes 159092 , the quantity of the Basis of the Cube of one Ounce weight , it is without doubt that that Cube , which contains only five Lines with a Seventh part in height , is at least divided into 159812 square Segments . XVII . The Division of Gold by Wire-drawers . And tho' this Division of Gold into Leaves be very surprizing , yet is it much Inferiour to that which is performed by the Wire-drawers . These have commonly lying by them many pieces of Gold of a Cylindrical figure , being every one of them of 16 Marks weight ; one of the most regular of which pieces was shewed to the foresaid Philosopher , the length whereof was of two Inches and nine Lines , so that the Cylindrical superficies of it was of about 12672 square Lines : This Superficies being cover'd with many Leaves of Gold , which put together weighed an Ounce and an half , was through the holes of a perforated Plate , drawn into Wire of the thinness of an Hair. Of this Thred he took 150 Foot , which he found upon exact weighing to weigh 36 grains , wanting a part of a Grain : So that the foresaid Cylindrical Mass , at this rate , must make a Thred of 307200 Foot long ; whence follows , that it was drawn out 115200 longer than it was at first , and consequently that its superficies did exceed its first length above 340 times . If we add to this , That this thin Thred may be beaten into a Leaf , and thereby obtain a superficies twice as big as it was before , and so will exceed its first Magnitude 680 times , and consequently make 80616960 square Lines : And that after the whole Thred is thus beaten into a Leaf , the superficies of it is all cover'd with Gold : It follows thence , that one half Ounce of that Metal , whose Leaf is cover'd with Gold , is to that degree attenuated , that the superficies of it consists of 80616960 square Lines . Wherefore seeing that quantity contains 325795 times 26 Lines , and 22 / 49 , which is the value of the Basis of the Cube of Gold of one Ounce , it necessarily also follows , that the Thickness of Gold , which covers the gilt Leaf , is at last reduced to the 325795 22 / 49 part of the half of the height of one Ounce ; so that the quantity of five Lines , with a seventh part , hath at this rate been divided into 651590 equal parts . XVIII . Every thing that 〈◊〉 cannot comprehend , is not therefore impossible . And lastly , If we consider that this Division of Gold might still be carried further , if the Metal so extended were not design'd to certain uses , which cannot permit any further attenuation of it ; as likewise that there are many Agents in Nature , who carry their work to a greater degree of Subtilty and Tenuity , it will still appear more clearly , that that is not impossible which our Imagination cannot perceive or comprehend . XIX . Mat●er is impenetrable . Another property of Matter is , Impenetrability , which tho' Negative , agrees to a Body , as well as Divisibility . For since to be Extended , is nothing else but to have Parts distinct from each other , it implies a Contradiction , that one Part should take up the place of another , or that one Part should be contained in the other , or ( which is the same ) that one Part should be another . For it cannot be conceived , for Example , that the Part A of an Extended thing , should penetrate the Part B equal to it , without conceiving the middle Part of the Extension of A to be taken away or annihilated ; now that which is annihilated cannot penetrate another thing . Besides , since any determinate Body , Ex. gr . of a Foot long , hath all things necessary to the constitution of such a Quantity , there can no other Body of a Foot long be added to it , without making an Extension of two Foot : And to reduce them by Penetration to one Foot , is not so much to joyn one Body to another , as to destroy it ; and therefore we must conclude , that Matter is is impenetrable , and that Penetration and Extension can never agree together . XX. Mensurability , Divisibility , and Impenetrability are the Properties of Matter . Whence it is evidently deducible , that Mensurability , Divisibility , and Impenetrability , are the Properties of Matter , because they always accompany it , and can never be separated from it . For that I call the Essential Property of any Subject , which we conceive to agree with any Subject , and which necessarily follows it : As , it is the Essential Property of a Triangle , that two of its sides taken together are greater than the third ; Or , that three Angles are aqual to two right ones , because these so agree to a Triangle , as necessarily to accompany and inhere in the same . CHAP. V. Of the Division of Matter into Sensible and Insensible Parts . I. Matter it divided by Motion . THo' Motion be only the Mode of a Body , and cannot be conceiv'd to be without it ; yet is it so much conducing to the Beauty and Harmony of the World , that all the Matter in it would be without Form , if it were not divided by Motion , and cloath'd with those Affections we find in the several parts of it . Hence it is the Philosophers tell us , That Nature is the Principle of Motion and Quiet , because by means thereof Material Substances acquire that variety we observe in them . By Motion Bodies get Heat , and by Rest they become Cold. But when Philosophers define Nature to be the Principle of Motion and Rest , they are not so to be understood by us , as if all the variety we find in Matter were the effect of Motion and Rest , forasmuch as that depends also on the Magnitude , Figure and Scituation ; but only that they are the Principal Attributes of Natural Bodies . For there is no question , but that from the Beginning , Motion made the distinction of Bodies , and gave them those Qualities and Affections , which we find in them . And hence it is , that Sensible and Insensible Parts do arise . II. Of Parts , some are Sensible , others Insensible . Sensible Parts are those , which being made up of many Insensible ones , do affect the Senses . Insensible are those , which because of their smalness do not fall under Sense , and are only known by their Effects , or the Discourse of Reason . III. There are Insensible Parts in the World. Neither can we doubt of the Existence of such Parts in the World , if we thrôly examin the Nature of a Body , and consider the Inseparable Properties that belong to it . For every Body is Divisible , so as that we can never come to the last Particle of it ; though it be certain , that by continual Division , we shall at last come to a part , which because of its littleness , will not be perceived by our Senses , and yet will not therefore lose the Nature of a Body ; because as Division doth not constitute the Nature of a Body , so neither can it destroy it . Wherefore , there are Insensible parts in Matter , which none of the Organs of our Senses can give us any notice of . IV. Fluid Bodies consist of many Insensible Parts . This appears most of all in Fluid Bodies , which consist of such small parts that no sense can perceive them . Thus we see that Flesh , Bread and other things are spoil'd by the Air and Water ; but how this is done our Reason only can inform us : for we gather from the effects that some Insensible Particles of the Air and Water , insinuating themselves into the Pores of the Flesh and Bread , do there settle themselves in a manner contrary to their constitution as to Figure , Motion , Situation and Rest ; wherein the Nature of Corruption doth precisely consist . For we cannot conceive any Body to be corrupted , but by the accession of some foreign parts , which are contrary to those of its first constitution : And forasmuch as these small particles are not discoverable by any of the Senses , they may well be call'd Insensible Parts . V. All Bodies cannot affect our Senses . Neither is it any matter of Wonder , that these Least particles do not affect our Senses ; because our Nerves , by which we perceive external things , are like to so many small Cords , that are Compounded of many particles , less than themselves , and therefore cannot be shaken by the least of Bodies ; and consequently cannot carry external Bodies to the Brain , where the chief Seat of the Senses is . And I suppose every Rational Man will own , that it is much better to judge of what happens in little Bodies , not subject to Sense , suitable to what our Senses perceive to happen in great Bodies , than to invent I know not what strange things , which have no likeness at all with the things we do perceive by our Senses . VI. From our Clothes , Iron , &c. Particles proceed , which no Sense can give us any notice of . Besides , we do daily experience , that a Knife loseth certain of its small Particles by being Whetted , and that many such like wear away from our Clothes , neither of which are perceived by our Senses . For the Polishing of hard Bodies , and the wearing away of Woollen-cloth or Silks , is done by the loss of such Parts , as our Senses , by Reason of their smalness , cannot discern . Wherefore it is most certain , that there are parts of Matter which cannot be discernd by themselves , tho' being joyn'd with others they can make up a sensible Body : This being a thing easily demonstrable by the growth of Bodies ; and is acknowledged by Divine PLATO in his Timaeus in these Words : Concerning these little Bodies , we are to conceive thus , that if they be taken singly by themselves , none of them , because of their Parvity , can be seen by us , whereas when many of them are joyned , their Bulk presently appears . VII . We are to Philosophize of Insensibile parts after one and the same manner . Wherefore we are to Philosophize alike of Insensible as of Sensible Parts . For as we own some Bodies to be compounded of Parts , actually distinct from each other , ( as we see small Dust in Stones , and filaments in Flesh ; ) so likewise it is consonant to Reason , to admit other parts of the same kind , which because of their Smalness cannot be perceived ; and their Analogy persuades us to Judge and Discourse of them both after the same manner : Seeing that without them , the Qualities and Operations of Bodies cannot be explained . For how can I apprehend the cause why Oil is more easily congeal'd than VVater , without conceiving the Particles of Oil to be hooked and Branchy ▪ which makes them more easily to cleave together , than those of VVater ? And that Water is more hard to congeal , because its Parts are slippery , and united together , as Eels are , as shall be said hereafter . And yet no Body ever discern'd either the Parts of Oil to be Branchy , or those of Water to be figured like Eels . And therefore it is evident that in Natural things , there must be Parts allowed , that are only discernible by the Understanding or Imagination . VIII . Insensible Parts are not therefore to be accounted Atoms or Indivisible Neither are we from hence to infer , that such Particles as these , are Atoms , that is , altogether Indivisible : For being Parts of Matter , they must need include Extension ; and it implies a Contradiction , that what is Extended should be Indivisible ; for every Extended Being , hath Parts distinct from each other , and consists of Divers Dimensions , which cannot be said of Atoms or Indivisibles : Neither can we conceive any Insensible Parts to be so solid , as not to be Naturally Divisible : Nor is any Body so compact , but that by a strong Motion it may be dissolved ; or if we should suppose this impossible to the Powers of Nature , yet we cannot deny God the Power to do it ; seeing there is nothing else required to the Divisibility of a Body , but its Extension , and that it be Subject to those Affections which constitute a Body , as hath been said before . IX . They are Figured . Moreover these Atoms are of several Figures ; now whatsoever is Figured , must have Parts , which Parts as they cleave together , whilst they are at Rest , so are they disjoyn'd again , whenever there is made an impulse upon them , strong enough to overcome their Rest . And this cannot but happen in that hurry , wherein the Particles of Bodies are continually tost to and fro . X. And are Indefinite●y Divisible . Wherefore we conclude that there are no Atoms , or Indivisible Parts of Matter , but only Bodies of an Indefinite Littleness , which are continuous , and by the interposition whereof other Bodies touch one another . For the Sensible Particles do not properly touch one another , but are rather like Baskets made of Twigs , which cannot be immediately united together , but borrow all their continuity from the Insensible Parts , by the various Inflexion and Disposition whereof they become Contiguous , as shall be hereafter shewn at large . CHAP. VI. Of the Three-fold kind of Matter , and that there are no more than Three Elements of the World. I. In Sciences we are to proceed from Simple things to compound . THe exactest Method of handling Sciences , as to my Judgment , is to deduce the thing under Examination from its first Original , and dillgently to search from what Principles it doth proceed . This is the common way of Philosophers , who do not begin their Treatises with Compounds , but Premising things that are simple , proceed from them , to those that are compounded , and the manner how they are made up of them . This is the way used by METAPHYSICIANS , who beginning with Entity in common , from thence come down to a Body , which is its Species , and afterwards divide it , into a Terrestrial and Celestial Body . And the same is observed by GEOMETRICIANS , who do not presently consider a Body as it consists of three Dimensions , but first of all Imagin an Indivisible Point , which by its course or the diffusing of it self makes a Line , which is a Length without Breadth . Afterwards they suppose this Line to move crosswise , whence ariseth an Extension bounded by Lines ; and to this they give the name of Surface , which is Length , and Breadth ▪ with out Profundity . And lastly from these multiplied ariseth a Body , extended in Length , Breadth and Profundity . II. God did not proceed thus in the Creation of the World. Which way of Teaching tho' it be very suitable for the Demonstration of Natural and Metaphysical Objects ; yet did not God make use of it in the Creation of the World. For he did not first produce an Entity in General , then a Body , and last of all Heaven , Earth , Plants , &c. Neither did he first constitute a Point , from the Motion whereof a Line might arise , from Lines a Surface , and from multiplied Surfaces , a Body . But tho' I own that the World in the first moment of its cr●ation was perfect , and that it was not increased by vicissitude of times , yet it will not be absurd for me to establish some Principles , whence we may suppose that Natural Things have been produc'd , tho' they were not in that precise manner created by God. Because those things are more clearly known by us , which are deduced from a Principle , and by a continual vicissitude are brought forth and encrease , than such as are consider'd in an absolute state of Perfection . III. Physicians do the same in their treating of Plants and Animals . Thus Physicians in order to their explaining of the Generation and growth of a Chicken , begin with the Egg , and shew what parts are daily framed therein , by the Incubation or brooding of the Hen. And so they who examine the nature of Plants , begin with their first Original and Propagation , and then proceed to the considering of them in their Sprouting , Growing , Blooming and bringing forth Fruit. For as ARISTOTLE saith in his First Book of a Commonwealth , he that takes a view of things in their First Rise , will best of all perceive the Truth of them . IV. The first thing suppos'd is , that at the Beginning the Parts of Matter were divided by Motion . Let us suppose therefore the Matter of the Universe to be put into Motion , and that it was divided by God into Parts , much of an Equal Bigness , not round ( because many round Bodies put together , touch one another only in a point , and consequently leave many Empty Spaces ) but into Parts of another Figure , and of a mean bigness between those that constitute the Heaven and the Stars , which we suppose to be whirl'd round about their own Centers ▪ V. The Original of the First and Second Element . This being suppos'd , it will be easily made out , how the Elements came to be ; for of whatsoever Figure we imagine the Parts of the World to have been , so they have but several Angles and Sid●s , it must follow that by running against one another , their Angles must by degrees have been worn away , and their Figure thereby chang'd to Roundness . For by an Angle we understand nothing else , but that Prominency which hinders a Body from being round ; which Angles being worn of , a Spherical Body must thence arise . For Bodies , whirld by various motions for a long time together , do at last become round , as appears in those things that are turned . And the parts of this Matter are called the Second Element . VI. The Matter of the First Element , fills the Spaces that are left between the foresaid small Round 〈◊〉 . And forasmuch as a Vacuum implies a Contradiction , and that all spaces are fill'd with Bodies , there must be some more subtil Matter to fill the intervals that are found between those small round Bodies , which is performed by those Particles , which like Shavings , are rub'd off by Motion from Bodies ; for they being very slender and flexible , easily accommodate themselves to the Figures of the Bodies they are contiguous to . Moreover by this Attrition or Rubbing against one another , they have obtained a very great degree of Swiftness ; so as that by the meer force of their Motion , they are further divided into innumerable Particles , and are sufficient to fill up all the little spaces left between the Globuli . VII . The Parts of the First Element are not of the same Bigness . Now tho' this Matter be very subtile , yet we must not think that all the parts thereof , are of the same smallness , as appears in Sawdust , or in Filings . Wherefore the lesser of those particles will be more easily moveable than the thicker and bigger ; and the Particles of the First Element will move more swiftly than those of the Second Element : For tho' they receive their Motion from these latter , yet because of the ways they must run through , their Motion must needs be accelerated : For whilst the Globuli of the Second Element pass through streight or right-on , and open ways , they thrust those through narrow and cross ways . And indeed we find by Experience that the narrowness of Passage conduceth much to swift Motion , as we find in a Bellows , whence the Air proceeds with great swiftness , by reason of the narrowness of its Nuzzle . VIII . The Rise of the Third Element . But tho' most parts of the Matter be Round , and that the Particles that are worn off from them , be such as I have now described , yet we must suppose that many parts of the Matter , having been bigger , and of more irregular Figures than the rest , it was more easy for them to join themselves with many others , than to become round ; and these are they that constitute the Third Element , which we may call the Element of the Earth , because the parts of it have little or no Motion , whereby they might change their situation with regard to one another ; in like manner as we may call the First , the Element of Fire , because of its subtilty , and the swift agitation of its Parts ; and the Second Element , that of Air , because its Parts are bigger , and less agitated than those of the First Element . IX . How it comes to pass that the Matter of the First Element , doth not encrease continually . But from this supposition , that the Matter of the First Element , did at first arise from the hitting together of the Globuli , one difficulty does arise , viz. that it seems to follow from hence , that this Matter ought to encrease continually , because the Globuli of the Second hitting one against another incessantly , must needs strike off some Particles from each other , and that consequently the Sun and fixt Stars , which consist of this Element , must be encreased continually by reason of a never ceasing affluence of new Matter . X. Answer . This Difficulty may be easily answer'd , by considering the mutual Conversion of the Elements into each other . For from the Matter of the First Element sometimes a thick Body is made , as may be seen in the Spots that grow about the Sun , and obscure some part of its light . For if we examine their first Original , we shall find that at the Beginning , they are very thin Bodies , which repel the impulse of the Particles of the First Element , which by running against them , cleave to them , and being condensed by the Motion of the Suns Substance , become big and Opake Bodies . And by this means the First Element , is turned into the Third , which being afterwards dissolved , becomes again the First Element by acquitting its former swift agitation , and by being divided into Particles of Indefinite Parvity . XI . The Number of the Elements . Wherefore being resolv'd to deviate from the Sentiments of the Antients , since we want other Latin Words whereby to express them , we will distinguish the Names of these Elements only by Numerals , and call them the First , Second and Third Element . XII . What the First , Second and Third Elements are . By the First Element , we understand with Des Cartes , a most subtil Matter very swiftly agitated , fluid , and keeping to no certain figure , but which suits it self to the Figure of those bodies that are about it . By the Second Element , we mean very small Globules , that is , Bodies exactly round and very solid , continually whirl'd about , and which do not only like the First Element , fill up the Pores of Bodies , but also constitute the Purest Substance of the Aether and Heaven . By the Third Element we understand a Matter consisting of thicker and Branchy Parts , full of Angles and unfit for Motion , of which the Earth , Water , Air , and all mixt Bodies do consist . XIII . The Definition of an Element in General . An Element therefore Generally taken , is a Formed Primordial Matter , whence the variety or difference of Bodies takes its rise . Or it is a simple Body , of which mixt Bodies are compounded , and into which they are resolv'd again at last . First , an Element is said to be a Matter Formed , b●●ause Elements were at first made out of Matter , by the Introduction of certain Modes into it . It is called Primordial , forasmuch as Elements are the Principles of mixt Bodies , not made of any other Bodies , as mixt Bodies are , but immediately produc'd from the Matter from which all variety of Bodies takes its rise , as proceeding only from the various Modification and conjunction of the Elements . XIV . These three Elements are sufficient for the explaining of all Natural things . It remains next to shew that these three Elements of the World , are sufficient to explain all natural effects whatsoever , and that therefore there is no need of feigning any other . This will appear if we consider the several kinds of things in the World , for according to their Diversity we are to settle the Distinction of Elements . And seeing all Bodies may be reduc'd to three General Heads , just so many Elements , and no more are we to look for in the World. Now Bodies are either lucid or shining , as are the Sun and fixt Stars : and these are made of the First Element ; or Transparent as are the Heavens , which transmit the Rays of the Sun and Stars ; and these do consist of the second Element : Or lastly , Dark and Opake , which reflect the Rays they receive from Lucid Bodies , such as are the Comets and Planets , and these consist of gross and corner'd parts , which as we have said , do constitute the third Element . XV. Why the Sun is called Lucid , and the Heaven Pellucid or Transparent . For it cannot be doubted but that the Sun and the fixt Stars are Lucid Bodies , as coming near the Nature of Flame , and exactly resembling all the Properties of Fire , and therefore they cannot consist of any other Matter save that of the first Element : And the Heavens are said to be Transparent , and compacted of the Globuli of the Second Element , forasmuch as by means of them they transmit the Light to us . Now we must not imagine that these Globuli or Pellets of the second Element , are immediately joyn'd together , since that implies a Contradiction ; but the subtil Matter runs between them , and takes up the places they themselves cannot fill because of their roundness . The same thing being also to be observed in other Bodies which reflect the Light , for a great quantity of the Matter of the first Element doth always pierce and permeate the Earth and the Planets . XVI . Things compounded of the Elements . Wherefore three sorts of Bodies are chiefly to be consider'd in the World ; the Sun and the Stars which consist of one only kind of Matter ; the Heaven which includes both the first and second Element ; and the last or lowest , which contains all the three kinds of Matter , as the Planets and Comets . XVII . Objection . You will say , it may be , that it is an Argument of Rashness and Profaneness to set down another order of conceiving of things , than God himself hath observed in the making of them ; and that we cannot look upon things to be the effect of certain feigned Principles of our own which we know were created by the sole Command and will of God. XVIII . Solution . I answer , that it is no Argument at all of either Rashness or Profaneness , for a Man to distribute those things into many parts , which he cannot conceive all together , and to follow such an order of conceiving of things , as is consentaneous to the Laws of Nature establisht by God , tho' he knows that God did not make use of this Order in the Creation of things . For otherwise not only all Philosophers , but Divines also would be found blameworthy . For do not Divines divide Gods Decrees into many , which notwithstanding in God are only one most simple act ? They link divers Decrees in a certain order together , and suppose some of them to have been before , and others after , tho' indeed there never was any such Series or Connexion of Decrees in God. But who has ever undertaken to blame them for this ? Except it be some of those , who that they may seem to be wise , will not stick to find fault with Heaven it self . Now if this may be done without blame in the Decrees of God , which are God himself ; much more will it be lawful for us to conceive the Universe of Bodily things ( which is different and diverse from God , and made by him in the space of six days ) as successively springing from certain Elements by the wise and Powerful disposing of God. And the rather , because if God had will'd to produce this World successively from Elements , doubtless he might have done it , without any prejudice to his Power or Wisdom . XIX . The Elemen●s of the Chym●sts . The Chymists , accounted by some the only Philosophers , and Natures Secretaries , hold five Principles , Mercury , Sulphur , Salt , Caput Mor tuum or Dead Earth , and Phlegm ; there beingscarcely any Body out of which they cannot produce these several Natures , as they tell us . For that by the means of Fire ▪ or some other Analogous Agent , they can so resolve things , that by separating the parts , whereof they were compounded , they can discern their several Forms and Quantities . Wherefore the more subtil part which they draw off by Fire , they call Mercury , Spirit or Aqua vitae ; the Thicker and Fatter part they call Oil and Sulphur ; and the most fixed , which is last of all extracted , they name Salt. Besides these there remains behind a certain terrestrial matter , being the dregs or dross of the Resolved Body , which they term the Caput Mortuum , or Damned Earth ; and a watry and insipid liquor they call Phlegme . XX. The Principles of the Chymists cannot be said to be first Elements . These Principles of the Chymists , cannot be said to be the First Elements of things , as not being those things into which Bodies are resolv'd last of all , but such as proceed from them by a prior Resolution , after which they may be yet further resolv'd into much more simple parts , as the most experienced Chymists do confess . It hath been prov'd by a late Experiment , that a thick Oil distill'd from various Plants , hath been so rectified by many reiterated distillations , that at every Rectification an equal Portion of Common Water hath been added to it : And after many Distillations , they have got from it a quantity of Water , impregnated wit●h much volatile Salt , besides a confiderable portion of Earth , so that at last only a little thin Oil remained , of a great many ounces ; which by more Rectifications might have been wholly resolve● into Phlegme , Volatile Salt and Earth . So that neither the Burning Spirit of Wine , nor Oil it self , nor Sulphur , can be reckon'd amongst the first Principles of things , as being only secondary Concretions , which depend on such as are more simple . XXI . The Extracted Salts , are not simple . Neither can I persuade my self that the Salts extracted out of the Ashes of Plants , &c. are so simple as not to consist of some thing more simple than themselves . For when I consider that Sea-fish , which for a great part , are nourished with Salt-water , have not the least taste of Salt ; and on the contrary that Men and Beasts , who do not so much feed on Salt Things , do void Salt Urine , Sweat , and sometimes Spittle too , I am very apt to persuade my self that Salt it self is not the first conc●etion of Parts , but only a secondary , and which depends only on a Mechanical contexture . XXII . The Chymists do not , in this their Enumeration , comprehend all Principles . These Principles therefore , notwithstanding they are so highly valued by the Chymists , do not comprehend all things out of which Bodies are compounded : For tho' they extract Waters by their Distillations , that is , the most slippery and flexible parts of Bodies , which they ascribe to Mercury : Oils also , that is , those Branch-like Parts that do easily entangle and hang together , which they attribute to Sulphur ; and the remaining very thin parts , that are easily mixt with Water , and incorporate with it , which they refer to Salt : Yet all this while they make not the least mention of that subtil Matter , whose Existence we have here owned and asserted , and which is of absolute necessity to the composition of most natural things . XXIII . The Parts of Bodies are greatly changed by Distillation . Moreover , who would own those things to be the Principles of Natural Bodies , which are quite changed , and have got another nature ? For Fire being extreamly active , cannot extract the parts of any compound , without violently agitating , and dividing them into less Parts , which Division cannot happen without a change of their Figure , and by consequence of their Nature . Now Experience proves that the nature of things is alter'd by Distillation ; because that after all the Parts into which a mixt Body can be resolv'd , are put together again , that which thence ariseth is not the same with that it was before , but is quite of another Nature . XXIV . According to the opinion of the Chymists there are more than five Elements . We may add this also , that the Chymists deceive themselves by making only five Elements ; because according to the Method and way whereby they have found out these , they may procure a vast greater number of Elements , yea such as the Mind of Man cannot reach . For the same Mercury is not drawn from all Bodies ; nor the same Sulphur , seeing that which is drawn from Wine is very different from that they get out of Oil. Neither is it the same Salt they extract from all Plants , since that of the Ash hath a Caustick Virtue , which the Salt of Oak hath not . Wherefore we must conclude that Mercury , Sulphur and Salt are no Elements , because Elements are simple , and common to all mixt Bodies . XXV . The Chymical Principles presuppose a certain Texture of Parts . Moreover it is very probable that these five Principles do only differ by the Texture of their parts ; neither do I think that Oil differs from Spirit , save only in this , that the Parts of Oil , are by a long Fermentation , divided into smaller parts , and furnisht with lesser branches , whereby they are less apt to adhere to Bodies , and with more ease flee away from them . That it is so indeed , we may conclude from this noted Experiment , that from Plants and Juices much Oil is got before Fermentation , but very little Spirit ; whereas if you distill them after Fermentation , you shall have much Spirit , but a very small quantity of Oil. CHAP. VII . There are no Substantial Forms really distinct from Bodies . I. What the Peripaticks understand by substantial Forms . THey that follow ARISTOTLE , or rather his Interpreters , do all agree in this , that there are Substantial Forms , which together with the Matter constitute one Compound . By the name Substantial Form , they understand a certain Substance united to matter , which together with it constitutes a meer Bodily compound . Tho' both these parts are Bodily and Divisible , yet they assign a difference between them ; as that the Form is more a Substance than the Matter , because they consider it as Subsisting by it self , and is therefore by them called Actus or Actuality ; whereas they will have the Matter to be only Potentiality , which is perfected by the Form , from which also it derives all its Existency . Upon which account Matter is frequently call'd by ARISTOTLE a Non-Entity , a Non-Quiddity , and Non-Quality . II. There is nothing new in Nature which is not made by God. Tho' this Opinion be commonly approv'd of in Schools , and that they are accounted no less than Hereticks that reject it , yet Reason obligeth us to depart from it , and publickly to prosess that Substantial Forms are of no use in Natural Philosophy for the explaining of the Principles or causes of natural things ; yea , that all Natural Effects can better be explained without them . And the chief reason that persuades us to explode these Substantial Forms , is from their own nature . For there can be no substance that begins to be in the Nature of Things , which is not created by God ; forasmuch as every thing , both as to its Essence and Existence depends on him ; so that if there be any thing that begins to be , we may truly say of it , that it is produc'd by God : But many Substantial Forms according to them do daily exist anew , and yet are not suppos'd to be created of God by those that admit them ; therefore there is no ground at all for them . III. Substantial Forms can neither be produc'd nor annihilated by a created Agent . To confirm this ; what becomes of Substantial Forms , when they are separated from Matter ? Do they still continue , or do they perish ? If they continue , whither do they betake themselves ? What is their Virtue , or how do they work , being separate from Matter ? If they perish , as all do own , by what force are they destroy'd or annihilated ? Since Annihilation , as well as Creation , belongs to God alone ; and that it is only the Work of an Infinite Agent , to reduce an Existing Thing to Nothing ? For every single thing , always continues in the same state , except it be alter'd by an External Principle ; now it is repugnant to the Goodness of the Creator to produce things , that have in themselves the Principle of their own Destruction . IV. There is no instance in Nature of Annihilation . And after all , none of the Asserters of Substantial Forms , can produce one single Instance that ever any Substance was wholly destroy'd ; but will of its being chang'd into something else , and taking a new Figure . 'T is for this cause only that the Rational Soul is said to be immediately created by God , because it is a Substance . For a Material Accident , according to their Opinion , is not Created , but produc'd from the Potentiality of the Matter , after the manner of Substantial Forms ; wherefore , since these Substantial Forms are not suppos'd to be created , neither ought we to think them to deserve the name of Substance . V. These Forms being obscure nothing can be proved by them . This may also be proved another way . For Substantial Forms were only invented by the Peripateticks , to make out the Causes of all Actions , that are found in Natural Things , whereof they are the Principles , from whence they do proceed : But these Forms are of no use to the explaining of all these effects ; seeing that they themselves own them to be hidden , and that their virtues are not known to them . For whatsoever is clearly perceiv'd in Bodies , the same according to them is deny'd to be the Form , which they say lies hid in Bodies , and which they own to be imperceptible by the Mind it self . Wherefore when they say that some Action proceeds from Substantial Forms , they may well be reproach'd for having recourse to a Principle of Actions , the nature whereof they do not conceive , and by consequence neither can any thing of certainty be gather'd from it : Which alone , in my Judgment , is sufficient to reject them altogether , forasmuch as nothing is to be admitted in Philosophy , which is not clearly and distinctly perceived and known . For what can be more unworthy of a Philosopher , than to make those the Principles of Bodily Things , which he can neither explain by Definition , nor demonstrate by Experience , nor conceive in his Mind ? VI. Substantial Forms the Refuge of Ignorance . Would you take him for a Philosopher , who being asked about the Nature of Fire and Water , should tell you that Fire is Fire , and Water , Water ? For is it not much the same thing , to say that Fire and Water are such by their Substantial Forms ? Or would you think him to be an Interpreter of Nature , who being demanded about the Phases , or Appearances of the Moon or Venus , and the Principles of the Stars , would answer , that they proceed from Forms , as from their Inward Principles ? What is this but to call all things by one name , and comprehend them under one and the same Notion ? VII . By admitting Material Forms ; it may be question'd whether the Rational Soul be not of the same Nature . But you 'l say , it is dangerous to reject all Substantial Forms , forasmuch as this may be an occasion of doubting , whether there be any Substantial Form in Man , because we see the same operations in Brutes , which are perform'd in us . I answer , that the contrary ought rather to be inferr'd from hence ; for by admitting Bodily Substantial Forms , and such as are subject to Death , it may doubted , whether such Forms be not also in us , as they hold to be in Living Creatures ; whereas by utterly rejecting them , we extol the Dignity of Souls , by declaring them alone to be Substantial Forms , and that all the rest consist only in the Motion of the Animal Spirits , Configuration of Parts , &c. as shall hereafter be declared more at large . VIII . The Soul of Man being a Substantial Form , doth not prove that there are other Substantial Forms . But the Soul of Man being a Substantial Form , cannot be an Argument to prove other Substantial Forms ; because the Soul of Man is a Spirit , wholly distinct from Matter ; whereas other Forms are all of them Material , and consequently extended : whence we must conclude that they are Modes of Matter ; or if any of them be Substances , they must be Bodies of a particular Nature , which united to other Bodies , constitute Natural Compounds . IX . Neither did Aristotle ever own them . Wherefore the Schoolmen certainly differ from ARISTOTLE , when they assert the Forms of Natural Beings to be Substantial . He indeed owns the Form to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but by this word he doth not mean Substance , which belongs to the General Nature of Body ; but Essence , which relates to the Special Nature of a Determinate Body . As for example , the Form or shape of Apollo , is of the Essence of the Statue whereby Apollo is represented , but yet is not of the Substauce of it , as the Stone or Wood is of which it is made . X. An Objection fetch'd from the Distinction of Living Creatures . But they will urge further , and say , that Brute Animals differ amongst themselves , but they cannot differ by the Matter , because that is the same in all viz. a thing extended in Length , Breadth , and Depth . Therefore there must be a Form by which they may be distinguisht from one another . The Major is proved from Scripture , which saith that God created the Living Creatures according to their kinds , and the Fowl of the Heaven according to their kind . XI . Solution . I answer , that we freely grant all this . For the names of Genus or Species do not always denote Substantial Differences , but sometimes only Accidental ones : And this way Animals do differ , who are differently disposed and moved ; much in the same manner as Clocks may be said to be distinguisht , because they have various Motions according to the different ways after which they are made . For not only Substances differ by Species or by Genus , but also Modes and Accidents ; for a Round Figure doth no less differ specifically from a Square , than Beasts and Fowl do ; and yet no body will be so senseless to assert , that those Figures differ by Substantial Forms ; since neither of them include any thing of Substance . And so likewise Beasts and Fowl are said to differ , because Matter is variously dispos'd and modified in them . XII . Another Objection drawn from the Difference o● Bodies . You will say that there are many Bodies in the Universe which do essentially differ , as Honey , and Wormwood ; and that this Essential Difference cannot proceed from any thing , but from Substantial Forms ; seeing that the Accidents that are in Honey and Wormwood , as to their Figure or Disposition of Parts , may be changed , whilst the Honey and Wormwood still continue the same . XIII . Solution of the Difficulty . I answer that Honey is constituted such as it is by its Form , and so essentially differs from Wormwood : But that this Form is a Substance I utterly deny , because the difference of these two , is only from the different configuration , situation , &c. of their Parts . For tho' it be accidental to Matter in general , to have the configuration of the Parts of Honey or Wormwood ; yet is it essential to Honey and VVormwood , to have such Modifications , to make them such Bodies . But of this more hereafter . CHAP. VIII . That there are no Qualities , or real Accidents distinct from Substance . I. What the Peripateticks Understand by Accidents . THe safest way to arrive to the knowledg of those things we enquire after , is to separate them from one another , and by this means distinguish what is obscure , from what is clear in them . But in the Observation of this Rule , we must have a care not to encrease the number of Objects , or to assign Existence to such things , which indeed cannot exist . Which some seem to have done by distinguishing Qualities and Accidents from Substances , and taking them for Real Entities , having a distinct Nature from the Subjects in which they are found . For they have defined them to be Things adventitious to Subjects , and that are by Nature distinguisht from them . And will have their Essence to consist not in an Actual , but Aptitudinal inherence , to shew that Accidents may exist separate from their Subjects . II. They Confound Substance with Accidents . But certainly they are in a great mistake , seeing that they confound the notion of an Accident with that of Substance , whatever they may say to the contrary . For every thing that is real involves an Aptitude to exist , and therefore is a Substance ; seeing by a Substance nothing else can be understood , but a Thing , which stands in need of the Concourse of God only to exist ; which how truly it agrees to an Accident , no body will deny , that owns an Accident to be something Real , and that it can exist separate from its Subject . Moreover , whatsoever is evidently and distinctly known by us , the same is true : But I clearly understand an Accident to be a real thing , and that it can exist independently of its Subject ; Therefore an Accident is to be called a Substance ; forasmuch as nothing else is contained in the Conception of a Substance . For no stronger Argument can be alledged to prove that two Things are the same , than that they have one and the same Definition . III. If Accidents be Real Entities the● may exist by themselves . But you will say , that A●cidents are very weak Entities , which stand in need of a Subject to support them , and that therefore they do not deserve the name of Substance . If this Answer were sufficient , it might as well be said that the Animal Spirits , and all insensible Particles of Bodies , ought to be reckon'd amongst Accidents , because they also want a Subject to support them , and from whence they have their permanency . It is sufficient to the nature of a Substance , that it be an Entity fit or apt to exist . Now forasmuch as Natural Accidents , which ARISTOTLE defines in his first Chapter of Praedicaments , are such Entities , and that Existence is no where to be found but in those Entities , we may well say that they subsist of themselves . IV. A Real Accident is a Substance , if the Definition of Substance agrees with it . And whereas they say that Accidents cannot naturally exist separate from Matter , but only by the Divine Power ; this is nothing to the Purpose ; for Gods Power doth not destroy the Nature of things , nor impart any new thing to them . Wherefore , if every thing that can Naturally be separated from its Subject be a Substance , then that also which by the Almighty Power of God can be without a Subject , may as well deserve the name of a Substance . And as to what they say that Accidents separated from their Subjects , do by a natural propensity require to be restored to them again , neither will this do them any service at all : For as a Bodily Substantial Form , which supernaturally can exist separate from its Subject , whence it is brought forth , doth not therefore cease to be a Substance , because of its natural propensity to be united to Matter ; so neither doth an Accident , that admits the Definition of a Substance , cease to have the Nature of a Substance , tho' by a Natural Propensity it requires to be placed in a Subject . Neither will this Exigence ever be able to hinder an Accident from being look'd upon as something Subsisting , which is sufficient to constitute the Nature of a Substance . V. Real Accidents are useless in Natural Philosophy . I cannot imagin why the Peripateticks take so much pains to introduce Accidents into the VVorld , when if there were any such , they could not be perceiv'd by any of our Senses : For every Sensation is perform'd by Contact ; now nothing but the Superficies of Bodies can be toucht ; and that Surface which is touched , is not a Real Accident , as they falsly imagine , but only the Mode of a Substance , as consider'd without Profundity . But they will say that Real Accidents are to be admitted in order to the explaining of Sensation : But neither is there any Necessity for this ; since nothing is requir'd to the moving of our Senses , besides the variously disposed Superficies of Objects : For we may easily understand how from the different Magnitude , Figure and Motion of the Particles of one Substance , divers local Motions may be produc'd in another : But we cannot conceive , how by them any such thing should be made as a Real Accident is , that hath power to produce local Motions in other Bodies . VI. This is illustrated by the Example of a Watch and Beaten Glass . The thing will become more evident by an Example : What is it in a VVatch that measures the hours ? Is it any Faculty or Power distinct from the VVatch it self ? Certainly 't is nothing besides the Magnitude of the Parts , the Fabrick of the VVheels , the Figure of the Spring , and other Mechanical aff●ctions that produce all those certain and constant Motions . Is there any virtue superadded to beaten Glass , which wounds the Membrans of the Guts , and makes it Poison ? Not at all : For the same Glass being ground to a very fine Powder may be taken into the Body without any danger at all ; and the Power in Beaten Glass of hurting the Bowels proceeds only from the Firmity or hardness of its Parts , and the Figure of them , not from any Occult Quality , nor from a Faculty distinct from it , proceeding from the Glass it self . VII . Whatsoever exists is Substance , not Acciden●s . Real Qualities therefore , as they call them , are not to be admitted by a Natural Philosopher , as being repugnant to sound Philosophy , and cannot be understood , even of those , who will needs have them distinct from their Subjects as if they were Real Entities . For who could ever conceive a thing to be distinct from another , in which it is , and yet to have no Existence but what is dependent upon it ? For every thing hath its own proper Existence , and whatsoever hath Existence , is without our thinking , in the nature of things , and therefore is no Accident . It seems a contradiction in Terms , to say that a thing exists , and yet wholly stands in need of the help of another that it may be ; as will be evident to him that minds his own Thoughts and Conceptions , rather than the Words that are tost in the Schools . VIII . Substance only , is an Entity . Accordingly ARISTOTLE himself Book 7. Metaph. chap. 10. expresly asserts that Substance alone doth properly deserve the name of Being , or Entity ; and that a Quality or Accident is not so much an Entity or Being , as the Entity of an Entity , or the Mode of a Being . For what is more contrary to Reason , than that that which hath no Essence of its own , but borrows its Existence from another , to which it is joined , should be reckon'd amongst Entities ? For as one thing only is said to be sound or Healthy , viz. an Animal ; and all other things are said only comparatively to be so , so far as they have any reference to the nature of an Animal ; so likewise we are to suppose , that Substance alone , according to propriety of Speech is an Entity , and all other things Analogically only , and with reference to that . Wherefore Quality in General is thus to be defined : A Mode of a Substance , or a certain adaptation of the Parts of a Body according to Motion , Situation , Figure , Magnitude and Rest . Forasmuch as from these a Body is denominated such like , and the Question What-like a thing is , may be fitly answer'd . IX . Wherein the Nature of Accidents or Modes doth consist . I am not ignorant that the Asserters of Real Qualities , do support their Opinion by ARISTOTLE'S Authority ; but I can never believe that so Great a Philosopher by Qualities did understand Real Accidents , but that thereby he only meant ( as far as can be gather'd from the Examples he alledgeth ) that there are divers dispositions of Parts in one Body , from what there are in another . In which sense I readily admit them , as supposing them only to consist in the Motion , Rest , Configuration and Situation of Parts . Thus Heat , for Example , is nothing distinct from the Fire , but is the very Substance of it , or the Flowing of its Particles , which penetrate and divide the Wood or any other Matter : So Figure is the Body it self , with regard to its being bounded by other Bodies from any further extension . So likewise Hunger , Thirst , Standing , and Sitting , are nothing else but various Affections or Mutations of a Body , which we consider as Modes , and not as Real Accidents , which may be separated from it . X. ●●ility , Soundness of Body and Beauty are m● any new things superadded to a Body . And the like we are to conclude concerning Agilaty , Health , Beauty , &c. For Agility is nothing else but a due Proportion of Spirits , and strength of the Nerves , that procure Bodily Motion . Health is nothing else , but a convenient Temperament of the Humors , and Aptness of the Members of the Body , in that state which Nature requires . Beauty is a fit disposition of Members and Colours , in a due Proportion to each other . And whosoever pretends Qualities to be any thing else , I dare aver that he doth not understand what he asserts ; seeing they cannot afford him any notice towards the apprehending of them , or any particular Idea concerning them . Nay he cannot so much as know wherein they consist , as shall be made evident hereafter in the case of Heaviness , Motion , and such like . Except he looks upon them as certain little Souls , under the notion of Spiritual Beings , which belong to Bodies , and perform the same in them , that our Souls perform in ours , when they move them . XI . Habits are no new things superadded to the Soul. A Modern Philosopher explains this point , by the Example of a Habit , which is defin'd to be an Adventitious Quality enabling the Subject to work with ease . Or , to use his Words ; The Vigor , Ability and Readiness of a Natural Faculty , acquird by repeated Acts , enabling one to do that better , more readily and certainly , which he hath several times tryed to do . For by frequent repeated Actions ( or by an Extraordinary vigor communicated by Gods Special Grace ) Habits are got , which are no new things superadded to our Soul , but only Modes , as when by frequent dancing , the Feet acquire a great degree of nimbleness , which Modifies the natural moving faculty . XII . The same thing shewed by the Example of a Watch. We see in a Watch that when the Wheels are but newly made , and rough , they move more slowly , which afterwards when the Surface of them has been worn and made smooth by long continued Motion , move more swiftly : Whence it is that frequently old Watches do Anticipate the time , and make shorter hours . But who will say that by this smoothing of the Wheels , any thing hath been added to them , besides a Modification ? since all the change that hath happened to them is , that the Wheels are become more smooth and polished , and their Motion swifter than it was before . And the same must be said of our Mind , when a Habit is added to it , that it can now understand that more readily and easily , which before it naturally did more slowly and difficultly , which plainly is nothing else but a Modification , and not any new thing added to our Understanding . XIII . If we admit Accidents to be Real , we shall not be able to know whether they belong to Matter of Spirit . Besides , if Accidents be Real , we shall never be able to know what Accidents belong to a Body , and what to a Spirit . For if Accidents have no Affinity with their Subjects , save this only , that they inhere in their Subjects , and yet are really distinct from them , we shall not be able to gather from the Perception of an Accident , whether the Substance in which it is , be Material or Spiritual ; that is , from the Colour , Figure and Magnitude we shall not be able to conclude that it is a Body rather than a Spirit ; neither shall we from Understanding and Willing , which are the Modes of a Spirit , be able to conclude , that the Substance endued with these Accidents is a Spirit ▪ No more than from the Nature of a Body to which the Soul is joined , we can conclude that the Mind is a Body , or the Body a Mind . XIV . Wherefore Qualities are to o● rejected . Forasmuch therefore as we are ignorant wherein the Nature of a Quality doth consist , and can frame no Idea of it , it is unbecoming a Philosopher to make use of that for the explication of Natural Effects , which can neither be understood , nor defin'd , nor made out by Experience . But why then , may some say , are these Qualities admitted by the Peripateticks ? Why , for no other reason but to mask and hide their own Ignorance , and that by fine words they may seem to know that , which indeed they do not . Accordingly if a Man ask them why such Medicaments purge , they will tell you , because of their Specifick Quality . Why doth the Loadstone draw Iron , or turns it self towards the Pole ? Because such is its Occult Quality . How comes it to pass that the Bones of Mermaids stop Bleeding ? Because they are endued with such a Quality . O excellent Philosophers ! who know that the Loadstone turns it self to the Poles , that Fire is Hot , that a Coal is Black , Honey sweet , Gall Bitter , because of inbred Qualities , but altogether unknown and conceal'd from us . XV. What we are to Understand by the Name of Accident . What are we to understand then by the word Accident , if they be not things distinct from the subject wherein they are ? I answer , It is that which happens to an extended Substance ; and therefore an Accident is not any thing Real , but a Mode depending on the Substance . Thus because we conceive the Roundness of a Piece of Wax , as having a dependent Existence on the Wax , we call it a Mode or an Accident . These Accidents have got several names , according to the several ways of our considering them ; for as Substances are affected and alter'd by them , we call them Modes ; as from them they are denominated such like , they are call'd Qualities , and when we only generally consider them as being in any Substance , we name them Attributes . XVI . An Accident or Mode cannot exist without its Subject . Whence it is evident that an Accident or Mode cannot exist without its Subject , nor pass from one Subject into another : for if that could be , it would follow , that when it was in the first Substance it did not absolutely depend on it , which implies a contradiction . CHAP. IX . What Intelligible Forms may be attributed to Natural things . I. Matter being Passive of it self , must have some Forms by which it may act . MAtter being of it self sluggish and idle , and Substantial Forms , and Real Accidents having been rejected by us , we must take careto furnish it with some Forms , that may give to it variety and Distinction . For since Matter is a Passive Principle , we are to procure it some Principles whereby it may be enabled to procure its effects : Which we shall easily meet with , if leaving the Schoolmen , we shall betake our selves to the Mathematicians , and build our Philosophy on their Principles . II. What are the Forms of an Extended Being . For having defin'd a Body to be a Substance extended in Length , Breadth , and Depth , it remains , that in Imitation of them we consider in it Magnitude , that i● , a determin'd Measure , which is call'd Continuous Quantity , or the number of its parts which is Discrete Quantity . Secondly , Figure , or the bounding Extremities of the Matter . Thirdly , its Situation , or diposal amongst other Bodies . Fourthly , its Motion , or change of Situation . Fifthly , its Rest , or abode in the same place . So that Quantity or Magnitude , Figure , Situation , Motion and Rest are the Intelligible Forms of all Bodies , whence their Rise , Nature or Essence , and Properties do depend . A material Form therefore is nothing else , but a Complexion of Affections and Modes , that are accommodate to a thing , and to its performing several Actions . Which Form in a sound sense may also be call'd Substantial , as being the Form of a Substance , that is , of the Matter , which it informs and perfects . For Forms give to all Natural Bodies Substance , and Essential Difference , and are the Springs of the operations of every thing , and therefore may well be called Substantial : They are contain●● in these Verses . Mind , Measure , Rest , and Motion , With Figure , and Position , To Matter join'd , the Causes be Of all what here below we see . III. From these the Distinction of things and their Actions do proceed . The variety of these Modes is the Mother of Different things , and their Conjunction the Dispositive Principle of all Actions ; which Art the Imitation of Nature abundantly teacheth us : For Artificial things do no otherwise differ from Natural , than that these for the curious contrivance , multiplicity and fitness of Organs do exceed the Former , and thereby witness the Transcendent excellence of the Artificer that made them . IV. The Conditions of true Forms . Now that these Modes are the Forms of Material things , will appear more clearly , by assigning those conditions to them , which belong to Forms . The First is , that the Form be proportionate to the Matter , so as to Determine and Define the same , which some call Actuating . The Second , That as there is but one and the same Matter of all Bodies ; so likewise there be but one common Form to them all , and such as shall affect them all alike . The Third , That as all do own Matter to be a thing Extended and Divisible ; so the Form also may be a thing known to all , and of the Existence whereof there can be no doubt . The Fourth , That the nature of it be so clearly defined , that the notion may be as distinct , as is that of the Matter which it affects and distinguisheth . For it is the nature of Principles to be so clear and evident , that when the mind heedfully considers them , it cannot question their Truth . V. These Conditions agree to Quantity , Motion , and the rest . Now that these I have mention'd are the true Forms of a Body , or that they impart a certain Mode of Being unto the Matter , will appear from hence , because all the foresaid conditions of Forms agree with them . As to the First , it is evident , that Matter derives its Distinction from Quantity , Motion , Figure , Situation and Rest : According as more or fewer of these are found in it . For the Diversity of Matter depends on Motion , without which there can be no separation of Parts . From Quantity it derives the Mode of its Extension . Figure furnisheth it with proportionate Extremities . To Situation it ows its position amongst other Bodies , whether upward or downward , forward or backward . Lastly , by Rest it continues in the same place , till by a stronger it be remov'd . VI. Magnitude Motion , &c. are common to all Bodies . As to the second condition it appears also that these five Forms are common to all Bodies , because they affect and diversifie not only Earthly , but also Heavenly Bodies . For Heavenly Bodies have their Magnitude , observe their distance and Situation , some of them being moved about their Axis , others about their own Center , and are bounded by Figures , which by the justling of other Bodies against them they change and vary . VII . Forms exist in Matter . And according to the Third Condition , these Forms are apparent to , and own'd by all , to be in Natural Things , as being plainly discernible by us . For who is so dull and stupid as not to discern the Magnitude , Figure and Motion that is in Bodies , which are so obvious to his Senses ? Neither in this do unlearned Men differ from those that are learned , since both own them alike ; only the Unlearned considering chiefly their outside , judg them to be Affections ; whereas the Learned searching more deeply into the Works of Nature , find them to consist in the insensible structure of the Parts , that by their smallness are not subject to our Senses . VIII . The Definitions of Forms are Evident . As to the Fourth Condition , we cannot question but that the Definitions of these Modes , are easily deducible from this discourse , and are obvious and evident , not only to our Senses and Reason , but experience also . IX . Tho' these forms are not Substantial ▪ yet are they Essential to some Bodies . Tho' these Principles be only Modes , and like Accidents are attributed to a Body generally taken , yet may they be said to be Essential to the Works of Nature . For it is no contradiction to say that the same thing may be Essential and Accidental in diverse respects : Thus Wisdom is Accidental to a Man , but Essential to a Wise Man. Sense is the Property of an Animal , and yet is a Genus , with respect to the Sight , Hearing , Smelling , &c. In like manner , tho' Quantity , Figure , Motion , Situation , and Rest happen to Matter in Common , yet this doth not hinder but that they may be Essential to some Portion of it . Thus it is Accidental to Iron to be terminated by several Figures , as to be Round , Square , Sharp , or Blunt ; whereas in a Knife the Figure constitutes its Form , and distinguisheth it from other things . For tho' Iron may be conceived without this or the other particular Figure , yet a Knife cannot be a Knife except it have such a determinate Magnitude , Figure , &c. So likewise Roundness is accidental to Wood , but is Essential to a Wooden Bowl . And in a Clock , Magnitude , Figure , Situation , the Motion of some parts , and the Rest of others , are accidental to the Brass or Iron , because without them they are still Brass or Iron ; but a Clock can never have that name , without them . X. The Difference of Bodies depends on the Modification of their Parts . So that the whole Difference of Bodies doth depend on the Modification of their Parts , which are distinguisht according to the variety of their Magnitude , Figure , &c. as their Identity or sameness consists in the agreement of those Modes , and their observing the same Proportion amongst themselves . Wherefore , tho' a live Man , and the Statue of a Man , be alike in outward appearance , yet cannot they be said to be the same , because besides the Soul , which is in a Living Man , there is also great diversity of Parts , not only as to their number , but in respect of their Magnitude , Figure , Connexion , Rest and Motion . XI . Objection , that the operations of Matter do not depend on these Accidents . But it will be objected , that these Modes cannot produce so many Effects , forasmuch as all Actions are attributed to the Subjects themselves , and not to the Accidents , which only operate by vertue of the Substance . XII . Answer . I answer , that we acknowled no other Subject , but Matter furnisht with Magnitude , Figure , &c. for Matter being passive , cannot operate , but by their efficacy . And tho' indeed Matter do not derive its Essence from these Modes , that is , tho' they do not make it to be a thing , yet do they cause it to be such a thing . Thus that a Pen is fit to write withal , and a Key proper to open a Lock , proceeds only from their Disposition , Figure , Motion , &c. for when these are taken away , they are no longer useful . Wherefore , Accidents do not operate , by Virtue of their Substance , as the Schools will have it ; but the Substance rather works , by a Vertue borrow'd from its Accidents . Thus diverse Weights are lifted up by a Beam , according to the Difference of its Situation : Neither would Iron cut , if it were not provided with a fit Figure and Magnitude . XIII . How hot water becomes cold . If you object that these Principles are not sufficient to explain all the Phaenomena of Nature , because it cannot be made out by them , how Warm Water grows Cold , forasmuch as this change cannot proceed from the Different Disposition of the Water . XIV . Answer . This change may very well be explain'd by our Modes , supposing Heat to be nothing else but a strong and various Agitation of Particles : For the Water by communicating its Heat to the Air and the Neighbouring Bodies , easily loseth it , except other succeed in the room of that which is lost ; for by this means the Water is at length depriv'd of its strong agitation , and consequently returns to its former coldness . XV. Natural Power consists in the Disposition of Parts Hence it is evident that the Powers of Bodies , or their Faculties of Acting , are nothing else but the Magnitude , Figure , Contexture , &c. of the Parts of Bodies : For by these all the effects we see in Nature are produced . XVI . The World is to be look'd upon as a Machine . The World therefore is to be consider'd as a wonderful , and most Artificially contriv'd Machine , not the parts of it taken severally , but as joined and orderly complicated together . For as in a VVatch we see many Motions performed only by the Contexture of its Parts and VVheels ; in like manner all the Agreement or Likeness and Difference of Bodies proceed from their Mechanical Affections , viz. Motion , Figure , Magnitude , &c. As for example the Power the Sun hath , of attenuating VVater into Vapors , of softning VVax , and Hardning of Clay , and of producing many other Effects , is not deriv'd from any new Entities added to it , or Distinct Qualities , but from its Heat only , which consists in the swift Motion of its Insensible Parts , which produceth several Effects , according to the different contexture of the Body it works upon . XVII . There are no more than two Principles of Natural things . It is evident from what hath been said , that there are only two Principles of Natural Things , viz. Matter , which is the same in all Bodies , and the Form whereby one Body differs from another ; since it is certain that Privation , which the Peripateticks add to the two foregoing Principles , doth not deserve that name , as being a Non-entity , from which consequently nothing can proceed . XVIII . Of the Affections of Bodies . Hitherto we have consider'd the Nature of a Body in General : We must next enquire into its Affections , which are nothing else but Qualities , Attributes and Modes , which agree to Bodies , according as they are said to be in this or the other state or condition ; such as are those which we are next to treat of , viz. Rarity , Density , Heaviness , and Lightness , &c. wherewith a Body is variously affected or indued . CHAP. X. What Rarefaction is , and how it is performed . I. Rarefaction cannot be performed without the entrance of new Matter . IT appears from what goes before , that Extension is something that is not distinct from Matter , and that the one cannot be encreased , but the other must be so likewise . Hence it follows , that in Rarefaction and Condensation the Constitutive Quantity of Bodies , is neither encreased nor diminished ; but only that in Rarefaction , the parts that were before United , are distended , so as some intervals are left between them , which are fill'd up by the entring in of some fluid and moveable Body ; as is manifest in a Spunge swell'd with VVater ; and that on the contrary in Condensation , the separated parts are more closely united , by expulsion of those Bodies that fill'd up the Intervals ; as appears in a Spunge out of which the VVater is squeez'd . II. What a loose and , what a close Body is . A Thin or Loose Body is that whose parts are intercepted by Spaces fill'd with some forein Matter , which afterwards may become a Close Body again by expulsion of the more subtil Matter , entred from without , by which means the parts come close together . Thus Boiling VVater is rarefied in a Pot over the Fire ; for we find that when it begins to boil , it swells up into Bubbles , which could not be , but by the entrance of some External Matter , causing them to swell and be extended : and the same is the case with VVater , when it is turned into a Vapour . III. An Objection rais'd from the Rarefaction of Water . You will say , that in this case of a Vapour we perceive indeed that Extension is encreas'd , but no access of any new Matter : Wherefore it is without ground to say that Rarefaction is performed by the addition of some other Body . IV. Answer . I answer , that in a Vapour there is no more Extension or Quantity perceived , than there was in the VVater before its Resolution , because in this change nothing else happens but a Solution , Division and Separation of those parts , which before were more closely joined together ; For he who at a distance beholds the Vapours that rise from boiling water , takes them to be a continuous Body ; but if he take a nearer view of them , he will find them to be nothing else , but a crowd of innumerable small Particles , which separate and come between many other Heterogeneous Bodies . Wherefore where we find any Body dilated , we must conclude that it is by the access of some new Matter . V. The Bodies which enter the Pores of Bodies are of the same mature with those that strike our Senses . But what kind of little Bodies are these , which enter the Pores of Rarified Bodies , and which are expell'd when they become close and hard again ? I answer that they are the same in Substance with those Bodies which are seen and felt by us ; save only that they are more subtil and fluid , and so are fit to penetrate and fill the Pores of other Bodies . For according to our Hypothesis , there are some Particles in the Air and other Bodies so subtil , as to be able to pierce Gold , Diamonds and the most Solid Bodies that are . VI. There are Bodies that are not perceptible by the Senses . You will say , that we do not find that the Pores are dilated in Rarefaction , nor that any New Bodies enter into them . But to this I answer , that all Bodies do not affect our Senses , by reason of their extream littleness . We know that a Vine in the Spring grows , and becomes extended to a further Length ; which Extension could not be , but by an addition of Bodies , which dilate and stretch out the Substance of the Vine . And yet no Man ever perceiv'd these Bodies . We never saw the Air , and yet know that it is extended throughout the whole World. Wherefore neither in Rarefaction are we to deny Bodies to enter into the Pores , because we do not see them ; but are to judge of what happens in these little Bodies , by what we see happens in the greater . VI. Why Metals are not rarefied . From this Explication of Rarefaction it is evident , why Metals and other Hard Bodies are not rarified without difficulty , but soft Bodies very easily , because the parts of them are readily separated and admit other Bodies , whereas hard Bodies , as Iron , &c. are not without great violence dissolved , and by that means hinder other Bodies from entring between their parts , wherein the Nature of Rarefaction doth consist . VIII . It is not necessary that all the Parts of Matter be rarefied . You 'l say that in Rarefaction not only that Body is rarefied whose Pores are dilated ; but also all the subtil Matter that enters them , which cannot be without the introduction of other Bodies , and these again by the Introduction of others , and so to infinity , which is not to be admitted in Natural Causes . IX . There are some Particles that do not admit Rarefaction . I answer , there is no inconvenience to say that Bodies that have Pores , become rarefied by the Intromission of others , and these again by the Intromission of other lesser Bodies , so we do but admit that there are some Bodies , which because they have no Pores cannot receive other Bodies , and that there are such is not to be doubted , especially by them who hold Quantity to be indefinitely extended : For they must acknowledge that the Parts of Matter may by Division be made so small , that they cannot be further divided but by our Thought . X. The Distinction between a Pure and a Rarefied Body . You 'l say that the more loose or Rarefied a Body is , the more Pure it is also ; as the Air is , when it is free from Clouds and Vapours : But now the Purer any Body is , the less it admits the mixture of any External Bodies ; therefore Rarefaction is not made by the Introduction of other Bodies . XI . Answer . The Major of this Argument is to be deny'd ; for Pure and Rarefied are not one and the same thing : That is Pure which is free from any mixture of forein Matter : As the Air is said to be pure , when it is not obscur'd by Clouds or Exhalations . But a loose or Rarified Body involves the mixture of External Bodies , and cannot be understoood without it ; as a Spunge that is swell'd with the Intromission of Water . XII . Fire is the ordinary Cause of the Rarefaction of Bodies , whether they be liquid or solid . The ordinary Cause of Rarefaction is Fire ; for the subtil Particles whereof it consists , being in continual Motion , easily enter the Pores of other Bodies , and dilate them . Hence it comes to pass that Water , which hath long boiled over the Fire , is more easily congeal'd than cold Water newly taken out of a Well or River , because the most subtil parts of it , which by their Agitation and Motion hinder'd Congelation , are evaporated in the Boiling . Neither are liquors only , but Metals , and other solid Bodies somewhat distended by Heat . Thus we find that melted Metals swell somewhat ; and that it is common with thread dipt in Brimstone to cut off Glases , because the Parts of Glass being put in Motion by Heat , require a larger Room , which they cannot obtain , without driving away the parts that are continuous to them . XIII . The first Corollary from what hath been said before . From what hath been said it is evident First , that the Rarefaction of Air , Smoak , Vapor and such like Bodies , are nothing else but a separation of the Terrestrial Particles , caused by a swift Motion , and the ingress of New Caelestial matter into the Spaces left by them . And that the Condensation of them , consists in a more intimate union of the said Particles , caused by the decrease of Motion or Heat , the Intervals whereby they , were separated growing lesser , or being taken away , which when ever it happens , the Body thereby becomes so close and compact , that it cannot be made closer . XIV . The Second Corollary . Secondly , we may infer hence that a greater or less Extension in Bodies that are rarefied and condensed , doth not belong to the Essence of a Body , but is only a new Modification of it , which supposeth a change of Figure , and the presence of another Body filling the Pores of it . CHAP. XI . Concerning the Heaviness and Lightness of Bodies . I. What Gravity and Levity is . HEaviness and Lightness are the Qualities of Bodies with respect to their aptness to move upwards and downwards , in the Sphere of their Gravitation . Where by the name of Aptness , we are not to understand any Inclination or Active Principle , but only such a disposition of Parts which is capable of receiving the force of Heaviness or Lightness . And by the Sphere of Gravitation , I understand the whole space comprehended between the Center , or that which is lookt upon to be the middle , and the uttermost bounds of the cause of depression . Which Sphere is not only to be fixed about the Earth , but also about the other Planets , which being much of the same nature with our Earth , it follows , that the union of their Parts proceeds from the same or a like cause to that which keeps the Parts of the Earth together . II. The opinion of the Peripateticks rejected . The Peripateticks hold Heaviness and Lightness to be innate Qualities , proceeding from the Form of Bodies , for their Conservation . Accordingly they say that heavy things tend downwards , from the foresaid Appetite they have to be preserved in the Center , and so be moved by a certain Law of Nature , whereby all things are disposed in their proper places , or by a Motion imprest by the Author of Nature . But this Opinion is grounded on a false Hypothesis . For , First it supposeth the Earth to be the Center of the VVorld . Secondly , that Bodies that are put in Motion tend to Rest , tho' it be certain that nothing tends to its own destruction . Thirdly , that Heavy Bodies are preserved in the Center . Fourthly , that there is an Appetite or desire of this Preservation in inanimate things , when it is apparent that a desire is only competible to living Creatures . III. The opinion of Gassendus rejected . Others , amongst whom is GASSENDUS , hold that heavy things tend downwards by the Magnetick Virtue ▪ of the Earth , which draws them down to it . But this opinion also is built on a false supposition , in that in the First place it takes for granted an attractive Motion . Secondly , in that it supposeth the Loadstone to draw Iron to it , by its out-flowing Particles , which is not so , as will appear hereafter when we come to speak of Magnetical Operations . Thirdly , the Magnetick Virtue is communicated by the Poles , and Lines parallel to the Poles ; whence it must follow , that the greatest Gravitation would be under the Poles , or near them , less in the intermediate places , and least or none at all under the Aequator . Fourthly , a common Loadstone has greater force , than the Earth it self , at least with us ; whence it must follow , that it would be of greater strength also to the drawing of Heavy Bodies downwards ; and then a piece of Iron cast upwards , would not in a right Line descend to the Earth , but towards the Magnet . IV. Des Cartes his opinion concerning the Heaviness of Bodies explained . The Third opinion is that of Des Cartes , who holds that Heavy Bodies are driven downwards by the Caelestial Matter . For the better understanding of which , we must in a few words explain his Hypothesis concerning the Diurnal Motion of the Earth . He supposeth therefore the Earth together with the Atmosphere to be pois'd in the midst of a little Vortex , which is whirld round from VVest to East ; whence it necessarily follows by the Rules of Motion , that the Earth hanging in this Fluid Body , must be whirld about with the same motion , by the Heavenly matter running against its Pores : yet so as that the Earth in its Motion is not separated from the Fluid Body that compasseth it , but as it were swims in it . To illustrate this , let us suppose a VVooden Bowl in the midst of a Vessel with VVater , if any one make the VVater whirl round , that is , in the Circumference or near the sides of the Vessel , it is notorious that the Bowl will turn round likewise , by the Particles of VVater , that dash against the outside of it ; and in like manner , is the Earth with the Atmosphere , Whirld about by the Caelestial circumfluent matter , not by any motion of its own . V. The force of the Caelestial matter drives heavy things downwards . And forasmuch as the Caelestial matter being very solid and agitated , hath more agitation in it , than is required to the whirling about of the Earth , and is hindred by the Earth from continuing its motion in Right Lines ; what will follow hereupon ? It is evident from the Laws of Motion , that its Motion cannot perish , and therefore will persue its course , what way it can best ; that is , it will have a Power of rebounding upwards . Now we know that nothing can move upwards except something move Downwards at the same time ; and accordingly that will move downwards , which hath not so strong a force of Agitation , which is the case of all Earthly Bodies , except something else should intervene and hinder it . VI. An Example taken from a Vessel fill'd with various matter . Any one may Experience this by filling some round Vessel with small leaden Bullets , and amongst them , some pieces of VVood , or any other Matter lighter than Lead : If this Vessel be whirld round swiftly about its Center , all the pieces of Wood which have less Agitation will be driven to the Middle by the Leaden Bullets , which with greater force recede from the Center of their Motion . VII . Heavy things do not tend downwards of themselves but are driven down . The same was lately experimentally demonstrated by a Mathematician at Paris , in a Vessel with VVater agitated , into which if the Powder of Sealing-wax be cast , the little Particles thereof will be seen driven towards the sides of the Vessel , for that by reason of their roughness they are easily carried that way by the strong agitation of the VVater . But when that agitation begins to cease , and the Particles of the Water are more softly moved , this Dust or Powder is driven to the midst . The Cause whereof is this , because as long as any Agitation is continued in the Water , its parts endeavour to recede from the Center , in which recess they force the particles of VVax towards the Center , and as it were appoint their place to them . Whence it appears , that Bodies are not of themselves carried , but are driven downwards by the Matter that surrounds them . VIII . A particular Explication of the Heaviness of Bodies . But to the end that the Action of the subtil Matter may be more distinctly perceived , let us imagine all that is included in the Circle ABCD to be a Mass consisting of the Earth , VVater and Air , the Center whereof is E , where the little Circle FGHI represents the Earth . Then let us imagine this whole Mass to be divided into many Pyramids , which with their Extremities reach to the Center , one whereof let be AEB . Having suppos'd this , we shall find first , that tho' all the several parts , which make up so many Pyramids , strive to withdraw from the Center E , yet can they not recede all at once , because there is no empty space about that Mass which they constitute , whither they might retire , and the subtil Matter hinders them from moving out of their place . Moreover we shall find that not one of these Pyramids , by Example , AEB , can recede whole and entire , enlarging it self in its extremity AB , and driving away from it the adjoyning matter , and making it to come closer to the Center : Because the Pyramids , which surround the Pyramid AEB , do with a like endeavour recede from the same Center , and for which they have no less force , than the Pyramid AEB . But if we suppose some Terrestrial Body , as L. in the Pyramid AEB . without any in the Neighbouring Pyramids ; we shall easily conceive , that it will have less force to recede from the Center , than the others , that are about it , by how much the Body L hath less force than the subtil Matter , whose place it takes up . Whence we must conclude that the Matter of some of the Pyramids will recede from the Center , and drive the Body L nearer to it , after the same manner , as they who hold all Bodies to be Heavy , suppose the Water to lift up a piece of Cork , and force it to the Surface of it . IX . Wherein the Heaviness of Earthly Bodies doth consist . The Heaviness therefore of Earthly Bodies consists in this , that the Globuli of the Coelestial Matter , being whirld about in their Vortices , endeavour continually to recede from their Centers , about which they are turn'd ; but forasmuch as they cannot exert this their strife and Propension , except in their mounting upwards , they thrust down other Bodies into whose place they may succeed : Wherefore they must needs at the same time depress the Particles of Earthly Bodies that are in the Air , as well because of their Resistance , as because of the want of Coelestial matter in their Pores ; both which hinder the Earthly Particles from having so great a Propension of receding from the Center of the Earth , as the Heavenly matter that every way surrounds them , hath . Wherefore the Lightness of the Coelestial Matter is nothing else but the force or strife it hath to recede from the Earth ; as the Heaviness of the parts of the Earth consists in their being such , that this highly agitated Matter exerts its power upon them in thrusting of them downwards , X. By the name of Heavenly matter we are also to understand the First Element . When it is said , that the Heaviness of Bodies is caused by the Heavenly matter , we do not only understand the Globuli of the Second Element , but also the Matter of the First mixed with it : For this being extreamly agitated , exceeds the Matter of the second Element in the force it has to drive Bodies downwards . Neither are the Particles of the Air to be rejected from having any share in this performance , seeing that they accompany them in their Course , and being joyn'd with the Globuli of the second Element , exert their force , and do not a little conduce to the driving down of Bodies . XI . The Cause of the Descent of Heavy Bodies is Twofold . We may therefore alledge a double Cause of the Descent of Heavy Bodies ; the one Primary , viz. the Heavenly Matter , by its strife upward , not from any innate Appetite , but to continue its Motions according to the Laws of Nature . The other Secundary , viz. any Earthly Body carried upwards , whether it be obsequent to the Motion of the Heavenly Matter , as Air , Vapours , Exhalations , and any other lesser Particles ; or whether it be driven upwards by any other Cause : So Smoak agitated by the Fire , hath a Power of depressing the Air : Thus when any one casts a Stone upwards , he at the same time thrusts down as much Air in its place ; which Air because of the Heavenly Matter intermix'd with its Particles , and its Agitation thereby caused , as likewise its Elastick force , will first resist the Motion of the Stone , next hinder its Ascent , and at last depress or thrust it downwards . XII . Whence the various Heaviness and Lightness of Bodies doth arise , You will object , if the Heaviness of Bodies depend on both these Causes , it will follow that all Bodies would be of the same Weight or Heaviness , since both the Heavenly Matter , and the small Bodies carried upwards , do press them after the same manner . I answer , that the Nature of Heaviness and Lightness in Bodies , consists herein , that as much Heavenly Matter as there is in any Body , so much cause of Lightness they have , which being substracted , all the rest will come under the notion of Gravity or Heaviness . As for Example , Water is Heavier than the Air , because if you substract the Aethereal interspersed Matter from them both , there remains more Earthly Matter in the Water , than in the Air. So that this may be laid down as a General Rule , That the more Heavenly Matter there is in any Body , by so much the Lighter it is , that is , the more apt it is to be carried upwards ; and the less there is of it , the Heavier that Body is , that is , the apter to be thrust downward . XIII Solid Bodies are more Heavy than soft Bodies . Thus solid Bodies are more Heavy than soft , because they have more Matter of their own , and therefore are called close Bodies , having less Pores , which can only admit the Subtil Matter , or the Globuli of the second Element , such as are Gold , Silver , Quicksilver and Steel . But soft or less Solid Bodies , contain more Heavenly Matter ; and have greater Pores , and are therefore Looser Bodies , such as Wood , &c. Wherefore tho' all the Heavenly Matter , with all its force strives to recede from the Center ; yet the more close and compact Bodies have a greater Power to resist , and do more difficulty recede from the Center of their Motion ; whereas Bodies of a more loose Texture , have more of the Heavenly Matter than of their own , and a greater Propension of receding , and therefore do less resist the Agitation of the Heavenly Globuli , or little round Bodies . XIV . Whence proceeds the variety of Heaviness . This is the reason why the Water is placed on or above the Earth , and the Air above the Water ; because the parts of the Earth being more solid than those of the Water , and the parts of the Water , than those of the Air , they are more strongly driven down to the Earth , by the Aethereal Matter ; much after the same manner , as Corn , that is mixt with Chaff , is by the Agitation of a Fan cast off further , leaving the Chaff behind it . XV. How it comes to pass that a Stone towards the end of its ▪ motion comes down faster than at the Beginning . It may be objected against this , that the Globuli of the second Element , do strike with a greater force against Bodies , before they begin to descend , than in their falling down ; and therefore they ought to thrust them down more swiftly at the Beginning of their Motion , than towards the end of it ; which not withstanding is contrary to experience ; for a Stone moves swifter towards the end of its Motion , than at the Beginning ; and therefore the Descent of Earthly Bodies is not to be ascribed to the Subtil matter . XVI . Answer . I answer , that the reason of the Difference of the Stones Motion is this , because the Stone in its Descent , retains the Force of the foregoing Motion , and besides receives an encrease from the Impulse of the Subtil Matter that follows it ; for the Subtil Matter is swifter than it . Now the cause why Descending Bodies are less forceably driven down by the Subtil Matter , towards the End , than at the Beginning of their Motion , is this , because there is not so great a difference of swiftness between their Motion , and that of the Subtil Matter . XVII . How Bodies can move in the Air seeing they are prest on all sides by the Fluid Matter . But you will say , seeing that the Bodies that are surrounded with Fluid Matter , are equally prest upon on all sides , they are not like to move at all , but will remain hanging in the Air. I answer , that this indeed would follow , in case the Fluid Body be simply consider'd as Fluid : But since the case is otherwise here , and that the whole Fluid Matter , because of the Resistance of the Earth , strives to get free from its Neighbourhood , this is sufficient to determine the Motion of Gross Bodies downwards , as being much more unfit for Motion , than the Heavenly Matter , and Fluid Bodies , in which they are carried , are . XVIII . This opinion doth most appositly explain all the Phaenomena of Gravity . How Appositely this opinion solves all the Phoenomena of Heaviness will appear from the following particulars . First , This force will exert it self every where throughout the Earth , because the Celestial Matter will find resistance every where , that is , it will be determined upwards as well towards the Poles , as about the Aequator and Lines Parallel to it . Secondly , All things fall down perpendicularly to the Horizon ; because the Coelestial Matter hitting against the Earthly Particles , will rebound back with infinite variety , because of their different meeting , Figure and Situation of their Parts , that is on every side equally , at least to Sense ; and consequently will make all those things Fluid , which are fit to follow its motion ; and whatsoever is impulst by the Fluid Mass , will fall perpendicularly , because it is with equal force prest on all sides . Thirdly , The Sphere of Gravity becomes terminated , where this force of receding , because of the too great distance , is not strong enough . Fourthly , Here we find the reason , why every Planet hath its Sphere of Gravity , because nothing else is required to this , but its swimming in the midst of Fluid Matter . XIX . Heaviness is either absolute or Respective ▪ From all that hath been said it is obvious , that Heaviness is nothing else , but the strife or effort wherewith a Body is pusht towards the Axis of the Earth by other Bodies , which strive to recede from it . That Absolute Heaviness is that by which every Body is pusht downwards by a Column of the second Element equal to its own ; and that Respective Heaviness is that which belongs to a Body , only with respect to other Bodies . CHAP. XII . Concerning Place . I. What Place is . HAving examin'd the Rarefaction and Condensation of Bodies , and inquir'd into the Reason of their Heaviness and Lightness , it remains now to consider why Bodies are said to be in a place , and what order they keep amongst themselves . Now Place is nothing else , but a respect of the Situation of a Body , which it hath amongst other Bodies , to which it is either near or far from . So that when we say that a Body is in a place , we only intimate thereby that it hath such a Magnitude , Figure and Situation amongst other Bodies , with respect to its nearness to them or remoteness from them . II. What Place is according to the opinion of the Common People ▪ True it is , that the Common People distinguish Place from a Body , and suppose Place to be the Space that receives a Body , and contains it . For they persuade themselves that Place is a kind of Space which Exists before the entrance of the Body , and remains after it is withdrawn . But this conceit ariseth from a Popular error , by which they imagine that there were some extended empty Spaces , before that there were any Bodies in Nature , and which were afterwards to receive them . As some Philosophers now since the Creation of the World fancy that there is a kind of empty Space beyond the Bounds of the World , which they call Imaginary Space , because it hath only Extension , without containing any Body at all . III. Space is the same with a Body . But these Philosophers speak very improperly , since whatsoever is extended in Length Breadth and Depth , and wherein Parts can be assigned , by the intervals whereof Bodies may be said to be near or far off from one another , cannot be said to be a thing Imaginary , but a true and real Body . For the Natrue of a Body consists in Extension , and the Idea of Extension is the same with the Idea of a Body . Seeing therefore the Imaginary Space , as they call it , hath Length , Breadth and Depth , it must needs be a Body . Whence it is apparent how improperly they speak , who tell us that Bodily things are in a Space ; for since every Space , because of its Extension , is distinguisht from the Dimensions of the Body , that is in the Space , and that Penetration of Dimensions is impossible , should we suppose a Space to receive a Body , this would be a Penetration of Dimensions . Now Bodies are therefore said to be impenetrable , because they have their peculiar Dimensions which exclude any other , and do not suffer them to be contain ▪ d in the same place ; and since a Space is measur'd with the same Dimension as a Body , therefore a Body cannot be said to be in a Space . IV. In what Sense a Body is said ●o be in a 〈◊〉 But you 'l say , how then is a Body said to be in a Place , if a Place be extended as well as a Body , and that one of them exclude the other ? I answer that a Body is said to be in a Place by the Situation , Magnitude and Figure it hath amongst other Bodies ; so that we must not conceive any thing as extended , but only the Body that is in the Place , and all the Space or Expansion that is conceiv'd to be there , must be attributed to the Body only . For to speak properly , Place or Space is nothing else , than something that is extended in Length Breadth and Depth , which is the same with Matter ; neither can it be distinct from it , but by our way of conceiving . Wherefore when a Body is said to take up a little or great place , the meaning of it is only this , that such a Body hath a greater or less Extension amongst the Bodies that surround it . This gave occasion to St. AUSTIN to say 〈◊〉 52. ad Dard. Take away Spaces from 〈◊〉 and they will be no where , and being no where they will not be at all . V. Space is not Really distinct from a Body . Wherefore there is no Real Difference between a Space and a Body , but only according to our way of Thinking , viz. because we consider the Extension of Space as Common and General , but the Extension of a Body in a Space as Individual and Singular . As for Example , when a Stone is taken up out of its place , we suppose its extension to be removed also , because we look upon it as singular and inseparable from it ; but yet we conceive that the Extension of the place in which the Stone was , still continues , and is the same , tho' the Stones Place be now taken up by another Body , viz. Wood , Air , &c. Because this Extension is consider'd in General , and suppos'd to be one and the same , whether of the Stone , Wood , Air , or any other Body , provided it be of the same Bigness , and have the same Situation amongst those Bodies that determine and bound that Space . Wherefore it is evident that the Inward Place , which is taken up by any Body , doth not differ from the Body it self , no more than the nature of the Genus or Species differ from the Individual . And tho' a Body may be said to change its Place , this is not to be understood of the Inward , but only of the outward Place , that is , of the Superficies of those Bodies that surround it , to the different parts whereof , it may be diversly apply'd . VI. Place is twofold , Inward and Outward . This will be more evident by distinguishing Place into Inward and Outward ; Inward Place is nothing else but the Matter it self extended in Length Breadth and Depth , or the Body it self : Outward Place is the Superficies of the Body , which immediately surrounds the thing Placed . And this Place is neither a Body , nor any thing of a Body , but only a Mode of it , or the limit wherein the Body is contained . For by the name of Superficies , no part of the Ambient Body is understood , but only the Boundary or limit ▪ that intervenes between the Ambient Body and the Body surrounded , which is only a Mode . Or we understand thereby a Superficies in common , which is no more the part of on● Body than of another , only is suppos'd always to be the same , because it retains the same Magnitude and Figure . For tho' every Ambient Body together with its Superficies be changed , yet is not the thing it surrounds therefore supposed to change its Place , provided it keep the same Situation amongst other Bodies , which are consider'e as immoveable . Thus we do not say that a Tower changeth its Place , when the Ambient Air leaves it , because we suppose that still other Air comes in the room of it , and accordingly the Superficies is neither a Part of the Body containing , nor of that contained , but only an intermediate term or limit , which indeed is nothing else but a Mode . VII . A Body in the Imaginary Space , is neither here nor there . Moreover it is evident , that , if there were any such Imaginary Spaces , the Bodies contained in them could not be said to be in a Place , forasmuch as in them there is no outward Place , neither can any parts be assigned to them ; and therefore a Body cannot be said to be here or there in them , notwithstanding that it really takes up a Place . But a Body being consider'd as something consisting of Parts , and consequently contiguous to other Parts of Bodies , according to this Notion there can be no Body , which hath not a determin'd Place , with respect to its nearness or contiguity to some other Body , by which its External Place is designed . VIII . The Difference between External Place , and Space . The difference therefore between External Place and Space is only this , that Place more expresly denotes the Situation of a Body , than its Magnitude or Figure ; whereas Space refers rather to these two latter . For we often say that a thing comes into the place of another , tho' it be not exactly of the same Bigness or Figure ; but at the same time deny it to take up the same Space : And so whenever the Situation is changed , we see the Place is changed , tho' the same Bigness and Figure do remain . And when we say that a Thing is in a Place , we mean nothing more than that it hath such a Situation amongst other Bodies ; and when we say that it fills such a Space , we understand thereby its being of such a determinate Figure and Magnitude . All which will be further cleared by the following Rules . IX . The First Rule . When a Place is said to be equal to the thing placed , this is either understood of the Inward Place , and then it is the same , as to say , that a Body is of such Dimensions , or equal to it self ; or else of the Outward Place , and then it imports , that the bounds of the Ambient , do exactly answer to the Superficies of the Body surrounded or contained , but not as if they had equal Dimensions : in like manner as the Rule is said to agree with the thing ruled , tho' it do not agree with it every way , as to its threefold Dimension . X. Second Rule . Two Bodies cannot be in the same place at once , that is , they cannot at the same time have the same respect of distance to the same Bodies ; for if so , they must penetrate each other , and there would be a Multiplication of Extension , without supposing any new Parts , which is contradictory to the Notion of a Body . XI . Third Rule . One Body cannot be in two Places at the same time , that is , it cannot be placed between these and other contiguous Bodies at the same time , because a Plurality of Places infers a Plurality of Bodies ; for Place is only the Mode of a Body : Or thus : Space is not distinct from a Body , therefore the Body that is in diverse Spaces , is both another and the same thing at the same time . XII . The Fourth Rule . Fourthly , a Body is said to change its Place when it changeth its respect to other Bodies ; and forasmuch as we can have regard to different Bodies , the same thing may be said to change its Place , and not to change it , under a different regard ; tho' most properly a thing is said to change its place , with respect to those Contiguous Bodies , that are considered as immoveable . XIII . How the Inward Place is distinguish'd from the Outward . Whence it appears that the Inward Place of a Body , or the Space it takes up , consists in the Body it self , consider'd as bounded by other Bodies , which immediately touch it ; and that the Outward Place consists in the first Surface of the Bodies that surround another Body . CHAP. XIII . The supposing of a Vacuum in Nature , implies a Contradiction . I. What a Vacuum is ●ccording to the Sense of the Com●●●n People . IT cannot be denied but that the common way of Speech doth frequently differ from Truth , and that they are lyable to mistake , who mind words rather than their own Notions ; as they seem to do , who by the word Vacuum , understand the absence of some Body , which ought to be in such a Place . As when they say , that a Vessel is Empty , which is not fill'd with Water , Wine , or the like ; or a Purse is empty , in which there is no Mony , and a Space empty in which there is no sensible Body . II. What a Vacuum is according to the sense of Philosophers . But learned Men allow nothing to be empty , but what is devoid of any Body whatsoever ; and therefore they commonly define it a Place void of Body , yet fit to be filled . This Vacuum is twofold , Disseminate or Coacervate . III. What a Disseminate Vacuum is . A Disseminate or interspers'd Vacuum they call small Spaces , which are suppos'd interspers'd between Material Things . IV. What a Coacervate Vacuum is . A Coacervate Vacuum , is a sensible Space void of Body , such as they suppose to be in a Pipe of Glass after the removal of the Quicksilver in the Torricellian Experiment . V. T●at neither the one , or the ●●her of these Vacuums can he admitted appears 〈◊〉 ●rom the Nature of a Body . That neither of these Vacuities can be found in the Universe , may be prov'd by many Arguments . First because every Space imports Extension , which is of the Essence of a Body ; for it implies a Contradiction that nothing should have an Extension , and therefore there cannot be any Space , in which there is not a Corporeal Substance . For as we suppose a Body to be there , where we find Extension ; so for the same Reason we must conclude , that a Body must be in a Space , because we clearly conceive Dimensions in it : So that it is not more impossible to conceive a Mountain with out a Vally , than to conceive Space without Matter . VI. Secondly 〈◊〉 the Definition of a Vacuity . Secondly , a Vacuum is defined to be A place devoid of Body : Now this also implies a contradiction , supposing the notion we have already given of place to be clear and distinct ; for where there is no Body , neither can there be any Mode of a Body ; yea , the very empty Space it self , will be no less in a Place , than any Body whatsoever , as is evident to him that considers it well : And what can be more unworthy for a Philosopher , than to accommodate this Idea to a Non-Entity , which altogether agrees to a Real Being ? VII . What would follow , if whatsoever is in a space should be taken out of it by God. You 'l say that God can take away all the Substance , that is contain'd between the Walls of a Chamber , and keep any other Body from entring it ; upon which supposition a Vacuum must follow . VIII . First Answer . I answer in the First Place , that this or the other Body may be taken out of a Chamber or any Vessel ; but it is impossible that they should be without any Body at all . For where there is no Body , there is no Extension , where there is no Extension , there is no hollowness , capacity or interval , and without these there can be no Vessel or Chamber . IX . Second Answer . Secondly I say , that supposing all intermediate Bodies to be taken away , the Chamber VValls would touch one another , because nothing would be between them ; for we cannot conceive one thing to be distant from another , without some Middle thing to separate them ; because distance is a Mode of Extension , and therefore follows a Bodily Substance , without which it can neither be , nor be conceived . X. To conceive a space without Extension , implies a Contradiction . But you will say , that the Body which is conceiv'd to be in the Chamber or Vessel , is something different from the sides that surround it , and therefore the one may be separated from the other by the Divine Power , forasmuch as we clearly and distinctly understand the one , not to be the other . I dare not say that any thing is impossible to God , or that he cannot make a Mountain without a Valley : But this only I assert , that God hath made my Mind such , that I cannot conceive how a Mountain should subsist without a Valley ; or how Five and One should not make Six . And the same may be applied to that Space which is imagin'd to be between the Sides of a Chamber or Vessel , because the same cannot be conceived without extension . And since nothing can have no Properties , that Space cannot be said to be a Vacuum that is void of all Matter . Or if that should be , the sides of the Chamber or Vessel , must be suppos'd to touch each other . For if God should annihilate all the Air that is in a Chamber , there would be no Space left between the VValls ; for if any Space be left , there must be Magnitude also ; and if Magnitude , then Quantity ; and if Quantity , Matter , and consequently a Body , because Space , Magnitude , Quantity , Matter and a Body are one and the same thing . XI . If Bodies be taken away , all distance is taken away likewise . For what can be imagin'd more absurd than to assert that the distance of Bodies is owing to an Imaginary Space , or nothing , seeing that when the intermediate Body is taken away , all distance must of necessity be taken away likewise ? Who will say that nothing can be measur'd , when it is evident , that not only Extension , but any other Propriety whatsoever , must be remov'd from Nothing ? For if I may say that a Space ( which is nothing ) is of such a length , I see no reason why I may not as well ascribe other Properties to it , such as Hardness , Softness , &c. It remains therefore that Nothing cannot make a Distance between Bodies . For suppose we a Square Vessel ABCD , and the Hollow of it to be empty , I say that the same cannot be measur'd : For tho' if it be enquir'd by what thing the sides AB , DC are distinct from one another , it may be readily answer'd by the Straight Lines AD , BC. Yet I cannot return the same answer to him that enquires the distance between the opposite Angles DB : for if I should say they are kept at a distance by the Straight Line DB , how can this be true , seeing nothing at all is in the Vessel , and therefore no Length or Measure can be apprehended in it ? XII . There is a necessity for the Connexion of Bodies . This Conclusion may be confirmed from the necessity there is of a Connexion of all the Bodies that do constitute the Universe , and that they be so joyned together as not to be separable from each other . Which yet is not so to be understood , as as if there were such a Connexion , between this Chamber suppose , and the particular Air that is in it , that they cannot be separated from each other ; for we see that this Air is driven out by the Wind , and that other comes into its place ; but only thus much , that there is a necessary Connexion between this Chamber , and Quantity in General , forasmuch as there can be no Distance or Interval , but must be fill'd with some Body or other . XIII . Supposing a Vacuity , two Round Bodies would totally touch one another . The same may be farther prov'd from the Absurdity which would otherwise follow ; because supposing a Vacuum , Round Bodies would touch one another after the same manner as Flat Bodies do , that is , totally . For those Bodies are said totally to touch each other , between which there is no intervening Medium ; but betwixt two Round Bodies in a Vacuity there can be no Medium assign'd ; therefore they touch with their entire Superficies . It is not sufficient for the solving of this , to say , that a Possible Substance mediates between them , because a Possible Substance cannot be an Actual Medium dividing and separating Bodies : For otherwise nothing in the World could be said to be united ; since between the Parts of Bodies that are united there is some Possible Medium that may divide them . XIV . An Objection , that Distance is nothing else , but a negation of contact . If you say that Distance is no Real Thing , because two Bodies may be conceiv'd to be distant , only by the Negation of their contact ; and that it is not necessary for any thing to intervene between Bodies to make them distant from each other . XV. The Objection answer'd , and distance prov'd to be Extension . I answer , seeing Distance is a Relation , which must be between more than one , it belongs to Opposition or Distinction , the Essence whereof consists herein , that one thing is not the other . But forasmuch as there is no Real Distinction , which hath not its Foundation , because nothing can have no affections , therefore the Foundation must consist in something that is different from the things between which there is a Distance , which since it cannot be Spiritual ( for then it would be void of Extension ) it must be Material or Corporeal . For it would be a very improper Answer to the Question , why London is at a distance from Paris , to say , Because they do not touch one another ; for this would be the same thing as to say , that London and Paris are at a distance , because they are not near one another , which is to explain an unknown thing , by another thing equally unknown . We conclude therefore , that Distance , besides the Negation of Contact doth necessarily include Extension , by means whereof remote Bodies are said to be distant from one another . XVI . Nature doth not abhor a Vacuum . Hence it appears how falsely the Schools assert , that the motion towards mutual Contact , is prevalent above all others , as being ordained for the Conservation of the Universe , by the avoiding of a Vacuum in Nature : For how can Nature be said to avoid a Vacuum , seeing that an Empty Space implies a contradiction ? For those things are us'd to be forbid by the Laws , which may be done , and not such whose being implies a contradiction . XVII . Water condensed in a close stopt Vessel , doth not leave a Vacuity . All other Arguments made against this opinion are of no force at all against us , who assert the Extension of Space , not to differ from the Extension of a Body , forasmuch as it includes Length , Breadth and Depth . What they object of a Vessel fill'd with hot Water , which tho' it be close stopt , yet the Water that is in it , is reduc'd to a less Space , and consequently must leave a Vacuum , is of no Moment at all , because the Space which they imagine to be void , is fill'd with the subtil Matter penetrating the Pores of the Vessel ; for it is a meer vulgar Errour , to believe those things to be Empty , which we do not see to be fill'd with Bodies . XVIII . A Body is no less fill'd with one Body than with another . It is evident from what hath been said , that a Vessel doth not contain more Matter when it is fill'd with Gold , than when it is fill'd with Air , forasmuch as there is as much extension in the Air as in the Gold. A Vessel indeed may contain more Gold , than it can of Pumice Stone , because in this latter there are many Pores which are fill'd by the Air , and not with its own Substance . CHAP. XIV . Of the Vulgar and Philosophical Definition of Motion . I. Local motion only is ●● be admitted of in Philosophy . BY the name of Motion we only understand that which is Local , as being the only Motion that is found in Nature , and to which all the rest are to be referr'd . For tho' ARISTOTLE Lib. 8. Physic . cap. 7. reckons up three kinds of Motion , viz. Motion in Magnitude , in Affection , and in Place ; yet he asserts that the latter of these must needs be the first of all Motions , and concludes , that Generation and Corruption , Accretion and Diminution , and last of all , Alteration , cannot be without Local Motion . For what else is the Motion of Generation and Corruption , but Local Motion , whereby the sensible and insensible parts , are fitly , or unfitly joyned together , according to the Essential Constitution of Bodies ? So likewise in Accretion and Diminution there is a Local Motion , whereby several parts are united to the Body growing ; or whereby those that have been joyned with it , are now separated from it . And as ●o Alteration , we find for Example , that Calefaction or Heating is perform'd by Local Motion , it being nothing else but the swift agitation of the parts of some Body ; as in Refrigeration or cooling , the said parts are more slowly moved , or have no Motion at all . Tho' indeed if we would speak strictly , all the other Species of Motion that are commonly reckon'd up , are rather changes made by Motion , than Motions . II. All other Motions 〈◊〉 but the Differences of Local Motion . Wherefore seeing that all these kinds of Motion , are only certain differences of Local Motion , denominated from their various effects of Generating , Corrupting , Encreasing , Diminishing and Altering , we should multiply Entities in vain by going about to establish any other sorts of Motion , besides this . III. Motion examin'd according to the sense of the Common People . But that we may the more clearly discover the nature of Motion , we will first enquire what is understood by this Word , according to the vulgar acception of it , and then come to explain the true and Philosophical Notion of it . IV. What the Common People understand by Motion . The Common People by Motion , understand the Action whereby some Body is remov'd from one place to another . This is that which they do mean by Local Motion . And therefore they suppose that a Body may at the same time be moved , and not be moved , as a Master of a Ship , who is said to be moved , if the Shoar be consider'd as immoveable ; and not to be moved , with relation to the Stern of the Ship where he sits . Secondly , by this action the Common People imagine , that a greater force is required to produce Motion than Rest . Which Judgment they make , because they find that the Command of their Will is required to the moving of their own Bodies , whereas they Rest by their own Weight , without standing in need of any other thing to stop them . But they may be easily convinc'd of their error by putting them in Mind , that very often there is as much action required to stop the Motion of Bodies , as there is to move them . For there needs as much force to stop a Stone that is tumbling down from a Mountain , as to tumble down a Stone , that lies still on the top of it . V. Five things to be consider'd in Motion . There are five things to be consider'd in every Motion ; the mover , the moved , the Term from which , and the Term to which , and Succession . The mover is that which doth move ; the moved , is the Body that is moved by the Action of the mover ; the Term from which , is the Neighbourhood of those Bodies which it quits ; and the Term to which , is the Neighbourhood of those Bodies to which the Body comes ; and Succession is that progress whereby the thing moved is continually in a different manner apply'd to the various Parts of Ambient Bodies . VI. Wherein Motion properly doth consist . Now to the end that this Progress or Succession may be the better understood , we are to observe , that Motion may be consider'd three manner of ways : First , as it proceeds from the mover , as by example , from a Man who throws a Stone , and so in the mover it is call'd an Action . Secondly , as it is receiv'd in the thing moved , at the first moment of its impulse , whilst it is yet joyned to the mover , Ex. Gr. in the Stone , which a Man casts , and so it is a Passion . Thirdly , forasmuch as it is in the Body moved , separated from the mover , as in a Stone , when it is carried through the Air , and so it is a certain Mode or state opposit to Rest ; and in this last Sense Motion is here taken : And accordingly Motion is defin'd to be , the Translation of a Definite Body from the Neighbourhood of Bodies that immediately touch it , to the Neighbourhood of other Bodies . Or it is the successive application of one Body , to the Parts of Bodies immediately touching it . VII . Wry M●tion is called Translation . It is call'd a Translation in the first place to shew that Motion is not a thing subsisting , but only a Mode of Substance : For a Body is otherwise when it is moved than when it rests . Secondly , to distinguish it from the Action that translates it , or the Cause of its Motion : For that Rule of Logick is sufficiently known , that the cause cannot be the Genus : For we do not say that a sound is the motion of the Air , but a Quality arising from the Motion of the Air. And in like manner we must not say that Motion is an Action , but a Translation caused by some Action or force , which will more clearly appear , when we shall shew hereafter , that the Moving force is not a Mode of the Matter , but the Action of God. VIII . And from the Neighbourhood of Bodies that touch it . It is said to be the Translation of one Body out of the Neighbourhood of Bodies Immediately touching it , &c. not from one place to another , because by the word Place nothing of certainty is signified , forasmuch as with respect to diverse things , the same thing may be said to change its Place , and not to change it . So he that sits in a Ship , changes his Place with regard to the Shoar , which he leaves , and does not change it regard being had to the parts of the Ship. Now by defining Motion to be a Translation from the Neighbourhood of contiguous Bodies , we denote that the Body is moved by its own proper Motion : So that tho' many common Motions , may be at the same time attributed to the same Body , yet one of these only is its Proper Motion , viz. that whereby it is separated by Bodies contiguous to it . As he that sits in a Ship , tho' he participate of the various Agitation of the Ship , yet is he not moved with any proper Motion of his own , because he abides fix't and unmov'd as to the contiguous Bodies that are about him . IX . What is meant by one Body in the Definition . By one Body is understood all that which is transferred ; tho' it may consist of many parts , which have other Motions . Because these Motions are not really distinct ; it being a difficult thing to understand so many Motions together : As for Example , when the Body of an Animal is moved , his Tongue , Hands , Blood , and Spirits are moved also ; all which Parts have their particular Motions , besides the common Motion of the whole Body , which they partake of . X. How Bodies are moved , since there is no Vacu●m into which they may be received . But the Difficulty is since there is no Vacuum in Nature , and that all the Bodies of the Universe , have proportionate places which they fill up , how can Bodies be moved when there is no empty space to admit them ? XI . Ars●er . I answer that local motion may very well be performed notwithstanding the absolute Plenitude of the Universe , not by means of any Compression and Dilatation of the Fire ( as the Peripateticks tell us ) but by a circular yielding of Bodies ; so that when a Body is moved , it thrusts the next Body in its way out of the Space , which it enters into , and that again thrusts out another , and so to the last ; which enters upon the place which the first Body has left , at the same instance that it leaves it . This we see in a round Pipe fill'd with Bullets , that the first of them cannot be moved , except the last by the impulse of the intermediate ones do succeed into its Place . Thus our Philosophy rejects all similiar , Magnetical and Electrical Attraction , and every motion which is not performed by the impulse of Bodies , according to the Rules hereafter to be mentioned . So that whenever this Circular Motion of Bodies is hindred , there can be no Motion at all ; as may be seen in a Tasting Pipe used by Wine Coopers , represented by ABC , the upper Orifice A , being shut , and the inferior C , open . For tho' the liquor that is contain'd in it be much heavier than the Air , that is without ; yet because the Air that is prest by the liquor ready to run out of the under Orifice C , cannot recede , because the upper Orifice A , is stopt from receiving the Air that should succeed instead of the liquor running out of C , therefore the liquor continues in the Pipe as finding no place to receive it , because the circular Motion of Bodies is hindred , by the stopping of the upper Orifice of the said Pipe. XIII . A Body is more swifly mov●d through a narrow Passage . Thus may we see that the Motion of Bodies may very well be explained without penetration of Dimensions . And if it chance to happen , that the Circle through which the Body is to pass be unequal , that is narrower in one part than another , it must necessarily follow that the Body must be more swiftly moved where its passage is narrow , and so compensate the straitness of the place , by the celerity of its Motion . For it is one of the Laws of m tion , that when any liquor passeth from a large place to a straiter , the swiftness of its motion en●r●a●eth proportionably to the decrease of the wideness of its passage . This may be shewed by man● examples : Thus Winds are more vehement in a narrow passage , than in a wide Street ; a Bellows , tho' but leisurely comprest , sends out the Air through the Nuzzle with great swiftness and force ; and Waters otherwise gliding gently , when they pass through Sl●ces run violently ; and this because it is necessary that the whole Circle of Bodies should move all at once . XIV . Plato's way of explaining how all motion is made by a Circle . This opinion is thus explain'd by PLATO in his Timaeus : Forasmuch , saith he , as there is no Vacuum any where , into which any thing that is moved can enter ; and yet our breath continually goes out from us , it is apparent to every one that it goes not into an empty space , but drives the Air next to it , out of its place , which again drives away the next to it ; and according to this necessity whatsoever is driven into the place , whence the breath came forth , doth follow it . And all this is perform'd at once by a certain Revolution , since there is no vacuity any where . Wherefore as soon as the Breast and Lungs have let out the Breath , they are immediately fill'd again with the Air that surrounds and penetrates the Pores of the Body . And again the Air flying out of the Body , and the let out breath , forceth us to draw in our breath again , by the Passages of our Mouth and Nostrils . XV. Motion is not contrary to Motion ▪ but to Rest . One Motion is not contrary to another Motion , because when two Bodies of the same Bigness and swiftness meet , they do not lose their Motion , but are only reflected , and then so continue their Motions again . But Rest alone is contrary to Motion : And tho' a slow Motion may be said to be opposit to a swift , that is only because a slow Motion partakes of Rest . XVI . What Rest is . For Rest is a Continuance of a thing in the same place , or an adhaesion to the same Contiguous Bodies . This is an Affection proper to matter , which consider'd simply in it self ▪ without any force from without imprest upon it , continues unmov'd , that is , hath its parts continuous to it self . Now this Rest or Quiet is something Positive as well as Motion : For Rest , according to its Magnitude , resists motion more or less , alters the determination of motion , and keeps the parts of continuous and hard Bodies close together , which could not be done by that which is meerly Privative . And indeed forasmuch as Rest is something stable and permanent , if compared with motion , which is flowing and passing , we cannot deny it Reality . XVII . Rest is 〈◊〉 to Motion . Rest therefore is oppos'd to motion , not Privatively , as Habit and Privation ; but Positively , as two contraries , whereof the one is contrary to the other ; for Rest is adverse to motion by resisting it , and that either by diminishing it , or reflecting it . XVIII Motion is not a Real Quality , as the Peripateticks suppose , but only a Mode which is not distinct from the Body . For we cannot conceive it to be any thing else , but the change whereby a Body is translated , or withdraws from some other 〈…〉 immediately touch it . As when 〈…〉 of a River , we see a Fish for 〈…〉 over against the same place , without being carried away by the course of the Water , which on all sides surrounds it , we must conclude it to be really moved , because the whole outside of the Fish , is successively apply'd to diverse parts of the Water that do immediately touch it ; and because we find all that in it which happens to another Fish that swims in a Pond ; and moreover the effort he useth makes him successively to correspond to different parts of the VVater . And on the contrary when we see a Stick driving in the VVater , so as to be always apply'd to the same parts of the Water , we must say that it doth not move , but lye still , forasmuch as the said Stick is without any Action of its own , and doth not correspond successively to divers Parts of the VVater , because a Stick in this case , and the VVater , make up but one thing , which is really moved . XIX . Motion and Rest are the Modifications of a Body . As we cannot conceive an Application to be made to different Parts , without conceiving a Body that applies it self to them ; therefore we are to judg , that Motion is not an Absolute Entity , as hath been said before , but only the Modification of a Body that is moved ; and so Rest likewise the Mode of a Body resting . Whence it appears , that Motion and Quiet superadd nothing more to a Body moved or Resting , than Figure superadds to a Body figured . And seeing that a Body may either be moved , or not moved , we must conclude , that Motion and Rest are Accidental to Matter . XX. There is no violent Motion in Nature . We may also infer from what hath been said , that there is no violent Motion in Nature , since it is as connatural to Bodies to push forwards one another , as to rest and lye still . For Matter consider'd in it self , being idle and unactive , and receiving its motion from an External Principle , it follows that Motion equally agrees to all Bodies . Neither can the Motion of a Stone cast upwards , be said to be violent , any more than the Motion of a Ball when it falls down perpendicularly to the Earth : For as the Motion of a Stone cast up into the Air , proceeds from the force of him that casts it up ; so the descent of a Ball proceeds from the subtil matter which carrieth the Earth and compresseth all its parts towards the Center . For the word Violent hath reference only to our Will , which is said to be forced when any thing happens to it , which it resists and strives against . CHAP. XV. Of the Principle of Local Motion . I. There are two Principles of Motion . FOrasmuch as Matter hath no power to attribute any motion to it self , or to remove another Body out of its place ( as shall be said in the following Chapter ) we are to enquire here what is the Cause of motion in the Universe . In which enquiry , that we may follow the order we see in the World , we shall pitch upon two Principles of motion ; the one General , on which all motions in the world do depend ; and the other Particular or secundary , to which all singular motions are attributed . II. God is the first Cause of Motion . The First and Universal Cause is that which first put matter into Motion , and is no other but God alone , who bestowed Motion upon the matter he had created , and preserves the same by the same Action by which he produc'd it at first ; and because it is agreeable to Right Reason , and the Idea we have of God , that he should conserve his Creatures in the most simple way ; it seems more than probable that God continues the same Agitation in the Universe , which he imprest on it at first , yet so as that he can always whensoever it pleaseth him change these Laws , which he hath established . III. The Second Cause is the meeting of other Bodies . The Second or Particular Cause is the meeting of Bodies , by which means it happens , that this Divine Action , which preserves Motion , exerts it self sometimes in these , sometimes in other Bodies : Whence the difficulty which ariseth from the Communication of Motion may be easily solved ; for tho' Motion , as being only the Mode of a Body , cannot remove from one Subject to another , which Regius unwarily asserts ; yet the agitating force , being no Mode of a Body , may by removing shew it self sometimes in this , sometimes in the other Body . IV. The Communication of motion is performed according to the Laws at first set by God ▪ Whensoever therefore DES CARTES speaks of the Communication of Motion , he is to be understood of that Power , which preserves Natural Things in the same condition wherein they were constituted at first , and all effects order'd according to the Laws appointed for them , and suiting to their Natures . V. Three Laws of Nature . There are three Laws of Nature , which are founded in that most simple Concourse , whereby God preserves all Bodies , which are very conducive to understand the Nature of Motion . VI. The First Law of Nature . The First is this ; Every Natural thing , if it be simple and undivided , always inclines to continue in the same state wherein it is : So that no change can happen to it , but from some outward Principles . Thus a Round Body , always keeps its Round Figure , neither is the same destroy'd , but by some supervening foreign Agent . And supposing the same Body to be moved , it will still proceed further , except it meet with some impediment that puts a stop to its Motion . And according to this Rule , we say , that a Body once put into Motion , for example , a Ball struck by a Racket , doth not stop at the Wall from whence it is reflected ; for should we suppose any interruption in its Motion , we should be at a loss to find the cause that excites a new Motion in it again . Wherefore we must conclude that that which is moved , is always moved , and that which rests , rests always . And for this cause it is that a Stone continues its Motion , after it is let go out of the hand of him that throws it . VII . The Reason of the Foregoing Rule . This Rule may easily be gather'd from what we shall say in the following Chapter : For seeing that a Body cannot move it self , it follows , that that which rests , must persevere so , except by some outward force it be driven out of its place . And in like manner , when a Body is once put into Motion , no reason can be assign'd why it should not continually proceed therein , with the same swiftness , as long as it meets with nothing that stops its career . For since nothing can be done without a Cause , the state of a Body cannot be changed without the Action of a Cause . Hence it is that a Leaden Bullet being let fall from the top of a Mast , notwithstanding the swift course of the Ship , yet falls down straight to the bottom ; for the Motion of the Bullet being a Compound of progressive and descensory Motion , and both of them continuing in the same state , it is evident that the Bullet can fall no otherwise than it doth . VIII . Every change proceeds from outward Causes . Wherefore we shall meet with no change in Bodies , as to Motion or Rest , Swiftness or Slowness , Figure , Situation , Magnitude , &c. which do not proceed from without , the searching out of which Causes is the particular task of Natural Philosophy . Water indeed doth by degrees lose its Heat , but then it is no simple , and undivided Body ; for it derives its agitation from without , and retains it as long as the agitating Cause continues ; but forasmuch as the Cause ceaseth , and the more thin parts of the Water Evaporate , and communicate their Motion to the Neighbouring Bodies , by this means the VVater becomes reduc'd to its former state of Coldness . IX . Why a Stone after some time , falls down again to the ground . You 'l say , a Stone cast up into the Air , doth after a short time fall down again to the ground , which would not be , if a Body once moved , were inclin'd to continue its Motion ; for according to this Rule , it ought continually to proceed , tending upwards . X. Answer . I answer , that a Stone falls down to the ground , not because it willingly desists from its Motion , but because it is hindred by the Bodies it meets with on its way from proceeding any further . For the Air and fluid Matter that is in it , do not without difficulty admit the entring of other Bodies ; yea and besides do very much resist them , as is obvious to our sense of Feeling . For the subtil Matter , which thrusts Bodies downward , hinders the Stone from being carried up to Heaven . So that we our selves , when we leap up from the Earth , should still continue in the same Motion mounting upwards , if the subtil Matter which surrounds the whole Earth , did not drive us downwards . XI . No body moves circularly but by the intervening of outward force . What hath been said of a Stone falling to the Ground must likewise be understood in General of all other Bodies : Wherefore if we see a Body in its Motion describing the four sides of a Square Figure , we must conclude that at every one of the said Angles where it changeth its determination , it hath been forc'd to it by the meeting of some other Bodies , which have oppos'd its Motion and determination . And forasmuch as a Circle is Equivalent to a Figure of an infinite number of sides , it follows , that a Body which is circularly moved , must suffer a continual violence by meeting with several other Bodies , for without this it could never move in a round Line . XII . Another reason why Bodies persevere in their motion . But the chief reason that moves us to assert , that a Stone , or any other Body would persevere in its Motion , if we were not hindred by other Bodies , is , because Rest is contrary to Motion , and nothing by its natural Propensity tends to its contrary , that is , to its own Destruction ; and consequently a Body if once moved will move always , or if at rest , will always continue so . And in this Principle alone we place the Power of the Action and Resistance of Bodies . For as a thing that is united , hath a Power to resist its being separated from that which rests , to oppose that which would put it into Motion ; so that which is moved hath a Power to continue in its Motion with the same Swiftness , and towards the same place . XIII . Why a Body ceaseth to move . Thus a weight hanging at the end of the Packthread A B which by outward force is mov'd this way and that way , if it were transmitted to G , would fall down thence , and mount up to D , and always retain this Equality of Motion ; neither would it ever , by slackning of its Motion , come down to E and F , but that the Air hinders it from continuing its begun Motion from G to D. Forasmuch as no reason can be assign'd , why that which is , should cease to be , except a more powerful thing do hinder and oppose its force . XIV . The Second Law of Nature . The Sccond Law of Nature is this : Every Body in Motion , of it self tends to prosecute its Motion according to a right line , and not according to a crooked line . Notwithstanding that , many Bodies are forc'd to turn aside by their meeting or justling against other Bodies , and that , as hath been said before , the whole circle of Bodies moves together in every Motion . This Rule is inferr'd from the Definition of Motion , because it affirms nothing concerning Motion , save only that it is a Translation of one Part of Matter , out of the Neighbourhood of those Bodies that do immediately touch it , &c. into the Neighbourhood of other Bodies . So that except this Translation be most simple , that is , by right lines , and not crooked , we have attributed something to Motion , which is not contained in the Essential Notion or Definition of it , and so consequently that which doth not belong to its Nature . For whatsoever is moved , in every moment of its Motion , is determin'd to continue its Motion to some part or other , in a Right Line . Forasmuch therefore as God preserves Motion in the most simple manner that may be , and every natural thing continues in the state wherein it is , the Body moved will always continue its Motion in a Right line , except it be hindred from without . XV. Why every Motion tends to a Right Line . If you demand why every Motion tends to a Right Line , and not to a crooked ? I answer , because all the least parts that are found in a Crooked Line , are right Lines ; and since the circulating Body , ultimately exists in one of them , it follows according to the former Rule , that as soon as it is restor'd to its Liberty , it perseveres in the same state , and continues its Motion in that Right Line which there toucheth the Circle . But if the least parts in the Circle were crooked , the moved Body being continually carried along them , and afterwards left to its Liberty , according to the foregoing Rule , would pursue a crooked Motion , conform to the crooked particle of the Circle where it was last : But since this doth not happen , it is manifest that every Circle in Nature is a Polygon , or a Body of many Angles . XVI . Both these Laws demonstrated from the Divine Immutability . This Rule of Nature , as well as the foregoing , may be demonstrated from the consideration of the Divine Perfection , that is , from the immutability and simplicity of that operation whereby God conserves Motion in the Universe . For as God preserves Motion in any Body , by making that Motion which now is , to continue to exist , without any regard had to the state wherein the Body was before ; so he likewise continues to direct the Body moved to that Term , to which it is directed , at the present instant of time . But there is never any instant of time wherein it is not disposed to continue its Motion in a Right-Line , tho' before it was carried in a crooked line , and accordingly will pursue its motion in a Right-Line . This is clearly made out by DES CARTES in the 2d part of his Principles , Artic. 39. by the example of a Stone A , whirld about in a Sling AE , which tho' it be turn'd round in the Circle LABF , yet withal hath a tendency towards the Tangent Line ACG . For tho' the Stone first proceeds from L to A by a crooked line , yet nothing at all of that Obliquity can be understood to abide in it , whilst it is in the Point A. Because tho' the Stone be moved round , yet forasmuch as in every moment of time , parts may be assign'd that have no crookedness at all , it cannot be suppos'd to retain any obliquity , when the detaining force ceaseth . XVII . The Circular ▪ Motion of a Body proceeds from a Cause External . Hence it follows , that no Body of it self is moved in a Circular Motion , forasmuch as that always proceeds from an outward cause , which hinders the Body moved to pursue its Motion in a Right Line . Upon this account it is also that Wooden Bowls dashing against one another , are often whirld round ; and so Water likewise , when it is hastily poured into any Vessel : Yea , in every motion there is a circulation of Bodies , as shall be shewed hereafter . XVIII . Every Body that 's whirld round , endeavours 〈◊〉 recede fr●m its Center . Another Consectary is , that all Bodies circularly moved , do either actually recede , if they be not hindred ; or endeavour to recede , if they be , from the Center of their Motion : Because , as soon as the detaining force ceaseth , they begin to move in a Right Line . This is the reason why the Water doth not fall down out of a Bucket of Water as long as it is whirld round ; and that it strives to recede from the Center , we may gather from hence , because upon making a Hole in it , the Water runs out immediately . This Rule is of very great use for explaining of the Heavenly Phaenomena . Now this strife of receding from the Center , is either greater or lesser , proportionable to the Agitation , as ony one may plainly perceive in the whirling about of a Sling . XIX . And that which it strongest doth the more 〈◊〉 from the Center . Forasmuch therefore as all Bodies moved round , strive to continue their Motion in Right Lines ; it follows , that when many Bodies are so moved , every one of them must strive to move by the Tangent ACG of the Circle which it describes ; and really move by the same Line , as soon as the causes that have hindred it be taken away . It is visible also that the most strongly moved Bodies , must at the same time describe longer Tangents than those that are more weakly moved , and consequently more withdraw themselves from the Center of their Motion , and by the same means force the weaker Bodies to approach to the Center . XX. The Third Law of Nature . Another Rule is ; Whensoever the Moved Body , meets with another Body in Motion , if it have not as great a force to pursue its course by a Right Line , as there is in the other Body to hinder it , then it is turn'd out of its way , but yet continuing its Motion , loseth only the Determination of it . As it is evident in hard Bodies , which when they dash against another Body , do'nt therefore cease to move , but are reflected to the opposit part . But if one of them have a greater force than the other , then it pusheth it along , and as much of its own force as it imparts to this other Body , so much it loseth ; as when a hard Body meeting with a soft , by communicating its own Motion unto it , ceaseth to move and lies still . Wherefore we are not to suppose that when a Ball is thrown into a Heap of Sand , that its Motion is lost , but that it is communicated first to the Particles of Sand , next to the Air , and other neighbouring Bodies , notwithstanding the said communication be not visible to our Eyes . XXI . The Reason of the Third Rule . The Reason of this Rule is to be fetch'd from the First ; for seeing every thing inclines to continue in the state wherein it is , it will follow that that which is weakest must be changed by the stronger , as experience teacheth . XXII . From this Law arise those changes which happen to Bodies upon their meeting one another . From this Third Law ariseth almost all the changes we find in Bodies , caused by the various resistance and occurrence of other Bodies ; the effect of which occurrence will be different . First , according to the magnitude of those Bodies . Secondly , according to their Superficies , whereby they press upon each other . Thirdly , according to the swiftness and force of their Motion . Fourthly , according to the Rest and contact of Parts in that Body against which another dasheth , as shall be more amply shewed Part V. XXIII . How to measure the Quantity of motion . The Quantity of Motion in a Body is known partly by the length of the Line which the Body moved runs through ; partly from the quantity of its Bulk , which is transferr'd together with it . Thus a Square Body of one Foot , being moved the length of 10 Ells , is said to have a certain Quantity of Motion , which would be double , if an equal way , were added to the former length , which that Body shall run through . Again , if a Square Body of one Foot , should run through the space of 10 Ells , there would be a double portion of Motion in it , with respect to a Square Body of half a Foot. Whence it follows , that Bodies of different magnitudes , may have the same quantity of motion . Thus the Square Body of one Foot , and that of half a Foot would have the same quantity of motion , supposing the former to run through a Line of five Feet , and the other a Line of ten Feet . XXIV . Unequal Bodies may have an Equal quantity of motion . From hence it is evident , that to the end two Bodies of different magnitude may have an equal quantity of motion ; it is necessary that the Lines they run through , be reciprocally taken according to their bigness . As supposing one Body to be thrice as big , as another , it is necessary that the Line it describes by its motion , be only the third part of the Line , the lesser Body runs through . And upon this ground we may build these four following Maxims . XXV . The First Maxim. Two equal Bodies , have equal Quantities of motion , when in equal time , they describe equal Lines . XXVI . Second Maxim. Two equal Bodies have unequal quantities of motion , when in equal time , they describe unequal Lines . XXVII . The Third Maxim. Two unequal Bodies have equal quantity of motion , when in an equal space of time , they describe Lines , which are of a reciprocal Proportion to their magnitude . XXVIII . The Fourth Maxim. Two unequal Bodies have unequal Quantity of motion , when in equal time they describe Lines which are not reciprocal to their Bulk . CHAP. XVI . A Body can neither move it self , nor another Body . I. Motion is something distinct from the force that moves . TO know whether the Body moved hath its motion from it self , or whether it receives it from some outward Cause , we are to suppose two things in motion ; the one residing in the thing moved ; and the other in the mover : The former of these is the successive application of the Body moved , to the different parts of the Body that doth immediately touch it ; and the second is , the force that causeth this application . Motion in the thing moved is nothing else but a mode , as hath been said in the foregoing Chapter ; and consequently cannot pass from this Body into another , because every mode is inseparably tyed to its Subject . But motion consider'd with spect to the mover , is not a mode of the Body moved , because we find by experience that it passeth from that Body into another ; so that motion in the first Sense , is only modally distinct from the Body , whereas the efficient mover is Really distinct from it . II. Every Body is moved by another . It is evident therefore that a Body hath not its motion from it self , in the first of these Senses , because this motion consists in an Application which is Accidental to the Body ; and that every change which happens to any Subject , proceeds from an External Cause . Neither can it give it self the Efficient motion ; because this motion likewise is Accidental to the Body : Wherefore it follows that the Body must receive its motion from something that is without it . III. A Body may not be moved at all . Moreover , a Body connot be said to have that of it self which it may lose , without ceasing to be what it is ; now it is evident that every Body can wholly lose its Motion , without ceasing to be a Body : Wherefore we must conclude that no Body has any motion of it self . IV. If a Body were mov'd of it self , it would be in perpetual motion . If a Body of it self had the Power to move it self , this Power would be Essential to it , and consequently the Body would move always , and with the same force , which is contrary to experience , which teaches us that a Body sometimes moves more , and sometimes less , and sometimes not at all : Wherefore it receives its force to move from something without it . Now there is nothing without or external to matter but Spirit ; it is Spirit therefore that moves the Body , that is to say , God , who makes the parts of matter apply themselves successively , as to their outsides , to other parts that immediately touch them . Wherefore , since God cannot produce motion without acting , nor act otherwise than by his Will ; we must own that the moving Power is nothing else , but the Will God hath to move the matter . Whence it follows also , that as the Will of God is unchangeable , the quantity also of the moving force must always continue the same , and that if it change by encreasing or diminishing , this is not with respect to its Principle , but with respect to the different Bodies on which God exerts that Power , as we have already shewed . V. Neither can a Body move another Body . From whence we gather this Conclusion also , that no Body can move another . For how shall it move another Body , seeing it cannot move it self ? VI. The Power of moving differs from the thing moved . If you say that the Power of moving is not distinct from the thing moved , and that therefore it is not repugnant for a Body to apply it self to divers places : If it were so , it would follow that the force whereby God produceth motion in the Universe , must include the notion of Extension ; and seeing the same is not distinct from God , it would follow , that God is Corporeal . VII . Aristotle teacheth that no Body can be moved by it self . Wherefore , ARISTOTLE 8 Physic . Chap. 4. tells us , that no Body can be moved by it self , and consequently that Heavy and Light Things are not moved of themselves , but by others . For if they could move of themselves , they might also stand still of themselves ; for whatsoever is a cause of walking to it self , is also the cause of not walking ; wherefore if Fire of it self did move upwards , it would also be able by its own strength to move downwards . For it is not , saith he , agreeable to Reason , that those things should only be moved one way , that do move themselves . Moreover , how can it be that a continuous thing should move it self ? For as far as any thing is one and continuous , it is not capable of Passion : But as soon as it is separated , then one can act and the other suffer . Nothing therefore moves it self , because every thing is one and connext ; nor another , that is one continuous thing with it , but in every thing it is necessary that that which moves , should be divided from that which is moved . VIII . Bodies have only a Dispositive Principle to motion . And tho' ARISTOTLE in the place before quoted , seems to own a Principle of Motion in Inanimate Bodies , this is only to be understood of a Dispositive , and not of an Active Principle ; after the same manner as a Knife , Sword , Leaver , or any other Engines , are fit or disposed to act something , and do moreover act and move , when they are employ'd by an External Agent , but never can set upon a work of themselves . IX . The moving force is different from the moved . To make this the more evident , let us suppose that all the parts of matter from the Beginning were destitute of all motion , and to have lain mingled together , having Extension only . Which of all these think you , would have begun to move first ? Or what force could they have had to move either themselves or others that touch'd them ? Seeing therefore we can conceive nothing there , besides Extension , and that Motion is not an effect of Extension , we must say , that none of them could have the Power either of moving themselves or other Bodies . And what we conclude of the several parts of the matter contained in the Chaos , the same we must conclude of the whole : For whither could that vast Body move , seeing that it is indefinitely extended , and we can conceive no Bounds or Limits in it ? X. Supposing things to be without motion , there is nothing whence they should be moved besides God. We must conclude therefore , that no Body can move it self , since the force of moving is distinct from it ; nor another Body , since a Body that moves another must lose as much of its own motion , as it imparts to the other Body : But how shall it impart that which it hath not ? Wherefore God must be concluded to be the Author and Principle of all motion in the World. XI . How Animals move themselves . If you object , that Animals do move themselves , without requiring an External Cause by which they might be moved . I answer , that the motion of Animals depends on that of the Animal Spirits which being of a fiery nature , and carried through the Body like a Flame or Wind , do easily move the Members of it . For in the Animal Spirits , besides the thinnest and most moveable Particles of the Blood , is also contained much of the Coelestial matter , which because of the extream subtilty of its Parts , is perpetually and necessarily agitated . Forasmuch therefore as these Spirits being either simply moved or determin'd , or besides also altered , do easily diffuse themselves into the Nerves , which are extended from the first Original of Sense and Motion to the Muscles and parts to be moved ; it is not difficult to conceive how the Figure of the Muscles being changed by the Influx of Spirits , by their contraction or extension , do contract or extend the parts to which they are joyned , and consequently can be moved with innumerable different motions . CHAP. XVII . Concerning those Motions which commonly are ascrib'd to Nature's avoiding of a Vacuum . I. 'T is absurd to attribute knowledg to Bodily things . SOme are so liberal as to allow Knowledg indifferently to all things , and suppose Inanimate Things to be indued with a kind of Intuitive Perception . For if you demand of them why a Stone tends downwards , why Water gathers up it self into round drops , why Plants delight in such and such ground ; they have a cause ready at hand , viz. That a Stone tends to the Center of the Earth to rest there ; that Water affects a Round Figure , to preserve it self from its Enemy ; and that Plants delight in such a Soil , because they know their convenient Aliment ; and that Water mounts up on high , to avoid a Vacuum , and to preserve the Union that is between Bodies . Yea , we shall hear some boldly asserting , that the Earth for no other Reason , took to it self a Sphaerical Figure , than that it might be able , to resist the impulses , of the Heavenly Bodies ; and that as with an Army in Battle-array , it might be in a better condition to oppose its Adversaries which on all sides press in upon it . II. The improper Answer of some Men. Thus they tell us , that the Water mounts upwards in Hero's Fountain , because Nature abhors a Vacuum . Which way of speaking hath always appear'd very strange to me , and much like that , as when a Man being demanded why Coals are brought to London from the North parts of England , should answer , for fear of Cold : For these answers do not in the least satisfie the Question , which is not concerning the Final , but the Efficient Cause . Neither indeed can the Avoiding of a Vacuum be said to be the Final cause of the Waters Ascent ; First , because the Fear of a Vacuum is vain ; neither can Nature abhor that which cannot be ; and consequently a vain cause is ascrib'd to those Natural Effects , which are suppos'd to proceed from this fear . Secondly , forasmuch as this Fear is perpetual , and that there is a continual necessity that all Bodies be united together , therefore the Water ought to ascend perpetually , which is contrary to experience ; for we find that in Spouts and Pumps the Water ascends only to a certain degree , viz. to thirty one Foot and an half , where its stops , and can rise no higher . III. Why Water can only rise to a certain measure . Now the Reason why Water can only be raised to a certain height , is this , because the weight of the pressing Air , is then , as it were of an equal poise with the weight of the Water that is driven upwards ; so as that the force of resisting in the Water , becomes equal to the pressing force that is in the Air. Thus by Example , from the waters mounting continually in Pumps to the height of about 31 Foot and an half , above the Surface of the VVater in which the end of the Pump is dipt , they conclude that a Column of Water of that height weighs as much as a Column of Air of the same bigness , how high soever it may mount . IV. No Body is moved but by that which immediately toucheth it . Now to the end that the Cause of these motions may be the better understood , we 'l take for granted what hath already been proved , that no Body moves it self , but must be moved by another Body , that immediately toucheth it , pushing against it : And forasmuch as in all the Instances we shall here alledg , nothing is found besides the Air , that mucheth the Bodies moved , we must conclude that they are pusht on by the Air. Moreover considering that the Air always retains a great Quantity of watry Particles , which tho' disperst in divers places , do notwithstanding retain their own Heaviness , we cannot doubt that the Air is Heavy , and that by its weight it presseth the Bodies it lies upon . As may be seen in a Syringe , out of which if we draw the Sucker a little way , it of it self runs to the bottom again , because the Air that is above it , and immediately toucheth it , by its weight presseth it down to the bottom . V. In every Motion the whole Circle of Bodies moves . Moreover , we are to suppose , that seeing there is no Vacuum in Nature , when one Body is moved , the same must come into the place of other Bodies , and that which is driven out , must at the same instant take up the place of another Body , and so consecutively one after another , till the last Body enters into the place which was left by the first ; so that all Motions in the World are in some sort Circular . VI. How those Motions are performed which are commonly ascribed to the fcar of a Vacuum . These things so far understood , it will be easy to apprehend , that all motions which are ascribed to the fear of a Vacuity , are produced , for that some Body being pusht out of its place , does as much for the Body that is next to it , and so on , till the last Body enters into the place left by the first Body . VII . How the Water comes to ascend by a crooked Pipe. This motion is evident in a Bent or crooked Pipe , the shorter leg whereof BAD being put into the Vessel E , fill'd with Water ( for it is supposed that the Liquor which is in the part of the Pipe FD , as standing in a liquor of equal Heaviness , is not at all pressed by it , and therefore has no gravitation at all ) and the longer Arm BC being extended towards the Earth ; The Water that is inclos'd in the longer Arm , being heavier because of its greater Quantity , than that which is in the short Arm BAD , it must needs by reason of its Weight fall out of the Pipe BC into the Air , and by driving that out of its place , presseth the surface of the Water D , and makes the Water to ascend by the short Arm DAB , from whence it is carried to that place , which the Water falling down out of the Arm BC , hath forsaken . For seeing that the surrounding Bodies , have no place whither to withdraw themselves , they hinder the Water and Air from entring . But in the longer Arm BC whence the Water falls down , room is made , which the Water thrust down by the pressing Air , may take up at the same instant . VIII . How long this ascent and descent continues . And the Water runs in this crooked Pipe , as long as the shorter Arm BAD , is depressed , or not of an equal height above the surface of the VVater with the other Arm BC. But when both the Arms are of an even height , the outflowing of the VVater will cease , for being equal , the one cannot prevail over the other . And if then the same ascent and descent of the VVater should continue , it would follow that there must be a greater quantity of VVater in the Arm BC , than in the Arm BAF , which is contrary to our supposition . IX . Why the flux of the water is by little and little diminished . This shews clearly why the flux of the liquor from these Pipes is swiftest at the first , and afterwards decreaseth by degrees , because the Arm from whence the Water runs out , is at first higher than the other , which height being continually lessen'd by the efflux of the Water , the swiftness of the motion of the liquor must be proportionably diminished . And when both the Arms are of an equal height , the efflux must cease , and the Water be at a stand in them both . X. The Motion of Water through a Pipe cannot be perpetual . Wherefore no wonder that they lost their labour who endeavoured by the weight of the Water in a crooked Tube ABC to find out a Perpetual Motion . For observing that much Water was contained in the wider Arm A , and that the longer Arm C contained only a little Water , they hoped that the Water enclos'd in the Arm A , because of its quantity and weight , falling down through the hole F , would have sufficient force to press the Air G , and by means thereof also pressing the surface of the Water D , contain'd in the Tube E , might drive the Water through the longer Arm C , into the Arm A , and from thence falling down again through the Hole F , of the wider Tube , into the Tube E , might produce a perperual motion of the ascending and descending Water . XI . The Reason of the former assertion . But this was but a vain attempt of theirs ; for tho' all the liquor contain'd in the wider Arm A , be much more heavy than what is in the longer Arm C , yet because the Water that is contain'd in the Globe A , doth not with its whole Body press the subjacent Air , but only with that part of it which perpendicularly answers to the Hole F , it cannot remove the Air that is under it out of its place , and consequently neither can it repel the Water contain'd in the Arm CB , into the other Arm BA , because the Water in CB exceeds that in weight which in the Arm A perpendicularly answers to the Hole F. And the reason why the whole liquor which is contained in the Arm A , cannot press all the subjacent Air , is , because the other parts of the Water contain'd in the longer Arm , falling down perpendicularly , tend directly to the parts of the Arm HI , diametrically under them , and therefore no wonder if they cannot press the subjacent Air ; otherwise the Water FB , which is the lighter , would by its pressure raise up the heavier DCB , which no Naturalist can admit . XII . How water is drawn out ●f a vessel by a Filter . The same cause that makes the Water ascend by the foresaid crooked Tube , raiseth it likewise by a long shred of Cloth or Linnen . For first of all the piece of Cloth must be well dipt in the Water ; because as long as that part which hangs down without the Vessel is dry , no filtration will follow : Now the outward parts of Water , wherewith the Cloth is made wet , do so insinuate themselves between the Threads of it , as to make a kind of Tube or Pipe ( but into which no Air can enter ) and in the mean time the consequent parts of the Water , which are contained in the said Pipe , flow towards that part of the Cloth , which hangs lower down on the outside of the Vessel , in like manner as it happens in the crocked Tube or Pipe. XIII . How the Air is drawn into a p●●r of Bellows . Thus likewise we see how a Bellows by being distended , becomes filled with Air ; for seeing all places are full , and no Vacuity is found in the Universe , by distending the Bellows , the Air is driven out of its place , and finding no other passage , is forced to enter by the Nuzzle of the Bellows . XIV . How the Air ●n Breathing enters into our Breast . Respiration also is performed in us much after the same manner : For the Air entring into our Bodies , dilates the same by means of the Muscles of the Breast and Stomack ; whereupon the neighbouring Air because of its fluidity is easily turn'd out of its place , and consequently drives before it that also which is next to it , and thus the Air being pusht by the Breast , and other subsequent Air , is thrust down through the Winde-Pipe into the Lungs and Breast , and from thence also does return the same way . For Respiration is nothing else but an Alternate expansion and contraction of the Breast , by which the Air is thus driven to and from the Lungs . XV. Respiration cannot be performed by Attraction . By this experiment we may solve all , or most at least of those Phaenomena , which Philosophers have attributed to Attraction . For it cannot be understood how in Respiration the Air is suckt in , or by what means the Lips , Lungs or any other part of the Body can hook in the little Particles of the Air and attract them : But when the inward parts are dilated , we easily apprehend that at the same time they push away the neighbouring Air , which partly by this pressure , and partly by the Elastick virtue caus'd by the Agitation of its Particles , is driven into the Breast , and afterwards expell'd again , viz. when the Lungs subside again and are contracted . XVI . How the Flesh of mans Body comes to rise up into the Cupping glasses . We must not omit here the Experiment of Cupping Glasses , by means whereof the Flesh is raised in order to Scarification , and by force driven into them . For the Air being in a manner wholly expell'd out of the Cupping Glasses , by the intromission of Fire , it must thereupon be condensed , and its parts more closely prest together , than is consistent with its temperament : And therefore whilst the Subtil Aether crouds in betwixt its Particles , this External Air strives to dilate it self again , and to return to its natural state : And in this strife it presseth all the Bodies that do surround it , which as long as they strive against this force , no Bodies are turn'd out of their Places . But when the Air in the Cupping Glasses begins to grow cold , it hath no power any longer to resist the pressure of the Air striving to dilate it self , and therefore suffers the outward Air , by pressing the Flesh to thrust it into the Cupping Glasses , and to drive out the subtil matter which was contained in them through the Pores of the Glass . XVII . Much in the same manner as the water mounts upwards . Almost in the same manner as we see the Hand in a Pneumatick Engine ( after that the Air is exhausted out of the Recipient or Glass Vessel ) to swell and spread . And for the same reason , a Viol with a narrow Mouth , if the Air by sucking be drawn out of it , and afterwards you stop the Hole of it with your Finger , and so dip it into the VVater , it will become fill'd with it ; because the Ambient Air by its weight pressing the Surface of the VVater , drives it into the Viol , in which the Air that remains , being rarefied , for the want of the Air that is extracted , retains only a weak Elastick force , and so cannot oppose the pressure of the outward Air. XVIII . How Infants suck Milk out of their Mothers Breasts . Hence it also appears how improperly Infants are said to suck Milk on t of their Mothers Breasts : For if we consider how a Child draws Milk , we shall find that he doth not attract it by Sucking , but that it is driven into his Mouth : For the Child when it is about to Suck , doth dilate his Cheeks , and lay hold of the Nipple , wherefore the Air , that is next to his Cheeks must be driven out of its place , which pressing the Breast of the Mother or Nurse , drives the Milk into the Childs Mouth . And accordingly also Nurses use to press their Breasts , to faciliate the Expulsion of the Milk. And the same doth yet more clearly appear in Brute Animals ; for Lambs use to thrust their Heads against their Dams Dugs , thereby to squeeze out the Milk into their Mouths . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Determination of Motion both Simple and Compound . I. What the swiftness , Determination and Quantity of motion is . HAving explain'd the Nature of motion , and determined the Causes of it , it remains now that we discover its Properties , and the Accidents that accompany it . The inseparable Properties , of motion are Determination , Swiftness , and Quantity . For every Body that is moved , moves some way or other , runs through a certain Space in a certain time , and that Space may be divided into certain degrees . Insomuch that the respect which Bodies moved have to the Coast towards which they are moved , is called Determination ; the respect which they have to the Space they run through in a certain time , is called Swiftness , and this Swiftness distinguisht into degrees , that is , into equal Parts , is called the Quantity of motion . II. What the Determination of Motion is . The Determination of motion is that whereby the Body moved , is directed from the Term ● quo , to a certain Term : Such as is that disposition in a Stone , whereby it tends rather to the Center of the Earth , than towards any other part whatsoever . We shall the better understand its Nature by dividing motion into Straight , Circular and Mixt. Straight motion is a Translation by the shortest way that can be , viz. by a Right Line . Circular motion is a Translation about a Center and Axis . And mixt motion is that which is compounded of a Circular and Straight Motion , or of two straight ones , or innumerable other various motions . As the motion of a Knot in a Wheel about the Axletree , which is circular ; and also straight with respect to the way along which it goeth . III. How a mixt motion may be compounded of two straight motions . And that a mixt motion may be compounded of two right motions , is evident , when in the square Figure ABCD , the uppermost side AB , is moved with a straight motion towards the opposite side CD , and that at the same time the point A , of the upper side AB , be moved towards B , the other extremity in a straight motion . For by this means the point A , will not describe a Perpendicular AC , but a Transverse Line AD , yet a straight one , which Geometricians call a Diagonal , when it reacheth the opposite side CD . IV. Determination is a Mode distinct from Motion . These things being thus briefly laid down , I say , that motion consider'd in it self differs from Determination towards any Coast ; which I thus prove . Whatsoever can be taken away from any thing , without impairing of it , that doth not constitute the nature of that thing : But Determination may be taken away , the motion still continuing whole and entire : Therefore Determination doth not constitute the nature of motion . The Minor is thus proved : Suppose the Body A , to move towards B , and to be hindred by the Body B , from going any further , A according to the Laws of motion , will retain its own motion entire : But when it pursues its motion , it is no more carried the same w●y it was before , because it is hindred by the Body B : Wherefore its motion abiding entire , and having lost its first Determination , it will begin to move the contrary way : And therefore motion is distinct from Determination . V. The Determination of motion may be changed , without any change of motion . This may be proved ; for that motion , as was said before , is not contrary to motion , neither do they ever destroy one another in the same Subject ; whereas one Determination is contrary to another , and the one destroys the other : Wherefore they are different . For proof of the Minor , suppose the Body A , to be bigger than the Body B , and to dash against the Body B , either resting , or more slowly moved , A moving more swiftly , will alter the Determination of B. But if A and B be supposed equal in bigness , and that with a different Determination and equal swiftness they approach to one another , they will fly back from each other the contrary way , with the change of both their Determinations , whilst the same Quantity of Motion still continues in them . Moreover , Motion , and its Determination are two Modes , one whereof may be superadded to the other in the same Subject ; after the same manner as Swiftness and Slowness happens to Running . And therefore as Swiftness may be taken away from the running of a Stag , and is actually taken away , when he runs slowly : So likewise can the Determination of motion be easily changed , the motion it self still continuing . VI. Motion , and the Direction of it to a certain part , have different Causes . This will appear unquestionable , if we consider that the cause of Motion and Determination is not one and the same . For that force whereby the mover strikes a Ball with a Racket from C towards B , is not that , by which it is determin'd to tend this way rather than another way , but wholly diverse from it . The force of the Racket is that which moves the Ball , and could as well move it towards any other parts , as towards B. But the Determination depends on the Situation of the Racket , which so disposeth it , as to make it to be carried to B , and might have dispos'd it after the same manner , tho' it had been struck another way . And therefore the Determination of the motion of Bodies does not so much depend on the force of the mover , as on the Situation of the mover , and circumjacent Bodies . Wherefore it is manifest , that it may happen that the Ball being struck from C towards B , may be turn'd aside by meeting with the Earth EF , viz. by a change of its disposition , by which it tended towards B , the force of its motion all this while continuing the same , there being nothing common between them . VII . There is no Rest in the Point of Reflection . Those who do not distinguish the Determination , from motion it self , nor one Determination from another , do suppose that the Motion of Reflexion is contrary to direct motion ; and instead of owning no other contrariety , but what is between motion and rest , they assert , that between reflex motion there is a moment of rest , which is absolutely impossible . For this motion being interrupted , there would be no cause assignable , by which it might be excited anew ; but rather having obtained a new way of Existing , according to the Laws of Nature it ought to continue in the same condition , as much as if it had been at rest for many ages together . Neither is there any more necessity why it should begin to move again , than why a Triangular Body , which by motion is become Spherical , should not retain that Figure , as much as if it had receiv'd it from the beginning . Because every thing , as far as in it lies , continues in the same state wherein it is . VIII . Determination is either Simple or Compound . Determination is double , simple or compound . Simple Determination is that , whereby a Body after a simple manner tends to the Term to which it is directed . Such as is the Determination whereby t e Body A , from the same point A , by the right line AB , moves towards the Body EF diametically opposite to it . IX . A Body faling perpendicularly upon another Body , must be perpendicularly reflected . But when a Body falls directly and perpendicularly from A to B , on another hard and unmoved Body EF , it is evident that it must fly back by the same line BA , seeing there is no reason why it should tend to one side more than to another . Yea , forasmuch as the Determination of the Body A , is direct from A to B , and is simple , it is necessary according to the Laws of the unchangeableness of Nature , that it always continue in the same state , without altering . X. What compound Determination is . Compound Determination is , when the Body moved is after a compound manner directed to another Body : As when the Body C , from the Point C , by the Transverse Line CB tends to the Body EF obliquely oppos'd to it . For the Mode of this tendency is compounded of a Lateral Progressive motion CG in length , and a descensory CB in height : Because every motion that depends on two or more causes , is compound . Wherefore , a Bullet shot out of a Canon , doth not describe a straight , but a crooked line only , because two divers causes concur to its motion ; the one driving out the Bullet , which by degrees grows less , since the Bullet , as it proceeds , communicates its motion to the Air , which it thrusts out of its Place ; whereas the other motion , which is descensory , is encreased , daily experience teaching us that Heavy Bodies move more slowly at the beginning of their descent , than in the progress of it . CHAP. XIX . Concerning Reflexion and Refraction . I. What Reflexion and Refraction is . FRom what hath been said , may be easily gather'd what it is for a Body to be Reflected or Refracted . For since in Compound Determination the Body moved , meeting with another Body , tho' it keeps the same motion , yet only retains one part of its Determination ; it so happens that because it cannot go forwards , it suffers an Oblique Reflexion towards the opposite part ; but if it can , then Refraction . Hence Reflexion may be describ'd , The Regress or Return that happens to a moved Body , because of the meeting of another Body , which it cannot penetrate . And Refraction , is the incurvation , or change of Determination in the Body moved , which happens to it , whilst it enters or penetrates the Medium . II. Sometimes a Body is directly reflected . Thus if a Body moved directly , meets with another that is unmoveable , it must be reflected by the same Line by which it is directly moved , there being no cause to oblige it , to describe any other . For example ; if the Body G be mov'd directly by the Line GB , towards the Earth CE , which I suppose unmoveable , it will not be reflected by the Lines BA , or BF , but by the Line BG . The Reason whereof is , because the Determination of the Lines BA and BF is compounded , and that no cause can be assigned , that should oblige the Body G , which was moved with one only Determination toward the Earth CE , to retire from thence with two Determinations . III. Sometimes obliquely . But if the Body A be mov'd obliquely by the line AB , and that it meet with the Earth CBE , which is suppos'd unmoveable , it will be reflected by the line BF , which is diverse from the line AB . To prove this , draw through the Points A and B , the lines AC and HB , perpendicular to CE. This done , consider in the first place that the Body A , moving towards B , doth at the same time approach to the lines CE and HB , that is to say , that its Determination from A to B , is compounded of its Determination from A to C , and from A to H ; or that which is the same thing , of its Determination from above to beneath , and from the left to the right . Consider in the second place , that the Earth CBE opposeth it self to the Determination from A to H , and by consequence that the Body A , when it meets with the Earth , must take a quite contrary Determination to that which it had , by which in an equal space of time , it must advance equal quantities ; that is to say , if within a Minute , the Body A , descended by the line AB , to the line CBE , it must in another minute remount again from the line CBE by the line BF . IV. The Angle of Reflection is equal to the Angle of Incidence . But that we may know more distinctly to what part the Body or Ball struck , must rebound , let us describe a Circle from the Center B , at the Interval BA : For all the Points which are distant the same Interval from B , as A is , do meet in this Circumference . Now to be able particularly to determine this Point , let us with Des Cartes Chap. 2. Dioptr. erect three perpendicular lines AC , HB and FE , upon CE , so as there may be the same distance between AC and HB , as between HB and FE . Next let us say , that in the same space of time , in which the Ball hath been moved towards the right from A , one of the Points of the line AC , into B , one of the Points of the line HB , it must move from the lines HB , to some point of the line FE . For all the Points of this line FE , have in this respect the same Distance from HB , as all the Points of the line AC , and it is also as much determined to move that way as it was before . Now so it is , that it cannot arrive at one and the same time to any point of the line FE , and to some point of the circumference of the Circle AFD , save only at the point D , or at F , because there are none but these two , where they intersect one another : So that the Earth hindring it from passing towards D , we must conclude that it must infallibly move towards F. And thus you may easily see how Reflection is made , to wit , according to an Angle , which is always equal to that which is call'd the Angle of Incidence . As if a Ray , coming from the point A , to fall upon the point B , on the surface of a flat Looking-glass CBE , should so reflect toward F , that the Angle of Reflection FBE , be neither greater nor less , than the Angle of Incidence ABC . V. The Angle of Reflection is sometimes less than the Angle of Incidence . Yet it is not necessary that the Angle of Reflection , should be always equal to the Angle of Incidence , forasmuch as sometimes it may be greater and sometimes less . For suppose the Body A , to descend by the line AC , towards the Body DE , and to reach the Center C , in the space of one Moment ; and that the swiftness of this Motion ; be diminished one half in the Point of Contact C ; it is evident that the Body A , being reflected from the opposite Body DE , in its Center C , cannot in one moment run through an equal line , since it is supposed to have lost one half of its swiftness , and therefore spending two Moments , in running through an oblique line , it will by Reflection arrive at the Point of the Circle B , and will there make the Angle of Reflexion BCE , less than the Angle of Incidence ACD . This Reflexion is commonly call'd from a Perpendicular , because the line of Reflection BC doth more deviate from a Perpendicular , than the line of Incidence AC . VI. When the Angle of Reflection is greater than the Angle of Incidence But if the Body B , be carried to the opposite Body DE by the oblique line BC , and arrive at the Center C , in the space of two Moments , and that its Motion be encreased in the point of Contact , so as to become twofold swifter , it is evident that the Body B , rebounded by the opposite Body DE , must in the space of one Moment , in its ascent run through ●an equal oblique line , and arrive at the point A of the Circumference of the Circle ; and so the Angle of Reflection ACD , will be greater than the Angle of Incidence BCE . And this Reflection is call'd Reflection to a Perpendicular , because the line of Reflection AC , doth less deviate from a Perpendicular than the line of Incidence BA . VII . What Refraction is , and how ●t is made . What has been said is sufficient to explain the nature of Reflection : We proceed now to Refraction , which is when a Body passing from one Medium to another doth deflect from the straight line it described . So that by the Refraction of Motion nothing else is understood , but the Deflection or turning aside , which a Body suffers in passing from one Medium into another . For the understanding of this Refraction , we are to consider , first , whether the second Medium resists the Motion more or less than the first , and whether the Body moved do meet it directly , or obliquely ; for if it meets it directly , whether it resist more or less , it is without doubt , that the Body moved must in no wise change the determination of its Motion , in penetrating of it . VIII . A Body directly falling int●● medium ●●●fers no Refraction . To prove this , let us suppose the Body L descending in the Air by the Perpendicular line LB , and that it directly meet the Water which is under the surface CBE , which separates the two Mediums : This being so , I say that the Body L having pierced the surface CBE , will tend directly towards G , because the Water that is under that surface , doth resist it equally on all sides , and that there is nothing but the inequality of that resistance , that can make it turn aside . IX . But if it falls obliquely it i● refracted . On the contrary , if the Body moved meets the second Medium obliquely , then of necessity it must deflect either to the right or left , according as the second Medium resists its Motion more or less than the first ; as by example , let us imagine a Ball struck with a Racket from A , obliquely to B , to meet there not with the Earth , but with the Water , whose surface is bounded with CBE , the Ball in this case doth not directly tend to D , but towards I , and this bending or deflection , which is measur'd by the Quantity of the Angle BDI , is call'd Refraction . X. The cause of Refraction . The Cause of this Refraction is the Resistance it meets with : For seeing that every thing as much as in it lies continues always in the same state , we can give no reason why any Body should deflect from the Straight way in which it began to move , but because it meets with some hindrance in that part from whence it rebounds . Thus when the Body A , after it is arriv'd to the Point B , is turn'd aside , and tends towards I , we must conclude that it meets with more resistance towards the left side of B , than on the right ; and if it be turn'd aside towards D , that it finds a greater Resistance from the right side of B , than from the left . And therefore if we perceive that the Water doth more hinder the motion of the Ball than the Air , we may easily judge that the Ball which in the Air is moved from the Point A to the Point B , that from thence it may pass into the Water , must pursue its course towards I , and deflect from a Perpendicular . XI . How a Body comes to be variously refracted . This may be apply'd to all Bodies and all the Mediums they pass through . Wherefore this may pass for a Maxim , that as often as a Body moved , passeth from one Medium into another , that doth resist it more , it must be refracted , by declining from a Perpendicular . And that on the contrary , when it passeth from one Medium to another where it finds less Resistance , there it must deflect towards a Perpendicular . XII . It is requied to Refraction that a Body fall obliquely upon another Body I have already said that it is necessary to Refraction that the Body fall obliquely upon the surface that separates both Mediums , that so it may be deflected or turn'd aside . For if it should proceed Perpendicularly , without any Declination , seeing it would not be hindred on the one side more than on the other , from proceeding in a straight line , it could not suffer any Deflection , and consequently must continue its right motion , as hath been said . XIII . Requisits to determin the quantities of Refractions . To Determine the Quantity of Refractions , we must attend to the particular constitution of Bodies , whether they do more or less resist the passage of Bodies moved . For suppose we that the line CBE separates two Mediums , the upper whereof is Air and the undermost Water , and that the Water doth as much again as Air resist the motion of the Ball A. Suppose we likewise that the Ball A , having past the oblique line AB in one moment , to meet with the Point B , there obliquely to enter the Water : And that neither the Bigness , Weight , or Figure of the Ball do hinder it from so doing ; Yea , and that its motion in the Air hath been always equal , and that having lost the one half of its swiftness , by meeting with the Water , it loseth now no more throughout its whole Course , how deep soever it may enter the Water ; because this is nothing to the purpose , since the Deflection happens only in the Surface , and the Water , which resists equally on all sides , can only make the Ball to spend a greater or less space of time in its motion , but cannot make it to deflect from the Line , which it had begun to move in . XIV . How much the Motion of a Ball is retarded by entring the Water . These things being observed , that we may know what way the Ball A must take , we are to consider that tho' the motion of the Ball , be lookt upon as simple , this doth not hinder but that its Determination in the line AB , with respect to the Surface of the Water , is compounded of two other motions , the one whereof presseth it from AF to CE , and the other at the same time presseth it from the left AC , to the right FE , so that both these together lead it to the Point B , by the right line AB . XV. Where the variation is in the Body moved . Moreover we are to observe , that of both these Parts , whereof we understand that this Disposition consists , the one only is changed by the Surface of the Water , viz that which drives the Ball downwards , whereas that which pusheth the Bal l towards the right hand continues still the same . XVI . How much the Balls motion is fore ▪ slowed when it passeth through the Water . Having therefore described the Circle AFD from its Center B , and having describ'd upon CBE three Perpendicular Lines AC , HB , FE , so as that the space between them FE and HB , is the double of that which is between HB and AC , we shall find this Ball will go on to the Point I : for seeing that the Surface of the Water CBE , doth exactly take away one half of its swiftness , it must take up a double proportion of the time in which it passeth from A to B , in passing from B to any point of the Circumference AFD . And seeing nothing is lost of the Disposition whereby it was carried towards the right hand , in the double proportion of that time , wherein it proceeded from the line AC to HB , it must go twice the length towards the same part , and consequently approach to some point of FE at the same Moment in which it draws near to some point of the Circumference of the Circle of AFD , which would be impossible if it did not advance to I. XVII . The more obliquely a Ball falls on the Water , the more is it destected . We are also to take notice that the more obliquely a Ball dasheth against the Surface of the VVater , the more it is turn'd aside by it ; so that if it be directed to right Angles , as if it were struck from H to B , it proceeds in a right line without any Declination to G , as hath been said already . But if it be driven along by a right line , as AB is , and lie so obliquely on the Surface of the VVater CBE , that the drawn line FE , cannot intersect the line AD , then will it not penetrate the VVater , but will rebound from the Surface B into the Air towards F , after the very same manner as if it had lighted on the Earth . As we see in those Stones wherewith Boys make Drakes in the Water ; and as Bullets which ( according to the Relation of those who have been in Sea fights ) being obliquely shot out of Cannons rebound from the VVater , and hit Men standing on the Decks . CHAP. XX. Of the Force of Acting and Resisting . I. The force of acting and resisting taken in a twosold sense . THe force of acting and resisting may be understood two several ways , either Metaphysically , for the Faculty or Power which any thing hath to act or resist . And this is nothing else but a Non-Repugnance to act or resist . So he who saith that a Needle can prick , thereby means nothing else , but that Pricking may Coexist with a Needle . Or else it may be taken Physically for Reaction , as when any thing that is moved upwards , is driven down by some other Cause , and thus resistance is called Positive ; as when two Bodies in motion , meeting together , beat back one another ; as two Bullets or Bowls meeting together , by their contrary Determination . Or it is also precisely taken for the force it self of Resisting , as when a House resists the Wind , or a Stone the Ball that is cast against it . And this is commonly called Negative or Formal . And it is of these two that we enquire here , viz. to know wherein the force a Body has to act upon another , or to resist it , doth consist . II. Wherein the Power of Acting or Resisting doth consist . All the Power any Body hath to act upon another , and every Faculty , whether Positive or Negative , of any Action , consists in this alone , That according to the forementioned Law of Nature , Every Body , as far as in it lies , continues in the same state wherein it is , whether in Rest or in Motion ; because every state of Bodies may be referr'd to one of these . So that those Bodies which are joyned together by Rest , have a power to hinder themselves from being separated , as well as those that are separated , have a Power to continue so ; and they that are moved , have a Power to continue their motion , according to the same degree of Swiftness , and towards the same Coast : As that which Rests in any place , hath a force to abide there , and to preserve its Rest . And this is the only cause of the motion of Things that are cast or thrown into the Air ; concerning which we have more reason to enquire how they come to cease from motion , than how they continue it so long as they do . III. This Force ariseth first from the Bigness of the Body . Now this Force may be attributed to several Particulars : As first , to the Magnitude of the Body in which it is found . For it cannot be questioned , but that a Great Body exceeds a Less in the faculty of Acting and Resisting , because in regard to the Parts of which it is compounded it hath more Motion and Rest ; and seeing every Body hath a proportionate Affection answering it , therefore the Quantity of these must be answerable to the bulk of the Body . Hence is that common Saying amongst Naturalists , that a thing of greater Quantity , hath the greater Virtue : Which Virtue is to be esteemed according to the force of Motion that is in the whole Body , or its firm adhering and abiding in a place . Thus Fire , the more it is extended in bulk , the more violently it burns ; and the more fixedly any Bodies continue in one place , with the greater difficulty are they thrust out of it . Thus Round Bodies are the strongest both in Action and Resistance , as appears in Pestils , Milstones , Cylinder s or Rowling-Stones , and other such like Instruments , which are the more proper to bruise Bodies , and making them smooth or even , because their force is altogether directed to one Line . Thus also a Hammer , with a long Handle , strikes the Anvil with a greater force than that which hath a short one . IV. Secondly , from the Bigness of the Surface . The Power of Acting and Resisting is also taken from the largness of the Surfaces of Bodies ; for the broader the Surface of two Bodies is , the more firmly do they cleave together ; as appears in two Wooden boards , well plained , lying upon one another : Whereas on the contrary , where the Surfaces are narrow or little , by so much the less firmly they stick together . Thus Sphaerical Bodies less stick together , because their Surface is the least of all Bodies with respect to their bulks , and they touch each other only in a Point . And certain it is that Lead made up into a great Bullet , is more solid than that which is distended into a thin Plate , or made hollow . Wherefore the greater quantity of Matter is contained under a little Surface , the more solid it is , and of the greater efficacy to resist ; as is evident in Gold , Lead , Iron , and other Metals , which being once put into Motion , retain a greater force to preserve and continue it , than either Wood or Stones of the same bulk or figure . But on the contrary , Triangular Bodies , and such as have more Surface than other Bodies proportionably to their Extension , are more difficultly moved , and have less force to continue the same , or to resist other Bodies . V. Thirdly , from the Swiftness of Motion . The said Faculty of Acting and Resisting may likewise be estimated , from the swiftness or slowness of Motion . For a little force resists Bodies that are swiftly moved ; as when we lash the Water with a Rod or Wand , we find the Water to resist the Rods entrance . Because ( as hath been hinted heretofore ) the Strife of Material things in Acting and Resisting , depends on the determination of the Motion towards some certain Part or Coast , and its meeting with a Body resting there , or otherwise moved . And a Body is then taken to be otherwise moved , when it is either moved more slowly , or another way . VI. Fourthly , from the Meeting of Bodies . This Force may also be gathered from the nature and contrariety of the Mode or Manner whereby divers Bodies meet with one another . For according as they are variously oppos'd to each other , so they have a different force of Acting and Resisting . Thus a Stone slantingly thrown on the Surface of the Water , so as to leap from it , cannot divide the Top of the Water , as if it had been downright cast into it . VII . A threefold Difference is incident to Motion . From these Four Particulars , to which all Action and Resistance of Bodies may be referr'd , we may determine how Bodies do increase , or diminish their Motions , or change the determination of them , ( for there is this threefold difference in Motion ; ) only we are to observe how much Force there is in every Body , either to move or resist Motion , and certainly conclude , that that which is strongest , always takes effect . Thus the Motions of Great Bodies have their Force from the Agreement of their Parts , though their Motions have but few degrees . So Stones , and even large Buildings , are oft forc'd to give way to a River that runs but slowly . And upon the same account , in other Bodies also the motion may be strong , tho' it be not swift : And on the contrary in less Bodies , there may be a considerable swiftness of motion , and not any great force . As if the Body A ( for Example ) should be moved as swiftly again as B , and the Body B should exceed A in bigness in a double Proportion , in this case ▪ we must estimate as much Motion to be in one , as in the other ; because the Extrusion which is found in the Greater Body , is by its bulk equivalent to the Intension of Motion in the other . VIII . That which is strongest always obtains its effect . Now in the opposition or meeting of Bodies , this Rule always holds good ; VVhatsoever exceeds another thing in strength , obtains its effect , whether it be in moving another Body , or in resisting its Action . And therefore of those things that tend to the same place , if it be not large enough to contain them all , the strongest only do get thither , leaving the weaker behind them . Thus the most lively and vehemently moved Particles of the Blood are received into the Cavities of the Brain , the weaker being hindred by the stronger from arriving there ; because the Passages of the Brain are too narrow , than that all the Particles of the Blood can get up thither . CHAP. XXI . Of the State of Bodies ; and first those that are Hard , Fluid , Frangible , Friable , Soft , Ductile , and such as may be cut or slit . I. Whence the Hardness of Bodies proceeds . AMongst the Principles of Natural things , MOTION and REST only are opposed to each other , not privatively ( as some would have it ) but contrariously , as two Modes really distinct . For Rest or Quiet is not a Privation of Motion , but a true Form , whereby Stable and Hard Bodies are distinguish'd from such as are Fluid , and whence they receive the force of Acting and Resisting . For those Bodies are accounted Hard , whose Parts by a firm Union lye still together ; or whose Parts do so closely cleave together , that they cannot without difficulty be separated . Which close Union is perceptible to the Senses ; for if we touch any of these Hard Bodies with our Hands , or any other part of our Body , they resist them , and oppose their entrance ; as we see in Marble , Wood , Stone , &c. for if , when they are handled by us , they give way , we should perceive no Sense of Hardness at all ; as appears by the Air , which is not felt by us , because it gives way to our touch . II. What is the Cause of the variety of Hard Bodies . The Hardness of Bodies is various , according to the variety of Rest ; for wheresoever there is more of Rest , there also is more of Hardness ; and so contrarily . Clay , when the Water is evaporated from it , grows hard , because the Rest of its Parts is by this means increased , its Earthy parts being delivered from the Agitation of the Fluid parts , interpos'd between them ; whereas Wax being heated , becomes soft , because the Rest of its Parts is lessened , by reason of the Oily Particles , which being benum'd before , are by the Heat put in motion . III. What Hardness is . When we say that Rest is the Cause of Hardness , we mean the Formal , not the Efficient Cause ; for the Efficient Cause of Hardness consists only in the force wherewith the Air , or other Subtil Matter , compresseth the Parts of Hard Bodies . To the end therefore that we may have a distinct Idea of Hardness , we must conceive it to be nothing else , but the Rest of many parts of Bodies , caused by the Pression of the Air , or the Subtil and Aethereal Matter , which acting from without , drives these parts inward in such a manner , that they cannot be separated afterwards , without making us sensible of their Resistance . IV. What is the Cause of the Fluidity of Bodies . Fluid Bodies , on the contrary , readily yield to the motion of other Bodies , and therefore do not resist our Hands when we touch them , as appears in the Water and Air. The Cause of which difference consists only in Rest and Motion : For if we enquire why some Bodies cannot but by force be thrust out of their places ; whereas others without any difficulty yield the place they are in possession of , to others , we shall find that the Reason is , because their Parts , which resist those Bodies that approach to them , lye still and Rest ; whereas the Parts of other Bodies , that without any force do leave their places , are in motion . So that Hard Bodies are such , whose Parts lye still and cohere together ; but Fluid Bodies are divided into many little Parts , which are variously moved . For the Parts of Water , or any other Liquor , are agitated every way by the Subtil and Aethereal Substance : And accordingly those Bodies are called Fluid , whose Insensible parts have such various Motions . V. How it appears , that the Parts of Fluid Bodies are agitated every wa● . Now that the Parts of a Fluid Body are moved , and that equally every way , appears from hence , that in what part soever of a Fluid Body we do move our Hand , or a Stick , it always goes on with the same easiness , which could never be , if the Determination were stronger one way , than it is another . Tho' it cannot be deny'd , but that some Resistance is found in a Fluid Body , if we swiftly lash any thing against the Parts of it ; because a Body slowly moved , comes under the Notion of a Body at rest , when compared with a Body that is much more swiftly moved , and consequently will resist it . VI. Fluid Bodies hav no certain figure , as Hard Bodies have . Hence it is that the Figure of Fluid Bodies is undetermin'd , because they are so easily divided and diffus'd , that they cannot keep themselves in their own bounds . But Hard and Stable Bodtes being hard to be divided , easily retain their Figure , and are easily comprehended within their own limits ; as appears in Lead , Iron , Silver , Gold , Wood , Marble , &c. which according to their several degrees of Solidity preserve their figure and Bulk . That therefore we call a Fluid Body , whose Parts being divided into many small Particles , and these again into less Indefinitely , are variously agitated . But that is called a Hard Body , whose Parts by Rest do so closely cleave together , that they cannot be separated , but by a Force sufficient to overcome their coherence . VII . The various kinds of Fluid Bodies . The smaller and lighter the Parts of any Fluid Body are , the greater is its Fluidity ; and the thicker and more Branchy they are ( if Contact doth not hinder ) so much the less is it . Hence arise the diverse kinds of Fluid Bodies , according as by the lightness and smalness of their Particles , they are more , or according to the Thickness and Branchiness of them , less yielding to the Caelestial Matter , which is the Cause of their Fluidity . Upon this account it is that the Air is more fluid than the Water ; because the Parts of Water , tho' they be smoother , yet are thicker than those of the Air. And Water is more fluid than Oil , because the Parts of Oil are more thick and branchy : Lastly , Oils are more or less fluid , as their Particles are more or less thick and branchy . VIII . How Fluid Bodies are said to be in Motion . When I say that the Nature of Liquid Bodies consists in Motion , it is not so to be taken , as if the whole Liquid Body were moved out of one place to another , for this happens also to Hard Bodies : For a Bowl of Brass is easily rowl'd from one end of a Table to the other , and for all that persists to be a Hard Body ; but in this , that the Particles into which they are divided , are moved and variously agitated , some of them being tost to the Right , others to the Left ; some upwards , others downwards ; some forwards , and others backwards : Which Motions of the Particles must be different . For if they were all of them carried one way , they would in a short time cling together , and make up a stable or hard Body . IX . Why Ice is carried with a greater Force , than the Water . And tho' the Course of a River be directed to one particular part of the Land , it does not therefore lose the Name or Nature of a Fluid Body ; forasmuch as the various Motion of the Particles of the Water is preserved , notwithstanding the said Course of the River , as much as in a still standing Water . Hence it comes to pass , that Ice driving on the top of the Water , because of the firm clinging together of its Parts , doth with a greater force pursue its way , and with more violence set against the Banks , than the Water it self which carries it ; because the Parts of Water being tost with various Motions , weaken the force of it , and therefore cannot tend with that vehemence to one part , as the Ice , which is a solid Body , doth . By which Example it is evident , why Fluid Bodies easily give way to other Bodies , but solid Bodies not ; because Fluid Bodies are always in Motion , and therefore do not oppose the entring of other Bodies into the places they are in , but readily and easily quit them . Whereas Hard Bodies rest , and according to the Law of Natures immutability , strive to continue in the state of Conjunction , except they be disturbed by some strong Motion . X. How the Parts of Solid Bodies are joyned together . This Sentiment will not please some Philosophers , who suppose no two Bodies can be joyned without some intervening Third , distinct from them both ; which they imagine to be as the Glew that holds the parts together , that the Union may be the more firm : But since nothing is to be admitted in Natural Philosophy , which we are not convinc'd of by Reason , we must consider first , what kind of Glew this can be , before we appropriate it to this use . Without doubt it must be either a Substance , or the Mode of a Substanee , seeing that amongst Natural things nothing else is to be found besides Substances and their Affections . If it be supposed to be a Substance , it cannot be understood why the Parts , which because they are Substances , cannot be united by themselves , should yet stand in need of an adventitious Substance to unite them . If it be a Mode , then without doubt none can be more properly assign'd to this purpose than Rest , since that which makes the Parts to be united together , must be most opposed to Motion , by which they are divided from one another . For opposit Things must have opposit Principles ; but nothing is more contrary to Motion than Rest , as being the contrary Affections of Material Substances . XI . The Motion of the Particles of Fluid Bodies , is discernible from their Effects . You 'l say , How may we know that the Parts of Fluid Bodies are in continual Motion ? I answer , That tho' the smalness of those Particles doth not permit us to discern their Agitation , yet may the same be easily discovered by the Effects . There is no body but perceives , that some parts of VVater , evaporate in boyling , and that in the Summer time Ponds are lessen'd or dryed up , which could not be , but that some Parts of the Water , being separated from one another by Motion , steam away into the Air. Moreover , how else comes it to pass that the Particles of VVater , do so readily mix together ? Or , how could they insinuate themselves into the Pores of thick Bodies , if their Parts did cling together by mutual Rest ? XII . T●● Motion 〈◊〉 Parts 〈◊〉 their Division . For the Division of Parts depends on their Motion , Agitation being that which separates one thing from another . This is very evident in Flesh , which is soon corrupted by the Air , the Particles whereof being agitated either by the Sun , or some other way , thrust themselves into the Pores of Flesh , and by dilating of them and spoiling their Natural situation , do at last dissolve and putrifie it . The ready and thorough mingling of Liquors discovers the same thing , it being evident that this easie mingling cannot be done without Motion , whereby the Parts of two Liquors , as for Examples VVater and VVine , run together . XIII . Bodies would not be distinguish'd from one another , if some were not moved . Besides , what diversity would there be amongst Bodies , if all their Parts lay still together , and were equally united ? Cold water would not differ from Ice ; Crystal and Milk would be the same thing ; nor would any Cause be assignable , why Crystal resists our touch , or why Milk yields to the approach of Hard Bodies . XIV . Parts of a twofold sort are found in Liquid Bodies . Wherefore we may conceive twofold Parts in Liquid Bodies ; some at it were flying , by reason of their swiftness , such as the Parts of Smoak , the Steam of boyling VVater , and Flame are , which are tost so forceably that our Senses can discern their motion : And others , as it were , creeping , because of the slowness of their motion ; as the Particles of Oil , Milk and VVine , whose motion is so slow and leisurely , that our Senses cannot perceive it . So that when it happens that one Liquid Body is not sufficient to dissolve another , or that it can exercise its force more upon one Body than another ; the Reason thereof chiefly is , because its Parts are more or less agitated , or because the Pores of those Bodies are not open alike . XV. What Soft Bodies ar● ▪ Soft Bodies approach to the Nature of Liquid , and are such whose Particles do not cling so close and firmly together , as the Parts of Hard Bodies , nor are agitated with so swift a motion as Fluid Bodies , but partake of both their Natures , being middle things between fluid and stable Bodies , such as are Sand , VVax , &c. The softness of Sand is caused , for that something intervenes betwixt their separated Parts : And VVax is soft , because its Particles terminate in flexible branches , which twisting together lightly , joyn the said Parts . Frangible , are reckon'd amongst Hard Bodies . Of Hard Bodies some are Frangible , others Friable . For whatsoever can be broken must have such a degree of stiffness , that its outward Parts when struck , may be neither dilated , nor admit any ingress of parts into parts ; but that the surfaces being broken , the inward parts likewise be divided and broken asunder . Of which Nature are Flints , Earthen Pots , Stones , and the like , which according to the diversity of their contexture , are more easily or hardly broken . XVII . Friable Bodies . Thus Friable Bodies must have so much stiffness , that they cannot be stretched or bended ; but upon any force pressing upon them , do crumble into Dust . Of which Nature is the Sand-stone , which is easily dissipated into small parts , and those again easily crumbled to Dust . XVIII . Ductil Bodies resort under Soft Bodies . Amongst Soft Bodies are reckoned those that are commonly called Ductil ( that is , Bodies that suffer Drawing or Extension ) such as Gold is , one grain whereof may be drawn into a Thred of four hundred Foot long ; and consequently one Ounce to the length of 230400 Foot. The Cause of which vast discussion is commonly attributed to its extream Compactness , the Thinness of its Parts , and their intimate Union and Connexion . Of which we shall speak more at large hereafter . XIX . Bodies that may be cut or slit , belong to Soft Bodies . Some reckon Bodies that may be cut or slit , also amongst Soft Bodies ; because whatsoever is cut , must have so much flexibility , that the Part which is prest ( suppose with an Ax ) can give way downwards , at the same time that the Collateral parts yield to the dividing Instrument . And whatsoever can be slit , must be so flexible or bending , that when the Parts in a certain place , begin to be pull'd asunder , a Compression may be successively made , in whatsoever places the rest are to be gradually separated from each other . VVood is said to be Cut , when it is divided Cross-wise ; but to be slit , when divided Long-ways , or with the Grain . CHAP. XXII . What Loose and Close , Rough and Smooth , Contiguous and Continuous Bodies are . I. Whence proceeds the Loosness or Closeness of Bodies . AS Stable and Fluid Bodies are constituted such by Rest and Motion ; so Loose and Close Bodies are made such by their Figure and Situation , not outward , but inward . for the Loosness or Closeness of Bodies , is not to be considered according to the outward Space in which Bodies are dilated or contracted ; seeing that a Body , whose Essence consists in three Dimensions , cannot take up a greater Space at one time , than at another ; but according to the Intervals which are understood to be betwixt their Parts ; and which are said to be distended , when they are fill'd with any foreign Matter ; or to be contracted , when by Removal of that Matter , they are either lessened , or quite taken away . II. Loose Bodies are made such , by the Ingress of Matter ; Close Bodies by the Egress . For we must not imagin , as many do , that the parts of Loose Bodies are so separated from one another , that nothing extended comes between them ; For no such Vacuum can be in Nature ; but that the said Intervals are fill'd with other Bodies ; as is apparent in New-bak'd Bread , which being put into Milk or VVine , presently swells up into a much greater bulk ; because the Pores of the Bread are distended by the intruding particles of the VVine or Milk. So that all the New Extension we find here , is not to be attributed to the Substance of the Bread , but to the fluid Body that hath insinuated it self into the pores of it . Which is evident not only to Reason , but to the Senses themselves : For if a man behold the Steam that riseth out of a Pot of boyling VVater , or the Smoak that proceeds from a Torch at a distance , he will suppose the parts of them to be contiguous ; but when he comes nearer , and views them more wishly , he will find that there is neither Continuity nor Contiguity between the parts of them , but that they are separate from one another , by means of a foreign intervening Matter that divides them . III. Examples of Loose and Close Bodies . A Body becomes close , when the parts of it being nearer together , leave few Intervals , or none at all . Of the first sort are Snow ▪ Hay , and Wool , when they are compress'd , as also a Sponge , when the Water is squeez'd out of it ; for then by the expulsion of the Liquor , its Pores are narrowed , and few Intervals are left in it , to receive any outward Bodies . Of the latter sort are those Bodies , which have no Pores at all into which any External Body can enter ; and when it is so close , then it cannot be further condensed by any Power of Nature . IV. What Rough and Smooth Bodies are . As with respect to the Figure and Situation of its Inward parts , a Body is distinguish'd into Loose and Close ; so with regard to their Outward figure and situation , Bodies are said to be Rough or Smooth . Which Modes are of great efficacy in Natural things ; as appears in a Knife , wherewith the Hardest Bodies are cut ; and in a Pen , with which an infinite variety of Characters may be made . Rough Bodies are such whose superficial Parts are unequally disposed , so as that some are prominent and others deprest ; as Rusty Iron . But Smooth or Polish'd Bodies are such , whose Extream parts are equally situated , as Ice , a Whetstone , &c. Smooth Bodies , because of their Surface , have more force to Act or Resist , than Rough Bodies . For a Sword , whose Edge and Extream parts are polish'd and even , cuts deeper than another Sword of the same bigness that is Rusty ; and a Ball rebounds more strongly from polish'd Bodies , than from rough . V. All Bodies are not Smooth , which appear to be so . Yet we are not to imagin , that all those Bodies in which neither our Touch nor Eyes can discover any inequality , are altogether smooth ; forasmuch as even Glass and Crystal , which appears very smooth , have a rough Surface . For tho' Glass be made of Salts , which by Melting are resolved into very small Particles ; yet because those Particles still retain their former figure , they can never make a polish'd Surface . What appears to our Eye more smooth than Paper ? And yet by the help of a Magnifying-Glass , we perceive it to be very rough and uneven . Hence it is manifest , that in what part soever of the Medium the Eye be placed , it receives the various Rays , which come from and represent the Object . What a Contiguous and Continuous Body is . The two Remaining Species of Bodies are Continuous and Contiguous . A Body is said to be Contiguous with respect to the situation it hath amongst other ambient Bodies . Thus a Tree surrounded by the Air , is said to be Contiguous to it . And accordingly a Contiguous Body is thus defin'd by Plato in Parmenides : That which is to touch something , plac'd by it self , must be next to that which is to be touched ; neither is there any Third thing that is a Medium between both these . A Continuous Body is that which besides the situation it keeps amongst Circum-ambient Bodies , becomes united to them , and by Rest is joyned with them . Thus a Stone is said to be a Continuous Body , being considered whole and undivided , and before any change happen to it by Motion . But this Contiguity of Bodies is not in all their parts , but only in those that are Insensible , since such only have an immediate Contact with one another . VII . Wherein the Nature of Contiguity and Continuity consists . The Continuity therefore of Bodies consists in this , that their parts do cleave together by an Immediate Connexion , and rest together . So that Continuous Bodies cannot be dissolved , but by such a Motion as prevails over the Rest of their Parts . The Contiguity of Bodies consists in this , that their Extream parts lying still together , nearly touch one another , yet so as that a most thin subtil Matter flows and runs between them ; and by reason of this Interfluent Subtil Matter , the parts of Contiguous Bodies are more easily separable . CHAP. XXIII . That there are Pores in Hard Bodies , as well as in those that are Fluid and Soft . I. Supposing Bodies to be moved ▪ it is necessary that there be Intervals or Passages left between them . THo' it is not denied , but that the VVorld was Created in the Beginning with all that Order and Beauty which we find it to have at present , and that all the Bodies contained in it had the same perfection which we see they now have ; yet in order to our more acurate understanding of the State of Bodies , it will be of use at first to consider all Matter as one undivided Lump or Mass , and afterwards conceive the same distinguish'd into parts , by the Motion impress'd upon it by God , out of which Parts all Bodies are made . For by making this Supposition ; the Constitution of Bodies is the better conceived ; and the Connexion between the several Parts , will the more plainly appear . For these Particles having obtain'd various Figures by means of Motion , it was not possible for them to be so united together , as that no Intervals should be left between them , to be fill'd by some other Subtil Matter . These Intervals we call Pores , which do arise from the various Conjunction of little Bodies or Particles . II. How Pores come to be . First , When the parts that stick together are Round ; for since these , by reason of their Convex sides ▪ can only touch each other in a point , they must necessarily leave little Intervals between them . In the Second place , when those parts have irregular Figures ; for then by reason of their various Termination , they cannot so intimately close together , but that some little Spaces must be left between them . Thirdly , By the Force of the Subtil Matter , which being excessively Active , by separating joyned Bodies , makes way for it self to penetrate them . Which Irruption of the Subtil Matter is very frequent in Soft and Fluid Bodies ; because , as hath been said , they give easie admittance to other Bodies , and by their Motion do assist their Impulse . Hence it is that the Fluid Matter , which consists of Round particles , is accounted the most Porous : For tho' little Globular Bodies are very proper to compose a Liquid Body ; yet because of their Figure , it is necessary that Triangular Spaces be left between them , not empty , but fill'd with the Matter of the First Element . Thus we see , that the Light of the Sun does come to us , through the Spots with which it is surrounded ; which could never be , but that they abound with Pores , which afford passage to the Matter of the First Element . III. How Pores are come to be in the Spots that are about the Sun. These Pores are easily conceived to have been made at the first beginning of their Generation , viz. when the Matter of those Spots was as yet very Loose and Soft ; and when afterwards it became more Close and Compact , the particles of the First Element , by passing through them continually , kept them from being quite closed ; tho' they were so far narrowed , as to admit only that Subtil Matter . IV. If there were no Pores , there could be no distinction between Bodies . And the same Reasons prove , that there must be Pores in all other Bodies , except those only whose parts do so intimately touch one another , that they can be no further comprest or condensed ; for such as these are the hardest Bodies of all , as being devoid of all Pores whatsoever . But should we suppose this to be the condition of all Consistent Bodies , we should by this means take away all distinction that is between them ; as for Example , between Wood and Stone , between Crystal and Earth ; since between them there would be no distinction , as to their Inward Figure and Situation , and consequently all Bodies , as to their Inward parts , would be alike ; which is the same as to say , that all Bodies are Close , and that none of them are dilated by admittance of the Subtil Element . V. There are many Bodies that cannot be without Pores . But since the Difference of Bodies is apparent to the very Eye , some of them being Living Bodies , other Lifeless ; some Transparent , others Dark ; it is necessary that there be a difference between them with respect to their Inward parts . For if we deprive Hard Bodies of their Pores , we shall never be able to understand how Plants are nourished and grow , since this cannot be without the receiving of Juices , whereby their Parts become dilated and extended . For according to the diverse disposition of the Pores of Trees , their Growth and Nourishment is also different . Thus we see that an Oak and a Medlar Tree , with other such like Plants , because of the Hardness of their Sides , and the narrowness of their Pores , do grow more slowly ; whereas a Vine , a Gourd , and other such like , whose Pores are wider , grow very swiftly and spread their Branches far and near . VI. Without Pores we cannot understand the Growts of Trees . That this is so , is evident in the Winter ; for then all Budding and Growth is hindred , because the Pores at that time , by the Suns departure , being closed by Cold , cannot admit their Food , as they were wont . VII . The Pores of Bodies prov'd by an Experiment . The Existence of Pores is prov'd likewise by that Experiment which was made in presence of the Great Duke of Florence , which was as follows : A Glass Vial , with a long and narrow Neck , was put into warm Water , almost up to the middle of the Neck ; after a small time the Liquor contain'd in the Vial seem'd to fall down a little ; but to rise again to its former height , when the said Vial was put into cold Water . Because the Pores of the Glass being enlarged by Heat , procure it a greater Capacity ; whereas , when the Pores are straitned by the cold Water , the capacity of the Glass grows less , which is the cause of the Rising of the Liquor . VIII . How a bent Bow , as so●● as unbent , returns to its former straitness again . Moreover , we daily experience , that a Bow when unbent returns to its former figure , which Return cannot be attributed to any Cause , save only to the bending of the Pores . For the Subtil Matter which was us'd to pass through those Pores , now by reason of the bent of it , is not able to pass through them with the same ease , and therefore endeavours to reduce them to their former figure . Which may be done several ways . For if , First , we suppose that the Pores of the unbent Bow , in their Natural posture , are of the same wideness at their entrance and ending ; but that when bent they become more narrow at the end , it cannot be doubted but that the Subtil Matter , which enters the wider parts of them , will put a force upon the more narrow parts , and thereby cause the Bow to fly back . Secondly , If we conceive the said Pores of the Bow , before Inflexion , to have been Round ; and that by the bending they became Elliptical , the Subtil Matter that is to run through them being Round also , it is evident that whilst they endeavour to enter those Elliptical Cavities , they strive to reduce them to their Spherical Figure ; which is the Cause why the Bow flies back to its first state . IX . The Likeness and Unlikeness of Bodies proceeds from their Pores . But to return from this particular Example , to the consideration of Pores in general ; we say , that all Bodies that have like Pores , are like to one another , if withal they agree in the same Quantity , Motion , Rest , Figure and Situation of Parts . For diverse Matter requires diverse Pores , seeing it is necessary for it to be differently constituted as to its little Particles , to the end it may be able to exert its Force , and to thrust it self into other Bodies . But yet we are not to imagin , that all the Pores of Consistent Bodies , have their Pores hollowed after the same manner , or disposed in the same situation and figure : For they who in Winter time put on a Wastcoat over their Shifts , find themselves less subject to Cold , than when they wore nothing besides their Shirts ; which would not be so , if the Pores of the Shirt and Wastcoat did answer to one another in their figure and situation . X How the Ports of Bodies come to be destroyed . As Pores do arise by the Generation of Bodies , so by their Dissolution they are destroy'd . Thus the Pores are destroy'd in Wood that is worm-eaten , and in Clothes that are Moth-eaten . Or if the Pores be wider , as in woollen Cloth , and other such like , they may happen to be divided in the midst , and afterwards be made whole again by being joyn'd to other Pores of a like figure . Another way whereby Pores are destroyed , is that of Obstruction , when the parts of Bodies become so closely united , as to make one Continuous Body ; as when by means of Condensation the Pores are lessened , or quite taken away ; or when some supervening Matter remains in them , and hinders any other Matter from entring them : So when the Pores of the Sails of a Ship are fill'd with VVater , it hinders the VVind from passing through them , notwithstanding that the VVind have a far greater agitation than the VVater . CHAP. XXIV . Concerning Duration , and its Species , Time and Eternity . I. Duration agrees to all existing Beings , and is only notionally distinct from them . FOrasmuch as Natural things exist , and take up certain places , it cannot be doubted , but that they are Sometime , and that they have Duration and Continuance in their Existing . For Duration is the Consequent of Existence ; and whatsoever is not made , and destroyed in the same moment , must be considered as enduring , so that Duration may be defined , An Attribute under which the Existence of Created things is conceived , in as much as they persevere in their Actuality . From whence it is evident , that Duration is not really distinct from the Existence of a thing , there being only a Notional distinction between them . Because as there is no Body so little , but that it doth consist of parts , and may be measured with three Dimensions ; so there is nothing in Nature of so short a Duration , but that we can measure it ; neither can any thing be taken from its Duration , but as much must be taken from its Existence . II. The Definition of time Time therefore is nothing else but the Measure of the successive Duration of Bodies , according to the equal Motion of the greatest Bodies , viz. the Sun , Moon , &c. Aristotle defines Time to be the number of Motion , according to Former and Latter . But this Definition stands in need of another to make it Intelligible , except by the number of Motion according to Former and Latter , he means only thus much , that by Time we number the successive Duration of Bodies , in which there is Former and Latter according to the Motion of the Sun. III. The three Differences of time . There are commonly three Differences of Time reckoned , viz. Past , which hath already been ; Present , that which now is ; and Future , that which shall be . By the Present time , we are not to understand an Indivisible Instant ; for no such can be found either in Time or Motion ▪ the Nature of them both being successive ; but all that part of Time , which the Mind represents to it self as Present : Thus we say , the Present Hour , Day , Month , &c. IV. Time is th● Measure as well of Rest as of Motion . From the foresaid Definition of Time , it is apparent , that Time , being the Measure of the successive Duration of Bodies , must Measure Rest , as well as Motion . For we say as commonly , that a thing hath rested , as that it hath moved so long The same is manifest also from this Example , If a Dog , in half an hours time , run three Miles , and a Tortoise in the same time go only the length of one Pace ; the Measure of the Time will be the same in both these motions , when yet there is much more motion in the Dog , than in the Tortoise . And therefore Time is nothing else , but the Duration of a Creature in whatsoever State it may be . V. Succession i● included 〈◊〉 every Duration . For we find Succession in every Created Being , and we can Measure the same by motion properly so called , or at least by the thoughts of our Mind , which seeing they do not exist all at once , must needs involve Succession . Wherefore , neither can the Duration of an Angel or the Mind of man , be said to be altogether at once , as the Duration of God is , because we clearly understand succession , both in our own thoughts , and those of an Angel ; for Angels do not think all things together and at once . But such a Succession cannot be admitted in the Divine thoughts , God being an Act altogether Simple , Complete , and liable to no Vicissitude . Wherefore also Gods Eternity is his very Nature and Essence , forasmuch as he is most sufficiently of himself . And so Time is the same with the Created things themselves , forasmuch as they receive their finite perfections successively , that is , the one before the other . VI. An ob●●ction take● from a thing that exists only one M●m●●● You 'l say , suppose a Creature should only continue one Moment , that thing would exist in the World , but without any Succession of Existence ; therefore Succession is not involved in the conception of Duration . VII . The answer that ●ll Moments are divisible . I answer , that Duration cannot be understood without Continuation , and therefore no part of Duration can be assigned so small , but that there must be continuance in it : Since no Moment can be conceived , which is not divisible into other Moments . Wherefore those are mistaken , that make the present Time , to be an Indivisible ; for since every Duration is Greater or Less , that is , consists of more or less Parts , no real Particle of it can be assigned , which hath not a quantity of its Duration distinct from another . Wherefore as every Particle of a Body , may be divided into other Parts : So likewise the present Time is compounded of Parts , and is divisible into other Moments . VIII . Time 〈…〉 an Entity of Reason . Whence it follows , that Time is not an Affection of Created things , but a mere Mode of Thinking , or an External Denomination , which we call an Entity of Reason . For as Things , from the the Operations of our Mind , are said to be Known , Understood , Defined , &c. of which Operations they are only the Objects ; so Time , whereby we Measure the Existence of Created things , is no more with regard to them , but an Extrinsecal Denomination , and a Mode of Thinking , made use of for the explaining of Duration . Hence LUCRETIUS saith Book I. Time of it self is nothing , but from Thought Receives its Rise , by labouring Fancy wrought From things consider'd , whilst we think on some As Present , some as Past , or yet to come . No thought can think on Time , that 's still confest , But thinks on things in Motion or at Rest : GASSENDUS from these Verses of LUCRETIUS , concludes EPICURUS to have been of the Opinion of ANTIPHANES , who held , that Time was something that had no real Existence , but only in the thought of Man. which ARISTOTLE also seems to insinuate , whilst he defines Time by Number , which cannot exist without the understanding of the Counter of Numerator . It is not in vain , saith GASSENDUS , that EPICURUS warns us , that we are to speak otherwise of Time , than of other things , which are in a Subject ; thereby intimating to us , that time is in a Subject only by the help of our thoughts ; forasmuch as the Mind of Man considers a thing not to cease to be , at the same moment it begins to be , but to abide and continue , and to keep its Existence for a longer or shorter space of time . So that that it is evident that EPICURUS would not have any thing further to be inquired of Time ; than what the Mind at first sight conceives of it , that is , a stay or continuance , whether it be longer or shorter . And if any Man should demand what Time is , we may answer him with DEMOCRITUS , that Time is just such a thing , as is the space of Day and Night . IX . What Duration is called Time. Wherefore to the end we may Measure the Duration of all things , we compare it with the Duration of some particular Beings , which have a certain and most equal Motion , by which Days and Years are made , and this Duration we call Time ▪ Wherefore they who suppose the Sun to be whirld about the Earth , or the Earth to turn round about its own Axis , attribute time to the motion of either of them , as being its proper Measure , according to Former and Latter : But as for the Duration of other things , they will have them to be measured by time , only by means of an external Application of our Mind . Thus when we say , that Nestor lived 300 years , we mean that he lived so long , as that Motion lasted , wherein the Sun performed 300 of its yearly Courses , or the Earth 1095 Circuits about its own Axis . X. How time is said to flow , or to be successive If any one urge , that that there are many things agreeing to time , which cannot be attributed to an Entity of Reason or an Extrinsecal Denomination , as when we say , that Time flies , Time teacheth Men many things , that Time comes , follows , &c. which cannot be spoke of a thing that doth not exist at all , but only depends on our thoughts . XI . Answer . I answer , that these are Metaphorical Speeches , and which agree only to the things that pass away , are taught , come , follow , &c. For Time is said to run , or pass away , when things by an outward Application of our Mind , with respect to the motion of the greatest Bodies , which can be observed by all Men , are understood to exist for some time . Time is said to teach all things , when those things which heretofore where hidden from Men come to be known ; and upon the same account Time is said to come , to succeed , to vanish , &c. XII . Whether upon the ceasing of the Motion of the great Heavenly Bodies time ceaseth also . If any Man should infer from hence , that therefore upon the ceasing of this universal and equal motion , of the Sun or Earth ; Time must cease also , and be no more , because then our Mind will be no longer able to compare the Duration of Created things , with the Duration of certain equal and stable motions . XIII . Answer . To this I answer , by denying the Consequence , because Former and Latter is not only in motion , but also in our Thinking Mind , since that in it we find a true succession of Thoughts ; for we cannot at once and altogether Think of all things , we can think of . And therefore , tho' all motion should be taken out of the World , yet would not that put an end to succession , but Created things existing in our Thoughts , would be still commensurate to Former and Latter . XIV . What Eternity it . Having thus explained the Nature of Time , it remains that we speak a few words of the other species of Duration , viz. Eternity , which they call the Duration of a thing , without either Beginning or End , and which belongs to God alone . And which BOETHIUS defines to be . The All at once , and perfect Possession of an Interminable Life . The word Life , is here taken for the existence of a thing , endued with all the Perfections it is capable of . The words all at once intimate , that Perfection does not agree to the Eternal Being successively , but that he possesseth them all at the same time . Whence we may in fer , that no Creatures , whether Material or Incorporeal , could ever be Eternal , because it implies a contradiction for them to possess at once all the Perfections , Qualities and Modes which they are capable of . XV. All Beings are either Permanent or Successive . From all that hath been said it appears , that there are some things whose Essential Parts , can exist together , or all at once ; and that there are others to whom this cannot agree . The better to distinguish these , I call those things successive , whose Essential Parts are in a continual Flowing . Thus Time is a successive Being , because Present , Past and to come , which are the Essential parts of i● , are never all at once . And I call those Permanent , all whose Essential parts are together . Thus a Triangle is a Permanent Being , because the Content and the three Sides , of which it is composed , do exist all at once , or at the same time . CHAP. XXV . The Ends of GOD are not to be enquired after in Natural Philosophy . I. It is a p●●ce of 〈◊〉 to enquire concerning the 〈…〉 God. THO we own GOD to be the Efficient Cause of all things , and that all Creatures depend on him alone , yet we have no mind to enquire , for what end they were produced by God , and what Reasons he propounded to himself , in calling them out of the Abyss of Nothing . Who knows not that the Secrets of God are unsearchable , and past finding out ? And as it is not the part of an Earthen Vessel , to dispute the Point with the Potter , why he hath made him such ; so neither does it become Mortal Man , to question with his Maker , why he hath done so and so . And indeed this Reason alone taken from the Divine Majesty , and our Littleness and Meanness , may be sufficient to restrain us , from enquiring into the Ends God hath proposed to himself in the making of Natural things . II. Our Human Infirmity ought to restrain us from enquiring into the Divine Secrets . For tho' in the Contemplation of Natural things , it be permitted to us to enquire , from what Principle they proceed , what their Matter is , and with what Forms they are perfected ; yet is it a piece of Rashness and Arrogance in us , to dive into Gods Counsels : Whereas we ought rather to consider that we are weak Creatures , of limited Perfections , and not fully Masters of our own Actions ; whereas God on the other hand is Immense , Infinite , All-wise and Omnipotent , so as to be able to produce innumerable things , the Reason whereof could never enter into our Thoughts . III. The things which are done in the Earth are not known . For if we are not able to give an account , of what use those things are to us , which in such great abundance are hid in our Earth , and cannot assert but that they have been destinated by their Author , to ends altogether unknown to us : How then shall we dare to pry into the Arcana of our most Good , most Powerful and most Glorious Creator ? As if we were familiarly acquainted with his Mind , and as if we had been his Privy Counsellours . Is it not much better for us to adore his Goodness , without determining of those things , which it is not allowed Man to know , nor permitted to search into . IV. The Divine ends in Moral things may be searched after , but not in Natural things . I own that in Moral things , where Conjectures are of more Authority , it may be conducive to Piety , to enquire into , and determine the end God hath proposed to himself in Creating the World. Therefore Preachers to excite the Divine Love in us , set before our Eyes the several uses and advantages , which the Creatures afford us , telling us that they were made for our Sakes . But in Natural Philosophy , where nothing is to be admitted , which is not built upon the most unshaken Reasons and Arguments , it seems to be a foolish thing to guess at any end , that God should have proposed to himself , in the Creation of the World. V. Objection , that all things were made for Mans sake . But some will tell us , that according to the Scripture , all things were made for our Sake , because they are of some use to us . And therefore say , that the Sun was Created to give us Light ; that the Soul of Man was made by God , to Contemplate him ; yea , that the whole Universe was Created for Mans Sake , seeing that all Creatures , are some way or other serviceable to him : And that Consequently Gods ends may be known by us , as well as any other Causes . VI. The First Answer . To this may be answered , First , That true indeed it is , that the six days of the Creation are so described in Genesis , as that Man seems to be the chief end of them : But it may be said , that this History of Genesis , was penn'd for Man's Sake , and that therefore the Holy Spirit was pleased chiefly to set down those particulars which have reference to Man. VII . The Second Answer . I answer Secondly , That it doth not appear at all , that all things were Created for the Sake of Men. For how do we know , what and how many things , God hath made besides this Earth which we Inhabit , in the Stars and elsewhere ? How do we know , but that there may be other Creatures , specifically distinct from any of those which we see , other Animals , other Men , or at least Creatures Analogous to Men , in some other places ? These things are unknown to us poor Mortals , because the Divine ends and Counsels are hid from us . When it is said therefore , that all things are Created for Man's sake , we are not so to understand this , as if they had no other use , save what they render to Mankind ; but only this , that Man can and must exercise his Wit and Understanding about them . Now it is a quite different thing to say , that Man was Created , that he might Celebrate and praise God for the excellence of his Works ; and to assert that all these things were Created for Mans sake alone . For in the former , Mans Duty is intimated , but in the latter , the end and aim of the Creat●r in making the World is determined . VII . It seems a great p●●ce of 〈◊〉 so to 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 Man 's 〈◊〉 Besides , it is an absurd thing to imagin , the Sun to have been Created for no other end , save only to enlighten us : And that the Stars and Plantes were ranged in their several Vortices , only to assist and pleasure us ; since we are the very least part of the Earth , and the very Earth it self ( in respect of the Heavens ) is no more than a small Grain of Sand , compared with a Mountain . Wherefore let us take heed of entertaining such presumptuous Thoughts of our selves , as if all things were made for our use , profit and advantage only ; when there may be an infinite number of Creatures , that by many degrees exceed u● , whose Nature and Excellence is altogether hid from us . Have not we much more reason to have such thoughts as these , than to entertain those other presumptions , when we consider the immense Power and Widom of our Infinite Creator ? IX . The Glory of God was not the Reason why the World was created . Some , pretending Zeal for the Honour of God , tell us , that his own Glory was the end and aim he proposed to himself , in the Creation of this Universe ; as if Gods aim in the Production of this World , had been only to display his Magnificence , and to exalt his own Glory . But who can believe this ? Shall we say , that God could not have provided for his own Glory , by other things different from these ? Would his Honour have been ever the less , if he had Created another World ▪ You must then own , that his Glory was not the sole motive he proposed to himself in creating of the World. Moreover , how can it be said , that Glory was the Creators end , seeing it is a thing extraneous to him , and which doth not at all belong to his Essence ? For God can never be said to be determin'd in his Actions , by any thing that is without him , neither can any thing that is without him , be a motive to him . The Fifth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . VIZ. SPECIAL Natural Philosophy , CONCERNING THE WORLD AND HEAVEN . CHAP. I. Of the Vnity and Perfection of the World. I. What is meant by Special Physicks . HAving examin'd those things that belong to GENERAL PHYSICKS , and thereby consider'd a Body or Matter in General ; that is , its Nature , Principles , General Affections and Differences ; we proceed now to SPECIAL PHYSICKS , or that Part of Natural Philosophy which takes a view of Matter , as distinguish'd into Species , and lays open their several Species , Properties , Distinctions , and Mutations , in a more particular manner . II. The Species of Bodies may be considered two ways . Now the Species of Bodies may be consider'd after a twofold manner , viz. either Jointly or Separately ; or , as others express it , Collectively or Distributively . The Species of Bodies are Collectively consider'd , when they are view'd all together , as the Parts that constitute one Whole or Entire Being . Distributively , when the chiefest Species of Bodies that compose the World , are in a convenient Order particularly examined . III. The Definition of the World. The whole which contains all the Species of Bodies , is called the World ; and is the Comprehension of all Natural Bodies Created of GOD , and for GOD , by the most free Motion of his Will most beautifully Adorned , and most wisely Governed , and powerfully Preserved . And is thus defin'd by ARISTOTLE ; The Structure of Heaven and Earth , and of the several Natures comprehended in them . Lib. de Mund. Cap. 2. IV. The World contains all things . For the WORLD comprehends all and every thing that can fall under our Thought . Whatsoever Rhetorick commends , or Philosophy admires , is a part of it . And therefore the Ancients have told us , That the World consists not only of Animals and Men , but of Gods also ; and that accordingly the World is a Kingdom or Commonwealth , compos'd of the Gods , Men , and Animals : Which Saying of theirs is true enough , save only in that it imparts the Name of God to many , which is due to none but One alone . Book . 1. Part. 5. Chap. 1. The Reverend Knightley Chetwood of Chetwood in Buckingham Shire ▪ Lineally descended from the most antient Barons of Wahull ▪ alias Woodhull ▪ in Bedford Shire . Arch-Deacon of York &c. a. This Plate is humb by Dedicated by Richard Blome . VI. Plurality of Worlds implies a Contradiction . However , if any one should question , whether there may not be another VVorld distinct from this . My Answer in short is , that they who hold a Plurality of VVorlds not to imply a Contradiction , say , that supposing there were a VVorld distinct from this we live in , it might be placed in that Space which we imagine to be beyond the utmost Heavenly Sphere ; but it is impossible that any Bodies should be there , seeing it is supposed to be Nothing , or something Imaginary only , and which consequently can have neither Parts nor Effects , and therefore cannot place any thing . For Place being nothing else , according to Aristotle , but the Surface of the ambient Body , how shall we find a place there , where no Bodies , nor Surfaces are to be found ? VII . Many Worlds cannot be united together . Moreover , if beyond the highest Heaven , there should be another VVorld like to this , either they would touch one another , or be separate . If we suppose them separate , there must be some Medium that may wholly surround them both , and so neither of these VVorlds would be utmost , as having still something beyond them ; and if they touched one another , being Round Bodies , there must be a Vacuum left between those parts , that did not touch ; but we have proved a Vacuum to be an Impossibility in Nature , in our General Physiology . Besides , the Space which we imagine to be betwixt these two VVorlds , is not a meer Nothing , but a Body , since nothing but a Body can make a Distance betwixt two Bodies : For we cannot conceive one thing to be distant from another , without some real Medium that separates them , which seeing it can be nothing else but a Body , it will joyn both VVorlds together , and so instead of separating these two VVorlds , it will unite and make but one of them . VIII . Whatsoever we imagin to be Extended , is a Body . But to put an end to this Dispute , we say that this VVorld hath no Bounds of its Magnitude . For seeing every Space is something extended , and that no Extension can be without a Body , we conclude that nothing can be conceived by us beyond the Heavens , but what must be Real ; and consequently that there can be no other VVorld besides this . And yet it cannot be inferr'd hence , that the VVorld is Infinite , but only that it is Indefinitely Extended , because we cannot conceive so great an Extension in the VVorld , but we may still imagine Greater , forasmuch as all imaginable Spaces are fill'd with Matter . IX . The World is not Infinite , but Indefinitely extended . You 'l say , If the VVorld be Indefinite , thas is , if we can imagine no Bounds or Ends of its Extension , it must be Infinite , because Infinite is nothing else , but that which hath no End. X. The first Answer . I answer , First , All grant that there are Indefinite Parts in every Body , so that it is impossible to come to the last of them ; and yet no body ever asserted , that therefore a Body was Infinite . So tho' we admit an Extension in the World , the end whereof we cannot imagine , yet is not the World therefore to be reputed Infinite . For I do not see how that which hath Finite Parts can be accounted Infinite ; nor how any Mass or Bulk , which GOD can take something away from when he pleaseth , can be called Interminate . XI . The second Answer . I answer , Secondly , that there is a great difference betwixt that which is Infinite , and a thing Indefinite ; for we cannot assert any thing to be Infinite , except we have a Reason whereby we can demonstrate it is so : Whereas to assert any thing to be Indefinite , it is sufficient , if we have no Argument which proves it to be Finite . Which cannot be proved of the World ; for it cannot be understood , that the Matter of which the World is made should have any Bounds , seeing that whatsoever we imagine beyond the Heavens , we still conceive it as an extended Space , which hath Length , Breadth and Depth , which constitute a Body . Of which we shall speak more fully in the Third Chapter . XII . The World is Perfect . We cannot doubt of the Perfection of the World , if we consider either the Author of it , who is Infinite , All-wise , All-powerful , &c. or the Harmony of the Parts of the World , the Distinction of Natures , and Difference of Bodies that are in it ; because we meet with nothing in it which is not Compleat and Perfect . XIII . The Imperfection of Parts , takes not away the Perfection of the whole . And tho' the World doth not consist of things that are all best in their kind ; because all particular things that are in the VVorld , if considered in themselves , cannot be said to be Perfect , but only with reference to the whole VVorld , whose parts they are . For all things that concur to the constituting of any thing , must not be of one and the same Order . What would become of a Republick , if all the Members of it were Senators ? What would the Body of Man be , if it were made of nothing but Eyes ? What would Musick be without Discords ? So likewise the Beauty of the VVorld consists in the Diversity of Kinds that are in it ; and things Imperfect , as well as Perfect , contribute to its orderly and most excellent Constitution . XIV . The Harmony of the World consists in it Variety . Wherefore this admirable Structure of the VVorld would want much of its Beauty , without that Vicissitude and Inconstancy which we find in it . Hence it is that all things made by GOD are subject to Corruption , neither is any Body so firm , which in continuance of Time is not changed . Thus it hath been observed of late , that VVorms are generated not only in Stone , but also in Glass ; so that we may well conclude , that there are no Bodies in the VVorld that are altogether exempt from Corruption . XV. It is no Argument against the Perfection of the World , that some hurtful things are found in it . But you 'l say , Why are there so many Excrements of the Earth , Air , &c. in the World ? Why were Worms , Flies , Serpents , &c. Created ? since these frequently are mischievous ; and other Creatures again perish , without having been of any use at all ? I answer , that none of these things are Superfluous in the World , seeing that they are Instances of the Power of GOD , and if Men's Industry be not wanting , may be employ'd to many good uses . The very Poison of Venemous Creatures , by preparation and due exhibition , become great Antidotes ; neither is there any thing so deformed in the World , which doth not add to its lustre and beauty , as Shadows set off a Picture . CHAP. II. The Creation of the World proved by Natural Reason . I. Aristotle supposed the World to be Eternal . THE Authority of ARISTOTLE hath of a long time been so prevalent in the World , that it hath been lookt upon ( and is so still by some ) as a great Error to depart from his Opinions : Which is more particularly evident in the matter beore us ; For he supposed the World to have been from Eternity , and could not conceive how it could be produced , seeing that between Entity and Non-Entity there was an Infinite Distance . Some of his Followers have asserted the same thing , grounding their Opinion on their Masters Foundation , that out of nothing , nothing can be made , and that it was a plain contradiction , to suppose any thing to be made , but from Praeexistent matter . Wherefore to overthrow this Opinion , so derogatory to the Glory of the Creator , I shall prove that Creation is Naturally Demonstrable , and that it may easily be proved , that all things proceeded from God. II. What Creation is . By Creation we understand , that Action whereby God immediately produceth any thing . And that he hath in this manner produced all Substances , I prove thus . III. Everything that exists must have a Cause assigned it . There is nothing in the Universe , whereof we may not enquire whence it Exists ; or what is the cause of its Nature , and the efficient of its Existence . And this may not only be enquired concerning things Created , but likewise of God himself ; who tho' he be Independent , Infinite and Omnipotent , yet it may be said , that his Immensity is the cause or formal Reason , why he needs no cause for his Existence . But forasmuch , as nothing like this is found in all other things , but rather the greatest Limitation and Infirmity , we must conclude , that they never proceeded from themselves , but from an outward Principle , and that they derive their whole Essence and Existence from another . For it is most evident , that nothing ( if I may speak so amongst Philosophers ) preceded their Natures , and that they came to be , by the Good-will of the Creator , which is to be Created , and to proceed without dependence upon any other Cause whatsoever . IV. Since the World cannot preserve it self , it did not make it self . The same may be proved from the Preservation of all things : For it cannot be conceived , how a thing that cannot preserve it self , should proceed from it self ; for if a thing be supposed sufficient to afford it self a Being , we cannot but conclude , that it would bestow upon it self , all those Perfections it hath any Idea of ; and seeing Conservation is one of these , neither would he deny it self this . For it is the sense of Philosophers , that Conservation differs only notionally from Creation ; and that it is the work of the same Agent , to produce an effect at first , and to preserve it by a continual influx . Now it is evident by Experience , that no Created things can preserve themselves , therefore neither can they produce or Creaate themselves . V. The parts of Time do not depend on themselves . This will appear more clearly if we divide Time , by separating the several moments of it from each other : For it is evident , that there is no Union between them , and that each single part of it , hath no dependance at all upon the rest . For it doth not follow , that because I was the last year , therefore I shall be the next year , seeing that I may die , in the very moment that I am writing this . Conclude we therefore that that Being cannot produce it self , which cannot preserve it self ; seeing that Conservation is nothing else , but a kind of continued Production , which is only by our Understanding distinct from Creation . VI. If the World had not been made , it would be God. All this Discourse is very accommodate to our way of conceiving . For if it be true , that that Exists , which we understand to be without its Causes ; then that also will be possible , which is clearly and distinctly known by us to be such : But we clearly and distinctly perceive , that it is possible for the World to have been Created ; therefore we must conclude , that it was actually Created , since nothing is found in the Universe , which is not dependent . For if Independence did belong to the Sun , for Example , or the Earth , the Sun and the Earth would be God , because Independence cannot be without Infinity and Omnipotence . Whence it follows , that either Creation must be admitted , or we must expose our selves to one of these two Absurdities ; either that there is something in the World , that had no Maker ; or that in the subordination of Causes , there may be a procession to Infinity , both which are inconsistent with Reason . It is absurd to admit any thing in Nature , which was neither of it self , nor produced by another . For whatsoever the Mind of Man can conceive , is either of it self , and then it is God , since in the Conception of God all manner of Independence is included : Or is from another ; and of that other we must enquire again , whether it be of another , or of nothing ; if it be said from another , we must further enquire of that other , until at last we come to that one Principle , which hath brought forth all things . VII . Things are not so connexed as to have 〈◊〉 dependent upon the first pri●ple . For we are not to imagin with some Atheists , that the Creatures are joynd together like Links in a Chain , which tho' they be all linked together , yet is there no necessity that the Chain made by them , should be united to another Chain ; because the parts of a Chain are not produced of themselves ; but only keep some order amongst themselves . Now it is not in the least contradictory , that two distinct things should be united together . We know that all things produced , are caused by another , and that therefore it is necessary , that one thing as to its Existence should be before another ; for the Effect is after its Cause , as receiving its Being from it . And thus of necessity we must at last come to one Primary Cause , which produced those effects , or else must proceed to Infinity , which is the greatest absurdity in Philosophy , seeing that nothing is more evident than that a Determinate effect , must come from a Determinate Cause : But how can this be , if we can never come to the First Efficient Cause , but still a further cause may be assigned , from whence the effect proceeds ? Wherefore we must conclude , that there is some Determinate Cause , from which all other things flow and are produced . VIII . The 〈◊〉 the ation . Cri ▪ This Truth was owned by the Antient Philosophers , who clearly perceived that the Mind of Man and Intelligences in their Production , did not depend on any Praeexistent matter , as being altogether different in their Nature from it . IX . It implies a 〈◊〉 that there are more Independent Beings than one . Moreover , who sees not that it implies a contradiction , that there should be more than one Being of and from it self , that is , Infinite , Omnipopotent , Immense , &c. For whatsoever Being is of it self , must include all Perfections ; and consequently , if all the things we see in the World , were their own Makers , there will be so many Infinite Beings , as we conceive that there are Independent things : Which is contrary to the order of things , and to the Light of Nature . Wherefore ARISTOTLE attributes to his Heaven , Immutability , the highest Perfection , and Divinity it self : As is evident to him that reads his Book , de Coelo . cap. 2. & 6. Ethic. cap. 7. X. Many mat●●rs of Faith may ●e manifest ●y natural Reason . Neither doth it thwart what hath been said , that the Creation of the World is one of the Articles of our Faith : For Faith is not contradictory to Reason ; yea , we may search out many things by Reason , which we embrace with a Firm Faith , from the Divine Revelation . XI . 〈◊〉 sorts of Questions . And that we may the better distinguish these Points , from those things which are matter of Faith only , we are to observe that there are three general Heads of Questions : Some are such as we first assent to by Faith only , such are the Mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation . Other Questions are such , which tho' they belong to Faith , yet may be searched out by Reason , as the Unity of God , the Creation of the World , the Existence of God , and the Immortality of the Soul Man. And the last sort of Questions are such , as do not at all belong to Faith , but Human Reason : Such as are about Gold to be made by the Art of Chymistry , the Squaring of a Circle , and such like . As to the first sort of Questions , tho' they exceed the reach of Mans understanding , yet we are to believe them to be most true , because revealed to us by the Holy Ghost : Such points as these are indeed above Reason , tho' not contrary to it . Concerning the middle sort of these Questions , Philosophers may enquire , and shew that they are so far from being contrary to Reason , that they may be found out , cleared , and confirmed by it . As appears in this Question of the Creation of the World , in the handling whereof , I think , I have made it evident that the World could have no other Original but that of Creation . XII Whether the World could have been sooner Created than it was . Some curious person may enquire , why the World was Created just at such a time , and neither sooner nor later ? I answer in the First place , that before the Creation of the World there was no Time : For seeing Time is the measure of successive Duration , I do not see how possibly it could have any Being , before the Existence of changeable things . And therefore St. Austin Lib. 5. de Genes ad Litt. cap. 5. saith , It is in vain to look for Time before the Creation , as if Time could be before the Creature was . For if there was no motion of any Spiritual or Bodily Creature , by means whereof future things might succeed to things that are Past , by the present , there would be no Time at all ; nor could the Creature be moved before it was . Wherefore Time rather had its Beginning from the Creature , than the Creature from Time , and both of them from God. Therefore to speak exactly , the World did not begin to be in Time , but had its Beginning with Time : And consequently , they speak very improperly , who say , the World might have been sooner or later produced , because these expressions denote Parts of Time : Now it is apparent that Time presupposeth the World and the Creatures , and is a concomitant of them . CHAP. III. The World is not Circumscribed by any Figure or Bounds . I. Some deny insensible parts in Bodies , because they cannot see them . THOSE who derive all Knowledge from their Senses , cannot conceive that there should be any sensible parts of matter , of which Bodies are framed , only for this Reason because they cannot see , or perceive them by any of their Senses . For they think it to be an absurd thing , that any thing should be represented to the Mind , which comes not in by the Senses . II. Some suppose the VVorld to be of a Round Figure . There are some of these , who after that they have asserted , that all the Bodies in the World consist of three Dimensions , and that none of them can be imagined so small , but that they consist of various Sides and Surfaces , do conclude the World to be of a Round or Spherical Figure , so that all the Lines drawn from its Center to the Circumference are equal . The chief ground of this their assertion is , because a Round Figure is the most perfect of all , and most conservative of the Body to which it belongs : And that the Universe , as being the most noble of all Creatures , must needs have the most excellent and useful Figure . And they defend their Opinion by ARISTOTLES Authority , who saith , that nothing is corrupted but by its contrary ; and that seeing the Heavenly Bodies , are Ingenerable , and Incorruptible , it was necessary they should have such a Figure whose motion hath no contrary . III. A Round Figure conduceth nothing to the Incorruptibility of Bodies . But ARISTOTLES Authority must not be more prevalent with us than Reason ; for if a Round Figure were conducive to the everlasting Permanence of things , it would follow , that things of that Figure must be Incorruptible : Yea , it would depend on our Will to make things Incorruptible ; since it is in our Power to make Wood , Wax and such like Bodies of a Round Figure . Nay , if this were true , there would be no Bodies in Nature , but what would be Incorruptible , forasmuch as all of them have some kind of Roundnes , because a Circular Figure lies hid under their Angles ; and therefore a Cubical or Square Body , as to its Spherical Figure would be Incorruptible , whereas its Angles , which cover the said Roundness would at the same time be Corruptible . IV. A Round Figure is not the best of all other . Neither is a Round , more excellent than any other Figure ; for seeing that every Figure , especially those that are Regular , have their Beauty , yea , and that those are lookt upon to be more curious , which have most of variety , why should not a Body of 8 , 12 or 20 Sides , be more excellent as to its Figure , than a Globe ? Or shall we think a Round Figure to be most beautiful because it is most smooth , and most even ? If so , why are not all precious Stones rather formed into a Round Figure ? And why is not Man , who is the most excellent of all other Creatures , of the same Shape ? Wherefore I will conclude with VELLEIUS ; I Wonder at those who will have the World to be a Living Creature , Immortal , Happy and of a Round Figure , because PLATO denies that any Figure ●s more Beautiful than it ; whereas in my Mind , that of a a Cylinder , or a Square , or a Long Figure , or Pyramid do-exceed it . V. No Bounds can be assigned to the World. But if we consider the Nature of a Body or Matter , we shall be convinced , that no Figure can be ascribed to the World : For the essence of a Body consists in Extension , so that whatsoever hath three Dimensions must be a Body . Which being granted , it will follow , that the whole World cannot be terminated by any Figure , because whatsoever we can imagin without the Bounds of that Figure , must be a Body , neither can it otherwise be conceived by us , than as extended in Length Breadth and Depth : For Nature abhors a Vacuum , neither can any space be assigned , which is altogether empty , that is , devoid of any Corporeal Substance . VI. That the World is immense . Wherefore we cannot represent the World so great to us , but that we may still conceive it greater ; for tho' we may conceive that probably there are many Bodies like the Earth , that may be inhabited by diverse Animals , yet is it impossible for us to conceive many Worlds , forasmuch as that wherein we are , takes up more space than we can imagin . VII . An Objection fetched from the Termination of the Parts of the World. Some endeavour to prove the World to be bounded , because it consists of divers Parts , whereof some one begins its Magnitude , and some other terminates it ; and seeing that all the Parts of Matter are bounded , that which results from them must needs be terminated also ; because every thing that is Divisible is Finite . VIII . Answer . This Argument , how much soever they may value themselves upon it , is very inconsiderable , and more thwarts their own sentiment , than ours . For no Philosopher ever denied that Matter was Partible , since Divisibility is its property ; yet no body ever acknowledged , that by dividing Matter , we can ever come to its last Particle . Wherefore they infer wrongly , that the World is Finite , because it hath Parts ; for the inference from hence rather ought to be , that the World is Indefinite , seeing that beyond all the Bounds we can possibly assign it , we still find extended spaces , nor can our Imagination ever reach to any last or utmost limit that might bound it . IX . What we are to understand by the name of Space . This matter will be further cleared , if we consider what Space is , and how it differs from a Body . By the name of Space we understand all that Extension , which we conceive as reaching in Length , Breadth and Depth ; so that Space properly speaking is nothing else , but Internal Place , whereby the Magnitude , Figure and Situation of Bodies , amongst other Bodies are determin'd . And Space thus described doth not indeed differ from a Body , but according to our way of conceiving ; because we conceive the Extension of Space , as something common and Generical ; whereas we consider the Extension of a Body , as something Individual and Singular . As for Example , when a Tower is taken away , we imagin that its extension is also taken away , because we conceive the same as Singular , and belonging only to it , and suppose the Extension of the place , wherein the Tower was contained , to remain the same , tho' another Building be erected in the same place , or 〈◊〉 other like Body be placed there . Because here Extension is considered in common , and is lookt upon to be the same , whether of a Building , the Air , or any other Body , so it be but of the same Bigness and Figure , and in the same Relation , of Distance or Nearness , to those External Bodies which determin that place . X. Space and Body are the same . We see then , that it is the same Extension that constitutes the Nature of a Body and Space , and that there is no other difference between these two , but that which there is between a Genus or Species and an Individual , that is , between the Nature of a Man considered in General , and that of Anthony or John. And as we say , that a Whole includes all its Parts , and all the Parts united together , comprehend the Whole : So tho' Space be said to include a Body , and a Body to be placed in a Space , yet cannot a Space and Body on that account be said to be really distinguisht , seeing that the World , which comprehends all things , is not conceived really distinct , from all the Parts contained in it . XI . That there are no Bounds beyond the World. Forasmuch therefore as we can imagin no end to Extension or Matter , but that beyond it we still conceive further Spaces , we must needs assert this World to be Indefinitely extended , and that it cannot be bounded by any Figure whatsoever . And tho' we will not arrogate so much , as to suppose our Mind to be the measure of Truth ; yet we say , that it must be the measure of whatsoever we do affirm or deny . For it is absurd for us to pass our Sentence concerning any thing , whose Nature we know we cannot reach . Wherefore we make no difficulty , to assert the World to be Indefinitely extended , seeing we can conceive no Bounds in it . CHAP. IV. The matter of Heavenly and Earthly Bodies , it one and same . I. Aristotles Opinion concerning the matter of Heavenly and sublunary things . IT hath been a frequent Controversy amongst Philosophers , whether the Matter of Heaven were the same with that of Sublunary things . ARISTOTLE supposing the Heavenly Bodies to be Incorruptible , will have their matter to be distinct from ours ; so that , according to him , there are two parts in the World , the one Elementary , the other Coelestial . He makes the matter of Heaven to be Ingenerable and Impassible ; whereas the Elementary is subject to changes , capable of all forms , and craving those it wants . For if we may believe him , the Heavens never suffered any change , and continue still in the same state wherein they were Created . Because Generation and corruption are only found amongst contraries ; and seeing nothing is contrary to the Heavenly Body , because its motion is such , as to be contrary to none ; for one motion , according to him , can only be opposite to another motion ; and since motion upwards , is contrary to that which is downwards , it is necessary that Circular motion , which is proper to the Heavens , must have no contrary , and therefore that Body which is so moved must be Incorruptible . II. Aristotles Argument returnd upon him , and confuted . But what if we should grant the Heavenly Bodies to be Ingenerable and Incorruptible , yet would it not follow from thence that they are not subject to any changes , which we may prove by ARISTOTLES own Argument . Those things may be generated and corrupted , that have their Contraries ; but that which is Ingenerable and Incorruptible , is contrary to that which is Generable and Corruptible ; therefore the Coelestial Orbs are Corruptible and Generable . But to leave these Reasonings , let us see what may be alledged against ARISTOTLES Opinion . For asmuch as the Modern Astronomers , have more exactly viewd the Stars than the Antients , I question not , but that were ARISTOTLE now alive , and made use of our Telescopes , he would be of their Opinion . For they observe that the Sun is frequently obscured by Spots which obscure its face , and that these at some certain times are so condensed , that the Light of the Sun for some Months together , appears much weaker . Now that these are generated , cannot be denied , since almost every day they change their Form ; they are sometimes of a Black colour , at other times they seem to have a Dusky appearance of Light ; yea sometimes they are of that loose texture , that they exceed the Sun in Brightness . All which could not be without Generation and Alteration . III. The Planets subject to changes . The changes which happen to the Planets confirm the same thing ; for what is more instable than these wandring Stars ? The Moon almost every day gives a various Representation of herself . Saturn seldom appears with the same face . How frequently is Jupiter clouded with Spots , which interrupt its Light from coming to us ? Venus is continually changing , and if we may give credit to the information of the Telescope , we must assert her to have several Faces ; since she does not only change her aspect , but also her Bulk and Figure , as Astronomers tell us it happend , in the time of King Ogyges . Moreover , how many Comets and New-Stars , do there appear in the Heavens , as the Star in Cassiopaea , and others that appeared in the Heavens in 1572 and 1604 , above the height of the Planets . All which PHAENOMENA may be sufficient to make the followers of ARISTOTLE to reject this foolish Opinion of their Master , and to acknowledge the Corruptibility of the Heavens . IV. The Mathematicians have descried many new Stars . Neither are we to be moved by what ARISTOTLE tells us , that he never perceived any such thing in the Heavens , where he saith ; This is likewise abundantly confirmed by Sense ; seeing that according to the Records of all past time , never any such change hath happened in the whole utmost Heaven , nor in any of its proper parts . Well , let us be so favourable to ARISTOTLE , as to take this to be true ; but can it be inferred from hence , that no further observations could be made for time to come ? For we read that HIPPARCHUS , 200 years after ARISTOTLE , found out a new Star , by the motion whereof he began to question , whether this might not happen more frequently , and whether the fixt Stars also might not have a motion of their own . We know likewise that TYCHOBRAHE descried the foresaid Star in Cassiopaea in the Region of the fixed Stars , above Saturn . V. Wherein the Essence of Matter doth precisely consist . But we may put the Point beyond all Controversy , considering wherein the Essence of a Body doth consist , and by removing from it whatsoever is Extraneous to it . Thus in the first place it appears , that sensible Qualities are no constituents o● it , since it can be without them , and loseth nothing ▪ when they perish . Air , which is soft to the Touch , doth not change its Nature , when by being shut up in a Bladder , it appears hard . A Bean is of considerable Hardness , as long as it abides whole , but when reduced to Flower , it becomes soft . But the Air and the Bean continues Bodies for all that . Neither do Figure , or Motion conduce any thing to the constitution of Matter , since the World which is of no Figure at all , or at least cannot be conceived by the Mind of Man , under any Bounds , still continues to have the Nature of a Body . And the Heavens , which are considered as immoveable , do not therefore cease to be material . And the same may be said of Heat and Cold , and other like Qualities , which may be absent from a Body , its Nature continuing whole and entire . VI. The matter of Heaven and Earth consists in Extension . We conclude therefore , that nothing but Extension constitutes the Essence of Matter , since that alone cannot be separated from it , and is Reciprocated with it . For if you take away Extension , the Body is gone , as when you take away the Body , the Extension is no more . VII . The matter of the Heaven and of Sublunary things is the same . Forasmuch therefore as the Matter of the Heavens in Length , is extended in Length Breadth and Depth , and that no thing but this Extension is included in the Conception of it , we conclude that the matter of Heaven and Earth is one and the same , and consequently that the Matter of the Heavens is as well subject to Corruption and Changes as that of the Earth is . Objection that the matter of Heaven and Earth is not under the same Forms You 'l say , that the Heavenly Matter is not under the same Forms as Sublunary things are , because it was never known that Heaven was generated of the Air , or that a Star was changed into an Earthly Body . IX . There are no Forms but may inform Coelestial Bodies , as well as Terrestrial . If by the name of Forms , in the Objection , be understood those Substantial Principles , which have a different Being from the Matter , and together with it constitute a Natural Compound , I say , that such Forms as these are meer Fictions , and useless to the explaining of Natural Effects . For such Forms must be either Material or Immaterial . If Immaterial , of what use can they be to Matter ? How can they perfect it , and communicate to it their Essence , since Matter ( according to them ) is meer Potentiality , which derives all its Existence from these Substantial Forms . For how can that which hath no Parts , constitute the Essence of a Material thing ? But if they suppose these Forms to be Material , then must they of necessity be constituted by Extension , and must be subject to the self same Modes of Variation , which all other Bodies are . For it cannot be conceiv'd that a thing should be extended , without being liable to the change of Figure , Motion , Magnitude , Rest and Situation : And forasmuch as Generation is nothing else but a congruous Adaptation of the Insensible or Sensible Parts , according to the foresaid Modifications , we must conclude , that all Matter is subject to Changes , and consequently , the Elementary Matter doth not differ from the Heavenly . CHAP. V. What the Form of the World is : Whether it be the Soul , that is , the Spirit of Nature , or the most excellent Disposition of its Parts . The Opinion of Pythagoras and Plato , concerning the Soul of the World. THere is nothing that hath been more controverted amongst the Ancients than this Question , Whether the World be endued with a Soul , and vivified by an Internal Spirit , diffus'd throughout all its Parts . Pythagoras and Plato have compared the Universe to Man , and maintain'd it to be furnish'd not only with Life and Sense , but also with Understanding . For they could not conceive , how that which was devoid of Sense , should produce Sensible things . And therefore as there is in us a Power whereby we live , are sensible , and move , they thought that so likewise in the World there must be a Principle , from whence all its Operations flow ; which the Poet describes thus , The whole , an Inward Spirit doth maintain , And a great Soul infus'd through ev'ry Vein Th' unweildy Mass doth move . II. What the Soul of the World is , according to Plato . Tho' Plato suppos'd the Soul of the World to be like that which is in Animals ; yet he holds it not to be a simple Substance , but compounded of two Parts ; the one purely Intellectual , the other more Impure , tho' Pure , if compared with the Grossness of Bodies ; and this he makes a kind of Vehicle of the Immaterial part . So that he makes a distinction between the Mind and the Soul ; the Mind being a Substance void of all Matter , which is the Higher part of the Soul of the World ; and the Soul being nothing else but the most subtil Aether , by means whereof the Mind is brought and united to the Body . III. In what sense this Opinion of Plato may be admitted . Tho' this Opinion of Plato at first sight appears strange and absurd ; yet in a sound Sense it may be asserted . For if by the Soul of the World he meant nothing else but GOD himself , who holds together the dispersed Parts of the World , animating , governing and cherishing them , it contains nothing contrary to Faith or Reason : Provided always , that GOD be understood not to be the Informing Soul of the World , that is , a Constitutive part of it ; but an Assistant form only , that is , the Ruler and Governour of Nature . For GOD is the M●d●rat●ur of all Things , and is present to all Things , whether Intellectual or Bodily , operating in them , and by them , according to that of the Acts 17. 28. In him we live , move , and have our Being . IV. A●●●rditi●s consequent to Plato's Opinion . But if Plato's meaning was , That this Universe was endued with a true Soul , and accordingly was a Real Animal , from whence all other Animals are generated , nothing seems more absurd , than to suppose an Animal compounded of an infinite sort of other Animals , which feeds upon it self , and yet is destitute of Sight , Hearing , and the other Senses . What , are the Stars nourished with terrene Exhalations ? Or is the Earth supported by Emanations from the Body of the Moon ? Who will believe such stuff as this ? If the Earth be sensible , what shall we say of those hard Hearted Husbandmen , which do cut and wound it with their Plough-shares ? Besides , if we grant the Earth to be Animate , must not Stones , Iron and VVater be so likewise ; yea , all other things of the VVorld ? But you 'l say , Living Creatures are generated out of the VVorld . What then ? Must I thence conclude that the VVorld is an Animal ? Why may not I as well conclude the VVorld to be all Stony , because Stones are generated out of it ? Or of Iron , because its Bowels produce Iron ? Yea , why may I not with equal ground conclude the VVorld to be a Fidler , or a Mathematician , because such are born in it ? For tho' whatsoever hath its Original in the VVorld , doth derive the same from something that is in the VVorld ; yet not therefore from the Soul of the VVorld , that is diffused throughout it , seeing that the VVorld contains all manner of things , whether Animate or Inanimate . V. Supposing one common Soul of the World , all Men would feel the same thing . But to urge this with more Philosophical Arguments , I say , that upon this Supposition of a Soul being diffus'd throughout the whole World , it will follow that there can be no Passion of Joy or Sorrow in the World , but what all Men must be sensible of , and that no Body can wound or strike another , without feeling the same himself . For if one Sensitive and Rational Soul governs and animates the World , there must accordingly be but one Animadversion , that is , one part of it must perceive whatsoever the other parts do . But we experience the contrary to all this , and therefore must conclude , that there is no such common Soul in the World. VI. And would remember things they never had perceived . For otherwise we should not only apprehend things offer'd to our Mind , but we should also remember those things , which were never committed to our Memory : For seeing that this Universal Soul contains all things , and is diffus'd through all , nothing of all the things that are acted any where , could be hid from it ; and therefore since by it we perceive Objects , and remember them , it must necessarily follow that the Mind must behold those things as present , which it never enquir'd after ; that is , it must remember those things , which it never perceived . VII . Yea , and would remember those things as done in one Part of the World , which were done in another . Moreover , if we suppose the World to be whirl'd about its Axis . in 24 Hours time , it will follow , that whatsoever I set about when the Earth is in the Beginning of Aries , I shall remember to have done the same when the Earth is in the Beginning of Libra ; tho' that Portion of the Soul of the World , which informs my Body at that time , be then as far from me , as the Earth is from the Sun. Which Arguments sufficiently prove , that there cannot be a Soul common to all Men. VIII . Henry More 's Opinion of the Spirit of Nature . Doctor More , tho' he doth not defend Plato 's Opinion concerning the Soul of the World , and thinks it absurd , that a Substance endued with Sense and Reason should be mingled with all the Parts of the World ; yet he admits of a Spirit of Nature , which penetrates all the Matter whereof the World consists , and exerts its Power in it ; which Spirit he describes to be ( in his Third Book of the Immortality of the Soul ) an Incorporeal Substance , but destitute of Sense and Animadversion , penetrating the whole Matter of the Universe , and exercising a Plastick virtue in the same , according to the various disposition of the Parts in which it operates , directing the Parts of Matter , and their Motions , and discovering those Phaenomena in the World , which cannot be resolv'd into meer Mechanical Causes ▪ IX . Exp●r●ments i● prove th● Spirit of Nature . The Arguments that persuaded the Doctor to admit this Spirit of the World , were the Trembling of an Unison String ; Sympathetick Cures ; the Sympathy there is between Heavenly and Earthly Bodies ; Monstrous Birds ; the Magnetick Attraction of Iron ; and lastly , the Sphaerical Figure of the Sun. For he could not apprehend how the Unison Strings of different Instruments do all of them shake , if One only be touched , without the assistance of this Spirit of the World. How by the Weapon-Sal●e a VVound can be Cured at a great distance . How the Heavenly Bodies , which are assumed by Magicians and Witches , do communicate their Affections to Earthly things ; and how it comes to pass , that the same things that hurt those , do mischief to these also . How Monstrous Birds come to be generated in a Human Womb. How it comes to pass that Iron is attracted by the Loadstone , and of it self , without any impelling Cause is carried towards it . How the Sun attain'd its Round Figure , except this Spirit of Nature be admitted , permeating all the Matter of the World , into which all these Phaenomena may be resolved . X. Why an Un●●●n S r●ng tre●bles at the 〈◊〉 o● an●t●er on a d●●ferent I●str●ment . But I see no necessity of having recourse to a Spirit of the World for the explaining these Phaenomena , since it may better be done by Mechanical Principles . For , as to the First , the Trembling of an Unison String , upon the striking of another , whilst all the other Strings remain without any Motion ; this is caused by the vibration of the String struck , which moving the Air , the Air reacheth the String that 's wound up to the same pitch , and makes it tremble ; the Trembling Motion being easily communicated to a Body disposed for such a Trembling ; and therfore no wonder if it give forth the very same Sound . Whereas if the Trembling Air rusheth against a String that is differently wound up , by giving several hits against it , it hinders it from reverberating ; so that it is impossible for it to sound as the other doth . Yet we must not imagine , that only those Strings which are tun'd alike do shake , since they do all , or most of them shake ; tho' those only do sound , which are in Unison or Diapason , or some other Concord with the String struck . XI . Whether Wounds are Cured by the Sympathetick Powder . As to the Cure of Wounds by the Sympathetick Ointment , or the Powder of Calcin'd Vitriol , and that at a great distance ; this is a thing which may very well be question'd . For what is there in Vitriol to perform this , save only an Adstringent virtue , whereby it is proper to stop Blood , and to bring it to a Scar ? But by what means shall the out-flowing Particles thereof be guided to the Wound , since they only exert themselves to a very small distance ? Whence the Doctor concludes , they are directed to the Wound by this Spirit of Nature . But forasmuch as this Spirit is diffus'd throughout all the World , and indifferently present to all Wounds , why doth it rather heal that whence the Blood came , than all the rest , since it is destitute of Sense and Animadversion , and is no more present to that Wound , which it is supposed to Cure , than to any other ? Wherefore when a Wound at a great distance happens to be Cur'd this way , the Cure is not to be ascribed to the Powder or Weapon-Salve , which is apply'd to the Instrument that made the wound ; but it seems to happen , because the wound is kept clean and wash'd with Urine ; as is prescrib'd in this case : For Salt of Urine is very detersive and adstrictive , and therefore readily closeth the Mouths of the Veins , consolidates the Parts , and skins them over . XII . There is no sympathy between Heavenly and Earthly Bodies . As to that particular of Mens Souls sometimes quitting their Bodies , and appearing in the shape of a Cat , Dog , &c. and that whatsoever is inflicted on these assumed Bodies , doth redound to the hurt of their true Earthly Bodies ; this I take to be impossible , and therefore think it in vain to trouble my self about searching out the Reason of it . XIII . How Monstrous Birds are ●ramed in the Wombs of Women . As to those Monstrous Birds and Animals , that sometimes proceed from the Wombs of Women , there seems no necessity to put this drudgery upon this Spirit of Nature , when it may be more commodiously explicated by a propension in the Matter apposite to the Forming Power , and the intention of Nature . Thus we find that the Seed of Coleworts degenerates into Turneps ; and why may not we as well suppose that the Parts of an Animal may be perverted , by manifold defects of the motions and humors of the Womb , discomposing and altering the Seed . And indeed , what wonder is it for a Woman to bring forth a Monster , when we see the Body of Man familiarly to breed Lice , which are dreadful Monsters when beheld with a Microsope . Seeing therefore that Lice and Worms are apt to be generated , especially where the Parts of the Body are ill affected ; it will not seem strange that in a depraved state of the Womb Monsters should be generated . But of Monstrous Births , see more in my History of Nature . XIV The Reason of the Leadstone drawing Iron , shall be treated at large in the Tenth Chapter of the Sixth Part. And so likewise the Cause of the Round Figure of the Sun , and Fix'd Stars , will be handled in the Fourteenth Chapter of this Part ; to which I refer the Reader , to avoid Repetitions . XV The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 World 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 most exc●●lent Con●●●tution of its parts . Forasmuch therefore as the World is not endued with a Soul , or any Spirit of Nature , there being no need of either of them for explaining any Natural Phoenomena , we conclude , that the Form of the World is nothing else , but the fit disposition of all its Parts , and their intimate Union . For such is the constitution of the Parts of the World , that tho' they be different , and at a distance from each other ; yet they have a mutual Relation and Reference , and are joyned together by a virtue that penetrates them all . But what virtue is this that unites them ? I answer , that it is the Subtil or Aethereal Matter , which permeating all Bodies is the cause of this Union and Harmony , as LUCRETIUS seems to hint , Lib. 5. The Fluids are all differently Light , And therefore reach'd the less or greater height . Then Liquid Aether did the farthest rear , And lies on softest Beds of yielding Air. CHAP. VI. That GOD , as he is the Efficient and Conserving Cause of Matter , so likewise of Motion . I. Nothing in the World is annihilated . HAving thus explain'd the Nature of the World's Matter , and enquired of the Soul that acts it , it remains now that we consider , whether the same quantity of Matter always remains in the World , or whether it be increased or diminished . Some are so stupid as to imagin , that when Fire is extinguish'd , it wholly perisheth ; not considering that GOD is the Creatour of all things , and that the Creatures cannot destroy any thing , which his Omnipotence hath produced . For tho' the subtil particles of Fire , may by a Fan , Bellows , or the blast of ones Breath be dissipated ; yet are not they therefore annihilated , but being separated exist in another manner than they did before . For as Division doth not make Matter , so neither can it destroy it : Wherefore , Matter divided loseth nothing of its extension , but only ceaseth to be such a Body , and becomes changed into another It is a great mistake to suppose , that those things which cease to affect our Senses , are altogether destroy'd and annihilated . II. Matter is neither subject to Generation , nor Corruption . Matter , according to the Opinion of all Philosophers , is neither subject to Generation , nor Corruption : Wherefore , we must conclude , that there is always the same quantity of it . For indeed how can any new Matter enter , seeing there is no Vacuum , and that the penetration of Bodies implies a Contradiction ? For if any one part of the Eyes suppose , should be taken away or annihilated ( as they fancy of the Fire , when it goes out ) it is certain a Space must be left in the room of it , which forasmuch as it hath length , breadth and depth , we must say that another Body supplies the place of it . For it becomes the Infinite Power of GOD , to act in the most constant and unchangable manner , by preserving that which he hath produc'd without increase or diminution . III. How New Bodies are brought ●orth in the World. But you 'l say , That we daily see new Parts of Matter appearing , which were never before : Thus in Spring time many Herbs and Flowers shoot forth from the Earth ; and in Autumn , the Trees are l●aden with Fruits , which did not exist before . Wherefore we may conclude , that the Substance of Matter is increased . This Difficulty may be easily solved , by distinguishing between the First and Second Matter . By the First Matter is understood a Body in its general Notion , as it includes three Dimensions . By the Second Matter is meant a Body , which besides Extension , is endued with Figure and other Modifications , by which it comes to resort under one or other of the General Heads of things . Wherefore a Body in this sense is not to be called Simple Matter , but something compounded of an Extended Substance , and one or more Modifications . Thus a Tulip , for Example , besides Extension , implies such a conformity of Leaves , which at different Seasons rise and perish . And this Second Matter admits some kind of Latitude , and may be multiplied or diminished . But the First Matter is Indivisible , seeing that all Bodies agree in Extension ; the Soft and Insensible , as well as the Hard and Sensible . And such Matter as this , is neither subject to Generation or Corruption , and consequently can neither increase or be diminished , being only capable of admitting different Modifications , and of assuming divers Forms . IV. GOD is the Cause of the Motion that is in the World. And the same is the case with Motion , forasmuch as all things proceeding from GOD , depend on him in a peculiar manner , and have nothing of Truth or Goodness , but what they have received of him : And that Independency is the necessary Attribute of a most Perfect Being , as Dependency , as to Being and Conservation is the Attribute of all Creatures . For who can believe that the Motion of the Stars about their several Centers , the Course of Rivers , the daily Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , and the Earths being poised in the Liquid Air are caused and continued by Chance ? It implies a Contradiction to suppose these Regular Effects to be produc'd by any Power , besides that of a most Perfect Being , who not only created Matter , but also imparted Motion and Rest unto it . And since the Conservation of any thing is a continued Creation , we must conclude , that GOD is the Preserver of that Motion , which at the Beginning he imparted to the VVorld . V. That GOD , as he continues the same Quantity of Matter in the VVorld , so likewise of Motion . So that as GOD preserves the same Quantity of Matter which he created , so likewise of Motion , and that without increase or decrease ; which is a remarkable Proof of GOD's VVisdom and Unchangableness . And as for Matter , as it could not move it self at first ; so it being once put in motion , it never ceaseth from it , but continues in the state wherein it is put . So that if the Motion that is in the VVorld should either be diminished , or cease altogether , this must be from the Divine VVill appointing it so ; but no such VVill of GOD appearing , it is certain the same Quantity of Motion must still continue in the VVorld . VI. In what sense it is to be understood , that the same Quantity of Motion is said to continue in the VVorld . When I say , that the same Quantity of Motion is preserv'd in the Universe ; this is not so to be understood , as if all Bodies that were first put into motion , continue in the same motion ; and that those that were left at Rest , do persevere in the same ; but that the same measure of Motion is preserved in the whole Universe , tho' it may be varied and alter'd in the particular Parts of it , with respect to the diverse Bodies , on which it exerciseth its force . Much in the same manner , as we say , that in a certain Kingdom there is such a determinate quantity of Mony , tho' some Men have more of it , and others l●ss , and tho' it be in a continual Relation from one to another . So likewise we must conceive , that the same quantity of Motion is found in the Universe , tho' the same be variously possest by the particular Parts of it . VII . God makes use of the same Force , in applying Motion to divers Bodies . GOD alone can be the Cause of this so constant Motion in the Universe . For if we consider Motion , we find nothing by which it should be increased or diminished , for having not produc'd it self , neither can it increase or destroy it self ; nor can the thing moved , or matter , conduce any thing this way , because it is meerly Passive , and consists only in Extension . Wherefore , we must conclude GOD to be the Total and Universal Principle of Motion ; who at the first instant of the Creation of Matter , put Motion into it , and maintains the same by the same Action wherewith he preserves the Matter it self ; that is , he makes use of the same moving Force , without increase or decrease , which removes from one Body to another , according as GOD applies the same to divers parts of the World. For it might seem to be an Argument of Inconstancy in GOD , if he did not maintain the same quantity of Motion in the World , as well as of Matter , and this by one and the same Concourse . So that the Force whereby Matter is moved , is nothing but GOD himself , who being most Wise and most Powerful , acts in the most stable manner ; and therefore on his part , this virtue can neither increase or be diminished , but ever continues the same , tho' in particular Subjects it may be various . VIII . An Objection tak●● from Go● ▪ ● free Action . But you 'l say , GOD is a Free Agent , and that Things that are done in the Universe proceed from his Will. For who knows not , that the Number of Men depends on his good Pleasure , who produceth and preserves more or less of them , as he pleaseth ? So that there seems no reason , but that there may be an unequal measure of Motion in the World , seeing that according to the Free Will of the Creatour , it may be increased or diminished . IX . The First Answer . To which I Answer , First , That those Things which depend on the alone good Pleasure of GOD , cannot be known but by Divine Revelation ; wherefore the Consideration thereof does not belong to Natural Philosophy , wherein nothing is to be admitted , but what may be discovered by Reason . X. The Second Answer . In the Second place I Answer , That as GOD acts freely , so likewise he acts constantly , and immutably preserves whatsoever he hath once produced . So that we are not only to consider the Liberty of GOD , but the same in conjunction with his other Attributes of Wisdom , Unchangableness , &c. which all together do constitute his one Eternal and Permanent Nature . And as his Liberty appears in the vast Variety of the Things he hath made , so his Unchangableness is demonstrated by his conserving the same Quantity of Motion and Rest in the Universe . For Conservation being a continual Production , it would seem to argue Changableness in GOD , if either any new Motion should arise , or praeexistent Motion should perish . XI . There can be no Inconstancy in Motion , neither in respect of GOD , nor of the World. We acknowledge indeed , that such is GOD's absolute Power of all Things , that he can destroy , lessen or increase , whatsoever he hath made , according to the pleasure of his Will : But as long as such his Will is not discover'd to us , we cannot assert any thing concerning it . And seeing that with respect to the World , no Reason can be given for the increase or decrease of the Motion that is in it , we must conclude that the same force which at first put the Matter in Motion , doth still continue in it . XII . Whence so many Motions arise in the World. It remains now , that we explain how this Motion , or rather Virtue , that moves the Parts of the Universe , does indivisibly continue the same , when so many New Motions are seen every day : As when Men , and other Animals , that rested in the Night time , are all in motion in the Day ; and when Guns are discharged , it is certain that the great Concussion caused thereby , was not before in the World ; wherefore , it seems there must needs be more Motion in the World at one time , than at another . XIII . A Body moved , dashing against another , doth communicate some part of its motion unto it . But this will be easily answered , if we consider that every Body whilst it pusheth on another , doth lose as much of its own motion , as it transfers to that Body it pusheth forwards . As appears in hard Bodies , which by dashing against any soft matter , transmit all their motion to it , and are reduced to Rest . Hence it is , that a Stone falling down from on high to the ground , doth not rebound , but lies still , because it communicates all its motion to the Earth . And in like manner , when Men or other Animals are moved , we must not suppose that they produce new Motions in the World , when the agitation of their Spirits is transmitted to their Members ; because the more motion the Members receive , the less the Spirits retain . XIV . The Concussion of the Air by Guns , does not prove a greater Quantity of Motion . Neither can we infer , that the Quantity of Motion is increased by the Concussion of the Air , caused by the discharge of Canon : For tho' there may be more of that motion which we call sound , yet is there no more motion simply taken : For tho' the commotion of the Air be at first made more vehement , because of the narrowness of the Space ; yet by degrees afterwards it becomes more remiss , as it spreads into wider Intervals , because the Air , having communicated its motion to the Neighbouring Bodies , doth lose as much agitation as it imparts to them . CHAP. VII . Of the Action of Bodies , and the Communication of Motion . I. There is a manifold Communication of Motion . FOrasmuch as the Matter of the Universe is divided into innumerable Parts , and every one of them have their proper Motions ; it cannot be doubted but that they must frequently run against one another , and by contrary motions be either hindred , retarded , or wholly reduc'd to Rest . Hence , according to the variety of their pushing against each other , the manifold Action of Bodies , and Communication of Motions ariseth : First , When two Bodies by Contrary motions run against each other : Secondly , When the Body moved , runs against a Body that is at Rest : Thirdly , When two Bodies are moved the same way , but with a different degree of Swiftness . For it is impossible that Bodies should push against one another , but that some change of Motion or Rest must follow thereupon . II. Wherein the Communication of Motion doth consist . The Communication therefore of Motion consists in this , that according to the Will of the First Mover , the Body that doth exceed the Body it meets with in the Force of moving forward , doth carry the same along with it , and loseth as much of its Motion , as the other receiveth : So that the same Quantity of Motion always continues in the World. III. In the Communication of Motion , an Accident doth not move from one Subject to another . Neither must we infer from hence , that upon this Supposition an Accident must remove from one Subject to another ; because the Body that is at Rest , doth not receive the same Numerical Portion of Motion , from the Body that runs against it : But forasmuch as according to the Will of the First Mover , a like motion only ariseth in that Body , which upon the impulse of another , begins to move ( as has been before explain'd , Part IV. Chap. XV. ) it cannot be said , that in this case an Accident removes from one Subject into another . IV. In order to the exact Determination of the Action of Bodies , it is required that they be perfectly hard . This Communication of Motion will be the better apprehended , if we suppose the Bodies that are moved to be perfectly Hard , and so divided from all the rest , that their motion be neither hindred nor promoted by any circumjacent Bodies . For except Bodies were perfectly Hard , they would not be able to act upon one another ; and if they were not separate from all others , so as not to be retarded or turned aside by Ambient Bodies , the proportion or difference of Motions would not be discernible . V. And that the Medium in which they are moved , be no hindrance to their Motions . In the Second place , we are to suppose , that the medium wherein the Bodies move , be such as doth neither hinder nor promote the motion of them . For if the way through which they pass be either soft or fluid , it will hinder their motion , turn it aside , or wholly take it away ; and so no exact account could be taken , what the Force of each Body is in acting or resisting . VI. A Body is not changed but from an External Cause . Thirdly , We are to suppose , that every Body , forasmuch as it is simple and undivided , doth as much as in it lies , continue in the same state ; nor is it ever changed , but by some External Cause . These things being thus far setled , we are , first , to enquire , what must happen at the meeting of two Bodies ? For every one knows by Experience , that Bodies , whether Moved or Resting , variously change the condition wherein they are , according to the different Nature of the Bodies they meet with . Thus , for Example , a Body moved changeth its state , by meeting a Body that is at Rest , otherwise than it would by meeting with a Body in motion . It also variously changeth its motion , in meeting with a hard or liquid Body . And the Rules , according to which these Changes happen , are properly that which we call in general , the Laws of Motion . VII . What Direct Motion is Lastly , We are to presuppose , that Direct motion is the Translation of a Body out of the Neighbourhood of one that is consider'd as Resting , into the Neighbourhood of another , by a right line , which is the shortest of all others , and equally stretch'd out between two Points . VIII . The First Rule . Suppose we therefore the two Bodies A and E to be equal , and to move directly towards one another with the same swiftness ; when they come to D , they will both rebound back the contrary way , A towards the Left , and E towards the Right , with the very same swiftness wherewith they came to D. For these Bodies being supposed altogether equal , must consequently have equal force of Moving and Resisting . And seeing that Motion is not contrary to Motion , there is no cause that can reduce them to Rest : Wherefore we must conclude that they must reflect or rebound with the same swiftness , their Motion continuing whole and entire . IX . The Second Rule . But if the Body A be somewhat Bigger than E , and both be moved with the same swiftness , A towards the Right hand , and E towards the Left , when they meet together in D , E alone will rebound , and afterwards both of them proceed to move , with the same swiftness towards the Right . The Reason is , because every Body that hath less Force , to proceed in a right line , than the other hath to resist , loseth the Determination of its Motion : And it being supposed that the Body E hath less force to proceed forwards , towards the Left , then A hath to proceed to the Right , it follows that E , must lose its Determination , that is , must rebound ; but because A and E , are supposed to move with the same swiftness , and this swiftness cannot be changed by any External cause , therefore it remains in the same state wherein it was before . And accordingly E , will move towards the Right , with the same swiftness it had at first ; and A retaining the same swiftness , without changing its Determination , will move the same way , and follow E , yet without being able to push it forward . X. The Third Rule . Again , if these two Bodies A , and E , be supposed equal in Bulk , but that A moves somewhat swifter than E , then not only E will rebound backwards , but A will also communicate to E , the one half of its swiftness , wherein it exceeds E. That is , if before there had been six degrees of swiftness in A , and four only in E , after their meeting , they would both tend to the Right , with five degrees of swiftness , and so proceed to move the same way with the same swiftness . For seeing that the Body E , hath less force to resist , than the Body A , against which it pusheth , hath to move it , it is agreeable to Reason , that it should give way and reflect , and suffer something from the Body A , and that so the Body A should immediately follow E. But seeng that A hath more Swiftness , it cannot follow E , and proceed the same way with it , without pushing it forward , and imparting so much of its motion , which being added to that which was in E before , makes both their motions to be equal . So that if A hath six degrees of Swiftness , and E but four ; let the two degrees whereby A exceeds E , be divided into four Parts , and then let one part be communicated to E : But because thus the motion of A is still swifter than that of E , let the second also be communicated . And seeing that upon the Communication of these two Fourths , the motion of the Body E , is made as swift as that of the Body A , it will not be able to receive any farther increase from A , and therefore will retain the remaining two Fourths ; and so both of them , with the same swiftness , that is , with five degrees of swiftness , will move towards the Right hand . XI . The Fourth Rule . But if the Body E be wholly at Rest , and somewhat bigger than A , then with whatsoever swiftness A may be supposed to move towards E , it will never be able to move it , but will be beaten back by it , still retaining its motion entire . For a Body at Rest doth more resist a greater degree of Swiftness than a less , and that according to the degree of the Excess of the one above the other ; and consequently there will always be a greater force in E to resist , than in A to push forwards . For a Body at Rest , doth as much as in it lies continue in its Rest , and must by some outward force be driven out of its place , before it can tend any way . Wherefore such a Body doth not only , with all its Parts joyn'd together , resist the motion ; but also proportionably to its bulk , whereby it exceeds other Bodies , it is made more strong to withstand others that oppose it . And therefore the Body E , because of its greater Bulk , hath a greater Force to resist , than A hath to move . By which means it comes to pass , that it is not changed by A , but with the same Force continues in Rest , wherewith the whole Body A will be moved , and dash against it . XII . A Body that is at Rest , doth more resist a greater Swiftness than a less . Now , that a Body at Rest doth more withstand a greater degree of Swiftness , than a less , and that according to the excess of the one above the other , is demonstrable from the most common Law of Nature ; that every thing ▪ forasmuch as it is simple and undivided , continues ( as far as in it lies ) always in the same state , neither is ever changed but by outward Causes . Now the state of the Body E , is Rest , and in the swifter Body A , the state is quite contrary , and that proportionably to the Excess of swiftness . For the slower the motion of A is , the less contrary is it to the state of the Body E , which is at Rest , because slowness of motion partakes of the Nature of Rest . Wherefore , if A with the greatest degree of swiftness be carried towards E , Resting , E will also have an absolute power of Resisting ; and forasmuch as it resists , it will with a greater force of Action , resist the greater force that pusheth it , than a lesser . XIII . The Fifth Rule . If the Body at Rest E , be less than A , then tho' A move never so slowly towards E , it will carry it along , and communicate to it such a part of its motion , as that both of them afterwards may move with the same swiftness . As for Example , If A be as big again as E , it will communicate to E the Third part of its motion , because that one Third part will move E , as swiftly as the Two remaining parts will move A , because it is as big again . And since whatsoever accrues to the one , is the loss of the other , it is necessary that after this meeting A move one Third part slower , than it did at first , that is , in the same time wherein before it run through th● distance of three Foot , it will only move two Foot. In like manner , if A were thrice as big as E , it would communicate the Fourth part of its motion to it . If it were four times bigger , it would impart a Fifth part of its motion ; and so on . But if A should only a Third part exceed E , and consequently should have the Relation to it , not of Two to One , but of Three to Two , then two fifth parts of the motion will be transferr'd from A to E , and three Fifths will still continue in A. If E be one Fourth bigger , and have the same Relation to A , as Four to Three , three Seventh parts of its motion will be communicated to E , and so four Seventh parts will remain to A. This account will be more evident , if we express the foresaid Fractions by whole Numbers : Saying , if A be to B , as 3 to 2 , then of the five degrees , into which its motion may be distinguish'd , two must be communicated , which will have the same proportion to E , as the three remaining to A : And if A be as 4 , and E as 3 , out of the seven degrees of its motion , three must be communicated , which will have the same proportion to E , as the remaining 4 to A. And if A be to E as 5 to 4 , of the 9 degrees into which its motion may be distinguish'd , 4 will be communicated , and will have the same Proportion to E , which the Five remaining have to A. And thus we may proceed to Infinity ; for tho' the excess of Quantity in A , above that which is consider'd in E , does by this means grow less , yet it will always be something ; and since we may always take so many degrees of motion , as there are parts considered in the Body moving and moved , taken together , we find no Reason why A should move E along with it , seeing the difference is of one Sixth ▪ Seventh , Eighth , or even of a Hundredth or Thousandth part , and so on . The account will proceed in the same manner , whether you reckon the Parts of Motion to be so many , as there are consider'd in the Bulk of both Bodies , viz. the Moving and Moved , or whether you attribute two , or three , or four Parts or Degrees , and so on , of motion , to every one of the Parts of Bodies ; because the same Proportion will continue every where between the Motion that is communicated , and that which continues in the Mover . Thus we may say , that if A be one Third bigger than E , of the 10 parts into which its motion may ▪ be distinguish'd , 4 will be transmitted to E , the remaining 6 continuing with A : Or , if we suppse 15 parts of Motion , then 6 will be communicated and 9 will remain ; if 20 , the Body E being a Third part less than A , will receive 8 of them , and A will retain the other 12. For all these Numbers , 12 to 8 , 9 to 6 , 6 to 4 , have the same Proportion together which they ought to have , which is 3 to 2 ; and therefore it is all one which of them you take , and you may increase them to Infinity . And how slow soever you suppose the motion in A to be , it will still in the same proportion act upon E , that is , will always communicate to it only such a part of its metion as shall bear the same proportion to E , as the remaining part hath to A. And thus , if A be as big again , whether it be swiftly or slowly moved , it shall always transfer a Third part of its motion upon E ; if thrice as big , only a Fourth , and so on . XIV . The Sixth Rule . If the Body E , Resting , be exactly equal to the Body A , moved towards it , it will partly be push'd forward by it , and partly beat it back to the opposite side . So that if A should come towards E , with four degrees of Swiftness , it would communicate to E one degree , and with the three remaining parts would rebound to the contrary side . For seeing that both these Bodies are supposed of equal bigness , they must also have the self same Force of Acting and Resisting : Now this Force to Resist in E , is not only Negative , but Positive , or , if you will , Reactive ; because E so admits the motion of the Agent A , as to cause some change in it , to wit , by Reflecting it , and communicating some part of its own Rest unto it . And by this means the Body E obtains the half of its effect . But the Body A , because of its inequality , transfers a part of its motion to E , not the whole ; for so it would tend to its own destruction , by losing all its motion . Thus if the Body A should move towards E with four degrees , in meeting with the Body E , it would impart one degree to it , and would rebound back with the three remaining parts . If with eight degrees , it would impart two of them to the Body E , and rebound with the other six . If it mov'd forwards with twenty degrees , it would communicate five of them to E , and fly back with the remaining fifteen , and so both would obtain the half of that effect , the whole of which they would have , if either of them were greater or less . XV. The Seventh Rule . Suppose we now the Bodies A and E , to move the same way , E more slowly , and A following it more swiftly , so as at last to overtake and touch it : Suppose we also E to be greater than A , but A to exceed in degrees of swiftness the Greatness of E ; in this case A will communicate so much of its Motion , as that both of them afterwards shall move with an equal degree of swiftness the same way . That A must overtake E , appears from the Supposition of its being mov'd more swiftly than E ; and that it must act upon it , and push it on along with it self , is also evident , because upon examining the proportion of Magnitude and Swiftness that is between them , we find that the Excess of swiftness is greater in A , than the Excess of Greatness in E ; and therefore by reason of the inequality of Action and Resistance , it must follow that A , by communicating some part of its motion to E , must push it forwards ; and so both of them with the same swiftness move the same way . XVI . The Eighth Rule . But if the Excess of Swiftness be less in A , than the Excess of Greatness in E , it will rebound back , and retain all its motion . The Reason is , because that which is the stronger in Action and Resistance , must needs obtain its effect . Now seeing the Body E , by its Greatness or Bulk , exceeds the swiftness of A , and has more force to Act and Resist , it must push forwards the Body A , and make it rebound backwards . But forasmuch as every thing inclines to continue in its state , except it be hindred by an outward Cause , and this Cause is found in E , viz. an Excess of Magnitude , above the Excess of Swiftness in A , which changeth the determination of A , but doth not destroy or diminish the Motion it self , therefore it happens that A , by rebounding , loseth nothing at all of its own motion . But if the Excess of Bulk be greater in E , than the Excess of Swiftness in A ; that is , if E be as big again as A , and yet A be not moved with a double degree of swiftness ; then when A comes to dash against E , it will reflect the contrary way , without communicating any thing of its motion . Lastly , if the Body E doth equally exceed A in Bigness , and that it be as big again , which is just as much as A exceeds E in swiftness , and therefore hath a motion , that is , as swift again , it will follow that A must communicate some part of that its swifter motion to E , and with the residue rebound back from it . CHAP. VIII . Of the Ptolomaick , Copernican , and Tychonick Systems of the World. I. What a System is , and how many there are . A System in Natural Philosophy is that , whereby a thing acts after a certain manner , by virtue of its Composition , and those Dispositions which constitute its Nature . Thus we call the System of the World , the Order or Disposition wherein we conceive , that all we see in the World is performed , by supposing it to be compos'd of certain Parts , the Nature and Connexion whereof is such , that thence results whatsoever is , or is done in it . Amongst the Systems of the World , invented by Astronomers , there are Three more famous than the rest , viz. those of Ptolomy , Copernicus , and Tycho Brahe , to which all the rest that have been invented by the Ancients may be referr'd . II. The Ptolomaick System . PTOLOMY placeth the Globe of Earth and Water in the Center of the World , and supposeth it destitute of all motion . Next to the Earth , he placeth the Air mingled with Vapours and Exhalations , which raising it self only a few Miles above the Earth , is called the Atmosphere . Next below the Moon he placeth his Element of Fire ; the several Spaces above which he divides into Eleven Spheres , in the first Seven whereof he ranks the Planets : In the first ☽ , the Moon ; in the second ☿ , Mercury ; in the third ♀ , Venus ; in the fourth ☉ , the Sun ; in the fifth ♂ , Mars ; in the sixth ♃ , Jupiter ; in the seventh ♄ , Saturn ; which he calls Wandring Stars : Not that they wander at Random ; but because they are carried with an unequal motion within the Zodiack , so as not to keep the same Distance from one another , if compar'd with the fix'd Stars . In the Eighth Sphere he placeth the Firmament , in which the fix'd Stars are supposed to be fastned . After these follow two other Spheres , which he calls Crystalline , or the Heavens of Libration and Trepidation ; the first Moving from the East to the West , the other from the North to the South . The Eleventh and highest Sphere he calls the Primum Mobile , or First moved . This Description of the World is by the Common People generally approved and maintain'd ; who look upon the Heaven as a Vaulted Roof , equally distant from us , who are as in the Center and suppose all the Stars that appear in it , to be in the said Circumference of the World. III. The System of Copernicus . NICOLAUS COPERNICUS , a Physician of Thorn , and Canon of Frassenburg , who flourish'd not much above an hundred years since , introduced another System in Imitation of the Pythagoreans , who attributed a motion to the Earth , and plac'd the Sun as the Soul of the World , in the Center of it ; and consequently assigns the same place to the Earth , which Ptolomy allows the Sun , that is , betwixt the Planets Venus and Mars . The Earth , according to Copernicus , hath two motions ; the one Diurnal , which in 24 Hours space is performed about its own Axis , from West to East ; which Motion makes Days and Nights , as shall be said hereafter . And this Motion performs the same Service , which the Primum mobile doth in the Ptolomaick System , to wit , by effecting that all the Stars seem to move from East to West ; much in the same manner as a Ship , which sailing from the Shoar , or towards it , makes the Shoar it self seem , as if it drew near , or withdrew from the Ship. The other Motion of the Earth , is its Annual motion , by which she is carried about the Sun , from the West also to the East , according to the Succession of the Signs of the Zodiack ; by which means , the Sun which stands immovable in the Center of the World , doth seem to run through those Signs , tho' indeed it is the Earth only that truly doth so . And whereas the Space that is between Mars and Venus , is large enough for the Moon to be carried round between them , she accordingly performs there two Motions , the one Monthly , wherewith she is whirl'd about the Center of the Earth , and appears in her several Changes ; the other Yearly , whereby ( together with the Earth ) she goes round the Sun. Wherefore , according to the Copernican System , the Sun is placed in the Center of the World immovable . Tho' this hinders not , but that it may be carried round about its own Axis within the space of 27 days , which that it is , appears by the turning round of its Spots , discovered by the Telescope . Next to the Sun , Mercury is whirl'd about ; in the second place , Venus ; in the third , the Earth , together with the Moon its Attendant ; in the fourth , Mars ; in the fifth , Jupiter ; and in the last , Saturn . After which follows the Region of the fix'd Stars , so called , not because they are without all motion , but because they do not wander up and down like the Planets , but continue in their own places , and keep the same distance from one another , as will be shewed in the XX th Chapter of this Part. IV. The System of Ty●●● Brahe . Besides these two Systems , a Third hath been contrived by TYCHO BRAHE , which partakes of both the foregoing Systems . For as to the Digestion of the Parts of the World , it agrees with the Coper●ican , save only in this , that it constitutes the Earth to be the Center of the Firmament , and accordingly makes the Moon and Sun to run round it . Thus in explaining the seeming motion of the Heaven , which seems to be performed in 24 Hours , he follows Ptolomy , and supposeth the Earth to stand immoved in the Center , and the whole Heaven to be carried round it , from East to West , by the Force of the Primum Mobile . But in explaining the Appearances of the Planets , he agrees with Copernicus ; making Mercury and Venus to be carried round nearest to the Sun , as their Center ; but Mars , Jupiter and Saturn at a farther distance ; and in the middle Space placeth the Earth , with the Moon that is carried round her , in the same time that Copernicus assigns to it . The Tychonick System has this peculiar to it self , that the Planets , which perform their own motions about the Sun , are whirl'd about by it , so as that Mercury and Venue , in their Turnings round about the Sun , do never take in the Earth , as Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn do . So that as Gassendus observes , If instead of the Sun 's whirling about together with Mercury and Venus , who exclude the Earth from the compass they take , and with Mars , Jupiter and Saturn enclosing it , the Earth had been supposed to be whirl'd about with the Moon , comprehending in its compass Venus and Mercury , but comprehended within the compass of Mars , Jupiter and Saturn , it would come to the ●●me thing ; and Tycho's System would appear to be nothing else but the Copernican inverted . V. Ptolomy's System rejected . Having given this brief Description of these three Systems , we are next to examine which of them appears the Truest . For seeing that they all differ , and that the Structure or Disposition of the Parts of the World is but one only , we must reject two of them as false , and choose the third us the truest . And tho' we should suppose nothing of Contradiction to be found in any of these Thr●e , yet ought we to pitch upon that as the best , which appears the most simple , and supposeth least particulars . VI. Many ●●●ngs are 〈◊〉 in ●●e Ptolomaick System , as ●●ing contrary to Experience . Wherefore we cannot admit of the Ptolomaick System , as being contrary both to Reason and Experience : To Experience first , with regard to the appearances of Venus and Mercury , seeing it is evident that these Planets are not always whirl'd about on this side of the Sun , as Ptolomy supposeth , but sometimes appear above , and sometimes beneath , yea , and sometimes also side-ways to it ; so as that sometimes they are nearer to , and at other times they are further from us than the Sun. For this Cause Copernicus took occasion from the various appearance of Mars , to assign motion to the Earth . For he perceiving that Mars , whilst he is opposite to the Sun , appears much greater ; and that he grows less , as he nearer approacheth to it , could not attribute this change to any thing better , than to the Circumrotation of the Earth : According to which , it was necessary for Mars to appear biggest , when the Earth moves nearest to him ; and least , when the Earth leaves him on the other side of the Sun. Secondly , Pursuant to this System , no Reason can be given why Mars , Jupiter and Saturn are always in the lower part of their Epicycles , when they are Retrograde . Whence it is that the Moon doth always turn the same part of her Body towards us : Why Saturn appears in a various shape to us , sometimes Oval , and at others Round , when beheld through a Prospective . Thir●y , This Hypothesis doth not explain the contrary Motions , whereby the Stars at the same time seem to move from East to West , and from West to East . Fourthly , Neither can the rise of Comets , nor their motions , be solved , as long as we suppose the Heavens to be solid , as he doth . Fifthly , According to this Hypothesis we cannot give any account , how the Spots about the Sun are generated , and afterwards dissipated ; nor how they can perform their Circuits about the Sun. VII . This Hyothesis is likewise contrary to Reason . This System is also contrary to Reason , by allowing the motions of Trepidation and Libration to the Crystalline Heavens . For what is more misbecoming a Philosopher , than for the extricating of a lesser Change , to admit a far greater ? For a Body that is carried towards one Point , tho' by an uneven motion , questionless doth not undergo so great a Change , as another , which is also carried towards one Point , and suddenly rebounds to the opposite Point . To this may be added , that it was in vain that the Ancients had recourse to this motion , for the explaining of the Equal progress of the fix'd Stars ; since the most exact Astronomers frequently Experience , that what they deduce thence by their Computations , doth not correspond with the Phaenomena . Besides , the Motion of the Heavenly Orbs will be swifter than can be competent to such vast Bodies , and more especially to the Brittle Crystalline Spheres ; for the utmost Sphere of the World must be whirl'd about in 24 Hours . Moreover , what is more improbable than that the Primum Mobile should have the force to carry round with it all the Inferiour Orbs , from East to West ; and yet that the Earth , which is included in them , should remain unmov'd ? When yet , according to Ptolomy , the Earth is altogether Passive , and is encompass'd with the subtil Matter . These Absurdities are sufficient to make us reject this Ptolomaick Hypothesis . VIII . The Tychonick System also hath its Errors . Tho' the Tychonick Hypothesis seem more probable than the Ptolomaick , forasmuch as it gives an account of the Inequality and Diversity of the Coelestial Appearances , yet is it not without its obscurity and defects . For it seems in a manner to disjoynt the whole System of the World , forasmuch as whilst the Sun ( the Center of Five of the Planets ) whirls about the Earth in its Annual motion , this his Annual motion is entangled with the proper motions of the several Planets ; for the explaining whereof he is fain to make use of a Circle , describ'd from the Suns Center with two Epicycles ; whereas the structure of the World , is without doubt very far from any intricacy or confusion , and allows every Planet a sufficient Space to run its Course in . IX . And is to rejected , as well as the Ptolomaick . Besides , this System h●th several other Defects for which it is to be rejected , as well as the Ptolomaick . For tho' it admits of less Suppositions for explication of the Motion of the Planets , and gives a plausible account of the Appearances of Venus ; yet it cannot be deny'd , but that it requireth something , which the Mind of Man can hardly assent to , in that it supposeth that Motion , whereby the Mass , consisting of the Heavens and Planets , in Twelve Months time , moves towards all parts of the Firmament . For tho' we should admit , that it had been put into such a motion by the Author of Nature , at the beginning of the Creation ; yet withal we must suppose , that according to the Laws of Nature , which GOD himself hath established , the said Motion , in success of Time , must be diminished , and at last cease altogether ; since ( according to the same ) it must have been communicated to the Heavenly matter , which the foresaid Mass , to which BRAHE assigns this Motion , drives from those Parts to which it tends . X. The Copernican System is to be preferr'd before the two former . It remains therefore , that we only admit of the Copernican System , as being both more plain and simple than the two foregoing , and solving the Phaenomena of the Heaven the best of the three . But forasmuch as Des Cartes professeth himself to dissent from COPERNICUS and TYCHO as to the Motion of the Earth , which he denies with more Truth than TYCHO , and with more curiosity than COPERNICUS , we intend last of all to propound his Scheme , as the only true one . CHAP. IX . Of the true Systeme of the Vniverse . I. The C ●ernico ▪ Cartesian Hypothesis explained . DES Cartes supposeth that Matter indefinitely extended , and by motion imprest upon it , divided into various Particles , did run together into several Vortexes or Whirl-Pools , whirling about some certain Points with a most swift motion ; that the more subtil matter gathered together about the Center of these Vortices , constitutes the fixt Star ; that the matter which is a degree bigger , makes the Heavens ; and that the more solid Bodies ( such as is the Earth and the rest of the Planets ) hanging poisd in this fluid matter , comply with the motion of the Vortex about the fixt Star , and may over and above this , be whirld about their own Axis ; as we often see that Bodies , carried in a fluid Stream , are turn'd round by a motion of their own , that is , proper to themselves , and not derived from the Stream wherein they are carried . II. The first Heaven . Moreover Des Cartes divides all the Vortexes , that comp●se this World into two Heavens . In the first , he supposeth all the Matter of Heaven in which the Planets move , to run round continually in manner of a great Vortex , or mass of fluid Matter whirling round , in the Center whereof is the Sun , S , and that those Parts that are nearer to the Sun , move more swiftly , than those that are more remote , and that all the Planets ( of whose number also the Earth T is , ) have their course continually amidst the Parts of that Caelestial Matter . III. The second Heaven . The second Heaven comprehends an immense number of other Vortexes , which surround this Vortex or first Heaven A , B , C , which in their Centers have the several fixt Stars . And because we are uncertain at how great a distance the fixt Stars are from us , and cannot conceive them so remote as to contradict the Phaenomena , we will not content our selves with placing them above Saturn , but will take the liberty to conceive them much higher ; seeing that it is apparent from the Coelestial motions , that they are so far distant from us , that Saturn compar'd to them , seems to be very near us . Des Cartes to illustrate the Truth the more about the motion of the Planets , and especially of the Comets , made no difficulty to assign an immense distance between Saturn and the fixt Stars . IV. The distance of the fixt Star● from the Sun. Neither is this in the least contrary to Reason , forasmuch as we know that Mercury is above two hundred Diameters of the Earth distant from the Sun ; Venus above Four hundred ; Mars Nine hundred or a Thousand ; Jupiter above Three thousand , and Saturn Five or Six thousand . And proportionably we may extend the Space between Saturn and the fixt Stars , to any distance how vast soever . For tho the Region of the fixt Stars , be commonly reputed the utmost Bounds of the World , yet its Figure cannot be certainly determined by us , seeing we can perceive nothing of its Internal nor External Superficies . V. Saturn is the First of the Planets . The first of the Planets and nearest to the fix'd Stars is Saturn , who sometimes appears as if he had three Bodies , sometimes Long or Tall , sometimes Sphaerical , sometimes Oval , with Ears and Ear-rings . For tho' Saturn like the other Stars , be of a Round Figure , yet is he surrounded with a broad Circle or Ring ; standing at an equal distance from him ; the proportion of the Semidiameter of the Planet , being to the distance of the Ring , as 3 to 5 : but the entire Diameter of the Ring , to that of Saturn is about the proportion of 11 to 5. The Ring is thin , but broad , and if continued , would pass through the Center of Saturn . This Planet being most remote from the Sun , the Center of this our World , and being moved in a large Vortex , is almost 30 years in finishing his Circuit in our Heaven ABC . VI. Saturns three Satellites . Three Satellites or Guards , are observed to move about him , the First whereof is distant from the Center of Saturn , one Diameter of the foresaid Ring , and performs his Circuit about Saturn in the Space of 4 days , 12 hours and 27 minutes . He is seen through a Telescope of 35 Foot , in his furthest digression from Saturn , but is imperceptible when nearer to him . The Second is much more illustrious , and may be descried by any moderate Telescope , and is distant from Saturn four Diameters of the said Ring , and whirls round him in the time of 16 days and 23 hours . The Third is distant from him 10 Diameters of the Ring , and performs his Circumvolution in the Space of about 80 days . VII . The Second is Jupiter . The next to Saturn is Jupiter , who absolves his Course in almost 12 years . He hath four less Planets , as so many little Moons to be his Companions , to which GALILAEUS gave the name of the Medicaean Stars , because he first discovered them in the Dominions of the Duke of Florence . Their special names are , the Jovial Saturn , Europa , Ganymedes , Calisto ; whereof the First or remotest wheels about Jupiter in 16 days ; the Second in 7 Days ; the Third in 85 hours , and the Fourth in 42 hours . VIII . T●● 〈◊〉 is Ma●● . The Third Planet Mars is carried about a in greater Vortex than the Earth , and in a less than Jupiter ; and finisheth his Revolution in near two years . In the midst of this Planet CAMPANELLA by the help of Prospectives discovered a Black Mountain , higher than the Mountains of the Moon : From whence , as likewise from the Spots , wherewith his Face is sprinkled , CASSINUS gathered , that Mars was whirld about his own Center in the Space of 24 hours and 49 minutes . There is also a round Ring somewhat resembling a Rainbow , but of a Redder Colour , which surrounds the Foot of that Mountain . IX . The Fourth is the Earth The fourth place is taken up by the Earth , which absolves its Course together with the Moon , ( which she carries about in her Vortex ) within the Space of a Natural year . All the Matter that reacheth from the Earth to the Moon , is called Elementary Matter ; and because this Matter contains many parts , which are moved more swiftly than the Rest , it follows that they must all of them be unequally determined to recede from the Center of their Motion , and that those which are more swiftly moved , withdrawing themselves with greater force , do by this means thrust the other parts downwards : Which is the cause of Gravitation , as hath been said before . X. The Earth is not placed in the Center of the World. Now that the Earth is not placed in the Center of the World , but rather is as far distant from the Center , as from the Sun , appears from hence ; that all the Planets are sometimes nearer , and at other times farther from the Earth ; and that with such a vast difference , that Venus when she is farthest from us , is at a six-fold greater distance , than when she is nearest ; and Mars is eight times farther distant in the one State , than in the other , which could never be , if the Earth were the Center of the World. XI . The Fifth is Venus . The Fifth is Venus , who runs her course in 224 days . She is carried below the Earth , surrounding the Sun , which may be concluded from the changes of her Figure and appearance , proceeding from the Illumination thereof . XII . The Sixth is Mercury . Next to Venus is Mercury , finishing his Course about the Sun S in the Space of 80 days , or as others will have it in 87. He very rarely appears , being for the most part obscur'd by the Suns Rayes . Hence GALILAEUS conceives , that Saturn for his slowness , and Mercury , for his almost continual occultation , ought to be accounted the last of the Planets . Now forasmuch as Mercury doth not appear , but in his farthest Elongation from the Sun , he is seldom seen Round through a Telescope ; but sometimes as it were cut in two , as the Moon in her Quarters , sometimes more Gibbous , and at other times hollow ; and being nearest unto the Horizon , and obscur'd by Vapours , its Figure or Bulk can scarcely be discovered . XIII . The Sun is the Center of the whole compass of the Heavenly Matter . In the midst of this great Vortex the Sun is placed , as in the Center of the World unmoved , and like a Prince seated in his Royal Throne , Illustrating all the Bodies about him , both Cherishing , and Quickning them with his Heat . TRISMEGISTUS calls him the Visible God , and SOPHOCLES gives him the Epithet of Beholding all things . But notwithstanding what we have said of his being unmoved , he may whirl about his own Axis , in the of Space of 24 days , which Astronomers conclude from the most constant Motion of its Spots . XIV . All the Planets are moved from West to East . Tho' all the Planets with regard to their different Degrees of Solidity be unequally distant from the Sun , the Center of our Vortex , A , B , C ; yet is this common to them all , that they perform their Periodical Motions after the same manner , viz. from West to East , or from A , through B , towards C , according to the succession of the Signs of the Zodiack . Save only that the Earth is carried with a threefold Motion , and as the chiefest Star amongst the Planets , hath the Moon for her Attendant : So that the Vortex , which hath the Earth for its Center , carries the Moon about the Earth in a Months Space , the Earth it self being whirld about every day , round its own Axis . Thus in the same time , that the Earth and Moon finish their Common Circle , or Great Orb once , the Earth is 665 times whirld about its own Axis , and the Moon twelve times carried about the Earth . XV. An Objection answerd . The Common Objection against this Hypothesis is , that the Horizon in all parts of the World , divides all the great Circles into equal Parts , so that always one half of the Equinoctial is above it , and the other half under it , and consequently always 6 Signs of the Zodiack above the Horizon and as many under it ; whence it must follow , that the Earth is in the Center of the World , and not the Sun. To which I answer , that this proves indeed , that the Earth is in the midst of all the great Circles of the Sphere , but not that she is in the Center of the World , because it is our Imagination only , that represents these Circles about the Earth . Accordingly it would be a false consequence to say , that the Earth is in the Center of the World , because the Parts and Degrees of the Earth , do correspond proportionably to the Parts and Degrees of Heaven ; for on the contrary it follows that these Circles are equally distant and proportional in their Parts , with regard to the Earth , seeing that it is our Imagination which conceives them round its Center . XVI . The Planets may more properly be said to Rest in their Vortex than to be moved . Notwithstanding the Earth and all the other Planets be carried by the Celestial matter that surrounds them from West to East , yet they may more properly be said to Rest than to move . For seeing that Local motion is nothing else but the Translation of one Body , from the Neighbourhood of those Bodies , which immediately touch it , and are considered as immoveable , into the Neighbourhood of other Bodies , and that neither the Earth , nor any of the other Planets , are translated from the Neighbourhood of those parts of Heaven that immediately touch it , and are lookt upon as immoveable , the Earth and Planets acording to the Truth of the thing are not moved , that is , have no motion properly so called . XVII . Neither the Diurnal nor Annual Motion do properly belong to the Earth . Yea , if we give head to the Definition of motion we shall easily discern , that that which we call the Diurnal motion doth not belong to the Earth , by it self considered , but as it is an Aggregate of Earth , Seas and Air , seeing it is to be lookt upon at altogether at Rest , whilst it is whirld about by the stream of the Heavenly matter wherein it swims ; like as a Man who sleeps in a Ship , is said to Rest , whilst the Ship is carried from one place to another . We shall also perceive , that the Annual motion of the Earth , whereby it is carried about the Sun from West to East , through the Signs of the Zodiack , cannot be ascribed to her , but to the Coelestial matter , which carries this vast Mass round the Sun. XVIII . The Orbs of the Planets are not exactly Circular . Moreover we are to mind that the Circuits the Planets make about the Sun , are not perfectly Circular : For as we see that in some parts of Rivers , where the Water whirling about , makes a Vortex , and carry many Straws along with it , some of them at the same time are whirld round about their own Centers , and are moved more swiftly as they are nearer to the Center ; and tho' they incline to move Circularly , yet do not always describe exact Circles ; so we may without difficulty imagine all the same things concerning the Planets . As is mani●●●t from their nearer and further distances from the Sun , and from their Descent and Ascent in the Zodiack , being sometimes above the Ecliptical 〈◊〉 and at other times under it . CHAP. X. That the Heavens are Fluid Bodies . I. It is no 〈…〉 m●tter to ●●ow the Nature of the Heavens . IT will not be difficult to have a certain knowledge of the Nature of the Heavens , if we consider that the Matter whereof they consist , is the same with that of the Inferiour World , nothing being to be found in it besides Divisions , Figures , Magnitudes and Motions . Which Modifications , wheresoever they are , still cause the same changes . And therefore we are to Philosophize concerning the Heavens no otherwise , than of our Bodies here below . II. . We are therefore to suppose that Bodies are either Hard or Fluid . Hard are those whose parts are so joyned , as not to be separable from one another without difficulty . Whereas Fluid are such whose Parts do readily give way : But how it comes to pass , that some Bodies do easily give way to others , and that others are not removed from their places without Force and Difficulty , we shall easily apprehend , if we consider , that these things which are moved , do not hinder other Bodies from entring their places ; whereas those that are at Rest , are not without some force pusht out of them . III. The Parts of Hard Bodies are at Rest , and those of Fluid , in motion . Whence it follows , that those Bodies are Fluid whose parts are tossed with various Motions ; and those Hard , whose Parts being closely joyned together are at Rest . And tho' it may be our Sense may not perceive the parts of Fluid Bodies to be moved , yet are not we therefore to deny it ; because we see the Water and Air do corrupt solid B●dies , which cannot be done without Motion . IV. The Heavens are no Solid or Hard Bodies . We say therefore , that the Heavens are no Hard or Solid Bodies , but Fluid . For if they were Hard , they could not transmit the Light of the Stars : For Hard and Diaphanous Bodies , transmit the Light because their Pores are rang'd in Right Lines , which could never be , if the vast Bulk of the Heavens was Solid like Crystal , or did much infringe the Light , as we see , that when many pieces of the clearest Glass , are laid one upon one another , they become very opake . V. Supposing 〈…〉 were ●olid , the s●p●r●er ●●heres , cou●d not carry t●e inferior along w●th ●em . If the Heavens were Hard , we could never explain how the Lower Heaven should be snatch'd along by the Heaven above it ; as the Peripateticks imagin . For how can the Heavenly Orbs , supposed polisht and even , hurry away with their Motion the Spheres that are under them ? Yea when the Sun and the rest of the Planets , are whirld about round their Center , as hereafter shall be declared , no reason can be assign'd , why they should not as well be carried in the Liquid Aether . And indeed all the Antient Philosophers , before ARISTOTLE , were of Opinion that the Stars moved in the Heavens like Fishes in the Sea. And Astronomers are of the same Mind , who have observed that Mercury and Venus have sometimes got above Mars , and come down again , which could never be if the Heavens they move in were Solid . VI. The Motion of the Comets and Stars , is a pregnant proof of the Fluidity of the Heavens . The same may be evinced by the Comets which are found to be above the Region of the Moon , and to slide through those Aethereal Spaces , which could not be without those Spaces were filled with a Fluid Body . The Astronomers have also observed , that the Medicaean Stars , do roul about Jupiter , as Venus about the Sun , which likewise proves the Fluidity of the Heavens . VII . The Fluidity of the Heaven proved by the Spots of the Sun. Neither only are those Heavens Fluid , which contain Mercury , Venus , Mars , Jupiter , Saturn , and our Earth , together with the Moon its Companion , but the Matter of the Sun it self is also Fluid , and is continually whirld about its own Axis , as is evidenced from the Motion of the Spots about the Body of the Sun ; for they are not generated in the Air , as some have supposed , but in the very Body of the Sun. For at first they are seen in the midst of the Suns Body , and near to his Ecliptick , and never towards the Poles of the Solar Body . This is confirmed by many Astronomers , who at great distances of Place , have observed the very same Spots , at the same time , and in the same places . Now that the Sun doth not only move these Spots , but also the Planets that are about him , appears from hence , that the nearer any Planet is to the Body of the Sun , the swifter it is turnd about . And the same is to be conceived concerning that vast Space , which is found about every fixt Star. VIII . How the fixt Stars keep the same distance from one another . But you 'l say first , that the fixt Stars observe the same distance from one another , which could not be if they wanderd in a Fluid Heaven , changing their places , as is evident concerning the Planets , who oft enter one anothers Orbs. I answer , that the equal distance the Stars keep , doth not prove the Solidity of the Heavens , but that they possess some determinate Orbs. For the fixt Stars are not placed in the Circumference of one Sphere as some imagin , but every one of them hath its own Space or Orb ; and because they observe the same Order and Propotion amongst themselves , therefore are they called Fixed . IX . Fluid Bodies have the Force to carry Solid Bodies along with them . In the Second place you 'l say , If we suppose the Heavens to be Fluid , it cannot be conceived how Solid Bodies can be carried about in them , seeing that they have not so much Power , but do readily give way to Hard Bodies . And indeed what likelyhood is there that , that which is Hard and Solid , should be hurried along by that which is Fluid and Weak ? I answer , that it must indeed be confessed , that Fluid Bodies are not of so great force , as those that are Solid , to hinder the motions of other Bodies , for seeing they having a motion themselves , and that motion is not contrary to motion , they do not resist them so much as Solid Bodies . But for all this it cannot be denied , but that the motion of Fluids where determin'd one way , doth carry all Hard Bodies , along with it . As appears in a Stone , which the Water of the River carries along with it , so long as it is not detained by some External Cause . And therefore there is good ground why the Globe of our Earth , resting in the pure Aether , should easily be carried about by its Heaven . In like manner as we see Straws on the surface of the Water carried about by the whirling round of the Watter , whilst some of them whirl at the same time about their own Centers , being all of them moved the swifter , by how much the nearer they are to the Center of the said VVhirle-pool . X. A Hard Body , n●w great soever it is , resting in a Fluid , will be moved by the least force . The Reason whereof is , because a Hard Body encompass'd with a Fluid , and Resting in it , lies there as in an Equal Poise ; and how great soever it may be , will be easily carried away by a little force , whether that Force come from abroad , or that the fluid Body it self , wherein it is contain'd , be wholly carried one way ; as the Course of Rivers tends towards the Sea ; or as the Air , when the East-Wind blows , is carried towards the West ; which whenever it happens , any hard Body that is in that fluid , must of necessity be carried along with it . XI . The Heaven hinders the Earth from Falling . Hence we may infer , that seeing the Heaven doth on all sides surround the Earth , and drive all the Bodies , that are on the surface of it , towards its Center , it doth by this means keep it from Falling : So that the Earth cannot but be carried along by it , and being thus without any motion of its own , yielding only to that of the Heavens , it may with good reason be said , to be at Rest . And the same may be said of the Sun , who is hindred by the Globuli of the Second Element , which surround him , from flying from the Center ; and the lower Globuli , by those above them ; and the utmost , by those of the contiguous Vortexes of the fix'd Stars , who by a contrary pressure do keep them within their Bounds . CHAP. XI . How the Heavens were disposed at first , and of their divers Motions . I. Three things are to be suppos'd here . IT will not be difficult to demonstrate the first Disposition of the Heavens , or that order which the Heavenly Orbs now observe , and did from the Beginning , by supposing only a few things , which we have proved in the Fourth Part. II. The First . First , That there is no Vacuum in Nature ; for seeing that Space is not distinct from a Body , it must necessarily follow , that wheresoever Space is found , there must be a Body also . III. The Second . That there can be no penetration of Dimensions ; for seeing that the Conception of a Body involves Extension , and by it excludes all other Bodies out of the same place with it , it is evident that many Bodies cannot be contain'd in the same place . IV. The Third . Whatsoever is moved , is moved in a Circle ; for seeing all places are fill'd with Bodies , it is clear , that one Body cannot be removed out of the Neighbourhood of some Bodies , into the Neighbourhood of others , without being mov'd in a Circle . So that when any Body enters into a place , the Body that was there before leaves it , and enters into the place of the next , and so on to the last ; which at the same instant of time enters into the place the first Body hath left . V. What we are to understand by the words Vortex , Center , Ecliptick , Poles and Axis . It will not be amiss for us also to explain what we intend by the Words , Vortex , Center , Ecliptick , Poles and Axis . By the word VORTEX we understand , a vast number of parts of Matter , which move together about the same Center . By the Center of a Vortex we mean , the point about which all the parts of Matter that constitute the Vortex do move . And because when a Vortex turns round , all the Points of the Surface describe Crooked lines , which resemble Circles , except two that turn about themselves , we call those two Points the POLES ; and the Circle , which is equally distant from the two Poles , we call the ECLIPTICK ; and the Right line , which reacheth from one Pole to the other , passing through the Center of the Vortex , we call the AXIS . VI. How the Vortexes came first to be . These things premis'd , we say that the Parts of the Universe , being in the Beginning of the Creation put into motion , must naturally run themselves into several Vortexes ; for these Particles being of different bulk and figure , and unable to move forwards in Right lines , because of their various determination , they were forced to move in Circles , and by this means did constitute Vortexes of a stupendous Magnitude , according to the Quantity of the Matter . For it is an unquestion'd Truth amongst Philosophers , that a Body which is dash'd against another , must of necessity rebound back from it , and so be carried in a Circle , that it may continue its motion , which may be proved by many Experiments . For the Vortexes of the Air , or those of the Water , which we see in Rivers , are caused , because the Vapours that make the Wind , and the running Waters , being beat back by occurring Bodies , are hindred from moving strait forwards : and therefore being reflected on one side , must necessarily turn round , because the subsequent Air , or Water , is successively push'd forwards after the same manner as the first , and so must twist in and be carried Circularly . VII . The Divisibility of Matter being suppos'd , the Vortexes could not but be made this way . That this was the Original of the Vortexes is unquestionable , by those who admit the Matter of the World to have been divided into particles of different Magnitude and Figure ; and that they had as much motion from the beginning , as there is now found in the whole Universe . Because these Particles dashing one against another , must needs be carried round about divers Points , and so run together into divers Vortexes . So that all the Particles that were whirl'd about the Sun S , did constitute the Vortex , terminated by A , YB , M , and that others which roul'd about the fix'd Stars L , C , O , K , compos'd other Vortexes . VIII . That there are but two visible Heavens . We admit only two visible Heavens ; the first , that whose Center the Sun S is , in which we live , and wherein Venus , Mercury , the Earth and the rest of the Planets are contained , and in which they are roul'd about with various motions . And the Second Heaven is that which contains innumerable Vortexes ZLZ , MCM , YOY , TKT , which have fix'd Stars in their several Centers , and on every side surround the First Heaven S. Whatsoever reacheth beyond these Heavens , does not fall under our Senses , tho' we conceive it Immense , and not confin'd within any Limits , being therefore called an Expansion or Firmament , from its vast and Indefinite Extension . IX . How the Vortexes came to be divided , and what the Form of them is . The Disposition therefore , and ordering of the several Bodies of this World was made , when the Planets , and all other Bodies that lay confounded together in the Chaos , were separated by the subtil Matter flowing between them , and got into several places , according to the thickness and solidity of the Matter . Whence it is evident , that the Forms of the Vortexes , are the very first and most simple Forms that were ever introduced into the Matter ; they are the First , because they are the immediate product of the Laws of Motion ; and the most Simple , because they suppose none before them ; and because all other Forms depend on them , as on their Principles . X. How these Vortexes can perform their Motions without hindring one another . There is one Difficulty seems to arise from the Disposition of these Great Bodies , viz. how these Vortexes could fall into such a motion , as that one should not hinder the other . For it is hard to conceive how Bodies of so great a Bulk should not interfere with one another in their Circumvolution , seeing that according to the Laws of Nature , the motion of one Body is turned aside by the meeting of another . XI . The Difficulty answer'd . This Difficulty may be answer'd by shewing , that these Vortexes may be so placed , that their Motions will rather further than hinder each other ; that is , if we conceive them so ranged , that the Ecliptiek of one , ( or that part of the Vortex , which whirling about its Axis describes the largest Circle ) do correspond to the Poles of the other : For by this means they will so agree together , and move so freely , as not in the least to hinder one another . XII . The Vortexes must be so di●posed , as that the Poles of one Vortex may touch the Ecliptick of anoth●r . Yea , if we examin the matter , we shall find that the Heavenly Vortexes cannot be so , but that the Poles of one must touch the Ecliptick of another . As suppose the first Vortex , whose Center is S , be moved from A , toward Y ; another Vortex contiguous to it , whose Center is O , and another whose Center is C , must touch it in those Parts that are most remote from both the Poles A and B , of the Vortex S. For if we should suppose the Poles of two Vortexes to touch one another , they will either by a like determination of motion be carried the same way , and so will run one into another ; or they must by a different determination be carried oppositly to one another , and so clashing in their motions , they will never be able to continue them long ; and therefore to the end their Motions may not interfere together , the Vortexes must be so ranged , that the Pole of one Vortex may not touch that of another , but the Ecliptick , or those parts which are most remote from them ; forasmuch as by this means they support and preserve one another . XIII . Those Parts of a Vortex which are nearest to the Center , are most swiftly moved . The First Heaven , in which the Sun S is the Center , and by the force of whose motion the other Planets are wheel'd about , is most swiftly turn'd round by it ; for the Sun being with great celerity whirl'd about its own Axis AB , carries the nearest parts along with it , and imparts his motion unto them : So as that the parts nearest to him are more swiftly moved , than those that are more remote , and so on to the Region of Saturn HNQR , where the parts of the Heaven are moved slowest of all . The Reason whereof is , because those parts that are nearer to the Center of the Vortex , are less than those further off , and consequently are more swiftly moved . And that the parts towards S , are less than those that are about HNQR , is evident ; for that if they were bigger or equal , by being so near the Center of the Sun , they must needs be more swiftly moved , and by consequence possess themselves of Higher places . XIV . Those parts of the Vortex which are above the Region of Saturn , are more strongly moved . According to this Proportion therefore , the motion of the Celestial Matter , grows by degrees more slow to a certain term , beyond the Region of Saturn HNQR , where the highest or utmost parts of this our Vortex begin to be more swiftly moved , not by the Sun , as is apparent enough ; but from the Neighbouring Vortexes , which surround the First Heaven ; for they being unequal , do variously shake the Surface of the First Heaven , and thereby conduce to the swiftness of those Parts . This great degree of their swiftness , appears from the swift motion of the Comets . XV. The Motions of the Vortexes are Circular . From what hath been said , we may gather these two things : First , That the Vortexes are circularly moved ; for being hindred by other Bodies , from proceeding in a Right motion , they are forc'd to change the same into a Circular , and therefore must continually be whir'd round . XVI . It is not necessary that the Vortexes should be exactly Round . Yet is it not necessary that these Vortexes therefore should be exactly Round ; for tho' they counterballance one another by their equal Force , yet is not this Force equally dispers'd through all their parts ; because those which are about the Ecliptick of one Vortex , are always more strong than those that are towards the Poles of another : Which makes ( since the Ecliptick of one Vortex commonly meets with the Poles of others ) the parts that are about that Ecliptick , to advance more towards the Poles of other Vortexes , than the parts which are about the Poles of other Vortexes , do advance towards this Ecliptick . We see also in the precedent Figure , that the Neighbouring Vortexes make the Vortex S , which is between them , irregular . XVII . The Heavens are moved continually . Secondly , We may gather from what hath been said , that the Motions of the Vortexes are perpetual , since there is nothing that can be assign'd that should change or diminish their motions . For a Body therefore only ceaseth to move , because by running against another Body , it imparts its motion unto it , which cannot happen to the Heavens , because they have no Bodies at Rest , or slowly Moved , to which they may communicate their Motion , and so come to lose it . For the Law of Nature requires , that every thing , inasmuch as it is single and undivided , should remain in the same state , nor ever be changed , but from External Causes ; and since no such Causes are in the Heavens , but all the Vortexes do comply together , we are rather to conclude , that they maintain and preserve one another . XVIII . A small Vortex may preserve it self , amongst others that are greater . As to the Bigness of the Vortexes , we have no reason to think , that all those which were the result of the First Division of the Matter , were all of them Equal . For as the only Reason we have to believe , that the vast number of Vortexes are not confounded one with another , is , because their Forces are equal and opposite ; we may also well imagin , that a Vortex , which is less than those that are about it , will for all that preserve its station amongst them , if we consider that the Defect of its Bulk may easily be made up by its greater degree of Swiftness in motion . This Inequality of the Vortexes is represented to the Eye in this Figure , where the Vortex S , tho' greater , cannot destroy that of O , nor K , tho' lesser than it . XIX . What Bodies are said to be Heavy . We may gather from what hath been said , why gross and Earthly Bodies , are Heavy about the Centers of the Vortexes ; tho' Light , when they are at a distance from them . For seeing these Bodies derive their motion from the subtil Matter wherein they swim ; which Matter is actually turn'd Round , and inclin'd to move forwards in strait Lines ; it by this means communicates its Circular motion to those thicker Bodies , which it carries along with it ; but not the Force it has in proceeding in right Lines , save only so far as that Force accompanies the motion it imparts to them . But because the subtil Matter , which is about the Center of the Vortex , hath much more agitation than is required to Circular motion , ( for every of the Particles , besides the Circular or Common motion , are also variously moved ) it so happens that those Bodies which have less motion , have also less force to continue their motion by Right lines , and by this their weaker force , are forc'd to give way to those , which with greater force press on towards Strait lines , and therefore must tend towards the Center of the Vortex , that is , become so much the more heavy , as they are more solid . XX. What Bodies are said to be light . But when Earthly Bodies are at a great distance from the Center of their Vortex , seeing the Circular motion of the subtil Matter is very intense , forasmuch as it employs almost all its motion in its Revolution about the Center of the Vortex , they have the more agitation , as they are more solid , because they follow the motion of the subtil Matter in which they swim ; and therefore have more force to continue their motion according to a Right line : so that the grosser Bodies , at a certain distance from the Center of the Vortex , are by so much lighter , as they are more solid . For by the word Lightness , we understand nothing else , but the Endeavour wherewith the Bodies that are moved Round , tend to withdraw from the Center of their motion ; as by the word Heaviness we understand that strift , whereby less agitated Bodies , or less solid , are thrust down towards the Center of their motion , by such as have more force than they to withdraw from it . XXI . The Planets are not Heavy . From hence it is evidently deducible , that the Earth about its Center is very solid , but less towards the Circumference ; as also that the Water and Air must continue in that situation wherein we see them , and that consequently they are Heavy . For seeing all these Bodies are more solid than the Matter of the First or Second Element , they cannot avoid being push'd towards the Center by it : Whereas the Moon , being at a considerable distance from the Center of the Vortex of the Earth , is not look'd upon as Heavy , tho' it be a solid Body ; as neither Mercury , Venus , Jupiter , and Saturn , which cannot fall down towards the Sun. CHAP. XII . Concerning the Action and Motion of the Heavenly Matter . I. How Light was made in the First Day of the Creation . HAving thus been inform'd how the Heavens were ranged , and what Order they still keep , we are next to consider how the Heavenly Matter is moved , and what Action it exerts in them . For as soon as the Vortexes began to be formed , it could not be but that some part of the Matter of the First Element , made by the rubbing of the divided particles against one another , must be gather'd towards the Center , and from thence propel the surrounding Globuli , which was sufficient to make Light. And thus we may perceive how Moses is to be understood , when he saith , that GOD divided the Light from the Darkness , and that Light was in the First Day of the Creation : Because the Matter of the First Element , which was about the Center of each Vortex , press'd the Globuli of the Second Element , and so procured the Light. Yea , this was in some measure effected upon the first Turn of the Vortex , before the subtil Matter run to the Center . For by the name of Light we can understand nothing else , than that pressure of the Globuli in Right lines , which does excite in us the sense thereof . And therefore , when it is said , that GOD commanded the Light to be , it must be thus understood , that GOD put the parts of Matter into motion , and gave them an Inclination to continue the same in a strait Line . II. How the Sun and fix'd Stars were made the Fourth Day . But after that the Matter of the First Element , by the continual rubbing together of the several Bodies was increased , it betook it self in great Quantity to the Centers of the Vortexes SLC KO , and there made the Sun and the fix'd Stars on the Fourth Day . For seeing that all Circular moved Bodies , continually strive to recede from the Center of their motion , and that those that are strongest recede farther than such as are weak ; it follows , that the Particles of the Second Element , that are more strong than those of the First , because they are solid , do more recede from the Center of their Motion , and that in this their recess they push down thither all those Particles of the First Element , that are left after the filling the Intervals , which are between the Particles of the Second Element . Whence it follows , that about the Center of each Vortex , there is a Body only composed of the Matter of the First Element , which cannot but be of a Round Figure that way it turns ; that is to say , If one should cut it by a Flat parallel to the Ecliptick , in what part soever this Section should be made , it would be always a Circle : For otherwise it must be supposed , that some Particles of the Second Element are not so far removed , as they might be , from the Center which they describe , which is impossible . III. What we understand by the word Star. Now that Body of the First Element which is formed in the Center of a Vortex , is commonly called a Star ; so that by this word STAR , we understand nothing else , but a Body compos'd only of the First Element , which has been driven by that of the Second , towards the Center of each Vortex . IV. The most subtil Matter is most strongly mov●d within the Bodies of the Stars . It is evident from what hath been said , that the Matter of the First Element , is not every where moved alike , but more strongly in the Bodies of the Lucid Stars , than without them in the Globuli of the Second Element . For the subtil Matter gather'd together in the Sun or fix'd Stars , hath a greater force , by reason of the Consent of its Parts to all those swift motions , by which it pusheth forwards the Aethereal Matter , or the Heavenly Globuli . But without the Stars , and between the Globuli , its force is diminish'd , and by being divided , is much weaker : So that every one of its Particles are push'd this way and that way , by the Globuli , and thereby are forc'd to comply with their various motions . Hence it is , that the Matter of the First Element , because of the exceeding smalness of its Parts , is forc'd to change its Figure , and to be toss'd with various motions . For as it is tost amongst the Globuli , it hath several motions ; first , it s own proper Motion , by which it continually changeth the figure of its little particles , to be fit to fill up exactly all the Corners it passeth through . Next it hath a Circular motion , which is common to all motions that are moved together . And lastly it hath a Straight motion , whilst by the Circular motion of the Vortex , it is thrust in great abundance towards the Parts that are most remote from the Poles . V. A motion may be various , and yet continue one and the same . And tho' there can be but one Proper motion assign'd to a thing , yet doth not this thwart the Truth of what we have just now said , because tho' this motion hath several names , yet it is still but one and the same , from the Center to the Circumference , by a right Line , tho in its going forth it may undergo several Figures ; even as the motion whereby any Liquor is transmitted through a Channel or Pipe is said to be one , tho' it run to the term to which it is directed , in one place through a square Pipe , in another through a Triangular , in one through a narrower , in another through a wider Pipe. VI The great Globuli are more strongly moved than the less . We are also to take notice of some difference there is between the Globuli of the second Element , because the Bigger , as being more Solid , are more suited to receive a swift motion from the matter of the first Element , than the Less , and therefore they are more swiftly moved , and withdraw further from their Center . VII . The matter of the first Element continually passeth from one Vortex to another . Next , we are to consider that the first Element , is continually carried towards the Center of each Vortex , from other Neighbouring Vortexes about it , by those Parts which are nearest to the Poles , where there is least resistance , that so they may make up again that which is lost : But that the same matter breaks out of its own Vortex into others , by the Ecliptick or those parts which are furthest from the Poles . For let us sppose AB , to be the Poles , about which the Vortex in which we are , Whirls round , H and Q to be the Ecliptick , or Parts most remote from the Poles , where the motion is the Swiftest . Let us also suppose the Vortex to be AYBM , round about which four others Vortexes LCKO rowle , so as to touch O and C , at their Poles , and the other two K and L , in those Parts that are most remote from their Poles ; I say , this supposed we may easily guess , that the matter which strives to withdraw from the Axis AB , of our Vortex , doth with greater Force tend towards the Parts Y and M , than towards A and B. The reason is , because the most subtil matter in Y and M , meets with the the Poles of the Vortexes O and C , where there is no great Force of Resistance ; whereas in A and B , it meets wi●h those parts of the Vortexes K and L , which are most remote from their Poles , and have a greater Force of moving from L and K , towards S , than the Parts about the Poles of the Vortex S , have to tend towards L and K ; and therefore it is manifest , that the most subtil matter which is in K and L , must move on towards the Center of our Vortex S , and that that which is in S , must tend towards the opposit Vortexes C and O. So that as much of this subtil matter , as gets out through Y and M , so much of the same matter enters , from the other Vortexes L and K through the Poles of our Vortex . VIII . But not the Matter of the second Element . But there is no such passage of the matter of the second Element from one Vortex to another ; for being whirld round as well as the subtil matter , it endeavours to preserve its Swiftness , but would certainly lose much of the same , if it should wander out of the limits of its own Vortex , since the motion is so very slow in the Polar Parts of the other Vortexes M and Y , that it cannot meet with any free entrance there . Yea , tho' we should suppose , that the Aethereal Globuli should pass from the Poles of one Vortex , towards the Center of another ; and that all the matter both of the first and second Element , contained in the Vortex L , at the very same moment of time , had begun to move , from the middle place between the Centers S and L , towards S ; yet we shall easily understand , that the said subtil matter will arrive sooner at the Center S , than the Globuli of the second Element . Because the Agitation of the first Element far surpasseth that of the second , and hath always an open passage , through those little Angles , which cannot be fill'd up by the matter of the second Element . To which we may add , that the matter of the first Element , by passing through the narrow spaces left by the Globuli , meets with no impediment , nor loseth any part of its Swiftness , seeing that according to the Laws of motion , it always endeavours to recede from the Center , and hath a force to persevere in its Swiftness . IX . How the matter of the first Element is moved amongst the Stars . Having thus seen how the Matter of the first Element , which is impatient of Rest , breaks forth from one Vortex to another ; we are to enquire how the said matter is moved amongst the Stars . Consider we therefore , that a part of the most subtil matter , in the Space d e f g , where we place the Sun , moves from A , by a right line to d , and there meeting with the Globuli of the second Element , beats them back towards B ; and that contrarily another part of the said matter comes from B to f , and there drives before it the Globuli of the second Element which it meets with , towards A , and that immediately thereupon , as well the matter about d , as about f becomes reflected towards all the parts of the Ecliptick e g , and doth equally drive before it all the adjoyning Globuli of the second Element , and lastly gets away into MY , through the materials that separate those Globuli , about the Ecliptick e g. X. The motion of the matter of the first Element is the cause of the Roundness of the Stars . VVhereupon this Space must needs be Sphaerical , because the matter of the first Element , which is entred into the Body of the Sun by its Poles AB , must equally beat back all the circumjacent Globuli of the second Element , as well those , against which it is only obliquely reflected , as the other against which it pusheth in a direct Line ; after the same manner as we see , that a Glass pipe is formed Round , because the Air driven through the Iron pipe , with an equal force spreads it self round , and equally presseth it on all sides . XI . The motion of the subtil matter amongst the Globuli is various . The matter of the first Element without the Stars , or whilst it wanders between the Globuli of the second Element , hath a various motion . For first it hath a Proper motion , whereby it runs to the filling up of the little Spaces left by the Globuli of the second Element , which the diversity of motion changeth every moment . And it hath also a Circular motion about the Poles , common to the whole Heaven AMBY ; because that which is contained between the little spaces of the Globuli , follows the motion of them . As VVater contained in a Barrel , follows the motion of it , and accommodates its self to its Figure . It hath also a Sraigh motion , from the Poles AB to the Sun ; and liket wise from the Sun to the Ecliptick YM , according to the Law of motion , that things which are circularly moved , always tend to recede in a right Line , from the Center of the Circle they describe . XII . The matter of the first Element hath a greater force in the Stars than without them . VVhence it appears that the matter of the first Element , collected in the Center of the Sun and fixt Stars hath a very great Force , because the motion of all its particles do readily agree and conspire together , to push forward the Globuli with an equal Force : But this Force grows weaker out of the Body of the Stars , because it spends the greatest part of its Agitation , in changing the Figures of its little Particles , to the end it may exactly fill all the little Corners through which it passeth . XIII . Of the Figure of the Strait or Screw-like Particles . VVherefore whilst the matter of the first Element , passeth through the Triangular intervals 1 and 2 of the Globuli touching one another , it must needs assume a Triangular Figure , and become shaped into striate Particles 3 and 4 bent a contrary way . It is not easy to determin the length of those Particles , because this depends on the slenderness or abundance of the matter , whereof they are made : But it is sufficient to conceive them like little Columns , with three Notches round them like a Screw ; so that in their whirling round , they may pass through those narrow passages 1 and 2 of a Triangular Form. For seeing that they are longish , and with a most swift motion pass between the Globuli of the second Element , which touch one another , whilst the Globuli in the mean time by a different motion are whirld round , about the Poles of the Heavens , we clearly understand , that their Notches must go winding about , like those of Screws , which winding must be more or less according as they pass through parts that are more remote from the Axis of the Vortex , or nearer to it , because they move more swiftly in those , than in these . XIV . The Globuli of the second Element , have not the same bigness every where . As to the Globuli of the second Element , of which the Vortexes consist , they are not all of the same bigness ; for those that are nearer to the Star and its Center , are less than those that are farther off , and consequently absolve their Circle in a less time . VVhich inequality of their Magnitude , extends it self to the Region of Saturn HNQR , where the parts of Heaven move most slowly . Yet beyond that Orb it is probable , that the Globuli are all of an equal Magnitude , and that the Higher move more swiftly than the Lower . So as that the Higher must move more swiftly towards M and Y , than the Lower towards H and Q. The reason whereof is amongst other things , that the bordering Vortices being unequal , the motion of the subtil matter , between those unevennesses of the surface , becomes much accelerated . CHAP. XIII . Of the Heavenly Sphere and its Circles . I. What the Sphere is . BY the word Sphere we understand that common instrument of a round Figure , consisting of several Circles , invented to explain and represent the Heavenly motions , and the Fabrick of the whole VVorld . This Sphere hath a little Ball in the midst or Center of it , with an Axis through it , the Extremities whereof are called Poles , about which the whole Body of the Heavens is supposed to ●urn round in the Space of 24 hours . II. What an Axis is . The Axis of the World is a right Line , which extending from one Pole to the other , passeth through the Center of the World. By this the Earth is said to be supported : Not that there is indeed any such visible Axis in the Globe of the Earth , which is terminated in the Heavens , and whereby the Earth is sustained ; but only that such a Line is understood , which passing through the Center of the Heaven and Earth , reacheth to the utmost Heaven , and ends at two points , which are called the Poles of the World. III. What the Poles are . The Poles therefore are nothing else but the Extremities of the Axis , or two Points in the highest Heaven , Diametrically opposit , about which the whole bulk of the Heavens is conceived to be whirld about . The one of these Poles is always visible to us , and from its nearness to the constellation of the Bear is called Artick , the other which is always hid from us , being from its opposition to the former called Antarctick . The Northern Pole is reard in sight on High , The other hid under our Feet doth lie . IV. The Circles of the Sphere are eith r greater or less . There are ten Circles in an Artificial Sphere , six whereof are called Greater , whose Diameter passeth through the Center of the World , or which divide the Sphere into two equal Parts , and these are the Horizon and Meridian ( between which standing immoveable , the other Circles are turnd round ) the Aequator , the Colure of the Solstices , the Colure of the Aequinoxes , the Zodiack or broad Circle , and the middle line thereof , which is called the Ecliptick . The four lesser Circles are those whose Diameter doth not pass through the Center of the World , or which divide the Sphere into two unequal Parts . They are the Tropick of Cancer , the Tropick of Capricorn , the Arctick and Antarctick Circle , which also with the Aequator are called Parallels , as being at an equal distance from each other . V. The Equinoctial Circle . The Aequator or Aequinoctial Circle , which is the chiefest of all the rest , is that Circle , which in all its parts is equally distant from the Poles of the World , which it divides into the Northern and Southern Hemisphere . By the Greeks it is called the Even-day Circle , because the Sun twice in a year , that is about the 10 of March , and the 13 of September intersecting the same , makes two Aequinoxes , by rendring the Days and Nights equal , through his equal stay above and under the Horizon , because the Aequotor intersected by the Horizon , becomes divided into two equal parts , one Superior , and the other Inferior . VI. The Zodiack . The Zodiack is a greater Circle superinduced over the other moveable Circles , unequally distant from the Poles , and intersecting the Aequinoctial at two opposit Points ; so that its middle line which is called the Ecliptick , hath one part of it inclining to the North Twenty three degrees , and Twenty eight minutes , according to the Antients , and the other part of it as many degrees reaching towards the South . This Circle is conceived Broad , because the Planets which move through it , do not all of them keep the same tract , but whilst the Sun takes it Course through the midst of this they Circle , along the Ecliptick they swerve to the North and South . The Points at which the Zodiack Intersects the Aequator , are called the Aequinoctial Points : because when the Sun reacheth them , it makes Day and Night of equal length . And the Points by which the Ecliptick , declines furthest from the Aequinoctial , are called the Solstitial Points , because when the Sun comes to them he seems to stand still . The Zodiack is furnisht with twelve Signs or Constellations of which hereafter . VII . The Colures of the Solstices and Equinoxes . The Colures are two greater Circles , which intersecting one another in right Angles at the Poles , do intersect all the other moveable Circles , dividing them into four equal Parts . For the Colure of the Solstices passeth through the Poles and the Solstitial Points of Cancer and Capricorn ; but the Colure of the Aequinoxes is described through the Poles of the World , and the Aequinoctial Points of the Zodiack , at Aries and Libra . The use of the Colure is to mark out the four Cardinal Points , viz. the beginning of Aries , where whilst the Sun is , the Night is equal with the Day , and the Spring begins ; the beginning of Cancer , where the Sun makes the longest Day , and begins Summer ; the beginning of Libra , where the Sun makes Day and Night equal , and begins Autumn ; and the beginning of Capricorn , where the Sun makes the shortest day , and Winter begins . By Crab and Capricorn Solstice is made , The Ram and Ballance equal Light with Shade . VIII . The Horizon . The Horizon is the utmost Circle in a Sphere , encompassing all the rest , and is that Circle which is equidistant from the Vertical Point of every place ; and therefore is called by the Greek Horizon , that is to say , Terminator or Finisher , because it boundeth our sight . For when standing in a Plain we take a Prospect round about , we see the Heavens every where , as it were touching the Earth ; from which Commissure of the Heaven and Earth as the Stars get upwards , they are said to Rise , and when they sink beneath it are said to go down . Tho' the Horizon with regard to every particular place of the Earth be immoveable , yet considered in general it is mutable , forasmuch as whilst we Travel from one place to another , we also pass from one Horizon to another . IX . The Meridian . The Meridian is a greater Circle which passeth through the Poles , and the two Points , the one directly over our heads , called the Vertical Point , and the other opposit to it , under our Feet called the Nadir . This immoveable Circle , within which the other Circles are moved , is called the Meridian , because when ever the Sun reacheth it , he makes Noon or Midday , by dividing the Day into two equal Parts . Whence it appears , that the Altitude or Elevation of the Pole in every Country , is nothing else but that Arc of the Meridian , which is intercepted betwixt the Horizon and the elevated Pole , and whose complement to the Zenith or Quadrant of the Circle , is always equal to the Altitude of the Aequator . X. The Tropicks of Cancer and Capricorn . The Tropick of Cancer is a less Circle , Parallel to the Equator , passing through the Northen Solstitial Point of the Zodiack . The Tropick of Capricorn , is a less Circle , Parallel to the Aequator , passing through the Southern Solstitial Point of the Zodiack . They are called Tropicks , that is to say Turn-agains , for that as soon as the Sun in his withdrawing from the Aequator reacheth them , he begins to return again towards it . Their distance from the Aequator is 23 Degrees and an half ; that being the furthest Elongation the Sun ever makes from that Line ; wherefore , also it is called the greatest Declination of the Sun. XI . The Artick and Antarctik Circles . The Artick or Northern Polar Circle , is a less Circle , Parallel to the Aequator , passing through the Pole of the Zodiack , near the Northern Pole. The Antarctick or Southern is a Circle passing through the other Pole of the Zodiack , near to the Southern Pole. These two Circles are at the same distance from the Poles , as the Tropicks from the Aequator , that is 23 Degrees and an half . They have also this common use with the Tropicks , that they serve to distinguish the Zones , the Torrid being comprehended within the Tropicks ; and the Frigid within the Polar Circles ; but the Temperate Zones lie between the Polar Circles and the Tropicks . XII . Whence the Latiude of a Place is taken . All these Circles , the Aequator , Ecliptick , Meridian , with the Tropicks and Polar Circles , are applied to the Terrestrial Globe : For the Earth also hath its Equator , commonly called the Line , corresponding to the Caelestial Aequator ; and every place on the Earth hath its own Meridian . And these Circles are exceeding useful to distinguish the various Situation of Places , as well as to the Art of Navigation , and to the Knowledge of Geography . For since we may distinguish the Earth as well as the Heaven , in Length and Breadth ; the Latitude of any Place is nothing else , but a Portion of the Meridian , intercepted between the Aequator and that Place . Wherefore , those who live under the Aequinoctial have no Latitude ; whereas they have the greatest Latitude , who are at the greatest distance from the Aequator under the Poles . The Latitude of a Place , is the same with the Elevation of the Pole , for they who live under the Line , see both the Poles in their Horizon , but as we withdraw from the Aequator , one of the Poles is Elevated above our Horizon , and the other deprest beneath it . XIII Whence the Longitude is taken . But the Longitude of a Place is taken in the Aequator , and is nothing else but a Part of the Aequinoctial Circle intercepted between the Meridian of any particular place ( suppose Paris ) and the first Meridian appointed by the consent of Men , which Meridian is conceived to pass through the Islands , of Azores . XIV . What a Right Sphere is . A Sphere is either Right or Oblique . A Right Sphere is that whose Horizon passing through the Poles of the World , cuts the Aequinoctial at Right or Equal Angles . XV. What an Oblique Sphere . An Oblique Sphere , is that whose Horizon cuts the Aequator at unequal Angles , and doth not pass through the Poles of the World. Book . 1. Part. 5. Chap. 14 〈◊〉 Freman 〈◊〉 I. Kip Sculp To the Right Honourable Sr. Henry Goodrick of Ribston Park in York-Shire Kt. and Baronet , Leivtenant Generall of their Majesties Ordenance , and one of the Lords of their most Honourable Privy Councell &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . CHAP. XIV . Of the SVN . I. How the Sun was formed at first . FRom what hath been already said of the Action of the Heavenly Matter , we may easily understand how the Sun was formed at first . For whilst the Globuli of the Second Element , being more solid than the Matter of the First , withdrew from the Center , betaking themselves to the Circumference , the most subtil Matter being increased to too great a quantity ( from the continual rubbing of Bodies against one another ) to be contained in their Intervals , rush towards the middle part , where being tost with different motions , and most swiftly whirl'd about its Center , it constituted the Sun , and the other fix'd Stars . For seeing that our World , in the midst whereof the Sun's Seat is , and which extends it self beyond the Sphere of Saturn , doth constitute one great Vortex , whose fluid and transparent Matter is circularly moved ; it must follow that the Globuli of the Second Element will strive to recede from their common Center , and as far as their Figure and Motion will permit , come nearer together , and lye upon one another ; which they cannot do , without driving the Matter of the First Element , whereof there is greater store than is needful , to fill their Intervals , towards that place which they have left ; so that it cannot be , but that about the Middle of the Vortex , there must be a great concourse of the Matter of the First Element ; which we take to constitute the Body of the Sun. II. What the Sun is . Accordingly we may define the Sun to be a Lucid Body , consisting of the Matter of the First Element , gather'd together in the Center of a Vortex , in the room of the Globuli that recede from it . III. Why the Sun is Round . From the Account we have here given of the Sun's Formation , we gather first , that the Sun must be of a Round Figure ; because the most subtil Matter entring the Sun at either of its Poles , continues its course in a Right line , until it meet with the Globuli of the Second Element , which are about the opposite Pole , and running against them , drives them forward by the force of its motion , and thereupon is immediately reflected , and turns round in all its parts towards the Ecliptick , and so drives forwards the adjacent parts of the Second Element , that are next to the Center of the Star , and by this means makes the Sun to be Round : So that if it should be intersected by a Plain , parallel to the Ecliptick , in whatsoever part the Section be made it will always be a Circle . For otherwise it would follow , that some parts of the Second Element , do not recede so far as they can from the Center of the Circle they describe ; but this is impossible , considering the Fluidity of the Heavens . IV. Why the Sun is Lucid. In the Second place , we infer from hence that the Sun is Lucid ; because the Matter of the First Element , gather'd together in the Center of the Vortex , by pressing every way upon the Heavenly Globuli , ( besides the motion they have , as they are a Liquid Body ) do communicate to them such a force or impression as is sufficient so to affect our Eyes , as to produce the sense of Seeing . V. How it comes to pass , that the Sun appears so much greater to us than any of the fix'd Star. The Sun therefore , and the rest of the fix'd Stars , shine with their own Light , which their brisk and lively Rays are an evident Proof of . And the reason why the Sun appears so great to us , in comparison of the fix'd Stars , is , because he is nearer to us , who are in the same Vortex . For which reason also , the Sun doth not only abundantly illuminate our Earth , whence he is called in Scripture , the Greater Light ; but also communicates heat and warmth to the same : Whereas the fix'd Stars , tho' visible to us ; because of their Remoteness can do neither . VI. The Sun is a Fluid Body . The Sun therefore is no solid Body , neither a burning Stone , nor Ret-hot Plate , as some of the Ancients apprehended , but consisting of a very fluid and movable Matter , which whirls all the Circumjacent parts of Heaven round with it . And thus much is not only confirm'd to us by Reason , but also by Astronomical Observations : For SIMON MARIUS , in Scheinerus his Rosa Ursina , tells us , That he had beheld the Sun thro' an Optick Glass , boyling like molten Gold in a Furnace . ATHANASIUS KIRCHERUS , in his Book entituled , Ars magna Lucis & Umbrae , writes , That he had seen the Sun , like to the Sea , tost and foaming with Waves . And RAPHAEL AVERSA assures us , That he had observ'd the Sun to be a Fluid Body , contain'd in its place , as if it were in a Vessel , and agitated within it self , like a molten Metal . Yea , there are several who have assured me , that the whole Body of the Sun boyls continually , and that they had often observ'd it through a Prospective-Glass , boyling like Water in a Kettle . VII . The Sun is a true Fire . Whence all Modern Philosophers that are of any Note , take it for granted , that the Sun is nothing else but a Fire or Flame . Since we have great reason to conclude that Body , which gives forth Warmth and Light , to be Fire ; but we Experience the Sun to give forth Heat and Light : Therefore we must conclude the Sun to be a Fire . The Minor is manifest , because we are convinced that both these proceed from the Sun by our Feeling and Sight ; neither do we find any thing in the Fire , which we may not with equal right attribute to the Sun. Besides , we cannot conceive any Body to have an inborn or connatural Light , by means of which it produceth Heat , except it be of the nature of Fire . Wherefore , seeing the Sun is as communicative of Light and Warmth , as Fire is , and that both of them have the same Properties ; for the Sun dries , melts , kindles , and burns , as well as Fire : Therefore we must conclude that the Sun is Fire . For we can have no stronger Argument to prove two things to be the same , than by demonstrating , that all the Effects of one of them , do also proceed from the other . For as if any one by Night should meet with a Body that sent forth flames , heated the Bodies that were near it , and enlightned the Air , he would make no scruple to conclude it to be a Fiery Body : In like manner , seeing the Sun performs all these things , we are not to question but that it is a Fire or Flame . VIII . Why the Sun's heat is greater in Summer than in Win●er . But against this you will object , First , if the Sun were a Flame , and as such continually diffus'd its heat through the whole World ; it would follow from hence , that the Air would never be cold ; but this is contrary to Experience : For we fin● the Air much hotter in Summer ; than in Winter . Some endeavour to solve this Objection , by saying , that the Difference of Heat we feel at divers Seasons , proceeds from the various incidence of the Sun-beams on the Surface of the Earth , which in Summer come down to the Earth more directly , and in Winter more obliquely or slantingly . But this Answer will scarcely satisfie those , who consider that the Surface of the Earth is not polish'd , as a Looking-Glass ▪ but rough and very uneven ; and that consequently it may receive direct Rays in Winter , as well as Summer . The reason therefore why the Cold is more intense about the Earth in the Winter-season , is , because the Air we breath in , which is ten or twelve Miles high , hath a very smooth and even Surface , as having no Winds to ruffle it ; and the Sun-Rays falling very slantingly in the Winter upon this smooth Surface , is the reason why fewer Rays are transmitted to us in Winter , than in other Seasons of the Year . To which may be added , that more Vapours and Exhalations at that time proceed from the Earth and Sea , which filling the Air , do allay the Heat of the Sun. IX . The Sun is fed and maintain'd as our Fires are . In the Second place , you 'l object , That our Fire here below stands in need of Fewel , which is no sooner taken away , but it becomes extinct , and vanisheth : But in the Heaven there is no Fewel to feed the Sun's Flame : Therfore it is a great mistake to suppose it a Fire . X. The Sun's Flame is not weakned by the Bodies that are about it . I Answer in the first place , That the state of the Sun , and our Flames here below , is very different : For our Flames stand in need of Nourishment , because they are compos'd of a Fluid and Moveable Matter , which is easily destroy'd by the Bodies that surround it ; and therefore it is needful it should be furnish'd with New Matter , to supply that which is extinguish'd and vanisheth . But above the Sun there are no such Agents as are able to dissipate its Matter , and there-therefore it needs no Fewel to preserve it . For so vast a quantity of Fiery Matter is heap'd up in the Sun , that it can neither be exhausted or extinguish'd by it self , nor by the Heaven that surrounds it . XI . The Sun is fed and maintain'd by the Matter of the First Element . I answer in the Second place , That the Matter of the First Element is the Fewel of the Sun's Flame , which is continually convey'd to the Sun , in the room of the like Matter , it loseth at any time . For the Stars entertain such a Communication among themselves , as to convey food to one another through their Vortexes , bestowing upon others what goes out by their Ecliptick , and receiving from others what comes in by their Poles . And thus New Matter continually enters into the Sun , by the Poles , and other Matter again flows out from it , in that part which is farthest from the Poles . And accordingly the Sun is always said to be the same , in like manner as a River is supposed the same , notwithstanding that New Matter continually makes up the defect of that which runs away . XII . How the Sun makes Twilight . The Sun is not only the Cause of the Light , which in the day time is diffused through the Air ; but also of the Twilight , which is perceived in the East before its Rising , and in the West after its Setting ; forasmuch as the Rays of the Sun falling obliquely upon the Vapours that are in the Air , are refracted towards the Earth . The Beginning of this Twilight happens , when the Sun is deprest beneath our Horizon , about 18 Degrees , perpendicularly taken from the Vertical Circle . Hence it is , that in those parts of the Earth where the Sun doth not in Summer sink below the Horizon 18 Degrees , there they have a continual Twilight all Night long . XIII . There are no certain Points of the Sun 's Rising and Setting . Whatsoever part of the Earth the Sun salutes with his Rays , there he is said to Rise ; and to Set in those Parts which he ceaseth to illuminate . Now forasmuch as there is no part of the Earth in which he may not sometimes Rise , and sometimes Set in this manner , we may assert , contrary to the Vulgar receiv'd Opinion , that there are no certain Points of the Sun 's Rising or Setting . CHAP. XV. Of Light. I. The Opinion of the Peripateticks , concerning Light , refuted . THe Peripateticks generally are of Opinion , that Light is a Quality really distinct from Substance ; and propagated to the Senses they don't know how . But this Opinion , at present , hath but few Followers : First , Because it is evident , that Qualities are no Emities really distinct from Substances , but only their Modifications , which neither can remove from the Substances wherein they are , nor do any thing without them . Secondly , Because the Beams of Light are reflected from some Bodies : Now every Reflexion is caus'd by Resistance , and whatsoever meets with Resistance , must be Corporeal ; but forasmuch as meer Qualities , abstracted from Substances , include nothing of Corporeity , neither can they be liable to Resistance . Whence we must conclude , that Light which is Reflected , is no pure Quality , separately existing from the Lucid Body . Thirdly , The Rays of Light are refracted , and by the help of Convex-Glasses are strengthned ; which could not be in case the Light were a meer Quality , for then , as being destitute of all Quantity , it would equally penetrate all Bodies . For the better understanding whereof , two things especially are to be supposed . II. Two things are to be supposed , in order to the understanding of the Nature of Light. First , That all Bodies consider'd in themselves , strive to move in Right lines . For a Stone thrown from you always moves strait forwards towards some part or other ; nor ever turns aside , except by other Bodies meeting with it , it be forced to rebound or deflect . Secondly , That whatsoever is Circularly moved , as far as it is able , strives to recede from the Center of its motion ; as we may experience in a Leaden Bullet tied to a String , for wee feel that the swifter the Bullet is whirl'd about , the stiffer the String is extended and stretch'd ; which cannot be attributed to any other Force , but because it strives to recede from the Center of its motion . III. What is to be understood by the word Striving . When I say , that the Bullet strives to withdraw from the Center of its motion , it is not so to be understood , as if the Bullet or any other Body had a perceptive inclination to move one way rather than another ; but only that it hath such an impulse to motion , that it would move in such a manner , in case it were not hindred of something else . IV. How Light is produced . We assert therefore , that Light consists only in this , that the Matter , which is in the Center of every Vortex , by its swift whirling about , doth shake the Luminous Matter , that is dispers'd throughout the whole Heaven , and all Diaphanous Bodies , which in Right lines beating against the Nervous Fibres of the Tunica Retina , produceth that perception , whence Bodies are denominated Lucid : For as a Blind man by the means of his Staff , because of its Resistance only , is able to distinguish betwixt Bodies ; tho' no Species be transmitted by the Stick to the Eye : So likewise the Cause of the Perception of Light is nothing else , but that a certain Matter dashing against the Organs of Sight , stirs up the Soul to such an Animadversion . V. What Light , and the Rays of Light are . Light therefore is a Quality proceeding from the Vibration of the Globuli diffus'd in Right lines , and moving the small fibres of the Optick Nerve , disperst through the Net-like Membran of the Eye . Which is then chiefly , when the Matter of the First Element , contained in the Center of the Sun , or any other Lucid Body , strives to withdraw from it : For in so doing it presseth the adjacent Globuli of the Second Element , and they again those which are above them to the very last . So as that by this means the Light is diffused in a moment , to any distance whatsoever . Which will not be hard for us to conceive , if we consider that the Action of Light doth not so much consist in Motion , as in Pression , or a first disposition to Motion ; and therefore that the Rays of Light are nothing else but so many Lines , by which that quick and lively Action is performed . VI. The Sun equally ●iffuseth its Light. From whence we conclude , that the Sun doth not more forceably drive forwards the Matter which is towards the Ecliptick , than that which is towards its Poles : For the Sun being of a Round figure , the Matter of the First Element entring into its Center , doth equally drive from it all the Globuli that surround it ; so that no greater Force proceeds from one , than from any other Point of its Superficies , by which means infinite Rays are extended to every part of the Body it illuminates . VII . What is required to the Production of Light. To the Production therefore of Light , is required , First , Matter very swiftly agitated , as is that which is in the Center of every Vortex . Secondly , A certain Matter that is shaken , as is that Matter which is about the Stars , that is , the Globuli . Thirdly , It is requisite that this Matter be shaken or vibrated in Right lines , or such as are equipollent to Right ones : For tho' in all Diaphanous Bodies , the Pores are not Mathematically strait ; yet are they sufficiently so , for the transmission of the Action of Light. Fourthly , That this Vibration of the Matter be such , that by Moving the Nerves the Soul may be excited to that perception we call Sense ; for it is our Soul , and not the Body that is sensible . When therefore either the Organ is unfit to receive this Vibration , or that it be affected by any stronger Vibration , the Sensation will be thereby hindred . And this is the reason , why after the Sun is risen we cannot see the Stars ; because the stronger Vibration of the Sun , renders the weaker Vibration of the Stars imperceptible , except it be in case of some very great Eclipse . VIII . The farther the Beams of Light withdraw from the Luminous Body , the less and weaker they grow . Tho' the Light diffuse it self on every side , and equally drive before it the adjacent Matter ; yet is its Action lessen'd according to the Degrees of its elongation from the Luminous Body . The better to comprehend this suppose we the Tube ABC here decypher'd , enlarging it self by degrees to contain Water as high as DE ; and let afterwards , by means of a Spring , so much new Water be spouted into it by the Hole A , as may be sufficient to fill the Space AFG , which tho' it be of some height , yet it hath but little breadth ; it will hence appear , that by the accession of this New Water , the Water contained in the Tube will be sensibly raised a little higher towards HI , but not toward DE. By which Example , the Nature of Light is fitly illustrated : For as , we cannot say , that the Water above DE is not raised higher at all , but only that it is raised very little ; so in like manner we must say , that the farther the Beams of Light recede from the Luminous Body , the weaker and less their motion is . IX . How tho Light must be reflected upon its meeting with some Bodies . As a Body that is in motion upon meeting with another Body that resists it , doth lose its determination , and is forced to turn aside ; as we experience in a Ball , which being struck against a Wall , rebounds ; so we are to conceive , that the Light meeting with some hard Body , is by it reverberated . For seeing that Light is nothing else but a pression of the Globuli of the Second Element , which tho' in the Pores of Water , Air , Glass , and other such like Bodies , do touch one another in various ranks or rows : Suppose the Globuli that constitute the Row CD , to represent those Parts of the Second Element that constitute one Ray , falling upon the hard Body AB ; it is necessary that the Action of this Ray , be continued by the Line DE , towards E , that so the Angle of Reflexion BDE , may be equal to the Angle of Incidence ADC ; that is , this Action must be transmitted by the very same Lines , which the Globulus C would describe , in case it were alone , and were moved by the Line CD : For it is manifest , that the Globulus D is disposed to move onwards that way it would really move , if its Power were reduced to act . And because this Globulus , by meeting with the Body AB , would neither tend towards G nor H , but only towards F , it is evident that the Globulus F only is push'd forwards by it , and that that alone receives its Action . This is confirm'd by daily Experience , for we find that the Sun-beams falling upon the Surface of any Compact Body ( as Gold , or Steel ) are reverberated , and that the Lights Angle of Reflexion , is equal to the Angle of Incidence . X. Light cannot be Fire . I know no Body that hath better explained the nature of Light than our Author : And tho' they who mantain Light to be Fire , do support their Opinion by strong Arguments , yet they struggle with many difficulties , which are of no force against our Opinion . For according to their Hypothesis two Bodies would be in one place , if Light and Fire were one and the same thing . Again there are many things that give Light without imparting Heat . Moreover , what shall we say becomes of the Light , when the Sun leaves our Hemisphere ? shall we suppose that such a vast Body can perish in a moment ? And lastly , how can the Light without interruption or disturbance reach our Eyes , when the Air is shaken by Winds , seeing one Body always resists another ? And other such like difficulties that may be urged against the Light 's being Fire . IX . No inconveniences follow upon supposing Light to be Motion . But by constituting the nature of Light , in the Pression of the Subtil matter , we are delivered from the Danger of Penetration of Dimensions : neither are we necessitated to admit that Light , is always in conjunction with Heat ; forasmuch as the matter of the first Element , can withdraw from the Center of the Lucid Body , and push forwards the Globuli of the second , which compass it about without producing the effect of Heat , as appears in Glow-worms and Rotten-wood . Neither are we pinched by that Question which demands , what becomes of the Light when the Sun withdraws from our Hemisphere , seeing we maintain the Light to be no more than motion , which cannot but cease as soon as the cause vanisheth . Neither needs the objection of the Air tost with Winds to trouble us , forasmuch as the Intervals , which we conceive to be between the Parts of Bodies , are fill'd with the Subtil matter , and are always open for the Globuli of the second Element , so that nothing hinders the Light from coming to us in a Right Line . XII . How Light is transferred in a Moment . There is one difficulty only which seems somewhat to affect us , viz. how the Light of the Sun , and fixt Stars can reach our Eyes in a moment ; yet even this also will be removed , if we consider , that the nature of Light doth not consist in the Duration of Motion , but that it is only a Subitaneous Action , directed to our Eyes , through the Pores of the Air and other Diaphanous Bodies ; much after the same manner , as we by night with a Stick can discern and distinguish between Water , Clay , Stones and such like : For we then experience that the same Action , wherewith the end of the Stick toucheth the Body , is at the same instant felt at the Head of the Stick : And which would be the same were the Stick never so long , as might be demonstrated by many Examples . XIII . An objection Answered . If it be objected , that the matter of the second Element being Fluid , a Range of its little Pellets reaching from the Sun to our Eyes , cannot have the same effect in pushing fowards in a right Line as a Stick would and must have ; for the more round and slippery these Pellets are , the more apt they are to slide away , and by this means to make the impulsion of no effect . To this I answer , that tho' the matter of the second Element be the most Fluid of all matters , yet this doth not hinder but that a Rank of them , reaching from the Sun to our Eyes , may be as effectual in pushing , as an inflexible stiff Line : For the World being every where full , every Ray of Light , hath always many others about it , which hinder it from sliding away , and consequently transmits the Action of the Lucid Body , in the self same manner as if it were a stiff Stick . XIV . In the Transmission o● Light there is no Translation of a Body . You 'l say , that no Motion can be made in an instant . We grant it , for in that Motion wherein the Action of Light consists , no Body is transmitted , but the Motion only is transferred from one Body to another . For the Sun , who is the Principle and Fountain of Light is not transmitted to our Eyes , but its motion only is continued to our Eyes , by means of the Subtil matter , which fills the Pores of the Air , and other Pellucid Bodies . Nor is it any contradiction that a motion should be transmitted in an instant , tho' no motion can be made in an instant . XV. How the solar Light might appear though there were no Sun. From what hath been said , it may be clearly understood , how that Action , wherein we conceive the nature of Light to consist , spreads and diffuseth it self every where from the Body of the Sun and fixt Stars , and how in the least moment of time it extends it self to the farthest distance ; and to Right Lines , not only from the Center of the Lucid Body , but as well from any other Points of its Surface : Whence all other Properties of Light may be deduced . And I may add further , which will seem to some a great Paradox , that all these things would happen in the Heavenly matter , tho' there were no force at all in the Sun or any other Star , about which it was whirld : So that if the Body of the Sun , were nothing else but an empty Space , yet should we perceive his Light as well as now we do , ( tho' it would not be so strong ) at least in that Circle wherein the Heavenly matter is moved . XVI . How Des Cartes is to be understood , when he saith that Light is only a Propension to motion . Some , it may be , will object that Des Cartes makes Light to be nothing else , but an Aptitude to motion ; as when he saith Dioptric . Cap. 1. that Light is nothing else , but the Action of the Coelestial matter , or a Propension to motion . Now if it be only a Propension to motion , it is no motion , and therefore the Light , which he saith , is received in the most Subtil matter , that fills the Pores of other Bodies , will never be produc'd , as long as it hath only a Propension to push forwards the same . Whence we must conclude , that if Light be an Action , and that such an one , as tends to the production of motion , Light must be before motion ; for every cause is before its effect , and therefore Light cannot be motion . XVII . The distinction of Lux and Lumen , or Light in its Fountain , and Light in the Mea●um . This difficulty will be easily cleared , by distinguishing betwixt Light in its Fountain or Principle , such as are Lucid Bodies ; and Light in a Medium , that is , any Transparent Bodies . The Propension to motion , or pression which is in the Lucid Body , as the Fountain , is properly called Lux : But when considered in its progress , that is , in the Heaven , or the matter of the second Element , then it is called Lumen , tho' Authors commonly confound both these words , using them promiscuously ; Lux therefore , or Light in its Fountain , is a Propension to motion ; or is that Action in Lucid Bodies , which tends to produce some motion in Transparent ▪ Bodies , which is Lumen or Light in a Medium . Neither doth it imply any absurdity to say , that Light in the Fountain , preceeds Light in the Medium , since every cause is before its effect . The motion therefore which is in Lucid Bodies , produceth another motion , that is , Light in the Air , and other Pellucid Bodies . XVIII . The Sun i● not before the Light. It may be you 'l urge , that if Light be that Action or Motion , whereby the Sun or any other Lucid Body pusheth forwards the Subtil matter , which is in Transparent Bodies , then the Sun must be conceived to be before that Action , and by consequent would be destitute of all Light ; every cause being before its ectect . X. The Answer But I answer , that this doth not follow , because the Light it self , or that motion , whereby the Sun doth circularly push fowards the Subtil matter whereof it is composed , is natural to it , and therefore it is not necessary , that as an Efficient cause it should be before it . Forasmuch therefore as the Sun is composed of the most Fluid matter , which is wholly whirld about its Center , it is necessary according to the Rules of motion , that it press the matter of which the Heaven is made , that is , the Subtil matter , which from the Stars , reacheth to our Eyes ; in which Action , the nature of Light consists . CHAP. XVI . How Spots come to be Generated about the Sun , and fixt Stars , and how they vanish again . I. What the Spots of the Sun are and who was the first discov●rer of them . BY the Spots of the Sun , we understand those close or compact Bodies , consisting of gross and slow Particles , mixt with others that are more Thin and Subtil , which since they cannot comply with the motion of a more Sbtil matter , are cast out from it ; and by reason of their slower motion , clinging together about the Surface of the Sun , continue there for some time , and follow the Suns motion , according to the course of the Ecliptick , till by the Suns force they be dissolved , or suckt in again by it , or wholly expell'd from it . The first Observer and Discoverer of these Spots was GALILAEUS , in the year 1610 , when he was Mathematick Professor in the University of Padua ; and asserted them to be contiguous to the Body of the Sun , and that they moved round it , or rather were whirld about by the Solar Globe in the Space of 26 or 27 Days . II. The Colour and Figure of the Solar Spots . The Spots of the Sun appear for the most part of a Black-colour , and are commonly surrounded with a Darkish cloud , which in the inside is more Bright than it appears on the outside . They vary their Figures ; as appears by that Spot which was first discovered by the Famous CASSINUS in 1672 , and which appeared 36 or 37 Days . These Spots are moved more slowly from the Eastern part of the Sun , to the West , and pass from one brim to the other in about 13 Days time . Their motion is found to be more swift near the Center ; and they seem to make as great way in that part in 4. Days , as they do in 9 or 10 Days when they are near the Circumference . They appear likewise bigger in the Center , but near the Circumference long and narrow . From this their swifter motion near the Center , it is concluded either that they cling to the Sun , or at least are very near to him . III. How these Spots are formed . Now as to the manner of their Formation we are to note , that the Particles of the first Element are not all of them of the same Bigness and Figure ; and tho' we conceive them to be very Little , yet withal we must conclude some of them to be cornerd , and not so fit for motion , if we consider the Spaces or Intervals of the Globuli through which they pass : For these Spaces being mostly Triangular , they by passing through them get the same Figure , not much unlike the form of a Screw , as hath been before observed : By which means it is , that they cannot move so swiftly as before , but do as it were rest or lye still , with respect to others that are more swiftly moved , and so more easily cling together . For tho' they retain the name of the first Element , as long as they continue between the Globuli of the second Element , because then being yet in their swift course , they only fill up the Spaces that are betwixt the Globuli , without composing any grosser Bodies : Yet they obtain the name of the third Element , when they come near to the Body of the Sun , especially the more gross and slowly moved Particles ; for seeing they cannot comply with the motion of the rest of the subtil Matter of the first Element , they are cast out from it , and by running together into great Lumps or masses , they obscure and at last wholly hide the Star , from whence they came forth ; for by clinging to its Surface , they darken and obstruct the Light proceeding from it , and hinder it from pushing forwards the subtil Matter in right Lines , wherein the force of Light doth consist . IV. Spots are of two sorts Some Spots are more Solid , and very compact , as are those which run round the Sun ; others are more thin , and therefore dissipable , such as are those which sometimes appear about the Sun , and then vanish again . V. Spots like a kind of Scum , stick to the Star whence they proceed . For as we see that Water or Oil boyling in a pot , doth cast off those Particles that are less fit for motion , and raise them up to the Surface , reducing them into Scum : So the Sun , whose matter is agitated with a fervent Heat , doth cast off from it , those grosser and many corner'd Particles , which cannot accommodate themselves to the motions of others , and these afterwards running together , constitute a kind of Scum , and so obstruct the Light. Which then more especially happens , when the Sun darts his Rays more forceably against them , for by this means , they are driven more closely together , and become more compact . VI. The Sun appears som●times more dim and obscure because of the interposition of his Spots . By this means it may happen , that a Spot which at first is Soft and very thin , may at last grow to that hardness , as to stop the passage of the Suns Rays . Thus Historians assure us , that the Sun hath been seen for many days together of a Pale colour , not much exceeding the weak and dim Light of the Moon . Neither , in my Judgment , is there any other reason assignable , why some Stars appear now greater , and at other times less , but because their Aspect is varied , according to the diversity of Spots that surround them : Yea , they may sometimes become so totally cover'd by them , that for many years they may be hid from us . So formerly the Constellation of the Pleiades consisted of 7 Stars , whereas now 6 only can be seen . VII . How a new Star may suddenly appear . And on the contrary it sometimes happens , that a Star not seen before , all on a sudden appears to the World : Which is when the Vortex wherein the Spot is , by pressing the Neighbouring Vortexes more strongly , than they press it , doth enlarge its Bounds ; by which means the Matter of the first Element , rushing in more abundantly , to the obscured Star , diffuseth it self over the Surface of the Spot ; as Water is seen sometimes to over-flow the Ice : and then the Star Shines forth as Bright as if it had no Spot at all to darken it . According to this Hypothesis , we may understand how the New Star came to appear in Cassiopeia in the year 1572 , which continued for 2 years , but appeared greatest at first , and afterwards being darkned by Degrees , at last wholly vanished . VIII . How these Spots are sometimes turned into Torches . It also happens sometimes , that the solar Matter flowing about the Spots wherewith it is coverd , doth rise above or beyond them , which Matter being thus pent up between them , and the Surface of the Neighbouring Heaven , is made to move more swiftly ; as a River that is straitned in its passage doth run with more violence . And for this reason it is , that often Torches or bright Flames have been seen where formerly Spots appeared ; and so on the contrary , the parts of Spots beginning to appear again , Spots have been seen where formerly Torches appeared . IX . Why the Spots about the Sun move so slowly . The Spots about the Sun , take up no less time than 26 Days in running round it , notwithstanding they are so near to the Body of it ; which slowness of their motion proceeds chiefly from hence , that a kind of Aether is generated , of the Striate Matter which the Sun continually casts forth , which extending it self a great way towards the Orb of Mercury , doth hinder the motion of the Maculae . X. The Cause of the Darkness which hapned at the Death of Christ . It doth not appear by Authors , whether the whole Earth was darkned at the Death of Christ , or the Holy Land only : But supposing ( as it is most probable ) that the whole Earth was obscured ( as the Scripture seems to assert , and Dionysius the Areopagite does plainly witness , who was a Spectator of this wonderful Eclipse at Heliopolis in Egypt ) the cause of this Obscuration can ▪ t be attributed to any thing better than to these Spots . Seeing it is possible for one Spot to spread it self over the whole Surface of the Sun , and to continue there for some time , before it be dispers'd again . And forasmuch as the Body of the Moon is much less than that of the Sun , we must conclude , that this total Obscuration could not proceed from the Moon alone , without the assistance of these Solar Maculae , or Spots . XI . The Moon assisted in the obscuration of the Sun , at our Saviour's Death . I will not deny , but this famous Eclipse might be caused by the intervention of the Moons Body , notwithstanding that it hapned at the time of the Full Moon . It appeared so to St. DENYS , as he testifies in his Epistle to Polycarpus : Whilst I was ( saith he ) at Heliopolis in Egypt , I beyond all expectation saw the Moon upon the Body of the Sun. Whereupon , as being astonished at this Prodigy , he cried out , Either the God of Nature suffers , or the Frame of thus World is dissolving . But then , because the Body of the Moon was not great enough to effect a total obscuration , the Solar Spots came to its assistance , and wholly cover'd the Sun for three Hours together . XII . How these Spots come to disappear again . As these Spots are generated , so in like manner are they dissolved again and vanish . For as Oil and other Liquors , do after some time suck into themselves again the Scum that hath cover'd their Surface ; so likewise the Striate Particles , that cover the face of the Sun , in process of time grow less ; and as they at first came from it , so they return to the Sun again . Except the thickness of the Parts , into which they are resolv'd , be such , that they are not able to pass through the Globuli , that are near the Sun ; and therefore are forc'd to wander about , and disperse themselves in the adjacent Heaven . CHAP. XVII . Concerning COMETS . I. The Nature of Comets . COMETS are certain Bodies appearing amongst the Stars , in the utmost part of our Heaven , and that in various Forms , and in bigness resembling Mars , Jupiter , or Saturn , when they are cover'd with a Mist or little Cloud . They are compos'd of the Parts of the Third Element , and are so solid , that after they have for some time been swiftly carried in our Heaven , they are cast off into some of the Neighbouring Vortexes of the Second Heaven , and so disappear to us . They are sometimes called Hairy Stars , because of Beams like Hair proceeding from them , by which they are distinguish'd from the Planets , which appear exactly Round . II. How Comets agree with , and differ from Planets . The Comets therefore agree with the Planets , in that both Planets and Comets are Vast , Round , Opake Bodies , flowing or swimming in the Heaven . And they differ , in that Planets are less solid than Comets , and therefore not capable of so great agitation , as whereby they may be driven out of the Sun 's Vortex , into other Neighbouring Vortexes ; as Comets which have a stronger impulse , by reason of their greater solidity , do continually pass out of one Vortex into another . III. The Peripaticks suppose Comets to consist of Earthly Exhalations . The Pertpaticks rank Comets amongst Fiery Meteors , and therefore attribute their Generation to Exhalations arising from the Earth , and kindled in the upper Region of the Air ; but the Modern Philosophers are of a different Opinion , and that for these following Reasons . IV. Reasons against the foresaid Opinion . First , Because Comets are in the Heaven , and not in the Air , as being observ'd to have either no Parallax at all , or a very small one , that is , less than the Moon , and consequently must be at a greater distance from us than she is : For the lesser the Parallax of any Star is , the greater is the Distance . Secondly , Comets cannot consist of Earthly Exhalations , because they are bigger than the Earth it self : For their appearing Diameter ( their Distance consider'd ) is oftentimes greater than the Diameter of any of the Planets . The appearing Diameter is different , according to the Distance of the Body , as being Smaller in a less Distance , and Greater in a greater Distance . Thirdly , If Comets were kindled Exhalations , no reason could be given why they should not decrease daily , as their fewel decreaseth ; whereas we find that they all increase and decrease after one and the same manner : For they are less at the Beginning and End of their appearing , and biggest in the Midst . But because some relate , that Sublunary Comets have at some times appeared , we will distinguish Comets into Bastard and True. V. The di●●inction of Bastard and true Comets . We call those Bastard Comets , which are compos'd of Earthly Exhalations , raised into the upper Region of the Air , and there kindled . But True Comets are such as are above the Moon , and which shine by reflecting of the Sun's Beams , not by being kindled into a Flame . Those of the first kind , if any such be , are Meteors ; but the latter are all wandring Stars . Book . 1. Part. 5. Chap. 17 G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip ● To the Worshipfull Andrew Lant of Thorp-vnderwood in the County of Northampton Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome VII . The Original of Comets . But to the end we may the better understand the Original of Comets ( in case we should suppose any of them to be produc'd anew ) we are to remember , that the Matter of the First Element , which from other adjacent Vortexes , passeth thro' the Poles into the Center of our Vortex , doth carry along with it many striate Particles , which being unfit to comply with the swift agitation of the subtil Matter , are cast forth ; which afterwards , because of the inequality of their Figures easily cling and stick fast together , and by this means come to constitute great Masses , and being close to the Star from whence they proceed , resist the Action , wherein the Nature of Light consists ; and in this respect , are very like those Spots about the Sun , which we have already spoken of . VIII . How a f●●'d Star becomes changed into a Comet . Now , whenever it happens that a Star is cover'd with so many and thick Spots , as that its Vortex becomes swallow'd up of other adjacent Vortexes : Then if it be so solid , that before it comes to that Term or Limit , where the parts of the Vortex are most slowly moved , it happens to acquire a motion equal to that of those Parts amongst which it is , in this case it descends no lower , but from this Vortex passeth into others , and becomes a Comet . But if it be less solid , and consequently descends beneath that Bound , then it continues there at a certain distance from the Star , which is in the Center of that Vortex , and whirls round about it , and by this means becomes a Planet . For this is the difference betwixt a Comet and a Planet , that a Comet being more solid , is carried from one Vortex into another ; whereas a Planet continues fix'd to one Vortex , and is obsequious to its motion . IX . The Air is not the Place of Comets . Tho' Modern Authors be much of the same mind with one another about the Substance of Comets ; yet are they at great Variance about the Place of them . Some will have them generated in the Third Region of the Air , as being of Opinion , that the Exhalations , of which they suppose Comets are made , cannot ascend higher . But this Opinion , as hath already been made out , is not probable ; forasmuch as the same Comet , is at the same time perceived in divers very remote Parts of the World , especially that of the Year 1618 , which was seen in Europe , and in the East-Indies , which could not have been , had its place been in the Air. X. They run round the Earth in 24 H●ur● . Besides , Comets commonly compass the whole Earth in 24 Hours time , and are observ'd to make the same stay above , as under the Horizon . All which may easily convince us , that they must be above the Air. For the Earth is not far distant from the Circle of the Air , and compar'd with it , hath a considerable Magnitude ; so that if from its Surface we should divide the Air into two Halves , they would not be equal , but the Half hid from our sight , would far exceed the other ; and accordingly a Comet would longer continue under , than above the Horizon ; which we find not to be so . XI . The Place o● the Comets is between Saturn and the fix'd Stars . Comets therefore are to be placed in that Space , which is between Saturn and the fix'd Stars ; as appears by their Excursions , and other of their Appearances . Neither can they be placed amongst the Planets , forasmuch as they are Regular in their Motion about the Sun , and never wander out of their Spheres . And by this means we may easily apprehend , how Comets absolve their Revolution in 24 Hours time , and continue no longer under , than above our Horizon ; because the Bigness of the Earth being inconsiderable , with respect to that Space they move in , we may well enough divide the Circle of the Air into two equal Halves . XII . Why some Astronomers say , that Comets are only above the Moon . And tho' Tycho , and other Astronomers , who have acurately observ'd their Appearances , have only said , that they were above the Moon , towards the Spheres of Venus or Mercury , and not above Saturn , ( tho' they might as well have concluded , that from their Calculations ; ) the Reason whereof was , because they disputed against the Ancients , who took the Comets to be Meteors , and therefore were content to shew that they were in the Heavens , and were loath to attribute to them all the height , which they had found out by their Calculations , lest they should be disbelieved , by advancing such incredible Paradoxes . XIII . Comets that wander out of our Heaven , are no longer s●en by us . But forasmuch as the Space which is between Saturn and the fix'd Stars , is Immense ; we say that Comets , how great soever they may be , cannot be seen by us , if they be far distant from our Heaven ; for the Light which they borrow from the Sun is very weak , neither have they force enough , at such a distance , to affect our Sight . Which is the Reason , that when they approach to the fix'd Stars , they disappear ; or if their Body appear , yet their Tail is hid . But the fix'd Stars , which are beyond them , easily transmit their Light to us , because they have a Light of their own , which makes them dart their Rays more strongly ; whereas Comets that shine only with a borrowed Light , must be in our Heaven , to be seen by us . XIV . How the Comets are moved . The Comets do all of them seem to move about the Earth from East to West , and in this their Motion they describe Circles almost parallel to the Aequator . But besides this apparent Motion , which is common with them to all the rest of the Stars , they have another that is peculiar and proper to themselves , but very irregular and indeterminate , by which some of them move from East to West , others from West to East , or to other Coasts of the Heavens . Neither can their Course be said to be Regular , but rather various and unequal , since some of them pass through a greater Space of Heaven than others . But however Great this Space may be , there are but few of them that ever were perceived to run through above one Half of the Heaven . XV. What the Beard ▪ Tail , and Hair of Comets i● . When a Comet casts its Rays towards that part of the Heaven , whither it is carried by its own M●tion , such Rays are commonly called a Board ; but when they tend to that part from whence it tends , then are they called the Comets Tail ; and when they are cast forth circularly , we call them Hair , or a Rose . XVI . The Cause of thes● Appearances . It will not be difficult to give a Reason of these Phaenom●na , if we call to mind that the Heavenly Globuli of the Vortex wherein we live , are by so much less , as they draw nearer to the Center ; and by degree● grow greater and greater until the Sphere of Saturn , where they are of an equal bigness , and are more swiftly moved . When therefore a Comet , taking its Course beyond the Region of Saturn , transmits the Rays it receives from the Sun to us , it at the same time pushes forwards the Globuli of the Second Element in Right lines to our Eyes , which imparting their active Force to others that are under them , produce an entire and pure Light , which makes the Head or Body of the Comet to appear to us : Whereas those which fall obliquely upon the little Globuli that are beneath , or on the sides of them , are partly refracted , and so represent a Beard or Tail to us . But those which are disperst round about on all sides , exhibit Hair , or a Rose . For the variety of all these Appearances proceeds only from the Reflexion of the Rays of Light upon the Comet ; which having been refracted by passing through the Heavenly Globuli , are so received into our Eyes , as if they came from those parts , where we think we perceive the Beard , Hair , or Tail of the Comet . Thus the Globuli of the Second Element , 3 , 2 , 1 , 9 , 7 , which are extended from the Sun to the utmost Bound of the Sphere of Saturn H , C , I , are very small , whereas those that go beyond that Sphere H , F , A , 4 , 5 , 6 , I , do exceed them in Bigness ; so that each of the greater Globuli , that are in the utmost part of the Sphere of Saturn , may be surrounded by 7 or 8 of the smaller Globuli that are lower . And forasmuch as the greater Globuli , falling perpendicularly upon the Sphere of Saturn , do push upon few of those that are under them , they must necessarily produce only a weak Refraction of Light ; whereas on the contrary , those that fall obliquely upon it , since they have many little ones on one side of them , must needs make a greater Refraction of weak Rays . As for Example ; the Greater Globulus C , falling perpendicularly on the little ones that are under it , hath only 2 Globuli , viz. 1 and 3 on each side , and therefore both ways produceth small Refractions , deflecting from the Perpendicular CB , whereof the one is only directed from C to D , but the other from C to E : But the greater Globuli H and I , falling obliquely on the lesser , do push forwards 6 or 7 of them , viz. those that lye under them ; and therefore the greater Globulus I , produceth a considerable Refraction from I unto B , deflecting from the Perpendicular IK ; and so likewise the great Globulus H , makes a great Refraction from H , to B , deflecting from the Perpendicular HG . XVII . How Comets come to appear with Tails , Hair , and like Beams . Hence it appears how Comets come to appear with Tails , Hair , or like Beams . For let us suppose the Sun to be S , and the Sphere through which the Earth is supposed to be carried in 24 Hours time , to be 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ; the Term from whence the Heavenly Globuli begin to grow less and less by degrees till they reach the Sun , to be D , E , F , G , H , and C , to be the Comet plac'd in our Heaven ; it is manifest that the Rays of the Sun are not only reflected from the Comet in the Right lines CF3 , CH6 , CG4 , CE2 , and CD7 ; but that they are also refracted side-ways , and dispersed ; so that according to the various Position 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , of the Spectator upon the Globe of the Earth , the Comet seems either to have a Tail , as in 2 and 4 ; for by means of the direct Rays C , G4 , or C , E , 2 , the Body or the Head of the Comet appears to us , and by the help of the refracted and weaker Rays , its Tail or Hair is discovered by us : Or with Hair , as in 3 ; for its Head is seen by us , by means of the strong and direct Rays C , F , 3 ; and by the Refracted and weaker on one side of it , C , G , 3 , and on the other C , E , 3 , we see the Hair of the Comet : Or nothing but its Tail is seen by us in the form of a fiery Beam , as in that part of the Sphere of the Earth 5 , by means only of the weaker and refracted Rays C , D , 2 , 5 , or C , H , 4 , 5 ; because no other Rays can reach the Eye of the Beholder , as long as he is posited in that part of the Terrestrial Orb , marked 5. XVIII . A Reason given of the various Appearances of Comets . And from what hath been laid down , a Reason may be also given of all the other Phaenomena of Comets . As , First , Why they appear rarely , and not at set times or seasons . Secondly , Why they do not move long in our sight . Thirdly , Why they seem to be less at the Beginning , greatest in the Midst of their Course , and afterwards grow less and less by degrees . Which happens , because at first they are further from us ; in the middle of their Course , nearer , and in a fitter condition to reflect their Rays ; and towards the end of their Course , again more remote from us . Fourthly , Why their Motion at the beginning is slower , in the middle swifter , and at the end slowest of all . The Cause whereof is , because the Comet at its first ingress meets with some Resistance , because of the Renitency of the Vortex , from whose Force it afterwards receives power to move more swiftly ; and towards the end of its Course it is resisted by the Neighbouring Heaven , towards which it tends . XX. Why no Hair appears about Saturn . If any demand , why no Hair appears about Jupiter and Saturn , as well as about the Comets ? I answer , That sometime there is a kind of appearance of short Hair seen about them , in that part which is opposite to the Sun , in places where the Air is very pure and clear . Wherefore , when ARISTOTLE saith , Lib. 10. Meteorologic . cap. 6. that the fix'd Stars have sometimes been seen , with Rays in the manner of Hair about them , I suppose it ought rather to be understood concerning these Planets . But as to that which he relates of the Hair , that appeared about one of the Stars in the Thigh of the Great Dog , it must have proceeded either from some very oblique Refraction in the Air , or rather from some fault or defect in his Eyes : For he adds , That it was less conspicuous when he fix'd his Eyes strongly upon it , than when he beheld it more remisly , and without any earnest intention . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Nature , Original , and Affections of Planets . I. What the Planets are . THe Planets are Various , Round , and Opake Bodies , hanging in the Vortex of the Sun , and by it carried about the Sun , as a kind of a common Center of their Motions , receiving its Light , and variously conveying the same to our Eyes . That they are solid and opake Bodies GALILAEUS shews , who by the help of his Tube hath discover'd no less inequalities in the Moon , than we meet with in our Earth . II. Their Number . There be Seven of them , which are counted in this order ; Saturn , Jupiter , Mars , the Earth , the Moon , Venus and Mercury . III. Whether the Sun be to be reckon'd amongst the Planets . The SUN is commonly counted to be one of the Planets , but by a mistake ; for besides that the Sun is not an Opake , but a Lucid Body , nor hanging in another Vortex , but having its own proper Vortex ; neither hath it likewise a wandering Motion , like the Planets , but is continually turn'd round in its own Vortex ; and therefore cannot be reckon'd amongst the Planets . IV. The Planets are compounded of the Matter of the Third Element . The Planets were formed of the Particles of the Third Element , from the running together whereof they became great Bodies . For no sooner was Motion communicated to the several Parts of the World , but the most subtil Parts ( made so by their rubbing against one another ) constituted the Sun and fix'd Stars ; the Round parts ( which Roundness they obtain'd also by their running against each other ) made the Heavens ; and the thicker and grosser Parts , being by reason of the inequality of their Figure , less fit for motion , formed the Seven Planets ; ♄ Saturn , ♃ Jupiter , ♂ Mars , T the Earth , ☽ the Moon , ♀ Venus , and ☿ Mercury . So that the whole Matter of this visible World may aptly be divided into three General Heads of Bodies , viz. such as send forth Light , as the Sun and fix'd Stars ; such as transmit Light , as the Heavens ; and such as Reflect the Light , as the Earth , with the rest of the Planets . V. They have no Light of their own . For the Planets being destitute of all Light of their own , shine only with borrowed Rays ; and accordingly we find them only to be resplendent on that side which faceth the Sun ; whence we conclude , that they only reflect to our Eyes the Rays they receive from the Sun. This we experience in the Earth , Mercury and Venus , and all the Secondary Planets , which in Eclipses are either wholly or in part obscured , when they come within the Shadows of other Planets ; and being out of the reach of them , do only spread a Conical shadow from their opposite part to the Sun. And we may believe the same of Mars , Jupiter and Saturn ; which by how much nearer they are to the Sun , the greater Light do they cast ; and so much the weaker , as their distance is farther from it . The same is also manifest from hence , because the Light of all the Planets is more dim , than that which is seen in the Sun and fix'd Stars ; as likewise , because there is not so vast a distance between them and the Sun , but that he can communicate his Light to them . VI. The Earth is to be accounted amongst the Planets . And we are to suppose the same of this Earth we inhabit , which being made up of Opake Bodies , does as strongly reflect the Sun's Rays , as the Moon doth . It is also surrounded with Clouds , which tho' they be less Opake than many other Parts , and therefore do not so strongly reverberate the Light ; yet we sometimes see them cover'd with as bright a Whiteness , as the Moon it self exhibits to us , when she is illustrated by the Sun. The same is also confirm'd , for that when the Moon intervenes between the Sun and the Earth , we see that its Face doth reflect a kind of obscure Light , which , as far as we can guess , must proceed from the Earth , which reflects the Beams it receives from the Sun to the Moon . Which obscure Light sensibly decreaseth , as the illuminated part of the Earth turns away from it . VII . The Planets are not perfectly Round . Tho' it cannot be doubted , but that the Planets are Spherical Bodies , like the Earth ( for if they were of a plain figure , they would in one and the same moment be totally enlightned ; ) yet are they not so perfectly Round , but that their surface is very rough and uneven . For we find by the help of Telescopes , that they abound with Cavities and Eminences , corresponding to our highest Hills and deepest Valleys , ( as GALILAEUS tells us concerning the Moon , System . Cosm . Dial. prim . ) many whereof are continued for a Tract of an hundred Miles together ; others again are single and compriz'd in one Heap . There appear also many steep and solitary Rocks . But the most frequent things to be seen there , are a kind of Bulworks ( I call them so , because no fitter word occurs ) of considerable Height , which encompass Spaces of different magnitude and figure , the most frequent being Circular . Many whereof have in the midst of them an high Mountain , and others seem to be filled with an obscure Matter , like those great Spots , which we may perceive in the Moon . From all which Particulars we conclude , that the Moon and the rest of the Planets , are altogether like our Earth , which if a Man could behold from the Moon , would appear much as the Moon shews to us , who view it from the Earth . VIII . The Planets are not so solid as Comets . We are in the next place to consider how the Planets came to be , and what is the cause of their different Distance from the Sun , and from themselves . This will be the more easily cleared , if we consider , that the Planets are less solid than the Comets , and therefore are not tost from one Vortex to another , but continue in that of the Sun ; as small Boats are driven about in a Whirlpool , or carried along with the Stream of a River . Whence we may apprehend , that the Planets , as soon as they were got into the Sun 's Vortex , began to sink down towards the Center , till they met with those Coelestial Globuli , whose motion was proportion'd with theirs . For seeing that the greater Globuli are more vehemently agitated , and withdraw themselves farther from the Center of their Vortex , it could not be , but that by their pushing against the Planets that are less solid , they must drive them towards the Midst ; and when the Planets were sunk so low , that they met with those Globuli that were inferiour to them in bigness and force of motion , they run back from the Center , till arriving to that place of the Vortex where they were in equal poise , they neither came nearer to the Sun , nor went farther from it ; but hanging there equally poised between those Heavenly Globuli , whirl'd continually about the Sun. IX . Of the first Production of Planets . Wherefore we may imagin , that in that Space where we place the great Vortex of our Heaven , there were at the Beginning 14 or more Vortexes , the less whereof , and such as were weakned by reason of their Spots , were swallowed up of the Greater ; which at last , together with the Lesser , fell into one common Vortex , viz. that of the Sun. So that the Stars , which in the Centers of the four smaller Vortexes , encompass'd Jupiter , betook themselves to that Planet ; and those which were in the Centers of other Vortexes near to Saturn , tended towards Saturn ; as Mercury , Venus , the Earth and Mars tended towards the Sun. So that of so many Stars , all shining with their own light , the Sun only remained , whilst all the rest being covered with Spots , did not send forth light , but only reflect it . X. Why th● Planets are at farther distance from , or nearer to the Sun. It appears from what hath been said , why the Planets do not equally recede from the Center , and at different distances are carried about the Sun ; this being to be imputed to their different solidity . For the Globe of Mercury , by Example , is nearer to the Sun than that of Venus , and the Globe of the Earth nearer than that of Mars , for no other reason but because they are less solid . XI . What the Solidity of Bodies is . Now Solidity is nothing else , but the proper Quantity of a Body compared with its Bulk and Surface ; which is not only estimated from the Closeness and Thickness of its parts , but also by its Figure , and especially from the less extent of its Surface . For Bodies of a less Surface , do more easily pierce other Bodies : and therefore the greater the quantity of matter is , under a less Bulk and Surface , the more solid that Body is . As appears in Gold and other Metals , which when once put in motion , have a greater force to continue the same , than more lax and open , or porous Bodies ( as Wood and Stone ) of the same Bigness and Figure ; and therefore are esteemed more solid , that is , to have in them more matter of the Third Element , and less Pores filled with the First and Second Element . And this is the reason why Mars , tho' less than the Earth , yet is farther from the Sun than it , even because of its greater solidity . XII . The Planets differ in Solidity amongst themselves . The Planets therefore , as hath been said , according to their greater or lesser Solidity , are farther from , or nearer to the Sun. By reason of this greater Solicity , Saturn is most remote from the Sun , whose Motion , if it had been swifter , and his Solidity greater , he would have been forced out of his Vortex , and become a Comet . Next to Saturn is Jupiter , with his four Secondary Planets , which we suppose did fall down into his Neighbourhood , before that Vortex , whose Center Jupiter was , had been swallowed up by the great Vortex of our Heaven . After him follows Mars , who , because of the extension of his Body , that is , his Magnitude and Figure , is more solid than the Earth . Next to him is the Earth , surrounded with its own Vortex , about which the Moon is whirl'd in a Months time . For the Moon tending towards the Earth ( as the Jovial Planets towards that Planet ) was swallowed up of its Vortex . Venus is nearer the Sun than either the Earth or the Moon , but the nearest of all is Mercury , as being the most solid of them all . XIII . The Planets are either Primary or Secondary . The Planets are divided into Primary and Secondary . Primary Planets are those that perform their Periodical motion only about the Sun , and not about any other Planet . Secondary , are such as are joined with another Planet , and together with it , are carried about the Sun. Thus the Moon is a Secondary Planet with regard to the Earth , the Jovial Stars with regard to Jupiter ; and so are those other Stars that attend upon Saturn . By the Astronomers they are commonly called Satellites , or Guards of those Planets to which they belong . CHAP. XIX . Concerning the Principle of the Planets Motion , and of their Direction , Station and Retrogradation . I. Why the Planets are called Wondring Stars . SEeing that the Heavens are Fluid , and that the Planets do , as it were , swim in their Orbs , as in so many Rivers , it may be enquir'd what is the Principle of their Motions ; as likewise what the cause is of those wandering excursions , whence the name of Wandering Stars hath been given them . Which name , we may believe , was therefore attributed to them ; for that being carried about in the Sun 's Vortex , they seem sometimes to approach nearer to , and sometimes to remove farther from one another ; sometimes to ascend , and at other times to descend ; sometimes to come nearer to the Sun , and at other times to withdraw at a greater distance from him . Whence arise the Conjunctions and Oppositions of the Planets , as likewise their Aberrations in Longitude and Latitude , so often inculcated by Astronomers . For tho' the Planets turn round about the Sun , yet do not they keep on their Course in the same direct Line , but do sometimes ascend , and at other times descend , as we see wooden Bowls do that swim in a River . And this their Deflexion is called Aberration in Latitude . Or else they are sometimes nearer the Sun , and sometimes farther from him ; which are called Aberrations in Longitude . And this is the Reason , I say , why the Planets are call'd Wandering Stars , because they seem to roam at random , without keeping a steady course . II. The First Cause of the wandering motion of the Planets . This wandering motion of Planets may be attributed to several Causes . As First , to the Figure of those Spaces wherein they move ; for these , not being perfectly Round , but spreading more in Length than Breadth , it must needs be that the Heavenly Matter , that carries them , must move more swiftly , where it is narrowly pent up , than where it hath a broader space to move in . As we see that the Wind blows with less force in an open Field , than where it is straitned in a narrow Passage ; and as a River runs more swiftly where it is straitned in its course , than where the Channel is wider . III. The Second Cause . In the second place , for as much as these Spaces do touch one another , the matter of the First Element , passing from one space to another , doth according to the different degree of its motion , variously push forwards , and determine the Globuli of the Second Element , to drive the Planets more towards one part of Heaven than another . For the matter of the First Element being more swiftly moved , than the Globuli of the Second , it cannot but by pushing them forwards , move the Planets that are poised in the midst of them . IV. The Third Cause . Thirdly , This difference in the motion of Planets , sometimes ariseth from themselves , as when their pores are more fit to receive the particles of the First Element , proceeding from some Neighbouring Body , than others . Which sometimes also happens , when the Pores of Planets are more adapted to admit the striate Particles , which come driving from some certain part of the Heaven : For these particles being entred into the Cavity of the Planets , do variously agitate them , directing them towards those places to which they did tend . As the Wind turns a Ship to this or that part , according as it penetrates the pores of the Sails , or other open passages of the Vessel . V. The Fourth Cause . Fourthly , The same Motion which in the beginning of the World was imprest upon the Planets , may be preserved to this instant , seeing that every Body continues in the same state , and is never changed but by External Causes . Thus a Top that is made to turn round by a Boy , hath a force to continue the same motion for some moments , notwithstanding the resistance it meets from the Air and the Earth . And accordingly we may believe that a Planet likewise hath a power to pursue the motion imprest upon it at the beginning , without any considerable loss of its swiftness ; because the space of 5 or 6000 years , is a less time , compared with the vast bulk of a Planet , than one minute , compared with the littleness of a Top. VI. The Fifth Cause . In the last place we may add , That the power of continuing in its motion is more firm and steady in the Planet , than in the Heavenly matter that surrounds it ; and in a greater Planet more than in a less . Because the Globuli , which are the parts of a Fluid Body , cannot so well conspire in the same motion , as the Particles of the Third Element do , which constitute the Compact Body of a Planet . Wherefore also it must be less obnoxious to those changes that happen to the motion of the Coelestial Globuli , by how much the greater and compact it is . VII . The Periodical and Daily Motion of the Planets . Every Planet hath a twofold Motion ; the first Periodical , whereby every one of the Primary Planets , together with its Attendants , is carried about the Sun : For that they are whirl'd about in their Orbs by the force of the Solar matter , appears from hence , because the nearer they are to the Sun , the sooner they absolve their Circuit : Not to mention now the motion of the Spots in the Sun , which , without doubt , proceeds from the whirling about of the Solar matter . The other is the Diurnal motion , whereby a Planet seems in the space of 24 hours to move about the Earth from East to West . But this Motion doth not properly belong to the Planets , but is common to them with the Comets and Fixt Stars , by reason of the Diurnal motion of the Earth , as will appear hereafter . VIII . How the Planets are carried about by their Annual Motion . A Planet therefore is whirl'd about its Center , much after the same manner , as we see that a Trencher swimming in a large Vessel full of Water , that is swiftly whirl'd about , doth not only follow the circular motion of the water , but besides turns about its own Center . The Famous CASSINUS observed this in 1672. in the Body of Jupiter : for he having observed a Spot at 7½ . a clock in the evening in the midst of the Belt , he found at 5 a clock 26 minutes in the morning , that it was return'd precisely to the same place . And therefore from this and many other observations , he determined not only the Revolution of the Spot , but also of the Body of Jupiter , which he found to be performed in 9 hours 55 minutes , and 58 seconds ; and the same was perceived by him not only in Jupiter , but also in Mars , Venus and Mercury . IX . The Cause of these two Motions . This twofold motion of the Planets ariseth from hence , because the Coelestial Globuli that surround them , do not only carry them along their Orbs ; but also because of the Propension they have , to pursue their motion in Right lines , they do more strongly exert their force upon their External parts , that are more remote from the Sun , than upon their Inward parts that are nearer to it : by which force they impress that motion upon it , which makes it whirl about its own Center . X. The Planets that are nearest to the Sun are most swiftly moved . The Consequence whereof is , that the Inferior Planets , or those that are nearer the Sun , must move more swiftly than the Higher . Because the matter of the First Element , which constitutes the Sun , by being swiftly whirl'd about , doth with a greater force drive along with it , the nearest parts of Heaven , than those which are more remote . XI . How it comes to pass that Mercury and Venus seem to turn about from East to West in 24 hours . These things presupposed , it will be an easie matter to explain the motions of the several Planets , and how it comes to pass that they seem to be carried from the East to the West . For supposing that the Heavenly matter that surrounds the Sun , is moved round it from West to East , and , without any interruption of its own Revolution , carries along with it the Earth about its Center in 24 hours ; we shall easily conceive , that Mercury and Venus must appear to us to move from East to West , and every day to describe a Circle Parallel to the Aequator . And that they must likewise describe a Circle about the Sun from West to East , as being contained in the same matter , that carries the Earth round . XII . They must describe a great Circle . We shall also apprehend that these two Planets , as well as the Earth , must be found under the Zodiack , because it is the greatest Circle , which the Coelestial matter , by which they are carried about , describes . For as much as according to the Law of Nature , every Body that is circularly moved , endeavours to recede from the Center of the Circle it describes . XIII . How it comes to pass that the Axis of the Earth observes its Parallelism It will also appear how the Axis of the Earth , which by its Annual motion is carried about the Sun , continues always Parallel to it self , or which is the same , how its Poles always respect the same points of the Firmament , viz. If we observe that the Diurnal motion of the Globe of the Earth , Water and Air doth determinate the subtil matter , which is in continual motion in the Bowels of the Earth , to go forth to the Plains parallel to the Aequator ; and that at the same time , a like quantity of matter , proceeding from the parts of other Vortexes remote from the Poles , must enter into it by the Poles . For this supposed , it will easily be believed , that after the Earth hath once admitted the Subtil matter , coming to it from one part of the Heaven , its pores will thereby be the more fit to receive the like matter again , than any other proceding from other parts , as being more accommodate to it . And therefore it is no wonder , if those Pores which we apprehend to be Parallel to the Axis of the Diurnal motion , are so hollowed as to answer one another , and thereby give free admittance to the subtil matter . Which being granted , it is necessary that the Poles of the Earth , must always answer the same points in the Firmament , and its Axis observe a perpetual Parallelism to it self . XIV . Mars , Jupiter and Saturn are moved like the other Planets . And the same is to be said of Mars , Jupiter and Saturn : For seeing that these three Planets do seem so to run round the Sun , as that the Circles which they describe , do include the Circle of the Earth , we must admit that they are pois'd in the Coelestial matter as well as the Earth , and are at a far greater distance from the Sun , than it is . In like manner we must confess that Mars , Jupiter and Saturn must seem to run round the Earth from East to West in 24 hours , and to be carried away by the Heavenly matter , in the same manner as Mercury , Venus and the Earth are . Only with this Difference , that seeing their Circles are much greater than that of the Earth , so they employ a greater space of time in running through them . For whereas Mercury is whirl'd about the Sun in 3 Months , Venus in 8 Months , the Earth in a years time , Mars spends 2 years in his Revolution , Jupiter 12 , and Saturn almost 30. For the distance between these three latter , and the Sun being greater , the matter which carries them , requires more time to run over those vastly greater Spaces . XV. How Planets come to be Direct , Stationary and Retrograde . From these various Courses of the Earth and Planets in their Revolutions about the Sun , it comes to pass that they appear to us on the Earth Direct , Stationary and Retrograde . For tho' their motion be continual , without any stop or Retrogradation , yet doth the motion of the Earth produce these various appearances , as oft as in its Revolution it intervenes betwixt the Planets and the Sun. Because when the Earth is whirl'd about the same way , swifter than the Planets , we must see them answering to divers parts of the Heaven of fixt Stars , and to be carried opposite to that part , whither we , together with the Earth , are carried . XVI . What Planets are sai● to be Direct , Stationary and Retrograde Those Planets therefore are called Direct , which pursue their Course according to the procession of the Coelestial Signs ; as from ♈ to ♉ , from ♉ to ♊ . Planets are said to be Retrograde when they proceed contrary to the Succession of the Signs ; or which having first been moved towards the East , seem now to turn back towards the West : and those are called Stationary , which keep the same place under the fixt Stars for several days together . These Stations of the Planets , are observed before and after their Retrogradations , because the Determination of the motion of the Earth , doth deflect a little with respect to the Determination of the motion of the Planets , by which means the swiftness wherewith we are then snatcht away , doth only serve to advance us , as much as is needful , to behold that Planet which is Stationary , for several days together , under one and the same part of the Firmament . XVII . How Planets appear direct to us . The thing will be better apprehended by the Figure . Suppose we then the Sun placed in the midst of a Circle , about whom let us place the Circle a d g k , described by the Annual motion of the Earth . The other Higher Circle intersected by numeral figures , we suppose to be the Orb of some one Planet , viz. of Mars , Jupiter or Saturn , and the Circle NGA , to represent the Heaven of Fixt Stars . These things thus laid , let us suppose that the Earth , by its Annual motion is about the Point a , and that Jupiter is in that part of his Circle marked only by 1 ; then Jupiter will appear to those that dwell upon the Earth , in the part of the Heaven of fixt Stars , noted A , by the right line , a 1 A. Conceive we afterwards , the Earth to be advanced from a to b , and Jupiter from 1 to 2 , at the same time ; and Jupiter will appear to us to have moved on directly in the Heaven , according to the Order of the Signs from A to B ; and when the Earth afterwards is advanced to c ; and Jupiter to the part of his Orb 3 , Jupiter will be seen advanced from B to C , alway keeping a Direct motion . And when afterwards the Earth is come to d , and Jupiter to 4 , Jupiter will appear to have advanced by a direct motion from C to D. And when the Earth hath reached the Point e , and Jupiter 5 , then Jupiter will appear to have moved from D to E , according to the order of the Signs . XVIII . How they come to appear Stationary and Retrograde . But when the Earth begins to be more directly interposed between Jupiter and the Sun , by that time the Earth comes to f , and Jupiter to 6 , then will Jupiter appear to have gon back from E to F ; and because this interval is very small , therefore he is said to be Stationary , because he appears unmoved and standing still . The Earth afterwards being advanced to the point g , and Jupiter to 7 , Jupiter will appear to have moved Retrograde from F to G. Again when the Earth is come to h , and Jupiter to 8 , he will appear to have past Retrograde from G to H. And lastly , when the Earth is come to i , and Jupiter to 9 , he will seem to have moved Retrograde from H to I , which space being very small , Jupiter will again appear Stationary . XIX . How they come to appear direct again . Afterwards , when the Earth is advanced to k , and Jupiter to 10 , he will seem to have proceeded directly , according to the Order of the Signs , from I to K. The Earth being come to l , and Jupiter to 11 , he will seem to have pursued his Course directly from K to L. And lastly , when the Earth hath reached the Point m , and Jupiter 12 , Jupiter will appear to have advanced directly from L to M. XX. The same may be shewed in like manner concerning Saturn , Mars , Mercury and Venus , but not of the Moon . The same may be demonstrated , not only concerning Saturn and Mars , but also concerning Venus and Mercury ; which always appear Stationary , as oft as we remove from the opposite Region to the same ; or from the same to the opposite Region ; because the Earth is then so turned about , as to make them to be seen under the same fixt Stars , for some time together . These Planets appear Retrograde , when they are in opposition to the Sun , Direct when in Conjunction , and never so in any other places . But we are to observe , that Retrogradations are more frequently seen in Saturn than in Jupiter , and in him more frequent than in Mars , because of the slowness of Saturn's motion , which makes that the Earth in a shorter time doth overtake him . But on the other hand they are more rare in Mars , his motion being swifter than that of Jupiter , and consequently must spend more time to overtake him . But these Affections are not incident to the Moon , because she , in whatsoever part of the Earth we are , runs about us , as about her Center , her Orb being comprehended within the Orb which the Earth moves in . CHAP. XX. Of the Motion of the Moon , and its various Appearances , or Phases . I. The Moon is carried about in the same Vortex with the Earth . FOrasmuch as it is manifest from what hath been already said , that the Moon is not only carried about the Sun , but also about the Earth , and that there is only a small space between us and her ; we may easily guess her to be contain'd in the same Vortex with the Earth . And consequently since the matter of this Vortex , doth whirl the Earth about its Center from West to East , we may conclude that it also carries the Moon along with it . But since the Circle which the Moon runs through , is almost 60 times bigger than the Compass of the Earth , we may gather , that if the Earth , by its diurnal motion is whirld about its Center in the space of 24 Hours , the Moon will not be able to finish her Revolution in less than about a Months space . II. The Moon may appear to move from West to East , or contrarily , within the space of one Month. This long time the Moon spends in her Revolution , is the Cause that she seems to run round the Earth every Day from East to West , whilst in the mean time the Earth turns round from West to East . Tho' this doth not hinder the Moon from appearing to run through all the Signs of our Zodiack from West to East . III. What the Perigaeum and Apogaeum of the Moon is . The Moon is sometimes nearer to the Earth , and that is her Perigaeum ; and at other times further from it , which is her Apogaeum . This comes to pass , either because the Peculiar Vortex of the the Earth ABCD , is sometimes bigger , by reason of the Matter of the First Heaven more abundantly crowding into it ; and at other times becomes less , because of the Expulsion of it again . Or else , because the Moon is more or less push'd on towards the Earth , by the various agitation of the First Heaven . IV. The Moon advanceth swifter when she is New , than in her Quarters . The Moon seems to move swifter when New and Full , than at the Quarters . The Reason whereof is , for that her Vortex ABCD , by being press'd upon by the Orbs of Venus and Mars , between which it is placed , is thereby reduc'd to an Elliptical or Oval Figure . Hence it is that the Coelestial Matter moves more swiftly in the narrow Parts B and D , of this Elliptical Heaven , and more slowly in the broader Spaces A and C ; and therefore the Moon , in her Conjunction and Opposition , or at the New and Full , must be more swiftly carried about the Earth towards the East ; because the Spaces it then runs through are more narrow , and do not suffer it to wander . V. Why the Moon is not exactly moved under the Aequator . If the whirling about of the small Vortex ABCD , which carries the Moon along with it , did only accord with the Motion of the Earth , then the Moon would appear to move under the Aequator from West to East ; and on the contrary , if the motion of the said Matter should only agree with the motion of that great Vortex , which has the Sun for its Center , then it would only be seen under the Ecliptick . But seeing it is to agree with the motion of them both , it follows , that its motion must neither be under the Aequator , nor under the Ecliptick , but under another Third Circle , which comes nearer to the Aequator , than the Ecliptick ; because the Moon is nearer to the Matter of the Sun 's Vortex , than to that of the Earth . VI. Above one half of the Moon is always illustrated by the Sun. The Moon being a Round Body , and receiving its Light from the Sun , it follows , that always one half of it , yea , somewhat more , must be enlightned by him . For seeing that the Sun exceeds the Moon in Bigness , and that the bigger Sphere always enlightens above half of a less , it does follow , that above one half of the Body of the Moon must always be illuminated . But seeing that the Moon alters her Position , and in running about the Earth doth variously face the Sun ; it must needs be , that according to its various Access to , or Recess of the Sun , less or more of the illuminated Half will appear to us ; which Variations of her Appearance , are commonly called her Phases . VII . The Conjunction of the Moon with the Sun , is not to be accounted amongst her Phases . The Philosophers commonly reckon up four Phases of the Moon , according to the Fourfold respect which the Moon hath to the Sun , in different parts of the Zodiack . Whence it receives different Names ; for the Moon 's meeting with the Sun in the same Degree of the Zodiack , is called the Conjunction or New Moon . Tho' it seems that the Moons Conjunction with the Sun , ought not to be accounted amongst her Phases ; because the Moon at that time doth not appear to us at all , it s enlightned part being wholly turn'd away from us , and its dark part turn'd towards us . VIII . The first Phasis of the Moon . The first Phasis therefore of the Moon is , when she being newly come from her Conjunction with the Sun , by moving in her Orb ABCDEFGH , reacheth B , whence she appears to us on the Earth I , Horned ( or Crescent-wise ) because of the Hollowness which is seen in her Illuminated part . IX . The second Phasis of the Moon . The second Phasis is , when the Moon about the Seventh or Eighth day , being 90 Degrees distant from the Sun , doth represent the full Half of her Enlightned part C , whose Horns or Points are directed to that part of Heaven which is opposite to the Sun , as from whence it receives its Light. and here she appears Bisected , or divided into two Halves . X. The third Phasis of the Moon . The third Phasis is , when the Moon D , advancing towards an Opposition with the Sun , exhibits to us more than one half of her Illuminated part , and therefore appears Gibbous or Bunching out on both sides . XI . The fourth Phasis . The fourth Phasis happens , when the Moon E being 180 Degrees distant from the Sun , and in Opposition to him , turns her whole Enlightned side towards us , who are placed betwixt the Sun and her . XII . The same Phasis happen to to the Moon , when she is in the Wane . The same Phasis also belong to the Moon in Decrease , according to her various Aspects to the Sun. For when by going back she hath reach'd F , she appears Gibbous ; when to G , Half ; and at H. Crescent-wise again ; till returning to A , her Enlightned part be wholly turn'd away from us towards the Sun. XIII . The Moon is more illuminated at the New , than at the Full Moon . The Moon is never less Enlightned than when she is at the Full , or in Opposition with the Sun ; and never more than at the New , or when she is in Conjunction with the Sun ; because when she is Full , only that part towards us is Enlightned : Whereas when New , she is wholly illuminated , that part which is then towards us being Enlightned by the Earth , and the other part that is turn'd from us , by the Sun. For the Moon doth not only borrow her Light from the Sun , but receives also some weak illustration from the Earth : Because the Earth being an Opake Body , must of necessity reflect part of her received Light ; and forasmuch as the Earth is bigger than the Moon , consequently more Light must be deriv'd from the Earth to the Moon , than from the Moon to the Earth . This is confirm'd by Experience , because this Secundary Light ; as GALILAEUS calls it , after the first Quarter quite vanisheth , by reason of the Moon being too far distant , and without those Bounds to which the reflected Beams from the Earth reach . XIV . The Moon is sometimes Enlightned from the Earth . We know likewise by Experience , that this Light is more perceptible when the Moon is Eastward from us , than when she is West . The Reason whereof is , because in the former situation , the Light is reflected to her from all the Continent of Asia , and part of Africa , which are more proper to reflect the Sun-beams , than those Seas which are towards the West . So that as the Moon doth at some times Enlighten the Earth ; so at other times again , the Earth Enlightens the Moon . XV. What a Periodical and Synodical Lunar Month is . The Moon performs her Revolution in 27 Days and about 8 Hours ; and this time is called the Periodical Lunar Month : And the time that intervenes betwixt the Conjunction of this Planet with the Sun , till the next Conjunction , is called the Synodical Month ; which consists of 29 Days , and about 12 Hours . Wherefore , when on a certain Day there is a Conjunction between the Moon and the Sun , the Moon indeed will return to the same Degree of the Zodiack , at the end of 27 Days and near 8 Hours ; but she will not meet with the Sun there , who by this time will be advanced 27 Degrees further to the East ; so that the Moon will be fain to proceed two Days longer before she can overtake him . CHAP. XXI . Of the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon . I. What an Eclipse of the Sun is . FOrasmuch as the Earth by its Annual Motition , turns round about the Sun ; and the Moon by her Monthly Revolution , is whirl'd about the Earth , it cannot be but that the Earth , Sun and Moon must sometimes meet , and be oppos'd to one another . Whence , if it so happens , that by the Moons intervening betwixt the Sun and the Earth , the Sun becomes obscured by her shadow , this we call an Eclipse of the Sun , because its Light is hindred from being diffused on the Earth . So that the Eclipse of the Sun , is nothing else , but a Failing of Light in some Region of the World , caused by the Diametrical Interposition of the Moon betwixt the Sun and that Country . Wherefore this Eclipse always happens at the Time of the Moons Conjunction with the Sun. II. What an Eclipse of the Moon is . But if the Moon come within the verge of the Earths shadow , and by this means be deprived of the Light it borrows of the Sun , this we call an Eclipse of the Moon . And accordingly , an Eclipse of the Moon is a Failure of Light in the Moon , because of the Diametrical Interposition of the Earth between the Sun and the Moon . For then is the Moon obscured by the shadow of the Earth , and it happens always at the Full Moon , or Opposition : Tho' this Observation be not perceiv'd by all the Inhabitants of the Earth ; but by those only that are in that part of the Earth , which is Diametrically interpos'd between the Sun and Moon . III. An Eclipse of the Moon is either Total or Partial . An Eclipse of the Moon is either Total , or Partial . A Total Eclipse is , when the whole Round of the Moon is cover'd with the Shadow of the Earth : Whereas in a Partial , a part of it only is obscured . IV. A Solar Eclipse may more properly be called an Eclipse of the Earth . Betwixt these two Eclipses we are to observe this considerable difference , that the Failure of Light in the Moon , is caused by the Interposition of the Earth , which really keeps off the Sun's Rays from it , hindring it from receiving its wonted splendour . But no such Defect of Light ever happens to the Body of the Sun , whose Light cannot be the least impair'd , because of the Moons Interposition between him and the Earth . And therefore an Eclipse of the Sun , may with more propriety of Speech be called an Eclipse of the Earth , the Defect of Light being only in Appearance in the Sun , but really and indeed in the Earth , which is then deprived in a greater or less degree of his Light. V. What the Head and Tail of the Dragon i● . We are to observe that , as the way of the Sun , or the Ecliptick , doth obliquely intersect the Aequator in the two opposite Aequinoctial Points ; so likewise the Orb of the Moon is not directly under the Ecliptick , but cuts the same in two opposite Points at Oblique Angles ; and these Points are called the Nodes , or the Dragons Head and Tail. For the clearer conceiving whereof we are to note , that the Ecliptick divides the World into two Parts , whereof that which contains the Northern Pole , is called the Northern part ; as that which contains the opposite Pole , the South part . This supposed , we say that the Dragons Head is one of the Common Sections of the Ecliptick , as well as of the Circle which the Moon describes , when she passeth from the South part of the World to the North ; and the other Section , by which the Moon passeth from the North to the South part of the World , is the Tail of the Dragon . The Orb of the Moon therefore , ABCD , doth not concur with the Sun 's Ecliptick AECF , but intersects the same in two places , at A and C. In or very near which Intersections the Sun and Moon must be , or else no Eclipse can happen . For beyond the Ecliptical Terms GHIK , there are no Eclipses ; because every where else the Moon is either too high towards the North B , or too much depress'd towards the South D ; so that where there is not a Conjunction , or an Opposition of these three Bodies , the Sun , Moon , and the Earth , at the New or Full of the Moon , neither Solar nor Lunar Eclipse can ever happen . VI. The Eclipse of the Sun ever happens at 〈◊〉 New of the Moon . Wherefore we see , that the Eclipse of the Sun can only happen at the New Moon , when the Sun and Moon are in Conjunction . For since the Orb of the Moon only intersects the Ecliptick at two Points or Nodes , she must of necessity be found in one of these before she can cause an Eclipse . And forasmuch as the Sun meets twice only in a Year with the Moon , in or at those Nodes , the Sun cannot suffer an Eclipse more frequently , than about every sixth Month. The Moons motion also from West to East , being not always exactly under the Ecliptick , but deviating something from it towards the North or South , and consequently not moving directly between the Sun and us , it is apparent that no Eclipse can be , but when the Sun and Moon are together in the Dragons Head or Tail , which , as I said , happens but every sixth Month. VII . The 〈◊〉 of the Moon ●●ppens 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 tho' not 〈◊〉 every 〈◊〉 Moon . Accordingly the Eclipse of the Moon happens , when the Earth a , being directly interpos'd between the Moon b or d , and the Sun c , doth by its Conical shadow I h i , hinder the direct Rays of the Sun from reaching any part of the Body of the Moon , as in b and d , or only from illuminating some part of it , as in e and f. The Eclipses of the Moon are only at the Full Moon , that is , whilst the Sun and the Moon are diametrically oppos'd in the Dragons Head and Tail ; because then the Earth comes between them , and by its Shadow does obscure the Moon . Yet it doth not follow from hence , that there must be Lunar Eclipses every Full Moon ; because the Moon having some Latitude , she is often at the time of her Opposition to the Sun , at a considerable distance from the Nodes , whence it happens that the Shadow of the Earth does not touch her ; there being no possibility of an Eclipse , except the Sun and Moon be in the Head and Tail of the Dragon . And forasmuch as the Sun cannot be there above twice in a Year , it is evident , that we cannot have a Lunar Eclipse every Full Moon . VIII . The Cause of a Total and Partial Eclipse . A Total , or Partial Eclipse is caused , when the Luminaries are in Opposition , as in the Lunar ; or in Conjunction , as in the Solar Eclipse , in or near the Nodes , or else at a little distance from them : For seeing that the Axis of the Earths Shadow is always in the Plain of the Ecliptick , it cannot be otherwise , but that when this Axis coincides with the Nodes , the Moon passing that way , or near to it , must be wholly dipp'd in the Shadow of the Earth ; but when more remote , then the Moon must be only in part obscured , as entring only into the verge or brim of the Shadow . And so likewise in the same manner , because the Axis of the Lunar Shadow , the Sun being behind it , doth then appear , when the Moon is in the Ecliptick or Node : Therefore it is necessary , that at that time when it doth not appear less than the Sun , it must cover the whole Sun , which otherwise covers only some part of it ; viz. when the Axis of that Shadow being somewhat turn'd aside from our Sight , a part of the Moon only comes between us and the Sun. IX . A Total Eclipse of the Sun happens very rarely , and when it does , lasts only for a Moment . A Total Eclipse of the Sun is a thing seldom seen ; for the Moon being much less than the Earth , cannot but rarely be so conjoyn'd with the Sun , as to cover its whole Round , and hinder the Light proceeding from it to reach the Earth ; but only so , as to cover some part of it with its Shadow . Besides , forasmuch as the motion of the Sun from West to East is very swift , she makes haste away from under the Sun , and therefore can only obscure it for a very short time . So that tho' we should suppose the Moon to be so conjoyn'd with the Sun , that his Light might appear to be totally intercepted ; yet could not the Failure of Light last above a Moment , seeing that in the next following Moment , some of its Light would be diffused from that part of the Sun's Body , which by that time would be got out of the Shadow . X. Eclipses appear various in various Parts of the Earth . Thus it often happens , that tho' a Total Eclipse be perceived in some part of the Earth , yet in other parts the same is only Partial , and in other again none at all . This will clearly appear in the Scheme or Figure , where the Moon a , being interpos'd between the Sun b , and the Earth c ; it is manifest that the Inhabitants at the Point d will be deprived of the whole aspect of the Sun , because of the interposition of the Moon ; they who dwell at the Point e , will be depriv'd of the one half of it ; whereas no part of the Sun will be obscur'd to them who live at f ; and the same is to be understood of all other the Inhabitants of the Earth , from whom the Moon turns away the Sun-beams more or less , according to their several situations . This acquaints us with the Reason , why a Lunar Eclipse is perceiv'd in one and the same manner , by all those that are in the same Hemisphere , and have the Moon above their Horizon ; but not the Eclipse of the Sun , which appears to some Total , to others Partial , and to others again None at all . XI . Why the Eclipse of the Sun never appears Total to all the Inhabitants of the Earth . For the Moon being destitute of all Light of her own , must needs be perceiv'd alike obscur'd by all : Whereas the Sun , being Lucid of it self , cannot appear destitute of all Light , but only so far as it is cover'd by the Globe of the Moon , which intervenes between the Sun and the Earth ; and forasmuch as the Lunar Globe is less than the Sun , or the Earth , it can no otherwise happen , but that some part of the Earth , to which the Moon appears equal to the Sun , or greater , must be depriv'd of the whole Light of it ; whereas others , to whom it appears otherwise , are but deprived of the Half , or of more or less of its Light , and others again enjoy the whole Light of it . XII . Eclipses of the Sun are less frequent , than those of the Moon . The Solar Eclipses are not so frequent as the Lunar ; for the Body of the Moon , which deprives us of the Sun-beams , being much less than the Earth , which deprives the Moon of Light , it cannot be otherwise , but that the Moon must more frequently meet with the shadow of the Earth , than our Sight meets with the shadow of the Moon . But this is not to be understood of the whole Round of the Earth , but only with respect to some determinate Part of it , as by Example , that place where we live : For otherwise there is no question , that every six Months Solar Eclipses happen in this or the other part of the Earth , and no less frequent than the Lunar Eclipses . XIII . How long the greatest Eclipse of the Sun lasteth . The Duration of Eclipses is not always the same . If it be enquir'd , what the greatest Duration of a Solar Eclipse is ; GASSENDUS in his Astronomical Institution , determines it to be the Space of about 2 Hours . For seeing that the Moon spends a whole Hour from the time that she hath made a beginning of the Eclipse , by touching the Western brim of the Sun , with her Eastern , until the time that the same brim come to the Eastern part of the Sun , and thereby make the midst of the Eclipse ; and because then only the Western brim of the Moon , is advanced to the Western brim of the Sun , which soon after it quits wholly : So that as soon as the Incidence ceaseth , the Emersion begins ; it necessarily follows , that she must spend another Hour , before the same brim can reach the Oriental part of the Sun again , and wholly quitting it , put an end to the Eclipse . XIV . Why the Superiour Planets are not subject to be Eclipsed . The Superiour Planets suffer no Eclipses , when the Earth comes between them and the Sun ; because the Conical shadow of the Earth cannot reach them . Yet those Planets that have any Assistant Stars , are subject to Eclipses by their Interposition , as is evident from Observations about Jupiter and Saturn . CHAP. XXII . Of the Fixed Stars . I. What the Fixt Stars are . THE Fixed Stars are so called , not because they rest without any motion at all , or because they are fastned to the Heaven , as so many Nails , but because , being seated in the Center of their several Vortexes , they always keep the same situation and distance from one another . So that the Fixt Stars are Lucid Bodies , consisting of the matter of the First Element flowing to the Center of the Vortex , and succeeding in the room of the Globuli that recede from thence , giving forth light from themselves , and much differing in Magnitude from each other . II. The Fixt Stars are higher than the Planets Tho' there seem to be an immense distance between us and the Planets , yet is the space that reacheth from the Earth to the Fixt Stars , much greater , because the Planets do sometimes hide the Fixt Stars , which they could not do , if they were not interpos'd between us and them , and consequently lower than the Fixt Stars . Moreover , forasmuch as the Astronomers have not as yet found out any thing , whereby to measure this vast distance , we may suppose it to be as great as we please . III. How the Astronomers find out that the Fixt Stars are higher than the Planets . That the Fixt Stars are higher than the Planets , the Astronomers prove from the Parallax or Commutation of our Sight . They conceive two lines , the one drawn from the Center of the Earth , the other from its Surface , or from the Eye of the Spectator , through the Center of a Planet , and reaching to the Firmament beyond it . That which is drawn from the Center of the Earth , will be highest ; whereas that which is drawn from the Eye of the Beholder is lower and more deprest , unless when they both end in the same Vertical Point . And forasmuch as the Point , in which the First Line is terminated , is accounted to be the true place of the Planet , and the Point in which the other line ends , the Apparent or seen place of the Planet , it is easily apprehended , what the Parallax is , viz. the difference or distance that is found betwixt both these places . Forasmuch therefore as there is no Planet that hath not some Parallax , the Astronomers infer , that the Region of the Fixt Stars is at a greater distance from the Earth than any of the Planets . For there would be no Parallax or change of the Sight , in case any Planet were as far from the Earth , as the Fixt Stars . IV. The Sun is the greatest of all the Fixt Stars as to our sight . The Sun is the greatest of all the Fixt Stars as to us , for that by reason of his nearness to us , he doth more strongly move the Luminous matter ; for there is no question , but that if the Sun were beheld from the Fixt Stars , it would not appear any greater than they do . Yea , GALILAEUS gathers that the Fixt Stars themselves , have greater appearing Diameters , their immense distance considered , than agrees with the common Astronomical Calculations , because if we take away their Beams , the Diameters of the Fixt Stars by this means become much less . V. Some Fixt Stars are higher than others . All the Fixt Stars are not placed in the Circumference of one Sphere , as some have imagined , by giving too much credit to their Senses ; but as the Sun hath a space about it , in which no Fixt Star is contained ; so likewise every Fixt Star must be supposed to be at a vast distance from any other , and some of them at far greater distance from us and the Sun , than others of them . So that the inequality which is discerned to be betwixt the Fixt Stars , will be as much from their greater or less distance , as from the greater or less Bulk of their Bodies . And tho' the Region wherein the Fixt Stars are , appear Spherical to our Eye , yet would it be irrational to undertake to determine any thing concerning the figure of any Body , whose outward and inward Surface cannot be discovered by us . VI. Why the Fixt Stars appear to be in the same plain . For it is notorious , that Bodies of equal bigness , by reason of their unequal distances , appear to be unequal . Now to suppose all the Fixt Stars to be in one Plane , is not so much as probable , neither is there any reason to prove it : for tho' they be at vast distances from one another ( which we boldly do assert ) yet will they seem to be in one and the same Plain , after the same manner as Planets , Fixt Stars and Clouds seem to be in the same Plain , yea , and to touch the very Horizon , because there is nothing interposed between them , and our sight , whereby we may judge of their distance : And I durst lay it down for a general Rule , that all distance vanisheth , where we have no Sense nor Judgment of the intervening Bodies . VII . The Fixt Stars shine with a Light of their own . The Fixt Stars have a light of their own , as we have shewed in the foregoing part of this Discourse , that the Sun hath , whom we take to be one of the Fixt Stars ; there being no other Lucid Body whence he might borrow his Light , in case he had it not in himself . And the same is evident also concerning the rest of the Fixt Stars , from the briskness of their Beams , and their vast distance both from us , and from the Body of the Sun , so that they cannot borrow any part of his Light. For we frequently perceive the Body of the Sun , covered with Spots , which like so many Clouds cover his Face , and by resting the Pressure of the Light , suffer only some languid Beams to proceed from him to us ; and this , as Historians tell us , hath sometimes continued for a whole year together , and hath made the Sun all that while to appear with a pale whitish Light , like that of the Moon : And yet the Fixt Stars , during this time , were never found to have lost any thing of their Light ; which must have followed in case they had received their Light from the Sun. VIII . The Fixt Stars are at too great a distance from the Sun to receive any Light from him . Again , that the Fixt Stars are of a fiery Nature , and like the Sun , shine with their own Light , may be thus proved ; because if the Sun should be viewed from the Fixt Stars , it would appear no greater than one of the least of them ; and therefore if the Sun were removed from us , as far as they are , its bulk would appear so much lessened , as scarcely to be conspicuous . And again , if we should suppose the Dog-Star , to be placed where the Sun now is , it would appear as great and glorious as the Sun now appears to us . Now this vast distance of the Sun from the Fixt Stars , sufficiently proves that it is impossible they should borrow their Light from him . Wherefore we must conclude , that the Light of the Fixt Stars , doth not at all differ in nature from that of the Sun , as consisting only , on their part , in the swift agitation of the matter of the First Element ; and with respect to the Medium , in the motion they communicate to the Globuli of the Second Element , intervening between those Stars and us . IX . Why the Fixt Stars twinckle . All the Fixt Stars do seem to Twinckle , the reason whereof is the strength and briskness of their Rays , whereby they strike upon our Eyes . Which appears from hence , that when we look upon them through a Telescope , their Twinckling is much diminished , the strength of their Rays being much weakned , by passing through the small holes thereof . Another cause of their Twinckling is , because their Vortexes , which on every side encompass our Heaven , are not perfectly round , but have irregular Surfaces , as may be seen in Figure 20 : whereby it happens , that whirling about their Centers , and acting upon our Heaven , the Rays of the Stars come to fall obliquely upon it , and by that means are refracted ; from which Refraction their Scintillation or Twinckling follows . The said Scintillation may also be caused by the agitation of Vapours and Exhalations in the Air ; as we see little Pebbles that lie without any motion at the bottom of a River , do seem to shake , by reason of the continual flowing of the Water . X. How it comes to pass that the Stars do not appear in their own places . For the same reason also it is that the Fixt Stars , are not seen by us in the same places , wherein they are indeed , but as if they were placed in the surface of our Great Vortex , which hath the Sun for its Center . And here they cannot appear in their own places , because the Surfaces are in a manner , never so disposed , that the Rays which pass through them , from these Stars to the Earth , do meet with them at Right Angles ; for when they meet with them obliquely , it is necessary , according to the Rules of Refraction , that they must bend a little , because they pass more easily , by one of the sides of these surfaces , than by the other . XI . The Fixt Stars seem to move . Tho' the fixt Stars are contained in their Vortexes , and always keep the same distance from one another , yet they seem to move , not only by a Diurnal motion , by reason of the Earths Revolution about its own Center ; but also by another motion , according to which every Star seems to encrease its Longitude ; ever since that time , when HIPPARCHUS 130 years before Christ , observed that the Fixt Stars had a motion like the Planets , from West to East ; having taken occasion for making this Discovery from some observation of TIMOCHARIS and ARISTILLUS . For when TIMOCHARIS , amongst other Stars , had observed , that the Spica Virginis , was almost 8 degrees antecedently distant from the point of the Autumnal Aequinox , He found the same Star to be only removed six degrees from the said point . From which observation he concluded , that they move by this motion about one degree , in the time of 100 years ; and consequently that the Fixt Stars also had a motion of their own . XII . What the cause is of this appearing motion . In order to the Explication of this appearing motion of the Fixt Stars , we are to suppose , that the Axis of the Diurnal motion of the Earth , doth not accurately keep the same Parallelism in its Annual Revolution which it had before , but somewhat turns aside from the same , after the running out of a great many years ; and tho' this Deflexion from the Axis of the Ecliptick be insensible ; yet the Earth , by this Reeling motion , in the space of many thousand years , is the cause that its Poles describe a small Circle from the East to the West . And since that according to this Hypothesis we conceive the Aequator of the Earth to answer to different parts of the Heaven , it follows that the Coelestial Aequator must also change its place , and cut the Ecliptick at divers Points , from East to West . And because the Longitude of the Fixt Stars is computed from that time , in which these two Circles are intersected , it cannot be , but that the said Longitude must seem to be encreased every hundred years . XIII . Why the Poles of the Earth are by little and little obliquely turned the contrary way to its Annual motion . This will appear more manifestly , if we suppose that the Declination of the Axis of the Earth from the Perpendicular to the Plain of the Ecliptick , proceeds from the Striate Matter of the First Element ( as shall be explained more at large in the sixth Part ) which coming from that part of the Second Heaven , which is 23 degrees distant from the Poles of the First Heaven , and passing through its Poles , doth incline it to so many degrees . But because that part of the Second Heaven , which is fit and dispos'd , to drive the Striate Matter into the Poles of the Earth , and by this means to sway them obliquely , is insensibly turned round from 1 to 2 , and from 5 to 6 , and so on , according to the trace of the Polar Circles 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , which in this our age , are 23 degrees distant from the Poles of our First Heaven AC ; whilst , in the mean time , the Earth , together with the rest of the Planets is moved in its Annual motion , according to the Succession of the Signs of the Zodiack from Aries ♈ to Taurus ♉ , and from Taurus to Gemini ♊ , and so on , by a contrary Motion to that of the Second Heaven , that communicates the Striate Matter to the Earth ; by this means it comes to pass that the Poles of the Earth are by little and little turn'd about , respecting those Polar Circles at this time , with an inclination of 23 degrees , contrary to the course of their Annual Motion : So that the Poles of the Earth , which were directed to the parts of the Polar Circles marked NO , are now directed , to those parts of them that are marked LM . Neither only is that part of the Second Heaven , which sends the Sriate Matter to the Poles of the Earth , and directs or inclines them according to the trace of the Polar Circles 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , swayed about , but it is also lifted up to the Poles AC , of our Heaven , and is again by them , in that wresting about , softly depressed . And this is the Cause , why the Axis of the Poles of the Earth I , doth now decline 23 degrees and 30 minutes , according to the magnitude , for Example , of the Line LM , or NO , from the Poles AC , of our Heaven , whereas formerly this Declination was of whole 24 degrees . XIV . The Longitude of the Fixt Stars may be unequal . Wherefore altho' the change which happens to the Longitude of one Star , cannot but be like to that which happens to another ; yet it is not necessary , that all the Fixt Stars together , should throughout all Ages obtain the same Longitude , since it is possible that this Reeling of the Earth , may be more sensible in this Age than in another . And therefore the Irregularity of the Apparent motion of the Fixt Stars , may be easily explained , by supposing , that the Reeling or Titubation of the Earth is not Regular ; and that in some Ages it deflects somewhat more , and in others less . XV. How the Change of the Declination of the Eclitick is made . We may likewise easily comprehend , that the apparent Ecliptick , must somewhat alter its declination , provided we conceive , that during this Titubation of the Earth , its Axis inclines towards the plain of the Ecliptick , somewhat more at one time than another ; for thus the Aequator of the Earth , determines that of the Heaven , in parts that are at such different Distances from the Ecliptick . Now this Reeling motion of the Earth , follows necessarily from its being placed in the Vortex of the Sun : For it would be a great wonder , if being plac'd in the midst of a Liquid matter , as it is , it should continue there many Ages , without admitting any change in its situation . XVI . Why the Fix'd Stars are not seen in the Day time . The Fix'd Stars are not seen by us in the day time , because the impression of the Sun's Brightness is so strong on our Eyes , that the Light of the fix'd Stars cannot make it self perceptible . The case is the same , as when our Ear being stun'd with some great Noise , cannot perceive any low or weak sound : Or , as a hot Hand cannot distinguish the less sensible warmth that is in another Subject . Yet doth not this hinder , but that a Man plac'd at the bottom of a Well , may perceive the Light of the fix'd Stars ; because there his Eye is not so strongly affected by the splendour of the Sun ; neither doth any thing hinder a Star that is above the Horizon , from freely transmitting his Rays . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Asterisms and Constellations . I. The Number of the fix'd Stars . THo' the Fix'd Stars be dispers'd throughout the immense Space of Heaven , and can no more be numbred than the Sand on the Sea-shoar ; yet the Astronomers have been pleased to determine a certain Number of them , which they have discover'd by the help of their Telescopes , as being nearer to us , and more in view . Of these they count 1022 ; which they have divided into 6 Classes or Ranks . II. The difference of the Magnitude of the Stars . The greatest Stars of all are called , Stars of the First Magnitude ; and of these there are 15. The next to these are called , Stars of the Second Magnitude , of which there are 45. After these follow those that are of the Third Magnitude , being 208 in number . Of the Fourth Magnitude , there are 474. The fifth Classis of Stars , are those of the Fifth Magnitude ; and of these there are 217. The sixth Rank or Order of Stars contains 49 , and are the least of all . To which , for the making up of the Number , 9 Stars called Obscure , are added , and 5 called Misty or Cloudy , because they can hardly be perceived . III. All the Stars that belong to one of these Orders , are not equal . It is to be observ'd , that all the Stars that are of one Classis , do not appear to us of the same Bigness and Brightness ; but in every one of these Divisions , there are some that are Greater , some Less , and some of a Midling-size , between both . For the Dog-Star is the biggest of them all ; and tho' the Lyre or Harp be of a very conspicuous Magnitude , yet can it not be compared with it ; and the same may be said of the others Orders or Divisions . For the Eye of the Bull doth far exceed the Lions-Heart , and the Virgins Ear of Corn. IV. How the Stars come by their several Names . To the end these Stars might be the better distinguish'd and remembred , the Astronomers have reduc'd them to certain Constellations , and affixed some Signs or Figures to them , according as they imagin'd them to have some resemblance or agreement with such and such Animals or things . V. The Number and Character of the Constellations in the Zodiack . The Astronomers reckon up 48 of these Figures or Constellations , whereof some are in the Zodiack , others without it in the Northern and Southern Hemisphere . In the Zodiack are 12 Constellations : Aries , or the Ram , express'd by this Character ♈ , as representing the Head and Horns of a Ram : Taurus , ♉ , the Bull , the Head and Horns of an Ox : Gemini , or Twins , ♊ , two Bodies , with their Arms and Legs twisted together : Cancer , the Crab , ♋ , the Claws of a Crab , with their Retrograde going : Leo , the Lion , ♌ , representing a Lion's Tail : Virgo , the Virgin , ♍ , resembling a Wing , or the folded Gown of a Damsel : Libra , the Balance , ♎ , the Beam of a pair of Scales : Scorpius , the Scorpion , ♏ , the Body and Tail of a Scorpion : Sagittarius , the Archer , ♐ , an Arrow , apply'd to a Bow : Capricornus , ♑ , the Head and Horns of a Goat , with the Tail of a Fish : Aquarius , the Waterman , ♒ , the pouring of Water out of a Pitcher : Pisces , the Fishes , ♓ , two Fishes tied together with a String . VI. Each Sign contains 30 Degrees . The Astronomers attribute to each Sign of the Zodiack 30 Degrees , tho' the Asterisms themselves be unequal , some of them being shorter , and others longer : For if 360 be divided by 12 , the result will be 30. VII . What are the most conspicuous Stars in every Sign , and first in Aries . In ARIES 3 Stars are most conspicuous , 2 in the left Horn of the fourth Magnitude , and 1 of the third , between the Horns ; which Tycho calls the Bright Star in the top of the Rams Head. VIII . What in Taurus . The most considerable Star in the Sign TAURUS is placed in his left Eye , being a Star of the first Magnitude , and is therefore called the Bulls Eye . Near to it are other 5 Stars , which are called Hyades : And those 6 , formerly 7 Stars , that appear on the Back of the Bull , are called Pleiades and Vergiliae , in the midst of which is a Star of the third Magnitude , commonly called the Bright Star of the Pleiades . IX . What Stars are in Gemini . There are 2 Principal Stars in GEMINI of the second Magnitude , whereof that in the North Head of the Twins , is called Castor ; as that in the South , Pollux . There is also another Star of the same Magnitude in the right Foot of Pollux , towards Orion . There is also one of the fourth Magnitude , called Propus , because it is placed near the left Foot of Castor . X. What in Cancer . In CANCER , scarce any Stars appear , besides one of the third Magnitude , near to the right Claw , and 3 others of the fourth , 2 whereof are most noted , whereof 1 stands towards the North , the other towards the South . XI . What in Leo. The LION is adorned with divers bright Stars , 2 whereof are of the first Magnitude . That which is seen in his Breast , is called the Lions Heart , or Regulus ; and that in his Tail , the Lions Tail. Besides these there are 2 other , the one in his Neck , the other in the utmost part of his Back ; to which , if the next Stars in his Loyns be added , they , together with those of the Heart and the Neck , will represent the Figure of a long Square . XII . What in Virgo . In the VIRGINS left Hand is an Ear of Corn , in which there is a Star of the first Magnitude , commonly called , the Virgins Ear of Corn. There are also other Stars of the third Magnitude , disperst all along the Virgins Body . XIII . What Stars are in the Scorpion . SCORPIUS , besides 2 Stars of the second Magnitude plac'd in the further part of his Claws , and 2 more of the third Magnitude in his Tail , hath another in the midst of his Body , called the Scorpion's Heart , plac'd between 2 Stars of the fourth Magnitude . XIV . What in Libra . LIBRA consists of 2 very bright Stars , which are called the Scales . XV. What in Sagittarius . In SAGITTARIUS are 4 Stars more considerable , which being plac'd on his Right shoulder , constitute a Trapezium or Table ; besides 3 or 4 that do somewhat resemble a Bow : Beyond the midst of which , there is another of the third Magnitude , which represents the form of an Arrow . XVI . What in Capricorn . The Chief Stars in CAPRICORN are 4 of the third Magnitude . There are 2 in his Tail that have a greater lustre than the rest ; and two other in his Horns , the uppermost whereof hath a small Star joyned to it . XVII . What in Aquarius . In AQUARIUS , the most conspicuous Stars are some of the third Magnitude about his shoulders , with 4 others about his right Hand ; the one whereof is , as it were , plac'd in the midst of a Triangle , constituted by the other 3. And there is another in his right Hand of the third Magnitude ; besides which there are many other of the fourth Magnitude , and more especially one at the end of the pouring forth of the Water , which is of the first Magnitude . XVIII . What in Pisces . The Constellation PISCES consists of many small Stars ; there being but few amongst them that are as big as those of the fourth Magnitude : And tho' these Fishes are at some distance from each other , the one in the Neighbourhood of Aquarius , under the Neck of Pegasus , and the other near to the Ram or Aries , under the Breast of Andromeda ; yet they are tied together with a kind of loose Riband , which is also adorn'd with several Stars of the first Magnitude . XIX . The Northern Constellations , without the Zodiack The Constellations without the Zodiack , are either Northern or Southern . The Northern , which appear in our Hemisphere , are 21 ; the particular account whereof here follows , beginning with that Constellation which is next of all to the Pole. 1 The Little Bear. And this is URSA MINOR , the Lesser Bear ; which consists of 7 Stars , 4 whereof represent a square Figure ; whereof the uppermost in the Neck of the Bear , is of the second Magnitude ; another lower than it , of the third ; a third on the Back , of the fourth ; and the last in the Back also , of the fifth . The hindermost and brightest of the other 3 , is called the Pole-Star , because it is nearer to the Pole of any other . 2 The Great Bear. URSA MAJOR , the Greater Bear , consists likewise of 7 Stars , whereof the 4 that represent a square , exhibit so many Wheels , and the other 3 , the Beam of the Wain , and the Oxen or Horses that draw it ; and therefore was called by the Ancients , Plaustrum majus , or the Greater Wain . 3 Bootes . BOOTES , the Herdsman , or rather the Driver of the Oxen , called also Arctophylax , the Bearward , consists of many Stars of the third Magnitude , plac'd in the shoulder , back and knees of this Figure . But one of them is more famous than any of the rest , placed between his Thighs , on the rim or edging of his Coat , being of the first Magnitude , and is called Arcturus . 4 The Dragon . The DRAGON consists of many Stars , but none of them greater than those of the third Magnitude ; only there are 2 in the Head of it , that are brighter than the rest . 5 The Crown of Ariadne . The CROWN of ARIADNE , plac'd at the Right shoulder of Bootes , represents a half Circle , compos'd of 5 Stars ; whereof 3 are of the fourth Magnitude , one of the fifth , and another of the second , which is called the Bright Star of the Crown . 6 Engonasi . ENGONASI , the Man , according to some Hercules , Kneeling , comprizeth several Stars all of the same Magnitude ; of which one especially is more conspicuous in the Head of this Figure , for its being of an equal size , with another Star like it , found in the Head of Ophiuchus . 7 Lyra , or the Harp. LYRA , the Harp , which by some is called the Falling Vultur , hath the most eminent Star of the first Magnitude , next to the Dog-Star ; besides which it contains some few other Stars , 2 whereof are of the second Magnitude . 8 The Swan . The SWAN is an illustrious Constellation within the Milky-Way , resembling the Form of a Cross ; and hath a very notable Star of the second Magnitude . 9 Cepheus . CEPHEUS hath his Head pointing to the Swan , and his right Foot standing on the Tail of the Little Bear. It contains but few bright Stars , besides 3 of the third Magnitude , one in the Right shoulder , another in his Girdle , and a third in his Right knee . 10 Cassiopeia CASSIOPEIA hath 5 Stars of the third Magnitude , over against the Great Bear , the least being in the midst of them ; 3 of these are on the outside , one of them being called the Bright Star of the Chair ; another upon her Breast , called Schedir ; the third near her Flank ; all which represent the Figure of a Triangle . 11 Perseus . PERSEUS is plac'd between the Feet of Cassiopeia and the Bull , the most bright Star of which Asterism , that on the Back , is of the second Magnitude . It hath also another famous one of the third Magnitude , which being placed in the Head of Medusa in the Left hand of Perseus , is therefore called the Head of Medusa , and the other 4 are call'd Gorgons . 12 Andromeda . ANDROMEDA is an Asterism under Cassiopeia , on the Left-side of Perseus ; very remarkable , because of 3 Stars it hath of the second Magnitude ; one whereof is on the Left Foot , above the Triangle , the other in the Girdle , above the Fishes ; the last in the Head , which is common to her and Pegasus . 13 Deltoton , or the Triangle . DELTOTON , or the Triangle , consists of 3 Bright Stars of the fourth Magnitude , one whereof is at the top , and the other 2 at the Basis of it , with another Star of the fifth Magnitude , near to it . 14 Auriga . AURIGA , the Wagoner or Wain-Driver , hath a Star of the second Magnitude in the Left Foot , where there is also another of the fourth Magnitude . But the most noted of them all is a Star of the first Magnitude very illustrious , on the Left shoulder , called Capra , the Goat . 15 Pegasus . PEGASUS , or the Flying-Horse , is a notable Constellation , by reason of a large square composed by 4 of its Stars of the second Magnitude . Besides which it contains other 3 of the third Magnitude , the one in the Knee , the other in the Neck , and the third in the Opening of the Mouth , which is therefore call'd the Mouth of Pegasus . 16 The Dolphin . The DOLPHIN , seen between the Constellation of the Colt and the Eagle , has 10 Stars , whereof 5 are of the fifth Magnitude : The other , except that which is in the Tail , do constitute the Figure of a Lozenge . 17 The Arrow . The ARROW hath 5 Stars , of which , that at the Point is of the fourth Magnitude . 18 Eq●ule●s , or the Colt. The COLT is nothing else , but as it were the shadow of the Head of Pegasus , in which are seen 4 Stars , all of them of the fourth Magnitude . 19 The Eagle . The EAGLE is considerable for 3 Stars , representing the situation or position of Orions Girdle . The 2 that are at each end , are only of the third Magnitude ; as likewise 2 others at the end of his Tail : The Star which is in the middle is of the second Magnitude , and out-shines the rest , being therefore call'd , the Bright Star of the Eagle . 20 Serpentarius . SERPENTARIUS OPHIUCHUS , or the Serpent-Bearer , is a great Asterism ; for its Head is near to the Head of Hercules ; its Feet rest upon the Scorpion ; the Head of the Serpent reacheth to the Northern Crown , and its Tail to the Eagle . It s greatest Star is only of the third Magnitude . Yet there is one of these that is very considerable by the right Ham , between the Scorpion and Sagittary , which in the Fourth year of this Century was accounted amongst the Great Stars . 21 The Serpent of Ophiuchus . The SERPENT of Ophiuchus , is famous for several Stars of the third and fourth Magnitude , in the middle Joynt of the Neck , next to that Hand in which Hercules holds his Club. XX. The Southern Constellations , without the Zodiack . The Southern Signs are 15 in Number , without the Zodiack . 1 The Whale . The first is the WHALE , situate under the Fishes and the Ram , having a vast wide Mouth , in the midst whereof is a Star of the first Magnitude , the Bright Star of the Jaw-bone of the Whale ; and hath another of the same Magnitude answering to it , in the midst of the Point of his Tail ; besides other Stars over his whole Body , of the third and fourth Magnitude . 2 The River Eridanus . ERIDANUS is a long and winding Asterism betwixt Orion and the Whale . The end of which , towards the South , is invisible to us . 3 The Hare . The HARE , besides other of the Stars whereof it is composed , hath 4 of the first Magnitude , and other 4 smaller ones in his Ears . 4 Orion . ORION is a Constellation , adorned with many bright Stars . Of these , 2 principal ones are in his Shoulders , 3 in his Girdle , which are called Three Kings ; 1 in his right Knee , and another in his left Foot , called Rigel . 5 The Great Dog. The GREAT DOG hath not his equal for Brightness , and is commonly call'd Sirius , as being supposed to Dry all things . About his right Feet he hath some Stars of the third Magnitude . 6 The Little Dog. The LITTLE DOG riseth before the Greater , and is , as it were , the Harbinger of his Rising . Besides the Star which is in his Neck , of the third Magnitude , he hath another Bright one in his Thigh of the second Magnitude , called Procyon . 7 The Ship A●go . The Ship ARGO hath but a few Stars that are conspicuous , except it be about the Mast . In its Helm is a very noted Star , called Canopus . 8 Hydra . HYDRA , the Hydre , a Water-Serpent , is a long extended Asterism ; for with its Head it toucheth the Claws of the Crab , and its Tail is near to Libra , or the Ballance . It hath a very bright Star in its Breast of the first Magnitude , called the Heart of the Water-Snake . 9 Crater , the Bowl . The BOWL , or Cup , is placed upon the Middle part of the Hydra , having some Stars of the fourth Magnitude , representing an half Round . 10 The Crow . The CROW is very remarkable , by reason of the Table in it , consisting of 4 Stars , whereof 3 are of the third Magnitude , and another of the fourth . 11 The Centaur . The CENTAUR , besides 14 visible Stars , hath others that are not conspicuous to us ; whereof 1 is of the first Magnitude , at the right Fore-foot of the Horse . In his hind Legs are 4 Stars , which represent a very remarkable Cross . The Uppermost and Lowermost are of the second Magnitude ; but the Right and Left of the third . 12 The Wolf. The WOLF , or Wild-Beast , doth with his Head reach the middle part of the Scorpion ; it hath no Stars bigger than of the fourth Magnitude . 13 The Altar . The ALTAR , or Censer , is for the most part hid from us under the bending of the Scorpions-Tail . It hath no greater Stars , than of the third Magnitude . 14 The Southern-Crown . The SOUTH-CROWN hath one very notable amongst the rest , of the third Magnitude ; and is the same which is called by some Uraniscus , or the Petty-Heaven . 15 The South-Fish . The SOUTH-FISH contains many Stars , and those of the fourth Magnitude , under the left Leg of Aquarius . In its Mouth it hath a Principal one of the first Magnitude , called Fomahant . XXI . What those Stars are that are Unformed . Tho' the Constellations of the Zodiack , together with the North and South , are reduced to the Number of 48 ; yet we are to know that the Astronomers could not comprize them all into Figures , but were fain to leave some in the Intervals of them , which they called Unformed , as being comprehended in no Figure or Image . XXII . What the Galaxy , or Milky-way , is . The Astronomers also make mention of the Galaxy , or Milky-way , which is nothing else but a vast multitude of thick-set Stars , that by their weak Light represent the appearance of Milk in a clear Sky , as the Telescope hath informed us . Whereby ARISTOTLE is convinc'd of a manifest Error , who suppos'd the Milky-Way to be a Meteor ; who yet therein is to be pardoned , because he wanted the Helps that we have to discern it better . XXIII . How the Sun , or any Planet , is said to be in a Sign . We are to observe , that when that the Sun , or any Planet , is said to be in a Sign : As for Example , in the Ram , or in the Bull ; the meaning thereof is , that it is plac'd under it , or that it intervenes , or is intercepted between our Eye and that Sign . For it is certain , that the Zodiack , and its Signs , are at a vast distance from the Planets . But this way of speaking hath obtain'd , because the Planets appear to us , as if they were in the Region of the fix'd Stars . For our unassisted Sight cannot discern which of the Stars are farther from , or nearer to us . Hence it is , that because we know that the Planets are nearer to us than the Stars , we understand them to be so placed , as to be between us and the Signs . But the Stars that are without the Zodiack are said to be in that Constellation , or rather to belong to it , between which and the next Pole of the Zodiack they are placed . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Influence of the Stars , and of Judicial Astrology . I. The sense o● the Question stated . IT is a Question frequently handled by the gravest Authors , Whether the Stars act upon these Inferiour Bodies ; and whether the Things that happen here on Earth do depend on their Influences . Or to speak more plainly , Whether the Stars be the Cause of those Effects we see in this Sublunary World ; or at least , contribute something to their Production . For the better understanding of this Question , it will be necessary to examine the Virtue and Power of the Stars , and thence gather their manner and way of acting . II. The Sun influenceth this sublunary World. There is no doubt , but that the Sun concurs by a real influx to the Production of Terrestrial Bodies ; yea , if we give heed to his Virtue , we shall find him to be the only , or at least the Principal Cause of all things that are generated in the Earth ; for the Growing of Plants , the Nourishment of Trees , the Ripening of Fruit , and the Springing of Corn , are all to be referr'd to the Sun , by whose Heat they are cherished , grow , and are brought to perfection . III. An Objection against the Virtue of the Sun. If you say , That many things happen in the Earth which cannot be imputed to the Sun ; as Cold and Moisture , which require a Cause distinct from that of Heat . For how can Heat be conceiv'd to be the Original of Cold ? Or , how can the Sun , who is of a fiery Nature , produce Moisture , since the Natural effect of Fire is to dry , and deprive a Body of all Moisture ? And therefore the Sun can only be said to be the Cause of some particular Effects . IV. Answer . I Answer , It is true that Cold and Moisture do not proceed from the Sun , as their productive Cause ; yet doth not this contradict their proceeding from the Sun accidentally . For as his presence drives away the Cold , and suffers it not to prevail on the Earth ; so his absence suffers it to prevail , and exposeth Terrestrial Bodies to its constriction . In like manner , tho' Moisture doth not descend from the Sun ; yet because the same abounds in the Earth , and that the Sun doth not always elevate the same into Vapours , therefore he may be said to be an Accidental Cause of it . V. The Sun is the General Cause of all Effects produced in the Earth . The Sun therefore is to be considered by us as a General or Universal Cause , which every where diffuseth its Beams ; yet it happens by Accident , that he illuminates one part of the Earth more than another : As it is accidental to Fire , that this or the other thing comes near to it , to be heated and cherished by it , or not . And hence it is , that all that variety , which we see in Nature , doth not so much proceed from the Sun , as from the various situation and disposition of Bodies . For the reason why in one part of the Earth it is Spring , in another Autumn , in a third Summer , doth not proceed from the Sun as a Special Cause , but only as a General , the Sun being always the same , and equally diffusing his Heat . For that it is now , suppose , Summer with us , by the Sun-beams falling more directly upon us ; this is owing to that Part of the Earth wherein we live , whose situation is so directed towards the Sun , as to receive his Beams more directly , at the very same time that it is Winter with our Antipodes , to whom the Suns-beams are obliquely directed . VI. The Planets contribute nothing to any sublunary Effects . I know that some Philosophers refer the Cause of this diversity to the Planets , as supposing Saturn to be Cold ; Mars , Hot ; Venus , moderately Warming ; Mercury , Various ; the Moon , Cold and Moist . But these I take to be no more than meer Fictions , since we perceive no Cold from Saturn , nor Heat from Mars ; and so from the other Planets : Because it cannot be , that we should feel or perceive any of these Qualities , but that at the same time all the other Inhabitants of the Earth must perceive the same , seeing that they are sensible of these Vicissitudes of Seasons , as well as of the Sun's Heat ; and therefore these Changes depend on the various position of the Parts of the Earth . As we see , that the South-Winds , which produce Warm Weather in the midst of Winter ; and North-Winds , which cause Cold in Summer , do not arise from the Aspects of the Planets , since the same Aspects are over the whole Earth , and yet we do not find the same Winds every where ; so that they proceed only from the various disposition of the Regions of the Earth . VII . The Fix'd Stars send down no Influences upon thes● Inferiour things . Neither do the Fix'd Stars seem to dispense any Influences to us here below , because their vast distance hinder them from producing any Effects here : For tho' by their Light they may put the subtil Matter contain'd in the Pores of the Air into motion , and by means thereof agitate other grosser Matter , which thereby may produce a sensible Effect ; yet because we know of no other Virtue that is in them , whereby they might act upon these Inferiours , save only their Light , we cannot attribute to them any Effects , besides those that proceed from Light : And forasmuch as the Light of the Sun is incomparably greater than that of the Fix'd Stars , we are to attribute all Natural Effects to the Light of the Sun , as the General and Primary Cause of them . VIII . The Fix'd Stars do not always Rise and Set at the same time ; and yet we find that the General Changes of Seasons in the World keep the same time . This Opinion may be further confirmed , if we consider that the Fix'd Stars do not Rise and Set now at the same time as formerly ; but because of their turning round from East to West , they Rise now almost a whole Month later than of Old : And yet the Seasons and General Changes that are in the World still observe the same Tenour , and correspond with the Suns Course through the Zodiack . For the Dog-Days , by Example , or that great Heat , which in old Times was perceived about the midst of July , still continues about the same term , neither is changed to the midst of August , at which time the Dog-star , which they make the Cause of its Heat , doth now Rise . Neither can we suppose , that 6000 years hence , this Heat will be removed to the midst of November , at which time the Dog-star will then Rise . Besides , if the Heat we perceive in Summer be to be ascribed to the Dog-star , how comes it to pass that at the same time the said Star is almost 40 Degrees distant from the Sun ? Since it might be rather expected it should display its Heat in the Winter , when it is conjoyn'd with the Sun , viz. about the 29 th of October . IX . The Cause of the great Heat in Summer . The Cause therefore of these great Heats is , because the Sun at that time sends down his Beams more perpendicularly upon us , and continues longer above our Horizon ; and forasmuch as this perseveres for some Days after the Solstice , during which time new degrees of Heat are still added , it cannot be otherwise , but that the Heat during that time must be increased . X. The Moon produceth no Effects upon the Earth . Neither doth the Moon , tho' she be so near unto us , produce any Effects here below . I know that several Effects are attributed to her by some ; as the Breaking or Splitting of Stones , and the increasing of Oisters , and other shell-Fish , at the Increase of the Moon , and their decreasing at the Wane of the Moon ; as likewise that the Bones of Animals , at the Full-Moon , are full of Marrow , whereas at the New they are almost empty . XI . What is the Cause why Stones are broken . But all these Effects may be with more Truth attributed to other Causes , than to the Moon . For as to the breaking of Stones , the same may with more Reason be attributed to the Sun , than to the Moon ; seeing it is certain , that some Stones , after many years lying expos'd to the Sun , have been calcined . And therefore seeing that the Sun's beams reach the Stones , as well as those of the Moon , it seems very reasonable that this Effect should rather be imputed to the stronger , than the weaker Agent . XII . The increase or decrease of Oysters , doth not proceed from the increase or decrease of the Moon . So likewise it is a Popular Error to imagin , that Oysters and other shell-Fish , are bigger and fuller at some times of the Moon , than at others : For tho' they are sometimes bigger than at other times , yet is not this to be ascribed to the Moon , but rather to Chance , because they have not had sufficient Food , or because the tossing of the Sea hath forced them to some Evacuations . This is apparent in those Fishes which are taken in the same place , and in the same day : For those which are caught in a Net , and immediately taken out thence , are fuller Bodied and better Fed , than those which having been long kept up , have lost much of their flesh by striving to get out . The original therefore of this Error hath been , for that some have taken that to be caused by the Moon , which was meerly fortuitous . And accordingly we find , that indifferently at any time some Oysters are found to be fat and full , and others lean and poor . XIII . The Cause why more or less Marrow is found in the Bones of Living Creatures . And the same may be said of the Marrow that is found in the Bones of Animals : For several who have examin'd the matter , have found that there is no more Marrow in the said Bones , at any one precise time , than at another ; but that the want or defect thereof sometimes is caused , by want of Food , or for that the Beasts have been tired by long Journeys before they were kill'd . XIV . What Judicial Astrology is , and of how many ●●rts . Astrology is an Art , which foretells future things from the motion of the Heavenly Bodies , and their Aspects to one another . And is therefore called Judicial , because from these it judgeth of the Events of things . Astrology is twofold ; the one is that Art , which from the position of the Stars at the time of Birth , judgeth of the Inclinations and Tempers of Men , whether they will be Passionate , Melancholy , Wise , Venereal , &c. because the Hour of their Nativity was accompanied with such or such Aspects of the Stars , which have a Virtue of causing the Gall , Melancholy , or Spirits to abound . The second kind of Judicial Astrology is that Art , which from observing of the Horoscope , judges of Future Events , Children , Manner of Life , Marriage , Honours , Misfortunes , Losses , &c. XV. Who were the first Professors of it . This Judicial Astrology was first cultivated by the Chaldaean and Babylonian Philosophers , who not only affirmed that they could Foretel Future Events from the Aspects of the Stars ; but also boasted that by them they could discover the particular Actions of Men , and the special Events of their Lives . But that both the one and the other of these are vain and false we prove as follows : Reasons against Judicial Astrology . First , Because the Astrologers had no exact knowledge of the Virtues of the Stars , no not of such as were most Notorious . Secondly , Because they were ignorant of the Nature of most Stars , which might variously alter or hinder the operations of those Stars they knew . Thirdly , Because no sufficient Reason can be given , why Schemes for Nativities are erected from the point of Birth , rather than from that of Conception . Fourthly , Because the Astrologers themselves own , that they have no Principles whereby they might be informed , that the Stars have such Virtues as they assign to them , and that consequently their Predictions are not any deductions from Premisses , but the Dreams of Idle men . XVII . Astrologers can have no certain Experience . Besides , how can they be assur'd of the certainty of the Events they pretend to guess at ? Not by Experience : For who will conclude that it will lighten , for Example , upon the Kings entring into St. James's Park , because once it hapned so ? Or that some King will dye at the Appearance of a Comet ; because it hath been found , that upon the Appearing of a Comet some Prince hath died ? And much the same Evidence the Astrologers have for their Predictions , since it is but once in many thousand years , that the Stars are found in the same position . XVIII . What happens to one part of the World cannot be brought as an Argument to prove that the same will happen in another part . But let us grant the Astrologers , that some Changes have been observ'd to come to pass in certain places of the Earth , under such Constellations ; yet can these only be of use to those Countries where they hapned : Seeing it is most certain , that the same Fair weather , or Tempests , do not happen to all parts of the Earth at the same time : For we see it Rain in one part , whilst it is Fair weather in another . And thus the Dog-star , which most suppose to be Hot by Nature , and to be the Cause of the greatest Heat when it Riseth in July , is notwithstanding a sign of Cold to our Antipodes , and to those that live in the South-part of the Earth ; because they at the same time that this Constellation Riseth , together with the Sun , and we feel the greatest Heat , experience the greatest Cold : Notwithstanding that it is then directly over their Heads , and sends down its direct Rays upon their Country . XIX . The Conclusion . Conclude we therefore , according as we have said at the Beginning , that the Sun is the General Cause of all the Effects that happen in this Sublunary World , forasmuch as by his presence he is the Cause of Heat , and by his absence of Cold ; and that all the rest of the Stars or Planets , cannot be the Cause of any Alterations in these Sublunary things . Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap. 1. G. 〈…〉 I Kip To the Right Noble Henry Duke of Beaufort Marquess and Earle of Worcester , Baron Herbert of Chepstow , Raglon & Gower , Lord Leivtenant of Wales and the Marshes , and of the Countyes of Glocester , Hereford and Monmouth , and of the Citty and County of Bristol , Lord Warden of his Ma t ys . Forest of Deane , and Constable of the Castle of St. Briavels , Knight of the most noble order of the Garter , Gentleman of his Ma t ys . Bedchamber , and one of the Lords of his Ma t ys . most Honourable privy Councell &c. a. to King Charles and King Iames the Second . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . The Sixth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . OF The Four Great Bodies , Viz. THE EARTH , THE WATER , THE AIR , and FIRE ; AND OF The Mixt and Compound Bodies , which arise from them ; AS ALSO OF METALS , and METEORS . CHAP. I. Concerning the Original of the Earth , its Parts and Figure . I. What the Earth is . THE EARTH is a congested Mass of the greater Particles of the Third Element , having Irregular Figures , and by Rest clinging together . II. The Formation of the Habitable Earth . But , forasmuch as by the Name of EARTH , we commonly understand the whole Globe which we Inhabit , it will be a fit place here to speak of its Original , and to describe how at first it might have been form'd , had it so pleas'd GOD : Let us imagine therefore , that it was made at first only of the Matter of the First Element , being like unto the Sun , tho' much less than it ; and that it had a vast and peculiar Vortex in the Center whereof it was seated . But that by the clinging together of the less Subtil Parts of the First Element , they were changed into the Matter of the Third Element , which gathering together produced dark Spots about its Surface , like to those that are continually generated about the Sun , and again dissolved . Upon the continual Dissolution whereof , the remaining Particles of the Third Element , being scatter'd through the Neighbouring Heaven , made there a vast Mass of Aether , which being afterwards greatly increased , caused the generation of more compact Spots , which at last wholly cover'd the whole Earth . Which Spots being no longer in a condition to be dissolved , and many of them lying heaped together , and the Force of the Vortex , which contain'd the Earth being thereby diminish'd , gave occasion to the Sun 's Vortex to swallow up the Earth , together with the Spots , Air , and all , which stop'd in ▪ that place where it now is . III. There are three Regions to ●e distinguisht in the Earth . Supposing the Earth in this state , we are to take notice of Three Regions in it : Whereof the First and Inmost I seems to contain nothing but the Matter of the First Element , which is there moved like the Sun , and much of the same Nature ; save only , that probably it is not so pure , because it cannot rid it self of that Matter , which the Sun continually casts forth , and of which Spots are generated . The Middle Region M , consists of a very dark and compact Body : For seeing that this Body was at first made up of very minute Particles ( as at first appertaining to the first Element ) joyn'd together , it seems probable that there could be no Pores in it , but such only as were so small , that they could only transmit those striate Particles with the other Matter of the First Element . And Experience witnesseth as much in the Spots of the Sun , which being of the same nature as this Body M ; save only that they are much more thin and loose , do notwithstanding obstruct the passage of Light , which could not be in case their Pores were large enough to admit the Globuli of the Second Element . For seeing that these Pores were at first formed in fluid and soft Matter , they would also without doubt be strait and smooth enough , not to hinder the Action of Light. But these two Regions of the Earth do not much concern us , as being conceal'd from us . The Third Region , is that out of which all Earthly Bodies are formed , as we shall shew hereafter : At present we suppose nothing to be in it , besides a vast Mass or gathering together of the Particles of the Third Element , encompass'd with much Heavenly matter , whose nature we may easily understand from the manner of their Primordial Generation . IV. The Formation of the various Earthly Bodies . From what hath been said , we easily apprehend , that no great Change could happen in the innermost or middle Region of the Earth ; but the External part of it , was capable of being formed into various Bodies . For at the first 2 , then 3 , and afterwards 4 , with many other different Bodies , were to be made out of it . V. The Uppermost Region of the Earth distinguisht into two Bodies . And here , in the first place let us consider , that the grosser Particles of this Third Region being thrust down below the rest , by the force of the Heavenly Globuli , this Supream part of the Earth , here marked with the Letter A , is thereby distinguish'd into two different Bodies , represented by B and C ; whereof the uppermost B , is of a loose contexture , fluid and pellucid ; whereas the undermost is somewhat close , hard and opake . VI. The Formation of the Third Body , between the two former . Again , because we find that the Body C was distinguish'd from the Body B , only by this means ; because its Parts being prest downwards by the Heavenly Globuli , did cling together , we shall easily apprehend , that it was necessary that another Body , such as is that marked D , must have been generated between them . For the Figures of the Particles of the Third Element , of which the Bodies B and C consist , are very different , and may be here distinguish'd by us into 3 Chief General Heads ; for some of them are variously divided and extended like the Branches of Trees , and these chiefly were those , which being driven down by the Celestial matter cling together ▪ and compose the Body C. Again , there are others that are more solid , and as to their Figure , are not all of them Round or Cubical , but of several Figures , like the small parts of Rubbish ; and these , if they be somewhat great , sink down below the rest by the force of Gravity ; but in case they be somewhat less , they continue mix'd with the former , and fill up the Spaces that are left by them . Lastly , there are some of a longish Figure , and without any Jettings-out like Boughs , but like long and even Sticks , which also mingle themselves with the former , where they find Pores or Intervals wide enough for them to enter , but do not readily cling or stick to them . Which being thus supposed , it will be obvious to believe , that when first the Branchy Particles of the Body C began to be entangled together , many of the Longish were intermix'd with them ; and that they afterwards , whilst those being still more and more prest down , became more closely joyn'd together , got up above them towards D , and there constituted a Body , very different from the two other B and C. After the same manner as we see , that by Treading the Earth , in Moorish places , Water is squeez'd out of it , which afterwards comes to cover the Surface of it . VII . The Formation of the Fourth Body . Now when some other Particles less solid than those of the Body D , fell down from B , they stuck to the surface of the Body D ; and because most of them were Branchy , they by degrees clung together , and constituted the hard Body E , very different from B and D , which are fluid . Which Body E , at the first was very thin , like a Crust or Shell covering the Body D ; but grew thicker in process of time , new Particles from the Body B , as likewise from D , joyning themselves to them . VIII . How a Space was left between the Third and Fourth Body . We are likewise to consider , that it could so happen in process of Time , that a great part of the Body D , might be wasted , by which means a considerable Space F , might be left between D and E , which could not be fill'd up with any other matter , besides that out of which the Body B did consist , the thinnest Particles whereof , easily found a passage through the Pores of the Body E , into those places which were quitted by other thicker parts , which came forth from D. IX . How Cracks or Slits came to be in the Fourth Body . And how it broke into several pieces . Lastly , We may grant , that many Cracks might be made in the Body E , by the heat of the Sun ; as we find that there are many Cracks in the Ground in Summer time , when it is parched by the Sun ; and that these Cracks grow greater and greater , the longer that the Drought lasts : By which means its parts at last did so loosly hang together , that it was no longer able to hold up as an Arch between F , and B ; but being broke to pieces , by reason of its Heaviness fell down upon the Surface of the Body C ; and forasmuch as that Surface was not broad enough , for to receive all the Fragments lying together , so as to keep the same situation they had before , some of the said Fragments were forced to lye shelving one upon another . As for Example , If we suppose that in that part of the Body E , which this Figure represents , the chief Crack or Slits were so disposed in the places 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. that the two Fragments 2 , 3 , and 6 , 7 , should fall a little before the rest , and the ends of the four other Fragments 2 , 3 , 5 , and 6 , before the opposite 1 , 4 , and V ; as also the End 5 , of the Fragment 45 , before the End V of the Fragment V , 6 , there is no question but they would be rang'd upon the Surface of the Body C , in the same manner as they are delineated , viz. so as that the Fragments 2 , 3 , and 6 , 7 , would be joyned next to the Body C , and the other four lye shelving on their sides , the one leaning upon the other , &c. X. ●●at hence was t●e Original of M●untains , 〈…〉 &c. Further , if we consider that by the Body B , and F , here , the Air is to be understood ; and by C , an inward very thick Crust of the Earth , from whence Metals are generated ; by D , the Water ; and lastly by E , the outward part of the Earth , which consists of Stones , Clay , Sand and Mud ; we shall easily understand by the Water arising above the Fragments 23 , and 67 , the Sea ; by other Fragments that are but a little leaning , and not cover'd with any Waters , as 8 , 9 , and VX , great Plains ; and by others that stand more upright , as 12 , and 94 V , Mountains . We shall also take notice , that when these Fragments by their own weight thus fell down , their extremities or ends forceably dash'd against each other , which made them fly into many less Fragments ; which made great Stones on some Sea-shoars , as at 1 ; and several tops of Mountains , partly very High , as at 4 ; partly Rising only , as at 9 and V ; as also Rocks in the Sea , as at 3 and 6. XI . T●e Earth 〈◊〉 a Round Body . As to what belongs to the Figure of the Earth , it may be Mathematically demonstrated that it is Spherical ; but forasmuch as Mathematical Demonstrations seem obscure to those who are ignorant in the Doctrin of Dimensions , it will here be sufficient to prove it to be so : First , Because its Particles are equally prest on all sides by the Heavenly Matter that surrounds it . Secondly , Because the Sun , who is at a great height above us , doth not enlighten all the Parts of the World at once , but first vouchsafes his Light to the Eastern Inhabitants , and afterwards to the Western ; in which communication of his Light he observes this proportion , that those who live 15 Degrees nearer to the East , perceive his Light one hour sooner ; and those who live 30 Degrees nearer , two hours , and so for the rest , observing the Proportion of 15 Degrees for each hour . Which could not be so , if the Earth were not of a Round figure . XII . The same proved from the position of the Stars . The situation of the Stars also confirms this . For those Stars which are about the North Pole are always in sight ; whereas those that are about the South Pole do not appear , except we move so far towards the South , as to be in the midst between both Poles : In like manner the Sun doth sooner Rise and Set to those that live more Eastward , than to those that live Westward , as appears by an Eclipse , which was seen by us at Midnight ; and by those that liv'd Eastward , not till after 3 a Clock . XIII . The Mountains are no Argument against the Round Figure of the Earth . Neither is the Inequality of the Surface of the Earth , by reason of High Mountains and Deep Valleys , and Proof against its Roundness : For the Earth is not Mathematically Round , as an exact polish'd Globe , but Geometrically ; inasmuch as all these Inequalities , compar'd with the Compass of the Earth , are no more an obstacle to its Roundness , than the unevenness of the Rind of an Orange spoils the Roundness of its figure . XIV . What we are to understand by the Globe of the Earth . By the Globe of the Earth , we do not only understand the Earth it self , but the Water also which covers a great part of it ; seeing that the Parts of both of them tend to the same common Center ; and because the Surface of the Sea is continuous with that of the Earth ; so that to those who Sail North or South , or Inhabit Eastward or Westward , the same Quarters of Heaven appear , or disappear . Which is an evident Proof , that the Surface of the Earth is not a level or plain , since those that set Sail do find , that the swelling Roundness of the Sea hides the Earth from them , and at last makes it altogether disappear . XV. There can be no exact Parallels upon the surface of the Earth . Accordingly GASSENDUS well infers , that no two Plumb-Lines , or Perpendiculars , are exactly Parallel ; and consequently , that no two Walls built by a Plumb-Line , are such , tho' they appear so to the Eye : For seeing that all Perpendiculars fall upon the Convex surface of the Earth , they must needs meet in the Center , in case we should suppose them to be drawn on at length , and consequently cannot be parallel . XVI . The Bigness of the Earth . Forasmuch as the Semidiameter of the Earth is a Measure , whereby we discover the magnitude and distance of the Stars ; we are to take notice that one Degree of a great Circle doth contain 60 Miles on the surface of the Earth : By which Number , if we multiply the 360 Degrees that are in a whole Circle , we shall find that the Compass of the Earth consists of 21600 Miles . Besides , we are to observe , that when a Circle is divided into 22 parts , its Diameter contains 7 of them , and its Semidiameter 3 and an half : So that the whole Compass hath the same proportion to the Diameter , as 22 to 7. Wherefore the Diameter of the Earth consists of 7200 Miles , and the Semidiameter 3600 Miles . XVII . Other Properties of the Earth . From the Description , we have already given of the Earth , it follows also that it must be Hard and Dry : For the Dryness and Hardness of any Body proceeds from the Resting of its Parts . As also , that it must be Cold : For seeing that its Parts have either but a very weak , or else no motion at all , neither can they be conceived to have any heat to speak of . It is necessary also that it should be Heavy : For seeing its parts have less Force than others , to recede from the Center of the Vortex wherein it is contain'd , they must needs be driven down towards it . So likewise it is Opake , and reflects the Light it receives ; by reason of the Interruption and manifold Windings of its Pores , not exactly answering to one another . XVIII . There are four kind of Pores in the inward parts of the Earth . There are 4 kind of Pores , that are found within the Earth . The First whereof are such as are extended in length , but with wavings and turnings this way and that way . The second are strait Pores , whereof some have a hollow Surface , but rough and rugged , and others smooth and even . The third kind are those , that run into one another , and whereof one has often communication with many other Pores , upon which account we may compare them to the Branches of Trees . And lastly , the fourth kind of Pores are such , as are somewhat like Screws . XIX . All the Pores that are of the same kind , are not altogether alike . But tho' we have here deduced all the Pores of the Earth to four kinds ; yet we allow that there may be infinite variety in one and the same kind , so that it may be there are not two Pores of one and the same kind , that are altogether like one another . CHAP. II. The Earth is moved by the fluid Heaven , that encompasseth it round . I. The Common People 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 World. THe Common People are not more obstinate in any Persuasion , than they are in that of the Earths Immobility ; for they cannot imagine , that that which is the foundation and support of all things , should be moved ; or that a Body of such prodigious Weight and Bulk should be carried about by another . Hence it is they believe , that the Sun and fix'd Stars are whirl'd round about us , and that the Earth rests immovable in the midst of the Heaven . Indeed our Eyes are not wanting to confirm this Persuasion ; for we see that the Stars turn towards us from the East to 〈◊〉 West , and that the Sun after the same manner 〈◊〉 approacheth to us . II. 〈◊〉 ●ust 〈…〉 to●●●t t● trust our 〈◊〉 . But we ought to remember , that we must not too much rely upon the report of our Senses . For in this case it is with us , as with those that are in a Ship , who think that the Shoar departs from them , when indeed they themselves do depart from the Shoar . For to make a thing appear as if it were moved , it is all one , as ARISTOTLE saith , Whether the Motion be in the Spectator , or in the thing that is moved . Wherefore neither must it seem strange to us , who are carried about with the Earth , from whence we see nothing but the Roof of Heaven , and the Stars in a manner resting in their several Stations , that they do seem to draw near , pass by , and depart from us , the motion of the Earth being most steady and even . This is the Reason , that whilst Men look upon the Earth ; they cannot conceive it to be moved ; but when they turn their Eyes to any other Object , with regard to which the Interval is either increased or diminished , then indeed it seems to be moved : But our Sight , or rather our Mind , is more apt to ascribe it to the thing seen , tho' it be at rest , than to the thing that is moved , which it finds to be at no distance from it self . But that we may not seem to assert this without any grounds , we will enquire , Whether the Earth in it self have any Repugnance to motion ; and if we find it hath not , Why should not we conclude that it is moved ? III. The Objections that are made against the Motion of the Earth . Two things are only alledg'd against the Motion of the Earth , viz. its Bulk , and its Weight . For they Object , that all the parts of the Earth tend to the Center , where they are kept by the force of their Gravity . As we see that Stones and Metals rest in their several places , whence they cannot be removed without force , by reason of the propension they have to the Center . But that this Reason is not conclusive , appears from hence , that round Bowls or Bullets , made of Iron or Steel , are by a small Force made to trundle along a Plain or Level . Stones therefore and Metals continue in their places , not because they strive to tend towards the Center , but because they are firmly joyned to the Bodies whereon they lye ; which Impediment is not to be found in the Earth , as being surrounded with the Fluid Heaven . IV. There is no inward Heaviness in the Earth . Besides , we know that there is no Inward Gravity in the Earth , seeing that all Gravitation is caused by the Heavenly Globuli , which drive Terrestrial Bodies towards the Center ; so that if we should suppose all the Space about the Earth to be fill'd with such Bodies , as did neither promote nor hinder the motion of other Bodies , and the Earth to be turn'd about its Axis in 24 Hours , all its Parts , which did not very closely stick together , would fly away on every side ; as we find that Sand , which is cast into a Whirlpool , is every way dissipated . And accordingly we may rather account the Parts of the Earth to be Light , than Heavy . V. The Heaviness 〈◊〉 the Earth cann●t hi●der 〈◊〉 Motion . Neither do I see what else can be understood by the Heaviness of the Earth , than a Quality whereby Bodies tending towards the Center of the Earth , have a tendency also to lye closer and cling together . Now such a Heaviness cannot hinder the Earth from being whirl'd about with the motion of the Heaven that surrounds it ; no more than a Company of Men , being in a Boat that is whirl'd round , could hinder their turning round , by their mutual embracing and holding fast to one another . VI. It s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 t● its Motion . Neither can the Bulk or Magnitude of the Earth hinder its motion : For the Bigness of a Body doth not deprive it of Mobility , which is a Property of all Bodies , and cannot be removed from them , except we should own all motion to be violent . VII . The Earth is tur●'d round ●y a year●● and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We must conclude therefore , that the Earth can be carried round by the Coelestial matter that surrounds it . For seeing that according to our Supposition , the Vortex of the Earth hath been swallow'd up by that of the Sun ; and that by this means the Earth hath been thrust down to that place where it now is , where it is surrounded with the Fluid Heavenly matter , always turning round , it cannot be otherwise but that the Earth must be carried about with it . This is clear of it self . Secondly , from the Nature of the Earth , which being a Planet , must not only be carried round by an Annual motion , in the surrounding Coelestial matter ; but also by a daily Circumvolution : For the Earth having formerly been a Star , may easily be conceived to have retain'd the motion it had before ; and seeing that the subtil Matter in its Center doth turn round , it communicates that motion to the other Parts of the Earth , and makes the whole to turn round likewise . VIII . An Objection against the Earths being a Planet . But youl'l say , What resemblance is there between the Earth and the Planets , seeing that it is the meanest of all other Bodies ? IX . The Properties o● a Planet do belong to the Earth . Yet for all this , if we consider the Form and Nature of the Earth , we shall meet with several Arguments to persuade us , that it is a Planet . For it is very like to the Planets in its bulk and bigness . It s figure also and situation prove the same ; for it is as round as they are , and hangs pois'd in the midst of the Air. So also like them , it wants Light of its own , and shines only with a borrowed Refulgency from the Sun : And lastly , It is subject to the same Appearances , Aspects , Directions , Stations , Retrogradations , &c. For to pass by its various Reciprocations with the Moon , whatsoever Mercury and Venus do appear to the Earth , the same doth the Earth appear to Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn : And as Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn appear to her , so doth she appear to Venus and Mercury . Wherefore since the Planets are moved , why may not we conclude that the Earth , forasmuch as it is like them , must likewise move about its own Axis , and about the Center of the Universe . How does it appear then , that the Earth is the meanest and most ignoble of all Bodies ; but only from that mistaken Opinion , that the Matter of Heaven is something that is Divine , and that the Earth is nothing else but the very Sink of the World ? What can hinder the Earth from being as Noble a Body as Venus , Mercury , or any other Planet ? X. According to Tycho's Hypothesis t●● Earth 〈◊〉 moved 〈◊〉 o● all . This Opinion will not seem strange to those that follow TYCHO BRAHE ; for upon examining of his Hypothesis they will find , that he attributes more Motion to the Earth than we do . For supposing the Earth to be immovable , the Heaven and Stars must whirl round it in 24 hours ; but this cannot be done , except that the Parts of the Earth be translated out of the Neighbourhood of those Parts of the Heaven which they touch ; and forasmuch as Motion is nothing else than such a Translation , we may well conclude , that according to his Hypothesis , a motion must be attributed to the Earth . Yea , if we consider rightly of the Matter , we must conclude that the Earth is more moved than the Heaven it self ; forasmuch as the Earth , according to its whole Surface , doth recede from the Body that surrounds it ; whereas the Heaven only removes according to its hollow Surface , which is very little if compar'd with its Convex Surface . And thus according to TYCHO's Hypothesis , there is an evident Reason for attributing a motion to the Earth ; whereas the Reason whereby he attributes Motion to the Heaven , and Rest ▪ to the Earth , is altogether uncertain , and forged by his own Imagination . XI . The Motion of the Earth produ●●th no diversity 〈◊〉 A●p●ct in the fix'd Stars , because of their vast distance . You 'l say , If the Sun has its position amongst the fix'd Stars , and the Earth be moved round it , it is necessary that the Earth must at some times be nearer to them , by the whole Space of its Orb , than at other times ; but the Appearances make out no such thing to us . To which I Answer , That this Difficulty will vanish , if we consider the vast Distance that is between us and the fix'd Stars , which is so very great , that the whole Orb , which is describ'd by the Earth about the Sun , is but a Point compared with it . Which tho' it may seem to be incredible to those , who are not used to consider the wonderful Works of GOD , and who look upon the Earth as the chiefest part of the World , and the Habitation of Man , for whose sake all other things were made : Yet can it not seem so to Astronomers , who are well acquainted with these things . XII . The Globe of the Earth is of an imperceptible Magnitude , when compared with the vast Compass of the Starry Heaven . From hence also we may easily answer the Objection of some Astronomers , alledging , That if the Earth were not in the midst of the World , the whole Hemisphere could not appear to us , or the one half of the Heaven , and especially of the Zodiack , which always contains 6 Signs . For these Men do not consider , that the whole Earth , compar'd to the Heaven , is of an insensible Bulk . Which thing PYTHAGORAS and COPERNICUS do not only affirm concerning the Earth , but also of the Annual Orb , compar'd with the Heaven of the fix'd Stars : For they assert , That 2 Plains , whereof the one being drawn through the Sun , the other through the Surface of the Orb , as Horizontal , would appear to meet together , because of the vast Distance : So that by that time they reach the Heaven , notwithstanding that they are terminated at Circles so greatly distant from each other , as is the Sun from the Earth , they will seem to end at the same indivisible Point ; neither doth the amplitude of the great Orb , hinder us from seeing the whole Hemisphere , and whole 6 Signs of the Zodiack . XIII . How it comes to pass , that this Motion of the Earth , doth not overturn Houses and Buildings . In the second place you 'l Object , That it hath been asserted in the General Physicks , that a Body which is turn'd round , doth endeavour , as much as in it lies , to recede it from the Center : How then comes it to pass , that Castles and Steeples are not cast off into the Air by this Circular motion of the Earth ? XIV . The Answer . It is Answered , That all the Parts of the Earth are on all sides prest down towards the Center , and hindred from flying loose and being scatter'd abroad : For the Heavenly Globuli moving by right Lines , or such as little deviate from them , drive with great force against the Earth ; and thus thrusting all its Parts towards the Center , hinder it from flying out towards the Heaven : For seeing that the Heaven , which lies between the Earth and the Moon , is much more swiftly carried about the Earth , than the Earth is carried about its Axis : And since the Particles whereof the Heaven consists , are most fluid and variously agitated in Right Lines , or approaching thereto , they with great force strike against the Earth , by which means all the parts of the Earth are comprest and thrust towards the Center . CHAP. III. The Earths Motion established by other Arguments . I. FOrasmuch as it is evident from what hath been said already , that the Earth of it self hath no repugnance to Motion ; and that neither its Bulk , or Heaviness , can hinder it from being 〈◊〉 about by the fluid Heaven : It remains no● that we superadd some Reasons , which have no● only induced our Modern Mathematicians , but also the Ancients , to favour this Opinion . But before I enter upon these Arguments , I would desire such as are free from Prejudice , to contemplate the vast extension of the Heavens , and compare the same with the small Bulk of the the Earth , which is so many Thousand times less : ( For even the Common Opinion admits the Circumference of the Firmament to exceed that of the Earth 50000 times . ) Next , let them consider the swiftness of that Motion , which we must necessarily allow to those high Bodies , if we suppose them to be whirl'd about the Earth in the space of 24 Hours . Which being attentively consider'd , I question not but they will be more inclin'd to think the Heavens immovable , and that the Earth by its Diurnal motion is turn'd round the Sun , than that the whole Universe is snatch'd round about it , with a swiftness that is altogether unconceivable . III. The Motion of the Stars is incredible . For the Mathematicians do allow , that the fix'd Stars are distant from us 14000 Semidiameters of the Earth . And since , according to ARCHIMEDES his Computation , the Semidiameter of the Earth consists of 859 German Miles , every one of which contains 4000 Geometrical Paces , or 20000 Foot , the Circumference of the Sphere of the fix'd Stars will be of 75592984 German Miles . And seeing all this Space must be run over in 24 hours , in 1 hour the 24 th part of it must be dispatch'd , that is , 3149066 German Miles ; in the 60 th part of an hour , or a first Minute , 52494 German Miles ; in a second minute , that is , the 3600 th part of an hour , 874 German Miles , that is , 3496 Italian Miles , or 3496000 Geometrical Paces , or 174900000 Foot , which is inconceivable in so short a Space . IV. The Earths Motion , proved by an Argument drawn r●m the Ptolomaick Hypothesis . A strong Argument for the Earths Motion , may likewise be drawn from the PTOLOMAICK Hypothesis . For according to it , the Heavenly Bodies are moved more slowly or swiftly , according to their Bulk ; they that are less in Bulk performing their Revolution in less time , than those that are of a greater Bulk . Thus Saturn , the highest and biggest of all the Planets , takes up almost 30 years in running through his Orb ; Jupiter 12 , Mars 2● and so of the rest , according as the Orbs they are to run over , are nearer or further from the Earth : But if we suppose the Immobility of the Earth , all this Order must be overthrown , since not only Saturn , but all the Intermediate Planets between him and the Earth , must be hurl'd about in 24 hours : All which things are contrary to the Phaenomena . V. The Motion o● t●● 〈◊〉 makes 〈◊〉 the ●●●uty and Order o● t●e World. But supposing the Earth to be moved , all these things are salv'd , and the comely Order of the Universe preserv'd and establish'd . Seeing that we may proceed from the Earth , to those Bodies that are more slowly moved , without any confusion , till we come to the Heaven of fix'd Stars . Or if any one should assert the fix'd Stars also to be moved , thence will follow another Absurdity , viz. that their Motions will be unequal . For some of them that are in the Greatest Circles will be most swiftly moved , and others in the least Circles , with a very slow motion , according as the said Circles shall be further from the Ecliptick , and nearer to the Poles . Now what can be more absur'd , than to suppose Bodies to be moved at the remotest distances from the Center , and yet to assign the least Spaces to their motions ? VI. I● the 〈◊〉 ●e immovable , there must be two contrary Motions in the Heavens . Moreover , all those who are of the contrary Opinion , hold , that the Determination of a motion towards one part , and its meeting of another Body , resting , or otherwise moved , are contrary to one another : Now supposing that the Heaven is moved , we shall find divers motions in it , one from East to West , and another from West to East . For the Heaven , according to them , is most swiftly whirl'd towards the West ; and the Planets from West to East ; which two motions are Diametrically opposite . Now , it is impossible for one and the same Body to be carried divers ways by contrary Motions : For if a Body be carried from East to West , it cannot at the same time be carried from West to East . VII . These Difficulties are removed by the Motion of the Earth . But what still more surpasseth our Apprehension is , How it is possible that whilst the Heaven is with such incredible swiftness hurl'd about , the Planets should in spight of it perform their Courses in a quite contrary motion to it ; especially seeing that their motion , compared with that of the Heaven , is very slow , and therefore may be 〈…〉 by a stronger motion . But by 〈…〉 a Motion to the Earth , all this contrariety 〈…〉 and we have no more than one motion , viz. from West to East , which way the Earth and all the Planets are carried . VIII . 'T is incredible that all the Heavens should be moved about the Earth , and that i● should be unmov●able . The great Force also of the Motion of the Heavens , asserted by the Followers of PTOLOMAEUS his Opinion , is a strong Argument to prove the Diurnal Circumvolution of the Earth ; for they must allow it to be so powerful , as to whirl about with it not only the Planets , but also the fix'd Stars . Now if it be so that all Inferiour Bodies are forc'd to follow the motion of the Highest Heaven ; and that the Element of Fire , and a great part of the Air , cannot resist its motion , how is it possible that the Earth that hangs in the midst of the Air , and is indifferent to Motion , or Rest , and surrounded with fluid Matter , should for all that alone remain immovable , and resist so vast a Force ? This , according to my sense , seems utterly inconceivable ; for by what Ropes or other Holdfasts , is it kept immovable in this Aethereal Ocean ? For altho' the Heavenly Matter be liquid , and doth not push against other Bodies , with as much force as hard Bodies do ; yet neither can it be denied , but that the motion of fluid Bodies , when determin'd to some one part , doth carry along with them whatsoever Matter is contained in them , how solid or compact soever it may be , except it be detained by some outward Force . As we see that great Stones , by the strong Current of Rivers , are carried along to a vast distance , except they be stopt by the unevenness of the Bottom , or some other Obstacle . Now all these Difficulties vanish by ascribing to the Earth , which is a very little Body , yea , imperceptible , if compar'd with the Universe , and unable to cause any Change in the World , a motion round its own Center . IX . It is 〈◊〉 contra●ictory to the Order of Nature . Moreover , what shall we assign to be the Cause , that keeps the Earth immovable ? Is it by some Force ? But where shall we look for this Force ? or what is it ? Is it a Natural Force , depending on the Divine Order and Constitution , setled in the first Creation , and consequently the ordinary Providence of GOD ? Or is it an immediate Hand of GOD ? It cannot be the ordinary Power of GOD : For the Order of Nature is this , that where Bodies that are near and far off , are hurried away by another Body , there also that which intervenes between those that are near and far off , must be carried about also , except something hinder it . Let us suppose Lines to be drawn from the Sun through the Earth and Planets ; by which Lines we are to conceive the Sun-beams to be diffused , according to TYCHO , that by them he may carry about with him the Upper and Lower Planets ; if therefore he snatcheth the superiour Planets along with him , must not he of necessity do the same for the Earth , which is in the midst between them ? Neither can this be said to be done by the immediate Power of GOD , since TYCHO himself never thought fit to have recourse to any such ▪ Power , for the making out of his Hypothesis . X. The Sun being the great Lamp of the World , it would be absurd to conceive i● pla●'d in a 〈◊〉 . The Light of Nature also seconds our Opinion ; for those Bodies are supposed to be of different Natures , which are endued with different Affections : Thus Lucid and Opake Bodies are distinguish'd in their Composition , because they have distinct Properties . Wherefore seeing that the Planets , of whose number the Earth is , are solid and destitute of all Light ; it is necessary that the Sun and fix'd Stars should continue unmoved , and that the Earth and the rest of the Planets , should move round him , to partake of his Light. For as it would be absurd to place a Light , that is to enlighten a Church , in some Corner of it , and not in the midst : So the Sun being design'd to be the Great Light of the Universe , by which other Bodies were to be illuminated , it was to be placed in the Center , and not in one of the Sides of it . And accordingly we must conclude , that the Sun stands still , and that the Earth , with the rest of the Planets , are carried round him . XI . The same Effects follow , whether the Earth be supposed to move or stand still . Besides , I cannot conceive what Reason some Philosophers could have , to maintain the Earths Immobility , seeing that the same Effects follow , whether its motion be allow'd or deny'd . For the Sun seems to us to run through the Zodiack after the same manner , notwithstanding that he rests in the Center of our Vortex : For wheresoever the Earth is , the Sun being look'd upon from it , will always hide that Sign , in opposition to which the Earth is placed . Thus when the Earth is in Libra , the Sun is seen in Aries ; and when the Earth passeth from Cancer to Leo , the Sun is seen to pass out of Capricorn into Aquarius . XII . Some Body must rest , or stand still , for to be able to judge of the motion of another Body . For seeing that no relation can be fixt between Bodies that are in motion , and it is necessary that some be moved , and others stand still , that we may be able to form some respect between them : The same Appearances happen to us , whether we suppose the Earth only to be moved , or the Heaven with the Circumambient Bodies ; forasmuch as by this means the Relation only of a Body moving and at rest , is varied , the same effect being indifferently produc'd by either of them , as to us . Now this being supposed , it will not be easie for any one to believe , that Nature , which always proceeds the most short and compendious way , should have chosen to perform that by the unconceivable motion of so many vast Bodies , which she might , without all that ado , have brought about by the alone motion of the Earth . XIII . The Air and Water are whirl'd about with the Earth . These and other like Arguments , which I might alledge , are sufficient , as I suppose , to prove that the Earth moves , at least to those who listen to Reason , rather than Authority ; especially if they consider , that the Globe of the Earth is turned round together , with the Neighbouring Bodies of Water and Air. For as the Water , as hath been said already ; so likewise the Air makes a part of the Terrestrial Globe , and may be conceived to have the same respect to the Earth , as the soft Down that grows upon a Body hath to it . CHAP. IV. The Objections answer'd , which by ARISTOTLE and others , are framed against the Motion of the Earth . I. Objections afford a greater Evidence , to discern the truth of the matter in question . AS Lucid Bodies , compar'd with such as are Opake , do thereby appear the clearer ; and as the Sun shines brighter , when newly got from under a Cloud : So I question not , but that this Opinion concerning the Earths motion , will appear more plausible by a Refutation of the Objections that Adversaries make against it . Amongst those who oppose this Opinion , ARISTOTLE is the Chief ; a Man of a great Wit , and fit for the Contemplation , not only of Earthly , but Sublime things : Who 't is like , had he liv'd in these our days , would either have been of our Opinion , or at least have better refuted the Arguments , which are brought to overthrow the stability of the Earth . II. Aristotle's Objection , drawn from the Nature of Natural and Violent Motion . The First Argument he brings against us is , That this Circumvolution of the Earth is not a Natural , but a Violent motion ; because it is repugnant for that to agree Naturally to any thing , that doth not agree to all its parts likewise . Now it is evident that the Parts of the Earth do not move so , for they are carried in a strait Line to the Center ; wherefore Circular motion cannot be said to be Natural to the Earth , and therefore much less to be everlasting . III. The word Violent doth not belong to Natural things . This Objection is easily answer'd , by saying , That the word Violent doth not at all belong to Natural things , forasmuch as they are indifferent to Motion or Rest ; and it is no less Natural for Bodies to be moved , when they are push'd forwards by an External Agent ; than it is for them to rest , when they are not push'd out of their places . It belongs only to our Will to suffer Violence , when any thing is done that is contrary and adverse to it . But let us grant that Violence may be attributed to Bodies , and that there are certain Inclinations in things , by which they prosecute the Ends they are design'd for ; yet cannot we conclude thence , that the Earth is moved against Nature , because its parts are moved downwards by a strait , and not by a Circular motion : For this is to be understood of the parts of the Earth , separated from the rest of the Globe ; and thus consider'd , it is not necessary that they should be in all things like unto the whole : No more than it is necessary , that all the Particles of the Earth should be round ; or every part of a Circle , make a Circle , because the whole is Round , and the motion of the whole constitutes a Circle : But only that the parts of the whole be moved together with it ; and like as the Globe of the Earth is whirld about in 24 hours , so all the parts that compound it , be in the same Space carried about its Center . IV. Nothing hinders , but that the Motion of the Earth may be Everlasting . Which Motion may be no less Everlasting to the Earth , than any other motion ; yea , and more too , if we attend to the Nature of Strait motion . For it is certain ; that the Earth cannot move for ever upwards or downwards : But what can hinder that a Body may move Round continually , supposing the same cause that produceth it at first , to persevere ? Wherefore , according to our Principle we are to assert , that no force or violence is to be found in its Nature ; and that it is no less natural for Bodies to move Round , than to move in a strait Line , upwards or downwards , or any other way whatsoever . V. The second Objection , from the Heaviness of Bodies . The Heaviness of Bodies seems of all other things to be most contrary to the Circumvolution of the Earth . For Heavy Bodies do from on high , fall to the Earth by a strait Line : Now supposing this Circular motion of the Earth ; how can it be , that a Stone let fall from the Top of a Tower , should fall down plumb to the Bottom of it , when in the mean time that the Stone is falling down , the Earth that bears the Tower moves many Cubits ; and therefore the Stone , in case the Earth were moved , would not light at the foot of the Tower , but a good distance from it , which is contrary to daily experience . VI. A S●●ne ●all●ng down from the top of a Tower , is carried by a twofold motion . This Objection , tho' accounted of great weight by our Adversaries , is nevertheless easie enough to be answered , if we consider , that in every Heavy Body , besides its motion downwards , there is another imprest upon it , from the Earth , whirling round about its own Axis , whereby not only it self , but the Bodies that are about it , are carried along . There is therefore a twofold motion in a a Stone that falls from a Tower , the one a straight motion , whereby it falls down to the Ground , the other a circular , whereby the Earth is carried along with the Coelestial matter that surrounds it ; and therefore it is not necessary that a Stone fallen down from a Tower , should fall at a distance from it , since both of them are carried about with the same swiftness , and the Stone cannot but fall plumb down at the foot of the Tower. For it is no contradiction in Philosophy for one motion to be compounded of a straight and circular . ARISTOTLE himself owns as much , when he attributes to the Fire a straight motion , by which it is carried upwards ; and a circular , in which it is carried about the Earth by the supream Heaven . A Stone therefore falls plumb down to the Earth , because with respect to the Stone it is all one , as if it were not mov'd at all , seeing that the Air and all the Bodies contain'd in it , ●are prest down by the subtil matter , and are whirl'd about together with the Terrestrial Globe . This is proved by a Stone falling from the Mast of a Ship , which whether it move , or stand still , the Stone ever falls down in the same place . The reason whereof is plainly this , because the Stones motion downwards , which it derives from the Coelestial matter , is accompanied with a Lateral motion , communicated to it by the Ship , which is swiftly driven along . And consequently it is not strange at all , that it falls down perpendicularly , because the Stone moves as much forwards as the Earth , and consequently one and the same point of the Earth ever answers to the Stone , and therefore upon it the Stone must needs fall . VII . The motion of a Stone falling down is not straight , but according to a Parabolical ●ine . Tho' indeed to speak exactly concerning these things , we must own , that heavy Bodies do not fall downwards by a Right , or Perpendicular Line to the surface of the Earth , but by a kind of Transverse or Crooked , called a Parabolical Line : and the Reason why the motion of a Stone appears to be Right and Perpendicular , is , because the Eye doth not perceive that motion whereby it self is moved , and which is common to it with the Stone , but only that motion which proceeds from the Action of Gravitation , or which is imprest upon the Stone , by him that casts it . VIII . A Third Objection from the Shot of a Gun. Against this Solution it may be , will be urged an Argument taken from the Shot discharged out of Great Guns , viz. how it comes to pass , the Earth being moved about its own Center , that a Bullet discharged from the East , should not move more slowly than another that is discharged from a like Gun , and an equal quantity of Powder from the West ? For if the Earth be carried from West to East , it must necessarily follow that the Bullet discharged from the West , must much exceed the swiftness of the other , as being assisted and promoted by the Circumvolution of the Earth the same way ; whereas the other is as much obstructed by the same , because it moves a quite contrary way . IX . The Answer . I Answer in the First Place , that when a Bullet is discharged towards the West , as much as the Earth moves towards the East , so much is the Bullet also driven back that way , by the common motion of the Vortex : and on the contrary , when a Bullet is discharged towards the East , as much as the Earth hasts the same way , so much is the Bullet retarded by the Vortex of the Earth . X. A common or general motion is no obstacle to particular motions . I Answer in the Second Place , that the motion of the Earth which is common to it with the Air , and other Bodies contained in it , doth neither hinder nor promote the motions of particular Bodies ; and consequently , that all things happen in the same manner , as if the motion of the Earth were not determined to any certain part . As is manifest from this Example . Suppose we , a Boat to be driven with great swiftness to some particular Region , and one part thereof to be full of Water , in which two Fishes are swiming , the one from the East to the West , and the other from West to East ; no body will imagine , that that Fish whose motion conspires with that of the Boat , will therefore move faster than the other . For it is certain , that which way soever they move , it will be with equal swiftness , as if the Boat were not moved at all . Thus the motion of the Earth from West to East , is no hinderance at all to those Bodies that move the contrary way . Yea the motion being common , it s the very same , as if there were none at all . XI . The motion of a Bullet discharged from a Gun , compared with the motion of Fishes in a Boat. For as these Fishes , besides the motion they have from their Animal Spirits , whereby they are carried which way they please , have also a motion imprest upon them from the Boat : In like manner a Bullet , besides that motion communicated to it by the Gunpowder , which carries it straight forward , hath another motion imprest upon it by the Earth , whereby it is whirl'd about in the same swiftness with it from West to East , and therefore runs through the same spaces as if there were no motion at all in the Earth . XII . A fourth Objection from the Nature of the Winds . Others again raise this Objection against the motion of the Earth : Supposing the circumvolution of the Earth , say they , there would always be a sensible Breez of Wind upon the Surface of it , as we perceive when we ride on Horseback , we are sensible of a kind of a Breez of Wind coming against our Faces , because the motion of the Horse exceeds the motion that is in the Air. Accordingly what a strong Breez of Wind ought we to feel , if with so swift a whirling about , as that of the Earth is supposed to be , we should run against the opposing Air ? Wherefore seeing we find nothing of this , we have reason to conclude , that there is no such motion at all . Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap ● G. 〈◊〉 I. Kip ● XIV . A Fifth Objection from Holy Scripture . The Authorities taken from Scripture seem to be of more force against this Opinion : For the Scripture in may places attributes stability to the Earth , and to the Sun a motion from East to West , as in the 1 st Chapter of Ecclesiastes , where it is said , The Sun ariseth , and goeth down , and hasteth to his place where he arose . And in the Book of Joshua it is reported for a Miracle , that the Sun stood still at the Prayer of Joshua , when he said , Chap. 10. 12. Sun , stand thou still upon Gibeon . Now this would not have been a Prodigy , if the Sun had always stood still in the midst of the World , and the Earth had whirl'd about it ; for if so , it had been more proper for Joshua to have said , Earth , be not thou moved . XV. The Scripture in may places accommodates it self to our manner of conceiving of things . To which I Answer , That it is generally owned , that the Scripture speaks of things according to the manner of men , that is , our way of conceiving them . As when the Scripture speaks of the Ends and Foundations of the Earth , neither of which do properly belong to it . In like manner , when it attributes to the Sea , an Abyss of an unmeasurable depth , with other various Affections and Motions , which it hath not . Thus likewise it is said in the 1 st . Chapter of Genesis , that God made two Great Lights , the Greater to rule the Day , and the Lesser to rule the Night . Which can only be understood as to outward appearance , and not according to exact Truth . Because the Sun and Moon are not the greatest Lights , espeally not the Moon , for Saturn and any of the Fixt Stars are greater than it . Neither can the Moon be called absolutely the least Light , seeing that Mercury is much less . And therefore we must conclude , that the Scripture calls them so , only because they appear so to us , and are accounted so according to vulgar opinion . And upon the same account it is , that the Earth in Scripture is said to stand still , and the Heaven to move about it ; because , as to our sight , the Earth seems rather to stand still , and the Sun to be whirl'd about it , than the contrary . The same thing happening to us in this case , as to those that Sail , to whom the Shoars seem to withdraw , tho' indeed they withdraw or depart from the Shoar . When therefore Joshua said , Sun , stand thou still , this is not to be understood , as if the Sun then had been stopt in his motion , and made to stand still ; but only that the Light of the Sun , at Joshua's Prayer , continued without change , by which means the Body of the Sun seem'd to stand . XVI . The Objection farther urged from Scripture . If it be urged , that this Explication cannot be admitted , forasmuch as in many other places of Holy Scripture the stability of the Earth is plainly asserted : As in the 92 d. Psalm , The Earth is established , that it cannot be moved , and the 1 st . of Ecclesiastes , One Generation passeth away , and another cometh , but the Earth standeth for ever . For how can the Earth be said to stand fast for ever , when indeed it is continually in motion ? XVII . The Objection answered . I Answer , that these places are not so to be understood , as if the Earth were immoveable , and did not turn about its own Axis , but only that there is such a firm and indissoluble union of its parts , that it continues the same , notwithstanding the perpetual generation and corruption of Animals , Plants , and other things that are upon it . So as that passage of the Poet may be attributed to the Earth . The same that our Progenitors did see , The same is now , and still shall be . And that this is the genuine sense of this place , plainly appears from the foregoing words , one Generation passeth away , and another cometh . As if it had been said ; tho' the Earth , according to some of his parts , be changed by means of Generation and Corruption , yet it standeth for ever , that is , it always continues in the same state : Much after the same manner as a Ship is said to continue the same , though it hath been often repaired , and several new Parts put instead of the old and decayed . CHAP. V. Concerning Day and Night , and the Vicissitudes of Seasons . I. What a Natural and Artificial Day is . A Day is commonly taken by Philosophers for the stay of the Sun above the Horizon : In which sense it is opposed to Night , which is the abode of the Sun under the Horizon . Or else a Day is taken for that Duration in which the Sun is conceived to run round the whole Earth . The Astronomers call the former of these an Artificial , and the later a Natural Day , as containing both the Artificial Day and Night . II. A Natural Day is either Astronomical or Civil . A Natural Day , is either Astronomical or Civil . An Astronomical Day is that space of time , wherein the whole Revolution of the Aequator is absolved , together with that portion of the Aequator , which answers to that part of the Ecliptick , which the Sun in the same time is understood to run through . The Civil Day , is that which is determined as to its Beginning and Ending , according to the custom of particular Cities or Nations . Thus the Italians begin their Day from Sun set ; the Babylonians from the Rising of the Sun ; the Umbrians from Noon ; the Romans from Midnight , &c. III A Year , which consists of Days and Nights , is that time , wherein the Sun runs through the whole Ecliptick , or all the Signs of the Zodiack ; which it doth in 365 days , 5 hours and 49 minutes : Which form of the Year , that it might be observed throughout the whole Roman Empire , Julius Caesar appointed that the 5 hours , with the 49 minutes , which the Year contained over and above the 365 days , should every fourth Year 〈◊〉 one Day , which should then consist of 3●6 Days . IV. But forasmuch as these 20 hours with their minutes could not make up a whole Day , it was so ordered that those minutes which were added to every Year , over and above the due length of it , by process of time were so increased , as by exact computation to amount to 10 days . And consequently also the Vernal Aequinox had changed its place , so as that the Sun , which entred Aries at the beginning of Christianity , on the 21 st day of March , did about 1500 years after , enter the same about the 11 th . day . To remedy which error , Pope Gregory XIII . restored the Aequinox to its former Seat , and by taking away 10 days , made it to return to the 21 st of March again . Which is the Reason why we here in England , not receiving this Reformation of the Kalender , differ 10 days from the account of others ; so that when in France it is the 11 th . day of March , it is no more than the 1 st . day with us , and so on . V. A threefold Revolution of the Earth . Forasmuch as the Diversity of the Days , Nights and Seasons of the Year , are consequent upon the motion of the Earth ; we are to take notice of a threefold motion in the Earth , viz. A Diurnal , Annual , and Motion of Inclinations . VI. The Diurnal motion of the Earth . The Diurnal motion , is that whereby the Earth is whirl'd about from West to East , in the space of 24 hours . This motion , according to our Hypothesis , doth not properly belong to the Earth , but to the fluid matter , in the midst whereof the Earth being poised , is together with the Atmosphere , carried about , not by a motion of its own , but of the Fluid Heaven that surrounds it : so that according to DES CARTES his Opinion , motion doth not properly belong to the Earth , but to the little Vortex which carries the Earth round with it self . VII . The Annual . The Annual motion , is that whereby the Earth runs through the Ecliptick in a years time ; which motion is also imparted to it by the Fluid matter , whereby it is pois'd , which being whirl'd round by the force of the Solar matter , doth necessarily carry about with it all the Bodies that Swim , or are poised in it . The Earth therefore being carried about the Sun , between the Orbs of Venus and Mars , runs through the 12 Signs of the Zodiack in a years time . Now how the Earth can , besides its turning round , about its own Axis , perform a circuit about the Sun , we may learn by the Example of a Top , which turning round upon your Hand , may by you in the mean time be carried round a Tree , without hindring the motion of it about its own Center . VIII . The Earths motion of Inclination . The motion of Inclination or Declination of the Earth , is the Deflexion of its Axis , from a Parallelism with the Axis of the Ecliptick , and ever keeping it so in every Situation , that it may always continue Parallel to the Axis of the World. So that indeed this motion , is not so much a distinct motion from the foregoing motions , as a certain modification of them ; for whilst the Earth absolves its Diurnal and Annual motion , it always hath its Poles directed to the same parts of Heaven . IX . This threefold Motion of the ●arth explained . These three motions of the Earth will be apprehended without difficulty , by comparing the two former to a Bowl delivered out of ones Hand , and rowling along the ground : and the third to a Flag fixt to the Mast of a Ship , but so , as to be able to turn round , in which Flag we suppose the Globe of the Earth to be painted , with its Axis , not placed right upwards , but somewhat leaning on one side , parallel with the Axis of the Terrestrial Globe . Now suppose a Ship , in which a Most and Flag is , were to sail round some Castle or Fort , a strong South Wind blowing , it is manifest that this moveable Flag on the top of the Mast , would not turn about with the Ship , but by the force of the Wind , would be always directed towards the North , together with the Axis painted in it . So that by that time the Ship , pursuing its course , had performed one round , about the Fort , the Flag also would have perform'd one round , about the Iron Pin to which its fastned , contrary to the motion of the Ship ; the Axis of the painted Globe of the Earth being still directed towards the same part of Heaven . X. The Great Orb , is but a Point in comparison with the fix'd Stars . The Orb , whose middle Line the Earth , by its Annual motion describes , is called the Great Orb , which with regard to the fix'd Stars is but like a Point , according to our Hypothesis , so great is the distance between the fix'd Stars and the Earth ; and therefore 't is all one , whether the Stars be viewed from the Center of this Great Orb , or from the Circumference . And thus much will be readily admitted by those who consider how rash a thing it is , to define the Works of GOD to be less August and Ample , than indeed they are ; and especially if we consider , that the Appearances can no other way be explained ; neither doth Reason oppose it , seeing that the whole Earth is but a Point , compar'd with the Sun : Which ls prov'd by this Instance , because the Sun seems to move about a Round Sun-Dial placed upon the Surface of the Earth , after the same manner as it Rolls about the Earth ; which shews , that the Diameter of the Earth is of no account in this case . XI . The Pole of the Earth declines 23 Degrees from the Pole of the Ecliptick . It is to be noted also , that the Axis about which the Earth , in a Days time , turns round , is not perpendicularly raised above the Plain of the Ecliptick , in the which , in a years time , it is whirl'd about the Sun ; but declines above 23 Degrees from a Perpendicular . The reason whereof is , because the striate Matter of the first Element , which enters into the Poles of the Earth , near to the Poles of its Axis , coming from that part of the Vortexes which constitute the second Heaven , doth in this manner inflect or turn it aside : The other Parts of the Earth having not their Pores so dispos'd , that other subtil Matter , coming from other parts of Heaven , should enter into them , and turn it another way . XII . Without the Motion of Inclination , there could be 〈◊〉 difference of Seasons . The Necessity of the Motion of the Axis of the Earth appears from hence , that without it there would be no inequality of Days and Nights , but the Inhabitants of the same place would always have the same length of Days and Nights , and the same constitution of the four Seasons of the Year ; that is , some would have all the year , Winter , others Summer , others Autumn , and others Spring . Wherefore it is of absolute necessity to admit the motion of Inclination , to salve the Appearances , and to make all things agree in Harmony . XIII . How Days and Nights come to be . Forasmuch therefore as the Earth is a great Spherical Body , and at a great distance from the Sun , its whole extension cannot be enlightned at once , but only one half of it ; and therefore when the Earth is once carried about its Axis AB in the space of 24 Hours , it makes the same part of the Earth , when turn'd toward the Sun , to enjoy Day-light ; and when turn'd away from him , to have Night . For Day is said to be in that Part of the Earth , which being turn'd to the Sun , receives its Rays ; and Night in that Part , which being turn'd from the Sun , cannot immediately receive them . And therefore it is no wonder , if the Parts of Heaven seem to arise and go down ; because by the Revolution of the Earth they are gradually discovered , and seem in order to approach towards us ; and on the opposite side to set and vanish . XIV . W●●n●e the diversity of Seasons of the Year ari●●th . And because the Axis of the Earth AB , ( as hath been said already ) about which its Diurnal Revolution is performed , doth at present decline almost 23 Degrees from the Perpendicular 1 , 6 of the Ecliptick , in which the Earth in a Years time performs his Course ▪ round the Sun ; it so is , that the Earth , in various parts of its Orb , by objecting these two Poles of the inclined Axis , more or less , turned to or from the Sun , and exposing its several parts , sometimes for a longer , at other times for a shorter Space to the Sun , doth by this means produce the different Season's of the Year , and the Inequality of Days and Nights . So that that part of the Earth which hath its Axis more inclin'd towards the Sun , enjoys Summer , as admitting the more direct Rays of the Sun , and consequently stronger and hotter : Whereas in that part which hath its Axis more turn'd away from the Sun , it is Winter , because it receives the Rays of the Sun more obliquely , and consequently more scatter'd and less agitated . And that part which continues longer turn'd toward the Sun , enjoys longer Days ; as that which is for a less time illustrated by the Sun , has shorter Days . XV. There are ●our Signs , to which w●●n the Earth app●o●c●e●h , 〈◊〉 produceth the different Seasons of the Year . This will appear more manifest , by shewing how the Seasons come to be , and how it happens that with some Inhabitants of the Earth it is Spring , with others Summer , with others Autumn , and with others Winter . Let us place therefore 4 Points , Libra ♎ , Capricorn ♑ , Aries ♈ , and Cancer ♋ , as Centers , or 4 Equal Circles , that may represent the Earth to us , placed there at divers Seasons ; the Earth with its Center running through the whole Circumference of Libra , Capricorn , Aries and Cancer in a years time , from West to East , according to the Order of the Signs . XVI . How Spring c ●m●s t● be . For it is manifest , that the Earth being placed in the Point of Libra ♎ , at the same time that the Sun is in the opposit Sign of ♈ , Spring time begins with us , who inhabitate the North parts of the Earth ; because the North Pole of the Earth A , being constituted between its past greatest Declination from the Sun , and its future greatest Inclination to it , makes , that the Sun-beams falling upon our Temperate Zone 1 , 2 , reach it only obliquely ; and therefore make the Air , yet thick and sluggish by reason of the Winters Cold , more temperate about this time of the Year . And forasmuch as both the Poles AB , about which the Earth is carried by its Annual Revolution , are constituted in the Extream parts of the Hemisphere of the Earth , that is illuminated by the Sun ; by this means it comes to pass that we , and all other Inhabitants of the Earth have equal Days and Night . XVII . How we come to have Summer , and those who ●ive in the South parts Winter at the same time . But when the Earth , in its Annual Revolution , comes nearer to Capricorn ♑ , the North Pole A , doth further enter into the Hemisphere , illuminated by the Sun ; whereas the Southern Pole B , is more withdrawn from it . By which means it comes to pass , that to those who live towards the North Pole A , the Days begin to increase , and the Heat to prevail ; whereas those who live about the South Pole B , experience the contrary . But when the Earth is come quite to Capricorn ♑ , viz. at the same time that the Sun appears in Cancer ♋ , we enjoy Summer ; because the North Pole A being a● that time most inclined towards the Sun , it makes the Sun-beams to fall directly , and almost perpendicularly upon our Temperate Region 1 , 2 , and th● Cold Region 1 , A ; and therefore produceth the greatest Heat . But to them who live beyond the Aequator 3 , towards the South Pole B , Winter happens at the same time ; because the Antartick Pole being at that time in his furthest declination from the Sun , the Beams thereof reach it very obliquely and consequently impart but very weak Light to them . At the same time the Longest Days are with us , and the Heat increaseth ; because the North Pole A continuing for a long time in that Hemisphere of the Earth which is illustrated by the Sun , makes us to enjoy the longest Days and shortest Nights . The contrary to which happens to the Southern Inhabitants , because the Antartick Pole B , is then entred into the Darkned Hemisphere ; and therefore makes , that those who inhabit the temperate Zone 4 , 5 , and the Cold 5 B , are for many Hours overwhelm'd with Darkness , and enjoy the Light but a very little Space . XVIII . How it comes to be Spring with us , and Autumn with those who live towards the South Pole. Afterwards , when the Earth having left Capricorn proceeds to Aries ♈ , the North Pole A , doth more and more decline from the Sun , towards the Hemisphere of the Earth that is cover'd with Darkness ; but the Antartick B , towards the illuminated Hemisphere , which causeth the Days to be shortned to us , that live North ; whereas those that live South , begin to have their Days and Heat increased : 'Till at last the Earth being arriv'd at Aries ♈ , both the Poles being in the Extremes of both the Hemispheres , viz. of that which is enlightned , and that which is Darkned , produce Equal Days and Nights to all the Inhabitants of the Earth . XIX . How it comes to be Winter with us , and with the Inhabitants of the South Summer . Last of all , As the Earth continues his Course from the Point of Aries ♈ , towards Cancer ♋ , the Artick Pole A by degrees begins to enter the darkned Hemisphere , and the Antartick or Southern Pole , the illuminated Hemisphere : By which means it comes to pass , that they who live beyond the Aequator 3 , begin to have longer Days ; and they shorter , who live towards the North : Till the Earth being arriv'd at Cancer ♋ , the North Pole becomes dipt 23 Degrees in the darkned Hemisphere , and thus makes Winter and the shortest Day to the Northern Inhabitants ; whereas to those that dwell in the South , it makes Summer and the longest Day . Lastly , the Earth proceeds from the Point of Cancer ♋ , to Leo ♌ , and Virgo ♍ ; till that being arriv'd again at Libra ♎ , it restores Spring to those of the North , and Autumn to those of the South . XX. Why the Seasons are every year alike . All the foresaid Seasons of the Year , as to the length and shortness of the Days and Nights , in the continual process of Years , are much alike ; because the Diurnal and Annual Revolution of the Earth , whence the Vicissitudes of Days and Nights do arise , are in all years much alike . XXI . How the Poles of the Aequator and Ecliptick come to approach to one another . However , because the two Conversions of the Earth , viz. the Annual and Diurnal , would be more commodiously performed , if they were done about Parallel Axes , the Causes that hinder this are by degrees changed ; whereby it comes to pass , that in process of time this declination of the Ecliptick from the Aequator will grows less and less . CHAP. VI. Of the Zones and their Inhabitants , and of the Climats . I. There are five Zones in the Earth ; and what we are to understand by the word Zone . THe Ancients , to distinguish the Degrees of Heat and Cold on the Surface of the Earth , did divide it into 5 Zones , viz. into the Torrid Zone , 2 Temperate , and 2 Cold Zones . By the Name Zone they understood a space of the Earth , lying between the two Tropicks ; or one of the Tropicks , and the next Polar Circle ; or between either of the Polar Circles , and the Neighbouring Pole. So that the Zones are nothing else , but different Regions of the Earth differing in Temperature , according to the Suns Nearness , or Distance . II. The Torrid Zone . The Torrid Zone , is that Space which is comprehended between the Tropicks ; the Northern part whereof reacheth 23 Degrees and an half from the Aequator ; and the other part , as far towards the South : So as that the whole Space contains 47 Degrees in Latitude ; and is therefore called the Torrid Zone , because it is scorched by the perpendicular Beams of the Sun. III. The Temperate Zones . The Zones that are placed between the Tropicks and the Polar Circles , are called Temperate ; the one of them being between the Tropick of Cancer and the Artick Circle , which is 43 Degrees broad . And this is called the Temperate Zone towards the North. The other is call'd , the Temperate Zone towards the South , between the Tropick of Capricorn and the Antartick Circle , and hath as many Degrees in Latitude as the former . IV. The Frigid Zones . The other two which are comprehended within the Polar Circles , are called Frigid or Cold : Whereof one is the Northern Frigid Zone , between the Artick Circle and the North Pole ; from which Circle to the Pole , are accounted 23 Degrees and an half . The Southern Frigid lies between the Antartick Circle and the South Pole , and is just as many Degrees in Latitude . V. The Torrid Zone is not inhabitable ▪ as was believ'd by the Ancients . The Ancients believ'd the Torrid Zone to be Inhabitable ; according to that of Ovid , — of these , the Middle Zone , Is scorch'd with Heat , inhabited by none . But Experience hath now better inform'd us ; for the Spaniards , Portuguese , Hollandors , and also the English , who have Sailed round the World , as they call it , have found the Torrid Zone not to be scorch'd with intolerable Heat , but Temperate enough , and water'd with plentiful Showers , and with frequent Rivers and Springs , abounding also with all manner of Fruit and Corn , and affording a pleasant and delightful Abode to Animals and Men , so as that People of several Nations come to inhabit there . This appears also consonant to Reason ; because the Length of the Nights , which are equal to the Days , in those Regions , doth greatly allay the heat of the Air. Neither are there wanting in this Space many Lakes , Pools , and other moist places , whence copious Vapours are raised , which afterwards coming down in Rain , do allay and temper the heat of the Sun. For tho' the Rains that fall there be but small , yet they are so frequent , as sometimes to continue for some Months together , greatly favouring the growth of Plants , and conducing to the refreshment of Men , and other Living Creatures . Which inclines me to be of Polybius his Opinion , who asserts that part of the Earth under the Aequator to be more Temperate , than that which is under the Tropicks ; because when the Sun is about the Aequator , he presently runs over the Vertical Point ; but when at the Tropicks , he continues Vertical for several Days . VI. The Inhabitants of the Torrid Zone , are in a threefold difference . There is a difference amongst the Inhabitants of the Torrid Zone : For some of them live under the Aequator , others under the Tropicks , and others again between the Aequator and the Tropicks . The Sun toucheth the Zenith or Vertical Point of all these , once or twice every Year . They who live under the Aequator , in the first place , have a Right Sphere : Secondly , They alone enjoy a Perpetual Aequinox : Thirdly , They alone have the view of both Poles : Fourthly , To them alone all the fix'd Stars Rise and Set : Fifthly , They have two Summers and two Winters : Sixthly , The Sun passeth their Zenith twice in a Year . Those who live under the Tropicks do first experience two Meridional Shadows , in a Years time : Secondly , They have but one Summer , and one Winter : And lastly , The Sun reacheth their Zenith once in a Year . They who live betwixt the Aequator and the Tropicks , have 3 South shadows in a Year ; in the next place they have 2 Summers and 2 Winters , especially if they be more remote from the Tropicks : Thirdly , The Sun passeth their Zenith twice in a Year . VII . The Inhabitants of the Temperate Z●●●● . The Inhabitants of the Temperate Zones , in the first place , have one South shadow in a whole year : Secondly , They have two Solstices : Thirdly , They have one Summer and one Winter in a year : Fourthly , The Sun never reacheth their Vertical Point : Fifthly , They have 2 Aequinoxes every year , as all those have that have an oblique Sphere , or that dwell betwixt the Aequator and the Poles . VIII . The Inhabitants 〈◊〉 the Fr●g●d Zones . The Inhabitants of the Frigid or Cold Zones , are of 3 sorts : For they either live under the Polar Circles , or under the Poles themselves ; or betwixt the Circles and the Poles . They who live under the Polar Circles , do alone enjoy a Day of 24 Hours long ; and all other things which happen to the Inhabitants of the Temperate Zones , happen also to them . They who live under the Poles , have a Day of 6 Months , to which succeeds a Night of the same length . They have never any Aequinox , and to them alone no fix'd Stars ever Rise or Set. But they who live betwixt the Poles and the Polar Circles , their longest Day in the Summer is above 24 Hours . They do not see the Sun , whilst he is in the Tropick of Capricorn . Other things they have common with those that live under the Polar Circles . IX . The difference of the Inhabitants 〈◊〉 the Earth , with respect to their situation . Another Distinction of the Inhabitants of the Earth is taken from the opposite situation of their Habitation ; and this Difference is Threefold , being distinguish'd into Perioeci , Antoeci , and Antipodes . X. Perioeci . They are call'd Perioeci , who live under the same Parallel , and the same Meridian , but yet under the opposite Points thereof . Such are those who live in the places marked 7 and 8 , and 3 and 6. Now all these have the same Summer and Winter , and much the same Temperature of the Air , and the same Length and Shortness of Days and Nights ; but have their Day and Night at a contrary time to one another : Except they be placed within the Frigid Zone , because then it may so happen , that they have the same Day and Night . XI . Antoeci . Antoeci are those that live under Parallels , that are equally distant from the Aequator , and under the same Meridian , in the same Longitude . Such are those who dwell in the Points 3 and 7 , and in 6 and 8. They have the same Noon and Midnight ; but have their Summer and Winter at opposite times : So as that the longest Day of one of them , is the shortest Day of the other . The Antoeci between the Tropicks may have the same Winter , but never Summer at the same time . XII . Antipodes . Antipodes , or Antichthones , are those who live under Parallels or Points distant the same Latitude on either side of the Aequator ; or under the Aequator it self , but yet in opposite Points of the same Meridian : Or more briefly , as Cicero has it , Antipodes are those whose steps are opposite to each other . And such are they who live in 1 and 2 , 5 and 4 , 6 and 7. The Antipodes without the Aequator , 5 and 4 , have all things opposite . Those at 5 and 4 , have Night and Day quite contrary : And all the rest have also their Summer and Winter at contrary times . There is no Point assignable on the Surface of the Earth , to which an Antipodal Point doth not answer ; and this is nothing else , but the other Extremity of the Diameter from the foresaid Point , passing through the Center of the Earth . Whence it is , that these great Varieties must needs happen . XIII . The Opinion of the Ancients concerning the Antipodes . Those who are our Antipodes , live towards the South Pole , and are yet undiscover'd what kind of People they are ; but the Antipodes of other Nations are known . For though some Great Men of Old did deny Antipodes , as supposing that if any such were , they must hang in the Air , and have their Heels higher than their Heads ; yet these are worthily derided by Lactantius , Lib. 4. cap. 14. de Falsa Sapientia ; forasmuch as the Inhabitants of the Earth , in what part soever they live , tread upon the Earth with their Feet , which every one may easily understand that considers the Earth to be Ro und . XIV . Way the Surface of the Earth was divided into Climats . But because the Distinction of Zones did not seem sufficient to the Ancients , to specifie all the diversity of the Situations of Regions about the Aequator , they thought convenient to add many Parallels , by which , as by so many lesser Zones they divided the Earth , and called them Climats , as being so many Inclinations or Deflexions from a Right Sphere . Yet there is this difference betwixt the Parallels and Climats ; that the Parallels are only of one Quarter of an Hour , but the Climats of Half an Hour . So that in whatsoever place of the Earth the Solstitial Day is one Quarter of an Hour longer than 12 Hours , that place is under the first Parallel . But if the Excess reach to Half an hour , that place is situate under the second Parallel ; or , which is the same , under the first Climat . For by Climats the Ancients understood nothing else , but large Spaces of the Earth , or Zones , between two Circles Parallel to the Aequator , equal in Latitude , and passing through every 10 th Degree of the Meridian . These are 18 in all , 9 whereof are called Northern , and 9 Southern . XV. The first Northern Clime , is that which is call'd Aethiopicum . The first Climat , from the Aequator towards the North , hath its beginning where the Longest Day is of 12 Hours , and its Latitude or distance from the Aequator is 10 Degrees ; towards the further part of which , the Longest Day is 12 Hours , 35 Minutes . It is commonly called Aethiopicum , from the Country of Aethiopia , as passing over the City Meroe . For the Custom of the Ancients was , to put the Name of some Famous place contained in it upon the several Climats . XVI . The second , Arabicum . The second Climat is that , where the Latitude is of 20 Degrees , and the Longest day of 13 hours and 12 minutes , and is called Arabicum , from Arabia Foelix , through which it passeth . XVII . The third , Aegyptiacum . The third is that where the Latitude is of 30 Degrees , and the Longest day of 13 hours and 56 minutes : And took the Name Aegyptiacum from Alexandria , the Metropolis of Aegypt , through which it passeth . XVIII . The fourth , Syriacum . The fourth Clime is that , where the Latitude is of 40 Degrees , and the Longest day of 14 hours and 51 minutes . It is called Syriacum , because it passeth through Rhodes in Syria . XIX . The fifth , Italicum . The fifth is , where the Latitude is of 50 Degrees , and the Longest day of 16 hours and 9 minutes ; and it was call'd Italicum , or Gallicum ; because it passeth through Rome and Paris , where the Longest day is of 16 Hours . XX. The sixth , Britannicum . The sixth is where the Latitude is of 60 Degrees , and the Longest day of 18 hours and 30 minutes ; and this is called Britannicum , or Germanicum . XXI . The seventh Suecicum . The seventh is , where the Latitude is of 70 Degrees , and the Longest day of 65 Days ; and is commonly call'd Suecicum . XXII . The eighth , Glaciale Boreum . The eighth is , where the Latitude is of 80 Degrees , and the Longest day of an 134 Days ; and is called Glaciale Boreum . XXIII . The ninth , Polare Boreum . Lastly , The ninth is that Space which is extended to the Northern Pole , where the Longest day is of Half a year , or of 188 Days , and is called Polare Boreum . XXIV . The first of the Southern Climats , is called Brasilianum . The first of the Southern Climats begins at the Aequator , and ends in the 10 th Degree , where the Longest day is of 12 hours , 35 minutes . It takes its name of Brasilianum , from the Country of Brazile . XXV . The second , Peruanum . The second is , where the Latitude is of 20 Degrees , and the Longest day of 13 hours and 12 minutes : And is called Peruanum , from the Country of Peru. XXVI . The third , Paraguaticum . The third is , where the Latitude is of 30 Degrees , and the Longest day of 13 hours and 56 minutes ; and is called Paraguaticum . XXVII . The fourth , Chiliacum . The fourth is called Chiliacum , from the Country of Chili , which is extended 40 Degrees towards the South ; where the Longest day is of 14 hours and 51 minutes . XXVIII . The fifth , Sylvestre . The fifth is , where the Latitude extends to 50 Degrees , and the Longest day is of 16 hours 9 minutes . It is called Sylvestre , because it is inhabited by Savages and Wild People . XXIX . The sixth , Magellanicum . The sixth is call'd Magellanicum , where the Longest day is of 18 hours and 30 minutes , and reacheth to 60 Degrees . XXX . The seventh Incognitum . The seventh is of 70 Degrees , and is call'd Incognitum , Unknown ; where the Longest day is of 65 Days . XXXI . The eighth . Glaciale Austrinum . The eighth is that , where the Latitude is of 80 Degrees and the Longest day makes 134 of our Days ; and is called Austrinum Glaciale . XXXII . The ninth , Polare Austrinum . The ninth and last is extended to 90 Degrees , where the Longest day is of 6 Months , and is called Polare Austrinum . XXXIII . O● Old t●ere were 〈◊〉 seven C●●mats , whereas now there are ●●ght●●n . Formerly there were only 7 Climes , because they contained all the Countries that were then known : But the Earth being more known and discover'd , is now distinguish'd into 18 Climats , which Astronomers call by another name , Elevations of the Pole ; and Geographers , the Latitudes of Places , or their Distances from the Aequator . CHAP. VII . Of those things which are generated in the Earth ; and first of Fountains . I. Fountains and Rivers have their R●se from t e S●● . FOrasmuch as Fountains break forth on the Surface of the Earth , and proceed from its Bowels , we must enquire in the first place , what is the Original of Fountains , and from what Principle they are derived . And this we find can be nothing else but the Sea : For seeing that many Fountains flow continually , and that the Rivers which are made by them , do without ceasing continue their Course towards the Sea , without ever increasing the same , according to that of the Wise King in the 1 st of Ecclesiastes : All the Rivers run into the Sea , yet the Sea is not full ; unto the place from whence the Rivers come , thither they return to flow again . And accordingly we may easily gather , that the Original of Fountains is from this , That the Sea-Water being driven into the Bowels of the Earth , is led up to the Surface thereof ; where breaking forth , it at last , after various Turnings and windings , returns to the Sea. II. They return to the Sea , from whence they came . And indeed , forasmuch as the Earth contains many Clefts , by which , as by so many Channels , the Water may be carried from one place to another ; there is no reason to oppose , but that Water may come from the Sea , to the bottoms of Mountains ; and that the same which break forth in Springs from those Mountains , may after various windings run again into the Sea. Much after the same manner , as we find that in Living Creatures the Blood is carried from the Left Ventricle of the Heart , through the Aorta into the Arteries and Veins , and after having finish'd its Circulation , returns to the Vena Cava , and from thence to the Heart , from whence it came forth at first . III. How the Water riseth from the Sea to the Tops of Mountains . But forasmuch as the Surface of the Earth is not even , some part of it being stretch'd out into Plains and Levels , and others rising into Mountains , which do far exceed in height the Surface of the Ocean ; we are to enquire , by what means the Water becomes raised from the Depths of the Earth , to the Tops of the highest Mountains ; as also how the Sea-Water becomes deprived of all its Saltness , when it breaks forth into Springs and Fountains whose Waters are fresh . IV. Not by the Section or Attraction of the Earth . As to the first of these , some are of Opinion that this is performed by the Earth , to which they attribute a Virtue of sucking and attracting the Water to the tops of the Mountains : After the same manner as Bread being dip'd in Wine , doth suck and draw up the Wine into it self ; or as a Sponge , sucks-up Water . But this way of explaining this Difficulty is not Rational , since Sucking presupposeth a sensible Motion in the Body that sucks ; for I cannot suck without some dilatation and swelling of my Body : Neither can it be suppos'd that the Earth can perform any such action . And as to the Instance of Bread , or a Sponge dip'd in Water , nothing can be inferr'd thence to prove , that the Earth sucks up the Water to the tops of the Mountains ; seeing that it is but a small quantity of Water that is suck'd-in by the Spongious Body ; and that that which is attracted by it , doth never run out from it . And so likewise may that part of the Earth , which lies next to the Spring , be moistned and soak'd through with the Water of it ; but this will never make the Water spring or break forth from thence . V. Nor by the pressure of the Sea-Water . Others suppose , that the Sea-Water is raised to the highest parts of the Earth , by means of that pressure whereby the surface and upper-part of the Sea-Water presseth that which is at the Bottom , and forceth it up the passages of the Earth , till having at last found an Out-let , it breaks forth on the Surface thereof . But neither can this Opinion be admitted ; for tho' the Water at the bottom of the Sea , be driven into the Cavities and open Passages of the Earth , by the weight of the Water that lies upon it ; yet can it not by this means be raised higher than the Surface of the Sea. Besides , if the Water by some Channels , or wide and open Passages , should be conveyed by one continued Channel , from the Sea to the Surface of the Earth , then it would not be fresh , but salt ; because the Salt easily gets through those places , where the Water in any quantity can pass ; and so all Springs would be as salt , as the Sea it self . VI. The Sea-Water being 〈◊〉 into Vapours , mounts upwards . We suppose therefore , that the Water in those Holes and Caves , whither it is driven by its weight , is resolved into Vapours by the Subterranean heat ; and that this Heat , by those Passages which it every where meets with , mounts it upwards , and raises it to the tops of the Mountains . To which may be added , that the Pores through which the Vapours tend upwards , are continued open towards the very tops of the Mountains , and that they more easily mount up through the said Pores , because they are supported by the Particles of Earth , than through the Air , whose fluid and soft particles , cannot so uphold them and assist their Elevation . Now that there are such Subterraneous Fires , that turn the Water into Vapours , is evident from those Fire-Vomiting-Mountains , Hecla , Vesuvius , Aetna , and others of the same nature . And tho' such Fires do not break forth from all parts of the Earth ; yet it is probable that they communicate their Heat far and near , by means of hollow Passages in the Earth , in the same manner as the inborn Heat is dispersed through the Guts and other parts of the Body . VII Condensed Vapours fu●ni●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Water . But when the Vapours are thus mounted up , and are come near the surface of the Earth , they then become condensed by meeting with the Cold parts of the Earth ; and by this means being un able to mount higher , they cling together , and are turn'd to drops of Water : And since in this state they are not able to return back by the same Passages , or Pores , because of their Narrowness , they are carried downwards by their own weight ; where many of them being united together make a Subterraneous Rivulet ; and many of these Rivulets gather'd together make a greater , which breaking forth out of the Earth , constitutes a Living Fountain or Spring . An Example whereof we have in Chymical Distillations ; where , by the means of Fire , many Vapours are driven up the Alembick from moist Bodies , which are condensed in the cool Head of the Still , and being united into Drops , run down the Neb thereof . VIII . What Springs or Fountains are . So that Springs are nothing else , but Sea-Water , which being by its own weight driven to the bottom of Mountains , is there changed into Vapours by the inward heat of the Earth , and again condensed into VVater by the Coldness of the Air , or that of the tops of Mountains ; whence these run down , according to the declining of the Passages that convey them , to the open place they have made for themselves on the side , or at the foot of the Mountains . IX . Why some Springs are dried-up in Summer . Some , it may be , will object : If it be true that Springs have their Rise from the Sea , whose VVaters being resolv'd into Vapours , by means of heat are again changed into VVater ; how comes it to pass that some Springs are altogether dried up in Summer time , and do quite vanish by extream heat , since it cannot be question'd , but at that time many Vapours mount up from Subterraneous places , and that likewise there is Cold enough about the surface of the Earth to condense them . X. Answer . I Answer , That these Springs which are subject to dry up in Summer , do for the most part owe their Original to Rain and Snow , which running through the Clefts of Rocks , do afterwards insinuate themselves through the Pores of the Earth , and drop down into some hollow places , and being there resolv'd into Vapours , by the Heat lodg'd in the Bowels of the Earth , meet with some proper place , by the Coldness whereof they become condensed , and so discharge themselves through some open passages on the surface of the Earth . Hence it is , that after long continued Rains we see many New Springs arise , which afterwards by degrees vanish , except more Showers succeed and fill those hollow places of the Earth from whence they proceeded , and supply Matter for a new breaking forth of VVater . XI . Of the various kinds of Fountains . Whence we may distinguish Fountains into several kinds , according to their different ways of Flowing , Failing , or Duration ; and so Springs or Fountains , are either Temporal or Perpetual : Temporal , are those that do not run continually : Perpetual are such as spring without ceasing . Which are again divided into clear and pure Fountains , falling down by drops , or gushing out with a stream ; or mixed , being such as are impregnated with Salt , Sulphur , Bitumen , or Jews Lime , and the like . XII . How Wells come to be generated in the Bowels of the Earth . VVells are furnish'd with VVater much after the same manner as Springs are : For after that the Vapours of VVater have been raised to the surface of the Earth , they are by the Coldness thereof changed into VVater ; which afterwards wandring under Plains and Mountains , without being able to mount up to the surface of the Earth , are there turn'd into VVells . Now the reason why VVell-water doth not ascend higher , is , because VVater cannot mount up above the place of its first Rise ; for being come up to that pitch , it is equally pois'd , and so can rise no higher . Another Reason also may be , because VVells , for the most part borrow their VVaters from Rivers , Lakes , and Pools , not far off : Or if they receive their VVaters from the Sea , the said VVaters being drained through the Earth , run together into one and the same place . XIII . Why Spring and Well-water is fresh . Hence it is that Springs and Wells , tho' they proceed from the Sea , yet their Waters are fresh , whereas the Sea-water is salt . The Reason whereof is this , because the Sea-water , consisting of fresh and salt Particles , whereof the fresh only are turned into Vapours , and carried upwards , leaving the salt particles behind , it is plain that their Water must be fresh . For the salt Particles , being stiff and inflexible , can neither be changed into Vapours , nor pass through the winding and bending pores of the Earth . The Water therefore of Wells and Fountains is fresh , because the Sea water being drain'd through much Sand or Earth , is depriv'd of its stiff saline Particles , and so becomes fresh . XIV . How it comes to pass , that Salt water is found in some Wells . If any Man enquire how it comes to pass , since only fresh Water is drained through the Earth , that notwithstanding much Salt should be found in some Wells , at a great distance from the Sea. XV. The Answer . I Answer , That this may happen , because the Passages of the Earth in some places are more wide and open , through which the Sea-water passing freely , may reach those Wells , without leaving its Saline particles behind it : Or , because the surface of the Sea may lye level with the bottom of those Wells ; or likewise , because where the ways are wide and open , the particles of Salt are carried upwards by the particles of Fresh water . Of which this is a confirmation , because in some Mountains are found vast lumps of Salt grown together like great Stones : For the Sea-water being got up thither , whilst the particles of Fresh-water mount still higher , the Salt is left alone in those Cavities it meets with there , and fills them up . XVI . Of Fountains that Ebb and Flow. Some Fountains are famous for their ebbing and flowing , like the Sea ; yet not all in the same manner . For there is one at Cadiz , and another at Bourdeaux , that imitate the motion of the Sea , and ebb and flow at the same time with it . There is another in Spain which ebbs when it is flood at Sea , and flows when there is an Ebb-tide at Sea. XVII . The Cause of these ebbing and flowing Fountains , is the Sea. The Cause of this ebbing and flowing in Fountains cannot be attributed to any thing , but to the Sea-tide ; by means whereof the Sea entring into some Subterranean passages , drives up the Water as high as it self riseth . But the Reason why these Springs variously imitate the Sea-tide , is to be deduc'd from the difference of the passages through which the Water is convey'd : For if these Channels be strait without windings , or if the distance from the Sea be small , the Fountain flows at the same time with the Sea , and falls again when the Sea ebbs . But if the Water be convey'd to the Cavities of Fountains , through many crooked and winding passages , it may so happen that the Fountain may not swell when the Sea flows , nor fall when it ebbs ; but quite contrary may swell when it ebbs , and sink when the Sea flows ; because the Water having so many winding passages to go through , much time is thereby lost , so that by that time the water of the Fountains begins to swell , the Sea begins to ebb . CHAP. VIII . Of Metals and Minerals . I. What Metals are . MEtals are Bodies dug out of the Earth , Heavy , Hard , and Fusible by Fire , hid in the Inward part of the Earth , and there generated by the heat of the Sun , and subterraneous Fires . Such as are Gold , Silver , Copper , Iron , Tin , and Lead . II. Of what Parts the Metals are compounded . The Particles which compose Metals , are Salt , Oil , and Earth ; which being mingled together , and meeting in the long and branch-like Pores of the inward parts of the Earth , are in the same so straitly link'd together , that Art hath not as yet found out any means whereby to separate them . III. Which be the pure Metals . Some of these are called Pure Metals , others Impure : Pure Metals are those , which compar'd with others , have been excocted or digested to a greater degree of fineness and perfection , by means of the Solar and subterraneous Heat ; such as are Gold and Silver . Gold is the most heavy and most perfect of all Metals , very ductil , consisting of parts of equal Fineness and Heaviness , and being more heavy than the particles of Fire , cannot be carried away by them : Which is the Reason why Gold , when it is melted , loseth nothing of its weight , as having no Dross , which by the Action of the Fire might be separated from it . Silver is a Metal in Fineness and Perfection inferiour to Gold , heavy and solid , less ductil than Gold , and which being melted in the Fire , loseth something of its weight ; more especially that which by the agitation of the Fire is turned to Dross . IV. Which the Impure . Impure Metals , are those whose Principles are not so mature and refin'd , nor so fix'd and pure . Some of these , because of their impure Earthy substance , are made Red-hot before they can be melted ; as Copper and Iron : Whereas others of them , because of their abounding Moisture , are melted before they become Red-hot ; as Tin and Lead . V. The Principles of the Chymists examined . To the end that the Nature , not only of Metals , but of Minerals also , may be the more clearly and distinctly known , it will be fitting that we know before-hand , what we are to understand by the Active Principles of the Chymists ; and what the Philosophers mean by Salt , Sulphur , and Mercury . VI. What we are to understand by the word Salt. By the Name of SALT , we understand a sharp Juice , consisting of slender and stiff particles , which being intercepted in the Pores of the inward part of the Earth , are beaten or forged into little Swords : For as a round Rod of Red-hot Iron , is by the frequent stroaks of Hammers beaten into a longish thin Plate ; so those particles , by being dash'd and rubbing against the hard Sides of the Pores of the Earth , are form'd into such Figures . Wherefore Salt is nothing else , but a sharp Juice , consisting of slender , stiff and sharp Particles . Which , if it be volatil and very bitter , is called Salt Armoniack ; if it be more fat and inflammable , growing to Walls and Rocks , 't is called Nitre and Saltpeter ; if it be found in Mines and Mineral-waters , Allom ; if it be joyn'd with a Metallick matter , and a most sharp and subtil Mercurial Juice , 't is called Vitriol . VII . What Sulphur is . By SULPHUR we understand , the very soft amd minute Branchy particles of Fat and Oily matter . And that such particles abound in Brimstone , we can demonstrate by this that it is very inflammable ; for it is evident , that soft and thin particles , are the first of all others put in motion , and snatch'd away by the Fire . Sulphur therefore is a Mineral Juice , consisting of the most soft and minute Branch-like particles of Fat and Oleaginous Matter , easily inflammable , and generated in the Caverns of the Earth . VIII . What Mercury is . By the Name of MERCURY we understand Quicksilver , or an opake and ponderous Liquor , consisting of thick , slippery and smooth particles ; whose Nature shall be explained hereafter . IX . The number of Metals . Metals are commonly reduced to six species , as was before mention'd , viz. Gold , Silver , Copper , Iron , Tin and Lead . To which some joyn Mercury or Quicksilver , which tho' it be liquid in its Natural state , and Proteus-like changeth it self into all forms ; yet may it be made solid , and that several ways ; as when it is held over the Fumes of Molten-Lead , &c. The Astrologers seem to favour this Opinion , viz. That Quicksilver is a Metal , who , as they appropriate Gold to the Sun ; Silver to the Moon ; Iron to Mars ; Copper to Venus ; Tin to Jupiter ; and Lead to Saturn ; so they attribute Quicksilver to Mercury , and do own its Virtue to be derived from the Influences of that Planet . X. The various Juices that are in the Bowels of the Earth . To the end we may more clearly discover the Original of Metals , it will be of use to suppose , that in the Inward part of the Earth there are certain fluid Bodies , whose particles do not stick so close together , but that they may be easily dissolved : Such as are some Earthy Juices , which being generated in the deepest Bowels of the Earth , and consisting of the thickest particles of the upper part thereof , do fall down thicker by the force of the Globuli of the second Element , which by pressing them makes them heavy , and by passing through the Pores , wherewith they abound , somewhat agitates and makes them less , and so reduceth them to two kinds of Figures . For the Particles whose Matter is more solid , as those of Salt are , being intercepted , and , as it were , hammer'd in those Pores , of round and stiff , are made plain and flexible : Much after the same manner , as we have said , that a Rod of Red-hot Iron is hammer'd into a thin longish plate . And forasmuch as these particles , being agitated by the force of Heat , do this way and that way creep through these pores , by dashing and rubbing against their hard Sides , they become sharp like so many little Swords , which then constitute sharp , sourish , and corroding Juices . But the more soft particles , as are those of Fresh-water , and the like , being in the said pores wholly crush'd and bruised , are reduced to so great a thinness , that by the Motion of the first Element , they are divided into many very small and extreamly flexible little Boughs , which lying upon one another , are moved by a slow and creeping motion . XI . Metals are formed in the inward parts of the Earth . Forasmuch therefore as Metals are solid and heavy Bodies , it is evident that they cannot consist of the outward Crust of the Earth , which is softer than the other parts . For tho' the uppermost part of the Earth consists of Ramous or Branchy parts , which are firmly joyn'd together ; yet because there are many Intervals between them , which may be taken up by the Air , or other Bodies , and by their agitation are an obstacle to Solidity , which is the Property of Metalline Particles , it is necessary that they should be generated in the more inward parts of the Earth , which are more close , hard and compact . So that it seems probable that these Metals are hid , and cannot be reached or come to , by reason of the Depth of the Earth , and the store of Water that is about them , which those that go to search for them cannot fail to meet with . XII . How the Particles of Metals are conveyed to the outward part of the Earth . But seeing , that besides the Vapours which exhale from the Waters that lye hid under the Earth , there are also many sharp Spirits , and oily Exhalations ; and likewise Vapours of Quicksilver , which can carry along with them , from the inward part of the Earth , the particles of other Metals , and with them ascend to the outside of the Earth ; by this means these Metalline Particles being brought to the surface of the Earth , do there stop between the Sand , and constitute Veins of several Metals . For it is probable , that the Reason why any Metals come within our reach is , because the foresaid sharp Juices flowing through the passages of the inward parts of the Earth , do separate some of its particles from their fellows , which being wrapt up in some oily Matter , are afterwards easily carried upwards by Quicksilver rarified by Heat , where they constitute several Metals , according to the diversity of their magnitudes and figures . XIII . The distinction and diversity of Metals , depends on the difference of their Parts . For nothing else is required to the Distinction of Metals , than the changing of their parts , or a different ranging of them : Because Bodily things , whose parts are of the same bigness , and alike ranged , are to be accounted the very same things ; their distinction only proceeding from the various contexture of their Parts , as when by the accession of new Parts others are thrust out of their places , or they become otherwise ranged . And thus those particles that have long and round , as also smooth and slippery Figures , which because of their weight lye one above another , and are moved only by the Matter of the First Element , that fills up the Spaces between them , do constitute Quicksilver . For this is nothing else , but a very heavy and opake Liquor , consisting of such thick Particles as are long , and round like a Pillar , and very smooth ; which tho' by reason of their weight they lye one upon the top of another , yet are easily moved by the Aethereal Matter that fills their Pores . And so likewise those Parts which are so firm and fix'd , as that they cannot be changed by any Fire , or consum'd by any acid Spirits , constitute Gold. Thick and Branchy Particles , whose surfaces lye close together , and whose Pores are only penetrated with the striate Matter , make Iron . And so for the rest of the Metals , which derive their distinction from the different magnitude and figure of their Parts . XIV . Transmutation of some Metals is possible . For this Reason some have believed the Transmutation of Metals to be possible , since it is notorious that Iron may easily be changed into Copper : For if Iron be cast into Copperas or Vitriolick Water , its outside is thereby turned Red , which Red powder being frequently scrap'd from it , and melted down , becomes true Copper . The same Transmutation is also effected by some Fountains ; as by that which AGRICOLA mentions , near Smolnitz , the Water whereof being derived into three Channels rang'd in order , in which pieces of Iron are laid , they are thereby changed into Copper ; and the small scales of Iron are so corroded by this Water , as to become like Clay or Dirt : All which afterwards being melted down , becomes pure and good Copper . It is manifest also that Quicksilver may be chang'd into another Metal . For if after you have reduc'd Lead , or Litharge , to Ashes , you pour the Flegm of Vinegar upon it , and afterwards pour some drops of this Vinegar upon Quicksilver dissolv'd in strong Water , it will presently be precipitated to the bottom of the Vessel in the form of a Powder , which being melted down becomes Lead . XV. It is morally impossible to make Gold. But the Question is , Whether Imperfect Metal , by Example Quicksilver , can be turn'd into Gold ? This the Chymists confidently assert , and take for their Vouchers , RAYMUND LULLY and ARNOLDUS de Villa Nova ; who , they tell us could do as much . But I take all this to be no more than Lies and Stories : Or if ever they did make Gold , that this Effect was not to be attributed to their Art , but to meer Chance . And indeed it is a thing as unlikely , as if a Man having broke his Hour-Glass , should so dexterously throw the Sands of it upon a Table , that the grains of it should be ranged into the figures of such Letters as should make up some Verses of Ovid's Fastorum . For since we are ignorant of the precise bigness and figure of those Particles that enter the Composition of Gold ; as well as of the way of knitting them together , so as to make one Body of them ; we may well conclude , that to make Gold is a thing morally impossible . XVI . Ductility is a Property of Metals . It is a Property of Metals to be Ductil , and more especially of Gold , a small quantity whereof may be beaten or drawn out into a vast extent . For out of one Broad piece of Gold , a vast number of Leaves may be beaten , 5 or 6 whereof are sufficient to cover a piece of Silver , of a Cylindrical Figure ; which being drawn into a fine Thred , the Gold is coextended with it , there being no part of the Silver-thred to be seen which is not gilt . The reason of this Ductility in Metals is , because the particles of Metals are of a Longish figure , and are so disposed , that they lye upon one another according to their whole surface ; which makes , that when they are prest under the Hammer , or in Drawing , they fall down sideling , and joyn side to side without any separation . Thus it comes to pass , that Metals under the Hammer , may be extended into length and breadth , still retaining the firm cohaesion of their parts ; and the same is the Cause of their ductility into Threds . XVII . Metals are subject to Rust . Metals are subject to Corruption by Rust , and more especially Iron . Which is an Argument , that its particles are not more solid than those of other Metals , tho' they be Thicker ; but that it abounds with Pores . And because these Pores after Infusion grow less , therefore it is that Steel is not so easily penetrated by other Bodies , as Iron , and consequently , less subject to Rust . Now Rust is nothing else , but a perturbation of the Parts of Metals , caused by the Exhalations of a greatly agitated Sulphureous Liquor , the particles whereof thrust themselves into the Pores of Metals , and stop the Orifices of them . XVIII . The Sun is the Efficient Cause o● Metals . The Efficient Cause of all Metals is the Sun , whose heat pierceth through all the Passages and Pores of the Earth . For tho' the Action of Light be nothing else , but a kind of Pression , whereby the Sun pusheth the subtil Matter to Right Lines , that reach from his Body to the Earth ; yet the Terrestrial particles being agitated by his heat , do continue in their motion , except some intervening Cause do chance to hinder them . Hence it is we perceive , that the Heat which the Light hath left upon the surface of the Earth , doth continue for some time ; so that it is no wonder , if from thence by degrees it proceeds to the Bowels of the Earth , because the Terrestrial parts that are struck by the Sun-beams , do move those that lye next to them , and they again their Neighbours , till the Heat at last be derived to the most Inmost parts of the Earth . After the same manner as a mans Head cover'd with a Hat , tho' it be not enlightned by the Sun , yet is sensible of its heat , even after that the Sun-beams do no more beat upon it . And thus much shall be sufficient to have spoken of the Nature of Metals , their Original and Affections ; we proceed now to the Minerals . XIX . What Minerals are . MINERALS , are Bodies made up of Salt , Sulphur and Mercury , mingled in a certain proportion with Aqueous and Terrestrial particles , and excocted or brought to perfection by means of Subterraneous fires , or the Sun's heat , and digg'd cut of the Mines of the Earth . Wherefore also they are called Fossils . XX. How many sorts of Minerals there are . There are Three kinds of Minerals : 1. Mineral , or Coagulated Juices : 2. Mineral Earths : 3. Stones . XXI . Mineral Juices . Coagulated Juices are Mineral Bodies , compounded of sharp and oleaginous Juices , mingled with a more gross Earthly Matter , endued with a strong taste or smell , and easily soluble in Water or Oil. The chiefest of this kind are Salt and Sulphur . XXII . Mineral Earth . Mineral Earth , is a Body dug out of the Earth , consisting of Terrestrial Particles , joyned with a tough and viscous Humidity , reducible to Powder , and soluble in Water , so as thereby to be turn'd into a kind of Clay . Wherein it differs from Mineral Coagulated Juices , which are wholly dissolv'd in Water , and are not turn'd into Clay by admixtion of the Aqueous particles . XXIII . The various kinds of Mineral Earths . These Mineral Earths are various , according to the diversity of the Particles whereof they consist ; or of the Juice . whereby their Parts are joyned together ; as also of the Country where they are found . For if the Matter be very tough , ropy and unctuous , it makes Potters-Clay ; if it be tough , white and dug up in the Isle of Crete , it is Chalk ; if in the Isle of Samos , Samian Earth ; if a yellow Colour , Oker ; if Red , and found in the Isle of Lemnos , Lemnian Earth , and Sealed Earth , because it was used to be sealed with the Seal of Diana's Priest ; if it be of a pale Red , and digg'd in Armenia , 't is call'd Armenian Earth , or Bole. What Stones are , shall be delivered in the next Chapter . XXIV . In what part of the Earth Minerals are produced . Minerals are not generated , like Metals , in the Inward parts of the Earth , where they have the whole weight of the Earth lying upon them ; but about the surface of it , where its Parts are separated by infinite Chinks and Crevisses , by which they give a free passage to Vapours and Exhalations , and to other particles of that Matter , which the Heat contain'd in its Bowels hath put into motion . And forasmuch as it is peculiar to Exhalations , to mingle themselves with the smallest particles of the Earth they snatch along with them , they by this means come to form certain little Lumps or Masses , which after various agitation acquire also the same motion ; but that ceasing , they are all at last brought to a state of Rest , being cloathed with a roundish Figure . And after this manner 't is probable that the Grains of Sand are formed ; which are Heavy , because they are compacted of Terrestrial Matter ; Hard , because they are without motion ; and Transparent , because they have Pores that transmit the Globuli of the second Element to right Lines , in the very same manner as they were moved , before that the Particles of Sand were yet Coagulated . XXV . The Pellac●d Grains of Sand being heaped together , make an Opake Body . Tho' every single grain of Sand be transparent , nevertheless where many of them meet together , so as to make a Heap , they constitute an opake Body ; because in this state they cannot give a free passage to the Light , seeing that each surface reflects some Rays of it . Thus the Powder of Glass is not Transparent , because the various particles of Glass cannot have their pores so corresponding with one another , as freely to transmit the Light. Thus the Grains of Sand , especially those of the Indies , when beheld through a Microscope , be transparent , and resemble Diamonds ; yet when they lye in heaps , they can no longer give free passage to the Light , and therefore constitute an opake Body . XXVI . How Potters Clay differs from Sand. Potters Clay , notwithstanding that it is tough and fat , yet is produc'd much after the same manner as Sand ; only with this difference , that the Grains of Clay are much less , which make their Intervals not to let in water so readily , nor indeed without some force . XXVII . The reason of the difference of Clay in several parts . If the Particles of Salt and Oil , which continually ascend from the Inward parts of the Earth , were always like one another , we should every where meet with the same kind of Sand and Clay : But it being very probable , that the said Particles of Salt and Oil , are not in all places the same ; it is to be of no matter of Wonder to us , that the Clay and Sand likewise is not always the same , but differing in Colour and the Magnitude of their Parts . CHAP. IX . Of the Generation of Stones , Common and Precious , and of their difference and distinction . I. What Common Stones are . STONES are Mineral Bodies , hard , and compounded of a petrifying Juice , and Terrestrial Particles , not subject to Fusion , but Calcination by Fire ; nor malleable , but breaking to pieces under the stroak of the Hammer . These , according to the Purity or Impurity of the Matter whereof they consist , are divided into Common and Precious , which are either generated in the Bowels of Animals , or without them . II. New Stones are daily generated in the Earth . Some are of Opinion , that there are no New Stones produced , but that all of them were created at the Beginning . But Miners assure us to the contrary , who often find Stones in those places , where before was nothing but Sand or Clay . Whence it is obvious to conclude , that both these are the matter of Stones , and that of the particles thereof variously joyned and mingled together , they are compounded . For tho' things made of Sand be hard , and cannot be softned ; yet this nothing hinders , but that by the help of some Terrestrial matter , filling their Pores and Intervals , they may so hang together , as to constitute Stones . Thus it frequently happens , that Waters running through the Earth , do carry away with them some small particles of the Stones through which they run ; which water coming afterwards to places where its Current is very slow , may give occasion to those particles to unite together , and constitute a Stone . III. A twofold Rise of Stones . Stones may be made of Sand these two ways ; first , out of dissolved Sand , as when Sand dissolved in any quantity , is afterwards hardned . And the Stones thus formed are transparent , as the single grains of Sand are , and are of various figures , according to the Compression of the Bodies that are lying about them . The other way is , when Stones are made of solid Sand ; as when a great heap of grains of Sand , by the intervening of some Exhalation , do grow together : This way all opake and rough Stones are made , which are proper for the grinding of Iron , and polishing of other Stones . IV. That there is such a Matter wherewith the parts of Stones are knit together . It is not to be doubted , but that much of this Matter is sublimed towards the surface of the Earth , in the form of such Exhalations as accompany the rising Vapours . This is evident in many Fountains , which notwithstanding that the water of them being very clear to the Eye , yet contains great store of them , which meeting and joyning together in some Parts , become sensible . Thus there is a River in Avergne in France , which doth so abound with these Exhalations , that the Channel of it is become Stony , swelling by degrees higher and higher . In like manner there are found some Springs which cover the Channels and Conveyances by which they pass , with a Crust of Sand-stone . And there is one at Rome , which stopt the Pipe , through which its water passed , with Alabaster . V. How Marble is formed . The production of Marble doth not at all differ from the production of other Common Stones ; save only that the Clay whereof it is made consists of lesser particles , and hath straiter Pores , which for that Reason are more easily fill'd with those Exhalations that stick to the Sides of them . And this makes the Composition of Marble more acurate , and the Texture of its parts more close and compact , than the common mixture of Stones is . Which may be easily gather'd from the smoothness of its surface , seeing that the Roughness of Sand-stones and Pumice-stones , and other such like , proceeds only from their Cavities . Now Marble is polish'd with Sand , by the rubbing whereof its prominent particles are worn away . In this Polishing , Water also is made use of ; which being mix'd with the Sand , doth by this means more easily insinuate it self into the pores of these Particles , that are to be rubb'd off . There are several sorts of Marble , some being White , others Black , some Transparent , and some Opake ; all which diversity proceeds from the various Contexture of their Parts . VI. Some Stones are Diaphanous , others Opake . For Transparent Stones are generated , when the Exhalations and Vapours being first changed into Juices , in the Chinks or Cavities of the Earth ; afterwards by the departure of those fluid Particles , do come nearer together , and by degrees so cleave together , that the Globuli of the second Element have free passage through their pores , in order to the Transmission of the Action of Light. And on the contrary Stones become Opake , when the Vapours that are shut up in the narrow Chinks and Clefts of the Earth , are there stopt , and become so mingled with the Earthy particles , that the pores , in many places , are not wide and open enough to transmit the Light. VII . Several kinds of Common Stones . There are many kinds of Common Stones , viz. Marble , Flint , Touch-stone , Whet-stone , Pumice , and Sand-stone ; Stones in the Bladder or Reins ; Talck , Load-stone , &c. Of Marble we have treated already . VIII . Flint . Flint is almost the hardest of all Stones , and is commonly Round , and somewhat Flat , like Lentiles , and being dash'd against another , divides it self in two little Hemispheres . Because of its extream hardness it is apt to leap back or rebound , since it neither yields , nor can be easily reduc'd to Powder . It s production is much like that of Marble , being found buried in Clay , as in its Matrix , whose pores being fill'd with the said Exhalations , procure it the great Hardness it hath . IX . Touch-stone . Touch-stone belongs either to Marble or Flint . It admits of the most perfect Polishing , and is sometimes found very exquisitely smooth'd by Nature . For which Reason also it is very hard , and doth not admit any Division without difficulty . X. Whet-stone . A Whet-stone has a Roughness , which conduceth to the Smoothing and Grinding of Glass and Metal ; in which Operation Water is sprinckled upon it : For the Water being pour'd over it , smooths and makes even the more sensible Asperities of the Whet-stone , and hinders it from acting too boisterously upon the Body that is to be Ground . XI . Pumice-stone . Pumice-stone is a Stone of an Ash●colour , full of great Cavities like a Sponge , into which it admits Moisture , but soon lets it go again . It is made use of for the Polishing of Marble ; for by its Roughness it reduceth the prominent parts of Marble to smoothness . XII . Sand , or Grave●s●●ne ▪ The Sand-stone is formed in Holes , from whence the intercepted Matter derives its smoothness . It s Colour is white ; because its particles are so dispos'd , as to reflect or send back the Rays of Light , in the same manner as it hath received them . Wherefore also it appears in the likeness of Froth . Tho' it be very Light , yet doth it not swim upon the VVater ; but the moisture entring into its pores , it sinks immediately . XIII . Talck . Talck is a Stone that is Transparent , except it be too thick ; for then it is opake , by reason of the multiplicity of Surfaces heap'd one upon the top of another , and whose pores do not correspond exactly enough for the Transmission of Light. XIV . Stones form'd in the Body of Man. A Stone in the Body of Man , is formed in like manner as other Stones are ▪ viz. by the Coalition of Sand , by means of some slimy Matter in the Reins or Bladder . It commonly inclines to a reddish Colour , and according to the different disposition of the Sand , is either smooth or rough ; as we see that Stones that lye at the bottom of Rivers , are some of them smooth , and others very rough and uneven . XV. What precious Stones are . Precious Stones , are Bodies small in bulk , of a hard and strong substance ; which either are Transparent , or of a lustrous Colour . XVI . How precious Stones are generated in the Earth ; and first of such as are transparent . Gems are generated , not of a company of Sands grown together , as the Common Stones are ; but of a certain fluid Matter , which only constitutes one grain ; provided there be but so much of it , as to make some sensible Bulk , and such as is sufficient for a pellucid Body . Because that when the Exhalations that in the Clefts and Cavities of the Earth are gather'd into a Drop , by the loss of their slippery and fluid Particles , begin by little and little to cleave to one another , the Globuli of the second Element can on all sides freely and strongly enough pass through their pores ; which could not be , in case they did consist of many grains : For how soft soever they might afterwards come to be , yet they could never be so joyned , but that there would be some Interruption , which would spoil their Transparence . And therefore these kind of Exhalations , according to the different degrees of their Hardness , and the various disposition of their Parts , are turned into Stones ; as into Crystal , Diamonds , and the like . There is no difference betwixt a Crystal and a Diamond , save only that the particles of a Diamond are more closely knit together . XVII . Of Colour'd Gems . But if it so happen , that any Metalline particles be mix'd with this matter , that is common to all precious Stones ; this causeth some modification of the Light that passeth through them , so that it produceth in us the sense of divers Colours ; and thus instead of a Diamond or Crystal , we shall have several kinds of precious Stones , as Saphirs , Chrysolits , Jaspars , Agats , and the like . XVIII . The several kinds of Precious Stones . Precious Stones therefore are divided into Transparent and Colour'd . The transparent are Crystal , the Diamond , and the Beryl , which have their Parts so ranged , as to leave Intervals , through which the Globuli may transmit their Action to Right Lines . The most precious of these is the Adamant , being of an exceeding Hardness , because of the close coherence of its Parts . Yet is not its Hardness such , as to be of proof against the stroaks of a Hammer , as some relate , seeing that it may be grinded into Powder . So likewise the Common Story of its becoming soft in the Blood of a Goat , is no better than a Fable ; and that it cannot be hurt by the Fire : All which Experience hath condemn'd of falsity . XIX . Crystal . Crystal is of an Hexagonal figure ; for every particle of Crystal being surrounded and kept in by six others , it must necessarily admit of a six Corner'd figure . There are some that affirm , That Crystal by the strength of the Fire can be melted ; whereas others assert the contrary , and that after utter Diligence used , they could never bring it to Liquefaction . Some of the Ancients believ'd , that Crystal was the effect of extream Cold ; but this is a vain Imagination , for all confessing Crystal to be a Stone , we cannot attribute its Coagulation to Cold. DIO DORUS was better advis'd , who Lib. II. tells us , that Crystal is a Stone coagulated out of pure Water , not by Cold , but by the virtue of a Divine Fire . XX. The Beryl . The Beryl hath a great resemblance with Crystal ; it is chiefly found in the East Indies , according to PLINY , at least the best and most lustrous are found there . For those we have from Babylon are of a kind of greasy Colour ; yea , it is said , that there are Beryls found in Germany of the Colour of Oil. XXI . The Carbuncle . The most Noble of all the Colour'd precious Stones is the Carbuncle , of a Red colour , and resembling the flame of Fire . XXII . The Chrysolite . The Chrysolite is a Gem of a Golden colour , whence it took its Name ; transparent and very hard . XXIII . The Hyacinth . The Hyacinth is of a Yellow colour , resembling the lustre of Gold. XXIV . The Emerald . The Emerald is the most precious of all Gems , and well nigh the most Brittle too , for it is easily broken . It is of a Green colour , like Grass . XXV . The Topaz . The Topaz approacheth to the Colour of an Hyacinth ; tho' some do say it is of a Green colour . It is said , that when it is laid under the Sun-beams it represents a Star ; which is rather the effect of its form and colour , than of any peculiar Nature . XXVI . The Turcois . The Turcois is a precious Stone , of a Sky colour mixt with Green. XXVII . The Amethyst The Amethyst is much of the same softness as Crystal , and is found in the same place . It is of a Violet Purple colour , very grateful to the sight . XXVIII . Morion . The Gem Morion , is of a very Black colour . XXIX . The Agate . The Agate admits of all Colours , as having white , black , and other variegated stroaks in the midst of it . And by this diversity of its colours , it is represented of divers kinds , by those who have a mind to deceive the Buyers . XXX . The Jasper . The Jasper is a Green stone , with the mixture of Bloody spots . The best are those that come from the East . XXXI . The Ruby . The Ruby takes its names from the glorious Red colour wherewith it sparkles . XXXII . The Granat . The Granat is also of a Red colour , but with some mixture of a Yellow ; so called , because of its likeness to the grain of a Pomgranate . XXXIII . The Onyx . The Onyx is the Alabaster of the Ancients , but much more precious than that which we commonly call so ; it resembles the colour of the Nail of a a Mans Hand , with some Veins running through it , which imitate the colour of a Jasper . XXXIV . The Saphire The Saphire exceeds the other Gems in Beauty , and is of a Sky Blew colour , resembling the lively colour of the Sky , by its wonderful lustre , and extraordinary perspicuity . It is the hardest of all precious Stones , next to the Diamond . XXXV . Of other Stones that are counted amongst the Precious , 〈◊〉 are not 〈◊〉 . There ●re also other Stones which are reckoned amongst the Precious , as the Pezar , or Bezoar , Pearls , Chelidonius or the Swallow-stone , &c. But these do not seem to deserve the name of Gems ; because the Pezar , which is found in the Stomach of a Beast called Pezain , is too soft to deserve that name . Pearls which are found in the shells of Oysters and Muscles are of too dark and faint a colour , and without transparence . And the Swallow-stone , which is found in the Stomach of Swallows , hath nothing in the least in it that resembles a Gem. CHAP. X. Of the Load-Stone , and Electrical Bodies . I. Of the Original and Composition of the Load-stone , and what its Nature is . THo' the Load-stone be reckon'd amongst Common Stones , yet doth not the Earth produce any thing more wonderful than it , the effects whereof , as they were matter of Astonishment to the Ancients , so do they still puzzle the Brains of the Greatest Philosophers . This wonderful Stone is compounded of thick and branchy Particles of the Earth , approaching to the Nature of Iron ; since there is no Iron Oar , which hath not much Earthy matter joyn'd with it ; nor any Load-stone , which doth not enclose more or less of Iron . Yea , so great is the affinity between the Load-stone and Iron , that they are both digged out of the same Mines ; and if we will take the word of GILBERTUS , the best Iron is got out of the Load-stone . II. The Definition of the Load-stone and Iron . The Load-stone therefore is a Stone , resembling the Matter that constitutes the Middle part of the Earth , which having Pores from one of its Poles to the other , sitted for the free passage of the striate Matter , can turn it self towards one of the Poles of the Earth . It is said to resemble the Middle part of the Earth ; because the Load-stone , of all other Stones , seems to be of the same make and composition with the Middle part of the Earth . By the striate Matter mention'd in the Definition , we are to understand the Matter of the first Element , twisted in the manner of the Tendrils of a Vine or Ivy-Bush . It is said , that it can turn it self to one of the Poles of the Earth ; because a Load-stone being left without impediment , always turns it self to the Poles . Iron is a Metal of Affinity with the Load-stone , endued with Pores , accommodated for the free passage of the striate Matter , by which means it is able to turn it self to the Poles of the Earth . III. The Virtues of the Magnet may be referr'd to three Heads . The Virtues of the Load-stone may be referr'd to three Heads ; whereof the First is , that being in a free position without any thing to hinder it , it spontaneously directs it self to the Poles of the World. Secondly , That it draws Iron or another Magnet to it self , and sometimes also repels the same . Thirdly , That by a Touch it communicates to the Iron , as well the virtue it hath of pointing to the Poles of the World , as that whereby it draws Iron . IV. The Celestial matter is the Cause of all the Motion in the World. For the better understanding of these Virtues of the Load-stone , we are to suppose in the First place , that the Heavenly matter is the Principle of all the motions of the World ; which , as it consists of most subtil and thin parts ; so it easily penetrates the Pores of all Bodies , and according to the different degree of its agitation , doth put them into motion , and push them forward ; and being fluid , doth accommodate it self to the narrow Spaces through which it passeth , and puts on various Figures , according to the diversity of their situation ; so that its particles which pass through the Triangular Spaces , which are left in the midst of three Globuli of the second Element touching one another , must take upon them a Three-corner'd figure , which we may conceive as so many little Pillars , with three hollow'd Channels , winding like a Screw . And this more or less , as they pass nearer to , or further from the Axis of the Vortex , because the Globuli of the second Element move more slowly in the former part of the Vortex , than in the latter ; as it hath been declared more at large in the Fifth Part of this Institution . V. The Striate Particles are variously crook'd and turn'd . We are likewise to Note , that because the Striate particles come towards the Middle of Heaven from contrary Quarters ; that is , some of them from the South , and others from the North Pole , whilst in the mean time the whole Vortex is moved one and the same way ; therefore those Particles which come from the Southern Pole , cannot have their Screw turn'd the same way , as those which come from the Northern Pole , but the quite contrary . VI. How the Striate Particles , that proceed from the Earth , do affect the Load-stones that come in their way . Again , we are to suppose that in the Region of the Earth CADB , there are many Pores parallel to its Axis , through which the Striate , or Screw-like Particles , coming from the parts about one Pole , may pass freely to the other opposite to it ; but forasmuch as they are writh'd a contrary way , and that the one go one way , and the other quite opposite , the Pores which admit the Striate particles that come from the South Pole A , will never be able to receive those that proceed from the North Pole B. Whence it comes to pass , that those Particles that proceeded from one Quarter , can never return by the opposite part , because of the different writhing of the Pores , and because of several most minute fibres arising in them , which obstruct their return . So that after the Striate Particles have run through that Great Load-stone , the Earth CADB , in Right Lines , or equivalent to such , from one Hemisphere to the o the other ; or from the North B to the South A , or else quite contrary from A to B , they are forced to return to the same Hemisphere through which they at first entred the Earth . VII . About every Magnet a Vortex is formed , as about the Earth . So that about every Magnet , as well as about the Earth , C , A , D , B , a perpetual Voxtex of the Striate Matter , which is manifest from this Experiment , that if you cast the filings of Iron or Steel round about a Load-stone laid upon Paper , the said filings will dispose themselves a-round the Load-stone in manner of a Vortex . Wherefore if you shall direct the North Pole of a Load-stone you hold in your hand , to the North Pole of another Load-stone plac'd upon a piece of Cork in a Bason of Water , the North Pole of the later Magnet will turn away from that you have in your hand . But when the Load-stone placed on the Water , being turned about , directs his South Pole to the North Pole of the Magnet in your hand , then it will approach to it , because the interjacent Air being driven away by the Striate Matter , the Loadstone is also pusht forwards by the Air that surrounds it . Whence it is that the Poles of a Loadstone are said to be of a contrary virtue . And if by chance the Striate Particles , in passing from one Hemisphere to another , do there meet with the Load-stone I , K , L , M , N , forasmuch as they find in the same , Pores ranged in the same manner , as the Pores of the inward part of the Earth , they easily and freely pass through them ; especially if the Load-stone be so posited , as to have the arangement of his Pores turn'd towards that quarter , from whence the Sriate Particles proceed . VIII . The Striate Particles do not so easily pass through the Air or Water , as through the Earth . Moreover we are to observe that the Striate Particles cannot pass so freely through the Air or Water , as through Iron ; for they being fluid Bodies , their parts cannot always keep the same situation , and therefore if at any time such pores come to be formed in them , they are presently again spoil'd and confounded by the continual agitation of their Parts . Those Bodies only are disposed to admit the Striate Particles , that consist of Thick and Branchy Parts , such as rationally we may believe Iron and Steel to have . For of all Metals , none is either with more difficulty melted in the Fire , or extended under the Hammer than Iron is , or made harder without the addition of any other Body : which three instances abundantly shew , that the Particles whereof it consists must be Angular and Branchy , which is the reason they are so closely knit together , this being the most necessary condition in order to the free transmission of the Striate Particles . For we find that Iron temper'd and hardned , doth more freely afford them passage , than other Iron ; and so likewise 't is observed , that when the Iron is smooth and burnisht , the Striate Particles , that proceed from one Pole do more orderly return to the other . IX . In every Magnet are two Poles , an Axis , and Parallel Lines . For the better understanding of this Magnetick virtue , we are to take notice , that in every Load-stone there be 2 Poles , South and North. The South Pole is the Point A. being the middle of that part wherein are the Orifices of the Pores , by which that striate matter enters , which comes from the South part of Heaven : and the North Pole is the middle of the other part , by which these Striate Particles go forth , and others coming from the North F , do enter . Besides the Poles , considered in a Load-stone , there is also its Axis , or the Diameter from the North point F , to the South A , drawn through the Center of the Load-stone . And lastly , its Parallel Lines , which being drawn from the North to the South , are at an equal distance from the Axis of the Load stone . X. Why the Magnet points to the Poles of the Earth . These things being premised , it will not be difficult to explain , why a Load stone turns its Poles to the Poles of the Earth ; because the Magnetical Particles coming from the North Pole F , and South B of the Earth , rushing obliquely against the Poles of the Magnet , do push it this way and that way , till that they can freely , that is in right lines , pass through its Pores . XI . How one Load-stone turns to another . And it is for the same reason that one Load-stone turns to another . But it is to be observed , that the South pole of the Magnet always turns to the North pole of the Earth , or of another Load-stone ; because the particles that come forth from the South pole , are writhed another way than those that enter . Whence it is that the Poles of the same denomination do always flee from one another . As for instance , suppose we that the Poles of 2 Magnets be turned to the North Pole of the Earth ; these 2 Poles are of the same Denomination , because the Particles that flow from the North Pole of the Earth , do act upon them after the same manner ; but it is apparent that these Poles flee one another , and therefore would flee from the Pole of the Earth also , in case they were of the same Denomination with it . XII . A Load-stone flees from another , if it be apply'd to the same Pole. For the same Reason it is that a Load-stone being set on one end on its North Pole , and swiming on a piece of Cork in the Water , if to the South Pole of this Load-stone , the same Pole of another Load-stone be applied , the Cork flees away from it ; for seeing that the Particles cannot enter those Pores , they require some space , in the which turning themselves , as in a Vortex , they may return to their North Pole. XIII . Whereas it draws near to it , when apply'd to the opposite Pole. When the North Pole of one Load-stone is turned to the South Pole of another , and that the Spheres of both of them become one , then they approach to each other ; because in this case they act with their joynt forces upon the Air , and therefore make it withdraw ; which , by its Circulating , pusheth on both the Magnets till they come to touch one another . XIV . Why the Poles of a Load-stone , that are of the same denomination , do not unite or come together . But some , it may be , will demand , Why for the same Reason the Poles of the same denomination do not as well come together ; or , why the Magnet doth not approach to their Bodies , seeing that the Air in both cases is alike prest upon ? The Answer to this is obvious , for the Magnetical particles , because of their different way of wreathing , finding no fit passages for themselves in the Pole of the same denomination , do greatly hinder this Conjunction . And the same is the reason , why it doth not draw near to other Bodies , since the Magnetical matter doth not find any corresponding Pores in them . XV. How a Load-stone attracts Iron . From what hath been said , it will not be difficult to explain , how a Load-stone draws Iron or Steel ; or rather how a Load-stone , Iron and Steel draw near to each other : by saying that the Load-stone B. attracts the Iron C. because both their pores are so disposed , that the striate matter A , which comes from about the Poles of the Heaven , and continues its course through the pores of the Earth , that are parallel to the Axis thereof , passing more easily through the pores of the Load-stone B. and of the Iron C. than of other Bodies , drives away the intermediate Air. Now because the Air finds no place ( for there is no Vacuum ) to which it might pass , but that which is left by one of these two Bodies ; it cannot be otherwise , but that the Load-stone B , must be push'd towards the Iron C , or the Iron C towards the Load-stone B. For this is a General Rule , That the Virtue of the Load-stone is increased or diminished , according to the approaching or withdrawing of the Iron . It is increased , when the Load-stone and Iron are so disposed , as that the one sends its Striate particles into the other ; but diminished , when the Iron is withdrawn from the Magnet , or the Magnet from the Iron . For the Communication of the Striate matter being by this means removed , their force must needs be weakned and lessened . XVI . How the Air thrusts forwards a Body . This will not be hard to conceive , if we take notice , that the Parts of the Air , as of all other fluid Bodies , are in continual motion , and that therefore of necessity they must push continually towards the Load-stone B , which they surround on every side : And because they equally push it forwards on all sides , they do not push it more one way than another . But when the Air is driven out of its place by the Striate matter , proceeding from the Magnetical Body at A , it so happens that the Magnet is less push'd forwards on that side , than on the other , and so approacheth to the Iron C , or on the contrary . XVII . The Sphere 〈◊〉 the Magnetical Activity . Wherefore the Sphere of Magnetical Actions is conceived to be about the Circuit DE , within which the Striate particles , composing the Vortex from F to G , can affect Bodies that have their Pores dispos'd alike . And this Sphere is by so much the greater , as the Load-stone is bigger , or at least the longer it is ; because the Magnetick matter , passing through the longer Pores of it , thereby acquires the force of passing farther in a strait Line in the Air ; which makes , that the Virtue of great Load-stones doth reach farther than that of small ones . XVIII . The Magnet doth not properly ●raw Iron . Hence it appears , that the Load-stone B , cannot properly be said to draw the Iron C ; because in this Action there is no Attraction at all , but as soon as the Iron C , is placed within the Sphere of the Activity of the Load-stone B , it gets strength , and is carried towards the Magnet ; which Action doth not so much deserve the Name of Attraction , as that of Circumpulsion , or of being push'd forwards on all sides . XIX . Why an Armed Load-stone b●ars much more Iron , than a bare one . There still remains one Difficulty behind , which is this : If there be so great a Correspondence betwixt the Pores of a Load-stone and Iron , how comes it to pass , that the Load-stone AB , armed with Iron ; that is , to which the Iron Plates CD , and EF , are fastned , should carry much more Iron , than one that is bare . To which I return this Answer , That this greater Force or Virtue , doth not proceed from the Iron that is fastned to it , but from the contact of it ; because the pores of the Iron Plates CD , and EF , do exactly answer to the Pores of another Iron , and their Parts are so joyned , as to appear immediately to touch one another . Whence it is that the Striate matter passing through these Pores , from the Iron fastned to the Load-stone , to another Iron b a , doth with more ease drive away the intermediate Air , and make them more closely cleave together . Now the Pores of the Magnet , cannot so immediately agree with the Pores of the Iron , by reason of its Impurity and Stony Nature . Which makes , that there is always some Interval between the Load-stone and the Iron , by which the Striate matter doth remove from the Pores of the one , to those of the other . XX. The Contrariety of the Poles of the Load-stone , do not hinder their concurrence to bear up the Iron . Neither doth the Contrariety of the particles of the Striate Matter , whereby those that enter at one Pole , cannot enter in by the other , hinder them from agreeing to bear up the Iron ; because those that come from A , the South Pole of the Load-stone , being reflected by the Steel-plate , enter in at one part of the Iron b , in which they make its North Pole , and flowing from thence to the South Pole a , they meet with others of the Steel-plate FE , by which they mount up to B , the North-pole of the Load-stone ; and on the contrary , those that go out from B , through the Plates FE , the Iron that hangs at it HG , and the other Plate DC , return to A. XXI . Why a Load-stone , be it never so strong , cannot draw an Iron that is not contiguous to it from another . Neither can any other Reason be given in my Judgment , why a Load-stone , tho' never so strong , cannot withdraw an Iron that is distant from it , from the contact of another , tho' much weaker Magnet ; because tho' the Striate particles pass through both those Magnets , and the intermediate Iron , so that one only Load-stone is made of them all three ; yet by reason of the Contact , and a greater agreement of the parts , the Iron cannot be withdrawn from a weaker Magnet , to which it is joyn'd , by a stronger . Forasmuch as the Load-stone , not only joyns the Iron to it self , but over and above communicates its virtue to it . XXII . The Load-stone communicates its Virtue to the Iron . It remains still to be explained , how the Load-stone communicates its virtue to the Iron , without any loss of its own strength and virtue . The Iron acquires this New virtue , when it hath pores fit for the receiving of the striate Particles , and so situate , that they can freely pass through them , as hath already been said . For nothing is wanting to it towards the acquiring of this Virtue , save only that some small ends of the Branchy particles , which stick out here and there in those pores , must all of them be turned away in those pores , through which the striate Particles that come from the South are to pass ; whereas in the other pores they must be turned the quite contrary way . Now as soon as the Load-stone toucheth the Iron , the Magnetical particles rush with great force and in crowds into the pores of the Iron , and by this means bow these Extremities of the Branchy particles ; and consequently contribute all that which was requir'd to the Magnetical virtue . XXIII . How Red-hot Iron comes to acquire a Magnetical Virtue . Hence it is , that when a God of Steel or Iron being Red-hot , is set to cool , with its Extremities turn'd directly North and South , it is , by reason of its contexture and pores , which the action of the Fire hath clear'd and opened , immediately penetrated by the Magnetical Effluvia's of the Earth ; which continually do course it through the Air from one Pole to another , and so becomes endued with a Magnetical property : Which doth not so happen in an Ingot of Silver turn'd South and North , and that because of the difference of its Contexture , and disposition of its Pores . XXIV . How it comes to pass that an Iron , according as it is variously apply'd to a Loadstone , doth also differently receive its Virtue . An Iron differently receives the Magnetical virtue , according to its different way of applicacation to the Load-stone . For the part R , of the Iron RST , if it be apply'd to the North-Pole of the Magnet P , will become the South Pole of the Iron ; because the Striate particles coming from the South , will enter in by it , and the Northern will enter in by the part T , being reflected or beat back from the Pole A , through the Air. And the same part R , if it lye upon the Aequator of the Load-stone , and look towards its North-Pole , as in C , it will again become the South Pole of the Iron . But if it be turn'd about , and look towards the South Pole , as in D , then it will lose the Virtue of the South Pole , and become the North Pole. Lastly , If the Middle part of this Iron S , touch the Pole of the Magnet A , the Northern Striate particles which have entred into it by S , will go out again by R and T ; and by this means the Iron will receive at both ends the Virtue of the South Pole , and in the midst that of the North. XXV . Why a long piece of Iron doth not receive this Virtue , but in its length . It may be Queried , why those Striate particles , that from the Pole A of the Magnet , do enter the part of Iron marked S , do not directly pass on to E ; but are reflected this way and that way towards R and T ; so as the Iron receives the Magnetick virtue , rather according to its Longitude , than to its Latitude ? The Answer to which is obvious , viz. because they meet much more free and open passages in the Iron , than in the Air ; for which Reason they rebound from the Air towards the Iron . XXVI . A Plate of Iron hinders the attractive Virtue of the Load-stone . There is also another Difficulty remains to be explained . viz. how the Iron Plate DCD , being apply'd to the Pole of the Magnet AB , which , we said before , did much help the carrying or bearing force of the Load-stone , should notwithstanding hinder its force of attracting and turning Iron to it ; so as to make the Point E of the Magnetick Needle EF , not to be directed to the Pole of the Magnet B , but towards the end of the Iron Plate D. To which we Answer , That the Striate particles , which , if this Plate had been out of the way , would have past from B , toward EF , are diverted by it from C , towards the Extremities thereof DD , because they find a more ready and free passage for themselves through the whole length of the Plate from C to D , than through the small interval of its thickness C. To this may be added also , that the Striate particles do pass more freely through the Plate , than through the Air , so that scarcely any of them reach the Needle EF. XXVII . Iron is more apt to receive the Magnetick Virtue according to its length , than breadth . Wherefore , tho' Iron be made partaker of the Magnetick virtue , yet doth it more readily admit it according to its length , than according to its breadth , even then when the Middle part of it is applied to either of the Poles : The Reason whereof is , because the Striate particles proceeding from the Load-stone , do find fitter Pores for them in the Iron , than in the Air , which is the reason why they go towards it . This likewise is the Cause why Needles endued with the Magnetick virtue , have the Poles of their virtue at their Ends or Extremities . XXVIII . And this in a moment . This Virtue is communicated , as it were , in a moment , the course of the Magnetick particles through the Iron being very swift ; because they meet with , in the Iron and Magnet , Pores exactly fitted to their figure . Now this Virtue is afterwards confirmed by long stay ; for the longer that the ends of the Branchy particles have continued turn'd one way , it is with the more difficulty that they are turn'd the contrary way . This Virtue is longer retain'd in the Load-stone , than in the Iron ; because the parts of the Magnet are more stiff and inflexible , by reason of the Stony matter that is mixed with them . XXIX . Steel better keeps the Magnetical Virtue , than common Iron . Hence it is that Steel receives a greater Magnetick virtue than common Iron , forasmuch as it hath more and more open Pores , and doth more surely keep , and preserve the same ; because its Branchy particles are more stiff and rigid . XXX . The Reason why a Load-stone loseth nothing of its Virtue . The Reason why the Magnet , tho' it communicates its virtue to the Iron , yet loseth nothing of it , is , because nothing of its Substance or Constitution is destroy'd by this Contact , seeing this whole operation is performed by the Striate matter ; which tho' it be hurried forceably and abundantly through the Pores of the Load stone , yet by its passage takes nothing from the Magnet , nay , rather its virtue by this free communication thereof , is much increased . XXXI . By what Efficiency Glass and Amber draw to them bits of Straw and Stubble . And here , seeing that besides the Load-stone there be some other things that draw to them outward Bodies , such as Glass , Amber , Jet , Diamonds , which attract bits of Straw and Stubble ; it will not be amiss to say something of them . And first concerning Glass ; it seems probable that besides those Intervals , which in other Bodies give a free passage to the Matter of the first Element , there be some Long pores like unto slits , and so narrow , that they are only fit to admit the Matter of the first Element , without being capacious enough to receive the Globuli of the second Element . And forasmuch as the Matter of the first Element , accommodates it self , as hath been said , to the Pores through which it passeth , and assumes their figures , as it is wandring through those little Slits or Chinks , it becomes turned into certain Wreaths or Twists ; which because of the various disposition of the parts of Air , being not able to penetrate its Pores , do remain in their own lodging , and there move from one Chink to another by a Circular motion . So that when a piece of Glass is rubb'd hard and swiftly against some other Body till it grow hot , the particles lodged in the Glass are by this agitation first thrust out of their places , and so being driven from the Glass , and flying through the Air , penetrate the Pores of other Bodies : But because they cannot so freely course it between their parts , they soon return to the Glass again , and carry along with them those small Bodies , out of whose Cavities they cannot extricate themselves . And the fame may be said of Diamonds , Amber , Jet , Rosin , Sealing-Wax , and the like , since we suppose the same Intervals or Pores in them , viz. such as only can admit the Matter of the first Element , and that their Particles have the same force to enter the Pores of Bodies , and of carrying them along with them . CHAP. XI . Of Water . I. What Water is . WATER is a congested Mass of Particles of the Third Element , which are very thin . longish , smooth , and therefore very flexible , resembling small plying Cords , disposed to bend and yield every way . II. The Particles of Water are smooth . That the Particles of Water are smooth , may easily appear by Bodies that are wetted therewith ; which with the least degree of Heat , or with the motion of the Air only are dried . For the Particles of Water are by this means separated , and by force of the Motion of Heat , or the Agitation of the Air , driven out from the Bodies to which they were joyned . Hence it is , that Water is not frozen without some difficulty ; for its Particles being smooth , are readily separated from one another , by the Agitation of the Aethereal matter . III. That the Particles of the Water are in continual motion . Now that these Watry particles are in continual motion , besides what we have already cleared in our General Physiology , may be proved by these Instances , viz. that Liquors pour'd together do readily mingle ; that Oil and Water , by strong shaking , become incorporated together ; that Colours and Tastes are , as it were , in an instant diffus'd through all the parts of them , and other such like , which occur to our daily Experience . Book . I. Part. VI. Chap : XI . The Honourable Sr. Richard Haddock Knight Comptroller of their Majesties Navy Royall &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . V. How Water becomes turn'd to Ice . Water is never frozen , but when the Heavenly matter which runs betwixt the Watry Particles , becomes more subtil than is customary ; by which means it comes to pass , that the Pores of the Ice being reduced to the measure of these lesser particles of that matter , do shut out those that are never so little bigger . For which Reason it is that Ice is extream cold , and always keeps its Hardness , tho' it be kept till the midst of Summer . Neither doth it grow soft by little and little , as Wax doth , forasmuch as by reason of the narrowness of its pores , the heat cannot enter into the Inner parts of it , but as the Outward parts of it begin to melt . VI. Some parts of the VVater are flexible , and others inflexible . There are two sorts of particles in the Water , Flexible and Inflexible : The Flexible particles are those , which are agitated by the Heavenly matter that surrounds them ; and of these , Fresh-water is composed . These Flexible particles have no Elastick force , and apply'd to the Nerves that are disperst through the Tongue , they produce no Taste ; for wherever they meet with the least resistance they slip away . The Inflexible parts of the Water are stiff and sharp , like so many Swords , and these constitute Salt. As appears from what hath been said before . VII . Why Salt water pricks the Tongue . Hence we may see the Reason , why Salt-water as it were pricks the Tongue ; for since the Saline particles cannot be made to ply or bend , by the subtil Matter which surrounds them , they continue stiff , and as so many sharp-pointed Needles enter the pores of the Tongue , and entring , prick them with their Points : Whereas the parts of Fresh-water lye smooth upon the Tongue , and touch it not with their Points , but with their Sides . VIII . Salt-water is more heavy than Fresh-water , and lighter than Earth . It also appears from what hath been said , why Salt-water is more heavy than Fresh , viz. because it abounds with thicker and more solid Parts , which therefore cannot be resolved into Vapours : For the Saline particles being long and strait , they cannot long continue suspended in the Air , but that one end of them must hang downwards , which is an obstacle to their mounting upwards . But Water , whether Salt or Fresh , is lighter than the Earth ; because quantity for quantity , it hath less Force to withdraw it self from the Center of its motion , than the Earth . IX . Why Water is transparent . Water is made Transparent by the Globuli of the second Element , which continually passing through the pores of it , and being of sufficient force to remove some of its particles , by this means easily form therein passages fitted for the transmission of Light. And as for those Liquors which are dark and troubled , the Reason thereof is , because their parts are too thick to admit the Globuli of the second Element . As is apparent in Blood and Quicksilver . X. Why the Surface of the Water is smooth and even . The Surface of the Water is kept smooth and even , by the motion of the Air , which continually presseth down its Outward parts ; whence it is that small Needles being laid softly upon the Surface of it do not sink , but make a kind of hollow under them ; but when once the surface of the Water is divided , they immediately sink to the bottom . XI . Why the Water is not so fit to receive Sounds , as the Air. Tho' the Water do admit the Light , as well as the Air , as being capable of the Rectilineal pressure of the Matter of the second Element , continually passing through its Pores ; yet is it not so susceptive of Sounds as the Air , because its parts are thicker and more slowly moved . Hence it is that Vessels fill'd with Air being struck upon yield a Sound ; but not those that are full of any Liquor . And for the same Reason , dry Wood is more susceptive of Sound , than Green-wood ; because the pores of Dry-wood have the same respect to those of Green-wood , as an Empty Vessel hath to one that is full ; the pores of the Dry-wood being open and empty , whereas the other are stopt up . XII . Whence the saltness of the Sea proceeds . It is a Question much canvas'd , whence the Saltness of the Sea proceeds ? Which may be thus answer'd , That the same is caused by the Salt which is mingled with its Waters : For Sea-water abounds with Salt , as appears by its distillation ; for the Water distill'd from it is sweet , and the Salt remains in the bottom . What some say , that the Sea borrows its saltness from some Veins of Salt , doth not seem probable ; because if th●se Veins be near the Water , they must needs have been all dissolved long before this ; for Salt immediately dissolves in moisture . And if the waters do not touch them , how shall they communicate their saltness to them ? We conclude therefore , that the Sea is salt , and continues so , because it abounds with many inflexible and stiff Parts ; which tho' they may get up into the Air for some time , yet by reason of their Thickness , soon fall down thither again . Which is the Reason also , why they cannot , together with the flexible particles , pass through the Sand , but are left behind . XIII . The Sea being salt , how come● it to pass , that Fresh water is found in it ? But tho' the Sea be salt , yet Fresh-water hath been sometimes found in the midst of it , and that by reason of the many subterraneous Channels of Fresh-water , which are found at the bottom of it . Thus we see , that the Sea about the shoars , which are near to the Mouths of great Rivers , is less salt ; because the Fresh-water of the Rivers over-powering the Salt-water , continue to be fresh for some distance in the Sea. As may be seen at the Mouth of the River Rhôsne in France , where the Salt-water doth not mingle with its Fresh-water , till at some distance . XIV . Water is not Naturally cold . We are not to think with some Modern Philosophers , that Water is cold in its own Nature : For tho' it feels cold , when frozen , this only happens to it from the Rest of its parts , wherein the Nature of Cold consists . But when it is in its Liquid form , it is indifferent to Heat or Cold , as being naturally susceptive of a greater or less degree of Agitation , according to which it appears hot or cold . So that when heated Water , by de-degrees is reduc'd to its former coldness ; this proceeds not from its Natural propension to Coldness , but because it communicates some part of its Agitation ( wherein its heat doth consist ) to some Neighbouring Bodies . And therefore when Hot-water is so close shut up in any Vessel ; as to have no Communication with any ambient Bodies , it preserves its heat for a long while . Running-water therefore seems to be of such a Temperature , as to be a kind of Mean betwixt the Excess of Heat and Cold ; seeing that by great heat it would all vanish into Vapours , and by excess of cold be lock'd up into Ice . XV. Hot Fountains do not receive their Heat from subterraneous Fires . Supposing , according to what hath been deliver'd before , that the Earth contains great store of Brimstone , Jews-Lime , and other inflammable Bodies , it will not seem strange to us , that Hot-waters or Bathes break forth in several places of the Earth . Nor is it necessary that these Bodies should be actually set on fire , in order to heat the water flowing by them : For it doth not seem probable , that any such matter should be able to flame in the Earth ; because the Smoak of it would soon choak it for want of vent , or the surface of the Earth must burst to give it Air. Wherefore it seems more likely , that as of Saltpeter , Brimstone , Jews-Lime , and Quick-Lime Mixtures are made , which by sprinkling water upon them , do grow hot ( which happens also to Aqua Fortis and Oil of Tartar , and to Butter of Antimony , and Spirit of Nitre , when put together ; ) so the like Mixtures may be under the Earth , and the same Heat may happen when any Moisture comes to them . XVI . But from a Mixture of Heterogeneous Bodies . For it is not always necessary that Hot Fountains should proceed from subterraneous Fires , seeing that a mixture of Heterogeneous Bodies is sufficient for this purpose , as being able by Fermentation to produce the same effect . Heat therefore is communicated to Hot Bathes , whilst their water passeth through Channels heated by the fumes from Jews-Lime , Brimstone , or the like . For the water , by passing through these Hot places , becomes heated thereby , after the same manner as when water is heated in a Stove . XVII . The Qualities of Water . Accordingly , if the water of Fountains , before it breaks forth on the surface of the Earth , happen to pass through Juices and Minerals , it acquires from them their Taste and Smell , and several other qualities . For the strong Scents of some waters are from Brimstone and Jews-Lime , their Bitterness , from Nitre ; their Acidity from Copperas ; their Harshness and Adstringency , from Alom ; their Saltness , from Common Salt ; their sharp Taste , from Marchasite or Fire-stone ; their Iron taste , from Iron . XVIII . Waters receive their Medicinal virtue from the Mineral Juices , through which they flow . And forasmuch as those Juices through which these waters flow , abound with a Medicinal virtue , 't is from them they derive it , and by means thereof are profitable for the Cure of many Diseases . The Purgative virtue that some have being chiefly owing to Brimstone , Salt , or Nitre ; the Adstringing faculty of others to Alom , which is made use of by Physicians against Ulcers , Bloody-fluxes , and Relaxations of the Nerves . Those Waters that have a power of mollifying the Earth , receive it mostly from Brimstone and Jews-Lime . Which is the Cause why Bituminous Bathes are accounted profitable to those who are troubled with the Gout or Ach in their Hips . In like manner Waters are made hurtful , by being imbued from some Metallick Bodies ; such are those which have received a taint from Lead , or Quicksilver , or are infected with a petrifying Juice , or of some middle Mineral , as that of Antimony ; and therefore causing Vomitings , and Scourings . And , in a word , whatsoever Waters exert any special Operation on the Body of Man , have it derived from Subterraneous matters . CHAP. XII . Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. I. The Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea is proportion'd in time , accor ding to the Motion of the Moon . BY the Sea-Tide we understand the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , which twice happens in the time of 24 hours , and about 50 minutes . The Sea-Tide is Regular , tho' it do not happen at the same time , nor after the same manner in all places . For the Sea swells as oft as the Moon passeth our Meridian , whether above or under our Horizon ; and it falls again , when the Moon is on the Horizon , whether it riseth or sets : For we find , that the Sea in its motion keeps a proportion of Time with the Moon ; for as the Moon riseth every day 3 Quarters of an Hour and 5 Minutes later● , so at the same Interval doth the Sea rise . II. What the Sea-Tide is . For the Flowing of the Sea is nothing else , but the motion of the Sea-water towards the Shoars , in about Six Hours time : And the Ebbing ; is the motion of the said Waters from the Shoars , Sea-ward , in other Six Hours time . III. The Tide is not the same in all Seas . The Tide is not the same in all Seas ; but in some the same is greater , and in others less , yea , in some the Tide is verry inconsiderable , or none at all . In some places the Flowing of the Sea , is equal to its Ebbing , in others greater and in others less . The greatest variety of Tides is at the Aequinoxes and Solstices , as also at the different Aspects of the Moon : Thus at the Full and New Moon the Tide runs highest , as it is least at the Quarters . This is observ'd in almost all the Shoars of Europe , which the Ocean beats upon . But the Flood is always so much the greater , and comes the slower , by how much the Shoars against which they beat , lye more towards the North ; and on the contrary is scarcely sensible between the Tropicks . IV. The Opinion of the Ancients , and some of the Peripateticks , concerning the Cause of the Sea-Tide . The Ancients , to give a Reason of all these Appearances , feigned the World to be a great Animal , which by breathing through its Nostrils , placed by them at the bottom of the Sea , did cause the Sea to rise and fall . But this Monster is long since vanish'd into a Chymoera . Some of the later Philosophers , Peripateticks , and others say , that this Reciprocation of the Sea proceeds from an Occult quality . But what is this else , but a Profession of their Ignorance , and that in plain terms they do not know the Thing they pretend to Explicate ? At this rate , it is an easie matter to explain all the Mysteries of Nature . For that which is hid is not known ; and indeed we know no Effects , but such as we can demonstrate by their proper Causes . V. The Opinion of Galilaeus , and of some others . Some attribute this Effect to the Agitation of the Saline particles of the Sea-water , by the moderate heat of the Moon . GALILAEUS , to the multifarious and unequal motion of the Earth . But these their Opinions are overthrown by this Observation , that neither of them gives the least probable Reason of these motions in the upper Hemisphere , when the Moon is in the lower ; and on the contrary . The latter Opinion is indeed the better of the two , but somewhat obscure , and not altogether consonant to Reason ; because it attributes less to the Moon than her due , who certainly hath a great stroak in this matter . VI. Some things supposed for the better understanding of the Sea-Ti●e . For the understanding of the true Cause of the Sea-Tide , some things are to be presupposed . First , That the Course of the Moon , and of the rest of the Planets is Elliptical , not perfectly Round . And this is granted by all who suppose the Heavens to be fluid . Secondly , That whilst the Earth is whirl'd about from West to East , in the Center of her Vortex ABCD , the Moon is carried in the outward Surface or Circumference of the said Vortex , and in a Months Space absolves her Course . Thirdly , That when the Moon is plac'd at B , the Heavenly matter will be more strong between B , and 6 , than between 8 and D ; because it there flows through a narrower Space , by reason of the Moons presence ; and therefore the place of the Earth , which is determin'd by the force of the Circumfluent matter , will also be changed , that is , the Earth will withdraw towards D , till the force be equal on both Sides . VII . The true Cause of the Sea-Tide . These things presuppos'd , let us consider the Figure where the Elliptick ABCD represents the Vortex of the Earth , in the midst whereof the Earth EFGH is placed . The Circle B ☽ , the Globe of the Moon ; 1 2 3 4 , the surface of the Sea ; and 5 6 7 8 , the Air , which surrounds the Sea. This suppos'd , we may easily understand that the Rising and Falling of the Sea must proceed from the presence of the Moon . For seeing that all places are fill'd with Bodies , and that the same portion of Matter is preserv'd every where ; it follows that New Bodies cannot be admitted into them , except thereby other Bodies be compressed , so that they that come in must thrust the others out of their places , and force them to betake themselves elsewhere . Which happens here by reason of the Lunar Globe B ☽ ; for the Moon being a great Body , and requiring a large Space to dilate it self in , she cannot ascend upon our Horizon , without lessening the Interval that is betwixt her and the surface of the Earth , and by this means forcing the Coelestial matter to flow more swiftly ; and consequently pressing as well the surface of the Air 5 6 7 8 , as that of the Water 1 2 3 4 the more , which being fluid Bodies , do readily yield to the said pressure . VIII . An Objection answer'd . It is of no weight , to say that the Air and Heavenly matter move more slowly in the great Diameter , even then when the Moon takes up a part of it , than they move in the little Diameter , when the Moon is without the same : For it is enough , if the passage only of the Air and Coelestial matter be more straitned in the great Diameter , when the Moon is in it , than it is when she is not , to cause the Waters that are in this Diameter to be driven towards the Poles , and so by this means to cause an Ebbing and Flowing . IX . The presence of the Moon presseth the Water and the Air in tw● 〈◊〉 parts Forasmuch therefore as it is manifest , that the Earth EFGH is kept in , and determin'd to the same place , by the equal pressure of the subtil Matter that surrounds it ; it cannot be conceived , how that part of the surface of the Earth , which is opposite to the Moon , existing in the Point B , should be more pressed , without conceiving at the same time , that the Matter of the Heaven must push the Earth out of its place , thrusting it forwards to the opposite part D , until the Earth , about the Point 8 , be pressed after the same manner , as about 6. Wherefore there are two streights , B and 6 , and D and 8 , made in this Vortex or Heaven , which are diametrically opposite to each other , viz. the one betwixt the Moon ☽ , and the Earth T ; and the other between the Earth T , and D. X. How the Howing of the Sea is caused . Whilst therefore the Coelestial matter , which moves round about the Earth , moves more swiftly in these Streights , one whereof is betwixt the Earth T , and the Moon B ; and the other betwixt the same Earth T , and the opposite part D. It presses the Sea 2 and 4 , and drives it from thence towards those places that are free from this Pression , that is , towards G and E ; where swelling by the force of its own Heaviness , it is driven towards the Shoars . XI . The Sea-Tide must happen twice in a day . And because the Circumvolution of the Earth about its own Center , is performed in 24 Hours , if we divide its surface into Four parts EFGH , that part of it which is at F , where the Sea is lowest , because of the presence of the Moons Body , 6 Hours hence will be in G , over against the Point C. where it is highest ; and after 6 Hours more at H , and so on . Whence it follows , that the Sea-water must of necessity flow and ebb every 12 Hours , in one and the same place . And because the Moon every Day runs 12 Degrees towards the East , the Tide must be retarded , that is , come later by almost an Hour : For tho' the Earth be carried about in 4 Hours , and must at a certain time bring back the same part of the Ocean ; yet because it must also run over those 12 Degrees , which the Moon hath run through before it can bring back that part of the Ocean , and oppose the same to the Body of the Moon , so it is that the Tide happens every day about 50 minutes later ; and consequently between the two Tides that happen every day , there is the difference of 25 minutes . XII . Why the Waters return to the Parallel , above which the Moon moves . It is easie to apprehend , that if the Earth and Moon were immovable , the Waters that have been prest towards the Poles , would not return from thence ; forasmuch as they would be held there by the same Cause that hath push'd them thither : But seeing that the Earth and the Moon are in a perpetual motion , it will follow of necessity , that the Waters which have been thrust from the Parallel which is under the Moon towards the Poles , must return afterwards by their own weight , from the Poles towards the Parallel , above which the Moon is , at that time when the parts , from whence they have been driven , are no longer opposite to the Moon . XIII . Why the Tide is longer in 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 th● 〈…〉 an● 〈◊〉 fore is greater there . It is apparent also , why the Tide must come later to the Northern Shoars , than to those that are further from the North ; for seeing that the moved Waters are driven from the South part to the North , they must of necessity reach the nearer Shoars before those that are further off : And because the Waters that beat the Shoars near to the Torrid Zone , may pass further and flow toward the Poles , except they be hindred by the Northern Coasts , it comes to pass by this means , that the Tide is greater and more sensible in that part which is at a greater distance from the Aequinoctial Line ; because the Waters about the Aequator , by reason of the largeness of the Circle , are diffused towards the Poles , that they may be gather'd together in a narrower Region . XIV . An Objection answer d. But if any one Object here , That the Waters , in the space of 6 Hours , which is the time of the Duration of the flood , cannot flow from the Tropick to the Poles ; and thence conclude , that the swelling of the Sea towards the Northern parts , cannot be an effect of the pressing of the Moon betwixt the Tropicks . I answer , That in order to make the Sea swell towards the North , it is not necessary that the Waters , betwixt the Tropicks , should go to the Poles ; but that it is sufficient , if they only drive away those that are nearest ; and that these again drive others before them , and so on to the last ; which may be done in less than 6 Hours time , because the Sea is a continuous Body . XV. Why the greatest Tides are about the Aequinoxes . Now the Body of the Moon continuing of the same Thickness , takes up more of the narrow Space , when she is in the less Diameter , than she does of the larger Space , when she is in the greater Diameter ; and therefore it matters not whether she be in her farthest distance from the Earth , or in her nearest ; because at either time she makes the Space of the Vortex wherein she is streighter or more narrow ; and it is only her presence over against the Earth that is the Cause of the Tide , and not her nearness to it . And this furnisheth us with the true Reason , why the highest Tides are at the Aequinoxes ; because at the Beginnings of Aries and Libra , the Moon more directly acts upon the Earth , and presseth it accordingly , forasmuch as its Plain at both those times doth not decline from the Plain of the Aequator of the Earth , above 5 Degrees . For then the middlemost part of the Earth , or the Aequator , is in the Ecliptick , near to which the Moon always continues ; and consequently the Space being there narrower , the pressure must be so much the greater . But at the time of the Solstices , she declines 23 Degrees and 30 Minutes from the Plain of the Earths Aequator . Seeing therefore that from the former direct Opposition , doth follow a great Pressure of the Air and Water , it is no wonder if about that time the greatest Tides do happen . XVI . Why the Tides are greater at New and Full Moon , than at the Quarters . So likewise it is manifest , why the Tides at New and Full Moon are greater , than at the Quarters . For the Vortex ABCD , wherein the Moon is , is not exactly round , but somewhat Elliptical , and leaves a greater Space betwixt the Earth and its Circumference , about A , and C , than about B , and D. And therefore seeing the Diameter , wherein the Moon is when she is New or Full , is narrower than that which intersects it at right Angles , it must follow , that when the Moon is in those narrower streights of Heaven , she must with more force press the interfluent Matter , and consequently produce greater Tides . But in the Quarter of the Moon about A and C , the Tides are less ; because the Moon is then in those more ample Spaces , and consequently there must be a less pressure of the Waters . XVII . An Objection answer'd . It signifies nothing therefore to say , that the Moon is not always nearer to the Earth , when she is in Conjunction or Opposition , than when she is in her Quarters ; and that consequently the Tides ought not to be greater at the Conjunctions or Oppositions , than at the Quarters : Because , as I have before observed , the highest Tides do not precisely depend upon the Moons being nearer to the Earth ; but because at the Conjunctions and Oppositions the Moon is always in the least Diameter of the Ellipsis ; where , whensoever she is , be she nearer to , or further from the Earth , she always more streightens the passage of the Air and Heavenly matter , than she doth when she is in the greatest Diameter of the Ellipsis . XVIII . Why the greatest Tides are three days after the New and Full Moon . The greatest Floods commonly happen 3 days after the New and Full Moons , because of the Disposition the Sea-water is in at that time , to be moved more than ordinary : For having been strongly moved the two foregoing days , it is no wonder to find the Tides still to increase for 2 days after that the Sea hath received its greatest Impulsion from the Moon . XIX . The Cause of the various Tides in the Sea , proceeds from the different situation of the several places , It remains still to be explained , how it comes to pass , that seeing the Moon is the common Cause of all Tides , there is a great variety of them to be observed in the Ocean . To clear this Difficulty , I say , that this variety of Tides is often to be attributed to the Sea-shoars , which according as they are nearer or more remote , so the Waters reach them sooner or later . Wherefore , if the Sea about the Aquitain shoar flows 7 Hours , and ebbs but 5 ; and on the contrary , if near Canada , it flows 5 Hours , and ebbs 7 ; if on the shoars of Guinea in Africa , it flows 4 Hours , and ebbs 8. If at Venice the Tide rises many Foot high , and at Ancona nothing at all , or very little , this depends on the diversity of the situation of those Coasts . Of this we have an Instance in the Banks of Rivers , between which , according to the difference of their situation , the Water runs either headlong , or glides away smoothly ; runs winding and turning , or takes a strait course . The Aquitain Sea therefore is longer a flowing , than it is ebbing ; whereas on the Belgick shoar , the Flood and Ebb is equal , because of the different degrees of their Steepness and Declining . So likewise at Venice , and on the Coast of Syria , the Tide riseth much higher than with us ; because the former places are situate , as it were , at the end of the Channel ; whereas the latter are in the midst of it : For it is manifest , that the rising or falling of the Water shaken in a Vessel , is only perceived at the Extream parts of the Vessel ; whereas in the Middle there is nothing to be perceived , but an equal and simple flowing of the Water . XX. And fr●● the various pression of the the Moon . But to determine something more particularly about this Diversity of Tides , we are to take notice , that the motion of the Waters chiefly depends on this , That in that vast Tract of the Sea , there be some peculiar places where the Waters are very much pressed , because of the Moons presence ; and others again , where no force at all seems to be put upon them : Which makes that the Waters are driven to those places where there is no pressure , and so arise there against the Shoars , and make a Flood . Wherefore , if there be any Waters in the Sea , which because of the inconsiderableness of their Extension , are all over cover'd by the Body of the Moon , they must needs be so equally prest in all their parts , as that no Rising or Falling can be perceived in them . Thus those Lakes , Pools , and Rivers that are between the Tropicks , have no Tides , seeing that because of the smalness of their surfac● , compar'd with the Bulk of the Moon , they cannot be sensibly prest one way more than another . Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap. 13 G. Freman . In. I. Kip. Scul To Captaine Thomas Newman● of Iver in the County of Buckingham Gent. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Ric : Blome XXI . Why some Seas suffer no Tides . Wherefore it is no wonder , if in the Baltick Sea , the Dead Sea , and the Euxine Sea , no Tides at all are perceived ; because those Seas have no entercourse with the Ocean ; or if any of them have any communication with it , it is by such narrow passages , that the agitation of the Sea can have no great force upon them . XXII . The meeting of Waters , a Cause of the difference of of Tides . To this Diversity of Tides , the various Meetings of Waters , and difference of Winds , which differently agitate them , and drive them one against another , do much contribute . For the Sea flows continually from East to West , which those who fail from Spain to the West Indies have Experience of ; for they frequently perform this Voyage in 30 Day , ; whereas in their Return , they spend no less than 3 Months , because the Course of the Sea is against them , and runs Westward . And the same is observ'd by those who sail from Lisbon to Brazile . XXIII . Why the Gulf of Venice flows towards the West . If you Object , That the quite contrary to this is found in the Gulf of Venice ; for the Sailers tell us , that when they are over against Epirus and Dalmatia , they perceive that the Waters are carried with a strong Stream Westward , towards Venice ; and that when they are near the Coast of Italy , they are carried Eastward , towards the Morea . I Answer , That these motions of the Waters are caused by Rivers , which from subterraneous Cavities flow into the Sea ; which in their coming forth , do with great Violence push forwards the water of the Sea that meets them , and divert it from its Course . Or else those Rivers , being beaten back by the VVater of the Sea , are forc'd to turn their motion , and to run another way . XXIV . An Objection against the foresaid Explication , of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. But against this Explication of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , it is Objected , First , That if the Moon did drive the Waters from between the Tropicks towards the Poles , it would follow , that when the Moon is in the Meridian , it would be Low-water in that part which was opposite to it , and High-water towards the Poles ; whereas Experience shews the contrary , viz. that the Tide comes in when the Moon approacheth to the Meridian , and that the water falls , as she withdraws from it . XXV . Answer'd . I Answer , That when the Moon is in the Meridian , the Sea must be low precisely in that place which is over against it ; but it doth not follow therefore , that it must be High-water under the Poles , but only that it must be High-water between the Tropicks and the Poles , and so it is . For we find by Experience , that the Sea increaseth from about the Tropicks , to the most Northern part of England ; and that from thence , towards the Poles , it increaseth no more . Whence it is , that in the Northern Ocean , from about the Latitude of about 65 Degrees , to the Poles , there is no Flood nor Ebb at all . XXVI . A second Objection against this Explication of the Tide . In the Second place it is Objected , That the Coelestial matter which follows the Moon , and which moves somewhat swifter than she doth , from West to East , doth not only run under the Moon , but also above it , and on the sides of it ; so that that part of the Sea , over against which the Moon is , will be no more pressed than the rest . XXVII . Answer'd . For Answer : It is certain that the Heavealy matter which follows the Moon , and is in a tendency to go somewhat swifter than she doth , from West to East , doth not all of it flow under the Moon , but that a part of it passeth above it , and on the sides of it ; yet doth not this hinder , but that the Way of the said matter under the Moon is more streightned , which is sufficient to make the Sea to be more pressed in that part , than in all the rest . XXVIII . There is a threefold Tide . From what hath been said , we may gather , that there is a Threefold Tide , according to the difference of Times , viz. a Daily , Monthly , and Yearly Tide . The Daily Tide is that , whereby the Sea in 24 Hours time doth twice approach to the same Shoar , and as many times retires again in this order , That the Tide of the Day following falls about 50 minutes later , than that of the Day foregoing . The Monthly Tide consists in this , that the Daily Tide increaseth twice in a Month , viz. about the New and Full Moon , and twice decreaseth , viz. in the Quadrate Aspects of the Moon . The Yearly Tide consists in this , that the Monthly Tide twice in a Year riseth higher than ordinary , viz. at both the Aequinoxes , and as often decreaseth , viz. at the Solstices . Wherefore if these 3 Periods be compared with the Daily and Yearly motion of the Earth , it will seem impossible , they are the words of GALILAEUS , in the 4th Dialog . System . Mundani , That Naturally there should be any Tide , supposing the Earth to stand immovable , without betaking ones self to the absolute Power of GOD , and conclude , that the Sea-Tide is a supernatural Effect . CHAP. XIII . Of the Air. I. Of the Atmosphere . THe AIR , according to the Order of Nature , follows the Earth and Water , to the Surfaces whereof it adheres and is joyned . The Astronomers call that part of Heaven , Air , into which the Vapours and Exhalations ascend . And because all those Exhalations , which are continually breath'd forth from the Earth and Sea , are by the pressing of the Subtil matter , dispos'd into a Round surface ( at least as far as the agitation of those Bodies will permit ) they gave the Name of Atmosphere to those Vapours . It is various , according to the diversity of Heat and Cold , and of the Vapours themselves ; and from thence proceeds a various Refraction and Reflexion of the Rays of the Sun and Moon , and the other Stars in the Air. II. There is a twofold Substance in the Air. Accordingly we are to distinguish a twofold Substance in the Air , viz. one Native and Primitive , which hath been from the Beginning of the World , and which is the most pure and thin part of it : And the other Adventitious or Foreign , which consists of the Effluvia's or Steams of other Bodies , according to the difference of Place and Time. Hence the Air is accounted , First , absolutely Pure , when these Steams are not so thick , that they can easily cling together , and thereby lose the form of Air. Secondly , With respect to us , whilst those steams are not so hurtful to our Bodies ; such as they are at the time of Epidemical and Contagious Diseases . III. What the Air is . The Air is a loose Body , fluid and transparent , whose Particles are so small , and so little clinging together , that they may with the least force be separated from the Globuli of the second Element and by a peculiar motion be carried independently about their own Center . The Fluidity of the Air proceeds , from its being compos'd of very subtil and thin Particles ; for tho' their irregular Figures seem to dispose them to cling together , yet are they forced to continue separate , because the minuteness of their Branches makes them yield to the motion of the Subtil matter , which by its great Mobility keeps them disunited , and makes them continue in a Liquid form . And forasmuch as its Particles are thin and disjoyned , every one of them moves independently from any of its Neighbours , and takes up that whole little Sphere , which is needful to its being whirl'd about its own Axis , keeping all other particles out of it . IV. The Property of the Air is to Polish and Smooth . The Air 's Property is to polish and smooth moist Bodies , and to keep them from being easily penetrated ; as appears in the Water , which easily bears a Steel Needle , or a Pane of Glass , as long as its surface is not broken . Now the Cause of this is , because the Parts of the Air are moved otherways than the Parts of the Water ; so that by their rubbing against one another , both their surfaces are hardned , and made more unfit to be divided . V. What Vapours and Exhalations are . But because the more subtil parts of Exhalations do compose the Air , it will not a little conduce to our better understanding of the Nature of the Air , if we explain what Exhalations are , and how they are distinguish'd from Vapours . Vapours therefore are nothing else , but Particles of VVater , which the Heat of the Sun , and the Circular motion of the Earth , have separated from one another , and raised into the Air. And , Exhalations are certain Particles , which by the same Causes have been separated and raised from Earthly Bodies . VI. How they are said to be raised by the Sun. When it is said ▪ that Vapours and Exhalations are raised into the Air by the Sun , it is not so to be understood , as if the Sun did attract them by his Beams ( for such an Attraction is unintelligible ) but only that at the presence of the Sun , or some other Cause , the Subtil matter which pierceth the Pores of Bodies , doth separate some Particles from them ; which finding no other place but the Air , wherein they can move , do tend that way , in a manner not much unlike to that , whereby the Dust , which in Summer time we tread upon with our Feet , mounts upwards , and is raised up into many Clouds , according to the number of those that Tread it . VII . Another Property of the Air , is to be Rarefied and Condensed . The Air , and all Vapours , are easily condensed and rarefied , according as they are more or less agitated . They become Rarefied , when they are more swiftly than ordinary tossed by the Heat : For seeing their Particles are flexible , the least commotion doth dilate them , and then they require a greater Space to continue their motion in . Again , they become Condensed , when they cease to be agitated by Heat ; for then their Particles cling together , and are comprest by Cold : For nothing else can be understood by Heat , but the Agitation of the minute Particles of Bodies ; as by Cold , th● Diminution or Cessation of that motion . VIII . The Air being comprest , hath the power of springing back . The Air that is forceably comprest in any Vessel , hath a power of springing back ( which is called its Elastick virtue , ) and of extending it self into a larger space . By which means Instruments are made , which , with the help of the Air only , drive the Water upwards , as we see in Artificial Fountains ; and others , that shoot Darts , like Bows . The Cause whereof is , for that when the Air is thus compressed , each of its spherical Particles hath not sufficient place left it , wherein to perform its Circular motion , by reason of the crowding in of other Bodies : And forasmuch as at the same time , the agitation of these Particles is continued , by the motion of the Heavenly matter perpetually flowing about those parts , it can be no otherwise , but they must hit against one another , and push each other out of their places ; and thus at last , all of them together , make a strong push for it , to acquire a larger space . IX . Air condens'd is more heavy than that which is rarefied . Condensed Air is more heavy , than that which is Rarefied ; because it contains less Heavenly matter . We may Experience this , by filling a Bladder first with a little , and rarefied Air ; and afterwards with much , and condensed Air. The Distance of the Air from the Eart● , is uncertain . From the Greater or Lesser Agitation , or Rarefaction and Condensation of the Air , we conclude , that the Compass of the Air is greater in Summer than in Winter ; and therefore that what is commonly said , that the furthest distance of the Air from the Earth is of 52 Italian miles , is vain and uncertain . And the same is to be said concerning the three Regions of the Air , and their several Bounds ; as when they ascribe to the Lowest Region , the height of half an Italian mile ; to the Middlemost , of three and an half ; and to the Highest , the heigth of 48 miles . For seeing there are no certain Bounds whereby these Regions are discriminated , it is a Fond undertaking , to go about to determine their Limits . XI . The Air is Heavy . Another Property of the Air is Heaviness . For as we find that the VVater presseth the bottom it lies upon ; so likewise the Air , which encompasseth the Earth , doth press it on every side ; and so much the more vehemently presseth it , by how much it is nearer to the Earth : As appears in a Bag-Pipe or Bladder fill'd with Air , which thereby becomes heavier than it was before . The same also may be proved , by the running of Quicksilver out of a Pipe that is stopt at the Top ; for the Quicksilver changeth its height , according as it is carried along a low , or high place ; so as to be depress'd deeper in a high place , and mount up higher in a low place . XII . Why the weight of the Air is not selt . If you demand , How comes it then to pass , that we are not sensible of the weight of the Air ? I answer , That the Reason is , because there is as great a Force in our Body to resist , as there is in the Heavy Air to press . For our Body being full of Blood and Spirits , doth with no less Force resist the pressure of the surrounding Air ; which is the Reason , why the Air with its weight cannot move our Nerves , nor impress a sense of Heaviness upon us . XIII . Whence the Heaviness of the Air proceeds . Now the Heaviness of the Air , is to be ascrib'd to the watry Particles that are mingled with it ; because that part of it which is diffus'd about the Earth , and reacheth to some certain distance , doth approach to the Nature of a watry Vapour , especially when many steams are mix'd with it . Yea , if we may believe some Men , Thick Air is not only fill'd with Steams from the Earth and Water ; but receives also the Breathings of all other Bodies , and abounds with their Spirits . XIV . Why the Lower Region of the Air is hotter than the higher . The Region of the Air , which is nearest to the Earth , is hotter than that which is at a good distance from it ; because the Solar Rays being more copiously reflected from the compact Body of the Earth , do produce a greater agitation of its Particles . And therefore it is that the higher Region of the Air is cold , where Clouds , Snow and Rain are generated ; because the Rays that are reflected from the Earth , do not so copiously mount up to it . XV. The Air is not Moist , as the Peripateticks suppose . The Peripateticks hold the Air to be Moist , but without any sufficient ground , that ever I could understand ; save only , because they thought it convenient to attribute two of their invented Qualities to the Air , which they call an Element . For tho' the Air be sometime called Moist , this doth not suppose it to have an Essential Humidity ; but is so denominated , because of those Watry particles resolv'd into Vapours , that are joyn'd with it ; which , when they are removed , it is called Dry : In which condition it cannot be turn'd into Water , no not by the most extream Cold. CHAP. XIV . Of the Elastick or Spring like Force of the Air. I. What a Spring is . BY the word SPRING is commonly understood , that whereby a thing that is forceably bent and reduc'd to a less Extension , doth explicate it self again , and strive to return to its former Expansion . II. Wherein the Elastick or Spring-like force of Bodies doth consist . This Elastick , or Spring-like Force in Bodies , proceeds from the Subtil or Aethereal matter ; for when any hard Body , by Example , the Blade of a Sword is bent , its parts are by this means deflected from the Convex or Jetting-side of the Blade , and approach nearer on the Concave or Hollow-side of it ; by which means the Pores on this side , must needs be made more narrow . Now because the Subtil Matter cannot exert its Force , to return through those parts of the bended Body , it passeth through ; but strives at the same time , to reduce the parts thereof to that state wherein they were before , it must necessarily follow , that this Body must fly back . III. The Air is easily Condensed and Rarefied . This Affection is most peculiar to the Air ; which being nothing else , but a company of thin Particles of the third Element , which comply with the motions of the Heavenly matter , becomes easily condens'd ; not only when by the decrease of Heat , and the less agitation of its parts , they do not with so great Force push against one another , as before they did ; but also because they are shut up within the parts of another Body , which compress them more than ordinary . And on the contrary , the Air is as easily Rarefied , as soon as those Causes are removed , which reduc'd it to a less Space . Whether this happens by means of Heat let into its Pores , if before it was condensed by Cold ; or by opening the Prison wherein it was shut up before , if by Compression only it was reduced to a less Bulk . IV. The Air can be Rarefied and Condensed divers ways . For the Air can be dilated three several ways , either by its Elastick virtue , whereby it resists its being Comprest ; or by the Force wherewith the Subtil matter strives to enter again into the Pores , whence it hath been driven away ; or , lastly , by the extream Agitation of the said Matter , which moving the parts of the Air more strongly than ordinary , causeth it to extend it self farther . And on the contrary , the Air becomes condensed , either because it is pressed ; or , because the Subtil matter , which before moved its Particles , is slipt away from them ; or , because the said matter having lost part of its Agitation , hath no more the Force to move them as much as it did before , which makes them to lye more close together . V. The Action whereby the Air flies back like a Spring , is very sudden . But we are to take notice , that this Dilatation , whereby the Air removes all Obstacles that compress it , is and must be very sudden ; because its parts , which before could not move without clinging together , do then with joynt Forces leap back , and by the force of the Heavenly Globuli , continually flowing about them , make an assault together , in order to take up a larger Space . There are various Experiments that are founded on this Affection of the Air , which we admire in Artificial Fountains , and Wind Guns , which shoot Leaden-bullets , and other things . VI. An Example of an Artificial Fountain . For let the Air be comprest in the Pneumatick Vessel , the lower part of it being fill'd with Water , and the Water will spout out thence with so great force , that it will surpass almost any supposed height . For Example , Let the Pneumatick Vessel be ABC , the lower part whereof BC contains Water , and the superiour BAC Air ; which being crowded into it by the Pipe AD , at several times ; let it be comprest , as is wont , in the upper Cavity BAC ; then let the Tube ▪ or Pipe AD be well stopt , by turning the Key of the side Pipe , appearing above B. This supposed , if the Key of the greater Pipe DA be open'd , the Water will spout forth through the said Pipe with great force to E , being forc'd upwards by the compr●st and condensed Air. And forasmuch as the Air is still capable of greater degrees of Compression , it is certain that the Air may also be push'd upwards with still greater and greater force . The Reason of this Experiment is this , that the Particles of Air contained in the Pneumatick Vessel , being thin , and separate from each other , do yield to the motions of the Globuli of the second Element : But when these Globuli are by some force thrust out , the Particles of the Air are forc'd to come nearer together , and entangle one another , so as that they can no longer whirl round , as they were us'd to do . Now being toss'd about by the Subtil matter , they with their Corners hit one against another , and thrust each other out of their place : By which means they so bend their Force , to get more room for themselves , as that by that Effort they spout out the Waters with great force towards E. VII . Musical Wind Instruments may be play'd upon by the Compression of the Air. And for the same Reason a strong Wind can be excited , by means of the Compression of the Air , which will be able to express all Variety of Sounds . For so we Experience , that even great Organs , by the Pneumatick Art , can play variety of Tunes , without any assistance of a Musicians Hand , to wit , by our blowing into some Pipes , and thereby turning a Wheel , whose Teeth shall tuneably strike the Keys of the Organ . VIII . How the Wind-Gun can discharge Leaden Bullets . As for the Wind-Gun , which by means of Air only doth discharge Bullets with an extraordinary Violence , the same may be made after this manner . Suppose CA , in the Figure , to be a Brass Pipe , or Bore ; and let the end thereof , marked A , be well stopt , and be furnish'd with its Stock , and with two Keys I and K , so as that one of them may touch the other ; and having open'd both the Keys , let a Plug be put in at the Mouth of the Bore C , by the help of a Screw , the Operation being several times repeated , in order to a stronger Compression ; then let the Key K be shut home , and the other Key I be a little open'd , that by letting in of Air the Plug may be drawn forth ; then let a Bullet be put into the Bore , with a little Tow , to keep it in ; then open first the Key I , and afterwards K , and there will follow a forceable explosion or discharge of the Bullet at a great distance , by force of the Comprest Air. IX . The Compression of the Air raiseth Quicksilver two Foot high , and keeps it so suspended . It is from the same Compression of the Air , that Quicksilver contain'd in a Glass-Pipe , open at one end and stopt at the other , remains suspended 2 Foot and a quarter high ; whereas Water is raised to almost 32 Foot. For take a Glass-Pipe AB , 3 Foot long , being open at the one end A , and Hermetically sealed at the other B ; let it be fill'd with Quicksilver , and turn'd upside down into the Vessel CD , also full of Quicksilver ; it will clearly appear , that the Quicksilver will not sink down to the bottom of the Glass , but will continue suspended in the same almost 27 Inches high , at E. And the Reason is , because the Quicksilver cannot sink lower , but by pressing the Ambient Air , which being already condensed by that which lies upon it , and endeavouring to regain its former Expansion , strives against it , and by reason of the rowling of its complicated parts , cannot ply or give way . For tho' the Quicksilver be very heavy , yet can it not force the Air , consisting of thickish , vehemently extended , and continually rowling Parts , to a farther Compression . X. The Air proved to be the Cause of this Effect . Now that this Effect doth wholly depend on the Elastick Power of the Air , may be perceiv'd chiefly by this ; because in the Pneumatick Engin , invented by Mr. Boyle , if the Pipe fill'd with Quicksilver be thrust into other Quicksilver , as soon as the Air is exhausted , the Mercury no longer continues elevated 27 Inches high , but sinks by degrees , and falls into the Vessel . But as soon as the Air is let in again into the Engin , the Quicksilver riseth again , and takes possession again of its former station . XI . This Sinking of the Quicksilver doth vary according to the difference of Places . Yet we find that the Air hath not the same Force in all Countries , nor resists the weight of Quicksilver alike ; but according as the same is purer or more gross , so the sinking thereof is different . For tho' the Air be a Liquid Body , and be so ranged about the Center of the Earth , that its surface is of a Round Figure ; yet because about the Poles , by reason of the great Cold it is more condensed , than in other places , it must needs be found there in greater abundance ; and consequently must lye more heavily upon the Earth of those Countries , than upon those that are nearer to the Aequinoctial . Upon which account it is , that the Quicksilver sinks less in the Glass-Pipe , in Holland , Denmark and Sweden , than in France , where the Air is more thin and rarefied ; and more at Florence than at Paris : So that in the Year 1643 , in which this Experiment was first tried , the Quicksilver in a Weather-Glass , at Florence in Italy , stopt at 2 Foot and almost 3 Inches : At Paris , at 2 Foot 3 Inches and an half ; and in Holland , at 2 Foot , and 6 or 7 Inches . XII . And of the Weather . And not only so , but this Rising and Falling differs also , according to the Change of the Weather ; for we find that the Quicksilver in a Weather-Glass , sinks more in Fair than Rainy weather , and on a high Mountain , than in a low Valley , or any other place , where the Air is more Thick and Gross , and so strives more against the weight laid upon it . For the Air is condensed according to the Proportion of the weight of the Air that is above it , which is always so much the greater , by how much the Air is lower ; and consequently it is necessary , that this Virtue be greater in that part of the Air , which is nearer unto the Earth , than in that which is farther from it . XIII . All the Motions that are commonly attributed to the avoiding of a Vacuum , are caused by the Weight of the Air. From this Weight , or Elastick Power of the Air , proceed all those motions which are commonly ascribed to Natures abhorrence from a Vacuum , and may be readily explained by it : For no other Reason can be given why the Water riseth in a Pump , but only this , because it is pressed by the Air , that is about it , and so tends thither , where there is either very little or no pressure at all of the Air , viz. within the Bore of the Pump , out of which the Plug is pull'd ; as hath been explained in our General Physicks , by many Instances . CHAP. XV. Of Meteors in General . I. What Meteors are . WE come now to treat of those things that are generated in the Air , commonly called METEORS : Which are nothing else but certain various impressions made upon the Elements , exhibiting them sometimes in this , and sometimes in another Form. And because for the most part they appear on high in the Air , they have got the Name of Meteors from their Elevation . II. Meteors are Threefold . METEORS are Threefold , viz. Fiery , Airy , and Watry , according to the Predominion of that Element , which is most conspicuous in them . Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap. 16 G. Freman . In I. Kip S. To the Honourable John Granville Second Son to the Right Honourable John Earle of Bath &c. a This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome IV. Airy . AIRY METEORS , are those which consist of Flatuous and Spirituous Exhalations , such as the Winds are . V. Watery . WATERY METEORS consist of Vapours or Watry Particles , by the Action of Heat separated from each other , and variously modified . These are manifold . VI. As Clouds , Snow , Rain . For if these Vapours be elevated above the Earth , and hanging in the Air , are either by a West-wind , opposing the ordinary motion of the Vapours Westward ; or by Two other Winds , blowing from different Quarters ; or by the alone Coldness of the Air , condensed and joyned into some small Icy particles , Clouds are generated . If these Icy particles chance to be resolved by the Heat of the Sun , or of some Wind blowing from a hot Quarter , and the Wind driven together , do entangle with one another like Carded-wool , they make Snow ; but if they be wholly melted into Drops , they constitute Rain . VII . Hail . But when a Cold wind blowing congeals these Drops , when they are either altogether or almost dissolved , they become turned into Hail . VIII . Mist , Dew , and Hoar-Frost . If the Vapours hover near the Earth , they are called a Mist , which continues either till it be drawn upwards by the Rays of the Sun ; or that by its own weight , or some other External Cause , it falls down to the Earth ; where , by a less degree of Cold , it is changed into Dew , and by a greater , into Hoar-frost . IX . Appearing Meteors . There is another sort of Meteors , which are called Appearing ; such as are Mock-Suns , Mock-Moons , the Meteor called Virgae , in the appearance of a Fire-brand or Rod , the Rainbow , &c. X. A Mock-Sun and Mock-Moon . What these are , and how they are formed , take this short account : When the Extremities or Ends of a Snowy Cloud , being dissolved by Heat , are by a supervening Cold wind constipated into thin Ice , and such a Cloud as this happens to be opposite to the Sun or Moon , then is the Image of either of them reflected in the said Cloud , as in a Looking-Glass . That of the Sun is called Parelius , or a Mock-Sun ; and the other of the Moon , Paraselene , or a Mock-Moon . XI . Virgae , a Meteor in the form of a Bundle of Rods. Again , when a watry Cloud is compos'd of Parts , whereof some are more close and compact , and others more loose and lax , and the Sun-beams chance to pierce the more lax and open parts of it , then it exhibits a Meteor , representing a Bundle of Rods , which the Latins call Virgae . XII . The Rainbow . Lastly , If a Cloud be resolved into small Drops , and the same be illustrated by the Sun plac'd over against it , then is form'd a Semi-Circle of divers Colours , called the Rainbow ; whereof more hereafter . CHAP. XVI . Of Meteors in particular ; and first , of the Winds , Clouds , and Mists . I. What Wind is . WIND is a Vapour agitated and rarefied , which by passing from a narrow place , into one that is more large and wide , sensibly drives the Air before it . II. What is properly to be understood by the word , Wind. The Name of WIND is improperly attributed to the Agitation caused by a Fan or a Bellows : Neither can Air that is moved or rarefied by Fire , be called a Wind ; seeing that the Air may be variously moved , when yet there is no Wind at all ; as when Drums are beaten , or great Guns discharged . For we speak here only of a Natural Wind ; which is nothing else , as hath been said , but an Agitated Vapour , which being distended , makes its way out of a narrower Space , wherein it was pent up , into a larger ; and by this means sensibly driving the Air before it . If there chance to be a meeting of many Vapours together , then , according to the Quantity of Matter , the Wind is so much the greater , and diffuseth it self far and near . III. Whence Vapours and Exhalations do proceed . VAPOURS derive their Original , not only from the surface of the Water , but likewise from the moist Earth , Clouds , Snow , &c. for the parts of these Bodies being not so firmly united , are easily disjoyned , and so break forth into the Air ; where meeting with several Exhalations in their way , they together with the Air carry them along with them ; because the Air , as well as Exhalations , contribute much to the Force and Violence of Winds . Tho' Vapours proceed promiscuously from the Earth and Water ; yet the Sun shining raiseth more of them from the Sea , than from the Earth . And on the contrary , the Earth being heated with the Sun-beams , in the Night time , sends forth more Vapours , than the Sea ; because the Earth longer preserves the heat of the Sun , than the Sea. Whence it is , that in the day time Winds are frequently perceived to blow from the Sea , and in the Night time more from the Land ; as at Jamaica , and other of the American Islands . IV. How Winds are raised , by the Example of an Aeolipyle . Forasmuch therefore as the Globe of Earth and Water doth surnish a vast number of Vapours and Exhalations , which for the most dilate themselves between Clouds , Mountains , and other Bodies that are about them , by the force of this their dilatation , they rush from the places where they are streightned , into those where they find more Room and less Obstacles , and there vehemently tossing the Air , produce a Wind ; much in the same manner , as we find that VVind is excited in Aeolipyles . Suppose we therefore an Aeolipyle ABCDE of Brass , all hollow , with a very narrow Orifice D , by which water is poured into it , the part ABC , to be full of VVater ; and other AEC , to contain nothing but Air. This Aeolipyle being set near the Fire , as soon as it is thorough hot , many of the watry Particles begin to whirl round , and being elevated above the surface AC , and variously dashing against one another , rush through the narrow hole D , ( where they find the least Resistance ) with great Violence , and putting the Air into a great Commotion , they produce a wind from D to F. Thus we may know and judge by this little Instance , of the great and wonderful Causes of VVinds. V. Mountains compared with Aeolipyles . For the Hollow of Mountains may be compared , to the Cavity of this Aeolipyle : The Heat shut up in the Bowels of the Earth , to that whereby the water in the Aeolipyle becomes dilated and elevated : The water , which the Sea by Subterraneous Channels conveys into the Earth , to that which is contained in the said Vessel : And lastly , the Clefts of the Earth , at which the Vapours and Exhalations come forth , to the Orifice thereof . Only with this difference , that the smallness of the Hole in the Aeolipyle causeth the Vapours to rush forth with greater violence , than they do from the more open and manifold Clefts of the Earth . Yet doth not this hinder , but that sometimes VVinds may have as violent a Blast , as that which is perceived to rush through the small Hole of the Aeolipyle ; because some Mountains are so situated , that the Vapours that come from them , can but go one way , which makes them move with great violence and swiftness . Tho' sometimes also VVinds may rise in those Countries , where there are no Mountains at all , viz. when the Vapours that move from a higher to a lower Place , are by the Clouds or Mists they meet with , forced to discontinue their course , and to turn off side-way . VI. Which are th Card●●al Winds . According to the various parts of the Horizon , or Quarters whence the VVinds blow , they are denominated Cardinal or Cellateral . The Cardinal VVinds are four , so called , because they blow from the four Corners of the VVorld . The East wind , from the Sun-rising ; the South wind from the South ; the VVest wind , from the Setting of the Sun ; the North wind from the North. VII . Which the Collateral . The Collateral winds are those , which are inserted between two of the Cardinal ; and these , according to the Account of our Modern Seamen , amount to 28 ; viz. 7 between the East and South wind , 7 between the South and VVest wind , 7 between the West and North wind , and as many between North and East wind . So that the Cardinal and Collateral winds put together , make up the Number of 32. VIII . The Names and Order of the Winds . To the end that the Order of the Winds may be the better understood , it will do well to mind the Figure , where they are all set down by their usual Names . The first is the North wind , the second is the South-wind , the third is the East-wind , and the fourth the West-wind ; which are called Cardinal winds . The 4 that follow are called Collateral ; each of which is placed in the midst of 2 Cardinal winds , and hath its Name composed of the 2 Cardinal winds , between which it is placed , viz. the North-east wind , the North-west wind , the South-east wind , and South-west wind . The 8 remaining Winds , which are placed each of them betwixt a Cardinal and Collateral wind , take their Denomination from them both : Thus that which is between the North and North-east wind , is called North-North-east ; and so of the rest . IX . Why the East-wind blows in the Morning , and the West-wind at Even . The East-wind is chiefly found to blow in the Morning , because the Sun heating the Air , doth dilate , rarefie , and makes it to move in one and the same C untry ; sometimes one way , sometimes another , according as he is placed with respect to that Country . For this diversity of Position produceth variety of VVinds. As for Example , When the Sun riseth to us , he dilates the Air , as hovering perpendicularly over it , and doth so whirl it round , that one part of it rusheth towards the VVest , where we are ; whence it is that we then perceive an East-wind . On the contrary , when the Sun sets , the Air that is opposite to him becomes dilated , and thereupon one part of it must betake it self to the East , where we are then with respect to the Sun , and therefore must perceive a VVest-wind . And the same happening in all the Countries that are situate without the Torrid Zone , it follows , that in the Morning East-winds must blow , and at Even-tide West-winds : As I have exprest it in a Figure , in my History of Nature , Part VI. Chap. II. X. Why the North-wind , for the most part blows in the day time . And with the like facility a Reason may be given , why North-winds most frequently blow in the Day time ; by observing that the Earth EB FD , under the Poles EF , where it is not much heated by the Sun , is surrounded with Clouds and Mists ; and that at B , where the Sun sends down his direct and perpendicular Rays , many Vapours are raised , which are carried upwards till they come thither , where , by the force of their own weight , they are more easily turned Side-ways , to continue their way towards I , and M , above the Clouds G , and K , than to mount higher in a Right line . And forasmuch as these Clouds G , and K , become rarefied by the heat of the Sun , the Vapours proceeding from thence , do rather take their progress from G , to H , and from K , to L , than to E , or to F : For the thick and gross Air , which is under the Poles , makes a stronger resistance , than the Vapours that rise from the Earth , towards the South ; for these being strongly pusht , and on all sides ready for motion , do easily give way to them . So that if we suppose the Northern Pole to be towards F , the motion of the Vapours from K , to L , will excite a North-wind blowing in the Day time through Europe . XI . Why the South-wind mostly blows at Night . Altho' the Sun ceaseth its Action in those Countries , where it is Night ; Yet because the heat imparted to the Earth in the Day time , is for some time preserv'd in it , it so happens that many Vapours are thereby raised , which the Air at P , being condensed by the Cold of the Night , hinders from roaming towards Q , and R ; like as those which are in the other part , wander towards I , and M ; but they are there ( for we suppose it to be Night in the part D ) gather'd into Clouds , which hindring other Vapours raised out of the Earth from ascending to any great Height , do on every side beat them down towards N , and O , and so produce a South-wind , which commonly riseth at Night . XII . The East-wind is much stronger than the West-wind . As Winds proceed from different Quarters of the World , so they differ in their Properties : For those that blow from the East , are more violent than those that proceed from the West ; and this partly , because these comply with the motion of the whole Body of the Air ; and partly , because the Air that is dilated and blows towards the West , tends to a place , where for 18 Hours it hath not been Noon : So that by this long absence of the Sun , the Air is much more condensed , than that to which the Western ▪ winds tend ; because there it is not above 6 Hours since it was Noon , and the presence of the Sun , caused a great heat and rarefaction of Vapours . XIII . The North-wind is more 〈◊〉 than the S●●t●-w●n● . The North-wind for the most part is very strong and impetuous , because it is excited by the greatest heat , viz. that of Noon-day ; and because it consists of a Matter that is most easily dissolved into Vapours , viz. Clouds . And for the contrary Reason , the South-wind must be the most gentle , as well because the Thickness of the Nocturnal Air , is a stop to its Course , as likewise because the Matter whereof it consist , as proceeding from the Earth , or from the Water , cannot be so readily , nor so copiously dilated , as is the Northern matter , which , as we have already said , is pour'd forth from the Clouds . XIV . The East-wind is more dry than the West . As to the other Qualities of the Winds , it is notorious that East-winds for the most part are dryer , and produce a more serene and clear Air , than those that come from the West ; because these latter , by striving against the Natural Course of the Vapours , do stop them , and drive Clouds together , whereas the former do dispel and dissipate them . XV. Which Winds are said to be Dry , Moist , Hot and Cold. Hence it is evident , that the North-wind is of a more drying Quality , that is , hath a power of driving watry Particles out of the pores of Bodies , or from their Outsides , whilst they are expos'd to the Air ; because , for the most part , it is composed of the grosser parts of Fresh-water , mix'd with the Air. The same VVind is likewise cold , because it carries along with it the most subtil Northern matter , towards the South , which is the Primary Cause of Cold. But the South-wind is hot and moist : Moist , because it consists of the more gross , and subtil parts of Fresh-water , elevated together from the Earth : And it is Hot , because it brings along with it the Subtil matter , which was in the Southern quarter , towards the North. For the VVinds are much alter'd , according to the place through which they pass ; and therefore , according to the Nature of the Region through which they go , are either Hot , Cold , Moist , or Dry. XVI . The Regularity of the Winds is sometimes hindred by particular Causes . All these things we have here spoken concerning the 4 Cardinal-winds , would happen so continually , if the Earth in all its parts lay equally above the VVater , and there were no difference of Soils and Springs , nor any other Cause , but the presence of the Sun , to dilate the Vapours ; but there are so many other Causes that conduce to the production of VVinds , that it is no wonder to find them so irregular , and not to rise in the same Order . Wherefore we cannot with Reason expect Regular winds , save only in those parts of the Sea which are most remote from the Land. Forasmuch as there is no such great inequality in the surface of the Sea , as there is in that of the Earth ; and because the VVinds , which are driven that way from the Shoars , very rarely can reach so far ▪ as to disturb the Course of those VVinds that blow there . XVII . What Winds are called Perennes , or Continual . Besides the foremention'd kinds of VVinds , some VVinds are called Perennes , that is , Continual ; others stati , or such as blow at certain Times and Seasons ; others , Provincial ; and others , Free. The Continual VVinds are 2 ; the one in the Torrid Zone , which continually blows from East to VVest : The other in the Temperate Zones , which , as far as about the 40 th Degree , blows also from the East to VVest . These VVinds are very observable at Sea , but are scarce discernible at Land. XVIII . What Venti stati are , that is , such as blow at certain Seasons . VVinds , Named by the Latins , stati , are such as return at certain and set Times . The most famous of this kind are the VVinds called Etesiae , which return every Year , towards the end of July , and continue 40 Days together , especially in Italy and Aegypt : They blow at Night , about 3 hours after Sun-set , and for the most part cease at the approach of the Evening . Their Course is from the East or the North , or from between them both . XIX . Provincial Winds . Provincial VVinds are such as blow in certain Provinces or Countries : Such is the North-wind , that blows on the North-side of the Alpes , according to the Course of a River , about 1 or 2 Leagues in length , but much less in breadth . This is a Daily-wind , and seems to blow continually , and with great evenness , like a River . XX. Free Winds . Those are called Free-winds , which without any order of time or place , do blow from different Quarters . Thus the VVest-winds blow most commonly about Noon , or after , when the Sun is hastning towards its setting . The South-wind frequently riseth at Night , and blows more vehemently than in the Day time ; whereas the North-wind blows more in the Day time , than at Night . XXI . The Original of Clouds . As Vapours that are dilated in the Air , do produce Winds ; so when they are comprest and condens'd , they make Clouds . Which then happens , when their motion is diminished ; for then their little Particles come closer together , which as soon as they are joyned , rise up in little heaps , and these gather'd together compose vast Bulks . For the Clouds are nothing else , but Vapours and Exhalations sublim'd so high , that the Coldness of the Air makes them come together , and so to constitute a Whole , which is so loose and spungy , that it cannot by its weight overcome the Resistance of the Air , which oppeseth its descent . XXII . How Clouds come to darken the Light of the Sun. Clouds do often interrupt the Action of Light ; for tho' the Drops of Water , and the flocks of Ice whereof they consist are singly transparent ; yet their multiplied Surfaces do repress the Light of the Sun. As appears in Froth , which because of the various surface of its Parts , cannot receive the Light. The Cause of this Condensation is , either the Winds which compress the Vapours together , especially if they be opposite , and blow from divers parts ; or else the figuration of the Particles that compose the Vapours , whereby they are more fit to cling and close together . XXIII . How Clouds are supported in the Air. The Reason why Clouds do not fall down out of the Air upon the Earth , is , because their Particles are very thin , and have large Surfaces , their Matter consider'd , and therefore are easily born up by the Air , which is ever thicker near the Earth ; or else are hindred by the Winds from coming down : Much in the same manner , as a deep loaden Ship , is born up by the weight of the Water . Hence it is , that according to the less , greater , or equal weight of a Cloud , it doth either ascend , descend , or hang equally pois'd in the Air ; even as a Ship , proportionable to its less , greater or equal Gravity , doth rise , sink , or is evenly pois'd in the Water . But when the particles of the Clouds are so thick , that they can no longer be kept up by the resistance of the Air , then are they resolved into Water , and by their weight fall down to the ground . XXIV . The difference between a Mist and a Cloud . A MIST differs from a Cloud , only by the diversity of its place ; for Mists are Vapours that reach to the very surface of the Earth ; whereas those that constitute the Clouds are pois'd in the Air. For a Mist is nothing else , but a Duskish Vapour , hovering on the Earth , which continues either till it be drawn up by the Rays of the Sun , or by its own weight , or some other outward Cause , falls down to the Earth . 〈…〉 the Clouds . 〈…〉 are to take notice that the Parts of Ice , 〈◊〉 of I have said that Clouds consist , are not so 〈…〉 together ; but that there is some distance between , so as to make up several little Heaps : So that if they chance to be ●haken with any strong Wind , they are easily separated , and fall down to the Earth . If these Hillocks or Flocks are not wholly dissolved , they make Snow . But if the Air , through which they are carried , be so hot as to make them to melt , they come down in Rain . It happens also sometimes , that after they are turn'd into Drops of Water , a Cold wind meeting with them , congeals them into Hail ; for Hail is nothing else but frozen or congealed Rain . CHAP. XVII . Of Rain , Dew , Hoar-Frost , and the Cool Evening Air. I. What Rain is . RAIN is nothing else , but those Drops into which a Vapour elevated above the Earth , is resolved . We have a resemblance hereof in distill'd Liquors ; for the rising Vapour , being condensed by the Coolness of the Air , returns to its former state , and runs together into Drops , which at first are insensible , but in their falling do wn are commonly increased , by others joyning with them ; and those commonly are the largest , that fall down from the highest place . II. Whence the difference of Rain doth proceed . We must not therefore suppose , as some do , that Rain is produc'd in the Air , as Water , that by being poured from on high , becomes disperst into many Drops ; or that it is generated in manner of a Pool , the Water whereof falling from the Clouds is dissolv'd first into greater , and then into less Drops ; but only by degrees and by parts : For the Drops of Rain , are formed of the particles of Vapours joyning together , and being joyned fall down to the Earth . Hence Rain hath got several Names , according to the different bigness of the Drops , whereof it consists : For the Rain that falls down in small or midling Drops , is called by the common Name , Rain ; if it drops very small , 't is called a Drizling Rain ; if it falls down in great Drops , and those close and thick , 't is called a Shower ; if it comes down in great Drops , and fiercely , 't is called a Storm . III. Whence the Greatness of the Drops of Rain proceed The Drops of Rain are great , when the Heat acts upon the upper part of the Cloud ; because then the Drops that descend do increase in their passage , by the addition of other Drops they meet with from the top of the Cloud to the bottom Whereas on the contrary , when the action of Heat is only exerted on the lower part of the Cloud , as it commonly happens in the Winter , the Drops are so small , that they are not called Rain , but only a Mizling Dew . IV. How the Rain falls down from the Clouds . Tho' it be evident enough how Clouds , that consist only of Watry Drops , come down in Rain , viz. either by their own weight , when the Drops by the coalition of many particles , have attained to a sufficient thickness ; or , when that the Air that is under them , by its withdrawing , or that which is above , by pressing upon them , inclines them to a descent ; or , when many of these Causes chance to concur : But yet it is not so evident to all , how Rain is generated at first out of a condensed Cloud . V. Rain is sometimes caused by Wind. Now this will be easily made out , if we consider how 2 contrary Winds do gather great abundance of Vapours into the middle Space between them , and thereby cause the production of a Mist or Cloud there . For let us suppose , for Example , a Wind to blow upon the Earth AB , from the West D , and another to blow the contrary way , from the East C , so as that both these Winds come to stop one another about the Space FGP ; it must necessarily follow , that the Vapours intercepted between the wind D , and the wind C , being driven together , must be there condensed , and make a kind of confus'd Mass . In like manner the Wind that drives against this Cloud , yet not with that Violence as to carry it along with it , must drive the parts of it closer together ; by which means many of the watry Particles , which before were insensible , and separate from each other , are by the force of the wind driven together , and so become great Drops , which by their own weight fall down . For as in your common Stills , Drops are not formed as soon as the Vapour is got to the Head of them , for that other Vapours ascending to the top of the Still , must increase their bulk . So neither can Rain be generated , as soon as the Vapours are got up to the Region of the Clouds ; but it is necessary , that those Particles of which the Vapours do consist , be by the Wind driven together , and more closely joyned ; and that being thus become more heavy , so as to be able to vanquish the resistance of the Air , they fall down to the Earth . VI. The more common Cause of Rain is Heat . Notwithstanding that by this way Clouds are often turned to Rain , yet is the Heat of the Air a more frequent and efficacious Cause of it . For this heated Air clinging to the Clouds , makes the subtil Snow , whereof they consist , to dissolve , and separates it into many little Flocks , which have then force enough to drive away the Air that opposeth their descent ; and so by the action of the Heat they meet with in their passage , they are quite melted , and turn'd into Drops : Which sometimes are large , when the Cloud is thick and close , and comes down by the pressure only of the Air that is above it ; because the upper Drops meet with others in their way downward , that increase them and make them larger , as before hath been mentiond . VII . W●y the Drops of Rain are Round . The Drops of Rain , as they fall down , are made round : For a Liquid Body then becomes Round , when all its Parts are by an equal force driven towards some Common Center ; for all the Parts of that Circumference being moved by a like force , are at an equal distance from the Center . Now Rain is a Liquid Body , all whose Parts , when the Air is calm and free from Winds , are comprest by an equal Virtue to some Common Center . For the Calm Air doth on all sides equally compress these Drops , there being no Reason to be given why it should press them one way , more than another . VIII . How the Dew is formed . Having premised thus much concerning Rain , it will not be difficult to conceive how the DEW is formed , if we observe that when the Air is clear and not ruffled with Winds ; many loose and thin little Bodies are disperst abroad , especially in the Summer time , when Vapours and Exhalations are copiously elevated from the Earth : Which small Bodies flying in the Air , in the form of Vapours , when the cold of the Night comes on , do lose their agitation , and many of them clinging together , produce insensible Drops , which falling down upon the Dry ground are suck'd up ; but falling upon the Leaves of Trees , or the Spires of Grass , are there gather'd into greater Drops . This chiefly happens in the Night , or before Day-break ; because then the Earth is most cold , as being turned from the Sun. Whence it follows , that the Dew is nothing else , but certain Vapours , that have by Heat been elevated in the Day time ; and which being condensed by the Coldness of the Night , fall down in small insensible Drops upon the Leaves of Plants ; where many of them joyning together , they become sensible . IX . What Hoar-frost is , and ●ow it is distinguisht from Dew . HOAR-FROST is generated , when the Vapours , that are near the Earth , are congealed by the coldness of the Night : Which only happens in the VVinter , when Cold predominates . For tho' when the Coldness of the Night is yet temperate , it be sufficient to compress the watry Particles up and down disperst through the Air , into sensible Drops , yet not to congeal them : But the Cold of VVinter-Nights being more intense , congeals the said Drops in the form of Snow or Hail . So that it appears , that the difference between Dew and Hoar-Frost is this , That Mists do turn to Dew , if they consist of Drops of water ; but into Hoar-Frost , when they consist of Vapours that are frozen before , or are congealed in their passage down to the Earth . X Why Hoar-Frostt makes Coleworts tender . It is observed , that the Hoar-Frost makes some Herbs , and particularly Coleworts , tender ; the Reason whereof is , because the Cold acting upon them , doth very much condense them , and causeth many humid Particles to congeal together ; which afterwards are easily resolved again by any supervening Heat , and by this means their fibres become in a manner clean dissolved , which is the cause of the Tenderness of those Plants . The like also happens in Flesh , which having been frozen , doth thereby grow very Tender . XI . What the Cool Evening Breez is , which is consequent upon clear Summer days . As to that COOL EVENING-AIR , or Breez , which is consequent to fair Summer-days , we find that it commonly happens when the Heat of the Sun hath been very intense all the Day long , and thereby greatly agitated the Air ; by which means the surface of the Earth also is moved to send forth abundance of subtil Exhalations upwards , to the Region of Vapours ; and because these Exhalations do more easily lose their agitation , than the Vapours do , as soon as they are deprived of the Sun's Heat , the former of these fall down . And herein doth chiefly consist the Nature of this Cool Air , or Breez ; which according to the difference of places , is endued with different Qualities : For it is probable , that those Particles which exhale from places Infected , or poisonous Plants , are far more hurtful , than simple Vapours that arise out of the Earth . XII . When the Cool of the Evening is hurtful . The Cool Air , or Breez of the Evening , is never more hurtful , than when the Day fore-going hath been very clear , and the Heat of the Sun moderate : For the immoderate Heat of the Day doth much extenuate these Vapours , and elevates them on high , so that they cannot so readily be condensed by the Cold of the Evening . It is also very hurtful after that the Sun it set , because the more heavy Exhalations , which have less of Vapour mix'd with them , as soon as they are left destitute of the Sun-beams , do immediately come downwards . XIII . If when the Air is duskish , the Sun shines in the East , it is a sign of Rain . The Air cover'd with Clouds , is a sign of Rain , if the Sun shine in the Morning ; for this is an evident Token , that there are no other Clouds in the Neighbourhood of our Air , towards the East , which can hinder the heat of the Sun from condensing those that hang over our Heads , or from raising new Vapours , whence they might be increased , out of the Earth . But this Cause only takes place in the Morning ; for if it do not Rain before Noon , it cannot afford any signification of what is to happen in the Evening . Neither are those signs , which are taken from the Croaking of Frogs , or Crows , the Praesentions of Beasts , the Redness of the Sun , the Paleness of the Moon , and other such like , any whit more certain , but generally very fallacious : And he that would take the pains to observe them diligently , will frequently find the contrary , to what is commonly expected from such like Presages . XIV . When no Dew falls in the Morning , it is a sign of Rain . Yet we find , that when no Dew falls in the Night , or the Mist is carried upwards , leaving the Earth destitute of all Moisture , this is a sign of Rain ; because this seldom happens , but when the Earth , having not been sufficiently cooled in the Night-season ; or been agitated by too much heat in the Day time , doth send forth abundance of Vapours , which driving the Mist upwards , make its Parts to run together ; by which means they become so great and weighty , as that they are forced to come down in Rain . CHAP. XVIII . Of Snow and Hail . I. What Snow is . SNOW may be said to be a dissolved Cloud , which being driven downwards by its own weight , falls down to the ground in Flocks . It is said to be a Dissolved Cloud ; because a Cloud is nothing else , but a great heap of Snow close clinging together . And it is said to be Dissolv'd , because when the union of the parts of a Cloud are broken by force , one part of it becomes sever'd from its next part , and being more weighty than the Air , comes down in the form of Snow or Rain . It is said in the next place , that it is driven downwards by its own weight . For a Dissolved Cloud , by its own weight , either turns to Snow , Rain , or Hail . And lastly , it is said , that it comes down in sever'd or distinct Flocks . For as a Flock of Wool , consists of many particles of Wool , entangled together ; so the Flocks of Snow are compos'd of may Shaggy particles clinging together . II. How Snow and Hail are formed , and why they are white . It is not always necessary , that the parts of Clouds should be wholly melted before they come down , since it is common for them not to be dissolved , or to turn to Drops , before that they come near the Earth , where the Heat is strongest , as exceeding that which is on high . Wherefore , when the parts of a Cloud that are only condensed , without being melted , do meet with the cold Air , which is no longer able to bear them , they fall down with their own weight , and that in Flocks of Snow , and not in Drops . III. How the Snow , whereof Clouds consist , is condensed . To understand the way how the Clouds come to be condensed , we are to suppose that the Heat which commonly rarefies most Bodies , doth notwithstanding condense that of Snow ; whose Parts are so separate from each other , that the least agitation is sufficient to bring them together . Whence it comes to pass , that when the Air , which is near the Earth , and is always more hot , than that which is at a greater distance from it , comes to elevate it self to the Clouds , either by the Force of some VVind that carries it along , or by the Action of some new Fermentation , which causeth it to swell , it is necessary that it condense the Snow , whence the Clouds are composed . IV. How Hail is produc'd , and what is the figure of it . The Flocks of Snow are of a white Colour , because the watry Matter , whereof they are composed , contain a great deal of Air ; and its pores are so disposed as to reflect the Light , rather than to afford it a free passage , as Ice doth . But if these small Flocks , after that they are melted by warm Air , do afterwards meet with other Air that is cold , and by it are congealed ; then they turn to Hail , whose Stones are of a different Figure , according to the various Solution of the Flocks . For if the Cold wind , that congeals the Hail , doth meet with the Flocks of Snow , when they are almost dissolved , but not yet rounded into Drops , then they obtain an Horned figure ; and when the wind meets with the Drops of water already formed , it produceth little transparent round Pellets , save only that commonly they are somewhat flattish on that side where the wind beats upon them . V. Why the Hail is sometimes of a Conical figure . So that from the divers degrees of Heat wherewith the Air is agitated , and whereby the Cloud must be dissolved , there ariseth a great variety of Effects . For if the Heat , which by the Cold wind is driven into the pores of the Flocks , and penetrates their inmost Parts , chance to drive them towards the Center and condense them , whilst the External parts being become stiff and bound by the Cold , cannot follow , they must of necessity be slit , according to Right lines tending to the Center ; and as the number of these Slits do increase , as the Cold penetrates deeper , they must at last fly in pieces , into many longish and Pyramidal particles , which are so many Hail-stones , which at the first approaching of VVinter , fall down to the ground , especially if a Spring ▪ like constitution of the weather have gone before . VI. Why it seldom Hails in Winter . For it is apparent , that it cannot Hail much in the Winter ; or if it doth , the Stones cannot be great . The Reason is , because during that Season there is seldom heat enough so high as the Clouds to melt them ; but only when they are so low , as that being melted , or near melted ; they have no time to be congeal'd again before they reach the Earth . Whence Hail may be described to be a Cloud that is melted , either whole or in part , and being driven downwards by its own weight , becomes so congealed by a Colder wind , that it falls down commonly in round and transparent Pellets . VII . Whence the different Figures of Hail do proceed . The Hail-stones are sometimes of an Oval figure , viz. when a melted or dissolved Cloud is stronger comprest on one side , by the wind , than on the other . Sometimes they are rough , by reason of many Angles , which happens when a Cold wind seizeth the Flocks of Snow as they are m●lting , but before they ▪ are turn'd into round Drops of Rain . To which may be added , that the Hail-stones are sometimes so violently dash'd against the Earth , as thereby to be broken to pieces , and so lose their Natural figure . VIII . The various Figures of Snow . But much more wonderful is the figure of Snow , which sometimes is Hairy , as in M and Z , sometimes Six-corner'd , and consisting of 6 equal Rays , like Stars , as in O ; sometimes like a Rose , as at Q ; sometimes in the figure of 6 Rays , or like 3 Rods laid Crosswise , which like greater Branches , shoot out lesser Branches from them , the broadest whereof are nearest to the Center , so as to reach and entangle one another ; and the shortest or narrowest towards the Top , making a Corner'd or Angulous Ray or Beam , as in R. IX . How Snow comes to be of a Hairy figure . HAIRY-SNOW MZ , is produc'd , when the particles of Ice , which constitute the Flocks of Snow , being condensed by the heat of the Air , and several times after congeal'd by the Cold , whirl round their own own Centers in the Air : In which motion they are cover'd with some longish and slender particles of Ice , as with Hair , and so exhibit the figure of Hairy-Snow . X. How Snow comes to be formed into the figure of Stars . Snow of a 6 Corner'd or Starry figure , O , is formed , when the Wind , which hath dispos'd the Flocks of Snow into the form of Leaves , by passing freely betwixt them , doth melt the particles of Waters , that stand upright like Hairs ; so that afterwards insinuating it self into the 6 Corner'd Spaces , it melts the most subtil and loose Snow that is about the Circumference of them ; and the particles of Water , being agitated by the force of heat , joyning themselves with others that are not melted , do presently congeal them ; and so their Hair-like Extremities being bent this way and that way , the Flocks grow less , and are changed , as it were , into a small plate of Ice . And as to those Hairy prominences , which are melted in the Circumference of these Intervals , these become condensed , whilst they withdraw themselves towards those which joyn every one of these Flocks , to 6 others that surround it : By which means 6 Breaches , or Slits , are made in the 6 parts of the Circumference , where the Heat is most predominant . XI . How the Flocks of Snow are formed into the Figure of Roses . Snow is formed into the figure of a Rose , Q , when the Heat of the Air is somewhat greater , than what we just now supposed : For then dashing against these 6 prominent Points , it makes them shorter ; and causeth the plate of Ice , which before resembled the figure of a Star , to become like a Rose with 6 Leaves , the points being rounded like the Teeth of the Wheels we see in Watches . XII . How the Flocks of Snow come to resemble Lillies . If the Flocks , whereof Snow is composed , be bigger than ordinary , it may happen that by this means it may be not only divided into 6 places , in order to the forming of 6 points ; but that also every one of those 6 points , be divided into 6 others , by the intervening of 2 Breaches or Slits , from the Hairy prominences or Capillaments , which reach the Capillaments of another Flock of Snow : So that by this means 2 points might be formed , bending outwards ; because the Heat there acting with more vehemence , produceth a greater Condensation : And thus instead of one Starry-point , or a Rose-leaf , there must appear the Leaf of a Lilly , as is represented in R. Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap ▪ 1● To the Right Honourable William Wentworth Earle of Strafford , Viscount Wentworth , and Baron Wentworth Woodhouse , Newmarch , Oversley , and Raby , Knight of the Garter &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome XIII . How some of these Snowy Stars come to be white , or pellucid . Some of these Snowy Stars are white , like refin'd Sugar ; and others of them are Transparent . The Whiteness of them proceeds from the Mediocrity or Temperateness of Heat ; as when it hath not force enough to pierce to the bottom of the Matter whereof they are composed . Or because in their passage through the Air , they have joyn'd to themselves some particles of Water , before they got down to the Earth . Whereas other Flocks , that are more thin and small , are transparent ; because the Heat hath wholly penetrated them , and made their particles to come nearer , and to be joyn'd more closely together . XIV . How there comes to be a Point in the midst of the Rosie-Snow . One thing remains still to be noted , viz. that there is seen a white Point in the Center of the Rosie-Snow , as is represented in Q. The Reason whereof may be , because the Heat that hath formed these Stars , is so moderate , that tho' it makes all their other parts pellucid ; yet not being strong enough to pierce to their Center , it leaves them white . CHAP. XIX . Of Thunder , Lightning , and Coruscation , or Flashes . I. Lightning and Coruscation follow after Thunder . TO the end that the Nature of Lightning and Coruscation may be the better understood , we must premise something concerning THUNDER ; for usually they are Concomitants of it , and depend on it , as their Cause . Now Thunder is produc'd , when many Clouds rush down upon others that lye directly under them . For it comes to pass sometimes , that the highest Clouds being condensed by Heat , and made more weighty , fall down upon others that lye under them , and cause that Noise which we call a Thunder-Clap . For it cannot be question'd , but that in the Summer time especially there are abundance of Nitrous , Fat and Sulphureous Exhalations , in the Air. It is certain also , that Snowy Clouds are condensed by Heat , and thereby become more Heavy . It is also as apparent , that all Clouds are not of the same height , but some higher , and others lower ; since besides Reason , Sense it self comes to confirm it , which often shews us one Cloud moving over another . These things being thus presuppos'd , we proceed to the Explication of Thunder , Lightning , and Coruscation . II. What is the Cause of Thunder . When any Clouds condensed by Heat , and by this means being become more Heavy , rush down upon an Inferiour Cloud , the intermediate Air being thereby strongly agitated , is the cause of a dreadful Sound , which is called Thunder . For let us suppose two Clouds A and B , composed of loose and much dilated Snow ; let us also suppose , that there is a warmer Air about the upper Cloud A , than about the lower Cloud B ; it is evident , that for this Reason it must be more and more condensed , and consequently become more Heavy : So that its most outward parts falling down first , push others they meet with in their way , and hurrying them along with them , do at last rush down all together , with great Violence , upon the Lower Cloud , with a dreadful rumbling Noise . III. Heat condenseth the Clouds . I have said , that Heat condenseth the Clouds : For tho' Heat do rarefie some Bodies , yet it ordinarily is wont to condense Clouds , as hath before been said of Snow , which consists of the same matter as a Cloud doth . For if Snow be laid in a warm place , it contracts it self into a less Figure , before that any water drop from it , or its weight be diminished . The Clouds therefore being thus condensed , do easily descend , and oppose the passage of others that moved upwards , by reason of their Loosness , and thrust downwards whatsoever opposeth them in their way . And forasmuch as this cannot be without a violent concussion of the Air , therefore it is accompanied with that terrible Noise , the resounding Air making it still louder . IV. What Thunder is . Thunder therefore is a Noise excited by the Air , which hath been intercepted between two Clouds , whereof the Upper falling upon the Lower , and which being forc'd to retire thence , by the weight of the middle part of the Upper Cloud , which continues to come down , forceth for it self narrow and irregular Gaps , to get out by , which produceth a dreadful Sound , being much augmented by the Rarefaction caused by the enkindling of the Nitrous Sulphurs betwixt these 2 Clouds . V. Why Thunder is much more frequent in Summer , than in Winter . It Thunders but rarely with us in the Winter time , because then the Heat that is sufficient to dissolve the Upper Clouds , cannot reach so far . But in the Summer time , when the Heat is violent , and more especially when the North-wind makes the Heat to be more close and stifling , Thunder is produc'd ; because this wind is wont to carry the heated Air , that is near the Earth , upwards , to those higher Clouds ; by which means not only those Superiour Clouds are condensed and rush'd downwards , but also the Lower continue so loose and dilated , and by the Dilatation of the Air that is under them , are so thrust upwards , that they , as it were , meet the others falling down upon them , and stop them there , hindring any part of them from coming down to the Earth . VI. Why every Clap of Thunder i● commenly ●ollow'd by 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 ▪ Thunder is commonly follow'd by a Shower of Rain , and when the Rain is very copious , it is a sign that little more Thunder will follow ▪ because when the Force wherewith the Upper Cloud rusheth down from the Lower , is strong enough to make it come down wholly , the Thunder must needs cease : And if it be no● strong enough , and the Lower Cloud dissolves into Rain , the same thing will still happen ; because the Air that is shut up betwixt the 2 Clouds , can now with ease get forth , because of the small resistance of the Lower Cloud dissolving into Rain . VII . The 〈◊〉 of Bells to make Thunder cease . The Sound of Bells , and of Canons discharged , makes Thunder to cease ; because thereby the Air is strongly agitated , and communicating its motion to the Neighbouring Air , and that again to the Intermediate , till it reach and shake the Snow , whereof the inferiour Cloud consists , occasions its descent . Which Experience makes evident to those , who are us'd to Travel in those Vallies , where the falling down of heaps of Snow from the Hills is apprehended ; for fearing lest the Sound of their Voice , by shaking the Air , should bring down the Snow , they are afraid so much as to Cough , to prevent that danger . VIII . What is the Cause of Coruscation . The Exhalations that are found in that Space which is between the 2 Clouds , are the matter of Coruscations and Lightning , and according to the degree of Rarefaction and Condensation , produce either the one or the other : For Coruscation proceeds from an abundance of very subtil Exhalations , and very inflammable . For these subtil and sulphureous Exhalations in the Air , become kindled by this Agitation , by reason that the Matter of the first Element being by this Concussion deliver'd from its Bonds , doth most swiftly run through them , which is the Reason of those Flashes . This does frequently happen after great Heat and Droughts ; for then by the dashing together of Light Clouds , a Flame is kindled and breaks forth , which often reacheth our Eyes , without the hearing of any Noise ; because the Clouds dashing against each other , is too soft to be heard at so great a distance . IX . What is the Cause of Lightning . But if the Exhalations , which are intercepted between 2 Clouds rushing against one another be thicker and closer , then with great vehemence breaking through the shatter'd Clouds , and obliquely darted down to the Earth , they constitute the Lightning ; by which ( according to the condition of its own Matter , which sometimes is more thick , or gross and copious , and therefore more Violent ; and at other times , more subtil and in less quantity , and so more penetrative ; or of the matter of its Objects , whereof the more hard and solid , do make a greater and stronger Resistance , because they cannot give way , and so are dissipated by it : Whereas the softer and porous Objects do easily give way , but withal more readily take Fire ) those wonderful and stupendous Effects are produc'd , which strike Mens Minds with Astonishment , and force the most impious Minds , tho' sore against their wills , to revere the Divine Power . X. Of the Thunderbolt . It is commonly believ'd , that besides the Coruscation and Lightning which proceed from the 2 Clouds , there comes forth also a hard Stony substance , which is called a Thunderbolt , tho' it is own'd that the same is not always discharg'd , as oft as it Thunders ; but some think this is only asserted , and not proved . Yet if any such thing should be , we must suppose it to be generated of some gross Matter , which in its descent , hath by the great Heat been reduc'd to that hardness . XI . How the Lightning differs from Coruscation . The difference between Lightning and Coruscations or Flashes , is this : Coruscations or Flashes , may be caused by Exhalations that lye under one Cloud only ; whereas Lightning doth not proceed , but from such Exhalations as are intercepted betwixt two or more Clouds . Because Lightning is an Exhalation with a great force breaking through the Clouds , which cannot be , but by Clouds that lye one upon another , when by the heavy fall or rushing down of the upper Cloud , the Exhalations are kindled , and through a Breach made in the Lower Cloud , are darted downwards towards the Earth . We must conceive that the whole Upper Cloud rusheth down upon the Lower equally and altogether ; for then it Lightens , by reason of the kindled Exhalations breaking through the Lower Cloud . XII . The Definition of Flashing ing and Lightning . For Flashing or Coruscation is nothing else , but an Exhalation spread under a Cloud , which by the motion of the said Cloud rushing downwards , is set on fire , and flasheth . Much after the same manner , as a Torch newly put out , and yet smoaking , is by some violent and sudden motion again enkindled . But Lightning is an Exhalation intercepted between two or more Clouds , which by the Heavy Fall of the Superiour Cloud is not only kindled , but through the Lower Cloud is thrust down to the Earth . XIII . Why the Lightning commonly strikes Mountains and the Tops of Steeples . The Lightning doth more frequently strike the Tops of the Mountains and Steeples ; for seeing that the Clouds , where the Thunder is generated , are high , and that the breach is usually made at the end of them ; it cannot well be conceived , but that the Exhalation that breaks forth thence , rushing down slantingly , must needs meet with the highest Bodies first . To which we may add , That if 2 Clouds , whose Ends are separate from each other , were to open in the Lower part of them , we must suppose that it would rather happen in that part which answers to the High Body ; because the same , by hindring the descent of the Air , doth determine it by its Resistance , to break rather in that place , than in any other . XIV . The various Effects of Lightning . The various Effects of Lightning are to be attributed to the composition of the several Exhalations . It burns the Cloaths or Hair of a Man , without touching his Body ; because the Exhalations whereof it consists , is of the nature of Oil , whose flame is weak . Sometimes it melts the Gold that is in a Mans Purse , and the Sword in the Sheath , without hurting the Purse or Sheath ; which happens , because the Exhalations are very subtil , as participating of the Nature of Salt and Aqua-Fortis , by which means they pass through porous Bodies without any Impediment or hurt to them ; but dissolve whatsoever resists entrance . As we find much the same effect of Aqua-Fortis , which dissolves the Hardest Bodies , and yet leaves Wax , and other Soft Bodies , in a manner untouch'd . CHAP. XX. Of the Rainbow , Circles about the Sun and Moon , and of Mock-Suns and Mock-Moons . I. The Definition of a Rainbow . THe RAINBOW may be defin'd a Bow of diverse Colours , which the opposite Sun paints on Drops of Water by a various Modification of his Light. It is called a Bow , because it is represented in the figure of half a Circle . For the Rainbow is a portion of that Circle , which is drawn from that Line , as from its Center , which passeth from the Sun , through our Eye , called the Axis Visorius . It is said to be of many Colours ; because of the several Colours which may be discern'd in it . And lastly , it is said , That the opposite Sun paints , or represents it , in Watry Drops , these being indeed the Matter of a Rainbow . II. What things are to be noted in a Rainbow . We shall the better be able to understand the nature of a Rainbow , by taking a view of all the particulars that are contained in it . First then , we say that the Rainbow is represented in a Dewy Cloud . Secondly , That the Dewy Cloud consists of innumerable drops opposite to the Sun. Thirdly , That every one of these drops are like a Globe of Glass filled with Water . Fourthly , That all and every one of these drops , being heavy , and consisting of particles of water joined together , are carried downwards . Fifthly , That the Rainbow is produced in such a manner in that part of the Air , which is opposite to the Sun ; that the Spectators are in the middle between them , so that if a line drawn from the Sun to the Eye of the Spectator , should be continued , it would pass through the Center of the Rainbow , and consequently that the Center of the Rainbow , the Eye and the Sun , are placed in the same line . Sixthly . That the drops of water , illustrated by the Sun , must be round , and send back the Sun-beams from each part of their surface , either by Reflexion or Refraction . III. How many ways the Solar Rays may be transmitted to us from objects . To the end we may the better conceive , how the various colours of the Rainbow are represented to us , we are to presuppose that we can never perceive them , but when the Sun shines , whose Rays are either reflected to our Eyes from the surface of some Opake Body , or are transmitted to us by passing through a Body that is partly transparent , yet ting'd with some colour or other : Or , Lastly , They reach our Eye by passing through some Diaphanous Body , wherein they have met with some Refraction . For no other way can be imagined for Beams to come to us , besides one of these three . Now because these Beams which proceed to our Eye , from a Dewy Cloud , cannot be said to be reflected from an Opake Body , seeing it is not at all probable that any such can be so suddenly form'd in the Air : or any Body that is in some sort Transparent , but yet coloured , to send back the Rays of Light to us in such a manner as is necessary for us to see the appearance of a Rainbow : and that we find by experience , that when a Rainbow appears , the Air is full of watry or dewy Drops , which are transparent , without any colour ; therefore we may with good ground conclude , that the Rainbow represents these colours to us , only by the mode or manner of the Sun-beams acting upon the Drops they pass through , and so suffering some Refraction . IV. There be many other things that represent the Colours of the Rainbow . This may be confirm'd by many Examples , as by water spouted out by FULLERS when they bedew and moisten their Cloath . In those Bubbles which Children make by dipping a Straw or other small Pipe in a Lather of Soap and Water . And in Artificial Fountains that cast up Water to a great height , which being there disperst in the Air do exhibit the form of a Rainbow on these scatter'd drops , illustrated by the Sun. V. What are the Primary and Secundary Colours of the Rainbow . The chiefest colours are Scarlet or Crimson Red , which is seen in the utmost part of it ; next to which is Yellow , the third Green , and the inmost Purple or Violet colour , or as others will have it Blew . I said that these are the chiefest colours , because by the mixture , passage and termination of these , many other colours arise . The foresaid colours are chiefly seen in the Primary Rainbow , which many times appears alone . But in the Secondary Rainbow , which is higher and more large than it , these colours are weaker , and turn'd the contrary way : for in it the Purple is the utmost colour , the next Green , the third Yellow , and the lowest deep Scarlet . And the same thing happens in a Prism , according as the same is beheld upwards or downwards , for accordingly the order of those colours appears inverted to us . VI. What is the Cause of the Colours in the Rainbow . As to the cause of these various colours that appear in the Rainbow , it will be sufficient for us to know that Light is nothing else but a certain action or motion of a subtil matter , whose particles , like so many Globuli or round Pellets , are conceived to roul through the Pores of Earthly Bodies ; which Globuli , according to the variety of the Causes , which determin their Actions or Motions , are diversly moved . So that if we suppose them to be so determined , that they whirl round with a greater force , than they move according to a Right Line , they produce a Deep Red Colour : if they be not whirl'd about altogether so strongly they imprint the sensation of a Yellow . And on the contrary , if they be not whirl'd about so fast , as used to be at other times , when there is no such Cause to resist their motion , they produce a Green colour ; and a Blew when they are mov'd much more slowly . VII . How these various Colours do appear in the Rainbow . How these Colours are produced , we shall easily apprehend , by exposing a Globe of Glass BCD , to the Sun ; for then we shall see , supposing the Sun to shine in the part of Heaven AFZ , and the Eye placed in the point E , that the part D , of the Bottle or Globe of Glass , will be ting'd with a deep red colour . And that whether we bring it nearer , or remove it farther from us , the same colour will still appear to us , provided we keep the same station ; and that the line DE , with the other EM , which we are to conceive drawn from the Center of the Eye , to the Center of the Sun , do constitute an Angle of about 42 degrees , for then the part D will be equally coloured Red. But if we should dilate this Angle a little , this Redness will disappear ; and if we contract the said Angle , then will it not altogether vanish , but will first be divided into two parts less bright , in the which Blew , Yellow and other colours will appear . Afterwards if we proceed and view the part of the Glass Bottle K , we shall observe , by making the Angle KEM , of about 52 degrees ; that the said part K , will be likewise ting'd Red , but not so bright and lustrous as that of D ; and that upon dilating the said Angle , as before , other colours will appear , but more weak and fading , and that upon our contracting the same , or by dilating the same much wider , they will wholly vanish . From which instance we are plainly inform'd , that the whole space of the Air to M , being filled with such Glass Globes , or which is equivalent in this case , with drops of Water , some point of them must be ting'd with a Red colour ; from whence the lines drawn to the Eye E , will with the line EM , constitute a line of about 42 degrees , such as we suppose those to be that are marked by the Letter R ; and that these points considered altogether , without observing the place wherein they are , save by the Angle under which they are beheld , will appear like a continuous Circle of a Red colour ; and so likewise that there must be some points in those Drops , which are at S and T , from whence lines drawn to E , will constitute somewhat more acute Angles with EM , by which the Circles of the more weak and fading colours are composed . And that in this the Primary or Inward Rainbow doth consist . Then supposing the Angle MEX , to be of 52 degrees , that a Red Circle must appear in the Drops at X , and other Circles of a less deep colour , in the Drops at Y ; and that in this the Secondary or outward Rainbow doth consist . And lastly , that by all the other drops marked V , no colours at all are produced . VIII . A Primary Rainbow is represented in the drops , after two Refractions and one Reflexion . A Primary Rainbow therefore is produced by those Rays which come to the Eye after 2 Refractions , and one Reflexion ; whereas the Secondary is generated of the Solar-beams , reaching the Eye , after 2 Refractions and 2 Reflexions . For if we make a more accurate search whence the Red colour proceeds , which appears in the part D , of the Round Glass , we shall find that it d●pends on the Sun beams ( which we look upon as so many parallel lines , because of the vast distance of the Sun from us ) which coming from A , to B , entring the water , are refracted in the point B , and go on to C , whence being reflected to D , and there coming out of the water , and a second time refracted tend to E. For as soon as any Opake Body shall be opposed to any of the Lines AB , BC , CD , or DE , immediately the Red colour will disappear ; and tho' we should darken the whole Ball of Glass , excepting only the 2 points B and D ▪ and should round about beset it with Opake Bodies , provided nothing do hinder the Action of the Rays AB CD , yet the same will shine brightly . Afterwards having in the same manner searched out the Cause of the Red colour appearing in K , we shall find that the same depends on the Solar Beams , which coming from F to G , are there refracted towards H , and in H , reflected to I , and again from I , reflected to K ; and lastly being again refracted in the point K , tend towards E. And therefore a Primary Rainbow is represented in a Dewy Cloud , or in the several drops oppsit to the Sun , after 2 Refractions and 1 Reflexion : but the Secondary after 2 Refractions , and as many Reflexions . IX . It always rains in that place where the Rainbow appears . If any object that Rainbows sometimes appear in those places where there falls no Rain at all ; and therefore they do not always proceed from those Causes we have here assigned to them . I answer that a Rainbow is ever represented in Rainy Drops , and that they never appear but in rainy weather ; for the Rainbow is an individual companion of Falling Rain , tho' possibly it may not rain in that place from whence the Rainbow is seen , yet sure it is that it must rain in that place where it appears . X. Rainbows appear variously according to the different position of the Spectator . Tho' a Rainbow be visible to all , yet it is not seen by all after the same manner : For seeing that the Drops which appear stain'd with some colour , are perceived about the Axis Visorius , under a certain Angle , and that all Spectators have a different Axis , it follows that every one of them must have his peculiar Rainbow . Yea , if the same person chance to go back , or forward , only some few steps , he will not behold the same , but still a different Rainbow ; seeing that the Drops of VVater , are for example , represented under a certain Angle of Refraction , as the said Angle is enlarged by going forwards , or diminisht by going backwards , the Rays of Light will be variously returned , and will make a different Rainbow . So that there are as many Rainbows , as there are places , from whence they are beheld ; wherefore it is no wonder what the Proverb saith , that the Rainbow flies from those that follow it , and follow those that flee from it . XI . What Halos , are and wherein they agree with the Rainbow . HALOS , or the Circles which appear about the Sun and Moon , are much of the same nature with the Rainbow . For they are round like the Rainbow , or approach to it , and have always some Star for their Center ; for how swift soever the Stars motion may be , it is always found in the Center ; which is a manifest Argument , that these conspicuous Circles or Crowns are produced by Reflexion or Refraction . They agree also with the Rainbow in this , that they are of various colours like it ; whence we must conclude that Refraction , and a shadow that may terminate the Light , are necessary to the Production of these Circles . XII . How these Circles differ from a Rainbow . Yet these Circles differ also from a Rainbow , because a Rainbow is never seen but in rainy weather , tho' it be not necessary that it should always rain where the Spectator is . Whereas these never appear in rainy weather , which is a plain argument that they are not generated by Refraction made in the drops of water , but by that which is made in the particles of Ice , found in the figure of Stars ; for we cannot meet with any other Cause to which we may ascribe this effect . XIII . How these Circles are formed in the Clouds . When therefore at any time there be Clouds in the Air , of a moderate thickness , the Light of the Sun or Moon , piercing the little particles of Ice , whereof they are composed , becomes refracted in such a manner , that not being visible save only to a certain distance from those Stars , it produceth the appearance of several colours , viz. Red on the shady side , and Blew or Purple on the side toward the Sun or Moon . XIV . A further Explication how these Circles are formed about the Stars . As for example , when the Beams , proceeding from the Sun or Moon ABC , darting against a Heap of Icy Stars GEF , lying upon one another , are refracted , and reach the Eye of the Spectator D. For if the Beam proceeding from the point A , to the end of the Icy Star G , and the Ray from the point C , to the end of the little Star F , be refracted towards D , it is plain , that besides the Beams AD , and CD , and such like , which passing in a right line , do represent the Sun or Moon in their proper form ; others being refracted in EE , will make the Air comprehended in this Circle FF , very Bright , and represent its circumference betwixt the Circles FF , and GG , in the form of a Crown or Circle distinguisht with the colours of the Rainbow . So as that the Red colour will appear on the inside about F , and a Blew colour on the outside at G. Book . 1. Part. 6. Chap. 21. To the Worshipfull Thomas Phillips of Southampton in Hant Shire Esq Second Engineer of England & a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome XVI . How six Suns may be seen in this Circle . In such a Circle as this , there sometimes appear 2 Suns , sometimes 4 , yea and sometimes 6. For let DEFGHI , be a great and round Cloud , the upper part whereof DEF , we suppose to be thicker , as being more exposed to the Wind and the Heat of the Sun. The Sun being sufficiently High to the South A , and the Eye of the Spectator K , 6 Suns may appear in this Circle : The first and chiefest at E , by Beams proceeding from the Sun A , at right lines : the second and third at D and F , by refracted Beams , that penetrate the Ice in those places ; where its thickness decreasing by degrees , they are on both sides crooked or bent inwards . Whence it is that these two Suns cast a Red Colour towards their Circumference , on that side where they look towards E , where the Ice is thicker ; and a Blew Colour on the other side , where it is more thin . The fourth at H , is seen by directly reflected Rays : And lastly , the fifth and sixth G and I , by Rays reflected to equal Angles . XVII . How it happens that less than six Suns are seen . But in case the Spectator be not at K , but somewhere nearer to the point B , so as that the Circle , whose Center is supposed in his Eye , and to pass through B , do not cut the Circumference of the Cloud ; then will not he be able to see the 2 Suns G and I , but only the other 4. And if on the contrary he go back much to H , or somewhat further to C , he will see 5 only , viz. DEFG and I , and removing much more backwards , he will see 3 only , and those 2 not contained within a white Circle , but as it were pierced with a white Cloud . XVIII . What a Mock-Moon is . When such a like Image is beheld under the Moon it is called PARASELENE , that is , a Mock-Moon , which admits of a like application with that of the Mock-Suns already spoken of ; for as a Mock-Sun is the Image of the Sun reflected in a Cloud ; so is a Mock-Moon an Image of the Moon appearing in a Cloud . Such were those which appeared in the year 1671 , the 25 th of May about 11 a Clock at Night , when the Moon was very much declined towards the South , and near the Horizon . CHAP. XXI . Of Fire . I. What Fire is . FIRE is a Company of Particles of the Third Element , moved with the most rapid motion imaginable . Or , it is a Lucid and Fluid Body , consisting of Earthly Particles , most swiftly moved by the matter of the First Element , upon which they swim , as it were . II. Why Fire is said to be hot and shining . Fire is said to be hot , by reason of the various agitation of its Particles , whereby they are most rapidly agitated every way . It is said to be Lucid or shining , because the subtil matter , which agitates the Terrestrial Particles , is whirl'd round , whence whilst it endeavours to recede or withdraw it self , it presseth the Heavenly Globuli , in which pression Light consists . III. The variety of Fire . Nevertheless every Fire is not Hot and Shining ; for there is one sort of Fire which is only shining , as in Rotten Wood and Glow-worms ; and another sort which is hot only , as in Dung , and a third sort that is both hot and shining together . IV. What is the Cause of these various Fires . Fire is only shining when the most subtil matter of the First Element running this way and that way in the strait pores of Earthly Bodies , which resist the entrance of any other matter , doth push forwards the Heavenly Globuli : or else when the said matter is in so small a quantity , that it can only press the Coelestial Globuli , which of their own nature are sufficiently incited to Motion , without being able to agitate the Terrestrial Particles . Again , the Fire will be only hot , when the subtil matter is in such abundance , that it can also agitate those Earthly Particles , but yet withal is so entangled with the Earthly and Watry Particles , that it cannot explicate it self , nor push forwards the Heavenly Globuli every way , in a right line . And Lastly , Fire is both shining and hot , when it is so at liberty as both to be able to press the Heavenly Globuli , and most swiftly to move the Terrestrial Particles . V. Violent Motion produceth Fire . Violent Motions are very proper to produce this effect , because the Earthly Particles , to which they communicate themselves , tho' they be at first encompast with the Second Element , yet they move fast enough to drive them away from about themselves , and to admit nothing but the First Element , which much augmenting their agitation , doth dispose them soon to separate themselves from one another , and to take upon them the form of a Flame . VI. Fire is kindled by driving out the Globuli from the Intervals of the Terrestrial Particles . In order therefore to the kindling of Fire , that is , to the gathering such store of the matter of the First Element , as may both shine and burn , it is necessary that the Globuli be driven out of the Intervals of some Terrestrial Particles , which being afterwards separated from each other , and only swiming in the matter of the First Element , may be snatched away with its most swift motion , and driven every way . That this is so , we shall easily conceive , if we consider that the matter of the First Element doth in swiftness much exceed that of the Second Element , and that those little Bodies which swim amongst the particles of these 2 Elements , can only be carried along by the motion of the Second Element , for that its Globuli do break the force of the First Element , and resist its motion : whereas on the contrary , whilst those Earthly Bodies are surrounded with the matter of the First Element , they must necessarily comply with its agitation , in like manner as we see that a piece of wood is carried away by the swiftness of the stream wherein it swims . VII . Whence it is that the Brightness of a Flame is greater in a dark than in a light Place ▪ Thus we find that the Brightness of a Flame is greater , and more conspicuous in a dark Place , than in one enlightned by the Sun ; because in a place so illustrated , many Globuli of the Second Element from the Sun , are sent into the Flame , which lessen the agitation of the matter of the First Element , and consequently also the violence of the Fire . Whence also it is that when our Optick Nerve is strongly affected by the Fulgid Light of the Sun , the light of a Candle , compared with that of the Sun , seems to be none at all ▪ as being scarcely discernable by our Eyes . VIII . Why Fire is hot and shining . From what hath been said , we may gather the chief Qualities of Fire : for seeing that its particles are solid , and most swiftly moved , they cannot but produce heat , which , as shall be said in the following Chapter , is nothing else save the actual various motion of the little parts of the Body , affecting the sense of feeling . And so also if together with this we call to mind , what before hath been said concerning Light , viz. that it consists in an endeavour of receding from the Center , or in the pressure of the Heavenly Globuli . For seeing that the subtil matter , that constitutes Fire , is constantly whirled round , and endeavours to recede thence , it cannot but procreate the sense of Light , and make the Fire Bright and Shining . IX . Of the several ways whereby Fire may be kindled . Fire may be kindled several ways : First out of Flints , for they being of a hard substance , if other stiff Bodies dash against them , by this means the Globuli of the Second Element , because of the narrowness of the interjected space , are forced to march off , leaving only behind them the matter of the First Element , and so the Earthly Particles which swim upon it , and follow its motion produce Fire and are turned to Sparks . Which may be the Cause why we find that in Subterraneous Places Fire is often kindled . For since there is always in those places a viscous slimy matter , and many exhalations are sublimed there by the Suns heat , it may so happen that one Flint dashing against another , may send forth sparks , by which the exhalations that cleave to the kindled viscous or sulphureous matter , may communicate a flame to the Bodies that are nearest to them . Now that there are such fat and sulphurous Flames in the Bowels of the Earth , is well known to the Miners , and Reason evinceth the same ; for seeing that there is a Fire in the Bowels of the Earth , there must be Fumes arising from it ; seeing also that there are sulphurous hot Bathes , and veins of Jews Lime , and other oily matter boyling in the hidden Channels of the Earth , we may easily judge that from these also a continual Smoak or Fume must proceed by way of exhalation . And it seems probable , that the first kindling of those Fires which burn in Mount Aetna in Sicily , and Vesuvius in Campania , hapned after this manner . X. How Fire is kindled by a Burning Glass . There is also another way of kindling Fire , viz. when the Beams of the Sun are concentred in a concave Glass , for by this means the Globuli acting with their joint forces , do excite a various and vehement excitation of the Terrestrial Particles , whence proceeds a Flame , the Heavenly Globuli being beaten back , by the swift agitation of the Terrestrial Particles , so as that the Particles of the most subtil matter can freely flow together and continue this agitation . XI . Sharp Spirits can also kindle a fire . A Fire also may be kindled by sharp Spirits , as appears in Hay , which if it be laid up before it be sufficiently dry , it becomes hot by degrees , and at last breaks forth into a Flame , because the Spirits of Herbs that are shut up in it , have not so free an egress , as when they were Green , and before they began to be dried ; and therefore being no longer able to enter into the same passages , with the Globuli of the Second Element , they become surrounded only by the matter of the First Element , which putting them into a most swift motion , makes a Flame to appear . But this never happens in Wood , tho' it be struck never so much , because its substance is not stiff enough , that by a concussion of another hard Body , the Globuli of the Second Element should be driven away , because the part that is struck bends towards another , before that the Second begins to bend towards the Third , and that again towards those that are next to it , by which means its force of flying back is lost . XII . How Fire is Nourish● or Fed. But forasmuch as Flame is perpetually turn'd to Smoak , and is no more the same than a River , which is continually supplied by an access of new waters , it is of absolute necessity that it have some Food or Fewel whereby it may be preserved and maintained . And this is no other but those Terrestrial Parts , which being agitated by the matter of the First Element , have a power to drive away the Air or any other Body , that might extinguish it . It is also requisit that these particles be very thin , that they may be able to supply the room of the vanishing Smoak : for the thicker particles are easily surrounded by the Globuli of the Second Element , and possessing themselves of the places which the particles of the First Element have left , do much break the force of the Fire , and choak its Flame . XIII . Oily and Sulphurous Bodies are a proper fewel to preserve Fire . For which reason also all Oily , Sulphurous and Bituminous Bodies are of all others most conducive to maintain and preserve Fire ; for that by reason of the contexture of their Branch-like Parts , and their fit Thickness , they are most fit and disposed to be agitated by the particles of the First Element , and being thereby driven out of their places , to communicate their motion to other Bodies with such force as that they drive away the particles of the Second Element , which otherwise would extinguish the Fire into which they strive to enter on every side . XIV . How Flame is produced . These things premis'd , it will be easie to conceive , that Flame is nothing else but a Fire wholly at liberty , that is , a Fire whose parts are so agitated , that they entirely separate themselves from each other , and do only swim in the matter of the First Element . It will be likewise readily conceived how a Flame is produc'd , by viewing the Candle AB , and reflecting that there be many parts of Wax that move very swiftly throughout the whole space CDE , where they constitute a Flame , because they swim alone in the matter of the First Element . We must also consider , that the parts of Wax that constitute the Flame do continually strive to mount still higher , for that by reason of their great agitation they are more light than the Air , that surrounds them , which having been forced to descend continually , endeavours to return to its place again , and to which indeed it would return , if the new particles of Wax that come forth from the Wick , and which begin to follow the Course of the First Element , did not hinder it ; which is confirmed by experience , which shews us that as soon as the particles of Wax cease to proceed thence , or tho' they do , yet have not force enough , the Flame ceaseth in the space CDE , and the Air possesseth it self of its place . XV. Why the Flame always mounts upwards , and ends in a point . It is peculiar to Flame to mount upwards , and to end in a sharp point ; the reason whereof is , because the Flame , by reason of the great abundance of the matter of the First Element that is in it , being lighter than the Air that surrounds it , must of necessity tend upwards : and because the middle parts of the Flame GDE , are more strongly agitated by means of their greater solidity , than those which are about the utmost parts CC , whose motion is much diminisht by the neighbouring Air , this makes the Flame to end in a point , and its Smoak to break forth chiefly at the top H , where the Terrestrial particles begin to lose their agitation . As for Example , When the Smoak ascends towards H , it makes the Air to descend by I and K , towards B , where razing the Wick , it pushes the particles of Wax towards the flame , which serve to nourish it : Which Circular motion of the Air towards the flame , Experience shews us , in that when a Chamber is close shut , save only some little Hole or Chink , and a Fire be kindled in it , a Wind is perceived to enter in by the said Chink ; and which is so much the stronger , by how much the Fire is greater . XVI . The force of Fire upon Earthly Bodies . Fire is extreamly active , and exerts its Force upon the hardest Bodies ; for its Particles , as so many sharp Needles penetrate their Pores , and driving out the particles therein contained , they divide its parts , and turn them into their own Matter ; and in case the particles of the Bodies , the Fire acts upon , are easily separable , then they melt . For to be melted , or in a liquid form , imports nothing else , but that the Body in that state consists of Particles that are divided from each other , and in some agitation . As on the other hand , Bodies are dried , when by approaching to the fire , their thin and slippery Particles are exhaled , the more thick Parts being left , which being thereby more closely joyn'd together , constitute hard Bodies . XVII . The Ventilation of the Air is necessary , to the preservation of Fire . The Ventilation of the Air is necessary to Fire ; because the Air being push'd upwards by the mounting flame , cannot enter into another place , which the Fire , by consuming its Fewel , leaves open for it ; and whilst it thus succeeds , it like a Fan or Bellows , drives the fire into the more inward parts of the fewel , and dissipating those that are more Heavy , doth thus by blowing preserve the fire : For where this is not , and the Air is hindred from supplying the said place , the flame not being able to give way , becomes choak'd by the more heavy and gross Fumes . XVIII . Fire is extinguish'd by any Liquor poured upon it . Fire is put out , when any liquor or moisture is poured upon it in a greater quantity , than can be put into motion by the force of the fired Particles ; which is the Cause why a little Water increaseth the Fire , whereas a great deal of it doth put it out . XIX . Why the Air must have free access into a Chamber , that the Fire may not fill it with Smoak . Hence it is , that when a Fire is kindled in a Chamber , if the Air hath no free access to it , the whole Chamber becomes presently fill'd with Smoak . Because the Air drives away from it great store of Air , together with the Particles , of combustible Bodies : For it is these that being mix'd with the Air , constitute the Smoak , as the more solid Parts of those Bodies are turn'd to Ashes . And since it is repugnant that there should be any Vacuum in Nature , it is necessary that so much Air enter the Chamber , as there is Smoak going out : For except this be , the whole Chamber will be fill'd with Smoak . CHAP. XXII . Of the Nature of Heat and Cold. I. Heat and Cold do not belong to any species of Quality really distinct from the Subject . HAving already rejected all Qualities really distinct from their Subjects , we shall not trouble our selves with the enquiry , to what Species of these Qualities , Heat and Cold do belong . And the rather , because these Forms are unknown to us ; and if we should admit them , the Enquiry will still remain , by what Virtue they operate , if they be Active ; and how the Sense suffers by them , if they be Patible . Wherefore it remains only for us to determine , to what General Head of things Heat and Cold do belong ; viz. Whether they be Substances , or are only to be accounted amongst the Modes of Substances . II. Wherein the Nature of Qualities in general doth consist . Qualities that belong to Matter are nothing else , but certain dispositions in the Subjects , consisting in Magnitude , Figure , Motion and Situation of Parts , whence they produce several ways of Sensation : Tho there be nothing in these Bodies like to those Idea's they awake or excite in us ; so that tho' the Particles , for Example , of an Hot Object be otherwise dispos'd than those of a Cold , yet in neither of them is there any thing like to those Idea's or Modes of Sensation they stir up in us . III. Qualities are certain Modes in Bodies . If any one therefore enquire , whether these Qualities are Modes existing in Bodies ? We Answer that they are so , if they be taken for the various disposition of Parts ; but not so , if they be taken for those Modes of Perception which they excite in us . IV. What Heat and Cold is . Heat therefore is a Quality arising from a greater and unequal Motion of the Terrestrial Particles : And Cold is a Quality proceeding from the quiet of the Parts , or at least from a less degree of Motion in them . V. Heat consists in Motion , and Cold in Rest . We assert therefore , That Heat is nothing else , but the motion or agitation of the small Parts of a Body ; and Cold , their rest or consistence . Now that Heat is nothing else , but motion , may be proved from its Increase and Decrease ; for we find that Liquid Bodies become hot , when their Particles are put in motion by Fire . Thus we find that boyling Water , melted Metals , and all other things , when set on fire , are very much agitated , neither is heat to be perceived in them , till their Parts be put in motion . In consistent or compact Bodies we likewise find , that when they are struck or rub one against the other , provided it be done with some Force , ( as when two pieces of Wood are rub'd against each other , or a Knife whetted upon a Whetstone ) heat is excited in them both . For the Heat in any Body becomes increased , and grows stronger , by how much the agitation is greater . Hence it is , that nothing , amongst Natural Bodies , is more hot than Flame is , because nothing hath its Parts more agitated , as daily Experience teacheth . And if there appear any difference between one Flame and another , that proceeds only , because the Parts whereof they are composed , are more or less thick ; and consequently more or less powerful to agitate those Bodies , on which they exert their Forces . VI. All the Particles of Fire are moved , but not the whole Fire it self . When we say , That Heat is Motion ; we are not so to be understood , as if the whole Body that is heated were agitated : For it is repugnant that the same Body , should at one and the same time be moved by various Motions ; but only that the small particles thereof be in motion and variously agitated ; that is , that they change their situation , and are differently apply'd to the different parts of ambient Bodies ; so as to be tossed with various determinations , to the Right , to the Left , Upwards , Downwards , Forwards and Backwards , according to their several dispositions and figures . VII . In what sense Liquid Bodies are said to be hot . If any one Object , That according to this Explication it will follow , that all Liquid Bodies , as Water , Wind , Air , and the like , are hot ; because , as hath been said in our General Physicks , their parts are variously moved . For Water is no other ways distinguish'd from Ice , but because its parts are in continual motion ; whereas those of Ice continue always in the same situation . VIII . The Answer to the foregoing Objection . Before I come to give a satisfactory Answer to this Difficulty , I would have it noted , that every agitation cannot be called Heat , but that only which is of force enough to affect the Sense of Feeling , and to shake the Filaments of our Nerves : For if the motion be not strong enough to produce this effect , we cannot give it the Name of Heat ; that being an Appellation , which is attributed to things with relation to our Senses . Thus when a Sound is so weak , as not to reach our Ears , tho' it may wave the Air , it cannot be called a Sound . And so to denominate any thing hot , it is requisite that there be such a motion of the Particles , as to affect the Nerves of our Hand , or some other part of our Body . Fluid Bodies therefore , consider'd in themselves , and without any respect to our Senses , may be called Hot , tho' not comparatively , that is , with reference to our Sense of Feeling ; except it should happen , that the Particles of our Hand , which is the ordinary Organ of Feeling , be more slowly moved than the Particles of the Body that is felt : As it happens , when with a hot Hand we touch a Body that is Luke-warm , which then feels cold to us ; and yet we shall feel the same Body hot , if we apply our other Hand that is cold . Water therefore absolutely consider'd , may be said to be hot , because it contains some heat in it self , and is capable of being more cold by many degrees , as when it begins to freez : But with regard to our Sense it is cold , because it excites no such Sensation as we call Heat , in our Organs . IX . The Nature of Cold consists in Rest . Having discover'd the Nature of Heat , we cannot be ignorant of that of Cold : For as Heat is the various agitation of the insensible parts of a Body ; so Cold is their Rest , or at least a diminution of their Motion . For we find by daily Experience , that Hot-water grows by so much the colder , as the Agitation of its parts ceaseth , till at last , by a total Cessation thereof , it be changed into Ice , which of all others is the most cold Body . Thus the things that are said to be cold , are endued with little or no Agitation , and consequently are not able to move our Senses , but rather moderate and put a stop to the motion of our Animal Spirits . Thus , as long as our Fingers are warm , we can do any thing with them ; but when once they are seiz'd with cold , they become useless to us in the performing of any work . X. Why hot things take up more place , than such as are cold . A Hot thing therefore differs from a Cold thing , as a thing that is at rest or less moved , differs from that which is moved , or more swiftly moved . Whence it is that those Bodies , whose Parts are agitated by heat , contrary to their Custom , cannot be comprehended in so small a space or room , as those which are at rest , or are less moved ; forasmuch as by means of this motion their small particles are rendred irregular , which therefore require more room , than when they are united , and are not separated by any agitation . XI . Cold is something that is Positive . Some suppose Cold to be nothing else , but a Privation of Heat ; but these seem not to have understood the Nature of Rest ; which is nothing else , but an abode in the same situation : Now Abode or Continuance , is something Positive , yea , more positive than motion it self . For that which is unchangeable , must without doubt more partake of the Nature of an Entity , than that which consists in continual Change and Vicissitude . Wherefore we must conclude , that Rest or Quiet is a positive thing , as having no less efficacy than Motion . For which of the two shall we reckon to be most positive ; that which keeps together and preserves other Bodies , or that which dissipates and destroys them ? Now it is the Property of Rest to preserve many things , that by Motion are spoil'd and damnified : Wherefore Rest ought to be look'd upon as being more positive than Motion . For who will assert , that to abide in a place , to continue in time , to rest in a Seat , or the like , which belong to Rest , to be less positive , than to take a Journey , to run a Race , or to be in a continual flowing , which belong to Motion ? Indeed it is an Error of our Mind , whereby we take Rest to be something Privative , and Motion to be Positive ; because we experience , that the one depends on our Will , whereas the other is scarcely taken notice of by us . XII . It is by Rest alone that Rivers are frozen , ●ea , the Sea it self , and that Living Creatures die . It seems strange to some , that by Rest only , which constitutes the Nature of Cold , Rivers and Seas should be frozen , and the Life of Animals should be destroy'd : And yet it is evident , that all this is done by Rest alone , not the least of Motion being to be found in any of these Effects . For what doth the freezing of Rivers and Seas import , but such a union and clinging together of their parts , whereby they do consist and are at rest ? For no stronger Argument can be alledg'd to prove , that any Bodies are joyn'd , than to say that they lye at rest together . XIII . The parts of Ice are at Rest , tho' the whole may be carried along by the stream of the River . For tho' a whole Body of Ice may be carried along the Water , yet its Parts notwithstanding are at Rest together ; for in case they were in agitation , then would they no longer constitute Ice , but Water ; as we find , that when the Frost breaks , the parts of the Ice that lay still together before , by being separated through motion , turn to Water . XIV . Cold , as it is a Rest of the Parts of a Body kills Living Creatures . That Cold is the Cause of the Death of Living Creatures , must not seem strange to us , seeing that our Bodily Life consists in the various agitation of the Blood , Spirits and Humours , upon the diminution or cessation whereof , Life it self must cease also . For as by too intense Cold , that is , by the consistence of the insensible Particles of the Air and Water , the Water that turns a Mill is congealed ; so the total cessation or diminution of the motion of the Blood and Spirits in the Bodies of Living Creatures , deprives them of Life . As we find , that in the Winter time , Flies and many other Living Creatures consume and dye , especially when the cold is very intense . XV. What Potential Heat a●d Cold is . As there is an Actual Heat and Cold found in Bodies , so some Bodies are said to be Potentially hot or cold . Those are called Potentially hot ▪ which have an aptitude or disposition to grow hot ▪ or heat other things ; which ariseth from hence , that their particles are so disposed , that they are liable to be more violently moved by the Subtil matter , which runs through all Bodies . Thus Quick-Lime , which is cold to the Touch , is said to be hot Potentially , because the Subtil matter can easily excite an Agitation in its Pores . In like manner all other Bodies , which can produce such a motion in the Particles of other Bodies , are said to be Potentially hot ; such as are Pepper , Ginger , Spirit of Wine , and the like . And on the contrary , that Body is said to be Potentially cold , whose Particles cannot be agitated by the Subtil matter ; or whose disposition of parts is such , as to hinder the particles of any Body to be put in agitation by others ; such as are Lettice , Vinegar , &c. CHAP. XXIII . Of the various Effects of Fire . I. Some Effects of Fire remain still to be explained . HAving hitherto consider'd the Nature of Fire , and how it diffuseth Light from it self through the Air , and communicates heat to those Bodies that are near it ; it remains now that we explain some other of its Effects , viz. how it rarefies and condenses some Bodies , softens and melts others , and again hardens and dries ; changeth some into Calx or Ashes , and others into Glass . In order to the giving of a Reason for these different Effects , we are to presuppose that Rule of the Philosophers ; that Every Action is received , not so much according to the manner and condition of the Agent , as according to the Disposition of the Patient . The Action of the Fire is every where one and the same ; but the difference of the Effect proceeds from the diversity of the Matter whereon it acts . II. How the Fire rarefies Bodies . In the First place therefore , if a Body , whose Parts are pretty close together , be very much heated , let those parts be of what figure they please , provided only that they be not Round , whilst they are whirl'd about their own Center , they cannot but meet with their Corners , and push one another , and then such a Body is said to be rarefied ; as appears in Milk , when it boils , as well as in other Liquors . The same may be often perceived in hard Bodies , which being heated , do lose few of their Particles by Exhalation . Thus Red-hot Iron is more turgid than that which is cold . III. How it condenseth them . But in case the Parts of a Body be very light , and very susceptible of Agitation , and yet have some slight Coherence ; yet so , as that they scarcely touch one another , and constitute a Whole , that is , of a very loose and incompact Substance , the least heat supervening to such Bodies as these , and communicating some motion to their parts , disposeth them to a nearer Conjunction , and by this means condenseth the whole Body : As when Heat reduceth Snow to a less bulk , by making the parts of it closer together . IV. How Bodies grow soft by the force of the Fire . The Fire softens Bodies , by agitating their Particles with so moderate a Motion , as doth only move them , without separating them from one another . Which happens only in those Bodies that consist of such parts , as are with equal facility separated from each other ; as in Wax , a hot Hand , Lead , and other such like , whose insensible parts are not wholly without motion , tho' the slowness of it make it imperceptible . V. How Bodies are melted by the Fire ▪ The Fire melts Bodies , whilst it not only moves their Particles , but also separates them from each other , as to their situation . For by the violent agitation of the Fire , the particles of Bodies are separated from one another , and most swiftly moved . And accordingly Metals , tho' otherwise hard Bodies , are by the force of Heat melted , and resolved into Homogeneal Particles , as they are usually called . VI. How Bodies by Fire are resolved into Vapour , and afterward turn to Water , or other Liquor . A like Effect of Fire is DISTILLATION , by means whereof a Body is changed first into Vapour , and afterward , as that Vapour condenseth , is turn'd to Liquor : Which may be done several ways , according to the several degrees of Fire , as by the moist Heat , as the Chymists call it , which is that of a Balneum , or by the dry heat of Ashes , Sand , or a naked Fire . And by this separation of parts , there are distill'd from Bodies first Burning Spirits ; then Phlegm or insipid Water ; and lastly , a sharp and corroding Liquor , which by a very violent Fire is distill'd from Salts . VII . How Bodies come to heat and boil , by means of Fire . But if the agitation of the Liquid particles be so great , that some of them be carried upwards , or be changed into Air or Fire , and so requiring a greater Space wherein to dilate themselves , and to pursue their motion , do thrust other Bodies out of their places ; then these Liquid Bodies become very hot and boil . Now this great Heat or effervescence is carried on with an equal motion , and without any great perturbation of their parts , when the said Liquid Bodies do not contain much Heterogeneous matter ; as it happens in Wine and pure Water . But they boil , where the Matter of Bodies is more Heterogeneous , partly spirituous and volatile , and partly thick and clammy , or ropy : These being the two Matters that concur to the making of Bubbles ; for viscous and clammy Matter , serves to make the Skins of the Bubbles , and the volatile Matter furnisheth that Aiery Spirit that fills and distends them . But if the agitation of the Heat be not strong enough to overcome the Heaviness of Bodies , then it cannot dilate those Bodies , so as to make them take up a greater Space . And therefore it is , that the particles of Metals do not fly up into the Air , because the force of Heaviness that is in them , surpasseth the Activity of the Fire . VIII . How it comes to pass , that the Fire hardens and dries some Bodies . As the Fire softens and melts some Bodies , so it hardens and dries others , viz. such as are compounded partly of thin , flexible , slippery and volatile Parts ; and partly of Thick and Branchy parts mix'd together , but not very firmly sticking to one another . For that Body is said to be dry , which wants those fluid Particles , which when united together do constitute Water , or any other Liquor . Such Bodies as these therefore , as soon as they come near the fire , their fluid and thin Particles being exhaled or turned into Vapour , become dry , and their thick and branchy Particles are left alone by themselves ; which being more nearly and closely joyned , and with greater firmness hanging together , do constitute hard Bodies . As is manifest in Clay , some of the pores whereof are by heat shut up , and others again dilated and left more open . IX . How Fire turns Bodies into a Calx and Ashes . Another Effect of Fire is , that it separates most Bodies either into a kind of Calx , or into Ashes , according to the various application thereof . For when those Bodies that are apt to melt , are so placed , as that a violent flame of Reverberation may beat upon them , they become turned into a Calx . For all Hard Bodies , which by the Action of Fire , are reduc'd to a powder , by expulsion of some of their thinner Particles , which joyned the other parts together , are said by the Chymists to be turned into a Calx . So that Calcination is an Operation , whereby a mix'd Body , especially Stones and Metals , are reduced into a small Powder . Neither is there any other difference between Ashes and a Calx , save that Ashes are the Remainders of those Bodies , whereof a great part hath already been consumed in the fire : Whereas a Calx is of those Bodies , which suffer little or no diminution at all by the Action of fire , as not being inflammable . And both of them agree in this , that they consist of solid and thick Parts , such as by the ordinary force of the fire cannot be changed into Vapours , and are of irregular and many Corner'd figures ; so that they only lye upon one another , without sticking close together , and probably do not touch one another , but in some very small Points . X. How these Calces , and the Ashes of Bodies are by Fire turn'd into Glass . If afterwards these Calces , or the Ashes , are committed to a strong and long continued Fire , their Corners or Angles , which are the cause of the Roughness and Opacity that is in Ashes , become bended , by which means the particles being agitated and tost together , are at last more closely joyned , polished , and made more smooth , which touching each other only , according to little Surfaces , do constitute that hard , transparent and brittle Body , which is commonly called Glass . XI . Why Glass is hard , stiff , transparent , and brittle . GLASS is a hard and stiff Body , because it consists of thick and inflexible particles , which are not joyn'd together by any intangling of the Branchy parts , but by contact only . It is Transparent , because after its concretion or coagulation it still retains its Pores , through which the Heavenly Globuli can continue their motion to Right Lines , according as they were moved before , when it was Liquid . Lastly , It is Brittle , because the Surfaces , in which its particles touch one another are very small . XII . How Earthquakes are caused by Fire . Fire not only exerts its Activity upon the Surface of the Earth , but also in the Cavities or Inward parts of it ; where it is the cause of EARTHQUAKES , as often as any great store of Exhalations are found there : Not that they of themselves are able to produce this effect , seeing their Particles do only constitute the Air ; but because they easily mingle themselves with the more Subtil particles of Spirits , and being heated and kindled by them , seek for a larger place wherein they may dilate themselves ; and being not able to find that , they shake all that stands in their way : Much in the same manner as Gan-powder , shut up in a Mine , as soon as it is kindled , by endeavouring to make room for it self , makes a great Concussion , making the Earth to quake . Which is the reason why those places are most subject to Earthquakes , which abound with Veins of Saltpeter , Brimstone , or other Oleaginous matters ; these being easily kindled by Spirits , or by any spark of Fire , from the dashing together of Stones or Flints . And as soon as they are kindled , not being able to contain themselves in the same Space , they are carried upward , and break through their Prison Walls , to make room for themselves . XIII . Subterraneous Fires act differently . EXHALATIONS , kindled in the Holes of the Earth , do break forth outwardly on the Surface of it , when they are of force enough to make a way for themselves thro' the outward Crust of the Earth ; but when they are not of strength enough to do this , they only cause a simple Earthquake , that is , they only make the Country round about to rise a little ; as Gun-powder raiseth the Terrassee that lead to the Mines . An Earthquake therefore is nothing else , but the Shaking of any Place or Country , which is accompanied sometimes with a breach of the Ground , and a terrible Noise . XIV . What Fermentation is , and the Cause of it . FERMENTATION is accounted amongst the Effects of Fire ; and happens , when the Matter of the first Element is so shut up in the narrow Pores of Earthly Bodies , that tho' many thick Particles swim in their little Spaces , yet are they so agitated by some Watry and Airy particles that are insensibly mix'd with them , as to be able to affect our Nerves , and produce the perception of Heat . Such a fervescence or rising is found in Dough , and in the working of New Wine , Beer , and other potulent Liquors : So likewise in Oil of Vitriol , mix'd with Salt of Tartar ; Aqua-fortis , in which Copper is put , and other such like . Because the Particles of these Bodies are so agitated by the Aethereal matter , that runs through their Pores , as not only thereby to be heated , but also rarefied and subtiliz'd ; so that the Hooks and Intanglements , whereby their Particles before were held and kept together , are dissolved . Fermentation therefore is nothing else , but the adventitious and expansive Motion of the insensible Heterogeneous parts of fermenting Bodies , excited without any sensible Cause . XV. Heterogeneous Particles are required to the Motion of Fermentation . Bodies subject to Fermentation are not of one kind ; for they may be either Animate , or without Life , Thin or Thick , Natural or Artificial , provided they do consist of Heterogeneous parts . Now this Heterogeneity of parts is found in those Bodies , which are compounded of Particles , whereof some are in continual motion , and others again are Earthly , thick , and more fix'd , which hinder the more Volatile parts from flying away . For on this contrariety and strife of the Parts fermentation chiefly depends ; for where the Particles are of the same figure and conformation , no fermentation can be excited . Thus we find , that New Beer , or Wine , when shut up in narrow Mouth'd Bottles do ferment or work with such Violence , that they often break the Bottles : Whereas if the parts of these Liquors be separated by distillation , they will no longer be capable of fermentation . For which Reason , Stillatitious Oils , burning Spirits , and distill'd Waters , will continue a vast while without the least change by fermentation . Thus Spirit of Wine , shut up in a Bottle , is very far from falling into a fret or effervescence ; but if you add some Oil of Turpentine to it , it excites such a commotion of the parts , as endangers the breaking of the Bottle , in case it be close stopt . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Mixtion of Bodies : As likewise of their Changes , Conversion , Generation , Corruption , Alteration , Augmentation and Diminution . I. There is a twofold Mixtion of Bodies . THAT it may be the better apprehended what Mixtion is , we are to observe that things may be mingled after a twofold manner ; the first way is , by a Composition or rather Apposition of the things to be mingled . The second by their Coalition or Confusion . II. What Apposition and Confusion is . Those Bodies are said to be mingled by Apposition , whose parts do not wholly mix and run through one another , but only superficially touch one another , keeping their distinct natures , as when Fruits of several sorts are heaped together , and make one heap . But the Mixtion by Coalition or Confusion of Bodies is , when they are so mingled ▪ as that they wholly run through one another , so that there is not the least particle assignable in the mixt Bodies , which doth not consist of every one of them . According as some think that the parts of Water pour'd into Wine , are so throughly mixed with the parts thereof , as to be susceptive of the same Action and Passion . This last kind of Mixtion ARISTOTLE seems to defend lib. 1. de Generat . cap. 10. where he asserts that a new substantial form is produced in Generation , and that there is no part of the mixt Body so small but is mixed . III. Aristotle's mistake about the Mixtion of Bodies . But this opinion of Aristotle is not at all probable , for if we should suppose the most perfect mixtion of all the most minute parts of a Body , this would destroy the very nature and notion of mixture ; since it is the common notion of mixture , that the things mixed must still continue ; for if they do not abide , then it is not a mixture of several things , but a destruction . Besides , if the parts of a Mixt Body , do wholly through and through pierce one another , so as to be coextended every way , then two Bodies will be in the same place , seeing there is no part so small that is not mixed , and that is not partaker of all the parts both in substance and quality . From hence also it will follow , that a small Body , by example a Pint of Water , will be equal and coextended to a far greater Body , viz. a Gallon of Wine , seeing that there is no part so small , which does not consist of Wine and Water . IV. The opinion of the Peripateticks concerning Mixture . Some Aristoteleans , to avoid these absurdities , tell us , that all Miscibles are not of the same Power and Virtue , and that the weaker do yeild to the stronger . So that when a drop of Water is cast into a Hogshead of Wine , it produceth no mixture , but that the form of the weaker part , viz. Water , is by the more powerful Wine , changed into its own nature , so that by the addition of this drop of Water , the Wine contained in the Hogshead is encreased one drop . V. The Peripateticks confuted . But this Evasion doth not agree with Reason ; for I will only demand of them , whether this drop of Water cast into the Hogshead be changed into Wine ? They will say it is . But if after this first drop , another and another he put in , and this continued , till the first quantity be 2 fold , 10 fold , 100 fold , 1000 fold encreased , what will be the kind or substance of this Liquor then ? The Peripateticks according to their Principles , must say that the whole Mass of this Liquor will be pure Wine , tho' instead of one Gallon of Wine , a 1000 of Water may have been pour'd into it drop by drop , since according to them , every drop of Water , by the overpowering quantity of Wine , was turned into Wine . But is not this absurd ? If they will not own this , let them tell us when the VVine began to lose its form ; and at what particular drop of VVater , the whole mass of VVater became deprived of its form . But here they must be silent , and tho' sore against their wills , acknowledge their Ignorance . VI. That Mixture is caused by Apposition . Wherefore rejecting this Sentence , we must adhere to the former , and maintain that the Mixtion of Bodies is performed by the apposition of particles to each other : Thus when VVine and VVater are mixed together , the parts of each Liquor continue in their distinct natures ; so as that the particles of VVine and VVater are not in the same , but in distinct places , as black and white Threads , in the Weaving of any Stuff or Cloath do each possess their distinct intervals . Neither must it seem contradictory to what we here assert , that the mixture of VVine and VVater , cannot be perceived by our Senses , because the particles of VVine and VVater are so small and subtil that they cannot be perceived by our Sight , nor distinguisht by our Tast . VII . Experiments proving Mixtion to be by Apposition . And certainly we have great reason to believe that Mixtion is performed after this manner , since we find that Bodies that are mixed may be separated again from each other . Thus VVine that is mixed with VVater may be separated from it , either by a Spunge dipt in Oyl , or by a Cup made of Ivy , or by extream Cold , which freezing the VVater , leaves the VVine , or at least the most Spirituous Part thereof in the center of the Icy mass unfrozen . And the same is almost perceived in every Body , wherein there is but a little quantity of Sulphur and Spirit ; for if you distil out of Vitriol , Tartar , Saltpeter and the like , their Phlegm and Acid Spirit , and after distillation , put them again to the remaining dregs , which the Chymists call their Caput Mort , you will find the same Body restored , which was before distillation , and almost of the same quantity or bigness as it was before . Chymists observe that when they mix the Spirit of Vitriol with the Salt of Tartar , there at first happens a great effervescence or ebullition , and when that is over , both the Liquor and Sult do quite lose their sharpness and acrimony , so that the Body remaining after this their effervescence , is a meer insipid Body : But if then by distillation you separate the Spirit of Vitriol from the Salt of Tartar , you 'l find that neither of them are deprived of their former virtue and force , but that they are as sharp and corrosive as before . All which Experiments do give us an undoubted evidence , that things after mixture retain the same nature they had before , and that Mixture is performed by Apposition of the Particles of one Body to those of another . VIII . What Mixture is , and how many several ways the same may be . Mixtion therefore or Mixture is nothing else but the Collection of divers Bodies into one , and that by way of Apposition . It may be performed divers ways . 1 st . By Percolation or straining ; thus Blood , Urin , Medicinal VVaters , Stones , almost all Juices , VVine , Oyl , &c. are made . 2 ly . By Coction or by Baking , thus Salt , Bricks , Earthen ware and Glass become one mixt Body . 3 ly . By Sublimation , thus Soot , Snot or Snivel , and , it may be Metals also , and some Salts used by Chymists are made . 4 ly . By Distillation , as many sorts of VVater , Rain , Dew , Manna , and other things are made . 5 ly . By Dissolution , thus Salt-water , the Chyle , or nutritive Juice , and dissolved or melted Bodies are made . 6 ly . By Exhalation , as Flame , Steams , Clouds and other such like . 7 ly . By Concretion or growing together , as Snow , Frost , Hail , the Stone in Mans Body , &c. 8 ly . By Calcination , as many sorts of Salts , Ashes , Quick-lime . 9 ly . By Simple Commix●ion , as Wine mingled with Water , Ointments . 10 ly . By Simple Expression , as Wine ; Oyl , and most other Juices . IX . The Changes of Natural things . Mutation or Change is the Vicissitude or Alteration of any thing , but chiefly of such as are bodily . The nature whereof we shall the better apprehend , by taking notice that all Changes are of two kinds , viz. Accidentary or Essential . An Accidentary Change is that whereby only some Accidents are changed , which do not constitute the essence of a thing , such as are the changes of Heating and Cooling . Essential Changes are those wherein the essences of things are changed by the Introduction of a New Form , and by depriving them of the Form they had before . And forasmuch as according to what hath been said in our General Physicks , there are in the usual sense of the Peripateticks no substantial Forms , besides the Soul of Man , it follows that neither can there be in their meaning any substantial change , save that in the production of man , because in no other production , any such new substance , as they understand , is made ; but in all Alterations and Generations the matter or common subject is only Accidentally or Essentially modified according to Measure or Quantity , Rest , Motion , Position and Figure . X. What Conversion is . To be more particular , Conversion is that Action , whereby one thing is changed into another , by the Alteration of its former Modification , and the introduction of another , diverse from the former , the same common subject still remaining . It is said that the same Common Subject remains : For the Matter which is the Subject , is numerically the same after the Change , as it was before , being only Modified anew . And this is well to be observed , because that otherwise it will not be any true Conversion or Change of one thing into another , but rather an Exchange of one thing for another . XI . The difference between an Accidental , Essential and Substantial Conversion . That Action , which is terminated in those Modes or Accidents that may be present or absent without the destruction of the Subject , is called an Accidental Conversion . But that which is terminated in that peculiar Modification , which is Essential to any thing , and doth distinguish it from all others , the same is called an Essential Conversion , and sometimes Substantial , inasmuch as it affects the very substance or subject it self , so and so modified . For indeed by the substance of any thing we are not to understand that bare Entity , which is conceived to be the Subject of the Form , and to be specificated by it , but both Subject and Form taken together , to wit , that Thing which consists of them both , or rather the Subject , as I said , it self , as considered with its peculiar Modification : So that when this Constitution or Modification is changed , and another introduced into the common Subject , it is evident that then the former substance is also changed , and turned into another . Thus when that peculiar modification , which constitutes the nature of Wood , is changed , and the Essential disposition that constitutes a Stone is introduced , in this case we must say that the Wood is essentially and ●●bstantially changed into a Stone . And so likewi●● in the case of Nutrition , when Corn is reduced to Flower , that to Bread , and the Bread into the Blood and Flesh of our Bodies , this I say is an Essential and Substantial Conversion . XII . What 〈◊〉 i● . So likewise Generation is nothing else but a certain disposition of matter according to the foresaid Modifications of Measure , &c. as in the Production of PLANTS and BEASTS ; because in the generation of either of these , a new substance is no more produced , than in the framing of a Statue , or the building of a House . Now what happens to Stone or Wood when it is framed into a Statue , more than a new form or habitude in the matter of Wood or Stone ? So likewise in the building of a House , there is no other change but what ariseth from the joining of Stones , Boards , Tiles , Nails , &c. which before were separate , but now being set together make such a composure or structure as hath the form of a House . And tho' the framing of a Statue , and the building of a House do terminate in a Substance , for both the Statue and House are Substances , yet no new Substance other than I have before asserted , is found in either of them , there being nothing superadded to them besides a new Modification , with which both these Substances are affected . Accordingly , Generation is nothing else but a translation or new ranging of the parts of matter , which is alike in Natural and Artificial Compositions . XIII . What Corruption is . As for Corruption , it is nothing else but the dissolution of parts that were before united . Thus as a House is said to be destroyed when its several parts are separated from each other ; so Wood or other combustible matter is said to be corrupted or destroyed , when by Flame it is resolved into Ashes and Smoak . The Cause of the Corruption of Bodies is when strange particles , by thrusting themselves into their pores , do thereby change and destroy the Texture , Connexion and order of their Parts . Hence it is that those Bodies that have less pores , are for the most part more durable than others , and less subject to Corruption or Destruction . XIV . What Alteration is . Alteration is nothing else but the change , whereby a subject , still abiding the same , becomes changed as to some Accidents . So Water is said to be altered , when it is heated by the Sun or Fire : and a Man is said to be altered , when of Healthful , he becomes Sick , and of Ignorant , Learned , &c. Because Man , by supervening Sickness or Learning is not changed into another thing than he was before . And therefore Aristotle in the 1 st . Book of Generation chap. 4. defines Alteration to be that whereby a sensible subject , abiding still the same , becomes changed in its affections . Book . 1. Part. 7. Introduction . G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Right Hon ble : Francis , Viscount Newport of Bradford , Lord Leivtenant of Shropshire , Treasurer of their Majesties Household , and one of the Lords of their Majesties most Honourable Privy Councell &c. a This Plate is humble Dedicated by Richard Blome . XVI . What Diminution is . The Diminution or Decrease of Bodies , is when this Nutrition ceaseth , and when less Substance is restored than has been dissipated or lost . The Cause of Diminution is , either the want of Food , or when the Food is not such as is proper to feed the Body ; or because of the weakness of the Innate Heat , as happens in those that are Old ; or because the said Heat is too strong , as in those who are of a Cholerick Temperament ; or when the Body is so disposed , that it cannot be supplied with sufficient Food : Or lastly , when the little constitutive parts of the Body begin to waste and are consumed , whatsoever may be the cause of it ; for then the Musculous Parts fall down , and grow Flaggy for want of a sufficient accession of new Substance , caused by a too sparing supply of Food , or because the same is not fitly prepared or concocted . Whence we understand that Augmentation or Growth , and Diminution do consist in Local Motion . The Seventh Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . OF LIVING CREATURES In General : And Specially of PLANTS and ANIMALS . The INTRODUCTION . Of the Division of Living Creatures . I. The Division of Bodies into such as are living and destitute of Life . HItherto we have considered the Nature of Inanimate Bodies , whether hid in the Bowels of the Earth , or exposed in the Face of the Heavens . And now we proceed to Living Bodies , viz. Plants and Animals , which are comprehended under this General Notion , because they are endued with Life , and are furnisht with Instruments appropriated to Nutrition , Growth and Propagation . For all Bodies in the Universe are either Living or devoid of Life . Amongst those that are without Life are reckoned the Heaven , the Stars , Fire , Air , Water , Earth , Metals , Stones and Fossils or things dug out of the Earth : So that of all the Creatures contained in the World , Plants and Animals only are endued with Life . II. What Living Bodies are . Now we call those Living Bodies , that have received from the Author of Nature such a Disposition of an Organical Body , as that by innumerable passages and conveyances it hath , the Alimentary juice , being by motion thrust into them , is by the Soul every way dispersed and distributed , for their Nourishment , Growth and Conservation . They are called Living Bodies from the Life they possess , and Animate Bodies from their Soul. III. What the Vegetative Soul is . This Soul , a fit Disposition of Parts being first supposed , chiefly consists in the Innate or Inbornheat , which is a Heating , but not a Shining Fire , generated in Bodies at their first Production , by means whereof the Alimentary Juice , for their conservation , is duly prepared , and distributed throughout the whole Body , and joined to the several parts of it , for a supply of that which daily wastes away , by which means Vegetation , that is , Nourishment or Nutrition , and Encrease or Growth are performed . And therefore this Soul is called Vegetative . IV. Why a Body is said to live and die . The Life flows from this Soul. For if the Heat be preserved and maintained by convenient Moisture , as its proper Food , then that Body is said to Live ; and on the contrary to Die or Perish , when Cold and Driness do so predominate in it , as that the Inborn Heat becomes thereby diminished or quite taken away . V. There are two General Heads of Living Bodies , Plants and Animals . Now forasmuch as PLANTS and ANIMALS do both of them enjoy the common degree of Life , and resort under Vegetable as under their Immediate Genus or General Head , we must first consider their Affections , and whatsoever doth in general belong to them ; as for Example , wherein chiefly the Nature of Living Bodies doth consist ; how such as are Vegetable differ from those that are devoid of Vegetation ; what that Heat is whereby they are Cherished and Live , and whence their difference is deriv'd . For there are two General Heads of Living Bodies ; the First whereof are those , which according to their outward and inward shape exhibit a substance equally extended ; and wherein from the top to the bottom we perceive but one and the same progress of Nature ; so that all their parts are nourished , grow and are generated , without any distinction in their operations ; their Bodies being as so many Channels and Pipes through which the Food is transmitted , and in which it undergoes several changes . And these are called PLANTS , which draw up an Alimentary Juice out of the Earth by their Roots into the Stem or Stalk , which from thence is conveighed and sublim'd to all the utmost parts . VI. The Definion of a Plant. A PLANT therefore is a Living Body furnisht with a Skin , Strings , Root , Stalk or Stem , and other Organical Parts , and is nourisht , grows and produceth its like from prolifick Seed , only by means of a Vegetative Soul. So that all these Plants which spring out of the Earth , or grow in standing Pools or Water , or elsewhere , provided they grow and are nourished , whether they have Roots or not , whether they have Leaves or not , whether they have Flowers and Fruit , or have only a Root , all these , I say , are called Plants . VII . Plants are divided into Trees and Herbs . But forasmuch as the name of Plant doth not only belong to those Bodies which grow out of the ground by their Roots ; but also to all those that grow upon other Plants , or that spring out of the ground some other way ; therefore Plants by a general division may be distinguished into TREES and HERBS , as the two members that comprehend all Plants . A Tree is a Plant rising out of the ground with a woody Stem or Stalk , and growing up to considerable Height . An Herb is a Plant consisting of Leaves and a tender Stalk , never rising to the tallness or thickness of Trees . Some Authors , besides these 2 members , place a SHRUB as a third thing between a Tree and an Herb , but , as it seems , without any necessity , forasmuch as there be no Plants but may be conveniently reduced either to Trees or Herbs ; a Shrub being nothing else , but a Tree , which rising out of the Earth , variously spreads it self into Branches and Leaves from the Root . For a Shrub riseth higher from the ground than an Herb doth . As to Mushrooms , &c. they may be reckon'd amongst those Plants , that grow upon other Plants or spring forth at their Roots . To which also may be referred some Plants , which do not spring out of the Earth , but from other Plants , such as are those small Strings that grow upon Pulse , and being intangled with them are carried upwards into the Air. As for Moss it may be well called an Excrementitious Plant , because from its original Seed it grows upon barren Ground , and Stones it self , in which it s spreads its Roots . VIII . The Division of Trees into Wild and Domestick . Trees are commonly divided into Wild and Domestick , or such as are cultivated at home , and those that are Outlandish : Not but that all Trees as to their first original may be called Wild , as having grown first wild in the Fields : but because there are many Trees , which men do not take the pains to Transplant and Cultivate in their Gardens , and if they should , yet would not they thereby change their wild Nature , whereas others being Transplanted and Cultivated by the industry of men , are much improved thereby . IX . The Second General Head of Living Creatures are those we call Animals . The Second General Head of Living Bodies are such as consist of a far greater variety and multiplicity of Parts , have peculiar motions , and seem to constitute many whole Bodies , which yet are joined together with that proportion , as to produce proper and necessary motions ; so that from these different Parts , certain Machines or Engines do arise , most curiously wrought and contrived , which are called Animals , whose members are not only complete in themselves , but are also joined with that exact Symmetry and Proportion , as to conspire to the Good and Profit of the Whole , and concur to one motion . And notwithstanding that in the Praedicamental Line , and the Genealogy of Things and Modes , an Animal is , according to the common way of Philisophizing , constituted by something Sensitive , which is true too , in a certain meaning ; yet we are to take heed that we do not by these means attribute to an Animal such a Soul and Sense , as has Perception ; since the Sense of an Animal purely and alone consists in the impression of the Object on the Bodily Organ , which may be done without the Help of a Soul. X. The various kinds . Animals . Animals are divided into such as flie in the Air , swim in the Water , go on the Earth , creep , slide along , or such as are altogether immoveable . They may likewise be distinguisht from the difference of their Generation , Parts , Actions and other such like . And accordingly some are Viviparous , such as bring forth Living Creatures ; others Oviparous , which lay Eggs , out of which Animals afterwards are hatched . As to Parts , some have Wings , others Fins , some go on two Feet , others on four or more . And others again want all these . As to their Actions or Manners , some are Tame , others Wild ; some Domestick and Sociable , others delighting in Solitude ; some Stupid and Dull , others Quick and Cunning. As to the places where they are bred and live , some are Fiery , others Aquatick or Watry , and others Terrestrial . Some live both on the Earth and in the Water , which are therefore called Amphibious ; some are Subterraneous , or living under Ground , &c. XI . The Sum and Order of things to be treated of in this Seventh Part. The most Noble and Excellent of all Living Creatures is MAN , for the handling of whom we design the Eighth Part of our Institution , as being the Complement of all Animals , and to express my self , as some of the Ancients have done , the Horizon of Heavenly and Sublunary Creatures . Now forasmuch as these Living Things do agree in some affections , we will here first touch upon those , which are common unto them all ; and then in special apply our selves to the Contemplation of Plants and Animals , and shall at large set forth the distinction that is between them . CHAP. I. How Living Bodies differ from those that are Inanimate , and destitute of Life . I. The word Life is taken in a threefold signification . IT appears from what hath been already said , that Living Bodies differ from Lifeless things in this , that the one have Life , and the other are devoid of it . But forasmuch as the word LIFE is Aequivocal , and attributed to things that are said to Live under different Notions ; we must first consider what Life is , and how many significations it admits of . For the Notion of Life is very various and vagrant , but reducible to 3 General Heads . Sometimes we make use of this word to signifie Simple Existence ; sometimes , Active Existence ; and sometimes also , Coexistence , or the Duration of one thing with another . II. What a Life of Simple Exstence is . That is a Life of Simple Existence , when the word to Live is taken simply for Existence : As when BOETHIUS defines Eternity , an All at once and perfect Possession of an Interminable Life . And in the same meaning ARISTOTLE calls the Life of Animals , their Being ; because when they die , and cease to live , he thought they ceased to be also . III. What an Active , or Actuous Life is . An Actuous Life , is a Life of Existence , accompanied with Action ; and in this Sense Life is taken for Action and Operation . Thus Fire , or a Candle , whilst it sends forth a flame is said to live ; and so the Vital Spirits are said , to live in a Body , as long as they are in continual motion , and flow through the Veins and other hidden Channels . Thus we call Spring-water , Living , because it bubbles up , and flows continually ; but Dead , when it stands still , and is without motion . In like manner , Love is said to be alive , whilst it is strong and active . So Virgil , in 1 st Aeneid : — with Lively Love Strives to fore-stall . IV. What the Life of Existence with another is . The Life of Existence with another is , when Life is taken for the Duration of one thing with another ; or for the Duration of some Substance , in conjunction with some Accident , whereby it is perfected . Thus the Life of Man is commonly said , to consist in the Conjunction of Soul and Body , and his Death in their Separation : As when CATULLUS saith , Let 's Live my Lesbia : Where , by the word Live , he understands Existence in conjunction with Joy and Pleasure . So that Life taken in this Sense , consists in the union of two Substances ; or in the union of a Substance with some Accident , from which it borrows some kind of Perfection . V. Of the difference that is between Living and Lifeless things . Living things are chiefly distinguish'd from Lifeless things , by the Life of actuous Existence , or because they are endowed with a certain Efficacy and Activity : For their Life properly consists in motion , which the Purest part of the Blood , if they be Animals , or of the Alimentary Juice , if they be Plants , communicates to the grosser parts of their Bodies : So that we find that Plants and Animals do soon perish , when the Blood by its Circulation ceaseth to quicken the Members , and when the Juice does no more enter through the Pores . For as Bodily Life consists in Motion , so Death consists in Rest or ceasing from Action . But for all this , we must not suppose , that there are any Immaterial Souls in Living Bodies , that perform these motions , and the Functions of Feeding and Growth ; it being sufficient that their Parts be so disposed , as that the prepared Alimentary Juice may freely enter into their Inward parts , and by its apposition , restore and supply their dissipated Substance . Now all this may be done by Motion alone , provided only that the Parts be rightly disposed , and that there be an equal distribution of the Juice by means of Heat . I say therefore , that Living Bodies differ from Lifeless things , in that the former , by reason of the want of Organs , cannot admit such a distribution of Aliment , for the Restoration and supply of what is lost . VI. By what force or virtue the Alimentary Juice is distributed through the Pores of Living things . If so be any one demands , by what Force or Activity this Juice is diffused through the pores and passages of the Body , to all its parts , so as that they grow not only in length , but also in breadth and depth ? I Answer , That this is done by means of Heat , proceeding either from the Sun , or from Fire . For such is the Efficacy of the Heavenly matter , that is , of the first and second Element , that by passing through the thicker Particles of the third Element , it doth agitate them , and in so doing doth produce or excite heat in them ; by which means these particles being rarefied , are carried upwards through the Pores of the Roots , to the Stalk or Trunk , and all other parts . Besides , there is in all Living Bodies a certain Inborn or Native heat , or rather a fire that is hot only , without Light ; by the assistance whereof the Alimentary Juice is distributed through the whole Body , and joyning it self to it , doth preserve , enlarge and perfect it . VII . Lifeless Bodies are not subject to any certain figure , as Living Bodies are . Living Bodies also differ from such as are Lifeless or Inanimate ; because these latter are not determin'd to any certain figure . Thus Stones may subsist under any figure : Some are 6 Corner'd , as CRYSTAL ; some have a crooked Surface , as FLINTS ; some have a plain surface , like a Plate , as TALCK ; some have the figure of a Lozenge or Quarry of Glass . So likewise Metals , and all other things dug out of the Ground , do not require any One precise figure . But Plants and Animals cannot admit this variety of figures , as requiring a certain and determinate Conformation . For a Plant cannot be of any figure , but must have such a one , as is necessary for the drawing , concocting , digesting , and distributing of its Aliment . And 't is for this Reason , that Living things only are furnish'd with Organical Bodies , which consist of such Instruments , as are proper to perform the several Functions of Life ; such as are the Root , the Stem or Stalk , the Branches , the young Shoots in Plants ; and the Feet , Belly , Head , Bones , &c. in Animals . Wherefore also a greater Beauty is found in the Bodies of Living things , than in Artificial ; for since Beauty consists in Variety , it is evident that in Living Bodies there is a much greater diversity of Parts , than in others , whose parts are not so numerous , nor so fine and curious , nor so exactly and neatly joyn'd together . VIII . Artificial Bodies are not capable of Growth and N●ument . Altho' in an Artificial Engin , or Machin , as likewise in a dead Carkass , or a wither'd Plant , there be many such like Organs , as are found in Living Bodies ; according to what Historians relate of that Wooden Eagle , made by REGIOMONTANUS , which did fly in the Air , and shewed the way to the Emperour , as he was going to Nurenberg ; and of the Wooden Venus , made by DAEDALUS , which could walk by the Artificial putting of Quicksilver into the Inward parts of it : Yet for all this , Living Bodies are very distinguishable from such Artificial or Dead Bodies ; because they are nourished and grow , by the Alimentary Juice admitted into their Pores ; whereas Artificial and Dead things are neither capable of Growth nor Nourishment . IX . Living Bodies are productive of their like . Lastly , Herein also are Plants and Animals differenced from Metals , and other Dead Bodies , in that they can produce their like , and preserve their kind by a successive propagation of Individuals ; which things dug out of the Earth are not capable of , as being destitute of Seed , or any Virtue whereby to generate an Off-spring . CHAP. II. The Life of Bodily things consists in Moisture and Heat . I. Living Bodies stand in need of Heat and Moisture . FOrasmuch as such is the Constitution of Living Bodies , that they consist of several fibres or small threds , between which lye many large Conduits or Passages , through which the Alimentary Juice is strained , and diffused into all parts ; it cannot be question'd , but the Life of Plants and Animals is supported by 2 things , viz. Heat and Moisture , which mutually stand in need of , and assist each other . For Moisture is the food of the Heat : And accordingly Physicians tell us , that Life consists in Moisture , as its Passive ; and in Heat , as its Active Quality ; and that all Vegetative Bodies do subsist and are preserved by the same . II. The Fire that is in Living Bodies is Hot only . But to remove all Difficulty that might arise from the word Heat ; we are to take notice , that we do not speak here of a perfect Fire , which is both hot and bright , but of that which is hot only ; such as is found in Horse-dung , and putrifying Hay : Which is therefore distinguish'd from the Coelestial fire in the Sun , and from the Elementary , which burns upon our Hearths ; because it doth not consist as those fires do , of Particles that swim in the first Element , and are tost with a vehement Motion within themselves ; but proceeds from a kind of fermentation , caused by a mixture of Heterogeneous little Bodies . Tho' indeed , if we well mind its Operations , we shall find it to differ from the 2 former fires , Solar and Culinary , rather in degrees , than in nature and essence . III. There is a twofold Temperament in Living Bodies . The one according to Justice . But forasmuch as Fire is very Active , and cannot long be preserved without food , we find that Moisture is of absolute necessity required for its preservation and support . From hence ariseth the Temperament of Living Bodies , when Heat and Cold , Moisture and Drought , are so temper'd and proportioned , that none of these Qualities hinder each other , but with an agreeing Discord harmonize together . And this kind of Temperament is by Physicians called , a Temperament according to Justice , when these Qualities are so mixed , that the Heat in Living Bodies is qualified by Cold , and the Moisture by Drought , according to the requirings of each particular Nature . Because the same Temperament is not always found in Living things , but is changed according to the variety of Ages , or the several Stages of Life . For in Animals , to every different Age , a different Temperament is appropriated ; to Childhood , a hot and moist Temperament ; to Youth , hot and dry ; to Manly Age , cold and moist ; to Old Age , cold and dry Complexion . And these Temperaments are therefore said to be according to Justice , because they of Property and Justice belong to such and such Ages . IV. The other according to Weight . To this Temperament another is opposed , which is called a Temperament according to Weight , wherein all the Qualities are in an Equal poise ; so as Heat doth not exceed Cold , nor Cold , Heat : Moisture doth not exceed Drought , nor Drought , Moisture ; but are altogether equal in degrees . But it does not seem probable , that any Body is possest of such a Temperament , neither is there any Cause assignable that might thus temper and poise these Qualities ; and therefore this is a Temperament in Notion only , as GALEN saith , and not Real . V. The increase of Living things , is from Heat . Forasmuch therefore as Heat and Moisture are required to a due Vegetation of Living Bodies , it happens , that according to the Exuperance of either of these Qualities , a more abundant production of Living things is occasioned . Thus in Summer time , when Heat bears sway , abundance of Magots breed in Flesh , Bees in the Carkass of an Heifer , Humming-Bees or Drones in that of an Ass , Hornets in that of a Mule , and Wasps in the Carkass of an Horse : It is in the same Season also , that Dead Flies recover Life . And accordingly it will not be difficult to give a Reason , why Spices grow only in Hot Countries , because they stand in need of a great degree of Heat before they can arrive to that Purity , by a separation of the Heterogeneous particles , that so the Homogeneous may come together , and constitute those Odoriferous Bodies . And therefore , as my Lord VERULAM tells us , Trees planted on a hot-Bank , and exposed to the South and South-East , do bud sooner than others , and bring forth more early fruit . And the same he saith of Trees planted near the Wall of a Chimney , wherein continual fires are kept ; and that it is good for the same purpose , to let the Branches of Trees spread into those places where frequent fires are used . Of which we have a pregnant Instance in Vines , which according as they are more advantagiously situated , do by a whole Months time , sooner than others , bear Ripe Grapes . VI. Dung , by its Heat , doth hasten the springing of Plants , and makes the Ground fruitful . It is for this very Reason , that Country-men do Dung their Grounds ; not only because the Dung doth fatten the Earth , whereby more plentiful Nourishment is conveigh'd to Plants ; but also because by its warmth it comforts and refresheth the Ground , which was weak and languishing by reason of cold . For the Dung of Animals is Salt , and contains an Inward heat . And accordingly we find , that those who desire to hasten the springing and growing of their Plants , do take care very well to Dung their Gardens and Plots of Ground , before they sow their Seed . To this end also they pour stale Urine at the Roots of Vines , to make them more fruitful . VII . How Moisture is a cause of the increase of Living things . As store of Heat doth conduce to the great increase of Plants and Fruits , so much Moisture also is a great help to the multiplication of them , when accompanied with convenient heat and warmth . Thus we find , that in Moist places Grass grows thicker , and riseth to a greater height , than in Dry Grounds . In like manner we see , that Herbs will grow in Glass Vials , fill'd only with Water . We find also , that the Hair of Young-men and Children grows much faster and thicker , because Moisture abounds in them : And Trees and Plants , that are much water'd , do thereby thrive the more ; for by frequent watring , the Dryness of the Soil is temper'd , and the Roots are softned , and thereby made more fit to suck the Juice out of the Ground , and to send it up to the utmost Branches . So the fittest time for the watering of Plants , is the Evening ; because the Cool of the Night following , gives the Moisture leave to sink down to the Roots , and refresh them . VIII . Mouldiness proceeds from Moisture . How greatly Moisture conduceth to Germination , may be gather'd from Moss , which delights in moist places , and grows even upon those Rocks and Stones that are continually water'd with Springs . Hence it is also , that Bread that is kept in a moist Cellar grows Mouldy , and many other things that are laid up in moist places . IX . Heat , when excessive , is hurtful to Living things . As an equal Temperature of Heat and Moisture , is the Cause of the great increase and multiplication of Living things ; so the Excess of either , and more especially of Heat , is hurtful to them , and hinders them from arriving to their due growth . Thus we see that Bodies , wherein the inborn heat predominates , are of a low stature , because it consumes the Moisture too fast , not suffering it to spread and diffuse it self ; and so also such Persons , in whom Heat abounds , are commonly lean : Whereas on the contrary , those in whom this innate Heat is weaker , and allay'd with Moisture , are apt to grow fat , and spread in bulk ; as is evident in Women , who commonly are more Plump and Fat than Men , except Sickness , or any Praeternatural Cause hinder the Effect . CHAP. III. The Death of Living things proceeds from contrary Principles , viz. from Cold and Driness . I. Wherein the Death of Living things doth consist . FOrasmuch as contrary Effects proceed from contrary Causes , we may easily conclude , That the Death of Living Creatures are owing to Cold and Driness . For as the Bodily Life consists in the due Temperature of Heat and Moisture ; so Death happens to them through the predominance of Cold and Drought , whereby the Vital Principle of inborn Heat , becomes weakned and destroyed . Bodily Life , as hath been said , consists in continual Motion ; wherefore when any Cause happens to fore-slow , or put a stop to this Motion , Life must cease also . Now , since nothing is more opposite to Motion , than Rest , wherein the Nature of Cold doth consist , it cannot be question'd , but that where Cold prevails , Death must enter . Thus we see Flies dye at the approach of Winter ; and that Frogs , tho' they live in the Water , and are in a great measure habituated to Cold , yet perish in Frosty-weather . For as great Cold doth congeal the Waters , and hinder their Motion ; so the overslow agitation of the Spirits and Humors in the Body of Man , is hurtful to the Life of the Body ; and where it is of long Continuance , quite destroys the same . And in like manner also , excessive Cold causeth the dying of Plants and Trees . II. Cold drieth as well as Heat . For tho' Heat and Cold be contrary Qualities , yet do they by opposite ways produce the same Effect , viz. Drought . For we find that Clay is dried by hard Frost , as well as by great Heat in Summer : The Reason whereof is , because all liquid and moist Bodies , lose the agitation of their Particles , by Cold ▪ and by this means become hard and dry : And therefore it is no wonder , if Clay , which is nothing else but a Mixture of Water and Earth , should grow hard and dry , because the Water which softned it , is by the cold congealed . Seeing therefore that cold works the same effect in Plants , it cannot seem strange to us if Plants perish , when the Juice wherewith they were nourished , is frozen . It has been of Old told us , that extream Cold scorcheth and burns up Plants , by congealing and drying up their Moisture and Alimentary Juice . III. Why the Leaves of most Plants fall in Autumn . Hence also it is , that in Cold Countries the Leaves begin to fall from the Trees towards the latter end of Autumn ; because about that time , the pores of Plants are shut up at the approach of Cold , and the Passages along which the Juice is conveyed , are dried up and contracted . IV. Heat is hurtful to the Aliment of Living Creatures . And as Cold produceth these Effects in Living Bodies , so doth excessive Heat also ; for Heat exhausts the Spirits and Humours , and attenuates and wastes the Bodies in which it doth predominate . For as a Mill , without the assistance of Wind or Water , stands still without any motion at all ; so Plants , upon the consumption of their Alimentary Juice , perish ; and Animals , when their Spirits and Humours are weakned by extream Heat , languish and are slowly moved . Whence it comes to pass , that when great Heats happen in Hot Countries , at the time when the Ears of Corn begin to break forth , they are stopped in their coming forth ; because the Moisture being by the heat dissipated into the Air , the Heat finds nothing to feed upon , or whereby to maintain it self . V. When the Death of Living Creatures happens . The Death therefore of Living Bodies happens , when Moisture , which is the food and fewel of Heat , is wasted ; or when Heat is separated from , and leaves the Moisture , which then ceaseth to be agitated , and distributed to all parts of the Living Body . For as Flesh laid before a slow fire , is roasted , and by exhaling of the greatest part of its moisture becomes quite dried up ; so the Temperament of Living Bodies becomes spoiled , when the Spirits and Humours are alter'd and wasted by excess of Heat . Thus Fruits are frequently spoil'd by over-much heat , which scorching their outside , leaves their inward substance raw and unripe ; as it happens to Grapes and other Fruits , whose outside is often scorched with that heat , which scarcely toucheth their Inward parts : As Bread put into an Oven that is over-heated , hath its Crust burnt up and scorched , whilst the midst of it wants baking , and is doughy . VI. How Fishes are dried up in the Water . But you 'l say , If Driness be the Cause of Death , how can Fishes that live in the Water , ever arrive to that degree of Drought , which may cause their perishing or death ? I answer , That the Water in which the Fishes swim , cannot hinder the wasting and drying up of their Natural moisture : As we find that Flesh , which is suffer'd to boil in a Pot full of Water , till all the Natural moisture be consumed , becomes harder than that which is roasted . Yea , we find also that some sorts of Wood , that have lain long in the Water , are found drier and lighter when they are taken out , than when they were put in . VII . Excess of Heat is an Enemy to all Bodies . Neither is excessive Heat only an Enemy to Living Bodies , but even to all in general : Thus we find that when the flame of a Candle or Torch is increased , it doth so much the sooner consume and waste the Body that serves it for fewel ; and by a parity of Reason , when the Heat either outward or inward exceeds , it procures the Death of Living Bodies : As we find that Plants wither by excessive heat ; and that Men , by indulging themselves in the drinking of hot Liquors , do hasten their own Death . VIII . Death sometimes is caused by the want of Food . Sometimes Death happens to Living Bodies by defect of Food convenient ; as when Nature ceaseth to furnish them with Matter , whereby they might grow and be nourished : For so in Plants , tho' it may be there wants no Moisture for the Heat to act upon , and tho' the Sun have force enough in Summer time , to draw up the Juice out of the Earth ; yet is not that Fervescence , or Fermentation of the Alimentary Juice , which is requisite to their Vegetation , always performed alike ; for it requires a certain and determinate Season of the Year , which being once past , it cannot afterwards be expected . An Example whereof we see in Quick-Lime , which upon the affusion of Water causeth an Effervescence ; but that being once ceased , it cannot be renewed again , tho' you should pour never so much water upon it . And for this cause it is that ripe Fruits ; as Apples , Pears , Plums , &c. do fall down to the Ground , as soon as their Stalk , whereby they were joyned to the Tree , begin to want aliment , and those fibres that held them fast are dried up . And the same is the Reason , why all other Fruits and Grains fall out of their Husks and Pods . IX . The Destruction of Bodies , is sometimes caused by a too great opening of the Pores . And much like Effects do sometimes proceed from the too great relaxation and opening of the Pores of Bodies : For thereupon the Bodies contained in those Intervals must needs fall down , except that by some means or other their bulk be coextended to the amplitude of the pores wherein they are . Thus , when in the Summer Season the pores of the Skin are more open , the Hides of flay'd Beasts , have the Hairs more easily pluck'd off . Thus likewise it seems probable , that the falling out of the Teeth of Children , is caused by the dilatation of the Sockets of the Jaw-bone , wherein the Teeth are fixed ; for they growing wider , as the Child advanceth in bigness , they can no longer keep the Teeth steady . But in Old People this falling out of Teeth is caused by the defect of Aliment and Moisture ; because the fibres , through which the Aliment was used to be convey'd to them , grow dry and are contracted . CHAP. IV. What is the Cause of that Hardness , which is observ'd on the outside of living Bodies . I. Whence the Hardness of the Surface of Living Bodies doth proceed . THe Hardness of Bodies consists chiefly in this , that they resist the Touch , and that their parts are not easily separable from each other . And forasmuch as this Resistance to the Touch is perceiv'd on the outside of Living Bodies ; it will be worth our enquiry , What might be the Cause of it , that when their Inward substance is so soft , their outside should be hard . Whereof no other Cause seems assignable , but this , That the Outward parts of Living Bodies , are expos'd to the continual impulse of other Bodies . For it is certain , that the Heavenly matter ( under which Name we do not only comprehend the Matter of the first and second Element , but also the Air , with the Particles of the third Element that are mix'd with it ) carries the Earth round ; and forasmuch as all these Small Bodies cannot pass through the Earth , or any of the Bodies which belong to it , it cannot be otherwise , but that vast numbers of them must dash against Living Bodies , and by their continual beating upon them , render them hard . For by this impulse , their Outward parts are driven closer together , and so become more Compact and Hard. II. Wherein the Hardness of any Bodies doth consist . For to speak properly , the Hardness of Bodies is nothing else , but the Rest of many Essential or Integral parts , caused by the Pression of the Air , or of the Subtil matter ; which acting only on the outside , doth so much drive those Particles inwards , that they can no more be separated , without a perception of some Resistance . For tho' the Subtil matter doth penetrate all Bodies ; yet we are to consider , that the Parts of many Bodies are so great and irregular , that they are able to resist its Action and continue at Rest , and by this means constitute Hard Bodies ; because they resist or oppose their being divided , and are outwardly so comprest by the Air and the Subtil matter , that it is oftentimes more easie to move them altogether , than to separate them from one another . III. Whence the Covers of some Living Bodies do proceed . This is the Cause of those Coverings , which do invest some Living Bodies ; as we find that Acorns have Cups ; Nuts have Shells ; Beans and Pease , Pods ; and Trees , Barks : So likewise Fish have Scales , and some of them hard and stony Shells ; as Oysters , Crabs , Lobsters , &c. All which without doubt are formed , by the continual impulse of outward Bodies ; much in like manner as we find , that the Palms of the Hands of Delvers and Ditchers , by continual handling of the Spade , grow very hard ; and as the Soles of our Feet become brawny and thick Skin'd , by assiduous beating against the Ground . IV. The same is the Cause of the Hardness in Inanimate Bodies . They are the same Causes also that produce Hardness in Inanimate Bodies . For Snow laid near the Fire becomes harder and more compact ; and the outside of Bread becomes hardned to a Crust ; and so likewise the outside of Flesh roasted , broiled , or fryed , grows harder than the in●ide . Neither can any other Reason be given , why Broath , Boil'd Milk , and other kinds of Supping Meats , presently after they are removed from the Fire , get a skin or film on the top of them , but this , that the agitation of the Heat is diminished by the contact of the cold Air , and in a manner quite stopt . V. Th Surface of Water is smooth , and more difficulty divided than its inward parts . Hence it is also , that the Surface of all Liquors is smooth and even ; for tho' the Parts of Water be uniformly moved , as well as the Air , which immediately toucheth them ; yet because the parts of the Water are moved after another manner , than those of the Air ; and that the Subtil matter which surrounds the parts of the Air is quite otherwise moved than that which swims amongst the particles of the water ; by this means the surface of either of them becomes smooth , much after the same manner as when two Hard Bodies are rub'd against one another ; only with this difference , that this smoothness is with much more ease produced in liquid Bodies , because of the easie and ready Mobility of their Parts . And this is the reason also why the surface of the wateer is divided with more difficulty , than its inward parts . VI. The Hardness of Bodies sometimes proceeds from Cold. Cold also conduceth much to the Hardning of several Bodies : for we see that the surface of water in a River , by cold is congealed , whilst that which is at the bottom , by reason of the stronger motion of heat , suffers not the least alteration ; and so also are many other Bodies sometimes hardned by cold , and thereby attain that degree of firmness , which is caused in them , by other Bodies beating upon them : For frozen Fruit , if it be put into cold water , and set in a warmish place , will appear covered over with a Crust of Ice , and in like manner the Flesh of Beasts or Fish that is frozen , if it be set in a warm place covered with Snow , there will appear a hard Crust of Ice on the surface of it . VII . But more naturally from Heat . But tho' cold may sometimes contribute to the hardning of Bodies , yet this effect may with greater Right be attributed to Heat , whose property it is to agitate the parts of Bodies , and bring them closer together , by exhaling their superfluous moisture . Thus a Body exposed to the Beams of the Sun , as by this means it becomes better digested and riper ; so likewise it attains a greater degree of firmness and hardness . This is manifest in Apples , Pears , Cherries , Plums and such like , whose outside by the Heat of the Sun becomes hardned , and covered with a Skin . VIII . All these ways are reducible to one general way of Hardning of Bodies . But which way soever this Hardness may be produced in Bodies , it seems that they are all reducible to one general Cause , forasmuch as their outward parts endure the impulse of other Bodies rushing against them and dashing upon them , and by hindring their ingress , do resist and beat them off . CHAP. V. Of the Different Degrees of Heat in Living Bodies . I. There is a different degree of heat in Living Bodies . First according to the Diversity of Age. THO' Living Bodies may be distinguisht according to the External Heat that Acts upon them , as they are in Countries or Places nearer or farther from the Sun : yet may they much better be differenced by that Internal Heat , which produceth divers Effects in them with relation to their Age , Sex and Nature . For as to their Age , it is evident that Heat in Living Bodies is not always in the same state and vigor . For in Infants and Youth the natural Heat is much weakned by the abundance of moisture , that it cannot exert its full strength ; which is the reason why Infants are so prone to sleep , and apt to shed tears . But in the Height and Vigour of Age , the Heat is more strong and active ; and the moisture being much lessened , the Spirits become more hot and fiery . For which cause those who have attained to Manly strength , are more strongly inflam'd and Amorous , whereas in Old Men , by the decrease of heat , and the increase of cold and driness , their natural faculties are much weakned and decayed . II. Secondly according to the difference of Sexes , and what the difference of Sex in Plants is . Difference of Sex also produceth great diversity of Heat ; for Females are commonly of a more cold and moist complexion than Males . Which difference is observed in Plants ; for those are accounted Female Plants , which are more cold and moist , and have less virtue and strength ; so that tho' they bring forth Flowers , yet for want of Heat they don't produce either Fruit or Seed . Whereas the Male Plants are more beautiful , as to their outward appearance , and have both Fruit and Seed . And for this cause it is , that the Female Plant delights in the Company and Proximity of the Male ; according to what PLINY relates of the Palm-tree , which by some influence proceeding from the Male , doth conceive and become fruitful , and as soon as the Male , which stood near it , is cut down , dies presently . III. Amongst Animals the Females are colder than the Males . Amongst Animals also the Females are much colder and moister than the Males . As may be gathered from hence , that Males generally exceed Females in Bulk and Stature , as appears in Men , Pheasants , Peacocks and the like . The Males in Birds are commonly more beautiful and pompous for their Feathers . Amongst fourfooted Beasts the Males and Females are diversly distinguisht ; thus He-Goats have Horns , which their Females want ; and Rams have greater and more crooked Horns than the Ewes . Cocks are adorned with Combs , and armed with Spurs ; whereas Hens have in a manner no Combs at all . And in general all Males have a stronger and deeper Voice than Females , who generally have but a shrill and weak voice . All which effects cannot be better assign'd to any other cause , than to the greater degree of heat which is in Males , beyond that which is in Females . And the same may likewise be gathered from hence , that Males , in their tender years , whilst their inborn heat is overpowered with too much moisture , do much resemble Females , neither is any difference in their Temper to be discern'd between them . So likewise guelded Animals do more resemble Females , for the same defect of heat . IV. Why Men in the Winter time are more brisk , and Women in Summer . Another instance of this diversity of Heat in Males and Females is this ; that Men , during the Winter Season , are more Brisk , and Women on the contrary , in the Summer and hot weather . The reason whereof is , because the Vital Spirits , which are in continual motion in a hot and dry complexion of Body , such as Mens are in the hot season of the Year are more dissipated ; but in a cold season are more condensed , and thereby better preserved . Whereas in cold and moist Bodies , such as those of the Female Sex generally are ; the Heat of the Summer cherisheth and excites the Spirits ; and the cold of the Winter doth render them dull and sluggish . V. Of the four degrees of Heat that are in Living Bodies . There is also a distinction and difference of Heat with relation to the different kinds of Living Things . And accordingly Physicians distinguish Heat into 4 degrees : They call that the First Degree of Heat , when that Quality is somewhat predominant above the rest that are in the mixt Body : The Second when the Heat sensibly discovers its predominance in the Body : The Third , when it strongly and powerfully displays it self : And the Fourth when that Quality is prevalent in the highest degree . Thus amongst Plants , Borage , Flowers of Betony , Beets , Sweet Almonds , &c. because they impart some small effect of Heat to a well tempered Body , are said to be Hot in the First Degree . Smallage , Betony , Balm , Rosemary , Wormwood , Saffron , Sage , Cinnamon , &c. because they produce a moderate Heat , and that very sensibly , are called Hot in the Second Degree . And because others impart a strong Heat to those that take them , as Origany , Hysop , Celandine , Mints , Radish , Mother of Tyme , &c. they are accounted Hot in the Third Degree : And last of all , because Garlick , Pepper , Mustard , Cresses , Pellitory of Spain , &c. communicate a much more vehement degree of Heat , they are called Hot in the Fourth Degree . VI. Animals are distinguisht according to their several degrees of Heat . This Distinction of Heat is not only observable in Plants , but also in Animals . For we see daily that those Excrements which remain after that the Meat hath been digested by the heat of our Stomachs , serve for food to Hogs and Hens after having past through a new Fermentation in them ; and that the remainders thereof being laid to the Roots of Plants , are consumed again by the Heat of the Sun , leaving only the grosser parts behind them . Which different changes could not be wrought upon those Excrements , if there were not different degrees of Heat in the Bodies of Living Creatures , forasmuch as that which can no further be wrought upon by the Fermentation of our Stomachs , may yet be further altered and digested by a new Fermentation in the Stomachs of other Animals . Thus a Mass of Dough that hath been fermented by Leaven or Yest , tho' it cannot be made to rise again with the same ferment ; yet may it for all that undergo a new Fermentation in our Stomachs : Which Alterations , I say , do prove a distinction of Heat , and a different power of dissolving Bodies to be in Living Creatures . CHAP. VI. The Virtue and Nature of Aliments remain in the Bodies that are Fed and Nourished by them . I. The whole Aliment is not changed into the substance of the thing nourished . THO' Aliment or Food in Living Bodies be digested by the Natural Heat , and by that means becomes changed into their nature , yet it is not so entirely assimilated to them , as not to retain some of its former Nature and Virtue . This appears from our Excrements , which tho' by the heat of our Stomachs they have been separated from the thinner parts of our meat , and as it were changed into a quite different substance , yet retain something of the virtues and qualities of those Bodies whence they have been separated , and often preserve something of their colour and smell . Thus they who eat any quantity of Black Cherries or Myrtle Berries , will find their Excrements ting'd of a Black Colour . And Sparagus and Turpentine after having passed through the Stomach and other Organs of Nutrition communicate their Odour to the Urine . II. Some part of the Aliment is kept or remains with the Body that is fed . If therefore so great virtue of the Food do still remain in the Excrements , with much more reason may we conclude , that the same much more abides in the Bodies that are nourisht by , and receive their encrease from them ; forasmuch as the more pure and Juicy part of the Food abides with them , which doth most abound in virtue . And tho' Animals void many particles of their Aliment by Siege , by Urine , by Sweat and by insensible Transpiration ; yet cannot this hinder us from concluding that many Particles of Aliment must remain in the Bodies of those Animals that are nourisht and grow by it . Hence it is that Country People that feed upon Beef , Bacon , Cheese , and such like strong Food , which nourish much , but are somewhat hard of Digestion , are much more strong in Body than those who feed upon Dainties , who generally are weak and unfit to endure labour . Who doth not find in himself a different state of Body when he drinks Wine , than when his ordinary drink is Beer , Ale or Water ? And do not those that that fare deliciously and feed high , find themselves more ungoverned in their Passions and Lusts , than those who live abstemiously , and content themselves with necessary Food ? III. Milk is differently qualified according to the difference of the Pasture the Cows graze in . The virtue of Aliment is more particularly discernible in the fruits and products of Plants and Animals , which differ , according to the diversity of the matter whereof they are formed . Thus Milk is not always qualified alike , but according as the matter of it is drawn from such or such Plants , its virtues and qualities vary . Cows that feed upon Grass yield a very different Milk and Butter from those that eat Straw . It is a matter also of common Experience , that Cows that in their feeding light upon wild Garlick , communicate a strong tast of Garlick to their Milk ; and that the flesh of Sheep , which feed upon wild Thyme hath a much more grateful tast than that of others . GALEN makes mention of a certain Medicinal Milk which is very prevalent in the cure of the Schirrus or hard swelling of the Liver ; the Cow that yields it being made to feed on some peculiar Herbs conducing to that end . The story also of that Young Woman is well known , who having used herself to the eating of Wolfs-bane ( which is a most poisonous Herb ) tho' she found no hurt by it herself , yet was the death of those men that lay with her . IV. Herbs after they are turned to Blood retain their purging virtue . Physicians likewise do observe , that if the Milk of a Goat , that hath fed upon some purging Plant , be eaten by a Nurse that suckles a Child , it will communicate its purging virtue to the Nurses Milk , and purge the Child that sucks it . It is known also that the Milk of Cows , and the Butter made of it is far better in the Spring , when Cows feed upon tender Herbs and Flowers , than at other times . So likewise it is observed that the Honey which the Bees gather from Thyme , Sage , Savory and Tree Trefoile , being the Herbs they most of all delight in is the best of all other . For this reason the Honey of Sardinia hath a bitter tast , because it is mostly gathered from Wormwood . And Historians tell us , that the Honey made about the City Heraclea in Pontus , had a venemous quality , because it was gathered from the poisonous Aconite . V. The Ground or Soil in which the Vines grow , communicates to the Wine some of its virtue . The same may be also experienc'd in Wine , which being adulterated with Quick Lime , Plaister of Paris , Rocket , Wild Myrtle or Butchers Broom , Jews Lime , Clary and the like , becomes pernicious to the Body of Man. There are also some sorts of VVine which do particularly affect our Dispositions . It is an Observation of LEMNIUS , that the Common People in Holland , by their much drinking of Poitou Wine , which sends sharp Fumes up to the Brain , are thereby inclined to be very peevish and quarrelsom ; whereas those of them that drink Rhenish Wine , are not so . And it is observed , that the Fruits and Plants which are the product of dung'd Grounds are not so good and wholsom , as those that grow , where no such Art hath been used : As likewise , that the Grain or Pulse that grows on such ground , cannot be so long kept from becoming musty , or being eaten by Worms ; and that the Beer brewed of such Grain doth sooner turn Sower . VI. Living Creatures retain the Qualities of their Aliment . The Virtue of Food is also perceiv'd and distinguish'd in Animals . For in some parts of Holland , which is a Watry Country , and abounding with fish , they fatten their Hogs with them ; which tho' they soon fat them , yet it is observed that the Flesh of these Swine is more flaggy and less firm , neither is it so wholsom ; and differs much in Taste from the flesh of those Swine , which have been fed with more convenient Aliment : Because Fish , as GALEN observes , generates a thinner Blood , and more Excrementitious , than the flesh of Terrestrial Animals . VII . Many Diseases arise from the Qualities of Food . So likewise from the Qualities of Aliments , remaining in the Body of Man , many Diseases are generated ; as the Scurvy , the Goat , &c. Thus we find that the Scurvy is an Epidemical Disease in those Countries , where they eat Meat much salted , and dried in the Smoak , and brew their Beer of Brackish Water . And those are commonly troubled with the Goat , who live intemperately and luxuriously , especially if they feed much upon salt Meats , and drink much Wine . For as the Learned Dr. WILLIS observes in his Pathologia Morborum , by this means a raw and indigested Chyle is prepared ; and then , by the intemperate drinking of Wine , those Saline Dregs , which otherwise would go to the Excrement , and be carried forth with them , being too much exalted , are conveyed into the Blood : To which Enormities of Diet , if a Sedentary Lifes , Idleness , and Sleeping after Dinner do concur , whereby those Superfluities are hindred from exhaling , or being discust by Labour and Exercise , they will the more certainly produce the Goat , and that in the worst manner . CHAP. VII . Living things do vary and alter , according to the difference of Place and Time. I. What the Alteration or Change of Bodies imports . A Body is said to be alter'd , when it suffers any change in the figures of its Sensible or Insensible parts ; or when it loseth some Parts , and acquires others . Thus a bruised Apple is said to be changed or alter'd , because many of its parts have acquired another Position ; and some of them may have quite changed their former figures . This Alteration is caused two several ways in Living Bodies , either by being removed from one place to another , as from a hot to a cold Country ; or on the contrary ; or by the different Seasons of the Year , which is the diversity of Time. II. The Difference of Countries , contributes to the variety of Living things . Living things , that are removed from one Country to another , are by this means variously alter'd , being sometimes meliorated , and sometimes again degenerating , as the Climat doth agree , or disagree with them : And this , because of the difference of Heat and Cold , Moisture and Driness , that predominates in those Countries ; for according as the Climat or Soil of any Country differs , so the disposition of those Bodies that are there differ also . Thus some Plants grow much taller and fairer in some Countries and Soils , than in others . Some Plants being removed to a better Air and Soil , are thereby meliorated and bring forth wholsom Fruits ; whereas in their Native Soil , they brought forth deadly and poisonous Fruits . As COLUMELLA acquaints us with a certain Plant , which by being removed from Persia to Egypt , loseth its venemous Quality , and becomes wholsom to those that eat it . III. Herbs vary according to the diversity of the Soil or Country where they grow . Thus Herbs that grow in Barren Grounds , are very different from those that grow in a rich and fat Soil , which are far more large and fair , than the former . Thus Bugloss , Comfry and Avens , change the colour of their Flowers by the Industry of Gardiners , and the Fruitfulness of the Soil where they are planted . Violets also , whose Natural colour is Purple , are changed into a Blew , when they grow in rich Ground . In like manner , some Plants that are armed with Thorns and Prickles , being transplanted to some certain places , lose much of their Prickliness . IV. Plants degenerate , when transplanted from a fruitful Soil , to a barren . And on the contrary , Plants removed from a fat and rich Ground , to a dry and Barren place , do frequently degenerate . So we find that the Plants brought from the Canary Islands , and other hot Countries , if they be planted in our Northern Climat , lose much of their genuine Virtue and excellence ; as we see in the Herb called Masterwort , which tho' it retain the same outward shape and appearance , yet differs very much in force and virtue , from what it is in those hotter Countries . Yea , it is reported by some , that the Earth brought from the Fortunate Islands , and other far distant Countries , into Italy , hath brought forth several strange Plants , different from those that grow in Europe . V. All Plants have particular places which they delight in . All kinds of Plants affect some particular Climat and Soil , and especially those places where they sprung up at first , whence they cannot be removed without danger of being prejudiced thereby . For some love shady and moist places ; others , high grounds , and expos'd to the Sun ; some delight in morish and fenny Ground , others in dry and sandy ; which , if they be removed from these places , lose much of their virtue and fairness . Those which delight in hot Countries , will not grow in those that lye far North ; neither will those that thrive in cold Countries , live under the Torrid Zone . Thus Wormwood grows plentifully in Pontus ; Orris , in Dalmatia ; Hellebore , in the Island Anticyra ; Sea Purslan , on the Sea-s●●a● . VIRGIL , in the Second Book of his 〈◊〉 does elegantly set this forth : All Grounds not all things bear , the Alder-Tree Grows in the Fens ; with Sallows Brooks agree : Ash , craggy Mountains ; Shoars sweet Myrtle fills ; And lastly , Bacchus loves the Sunny-Hills . VI. Those that thrive in Hot Countries , commonly dye in Cold Countries . For the Plants that thrive in Arabia , the East or West Indies , Brazile , &c. being transported to France , Flanders , or Germany , do not grow there without great Pains-taking , and after all do not answer the Virtues of those that grow in those hotter Countries . Yea , the curious lovers of Plants , when they transplant any Herbs or Trees , take diligent observation of their standing in the places where they Naturally grew , what part of them was turned towards the Pole , &c. that they may set it again in the very same manner as it stood before ; because they suppose that the change of their former situation may very much hinder the thriving of them , and spoil the inward disposition of their Parts . See the History of Nature , concerning Plants , Chap. VI. VII . Change of Place is the Cause of Alteration in Animals also . Much a like Alteration we shall also find in Animals that are transported from one place to another . For we find that Youths , upon any considerable changing of the Air wherein they were born , do shoot up strangely in a few Months time , more than they would have done , had they continued at home in several Years . Others again , upon changing of their Native Soil , do grow thin and meager , and lose their fresh and lively colour . It is also notorious , that some persons have an Antipathy against some places , because that where they were born is of a quite opposite Temperament . VIII . Difference of Time and Season , is the Cause also of alteration in Living Bodies . Neither doth the Difference of Time occasion a less change in Living things , than that of Place . For tho' Plants be nourished all the Year through , yet do not they always shew forth the same effects of their Nourishment ; for during Winter they are divested of their Leaves and Seeds , excepting only some few , viz. the Bay-tree , the Yew , the Ivy-bush , &c. which by reason of the clammy Juice wherewith they are nourished , do not shed their Leaves , as the rest do . Accordingly also Care is taken , that such Seeds which can endure the Frosts of Winter , be sown in Autumn ; and others again at the beginning of Spring , or a little before the Humour begins to move , lest by the too abundant affluence of it , the Roots should perish . For as some Seeds are spoiled for want of Moisture , so others perish by an overplus of it . Fruits also are subject to Alteration , according to the several Seasons of the Year , most of which are only green in Summer , but attain perfect maturity in Autumn , and losing their former taste , smell , and colour , do acquire new Qualities , and accordingly affect our Senses . CHAP. VIII . Of Plants ; and first of all of their several Parts . I. The Parts of Plants are either Simple or Compound . HAving hitherto spoke of Living Bodies in General , we come now to the handling of Plants in Particular , to the end that having explained their Nature , what we have to say concerning Animals may be the more readily understood . The first thing to be considered in Plants , is their Parts , which are either Simple or Compound . I call those Simple parts , which consist of Particles of the same Texture and Constitution ; such as are the Juices or Liquors contained in them . The Compound parts are those that are made up of parts of a different Nature ; and are also called Organical parts , because they concur to some one Action or other ; as the Root , Stalk , Leaves , Flowers , &c. Some whereof are Perficient and Integral ; others Conservative of the kind ; others Ornamental , and others Defensive . The Parts belonging to the compleating and perfecting of a Plant , are the Root , and Stem or Stalk ; those that concur to the propagating of their kind , are the Fruit and Seed ; and those that defend them from the Injuries of the weather , and otherwise , are the Bark Thoose . or Prickles , Shells . II. The Simple parts of a Plant. The Simple or Similar parts are the Juice , or Moisture , the Nerves , the Windpipe , and the Flesh of Plants . III. Juice or Moisture . The Juice or Moisture , is the liquid part of a Plant , diffused through the substance of it . This Juice is , as it were , the Blood of the Plant , which if it chance to burst through any part of it , whether of its own accord , or by the heat of the Sun , or by cutting or lopping of the Plant , is called a Tear , because it breaks out of the Tree like a Tear , or Drop . Which Drops are twofold : The first are such as are of a Watry Nature , having something of an Earthly consistence joyn'd with them , and are called Gum ; which is that congealed and thick Liquor , that proceeds from the Trunks of Trees , and cleaves to the Barks of them ; and the other more oily and fat , which is called Rosin . IV. The Nerves or Sinews . Nerves in a Plant , are those fibres or strings , which give consistence and strength to the softer Parts of a Plant ; and by which the Alimentary Juice ascends . The Spirit contracts the fibre or string , and so drives the Moisture upwards , which descends through the little Bougets or Membranous passages . For in every Plant , besides the Sensible Body , there is a Subtil vigorous Body , the Producer of Motion , viz. the Spirit , which runs through the whole Body of it . V. The Wind-Pipe . The Trachea or Wind-pipe of a Plant , being also a Similar part , is an open and wide Vessel , consisting of little thin Plates , ranged like the Scales of a Fish , or writhen and twisted together , being for the most part of a Silver colour ; and may be easily stretched , prest and bent . In the Trunk or Stem of a Tree they run upwards ; in the Leaves they are made like a Net , and take up great Spaces in them ; in the Sprouts , Buds , and Shoots they are twisted , and are called by a Learned Man , Vasa spiralia , Spiral Vessels . VI. The Flesh . The Flesh is another Similar part of a Plant , which is thick , but somewhat soft , and is outwardly cover'd with the Bark : Of which hereafter . VII . The Compound Parts . The Compound , or Dissimilar parts of a Plant chiefly , are the Root , the Stem or Stalk , the Bark , the Pith , the Branches , Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits . VIII . What the Root is . The Root is the lowest part of a Plant , sticking in the ground , through the passages and pores whereof the Alimentary Juice , being moved by Heat , is driven upwards . This Part is so necessary to Plants , that none can subsist without it . There is one kind of the Herb called Chamoeleon , which wants a stalk ; Wheat hath never a branch ; the Fig-tree hath no flowers , Jesamin hath no fruit ; but there is no Plant without a Root , nay , there are some that are nothing else but a Root , viz. a Mushrom . For the Root is , as it were , the Mouth by which the nourishment is taken in , or like the Hand by which Plants draw Juice out of the Earth , and send it up into the Trunk or Stem . And to this end it is porous , and full of many loose passages for the humour freely to ascend that nourisheth the Plant. The Roots are very different in their Figures , so that almost every different kind hath Roots of a different figure . In a Fig Tree and Olive Tree the Root is single , and sinks very deep , yet sends forth several little twigs from the sides of it . In Leeks and Onions the Roots are manifold , as consisting of innumerable shreads or Hairs ; in Turneps it is Round ; in Beets it is without Joints ; in Orris it is full of Joints ; sometimes it consists of many round knots , as in Birthwort . Yet all Roots generally agree in this , that they end in a Cone , or sharp point ; for the upper part of the Root , drawing to it self more Aliment , doth grow to a greater bulk than the lower part . IX . The Trunk or Stock . The Stock , Trunk or Stalk is that part of a Plant , which riseth up from the Root above the Earth , and transmits the Moisture it receives from it to the utmost parts of it . In Herbs it is properly called the Stalk ; when it is hollow , it is called Calamus the Reed , and in Corn Culmus , the Blade or Straw , and in Pulse Scapus , the Shaft . The Stock or Stem of a Plant , before it be turned in to wood , consists of a spungy substance , somewhat soft , and full of a coagulated Juice , from the abundance whereof its Green Colour proceedeth . If the top of it chance to fall off , it grows so much the thicker , because then it enjoys that part of the Aliment which was appointed for the nourishment of the top , and thereupon dilates its self and grows bigger in bulk . It is common to the Trunks of Plants to become crooked , and to bend one way , when the ground begins to be dry and sapless , and furnisheth a more hard Alimental Matter , than can be well digested by the Tree . Tho' the Stocks of Plants be generally Cylindrical , yet there are some that are corner'd : In Daffodils the Stalk is two-corner'd ; in Cyperus , which is a kind of Rush , it is three-corner'd ; and in Horebound the Stalk is 4 square . X. The Bark . The Bark is , as it were , the Skin or Hide wherewith the Plant is cover'd ; and the same is manifold in one and the same Plant , viz. the outward , which resembles the Cuticle or thin outward Skin in Man ; the middlemost which is thicker like a Hide ; and the inmost which is like a thin Membran . And therefore the Bark is reckon'd amongst the Dissimilar Parts of a Plant , because it consists of a great variety of Strings and Fibres , and of several Coats . For it is not the same in all Plants ; for in some it is thick , as in the Poplar Tree ; in others thin , as in the Bay Tree ; in a Reed it is like a Membrane ; in a Vine Nervous or Sinewy . In the Spring time the Bark is with ease separated from the Tree , because of the Juice that ascends between it and the Tree , which dissolves that Glew whereby it was before fastned to the wood of it . XI . The Pith. The Pith of a Plant , which by way of excellence is called the Heart , Brain and Matrix , is that middle part whereby the Aliment is conveighed from the Root to the upper parts . The same is also very different ; for in some Plants it is soft and spungy , as in the Elder Tree , where it resembles froth ; in others again it is harder , as in the Pine Tree , whose Pith is woody . The seminal virtue of the Plant is suppos'd to be lodg'd in the Pith , forasmuch as not only the Branches , but the Fruit and Seed are derived from it . XII . The Branches . The Branches are the upper parts of a Plant which spread themselves from the Stalk or the Trunk of a Tree , as so many Arms stretched forth , to which they are joined by a glutinous substance hardned , which they call Nodus or a Knot , and in their sprouting forth from the Trunk make an Angle , which in Latin is called Sinus , resembling the Arm-pit , or the joining of the Arm to the Body . In many Trees the Branches grow without any order , but in the Pitch and Firr Tree they appear in a curious and beautiful ranging ; the thinner and utmost parts of the Branches are called Sprigs , which are more tender than the rest of the Branch , having not long been expos'd to the intemperature of the Air or VVeather . The swellings that appear in the Joints of them , are called Buds , as long as they continue round , and are not yet open'd . And the thin tops of the Sprigs are called Sprouts . XIII . The Leaves . Leaves are the ornament of Plants , and the coverings of the Flowers and Fruit , shading them from the Heat , and defending them from the distemperature of the VVeather or Air. They generally proceed from the more thin and tender part of the Bark : so that when the Bark is pluck'd from a Bough , we find that the Leaves stick to it , and are pull'd off together with it . Yea , if the whole hollow of the Bark be pull'd off from a Branch , and the lower part of it be put into water , in the Spring time , Leaves will sprout forth from the upper part of it . The Figure of Leaves is manifold ; for in some Plants they are large and broad , as in a Gourd ; in others very small , as in a Pine Tree ; in some thick and fleshy , as in Purslain ; in others nervous and full of Sinews , as in Wheat ; in Onions they are hollow like a Pipe ; in Aloes partly round , and partly angulous . The Stalk or Stele of Leaves is also various ; in those of an Olive Tree it is short ; that of Vine Leaves is somewhat long ; in Colts-foot and Herbs that grow in Ponds , the stele of the Leaves is very long , because in them it is instead of a Stem or Stalk . Sometimes only one Leaf grows upon one Stele , as in the Poplar and most other Trees , sometimes more , whence those Plants are called 3 leav'd , 5 leav'd , 7 leav'd . XIV . The Flowers Flowers which are the most beautiful product of sporting Nature , do greatly conduce to the Ornament of a Plant. They consist of a fourfold substance , or rather of so many parts , viz. of the Knot or Cup , the Leaves , the Threads or Thongs , and the Stalk or Stele . The Knot or Cup is that part which covers the Flower and keeps the parts of it together ; as being the Base and support of it ; and therefore is of thicker and stronger substance , and not so beautiful as the Flower it self . The Leaves of the Flower compose the Body , and Beauty of the Flower it self , being remarkable for their Tincture , but very fading , and of a very tender Complexion and Texture . The Threads are those long and slender parts in the middle or Navel of a Flower like Hairs or Threads , which in some Flowers are thicker than in others , and often have little Spires at the top of them ; and are set round about the Stele , which is a long , but thicker part of a Flower , rising up from the middle of the Navel of it . The Stele is the middlemost part of the Flower , sticking to the Rudiment of the Fruit or Seed . It is called in Latin Stylus , because of its being thin and long . All these parts are very distinguishable in a Rose and Lilly. XV. The Diversity of Flowers . Some Flowers want a Stele , as those that grow upon the Bay Tree ; some instead thereof have a Stalk , as Saffron . All others generally have a Stele , as appears in the Apple Tree and in a Rose . But more particularly they differ in colour , which in a Violet , is Purple ; in a Marygold , Yellow ; in a Blue-Bottle , Blue ; in a Lilly , White , and in a Rose various , there being Red Roses , Damask Roses , White Roses and party colour'd . Neither do Flowers less differ by their smell : And what is worth our consideration , we find a most grateful odor in a Rose , and none at all in the Plant whence it grows ; whereas in Sage , the Flower is without any smell , tho' the Herb it self be very odorous : In Borage we perceive both Plant and Flower destitute of any scent ; whereas in Lavender both the one and the other are odoriferous . XVI . The Fruit. The Fruit as it includes the Seed , and Flesh or Pulp of the Fruit , is the last work , and , as it were , the Masterpiece of the Plant ; and to the producing whereof all the other parts of the Plant do concur . It s Fashion or Figure is various ; some are partly of a Conical figure , as Pears ; others of a solid Elliptick figure , as Olives , Plums , &c. some are Round , but somewhat flatted at both ends , as Apples ; some perfectly Round , as Cherries , Grapes , Berries , Correns . They have also different Coverings ; for Wheat is cover'd with a single Membran ; a Chesnut with a thick Skin full of Prickles ; an Acron with a scaly Shell or Cup ; Almonds and Wallnuts inwardly with a hard Shell , and outwardly with a green Shell or covering . XVII . How Plants are said to bring forth their Fruits . Plants are said to bring forth , when they bloom or flourish , and when the Flowers break forth from the Knops or Buds ; but the Education or Rearing of their Off-spring is in the Fruit , for the sake whereof a Plant grows , and is therefore call'd the Mother and Nurse of her Fruits . XVIII . Whether Leaves , Fruits and Flowers be the true Parts of a Plant. It hath been a long controverted Question amongst the Ancients , whether Leaves , Flowers , and Fruits , were to be accounted parts of a Plant. THEOPHRASTUS seems inclin'd to the negative , as supposing them to be no more the parts of a Plant than the Births of Animals are any part of them ; for they being after a certain term separated from their Parents , cannot after that properly be called Parts of them . But this Controversie seems only to be about words : for if Leaves may not be accounted as the Parts of those Trees , whence they are yearly separated at the Fall , as in the Oak , Wallnut-tree , &c. why may not they as well be denied to the Pine , Olive Tree and such others which never are without Leaves , seeing that those Trees also lose their Leaves , tho' not altogether , but by a continual succession of new ones , shooting out in the room of the old ones . Therefore those who account only that to be a part of a Plant which always continues with i● , have good reason to bar Leaves of that Priviledge ; for otherwise I see no reason , but they may well enough be admitted to be parts of a Plant. CHAP. IX . Of the Original of Plants . I. There is Virtue in the Earth , whereby it is impowred to bring forth Plants . IT cannot be questioned , but that in the Beginning of the World there was a Power communicated to the Earth of producing Plants , and that great variety of Vegetables that are found in all Countries . In the first Chapter of Genesis we find these words , Let the Earth bring forth Grass , the Herb yielding Seed , and the Fruit-Tree yielding Fruit after its kind , whose Seed is in it self after his kind . Now this virtue imparted to the Earth continues still in its full vigor , neither doth any thing spring out of the Earth , but by this virtue . But forasmuch as many Vegetables seem to spring of themselves , whereas others are manifestly beholden to Root or Seed , for their Growth or Production ; we are to enquire how this twofold Production is performed , and how it comes to pass that some spring as of themselves , whereas others stand in need of a manifest Seed for their Production . II. What those Plants are that grow of themselves . Those Plants are said to spring of themselves , which the Earth produceth without the sowing of Seed , and to grow by accident , as the Schools express it . Such as are Purslain , Housleek , Penny-royal , &c. which , as some tell us , do of themselves grow out of the Earth that is dug up , in a shady and moist Wood , being put into Earthen Pots . PORTA tells us , lib. 2. Phyt. cap. 1. that having exposed some Earth that had been dug up from the deepest foundations of a House , to the Air , within a few days , several kinds of Herbs sprung up from it , familiar to the Soil and Climat of of Naples . And the famous Lord VERULAM assures us , that the Earth dug up from the foundations of Houses , or from the bottom of Wells , being put into Pots , will after a set season produce several sorts of Herbs . For if you take up Earth not above an Ell deep , it will be fruitful the first year ; but if you take up that which lies deeper , it will not produce any thing till after a years time , and sometimes 2 years . III. The Plants which are said to grow of themselves , owe their Rise to Seeds . Some Philosophers are of opinion , that such Plants as these are produced without any Seeds at all , and that the Earth produceth them by an innate vertue of their own . But that which hinders me from assenting to this opinion is , because I find that all Countries do not produce the same Plants ; which could not so happen if there were not diverse dispositions in them , proper for their several Productions . But what can these different Dispositions be , but Seeds ; or those first Buds from whence Plants arise ? For what else doth the Sun do , when it cherisheth the Earth with its heat , mixeth it with Water , exhales the moisture from it , dries the Particles of it , &c. but work such dispositions in the Earth , and so fit the insensible parts of it , as that from the due ranging of them , the Roots of Plants , their Strings ▪ Ribs and Veins are formed , through which their Aliment may be conveighed , and being sufficiently prepared , break forth in the other parts of it ? IV. What are the Seeds of Plants , that are said to grow of themselves . The Seeds therefore of these Plants , are those Insensible Particles , which by the agitation of the Subtil matter do obtain such a situation , figure , and motion , as are needful to form the first Rudiment of a Plant. And forasmuch as this disposition of parts is not to be found in all Parts of the Earth alike ; therefore it is no wonder , that all Plants grow not in all Countries . We are to take Notice also , that there is no difference betwixt these kind of Seeds , and those which are the Product of Plants ; save only this , that the Parts of these latter are more closely compacted together , and more orderly framed : Whereas those which arise from the various Motion , Spreading , Mixture , and Composition of concurring Particles , are not so exactly joyn'd and formed , and therefore Plants are more slowly produc'd by them . V. The first Trees were produc'd without Seed . Some Authors relate as Miracles , that sometimes tall Trees , yea , whole Woods , have sprung out of the Earth , without Seeds : But they did not consider , that vast store of Seeds , which are hid in the Earth , and are the beginnings and first Draughts of those Seeds that are the products of Herbs and Trees . THEOPHRASTUS observes , 3 Histor . 2. that the Earth in Crete , presently after it was dig'd up , did bring forth Cypress Trees , which are also propagated by Slips . Can any one believe , that the first Trees were the product of Seeds fallen from Trees ? Or , that the Great Woods that are found up and down , were sown by Men ? For seeing that the World had a Beginning , and that we cannot admit a progress to Infinite , we must come at last to those Trees which had no such Seeds , whence they were produc'd , and for the production whereof the Nature of the Climat and Soil were sufficient . For Cinnamon , Myrrh , Frankinsence , and Cassia , did always abound in Southern Countries ; as the Northern Grounds never wanted Willows , Oaks , Firr-trees , Elms , &c. which delight most in those places , and will not without care and difficulty grow elsewhere . According to that of Virgil : The blackest Ebony from India comes , And from Sabaea Aromatick Gums . VI. Calcin'd Earth produceth greatabundance of Plants . Some observe , that Earth that is burnt or calcin'd , when expos'd to the Air and water'd with plentiful Showers , doth immediately bring forth great store of Vegetables ; because the Pores of the Earth being opened by this means , the Seeds are set free from their Prisons , and meeting together are entangled , and so constitute little Masses , from whence those Plants proceed . It is a thing very notorious , that in Walks that are thick overspread with Sand , the Earth the first Year produceth only knotted Grass , and the following Years a thick and swoln Grass , like the blade of Corn ; because the hardness of the Sand or Gravel hath hindred the due coagulation of the Seeds ; but as the surface of the Earth comes to be more freed from the Sand , the Seeds can the better come together , and thus produce common Grass ; to which Showers do very much contribute , by moistning the Earth , and thereby setting the Seeds that are in it more at liberty . VII . How Plants are produc'd from perfect form'd Seeds . As to Plants that are Sown by Men , the Explication of their way of Production is not difficult . For when , by Example , a Pea or Bean is put into the Earth , and there meets with a due moisture and moderate heat , it first begins to swell , and distends its Skin or Husk , and having at last broke it , the same Causes continuing , do afford it new Matter , and the first beginning of the Plant , which we call the Bud , appears ; which by thin Fibres or Strings , spreading it self through the pores of the Earth , and the Parts of it pressing upon it , must needs grow hard ; and thus is the Root of the Plant formed . The Matter being thus digested into a Root , being recruited by new Incoms of Heat , and dilated by the same mounting upwards , the tender and green Substance , which is commonly call'd the Leaf or Bud , riseth and springs up ; which still growing higher , turns to a Stalk : For a purer Juice being now duly prepared in the Roots , doth by degrees ascend from thence into the Stalk , which Motion upwards is much promoted by the pores of the woody Stalk or Stem . Moreover , Heat being active and impatient of Idleness , continually drives the moisture or Juice upwards ; and so the Stalk becomes extended , and riseth to a considerable height . Now when the Juice doth not ascend so fast , and that the parts of it , by the agitation of Heat are more depurated , they are by the driving of the Fire carried above the Stalk , where meeting with the cold Air , they are stopt from mounting any higher ; where still more particles of the said Juice joyning them , they swell into a Bud. And whereas the affluence of Heat through the Stalk still continues , is bursts open , or splits the Bud , and by this means makes way for the Subtil matter to break forth , and display it self in the appearance of a beautiful Flower . And lastly , after that the Alimentary Juice hath still attain'd a further degree of Perfection , another Substance succeeds in the room of the Flower , which being hollow within , contains the Fruit , that is , the Pea or Bean , and is a defence to it , against the Injuries of the Air. For in all Natural things there is , as it were a kind of Circle , whilst the Seed of the Plant , under a different respect , is called the Antecedent Principle ; and the Fruit the Consequent . CHAP. X. Of the Nourishment , and Growth or Increase of Plants . I. The Generation of Plants , is accompanied with their Nutrition or Nourishment . HAving spoken of the Forming of Plants , we now proceed to Treat of their Nourishment , which seems to be nothing else but a continued Generation ; because all the Parts of that which is generated would fall away immediately and waste , without the supply of food , that preserves them from perishing . II. What the Nutrition or Nourishment of Plants is . The Nutrition of a Plant therefore is the distribution of the inwardly received , and altered Aliment , into all the Parts of it ; and the transmutation of it into their Substance , for the supply of what continually wastes and evaporates by the force of Heat . For the Moister parts of Plants , as well as Animals , are in a continual flowing , as is manifest from the Leaves and Flowers that are pluck'd off from them ; for these immediately grow limber and wither , by the want of that Juice , which used to distend their Vessels and Bladders . III. Nutrition in Plants , is not an effect of Choice . Not that Plants make use of choice in attracting of their Aliment , so as to take in that which is agreeable to them , and reject the contrary ; forasmuch as no such attraction can be found in Natural things : But we must rather conclude , that the pores of the Roots are of such a figure , as are fit to admit those particles that are proper to nourish the Plant , and exclude the rest ; after the same manner as the Liver , by transmitting the Gall , and the Kidneys the Urine , do thereby separate them from the Blood. IV. Heat is necessary to the Nutrition of Plants . This will be still more manifest , if we suppose 2 things in Plants , viz. Heat and Pores , which are the Instruments of Nutrition : For by Heat the Alimentary Juice is driven upwards , not only from the Earth into the Root , but also into the Trunk , Branches , and the utmost Leaves : And in this its passage the Nourishment is further concocted , prepared , distributed and coagulated , so as to be fit for the Aliment of Plants . For in every Plant or Vegetable there is something , which with respect to the Earth whence they grow , has the Nature of a ferment . V. Whence this Heat proceeds . If you demand , whence this Heat proceeds ; and what that Agent is which begets a fire in Plants ? I answer , That the primary Cause of this Heat is the Sun , whose Rays in the Summer time do continually beat upon the Earth , and the Plants that grow out of it : Neither is the Earth in the Night , or during the Winter , altogether destitute of Heat , but preserves always some portion of warmth communicated to her by the Sun , whereby she fosters the Plants in her Bowels , and assists their Nutrition . Tho' it cannot be deny'd , but that sometimes this heat in Plants is owing to Subterraneous , or any other fires : As we find that Aloes , Onions , the Roots of Saffron and Leeks will grow , being hung up in Rooms , especially where constant fires are kept . VI. Pores also are necessary to the Nutrition of Vegetables . Pores likewise are of great use to the Nutrition and Increase of Plants , since they are the passages by which the Juice is received , and through which it is distributed to all the Parts of the Plant. For as the Lacteal Veins , and the Subclavial Branches of the Vena Cava , are necessary for the receiving of the Aliment , and the conveying of it from one part of the Body to another ; so likewise there are found in Plants innumerable Passages and Channels ; like to the Lacteal Veins in Animals , by which the Juice is transmitted from the Root , to the utmost parts . For such is the disposition of Pores in Vegetables , that the Aliment is much more conveniently transmitted by them , than it could be through the free and open Air ; for by this means the dissipation of the Alimental Juice is prevented , and its motion is more ready and without interruption : As we find that Bullets move more readily through Pipes , and Smoak through the Funnel of a Chimney , than in the open Air. And hence it proceeds , that Lands that have been often sown , are thereby more exhausted , than those that lye Fallow . VII . How Plants are nourished . These things being understood , it will be no longer difficult to conceive , how the Nutrition of Plants is performed , and how they are increased ; for Vegetables are nourished whilst the Juice is by the Sun , and the rest of the Subtil matter , driven into the pores of the Root , and being there prepared by Concoction , after it hath past several strainings , doth spread it self in length , breadth , and depth . The softness also or tenderness of the Sprout or Sprig , doth much further the conveyance of the Nourishment ; because it makes the Pores to be easily widened and distended . For as we find that the pores of Bread , being dipt in Wine or Water , become immediately distended thereby ; so likewise the Alimentary Juice , when driven into the little Channels of Vegetables , doth open and extend them : Which doth not happen so in a dead or wither'd Plant ; because in it the parts of the Pores , and small threads or fibres , are otherwise disposed , so as not to be able to admit the Juice , which the Subtil matter hath driven into the Roots . VIII . The Nourishment of Plants consists of a Moisture , mingled with the Fatness of the Earth . The Aliment of Plants must be Liquid , because it would not be fit to be carried upwards , or strained , in case it were dry or hard . Yet is not this Juice a moisture destitute of all Clammyfatness of the Earth : For seeing that the parts of a Plant must stick and grow together , and that this cannot be without the entanglement of Heterogeneous particles ; it is evident , that Water alone cannot be a fit Aliment for Plants , except it be well temper'd , with a sufficient proportion of the Slimy-fatness of the Earth . And accordingly we find , that Waters in which Salt is dissolved , or mingled with some Fat matter , are most proper for this effect , and make the Vegetables that are watred therewith , to thrive mainly . And it is for the same Reason , that Countrymen do recruit their barren Grounds with Dung , Marle , and the like . For Water alone too swiftly penetrates the Parts of Vegetables , nor stays long enough with them , so as to become their Aliment . IX . Different Plants require different Nourishment . Tho' the Aliment of all Plants be Moisture , temper'd with the Fatness of the Earth ; yet is not every such mixture fit Nourishment for every Plant. For as Vegetables affect particular places ; some delighting in shady and low Valleys , others in high and upland Grounds ; some in dry and sandy , and others in moist Ground ; some in a fat and rich Soil , and others in a barren and hungry : So accordingly do they stand in need of a different Nourishment , which when ever they miss of , they soon languish . For the Particles of these Juices being various , they must needs constitute different Liquors , whereof those only are a fit Nourishment for such and such a Plant , which have an affinity with it , by the suitableness of the configuration of their Parts . Thus it is observed , that those Roses smell sweeter , that have Garlick growing near them ; because the particles proper to produce a strong and ungrateful Scent , are taken in by the Garlick : So that few or none of them can come to the Rose , to allay or diminish the sweetness of its Odour . X. The Stocks and Branches of Trees grow every year . The stocks or stems of Trees and Shrubs , with the Branches proceeding from them , are every year increased by new woody accessions ; forasmuch as every year , a new round of Fibres is added to the inward Bark or Rind ; which being divided in two parts , the outward part of it is added to the Bark , and the Inward part growing harder and harder , before the end of Autumn , acquires the compactness of wood , and separating it self from the Bark , becomes joyned to the Wood , and so increaseth the Trunk or Stock of the Tree . But tho' we find , that the Trunks and Branches of Trees are encreased this way only , yet must we not conclude from hence , as is commonly believed , that the Juice or Sap of a Tree , mounts upwards only betwixt the Bark and the Wood , but also through those Vessels that lie hid in the Substance of the Wood. This is evident in that the deeper any hole is bored into the Trunk , the Branch or Root of the Tree , the more Juice will distill from it , and that proportionably to the depth of the hole ; so that out of a hole that ●is twice as deep as another , almost a double quantity of Sap will proceed in the same time . XI . This illustrated by the Example of a young Chestnut-tree . This may be easily understood by the Example of a young Chestnut-tree ; for if the Progress of its growth be narrowly observed , we shall find , that after 6 months time , there will be formed in its Bark ( which is very thick ) 2 rows of woody Fibres ; and after 18 months , we shall find 4 of them ; and a year after 8 , and so on , so that always the last Rows do inclose and involve the former , and make , as it were , a Circle about them , which is surrounded with another Circle , and that again with another ; whence it follows , that when the Stem of any Plant is cut across , the Section must appear composed of 2 sorts of substances , viz. of these Circles , and of insertions that are disposed or ranged in the said Stock , much like Circles of Longitude and Latitude in a Terrestrial Globe . XII . How Pants grow and encrease . PLANTS therefore grow or encrease , when greater or more Particles of Alimentary Juice are received by them , than their narrow Pores are able to contain . Hence it is that those Vegetables , the sides of whose Pores are more hard and compact , do not grow so fast as others , whose texture is more loose and open . Thus we find that Peach-trees , Poplars and Willows grow apace , because they have pliable pores , and so crooked and bending , that the Particles of Juice that are driven upwards by the agitation of the subtil matter , can neither advance forward , nor return , and consequently they must enlarge and distend the Plant. And for this reason it is that a Vine , frequently watered , thrives and advances so fast ; and that the Chrysanthemum or Marygold of Peru in 6 months time grows 18 or 20 foot high ; and by the thickness of its Branches seems to challenge the tallest Trees . But on the contrary , Oaks , Medlars , Box , and Pine-trees grow very slowly , because the compactness of their substance , will not suffer their pores to admit sufficient store of Aliment for their speedy growth and encrease . Thus Golden Maiden-Hair , Whitlow-Grass , &c. grow very slow : and for the same reason Trees advance little or nothing in their growth during the Winter Season , because their pores being then shut up by cold , the agitation of heat is not of strength enough to widen them , and to send up the Juice from the Root through them . XIII . How the Juice comes to be joined to the Plants , and stay with them in order to their encrease . It may be questioned here , how the Alimentary Juice , which is forceably driven into the Pores of a Plant , comes to stay there , without being carried upwards into the Air , or without falling down to the Root again . XIV . Answer . To which I Answer , that this effect may be assign'd to 2 Causes : the First is a special conformation of the Pores of Plants ; for we may suppose that by the continual ascent and percolation of the Alimental Juice through the pores of the Plant , many of their small Fibres must be bent in such a manner , as to make the passage rough , by which means , tho' the liquid and fat moisture easily mounts up through them , yet cannot so easily run back again , because of the prominent extremities of the Branchy particles , which oppose their return the same way they entred . Daily experience confirms this , for we find that when with a Knife we cut or scrape a piece of wood with the grain , that is following the natural position of its fibres , we do it with much more ease , than when we attempt the same the contrary way . The other cause is the Winter Frosts , and the coldness of the night , which do fix and condense the Juice conveighed to all the parts of the Plant , and by obstructing the Pores , hinder it from subliming into the Air. For it is certain , that in the Nutrition of Plants , Heat and Cold both act their parts , the one being not sufficient to perform it without the other . XV. The Alimental Juice in Plants is circularly moved . It is to be observed , that as the Blood in Animals , so likewise the nourishing juice in Plants is prepared by a kind of Circulation . For the Juice that is in their Roots or other parts , being tost by a continual motion , cannot throughly be dissolved , mingled or strained , without frequently returning to the same part again , and being altered by various impressions . Which Circulation of the Alimental Juice , depends on the Mechanical Structure of the Fibres , the various disposition whereof performs the same effect , which the Valvulae do in the Veins of Animals ; some of them being so formed , that the Juice finds a ready way to mount up between them ; and others , so as to afford it an open and free Descent . Which may be proved by several Reasons and Experiments in those Vegetables , which are nourished by a thick Juice resembling Milk. XVI . The Proof of this Circulation in Plants , from those of them that have a Milky Juice . Mr. MARIOTTE assures us that he hath observed , that upon the cutting off the Tops of Milky Plants , and the parts nearer the Leaves , a greater quantity of Juice hath proceeded from them , than by cutting the parts nearer to the Root . That he experienced this in Celandine ; and the structure of Fibres in Spurge , and other Milky Plants persuades the same ; for these Fibres by the help of a Microscope appear white , and are nearer unto the Rind , whereas the Juice in the other Fibres is of a more Watry Colour . Whence it seems probable , that the serous Juice , doth mingle with the other thicker , whether Yellow or White , in certain Pipes appointed for that use , much after the same manner as the Chyle entring into the Veins is there mixt with the Blood , and circulates with it . Tho' it be not yet discovered whether this Juice in Plants be carried in the same Pipes from the Branches to the Roots , and again from the Roots to the Branches ; or whether distinct Pipes are assigned to these different motions , as the Veins and Arteries in Animals . CHAP. XI . Of the Division and Difference of Plants . The Division of Plants . A Perfect Plant is by BOTANISTS commonly divided into a Tree , a Shrub , an Undershrub , and an Herb. II. A Tree . A Tree is a woody Plant , in thickness and height exceeding all the rest , whose stock is lasting , and one only by nature , which spreads it self into many Branches and Boughs , as an Oak , Pear and Fir-tree . I say it is lasting or perpetual , because it hath no certain time of duration . III. A Shrub . A Shrub is a Plant of a mean thickness and height amongst those that are woody , whose Stem is manifold by nature , and which by cutting off its Shoots or Suckers , is easily changed into the nature of a Tree . IV. An Under-shrub . An Under-shrub is the least of woody Plants in height and thickness , having a lasting Stem or Stalk , which sometimes is single , and sometimes manifold like Brushwood , with a small and sometimes manifold like Brushwood , with a small and slender Leaf , as Rosemary , Lavender , Southernwood , &c. V. An Herb. An Herb is a Plant which consists only of Leaves , as Harts-tongue , &c. or sometimes of a Stalk , but perisheth away every year , and is not woody till after it be dried . VI. The Diversity of Plants may be deduced from several Heads . The variety of Plants is assignable either to the Soil whence they grow ; or to the Pores or channels through which their Alimentary Juice is conveighed ; or to their Structure or Figure ; or to the Fruits they bear ; or to their differing Qualities , or lastly to the Changes and Alterations to which they are obnoxious . VII . From the Place of their Growth . With regard to the place of their growth , some are upon Rocks , Walls , the Tops of Houses , when the water falling in abundance , doth leave some limosity upon those places . Some grow upon other Plants , or upon great Stones ; as Moss which grows upon the Barks of Trees ; and Touchwood which sticks to the Oaks and Nut-trees . Some proceed from the rotten Wood or Roots of Trees , as SCALIGER tells us , that Bearsfoot doth , Exercitat . 140. Others grow upon Dunghills , as Sowthistle , which Hogs delight in , and other such like . Some grow upon the Bodies of Living Creatures , as is related of a Shepherd , who had a little Plum-tree or Sloe-bush growing out of his Breast , because falling by chance upon one of them , he had forgot to pluck out one of the thorns of it which stuck in his Breast , and afterwards sprouted out thence . VIII . From their different Pores . Plants are also distinguisht by their Pores ; for the Alimentary Juice , according to the different structure of the pores it passeth through , acquires a different Temperature and Qualities . According to which different disposition of the Pores , some Plants are more early in their coming forth , and others later . For those that want a Stalk , or have only a short one , are more slowly nourished : others that have a more favourable Texture of their Pores , and the Fibres of whose Stems are more yielding , grow sooner , and to a greater Size and Bulk , especially if the Climate and Soil agree with it . Thus Gourds and Sallows do in a little time encrease to a great Bulk ; whereas on the contrary Oaks and Pine-trees , by reason of the straitness of their Pores , are as slow in their advance . And therefore because the Fir-tree , and others of that nature consist of looser and more open Pores than the Ebone-tree , and other-like hard and compact woods brought from Brazile , they are easily bent , but not without difficulty pulled asunder : whereas the parts of these latter are very Brittle and break upon the least bending , because of the very close and compact texture of their Parts . It is also from this various disposition of the Pores , that the same Rain furnisheth nourishment to such a vast number of different Plants , because it is changed according to the difference of the Soil , and the variety of the Pores doth diversly affect the said moisture and alter it , so as to become the proper nourishment of such and such a Plant. To which may be added , that the Juice which is drawn from one part of the Earth , doth furnish it with other Alimentary Particles , than another doth . IX . How the Juice of the Earth ascends in Plants . But if any one ask , how the Juice ascends from the Root , into the wooden Fibres ; they may take this for an Answer , that the Juice ascends in Plants , after the same manner as water mounts up into those Pipes that are made use of in the Experiments of a Vacuum ; that is to say , because the weight of the Air drives them upwards . Which effect of the Air is much encreased by the Circular Motion of the Earth , for it being the Property of that Motion , to drive all the most agitated parts far from the Center ; accordingly it also drives all the Juices of the Earth into the Pores of the Plants that are more agitated than the Air ; whether this their agitation proceed from Subterranean Fires , or from some particular fermentation in the out parts of the Earth . X. From their Figure . A great variety likewise ariseth among Plants from their Structure or Figure ; for some are low , as Onions and other creeping Plants . Others grow to a vast Height , as Cedars whose height and thickness is wonderful ; Historians mention one that grew in Cyprus to have been 130 foot high , and of that thickness that 3 men could scarcely fathom it . And so likewise the Fir-tree , Abies , which takes it latin name from Abire , that is , to go away , because of the vast height it oft riseth to . Historians tell us , that in the Ship , that by command of the Emperour CAJUS brought the Obelisk , placed in the Vatican Circus or Piazza , from Egypt , there was a Fir-tree , whose Trunk was as much as 4 men with their stretched-out-arms could compass . Some grow of a round Figure , as Puffs , others in the form of an Umbrella , as Mushromes . Some have the strings of their Barks extended long-wise , others a-thwart and Cross-wise . Some naturally have crooked Stems or Trunks , as the Vine , others strait and upright , as Reeds and most Trees . XI . From their Fruits . Plants are also differenced according to their several Fruits : and thus some are called Glandiferous or Acorn-bearers , as the Beech , the Oak , the Cork-tree and the Chestnut-tree , which latter , for thee goodness of its Fruit , excells the rest of the Trees of this sort . Others are Coniferous , bearing a Fruit like a Cone , that is smaller at one end and like a Top ; such as is the Cedar-tree , which formerly grew in great abundance upon Mount Libanus , but are reduced to 24 only . So also the Cypress-tree , and the Firr , tho' this is reckoned amongst the Resiniferous or Rosin yielding Trees . Others are Pomiferous , or Apple-bearers , as the Apple-tree , the Citron-tree , which is always green , of a most fragrant odor , and its fruit of a golden Colour ; the Orange and Lemon-tree , the Pomegranate-tree , so called from the great number of grains of Seed which its Fruit doth contain ; and the Apricot-tree , whose fruit , from the golden colour , were by the Greeks called Chrysomela or Golden Apples . Book . 1. Part. 7. Chap. 1. G. Freman I. Kip. Sculp To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Denis Hampson of Japlow in Buckingham Shire & of Bradwell in Oxford Shire Baronet This Plate is humble Dedicated by Richard Blome XII . O● Nutbearing , Berry bearing , or Coabearing . Of Fruit-bearing Trees , some are Nuciferous or Nut-bearers ; as the Nut-tree and Almond-tree , which have their Fruit contained in hard Shells ; others Bacciferous or Berry-bearers ; as the Plum-tree , the Olive-tree , the Mulberry-tree , and the Cherry-tree , which bear a Fruit that consists of a more soft and moist flesh , and cover'd only with a thin Skin : Other Siliquiferous or Pod-bearers ; as Cassia , Tamarinds , &c. because their Fruit is contained in Cods or Husks , or in a Juicy-shell , of a longish figure . XIII . From their various Propensions or Inclinations . There is also a considerable variety in Plants , from their different Inclinations : For some of them have an Antipathy against others . Thus the Vine , and Cabbage or Coleworts , cannot endure the Neighbourhood of one another ; and so likewise the Olive-tree and the Oak , the Bay-tree and the Vine , the Olive-tree and Coleworts , the Nut-tree and the Oak are at variance . Not by reason of any inborn Antipathy , as some do imagine ; but because when those Plants stand near together , they rob one another of sufficient Aliment , because they are nourished with one and the same kind of Juice ; which being taken in by the stronger and more vigorous Plant , the other must needs languish . And on the contrary , those Plants are said to be friendly to each other , which are nourished by different Juices ; so that what is necessary for the Aliment of the one , is never touched by the other . And herein doth the Antipathy and Sympathy of Plants properly consist ; according to what we have more largely explained in our History of Nature , concerning Plants . Thus the Fig-tree and Rue thrive in the Neighbourhood of each other , because they delight in a quite different sort of Nourishment ; and not by reason of any Consent or Friendship , but by substraction of the contrary Aliment , which the one draws to feed its sweet-scent , and the other to feed its bitterness . And on the contrary , Rosemary loseth part of its sweetness and savour , when it grows in the Neighbourhood of the Bay-tree or Lavender ; because both these Plants delight in the same Alimental Juice , and are like Robbers one to another , whenever they stand close together . XIV . From Artificial Transmutation . A Diversity is likewise to be found in Plants that springeth from Transmutation ; as when Plants are made more fair and beautiful , by the Art and Industry of Gardiners . Thus that vast variety of Gilly-flowers , proceeds from this Cause . And in like manner there is now the Calathiana , a kind of Violets , not only of Blew colour , but also White , Red , and of a mixed Colour , by the Curiosity of Ingenious Florists . For the Industry of Gardiners doth conduce much to the variety of Plants ; according to what Virgil tells us in his First Book of Georgicks : I have seen many would Anoint their Grain , With Nitre first , then Lees of Oil would spread , That the Husk swelling might enlarge their Seed ; Then with lent Fire ripen the tender Grain . XV. From the Negligence and Carelesness of Gardiners , &c. And on the contrary , by the Negligence of Gardiners , or some fault in the Soil , Plants degenerate , and are turned into others not so good as themselves : So Wheat turns to Darnel , Basil into wild Thyme , Barley into Oats , Turneps into Rhadish , as SENNERTUS assures us ; Water-mint into Spear-mint ; the Blak-Vine into Briony , Spelt into Wheat , and Wheat into Spelt . It is also a common Observation , that if the same Seed be for several years together sown in the same Ground , it will degenerate ; according to that also of VIRGIL : When oft the fairest Barly i th' same Ground we sow , Darnel instead thereof , and blasted Oats do grow . The same happens almost to all Plants , when they are transpos'd to different and disagreeing Places : As when Herbs that grow in Pools and Running-water , are removed to the Tops of Hills , or Champion-ground . Thus if the Water flag should be transplanted to Hilly-ground ; or the Seed of Lettice , Cucumber and Cabbage , to a Sandy place : And on the contrary , Heath , Fern and the Thorn-bush , to moist and Marshy-ground ; they would soon degenerate to other Plants , and cease to answer to their Names . CHAP. XII . Of the Propagation of Plants . I. Plants are propagated by Sowing , Setting , and Grafting . PLANTS may be propagated or multiplied several ways ; as either by Seed , or by a Sprig cut , or pluck'd off from the Stock and set into the Ground ; or by Graffing . II. The Soil is to be prepar'd for the Reception Seed . But before that the Seeds of Plants are committed to the Earth , the Soil must be duly prepared ; that is , it must be turn'd up by the Plough , or dug with a Spade , or cut with a Weeding-Hook , or broke with a Pick-ax , and the Clods broke with a Harrow or Rake . All which pains is taken , partly to root out the Weeds and unprofitable Herbs ; and partly to make the Ground more light and loose , that the Seeds or Slips may the more easily take root in it , and spread their fibres far and near , and by this means attract a more copious Aliment . III. The fittest time for Sowing . Nature directs us to the most proper Seed time , viz. when the Seeds have attained their full growth and maturity ; or , when by the opening of their Husks they fall to the Ground ; or by the contraction or shrinking of them are thrust out ; or by the Down that grows about them , they are by the Wind scatter'd up and down through the Air. IV. Of Propagating Plants by Slips or Sprigs . The other way of propagating Plants , is by setting a Sprig or Slip , whether cut or pluck'd quite off , or whilst it sticks yet to its Mother , thrust down into and cover'd with the Earth , till it hath taken root . These Sprigs or Slips may be bigger or less , according to the Nature of the Plant. For some are set from a greater Branch , others from a Slip , others from a Twig , and others from a Shoot . V. What kind of Twigs or Sprigs are to be Set. The Twigs , Sprigs or Slips that we would set , must be fresh and green : Yet VIRGIL tells us , that the dry Sprigs of an Olive , if set , will grow notwithstanding : An Olive Branch , tho' dry , will shoot , If set i' th' Earth , and spread its diving Root . It is also observable , that the more tender any Plants are , the later must their Sprigs or Slips be set , that is , about the middle or latter end of the Spring , in these colder Climats : And if the Weather permits , they must be watered as soon as set ; I say , if the Weather permits ; for in cold Weather , too much Moisture is apt to spoil them . And so also , if it be a clear Sky , and the Sun shine hot upon these new set Twigs or Slips , they must be shaded , lest the heat of the Sun-beams should scorch and dry them up . VI. What Graffing is , and how it is performed . In the Second place , Plants are propagated by Graffing : Now Graffing , being taken in the largest Sense , is such an application of a Graff or Bud to its own Stock or Branch , or to that of another Tree , whereby they become united and grow together . Now forasmuch as the most part of the Sap , ascends between the Inner Bark and the Wood , the whole Art of Graffing consists in this , that the Inner Bark and Wood of the Stock and Graff do answer exactly one to another ; or that the Scion or Bud be so applied to the Stock or Branch , that the inner and outward Bark both of the Stock and Scion may so exactly answer , and make one continued Body , and one Even Surface , that the Juice may readily and freely flow from the Stock , to the Graff or Bud. VII . What Graffing is , and to what end it is done . The End of Graffing , is to meliorate the Nature of Plants , by changing them into others . For since there is a twofold Concoction of Food , the one in the Stock , and the other in the Graff ; it cannot be otherwise , but that the Alimental Juice , by these different Strainings , must be the better prepared , and partake of new Qualities : And therefore we find , that Plants by Graffing , do not only bring forth larger , but also better Fruit , than the Tree doth from whence the Graff is taken : And it is found by Experience , that the Tree which grows from the fruit of a Graffed-tree , or the Sprig thereof set in the Ground , doth bring forth less and meaner fruit , than doth the Graff it self , from whence it was taken . Hence it is also , that we see one and the same Tree laden with diverse Fruits ; yea , and the same Fruit having a different taste , smell and colour , in one part of it , from that it hath in the other , as also late Ripe Fruits to become early Ripe , and such as are Green to become Red. VIII . There be three ways of Graffing : The First is Infoliation . There be three ways of Graffing : The first is within the Inner Bark , when the Graff is put in between the Wood and the Bark , and is ty'd fast with a Thread or small Cord. This way of Graffing is most proper for Trees that have a thick Bark , and abound with Sap : Because the Bark draws abundance of fat moisture out of the Earth ; such as are the Fig-tree , Cherry-tree and Olive-tree . Wherefore , he that would graff after this manner , must have a little wedge , made of some very hard VVood , and drive it in between the Bark and the VVood gently , so as not to rend the Bark , and in that aperture must graff his Scion . This way of Graffing was by the Ancients called Infoliation , and is still in use with us , where the Bark is thick , and a small cleft to graff in cannot so well be made . IX . The second way of Graffing is in a The second way of Graffing is , by means of a Cleft made in the Stock , into which the Scion is put , so as that the pith of the one may be joyned with the pith of the other ; and then the slit must be stopt up with Clay , and bound up with the Bark and Moss . This way of Graffing is made use of in those Trees that have a thin Bark , and are of a drier Complexion , their Moisture living not much in the Bark , but within the Pith ; such as are the Citron-tree and Vine . And this way is properly call'd Graffing , which must be quickly done , lest the Scion which is to be graffed , should by delay become over dry . X. The third way of Graffing is called , Incculation . The third way of Graffing is done by Inoculation , wherein the Bark of the Scion that is to be Inoculated , is so joyned to that of the Stock , whence the like quantity of the Bark is taken , that the Buds and Eyes of the one , may exactly answer to the Buds and Eyes of the other . For there is a certain fat clammy Moisture between the Rind and the Stock , by which the strings of the Scion are glewed and joyned to the strings or fibres of the Trunk or Stock . XI . All other ways of Graffing are reducible to these three . There be other ways of Graffing ; as that which is done by Emplastration or Plaistering , whereby some part of the Bark of a Scion , with its Buds , is put into the slit of the Bark of a Stock , and the Bark of the Stock so closed again upon it , as that no mark of the slit remains ; and afterwards is plaister'd and bound up . Another way is by Boring , when the Graft is put into the Hole that is bor'd into the Stock . There is also another way , which the French call En perche , when many little Sprigs with their Buds are graffed into a perforated Perch . But all these , and other such like , are reducible to the 3 ways already mention'd : Forasmuch as all of them agree in this , that the strings of the Sprig or Bud , must agree and answer to the strings of the Stock whereinto they are graffed ; and that by this mixture or coalescence , the wound may be cover'd or grow together , leaving the Bark somewhat rough in that place . They agree also in producing the same effect , that is , the melioration of Plants , by reason of their Coction , both in the Stock and in the Graff , where the Alimentary Juice is further prepar'd and purified . XII . The Nature of the Graff becomes changed in process of time . By this Art of Graffing , not only Trees of the same Nature are mingled , as it were , and united ; as Apple-trees with Apple-trees , Pear-trees with Pear-trees , &c. but also any other Trees , tho' never so different in Nature . Yet they who would have their Graffs to thrive , had best set them on a stock of the same kind ; because the strings of Plants that are of a like Nature , do better agree together , and have their pores and passages dispos'd in one and the same manner . However it is observ'd , that in process of time the Seed of the Graff doth very much degenerate : The Reason whereof is , because the Seed proceeds from the Matrix or Pith of the Tree , which being the product of the wild Stock , by degrees affects the Seed , and makes it to degenerate . XIII . What Pores of the Stock correspond or agree with the Pores of the Graff . Some , it may be , will question how it comes to pass , that the Scion unites with the Stock , seeing that their pores do not answer to one another , but differ in their situation and figure . To which I Answer , That it is not necessary that all the pores of the Stock should agree with those of the Graff , or that every one of both their strings should be united ; it being sufficient if the greatest part of them answer to each other , and give way to the passage of the Alimental Juice . As we see that 2 pieces of Glass laid upon one another , tho' all the pores do not exactly agree , do notwithstanding transmit the Light. For we must not imagine , that the Graff is joyned to the Stock , into which it is graffed with the same firmness and evenness , as its own connatural Parts are ; since it hath often been found , that in an Old tree , the Part that hath been graffed on it , hath been torn off by a strong Wind , tho' for many years together , it had been united to it no otherwise , than as if it had been a Connatural part of it . For in order to the conveyance of the Juice from the Root to all the parts of the Tree , it is not necessary that all the Pores should exactly agree ; because we find that the Earth affords Nourishment to Plants , notwithstanding that their Pores do not every way agree with those of the Earth . And tho' we should grant , that such a conformity of Pores should be necessary for the common Nourishment of the Stock and the Graff ; yet I see no reason , but that the same conformation may be wrought in process of time , because the Sap that comes from the Root hath power of making to it self Channels and Passages , as hath been hinted before : For the Fire , by the motion whereof it is driven upwards , thrusting it forwards , helps it to make these Passages and Channels for it self . XIV . In Graffing , many things are to be observed To the end that Graffing may be duly performed , we must take heed , First , That the Scion to be Graffed , be not too soft or tender ; for then , because of the tender texture of its strings , it will not be able to bear the hardness of the Stock into which it is Graffed . Neither on the other hand must it be too dry ; for in that case it will not unite and grow into one with the Stock . Secondly , That the Graff be taken from a fruitful and good Tree , and , as near as may be , of the same kind ; as the Graff of an Apple-tree , upon the Stock of an Apple-tree . For if they be of different kinds , the Fruit thereby becomes spoiled ; as if one should graff an Apple-tree upon a Willow or an Ash , the Apples will be found like to a Crab or Wilding . Thirdly , That the Scion be without any delay graffed , lest the Air entring into the Pores , should hinder their growing into one . Fourthly , That the Stock be duly slit , lest the slit being made too deep , should hinder the closing of it up again . Fifthly , That the Graff be so cut , as that the Woody part of it may joyn with the Wood , and the Bark of it with the Bark of the Stock . Sixthly , That the Stock on which we intend to graff , have stood in the ground for some Months , lest in case it should not be well rooted , it might not furnish Sap enough to feed its young Nursling . Seventhly , The top of the Scion is to be cut off , that by beating back the Juice it may swell and grow bigger . Eighthly , That when the Graff is put into the slit , the place must be pasted about with Wax and Gum , or with Clay and Moss , to keep out all external Moisture Ninthly , That a fit Season of the Year be observed ; which is , after the Winter Solstice , and after the Blowing of the West Wind ; that is ▪ from the 7 th of February to the Spring Solstice . Tenthly , It is also to be noted , that some Trees are altogether unfit for Graffing ; as the Oak , the Fir-tree , and other Resiniferous-trees ; because the Oak , by reason of its hardness , will not be slit ; and when slit will not grow together again : And Resiniferous-trees , because of their clammy Liquor , have their pores so obstructed , that the Juice cannot be readily conveyed to the Graff . And , Eleventhly , That the parts of the Scion may retain the same situation when graffed on the Stock , as it had before it was cut off from its own Tree : As by Example , If the Graff , before it was cut off from the Tree did lean towards the South , in Graffing it must likewise be turned that way . See the Natural History concerning Plants . CHAP. XIII . Of the Colours of Plants . I. What Colour is . AS to our present purpose , it is sufficient for us to know , that Colours are nothing else , but certain modificatious of Light , caused in Bodies by the different disposition of their Surfaces . Whereof we have a manifest proof in cutting of an Apple , the inner parts whereof appear white at first ; but soon after turn yellow , and lastly become of a brown Colour , according as its outward parts are more dried . Such a modification of Light does especially belong to Plants , since that all their parts are ting'd with some Colour or other , and are remarkable for their whiteness , yellow , red Colour , &c. yea , and sometimes are successively green , yellow , red or white , according as the Texture of the little particles , whereof they are compounded , is changed , and the disposition of the surface alter'd . The Matter therefore in question is , What that is in Plants that makes the Light reflected from them to acquire such and such Modifications , which impress these Sensations on the Eye . II. Why the Roots of Plants are commonly White . The Roots of Plants are generally white ; because they contain much Spermatick matter , which being comprest by the Earth that lies round it , and bindred from flying up into the Air , is forced to return into the substance of the Plant ; where , by the warmth of the inner part of the Earth , it is concocted anew , and being coagulated into a kind of frothy Substance , doth reflect the Light on all sides , and so produce a white Colour . For the Reason why Snow and Froth are white , is , because they consist of little round Bodies , which from every point reflect the Sun-beams . For the smaller these Bubbles are , the more white doth the Subject appear ; for seeing that every one of them , from all their parts reflect the Light , it must needs follow , that the more there are of these , within that determinate Space , the more Rays will be reflected ; that being a white Colour , which comes nearest to the Nature of Light. Hence it is that Liquor , tho' it be of never so black a Colour , turns white as soon as it is turned to Froth ; as appears in the froth of Ink ; and therefore it is no wonder that the Root of a Plant being cover'd with Earth , appears white , because it consists of clammy Humours , which by the warmth of the Earth is easily turned into little round Pellets . III. For the same Reason a Lilly is White . And it is for the same Reason that a Lilly is white ; because the surface of it riseth into Bubbles , from all the several parts whereof it reflects the Light. For in a Lilly , the Alimental Juice is very exactly percolated , and its substance being well concocted , turns to round pellets or bubbles . In like manner as we see , that our food becomes turned into Chyle , when after digestion in the Stomach , it is resolved into little round Bodies ; which Chyle afterwards in the Breasts becomes turned into Milk. The Reason therefore of the whiteness of a Lilly is , because the little Skin wherewith its Substance is covered , consists of round Pellets , as is manifest to those that look upon it through a Microscope . IV. Whence the Red Colour that is in Flowers proceeds . Some Flowers are Red as Roses , and Tulips , because their parts are so disposed that the Globuli of the Second Element , which constitute Light , are by them more swiftly whirl'd about than they move to right lines . Wherefore whensoever the light in any Body is so modified , that its Aethereal Globuli are more swiftly turned round , than they move right forwards , than the surface of those bodies from whence the Light is reflected appears Red. Thus a white Flame , when smoke comes to it , turns Red. The Sun through a Mist , the Planet Mars by night , the Moon in the Clouds , a glowing Coal , and many other things are Red. Some Fruits therefore as Cherries , Grapes , Mulberries , &c. are of a Red Colour , because the Juice whereof they consist , having never been exactly strained , and therefore containing several Particles that are not sufficiently digested , makes those Fruits to appear of that colour , by reflecting the Light accordingly . V. The Cause of the Yellow Colour that appears in the Leaves of Plants . A Yellow Colour is peculiar to the Leaves of Trees and Fruits , whilst they are ripening ; because having lost the moisture , which gave them their Greeness , they now contain nothing but such a Juice , as is well strain'd and prepar'd ; which makes their outside to rise into greater Bubbles or round Bodies , which because they leave great intervals between them , must needs cause a great variation in the Reflexion of Light. For if you look upon Yellow Bodies with a Microscope , you will find them wholly rough and uneven , and full of innumerable protuberances ; by which means the Light reflected from them becomes so modified , that the whirling about of the Globuli is somewhat more rapid than their motion to right lines . For the Yellow Colour mediates betwixt White and Red ; which may be demonstrated to the Eye from the mingling of Liquors ; for if you mix any White and Red Liquor together , the result will be Yellow . And the same will be if we twist a Lace or Girdle of the smallest White and Red Threads . VI. The Blue Colour is peculiar to some Flowers . Blue is the peculiar Colour of some Flowers , because the Juice that nourisheth them , is in such a manner concocted and percolated , that from thence such a degree of Darkness and Transparency results , as produceth such a Reflexion of the Rays , that the Globuli of them , have more of a straight , than of a circular motion . For a Blue Colour comes between a Black and Red ; as appears in the Air , which in the day-time looks Blue , by reason of the Bodies that are tost up and down in it , and reflect the Rays to us . And forasmuch as these Rays are but few in number , and the Shades many , therefore it is necessary that the Heaven should appear of a middle colour between Black and Red , that is of a Blue , in the day-time . This will be made manifest to us by mixing a very fine Red Powder , with another that is Black , or by laying a black Glass upon a red Glass , and looking through them , for by either of these ways we shall find a Blue Colour produced . VII . The General Colour of Plants is the Green Colour . The most common colour belonging to Plants is the Green , which is observed in all of them as well at their springing out of the ground , as in their growth . The cause of this Colour is the abundance of moisture that is in Plants , when it is but slightly strained and elaborated . Hence it is that those Herbs and Leaves have more of this Greeness by how much the more they abound with moisture , and less of it , as the moisture is less , and better digested . This Green Colour is mixed of Yellow and Blue ; which may be made out by several experiments ; for if we look upon the Sky , which is Blue , through a Yellow Glass , it will appear Green ; so likewise if we lay a Blue Glass upon a Yellow , and look through it upon any Object , it will appear Green : and so we shall find that by mixing a Blue and Yellow Colour'd Liquor together , the mixture will be Green. VIII . What is the Cause of that variety of Colours that is in Tulips . There be many Flowers that are of divers colours , as Tulips ; which cannot proceed from any other cause , but the different concoction of the Alimental Juice ; because the matter is better preserved and purified in the great Bulbous Roots of Tulips ; and better strained through their long and thick Stalks , wherein also it is the better concocted and distributed . But yet it cannot be expected that Tulips every year should retain the same colours ; for the temper of the weather changing considerably every year , it cannot be otherwise but that thereupon a different concoction , preparation and distribution of the Alimental Juice must follow , and consequently the colour also be changed . Yea , we find sometimes that Tulips , in one and the same year do change their colours , and that such as before were White , turn Red , and the Red , White . When streaks of a Purple Colour appear in a white Tulip , it is a sign that the thicker parts of the Juice do cause an obstruction , whereby the free motion thereof to the utmost parts of the Flower is hindred . IX . Why Leaves and Flowers change their Colours . And the same may be said of the Leaves and Fruits of Trees changing their colours . For the Leaves are Green at first , by reason of the plenty of Moisture , and the Juice that is not throughly elaborated or prepared ; and from this Green Colour they are changed into a Reddish , and lastly from that to a Yellow ; because the Moisture , which at first was the cause of the Green Colour , being diminished gives way for the Red Colour to succeed , and afterwards flying all away , they are thereby changed into a Yellow Colour , till at last extream driness turns them White . In like manner Fruit , as it comes to be ripe , quits its Green Colour ; which becomes changed into some other ; because the Juice , which before was raw , as wanting due preparation , when the Fruit grows ripe , becomes depurated and percolated to perfection : so that the contexture of parts being by this means changed , it is no wonder that the Fruit loseth its green Colour , and becomes Red , or Yellow , or of a Colour mixt of both . CHAP. XIV . Of the several Tasts of Plants . I. What Tast or Savor is , and wherein consists . BY the word Tast or Savor , we understand that virtue in Bodies , whereby they are able to produce in us the sense of Tast . Which virtue consists in the Particles of Bodies , inasmuch as they are sufficiently diluted , subtil and agitated to enter the pores of our Tongue , and to move those Nerves , wherewith the Instrument of Tasting is is furnish'd . For tho' Taste be properly in the Mouth , and that the Tongue or Palat is formally that which tastes ; yet it may be said , that the things themselves , which are taken into our Mouths , are the Causes of the said Taste , and according to their several magnitude , figure and motion , do produce different tastes or savours . So that things savoury , or endued with taste , are said to be such , only because they move the Filaments of the Nerves of our Tongue in such a manner , as is necessary to produce in them the sense of Tasting . And forasmuch as sensible Objects cannot affect those Nerves , except they be endued with a certain motion , figure , and magnitude ; therefore to these three we must assign all the diversity of Tastes or Savours we meet with in any Objects . II. Why some Fruits are insipid . This is evident from the Insipidness we sometimes find in Plants , and their several parts . For if we enquire into the Reason why some of them are Insipid , and do not affect the Tongue or Palat , we shall find the Reason to be , because they do not furnish such Particles , as by the assistance of Moisture can enter the Tongue , and strike its Nerves . Thus we find , that when Grapes are first knotted , they impress no affection upon the Tongue , and do only touch the outside of it , without entring its pores ; because the particles of Juice , which come up from the Root to compose them , do stick close together , and are not easily separated . Daily Experience also teacheth us , that Water is in a manner wholly insipid , because its Particles are so thin and subtil , that they can affect the Organ of Taste very little or nothing . In like manner Air is void of all Taste , because it floats only upon the Spittle , and the Parts of it , by reason of their extream lightness and subtilty , can make no impression upon the Tongue . III. What is required to make a thing sapid or savoury . That a thing be savoury , it is necessary for its Parts to be separated from each other , that so joyning themselves to the Spittle in our Mouths , they may variously affect the Nerves of our Tongue . Now this is done by means of Heat , the Property whereof is , to resolve Bodies , open their pores , and to make a ready way for the Moisture to enter . Whence it is , that when Fruits tend to Maturity , by means of the heat of the Sun , reconciling their driness and moisture together , various Tastes are imprest upon them , according to their different degrees of Maturity : First , an Astringent taste , then a Harsh taste , afterwards a Sowr , and last of all , a Sweet taste ; and if the Heat be too great a smart or biting , and bitter Taste . IV. Why Sloes have an Astringent taste . An Astringent taste we find in all unripe Fruit , and more especially in Sloes , which with great harshness and astringence affect the Tongue , as if they prick'd it with Pins and Thorns ; because they consist of keen and stiff Parts . For the Juice whereof they consist being not well strained , contains many stiff and inflexible little Bodies , such as are the particles that compose Salt ; so that it is no wonder that they exasperate the Tongue , and astringe or contract the same . V. Onions and Pepper have a smart and biting Taste . In Onions , Ginger , Pepper , Mustard-seed , &c. we perceive a smart and biting Taste ; because the particles of these Objects do prick the Tongue , and cause the same Division in it , which Fire would , if applied to it . The Reason is , because they consist of long , thin , and stiff particles , which make the Bodies whereto they belong dry and stiff . But being boil'd in Water , they lose their Acrimony ; for that the Moisture penetrating them , dissolves their Salt and other smart little Bodies , and opening their pores , carries them away . Yea , some of these may be so macerated or soaked , as that by quitting all their Biting and Harsh particles , they may become sweet , and at last insipid . VI. How Sweetness is produc'd in Ripe fruits . We meet with a Sweet taste , almost in all Ripe Fruits , which with great smoothness and evenness affect the Tongue . For in Ripe Fruits , by the continual heat of the Sun , the Alimental Juice is very exactly and throughly strained , and the particles that before were entangled , are resolved , by which means they readily enter the pores of the Tongue , and affect it with a pleasing Titillation . This Taste is most pleasant and grateful to young Children , the small strings of whose Nerves are more fine , small and subtil ; but is not so acceptable to those who have a thicker Texture of Nerves , being affected by what is acrimonious , and therefore look upon a sweet Taste , to be unpleasant . VII . A Sowr taste proper to Limons . A Sowr taste is found in Limons , Sorrel , and the like , which do prick and cut the Tongue . It is felt somewhat in the same manner , as a smart or biting Taste , saving only that Sowr things are accompanied with a sense of constringent Cold. The Reason is , because this Savour consists in subtil and sharp Particles , which do easily penetrate the Organ of Taste , and pierce it like so many Thorns . And therefore we must conclude , that these Bodies consist of longish and stiff particles , somewhat like Needles : Which we shall readily admit , if we consider that all Fruits , before that they come to their full Ripeness , are of a Sowr taste ; which could not be , if that Taste did not include something that is common to them all . Now we can meet with nothing that is common to them all , except that Disposition of Parts , seeing they consist of an Earthy Juice , which did cleave to the long and thin pores of the small Twigs , whence these Fruits do grow . VIII . Whence that Bitterness that is observed in Rotten Apples , doth proceed . A Bitter Taste is perceived in some rotten Pears and Apples , &c. in the eating whereof the strings of the Nerves are unduly affected , and unpleasantly vellicated . For Pears and Apples , when they begin to putrifie , get rough , uneven , and prickly particles ; because then the more subtil and refined particles fly away , leaving none but the grosser and thicker behind them . For Putrefaction is such a Resolution of Parts , by which things become worse than they were before . Hence it is that they who drink Wine , immediately after they have eaten a tainted Apple , and tending to putrefaction , do perceive a Bitter taste ; because the Wine mingling it self with those putrid particles , conveighs them to the inmost pores of the Tongue . This Bitterness is sometimes occasion'd by too great Heat , when it is continual , and acts for a long time together upon Fruit. So that if Fruits , after their full Maturity , should continue long upon the Trees , it is not to be question'd , but that by being too long expos'd to the Heat of the Sun , their particles would become so rugged and twisted , that none would be left in them , to affect the Tongue with a Sweet taste , but would all exasperate and bite it . A confirmation whereof we have in Flesh , which by too great heat of the Fire becomes scorched and burnt , and by this means acquires a Bitter taste , as doth also the Crust of Bread that is burnt , by being baked in an over-heated Oven . IX . Mint Tastes are found in some Fruits and Plants . Neither are these simple Savours or Tastes only found in Plants and Fruits , but also compound Savours ; as the sweet and sowr Taste which is commonly found in Fruits , that are not yet arrived to the utmost degree of Maturity : As when some of their parts are longish and stiff , which prick the Tongue ; whereas others , more smooth and pleasant , softly flowing over the Nerves of the Tongue , do only produce a kind of pleasant Titillation on the Tongue . Another Taste is that which is Harsh and Sowr , which is that we perceive in those we call rough Wines . Another , Sowr and Astringent , which taste is found in the Juice of unripe Grapes , called Verjuice ; the Cause whereof is this , that the particles which constitute the Grapes , are by the Heat of the Air separated from each other , and so acting independently , they produce both a sowr and astringent Taste . CHAP. XV. Of the Odour or Scent of Plants . I. Wherein Taste and Scent do agree . ODours , or Scents , have some affinity with Tastes , as being much deriv'd from the same Principles . For as Taste consists in those little Bodies which penetrate the Tongue and Palat , and diversly affect them , according to their various Magnitude , Figure and Motion ; so Odour consists in those particles which , flying in the Air , do enter our Nostrils , and variously affect the same . There is also another Resemblance between them , in that they are in a manner denominated alike , and are distinguish'd by the same Differences . For as Tastes or Savours are chiefly distinguish'd into Astringent , Smart or Biting , and Sweet : So of Odours or Scents , some are sweet ; as in Musk , Roses , Orris , &c. Others smart and stinging ; as in Brimstone : Others , stinking or nasty ; as in Bugs , and some Excrements : Others , sharp , as the Scent of Spike , &c. II. How Savours and Odours differ . But yet Scents and Tastes differ in this , that they do not consist in the same parts , nor affect the Organs after one and the same manner . For the particles that are productive of the sense of Taste , are moist ; whereas those that cause Odours , are very dry and subtil . They differ also , in that a savoury Object cannot move the sense , except it touch the Organ ; whereas a scented Object strikes the Organ at a distance : So that the Tongue , by its Moisture , takes out the Taste from the Object ; whereas the Nostrils only admit the Odour transmitted to them from the Object . III. The Nature of Odours consists in the efflux of Particles . Whence we may conclude , that the Nature of Odours consists in the Efflux of certain particles ; which being diffus'd in the Air , enter the inmost parts of the Nostrils , and there affect some Nerves derived from the Brain . This we perceive in Frankincense cast upon Coals , and any other Perfume , which evaporates in the Air , and is disperst into innumerable particles . Whence it is that Hard Bodies , which in their compact Nature afford no scent , when put to the fire yield an Odour ; because , by the forceable motion thereof , some of those particles are set at liberty , and diffused through the Air. 'T is for this Reason , that Spanish Wax , which we make use of to seal Letters , doth yield a sweet Scent , when put to the fire ; as also that one Stone rubbed against another ; and Iron violently struck by another Iron do send forth a smell , which before this motion was not perceptible . From which Instances it may appear also , that the Odours of Flowers consists in an Exhalation or Evaporation of some of the parts of them , which is the more evident , because when that is gone , they remain void of all smell . IV. Why som● Bodies have no Scent at all . Neither must we conclude from hence , that all manner of Effluvia that proceed from Bodies , must impress the sensation of Odour ; for besides the emanation of particles , it is required that they move the Organ , and that in such a manner as is fit to produce this sense . For the particles of some Bodies may be so very fine and small , that they cannot sufficiently move the Organ : Thus we find , that neither the Air we draw in , nor the Vapours that arise from the Water , do excite any sense of Smelling in us . And on the contrary , some Effluvia are so gross , that they cannot reach the Organ of Smelling ; or if they do , are more apt to spoil it , than to produce any sense of Smelling in it . V. The difference of Odours depends on the variety of Parts , that flow from a Body . The Diversity of Odours , for the most part , depends on the same Principle , whence the variety of Savours doth proceed ; that is , from that difference there is in the magnitude , motion and figure , of those particles that breath out from Odorous Bodies . Which we shall more readily assent to , if we consider that there is some Analogy or Resemblance between savoury and odorous Objects ; and that those which agree in taste , do generally agree in smell also . Thus all smart and biting Things to the taste , are also observ'd to have a sharp and stinging Smell ; and bitter Things , to have a scent that partakes something of Bitterness . The Reason whereof is , because the same Particles , which being mingled with Moisture , produce Taste or Savour ▪ when exhal'd into the Air , and entring our Nostrils create the sense of Smelling . In like manner Bodies that are insipid , are commonly also destitute of scent . Thus Unripe Fruits , which have no more than an imperfect Taste ( and the same may be said of Flowers ) yield little or no Odour . I said , that it is so for the most part , because it sometimes happens , that there is not this agreement between the Taste and Scent in Objects ; as appears in Roses and Myrrh , which tho' they yield a pleasant smell to the Nostrils , yet have a bitter and unpleasant Taste . VI. Why Odou● are more perceives in Hot Seasons and Climat . Nothing more conduceth to the production of Odours , than Heat ; because it readily opens and resolves Bodies . For as we see that Smoak is excited by Fire , and that the more subtil parts of the Wood are carried up into the Air : In like mannner Heat divides the parts of Bodies , dissolves their Texture , and makes way for them to fly abroad . For we observe that fruits and flowers smell by so much the more , as their Juice is better prepared by Heat , and more throughly digested . A Lilly , the more it hath been concocted with a lasting heat , the more odorous it is . Sweet Woods and Spices , the hotter the Countries are they grow in , the more strongly Sweet-scented they are ; as appears in Frankinsence , Storax , Myrrh , Balm of Gilead , &c. Because the Juice of Plants in those Countries being exceeding well digested , is the more easily resolv'd into an Odoriferous breath or steam . Wherefore it is not to be wondred at , that the Plants that grow with us are not so odorous , as those that grow in Arabia , and other hot and dry Countries ; because the Concoction cannot be perfected for want of Heat , the superfluous moisture hindring the more dry particles from exhaling into the Air. Hence it is that most things , when dried , do acquire a stronger Odour ; and for the same Reason , Ripe Fruits are more and better scented , than those which are unripe . This proves all Odorous things to be hot , and that they suffer a continual efflux of their parts . And therefore those who would preserve the Sweet-scentedness of Musk , do wrap it in Cotton , which doth entangle its Effluvia , and hinder it from exhaling too fast . Accordingly also we find , that in Colder weather scents are dull and weak , because Cold stops the Pores of Bodies , and by keeping their parts at rest , hinder them from breathing out in Exhalations . VII . Flowers smell more sweetly at a distance . Flowers are observ'd not to smell so sweet near at hand , as at a distance , if it be not too great . The Reason is , because they who put the flowers to their Nostrils , do take in many Heterogenous parts of Herbs , which are mingled or entangled with those of the flower , but are not able to accompany them at any distance , but are soon scatter'd in the Air , or fall down , because of their Thickness . Hence it is that a small quantity of Civet smells sweet , whereas a greater quantity of it rather stinks , and offends the smell . To which we may add , that the Odorous Exhalations scatter'd in the Air , become there strained and defoecated of their more gross and impure parts ; as we see that Water mingled with Wine , doth dull and weaken the smell , as well as the strength of it ; and therefore it is no wonder , that an Odorous Exhalation , that hath been diffused through the Air , is more grateful , than that which we draw from the Body it self , apply'd to our Nostrils . VIII . Perfumes waste continually . Forasmuch as Bodies continually send forth some of their Particles , we must conclude they cannot but waste by degrees . So we find , that those Sweet-scents that are excited by Heat , do waste by degrees , and at last lose all their Odour . But those Perfumes which do not stand in need of this Excitation by fire , as Musk and Civet , do not so soon consume , but continue their scent for a long time , without any sensible diminution ; because the agitation of their particles is very moderate , and consequently but a few of them are dispersed or lost in the Air. CHAP. XVI . Of the Diseases and Death of Plants . I. What is the Death of Plants . FOrasmuch as Contraries discover each others Nature , and that Life and Death are Contraries , it will not be difficult to find out why Plants do perish ; and what the Cause is , why they cease to be nourished ; to grow and increase ; and to express it in one word , why they die . For seeing that the Alimentary Juice is the immediate Principle of Motion in Plants , and that their Life doth consist in the due distribution thereof by Heat ; it evidently follows , that the death or perishing of Plants must consist in the defect of this Alimentary distribution . II. How many several ways Death may happen to Plants . But because this Defect may proceed from many Causes , we will first speak of the Distempers to which they are subject , and shew how many several ways their Vital functions may be perverted . For besides the undue disposition of their Parts ; as when the Top of them is too much bended down towards the Earth ; when they are full of knots , and when the distribution of their Aliment is interrupted by callous Bumps ; when their parts are separated ; or when they exceed , or are defective : I say , besides these , there are many other ways whereby they may be brought to their end ; as by an undue Temperature , when they are either choaked with too much Moisture , or consumed by too much Heat ; when they are shut up and grow stiff , by extream Cold ; or wither and pine away , by too much Drought . The Ancients reckon up those Distempers of Plants , which are described as followeth . III. The effect of Rubigo or Mildew , upon Pulse and Corn. The Disease called Rubigo , or Mildew , in Pulse and Corn , is caused by a Dewy Moisture , which falling upon them , and continuing there , for want of sufficient Heat of the Sun to draw it up , doth by its biting sharpness , or Acrimony , scorch and corrupt the inmost substance of the Seed . This Disease also seizeth Vines ; but may easily be prevented by cutting them later in the year ; for the late pruning of them , makes them to flower so much the later , which generally prevents this Evil , because it seldom happens towards the latter end of the Spring . Moist and Dewy places are most subject to this Damage ; as Vallies and shut up places , where the Winds have not their free Course ; High ground being not subject to it . IV. What Roration is . Roration ; which is a distemper of kin to that of Mildew , is , when by too much Rain or Dew , Vines are blasted in their flowering , and bring forth only small and dwindling Grapes . And after the same manner other Plants are also spoiled , whilst they are yet young and tender , and not sufficiently rooted . V. Uredo . Uredo , happens either when the Sun with too great heat scorcheth the Leaves and Clusters of Grapes , before that the Rainy or Dewy Moisture is shak'd off from them ; or when Rain or Snow , lying upon the Tendrils or Buds of the Vine , is by Cold congealed to Ice . VI. Carbunculation . Carbunculation , is the blasting of the new sprouted Buds of the Vine , in the Spring time ; because then the Vines are in danger to be smitten , either by the excessive Heat or Cold. For by too much Heat , the Texture of the strings or fibres of the Vine become so dissolved , as that thereby the Native disposition of the pores becomes wholly changed ; and again by Cold it is so comprest , that the pores thereby are shut up , and leave no passage for the Alimentary Juice . VII . Vermiculation . Vermiculation is nothig else , but the Infestation of Plants by Worms ; which Evil is very incident to Apple-trees , Pear-trees , and Fig-trees . For as Men , and other Animals , are subject to breed Worms , so Plants are obnoxious to the same distemper , especially such as bear sweet Fruits , for such as bear bitter or sharp Fruits ( excepting only the Olive-tree ) are never troubled therewith . The manner of these Insects infesting Plants is declared to us by MALPIGHIUS ; It is yet more wonderful , saith he , that commonly , by means of one or two Eggs of a Flie left upon the Leaf of a Vine , Oak , or other like , the whole Leaf becomes drawn together like a Purse about the said Egg , and so withers ; yea such is the strange force of one of these Eggs , that not only the Leaf on which it is laid , suffers thus , but the infection being communicated to the Stalk of the Leaf , and from thence to the sprig that sticks to it , and the Leaves that are on it , the whole Branch is twisted and writhed together , and so withers and dies . VIII . Defluvium . Defluvium , is a distemper whereby Trees , in the Spring-time especially , lose their Barks , by reason of some sharp humour , that dissolves the Glew whereby the Bark was fastned to the Wood , whereupon they wither and die , being deprived of their Barks ; except this Decortication be not round , but long-wise only , for then it is no prejudice to the Plants , unless it be very great indeed , especially in Resiniferous-trees whilst they are budding . This Distemper also proceeds sometimes from too much Drought , which young and tender Trees not being able to bear , they do easily shed their Leaves and Fruit. IX . A Wound . A deep wound made in any Tree kills it , except the Firr , Pine and the Turpentine-tree , which delight in being wounded , and by this means become fruitful , whereas they were Barren before : for they abounding with a Fat and Clammy Humour , do void part of it by the wound , and thus being unloaden of some of their superabundant moisture , are afterwards better nourished , and advance more in growth . X. How Plants Perish by a Natural Death . Plants , as Animals , perish two several ways , viz. by a Natural or Violent Death . Plants die naturally when Aliment is no longer transmitted to them from the Root ; or when the Heat , that drives it upwards , and distributes it into all parts , vanisheth . For Heat , as is before mentioned , is the Principle of all motion in Plants , and therefore when that ceaseth , all the Functions of Germination and Nutrition must needs cease with it . XI . How many ways Plants may d●● a viol●nt Death . Plants , may divers ways die violently ; as first by a wound received ; whereby we are not only to understand Cutting , Slitting , Pulling off the Bark , Boring or Lopping off the Top , but also Bruising , half Breaking , Tearing , &c. For tho' a Plant , whilst it is pluckt up out of the Ground , doth not suffer any wound , yet because the Passages whereby it drew in its Aliment , are stopt up , the parts that are towards the top must needs wither , and those that are near the Root must be choaked with the too great abundance of it . XII . By overmuch Heat . Plants also perish by too much Heat , when the Earth is parched by the Heat of the Sun , and all the Moisture or Juice dried up . Whence it is that young and tender Plants , do much sooner perish than those that are grown ; for by reason of their tenderness the Heat more easily penetrates their Pores and opens them , and so makes way for the Juice to get out . Moreover their Roots being not so deeply fixed in the ground , when their moisture is exhausted , they cannot so readily draw in more , to restore the Alimental Juice , they have lost . XIII . By extream cold . In like manner Plants perish by great Cold , which is very destructive to them when it is excessive , and especially when it comes after great Rain ; for since the particles of Water , that insinuate themselves into the Bladders of Plants , do very much distend them , they can no longer contain themselves within their Bounds , but breaking out beyond them , do spoil the connexion of their parts , whence follows their total destruction . Accordingly we find that Plants by great Cold are parched and scorched , much in the same manner as if they had endured the most scorching Heats of Summer . We might now proceed to the answering of some Queries , as why Trees that are pluckt up by the Roots , and Branches that are lopt off from the Tree , do continue to live for some time , and do not die presently ; why Wild Trees are longer liv'd than those that grow in Gardens and Orchards ; but having fully spoken to these in the IX . Chapter of my Natural History concerning Plants , I thither refer my Reader . CHAP. XVII . Of Animals , or Living Sensitive Creatures . I. What an Animal i● , AS Nature proceeds from simple things , to those that are more compound , and from meaner and viler things to those that are more noble ; in like manner having now treated of Plants , that are a meaner kind of Living Creatures , I proceed to Animals , who besides the Life which they have common with Plants , are partakers of a kind of Sense and Motion . For so Animals are usually defined Living Bodies , furnished with variety of Organs , and endued with Sense and Motion . I say , Living Bodies , because they consist of such a contexture of sensible and insensible parts , that they cannot only recover the parts they have lost , but being excited by objects , can agitate themselves by various motions . So that the matter of an Animal are its Parts , or those Bodily Substances , that complete its Body , and are designed for the due performing of several Actions . And the due and becoming Union of these Parts , whereby an Animal , both in respect of his sensible and insensible Parts , viz. Fibres , Nerves , Passages or Conduits Valvules , &c. is so disposed , as to be able duly to exert his several actions , is his Form. What their Sense is , shall be declared anon . II. Wherein the Life of Animals doth consist . The Life of Animals consists in a due disposition of Parts , and intense Heat , whereby the Alimentary Juice is digested , attenuated , changed and agitated . For the Parts of Animals are not so disposed , that the Alimentary Humour which is conveighed through them from the lower part , is from thence by an uniform tenor diffused every where , without any sensible heat , as in Plants : for in Animals there is a Part , which contains an enclosed Fire , to which the Alimentary Juice being conveighed by the Veins , doth there undergo an effervescence , and then from thence is driven through the Arteries , to moisten and quicken the whole Body ; till after having circulated through the whole Body , it return again through the veins out of the Arteries to the same living Fire , there to be heated and recruited a-fresh . Book . 1. Part. 7. Chap. 17 G. Freman Inv. I. Kip This Receptacle of Fire , in perfect Animals is the Heart , which is the most hot of all the rest of their Parts . Which Heat residing in the Heart , is called Natural , because it doth not presently vanish like to that heat , which is found in inanimate or lifeless things ; but is preserved in the coldest Season , and as long as the Life of Animals doth continue . And accordingly it is said to be the first part that lives , and the last that dies in Animals . IV. This Natural Heat is various , according to the difference of Age. Altho' this Native Heat do continue till the Death of the Living Sensitive Creature , yet it is not always in the same state , for as it encreaseth all the while Animals grow up to their perfection , so after that the same is attained , it decreaseth again and grows weaker , till it be wholly extinguisht . At the beginning of Life , when the more solid parts of the Body are yet soft and tender , they do not so much resist the motion of the Fluid parts , as when they are come to their full growth , and so because the fluid parts are less foceably moved , the heat excited by them is so much the weaker also . But in Old Age , when the more solid parts of the Body , and those more especially through which the Alimentary Juice or Chyle is strained , in order to the making of Blood , begin by degrees to grow harder , and have their pores less crooked and winding , the native heat must need thereby be changed and grow weaker . V. Wherein the Power of Sense and Motion that is in Animals doth consist . The Faculty therefore of Sense and Motion ( which by some is called the Sensitive Soul ) in Animals consists in a due disposition of the Parts , viz. their Nerves , Muscles , Spirits , Fibres , Joints and of their other Organs ; by the help whereof Animals become differently affected from outward and inward objects , and are carried from one place to another . For all Animals ( Man only excepted ) are a kind of Watches or Clocks , which by a fit adaptation of their parts , have a Bodily Principle of Motion in themselves , as long as they are well disposed , and have whatsoever is required to perform and exert the several actions to which they are design'd . For all the Effects we perceive in Animals ( Man excepted ) have no other cause or Principle but the Body , neither is their Sensitive Soul any thing , but the constitution and affection of their Bodily Organs , and the Spirits or the purest parts of the Blood , fitted to the Animal Life , and the exercise of the Senses . VI. What kind of Fire it is that is lodged in the Hearts of Animals And forasmuch as Heat is the Principle of all Motions in Animals , and that whatsoever belongs to Life or Sense is to be attributed to its continual motion ; we must enquire , what this Fire in the Heart is , and what its Effects are . This Natural Fire then , which Physicians generally adscribe to the Blood , is hot , but without Light , and not much unlike to that , which ariseth from the mixture of two Liquors , viz. Oyl of Tartar , and Oyl of Vitriol . The Reason is , because after that the greatest part of the Blood , which hath been rarefied in the Ventricles of the Heart , is conveighed thence , through the Arterial Vein and the Aorta , that Blood which still remains in the same Ventricles , and that which is a-new conveighed into them , from the Ear-Lappets of the Heart , have the same respect to one another , as the foresaid Liquors ; the one being instead of a Ferment or Leaven to the other , to dilate and warm it . VII . How this heat in the Heart comes to be perpetual . The Cause of the Perpetuity of this heat in the Heart is , partly because it is closely shut up and pent in there ; and partly because this Fire is nourished and fed in the Heart by the Blood of the Veins , generated of the Alimental Juices , heated by a kind of Fermentation , and running into the Heart : yet so , as that at the same time this Fire doth also in its turn impart a heat to the Blood , and thereby preserve the Fluidity and motion of it . VIII . The First effect of the Fire in the Heart , is the Dilatation of the Blood. The first effect therefore of this Fire is the Dilatation of the Blood , contain'd in the ventricles of the Heart , together with the warming and attenuating thereof . For it is common to all Liquors , that when they are distilled drop by drop into a very hot Vessel they presently swell and are dilated . Now the Blood being thus rarefied , wants a greater space , and therefore breaks forth from the Heart , much in the same manner , as the water resolved into Vapours , bursts forth from an Aeolipyle ; and the Blood that comes to supply the place of the former , rarefies in like manner as the former , and is extended to a far greater space . IX . Whence the Pulse of the Heart and Arteries doth proceed . From this successive Ingress and Egress of the Blood into and from the Heart , not only the Heart , but all the Arteries together , swell and are depressed ; whence follows the Pulse of the Heart and Arteries , which is as often repeated , as any new Blood enters into the Heart , and the Arteries are extended . For as soon as any part of the Blood enters into the hot Heart , it presently swells and becomes dilated , by which means it puffs up and distends the Heart , and endeavours to get out . Which since it cannot obtain through the same ways by which it entred into the Heart , because of the different situation of the Valves or Flood-gates of the Heart , it forceth open the other Valves that favours its escape , and so gets out . X. The Blood is carried throughout the whole Body of the Animal . And this is the true cause of the Bloods Motion throughout the whole Body ; for seeing that the Arteries and Veins that are fill'd with it , are continuous , and do not in the least hinder it from continuing its Motion , it cannot be otherwise , but that it must alternately , or by turns , with force break forth from the Heart , and from thence be driven into the Arteries and Veins . And it is by this means that the Blood derives the Heat it hath acquir'd in the Heart , to all the other parts of the Body . For the more frequent this motion of the Heart and Arteries is , the more Heat we find in our selves , and in so much the less time the Blood is carried to the utmost parts of the Body . XI ▪ The continual motion of the Blood is the Cause of the Animals growth . By this constant Circulation of the Blood all the Parts of the Body are nourished ; because the thinner and purer parts thereof , being separated from the Excrements , are added to the parts , taking up the place of some particles which they drive away thence , or also grow and encrease , when greater or more particles of Blood come to restore the parts , than can be received into their narrow Pores . And therefore we find , that whilst a Body suffers a continual loss of Blood it is not nourished , but wastes away , and consumes . XII . By the same motion the Animal Spirits are generated . By this perpetual Circulation of the Blood , the Animal Spirits are also generated , which are the most subtil and swiftly moved particles of the Blood , which like a most subtil Wind , or rather like a most pure Flame , do continuallv mount up to the Brain , fill its Cavities , and from thence through the Nerves , penetrate into the Muscles , and impart motion to all the Members . For we need not to seek for any other Cause , that makes those parts of the Blood , of which the Spirits are generated , to mount up towards the Brain , rather than to betake themselves elsewhere ; but this , because all the Blood that proceeds from the Heart , doth by a Right line tend that way . And forasmuch as in the Brain there is not room enough to contain them all , and the passages they are to go through are very narrow , the more subtil only of them get through , whilst those that are weaker and less agitated , are diffused throughout all the other parts of the Body . And therefore we see , that the Heads of many Animals do move after that they are separated from their Bodies , open their Eyes , and bite the Earth , tho' indeed they be destitute of Life . XIII . How the Animal differ from the Vital Spirits . The difference between the Animal and Vital Spirits is very small , or to speak properly none at all . For the Animal Spirit is nothing else , but the Vital better depurated , and freed from its grosser Particles in the Brain . Yet they are distinguish'd in this , that the Vital Spirit , being diffused with the Blood throughout the whole Body , doth promote and execute the Vital Functions , viz. Nutrition , Accretion , and Generation : Whereas the Animal Spirits , collected in the Brain , and from thence diffused through the Nerves into the Organs , are chiefly subservient to the Animal Functions , viz. Sense and Motion . XIV . Why the Animal Spirits are unequally distributed through the Body . But here it may be demanded , why these Animal Spirits , do not always flow alike from the Brain into the Muscles ; but are very unequally distributed , so as that frequently many more Spirits are sent to some Muscles , than to others ? I answer , That this proceeds chiefly from two Causes : The First is , the unequal agitation and figure of those Spirits , and the Parts that compose them . Which inequality may proceed from the various Dispositions of the Heart , Stomach , Spleen , and all other parts , which contribute any thing towards their Production . Or from the different matters of which the Spirits consist ; as may be seen in those that have drunk a great deal of Wine ; that the Vapours of the Wine swiftly entring the Blood , mount up from the Heart to the Brain , where they become turned into Spirits ; which being stronger , and in more abundace than those that commonly are there , may be able to agitate the Body in many various and wonderful manners . The other Cause is the Variety of those Motions , which are excited in the Organs of the Senses by their Objects . For it may be easily conceiv'd , that the figure and peculiar agitation of the Parts , which constitute the Spirits ; or the Action of Objects upon the Organs of the Senses ; or the Inclination of the Animal to this or the other Motion , determining the Spirits to enter into this Nerve rather , than into another , cause the Spirit to run into one Muscle , rather than into another : For such is the make or structure of the Muscles , that they swell upon the entring in of the Spirits , and consequently are contracted , and so by drawing those parts of the Body to which they are fastned , effect the motion of them . CHAP. XVIII . What the Souls of Brute Beasts are . I. The Definition of a Brute Beast A Brute Beast is by the Peripateticks commonly defined to be an Irrational Animal , or an Animal endued with Sense . Yea , they make them almost Rational , as supposing that some plain Foot-steps of Reason are observable in Beasts . But we on the contrary are persuaded , that a Beast is a meer Automaton or Engin ; that is , an Animal destitute of all Knowledge , and consequently may be thus defined : A Beast is an Artificial Engin or Machin of GOD , furnish'd with a various and wonderful structure of Organs , containing in it self a material Principle of Life , Motion and Sense . For herein Beasts do differ from Men , that these have an Immaterial or Intellectual Substance joyned to Matter ; which the former have not . II. What ha●● persuaded some , that Beasts make use of Reason . It cannot be deny'd , that there are some Actions in Brutes , which have a great resemblance with those that are in Men ; whence some have concluded , that they had the use of Reason , tho' in an inferiour degree , in comparison of Men. How comes it to pass , say they , that when a Dog in hunting comes to a place where 3 Ways meet , having laid his Nose to 2 of them , he immediately casts himself along the third ? How can it be conceiv'd , that Birds should be able to build their Nests , with such extraordinary Artifice and convenience for themselves and their young , if they be wholly destitute of Discourse and Reason ? These and other Actions of Animals , have racked the Brains of several , and forced them to allow some foot-steps of Reason to brute Beasts . But this Question will be easily determin'd , by supposing 2 things . III. Brutes 〈◊〉 not expres their own Thoughts . First , That no brute Animals , how perfect soever they be , can express their Thoughts ( if they have any ) by Words : Which yet all Men , how dull and stupid soever they be , can do ; neither are any of them so far distracted , but that they can discover their Affections by Words . The Reason of which difference doth not proceed from the Organs , seeing that several Animals , such as Parrots and Jackdaws , utter Articulate words , and yet for all that can never attain to our way of Speaking , that is , they can never manifest to others , that they understand what they pronounce . Whereas on the contrary , persons that are born Deaf , and to whom Nature hath deny'd the use of Speaking , can by signs discover their Conceptions to others , and make known what they desire or refuse , by their Gesture , Eyes , and the like . Now the want of this in Brutes , doth not only argue a less degree of Reason in them , but also strongly prove them to have none at all . IV. There are no signs taken up at pleasure , to be found in Brutes . In the Second place , we must suppose that the Signs which have been invented by Men to represent their Conceptions , do differ very much from those Natural Voices and Signs , which are genuine Expressions of Bodily Affections : Wherefore seeing the former are not to be found in Beasts , and that they are not able any way to express their Minds : neither must we allow them to have any use of Reason . V. Whether Beasit do Discourse together If any one will say , That Beasts do discourse and talk together ; this they must prove before we can believe them : For seeing they have Organs that are much like ours , why should they not be able to communicate their Thoughts to us , as well as to one another ? And tho' in some cases they act with extraordinary industry and exactness ; yet cannot we from thence infer , their acting according to Reason , for otherwise they would excel us in many things ; but only this , that Nature works in them according to the disposition of Organs : In like manner as a well-wrought Watch , doth more certainly and exactly distinguish the Hours , than we possibly could do with all our Study and Endeavour . VI. The Soul of Brutes consists in the Disposition of their Organs . I conclude therefore , that there is no Soul in Brutes , besides the Disposition of their Organs , and the figure of their Bodies ; and that all their motions depend only on the Influence of their Spirits , and the due Disposition of their Organs . Neither will this seem strange , if we consider , that even all our Actions , which we perform , without minding or giving heed to them , are produc'd by the same Cause , as Respiration , the Motion of our Heart , the Digestion of our Meat , and the like . For all these do not appear in the least different from those that are done by Engins . This is evident from one Instance , viz. that those who fall from on high , stretch forth their Hands to save their Heads , which they do without any assistance of the Soul ; but only because the structure of our Body is such , that the sight of an imminent Fall , being convey'd to the Brain , drives the Animal Spirits into those Nerves , that move the Arms and Hands : Seeing all this is done without the least advertence in the Soul. And thus we see the Reason , why a Sheep flees at the sight of a Wolf , even because the Light reflected from the Body of a Wolf , doth so agitate the strings of the Sheeps Optick Nerves , and consequently the Brain , that thereby the Animal Spirits are so driven into the Nerves , as to put the Members destinated for running into motion . VII . This confirmed by several places of Scripture . This Doctrin may be confirmed from several places of Scripture , which plainly asserts , that the Soul of Beasts is their Blood ; Levit. 17. 14. For the Life , or Soul , of all flesh , is the Blood of it . Gen. 9. 4. But Flesh with the Soul thereof , which is the Blood thereof , shall ye not eat . Deut. 12. 23. Only be sure that thou eat not the Blood , for the Blood is the Soul. From whence we may evidently conclude , That the Life of Animals consists in the continual flowing of the Blood and Vital Spirits to the Brain , and other parts of the Body . And therefore , that we need not search for any other Cause of those motions we find in Beasts , but the Influence of Spirits , and the Disposition of their Organs . VIII . How Dogs light upon the true Trace of the Hare . As to that Objection , That Dogs , after they have laid their Noses to two Ways , without any further haesitation , betake themselves to the Third ; we say ▪ that this is not done by them from any Reasoning . but only because in that third Way they meet with the Scent of the Beast , which they did not find in the two other . Neither doth the building of Nests argue any force of Reason to be in Birds ; because all the Nests that are built by Birds of the same kind , are all of them built after one and the same manner , which would not be so , in case they acted according to the dictates of Reason : For we find that Men who act so , build their Houses with the greatest variety , according to the different Suggestions of their Rational Faculty . IX . How Life and Sense may be allowed to Beasts . Neither do we altogether deny Life to brute Beasts , but freely allow them such an one ; the Activity whereof proceeds from the disposition and structure of their Bodies . Nor Sense neither , if it be only taken for a Bodily Affection of the Members , outwardly and inwardly fitly disposed and aptly joyned , to perform this or the other motion . We grant also , that Beasts do many Actions by Nature , like to those which Men perform of Choice and deliberately ; but withal assert , that the various and sudden motions of Beasts , do not argue them to have a Knowing Soul , but only a most curious and exactly proportionate composure of Parts , so as that the least thing is sufficient to put it in motion : And that this is possible , we prove by that Wooden Statue of Venus , which was so Artificially made by DAEDALUS , that it could walk up and down : And by the Wooden-Dove , made by ARCHYTAS of Tarentum , which did fly about in the Air. X. Whether Apes are to be accounted Rational Creatures . You 'l say , that Apes do many things that manifestly prove them to have the use of Reason ; as appears in that when they go out to fight , they observe exact Military Order , and range their Armies as Men do ; as also , in that they bury their dead , and perform many other such like Actions , which demonstrate them to be , in some degree , Reasonable Creatures . To this I Answer , That all these Actions are performed by Monkies naturally . For as Watches point the Hours , so Beasts perform their Actions by Instinct : Neither is it a matter of greater wonder , that Monkies do marshal their Armies , supposing it to be true what Historians relate of them , or bury their Dead ; than that Dogs and Cats , after they have voided their Excrements , scrape up the Earth round about , to cover them from the Eyes of Men ; tho' indeed they seldom do it to any purpose ; that is to say , so as to hide them wholly . Whence it is evident , that they act meerly by Instinct , and without any advertency of what they do ; and that there is nothing more in them , than there is in any curious Clock-work or Machin . XI . If Brutes have a Soul , it must be Immortal . Conclude we therefore , that Beasts perform all their Actions , whether Sensitive or Motive , only by the Texture and Disposition of their Parts , without any thing of Thinking , tho' in the most imperfect degree imaginable . For if we allow Brutes to be endued with Understanding , be it never so mean and imperfect , then we cannot deny them the Priviledge of a Soul ; and so shall be forc'd to own , that Monkies , Dogs , Foxes , &c. have Souls , as well as Men : And if we grant this , we must also allow , that this Soul is Spiritual and Immortal ; because Thinking , wherein the Essence of the Soul consists , is not a Mode of the Body , neither doth in the least depend on it . XII . If Brutes have Souls , they will not be distinguish'd from Men. Moreover , supposing the Souls of Beasts to be Spiritual and Indivisible , it will follow that they are also Immortal : Neither is there any Argument drawn from the Light of Reason , whereby we can prove the Immortality of Human Souls , which will not as well prove the same concerning the Souls of Beasts . Besides , if we allow Knowledge to Brutes , we must also make them capable of Religion ; for to imagin a Knowing or Thinking Creature , without being under an Obligation to obey GOD , and pay Religious Duties to him , is repugnant . For if the Souls of Beasts be Knowing , they will in the first place know themselves ; and it is impossible , but that by knowing themselves they should be led to the knowledge of their Creatour . Which Opinions would pave a ready way to Atheism . This Question is discust more at large in my Dissertation , of the want of Sense and Knowledge in Brutes ; to which the Reader may have recourse . CHAP. XIX . Of Fourfooted Beasts and Reptils , or Creeping things . I. The Division of an Animal into Rational and Irrational , is no true Division . AN Animal is commonly divided , in the Schools , into Rational and Irrational , as into two Members that take in the whole Nature of Animal , and comprehend all its several species . But since ARISTOTLE himself doth not approve of this Division , because one of the Terms of it is a Privation of the other ; for he declares , that all Divisions so exprest are illegitimate ; none will think strange if we reject it for the same Reason . For the word Irrational , or Unreasonable , represents no positive Idea , which yet is requisite to constitute the difference of several species or kinds . Besides , every Division must be exprest in such terms , as do explain and lay open the Natures of the things divided ; whereas by Negative terms , neither any Attributes nor Properties are declared ; and consequently the Division of Animal into Rational and Irrational , is to be rejected , and to be reckon'd amongst those which are good for nothing else , but to render the Nature of things dark and obscure . II. Of Animals , some are Terrestrial , some Volatile , and others Aquatile . An Animal therefore may more commodiously be divided into Terrestrial , Volatile or Flying , and Aquatile or Swimming , from the places where they live , and the motions they exert . III. What a Terrestrial Animal is . We call those Terrestrial Animals , that live on the surface of the Earth ; whereof some be Four-footed , that go upon four Feet ; and others Reptils , which wanting Feet , do move themselves by Creeping . Fourfooted Beasts do go by setting their Feet one before another , after the same manner as other Animals that have 2 Feet , or more than 4. To the performing of which progressive motion are generally required Toes , Feet , Shin-bones , Legs , which together with the Nerves , Muscles , Tendons , Ligaments , Gristles and Membrans , constitute the Organs of Progressive motion . The Bones belonging to this Organ are in several places joyned by Articulation , the round Head of the one being lodg'd in the Hollow of the other . The Toes consist of many Joints , to which the Instep is joyned , and to that the Heel , and the Bone call'd Navicularis or Cyboides ; the Leg is joyned by articulation with the Ankle , and the Thigh with the Hip-bone , and the Shank or Leg. Progressive motion therefore is performed , when one of the Legs standing still upon the ground , the other is thrust out forwards : For the Legs are not moved both together , but by turns ; so that whilst Animals go forwards , the Muscles act their several Parts , and the Thigh is turned in the Hip-bone , and the Ankle about the Leg. IV. Circumstances accompanying the Progressive motion of a Man. Whence it follows , that a Man ▪ for Example , cannot walk directly in a Right line ; because as he goes , he rests himself sometimes on one Leg , and sometimes on another , so that both his Legs or Feet are not moved in a Right line , but according to 2 Parallel lines , which seem to be Right lines . It follows also , that a Man that goes or walks ▪ doth continually rest or stay himself upon the Earth ; because one of his Feet doth always stand firm on the Earth , till the other comes to take its turn : Whence it follows , that it is only the Foot that stands still , that makes the Bulk or Trunk of the Body to move forwards . It follows also , that the advancing Foot moves as fast again , as the Trunk of the Body : For seeing that the Body advanceth continually , and that the Feet advance only by turns , one half of the time must be allow'd for the Resting , and the other for the Advancing ; and that consequently the Foot that advanceth , by moving as fast again , doth compensate the delay of its resting . V. Of Foure footed Beasts , some are Viviparous ▪ and other● Oviparous . Amongst Fourfooted Beasts , some are greater ; as the Horse , Elephant , Camel , &c. Some of a mean Bigness ; as the Dog , Lion , Sheep , Cat , &c. Some Little ; as the Rat , Mouse , &c. And of these , some are Viviparous , that bring forth living Births ; and others , Oviparous , that lay Eggs. VI. What Animals are Viviparou● ▪ and what Oviparous . Those are Viviparous , that bring forth a living and perfect Animal ; and Oviparous are those that lay Eggs , whence an Animal afterwards is hatched : Such as are the Crododile , the Lizard , Frogs , Tortoises , whether of the Land or Sea. It is matter of Wonder , that the Crocodile , so vast a Creature , which commonly grows to the length of 15 Cubits , should proceed from an Egg no bigger than that of a Goose . Lizards , whether those of the greater sort , that are green , or those other that are distinguish'd with shining Stars , are propagated by Eggs. The Tortoise of the Earth , lays Eggs with a Yolk in them , which it covers with Earth , and by the warmth thereof are hatched ; whereas the Sea-Tortoise covers hers with the Sand of the Sea-shoar . Serpents also are Oviparous , and commonly lay their Eggs in Horse-dung , or near to the heat of an Oven or Furnace , because they cannot hatch them themselves , as Birds do . Book . 1. Part. 7. Chap. 20. G. Freman In. I. Kip Sculp . To the Worshipfull Chichester Graham of Norton-Conyers in the north Rideing of york-shire Esqr. And to Anne his Wife , daughter and Heyress of Thomas Thweng of Kilton Castle in Cleaveland in the Said County Esqr. deceased This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . G. Freeman Invent : M Vander Gucht . scul . CHAP. XX. Of Flying Animals , or Birds . I. What Birds are , and why the Eagle is said to be the King of Birds . FLying Animals are commonly called Birds or Fowl ; and are distinguish'd from others , for that they fly in the Air. The Eagle is accounted to be the King of them , because of the Strength of his Body , the Height of his Flight , the Sharpness of his Sight , and the Nobleness or Generosity of his Temper . II. The various kinds of Birds . There are innumerable Kinds of Birds ; and forasmuch as it is next to impossible to speak of all the Individuals of them , I shall content my self to enumerate their Principal kinds , as they are distinguish'd according to their several ways of Feeding . Some are Carnivorous , or such as feed upon Flesh , commonly called Ravenous : And these again are of two kinds , viz. such as have Crooked Bills ; as the Eagle , the several sorts of Hawks , &c. Others have a more strait and sharp-pointed Bill or Beak ; as the Raven , the Jack-Daw , Mag-Pye , Crow or Rook , &c. Another kind are Vermivorous , or such as feed upon Worms ; as the Nightingal , Wood-Cock , Snipe , Wood-pecker , Titmouse , Wren , &c. Another Baccivorous , or such as feed upon Berries ; as are the Thrush , Black-bird , the Starling , &c. Others are Granivorous , that feed upon Corn and other Seeds : And of these again , some love to be scraping and tumbling in the Dust ; as Cocks and Hens , the Peacock , remarkable for his beautiful Tail , the Bustard and Partridge . Others love to wash and dip themselves in Water ; as amongst Singing-Birds ; the Linnet , the Ligury , the Lark , &c. III. All Birds go upon two Feet only . Birds have only two Feet , and those either plain and flat ; as Swans , Ducks , Geese , and all Water-Fowl : Or else have their Claws sever'd and divided ; as Eagles , Sparrows , Swallows , Pigeons , &c. Some Report , that the Manucodiata , or Bird of Paradise , hath no Feet , but always hovers in the Air , and is never found upon the Earth , but when dead : But Reason and Experience evince the falshood of this Story . For all Animals stand in need of Sleep , which these cannot take in the Air , especially being always in a hovering motion . IV. That the Bird of Paradise hath Feet . And as to those who imagin , that the Birds of Paradise take their Rest hovering in the Air , by reason of the Lightness of their Body , and the Largeness of their Wings and Feathers , and never fall down to the ground till they be dead ; I would fain know of these Men , why they do not fall down to the ground when they are asleep , as well as when they are dead ; forasmuch as in Sleep all the Senses are lock'd up , and all motions of the Members cease ? But that all Doubt may be taken away in this Point , let us consult such as have been Eye-witnesses . ANTONY PIGAFESTA , a Famous Traveller , in the Diary of his 〈…〉 then sell to Strangers , or stick them in their Caps or Helmets , for Ornaments sake . V. Birds proceed from Eggs. Birds are the Product of Prolifick Eggs , that is , such as have been invigorated by the Male , and presuppose the fruitfulness of the Female . For as an Egg without the Cock's Treading is addle ; so the Hen , by producing that Cavity which is in the Yolk , doth contribute likewise to the fruitfulness thereof . This will be the better understood by distinguishing the Egg into 2 Parts , viz. into the Yolk and White . The Yolk is of a yellow Colour , tending to Red , as being nourished by Blood ; which is manifest from those small Veins , that are disperst throughout its outward Coat or Membran . Besides this Coat , there is also another very thin one , by means whereof the Yolk hangs to the Cluster , so called , and covers the whole Yolk , and conveys Veins and other Vessels to it , by means whereof the Alimentary Juice is transmitted . The White is the more Outside ▪ part of the Egg , yielding copious Nourishment , but somewhat of a colder Temperament , and not so easie of digestion as the Yolk : It consists of a fibrous or stringy Matter , and therefore is easily coagulated , growing hard with the least heat . At the Broad-end of the Egg a little Hollow is found , where the Chicken begins to be formed ; and this proceeds from the Hen only . Besides these , there are found in Eggs 2 Specks , call'd by us the Cock's Threadles , in which the plastick or formative Virtue of the Egg is supposed to consist , according to the Opinion of the Common People ; but it is a Mistake , seeing they are found in all Eggs , as well in those that are addle , as the prolifick . An Egg therefore becomes fruitful , when the Seed of the Cock is joyned to that Hollow or Scar in the Egg before-mention'd , which proceeds from the Hen. For it is not to be question'd , but that the Seed of the Cock doth reach the Womb of the Hen , and as it were , takes root in the Cells thereof ; whence the Rudiment of the Chicken afterwards buds forth . VI. The Progress of the Forming of a Chick , the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5th Day . When the Hen therefore sits upon the Egg , and excites the Bud , or prolifick part of it by its heat , the strings or fibres become dilated or extended into several concentrical Rounds or Circles , and the Chicken becomes formed by degrees . For the second day of the Hens sitting , the Hollow that is at the broad end of the Egg , begins to be dilated , and becomes a Bubble , the thinner particles of it being exhaled by Heat , those only remaining that constitute that most clear water , wherewith the Bubble is filled . On the Fourth day a Purple Spot , or Reddish point appears , which is the Rudiment and first beginning of the Heart , and from whence a short time afterwards proceed many little Veins of the same colour , but almost invisible by reason of their fineness and subtilty , and which afterwards end in the Umbilicary or Navel Vessels . On the Fifth day there appear in this Rudiment of the Heart , 2 Ventricles , and as many Ear-lappets ; and because the Ventricle or Right Cavity is contracted , when the Ear-lappet that is joined to it is dilated , they seem to be 2 Bladders . The same day , there appears something in the likeness of a Worm , joined to the little Vein , to which the round little Body is annexed , but bigger than it , being distinguisht into 4 Bubbles filled with a most clear and Christalline Liquor . Which 4 Bubbles do represent both the Eyes , the Brain , and the Cerebellum or hinder part of the Brain . VII . What is formed in the Chick the succeeding days . On the Sixth day the Feet and Wings of the Chicken are formed , the Coats and Membrans of the Eye begin to appear , as likewise the first beginnings of the Lungs and Liver . Also the Bill or Beak and all the Guts and Inwards . At the same time the Chicken begins to move it self a little , and to lift up its Head. Then also the Rudiments of the Bones begin to be formed , appearing like so many thin Spider Webs . On the Seventh day all the parts begin to appear more distinct , and so encreasing every day till the Tenth , wherein all its parts are compleated . For the Head then appears greater than all the rest of the Body ; and the Eyes bigger than the Head ; and in this state the Chicken swims on the Colliquamentum or dissolved White of the Egg. After the Fourteenth day , all its members appear still more distinctly : for then it begins to be covered with Feathers , the inwards begin to be hid , and the hinder part of the Brain begins to be pent up in the Skull ; the Chicken begins to Peep or Cheep , and being no longer able to bear the straightness of his pent up Room , after having first consum'd the White , and afterwards the Yolk also , it breaks through the Shell and comes forth . VIII . It is probable that a Chick and other Animals , are not formed by Parts , but all together . This is the Progress our Eyes discover in the forming of a Chicken , because it appears such to the unassisted Eye . But when we take in the Verdict of the Microscope , as MALPIGHIUS did , there will appear to us in every Fruitful or Prolifick Egg ( for in the Addle , no such thing is to be found ) before the Incubation of the Hen , the first Rudiments of the Chicken ; in like manner as sometimes , even without the assistance of a Microscope , we can discern the first Lineaments of a Plant in the Bud of it . This is very evident in a Tulip , for if in the Winter time we view the Bud of it , either with a Magnifying Glass , or only with our bare Eye , we shall not only see the Leaves , which afterwards turn Green , but also those that constitute the Flower of the Tulip , with the Triangular part of it enclosed in the Grain , and last of all those little 6 Pillars , which surround it , at the bottom of the Tulip . And accordingly it seems probable , that as a Flower contains a Flower , so an Animal contains another whole and compleat Animal , tho' sometimes the same be not discoverable , but with the assistance of a Microscope . IX . How Birds do fly in the Air by the Help of their Wings Birds with the help of their Wings , keep themselves up , and move in the Air ; because the Air resists the swift agitation of their Wings , and opposeth their descent or falling down . For tho' the Air be very pliable , and ready to give way to other Bodies , yet it indeed makes a great resistance , and like the Water , opposeth the entrance even of Heavy Things . For we see that when Boyes skin Stones along the surface of a smooth River or Pond , the Water resists them , and makes them by several rebounds leap up from the Water which opposeth their entrance . Yea many times the Bullets discharged from great Guns are seen to graze along , and rebound from the Water , so that sometimes men that are walking on the Bank or Shoar are sometimes wounded and killed , by Bullets so rebounding from the Water . And in the same manner are Birds borne up in the Air , and tho' they be heavier than it , yet by the spreading and continual beating of their Wings , they are supported in the midst of it . X. Two things are required to the Flight in Birds . To the flying of Birds 2 things are requisit , First the spreading of their Feathers , the single Hairs whereof are so intangled , that the Air cannot enter through them without some difficulty , from whence the resistance ariseth . Secondly , the expansion of their Wings , and their beating of the Air with them , and that either leisurely , as Kites do , or more frequently like Doves , or very fast as the Felfare . And accordingly by the Prevalence of this resistance , the force of Gravity is overcome , and the Body of the Bird continues poised in the Air. XI . How Birds move themselves this way and that way . Moreover forasmuch as Birds do not only press the Air , and hover in it , but also move up and down ; it is necessary that the Wings which bear them up , be thrust backwards ; that so by the resistance of the Air behind them , they may be forwarded in their progressive Motion . For the structure of a Birds Wings is such , that the hollowness of them forward , and their prominence backward , do both concur to beat back the Air. A Resemblance whereof we meet with in those that swim , who if they do only press the Water , with their Belly and Hands , without beating it back with their Feet , they cannot move forwards ; no more than a Ship can advance if the Water be only divided by the Oars , without they be thrust or moved backwards . Birds therefore in order to their moving forwards , and passing this way and that way , must beat back the Air behind them . And whereas some Birds fly much more swiftly and strongly than others , as the Swallow , the Pigeon and the long-winged Hawks ; the reason thereof is , either the more advantageous make and frame of their Wings , or the strength of their Muscles wherewith they move them , or the proportion of Heaviness or force that is in their Bodies . Book . 1. Part. 7. Chap. 21. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip. Sculp . XIII . The Tail of Birds only moves upwards and downwards . And that we may the better apprehend how the Tail of Birds serves them to turn downwards or upwards : Let us suppose a Bird AB , whose Center of Gravity is C , flying Horizontally from G to F , and that in flying he rear his Tail BH ; this supposed , it is manifest , that the Air , which resists the Tail BH , makes the whole Body of the Bird turn about the Point C , that it may take the situation LK , wherein the Head raiseth it self from A to L ; and on the contrary , when the Tail is turned downwards to BI , the resisting Air makes the Body of the Bird to turn about the same Point C , for to take the posture NO , wherein the Head of the Bird doth lower it self from A to O. CHAP. XXI . Of Swimming Animals , or Fishes . I. The Whale is the greatest of all Fishes . FIshes , because they live in the Water , and move themselves by way of Swimming , are called Aquatiles . The most bulky of these , and as it were the Prince of them all , is the Whale , very common in the Indian Sea , to whom PLINY assigns the largeness of 4 Acres , which make out in length 960 Foot. PARAEUS makes mention of one that was taken in the River Schelde , 10 Miles from Antwerp , in the Year 1577 , which was 58 Foot long , 16 Foot high , and its Tail 14 Foot broad ; the distance from his Eye , to the entrance of his Mouth , 16 Foot ; his Under-Jaw was of 6 Foot furnish'd with 25 Teeth , to which in the Upper-Jaw were answering so many Cavities , wherein , upon the shutting of his Jaws , they were hid . A Whale is distinguish'd from other Fishes , in that it hath , besides Lungs , Kidneys , Arteries , Bladder and Genitals , a great Pipe in the fore-part of its Head instead of Gills , by which with great force it spouts again out the Water it receives into its Body . II. The Difference of Fishes with respect to the several places they delight in , and their coverings . There be many differences of Fishes taken from the coverings of their Bodies , or from the Place they delight in . With regard to the Place some are Sea-fish , others River-fish , and others such as delight in Lakes and Ponds . With respect to their covering , some are Scaly , some covered only with a Skin , and that either with a smooth , or rough one . Amongst Sea-fish some are called Littoral , because they delight in the neighbourhood of the Shoar , such are amongst the Scaly Fishes the Roach , and the Trout , &c. and of the smooth skin'd Fishes , the Mackrel and the Eel ; others are called in Latin Saxatiles , because they delight in Stony Places , as the Gilthead , common in the Sea of Crete , the Gudgeon , the Hornback , some pass from the Sea into Rivers , as the Salmon , the Lamprey , &c. III. Fishes are propagated by Copulation . Some have been of the opinion that Fishes were not generated by Copulation , but that the Female swimming before did scatter her Spawn , which the Male following her did impregnate , by pouring his Milt upon them . But this is a mistake , for Fishes do copulate , which would be altogether in vain , in case the foresaid opinion were true . Besides how can we conceive that the Spawn or Eggs of the Female Fishes , should be sprinkled with the Milt of the Males , seeing that it would by mixing with the water lose all its virtue . Neither can we build much upon ARISTOTLES Authority in this Case , forasmuch as he doth not prove it by any Experiment . And in his 3 d Book de Animal . Cap. 7. he owns the thing to be doubtful . Fishes therefore are generated by Copulation as all other Oviparous Animals are : but to what purpose would this Copulation be , if the Male doth not by his Emission render the Eggs of the Female fruitful ? Besides , it is observed that the Males abound with Milt at the same time that the Females abound with Spawn or Eggs , and that then is the time of their Copulation . And it is at the same time that the Males follow the Females , not that they may besprinkle the scattered Eggs , but that by their repeated Copulation , they may impregnate other of the Females Eggs that are ready to be Spawn'd : as we see that to the same end a Cock doth often tread the Hen : for seeing that Fishes , above other Animals , do abound in Eggs , they can never all of them be impregnated by one act of Copulation . From this way of Generation we are to except the Dolphin and the Whale , which are not Oviparous , but bring forth living Births , and therefore their way of Copulation is different , and their Breasts are filled with Milk , contrary to the nature of other Fishes . IV. Many Monsters are found amongst Fishes . Amongst Fishes there be many that are called Monstrous , as the Hippopotamus or the River Horse , because it resembles a Horse , yet not so much in Figure , as in its Bulk . For it hath Ears like a Bear , and a Mouth wider than that of a Lion , with very great Eyes , and a very short Neck , or none at all ; it hath the Tail of a Swine , with short Feet , and a divided Hoof like a Hog . ARISTOTLE describes this Animal Lib. 2. Hist. Animal . thus ; The River-horse , saith he , which Egypt brings forth , hath the Mane of a Horse , a round Hoof like a Pipe or Tube , a flat Snout , and an Anckle like those that divide the Hoof in two , Teeth somewhat prominent and sticking out , the Tail of a Swine , the Voice of a Horse , the bigness or bulk of an Ass ; the thickness of his Hide being such , that they make Hunting-staffs of it ; and all the inward parts of it resembling those of an Ass or Horse ; which is the account PLINY gives us from Aristotle . The Sea-calf is also accounted a Sea-monster , for it differs from all other Fishes in the shape of its Body , insomuch that ARISTOTLE ranks it amongst 4 footed Beasts . This Monster hath short Arms , without any Elbow ; and for the rest hath some resemblance with our Bodies : It consists of many Bones , and is covered with a thick Hide , full of dark couloured Hairs , drawing towards an Ash-colour : the Head of it is but little with respect to its Body , and its Neck is long , which it can stretch out , and draw in at its pleasure ; it hath no Ears , but instead thereof only some open holes ; its lower Jaw resembles that of a Wolf , but the upper is much broader than those of the same Animal ; his Nostrils are very like that of a Calf , his Teeth like those of a Wolf , and his Eyes are of a changeable and uncertain colour . A Thornback also is a very deformed and monstrous Fish , but being so commonly known , there is no need to insist upon the Description thereof . V. The Peripateticks following their Master , deny all Respiration to Fishes . Forasmuch as Respiration is ordained by Nature for the Cooling of the Blood , and to send away the vapours and smutty steams proceeding from the Body , which would otherwise stop the Blood from entring into the left Ventricle of the Heart , if they were not emitted out ; it hath been a question controverted amongst the Antients , whether Fishes and other Animals that want Lungs do breath or no. This is commonly denied by the Perepateticks upon their Masters Authority , who by no means will allow any Respiration in Fishes . VI. Fishes breathe by the drawing in , and letting out of their Breath . But our Modern Philosophers and Physicians , tho' they cannot allow Fishes such a Respiration as is performed by the Contraction and Dilatation of the Midrif , and Lungs , since they take for granted that Fishes ( except Whales and Dolphins ) have no Lungs , yet neither do they deny them such a Respiration as consists in the drawing in of Air or the like Halituous Matter , in order to the cooling of their Blood. Pliny joins with this opinion , Lib. 9. Cap. 7. because , saith he , instead of Lungs they have other Organs for Breathing , and instead of Blood some other Equivalent humour . Neither do we want reason wherewith to back this opinion ; for the end of Respiration is the cooling of the Heart , and the cherishing and refreshing of the Vital Spirits : now both of these are necessary to the preservation of the Life of Fishes . Besides , why were Gills given to Fishes , but that through them the Water , either alone by it self , or mingled with the Air , might be conveighed to the Heart , and afterwards cast out again ? But who will not be convinced that Fishes must take in the Air by Respiration , when we find that they die without it ? For if Fishes be shut up in a Vessel with a narrow Mouth , full of Water , they may be kept alive there for many Months , if the mouth of it be kept open , but if it be shut up they die immediately , which would never be if they did not stand in need of Air , or if Water alone were sufficient for the cooling of their Heart . VII . The Respiration of Fishes proved by Experiment . And what is very observable herein , is that as soon as the Vessel is stopt the Fish get themselves up to the top of the Water , to take in some Air , which they do not do whilst the Vessel is open , but play up and down the Vessel . Wherefore RONDELETIUS in his 4 th . Book of Fishes , Cap. 9. saith , that the greatest Fishes , and those that have Lungs do draw in the Air together with the Water ; and cast it out again by the same Pipe , whereby they draw in their Breath : and in this manner do Whales , Dolphins and Whirlpools ( a Fish so called ) draw their Breath . Others perform this Respiration by the Lungs , only without the assistance of a Pipe to cast out the Water , as Sea Tortises or Tortles , and those of Rivers and Lakes ; as also Sea-Calves , who have wide Nostrils , and a very strait Windpipe , by which means they spout out the Water again through their Nostrils , but retain the Air. All other Fishes that have either open or closed Gills , do with them draw in the Air , and at the same time cast out the Water . Oysters which are covered only with a very thin Skin , seem to breath through the Pores thereof . And in a Word , all Animals living in the Waters , according as their heat is more intense or remiss , or according as their Spirits are more or less copious , so they have a several way of Respiration . VIII . The Life of all Animals is preserved by the Air. Neither indeed is there any Animal in the Universe , which is not preserved by the Air , as is manifest from the Pneumatick Engine of Mr. BOYL , in which whatsoever Animals are put , excepting only Oysters and Crabs , die immediately . The same thing is yet more evident in Insects , in whose Rings 2 Holes are discernible ; which when they are stopt with Oil or any other glewy or clammy Liquor , so that the Air cannot have its free entrance , the Animal presently begins to languish , and after some Convulsive Motions expires . IX . Why a Man cannot breathe under water . But you will object with ARISTOTLE , that if the Air do penetrate the Water , and reacheth to the very heart of Fishes ; why then for the same reason a Man may not as well fetch his Breath under Water ? I Answer , that the cause thereof is , because Man living in the Air , doth continually attract it very copiously , whereas that portion of Air which is in the Pores of the Water , is very inconsiderable if compared with that which Men naturally take in , and therefore is not sufficient to answer that end . Moreover , for want of Air the Water is drawn into the Lungs , and there being no way to cast it out , because of other Water still coming in , it oppresseth the Heart , and choaks a Man. Whereas Fishes are furnisht with Gills , by the help whereof they cast out the VVater , nor suffer it to come to their inwards , but the Air only , whereby the heat of their Heart is allayed and their Vital Spirits preserved . X. How Fishes swim . The Swimming of Fishes , doth somewhat resemble the Flying of Birds : for their Fins are instead of VVings , as also their Tail. These consist of Membranes , joyned together by long Fibres , and which can be distended or contracted and turned every way . XI . What instruments the Fishes use to move themselves in swimming . There are in all Fishes , Bladders full of Air , which according as they are comprest or dilated , so the Fishes are poised on the waters . For it hath been observed that a Fish , whose Airy Bladder had been broken in the empty Recipient of the Pneumatical Pump , could never , during a whole Months time , that it lived in a Fish-pond , rise to the top of the water , but was fain to keep at the bottom of it . According therefore as Fishes do contract or dilate the said Bladder , so they encrease or diminish the bulk of their Body , and accordingly also do diminish or increase their weight ; and by this means they can either dive to the bottom of the water , or mount to the top of it . Much after the same manner as Glass Bubbles , or Figures hanging in a Glass Tube full of water are made to go down to the bottom , or to come up to the top at pleasure . Book . 1. Part. 7. Chap. 22 ▪ G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To Mr. Iohn Ieffreys only Son and Heyre of Iohn Ieffreys of Llywell in Brecknock shire , and of the Citty of London Esq r , by Elizabeth his wife . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . XIII . Of Flying Fishes . Amongst Fishes there are some that fly ; as the Sea-Swallow , and the Sea-Hawk , so called , which have fins joyned to their Gills of that length , that they reach almost to their Tails . These sometimes fly in such vast Shoals in the Air , as PLINY tells us , that they encumber Vessels in their Course , and sometimes make them sink . But they never fly high in the Air , but keep close to the Surface of the VVater ; so that some question , whether the Sea-Hawks fly or swim . They continue thus hovering in the Air as long as their Fins are wet ; and as soon as they are dry , fall down again into the VVater . CHAP. XXII . Of Insects . I. Four kinds of Bloodless Animals . ARISTOTLE reckons up 4 kinds of Bloodless Animals : Such as are soft , as the Polypus or Pourcoutel , the Cuttle-fish , &c. Such as are cover'd with a hard Shell , and difficult to be broken ; as the Crab , Lobster , &c. Such as are cover'd with a Shell that is brittle and easily broken ; as Cockles , Perwinkles , and other small Shell Fishes ; and of these there is so great a variety , with respect to figure and colour , that they cannot all of them be reckon'd up . And , Lastly , Insects , so called from the Intersections and Divisions of their Bodies ; which also are styled by ALBERTUS MAGNUS , Annulata , as consisting of several Rings . II. The great variety of Insects , with relation to the place wherein they live . The Variety of Insects is very great , with respect to their Food , the quality of their Bodies , and the Place in which they live . As to the Place , Hairy and Red VVorms are generated in the Snow : Fire-flies , which some suppose to be Crickets , in the Fire . Which I have spoke of in my History of Nature , in the Part that treats of Animals . In the Sea , the Sea Scolopendra , and VVater-Flea : In Fresh-waters , Leeches , Horse-Leeches , &c. In the Earth , Earth-VVorms ; between the Barks of Trees , VVood-Lice ; in Fig-trees , a certain Worm called Cerasses ; in the Service-tree , Red and Hairy VVorms ; in Vines , the Worms called Butyri , &c. III. The difference of Infects , with respect to their Parts . As to their Parts , some Insects have no feet , others have . All VVorms are without feet , as well those which are generated in the Earth , as Earth-VVorms ; as those that breed in the Bodies of Animals , especially in their Guts . The VVeevil , that breeds in Corn , another that is found in Beans , &c. Amongst those that have feet , some have 6 ; as the Pismire , the stinking Bug , the Flea and Leuse : Others have 8 feet ; as the Scorpion and Spider : Some 12 ; as that of Canker-worms , which is called the Geometrician , because it hath 6 feet in the fore-part of his Body , and as many in the hinder-part , and raiseth up his Back in the form of a Bow or Arch , going like one that measures Land : Some have 14 feet ; as all other sort of Canker-worms , which in the fore-part of their Bodies have 6 feet , and 8 in the hinder part . IV. Of the Generation of Insects . As to the Generation of Insects . The general Opinion formerly hath been , that they were not produced by a true Generation , but deriv'd their Pedigree from the Corruption of Animals , or other things . But Experience hath informed us of the contrary : For if we put a piece of Flesh into a Bottle , and then stop it ; the Flesh shut up there will never breed any VVorms ; but if we leave the Bottle unstopt , it will be full of Worms in less than 4 days , in the Summer time . We find also , that Butterflies , after Copulation , do lay a vast number Eggs , whence Canker-worms are hatched . V. All In●●●ts proceed from Eggs. So that we may rationally conclude , that all those Animals which seem to breed of themselves , and are found in Cheese , in Fruits , in Trees , in Flowers , and in Men , are the product either of Eggs , or such like Seed , left by other Animals . The production and process of which , may be fully illustrated by the Generation of a Canker-worm . For Canker-worms , as all other Worms , are generated from a Seed , or from the Eggs of Flies or Butter-flies , which by the heat of the Sun are hatched into Worms ; which , after they have changed their Skins several times , turn to Canker-worms , and then to Aurelia's or Bodies without motion , cover'd with a Shell , and in which no distinction of Parts appears ; and these again are turned into Butter-flies , or Flies . For it sometimes happens , that from the same Canker-worms and Worms , Aurelia's do proceed ; whereof some are turned into many Flies , and others into single Butter-flies . Out of a Worm therefore a Canker-worm is formed ; because , as a Plant doth not immediately bring forth branches , flowers , leaves and fruit , but by degrees , and each of these in their due Season ; so these Worms , by degrees , arrive to a further measure of perfection . For certain it is , that these Worms do often change their Skins . A Canker-worm therefore is changed into an Aurelia ; because the Trunk of its Body being swoln , and its Members almost formed , it so happens that all his Coats and Coverings begin to grow dry , and fall away of themselves ; as Flowers fall from Trees , and Feathers from Birds ; which when the Aurelia perceives , it either wraps it self in a Leaf , or with a glutinous Liquor proceeding out of its own Body , it most artificially weaves a strong Covering for her self ; where it continues shut up , as in an Egg , till it receive new Members , Head and Wings , and so become turned to a Butter-fly . VI. Flies and other Insects , proceed from Worms . And the same is to be said of all other Insects , that h●ve Wings . For Flies proceeding from Eggs or Seeds , by some Changes as have now been mentioned , do attain to the Perfection of their Nature ; for first they are Worms , then they turn to Aurelia's , and out of them Flies do proceed . For as a Canker-worm is to a Butter-fly , the same respect or relation a Worm hath to a Fly. And so likewise Lice , Fleas , Bugs , and other such like Insects , are generated of Eggs or Nits , or of other Insects already produced . For all those Animals which are commonly said to be generated out of putrid Matter , that is the Corruption of other things , are produced by Copulation ; as we see that Flies do Copulate when August is past , and thereupon they bring forth not Worms , but Eggs , which are found in great abundance upon the Leaves of Trees , in the appearance of a black smutty Matter ; which afterwards , by the Heat of the Sun are hatched into Worms , but such as are immoveable , and answering to the Aurelia's of the Canker-worms , which afterwards are changed into Flies . VII . How Canker-Worms become changed into Butter-flies . This Metamorphosis is not so difficult to conceive , if we suppose that those Parts which seem to be produc'd anew , are only made visible , as having before been hid . For when Canker-worms , by Example , become Butter-flies , it is easie to conceive , that the wings and feet they get , and which makes them appear to have been changed into new kinds of Things , are not newly produc'd Parts , by obtaining of a new form , which they had not before ; but that these Parts were indeed before , and only wanted a sufficient Magnitude to render them visible . After the same manner as it happens to Plants , where the flowers and fruits do not unfold themselves , but by degrees , and some time after the Leaves ; tho' all these Parts be at once actually together in the Plant , before they appear to be there . Insects therefore , as well as other Animals , are generated by the Coition of Male and Female ; which latter lays Eggs , out of which afterwards their Young are hatched by the heat of the Sun. VIII . How the Eggs of Insects are preserved in the Winter Season . But here it may be demanded , How these Eggs , whence we have said that Canker-worms and Flies are hatched , are preserved all the Winter over , so as that the next Year they may produce Animals . ALDROVANDUS , in his Treatise De Insectis , supposeth that those Eggs only are preserved , which are in those Leaves that are hid in the Cavities of the Barks of Trees , where they cannot suffer any damage from the Injuries of the Air or Weather . Thus I my self , saith he , have observed Eggs fastned to the hinder part of Fig-Leaves , whence , towards the End of August , little Canker-worms did proceed . They were wrapt up in a thin Downy substance , to preserve them from being hurt by the Ambient body ; which Canker-worms afterwards falling down , were not dash'd against the Ground , but continued hanging in the Air , like Spiders , by a very fine Thread . When they lay their Eggs on the Under-side of Leaves , they do so fold the said Leaves that no Rain can hurt them , making as it were a Covert over them . I have also twice taken notice , that a Canker-worm , which I found amongst Cabbage-Leaves , did first lay yellow Eggs , wrapt up in a thin Downy matter ; which , after she had laid them , became changed into an Aurelia of the same Colour , as she had before when yet a Canker-worm , viz. yellow , green and black ; and , which seem'd strange to me , afterwards flying Animals proceeded from these Eggs , so very small , that they could scarcely be discerned by the Eye ; such as are commonly found in the Bladders that are on the Leaves of the Elm-tree . So far he . Tho' there be some Country-men that tell us , That these Eggs are not only kept between the Barks of Trees , but that many Leaves fill'd with the Eggs of Butter-flies , are many times found hid in the Earth , where they are preserved all the Winter , till by the heat of the Sun , at the return of Spring , they be hatched into Insects . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Death and Destruction of Animals . I. Of t●●ee kinds of Death . AS in the First Chapter of this Part we reduc'd the Notion of Life to 3 Heads ; so here , that we may understand how Animals may be said either to dye or perish , 3 sorts of death or dying are to be distinguish'd . First , There is a Death of Simple Annihilation , which is oppos'd to the LIfe of Simple Existence : Secondly , Cessation from Operation , which is the Death that is oppos'd to the Life of Actuous Existence : And , Lastly , the Separation , or Dissolution of one part from the other , which is oppos'd to the Life of Existence with another . By the first manner of Death , those things dye , which by ceasing to exist altogether , fall into nothing : Things dye the second kind of Death , when they cease to act : And the third way , when their Parts are separated , and exist distinctly from one another . But forasmuch as no Substance can be annihilated , it remains only for us to enquire , how Animals come to cease from all Operation , and how the connection of their Parts comes to be dissolved . II. The Death and Perishing of Animals is designed by Nature as well as their Generation . But before I come to Treat of these , I shall first lay down this Truth , That Death is as much the intention and design of Nature , as Life is . For who will say , that Corruption is less Natural , than Generation ? For tho' nothing seems to dye without reluctance , and some force put upon it ; yet is not Corruption therefore to be accounted less Natural or disagreeing with the Laws of Nature . For tho' Corruption be contrary to particular Nature , as procuring its Destruction ; yet is it very consentaneous to Universal Nature , which never undertakes the Generation of any thing , without the fore-going Corruption of another , as not being able to create , or to produce a thing out of Nothing . Wherefore seeing , that the Beauty and Perfection of the World consists in Variety ; and that it is much more for the Dignity of the World , that many things in process of time should appear and act their Parts on this great Theatre , than to represent always one and the same Face of things : The Divine Wisdom hath so order'd it , that Old things should make way for New ones ; and that those things , which for some time have acted their Parts on the Stage of the World , should withdraw to make room for others . But if any one shall think it a hard case for him to leave this World , let him consider , that he himself could never have enter'd this World , but by others making room for him : For if all our Ancestors had been Immortal , they would have been increased to that number , that there would have been no place left for their Posterity . III. When and how Death happens to Animals . Having said thus much to comfort us , and make the state of our Mortality more tolerable , we now assert that Death happens to Animals by the extinguishing of the Fire , that is in their Hearts . For in the Hearts of all Animals , as long as they are alive , there is a kind of Continual Heat , which we before call'd a kind of Fire that is hot without shining , and which Physicians do own to be the Bodily Principle of all motion in the Members of Animals . And therefore no wonder , if this being once extinct , Life , Sense and Motion be likewise destroyed . IV. How this Heat comes to be weakned in the Body of Animals . For tho' this Native Heat be strong and efficacious at the beginning , yet in the process of Age it loseth strength , and grows weaker and weaker ; so that Animals , after they are come to their full growth , are at a stand , and soon after their strength decays ; and at last , by the defect of this Heat they dye ; as the flame of a Wick , for want of Oil is extinguish'd . But yet there is a difference betwixt the flame of a Lamp , and the Life of Animals ; because the former is continued , as long as it is supplied with Oil : But the Life of Animals cannot be maintained by perpetual Aliment , because Animals dye not for want of Aliment ; but because their Heat grows so weak , that it can no longer change the Food into the Substance of the Body . And therefore Physicians tell us , that the Heat which Nature hath afforded us , for the Maintenance and Support of our Bodies , doth conspire their destruction . For tho' it preserves us , forasmuch as by feeding upon Moisture , it affords strength and vigour to our Members ; yet at the same time it also lays the foundation of our Destruction , whilst by continual consuming of our Moisture it self becomes debilitated , without restoring , as much as it doth consume : And accordingly it follows , that when the Moisture is consumed , the Body must consume and waste likewise , and the Heat it self be extinguish'd . V. Why the utmost parts of the Body first grow cold in those that are ready to dye . Now that Death proceeds from the decay of Heat , daily Experience teacheth us in Dying persons : For we find that the Extream parts of their Body first begins to grow cold , till at last their Breast and Heart it self be deprived of it . For since the Heat which is disperst through the whole Body , proceeds from the Arteries , inasmuch as by thinning the Blood that is in them , it generates those Spirits which communicate Motion to all the Parts of Man's Body ; it must of necessity follow , that when the motion of the Arteries and Heart grows weak and languishing , this Weakness must first affect the Capillary Veins , as being both small and weak , and at the greatest distance from the Heart , the Fountain of Heat . VI. An Objection from the motion of Animals , after their Heart is taken out their Bodies . It may be you will Object here , That some Animals , after that their Heart hath been taken out of their Bodies , have notwithstanding performed the functions of Life . ARISTOTLE alledgeth the Example of a Tortoise , which when his Heart is taken out , doth nevertheless walk about , though be be but small , and of a weak and slow Body . Some Historians also make mention of some persons , who have spoke after that their Heart hath been pluck'd out of ther Bodies . Now , whence could these Actions or Words proceed , if the Heart , by its heat , were the sole Principle of all Bodily motion , and if it were the first thing living , and the last that dies ? VII . The Cause of this Motion . To which I Answer , That the Actions performed by Animals , after they are deprived of their Heart , are to be attributed to an Influence derived from thence ; inasmuch as by the Arterial Blood convey'd to the Brain , the Spirits for a short time continue their begun motion , and by entring the Nerves , produce a motion in the Tongue , or other Parts of the Body . Thus we find that Insects , after they have been cut to pieces , do for a long while continue their motion , by reason of the strength and vigour of their Animals Spirits , which cannot so soon exhale out of the Joynts of that Expansion , which is in them instead of a Back-bone , and wherein the said Spirits are contained . And as to that which was added , that the Heart is the first thing that lives , it is to be noted , that this is not to be understood of the time in which the Birth lives , shut up in the Mothers Womb ; but after it is come forth from the same . For it is manifest , that the Birth in the Womb , doth not so much live by a Life of its own , as by that of its Mother ; and that its Arteries do not beat from the motion of its own Heart , but by that of its Mother . Wherefore tho' the Heart be not the Principle of all motions , that are performed in the Body before the Birth ; yet is it the Principle of all those that are exerted afterwards . VIII . By what means Men that have been drowned , are restored to Life . The Natural Heat therefore last forsakes the Heart , whether in a Natural or Violent Death : For being the chief Principle of all Corporal motions , it is more strong and vigorous there , as in its Fountain , and makes the greatest Resistance against any Force put upon it . Thus one that hath been Drowned , if he be timely taken out of the Water , and laid with his Head hanging downwards , that by the voiding of the Water out of his Mouth , his Midriff may no longer be clogg'd by the distension of his Stomack from the great quantity of Water he hath taken down , and that by this means his Breast and VVind-pipe , being freed from that which stopt and opprest them , be restor'd to their former freedom , the Person returns to life again ; because there was still some Force remaining in the Heart , whereby it was able to recommence its former pulsation . In like manner , a Person that is starved with Cold , being timely restor'd to warmth , Recovers again ; because the Vapours , that were congealed in his Breast , begin to be dissolved and discust by the inward Heat , which was not yet wholly extinct , being assisted by the outward . IX . The difference between a Natural and a violent Death . Wherefore this is the only difference that is between a Natural and a Violent Death ; as by Hanging , Beheading , &c. that a Violent Death is performed in a moment , or a very short time : Whereas a Natural Death comes on by degrees , and by slow advances , dissolves the Tye that is between the Parts : But in both of them , the Heat and Fire in the Heart is alike extinguish'd , and takes its flight into the Aethereal Air , as the Ancients were wont to express it . Accordingly SENECA , in his 66 th Epistle , saith ; The Death of all Persons is alike ; tho' the ways by which it makes its approaches be different , yet it ends and terminates in one and the same thing . No Death is more or less than other ; for it hath one and the same measure and manner in all , that is , the termination or putting an end to Life . The Eighth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . OF MAN , CONSIDER'D WITH Relation to his Body . CHAP. I. The Definition of MAN. I. The wonderful Composition and Structure of Man. WE are now come to MAN , the most Noble of all Living Creatures , besides whom the Philosophers do not esteem any thing Great that is in the World ; as containing in himself , whatsoever is in the Universe ; and therefore is commonly call'd , the Compendium or Abridgment of the whole VVorld , and the most VVonderful of all VVonderful things , as PLATO styles him . It admits a Query , Whether he may not be look'd upon as a Prodigy amongst all other Living Creatures , as consisting of such different Parts ; and more especially for the great Disparity that is between the Soul and his Body : So that it would scarcely be a greater Wonder , if an Angel should be joyned to a Beast or Light make an Alliance with Darkness . And therefore FICINUS , upon Plato Dialog . 1. de Legibus speaks thus : And because he had said , that this one Animal was composed of such different things , he not without reason subjoyns , that Man is a Miracle or VVonder amongst all other Animals ; herein imitating Mercurius Trismegistus , who calls Man , a Great VVonder , &c. But , to pass by the rest , why is Man such a VVonder ? Because forasmuch as he is Divine , it is a wonder that he should be affected with Mortal things ; and being Mortal , it is as great a wonder , that he should be taken with Divine things . II. Whether or no the Peripateticks do rightly define Man. Wherefore it hath always been look'd upon by Philosophers , to be a difficult thing to define Man aright , and to assign those Terms that might explain the Connexion of such different things , and exhibit a clear Image or Idea of him to the Understanding . The PERIPATETICKS , who conceit themselves to know the Nature of all Things , define MAN to be a Rational Animal , making Animal the Genus of Man , and Rational his Difference ; whereby he is distinguish'd from other Animals . But to speak the Truth , this doth not seem to be the true Definition of Man , if we will give heed to the Rules of a Right Definition ; the chief whereof is this , that it be Clear and Evident . Now it is manifest , that the word Animal , which they thrust into the Definition of Man , is obscure , and therefore cannot in the least contribute to the clear perception of him . For it is not manifest what the word Animal ( which they make the nearest Genus ) doth signifie , without reducing it to the more remote Genera of a Body , a Living and an Animated Creature : But now , the higher we climb in the Praedicamental Table , the more obscure Notions we shall meet with ; and therefore if the Praedicats of Animal be obscure , how will they be proper to explain and illustrate the Nature of Man ? Book 1. Part VIII . Chap. 1. G. Freeman I●vent . A. Yonder Guist S●●lp . To Ralph Macro of Clapton in the Parish of Hackney in the County of Midetesex , Dr. in Phisick . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome IV. Neither is reasonable the difference of Man. Besides , the word Reasonable , which is the other part of the Definition , or the Difference , is ambiguous ; for by it must be either understood , that which is endued with knowledge ; and then the Difference will agree and coincide with the Genus , forasmuch as according to the PERIPATETICKS some Brutes , at least , are endued with Knowledge , and are not meer Engines as we take them to be , Or else by the word Reasonable is to be understood Discourse , Knowledge , as most of them hold , and so the difference of Man will be taken from an inferiour Attribute ; forasmuch as Man the further he attains to perfection , the less he makes use of Ratiocination or discursive knowledge ; and Wisemen , who are nearer to the nature of Angels , do more understand things without Discourse , than others do . Or lastly it imports a simple apprehension , whereby things are conceived , without any Relation or Reference to others , which since they allow to Beasts also , they will never be able to explain , what kind of knowledge it is they attribute to them , and how it is distinguishable from that which is peculiar to Man. V. A Rational Animal doth not perfectly explain the Nature of Man. This Definition also is contrary to other Laws of a true and Rightful Definition , in as much as it doth not perfectly unfold the Nature of Man. For seeing Man is compounded of 2 Parts extreamly different , viz. of a Soul and a Body , and that there is not the like cunjunction of parts to he met with again in the whole Universe of things , it appears very plain that the Essence of Man cannot be exactly defined , except this most observable composition be exprest in his Definition ; and forasmuch as that of a Reasonable Animal doth not include any such thing , it is evident that it doth but imperfectly declare the nature of the thing defin'd . VI. A Man is wrongly placed under the remote Genus of a Body . Moreover Man in the foresaid Definition is placed under the General Head , or notion of Body , when with better reason he ought to be rancked under that of Spirit ( for the Soul is the Principal part of Man , and if well considered , is more known than the Body ; for we may doubt of the Existence of Corporeal Beings , whereas we cannot doubt of the Existence of our Soul ) as in all other things the denomination is always wont to be made from the more noble part ; and if by evil custom , and the prejudices of our Infancy we have taken our Body to be our best and most noble Part , Philosophy ought to have corrected this mistake , and not to have cherisht and strengthned it . VII . Why in defining of man , we ought to have more regard to his Soul than to his Body . But you 'l say that Philosophers have thought good to define Man , rather by his more ignoble Genus , viz. Body , than by that of Spirit , because Man , as to his external parts and appearance , is much more like a Beast than an Angel , and that therefore it was more proper he should be ranged under the meaner Genus of Body , than under that more sublime of Angels . I Answer , that this is no better than a frivolous reply , as being not at all founded upon Reason , but Custom only , and the prejudices suckt in from our Infancy . For the question here is not about what objects our thoughts are most imployed , but about what they ought to be employed ; and that these are those things that are endued with understanding no Man will deny , these being much more excellent than corporeal things , and to which our mind , because of the affinity it hath with them , is most inclined , she herself being of an Intelligent or Thinking Nature . Now the reason why Men chiefly addict themselves to Corporeal and sensible Things , is because they think that their Nature or Essence , hath a greater affinity with Visible Things than with those that never fall under their Senses , and can only be reached by their thoughts , or intellectual faculty . Which Error ought certainly to be corrected by those who may glory of their being made after the Image and likeness of God. VIII . The true Definition of Man. We must therefore look out for a more accurate Definition of Man , and such a one , if I be not mistaken this is : A Man is a thing compounded of a Finite Mind , and a rightly disposed or framed Body . For seeing that Man is not a simple thing , but composed of both kinds , viz. of a Soul or Mind and Body , it is necessary that this notable composition which distinguisheth Man from all other things , should be exprest in the Definition by this word Compounded ; and by this means all the conditions of a good and lawful Definition are secured and preserved ; the First whereof is that it express and declare the Nature of the thing , and the several parts whereof it is compounded . For there is nothing to be found in Man , which is not exprest in this Definition . Secondly , that the Genus and Difference be rightly assigned ; for that Man consists of a well disposed or framed Body , this he hath in common with other Animals , and that he is endued with a Finite Mind , that is such an one as is not altogether perfect , he is distinguisht from God , who is the Infinite Mind . Thirdly , that the Definition be not more extensive than the thing defined , nor more contracted or narrow , but equal with it ; for it is manifest from Induction that every Man whatsoever is compounded of a Finite Mind , and a Body rightly disposed ; so that of whatsoever the thing defined is praedicated , of the same the Definition may be praedicated also . IX . What may be inferred or gathered from the Definition . From this Definition we may infer First of all , that Soul and Body are the parts of a Man ; as a part is taken for that , whereof any thing doth consist . Secondly , that the Union of the Soul with the Body , is the Form of Man ; since wheresoever that union is , the compound is likewise , as where it is not , the compound is not , viz. Man. Which Union of the Soul with a Human Body , doth consist in the mutual Action of the Soul and Body upon each other , as shall be shewed in the following Part. X. What a rightly disposed Body is . And whereas the other part of this Definition is a Body rightly disposed , we are to take notice that this disposition doth consist in such a Modification , whereby the body is fitted for an intimate union with a Human Soul. Wherefore every Portion of Matter , that is so modified , whether it be Organical or Inorganical , may properly be called a Human Body , since the Essence of Man wholly consists in the Union of his Soul with his Body , and that it will be his Body as soon as it is united to him . Neither is it any whit clear or evident that Organs are of absolute necessity to this Union ; for I can see no reason why an Inorganical Body may not be so disposed , as to be fit to receive a Soul for its Form. Neither can a Man , if we have respect to his bare Essence only , be said to be imperfect , because he is destitute of Organs , forasmuch as a Man that hath lost both his Arms and Legs , doth not cease to be a perfect Man for all that , as being no less a Man , than he who enjoys all his Members , because the perfection of a Man as such , consists in the union of his two Essential Parts , viz. of Soul and Body . And as his Soul is said to be perfect , because it hath that disposition which on its part is required for its union with the Body ; so that Body , whatsoever it be , provided it only have such a disposition that it may be united with a Soul , is to be called a perfect Human Body . But forasmuch as we here consider Mans Body in its Natural State , we shall describe it here as it is Organical , and consisting of all its Parts . CHAP. II. A Description of the External Parts of Mans Body . I. It is sufficient for a young Scholar in Philosophy to know the more principal parts of Mans Body . VERY wonderful is the Struclure of Mans Body , if we consider all its Parts , and the use or end for which they were framed : but because it would require too much time and pains , to give here a particular account of them all ; and because that belongs rather to a Physician than a Philosopher , I shall only touch at the more Principal Parts , passing by those which would rather confound first beginners than inform them . II. How many Similar parts there be in the Body of Man. For the better understanding of them , we must observe that the parts which constitute the Body of Man , are either Similar Parts , or Dissimilar . Similar are those whose substance is the same , and alike throughout : or which may be divided into Parts of the same nature and Denomination ; and of these 11 are reckoned up by Physicians , viz. Bones , known by their great hardness and firmness ; Gristles , which are the next in solidity and firmness to that of Bones , and of which the Ear consists . Tendons , which are the ends or extremities of the Muscles ; Ligaments , which approach to the nature of Tendons , and serve to join 2 solid parts together , viz. Bones to Bones . Fibres , which are as it were the Woof of the other parts . Membrans , which are thin and broad substances , serving for a covering to several parts : such as are the Membran or Skin that covers the Ribs , the Bladder , the Stomach . Arteries , which conveigh the Vital Blood from the Heart to all the parts of the Body . The Veins which conveigh the Blood back again from the parts to the Heart . The Nerves or Sinews which carry the Animal Spirits from the Brain and the Marrow of the Back Bone to all parts ; and the Flesh and the Skin . To which may be referred also the Fat , Nails and Hair , as being parts compleating the whole , and of a similar nature . III. How many Dissimilar Parts there be in Mans body . Dissimilar Parts are such as are made up of several Similar Parts ; or which may be divided into Dissimilar Particles , as a Hand , Foot which may be divided into Skin , Flesh , Bones , Veins , Arteries and Nerves which are of a different Nature and Denomination . And such are the Head , Neck , Breast , both the Arms , Legs , &c. IV. The Head. The first and Principal part of the Human Body is the Head , which contains the Organs of Sense and Motion , and is the House or Abode of the Soul it self . It is round or Sphaerical , but somewhat comprest or flatted , and longish : and for its better security , is all cover'd with Bones . And is placed in the highest part of the Body , according to GALEN , for the Eyes sake , which are placed there as in a Watch Tower to take a prospect of all objects round about it . V. The Parts of the Head. The Head is divided into the Hairy part or Scalp , and that without Hair , called the Face . The Forepart of the Hairy Scalp , from the Forehead to the Sutura Coronalis , is called Sinciput , that is , the Forepart of the Head ; and that which reacheth from the Sutura Lambdoidea to the first Joint of the Neck , is called Occiput , or the Hinder Part of the Head ; the middle and Gibbous part between both these , is called Vertex or the Crown of the Head. The part without Hair , that is , the Face , hath also its several parts , the Forehead , or superior part , which bears the Signs of the Mind ; and the Inferiour in which are the Organs of the Senses , as the Eyes , Nostrils , Ears and Mouth which hides the Tongue . VI. The Membrans inwrapping the Skull . There be two outward Membrans that encompass the Skull , the Pericranium or Skin so called from its going about the Skull , which is a soft and thin Membran ; and the Periostium , which is a most thin nervous Membran , so closely joined to the Pericranium ; that they seem only to constitute one Membran . To which are conjoyned the Inward Membrans that infold the Brain , which are likewise 2 , viz. a thin one , that immediately covers the Brain , and is called Pia Mater , and a thick one , which is called Dura Mater . They are commonly called Meninges , and by the Arabian Physicians , Matres or Mothers , because they supposed all the Membrans of the Body derived and propagated from these . VII . How the Blood comes to them . To these Membrans the Vital Blood is conveighed by the outward Branch of the Arteris called Carotides , and that which is left after the Nourishing of their parts , is by small Veins sent back to the External Jugulars . Some believe that these Arteries , passing through the little holes of the Skull , do penetrate and pass into the great Bosom or cavity of the Dura Mater : tho' this doth not seem probable , since they tend only to the Diplois , and in it do vanish or disappear . VIII . What the Neck is . The Neck is that part of the Body which is between the Breast and the Face , and supports the Head , being called Collum , à Colendo . Because it is commonly much adorned . It is somewhat longish , to assist the tuning of the Voice . Accordingly those Animals that utter no Voice , as Fishes , want a Neck ; and those that have a strong voice , have the longer Necks , as Cranes , Geese , &c. The hind part of the Neck is called Cervix ; and the forepart Guttur or the Throat . The Neck consists of 7 Joints , which are the upper part of the Spine . In the forepart of it are 2 great Pipes , whereof the one is called the Wind-Pipe or Rough Artery , because of its unequal Gristly Rings , and serves to conveigh the Air to the Lungs , and from thence out of the Body . The other inward Pipe is the Gullet , by which the Meat and Drink is conveyed from the Mouth to the Stomach . IX . The Breast . Next to the Neck , the Breast begins , which is that part of the Body which contains the Heart , Lungs and Vital parts : Its hind-part comprehends , besides the Shoulder-blades , the Back , and 12 Joints of the Spine ; from whence 7 Ribs do proceed , having their Ends cloathed or cover'd with Gristles , which are called the true or perfect Ribs ; because they Circle-wise compass the hollow of the Breast , reaching to the Grisly or Spongy Bone called Sternum , and ending downwards in the Gristle that resembles the figure of a Sword. In the Middle of the Breast are 2 Dugs or Paps , on each side one ; situated there , First , in order to their being near the Heart , to receive heat from thence : Secondly , for Comliness sake : Thirdly , for the more convenient Suckling of Children . They are 2 in number ; not for to Suckle Twins , as some will have it , but to the end that if one of them should come to any hurt , the other might supply the place of it , and perform the Function alone . X. The Dugs consist of two parts . The Dug is divided into the Nipple , and the Pap it self . The Nipple is a Spongy kind of flesh , and therefore is at sometines more loose and flaggy , and at other times more stiff , especially when suck'd or touch'd . The Dug , or Pap it self , inwardly consists of a Membran , Vessels , Kernels , or rather Kernel-like Bodies , and Fat. In Men the Dugs are not so great or prominent as in Women , theirs being not commonly designed for the Generation of Milk ; yet to shew the Equality of kind i● both Sexes , it was not fitting that Men should be altogether without them . XI . The Belly . Under the Breast is the Belly , whose fore-part is called Abdomen , and in its Middle is the Navil ; the upper part whereof is the Hypochondrium , which Name is also given to its Sides . Beneath are the Groins , and the Parts designed for Generation . The Upper-part of the Abdomen , reaching up to the Midriff , is the Stomach , which lies Cross-ways , and which having received the Food from the Mouth , by means of the Gullet , doth digest it into Chyle ; and afterwards sends the purer part of the Chyle , by the Subclavial Branches of the Vena Cava , into the Vena Cava it self . XII . The Back-parts of the Body . The Hinder-parts of the Body are the Shoulder-blades , to which the Shoulders are joyned , and to them the Arms with the Elbow . For by the word Arm , we understand all that part which reacheth from the Shoulder , where the Collar-bones end , to the Fingers ends ; tho' commonly the Hand is not comprehended under the word Arm. The Arm consists of 3 conspicuous Parts , viz. the Upper-part of it called Lacertus ; the Middle-part of it , from the Elbow to the Wrist , called Cubitus , and the Hand . The Upper-part of the Arm hath one only Bone ; the Middle-part hath two Bones ; the Lower , which is called Ulna or Cubitus , and the Upper called Radius . The Hand also consists of 3 Parts , viz. the Wrist , the part between the Fingers and the Wrist , called Metacarpium , and the Fingers ; the Fingers have each of them 3 Joints . The Hands are 2 , the Right and the Left. Next to the Shoulders are the Loyns , and near to them the Os Sacrum , distinguish'd as it were into 5 Bones , having on each side of it the Bone Ilium , jetting out like a Bow , and the Hip-bone ; and under these the Buttocks . XIII . The Flesh . The use of the Flesh is , to cover the Bones and Members of the Body , more especially the Inward parts , and to hinder them from falling asunder . It is made up of the Substance of the Blood , by the coagulation of its thicker Parts . The Fat in its nature is like to Flesh , and proceeds from the same Principle . It s Function is to preserve the Natural heat , to defend the Parts it covers from Outward hurts , and by moistning and smoothing the dryer Parts of the Body , to assist and promote motion . XIV . The Differences of Flesh . Flesh is fourfold ; Viscerous , Membranous or Skinny , Glandulous , and Musculous , or that of the Muscles . The Viscerous is that whereof the Inwards consist , and is nothing else but an affusion of Blood , which supports the Vessels of the Inwards , by filling the empty Spaces that are between them , and assists the Concoctions and Separations that are made in them . The Membranous Flesh is nothing else , but the Fleshy Substance of every Membranous part ; as of the Gullet , the Stomach , the Guts , the Womb , and the Bladder . Glandulous Flesh is that of the Kernels ; the use whereof is either to soak up the superfluous Humours ( for they are of a Spongy Substance ) as those in the Neck , under the Armpits , and in the Groin ; or they are in order to the moistning of the Parts , for their more ready motion , or to prevent the dryness of the Parts . The Musculous , which GALEN calls the fibrous or stringy Flesh , is that soft and red Substance , which is Flesh , properly so called . XV. The Bones . The Bones are the strength and support of the Flesh , and are the insensible Parts of the Organical Body of an Animal ; as also the hardest and driest , containing the Marrow within them . There are 304 of them in the Body of Man , which are of diverse figures , according to their different uses ; for some of them are round , others flat ; some sharp , and others blunt , &c. It is a mistake to think the Bones to be without Blood ; for they are Red in the Womb before the Infant is born , are found to have small Vessels in them , from whence Blood gusheth forth ; and when they are broke , the Callous matter that joyns them again together , sweats Blood. The Muscles follow the bigness and figure of the Bones , to which they are joyned ; and move those Members of the Body , to which they are particularly destinated . The Nerves or Sinews have fibres or strings , extended long-ways , and are the Instruments of Sense and Motion . XVI . The Feet . Lastly , This whole Bulk is supported by the Feet , assisted with the Leg and the Thigh , with the Knee that joyns them both together . The Thigh hath only one Bone in the Upper-part , whereof , besides the round Head , inserted in the hollow end of the Huckle or Hip-bone , there is a kind of Neck , whence 2 Ends shoot forth , which are called Trochanteres : And in the Lower-part this Bone is so joyned with the Chief-bone of the Shin or Leg ▪ that in the foremost Hollow of the jetting out of the Bone , there is a place for the Bone , called the Knee-pan , which hinders the Leg from bending forwards . To the Lower-part of the Foot 3 parts concur , viz. the Heel , the Sole of the Foot , which is as it were its Back , and is made hollow in the midst , to the end it might the more firmly stick to the Ground in going ; and the 5 Toes , which are very helpful to progressive motion . CHAP. III. A Description of the Principal Inward Parts of the Body of Man. I. The Brain , which is the most principal Part of Mans Body , examined . THe Skin being pluck'd off , the Flesh is more distinctly perceived ; which is not a continuous Mass , but distinguish'd into several Muscles . But the chiefest and most principal Part that presents it self , is the Brain ; which in Man is the greatest in Bulk , with relation to other Animals . The Bark , or outside part of it , appears distinguish'd into a thousand turnings and windings , not unlike the Cronckelings of the Guts , with far greater variety than in any other Animal . All which crooked Windings are covered with a thin Membran , and are moistened with innumerable Vessels ; which being in a most wonderful manner woven together , are dispersed every way , and in some places penetrate the inward Substance of the Brain . Tho' indeeed all the Veins and Arteries that penetrate the Substance thereof , are but small and few ; but are more copious in the Cavities or Ventricles of it , and other places which are cover'd with the Pia mater or thin Meninx : For that Membran doth not only separate the Brain from the more inward Part that lies under it , but distinguisheth it also in divers parts , and invests all the deep surrows and foldings of the Bark or outward part of the Brain , conjoyns the more prominent parts of them , forms almost innumerable Cavities , and every where twists most wonderful pleats and textures of the Vessels . II. The Brain is divided into two Parts . The Brain is divided into 2 parts , viz. into the Fore and Hind-part : The Fore-part , which is much bigger than the other , is chiefly called the Brain ; the Hind-part is called Cerebellum or the Little Brain ; and tends downward , being continued to the Marrow of the Back ▪ bone , and cover'd with both the Meninges . Within the Substance of the Fore-part are two Cavities , so placed as to answer to a third Cavity in the Hind-part : And above the Passage , whereby the foresaid 2 Cavities have entercourse together , is the famous Kernel called Glandula Pinealis , from its figure , resembling that of a Pine-Apple , and Conarion from its Conical figure . The bottom of this Gland or Kernel is fastned to the Brain , whereof it is a part , and is seated in the very midst of the two Cavities This Kernel hath that of Singularity , that it is one only , whereas all the other that are found in the Brain are double . III. Of the seven pair of Nerves , derived from the Brain , according to the Opinion of the Ancients . The Ancients were of Opinion , that 7 pair of Nerves only were derived from the Brain ; whereof the first , were the Optick Nerves ; the second , those that help to move the Eyes ; the third and fourth , appropriated to the Taste ; the fifth , to the Ears ; the sixth was , that which is called the wandring Pair ; and the seventh and last , those that move the Tongue . But in this enumeration , they have left out that Pair , which being convey'd to the Nostrils , are the Instruments of Smelling , and have divided the third Pair into two ; and the fifth Pair , which they suppose single , is double : So that whereas they make but 7 , others 8 , and others 9 Pair of Nerves , we make 10 in all . The first Pair are appropriated to the sense of Smelling , the ends whereof reaching from the Brain towards the Nostrils , are called Processus Mammillares . The second is the Optick pair , subservient to the Sense of Seeing . The third , moves the Eyes . The fourth , serves to turn and writh the Eyes variously , suitable to the diversity of Passions that assail us . The fifth is , that by which the Tongue doth taste . The sixth is conveyed to the Palat , for the same purpose . The seventh is lost in the Muscle of the Eye , called the Abductor or Drawer aside . The Eighth assists the Drum of the Ear , in its dilatation or expansion . The Ninth pair , which is called Wandering by others , is that which furnisheth all the Inward parts , situate in the middle and lower Belly . The Tenth and last Pair is by strong Membrans , joyned with the former Pair , for the strengthning of them . IV. Several Pairs of Nerves proceed from the Pith of the Back-bone . But forasmuch as the pith of the Back-bone is nothing else , but a Continuation of the substance of the Brain , it is certain that from the same several pairs of Nerves do proceed ; viz. 7 to the Neck , 12 to the Back , 5 to the Loyns , 6. to the Os sacrum ; and all these Nerves are nothing else , but the continued Substance of both the Meninges or membrans of the Brain , there being none amongst them that are not twisted of them both . These Nerves proceeding from both sides of the Pith of the Back-bone , are called Pairs , as being always double . V. The Heart . In the Breast hangs the Heart , of a Pyramidal figure , resembling a Pine-Apple , with the Point of it inclining towards the Left-side ; so as that the Left-part of the broad End , which is the beginning of the Great Artery , is situated much about the Center of the Chest. The Greatness of the Heart in Man , proportionably exceeds that of other Animals , and commonly weighs about 7 Ounces , being about 6 Finger-breadths long , and 4 broad . Not but that the bigness thereof sometimes varies . VI. Of the Dilatation and Contraction of the Heart . In the Heart are 3 sorts of Strings or Fibres , some Transverse or Cross-wife , others Crooked or Oblique , and a third sort that are Strait , by which the dilatation or swelling of the Heart , when the Point of it is drawn up towards the broad End of it ; and the Contraction whereby the said Point is withdrawn from the basis or broad End of it , are performed . There be 2 Ventricles or Cavities in the Heart , which are separated from each other by a part of the flesh of the Heart , called the Septum medium , or the middle partition Wall , the Right Ventricle being more ample and large than the Left. Two very large Channels answer to both these Ventricles , to wit ; the Vena Cava , which is the principal Receptaele of the Blood , and is as it were the Trunk of the Tree , whereof all the other Veins are the boughs and branches ; and the Arterial Vein , which ariseth from the Heart , and after that it is come forth from thence , divides it self into many branches , which are afterwards dispersed through the Lungs . In the Left-side there are likewise 2 corresponding Channels , as large as the former , if not larger , viz. the Venal Artery , which is derived from the Lungs , where it is divided into many branches , which are intermixed with the branches of the Arterial Vein and the Wind-pipe , by which the Air we attract doth enter ; and the Great Artery , which proceeding from the Heart , disperseth its branches throughout the whole Body . Each of these Cavities have 2 Openings , placed towards the basis or broad End of the Heart : And in the entrance of these Openings , are some little Skins , which like so many flood-gates do open and shut 4 Mouths or Orifices , that are in both those Cavities ; viz. 3 in the entry of the Vena Cava or hollow Vein , which are so placed , that they cannot hinder the Blood they contain , from flowing into the Right Ventricle of the Heart , tho' they hinder any from coming out thence . 3 in the Entry of the Arterial Vein , which are ranged the quite contrary way , so as that they suffer the Blood , contained in that Cavity , to pass to the Lungs ; but by no means will suffer that which is in the Lungs , to return thither again . And so likewise there are 2 more in the Orifice of the Venal Artery , which permit the Blood to pass from the Lungs into the Left Ventricle of the Heart , but hinder its return thither again . And 3 at the entry of the Great Artery , which suffer the Blood to come from the Heart , but hinder it from returning thither again . VII . The situation of the Heart , in the Breast . The Heart is enclosed in a Nervous membran , called Pericardium ; where it swims in a Liquor not much unlike to that of Urin ; the broad End of it taking up the Center of the Breast , whilst the Point of it sways downwards , to the Left-side of the Midriff . VIII . The Lungs . The Lungs are a Spongy substance , of a whitish or pale red Colour , and are divided in the Right and Left part by the Mediastinum , or the membran that divides the Breast , from the Throat to the Midriff , into 2 Bosoms ; both which Parts are distinguish'd into several Lobes or Lappets , in order to their better covering and surrounding of the Heart , which is placed in the midst of them . In that part of the Mouth which is at the Root of the Tongue , is a Channel called the Wind-pipe , which passing downwards is divided into many little branches , which are disperst throughout the whole Substance of the Lungs , in the same manner as the Venal Artery , or the Arterial Vein . This Wind-pipe receives the Air that is taken in by breathing ; and because the membran thereof is so hard and stiff , that it cannot easily be comprest or clos'd together , it continues always full of Air , and by this means causeth the great Lightness of the Lungs . Our Meat and Drink cannot pass from our mouth into the Gullet , without passing over the Mouth of the Wind-pipe , tho' nothing can fall into it , because of a little Valve which covers it , whenever we swallow any thing . The Lungs also have their Dilatation and Contraction ; their Dilatation being caused by the Air entring into their Substance through the Wind-pipe ; and the Contraction by the expulsion of tt . IX . The Midriff Under the Lungs and the Heart is placed the thick membran , called the Diaphragm or Midriff , which separates the Breast from the Belly . It hath 2 Holes , through which the ascending Hollow Vein , and the Gullet which goes down to the Stomach , do pass . The Midriff lends also its assistance to the function of Respiration , to which it contributes rather , as it is a Musculous membran , than a Muscle . X. The Liver . Under the Diaphragm , the Liver is placed on the Right-side , and the Spleen on the Left. The Liver in Man , as well as in most other Animals , seems to be nothing else but Clotted blood , of a Reddish colour . Tho' there be some Animals that have it of a green , others of a yellow , and others of other Colours . The Ancients were of Opinion , that the Blood was prepared in the Liver , and that the Chyle was there turned into the form of Blood. But the contrary has been since made out , it being no longer question'd now , but that the Chyle is conveyed from the Receptacle of the Lacteal Veins upwards , to the Subclavial branches of the Hollow Vein , and thence into the ascending Trunk of the said Hollow Vein , whence it is carried together with the Blood , returning from all the parts of the Body , into the Right Ventricle of the Heart , without passing the Liver . The Gall-bladder is joyned to the Liver , a small Channel proceeding from it , which becomes immediately parted into 2 , whereof the one bends downwards towards the Liver again , and enters it ; whereas the other , called Choledochus , is inserted into the lower end of the Duodenum , whither the Gall is conveyed , through a very little and almost insensible Orifice . XI . The Spleen . The Spleen is situated on the Left-side , under the Midriff , between the Stomach and the Ribs . It is of a Spongy substance , cover'd with a thin membran , received from the Peritonaeum or Inner-rim of the Belly . It s more prominent or gibbous part is fastned to the Midriff ; which is the Reason why those that are diseased with a Schirrus , or any other swelling of the Liver , do complain of a difficulty of breathing . It abounds with a thick dreggy Blood , and is fastned to the Stomach and Back , by means of the foresaid membran , and hath a communication with the Heart by certain Arteries and Veins . The Spleen is almost as long again as it is broad ; the Upper-part of it butting out like a Bow , the Lower-part of it ending in an obtruse Angle , and in the midst somewhat hollow and deprest . XII . The Stomach . Betwixt the Liver and the Spleen lies the Stomach , into which all our Meat and Drink is conveyed through the Gullet . It hath 2 Orifices , the one whereby it receives in our Nourishment , which it dissolves and turns into Chyle ; the other called Pylorus , by which it thrusts it down into the Guts . XIII . The Guts . For the Guts take their rise or beginning from the neather Orifice of the Stomach , and after many windings are terminated in that part , by which the grosser Excrements are voided . To speak properly there be no more than one Gut , to the different parts whereof Anatomists have assigned different Names . That which is next to the Stomach they call Duodenum , the extent of which is not above 12 fingers breadth : The second is called Jejunum , from its almost continual emptiness : The third is called Ilium , from its various windings : The fourth , Colon , whence the Disease called the Colick takes its Name : The fifth is a little Appendix betwixt the Ilium and Colon , which is called Caecum , or the Blind-Gut : And the sixth Rectum , or the Strait-Gut . The 3 former of these are called the thin Guts , and the rest the great or thick Guts . XIV . The Mesentery . The Mesentery is a Membranous expansion , interwoven with Kernels and Fat , placed at the back-part of the Guts , and with its Center or narrowest part tied to the Loins ; but with its Circumference infolding all the Guts , and fastning them to the Back . It s figure is almost Circular , so as that its compass answers to the length of the Guts ; but yet is so framed and folded , that it keeps within narrow Bounds . XV. The Caul . The Caul is another Membranous expansion , consisting of a double membran , distended to an Orbicular figure , like to a Faulkners Pouch , interwoven with many Arteries and Veins , and great store of Fat , deriving its 2 wings or foldings from the Stomach , Liver , Spleen , the Rim of the Belly , and the Gut Colon ; and not only covering the Guts , but following the windings and turnings of them ; so that with regard to its situation it may well be called Epiploon , that is , swimming on the top , such being the situation of it with respect to the Guts . XVI . The Womb. The Womb , which is also called the Matrix , is an Organical part , serving for Generation , situate in the lower part of the Belly , betwixt the Bladder and the Strait-Gut , lodged in a strong Bason , made by the Bones Ilium , Coxendix , and Sacrum ; which Bason or Hollow is larger in Women , than in Men , in whom also when the time of their Delivery is at hand , it is yet further enlarged by the plying and giving-way of some of the strong Ligaments about the Bones Sacrum and Pubis , and by the starting back of the Bone called Coccyx , to make way for the Birth to struggle out of his Prison . XVII . The Kidneys . Besides these Parts already mentioned , there are also 2 Kidneys that are fastned to the Joints of the Back-bone . Their Substance appears like to that of a curious Sponge , and in each of them is found a certain Cavity or Hollow , called the Dish or Bason , which is generally fill'd with Urin. XVIII . The Ureters . The Ureters are 2 , viz. on each side one , carrying the Urin , that hath been separated in the Kidneys to the Bladder . They are nothing else , but an innumerable company of small Nervous fibres twisted together , and therefore no wonder that they are so exceeding sensible ; for as soon as any one of their finest Strings is moved , all the rest are shaken and tremble , whence there ariseth in the Soul an Idea of the sharpest Pain . XIX . The Bladder . Anatomists commonly attribute but 2 Coats or membrans to the Bladder ; but if they be viewed with a Microscope , we shall find them to be many more , even to the number of 20. The Bladder is the receptacle of the Urin , conveyed through the Ureters from the Kidneys ; which afterwards by the contraction of the fibres of the Bladder , are by the Urethra or Urinary passage evacuated . XX. The Testicles . The last Parts to be consider'd , are the Testicles , which are Vessels design'd for Generation , tho' it may be doubted , whether the Generation of Seed may be wholly attributed to them ; because there was never found any perfect Seed in the Testicles of the most Libidinous Animals . Yea , many do witness , that Bulls , Horses , and other such like Robust Animals , have generated their Like for many years together , after their having been gelt , and that they are not robb'd of their Prolifick virtue , except their Spermatick Vessels be taken away together with their Testicles . Wherefore it seems more probable , that the Seed is produced in the little Bladders , Kernels , and Pores , that neighbour upon the Bladder and the Womb. But we leave this to be determin'd by Physicians . CHAP. IV. Of the Forming of the Birth in the Womb , and of its Animation . I. Whether the Seed in Generation , proceeds from both Sexes . THe Common Opinion is , that the Matter whereof the Birth is formed in the Womb , doth consist of the Seed of both Parents , the Female Blood being mix'd with it : Nor indeed have the Ancients question'd , but that the Woman doth contribute her part of Seed to the Conception , and efficiently concur to Generation ; for both Sexes seem to have like Instruments for the generating of Seed . The Women have their Testes , in which the Blood is strained and purified , and a serous and thickish white Matter is squeezed out of them , which seems to be design'd for generation . Besides , we find that the Birth resembles the Mother , as well as the Father ; which we cannot well conceive how it should be , if both of them did not contribute Seed to the production thereof . II. The Seed flows from all parts of the Body . But to the end we may understand by what Artifice an Animal comes to be formed , from a Moisture without all Form , so as to bear some resemblance with the Principle from whence it did proceed ; it is commonly supposed , that the Seed both of Male and Female flows down from all their Parts , so as that there is no Member in their whole Bodies , whence some part of the Seed is not derived . For as the Serous humour is by the Veins separated from the whole Body , and through the Vessels call'd Emulgentes carried to the Kidneys and Bladder , in which latter place it is kept till it be voided : In like manner , say they , seeing that 2 Veins and 2 Arteries enter into the Testicks , why may not the Seminal particles flow from the whole Body into them , and from them into the Vessels destinated for their reception ; and this not slowly and by degrees , but in a very short Space , wherein the whole Body is powerfully stirr'd up to an excretion or separation of what is most Spirituous in all the Parts of the Body ? III. Proved by Examples . Many Arguments might be alledg'd to prove this Point ; but there are some Examples thought to be so clear and evident , as to supersede the necessity of many Proofs : A Cat , whose Tail was cut off when she was but young , litter'd Kitlings , whereof some had Tails , and others wanted them : And a Bitch , that was wont to bring forth sound Puppies , having broke her Leg , did ever after bring forth lame Puppies . Now to what can this resemblance of Puppies , with their Dams , be imputed , but because the Seed is conveyed from all the parts of the Body , so that perfect Births are born of sound and perfect Parents , and maimed and defective from such as are so . And if it sometimes happens , that whole and sound Births do proceed from maimed and defective Parents , this must be ascribed either to the Soundness of one of the Parents , or to the great Vigour of the Spirits . However , when it so happens that maimed Births proceed from maimed Parents , no other Reason seems so satisfactory , as that which hath been alledged . IV. How the Birth is formed in the Womb. From what hath been said , may in some sort be understood , how the Birth comes to be formed in the Mothers Womb ; because the insensible Parts of the Male and Female Seed have already received such a Configuration in the Body of the Parents , that they are no sooner received into the Womb ; but being there intangled together , and agitated by heat , they are turned into a rude delineation or Rudiment of the Animal , from which afterwards all the parts are perfected and compleated . For those parts which before , for example , did belong to the Head , Belly , &c. become now so disentangled and separated from others , so as to be now at liberty to run together , and from the several distinct parts of the Body ; so that those parts which proceeded from the Brain , do now unite to constitute that part , those of the Eyes , the Eyes and so for the rest . Much after the same manner as the like grains of Sand , and the filings of Lead do come together , and make several heaps : as when we fasten a Pipe to a Bladder , and through it cast Earth , Sand and Filings of Lead , and having poured water upon them , if then we blow through the Pipe , all these matters will be variously mingled and tost together , but as soon as the said agitation ceaseth a separation is made , the Lead setling with the Lead , the Sand with the Sand , &c. and in this condition we shall find them , if after the drying up of the water we shall rend the Bladder , that is , we shall find the like particles to be gathered to their like . And after this manner we may conceive that the particles of the Seed become so disposed as to make the first Rudiment of a Birth . V. How the first Rudiment of the Birth comes to be like Man. If you demand how it can be that from such a small quantity of Insensible particles , a Body should arise , resembling the great Body from whence it proceded , and representing every one of its Parts and Members . It is Answered , that this is done much in the same manner as we find that a very little Image in a Convex Glass represents a Man ; for this Image is therefore so little , because only a few rays are reflected to the Eye , from the several parts , many of the Rays rebounding elsewhere by reason of the convexity of the Glass , which makes that only a few Beams from each part do reach the Eye , which meeting in the Retina or Network Membran of the Eye , do represent a very little Man : In like manner , the first Rudiment of a Human Birth in the Womb , is indeed very little , and yet resembles the great Body , exactly as to the number of its parts , tho' not as to the quantity and bulk of them . VI. The Time of the Formation of the Birth . Physicians are at some disagreement about the time of the formation of the Birth . HIPPOCRATES Lib. 1. de Carn . tells us that the Seed being received into the Womb , by the seventh day hath whatsoever it ought to have , and that if an Abortive at the end of this term , be put into the water , and accurately viewed , the rude draught of all the parts will be discernible in it . Others allow a longer time for this forming of all the Parts : ARISTOTLE Lab. 7. Hist . Animal . saith that the Body of the Birth on the fortieth day , consists , as it were , in a Membran , which being rent , the Birth appears of the bigness of a great Pismire , in which all the Members may be distinctly seen . VII . What the Architectonick or Plastick virtue is . Now what this Plastick or formative virtue is that lies hid in the Seed , which begins and carries on the formation of the parts , all are not agreed . GALEN sometimes calls it Nature , sometimes Native Heat , sometimes the Inborn Temperament , and sometimes Spirit , which in his Book de Trem. & Vigor . he determines to be a substance moveable of it self , and always moving . Aristotle , Lib. 2. de Generat . Animal . Cap. 3. distinguishing betwixt the Heat or Spirit of the Seed , and Nature , saith that the Plastick Virtue , is the Nature that is in the Spirit of the Seed . AVICENNA and others following AVERRHOES call it a Coelestial Power , or Divine Virtue . Some admit no other Soul in Man but the Rational , and maintain that it alone , out of convenient seminal matter offered to her , doth perfect all the Lineaments of the parts , and that she is the Architect of her own House . Others affirm that there is a Vegetative or Vital Soul in Man , which is Mortal and distinct from the Rational , and that this Soul is the chief , yea sole Operator in the forming of the Birth , and the very same which some call the Plastick or Architectonick Virtue . VIII . What Parts of the Body are first formed . The Antients differ also , as to what parts of the Body are first formed . ARISTOTLE was of opinion that the Heart was first formed , as being the Fountain of Heat , and the Principle of the Animal Life . For it seems very consonant to Reason , that what dies last , should have the precedence in formation . Others suppose that all the parts of the Birth are formed at once , and contend that there is no reason why the Heart should have any such Praeeminence allow'd it . For why , say they , should the Heart be formed before the other parts , seeing that in the framing of the Members , the Birth doth no more stand in need of the Influence of the Heart than of the Sense of the Brain ? Nature digests the whole Mass of the Seed with one and the same Heat , which equally penetrates all the parts of it ; so that when she begins to frame a Body , she doth not confound the particles of the Seed , but distributes them all into their several places . Which distribution of the Seed cannot consist with a successive Generation of Parts ; seeing it is equally requisit , that a part fit to form the Brain should be taken from the Heart , as it is that the Brain should communicate a part proper to constitute the Heart : Besides , Nature might be accused of Impotence , if she could not perfect and compleat those things together at once , which she hath begun at once . IX . All Parts of the Birth are formed together , notwithstanding that some parts be seen before others . Neither is it contradictory to this assertion , that some parts appear to us before others , because this is only to be attributed to their greater bulk . For the greater parts seem by Nature to be before the less ; but we cannot therefore infer from hence that they exist before them ; because all the Members of the Body are not perfected and compleated at the same time , but according as they are more or less nourished or heated . Wherefore HIPPOCRATES Lib. 1. de Diaeta saith that all the Members are distinguisht and encrease together ; not one before or after the other ; tho' those parts which be greater by Nature than others , do appear before the lesser , but do not exist before them . For the order of Nature is , that the more worthy parts , and those that are designed for the use of others , should appear first , and therefore it is that the upper parts appear before the lower , and those which are formed of the Seed , before those that are formed of the Blood. But yet it sometimes happens , that the more imperfect parts are framed before others , as is manifest in the Navel , which is perfected before either the Heart or Brain . X. This further proved from a Chicken . This may be proved by Experience ; because never was there any Birth found , in which the Heart or any other part was formed , before the other parts were framed also . For tho' in the forming of a Chicken , about the four●h day , the Head and Body of the Chicken begin to appear , when neither Wings or Legs are yet distinguishable , yet even at that time the Rudiments of those parts are there , tho' so little as not discernible by the bare Eye . And thus much concerning the opinion of the Antients about the forming of the Foetus . XI . Dr. Harvey's opinion concerning Conception . Dr. HARVEY was the first of Modern Authors who maintained , that the Masculine Seed did not concur to the constitution of the Birth ; because in the many Animals he dissected after Copulation , he never found any Seed in their Wombs , and therefore was induced to believe , that the Seed of the Male did never reach the hollow of the Womb , or if it did , that it never staid there , but soon after slipt away : and accordingly he supposed that the Male-seed , only by a prolifick breath or contagion , doth make the Female conceive . Secondly , That the Natural Conception in the Womb , happens much in the same manner , as doth the Animal Conception in the Brain : for as we , after having framed an Idea in our Brain , do express the likeness of it in our Works ; so likewise the Idea or Species of the Begetter , tho' the Geniture or Seed be absent , by the help of the Formative Faculty , doth beget a like Birth , by impressing the Immaterial Species it hath upon its work . XII . How Conception is performed according to Steno , and other later Physicians and Anatomists In the year 1670 , STENO a famous Anatomist , discovered that the Female Testicles so called , are nothing else but Ovaria , that is , Receptacles of Eggs , which hath been since confirmed by the Writings of KERCKRINGIUS , SWAMMERDAM , GRAAF , GASPAR BARTHOLINUS and others . And accordingly the received opinion now is , that the Birth , with all its parts , lies hid in these Ovaria , tho' not to sensible appearance . And therefore maintain that the Birth is not formed of the Seed , but that the most Subtil Spirit only of the Masculine-Seed is conveighed through the bottom of the Womb and the Tubes or Trumpets ( so called by FALLOPIUS for their resemblance with that Instrument ) to the Female Ovarium , where it impregnates one of those little Eggs , that is , causeth or excites a Fermentation in it , which makes the Egg to swell , and to require a greater space , by which means it cracks the common Membran of the Ovarium , and through the slit of it , is driven into the Fallopian Tubes by those shaggy edgings which are at the end of the said Tubes , and by Anatomists are called the Leaf-work Ornament , being blown up and distended by the Animal Spirits , and which at the time of Copulation , like so many Fingers , clasp themselves about the Ovarium ; and thus the Egg is conveighed through the whole length of the Fallopian Tubes to the bottom of the Womb , where it is further hatched into a Living Birth . XIII . The Point illustrated from a similitude betwixt the Vegetation of Plants and Animals . The Learned Mr. RAY illustrates this matter in his History of Plants from the Analogy and similitude there is between the Vegetation and encrease of the Seeds of Plants in the Earth , and of Viviparous Animals in the Womb. For even as , saith he , the ripe Seed of a Plant falls down to the Earth , and being there free and at liberty , doth first of all attract the Aliment through the pores of its coverings , and afterwards shoots down roots into the Earth ; so likewise the Egg of a Viviparous Animal , being by the Masculine Seed made Fruitful , and brought to Maturity , falls down from the Ovarium as from its Tree , into the Womb , as the Earth , where continuing for some time loose and at liberty , without being fastned to the VVomb , it takes in its first Aliment through the involving Membrans or Secundines . These Ovaria are nothing else but the Female Testicles formerly so called , which he that diligently views will find them to be nothing else but a Cluster of little Eggs. XIV . Many difficulties may be solved from this Hypothesis . Admitting this opinion , we may easily resolve the following Difficulties , according to SWAMMERDAM in his Miracle of Nature , or the Structure of a Womans Womb. First , Why a Parent that wants Arms or Legs may notwithstanding propagate a Birth , perfect and compleat in all its parts ; even because all the Parts of it are contained in the Egg. Secondly , So likewise that old and famous Question , whether the flowing of the Seed from all the parts of the Body be required to the perfection of the Birth , is readily answered . Thirdly , Hence it appears how Levi , long before his Birth , was said to pay Tenths , in , or with his Great Grand-father Abraham to Melchizedeck , to wit , because he was in the Loins of his Parents , as all the parts of an Animal are in the Egg. And Fourthly , Hence also may be explained and illustrated the ground and foundation of Original Corruption , because all Men that ever were , or shall be , were hid in the Loins of Adam and Eve , to whom therefore it may be easily conceiv'd , that that primordial Taint must have been necessarily propagated from these their First Parents . XV. At what time the Soul is infused into the Body . Now as to the time of the Animation of the Birth , Authors are likewise at great variance . ARISTOTLE supposeth that a Male Body receives its Soul the 42 d day after Conception , and a Female on the 19 th . Whereas AENEAS GAZAEUS will have the Soul not to be put into the Body already formed , but into the Seed it self , whilst it is yet without Form. THOMAS FIENUS , in his Book de Format . Foetus , determins the Infusion of the Soul to be the third day . But if it be lawful to guess at a thing so obscure as this is , it seems most probable that the Soul is then joined to the Body , when it is furnisht with all its Organs , that is , after the formation of the Belly , Heart , Brain , the Pineal Kernel , and all the other Parts , which Anatomists tell us happens about the Fourth Month. CHAP. V. How the Body of Man is nourished and encreased . I. What Nourishment and Encrease is . FOrasmuch as those parts that are so turned into our Substances , as to preserve our Body in the ●ame state and condition only , are said to nourish us ; and that those parts , which being transmuted into our Bodies , do make it greater in Bulk than it was before , are said to encrease it , and make it grow , we may easily apprehend what Nourishment and Growth is . II. The Progress of our Food from our Mouth to the Stomach , Guts , &c. The manner how both these are performed will more plainly appear , by taking an exact view of the changes of those Aliments , whence the Principles of our Blood are derived . First , It is evident that , besides the Culinary Preparation of the Aliment , it is chewed by the Teeth , and being mingled with the Spittle is sent down into the Stomach . 2 ly . That in the Stomach it undergoes a special Fermentation , whereby it is yet further dissolved . 3 ly . That from this dissolved and digested Mass , by another peculiar effervescence or working in the Guts , are separated the more useful and pure parts of the Chyle , from those that are more thick and gross , which are yet farther dissolved and attenuated in the Lacteal Veins , and the Kernels of the Mesentery , as also by the Commixture of the Lymphatick Juice ; and at last being mingled with the Blood in the Veins , are carried to the Heart ; where having past another effervescence , they become united with the rest of the Blood , there being now no more any difference between them . III. How the Chyle is driven out of the Stomach into the Guts . When , I say , that the Chyle is driven out of the Stomach into the Guts , I do not thereby own any Expelling Faculty residing in the Stomach , as the Antients did suppose , this being done by the Animal Spirits flowing through the Nerves into the Membrans of the Stomach , and drawing them together . And forasmuch as these Membrans of the Stomach do immediately infold and embrace the Chyle , in a healthful state of the Body , the said Liquor must of necessity be expelled through the Lower Orifice of the Stomach , into the Guts , as is manifest from a Bladder filled with water , the neck of it being left open ; for as soon as you press this Bladder with your Hands , the water gusheth out immediately at the Neck . Moreover , the pressure of the neighbouring parts , as of the Liver , Spleen , Guts , Midriff , the Pancreas , or Sweet-bread , and especially of the three last , contribute much to this Expulsion : for the Midriff is driven downwards by constant Inspiration , and pusheth upon the Stomach that lies under it , as may be seen in the cutting up of Living Beasts . IV. The nourishing of the Body is performed by the help of the Blood And forasmuch as it is observed that a Body cannot be nourished , as long as the Blood continually flows from it , but that on the contrary it wastes and consumes ; we may well conclude , that Blood concurs to the Nourishment of the Body , and that it is a substance , which acquires another nature , so as to supply those parts that are dissipated , and turn to Excrement . V. The opinion of the Antiens concerning Nutrition and Crowth . Which Change the Antient Physicians explained , by saying , that when the Blood was come to the utmost parts of the Branches of the Capillary Veins , it sweat through them in the form of a Dew , which afterwards turned into substance not unlike to Glew , of a mean consistence ; which Glewy substance was then attracted by the several parts of the Body , according to their several needs . So as that the Flesh attracted those particles that were most proper to be changed into Flesh ; the Bones , the most fit to be turned to Bones ; and that the same Attraction and Assimilation was performed by the help of 2 Faculties , the one whereof they called the Attractive , and the other the Assimilative Faculty . VI. This opinion rejected . But forasmuch as there is no such Attraction in our Bodies , and that our parts are not endued with any knowledge whereby they might be able to distinguish such particles of the Blood as are like and fit for them , from those that are otherwise ; this opinion seems to be very contrary to Reason . Neither do they make out , how the Venal and Arterial Blood comes to be changed into Dew , and thence into a Glew ; neither can they demonstrate what those wonder-working Attractive and Assimilative Faculties are , they do so much talk of . VII . How Nutrition and Growth are performed . We say therefore , that the Nutrition of Mans Body is thus performed . The Blood being come forth from the Heart , wherein it hath received its utmost perfection , is driven towards the ends of the Arteries . For as soon as the Arteries become dilated , and as it were blown up , the small particles of the Blood they contain , run against the roots of some Filaments , which proceeding from the Extremities of the Branches of the Arteries , do constitute the Bones , Flesh , Skins , Nerves , Brain and the other solid Members , according as they are in themselves of a several Juncture or Texture , and thus have the force to drive them a little forwards , and to take up their places . And then as soon as the said Arteries fall again , they leave the particles of Blood in the several places wherein they are , which abiding there , are by this means united to the part they touch . Now supposing this to be the Body of an Infant or a Youth , the matter whereof is very soft , and its Pores readily dilatable , if the particles of Blood , which are pusht out of the Arteries for the restoring of the solid Parts , be somewhat greater than those , into whose room they come , or if it happen that 2 or 3 particles crowd into one place , the Body by this means must needs grow and encrease . VIII . How the Parts of the Aliment become changed into Parts of our Body . But this apposition of Parts chiefly proceeds from the diversity of Figures , that is , as well in the several Particles of Blood , as in the Pores of the parts of the Body : for by this means it is , that when the Blood is driven into the Parts , some of the said particles are more fit to stop in these Pores , and others again in others ; where being variously complicated and figured , they become immediately united with the substance of the Parts , and wholly changed into their nature : whereas those particles , which because of their peculiar configuration , are not sit to adhere or cleave to these or the other Pores , are driven further to others ; till at last the residue of the Blood , whose particles were not adapted to enter any of the Pores , are remanded through the Veins to the Heart ; there to be further digested , and to acquire a new Aptitude for their union with the several parts of the Body . IX . Blood , as Blood , doth not nourish . Yet we must not imagine that Blood , as it is Blood , doth nourish ; for the red particles of Blood do not nourish our Body , but only the Chylous parts that are in it : for if the Blood , as such , did nourish our Bodies , then it must certainly perform this function to the Heart it self , and the Lungs which are so near to it ; for the Coronary Artery of the Heart , as soon as it is got out from it , doth presently , by a retrograde motion , return to it again . Thus also in the Lungs , the Blood takes but a very short course . So that it cannot be otherwise , but that these 2 parts , must have the Blood dashing against them with more force , than it doth against any of the other parts of the Body : If therefore in any part nutrition were performed by the Blood dropping out of the Vessels , the same must surely happen here , seeing that the Blood hath more force to enter upon them , by opening the small Orifices of the Vessels . But we do not see it does so in either of these parts ; for we find the substance of the Heart and Lungs in a natural and sound state , not moistned with extravasated Blood , but with a certain clear moisture . Nay what is more , it is evident that the Blood never comes out of its Vessels , without causing some Disease or other ; for if this happens in the Lungs , it causeth the spitting of Blood , and if in other parts , Swellings and other Diseases . X. The Chyle passeth through the Lacteal Veins , to the Snbclavial . The Physicians of old were of opinion that the Chyle , being by the Branches of the Vena Porta suckt out of the Stomach and Guts , were by them carried to the Liver . But our Modern Anatomists demonstrate that the Chyle is driven through the Lacteal Veins only to the Subclavial , and more particularly GASPER ASELLIUS , in the dissection he made of a Dog , whom before he had ordered to be well fed , in the year 1622. which discovery hath been further improved by others , who have found that the Lacteal Veins , filled with a Milky Juice , are Vessels different from the Mesaraick Veins : forasmuch as in Living Animals they appear distinct from the Mesaraicks which are Red , if the dissection be administred 4 hours after the Animal hath been fed , that is , at the time when the distribution of the Chyle is made ; for after that time they disappear again . But however tho' these be empty , they always appear like so many Strings or Fibres , and are never found fill'd with Blood. XI . The smalness of the Lacteal Veins , conduceth much to the forming of the Blood. Neither doth the smallness of the Lacteal Veins in the least embarras this opinion , for this was designed so on purpose by the Provident Care of Nature , to prevent the more gross and earthly parts of the Chyle from entring into them , as also that the Chyle through them might be , by degrees and leisurely distributed according to the necessity or requirings of the Body , and the more easily changed into Blood in the Heart , by that new disposition of parts it acquires by passing through it , and the Effervescence it undergoes there . For as the whiteness of Snow , and the colours of other Bodies , proceed only from the contexture and Position of the Parts : So the Blood derives its Redness only from that position of parts , which it obtains by its frequent passing through the Heart . XII . Why the Lacteal Veins are supposed to be of use for the Nourishing of the Body . The Reasons that induce us to admit the use of the Lacteal Veins are ; First , Because the Chyle , which is of a White Colour , cannot by the Mesaraical Veins be conveighed to the common Ocean , because they are manifestly filled with the Blood ; whereas the Lacteal Veins are white , that is , of the colour of the Chyle that passes through them . 2 ly . The Lacteal Veins do never appear till after the Body hath been fed , and only about the time when the food begins to be distributed ; which is a strong argument to perswade us , that the Chyle passeth through them . 3 ly . The quantity of the milky liquor that is in these Veins , may be encreased , by pressing the Guts , whilst they are as yet full of Chyle . XIII . The passage of the Chyle from the Guts . The Chyle therefore being duly prepared , passeth through the Guts , where the Alimentary Parts are separated from the unprofitable and excremental , and thence run into the Lacteal or Milky Veins , which carry the said Liquor into the Common Receptacle : From whence 2 other Vessels convey it through the Thorax or Chest , near the Back-bone , up to the Subclavial branches of the Vena Cava , and there empty themselves . XIV . The Birth is not wholly nourished in the Womb by the Mouth . Another Point to be examin'd is , how the Birth is nourished in the Mothers Womb ; since it cannot take in its Food wholly by the Mouth , but at first rather by Apposition , and afterwards by the Navel . For the situation and disposition of its Parts will not admit of this , seeing that the whole Body lies crouded together , and hath its Mouth shut up between its Knees . And tho' as soon as it is born , it reacheth to the Mothers or Nurses Breast ; yet is this only the effect of Natures Providence , which as it teacheth the Birth to fetch its breath ; so likewise she directs it , where to meet with Food . XV. But by the Umbilical Vessels . But that the Birth receives its Nourishment by the Navel , may be proved from the Courses of Women , which generally cease in those that are with Child , because the Blood is then defrauded of the Chyle and its Nutricious Juice , which at that time is kept in the Womb for the Nourishment of the Birth . And for the same Reason , as soon as the Birth is born , the Breasts are fill'd with Milk ; because the Juice which before was employed to feed the Birth , mounts up to the Breasts , where it is changed into a white Liquor . And this is further confirmed by those Women who do not Suckle their Children , for these perceive the Milk to return from the Breast to their Womb , where it is evacuated . To which may be added , that if the Birth in the Womb were nourished by the Mouth , it seems that it should also breath ; which it is impossible it should do , as long as it is in the Womb. Yea further , should the Infant open his Mouth in the Womb , it would be in danger of being choaked with the Liquor wherein it swims . So that it is very probable , that the Birth , when it is perfected , is only , at least chiefly nourished by the Umbilical Vessels . XVI . Flesh is not the Natural Food of Man. Now forasmuch as Man feeds on Flesh , Fish , Herbs and Fruits , it may be enquir'd which of these is his most Natural Food . Indeed if we examine the matter strictly , the feeding on Flesh doth not seem Natural to him ; yea , if we consider the Instruments he makes use of in Eating , we shall find it contrary to the intent of Nature . For we find that those Animals that feed upon Flesh , as Wolves , Lions , and the like , have their Fore-Teeth long , sharp , and at some distance from each other ; because Flesh cannot well be prepared for the digestion in the Stomach , without such Instruments as may pierce deep into the Substance of it , and pluck it to pieces . Whereas those Animals that feed upon Herbs , as Sheep , Oxen , Horses , &c. have short Teeth , which are ranged close together ; whence it may be easily guess'd , that Man who is furnish'd with such like Teeth , was designed to feed chiefly on Herbs and Fruits . XVII . Children love Fruits more than Flesh . This is further confirmed by the Example of Children , who following the Instinct of Nature , do prefer Fruits before Flesh : For Nature not being as yet debauch'd in them , they manifest by their Choice , what Food she design'd for them . So that it is not to be question'd , but that if Children , as soon as they are weaned , should be kept from the eating of Flesh , they would the more strongly desire Fruits , and choose them before all other Food whatsoever . XVIII . The Eating of Flesh was unknown to the first Men. This Intent of Nature may further be illustrated from the Custom of the first Men that lived in the World , who fed only upon Fruits . And accordingly the Holy Scriptures assure us , that the eating of Flesh was not permitted till after the Flood . If it be Objected , that some men have been found in the World , that have fed upon flesh , as the Savages of Brasile , &c. it may be easily answer'd , that these did not follow the guidance of Nature , but their own depraved Lusts and Affections , which prompted them not only to the eating of Flesh , but even to the devouring of Mans Flesh . XIX . Nature demonstrates the same , by denying us Instruments necessary for the Eating of Flesh . Moreover , had Nature intended Flesh to be our nourishment , she would without doubt have furnish'd us with Instruments fit for that purpose , nor have put us to the shift of making use of Knives , which other Carnivorous Animals do not stand in need of . Besides , why have we such an aversion to Raw flesh , and cannot endure to taste of it till it be prepared by Fire ; but only to shew , that Flesh is not our Natural food , being only introduc'd by Lust , which hath quite changed our Nature from its Primigenial Inclination and Temper . XX. Man would be every whit as strong , if he liv'd only on Herbs and Fruits . Neither let any Man object here , That Man would be much weaker , if he should confine himself to feed on Herbs and Fruits only ; for we see that Horses and Bulls are very strong and hardy Animals , which yet feed upon nothing but Herbs , and Corn or Pulse . How swift is a Stag , how lively vigorous and long Liv'd ; and this only by feeding on the Grass of the Field ? So that I should be easily induc'd to believe , that in case a Man were brought up like a Beast in the Fields , he would not be inferiour to Stags in running , nor to Apes in climbing of Trees ; which his delicate and tender Education do now make him unfit for . CHAP. VI. How the Motion of the Heart , Arteries and Muscles , are performed in the Body of Man. I. What the Heart , Arteries and Veins are . WE may gather from what hath been said , that the Heart is nothing else , but a Body , consisting of Musculous Fibres● , into whose Substance are inserted Arteries , Veins , Nerves , and Lymphatick Vessels . An Artery is a Vessel or Pipe proceeding from the Heart , fitted for the containing and conveying of Blood. A Vein is another sort of a long and round Vessel , hollow like a Pipe , with a single and lasting Coat , woven together of all sorts of Fibres . There are 2 Veins which proceed from the Heart , and in their coming out from it separate themselves , and are called by several Names : The Vena Cava , or Hollow Vein , proceeding from the Right Ventricle of the Heart , and from thence mounting strait to the Brain , is called the Jugular Vein , which under the Arm-pits divides it self into 2 branches , called the Axiliary Veins , or Subclavial ; and going downwards , it becomes also divided , and sends a large branch to the Liver ; and this is the Vena Porta , so called , which being divided into very small branches , loseth it self in the Liver . The other Vein being derived from the Left Ventricle of the Heart , is called Pulmonalis , or the Lung-Vein ; because it is distributed through the Lungs , the use of it being to convey the Blood back from the Lungs , by means of the Ear-lappet of the Heart , into the Heart again . II. All Motion in Man , doth not proceed from his Soul. We pereceive many motions in the Body of Man , which the ignorant Common People do attribute to the Soul ; for they seeing that a Dead Body , after the Souls departure , is deprived of all motion , conclude all motion to proceed from the Soul. But we shall easily be convinc'd of this Errour , by observing the Nature of Flame , which notwithstanding that it is Inanimate , is in continual motion ; even to that degree , as to exceed the agitation that is perceived in Animated Bodies . III. Heat is the Cause of all our Motions . But not to concern our selves about the Opinions of the Vulgar , we conclude Heat to be the Bodily Principle of all our motions ; seeing that Death is caused by nothing else , but the loss of our Native Heat , or the destruction of some Principal part of our Body . Wherefore when the Soul becomes separated from the Body , this doth not proceed from any defect of the Soul ; but because the Heat vanisheth , or because some of the Organs are destroy'd and spoil'd . For as long as we live , there is a Heat , or rather Fire in our Hearts ; but such a one as is without Light , ( and not much unlike to that whereby new Wine grows hot and ferments ) which we make the Principle of all the motions that are in the Body . IV. Of the Parts of the Heart . There be 2 Ventricles in the Heart FF , to which 4 Pipes or Channels do answer : To the Right Ventricle GG , the Vena Cava AB answers , into which all the other Veins empty themselves , as into their common Receptacle ; and the Arterial Vein D , which proceeding from the Heart , divides it self into divers branches in the Lungs . To the Left Ventricle HH , as many Channels do belong , viz. the Venal Artery E , which riseth from the Lungs , and the Great Artery called also Aorta C ; which being derived from the Heart , doth divide it self into many Rivulets , throughout the whole Body . V. The Blood runs throughout the whole Body . They who are acquainted with the Works of Dr. HARVEY , know that the Blood runs out of the Vena Cava AB , into the Right Ventricle of the Heart GG , and from thence is carried to the Lungs through the Arterial Vein D ; and afterwards returns from the Lungs into the Left Ventricle of the Heart HH , through the Venal Artery E ; and last of all , after these Circulations , is conveyed into the Great Artery C , which carries the Blood throughout the whole Body . These things being explained thus in few words : VI. The Cause of the Motion of the Heart , is the Bloods dilatation . I say , That the motion of the Heart proceeds from the Dilatation of the Blood that passeth through it ; Which effect of Dilatation is to be ascribed to the Fire which lies hid in the Heart , which rarefies the Blood as soon as it enters into the Ventricle of it ; by which rarefaction and expansion of the Blood , the Mouths of the Vessels are opened , and the Blood is conveyed thence ; upon which evacuation other Blood enters the Heart , to supply the place of that which is run out ; which rarefying in like manner causes the Heart to swell . And from this only proceeds the motion of the Heart and the Pulse or beating of the Arteries ; which is as often repeated , as any fresh Blood enters into the Ventricles of the Heart . VII . There is more Heat in the Heart , than in any other part of the Body . For we are to observe , that as long as an Animal lives , there is more heat in the Heart , than in any other part of the Body ; as also that the Nature of the Blood is such , as that upon the least over-heating , it becomes immediately dilated and rarefied , whence the motion of the Heart and the Pulse of the Arteries do proceed . VIII . How the Heart and Arteries are moved . For the better understanding whereof , we are to observe that the Pulse or Beating of the Arteries is chiefly promoted by 11 little Skins , which like so many little Floodgates or Doors , do open and shut the Orifices of the 4 Vessels that answer to the 2 Ventricles of the Heart . For at the same moment that one of these Pulses ceaseth , and another is at hand , these Valves in the Orifices of the two Arteries are exactly shut , and those that are in the Orifices of the 2 Veins are opened ; so that it cannot be otherwise , but that at the same time 2 parts of Blood must run out of these Veins , one into the one , and the other into the other Ventricle of the Heart . Whereupon these 2 portions of Blood , being both of them rarefied , and consequently taking up a greater Space , they shut the Valves that are in the Orifices of the 2 Veins , and so hinder any more Blood to fall down into the Heart ; and at the same time do push against and open the Valves of the two Arteries , and swiftly rush into them , by which means both the Heart , and all the Arteries of the whole Body are blown up . But this rarefied Blood becomes presently condens'd again , or penetrates into other parts of the Body . And by this means the Heart and Arteries fall flat again , the Valves in the entrance of the 2 Arteries are shut up , and those that are in the Orifices of the 2 Veins are opened , and give passage to 2 other portions of Blood , which cause the Heart and Arteries to be blown up again . IX . The Heart and the Arteries beat at one and the same time . Having thus discover'd the Cause of the Pulse , it may be easily conceiv'd that the Heart and Arteries must beat both together ; for tho' Blood be a fluid Body , yet forasmuch as it is contained in the Veins and Arteries , it is to be consider'd as a Continuous Body . For as when one end of a Continuous Body , such as a Stick is , is moved , the other end is moved likewise , in the very same moment ; in like manner a fluid Body that is contain'd in a Pipe or Channel , if any part of it be moved , the whole must needs be moved also : Which the Boys in their play do evidence , who whilst they push forwards the Water that is at one end of the Spout , they make it gush out at the other . Moreover , all the Arteries that are in the Body are continued and joyn'd together , and do all of them rise from the Aorta ; so that upon the least determination of Motion that is imprest upon this beginning of the Arteries , all of them must be made partakers of the same . X. The Animal Spirits derive their Original from this Cause . From this Dilatation of the Blood in the Heart , the Animal Spirits take their Original . For seeing that the Blood is made of the Chyle , and that the Chyle is nothing else , but a company of the more subtil Particles of the Aliment that have been dissolved in the Stomach , separated by means of the Orifices of the Lacteal Veins , and from thence carried to the Heart : It cannot be question'd , but that the Chyle and Blood , by frequently passing through the Heart , must attain to that great degree of Subtilty , as to resemble the Particles of those Bodies , which the Chymists , after fermentation , and several digestions and cohobations , do distill into Spirit , and bring over the Helm . These Spirits move upwards towards the Brain , because the Great Artery G , by which the Blood is carried up out of the Heart , tends directly that way . But being in great quantity , and not all of them alike pure , the more Subtil of them only do enter the Brain . So that the Animal Spirits are the purest portion of the Blood , subtilized by the heat of the Heart , and of that extream Swiftness , as to resemble the volatile Particles of Flame . For the Spirits are in a continual agitation , and never cease from Motion . XI . What Parts a Muscle doth consist of . Now in order to our understanding of the manner how our Members are moved , we are to take notice , that the Nerves , which are the Conduits of the Spirits , do proceed from the Brain and the Pith of the Back-bone , and end in many strings or filaments , which penetrate into the fleshy part , and help to constitute a Muscle : For these 2 Parts , viz. Flesh and Nerves do chiefly constitute the Essence of a Muscle . Which appears from hence , that many Muscles are found in the Body , in which nothing else is to be seen , besides the Nerve and the Musculous flesh ; as the Muscles of the Eyes , Forehead , Temples , Bladder , &c. XII . What Muscles are , and how they come to be stretched , and swell . The Muscles therefore are parts of the Body , that are fastned to others more solid , consisting of a loose and porous Flesh , and of a Membran that surrounds them ; which , when the Nerves do reach , ( to make use of the words of GALEN , Lib. 1. de motu Musculorum , Cap. 1. ) they become variously cut and divided , till at last being altogether scattered into thin and skinny Fibres , they are woven through the whole body of the Muscle , &c. For the Nerves are no other than so many Channels , which convey the Spirit , and are endued with Pores and Valves , that open themselves towards the Cavity of the Muscles ; so as that when once the Spirit is let in , they do hinder it from returning back again . It is necessary therefore , that the Muscles being blown up by the Animal Spirits , should be dilated in breadth , and contracted in length , and thus move the part to which they are fastned by way of Traction or Drawing . XIII . The Difference of Muscles , as to their Situation and Figure . The Muscles which GALEN , calls the Instruments of Motion , are all of them alike ; but differing in quantity , situation , and figure . With respect to their Dimension some are Thick , as the 2 that are called Vast ones ; others Thin , as the slender Muscle that bends the Leg or Shin-bone . Some are Long , as the strait Muscle of the Abdomen , and the Abductor of the Leg ; others Short , as the Pyramidal Muscles at the bottom of the Abdomen . Some Broad , as the oblique and transverse Muscles of the Abdomen ; others Narrow , as the Muscles of the Fingers and Toes . As to their situation , some are on high , others below ; some on the Right-hand , others on the Left , &c. As to their figure , some resemble a Lizard , others a Thornback , others a Mouse : Some are three-corner'd , some four , some five ; others are Round , Pyramidal , and the like . XIV . The Parts whereof the Muscles do consist . There are 3 Parts commonly assigned to a Muscle , the Head , Belly and Tail : By the Head of the Muscle , Anatomists understands that end , towards which the Contraction tends . Most Muscles have but one Head , tho' there be some that have two , and others three . By the Name of the Tail , they understand that end of the Muscle which is inserted in the part that is to be moved . And by the Belly they denote the middle part of the Muscle , which appears more swell'd like unto Flesh . Some Muscles have but one Belly , others two ; as the Muscle which shuts the lower Jaw-bone , and that of the Bone Hyoides , which are therefore called Double-bellied Muscles , as those that have three Bellies are called Three-Bellied . XV. A description of the Half Nervous Muscle . This may happen several ways , the first whereof is , when the fleshy Fibres of 2 Muscles do directly meet one another , and by this means form one Tendon ; as it happens in the Muscle called Semi-nervosus , or Half-sinewy , which is represented by the Figure , in which the fibres of the 2 Muscles AB , and BC , meeting one another directly , do by this their meeting form one common Tendon EB . XVI . The description of a two-headed Muscle . The second manner is , when the Fibres of 2 or more Muscles , meeting each other obliquely , confound their Tendons , and of 2 make 1 ; as it happens in the Two-headed Muscle of the Arm , as also in the Deltoides , which are represented by the Figure , wherein the Fibres of the 2 Muscles AB , and DC , do meet obliquely , and confounding their 2 Tendons , make one of it , viz. the Tendon EF. XVII . The Muscle of the lower ▪ Jaw-bone . The third manner is , when the Fibres of two Muscles falling upon the two opposite sides of one common Tendon , continue parallel to each other ; as it happens in the Digastrick or Two-bellied Muscle , which moves the Lower Jaw-bone , and which is represented by the Figure , in which the Fibres of the Muscles DC , and BA , falling upon the two opposite sides of the Tendon FE , continue in a Parellel position to each other . XVIII . The Mathematical effect of a Muscle . There are some modern Philosophers , who endeavour to make out , that the effect of any Muscle is meerly Mathematical , and demonstrable from the Principles of that Science . For seeing that there is a threefold Dimension , viz. Length , Breadth , and Depth , and that the figure of a Muscle is terminated by these , it follows , that all Muscles , that lye upon the Bones , when they are contracted , do increase as much in breadth and depth , as they lose in length ; that is , attain to a greater prominence of their Bodily bulk ; whereas , when they are extended , they cover a greater part of the Body . Which they demonstrate thus : Let there be a Parallelogram ABCD , representing the Two-headed Muscle in its state of Extension , and the Square BEGF , equal to it , representing the said Muscle in its state of Contraction . They say , that the Contracted Muscle in the second Figure , is every whit as large as the Extended Muscle in the first Figure : And because the Square of the Muscle BEGF , is equal to the Parallelogram ABCD , therefore they infer , that the surface of the Muscle is the same in both of the Positions , and that the Part GD , changed into breadth , is proportion'd to the Line AD , which determines the Local motion . XIX Our Members are moved by the help of the Muscles . The motion therefore of our Members is owing to the Muscles , which is when some of them are Contracted , and others Extended ; for no part of the Body can be reduc'd to a less Extension , but that at the same time it must draw up to it that part to which it is joyned . Now that one Muscle is rather contracted than another , proceeds from the Communication of Spirits . For that Muscle is contracted that hath most Spirits , as there are fewer Spirits in that which continues extended , and for this Reason appears longer and thinner . XX. The Spirits that are contained in the Nerves , are assisting to the motion of the Muscles . When it is said , That the Spirits which proceed from the Brain , do assist the motion of the Muscles ; this is not so to be understood , as if they alone were sufficient to perform this , but that they determine the Spirits that are contained in all the Nerves of our Body , to tend to one part , more than towards another ; or because they open the Orifices , through which many other Spirits may flow to one part , and by blowing up the same contract it . XXI . The Motions that are excited in us without our advertence , do not proceed from the Soul. From whence we may gather , That our Soul doth not immediately move our Members , but only direct the Spirits that flow from the Heart , through the Brain into the Muscles , and determine them to such and such motions . For the Spirits are indifferent of themselves , and may with the same facility be applied to several Actions . Wherefore all motions that are performed in us , without the command of our Will ; as Walking , the Concoction of our Food , Singing , and other such like Actions , which are done without our advertence , are not performed by the Soul , but only proceed from the disposition of our Organs , and influence of the Spirits . So that all our Actions , our Thoughts only excepted , do agree with and resemble those that we see in Brutes , and have one and the same Principle . CHAP. VII . Of the Circulation of the Blood. I. How the Blood is carried throughout the whole Body . FRom what hath been now said , no small difficulty ariseth ; viz. if the Blood flow out of the Vena Cava into the Right Ventricle of the Heart , and from thence into the Arterial Vein , and out of it into the Venal Artery , and thencc into the Left Cavity of the Heart , until it rush out into the Great Artery ; whence then shall we suppose , that such great store of Blood can be furnish'd ? Or , how comes it to pass , that the rest of the Veins that empty themselves into the Vena Cava , are not exhausted ? Or , that the Arteries are not over distended , into which the Blood from the Heart runs ? II. The Veins and Arterits are like so many Rivulets in the Body . This Difficulty will disappear , if we consider that the Veins and Arteries are like so many Rivulets in our Body , in which the Blood runs along , beginning its motion , as hath been said , from the Right Ventricle of the Heart , and after various windings falling into the same again ; so as that its motion is nothing else , but a continual Circulation . For the Blood which is contained in the Arteries and Veins of the whole Body , by turns continually rushing forth from the Heart , is driven along through the Arteries into the Veins , and out of them again returns into the Vena Cava , the Branches whereof are dispersed throughout the whole Body . III. The Contraction of the Arteries , promotes the motion of the Blood. The Spontaneous Contraction of the Vessels , which are full of Blood , doth very much promote that vehement force , whereby the Blood from the motion of the Heart , is driven all along through the Arteries and Veins . For by means thereof , with the help of Subtil matter , which forceth the narrow Pores of the Fibres , the sides of the Vessels come nearer together , by which means the Liquor contained in them is still driven further , and runs with a greater Force , as coming from a larger Space which it hath near the Heart , into the narrower Arteries : According as we see it happens in a Hogs-Bladder , which being fill'd with the Breath that is blown into it , is no sooner removed from the Mouth , but the Spontaneous Contraction of the Sides of the Bladder do drive out the greatest part of the Air. IV. Reasons proving the Circulation of the Blood. This Circulation was first discover'd by Anatomists , from the communication there is between the Heart and the Lungs . For they found there was the same quantity of Blood in the Venal Artery , as in the Left Ventricle of the Heart , which they concluded could not be so , except that the Blood were strained through the Arteries into the Veins , not by the Anastomoses or Inoculations of the Arteries and Veins , but by means of the porous Substance of the solid Parts . They observed also , that in the Hearts of Fishes which want Lungs , they could not find a Left Ventricle , because there is no necessity in them to have the Blood transfused out of the Heart into the Lungs . But they clearly make out , that such a Circulation is necessary in Man , as well to preserve the Heat of his Body , as to the production of the several Humours thereof . For how could it be otherwise , but that the outward parts of the Body must be congealed with Cold , if New Blood did not continually come to them communicating the heat it brings along with it from the Heart ? For conceive we the heat that is in the Heart to be never so great , yet would it not be sufficient to warm the Members that are so remote from it , except fresh Blood did continually flow to them , to repair their lost heat . Yea , it could not be otherwise , but that the Blood which is cold of its own Nature , must needs stagnate and be coagulated in the Parts , in case it did not continually return to the Heart , there to recruit its heat , and borrow new Spirits . V. Nutrition cannot be performed , without the Circulation of the Blood. Moreover , how could our Bodies be nourished , if the Blood did not continually flow to all the Parts of it ? And except some Particles of the Blood passing through the ends of the Arteries became joyned to the Body , entring into the place of those which they justly out ? How otherwise could our Food be digested in our Stomachs , and turned into Chyle , if there were not a virtue in our Stomachs proceeding from the Heart through the Arteries , which did promote their dissolution ? Moreover , all these Particulars may be confirmed from what before hath been said , concerning the Production of the Spirits , which being the most Subtil parts of the Blood , mount from the Heart to the Brain through the Great Artery , and being afterwards diffus'd into the Muscles by the help of the Nerves , impart motion to the Body . Which Sallies of the Spirits could not be , if the Great Artery did not by a Right Line ascend from the Heart to the Brain . VI. The Common Practice of Chyrurgeons , is a confirmation of the Bloods Circulation . To this also may be added the Practice of Chirurgeons , who when they go about to let any one Blood , make a Ligature about the Arm , above the Orifices of the Vein , towards the Shoulder , that the Blood may gush forth more freely ; because the Ligature hinders the passage of the Blood , and doth not suffer it to pass beyond the Ligature : For tho' it cannot hinder the Blood from continuing its course , yet it cannot hinder but that fresh Blood still comes out of the Artery to the Hand , and from the Hand to the opening of the Vein ; because the Arteries lye under the Veins , and by reason of the Hardness of their Coats , cannot be comprest without great Force . To which may be also added , that the Blood which proceeds from the Heart , through the Arteries , doth rush with greater force towards the Hand , than it returns from the Hand through the Veins to the Heart ; because the Blood flows more slowly in the Veins , than in the Arteries ; forasmuch as that which is in the Arteries hath but very lately been heated and rarefied in the Heart , whereas that which runs in the Veins , doth in time grow cold , and consequently moves more slowly . VII . As in the World there is a continual motion of the Water ; so in Man , of his Blood. In like manner therefore , as there is in the Greater World a continual Course of the Waters that return from the Sea through Subterranean Channels ; and of those that run towards the Sea , by the Rivers : So in the Little World , Man , there is a perpetual Circulation of the Blood through the Arteries and Veins . The Arteries carry the Blood from the Heart to the Members ; and the Veins return the same Blood again from the Members to the Heart : So that the Circulation of the Blood is nothing else , but the perpetual Motion of the same Liquor , passing from the Heart through the Arteries , and returning through the Veins to the Heart . VIII . Why the Blood that is in the Veins , it unlike to that which is in the Arteries . You will Object , That if the Blood be circulated throughout the whole Body 100 or 200 times ( as some suppose ) through all the Arteries and Veins to the Heart , there seems to be no reason why the Blood that is in the Veins , should be unlike to that which is in the Arteries ; whereas we find it is so . For the Arterial Blood appears more lively and florid ; whereas that of the Veins is more dull , and of a blackish Colour , which difference would not be , if the same Blood did run through the Arteries and Veins . IX . Answer . I Answer , That this difference of the Blood is , because that Blood , which is contained in the Arteries , hath before passed through the Heart , and keeps the same Qualities which it hath got there . Whereas the Blood that is contained in the Veins , is not so pure , as containing besides the Blood , which flows to them from the Arteries , another Liquor , communicated to them from the Guts . To which we may add , that the Blood is not so hot in the Veins , as in the Arteries ; because the Veins are at a greater distance from the Heart , than the Arteries , which only is sufficient to make it very different from that which is in the Veins ; because nothing is so easily changed , as the Blood is : As is evident in that as soon as it is got out of the Veins , the Air immediately corrupts it , so that it degenerates into another Substance . X. Whether Agues do depend on the Motion of the Blood. It may be you 'l Object in the Second place , that Agues only return at certain days ; whereas supposing the continual Circulation of the Blood , they would recur more frequently , viz. as often as the Blood returns to the Heart . XI . Answer . To which may be Answer'd , That the Matter of Agues is not lodged in the Veins , according to the Opinion of some Physicians , but in some Cavities of the Body ; where it continues till it comes to maturity , and be made fit to be mingled with the Blood. And according as it doth sooner or later arrive to this Maturity , it causeth either a Quotidian , Tertian , or Quartan Ague : And irregular Agues happen , when the said Matter , shut up in these Cavities , doth too much distend it self , and by its dilatation opens the Pores , so that by this means it wholly or in great part evaporates : For the Pores being once open'd , it is a hard matter to shut them again , before that much Matter is got out by them . XII . How long the Circulation of the Blood lasts in the Body of Man. But some or other , it may be , will enquire , how long this Circulation lasts ? I Answer , That this may in some sort be guest at from the Quantity of the Blood , which at every Pulse of the Heart flows into the Great Artery ; and by determining the Quantity of Blood contained in the whole Body . For if we suppose that at every Pulse of the Heart , one Dram of Blood enters into the Aorta , out of the Left Ventricle , and do then take an exact account of the number of Pulses , we shall easily infer , that if these Pulses be 64 times repeated in one Minute ( as it hath been observed in a Man of a middle Age and Temperament ) there will be 3840 of them in one Hours time . Whence it follows , that every Day 32160 Drams of Blood pass through the Ventricles of the Heart in one Day , which added together make 700 Pounds of Blood. But since there is not so much Blood in the Body of Man , nor scarcely above 10 Pounds , we must conclude that the whole Mass of Blood circulates through the Heart 72 times every Day , and that consequently it passeth out of the Heart into the Arteries , and from the Arteries to all the Parts of the Body thrice in one Hours time . XIII . How the Blood Circulates in the Birth , whilst it is yet shut up in the Womb. It remains now , that we explain how that the Circulation of the Blood through the Heart is performed in the Birth , whilst it is shut up in the Womb : For seeing that the Infant doth not breath in the Womb , as shall be said in the next Chapter , its Lungs lye still without motion , and consequently admit no Blood at all . There are therefore 2 branches found in the Birth , by means whereof this Defect is made up : The former whereof springeth from the Vena Cava , 2 or 3 Fingers breadth above the Midriff , and is inserted into the Vein of the Lungs near the Left Ventricle of the Heart , which the Blood presently enters , and after its Fermentation , or Effervescence there , is through the Aorta distributed throughout the whole Body ; but the remaining portion thereof ascends farther through the Vena Cava , and enters the Right Ventricle of the Heart ; from whence , after Fermentation , it proceeds into the Artery of the Lungs , out of which , near to its egress out of the Heart , another small Channel ariseth , which runs strait to the Great Artery , and into it pours forth the Blood that comes from the Right Ventricle of the Heart , to the end it may be distributed throughout the whole Body . So that because the Blood cannot pass through the Lungs , therefore that which enters the Left Ventricle of the Heart , passeth into the Right ; and thus by these Channels , the want of the passage through the Lungs , is made up . But after that the Child is born , these 2 Channels are stopt up , as being of no further use ; the Circulation of the Blood being now performed through the midst of the Lungs . CHAP. VIII . Concerning Respiration . I. What Respiration is , and that it is necessary for the maintenance of Life . FOrasmuch as the Life of Man consists in the continual Motion of the Blood , and an Animal is said to live as long as the Alimentary Juice runs through the Heart , and from thence is driven to the other Parts ; it is apparent that Respiration is necessary for the maintaining thereof , without which neither the Beating of the Heart , nor the flowing of the Blood can be performed . Hence it is that we commonly use the word Expiring for Dying ; and that ARISTOTLE declares , that the Life of Man consists in the drawing and breathing out of the Spirit . For seeing that the Heart is heated by continual motion , Respiration is necessary for the Ventilating thereof , and for the Cooling of the Blood , to prevent it from being over-heated or enflam'd . Respiration therefore is the Alternative Expansion and Contraction of the Thorax or Chest , by which the Air is conveyed through the Wind-pipe to the Lungs , as well to cool the Blood contained in the Veins thereof , as afterwards to expel the said Air , together with the smutty Vapours : The Chest , Midriff , and Abdomen , as so many Muscles assisting to this Motion . II. Respiration is either Voluntary or Spontaneous . Respiration is twofold , Voluntary or Spontaneous : Voluntary is that whereby the Soul , by its Cogitation and Will , determining the motion of the Animal Spirits into the Muscles , which serve for Respiration and Expiration , doth by turns enlarge and contract the Breast . Spontaneous Respiration is that which is performed by us when we are asleep , or think of something else , from the conformation of the Nerves , which assist Respiration ; whereby the Animal Spirits , without any determination of our Thoughts , flow into the Muscles , design'd for Inspiration and Expiration . III. There be two parts of Respiration . There be 2 Parts that constitute Respiration , viz. Inspiration and Expiration . Inspiration is that Action , whereby the Chest becomes dilated upon the entrance of the Air : Expiration is that Action , whereby the Thorax , or Chest , becomes comprest upon the Expulsion of the Air , together with the Vapours . So that the Breast derives its Dilatation and Contraction from this twofold Motion ; its Dilatation , when its Parts are extended beyond its Natural amplitude ; and its Contraction , when of themselves they return to their former Natural situation . IV. The Air doth not not enter the Breast to avoid a Vacuum . When the Air enters the Breast in Respiration , this Motion doth not proceed from the fear of admitting a Vacuum , neither must we imagine , that the Air of it self runs thither without being driven ; but forasmuch as by the Dilatation of the Breast , the Air which is about the Breast and the Abdomen , is easily thrust out of its place , because of its Fluidity ; neither is there any other place to receive that Air , but that which is made for it by the Dilatation of the Breast ; by this means it comes to pass that the Air which is driven away by the Breast , doth push forwards that which is about the Mouth and Nostrils , and drives it down the Wind-pipe into the Lungs . And thus as much Air is driven into the Lungs , as the Breast and Abdomen by their Dilatation do thrust away from them ; so that here must be conceived a whole Circle of moved Bodies , according to that Axiom of Natural Philosophy , that Every Motion is performed Circularly . Now that the Air enters into the Lungs , because it is driven away by the Breast , is manifest in a Dead Body , where tho' the Mouth and Nostrils be open ; yet the breath doth not enter into the Hollow of the Breast , because there is no Cause by which the Air might be driven thither . And the same we our selves experience , when after having breath'd out the Air , we keep our Chest for some Moments contracted : For in this state we are very sensible that the Air doth not in the least press upon us to enter into our Lungs , as long as we keep our Breasts in that posture . V. Respiration is performed by the help of the Muscles of the Chest , and the Abdomen . Respiration therefore is performed by the Action of the Muscles of the Chest and the Abdomen , which by extending and contracting of our Body , determine the Air to its Ingress and Egress . For there be 2 Muscles H and L , which by turns are blown up by the Animal Spirits , and fall again , and which by their Ingress and Egress do continually maintain the Dilatation and Contraction of the Lungs : For they are so disposed , as that when the one of them , viz. H is blown up or swells , the Space wherein the Lungs are contained , becomes dilated , whereupon the Air enters into them through the Mouth and Nostrils ; and whilst the other L swells , the said Space is comprest , and then the Air is thrust out by the same ways : In like manner as the Air enters into a pair of Bellows , when the sides thereof are distended , and upon their being closed , is driven out again . VI. The manner how Spontaneous Respiration is excited at first . The Animal Spirits therefore being conveyed out of the Ventricles of the Brain , through the interposited Pith of the Back-bone into 2 Nerves , through the Valves CD , are sent in more abundance , and with greater force into the Nerve CGA , which serves for Inspiration ; forasmuch as the same is supposed to be more large and open . And thus the Valve or Flap G , being in the midst of both Nerves is shut , and hinders the Animal Spirits from removing out of the Muscle H , into another passage K ; and at the same time the other Valve F , of the opposite Nerve DFB , is opened , by which the Spirits pass out of the Muscle L , into the Muscle H ; which together with those which flow from the Brain into the Nerve CGA , do enlarge the Body , and drive the neighbouring Air into the Lungs . VII . The Reason of Spontaneous Expiration . And thus is Respiration performed , and lasts as long as the Muscle H , being swell'd by the affluence of Animal Spirits , doth hinder the Ingress of other Spirits , and being straitned by the Membran 1 , 2 , 3 , wherewith it is covered , as well as by its Spontaneous Contraction , is comprest to that degree , that the Animal Spirits rushing forth , by reason of their too great quantity , out of that Muscle , do open the Valve G , and passing through it into the Muscle , they together with other Spirits flowing from the Brain dilate it , and streightning the Breast expel the Air out of it . And after this manner it is , that Spontaneous Respiration and Expiration is performed in us , either when we are asleep or awake . VIII . The Midriff is the Primary Cause of the Motion of Respiration . But forasmuch as the Lungs have neither Fibres nor Muscles , without which no part of the Body is moved , we are to enquire what that is which effects this Rising and Falling of the Lungs . For as a pair of Bellows is distended or comprest with the Hand ; so a like Cause must be assigned , which dilates and compresseth the Lungs : This upon Enquiry we shall find to be the Midriff . For it is a thing whereof every one is aware , when he feels that motion whereby his whole Abdomen is lifted up at every Inspiration , that at an equal Interval of time , the Gristles of his Ribs are drawn inwards ; because the Midriff , by its middle part , presseth the Stomach and Guts downwards , and at the same time doth attract or draw inward , the Gristles to which its Extream parts are fastned , by reason of the tension or stretching of its Middle part . Moreover we find , that when we have fed plentifully , our Respiration is more swift , but withal not so strong and vigorous : And the same thing we Experience , when the Air we take in is thick and fill'd with gross Vapours . Forasmuch as in the former case , the Midriff , because of the over-fulness of the Stomach , cannot dilate it self , as it was wont to do , and therefore endeavours to compensate the diminution of this Dilatation , by the frequency of her Respirations . And in the latter case , the Lungs are so clog'd with the gross Air they have drawn in , that not being able to cast it out again , they are forc'd to continue distended ; and so it happens that the Midriff , not being able to return to its first State , is put upon a more frequent Reciprocation of its Motion . IX . Wounds in the Chest prove the great influence the Midriff hath on Respiration . This may be further confirm'd from Wounds of the Chest : For as soon as that is pierced , immediately the Lungs fall flat , the Midriff still continuing its motion upwards and downwards , and attracting the Gristles , and moving them , as it did before the said Wound was inflicted : So that we cannot say , that the Lungs do perform the Function of Respiration , but that they are only as Concomitants , inasmuch as complying with , or following the motion of the Midriff , they take in the Air , and presently after being contracted , expel the same , together with the smutty Vapours that arise from the Blood. Yea , it hath often been observ'd , that some Men who have had their Lungs in a manner wholly consumed ; yet have never been troubled with any considerable difficulty of Breathing ; which could never have been , in case the Lungs were the principal and primary Instrument of Respiration . X. Of the manifold use of Respiration . Many are the Uses of Respiration : First , For the Cooling of the Blood ; for except the Blood that flows from the Right Ventricle of the Heart , through the Arterial Vein , be refrigerated by the Air taken in by Respiration , and be condensed again , before it enters the Left Ventricle of the Heart , it cannot be fit Fewel to that Fire which lies hid in the Heart , nor maintain it . The Second use is , That the Air which goes out from the Heart , carries along with it some Particles , which are as it were the Smoak and Soot of the Blood , and conveys the same through the Arterial Vein , from the Right Ventricle of the Heart . For the Lungs are as it were a Sieve , by the help whereof the Filth is separated , and those Humours sent away which would choak the Heart , should they continue mingled with the Blood. Respiration therefore clears and purifies the Blood , that it may be fit to enter the Left Ventricle of the Heart , and without hindrance be transmitted to the Aorta . Wherefore Respiration is of absolute Necessity to the Life of Man , so that when that is stopt or hindred he must dye . And therefore HIPPOCRATES saith : We may live for some days without Meat or Drink ; but when once the passages of our Breath are stopt , we cannot continue one Hour . Moreover , when all other Actions admit Intervals of Rest , Respiration alone is that Action which in Animals never ceaseth . For seeing that the Animal Life chiefly consists in the motion of the Blood , or at least necessarily depends on the same it is evident that upon the ceasing of Respiration , the Blood cannot pass from the Right to the Left Ventricle of the Heart ; whereupon the motion of the Blood , which is of such absolute necessity to the maintaining of Life , must cease likewise . XI . How Infants Breath in thei● Mothers Womb. If you Object here , That Infants live in their Mothers Womb without Respiration : I Answer , That Nature hath taken another way to secure the Life of the Infant in his Mothers Womb , by taking care that the Blood which hath been heated and rarefied in the Heart , should not any more return thither again , but in a very small quantity . For since the passage of the Lungs , because of their compact consistence , is intercepted or shut up , the Blood is conveyed another way , out of the Right Ventricle of the Heart into the Left , viz. through the Body of the Vena Cava , out of which there is a passage opened into the Venal Artery , which is commonly call'd the Oval Hole ; and another out of the Arterial Vein , into the Great Artery ; through which Passages the Blood is forced to take its course . But as soon as the Infant is born , the Blood enters through the Artery and Vein of the Lungs , either because these Vessels of the Lungs are wider than those other Passages , and afford it a more free Ingress ; or because the Passage of the Oval Hole , and the Arterial Channel , begin to be obstructed by degrees , and turn to a Ligament . XII . Some Animals live in the Waters , without any Respiration . And for the same Cause it seems , that Ducks , Didappers , Geese , and other Aquatick Animals , do live for some time under Water , without Respiration ; because those Passages , I have but now mentioned , are not wholly stopt up in them , but either by their daily using of them , or by reason of the Natural disposition of the Parts in those Animals , do continue open , and cannot without some difficulty be obstructed or abolished . And we may with great probability attribute to the same Cause what Historians relate of some Divers , that would continue for Hours together under the Water , viz. that by a singular Priviledge of Nature , these two Passages continued open in them , so as that the Blood could pass through them , as it did before they were born . Yea , we have the Relation of some dissected Bodies , in which these have been found open , so as that the Blood could freely pass through them . CHAP. IX . Of the Growth and Decrease of the Body of Man ; of the Temperaments and the Differences of Age. I. How Augmentation or Growth differs from Nutrition . A Body is said to be nourished , when the Particles of Aliment being turned into Chyle , do preserve and maintain it in the same state wherein it is ; but it is said to grow , when these Particles are in such abundance joyned to it , as that thereby its bulk increaseth . Thus Mans Body is said to grow , when Particles of a new Substance are added to those which before made up its bulk , or magnitude , exceeding in quantity what it loseth by continual Transpiration . For seeing that all the Parts of our Body , the Bones only excepted , are soft , their Pores consequently are easily dilatable ; and therefore whensoever more prepared Aliment is joyned to them , than their Narrowness can contain , consequently that Body must increase in bulk . II. How Augmentation is performed in Mans Body . How this is done we shall easily understand , by following the Blood from its Fountain , the Heart , and observing the several turnings it takes in the Body . Conceive we therefore the Blood that hath been rarefied with the Heat , or Fire that is in the Heart , rushing forth thence through the Aorta towards the Brain , and some small portion of it entring the Capillary Arteries , and insinuating it self into all the infinite Pores of their Membrans , which are opened at every Pulse or beating of the Heart . Conceive we also these Pores , to be so exceeding narrow , that the Particles of Blood cannot range up and down in them , but are forced to pass strait forwards , so that touching one another , they do no longer compose a Liquid Body , but rather several slender Threads ; such as the Fibres or Strings of Flesh are . This supposed , we shall easily apprehend that a Body is then said to be Nourished , when the dissipation of one Fibre of the Fleshy parts , is made good by an equal portion of Matter ; and to grow or increase , when more Matter is joyned to it , than was dissipated . As we see that Bread swells to a greater bulk , when its Pores take in more Milk or Wine , than the quantity of Air was , which either of these Bodies have driven out of them . III. What Decrease or Diminution of the Body is . The Decrease or Diminution of the Body , is caused either upon the defect of Food , or when the Aliment is unfit to enter the Pores ; or when the Natural heat is too weak to drive the Food to the ends of the Fibres , and by this means restore the dissipated Substance of the Body ; as it happens in Old Men : Or when the Heat is too strong , as in those that are of a Cholerick Complexion : Or when the Texture of the Body is such , as that it cannot admit the Alimental Juice into its Pores . IV. The Body of Man grows till the Age of One and twenty . The Body of Man is observ'd to grow till the years of 21 or 22 ; for seeing that until that term , the Bones are not yet arrived to their utmost degree of Hardness , and that the other parts of the Body are readily penetrable , the Aliment accordingly is readily received into the Pores of them ; and though for many years after this , the Body may spread in breadth , yet at last it ceaseth from any further growth , because the Parts of the Body , by reason of a continual access of fresh Aliment grow so hard in process of time , that its Pores can no longer be extended or dilated , nor any thing further be added to it . V. The Four Temperaments or Complexions of a Human Body . The Body of Man being a compound of different parts , Physicians have attributed to it a Temperament consisting of several Humours , viz. Blood , Phlegm , Choler and Melancholy ; which are distinguisht by their native qualities . For the Blood in the Veins and Arteries is hot and moist ; Phlegm cold and moist ; Choler hot and dry ; and Melancholy dry and cold . So that a Man whose Temperament is hot and moist , is esteemed of a Sanguine Complexion ; he that is of a hot and dry , Cholorick ; and so of the rest . For all Men are not of the same Temperament , but differ according to the Predominance of one or more of these humours , and accordingly are inclin'd to various Passions and Inclinations . VI. The Disposition of those that are of a Sanguine Complexion . Persons of a Sanguine Temperament , have quick and lively Bodies , a Ruddy Colour in their Faces , they are little thoughtful or serious , but inclin'd to Jesting , Singing , Complaisance and all manner of Merriment ; and much addicted to Lust and Pleasure . They have a great , full and moderate Pulse ; which makes Youths that abound with Blood to be facetious , good natur'd , plump and of a Ruddy Complexion , and subject to Inflammations and other Diseases proceeding from a surplus of Blood. VII . The Temper o● such as are Cholerick . Cholerick Persons ; or such in whom the Gall abounds , are of a hot and hasty Temper , and like Straw or Stubble do easily take Fire , and are suddenly kindled with Anger and Indignation , but do not keep their Anger long , being soon reconciled . They are much subject to Tertian Agues , the Yellow Jaundise and Fluxes of the Belly , these Diseases proceeding from the Depravation of the Gall. VIII . The Melancholy Complexion . Those of a Melancholy Complexion are not so readily provoked to Anger ; but being once provoked , are not easily appeased . They have a small and slow Pulse , narrow Veins , and a sad and dark Aspect . The diseases they are most subject to are Schirrous Swellings , Quartan Agues , the Piles , Hypochondriacal Melancholy , and other Distempers of the Spleen . IX . The Phlegmatick Complexion . Phlegmatick Persons being of a cold and moist Temperature , are not troubled with any vehement Passions , neither are greatly moved about any outward things ; and therefore are Slow , Sleepy , Lazy , and not at all inclin'd to be Angry : They are subject to daily Phlegmatick Tumours , Winds and the Dropsie . X. All the parts of the Body have their Peculiar Temperament . The parts of the Body also have their particular Temperament ; for the Heart is the hottest of all other parts , as having in it a continual Fire , which is fed and maintained by the never ceasing Afflux of the Blood. The most moist part is the Brain , which the continual Defluxions proceeding from it , are a pregnant witness of , being caused by those Vapours , which continually ascending to the Brain , are there condensed . The Bones are the most cold and dryest parts of the Body , forasmuch as their particles are without all motion , and their Pores are only filled with Air or Subtil Matter . XI . Of the Different Ages of Man. The difference of the several Ages of Mans Life doth likewise depend on a variety of Temperament ; and are more in Man than in other Animals . By the name of Age we understand such a part of the Life of Man ▪ wherein by reason of the mixture of Heat and Cold in his Body and their acting upon each other , the Temperament of it undergoes a sensible alteration . These Ages are distinguisht into Childhood , or the Age of Stripling , the Age of Young Men , Manly Age , and Old Age. XII . Of the First Age , Childhood . The Age of Childhood in Boys reacheth to their 14 th year , and in Girls to their 12 th . The Bodies of Children are in a manner of an equal Temperature between Heat and Moisture ; for tho' the Heat and moisture of their Bodies exceeds that of Men , yet they are said to be temperate , as being such as best agree with their state . BOYS and GIRLS begin to breed Teetth when they are a year and an half old ; and when they are about 7 , change their first Teeth for new ones . XIII . The Second Age , Youth . The next Age is Youth , which extends to the 25 th year . This Age is more Temperate than Childhood , as wherein the Heat doth not so much prey upon and dissipate the moisture , and the moisture less clogs the Heat . Youths are most desirous of Liberty , and accordingly as soon as they are got from under the Inspection of their Parents and Masters , they are apt to run into great Excess , by betaking themselves to their Lusts and Pleasures . As being persuaded that they are now wholly at their own dispose , and at full and absolute liberty to do whatsoever they please . XIV . The Third Age , that of Young Men. Next to Youth follows that which is called the Age of Young Men , which reacheth from 25 to 35 , and is the flourishing Age of Man , wherein Heat and Driness do predominate ; the watry Humour being much wasted in the foregoing years , and the Oily Particles more intricately mixed together , do make the Heat stronger , and preserve the Animal Spirits better . Accordingly Young Men are more hot than Youths , and violently carried to Venery . As to the Temper of their minds they are Restless , Rash and precipitant in their Judgment , neglecting present good things , and reaching out to those that are Future . XV. The Fourth is Manly Age. Next follows Manly Age , which from 35 extends it self to 50. In this Age the Natural Heat , and Agitation of the Spirits begins to be lessened ; but yet the Body is not so exhausted , as that the natural Faculties grow faint and weak , seeing that every part is ready and fit to exert the Fanctions and Actions of Life . XVI . The Fifth and Last is Old Age. Last of all comes Old Age which is Dry and Cold ; the former part whereof called Viridis by the Learned , reacheth from the year 50 to 60 , during which , many Old Men are yet pretty lively and vigorous ; the Middle is from 60 to 70 , during which term the Spirits are few and weak , and can but languidly perform their functions . The Senses grow dull and weak , the strength and vigor of the Body languisheth . And the last is that which is called Decrepit Age , which compleating the Dryness and Coldness of the Body , brings in Death , the end and conclusion of them all . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 10. G. Freman Inv. I Kip Scu To his Highness William Duke of Glocester &c. a. The Plate is most humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . CHAP. X. Of the Senses in General . I. What the Senses are . THO' all things in the Body of Man be full of wonder , and most proper to raise our minds in Gratitude to Glorifie our Creator ; yet doth nothing more lowdly proclaim his Power and Goodness , than the variety of our Senses , which are those Affections or Cogitations by which we perceive External Bodies . For the Senses are nothing else but Perceptions of the Mind , that are the consequences of several Motions made in the Brain ; our nature being such , that by occasion of these motions , produced in our Organs , several Ideas and Figures of the things are represented to us . II. What an Organ is , and how manifold they are . An Organ is that part of the Body , which receives the impulse or action of the Object ; or is that Natural Instrument by means whereof an Animal perceives something . Some Organs are External , which have their Inlets in the outward part of the Body , as the Eyes , Nostrils , Ears and the Nerves that are joined to them : Others Internal , which lie hid in the inward parts of the Body , as the Brain , the Spirits , the Pineal Kernel . III. How the Senses perform their Functions in the Body . For seeing that our whole Skin and Flesh , whereof the outward Habit of our Bodies do consist , are interwoven with several Twigs and Tendrils of the Nerves , when these are distended by the Animal Spirits rushing into them , they are easily put into motion by the least justling of outward Bodies : which motions according as they are grateful or hurtful to the Bodies in which they are excited , do exhibit variety of sensations to the Soul. As for Example , because Tangible Objects touch our Bodies , they produce a motion in the Organ , by the Help of the Nerves , the Extremities whereof are extended throughout the whole Body , which motion being immediately carried to the Brain , and thence communicated to the Soul , which is intimately present to it , doth variously affect the same according to the diversity of the Nerves , and structure of the Organ . IV. There be three Degrees of Sensation . This will appear more clearly , by considering these three degrees in every sensation : the First when the Organ is affected by forrein Bodies ; or when the Impression is made by the object it self , which being received into the Organ of Sense , carries the Type or Character of the sensible thing along with it ; and this is nothing else but the Agitation of the Particles of that Organ , with some variety of Position and Figure proceeding from that Agitation . And this first degree is common to Men with Brute Beasts . The Second is the Perception of the Soul , heeding or attending to that motion , which immediately follows upon the former degree , because of the intimate presence of the Soul to the Organ so moved . The Third comprehends all those Judgments , which we form by occasion of these motions . Which Progress , if it be well heeded , it will be manifest , that all Bodily Objects are therefore only perceived by us , forasmuch as they move the Nerves that assist such and such Organs . V. The Three Degrees of Sensation illustrated by an Example . As for Example , when I see a Stone , or any other Object , it is because the Light reflected from the Stone moves my Eye : for nothing else proceeds from the Objects to our Senses but motion only , or an Impression . Which motion is readily conveighed from the Bottom of the Eye through the Optick Nerve , or its small Fibres to the Brain , and Seat of the Soul ; upon which impression immediately follows our perception of Light or Colour ; and then the Judgment whereby the Soul concludes the thing to be of such and such a Colour . VI. The Diversity or Variety of our Senses , proceeds from the Difference of our Nerves . For from the variety of the Motions that are made in the Organs , and conveighed to that part of the Brain , from whence the Nerves proceed , divers Senses are produced . Thus by the force of the motions that are made in that part of our Brain , whence the Optick Nerves do proceed , we are affected with the Sense of Light , and by the variety of those motions , with that of colour . Thus by the motion of the Nerves that belong to our Ears , we perceive Sounds ; and by those that are disperst through our Tongues , divers Tasts , Relishes and Savours . And the same may be said of the perceptions of Titillation , Pain , Hunger , Cold , &c. all of them depending on the motion of the Nerves . VII . All Motions are conveighed to the Brain . For seeing that the Ventricles of the Brain are perpetually filled and distended by the Animal Spirits , as we see that the Sails of Ships , are blown up and stretched by the wind : And since in the midst of the Brain we find that Kernel placed , which is called by Physicians , Conarion , or the Pine-Apple-like-kernel ( of which more hereafter ) being surrounded every way with the Animal Spirits , there is no agitation so small or inconsiderable that can happen to the small Fibres or Filaments of the Nerves , but that it must be communicated to the Brain , and consequently be imprest on the Animal Spirits contain'd in it ; and by means of them to the foresaid Kernel , and consequently to the Soul whose Residence it is . For so we are taught by Learned Men , that we never feel or are sensible indeed , except we feel , that is , perceive , that we feel . And thus ARISTOTLE himself tells us Problem 33 Sect. 11. that Sense , when it is separate from Understanding , is only insensible labour , whence it is said that the Mind sees , the Mind hears . VIII . Our Senses are no more than Motions . We may conclude therefore that our Soul doth not stand in need of any sensible Species proceeding from the Objects , to make it capable of Sense , the motions imprest upon the Body from without being sufficient for this purpose , as may be proved by manifold Experience : For when a Man is hit on the Eye , he perceives flashes of Light , tho' indeed he be in the Dark , and cannot discern any Objects . Whence it is evident , that this Sense is only to be ascribed to that violent agitation imprest upon the Organ of Sight . And something not unlike to this happens to those , who having for some time fixed their Eyes upon the Sun , upon turning their backs upon it , or shutting their Eyes , think they see a vast variety and mixture of Colours . The cause whereof is the concussion of the Strings or Fibres of the Optick Nerve . IX . The Error of the Peripateticks about the Cause of Sense . Whence we may be convinc'd of that palpable Error of the Peripateticks , who suppose the Sound that is received into the Ear , to be in the Air , or in the Sounding Body : And in like manner , that Light and Colour are in the Flame , and in a Wall or other Object ; because they do not feel a Sound , Light , and Colours in themselves , as they feel Pain and Tickling ; supporting their Opinion also with this Argument , That the Colours that are seen , appear to us much bigger than our selves . X. This common Errour refuted . But that these Arguments are of no force in this case will appear , if we consider , that we have a sense of many things which are without us , and which we judge to be much greater than we our selves are , tho' there be nothing without us that effects such Sensations in us . For Mad-men , and such as are in a high Fever , do sometimes see , or think they see many Appearances or Representations , which are not imprest upon their Eyes from without . In like manner it frequently happens when we are asleep , that we think we hear Sounds , or see Colours , after the same manner as we do when we are awake ; and then attribute that Sound , and those Colours , to External Objects , and imagine them to be much greater than they are ; when indeed there is nothing without us , to which we can attribute them . XI . There is no Necessity for our admitting of Intentional Species . Neither is there any thing that obligeth us to admit such Images as these , for the Explication of the Sense of Seeing , or any other ; since we find that there are many things that can produce Affections and Commotions in our Souls , which have no likeness at all with the Objects they signifie : As when Words spoken , or committed to Paper , represent the Slaughter of Men , Destruction of Cities , or Storms at Sea ; or excite the Affections of Love or Hatred : Which Representations or Thoughts bear no resemblance at all with the things they signifie . XII . Because they are not Intelligible . Besides these Species ( which are commonly called Intentional ) are so obscure , that the Nature of them cannot be understood : For they are not Corporeal or Divisible , seeing they are found whole and entire in every least part of the Subject or Medium . And if they be Indivisible , as most suppose them , and of an ambiguous Nature between Body and Spirit ; how come they to move our Senses , yea , and sometimes hurt them too ? Or how can they represent Extended Beings , being without Extension themselves ? XIII . Neither is the Cause of them intelligible . Neither is the Original or Cause of these Images less obscure , than they themselves are : For how can we suppose that sluggish Bodies can by Emanation send forth such excellent Forms ? Nothing being more wonderful or inexplicable , than how such Spiritual Forms should continually be procreated by Terrestrial Bodies , or flow from them . Besides , by what Chariots or Vehicles are they conveyed to us ? Do they come solitary to us from the Object ? Or are they diffused and multiplied by Propagation , and that in a Moment of Time ? XIV . The Senses are in the Soul. Wherefore tho' every one ( as DES CARTES saith , in the beginning of his Treatise of Light ) be apt to persuade himself , that the Idea's which we have in our Thoughts , are like the Objects from whence they proceed ; yet can I find no Reason , to assure my self thereof : But on the contrary do meet with many Experiments , that may make us to question it . For if Words that signifie nothing of themselves , but only from Custom and Human Institution , are sufficient to make us conceive many things , wherewith they bear no resemblance at all : Why may not Nature as well appoint a Sign , which may make us to have the Sense of Light ; tho' indeed , it contain nothing that is like that Sense ? Don't we find , that in this manner she hath appointed Laughter and Tears , whereby we may read Joy or Sorrow in the Faces of Men ? But you 'l say , That our Ears make us sensible of nothing but the Sound of Words , and that it is our Soul only which remembers what these Words signifie , that does represent the same signification unto us at the same time . To which I Reply , That it is our Soul also that represents to us the Idea of Light , as often as the Action which signifies the same , doth touch our Eye . XV. It cannot be conceived how these Images should reach the Brain . Neither is it less difficult to explain , how these Images can flow from the Objects . For what virtue is there in them , to produce these Species ? Or how shall they be received into the Organs of the Outward Senses , and from thence be conveyed through the Nerves to the Brain ? If the Species be received by the Sense , how is it that it is not known or perceived by it , since every thing that represents ought to the Knowing Faculty , is objectively related to it , forasmuch as it supplies the room of the thing it represents ? XVI . The Sense of Titillation or Pain , cannot be explained by Species . None of these things were ever yet fully explained by those , who so much cry up Sensible Species ; nor ever will be , as I suppose . Besides , how will they go about to explicate the Sense of Pain and Tickling by the help of these Images ? The Point of a Sword , for Example , is thrust into a Body , which causeth a dissolution of Parts , whereupon Pain follows : Where shall we be able to find either in the Sword , or the Division of the Body , any Species that is in the least like the Sensation of Pain , that follows thereupon ? What Analogy hath the application of our Hand with the Sense of Titillation ? Conclude we therefore boldly , that Pain , and all other Sensations , are therefore excited in us ; because the Parts of our Body , by the Touch or contact of another Body , are locally moved ; which motion of the Nerves , if it be moderate produceth Titillation ; but if violent , Pain . XVII . Light and Sound are Motions only . Moreover , what is Light , but the motion of the Subtil and Aethereal matter , which shakes and agitates the little Nerves of the Retina or Net-work membran or coat of the Eyes ? What is Sound , but the motion of the Air , which strikes the Drum or Organ of Hearing ? Forasmuch therefore as divers Objects variously strike the Organs , it can be no otherwise , but that the Soul , which is placed in the middle of the Brain , must by means thereof perceive the differences of Sensible things : Somewhat in like manner as a Blind-man , by the motion of his Stick , can discern or distinguish a Stone from Sand , and Earth from Water . Because there is nothing , besides Motion , which can strike the Organs of the Senses , or affect the Mind it self . XVIII . Of the Five Senses . Sense ( by which word nothing else is understood , but a Faculty of perceiving Sensible Objects ) is fivefold , viz. Feeling , Tasting , Smelling , Hearing and Seeing , according to the diversity of Objects that move the Nerves of the several Organs ; and the variety of the Organs themselves , and the modes or manner of their being affected therewith . Which cannot but happen , if the Organ that is affected be sound and whole , with a sufficient distance of the Object from the Organ , and a fit Medium . By defect of the first of these , the Sense often mistakes in those that have the Yellow Jaundies , or Agues : For want of the second , the Object cannot be discerned , if it touch the Organ : And by failure of the third , the Sight that perceives Objects through a misty Air , or partly through the Water , and partly through the Air , is very apt to mistake the true Modifications of them . XIX . The Division of the Senses into Internal and External . The Senses are also commonly divided into Internal and External . The Internal are 2 , viz. the Common Sense or Phantasie , and Memory . The External are the 5 already spoken of , and are called External , because they are produced in us by the help of outward Organs : Tho' indeed , if we will speak acurately , all these 5 Senses , called External , are Internal , forasmuch as it is the Soul alone , which residing in the Brain , Sees , Hears , Tastes , &c. It may also be said , that there is but one only External Sense , viz. that of Feeling ; because no Sense can be without Contact and Local motion . Thus , if we would taste any thing , it is necessary that the Food should touch the Nerves subservient to that Sense , that so the said motion may be conveyed to the Brain , or the Common Organ of Sense ; and the same may be said of all other Senses . CHAP. XI . That the Senses are an Effect of the Nerves ; and that the Soul of Man only feels , for asmuch as it resides in the Brain . I. How the Nerves ●onduce to the forming of the Senses ; and how the Soul rules in the Brain . THo' it sufficiently appears from the foregoing Chapter what Sense is , and how by the Ministry of the Nerves External Objects are communicated to us ; yet it remains still for us to enquire , how the Nerves perform this ; and why the Senses rather have their residence in the Brain , than in any other part of the Body . Both which , tho' they be different Points , I shall comprehend in this Chapter . II. Three things are to be consider'd in the Nerves . In the first place , we are to take notice , that the Nerves are Vessels fitted for the containing and conveying of Spirits , proceeding from the Pith within the Brain . Secondly , That there are 3 things to be considered of in the Nerves ; First , The thin Skins wherein they are wrapt or cover'd , which proceeding from the Coats or Membrans that encompass the Brain , are dispersed throughout the Body into small branches like Pipes . Secondly , That their Inward Substance , which is divided into very fine filaments or Strings , do reach from the Brain , whence they take their rise , to the utmost Parts of the Body , with which these Nervous filaments are interwoven . Lastly , The Animal Spirits , which like a Wind , or most subtil Air , rushing through these little Pipes , do move the Muscles , by way of Inflation or blowing of them up . It remains now that we say something , how those Strings or Capillaments which are within the Tubes of the Nerves , are subservient to Sensation . III. How the Nerves are subservient to Sensation . Which will not be difficult to understand , if we suppose that these Capillaments do reach to the Extremities of all the Members , that are capable of any sense ; so that if any part of those Members , to which the Nerve is fastned , be never so little stirr'd , at the same Moment that part of the Brain from whence that Nerve proceeds , must be moved also . Which we may Experience in a stretched-out Rope , whereof if the one end be touched , the other must be moved at the same time . So that all the diversity of Impressions that are made upon the Brain , do arise from the Nerves , which carry the various Qualities of the Objects along with them . IV. How the Body is excited from External Objects , to move it self . We must therefore imagine , that those small Filaments that are derived from the inmost Recesses of the Brain , and constitute the Pith or Marrow of the Nerves , are so disposed in all those Parts that are the Organ of any Sense , as that they may be most easily and readily moved by the Objects of those Senses . And that whensoever those Filaments are never so little moved , they draw those parts of the Brain , whence they proceed , and at the same time open the Orifices of some Pores , that are in the inward Surface of the Brain , through which the Animal Spirits in the Ventricles of the Brain , begin immediately to direct their course , and through them rush into the Nerves and Muscles that are the Instruments of those Motions , that are altogether like them that are excited in us , when our Senses are so and so affected . V. The Soul of Man hath its Residence in the Brain . As to the second Particular , viz. That the Soul of Man doth feel , that is , sensibly perceive all things ; not as it is in the Organs of the External Senses , but only inasmuch as it is in the Brain , which is the Center and Rise of all the Nerves , this is evident from Examples and Reason . For when we see Light , or hear a Sound , we must not imagine that the Soul exerts this Act of Sensation in the Eye or the Ear ; but that it perceives these things in its own place or seat , by means of the Nerves that reach from those parts to the Brain . For if the Soul did see in the Eye , and hear in the Ear , since both these Organs are double , there must needs follow a double perception of one and the same Object , at the same time : And since the contrary is most evident , it follows , that the Soul feels only in that part of the Body where the 2 Impressions , which proceed from one Object , through the double Organs of the Senses , are united again into one , before they affect the Soul. VI. Proved from the Experiment of Vapours and Wound● . This may be confirmed from manifold Experiments : For we find by daily Experience , that the Vapours which ascend from our Stomach to the Brain , and being condens'd there , do obstruct the passages through which the Animal Spirits have their course , do deprive a Man of the Power of Sensation . We find also that Diseases , which affect the Brain , or Wounds that are inflicted in it , do destroy the Senses ; as is manifest in those that are struck with the Apoplexy . In like manner in Frenzies , wherein the Imagination is spoiled , Remedies are applied to the Head , which would be very foolishly done , if the Senses had their Residence in any other part of the Body . Hence it is that they who are seiz'd with the Apoplexy , are immediately deprived of all their Senses , so as not to be sensible , tho' they be slash'd with Knives or prick'd with Pins . And for the same Reason it is , that Persons that have their Attention fix'd upon any thing , do not take notice of things that are done in their presence ; because the Soul residing in the Brain , is otherwise taken up , so as not to take notice o● the things that ore offer'd unto it . VII . Another Instance taken from those , who are troubled with the Vertigo , or Turning of the Brain . But no mor● convincing Argument can be alledg'd to prove , that the Soul doth sensibly perceive in the midst of the Brain , than that which is taken from the Vertigo , in which all External Objects seem to move round ; whereas indeed there is no such motion , neither in the Objects themselves , nor in the Outward Senses ; but it proceeds only from the Spirits in the Brain , being so moved , which affecting the Soul , it rashly attributes the said Circular motion to the Objects that are about it . VIII . The same thing confirmed from the Pain that persons think they Feel in the part they have lost . Moreover , they that are earnestly busie about Serious Matters , or are wearied with long Study , are sensible of a Pain in their Head ; which I my self , after a little Study , frequently Experience : Which would not be so , if the Soul had not its Residence in the Brain , and did imagine and feel there . Besides , it sometimes happens that Pain seems to be felt in that part which is cut off from the Body ; according to what DES CARTES tells us of a Girl that had her Arm cut off , who afterwards complain'd of a pain she felt in her Fingers . Which could not proceed from any other Cause , but because the Nerves , which came from the Brain to the Hand , upon the cutting off of her Arm , reacht no further than her Elbow , where being affected after the same manner , as they used to be when her Hand was yet pained , made her suppose , that she felt the same pain she formerly felt in her Fingers . For such is the Nature of our Body , that no part of it can be moved by another , which is a little distant from it ; but that it must be moved in like manner by those Parts that come between . As is manifest in a Rope , the End whereof may as well be pull'd or hal'd by that Part which is nearest to the midst , as by the other End opposite to it . IX . When we have leaned long upon our Elbow , we find a Pain in our Little Finger . In like manner it sometimes happens , that after having leaned long upon our Elbow , we are sensible of a Numness in our Little Finger ; because the Nerve which ends in that Finger , being too much prest upon , doth affect the Organ of the Common Sense , as if the Finger it self were so prest . For we are wont to affix the Sense of Pain to that part , which is wont to be moved by the Objects , and wherein the stretched Fibres of the Nerves are terminated . X. In what part of the Brain the Soul hath its Seat. Wherefore it is necessary , that the Soul have its Residence in that part of the Brain , to which the Filaments of our Nerves do reach ; to the end that it may take care for the Security of all the parts of the Body , and may have timely notice of , and provide for any Casualties that happen to the Body . For tho' all the Changes of the Fibres , consist only in some certain motions , which commonly do only gradually differ ; yet must the Soul consider them as Changes that are Essentially distinct , and that forasmuch as they cause so great an Alteration in the Body to which it is joyned . For the Motion , by Example , that causeth Pain , tho' it frequently differ but little from that Motion , the effect whereof is Titillation : Yet , because by the former some of the Fibres of the Body may be pluck'd out of their places , or broken , whereas the latter is an Argument of the firm and entire Constitution of our Body , so it is that the Soul apprehends these 2 motions , as being essentially distinguish'd . As to what particular part of the Brain the Soul hath chosen for its Residence , shall be declared in the next Part of these Institutions . XI . The Impression from the Object is only made upon the Soul. But you 'l say , It cannot be denied , but that we see with our Eyes , and feel pain in our Feet : Why then should we say , that the Function of Sense is only performed in the Brain , and not rather in these outward Organs of our Bodies ? True it is , that the Impression that is made by the Object , is begun in the Organs of the outward Senses ; but it is not perfected or compleated there . We see with our Eyes , forasmuch as the Impressions of Lig ht and Colour are made upon them : But all this while the Action of the Soul , whereby this Impression is perceived , is exerted in the more particular and chief Residence of the Soul ; as will appear more plainly in what follows . CHAP. XII . Of the Senses in particular ; and first of the Touch. I. The Touch is first to be treated of , as being the most common and necessary of all the other Senses . THo' the Touch be but a Dull Sense , and with respect to its Action be Inferiour to the other Senses , yet we must first of all handle it ; not only because it is the most necessary Sense , but also the most common , as being to be found in every Animal , how imperfect soever , and diffused throughout all the Parts of our Body . That it is more Common than the rest of the Senses , appears in this , that the other Senses are nothing else , but several Species of Touching ; which tho' they be perfect and exquisit , yet cannot their Functions be understood , but with some proportion to the Function of the Touch. For no Organ of our Body can be moved , without another Body touching it . Besides , the Touch , like the other Senses , is not tyed to one particular part of the Body , but is found in all the Nervous , Fibrous , and Membranous parts of it . For it is communicated to the whole Body , as a Cap-a-pee Armour , to receive the Attacks and Impressions of all Sensible Qualities It is also very necessary for the defence of Life , and the avoiding of Dangers , which our Bodies are obnoxious to from External Objects . For the Touch is as it were our Monitor , advising us what we are to avoid ; and what we are to do in these , or the other Circumstances . II. What the Touch is . The Touch therefore , as it is distinguish'd from the rest of the Senses , may be defined , An outward Sense that is most common and necessary , by means whereof an Animal doth receive Tangible Qualities . III. The Touch divided into an Inward and Outward . And thus the Touch , as it is taken in a larger Sense , may be distinguish'd into Internal and External : That being the Inward Sense of Touching , which is performed in the Inward Organ ; for seeing that the Nerves and Fibres , which are the the Organs of these Senses , are dispersed within , as well as on the outside of the Body , accordingly there is an inward as well as an outward Sense of feeling . And therefore the Veins , Arteries , Membrans , and their appendages the Coats are partakers of this Sense . Thus the Pain which we feel in our Guts , and in other fibrous parts , belongs to this Inward Touch. For this Sense is excited upon every least motion that is made in any fibrous part , supposing it to be strong enough to be conveyed to the Brain . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 12. G. Freeman Invent : M. Vander Gucht . sculp : To the Right Worshipfull Sr. John Wentworth of North Elmes-hall in the West Rideing of Yorkshire Baronet This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome IV. The Organ of the Touch , or Sense of Feeling assigned . The Organ of Feeling is neither the Flesh , nor the Membrans , nor the Skin ; but the Nerves and their Filaments , disperst throughout the whole Body . For this Sense is excited , as oft as the Nerves and their Filaments , being shaken with more force than ordinary , do communicate their agitation to those parts of the Brain they more particularly relate to ; as we see it happens in a stretched Cord , which being shaken at one end , immediately imparts its motion to the other . V. The Opinion of our Modern Anatomists concerning the Organ of Feeling . Our Modern Anatomists fix the Organ of Feeling either in the Skin , the whole Substance whereof is Nervous , or in some Bodies that lye between the Skin and the Cuticle , which with MALPIGHIUS they call the Sinewy , or Nervous Nipples of the Skin , which they take to be the primary and immediate Organ of the Touch ; because these little Nipples or Prominences are found to be more in number , and larger in those parts of the Body that are endued with the most exquisite Touch , as the Palm of the Hands , and the Ends of the Fingers , than in the other parts . MALPIGHIUS first discover'd these in the Feet of a Lamb , Hog , and other Animals ; for as soon as their Hoofs are pull'd off , certain little Bodies do appear extended in length , and reaching to the Surface : So that Hoofs and Nails seem to be nothing else , than the appendages of the Cuticle , and of the Nervous Nipples , which being pull'd out do leave certain hollow Pipes behind them . VI. In what parts of the Body these Nervous Nipples may be discerned . These Nipples are not only discover'd by the help of a Microscrope , but also by the bare Eye , in the extream parts of the Nostrils of some Animals ; as of an Ox , Swine , &c. And that the Organ of Feeling is chiefly to be plac'd in these Nipples , MALPIGHIUS with reason conjectures , because they are nothing else but a propagation of the Nerves and Tendons , proceeding from the Fibres of the Muscles . And forasmuch as the Touch is performed , as well as all the other Senses , by the Nerves and Fibres of the Tendons , it seems that no more proper Organ of the Touch can be assigned : Forasmuch as according to STENO's Observation , the Skin is for the most part nothing else , but a Texture of Nerves , Arteries , and Veins . VII . What are the Objects of the Touch The Causes or Objects of the foresaid Affections , which the Schoolmen call Sensible Qualities , are Heat and Cold , Moisture and Driness , Hardness and Softness , Heaviness and Lightness , Smoothness and Roughness , Titillation and Pleasure ; and other Modifications of the Body , which produce some change of Motion , Texture and Figure in them . For all Objects indifferently cannot affect the Touch , but it is requisite that the Affection be considerable , and such as to make it self sensible . For seeing that the Nerves , which are the Organs of this Sense , are of some Bigness , they cannot be moved by very little Bodies ; because , according to an Axiom in Natural Philosophy , a Body greater in Extension being at Rest , hath by so much the greater force to resist a less . Which is the Reason that we do not feel the continual Steam and Emanation of little Bodies ; for tho' they pass through our Skin , yet because their Littleness is such that they cannot sufficiently shake the Nerves , neither are they able to make any impression upon the Organ of Feeling . And the same also is to be said with respect to the other Senses . VIII . How the Sense of Feeling is performed . But to the end we may more clearly understand how this Sense comes to be exerted , we must call to mind , what hath been said in the foregoing Chapter , viz. that some Strings or Filaments proceeding from the Brain , are dispersed throughout all the parts of our Body , and that these constitute the Nerves , which being filled with the Animal Spirits , are stretched out like so many Cords , which are diffused throughout the whole Body . Which Nerves whenever they are somewhat forceably shaken , immediately draw the parts of the Brain ; as when a Rope is pull'd , the Bell which is at the end of it sounds immediately ; and by this means the Soul , which resides in the Brain receives a sense of the thing which hath moved the Nerves . Thus when we put our Hand to the Fire , the particles thereof being swiftly moved , are of sufficient force to agitate the Skin that covers the Hand , and consequently the Nerves that reach from the Hand to the Brain , and thereby to make the Soul to perceive the sense of Pain . For such is the near Relation between the Brain and all the Nerves diffus'd through the Body , that the Soul by their means receives the Impression of External Bodies . Thus we can distinguish several Bodies , by means of a Stick held in our Hands , and reaching to the Bodies we would distinguish , as Stones , Clay , Metals and the like . Yea there are some persons born blind , who only by their Touch can distinguish the several sorts of polisht Marble , and the various impressions of Coin. And for the same reason it is why any motion on the Lips is so very sensible , viz. the great tenderness of the Skin that covers them , which makes the Fibres of those Nerves that constitute it to be easily shaken and moved , as before hath been said of a stretched Cord. IX . An Objection Answered . It may be you will object that the Nerves are not so stretched , as a Rope or Cord is . I grant it , yet doth not this hinder the instance of a Cord to be very proper here , since it is not needful that in a similitude all things should be the same . Now a Cord and a Nerve agree exactly in this , that as when one end of a Cord is touch'd , the other is shaken ; so when any Nerve in the Body is moved , the motion is immediately conveighed to the Brain . For tho' the Nerves be not so much stretched as a Cord , yet their apt disposition for the communication of motion , fully makes amends for that want of Tension in them . X. Whence the Difference of the Touch proceeds , seeing that the Nerves are the same . But if it be so that the Sense of Feeling is performed by the Nerves derived from the Brain , it may be queried whence so many species of Feeling do arise : For tho' there be many Nerves in the Body of Man , and manifold Tangible Qualities , yet there are no different Nerves made use of , for the producing of these different Affections : for the very same Nerves that produce Pain , cause the sense of Pleasure also , and so of the rest ; but the same Nerves receive the impulse of the several Objects , being sometimes moved by these , and at other times by others . XI . This difference proceed from the Diversity of the Objects . I Answer , That this Diversity proceeds from the difference of the Objects that affect and move the Nerves , much like the strings of a Lute which give a different sound , according to the different touches of him that plays upon it . Thus when the insensible parts of any Body , variously agitated , are more swiftly moved than the Particles of our Body , our Soul perceives Heat , but if more slowly , then we are made sensible of Cold. Hence it is that what to an Aethiopian seems cold , to a Scythian appears hot . The same thing is likewise experienced by those that enter in Bathes distinguisht by several degrees of Heat : for having continued some time in a luke-warm Bath , to prepare themselves to endure a very hot Bath , when they go back out of the hot Bath to the luke-warm Bath , that which before seemed hot to them at their first entrance , feels now cold to them . XII . What is the Cause of Pain and Pleasure . When the small filaments of the Nerves are pusht against , or drawn with so great violence , that they are broken and rent from the Member to which they were fastned , the Soul is made sensible of Pain ; but when the said filaments are not broken , but moved without receiving any hurt , the Soul perceives a kind of Bodily Pleasure , which is called Titillation ; which tho' with respect to its cause , it seems to differ but little from Pain , yet doth it produce a quite contrary effect . So when the particles that terminate a Body , do with an even surface press the Skin , the Soul apprehends it to be smooth and polisht ; but if the surface of the thing be uneven , then it perceives it to be rough and rugged . In like manner when Bodies are strongly born downwards , they represent to the Soul the sense of Heaviness ; but when they do but gently tend downwards , they afford the Soul the perception of Lightness . When the Particles of a Body are so disposed as to resist the motion of our Hand or other Members of our Body , the Soul perceives the quality of Hardness ; whereas when the Particles of any Body are so moved , as not to stop or resist the Bodies that meet them ; the sense of Fluidity is imparted to it . And the same is to be said of all the other qualities that belong to the touch or sense of Feeling , which the Soul perceives differently according to the variety of the modes whereby the Nervous Fibres are affected . XIII . How it comes to pass that since the Touch hath so many Objects , it is not manifold . Another Difficulty may be started here , viz. how the sense of Feeling can be said to be one only sense , seeing it hath so many Tangible Qualities for its Object . For if the Senses be distinguisht from each other by their Objects , why may not the Sense of Feeling be said to be manifold , because it hath so many different qualities for its Objects ? XIV . Answer to the Question . Notwithstanding all this , we must conclude the Touch or Sense of Feeling to be but one : for tho' the Tangible Qualities do differ , according to the various Modifications of Bodies , yet they agree all in this general Notion , that by means of the Nerves they move the sense of Feeling . As the sense of Seeing is not said to be double or twofold , because it hath for its objects Light and Colours , which are exprest by 2 different names ; nor the sense of Tasting , tho' the Tongue , which is the Organ of it be affected with various Tasts or Relishes . Besides , the Senses are not only distinguisht by their Objects , but also by the Organs and Modes whereby they are affected . And forasmuch as all Tangible Qualities agree in this , that they impress the same Affection upon the Organ , and that the whole difference of them depends on the Diversity of this Impression , it is evident that the Touch must be lookt upon as being only one Sense , and not many . XV. Some Deceptions of the Touch , instanced . The sense of Feeling is sometimes deceived , as when Women that are subject to the Fits of the Mother , complain of an extream cold in their Heads . And thus also places under ground , appear to us very cold in the Summer time , and in the Winter warm ; when as indeed upon making a tryal with a Weather-glass , we shall find that there is no such change in the Temperature of the Place . CHAP. XIII . Of the Sense of Tasting . I. What the Tast is . THE Tast is an External Sense , whereby an Animal , with the help of his Tongue and Palat , which are furnisht with the Nerves subservient to this Sense , perceives the several differences of Tasts and Savours . Or according to others , the Tast is a sensation , by means whereof , after that the Savoury Object hath made a due impression of it self upon the prominent and porous little Nipples of the Tongue , the Soul residing in the Brain , perceives and judges of the difference of the Savour or Rellish . For according to the sentiment of our Modern Anatomists the Organs of Tast are the foresaid prominent and porous Nipples of the Tongue , or small Strings which proceed from its inmost membran . II. Wherein the Touch and Taste do agree and differ . The Tast , hath some affinity with the Touch ; and if we will believe ARISTOTLE , it is but a species of it . For whereas in the other Senses , the Organs are affected by their Objects at a distance , and are agitated by little Bodies flowing from them , the Organ of the Tast , requires an intimate contact with its Object , and cannot be moved by it at a distance . Yet there is this difference betwixt these Senses , that the Organ of the Tast is more intimately penetrated by the savoury Object , which more deeply insinuates its self into the Fibres thereof , than Tangible Objects enter the Skin . Hence it is that we see that persons who are over-tired , or that are fallen into a swoon , do presently revive , upon the drinking of a Draught of Wine ; and Men that are like to die , are strangely recovered by taking some of the Cordial that is called the Imperial Water : which strange effects are only to be attributed to this , because the Particles of Wine and the Imperial Water dive deep into the Pores of the Tongue , and mingling with the Spirits do greatly revive them . III. Two othe● ways whereby these Senses do differ . Moreover these Senses differ also , First by reason of their several Organs : For the Organ of Taste , is not like that of the Touch , diffused thoughout all the Fibrous parts of the Body , but throughout one part only , viz. the Tongue ; which alone is affected by Savoury Objects . Secondly , According to the Disposition that may be found in the said Organ : Thus a Tongue that is dry and without Moisture , toucheth dry things , but perceives no manner of Tast in them . Thirdly , Thick and whole Bodies affect the Organ of Feeling ; whereas that of the Tast cannot be imprest upon but by thin and liquid Bodies , or such as are divided into small parts : and for this Reason Pills that are swallowed whole communicate no Tast to the Tongue or Palate , or very little , and that only because some of the particles , in gliding over the Tongue , are dissolved . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 13 Lens . Inv. I. Kip Sculp . The Organ of the Tast is the Tongue , as well as the Inward and Spungy part of the Palate , because the surface of them both is full of those innumerable Nipples before mentioned . As concerning the Tongue it is evident , that being of a soft , loose and spungy substance , it is most proper to receive Savoury Bodies , mixed with some moisture . And accordingly we experience that if we touch any Savoury Matter with the tip of our Tongue only , we perceive the Tast of it : for the Nerves of the fifth and seventh Conjugation terminate in the Tongue , which being inserted into 9 or 10 Muscles , become the Instruments of various Motions . For besides the Functions of Speaking and Singing , this Organ of the Tongue is of great use towards the moistning , mixing and swallowing of the Meat . All these Muscles divide the Tongue longwise into 2 parts , by means of a certain Tendinous String , so as that this Organ , as well as those of the other senses , seems to be Double . Now that not only the Tongue , but also the upper part of the Throat or Palate is the Instrument of Tasting , is very manifest , for when any savoury meat passeth towards the Gullet in order to its being swallowed , we perceive the Tast thereof , tho' it never touched our Tongue in the inward part of our Palate ( which some call the swallow ) forasmuch as its Flesh is Spungy , and very proper to admit the Particles of Savoury Bodies . V. That the Particles of any Savoury Body may enter the Tongue , Moisture is required to dilute or mingle with the said matter Now to the end that these Particles may penetrate the Pores of the Tongue , and pass through the Texture of the Fibres , some moisture is required for to steep , resolve , melt and conveigh them . Hence Nature hath so provided , that the Mouth where the Food is chewed , hath a continual moisture attending it , by means whereof , as a Menstruum , the Particles of Sapid Bodies are melted , and conveighed into the Organ . For as we find that an Herb being bruised with a Pestle , or any other Instrument in a Wooden Dish or Bowl , doth with its Liquor penetrate the Wood , and insinuate it self into its Pores ; as is evident from the Smell and Savour of the Herb that remains in the Bowl : in like manner our Food being minced in our Mouths , by the help of our Teeth into small pieces , and steept in our Spittle , doth easily affect the little Nerves of our Tongue , and is conveighed to the inmost parts thereof . And therefore Salt before it can affect the Tongue and be tasted , must be melted with some moisture ; neither can Pepper be tasted except it be first steeped in , or mingled with the Spittle that is in the Mouth : for dry Bodies , without the Vehicle of moisture , cannot be conveighed to the inmost Recesses of this Organ . VI. How the Sense of Tasting is performed in the Tongue . From what hath been said , it may easily be understood , how the sense of Tasting is performed , viz. when any savoury matter , being , as it were macerated with the Spittle , is conveighed into the spungy substance of the Tongue , and in its passage doth after divers manners affect the Nerves inserted into the Tongue , by vellicating , biting , striking , tickling , wringing and stirring the same . Which different Affections are carried from the Organ to the Brain , where they make a different impression on the Mind , according to the diversity of the motion of the Fibres of the Organ . So that now it remains onlv to be explained whence the great variety of Tastes and Savours doth proceed . VII . Whence the Diversity of Savours and Relishes doth arise . Which will easily be done , if we remember that the Faculty of perceiving Tastes in us , is not unlike to that whereby we are sensible of Pain ; that is , to the actuating of this Power nothing else is required , but that the savoury Bodies do move the slender filaments of the Nerves of the Tongue , or the prominent Nipples before mentioned , in such a manner , as Nature hath ordained for the effecting of the sense of Tasting . In like manner as to the production of the sense of Pain it is sufficient , that the Nerves subservient to the Touch be moved after such a particular manner : So that all the difference of savoury Bodies doth depend on the Thickness , Figure and Motion of their Parts . This may be evidenced by some instances ; for let us suppose the foresaid Fibres of the Tongue to be agitated 4 several ways , viz. by Salt , Vinegar , or any other sour Liquor , Common Water and Brandy , so as that the Soul thence is stirred up to perceive 4 distinct Tastes . We shall easily conceive that Salt doth therefore prick , and as it were cut the Organ , because it consists of long , stiff and various corner'd Particles , which with their points prick the small Fibres of the Tongue , and enter the same without the least bending or plying . Vinegar applied to the Organ , doth as it were slash and cut it , and by compression somewhat contract it , because the particles thereof by entring obliquely into the Nerves , do slash the thin particles thereof , and dashing against the thicker parts they become bended , and so enter the pores slantingly . Common Water doth not enter the pores of the Tongue at all , and therefore doth neither prick nor pierce it , because its particles do only softly flow upon the Tongue , and lying sideways , because of their easie pliableness and bending , are scarcely perceptible by the Taste , and therefore Water is lookt upon as insipid . Brandy doth bite and vellicate the Tongue , because the particles thereof penetrate most deeply , and are most swiftly moved . And the like account may be given of all other savoury Bodies , which according to the different disposition of their parts , can make different impressions upon the Organ of Tasting . VIII . The Difference of Tastes may proceed also from the Variety of the Organ . The difference of Tastes may also be caused by the Organ ; for the various Texture and Disposition of the Tongue , may occasion a difference in the Taste of things . Thus persons that have a more fine and tender Organ , take delight in delicate Savours and Tasts ; whereas those whose Instrument of Tasting is more gross , delight in more course viands and less exquisit Tasts . Thus Country People generally delight in course and Salt Meats ; whereas Children are pleased with Sugar and sweet things . The reason is , because the Fibres of the Nerves are more fine and subtil in Children , and therefore are easily moved with a sweet Taste : whereas those of Rusticks are more gross and stiff , upon which nothing but strong and sharp things can make any impression . Wherefore it is no wonder to see that the Food which pleaseth the Palate of one Man , doth disgust another ; because of the different disposition of the Organ in them both . Yea it frequently happens that the same person , who at one time is pleased with some kind of Meats , may at another have an aversion against them ; and we commonly experience , that those things which are most grateful to our Palates when we are Hungry and Thirsty , become unpleasant to us when we are full and satiated , and this because of some change in the Texture of the Organ , the Savoury particles not affecting the Tongue and Palat in the same manner , when the Pores of it are more straitned , than when they are dilated and more open . IX . Why some loath those Viands which before they desired . Hence it is that Old men do loath some sorts of Meat , which they most delighted in when they were Youths ; and that some Persons , after having accustom'd themselves to some sort of Food , are greatly delighted therewith , tho' before they loathed and could not endure it : Even because either the Organ in process of time grows dryer ; or else , for that by Custom , and the frequent use of some sorts of Diet , some folds are formed in the Organ , which easily admit the particles of the Meat , which before they could not receive . The said variety of Taste may also proceed from the Tongue , being ting'd with the Savour of some Salt , Bitter , or Sowr matter , which hath not been effac'd by the eating of some Sweet thing , or by the drinking of a large draught of Liquor ; for the Eating of Sweet-meats , and especially Drinking , doth so resolve the hard and longish particles of Salt , the crooked particles of Bitter things , and the cutting particles of Sowr things , as to carry them along with it : And therefore it is that Drink tastes more grateful after the eating of Sowr things , and more delightfully affects the Tongue . X. Deceptions of the Taste , and the Causes of them . Sometimes the Taste happens to be mistaken , not about the Affection imprest upon the Organ , but about the Cause from whence it proceeds . Thus they who are sick of the Jaundies , are not mistaken in that they suppose themselves to perceive a bitter taste ; for they do so , because the Gall is mingled with their Spittle ; but they are deceived in attributing that bitter Taste to the Food they eat : In the same manner as they suppose the Objects they behold to be yellow , when indeed it is the Gall that depraves their Organ , and makes all the Objects they behold to appear of that Colour . And in like manner , sometimes our Meat seems to taste bitter to us , whereas indeed the said sense of Bitterness proceeds either from some Humour , wherewith the Tongue or Palat is tinged ; or from the Vitiating of the Nerves , that are assistant to the Fibres of the Tongue . Yea , it happens sometimes , that we seem to perceive a Taste , without receiving any food , which cannot proceed from any other Cause , but from the defluxion of some Humour that hath such a kind of taste , or from some fault in the Blood , that is conveyed to the Organ of Tasting ; as may be demonstrated by many Examples . CHAP. XIV . Of the Sense of Smelling . I. Why Beasts excel Men in the Sense of Smelling . IT is certain , that Man is Inferiour to many Beasts , as to the exquisitness of the Sense of Smelling : For Beasts , when they light upon any unknown food , do presently , by the Quickness of their Scent , discover the Qualities thereof , Nature thereby preventing those Mischiefs which otherwise might be the effect of their Voracity , by their too greedily devouring things hurtful to them , if they were not assisted with such an Exquisit Scent , which discovers to them the Suitableness or Unsuitableness of the Food to their several Natures . By this Quickness of their Sense of Smelling they hunt out their Prey , tho' at a considerable distance from them , and tho' never so cunningly hid ; according to the Relations we have in Story of Ravens , Vulturs , and Apes . Thus Dogs , by the Vivacity of this Sense pursue their Game , and follow the Steps of their Masters , tho' far out of their sight . Tigers , by the help of their quick Scent , pursue those that have robb'd them of their Whelps ; and Cats find their way home , from whence they have been carried many Miles in a close shut-up Basket. II. Why the Sense of Smelling is more dull in Man. than other Animals . Now this Sense is more dull in Man ; not only , as some suppose , because he abuseth this Faculty , and fills himself with the Vapours of too great variety of Meats : But either , because his Organ is not of such an Exact Texture ; or because his Brain is too moist , and so dulls and clogs the force of the Odorous Steams , by entangling the particles thereof , and hindring them from entring the Pores of the Nostrils . And for the same reason it is that we can smell nothing under Water , because the Nostrils being stopt with Water , cannot admit the Air that conveys the Odorous Exhalations . Hence it is that they that have their Heads stuffed with a Cold , in a great measure lose their Sense of Smelling for that time ; because the Pores that should admit the Odorous Exhalations are filled with the Rheum . III. What the Sense of Smelling is . The Scent , or Smelling , is an External Sense , whereby an Animal , with the help of his Nostrils , which are furnish'd with very subtil Fibres , receives all manner of Smells . In all Smelling there is first a Collection of Odours , the Instrument whereof is the double Cavity of the Nostrils : In the Next place , the Sensation of the collected Odour , is propagated by means of some most Subtil Fibres : And , Lastly , this Sense is terminated and compleated by the agitation of the Nerves and Spirits , in the Conarion or Pine Apple-like Kernel . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 1● Lens Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Comport Fitch of Eltham and Mount-Mascall in Kent Baronet , Son and heyre of Sr. Thomas Fitch of the said places Knight & Baronet Deceased , by Ann his Lady Daughter & Heyress of Richard Comport of Eltham aforesaid Gentleman , deceased . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . V. The Organ of Smelling is in the Nostrils . Sense it self assures us , that the Organ of Smelling is in the Nostrils ; for who doth not experience that in them he Smells , that is , perceives the Affection that is imprest by Odorous Objects ? To which we may add , that forasmuch as this is a most subtil Affection , as being imprest by that most fine Steam wherein the Odour is diffused , it doth not seem possible to be performed in any Bone , Gristle , or Thick Membran , and consequently that it can no where so properly be performed , as in this fine Texture of the Nervous Fibres . VI. Why those that are flat Nos'd do not smell well . Whence it is that those who have their Nostrils flatted or beaten down by any bruise or fall , have but a weak or dull Sense of Smelling ; because the Nerves design'd for this Function are too much comprest in the upper-part of the Nostrils , and cannot give a free passage to the Odorous Exhalations . And on the contrary , Dogs , Hares , and other Animals , that excel in this Sense , have many little Pipes in the thin membran of their Nostrils , through which these Odorous Exhalations are freely transmitted . VII . How the sense of Smelling is performed . The Sense of Smelling therefore is effected , when the most thin Particles of Bodies flying in the Air , I mean such only as are Subtil and Brisk enough for this purpose , do strike , tickle and vellicate the most thin fibres of the Organ , and affect it after various manners . The Hollowness of the Nostrils is a great help and advantage to the perception of Odours , especially if the said Cavity be wide at the Entrance , because then the Odoriferous Particles are more readily conveyed to the Brain . For the Cavity of the Nostrils , is like a Chimney or Funnel , through which the Odorous Particles do ascend , and being gather'd together , do penetrate the winding of the Nostrils . Wherefore they that have long Nostrils , have a more quick Scent than others ; because they attract more of the Odorous steams , whereby the Sensation becomes more strong and vigorous . VIII . Air is necessary for the conveying of the Odorous Exhalations . The Sense of Smelling cannot be performed without Air , wherewith the Odoriferous particles being mingled , they are drawn in by the Nostrils . For Air is the most proper Medium for the diffusion of Odours ; not only because it is of absolute necessity to Respiration , but also because the Odour is both further and more easily diffused and transmitted thereby . Accordingly we see , that the stench of Carkasses is mostly carried towards that part whither the Air is driven by the Wind. For this is the Nature of this , as well as of all the other Senses , that except the Organ it self be struck upon , no Sensation is effected ; for the Organ of Smelling , must be struck with the same Force wherewith the Air is drawn in . For the Air being the Vehicle of the Odoriferous Exhalation , a good part of it is let down into the Wind-pipe , whilst the other more affecting a streight motion , enters the Nostrils , and dasheth against the Organ of Smelling ; which Odoriferous Steam is so long perceived , as the Air is drawn in by the Nostrils , and ceaseth to be felt , when it is breath'd out again . The Reason whereof is , because the Pipes and Passages in the Nostrils , which are opened by drawing-in of the Breath , and the Entrances whereof are towards the end of the Nose , are shut again upon the breathing-out of the Air , and consequently it is necessary that thereupon the Sense of Smelling should be intermitted , and all sensible Impression upon the Organ cease . Whence it is easily understood , why one that hath a stinking Breath doth not perceive the smell of it himself , whilst he breaths it out through his Nostrils ; because the hollow Passages of the Nostrils are shut up , and Odours cannot be received contrary to the Course or Grain of the Fibres . IX . The Odorous Object is to be at some distance from the Organ . The Odoriferous matter cannot be perceived , except it be at some distance from the Nostrils ; because when there is a due Distance , the Terrestrial Particles , which are always in great abu●dance mixed with the Air , are the more easily di●sipated and disperst : As a Sword must be unsheathed before it can do any Execution ; and an Arrow must be taken out of the Quiver , before it can make a wound . For the abundance of Evaporations do too much agitate the Nerves , subservient to the Sense of Smelling , and by stopping up their Pores , hinder the supervening Steams from penetrating them . Hence it is , that an Odour that comes from far , is more grateful and pleasant , because those Heterogeneous and Grosser particles , which are mixed with the Odoriferous steam , do by degrees sink downwards , leaving the rest pure and unmixed ; which entring the Nostrils , produce a purer and more refined Scent . X. What a Smell or Odour is , and whence diversity of Odours doth proceed . Forasmuch therefore as every Odour is a Steam , which exhaling from the Odoriferous Body , and being diffused through the Air , doth move the Organ of Smelling in the Nostrils , after a certain determinate manner , and with Force enough , it may be easily understood , what is the chief Cause of the variety of Odours . For seeing that these Steams consist of almost innumerable Filaments ( of which we have an Example in the Steam of a Candle newly extinguish'd ) which may be variously crooked and bent , it cannot be question'd but that according to the variety of their Particles , they do more or less move the Odoratory Nerves , and thereby give occasion to the Soul , of perceiving great diversity of Odours : So as that those steams produce grateful and sweet Odours , whose Motions are very moderate , and duly temper'd together ; and those on the contrary produce loathsom Smells , which are more vehemently agitated , or else whose Motion is too dull and slow . For those Bodies that do not strike the Organ , and in some sort press upon it , cannot excite the Sense of Smelling . XI . Deceptions of the sense of Smelling . That we may be deceived in the sense of Smelling , is evident from divers instances . For CARDAN in his 8 th Book de Varietate Rerum , Chap. 43. declares , that he always perceived the Smell of something or other in his Nostrils , as sometimes the smell of Flesh , sometimes that of Frankincense , and at other times the smell of some other thing . LEWIS XI . in his melancholy fits , conceited that every thing that was about him had an ill smell . There was also a French Poet that was a very melancholy Man , who being sick of a Fever ▪ and persuaded by his Physicians to have his Temples anointed with Unguentum Populeum to make him sleep , conceived such an aversion for it , that for many years after he imagined that every thing that was about him , smelt of it . There have been some persons likewise ( as BARTHOLINE informs us , Hist . Nat. Centur. 4. ) that could smell things that smelt well , but not such as did stink , or had an ill smell . The same Author tells us of an Apothecary , who had lost this sense , by the too frequent use of Camphire . And SCOTTUS Phys . Curios . Cap. 33. gives us an account of a Woman , who never could smell any thing . CHAP. XV. Of the Sense of Hearing . I. What the Sense of Hearing is . HAving spoken of the Senses of Feeling , Tasting and Smelling , we next proceed to handle that of Hearing . Now Hearing is an External Sense , whereby an Animal , with the help of his Ears , and the Nerves implanted in the Cavities thereof , receives Sounds . Or more plainly , Hearing is that Sensation , whereby from a due motion of the small Fibres of the Auditory Nerves , imprest upon the Ears , and conveyed to the Brain , or common Sense , the Soul perceives Sounds , and judgeth of them . For Hearing , as well as every other Sensation , is founded upon the help and mutual concurrence of Soul and Body . For in this Sense the Presence and Action of the Soul is required ; because when the Soul is otherwise employ'd , the Excitation of Sounds signifies nothing to it , tho' they be never so loud and violent ; for then tho' the Ears be open , yet no sense is perceived , because of the inadvertence , and want of Attention in the Mind . II. The Usefulness of this Sense . This Sense is more Excellent than any of the foregoing , and is equally necessary to Man , and other Animals . For seeing that many things at a distance might attack Animals , to their great hurt and prejudice , except they were timely forewarned of them , Nature hath furnisht them with this Sense of Hearing , whereby they are forewarned to avoid things inimical , and to prosecute such are grateful and suitable to them . Moreover Hearing is of the Highest and most Necessary use to Man for the accomplishing of his Mind , as ARISTOTLE speaks in his Treatise , De Sens . & Sensili Cap. 10. For seeing , saith he , that in this short term of life that is allowed us here , we have not leisure enough to search into the nature of all things , this Sense gives us the advantage of being instructed , by listning to the informations of Learned Men , whereby we are taught our Duties , and how we are to behave our selves , not only in a Civil Society , but also in our private and Houshold concerns . For by the Company and Conversation of Learned Men , we attain the knowledge of Sciences , and are admonished how we may become both Wise and Prudent . III. The parts that belong to the Organ of Hearing . Before we can throughly understand by what means this Sense is produced , it will be necessary for us to know the structure of its Organ , and the principal parts that compose it . The outward Lappet of the Ear , which is formed by Nature for the collecting of the sound , and receiving its first impulse , consists of the flap or lappet and the Gristle of the Ear ; this part , which hath a pretty large compass , is by degrees straitned , till it ends in the Hollow of the Ear. Next after this outward Cavity follows the Passage , or Auditory Cave , which is crooked and turned into several windings , to the end that the sound , which is carried with the Air , may be encreased by insinuating it self into them . This Winding Hole leads to a most thin and dry Membran , which is terminated by , or enclosed with a Bony Circle , which is commonly called the Drum of the Ear , because it obliquely admits the impulse of the Air , being struck with the sound . To this part 3 small Bones and a Muscle are joined , viz. the Hammer , the Anvil and Stirrup , which all 3 hang together ; for the Hammer is jointed into the Anvil , and the Anvil into the Stapes or Stirrup . The Cave wherein the foresaid little Bones are found , is by some called Concha or the Shell , and by others Pelvis or the Bason ; which is large enough , and in a manner of a round figure , and leads to a vast number of little Cavities . Which Cave , with all it s annexed Cavities is not empty , but filled with Air , which some call Inborn , but wrongly , forasmuch as it is frequently changed , as appears from the free and open passage the Air bath to them . IV. By what Instruments the Sense of Hearing is performed . These things premised , it will not be difficult to understand in what part of the Ear Hearing is produced . For it is apparent , that it cannot be effected in its outward Cavity , because the outward Ear is only like a Funnel , through which the shaken Air may the more freely enter into the Auditory passage ; neither is this Sense performed in the Auditory Cave or Hole , seeing that the same seems only to have been framed by Nature , for the conveying of the sound , and for the perpetual out-flowing of the steam . Neither is it effected by the little Bones , for seeing that they want Nerves which are the Organs of all the Senses , neither can they be supposed to transmit the sound to the Brain . It remains therefore , that the same be performed in the Auditory Nerves that are latent in the said little Cavities , there being 2 Nerves hid within the said Cavities , which receive all the shakings and agitations of the adjacent Air ; by means whereof the representation of sound is communicated to the Soul. For the Air by shaking the Membran of the Drum , doth at the same time move the 3 linked Bones , to which these Nerves are joined : which tremulous impulse being conveyed to the Brain , by the help of the foresaid Nerves , do give an occasion to the Mind , of conceiving the Idea of Sound . Book ▪ 1. Part. 8. Chap. 15. G. Freeman In : M. Vander Gucht . sc : VI. Whence the variety of Souna's doth arise . The Differences of sounds proceed from the Diversity of motion , as well in the sounding Body , as of the Air that is agitated thereby . For that the strings of a Citttern do give so much a sharper and quicker sound , the more that they are stretched , and wound up higher ; and the lower and duller , as they are less stretched ; is only because the motion of Cords that are high wound is more swift , and consequently impresseth a swifter motion on the Air , than that which is but slack . And therefore the sound is said to be shrill and sharp , when the shakings or beatings of the Air , be more frequently reciprocated , and the Organ more swiftly struck by them : and it is accounted a low or Deep sound , when the Vibrations of the Air are less frequent , and the Organ is more leisurely struck with the impulses thereof . So that all the Difference there is betwixt a high and Deep sound is this , that in a High or Sharp sound the parts of the Air beat more frequently and fast upon the Organ , whereas in the Base or Deep Sound , the Concussions admit of longer Intervals ; as is evident in a shorter string wound up to the same Height , and of the same Thickness , compared with a longer , because the former will yield a more high or shrill sound than the latter , forasmuch as it affords more frequent Vibrations , and beats the Air and Ear with quicker repeated strokes . VII . The Causes of the Harshness and Sweetness of Sounds . In like manner we find a sound to be either hasher or sweeter , according as the Beatings or Wavings of it are more or less equal . For if the surface of the Body , whence the Sound or Air is reflected , or driven back , be rough and rugged , the sound is more harsh : For the ruggedness of the surface , causeth some particles of the Air to be pusht away sooner , and others later , as passing through an unequal space ; wherefore it is necessary that some of them must come to the Ear sooner than others . And for this Cause it is that a Trumpet that is not very polisht and smooth , doth give forth a more harsh sound . Whereas a grateful and pleasant sound consists in the equality of every Undulation of the Air , beating against the Ear , because in this case that whole portion of the Air , arrives at the Organ , at the same time , and strikes it with an even motion . VIII . The Air is the Medium that transmits Sounds The Air is acknowledged by all Philosophers to be the Vehicle of Sounds , which proceeding by a waving motion from the Sonorous Body , doth impress that Affection upon the Organ , which is called the Act of Hearing : For since the Air is in continual motion , it is easily determined by the Body that is stricken , to produce a sound in us . I am not ignorant that some famous Modern Authors are of opinion , that the whole Atmosphere of the Air is not the medium for the transmitting of sounds , but only the most pure part of it ; founding their Sentiment upon this Experiment , that every sound , be it great or small , whether it be carried before or against the Wind , yet doth always , in an equal measure of time , pass through an equal space of place , which could not happen so if it were conveyed by the undulating motion of the entire Body of the Air. IX . 〈◊〉 Sound 〈…〉 to the Ear , according as the wind is for it o● against it . But I cannot altogether assent to this assertion ; for tho' a sound may be heard by 2 Men , standing at an equal distance from the Center , at the same time , notwithstanding that the Air blow violently , yet cannot it be inferred from thence , that the sound doth not depend upon the Undulation of the Air. For tho' it be true , that a Body that is swiftly moved , cannot be carried by that which is more slowly moved ; yet is that Body to be excepted from this general maxim , which upholds and supports another . For let us suppose , that whilst a Globe doth move upon a Table , the Table also with a very slow motion moves towards it , it cannot be questioned but that in this case the Globe doth participate of the motion of the Table : In like manner those small particles of the Air , which convey the sound , must more leisurely transmit the same to the Ear , if the Wind be contrary . But that 2 Men in an equal distance from the Center , do both hear the sound at the same time , this is to be imputed to the sound it self , which being most swift in its motion , the difference of time seems to be insensible . X. A Sound is better heard with the wind than against it . Moreover , they who alledge the foresaid Experiment , do acknowledge , that the sound is heard fuller and plainer by him to whom the sound is conveyed by the Wind , than to him to whom it comes against it . If this be true , we know that the Wind cannot make a greater sound , except it carry the particles of sound along with it , which it cannot do without moving them ; neither can it move them , but that it must accelerate or hasten them , and cause it to come more swiftly to the Ear. Let us conclude therefore , that Sonorous Bodies do shake the whole circumambient Air , or rather determine it , as being already in motion , to tend to some particular part . And therefore that not only the thin and subtil Air , is the vehicle of the sound , but also that which is thick and full of vapours . This manifestly appears in the Pneumatick Engin , for when the Air is wholly drawn out of it , the motion of a Watch can scarcely be heard in it . Which Experiment doth evidently demonstrate , that the gross Air doth conduce much to the conveying of the sound , and promotes its propagation . XI . How an Eccho is formed . Forasmuch therefore as the sound is diffused , as it were along every line , from the Center of a Sphere , towards the Circumference , it may so happen that the particles of Air , that are on their way to convey the sound to others , may meet a hard Body , and being unable to penetrate or agitate the same , are forced to turn back and be reflected , and to rebound their motion to those parts whence they had received it , and those again to others , and so on . By which means it comes to pass that the same sound is heard again , being several times repeated , which is called an Eccho . For Sound as well as Light , is subject to Reflexion , and when-ever a smooth and hollow hard body is interpos'd , it rebounds ; but yet with this difference , that a sound , because of the slowness of its motion , cannot advance far in one Moment , but wants a longer space of time for its diffusion . And therefore the further the person that receives the sound is distant , from that Body that reflects it , the more time the voice in rebounding takes up : whereas the Light in one moment of time reflects from several Bodies , and enlightens many places at once . If the sound meet with divers Bodies , at different distances from each other , that are proper to rebound it , there follow many Reiterations of the same Voice , viz. when the former sound being vanisht in the neighbouring Air , another is formed by the Air that is more remote ; which being afterwards beaten back from Opake and Hard Bodies at a greater distance , doth again shake the neighbouring Air , and that either once only , or more frequently . Yea an Eccho sometimes happens in Bodies that are very near , as in the Tiles of Houses ; as when a Voice directed from a high place , and level with the Tiles of the Houses , enters the hollow that is under the said Tiles , and from thence rebounds towards the Speaker , whence it proceeded . XII . The Hearing is subject to some Deceptions . Many mistakes may happen to the Sense of Hearing , as well as to the other Senses , which are not imputed to the inward Affection it self , but to the Cause of it . Thus a Buzzing Sound , or Noise in the Ear , which is commonly attributed to the External Object , hath no other cause , but that some part of the Steam , or the inclosed Air , or a swelling in the Muscles of the Ear , affecting the Organ of Hearing , stirs up some undulating motions : wherefore it is that Sick People , because of some corruption of their Blood , or by reason of some Excrements that cause an obstruction in the Ear , do frequently complain of this noise in their Ears . Another mistake or Deception in the Sense of Hearing is , when upon cutting off of the Lappet of the Ear , the Sound is received like to Water running down from on High ; for when this outward Shell or Hollow is taken away , the Sound enters straight into the Auditory Cave , and wants that due determination it should receive from the outward part of the Ear : For the Ear-lappet , as before said , was framed by Nature , for the collecting or gathering of the Sound ; wherefore when that is wanting , the Sound immediately enters into the Bason , as if it came from several parts , as it happens in the noise of running Water . Neither are we to forget that mistake , which we are sensible of when we stop our Ear , for then we perceive a kind of tremulous Buzzing or Noise , as if the Air did role about in the Ear ; the reason whereof can be no other but this , that the Steam is continually passing out of the Ear , which being hindred from coming out , it pusheth against the Organ of Hearing , whence this noise doth arise , which we suppose to be inward . As I was not long since with some Friends going upon the Thames , between the two Churches of Fulham and Putney , it hapned they were ringing Fulham-Bells , the sound whereof was so rebounded from the opposit Church , that it seemed equally to proceed from both places ; neither was it easie for us to determin whence it came , so that we had various disputes about this Deception , being much affected with the Diversion it gave us . CHAP. XVI . Of the Eye . I. What the Eye is . FOrasmuch as the Eye , is the Organ of Sight , and that within the Recess or Hollow thereof , the Images of the several Objects are represented , we shall never be able throughly to understand how Vision or Sight is effected , without describing the disposition and structure of its parts . The Eye , therefore , is the outward Organ of Sight , through the Transparent parts whereof the Rays of Light pass , till they arrive at the Net-work-coat or Membran , and there variously moving the small Capillaments of the Nerves , suitable to the variety of Objects whence they proceed , do represent or pourtray the Image of the Object . The Inward Organ of this Sense are the Optick Nerves , which reach from the Net-work-like-membran to the Brain , and receiving the motion from the said Membran , convey it to the common Seat of the Senses . II. Of the Figure of the Eye . And to the end we may more exactly apprehend all these particulars , suppose we an Eye cut through in the midst , but yet with that Art , as that all the several Humors contained therein , keep the same place they had before , without any part of them being spilt ; and then it would appear to be of the same structure , as it is represented in this Scheme , wherein DB , CBD , set forth its round Figure , that marked BCB , being the forepart of it , and BAB , the other part , which is enclosed within the Bone of the Head. III. What the Horny Coat of the Eye is . BCB , is a hard and thick Membran , which the Physicians call the Horny Coat of the Eye , being , as it were the Vessel and Receptacle to contain all the other parts of the Eye ; and this part is transparent , and more prominent or convex than the Remainder , to which the Rainbow , so called , belongs , which almost is of different colours in all Men. It sticks out forwards , because if it were more flat , the Beams which slantingly touch its surface , would scarcely ever reach the Bottom of the Eye , through the entrance of the Apple thereof ; so that we should only perceive a very small part of the Hemisphere at one cast of the Eye . IV. The Uveo● ▪ or Grape-like Coat , and the Apple of the Eye . DEF , is a thinner Membran , stretched out like a Hanging or Tapistry , and is called the Tunica Uvea or Grape-like Coat , for that it is perforated like a Grape when the Stele is pluckt out of it . In this Membran or Coat is a small hole , the Apple of the Eye , in the midst of the Rainbow , marked out by the Letters FF , called in Latin Pupilla , because in it a Baby or little Image is represented by the Rays that are reflected from the surface of the Eye , to every one that looks upon the Eye of another . The Apple of the Eye , in a Man , appears Black , because that part of the Coroides , or the Grape-like Coat , which answers to it , is of that colour . The contexture of Fibres rang'd in a circle , and which outwardly is placed about the hole of the Apple of the Eye , being diversified with various colours , is called the Rainbow . V. The Lig●ments of the Eye-lids . NN , are many black Filaments , called Processus Ciliares , which do every way surround , and gird in a certain soft and transparent Body , called the Crystalline Humour , and keep it suspended in the midst of them . VI. The Watry Humour . The space contained betwixt EKE , is filled with another transparent Humour , which is therefore called the Watry Humour , because in all respects it is like Water . This Humour gives the Round Figure to the Eye , refracts the admitted Beams , and in this disposition imparts them to the Crystalline Humour . The Eye continually receives of this humour by some particular Vessels which are in the Sclerotica , which is a part of the Horny Coat or Membran , and which are inserted into it , near to the Apple of the Eye , whence it is that when the Horny membran is pierced , and the Watry Humour by this means is spilt and let out , the said loss may be repair'd in the time of a few Hours . VII . The Crystallin Humour . The Mid-part L , is a certain transparent Substance , rather of the figure of a Lentil , than Spherical ; for the greatest part of it is cover'd by the Rainbow , and the Fore-part of the greater Round , is less than the other , and the Hind-part of the lesser Round , is the biggest . It is because of its Compactness and some appearing Hardness , called the Icy Humour , but more commonly the Crystallin . This Humour is white , like Starch , and is of the consistence of Wax , which melts , and may be comprest , but cannot be spilt . VIII . The Glassy Humour . The remaining Hollow of the Eye GMI , is taken up by a whitish Humour , more transparent than the Crystallin or Watry , and of a mean consistence betwixt them both ; because it can more easily be contracted and displayed ; and yet it is not so liquid , or thin and flowing , as the Watry Humour . It is commonly called the Albumineous and Glassy Humour , because it hath the consistence and colour of the White of an Egg , and is transparent like Glass . This Humour rests upon the Network-like Membran , and contains in it self the Crystallin ; it is enclosed in a very thin Membran , which keeps it from spilling . IX . The Crystallin Humour causeth much the same Refraction of the Rays , as Glass doth . Experience informs us , that the Crystallin Humour causeth much the same Refraction , as Glass and Crystal doth ; and that the two other Humours produce somewhat a less Refraction , and much about the same as Common Water : So that the Rays of Light pass more easily through the Crystallin Humour , than through the two other Humours ; and yet more easily through these , than through the Air. X. The Optick Nerve . HZ , is the Optick Nerve , which takes its rise from the Hinder-part of the Brain , not far from the beginning of the Back-bone , the Capillaments whereof GHI , being disperst throughout the whole Space ABH , do cover the whole bottom of the Eye , constituting a sort of a most fine Net , which from its Expansion is called Retiformis , or Net-work like , and Retina by Physicians . Now these Capillaments , by means of the Convex figure of the Eye , and of the Crystallin Humour , do collect the Beams , and communicate the motion they have received to the Brain , and present it to the Soul that resides there . XI . Why the Surface of the Coats of the Eye is black . My design is not to reckon up here all the Coats that enclose the Eye , seeing that the knowledge of them doth not conduce to the understanding of the Sense of Seeing ; and therefore shall only take notice , that the surface of these Coats is wholly obscure and black in those Parts that face the bottom of the Eye ; and this , to the end that the Rays which fall upon the Net-like Coat GHI , and from thence are are reflected to the Grape-like Coat , might be extinguish'd by that Blackness , lest being again reflected to the Retina , or Net-like Coat , they should disturb and confound the Sight . XII . The six Muscles of the Eye . OO , are six Muscles , outwardly fastned to the Eye , by the help whereof it can readily move it self every way . Of these Muscles 4 are called Direct , whereof the first lifts the Eye upwards , the second turns it downwards , the third draws it towards the Nose , and the fourth withdraws it to the opposite part from the Nose . The other 2 are called Oblique or Slanting , because they encompass and surround the Eye ; for with the one of them the Eye is enabled to give a slanting or oblique Cast , and with the other it is rolled round . XIII . How the Right or Direct Muscles serve to move the Eye . When the Right Muscle , which is above the Eye , is fill'd with Animal Spirits , the Eye looks up ; and the 3 other Muscles being fill'd in like manner by turns , assist it sometimes to look downwards , and sometimes to turn it to the Right or Left. Besides , it is evident by the situation of these Muscles , that when all of them are shortned , they at the same time alter the figure of the Eye , by making it more flat than it was before . XIV . Why the Apple of the Eye is of a Convex figure . That part of the Eye , which is marked BCB , is of a Convex figure , to the end that the Rays proceeding from the Objects , which of themselves have not force enough to enter the Apple of the Eye FF , might be united by a various Refraction , and by this means might have force enough strongly to move the Hairy-strings of the Optick Nerve HZ . For the Refraction which is made in the Crystallin Humour L , procures strength and distinction to the Sight . XV. The Apple of the Eye can be contracted and dilated . Besides , this is to be observed , that the Apple of the Eye is liable to Contraction and Dilatation , according as the Objects , to which the Eye is directed , are nearer or farther off ; or more or less enlightned ; or according as the Beholder doth more intently or carelesly view the Object . For this Coat hath the power to dilate or narrow it self like a Muscle , and by this means to enlarge or contract the Apple of the Eye , viz. by stinting the entring of the Rays , and by causing more or less to pass through it . XVI . The Motion of the Apple of the Eye is voluntary . Wherefore this motion may be called Voluntary , tho' for the most part it happen without our Attention ; for it doth nevertheless depend on our Will , or on those motions which do accompany the Will or desire of throughly beholding any Objects . In like manner as the motion of the Lips and Tongue , conducing to the formation of Voices , is called Voluntary ; because it is consequent to our intention of Speaking , tho' we do not mind , yea , and are ignorant also , what kind of motion every Letter requires . CHAP. XVII . Of Colours . I. Colour is nothing else , but a Modification of Light. FOrasmuch as Colours are the Objects of Seeing , we are to consider what they are , and wherein their Nature doth consist , before we undertake the Explication of the Sense of Seeing . We suppose therefore in the First plcae , that no Colour can appear without Light , and that consequently Colours are nothing else but certain Alterations or Modifications that happen to the Light. Secondly , that even Transparent Bodies also , appear distinguish'd with various Colours , if the Light that falls upon them be variously reflected to the Eye of the Beholder . As may be seen in a Round Ball of Glass fill'd with Water , in the Bubbles that Children sport themselves with , in a Prism , in the Rain-bow , and in other Bodies . II. What Light and the Beams thereof are . We must also suppose the Light to be the Action of a Subtil matter , the Parts whereof , as so many small Pellets , do roll continually through the Pores of Earthly Bodies : So that there are innumerous Rays or strait Lines by which this Action is communicated , which proceed from the several Points of a Lucid Body , and reach to the several Parts of the Body which they enlighten . III. That innumerable Rays proceed from every Point . For we are to conceive , that there is no surface , how polish'd and smooth soever it may appear to the Eye , but is really rough and unequal ; so that every Point assignable in the outside of the most smooth Body , is to be imagined like a little Hillock or Prominence , from whence innumerable Beams may be dispersed round about . For otherwise , if the surface of any Body were altogether polish'd and smooth , it could not shed the Rays roud about , but only directly to the opposite side ; so that the Object would only reflect such direct and Parallel Rays , as could only reach to the Eye obliquely or slantingly placed . IV. The Rays of Light may be reflected after divers manners . Moreover we are to take notice , that tho' the Rays pass strait along through Trasparent Bodies , yet they are easily turned aside by others they meet with ; much after the same manner as a Ball struck against a Wall , rebounds variously , according to the difference of the Surfaces it lights against . For it rebounds otherwise from a plain and even Surface , than from a crooked ; and otherwise from a hard , than from a soft : For being struck against a soft Body , it loseth its motion ; whereas lighting upon a hard , it rebounds immediately . V. The Rays , besides their motion in right Lines , may also be moved round . Lastly , We are to take notice , that as a Ball , besides its motion whereby it tends from the Hand to the Wall in a right Line , and from thence rebounds elsewhere , is capable also of being moved round its own Center : So likewise the Rays of Light cannot only move to Right Lines , but may be so reverberated by the Bodies they light upon , as to take upon them a Circular motion , wholly in the same manner as a Ball struck by a Racket , rebounds against the floor or ground . VI. VVhat Colours are . From what hath been said , it follows , that Colours are not in the Colour'd Bodies , but are only such a disposition , which either swallows up the Rays of Light , or variously reflects them to the Eye , and according to the diversity of this motion , doth differently affect the most subtil Organs of the Sight , and by this means produce a Sense of Colours in us . So that Colours , as they are assignable to Bodies , are nothing else , but different Modes , according to which Bodies receive the Beams of Light , and either drown them , or with great variety reflect them to the Eye . VII . VVherein the Nature of Colours ●oth 〈◊〉 . Let us suppose therefore , that there are some Bodies , which when they are struck with the Beams of Light , do choak them , and break all their force ; and such are those that are of a Black Colour , which is common to them , and Darkness . That there are also other Bodies that reflect the Beams , some of them in the same manner as they receive them , viz. such Bodies , whose Surface being exactly polish'd , serve for Looking-Glasses . Others , which reflect them confusedly this way and that way ; and again , that amongst these some reflect these Rays so , as that the Action of Reflection is not spoiled by any the least alteration , viz. those Bodies that are of a white Colour . And that others again produce a Change like to that which happens to the motion of a Ball that is struck with a slanting Stroak of a Racket ; and such are the Bodies that are of a Red , Yellow , Blue , or other Colour . VIII . Colour is nothing else , but a Modification of the Rays o● Light. For when the Rays of Light are sent forth from a Lucid Body , the Globuli of the second Element , which constitute those Rays , are either evenly or unevenly driven forwards , and whirl'd about by a different Proportion ; because of the various Nature and Constitution of the Bodies they meet with . And from this proportion of their direct Motion and Circumvolution , all Modifications of Light , or Colours do proceed . This is evident in Transparent Bodies , in which many Colours do appear , whereof no other Cause can be assigned , besides those different Modes , according to which the Beams of Light are admitted . As may be seen in the Rainbow , Peacocks-Tails , and in the Necks of Doves ; forasmuch as these Colours cannot be said to be any thing else , but the Light it self received in the outward-parts , and so or so reflected and conveyed to our Eyes . For all the Particles of Light , that enter a Transparent Body , are not drowned or swallowed up of it , but many of them rebound , which by means of various Reflection and Refraction reaching our Eye , do produce in us the Sense of Colours . This will appear clearly to us in the Prism MNP , 2 of the Surfaces whereof , MN , and NP , are entirely plain or flat , and so inclined the one towards the other , as to constitute an Angle of about 30 or 40 Degrees ; and therefore if the Rays of the Sun ABC , that light perpendicularly upon the Surface NP , do penetrate or pierce it obliquely about the Hole DE , which exhibits a Shadow at both parts of the said Hole , to the Rays DF , and EH , passing through it ; it is manifest by Experience , that the Rays passing obliquely through that Hole , from the Glass into the Air will be refracted , and reaching the Surface HGF , ( which we suppose to be White ) they will exhibit divers Colours from H to F , and that in this order : In the first place they will represent a Blew or Violet Colour about H ; then a Green ; in the 3 d place , a White about G ; 4 thly , a Yellow ; and 5 thly , a Red Colour about F. Now what happens in this Production of divers Colours , but only this , that the Globuli of those Rays , which after the same manner of Inclination , falling upon the lower Surface of the Prism NP , on the Left hand towards DN , have a Shadow , caused by the slow motion of the Globuli of the 2 d Element ; whereas on the Right , towards EP , they have a Light , caused by the swift motion of the said Globuli ; which causes them to move more swiftly about their own Centers , than they do in a Right Line . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 10 Lens . Inv. I. Kip To the Worshipfull William Vpton of Lupton in the County of Devon Esqr. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Book 1. Part 8. Chap. 18. To the Honoured Sr. Iohn Morden of Ricklemarsh in the Parish of Charleton in the County of Kent Baronet , and to Susanna his Lady . Sister to the Right Worshipfull ▪ ●r. Joseph Brand of Edwardstone in Suffolk Knight . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . The West Prospect of Morden Colledge , in the Parish of Charleton , in the County of Kent , now Erecting at the sole charge of the Honoured Sr. John Morden of Ricklemarsh in the Said Parish of Charleton Baronet , who hath liberally endowed it for the Maintenance of forty decayed Merchants , in a more then vsuall manner , as well as to Dyet , and Apartments to themselves , as to their Stipents or Salaryes , for their Support in a Gentile lively hood , This being the noblest , Greatest , and most Charitablest Guist of any Subject in these three Kingdomes , — Especially in the life tyme of the Donor , to his Eternall Glory , and for the good Example of others to follow soe pious a Worke. IX . Whence the difference of Colours doth arise . These things being well observed , we shall easily understand , that by how much nearer the Rays of Light , passing through the Hole DE , do approach to the Left Shadow D , by so much greater will be the whirling about of the Globuli of the 2 d Element , than their Progress : Whereas the nearer they approach to the Right Shadow E , they are whirled about so much more slowly , than they move fore-right . We understand likewise , that those Globuli which intersect the middle of that Light about G , have an Equal proportion of Retardation or Acceleration of their Circumrotation and Procession . And seeing that we find the White colour represented there , we must conclude that . Whiteness consists in that Proportion : But that the Nature of the other Colours , as of Blue , Yellow , Green , Red , consists in the different swiftness or slowness of their whirling about , exceeding that of their Process , or moving forwards . X. All Colours are true Colours , and none only apparent . I am not ignorant , that most Men distinguish these Colours from true ones , and call them Apparent only ; but these do not seem to understand the genuine Nature of Colours , which consists only in this , that they appear and are conspicuous . For it is a contradiction , that any thing should appear and be false . All Colours therefore are the effect of Light , variously reflected from the Surface of Bodies , suitable to the situation of their outside Particles , their whole difference consisting in the various Modes of receiving it , and reflecting it to our Eyes . Thus we call that a Black Body , which extinguisheth and choaks the Rays of Light ; and therefore Black Bodies carry a resemblance of Darkness . Blue Colour , which approacheth to the Nature of Black , is that which reflects only a few Rays : And 't is for this Reason , that Sea-water , where it is deep and transparent , appears of a Bluish Colour ; because there are but a few Rays reflected from its Surface , and none of those that penetrate the Substance of it , do return . XI . What a White Body is . A White Body is that , which reflects the Rays to the Eyes , in the same order as it receives them . Of this colour are all those Opake Bodies , whose Surface is so rough and rugged , that it reflects from all Sides the Rays it hath received parallel . So that in order to our having the Representation of a White Colour , we must receive many Rays from the Object ; whereas for to see a Black Colour , we must receive none at all . And therefore the Nature of Blackness must consist in a property which Black Objects have , to drown and mortifie the Beams they have received , as we have mention'd before . So that we may conclude , that those are Black Bodies , whose Surface is proper to extinguish and quash the Rays of Light ; and that those are White , whose Surface hath the Property to diminish the Light , by reflecting it from all sides . XII . Wherein the difference between Black and White Marble doth consist . But some may Object , that Black and White Marble consist , in a manner , of the same parts , so that if one of them swallows or extinguisheth the Light , the other ought to do so likewise ; and consequently , that the variety of Colours is not well grounded upon the Variety of Objects , which do variously reflect the Rays of the Sun. To which we Answer , That true it is , that Black and White Marble do , in a manner , consist of the same Parts ; but yet in the Black there are some soft Parts , which by taking in or swallowing the Light , produce a Black Colour . For Black and White Marble may be compared to a Pumice-Stone , whose Pores are filled with a kind of Oily Matter , and the White to a Pumice-Stone that is only fill'd with Air. For it may easily be understood , that when particles of Sand dash against this latter , they will rebound presently ; but not from the former , because the Oily Matter , that fills its Pores , doth quash their motion , and in a manner swallow them . XIII . What a Red Colour is . That is a Red Body , which in reflecting the Rays of Light , makes the Particles thereof to whirl strongly about their own Centers , in like manner as a Ball turns round by being struck against the Earth , or with the slanting stroak of a Racket . Yellow , Purple and Green Colours , proceed , as hath already been said , from this various Rotation of the Particles about their Center . So that the Particles of the Subtil Matter , that constitute a Yellow colour , are more slowly whirl'd about , than those that make a Red : And those that make a Green , more slowly than those that constitute a Yellow colour : And the Purple colour is nothing else , but mixture of a Blue with a Red colour , which imparts its brightness to the former . XIV . Colour is nothing else , but modified Light. From all which we may conclude , That Colour is nothing else , but Light Modified ; for it is evident , that a Coloured Object cannot of it self affect the Sight , as being for the most part immoveable , or at least not reaching the Eye , where it is perceived ; neither can any thing be thought of that moves the Eye at that time , but only the Light reflected from the Body seen . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Sense of Seeing . I. What the Sense of Seeing or Sight is . THe last in order of all the outward Senses , and the most Excellent of them , is the Sight ; whether we consider the Object of it , or the manner whereby Objects are conveyed to the Seeing Faculty . For Sight is a Sensation proceeding from a due and various motion of the Optick Nerve , made in the bottom of the Eye , by the Rays of Light coming from an Object , and from thence conveyed to the Brain ; by means whereof the Soul perceives the illuminated thing , together with its Quantity , Quality , and Modifications . The Sense of Seeing begins indeed in the Eye , but is perfected no where but in the Brain , where the Soul is affected with the Impressions of visible Objects . II. What the Object of Sight is , and how many-fold . The proper Object of Sight is every thing whereby the Eye becomes affected and changed , in order to the production of Sensation : And this Object is twofold , viz. Light and Colour ; for these 2 cannot be perceived by any Sense but that of Seeing . And tho' some reckon up 5 several species of common Objects , viz. Motion , Quiet , Number , Figure and Magnitude ; yet to speak accurately , Light only is the Object of Sight , whether the same proceed from the Lucid Body , through a transparent Medium , and so retain its own name ; or whether it be reflected from Opake Bodies , and represent the Image of them ; or whether in its reflexion , it be this or the other way refracted , and so affect the Eye , under the name and Species of Colour . III. The Order of things to be handled in this Article . Forasmuch therefore as Vision or Sight follows from the Action of the Object , upon the inward and outward Organs ; and since it is necessary that visible things should convey some Images to the Eye ▪ and from thence to the Brain , Our Business will be in this Chapter to enquire ; First , How , and in what manner Rays do proceed from the Objects . Secondly , How Objects imprint their Images upon the Organ ; and Thirdly , How these Images are communicated to the Brain . IV. What Rays are to be considered in Vision , or with respect to the Sense of Seeing . As to the First of these , we are to observe , that all the Rays that reach the Apple of the Eye , one of them always proceeds from the Object that is directly opposite to the said Apple , which passing through the midst of it , penetrates directly , and without any Refraction to the bottom of the Eye , or the middle of the Net-like Coat . And this Ray is commonly called the Axis of Seeing , or the Optick Axis . It is also called Perpendicular , because it enters straight into the Apple of the Eye ; whereas the other Rays which recede from this middle Ray , tho' they enter the Apple , yet it is only slantingly or obliquely . So that the Cone , whose Axis , is the Axis of Vision , is the streightest of all , the others being more oblique , as they farther recede from it . This will be more clearly apprehended by the Figure . Figure 7● . Let therefore K be the Eye before described , and the Object TRX . Now it is evident that Rays proceed from every point of this visible object . But forasmuch as those Rays only concur to the Sense of Seeing , that enter the Apple of the Eye , therefore we are only to consider those Beams which fall upon that part of the Horny Membran , which directly answer to the Apple . Wherefore since our business here is to enquire what the Rays are , whereby the point R , doth affect the bottom of the Eye , we shall only here consider those which proceed from that point , viz. RN , RL , and the middlemost between these two , drawn from R to S. And because the Middle Ray RS , is perpendicular to the surface or outside of the Eye , therefore neither doth it suffer any Refraction by passing from the Air , into the Watry Humour , but passeth straight from R to S ; for seeing that it falls perpendicularly upon the other intermediate parts of the Eye ; it is necessary that it be directed in like manner to S. But forasmuch as the Ray RN , doth not alight perpendicularly on the surface of the Eye , and being to pass from the Air into the Water , it is manifest that therefore it must suffer a Refraction , by approaching to the Perpendicular RS , and seeing that this Ray is not Perpendicular , whilst it passeth out of the Watry Humour , into a Harder Body , viz. the Crystalline Humour , it must a second time be refracted , and from thence entring into the Glassie Humour , which is softer , it must again be turned aside ; and thus still approaching nearer to the Perpendicular RS , after many Refractions , it arrives at the point S. The same is also to be said of the Ray RS , which after having undergone some Refractions , joine it self to the 2 other Rays , that are united in the point S. And thus it appears how the Object R , acts after the same manner upon the Bottom of the Eye , as if it sent forth one Ray only , that might perform the same , which all those Beams do that are contained between FF . V. Rays flexing from divers points of an Object , fall upon so many points of the Retina , or Net-like Membran . From what hath been said it will appear , what happens to those Rays , which from another point T , enter the Eye . For all the Beams that enter the Eye must undergo such Refractions , as that they may all of them be terminated and united in the point V. And therefore we may say , that the Points TRX , and any other intermediate ones , do all of them send their Rays , in a manner into one and the s●me Point of the Bottom of the Eye ; and on the other hand , that every point of the Bottom of the Eye , receives only the impression of one Point of the Object . So that it happens , when ever we have a mind clearly and distinctly to view any Object , that we direct our Sight , or the Axis of Vision to every part of it successively , and so take a particular view of the whole surface . VI. How the disposition of the Eye comes to be changed . Tho' the Rays only that proceed from Objects directly turn'd towards the Apple of the Eye , by passing through it , penetrate to the bottom of the Eye , yet may there be several other collections of the Rays , according to the different disposition of the Organ . As appears in Old Men , who have only a confus'd Image of Objects that are near them : And on the other hand , those that look Asquint , and have prominent Eyes , do more distinctly see things near at hand , and less exactly , such as are at a greater distance . The Reason of which difference is , because the Eye is of such a make or constitution , that according to the different distance of the Objects we have a mind to view , it may be extended , and so become flatter . Thus when we direct our Sight to any Object , that is too far distant , to be distinctly perceived by us , according to the ordinary constitution of our Eye , the Eye by means of the 4 direct or straight Muscles , is made plain or flat , because all of them draw it downwards to the bottom of the hollow wherein the Eye is placed ; by which means the Retina approacheth near enough to the Crystalline Humour , to be present to the new Collection of Rays which proceed from one Point of the distant Object . And on the other hand , when we have a mind to direct our Sight to an Object that is too near to us , then our Eye becomes dilated by the help of the 2 Oblique Muscles that do encompass it , and being blown up or swell'd , by the introduced Spirits do press the Eye ; whereby it comes to pass , that the space which is between the Crystalline Humour and the Retina , becomes large enough for the Rays , which proceed from the Point of the near Object , to be again collected and united in the Retina . VII . Why Old Men see things that are near them , confusedly ; and Squint-Ey'd persons , things that are far from them . Old Men therefore cannot exactly perceive Objects that are too near them , because their Humours begin to dry up , and their Bodies waste and grow learner , whereby the Convexity of the Horny and Crystalline Humours is diminished and so grows flatter , by which means the Eye becomes somewhat broader than it was in time of Youth . Now this alteration of the Parts of the Eye , doth not suffer the Rays proceeding from a near Object , and constituting the sides of Cones , to unite in the Retina it self , but make them pass on as if they would unite beyond it . Whereas those who see Asquint , and have prominent Eyes , do but imperfectly behold things at a distance ; for their Eyes being longer and protuberant , the Rays that proceed from one point of the distant Oject , do meet before they come to the Retina , and afterwards spreading themselves , fall only upon a little part of the bottom of the Eye . And therefore those who have such prominent Eyes , do approach the Object to their Organ , to advance the too short points of the visive Cones to the Retina . For the nearer a thing is approached to the Eye , so much the more are the Rays thereof turn'd aside , and constitute shorter Visive Pyramids or Cones . But Old Men remove the Object farther from their Eye , that by making the points of the Cones longer , they may reach the Retina . VIII . Convex spectacles are of most use to Old Men , as Concave Spectacles to Squint Ey'd persons . Hence it appears , that Convex Spectacles are most useful for Old Men ; as on the contrary , Concave Spectacles are most helpful to such as are Squint Ey'd . For seeing that the former stand in need of having the Rays contracted , to the end that the points of the Cones may be brought to the Retina , this is effected by a Convex Spectacle : but whereas the latter stand in need of a greater dilatation of the Rays , thereby to advance the Cusps of the Cones towards the Retina , this is effected by a Concave Spectacle . For by the interposing of a Convex Glass , the Rays which before went to the Rainbow , and further , are by this means gathered into the Apple of the Eye , so that Rays are now received by the Eye from those parts that were hid before , and those which before were joined together , by the interposition of them , are made distant from each other , and consequently represent the whole Object bigger than indeed it is . But by the interposing of a Concave Glass , many Rays , which before entred the Apple , are thrust outwards to the Rainbow , or more outward parts ; so that those parts which were separate before , do now unite , and by means of this contraction represent the whole Object less than it is . IX . How the Object forms its Image in the Eye . As to the second , viz. the forming of the Image of the Object in the Organ , it will not at all be difficult to conceive how this is done , supposing we do well apprehend that the Object acts only upon one point of the bottom of the Eye , viz. upon that which is directly opposite to it ; and so likewise that one only point of the Retina , viz. the middlemost is affected by that one point of the Object . For the Rays that proceed from External Objects , at the bottom of the Eye , act upon some Latitude of the Optick Nerve , which as to the Figure doth as much resemble it , as the Lineaments of an Excellent Painter , drawn in a Picture , can be like him . Besides , there is another reason for this latitude of the Retina being like the Object , viz. because it receives so many impressions in all its parts , as there are different Colours or different degrees of Light , in all the parts of the Object . And because the name of an Image or Likeness is attributed to that thing , which hath some resemblance with the thing it expresseth ; therefore we may well give this name to the Latitude of the Retina , on which all the Rays proceeding from the Object do fall ; and consequently may affirm , that the Object doth pourtray its similitude or Image in the bottom of the Eye . X. This Image is not in all things lik● unto the Object . Neither are we to look for any more perfect likeness between the Object we behold , and its Image , than there is between the Objects and Images , that appear in a darkned Room , where only one little hole is left for the Rays of Light to enter , which are received at a convenient distance upon white Paper or a Sheet . For tho' in this case the Images of the Objects be very exactly delineated , and their Qualities sufficiently express , yet they appear inverst , so that the right parts of the Object are left in the Image , and those which were uppermost in the Object , are neathermost in the Image . As appears in the Figure before represented , where we find Y , which is on the left side , represents X , which is at the Right ; and V , which is at the Right , T , which is at the Left. But how this comes about shall be shewed in the next Chapter . XI . How the Images of the Objects arrive at the Brain . As to the Third thing to be resolved how the Resemblances of Bodies are conveyed from the Eye to the Brain , this also will be easily apprehended ▪ if we consider that these Representations pourtra●ed in the Eye , and admitted to the place of the Extremities of the Capillaments , which compose the Optick Nerves are so imprest , as that the Rays touch those Capillaments , not according to their whole length , but only with their extremities . And because this impression which is made at the end of every Capillament , reacheth to the other , it cannot be otherwise , but that the whole Image of the Object must be conveyed to that place , where these Capillaments are terminated , that is , within the substance of the Brain . The R●●s therefore that flow from the Body X , to the E●● , touch the end of some of the Capillaments of the Retina or the Optick Nerve , at the point Y , and those that come from the Body R , do in the point S , touch the Extremity of some other Capillament ; and those that proceed from the Body ▪ T ▪ the end of another V , and so on . And since Light is nothing else but Motion , or a propension to Motion , it is evident that all the Rays that are come from XRT , being of force enough to move the Capillaments YSV , are consequently of force enough to move the Brain . By which means an Image is again formed in the inward surface of the Brain , which faceth the Cavities thereof : For by the word Image nothing else is understood here , than the various Motions of the Parts of the Brain , and so likewise those represented in a Looking Glass , at the Bottom of the Eye ▪ &c. are nothing else but such kind of motions . XII . How it comes to pass that only one Sensation is perceived in the Brain . But it may be you will enquire , how it comes to pass that the Images proceeding from External things , and entring the Brain , do not exhibit these two , but one only Object , when yet there be 2 Optick Nerves which equally convey the motion imprest upon them ? XIII . Answer . To this I answer , that there is a certain Kernel , in the midst of the Ventricles of the Brain , called Conarion , in which the 2 Images , proceeding from both the Eyes , are united , by means of those Spirits that fill the Cavities of the Brain . And this Kernel is called the Residence of the Common Sense , because the Soul immediately exerciseth its operations in it . When therefore at any time we behold an Object , by Example a Flower , the Light that is reflected from it , doth delineate 2 Pictures or Resemblances in each of our Eyes , and these draw 2 others , by the help of the Optick Nerves , in the inward surface of the Brain ; which Representations being conveyed to this Kernel , do meet there , and are united ; which Kernel consequently acting upon the Soul , represents to it the Image of that Flower . XIV . Why we assert this Kernel to be in the Midst of the Brain . Neither do we without good ground assert this Kernel to be in the midst of the Brain , as being the Principal Seat of the Soul , where all Sensations are performed . For we find that all the other parts of the Brain are double ; as we have 2 Eyes to see with , 2 Ears to hear , and 2 Hands to handle , and the same may be said of the rest of the Organs of our Senses ; and yet we see but one Object , and hear but one Sound , &c. wherefore It is necessary that both these Images , or rather Motions proceeding from 2 Organs , should meet together in one place , before they be considered of by the Soul. Neither is any such single part to be found in all the Brain , besides this Kernel , which is placed in the very midst of the Ventricles of the Brain , and consequently is surrounded by the Spirits , and therefore may well be accounted the seat of Common Sense , that is , of Cogitation , and therefore also of the Soul it self . CHAP. XIX . How Vision , or the Sense ef Seeing is performed . I. The Soul feels or is sensible by means of the motion of the Nerves . HAving thus explained how the Light is transmitted through the Humours of the Eye ; how Objects communicate their Images to the Organ , and how the said Images enter the Brain ; it remains now that we explain , how this Image , communicated to the Brain , doth produce that Sensation in us , whereby we are said to See ; and in the next place what are the Causes of the Clarity and distinction of our Sight ; and Lastly , how the Qualities of Objects , viz. their Situation , Distance , Magnitude , Figure , Motion or Rest , are thereby discerned . Now that we may the better understand how this Spiritual Image is delineated in us , we are to call to mind , what hath been before handled Chap. X. § 6. viz. that such is the Nature of our Soul , that by the force of those Motions , which are imprest on that part of the Brain , whence the thin Capillaments , or Hair-like Strings of the Retina derive their Original , various Sensations are excited ; so that the whole difference of them depends on the various motion , which every part of the Object doth excite . Thus the Soul , by occasion of some motions that are made in the Nerves which belong to the Ears , perceives Sounds ; and by means of the motion of those Nerves , that assist the Organ of Tasting , and act immediately upon our Soul , the Sense of Taste is stirr'd up in us , and so of the rest . II. What the Images of Objects are . For these Impressions are nothing else , but various motions of the parts of the Brain , and of the Animal Spirits , affecting the Glandula Pinealis or Pine-Apple-like Kernel ; to which when the Soul of Man attends , he discerns visible Objects , tho ▪ these motions are not like the Objects which they represent . Just after the same manner as one that walks in the Dark , or i● blind , distinguisheth Objects by means of a Stick , tho' neither the Stick , nor its Motion bear the Image of them . Or as Words written or spoken , serve to convey the knowledge of things to us , tho' they be no resemblances of the things they bring to our Minds . III. How it comes to pass that some Objects appear more clearly than others . It is manifest therefore , that the sight of any thing will be more clear and lively , according as there are more Rays proceeding from the Object , and entring the Eye : For by this means the impression made upon the Capillaments of the Optick Nerve is the stronger . The largeness of the Apple of the Eye , conduceth also to this purpose , by giving way to many Rays , proceeding from the same point of the Object , to enter the Eye , in order to the representing of its Image in the bottom thereof . Hence it is that we dilate and open the Apple of our Eye more in viewing a distant Object , than one that is near us ; because then more Rays enter the Eye from the several points of it , than when we do straiten it and make it less . And for this reason it is that remote Objects , appear more clearly to us , than such as are very near to us , and the Colours of those appear more lively , but of these more dull and weak . IV. What is the Cause of the Distinction of Vision . As to the Distinction of Sight , whereby the parts of the Object are discerned in their proper Place , Situation , Figure and Colour , it is certain that the same proceeds from the Refraction of Rays . Now to the end that the Sight of any Object may be very distinct , and admit of no confusion at all , it is necessary that all the Rays , which from the same point of the Object , are directed to the same point of the Horny Membran , be so refracted , as that they may at last meet and be united in the point of the bottom of the Eye . But seeing that this doth not happen , save only in those Rays , which proceed from that point of the Object , in which the Axis of Vision is terminated , it so happens that at that time , we can only have a distinct Sensation of that part , and of the rest a confused and indistinct view . V. The other Cause of Distinct Seeing . The other cause of Distinct Vision , depends on the Capillaments of the Optick Nerve ; for seeing that we cannot discern the parts of Bodies we do behold , but only inasmuch as they are distinguisht by Colour , and that the distinct perception of these Bodies , doth not only depend upon this , that all the Rays which proceed from the several points of Bodies , do in the bottom of the Eye meet in about so many other points ; but is also caused by the multitude of the Filaments of the Optick Nerve , the Extremities or Ends whereof are contained in that space , which the Image at the bottom of the Eye doth take up ; it follows that there must be so many ends of these Capillaments , as there are sensible parts in the Object , that reflect their Rays . For if the Rays proceeding from 2 different parts of the Object , should meet in 2 divers points of the same Filament separately , it would be the same as if they met in the same Point , because they could not move that one Filament after 2 several manners . Whence it is that Fields , in the Summer-time , abounding with Red or Yellow Flowers that grow amongst the Grass , do seem to be wholly Red or Yellow ; because both the Grass and Flowers acting together upon one and the fame Capillament , the Flowers which are of a more lively Colour , do only appear to the Eye , because that Filament , at that time only follows the motion , which the Flowers imprest upon it . VI. How the Situation of the Object comes to be discerned . The situation of Bodies is not perceived by any Representation or other Action , proceeding from them , but only by the Impulse , coming from a certain Region or quarter , to some particular part of the Brain . For the Object seems to be situate in that part , from whence the Rays come that affect the Eye . Thus we suppose the Candle AC , to be placed in such a quarter , because the Eye BDE , doth from thence receive the Rays that make an Impression upon it , which Impression gives occasion to the Soul to judge that the Candle AC , takes up such a situation amongst other Bodies . For the knowledge of the situation of any thing depends only on the situation of the particles of the Brain , from whence the Filaments of the Nerves do arise : But forasmuch as those Filaments are diversly affected by Bodies in different places , because of their various disposition , the Soul by their peculiar motion , discerns their different situations . Thus when we turn our Head or Eye this way or that way , the Soul is put in mind of that thing , by the Change which the Nerves inserted in the Muscles subservient to that Motion , do effect in our Brain . For when the Eye BDE sees the Candle AC , the Soul may know the situation of the said Candle , because the Nerves of the Eye partake of another disposition , than if it lookt another way . VII . Why the Image of an Object is turn'd upside down in the Eye . Nevertheless it is to observed , that tho' Objects be perceived in their natural situation ; yet their Images are turned upside down in the Eye . The reason whereof is , because but one of those Rays that enter the Eye being Perpendicular , and Direct , and the rest , because of the straitness of the Apple of the Eye entring obliquely , it happens that the Oblique Ray AB , proceeding from the upper part of the Candle , and the Ray , CD , flowing from its lower , do intercept one another , so that the lower part C , of the Candle , is represented at the bottom of the Eye upwards about D , and the upper part A , of the Candle appears about B , by which means the Candle is delineated in the Eye inverted . This any one can make an Experiment of , by taking the Eye of an Animal , devested of all its Membrans and Muscles besides the Retina ; for supposing that this Eye be placed before the little hole of a Darkened Room , and the Candle AC , be set opposit to it , if then standing in the Room we look into the bottom of the Eye , we shall see the Image turn'd upside down . VIII . Things at a great distance appear higher This inversion of the Image in the Eye , is th● cause why things appear by so much higher as they are farther from us ; because Rays that proceed from things near to us , do reach the upper parts of the Eye or Retina ; whereas those that flow from Objects far distant , do come to the lower part of the Eye : And consequently it is necessary , that the former should appear Higher , and these latter Lower . IX . How the Distance of things is perceived . The Distance of Objects is discerned by the various motions that change the Figure of the Eye : For when we behold things at a Distance , the Apple of the Eye becomes more dilated , and the Crystalline Humour is somewhat withdrawn towards the Retina , and by this means the Figure of the Eye becomes more Round : whereas , when we view Objects that are near to us , the opening of the Apple of the Eye is lessened , and the Crystalline Humour contracted , and thrust outwards , by which means the Eye becomes more extended in length . And whilst we thus change the Figure of our Eye , according to the various situation of the Object , an alteration consequently happens in the parts of the Brain , Nature having so ordered it , that the Soul thereby might be informed of the distance of the Object . X. Other ways of discerning the Distance of Objects . The Distance also of Objects may be discerned by the distinct or confused Representation of them , and so likewise by the strength or weakness of the Light. Thus when we know the Bulk of a Body beforehand , its distinct Figure , and the Liveliness of its Colour , this knowledge will help us to know the distance of it . The Interposition also of many Bodies between us , and those Bodies which we behold , conduceth not a little to the perceiving of their Distance ; because the distance we imagin there is between them , serves us for a measure whereby to take the distance of the Objects we are viewing . Thus when the Moon is very high raised above the surface of the Earth , it seems nearer to us when no visible Bodies interpose between us and it , than when many Terrestrial Bodies intervene . The strength also and weakness of the Light are of use to inform us of the Distance of Objects : For Bodies illustrated with a weak Light , are apprehended to be at a greater distance , and those things to be nearer to us which are seen distinctly , and under a strong and vigorous collustration . And therefore it is that towards Night , or in misty Weather , things that are near appear as if they were at a distance from us . XI . How the Bulk of the Object is perceived . By perceiving the Situation and Distance of every Object , we are informed of the Bulk and Bigness of it : Thus when the Rays from A and C , are decussated , or intersect one another at the Apple of the Eye E , the Objects Angle of Vision being known , the Soul by this Impression , being informed of the length of these Rays , easily discerns the Quantity of the line AC , which is the Magnitude of the thing . So that if ever the Mind mistake in judging of the Bulk of any thing , it is only because it hath not rightly perceived the distance of it . As it happens to a person , who not being able to conceive the great distance there is between the Sun and the Earth , will never know the true Magnitude of the Sun. And this is the Reason why the Sun and Moon , when they are nearest to the Horizon , appear bigger than when they are farther from it ; which doth not happen because they sometime appear under a greater , and at other time under a less Angle , but because they are judged to be at a greater distance . For our Modern Astronomers , who have measur'd the Angle under which the Sun or Moon appear at their Rising and Setting , find it to be the same with that under which it appears about the Meridian . XII . How the Figure of Objects is perceived . We judge of the figure of any Object , from the knowledge or opinion we have of the situation of the different Parts of it , and not at all from the likeness of the Images , that are delineated in the Eye ; forasmuch as those Images are often Elliptical , and of an oblong Square , which represent to us Objects that are perfectly Round and Equilateral Squares . Thus Square Objects , that are at a great distance from us appear Round , because the great distance of the Angles obliterates the Jettings-out and Unevenness of the Object . In like manner , Round or Concave Bodies appear with flat and even Surfaces , because the rising or depression of any of the Parts , by reason of the great distance , escapes the Eye . Thus he who beholds the Sun , doth not discern it to be round , but flat , tho' indeed the middle parts thereof be nearer to our Eyes , than those that are towards the Edges : but so vast is the distance between the Sun and our Eye , that the foresaid proximity of the middle Parts , is not at all considerable or perceptible . XIII . How the Motion or Rest of Bodies is perceived . Lastly , Motion is perceived when the Images of Objects imprest on the Eye , do run through several Spaces in the Retina , and successively answer to other Images of Objects , which we look upon as immoveable . Or when the Eye is fain to turn it self , that it may continue to have the Sight of the Object . So likewise the Rest of Visible things is perceived , when the Eye continuing without Motion , the Images represented in the Retina are at Rest , and continue to have the same Respect to another Object , which is consider'd as without motion . XIV . There must be a due Distance betwixt the Object and the Eye . Moreover it is to be observed , that in order to the due and right seeing of any Object , there is required a due distance , to the end that the many Rays that proceed from the several Points of the Object , may meet together in every least part of the Retina . As likewise , that the Image of the Object , may be represented in the bottom of the Eye sufficiently great and perceptible . Otherwise if the Object , for Example D , be too near , the Rays that proceed from it , as ABC , will enter so obliquely into the Convex Surface of the Eye AC , that the Retina E cannot be affected by them , as not being sufficiently gathered together . Wherefore since the meeting of the Rays is only in F , it is no wonder if no perceptible Image of the Object be delineated in the bottom of the Eye . Forasmuch as the Action of Seeing cannot be performed , except the Rays entring the Apple of the Eye , and being refracted at their meeting with the Membrans and Humours , strike upon the Retina , and impress the Image of the Object upon it . XV. The too great distance of the Object produceth only an obscure Vision . But when the Object is at too great a distance , the contrary happens ; for seeing that then only a few Rays proceed from every Point of the Object , and that those that come from them , do too much approach to a Parallelism , it so happens that they are united before they reach the Retina ; and presently after separating themselves again from that Point of their meeting , cannot sufficiently move or agitate the Retina ; whereupon only an obscure Image of the Object is represented . By Example , If the Object A be supposed to be far distant from the Organ , it is evident that only a few Rays will flow from each Point of it ; and that the Rays AB , AC , AD , proceeding from each Point of it , by their inclining too much to a Parallelism , will unite about E , before they come to the Retina F. Whence it will follow , that either a too little Image of the Object will be drawn at the bottom of the Eye , or none at all . XVI . VVhat a Telescope or Prospective-Glass is , and how Objects at a distance are perceived by it . To prevent this defect , a Telescope or Prospective Glass is employ'd ( that is , an Instrument whereby the Visive Faculty is assisted to discern Objects , that are at a great distance distinctly ) which consists of 2 Glasses , viz. a Convex and a Concave : For by the first of these the Rays are so gather'd , that before the union or coition of Cones like to those which are produced by the Eye , the Concave intervenes , which by somewhat dilating of these Cones , doth advance their Points or Cusps , and renders them more distinct ; so that being received into the Apple of the Eye after decussation , they again meet in the Retina , and according to the proportion of the Convexity , represent the thing greater . Wherefore , if such an Instrument be duly applied to the Eye , it makes the Rays that are gather'd about E , and afterwards scatter'd again in the Retina F , become gather'd in it , by means of the convexity of the Eye , and so produce a distinct and exact Vision or Sight . For the Telescope , by reason of its great Pupil , makes the Object to be seen by many Rays , and because of the Convex figure of the outward Glass , which congregates the Rays , it appears under a greater Angle of Vision . This Instrument causeth also a great decussation of the Rays , which enter the Round outward Extremity of the Tube , towards the Retina ; and by this means a great Representation or Image of the Object , is delineated in the Eye , so that things at a distance appear great and distinct . XVII . Of the Deception of the Sight . How liable we are to be deceived by our Sight , as well as by our other Senses , will be evident to us by considering the manner how all our Sensations are formed , and more particularly that of Seeing . For hence it is , that some Objects appear more clearly to us than others ; and that their Place , Situation , Figure , and Colours , are not always distinctly represented ; that their Bulk seems sometimes greater , and at other times less ; yea , and sometimes they are altogether invisible , especially those Parts that make their Essential constitution . In the Bud of a Tulip-Root , with a Microscope , we may easily discover the Leaves , which afterwards turn Green , those which are to compose the Flower it self , and that little Triangular part which contains the Seed , with the 6 little Pillars that surround it , at the bottom of the Tulip . And the same may be said of the Bud of a Mustard-Seed , of the Kernel of an Apple , and generally of all sorts of Trees and Plants : For tho' nothing of all this can be perceived by the Eyes , no not when assisted by a Microscope ; yet we may with confidence conclude that they are all contain'd in the Bud of their Seeds . This may also appear in little Animals , as in the Mites that breed in rotten Cheese , and those little Worms that gnaw the Skin , and cause the hands to itch , which have all of them Organical Bodies , as well as any other Animals . And as we see in the Bud of a Root of the Tulip , the whole Flower , so likewise we may perceive in the Treadle of an Egg , which the Hen hath not yet sit upon , a Pullet , which it may be is wholly formed . So likewise Frogs may be perceiv'd in the Spawn of Frogs . To which add what Malbranche asserts , that probably there are infinite Trees in one only Bud , and that all the Plants , and all the Bodies of Man and Animals that shall ever be , have been produc'd from the beginning of the World. Now it is certain , that all these things cannot be perceived by our unassisted Eyes ; yea , and that the greatest part of them cannot be perceived with the help of the most excellent Microscopes : And much less by our other Senses , which the Sight excells in order , dignity and extent . Neither must this seem any whit strange unto us , forasmuch as it is only the Surface of Bodies that affects our Senses , and that it is not their whole Surface neither that is capable of affecting our Senses , but those Parts only of it that are big enough to move the Fibres of the Nerves . And forasmuch as those Parts which make up the Essential Constitution of the Body , are very often too small to move the Fibres of the Nerves , that belong to the Organs of Sensation ; it must follow that they are hid from us , and that the Object which we perceive , may be quite different from what it appears to be . CHAP. XX. Of Waking , Sleep , and Dreams . I. How Sleep is distinguish'd from VVaking . NExt after the Senses , it seems proper to treat of Waking and Sleep , forasmuch as by these their Operations and Cessations are determin'd . For Waking is the free Exercise of the Senses , depending on the uninterrupted influence of the Spirits into the Organs . And therefore those things which increase the Animal Spirits , or do more strongly agitate them , are the Cause of Waking or Watchfulness . Sleep is a Binding of the Senses , proceeding from the want of Spirits . Wherefore those things which diminish the Spirits , or foreslow their motion , provoke Sleep . So that Waking and Sleeping differ no otherwise , than as Loosing and Binding , or as the Flowing or Standing still of the Water that is in a River . For if we give heed to our own Experience , we know nothing else of Waking , save that it is such a state , wherein we hear the Voices of those that speak to us , see visible Objects , are moved by the things that touch us , and are sensible otherways of those thing whereof our Nature is capable . And as to Sleep , we experience it to be a state opposite to this , and wherein we are not excited by the Objects wont to strike our Senses , but our Body rests as depriv'd of all motion . II. Wherein the State of VVaking or VVatchfulness consists . To the end therefore , that we may be able to give an account of both these States , we are to observe , that the state of Waking consists in this , That the Animal Spirits ( which as was said before , are the most lively parts of the Blood ) being in great abundance in the Brain , are easily determin'd by the Glandula Pinealis , to flow into the Nerves , and fill them ▪ so , that all their Capillaments are kept stretched or distended , and separate from one another . For supposing this affluence of the Spirits in the Brain , if any Object acts upon our Body , it may be easily conceived , that the Capillaments of the Nerves , that terminate towards that Part , will convey the motion they have received , to that very part of the Brain , which immediately stirs up the Soul to Sensation . For it cannot be difficult for us to imagine , that the Animal Spirits , which are then determin'd towards certain Muscles , cause those Parts of the Body , in which the Muscles are inserted to be moved . So that Waking or Watchfulness is nothing else , but the Dilatation of the Animal Spirits in the Brain , and throughout all the Nerves , whereby the Organs of the Senses are at full liberty to transmit the motions of the Objects to the Common Sense , placed in the midst of the Brain . III. The Causes of VVaking or VVatching . Watching may be effected by many Causes . First , By those things which thin the Blood , or which over-heat it , and by agitating it too much , increase the Animal Spirits . Secondly , By things which open the Plexus Choroides of the Arteries , and so make way for the Spirits to enter into the Nerves . Thirdly , By things that stir and agitate the Body over-much , and by making the motion of the Blood more swift , occasion a greater Briskness and Liveliness in the Body . Fourthly , By Moderate Sleep or Rest , which recruit the strength of the Body , and make it with more agility and chearfulness to perform its Task . IV. VVherein the State of Sleep consists . Sleep being the State that is opposite to Watching , and wherein the outward Senses are bound up , and cease from their Functions , we shall easily understand how it is effected , by assigning a different disposition to the Brain , from that which Watching doth produce . Forasmuch therefore as the State of Waking doth consist in the great abundance of the Animal Spirits , which replenish the Ventricles of the Brain , and the Pores of the Nerves : Sleep on the contrary must consist in a deficiency and want of the said Spirits , which causeth the Pores , through which the Animal Spirits are wont to flow into the Nerves , to grow limber and cling together , and being no longer distended by the copious afflux of the Spirits , to be shut up . For where this Obstruction happens , the Animal Spirits , which before were contained in the Nerves , are dissipated ; and there being no other in a readiness to supply their places , the Filaments of the Nerves cling together : So that if in this State an Object should act upon any part of our Body , yet can it not transmit that Impression to the Brain , and consequently no Sensation can result from thence . Besides , the Muscles being then empty and void of Spirits , become limber and flagging , and so cannot be of any use for the motion of the Members to which they belong , nor keep the Body in an upright posture , any more than if they were quite vanish'd . And accordingly in Sleep , the Body lies along , the Eye-brows fall , the Head nods , the Knees fail , and and all the Senses cease from their Actions . And therefore Sleep is nothing else , but a relaxation of the Ventricles of the Brain , and a flagging of the Nerves , proceeding from the want of Animal Spirits , whereby the Organs of Sense are at a stand , and unfit to convey the motions of the Objects to the Brain , and to the Common Sense . V. The Opinion of the Peripateticks concerning Sleep . But whence this Effect doth proceed , and what that Band is , whereby the Actions , as well of the Inward as Outward Senses , are supprest and bound up , is not so easie to determine . 'T is a common Opinion amongst Philosophers , especially those that follow Aristotle , That Sleep is caused by the Vapours proceeding from the Chyle and other Humours working in the Stomach ; which being afterwards condensed , cloud the Brain , and cause Drowziness and Dulness . VI. This Opinion rejected by those that hold the Circulation of the Blood. But this Opinion is not approv'd of by them , who hold the Circulation of Blood. For these cannot discover , by what ways these Vapours elevated from the Stomach , should through so many of the Inward parts and Bony prisons , as through so many Obstacles , be carried up to the Brain ; forasmuch as their Opinion is , that the most part of those Humours that moisten the Brain , is transmitted through the Arteries , and immediately communicated to it from the Mass of Blood. Besides , if Sleep be owing to the Vapours that arise from the Stomach , why is it not always consequent to the taking in of Food ; and why is not Watching always the Effect of our abstaining from Meat ? When yet we frequently experience the contrary , that many times with an Empty Stomach we fall into a Deep Sleep ; and when we have eaten freely are inclin'd to be watchful . Moreover , Children are apt to fall asleep , by Weariness , Singing , Darkness , and the Rocking in a Cradle ; and yet none of these contain any thing of these Vapours , that are suppos'd so necessary for the causing of Sleep . To which may be added , that if a Ligature be put upon the Inward Jugular Arteries or Veins of any person , he will presently fall asleep ; which is the Reason that those who are hanged , seem to themselves , as it were , to fall asleep , as soon as they are turn'd off . VII . The true Cause of Sleep . Wherefore the Cause of Sleep is not to be attributed , to the Fumes and Vapours that arise from the Stomach ; but rather to the deficiency of the Animal Spirits , or the diminution of their motion . For Opium , Poppy , Mandrakes , and other such like Sleep ▪ provoking ▪ Medicaments , do not praduce their Effects by raising copious Exhalations from the Chyle to the Brain ; but because they hinder the motion of the Spirits that way , and by their Fuliginous Humour stop the Spirits that are contained in the Brain , from being conveyed to the outward Membrans . And accordingly gross Meats , and hard of Digestion , which oppress the Stomach , commonly cause Sleep and Drowziness ; because they do fix and dull the Spirits contained in the Stomach , and by the consent and correspondence there is between that part and the Brain , make the Spirits there more dull and heavy . VIII . During Sleep , our Blood is hotter than when we are awake . But yet forasmuch as the Spirits can never be without a considerable degree of Agitation , and can never be so far dulled , as to be destitute of all motion , it must follow that not being now employ'd to keep the Body awake , they must needs increase the motion of the Blood wherewith they are mingled ; and therefore we find , that the Body is much hotter whilst asleep , than when awake : For we find , that in the Coldest Weather in the Winter , our Bodies are very hot when asleep , but are no sooner awake , but we need Fire , or some strong and violent Exercise to preserve us from being sensible of extream Cold , and the rigour of the Weather . IX . How Sleep comes to cease . Sleep is discust either by force , or of it self : The former way is , when the Organ of any of the Senses is so struck , that the imprest motion arrives at the Brain ; because by this means the Spirits that are in the Brain may be so agitated , that joyning themselves with others that are carried that way , they may produce Waking . And Sleep ends of it self , when the Animal Spirits , which the Blood doth produce whilst we are asleep , are in such abundance conveyed to the Brain , that opening the Passages of the Nerves , and rushing into them , they distend the Filaments thereof , and by this means give the Soul occasion to perceive the several Objects that touch and affect the Body . X. VVhat a Dream is , and what the Cause of it . The Imaginations of those who are asleep , are called Dreams , when the Soul , while the Body is asleep , apprehends things , and discourseth of them , as if it were awake . Now this happens , when during Sleep the Animal Spirits enter these Footsteps , that were before imprest on the Brain , moving some Parts thereof in the same manner , as they are wont to be moved by the presence of an Object , acting upon the Organ of the Senses . XI . How Dreams are produc'd . For notwithstanding that in Sleep , the greatest part of the Pores or Passages of the Brain , are stopt up by a thick Vapour , or rather Humour ; and that the Fibres , by reason of this Obstruction , become less active , especially those by which the affection , or imprest motion , is conveyed from the outward Sense to the inward , and from the Plexus Choroides , to the bottom of the Brain , and Original of the Nerves ; yet the rest may notwithstanding this discharge their Function , at least in part ; which is the Cause why Imaginations are easily excited in us whilst we are asleep , by the least motion or impression from the Blood , Gall , or Phlegm , or of those Vapours that are the Cause of the foresaid Obstructions , which make the Fibres so torpid and unactive . And this is the reason why things are but confusedly represented to us , whilst we are asleep . XII . The Cause of the difference of Dreams . The difference and great variety of Dreams , proceeds first from the variety of the Foot-steps of former motions imprest upon the Brain . Thus we find frequently , that the things wherewith we have mostly entertained our Thoughts in the Day-time , are apt to be represented to us in Dreams by Night . Secondly , From the peculiar temperament and complexion of the Body , and the difference of Meat and Drink , whence the Spirits are generated . Thus Persons of a Cholerick Temperament dream of Quarrels , Fightings , Fires , &c. Phlegmatick Persons , of Water-floods , Drowning , &c. Thirdly , From Custom ; which being a kind of second Nature , hath its effect upon us even during Sleep . XIII . Dreams are formed from things that are seen . Forasmuch as the Parts of the Brain , which have been before moved by the outward Action of the Object , are more easily moved than those that have been in continual Rest : Therefore it commonly happens that the Animal Spirits push against them ; so that we seldom dream of any other things , but such as we have perceived by some Sense or other whilst we were awake . And accordingly we find but little difference , between the things we behold waking , and those which appear to us in Dreams ; and that there is much the same succession of our Imaginations in our Dreams , as when we are awake , which tho' they seem sometimes incoherent , yet is there commonly some hidden connexion between them . XIV . How it comes to pass that our Dreams are sometimes strange and irregular . But because the Objects that are represented to us whilst we are awake , are in great number , and may variously affect the same parts of the Brain , it would be strange , if in the interval that is between Sleeping and Waking , the Spirits that are continually ranging through the Pores of the Brain should not promiscuously move some of the parts of it , that is , partly as they were moved at the presence of one Object , and partly as they were at the presence of another : and by this means it may come to pass that the Soul may perceive a monstrous representation , as of a Goat with a Lions Head , or the like ; so that we have no reason to look for any Connexion or Order in our Dreams . CHAP. XXI . Of the Appetite of Hunger and Thirst . I. Why Hunger and Thirst are called Natural Appetites or Desires . SEeing that Hunger and Thirst are perceived after the same manner , as the other Senses , viz. by the Ministry of the Nerves , which like so many fine Threads proceed from the Brain to the Stomach and Gullet ; it seems convenient that having spoken of the Senses , we should now proceed to explain what Hunger and Thirst is . Which 2 affections , are commonly called Natural Appetites , because they suppose a Compound of Soul and Body , and are generally accompanied with a desire to Eat and Drink . II. Aristotle's Opinion concerning Hunger and Thirst . ARISTOTLE defines Hunger to be a desire of that which is hot and dry ; but does not take notice whence this Appetite doth arise , nor how it comes to be stirred up ; nor do I believe that any of his Qualities will be able to explicate the nature thereof . For we find that Infants and other new born Animals desire Milk ; but who will say that the Appetite to Milk is only the desire of that which is dry ? Or shall we say that Animals when they desire Herbs and Fruits , are carried out with an Appetite to that which is Hot and Dry , when a moisture can be separated from them , which far surpasseth their dry substance in quantity ? Again , how can Hunger be said to be the Appetite of that which is hot and Dry , seeing that Herbs and Fruits , according to all that we can perceive by them , have more cold than heat in them ? III. What Hunger is , and how it is caused . Hunger therefore is nothing else but a Sense arising in the Ventricle , from an Acid Juice twitching the Nerves thereof . For as the various motions of the Optick Nerve , makes the Soul to perceive and discern all the varieties of Light and Colours ; so there is nothing that can produce the sense of Hunger , but the motion of some Nerves inserted into the bottom of the Stomach . For the better understanding how this is done , we are to take notice that when the Stomach is empty of Food , the Juice or Liquor which is wont to flow out of the Arteries into the Stomach , and there to mingle with the Food , finding no matter to work upon , twitcheth the Nerves of the Stomach , which motion being conveyed to the Brain , stirs up the Sense of Hunger . IV. No Liquor is conveyed out of the Spleen into the Stomach . Some Physicians are of opinion , that this Liquor is conveyed into the Stomach by Veins from the Spleen : But that they are mistaken herein , is evident by this Experiment , that when a Ligature is made on the Vas Breve , the Vessel that lies between the Spleen and the Stomach , that part of it which is betwixt the Ligature and the Stomach swells , whereas the other part grows flag and empty ; which is a plain evidence that some liquor is conveyed by the said Vessel from the Stomach to the Spleen , and not from the Spleen to the Stomach . Moreover , the Valvulae that are in the Vas Breve venosum , do oppose the transmission of any liquor from the Spleen to the Stomach , because all of them lead towards the Spleen . Whence it is manifest that something is transmitted from the Stomach to the Spleen , but not the contrary way . V. The Nature of the Liquor that flows out of the Arteries . Now this Liquor which causeth the sense of Hunger is sowre and sharp , as being the off-spring of Choler and Melancholy , and which therefore lighting on the bottom of the Stomach , cannot but twitch and prick the membrans whereof it doth consist . Hence it is commonly observed , that Melancholy Persons are great Eaters , because this Juice is more sowre in them , than in others , by which means the Food is soon consumed thereby , as Metals are in Aqua Fortis , and other acid Spirits , and the Guts egg'd on to a ready Evacuation . VI. Why some Persons are very seldom sensible of Hunger . And on the contrary it sometimes happens , that persons who have not eaten of a good while , yet have no sense of Hunger , nor any desire to Eat , as it is frequently so with Phlegmatick Persons . Because this Juice by some obstruction or other is hindred from entring into the Stomach , or because it is too thin and weak , so that the Stomach is not sensible of the weak impression it makes upon it ; or because its force is blunted by some cold and clammy Humour , or because there is but little of this sharp Humour conveyed to the Stomach . For it is always one or other of these causes that occasions the want of Appetite to Food , and more especially in Sick People . VII . Of Persons that are troubled with a Dogs hunger , as 't is called . And on the other hand there are some persons that are troubled with continual Hunger , and who like Dogs are ever Ravenous , and never satisfied ; because so great quantity of this sharp Humour is conveyed to their Stomachs , that all their Food thereby is made sowre , so that their Stomach is continually twitched , and sollicited to desire more Food , the former being readily evacuated downwards , or else cast up by Vomit . And thus it comes to pass , that some of this Humour is sometimes transmitted to the Venae Lacteae , and continually bes●egeth the Stomach . VIII . The Irregular Appetite of Women with Child . But if this sharp Humour , lodging in the bottom of the Stomach , be of such a Temperament , as to have a peculiar force to dissolve some Food sooner than other , then it will be apt to stir up the Appetite of one sort of Meat rather than another . Hence some Women eat Coals , Chalk , Quick-lime and the like . Now the cause of this variety of this sowre Humour may be , because in the first Months of Conception , the Mouth of the Womb being stopt , that the Superfluous Blood cannot be evacuated as formerly , by this means the Humours of the Body are corrupted , and being conveyed to the Stomach , produce an irregular Appetite . And therefore some Physicians are of opinion , that when the Melancholy Humour is deprav'd in Women , they long for Quick-lime , Coals , &c. when sowre Phlegm abounds in them they desire sowre things ; and when Gall predominates , Bacon , Suet and such like . And it is from the same Cause that young Girls that are troubled with the Green-Sickness , as we commonlv call it , do take a liking to strange and unnatural sorts of Food , such as Coals , Chalk , Leather , &c. because their Blood for want of due evacuations grows sharper than ordinary , and consequently the Humour , which is derived out of the Blood into the Stomach , partaking of the same Quality , more violently twitches the Nerves thereof , and that after a peculiar manner , according to the various constitution of the Blood in every Individual . IX . It is not Heat that digests the meat in our Stomach . This discovers to us the mistake of the Peripateticks , who suppose the Stomach to be like a Kitchin , where the Food is concocted and digested by heat only : whereas we find that there is but a moderate heat in the Stomach , and yet that even Bones are consumed and digested in it , as in the Stomach of a Dog , which if they should be boild for some Months together in a Pot with a very strong Fire , would never undergo any such change , as we find they do in the Stomach . Besides , Historians , and particularly P. Bressano in his Relation of New France , tell us of most ravenous and devouring Fishes , which do readily digest the hardest Bodies and turn them into Liquor , whose Stomachs notwithstanding are so cold , that one can scarcely endure to touch them ; which is an incontestable Argument , that the dissolution of Food in the Stomach is not to be attributed to heat , but to the foresaid acid Juice in the Stomach , which dissolves our Food , as some acid Spirits do Metals . X. What Thirst and what Drink is . Thirst is a Desire of Drink , caused by the dryness of the Throat and Gullet , or the Heat of the Stomach , commonly called Heart-burning , or a Salt Savour sticking to the Tongue . By the name of Drink we understand every sort of liquor , that is not Salt , Fat or too bitter , for Salt , Fat and Bitter Liquours do rather inflame the Thirst than allay it . XI . What is the Cause of Thirst . To be informed of the Cause of Thirst , and that Driness which is sometimes in the Mouth , Tongue and Palate , we are to consider that the moisture which continually ascends from the Stomach to the Gullet , in the form of a thick and moist Vapor , for the moistning of those parts , when at any time it is over agitated or heated , it doth so dry the Swallow , and at the same time so affect the Nerves , as to excite in the Soul the Appetite of Thirst . So that there is a greater difference between the Vapor which provokes Thirst , and that Liquor which produceth Hunger , than there is between Sweat , and that which exhales from the whole Body by insensible Transpiration . XII . Thirst is not an appetite of something that is cold . ARISTOTLE was of opinion that Natural Thirst was the Appetite or desire of something that is moist and cold . But this doth not seem probable ; for tho' Thirst seem to be a desire of something that is moist , in order to dissolve , dilute and macerate the Food we have taken , and turn it into Juice ; yet there is no need it should be cold rather than Hot ; forasmuch as any moisture doth extinguish Fire be it hot or cold . But whether it be more conducing to health to use Cold or Hot Drink is not so easily determinable , because of the different Temperaments of Bodies . Only we find by Experience , that the drinking of some extream cold liquor is very hurtful to the Body , whereas it is seldom known that any hurt accrues to us , by the using of hot drink . XIII . Of the Different Causes of Thirst . Thirst is caused several ways , as either presently after we have eaten , because of the driness of our Food , which like a Spung , drinks up the moisture of our Stomach ; or when our Throat is heated by the effusion of Gall , eating of high seasoned Meats , &c. or from some Salt Humour conveyed to that part , whence not only the imagination of drinking is awakened , but also an inordinate desire thereof , by which means some persons long for Vinegar , Urin , Stinking Water , &c. CHAP. XXII . Of the Common Sense , Imagination , and Memory . I. The Soul is not really distinguisht from its Faculties . THE Common Sense , Imagination and Memory , are called the Inferiour Faculties of the Soul , as being attributed to it , because of its intimate union with the Body ; whereas the Understanding and Will are stiled its Superiour Faculties , because they appertain to the Soul , simply considered , and without any respect had to its Relation with the Body . But as these latter are not Beings distinct from the Soul it self , but only Modes of it : So neither are the former any thing else but different modifications thereof , arising from its intimate union with the Body . Thus the Soul , forasmuch as it perceives all the motions imparted to the Brain from the outward Organs of the Senses , is called the Common Sense ; with respect to its long retaining and preserving the same perceptions , it is called Memory ; and forasmuch as it variously compounds and divides the same , it is called Imagination . In like manner , with respect to its desiring or having an aversion by reason of the Objects that are represented by those perceptions , it is called the Sensitive Appetite ; as the Locomotive or moving Faculty is attributed to it forasmuch as it commands the Animal Spirits , and by their means variously moves the Members of the Body according to its pleasure . So that these Faculties are indeed nothing else , but outward modifications , or ways of our considering the Soul , which makes it no more to differ from it self , than Number and Duration makes those things to differ that are numbred or do endure ; and consequently the difference there is betwixt the Soul and its Faculties , is only a Distinction of Reason , that is , a notional distinction . II. What the Common Sense is and how the same it exerted . Seeing therefore that our Bodily Members are devoid of Sense , and that the Soul alone is endued with that Faculty , it remains for us to examin , what inward instrument the Soul makes use of for the perception of things , and how the Species or representations of Objects are conveyed to it . For the motion of the outward Organ , is only performed in the Brain , because there the Soul exerciseth its Functions . Wherefore this Sense is called the Common Sense , because it receives all the Species of the outward Senses , and so reacheth their Objects . For when we represent to our selves any Object , as for Example , a Man , we do not only seem to behold the colour of his Face , and stature of his Body ; but also to smell the Odours he is us'd to have about him , to hear him speak , to taste the Food he eats , and to feel the Softness or Roughness of the Cloaths he wears . For from what hath been said already , it cannot be question'd , but that the Brain is the Organ of the inward Sense , forasmuch as the Nerves proceed from it , as Threads from a Distaff , whereby the motions of the outward Senses are transmitted . III. The Glandula Pinealis , or Pine-Apple-like Kernel , is the Seat of the Inward Sense . Yet is not the whole Brain the Seat of this Inward Sense , but only some part of it ; for otherwise the Optick Nerves , and the Pith of the Back-bone , as being of the same Substance with the Brain , would be the Residence of the Inward Sense . Now this peculiar place of the Souls Residence , is the Conarion , or Glandula Pinealis , a certain Kernel , resembling a Pine-Apple , placed in the midst of the Ventricles of the Brain , and surrounded with the Arteries of the Plexus Choroides . The Reason why we take this Kernel to be the peculiar Seat of the Soul is , because this part of the Brain is single , and one only . For whereas all the Organs of the Senses are double ; there can be no Reason given , why we should not perceive two Objects instead of one ; but only because both these Impressions are transmitted to a certain part of the Brain , which is single and one only , wherein both are conjoyn'd . Furthermore , it is also requisite that that part should be moveable , to the end that the Soul by agitating of it immediately , might be able to send the Animal Spirits into some certain Muscles , rather than into others . And forasmuch as this Kernel is only supported by very small Arteries that encompass it , it is certain that the least thing will be sufficient to put it into motion . And therefore we conclude , that this inmost part of the Brain is the Seat of the Soul , in which it exerts its operations of Understanding and Willing of whatsoever proceeds from the Body , or tends towards it . IV. What the Common Sense is . Accordingly the Common Sense may be described to be an Internal Sense , whereby all the Objects of the External Senses are perceived and united in the midst of the Brain , as the common Center of all Impressions . Or the Common Sense is nothing else , but the concurrence of all motions made by the Objects upon the Nerves , in the Conarion , happening at the same time that the Objects move the Senses . V. The Littleness of this Kernel is no hindrance to its being the Instrument of the Common Sense . Neither doth the Smalness of this Kernel hinder its being the Instrument of the Common Sense ; but on the contrary , those Persons are the most stupid in whom this Kernel , because of its bigness , is not so readily moved ; and those the most witty and apprehensive in whom this Kernel is less , because it is so much the more easily moved : And tho' it were much less than it is , yet would it be big enough with respect to the several Points of the Ventricles , and to the Pipes of the Nerves . VI. What Species and Phantasms are . The Foot-steps of absent Objects , which are laid up in that simple and pliable Substance , by the assistance of the Nerves , are called Species and Phantasms , by Philosophers . They preserve the memory of things before perceived by us , and represent them to us , as oft as we think of them . VII . What Imagination is . Phantasie or Imagination , is nothing else ▪ but a certain application of the Knowing Faculty to the Body ( viz. the Brain ) which is intimately present to it . Or it is an Internal Sense , whereby the absent Objects of the External Senses are represented present to the Brain , by reason of the Foot-steps of former Impressions . For the Species of the Imagination make us to conceive the Image of these things as present to the Eye of our Mind . For when we do imagine any Object , the Soul turns it self to the Body , there to behold the Image or Representation which it apprehends , as intimately present to its Thoughts . VIII . The strength of the Imagination . But here ariseth a Difficulty . For if it be so that the Imagination be performed in the Brain , how comes it to act upon distant Bodies ? as it happens in some White-Women that bring forth Blacks , and Blacks that bring forth White Children ? And in those spots or marks which Longing-Women impress upon their Children ; or that an Adulterous Woman brings forth Children , that are like her absent Husband ? This Difficulty will be easily resolved , if we suppose that the Imagination hath not only a great force over the Brain , but also over the whole Body ; for seeing that the Nerves , as so many Strings , are extended throughout the whole Body , they readily convey the Animal Spirits from the Brain to the Muscles , together with the Affection imprest on the Brain . And by the same means the Imagination moves the Humours of the Body , and by this differerent agitation of the Humours , the Blood becomes alter'd , and consequently the Skin and colour of the Hairs also become changed . Yea , without this change or alteration of the Blood , some Impression may be conveyed through the Arteries of the Woman that is with Child , to some certain part of the Birth in the Womb , and leave a Mark there . See my Natural History , concerning Man , Chap. VI. IX . Wherein the Nature of the Memory doth consist . Memory is that Faculty of the Soul , which repeats things perceived by former Sensations ; or it is the calling to mind of known and past things . And differs from the Imagination only in this , that from the Foot-steps of former Impressions on the Brain , it doth represent as present to it self , Objects that were formerly offer'd to it : Whereas Memory consists in this , that the Pores of the Brain , through which the Spirits , determin'd by the Pine-Apple-like Kernel , have passed , are thereby become dilated , and consequently more fit to admit the same Spirits , repassing that way another time . X. Memory is either Intellectual or Animal ▪ And accordingly Memory is twofold , viz. Intellectual and Animal . Intellectual is that which belongs to Angels and Souls , by means whereof they can represent to themselves , the Thoughts they formerly have had concerning Spiritual things ; and this kind of Memory doth not stand in need of any Bodily assistance . The Animal Memory is that which is common to us with Brutes , and is performed by means of the Brain , and the Foot-steps imprest upon it . For Sensual or Corporeal Memory imports nothing else , but a certain facility remaining in the Pores of the Ventricles of the Brain , to open themselves again , by reason of their having been before opened by the Animal Spirits . Or , to speak more clearly , the Foot-steps of the Animal Memory are those , which the passage of the Animal Spirits hath left betwixt the Fibres of the Brain , through which they have passed before , so as to go out by the said Pores again , as they at first enter'd in by them ; by which means it comes to pass , that these Spirits do more easily enter these Pores , than others ; as Paper that hath been once folded , is more apt to run into the same Folds that hath been formerly made in it . XI . How the Foot-steps of Memory are formed in the Brain . To understand how this is done , we are to imagine , that after that the Spirits that go forth from the Glandula Pinealis H , have left some impression of a Species , or some particular Foot-steps of their passage , they do pass from thence through the Points 2 , 4 , 6 , 8 , and into the like Pores and Intervals as are found betwixt the Filaments , whereof the portion of the Brain EE doth consist . Which Spirits have the power of dilating the said Intervals in some sort ; as likewise of folding and diversly disposing of the Filaments , against which they push in their passage , according to their different motions , and the various openings of the Pipes through which they pass ; that there also they may impress Figures like to those of the Objects . XII . How they are transmitted to the Brain . We are to conceive therefore , that the Figure imprest by the Object AB , CD , upon the Fibres of the Optick Nerve , which it moves or agitates in the Surface of the Retina 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , must delineate another Figure like it self , in the inward Surface of the Ventricles of the Brain 2 , 4 , 6 , 8 , where the said Fibres are terminated : Whence it comes to pass , that the Animal Spirits , which reside in the Kernel H , must more swiftly pass out of the Pores , that answer to them , than they did before ; and that too in the same form or figure of the opening . And thus their Course produceth another like to it upon the Glandula H , which is that Form to which the Thoughts of the Soul , which depend on the Body , are immediately linked . XIII . How these Foot-steps of the Memory are produced . But yet the Spirits , which make their way through the Passage 2 , 4 , 6 , 8 , though they may be of some force to dilate the passages of the Fibres a little ; yet they have not power enough at the first stroak , to impress their figures upon the Fibres , which are in the Substance of the Brain , with so much facility or perfection , but by degrees perform the same more acurately , according as the Action of the Spirits is either stronger , more lasting , or more frequently repeated . Whence it follows also , that these Figures are not so easily obliterated , but do abide there : So that by means of them , Species , that at any other time have been imprest upon this Kernel , may a long while after be again represented or formed there , even tho' the Objects be absent . And tho' these Passages should afterwards chance to be shut up again , yet they still retain a greater facility or readiness to be open'd , than other Neighbouring passages that were never yet opened . As if many Needles should pierce the stretched piece of Linnen A , the Holes which the said Needles had made in it , would remain open , even after that the Needles be taken away : Or , if they should be closed , yet there would some signs thereof remain in the Cloth , which might very easily be opened again . And it is to be noted , that if only some of these Holes should be open'd again : As for Example a , and b , this would be sufficient to make others of them , such as c , and d , to be dilated again at the same moment of time ; especially if all the foresaid Holes had been often open'd , and that all of them had been usually opened together . Yea , there is a greater facility or readiness in the Pores of the inward Substance of the Ventricles of the Brain , of opening themselves upon the like Action , than there can be in the Linnen Cloth ; for that whilst the Spirits do again open some of those Passages , the said Spirits , because they are diffused every way , do in some sort follow the same Track ( in the same manner as we see that the Sound or Wind follows the motion of Running-Waters ) and by this means do open the Passages again that are about them , because of the easiness they find to enter in by them . XIV . How we can remember two Objects at one and the same time . Moreover , we are to take notice , that in case only some Passages were opened , after the same manner others would also be opened at the same time ; especially if they had been frequently opened before , and all of them together . Thus when 2 Objects have delineated their Species , and that the 2 Ranges of the Spirits , that have framed them , be somewhere joyned in the Substance of the Brain , it is sufficent if one of them only be brought to the Pine-Apple-like Kernel , for the stirring up again of the said Actions , which had their rise from them both . As when we have seen the Nose and Eyes of any Face , we readily apprehend the Mouth , Forehead , and other parts of it , and imagine them as present to us , because we are never us'd to see any of these Parts by it self , but all of them together . XV. What ought to be the Temperament of the Instrument of Memory . From what hath been said , we may easily apprehend , that the Brain ought not to be over moist or soft , that it may the better retain the Species imprest upon it . Thus we see that New born Children , whose Brain is in a manner altogether watry , cannot retain any impression that is made upon it ; and for the same Reason it is , that tho' Children afterwards do with ease enough learn things by Heart , yet they as easily forget them again . Whereas on the contrary , those who have harder and drier Brains , do long retain the Marks once imprest upon them , but cannot without difficulty receive any new Impressions . Hence it is that very Old Men , because of the Driness of their Brain , become wholly deprived of their Memory , neither can retain ought of those things that are committed to them ; and yet are very retentive of those things they have long since committed to their Memories ; because their Brain being grown hard , doth more firmly preserve the Impressions made there . CHAP. XXIII . Of Health and Sickness . I. What Health is . HEalth is nothing else , but that State of an Animal , wherein all its Powers can discharge their Functions , as they ought . Or , it is a certain disposition of Body , and Harmony of its parts , whereby it s fitted forth , exerting and performing of all Actions , according to the Laws of Nature . For as Harmony in Musick consists in an agreeable concent of Sounds , whilst every one observes such a degree of Depth and Heighth , that it doth not go beyond , or fall short of a due proportion : So we call that a State of Health , when every Humour and Quality observes that exact degree of Intention and Remission that they never exceed in , or fall short of a congruous proportion . Hence GALEN in his first Book of the preservation of Health , defines Health to be such a constitution of Body , in which we are neither sensible of any Pain , neither are we hindred in any of the functions of Life : And that therefore those Men are to be accounted Healthful , who without any pain or impediment can perform all the necessary functions of Life . II. Two things are requisit to health There are 2 things more especially that concur to the constituting of Health , viz. a due Temperament of the Humours , and composition of the parts . By the name of Temperament we understand a certain mixture or Union , according to which the Natural Functions are well and duly performed . And consequently the distemperature of the Humours , as the Excess of Choler , Phlegm or Melancholy do spoil Health , and hinder the use of our Natural Faculties . A congruous constitution or composition of the Parts , consists in a due Number , Magnitude , Situation , Figure and Connexion of the several Parts and Organs , and such a disposition of the Fibres , as the Natural Faculties stand in need of to discharge their several Functions . III. There is a Two-fold Health according to Physicians . Physicians commonly distinguish Health into that which is Best and Absolute , which consists in a manner in an indivisible point , from which , if there be never so small a varying or deviation , the same is esteemed to be a Sickness or Disease ; and the Other which is also perfect , tho' probably it may admit of some excess or defect , but not so great , as that it can be accounted for a Sickness , tho' it may cause some little hinderance in the natural functions , or cause some inconsiderable Pain . The former of these States of Health is not to be found in Nature , and can only be conceived in our Minds : Tho' , as GALEN saith , it may serve for a Rule , by which we may measure or compute the greater or less degrees of Health . The Latter is attributed to every Man , and is not found in a lower degree except it be accidentally . For Nature always affects that which is best ; and if at any time it cannot effect what it intends , yet it always performs the best it can . IV. What things conduce to the preservation of Health Many things are conducive to the preserving of the Health . First the AIR , which being taken in by the Mouth and Nostrils , enters the Body , and is necessary to rid the Blood of fuliginous steams by means of the Lungs ; which should it not be continually done , as well the Branches of the Venal Artery as of the Arterial Vein would be obstructed , and not only Health , but also our Life would be in danger . Secondly , Care is to be taken about our FOOD ; for seeing that we stand in need of Food to repair and restore the Consumption made by our Inward Heat , we are to mind that it be taken in such Quantity , Manner , Time and Place as may be most conducive to the Health of our Bodies . For neither must it be taken in so small a Quantity , as to famish or weaken our Bodies ; nor so copiously , as thereby to overcharge our Stomachs ; nor so frequently as to disturb the Digestion of the Food we have last taken ; nor so seldom as to defraud our Stomachs of their due allowance . Thirdly , The Retention and Voiding , or Excretion of our ALIMENTS ; for seeing that the purest and best of the Food must be changed into the Substance of the Body that is fed , it is of absolute necessity that it be retained in the Body : And since it cannot be so pure , but that it must contain some Heterogeneous Parts , the same must be voided , lest by overlong stay in the Body it should putrifie , and disturb the Oeconomy thereof . Fourthly , Moderate EXERCISE ; for motion is a great help to excite Heat , and to open those obstructions , which hinder corporal Functions . But yet on the other hand , overviolent and unseasonable Exercise , wastes the Body , and by disturbing the inward Oeconomy , frequently is the cause of Diseases . Fifthly , REST ; for seeing that as long as we are awake , the Spirits continually course it through the Organs of our Body , this causeth Weariness , which must be restored by Rest and Sleep . Wherefore whenever we watch too long , our Spirits become dissipated , the strength of our Body weakned , our concoction is hindred , and our whole Body , and more especially our Brain , is thereby dried . Sixthly , moderate PASSIONS and AFFECTIONS , especially those of Joy and Cheerfulness , which promote and help the motion of our Spirits , and cherish and recreate all congruous functions . But of all things , nothing is more conducive to Health , than for every Man to take heed to himself , and carefully examin what he finds Good or Hurtful to him , endeavouring always to avoid the one , and procure the other , and to use it in due time and manner . And accordingly CICERO tells us in the 4 th . Book of his Offices , Health is maintained by the knowledge of ones own Body , and by making observation of those things , which are wont to be Good or Hurtful for us , as also by continual Temperance and Continence throughout the whole course of our Lives , together with the care to keep our Bodies neat and cleanly . V. What Sickness is , and that it only resides in the Body SICKNESS on the contrary is such a state of the parts of our Body , whereby they are hindred from the due performance of their Functions . And therefore whatsoever overthrows the Temperament of the foresaid Humours , or the composition of the Parts , is called Sickness . Tho' Sickness doth attack the whole Man , yet doth it only consist in the Body ; because those Distempers which seem to affect the Soul , are only some consequences of Bodily Sickness ; as appears manifestly in that as soon as the Body is cured , the griefs and uneasiness that were found in the Soul do immediately cease , and no longer afflict it . VI. Of the two General Heads of Sickness . Sickness is commonly divided into two General Heads , viz. into Sickness of the Similar and Dissimilar Parts . Sickness of the Similar Parts , is called a Distemper , when it is such as that it sensibly hurts our bodily Actions , as when any Quality , by Example , that of Heat or Cold doth exceed . And this Distemperature is either Manifest or Hidden . Manifest is that wherein the Qualities that exceed are known . Hidden , when by reason of the ignorance of the exorbitant Qualities , the cause of the Distemperature cannot be found out . VII . Diseases of the Dissimular or Organical Parts . The other kind or General Head of Diseases is of the Organical Parts , which are said to be vicious or faulty , with respect to their Conformation ; or with respect to their Magnitude , when they are either greater or less than they ought to be ; or with regard to their Number , when therein they exceed , or are defective ; or as to their situation , when they are not rightly placed ; or as to their Figure , when it is not such as it ought to be ; or with respect to their Connexion , when they are at too great distance from each other , or if they be overmuch crowded together , stretched , comprest , loosened , or grown too stiff . VIII . Some Diseases afflict only some parts , others the whole Body . There is also another Division of Diseases into Universal and Particular : Univeral Diseases are such as afflict the whole Body , as Agues and Fevers . Others Particular , which only affect one part of the Body , as the Brain , Lungs , Throat . But to theend that we may be able to understand the chief Diseases of the Body ; we shall consider them in the following Order . IX . Pain of the Head , or Headach . The First Disease , and which hath its seat in the Membrans of the Head , is the HEADACH , which is a Pain , or troublesom Sensation of the Head , proceeding from the Exorbitant Figures of the Blood , which spoil the Temperament thereof . For when the Animal Spirits , being too violently agitated by reason of a too Cholerick and Glewy Arterial Dew , are driven through the Arteries , to the Head , and the Filaments and Membrans of the Brain , they forthwith disorderly twitch , corrode , prick and cut the same , and finding the pores through which they would make their way , not corresponding with them in Greatness and Figure , they by their force slit them up , and thereby produce an exquisit pain in the Head. Hence in the cure of this Disease there is made use of Blood ▪ letting , and other things conducing to the changing of the Distemper of the Blood , and to drive away the sharp particles , which are got into the most sensible Membrans of the Brain . Purging Medicines are also used , whereof some are more proper to expel these , and others , other particles ; such as are Aqucous and Oleous Medicaments , which also stop the too swift motion of the Animal Spirits in the Blood. X. Phrensie . PHRENSY or Raving is a violent agitation of the Brain and Membrans thereof , caused by the excessive heat of the Blood , and its being filled with sharp and other malignant particles , which entring the Pores and Membrans of the Brain , do frequently cause an Inflammation there . Which then happens when Triangular Particles light upon Round Pores , whereupon in every such Pore , there are left three little spaces , because of the threefold surface , for the filling up of which spaces , the subtil matter presseth in with more abundance , by the rushing in whereof the Parts and Humours become agitated and disturbed . Whereupon the Glandula Pinealis is no longer in a condition to discharge its function , because these Animal Spirits are no longer subject to any Rule , but as Refractory Souldiers and Deserters , cast off the Yoke , and course it up and down without Rule or Discipline . Wherefore Opiates are commended for the cure of this Disease , which both reduce the Raging Spirits to rest and composure , by closing up the Nerves , as it were , with Bird-lime , and stop the irregular motion of the sharp particles , which before did cut the Fibres , and little Branches of the Nerves , that those Fibres , which before were stretched out like Cords , do run together into twisted Knots and Bunches , which Knots stop the passage of the Spirits through the Nerves , and so hinders them from being transmitted to all the parts of the Body , and consequently from discharging the wonted functions . Refrigerating or Cooling Medicaments are likewise of use in this distemper ; as for Example , the Chymical Preparation called Nitrum Perlatum , which being dissolved in Water , is found to be of very good use in this case , because it fixeth the Spirits and the Blood , and at the same time opens Obstructions ; as also Distill'd Vinegar , Antimony Diaphoretick , and Powder of Pearl , Coral , &c. XI . Melancholy . MELANCHOLY which is commonly defined to be a Doating , without a Fever or Raving ; is a Delirium or Doating , proceeding from the sadness of the Patient , whereby the Animal Spirits are moved more slowly than they are wont . This distemper of the Blood , is commonly the product of a vicious Sowre Humour in the Blood , by means whereof the Animal Spirits are darkned and condensed , which roving through the former footsteps left in the Brain , and rebounding from them , represent the same Images to the Soul ; and accordingly Melancholy Persons think the things they have once conceived to be always present with them . Wherefore Alterating Remedies are much used in this Disease , and particularly such as abound with much Volatil Salt , as all Spirituous Matters do , as by Example , the Juice of Betony , Scurvygrass , Brooklime , Chickweed and such like , by means whereof the Ropy and viscous distemperature of the Blood is amended . XII . Madnes● MADNESS is another kind of Doating , accompanied with great Rage and Alienation of Mind , without a Fever , proceeding from the irregular motion of the Animal Spirits being inflamed , and turned into a fiery Nature . For the Spirits being excited by some outward cause , and inflamed , range about through the Brain , but more especially about the Glandula Pinealis , and rushing like Lightning into the Brain and Muscles , do put the Glandula out of the Souls command , which being deluded by these Spirits , and deprived of all her command over the Body , can no longer guide or govern it ; whence proceed so many undecent Gestures , Fightings , Quarrels , Bawlings , &c. In order to the stopping of this Effervescence of the Blood , ponderous Remedies are made use of , as Lapis Prunellae , Saccharum Saturni , or Sugar of Lead , Crabs Eyes , Laudanum Opiatum , Sanguis Draconis , &c. Decoctions also made of some ponderous sorts of Wood , are profitable in this case , as which by their heavy and hard Particles , do stop the motion of the Blood. XIII . Lethargy . LETHARGY is an irresistible inclination to Sleep , accompanied with great forgetfulness , caused by an Obstruction of the Pores of the Brain , by a thick and gross Humour , and the want of Animal Spirits . This Disease is also in a great measure caused by Steams and Vapours that are mingled with a Slimy , Ropy Due , which being condensed into Water overwhelm the Brain , and the Soul together with it . And accordingly this Disease is cured by Volatil and Aromatical Remedies which restore the Spirits , and by their volatility open the Pores , and cut the Viscid or Slimy Matter : Such as are all Spirituous Matters , all Volatil Salts , especially such as are Aromatical and Oleous , also the Wood Guajacum and Sassafras , the Roots of Masterwort , the Herbs , Balm , Betony , Organy , Sage , Marjoram , Thyme , Rosemary , &c. XIV . Coma Vigil , or the Waking Drows●e Disease . COMA VIGIL or the Waking Drowsiness , is a Distemper accompanied with a strong Inclination to Sleep , wherein the Patient lies drowsing with his Eyes shut , without being able to fall asleep . This Disease is caused by too great a dilaration of the Pores of the Brain , from the too much inflamed and agitated Animal Spirits . Wherefore in this Sickness it is necessary to purge the inflamed Choler , which puts the Blood into a violent Fermentation ; and to correct the said Humour by Acids . For the best way to cure this Disease is by such Remedies as do allay and asswage the sharpness of the Humour , and Cordials that restore strength , as also by Sudorificks , which volatilizing those sharp particles , drive them by sweat out of the Body . XV. Catalopsis . CATALEPSIS is a suddain Detention or Immobility of the Body , accompanied with a weakning of the Senses , whereby the Patient retains the same figure of the parts of his Body , which he had in the first moment when he was seized with this Distemper . This Dreadful Disease is not caused by a freezing of the Animal Spirits , and the Humours that are in the Body , or from a Vapour that congeals the Spirits , as the Galanists do suppose , seeing that no such thing can happen to the Spirits , but because the Animal Spirits are no more subject to the command and guidance of the Soul , by reason of the Obstruction of the Glandula Pinealis , and therefore cannot move the parts as they used to do . So that the Cause of this Distemper is no other , but the Obstruction of either side of this Kernel . Wherefore for the taking away of this Obstruction , and to restore the Animal Spirits to their Due and Regular Motion , Volatil Salts are prescribed , and Cephalicks , or Medicaments appropriated to strengthen the Brain , and the Glandula Pinealis in particular , the proper seat of the Soul. Strong Motions and Frictions , or Rubbings of the Body are commended with hot and course Linnen Cloath . XVI . The Vertigo . The VERTIGO is a Sickness wherein all Objects about us seem to turn round , caused by the undue circular motion of the Animal Spirits . Because in this Distemper the Humours and Blood are so tossed and agitated , that by their irregular motion they affect the Roots of the Nerves , and pressing and crowding upon one another , make it appear as if all Visible Bodies turned round . Which crowding and compression proceeds frequently from the Depravation , and sometimes from the Abundance of Blood. And consequently the cure of this Disease is commonly undertaken by Spirituous Medicines that remove Obstructions , by Cephalick and Aromatical Balsams . But if this Disease be caused by an over-great abundance of Blood , then the breathing of a Vein is necessary ; if from some depraved Juice lurking in the Stomach , Vomits are most proper , as also Marmelad of Quinces , Bisket and Crusts of Bread to correct the said vitiated sharp Humours . XVII . The Epilepsy , or Falling Sickness . EPILEPSY or the Falling Sickness , is a convulsive motion of all the Parts of the Body , more especially of the Hands and Feet , accompanied with a deprivation of the Inward and Outward Senses . This Disease proceeds from a Depravation of the Blood , and an Obstruction in the Solid Parts , caused by square figured Particles , which afflict the Nerves with their Angles , which way soever they apply to them ; as also by hooked particles , which being once fastned in the Fibres of the Nerves , cannot so readily be disintangled thence . For the smoothing , and infolding of which particles , the Decoctions of several sorts of Wood , and other Cephalicks are made use of ; whereby the sharpness of the Humours is blunted , and the points of the particles smoothed , as may be seen in a Knife , Sword , Needle , &c. XVIII . Apoplexy . APOPLEXY is a suddain ceasing of all Animal Actions , viz. Sense and Motion , with the Hurt of the Principal Faculties , proceeding from an over-great Dilatation and opening of the Pores of the Brain , and the Plexus Choroides . For by this means is often caused a total Obstruction of the Brain , which is the Beginning or Rise of the Nerves , by a foreign Humour flowing into the Brain , which stops up the way for the Animal Spirits , whereupon all the Members of the Body flag , and become immoveable ; as Sails fall flat , and hang limber , when the Wind fails , that before distended them . According to this notion of this Disease , liberal Blood-letting is very conducive in that Apoplexy , which is caused by too great abundance of Blood ; and a more moderate Blood-letting in that which proceeds from abundance of Phlegm . Rubbing of the parts with Hot Cloaths are also commended , and with Spirituous Liquors ; for by these the Animal Spirits are excited , and the clogging matter that obstructs the Nerves is by this means the better removed . Gentle Glisters are also of good use in the beginning of this Distemper , and afterwards such as are more strong and vehement . XIX . The Palsie . The PALSIE is a Privation of Sense and Motion , either throughout the whole Body , which is less frequent , or in some Members only proceeding from the want or weakness of the Animal Spirits . For where the Spirits are either altogether wanting , or not in sufficient Quantity , the Nerves and Muscles become limber and flaggy , by which means Sense and Motion , either altogether cease , or are remarkably weakned . Wherefore in order to the Cure of this Distemper Physicians take away a little Blood , to free the Passages from Obstructions , and afterwards exhibit Medicaments proper to correct the thickness and clamminess of the Blood , and to make it more thin and fluid ; such as are altering and inciding Cephalicks and Aromaticks appropriated to the Brain and Nerves . This done , the Pores of the Brain , and Pipes of the Nerves may be opened by Sudorificks , especially such as consist of hard and stiff parts ; viz. Sassafras , Guajacum , Sarsaparilla , &c. to the decoctions whereof some Salt of Tartar may be added , for to make the extraction the stronger by opening of the Pores of the said Woods . XX. Convulsion . CONVULSION , commonly call'd the Cramp , is an involuntary , continual and painful Contraction of the Muscles , proceeding from a tough , cold and thick Windy Vapour , puffing up and distending the Parts . To the removing of this Distemper , are made use of all Medicaments that open Obstructions and break Wind , whether inward or outward , Volatile Salts , and all Cephalicks . XXI . The Night-Mare . The NIGHT-MARE , is a great diminution of the Animal motion , and of those parts that are serviceable to the forming of the Voice and Respiration , and more especially the Nerves called Phrenici and Recurrentes , proceeding from the want of the Influx of Spirits , with the false Imagination of an Heavy weight lying upon one , in the appearance of some frightful Spectre . For whenever during Sleep , the Spirits do not flow freely into the Muscles , then such a Motion is produc'd , as whereby the Soul judgeth some great Burthen to lye upon it , which hinders the free motion of the Midriff . Now this sense of being strangled or choak'd is occasien'd , by reason of the Spirits being hindred from their free ingress into the Muscles of the Throat , which thereupon flag and fall down , and so produce this Sense of Strangulation . In this Disease , the use of Volatile Salts is much commended , especially joyned with Spirituous means ; and so likewise Aromaticks , and other Medicaments , proper to incide and attenuate , and consequently to open the Obstructions of the Pores of the Midriff . XXII . A Catarrh , or Rheum . A CATARRH or Rheum is an Effusion of the sharp particles of the Blood , or serous part of it , in every part of the Body , being because of its long stay there coagulated , and producing a pain in the Part either with , or without a swelling . For when the due and regular mixture and consistence of the Blood is spoiled by Serous and Pituitous matter , many sharp particles are cast out into the Glandulous parts , which by their acrimony , and other manifold malignity twitch the Membrans , whereupon follow frequent Sneezing , troublesome Coughing and Hoarsness . In the beginning of this distemper , mild Catharticks are much commended , as Pilulae de Succino and other Aloeticks ; Blisters also , and Issues , and Scarifications are commended in order to the Evacuation of the serous peccant Humour . Moreover all Oleous and Fat things are of good use in this case , because that by the softness of their parts , they do infold and blunt the sharp points of Heterogeneous saline particles in the Blood ; as likewise thick and Earthly Medicaments as Crabs Eyes , Terra Sigillata , common Bole , &c. because these are proper to file and rub off the sharp corners of Salts . XXIII . Cough . Having thus handled the Diseases and Distempers of the Head , we next proceed to consider those of the Breast or Chest , and here we shall in the first place Treat of that Distemper commonly called a Cough , which is a more frequent , uneven and Loud expiration or out-breathing , whereby a great part of Spirits bursting forth violently , endeavour to cast forth some sharp , and troublesome Excrements , caused by the sharp , and pricking particles of the Blood , which by the Circulation of the Humours , are carried into the Muscles design'd for inspiration or expiration , and being there in greater quantity than ordinary , do painfully twitch the Parts , and stir up a Convulsive motion . For the sharp particles like so many Knives or Prickles , being entred into the substance of the Lungs and the Fibres of the Branches of the Windpipe , do necessarily produce a kind of Convulsion , viz. a Cough . Wherefore , in order to the blunting of these sharp pointed Particles sweet things are commended , and Opiats , which do also allay the sharpness of the Humour . Vinegar of Squills is also of good use , especially where the Patient is troubled with tough Phlegm . And for a Purge Mercurius Dulcis is commended , because it doth cut Phlegm and evacuate it . XXIV . The Tissick . ASTHMA , or Tissick , is a difficult and thick fetching of ones Breath , with , or without a Fever , sometimes with great wheezing , and other times without it , proceeding from an ill affection of the substance of the Lungs , and the Intercostat Muscles , serving to Respiration . For whenever the Nerves , that belong to the Intercostal Muscles , and other Organs serving to Respiration , are obstructed , it produceth difficult Breathing . For the removing of which Obstructions , Physicians commend the use of mild Aromaticks , and Volatile , Oleous Salts , which by their Volatility are very proper to pierce the windings of the Lungs , and to open their Obstructions , caused by tough and slimy matter . The fore-mention'd Decoctions of Wood are likewise very useful , as consisting of hard , ponderous and stiff Particles , which by their irregular figure and heaviness drive through the Pores , resolve the viscid or tough matter , and restore the Blood to its due fluidity . XXV . The Pleurisie and Peripneumonia . The PLEURISIE , as also the PERIPNEUMONIA , is an Inflammation , the one of the Pleura , ( that is , the Skin that covers the Ribs ; ) the other of the Lungs , accompanied with the greatest difficulty of Breathing , a high Fever , a continual Cough , sometimes with Frothy Spittle , and frequently also with that which is Bloody , with great Pain , Heaviness and Anxiety about the Breast and Heart , caused by a sharp , distending , pricking and corroding Matter . For this Matter is nothing else in the Pleurisie , but the sharp-pointed and volatile Parts of the Blood , transmitted to the Membrans that cover the Ribs and the intercostal Muscles ; whereas in the Peripneumonia , or Inflammation of the Lungs , they are conveyed into the very Substance of the Lungs , and extravasated thence . Wherefore in either of these Distempers , it is proper to breath a Vein , as well to allay the furious effervescence of the Blood , caused by the foresaid Particles , as to evacuate some part of them . And to alter and correct the sharpness of the Particles of the Blood , testaceous Powders are commended , which do not only imbibe the acidity of the Blood , but also by their ponderosity , serve to dissolve the grumous and coagulated parts thereof . XXVI . The Consumption of the Lungs . PHTHISIS , or the Consumption of the Lungs , is a wasting of the whole Body , with a slow or Hectick Fever , and Cough , with the spitting of Purulent matter , caused by the sharp Particles of the Blood , fretting and corroding the Lungs . For these malignant Particles , whether proceeding from the Arteries , or the Lymphatick Vessels , or from the open'd Imposth●me of a Quinsie or Pleurisie , by effusion of the Purulent matter into the Cavity of the Breast , do there infect and taint the Lungs . And therefore to rid the Lungs of these sharp and corroding Particles of the Purulent matter , Physicians prescribe hard and ponderous Remedies , viz. Testaceous Powders , and the Decoctions of several sorts of Wood , which have a virtue to imbibe and alter the sharpness of the Humour : Mercurius Dulcis , Bole-Armenick , and Terra Sigillata , are also commended in this Distemper . XXVII . Syncope or Swounding . SYNCOPE , or Swounding , is a sudden failing of the strength of the Body , caused by the Extinction for a time , or overwhelming of the vital Flame in the Heart . For the want of a sufficient store of Spirits , with the ceasing of the Circulation of Humours , and of the determination of the Spirits into the Muscles for that time , makes the Body fall down like the Trunk of a Tree . In this Disease are commended Spirituous Medicaments , and Volatile Salts , which are proper to kindle and feed the flame in the Heart ; as all spirituous , cordial , odoriferous Waters , such as Cinamon-water , Aqua-mirabilis , Vita-Matthioli , and the like , which rowze , corroborate and multiply the Spirits . XXVIII . Cardialgia or Pain at the Heart . The Diseases of the Abdomen , or lower Belly , are CARDIALGIA , the Pain at the Heart , which is a painful Sensation at the Mouth of the Stomach , which by means of the Nerves is presented to the Soul. This Pain proceeds from the sharp and pointed Particles , that do prick , twitch and slash the Nerves and their Fibres , and consequently shake them ; which Agitation being convey'd to the Organ of the Common Sense , it is vehemently moved thereby , and so represents to the Soul that afflicting Sensation , which we call Pain . Accordingly for the Cure of this Distemper , are prescribed several Remedies proper in Convulsions , but joyned with Specifick Stomachicks and Opiates , to which are frequently added the Powder of Native Cinnabar , Amber , Man's Skull , &c. XXIX . Singultus or the Hickock . The HICKOCK is a Convulsive motion of the Midriff , caused by touch and irregular Particles , twitching and forcing it to this disordinate motion . For the Fibres of the Nerves of the sixth Conjugation , distributed to the Stomach and the Midriff , are so vellicated in this Distemper , that by their motion communicated to the Brain , they frequently open those Pores there , by which the Animal Spirits , rushing violently towards the Mouth of the Stomach , contract the Fibres appointed for the expulsion of any offending matter , upwards , and make the Patients to explode the Air , contained in the Mouth of the Stomach with that vehemence , as constitutes the Hickock ; which ceaseth as soon as the sharp twtiching matter is discharged by these repeated Convulsion Motions . For the correcting of these peccant particles all hard and ponderous matters , are commended , as Crabs Eyes , Coral , Filings of Steel , Mercurious Dulcis and Opiates . XXX . Diarrhoea a Scouring or Lask . A LASK is the dejection of various and liquid Humours by stool , caused by the effervescence of the Blood , encreased by the cholerick particles thereof , and irritating the Fibres of the Guts by their sharp points . For various Humours being precipitated through the Vessels which open themselves into the Guts , do vellicate their Fibres , and by this means make the Animal Spirits to rush down that way in greater abundance , whereupon a kind of Convulsion follows . In the dry Gripes and the Lienteria , or that Scouring , when the Meat passeth away in the same manner as it was taken in , the ferment of the Stomach is faulty , as not duly digesting the Food put into it . In all Lasks or Scourings , at the beginning Rhubarb , Jalap , and Crabs Eyes are commended , mixed with other proper Medicaments ; and in the Lienteria and dry Gripes , Balsamick Remedies and Stomachicks , are given both inwardly and outwardly . XXXI . Cholera or the Cholerick Passion . The CHOLERICK Passion is a depraved Convulsive motion of the Stomach and Guts , occasioned by sharp and pointed particle ; twitching the Fibres of the Stomach and the Gut called Duodenum , and contracting them upwards . For this twitching of the Fibres cannot continue long , without irritating of the Animal Spirits , and disturbing of them in their several Orders and Stations , and thereby causing them to produce these Convulsive motions . In order to the quelling of this fury of the disturbed Animal Spirits , Bezoardicks are commonly prescribed , and all ponderous Medicines , as Crystal , Terra Sigillata , &c. XXXII . Dysenteri● or the Bloody Flux . The BLOODY FLUX is an Exulceration of the Guts , accompanied with frequent and Bloody Dejections , and violent Pain and Gripings , caused by sharp particles that corrode and cut the small Fibres of the Guts . For the Hooked and Pointed Particles that are mixed with the Humours , do pierce and divide the Membrans of the Guts , and by this means cause an Ulcer therein . In order to the cure of this Disease , altering and Evacuating Medicines are made use of : and above all Rhubarb , because it leaves an adstringent Virtue behind it after Evacuation . Emollient and Lenitive Medicaments are likewise employed for the removing of this Distemper , and such things as promote Fermentation , as Coral , &c. XXXIII . Iliaca Passio or the twisting of the Guts . The TWISTING of the GUTS , is a most exquisit Pain of the small Guts , accompanied with a most obstinate stoppage of the passage downwards , and vomiting of the Excrements , proceeding either from an Inflammation of the Guts , or from their obstruction by some hard Excrements . This Disease is often caused by sharp Humours , sticking within the Membrans of the Guts , which cause the Expulsory motion of the Guts to be turned the contrary way , because of the irritated Animal Spirits , flowing from the Brain into the ascending Fibres of the Guts , which influx being perverted , the Excrements contained in them are voided upwards by the Mouth . In the cure of this dreadful and desperate Disease , Blood letting is made use of , to remove the Inflammation ; and afterwards Emollient and Lenitive Glisters to evacuate and temper the sharp Humours , and to make the passages glib and slippery . For the same purpose Lenitive Catharticks are commended . Crude Mercury is also prescribed mixed with the Yolk of an Egg , that it may not stick to the Guts ; and lastly Narcoticks , which both correct the sharpness of the Humours , and allay the Convulsions of the Guts . XXXIV . The Colick . The COLICK is an afflicting and painful sensation in the Colon , or its neighbouring Parts , caused by a Cholerick Humour joyned with a corroding Salt. For there is a sharp Salt contained , not only within the Hollow of the Guts , but also betwixt the Membrans of them ; which saline particles , when they enter into such Pores , through which they cannot pass , they become , as it were , lock'd up there , that is , in the pores of the Coats or Membrans of the Guts , where they occasion a most acute Pain , by twitching and corroding the Fibres thereof . Wherefore to break the force of this sharp Humour , and to heal the hurt Fibres of the Nerves , several Affwaging and Anodynous Medicaments are prescribed , and sometimes Opiates , to give some respit to the Patient , and that the Physician may gain time to eliminate that foreign and praeternatural Salt. Glysters also are commended , and other outward Applications to comfort the hurt Fibres , and to allay the violent motion of the Animal Spirits . XXXV . The Yellow Jaundise . The YELLOW JAUNDISE is an Ill habit of Body , staining the solid and fluid parts thereof with a yellow or black Colour , caused by the effusion of a sharp and depraved Gall. For the Gall , whenever its Particles are vitiated , either in their figure or motion ; then that part of it which commonly promotes the Voiding of Excrements , is no longer sent that way , but continuing with the Blood , and circulating with it through the Body , stains the Skin with a yellow , and sometimes with a black Colour , that is , when sowr and gross Particles are mixed with those of the Gall. Wherefore in this Disease Purging Medicins are to be used at first , and particularly Infusions of Rhubarb and Senna ; for otherwise , if they be boiled , or too strongly wrung out , they communicate those Particles to the Potion , that after Purging strongly bind the Body , which may be very hurtful . XXXVI . The Dropsie . The DROPSY is a Swelling of the whole Body , and more especially of the Belly , caused by a Collection of watry Humours . For when a watry Humour stagnates and grows thick in the Belly , then it obstructs the Surface of the Inwards , together with the Peritonaeum and Muscles of the Body , with a kind of slimy , pituitous Matter , which hinders that the Vapours and Steams arising from the Body , cannot be evacuated by insensible Transpiration ; which is the Reason , why those that are troubled with this Disease , are so difficult to be brought to Sweat. Whilst therefore these small Vessels are burst and broken by the thick and tough Particles , the serous Particles drop down into the Belly ; which being by degrees and continually increased , they produce the Dropsie , and other Ills in the Body . Wherefore for the Curing of this Disease , Medicaments that purge watry and serous Humours , are commended , as Pilulae de Ammoniaco with Mercurius Dulcis ; for the Mercury resolves tough and slimy Humours ; and the Gum Ammoniacum is proper to consolidate the burst Vessels . XXXVII . Hypochondriacal Melancholy , or the Spleen . HYPOCHONDRIACAL MELANCHOLY , or the Spleen , is a painful Sensation , caused by the Grossness , small Quantity , and Unevenness of the Spirits . For a sharp , sowr , and tough slimy Humour , lying hid in the Belly , breedeth Obstructions , whence all the Symptoms observable in this Disease do proceed . Wherefore also the Cure of this Distemper , is endeavoured by Decoctions made of the Barks of Tamarisks and Cappar-trees , of the Herbs of Germander and Chamaepytis , &c. If the Blood abound with vitiated Salts , volatile Acids , are commended , Antiscorbutical Herbs , and more especially sulphurated Tartar. And because praeternatural Acids generally have a hand in this Disease ; therefore all those Medicaments are used , that are proper to alter and destroy the same ; as the Alkalifate Salts of Herbs , Crabs-Eyes , Pearl , Diaphoretick Antimony , Salt of Tartar , and other such like . XXXVIII . The Scurvy . The SCURVY is a Distemper of the Blood , and other Juices of the Body , caused by a praeternatural Sowrness , afflicting more or less all the Parts of the Body , and accordingly producing a vast variety of Symptoms . For the Cause of this Disease chiefly consists in that the Blood is impregnate with much fixed Salt , or acid Juice , and is frequently to be imputed to the Air , that is fill'd with such like Particles ; which being drawn in by breathing , communicates the same to the Blood , and so forms this Disease . The Cure of this Disease is performed by Volatilizing of the Blood , and the fixed Salt , and by opening of Obstructions ; to which end Blood-letting is prescribed , that the thicker part of the Blood being evacuted , better Blood might be furnish'd instead of it , by introducing of a volatile Acid. XXXIX . The Stone . The STONE is a Disease caused in the Reins or Bladder , by the Gravel or Stone , accompanied with a most exquisite Pain , by their grating against the Fibres of the Kidneys and Ureters . It is the product either of the too great abundance or thickness of the Blood , or the sharpness of the Humours . And therefore when the Patient , subject to this Disease , doth abound with much Blood , the Breathing of a Vein is necessary , and afterwards the Gravel and Stone must be evacuated by Diureticks and Lithonthripticks : Emollient Glysters are also very much commended , for to make the Passages more slippery and open . XL. Stranguy . STRANGURY , is the continual desire to make Water , accompanied with an extraordinary Pain and Burning , caused by the sharp and pointed Particles that are in the Blood , or the Serous part of it . But the Cause of Bloody Urin , and of all other Bloody Fluxes , is the solution of any continuous Parts , caused by sharp and pointed Particles , pricking and cutting the Parts . And therefore the Remedies most proper for this Disease , are such as precipitate these acid Particles , or imbibe them , as likewise Anodynous Medicaments and Opiates . XLI . Diabetes . DIABETES is a most swift and copious evacuating of the Liquor we drink by Urin , sometimes with little or no change made in it , accompanied with extream Thirst and a Wasting of the whole Body . For in this Disease the Contexture of the Blood is too loose , and the Pores of the Kidneys are too open , and the praecipitating Salt does too much abound . Some think the Drink goes directly by some short Passages from the Stomach to the Kidneys . Others , that it runs through the Pores of the Stomach and Guts into the hollow of the Belly , where meeting with the Bladder , it enters its pores , and thus is evacuated soon after , without any , or with but little change . In this Distemper adstringent and absorbent Medicins are commended , especially joyned with Opiates , to imbibe that vicious Salt , which precipitates the Blood too much . Book . 1. Part. 8. Chap. 2● G. Freman . In. I. Kip Sculp : XLII . The Gout . The GOUT is a pain of the Joints , or parts about the Joints , caused by the various Corner'd Figures of Sales , or Saline particles , which twitch and prick the Fibres belonging ●o them . For when uneven and Saline particles do abound in the Blood , they by their Ruggedness and Points hurt the Fibres of the Nerves ; or the Saline particles , by their sharpness twitching and vellicating them , are the Cause of those exquisit Pains , which those that are troubled with the Gout do endure ; and other like Humours , impregnated with much the fame Particles , flowing to the Parts already afflicted , do increase the Pain , which is often accompanied with a swelling and light Inflammation . For the Cure of this Disease , ponderous things are made use of , as Crabs-Eyes , Coral , Chalybeats , Mercurius Dulcis , as likewise Sudorificks , Topicks , &c. XLIII . The French-Pox . The Disease commonly called the FRENCH-POX , is a Distemper of all the Humours of the Body , consisting in a Volatile Corrosive Acidity , disturbing all the Actions of it , and at last quite corroding it . For the sharp saline Particles that lye lurking in the Blood and Humours , do produce all the Symptoms that are obvious in this Disease . And therefore in order to the altering and blunting of these Particles , the Decoctions of Woods and Roots , and Mercurial Medicins are prescribed ; and for the evacuating of them out of the Body , Preparations that cause Salivation are made use of , and particularly Mercurius Dulcis . XLIV . Ague or Fever . An AGUE , or Fever , is an Effervence of the Blood in the Heart , sometimes exceeding that which is Natural , and at other times less ; but ever with greater Malignity . For when the Febrifick matter or humour , endued with a Fermentative quality , doth from its Focus or Seat , be it Mesentery , or any other part of the Body , in which it hath been a long time a gathering , come into the Veins , and is mingled with the Blood , and with it carried to the Heart , it stirs up an Ague . For when it is thus communicated to the Blood , passing through the Heart , the Matter of the First Element , which is a great Enemy to our Blood , doth greatly shake it , and confound the parts and mixture of it , in which Confusion the Nature of an Ague and Fever doth consist . Yet it is not every thing that mingles with the Blood , doth presently produce an Ague ; but such Matter only as is of a Fermentative Nature , that is , which disturbs the Mixture of the Blood. For this Fermentative Matter may be compared with Green-wood that is laid upon the Fire ; for as such Wood , when once it begins to burn , doth burn more vehemently than Dry-wood ; so the said Humour becomes more heated and dilated , than the Blood it self in its Natural condition . Hence therefore we conclude , that a Quartan Ague is produced , when the Matter , which is the Cause of it , stands in need of the space of 3 Days for its Concoction , before it can be fit to be united to the rest of the Blood ; a Tertian Ague , when 2 Days is enough for this purpose ; a Quotidian , when it is concocted every day , and mingles with the Blood ; and Continual , with Exacerbations or Fits , when the Corrupt Matter doth so much infect the Blood , that it cannot rid it self of those defilements from that time , that the last drop of that Humour is run out , and that wherein the first drop of that which is gather'd anew begins to enter the Heart . For this being the time wherein this depraved Humour , and ready to raise an Effervescence , is in greater quantity conveyed to the Heart , it must of necessity cause a greater Heat and Ebullition . Wherefore to the end that this Feverish Ferment may be expell'd in Agues , and more particularly in Quotidians , Vomits and Purges are used , which being exhibited at the Beginning , before the Fits , are found to be very successful in the Cure of them . But if the Ague be of long continuance , and the Stomach swoln , it is best to abstain from Vomits , and instead thereof to give gentle Purges ; because Vomits weaken the Stomach . As for Fevers , they are commonly Cured by Remedies that precipitate and imbibe sowr Humours , as Crabs-Eyes , Antimony Diaphoretick ; by such as thin the Blood , and make it more fluid , as Barly-water , Whey , &c. by such as open Obstructions , as Carduus Benedictus , Camphire , Venice-Treacle , Volatile Salts and Spirits . All Bitter things are also employed with good success , both in Fevers and Agues , because they strengthen the Stomach , and keep out the the Enemy ; so that according to the Report of Physicians , Agues have frequently been Cured , only be exhibiting the Compound Essence of Wormwood . CHAP. XXIV . Of Medicaments in General , and of their Operations . I. What ● Medicament is . HAving treated of the Diseases that afflict the Body of Man , it remains now that we add something concerning Medicins . Now a Medicament in general is that which being applied to the Body of a Sick person , is able by its virtue , to reduce it from a Praeternatural state , to a Natural . II. Of the several sorts of Medicaments . Some Medicins are Simple , as Roots , Barks , Leaves , Flowers , Fruits , Seeds , Gums , Juices , Animals and their Excrements , Products of the Sea , Salts , Stones , Minerals and Metals : Other are Compound ; and these again are either Internal , which by the Mouth are taken into the Body : And these again are either Preparatory , otherwise called Digestive , which prepare and digest peccant Humours , in order to their Expulsion , as Syrups and Conserves ; or Purgative , which evacuate the Matter that hath been prepared and ripened by the fore-going Digestives , as Purging Electuaries , Pills ; and those the Latins call Linctus , and the Arabians Lohoch ; or Cordial and Corroborative , which are used to strengthen the Body after Purgation , or rather when the Violence and Continuance of the Disease hath greatly weakned it ; as likewise to remove any Obstructions or Distemperature in the Bowels or Humours of the Body ; and take away the Symptoms of the Disease ( as Pain , Watching , Loosness , Swounding , ) such as are Cordial Confections , Powders , Troches . External Medicaments , are those that are outwardly applied to that part of the Body which is chiefly affected , and therefore are called Topicks , because they are applied to the place grieved ; such are Oils , Ointments , Cere-cloaths , and Plaisters . III. Of Medicins Common and Specific● ▪ But to leave the more particular Disquisition into these Matters to Physicians , I shall only in a few words speak something of the Common Medicaments , viz. V●mits , Purges , Diure●icks , Sudorificks or Diaphoreticks , Cordials or Alexipharmaccks and Opiates ; and then pass to Specificks , and briefly declare the Nature of them in general , and the manner of their Operation . IV. Vomits or Vomitory Medicins . VOMITS are Medicins that evacuate the Stomach , and drive out peccant humours upwards , and that by drinking luke-warm Water , but more readily if some Oil or melted Butter be mingled with it ▪ which will make the Stomach the more to loath it , and therefore the more easily to discharge it . Besides these common things , several Chymical Preparations are made use of to this purpose , as Salt of Vitriol , Glass of Antimony , Flowers of Antimony , Crocus Metallorum , Sulphur of Antimony , Mercurius Vitae , the particles of all which Preparations , when dissolved , do so violently twitch and affect the Fibres of the Stomach , as to cause a Conlvulsive Motion both of that and the Neighbour Parts , viz. the Gut called Duodenum , the Porus Choledochus , or Passage that conveys the Gall , and the Ductus or Vessel of the Pancreas , by which Colvulsive motion whatsoever is contained in them is carried up to the Stomach , and from thence to the Mouth ; and not only so , but by these Vomits the serous part of the Blood is often drawn out of the Extremities of the Arteries , carried up to the Stomach , and thence evacuated by the Mouth . V. Purging Medicins . PURGING MEDICINS are such as move and loosen the Belly , and drive out the peccant Humours in the Body of Man by Stool , such as are Roses , Violets , Cassia , Manna , Aloes , Rhubarb , besides manifold compound Purgatives . The reason of the operation of these Catharticks is , because they painfully affect the Spirits that are in the Fibres of the inward parts of the Body , and provoke them to excretory contractions ; and moreover raise a Fermentation in the Humours , and thereby produce several fusions and separations of their parts . For tho' Manna and Cassia and other such like Gentle Purgers , which consist of very subtil parts , do not at all , or very little disturb the Stomach ; yet as soon as they are past the Pylorus , or outlet of the Stomach into the Guts , they begin to irritate and twitch the most sensible Membran of the Gut Duodenum , and before they get any further , almost spend their whole force there . And because by the twitching and vellication of this Mmembran , the Porus Biliaris or passage of the Gall is considerably shaken , therefore they produce Bilious dejections . VI. Purging Medicins do not act Electively . The opinion of old was , that Catharticks purged Humours Electively , that is , by choice , as evacuating one Humour rather than another : They were induced to be of this Opinion , because they often found that the Excrements evacuted by purging Medicins , were of a Yellowish , and sometimes of a Blackish Colour , whence they concluded , that some Catharticks , purged Choler , and others Melancholy , as it were choosing and separating them from the rest of the Humours . But this is no better than an error ; for tho' there be purgative Medicins that evacuate Choler , Phlegm , Melancholy and Watry Humours , which gave occasion to Physicians to distinguish Catharticks into Cholagogues , Phlegmagogues , Melanogogues and Hydrag●gues ; as for Example , Rhubarb and Scammony , purge Choler rather than Phlegm ; whereas Mercurius Dulcis , and the Troches Alhandal , evacuate Phlegm rather than other Humours . Yet is not this so to be understood , as if Scammony , for instance , purged Choler only , without touching any other Humours ; or Mercurius Dulcis only expelled Phlegm ; for it is certain that it purgeth other Humours also , tho' not so copiously as that of Phlegm ; and therefore some Pungative Medicins may well be called purgers of Choler , and other Phlegm , &c. for tho' they do not purge that Humour only , whence they take their denomination , yet they do purge that Humour more copiously and signally than any other . VII . Diureticks : DIURETICKS are Medicins that purge by Urin , such as are the Roots of Smallage , Parsly , Radish , Bitter Almonds , Spirit of Salt and of Nitre , Juice of Limons and of Sorrel , White-wine , Renish-wine and Cyder ; which when taken into the Body , do precipitate the mass of Blood , and separate the Wheyish part from it , which soon after is evacuated . For the particles of these Diuretick Medicins by their pointedness and thinness penetrate the Vessels , and by diluting , inciding and dissolving the Blood , cause a great quantity of Wheyish Matter to be separated from it in the Reins , and to be thence evacuated by the Ureters . VIII . Sudorificks or Diaph●reticks . SUDORIFICKS are Medicaments that provoke Sweat , such as are the Leaves , Roots or Seeds of Carduus Benedictus , Contrayerva , Angelica , or the like , being taken either in Pouder , Decoction , Conserve or Magistery . The reason of their Operation is , because they consist of such particles as are very friendly to the Stomach and Guts , and therefore do not produce any Convulsions or Excretory Motions in them ; only the mass of Blood being by them Rarefied and Heated , and consequently more swiftly circulated , do put the Body into a Sweat. Moreover , the particles of these Diaphoreticks entring the Vessels which are implanted in the Stomach , mix themselves with the Blood , and raising a Fermentation in it , make it run more swiftly through the Veins to the Heart , and there entring with some impetuousness , encreaseth the Beating or Pulse of it , by which means the whole mass of Blood , being rarefied and enkindled , rusheth more swiftly through the Arteries to all the outward parts ▪ which not being able to admit it , nor the Veins to send it all back to the Heart , a considerable part of the serum of the Blood is evacuated through the Pores by Sweat. IX . Cordials . CORDIAL MEDICINS are such as are proper to restore and kindle the interrupted or weakned Fermentations of the Blood in the Heart . Wherefore these Remedies are not called Cardiaca or Cordials , because they are appropriated to strengthen and comfort the Heart , as are all things that are Spirituous and Volatil , such as Saffron , Wine , especially to those who are not accustomed to the drinking of it , and Strong Waters . The reason of which operation is because their Volatil Particles entring the Blood , separate all Heterogeneous and Malignant Particles from it . Neither is the Passage from the Stomach to the Blood so long , that there should be need to fear that the virtue of these Medicaments would be lost by the way . For it is evident that the inward Nervous Coat of the Stomach is all interwoven with multitudes of Veins and Arteries , so that Medicaments , not only Purgative , but any others may exert their operations upon the Blood , before ever they pass out of the Stomach . X. Opi●●s . OPIATS are those Medicines which have Opium for their Basis or chief ingredient , and are proper for the laying of Noxious Vapours , and asswaging of Grievous Symptoms , for the strengthning of the inward parts , the removing of Pain , and recruiting of the Animal Spirits . The manner of their performing these effects is this , the particles of these Medicines do put a stop to the out-going or efflux of the Animal Spirits and suppress them ; so that during the operation of the Opium , they do flow much more sparingly to the inwards and other parts of the Body . And accordingly the Pulse of the Heart , and Respiration are diminished in their swiftness and force , and sometimes cause a difficulty of Breathing , and a weakness of the Pulse , with a listlesness to move , and drowziness over the whole Body . XI . Why the Author treats of Specificks . Next after the common Medicins follow SPECIFICKS , whose Virtues discovered by Experience , are consistent with the Principles of our Philosophy , and may be perspicuously unfolded by them . Some Galenists indeed have altogether rejected Specificks , probably because they found themselves unable to explicate the manner of their operation . XII . What a Specifick is . The word Specifick is by Physicians used in a threefold Sense ; for some call that a Specifical Medicin , which is peculiarly friendly to some particular part of the Body , as to the Heart , Liver , Brain , &c. Others call that a Specifical Medicin , which by a peculiar Quality doth evacuate some determinate Humour , as Rhubarb and Cassia are said to Evacuate Choler ; Senna , Melancholy ; Jalap and Diagridium , Serosities and Phlegm . But more frequently that is called a Specifical Medicin , which peculiarly cures some particular Disease , as the Pleurisie , Tissick , Colick , Dropsie , and in this Sense I take it here . XIII . Whether there be any Specifical Medicins . It may therefore be enquired , whether there be any such Specifical Medicins . Some Dogmatical Physicians , leaning too much upon the Principles of the Scholastick Philosophy , will admit of no Medicinal Virtues that cannot be reduced to their manifest Qualities : But GALEN somewhere complains of these Men , that they either plainly deny matter of Fact , or else assign such causes to these effects as are not sufficient to explain them . So that not only Galen , but many other Learned Physicians , both Modern and Ancient , do maintain that there are Specifick Medicins . XIV . The effects of Specificks may be explained Mechanically . It may also be queried , whether the effect of Specificks are mechanically explicable , that is , whether they be consistent with the Principles of mechanical Philosophy ; to which I answer , that the Principles of the said Philosophy are of such a vast comprehension , that he who considers it , will not at all question , but that the effects of these Medicins may be explained in such a manner , as shall not in the least contradict the said Principles ▪ XV. In order to the explaining of the Effect : of Specificks , the make or structure of Mans Body is to be noted . To make out this we are to observe , that the Animated Body of Man is not to be considered as a meer Statue , as if it were nothing else but a dead heap of several parts and matters whereof it consists ; for to speak the truth , it is a most wonderful and curious Machin or Engin , composed of fixt , liquid and spirituous Substances , with such exquisit Artifice joined together , that frequently we cannot judge so well concerning the action of an Agent that acts upon it , from the Power and forces of the Agent , considered in it self , as by the effects proceeding from it , because of the mutual action of the parts of this Living Machin upon each other . XVI . Another thing to be noted about the operation of Specificks . It is likewise to be observed from the learned Mr. BOYLE , that it is not necessary that the Operations of all Specificks , or of the same in differing Diseases , must be of one kind ; but differing Specificks may operate in several manners , And of these general ways he has proposed such as follow , premising only , that the Specifick Remedy do's not commonly , tho' sometimes it may , relieve the Patient by this or that single way of Operation , but by a Concurrence of two or more , that as it were join their forces to produce the desired effect . XVII . The first way or manner whereby Specificks perform their Effects . Specifick Medicins may sometimes cure by discussing or resolving the Morbifick matter , and thereby making it fit for expulsion by the greater Common-Shores of the Body , and the Pores of the Skin . For it is most notorious , that a great many Diseases , and those very obstinate and Chronical , are caused by some tough and slimy Humours , which obstruct the Passages , and so hinder the Circulation of the Blood , and the free motion of other useful liquors ; which peccant Humours are sometimes so exceeding Glewy and Ropy , that they will not give way to common Remedies . Whereas the Specifick , by the minuteness of its Parts , and the congruity of their Figure with the Pores of Morbifick Matter may be able to penetrate and resolve it , with the concurrent heat of the Patients Body , and thereby dispose for an evacution by Urin , Sweat or otherwise , as Nature finds most convenient . So that the Blood , or some other Liquor of the Body being impregnated with the amicable and Active Particles of the Matter , may be a Menstruum to dissolve the peccant matter ; even as common Water impregnated with Salt Armoniack becomes a Menstruum , which by degrees will dissolve Copper and Iron . XVIII . The second way or manner . Sometime a Specifick Medicin may mortifie the too over Acid , or other immoderate Particles that infest the mass of Blood , and destroy their Coagulatory or other Effects . For seeing that most Distempers do arise from Acids , and their Malignant Effects , it is very probable that all such Diseases may be cured , or much alleviated by such a Remedy as abounds with particles proper to mortifie the said Acid Juices . Which Mortification may be effected these two manner of ways : for there are some Bodies which destroy Acids by a Positive Hostility , that is to say , by such a contrariety as is discernible by the Taste , and by a conspicuous ●ight or conflict they maintain with the Acid Juice : Of this kind are all fixed Askalies , viz. the Lixivous Salts of Plants , and all volatil Alkalies , as Spirits of Harts-horn , Salt Armoniack , &c. ▪ Another way whereby Acids may be mortified or dulled is , when their Particles are , as it were , sheathed or blunted ; for as a Knife may be disabled to cut , either by filing or otherwise blunting its Edge , or else by covering the Blade with a Sheath fit for it ; so an Acid Compound may lose its power of cutting or pricking , when an Alkali alters its Figure , or when its sharp particles are , as it were , sheathed in the Pores of some other Body , tho' it may be the said Body may be wholly without Taste , or any considerable manifest quality by which it might appear contrary to the sowr Juice it enervates , as a File is contrary to the Edge of a Knife . XIX . The third manner . A Specifick Medicin may sometimes help the Patient by precipitating peccant Matter out of the Blood , or other Humours of the Body . Thus SENNERTUS seems to intimate that in some cases the Disease is vanquisht by a precipitation of the Aguish Matter . And KERGERUS in his Treatise of Fermentation , Sect. 3. Cap. 3. tells us in plain terms , that he had cured above 1000 persons of Agues without Blood letting , Purging , Diaphoreticks , Diureticks , altering Medicins or Topicks , only by means of one precipitating Medicin . Neither need we to fear any danger in these precipitations by the particles of the Medicin entring into , and spoiling the Temperament of the Blood ; because it is certain that Heterogeneous Matters in the Blood may be precipitated by means of Remedies which never enter the Blood : For Physicians often exhibit filings of Steel , and other preparations of that Metal , to mortifie the Acidities of the Blood , and yet we have no reason to believe that the said metalline particles ever enter the Blood. XX. The fourth manner . Sometimes Specifick Remedies exert their effect by a peculiar corroborâting of the Heart , and by that means , or without it , the Parts affected . For seeing that the Heart , Brain , Liver , Kidneys are all of them of a peculiar make and structure , and so likewise the liquid parts , as the Gall , the Blood and the Lympha ; it may happen that the particles of a Remedy dissolved in the Stomach , and carried up and down the Body in the Vehicle of some of its Liquors , may according to their determinate Figure , Size , Stifness , Flexibility or Motion , &c. be more fit to be admitted in some one part of the Body , as the Brain , Heart , &c. than another , and so by continuing in the Pores thereof , and associating themselves to the Fibres , or furnishing it with some particles it wants , may strengthen the Tone of that Part , and enable it to resist the action of the Morbifick matter , and expel it . XXI The sifth manner . Sometimes a Specifick Medicin may exert its operation , by producing such a Disposition in the Mass of Blood , as may enable Nature by correcting , expelling , or other fit ways , to overcome the Morbifick matter , or other cause of the Distemper . For seeing that as most of the Diseases incident to Mans Body , are produced by a vitiated constitution of the Blood , so the recovery of it to Health and Soundness depends on the restoring of it to its former state ; a Specifick Medicament may divers ways effect this advantageous change of the Blood. As First , by furnishing the Blood with some very active particles , by which means it will not be necessary for the Midicament to raise any Fermentation in it . Secondly , A Specifick may be of great use in restoring the Mass of Blood to a laudable state , by dilating and attenuating or thinning of it . For when the Blood is too thick , as frequently it is , it cannot so freely pass through the Capillary Vessels whence an obstruction will follow in them ▪ whereby the Circulation of the Blood will be retarded , and great inconveniencies accrue to the Body . And on the other hand , if the Blood be too thin , especially if it be overmuch agitated , it will easily run out of the Vessels , and produce various Fluxes of Blood , and other dangerous effects , that commonly accompany the extravasation of the Blood. Now a Specifick Medicin may correct this vitious consistence of the Blood , by furnishing it with such Particles , which by their Figure , Bulk , Motion , &c. may subdue those vitious particles that thicken the Blood , and attenuate them ; or by dividing the parts of it dispose it to a greater degree of Fluidity . And when the Blood is too thin , which is the effect sometimes of Diseases , and sometimes of certain Medicaments , and more particularly of Aloes , a Specifick in this case may afford such particles , as by their easie complication and infolding one another , may curb the too active particles of the Blood , which do too much attenuate it , or it may assist the expulsion of the said particles by transpiration , or any other way . Thirdly , a Specifick may be helpful to restore the Mass of Blood to its former good state , by some particular operation it may exert upon the Heart , by strengthning the Tone and Vigor of it , so as that it may be able to transmit the Blood to the greater advantage and welfare of the Microcosm . XXII . The sixth manner . Sometimes also a Specifick may unite its particles with those of the Peccant Matter , and with them constitute a Neutral Matter , that may be easily , or is not needful to be expelled . As when the Blood being impregnated with an Acid Juice , hath lodged the same in some stable part of the Body , as in the Liver , Spleen or Kidneys , &c. In this case the particles of the Specifick may without any sensible contest or effervescence , when manifest Acids are mortified by such like Alkalies , so combine themselves with the particles of the vicious Acidum , as to make one compound with them , which differing from the particles of the sowr Juice in Motion , Figure , Solidity and Stiffness , or in one or more of the same , must needs constitute a substance of a Different Nature from the said Acid particles before that they were corrected . XXIII . An Advertisement concerning Specificks . It was noted before , that when it was said that a Specifick doth cure a Disease , it is not to be understood as if a Specifick Remedy , or Nature by means of it , did for the most part cure Distempers by one only of the propounded Modes , seeing that two , or more of them may concur to produce this effect . Besides , I have only here undertaken to explain the operation of Specificks in General ; but never asserted that the ways and modes by me propos'd , to be true and genuine , but only propounded them as so many probable ways whereby Specificks may produce their effects . Wherefore these things are not Dogmatically asserted by me , but only delivered by me as Possible or Probable Explications , my chief design being only to evince thereby , that the Operations of Specificks are congruous to the Principles of Mechanical Philosophy . XXIV . An Objection against Specifick Medicins answered ▪ There is an Objection the Rejecters of Specifick Remedies usually urge against them , which is , that by being taken into the Stomach and entrails , they are greatly changed by Digestion , and mixture with the Aliments , a good part of them sent away by Excrement ; and that as soon as they are got out of the Stomach , they pass through manifold Strainers of different Textures , which in all probability stop the greater part of the Medicinal Particles . But this Difficulty will disappear , if we consider that Rhubarb ●●ngeth the Urine of those that have taken it , many hours after , with a Yellow Colour . That Elaterium eaten by a Goat , communicates a purging quality to its Milk , so as to purge a Child that takes of it . For the ●articles of some Bodies do very obstinately ret●●n their Figures , and do not easily quit their virtue . For if a Me●icament exerts its activity by impregnating the Blood , or any other Liquor in the Body , thereby turning it into a kind of Menstruum , it may so happen that the several Strainers through which the Particles are to pass , may stop the less f●● parts of the Vehicle , so as to make the Menstr●●m more appropriate to the overcoming of the Peccant Humour , or that at least thereby it may be so changed as to restore this Substance in the Body of a Man rather than another . And tho' there may but a small quantity of the Medicinal Matter reach to the part , on which it is to act , 〈◊〉 ought not we to question the effect upon that account , seeing that the 〈◊〉 of Natural Agents upon the Body of 〈◊〉 is not to be measured by their Bulk or Quantity , but by their Activity and Subtilty . XXV . An Objection concerning Topicks . An Objection may be also made against what hath been here asserted concerning the Operation of Medicaments , that all Topical Medicins , especially such as are applied to the Wrists , Amulets , and things hung about the Neck , or only outwardly touching any other part of the Body , cannot afford sufficient Medicinal Particles for corecting of the Peccant Matter , or subduing of the Disease . For an Answer to this Objection , it will be sufficient to consider that the Skin of Mans Body is very full of Pores , by which the more subtil particles of the Remedy may enter ; as is evident from manifold instances . Water penetrates the Pores of the Bladder , and dissolves the Salt of Tartar or Sugar contained in it . Quick-silver mixed with Ointments , and outwardly applied , insinuates it self through the Pores of the Skin , into the most inward parts of the Body , where it often produceth most violent operations . Neither can it be difficult to conceive how the particles of any Specifick being once got into the Pores , may further diffuse themselves throughout the ●ody , fo● asmuch as near the Cuticle or thin outward Skin 〈◊〉 the Body there be many Capillary Vessels , which tho' very small , yet have their Cavities continuous with other greater Vessels , and it will be easily understood that the particles of the Medicament , being once entred into these Capillary Vessels , will by the Vehicle of the Liquors contained in them , be transmitted to the Branches of the Principal Veins , and so by means of Circulation be mingled with the whole mass of Blood , and with it conveyed to all parts of the Body . XXVI . Whether there be any Medicaments appropriated to any particular part of the Body . The only difficulty that remains now to be removed , is whether there ●e any Medicaments that are appropriate to this or the other particular part of the Body ? To which I Answer ▪ that there is no impossibility nor improbability in it , that the Particles of a Specifick Medicament should be destinated more to one part of the Body than to another , so as not only to strengthen it , and preserve its sound Constitution , but to restore it to its former strength and vigor , when 〈◊〉 by any Disease of Di●●emper : Fora●m●c● a● by ●●eir particular Texture , Motion , &c. they may 〈◊〉 a peculiar manner prepare the Molesting Matter for Expulsion , and withall so work upon the Fibres of the Part affected , as both to Enable it , and Excite it to free its self from its Enemy . The Ninth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . OF MAN , Considered in the other PART , The MIND . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Human Mind , and that it is more Evidently perceived than Bedy . I. That too much Credit is not to be given to our fallacious Senses . SINCE we have often been deceived by our Senses , and the Images of things have been impos'd upon us , which differed from the Objects whence they proceeded , or whence we imagined they proceeded ; and since in our Dreams we have seem'd to behold some things , which nevertheless were far enough off from us ; and to hear things which in no wise smote the Organs of our Hearing : We have hereupon sufficient Cause to suspect that Corporeal things are not always such as we apprehend them to be , and consequently that we have sufficient reason to doubt of their Existence , forasmuch as Natural Reason dictates to us , that we are not to trust those things which have at some time or other deceiv'd us . Wherefore we may doubt whether there be a Heaven , Sun , or Stars ; whether those Bodies which are about us are real ; whether we have Body , Feet , or Arms , in regard we have oftentimes in our Dreams seem'd to make use of them , whenas at the same time , deep Sleep hath bound us fast , and rendred us immoveable . II. The Existence of Human Mind is inferr'd from hence , That we are . But though we may doubt of the verity of Corporeal Things , yet we cannot doubt but that we have an Existence , so long as it is certain we doubt ; for it is impossible that any one should doubt or think , and at the same time not be . Whence this Proposition , I think therefore I am , is the first certain Conclusion we can possibly make , when we muster up our thoughts in Order ; whence it is inferred , that our Mind is more known to us than our Body , in regard whatever doubt we make of other things , we cannot but Be so long as we Doubt . III. The Soul is not any thing belonging to the Body . For if I attentively weigh and examin who I am , who write these things , who see , who hold the Pen , who draw the Lines ; I know for certain , that were the use of my Hands taken away , my Eyes digg'd out , and my Fingers cut off , I could neither write , see not touch ; but nevertheless should find it apparent that I yet Exist ; and suppose I were depriv'd of all Exterior Senses , yet still I am , so long as I think : For my Body may be dissevered into divers parts , and none of those parts be remaining with which I am encompass'd , since I am not all Heart , nor Brain , nor Liver , nor any other of those parts which constitute the Body ; yet nevertheless something of me may be remaining , which makes use of those parts , and with which it is surrounded as with a Garment . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 1. G. Freman In. I. Kip Sculp . To the Worshipfull John Hervey of Jckworthin the County of Suffolke Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome V. A Definition of Human Mind . Human Mind therefore may rightly be defined a Thing thinking by a certain peculiar way , finite , and as it were , by mutual Covenant joyned to a Body well disposed . And herein it differs from an Angel , or Spiritual intelligence , which is indeed apt to assume a Body ; but not so firmly inclining to it , as to desire , as the Human Mind doth , to have it intimately united . VI. Why a Thinking thing is said to be finite . But it is called Finite , because tho' a Human Mind always Thinks , yet it Thinks not of all things , nor penetrates immediately into those things of which it Thinks . Moreover it Wills many things which it attains not to , all which are Arguments of imperfection , from which the infinite Mind , that is to say , God Almighty is absolutely free . VII . What is to be understood by the name of Cogitation . By the name of Thought is understood that interiour Sense and Conscience by which we are certain of all those things , which we Act or Suffer ; so that to say that Human Mind is a Thinking substance , is no other thing than to say , that there is in it a Conscience , or Co ▪ discerning of all Cogitations , Wills , Appetites and Sensations which are found therein ; whether it be their Principle , or suffers from others : For certain it is , that whatsoever is in us which depends not upon the Cogitations of the said Mind , belongs not to it . Whence the simple Cogitation of Human Mind may aptly be defined to be , an implanted Action of Human Mind : Whereof the said Mind by its own testimony is conscious . In the first place , Cogitation is said to be something implanted in the Mind , because it is indeed the very Essence of the Mind . Secondly , It is said to be by its own testimony conscious , in regard every Mind hath its own Cogitation so known , that tho' there should be a doubt concerning other things , yet the Cogitation , it self can never be called into doubt ; since the doubting , nay the very Erring person must of necessity Think . VIII . The Soul Thinks even in Sleep . Some difficulty may haply arise from the foresaid definition of the Mind , as if Human Mind be a Thinking substance , that is , Willing , Nilling , Doubting , Perceiving , &c. it should always Think , which seems a thing impossible to any one that is asleep , since then we cannot be conscious that we do Think . To this I answer , that nothing occurs to us in Sleep , which directly or indirectly proceeds from the Soul , whereof we are not conscious ; and tho' our Soul in the midst of Sleep may Think , but negligently , yet it is not to be thought totally destitute of all Cogitation : By the same reason almost as when it is said , that there is no part of the World which is at any time totally void of all Motion , tho' some parts may be said to Rest , by reason of the more slow and insensible Motion , and may seem as it were deprived of all Motion . IX . Why we remember not our Cogitations . It may haply be urged , if this were true , we could not but remember at least some of those Cogitations , but we dayly experience the contrary . I answer : It is one thing to be conscious of our Thoughts , and another thing to remember them ; for there is more required to the remembring of any thing , than to the being conscious thereof ; for to remember a thing so long as the Mind is joyned to the Body , it is requisite that the Species or Image thereof should have its Vestigia or Footsteps in our Brain , upon which we afterwards reflecting should remember ; but to Think , it is sufficient that we are conscious of our Perception or Cogitation , which happens not only to persons Sleeping , but even to Infants in the Mothers Womb. Since doubtless those very Infants have many Cogitations , and their Minds taken up with Idea's of Heat , Cold , Titillation , Pain , &c. which proceed from the Union of the said Mind with the Body ; however they remember not afterwards what they Thought , or suffered at that time . X. Whether the Power of Thinking sufficeth for the Mind to be called Cogitant . If it be alledged that it is sufficient for Human Mind to be called Cogitant , for that it hath the power to Think , and not for that it always actually Thinks : As a Potter hath a faculty always of forming Pots , Pitchers , &c. yet nevertheless for want of Clay , or the Potters Wheel , cannot always reduce his Power into Act ; so it suffices , that there be implanted in the Mind a Power to Think , tho' it do not always actually exercise that Power for want of Matter which should occur , or through the defect of Organs which are hinder'd in Sleep . XI . The Answer . The Answer is easie ; for there is no necessity that the Potter should always actually Operate , by reason he Acts ad extra , or Externally , and requires External Matter for those things he is to form ; but Human Soul in its Operations wants no Object to tend unto : For if all things which are to smite the Senses of the Body were removed , it would yet have the Idea of it self , and of all those Verities which we term Nota per se , or known of themselves , and consequently Human Mind cannot but always Think ; and certainly it seems to imply a contradiction , that that Spiritual Part of ours , so long as it hath an Existence , should not Think , since it is no other than a Thinking thing , and we can conceive nothing in it besides Cogitation or Thought . XII . Soul is opposed to Body as Act to Power . For the difference between Matter and Soul is , that that is the Potentia or Power , this the Act ; so that Cogitation must needs be always present in every Intellectual thing , but actual motion is not always requisite in Body or Matter , in regard its Nature is Sluggish and Idle , that it comprehends Potentiality or Power , and not Act ; but for a Soul to be without Act or Cogitation implies a Contradiction , since if you take away Cogitation from it , there will remain nothing in it of positive and absolute , by which it may be said to Exist . XIII . Human Mind cannot be without Cogitation . I know that some will object , that Human Mind may be without all Cogitation ; but this we absolutely deny : For if it should so happen , it would either so happen , because it hath not a Power or Faculty of thinking , or because it will not have such a Faculty or Power . If it hath not such a power , its Essence is destroy'd , in regard it consists in Cogitation ; but if it will not , that very thing is an inference that it doth think , since to Will and Nill are Modes of perceiving , for we undergo no greater difficulty in conceiving that the Soul must needs always think , than in conceiving the Light must needs always Shine ; and that Heat cannot but be always Hot , for as much as it belongs to the Essence of the Soul to Think , as it belongs to Light to Shine , and Heat to Warm or make Hot ; for a Faculty supposes something real , and Existing in Nature ; or if we well attend to our Conception , it is no other than a thing really mutable and capable of divers Modes ; So that as the faculty of receiving Figures in the Body , is meer Extension , so the faculty of Thinking in the Mind is meer Cogitation , so far as it may be applied to divers things , and by divers ways . XIV . To think is no less Essential to Human Mind , than to be Expended is to the Body . Moreover the Actual Cogitation of the Soul may be proved by comparing it to the Body ; for as it cannot be granted to be a Body which is not extended ; that is , which hath not an actual and determinate Figure ; In like manner Human Mind must of necessity have some Cogitation , which in a manner is its Life ; but that Children and Infants in the Mothers Womb , should not afterwards remember their Cogitations in that State , need not be any matter of wonder , since in Persons of more adult Age , there may possibily sometimes remain no memory , not only of things which were represented in Sleep , but also even of those things which have been acted or thought on Waking . XV. Cogitation is either taken for the thing Thinking , or for the Modes of Thinking . It will yet more clearly appear , that Cogitation belongs to the nature of Human Mind , if Cogitation be in a twofold acceptation considered , first as it is that which constitutes the Nature of an immaterial thing , and then it is no other than that thing which Thinks ; in another sense Cogitation may be taken for divers Modes of Thinking , in as much as Substance is capable of Exciting divers Cogitations , for the Thinking Nature hath power from it self to draw forth such or such Acts ; nevertheless it is not thence to be inferr'd , that a Thinking Substance is something universal , containing all the Modes of Perceiving : No more than it can be said , that a Body is something common containing all Figure ; because Cogitation is not a Universal , but a particular Nature which admits all those Modes , as Extension is a Nature receiving all Figures ; for we may very well conceive a Cogitant Nature , tho' all its Modes are not known , yet they cannot be understood without the said Cogitant Nature . For if I Imagin , if I Will , if I Remember , Cogitation appears in all these things ; yet on the contrary , if I think , there is no necessity that there should be any one of these in particular , and consequently Imagination , Remembrance , Volition are only divers Modes of Thinking , even as Figure , Motion , Site , &c. are divers Modes of Extension , or of a thing Extended . XVI . Mind is Cogitant as Matter is Extense . Wherefore we must conclude , that the Essence of Mind is placed in Cogitation in the same manner , as the Essence of Matter consists in Extension , and according to the various Modifications of Cogitation , Mind is always Willing , Imaginant or Sentient ; in like manner , as according to divers Modifications of Extension , Matter assumes the Form sometimes of Water , sometimes of Fire , sometimes of Fewel , or infinite other particular Forms ; and consequently as a piece of Wax may be changed into divers Figures , and be Round or Square , not without varying its Nature ; so Human Mind remains one and unvaried , although it may be altered divers ways , and may be mutable by a different Application of it self to Heaven , for example sake , Earth , God , Angels , &c. because tho' it be limited and finite , yet it is not determined to any thing certain , and consequently Thinks or perceives all things which are deeply inherent in it . XVII . The Soul or Mind is the cause of individuation to the whole Man. I have heretofore in several places said enough to shew , that the Soul or Mind is a certain substantial Form , when as all other Forms are nothing else but certain rangings and dispositions of Parts . Nor must I now omit to declare openly , and in most express Terms , that it is that which individuates a Human Body , or rather Man himself , and does principally and essentially make one to differ from another . For as the whole Essence of a Human Body in general , consists in a certain disposition to receive a Human Soul ; and the particular Essence of each Body , as for instance the Body of Peter , is founded in a particular disposition it hath to receive its own proper Soul ; supposing that in some part or portion of Matter , should be found the same essential disposition , which that Body had wherewith Peter was Born , it cannot be otherwise , but that it must be a Human Body , even the Body of Peter himself , and the very same in number wherewith he was Born ; forasmuch as it hath the same essential Form , or principle of Individuation : And also if the same Scul , to wit Peters , were actually united thereto , it is necessary for the same reason that there must be a Man , yea , Peter , and the same numerical Peter that was before . CHAP. II. That Human Mind is distinguisht from the Body , and is Spiritual and Immaterial . I. The Mind is to be distinguisht from Body . THAT the Immateriality of Human Mind may the more clearly be discerned , it will not be from the purpose to explain more at large the Essence of Mind and Body , and shew wherein they may be exactly distinguisht . II. In every thing a principal Attribute is given from whence other things proceed . They who have most deeply searcht into the Nature of things , have observ'd among the Attributes , which constitute the Essence of any thing , that there is one primary Attribute , which in a manner gives a being to it , and from whence all the rest flow as from a Fountain : As Cogitation in respect of Human Mind , for as much as all things which are found in it presuppose Cogitation ; for Imagination , Volition or Will , Sensation , &c. are only different Modes of Cogitation , which spring from it , as from its Root : For to Imagin is another Mode of Thinking , than to Will ; and to Will , another Mode of Thinking than sensation . In like manner Extension is the first Attribute , which constitutes a Corporeal thing , and from which all the rest are derived , for as much as all things which attend it , presuppose Extension ; for whatsoever hath Figure is Extense , whatsoever can be divided is Extense , and whatsoever is contained in place is Extense ; so that Cogitation and Extension constitute the Natures of Intelligent and Corporeal Substance . III. An Objection from the confused Idea of a thing Extense and a thing Cogitant . If any one urge , that there are Idea's granted which involve Cogitation and Extension together ; for Example , the Idea of Pain , Colour , &c. for whosoever is sensible of Colour , Pain and other Idea's of the Senses , or does but imagin them , Extension must needs occur to him with such a Perception . Who is able to perceive Whiteness , or any other Colour , without Extension ? Wherefore if Idea's be granted , which are compounded of Cogitation and Extension ; what hinders , but that we may judge that there is in the thing it self somewhat like to that Idea ; that is to say , that Cogitant and Extense may be in the said Thing at the same time ? IV. Composition takes not away Distinction of Parts . I Answer , that by this Argument Cogitation is not concluded to be one in Reality and Essence , with Extension , but only in Composition . So that Cogitation and Extension , or a thinking and extended Substance , constitute one Compound , so far as there are found therein divers Modifications of Cogitation and Extension ; which together , and in one act are attain'd by the Senses , and also by Imagination . And in Truth , if the Matter be narrowly weighed , it will appear that those Idea's of Senses and Imagination , in which Extension is joyn'd with Perception , afford us no other Notion , than that Cogitation and Extension have an Existence together , or that we are compos'd of Mind and Body . So that these two things are no ways oppos'd to each other ; to wit , that the Judgment concerning these things , follow the Idea's which we perceive by sense , and is conformable to them ; and yet the Nature of a thing Thinking , is altogether distinct from the Nature of a thing Extended . V. Mind di●●rs more ●rom Body , than from Nothing . For the Idea of the Mind , hath nothing common with the Idea of the Body , and one of them may be clearly and distinctly conceiv'd without the other . Nay , so great is the difference between Cogitation and Extension , that Cogitation may more properly be said to be Nothing , than Extended ; because tho' in respect of Substance generally so taken , Mind differs not more from Body , than from Nothing , since both of them is something subsistent , and wants not the help of another Substance to Exist ; yet if they be consider'd in themselves , so far as one of them is Extense , and the other Cogitant , they are more distinguish'd from each other , than from Nothing ; in regard every Creature , being not a most perfect Entity , but including many Imperfections , participates of Nothing . But it can be no way apprehended , that the Idea of Cogitation should include any thing of the Idea of Extension , and consequently Cogitation disagrees or differs more from Extension , than from Nothing . In the same manner as Vertue is more properly distinguish'd from Vice , than from Stupidity : And Science is more remote from Errour , than from Ignorance . VI. It is prov'd that the Soul is Immaterial . This distinction being well understood , it will be no difficult thing to make out , that the Mind is a Spirit , or some Immaterial Entity ; because since Mind and Body are Subjects of different Proprieties , the Conceptions which we have of them , are also absolutely different . For the diversity of Essences is known to us by their Proprieties . Nor have we any other Indication whereby to judge ; that the Natures of things are different , than by inspecting into the distinction of Proprieties in them . For we have no other way to make observation , that Ice and Fire differ from each other ; but because Fire heats , and Ice cools ; or that the Eye is a thing different from the Foot ; but because we see with our Eyes , and distinguish divers Objects , and with our Feet we walk and sustain our Body . Since therefore Human Mind and Body have altogether different Proprieties , no Man can doubt , but that there is an absolute distinction between them ; and I dare say , there are no Attributes which are more opposite one to another , than to Think and to be Extended . For to be Corporeal , and to Know , what relation have they one to the other ? What Similitude can be apprehended between Perception and Motion ? or between Will and Figure ? Whence it is plainly to be asserted , that Mind and Body are altogether different ; and consequently since Body hath Extension , the Thing thinking must needs be void of all Extension ; which is the same thing as to be Immaterial : For by the Name of an Immaterial Entity nothing else is to be understood , but that which hath no parts , and is void of Extension . VII . An Objection drawn from the distinction of Justice and Mercy in God If it be Objected , that diversity of Conceptions does not always infer a difference in things ; so as that they must be incompatible in the same Subject . For the Conception we have of Justice is undoubtedly distinct from that we have of Mercy in GOD ; and yet no Divine can deny , but that they are both equally fit to be ascrib'd to GOD himself ; therefore it follows not , because the Conception of the Thing thinking , is distinguish'd from the Conception of the Thing Extended ; but that they may be attributed to one and the same Subject . VIII . An Answer to the Objection . I Answer , When two things may be conceiv'd incompleatly , or by abstraction of the Intellect inadequately conceiving the Matter , there is no necessity that they be repos'd in divers Subjects ; but those may well be which are consider'd adequately , or as Compleat Entities : For Justice and Mercy in GOD are consider'd not as two Compleat Things , since Justice may be understood without a Just Person ; but not Mercy without a Merciful Person : And consequently since they cannot be but modally distinguish'd , they may be both in One GOD. But we compleatly understand , that a Body or material Substance is Extense , Partible , Figurate , with an Exclusion of all those things which are peculiar to the Mind : And on the contrary we understand , that the Mind is a compleat Substance , which Perceives , Wills , Doubts , &c. tho' those things be remote from i● which belong to the Nature of Body ; and so Cogitation and Extension are incompatible in the same Subject . IX . A thing Cogitant . and a thing Extense , are conceiv'd in another manner , than Figure and Motion in the same Subject . Other Objections which may be made against the Incompatibility of Cogitation and Extension , are resolv'd in the same manner , as if any should say , that motion and figure , and the like modes of a thing Extended , have divers Conceptions , and yet are found in the same Subject . For figure and motion cannot be conceived , but in Extended matter ; For as motion is a Body ▪ having figure , so we cannot understand figure , but in Matter apt for motion . There is a great difference between Motion and Figure , and between a thing extended and cogitant ; for should all Moveable be taken away , we should have no longer any Idea of Figure or Motion remaining , since such is the Reason of Mode , that altho' Substances may be conceived without Modes , yet Modes cannot without Substances ; therefore in regard we might conceive a thing Cogitant , tho' there were no such thing as Body in rerum Natura ; it follows , that a thing Cogitant is really distinguish'd from a Subject Extense , and consequently is Material and Spiritual . X. The Spirituality of the Soul is demonstrated by its Operations . The same Conclusion may also be demonstrated à posteriori , to wit , by its Operations , which are Spiritual , and absolutely Independent of all Matter : For Volition and Intellect include no Extension , since we conceive both very well , without any mention made of Matter . Besides , we find by daily Experience , that the Cogitations of Man are render'd the more obscure , by how much the more he hath of commerce with the Body ; and on the contrary , more subtil and distinct , by how much the more he subtracts himself from the Body , as is manifest in Extasie and Rapture , where the Mind in a manner abstracted Meditates altogether on what is sublime , and distinctly sees all things ; all which would never happen , if the Soul were Material . For if the Power , for Examples sake , of Understanding , depended upon the Body , it would of necessity follow its Dispositions , that is , be depress'd when that is weakned , and become more vivacious , when that is vigorous and strong . Whereas we find by Experience the contrary thereof in Old men , who apprehend things more clearly and distinctly than Young men , who at the same time excell Old men in Strength of Body , and have their Animal Spirits more vivacious , upon which Corporeal motions depend . XI . The Apprehension of Spiritual things , shews the Mind to be Incorporeal . Then how can it be , if Human Mind be Material and Corporeal , that it should contain in it self such vast Images of things ? How should it comprehend the Latitude of the Earth , the Immensity of the Heavens , and the Bodies that are diffus'd through all parts of the Universe , if it be not Spiritual ? How can it discern a Line to be altogether void of Latitude ? A Point not discernable to the Eye , and wholly Individual ? Wherefore we must in this Matter conclude with the Words of St. AUGUSTINE , If Corporeal things are beheld with Corporeal Eyes , by a certain wonderful Affinity , it certainly follows that the Mind , by which we see Incorporeal things , is not Corporeal or Body . XII . The Cognition of Verity , &c. argues the Immateriality of the Soul. Moreover , who knows not how many and how great things totally separate from all Matter our Soul can conceive ? For without any help of the Senses , it apprehends Verity , Sapience , Unity , Beauty ; it understands the Principles of Sciences , and unfolds the Demonstrations drawn from them , and attends to the Series of Reasons ; but with what Sense , or with what Corporeal Species doth it represent these things to it self ? Wherefore since by Reason alone it performs all these things , it must of necessity be Immaterial and Incorporeal . Lastly , Many things which are divided in themselves , meet together in our Mind , as opposite and contradictory Propositions , &c. yet nevertheless the Soul is not increas'd by the reception , nor by the withdrawing of them . A thing which cannot happen to Body , which always become greater by the addition of Parts , and lesser by the abstraction of them . CHAP. III. How Human Mind is Vnited to the Body . I. Th●●e Notions which usually present themselves to us . THere are Three principal Notions which commonly offer themselves to us : The Notion of Body , which we have maintain'd , consists in Extension , from whence the Idea's of Figure and Motion proceed : The Notion of Mind , whose Essence we place in Cogitation , and to which the perceptions of Intellect , and propensions of Will do tend : The third Notion is of Soul and Body , as they are united ; from which Union we understand , that Mind hath the force of moving Body , and on the contrary , the Body hath the power of Acting upon the Mind , as shall hereafter be more clearly made out : For it is not to be imagin'd , that the Soul is only present with the Body , as a Mariner is present in his Ship , or as a Rider is seated upon his Horse ; but that it is intimately united to it , so as to make one Compound with it : I say , the Notion of Soul and Body ; because the Soul is properly so called , inasmuch as it is destin'd to Inform the Body , or inasmuch as it can be United to a well-disposed Body , as hath been formerly mention'd . II. Human Mind is to be consider'd , as United to the Body . For the Soul of Man is not to be consider'd as a Spirit in it self , and as it is Absolute and a Substance which Thinks ; but according to the Relation which a Spirit hath to a Body well dispos'd , and to which it is United . For Experience plainly teacheth us , That all the Functions of the Soul , consider'd in Quality of a Soul , depend absolutely on the Body , to which it is United , and which renders this Union altogether necessary . III. It is difficult to conceive , how the Soul is United to the Body . The only difficulty is to apprehend this sort of Union : For our Intellect can hardly conceive , how Body , which is a thing Extense , moves the Mind ; and Mind , which is a thing Immaterial and Inextense , can impel the Body ; and tho' by Experience we find it is so , yet no Comparison or Discourse drawn from other things is sufficient to demonstrate and evidence it to us . Those Philosophers who admit Real Accidents , and judge that they are Entities distinct from Substance , produce a Similitude of a Stone tending downward , by the force of Gravity . Now since , according to these Philosophers , this Quality of Grave things tending downwards , is not Substance , but Accident , this may serve for a sufficient Explication , how a thing not Extended , may act upon a Body Extended . IV. To this difficulty the Prejudices of Infancy , and the Opinions of a School conduce . Yet because we maintain , that there is no such Quality in Nature granted , another way is to be found out ; but before we fix upon a Mode , by which the Body is annex'd to the Soul , it will be worth our while to note , that all the difficulty in conceiving that Union , arises chiefly from our selves ; who following the Prejudices of our Infancy first , and afterwards the trite Opinions of Philosophy in Schools , have thought it impossible for Human Intellect to conceive , how a thing Material and Incorporeal can be United , and how a thing Unextended can be associated to a thing Extense , unless that be taken also for Extense . This Prejudice hath exercis'd the Wits of many ; and because they could find no Mode of Union , by which things so distant in Nature could be United , were compelled to have recourse to certain Virtual parts ; and to assert , that the Soul is not indeed really , but only virtually Extense , and that it hath Virtual parts , by means whereof it may the better be adjoyn'd to the Body , and so compose one Total with it . V. It cannot be said , that the Soul is virtually Extense . But what they mean by these Virtual parts , I confess I do not in the least understand , nor doth any Notion of them present it self to me . Nor can it be conceived , that there are things Virtually Extense , unless thereby are understood parts without parts , that is , whereof one is placed beyond the other . But parts situate one beyond the other , are distinguish'd not virtually , but really , and may separately Exist , and consequently may be said to be really distinguish'd ; since in the Conception of them Division is included , and a Separation of them one from another , which presuppose Extension . VI. Three sorts of Union . But that the Conjunction of Mind and Body , which is commonly call'd Union may be the better understood , we are to premise what Union is , and how many kinds of it there are . Union is a Consociation of things agreeable into One. And since we can have a Conception but of two things , namely Mind and Body , we can thence infer only a Threefold Union : The first , which intercedes between two Bodies ; the second , by which two Minds are associated ; the third and last , by which Mind and Body are United . But all Union includes some Similitude and Dependency , in which respect 2 different things pass after a certain manner into one . For in this very respect they are judged to be United , when they can act and suffer dependently upon each other : For 2 Bodies are said to be United , when they are so near , that one may act upon the other ; and that again suffer from the former . Not that it is necessary , that both together act and suffer at once ; but it is sufficient , if one act and the other suffer . In the same manner 2 Minds are united one with another , when the same Affections are common to them both , and are so dispos'd , that neither of them wills or loves any thing , but for the others sake . In the same manner we say , that a Rational Soul is joyn'd to the Body , when any Operations of the Body depend upon the Cogitations of the Mind ; and on the contrary , that the Body is joyned to the Soul , when any Cogitations arise dependently from these Operations , or rather motions of the said Body . VII . How Mind and Body are United . Nor do I think , that any one will deny this manner of Conjunction or Union , by which the Mind and Body are conjoyned , since a clearer cannot be made out ; in regard the Mind and Body operating dependently upon each other , we may very easily understand the Similitude and Relation , which ought to be among things which are united ; and this Similitude and Relation we have formerly affirm'd to consist in Action and Passion : So that as the Union of 2 Minds will continue so long as Love remains between them ; so the Union of 2 Bodies will never cease , so long as they are locally present one with another . In like manner the Union of Mind and Body will not be dissolv'd , so long as he who hath joyn'd them together shall suffer the Body to produce its motions , with a dependency upon the Cogitations of the Mind , and the Mind to Exercise its Cogitations dependently upon the motions of the Body . VIII . The Conjunction of the Mind with the Body , is twofold . By Two ways most especially may Spirit be joyned with Body ; first into one Person ; as the Word was made Flesh , S. John 1. Secondly , Into One Nature ; as Human Mind is joyned with Body . Of the first , Divines treat in their Theses , concerning the Incarnation of the Word ; the second is handled by Philosophers . IX . Wherein consists the Union of Soul and Body . The Union of Soul and Body consists in an Actual dependency of all the Cogitations of the Soul , upon certain motions of the Body ; and of some certain motions of the Body , upon some Cogitations of the Soul ; I said in the first place , That this Union consists in an Actual dependence ; because for the Uniting of Body and Soul , it suffices not that their Motions and Cogitations , can mutually depend upon each other ; but it is also necessary , that they Actually depend . In the second place , I said ; and of some certain motions of the Body , upon some Cogitations of the Mind ; because not all the motions of the Body depend upon the Cogitations of the Mind , since many depend upon the Machin of the Body only , and the Universal Laws of Nature . X. There is not requir'd any Union , as a thing distinct from Mind and Body . Others explicate this Commerce another way ; for they will have it , that a certain Mode intercedes between Body and Mind , to which they give the Name of Union , and account it instead of a Ligament or Bond , by which those things that make up the Compound are joyned one with another . For they cannot conceive how 2 Things can be joyn'd together , and nothing of New happen upon this Conjunction . But they have enough to be satisfied : For if by the Name of Union , they understand nothing , but that mutual Commerce of Actions and Passions , which is found in Mind and Body , they agree with us ; for we acknowledge that Union is the Mode of the Being of Body and Soul : For all things are after another mode or state when United , than when Separated . But if they mean , that this Union is some real thing distinct from both , and as it were that very thing , by the mediation whereof the parts of a Compound are United , we apprehend not , nor acknowledge any such thing in Philosophy ; and should we receive it , we can no way make it out , how such a thing can joyn together two such , as Mind and Body . For this Union should be either Extense , or void of all Extension : If they affirm it Extense , how can it be Co-extended with Mind , which is a Spirit and Immaterial ? If it be void of Extension , how can it be joyn'd to a Body ? So that this Mode of Uniting is altogether superfluous , since the difficulty of Conceiving how 2 Substances can be immediately United one with another , by a mutual dependence of their Motions and Cogitations is less , than to comprehend , how they should be united by another thing , which if it be Inextense , cannot be conjoyn'd to the Body ; nor to Mind , if it have Extension , and be divided according to parts . XI . But a Reciprocation of Action and Passion . And the Truth is , since neither Body can Think , nor Mind be capable of Dimension ; there can be no Mode common to Mind and Body , except a mutual Acting of each upon each , from which alone the Proprieties of both can follow . XII . Whether the Soul and Body be United to each other , before they mutually Act and Suffer . Perhaps it may be said That the Conjunction of Mind and Body cannot consist in the relation which the Actions and Passions of both have to each other ; because such a Concourse presupposes , that the Mind is already United to the Body . For the Mind must first be in the Body , before it can draw forth any Operations which depend upon the Body , and consequently Union precedes that mutual dependency . XIII . The Answer . I Answer , That there is no Necessity that the Mind should be first United to the Body , before it operate there , in regard its Existence precedes not Action in Time : So that it does not absolutely require to be joyned to the Body , before such time as it draws forth its Operations . Nay , if the Matter were well Examin'd , when as Spirit is confin'd to no Space , and may only be in a place by its Operations : It cannot therefore be said , to be in the Body , but because it exercises there its Operations or Cogitations dependently on the Body . Which mutual Correspondence constitutes the Reason of the Union , which is between the Mind and Body . XIV . When the Union between Mind and Body begins . But if it be ask'd , How comes about this Conjunction of Soul and Body , and when doth it begin ? I Answer again , It is most Consentaneous to Reason , to believe that this Union begins at that very moment in which the Body gives occasion to the Mind , to draw forth some Cogitation , and Contrarily the Soul to the Body , to stir up some motion . For as this Conjunction is plac'd in a mutual Dependency , which is between both , in respect of certain Actions and Passions , it cannot begin sooner : So that it is most probable , that such a Union begins , as soon as the Heart , Brain , Nerves , Muscles , &c. are sufficiently fram'd to bring it about , that the Action of the Objects may be transmitted as far as the Glandula and the Animal Spirits be convey'd into the Muscles . On the contrary , this Union ceaseth , whenever it happens that the said Commerce cannot be continued , or when any part of the Body is so defective , that the Heart is no longer able to transfuse the Spirits to the Brain ; nor the Brain into its Muscles , to agitate some , and conserve others in their proper state : So that the said Confederacy is never broken on the part of the Mind , but of the Body . XV. This Union is Essential to Man. From these things we deduce , that the Conjunction of Soul and Body , though it be call'd an Accident of either part , so far as it may be present or absent , without the destruction of either part , is nevertheless so proper to both Parts of Man together , that it may and ought to be allow'd to be Essential to him : For Essence , as it is deriv'd from Esse , to be , is so called , because so long as it is something , it must of necessity be . So that so long as Man is , it follows , that the foresaid Efficacy of Mind upon Body , and of Body upon Mind , must needs be . XVI . Why GOD may not be said to be joyn'd to his Creatures , or an Angel to an assumed Body . But it is also easie to Understand , why GOD , tho' he is present to all Created things , as who Conserves the same by a Continued Creation ; yet nevertheless is not said to be conjoyned to them , in regard they cannot act upon GOD , by exciting in him those Cogitations which he had not before . So also an Angel , who according to the Vulgar Opinion , is present personally an assumed Body , cannot be said to be joyned to the said Body . For tho' an Angel may act upon such a Body , yet that Body cannot Re-act upon the Angel ; So as that when the said Body , for Examples sake , is hurt , the Angel should feel pain , as we find by Experience in our selves . XVII . Conditions of the Union of Body and Soul. But as there is no Society , which is not founded upon some Conditions , which are Reciprocal between one and the other party , united or associated together : GOD , in the formation of Man , united Body and Spirit upon these Conditions . XVIII . The First Condition ▪ The First is , That as long as the Soul shall remain United to the Body , there will be an Idea of Extension , that is to say , of Body , consider'd in it self ; and that it shall have this Idea from the motion of the Brain , excited by the general Course of the Animal Spirits ; according to which condition , the Soul hath always present the Idea of Extension , as Experience teacheth us . XIX . The Second , The Second is , That the whole motion of the Brain , which is excited by the Nerves , will produce within the Soul a certain Sensation , which will always accompany this motion , and the Soul not be able to separate it . By means of this Condition , we fee , for Example , the Light , when the Sun moves the Optick Nerves : We hear Noise , when resounding Bodies shake the Auditive Nerves . XX. The Third . The Third , That the Spirit , so long as it remains United to the Body , will have the Idea of some particular Body , from the motion which this Body shall excite in the Brain , by the means of the Organs of Sense . By this Condition , the Soul hath the Idea of all Bodies , which smite the Senses . XXI . The Fourth . The Fourth , That the whole motion of the Brain , which shall be excited by the determinate Course of the Animal Spirits , resembling another motion , caused by the Nerves , will produce in the Soul the Idea of some particular Body , which the Soul hath already perceiv'd . By this Condition it is , that there are represented to us things absent , which we have formerly seen . XXII . The Fifth . The Fifth is , That by the Sense of Touching we feel pleasure or pain , according as the movents , which cause these Sensations , shall be conformable or in opposition to the Natural Constitution of the Body . By this Condition , the motion of a Feather drawn over the Hand , as it were for Titillation , will cause a Sentiment of pain in Sick People , in regard the said motion is not agreeable to the present state of the Body . On the contrary , it excites a Sentiment of pleasure to those that are in health , because in that Estate it is conformable to the present Constitution of the Body . XXIII . The Sixth . The Sixth is , That when we have received the Idea of an Object , it will be attended by an Inclination of the Soul , which will carry it either to fly or to pursue the said Object , according as it shall appear good or bad . By this Condition it is that we are sensible of Love , Hatred , and generally all Passions that attend the Soul. XXIV . The Seventh . The Seventh is , That all the Thoughts of the Soul , which regard the preservation of the Body , as they create Sentiments and Passions , must be accompanied with that motion of the Animal Spirits , which shall be most proper for the Execution of the Desires of the Soul. And it is upon this Condition that Fear , for Example , is accompanied with a Course of Animal Spirits , which induceth us to shun what we fear ; and that on the contrary , Desire is accompanied with a Course of Spirits , which carries us to the pursuit of that which we desire . XXV . The Eighth . The Eighth is , That the Spirit , inasmuch as it is united with the Body , never Thinks , but by the motions of the Body , to which it is united . And it is by this Condition , that all the Idea's which we have of particular Bodies , depend mediately or immediately , upon some motion of the Brain . I say , All the Idea's we have of particular Bodies : And hereby we are to Note , that the Idea's which the Spirit hath of GOD , and of it self , depend not at all upon its being United with the Body ; but simply upon its being a Spirit , whose whole Nature is to Think , and by consequence to think of GOD and of it self . XXVI . The Ninth . The Ninth is , that when the Animal Spirits are more abounding than usual , they excite in the Soul , Goodness and Liberality ; when their Parts are more strong and gross , they excite Confidence and Hardiness ; when they are equal in force , in grossness and in figure , they procure Constancy ; when they are more agitated , they produce promptitude , diligence , and desire . In fine , when they have a temperate agitation , they cause tranquility of Spirit . On the contrary , when these Qualities fail in the Animal Spirits , or when there is an opposite Temper in them , the effects that are produc'd in the Soul , are Malignity , Timidity , or Fearfulness ; Inconstancy , Tardiness , Inquietude , &c. XXVII . The Tenth . The Tenth and last Condition is , That the Union of Spirit and Body will continue so long as the Heart shall be in a condition to send Blood towards the Brain , and from thence to send the Animal Spirits through the Nerves into the Muscles , which are subservient to those motions that are necessary for Life . By this Condition it is , that the Soul never gives occasion to the Body to break the Union , it being sufficiently evident that the default always proceeds from the Body , as Experience teaches us . CHAP. IV. Whether there are Innate or Inbred Idea's in Human Mind . I. There are three sorts of Idea's . IT is a frequent and common Disquisition in the Schools , whether Human Mind be pure Potentia , or Power , and so abstracted from the Species or Idea of things , as to have no inbred Cogitations in it . The Aristotelians maintain the Affirmative , and are of Opinion , that that Faculty of Perception which we experiment in our selves , is , when first the Mind begins to exist , as it were a Rasa Tabula , or plain Table : So that whatsoever Idea , in process of time , is deprehended in it , is drawn from the Senses , or acquir'd by Tradition . So that for the better Solution of this famous Question , we are first to know what an Idea is , and how many Acceptations it admits of . By the Name of Idea , nothing else is understood , but the thing it self thought , so far as it hath any thing Objective in the Intellect . Or more in short , Whatsoever can be conversant in our Cogitation : And there are Three kinds of it , namely , Adventitious ; or those which are receiv'd from things transmitted by the Senses ; as is that Idea which we have of the Sun , Stars , and the like External Objects . Secondly , Fictitious , or which are formed from our Intellect ; as the Idea's we have of a Chimaera , Syrens , &c. Lastly , Innate , which are Created with the Faculty of Thinking and forming them : And they are called Innate , in the same manner as we speak of the Stone , or the Gout , to be Natural to some Families , of which Families they who are born , bring with them into the World a disposition prone to those Diseases . II. The Idea's of Qualities are Congenite or Equally born with the Soul it self . These things thus briefly noted , we are next to enquire , Whether Human Mind be so Created , as to have these sort of inbred Idea's born with it , and not drawn from any of the Senses ; and in Truth , it seems not to be deny'd , but that many such Idea's are found therein . For to begin from things most obvious , it is most certain , that the Idea's which we perceive by any sense , are inbred , and can no way proceed from the Things themselves by any Similitude . For he that well understands , by what way the perception of Pain , for Example , is excited in the Soul , will easily be convinc'd , that the Idea of Pain hath no more affinity with that perverse disposition of Parts , by whose means the Soul frames an Idea of Pain , than that deprav'd Affection hath an affinity with a Sword , by which a Wound hath been inflicted into a Body ; or than the unwonted agitation of Blood or Spirits , by whose impulse Human Mind conceives Idea's of Passions , carries a Similitude with those Images or Cogitations ; and consequently when the Sense of Pain , and other Perceptions which are produc'd by the motions of the Spirits , are excited in the Minds by no other Species , which have affinity with them , it must needs be affirm'd , that these sort of Idea's which have no affinity , are innate or inbred to it . For it is evident , that all the Perceptions of the Senses are obscure and confus'd , insomuch that Light , Colours , Sounds , Odours , Sapours , Heat and Cold , and other tactile Qualities , are not apprehended by us , but by a confus'd way , and not under the Conception of Motion : And hereupon we must conclude , that their Idea's are innate in us , and that it is from our Nature that we understand them . III. The Idea's of Mathematical Figures , are implanted into the Mind , from their first Original This takes place not only in Qualities , whereof we acknowledge our Cogitation to be confus'd ; but also in things most clear and manifest . For what can be more clear , than that when a Line , a Triangle , a Rhombus , or other Mathematical Figures are given , it is not to be attributed to our Senses , that we have the Idea's of them ? Since most certain it is that there is no absolute true Right Line in Nature , nor any Triangle whose 3 Angles are perfectly Equal to two Right Angles . Since therefore the Idea's of Figures proceed not from the Senses , and contain nothing Corporeal or of Corporeal Affection , we must necessarily conclude , that they are implanted in Human Mind ; that is , that a Faculty is given by GOD to the said Mind , to produce such like Forms of Conceptions , and that they are not form'd according to any Exemplar of things without . IV. It is a false Maxim , that there is nothing in the Intellect , which was not first in the Sense . If any one Object , That trite Saying of the ARISTOTELIANS in the Schools , viz. that there is nothing in the Intellect , which was not first in the Senses . I answer , that that Vulgar Axiom is altogether false , and only to be admitted by those who do not sufficiently consider by what Motives the Soul is excited to perceive External things . For whoever will seriously examin , how far our Senses extend themselves , and what it is precisely that can arrive from them to our Faculty of Thinking , must needs grant , that no Idea's of things are presented from them to us , such as we form them in our thought ; so that there is nothing in our Idea's which was not first inbred in our Mind or Cogitant Faculty , excepting those circumstances which regard experience , so as to judge , that such or such Idea's as are now present to our Cogitation , are to be referred to things without us : not that the said Idea's have immitted those very things to our Mind through the Organs of our Senses , but because they have immitted something which gave it occasion to form those very things by a faculty innate to it , at one time rather than another ; forasmuch as nothing hath access to our Mind from external Objects , through the Organs of our Senses , except certain Corporeal Motions ; but neither those Motions , nor the Figures arising from them , are conceived by us , such as they are form'd in the Organs of the Senses ; whence it follows that those very Idea's of Motions and Figures are inbred in us . And so much the more ought the Idea's of Pain , Colours , Sounds , and the like , to be innate , as our Mind , by means of certain Corporeal Motions , can exhibit them to us ; since they have no similitude with Corporeal Motions . V. It is by Nature that we understand what is Thing , Substance and other general Axioms . Besides , who can have the confidence to assert , that the Idea's we have of Thing , Substance , Truth , Goodness , Equity , and the like general Natures , have any commerce with Material Things , and that the Idea's , which we form of them , flow'd out of Bodies , through the Senses , into the Mind ? Who will be so positive as to affirm that these Common Notions , for Examples sake , The same thing cannot be and not be ; that which is done cannot be undone ; those things which agree in a third , agree among themselves ; take equals from equals , and there remain equals ; and the like , proceed from the Senses and from things without us ? What can be more absurd , than that all common Notions , which are in our Mind , arise from the said Motions , and cannot be without them ? I would fain have any one tell me , what that Corporeal Motion should be , which can form any common Notion in our Mind ; since all those motions are particular ; but these Notions are universal , and have no affinity or relation to the said motions . Since therefore nothing can come into our Mind from Bodies but by motion ; it is not to be doubted , but that those Idea's , at least , which have no affinity with motion ; are Congenite and Inbred with the said Mind , from their Original . Hence St. Augustin in his 9 th Book de Trinitate , The Mind , saith he , knows it self by it self ; and in another place , It is known for a certain , that the Mind can never be so affected , as not to remember , not to understand and love it self , though it should not be always thinking . VI. The Idea of God is inbred in Human Mind . The same thing also evidently appears in that Idea which Human Mind hath of the Existence of GOD ; forasmuch as it forms the said Idea , not by the Benefit of the Senses ; not by Human Institution ; not by its own Arbitrement : And consequently it must needs be innate or inbred in it , since there is nothing else in Nature to be found , which can set set forth an Ens Infinite , Omnipotent , Immense , Supreamly Good and Perfect ; for though there is in us , in regard we are Substances , an Idea of Substance ; yet there occurs not to us from thence an Idea of a Substance , Infinite , Independent and Supreamly Intelligent , &c. since we are finite ; and so , whatever Idea we have of GOD , must needs have it from a Substance which is Infinite , that is , GOD , and consequently which immediately proceeds from him . VII . Whether an Idea of God can be had from the Observations of things . If it be urg'd , ●●at this Idea of GOD which we experiment in us , proceeds not from our faculty of thinking , to which it is innate , but from Divine Revelation , Tradition or Observation of things ; for in an Entity supreamly perfect , which is call'd GOD , Human Mind considers nothing but those perfections which are found in Man ; for Examples sake , Existence , Power , Justice , Mercy , and the like ▪ from which , if imperfection be removed , they may be so ascribed to GOD , the most Excellent of Beings . VIII . The Difficulty remov'd . This Objection is resolved by our most illustrious Philosopher , in his Answer to the fam'd REGIUS , Physician of Utrecht ; by giving to understand , that one thing may be from another two ways ; either because this other thing is the proximate and primary Cause thereof , or because it is remote , and only accidental , and so gives occasion to the Primary Cause to produce its effect at one time rather than another : As all Artific●rs and Workmen are the primary and proximate Causes of their own Operations ; but they who set them on work , and pay them for their labour , are the accidentary and remote Causes of the said performances , which perhaps , the Workmen unbidden , and without hopes of reward , would scarce have gone about . Now there is no doubt but Tradition , or the Observation of things is often times the remote Cause which inviteth us to give attention to that Idea which we are able to conceive of GOD ; and to represent it to our Cogitation . But that it is the proximate and efficient Cause of the said Idea , cannot be asserted by any one , except by him who judges that nothing is ever understood by us concerning GOD , but what the name DEUS or GOD means , or what sort of Corporeal Figure it is , which is made use of by Painters to represent GOD. Forasmuch as Observation , if it be made by the Sight , represents nothing to the Mind by its own proper vertue , but Pictures , and those only consisting of certain Corporeal Motions ; if by hearing , nothing but Words and Voices ; if by other Senses , nothing is contain'd in the said Observation which can possibly relate to GOD : So that all those things we think of , except Voices and Pictures , as their significates , are represented to us by Idea's , not coming from elsewhere than from our faculty of thinking , and consequently inbred in us . CHAP. V. Of the Faculties of Human Mind , Intellect , Imagination , Will , Memory , Reminiscence and Wit. Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 5. G. Freman In. I. Kip Sculp . To the Right Honourable Iohn Sheffeild , Baron of Botterwick , Earle of Mulgrave , Ld. Chamberlaine to King Iames the 2 d , Lord Lievtenant of the East-Rideing of Yorkshire , vice Admirall of Yorkshire Northumberland , and Bishoprick of Durham , Kt. of the most noble order of the Garter , & one of his Ma t ys . most Honourable Privy Councell &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . II. What Intellect is . By the word Intellect , nothing else is to be understood , but that faculty by which the Mind , without any Material Species , apprehends all Objects whatsoever , whether Immaterial or Corporeal ; and this faculty is more inseparable from the Mind than any of the rest ; whereof there is not any one that hath not some dependence upon the Body ; whereas the Mind hath no need of the help of any other thing to understand by , but it self and its own proper Idea's . So that the Mind hath no need of any Organs , nor makes any use of the Brain , whereby to Conceive or Understand External things . III. How it is distinguisht from Imagination . Only in this one thing , Intellect is distinguisht from Imagination , that is , that the Mind can Imagin nothing but Corporeal , when in Imagining it applies it self to the Body , and contemplates the Image of the Object as present to the Eye , which happens not in Intellection or understanding ; when as the Mind , in Understanding , is in a sort recluded or shut up within its self ; and if it apply it self to any External Body , it is only to contemplate the Idea of the Object which it hath in its self . Wherefore that common Saying , Nothing is in the Intellect , which was not first in the Sense , is not to be conceived of the pure saculty of Understanding . Since the pure Intellection , as we have said , as well of a Material as Immaterial Object , is independent of any Corporeal Species , and cannot any way be received in the Intellect ; but may very well be understood of the Imagination , because we cannot possibly imagin any thing but what is Corporeal , particular and determinate . Whence the Power of Imagining in the Soul may be defin'd , The Power which the Soul hath to know particular Bodies , and the representations of Equality or Inequality which are in them . So that Intellect and Imagination differ in respect of the Object ; since the Object of the Intellect is of larger extent than the Object of Imagination , as having a perception , not only of things which belong to Intelligences , and Substances meerly Spiritual ; but also many other proprieties , or particular Bodies , which are not deprehended from the Senses , and which decline even Imagination it self , as hath been said in the foregoing Chapter . IV. The definition of Intellect . Whence we may conclude , that Intellect in general is nothing but a Faculty or Power which the Soul hath to know whatsoever it knows , by what way or manner soever it knows it . V. What Will is , and how it differs from Intellect . The second sort of our Cogitations proceeds from the Will , that is , from a Power within us , to determin our Resolves , by giving or denying our Assent in things which are propounded by the Intellect . For such is the form in the ordering of our Cogitations , that the Light of our Understanding , always precedes the Actions of our Will ; in regard the Intellect is , as it were , the Torch , without which our Will cannot determin any thing . When , I say , that Will cannot determin any thing , but what the Intellect shews it ; it is not to be so taken , as if those two Powers were things distinct from each other , but that it is one and the same Mind which is diversly considered according as it Perceives or Wills , and according as it Suffers or Acts ; so as that Knowledge , Pleasure and all other Faculties of the Soul , are but one and the same Soul , considered as having power to Know , to Will , to Imagin , to Perceive : For the Intellect is a passive Power , which consists in this , that it wholly receives Idea's ; whereas the Will is a faculty by which the Mind chooses , or is determin'd to embrace or decline all that which the Intellect clearly perceives ; so that the Will is nothing but the free determination of the Mind to do any thing , or not to do the said thing , to affirm or deny a thing to be such or such . VI. The definition of Will. And consequently Will in general may be defin'd , a power which the Soul hath to determin and resolve about those things which it apprehends , which way soever it apprehends them . VII . The Essence of Will consists not in Indifference . For this is the Nature of Will , that at the same time wherein True or False , Good or Bad is , by the Intellect , propos'd to it clearly and without confusion , it resolves , without any hesitation , to choose the one and reject the other ; so that the Essence of it consists not , as some will have it , in Indifference to choose any thing , or not to choose it , since Will can never be said to be indifferent , except when the Object is not clearly and distinctly propos'd to it , or when it knows not what it ought to resolve upon . For a Man is said to be indifferent , when few Reasons are propos'd to him , or such as are not sufficient to move him , to embrace one thing rather than another : whence it is said of a Sinner , that always some things are found indifferent in him ; namely , a Sinner knows not clearly the Bad he is about to commit ; or if he formerly knew it , he attends not , at the time he commits it , to the reasons which prove it to be bad ; for if he perceiv'd it , it could not be that he should sin , according to that vulgar Axiom , The Will pursues no Evil as it is Evil. VIII . But in Determination . On the contrary , when a man sees a thing clearly , and without all obscurity to be convenient for him , it is almost impossible but that he should be carried with an inclination to it , so long as the judgment of the self same thing remains in the same person . So that Will , infallibly tends toward that which appears most convenient for it , so it be made clear and manifest to him . Nor is there less reason why it should be called Free , since as DESCARTES saith , in his fourth Meditation , Neither is it necessary that I should be carried into both parts , to be free ; but by how much the more I incline to one part● either because I perceive True and Good more evidently in that , or because GOD so inwardly disposes my thought , so much the more freely I choose that . Neither indeed doth Divine Grace , or Natural Cognition ever diminish Liberty , but rather increase and confirm it . But that indifference which I experiment , since no reason impells me to one part more than another , is the Lowest degree of Liberty , and witnesses no perfection therein , but only a defect , or a certain negation in Cognition . For if I could always see what is True and Good , I should never make any doubt , what is to be judged of it , or chosen out of it ; so though I might be absolutely free , yet never indifferent . IX . Memory , and in what it consists . By the name of Memory , so far as can be collected from the descriptions of other faculties , is understood the Power which the Soul hath to conceive , feel or imagin , that which it hath already conceiv'd , felt or imagin'd : And on the part of the Body , a certain facility which the Pores of the Ventricles of the Brain , which had before been relaxt by the Animal Spirits , have to open themselves again . For if we consider the Nature of those Species which are preserv'd in the Memory , we shall find that they are nothing but certain Vestigia or Footsteps which the Agitation and Course of the Spirits leave among the Fibres of the Brain , almost in the same manner , as folds in a complicated leaf of Paper retain a faculty of entertaining again those forms which had been before imprest upon them ; in regard that when the Spirits have a power of dilating the Pores of the Brain , of pleating , and variously disposing of the Filaments , through which they pass , according to the various motions in which they are carried , it comes to pass that the Pores have a certain power of drawing and directing the Spirits , so that at length they pass out through the same intervals , and in the same manner as formerly they went out ; and so the said Spirits finding out those Pores , enter more easily into them than others ; whence it happens that a man remembers any thing , when the said thing , having been formerly observ'd by him , hath left certain Vestigia in the Brain , by occasion whereof the said thing comes in mind . X. How we come to be able sometimes to repeat a whole Oration . Whence no wonder , if , upon hearing a Narration , or reading an Oration , which we have committed to memory , we are able afterwards to repeat the same , and that in the same manner as we heard or read it ; because , as upon making of folds in Paper , the first fold being made , the rest constituted in the same series easily follow , as having regard to the said series . So that whatever Vestigium is first made in the Brain , the rest which have respect to that series , easily follow . XI . How we come to remember those things which we had forgot . In like manner we remember things which we have forgotten , when we recollect a certain distinct Vestigium in the Brain , according as it occurs in the same series ; from whence beginning to deduce and unwind the series , we proceed so far , till at length we discover that which , while hid , we enquir'd into . As in Paper , not meeting easily with some certain fold , we choose out some other distinct fold , occurring in the same series , from whence a deduction being begun , the fold which they hid is at length discovered . XII . What things help Memory in the Brain . All Species which help the Memory , are especially in the Glandule ( which we have formerly declar'd to reside in the midst of the Brain ) in regard that it is the principal Seat of the Soul ; though other parts of the Brain are also sometimes inservient to Memory ; nay , even the Nerves likewise and Muscles , as is observable in a Minstrel or Musitian , who hath something of Memory at his Fingers ends , since his dexterity in the moving of them , and shifting them up and down , which he hath acquir'd by long use , helps his Memory to the finding out of those places , to the smiting whereof he is disposed ; and for the same reason the Idea's of two things occur in the Mind , if they were both imprest together : For upon the beholding of any ones Countenance , immediately there occur , at one and the same time , Eyes , Nose , Forehead , Lips , &c. in regard when we beheld his Face , all those things appeared . Hence they who have once tasted of any Meat , wherein they have observed any thing that might hurt the Eyes , can never remember the said Meat , but that also will occur , that it offended the Sight . Neither can they endure to hear any other person speaking of such sort of Meat , but they will be affected with the same aversion ; the cause whereof is , that the Animal Spirits excite the same motion in the Glandule , which they excited , when they first beheld the Meat . XIII . What Reminiscence is , and what it adds above the Memory . Reminiscence is an addition of something above Memory ; for it is not enough to remember that the species of a thing is simply objected , but it is also necessary , that when it occurs to us the second time , we take notice , that it therefore so happens , because it had been presented to our view before ; for indeed Reminiscence is nothing but the Resumption , by present Memory , of Cognition first had , and then afterwards Obliterated ; and much of the like Nature is the inquiry and recovery of the Knowlegde of a Man whom we had forgot by reason of the present memory of Places , Plays , and the like ; and consequently there is required to reminiscence , that the Images of things be partly obliterated , partly not : For we are then said to reminisce , when , from the Footsteps of the Images which remain , we recollect something of those which were slipt from our Mind . Wherefore the whole difference which is between Memory and Reminiscence , consists only in this , that to Memory it suffices , if any species return upon the Glandule , and that species be received without any reflection : But to Reminiscence , besides that reception of the thing , it is required , that the return thereof be known to us , and that we may have knowledge , that we had it , or perceived it before . XIV . Conscience is included in all Knowledge . From what hath been said , may be easily collected , that Conscience , or Self-knowledge is involved in all Human Knowledge , and is inseparable from it ; for Conscience is so manifest and intrinsecal to the Mind , that it cannot be abstracted from it ; but upon that very account , it may be affirmed to be destitute of Sense and Knowledge , properly so called ; for that which acts and suffers , and yet knows not that it acts or suffers , may be justly said to want sense in the said action or passion ; as is clearly demonstrated in those who being wholly intent upon any thing , or being moved with anger , perceive not ; for examples sake , the sound of a Bell , or any thing presented to the sight , and consequently neither are sensible of , nor acknowledge any of those things . From whence it appears , that Conscience is a certain Species of Cogitation , namely that immanent or inhering action of a thinking substance , by which it knows that it hath a real Cognition or perception of any thing . Forasmuch as Conscience seems to be no other thing but the mind indued with knowledge , as well of it self , as of its own Cogitation : whence CICERO in the 3 d. Book of his Offices ; When , saith he , a Matter is to be propos'd to a person sworn , he is to remember that he hath GOD for a witness of what is said to him ; that is to say , according to my Judgment , his own Mind . Whence it follows that we are convinced by Conscience , as by a clear and distinct Knowledge . XV. Even in false Judgments . Nor is it against our assertion , to say that the Mind is able to form various Judgments , even tho' false , concerning its own perception , and intellection ; because the Mind is never deceived in this , namely , that it should know or understand , at that time when it thinks that it knows and comprehends . In regard this Perception or Cogitation is always perfected by the Mind in the Mind , and therefore it cannot be , that when I think that I receive any thing with my Ears , I should not have such a perception ; nay though it were possible , and should often happen that I should not hear at all , and the Organ of hearing should not be affected with any thing , so long that I think that it is affected ; as we find it falls out in our Dreams : So that in all Cognition , two things chiefly are to be observed ; the first is Conscience , which is that Animadversion whereby we mark , or take notice of any thing ; the other is that which is said to be Animadverted or observed , and is all that which is immediately apprehended by the Mind , and which in the first and second part of this Institution we have often call'd Idea . XVI . What Wit is . Now since the Indowments of Wit have also regard to the Soul , it may be here inquired , what Wit is , and whence so great a diversity of Wits arises , and why some men are more propense to certain Studies , and certain peculiar managements of Life than others . As to the first , some so describe Wit , as to call it a power implanted in man to understand , act and govern himself and others , to be approved in Vertues , or commit Vices ; in all which generally one man very much excels another . In fine , Wit seems scarce to differ from Ingenuity or Aptness , and thereupon it may probably be said that it chiefly depends upon the Organs of the Body , and the disposition and contexture of the Fibres . XVII . Whence arises the Diversity of Wits As to the second , concerning the Variety of Wits , It can by no means or possibility be imputed to the diversity of Souls ; for in regard all Souls are Intellectual and Incorporeal , and own no Author but GOD alone , they seem , according to Nature , to be altogether equal , ( unless GOD for some certain ends should design to produce some more perfect than others ) and then all the inequality which is deprehended in them , must proceed from the variety of the Organs , and especially of the Brain : We understand not human reason pure and abstracted from the Body , but the same so far as it is perfected or hindred , in any manner , by the disposition of the Body . XVIII . What are the Indowments of Wit. So DES CARTES in the begining of his Dissertation , concerning the method of rightly using Reason , reckons up three qualities of Wit ; Celerity of Thinking , Facility of distinctly Imagining , and Capacity and use of Memory : Nor does he acknowledge , that he knows any other qualities different from these , by which Wit can be rendred more excellent . But right Reason or a good Mind , that is , a Power of judging incorruptly and discerning true from false , he concludes to be equal in all , and distinguishes it from Wit. XIX . Celerity of Thinking depends upon the Spirits . Now whence should the Celerity of Thinking proceed , but from the agility and promptitude of the Spirits ? for we see Men frequently after a chirping cup of Wine , to become more chearful ; and indued as it were , with a new faculty of Thinking ; whence that trite Adage , with litle variation from Horace , Rich Wines make even Fools Philosophers . On the contrary , we see others of an acute Understanding and Sagacity of Wit , upon taking a Cup too much ▪ or upon the Brain being ill affected , by never so small an indisposition , to become Heavy , Dull and Stupid , and very much unlike themselves , as to what they appear at other times , which certainly argues that the Celerity of Thinking , depends much upon the disposition of the Body , and that the inequality of the Operations proceeds from the inequality of the Organs . XX. The facility of distinctly Imagining , and capacity of Memory ariseth from the disposition of the Body . In like manner the Facility of distinctly Imagining , and the capacity of Memory having regard to the internal Sense , are acquired chiefly by use , and rendred familiar by long habit and custom ; whence we find by experience , that not all Men are carried with the like proclivity to certain kinds of Studies , but that as in some Men there is one sort of ingenuity , in others another : So there is a various promptitude to attain to Sciences ; for they that are prevalent in Imagination , are very comprehensive of Mathematical Demonstrations , but have not happy success in Metaphysicial Speculations ; which happens not for want of Ratiocination ; but because in Mathematicks Imagination only , not Ratiocination is made use of . So DES CARTES Part 2. Epist. 33. That part of Wit , namely Imagination , which is chiefly conducible in Mathematicks , burts more than profits in Metaphysical Speculations . The diversity therefore of Wits ariseth from the constitution of the Organs , and from the temperament of the Brain and Spirits ; which disposition , nevertheless , in regard it varies infinite ways ; no wonder some Genous's are most inclined to Philosophy , others follow Mathematicks , others Musick . &c. CHAP. VI. Of the Affections or Passions of the Mind . I. That the Passions of the Soul are distinguisht from the Senses . HAving treated apart of the Nature of the Body and Soul , and distinguisht the Functions of both , it remains that we say something of the Passions which are peculiar to Man , to whom nevertheless they are no otherwise Attributed , but as he consists of Body and Soul ; for those Affections and Operations being neither belonging to the Mind alone , nor to the Body alone , proceed meerly from the Union and confederacy of Mind and Body ; such as are the Passions , which are called Affections and Commotions of the Mind ; because it is the Mind , which they principally shake and divers ways impel and disturb : For tho' the Senses depend also upon the said Union of Body and Soul , yet they gently insinuate themselves into the Mind , and relate not so much to the Soul as to External Objects , by which also they may be deceived and drawn into an Error ; but the Affections of the Soul are inward , and so adhere to it , that it cannot have experience of them any other way but as they are ; whence it comes that they who are in a deep Sleep , seem to behold certain things with open Eyes , and to suffer those things in the Body which no way touch us : Yet nevertheless , it can be no way brought to pass , that we should feel our selves sad or deeply in Love , but that there must be really such a commotion in us , and that we are affected not with a Feigned , but Genuin Love or Sadness . II. The definition of Passion . Wherefore the Passions of the Soul are thus best desined : The Perceptions , or Senses , or commotions of the Soul , which are referr'd especially to it , and which are produc'd , conserved and corroborated by a certain motion of the Spirits . They are first called Perceptions , because that name is common to all Cogitations ; and we use it to signifie all Cogitations , which are produc'd without the Concourse of the Will , and which are excited by impressions lest in the Brain ; for whatsoever is not Action , ought to be called Passion . III. Each part of the definition explicated . Next , they are called Senses , because they come to the Soul after the manner of Senses , and are of the number of those Cognitions , which by that streight bond that is between Soul and Body are rendred confused : But by a special term they are called Commotions of the Soul , in regard we are taught by our own experience ; that no Cogitations enter into our Soul , which so much disturb and move it as those do . It is moreover added , that they are especially referr'd to the Soul , to distinguish them which come from exteriour Objects , or arise from interiour dispositions of the Body , as the preceptions of Colours , Odours , Sounds , &c. which are referred to External Objects ; Hunger , Thirst , Pain which are referred to our Body . IV. Passions depend upon the concourse of the Spirits . Lastly , it is concluded that those Passions are produc'd , Nourisht and Corroborated , by a certain peculiar motion of the Spirits ; to distinguish them from the proper Acts of our Will , which indeed may be called the commotions of the Soul , and also such as may be referr'd to the Soul , but which are not produc'd from the Spirits , but from the Soul it self . Whereas , in the Passions the Animal Spirits proceeding from the Heart , are carried into the Brain ; and from their commotions ariseth the perturbation of the Soul , and being risen is conserv'd , so long as the Animal Spirits passing the same way , agitate the Mind by the same reason ; and upon their increase , the commotion of the Mind may so increase as to be excited by them , not only to judge , but vehemently to desire , and sometime to grow Mad. V. How Human Passions are distinguisht from the Affections of a separate Soul or Angel. Whence the Passions which are incident to Man , as he is composed of Soul and Body , are distinguisht from those which are belonging to a Separate Soul , or Angel ; for there is no doubt , but that a Soul dislodg'd from the Body is toucht with various Affections , and is lyable to divers kinds of Motions : For seeing it hath a clear and distinct knowledge of things , it may also have motions attending the said Cognition ; and so long as in those things it deprehends good or evil , it may refer them to it self , and consequently prosecute them with Love or Hatred : For if it obtain that good which it hath judged convenient for it self , there cannot but arise much Joy thereupon ; but if it find it self deprived thereof , Sadness will follow : Yet those Passions differ from ours , because they are not joind with the motions of the Animal Spirits , which excite and conserve them in us . Nay , they arise in them by a clear and distinct Cognition which they have , of the thing which they look upon and behold as their good . VI. Affections are call'd Passions in respect of the Soul , Actions in respect of the Body . But lest for the future any difficulty should arise about the word Passions , we assert that Actions and Passions in Intellectual and Cogitative things , are no other than what they are in Corporeal things ; for as in a Material thing , Action and Passion consist in Local motion , being called Action when the motion is conceived to be in the Movent , and Passion , when it is considered to be in the thing moved ; so in Incorporeals , Action is said to be , that which holds on the Movers side , as Volition in the Soul : Passion is that which keeps on the part of the thing moved , as Intellection and Vision in the same Soul. So the Affections which we take upon us here to describe , are called Passions in respect of the Soul to which they belong ; but Actions in respect of the Body , which Acts immediately upon the Soul , and in its Actings effects mutation and variety . VII . Passions ought to move the Soul. But because in Man there are found various Passions , and those Passions obtain several Names , according to the diversity of Agents : We say , those Passions are only considered by us , which proceed from some particular Agitation of the Spirits , and whose effects are as it were felt in the Soul ; for tho' other impressions , which are formed in the Brain by External Objects ; or which depend upon the Footsteps of former impressions left in the Brain ; or which by the ordinary course of the Animal Spirits , are presented to us Sleeping or Waking , may be called Passions ; that is , so far as they are excited in the Soul without the concurrence of the Will : Yet to speak properly , they are not so much to be called Passions , as Habits , or Propensions which dispose to some Passion , since they move not the Soul , nor depend , or are cherisht by any special course of the Animal Spirits . VIII . Thevario●s causes of Affections . First Temperament . Although the Agitation of the Spirits , may be called the proximate cause of our Affections , yet there are other remoter causes , which may be assigned , as the Temperament of our Body , which conduces not a little to the exciting of Passions in the Brain ; since it is in the stead of Disposition , and after a sort impells the Soul to follow its propensions : Hence , those who have their Body any way disposed to Love , easily suffer their Minds to be drawn away to those Cogitations , by which they are excited to the said effect . IX . The second cause of Passions is the Objects . The second Principle is those Objects , which incur into our Senses ; as any terrible Figure excites the Passion of terrour in the Soul ; whereas a grateful Figure which courteth the Eyes , causeth Joy and Benevolence , in regard the motions convey'd from External things to the Brain , variously dispose the Spirits thereof , and thereupon there arise different Affections in us : So that who ever desires any thing of us with a smooth Tongue , down-cast Eyes , and a Body disposed to Humility , will more easily obtain his desire of us , than another , who on the contrary , with a severe Countenance , an imperious Tone of Voice , and more like a Commander than a Suppliant demands the same . X. The third is the Action of the Soul. The third Cause , is the Action of the Soul it self , as often as according to its innate Liberty , it proposes such or such Objects to be considered , in the long meditation where the Passions arise . XI . The fourth cause is the first disposition of the Body . The fourth Cause is , the first Disposition of the Body in regard not only Affections ; may be excited in us by Rational motions of the Mind , whilest it knows what to prosecute with Love or Hatred ; but also by those first Dispositions of the Body , that procreate those obscure Sensations of Good and Evil , which happens to the Body , as DESCARTES intimates in his Epistles . Behold , saith he , four Passions , Joy , Love , Sadness and Hatred , which I suppose being first in us , we had before our Birth , and judge them to be no other than very confused Sensations or Cogitations ; in regard the Soul was so tied to Matter , that it could not yet attend but to those divers impressions , that were to be received from it : And tho' after some years , it began to be affected with other Joys , and other Loves than those which depend only upon a right Disposition , and convenient Aliment of the Body ; nevertheless that which was Intellectual in its Joys and Loves , had always concomitant those Senses which the said Passions first excited in it ; yea , and those Natural motions and functions which were then in the Body . XII . Which appears in Love. So by reason , that before the Nativity Love did not arise but from a convenient Aliment , which flowing in great plenty into the common Ocean , the Heart and Lungs , excited in them a greater heat than usual ; hence it is , that the said heat always accompanies Love , tho' proceeding from far different Causes . XIII . Three degrees to be observ'd in the Passions Now we may observe , that there is a threefold degree in the Affections of the Mind , answerable to a threefold degree of the Senses . The first is the commotion or alteration of the Heart , the Blood and the Animal Spirits : The second being a consequent from the first , is the perception of the Mind . And lastly , an access of perturbation of Mind , so far as it precipitates inclination or aversion of Judgment or Will , is the third degree in the Affections . CHAP. VII . In what part of the Body the Soul receives its Passions . I. The Soul is joind to the whole Body . FRom what hath been said , is sufficiently manifest , that Human Soul is joind to the whole Body , and that the motions thereof so depend upon its Cogitations , that they may be said to make one compound . Hence that common saying among Philosophers , That the Soul is whole in the whole Body , and whole in each part thereof : Not that the Soul can positively , and by true extension be found in each part of the Body , for that is repugnant to immaterial Substance , such as we have already demonstrated Human Mind to be ; but because the Body is one certain thing , and in a certain peculiar Sense Individual , namely in respect of the disposition of the Organs ; all which are so mutually related one to another , that any one being taken away , the Body is thereby rendred maimed and imperfect ; and since such is the Nature of the Soul , that it is void of all Extension and Dimensions , it can be referr'd to no Member of the Body so as to equal its quantity , but only to the whole Compages of the Organs which is considered as one ; whence it comes to pass , that any part of the Body being cut off , the Soul could not be conceived a jot less , nor if any could be added , a jot greater . II. Human Mind is in a peculiar manner in the brain . But tho' the Soul were joind to the whole Body , yet it could be said more intimately and immediately to be united to one part than another . Thus GOD , tho' he be diffused through the whole World , and by his Power in a manner fills all places , yet in a peculiar way he may be said to be in Heaven , where he Governs and Rules all things as he pleaseth . So we say , that Human Mind resides in the Brain , as in the upper part or Cittadel of the Body ; and that not promiscuously neither in all its Parts , but more especially it hath its Seat in the Conarion , whose office it is to receive the Animal Spirits , and to unite in it self the Images proceeding from Corporeal Organs : For this is that part , wherein the Soul most proximately and especially exerciseth its Functions , by perceiving and willing all things which proceed from the Body , or have their tendency into it . III ▪ Of what use the Glandule in the Brain is . The reason why such a Glandule is asserted to be in the Brain , and to be the Seat of the Common Sense , I have already declared , to which others may be added , whereof this is not the most inconsiderable , that our Soul is one and undivided , and consequently it seems most consentaneous to reason , that that part of the Body to which it is immediately joined be also one ; and since there is no part in the Brain besides this Glandule which is not double , it seems most probable to be the Seat of the Soul ; and that which conduces not a little to the confirming of this Opinion is , that this pineal Glandule is as it were ●eated in its Throne , from whence it may , as I may so say , have a fair prospect into all the 4 Ventricles of the Brain , and so may easily receive impressions from the Nerves that come from all parts : Moreover this Glandule is sufficiently agile and moveable , as being hung upon two Nervous strings , so that it may be moved this way or that way , according to the arbitrement of the Mind ; which is the thing chiefly required in the common Sensorium , for otherwise the Spirits could not tend one way more than another . IV. That the Passions chiefly reside in the Brain . These things thus briefly stated , it must be concluded , that the Passions have their chief residence in the Brain , not in the Heart , as some would have it ; since when ever there are Cogitations or Senses , as above noted , they are produc'd by the Mind in the Brain ; nor is what we affirm rendred invalid by saying , that the Passions , which are always accompanied by some commotion of the Blood and Spirits , may be as it were felt in the Heart , for that so happens because all the Nerves of our Body , are extended as certain Filaments into all parts of the Body : So that when it suffers Pain in any of the Members , for Examples sake , in the Foot or Leg , it is not to be imagined that the Soul makes use of its faculties in those parts ; but rather that it feels Pain , by the ministry of those Nerves which are extended from the said Members to the Brain . No otherwise than when one end of an extended Rope is drawn , the other is immediately moved , as hath been above declar'd . V. In what Order the Passions are form'd . So the Blood being well tempered , and expanding it self more than usually in the Heart , the little Nerves being diffused about its Orifices are so loosened and agitated , that there follows thence another motion , which affects the Mind with a certain Natural Sense of hilarity or chearfulness . So upon the imagination of the fruition of any good , the Spirits are sent from the Brain to the Muscles , and by their help the Orifices of the Heart are dilated , and its Nervules mov'd in that motion , from whence the sense of Joy cannot but follow . In like manner , upon the receipt of a grateful message , as soon as the Mind perceives it , the Spirits , from the Brain , flow to the Muscles of the Bowels , and there moving the Nervules , by their means excite another motion in the Brain , which affects the Mind with a lively sense of Joy. And by the same reason , the senses of Sadness , Love , Hatred , Anger , Fear , &c. are communicated to the Brain through the Nervules of the Bowels , and there immediately , and most especially affect the Mind , and consequently reside therein , as in their primary Seat ; but in the Heart and other parts affected by them , as in their secundary Seat. VI. It is not necessary that the Soul be in the Heart , thereby to perceive Passions . Therefore whilst in the perturbations of the Mind , we observe a certain alteration , as it were , inhering in the heart ; we must certainly conclude , that our Mind perceives not but by the help of some Nervule which reaches from the Brain to the Heart ; and there is no more necessity that the Soul should immediately exercise its functions in the Heart , because it feels its Passions therein , than that it should be in Heaven as often as it perceives the Rays , and the Globular Pression made by the Sun. VII . The more vehement Motions of the Spirits may disturb the Soul. Hence it often happens , that divers affections arise in the Soul , namely , when the Spirits are otherwise disposed by the Mind , than by the Objects , or their own temperament . In regard that Human Mind , tho' it be wholly rational , yet does it not always make good use of its own reason , but is greatly disturbed by external things ; so that the Body by its Spirits , and the Soul it self by its Will may excite different Motions ; and herein consists those conflicts which are vulgarly said to interceed between the lower and upper part of the Soul. For since all our perceptions , as well those which proceed from the Will , as those which depend upon the Impulses of the Spirits , contain something evident in them , that may invite to prosecute this or that Object ; this by Love , that by Hatred : the Glandule may be drawn one way by the Soul , another way by the Animal Spirits ; from which different motions , the Soul feels it self alternately inclin'd , one while to take one part , another while the other ; and in this one thing consists their repugnance : yet not so , as that the Soul can at one and the same time be carried two contrary ways , or the Glandule be at the same moment inclin'd to opposite parts , but only upon this account , that the force wherewith the Spirits incline the Glandule on one side , and wherewith the Mind struggles with its Will on the other side , hath this effect , that the Soul , almost at one moment , feels it self stirr'd up to have an affection , and aversion for one and the same Object . CHAP. VIII . Of the Order and Number of the Passions . I. Passions are made different from their Objects . ALthough the Soul depends not upon Corporeal Objects , so as to think , and without any material Species , to be able to comprehend all sorts of things : And tho' in the forming of the Passions , it sometimes makes use of its own intelligent faculty alone , and can at pleasure apply it self to conceive sometimes one Object , sometimes another ; yet it is manifest from what hath been said before , that the passions may also be excited by Objects which move the Sense : Nay , and that these Objects are the most especial and common principles : so that to find passions , there needs nothing but to weigh the nature of the Objects , and to take notice of the Effects which proceed from them . But because in man they are many and various , and many times so confus'd among themselves , that they can scarce be distinguisht from each other ; we must mind the diversities of Objects which present themselves to our Senses , that by the perception of them , we may the more easily arrive at the knowledge of those affections which are begotten in us . Yet there is no necessity that all the diversities of Objects should be examined ; but those alone which can either profit or hurt us , or any other way be relating to us . II. The Soul is void of partition , and consequently ill divided into Irascible and concupiscible . Wherefore the better to enumerate the Passions , we are only to take notice how many several ways Objects may concern us , or may act upon our Senses , so as to profit or hurt us . Nothing is more frequent in Schools , than to take the Soul in pieces and to divide it , I know not by what Art , into Sensitive and Rational , by which they constitute two Appetites in the sensitive part of the Soul ; whereof one they call concupiscible , which resides in the Body , and tends wholly to its Conservation ; the other Irascible , which comes nearer to Reason , and supplies it with strength and vigor . But hence arose this Error of assigning 2 persons as it were in a Scene , that they did not carefully distingui●h the Functions of the Soul and Body , but attributed to the Soul those Offices which belong to the Body only . For whatsoever opposes Reason , cannot proceed but meerly from the Body , which comes to pass when the Animal Spirits , which are also Bodies , hit by an opposite way upon the Glandule , and by their power endeavour to hinder the effect of the Soul. For in one Body there is to be considered but one Soul , void of all parts , and being but one and the same , called both Sensitive and Rational . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 9. G. Freman In● ▪ I. Kip Sculp IV. Admiration the first Passion that occurs to us . Therefore another way must be found out to enumerate the Passions ; and in my mind there can be none more convenient , and more certain , than for all the motions of the Mind , which occur to us , to be considered in their Order . For as soon as any thing presents it self to us , or appears under any species which hath no similitude with any thing we knew before , it causes the Soul to be surpris'd at the sight thereof , and to remain some time in contemplation upon it ; and in regard this may possibly happen before we have well considered whether the said thing represented to us be good or bad for us , it hence follows that Admiration is to be accounted the first of all those Affections which are inbred in us ; but since it happens that we either admire the excellency of any admirable Object , or contemn the despicableness of any other , either Esteem or Contempt must needs accompany this Admiration , and by this means Magnanimity or Abjection of Spirit are created in us ; namely , while we either extol our selves for some just cause , or contemn our selves for that pusillanimity which we find to be in us : But when we esteem greatness of Action in other persons , whom we esteem capable of doing Good or Ill to Mankind ; from such an esteem as this proceeds Veneration . V. The next are Love , Hatred , Cu●idity , ●ope , and ●he like . In the next place , when the Soul considers under some qualification an Object of Good or Evil , that is , of what is either agreeable or ungrateful to us , having no regard to difference of time therein , it excites either to Love or Hatred ; for asmuch as Love is an Affection of Union , as Hatred is of Separation . But when respect is had to time , that is , when a man is more carried on to the Contemplation of the future , than of the present or past time ; a future Object is expected , either as only possible , or moreover as easie or hard to be obtained . From the former consideration is kindled Cupidity , by which not only the presence of an absent Good , and the conservation of what is possest is desired , but also the Absence of an Evil , as well present as in apprehension . But if a thing be represented , not only upon the account of possibility , but also as easie of acquisition , it begets Hope , the utmost degree whereof is Trust or Security . But if it be lookt upon as difficult to be obtain'd , it creates Timidity or Fear , the utmost degree whereof is Despair : Hitherto may be referred Doubtfulness or Fluctuation of Mind , when we dispose our selves to deliberate or enter upon Counsel . VI. Here follow those Passions which consider Good and Evil as present . Lastly , when Good and Evil , as being considered to have relation to us , are present , they produce 2 other Effects ; the first Joy , the other Sorrow or Sadness . But when we look upon them as relating to others , we judge those persons either worthy or unworthy of so great a Good. If worthy , it producess gladness in the Soul , either Serious or mixt with Derision : If unworthy , the good which attends upon them stirs up Envy or Heart-burning in us ; and if bad attend them , it stirs up Commiseration , which is a kind of sadness . VII . Acquiescence , Penitence , Glory , &c. In an Object past , or even also present , attention may be had to the Cause of Good or Evil. A Good which has been done by us , if it relate to opinion we have of it as Good , it begets an inward acquiescence or contentment , which is the sweetest of all passions , and wonderfully delights the Soul ; whereas an Evil done , if it relate to the Opinion we have of it as Evil , brings forth repentance , which is the most troublesom of all the passions , and incessantly disturbs and afflicts the Soul. A Good done by us , as it relates to the Opinion which others conceive of it , produces Glory ; on the contrary , Evil so relating , Shame and sense of Disgrace . If a Good be conferred upon us by another , we testifie our Gratitude towards him : If the same Good be bestowed upon another , he is the Object of our Favour : On the other side , if an Evil be inflicted on others , it causes our Indignation ; if on our selves , our Anger ; which two last Affections may be said to be species of Hatred or Aversion . A long Duration or Continuance of Good induces Satiety or Loathing ; as on the contrary , Duration of Evil diminisheth Pain or Misery , and renders it more light and tolerable . VIII . Desire , Hilarity , &c. Lastly , from a past Good , upon remembrance of the Joy thence received , there springs up Desire , as from an Evil happily surmounted , Hilarity ariseth , which may be referred to Joyfulness . Now altho' we have here enumerated several sorts of Passions , yet if they be each of them well considered and examined , it will soon appear , that many of them are referrible to others as primitive ones , which are reckoned ony 6 in number , namely Admiration , Love , Hatred , Cupidity or sensual desire , Joy and Sadness : The rest are secundaray , being either compounded of many of them , or referrible to them as to their Genus's . CHAP. IX . Of Admiration . I. Admiration precedes all other Passions . ADmiration leads up a Troop of Passions , being the first and chief of all that affect Human Mind , and upon which all the rest , in some sort or other , depend . For as in other Functions of the Soul , Apprehension preceeds Judgment and Discourse , and it is necessary that some Object be represented before such time as the Soul gives or denies assent thereunto : So any thing whatsoever is perceived by Admiration , before any one can prosecute it with Love or Hatred , or can Covet it , or conceive Joy by the obtaining of it , or Sorrow by the want of it . II. The definition of Admiration . Now Admiration is a suddain impulse of the Mind , by which it is led to an attentive consideration of those Objects which seem unwonted to it , and with the novelty whereof it is surpris'd . This Passion belongs to the Brain alone , and hath no commerce with any other parts of the Body , as other Passions have , which are referred to the heart , and which the motions of the Blood and Spirits ever accompany . That this is peculiar to Admiration , may be collected from hence , namely , that when ever this Passion is imploy'd in the attention of the thing perceived , and only regards the novelty thereof , it hath no consideration therein either of Good or Evil , and consequently hath no correspondence with the Heart and Blood , upon which the whole concern of the Body depends , but only with the Brain , in which are laid up all those Instruments which conduce to the forming of this Cognition . III. What produces Admiration . The Cause of this Affection is the very Impression made in the Brain , according as it represents some Extraordinary Object , worthy the Souls Employment and Attention . For the Novelty of the thing hath somewhat of Gratefulness , which takes the Beholders , and draws their Contemplation to it . Hence it comes to pass , that we admire all things that are Novel , and those always please most that came latest into our Sense . To confirm what hath been said , the motions of the Spirits are not a little conducing , which are dispos'd by that Impression , and with great Violence direct their Course towards that part of the Brain in which it was form'd ; and so far as they receive from it a disposition to pass into the Muscles , which serve to retain the Organs of the Senses in the same Position . IV. The force and efficacy of Admiration . Altho' Admiration takes beginning in the Brain , and is wholly employ'd in the Contemplation of a New and unwonted Object ; yet nothing hinders , but that by the said Impression which it makes in the Brain , it may act upon our Body , and imitate the Efficacy of other Passions . Nay , sometimes it grows so prevalent , that it seizeth on our Body more strongly than they , and exercises its Power upon it much more forcibly ; which chiefly proceeds from hence , namely that the Novelty from whence it springs , brings forth Motions the most prompt of all , and such as have their whole strength at the beginning . Nor can it be doubted , but that these sort of Motions are stronger , than those which are increas'd by degrees , and have no strength , but what they acquire by little and little . Since it is most certain , that such like Motions may either be averted , or stopt by little labour ; whereas the sudden Surprizal of a New thing , admits of no such aversion , since it can scarce be discern'd , and insinuates it self in a moment . For as we can stir Hand or Foot almost in the same Moment in which we think of Moving them ; in regard the Idea of this sort of Motion , which is form'd in our Brain , sends Spirits into the Muscles , fit to effect that said Motion : So the Idea of a grateful Object , which comes unawares into the Mind , immediately by the help of the Nerves , sends Spirits , which opens the Orifices of the Heart . Nor does Admiration any thing else in this business , but by its Novelty add Strength to the Motion , and causes the Blood , which upon the sudden dilating of the Orifices of the Heart , flows through the Vena Cava into it , and goes out through the Vena Arteriosa , suddenly to inflate and expand the Lungs . V. A Novelty affects the Brain in an unwonted manner . To which Reasons another also may be added , namely , That those Things which outwardly excite Admiration , when they are New , and have not yet arriv'd through our Senses to the Brain , strike it in some certain Parts , where it hath not been struck before ; and since those Parts of the Brain are more soft and tender than the rest , it falls out that they receive the Stroak deeper , and the Affections of the Motions which are there begotten , are , by reason of their unwontedness , render'd more Vehement . VI. Esteem and Contempt , Species of Admiration . There are 2 Species of Admiration , Esteem and Contempt , which are not to be taken for simple Opinions , that without Passion may be entertain'd concerning the Value of any thing whatsoever , but for the Affections which arise from those Opinions : Esteem therefore is a propension of the Soul , produc'd by the Motion of the Spirits , to represent to its self the Value of any thing whatsoever . And Contempt is the opposite propension which the Soul hath to consider the Littleness or Vileness of the thing Contemn'd : which Passions may be referr'd not only to External Objects , but even to our selves ; as namely , when we strictly enquiring into our selves , find Reason to suspect or despise our own Merit . But in regard we often flatter our selves , and judge that more laudable , which is done by our selves , than by others ; it will be worth our while to understand what it is , for which we may entertain a Self-esteem . And truly , I can see nothing that I judge can be Entituled to this Merit , but the right use of our Free-will , and that Greatness of Soul by which we govern our Wills , and subdue them to the Yoak of Reason . Forasmuch as other Goods , which are out of our power , can conduce nothing to our Good , and consequently deserve not our Esteem or Praise . Only those Actions , which depend upon our Will , can confer upon us the Merit either of Praise or Dispraise ; since by the use thereof we are render'd in a sort like to GOD , and come so much the nearer to his Image . In this alone true Generosity consists , when a Man well knowing that nothing properly is his own , except the free disposition of his Will , duly Values himself as he sees Cause , upon the right use of his Reason , and retains a firm purpose always to act those things which he shall judge to be most Excellent . VII . What Veneration is . Veneration , which considers Objects without us , is an Inclination of the Soul , by which it is carried , not only to Esteem the Person which it honours ; but also to Subject it self to him with a certain Fear , for the sake of gaining his Favour . Whence it comes to pass , that Veneration proceeds only from the Consideration of Power , which we conceive to be in a Free Agent , wherewith he is able either to benefit or hurt us ; although all this while we know nothing of his Will , that is , we are not certain which of the two will befall us , Good or Harm . So in Old times , some venerated Mountains , Temples and Groves , not that they believ'd , that these Works of Art and Nature were GODS ; but because they imagin'd , that certain Divinities lay hid in them , which might at their pleasure either do them Good or Hurt . VIII . Effects of Dedignation . To this Passion , Dedignation or Disesteem is oppos'd , by which we despise Free Causes , though at the same time we judge them to have power of doing Good or Harm ; because we think them so much beneath us , as not to be capable of Executing their said Power upon us . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 10 G. Freman . Inv I. Kip Scu To the Right Noble Catherine Dutchess and Countess of Northumberland Viscountess Falmouth & Baroness of Pontefract &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome CHAP. X. Of Love and Hatred . I. Why Love and Hatred are to be treated of together . ALtho' Hatred be oppos'd to Love , and they both of them never agree in the same Person , about the same Object , nevertheless it is Expedient to joyn both together in this one Chapter , that by comparing the Nature of them both , one with another , it may the more appear wherein they most chiefly differ . II. The Definition of Love. LOVE is defined , a Perception or Commotion of the Soul , generated by a special Motion of the Spirits , whereby it is excited to joyn it self by its Will to those things which seem grateful to it . On the contrary , HATRED is a Commotion of the Soul , produc'd by the Spirits , by which it is incited to separate it self , by its Will , from Objects which are represented as ungrateful and noxious to it . But in regard the Soul applies it self to those things which it judges Good , and is averted from the very same things , so far as they are represented to it under the Notion of Evil ; not only by Love and Hatred , but also by Judgment ; we add , that Love and Hatred are caus'd by the Motion of the Spirits , which is peculiar to all Passions , and which separates them from other Perceptions of the Soul. To joyn our selves by Will to any Object , is not to tend to that which is future , and to covet it as a thing absent ; but to consent by Affection , which happens when we consider our selves , as it were already joyn'd to the thing belov'd , that is , when we conceive our selves to make up , as it were , one Total with it , and whereof we think our selves to be but one part , and the Beloved thing another . But in Hatred , we consider our selves as a Total , wholly separated from the Object . III. What things produce Love or Hatred . The Causes of these Affections , are Objects which may be represented to the Soul by the Internal Senses , to wit , it s own proper Reason . For that is generally accounted Good or Evil , which is judg'd by our Internal Senses , either agreeable or contrary to our Nature . Or else by the External Senses , by which the Beauty or Deformity of things is apprehended . For we commonly judge those things Beautiful or Deformed , that court or offend our Sight ; which , in that particular , excells all the rest of our Senses . Hence we are inclin'd to things beautiful and fair by that part of Love , which may rightly be call'd Complacence . Evil and Deformed things , we prosecute with Hatred and Horrour . The said Love may also be called Benevolence , in regard we affect not all things with the same Affection : For according to the Esteem we have of them , we love some things more , and some things less ; whence Philosophers have been forc'd to invent several Names , for the making a distinction between some sorts of Love and others . IV. There are three sorts of Love. For when we set a less Value on any Object , than upon our selves , and think it inferiour to us , we may be said to have a Propension , or sort of Benevolence towards it . When we have the same Value for it as for our selves , and Opinion of Merit makes no difference between us and that , we are tied to it by that which we call Friendship . But if we place more Worth and Merit upon the Object , and admire it above our selves , it becomes the Object of our Devotion , Reverence , or Worship . So that Love may be distinguish'd into Benevolence , Friendship , and Devotion , as into three species or diversities , wherein it wholly consists : For things Inanimate , or Animals void of Reason , may be belov'd ; but no such thing as Friendship can be , but between Man and Man ; that is , not as to the Sex , but as between one Human Creature and another ; in whom it is so innate to be United each to other , that neither of them can be so vile or contemptible in the others Eyes , as not to be thought worthy to be joyn'd to the other by some Tye or Relation , provided he know that he is belov'd and be indued with a generous Spirit . V. Devotion is chiefly directed to the Deity . But by Devotion we are affected most chiefly to the Supream Deity , whom if we knew to that degree as were fit , we could not but love , tho' it may be said that Subjects to their Prince , Natives to their Country , Citizens or Towns-men to the City or Town where they were born or bred , are carried with a sort of Devotion , as Valuing the said Objects thereof above themselves , and thinking it their Duty to expose , if need be , their own Lives upon their account . VI. The Causes of Love are in divers Parts of the Body . The Cause of Love and Hatred , as also of the three other Passions , is not , as that of Admiration , in the Brain alone ; but also in the Heart , Liver , Spleen , and other Parts of the Body , which conduce to the generation of the Blood , and the conveyance of the Spirits thence . For altho' the Blood is carried to the Heart through the Veins , by a Circular motion ; yet sometimes it happens to be impell'd into it with a more violent Force through some Veins , than through others . It happens also , that the Passages by which the Blood enters into the Heart , or by which it issues out of it , are by some Accident or other , made more wide or more narrow . Hence in Love there arises a Notable agitation of the Blood and Spirits , when the Impression of the Lovely Object , form'd in the Brain , conveys the Animal Spirits through the Nerves of the 9 th Conjugation , to the Muscles of the Stomach and Intestines , that so the Chyle or Alimental Juice , which by an iterated Circuit passing through the Heart , is turn'd into Blood , may pass on very swiftly to the Heart , and makes no stay either in the Vicine parts , or elsewhere ; but with a rapid Course entring into it , stir up a more than ordinary fierce heat or fire therein : Because then the Blood becomes rarefied , and sends the more enlivened Spirits into the Brain ; which Spirits corroborating the Impression which the first Perception of the amiable Object forms , Cause the Soul to rest in that Perception , and to take notice of the said Object , as acceptable and good . VII . Hatred proceeds from different Causes . On the contrary in Hatred , the first perception of the thing we have an aversation to , so draws down the Spirits which are about the Intestins and Stomach , that they hinder the Chyle from mixing with the Blood , that is , by Compressing all the Orifices , by which it uses to flow down thither , and at the same time transmits some of this Chyle through the Nerves of the Milt , and lower part of the Liver , which is the receptacle of Choler , with other Blood to the Heart , which causes no small inequality in its Heat , because the Blood that proceeds from the Milt , hardly suffers alteration , and can scarce be Heated or Dilated : Whereas the Blood that proceeds from the lower part of the Liver , which is the receptacle of the Gall , is rarefied and expanded in a Moment . Wherefore the Spirits transmitted from the Heart toward the Brain , consist of parts of different Vertue , and are agitated with unequal motions . Whence it comes to pass , that they there corroborate and fortifie the Thoughts of Hatred , which they find newly formed , and weary the Soul with thoughts of Melancholy and Sourness . VIII . Various effects of Love. There are reckoned up many effects of Love , as the Pulse of the Arteries being equal and more intent and vehement than usual ; a calm Heat glowing in the Heart ; a suddain Concoction of the Meat in the Stomach , and the like ; but the most principal of all , and which most chiefly requires our consideration , is a kind of Languishment , which is no other than a certain proclivity to a cessation of motion , which proceeds from hence , namely , that the Pineal Glandule disposes not the Spirits , which are in the Cavities of the Brain , to flow into one Muscle rather than another . This Languour is produc'd by Love , when the thing desired cannot for the present be obtained , for then Love so detains the Soul in the Cogitation of the beloved Object , that it makes use of all the Spirits in the Brain , to represent to it the Idea thereof , and stops all other motions of the Glandule which conduce not to this effect . CHAP. XI . Of Affections . I. Cupidity no less disturbs us than those Passions that respect the future . SInce all the Affections of the Soul , except Admiration , tend towards Good and Evil , and are given us by nature , for the aiming at what is profitable , and rejecting of what is hurtful to us ; it is to be considered how many ways it may be done : For since in Love and Hatred , there is no respect had of time , and only the convenience or inconvenience of the Object is lookt upon , these Passions seem to agitate , no less than those which tend towards the future , and seek after the Object with a kind of Anxiety : Hence the Cogitations of young Men which regard things to come , are more precipitous , and more sharply molest and disquiet their Minds , such as are Hope , Fear , Jealousy , &c. which are species of Cupidity . II. What Cupidity is , and how it comprehends as well an aversation of Evil as desire of Good. Cupidity therefore or desire is a commotion of the Soul produc'd by the Spirits , whereby it is carried towards Good as a thing to come , by which Passion we not only wish for an absent thing , whose presence we judge convenient for us , but likewise the conservation of the thing possessed ; nay , if we strictly inquire into the Nature of Cupidity , we by it no less desire the absence of an Evil not present , than the presence of that which is Good , and which we apprehend may possibly happen , so that Cupidity comprehends not only the desire of Good , but also the declining or aversation of Evil : For as much as to speak properly , there is one and the same agitation of Mind , by which at the same time we are moved to aim at some Good , for Example sake , Honours , and to decline a contrary Evil , that is to say , Ignominy or Disgrace : For since there is no assignable Good , whose privation is not an Evil , nor any Evil , if it be considered under a positive respect , whose privation is not a real Good , there seems no reason to distinguish between that Appetite by which we affect the Good , and that by which we decline and reject its contrary . III. The Difference between avoiding Evil , and desiring Good. All the difference that can be conceived in them , proceeds only from the Passions which accompany this various desire , namely , because to the Cupidity by which we tend to any Good , there are annext Love , Hope , Joy , &c. and to the same Cupidity , by which we are carried to the Aversation of any Evil , there are joyn'd Hatred , Fear and Sadness ; wherefore if Cupidity be considered according as it tends to the Prosecution of Good , or Aversation of its contrary Evil , it cannot be a double Passion , but only one , which executes both parts . IV. This Passion is produc'd by the Animal Spirits . The causes of this Passion are the Animal Spirits , which pass from the Heart to the Brain , and seem to cherish and preserve the Image there first impress't . For as soon as the Soul hath a Will to acquire some Good , which is grateful to it , or to remove some Evil ; immediately it Transmits the Spirits , by the help of the Glandule to all parts of the Body , especially to the Heart , that , so much the greater plenty of Blood as is received within its Cavities , so much the greater quantity of Spirits may be conveyed to the Brain , as well to conserve , and corroborate therein the Image of the Will , as to move those Muscles that are necessary for the gaining of that which is desired ; whence it comes to pass , that when the Mind desires any thing , the whole Body is rendred more Agile , and becomes more chearful to execute all the offices of the Body , than at other times it uses to be ; namely , because the Heart being more vehemently agitated , supplies the Brain with the more Spirits , which taking their course thence to the Muscles , cause the Senses to become more vivacious , or the Members of the Body more disposed to motion . V. The several species of Cupidity . To Cupidity or Desire , as hath been said , are reduced Hope , Fear , Jealousy , Security , Desperation , Fluctuation of Mind , Animosity , Boldness , Emulation , Pusillanimity and Consternation . VI. The Definition of Hope . Hope is a disposition of the Soul , produc'd by a special motion of the Spirits , to believe that that will come to pass , which it desires . So that no Object can stir up Hope , unless it be represented to the Mind , as easie to be obtained . VII . Of Fear . Fear , is another disposition of the Mind , by it perswades it self that that which it desires , will not come to pass : These two Passions however they are opposed , may nevertheless be found in the same , and at the same time , namely , when any one is perswaded by different Reasons , by some , that the Object he desires may be easily , by others , difficultly acquir'd . VIII . Of Jealousie . Jealousie , which is referr'd to Fear , is the Fear of losing a good which we greatly esteem , proceeding from the least causes of suspecting ; or when led by suspicion only , we fear to lose a certain good . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 11. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Worshipfull Henry Gorges of Eye in Herefordshire Esq r This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 12. G. Freman Inv. I. Kip ● To the Worshipfull James Mundy of the Inner Temple Esqr. one of the Judges of the Sheriffs Court London . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . IX . Of Fluctuation of Mind . Fluctuation of Mind , is the Fear of Erring in the choice of things , which tend to constitute the end , which while it retains the Soul in doubt , and suffers it not to perform one action more than an●ther , causes it to perform none , and consequent●y hath a sufficient time left it to determine before it makes choice of any thing : Which Passion is so prevalent in some Persons , that oftentimes when there is no need of deliberation , in the thing designed , nay when it is the only thing to be omitted or performed ; yet nevertheless , they remain in such suspense , that they are altogether incapable of inquiry into other things . X. Of Animosity , Boldness and Emulation . Animosity is some certain Heat or Agitation , which disposes the Mind to act stoutly in the performance of those things which it designs . If any great danger attend the said things , it is called Boldness , which disposes the Soul to act those things , on which some great and imminent danger is attendant . Emulation , which is a certain Species of Animosity , ariseth from the consideration of other Men's success : Because when we see other Mens undertakings happily succeed , we are commonly moved by their Example to set upon the same thing , and in our Acting to Trace the same Footsteps as they have done . And this happens while the Body is so disposed , that Cupidity and Hope , have more strength to impel the Blood copiously into the Heart , than Fear and Desperation have to hinder it . XI . Of Pusillanimity and Consternation . To Animosity , Pusillanimity is directly contrary , and it is a Languor or Coolness which hinders the Soul from going on to execute those things , which it would certainly execute , if it were destitute of the said Coolness . And Consternation , which is opposite to Boldness , is joyn'd not only to the Cold , but also to the Stupidity and Perturbation of Mind , which disarms it of its Power and Ability , to oppose its self against those Evils which it expects , and thinks to be at hand . CHAP. XII . Of Joy. I. Gladness is the Term or Bound o● all Affections . GLadness or Joy may be called the Term or Bound of all the motions of our Soul ; which as they begin in Admiration , so they cease or terminate in Joy as in their own proper Scope or Aim : For desire of Good ceaseth in the obtaining of Good , and all inquietude is removed from us , as soon as we possess those things which we so greatly desired . In present Joy Fear ceaseth , Sadness is banisht , Desperation is destroyed , Love is at rest , and the rest of the Affections vanish , whilst we are wholly taken with Joy or Pleasure . II. The Definition of Joy. Gladness or Joy is a pleasant commotion of the Soul , in which the possession of that Good consists , which the impressions of the Brain represent to it as its own . We say , that the possession of Good consists in a pleasant commotion of the Soul , in regard it is as it were the only Fruit of all the Goods it has , which being taken away , it can no more be said to injoy them , than if it were totally deprived of them . To which it is properly added , that that Good , by the impressions of the Brain , is represented to the Soul as its own : That Joy , which is a Passion , may the more easily be distinguisht from that which the Soul experiments by Action , which that they may not be confounded , it will not be from the purpose to observe the Nature of each . III. Joy is twofold sensual and Intellectual . For Joy is twofold , one Sensual or which so depends upon the Body as to make it its principal Object , the other Intellectual , which is a pleasant commotion of the Soul , springing from a clear and distinct knowledge of the Good wich is apprehended : Which distinction is hence understood , namely , because the Intellectual Joy may sometimes be without the Sensual , as when from any good Action , we feel a satisfaction from that pure consideration that we have performed our Duty ; altho' it be difficult to experiment it , so long as the Soul is in the Body , since the Intellectual Joy makes always some impression upon the Body , such as is required to the framing of a Passion , for there is so streight a Union between our Soul and Body , that tho' the Good which the Soul is sensible of belongs not to the Body ; yet Imagination always fains some Idea in the Brain , from whence there follows a motion of the Spirits , which produces the Passion of Joy. IV. The External cause of this affection is the possession of a Good. The cause of this Passion , as may be gathered from its Definition , is the possession of som● Good ; for then the Soul seems to be satisfied , when it injoys that thing which it esteems to be its own Good , and to conduce to its Felicity ; tho' it often happens , that we find our selves overjoy'd , and wrapt up in I know not what kind of Pleasure , when the cause of this change is utterly unknown : As when our Body is chearfully dispos'd , and with great alacrity performs its offices , but this proceeds from hence , namely , that the Good impresses some Idea's in the Brain , without the help of our Soul : That is , when the constitution of the Brain is such , that the Animal Spirits may the more easily be brought down into the Nerves , as well those which serve for dilating the Orifices of the Heart , as others . So when the Heaven is somewhat more than ordinary Serene , we feel a kind of Hilarity or Chearfulness in our selves , which proceeds from no Function of the Intellect , but only from the impressions , which the motion of the Spirits excites in the Brain . V. The Internal causes are the Blood and motion of the Spirits . The Internal Causes of this Passion are the Blood , and motion of the Spirits , not so much in the Nerves of the Stomach and Intestines , as in Love , or of the Milt and Liver , as in Hatred , as in those which are spread through the rest of Body , those especially which are about the little Mouths of the Heart . In regard they by opening and inlarging afford a way to the Blood , which other Nerves propel from the Veins to the Heart , that it may go in and out in greater plenty than usually ; but because the Blood having many times before entred the Heart , and so flowing out of the Arteries into the Veins , is thereby more subtilized , it thereupon becomes the more easily rarefied and creates Spirits , which by reason of their equality are adapted for the forming and corroborating impressions of the Brain , which supply the Heart with joyful and serene Cogitations ; whence it happens that so long as the Soul is affected with Joy , the Pulse of the Arteries is equal , and more quick than usual ; moreover a certain grateful Heat is felt , not only in the Breast , but also in the External part of the Body , into which together with the Blood it is copiously transmitted . VI. The various effects of Joy. The most noted instance of Joy , and which is commonly observed in those that are therewith affected , is a Lively Colour , and generally ruddy , which it paints in the Countenance , and which hence proceeds , namely , that Joy dilating the Fibres of the Heart , causeth the Blood more copiously to enter into the Heart ; and being there more intensely warmed to be distributed the sooner into the Veins ; and by this means excites a grateful and lively Colour in the whole Body , especially in the Face : Moreover , in the same affection of Joy , the Spirits happen to be so disposed ; as that those which flow into the Muscles of the Face and Breast , make such a concussion of them , as to cause Cachinnation or bursting into a strain of Laughter , which sometimes is so great , that by the force thereof , the passages of the Eyes being opened , Tears thereupon gush out : For Tears are nothing else but Vapours , which in their passage out of the Eyes , are turn'd to Water in the superficies of them , after the same manner , as was before declared , concerning the Original of Fountains . VII . Of Joy the●e are divers Species . There are divers species of Joy , according as we consider the Good hapning to our selves , or the Evil to others . The first which offers it self is Derision , which hence hath its Original , viz. that we find some Light Evil in one , who is thought to deserve it . In which Passion there is mingled something of Hatred . As when we have an aversion to the said Evil ; and yet nevertheless rejoyce to see it inflicted on him whom we think it but just it should fall upon . Those that are remarkable for any kind of deformity or defect of Body , are chiefly obnoxious to this Passion , as the Gibbous or Bunch-backt , Goggle-Ey'd , Lame , who , in regard they are not ignorant of their being an Object of contempt and derision from others , rejoyce to find others in as bad circumstances as themsemselves ; it being to them a solace of that Grief , which they suffer from the Contumely objected against them ; so that they take the least occasion given to insult over them , and sport themselves with their defects . VIII . What Satisfaction is . Satisfaction or Acquiescence in ones self , is a Joy of all the most grateful , which proceeds from the Opinion of something done by us which we judge to be Good. Whence they who give themselves to Vertue and Honest Actions , feel , I know not what Tranquillity , of Soul , and Quiet of Conscience , which is the most pure and sincere of all satisfactions , because they depend upon those things which are in our power . IX . What Favour . Favour is a Joy wherewith we are affected toward those that do well , and use their Free-will according to Reason . Since by a Natural Impulse , we are apt to Love those whom we judge to be Well-doers , tho' nothing of profit accrue to us thereby . X. What Gratitude . Gratitude is a certain joyful desire of doing well to those who have deserved well of us . This Affection is peculiar to Generous Souls , who are never insensible of Kindnesses , but strive always to be requiters of Benefits receiv'd . XI . What Glory . Glory is a Joy arising from Opinion or Hope , conceiv'd of obtaining praise among others . This Passion is founded upon Self-love , as when we value our selves according to the esteem we see set upon us by others . CHAP. XIII . Of Sadness . I. Sadness on Enemy to Man. GRIEF brings up the Rear of the Passions , the most common affection among Mortals , the Companion and Enemy of Joy. It seems to have been allotted by Nature for the Persecutor of Mankind , and lier in wait as well for Soul as Body . There is scarce any Sadness which does not transfer its force from the Soul upon the Body , and with one stroak hit two different things at once . II. The Definition of Sadness . For Sadness is no other than a certain ungrateful Languor , or the Inconvenience which happens to the Soul , from the Evil or Defect which the Impressions of the Brain represent to it as its own . Which Definition extends only to Sensual Pains , as they differ from Intellectual . For no doubt , but sometimes , there may be Sadness in the Soul , tho' all Cause be removed which excites Corporal Pain , as appears in those who have a Limb cut off , who are not only affected with Sadness upon the loss of the said Member , but also long after when they look upon themselves as maim'd persons , and depriv'd of a part which conduceth to the gaining of a Livelihood . But in regard these sorts of Pain are seldom found , which are produc'd by an Action of pure Intellect ; and whatsoever happens to the Soul , so long at it is united to the Body , is depainted forth by Imagination in the Brain , We only here treat of Sadness , as it is a Passion . III. Whence Grief ariseth . And it arises from from an Opinion of an adherence of some Evil or Default ; for the Body cannot be hurt , but the Soul must immediately be disturbed , and be sensible of a certain bitterness thereby . Tho' it sometimes happens , that we find our selves sad or dejected , when ignorant of any causes of the said dejection . As when the Body languishes , and is not able to perform its functions , when the Heaven is all over covered with Clouds , as it often happens in the Winter-time ; because then the Nerves of the Body are not , as they us'd to be , agitated , and so remain , in a sort , immoveable . IV. The Internal Causes of Sadness . Sadness arises when the Animal Spirits are so dispos'd by the Glandule to the presence of an Object of Sadness , that they streighten and contract the Orifices of the Heart by the Nervule wherewith they are encompassed , and hinder the Blood from its copious entrance into it , and egress out of it . Whence it happens that the Heart hath very little of Ardour and Inflammation , the passages in the mean time remaining open , through which the Chyle is conveyed from the Stomach and Entrails into the common Ocean , which is the cause of Appetites being diminisht , unless Hatred supervening Sadness , which is oftentimes joyned to this Passion , closes and shuts them up . Book . 1. Part. 9. Chap. 13. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Scul● VI. How Tears are attendant upon Sadness . Tears , as they accompany Joy , so also sometimes Sadness , and are produc'd , when upon the Blood being refrigerated by Sadness , the Pores of the Eyes are contracted , by reason of which compression the Vapours proceeding from them are converted into Water ; that is to say , because their motion being retarded , their parts meet , and are so united one with another , that they end in Tears . VII . Evil , according as it is apprehended , excites various effects in us . As Evil is an Object of Sadness , so it produces various effects in us , according as we refer it to our selves or others . For an Evil offered by us under the notion of an Evil , when we consider that we have committed it , excites repentance , which is so much the more bitter , in regard it depends upon our Free Will , and was in our power of committing or not committing that which so much aggrieves us . The Remorse of Conscience is a Sadness arising from a scruple or doubt , whether what we have done be good or not . In this Passion , Dubitation ought to be necessarily included ; forasmuch as if what we commit should be manifestly known to be Evil , we should refrain from committing it , since our Will is never carried on , but to those things which are represented to us under some appearance of Good. And if that Evil which we commit , should plainly appear to be an Evil , we should then be toucht , not with a simple remorse , but with downright Repentance , which is the severest of all Passions . We are therefore toucht with remorse , because we attempted a work before we made any doubt of it , or shook off the scruple of Mind which attended it . VIII . What Envy produces . Envy is a species of Sadness , not simple , but mixt with Hatred ; which proceeds from hence , namely , that we see a Good to befall others which we judge them unworthy of . This Passion extends not it self to all sorts of Good , but only those which we call the Goods of Fortune . For those things which are granted to us by Nature , seem to be above Envy . The Envious are for the most part of a Livid Colour , in regard Sadness operates upon the Body the same way as Hatred , causing Choler , which proceeds from the lowermost part of the Liver ; as likewise Melancholy from the Spleen , to flow to the Heart , from whence diffus'd through the Arteries and Veins , they cause the parts of the Blood which is in the Veins to be less agitated ; and this is sufficient to induce a Livid Colour upon the Countenance , provided it be copious and intense enough . IX . What Fastidie is . Fastidie or Loathing , is another sort of Sadness arising from the same cause from which Joy formerly arose ; for we are of that Humour , that almost all things we possess , are valued by us as good , only for the time being , and are afterwards lookt upon as incommodious , which especially appears in Eating and Drinking , which never please but so long as the Appetite prevails , and are distastful when the Appetite ceaseth , and because they then cease to be grateful to the Taste . X. The Eeffect of Commiseration . Commiseration is a Sadness mixt with Benevolence or Love , proceeding from the consideration of some Evil which befalls those persons whom we think unworthy of it : And is in some so vehement , that it draws Tears from their Eyes , by reason that at that time , through the Affection of Love , a great quantity of Blood is propelled to the Heart , from whence many Vapours being emitted to the Eyes , and having their motion retarded with cold , are , as hath been several times already intimated , changed into Tears . XI . The Effects of Indignation . Indignation hath a great affinity with Hatred or Aversion , wherewith we are naturally stirr'd up against those that do ill . It is very often join'd with Envy and Commiseration , and the difference lies chiefly in the Object . Forasmuch as we envy those to whom any thing of good happens , and are fellow ▪ sufferers with those that suffer ill undeservingly . But our Indignation is against those only who do good turns to those that are unworthy of them . XII . Of Anger . Anger , which may be referred to Indignation , is the Aversion against those who have offered any Ill , or at least have design'd any Injury to us . This Anger is always attended by a desire of Revenge , which is the most impetuous of all Affections ; in regard the Hatred which is found in it , causes the Bilious Blood , which flows from the Milt , and from the little Veins of the Liver to undergo a very great Agitation ; which Blood entring the Heart , stirs up an extraordinary Heat , which is far more rigid and vehement than that which proceeds from Love or Sadness . XIII . A Twofold Anger . There are two sorts of Anger , one very quick , and soon breaking forth , and disclosing it self in the Countenance ; but this is of little effect , and with small labour allay'd : The other is not so soon discharged , but inwardly afflicts and stings ; and the effects of this are much more dangerous than those of the Former . To the first , those are Obnoxious , who either Love , or are indued with a good Nature ; by reason that this sort of Anger proceeds not from Hatred , but from a suddain Aversion which hastily seises them ; because those things which they think of , fall not out in the same manner as they imagin ; whence it happens , that as soon as they come to consider that those things which so moved them , ought not to have stirred them up to Anger , they are toucht with shame and Repentance , and condemn themselves for their rash and unseasonable passion ; whereas those that are affected with the other sort of Anger are more to be fear'd , discovering no other colour in their Face , but a pallid Hue , in regard the heat being drawn back to the Heart , they reserve themselves for revenge , and think of nothing but the time of Vengeance , and those circumstances which lead thereunto● ' This is a Vice peculiar to Persons of a Base and Abject Spirit . XIV . What Shame is , and Desire . Shame is founded upon Self-love , which proceeds from Opinion or Fear of Dispraise ▪ Desire , if it be more strictly inquired into , than commonly it is in Schools , is a certain sadness for a Good lost , and whereof there is no hope of recovery : For we are never afflicted with Desire , except for the loss of Goods sometime possest , and which we imagin so snatcht from us , as to be left without any hope of ever obtaining them again . CHAP. XIV . Whence the Natural Inclinations and Aversions of some Men arise . I. Various Inclinations are found in Men. HAving treated of those Passions of the Soul which are common to all Men , and which presuppose a Connexion of the Body and Soul ; it remains that we say something of the Inclinations of some Men , which are peculiar to themselves , and which have the Body only for their Principle . For there are found in some Men certain Affections , which are by Nature implanted in them , by which they incline to some things with a wonderful Ardour of Desire ; and are so abhorrent of others , as not to be able to indure the sight of them . So some Men have certain Meats in very great esteem and delight . Others on the contrary , have as much aversion to one thing or other : Many cannot endure the sight of a Cat , or the very presence of it in the same Room , tho' they see it not ; some cannot abide the smell of Roses ; and so for other things some have a Love , others an Aversion , of which neither can give any account . II. Antipathy and Sympathy are only words in the Schools . It is a common thing in Schools to have recourse to the words Sympathy and Antipathy , and thereby to pretend to give an account of Passions , which indeed they are wholly ignorant of , by saying that these things so happen , because there is a certain Agreement or Enmity in Natural things , by which they either Love or Hate . But this way of Philosophizing may be compared with a certain design or project for a piece of Painting ; as if any one should go about to give directions with a Pen and Ink , how the Sign of a City were to be painted , in what part of the Country the City was situated , what Posts were chiefly possest by the Besiegers , where the Enemies planted their Scaling-ladders to get over the Walls , how the Engines broke the Gates asunder , where the Pioneers sprung their Mines , with what Arms the Besieged defended themselves , and where they made their Sallies ; but after all should leave the whole Draught and Colouring to the Art of the Painter , yet nevertheless should take upon him to be the Author of this Picture of the Siege , to which he had contributed nothing but Names . So to assert that any thing is effected by a certain Virtue , and not to declare , after what manner it is done , is to my apprehension the same thing as to confess ingenuously , that he is totally ignorant of the matter discours'd of . III. If a Corporeal Action be joyned to any Cogitation , we cannot remember the one without the other . Therefore some other way must be tried for the finding out of these Ocoult Inclinations or Qualities which are observed in some Men ; which may easily be effected , if we consider but two things ; First that there is such a connection of Soul and Body , that when once we have join'd any one Corporeal Action to any thought , never after any one of them manifests it self , but the other attends it ; as we may observe in those persons , who being sick , have drunk up any Potion with much distast and reluctance , that they cannot afterwards feed upon any Meat or Drink that hath any thing of the relish of the said Potion ; but that the Stomach must needs have an aversation to it ; nay , cannot so much as remember that Aversion , but that the same Savour , which sometime offended the Tongue , must return into the Mind . IV. Sometimes it may be , that the same thing may be effected , yet the Actions of the Body not be the same . Secondly , observe that it is not always of necessity that the same Actions of the Body be joyn'd to the same thoughts . For those that speak English utter their conceptions by some certain words different from those by which the French express their cogitations , yet they both mean the same thing ; for no otherwise is DEUS conceived by an English Man , under the word GOD , than by a French Man under the word DIEU , both of them understanding the same thing , tho' by two different appellations : For as often as an English Man hears the Name of GOD , he presently apprehends thereby an Infinite , Eternal , Almighty Being , &c. the same doth a French Man when the sound of the word DIEU comes to his Ear. V. Whence Natural Aversions arise . These things thus briefly noted , any one may easily give an account of all those matters which he finds particular either to himself or others . The Aversions which are observed in some men , against some things , hence proceed , namely that , in the beginning of their Life , they have been hurt or offended by them : So the smell of Roses , might possibly have given to an Infant , while yet in the Cradle , some great Offence , or a Cat might have affrighted him , without any ones taking notice thereof , or the Party 's retaining it afterwards in memory . Some Aversions also are produced in us before we are born , since certain it is , that the Motions of the Mother have a very great influence upon the Motions of the Child in the Womb , so as that whatever is hurtful to the one , is also hurtful to the other . Thus James I. King of Great Britain , had so great an Aversion to drawn Swords , that he could not behold them without a world of horror , which is thought to have thus affected him , by reason that his Mother Mary , Queen of Scots , when she was great with Child of him , was frighted at the sight of a Sword , wherewith in her Bed-Chamber , and before her Face , in a barbarous manner , one of her Courtiers was stabb'd to death . VI. How it came to pass that K. James I. so much abhorred the sight of a drawn Sword. 'T is true , that it is no easie matter to determin the cause of this King's Horror upon the said occasion , since it is hard to conceive how the Image of the thing which was only transmitted through the Eyes to the Mothers Glandule , could light upon the Glandule of the Infant , whereas , as for other things , as the Odour of Roses , or the Savour of Meat , it may be aptly enough made our , since the Odour of the Roses , and the Savour'd Aliment might easily through the Pores of the Mother , reach to the Infant , since it is nourisht by the Mother , and both have a communion together by the Novel String . Yet it may be said that that Aversion in the King , might happen to him by the Mothers Eyes , because at the presence of so-horrid an Object , a Notable Mutation might be made in the Mothers Animal Spirits , by which the Infant she carried in her Womb was offended , by reason of the mutual Relation between the motions of them both . VII . Imagination alone can beget such aversions . Besides , there is not an absolute Necessity that the Object should be always present to our Senses , for the exciting of any Passion in us , since that can be effected by Imagination alone . For an Impression through the Arteries of a Woman with Child , may arrive to a certain part of the Birth , and there produce some Marks thereof . Whereupon it happens , that those Women who transgress their Nuptial Faith , and prostitute themselves to other Men , many times bring forth Children like to their Husbands ; namely , because the fear of being surpriz'd by the sudden arrival of their Husbands , causes them to have the Presence of their said Husbands perpetually represented to their Imagination , as hath been observ'd in the 9 th Book of our Natural History , in the Chapter of Imagination . VIII . Why of two Men beheld , we love one more than another . There seems yet to be a greater Difficulty , how to give an account , why of two Persons , whose Merits are equally unknown , we incline to Love one more than another . But this will not be any great Miracle , when we seriously consider that the Objects which affect our Senses , move certain Parts of the Brain , by the help of the Nerves , and make Pleits , which , without any farther concern of the Object , vanish ; yet so , as that the part in which they had been receiv'd , remains dispos'd for the receiving of Pleits from any other Object , which have any Similitude with the former . So when yet a Child , languishing with a long Distemper , and given over by the Physicians , I fell into the hands of a certain Woman , by whose Care and Industry recovering my Health , I contracted so intimate a Friendship with a Son of hers , that I could scarcely be divided from his Company , without much Regret and Impatience : Yea , after some Months , being carried home to my Parents , I perpetually languish'd with a desire of this my Little Companion ; nor put I any end to my Tears , till such time as he was restored to my Society . And when a few Months after , it pleased GOD to take him out of this Life , I continued to bear a singular Affection towards all Boys whatsoever , that resembled him in Countenance ; and to this very day preserve the same Affection to Children of the like Resemblance . IX . This Disposition is induc'd from Objects by the Senses , or from some other Cause . In like manner , when we Love any Body for any hidden Cause , it is more credible that it hence proceeds , namely that there is something in him , like to those things which were formerly in some beloved Object , tho' we know not what it is . And though doubtless that which thus allures our Affection , is oftner a Vertue than a Vice ; yet nevertheless , in regard it may sometimes so happen , that it may be a Vice , no wise Man ought to indulge to this sort of Affection , till such time as he hath well weigh'd the Merit of that Person , with whose Presence or Concernment , he finds himself so affected . DES CARTES , when a Child , as he himself writes to CHANUTE , loved a little Girl of the same Age with himself , that was Squint-Ey'd ; and by this means the Impression , which through the Sight was received in his Brain , was so joyned to the Impression which was also made in him , to move the Passion of Love , that even a long time after , as often as he lighted upon any who had the like sort of Eyes , he found himself properise to Love them above others , and for this very thing , because they had that Imperfection ; yet did he not know that this was the Cause of his Love. On the contrary , from the time that revolving with himself , he apprehended this Blemish to be an occasion thereof , he was no longer affected by it . CHAP. XV. Of the Immortality of Human Mind , and of its State after Death . I. Human Mind being Spiritual , cannot be destroyed . THat Human Mind is uncapable of Death and Destruction , its Nature and Functions clearly demonstrate : For whereas it is evident from what hath been often said , that the Soul is a Spiritual Essence and separate from all Matter , it must consequently of necessity be free from all Destruction and Corruption ; since nothing but what is Concrete and Compound can be separated , divided , or taken asunder . For Destruction is , as it were , a Separation , Dividing , or Parting asunder of those Parts , which before the said Destruction were held together , as it were , by a certain Link or Tye. II. Which is also made evident from its Functions . Nor do the Functions of the Soul less argue its Incorruption , as being Effected by no Organ of the Body , as is sufficiently made out almost throughout this whole Work ; forasmuch as it forms and proportions the Universal Natures of things abstracted from Matter , which cannot be the Work of a Corporeal Faculty . For a Power or Faculty subjected to a Material Organ , receives the Qualities and Forms of things after a certain Corporeal manner What therefore comprehends Forms in a Spiritual manner , u●es no Instrument of the Body . Neither indeed are the Principles imprest upon the Mind , or the Rudiments of Cogitation assign'd to out Intellect , Mathematical Demonstrations , or Certain and Fix'd Judgments , any Corporeal Acts or Productions of Imagination . But nothing Incommutable or perfectly Single ; nothing Eternal , nothing Universal and Abstract is perceived by the Power of Imagination ; whereas all Bodies are subject to mutation , place , and time . III. How Compounds and Simples are said , to lose their Existen●● ▪ Now the better to support this Verity with Reasons , we must suppose , that of those things which perish or cease to be , some are Simple , and some Compound . The Compound are said to lose their Existence , when the Parts which concur to their Composition are separated from each other . As a Man is said to Cease , when Soul and Body , of which he is compos'd , are separated . Whereas the Simple can no other way cease to be , but by Annihilation , as they could no other way be produc'd but by Creation . And since Creation , as also Annihilation , are both beyond the power and ability of Nature , they can no way be destroy'd by any Creature . But it is evident , that the Soul is a thing purely Simple , since it is the only Subject that entertains Cogitation or Thought , together with the various Modes of Cogitation , and consequently the Capacity of being destroy'd , is Naturally repugnant to it . IV. Since the Body perishes not , much more must the Soul have an Existence And this will appear more evidently , by comparing the Soul with the Body . Certain it is , that the Body which gives place in dignity and perfection to the Soul , is not reduc'd to Nothing , when the Soul is separated from it : How therefore can the Soul , which is more noble and more perfect be thought to be annihilated when the Body is separated from it ? Since indeed , no Reason can be brought for the duration of a Material Substance , which may not , by a more forcible Right , be apply'd to Human Mind . If we have recourse to the Evidence of Sense for the Consistence of Body , it cannot be maintain'd of all its Parts , since very many of them , into which it is resolv'd , are undiscernible to our Senses . Neither is the perception of our Senses so efficacious a means to demonstrate the Existence of Bodies , as the Reasons henceforth to be produc'd , are for asserting the Immortality of the Soul. V. Human Mind can be destroy'd by no Created Being . If it be Objected , That GOD by his Power can annihilate all Souls whatsoever , and that it is through his Preservation alone that Souls are said to be Immortal . This we are ready to confess , as acknowledging that GOD alone is a Being wholly Independent , Eternal , Necessary , &c. and that there is nothing Existent in Nature , but only so long as he pleases . So that we have nothing now to do , but to make it out plainly , that Human Mind is of such a Nature and Quality , that it cannot be corrupted or destroy'd by any Created Being , which is a sufficient Ground for it to be call'd Immortal . For it being Undeniable , that GOD is all Wise , all Good , and all Constant ; and Human Soul , the Noblest Workmanship of so great a Maker , and the Image of him : Who can imagin or believe , but that it must needs be far from the Mind of so Wise and Constant a Maker to Create so Glorious a Work , and afterwards to destroy it ? True it is indeed , and not to be gainsaid , that GOD by his extraordinary Power , can destroy the Human Soul consider'd , according to its absolute Esse or Being : But it is repugnant to Reason , that he should destroy it by his ordinary Power , which is sufficient to make the Soul Immortal . For when we treat of the Immortality of the Soul , the Question is not , Whether GOD , by his Extraordinary Power can destroy it ; but whether it can be destroy'd by Natural Causes , and by the ordinary Power of GOD. VI. The Corruption of the Soul , follows not from the Corruption of the Body . Moreover , when a Man dies , Death happens to the Body upon this occasion only , namely , because some of its Parts are divided , and its figure changed . But the division of Members , or change of Figure , no way concern the Mind , in regard it is indivisible , and affected with no Figure . Who therefore can believe that the Soul , which is Inextense , can , for so slight a Cause , as is the Change of the Body , perish or be annihilated ? In the next place , this sort of Annihilation hath not yet been found in Nature : Nor can it be made out by any Argument or Example , that Substance can perish Wherefore , seeing that Human Mind is a Substance Independent of the Body , and not any way subject to the Mutations which are made in it , we conclude , that it may Exist separated from it , and by consequence , that it is Immortal . VII . There is no Cause capable to destroy a separate Soul. As to what some say , That hence may indeed be inferr'd , that the Soul may possibly subsist separate from the Body ; but that it will not last so Eternally . To this I Answer , that admitting one , the other must of necessity follow , in regard no Cause can be assign'd , which can destroy it in its state of Separation , since at time it is free from Matter , which alone is obnoxious to Change. VIII . Arguments of Lucretius against the Souls Immortality . I know that there are many Arguments heap'd up by LUCRETIUS against the Immortality of the Soul. But they are of no weight against those who distinguish Soul from Body , and assign them contrary Functions . For if the Soul seem to be affected with the Diseases of the Body , to be disturb'd in immoderate Drink , Epilepsy and Phrensie , to be as it were lost in swouning Fits. This happens , because it is joyn'd to the Body , and makes use of it as its Instrument in performing most of its Actions . For as a Scribe furnish'd with a well-made Pen makes neat Letters or Characters ; but that Pen being worn out with long use , he can no longer Cut his Letters , as before : So the Soul lighting upon a weak and infirm Body , ceaseth to perform its wonted Office , and remains as it were benum'd , sluggish and altogether unactive . IX . Diseases are not to be attributed to the Soul , but to the Body . This change therefore is not to be imputed to the default of the Soul , but of the Body , by whose help , so long as it is tyed thereunto , it operates . So that in a Phrensie or Lethargy , it is not the Soul which is distemper'd , but the Brain : The Instrument fails , so the Functions are at a loss . In like manner Drunkenness is not to be attributed to the Soul , but to the Body ; forasmuch as the Brain being unloaded of its Vapours , the Soul is recover'd and comes to it self again , and performs its Offices , as before . X. The State of the Soul , after its Departure from the Body is unknown . But the state of the Soul , after its Departure from the Body , is altogether unknown to us , since it wholly depends upon GODS good Pleasure ; nor can we know , but by Conjecture , how it will then use its Faculties . It is but a rash Conceit in those , who ascribe such Perfections to it , as they are uncertain of , and measure its Felicity by their groundless Apprehension , since without Revelation we can have no assurance thereof , except that it follows necessarily from its Nature : Only thus much we may know , viz. that it will be Immortal , by reason that since it is a Substance distinct from the Body , its destruction follows not from the dissolution of its Mate , so that it will always persevere in its Nature , that is , will always Think . XI . The Soul after Death , will not be sensible , nor remember . We may likewise know , that it will have no commerce with External Objects , and that nothing of Body whatsoever can act upon it , because only its Union with the Body renders it capable of receiving the Species and Actions of Objects ; so that it must needs be depriv'd of all Sensibility , and be destitute as well of Memory , as Imagination , in regard those things depend of the Body , and are chiefly conducible for the safeguard and knowing of the State thereof . Altho' it is not to be denied , but that it will perceive many Objects , by the force of Intellect , which will render their Notions more distinct and clear , than those which it had , when it was conversant in the Body . And there will be no Obstacle , but that the Soul may reproduce those Notions of things , which it had in this Life ; by which it will come to pass , that it may the more easily remember them , forasmuch as it will occur to it , that once it had them . XII . The Soul will more clearly know Objects . So that in regard no Bodies can any longer act upon it , there will be an evident consequence , that in that State and Condition , it will be absolute Mistress of its own Thoughts , and will not think , but of such things as its own Will and Pleasure shall be to think of ; except by chance the Almighty Maker of All things , or other Minds or Intelligences with which it converseth , create a new Thought in it . But so long as the Soul is separated from the Motions of the Body , and nothing hinders , but it may remain employed in its own Cogitations , it will the more diligently , and with greater attention perceive things Objected to it , and will the more acutely advance in Sciences . XIII . Will every where accompanies the Mind . The like may be said of the Souls Will and Faculty of disposing it self . By reason that when it shall be free from all Commotions , to which before , because of its Commerce with the Body , it was obnoxious , it will with the greater liberty execute its own own Affairs , and will the more easily expel the Doubts , which are an Obstacle to its Determination . Yet of it self it will not be altogether free from Errour ; because in regard its Intellect is Finite , and penetrates not into all things , it may be deceiv'd in its Perceptions , tho' it be not so prone to Errour as before . Forasmuch as being no longer possest by any Prejudices , and being free from Affections , it will the more easily gain this Point , not to be obliged to give assent to those Things which it knows not clearly and distinctly , and by this means it will be less liable to Deception . XIV . It is Doubtful whether the Mind can , after Separation , move another Body . But it is not so apparently determin'd , Whether the Mind will , after the said State of Separation , retain the Power which before it had of moving a Body ; since indeed such a Faculty doth not necessarily follow the Nature of a Finite Being , neither indeed is the said Faculty granted to its Will , except so far as it hath pleas'd its Maker , that is , so far as he hath Decreed , that its Moving Power must depend upon his Will. But since it highly conduceth to the extolling the Clemency of Almighty GOD , that his Works should be manifested to his Creatures ; it is most probable , that he will conserve this Moving Power in Souls , and give them Capacity to joyn their Cogitations at pleasure to certain Bodies , and in such a manner , as it shall desire to move and know them . XV. The Soul , after Separation , will be capable of no Pain , as from the Body . As the Mind or Soul is all Spirit , it will no more after Separation be capable of Joy or Pain , according as they sprung from the Affections of the Body ; but only of Joy and Pain , which proceed from the Intellect . But if ever the Mind chances to suffer any thing from a Corporeal thing , it must be acknowledged , that it must consequently of Necessity be United thereunto by the Divine Power , as it was upon Earth ; so as that its Cogitations must be connex'd to the Motions of the said Body , and according to the Measure of that Impulse , it must suffer from it more or less . And upon this account it is not improbable , but that the Fire of Hell may act upon the Body of the Damned . XVI . Other things are hid from us , except what is revealed by Faith. Other things which are attributed to the Soul , after its Departure from the Body , are uncertain and altogether depend upon the Goodness and Mercy of Almighty GOD , whose Arcana or Secret Counsels , to go about to search into , is both Rash and Profane . Hence it is that our Illustrious Philosopher , in his Epistle to the Princess Elizabeth , thus utters his Mind about the State of the Soul separated from the Body . But as to the State , saith he , of the Soul , after this Life , I know far less , than Sir KENELM DIGBY : For omitting those things which Faith instructs us in , I confess indeed , that we may Conjecture many things by the meer Dint of Reason , upon which we may sufficiently flatter our selves , and build mighty Hopes ; but can gather nothing of Certainty . The Tenth Part OF THE INSTITUTION OF PHILOSOPHY . VIZ. ETHICKS , Or , The Right way of Ordering the LIFE of MAN. A PREFATORY Discourse . Of the Dignity and Vse of Ethicks . I. The Dignity of Ethicks above other Sciences . THO' all Philosophy was Invented for the Good of Man , and there is no part of it , which is not conducive to his Natural Felicity ; yet doth ETHICKS deservedly take the first place amongst them all , as excelling them , both in Usefulness and the Worthiness of its End. For whatsoever other Sciences prescribe , is only an Exercise and Accomplishment of Human Wit ; whereas the Rules of Ethicks are the Remedies of the Soul. Logick may pride her self , for that her Rules direct and guide the Operations of the Mind , and by putting a difference between Truth and Falshood , illuminate the Understanding , and prevent it from falling into Errour : But Ethicks , taking a higher flight , enquires into the Nature of what is Good , persuades the pursuit of it , and having discover'd its Charms and Amiableness , allures Mortals , and enflames them with the Love of it . Natural Philosophy may boast her searching into the Essence of things , and that by penetrating all the Secrets of the World , she discerns those hidden Properties that escape the most piercing Eye : But Moral Philosophy , pursuing a more Noble Game , teaches us to subdue Monsters , to tame our Passions , and to be Victors over them . Let Metaphysicks please her self , that mounting up to Heaven , she takes a view of Intelligences separate from Matter , and by a daring Undertaking endeavours to discover the Divine Majesty , Power , and Unity : Whilst Ethicks with much more certainty displays the Honour that is due to Angels , and the Worship we owe to GOD ; and by manifesting to us that Supream Essence , as the first and chiefest of all Beings , doth not only put us in mind of the Obedience and Observance we owe to Him , but also forceth us to believe it most due to Him. II. It is a more excellent thing to pursue Good ▪ than Truth . Who is there amongst Men , that doth not prefer the Love of Good before the Love of Truth , and that would not rather embrace Vertue , than to please himself with the barren Knowledge of it ? I confess it is a Noble thing to understand the Affections of Material things , and to search out the Nature and Properties of all the sorts of Bodies contained in the Universe : And yet who must not own , that it is far more glorious to put a Curb in the Mouth of Concupiscence ; and to undervalue all the gay Bubbles , which almost the World doth admire and doat upon ? What can be imagin'd more great and wonderful , than to wrestle against Fawning Lust , and to retort the Darts of this Domestick Enemy upon himself ? Is it not the express Character of a great and sublime Soul , to despise Honour , and to prefer a mean and low Estate before the Pleasures of the Court , and the top of Grandure ? All those are the Effects of the good Counsel Ethicks gives us , and all the great Qualities we so much admire in Men , are but the product of her Precepts . And therefore the Ancients look'd upon that Philosophy to be in a manner fruitless and to no purpose , which did not restrain our Passions ; which did not put us upon the practice of Vertue , nor insinuate into our Minds the wholsom Laws of Nature . Book . 1. To front Part 10. ETHICA G. Freman . In. I. Kip Sculp For as that Art of Physick is of no use , which cannot remove the Disease of Mans Body , or teach us how Health may be preserved or restored ; so there is little or no advantage in that Philosophy , which doth not remove the Maladies of the Mind , and which like some Trees produceth nothing but Leaves , and pleaseth us only with the shade of Words . This commendation doth only belong to Ethicks , who like a Mistress of Manners informs Men what they ought to do ; and is indeed the discipline and exercise of Actions , rather than of Words or Notions . If we take a view of the extent of her Power , it is she that first built Cities , and reduced People of different inclinations into Societies . She it is that instructs States-men , and teaches them the Art of Governing , shewing them how they may avoid the Envy of those that are governed . She it is that informs Husbands , how they are to behave themselves towards their Wives , with what care they are to mind the Education of their Children , and to govern both the one and the other , without injuring them . She it is that prescribes Rules to Masters , how to govern their Servants : In a word , there is no manner of Life , which is not directed by her advice , and which doth not borrow the Rules of Governing and Obeying from her . IV. What things are to be handled in this Tenth part . In order therefore to the more distinct discovery of the end of Moral Philosophy , it will be worth my pains in a few Words , to declare what I intend to treat of in this Part , and to lay open the whole Order and disposition of this Work. First , I intend to begin with the Nature of the Summum Bonum or Highest Good , and to shew wherein it precisely consists ; next I shall proceed to the Definition of Vertue , which I distribute into two Parts . V. The division and Nature of Vertue . One of these , named Prudence , is the Directive , she that giveth Instruction . The other are the chief Doers , employed in the making men vertuous . The First whereof regards our selves , viz. Temperance and Fortitude . The latter regards others , viz. Justice towards GOD , and this is Godliness or Religion . Men , which is Benevolence and Beneficence . Neither have I unadvisedly resolved upon this Method , forasmuch as the Vertues are a help to us , in the constant prosecution of this Highest Good , and as so many steps , whereby we raise our Souls to that which is Worthy and Honest . And having done this , I proceed to the use of the Passions , as being the Matter for the exercise of Vertues , and whereon they chiefly exert their Activity . To these I add a few Chapters of Human Actions , wherein is chiefly treated concerning the Liberty of the Will , whether it belong to Man , and whether it be consistent with the Knowledge and Power of GOD. Upon this occasion also , I enter upon the examination of the Goodness and Evil of Human Actions , and when they may be said to be conformable to right Reason , and when to thwart and cross the same . And Last of all , I shut up this discourse with the Duties of Man in general , and of a good Citizen in particular ; in which two considerations , all that belongs to Man may be comprehended . I would also have the Reader to take notice , that in this Treatise I follow the Sentiments of DES CARTES : And tho' he hath writ but litle concerning Moral Philosophy , yet I have a mind to raise this structure upon the Foundation he hath laid , and from what he hath Writ concerning the Soul of Man , and the Passions to discover his Sense of Moral Matters . CHAP. I. Of the Nature of Ethicks , and the principal Parts thereof . I. The Certainty of Moral Philosophy . FOrasmuch as ETHICKS is a part of Philosophy , and the Directrix of Human Life , accordingly she derives her certainty from her own Principles ; which do so much conduce to the obtaining of her end , that without their assistance , Goodness and Vertue can never be had . For as PLATO well observes , it is not by an impulse of Nature only , or by Divine choice and favour , that Vertues are acquired , and Vices banished ; but it is necessary to call in Science , or rather the Art of doing well , to our assistance , that by her Rules and Directions , we may be exercised to good manners , and the inborn Seeds of Vertue , that lye buried in us , may be cherished and spring forth . And if at any time some have been known to arrive at the perfection of a Vertuous Life , without the precepts of Ethicks , yet must not we therefore deny her to be an Art ; no more than we refuse the title of Art to Physick , tho' sometimes we may recover our Health without it . II. Tho' Ethicks in it self be very familiar , yet there are but few that agree in explaining of its Nature . Some think it is but a small thing to undertake the Explications of the Precepts of Ethicks , because the Rules conducing to the right deportment of our Lives , seem so very notorious and familiar , and common to all Nations . Who knows not , say they , that Vertue is to be had inesteem and practised ; that Parents are to be obeyd and honour'd ; and that GOD , whom all adore , is to be beloved above all things ? It is proper indeed , to form Rules concerning things we are ignorant of ; but as for Matters that are known to all men , these are best left to every ones owns Sense and consideration . For my part , I should be apt enough to be of their mind also , if all men did agree universally in the Principles and dictates of this Art , and if all without exception embraced , what seems evident to some . But alas , most men now adays are so infected with the itch of contradiction , that they many times start , and maintain new Opinions only to gratifie their wrangling and disputing Humour . As appears more particularly in this Matter before us , for tho' the name of Moral Philosophy be tost in the mouths of all men , yet there are but few that concur in their Sense about the nature of it ; and notwithstanding it be very dangerous to mistake in the forming of our Manners , and the due regulating of our Lives , yet many chuse rather , to question the truth of Moral Dictates , than to want an opportunity of thwarting and contradicting the Sentiments of others , tho' never so clear and incontestable . But may I never be tainted with this Evil , whose aim only is , to pursue Truth , not concerning my self about what others teach , or what Opinions they espouse : My design only being to explain what DES CARTES hath left in writing about these Matters , and to pursue his sense and meaning . III. The Definition of Ethicks . Wherefore from his Method of discoursing aright , I gather this definition of Moral Philosophy : viz. that it is a right way or course of thinking , in order to the obtaining of Human Felicity . Or a Discipline directing man , in his voluntary Actions , so as to live well and happily . In the name of Discipline , it agrees with the other parts of Philosophy , but is distinguisht from those Arts , which leave behind them some perceptible Matter , when the Action is over . For Moral Philosophy is not conversant about any External Matters , nor considers Bodily Actions ; but is intirely employed and concern'd about the inward Operations of the Will , inasmuch as they are submitted to Right Reason , and by it directed to that which is Good. Wherefore to constitute its difference from other Arts , it is added to live well and happily ; that from thence we might gather , that the Mind of man is perfected by Moral Philosophy , and directed by its precepts to act rightly , and comporting with reason . IV. The Object and end of Ethicks . The Object of Ethicks is right reason , which is to be exercised towards all persons and things , and in all our Actions , and the several circumstances of them . Or if you will , it is man himself , inasmuch as he can and ought to be directed to an Honest , that is Moral , Good , according to certain reason . And the end of Ethicks is to perfect man , and make him happy . For if a man be steadily conformable to right reason , in all circumstances of Persons , Things and Human Actions , he is arrived to the highest top of his Moral Perfection and Blessedness . V. What Manners are . The word Ethicks , signifies nothing but Moral , or that which concerns Manners ; and accordingly Ethicks takes upon her to frame and direct our Manners ; which are nothing else , but a way or course of Living confirmed by custom ; or a certain accustomedness of Acting , or repeated Human Actions , which when they are conformable to right reason , are called Good manners ; but if contrary to the same , Vitious and Wicked . VI. Ethicks does not so much consider External as Internal Actions . And altho' many Human Actions are External , and such as cannot be performed without the help of the Body , as Liberality , which communicates her Benefits to others ; Justice which gives to every one his due , and other such like which are free , and at the command of the Will : Yet are not these Actions primarily considered by Moral Philosophy , but secondarily only , so far as they are the effects of Internal Actions , and the product of the Will. For the Duty of Liberality doth not principally consist in the relieving of our Friend , but in the care and desire we have to assist him , which is the peculiar property of a generous and vertuous Mind . Neither can we suppose that the restoring of a Pledge or Trust , or the paying of a Debt , doth fulfil the whole requiring of Justice ; but rather that firm purpose of the Will , whereby a man unalterably resolves to restore the Trust that is committed to him , and not wrong any by withholding their due from them . Wherefore outward Actions may be said to be the Instruments only , whereby the Will executes her decrees , and performs what she hath resolved upon . And tho' all particular Actions be free , as being performed or omitted according to the pleasure of the Will ; yet it is not the concern of Ethicks to consider particular Actions , but only the Actions of the Will in general , to which it universally prescribes , that GOD is to be loved , Vertue to be embraced , and Vice to be avoided , &c. VII . Moral Philosophy is to be accounted amongst the practical Sciences From all which it is evident , that Moral Philosophy is not meerly Speculative , or consisting in the sole contemplation of Manners ; but that it is to be reckoned amongst the active Sciences , its work and business being to form our Manners , to instruct us to Vertue , and prescribe the Rules of well-doing . VIII . Of the three parts of Moral Philosophy . Moral Philosophy is commonly divided into three Parts , viz. into Private , Domestick and Politick . For man may be considered under various respects ; First , as he is a particular man , that is , as he takes care of himself , and provides for his own Good : Secondly , as he is the Master of a Family , and performs the Duties incumbent on a Master or Parent ; and Lastly , as he is concern'd in the Government of a City , or Commonwealth , and the giving Laws to others . All which diversities of Offices or Duties , are directed by so many several parts of Moral Philosophy . The Private , which some call Monastick or Solitary , is that part of Ethicks , which gives Rules how men in their singular State ought to behave themseves : The Domestick or Oeconomical , is that which lays down Precepts , how Families may be rightly ordered : And the Political teaches and instructs us in whatsoever conduceth to the good of Societies , and how both Magistrates and Subjects , are to behave themselves in their several Stations : For seeing that man stands in need of the Help and assistance of others , as well with reference to those things which are the necessaries of Life , as those which are the comforts and conveniences of it ; he is assisted in those things which are necessary to Life by his Family , and by the Society or Common-wealth , with that which conduceth to his safety and well being . IX . The Domestick and Political part of Ethicks are reducible to the private . But whatsoever Modern Philosophers may talk of this distribution of Ethicks , it seems clear to me , that the two latter parts of Moral Philosophy are contained in the former , and that if a man be only instructed in good Manners , this is sufficient to qualifie him , for the well and happy governing of his House or Commonwealth . For it is still a Private man , that manageth matters , whether in a Family or Commonwealth , and who certainly will be by so much the more fitted to discharge his Duty and Trust in either , by how much greater command he hath got over his Passions , and the more eminent he is in Vertue . For the Vertue of a Private person , doth not differ from that of a publick and Political ; no more than the Felicity of the one , differs from that of the other . For whatsoever the Private part of Ethicks professeth , the same is with equal Right contained in the two others , viz. the Science of Life , besides which nothing is taught , or contained in the Oeconomical and Political . Neither can we assign any other difference betwixt them than there is , in the several Pipes of Wind-Engines or Instruments , in which one and the same Wind produceth several Sounds . In like manner all men receive from the Private part of Moral Philosophy , the Rules of living well and conformably to reason , notwithstanding that as the greater Pipes of an Organs yield a deeper Sound , so those who are in high and honourable places in the Commonwealth , may have a more large field wherein to exercise their Vertues , and more ample matter , of giving illustrious and signal instances of their Firm Probity . CHAP. II. What Good is , and how and why the same is desired . I. Nothing is Good but with reference to another . BEfore we proceed to explain the nature of Good , and to discover that which is the desire and delight of all men ; we are to take notice , that a thing considered in it self , cannot be said to be either Good or Evil , but only with reference to some other thing , to which it is conducive to attain that which it pursues , or on the contrary . Thus Venom is good and wholesome to a Serpent ; but hurtful and destructve to man. And therefore , if we except GOD Almighty only , who doth good to all , and preserves the Being of every thing ; there is nothing in the World , which in a different respect may not be accounted Good and Evil. But this being so , a difficulty seems to arise , how then we may come to know and perceive that which is Good , and how to distinguish it from that which is Evil. II. Good cannot be defined with the reference it hath to our Appetite or desire . Some define the Essence of Good by our inborn Propensity , or Inclination ; as supposing that to be Good which excites our desire , and allures us to embrace and pursue it . But these according to my Judgment , do not exactly enough lay open the nature of Good. For that Inclination whereby we are carried out to desire that which is Good , supposeth it to be something that is suitable to our Nature , so that the thing must be endued with the formal reason of Goodness , before ever it can move our Appetite . For Appetibility or desirableness , is nothing else but an Affection or Property of that which is Good , and which flows from its Essence . Now it is inconsistent with the Rules of true Definition , to make the proprieties of things to constitute the natures of them . III. The true Definition of Good. Good thefore may better be defined thus , viz. that which is acceptable and suitable to every one . And that this is a true Definition , will appear by an enumeration of the several general heads of Good things ; for all Good is comprehended under one of the three heads of Honest , Pleasant or Profitable . An Honest Good is that which is agreeable to right reason , and is desired for its own sake : As Vertue , Piety , to love Good , to honour ones Parents , to relieve the Poor , to curb the lusts of the Flesh . Pleasant Good is that which is desired for delights sake ( yet without thwarting the Honest Good and Right Reason ) as Musick delights the Ear , a curious Picture the Eye , and the conscience of Good deeds , does afford innocent pleasure to Mind or Body . Profitable Good is that which is Good , in order to some other thing , for the acquiring whereof it is desired , as Mony , Riches , &c. But not one of all these is called Good , save only in reference to its being suitable , or agreeable to some other thing . The reason whereof is this , because the operation of the Understanding , must go before the Act of the Will ; and therefore it is necessary that the Object be first known to be agreeable to a reasonable Nature , before that the Will can be carried out towards it . IV. There are two sorts of Appetites . Now it will be easie to shew how , and in what manner things are carried out towards that which is Good , that is to the desire of that which is agreeable to , and convenient for them , if we consider the two Appetites in Man , whereof the one is call'd Innate , the other Elicit : The Innate Appetite is an inborn inclination , whereby a thing is carried towards that which is convenient for , and acceptable to it . Thus the Peripateticks generally hold , that the Fire by a natural propensity tends upwards ; and that Plants attract a suitable Aliment out of the Earth . Tho' indeed this seems very difficult to conceive , that things utterly devoid of Sense and Knowledge should desire any thing , or be endued with any propensity . We cannot deny , but that in things of this nature , there are some certain Laws of Motion , appointed by the Author of Nature , which may be said to be a kind of inward propensions ; as that every motion affects to pursue a right Line ; but we yet must have a care , not to attribute any Appetites or Inclinations to things , when we search into their more hidden Qualities , for this would be to confound the Attributes of the most different things . Wherefore Appetite is only to be attributed to Man , it being an Act of the Will , whereby upon previous Understanding , it is carried out to that which is convenient for it . V. In what sense Inanimate things may be said to desire things . Wherefore when I say , that Inanimate things have an Appetite , I would not be so understood , as if I did attribute any Knowledge to them , by which they desire things grateful , and avoid the contrary ( for Knowledge is no where but in the Mind ) but only that by an infallible necessity they follow the guidance of the Divine Reason , and indispensably obey his Will ; in like manner , as an Arrow by a skilful Archer is guided to the mark , with out having any Knowledge or Perception thereof : Inanimate things therefore pursue that which is Good by a natural impulse , and reach it by means of Local motion , which the great Creator of the Universe hath furnisht them with . Man alone desires Good from a preceding Knowledge , because he only is possest of a Soul , whose peculiar nature it is to Perceive , Will and Imagin . VI. How it comes to pass that Man sometimes desires Evil. But it may be enquired , seeing that Man doth not pursue that which is Good , without a foregoing knowledge of it , how it comes to pass , that he sometimes goes in quest of the contrary , that is , Evil ? To which I answer , that Evil is never desired by Man ; but whatsoever his desire is carried out after , the same is always proposed to him , under the likeness and appearance of Good. For tho' it may be , that which he hankers after , be contrary to Reason , and the Law of GOD ; yet is the same always represented to him as some Pleasurable or Profitable Good , and is consequently allured to it , under the notion of its being suitable to him . VII . Why all Men , none excepted , desire Good. It will be sufficient for the explication of the Nature of Good , only to discover the cause , why all Men promiscuously desire that which is Good , and are byast towards it , by an inborn propensity . To do this will be very obvious , if we remember , that GOD is the supreme Good , comprehending all the Perfections that can be conceived by the Mind of Man. Wherefore when any other Good is represented to us , we desire it upon no other account , but as we apprehend it to partake of the Divine Goodness , because by its Essence and Existence it bears some kind of Resemblance with him . And hence it is that no Rest can be found , either in the Possession of Good things , or in the Contemplation of Truth ; because nothing created can equal the Idea we have of Good and Truth : tho' in the mean time we snatch at some imperfect Images and Glances of it , whereby our Love is inflamed to attain the Supream Good. This Affection also is sometimes kindled in us from the Diversity of Objects , as being apt to imagin that we make some approaches to the infinity of that Highest Good , by enquiring into the Nature of new Objects , and by extending the Bounds of our Knowledge and Enjoyments . Accordingly it happens sometimes that Covetous Misers , quitting their niggardly Companions , frequent the company of Liberal Persons ; and that such as are Sad , keep company with those that are Merry and Jovial ; and those that are Angry and Froward , with persons of Meek and Quiet Spirits ; as being sensible of an insufficiency in themselves , and that they stand in need of the help of others towards the obtaining of their proper Good. VIII . In every Desire there is some appearance of the Supream Good. Now in all these there is somewhat of a tendency towards that Highest Good : for Ambition doth not proceed from an Inborn desire of Honour ; nor doth the concupiscence of Love proceed from Nature , but from a Pravity of Manners , whilst they are panting after that Immense Good , and affect the Possession of that which is infinite . For the desire of that which is Good , is , as it were , the Great Artificer that endeavours to make Created Beings conformable to their first Principle and like unto him . CHAP. III. What the Highest Good is . I. All Men aspire after Happiness . THERE is nothing sticks so close to the mind of Man as the desire of Blessedness , and tho' sometimes we can hardly obtain or reach it , yet we are still in pursuit of it . For all the other motions of our Mind vanish away by degrees , and in process of time are lessened and weakned . For we are not always taken with the splendor of Honours , or inflamed with the love of Riches ; and Pleasure or Voluptuousness at last loseth all its charms , whereby it formerly captivated us , so that we loath the Objects we before panted after . But the desire of Happiness admits of no vicissitude , but as long as we breathe , or our Hearts do beat , excites us to the pursuit of it . II. What the Highest Good is . This is that in which all People do agree , that they desire to be Happy ; and how greatly soever they may differ in their Tempers and Inclinations , yet they all unite in this Passion , that they all affect to be happy . And accordingly the Ancients called the Highest Good the last of all ▪ desirable things ; forasmuch as the said Good is every way perfect and absolute , which being once attained , there remains nothing further to be desired The SUPREAM GOOD therefore is that Mark which all our Words and Deeds tend to ; and as Seafaring-men , direct their Eyes to the Pole Star , so likewise is our Soul to be directed to some end , to which all our consults and deliberations of living well , and acting aright must tend . III. Why there be so few that know it . Tho' almost all Philosophers have written concerning the Highest Good , and have left great Volumes on that subject to Posterity , yet were they never more mistaken in any thing , than they have been in that point , insomuch that I dare affirm , that excepting only a few , they were never more unhappy in any of their undertakings than in this research after the true Nature of Human Felicity . I conceive that their mistake herein was caused by reason of their not duely considering what properly belongs to Man , or for want of accurately distinguishing between the functions of the Mind , and the motions of the Body ; by which means , slighting the Inhabitant , they only had regard to his Home or Lodging . IV. The Supream Good defined . The Highest Good therefore of this Life , is that which makes Man , here on Earth , most perfect and happy . And therefore for its sake only all other things are desired , whereas the Supream Good is desired for its own sake . We seem to express , at least , a kind of confused knowledge of this Good , when we prefer one thing before another : for when-ever we choose one thing rather than another , we always suppose the one to be Better : now that only is so which comes nearest to the Best . So that it appears we have an indelible notion of the Best , that is , Supream Good imprest on our Minds . V. The Differing Opinions of the Antients concerning the Nature of the Highest Good. Some have defined the end of all our Actions to be Pleasure , the desire whereof is born with us , as well as the aversation of Pain ; of which number was ARISTIPPUS the Philosopher , and the CYRENAICKS . Others determined Blessedness to consist in the enjoyment of a concourse of all Good Things ; and that no Man was happy , that did not possess the affluence of them all . And accordingly , for to constitute their Happy Man , they require that he have Friends to advise and assist him ; that he have Riches for necessaries and convenience ; Power , whereby he may command others , and make them serviceable to him ; Nobility , to make him conspicuous and eminent ; yea , and Beauty too , with a fruitful Wife , and wel-mannered and witty Children . But , as I said before , I suppose that these Philosophers , who placed Happiness in these things , never well considered the Nature of Man , nor what belongs to his Mind , and what to his Body . For had they lookt upon the Mind , as they ought , to have been the chief and principal part in Man , they would never have placed his Felicity and satisfaction in things that gratifie his outward Part , seeing that true satisfaction appertains only to his Rational and inward Part. But forasmuch as the dispute amongst Philosophers is not so much about the Nature of Felicity , as the Causes of it , that is , the means which lead to it ; it shall be our care chiefly to discover , whence Happiness doth arise , and what that Supream Good is , by the enjoyment whereof we are made Happy . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 3. Lens Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Worshipfull Captaine William Wallis of St. Martins in the Fields in the County of Midles ex This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . CHAP. IV. That the Good Things of the Body conduce nothing to Mans Happiness . I. Aristotle ranks Health amongst the most considerable Good things that concur to Mans Happiness . THE Good things of the Body are commonly reduced to these three , viz. Health , Beauty , Pleasure ; in the enjoyment whereof we are commonly esteemed happy . For if we consult ARISTOTLE , he will tell us , that Health is as great a Good to us , as a calm Sea is to the Birds called Halcyons ; who , when the Face of the Sea is smooth , and not wrinkled with Winds , with great ease and delight dispatch their affairs , sit brooding upon their Eggs , hatch their Young , cherish and feed them : and that much the same pleasure and ease attends those that have a firm and healthful Constitution of Body , whereby they with chearfulness exert all the functions of Life , and with a ready activity discharge all the Offices incumbent upon them . For when the Body is sick and weak , who knows not that the Briskness and activity of Man languisheth , and that the very perceptions of his Senses prove burthensome and irksome unto him ? His Ears loath the sweetest Musick , his Sight is tired with the most Beautiful and charming Objects , the Conferences of his Friends prove tedious , and by an utter dislike of all things , he sometimes becomes intolerable , even to himself . II. If Health were the peculiar Good of Man ▪ Beasts would excel him . But , notwithstanding all this , far be it from us to constitute the Good of Man in so mean a gift of Nature , and to make his Felicity to depend on his Body . For if we place the chiefest Good in a due state of the Body , shall we not make Beasts more happy than Man , who generally enjoy a more firm and vigorous health , and more perfect Senses ? Whatsoever conduceth to the Happiness of Man , must be peculiar to him , and not common to him with the Brutes . Besides , the things that constitute the Highest Good , must be stable and unmoveable ; but what is more weak and tottering than Health , which is overturn'd with the least fit of Sickness , and which as years encrease upon us , decreaseth continually ? That which is not in our Power , but depends on another for its subsistence , doth not deserve the name of Good. Do'nt we see frequently that the most Learned and most accomplisht Men are the most weak and sickly ? And that the things which promote and assist the mind , are hurtful to the Body ? Are not Studies , which inform and enlighten the Mind , and inflame the Will , prejudicial to the good Temperament and State of our Bodies which they alter and weaken ? III. Beauty is no part of Mans Happiness . And the same judgment must be made of Beauty , because of its Frailty , and short continuance . For what season of the Year can be named , that doth not conspire to the defacing of it ? The Winters Cold by driving the Heat inwards , much abates the florid colour of the Face , whilst the Summers Heat tans the Skin , wherein Beauty hath its peculiar residence , and sits exalted as on hes Throne . But suppose we this fading Flower to be perpetual , and exempt from the Power of the distemperature of Seasons or Weather , yet after all , we shall never be able to make it a part of the Highest Good , seeing it brings nothing but trouble along with it , and disturbs the peace of those that are most possest of it with continual sollicitude . How vexatiously sollicitous are Young Men and Maids to appear Beautiful to the Eyes of Spectators ? What pains and inconveniencies do they not undergo , to preserve this fading Flower ? How many hours do they spend in Curling and Combing their Hair , and other Trimmings , and neglect the improvement and good state of their Minds , to adorn and deck their Bodies ? Nothing can be esteemed Good , but what is conducive to Vertue ; but who is so blinded with the Charms of Beauty , to assert that it is any way helpful or conducive to Vertue and Honesty ? When on the contrary it is apparent that it is the greatest allurement to Sin , and furnisheth the strongest incentives to Lust and Concupiscence ? A Woman that sets many Hearts on fire , is in no small danger of being fired her self : And it is but seldom that we find exact Chastity and great Beauty to go hand in hand together ; and there is but too just reason to suspect , that she who is too industrious to please others , is not free from impure desires her self . Wherefore conclude we , that Beauty cannot be ranked amongst the Good things that constitute Human Felicity , as well because it is so brittle and fading , as because it gives occasion to promote Vice and advance Folly. IV. Bodily Pleasure cannot make Ma● happy . But there are none that more abuse the name of the Highest Good , than those who place it in Pleasure , and take its height from sensual delectation . not that I suppose this to have been the opinion of EPICURUS , as most do , since I am perswaded that his Precepts were Vertuous and Good , and that he made use of the word Pleasure , not to advance Voluptuousness , but to promote Vertue , as I have elsewhere shewed at large . Wherefore I do here contend with them only , who owning nothing in Man besides his Body , suppose that his happiness consists in abounding with Pleasure , and that he is then Blessed when every part of him hath its share of joy and delectation . V. They that constitute the Felicity of Man in Bodily Pleasure , do level him with the Beasts . But these may be easily convinc'd of their error , by putting them in Mind , that by setting this Estimate upon Mans Happiness , they level him with the Beasts , and assign to him no greater Good than Swine themselves do enjoy . Nothing can enter the Constitution of the Supream Good , but what is Eternal , and which affects the Soul in such a manner , as to be hurtful or prejudicial to no Body , and never causing wearisomness or loathing . Whereas Pleasure is inconstant , and soon languisheth , and is extinguisht when it delights most . Whatsoever is the true Good of Man , doth not thwart any other Good , but is advantageous to Vertue , and to his Body and Soul ; whereas there is no greater Enemy to Prudence than Pleasure ; nothing that more overcasts the Mind , and fills it with disquiet and ignorance ; being always Rash and Precipitant , impatient of Advice or Counsel , and not so much the effect of Choice , as of a suddain attack and onset . What agreement can there be betwixt Human Felicity and such a Good as this ? The thing must be Immortal and Eternal , that can make an Immortal Soul Happy . VI. Pleasure is common to Good and Bad Men. Besides , how can the Highest Good of Man consist in that which is common to Good and Bad , to the Criminal as well as the Innocent ; that which enticeth Men from Vertue , and clouds their Judgment ; the affluence whereof clogs and breeds a loathing , and commonly ends in Sadness and Repentance ? Now that all these things may be truly affirmed of Pleasure , is evident to every one that considers the Nature of it . CHAP. V. External Good Things are not the Good of Man. I. The Good things of Fortune are not in our Power , and therefore do not belong to us . FOrasmuch as Suitableness constitutes the Nature of Good , and that we always desire that which is most agreeable to our Nature , we do abuse our innate Faculties , when-ever we desire things that are not suitable to us , or which are not in our own Power : which they evidently seem to be guilty of , who rank outward Goods amongst those Good things that are conducive to the Happiness of Man. For such as these pursue Happiness in matters that are foreign to them , and the Acquisition whereof is not in their own Power . Whereas what can be imagined more foolish than to prosecute a Precarious Felicity , and to borrow the means and helps of a Happy State from foreign things ? Who ever acquired Riches , Renown or Nobility when he pleased ? they being Largesses of Fortune , which she gives , and takes away by chance , and at random . II. Riches are frequently a Mans greatest Enemy , and most prejudicial to his Peace and Quiet . You 'l say that Riches are necessary to a Happy Life , forasmuch as they furnish us with many comforts and conveniencies . But for all this , I shall never admit any thing to enter the constitution of the Highest Good , except it be first demonstrated to me to be Good in it self , or that it be in the possession of such a one , who can vertuously make use of it . But where is he that understands the true value and worth of things , and estimates them accordingly ? Where is the Rich Man that is not puft up with his Riches , that doth not despise his Inferiors , and doth not scorn their company ? Riches indeed may conduce to Pomp and Splendor , but not to that state which we require in a Wise Man , viz. a constant calm and sedateness of Mind . For with what racking sollicitude are they tormented in the acquiring of them ? What care , what pains do they take to preserve them when got ? So that they may truly be said not to possess their Riches , but to be possessed by them . Besides , the possession and enjoyment of Good must needs fill and satisfie the Soul : But where is the Rich Man that is content with his Condition , seeing that they are never satiated with Gold ; and that all their acquisitions serve but to enlarge their Desires , and render them insatiable ? Lastly , we find nothing more frequent and obvious than that Riches do debauch men , and corrupt their manners , and tempt the best Natures , sometimes , to the worst of Vices . It was Riches , far more powerful than Swords or Darts , that broke and vanquisht the Roman Vertues , and made Slaves of them , who had mastered the whole World. The Romans were every where Conquerors whilst they were poor , neither could any thing stand before them ; but were conquered and trod upon as soon as they began to wallow in Riches . III. Riches cannot make Men happy . Moreover , that which is the Highest Good must needs accomplish and Bless Man in the highest degree , it must needs be constant and permanent , be desirable for it self , belong to Good Men alone , and exclude all Evil ; but nothing of all these can be found in Riches . For Riches are not desired for themselves , but for the ornament and convenience of Life ; they are more frequently possest by Bad , than Good Men , as daily experience sheweth ; they are the Cherishers and Fomenters of Vice ; they do not bar or keep off Evil , they do not fill the desire , and they often make a man infamous and corrupt him , instead of making him better . IV. Honour is a Fickle Good , and depending of another . Neither can Honour , with any greater Right , lay claim to the title of Good , as wanting stability and permanence , and any other subsistence but what they have in the opinion of men . For they do not long follow the same person , but shift continually , and imitate the inconstancy of the People , whose breath they depend upon . Do not Histories furnish us with Examples of those who from weilding a Scepter , have been reduc'd to hold the Plough ; and who from a state wherein they were raised , not only above the Heads of others , but above the Laws themselves , were forced within Bounds , and had their extravagant Power retrencht ? Did we never hear of SEJANUS , that most famous Roman Consul , who was the Emperors Deputy and Lieutenant General , and whom TIBERIUS called his Friend , how upon a Letter from that Emperor to the Senate he was cast into Prison , and ignominiously treated , being abhorred and flouted at by those , who worshipt him but a while before ? And shall we not conclude from these , and a thousand other instances that Fame and Honour are brittle like Glass , and inconstant as the Wind , which whilst it flatters , doth insnare us , and when it shines strongest , is nearest its setting . Lastly , why should Honour be desired , since it doth not depend on him who is praised , but is wholly in the Power of those who give it ? Neither are Men Honour'd because they are worthy , but because others think them so . V. Nobility being an external advantage only , cannot make Men happy . Others again cry up Nobility , and think it very much injur'd by those who reckon it amongst indifferent things , which do not concur either to Happiness or Misery . For they suppose it to be an innate Worthiness , founded upon the Vertue and Atchievments of their Forefathers . But how can this make them better , since the Nobility they value so much is none of their own , but wholly derived and borrowed from others ? Every one must have his own Vertues , since it is impossible for any Man to borrow them from another . What , am I to be accounted Noble , because my Parents or Ancestors were Famous and Renowned for their Vertue , and because they deserved well of their Prince and Country ? We Pride our selves with that which is anothers , whilst we boast of our Pedigree , and arrogate the Praises of our Ancestors , as if due to us ? For what else is this but to Rob the Dead , and to expect Glory , for what we never labour'd for ? But besides this , how often doth Nobility take its rise from Crimes and Wickedness , and how frequently hath an honourable Title been the reward of Murther or Treachery ? What more common than to purchase Nobility with Mony or Pimping , and for a man to become illustrious for his Vices ? The Posterity of such as these cannot be said to be Noble but Notorious , and the Rise of the Fathers Gentility , becomes the reproach of his Children . But we 'll suppose your Ancestors to have been all of them great and Gallant Men , and to have been beholden to their Vertue only , for their Nobility ; yet can they not transmit this worthiness of theirs to you , nor indeed any thing besides their Riches , which without any regard to the Vertue of our Forefathers , we do often abuse to the Ruin both of Soul and Body . How often do we meet with Gentlemen by name , who , as to their Manners and Accomplishments , are very mean and inconsiderable ? He is Noble , who hath a great Soul , disposed to Vertue and Goodness , who knows things that are Right and Honest , and doth heartily love and pursue them . CHAP. VI. What is the Highest Good of Man in this Life , and his Vltimate End. I. How the Highest Good Happines● and Beatitude may be distinguish● THO' from what hath been already said , it doth in great measure appear , what that is which we call the Supream Good , yet will it be of use in the beginning of this Chapter , to enquire what Felicity , and what Bliss is , and how they disser from the Chiefest Good. We commonly call them happy , who abound with the Goods of Fortune , and who without their own Wit and Industry jump into Riches and Honours . And therefore such are commonly said to be more Fortunate than Wise ; forasmuch as the things they possess are only external , and do not properly belong to them . But Beatitude consists in that Joy of Mind , and Tranquillity of Soul which ariseth from the Possession of the Chiefest Good ; and the Highest Good is that Object , the enjoyment whereof makes us Blissful , and than which nothing higher or better can be desired by us . So that the Highest Good of this Life is that which makes a Man Blessed and Perfect here on Earth , according to the Possibility of this State. And therefore all other things are only to be desired for the sake of it , and it only desirable for its own sake . II. The Chiefest Good of Man in General . It will be useful also for our better understanding of the Nature of the Chiefest Good , to consider Man in a double state , and that is either as a Private Man , and as he is a person that takes care of himself , and refers all things to his own Good and Interest : or as Man-kind , or the Nature of Man in general , which comprehends all Men , and does , as it were , constitute a Body Politick . The Chiefest Good of a Man considered in this latter sense , seems to be no other than a Concurrence of all Perfections whereof he is capable . For so Man cannot be lookt upon as most perfect , without he be furnisht , not only with the Goods of Soul and Body , but also with those of Fortune . III. The Chiefest Good of a Private Man. But forasmuch as we do not enquire here what it is that makes Mankind , or all Men collectively taken , Happy , but what makes every singular Man so ; we say that the Chiefest Good of a Private Man , is the right use of his Reason , and which chiefly consists herein , that he have a firm and constant purpose of always doing that , which he judgeth to be best . And this is therefore the Chiefest Good , because no Good must be esteemed by us more than it , and all other things undervalued in comparison of it . And then because we enquire here after a Good which is in our Power , and can be obtained by us ; and that the Good things of the Body and Fortune are without us , and come to us , and go from us without any contrivance or endeavour of ours ; nor can we be said to possess those things which are only borrowed by us , and which we may lose the next moment ; therefore it is of absolute necessity that we place our highest Good in our Mind , and that it depend on our Free Will only . IV. It consists in the due use of his two Chief Faculties . All that belongs to our Soul is compriz'd in 2 Faculities , viz. the Power of Understanding , that is , of knowing Truth and Good , and discerning them from Evil and Falshood : and the Power of Willing , or assenting to those things which we know to be True and Good. And in the right or due use of these 2 Chief Faculties , we say that the Supream Good of Man doth consist . Which is then chiefly done , when we diligently inspect whatsoever is propounded to us , and when we exert the utmost of the vigor of our Mind to the discerning of that which is best ; which is the first Function or Office of our Intellective Faculty . And in the next place , that our Choice exactly follow our Perception , so as to undertake nothing which is not clear and manifest to us . For our Knowledge is the Rule of our Actions , and , as it were , the Guide of them , which we are to follow ; and as long as we do so , we may be said to be out of the reach of Error : For tho' we may happen to be deceived , and tho' that which we have accounted Good may be only so in appearance , or may be indeed Evil , yet notwithstanding we are assured that we have performed what was our Duty , and have omitted nothing , whereby we might discover the true Nature of it . V. In order to the attaining of Beatitude , three things are to be done . The First . Which satisfaction of Mind we shall attain to , by giving heed to , and observing these 3 things which are the Foundations of all Ethicks , or Moral Philosophy . First , That we , according to our utmost endeavours , strive to attain the Knowledge of what we ought to embrace , and what to avoid in all the Circumstances and occurrences of our Lives . For seeing that many and various things happen to us , during the whole course of our Life , which according to the different Circumstances of Time , are called by different names , we are constantly to fix our Eye upon the Dictate of Reason , forasmuch as it often happens , that those things which were once Good , are accounted Evil ; and that which was Honourable , is now lookt upon as Ignominious and Despicable . Above all , we must take heed of espousing the opinions of the Vulgar , not minding what Men commonly do , but what ought to be done . VI. The Second . The Second thing is , That we stand firm and constant to what we have once resolved upon and purposed ; that is , that we retain an unmoveable Mind and Will , of doing those things which Reason commands , not suffering our Passions and corrupt Inclinations to lead us aside . VII . The Third . The Third , That we lay this down as an unmoveable Ground and Principle , that nothing besides our own Thoughts , is in our Power ; and that therefore seeing the Goods we want , are without us , they are not to be wished for or desired by us . VIII . Whatsoever doth not proceed from our Free Will or Choice , deserves no Praise . The Greatest Good therefore that we can attain to in this Life , consists in the possession of all those Perfections , the obtaining whereof depends on our own Free. Will or Choice ; and seeing that there is nothing , besides the Exercise of Vertue , that is of this Nature , we are to conclude , that our proper Good and Happiness doth therein alone consist . For indeed , whatsoever doth not proceed from this Principle , neither merits Praise nor Blame ; for Praise is the Reward of Good Actions , and can never be deserved , if they be the effect of Necessity , and are not the Fruits of our Free Choice . 'T is without Reason therefore that we delight our selves in Riches , Honours and such like , seeing that they are things without us , and therefore do not belong to our Happiness . We may be allow'd indeed to have some Value for them , but no Praise is due to us for them , any further than they have been acquir'd justly and honestly , that is , in the due use of our Reason . IX . Wherein the Bliss or Beatitude of a Natural man doth consist . Whence we may easily gather , That the Natural Happiness of Man , is nothing else , but that Tranquillity or Joy of Mind , which springs from his Possession or Enjoyment of the Highest Good : Which being nothing else but the Right use of our Free-will , we must conclude , that from the Possession thereof our Chiefest Pleasure must proceed . This will be evident as the Sun at Noon-day , if we consider , that all Pleasure and Delight is the Inmate of our Soul ; and tho' there be some Delights which cannot be communicated to it , but by means of the Body , yet we may assert , that they are intimately present to the Mind : For it is the Soul which perceives all Outward Objects , tho' they be convey'd to her by the Ministry of the Senses ; and it is the Soul alone that is affected with , and capable of Pleasure , whilst she perceives her self possessed of the Highest Good , whereof she is capable in this Mortal Life . X. It is impossible , but he must be sensible of the Highest Joy , who lives in the due use of of his Free-will . Moreover , we are to take notice , that Good things are not so much to be rated by us , from the Conveniences or Advantages which accrue to us from them ; as from the Relation and respect they have to us . Now seeing that Free-Will is properly and peculiarly ours , and that it is the Best thing we are Owners of , it follows , that nothing less than the Highest Joy , can be the result of the Right use thereof . For what can be more excellent in Man , than that whereby he is raised above all other Animals ; than that whereby he resembles the Great and Glorious God , seems to stand , as it were , on even ground with him , and to be exempt from his Command ? Forasmuch therefore as it is manifest that our Free-will is the greatest of all good things , and that the possession thereof is ascertain'd to us , there can be no question , but that the greatest Peace of Mind , and the most solid of all Pleasures , must naturally spring from the due use of it . XI . The Ancient Philophers were of the same Opinion . And by giving this Notion of the Highest Good of Man , we concur with the Opinions of the Ancients , and embrace the Sentiments of EPICURUS , as well as of ZENO , and the rest of the Stoicks . For tho' EPICURUS placed the Chiefest Good in Pleasure , and ZENO in Vertue ; yet they may easily be reconciled by saying , that Vertue is to be accounted the one only Good of Man , forasmuch as it alone depends on his Free-will : And seeing that full Satisfaction of Mind proceeds from the possession of the greatest Good , that therefore Pleasure also must be a concurrent Means to make us Happy . XII . What that best thing is , we all aspire after . The Highest Good of Man therefore consists chiefly in 2 things , viz. in the Knowledge of the Best Good , and in the constant prosecution of it . If any one enquire what that Best Good is in the knowledge and pursuance whereof we must spend all our Endeavours . I Answer in a word , that the Good of the Universe is , that a Man in particular be happy , and all others with him . For seeing that the Greatest of any Good , is to be measured by the Relation it hath to us , we are to take heed that whatsoever we undertake , may promote our Happiness , and conduce to our chief and ultimate End. XIII . We must also do good to others . And forasmuch as we are not born only for our Selves , but for our Country , and the Society and Family whereof we are Members , we are also to endeavour the well-being of others , and be no less solicitous for the Good of the Publick , than for our own . For GOD hath so order'd the World , and hath joyned Men in so close and strait a Band of Society and Communion , that tho' a Man should be so Selfish , as only to mind himself ; yet Prudence would move him to do Good , and be kind to others . Besides , it is the Mark of a great and sublime Soul , to do good to others ; and the Noblest Minds are always found most carried out to Beneficence , and to have a low Esteem of the Goods they possess : Whereas it is the Character of Low and Little Souls , to have a great Value for themselves , and little or no Regard or Esteem for others . XIV . The Interest and concerns of the Publick , are to be preferr'd before any Private Concerns whatsoever . Wherefore Private men , and such as mind their own Interest , are oblig'd , as well as those who are in a more Publick station , to be helpful and assistant to others ; and if they act prudently , will endeavour , to the utmost of their Abilities , to be beneficent to others , doing them all the Good they can . For this is the end and design of Human Policy , or State Government , to settle such Laws whereby we may be helpful and useful to one another , or at least , not be hurtful or prejudicial to our Neighbours . For whosoever shall thus sincerely and heartily obey the Common Laws of the Society , shall without doubt live more happily and safely , than those who pursue their own profit , without any regard to the Publick Good ; who tho' sometimes they may seem to prosper , yet for the most part have an unhappy End , and frequently come to their Fall and Ruin , by those selfish and unjust Means , whereby they design'd to raise themselves . CHAP. VII . Of the Nature of Vertue in General . The Definition of Vertue in General . FOrasmuch as Vertue alone can make us happy , we can do no less than treat of it in particular , to the end we may be fully informed of the Nature of that thing , the possession whereof procures our Felicity . For tho' all Men own Vertue , yet do they not agree in their Thoughts about the Nature of it . But not to trouble my self about enumerating the Opinions of others , I say , that Vertue consists in a steady Resolution and Vigour of Mind , whereby we are carried to do things we believe to be Good. For Man only is Praise-worthy for those things that are in his Power , and which depend on his firm Resolution of Well-doing . And it is of absolute necessity , that he who would Live well and happily , be constant and unmoveable in his Resolutions ; for he that is wavering , and tost this way and that way by manifold Passions and Inclinations , doth not act , but is a Slave to his Passions ; neither follows that which is best , but what is most pleasing to his Lusts and Affections . II. A firm Purpose is necessary t● Vertue . The most necessary therefore of the Requisits to Vertue , is a steady purpose and vigour of Mind , by which we are readily and fully carried to the prosecution of that , which after due Examination , we find to be Best , without suffering our selves to be stopt or turn'd aside by any Passions or Appetites whatsoever . For as Vice proceeds from Doubt and Wavering , which are the Consequents of Ignorance ; so on the contrary Vertue is founded upon a firm and steady Purpose of performing whatsoever Right Reason doth suggest . Which Right Reason is nothing else , but a true Sense and Judgment concerning Human and Divine things , as far as they belong to , or concern us . Wherefore also this is that which is the proper and peculiar Good of Man , whereby , to speak with the Stoicks , he excels Beasts , and follows GOD. III. The Laws of Vertue are truly Good , and ●●reproveable . Nor will this sound strange to us , seeing Reason is no other , but that Power of Understanding and Judging , derived from and communicated by GOD , the Highest and First Reason , which therefore we are to follow as a Rule in all our Actions , and to which we are to have a constant Eye , as to our Sovereign Lady , whose Power over us is most Lawful and Equitable , whose Laws are Irreprehensible , and all her Statutes , Beneficial and Perfective of our Natures . So that he that Obeys and follows her , cannot go astray , since by keeping her Dictates he obeys the Divine Law , written in his Mind , which is the Source and Rule of all Equity . IV. A firm Purpose of always doing what is Best , is a necessary Ingredient of Virtue . We have already said in the Explication of Vertue , that it is a firm purpose of doing those things , which Reason tells us are Best ; because it is requisite that this Will be firm , and that the things we undertake , be throughly Examined by us . For those who perform the greatest Actions , do not merit any Praise , if they be not done after mature Deliberation , and with a steady Purpose . For Vertue , as SENECA tells us , is not an Action , but the Exercise and Purpose of it . For he who is prepar'd , dispos'd and resolved for the Patient enduring of the hardest Trials , and who is fully purpos'd to relieve and succour the Miseries of others , but is hindred of an Opportunity of exerting his Vertuous Resolutions , is without doubt possest of Vertue , tho' he hath not been able to exert or exercise it . So that seeing it is in our Power to Judge what we ought to do , and what to omit ; yet can we not of right be said to be Vertuous , except we have a steady Purpose of doing whatsoever Reason shall propound to us to be Best . V. Aristotle makes Vertue to consist in the midst of Affections . ARISTOTLE , Lib. 2. Ethic. cap. 8. thus defines Vertue ; Vertue is an Elective Habit , consisting in Mediocrity with respect to us , determin'd by Reason , and agreeable to the Judgment of a Prudent man. For according to him , Vertue consists in the midst of two Affections , and derives its Excellence from the Mediocrity it observes between them : For perceiving that Liberality , for Example , was attended by Covetousness and Prodigality ; and that Fortitude was equally removed from Cowardliness and Fool-hardiness , he concluded Mediocrity to be the Formal Cause of Vertue , and to be conversant about the Passions , in which Excess and Defect is found . So that Vertue , according to him , is a kind of Mean betwixt 2 vicious Excesses . VI. This Definition doth not hold good , as to many Vertues . But tho' this may be allow'd , as to some Vertues , yet it cannot be asserted of all , forasmuch as many of them admit of no Mean at all . For what Extreams can we allot to the Affections of Mercy and Benevolence ; seeing that they , in what state soever they be consider'd , are always Good , and always Vertues , whether they be in an Intense or Remiss degree . Again , what Mediocrity can there be conceiv'd in Hatred , Envy , Pride , when these Affections , how temperate soever they may be , are ever vicious , and therefore can never produce any Vertue . For this Mediocrity of Vertue is only to be met with in those Affections which we call Indifferent , which are neither Good nor Evil of themselves , as Anger , Love , Desire , Fear , and the like . For if Anger be moderate , it takes the Name of Vertue , but becomes a Vice , whenever it turns to Rage and Fury , which is the Excess of it ; or sinks down into Unconcernedness , which is the defect thereof . VII . Charity , or Divine Love and Repentance , admit of no Excess . Moreover , the Love we bear to GOD , and the Grief we have for Sin , are both of them Vertues ; and yet neither of them consist in a Mediocrity , since they have no bounds or limits , the one of them having GOD for its Object , who is Infinite ; and the other respecting his opposite , Nothing . Now , who can love GOD to Excess ? or be overmuch grieved for his Sins , or too much incensed against himself , for having offended his Creatour ? No Body questions , but that Adam , in Paradise , was endued with many Vertues , as Justice , Piety , and the like : But what was the Form of these Vertues ? It could not be Mediocrity , because he was not subject to any Excess of his Passions . And how could there be a Mean , without Extreams ? Conclude we therefore , that the Mediocrity of Affections , is not the Form of Vertue ; and that the same may be , tho' there were no vicious Excesses at all . Besides , all own , even those that are the Followers of ARISTOTLE , that Justice is not the Mean betwixt two Extremities , nothing being oppos'd to it , save Injustice only ; and that , because it doth not give to every one his due . VIII . Mediocrity cannot be the Form of Vertue . But yet I do not deny , but that many Vertues are thus placed betwixt two Vices ; for it is evident that Magnificence is a disposition of Mind between Niggardliness and Sumptuousness : Modesty , betwixt Ambition and a stupid Carelesness , and disregard of Honour : Temperance , between an Insensibility of all Pleasure and Intemperance . All that I contend for is , that this Mediocrity is not Essential to the Constitution of Vertue , and therefore cannot be said to be the Form of it : For so Mediocrity , for Example , in Meat or Drink , doth not deserve the Name of Vertue , as it is a Mean between the Excess and Defect of Meat and Drink ; but for that it is according to Reason , and in compliance with the Dictates thereof . For the Soul that is under the Governance of Reason , chuseth the Mean between 2 Extreams , because it finds , that most suitable to it self Neither need we to have recourse to this Mediocrity , since that which is must suitable and convenient for us , as we are Rational Creatures , must of necessity be a Vertue , tho' there be no Extreams between which it mediates . For he that exceeds all other Mort●ls in his Love to GOD , is so far from being blame-worthy upon that account , that on the contrary he is highly therefore to be praised , because this excess is conformable to the Precepts of the Natural Law or Reason , which requires of Man the Highest Piety , and commands them to Love their Maker , with their whole Mind , and all their Strength . IX . All the Vertues are in conjunction . It is a common Saying in the Schools , That all the Vertues are undivided , and link'd together , so that he that hath one , hath all the rest also ; which in some Sense may be admitted , that is ▪ when we speak of Heroical or perfect Vertue ; because such Vertue is supposed to have all the Excellence it is capable of . Sure it is , that all the Vertues are helpful and assistant one to mother ; for it is impossible for any one to be Prudent , without being partaker of Fortitude , T●●peranc●e and Justice ; neither can any Man , as SENECA saith , suffer bravely and boldly , without making use of all the Vertues , tho' Patience be the Vertue , that is most apparent in this case . For it is most certain , that Fortitude must be there also , Patience and Endurance being only Branches thereof : Neither is Prudence wanting , without which there can be no Council or Advice , who adviseth us to bear that courageously , which we cannot avoid . Constancy also makes one of this happy Company . And in a word , the whole Chorus of Vertues do meet in that one Action of suffering courageously ; for indeed whatsoever is Honestly done , tho' it may be chieflly performed by one Vertue , yet is it not without the assistance of the rest . X. All the Vertues meet together in Prudence . And to evince this beyond Contradiction , let us consider , that there can be no Vertue without Prudence , and that all Vertues meet and are joyned in her . For every Moral Vertue only executes or performs what Prudence prescribes , and what agrees with the Rule ▪ and Line of Right Reason ; and therefore it cannot be other wise but that those Vertues , which partake o● this General Nature , must be linked together , according to that Axiom , That those things which agree in a third , must needs agree with one another . Wherefore no Vertue can be without Prudence , neither can there be any constant or ready Prudence , without the Company of all the other Vertues . For as ARISTOTLE informs us , Lib. 6. Ethic. cap. 8. The Judgment of our Reason about practical Principles , is subject to be perverced and deceived by the pravity of our Natures ; so that it is evident that no Man can be Prudent , except he be a good Man also . And consequently the Vertues that make Man good , cannot be separated from Prudence . CHAP. VIII . Of the Law of Nature and Right Reason , with the Practical Dictates thereof . I. Men tho' never so wicked , ow● the Law of Nature . SUch a deep sense of the Law of Nature is imprest upon the Mind of Man , that even the most Wicked and Perverse do profess ●o own and follow it : For Men in all their Actions appeal to the Law of Nature , and contend that they act according to it . A Covetous Wretch that with an insatiable desire scrapes and rakes together Riches , pretends that he acts herein according to the impulse of Nature , and follows her Teaching . An Ambitious Person , that by any means , tho' never so wicked and flagitious , makes his way to Honour and Dignities , meanly fawning upon some , that he may crush others , supposeth himself all this while acting conformable to Nature . He that is a Slave to his Lust , and abandons himself to Luxury and Idleness , brings in Nature to justifie his Lewdness , and contends that his Debauchery is consonant to her Laws : In a word , there is nothing so unworthy and contrary to Reason but hath its Abetters , that will prove it to be conformable to the Light of Na●●re . II. Every Nation hates Vice and Wickedness and punisheth it . But these Wretches are much mistaken , who take their Lusts for the Law of Nature , and suppose the greatest violation of her , to comport with her own Dictates . For what Nation was ever so far corrupted , as not to condemn Murthers , Incest , Theft , Rapin and the like ? For Nature , tho' it be greatly deprav'd and weakned in some Countries , yet for all that cannot patronize Sin ; and as long as the least spark of Reason still glimmers in them , they condemn what other Nations forbid and punish . The Laws of Nature preserve and defend Nature , but are not destructive of it . Wherefore it will be worth our pains to enquire here , whether there be any certain and unalterable Laws of well-living , and doing , to which all Men are obliged , the violation whereof is accounted criminal amongst all Men : In order to the clearing whereof , we shall first consider what the Laws of Nature are , and how they may be defined . III. What the Laws of Nature are . The Laws of Nature are nothing else but a certain Light or Notices which serve to guid and direct us in all particular occurrences , and which are derived from that general Reason , which GGD hath imprinted in the Souls of all men in their formation . We say in the first place , that the Laws of Nature are certain Notices which serve to guid us , &c. to distinguish the Laws of Nature , from the Rules of Motion , which we sometimes also call Laws of Nature . We say in the second place , that they are derived from that general Reason , &c. to shew that the Laws of Nature , are nothing else but the consequences and effects of the Light of Nature ; adding , which GOD hath imprinted on the Souls of all men ; to signifie that the Laws of Nature are general and common , and that there is no Man in the World , how wicked and profligate soever he be , but hath some Sense and Knowledge of them , and that from GOD himself . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 8 Aequa Lance. ●●ns Inv. I. Kip To the Worshipfull Sr. Godfrey Kneller of Lubeck in Saxony , and of St. Pauls Covint Garden in Middlesex Knight ▪ Principall Painter to their Majesties King William and Queen Mary . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . V. That there are certain and unmoveable Laws of Nature , proved from the Nature of things in general . And that there are such Eternals Laws may be demonstrated from the common Nature of things . For the World which imitates the Unity of its Author and principle , is governed by one Law common to all Creatures , which as it provides for the good of the whole Universe , so of every particular Being . For whatsoever is contained in the World , is subject to the Reason of the Divine Mind , who is the Regent of the Universe . For the Beings that are destitute of Reason follow their natural instinct , and like Arrrws shot by an expert Archer , fly directly to the Mark ; and the Rational , who are guided by the dictates of their Judgment , tend to their appointed End. So that the former are necessarily , and the latter freely and of choice , subject to this common Law. Hence it is that CICERO L. 10 de legibus , saith , In the constituting of what is Right , we must take our Beginning from that supream Law , which took its rise before all Ages , when yet there was not any Written Law , or Civil society constituted . And notwithstanding that almost in every different Climate we meet with different Customs and Manners ; yet amongst them all , we shall find the Foot-steps of this Universal Law , which binds not only the Inhabitants of one particular Country , but also those of the whole World. VI. From the Frame and constitution of Man. The same may be also made out from the end and Constitution of Man , whose peculiar priviledge it is to have the use of Reason , and square his Life by it . For the Dictates of Reason are so evidently imprest upon his Mind , that he readily follows what is Just and Right without any Matter , without any Written Law , without any compulsion of the Magistrate , and discerns betwixt that which is equal and unequal , by the Light of his Conscience only . It is vain and useles to instruct Men , that Murther and Adultery are Crimes , and that Theft must be avoided , seeing that the Light of Nature anticipated this their information , and that all these Laws were long before Written , on the Tables of their Hearts . And therefore the Sovereign Legislator in delivering those Laws cuts them short , Thou shall not kill . Thou shall not commit Adultery , without adding any reason of them , as taking for granted that he addrest them to those who knew that already . For a Ray of the Primordial Reason , appears in Man by a twofold preeminence ; for being endued with Reason , the light which illuminates other Creatures outwardly and superficially only , is his property and part of his Essence . And in the second place , the Sense of Right and Truth and Affection for it , is most intimately present in his Heart , whereby he is directed both in his Speculation and Practice . The Minds of Men are stored with the Seeds of Vertue and Honesty , which are excited by the least admonition , like a spark of Fire , which being only assisted with a small Blast , displays it self into a great Flame . VII . How GOD hath imprest these Laws on the Mind of Man. For GOD being concernd for the Preservation of Man whom he hath made , hath of his infinite Goodness and Wisdom engraven in their Minds , when he united it to the Body , a general knowledge of what is Good , that is , an Idea of whatsoever is conducive to the preservation of that Union . And it is this Idea or Knowledge , which we call a Good understanding , Right Reason , the Light of Nature ; and the particular Notices derived from this general Idea , are those we call the Laws of Nature . VIII . Men that deviate from these Laws are to be herded amongst Beasts . And tho' some may think themseves very obsequious to the Law of Nature whilst they indulge their Flesh , and wholly abandon themselves to their Lusts , whilst they cram themselves like Swine , and are as Luxurious as Goats : Yet most certain it is that such Men as these do not follow their Human , but Animal Inclinations , and in a word , live like Beasts : For would they but attentively search into their own Bosoms , and consult the Law of Universal Nature written in their Hearts , it would appear a most monstrous and unjust thing to them , thus to disguise themselves with the Manners and Passions of Brutes , seeing that they are reasonable Creatures , and as such are obliged to direct their Lives , not by the compass of Sense , but Reason . They only Live according to Nature , who square their Actions by Reason , and who confine themseves to these three Precepts , to Live Honestly , not to Hurt another , to give every one his due . Which Precepts by the unanimous Suffrage , both of the wise and common People , are called the Fountains of all other , and a compendious , but Essential Institution of the Law of Nature . IX . The certainty of the Laws of Nature confirmed from the Relation Man hath to other Rational Agents . These unalterable Laws of a good Life , may be further demonstrated from the Relation Man hath to other Rational Agents ; for seeing that Man is a Sociable Creature , and affects the company of such as are like him , it is necessary there should be some Laws , whereby they might be engaged to lend their mutual assistance one to another , and directed to Love their Neighbours . Accordingly Men following the impulse of Nature , and entring into Civil Societies , establisht this first Standard of Justice , To live Honestly , to hurt no Body , and to give to every one his Right . It is the Right of Nature , saith the Law l. 206. F●de Reg. jur . that no Body enrich himself with the damage of another . And therefore we find that there is no Nation so depraved in their Manners , which doth not abhor and abominate ungrateful Persons , Mutherers of Parents , Breakers of Covenants , Deceivers , &c. and think them worthy of the worst of Punishments , looking upon them as profest Enemies of Society , and violaters of the Law of Nature . How dismal would the condition of Mankind be , if it were lawful for every one to do what he listed , and to make his own Lust and Humour the Rule of Good and Evil ? What House , what Palace would be secured from devouring Flames , if any one at pleasure might put Fire to them , and warm himself at the cost of another ? What Wife would be safe within her Husbands Arms , if there were no Laws to secure publick Honesty , and to guard the Enclosure of the Conjugal Bed ? Nature hath deeply engraven this precept in the Hearts of all , Do not that to another , which thou would'st not have another do to thee ; this is that Dictate , which is present to all Mens Minds , and directs them , if so be they do not stop their Ears to its Voice , and listen to their Passions rather than their Reason . X. Man is furnisht with the Idea's of Good and Evil , which are such of their own Nature . From what hath been said , may be gathered , that there are some certain and immutable Idea's of Good and Evil , whereby , under the sole guidance of Nature , we distinguish things that are just , from those that are unjust , and things honest , from filthy and unbecoming : Like as by the different notations of Figures , we distinguish Mathematical Schemes , and separate them from one another . For as we define Figures , not by Sense , but by Reason ; so we perceive what is right or unjust by Reason ; which teacheth us that Good is to be desired , and Evil to be avoided . The ground whereof is this , because Good and Evil from whence our Idea's are taken , do not depend on the Judgment of any private person , or of any multitude of Men how great soever , but are such of their own Nature , and therefore necessarily to be embraced , or avoided by Intellectual Creatures . For as the Understanding of Man doth not enquire what appears to some to be Truth , but what is Truth simply and in it self : So likewise the Will of Man , doth not embrace that for Good , which seems to be so to some private persons , or to most Men , but what is really and immutably so , and which is to be chosen and embraced in spite of , and notwithstanding all the Reluctance of our Animal propension . And therefore as there is something in Nature which is absolutly and simply True ; so likewise must there be something that is good in its own Nature , and for its own worth and loveliness to be desired by the Will of Man. And therefore as he abuseth his faculty of Understanding , who being imposed upon by the deceptions of Sense or Imagination , doth not perceive what is naturally True ; so in like manner he also abuseth his faculty of Willing , who suffers himself to be so blinded by his Animal Appetite , as not to chuse that which is good of its own Nature , and for want of due attention fails of his end and aim . XI . Some Sentences into which Moral Reason may be resolved . Now what Method or Order a Man is to follow in his choice , and what Good he is to embrace in such Circumstances , will appear from the subjoyned Axioms , into which the whole Nature of Vertue may be resolved . 1. That is accounted Good , which is agreeable to Intellectual nature , and is commensurate to its State and Condition , and is some way or other conducive to the Conservation of the perceiver . 2. On the contrary , that is accounted Evil , which is inimicitious or opposit to an Intellectual Nature with respect to its Condition , and causeth grief and aversion to it ; and if it threaten its destruction , then is it esteemed to be the worst of Evils . For one Evil supervening to another , is thereby made the more Heavy . For it is seldom seen saith ALEXANDER ab ALEXANDRO , that a Commonwealth shaken at once with intestine and forein War , can hold out long ; for the superadded danger by dividing their Councils and Subsidies , which otherwise were scarce sufficient to stem its double Tide , makes them still weaker , and so at last over-throw the tottering Commonwealth . 3. All Good is not equal , as the Stoicks held , but some preferable to other , since it is certain that that Good is more excellent , which exceeds another in Nature , Duration , or both . For it cannot be questiond but that GOD , who is Eternal , and who by his Nature includes all other perfections , must needs be a more excellent Good than the Creature , how perfect soever . And that an Angel in Goodness excells Man and Beasts . So that the value of Good may be considered after a twofold manner ; either Intensively , as it affords the greatest satisfaction to the Mind ; or Extensively , according to its more ample diffussion of the same , and its greater tendency to the Good of the Universe . From whence afterwards follows its Duration ; for the more durable any Good is , the more excellent it must be also , and is so to be esteemed . 4. It is the peculiar property of Good to move the Will to the choice and embracing of it ; whereas Evil produces the contray effect ; and even as a greater Good kindles a greater Love of it self ; so a less Evil is to be born , to avoid a greater . Because a less Evil , with regard to a greater has the appearance of Good. Whence came that common Axiom amongst Moralists , that of 2 Evils the least is to be chosen . For seeing that Nature doth always what is best , therefore it also avoids the greater Evil ; for a less Evil comes nearer to Good , and is accounted comparatively Good. Hence it is that Men to avoid being burnt , cast themselves from a Precipice , or leap into a River to avoid the Jaws of a Wild Beast , or the Sword of a Robber , and to keep themselves from perishing there , lay hold of Thorns or Briars or any thing how painful soever , to save their Lives . 5. If any thing happen to us , whose nature we are ignorant of , we may safely trust those , who profess themselves skilful in that matter ; in case we are fully persuaded of their skill and faithfulness , and that it be evident to us , that there is no deceit in the matter , or desire of particular gain or advantage . 6. Tho' the event of things be doubtful , yet when ever we apprehend that any Good thing will happen , we ought to take as much pains to obtain it , as if it were present ; since if we do so , it shall certainly come to be our lot at last . 7. In the judging and discerning of things , we are to take care that the Mind may be free from all the Prejudices of Infancy , and Enticements of our Passions ; for the Understanding being clouded with the dark smoak of the Passions , cannot discern the Good , and the Will following its guidance , mistakes in her choice . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 9. G Freman . Inv. I. Kip. S To the Worshipfull Francis Lane of Glendon in the County of Northampton Esqr. And to Elizabeth his wife , eldest Daughter , and Coeheyre of Andrew Lant of Thorp-vnderwood in the said County Esqr. deceased This Plate is humbly dedicated by Richard Blome . CHAP. IX . Of Prudence ; and the Parts of it . I. The Division of Vertue . VERTUE is commonly divided into 4 Species , Prudence , Temperance , Fortitude and Justice , which Ethical Writers call Cardinal , because they consider them as the Hinges upon which all other Vertues turn , and from whence they proceed as so many Branches . II. The Nature of Prudence , and what it is conversant about . The first Rank amongst these is given to Prudence , which makes use of all the rest , and as the Eye of the Soul doth point out to them their Order and Manner ; and accordingly may be defined a firm and constant Will , heedfully to look out , and diligently to examine what is best . For it is the Office of a Prudent man , not to undertake any thing , which he hath not first weighed in the Balance of Reason , and found , that according to the present Circumstances of Place and Time , wherein he undertakes a thing , there is no truer , or at least more probable Reason , than that which he is resolved to follow . For Prudence is not a certain Science , which contemplates things necessary , and which can be no otherwise than they are ; but a kind of knowledge that is conversant about Contingent matters , which are not only mutable , as to their Manner , but as to their Existence . For tho' the Object of Prudence generally consider'd be something common , viz. whatsoever ought to be done according to Right Reason ; yet Prudence , as consider'd in every particular Man , is conversant about Singulars , which may , or may not be ; or may be thus , or otherwise . III. The Three Duties or Offices of Prudence . There be 3 Offices or Chief Acts of Prudence ; Good and wary Consultation , Right Understanding or rather Judgment , and Sentence or Command . Consultation , or Deliberation , doth above all the rest belong to Prudence , whilst it considers what Means are most proper and best to obtain her End ; to which is oppos'd Precipitancy , when we do things rashly and inconsiderately . And to the end this Consultation be such as it ought , it must be done with due Consideration , and aim at a good End ; for otherwise it will be only Cunning and Craftiness . Right Understanding , or Judgment , is that whereby we pass a dextrous Judgment of the Means , by a reflex Act , approving of them . And is therefore called by ARISTOTLE , a quick and ready Understanding ; to which is oppos'd dulness of Mind , or Folly : So that a Prudent man seems in some sort to keep the middle Station , betwixt a Block-head or Dull-fellow , and a Crafty Knave . The Sentence , or the Habit of passing a Decretory Sentence , concerning the Goodness of the Means , follows next after Judgment , and is that whereby a Prudent man rightly determines , how to make use of the Means which he hath judged to be best , and with Constancy puts the same in practice . IV. Of the Parts of Vertue in General . Three kinds of Parts are assigned to every Vertue , the first whereof are Helps or Advantages , which are necessarily required to the Perfect Law of Vertue ; the other are called Subjective Parts , which as so many Species do resort under it ; and the last are called Potential , which Potentially are contained in the chiefest Vertues , and which do not comprehend their whole Natures , but belong to some secondary Laws . V. Of the Constituting Parts of Prudence . The Constituting parts of Prudence are , 1. To know the Laws of Nature , according to which we ought to live . 2. To compare them together , that we may know what place they must take , or which of them hath the Precedency . 3. To consider , and have regard to the Circumstances of place , time and persons , in all our Actions . 4. To have an Eye to our Chief End , and to pursue the same by all honest and lawful Means . VI. The Integral Parts of Prudence The Helps required to Prudence are reckoned 8 in number , viz. Memory , Understanding , Forecast , Teachableness , Quickness of Wit , Reason , Circumspection , and Cautelousness . Of which some are helpful to Consultation , others to Judgment or Discerning , and lastly , others to Sentencing or Determining . VII . Sharpness of Wit. Sharpness or Quickness of Wit belongs to Consultation , or Deliberation ; by means whereof a Prudent Man finds out the Means , which conduce to the obtaining of his proposed End. This Help is of kin to Sagacity , which speaks a disposition in the Soul , whereby it readily and dexterously discovers what lies hid , and finds out the Ways which are the shortest and surest to the desired End. VIII . Intelligence or Understanding . Understanding , or Intelligence , is a Help to our Judgment or Discerning ; and it is not here taken for a Habit of the first Principles ; but for a knowledge of the things that ought to be done , whereby we perceive and judge rightly of things that offer themselves . IX . Teachableness . Teachableness is a Promptitude of the Mind , for the Learning of the things we are ignorant of : For seeing it is the part of a Prudent man to know many things , and to be able to distinguish the Honest Good , from the Pleasant and Profitable , it is necessary that he be Teachable , so as to improve himself by the Discourses of others , or in the Reading of Books . X. Memory . Memory is that , whereby a Prudent man calls to Mind things that are past , and represents to himself several Actions and Events , from whence , as from the Premisses , he concludes what Judgment he ought to pass of the future . XI . Reason . Reason is the right use of the Knowing Faculty , whereby a Prudent man , from fore known and prae-consider'd things , argues aright , gathering and judging what he ought to do in present Circumstances . XII . Forecast , Circumspection and Cautelousness . In order to Command , or the passing of a Decretory Sentence , a Prudent man is assisted by Forecast , Circumspection , and Cautelousness : Forecast is that Habit whereby he diligently considers Future things , and from things that are past , gathers what will be , and accordingly resolves what to do . Circumspection is that Habit , whereby the Circumstances of Affairs are heedfully and diligently minded . And lastly , Caution , or Heedfulness , is that whereby Obstacles that might happen are removed , and all Impediments that might hinder the obtaining of our intended End. XIII . The Subjective Parts of Prudence The Subjective parts of Prudence , according to the School-men are 4 , viz. Private or Solitary Prudence , Oeconomical , Political , and Military . XIV . Wherein Private Prudence doth consist . Private Prudence , tho' it be frequently confounded with the Monastick , yet is it not peculiarly to be restain'd to those that lead a Monastick Life ; and separating themselves from the Multitude , betake themselves wholly to Contemplation and Devotion ; but is that which belongs to every Singular Man , who , whether he hath none to take care of but himself , or whether he takes care also for others , stands in need of Prudence , to direct and assist him in his several Actions . XV. The First Office of Private Prudence . The Office of Private Prudence is twofold ; the First , That every one do chuse some kind of Profession or Way of Living , wherein he may spend the rest of his days : For no Man can be happy that keeps no certain Course of Life , but being unresolved and wavering , is ever deliberating what Condition of Life he had best embrace , and to what Order of Men he had best joyn himself . Prudence therefore adviseth every man to consult his own Genius and Ability , and to chuse for himself such a State of Life as comports with his Natural Gifts , and the Temper of his Mind , and wherein he may with Pleasure and Satisfaction , continue throughout the Course of his whole Life . XVI . The other Duty of Private Prudence . The other Duty of Private Prudence is , that having once pitch'd upon a set State or Condition of Life , he use all possible Industry that he square all his Actions by the Rules of Vertue , according to the Dictates of Reason ; and take heed to commit nothing that may necessitate him to Repentance . All which he may , without any great difficulty obtain , in case he undertake nothing without mature Deliberation , and be constant and firm in his Purpose , when once he is assur'd of the Goodness and Honesty of them . For the chiefest part of Human Beatitude consists in Acting constantly , and never turning aside from the Right path of Vertue . XVII . What Oeconomical Prudence is Oeconomical Prudence is , that whereby a man orders the Concerns of his Family . Its Dictates are , that no man rashly or inconsiderately cast himself into the indissoluble Band of Matrimony ; but that he consider well of it before he enters a State , which he cannot quit again at his pleasure . That the Woman he takes to be his Wife , be adorned rather with the Embelishments of Mind , than of Body ; and that she be more recommendable by her Chastity and good Manners , than by her Riches or Portion . Also , that there be an Equality between him and her , since it is a common thing for a Wife , who is above her Husband in Nobility or Riches , to despise him , and look upon him rather as her Servant ; than her Husband . Prudence also adviseth , that he seriously weigh and consider the Temper of Women , the defects and weaknesses they are subject to , and that their Will is commonly much stronger than their Reason , and their Phansy and Humour the Law of their Actions : That many Husbands have only 2 good and pleasant Days , as HIPPONACTES saith by STOBAEUS , the one , that of their Marriage , and the other , that of their Wives Burial : That being once married , he must treat her as his Wife , by communicating his Secrets unto her ; especially if he knows she can hold her Tongue , and conceal what ought not to be divulged ; lest she should conceive her self to be slighted or neglected , and by this means becomes careless of her Duty . XVIII . How Children and Servants are to be ordered and Governed . Prudence also prescribes Rules , how Children ought to be Educated , and Servants kept to their Duty ; which it would be too prolix to insert here , and may be seen set down at large in a Treatise which I have written in French , concerning Vertue , conformable to the Sentiments of Epicurus , entituled L'Epicure Spiritual . XIX . The Precepts of Political or State Prudence . Political , or State Prudence , imitates the Oeconomical , and differs from it only in this , that its Subjects are more numerous : For as the former is concern'd with governing ones Wife , Children and Servants ; so Political Prudence consists in Ruling a City , Province , or Nation . In order to the discharging of which Function aright , it is first necessary that he who bears Rule over others , does himself excel in Vertue , that his Actions may serve for Examples to his Subjects . For Subjects think it their Glory to imitate the Manners of their Prince , and to express him in all their Actions , Words and Gestures . Hence it is , that the Crimes and Vices of Princes spread like a Contagion , and infect the whole Body of their Subjects : For they think , that what their Princes do , is not only lawful for them , but even Praise-worthy also ; so dangerous are great Examples , and so effectual for the promoting of Vice and Wickedness . He therefore that Governs others , must carry a Majesty , and command Respect , not by his Big and Severe Looks ; but by the Rectitude of his Manners and Heroical Vertue . XX. Princes must be Religious , and true to their words . As it is highly commendable for Princes to be Religious , and Eminent in their Piety towards GOD ; so must they also excel in punctual Faithfulness and Truth towards their Equals . For a Prince that doth not keep his Word and Promise , makes himself Vile and Despicable , because it is a mark of Fearfulness and Impotence to break his Word , and to elude the Execution of his Treaties . Prudence therefore adviseth , that a Prince be exact in performing of his Word , and just and equal in his Actions . For Rulers are not exempt from , or above all Laws , for Justice is above them ; and if it be in their power to do what they please , yet are they not to will any thing , but what they ought . It must be also a great part of their Care , to have an Eye to the Great Officers and Magistrates under them , to see that they perform their Duties , to the end that the Judges may be Honoured , the Laws Reverenced , and they themselves Loved and Dreaded . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 10. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Edmund Turnor of Stoke-Rochford in the County of Lincolne Knight . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . XXI . What Military Prudence is . Military Prudence , which chiefly belongs , and is necessary to the Commanders in Chief of Armies ; teacheth how to undertake a War , carry it on , or bring it to an happy Issue : First , by instructing them not to enter upon it rashly , and without good Advice ; having first well weighed their own strength , and being moved to it by a just Cause . For if they find , that the Power they intend to oppose will prove an over-balance for them , Prudence will advise them to desist from the Thoughts of attacking a too Potent Enemy , and to conclude a Peace with them , rather than hazard the Loss or Ruin of their Kingdom . But if Peace cannot be had but upon unreasonable Conditions , then a War is to be hazarded ; and after having implor'd the Divine Favour by Prayers , and encouraged the Souldiers , they are to give Battle , and to dye rather , than to lose their Right and Liberty . XXII . What things are necessary for the waging of War. In the waging of War , great care is to be taken , first , to List strong and couragious Souldiers , Exercis'd in Arms , and hardned to Labour and Service . Secondly , That they be well Arm'd , not only with Defensive , but also Offensive Arms. Thirdly , That a sufficient Quantity of Provisions be provided , and ready at hand , for the supply of the Army , seeing that for want thereof , not only Castles and Towns are often lost , but whole Armies sometimes miscarry . Fourthly , That there be store of Mony , which is the Sinews of a War , and without which the Souldiers cannot be kept to their Duty , nor restrain'd from Robberies . These 4 things being well fore-cast and provided , Princes or Generals may safely undertake a War , and Invade their Enemies , since this is all that Military Prudence requires , in order to the Successful carrying on of a War. XXIII . Prudence is acquired two several ways . From what hath been now said , it is easie to conclude , that the ways of acquiring this Vertue of Prudence , are reducible to 2 only , viz. to Precepts and Experience . The latter of which is twofold , viz. ones own Experience , and that of another . Proper Experience is the knowledge of things , that we our selves have seen or done ; and the other is the knowledge of things , that have been seen or done by others , and which we have only by Relation . The Prudence we get by Experience and Use , is much more sure and certain , than that which is attain'd by Precepts , or by the knowledge of History ; but as it is more excellent , so likewise it is more difficult to be obtained . CHAP. X. Of Temperance . I. About what things Temperance is conversant . TEMPERANCE is so nearly ally'd to Prudence , that it always accompanies it , and seconds it in all-its Laws ; and was therefore called by the Ancients , the Conservatrix of Prudence , because it preserves the Soundness of the Mind , and is very conducive to Consultation and Judgment . For an Intemperate person seems to have suffer'd Shipwrack of his Reason , and therefore ought to be serv'd as Mad-men are , in order to the Recovery of it . For Temperance imports nothing else , but the Moderation of Reason , and the absolute Command of the Soul over all its Passions : For it suppresseth Concupiscence , stifles vain Hopes , moderates Love , and keeps the Mind from being ruffled by any other Perturbations whatsoever . But being taken in a stricter Sense , it signifies the restraint only of those Pleasures which belong to the Taste and Feeling , which are common to us with the Beasts ; and to which , according as Men either addict themselves , or bid defiance , so they are termed Temperate or Intemperate . II. The Definition of Temperance We may therefore define Temperance , A firm and constant VVill or Resolution , to resist and restrain Bodily Lusts and Pleasures , especially those that belong to the Taste and Touch. By which words it appears , that those Pleasures are excluded which belong to the Senses of Seeing , Hearing , and Smelling ; and that Temperance in this Sense , is only conversant about the pleasures of the grosser Senses of Tasting and Touching . III. Decency and Bashfulness do constitute Temperance The Parts which in some sort may be said to constitute Temperance , are Honesty or Decency , and Bashfulness . For there is a kind of Comliness beaming forth from Temperance , which allures men by its Loveliness , and makes them to restrain and repress flattering Pleasure , and ●o deny whatsoever is most pleasing to the Body . For it is a commendable thing to avoid all Immoderateness , and to follow Temperance only for the Comliness and Loveliness of it . Bashfulness also is a great help towards the exercise of this Vertue ; whereby we fear Infamy , lest by indulging our Lusts , we should expose our selves to shame , and lose our Fame and good Repute by our Intemperance : for Shamefac'dness or Bashfulness , is not here taken for a Passion , but for a kind of Fearfulness of incurring Reproach and Disgrace , by committing any shameful Action ; which Fear of Shame may well be called the Guardian of Vertue , as being always accompanied with a laudable Moderation . IV. Sobriety and Chastity are the two Species of Temperance . There be 2 Species of Temperance , viz. Sobriety and Chastity , the former whereof moderates our Eating and Drinking ; the latter sets Bounds to the Enjoyment of a Conjugal Bed. V. The Precepts of Sobriety . Sobriety teacheth us , that our Bodies are contented with a little , and cannot without Pain and Prejudice bear what is superfluous . And accordingly hath given us a Measure , by which every one may be informed what quantity of Meat and Drink he ought to use . For Nature being a Careful Mother of her Children , condemns all those things that serve to tempt and provoke an Appetite , and which are taken rather for Pleasure , than for Necessity ; and teacheth us by daily Experience , that Diseases and Infirmities of the Body , are the Fruits of Intemperance , and that Pains and Dulness of the Head , Crudity of the Stomach , Griping of the Guts , would be in a great measure unknown to Men , if they did not by Drunkenness and Gluttony pull them down upon themselves . Whereas on the contrary , Sobriety secures the Body , restores decayed Strength , and by reducing the Humours to a due Temperament , easily subjects the Passions to Reason . Do we think that he is wholly depriv'd of Pleasures , whose Diet are the Fruits of the Earth , and contents himself with Viands that are prepared without the need of a Cook ? Such an one as he enjoys a vigorous and healthful Constitution of Body , in which his Soul exerciseth her Functions freely and expeditely : So Abstinence to him is instead of the most delicious Liquor , as preserving his Health , and fortifying it against all Infirmities . Wherefore we must accustom our selves to a Moderation in Diet , if so be we would enjoy a sound Mind , in a Healthful and sound Body . And this will be our portion , if contenting our selves with Common Food , we shall despise Dainties , except only so far as may be necessary for the Recovering of our Health , and to comply with the Advice of our Physician : Since nothing is more sure than , that Meats are spoiled and adulterated by too much care and exquisitness in Dressing ; and that the Art of Cookery , for the most part , leaves them more unwholsom than it found them . VI. By what means Chastity may be procured . First by a Spare and Abstemious Diet. And as for Chastity , which permits no Pleasures , besides those that are enjoyed in Lawful Wedlock , it will be of use to set down some Preservatives , whereby a Man may secure himself against the violent Attacks of Carnal Lust , and render Chastity easie and familiar to himself . The First and Chiefest of these Preservatives is , that he use a slender Diet , and carefully avoid all Meats and Drinks that are enflaming . For it is very hard , or rather impossible , for a man to indulge himself in Gluttony , and not to be tormented with Lustful motions . For Gluttony and Carnal Lust are so closely ally'd , that , as TERTULLIAN hath it , Lust without Gluttony , may well pass for a Prodigy or Monster . Let the Body therefore be fed with that Caution , that the strength of it only may be preserved , without furnishing Copious Matter to increase a Passion . Food is afforded us for the maintenance and support of our Bodily Lives ; and tho' it be necessary to our Nature , yet is it to be taken with care and anxiety , lest it should supplant our Chastity , and excite us to Uncleanness . VII . Secondly by Business and Employment . The Second Preservative is , that he be always busied and employ'd in some honest Calling , without indulging Sloth or Idleness : For continual Business or Study wasts the Animal Spirits , which invigorate us ; or at least by taking up the Mind , divert it from Lustful Thoughts and Imaginations . Idle persons are most haunted with this Spirit of Luxury , and such who by doing nothing , learn to do Wickedly . We must take Care therefore to eschew Idleness , and to entertain our Minds with such Thoughts , as are so far from being Incentives to Lust , that they are destructive of it . VIII . Thirdly by avoiding the Temptation . Thirdly , It will be of good use to avoid and fly from the Temptations , which may come from the Sight of , and too free Discourse with Women , left by handling Pitch we be dawbed with it . For Lust is better conquer'd by Flight , than by Fight . IX . Fourthly an obstinate Resolution of Resisting Temptations . Fourthly , A full Resolution and long contracted Habit and Custom , to repel the Assaults and Onsets of Lust , is very advisable : For as he is easily overtaken with Lust , who hath been often conquer'd by it : So he who makes it his business strenuously to resist its Temptations , becomes thereby the more strong and vigorous to resist them . I confess , it is a Master piece to overcome so smiling and fawning an Enemy , which whilst she ruins , seems to Caress us . But what is all this , if compared to our Strength ? Nothing is impossible to a Soul that is resolved to conquer : They are Cowards that upon the first Onset give way , without ever putting their Strength to the Trial. But you 'l say , It seems impossible , all on a sudden to quit a Habit of long standing : Suppose it so , Disaccustom your self by little and little , contain your self for a few Days at first , and afterwards by degrees protract the said Time , and question not , but that by frequent Fights and Resistings , you will at last become Conquerour . Call to mind , how great and sincere a Joy thou hast been sensible of , whenever thou hast shewed thy self a couragious Combatant , in resisting and putting by these Assaults ; and on the contrary , how thou hast been cast down ; what Shame , what Repentance , what Anguish have pinch'd and rack'd thy Soul , whenever thou hast weakly and cowardly made thy self a Slave to thy Beastly and Inferiour Nature . In a word , thou wilt soon be Chaste , if thou canst once heartily Will to be so . X. The Potential Parts of Temperance . Temperance likewise hath its Potential Parts , viz. Meekness , Clemency , and Modesty . The business of Meekness is , to restrain Anger , and to refrain the Mind from Revenge . For by means of this Vertue a Man becomes truly Human , and lovely in the sight of others . For as he is Hateful and Troublesom to all , who is easily provoked to Anger ; and who , upon the least occasion , becomes enflamed with Wrath ; so on the other hand , we love and delight in the Company of those , who , tho' highly provok'd are easily reconcil'd , and forgive the Injury done to them . XI . The Horrid Effects of Anger . Wherefore we must take care to moderate the impetuous Flame of Anger , and to quench it by Meekness , that we may come to our selves again , and recover the possession of our Minds , whence that violent Passion had turn'd us out . Wherefore , as soon as any one finds himself mov'd to Anger , let him consider how contrary this Passion is to Humanity , and how shamefully it disguiseth his Body , and casts down the Soul from its Throne of Power and Command . Consider the Looks of an Angry man ; his Eyes flame , the Blood comes up into his Face , boyling up from his Heart , he Faulters in his Speech , his Face is distorted and dreadful ; so that it is a great Question , whether this Vice be more detestable in its Nature , or more ugly in its outward Appearance . Let a man consider also , what a Man gains by all his Rage and Wrath ; whereas by refraining his Anger , he delivers himself from this dreadful Commotion and Concussion , which has prov'd fatal to many , whilst they have endeavour'd to wreak their Spleens upon others . How much more glorious is it , to bear Injuries patiently , and to contemn Affronts , rather than to meditate a Revenge ; and whenever we perceive this Enemy creeping upon us , to have that of MARK ANTONINE the Emperour always before the Eyes of our Mind . Behold one thing here that is highly to be valued , to Converse courteously with Truth and Justice , amongst a Company of perverse and lying Men. Book 1. Part. 10. Chap. 11. G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp . To the Worshipfull Simon Harcourt of the Middle Temple London Esq● . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome XIII . Modesty . Modesty is conversant about the moderation of the desire of Dignity and Honour . He deserves the name of a Modest Man , who doth not boast of his Merits , or vaunt of his Endowments ; but owning himself to be a man , thinks lowly of himself , and esteems nothing properly to belong to him , besides that which he hath attained to . And accordingly a Person adorned with this Vertue , is more solicitous about rendring to others the Honour that is due to them , than desirous to receive the same from others ; and is much more carried to the performing of good and great Actions , than concerned to obtain the name and esteem which gallant Atchievements bring along with them . XIV . The Duty of a Modest Man. Whosoever thou art therefore , that art raised to great Honour , entertain no high thoughts of thy self , but being conscious of thy Human Frailty , and mindful of thy Mortal Condition , suspect and reject every thought that would flatter thee into a high conceit of thy self . A man famous for his worth and merit , and whose Soul is embellisht with Vertue , must resemble an heavy Ear of Corn , which sinks its Head by so much the Lower , as it contains a greater number of Grains . For the least Boasting lessens Merit ; and as praise , coming from a mans own mouth , is nauseous , so the proclaiming of ones own vertue , obscures the Glory that is due to it . When CATO was asked why the Senate had refused to erect his Statue in the publick place , he answered , that by their refusal they had taken more care for his Glory , than they would have done in allowing him a Statue , for that he would much rather , that men should enquire why the Senate had not erected his Statue , than demand why they had honoured him with one in the Market Place . For Honour , like a Shadow , follows those that flee from it , and is most found in their company who do not pursue it . Wherefore , a Wise Man that placeth his happiness in the exercise of Vertue , is always unmoveably resolv'd , never to prefer himself before any one , forasmuch as by this neglecting of Honours , he both secures his own Peace , and acquires the most solid and greatest satisfaction . But then this Modesty , or rather Humility , must be sincere and without di●●imulation ; and far from that Ambitious Lowliness of some Philosophers , who by their despising of vanities , sought for vain Honour , and as STOBAEUS saith of them , trampled upon the Pride of others , with a greater Pride in themselves . CHAP. XI . Of Fortitude . I. Fortitude exceeds all other Vertues : The Definition of it . THO' all the Vertues be worthily esteem'd by Moralists , and engage Spectators to love them ; yet there is none amongst them all , which more insinuates it self into their hearts than FORTITUDE , or that shines with a more distinguishing Beauty and Lustre . Justice is had in great Honour , and the Princes and Magistrates that pursue it , do by this means attain to a high degree of Veneration . Prudence is the very Soul of Statesmen , and is industriously studied and sought for by all who have the care of Families , or the Government of a Commonwealth committed to them . Temperance hath many that praise and love her , because of the Pleasures she affords her followers , as well as by reason of her Comeliness , whereby she recommends her self to the Eyes and Hearts of her very Enemies . But yet all these Vertues do in a manner vanish and disappear when Fortitude presents her self , as the Stars at the rising of the Sun ; for her powerful Beauty , at first sight , charms and ravisheth our Hearts , which , as SENECA saith , consists in her not dreading the Fire , in her receiving of wounds , and being so far from avoiding the Darts level'd at her , that she meets them , and exposeth her Breast to them . So that Fortitude may be de●ined , a Constant purpose of Mind to undergo Dangers , and endure Pains and Labour , when-ever we think them to be best . It s chief Laws are two , the one whereby she commands us to Undertake , the other whereby she teacheth us to Endure : For seeing that this Vertue is conversant about Boldness and Fearfulness , which are 2 extreams of it ; it suppresseth Fear by enduring Difficulties ; and moderates Boldness , by a cautious undertaking . II. About what things Fortitude is ▪ conversant . Wherefore to this Vertue in general , is required , first a kind of Firmness or constancy of Mind against all those ills , which we look upon as hard or difficult to undertake or endure . For a man cannot be lookt upon as possest of this Vertue for excelling in Bodily Strength ; forasmuch as those who want that , may nevertheless be adorned with this Vertue , which consists chiefly in a firm purpose of performing those things we judge to be honest , and of wrestling against all Adversities without being discouraged by them , with an even temper and firm resolution . III. Who it is that deserves the name of a Valiant Man. It hath been said already , that the ills which a Valiant Man is to cope with , must be great and difficult ; for if they be matters of no trouble , they are not so much the object of this Vertue as of Expectation only . The Second thing required to Fortitude is , that it be not the effect of Rashness , but that it be done for a good end . For he is undeservedly called a Valiant Man , who by a blind impulse , and without any regard had to his own strength , ventures upon any thing , and who rather dares and provokes Dangers than fears them : but he , who after a due weighing of the Dangers he is about to engage in , tho' he doth not love them , yet undergoes them with an undaunted Heart , and endures all things when , and how it best becomes him . Hence it is that SENECA defines Fortitude to be the Science of distinguishing what is Evil , and what is not . Forasmuch as this Vertue is not any inconsiderate Rashness or Foolhardiness , nor a love or desire of Dangers , but the knowledge of undergoing and overcoming Dangers . So that Fortitude is made up of these 2 , viz. Honesty , which this Vertue must always have for her end and aim ; and Cautelousness , or weighing of the Danger , before she undertake to grapple with it . IV. Magnanimity , Magnificence , Constancy and Patience are commonly confounded with Fortitude . Moralists commonly divide Fortitude into 4 Species , viz. Magnanimity , Magnificence , Constancy and Patience . But all these have so great an agreement with Fortitude , that they differ from it by some conditions and circumstances only . For Magnificence imports only a circumstance of the Danger , that is to be ventur'd upon , as being supposed to be illustrious , and to the overcoming whereof Glory and Splendor is annext . Magnanimity intimates that generosity and greatness of Soul , which is necessary to the undertaking of dangerous enterprizes , or the enduring of Labour . Constancy implies a kind of Perseverance , whereby the mind is confirmed to stick to its intended purpose , and never basely or cowardly to give it over . Lastly , Patience superadds nothink to Fortitude , save only that it is rather conversant about the enduring of Evil , than in the undertaking of difficult and dangerous performances , and rather suffers , than acts . Wherefore not to insist any longer on these , we proceed to the consideration of those ills , in the overcoming whereof the Glory of Fortitude doth chiefly consist ; and these are either Publick or Private . V. How Publick Ills are to be born and overcome . Publick Evils are , the Destruction of ones own Country , Famine , Plague , War , &c. which we shall be enabled to overcome , by considering that they are not Evils in their own nature , but are made such only by our opinion of them : that Empires and Commonwealths are subject to Vicissitudes , and that nothing is Eternal in this World. That we are to be affected towards our Country , that when we find we can no longer serve it , or be of any advantage to it , we do not hurt our selves ; and that when we see the whole cannot possibly be saved , that at least we endeavour to rescue a part of it . What reason have we to be so much surprized and astonished at any such change , since it is natural for that thing to have an End , which had a Beginning . It is the Eternal decree of Heaven , that all Temporal things must fall , all corruptible things haste away , and all changeable things perish . We shall no longer be amazed to see a Kingdom overthrown , when we consider that the whole frame of this World must be dissolved . Wherefore when we see that we can no ways procure our Countries Liberty , let us at least endeavour to secure our own , and that if we must dye with it , its ruin may oppress us undaunted and without pusillanimous fearfulness . And Lastly , forasmuch as we are assured that all things are ordered by an unerring decree of Providence , the Love of our Country , must give way to our Love of God ; and our Human Wisdom become subject and captivated to the Eternal and Infallible Decree of the Great Creator of all things . VI. A Man endued with true Fortitude , doth easily overcome Private Ills. As to Private Evils , such as Imprisonment , Poverty , Shame or Ignominy , &c. tho' they may seem to some to be hard to bear , yet doth a Valiant Man easily despise them , as knowing that these things are only Evil , according to the opinion of the Vulgar , and that they are afflicting , because we take them to be so . For what great Evil is there in a Prison , that it should afflict a a truly great Soul ? Is it because he is kept from the company of his Friends , and , as it were , excluded from the Society he is a member of ? But a Wise Man knows that a wrongful Imprisonment , is much better than undeserved Liberty ; and that it is infinitely more eligible to suffer for Equities sake , than , by wicked means , to abound with Riches and Honour . Others consider a Prison , as a Retirement , where , tho' the Body be kept in , the Mind may have its unrestrained Flight , and take its unbounded walks in the infinite spaces of Eternity . Who would think himself to be a Prisoner , as long as he may betake himself to the Market , to the Senate , to Heaven it self , and divert himself amongst the Stars ? Have not some writ Books in Prison , and others attain'd Learning ? If to wicked and foolish men it be the Devils House , in which he keeps his Family ; to a wise man it becomes the School of Vertue , where , without impediment , he dedicates himself to Piety and Probity . Why should a man abhor a Prison , who hath been conceived in a Dungeon , and thence borrowed the beginning of his Life ; and who , after he is born , is confined to the Prison of his Body , till it return to the Earth from whence it was taken ? VII . A Valiant Man endures the loss of outward things , and a Wise Man wishes for it . The loss of outward Goods seems to inflict a deeper wound , which yet a wise man is very little sensible of ; who considers all the things of this World , as the furniture of a Lodging in an Inn , the use whereof , for a short time is afforded him , without any right of Possession . The loss of Riches is frequently the happy Mother of Peace and Quiet , and a Tranquility of Mind , which is seldom enjoy'd but by a Soul free from Earthly Cares . ZENO , the Father of the Stoicks , called that day the happiest day of his Life , wherein he lost all his Goods by Shipwrack , and profest himself extreamly engaged to those Winds , which , by ●ashing the Ship wherein his Estate was contained , against the Rocks , had driven him into the safe Haven of Philosophy , where he spent the rest of his Life at the furthest distance from the Storms and tossings of this World. A truly Valiant man therefore knows that he hath no Right to any of these outward things ; no more than the Earth can lay claim to the Light , which ariseth and disappears again in a moment . He calls to mind , that all the conveniencies he enjoys here are the Divine Benefits , which as they are freely granted , so are they taken away again , for just tho' hidden causes . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. G. Freman . In. I. Kip. Sculp To the Worshipfull Henry Portman of Orchardiny County of Somerset Esq . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Rich : Blome IX . How all other Evils are to be obviated by us . And because the limits I have confin'd my self to , do not allow me to reckon up all particular Evils ; I shall only prescribe this general Remedy for them all ; that a man throughly persuade himself , that the Peace and Tranquillity of his Mind doth not depend on Riches , Honours , Friends , Health , and other good things so accounted ; since many are miserable notwithstanding the enjoyment of all these , and many are happy without them . How inconsiderable is the loss of Mony to him , who hath laid up his Treasure in Heaven ? And how little is he concern'd with being banisht from his own Country , whose Heart is ●ixt on a Heavenly ? What hurt is it to have ones Body bound , as long as the Mind is at full liberty ? A truly valian man is always the same ; and as a Hand that is spread , or clutch'd into a fist , continues still the same Hand ; so he bears the same Mind , and looks too , in the blustering dark Storms of Adversity , as in the serene Sunshine of Prosperity : For Death , Diseases , the loss of Goods , Fame and Friends , and other such-like that appear so terrible to some , are the Tributes due to Nature or Fortune , and are to be paid by us , whensoever they are demanded . How much more glorious therefore is it , to put a difference between our Soul and Body , and to keep our Soul free and unconcerned , tho' our Body be pain'd with Aches , shut up in a Dungeon , torn by an Executioner , and assaulted by Death it self . X. Some kinds of false or seeming Fortitude . As there are 4 kinds of true Fortitude , so there are 5 of that which is False and Appearing . The First whereof is the Political or Civil , which by fear of Punishment or Shame , or the hope of Honour , prompts Citizens to the undergoing of Dangers . 2ly . Military , whereby men relying upon their strength or skill , or for hope of reward , cast themselves upon hazarding their Lives and Limbs . 3ly . Angry or Wrathful , whereby men , inflamed with Anger , venture upon the most desperate and dangerous attempts . The 4th . is Experimental , being proper to those , who having escaped many great and eminent Dangers , are confirm'd in a hope of a like good luck in the most dangerous undertakings they set upon . The 5th . is a Blind and Ignorant Fortitude , whereby men continue undaunted , because they are not sensible of the danger they are in . But none of all these is that true Fortitude , whereof we treat here ; for a truly valiant man acts wittingly , knowingly , constantly , only out of Love to Vertue . CHAP. XII . Of Justice . I. Of the Nature of Justice , and whence it hath its Rise . THO' JUSTICE be esteemed the Splendor of all other Vertues , and the Root of all Duties or Offices whatsoever , yet doth it derive its excellency only from the Corruption of men , and takes its rise from their Vices . For as we must first discover the Disease , before that we can be in a condition to Cure it ; so Laws are made use of for a Check and Curb to Vices , and to bind depraved mankind to their good behaviour . For Justice , according to the account the Lawyers gives us thereof , is nothing else but a constant and perpetual Will , of giving to every man his due , L. 10. F. de Just . & Jur. By the word Will , in this definition , we do not understand that Faculty of the Mind , whereby it determinates it self to act , and assents to a thing clearly perceived by it , but rather the Affection or Pnrpose of constantly exercising Justice . Because he is not said to be Just , who simply doth that which is Just , when his chief motive is either Fear , or to obtain the favour of Friends , or the hope of Reward , or other such like ; but he only who performs such actions from his own free will , and out of Love to Justice . II. The Will or Purpose of a Just Man , must be perpetual . It is also added , that this Will or Purpose must be perpetual ; for it is not sufficient for obtaining the Title of a Just Man , now and then to render to another his due ; but it is of absolute necessity that he be in full and constant Resolution of doing the same whenever occasion shall offer . III. Two things are required to the exercise of Justice . There are 2 things wherein the whole requiring or duty of Justice is contained ; the first whereof is to do Good , that is , to pay ones due ; and the other to avoid Evil , that is , to hurt no body , and to decline all those things that may prove hurtful or incommodious to others . Not as if this latter part of Justice did consist in not doing any harm , but in a desire of the Mind to keep off evil from others , and to remove it as far as lies in our Power . IV. The Division of Justice into Legal and Special . Justice , universally considered , is divided into General or Legal , and Special . General is that which considers the Good that is common to many ; and its business is to make good Laws , and observe them when they are made . So that its Object is not every Good that is common to many , but that which conduceth to the advantage of the whole Commonwealth . Special Justice is that which we have before defined to be a Firm Will of giving every one his due , or a Vertue inclining the mind always to render to every man his Right , and that according to Equality . V. Justice divided into Commutative and Distribubutive . Special Justice is subdivided into Commutative and Distributive ; whereof the former is conversant about Compacts , Exchanges , and Contracts ; but the latter consists in distributing Rewards or Punishments , amongst those that are the Members of a Civil Society . The former of these considers things , and the latter Persons ; the first belongs to all , the second only to Princes and Magistrates . VI. These two sorts of Justice are distinguisht from their End. They are also distinguisht by their End , because the end of Distributive Justice is to constitute an equality between Proportion and Proportion ; so as that there may be the same Proportion between the things that are distributed , as there is between the condition of the Persons , to whom the Distribution is made . As for Example , when after a Victory obtained , some Rewards are to be distributed according to the desert and condition of the Persons ; here an exact regard must be had to the merit and dignity of each , so as that the reward which is given may be greater or less according to the Dignity or Worthiness of the Person . But in Commutative Justice , the equality only of the thing received and rendred is considered , so as that the return must be equal , according to Arithmetical Proportion , to that which hath been received , without any respect had either to Merit or Person . The following Vertues are annexed to Justice as its Species , viz. Religion , Piety , Observance , Friendship and Gratitude . VII . What Religion is . Religion is the Top and Principal of all Vertues , whereby we worship and honour GOD with the highest Love and Veneration . For this must be the chiefest affection of Man to adhere firmly to his Author , and to own him as the principle of all Good. For the first business of Religion is to discover GOD , as far as human Frailty will permit , and to persuade Men that he is , or doth exist . For the due worship and honour we pay to GOD , is derived from the knowledge we have of him ; that is , that we are certain that the World was made by him , and Rul'd and Govern'd by his peculiar Providence . And in the next place , that nothing happens to us without his command or permission ; so that all things are design'd for our Good , and whatsoever befalls us , must be believed to have a tendency to our Salvation . For seeing that his knowledge is most perfect , his Power infinite , and his Will most Loving and Beneficent , it is impossible that any thing should befall us , at his disposing , but must needs be for our Good. And tho' we cannot always perceive or understand this , yet we are to consider him as a Physician , who oft displeaseth his Patient , and puts him to Pain , that he may heal and make him sound . VIII . We must resign and submit our selves with all our concerns to GOD. Relying upon this assurance we must submit all our concerns to him , and acknowledge that we are come into this World , not to prescribe Laws to others , but to follow those that are already established , and to yield a strict obedience to thosewhich we are surely persuaded proceeded from him . Moreover we are in such a manner to order our Prayers we offer to him , as that we may obtain what is consonant and agreeable with this Providence , and to what he hath from Eternity decreed should come to pass . For he attempts , as it were , to corrupt the great Judge of all the World , who begs any thing of him , but what is the purpose of his Will. And above all things we are to remember , that we can never offer any more acceptable Prayers to him , or profitable to our selves , than those whereby we entreat him to moderate and subdue our Affections , and to captivate and over-rule our Will , that we may always embrace what is best . We must also be assured and fully persuaded , that no Sacrifices are more pleasing to him , than such as proceed from a pure Heart , and which are accompanied with an Innocent Life . Let us therefore consecrate and dedicate our Minds to be his Temple , where we may offer Sacrifices to him , breath forth our pure Affections , and present to him the Oblations of our Love , Worship , Veneration and Subjection . And after we have done all this , let us not be ashamed to make a frank and open profession , that we have done nothing worthy of his Divine Majesty , or that is worth his acceptance . IX . Piety or Love to our Country . Having given to GOD the Honour due to him , we must proceed to the Reverence that is due to Parents , who are the Channels , whereby we have been conveighed into this World , And under this notion our Native Country first presents it self , which under a feigned name requires a true Love of us ; forasmuch as of all Societies and Fellowships , as CICERO saith , none is more grateful and pleasing , than that which we have with the Commonwealth whereof we are Members . Our Parents are Dear , our Children , Relations and familiar Friends are Dear , but it is our Country alone that comprehends all these Endearments , for which no good Man would make any question to hazard his Life , to procure its Weal and Happiness . Indeed our Country contains all that is near or dear unto us , so that as long as that is safe , they are so too , but if that miscarry , all these are lost together with it . X. Observance to Parents . Next to the Love we owe to our Country follows the observance and Love which is due to our Parents , who by special Providence have been destinated to bring us into the World , and who have been in stead of GOD , by imparting Life to us . Who , if they be Godly and Vertuous , deserve a double Honour at our Hands , as promoting and leading us by their Example , Exhortations and Precepts , to Vertue and good Manners , and make it their utmost endeavour that we may be Happy in this Life . If they be harsh and perverse , yet we must always remember that still they are our Parents , and that we are beholden to them for our Lives . And accordingly by natural instinct we are led to relieve our Parents whensoever they are reduc'd to any necessity ; and for the saving of them , not only to hazard the loss of all we have , but also of our very Lives . Heathens have done no less , who with the danger of their own Lives , and neglecting their Riches , have only made it their business and care to save their Parents Lives . Hence it was that AENEAS obtained the name of Pious , for having carried his Father safe out of the Flames of Troy , and through the midst of his Enemies , Aeneid . 6. Him I through raging Flames did on my Shoulders bear , Through Armed Troops , and Darts that clogd the Air. Let us not disdain herein to imitate a Heathen , and to learn from those who by the sole instinct of Humanity exposed their own Lives , to save their Parents . XI . Observance towards superiors . Observance is a Species of Justice , whereby we Honour and Reverence those that are our Superiours in Age , Condition or Gifts ; for to all these Honour is due , as a reward of their Labor and Dignity : For seeing that they take care for the publick Good , and endeavour to promote the Happiness of their fellow Citizens , nothing can be rendred to them in lieu hereof but Honour and Respect ; for should they demand any thing else , they would be so far from being honourable , that they would appear to all , to be mean and covetous . XII . Friendship between Equals . Forasmuch as Friendship is a kind of Equality , it must also belong to Justice , as being nothing else but a mutual Benevolence , by which some persons mutually desire to do good to each other . This is the best of those things that can be obtained in this Life , as being the ground and foundation of our Happiness . This is that which takes away all the bitterness of this Life , and exalts all the sweets and pleasures of it . In Prosperity it furnisheth us with an object for our Beneficence , in Adversity and Misery it affords us an object which we may relieve and comfort . Friendship teacheth us when we are young , comforts and cherisheth us when we are old , and being never forgetful of her Duty , doth at all times help and assist us . Wherefore it is only to be lookt for amongst good Men , and they only are to be beloved with this Love of Friendship , whom of a long time we have known to be honest Men , and are far more considerable for their Vertus than for their Riches : And accordingly we are to endeavour to gain such as these by all occasions , and to preserve their Friendship when gained by all good Offices . XIII . Gratitude or Thankfulness . Gratitude is a Vertue that preserves a pleasing and acceptable Memory of Benefits received . This part of Justice seems to comprehend all other Vertues , forasmuch as no Man can be Pious , Friendly or Observant , that doth not live in the exercise of Gratitude . For what else is Piety , according to TULLY , but a grateful Affection and inclination towards our Parents ? Who are good Citizens , and deserve well of their Country both at home , and in the Wars abroad , but such as are mindful of the Benefits they have received from their Country ? Who are Holy and Godly , but those who with a thankful Heart and Mind full of acknowledgement , give GOD the Glory of all his Benefits ? What Pleasure can there be in this Life without Friendship ? And what Friendship can there be betwixt ungrateful Men ? Who amongst us , that hath been liberally educated , doth not with Joy and Gratitude entertain the Memory of those who have educated us , and been our Masters to instruct us in good Literature and Manners ? Who is , or ever was so Rich , that his Wealth was equivalent to the Love and good Offices of many Friends ? Which cannot subsist without Gratitude , and a thankful remembrance of Benefits received . Wherefore it is the Duty of every one to endeavour to carry himself thankful towards all , and never to forget any Kindness done to him , if ever he desire to please and satisfie himself or others . There be also some other Vertues , that are contained within the compass of Justice , viz. Charity , Humanity , Civility , Affability , Hospitality and Liberality . XIV . Charity . Charity is that Vertue which incites us to Love all Men , and to succour and relieve them according to our ability . For seeing that the Happiness of this Life consists in Action ; we are not only to bear a good Will to our Neighbours , but must endeavour to assist and help them by our Works and Actions . For as the Sun is beneficial to all , and doth not pick and choose some only , to whom he may communicate his Light ; so likewise must our Love be extended to all , and being dilated by this Vertue of Charity , embrace all , and do good to all . XV. Humanity . Humanity is that Vertue whereby with a kind of Benevolence , we express and restifie to all Men our readiness to serve and oblige them , from a due sense of the Dignity of Man , and our common Bond of Consanguinity . XVI . Civility . Civility is a Vertue , whereby a Man from the Sense of common Humanity , doth speak courteously to all those that have any business with him , or that he meets with ; and makes use of such Words and Gestures , as do express a kind of Benignity and Benevolence . XVII . Affability . Affability is that Vertue , whereby a Man in his discourse with others , as well by his readiness and easiness to hear , as by the sweetness and agreableness of his Speech , doth gain the Hearts of those he hath to do with . XVIII . Hospitality . Hospitality is a Vertue , which makes us kind and obliging to Strangers , by giving them kind and free Entertainment ; not only because they are Men , but because being Strangers and out of their own Land , they may want many things , which at home and in their own Country they plenteously enjoy . XIX . Liberality . Liberality is a Vertue , which prompts us to be beneficial to others , freely and spontaneously according to our Abilities . This Vertue hath 2 extreams , for if our Beneficence be deficient , that is , less than it ought , we deserve the name of Covetous ; but if we exceed in our Gifts and Kindnesses , so as to give more than we ought , to others , then we ought , or at another season , or for other reasons than we ought , we fall into a Vice , and are justly called Prodigal . And accordingly , saith CICERO , those Men are Prodigal who by Feastings , Doles and Shews , or by the vast charges of Plays and Publick Huntings , squander away their Mony upon such things , the memory whereof is either none at all , or very short lived . But such are truly Liberal , who redeem Slaves , pay the Debts of their Friends or Poor Men , or assist them in the bestowing of their Sons or Daughters , or for the getting of an honest livelyhood . CHAP. XIII . Of the usefulness of the Passions or Affections of the Soul. I. The Opinnion of the Stoicks . FOrasmuch as the Vertues do arise from the Affections of the Soul , and that they are wholly conversant and taken up about the Ruling and managing of them , I should be wanting to the design of this Discourse , if I did not examin the usefulness of them , and shew how many several ways they may be advantageous to Men. It is very notorious with what Virulence the Stoicks inveigh against the Passions , who being too solicitous for the Tranquility of their Wise Man , have supposed them to be altogether Evil , and therefore to be avoided by him , whom they will have to be exempt from all Vices , and not subject to any Perturbations . I confess my self formerly to have pleaded their Cause in my Discourse entitled , L' Homme sans Passions , and not only to have maintained SENECA'S Opinion , but also according to my slender Ability , endeavour'd to advance and exalt it . But forasmuch as I now follow the sentiments of DES CARTES , and my business is not to explain the Opinions of others , but only to lay open Truth , no understanding man will reproach me of Lightness or Inconstancy , for going about to unfold the usefulness of the Passions , and leaving the Stoicks , consider Man , not as Translated amongst the Glorified Saints in Heaven , but as placed amongst his Mortal Brethren here on Earth . II. Vertues without the Passions are weak and languishing . For the clearing of what I intend to deliver on this Point , it will be of use to call to mind that the Passions of the Mind , are certain Sensations or Perceptions of the Soul , which have a special Relation to the same , and are produc'd and maintained by the motion of the Spirits : As hath been declared more at large , in the foregoing part of this Institution . Now it is apparent , that these Commotions of Mind do greatly assist , corroborate and invigorate all Human Functions . For doth not daily experience teach us , that all Human Actions are dull and liveless without them , and that the vigor of the Mind , where they are absent , ceaseth and fails ? Reason it self in many cases appears dull and heavy , if it want the brisk company of Affections , and becomes stupid , when not excited with the Spurrs and Goads of the Passions ? Where shall we meet with Fortitude , that undertakes the most hardy and difficult attempts ? Which pursues Dangers ? Which dares and provokes the most terrible Evils , except it be assisted by Anger , which excites it to revenge the injuries and affronts done to ones Country , Parents or Friends ? Prudence perisheth , where Fear is wanting to put it upon making provision for the Future : For it is this Monitor puts Prudence in mind of what Evils may happen , how she may obviate them , and by what means repel them ? Who ever attempted any thing that was Great or Generous , without a strong and exalted desire ? What Eminent Orator , or Famous Philosopher ever conceived or brought forth , any thing that was Rare and Excellent without it ? Why are so many toilsome and expenceful Travels undertaken , to visit unknown Nations and Countries , but from an ardent desire of Seeing and Learning things unknown ? Who loves Vertue , that is not accompanied with Joy and Gladness : For bare and naked Vertue is neglected and despised , except it promise , and actually bestow pleasure and satisfaction upon its Followers . III. Two things are required to make the Affections good . The Affections therefore are good , and contribute to the Perfection of Human Life , as long as they observe these 2 following Rules . First , that the Object they are conversant about be lawful : For Affections seem to have been bestowed upon us by the Author of Nature , that they might excite us to the pursuit of Vertue , and the declining of Vice. The Second is , that our Passions be proportioned to their Objects , and comport with the Light of Reason in all their motions . For such is the force and power of Reason , that it throughly searcheth into , and contemplates the nature of Objects , perceives the Qualities of each of them , and distinguisheth them from others : He who follows her , is safe and secure from Error , and fore-armed against all deceptions whatsoever . So that he has his Ears open to the instructions of Reason , who loves the best Good with the Highest love and Affection , and all other things according to their several degrees of worth and merit . IV. Passions are useful to the Actions of Life . The Passions therefore are very useful to the Actions of Human Life , as long as they are subject to the command of Reason , and attempt nothing contrary to its Dictates . For they are the Master of Vertue ; and as Fire becomes extinct , when it wants fewel , so without the Affections Vertue remains idle , and unactive . For what great thing can it ever attempt , as long as it continues fixt in its own mean or middle Point , and is not spurred on by the Passions ? As long as the timorous Thoughts of Human Wit , are not excited to some choice or other ? As long as Fortitude is not stirr'd up to gallant Actions ? As long as Justice is not Arm'd with her Sword ? And lastly , as long as Temperance is not kept within its due bounds by Fear , Shame and the Emulation of our Perfidious Nature ? How are all Human Functions over-whelm'd with a deep Sleep , where for want of the awakening motion of the Passions , Men are not rowzed from Rest and Idleness , to Briskness and Activity ? V. An Objection a gainst the usefulness of the Passions . But you 'l object that most of the Passions are Evil , and lead us headlong to Vice : For as they break forth suddenly upon the Soul , so they hurry her away without expecting the advice and counsel of Reason , and reduce her to the blind and wild condition of Beasts ; like unruly Horses that will not be restrained , running headlong into the Precipices of unlawful Lusts , accursed Envy and Hatred , and mad Superstitions . VI. The Objection answered . To which I answer , that what I have said concerning the usefulness of the Passions , must only be understood of them , in asmuch as they are subject to the command and guidance of Reason , and proportion'd to their object and end ; which then only takes place when those things are Loved that ought to be Loved , and when such Objects are loved in a higher degree , which because of their greater worth deserve more of our Love. For Love and the rest of the Affections , are never Evil , as long as they keep within their Bounds , and pursue only those Objects , that are agreeable to Reason . But as there are some Passions that are of no use at all to Men except they be moderated , and reduced to Mediocrity , to the end they may be subservient to the acquisition of Vertue : So some of them are so very good of their own Nature , that the more they exceed the better they are ; for in asmuch as they always follow the Guidance of Reason , they cannot but be upon all occasions , fruitful and advantageous . VIII . A twofold excess is to be considered of in the Passions . For there is a twofold excess in the Passions , the one whereof changeth the nature of a thing , and of Good makes it become Evil , and by this means hinders it from continuing in subjection to Reason . So we find that some Affections do to that degree oppose the motions of Reason , and depress the force of the Mind , that being wholly abandon'd by it , they degenerate into down right Vices . The other excess is , whereby the degree or measure of the Passion only is encreased , and of a Good one is made Better . Thus Boldness , or as others rather express it , Rashness , is not said to be an excess of Fortitude , save only when it transgresseth the Bounds of Reason . But yet Fortitude is also capable of another kind of Excess , even whilst it continues within the said Bounds ; which consists in this , that it is not subject to be shaken or moved by any Doubt or Fear : Which Excess is so far from being Blame-worthy or Reproachful , that the Tongues of all Orators are not sufficient to extol and commend it , this being the peculiar Vertue of Heroes , whom the Antients ranked amongst the Gods. CHAP. XIV . What is the use of Wonder or Admiration . I. Some condemn Admiration . MOST of the Antients had but a mean esteem for Admiration , as looking upon it to be the Vice of Ignorant Persons ; and therefore took it to be an Enemy to Human Felicity , and the fruitful Mother of Sorrow , Fear , Desire , and other Passions that are the Tormentors of Mankind . And accordingly HORACE supposeth that Men would be exempt from all these , if once they could leave their wondring , Lib. 1. Epist. Nothing t' admire is th' only thing that can Make and preserve a Blest and Happy Man. II. Wonder or Admiration is necessary for the acquiring of Sciences But these men do not seem to have rightly understood the nature of Admiration , but rather to have confounded it with Fear , which beholds every thing with Trembling , and is affrighted at all the unusual Objects it meets with . But forasmuch as Admiration is nothing else but a suddain Occupation of the Mind , whereby it is strongly carried to the attentive consideration of those Objects , that appear rare and strange unto it , no body can deny but that it must needs be very conducive to the Learning and Remembring of those things we were ignorant of before . For it is evident , that there are chiefly 2 Principles which concur to the invention of every Art , viz. Admiration ; because as soon as any new thing is suddainly presented to our Understanding , our Mind is presently struck with Admiration , and is powerfully rowzed to the searching into the Nature of it ; and Experience , because the Mind , being allured by the Admiration of a Rare and Uncommon Object , never rests till it have found by Experiment , what the Nature of it is , and the Cause of it . So they who first observed the Eclipse of the Sun , being seized thereat with extraordinary wonder , it ingaged them to search into the Cause of this unknown Effect , till after many repeated experiments , they found that the same was caused by the Moons moving between the Sun and the Earth ; whence they gather'd this Proposition of certain and undoubted Truth , that a Solar Eclipse is produced by the interposition of the Moon betwixt the Earth and the Sun. III. Those who are not apt to Wonder , are generally unlearned . The necessity of Admiration , in order to the attaining of Knowledge , is very apparent from this one instance , that commonly those who are destitute , or not apt to be touch'd with this Passion , are commonly unlearned , and very ignorant . For , notwithstanding that many things present themselves to our Understanding , or offer themselves to our Senses , yet will they never be fixt in our Memory , except by some Passion they be imprest in our Brain , or by the intent application of our Understanding , being determined by our Will to a serious Attention . For rare and unusual Objects encrease our Attention , because by their Novelty they leave a deeper impress of themselves ; and the Spirits flowing thither , do encrease the application of the Mind ; by which means we frame more lively and lasting Idea's of things . Moreover , Admiration is of great use for our attaining of the knowledge of things which formerly we were ignorant of : For a Man that is seized with Admiration , compares the unknown Object , with things that he hath formerly known ; by which means he sees it to be different , and enquires why it differs from them . Hence it is that Admiration is called the Beginning of Philosophy , the Seed of Knowledge , and Abrupt Science . To admire , saith PLATO , is much the Affection of a Philosopher ; neither indeed can any other Original or Beginning of Philosophy be assigned but this . IV. The Esteem and due Value of ones self , how it may be profitable . The esteem of ones self , which is a Species of Admiration , is conducive to every man , in as much as it shews him , that he hath something that is his own , and possesseth some Perfections , in consideration whereof he may respect and love himself more intimately than all other things . For Self-Love is a Lawful Affection , it being allowed to every man to consider himself before others . Moreover , a man by loving himself , imitates GOD , who , like a Circle , turns into , and terminates in himself , and loves himself with the Highest and Essential Love. This is the Property of Wise Men , who , subduing all foreign things to their Mind , do so highly esteem the dignity thereof , that they account it the highest Sacriledge to defile it with filthy and vain thoughts . Hence it is that they have an awful regard for themselves as for Deities ; and abhor to commit any thing that might make their Consciences to condemn them . And to this purpose ARISTOTLE in the Second Book of his Politicks , proves that a due Esteem of our selves is a Vertuous Quality ; and if at any time Self-Love is blamed , that is only so far as it exceeds its Bounds , and makes us to love our selves over-much . V. The undervaluing of ones self is a great help to Humility . On the other hand , the Contempt or Low esteem of ones self , by which a man despiseth his own worth and merit , is very conducive to Humility , and makes him refuse the Honour others render to him . This Vertue teacheth him , that the praises of others are useful to him , as long as he continues vile in his own Eyes ; and that he is not to mind what others say of him , as long as he is conscious to his own defects and meanness , and that he wants those very Vertues which others extol him for . This Passion , moreover , hath this good effect , that it makes us to despise no man ; but owning our selves to be men , prompts us to measure their Vices with the same Equity wherewith we censure our own . For it is but Reasonable and Equitable , that knowing our own weakness , we should take pity on others , and according to the command of Charity , think better of them than of our selves : For indeed what do we know , but they may far exceed us in Vertue ? and tho' they have fallen as Sinners ▪ yet may have risen again as Saints . We may lawfully contemn our selves , but cannot despise any other without Sin , and being injurious to our Neighbour . VI. Venerati●● teacheth as , to respect every one according to his Merit . VENERATION , whereby the Soul is engaged to esteem the Object it respects and honours , and to subject it self to the same , teacheth us to Reverence those Powers that are above us , and to render unto them the Honour that is their due . For seeing that Authority is various , and that the Persons that are above us , are not all of them of equal Dignity , Veneration prompts us to honour every one of them , according to the different Power and Order they have in the World , rendring them a various Respect and Worship , according to the difference of their Merit and Dignity . VII . Our Parents . In the first place therefore , it puts us in mind of the Reverence we owe to our Parents , as to GOD's Vicegerents , who have brought us forth into the World , who with anxious and sollicitous care have educated us , who have instructed us in the Duties of Religion , framed us to Vertue , and furnisht us with Knowledge and Learning . For since it is most agreeable to Nature , to Love those who Love us ; how great is that Love which we owe to our Parents , seeing that our Love , be it never so intense , will not equal their most tender Care and good Will towards us ? VIII . Magistrates In the next place , it adviseth us to honour Magistrates , and such as are in publick places of Trust and Authority . For seeing that they watch for the Weal and Welfare of the Commonwealth , and are set over the People , to the end they may assist and help them , procure their safety , and secure their Estates , they certainly deserve Honour and Respect from all whose happiness and welfare they contribute to . IX . Wise men . This Affection also teacheth us to Honour and esteem those that excel in Wisdom and Vertue , and do recommend them , by the Examples to all others . X. Disdain . Neither is the Passion of Disdain altogether useless , whereby the mind of man contemns some persons , and accounts them so much below it self , as to know that it is not in their Power to do him either Good or Evil. For this Passion is not a little conducive to the Quiet of the Mind , by raising it above the reach of any Mortal Power , making it to be unconcerned at their Promises , and fearless of their Threats . Especially in cases where the Cause of Vertue is to be appear'd for , or Vertue to be maintain'd . CHAP. XV. Of the End or Vsefulness of Love and Hatred , and the Interpretation of them . I. Love teaches us to do good to others . IT is an in-born instinct of the Will of Man , to desire that which is Good , and to testifie its displeasure , when it cannot attain it . Thus we see that a Covetous Man desires Riches , and an Ambitious Person pursues Honours , because they look upon these things as Good for themselves , and are with earnest desire carried towards them , as to things perfective of their Nature . For Love is nothing else but a Thought or Cogitation of the Mind , by which it is stirred up to join it self in Will to those Objects which appear agreeable to it . So that this Passion puts us in mind to do good , not only to our selves , but to others also : Forasmuch as all men are united to us by a likeness of Nature , and constitute but one Politick Body or Society ; wherefore also we are drawn by a natural impulse to bestow Benefits upon them , and to procure their profit and advantage , as far as lies in our way . For Love is a Beneficent Passion , and rejoyceth to diffuse it self , to a vast variety of Objects . Hence it is that PLATO feigns it to be the medium between that which is Deformed or Ugly , and that which is Beautiful and Lovely ; between that which is Mortal and that which is Immortal , because it cherisheth and maintains Human Society ; and joyning contraries together , links the Proud with the Humble , and the Poor with the Rich. We shall therefore make a good use of this Passion , by assisting and relieving our Neighbours , and by desiring and promoting the good and welfare , not only of our selves , but of others also . II. And to hurt no Body . But forasmuch as some , under pretext of helping their Neighbours , do injure them : The Interpretation of this Affection is , that in doing good we take care that we be not hurtful or prejudicial to any : but that we assist them willingly and heartily , and endeavour to promote their good from a pure instinct of Charity , and be to them as Light which penetrates all Diaphanous Bodies , without any hurt or prejudice , either to them or it self . III. Devotion excites us to love GOD. By Devotion , which is a Species of Love , whereby the Lover esteems the Beloved Object more than himself , we are taught to love GOD , and embrace him with the utmost extent and strength of our Affections . To which Divine Love we may arrive , by considering that GOD is a Spirit , or a Thinking Being , upon which account , seeing that our Soul is of affinity with his Nature , we are persuaded to believe , that it is an Emanation from his Supream Intelligence , and , as it were , a Particle of the Divine Breath . Moreover considering the Immense Power whereby he created the World , and all the things that are , without any praeexistent matter ; the infinite reach and extent of his Providence , which , with one view , beholds whatsoever is , was , or is to come , yea , or can be : the unerring certainty of his Decrees , which tho' they be absolutely unchangeable , yet do not in the least prejudice the liberty of Man's Will. And lastly , by making a deep reflection upon our own great weakness , and on the other hand , on the Amplitude of the Universe , and all Created Beings , how at first they proceeded from GOD , and do still so depend on his Power , that they cannot subsist a moment without his Care and Providence . For the due consideration of all these things , will kindle a desire in us to be joyned to him in Will , make us to venerate his Decrees , as judging them most necessary and equal , and to wish for nothing more than to obey his Will , and for his Glory make no difficulty to hazard the loss of all things , even of our Lives , and in a word , to undertake or suffer any thing that may be offered to us . IV. Complacency is a help to the Love of Vertue . Complacency is another Species of Love , whereby the Soul is carried out in desire towards Beautiful Objects , being greatly taken , and charmed with their aspect . For Beauty hath something whereby it powerfully recommends it self , so as to allure the Eyes of Spectators , and force an admittance into their Hearts . Hence the Antients were pleased to call it a silent Imposture , and a Dominion which needs neither Arms nor Guards , such as persuades without words , and makes all men readily to submit to its Imperious Yoke . This Passion prompts us to desire the Beauty of Worldly things , and wholly to betake our selves to the Love of Vertue , and by trampling upon all Earthly Enjoyments , to aspire after Coelestial Objects . For if a comly shape of the Body , if a sweet and beautiful Aspect , if the sparkling lustre of a brisk and lively Eye be of force enough to astonish , ravish and surprize , what a degree of Love , think we , will not Vertue be able to enkindle in the Hearts of its Contemplators , who , if we will believe SENECA , sends her Light , as a Harbinger before her , into the Hearts of all Men , so as that even those who do not follow her , are convinced of her Beauty ? What can be compared to the Life and Vigor which Fortitude communicates to the Eyes , to the Intention they derive from Prudence ? to the Reverence wherewith Modesty adorns them ? to the Briskness and Serenity which Joy affords them ? and lastly to the Awfulness which Severity puts upon them ? What can be imagined more Beautiful than Justice , which makes Princes most like to GOD ? What more comly than Temperance , which sets bounds to Pleasures , and never embraceth them for their own sake ? What more sweet and lovely than Humanity , which is affable and courteous to all , and doth so far only desire it s own Good , as the same may be serviceable and profitable to others ? What more grateful and pleasing than Clemency , which spares the Blood of another as its own , which by by its kindness turns and overcomes the minds of the wicked , and sweetly comforts the afflicted and miserable ? So that by beholding of Beautiful Objects , we are insensibly led to the love of Vertue , and taught to despise and neglect these frail and changeable Beauties , and to pursue the Eternal Excellence and Comliness of Vertue and Goodness . V. Hatred makes us to abhor Vice. Neither is the Passion of Hatred altogether useless , where it meets with Objects , on which it may justly discharge its fury . For we hate all those things that hurt us , or injure our Soul or Body ; and therefore we have good reason to abhor our Vices , and to avoid all those things that disturb our Peace and Tranquillity . For if it be natural to the Soul to separate it self by hatred from the things that are hurtful to it , what Evil ought she more to detest , than that which , in a manner , destroys and annihilates it ? For the Soul dies whilst it commits Sin , and lays violent hands upon it self , as oft as it transgresseth the Commands of GOD , and thwarts the Dictates of its Conscience . Wherefore it is but justice to hate our selves upon the account of Sin , and to be inflam'd with an holy Anger against our Defects and Transgressions , forasmuch as by means thereof we are turned aside from our Chiefest Good , and depart from him , with whom to be united by Love is the Sovereign Bliss of Man. VI. Horrour or Abhorrence makes us to avoid Bad Company . The Horror we are seiz'd with at the beholding of ugly and deformed Objects , teacheth us to avoid all manner of Wickedness and Pravity , and to eschew the company and familiarity of those , who are likely to infect us with their corrupt manners . For seeing there is nothing in Nature more ugly and deformed than a wicked and perverse Man , we have all the reason in the World to avoid such a one , as we would do the Plague , lest we should be corrupted by his familiarity , and his Vices insensibly should get ground of us . Drunken Companions easily draw in their Associates to the same Excess ; and Lustful and Unclean Persons infect those they converse with , and effeminate the Minds of those that keep them company . Covetous Persons inspire their familiar Friends with a Stingy Humour . But what Body can be so deformed and monstrous , what Skin so scabby and ulcerous , as to compare with the ugliness and filthiness of Vice , which changes Men into Beasts ? This Passion therefore will be of great good use to us , if it prompt us to detest the depraved manner of wicked men , or whatsoever can defile or weaken our Innocence . CHAP. XVI . Of what use the Passion of Desire is . I. Desire reacheth after the Things it wants . THE End and use of Desire is manifest from its Definition , which declares it to be a Passion , whereby the Soul is carried towards a Good , considered as Future . Which words sufficiently shew that this Passion aspires after those things which it wants , and wishes the conversation of those which it enjoys . The Soul by Desire , is carried to the Possession or enjoyment of some Good , like an Arrow driven from a Bow , and being raised upon the wings thereof , flies to the Mark. II. Hope enticeth the Soul to desire Beatitude . Accordingly the Soul by Hope , which is the first Species of Desire , is stirred up to desire Happiness , and to enjoy that Good , which alone can satiate it . For as Bodies , by motion , approach nearer to their Centers ; so the Soul , through Hope , tends to Happiness , and by its earnest wishes and desires , hastens that , which it so much longs for . Wherefore it looks upon these days , during which it is compelled to live here amongst Mortals , as already past and gone ; and neglecting things present , esteems them as past , before ever they are come . And by this means it is neither corrupted by the Prosperity of this World , nor cast down by Adversity ; applying the whole drift of her intent to this only , that none of these things may be a hinderance to her in her Progress to Bliss and Felicity . O Thrice Happy and Blissful Hope ! whose Promises are so great and glorious , that they make a Man Happy and Blessed , even before he is in full possession of it . III. Fear teacheth Circumspection and Cautelousness . On the contrary , Fear adviseth us to undertake nothing without Heedfulness and Circumspection , and to avoid Rashness in all our Actions . In the first place it teacheth us to examin all those things that may any way hinder or stop our intent , and to deliberate maturely and at leisure , about all those matters that are liable to change . For Praecipitancy is without foresight , and cannot but frequently have Repentance for its Companion . And in the next place , that we foresee things to come , and with great exactness and diligence , consider the Evils that may possibly happen to us : For foreseen evils are less afflictive , and we bear those things much more easily , that have been our constant expectation . Fear therefore warns us , that standing in our Watch-Tower , we should keep a watchful Eye upon things to come ; and as far as Human Foresight permits , anticipate the mutability of Fortune , the endeavours of our Enemies , and the insultings of Men in Power . For Afflictions and Hardships are only intollerable to him , whom they seize all on a suddain and at unawares , and whom they strike before they are discern'd . IV. The Usefulness of Jealousie . Jealousie will stand us in good stead , when by it we are stirr'd up to endeavour to secure the Possession of those things which we count the best and most excellent of all others . This Passion moves and actuates the Philosophers , when they contend for the Truth , which they suppose themselves to have espoused , as for their nearest and dearest Interest , and endeavour to vindicate it from all Suspicion of Errour , in opposition to all the Attacks and Assaults of their Adversaries . Hence it is that Controversies about Religion are maintained in the Minds of People , whilst every one is jealous , lest the Religion he professeth should suffer any thing by his slackness or indifferency , or that he should be forced to desert it . Thus Princes and others , that have an Honourable Name in the World , are extreamly Jealous of their Good Name and Reputation , and leave no Stone unturn'd to preserve the same in its full Luster and Glory ; because they look upon the Opinion which others have of their Vertue , to be above all things most conducive to their Honour and Esteem , as well as the safest and strongest guard , against the Assaults of their Enemies . In a word , Jealousie may be of use to all , if the Good , the loss whereof they apprehend , be of great Concern to them , and such as they cannot be deprived of without great Shame or Loss . For as no Body faintly and carelesly Endeavours the obtaining of Riches or Honour ; so it is no wonder to see Men strangely moved and concern'd , whenever they are threatned with the loss of either of them . V. Despair is sometimes of use to Lovers . Altho' Despair be the most odious of all Passions , and be generally accounted the Common Enemy of Mankind , yet is it not altogether without its Usefulness . For inasmuch as it considers the desired Object as Impossible , and excludes all hope of ever obtaining it , it may be of advantage to Lovers , when they find themseves neglected and despised by the beloved Object ; because then this Passion strongly persuades them to give over their vain pursuit , and to cease their frustraneous Endeavours , and to quit themselves of their Ill-advised Desires . It tells Men , that it is Madness to doat upon an ungrateful and insensible Object , and to cast away our Love upon that which cannot , or will not love us again . VI. Despair makes Souldiers Valiant . As Despair proves advantagious to Lovers , so likewise it is useful to Souldiers , in cases where they are prest with Difficulties , and see no way open to escape their Enemies : For then it prompts them , since they are necessitated to engage those that are much stronger than themselves ; and that in all probability they must dye , to sell their Lives as dear as they can , and in some kind make amends for their Loss , by causing a greater Loss to their Enemies . For Necessity often steels Cowards with Valour ; and Despair hath often made weak and fearful Troops to triumph over Conquerours . This Passion inspir'd LEONIDAS , when with a small Handful of Souldiers , he set upon Xerxes , whose Fleet the Sea , and whose Army the Land was scarcely able to contain . For having posted himself with 300 Men in the Narrow-passage of the Thermopylae , he stood the shock of that prodigious Power , and died valiantly with his whole little Army . VII . Fluctuation , or Doubtfulness of Mind , useful in the Choice of things . Fluctuation of Mind is necessary , when we are engaged in the Election of Good things ; for seeing that one Good is preferrable before another , and that all are not of the same Value , we have need of time before we can certainly know , whether the Judgment we frame concerning Things , be conformable to them , and consonant to all the Circumstances that concur to their Perfection . For we cannot , like Angels , understand things that are offer'd to us , in an Instant ; our Knowledge is successive , and as the Sun from the Dawning increaseth to the perfect Day , so some time is to be allowed to our Soul , that after a mature Reflexion of Judgment , she may deliberate of things , and consider what she ought to determine concerning them . For seeing that things are various and manifold , and not equal in degrees of Goodness , their Nature must be diligently examin'd by us , that we may come to know what is Good , what Better , and what Best of all , For Men are very apt to favour their first Thoughts , and either from an Affection for Novelty , or too great Indulgence and Love for the Off-spring of their own Brain , to embrace that which first presents it self to their Minds . Wherefore Delay , which Fluctuation of Mind doth suppose , is very necessary to discern Truth from Falshood , and to make a due distinction betwixt Good and Better . VIII . Cuorage and Boldness are grent Helps to Fortitude . Courage and Boldness are good Helps to Fortitude , and superadd both Force and a Spur to that most Generous Vertue . For Fortitude , without the Company of Boldness , is but faint and languishing , and stands in need to be excited by its Heat , to the attempting and undertaking of Great and Worthy Atchievements . This Passion may lawfully and worthily be employed , in repelling the Enemies of our Country , and in defending the Life and Honour of our Prince . Nature teacheth us to venture the loss of our Hand , for the saving of our Head ; and to expose any part of our Body , to save the whole . This is that which Boldness performs , and when Necessity requires , does not only meet Dangers , but provokes and contemns them . IX . Emulation is conducive to Vertue . Emulation spurs us on to imitate the glorious Actions of Famous Men , by studying and eying the Examples of such as do exceed us in Vertue and Learning . It sets before our Eyes their Atchievments , as so many Originals for us to express , and to take Copy by , suitable to the Requirings both of Reason and Nature . For there is an inborn Inclination in all Men , to become like their Superiours and Betters . This makes us to be always in the pursuit of those Vertues and Perfections , which we see shining so illustrious in others , and enflames us with desire to imitate the Manners and good Qualities of those who excel us , especially in Intellectual Endowments . CHAP. XVII . Of the Vsefulness of Joy and Sorrow . I. All pursue Pleasure . IT is not without Reason that some Physicians tell us , That the desire of Pleasure is Natural to man ; for it is subservient to the Mind , and fills and satiates the wants of the Body . Young men are inclined to Pleasure and Oblectation , because it is serviceable to the ready and vigorous performance of all Bodily Functions and Exercises , and conduceth to the increase and good state of it . Melancholy Persons addict themselves to Pleasure , because otherwise the Humour that predominates in them would consume their Body , and by its malignity make all the Humours thereof eager and corrosive . Old men delight in Merriment ; for seeing that the digestive Faculty of their Stomach is slow and weak , and that the Blood and other Humours move but slowly through their Bodies , they are with great eagerness push'd forwards to Pleasure , as to the only Remedy against all these Distempers . II. Joy is grateful to the Mind . What Pleasure is to the Body , that Joy or Gladness is to the Mind ; for it always is a Consequent of its Tranquillity , and doth in a manner perfect and compleat all its Operations . For even as by a Natural Instinct we are carried to that which is Good , and have an Aversion for that which is Evil ; so we pursue Joy and Pleasure under the Notion of its being Good , and hate Sorrow , because it appears to us to be Evil. But because Joy may be infected by its Objects , and be conversant about those things which are unworthy of our Esteem or Regard , we must examin what is the right use of it , and to what Matters it may lawfully be applied . III. Joy always doth accompany good Actions . And indeed Joy and Gladness are not to be found , but in the Exercise of Vertue , and in the pursuit of Honesty ; seeing that all other Good things , which we do so solicitously look after , do not bring forth any true Joy , but only some false and feigned Chearfulness and Mirth , which is always accompanied with Anxiety or Repentance . For there can be no true Joy , but that which springs from the Consciousness of Vertue and Goodness . IV. Derision is useful for the Reproof of Faults . Derision , which consists of Joy and Hatred , and is occasion'd by the deprehending of some slight or Venial fault or defect , is frequently of good use for the amendment of Faults and lesser Immoralities , making him who is derided , to be more watchful over his Actions . For finding his Immoralities , or undecent Manners , to be exposed to Jest and Laughter , and that they furnish others with Matter of Raillery and Merriment at his Cost , he resolves to correct the same for the future , and so to prevent the like Errours , that he may no more become a Laughing-stock to others . V. Envy is troubled at the Exaltation of the Wicked and Unworthy . Envy , forasmuch as it is a Passion and a Species of Sorrow , is not without its usefulness , it being that Affection whereby a man is displeased at the Prosperity or Elevation of another , because he is unworthy of it . For it seems but reasonable , to be moved with Envy and Indignation against those , who without their Merit are raised to ample Fortunes and high Employs . For whatsoever is conferr'd upon Unworthy persons , is look'd upon as a piece of Injustice , when that which should be the Reward of Vertue , is made an Encouragement to Vice and Wickedness . From all which it is apparent , that this Affection is distinct from that Envy which is a Vice , because this latter hath not for its Object a Person unworthy of the Good he enjoys , but rather conceives a Joy and Gladness from the Miseries of the Good and Vertuous ; whereas the former is only offended at the Prosperity of such as are Unworthy , but reaps no pleasure at all from the Misfortunes of those that are Good and Vertuous . The Good things for which we commonly Envy others , are Riches , Honours , and other such like , depending on the Gift of Fortune : For no Body is Envied for his Vertue , nor for his Nobility , Beauty , or other Endowments or Embellishments , whether of Body or Mind ; forasmuch as they do not depend of his Industry , but were bestowed upon him by Heaven , before ever he was capable of committing any Evil. VI. Compassion relieves such as are in Misery . Compassion , or Pity , on the contrary , provokes us to assist and relieve such as are in Misery , and to shew Kindness to those whom we suppose to be Unhappy , without any of their desert or merit . For it is not a Vice of the Soul ( as some Philosophers have supposed ) to pity the Miseries of others ; but rather a kind of Pious Sorrow and Blessed Misery : Because this Affection doth not only move the Mind conformably to anothers Calamity , but also strongly excites it , to endeavour the easing and removing of it . For it is a Duty we owe to Nature and Humanity , to condole with those that are Afflicted , and to endeavour to lend a Helping-hand to those that are opprest with Calamities , and who without Speaking , strongly cry to us for help . It is no Relief to a miserable Wretch , that we are touch'd with Grief and Compassion at the sight of his Affliction , except also we do help and assist him to the utmost of our Power . VII . Satisfaction , or Content , produceth Peace of Conscienc● . Satisfaction , or Content and Acquicscence in ones self , doth greatly conduce to Security and Peace of Conscience , when we call to mind any good Action that hath been performed by us . For as , according to HOMERS Fiction , the Herb Nepenthe added to their Cups , banisht all Sorrow and Sadness from the Banquet of the Gods ; so a Good Mind secur'd and guarded by the Rectitude and Uprightness of its Conscience , extirpates all solicitous Anxiety , and begets the highest Joy and Pleasure . For the Soul that is always accompanied by Innocenoe , seems , as it were , to applaud it self , and to be rais'd above this Earth , being Conscious to its self of no Crimes , nor distracted by the Guilt of Sin. Hence it is , that those who are safe and secure by reason of the Purity of their Conscience , are always of an even Temper , and tho' in the presence of a Tormentor , that stands ready to Torture them ; of Fire , that is ready to consume them ; and of a Funeral Pomp , to appall and terrifie them , continue unmoveable , fixed on the Rock of a good Conscience , being unconcerned at the raging Waves and Winds that roar about them . VIII . Repentance is necessary for the Effacing of Sin. But Repentance , which supposeth Guilt , and which torments the Guilty with the Checks and Stings of Conscience , puts them upon bewailing of what is past , and to get rid of the Burthen that presseth them . For as nothing is more pleasant and joyful , than a good Conscience ; so nothing is more tormenting than a Bad one : No Wild Beast tears and rends more Cruelly , no Flame burns more smartly , or Torments the Body more excessively , than a Guilty Conscience racks and tears the Soul , whose Inmate it is . Whosoever Sins , hath his Punishment immediately attending him , and his Crimes make him sufficiently miserable , without the Ceremony of a publick Condemnation . Punishment is the individual Companion of Wickedness , and never to this day was there any Man found that sin'd on free cost . Repentance therefore makes a Man after the Commission of Sin to hate himself , and from a serious abhorrence of his Crimes , to amend what is amiss , and enter upon a new course of Life . IX . Favour makes us to Love the followers of Vertue . Favour , which makes us wish well to those that are Vertuous and do worthy Actions , is a great incentive to the Love of Vertue , because it inclines us to Love the same in others , and to bear good will to all the followers of it : Whereas on the contrary we do hate perverse Men ; and tho' we do not abhor their persons , yet we do always abhor their Vices . It is inborn , and natural almost to all Men , to be angry with , and have indignation against Evil doers , and those who tho' they be never so criminal do go unpunished . But yet we are to take heed , that we do not imitate those Peevish and Morose persons , who are moved at things of little or no moment , and confounding slight fooleries , with the highest Crimes do abhor , the one as much as the other . It is the property of a Morose temper , to inveigh bitterly against small Faults , and to condemn all things that are not suited to his Temper and Apprehension . X. Gratitude prompts us to the rendring of Benefits . Gratitude , which preserves the pleasing memory of Benefits received , incites us to the endeavour of repaying them with like good Offices : Which may be done by us 2 manner of ways ; the first when by Gifts , or otherwise , we acknowledge the Favour or Benefit we have received . Thus we read , that AUGUSTUS CAESAR rewarded the good Office done to him by a Veteran Souldier , in rescuing him from imminent danger , at the Battle of Actium . For when he being accused at Law , and in danger of being condemned had desired AUGUSTUS to appear for him , CAESAR would not suffer his Attorny to plead for him , but himself appeared , and pleaded , that he might not seem ungrateful to him , who had saved his Life . The other way of shewing our selves Thankful is , when we receive a Benefit with a grateful Mind , and are ready at all times to acknowledge it . For indeed the returning of a good deed , does not so much consist in our recompensing it by good Offices , as in a grateful temper of Mind , whereby we are ready to acknowledge the favour bestowed upon us . For a Debt may soon be paid , and what hath been Stolen restored ; but he properly repays a Benefit , who keeps it always in grateful Memory , and owns himself under Obligation for it . XI . Anger is of use to Princes and Magistrates Anger , which the Stoicks do so much inveigh against , calling it a short Fury or Madness , hath also its use , as long as it continues within the Bounds of Reason , and does only moderately move and affect the Soul ; for being thus qualified , it is serviceable to Kings and Judges , to the removing of Lenity and Fear , which may oppose themselves to the Strictness and Severity of the Law , and incline them to over much Clemency . Thus it is lawful for Judges to be exasperated against the Crimes of Malefactors , who violate the Laws , and infect others by their wicked Examples . It is also serviceable to Kings in Governing of the Commonwealth ; for it is necessary for Kings , to avenge the Injuries and Indignities offer'd to themseves , and to be as ready to punish Traitors , as to resist and oppose their Enemies . For who will say , but that it is a just anger in Princes , which engageth them to inflict the worst of Punishments upon Traitors , who are guilty of the worst of Crimes ? XII . Glory and Shame of what use they are , and to whom . Glory and Shame are of extraordinary use , and advantage to those who are taken with the desire of Vertue ; for these 2 Passions naturally lead to her , and tho' they go different ways , yet tend to the same end . For Glory is as it were a Spur , egging us on to great and generous Actions , and to the undertaking of the most hazardous Exploits . It was under the conduct and command of this Affection , that the Romans procured their Greatness , and subdued all their Neighbouring Nations . It cannot be denied but that the Love of their Country , was a great and strong motive in the accomplishing of those brave Actions , but yet their desire of Glory , was a much stronger incentive to them . For indeed Vertues Vigor and Force seems to languish and expire , when it is not kindled with the desire of Praise and Honour ; and the whole strength and Briskness of the Soul is very rarely exerted , but in the midst of Spectators , that are ready to applaud and extol it . XIII . Shame keeps a man from the Commission of Sin. And Shame on the other hand deterrs a Man from Vice , and makes those things odious , which otherwise would appear delightful . This Passion may well be called the Guardian of Vertue , because it makes us to flee from the Face of every shameful and filthy Act. This keeps Judges to their Duty , and compells them to do Justice , for fear of making themselves infamous . This Passion furnisheth Women with Arms , wherewith to defend themselves against the attempts of Lewd and Lustful Men. And therefore SYNESIUS calls Shamefac'dness the second Good of Man , because it keeps them innocent , and doth not only hinder them from committing Wickedness in publick , but also in private . XIV . Chearfulness assists us in the bearing of Adversity . Chearfulness teacheth us to bear Afflictions and Adversity with a pleasant Mind , and to undervalue and despise the Calamities we lye under . It informs us that it is Prudence , to despise the Evils and Calamities of this World , and to rejoyce in the midst of those troubles , wherewith we are continually tost in this Life . For as Gold shines bright in the Fire , and by all the violence thereof loseth nothing of its weight or Splendor , so a Chearful Mind is of proof against the Injuries of Fortune , and turns its Calamities and Afflictions into Pleasure : It considers that nothing is more sweet , than the remembrance of past Labours and Miseries , and that that prosperity is sweetest , for which we have been prepared by the Bitterness of Suffering . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Government of the Passions , and of their more general Remedies . I. The particular Remedies of all the Passions are not to be here expected . FOrasmuch as the Happiness of Mans Life , depends on the right governing of the Passions , and that they may be accounted truly happy in this World , that have attained to a full Dominion over them ; we are to consider , how their Excesses may be best avoided , and the ill use of them prevented . Not that I do intend here to prosecute the particular Remedies of all the Passions , which Reason prescribes for the subduing or moderating of them , because that would be a greater Task than I can here undertake , in this short Discourse of Ethicks ; but only to set down the more general Remedies , to repress their force , and to over come their Excesses . II. We are to examine things before that we give way to any Passion about them . And here the First thing we meet with is , that we cautiously and diligently enquire into the nature of the thing that is presented to us , and that we abstain from passing a Judgment concerning it , as long as we find our selves moved by any Passion , so as to be byas● thereby to one Object more than towards another . For since all the Inclinations that proceed from them , are only the effect of a confused Perception , they cannot offer any thing , that is clear or distinct to our Mind : And therefore we must endeavour , if the time permit , to turn our Thoughts to some other Matters , for a Season , until the Commotion of our Blood be over . III. Whilst a Passion presseth upon ●s , the contrary reasons are to be noted . I said , if the time permits , because when the Passion is violent , and the case requires , that without any delay , a present Res●lution be taken ; the Will must consider and weigh the Reasons , that oppose the said Passion , tho' it may be they appear inconsiderable and of small moment to us . For we are to lay this down for a certain truth , That the Passions are deceitful , and that their main drift is to impose upon us , and lead us into Errors . And tho' it may seem to be a very difficult thing , after that a Passion hath made its onset upon us , and put our Blood into a Commotion , to put a stop to the Course of the Animal Spirits into the Muscles , in order to execute the command of our Passions ; yet is it not a thing impossible , but may be performed , by diverting our Mind from the thoughts it is upon , by representing to it the contrary Reasons . Thus when an Enemy sets upon us at unawares , such a suddain event affords us no time to deliberate : Wherefore in this case , if we find our selves seized with Fear , our business must be to turn our thoughts from the consideration of the danger we are in , by listning to those Reasons that tell us , that there is both more Safety and Honour in resisting an Adversary , than in giving way to him , or turning our back upon him . And on the contrary , when Anger seizeth us , and that we find our selves provoked to Revenge , and rashly to rush upon our Enemy , we must call to Mind , that it is a piece of great Imprudence to cast our selves away , when as we may preserve our Lives without Shame or Infamy , and that it is no Shame for a Man to recant , or to submit himself where the match is unequal , rather than to rush on rashly upon apparent Death . IV. We must examin the nature of things whilst we are Tranquil and Sedate . It is also very conducive to the governing of our Passions , to accustom our selves , whilst we are in a sedate and tranquil temper of Mind , to weigh and examin all the Good and Evil things , that any way may happen throughout our whole course of Life , and to discuss their nature and value , that afterwards upon occasion , we may be able with more readiness to form true Judgments concerning them , and certainly and without any hesitation discern , what ought to be avoided , and what to be embraced by us , whatsoever any rising Passion or Supervening reasons , may insinuate or suggest to the contrary . For if we direct and govern all the Actions of our Life , according to some certain and premeditated Judgments , it will not be difficult for us to repress the Violence of our Boyling Passions , and to break the force of them . For how weak soever we may be , and how easy soever to be overcome by our Passions ; yet if we do but apply our selves to such thoughts as these , and often revolve them in our Minds , we shall at last come off Conquerors , and attain to an absolute Dominion over our Passions . V. He that can overcome desire will soon get the Dominion over all the rest of his Passions . It will be of great use also towards the taming of our Passions , to curb our Desires , and not suffer them to Rove beyond the requiring of Nature . For tho' Desire be a peculiar Passion , yet it mingles some way or other with them all , so that he who can tame its unruliness , will easily cure the Distempers of all the rest . For all the motions of Desire as they are Solitary , and by themselves , are dark and languishing , except they receive light from abroad , and chiefly from the Goodness and Excellence of the Object , about which they are conversant . And forasmuch as some of the things that are desired by us , do altogether depend upon our selves , and some upon others , and some also partly upon our selves , and partly upon others , we ought very narrowly to examine , how we ought to carry our selves with relation to these several things , and what curbs are best to be made use of to restrain the great variety of our desire . VI. How far we may desire the things that are in our Powers . As to those things which are in our Power , these may lawfully be desired by us , as long as our desires of them are well grounded , and proceed from Good and Vertuous motives ; for seeing that they proceed from a perception of Good , and only tend to our Complement and Perfection , to endeavour the satisfaction of them , is to act conformably to Nature , and to follow the Dictates of Vertue . But who dares say , that any one can with too great eagerness pursue Vertue ? VII . We must not desire any thing that is in the Power of another . But as to things that are forein to us , and in the Power , and at the disposal of others , our desires towards them can never be faint and weak enough : Yea we must strive , as far as lies in us , altogether to abstain from the prosecution of them , having our Mind fix'd on the Contemplation of the Great GOD , by whose Providence all things are governed and dispensed , and whose Boundless Goodness , Infinite Wisdom , and Infallible Decrees are only worthy of our continual Thoughts and Attention . Wherefore we must consider , that all whatsoever happens to us is necessary , excepting only those things , which it hath pleased GOD , should alone depend upon our Wills , and which by his Decree he hath ordain'd , should by such and such ways be conveighed to us . And being thus persuaded , as we shall not desire the Goods of Fortune , so neither shall we fear its Evils , forasmuch as they are only such , by reason of our Opinion of them , and the Error of our Understanding ; but shall rather willingly submit to them , as being designed for us by his unerring Providence , and infallible in their Contingency . And accordingly giving way to Time and Chance , we shall undauntedly expect whatsoever may happen to us , as being undoubtedly assured , that they cannot deprive us of the least part of any true Good we are in possession of ; yea , moreover that they are very conducive to our Beatitude , if we know how to make use of them as we ought , and as becomes a Philosopher . VIII . We are to moderate our desires about those things which partly depend on us , and partly on others . And as to those things which partly are in our Power , and partly at the dispose of others , such as Health , the Government of our Families and Administration of State Affairs , we must take care that we do not too eagerly desire the same , or be too earnestly carried out towards them , when they seem to be in our reach ; but that we remember always so to curb our desires , that we only extend them to those things that are in our Power , and depend on our Free-will : So that if our endeavours chance to succeed , we shall obtain the thing we desire ; but if not , at least we shall have the comfort that we have performed our Duty , and done what was in our Power ; and therefore shall look upon them as Impossible , and since the obtaining of them is not in our Power , we shall suppose them not at all to belong to us . IX . Generosity is a great Remedy of the Passions Generosity may be considered as another general Remedy of our Passions , which being as it were the Key to all Vertue , so it is a powerful means to subdue and moderate our Affections . Now Generosity consists in this , that a Man do value and esteem himself to the utmost of his worth ; for having this respect and consideration for himself , it will engage him not to omit any thing he ought to do , as well as from undertaking any thing unworthy the excellence and Dignity of his Nature . For considering that nothing properly belongs to him , besides the free disposal of his Will and Choice ; and that nothing is praise-worthy or commendaable in this Life , save only the due use thereof , he will suppose himself to have attained the highest step of Felicity , if he find in himself a fixt and constant Resolution and purpose to make good use of them ; that is never to want a Will , to undertake or execute all those things , which he judgeth to be best , which in a strict and proper Sense is to follow Vertue . For tho' he hath this due esteem of himself , he does not therefore despise others , but rather persuades himself , that all other Men have the same Thoughts of themselves : And therefore he never undervalues other Men , and if by chance he discover any defects or weakness in them , he is more ready to excuse than carp at them , and to persuade himself , that they commit those Failings , not for want of a good Will , but for lack of knowledge , and due Information . X. The highest remedy against our Passions is the Love GOD. But the most powerful Antidote against our Affections , is the Love of GOD , which natural knowledge implants in our Souls . For this being the most pleasant and delightful of all the Passions , we can be affected with in this Life , and the most strong and prevalent also , it must consequently have the Power of ridding us from the Dominion of all other Passions , and not only of curing all the Vices of the Mind , but also of removing all the bitterness of Bodily Sickness , and of sweetning all the Troubles and Afflictions of this Life , which are the inseparable Companions of all States and Conditions whatsoever . And how this Divine Love may be obtained by us , DES CARTES informs us in the 35 Epistle of his first Volume , to which I refer the Reader . CHAP. XIX . Of the Liberty of Mans Will. I. How those who deny the free-will of Man may be convinced . AFfter having spoken of the Vertues , and shewed the use of the Passions we might ●eem to have performed little or nothing towards a Blessed Life , if we should not now proceed to demonstrate , that Man is endued with a Free-will , and that it is in his Power to exercise Vertue , and make good use of his Affections . For there be some , that are so ignorant of themselves , and such negligent searchers into the source of their own Actions , that they attribute all things to a Blind Necessity or Fatality , and suppose Men to act from an imprest instinct , and that nothing is done by them which is not necessarily determined . But these Men do very well deserve to be tied to a Stake , and there lasht so long , till they beg those that beat them to stop their Hands , and confess that it is in their Power , to cease from beating of them , when they please . II. Human Actions shew that there is a Liberty of acting For what is more contrary to daily experience than to believe , that it is not in our Power to Speak or hold our Peace , to stand still , or to walk , to reach forth our hand to a poor Beggar , or to pass him by unregarded ? This is so notoriously manifest , that as St. AUSTIN saith , it is Sung by Shepherds on the Mountains ; by Poets on Theaters , by Balladmongers in their Rings , by the Masters in Schools , and by all Mankind in the World. For if Men have no Free-will , to what purpose are Laws made ? Why are Rewards promised to those that are Good , and Punishments threatned to the Bad , if the things for which they are rewarded or punished , were never in their Power , and that they sinned against their Will , or by the force of necessity performed some good service to their Country ? Why are Exhortations used ? Or why do we endeavour to excite men to Vertue , if we have no Strength of our own so to obtain it ? And if like Children and Madmen , we want the power of chusing or refusing ? III. He that takes away mans Liberty of Will takes away Sin. Moreover , if we do all things by a kind of fatal necessity , what will become of Prevarication and Sin ? Or where shall we find any Transgression of the Law , if uncontrolable force be the source of our Actions , and if they be the result of Nature , and not of our Will ? Necessity , say the Lawyers , makes void an Action , and he that Governs , must not be in the Power of any one . It is evident therefore that Men are free , and so far at their own dispose , that when Good and Evil are set before them , they may choose that which is Good , if it be represented to them under that Notion ; or Evil , yet always under the appearance of something that is Good , if the said appearance do more strike their Understanding and attract their Will : Or when two good things are propounded together , they can chuse the one and leave the other , if it appear more suitable to them , and more excellent and worthy in it self . IV. If there be no Liberty of the Will , all Deliberation is in vain . But what need is there of so many words to make out a thing that is so Notorious and obvious almost in all Human Actions ? There is nothing more common amongst men , than to deliberate and take Counsel in doubtful Affairs ; not only the Common People , but even Kings themselves have recourse to this Expedient . For seeing that every one is more dull-sighted in his own business and concerns , than in those of another , Princes must make use of Counsellors , that may be unto them instead of Hands and Eyes , and may help them in all things . But pray , to what purpose are these Counsellors , if it be not in the Power of the King to take their Advice , or to change his Purpose ? Nature hath made us Teachable Creatures , and bestowed upon us an Imperfect kind of Reason , which can be amended and perfected by good Institutions . And accordingly there is nothing that more strongly induceth men to love Vertue , and recalls wicked Men to that which is Right , than the Conversation of good Men , by whose Example Vertue is recommended and learn'd , and by degrees takes root in the Heart . But alas ! how useless would it prove to Converse with good Men , if it be not in our Power to imitate their Actions ; and if for want of this Free-will , we cannot follow that which is Best ? We must therefore be possest of a Free-will before any of these things can be advantagious to us ; and as it is in our Power to recall our Eyes or Mind from any Object , so it is likewise in our Freedom to withdraw our Affections ; except we will confess , that Knowledge was given us to no purpose at all , and that it is of no use to the governing or directing of our Actions . V. He that takes away the Freedom of Man's Will , banisheth Vertue out of the World. Human Society cannot subsist without Vertue , which being taken away , the Beautiful Order of the VVorld must be overthrown , Government must degenerate into Tyranny , and all the Concerns of Mankind be expos'd to the tumultuous Motions of the Passions . Wherefore it is necessary , that Vertue be seated like a Judge over all , and to render to every one his due ; to GOD , by Religion ; to our Country and Parents , by Love and Obedience ; to our Fellow Citizens , by various Offices of Justice and Charity . But take away the Liberty of our Actions , and all these things vanish , and there remains nothing in the VVorld , but confusion and corruption of Manners . For how shall Temperance be able to contain her self , and suppress all inordinate Desires ? What shall put Fortitude upon difficult and dangerous Exploits ? By what means shall Justice pay what is due to another , and observe the Rules of Equity ? If so be it is not in their power to abstain from Pleasures and Lusts , to avoid things difficult and dangerous , or to keep what is anothers by force . We must therefore of necessity conclude , that the Power of Free-will hath been vouchsafed to man by GOD , and that in all his Actions he is not driven by Necessity , but led on by his own VVill. For otherwise , why might not all the Failures and Sins of Nature and Men , be imputed to GOD , if he be the only Agent in the VVorld ? Or , why might not he be said to commit all Evils and Crimes that abound therein ? It was therefore necessary , that Man should be endued with Liberty , to the end that his own Actions might be recompensed unto him , and he receive the Reward or Punishment due to his VVorks . VI. The Free-will of Man depends upon GOD. But tho' every one doth experience this power of choosing in himself , and find that his Will in its determinations , doth not depend upon any created Agent ; yet neither must it be conceived to be utterly independent ; for tho' Free Will , as DESCARTES saith , if we give heed only to our selves , cannot but be conceived as Independent ; yet if we consider the infinite Power of GOD , we must of necessity believe , that all things depend on him , and that consequently our Free Will cannot be exempt from his Dominion . For it implies a contradiction to say , that GOD hath created Men of such a Nature , that the actions of their Wills are independent of his Will ; because this is the same , as if we should say , that his Power is both finite and infinite . Finite , because there is something that does not depend on his Will ; and Infinite , in that he could make that thing independent . VII . The Liberty of our Will , doth not make the Existence of GOD , doubtful . But as the Knowledge of the Divine Existence must not take away the certainty of our Free Will , so must neither the Knowledge of our Free Will , make the Existence of GOD doubtful to us . For the Independence which we experience , and are sensible of in our selves , and which is sufficient to make our Actions worthy of Praise or Reproach , is not repugnant to a dependence of another kind , according to which all things are subject to GOD. VIII . An Objection answer'd . If any one should object here that Passage of the Romans , The Good that I will , I do not ; but the Evil I will , that I do ; and should from thence infer , that he who does not what he Wills , and does what he Wills not , cannot be said to be free . I Answer , that this saying of the Apostle is to be understood of the first motions of Concupiscence , which are not in our Power , neither are imputed to us as Sin ; and therefore the Apostle subjoins , Now if I do that which I would not , it is no more I that do it , but Sin that dwelleth in me ; which , since it took its birth from the first Sin of Man , and that it is the Cause , and as it were , the Mother of all the Sins we fall into , is therefore by the Apostle called Sin. Wherefore also the Apostle afterwards adds ; O wretched man that I am , who shall deliver me from the Body of this Death , that is , from the hard Yoke of Concupiscence ; and presently after answers his own Question , the Grace of God through Jesus Christ . CHAP. XX. How , presupposing Gods Omnipotence , Men can abide Free in their Wills ; and whether the Free Will of Man can be hindered . I. An Objection against the foregoing Chapter . FROM what hath been said in the foregoing Chapter , no small difficulty seems to arise , which must not be omitted by us . If it be true , will some say , that all things are subject to the Divine Power , and consequently , that all the works of our Will do depend on him , how then shall we be able to secure Human Liberty , when all things that proceed from us are ordained by him , and cannot happen without his Praescience . II. God is said to be a total Cause two several ways . We shall resolve this Difficulty by saying , that GOD indeed is the Total and Universal Cause of all things , so that nothing can be done by any of his Creatures that doth not depend on him : yet is not this Causality of his exerted in all after one and the same manner . For in the Production of those things , to which neither our Free Will , nor that of any other Created Agent doth concur , we must say that GOD only had regard to his own VVill , according to which he absolutely determined to produce them after such a certain manner , and such a determinate time . But as to those things which the VVill of Man hath some power over , he did not singly regard his own VVill ; but had regard also in his Decree to the consent of our VVill ; and would have nothing absolutely to come to pass , without the presupposing of our Determination . For it doth not follow , that because the certain order of all Causes is manifest to GOD , that therefore nothing is left in the power of our Free VVill , seeing that he himself could not be ignorant of our VVillings ; which he foreknew were the Principles of our Actions . III. How God acts in Concurrence with our Liberty . DESCARTES illustrates this by the Example of a King in an Epistle of his to Elizabeth , the Princess Palatine . Suppose we a King to have forbidden all Duels , and that he certainly knew that 2 of his Nobles , the inhabitants of 2 different Cities , had a quarrel together , and to be so incenst against each other , that in case they should chance to meet , they would certainly fight one another ; if I say this King should command one of them to take a Journey towards that City , where the other dwells ; and at the same time give the other a command to go towards that place where the former is supposed to inhabit , he certainly knows that they cannot but meet one another , and consequently fight and break his Command or Proclamation ; but yet for all this he doth not force them to it ; neither doth his Knowledge , no nor his VVill neither of thus determining them to this Action , any way hinder them from fighting as freely , as they would have fought , if he had known nothing of all these particulars , or if by any other occasion they had chanc'd to meet with one another ; and therefore he may with as much justice punish them for violating his Edict . IV. Gods knowledge and will do not destroy mans Liberty . Now what is lawful for a King to do , with respect to some of the Free Actions of his Subjects , the same GOD , whose Knowledge and Power is infinite , doth , with regard to all the actions of men . For before ever he sent us into this VVorld , he exactly knew how all the Propensions of our VVills would be , because he himself put them into us ; and also disposed all things without us in such a manner , that these and the other Objects , should present themselves to our Senses , this or that time , by occasion whereof he knew that our Free VVill would determin us to this or the other thing . And this he would have to be so ; but yet he would not force us to this . And as in the foresaid King , 2 different degrees of Will may be determined ; the one whereby he would that these 2 Nobles should fight together , in as much as he was the cause of their meeting together ; and another whereby he would it not , or was against it , in that he had forbid Duelling by his Proclamation : in like manner our Divines distinguish 2 VVills in GOD , the one Absolute and Independent , whereby he will have all things to come to pass as they do ; the other Relative , which respects mans merit , or Guilt , by which he will have his Laws obeyed . V. There be 3 things that hinder the use our Free Will. Three things are commonly reckoned up by Heathen Philosophers , which may hinder the use of our Free VVill , viz. Fear , Ignorance and Force . Fear seems to be an Impediment or Bar to Liberty , when it is not the fear of a vain man , as the Lawyers speak , but such as is grounded , and may light upon a constant and well resolved person , because it makes him do those things which he would never do , if he were left to himself , and were not shaken with fear . VI. Mans Liberty may consist with Fear . But I do not at all approve of this Opinion , forasmuch as Fear , whether it be great or small , doth not so oppose Liberty as that it should wholly destroy it : Yea , if we heedfully mind the matter , we shall find that it is always in conjunction with a kind of VVillingness , whereby it willingly performs that which Fear seems to extort from it . For 2 things are considered in Free VVill ; First , That we do it spontaneously , or of our selves : And Secondly , That we do it freely . The former of these Modes of Acting seems in some sort to be hindred by Fear ; because we do that , which we would not , if we were not forced to it by the Fear of some impending Evil. But the latter is not at all hindred by it , because the nature of Free VVill doth not consist in Indifferency , seeing that we do nothing so voluntarily and freely , as we do those things to which we are determined by an urgent Cause . As we see it happens to us when we are egg'd on by Fear ; for though the Object then be displeasing to us , and that we would rather , if we might , choose the contrary ; yet because of the impending Evil or Punishment we do greedily embrace it , and choose a lesser Evil before a greater . And therefore Lawyers are of opinion , that all Contracts are not made void by Fear , except they be accompanied with Injustice as appears Instit . de Except . in Initio . Ex L. Mulier , § . finali quod metus causa . Ex L. ultima C. de iis quae vi , and innumerable other places . VII . Of the twofold Ignorance Vincible and Invincible . As concerning Ignorance , we shall the better be able to determine , how it may be said to hinder the use of our Free VVill , by supposing a twofold Ignorance , Vincible and Invincible . Vincible Ignorance is that , which by the use of moral and due Diligence may easily be overcome . Now a due Diligence is that which ariseth from Vertue , or the Love of Reason , and not from any other ground or motive . As by Example , a Merchant having an usual Contract or Bargain offer'd him , doth not examin it , only seeing that he is like to gain by it , embraceth it , without any more ado , or concerning himself any further about it : and forasmuch as he hath not examined it , he doth not know it to be unjust . Now this Ignorance of the Merchant in Vincible , and doth not consist with Vertue ; for if he had loved Reason above all things , he would have diligently examined the said Contract , and having found it to be offensive to Reason , he ought never to have consented to it , how gainful soever it might appear to be otherwise . But Invincible Ignorance is when a man cannot know that he is ignorant of , in the circumstances wherein he is for that time . As for Example , suppose we that SEJUS hath writ to his Friend CAJUS to assist him in such a Business , and that the Letter chance to miscarry , and never come to his Hands ; in this case CAJUS will be under an Invincible Ignorance , tho' he hath used no diligence to the removing of it . VIII . How or in what case Ignorance doth excuse a Transgressor . Ignorance , with respect to a Free Act is found to be threefold . 1. Antecedent , which is before any consent of the VVill , and this without doubt is invincible , neither can any blame be imputed to it : As if a man that is a Hunting should kill a Man , taking him to be a Beast ; because 't is supposed that he never intended any such thing . The other is Concomitant , which exists together with the Act , and doth accompany it , insomuch that it is the Principle of that Action ; and the Action would have follow'd , tho' the said Concomitant Ignorance had not been : As if a man supposing himself to kill a Beast , should ignorantly kill his Rival , whom he hates from his Heart ; and whom , if that Ignorance had not been , he would have kill'd notwithstanding . The Third sort of Ignorance , is Consequent ; so called , because it follows the Consent of the Will , and therefore Voluntary , and therfore is somewhat of the same Nature as Invincible Ignorance : As when a man forbears going to Church , because by Neglect he never minds or enquires about the Time when he is to go . From these things thus briefly stated , it is apparent , that it is only Invincible Antecedent Ignorance that can make an Action Involuntary , since whatsoever follows from it was altogether unknown . For nothing is desir'd of Man , which is not first known by him : For the Understanding is like a Servant , that carries a Torch before his Mistress , the Will. IX . Ignorance of the Law of Nature cannot be Invincible . But here we are to observe , that there can be no Invincible Ignorance of the Law of Nature , which by Natural Instinct is known to all ; and therefore whosoever he be that transgresseth the same , can never be blameless . Whence is that Common Saying of the Philosophers , Ignorance of the Law excuseth no man : But that the Ignorance of Positive Law , whether Human , Ecclesiastical , or Divine , may render an Action Involuntary . X. The Elicit Acts of the Will cannot be forced . It remains next to be explained , whether there can be any Force or Violence that is capable of making the Actions of our Will Involuntary . To the better solving whereof , we are to suppose that Human Actions are twofold , Elicit and Imperate : Those are called Elicit Actions , which are immediately produced by the Mind , as from their Principle ; such as are the Acts of Nilling and Willing . Others are Imperate , which proceed from another Faculty than the Will , tho' not without the Command of the Will , as sensible Perceptions , the motions of the outward Members . As to the first of these , it is evident that the Will cannot suffer any Violence , or that the Elicit Acts of the Will should be forced ; for seeing that they proceed from the Will , as from their Active Cause , they cannot be subject to any Violence that proceeds from an Outward Principle , as ARISTOTLE saith , which can add no Force to the Action , since it is evident that the Will is an Active Principle , and adds or contributes to its own Acts. XI . But Imperate Acts may . But as for the Imperate Acts of the VVill , they may be said to be Involuntary ; for tho' they depend on the Command of the VVill , and follow its Inclination , yet the Faculties , especially the outward Members , may be so hindred by the Force of an External Agent , that they cannot execute the Command of the VVill ; and accordingly we frequently find some motions produc'd in our Bodies , contrary to our VVills . CHAP. XXI . Of Human Acts , and of the Goodness and Pravity of them . I. What an Human Action properly is , and what Principles concur to it . BY the Name of Human Act , every Action is not be understood that proceeds from Man , but that alone which is the effect of a Free Principle of Acting , or which is caused by the Understanding and VVill. So that that is only to be accounted as an Human Action , whereof a Man is the Absolute Lord or Disposer , or which he hath in his free Power . II. Two things are requir'd to a Human Action . There be 2 Principles that concur to every Human Action , viz. Understanding and VVill. The Understanding that shews the Way , and , as it were , carries a Light before his Mistress . For tho' the Will be an Elective Faculty , by which the Mind freely determines it self to doing , or not doing ; yet it is first required , that the Understanding do before represent or propose the thing to her . For as nothing in general can be willed , except it be known ; so nothing can be freely Will'd , except it be fore-known by the Understanding . Wherefore every Errour that befalls our Actions , is chiefly caused from the wrong Perception of the Intellect : For if she never did exhibit ought to the Mind , but what was clear and evident , neither would the VVill ever mistake in her Choice . III. Of the Twofold Goodness that is found in Human Actions . In every Human Action a twofold Goodness may be observed ; the one Natural , which some call Entitative , which is in all things , inasmuch as they are partakers of Nature and Entity . The other Moral , which is nothing else but the Conformity of a Human Action , with Right Reason . As on the contrary , the Moral Evil or Pravity of an Action , is its deformity or swerving from Right Reason , that is , when it wants any Perfection , which according to Right Reason it ought to have . By Right Reason , I understand here a true Judgment of every thing , free from the Paint or Fucus of any Opinions , whereby the Laws of GOD and Nature are understood , and every thing rightly and prudently discerned , according to the Prescript of the Law. Whence it appears , that many Actions which agree with regard to Nature , do extreamly differ with respect to Manners . As for Example , To kill a man , when it is done of a Man 's own Will and Authority , is not distinguishable from that Action , whereby a man is put to Death by Publick Authority ; but they vastly differ in a Moral respect , seeing it is lawful to Kill a man by Publick Authority , because of the Justice which is exercised in that act , whereby it comes under the Notion of Good ; whereas to Kill a man by the impulse and instigation of ones own Will , is unjust and prohibited by the Law of GOD ▪ IV. What makes any Action Morally Good. An Action therefore is accounted Morally Good , if it respect or have an Eye to Good , desired according to Right Reason . For Human Actions derive their Goodness from their Object , when it is supposed to be such as Right Reason prescribes and allows of : Forasmuch as an Action is not accounted Good , because the Understanding knows it , and the Will rightly desires it ; but rather because the Object of it is good and honest , therefore the Will that is carried towards it is Right . Wherefore Right Manners do not make the Object Good and Honest ; but on the contrary , a Good Object and agreeable to Reason , makes good Manners , and consequently Human Actions derive the formality of their Goodness or Pravity from it . And the same is to be said of Evil Actions , which owe their Evil to a shameful and dishonest Object ; and accordingly the more shameful the Object , the more wicked is the Action . And forasmuch as all Objects are not Equal , but some excel others in Pravity , so neither can it be said that all Sins are Equal , it being certain that some far exceed others in Evil. V. The Goodness or Pravity of Actions depends on certain Circumstances . Neither doth the Good or Evil of Human Actions , solely depend upon the Object , but also on certain Circumstances ; which are so called , because they always accompany , and as it were , guard and encompass our Actions , especially those that are outward , and are , as it were , so many Accidents observable in them . Of these there are commonly reckon'd up Seven , which are contained in these Verses . Who , what , where , by what means ; why , how and when , These make or Good or Bad all Acts of Men. VI. Who. Who , denotes the Person and Quality of the Agent ; as whether , he who hath committed a Rape be a King or a Subject , a Citizen or a Stranger , a single or a married Man. VII . What. What , intimates the Quality of the Object , about which the Action is conversant , whether the party on whom the Rape hath been committed , be a Virgin dedicated to GOD , or one at her own dispose . VIII . Where . Where , shews the place where the Wickedness hath been committed , whether in the Church or in a Profane place . IX . By what means . By what means , points us to the Instruments or Companions a Man hath made use of in the committing of this Wickedness . As , whether he struck with a Sword , or with a Stick ; whether he had any to assist him , and whether they were Clergy-men or Laicks . X. Why. Why , makes out the Intention of the Agent ; as whether a Man set upon another meerly for gain , or to revenge an Injury . XI . How. How , holds forth the manner of the Action ; as whether a Man did hurt or wound another , being provoked by Wrath , or in ●his right Wits ; whether he assaulted him basely and treacherously or fairly and openly . XII . When. When , considers the Time when the Action was done , whether in the Night or in the Day time . XIII . Circumstances do often change the very kind of the Action . Which Circumstances are therefore said to concur to Human Actions , forasmuch as some of them do very signally increase the goodness or pravity of them , yea , and sometimes quite change the kind of them . As for Example , when that which is stolen is something dedicated to GOD , or his Worship ; this is not simply Theft , but Sacriledge , which differs in kind from Theft , as being suppos'd forbid by a Special Precept . And in such a case as this they lose the Nature of Circumstances , and take upon them the Nature of an Object , whence , as we said before , Human Actions derive their Pravity , and becomes worthy of Punishment . XIV . Of the Duties and Offices as well of Man in common , as of a good Christian in particular . Tho' the Duties of a Man and Citizen might seem to require a particular Place wherein to be treated of and so to constitute the Eleventh Part of this Institution ; yet forasmuch as they belong to Human Actions , and presuppose Free-will , I have thought fit to subjoyn them here ; and keeping my self within the Number of these Ten Parts , to Treat of them by way of Conclusion . For this Work might well seem to be deficient , if after having explained the Nature of Vertue , ( which according to the common Division we have distinguish'd into 4 Heads ) and having enenquir'd into the Nature of Human Actions , we should omit the Offices and Duties of Men , and not amply and distinctly Treat of these , which are the Consequents of his Liberty . Wherefore we shall now set down , what are the Duties of Man in General , and afterwards proceed to the Offices of a Good Citizen , and show what either of them ought to embrace as Good and Vertuous , and to reject as Shameful and Wicked , according to the Prescript of Nature ; which I shall endeavour to perform with all the Brevity possible , and as far as the Bounds of this Institution will permit . CHAP. XXII . Of the Rule of Human Actions . I. What things are to be foreknown in this matter . SInce to the end a Man may act aright , it is necessary that he be Conscious of his Actions , or , which is the same , that he assent to his own Reason in the Chusing or Avoiding what is propounded to him ; it will be of use to us to know what Conscience is , and by what Denominations it goes : As likewise what Obligation is , to whom it agrees ; and how it comes to pass , that Mankind is bound to observe some Institutions . II. What Conscience is . By the Word CONSCIENCE we here understand , that Testification or Witnessing to Good or Evil , which every one experienceth in his own Mind : Or , as some describe it , it is that Act of the Intellect whereby a Man judgeth , that a thing ought , or ought not to be done . And this Act or Conscience , is denoted by several Names , according to the Motives or Reasons , whereby it is egg'd on . III. A Right Conscience . It is called Right , when the Human Understanding is so well informed of things that are to be done or omitted , that it can give clear and distinct Reasons of its Perceptions , and such as cannot be doubted of or call'd in Question . Or , to express the same in fewer Words , which dictates that to be Good , which is Good ; and that to be Evil , which is really so . And such a Conscience as this , is but rarely found amongst men , there being but very few that know the Causes of things , and that are so happy as to be able to reduce them to their Principles . IV. A Probable Conscience . We call that a Probable Conscience , when tho' we do truly assent to the thing offer'd to us , and do think that the same ought to be embraced or declined ; yet we are not able to make out our Judgment by Reasons , but only derive the same either from the Authority of our Superiours , or received Custom , or the common tenour or course of a Civil Life . V. A Doubtful Conscience . A Conscience is said to be Doubtful , when it hangs , as it were , in equal poize or wavering , and doth not know which part to assent to : Which more especially is found in singular Cases ; where Reasons on both sides present themselves , and we cannot discern which are to be preferr'd . Now in such a case as this , we do well to suspend our Judgment without determining any thing till the Darkness of our Mind be dispell'd , and that it clearly appear to us , what is consonant to the Law before us , and what is contrary to it . VI. An Erroneous Conscience . Lastly , We call that an Erroneous Conscience , when our Understanding embraceth Evil , instead of Good , or declines Good instead of Evil. And this either through Vincible or Invincible Errour . Vincible Errour is that which we may avoid by a diligent and careful Examination of the Case . Invincible , is that , which we cannot avoid by any care or diligence that it is possible for us to take . But this last Ignorance happens only in particular Affairs , which depending of many Circumstances , it frequently comes to pass , that we are deceived about them , or about the Object it self , and so fall into Errour against our Wills. VII . What Obligation is . By the word Obligation , we are to understand nothing else , but that Tye of the Law , whereby we are of necessity compell'd to do something . For by it we do , as it were , gird up our Free-will , and tho' we very well know our selves to be free , and that we can chuse the contrary to what is propounded to us : Yet there is a kind of Coactive Power that sticks to our Minds , by means of the Obligation , which doth not suffer us to incline to it , and puts us in mind , that we shall sorely repent of it afterwards , in case we do not act according to the Prescript of the Law. VIII . Man alone , of all other Animals , is capable of Obligation . Amongst all Animals , Man only can be the Subject of Obligation : For Beasts being devoid of Reason , and destitute of the Faculties of the Will , can exert no free Actions ; and therefore it would be in vain , to prescribe any Form to their Actions , seeing they can neither understand it , nor adjust their Actions by it . Man only therefore is capable of Obligation , and of receiving a Rule prescrib'd by his Superiour to Live by . I say , by his Superiour ; for if a man were of such a Condition , as to be wholly at his own dispose , without being obnoxious to the Command of any , he could not be obliged to the performing of any thing by any Law ; and if in that state he should follow the dictates of Reason , and abstain from some things ; this would be imputable rather to his most Free-will , than to any Obligation lying upon him . IX . How a Superiour is to oblige those that are under his Command . Now to the end that this Obligation may be the more firmly imprest upon the Mind of man , besides the Authority of the Superiour , it is sometimes fitting that Just Causes should be produced by him , which induce him to put this Curb or Restraint upon the Liberty of his Subject . For he that only shews his Power , and will always have his Will to stand instead of Reason , may indeed strike Fear into a Man , and make him rather chuse to obey him , than to expose himself to danger : But when once this Fear is gone , and that the Superiour ceaseth to be frightful to him , he will soon return to his own Inclinations , and follow the Motions of his own Will , rather than those of another . But when the Reasons are discover'd , why he thinks fit to circumscribe the Liberty of his Subject ; and that he makes it out , that it is his Interest that such Laws should be Enacted ; yea , that many Advantages will thereby accrue to him , he will readily submit himself to them , and shew himself ready to obey his Princes Commands . X. The Rule of Human Actions . The Rule therefore which every man is to follow in his Actions , is the Law or Decree , whereby the Sovereign , in whom the Publick Power is lodg'd , binds up his Subjects , to order and regulate their Actions , according to his Prescript . Now that such a Law may be able to compel men , and exert its Force upon their Minds , it is necessary that the Legislator and his Laws should be known to them . For how will any one be able to pay Obedience to them , if they have no certain Knowledge , neither of the Person to whom they are to render it , nor to what they are obliged ? True it is , that the Laws of Nature are engraven on the Hearts of all men , and are so many Precepts that are common to all Nature , and that no Man in his Right Understanding can be ignorant of the Author of them : But Civil Laws are not alike Notorious , as depending upon the Free-will of Superiours , as being such to which only some peculiar People are obliged ; and therefore in order to their being of Force , they must be promulged and made known to all their Subjects . Which Promulgation is performed , either by the Voice of the Legislator himself , or by some of his Deputies , whose Authority is unquestionable ; or any other way , according to the various Customs of different Provinces and Kingdoms . XI . There are two things in every Law. Every Law , if it be perfect , contains 2 Parts : The one which determines what is to be done or omitted ; the other , which declares the Punishment to be inflicted upon those that neglect to perform what is prescribed , or commit what is forbid . For seeing that Human Nature is prone to Evil , and is apt to be carried with more vehemence to things that are forbid , it would be to little purpose for any man to declare what is to be done , if there were no Punishment to follow the Contemner of the said Command : And so in like manner , it would be altogether to no purpose to threaten any Punishment , if there were not cause specified before , for which the said Punishment is to be inflicted . XII . Laws are to be Enacted for the Publick Good. Notwithstanding that Laws seem to restrain the Liberty of the Subject , yet they are so to be ordered , as that whatsoever is prescribed , may appear to be profitable and advantagious to the Publick Good. For it would seem unjust to oblige Subjects to the Observance of any thing that is not advantageous thereunto . Forasmuch as Laws are like Remedies , which ought always to be conducive to the good State of the Body , because they are appointed for that end : And in like manner , there ought to be nothing in the Laws , which doth not contribute to the good of the Community , because it is for that Reason that they were Enacted . XIII . The Legislator may dispense with the observance of the Law. Tho' the Law be suppos'd a Common Precept , and a common Contract or Agreement ( as the Lawyers express it ) of the Commonwealth , according to the Prescript whereof those that live in the Commonwealth are to regulate themselves ; yet some Persons may be peculiarly exempted from the observance of it ; and this is exprest by the word Dispensing . The Power whereof belongs only to the Legislator , who as he hath the Power of Enacting Laws ; so he only hath the Power of Abrogating or Dispensing with them , that is , delivering any one from the obligation of them . But above all things , it is the Duty of the Sovereign never ordinarily , or without urgent Cause to free any of his Subjects from the obligation of the Law ; to avoid the Envy and Indignation this would be apt to cause amongst their Fellow Citizens . XIV . The Difference of Actions . From what hath been said , may be gather'd , that Human Actions , as they have a relation to the Prescript of Laws , do take to them several Qualities and Denominations . For those which the Laws pass by , without determining any thing concerning them , are called Permitted or Lawful , as long as they are not contrary to the Law of Nature , or the Reason that is in man. The Actions that are conform to the Laws , and follow the Rules prescribed by it , are called Good ; and those Evil , which are contrary to it . XV. When Actions are said to be Good. Now to the Goodness of an Action , it is requisit not only that it agree with the Law in some part , but that it be in all things conform to it : Whereas it is sufficient to the Pravity of an Action , if it be deficient in some one part only , and does not in all respect , agree with the Law. XVI . The Divine and Human Law. The Law , as it is a Regulation of Reason , shewing Man what he ought to do , and what not is twofold , Divine and Human. That is called the Divine Law , which is instituted immediately by GOD himself . And therefore ARISTOTLE saith , in his Third Book of Politicks , He who commands the Law to bear Rule , commands that GOD should bear Rule . Human Law is that which is Enacted by men , and is different according to the different Form of the Government Politick . Of which I have treated more at large in the Chapter of the Law of Nature . CHAP. XXIII . Of the Duty of Man towards GOD. I. Of the three general Duties , or Offices of Man. THe Action , which according to the Nature of the Obligation that lies upon us , we are to regulate according to the Praescript of the Laws , is divided into 3 Chief Parts , according to the several Object● it respects . The first whereof shews , how according to the sole Guidance of Nature , we are to carry our selves towards GOD ; the other , how we are to demean our selves with regard to our selves ; the last , how we are to comport our selves towards other men . For the whole Obligation of Man is compriz'd in these 3 Duties ; so that he may be said to have performed whatsoever appertains to him , if he carries himself Pi●usly towards GOD , Prudently towards Himself , and Equally towards his Neighbour . Wherefore seeing that the Duties we owe to GOD , do precede the other 2 , we shall first speak of them , and afterwards proceed to the other . II. What is Man's Duty towards GOD. The Laws wereby Man is obliged towards GOD , may be reduced to 2 Heads : First , That he have right Thoughts concerning GOD , and a a true Idea of his Nature and Perfections . In the next place , that he resign and conform his own Will to the Divine ; and that he look upon it as the greatest of Crimes , to deviate in the least from his Good Pleasure . And from these two parts of Man's Duty towards GOD , many Propositions , both Theoretical and Practical , may be deduced , whereon Natural Religion is founded , and by which , according to the Etymology of the word , Religion , a man is ty'd and obliged . III. The First thing we are to hold concerning GOD. The First thing we are to hold concerning GOD is , that he Exists ; that is , that he hath an Actual Existence , and is the Principle of all other things . This being no more , but what is demonstrated to us by the Amplitude and vast Extent of the Universe , the unconceivable Variety of it , and the Beauty and Harmony of its Parts ; since none of all these could have the constant Continuance and Regularity they are found in , except the World were at the Command of a most Wise Governour , and did persevere by an immutable Law. By this Contemplation alone of the World , the Philosophers of old attain'd to th Knowledge of GOD , as being fully convinc'd , that such an Exquisit and most absolute Work , could not proceed from less than an Omnipotent and most Perfect Being . If some Modern men , that aspire to that Name , seem to be of another Opinion , it is to be attributed to their Ignorance . For as a confus'd Perception of things , and Superficial Knowledge incline men to Atheism ; so a clear and profound Knowledge of things , raiseth the Mind to the Veneration of GOD , and not only excites it , but even strongly compels it thereto . 'T is the Fool only that saith in his Heart , there is no GOD. For whole Mankind , from the very Beginning , ever was in perpetual possession of this Truth , seeing there was never any Nation , ( as TULLY expresseth it ) so Barbarous or Savage , that did not own a GOD , tho' it may be they were not able to determine what kind of Being he must be . And accordingly JUSTINIAN , 2 F. de Just . & Jur. reckons Religion towards GOD , amongst the Laws of Nature , and the Right of Nations ; forasmuch as all Nations agree in a general Worship of GOD , and , as it were , by the Attraction of this common Principle , are united and reconciled . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 23. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Right Worshipfull Sr. James Edwards of the Citty of Yorke Baronet This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome V. Thirdly , That He is the Preserver of the World. The Third thing we are to hold concerning GOD , is , that he is the Governour and Preserver of the Universe . As is evident from the admirable Order and Agreement of the Parts of it , which could not continue so long invariable , if they were not by some Supream Cause preserved in the same Condition . For daily Experience teacheth us , that whatsoever is made up of different Things , and are endued with different Powers , do stand in need of an Upholder , and will easily run into Confusion , except they be supported by an External Agent , and their Parts kept in their due Stations . And therefore the Ancients were of Opinion , that GOD had somewhat of the same place in the World , as a Coach-man in a Coach , the Singing-Master in a Choir , the Steers-man in a Ship , the Father in a Family , and a King in his Kingdom . And that consequently , those who deny that GOD takes care of this World , and that all things therein are managed by his Conduct , are as Criminal Delinquents against his Divine Majesty , as they who say , there is no GOD at all . VI. And , that he hath a Special care of Mankind . We are likewise to consider , that GOD not only Governs the whole World ; but that he also Exerciseth a more Special Conduct towards Mankind , and that he is the Immutable Cause of all the Actions which depend on the Free-will of Man. For since it cannot be demonstrated , that he doth Exist , except that he be considered as a most Perfect Being ; and that he could not be so , if there were any thing in the VVorld that did not proceed from him ; consequently we can prove from Natural Philosophy alone , that not the least Thought can enter into the Soul of Man , without the Will of GOD , and except GOD had Will'd it should from all Eternity . VII . Fourthly , That he is most highly Perfect . The Fourth thing we are to be persuaded concerning GOD , is , that he is Sovereignly Perfect , and that no Attribute belongs to him that implies the least defect . For seeing that he is Infinite , he must of necessity include all those Perfections which the Mind of Man is capable of Conceiving ; and consequently we must own him to be Sovereignly Good and VVise , Eternal , Omnipotent , Immense , and so Perfect , that it is equally impossible to addany thing to Him , or take any thing from Him. But forasmuch as the Divine Perfections cannot be comprehended by any Human Understanding , in order to the Expressing of them , we shall make use of such Terms , as shall more magnificently unfold his Supream Excellence , and impress upon us a greater Veneration . For when we hear that GOD is One , Immense , Incorporeal , Immortal , Infinite , Incomprehensible , &c. we seem to launch into a Boundless Ocean of Perfections , and are forc'd to confess , that the Amplitude of such an Essence can by no means be reached by our Intellect . VIII . Nothing must be attributed to GOD , that includes either Dependance or Imperfection . And accordingly they Sin against the Law of Nature , who say , that GOD sees things , before ever he did determine himself to Will them ; that he consults the Order of his Acting , before he Acts ; that his VVill indeed is , that there should be no Monsters ; but that the simplicity of the Laws of Motion doth necessitate him to suffer them ; and other such like , which import Dependance and Imperfection in GOD. IX . We must remove from GOD every Imperfection . Wherefore we are to remove from Him whatsoever implies any Limitation or Defect , and all those Affections which imply or suppose the want or absence of any Good. And if we find , that Passions are sometimes attributed to GOD , as when the Scripture speaks of his Favour and Munificence towards those that are Good , and his Vengeance against the VVicked ; we are to remember that the Scripture in these Expressions , accommodates its self to the Capacity of our Human Understanding . In like manner we find , that Holy VVrit attributes to GOD , VVrath , Jealousy , Indignation , &c. by a Metaphorical way of Expression accommodated to our Weakness , and rather designing to represent to us the Effect of that Affection , than the Affection it self . X. Such a● Figure , Motion , Parts , Place , &c. In like manner , those also Sin against the Law of Nature , who attribute to GOD any Figure ; because every Figure is determined and bounded : Those who say , that GOD is composed of Parts , or that he is a VVhole ; because all these ways of Speaking import Attributes ▪ that belong to Finite things ; and those also who say , that GOD is in a Place , because nothing can be in a Place , but must have its Greatness or Bulk bounded on every side . Those also Sin against the same Law , who assert , That GOD Moves himself , or that he Rests , because both these suppose the being in a Place , which is inconsistent with GOD. XI . GOD is to be Honoured by Man. Neither is it enough for Man to know GOD , but he must also worship and celebrate him . For the Practical Propositions whereof Natural Religion doth consist , are conversant about the VVorship that is due to GOD , which is partly in the Mind of Man , and partly without it ; that is , either Inward or Outward . By the Inward VVorship , we understand the Honour that is to be given to GOD , in consideration of his Power , in Conjunction with Goodness . For Veneration , as was said before , is an Inclination of the Soul , not only to have high Thoughts of GOD , whom it worships ; but also to submit and resign it self to him , with a kind of Awful Fear , to obtain his Favour . And therefore no Man Honours GOD more , or serves him with a purer VVorship , than he , who by the Holiness and Innocence of his Life endeavours to become like him , and would rather dye a thousand Deaths , than to suffer that Holy Image of GOD , which he discerns and owns within himself , to be defiled by any Crimes , or stained with any the least Vice or Immorality . And from the Consideration of his Glorious Majesty , he is stirr'd up to desire him , as his Author or Maker ; to love and call upon him , as his Father ; to honour him , as his King ; and ●o fear and reverence him , as his Lord. XII . After what manner GOD is to be beloved by us . In order to the easie acquiring of this Habit of Loving of GOD , and the having a most profound Fear and Reverence for him ; we must frequently reflect , that GOD commands us nothing , but what is for our Profit or Advantage , and that his Power and Goodness are so Great , that He hath Created an infinite Number of Beings , which serve for our Preservation ; which Consideration will fill us with so much Admiration , Respect and Gratitude for our Great GOD , that knowing him to be the Source of all True Good , we only and above all things shall desire to be united to him with our VVills , and to love him in the most perfect manner possible . XIII . With Outward Worship . Neither are we only to render unto GOD the Inward worship of our Hearts ; but we must also give unto him that which is Outward ; which we then do , when in Thankful Remembrance of his Benefits , we render Thanks unto him , and acknowledge him to be our Beneficent Father , GOD and LORD ; and by our Hearts or Eyes also lifted up unto Heaven , do admire his Power and praise his most Holy Majesty . When in a deep sense of our own Infirmities , we pray unto him , implore his Assistance , and humbly beseech him to help and succour our Infirmities ; and that he would be pleased to bestow upon us those things he knows to be good for us , and to turn away from us all things that are hurtful . Whilst we abandon and resign our selves wholly to his VVill , and in all things complying with the same , and embracing whatsoever happens to us , as that which from all Eternity was Decreed concerning us . Wherefore let our Modern Upstarts take heed , that they do not too curiously search into the Nature , Decrees and Government of GOD : But rather entirely persuade themselves , that he is most intimately acquainted with what is most Expedient for us ; and that it is impossible , but that he who Loves all things , Does all things , Perfects all things , and Contains all things , should not always do the best of all in all Cases whatsoever . XIV . And in Publick places . Neither is it sufficient for us , to offer Innocent and Holy Hearts to GOD , and to pray unto him in the secret Retreats thereof ; but it is moreover required , that we pay him our Devotions openly , and in Publick places . For who is there that believes GOD , and can be asham'd to pray unto him , to praise him , and to offer Himself , and all his Powers and Faculties , for a whole Burn●-Offering unto him ? Fear or Shame in this case , is a mark of Degenerate Souls ; neither can he be said truly to worship GOD , who is asham'd to render him the Veneration that is due to him , and openly to profess , what in the most inmost Recess of his Heart he owns and adores . And on the contrary , when in the Churches and Publick places of worship , we render him the Glory that is due to his Divine Majesty ▪ testifie our Devotion , and are Zealous for his Honour ; we by our Presence and Examples do also incite others to exhibit the like Honour and Reverence to him . CHAP. XXIV . Of the Duties of Man towards himself . I. The First Duty is , That he be a good Member of the Society . MAN being most dear unto himself , and having his Eyes fix'd upon his own Good and Welfare , as the Center from whence all his Operations flow , and to which they return : It seems altogether superfluous to prescribe Laws unto him , to take care of himself , procure his own good , and advance his own interest . But forasmuch as man was not born for himself only , but made by GOD for the good of Human Society , he ought so to behave himself as to be a fit Member of the Body Politick , and that as far as his state and condition permits , he be of use and service to the same . For no body is exempt from this Law ; for how dull and stupid soever a man may be , and unfit for business , yet he makes himself obnoxious to the Laws , when he is not serviceable to the Community by some Art , Employment or otherwise . Every one must take care therefore that he be furnish'd with Vertue , Good Manners , and a sense of what is Good and Right : for as the Soul excells the Body in Dignity , and commands the whole man ; so great care is to be taken in the improvement of it , to the end the Body may be obedient to its conduct , and perform its motions according to the Rules of Reason : wherefore every one is bound according to his fortune and natural gifts , to betake himself to some Profession , Art or Science , and choose to himself such a way of living , that he may not for the future , be burthensome to himself or others , or a useless member of the Society he belongs to . II. How our Body is to be Governed . And as we are to take care to furnish our Minds with Arts and Learning , so we are to bind our Body to its good Behaviour , lest being pamper'd it become unruly , and prove refractory to its Lord and Master the Soul. Accordingly we must take heed to feed it with necessary food only , and exercise it with labour , lest by intemperance in eating or drinking it run headlong into filthy Lust ; and being dull'd and stupified by Idleness and inactivity , it become a clog and dungeon to the Mind . And forasmuch as the Passions do arise from the conjunction of the Soul and Body , and derive their force and strength from that unequal Society , all diligence must be used for the restraining and moderating the same , and timely quelling their first motions . For the Passions are like Souldiers that attack a place , who except they be beaten off at their first coming on , easily make themselves Masters of the Place , and take Prisoners , or cut down all they find in it . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. ● Lens . Inv. I. Kip S To the Worshipfull Thomas Raulins of Kilreeg in Hereford shire Esqr. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Book . 1 ▪ Part. 10. Chap. 25 L●●● Inv. I. Kip To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Gilbert Gerard Cossine of Brafferton hall in the North Rideing of Yorkeshire Baronet Grandson of the Right Revernd Father in God John Cossine late Lord Bishop of Durham . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome IV. A man is bound to resist him that sets upon him . Man therefore being bound to preserve himself , it follows that he ought to defend himself from the Assaults of an Aggressor , and to repel his force by force , if there be no other way left for him to avoid it , or to f●ee from the danger . For tho' by killing of our Enemy , the Commonwealth suffers loss , and the same as if he who defends himself were killed ; and that every man is bound to procure the common Good , Safety and Prosperity of the Commonwealth , and of every one of the Members thereof ; yet this is only supposing that his person be not endanger'd thereby . For no Law can oblige us to betray our own safety , and conspire our own Ruin , to save a wicked person . Yea , every one hath a natural and inborn right , to stave off any violence done unto him , with all his might . For if it were otherwise , who could be said to be the Possessor of any thing he had , if it were lawful for Robbers to deprive him thereof , without his daring to oppose them , and to rescue his goods out of their hands ? For what is it else to prohibit a mans defending of himself and his own Goods , but to drive Justice out of the World , and to bestow upon Thieves and Robbers that which is the property of other men ? V. That we ought to spare even the Life of our Enemy Yet must not we in this just defence of our selves endeavour to take away the Life of our Enemy , if there be any other way for us to avoid his fury ; as for Example , by hindring his access to us , by getting into a safe place , or by exhorting our Enemy to desist from his intended Cruelty . VI. Especially if he repents and cries Pardon . And if it happen that the Aggressor do repent of the Injury he hath done us , begs our Pardon , and promiseth to make amends for the hurt he hath given us ; in this case , he that is affronted or set upon , ought to be reconciled to him , and leave all thoughts of Revenge . For his Repentance shews him to be changed , and that he is no longer an Enemy : And the very Law of Nature commands us to forgive the past faults of those who repent that ever they have affronted or offended us , and who ask Pardon for it . Except it should be made manifest that this Repentance was only the effect of force , and that the Offender did not desire Pardon , and to be reconciled , but only because his Arms or his strength fail'd him : For in this case , we ought to lay hold of him , lest recovering his strength he should set upon us unawares . VII . How he is to behave himself who lives under a Magigistrate . He who is obnoxious to the Laws , may lawfully be made an Example , whensoever time or place will permit a man to have recourse to his Superior , for his safeguard and protection against the violence and assaults of his Enemy . Hence it is that Thieves and Robbers are lawfully kill'd , necessity putting Arms in our Hands to defend our selves , and what belongs to us . But where we can have recourse to the Magistrate , we are to bring them before him , that offer us any violence or injury ; it being only for want of this , that we may make use of the Right which the Law of Nature gives us , and by repelling force with force , take away the Life of the Aggressor . VIII . Thieves may be lawfully killed . As we may kill a violent Aggressor , so likewise do the Laws of Nature permit us to kill a Thief , that endeavours to rob us of our Goods . For these external things are the means whereby our Lives are maintained , and in the preservation whereof our State and Honour depends . Hence Lawyers call these outward Good things the Life and Blood of Men , which may be defended at the hazard of another mans Life , as well as Life it self . And tho' in Cities sometimes the thing stolen may be recovered by the help of the Magistrate , yet no man is bound to suffer the taking away of his Goods , because he may probably afterwards recover them ; forasmuch as he hath not only a right to recover them when stolen from him , but also to preserve and keep them from the violence of others . And if this be so , that a man may defend his Goods at the peril of the Aggressor , I see no reason why a Woman , whose Chastity is attempted , may not kill the Ravisher ; seeing a Vertuous Woman hath nothing that is dearer to her in this World , than her Honour and Chastity , and that no greater loss can happen to her , than to be by force deprived of the same . CHAP. XXV . Of the Laws we are to observe with respect to other Men. I. The Duty of Man towards others consists i● two things . THE whole Duty of a Man is contained in behaving himself Reverently towards GOD , Prudently towards Himself , and Justly towards his Neighbour . The two foregoing parts of Mans Duty we have already spoken to , and now proceed to the last . The Duty therefore of a Man towards others , First of all consists in this , that he observe an Equality , and do not prefer himself before others . Secondly , That he hurt no man. For the peculiar Law of Man , as he is a Reasonable Creature , according to JUSTINIAN § Instit . de Just . & Jur. is reduced to these thre● Precepts , To live Honestly , not to hurt another , and to give to every one his Right . Now he gives to every man his Right , that doth not prefer himself to any ; but being mindful of his Human Condition , embraces all with an equal Love in the like Circumstances . For tho' a man excel others in Vertue , exceed them in bodily Strength , be above them in gifts and endowments of Mind , and do more abound with Goods of Fortune ; yet is he for all this never a whit the less bound to observe the Laws of Nature , nor hath he therefore any more Right to hurt others , than they have to injure him . For as Nature is benign and kind to all , and equally dispenseth to all the desire of Truth and Right ; so likewise there ought to be an equal Charity maintain'd amongst men , and the same common Offices of Good-will one to another . For there is nothing more conducive to the preserving of a Sociable Life , than for men to do by others , as they would have others do by them ; and for them not to expect or require any thing from others , but what they would as willingly , that others should demand of them . II. Equality is to be preserved amongst all Men. In order to the putting of this Equality in practise , it will be very conducive well to weigh and consider our Nature and Original , viz. that we were all formed out of the dust or mould of the Earth , and came all of us into the World after one and the same manner ; and that being nourish'd by the same Aliments , we after some years arrive at Old Age , and at last all of us alike submit to Death . III. We are to return one good turn for another . This Equality amongst men thus supposed , it follows , that if we desire the helping hand of others , and their assistance in any of our affairs , we must be every whit as ready to lend them ours , and to procure their good and advantage . For he would be unjust , that should make use of anothers help for the promoting of his own Interest , and looking upon it as his due , should not be ready to do the same service to the party that had obliged him by his assistance . Wherefore as they take most care for the good and advantage of the Society , who do not allow themselves any more than they would gladly allow to another : so that person ought to be lookt upon as an overturner of the Society , who affects a superiority , and expects honour or Service from others , and in the mean time disdains to return the same again to them . Hence by the Law of Nations this Permutation or Exchange hath been introduced , whereby I willingly grant unto thee the thing thou dost demand of me , upon condition , that thou in like manner do grant unto me , another thing I ask of thee , having first made a tacit estimate of the value of both things with our selves . IV. No Man hath Right to prefer himself before another . Those are defective in the performance of this Duty , who , because of their Riches would be preferr'd before others ; and despising the Equality whereby Nature hath level'd all of us , and set us upon even ground , do conceit a vast distance betwixt themselves and others : whereas it would be much more becoming them to call to mind the manifold weaknesses incident to human nature ; the Errors and faults they have formerly committed , and are still obnoxious to ; the Passions that domineer over them , and to whose motions they are as much enslaved , if not more , than others . Moreover , forasmuch as there is nothing Praise-worthy in man , save only what proceeds from his Free Will , there is no reason why any one should prefer himself before another , since they may as duly make use of their Reason , and with equal constancy continue in the purpose of doing those things which Reason persuades and recommends to them . For in this firm purpose doth the very Essence of Vertue consist , and which may be found as well in a Commoner as in a Prince , in a Poor Beggar as in a Rich Man. Nothing more becomes a man of a generous temper , than vertuous Humility , which consists in this , that a man seriously consider Human frailty and weakness , which he finds in himself as much as in others . V. No Body is to be despised or flouted at by outward marks of contempt o r derision . But their fault is yet more gross and inexcusable , who undervalue and trample upon others , not only by inward disesteem and contempt , but also by some outward signs , as by Words , Looks ▪ Laughter , do flout at and vilifie others . Which offence is the more criminal , forasmuch as this behaviour is exceeding provoking , making the party so derided to be inflamed with Anger , and to be strongly moved to seek for Revenge . For so impatient is the Mind of Man of Affronts , that many are not affraid to hazard their Lives to revenge them , and will rather violate a long continued Bond of Friendship , than to bear an open and petulant abuse . For a Mans Reputation and Good Name is wounded thereby ; as we find daily , that he is oft undervalued by others , who suffers himself tamely and cheaply to be abused . VI. No Man must be hurt by us . Another Duty every man is to practise towards his Neighbour , is to hurt no Body . For it is the Law of Nature , 206 F. de Regul . Jur. That no Man make himself Rich at anothers Cost . The Equity of this Precept may be gathered from the consideration of Man , both as he is a Singular Person , and as he is a Member of the Commonwealth . For as it is contrary to Heat , to be the cause of Cold ; and to Moisture to cause Driness ; so it is contrary to the Nature of a Just Man , to offend his Equal , or to provoke him by doing any hurt or injury . Thus DEMONAX , the Philosopher in Lucian , boasts himself , that he never went to Law , never was troublesom to any , but always was a Friend to all , and an Enemy to none . In like manner it is also the property of a Good Man not to hurt any . For Nature hath ordained a kind of Alliance and Consanguinity between Men ; whence it is criminal and highly unjust for a Man to lie in wait for another , to betray or cheat him , or to invade what belongs to his Neighbour ; because by this means the Communion between Mankind is dissolved , as the soundness and healthful state of the Body is overthrown , when a stronger part attracts the sustenance that belongs to all the rest to its self , and instead of only taking its due , usurps that which appertains to the whole Body . VII . What Harm or Damage is , and how is must be made good . When it is said that we are not to do any harm or damage to any : By the word Damage is to be understood , whatsoever may cause any detriment or inconvenience to any one ; such as are the Taking way of what belongs to another , Depravation , Diminution , intercepting of the Rent or Income proceeding or hoped from any thing . Because it is not only the Possession of things that is rated or valued at a Price , but also the future perception of the Rents and Incomes of it , in case they are surely to come to our Hands . Wherefore every one that harms another , either in his Goods , or in his Good Name , is bound to make Reparation of the Damage he hath done to his Neighbour . For a Good Name is the greatest of all outward Good things ; which being once lost , all other Enjoyments are lost together with it . Now a Man may damage another , either by himself , or by the help and assistance of others : but which way soever it be done , it is always imputed to him that is the Agent , and he is bound to make Reparation for it . Because it is agreeable to Reason , that he that hath done the Hurt , should make amends for it , and make good the Damage he hath been the cause of , tho' he did it by another ; for he that does any thing by the ministry or help of another , does the same as if he acted it himself . But if many persons do equally concur to the doing of any Harm or Damage , they are all of them bound to make good the same , according to their several Degrees of concurrence to it . In like manner he who by his Counsel , or Advice incites another to a Crime , or gives him the occasion of committing it , that himself may get profit by it , is bound to restore whatsoever damage or hurt this means may happen to the party offended . But the case is not the same with respect to him , who hath only given occasion to the doing of a thing , or assisted the Delinquents with his Counsel , without any advantage thereby accruing to himself . VIII . Whosoever by his Negligence is the cause of the spoiling of any thing , is bound to make it Good. Neither is he only bound to make good the Damage done to his Neighbour , who by falseness and design hath harmed another , but also who by his Carelesness or Laziness hath suffered this harm to come to him . For it is necessary in order to the preserving of Human Society , that every one do carry himself with such Caution , that he may be useful to the Society , and that he may not by his Idleness be a Burthen to any . He who by chance , and without set purpose doth hurt another , as when a Man Fighting among the thickest of his Enemies , doth by chance wound his Fellow Souldier that stands near him , without any such intent , or knowing him to be so , cannot be compell'd to the making good of the hurt he hath done him . For seeing that the fault was committed without his Will or consent , therefore neither can it be imputed to him ; for there seems to be no sufficient reason , why he who hath committed a fault against his Will should be lyable to be amerced , rather or more than he who is Wonded . IX . Masters are bound to make Good the Damage or Hurt done by their Servants . Neither are we only obliged to repair the Damage we our selves have done to others , but also that which hath been caused by our Servants , Cattle or other Living Creatures . For seeing that Servants are parts of the Commonwealth , they are bound to the same Laws as their Masters are ; and whereas they possess nothing whereby they might be in a condition , to make good the hurt they have done ; it is but just that their Masters should be bound to repair it , or else to deliver them into the Hands of those whom they have injur'd . For otherwise a Servant , especially a Slave , would be at Liberty to hurt whom he pleased , if no reparation were to be had neither of him , nor of his Lord and Master . And the same may be said of our Cattle , or other Living Creatures that belong to us , as when our Cattle Trespass upon other Mens Ground , or when they chance to Kill or Wound any Man. For seeing that the owner of any Living Creatures , makes use of them for his own profit , and that they are gainful to him , it is but just that Reparation be required of him , if he hath a mind to keep them still ; or if so be that he doth not value the said Creatures so high as the damage is rated , that then they be Killed . It is fitting that he who knowningly hath done any prejudice to his Neighbour , do freely offer Reparation to him , lest his Neighbour being offended and provoked , should think of returning like for like : So in like manner he who hath received the injury , ought to wink at it , and be ready to be reconciled with him that hurt him . He who doth otherwise violates the Laws of the Society , and breaks that Peace which is the Foundation and support of the Commonwealth . CHAP. XXVI . Of the Laws of Mutual Humanity . I. Every one is bound t● be helpful to his Neighbours . GOod-will is a Quality , that is inborn in the Minds of all Men ; so that he seems to have shaken hands with Humanity , who is not ready to do good turns to his Neighbour . For it is a Law of Nature , that every one should bear Good-will towards others of his own kind , and , as far as his condition and circumstances will permit , endeavour to procure their Good. For since Nature hath made an Affinity and Kindred between all Mankind , joyning them together in a Brotherly Band , it is not enough for them that they do not hurt one another ; but it is over and above necessary , that they assist and succour each other . Now Men become useful to others , either in their own persons , or by imparting such Conveniences or good things to them , as are beneficial and advantageous to them . II. Who are useful , and who useless to the Commonwealth . By our selves , or in our own persons we become useful to others , when from our very Child-hood we are educated in good Manners and Literature , and acquire those Accomplishments of Body and Mind , the fruits whereof may afterwards redound to the good of others , and our Actions procure Honour or advantage to the Commonwealth . And therefore they are injurious to Human Society , who lead a lazy and slothful Life , and indulging their Body only , consider none but themselves : And who with the Riches they have got , or inherited do Fat themselves like Hogs , minding nothing else , but to Live as long as they can , and to Glut themselves with Pleasure , and wallow in all manner of Luxury . III. Who are to be honoured in a Common-wealth . But they who lay out themselves for the Service , Honour and Advantage of the Common-wealth , ought to be had in high esteem by all the Members of it , whose Duty it is to promote as far as in them lies , all their good endeavours , and to take heed lest being moved by Envy , they despise the things they understand not , or which they themselves despair of attaining to . For what can be imagined more unjust , than to think ill of them , who are of use to their Country , and to hate those who lay out themselves in doing good to others , and make it their Business to promote the publick Good ? IV. We are freely to give those things , the bestowing whereof is no detriment . The things that we may bestow upon others are , such especially as we can part with , without any damage or prejudice to our selves , but are of great advantage to the Receiver . And accordingly the Law saith , whatsoever is of advantage to me , and is not at all hurtful to thee , the same it is not fitting that thou shouldst hinder me of ; for this is the Dictate of Equity , tho' it be no due of Justice . It is a piece of a Malicious Nature in any one , to forbid others to draw Water at his Well standing by the way side ; or to envy others that are in darkness to enjoy the light of his Candle ; or who will not permit his Neighbour to kindile a stick of Wood in his Fire ; forasmuch as all this may be done without dimminishing of the Water in the Fountain , the Light in the Candle , or the Fire on the Hearth . Wherefore , when any one undervalues the possession of any thing belongs to him , and intends to make no further use of it , it is not only inhuman , but unjust to deny the same to another , and rather suffer it to be spoiled , than that it should be of use and advantage to others . Wherefore according to the Law of Nature , tho' outward Laws ●e silent , all things that are of no use , belong to the Poor , and Rich-men are bound at the least , to bestow all those things on the Poor and Needy which they leave off , as likewise the superfluous Meat of their Tables . V. We must be Noble and Generous in the Relieving of our Neighbour . But forasmuch as this last mentioned , is the least piece of Humanity we can express to others , they act more generously , and shew themselves more to be Men , who are ready to do good to others , tho' with some detriment or prejudice to themselves . Only we must take care , that these our Charitable Offices , be not hurtful to those who receive them , and instead of being beneficial to them prove their Bane . Thus it is with good reason , that we refuse putting Arms into a Madmans Hands , deny one that is Sick of a Dropsy cold Water , are importunately troublesome to one that is Sick of a Lethargy to hinder him from Sleep , and keep Mony from him , who we know will go and throw it away at Dice . Because in the bestowing of Benefits , we are not so much to mind the Will of those who desire them , as of what use and advantage they will be to them . VI. Gifts or Benefits are to be bestow'd freely . In our bestowings of Benefits , there must be no hope of receiving the like in lieu thereof ; because Vertuous Actions carry their Reward along with them , and therefore are to be practised without any respect of gain , or advantage to be reaped from them . Thus we give to Poor Seamen , that have been Shipwrackt , whose Faces we shall never see again , and relieve and succour the miserable , meerly because they are so , and because it is a Duty of Humanity incumbent upon us , to take Pity on the Calamitous and Miserable . By the same motive , we sometimes bestow our Benefits secretly , without making our selves known to those whom we relieve , to comply with their Shamefacedness , and that they may rather seem to find it , than to receive it . VII . The Duties of those who receive Favours or Benefits from others . In the receiving of Benefits it is required , that we be thankfully affected towards our Benefactors , and express our acknowledgment to them , and how ready we shall be upon occasion to return their kindness with advantage . Not as if it were necessary , that our return should be always of the same value , and estimate with the benefit received , for in many cases it is sufficient if only with a sincere Will , and grateful Mind , we acknowledge our Obligation , and are ready to make a return , tho' it may not be in our power to do it . Tho' indeed where Men are able , it is better to express their Gratitude , by returning the like good Offices and Benefits , besides the testifying of our thanks by words . For the great use of Benefits , is to beget a nearer Union and Love amongst Men , and to be an occasion for the exercising of Benevolence and Liberality . But if any one is unwilling to be engaged to another , he may refuse the offered kindness , or at least so handsomely decline it , as that he that offers it , may not take it ill , that his Good-will or Kindness is slighted . VIII . There is no Vice more abominable than is that of Ingratitude . A Man cannot be guilty of a more shameful Vice , than that of Ingratitude ; insomuch that there are no Nations so Barbarous , no Manners so Savage , but do condemn and detest it . For tho' an unthankful person be no● injurious to another , yet is he no less infamous than a Thief , a Murtherer , or a Traitor ; seeing that the very Wild Beasts themselves , when engaged by our care and kindness , are not wanting to express their thankfulness , not only in acknowledging it by their gestures , but often by defending their Benefactors in time of danger . And accordingly the Law of Nature ordains , that we never receive any Benefit , but with such an inward Disposition , that the Benefactor may never have any occasion to repent himself of having bestowed it upon us . The reason of which Law is , because if we receive a Benefit with a Disposition contrary to this , there will be no more Kindness to be found amongst Men , and all Amicableness will be banisht from amongst them . IX . Why we cannot bring an Action against an ungrateful person . But you 'l say , if the abominableness of this Crime be such , why are not ungrateful Men impleaded , and why may not an Action be had against them ? To which I answer that the reason is plain , because a Benefit is a free Gift , and being a Vertuous Action must not be omitted , because of the unthankfulness of the Receiver . Besides , Gratitude cannot be lookt upon as a strict due , because it was not agreed upon contract , tho' there might be some hope of it . Moreover , if an Action might be had against an ungrateful Man , seeing there be so many of them in the World , all Courts of Justice would not be sufficient to hear or determin them , and the rather because of the manifold Circumstances which alter the Benefit , and encrease or diminish it . CHAP. XXVII . Of the Laws that are to be observed in Covenants and Contracts . I. What a Covenant is , and the Original thereof . BY the word Covenant is meant the Consent , or Agreement of 2 or more to the same thing . And it takes its original from hence , because there are many Benefits and Good turns , to the Performance whereof we are obliged by the Laws of Humanity , which yet cannot be exercised without some Injury to our selves , and therefore it was necessary , that Covenants should be entred into , by which every one might demand his own , or require and expect what is anothers , but without his Damage or Prejudice . II. Covenants are to be faithfully kept and performed . It is required in all Covenants , that they who enter into them , stand to the Agreements they have made and consented to , and inviolably observe what they have promised . For otherwise , there would be an end of Human Society , Friendship would be banisht out of the World , and miserable Men would have no Refuge , whither to betake themselves in their Calamity . For what would become of all the good Offices of Humanity , and the freedom that is between Friends , if Promises should be broken , and Mens Actions should not agree with their Words ? Besides , where Men are not as good as their Words , endless matter is furnisht for Dissensions , Quarrels and Contests , because we cannot break our Words , without being Injurious to the other party concerned . And accordingly the Law hath so ordered it , that Men may be forc'd to perform their Covenants , and to pay what by their Promise they are obliged to . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 2● To Francis Forbes of the Citty of London Gentleman This Plate is humble Dedicated by Richard Blome We Oblige or Bind our selves 2 several ways , viz. by Promise and Covenant . A Promise is the Willing or Spontaneous Obligation of a single person to perform something ; whereas a Compact or Covenant , is that whereby 2 or more do oblige themselves , to do something or other . A Promise may be divided into a Complete , or Incomplete Promise . We call that a Complete Promise , when he who promiseth any thing to another , is willing to be so far obliged , as to give him liberty to force him to perform his Promise . An Incomplete Promise , is that whereby a Man promiseth to perform something , yet without giving the other any Right to compel him to the performance of it . So that they who thus engage themselves to do any thing , are not so much bound by the Laws of Justice , as by those of Veracity . Tho' indeed Generous and Vertuous persons , without any such annexed Obligation , are always ready to perform their Promises , choosing rather to suffer some inconvenience , than not to be as good as their Word . IV. Consent is required to a Promise . It is requisit to the validity of a Complete Promise , that the pleading of ones word be Deliberate and Spontaneous ; for seeing that he who promiseth , may be forced to be as good as his Word ; he is inexcusable if afterwards he should complain of it : Because it was in his Power either to agree to it , or to refuse his Consent . Now a Man is judged to have consented , not only by External Signs , as by his Words , Handwriting , Nod , or other motions of his Body ; but even by his Silence , if other Circumstances concur ; because according to that common Saying , amongst the Lawyers , He who is silent , seems to consent . V. Who are in a condition to give their consent . To the end a Man may be in a condition to give his consent , it is required that he be in his right Wits , and in the use of his Reason , so as to be able to discern , whether the thing in Question be accomodate and fit for the end intended , and whether , what he agrees to can be performed by him . Hence it is , that the Covenants of Mad-men and Fools , are looked upon as void and in valid ; as also of Men in drink , if it be made appear that they were so far overcome by it , as not to be throughly sensible of what they did . For Consent supposeth a clearness of Perception ; and he may rather be said to be seized or hurried away , than to consent or agree , who by a precipitant impulse , without consideration is driven to the doing of any thing . So that he would be lookt upon as a Shameless and Unjust Man , who should go about to compel a Man to the standing to such alike Agreement , which at first was entred into by an invalid consent . VI. A mistake invalidates a Covenant . As Reason asleep or overwhelmed makes void a Contract ; so Error or Mistake doth weaken and invalidate it . For whosoever promiseth any thing to another upon condition , is not bound to keep his Word , in case the condition do not follow ; because the want thereof makes void the Obligation . And if there be a Mistake in the thing , about which the Covenant is made , it thereby becomes invalid , not only because of the mistake that is found in it ; but also because it is a contravention to the constitutions of Covenants and Agreements . For in order to the Selling , Letting , or Exchanging of any thing , it is necessary that the Buyer , &c. be fully acquainted with the Condition and Qualities of the thing ; forasmuch as without this knowledge , there can be no full consent ; and accordingly he who is about to buy or hire a thing , if any faults therein be discovered , may break the Bargain , or force the other party to make good the defect , or allow a consideration for the Damage . VII . Agreements are made void by deceit and falseness . Covenants are also made invalid by Deceit or Malice , when a Man is Circumvented by some fraudulent trick , and drawn into Agreement . Therefore he who by Deceit is drawn in to Promise ought to another , is not bound to perform the same , except of his own Free-will , and without any fraudulent enticement he do agree to it ; for then he is bound to stand to his Agreement , as long as there is no flaw in the thing , and that its true value be declared . For otherwise the Covenant becomes invalid , and it is in the power of him who finds himself agrieved , to break the Agreement , or to demand a Compensation of the Damage he sustains by it . But if another , who is not concern'd in the matter , about which the Agreement is made , do mingle any thing of Deceit with it , neither of the Parties agreed being partakers with him , then the Agreement stands firm notwithstanding . But so as it is in the power of him that suffers by it , to demand Reparation of the loss he sustains by his Malice . VIII . Fear doth not always break contracts . Fear , as it doth not take away the freedom of the Will , as hath been said in the 20th Chapter of this part ; so neither doth it dissolve Contracts . The suffering or punishment that is threatned by the Sovereign or Magistrate , if we will not consent to such an Agreement or Covenant , cannot invalidate the same , except they should go about by any unjust force to compel us to it ; because in this case the Injury they do unto me by the unjust fear they cast me into , makes them incapable of having any Right over me . And seeing that the Damage caused by another , ought to be repassed by him , by way of Compensation , that Obligation is supposed to be taken away , if no satisfaction be made for the thing , which ought presently to have been restored . IX . About what things Agreements may be made . As to the nature of the things that are agreed upon , or are promised , many things are required . First , that they be such as are in our Power ; for otherwise it would be an Argument of Madness or Dishonesty , for a Man to Promise or Covenant that which is not in his power to perform . For no body is bound to perform Impossibilities , according to that common Rule , There can be no Obligation to Impossibles . For tho' at the first , when the Covenant was made the thing was possible , if afterwards by chance , without the fault or neglect of the party bound , it be made impossible , the Obligation is dissolved , and the Covenant becoms void . X. They must be things lawful or permitted . Secondly , they must be things that are Lawful , for otherwise we cannot be obliged to the performance of them . For he that promiseth to give a Whore the meeting ; or hath past his Word to Maim or Kill another , is not bound to keep his Oath or Promise . Because no Man can bind himself to any thing which it is not in his power to perform : Now the Laws have absolutely depriv'd him of any such power , nor will suffer him to execute that , which they plainly prohibit . So that if he be guilty , who promises that which the Law forbids , he is doubly so , who having Promis'd such things , does stand to his word . XI . They must be such as we have a Right to . Thirdly , They must be Our things , that is , we must have a Right and Propriety to them ; because we cannot Promise any thing which belongs to another . But in case we have Promised to take care , that what we have Promised shall be performed by another , over whom we have no Command ; we are bound to use our utmost Diligence , and to omit nothing ( as far as in a Civil way we can ) that he may make good what we have so Promised . XII . Promises are made two several ways . A Promise may be made 2 several ways , either Absolutely , or upon Condition . Now a Condition may be 2 ways consider'd , either as Possible or Impossible . An Impossible Condition is either taken Physically or Morally . A Condition is Physically Impossible , when considering the Nature and Order of Things , the Matter cannot be done ; and Morally Impossible , when they are forbidden by Law , or contrary to the Laws of Honesty . And these Promises are either made by our selves , or by some Intervening Persons ; which we likewise are bound to perform , in case they have carried themselves honestly and faithfully , and have done nothing , but according to our Order . CHAP. XXVIII . Of Special Compacts or Agreements . I. What a Contract is THo' a Covenant and Contract be often confounded by Authors , and include , as ULPIANUS saith , the Consent or Agreement of two or more Persons ; yet to speak more exactly , a Contract seems chiefly to consist in an Interchangable giving and receiving ; or to be chiefly conversant about things of Commerce . II. Of Contracts Nominate and Innominate . Of Contracts , some are called Nominate , as Selling , Buying , Lending , Letting , Pawning , &c. which have a particular Name whereby they are distinguisht from others . Others Innominate , that have no particular Name belonging to them , but are only signified by the common Name of Contracts . And these are reducible to 4 kinds : I give that thou mayst give ; I give that thou mayst do : I do that thou mayst give ; and I do that thou mayst do . In all which Contracts , an Action is allowed in any Form of words , when a certain one cannot be assigned : For we find by Experience , that there is a greater plenty of Business or Affairs , than of Words . III. Some are Gratuitous , others Burthensom . Secondly , Contracts are divided into Lucrative , otherwise called Gratuitous , that is , such by which Profit accrues to one of the Parties concerned , without the Intervening of a Merchandize or Price : And Burthensom or Chargeable , in which both Parties have an Equal burthen charg'd upon them , and in which there is a kind of Recompensation . For it is the property of all burthensom and chargeable Contracts , that the Parties concern'd in it , have an equal Advantage by it , and undergo a like Burthen . Insomuch as if it otherwise happen , the Party who finds himself frustrated , hath Right to demand what is wanting to him , or else to break the Contract . And accordingly , it is usual in well-governed Cities , to have the prizes of every thing set and stated , to prevent all common Abuses in such cases . IV. Gratuitous , or Lucrative Contracts are Lending . Gratuitous , or Lucrative Contracts , are commonly reduc'd to these three ; a Loan , a Commission or Charge , and a Depositum or Trust . A Loan is , when the use of a thing is granted to another , without any recompence therefore received or appointed . It is his concern who borrows any thing , that he be very careful of the thing that is Lent him , that it may not be put to any other use , than what is prescrib'd by the Lender ; and accordingly is oblig'd to restore the same whole and sound ; excepting so much only as it may be the worse for so long using . If the thing Lent , whilst it is yet in the custody of him that hath borrowed it , come to be lost or spoil'd , the Value of it must be restor'd by the Borrower to the Owner : But if it be of such a Nature , that it could not have been better kept , if it had been in the Owners keeping , the Borrower is not bound to make it good . Yea , if it so happen that the Borrower hath laid out any thing towards the mending or improvement of it , it is but Just that the Owner should repay it , besides those Expences which always attend the ordinary use of any thing . V. A Charge or Command . A Charge is , when a Man takes upon him to perform a Commission he is charg'd with , without any hope of Reward . And he who undertakes any such Charge at the Instance of another , or of his own accord , must take care to be punctual in performance thereof . For seeing that no Body trusts his Affairs , but with a Friend of whose Faithfulness he is assured , the Undertaker ought to be very Solicitous to shew himself an honest and true Man , and that in all things he answer the Expectation of his Friend , and the Confidence he puts in him . Now he who undertakes any Command or Charge , must be allow'd for all the Expences or Damages that may be in the Executing of the said Commands . VI. A Pledge or Trust . A Trust is a Contract , whereby something is entrusted with another to be kept . The Person with whom the thing is entrusted , is called the Depository ; who is to take great care , that the thing he is entrusted with , be not lost or spoil'd , and that he be always ready , at the Will of the Deposer , to restore it . Except it should be more for his Advantage to want it for some time , and that it be found better ; because of some imminent Danger , to defer the restitution of it till a later date . But yet the Depository may not make use of the same , except with the Owners permission ; if either it be such a thing as grows the worse for using ; or if it be the Owners Concern that it be hid , and be not exposed to the Sight of others . VII . Burthensom or Chargeable Contracts , are Permutation . The most Ancient of all Chargeable Contracts , and received by all Nations , is Permutation or Exchange , used before Mony was Coyn'd , to be the indifferent Price of all things . The Formality whereof is prescribed § . Item ●retium de Empt. & Vendit : I willingly graunt you the thing you desire of me upon this Condition , that you likewise do , graunt me another thing which I ask of you , according to the tacit Estimation of both the things made by our selves . Opposit to this Contract is Donation , whereby a thing without any Compulsion of the Law , and out of meer Benevolence and Good-will is bestowed upon another ; forasmuch as it is not necessary that any Equality should be observed therein . VIII . Buying and Selling. To Permutation belongs also Buying and Selling , whereby a thing is either purchased or let go for a Price : For by the former there lies an Obligation on the Buyer , to deliver the Price agreed on for the Commodity ; as by the latter , the Seller is bound to let go the Commodity for the Pri●● ▪ Which is done many ways : As First , When there is a mutual Agreement , and the Buyer immediately offers his Mony , and the Seller his Merchandize . Secondly , When tho' the Merchandize be immediately deliver'd , the Price is not to be paid till such a set time after . Thirdly , When after that the Parties are Agreed about the price , the Merchandize is not to be deliver'd till a certain Time. In which last Contract , it is consentaneous both to Reason and Justice , that if the thing should come to be lost or spoil'd before the prefixed time , the Seller should bear the loss of it . But if after that time expired , the Buyer neglect the taking of the Commodity , if any damage happen to it , it must be at his Loss . IX . Letting and Hiring Letting and Hiring , are near of Kin to Buying and Selling , whereby , for an appointed Price , the use or worth of a thing is granted . I said , for an appointed Price : For if ( saith JUSTINIAN , Inst. l. 3. Titul . 25. ) I give a Fuller Cloth to be dressed , or to a Botcher Cloaths to be mended , without the appointment of a Set price ; but only that afterwards I shall give as much as shall be agreed upon between us ; this Contract cannot be called Letting or Hiring , but allows an Action set down in a precise Form of Words . X. What is to be observ'd in Hiring . About this Contract it is to be observed , that if in the Time of Hiring the thing be spoiled or perish , he who hires it , is not bound to pay the Price of it . In like manner , when a thing design'd to a certain use , which the Owner is bound to deliver safe and sound , does chance to suffer any loss or detriment , whereby it is made less proper for the use it is appropriated to : He who Hires it , may with Justice detract so much from the Price of it , as it is become less fit for its intended use ; tho' this cannot be where the increase or incom of the thing is uncertain . As for Example , If a Man have hired a Field , whose Fruits have been spoiled by the Unseasonableness of the Weather ; he is bound notwithstanding to pay the Hire he hath agreed for , tho' the Incom he has from it , for that Year , be little or nothing : For as a plentiful Incom doth not increase the Hire , neither doth it seem Equal , that a scarce Increase should diminish it ; since it frequently happens , that one Years Barrenness , is compensated by the Fruitfulness of the next following . XI . Things lent . Lending is a Contract , whereby a Man delivers something of his Goods to another , upon Condition that he , after some Space of Time , do restore to him as much of the same kind and goodness . Things lent , are such as are spent or consumed by using , and do consist in Number , as Mony ; in Weight , as Gold , Silver , &c. in Measure , as Wine , Oil , &c. The Gospel Law Commands us to lend , without expecting any Gain or Advantage to our seives there from : Which Law is transgrest by the Usurer , who tho' he be bound to relieve the Wants of his Neighbour , doth by Usury gain thereby , and enriches himself out of the miserable Remains of Shipwrack , by an unnatural Cruelty to those of his own kind . I am not ignorant of the Distinction the Lawyers make here , of the Ceasing Gain and Emergent Damage . And indeed his Case is different , who lends Mony to one that desires it , not to deliver himself from his present Necessities , but that he may Negotiate therewith , and make a great advance of Gain to himself from the Mony he hath borrowed ; and of him , who being shut up in a Prison , and miserably Poor and opprest by a Cruel Creditor , desires to borrow a Sum of Mony : For in this case , what he desires ought either to be given to him freely , out of Pity to his Condition , or at least be lent to him , without demand of Use for it . XII . The Conditions of the Contract of a Society . There is also another sort of Contract , which is called a Society Contract , or a Partnership , and is the Agreement of 2 or more Persons , whereby something proper to make Gain with ( as Mony , Work , Industry ) is contributed in order to a Common Use or Advantage . Now , to the end that such a Society or Partnership may be Just , 3 things chiefly are required ▪ First , That the Trade or Dealing they intend be Just and Lawful ; for no Man can be bound to that which is Unlawful . Secondly , That their Shares in Gain and Loss , be equally proportion'd to the Shares of the Stock laid in by the several Members of the Partnership ; so as that his Gain may be greater that hath a greater Share in the Stock , as his less that hath a less ; because by this means every ones Due is given to him . Thirdly , That the Loss in like manner be Common , and be equally divided amongst the Partners ; tho' sometimes the Contract be so , that one contributes Mony , and another his Work or Labour only ; which frequently is Equivalent to Mony. Wherefore the Origial Contract is to be heeded , and how the Parties are agreed about their Shares of Loss and Gain . CHAP. XXIX . How many ways the Obligation , arising from Covenants , may be dissolved . I. How Obligation may be taken away , by Solution of Payment . SEeing that Obligation is a kind of Tye or Engagement laid upon us by Law , whereby , as JUSTINIAN saith , We are of Necessity bound to pay some thing , according to the Laws of the Society we live in , the same is readily and Naturally taken away by paying or satisfying of the same . For thereby the Duties thence arising cease , as also the Action whereby a Man before was Bound . To the end this Payment may be duly made , it is not necessary that it be done by the Debtor himself , but it is sufficient if it be done by another , in his Name . For a Debtor is quitted of his Obligation , if the Mony be paid by another , tho' without the Knowledge , and contrary to the Will of the Debtor . Neither is it necessary always to pay the Debt to the Creditor ; but it is sufficient if it be paid to any one appointed by him . II. By Donation . Secondly , An Obligation is dissolved by Donation , that is , by Remission , or Forgiving of the Debt ; which is commonly done either by Acceptilation or Imaginary Payment , with the use of some Signs intimating a Consent or Agreement , which of old was in use amongst the Greeks ; the Debtor speaking these Words , You have received so much Mony : To which the Creditor delivering his Bond or Note , answer'd , I have received them . III. By Compensation . Thirdly , Obligations are taken away by Compensation ; as when the Creditor by a former Engagement was a Debtor , to his Debtor , owing him something of the same kind and value . For in things deliver'd for use , an Equivalent is reckon'd as the same thing . Hence it is , that in Actions at Law of this kind , Compensation was always allow'd of ; viz. an Exception , whereby any Man rids himself of his Creditor , by shewing that he is his Debtor ; for a Debt is Compensated with a Debt , Fraud with Fraud , and a Fault with a Fault , and this very very Justly too , saith the Law ; for we are rather not to pay , than to redemand what we have paid . IV. By a contrary Will. In the Fourth place , Obligations that are entred into by Consent or Agreement , are dissolved by a contrary Will : For suppose TITIUS and SEJUS have agreed together , that SEJUS should have a piece of Ground for 100 Pieces of Gold ; and that before the Mony be paid down , or the Land delivered , they should agree together to break their Contract ; it is evident , that by this means that Contract would be dissolved . And this is common to all Contracts , which are made and ratified by Agreement and Consent , especially that of Partnership , which continues only so long as the Parties abide in the same Mind . V. By the intervening of a New Agreement Obligations also are dissolved by the Intervening of a New Obligation , as if the Debt which John owes me , should by Agreement be made payable to me by Paul ; because this intervening of a new Person , makes a new Obligation to take place , and annuls the former . Neither is it necessary , that this latter Agreement be advantageous ; for tho' it were quite otherwise , yet would it notwithstanding make void the former . VI. By urgent Necessity An Obligation is likewise made void by urgent Necessity ; and therefore a Debtor that is reduc'd to extream Want , is not bound to pay his Creditor , tho labouring under the same Extremity of Want ; because in Extream Necessity all things are common , and the Condition of him who is in Possession is accounted the better of the two . VII . By breach of Word or Articles . He that breaks his Promise , and doth not perform his Articles , doth rather break off the Obligation , than make it to cease . For seeing that all Contracts are mutual , and that the Parties are equally bound to perform what they have agreed to , when one breaks his word , there is an end of the Contract : For the Pledging of our Faithfulness , supposeth the Faithfulness of the other party , and is as a Condition in reference to the other . I shall perform what you require of me , if you do first what I require of you ; and I will stand to my Promise , as long as you inviolably observe the Agreement we have made . VIII . By Death . Lastly , An Obligation is annull'd by Death , and any Contract ceaseth , when it rests only upon one Person , whereas the Agreement was made by two . For where the Subject is destroy'd , the Accidents which do attend it , must of needs perish likewise . Except that the Heir of the deceased Party , of his own inclination , or out of his respect to the Deceased , do take upon him to satisfie the said Obligation : Or , if by the Last Will of the Dead , he be bound to pay the Debts of the Deceased out of his Estate , and that he is made his Heir upon that Condition . CHAP. XXX . Of the Laws that concern Speaking and and Swearing . I. Deceitfulness in Speech is to be avoided . FOrasmuch as Covenants and Contracts are performed by Words , and that it is necessary for the maintaining of Human Society , that mens Minds be made known by Speech , we shall add something here concerning the Duties to be observed in Speaking in general , and afterwards of those that are to be heeded in Swearing . The first thing to be observed in Speech is , that we do not deceive any one by our Words , or by other Signs used instead of them , for the expressing of the Sense of our Minds . For the Truth of our Speech or Words must be constant and inviolable , after the same manner as we find that amongst Animals , some outward Species do remain , whereby they discern things Friendly or Inimical to them . II. Conditions to be observed in Speech . To the end the Praescript of this Natural Law may be the better understood , we are to take Notice , that a double Obligation lies upon those that speak , with Relation to their Words or Speech . First , That those who use the same Speech or Language , do make use of certain and determinate Words , to signifie such certain and determinate Things , according to the use of the Language that is received in the Country or City where a Man lives . For it is not lawful for any one , at his own pleasure , to Coin new Words , but must make use of those , which have been long approv'd of by Use and Custom , and signifie things according as they are taken and understood by all . Secondly , That every one do so open his Mind to another , as clearly to manifest what he intends , and so as that the same may be clearly apprehended by him he speaks to . This Obligation may arise , either from a particular Agreement a Man hath made with another , to discover unto him what he knows about such a business . As when one Agrees with one that is Master of any Art , to be taught the same by him : Or , from the Precept of the Common Law of Nature , whereby a Man is bound to impart his Science to another ; either for his Profit and Advantage , or to prevent some Evil that threatens him : Or , when by Law , whether Perfect or Imperfect , a man is bound to discover those things , concerning which he is Interrogated . III. When we may dissemble our Thoughts . But if those to whom we speak be of such a Temper , that an open and simple Declaration may be prejudicial to them , or that it may give them occasion of hindring and opposing what we are about ; it may be lawful for us to dissemble our Minds at that time , and to palliate our Intentions . For though it be our Duty to do good to others , yet are we not bound to do it , when we have good Reason to believe , that in so doing we shall be crost in the thing we intend . Neither is this to be call'd Lying ; for tho' our VVords do not exactly represent the Sense of our Mind , yet do they not of set purpose carry another Sense , than our meaning really is ; nor hath he to whom we direct our Speech , any Right to understand or know them : Neither are we bound by any means to cause him to apprehend our Intentions . For it is frequently Expedient in Human Society , that the Truth should be hid , and that the thing which is about to be undertaken , should be kept from the Knowledge of ma●y . IV. Fiction is no Lie. From what hath been said , may be gathered , that he is not to be lookt upon as a L●ar , who at play , by set Words and Gestures , endeavours to conceal his Intentions , to deceive the party he plays with , and to inveigle him to do that whereby he may lose the game . Nor he , who by feigned Stories and Fables deceives the Minds of Children , who are not yet capable of down-right Truth , with a design to excite them to the Love of Vertue and the Hatred of Vice. Nor he who imposes upon an Angry Person , comforts one that is sorrowful , or by colour'd Speeches persuades a sick person , that the Medicin he is to take is very grateful and pleasant . Because none of these are done with a design to deceive or wrong , but on the contrary , to do them good , and to ease them of that Passion which afflicts them . But the case is quite different where a man is bound to declare his Mind to another ; because by using doubtful Speeches , or discovering only one part of the Truth , he becomes unfaithful , and sins against the Rules of Justice . V. What an Oath is . Our Speech is capable of being ratified and confirmed by an Oath . For an Oath is the calling of GOD to wi●n●●s to the Truth of what we do assert : Or as others will have it , It is a Religious Act , whereby we call upon GOD as the Supream Truth , in witness to a thing , that is not sufficiently known to others . And accordingly the very Heathens themselves knew of no stronger tie whereby to engage to be faithful and to speak the Truth , than that of an Oath . For they who take an Oath , do bind themselves by the Aw and Reverence they have for GOD , to be as good as their Word , and to stand to their Covenants . And forasmuch as they own that GOD , whom they worship , to be Omnipotent and Omniscient , it is to be believed , that no Man is found so wicked , as to dare to provoke his Indignation , and to engage his Revenge . Wherefore he also who swears by false gods , supposing them to be true , is bound to perform what he hath sworn , and if he breaks his word , he is Perjur'd . VI. Three kinds of Oaths . An Oath is either Assertory , when we make use of it to confirm an Assertion about a thing present or past ; when no better way is found to discover the Truth . And such an Oath as this is required of Witnesses before a Judge , or from others , who some other way have any knowledge of the Fact. There is another Oath , which is called Promissory , when one by Oath promises any thing to another , and binds himself to the performance thereof . And lastly , there is another Oath of Decision , where 2 are that are in contest together , and presenting themselves before the Judge , one of them by taking an Oath , doth decide the matter in contest . VII . Of the Conditions to be observed in every Oath . That there may be an Obligation upon a Man , to keep his Oath , it is requisit , First , That he know the thing to be true or false , which he asserts or denies by Oath ; or whilst he speaks , according to what he thinks , and is persuaded thereof , whether it be so or not . For he that swears to any thing which he judges to be so , his Oath cannot be blamed , because he speaks according to what he thinks and is persuaded . Secondly , It is requisit that he take his Oath Seriously and with mature Deliberation . And therefore he who repeats the words of an Oath to another , is not bound thereby ; but he that speaks them seriously , and with the posture and formality of those that take Oaths , tho' it may be , he intends nothing less in his Mind , than to be true and faithful to what he swears . VIII . We must not swear contrary to our Conscience . Wherefore I cannot assent to their Opinion , who suppose that a Man who is brought before a Judge , about a Debt of 100 pieces of Gold which he owes to another , may swear falsly , in case he knows that the payment of that M●ny should cast him into extream Difficulties . For they seem to suppose , that GOD , the Sovereign of Truth , may be produced as the witness to a Lye ; as if he did not behold , and in due time would Judge and Revenge those , who , in so daring a manner , do affront his Majesty . For what else is it to deny a just Debt , but to deny GOD to be Just and Equal , and to promise impunity to perjured Persons ? For if ▪ it be lawful for a Man to forswear himself , and to think one thing , and speak another , the validity and reverence of Oaths , and of all Covenants and Contracts will be banisht from the Societies of Men , and nothing but Fraud , Deceit and Iniquity will be found in all their agreements and dealings together . IX . What is t● be considered in him . that swears or takes an Oath . Yet must not every Oath be taken for such , except that we be assured that it hath all the Conditions requisit to a Valid and Lawful Oath , and which ought to be rigorously , and not perfunctorily examined . For he , who out of hatred swears against another ; or he , who being tertified by the Threats of an Enemy , doth conform his Promise with an Oath , is supposed not to have sworn at all , seeing that he never did it with any voluntary Deliberation , but being hurried on by fear and Passion only . In like manner he , who promiseth somewhat to another indeterminately , and confirms his Promise with an Oath , is not bound thereby to grant to another what is dishonest , absurd or hurtful ; because it is supposed , that he who hath made the demand is led by reason , and consequently would not desire any thing that is morally impossible or unjust . CHAP. XXXI . Of Dominion , and the Duties thence arising . I. The State and Condion of the First Men. NOthing is more celebrated in the Writings of the Antient Poets , than their state of the First Men in the World. The Golden Age was first , which uncompel'd , And without Rule , in Faith and Truth excel'd . As then there was nor Punishment , nor Fear ; Nor Threatning Laws in Brass , prescribed were . Nor suppliant Crouching Pris'ners shook to see Their Angry Judge ; but all was safe and free . For they tell us , that at that time all things were common , and that the Terms of Mine and Thine , now too familiar , were not known . So as that the care and thoughts of all Men conspir'd only for the good of the Publick , and every one neglecting his own particular concerns , was only solllcitous for the Interest and Welfare of the whole Society . But whatsoever they may talk of this Community , it appears , that from the Beginning of the World , things were , accounted , as of right , belonging to him who was the first Occupant , and that every one did challenge that to be his own , which by his Labour , Industry , or Good Fort●ne 〈◊〉 had got possession of . As it is evident in Abel and Gain● who , tho' they were Brethren , yet had each of them their distinct Families and distinct Possession ▪ for how else could they have offered ▪ Sacrifice to GOD ? Or how could that which was offered in common by them , be accepted and rejected ? Wherefore we must conclude , that every one by an instinct of Nature , out of the love he hears to himself doth affect the Possession of Goods , and is ambitious of a Lordship or Dominion over other things . II. What Dominion is . Dominion is the Power or Right which a man hath ●v●r a thing , to dispose of it , as of a substance belonging to him . Whence it is that a Possessor or Owner , can dispose of the things that are his , as it best pleaseth him , by giving them away , Exchanging or Selling them , and hindring any one ●lse from making use of them , except they be such things as are proper to many , and belong to the City , or some other Society . III. Dominion is acquired originally by occupation of what never belonged to any . There are 2 General ways of acquiring Dominion , vi● . Originally and Deriv●tively . By the former of those ways we acquire the Dominon of a thing ▪ by Occupation , when it did not belong to any one before , but was by the profuse Bounty of Nature exposed to the first Occupant , or him who first challengeth it for his own . For seeing that all things , at the Beginning , were produced for the Good of Men , and therefore may fall under then Dominion , it was ordered by a just Right , that things should be his who first claimed them , and that he should safely enjoy them , who had got them into his possession before all others . Wherefore , because under this name of Occupation , are understood Fowling , Hunting and Fishing ; the Birds of the Air , the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea , according to the Law of Nations , begin of right to belong to him who first takes them . For what before belonged to no man , that by Natural Right becomes his who first occupies or seizeth it , Justinian Inst. l. 2. de Rer. Divis . IV. By Occupation of what the Owner hath relinquisht . Things also may be acquired by Occupation , if they be derelinquisht by the Lord or Owner , with the design of never esteeming them for his own any more , and consequently ceaseth to be L●rd over them . But the case is not the same in ●hings which during a storm , are cast into the Sea , with a design to lighten the Ship ; for these do still continue to be the owners ; because it is manifest that he did not cast them overboard , because he had a mind to be rid of them ; but that by the casting of them into the Sea he might save the Ship , and consequently his Life . V. Dominion is by sever●l ways Derivatively acquired . The second way of acquiring Dominion is , either by Tradition or Delivery , as when a thing passeth from one to another . For nothing is more conformable to Natural Equity , than that his Will should stand , who has a mind to translate the Dominion of a thing that belongs to him , to another . And therefore of whatsoever nature a corporal thing may b● , as the Lawyers say , it may be passed over to another , and being thus past over by the Lord or Owner , it thereby becomes alienated . Or by Emption or Purchase ; and things so acquired , by paying unto the Seller the sum agreed upon , or satisfying him some other way ▪ as by Promise or giving him a Pledge . Or by a hare signification of ones Will ▪ as if a man who hath lent , let , or deposited any thing with me , should afterwards sell me the same , or bestow it upon me : for in that he suffers it to be mine ▪ Limmediately acquire a right to it , as effectually as if he had by deed past it over to me ▪ Or by Succession , as when a Man dies Intestate , for then all his Goods are devolved to his next Heirs . For it is agreeable to Reason , and conducive to the Peace of Human Society , that what a Man hath in his Life ▪ time acquired by his Labour and Industry , should not be lookt upon as things derelinquisht , and so left to the first Seiser , but that they should be the Heirs of him who dies Intestate , that are nearest in Blood to him . VI. By long Possession or Prescription . There is also another way of acquiring Dominion by long Possession or Prescription ; when a Man hath honestly acquired a thing , and hath possest the same without Interruption , the Term of time set by the Law. Because according to the Law of Nations , that is lookt upon as relinquisht and forsaken , which for so long a time hath not been challenged by any Man. And therefore after the Term appointed by the Law is expired , he who is in Possession is not bound to restore the thing he hath been so long possest of ; but the Dominion or Propriety thereof is devolved upon him , and he may lawfully keep the same , not ●nly in the outward Court , but also in the Court of Conscience , because the Sovereign Magistrate is supposed to have Power for the Publick Good to enact , that after a long continued Possession , the Goods of one Man should be transferred to another , lest continuing so long doubtful , it should perpetually give occasion to fresh suits at Law. VII . The first Law that is to be observed after Dominion acquired . The following Laws seem to have taken their Rise from the acquiring Dominion of Corporal things . The First whereof is , that no body disturb the Possession of another , but that he suffer him with Peace and Quietness to enjoy his acquired Goods : so as not fraudulently to be the cause of any decriment or damage to him , or by any way contribute to the taking of them away from him . By which Law , These , Rapin and other unjust S●bstractions of Goods are forbid . So that not only the violent taking away of another mans Goods must be avoided , but also those which are clandestine , and the Owner is ignorant of . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. 32 Lens . Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Right Worshipfull S r John Leveson Gower of Trentham in the County of Stafford Baronet This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome IX . The Third Law. Thirdly , If we have spent any Goods belonging to another , which we honestly came by , then only the Obligation lies upon us , of restoring so much to the Owner , as we have profited thereby ; and if ●e have not profited by them , neither are we bound to restore any thing . The Reason is , because he who is honestly possest of a thing , is not bound to restore the thing , upon the account of any unjust coming by it , since he both came by it and spent it honestly . Nor by reason of the meer receiving it , seeing that no more of it is left . Only he is bound to make restitution , if he be grown more Rich by it , that is , if thereby he have spared those charges which otherwise he would have been necessitated to ; or have something , which otherwise he could not have . X. The Fourth Law. Fourthly , If any thing that belongs to another be acquired by a chargeable Title , it is the duty of the Possessor , to restore the same to its true Lord ; neither hath he any Right , to demand of the Owner , the Mony he hath laid ou● for the Purchase of it ; but can only demand it of him , from whom he hath purchased the thing . Except it be made appear , that in all probability the Owner could never have recovered his Goods without being at some Charges , or that he hath of his own accord promised ●t reward to him , that should find them , or tell him news of them . CHAP. XXXII . Of the Duties of Married Persons . I. Why Matrimony was instituted at first . THE first Divine Institution appointed for the Good of Man , was that of Matrimony , which accordingly hath been celebrated and esteemed in all Nations . For the order of Nature , and the necessity of Life do require , that Men should by Propagation preserve their kind ; and by a continual Succession secure Mankind from utter perishing . Hence it is that Men take to themselves Conjugal Companions , and by means of the said mee●helps , at once provide for their Posterity and Welfare . For seeing that Matrimony is nothing else but the Lawful Conjunction of a Husband and Wife , accompanied with individual intimacy and familiarity ; whosoever enter upon the same , do it with intention of passing the whole course of their lives sweetly and pleasantly , by means of this mutual consent of Souls and Bodies : forasmuch as they would never desire it , but out of an inclination to propagate a Succession , and from hope of the Happiness they shall enjoy in that State. II. All Impurity and Filthiness is contrary to Nature . About Matrimony we are to observe , that this vehement desire of the other Sex , was not put into Man by GOD , for the satisfying of his voluptuousness , which is base and infamous , and always drags Repentance after it ; but to the end that married persons might live more happily together , and propagate Posterity , which is of absolute necessity for the continuation of Mankind . Whence it follows , that it is contrary to the intent of Nature to defile ones self by Lust , and to desire any other pleasures , but what the Nuptial Bed affords . III. There is a kind of obligation upon Man to enter up on Matrimony . Forasmuch as Man is placed in this World , not as an absolute Lord , but only with permission to use and enjoy the things that are in it , without destroying or hurting the substance of them ; an Obligation seems to lie upon him , to enter upon Marriage , that he may render to Nature , what he hath received from her , by begetting Childring to supply the room of his Parents and Ancestors . For Human Society cannot , without great inconvenience , permit the Propagation of Human kind any other way than by lawful Marriage ; all other promiscuous and wandring Lusts being condemned , and punisht by it , whereby either an unjust Heir is clapt upon an Estate , or a Virgin is vitiated . Yet is not every one therefore bound to Marry ; seeing that the Nature of some is repugnant to it , and the habit and constitution of their Body does not comport therewith . But those only who cannot well live without a Wife , or who think they shall be more useful Members of the Commonwealth , by marrying , than if they should continue in a single state . IV. Married Persons are bound to keep the Faith they have pledged to each other . They who are married must stedfastly resolve never to break the Conjugal Bond , by any unlawful Lust ; for by means of the said Marriage knot , the Husband belongs to his Wife , and the Wife to her Husband : so that he who separates them , ought to be lookt upon no better than a Murtherer ▪ and to be as severely punish'd . The Savages , who live in America , do prove this to be a law of Nature , by the keeping of their Nuptial Beds ●●defiled , Adultery being scarcely known amongst them ; and if ever any be found guilty thereof , they have borrid punishments inflicted upon them . And tho' after Marriage the Husband be the Head of the Wife , and that by the Prerogative of his Sex he is to have the Dominion , and that all Domestick Affairs are to be ordered according to his Command and Direction ; yet he is never a whit less obliged to keep his Conjugal Promise , than the Wife 〈◊〉 and if he happen to break the same , he need ▪ not think strange if his Wife take the same course , and write after the Copy he sets her ▪ V. The Duty of a Husband Forasmuch as a House or Family seems to be perfect and compleat in a Husband and Wife , and that the welfare of a Family consists in their Concord and Harmony ; it highly concerns them diligently to mind their Duties . Now the Duty of a Husband is to love his Wife , and to be tender of her , as of a part of himself ; according to that of Genesis , and they two shall be one Flesh . Neither is it sufficient that he make her the Companion of his Bed , but also of his Counsell , lest she should conceive her self to be contemned and slighted , and thereupon , out of Indignation , neglect her Family Affairs . If he admit her into Partnership of a●l his concerns , this will make her chearfully to u●dergo any pains or trouble , and ready to comfort , assist and help him in any occasion of Grief of Mind , Bodily Sickness , or outward Losses . But if a Man hath had the ill luck to meet with an ill natur'd Wife , he ought first of all to use his utmost industry to engage her to her Duty , by sweetness and fair means . And if after all , she continue in her perverseness , he may have recourse to a Divorce , or some other way the Law allows ; or else by Patience endure what cannot be mended , especially seeing that he cannot divulge the faults or his Wife , without the hurt of his Children , the infamy of the Mother , and the disgrace of his Family . VI. The Duties of a Wife . 'T is the Duty of a VVife , not only to love her Husband , but to Honour him , to subject her sel● to his Command , as to her Head and Lord ▪ And because she is more fit for the managing of Houshold Affairs , her business must be to take care of them , and to provide for the Convenience and welfare of all those that belong to the Family . And on either side is required union and concord of Mind and Body , that they may have but one will between them , and never be divided by any difference or contest . According to that of HORACE , Carm. 1. Od. 13. O Happy thr●ee and more , that Faithful Pair , In Bands of lasting Love that joined are ; VVho without Angry Broyls their days do spend , VVhose Love no sooner than their Lives shall end . VII . Matrimony is to be celebrated between Equals . To the begetting of this Concord , it is very conducive , that there be a Parity between the married Couple , and not too great an inequality of condition between them . For seldom are these Marriages found to be happy , where there is a great difference between the parties conjoin'd . Seeing that great disparity of Fortune , Age and Manners , are frequently the cause of as great differences and dissentions : but those above all other are frequently found the most unfortunate , that are contracted between persons of a different Religion . For as TERTULLIAN saith , how can i● be imagined , but that the Faith must be weakned and obliterated , by continual and intimate commerce , with one of a contrary Belief : Wicked Discourse is apt to corrupt good manners , how much more the individual intimacy of Conjugal Cohabitation ? How can a Believing VVife serve two Masters , Christ , and her Unbelieving Husband ? Neither hath a Husband less cause to fear the Snares of an Infidel VVife , which SOLOMON himself , tho' the wisest of Men , could not avoid , and Children also being mostly left to their Mothers care , are in great danger to be inveigled with her sentiments . And what is worst of all , from the different Religions of Father and Mother , as from two Animals of a different Species , monstrous Births are commonly produced , being of no Religion at all , and such as prove unhappy Prodigies in the Church and Commonwealth . CHAP. XXXIII . Of the Duties of Parents and Children . I. Of the Caution that is to be used in Cojugal Cohabitation . FOrasmuch as from the Individual Society , and Cohabitation of Man and Wife Children do proceed , and by means thereof the succession of Families , Kindred , Estates and Titles ar● perpetuated ; it highly concerns Parents , that they behave themselves prudently in the Conjugal Union , lest by their intemperance their off-spring be vitiated . For it was not without Reason , that some have been reproached with this stinging Taunt , Thy Father begot thee when he was drunk . For the Vices of the Parents , are frequently transferr'd to their Children ; and the very temper of their Bodies , is a cause either of the commendable , or nerverse Manners of them . II. The Duty of Mothers . The Duty of the Mother ; is to take care that the Child in her Womb do not come to any hurt , and when Born , that she sollicitously cherish it , and suckle it her self , and that she do not put it out to a Nurse , without urgent necessity . As soon as it comes to the use of reason , she must also endeavour to form its tender and pliable Manners , according to the rules of Vertue and Piety , and to instil into it the first Principles of Religion . III. The Office of Fathers . But because it imports little to have given Life to Children , and thereby to put them into a State , that is indifferent to either Vertue or Vice , except due Instruction be superadded , and the Hatred of the one , and Love of the other be inculcated into them ; it is the Fathers Duty , to take care that they be timely taught , according to his Ability and Condition , and he must omit nothing , that may conduce to their advancement in Learning and Good Manners . If he be able , let him put them out to School , to the end that being out of their Mothers sight , and rid from her fondling of them , they may mind their Learning the better : But he must so resign the care of their Instruction to others , as not wholly to neglect it himself , but must have an Eye to the Progress they make , by prescribing what they ought to learn , and judging what may be omitted : Except he be assured of the Ability , Care and Prudence of the Masters , with whom he hath intrusted them . IV. Parents are bound to maintain their Ch ildre . Another Duty of Parents is , that they take care of the Bodily Sustenance of their Children ; and in case they want wherewith to maintain them , that then they take care to teach them such Arts , whereby they may be able to maintain themselves , without being burthensome to them . Neither must only Legitimate Children be maintained by Parents , but Natural also , that is , such as are Born without Wedlock . For according to the Law of Nature , they ought to be provided for by their Parents ; and tho' they cannot be said to be Members of the Commonwealth , yet they are like Warts and Corns , which tho' they be no parts of the Body , yet are fed from the substance of the Body to which they adhere . And therefore l. 3. de inof . Test . Bastards are allow'd an Action at Law , whereby they may oblige their Parents to give them a Maintenance , as well as if they were Legitimate . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. ● Lens . Inv. I. Kip Scu To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Robert Clayton of Marden in Surrey ▪ and of the Citty of London Knight and Alderman Lord Mayor thereof Anno Domini 1680 , And to Martha his Lady Daughter of Mr. Perient Trott of London Merchant . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. ●3 Lens . Inv. I. Kip. Sc● To the Worshipfull Peter Rycaut of King Stephens Castle in Ospring in Kent Esqr. , only Son and heyre of Collonell Phillip Rycaut , And Nephew to the Right Worshipfull Sr. ●aul Rycaut Knight , Envoy Extraordinary to their Majesties of great Brittaine in Hamburgh ; And to Chorlotte his Wife , Daughter of Sr. Gilbert Gerard Baronet deceased . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . VI. Children are under the Power of their Parents . Parents by a natural right have power over their Children , for seeing that the care of them is by nature committed to the Parents , they would never be able to exercise the same , except they had Authority over them , to direct their Actions for their Good. And accordingly the best of Parents , do without any injury to them , force their Children to follow their Studies , to behave themselves as they ought , to leave the vicious inclinations of their Nature , and to do those things which for the future , may make them good , and profitable Members of the Commonwealth . Now whilst the Father is in this exercise of his power over his Children , there is besides a great Obligation incumbent upon him , that as he is the head of the Family , he take care also to impart Health and Strength to the rest of the Members of it ; that is , that he recommend Vertue to them by his Example ; and that he excel all the rest by his Life , more than by his Tongue or Instructions . That he deny and force himself , and that like an Eagle he provoke his young ones to fly ; that he curb his Passions , that he may the more effectually excite them to follow the Footsteps of Vertue ; and in a word , that he omit nothing whereby their tender springing Vertue , may thrive and flourish . VII . The Power of Parents over their Children is limited . The power of Parents over their Children is bounded : For it is not lawful for them to kill the Birth of their own begetting in its Mothers Womb ; nor when it is Born , may they neglect , much less destroy it . For tho' their Children proceed from them , and be form'd out of their very Substance , yet are they born in the same condition as themselves , and are capable of being injur'd by their Parents . True it is , that of antient time , Parents had the Power of Life and Death allow'd them over their Children , that they might be the more encouraged to take care of them . But this absolute Power to chastise the Vices of their Manners , that it might not lash out too far , was restrained by Law ; It being taken for granted , that Children are not only born to the Parents , but to the Commonwealth ; wherefore l. 4. ff . de re milit . it is enacted , that whosoever in time of War , shall refuse to send his Son to serve the Common-wealth , or that shall any way maim him , that he may be uncapable to bear Arms , shall be banished . VIII . What are the Duties of Children . The Duties , or rather the Debts which Children owe to their Parents are : First , that they Honour them , with all possible Observance and Obedience , and with an awful Veneration submit themselves to them . For it is their Duty to acknowledge their Preeminence , and their Dominion over them ; from whence the Royal and Civil Power are originally derived . And this Honour is in a twofold manner exhibited unto them ; Inwardly , by the Affection and Esteem they have for them ; and Outwardly , by their Words in Speaking to , and of them with all Reverence and respect ; by Signs and Effects , as by rising up to them , serving them , staving off Harms , and procuring their Good and welfare ; by obeying their Commands , by submitting to their Will in all things , and by undertaking nothing without their Authority and Counsel . IX . Children are bound to maintain their indigent Parents . In the Second place , Children are bound to succour and relieve their Parents , if they be Poor and necessitous , as being Debtors to them . This is that which Nature teacheth , and which obtains amongst all Men , by the Law of Nations . It is an ancient Law , quoted by SENECA , Controvers . 1. Let Children maintain their Parents , or else be cast into Prison . Because Parents here on Earth , are instead of GOD to their Children , tho' they may labour under Adversity and Poverty . They are as Creditors , to whom tho' they be impious and contemners of the Laws , the Debt that is due to them must be paid notwithstanding . They are like so many Sovereign Princes , whose Actions and Counsels the Subjects may not pry into . And therefore Divines determin , that if a Man should meet with his Father and his Son in the same danger , and that he can only save one of them , he is bound to rescue his Father , rather than his Son. For to this he is bound by the tye of Blood , Reverence and Gratitude he owes to his Father ; since he may have another Son , but cannot have another Father . CHAP. XXXIV . Of the Duties of Masters and Servants . I. The Original of servitude . AFter that Men were multiplied by Generation , Servitude was introduced into the World , and they who were born free , were forc'd to own Superiors . For after that Dominion and Government , was come into the Hands of a few Men , many being compell'd by Poverty , or by the Dulness of their Intellectuals , did proffer their Labour and Service to great Men , upon condition of being maintained by them , and supply'd with necessaries . Afterwards by the occasion of Wars arising between several Nations , and the longest Sword carrying it , it so happened that they who were taken in War , were made Slaves to those who had conquered them . And therefore the Latin word Servus , which signifies a Slave or Servant , is derived from Servo , which signifies to Save , because they were such as in War , were saved alive by the General . § . 3. Just . de Jur. Person . II. How Christians become Servants . But this Custom is antiquated amongst Christians , and it is a received Law amongst them , that no Christians may be made Slaves . Tho' when Christians wage VVar against Infidels , and are taken by them , they make Slaves of them , because this is the Common Law of Nations ; and this Servitude is a kind of Permutation for the Death , to which it was in the power of the Infidels to make them submit . For tho' it be contrary to Nature , to enslave a Man that is born free ; yet it seems consentaneous to Naturalright , that he who rashly takes up Arms against one that is more powerful than himself , and will not hearken to Peace , being taken Captive by the Conqueror , should be obliged to serve him , and be subject to his Command . III. Two sorts of Servants The are 2 sorts of Servants ; the one , of those who contrary to the Law of Nature , are entirely at the VVill and dispose of a strange Lord or Master : Another are such , as let themselves to others for Hire , and give them their Labour for Recompence or Reward . IV. The mutual Duties of Masters and Servants . The Master is bound to pay to his Temporary Hired Servant , the VVages he hath agreed with him for , and be as good as his VVord to him ; as the Servant on the other hand is obliged to perform the VVork and Service he hath agreed to , and diligently effect whatsoever else he hath engaged himself to do . And forasmuch as in this their mutual Contract and Agreement , the condition of the Master is above the Servant , an Obligation ariseth thence in the VVorkman , to carry himself with all Reverence to his Master , according to the degree of Dignity , wherein he is placed above him . If he have not been faithful in performing , what he had engaged himself to do , or not diligent enough in his VVork , that he willingly submit himself to his Correction , to receive the reward of his Negligence or VVickedness . If a Servant either driven by necessity , or of his own accord , have put himself into any ones Service , his Master is bound to provide for him accordingly . Neither can the Ingratitude , or Obstinate humour of the Servant deliver him from his Obligation herein ; tho' for a Punishment of his Offence , he may diminish his allowance of Food , to chastize his negligence or sturdy humour . Yea if he should neglect the Commands laid upon him , and should refuse to go through the work he had undertaken , the Master may withold part of his Wages , which he had agreed with him for . V. A Master is bound to pay for his Servants . A Master is bound to make Good the Damage done by his Servants : Because the fault of his Servant is imputed to be his ; and according to the Lawyers , an Action may be had against the Master of the Bondslave , for any Damage Culpably committed by him : And accordingly the Master must either make good the Damage , or deliver his Slave to him who hath suffered the Damage . Thus the Master of a Ship is bound to make good the loss of it , in case it chance to miscarry in a Tempest , for want of a good Steersman . I added Culpably committed by him , because if the loss happen without his fault , neither the Servant nor Master are bound to make it good , except that it can be proved , that he is grown Richer by means of the said loss . VI. The care of Masters to wards their Servants . A Master must not suffer his Servants to be Saucy or Idle , and if he finds them remiss and negligent in their Work , he ought to reprove and chastise them . If they commit any Crime , he may punish them according to the quality of it , yet not over-cruelly . I call a too cruel Punishment , Maiming , Wounding , or such grievous beating whereby the Lif● of the Servant would be endanger'd , or at least the loss of one of his Members . It is only permitted therefore to a Master , to correct his Servant by a lighter sort of Punishments , as by beating him in such a manner , whence no hurt can redound to his Body . For seeing that Servants are subject to their Masters Chastisement● , they ought to submit to that Punishment , he thinks fit to inflict upon them . VII . Servants can enter into Covenants . Servants notwithstanding the tye they are under , yet can enter into Covenants or Contracts , so that by this means they may be under an Active , as well as passive Obligation . For tho' Servitude do restrain the Power of Servants , and almost deprives them of Civil Rights ; yet it leaves them in full possession of the Law of Nature , which by no means can be abrogated . And accordingly JUSTINIAN tells us , Inst . de Jur. Nat. Gent. & Civil . That Natural Laws which are equally observed by all Nations , are the constitutions of the Divine Providence , and as such do always continue firm and immutable . Whence it follows , that both Servants , and those with whom they have contracted , are in the Court of Conscience bound to the Observation of their Agreements , and the faithful performance of what they have engaged themselves to do . VIII . Servants cannot alienate the Goods of their Masters . Servants have no power to alienate their Masters Goods , no not so much as to give an Alms ; for seeing that no Administration of their Goods is committed to them , and that it is a piece of Injustice to relieve the Poverty of the Indigent out of the substance that belongs to another , it is clear that they cannot bestow any thing upon the Poor ; without it can be probably supposed , that they have their Masters consent for it ; or that the necessity of the Indigent be so extream , that it may seem to plead an excuse for the irregularity of the fact . IX . Servants are not bound to obey their Masters in any thing that is Evil . Servants are not bound to obey their Masters , in those things that are Evil in their own Nature , that is , which are contrary to the Laws of Nature or Nations , or to the Law of GOD , whatever advantage either themselves or their Masters might hope to reap from it . Because we are never to do any Evil that Good may come of it . Wherefore they who either by their command or advice , do intice their Servants or others to Evil , or that put an occasion of doing mischief into the Hands of others , to the end that they may get some advantage thereby , do greatly Sin in so doing , they making themselves guilty of the Crime , who persuade or command it . CHAP. XXXV . Of the Right of Sovereign Dominion , and the different forms thereof . I. When Sovereign Power had its rise . THE Right of Sovereign Dominion , besides what is Paternal , took its Beginning , when Men like Beasts , lived in the Fields , Woods and Caves of the Earth : for being wearied with this irregular kind , they began to think of entring into Societies , and voluntarily divesting themselves of their Liberty , committed themselves to the disposal of the whole Company , preferring the Judgment of the Community before their own . The Power being thus placed in the Hands of the Multitude , they took care for the particulars belonging to it , that the great and powerful might not oppress the weak and needy , and that all the Members of the Society might enjoy the same Freedom of Living . But forasmuch as in process of time , it was found very inconvenient , both as to the deliberating about , and deciding of Affairs , to gather the suffrages of the whole Multitude belonging to the Society ; they agreed that this Power should be setled on one Person only , or on a few . Whence a threefold form of Government took its Rise ; so that now , as TACITUS expresseth it , all Nations and Cities are Governed by the People , or the Great and Chief Men , or by Sovereigns ; so that the Supream Power is sometimes in the Hands of a single Person , or of a few , or in the Hands of the Body of the People . Book . 1. Part. 10. Chap. ● Lens . Inv. I. Kip Sculp To his Sacred Majestic William by the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France , and Jreland , Defendor of the Faith &c. a. This Plate in all humility is most humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome When the Sovereign Command is in a single Person , this is call'd Monarchy , because he Governs the whole People , and himself is commanded by none ; as the Kingdom of France , Spain , &c. When the Supream Power is lodg'd in a Council of a few select Citizens , this is call'd Aristocracy ; such as obtains in the Commonwealth of the Venetians . And lastly , When the Command is in the Hands of the whole Body of the People , it is called Democracy , or a Popular Government ; such as is in Holland . Every one of these Forms of Government , hath its own Peculiar and Fundamental Law , which it more particularly insists upon ; Democracy , that of Liberty ; Aristocracy , Security and defence from the Common People and Tyrant ; and Monarchy , Sovereign Power , employ'd for the safeguard of the Publick Good. III. The Worthiness of Monarchy . Monarchy therefore is , when the Supream Power is lodg'd in one Person , on whom all the rest do depend . Altho' this Form of Government may agree with the other two , yet doth it excel them both , as possessing more Advantages than either of them . For Monarchy hath this Peculiar to it self , that it is more free in the Exercise of its Power , and can deliberate and determine without any set Time or Places , it being at the Kings Liberty to Deliberate or Determine at any time , or in any part of his Kingdom . Moreover it is obvious , that in Kingly Government , Counsels are carried on , as well as resolved , with greater Secrecy ; Executed more readily ; Factions and Seditions more easily prevented and crush'd ; and Safety and Liberty , which the other Forms of Government so much affect , doth more abound , and is more lasting than in the two other Forms . IV. In it all things are better administred . If there be any Deliberation concerning the Peace , Union , and the Highest Good and Interest of the People , the Power concentred in One , will be able better and more readily to effect it , than the resemblance only of this Unity in many can possibly do it . Besides , that Form of Government must needs be the best , which most resembles the Eternal and Undivided Government and Empire of Almighty GOD : As also , because he whose Command continues as long as his Life , doth thereby become perfect in the Art of Ruling , and looks upon the whole Body of the People as his own Family , and embraceth and cherisheth them with a Paternal affection and tendermess . V. What a Tyrant is . The opposite of such a Prince as we have now described , is a Tyrant , who either gets into the Throne contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom ; or , who being lawfully advanc'd to it , doth only mind his own private Good , and fills the Society with Dread , Poverty , and Calamity . He who , contrary to Law , aspires to the Sovereign Dignity , and leaves nothing unattempted to obtain the Kingdom he has in his Eye : He who by the Massacres and Destruction of the People , the Proscription of the Grandees , and the taking away of their Lives , makes his way to the Throne ; without being asham'd of oppressing and grinding the People , or of destroying the Innocent , so he may but obtain what he hopes for . For Monarchy is not always such as it ought to be , but by the Vices of wicked Princes , is often turned into Tyranny . But certainly , the State of a Tyrant , whatever he may think of himself , is very miserable , who dreads those whom he oppresseth , and flees those whom he persecutes , the Fear he puts his Subjects into , recoyling back upon himself . Seeing , that as SENECA saith , it is unavoidable , but that He whom many fear , must fear many . VI. The Defects of Aristocracy . Neither is Aristocracy subject to less Inconveniences than Monarchy ; whilst Wicked Men out of an ambitious desire of Rule , do by unjust Means endeavour to get into the Senate ; following that Maxim , If Right be to be violated , let it be done for the obtaining of Rule and Government . Whilst by the Prevalency of a Faction , unworthy Persons are Elected , and Vertue and Desert postpon'd : Whilst those few that have the Power in their own Hands , do only mind the enriching and aggrandizing of themselves , and without being solicitous for the Good of the Subject , do treat them no otherwise , than if they were their Slaves . VII . The Inconveniences of Democracy . Neither is Democracy subject to less dangerous Distempers ; as when the People in whom the Power is lodg'd , manages the Government in a turbulent and tumultuary manner ; when the more Rich and Powerful part of the People , do oppress and devour the lesser Fry , contemn the Magistrate , violently seize the Goods of others , without having the least regard to those that are Good and Innocent : When they make Laws from an itching desire of Novelty , and soon after as inconsiderately annul them again : When they Enact and Decree that one day , which they abrogate the next ; and exauctotate , what but a while ago so highly pleased them : Or , when Men unfit and of no Capacity , are raised to the highest Charges : And , when Men of an insolent and insulting Temper , do pronounce unjust Sentences , and enact burthensom Decrees , and afterward maintain and execute them by unjust Rigour . CHAP. XXXVI . Of the Duties of Sovereign Princes . I. Knowledge of Affairs is necessary to a Prince . IT is very much for the Interest of the Common-wealth , that He who either by Nature or Chance is destinated to the Government and defence of Society , should not only excel others in Vertue , but also in Knowledge of Business , especially of those which appertain to his Function . For how shall a Man be able to perform that he doth not understand ? Or prescribe Laws to them , whose Temper and Inclinations he is not at all acquainted with ? Wherefore it ought to be his great concern to mind this only , and contemning his Pleasure and Divertisments , to exercise himself in those things which conduce to this end . II. The great aim and design of a Prince , must be the Publick Good. The first thing therefore that is to be minded by him that has the Sovereign Power , is , that the same has not been committed to him for his own sake alone , but for the Publick Good. For as the great End , as CICERO tells us , of the Master of a Ship , is a prosperous Voyage ; that of a Physician , the Recovery of his Patient ; that of a General , Victory : So the End of a Governour , i● the happiness and welfare of the whole Community , that so his Subjects may abound with Riches , be expert at their Arms , Renowned abroad , and Vertuous at Home . III. Vertue and Wisdom is requisite in a Prince . A King will the more readily obtain this End , if he endeavour to excel all others in Vertue and Wisdom , as he is above them in Place and Dignity . For seeing that the whole World are apt to imitate the Manners of their Prince , and his Vertues or Vices , are commonly the Copies his Subjects write after ; it is his greatest Interest to pursue Vertue , and lead a Good Life , that he may not be the Cause of Corrupting his Subjects , and encouraging them to Sin and Wickedness . Besides , how will a Prince ever be able to keep up his Authority and Dignity , if he be accounted Flagitious and Vicious ? Or with what Face will he be able to prescribe Laws of Temperance to others , who lives in the continual breach of the Laws he prescribes ? IV. Piety , Justice , Valour and Clemency , are the necessary Vertues of a Prince . Of all Vertues , none is more necessary to a Prince , than that of Piety , to the end he may obtain of the Great GOD , by whom Princes Rule , Ability and Wisdom for the bearing of the Great Burthen that lies upon him ; as well as that by means thereof , he may more powerfully engage to himself the Hearts of his Subjects , by their being persuaded , that he must needs be the peculiar Care of that GOD , whom he serves with so much Religion and Devotion . He must likewise be adorned with Justice , that he may Administer the Affairs of his Kingdom with Equity , Punish the Wicked , Reward those , who by their good Services have defended or promoted the Interest or Glory of the Commonwealth , and with a constant and unchangeable Will , give to every one his due . He must also be qualified with Valour and Clemency , that by the one he may keep Ill-men to their Duty , and by Fear restrain those who are apt to be Factious and Seditious , and to disturb the Peace of the Commonwealth : And that by the other , he may be ready to Forgive , and gain the Hearts of his Subjects by his Goodness and Benignity . Liberality also is a Vertue that well becomes a Prince , as being of use to him , not only for the obliging and rewarding of his Good Subjects ; but also to acquire the Reputation of Bountiful , which is so generally taking , and so highly esteem'd amongst Men. But yet a Prince must be prudent in the Exercise of this Vertue , so as to make choice of Worthy Persons , on whom to bestow his Munificence , lest by gratifying Base and Undeserving Men , he stir up Envy and Hatred in the Hearts of his Subjects , and expose himself to their Reproaches and Contempt . In a word , There is no Vertue which is not necessary for him , who is plac'd on high to be an Example to others , and whose private Sins , by their spreading Contagion , come to be Epidemical Vices of the whole Commonwealth . For who stands in greater need of Prudence , than he whose Function it is to deliberate concerning things of the highest moment ? Who hath occasion for a more unchangeable Truth and Faithfulness to his Word , than he , who is greater than the Laws ? Who ought to be so qualified with a more resolved Constancy , than he who is entrusted with the Concerns and Welfare of all ? Who wants a higher degree of Continence , than a Person to whom every thing is subject ? Or whom doth Vertue become better than him , who hath all Men to be his Spectators and Witnesses ? V. A Prince ought to be well acquainted with the Nature of his Kingdom . Another Duty of a Prince is , that he be well acquainted with the Temper and State of his Kingdom and Cities : Because the way of Governing is not every where alike , and according to the different Condition of Kingdoms , different Laws are to be Enacted accordingly . In the First place therefore , he ought to know what are the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom ; whether the Government , to which he is elevated , be purely Monarchical ; or whether it have an allay of Aristocracy and Democracy ? What part the Nobles have of the Government , and what the Commons ? And in the next place he ought to know the Largeness of his Kingdom , the Situation , Commerce , and Strength of it : Who are the Neighbours that bound upon his Kingdom , and what Profit or Inconvenience may accrue to him from their mutual Friendship or Discord . VI. As also with what passeth in Foreign Countries . A Prince also ought to be well informed concerning what passeth in Forein Countries , that he may be the more ready to counterwork and oppose their Designs , to the prejudice of his State. For seeing that Civil Societies are as in a perpetual State of War and Hostility , and that in this State Men are not obliged to keep their Treaties : When one of the Parties gives occasion to the other , to distrust his Faithfulness ; it is highly necessary , that a Sovereign have good Intelligence concerning the Enterprizes and Designs of Strangers against his State , to the end , that if he find they intend to break their Treaties with him , he may not think himself obliged to keep his . And so to be always ready , either for Peace or War. VII . A Prince stands in need of Faithful Counsell or It is a great Argument of the Prince's Prudence , to make choice of Wise Counsellors , Men Eminent for their Honesty , Great Experience , Faithfulness and Prudence . He must also take care , that he be not offended with Truth , if any thing be spoke or advis'd by them contrary to his Mind ; but let him embrace and encourage Sincerity , and contemn and hate Flattery wheresoever he meets with it . VIII . Must have an Eye to the Administration of his Chief Ministers and Great Officers . He ought also to take great heed , that his Officers and Lieutenants keep within the bounds of their Duty , and that they may not be injurious to any . That those who are the Governours of Cities and Provinces , do not enrich themselves by oppressing of the Subjects : That the Chief Commanders of his Army , keep their Souldiers within the bounds of due Discipline , not suffering them to violate the Martial Laws without present Punishment : That the Judges exercise Justice , and render to every one what belongs to them . Of all which things , I have handled at large in my Treatise of the Best Government , to which I refer my Reader . IX . The Duties of a Prince in time of Peace , is to take Care of Religion But forasmuch as the Duties of a Prince do relate either to a Time of Peace or War , we must also treat of them in particular . His first Duty therefore in Times of Peace is , that he take care to promote the Honour of GOD , and encourage Religion and Godliness , and suffer no Innovation in Matters of Worship . By which means he will have GOD to favour him in all his Undertakings , and will engage his Subjects to have a great Esteem and Veneration for him . X. To encourage Arts. In the Second place , he ought to be careful in encouraging and promoting all Arts ; not only those which are surnamed Liberal or Ingenuous , and which are of great Advantage and Honour to the Government ; but others also , which we call Mechanical , and especially those that are of greatest use to the Commonwealth , and bring the greatest Profit and Riches to the Kingdom ; as are those of Agriculture and Navigation , whereof the former furnisheth his Subjects with the Necessaries of Life ; and the latter carries on Trade with Foreign Nations , and is a means of enlarging his Dominions , and bringing Treasure to his Coffers . And what is more , He that is Master of the Sea , may in some sense , be said to be Master of the Land also . XI . To keep and perform his Treaties faithfully and punctually . Thirdly , A Monarch must be careful to observe the Peace , and other Treaties he hath made with other Nations , so as never to suffer the same to be violated . For nothing is more shameful or hazardous to a Sovereign , than to break his Word ; because by this means he teacheth his Subjects , upon occasion , to serve him after the same manner , and to revolt from him . XII . To have an Army always in a readiness . Fourthly , He must make it his business to be always provided of a good Army , to prevent the Faction of any of his Nobles ; or to suppress the Conspiracies or Rising of any other of his Subjects . I understand by Faction , a Company of Seditious Persons , which have united themselves for the carrying on of some design , without the permission of him who governs the State. XIII . To curb all Ambitious and Aspiring Spirits . He must also be mindful to curb and restrain Ambitious persons , and such who have a disposition to Rebel , and to put the State in confusion . For seeing that there are in all Governments , Persons who suppose themselves more wise and able to manage the Publick Affairs , than those who are charged with them , they will not be wanting by all manner of ways to defame and reproach their Conduct ; and not finding their Ambitious desires satisfied in the present state of Affairs , would be ready to overthrow the Settlement , if the Prince were not always in a readiness to oppose and crush their Designs . XIV . To restrain Factions . Fifthly , In case it happen so , that he be not in a condition , to break the grown Faction in his Kingdom , that then he make use of Men esteemed for their Piety and Worth , before that he have recourse to Arms , that by their Authority and Favour they may appease the Minds of these Mutineers , and bring them to Reason . And in case they are stubborn , and will not acquiesce in their Reasons , no● give ear to their Exhortations , that then he resolve to vindicate the Contempt of his Authority by force of Arms , and to crush the Rebellion in the Egg , lest being grown strong , it prove troublesom to him , and render the Sore incurable . To this end it will be very conducive , if the Sovereign take care , by all means , that his Subjects may be eminent for Vertue , and abound with Riches , and be plentifully stored with all the Conveniences and Necessaries of Life , but yet without Excess . For as Physicians tell us , that Diseases are caused by Intemperance or Excess in Eating or Drinking : So the Corruption of Manners , the Contempt of the Laws , and the Insolence of the People , is often caused by the too great affluence of Riches ; except the Prince takes care to prevent it , by engaging the Rich to contribute liberally to the Necessities of the Poor , and by the abundance of their Wealth , relieve the Wants of their Indigent Neighbours . XV. What are the Duties of a Prince in reference to War. But because the Sovereign Majesty , as JUSTINIAN saith , must not only be armed with the Laws , but also fenced with Arms , that he may be in a condition to govern his Kingdom successfully in times of War , as well as Peace ; he is to take care , that he do not engage himself in any War rashly , nor indeed without urgent Necessity . As a Physician , who hath no recourse to actual Cauteries or Amputation , till he hath in vain attempted all other Means : Whether therefore a Prince design to engage himself in an Offensive War against any , or that he resolves only to be on the Defensive , he ought to make an exact estimate of his Force , and duly consider whether he be in a condition to execute the Exploit he intends , or to resist the Force of him that attacks his State. For if he find himself too weak for his Adversary , it will be great Imprudence for him to attack his Enemy , lest by being worsted , he give an occasion to his Adversary to Invade that rightfully , which before he could not do without great Injustice . Wherefore in this case , it will be his Wisdom by Mediation , to prevent the Invasion of his Enemies , and chuse rather to lose something of his Right , than to hazard the Loss of his whole Kingdom . For Right Reason teacheth a Man , to seek for Peace by all possible means , and that he never ought to prepare for War , till he find that there is no hopes of obtaining a Just and Honosurable Peace . But on the other hand , when a Prince , after extream Provocations , hath taken up Arms , and driven the Invader out of his own Kingdom , let him enter that of his Enemy , and endeavour to make them repent of their Folly , and bring them to Reason : But yet so , as that he may do nothing contrary to the Requirings of Religion and Reason . XVI . What a Prince is to do after Victory . After that he hath gotten the Victory , let him take care to spare the Innocent , and those who have not shewed themselves Inhuman and Cruel in the VVars . It is the part of a Man of Valour , saith TULLY , to look upon them as Enemies who contend for the Victory , but to consider those that are Conquer'd , as Men ; to the end that Valour may put an end to VVar ; and Humanity , on the other hand cherish and promote Peace . Whereas , on the contrary , it is perfect madness to destroy those Things or Persons , that do not diminish the strength of the Enemy , nor increase that of the Conquerour : For he who thus inconsiderately and barbarously wastes all before him , doth not look upon the things he destroys to be his own , but to belong to another . CHAP. XXXVII . Of the Duties of Citizens . I. Whence Cities had their Rise . MAN is so great a Lover of Society , and doth so much delight in the Company of such as are like him , that he can scarcely frame himself to live alone . But forasmuch as Society cannot be long preserved without Peace ; and Peace is the Fruit of Union , and Union supposeth Order ; Order , Distinction ; Distinction , Dependance ; and Dependance , Authority : Hence it came to pass , that Men came together , and first lesser Societies and afterwards greater were formed which gave name to Cities . II. The Duties of Citizens are either General or Special . The Duties of a Citizen may be reduc'd to two kinds , viz. General , or Particular . The former of these , take their rise from the common Obligation , by which they are obnoxious to the Civil Government : But the latter proceed from the particular Duty , to the performance whereof every one is bound , according to the calling he is in , or the Function impos'd upon him . The General Duty of Citizens respects either the Magistrate , that is , the Governours or Rulers of the City ; or the Body of the City , that is , the Members thereof . III. It is the Duty of Citizens to Honour the Magistrate . A Citizen is bound not only to obey the Magistrate , but also to be faithful to them , and shew all Honour and Reverence . For it is but reasonable and becoming that he should express his Respect to those , whom he knows do excel him in Dignity . Since Dignity took its name from the latin word Dignus , because they were thought worthy to bear Rule over others , and to take care of the Government . And accordingly it is very agreeable to reason , that those who are subject to their Command , being content with their condition , be Enemies to all novelties or innovations in the State , and acquiesce in their Decrees , rather than in those of any other . That they put a good interpretation upon all their Actions , and be not too curious searchers into their Lives and Actions , but in all things willingly submit to their Commands . IV. The Duty of a Citizen with respect to the whole City . A Citizen peforms the Duty he ows to the whole City , whil'st he prefers the Weal and welfare of it , before his own , and desires nothing more , than that it may enjoy full Safety and undisturb'd Happiness . Whilst he chearfully contributes his Wealth and Fortune for the preservation of it ; being ready to expose his Life to mortal dangers for the Defence of it , and to hazard a Part for the Preservation of the Whole . Whilst he omits nothing , that may serve to advance the Glory and Honour of it , and lays out all the Strength of his Soul and Body , to render it Illustrious and Magnificent . V. How he satisfies his Duty towards his Fellow Citizens . A Citizen dischargeth his Duty towards his Fellow-Citizens , whilst he behaves himself Kind and Benevolent to all , and makes it his business , to maintain and preserve the exercise of Peace , and mutual good Offices between them . Whilst he shews himself Affable and Courteous to all , and difficult to no body , being always ready to succour , help and assist them , whenever any occasion presents it self , or Necessity requires it . For seeing that the Laws of Cities are design'd and intended for the common Good and advantage , every one promotes his own Interest , whilst he endeavours that of the Publick , and takes the ready way to procure his own welfare and Prosperity , whilst he lays out himself for that of the Commonwealth ▪ and every particular Member of it . Wherefore he doth not torment himself , to see the more splendid Fortunes his Fellow-Citizens enjoy , nor the high degree of Dignity to which they are exalted ▪ nor that affluence of Riches wherewith they abound : But remembring himself to be a Member of the City , considers all that to be his own , which he sees the rest of his Fellow-Citizens enjoy . VI. The special Duties of a Citizen . The Special Duties are such as belong to every particular Citizen , or are peculiar to some only . As to the first of these , it is a Duty incumbent upon all , that no Citizen take upon him any Publick Office , or stand for it , but what he is fit for , and able to discharge . For what Man , that is altogether ignorant of Chirurgery , will be so mad as to undertake those Operations , whereon the Life of other Men depend ? Or where is he , that being altogether ignorant in the Art of Navigation , will undertake to carry a Ship to the East-Indies ? But the place is offered me , without any of my own seeking . What then , is it to be supposed that others are better acquainted with my abilities than I my self am ? A Blind Man will never be able to guid and lead the Blind , and he who by his presumption , makes himself the cause of the hurt and damage of the whole Society , draws the Guilt of the Publick Ruin upon himself . VII . The Duty of Counsellours . Counsellours , and those who with their advice assist the Rulers of the City , ought to use their utmost diligence , that nothing may be hid from them , that is conducive to the Good and welfare of the City . They must freely and boldly declare , what they know to be necessary for the safety and flourishing condition of it ; but without being byast by any corrupt Affections , and without being dazled with the Fortune and Dignity , mind only the persons of those they speak to , lest by flattering their Rulers they make themselves vile and contemptible , and by being led aside by their depraved Affections , they dishonour and abuse the Majesty of their Function , and poison and taint the Minds of their Governours . Let them solicitously keep themselves from being corrupted by Gifts and Bribes , and shew themselves upon all occasions , as impenetrable and immoveable as a Wall of Brass , against all the Attacks of the most powerful and insinuating dint of Mony. Let them also be the greatest contemners of Pleasure , and being wholly intent on the good and advantage of the Common-wealth , prefer the safety and interest thereof , before any of their private concerns . VIII . The Duties of Priests or Ministers . Those persons who are dedicated to the Service of GOD and his Worship , must above all things take care to lead an Innocent and Holy Life , and converse amongst their Parishioners with all Gravity , always mindful of the Character they are invested with , and that they are taken from amongst Men , to transact their concerns with GOD ; to be as it were Intercessors with GOD , and Mediators to interpose between Men and the Divine Wrath : That they be careful to avoid all novel Doctrins , and never deliver any thing to the People that is contrary to sound Doctrin , and primitive Christianity . IX . The Duty of Professors . Professors , whose Duty it is to teach and instruct others , must take care that their informations be built on good and sound Principles , and that with their utmost endeavours they avoid Falsehood and Errors . Let them also decline the Perverse Humors of some , who pretending to be free , and engaged to no Mans Opinion , are ready to teach and defend the most opposit Opinions , and to blow Hot and Cold from the same Mouth . They must also be very cautious , that they broach no Opi●ions that are inconsistent with the Peace of Society , or that may occasion any difference betwixt the Citizens . Let them also shun all discord amongst themselves ; and consider that they go the ready way to expose the Respect due to their Function , by being divided in their Sentiments , and sowing the Seeds of dissension and Discord in those places , which should be the seminaries of Vertue and ingenious Literature . Besides , what credit can be given to their informations , if all that they teach be no better than Problems , and where the Affirmative and Negative are equally made void ? Wherefore , it is their Duty to neglect all those Doctrins and Opinions , which are of no use or advantage to the Commonwealth , and derogate from the honour due to their Profession . X. The Duty of Generals or Commanders of Armies . Generals , who are entrusted with the Command of the Forces of the State , ought to take care that the Souldiers that are listed be strong and vigorous , both as to their Age and Constitution , and must provide for their being well exercised and versed in Military Discipline , and to harden them to all Warlike Labours and Difficulties . As likewise to fu●nish them with Arm● , Offensive ▪ and Defensive ; and a●ove all things provide sufficien● Magazines , and Stores of Provision and Ammunition , that their Designs may not miscarry for want of these necessaries . They must also have Spies at hand , to discover the condition and designs of the Enemy , and by this means be able to choose fit ●●●●sions to set upon them , or intercept their Recruits or Provisions . They must also have an Eye , that their Souldiers be not defrauded of their Pay , by the extorsion of the under Officers , for otherwise they will never be able to restrain them from Plundering and Robbing , nor to keep them from Tumultuous Insurrections . XI . The Duty of Souldiers . The Duty of Souldiers , on the other hand is , that they be content with their P●y , and ab●tain from Plandering and Spoiling , or vexatious oppressing of the Country People , with whom they are Quartered . That they willingly endure the trouble and wearisomness of Marches , and the Labours of the Camp , considering that they do all this for the good and safety of the Publick , wherein their own is included . That they take heed of running Rashly and Headlong into dangers ; as well as of Cowardly declining them , when they are called to face them ; that they never stir from the Post assigned to them , for the greatest danger , and rather choose to dye Honourably , than to live reproached . XII . The Duty of Ambassadors . They who are sent to Negotiate the concerns of the State to Forein Courts , must be persons of a quick Wit , and very Circumspect ; not easily giving credit to Rumors , but being able by their Sagacity to discern vain and false Reports , from true and solid ; neglecting the talk of the Common People , and above all things , taking great heed not to discover any thing , which it is their Masters interest should be kept Secret. Whilst they are in Forein Courts , let them never lend an easy Ear to the Suggestions of great Men , and be impenetrable by any thing of Bribe or Corruption . XIII . The Duty of Receivers and Treasurers . They who are the Receivers and Treasurers of the Publick Monies , must take heed of oppressing the Subject in their gathering of it ; must not be too exact and rigorous in the le●ying ▪ or by their Ava●●ce exto●● more from their Fel●●●● Citizens , than is their due to pay . When by the Authority of their Superior , they are charged to pay any Sum , that they do it readily , without putting the Expectants to any expence of Time or Mony , before they can receive it : And never defer the payment of any Salary 〈◊〉 Re●ard , tho' to their greatest Enemies , after they have received orders for it . XIV . How long Citizens are under the Obligation of these Special Duties . All these Special Duties Citizens are obliged to perform , as long as they continue in the exercise of those Functions , to which they are annext , and from whence they proceed ; and cease upon their discontinuance , viz. when either the Officer i● put out of his place ▪ or resigns it ▪ or that the Charge it self be discontinued , as be●ng thought no longer necessary . In like manner the General Duty of Citizen ceaseth , when leaving the City , and setling elsewhere , he ceaseth to be a Member of it : O● when for some Crime a p●●son is ●●nis●●t from the Society ; or when bein● taken P●●son●r by a Conquer●● , he i● carried away to a strange Country . ☞ Fol. 177. for Chap. XXVI . Read XXIV . The End of the Institution . THE SECOND PART , VIZ. The History of Nature : IN NINE PARTS . Which Illustrates the INSTITUTION , And consists of great Variety of EXPERIMENTS , Explained by the fame PRINCIPLES . TO THE Most Noble Princess , Frances Teresa Stuart , Dutchess Dowager of Richmond and Lenox , Countess of March , Litchfield and Darnley ; Baroness of Leighton , Bromswold , Newbury , Torbolton and Metheuen : Lady Abigny , and Grandessa of Spain , &c. Descended of the Most Illustrious and Ancient Family of Stuart , and House of Blantyre in the Kingdom of Scotland . Madam , 'T IS the Custom in EPISTLES DEDICATORY to make large Encomiums in Praise of their Patron or Patroness ; I have as Spacious a Field to walk in , and as much to say in your due Praise as any one ; But having found that all such Addresses ( by your Generous Soul ) are stiled Flattery , and declared displeasing to You , I dare not more attempt it : Only Madam , give me leave to acknowledge the many Favours I have received by your Encouragement of my former Books ; and in acknowledgment thereof , I have taken the boldness to select Your Grace the Patroness of this Treatise of the HISTORY of NATURE , and shall be proud of the Honour to have permission to lay it at Your Graces Feet , and to be stiled , Madam , The Humblest of Your Graces Servants , RICHARD BLOME . To the Illustrious Princess Frances Teresa Stuart Dutchess Dowager of Richmond and Lenox &c. a. This Plate & Treatise of the History of Nature is most humbly Dedicated 〈…〉 G. Freman Inv. I. Kip Sculp . The First Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF BODIES . CHAP. I. Of a Body Extended . I. The Existence of Bodies is evident to our Senses . THO' our Senses are often mistaken , and being deluded by false Representations , do circumvent our Mind ; yet have we no safer way by which we may arrive to the Knowledge of Corporeal things , than when with their assistance we measure their Dimensions , and by Signs conveyed through our Eyes , discover their Existence : For it is by their Advertisements we come to know , that Matter consists of 3 Dimensions ; and that the Parts of it are capable of various motions , have different Forms , and do diversly affect the Organs of our Senses . For tho' , it may be , what is presented to our Eye , be only such in outward Appearance , and be represented to us quite otherwise than indeed it is ; yet must not we therefore suppose it to be no more than a Phantasm , or some vanishing Appearance , and such as is not to be ranked in the Catalogue of Things ; seeing it is necessary that something that is Bodily , must lye hid under that shell or outward Appearance , and which really is the basis and foundation of the Figure we see ; tho' because of its distance , or for other Reasons , it may not be perceived such as indeed it is , but takes to it self another Appearance , that it may arrive at the Organs of our Senses . II. The Senses are not deceived , as to the Matter or Subject of things . There is no question , but that he to whom a Square Tower , viewed at a distance , appears to be Round , hath something that is Material or Substantial conveyed unto his Organ ; since it is impossible that either a Square or Round Figure should be seen , without any thing to support it , or that might be the Subject of it ; it being a plain Contradiction , that a Mode should be taken from Matter , and exist without it : For indeed if we well consider the Nature of a Mode , we shall find that it cannot so much as be in our Thought conceiv'd as separated from it . For tho' we can have a clear perception of Substance , whether Material or Immaterial , without their Modes ; yet by no means can we conceive those Modes , without the said Substances , since it is their very Nature to affect and diversifie Substances . III. The Opinion of the Ancients about the Nature of a Body . Wherefore the Ancient Philosophers did demonstrate , that a Body consists of a concurrence of Figure , Magnitude and Resistance ; because they found nothing but Matter was extended in Length , Depth and Breadth ; nor any other thing besides it , that could not abide its like in the same place with it , but pusheth it thence , and excludes Penetration . For herein do Material Substances differ from Spiritual , because the former fall under our Senses , carry a bulk with them , and are subject to the Touch. By the word Touch , we do not only understand the Sense so called , which is peculiar to Animals , and whereby they feel External Bodies ; but that more general , whereby 2 Bodies touch one another with their Surfaces , and whereby they are intimately close to one another . For it is the property of Material things only , to touch and be touched , and to be joyned together by a kind of middle Term ; which is so evident , that it cannot be question'd by any that either make use of their Imagination , or perceive any thing by the Senses : As LUCRETIUS in his First Book tells us , That Bodies are , we all from Sense receive , Whose Notice , if in this we disbelieve , On what can Reason fix , on what rely ? What Rule the Truth of her Deductions try , In greater Secrets of Philosophy ? IV. How a Spirit is said to be extended . But some it may be will object here , that a Spirit also is Extended , and yet is is excluded from participating of the Nature of a Body . To which I Answer , That when a Spirit is said to be extended , this is not to be understood according to the threefold dimension of Bodies , which we imagine ; but with respect to its Power and Energy , whereby a Spirit diffuseth its active Force , sometimes through a larger , and at other times through a lesser part of the Bodily Substance ; so that in case there was no Body or Space , a Spirit could never be understood to be extended , that is , to have , or correspond with any dimensions . V. Whether there be any Vacuit●●s in Bodies . The only difficulty that remains to be resolved , is , whether besides the Bodies , whose Nature , we have said , doth consist in Extension , there be any Vacuity in Nature , destitute of all ▪ Matter , which yet enjoys the properties of Longitude , Latitude and Profundity . GASSENDUS , who hath madc it his business to restore the Doctrin of EPICURUS , and hath made himself Famous by raking these Emptinesses out of the Darkness , wherein they had for many Ages been buried , in his Animadversions upon the Tenth Book of LAERTIUS , concerning EPICURUS his Physiology , doth both by Reasons and Experiments endeavour to prove , that there are empty Spaces in the World ; which tho' they do not actually contain any Body , yet are so dispersed amongst Bodies , as to be ready to admit Bodies and contain them . Much after the same manner , as a Vessel is said to be Empty , when it is destitute of any Liquor , which yet it is capable of receiving . For if this Liquor chance to be emptied out of the Vessel , the inward Surface of the Vessel , which before contained the Liquor , must needs remain empty ; except some other foreign Matter come in to fill up its sides , and be commensurate to the Dimensions of the Body that fill'd it before . He confirms his Opinion by the Example of a Heap of Wheat , betwixt the grains whereof many little spaces intervene , which are not taken up by them , forasmuch as their Surfaces appear to the Eye , to be distant from each other , it being impossible they should lye so close together , but that they must leave some Intervals destitute of any Bodily Substance . VI. A Physical , and a Mathematical Body do not differ . But GASSENDUS doth not seem , in this his Assertion , to have warily enough consider'd the Nature of a Body , which doth not only consist in a Physical or Natural , but also in a Mathematical Extension ; and which is of that intimacy to it , that it cannot so much as in Thought be separated from it . So that Extension is Reciprocal with a Body ; and as there is no Body which doth not consist in Length , Breadth and Depth ; so there is nothing commensurate to those 3 Dimensions , but hath also the Nature of a Body . VII . The Distance that is between Bodies , or the parts of a Body , do not prove a Vacuum . But some will say , We find little Spaces betwixt the particles of Bodies , which because of the diversity of their Sides cannot be filled up by them . I grant it ; but will it follow from thence , that those Intervals or Spaces must therefore be Empty , or destitute of any Bodily matter ? For why may they not be fill'd with Air , or some other Matter more subtil than it ? For if the said Parts be distant from each other , and take up different places , how can they be conceived to be distant , or truly said to be so , by means of an Empty interval ? Seeing that according to that Saying amongst Naturalists , Something must always intervene between those things that are distant . For , seeing that Distance , which cannot be found but between things more than one , is a kind of Relation ; and that every such must have a Foundation , it is necessary that the said Relation rest on a real ground or basis : Forasmuch as a Non-entity hath neither Affections nor Operations ; and consequently , that which is Nothing can never constitute the Distance of Bodies . VIII . Possible Repletion is not sufficient to constitute Distance . Neither must we assert with some , that Distance is founded in the Bodies themselves , that are distanc'd from each other , and that Possible Repletion is sufficient to constitute it . For from this Supposition we might lawfully infer , that they are at a Distance from one another , which way soever they are posited or disposed , seeing that the same Foundations do still remain , whether they be distant , or touch one another . Wherefore Distance must be assigned to something that is different from the Bodies themselves ; which seeing it cannot be Immaterial , for that it is unextended , we must have recourse to something Corporeal that must be the Cause of it . IX . Extension is that which constitutes Material Substance . I know very well , that some Philosophers do not approve of our assigning triple Dimension to be a Substance ; they looking upon it to be no more than a Mode , or Accident . For who doth not consider the Extension of a Stick , to be only a Mode of it , and that the Stick is the Subject or Substance which supports it ? But it will be easie to shew , that this Error is only deriv'd from our common way of expressing our selves ; and that it is every whit as absur'd to assert it , as if a Man , hearing some speak of the Royal Palace , should imagine these 2 words to mean 2 things , and that one of them was a Mode of the other , But to the end , that all the difficulty we meet with in this business may be cleared out of the way , we shall only take notice , that such is the Nature of a Substance , that it can exist without a Mode ; whereas a Mode , on the contrary , doth so depend upon Substance , that it cannot exist without it . Now it is apparent , that the Extension in a Stick , can be without a Stick , seeing that there are many Bodies that have not the Form of a Stick , which notwithstanding have Extension ; but there can be no Stick , which is not extended . And therefore it is so far from this , that Extension can be said to be the mode of a Stick ; that we must rather conclude , that Extension deserves the Name of Substance , and that the Being of a Stick is only the Mode of it . X. Nothing that is Indivisible can be conceived to be in a Body . Hence it is apparent how foolishly they Talk , who consider Mathematical Points in an Extended Substance , and will needs have the divisibility of it to be bounded by an indivisible Term or Boundary . For if in any Line , by division we come to the last Indivisible ; that being once taken away , if you divide the other Parts after the same manner , you will at last come to the like indivisible or unextended Terms ; and afterwards having made a like division of all the rest , you will find nothing else in this extended Line , but Indivisible or Mathematical Points : Which is not only contrary to Reason , but also destroys the Notion we frame of Extended Beings . XI . An Objection of the Epicureans . But the Epicureans will Object , That the last Resolution of Natural Compounds , is into the least Natural Bodies or Atoms ; for that otherwise every Body would be divisible into Infinite , which they suppose to be an Absurdity . For that every thing which is Divisible , can only be divided into those Parts , which are actually in it ; and consequently , that if Bodies be infinitely divisible , they must have actually infinite Parts : And so all Bodies will be actually infinite in their Extension , which no Man in his Wits will undertake to assert . Book . 2. Part. 1. Chap. 1 G ▪ Freman ▪ I● I. Kip. Sculp ▪ To the Right Reverend Father in God Thomas Lord Bishop of Rochester , Deane of Westminster &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . XII . A Physical Atom , or least Body , is divisible , because it consists of Parts . I intend to give a full Answer to this Objection , in the Fourth Chapter ; but shall here demand of these Defenders of EPICURUS , whether an Atom , which they contend is Indivisible , have any parts ; or whether it be destitute of all parts , and consequently of Extension ? If they affirm the latter , then their Atom doth not differ from a Mathematical Atom . If they affirm the former ( for it cannot be denied , seeing that every Atom is endued with triple Dimension , and hath its particular Figure ) it is obvious to enquire , whether the parts of an Atom consist of other less parts , and so on to Infinity ; or whether at last we must come to the least parts , which admit of no further Division . If they maintain this , they embrace the Opinion of ZENO , and so will be bound to maintain and defend a Mathematical , and not a Physical Atom , which indeed is no better than a meer Fiction ; but if they chuse rather to maintain the other , there is nothing in Bodies that is altogether indivisible , nor any Atom , whether it be called Mathematical or Physical . XIII . GOD can divide a Physical Atom . Besides , an Atom cannot be conceived to have a Figure , and several Angles really and intrinsecally different from each other ; for if so , it could not be Indivisible , and consequently no Atom . For is it not evident , that all those things that can be conceived by different Idea's , and that have a real independent Existence , can also be divided and separated from each other ? And cannot the Infinite Power of GOD , at least , do as much as our Finite Intellect can conceive ? Now our Understanding can conceive 2 Angles of the same Atom under several Notions , and know one of them without knowing the other ; and conceives also that several Angles of the same Atom do subsist independently of each other ; and therefore it is not to be question'd , but that GOD , by his Omnipotence , can separate these Angles from each other . CHAP. II. The Arguments of EPICURUS Answer'd , whereby he endeavours to prove , That there are empty Spaces intersperst between Bodies . I. The Rest , or Motion of Bodies , does not require an Empty space . EPICURUS , who confounds Place with a Vacuum or Empty Space , and supposeth that all Bodies have their residence in those Vacuities , is of Opinion , That except there were such , Bodies would have no places to exist or move in . For since a Place is commensurate to the thing placed , and the hollow Surface of that , must be equal to the outward Surface of this : As also , that Place is accounted Immoveable , and that it is repugnant for it to be removed from its position ; it follows that Place must always continue the same , even after that the Body , which fill'd it before , is removed elsewhere , and successively takes up other Places ; and that therefore it is necessary , that the same be left Empty , and do preserve its Parts immoveable . II. Bodies , where they come , bring their places along with them , and upon their Removal take them away . But EPICURUS was mistaken , in that he supposed a Place to be a Space subsisting of it self , which is equal to the Body placed , in Magnitude , and really distinct from it : For if we precisely have regard to the Notion of a Place , we shall find it to be nothing else , but a certain Respect of the Situation of a Body , to the Neighbouring Bodies about it ; or to others more Remote , from whence it takes its immobility . So that to say a thing is in a Place , or acquires a new Place , is no more than to say , that it attains or acquires such a Situation , with respect to other Bodies . And it is a meer Mistake of the Mind , to imagine a Place to be a certain Capacity or Interval , which Bodies enter into , and leave again ; forasmuch as Bodies do indeed bring their places along with them , and upon their Removal take them away again . And therefore we say , that a Body takes up some space , forasmuch as it is of such a Bulk amongst the other parts of the Universe , and is ranked amongst Material things : And that it quits a place , when it ceaseth to keep its Magnitude , Figure and Situation between such and such determinate Bodies . III. Whether there can be any Motion , without allowing an Empty space . Another Argument , whereby EPICURUS endeavours to establish a Vacuum , is taken from the Nature of Motion . If , saith he , there be no Empty space in Nature , neither is it possible that there should be any motion ; and consequently the whole Universe would be nothing else , but a stiff immoveable Mass , and unable to admit any Bodies into it self . For supposing all Spaces to be full , a Body will be incapable of removing it self from one place to another , but by thrusting another out of its place ; so that if we suppose any Body to be moved , it must of necessity thrust another , at least of equal bigness with it self , out of its place ; and that also must do as much for another , and so it will be necessary to allow a Process to Infinity , except that some Empty spaces be allowed , into which the Bodies that are in Motion may enter , and , as it were , take up new Lodgings . IV. In every Motion , a whole Circle of Bodies moves together . This Argument of EPICURUS might be of some force , if there were no other motion , but that which is made in a strait Line ; and if when one part of the Matter is moved , the other following were moved for ever ; but daily Experience teacheth us the contrary , and that indeed there is another Motion , that is , a Circular , by which a Body , when it is made , doth drive another out of its place , and that again another and another , till it come to the last Body , which enters the place of the Body that was first moved . Now this Circle can be performed without the supposal of any Vacuum . As suppose we the hollow Circle XYZ , fill'd with 12 Bullets , whilst the first of them A moves , it pusheth on the second B , and that the third , till by continual pushing , the place which was left by the first Bullet , be fill'd by the last Bullet C. And thus we see how motion may be without granting any Empty space , to which Bodies might betake themselves . V. An Objection against the Circular motion of Bodies . If you Object with GASSENDUS , that the Bullet A cannot move , except the twelfth Bullet C be moved also ; and that C cannot move , because , in order to its motion , it is necessary that A do possess the place of B , which as yet is not conceived to be empty , and that therefore as long as B continues unmoved , neither can A be moved ; and that consequently all the Bullets contained in the Circle will continue unmoved . VI. The Objection Answer'd . I Answer , That this Objection of GASSENDUS is built upon a false Supposition , whilst he imagins that the Bullet C cannot move , except there be some Empty space whereto it might betake it self , when it begins to move ; since it may so happen , that at the same moment when A enters the place of B , C may leave its former place ; so that whilst the Bullet A passeth towards B , it pusheth B forwards , and B that which is next to it , &c. unto C , which at the same instant enters the place left by A. The thing will be more evident in a Grind-stone , or in an Iron Circle , which is moved about its own Center ; for since every part of it doth at the same instant possess the place which is quitted by the fore-going , we see there is no necessity to have recourse to a Vacuity . For if this may be done in an Iron Circle , why may it not as well be done in another , partly consisting of Wood , and partly of Air ? Why may not the Body A , which we suppose to be Wooden , push the Body B , which is Airy , out of its place , and B again that which is next to it , and that again another till it come to C , which will take up the place of A , at the very same time that A quits it ? The same may be illustrated by the Circling of the Water about a Ship under Sail. VII Why Water sometimes mounts upwards . Accordingly we find , that as much Liquor as runs out of any Vessel , so much Air must of necessity enter into it ; and except there be an open vent for the Air to enter , it will be in vain to endeavour to draw the Liquor out of the Vessel ; because wherever this Circular motion is hindred , it is impossible for a Body to remove out of its place . Thus when the Air is drawn out of a Pipe , the other end whereof stands in the Water , the Water immediately mounts upwards , notwithstanding that that motion is contrary to its Gravity . VIII . All Bodies move together , tho' it be in an Unequal Circle . And that it happens thus in every Circle , is easie enough to be conceived , especially where this Circle is supposed to be perfect , so that all its Parts are at an equal distance from the Center . But the same doth not seem to happen where the Circle is unequal , and whose Spaces are different in breadth and narrowness , as appears in the Circle EFGH . But this Difficulty is easily solved , if it be consider'd that all these Inequalities may be compensated or made up by swiftness of motion . For suppose we the Space G to be 4 times broader than the Space E , and double as broad as the Space F and H , it must necessarily follow that the matter must move 4 times more swiftly at E , than at G , and twice as swift at F and H ; and thus , because the swiftness of the motion makes amends for the narrowness of the place , there will in the same Space of Time as much Matter pass through one part of the said Circle , as through the other : So that there is no necessity at all to feign Empty spaces , or to admit of Condensation . IX . It is not necessary , that all Motion should be C●rcul●r . But when we say that Bodies move in a Circle , we must not be so understood , as if we suppos'd that all motions were either Oval , or perfectly Circular ; but only that they are called Circular , because the last Body which is moved by the impulse of another , doth immediately touch the First Mover ; tho' the Line which is described by all the Bodies that are moved , by the motion of that one B●dy , be very crooked and irregular . X. How it comes to pass , that a little round piece of Leather wetted , is able to lift up an heavy Stone . From what hath been said , an account may be given of that Experiment so common with Boys , viz. how it comes to pass that a little round piece of Leather is able to lift up a great Stone ; the Reason whereof is , because the Stone A , hanging on the String B , by means of the Leather C , to which it cleaves or sticks fast , cannot fall down from the Leather , without the Air that is under the Stone be first driven out of its place , and come into the place of the Stone , under the round bit of Leather : But forasmuch as before the Stone can fall down from the Leather , there must be a slit or opening between the Stone and the Leather , before there comes to be a greater Interval between them , capable to receive or admit the Air , as being thicker and more expanded , because of the intercurrent Aethereal Matter ; it so happens , that because the Circle of Bodies is hindred , the Stone of necessity must stick so long to the Leather , till the Air be driven away from under the Stone , and get in betwixt the Leather and the Stone . XI . Whence the Difficulty we have to conceive the Motion of Bodies , in a Space full of Bodies doth arise . The Difficulty we have to conceive the motion of Bodies where there is no Vacuum , proceeds from a Supposition we have taken in , that GOD at the Beginning divided Matter into Equal parts , Round , Square , Triangular , &c. According to which Conceit , we cannot imagine how possibly they could move , without leaving Empty spaces between them . And indeed , granting this Supposition , it could not be otherwise : But indeed we must go upon a quite contrary Hypothesis , and conceive that GOD at the Beginning , divided the Matter into Unequal parts , infinitely differing in Bulk and Figure ; which suppos'd , it will be easie to comprehend that a Body may move where there is no Vacuum , but all full of Bodies , as well as in a Vacuum ; for let it be Square , Round , Oval , or of any other Figure whatsoever , the Spaces which are between it , and the Bodies that surround it , will not be empty , because there will be always Particles of Matter Subtil enough for to enter and fill them , and besides will be endued with sufficient agitation to break them ; and by breaking of them , reduce them to Figures proper to fill the places they are to enter . CHAP. III. GASSENDVS his Experiments examined , whereby he endeavours to prove , that there are Vacuities in Bodies . I. Gassendus , his Experiment drawn from a Wind Gun , to prove a Vacuum . THere is no question , but that Experiments are the best Proofs of Philosophical Truth , and that those Principles are most likely to be true , which are built and founded upon Natural Phaenomena , and have them to be the Witnesses of their Evidence . And therefore it is that GASSENDUS endeavours to prove the Existence of Empty Intervals in the World , by Arguments drawn from Condensation and Rarefaction . Suppose , saith he , a Wind-Gun , and that the Bore that contains the Air is of the length of 2 Fingers ; there is no question , but that as much of the Air is therein contained ( if no Empty Spaces be intersperst between the Parts of the Air ) as the place , or capacity of the Bore is able to contain ; so that there is no part of the place so little , to which a part of Air , of equal Bigness , doth not answer , and consequently the parts of both must be equal in Number . II. It is repugnant for one and the same Body to be in more places at the same time . Suppose also this Number to be 1000 , then let the Air be compressed with an Instrument fit for that purpose , and by that means be reduced to the measure of a Fingers length only . What order will these parts of Air afterwards keep , when at that time , of the parts of Place , there are not above 500 left ? Or shall we suppose that 2 Bodies are crouded into one and the same place ? This is repugnant to the Laws of Nature , since Impenetrability is the Property of a Body ; and it is as much a Contradiction for 2 Bodies to be in the same place , as for 1 Body to be in divers places . Wherefore if the Particles of Air , contained in the Bore of the Wind-Gun , be shut up in a more narrow place , it is necessary that their Sides and Angles should be more closely lodg'd , and fill up the Intercepted Empty spaces ; which being once fill'd , it cannot be thought strange , if by this means the Interval be made so much the lesser , and less protuberant than it was before . III. The true Reason of this Experiment given . But GASSENDUS in alledging this Experiment , doth not seem to have heeded the Proceedings of Nature ; for tho' naturally Penetration be repugnant to Bodies , yet must not we inferr from thence , that there are Empty spaces in Bodies , which may receive the ambient Air , or contain any other Matter ; seeing that it is very possible , that amongst the thicker parts of Air , there may be some more Subtil matter , which coming forth from the Pores of Bodies , may make that the Space which seems to be fill'd , may admit other Air. Because the Air that is thrust in by force , doth drive out the Subtil matter ; which giving way to it , doth break forth through the Pores of the Gun. Wherefore the Compression of the Aiery parts doth not proceed from the filling of the Empty spaces , but from the Expulsion of the Subtil matter , which gives way to the parts of Air ; whilst they come nearer together , and either make the Pores less , or quite take them away . IV. From the Nature of a Body . For this is a Consequence which is deduced from the Nature of a Body or Matter , that when a Body appears under a less Bulk than it seemed to be of before , tho' it doth not appear that any part hath been taken away from it ; we must conceive that some very Subtil matter is come forth from the Pores of that Body , and thereby have made the Parts come closer together , and reduced the whole Body to a less compass . V. What an Aeolipile is . The next Experiment produc'd by GASSENDUS , is that of an Aeolipole , which is an Instrument made of Copper , or of some other Metal ; the whole hollow whereof is at first fill'd with nothing but Air , which becomes so dilated by being set near to the Fire , that the greatest part of it , breaks forth from it through the Hole D , which Hole is afterwards plung'd into a Vessel full of Water ; and as the Air of the Aeolipile becomes condensed again by the Coldness of the Water , the Water riseth to fill it . This being done , care is taken so to place the Aeolipile , as that the lower part of it may rest upon glowing Coals , which causeth the Water that is contain'd in it to be rarefied into Vapours , the first whereof being push'd on by those that follow them , make their escape together with the Air through the said Hole D , with so much swiftness , that they produce a very sensible Wind , which continues to blow continually , till all the Water be evaporated , or that the Heat do cease to rarefie the Water into Vapours . VI. The second Experiment of Gassendus against a Vacuum , fetch'd from an Aeolipile . Let us suppose therefore the Aeolipile ABC DE , and one part of it ABC , to be fill'd with Water , and the other AEC with Air : Now the Enquiry is , how it can be , that tho' the Water which is contained in this Vessel being rarefied by the Fire , do break forth with great violence through the Hole of it ; yet the whole hollow of the Aeolipile , doth still continue as full of Matter as it was before . For if the parts of Air AEC , and the parts of Water ABC , were equal in number before the Aeolipile ABCDE , was put near the Fire to be heated ; the remaining parts , after that some of them have been evaporated , must needs take up more place : And therefore like as a Heap of Dust being toss'd with the Wind , becomes diffused and spread abroad like a great Cloud , because of the Air that is intermixt with the particles of Dust , why may not the particles of the Air and Water contain'd in the Aeolipile , being put into agitation by the little Bodies that have been introduc'd , take up the whole Space , which before was taken up by the intersperst Vacuities ? VII . The Experiment of the Aeolipile explained . But to this I answer , that there is no Consequence in all this , because the parts of Water AB C , contain'd in the Aeolipile , are not therefore dilated , because they take up the Empty Spaces , which before were intermixt with the parts of Air AEC ; but only because the Aeolipile being set upon the Fire , the heat thereof sets the particles of the Water in motion , and makes them to push against each other , and with great striving endeavour to get further from each other . For the Subtil matter , which hath been introduced by means of the Fire , doth distend and dilate their Pores ; so that such as are more closely compressed , and do strive to disentangle themselves , break forth with violence through the Hole D , towards F , and resemble the Blast of Natural Wind. Wherefore the Dilatation of the Water , upon the Surface AC , is only to be attributed to the Subtil matter , which is entred through the pores of the Aeolipile , which agitating the particles thereof , doth not permit them any longer to hang together ; according as GASSENDUS himself doth acknowledge in these Words ; And this by the Activity of the particles of Fire , which being entred into , and most swiftly tossed between the Sides of the Aeolipile , do not suffer the Parts of the Water to rest ; but drives them up and down , this way and that way , so as that they seem to fill the whole Space . VIII . A third Experiment fetch'd from the Dissolution of Salts There is yet another Experiment whereby GASSENDUS supposeth that Vacuities are certainly proved : For he considering that a determinate quantity of Salt only could be dissolved in such a Measure of VVater , and that having taken in as much as it can , it leaves the rest of the Salt undissolved ; this he thinks cannot be solved any other way , than that the Salt being separated into very small particles , doth every way penetrate the VVater , and fill the Empty Spaces that are in it ; which being done● , the further dissolution ceaseth in the same manner , as a Stomach that is already glutted with Food , doth cast up whatsoever is superadded . And forasmuch as the Particles of Salt are not all of one Figure ; for those of Common Salt are Cubical or Four-square , those of Alom 8 Corner'd , &c. Spaces of a different Figure must be assigned to them ; and that there are such , may be easily proved , because VVater already impregnated with common Salt , doth notwithstanding afterwards dissolve and take in Alom , Salt Armoniack and Sugar . Which admission of several Bodies , cannot be imputed to any other Cause , but those Empty spaces which are between the parts of the VVater ; because when they are once fill'd up , the VVater can dissolve no more of these Salts , as having no Vacuities where to bestow them . IX . How Salt is dissolv'd in Water . This Experiment would be of some service to GASSENDUS , if he could persuade us , that the Bulk of the VVater is not at all increased by the dissolving of Salt , and that it takes up the same Space it did before ; whereas indeed daily Experience teacheth us the contrary . For tho' in a Cup full of VVater , a certain quantity of Salt may be dissolved , without spilling any of it , yet not without some spreading of its Surface : For it is evident , that by the putting of Salt or Ashes into VVater , the Surface thereof swells , and jets out in the midst , in the manner of a Globe . As may beseen in a VVeather-Glass , or Glass-Pipe , into which if any Salt be infused , the VVater presently increaseth and mounts higher . X. Why a certain and determinate quantity of Water , can dissolve a certain quantity of Salt only . But you 'l say , If there be no Vacuities in the VVater to admit the particles of Salt , how comes it to pass that it is satiated with a certain quantity of it , and rejects all the rest ? This may easily be answer'd , by supposing that the parts of Salt are stiff and inflexible , whereof those of fresh Water are very soft and flexible . For when the parts of Salt lye athwart one another , they give occasion to the parts of the fresh VVater to run or slide between them , and like Rings to encompass them round , and to dispose them so that they may the more easily glide between them , and continue their motion , than if they were all alone . For the parts of VVater being entangled with the parts of Salt , the Subtil matter , by whose force they are agitated , have no other business , but to carry them swiftly round the particles of Salt , which they embrace . Whereas , when they are alone , and constitute the fresh VVater , they are so confounded together , that the Subtil matter is forced to employ part of its strength , in variously bending and plying of them ; seeing that without the impulse thereof , they continue immoveable , and cannot be separated from each other . Forasmuch therefore as the parts of fresh VVater are finite , and that the virtue they have to move themselves is limited , it must necessarily happen that after they have encompast a certain number of the parts of Salt , they will not be able to overcome the resistance of the rest ; and therefore the VVater being as it were satiated , will not be able to dissolve the superadded Salt ; because there are no more flexible parts of the Water , to surround or embrace the particles of Salt , by winding of themselves round about them , and by that means cause a liquefaction of them . This is manifest in Common-water and Aqua-fortis , which can only dissolve a determinate quantity of Salt or Metal ; so that if after they have received this proportion , if one should but cast in over and above one grain of Salt , it will remain as much indissolved , as if it was laid up in a dry place . XI . The Reason of all Crystallizations . And for this Reason it is , that hot Water that hath run through Nitrous Earth , and thereby become a Lye , by having taken in a quantity of Nitre , being removed from the Fire , and let rest for some time , many of the Atoms of Nitre , separated from the rest , begin to cease from motion , and sticking to the inward Sides of the Vessel , do constitute the wonderful 6 Corner'd Bodies ; whence we may easily apprehend all the Crystallizations of the Chymists , and how they are done . XII . The fourth Experiment , of a Pipe of Glass , fill'd with a certain proportion of Quicksilver . It remains now only , that we endeavour to assign the Reason of that Experiment , which TORRICELLIUS made at Florence , as GASSENDUS informs us ; which take as follows : Having taken a Glass-pipe of 3 Foot long ( according to the description of it in the 17 th Chapter of the 6 th Part of our Philosophical Institution ) 7 Fingers breadth , and 9 Inches long , fill'd with Quicksilver , and having stopt the Mouth of it with his Finger , he dipt it into a Vessel with Quicksilver , and then found that upon taking away of his Finger , all the Quicksilver did not run out of the Pipe into the Vessel , but continued in the Pipe to the height of 2 Foot and almost 3 Fingers breadth , after hahaving made some Vibrations upwards and downwards , and in the mean time leaving the upper part of the Pipe , not only destitute of Quicksilver , but of any other Body whatsoever . XIII . The true Reason of the foresaid Experiment . This Experiment , tho' it be highly esteemed by some , as that which seems manifestly to evince a Vacuum ; yet is it of no account with those who admit pores in Bodies , which are penetrable by the Subtil matter , and take up those places which are quitted by Grosser Bodies . For such is the Nature of the Matter of the First Element , that it doth not only pierce Glass , but even Diamonds and Steel it self , and any other hard Bodies whatsoever . For tho' Glass may seem to be destitute of Pores , yet it cannot be question'd but that it is endued with continual Pores , without any interruption ; which is evident from its Transparency . For when it is in fusion and liquid , the Subtil matter flowing around all its parts , doth form innumerable pores in them , through which the Globuli of the second Element do enter , and diffuse the Action of Light every where . Where tho' that Space in the Pipe , which is relinquish'd by the Quicksilver , seems to be Empty ; yet nothing hinders , but that it may be fill'd with some very Subtil matter , which is not subject to our Sight . Neither was GASSENDUS ignorant of this , who in his Explication of this Experiment doth allow , that the Bodies of Heat and Cold can penetrate into the Hollow of the Pipe. And he holds the same concerning the Light , which he owns to be a Corporeal Substance , and a very thin and Subtil matter which passeth through the Sides of the Glass . Wherefore it is without all Reason , that from hence he endeavours to prove Empty spaces , seeing that in those Intervals that are fill'd with Subtil matter , there is as much room to admit other Bodies , as if it were altogether empty , and without any Body at all in them . XIV . That there is no Vacuity in the Glass-Pipe . Moreover who doth not know , that Nothing is not capable of any Properties ; but if Fire be apply'd to the upper part of the Pipe , we shall find a like Rarefaction to be produc'd there , as we perceive in the Weather Glass , and by means whereof the Quicksilver is driven downwards . When it is very clear , that there is some true Matter there , which is the Subject of this mutation . XV. How the Existence of such a Subtil Matter may be proved . Now such a Matter as is much more subtil than Air , not only PLATO and ARISTOTLE , but all the ancient Philosophers have owned , which enters the pores of all Bodies , and intimately insinuates it self into them : For by means hereof the Juices , which during the Winter season the Earth conceals in her Bosom , being agitated upon the approach of the Spring , do pierce the pores of Plants and Seeds ; but after that the too great increase of Heat hath more dilated the Pores , or that the Cold hath overmuch straitned them ; then the Juice either passeth directly through them , or by reason of the narrowness of the Pores , cannot enter them at all ; and consequently the Seeds or Plants must dye . So that in the whole Vegetation of Plants , we meet with nothing , but a motion derived from this Subtil matter , and proceeding according to certain Rules : So likewise it is an effect of this Subtil matter , that Glass taken out of the Furnace , and set in a Cold place , presently breaks to shivers , because the Pores of the outward Parts are sooner shut up by the Cold , than those which are more inward ; and therefore the greater parts of the Subtil matter that are shut up in them , hinder the Egress of the rest . Neither probably is there any other Reason to be assigned , why Glasses break of themselves . And to this we may likewise add , that it is from this Subtil Aether , that fluid Bodies are enabled to preserve their Mobility , and do presently corrupt , whenever their motion is disturbed or interrupted : For the principal Office of this Substance is , to dispose and incline the Parts of Bodies , and more especially such as are fluid , to the Laws of its motion . Neither can any thing else preserve the certain and natural motions of any Body . Conclude we therefore , that nothing hinders , but that the Subtil matter may enter through the Pores of the Glass , and fill that part of it which the Quicksilver hath left . XVI . The fifth Argument , taken from united Bodies . LUCRETIUS seems to have found out a stronger Argument than all the rest , for the Proof of a Vacuum , which is this : If two most exactly polisht Bodies be apply'd to each other , and touch one another , it will be impossible to remove the one from the other , but that at the same Moment the whole Surface of the one would be removed from the whole Surface of the other . For tho' , it may be , in one part of the said Surfaces they might be more distant than in another ; yet as soon as they began to open , they would no longer in any part touch each other , save in the opposit extream Line : For otherwise the said Bodies could not be smooth and even , but crooked and uneven , which is contrary to this Hypothesis . Which being supposed , let the Air move with never so great swiftness , yet it can only successively pass the Space which is from the utmost Edge of the Surface , to the midst of these Bodies ; and therefore it is necessary , that at that point of Time wherein the Air passeth the Edge or Brim , there must be conceiv'd an Empty space reaching to the midst of the Surface of those Bodies , which is not filled , but during the Consequent Moments of Time. XVII . There are no Bodies in Nature , that are exactly polisht . GASSENDUS takes this Argument to be convincing , and that it doth not admit any Answer ; but if we well examine what it supposeth , we shall discover it to be false and without any ground . For it supposeth 2 Bodies exactly polisht , when himself ( Phys . Sect. 1. Lib. 6. ) denies , there can be any such : For tho' Marble , Iron , Wood , and other such like Bodies , in which we can perceive none of the least unevenness , neither by our Touch or Sight , seem to be most exactly polisht ; yet Reason will tell us , that they must of necessity be very uneven , because all this polishing is the effect either of Grains of Sand , or of the Prominencies of Files , which cannot but leave Cavities , and consequently an uneven Surface behind them . And therefore it is not at all probable , that there can be found any 2 Bodies so even , hard and perfectly polisht , as that no Air should be intercepted betwixt them . But if ever 2 Bodies exactly polisht happen to be joyned together , then can they not be separated by pulling the one of them upwards perpendicularly , but it will be necessary to draw the upper Body away Sideling , and by this means the separation of these Bodies is performed , not in a moment , but successively ; so that the Air doth not easily and readily succeed in the place that is left by them . CHAP. IV. Of the Divisibility of Bodies . I. Divisibility is a Property that agrees to all Bodies . EPICURUS , who asserts that Material Substance is compos'd of Atoms , and to which he assigns the Rise and End of Things ; imagin'd that Bodies were capable of being divided so long , till at last we come to such smallest Bodies , as by reason of their Solidness , do exclude any further division , and by no Natural Force can be any more resolved into Parts , as AUSONIUS hath it : The Principles of all this Building tight , Are very small , and such as scape our Sight ; Consisting all of Ranks of Atoms fit , Which solid are , nor parting do admit . II. Gassendus his Opinion concerning the Divisibility of Bodies . This Opinion GASSENDUS endeavours to defend , deriving his Argument from the Dissolution of Concrete Bodies : For as we see , saith he , that Nature resolves Bodies into exceeding small Particles , and in this dissolution proceeds only to a certain number of them ; so we ought to conclude , that Nature doth not still divide Bodies smaller and smaller to Infinity , seeing that her Force is bounded , and within a short time becoms exhausted , and ceaseth ; and therefore after the utmost of her Activity there must remain Indivisibles , and that cannot admit any further Partition . III. An Indivisible Body is a Contradiction . I know very well , that GASSENDUS doth not attribute a Mathematical Indivisibility to Atoms , but only supposeth them to be Indivisible , because of their Solidity , and the indiscerpible cohaesion they have of their Parts ; but which way soever GASSENDUS may endeavour to explain EPICURUS his Sentiment , Indivisibility seems to be repugnant to the Nature of a Body . For Divisibility is the Property of every Material Substance , and so intimate to it , that it doth immediately and essentially follow the same : For if we carefully heed the Conception we have of a Body , we shall find it to be something Extended , and Commensurate to 3 Dimensions : But how can it be that that which is Extended , and consists of Longitude , Latitude and Profundity , should not be Divisible ? Conclude we therefore , that every Body is Divisible , and capable of an indefinite Division , so as that it can never be exhausted by any Partition whatsoever . IV. Forasmuch as Inf●●te Points a●e assignable in a Body , it must follow , that every Body is infinitely Divisible . This Division is variously demonstrated by Mathematicians : We shall give you one Instance , that may serve instead of the rest . Let us suppose parallel Lines AB and CD , and the same as to their length Indefinite , and a Fingers breadth distance from each other : This suppos'd , the Line EF , which intervenes between the foresaid Parallels , and that perpendicularly , must of necessity be a Fingers breadth long . Then taking the Point A , of the Line AB , which we will suppose also to be a Fingers breadth distance from the Line EF ; let us take above the Line CD , to the Right hand of the said Line EF , as many Points as we please : As for Example , G , H , D , &c. distant from each other at pleasure ; and let us conceive , that from the Point A , so many Right lines do proceed , as to reach to the several Points G , H , D , &c. This granted , it is manifest that the Line AG , will cut the Point I , of the Line EF ; the Line AH , the Point L , a little Higher , and the Line AD , the Point M , which surpasseth the former , or is drawn about it ; and so of the rest . But because the Line CD , is Infinite , and that therefore an Infinite number of Points may be taken in it , it follows , that all the Lines that shall be drawn from the point A , to all the foresaid points , will denote Infinite points in the Line EF , and they different amongst themselves , and which will still more and more approach to the End E , yet so , as that none of all the said Lines will ever pass through the point E ; because it is suppos'd that the Line CD , is parallel to the Line AB . Whence we conclude , that since an Infinite number of Points can be assigned in a certain determinate portion of Matter , that Matter is infinitely divisible . V. How it comes to pass , that all Bodies are not Equal , seeing that all are infinitely Divisible . Some one or other , it may be , will object in favour of GASSENDUS his Hypothesis ; that if it belongs to the Nature of a Body , to be Divisible to Infinity , it will follow , that any Body will be equal to another , which is double its Bigness : But what greater absurdity can there be , than that 2 Bodies of different Magnitudes should be Equal ? and consequently it must be false likewise , that they are both of them Infinitely Divisible . The Major is evident , because there is an Infinite Divisibility in the Smaller Body , as well as in the Greater , which notwithstanding is twice bigger than it . VI. A Finite Mind cannot determine any thing concerning that which is Infinite . This Objection may be answer'd , First , by saying with DES CARTES , in the First Part of his Principles , Article 26 , That we need not trouble our selves too much , to explain or extricate these Difficulties , which are not proportionate to our Intellect , and which cannot perspicuously and distinctly be conceived by us . For it appertains only to Infinite Mind , to understand that which is Infinite , and to determine any thing concerning it . Wherefore it would be a great piece of Folly , to reject the clear Notion we have of the Nature of a Body , as false ; because we are not endued with an Infinite Understanding , and therefore cannot comprehend that which is Infinite . Wherefore also DES CARTES considers all those things wherein we can perceive no Bounds of Extension , not as Infinite , but as Indefinite ; because they can be indefinitely divided , and we can never come to the last part of them . VII . Two Bodies of different bigness , may be divided into as many parts the one as the other , tho' not into as great parts . Or , Secondly , we may give this Answer to the foresaid Difficulty , that the Divisibility which is in the lesser Body , is not so much as that of the greater Body , which is twice as big ; that is , the lesser Body cannot be divided into Parts , that are as big as those into which the gre●ter is divisible ; but yet it may be divided into as many ; because Bodies are not said to be Divisible with regard to their Continuous Quantity , but with respect to their Discrete Quantity ; for the Thousandth part of one Body may be divided into other 1000 parts , no less than the whole Body : Forasmuch as the Divisibility of a Body , or its aptitude to be divided , is not diminished by actual Partition , no more than the Faculty of Writing or Painting grows less in a man , whilst he writes upon Paper , or paints upon a Board or Cloth. VIII . There are innumerable parts in the Body of a Mite . It will seem a Paradox to some , that there should be as great a number of Parts in the little Body of a Mite , as in that of a Horse , an Ox , or an Elephant ; yet if we will be pleased to make use of a good Microscope , we shall find that the Body of a Mite is every whit as Organical , as that of the most bulky Animal ; for we find it hath a Bill , with a long Trunk , wherewith it pierceth the Skin , and draws Blood thence for its Aliment . It is seen also sometimes to cast forth Dung , of the bigness of a Flea ; besides which many Asperities may be perceived , as well on the outside , as on the inside of its Skin , and 2 branching Horns on its Forehead , and 6 Feet on each side , like to those we see in Crabs , long-wise extended from the sides of it , 2 whereof support the fore-part of this little Animal , and the other 4 the hind-part . But tho' all these outward parts of this little Animal be considerable for their number , yet are they but very few , if compared with many parts which lye hid in the inside of it . For it must have a Stomach , Guts , a Heart , a Brain , wherewith to perform the Functions of Life . It must also have Veins , by which its Aliment may be conveyed throughout all the parts of its Body ; Arteries , to conveigh the Vital Spirits ; and Nerves , to convey the Animal ; besides , Muscles , Tendons , Joints , and innumerable other parts conducive to its Nourishment ; Sensibility and Capacity of moving it self , and exerting all the other Functions of Life . All which Parts , tho' they be very small , yet are they no less divisible than those which are much greater , because they are extended , and separable into Parts . IX . GOD can produce Animals infinitely lesser and lesser , than others . Wherefore seeing that the Demonstrations concerning the Divisibility of the Matter are clear and evident , we may assert , that there may be Bodies , yea , and Animals too , still less and less than others , and that into Infinity , tho' our Imagination can frame no Conception of them : For why might not we say with ●ufficient certainty , that all Animals are in little in their Seed ? Seeing that we see in that which we call the Treadle of an Egg , ( which was never set upon ) a Chicken , which for ought we know , is entirely formed ; and that we see whole Frogs in the Spawn of Frogs . It is also very probable , that in the Bud of a Mustard-seed , and of the Kernel of an Apple , by Example , there are infinite Trees ; because it not only contains the Tree , whose Seed it is , but also a vast number of other Seeds , which it may be , contain within them also other Trees , and other Seeds ; which other Seeds do probably contain still other and more Trees ; and other Seeds , as fruitful as the first were , and this to Infinity . X ▪ The Bodies of all men mor● produced from the Beginning of the World. Neither may we only conclude , that Plants are contained in the Buds of their Seeds , but that all the Bodies of Men , and of Animals , that shall be born for the future , even to the end of the World , probably were produced from the first Beginning of the World : I mean , that the Females of the first Animals , have probably been created , with all those of the same Species , which they have already brought forth , or shall do to the end of the World. CHAP. V. Of Loose and Close Bodies . I. A Sponge becomes distended and swell'd by Liquor . A Sponge , by letting in of Water , or any other Liquor , swells and is pufft , and ●preads it self into a larger Bulk . Some suppose that a Sponge is rarefied by the increase of some new Quantity ; as if nothing of Foreign Matter did enter into it , but only that some ●upervening Quantity doth separate the parts of the Sponge , and increaseth its bigness . But who can believe that when Water is rarefied , and in a manner turned into Air , it is only thus dilated by the increase of new Quantity ? Who perceives not that the Sponge sucks in Moisture , and hides the same within it self , which afterwards upon the squeezing thereof , runs out again , whereupon the Parts come closer together . A Sponge therefore becomes rarefied or dilated , when the parts of it are somewhat removed from each other , and that the Pores of it are fill'd with supervening Water . And the same Sponge again grows close , when its Parts are brought nearer together , by the Expulsion of that Matter , which before kept them at a greater distance . So that a Sponge may not only be said to be a Loose Body , whilst it is dry and free from all Moisture ; but also , and more especially , when it hath all its Pores fill'd and stufft with Foreign Bodies . II. Why some Bodies are more apt to be rarefied than others . Glass becomes dilated to a greater Space by Heat , than Metals ; and of Metals , Iron is more dilatable than Copper ; Copper , more than Silver ; Silver , more than Gold ; and Pewter more than Lead . The Reason of all which must be fetch'd from the greater Porosity of those Bodies that are more light than others ; for the more Pores there are in any Body that is capable of being Rarefied , the more Bodies may insinuate themselves into it , and by this means it becomes rarefied or distended . III. The motion of Rarefaction is more intense at the beginning . The Curious Searchers of Nature observe , that the Motion of Rarefaction is more intense at the beginning , and more slow and remiss towards the end thereof . They produce several Experiments to prove this ; and more particularly from that of Weather-Glasses , exposed to the Heat of the Sun , uniformly , and continually applied to them ; or set in Water that is kept in the same degree of Heat . The Reason whereof is , because Rarefaction being caused by the admission of some thin Substance into the Pores , the more the said Pores are dilated by the violent ingress of new Matter , the more the Parts of the Body rarefied become distended , and therefore do still more and more resist and oppose any further distension . IV. What is the Reason that Gates and Dores do easily shut in dry weather , and more hardly in Moist and Rainy . Gates and Doors frequently cannot be shut or opened , in Moist weather , without some difficulty : Whereas the contrary happens in the Boards whereof Barrels are made , which when expos'd to the Air in Dry weather , do open and make the Vessels to become leaky . The Reason is , because Gates or Doors do swell in Wet weather , for that the Water , or the Air fill'd with watry Vapours , penetrates the Pores of the Wood , and distends the Sides of them , which being dilated , the whole Bulk of the Body must needs be distended likewise , and take up a greater Space than it did before . In like manner Linnen-Cloth is rarefied by the Accession of Water , Water by that of Air , Air by that of Aether , and Aether by that of a more subtil Body , if any such there be , and by this means take up more Room than they did before . V. Why the Strings of an Instrument do swell by the Moistness of the Air. Thus also the Strings of a Violin , or other Instrument , do swell in Moist weather , as appears by their breaking , and by the difficult winding of the Pegs . In like manner wooden Bowls are apt to get Slits , if they be put into Water , and the Water penetrate them . Some very credible Authors relate , that Earth taken up from those parts that are near to the River Nile , do increase every day in weight , from the time when that River begins to swell , until it be arrived to its greate●t height . Which cannot proceed from any thing else besides the Air ; which being condensed at that time , and clogg'd with watry Particles , doth increase the weight of the Earth . VI. How an Obelisk , moved out of its station , was put to rights again . By the same means an Obelisk at Constantinople , which was got out of its place , was put to rights again ; for the Artificer , who had undertaken the Work , having caused very strong and thick Ropes to be tied to the Obelisk , and fastned to some strong Hold fast , caused the said Ropes to be moistned , by pouring great quantities of Water upon them , which causing them to swell , and consequently shortning their length , lifted up the Obelisk to its former situation upon its basis . For Ropes , consisting of long and twifted Threads , by admitting the Moisture into their Pores or Intervals , the more they swell in thickness , the more contracted their length is . VII . How Milstones are separated from the Rocks , whereof they were a part . It is after this manner that Mill-Stones are separated from the Rocks . For they make abundance of Holes about the said Rocks , into which they drive wedges of Wood that have been dried in an Oven ; which Wedges being placed around in the form of a Cylinder , according to the bigness that we would have the Mill-Stones to be of , when Moist weather comes these Wedges swell , and by their swelling separate the Mill-Stones from the rest of the Rocks ; so that it is evident , that this Separation is made by the Vapours , which would be very difficult to perform any other way . VIII . VVhy the Staves of Barrels are contracted in hot and dry weather . The Staves of Barrels take up less room in Dry weather ; for seeing that their Parts are agitated by Heat , some of them fly away into the Air ; which being gone , it is no wonder if the rest come closer together , and do not take up so much place as they did before . IX . A Bar of Iron put into the Fire , swells and becomes dilated . Take a Bar of Iron , for Example , of 2 Foot long , and a Stick or piece of Wood of the same bigness ; then put the Iron Bar into a strong Fire , till it be red-hot , and then compare it with the piece of Wood which was of the same dimensions with it , when it was first put into the Fire , and you 'l find the Iron to have been increased , not only in Breadth , but in Length also , and in both to exceed the Piece of Wood which was equal to it before ; but as soon as it is grown cold , we shall find it restor'd to the same dimensions it had before it went into the Fire . The Cause whereof is the subtil Body , which enters the Pores of the Iron , viz. the particles of Fire , which dilate it to a greater Extension . For the parts of Fire being in continual motion , must needs distend the Sides of the Iron Bar ; which when expos'd to the Air , and being cooled , returns to its former Extension , because the particles of Fire leaving its Pores , and those of the Air entring into them , and not being moved with the swiftness and violence that those of the Fire are , they do less distend them , and consequently the Bar of Iron must take up less room than it did before . X. Why a hot-Iron cuts Glass . Hence also it is , that with a Red-hot Iron , or with a piece of Packthred dipt in Brimstone and set on fire , Glasses are cut ; because the particles of the Glass being agitated by the heat of the Fire , require a greater Space , and consequently drive their contiguous Parts further from them . And it is for the same Reason , that Metals in fusion swell , and take up more room than they did before . XI . Water rarefied into Vapour , takes up an hundred fold larger Space , than it did before . Water , by the virtue of the Sun , is lifted up into the Air , and becomes thereby so diffused , as to take up a greater Space than it did before ; for if we may believe the account that some give us , Water turned into Vapour , fills a Space 100 times larger than that was which it took up before . The Cause of which Diffusion is not to be attributed to the parts of Water , as some falsly do imagine ; since it is impossible that the Dimensions of a thing should be increased , except that some other Body be added to it . And consequently the Water becomes dilated , when its Parts remove farther from each other , and so give way for the entring of some Foreign Body between them . After the same manner as when a Heap of Dust , by the Wind is lifed up , and dispersed in the Air : For this Expansion is not to be attributed to the particles of Dust ; but to the Air , which fills the Intervals between them , and separates the particles of Dust from each other . XII . Why Bodies that are condensed , become of a white Colour . Condensed Bodies , and such as after Rarefaction are reduced to a less Room , are commonly of a white Colour ; as Butter , Grease , Oil , and such like . The Reason whereof is , because in Condensation those particles are expell'd , which swell'd the Grease or Oil into a greater Room , whereupon their parts must needs come closer together , and be contracted , as it were , into small round Pellets , which afterwards , like so many round Looking-Glasses , do reflect all the Light , and produce a white Colour in the condensed Subjects . For there are two things especially , by means whereof Bodies acquire a white Colour : The First is , That they consist of little and innumerable Surfaces , disposed to receive and reflect the Light in such a manner , as that it may suffer no loss , either by Refraction , or by the mixture of Shadow . The Second is , That the whole Light which shines upon a Body be reflected , without having any Beams swallowed up in the Pores of it . To the effecting whereof little round Bodies do conduce most ; as will appear , when we come to speak of Heat . XIII . What is the Cause of Fermentation in New Beer or Ale. New Beer or Wine , if it be put into Bottles , doth swell and work with that Violence , that it frequently breaks them . Which Fermentation is caused by the Heterogeneity , or the Diversity of the parts of Liquor ; which cannot unite together , by reason of the variety of their figures , and therefore endeavour to extricate themselves from the Society of each other . And that this is the true Cause of the Fermentation of Liquors , appears from hence , that after these Liquors are separated from their Heterogeneous parts , they are no longer agitated with any such tumultuary Motions ; as is evident in Burning Spirits , Distill'd Water , and the like ; which may be kept a long time without suffering any Change. For the Spirit of Wine being kept closely stopt , is not capable of any agitation of its parts ; but if a little Turpentine be mixed with this Spirit , the parts presently begin to tumultuate , and endanger the breaking of Vessels Hermetically sealed . XIV . Bread made of sprouting Corn ferments of it self . If Bread be made out of the Flower of grown or sprouted Wheat , it will ferment and rise without the addition of any Leaven of Yest . The Cause whereof is , because the stiff and sharp particles of sprouted Wheat do infold themselves ; and , as the Chymists express it , are in their greatest Exaltation : Wherefore , as soon as the Dough begins to grow hot in the Oven , the parts thereof become tumultuarily agitated , and driving the resisting Bodies before them , do in a manner praecipitate them , and by this means the Bread becomes spongy and light . XV. How the Air comes to be condensed or rarefied in a Weather-Glass . Let a Weather-Glass be fill'd with Aqua-fortis ; but so as that when fill'd , there may be some Space left , taken up by the remaining part of the Air , which was before in the Glass , Tube or Pipe : You 'l find that this part of Air , being dilated by a more intense Heat , upon the recess of the Aqua-fortis , retiring it self into the lower Head of the Tube , will fill the whole Capacity of the Tube ; and that on the contrary , by Cold it will be contracted into so narrow a room , as that the whole Tube almost will seem to be filled with the Aqua-fortis . Which Variety proceeds from the continual ingress of new Matter through the pores of the Glass , which doth so rarefie the impure Air contained in the Glass , that by the separation of its particles from each other , it drives the Aqua-fortis , being unable to resist its place ; whereas upon the egress of the subtil Matter through the Pores of the Glass , the particles of the Air coming then closer together again , the Aqua-fortis returns to its former place , being drawn into it by the Air that enters at the lower end of the Glass . And if the weather be very Cold , that part of the Air which is in the upper part of the Glass , upon the recess of the subtil Matter , doth so greatly decrease , as that the whole Glass becomes fill'd with the Aqua-fortis . XVI . Why a Chest-Nut cast into the Fire breaks with a great noise . A Chest-Nut put into the Fire , first swells , and soon after bursts , giving a great Report . Which doth not proceed from any foreign Matter that enters the Chest-Nut , but from the grosser parts of it , which the action of the subtil Matter entring into the Pores thereof , separates from each other , and doth so agitate , that at last they burst the Shell with a great noise . XVII . How a Marble Pillar was broken to shivers . In like manner , a vast Marble Pillar mentioned by CABAEUS , was broken all to shivers , by kindling a Wood Fire round about it : For the heat of the Fire rarefying the Air contained in the Pores of the Marble , makes , that it cannot be lodged in the narrow Room it took up before , and therefore in striving to get forth into a large Space , it breaks and rends the Marble to pieces . XVIII . The vast dilatation of a grain of Gun-powder . This Dilatation of Bodies , is the Cause sometimes that a very small Body becomes diffused into an incredible distension ; as we see in Smoak , Vapours and Flame , which Dilatation is so great , that one Grain of Gun-powder , according to the Demonstration of Joh. Chrysost . Magnenus , when kindled , becomes dilated into a flaming Sphere 3804 times greater than it was . CHAP. VI. Of Hard and Fluid Bodies . I. Whence the Hardness of Stones and Gems does proceed . BOdies are distinguished by Hardness , as Stone , Wood , Whet-stone , Pumice-stone , Gems or Precious Stones ; some whereof are broken with ease , and others not without great difficulty . We account those Bodies Hard , the parts whereof are at Rest together , and are so closely united , as that they are not interrupted by any other Matter moving between them . And accordingly those things are accounted the most hard and firm whose parts are inflexible , and touch one another . And therefore Precious Stones , tho' they all agree in this , that the File will not touch them ; yet some of them are harder than others . For some of them are polisht with white Lead , others with Copper , others with Emery . Thus we find a great difference there is betwixt a Diamond and Crystal , tho' both of them proceed from the same Matter , and grow in the same places ; because Crystal is much more soft , its Parts being not yet firmly grown together , but agitated with various Motions . Whereas the Diamond is much more firm and compact , by reason that its insensible parts do more immediately touch each other , and are more intimately and close entangled by mutual cohaesion . II. A Hard Body suspended in the water moves more swiftly in a Right Line , than the VVater it self doth . When a Hard Body is suspended in the Water , if the Water move in a right Line , the said Hard Body will move more swiftly than the Water following the same Line . The Reason whereof is this , because all the parts of a hard Body have but one and the same determination , and the several parts of the Water , or other Liquor , have every one of them theirs , which greatly retards their motion in a Right line . III. A Hard Body , that swims upon the water , moves more slowly than it . upon the water of a River , moves less swiftly than the River : For tho' all the parts of the Hard Body have but one only determination , and those of the Water have many ; yet is this over and above recompensed , by the less degree of Solidity in the said Body , which is the Cause that it keeps above the water , and so has fewer parts of water to push it forwards , and more of Air or subtil Matter to resist its motion . IV. Why burnt Bricks are more hard than those that are not . Bricks , made of Clay , become harder by being burnt or bak'd in the Fire ; notwithstanding that after their Burning they have larger Pores , and that their parts are further distant from each other . I suppose , that this hardness of the Bricks is caused by the action of the Fire , which not only drives out of their Cavities the parts of water , which I conceive to be long and slippery , like little Eels ; but also all their other fluid Parts , which are not very close joyned together . Whence it comes to pass that these being taken away , the remaining parts come closer together , wherein the Nature of Hardness does evidently consist . V. Why some soft Bodies grow hard . From this new entanglement of the Parts it comes to pass , that many Plants in Brazile , which whilst they stand in the Ground are very soft and flexible , being pluckt up , within a short time after become inflexible and very hard . I remember to have read somewhere of a certain kind of Clay , which as long as it lies at the bottom of Rivers , and is cover'd with water , is very pliant ; but being taken up into the Air grows hard immediately , and becomes very firm and stiff . VI. How Wood comes to be turn'd to Stone . Yea , what is more , we find sometimes that Pieces of Wood are turn'd to Stone , and that by means of a petrifying Juice , which being got into the pores of the Wood ; and the watry parts of the said Juice being exhaled , leaving the Earthy and Stony parts in the Pores of the Wood , impart to it the Weight , Hardness , and other Affections of Stones . For Wood thus changed into Stone , becomes thereby almost 6 times more ponderous than it was before ; and the remaining parts of VVood are so closely entangled and joyned with the superadded Sandy particles , that they can no longer be consumed by the Fire . VII . The way of preparing the Wood , whereof Musical Instruments are made . It is an unquestionable Truth , that Bodies which are agitated with a slow and intestine motion , do in process of time grow more hard and solid . For the Wood whereof Musical Instruments are made , require much time before they can be brought to the highest disposition and fitness for that use , even from the time of 20 to 80 years sometimes . They who make Vessels , and other Utensils out of Guajacum , tell us , that they must let it lye 20 years before it be fully fit for some of their uses . So much time is required , that all the Volatile and watry Particles being exhaled , the solid Parts may come more closely together , and attain that fit firmness and dryness which is necessary for them . VIII . How Water , Broath , Blood , &c. become hard . VVater becomes congealed into Ice ; Broath , Blood , and the like into Jelly , and attain all of them to some degree of Firmness . Which happens , because their Particles , upon the ceasing of the outward agitation hang together , and more closely embrace one another . For Blood and Broath become more firm by the Exhalation of their thinner Parts , the thicker staying behind , which being closely entangled together , are fixed by the rest . The same we experience likewise in Oil of Annis-seeds , which in the heat of Summer continues fluid , and stands in need of a Vessel to contain it ; but at the approach of VVinter , when the Solar Beams do more weakly beat upon the Earth , it becomes a hard Body . So likewise Milk , which of its own Nature is fluid , and doth easily insinuate it self into other Bodies , yet becomes coagulated into Cheese , when the slender , stiff and sharp Particles that are in the Rennet , have penetrated the substance of the Milk , which by agitating the particles thereof , drive the branchy flexible parts together , and by their weight expel the smaller particles of Whey out of their places . Milk also is turned into Butter , when the parts of Cream being agitated by perpetual Churning , are separated from the rest , and by their Branchy particles entangling together , do unite into one continuous Body . IX . Why Water riseth higher in the lesser Branch of a crooked Glass-Pipe , than in the greater . The water which is in a Crooked Pipe of Glass , riseth higher in the less branch of it ▪ than in the greater . Because there are more Lines of Air , that act upon the Liquor that is in the great Branch , than upon that which is in the lesser : Whence it follows , that if the Liquor stop in the great Branch at AB , it will not stay in the lesser at GE , which is level with AB , but will mount upwards towards D where I suppose that the weight of the water , which is above the Level GE , doth compensate or make good the inequality of the pressions of the Lines of Air , which act upon both the Branches . Wherefore seeing that this Inequality is by so much the greater , by how much the Mouth of the little Branch is less , or narrower , because the lesser the Hole is , the less power the Air hath to exert its activity upon it ; therefore the less the Hole is , the higher will the water mount above the Level . This is no more than Experience confirms to us : For when the Pipe is about the thickness of a Quill , the water mounts only the height of 2 or 3 Lines ; whereas if it be so small that scarcely a Horse-hair can enter it , the water will mount the height of 10 or 12 Inches above the Level . X. Salt is dissolved in Water , by the motion of it . Salt melts in Water , notwithstanding that it is more ponderous than Water , and sinks to the bottom . Which happens , because the parts of VVater being in continual motion , do insinuate themselves into the particles of Salt , and having dissolved their connexion , do separate them from one another and spoil their Continuity . For this melting or dissolution of Salt , cannot be brought about without motion : For tho' the Water , which is contain'd within the Hollow of a Glass-Vessel , seems not to move ; yet considering the fluidity of VVater , we must conclude , that some of its insensible Parts are continually moving upwards and downwards , as well as from side to side of the Vessel : By which agitation the parts of the Salt become dissolved , and are separated from each other . XI . How Metals are dissolved in the Stygian Waters . Thus also Metals are dissolved in Acid Spirits , and that within a short time . And for the same Reason it is , that when Oil of Tartar per deliquium is instill'd into these Stygian waters , it produceth a great ebullltion or effervescence . And it is for no other Cause , that Bread or any other spongious Body , if it be but slightly dipt in water , is spoiled thereby , than this , that the Particles of the water being in continual agitation , do enter the Pores of those Bodies , and by this means make a separation of their parts from each other . XII . How fluid Bodies come to be hard . Liquid Bodies do frequently become hard and firm : Thus the white of an Egg , by boyling , becomes hard . This Hardness proceeds from the Contexture and Figure of their parts , whereby they are so adapted together , as to cling to one another as it were with Hooks and Holdfasts , so as that afterwards they can no more continue their motion . Thus the most highly Rectified Spirit of Wine , and the Rectified Spirit of Urine , being poured together , joyn and coagulate in the form of Snow . Because the dissolved Sulphur , which constitutes the Spirit of VVine , having insinuated its little Branches into the Pores of the sharp Volatile Salt of the Spirit of Urine , doth so link the parts together , and reduceth the Pores of that Compound to such a narrow compass , that the Matter of the First and Second Element , which passeth through them , is not capable of imparting to those Liquors their ordinary Fluidity ▪ and by this means are reduced to the consistence of a kind of Hard Body . The same effect is also produced by mixing Spirit of VVine with the beaten VVhite of an Egg. And it is for the same Reason that Spirit of Turpentine , after reiterated Distillations , is turned into a hard Body . XIII . How common Water , impregnated with Saltpeter , grows hard . Common-water , that hath run through Earth that is impregnated with Nitre or Saltpeter , and set upon the Fire to boyl , continues as Liquid as ever ; but being removed from the Fire and gr●wn cold , it sets a Mass of Salt , and becomes Crystalliz'd . The Reason whereof is , because the VVater being grown cold , many of those particles of Salt , which were agitated by the heat of the Fire , cease their Motion , and coming closer together , embrace one another ; and by this means are Crystallized , and return to their former figure : Alom yielding 8 Corner'd Crystals ; Salt Armoniack 6 Corner'd ; Sea Salt , Cubical or Square ; Salt Nitre Pyrimidal ; and other Salts , Crystals of other Figures . XIV . How a Sillibub is made . When any Sowr Liquor is poured into warm Milk , immediately the Curds are by this means separated from the VVhey ; as appears in that Drink so familiar amongst us here in England , called Sillibub . This Separation happens , because Milk is not altogether fluid , but is of a somewhat thickish consistence , whose Pores are encompass'd with grosser parts , which are the Curds whereof Cheese is made : And therefore when any sharp or subtil Liquor enters the same , such as Vinegar , Cider , or the like , it drives away the grosser Particles , that fill the Pores , which thereupon joyning together , become separated from the VVheyish part . The same also happens when Milk is kept so long that it turns sowr ; for then , without the assistance of any Rennet or foreign Liquor , it is precipitated and falls down to the bottom , especially if it be set near the Fire ; because when Milk grows stale , it s thinner parts become fluid , and being sowred with the warmth , serve instead of sowr Liquor or Rennet , to run the Milk together . XV. Oil cannot be taken out of a Cloth by Water , but well with Soap . Oil cannot be washed out of Cloth with water , but Lie must be us'd , or Soap , which is not so fluid as water , but by its consistence appears to be endued with a far less degree of Motion . The Cause whereof is , because the Parts of VVater , as to their Figure , differ from those of Oil , and therefore cannot penetrate or divide each others Parts : For the particles of Oil are Branchy , whereas those of VVater are slippery , and much in the shape of Eels : For which Reason also they enter the pores of a Cloth stained with Oil , and leave the particles of Oil untouch'd . For Water hath not the force to enter into Oil , or to penetrate into the inmost parts of it , and consequently cannot carry off any parts of the Oil with it . Whereas Lie , because of the Salt that is mixed with it , doth readily perform it ; for the parts of Salt being stiff and inflexible , and therefore like so many Darts piercing into the parts of Bodies , doth easily loosen the particles of Oil , and being mixt with water , easily carries off the Oil with it . And hence it is that Soap is of so great use , for the taking of Spots or Stains out of Cloaths , because it consists of Salt , Oil and VVater . For the little particles of Oil , because of their familiarity , are easily united , which the water extracts by being joyned with the particles of Salt. XVI . What is the Cause of the Rising or Falling of water in a Glass . When any Liquor is put into a clean Glass Vessel , having an even Brim , and fill'd up to the top , the Surface of it appears plain and even ; but not so when the Vessel is only fill'd in part , because then the surface of the Liquor seems to be concave or hollow in the midst . The Cause hereof is , because the Air in the former case doth with an Equal force press upon the Liquor ; nor can any Reason be assign'd , why it should press one part of it more than another . Whereas in the latter case , the Air being whirl'd round about the Glass with water , whilst from abroad it enters into the hollow of the Glass , it is not so much dispos'd to turn its Force towards the Sides of the Glass , as to continue its motion towards the midst of the water ; and consequently presseth the Liquor more in the midst , than towards the Sides of it , which therefore are somewhat higher than the midst , which by the greater pressure of the water sinks somewhat lower . XVII . VVhence water comes to have a round Figure . But if you pour into a Pipe , or other Vessel , somewhat more water than it is well able to hold ; because that part which is ready to spill over the brims of the Vessel , is more expos'd to the Air , than that which is elsewhere ; therefore the Air drives it by its pressure more towards the midst , where is the fittest place for it to swell or rise higher . Thus we see that the water in this Pipe or Vessel swells above its brim , and that the swelling or Rounding thereof comes nearer to a perfect Round in a small or narrow Pipe ; because where the Vessel is very large , the Force of the Air is not strong enough , to overcome the weight of such a great quantity of water . XVIII . VVhy a Leaden Bullet is more easily beat flat upon a Cushion , than on an Anvil . A Leaden Bullet being laid upon a Cushion , or a pendulous Anvil , is more easily beaten flat , than upon an Anvil that stands fast and immoveable . The Reason is , because it is not sufficient to the beating of a Bullet flat , to strike it with a great force ; but it is over and above requisite that this Force continue for some time , that the parts of the Bullet may have leisure to alter their situation : But when such a Bullet is laid upon an immoveable Anvil , the Hammer leaps back almost the very same moment it strikes the Bullet , and so hath not time enough to flat it , as it hath when it can continue longer upon it , as when it is laid upon an Anvil or other Body that gives way to the stroak of the Hammer , and doth not by its Solidity immediately beat it back . Thus the Shin-bones of a Sheep are more easily broke upon the hand , than upon an Anvil ; because the Hand , by giving way to the force of the stroke , assists the breaking of it . XIX . How a Leathern Ball or Bladder is made hard , by the Air that is blown into it . When Air is blown into a Leathern Ball or Bladder , it makes it to become hard , tho' the Air of it self hath nothing of Hardness in it . The Reason is , because the parts of Air that are pent up in a Leather Ball , or Bladder , being unable to penetrate the Parts thereof , are by this means so much comprest , that thereby they are forced to change their figures , and bend like so many little Bows , which endeavour to return to their former and natural posture ; and by this means so distend the Ball , and make it feel hard to the Touch. XX. Liquid Bodies are ponderous , proportionably to their height . Fluid Bodies , that communicate with other fluid Bodies , are Heavy , proportionable to their Height , and not according to their Breadth . As for Instance , Let us suppose a Vessel full of water ABCD ; having 2 Openings or Mouths of unequal bigness E and F , to which are soder'd 2 Pipes likewise unequal , such as G and H. This supposed , if you pour the same Liquor into the said 2 Pipes to the same height , both the Liquors will be in an Equal poise . The Reason is , because their Height being the same , they are in proportion to their Thickness ; that is to say , if the Hole E be double to that of F , there is also twice as much Liquor in the Pipe GE , as there is in that of HF ; whence it follows , that the Liquor of the great Pipe cannot sink 1 Thumbs breadth lower , but it must make that in the lesser Pipe to rise 2 ; nor can that of the lesser sink lower by 2 Thumbs breadth , but it must make that in the greater Pipe to rise 4 Thumbs breadth , which makes an equal quantity of motion on either side , and consequently the water continues in equal poise in both the Pipes . XXI . VVhy a Beam of wood lies unmoved in the water , tho' the parts of the water are in continual motion . A Hard Body , for Example a Beam of Wood , being in the midst of a Pond , continues unmoved ; and except by outward force it be put into motion , it always observes the same distance from the Bodies that surround it . Which proceeds from hence , for that the Parts of the Fluid Body , which every way encompass the Wood , are tost with various motions , some upwards others downwards , some to the Right , and other to the Left ; so that the Wood receiving all their contrary motions , rests in an equal poise between them all ; since there is no cause that might incline it one way more than another . But if the whole Fluid Body tend one way , the Wood will be forc'd to comply with its motion , and be carried along with it ; because in this case the Contrariety of the motions in the water is removed , by the waters running one way only . XXII . VVater sometimes conduceth to the Hardness of Bodies . The Plaister wherewith the Walls of Houses and Roofs are cover'd , grows hard by its being mixed with water , and by this means acquires a firmness , which it never had before . Some do imagine the Cause hereof to be from the sudden evaporation of the parts of Water , which by being sublim'd into the Air , leave the rest of the Body hard : But Experience teacheth us the contrary ; for if Plaister of Paris be weighed whilst it is almost Liquid , and be afterwards weighed again , after that it is grown hard , it will be found to have lost nothing of its weight . For my part , I suppose this Hardness is produc'd , because in the Plaister there are many Pores , which the Fire hath formed in it , and are such as that the thicker Particles of Air cannot enter into them , because they have not strength enough to remove those Obstacles which they meet with in the Plaister ; which yet the particles of Water can do . Whence it comes to pass , that the water having been variously agitated with the Plaister , by flowing about the Grains or Clots of it , variously opens the Pores of it , and divides it into much lesser Parts than it was before : And forasmuch as these Particles , by being reduced into most fine powder , have acquir'd more Surface than they had before , when they were yet in Clots , being now joyned together by a more immediate contact , they do constitute a hard Body . XXIII . Why Cement becomes as hard as Marble . And it is for the same Reason , that a Cement made of Flower , the White of an Egg and calcin'd Stones , turns as hard as Marble , wherewith the Sides of that wonderful Fish-Pond at Cuma is walled . So likewise it is a thing well known , that the Powder of Flints and Loadstone being mixed with the white of an Egg and Sanguts Draconis , doth within a few days become an exceeding hard Mass . XXIV . Why aqueous Liquors are easily resolved into Vapours ; but fat and Oily Liquors not so . Aqueous and volatile Spirituous Liquors are easily resolved into Vapours ; whereas fat and oily are not without much difficulty exhaled . The Reason is , because the parts of the former , are endued with very simple Figures ; whereas those of fat Liquors are of more intricate Figures , like Branches of Trees , by which means they hang and cling close together , and therefore cannot without difficulty be separated from each other . CHAP. VII . Of Rough and Smooth Bodies . I. Many Bodies that appear smooth and polisht to sight , are rough notwithstanding . MArble , Steel , Wood , &c. appear smooth ; but yet are found to be rough by the help of a Microscope . The Reason is , because Bodies are commonly polish'd with the help of very hard Powders , the grains whereof cannot but leave Cavities , and consequently Unevenness in the Surfaces of the Bodies so polished . Pumice-stone is also made use of to this purpose ; because by its Roughness , it rubs and wears off the Prominences of the parts . And with these hard Powders always some Water or Oil is mixt , which prepares the matter , and conveys the powder into all the Cavities of the Stone , or other Subject that is to be polished . But however , after all the pains that is taken , Art can never so polish Bodies , but that some insensible Prominences and Subsidences will still remain . II. Glass and Crystal are not absolutely smooth Bodies . Thus Glass , Crystal , and the like , tho' they seem to be the smoothest of all other Bodies : Yet may truly be said to be Rough ; for tho' Glass be made by fusion of the smallest particles of Ashes , yet forasmuch as they are irregular and angulous , they cannot be so bent by the force of Fire , as to cling closely together , and by this cohaesion to lose all their own Figures : For tho' the protuberant Corners of Glass may be worn off somewhat , yet can they never be so adapted , but that some of them will get out beyond their Fellows . And tho' this Unevenness of the parts of Glass be not visible to us , yet must we not therefore deny it , because we know that our Senses are not sufficient to discover all the Affections of Bodies , and often mistake in those things , which Reason proves to be most clear and evident . A Line drawn upon a Paper doth appear strait ; which beheld through a Microscope is found to be crooked , and to have many Inequalities . III. The most exactly polisht Bodies are Rough. In like manner , there are many other Bodies which to our Sight and Touch seem to be absolutely smooth , whose Surfaces notwithstanding are made up of most thin prominent Filaments , with their Intervals , according to the demonstration Microscopes afford us of them . Thus Mr. HOOK hath demonstrated the strange asperity and roughness of the Point of a Needle , and the smoothest Edge of a Razor , Micrograph . Obs . 1 & 2. Yea , all Metals , how polish'd soever , and Lead also , notwithstanding its great compactness , represents great Asperities to the Eye that consults them , assisted with a Microscope . IV. Rough Bodies generally cast something of a white Colour . Bodies that have a Rough surface , commonly cast a whitish Colour ; but being moistned with water , they draw to a blackish Colour . The Reason is , because Rough Bodies consist of many Faces , many whereof are so turned towards us , that howsoever the Rays of Light fall upon them , they reflect copious Beams to our Eye , and consequently produce Whiteness . But when the Surface of a Rough Body is wetted with water , these Unevennesses or Faces are taken away , which before did reflect the Rays of Light , and consequently must make it appear of a darker Colour . V. Smooth Bodies have one part more shining . Polisht Bodies reflect the Rays they receive towards one part , which therefore becomes more bright and shining than the rest , which rather appear obscure and darkish . Which proceeds from hence , because the Expansion or spreading of the Rays reflected from Bodies , is produced from the various Inclination and Eminence of their Parts . And therefore Artificers do cut and grind Diamonds into several Angles and Surfaces , that from them the Light might be variously reflected and diffused . Thus Silver Vessels , when boil'd in a white-wash , become white as Snow , but if after this , any part of them be polished , they lose their whiteness , and become brown and darkish , and like Looking-Glasses , reflect their Rays towards one place only ; because the eminent particles , which were the cause of their Roughness , are taken away by polishing , and therefore it cannot be otherwise , but that that Light which falls upon them , must be directed to one certain place . As we see in an Iron Breast-piece , which being polisht , at sometimes , appears very bright and resplendent , and at others dusk and dark . VI. Why two polisht Marbles are not without difficulty separable from each other . Two Pieces of Marble exactly polisht , do so closely cling together , that the lowermost of them by ▪ its own weight cannot fall down from the uppermost ; no not in case a much heavier weight be applied to it , to draw it down , nor can it be separated from it , but by very great force . The Cause hereof is to be fetch'd from the weight or spring of the Air , which presseth the two pieces of Marble together . Wherefore seeing that the parts of all Bodies that are here with us , are prest against each other , by the superincumbent Air , or the ponderous Exhalations and Effluvia of Bodies , it is obvious to conceive how much the simple Contact of the small particles of any Body , according to their whole Surfaces , doth conduce to the causing and preserving of the firmness of Bodies ; not precisely , because the parts do touch one another ; but because , together with that Contact , there always is an outward Cause , viz. the weight of the pressing Air , which is able to preserve that Contact , till by a greater Force supervening they be separated from each other . VII . Whence the Mossiness and Mouldiness of Bodies doth arise . Some Bodies are very subject to grow mossy and mouldy , as Houses that are cover'd with Tiles or Thatch , the outside of Walls , and Ground that hath not been tilled of a long time . This Mossiness and Mouldiness is caused , when the lesser particles in their Exhalation out of Bodies , are seized by the Grosser and Bigger , and are hindred from flying away and leaving the Body ; for by this means , being mutually entangled , they stick fast to the Surface of it , and turn into a kind of Down . Thus we find , that old Trees breed more Moss than others , because their Juice is not so well digested as to spend it self all in Branches and Twigs ; but because of its weakness is stopt in its way , and covers the Bark of the Tree with a kind of mossy Down . VIII . VVhy a Pumice-stone cannot be polisht . A Pumice-stone , and several other sorts of Stone , are not capable of being polisht . The Reason is , because the Pumice-stone is a porous Body , and its pores are so wide , that the parts of it can never be brought by any Art to the smoo●hness of polisht Bodies ; but after all that can be done towards the polishing thereof will appear rough to the Touch. IX . No absolate smoothness can be found in Bodies . From what hath been said , we find reason to conclude , that there is no Body which can be said to be absolutely smooth . For , First , the most smooth and polisht Bodies have Pores , and consequently so many Cavities , which are inconsistent with absolute Smoothness . Secondly , The Artifice that is used for the polishing of Bodies being performed by Whetstones , or very hard Powders , cannot but leave some Unevenness upon them , as we find by the Microscope in the Surface of the most polisht Steel , or the smoothest Edge of a Razor . And so likewise it cannot be otherwise , but that hard Powders , used by Glass-Grinders , must leave streaks and furrows , tho' imperceptible , to the unassisted Eye . So that whatsoever is commonly spoken of the smoothness or evenness of Bodies , must only be understood with respect to the Senses , but not absolutely . X. Polisht Bodies do more strongly act and resist , than Rough Bodies . Polisht Bodies exceed Rough Bodies in the force of Acting and Resisting , as may be seen in Knives and Swords , which when Rusty , cannot cut or penetrate Bodies so well , as when they are whetted and smooth . The Reason is , because Rough Bodies have their Surfaces very uneven , some of their parts jetting out , and others subsiding : Which Unevenness of the Surface is a great hindrance to motion , and is the cause why the Bodies that are struck against them , do more faintly rebound from them . Thus we find , that a Ball will rebound much further from a smooth , than from a rough Body , which those that play at Ball are very well aware of ; and accordingly , neither can it be any wonder that a smooth and sharp Knife doth cut better and more readily , than another that is all cover'd with Rust . CHAP. VIII . Of Transparent and Opake or Dark Bodies . I. Why some Bodies are more transparent than others . SOme Bodies are almost wholly pervious to the Rays of Light , and reflect but few of them : Others resist the free passing of the Beams , and in some parts only suffer the Beams to pierce them . This Transparency of Bodies consists in the direct or strait position and ranging of their Pores , without any respect had to the Neighbouring Bodies , whether they be continuous or contiguous , because they make no change in the case . For supposing this strait position of the Pores , a luminous Object , will as well affect our Eyes , as a Colour'd will , and impress its Image on our Brain . But when this situation of the Pores comes to be changed , then the Beams of the luminous Body are either not transmitted at all , or do not clearly exhibit the Image thereof , but confusedly and difformedly ; because they pass through the Body , not in Rank and File , but in a tumultuary hudling manner crowd through it . II. Why Glass is more transparent than Paper Glass is more transparent than Paper , and admits a more free passage to the Light. The Reason is , because tho' in Paper , as well as Glass , there be pores which admit the Light coming upon them , yet are they not ranged after the same manner . For in Paper the pores are irregular and confus'd , by reason of the various entanglement of the Threds whereof it doth consist , which obstructs the Action of the Light , for those pores which are open on the utmost Surface , as they go deeper , are obstructed by crossing Filaments . But in Glass there is such an Arangement of parts , that the pores are all continued in a strait Line , so that the Light most readily glides through them , according to that of the Epicurean Poet : — nor can the Beams of Light Through any Body freely reach our Sight , Except the Pores in straitest Lines be rang'd , As they 're in Glass — . For Glass , when it was first made , and was yet in fusion , the particles of the Fire piercing it every way , formed innumerable pores in it , through which the Globuli of the second Element finding a free passage , are able to transmit the Action of Light , which consists in their pression , every way in strait Lines . III. Transparency may be acquir'd several ways . There are several ways whereby Transparency may be produced : First , By melting : Thus we find that Snow and Butter by being melted , become transparent . Secondly , By the intrusion of some proper Body , by means whereof a due position of the Pores is introduc'd : Thus Paper anointed with Oil transmits the Light , and is made Diaphanous . Thirdly , By Resolution : Thus we see that the Waters or Spirits distill'd from Opake Bodies , as of Roses , &c. are transparent . Fourthly , By Concretion or Coagulation , by which means the Diamond and Crystal attain their perspicuity . Fifthly , By polishing and wiping off the Dust : Thus Glass by being polished , and after it is polished by being dusted , becomes transparent , and affords a free and undisturbed passage to the beams of Light. IV. How Glass is made more dusk and obscure , by the addition of new parts . The perspicuity of Glass is diminished by the same degrees , as it increaseth in Thickness and Bulk . The Cause whereof cannot be assigned to ought else , but the Inequality of the Pores : For seeing that Glass is not altogether transparent , but consists of many thick parts , which reflect the Beams of Light ; it cannot be otherwise , but that many of its pores must be obstructed by the addition of new Matter , and consequently the Action of Light hindred . As we see that a man may , through the joyning of his Fingers , perceive Objects ; but if he lay the Fingers of his other Hand athwart them , they will stop those little slits or gaps through which he could see Objects before . In the same manner , tho' a thin Glass does readily transmit the beams which fall upon it ; yet will it stop and hinder the Sight , if it increase considerably in thickness , because its pores by this means are interrupted and are made unequal . And it is evident , that the Inequality of the Disposition of the parts alone is sufficient to render that Opake , which before was Diaphanous . Thus we find that the Grains of Indian Sand , beheld through a Microscope , are not only pellucid , but sparkle like Diamonds ; but when by being heaped together they can no longer give free passage to the Light , they shew Opake or Dusky . V. How Vintners fine their VVines . It is a thing common with Vintners , to fine their Wines , that is , to make them clear and pellucid , by means of water-Glue , ordinarily called Izing-glass , and the whites of Eggs ; making use also sometimes of Alabaster , and calcin'd Flints , for the same end . For the first of these , consisting of Viscous and Tenacious parts , do easily entangle the faeculent parts of the Wine , and sink with them to the bottom : And the other , have a Precipitating force or virtue ; and therefore entring the Pores of the Wine , do precipitate the more dreggy parts of it . In like manner they correct Ropy-VVines , by adding to them burnt Alom , Quick-lime , Plaister of Paris , Salt , and the like ; for all these produce a new Fermentation in the Liquor , and so cause a separation of the grosser parts , which are sent down to the bottom . And by this means the VVine recovers its former consistence and pellucidity . VI. VVater is more opake than a Mist . Tho' VVater seem transparent to the Eye , yet is it less pervious to the Light , than a Mist : For if a man , from the top of an high House or Tower , look down towards the Earth , he will be able to perceive it through a Mist ; whereas he finds that his Eye-sight cannot pierce to see the bottom of a River , where the distance is as great from the Surface of the River to the bottom , as from the said high Tower to the ground . And therefore Divers witness , that after they are got 12 or 15 Cubits under water , they can neither perceive the Sun , nor any thing else . Which is an evident Argument , that the VVater is an Opake Body , and much more dusky than a Mist . The Reason hereof in VVater seems to be the Thickness of its parts ; which being irregular , and of unequal Figures , easily hinder the Globuli of the second Element from passing through them in strait Lines . For we must conceive a Body to become Opake , when the said Globuli cannot pass through it , but by oblique ways , and when their course is stopt by thwarting particles . Now a Mist is more transparent than the VVater , because it consists of thinner parts , and such as are more ready to comply with the motions of the subtil Matter , and easily make way for them : For tho' the parts of the Mist , as well as the VVater , be irregular ; yet they differ in the Magnitude , because the particles of a Mist are more fine and subtil , and not so closely entangled , as those of the water . Whence it is that the Globuli of the second Element move them with more freedom , and more easily thrust them out of their places ; which is the true Reason why a Mist doth less oppose the transmission of Light , than VVater doth . VII . VVhy many Liquors are opake . VVine , Milk and Blood , with many other Liquors , are Opake . And the Reason is , because they are not pure and simple Liquors , but are throng'd with many Heterogeneous Bodies . It is a thing very notorious , that VVine , when it is distill'd , leaves many Bodies behind , which will not rise in Vapours . And this is the reason of the great clearness of Spirit of VVine ; for being by Distillation freed from all its Heterogeneous parts , which were an hindrance to the free passage of the Rays of Light , it becomes wholly transparent , and that in the highest degree . Milk also is Opake for the same reason ; for we find that when the Curds are separated from it , the VVhey is in a great measure Diaphanous . And the same is to be said of Blood , and other such like Liquors , which never appear thick or troubled , but when some strange Bodies are mixed with them , which obstruct or come athwart their Pores . VIII . How Liquors are made clear and transparent . Beer , Ale , and other Liquors , after fermentation become clear , and are not thicker or more troubled at the bottom , than at the top . And this , because the Matter of the second Element , moving in the pores of Liquid Bodies , do continually drive the particles of the third Element out of their places , till they have so disposed of them amongst others , that they do no more resist their motion , than those others do ; or if they cannot so dispose them , till they have wholly separated them from the rest . Thus we see that New Wine doth not only cast some of its dregs upwards towards the Surface , and precipitate others of them downwards ( which might be attributed to the Lightness or Heaviness of the particles so separated ) but also to the Sides of the Vessel . And the same estimate is to be made concerning pure Liquors . IX . VVhy Urine is sometimes clear and transparent . So for the most part Urine is clear and transparent , whilst the Heat helps to keep the pores more lax and open , and consequently leaves a more free way for the Light to pass : But when either the pores are contracted by Cold , or stopt with various little Bodies , they are the cause of the Opacity of the Urine . For indeed , there are but very few Liquors which are without any Opake particles . X. VVhy our hands are commonly more dirty in VVinter , than in Summer . And for the same Reason it is , that our Hands , during the Winter , are more dirty ; because the particles that should exhale through the Skin , continue sticking under it , and that because of the greater constriction of the pores , so that the exhaling Matter is hindred from flying away into the Air : Whereas in Summer time , when all the pores are open , all these gross Exhalations are carried up into the Air , and consequently leave the Hands clean . Wherefore in Cold weather it is good to wash the Hands with warm water , to help to open the pores . XI . VVhy Crystal loseth its perspicuity , when cast into the Fire . Crystal , if it be cast into the Fire , or for a Minute or two be cover'd with hot Ashes , it loseth its Diaphaneity , and seems to degenerate into a quite different Body ; neither can it afterwards , by any known Art , be reduced to its former perspicuity . Which can only be attributed to the particles of Fire , which violently rushing into the pores , do break their order , and consequently produce a new ranging of the parts . Now this confused disposition of the Parts , destroys perspicuity ; as shall be shewed more at large , when I come to treat of Qualities . XII . How it comes to pass that two clear Liquors mixt together constitute a black Body . It has been found by Experience , that from the mixture of 2 clear Liquors , a black Body doth arise : For the Infusion of Galls , which is clear , being mixed with a solution of Vitriol , makes Ink. The Reason whereof is , because the particles of both these Liquors being mixed together , do so intimately close and unite , that by the closeness of their ranging , they hinder the passage of the Beams of Light. For in either of these Liquors there are certain little Bodies , which when joyned together , neither transmit the beams of Light , nor suffer them to reflect from the Body , but do , as it were , wholly swallow them and keep them Prisoners . But if you add to the Ink , Aquafortis or Spirit of Vitriol , it will become clear again , like Spring ▪ water ; because the particles of this new infused Liquor , do separate the contiguous Bodies , and open the shut up pores . But if Oil of Tartar per Deliquium be added to the changed Ink , it will be restored to its former Blackness ; because Oil of Tartar joyns it self with the Spirit of Vitriol , and the particles of the Galls and Vitriol do again embrace each other . It is also from the same Cause that Spirit of Wine , in which Annis-seed hath been boil'd , when mix'd with water , yield a white Colour ; and Oil of Tartar , when mixed with water , becomes troubled and opake ; that is , because the order and disposition of their Parts is troubled , and the passage of the Aethereal matter hindred , by little super-added Bodies that obstruct the pores . XIII . The Reason of the variety of Colours arising from the mixture of various Liquors . Hence it is that when we write with the clear and transparent Infusion of Vitriol , the Letters do not appear at all , except that the Paper hath been done over with the Infusion of Galls ; but a Pen dipt in the Spirit of Vitriol will efface these Characters , which will appear again when drawn over with a Pen dipt in the Oil or Liquor of Tartar. And the cause is much the same in other Colours produced from the mingling of 2 clear Liquors . Thus the Salt of Tartar dissolved per Deliquium , being poured into a solution of Calcin'd Tin , gives a blew Colour ; the same added to a solution of Lead in distill'd Vinegar , yields a white Colour ; and being dropt into an Infusion of Mercury Sublimate , affords a yellow ; Antimony Calcin'd with Nitre , and boil'd in common water , leaves the water that is strain'd from it clear and transparent . All which diversity proceeds from the various disposition of the particles whereof these Bodies are compounded , which causes the Rays of Light to receive a different Reflection from their several Surfaces . CHAP. IX . Of Bodies that are Bended and Pressed together . I. VVhat is the Reason that a bent Bow , as soon as slackned , returns to its former state . A Bow , made of Steel or Wood , being bent , returns to its former state . The Reason whereof I suppose to be , because the pores of the Bow , by the bending of it , becomes so narrowed , that the subtil Matter cannot freely pass through them ; and therefore pushing against them with greater force than ordinary , strives to make its way through them , as formerly . Now this may be done several ways ; for if we conceive the pores of the Bow , before it was bent , to have been of an even widness from beginning to end , but that by being bent the ends of the said pores are narrowed , it is evident that the subtil Matter , which passeth freely through that part of the pores which is widest , when it comes to the narrow Extremities , will endeavour to disentangle it self , and pass further . But if the pores of the unbent Bow be supposed of a round figure , and that by the bending of it they are reduced to an Elliptical figure , the subtil Matter will exert its endeavour , to bring them to their former round figure , and consequently will restore the bent Bow to its former state . For tho' the Globuli of the second Element , with respect to their bulk , are but of little force to shake the sides of the pores ; yet because they continually croud in great numbers into the Cavities of the Bow , striving to make their way through them , all their Forces being joyn'd , and conspiring to this end , are sufficient to effect it . II. VVhy VVires and the Bought of Trees , that are bent , return to their Natural posture of themselves . And it is for the same Cause that Iron-wire , made to wind spirally in Rings , like a Serpent , and shut up in a Box , as soon as the Box is opened , it leaps out of the Box , like a Serpent , shooting it self at some body . Thus also the bended Boughs of Trees , as soon as they are let go , fly back with great force and violence , so as to carry vast weights up with them : Because by this bending the parts of the Boughs are comprest together , which upon the impulse of the subtil Matter , striving to enter the compressed pores , are driven to their former state and posture . III. Some Bodies upon their being bent , rebound or fly back more strongly ▪ others weakly . On the contrary , a soft Plant , such as is the Elder , flies back but a little ; a Hazel tree , which is harder , more ; because the foresaid subtil matter passeth with more ease through the open pores of the former , and with greater difficulty through the straiter pores of the latter . Thus Glass that is bent , returns with greater force ; because the parts of it are not joyned by the mutual entangling of their Branchy particles , as those of Plants are , but only by their Surfaces : And therefore when the figure of the pores of Glass is changed , the subtil matter exerts a more forceable impulse to restore the same . A Proof whereof we have in a Plate of Iron , which by being much hammer'd , acquires this force or spring to fly back . Thus likewise the Air it self , by being comprest and pent in Pneumatick or Hydraulick Pipes or Instruments , when it is left to its liberty again , it dischargeth the ●ullets or water with as much force , as before it had been pent in and comprest ; and all this from the attempt of the subtil Matter , to restore the changed pores to this former state and figure . IV. Why all the wavings this way and that way , take up the same space of Time. A Cord or String fastned at both ends to fixed Bodies , being forced from its situation , runs out and returns , or waves this way and that way in the same measure of time , tho' it doth not always measure the same space of place . The Reason is , because , as in a Body that hangs down , the several motions of the several Excursions are equal to the time of their Returns , by the Altitude of that Circle , the Arcs whereof are described by the hanging Body : So in like manner in a stretched Body , all the Moments of time wherein the middle part of the String waves out one way , are equal to that one time , wherein the other Extream , in case it were cut loose , would strait pass through the whole length , and come to the place of the other , to which the unchanged force would still draw it back . V. Why the Excursions of a string , are not equal to the degree of its being stretched . If you demand , why a String that is as long again , if it be equally stretched , doth make its Excursions as slow again as another : But if the String be stretched as much again , it doth not make its , Excursions as swift again ; but to the end it may do so , the force of the stretching must be 4 times as great . I Answer , that forasmuch as all the Excursions of every String , be they of what length they will , are equal to one and the same straight Trajection , the Trajection in the former case , must needs be made in a double proportion of time ; because a double Space is taken to be run through by the same motive Force : But in the latter case it cannot ; because when we take three equal things , viz. Time , Space , and the motive Force , it must necessarily follow , that supposing the same Space to remain , as much as the time is diminished , so much the motive virtue must increase ; and that there be the same proportion of the space to the time , as there is of the motive virtue to the space : Therefore it must follow , that if the space be in such a proportion to the time , as 2 to 1 , the force must be to the space , as 4 to 2 ; and therefore must not have the proportion to time of 2 to 1 , but of 4 to 1. VI. Why Sticks break after that they have been long bent . Some Bodies that have continued long bent , do break , when we endeavour to reduce them to their former posture ; as we find in some Sticks , which break whenever we go about to straiten them again . The Reason whereof is , because the subtil Aether , whilst it endeavours to separate the particles of Bodies that resist its motion , must not only overcome the Resistance of them , but of the Bodies that surround it . And forasmuch as every thing endeavours to continue in the state wherein it is , and that Bodies which have been once put into motion , do continue in the same ; so it is that the subtil Matter cannot shake them , without superadding more force to them , and increasing their strength ; and so it comes to pass , that dashing more strongly against the said parts , it altogether separates them from each other . VII . A Low that continues long bent , atlast loseth its force of returning to its former situation . A Bow that hath been long bent , especially if it be made of Wood or Steel , doth in process of time lose its force of flying-back , and continues in the same state , to which by bending it hath been reduced . A long Plate of Lead , bent in manner of a Bow , doth not fly back at all , but continues in the crooked state in which it is put . The Reason why a wooden Bow , that hath been long bent doth not fly back , is , because its parts are not so hard , but that the subtil Matter can easily form new pores in them for its own passage ; but a piece of Lead , bent like a Bow , cannot start back : For seeing that the parts of Lead are soft and flexible , they do easily suffer themselves to be penetrated ; so that the subtil Matter can easily form new pores , and being able to pass freely , doth not make any attack upon the parts , whereby it might cause them to fly back . For as drops of Water , falling perpetually , do make an impression even upon the hardest Stones ; so by the continual impulse of the subtil Matter , against the sides of the Oval pores in the bent Lead , they are adapted and accommodated to the free admission of the said particles , so as to let them go through without any Resistance . VIII . Why a Bullet doth more penetrate a Body at a distance , than one which is nigh to it . It is observed by some , that a Bullet discharged from a Gun , doth more penetrate a Body at 100 Foot distance , than at 10 or 20. The Reason whereof is , because the Bullet being so soon beaten back , hath not space enough to perform so strong an effect : Something in the same manner , and for the same reason that a Hammer less flattens a Bullet when lying upon an Anvil , than when it is laid on a Cushion ; as before was mentioned , Chap. 6. Of hard and fluid Bodies . IX . Comprest Liquors take up less Room , than those which are put into Vessels , where they are not pent up . It hath been observed , that when a Vessel fill'd with Liquor is emptied into Bottles , and afterwards the Liquor is poured out of them into the Vessel again , it will not fill the Vessel as much as before ; and that it is more conspicuous in Wine , than in Water . The Cause whereof is , because the Liquor is not so much comprest in an open Vessel , as in Bottles ; and because in the former the Liquor meets with nothing almost , but parts of its own Nature ; whereas in Bottles , the parts of the Liquor meet more with the parts of the Bottle , which so keeps them in , and compresseth them , that they cannot display themselves , as otherwise they would . As the Liquors are comprest by the Sides of the Vessels wherein they are contained ; so likewise on the other hand are Bodies also comprest by the Liquors that are in them , but yet so as to be equally comprest in all the parts of them ; because the parts of the Matter are kept in by each other in Equal poise , neither are they more prest in one place than in another . X. VVhy ● Bellows held with the upper part under water , cannot be opened or displayed . For the same Reason it is also , that a pair of Bellows with the Sides of it clapt together held under water , the Nuzzle of it standing out , cannot be displayed or opened ; forasmuch as the sides of it are comprest by the surrounding water , which will not give way , no not tho' great force be made use of for that purpose , especially if the Bellows be somewhat deeply sunk under water . Thus if you take a Vessel full of Quicksilver , and fasten to it a long Pipe , the top whereof stands out of the Water , it will be so comprest at the bottom of the VVater , that it will cause the Quicksilver to rise somewhat in the Pipe. XI . VVhy the Air breaks forth with such violence out of those Pneumatick Vessels , wherein it hath been comprest . Air that hath been comprest in a Pneumatick Engin , breaks forth thence again with extream Violence ; as is seen in those Engins which cast up water to a great height , or shoot Darts or Bullets at a great distance . Some take the Reason hereof to be , that the Air being strongly prest upon , is received into some empty Spaces , which before separated the parts of Air from each other . But suppose it to be so , what is the Reason that when the Hole of the Pneumatick Vessel is opened , the Air breaks forth so violently ? For if every part of Air retire it self into those empty Spaces , and preserves its former Extension , where is the Compression ? And what is it makes the Air leap back with so much violence , if by being received into those empty Spaces , it does suffer no Violence ? The Cause therefore of this Elastick virtue , is , because the Air being thus comprest , its parts are not capable of dilating themselves as formerly : For being all of them flexible , and moving independently on their Neighbours , they must every one of them have , as it were , a little Sphere , which may be sufficient for them to perform their Circular motion about their own Center in . But being comprest , they can have no such Sphere or Space to move in , since every one of them enters into the other place , and so hinder one another . And whereas the force of the Globuli of the second Element continues still to be the same , and shakes the parts of the Air , as much as before ; they with their Extremities hitting against each other , and driving one another out of their places , at last joyn their forces , and make a general onset to deliver themselves from the said Compression , and procure more room for themselves . Hence it is , that the Air which is comprest in a Pneumatic Vessel , whereof I have given the Figure in the Sixth Part of my Institution , Chap. 14. having water at the bottom of it , doth violently break forth , mounting up to a very great height . XII . How it comes to pass , that the Air may be comprest in a Leaden or Pewter Vessel , but not in a Glass . Water contained in a Glass cannot be comprest , at least sensibly ; which yet may easily be done , when it is in a Vessel of Lead or Pewter . The Reason is , because the Compression of the water is always performed by the Expulsion of some subtil Matter , which lay hid in the pores of the comprest Body . Now because the Air , which is contained in the water , cannot pierce through the pores of the Glass , as it can those of Lead or Pewter ; therefore this is the Reason , why water is capable of being comprest in a Vessel of Lead or Pewter . Thus we see not only , that water is squeezed out of Wool , Sponges , and other such like wet Bodies ; but likewise out of Green-wood , and Air out of Dry-wood , when they are comprest by being put into water ; as is apparent from the Bubbles arising to the Surface of the water . XIII . A Bladder that is blown up with Air , being comprest , returns to its former state of Inflation . A Bladder blown up , being comprest , riseth again . Because the particles of the Air , which are shut up in the Bladder , being in continual motion , and whirling about their own Centers , they consequently cannot , without difficulty , suffer themselves to be compressed ; and therefore as soon as the pression ceaseth , they are extended again by the Agitation of the subtil Matter , and consequently dilate the Bladder , as before . XIV . VVhy the VVind that is pent up in a narrow space , blows more violently . From the same Cause it is , that a Wind breaking forth from the hollow of Mountains , doth with so much violence storm in the open Air ; and that a River , where its Banks are narrow , runs with the greater force and swiftness : For the wind and water being compressed in those more narrow Spaces , do endeavour to deliver themselves from the Force that is upon them . XV. VVhy Leather that is extended by force , returns to its former length . Hence it is likewise , that Cloth and Leather that hath been violently stretched out , return to their former Brevity ; because many of their pores being straitned by that Extension , cannot suffer the subtil matter to pass through them , without a forceable and violent motion : Wherefore , as soon as the said violent Extension doth cease , the pores return to their former laxity ; and the particles that surround the said straitned pores , by means of the subtil matter , are reduced to the bounds of their former Extension . XVI . VVhy the drawing of ones Finger about the Brim of a Glass , makes the water contained in it to leap up . A wet Finger drawn about the Brim of a Glass full of water , or any other Liquor , first makes the water to wave a little , and to rise up in a small Dew , and being continued , will cause the water to leap over the Brim in great drops . The Cause whereof is , because by this drawing of the Finger round the Edges of the Glass , the hard , but flexible parts of the Glass are pressed , and consequently the pores straitned , so as that they are no longer able to make way for the Celestial matter to pass through them . But as soon as the Finger is removed to other parts of the brim of the Glass , the subtil matter presently reduceth the pores of the before pressed part to their former wideness : And from this repeated compression of the particles by the Finger , and their Extension by the entring of the subtil matter , there is first caused an agitation of all the parts of the Glass ; afterwards a swelling and waving of the Liquor ; and lastly , the leaping up of the drops of it over the brim of the Glass . XVII . The Dilatation or Coarctation of the pores of a Body , doth conduce to the Elastick force of it . The Coarctation and Dilatation of the Pores of a Body , do much contribute to its Elastick force . Thus if we wipe the Convex surface of a bent piece of Glass with a hot Cloth , it will by this means become the more bent and crooked . But we shall find the effect contrary , if we wash the Concave surface with Hot-water , or wipe it with a Hot-cloth , for then its Crookedness will be diminished ; because the particles of the Fire do dilate the pores of the Glass . This being much the same effect which we find , when having fill'd a Glass Vial with a long and narrow Neck , up to the middle of the Neck with water , we dip the same in Hot-water ; whereupon we shall find that the water in the Glass will sink a little ; because the heat hath dilated the pores of the Glass , and thereby made the Vial a little wider : But if you let it continue in the Hot-water , then the water which is in the Vial being heated likewise , will rise higher again : But the contrary will happen when you dip the Vial into Cold-water ; for the pores of the Glass being straitned by the Coldness of the water , the Liquor in the Glass will rise higher . XVIII . VVhat is the Reason why Glass Drops , when one end of them is broke off , the whole immediately breaks into small Dust . Little bits of solid Glass are brought out of Prussia , which are commonly called Glass-drops ; the figure of them somewhat resembling a long Olive , with a crooked Neck , not much unlike the Retorts Chymists use , save only that it is solid and without any Cavity , as is exprest in the figure AB . These Glass-drops were formerly made of a hard and thick sort of Glass , but are now made of Crystal-Glass , which being melted , and drawn out of the Melting-Pot with a Glass-Pipe , and being dropt into a Pail of water , becomes formed into these Drops , because of the Clamminess of the Matter . If these Drops be let fall into warm-water , the Drops will be better and more easily formed . Now it is a very wonderful thing to see a solid piece of Glass , which scarcely can be broke with the repeated stroaks of a Hammer , yet when broke off a little above the end or point of it , or being filed in the more distant parts at 1 or 2 , doth immediately break into small Dust , to the great admiration of the Spectators . When indeed the end or point of it 3 is broke , it does not always fall into Dust ; but if the thicker part of the Neck 4 is broke or snapt off with a pair of Pincers , the whole Drop flies into small Dust , not without some noise . This notable Effect cannot be assigned to any other Cause , than the subtil matter , which upon the breaking off of the Point 4 , doth immediately rush into the pores of it with so much violence , that finding no out-let , it exerts its force upon the Neck of the Drop , and breaks it into the finest Powder . For seeing that this Glass , like a Drop , is at first of an Oval figure , and afterwards pointed , and at first drops into the water in greater quantity , and afterwards in a fine string , the pores that are in the Point of it , must needs be uniform and like one another ; whereas those that are in its other parts must be as various , as being more remote from the surface : For the deeper they are in the Glass , the wider they are ; and this , because the Point being so thin and slender , is uniformly condensed by the water inward and outward , and perforated by the subtil matter ; whereas the thicker parts have their outsides cooled and condensed , before their inside . The utmost Point therefore 3 , may be broken either with a Hammer , or with the Hand , without any pains or wonder ; but the other parts 4 , or A , cannot be pierced with a Bodkin or File , before that the whole Drop fly into Powder with a great noise : For because of the straitness of the pores that are in the surface of it , and the dilatation of those that are about the middle , the subtil matter rushing vehemently from the middle of the Glass to the outsides of it , dasheth away the partieles of the third Element . For Experience teacheth , that any Glass that is cooled after this manner doth fly to pieces in small particles : For the parts of the Glass that are about the midst of it , being wider , and growing narrower , as they approach to the surface ; it must follow that the subtil matter penetrating the more narrow pores , doth dash against them with that violence , that it makes the Glass fly into small Dust. XIX . A Glass Drop being heated again in the Glass-makers Furnace , and suffer'd to cool by degrees , doth not , when broke , fly into Dust . But if this Drop be afterwards heated again in the Furnace , and suffer'd to cool by degrees , the now mentioned wonderful effect doth not follow ; because in this case the foresaid Pores are all uniform : According as we find it happens in Steel , which being a second time heated in the Fire , doth thereby acquire uniform pores throughout , still retaining the Hardness it had before . Wherefore also when the Point of it is broke off , there is no reason for its breaking into pieces , because the subtil matter finds its way open through the uniform pores of it . But the contrary happens , when being put into the Fire , it be not suffer'd to become red hot ; for tho' then when the Point 3 is broke off , or the part 4 , it doth not fly into Powder ; yet if the breach be made nearer to A , the same effect will follow by the Reason before given . XX. Pressed Bodies exert a greater force at the beginning of their Dilatation , than at the end of it . It is observed , that all Bodies which are dilated by an Elastick virtue , do exert a greater force at the beginning of their Dilatation , than at the end of it . The Reason is , because these Bodies , at the beginning , are supposed to be more comprest , than afterwards when they are more dilated . Now it is plain , that whilst they are more comprest , their Elastick virtue or Spring is so much the stronger , and they do the more endeavour to dilate themselves , so that they must needs exert a greater force at the beginning of their Dilatation , than in the progress of it . The Second Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF QUALITIES . CHAP. I. Of Qualities in General . I. Qualities , as they are commonly explained , are altogether unintelligible . A Student of Philosophy ought to abhor nothing more than to assert things which he doth not understand , or to endeavour the Demonstration of what he cannot define . But yet there be many that are guilty of this fault , who endeavouring to defend the opinion of some of the Antients concerning Qualities , do attribute such a Nature to them , which we can have no conception of . For of what use is it to tell us , that a Quality is that whence things are said to be Quales or such like ? What Old Woman is there that doth not know as much ? Is there any Country Fellow so blockish , that doth not know that by Whiteness things are made White , and by Redness , Red ? They would do much better to acquaint us wherein precisely the Nature of a Quality doth consist , how it doth affect the Subject it belongs to , and after what manner it is diffused through the same . Let the Peripateticks therefore in good earnest tell us , what Representation they frame in their Minds of a Quality , and trouble us no more with their Words , which serve only to darken and sully Truth . Is Quality any thing Physically , or really distinct from the Substance wherein it is ? Or is it superadded to the things that are denominated from it , as some new Entity ? Let them therefore explain its Genuine Nature to us , and do it in such a manner , as that what they express in words , may be intelligible to us . If they cannot do this , which indeed I suppose is a thing impossible for them , why do not they quit these frivolous Qualities , and following the Laws of Nature , espouse more Intelligible Principles ? II. Wherein the Nature of a Quality doth consist . What is more Intelligible than Quantity , Motion , Situation , Figure and Rest ? By which all natural effects may be made out , even the most abstruse and difficult of them . A Watch is moved , and without any outward force , measures and shews the Hours . A Key locks a Door , and opens it . Is there any necessity to conceive a faculty in a VVatch , that may set its VVheels a going ? Or in a Key any thing really distinct from it whereby the Lock is opened ? What Man in his wits will not confess that it is more consonant to Reason , to attribute the constant motion of a VVatch to the Steel Spring , the disposition of the VVheels with their figure and contexture ; and the power of shutting and opening that is in a Key , to the Figure and Ranging of its Parts ; than to have recourse to Qualities , which they can never explain nor conceive ? But this is to run out beyond what I have here designed , which is not to assert the Nature of Qualities by Arguments , but to confirm the same by Experiments . III. There are no Qualities in the Sun that are really distinct from it . The Sun hath a power to harden Clay , soften VVax , melt Ice and Butter , to resolve VVater into Vapors , to whiten Linnen , to tan the Skin , to ripen Fruits , to hatch the Eggs of Fowl and Silk-worms , and sometimes to produce I know not how many various effects . All which are not any distinct Powers or Qualities in the Sun , but only the results of its Heat , which according to the different Texture of Bodies , and according to the different concourse of Cooperating Causes , is variously determined . IV. The Difference of ●odies proceeds from the different Figure and Contexture of their Parts . The Purest Spirits of VVine , when joined with the most highly Rectified Spirit of Urin , become united together in the appearance of Snow , which is caused by nothing else but a new Texture of Parts : As when the Spirit of Nitre , mingled with detonated Nitre resolved per deliquium , is turned into Saltpeter . Or , as when the Spirit of Salt being beaten with the VVhite of an Egg , doth communicate to it hardness , which it had not before . V. The Sea-water changeth its Colour by Agitation only . When the Sea is tost and beaten with VVinds , it changeth its Colour , and what was a Seagreen Colour before , does now appear VVhite ; as the same is Elegantly described by LUCRETIUS . As in the Sea when the mad Ocean Raves , And white Curles rise upon the foaming VVaves . Now who can be imagin'd so weak in his Intellectuals , as to attribute this change to any supervening Quality ? For what Agent should effect this alteration ? Or by what means could a real Entity be diffused through such a vast conf●ux of VVater ? The Sea therefore becomes white b● being ●urned into froth , that is , by the variatio● o● i●s parts in their Magnitude , Situation and Figure , and rising into little Bubbles ; whence the reflected light being conveyed to our Eye , represents a white Colour . VI. Great changes are produced in Bodies , only from the alteration of the Disposition of the parts . Thus , if Mercury Sublimate ●e put into hot water , and a few drops of Spirit of Urine dropt into it , and then filtrated , it becomes white like Milk. Thus Red Lead and Coral , by the infusion of Oil of Tartar , acquire a white Colour . Thus Gold being mixed with Silver , if afterwards it be ●e●arated by Aqua Fortis , a black Powder falls to the bottom , its first Colour being lost . Of which change no other cause can be assigned , than the Figure , Texture and Order , &c. of the Parts . For as LUCRETIUS expresseth it , — In Bodies so , As their Seeds , Figure , Order , Motion do , The things themselves must change and vary too . VII . How water after various concoctions , changeth its ● rmer qualities . Put water into a strong Pot or Vessel , and having luted its Cover to it , and let it stand for some time upon Burning Coals , then remove it , and let it grow cold ; then set it to boil again as before ; and you 'l find that by the repeating of these alterations several times , the Colour , Taste and Smell of the water will be changed . This change in the water proceeds from nothing else , but the new Order , Figure , Position , &c. of its parts . For the force of the Fire separating the particles of the Liquor , makes them to acquire another position than they had before , by which means different qualities are induced into the water , and they made to affect our senses in a different manner from that they did before . VIII . Various Bodies arise from other Bodies , only by the figuration and position of the parts . How many sorts of Plants do we see grow out of water only , into which they shoot their Roots , and attracting it for their nourishment , do encrease in weight , grow up , and spread their Branches . And indeed it is a matter of wonder to see hot and Caustick Plants , such as Crowfoot is , growing and encreasing in , and from the water alone ; neither can this change be assigned to any thing else , but the meer change of the Figure and contexture of the Parts . Thus from churn'd Milk , without any other accession of a new form , but by a pure transposition of Parts , Butter and Buttermilk are produced . Thus Glass is made of Sand and Salt , and Roman Vitriol of Salt and Copper ; for as Sand gives Glass its firmness , so Copper or Iron afford the same to Vitriol . IX . Whence it is that Oisters have some part of them Red in the Summer . And for the same reason it is that Oysters , in the hottest Months of Summer , have the appearance of Blood in them ; which Colour towards the approach of VVinter vanisheth , because then for want of beat , the Oysters cannot concoct the Alimental Juice to that high degree , as to produce Blood. And suitably to this Physicians tell us that the Redness of the Blood proceeds from the acidity of the Vital Saline Spirit ; much in the same manner , as Juleps by the instillation of a few drops of Spirit of Vitriol , acquire a Red Colour . X. Oyl of Tartar dropt into an Infusion of Sena-leaves , changeth the colour of it . If you drop a few drops of Oyl of Tartar into an infusion of Sena-leaves in warm water , the water will presently turn Red , and become of a purple Colour , tho' there be no such Colour , either in the VVater , Leaves , or Oyl of Tartar. The Cause of which Redn●●s is , for that the Oyl of Tartar , piercing into the substance of the Sena , doth so agitate and separate the parts thereof that it makes way for the most minute particles of the water , to enter the Pores of the Sena ; and changing their Text●●e , make the Beams reflecting from them to exhibit to our Eye a Red Colour . And that this Redness is by this means produced , may be plainly evinced , because another Oyl , for instance , that of Vitriol , being infused in the said water , will not not produce the same effect ; because it wants the power to ●●netrate ●he substance of the Sena , and separate its parts so , as to make way for the Particles of the water to enter . XI . Why two cold Bodies mingled together do sometimes produce heat . And the same may be applied to other Qualities , as Heat , &c. for our Touch assures us , that there is an extream heat , in Stygian waters , or Corrosive Chymical Spirits when Metals are dissolved in them . And in the Spirit of Nitre , poured upon the butter of Antimony , or the filings of Lead ; when yet the said Corrosive Spirits as well as Metals , are both cold . XII . An Apple thrown against a Wall , doth acquire new qualities in that part where it hath been bruised . An Apple when dasht against another Apple , or when bruised by falling down to the Ground , or being thrown against a Wall , that part of the Apple which is bruised will be found to differ from the rest in Smell , Taste , and other Qualities ; and this change is so great , as that it seems to be quite of another nature , than the other part of the Apple . Which change proceeds only from the Transposition of its Parts , for no new thing is superadded to it by its bruise , but only the parts of the Apple are altered from the Position they had before . So likewise we see what a great change is produced in VVine , when it is changed into Vinegar ; of which notwithstanding no other cause can be assigned , but a slight exhalation of some of its minute parts , or rather the change of their Configuration , by being shaped into little pointed Swords . And as by the exhalation of some parts this change is caused in VVine , so no less an Alteration of things is often produced , by an accession of new parts . Thus an Apple or Pear , by being rolled hard upon a Table , doth grow soft , and of a sweet Taste , by a gentle distribution of the Spirits into all the parts of it , as the Chymists express it , the unequal Distribution whereof is the cause of a harsh and sour Taste in Fruit : For hard Rolling is a mean between Concoction and simple ▪ Maturation . But of this we shall treat more largely in the Part concerning Plants . CHAP. II. Of Heat . WAter , which when cold is without motion in a Pot or Kettle , when it is hung over a Fire and boils , riseth up to the brim of it , when as before it scarcely filled one half of it . The Reason is because the heat of the Fire doth put the parts of the Water into Motion , and separate them from each other , and is the cause why by reason of the admission of Air , or some other insensible matter , they ca● no longer be contained within the same bounds as they were before , but require a greater space for them to display themselves in . For it is common to all Bodies that are rarefied , to encrease in bulk by the reception of the subtil matter into their pores ; and more especially where the Rarefaction is caused by some considerable Heat , which puts the parts into Motion , and separates them from each other . II. Why the heat of the Sun is commonly vivifying and vegitative , and that of the Fire destructive . The Heat of the Sun promotes the vegetation and vivification of things ; whereas the heat of the Fire is rather destructive , and generates nothing by its activity . The Reason whereof is , because the heat of the Sun is moderate , and because of its distance and perpetual circling about the Earth very gradually dispenst . Whereas the heat of Fire , because it cannot reach far , and before it can produce any considerable effect , must approach nearer to Bodies , than is for their preservation , doth presently vanish , and either through the ignorance , or impatience of men , cannot be kept in that temperature which is necessary to the vegetation of things . But if so be , it can by the Art and Industry of Men be reduc'd to a due Temperature , then nothing will hinder but that Eggs may be hatched by it , Plants produced , Insects generated , and all living things cherished by the warmth thereof . III. A thing that is Lukewarm only , seems hot when touched with a cold Hand . A Lukewarm Body , touched with a hot Hand , seems cold to us ; and hot when we touch it with a cold Hand . Which different Sense doth not proceed from the thing that is Lukewarm , but from the Hands that touch it ; for tho' the same force be in the Lukewarm Body to agitate both hands ; yet because the commotion of the parts of the hot Hand , doth exceed the Agitation that is in the parts of the Lukewarm Body , it makes the heat of the Lukewarm Body to appear or feel cold . For the Agitation of the Particles of any Body considered in themselves , is not called heat , but only so far as it affects our Sense of Feeling . IV. Why the same Baths are sometimes judged hot , and at othertimes cold . So they who enter Baths distinguisht by different degrees of heat , having continued for some time in those that are Lukewarm , before they enter those that are more hot , find that that water which at first was so hot , that they could scarcely bear it , doth now seem cold to them ; because their Body being thorough hot by the heat of the Baths , can no longer be affected by a weaker heat . Neither is it to be questioned , but what seems to be hot with Scythians , who live in a very cold Air , would be esteemed cold to Aethiopians , that live in a very hot Climate . V. Collars and Caves under ground , are not hot in Winter-time . Wherefore 't is a mistake in some , who conceive that subterraneous places , as Cellars , and the like , are warmer in Winter , than in Summer : seeing that this difference of heat proceeds only from our Body , which is differently affected in Winter , from what it is in Summer : And we do not mind that the same thing may appear cold to one that is hot , and on the contrary , hot to one that is cold . For if it be so indeed , that Subterraneous Caverns are hot in Winter , whence is it that the Oyl that is kept in them congeals , which it doth not in Summer , when yet they appear to be cold ? Subterraneous places therefore are judged to be hot in cold weather , because our Bodies are cold when we enter into them ; and in Summer , cold , because at that time our Body is hot . VI. Why Gold burns more violently than Fire . A Molten Metal , and especially Gold , burns more strongly than the Flame whereby it is agitated , and whence it is put into its heat . This proceeds from the compactness and closeness of the parts of Gold , which being fat and thick , cannot be dilated , or very little , which is the reason that it both burns more vehemently , and retains its heat longer . For the particles of the Fire , are as it were shut up in the Gold , without being able to disentangle themselves . Whence it is that a Man cannot touch Gold in fusion , with his Hand , but that the Skin of it will be shrivel'd up and burnt immediately . And on the contrary , Iron produceth a greater heat in Aqua-fortis , than Gold it self doth , because this Liquor enters the softer parts of Gold with less force and violence . For the same Reason boyling Oyl burns more violently than Water , because of the Connexion of its fat and unctuous parts , which do more tenaciously keep the particles of Fire enclosed , and suffer them not to get away . VII . Why a Nail does not grow hot by the stroaks of a Hammer , till after it be driven home . A Nail struck with a Hammer , and driven into the hardest wood , doth not feel hot , whilst it is entring the wood , but is only perceived to grow hot , by those strokes of the Hammer that light upon it , after that it is driven home . The Reason hereof is evident from the Nature of Heat , which doth not consist in the direct motion of Bodies , but only in the Agitation of the Insensible Parts . ▪ So that it is apparent , that the Nail cannot be heated , as long as the whole of it is in motion , and is entring the wood ; but when it is driven home , the Stroaks that afterwards light upon it , put the insensible particles of it in motion , wherein the nature of heat consists . But the contrary happens when wood is sawed with a Saw , or bored with an Auger , because then the Saw and the Auger grow hot , and not the Wood , because in this case the insensible parts of the Saw and Auger , are moved and not those of the wood . VIII . Why the Iron that is Filed grows hot , and not the File it self . When a piece of Iron is filed , it is observed that it will grow hot , but the File remain cold . IX . VVhy the Axeltree grows hot , and not the Iron Plate that is on the VVheel . And why the Bullet discharged from a great Gun is not heated . The Reason is , because the File excites a great commotion in the parts of the Iron , which produces heat . And tho' the parts of the File do suffer the same force , as the parts of the Iron , yet because they are much longer than it , they do not with the very same Testh touch the same part of the Iron twice ; but there is always some space of time between the gratings of the parts of the File , during which , that part of the File , that began to be heated , loseth its heat again . So likewise the Axeltree of a Coach or Cart grows hot , and not the Iron-plate that goes round the Wheel , because tho' it describes greater lines , yet are not its parts agitated amongst themselves , like that part of the Wheel , which rubs continually against the Axeltree : Because the Essence of heat doth not consist in the swiftness of the motion , wherewith any Body is moved , but in the violent and various agitation of the insensible parts of Bodies . Thus the Bullet discharged from a Great Gun , and most swiftly moved , doth not burn the wood which it penetrates , nor the Bullet discharged from a Cross bow , doth not fire a dry piece of Linnen that it is shot through ; because tho' both these Bullet ▪ be most swiftly moved , yet are not their parts put into any agitation . X. Why the Breath we breathe forth with our open Mouths is warm , whereas that which we put forth with more force through our almost shut Mouth , is cold . The Breath we breathe with open Mouth into our Hand doth heat it , but if we blow it forth with vehemency through our Mouth almost shut , it is cold , and cools , suppose hot Pottage , or any thing else . Our Breath causeth heat , when it is breathed forth gently , that is , when it consists of parts variously agitated , and when it unequally lights against the hand . For the heat of Bodies is nothig else but the various determination of their insensible parts , whereby they are moved this way and that way . But the Breath we blow from our Mouths , driv●s out the heat from any Liquor ; because it is swift and determined to one part only : For by this means the most subtil parts of the Liquor , cannot separately continue their own proper motions , because they are all driven and determined by the blast of our breath to one part ; as the motion of all the parts of a River is determined one way . XI . Why Quicklime , and some other Artificial Stones grow hot , when spinkled with water . Quicklime grows hot when water is cast upon it , to that degree , that it burns more violently than a Flame . The Reason is , because the Pores of the Lime-stone which before only were open to the passage of the Globuli of the Second Element , have been more dilated by the Fire ; so as that afterwards they were free to admit the particles of water also , but yet only such of them as were surrounded with the matter of the first Element , which rushing against the hard Particles of the Quicklime , do shake and separate them , especially if there be any store of them , and they do from divers parts , rush against one and the same same part of the Quick-lime . And in like manner we see that an Artificial Stone made of Pitch , Tarr , Tartar , Brimstone , Saltpeter , Sarcocolla , and Oyl of Peter , equal parts , and as much Quicklime as all of them , mixed with the Yolks of Eggs , and kept for some days buried in Horse-dung , if it be sprinkled with fresh water doth break forth into a flame . XII . Why the heat of Quicklime exceeds the heat of a Flame of Fire . The heat caused in Quicklime , by the aspersion of water , is more violent than the flame that proceeds from Fire , because the Quicklime consists of branchy particles , which when they are separated from them the matter of the first Element , which surround the particles of water , do violently strike the hand , piercing and rending the Skin like so many Needles . And for the same reason a Coal , whose parts are intangled with long and various branchy parts , produce a greater heat than Flame doth . Thus melted Metal , and more especially Gold , burns more strongly than Oyl , and retains its heat much longer ; because Gold consists of a more close and compact unctuous matter , and therefore is less subject to be dilated , and to let the particles of Fire it hath received to fly from it . XIII . Why a Red hot Iron is hot mad● use of for ●he cutting of Glass Glass is commonly cut with the Edge of a red hot Iron , or with a Packthread dipt in Brimstone . The Reason whereof is , as was before said , that the parts of the Glass being agitated by the heat , require more room , and therefore drive the neighbouring Bodies from them . For it is impossible that the parts which are heated , should move swiftly and circularly , without taking up more space . This is evident , as in all other Bodies , so even in the most compact Bodies of Metals , which do somewhat swell , and become distended by heat . XIV . How Heat comes to be produced by two cold Liquors mingled together . Liquors , that of themselves are cold , when pour'd together produce a great heat . Thus Spirit of Vitriol added to Oyl of Turpentine , grows very hot . It hath been also observed that Spirit of Wine , by degrees added to Aqua-fortis , or Spirit of Nitre , doth cause a great and lasting heat . Which Heat is caused from the diversity of the parts whereof the Liquors do consist ; as being of such Figures , as that upon their mixture , they can the better join together , than when they are separate and by themselves , and that in this closing together , they swim upon the matter of the First Element , at least at the time that they are perceived to boil or effervesce . Which may be confirmed from hence , that after their ebullition is ceased , it is evident that many of them are grown together , constituting several hard Bodies . In the same manner , Oyl of Vitriol , when cold water is pour'd upon it , grows hot ; and Aqua-fortis into which Salt Armoniack hath been infused , doth contract a heat , by casting into it some bits of Brimstone . Thus the Spirit of Salt Armoniack and Tartar , and the Filings of Lead , or the Oyl of Vitriol , and the Filings of Steel joined together are productive of heat . And which may seem more wonderful , Ice it self being put into the Oyl of Vitriol , causeth so great a heat , as to send forth Smoak . And so Fruits also , as Cherries , when put into Spirit of Nitre , produce a considerable heat . XV. The mingling of Brimstone with Steel , produceth Heat . We must not here omit a notable experiment , which is , that if you mix half a pound of Flower of Brimstone , with the same weight of Filings of Steel , and put this mixture into cold water , stirring it now and then , it will cause so great a heat , that the vessel will be too hot to be touched . Thus Quicksilver prepared after a peculiar manner , and amalgamated with Gold , doth give such a heat , that it cannot be endured . XVI . The Stone Magnesia dissolved in Oyl of Vitriol , produceth heat . In like manner the Stone MAGNESIA , which in hardness resembles the Loadstone , when put into the Oyl of Vitriol , stirs up a great heat , which is encreased by repeated affusions of water , and like Iron communicates a Red Colour to the Aqua-fortis , sends forth a sharp and stinging fume ; and when some of it is put upon Molten Glass , presently the Glass swells , which is common to it with Copper and Iron . Thus if you cast a little Filings of Brass into a great Bottle , in which there is only a small quantity of Aqua-fortis , there follows such an effervescence , that the Bottle seems to be full , and produceth so great a heat , that the Bottle cannot be touched . XVII . Two hot Bodies mixt together , produceth sometimes a third , that is cold . Sometimes two hot Bodies mingled together , produce a third of a different Nature : For if you pour the Spirit of Nitre , which is very hot and piercing , upon Lix●vous Salt , the product of this conjunction will be Saltpeter , which cools rather , than is productive of heat . The Cause whereof is , because the particles of Nitre and Salt become so intangled together , as that they lose their sharp points , whereby before they were used to dissolve Bodies . For the Bodies of the Nitrous Spirit , which before were volatile , and were easily sent away into the Air , being now kept down by the fixt Salt , can no longer fly away . And therefore it is no wonder that the Spirit of Nitre loseth the power of heating which it had before , and ceaseth to be Corrosive . XVIII . How Snow comes to be condensed by heat . Notwithstanding that , it is the property of Heat to rarefie Bodies , and by loosning of their parts , to make them take up more room : Yet , for all that , we find that it doth condense Snow and Clouds . The Reason whereof is , because the filaments of the particles of Ice , whereof Snow doth consist , being more thin and slender than the middle part of them , they are consequently upon the approach of Heat , more easily dissolved , and bending themselves this and that way , because of the agitation of the subtil matter that surrounds them , they , embrace the neighbouring particles of Ice , without quitting those they were intangled with before ; and by this means constitute a more compact substance than they did before . XIX . The same effect is produced by heat in the Clouds . This effect is still more clearly discoverable in the Clouds ; for since the particles of Ice , whereof they consist , are at a greater distance from each other , and leave greater Intervals between them , they cannot approach to their neighbouring particles , but that at the same time they must be separated from some other ; and therefore when they are bent , must needs take up less room , and consequently constitute a more close and compact Body . XX. Heat turns Lime and Ashes into Glass . Lime and Ashes , by the heat of the Fire , are turned into Glass : For the Crystal Glasses of Venice are made of Stones which are found near the River Ticinus , and brought from Pavia , with an equal quantity of the Ashes of an Herb , which the Arabians call Kall , and which grows in the Desert between Alexandria and Rosetta . The Effect of reducing these to Glass , is never produced , but by a long continued Fire , and that in the highest degree : For seeing that the particles of Lime and Ashes are thick and irregular , they cannot so lie upon one another , as to stick or cleave together . Wherefore a strong Fire must be employed , to exercise its activity upon them ; for then , whilst the thinner particles of the Third Element , together with the Globuli of the Second Element , are laid hold of , by the matter of the First Element , and proceed to move most swiftly about them , their Corners are by little and little worn off , and their surfaces being made more smooth , and some of them bended , flowing over one another , they no longer touch each other now in some points , but are joyned with their whole surfaces , and so sticking together , constitute that Body which we call Glass . CHAP. III. Of Cold. I. No Body is altogether destitute of Heat . NO Body , how cold soever it may seem to the Touch , is wholly devoid of Heat . For water , which to our sense is most cold , is proved not to be destitute of all heat , because of the Vapours and Steams which we see do arise from Rivers and Pools , even in the Winter time , and in the Night time . The Reason is , because Cold is nothing else but the want of Heat ; and as Darkness is the privation of Light , which is the companion of Heat , or the effect of it ; so Cold seems to be nothing else but a privation of the said Heat ; and therefore that which we call Cold , is nothing else but a more remiss degree of Heat . II. Why a Hand benumb'd with cold , when held to the Fire , is seized with extream pain . It happens sometimes in very Cold Weather , that Mens Hands , and other parts of their Body grow numb'd ; which when they come near the Fire , are seized with very sharp pricking and shooting pains . The Reason whereof is , because the particles of Fire , being in continual motion , do with violence run a-tilt upon the Nerves of the Hands , or other Members that are benumb'd with cold , and wound them as it were with so many pointed Lances . Which Vellication of the Parts cannot be without causing great Pain . Wherefore to restore a Hand benumb'd with cold , we must not presently expose it to the Fire ; but first gently rub it , and endeavour to bend and move the Joints , that by this means the chaced blood may be recalled , and the parts that were asleep or benumb'd , may again come to themselves . Wherefore in Swedeland , Denmark , and other cold Countries , when any one chanceth to be thus benumb'd with cold , or in danger to be seized with a Gangrene , they presently put the part into cold water , or Snow , for by this means the pores that were shut up by the cold , are opened by degrees , and make way for the banisht vital Spirits to return to them again , whereby the parts are soon after recovered to their former state . III. What hapned to K. James I. in Denmark . Thus BARCLAY tells us , that when King JAMES I. was in Denmark , and that by the cold , the end of his Nose , and the Lappets of his Ears were become without all feeling , and almost mortified , he by the advice of the Inhabitants , applied Snow to them , to preserve them from a Grangrene . The Reason of this cure of frozen and benumb'd parts is , because the grossest matter of the Second Element , which got out by their pores , when the cold began to shut them up , cannot re-enter again , in order to restore to those parts their former softness , without destroying their connexion , which might cause a mortification or Gangrene , which is avoided by rubbing the parts with Snow , because the Snow contains nothing in its pores besides the most subtil matter of the Second Element , which is very proper and fit to open by degrees the pores of the congealed parts , till they be wide enough to let the more gross matter of the Second Element pass through them also . V. How frozen Apples may be restored to their former state . Neither can any other Reason be given , why frozen Apples being put into cold water , are restored to their former condition , than that the cold water doth gently dissolve the congealed Humour in the Apples , and consequently causeth that effect of the Cold to cease . V. Why the Air is so exceeding clear in Extream cold weather . During the most violent Cold of Winter , the Air is most thin and serene ; but when the Cold is more remiss and moderate , it is generally Misty . The Reason whereof is , First , because extream Cold doth more condense the thick Vapours of the Air , and by this means makes them to fall down , and consequently leave the Air more clear and serene than it was before . Secondly , Because extream Cold shuts up the pores of the Earth , by which means the Vapours are hindred from exhaling thence , and darkning the Air. Whereas moderate Cold produces a cloudy and misty Air ; because the weak Heat which is joyned with that Cold , raises up Vapours from the Earth , which it is not strong enough to discuss or dissipate . VI. Marble in the Heat of Summer retains its Coldness . Some Bodies never quit their Coldness , as Marble , and such like , which in the hottest season of the year feel very cold . So likewise Ice retains its hardness in the Summer , and is as cold then as in the Winter . These familiar Instances make out , that Cold is nothing else than Rest or privation of motion . For the parts of Cold Bodies do cleave and stick fast together , so as to constitute a most close and compact Compound . But how doth it come to pass , that Marble , Ice , and other Bodies of like Nature , do preserve their Coldness , at all Seasons , in the same intense degree ? I Answer , That this proceeds from the Heavenly Globuli , which penetrate their pores ; for the largest of them being endued with a stronger force of moving , do produce Heat : Whereas the lesser of them , which are inferiour in Force to others , do communicate Cold to Bodies , as will appear from the Experiment . Marble therefore is thus Cold , because the pores thereof are so strait and narrow , that they can only admit the very least particles of the most subtil Body , excluding the greater that cause motion . And forasmuch as Water does never freeze , except when the Matter which runs between its parts is more subtil than ordinary , it so happens that the pores of Ice , which are then formed according to the bigness of these particles of the most subtil matter , by this means become so narrow , that they shut out those particles that are never so little greater . And this is the reason why Ice continues to be most intensly cold in the midst of the greatest heats of Summer . This also may be perceived by the Dissolution of it ; for Ice doth not melt like Wax , whose flexible particles , give way to the Agitation of the Fire , and by the force thereof are separated : For the narrowness of its pores hinders the Heat from entring to its inward parts , save only as the outsides of it melt away , and are broken by the force of it . VII . How water by means of Salt , may be turned into Ice . Put some Water into a Glass , and lay Snow mixt with Salt round about it , so as to touch the sides of the Glass ; and as soon as the Snow and Salt begin to dissolve , the water will be turned to Ice , not only in the winter time , but at any other time of the year . The Reason of this Experiment is , because the greater Globuli of the second Element , which by their agitation are the cause of the waters fluidity , being of more force than those which run betwixt the parts of the Snow , and finding a more convenient place for themselves to move in , the stiffer and smoother particles of the Salt and Snow do necessarily tend that way : And forasmuch as Nature doth not admit a penetration of Bodies , and that all motion is performed by means of a Circle , the lesser Heavenly Globuli contained in the Rain and Snow , upon the approach of the greater , strive to get out , and to return to the places they have left , through the pores of the Glass . But because these Globuli are not sufficient to continue the motion of the water , consequently thereupon it becomes congealed , and acquires the coldness and hardness of Ice . And on the contrary , the Snow mixed with the Salt , dissolves and runs to Liquor , because it is agitated by the greater Globuli , which before , by their motion , kept the water liquid . VIII . Whence it is that the Spirit of Wine doth cool . And probably it is for the same Reason , that Spirit of Wine , which is hot of its own Nature , doth cure Inflammations and the Squinzy ; and also cools and heals the part that is scorched with Gunpowder ; viz. because the Spirit of Wine hath its pores so disposed , that being applied to the enflamed part , it only admits the lesser Globuli of the second Element , which by their more remiss and soft agitation of the parts , do asswage the pain . IX . Diseases cured by likeness and sympathy . Thus the Inflammation of the Emrods are cured with a Toasted-Onion , or fulminating Gold mixt with Brimstone . For the Juice of the Onion being very sharp , with a mixture of Sowrness , as Salt Armoniack and Tartar also are , which enter the composition of fulminating Gold , draw forth from the part affected , the Humour that is analagous with them , and mixt with it . It is a thing also owned by Physicians , that Diseases of Men may be communicated to Animals , by reason of the analogy of parts . Thus Mr. BOYLE tells us of a Potters Son , that was cured of the Kings-Evil by a Dogs often licking of it ; the Disease having been by this means transplanted in the Dog. X. Cold is very hurtful to Plants . Cold doth great harm to Plants , and if we may speak with the Ancients , doth scorch and burn them up like Fire . This indeed is commonly ascribed to Cold ; but if we diligently weigh the matter , we shall find that according to Truth it can be no more than the remote cause of this effect ; because it rather proceeds from the Heat which follows upon the breaking of the Frost . For seeing that the heat cannot enter the pores of the Plants that are shut up by frost ; neither can it restore to their Inward parts that degree of softness , which they had before their congelation ; since the said Frost hath spoiled the connexion and situation of the other parts , and therefore there cannot but follow an entire change of the whole , that is made up of these parts . XI . Why sometimes the contrary happens . But yet sometimes it happens , that some certain parts of Plants , do without hurt endure Cold , as when the pores of Plants are shut up by Cold before that they begin to bud ; for before that time they do not so much abound with that watry Juice , and their pores however narrowed by Cold , are still open enough to give entrance to the subtil matter that may agitate the parts . For it is not necessary that their contexture should be destroyed by it , which are the first that bear the onset , before the Inward parts be set upon . XII . Why is cold Body , such as Marble , cools the Air that is near it . The Air that surrounds a cold Body , as Marble , is colder than that which is farther from it . The reason whereof is , because scarce any but the most subtil matter hovers about Marble , either that which is about to enter the pores of it , or which flows out from it : And because this subtil matter , because of the tenuity of its parts , is not able to move the thicker particles of the Air , that might cause the Sense of Heat in us ; for this Cause it is that the circumambient Air is perceived to be cold . XIII . What is the Reason of the cold Air that is about Fountains . And it seems to be for the same Cause , that a cool Air is perceived about those Fountains , whence the water leaps up with great force ; viz. because the thicker parts of the Air , which serve to excite Heat , are seized , and carried away by the water gushing forth , so that nothing but the Aethereal matter is left there . XIV . Why Cold makes the water in a Weather-Glass to mount upwards . When Water , or Spirit of Wine , tinged with a Red or other Colour , is put into a weather Glass ; this Liquor doth of it self rise or fall , according to the coldness or heat of the Weather . The Peripateticks assign the Cause of this Effect to be the condensation of the Air , which is in the upper part of the Pipe ; and that thereupon the water is forced to move upwards , that it may fill up the Empty space which the Air hath quitted . But what , s●all we conclude then , that an insensible Body , such as the water is , can be so solicitously concern'd for the good of the Universe , that lest Nature should suffer a Vacuum , it rather mounts upwards , in downright contradiction to its own ponderosity ? Wherefore they speak with a great deal more of probability , who say , that in Weather Glasses the Air is condensed , and the water driven upwards by the incumbent weight of the Air. For in these Glasses the Elastick virtue of the shut up Air is very much lessened , by which means the Circumambient Air does more press the Water , than the Spring of the pent up Air can bear . XV. The Frost rarefies water . Water is dilated by Frost , and takes up more space than it did before , whereof we have an evident instance in a Glass-vessel with a long Neck , for when we expose such a Vessel fill'd with warm Water to the Winter cold , the Water will sensibly sink down or decrease , until it be come to a certain degree of Coldness : And not long after , it will begin to swell again and mount upwards till at last being bound to its good behaviour by Frost , it stands still and remains immoveable . The cause of this Rarefaction is , because the particles of the Liquor that are shut up in the Glass , before they begin to be Frozen by Cold , grow Stiff , by reason of the lessened Motion of the subtil matter , and take up crooked Figures ; and therefore cannot cleave so closely together , as when they were soft and pliable . And hence it is , that being vehemently shaken by the subtil matter , they cannot reduce themselves to so narrow a room as they had before , but require a larger wherein to dilate themselves . XVI . VVhy water freezing in a Glass , does sometimes break the Glass , and at other times not . It is worth our observing , that Frozen Water by reason of its Dilatation does commonly break the Glass-vials wherein it is contained , especially if the upper part be Frozen first : Because the Water being dilated by Frost , sticks fast to the sides of the Glass ; so that when the Water that is under it comes to be congeled likewise , it breaks the Glass , because it finds no room wherein to expand it self . But we find a quite contrary effect , when Water is Frozen in the bottom of a Vessel , first by Snow and Salt laid about it . For then the upper part of the Water doth by little and little mount higher , and by this means prevents the breaking of the Glass . XVII . VVhy sometimes very strong Vessels are broken by the freezing of the water that is contained in them . Wherefore it is no wonder , if sometimes great Vessels of Marble are broken by the freezing of the water that is contained in them , which CABAEUS tells us he hath been an Eye-witness of : Nay , what is more , Artificers sometimes find by Experience , that some of their Copper Vessels have been broken for no other cause . It is also an Observation of the Noble and Ingenious Mr. BOYLE , that the space of Frozen water hath been increased a ninth or tenth part more than it was before ; for else , how could it be that Iron Pipes , such as are made use of for great Guns , fill'd with water , and shut up with the greatest care and industry , should break by being exposed to the cold Air ? As hath been often experienced in England , and other parts of Europe . XVIII . VVhat the Reason is of the stiffness of the Particles of Ice . Neither must it seem any strange thing to us , that the subtil matter should not be able to bend the stiff particles of the water , when yet it hath force enough to move them ; forasmuch as a lesser Force is required to move Bodies , than to bind them : For we can easily with our Hand thrust a Bar of Iron out of its place , but find our selves altogether unable to bend it . XIX . VVhy the Ground that is frozen riseth higher . This will also inform us with the Reason , why the Ground that is frozen riseth higher , and bursts into many slits , to the great damage of tender Plants , whose Root s are often pluckt up ; except these Chinks in the Ground be cover'd either with Snow , or some seasonable warm Rain . For the Frost raiseth and distends the particles of the Earth and Water , and so makes them take up more room , than if they continued in their Natural figure . XX. Cold also Condenseth hard Bodies . As it is the property of Cold to Rarefie the Water , so it is endued with another quite opposite to this , which is that of condensing almost all hard Bodies . For as Heat rarefies Bodies , by making their parts that are circularly moved , to remove somewhat farther from each other ; so Cold , which is opposite to it , is the Cause why these Bodies are condensed , by keeping their parts at Rest , or by making them lose the determination of their Circular motion . Thus we find by Experience , that the most hard and compact Bodies , such as Metals , Glass and Marble , do sensibly contract themselves in hard Frosts , and become more brittle than before , and upon a Thaw return to their former state . XXI . Great Cold provokes frequent voiding of Urin. It is also from the same Cause that men , who swim in Cold water , or otherwise affected with the Circumambient cold Air , are almost continually provoked to make Water ; because the Contraction , which is an effect of the Cold , is communicated to the Bladder , and so causeth the list to make water . And therefore if the Hand of one that is fast asleep be dipt in Cold water , it causeth him immediately to let go his water . And for the same Reason it is , that those who come out of a warm Bed , as soon as their Bodies come to be exposed to the cold Air , find themselves to stand in need of making water : For as soon as the motion of the particles is allayed by Cold , and the parts thereby contracted , the same is also communicated to the Bladder , which thereupon endeavours to rid it self of its burthen . XXII . H●w it coms to pass , that Ice can be preserved whole and entire all the Summer over . Ice may be so preserved , as to retain its hardness all the Summer over , so as that it will scarcely melt when laid near the Fire . The Reason hereof is , because the pores of Ice are so narrow , that it can admit nothing , save only the particles of the most subtil matter , and consequently by excluding all greater particles , hinders the Heat from entring to the Inward parts , save only as the melting of the Outward parts make way for it . XXIII . Whence cold Bodies have the power of changing Water into Ice . Cold Bodies , such as the Air , often change the water they touch into Ice . The Reason is , because cold Bodies , by their Touch , do not only lessen the motion of the insensible parts of the water ; but also forasmuch as they contain many Icy particles , that is , smooth and stiff , they make the greater Globuli to pass out of the water into the pores of the cold Bodies ; and on the other hand , cause the little Globuli to pass out of the cold Bodies into the water . And forasmuch as these little Globuli , because of their remiss degree of motion cannot preserve the water in its fluidity , their motion by this means ceaseth , and by this Rest of their parts are changed into Ice . XXIV . Fruits and Stones too , are spoiled by Cold. Extream Cold is of that Malignity , that it is the Cause of the Corruption of Bodies , changing their Colour , and spoiling all their Comliness and Beauty . This we see not only in Eggs and Fruits , but also in Wood and Stone , which with Frost are sometimes made so brittle , as to be unfit to be used in the Building of Houses . Frost causeth this Putrefaction in Bodies , by dilating the watry parts wherewith the pores of Bodies are fill'd ; because by this dilatation the fibres and other solid parts , are broken or distorted . For nothing else can be understood by Corruption , but the Transposition of parts , when those which were joyned , are separated , and enter upon new Combinations . Hence it hath been observ'd , that when the Eyes of Animals have been frozen , the Crystalline Humour hath become of a white Colour , whereas it was transparent before . And from the same cause it is , that Men in Russia , and other cold Countries , do lose their Nose , Ears , and other parts of their Body , by the Rigour of the Cold , which mortifies and putrifies the parts , as before hath been said . XXV . Cold sometimes perverts the order of Parts . Such is the Power of Cold , that it sometimes perverts the Order and Texture of the parts of Bodies . For to what else can we impute , that great Beams of Timber in very Cold Countries , are to that degree frozen , that except they be thawed with a moderate Heat , they slit to pieces , and are altogether useless for Building ? Whence is it that Marle , laid upon the Ground to dung it , does never obtain its end more , than when it is frozen by extream Cold ? For the Moisture that was contained in its pores being by this means dilated , the Texture of its parts becomes dissolved ; so that whenever a good Shower falls , they are the more easily dissolved and mingled with the Earth . XXVI . The Cold preserves some Bodies from Putrefaction . And on the other hand , Cold preserves some Bodies from Putrefaction ; whereof the Swallows are an incontestable Proof , which being stiff with Cold , and in appearance no other than dead , are kept all the Winter over in many of the Pools of Poland , without the least taint of Corruption . The Reason of this is , because Cold , whose Nature consists in Rest , doth restrain the motion of the parts , and consequently hinders their separation from each other : For the dissolution of parts is the ready inlet of Corruption , forasmuch as thereby the whole Texture of the Body is disorder'd . In like manner we find , that all manner of Meats and Drinks , are better preserved in Winter , than in Summer ; and that Flowers and Fruits are kept for a long time untainted in Snow and Ice-Houses . Hence it is also , that Dead Bodies cover'd in the Snow , continue a long time without putrefying . In Iseland they customarily expose their Fish and Flesh to the Air , and when they are throughly hard and dry , preserve them untainted a great while without any Salt at all added to them ; because the Cold keeps their parts at Rest , and suffers them not to be separated from each other . CHAP. IV. Of Heaviness and Lightness . I. Two Bodies of unequal Bulk are moved with an equal motion , if they be Spherical . IF two Bodies of a round Figure , the one of Lead , the other of Wood , of the same or different bigness , should be let fall from the same Horizontal Line at the same moment of time , they will both of them come to the Ground at the same time ; neither will any diversity be perceivable in their Descent , which GASSENDUS faith he hath frequently observed . No other Cause of this uniform motion can be assigned , but the equal propension of the Celestial matter , to withdraw it self from the Center of the Earth . For tho' the said Matter doth always , in an equal space of time , and with all its force recede from the Center ; yet doth it not wholly exert its Power upon the Bodies it meets with , but only that part of it which answers , and is equal to the Body it lights on . And forasmuch as there is great difference in Bodies , in respect of their Composition : Some of them are more solid than others , having less pores , which can only admit the most subtil particles of the Matter of the first Element , and very few only of the Globuli of the second ; such as are Gold , Quicksilver , Steel . And others are more loose , or less solid , as Wood , and the like , which because they have more lax and open pores , do contain more Celestial matter , and therefore do more readily comply with the motion of the Heavenly Globuli . But to Apply this to the matter in hand : If the Celestial Matter , which is in the Leaden and Wooden Body , should be taken away from them , and that the Terrestrial Matter , which is mixed with the Heavenly Globuli , should likewise be removed from them , that which remains of the Celestial Matter in every subordinate Body , and exexerts it force upon the same , acts upon the remaining part of the Terrestrial Matter . For the Leaden Body being more solid , and consequently more able to resist , stands in need of a greater force of the Celestial Matter to press it downwards ; whereas that which is less solid , will be carried down with a less force , and consequently they will both of them come down to the Earth with an equal swiftness . For to the equality of motion nothing else is required , but that the Celestial Matter be proportionate to the Terrestrial ; which latter , when it is greater , the greater activity is required to overcome its Resistance ; and when it is less , a less force of the Celestial Matter will serve to push the Body downwards . II. Why no Body , except it be more heavy than water , doth sink in the water . Wherefore if a Body that is more heavy than the water , be put into it , it presently sinks to the bottom ; but if it be lighter , according to the different degrees of the said Lightness , either it swims on the top of the water , or only some part of it sinks into it . Thus an Earthen Vessel , filled with Air swims upon the water ; because it is lighter than it , being compared with a like proportion of it . Whereas the same Vessel , filled with water , sinks to the bottom , because compared with a like proportion of water , it is heavier than it . Hence it is that when a Cup , with the Mouth downwards , is put into the water , it doth not go to the bottom , because the Air contained in it is the same as if it were one Body with it , which being lighter than the water , must needs swim on the top of it , without sinking , till the water have entred the hollow of it . III. Why Gold doth not sink in Aqua-fortis . But this seems to contradict another Experiment , whereby we find that the Grains of Gold and Silver , tho' they be more heavy than so much of Aqua-fortis or Regalis , yet do not sink in it . But this is to be ascribed to the Saline Bodies which are diffused through the said waters , and which , as it were by a continual chain from the bottom to the top , do support each other , and so bear up the Grains of Gold or Silver . That this is so , may be confirmed in that , when common water is poured to them , after the dropping in of some drops of Oyl of Tartar , immediately the Grains of the Metal sink down to the bottom . IV. Liquors that have communication together , are more or less he●vy , according to the degrees of their height . Liquors that have communication by Pipes that contain them , do gravitate upon each other , not according to their Breadth , but according to their perpendicular Height . The Reason is , because these Liquors are like so many hard Bodies , put into the 2 Scales of a Ballance , whereof the one cannot go down , without causing the other to rise proportionably : For as these hard Bodies , tho' of unequal bulk , are nevertheless of equal weight , when their force is equivalent thereto , so likewise the Liquors contained in Pipes that communicate with one another , tho' they be of unequal breadth , yet must needs be of equal poise , when they are of an equal height . As for Example , in a Vessel of Liquor , clos'd on all sides except only 2 holes , if one of them be fourfold bigger than the other , and a spout adapted to each of them , the force of one pound of Liquor , forcing the little Spout , will equal the force of 4 pound weight , forcing the greater , which is supposed 4 times larger than the other , so that whatever proportion there may be between the holes , if the force applied to the said Spout , or Pipes be equal to the holes , the Liquors will be in equal poise . V. When Liquors are said to be of equal poise . When we say that Liquors that Communicate together are in equal poise , when their heights are equal , this is to be understood only , when the 2 Pipes are filled with the same liquor : For if the Liquors be different , their height will be in the same proportion as their weight : So that because QUICKSILVER is almost 14 times more heavy than water , one thumbs breadth of Quicksilver , will weigh very near as much as 14 thumbs breadths of water . VI. Why a Ball falling down from the top of the Mast into a Ship under Sail , yet falls down plum at the foot of the Mast . A Stone or Ball falling down from the Top of the Mast of a Ship in its full course , or tost up by one that rides on Horseback , falls down at the foot of the Mast , and on the hand of the Rider . The Reason is , because the Ball in its descent or ascent doth not describe a Right , but an Oblique Line . For though it seem to them who are in the Ship to be Perpendicular , yet is it indeed Crooked or Parabolical . Which any one that pleaseth may experience by casting up a Ball , or other thing into the Air , whilst he is riding in a Coach , for he shall find that the same , notwithstanding the progressive motion of the Coach , will fall directly into his hand ; but if he shall command the Coach to stop immediately , he will see that the Ball doth not tend directly upwards , nor fall down perpendicularly , but obliquely , and so describes , as it were an Arch , or crooked Line , the one end whereof will be there where he casts up the Stone or Ball , and the other end , where he catches the same again . But the Reason why the Ball appears to him , to tend directly upwards , is because that as much as he moves forward , so much the Ball is advanced also . Now the Cause why the Ball ▪ deviates from a straight motion to á cooked is , because its motion is derived from a twofold moving force , viz. from that of the Arm casting it upwards , and from that of the Coach or Earth imprest upon the Arm Horizontally . VII . Square Bodies do unequally descend to the Earth . All Bodies that are not of a Round Figure , are carried downwards by an unequal motion , as is evident in all Square , and other Ccorner'd Bodies , which tho' they consist of the same matter , and are of the same Bulk , yet differ in their motion , and unequally move downwards . This difference of motion is caused by their Figure ; which tho' it cannot be said to be the cause of their being prest downwards , yet doth much conduce to the diversity of their motion . For things that are Rough , do more slowly fall through the Water or Air ; and the broader their surface is , the greater resistance do they make against the Body through which they pass ; because they do not divide it uniformly and steddily . Thus Water and Ice , are kept hanging in the Air ; and greater Flocks of Snow congealed by cold , are more slow in their descent than drops of water . And it is for the same reason that Birds , with their spread Wings , keep themselves pois'd in the Air , viz. because the Air opposeth a greater resistance to a spread or plain extension , and hinders its falling down . VIII . Why the Bodies of some persons drowned , do after some time , rise up to the top of the water . Drowned Bodies do after some space of time rise from the bottom , and swim at the top of the water . This Effect is commonly attributed to the breaking of the Gall , but this I look upon only as a Fable . Wherefore I suppose that the true Reason why drowned Bodies rise to the top of the water is , because that the water entring into their Bodies , doth extend the Membrans thereof ; by the expansion whereof , many other Cavities also are opened , which by taking in the Air , are distended to a greater space : for such Membrans as these , because of the connexion of their parts , do reject the water , and can only be filled with Air. By which means the Bodies having got greater extension , and made more light are driven upwards , and so swim on the top of the water . IX . New laid Eggs are heavier than stale ones . In like manner it is the entring of Air , that makes Eggs to be lighter when they are stale , than when they are new laid ; for when they are newly laid they are top-full with their own substance , without any air ; but when they grow stale , some particles of the White and Yolk do exhale , and leave an empty space , into which the subtil Air enters , and it may be the more gross also , through the pores of the Shell ; so as that it must not seem strange to us , if they do not sink in the water as deep as they did ▪ when newly laid . X. Why the dead Bodies of Men swim with their Faces upwards , and those of Women with their Faces downwares . Accordingly also , the reason is evident why Female Bodies swim on the water with their Faces downwards , but those of Men with their Faces upwards . For Women having greater Bellies , and more Cavities in them , besides their Breasts , which are of a Spungy Substance , do take in more water in those parts , and therefore by the weight thereof are turned with their Body downwards : Whereas Men have more narrow Bellies , lesser Breasts , and strait Urinary Passages , with large Lungs and broad Shoulder-blades , which are the cause why their Bodies should swim with their Faces upwards . XI . How Men may best hinder themselves from drowning . Wherefore Men , if whilst they are swiming ▪ they find themselves in danger of being drowned , they can do no better for the avoiding of that danger , than to extend their Chest , and hold their Breath . And therefore Fishes , that they may swim with the more ease , have Bladders blown up with Air in their Bellies . And in like manner Bees , that they may the more lightly hover in the Air , have the Trunk of their Body fill'd with Air. XII . Burnt Bricks are heavier ▪ than they were before they were burnt . It is found by Experience , that burnt Bricks are heavier than unburnt . The Reason whereof is , because the pores of unburnt Bricks are wider , and filled with Air only after that they are dried : Whereas Bricks after that they are burnt , have many Cavities , of such a bigness as is fit to admit the particles of water that run into them , when they are exposed to the Air to be cooled . For there is always great store of these particles in the Air , and which intruding themselves into the pores of the Bricks , do encrease their heaviness . A confirmation whereof may be , that if the same Brick be weighed a● soon as it comes hot out of the Brick-kill , it will be found more light , than after it hath been for some time exposed to the Air ; and if afterwards it be put into the water , it will still be found more heavy , because the particles of the water which are entred into its pores , cannot get out . XIII . A Stick thrust into the water , mounts up with so much the stronger force , as the water is higher . If a Stick be plunged into the water perpendicularly , it riseth up again with the greater force , as the water is higher . The Reason of this is to be fetched from the nature of Gravity : For seeing that the Stick cannot move upwards , but only in as much as it is driven up by the water , it must follow that the greater the force of the expelling Body is , so much the more strongly the Stick must rise out of the water : Now this force is by so much encreased , by how much the weight of the expelling water is greater , by the force whereof it drives up the Stick ; and therefore it follows , that the higher the water is , with so much the greater force is the Stick driven upwards , and so much the swifter it ascends . XIV . Bodies descend by unequal numbers . The motion of Heavy Bodys is encreased according to uneven numbers : As if suppose a Stone fall down one Ell in the first moment of time , in the second it will fall 3 , in the third 5 , and in the fourth 7 , and so on according to the following uneven numbers . The Reason whereof seems to be , because the heavy Body , in the first moment of time hath by little and little acquired one degree of swiftness . Wherefore at the beginning of the second Time , having that degree of swiftness which it acquired , it will pass through as much space again , as it did in the first moment ; and moreover by little and little acquiring force by its weight , by means whereof it passeth also through an equal space to that which it measured during the first moment ; it must needs follow , that being now moved by both these forces together , it will pass through a triple space to that it past at first . At the third moment of time likewise it hath two degrees of swiftness , whereby it measures four times as much space as the first was . And in the mean time also by this innate Gravity , whereby it is continually pressed , doth acquire another degree , whereby in like manner it measures the space of another Ell. Being therefore thus furnisht with three degrees of swiftness , it passeth through 5 times as much space , as it past at the beginning ; and so afterwards continues to make its progress by uneven numbers , because the acquired degrees of swiftness always continue the same , as well as its natural heaviness . The Times being 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. The Intervals or Spaces are 1 , 3 , 5 , 7 , 9 , 11 , 13 , 15. XV. Whether Dead Bodies be more heavy than L●ving . It is the common received opinion , that the Bodies of Animals , after death , are more heavy than when alive . The Cause of this change is commonly attributed to the want of Vital and Animal Spirits ; which being supposed , not only to be active , but also very light , do fe●m to diminish their Gravity . And forasmuch as Flame is lookt upon as the most light of all Bodies ; no wonder if some have ascribed the Lightness of Living Bodies to that Flame , which being diffused through the whole Body of the Animal , doth vivisie it , and is therefore called Vital . But however , notwithstanding , this Reason seems probable , yet I would have us rather trust to Experiment , than to this Reason . For Mr. BOYLE , for a trial , weighed a Mouse alive with a Packthread tied about its Neck , wherewith it was strangled immediately after , and when dead , was found to have lost of its former weight 7 / 16 of a grain . And the same thing was experimented by him in a Whelp , which alive weighed 10 or 11 ounces , and being strangled , was found 4 grains lighter . Which Experiments absolutely contradict the common opinion , that Dead Bodies are more heavy than living , and that by the loss of Spirits they acquire a new degree of Gravity . XVI . An Arrow ●●●nts ▪ and falls with the like swiftness . An Arrow shot into the Air upwards , descends from its point of Elevation with the like swiftness , as it was shot up thither by the Hand of the Archer , tho' not in the same manner . The Reason is , because an Arrow , in the beginning of its ascent , is not carried with more swiftness , than towards the end of its descent : Nor on the contrary more slowly towards the beginning of its Descent , than at the end of its Ascent , and therefore it is necessary that the Descent of the Arrow should be as swift as its Ascent . XVII . Square Pieces of different matter , being laid upon one another , descend equally . A square piece of Wood , and another of Lead being let fall severally , make an unequal descent , but if the Wooden Square be laid upon the Leaden , they will both descend with equal swiftness . The Reason why a Square Piece of Wood , and another of Lead do descend unequally is , because besides the force of the subtil matter driving downwards , there is a greater force in the square piece of Lead to resist the Air , than there is the Wooden Square . For if the square piece of LEAD be of 16 pound weight , and the Wooden Piece of 1 Pound , and the resistance of the Air as two , forasmuch as both the Cubes are supposed to be of the same magnitude , the Proportion of the Lead , must have the same proportion to the resistance of the medium , as 16 to 2 , and of the Wooden Cube , as 1 to 2. And therefore it is necessary that the Leaden Cube should fall down more swiftly : but when the Wooden Cube is laid upon the Leaden , so as that no Air comes between them ; the Gravitation of them both must needs be equal , since they have both the same Resistance , and the medium makes way for them both at once . XVIII . Why water mounts upwards through the Leak of a Ship. Water , like to Light Bodies , mounts upwards through the Leaky Bottom of a Ship. For seeing that Water is heavy , and presseth upon the Body it lies upon , it cannot be but that the water which flows about the bottom of the Vessel , must be thrust away by the water that lies above it . For the parts of water which are above , press downwards by their weight or heaviness , and force that which is under them , to enter through the Leak into the Ship ; so that if there was a Pipe fitted to the said holes , there is no question but the water would rise up through the same , as it doth in Fountains . XIX . Whence the different heaviness of Bodies doth proceed . Bodies are very different from one another in weight ; as Quicksilver is much more heavy than water ; neither are there any metals but differ from each other in this Quality . Thus Gold , if we will believe GASSENDUS , is 10 times heavier than Earth ; Lead , 7 times ; Silver , 5 times ; Pewter or Tin , 4 times ; Loadstone , 3 times , Whetstone as heavy again , &c. And forasmuch as it is frequently of great use , to know the weight or heaviness of several Bodies , I shall here subjoin a Table , exhibiting the just weight of different Bodies , according to the Paris weight that every Square Foot of them weighs . A Cubical Foot of Water — 72 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Wine — 70⅘ Pounds A Cubical Foot of Oyl — 66 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Tin — 532⅘ Pounds A Cubical Foot of Iron — 576 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Copper — 648 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Silver — 744 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Lead — 828 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Quicksilver — 977 1 / 7 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Gold — 1368 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Earth — 95½ Pounds A Cubical Foot of Bricks — 130 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Sand — 132 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Stone — 140 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Marble — 252 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Irish-slate — 156 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Salt — 117 2 / 2 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Honey — 104 ● / 5 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Wax — 68 1● / ●8 Pounds A Cubical Foot of Air — ● / 5 of an ounce . Pounds All which different degrees of Ponderosity of Bodies proceed from the various Make and Texture of their parts , whether inward or outward . For it cannot be questioned but that there be many Pores between the Particles of all Bodies , through which the subtil matter passeth continually from the abundance or fewness whereof the diversity of Bodies doth arise . Hence it is that Quicksilver is found to be so much heavier than Water , because it hath fewer of these Pores . For tho' we may imagin , that Water and Quicksilver consist of parts that are of the same bigness , and that their motions are alike , yet will their diversity clearly appear to us , if we consider the particles of Water to be like a soft and flack String , and the parts of Quicksilver , as having fewer Pores , to be like hard twisted Strings , that are much more stiff and hard . And the same is to be understood of those metals which are several times heavier than the Earth , since that all difference proceeds from the multitude or paucity of their Pores that admit the subtil matter , and do variously dilate and contract themselves in compliance with its motions . XX. Lead seems more heavy while it passeth through one Body , than through another . Lead sinks more slowly in the Water , than in the Air ; and a Log of Wood which is very burthensom to the party that carries it , rests on the surface of the water , and scarcely seems to be of any weight at all . A twofold weight may be understood to be in Bodies , the one Absolute , and which is not subject to any alteration , as being indistinguisht from the Body , and cannot be encreased , but by the addition of parts to it . Thus Gold is heavier than Lead , because its parts lie more snug and close together , and have straiter pores . The other weight of Bodies may be called Relative , which varies according to the different position of the matter ; and according to this notion of Gravity , Lead is said to be less heavy in the Water than in the Air ; because the water doth more strongly resist it , and by that means detracts much from its weight . Thus Wood swims upon the top of the Water , and doth not sink till it putrifie and corrupt , because the water is heavier than wood , and drives it up to the surface . For the parts of water , in the same bulk , are more than twice as many as the parts of wood ; and according to the Laws of Nature , Things that exceed in number , cannot be driven forwards by those that are fewer . Thus it hath been observed , that a Young man that weighed 130 pounds , did not weigh in the water above 8 Ounces . XXI . How we may know the different weight of Bodies . And on the contrary , if a heavy Body , as for Example Copper do much exceed water in ponderosity ( for it is accounted to be 9 times heavier than water ) it will lose a 9 th part of its Gravity . So that if Copper should be hung up by a string first in the Air , and afterwards in the Water , then the 9 th part of the weight is to be removed out of that Scale which hangs in the Air , that there may be an Equality . And by this means we shall easily perceive the true weight of every Body , and how much more heavier it is than the water . XXII . The different Heaviness of Bodies in the Air , and in the Water . So in like manner it happens that those things , which when weighed in the Air , are in equal poise , do lose the said Equality when put into the water , by Example Copper and Lead : For Lead put into the water , takes up a less space than Copper of the same weight ; and therefore when both these Bodies are weighed in the water , the Lead must of necessity out-weigh the Copper , with which it was in equal poise in the Air. And by this means it will not be difficult , to know what Metals , according to their bulk , are heavier than others . For if when they are weighed in the Air , neither of them exceed the other in weight , and that when put into the water , they are not in the same equal poise , that which out-weighs the other , according to its bulk , must be supposed heavier . XXIII . Respective Gravity may be changed ; but absolute cannot . Whence it follows , that the respective Gravity of a Body may be changed , whilst the absolute still continues the same : As suppose we put into one of the Scales of a Balance 100 Pounds , and in the other 50 , then the absolute Heaviness of the first weight will be always of 100 Pounds ; but the respective Heaviness will be only of 50 Pounds ; nay , it will be no more than 20 or 30 Pounds , if we put in the other Scale a Body of 80 or 90 Pounds . And for the same Reason , if we hang the weight of 100 Pounds at the end of a Standard , tho' the said absolute weight continue , yet may the respective be changed every moment ; according as the weighing Body is nearer or farther from the fixed Point , than that weight is , which is at the other end of the Standard . XXIV . Heavy Bodies increase their motion in falling . Heavy Bodies do not move equally in their Descent , but accelerate their motion ; as is evident in Stones , which according to the greater distance from whence they fall , make the stronger impression upon the things they light on . The Reason is , because a Body , at the beginning of its motion , moves but little ; for the subtil matter , which takes up its place , and which alone acts upon it , does not drive it downwards with that swiftness wherewith it endeavours to withdraw from the Center : But when the Body begins to descend , the subtil matter which is under the Body , and which with great endeavour strives to get above it , doth continually drive it downwards , and adds new degrees of Swiftness to those it had before . Or else we may say , that the motion of Heavy things is accelerated ; for that Bodies in their descent do acquire a new Force . For tho' they pass but slowly at the first moment of their motion ; yet at the second they must move more swiftly , because they retain their former motion , and receive an augmentation of it from the Action of the most subtil Matter . XXV . A Bullet driven through a Pipe or Bore , moves unequally . Thus when a Bullet or Pellet is by the blast of our breath driven through a Pipe , the Breath that proceeds from our Lungs , doth with repeated Onsets strike against it , whereby the first impulse imprest upon it is increased , and new degrees of Swiftness added thereto , whereby it becomes more vehement than it was at first . XXVI . Why Water falls down unequally through Pipes . Hence it is also , that the water which by Example is fallen down 3 Foot and an half , hath its Force once and half as much increased , more than that water which hath made a descent of one Foot only ; and that consequently the water which gusheth out of a Pipe fill'd to the height of 3 Foot and an half , must run twice and an half faster , than when it runs from a Pipe that is only full to the height of one Foot ; for that by that time it is come to the end of the Pipe , it will have acquir'd in its descent twice and an half more Swiftness , ●●an it would have got , if it had only made a descent to the 4 th parth of the Pipe. XXVII . The acceleration of motion is performed by the acquiring of a new degree thereof . Nevertheless , we must not imagin that the motion of Heavy Bodies doth increase continually , so as to have no bounds of its augmentation : For the Air resists the motion of Bodies , and blunts their force . Hence it is that a Bullet discharged from a Canon at a great distance , doth less hurt , than if it were shot nearer . And so likewise we see in the Pneumatick Engin , that when all the Air is pumpt out of it , heavy Bodies do fall with a great force at the first , and do exert the entire force of their Gravity : Like as Bodies cast up into the Air , in the beginning of their motion , do exert the whole Swiftness they have received . XXVIII . Why a Pail is not heavy in the water . A Pail full of Water , in a Well or Pool , loseth all its Gravity ; seeing that with the least force it may be removed , this way or that way , upwards or downwards , without almost any perception of ponderosity . The Reason is , because the parts of water , whilst they are mingled and hang together , do do not press one another ; for being all of them equally solid , they are all equally prest towards the Center by the Celestial matter ; and therefore the Pail , because of their equal pressure , is with the least force moved any way . In like manner a man that is sunk under water , is not sensible of any ponderosity ; because the Waters which lie upon him , are less pressed by the Heavenly Globuli that run between them , than the man himself , who is a more solid Body , and consequently less pervious to the subtil matter . Which is the Reason why Divers cannot come to the bottom of the Sea , without Weights hung upon them ; because they are equally pressed by the water that surrounds them , and as much born up by that which is beneath them , as they are thrust down by that which is above them . So that if a Diver being at the bottom of the water , could apply and fasten to his Arm or Thigh , the lower part of a long Pipe , the other end thereof standing out above the water ; so that the water could not come in between them , that part of his Body would presently begin to swell , it being free from the pressure of the water , and the Blood would run thither from the other parts of the Body . XXIX . A Body is more hindred in its descent , by Running-water . Hence it is also that a Body is more born up by Running-water . For the force of swiftly Running-water , doth make the ponderosity of the Body almost insignificant ; as we see in things that are thrown or cast upwards . Wherefore we find , that a Body doth more easily swim on the top of Running-water ; because there are many more parts of the water that resist its sinking , since continually other new parts succeed to support and keep it up . And this is the foundation of the Art of Swimming . CHAP. V. Of Taste . I. Hard Bodies , as Stone , Iron , and the like , are insipid . HArd Bodies , such as Stone , Iron , Lime , Harts-horn , &c. are insipid , and do not at all affect the Tongue . Because the particles of Hard Bodies cannot be separated from each other , and consequently be mingled with the Spittle in our Mouths . For when Bodies are so compact that they cannot dissolve and furnish those particles , which by the Vehicle of Moisture , may be conveyed into the pores of our Tongue , no wonder if they be insipid . For tho' Sugar , when melted , affords a sweet taste ; yet when the same is brought into solid and compact pieces , it affords no taste at all , because its parts cannot readily be separated , to impress any taste upon the Organ . So for the same Reason Pills , when they are swallowed whole , are scarcely perceived , because they do not stay long enough to have their outward parts dissolved , without which they cannot affect the Organ of Taste . Thus Turpentine boiled , and made into Powder , is lookt upon to be insipid ; because the more subtil parts of it cannot be diffused or mingled with the Spittle : Whereas in its Liquid form , it exhibits a bitter taste . So that Experience teacheth us , that nothing else is wanting in these Bodies , to make them Savoury , but only the division of their parts ; seeing that the Salts which enter the Composition of Glass , were savoury before they were compacted into that hard consistence , and that Metals reduc'd into very small powder , tho' before they were insipid , do now yield a most strong and intolerable taste . II. VVhy Bodies are distinguisht by Taste . Almost all Bodies are distinguishable by their tastes ; as Honey is sweet , Wormwood bitter , &c. The general Cause of all Tastes and Savours depends on the greatness and figures of the parts of savoury Bodies , which are capable of being diversified after an infinite manner of ways : And forasmuch as Bodies are in a manner all of them composed of parts that are of a different bigness and figure , it must not seem strange to us , that we meet with so great a variety of Tastes . III. Hot Meat is more savoury than cold Meat . This difference of Tastes , is sometimes caused by the various agitation of the parts of Bodies ; for we experience that hot Meat is more savoury than cold , because heat increaseth the motion of the parts of the Body ; and besides , it is certain , that the more any Body is moved , the more fit it is to move another Body that toucheth it : And therefore it connot seem strange , that Meats , when hot , are a great deal more savoury to us , than when they are cold . This is the Reason also why dressed Meats are far more savoury than raw , because the heat of the fire that dresseth them , divides them into lesser parts , whereby their figures are changed , and so make them to be of a very different Taste from what they were , when Raw. IV. Sweet things do sooner cloy the Stomach , than Meat of a sharp taste . Sweet things do sooner fill than sharp . Thus we find that Milk-meats , Sweet-meats , Butter , Honey , &c. do sooner satisfie our Appetite , than sowre and sharp things . Some suppose the Cause hereof to be , because Sharp things do afford little Nourishment , and much Excrement ; but this Reason seems of no force , because Digestion does not immediately follow upon the taking down of our food : But the Cause why Sweet things do sooner glut the Appetite , than sharp and sowre things is , because these latter are made up of parts whose surface is very rough and rugged , that is , which have many Angles or Inequalities , which make them fit to twitch and vellicate the Bodies they touch or apply to ; and by this their vellicating of the Stomach , do stir up the Appetite : Whereas Sweet things consisting of smooth Bodies , and such as gently affect the Stomach , without exciting of the Appetite , do presently fill and satiate . V. The Fire excites a sharp taste in Meat drest by it . Fire procures a sharp Taste to Meat ; for we find that Rost-meat doth with more sharpness strike the Tongue , and affords a more grateful taste . For it is evident that there is no food , but contains some Salt , which is in a manner equally diffused throughout the whole Mass of it . Whence it is , that when Meat is agitated by the heat of fire , some part of this Salt is carried to the outside , and exhales with the other Liquid parts , and constitutes that Smoak which we see proceeds from Meat that is a Roasting . But whereas they are only the insipid particles that fly into the Air , those of the Salts can scarcely rise 2 or 3 fingers high ; but that by their weight they are forced down again to the surface of the Meat , and there produce that sharp taste which we experience in Roast-meat . VI. Sowre and Harsh things set the Teeth on edge . Things harsh and sowre , set the Teeth on edge ; as unripe Fruits , harsh Wines , Verjuice , and the like . The Reason is , because the fixt Salts that are in these Bodies , being entangled in a gross Sulphur , compose together with it parts , whose Surface is bristled with many Hairs variously bent , which entring into the pores of the Tongue , shut up the parts thereof . VII . VVhy Bitter things do heat , and Sowre , cool . Bitter things , as Orange-Peel , Venice-Treacle , and many purging Medicins do heat ; but Sowre things , such as Juice of Orange , Sowre Grapes , &c. do cool . Because Bitter things consist of sharp Salts , and gross Oils , which being agitated together , do excite and preserve heat ; whereas the parts of Sowre things are long , stiff and pointed , and rather stop the motion of the fiery particles , than promote it , and for that Reason are esteemed of a Cooling Nature . VIII . Why unripe Grapes and Fruits are harsh . Unripe Fruits seem very harsh at the first taste , and cause a Roughness on the Tongue ; but afterwards they turn sweet , and acquire a pleasant relish . The Reason is , for that Fruits , before that they are ripe , do consist of longish parts , which by their motion do , as it were , cut the fibres of the Tongue , and contract them ; and afterwards they grow ripe by means of the fire or the heat of the Sun , which digests their raw Juice , and by exhaling the Heterogeneous parts , reduceth it to sweetness . For it is evident , that there is a continual resolution and division of parts in Fruits that tend to maturity , by means whereof they lay aside their hardness and harshness , and after perfect Concoction become soft and pleasant . IX . A Tongue that is either too dry , or too moist , can taste nothing . A Tongue that is parch'd and over-dry , hath little or no taste ; and so likewise when it abounds with over-much moisture . The Reason is , because Taste doth not only consist in moisture or driness apart , but in a mixture of them both . And therefore it is no wonder , if a too dry and parched Tongue , cannot perceive the taste of solid food , seeing that the same cannot be macerated or dissolved without moisture , which is necessary in order to the Sense of Tasting . For the Tongue being a spongy and porous part , stands in need of moisture , which is the vehicle of Savours . Moreover , in a dry Tongue the fibres are too much contracted , an● thereby are made unfit to receive that affection , which the savour of things doth impress on it . And on the other hand , a Tongue too moist , i● not fit for the reception of Tastes , forasmuch as the Tongue , which is loose and spongy , having its pores already filled with Humour , cannot well admit that which conveys the Savoury particles of the food , and by this means cannot perceive the taste of it . And it is for this very Reason , that we cannot relish Wine after having eaten some sweet thing , and that in order to recove● our taste we eat salt meat , that may open the pores of our Tongue . X. Why we find no relish in those things which we eat often . Some find that they lose the relish of those things , which they feed too frequently upon , and that either because these common Aliments do leave some of their particles in the Tongue , which render the little Nipples of it immoveable ; or , because the Soul gives less heed to those motions that are ordinary and common , than to those which are new and unfiequent . XI . Why we can better discern Tastes in the Morning . Tastes are better discerned in the Morning , especially before we have eaten or drank any thing , that can byass the Tongue to a mistaken Verdict . Because at that time the Tongue is like fair Paper , and as yet unting'd by any Savours . For that which receives , must be free from a Taint of the thing received . Which is true not only in the Taste , but also in Hearing , Smelling , and all the other Senses : For by right , the Sense of Hearing is sharpest , and Blind men do better retain things than others . XII . Persons sick of the Jaundise , cannot rightly discern the taste of things . Men sick of the Jaundise , suppose all things to taste bitter . The Reason is , because the Gall is diffused through their Tongues , which infects their Spittle ; for the Gall consisting of sharp particles , doth so corrupt the Spittle , that it communicates a bitterness and an ungrateful taste to all the Food that is eaten , as if something of Soot were mixt with it . The Cause of which Depravation is , because the Raw humour , which runs through the Veins and Arteries , betakes it self to the Tongue , because of its loose and spongy Flesh , and filling the pores of it , vitiate the taste of all received Aliments . Which is the Reason why Physicians commonly order their Patients to put out their Tongues , that they may view the colour and disposition of it ; for seeing that that Member , proportionable to its bulk , contains abundance of Blood , it accordingly also admits a considerable deal of the morbifick Matter , which there discovers it self by its Colour , and consequently also the Sickness which disturbs the Body . XIII . Whence the Harsh taste of Verjuice doth proceed . The Juice of unripe Grapes constitutes that which is called Verjuice , which is of a sowre and somewhat harsh taste ; whereas the Juice of ripe Grapes is sweet , and with a pleasant briskness accosts the Palat. The harshness of Verjuyce proceeds from the Roughness and Inequality of its parts ; for because the Juice of unripe Grapes is not sufficiently concocted , they retain a great deal of Crudity , which is owing to their long and inflexible particles . Hence it is that the Verjuice which is made of Crabs , is a good Medicine to help the weakness of the Eyes ; because its particles being like so many little grains of Sand , do wipe off the filth of the Eyes , and by this means restore the Visive faculty to its former clearness . And the same Reason may be given of the Water of some particular Fountains , which by reason of their Acrimony do not only purge the Eyes , but also the Optick Nerves , that so the Rays of Light may be the more freely transmitted . XIV . Why New Wine is sweet . But New Wine is sweet , because it hath been sufficiently decocted by Heat , and all its parts are smooth and even . And as to its muddiness , that is only caused by those Heterogeneous parts , which are not yet separated from it ; which as soon as they are either precipitated to the bottom , or raised up to the top , by fermentation , the Wine becomes elear , by admitting the Heavenly Globuli . XV. What is the Cause of that variety of Tastes which is in Fruits . All Fruits are distinguishable by their taste , some of them having a harsh bitter taste , others a harsh sowre , other a sowre , and all of them a sweet taste after they attain to their full maturity . Book . 2. Part. 2. Chap. 6 ▪ G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip ▪ XVI . VVhence it 〈◊〉 that the same Food is not equally grateful to all . Nothing is of more obvious Experience , than that the same food is not alike grateful to all ; and that frequently what is very pleasing to some , is very distasteful to others . Which proceeds from the different disposition of the Organ . For they whose Tongues are furnisht with stiff and less plyant fibres , will be less exact in discerning the Taste of things , because they stand in need of a greater Force to move them : Whereas those whose fibres are more delicate and tender , do more exactly distinguish them , because the least Vellication is sufficient to affect them . Somewhat like that which is found in the hands of those that are grown hard by much labour , which without any sense of Pain do handle Briars and Thorns , when those that have tender Hands cannot , without great pain , so much as touch them . XVII . VVhy the same thing seems sometimes to have a different Taste . Hence it is that sometimes the same person , upon some alteration in the Organ of his Taste , caused by Age or Sickness finds a different Taste in the same Objects from what he formerly perceived in them : For the Texture of his Organ being changed , the particles of the Bodies do no longer accord with it , but cause a kind of rout and confusion in it . And it is for the same Reason that young Women , and such as are with Child , do sometimes take delight in some Meats which they formerly abhorred . XVIII . VVhy different men , affect different Sawces . Whence it is that different men are pleased with different Sawces , and that there must be different Sawces to please the same person at different times and seasons . For one loves sweet Sawces , others sowr ; one man delights in the taste of Wine , another abhors it ; and the same person that is greatly pleased with the taste of it , when he is in Health , doth loath it when he is sick of an Ague or Fever , because the fibres of his Tongue are otherwise disposed than they were before . This is visible in Girls , and Women big with Child , especially in the first Months after Impregnation , who frequently delight in , and long for those things which before they abhorred , or at least had no inclination to , forasmuch as the particles of those things enter more smoothly , into the pores of their Tongues than before . XIX . The Mistake of some Peripateticks . From what hath been said , we have reason to conclude , that it is a great Errour to place the taste or savour of things in the savoury Objects , as some Peripateticks do : For besides that in so doing they ascribe to an Inanimate Body , a way of Existence which doth not agree with them , the consequence of this Opinion is , that 2 Men would never be able to find a different Taste in the same Object , which is contrary to Experience . So that we must conclude , that the Power of perceiving Tastes belongs to the Soul , as well as that of feeling Pleasure or Pain ; and consequently , that Taste is nothing else , but a certain perception or sensation , which is exerted by the Soul , by the motions which Meats produce in the Nerves of the Tongue . CHAP. VI. Of Smelling . I. Animals ▪ by their Sense of Smelling , discover what is good or hurtful to them . SO great is the Affinity between Taste and Smelling , that they are produced and affect the Organs almost in the very same manner . For we find that Animals hunt out their Prey by their Scent , and by the same distinguish what is good , from what is hurtful to them . Thus the Smell of Catmint allures Cats ; Fennel , Serpents ; Bazil , Scorpions ; Rue , Weezels , &c. As on the contrary , they avoid what is harmful to them by the help of the said Organ . Thus Serpents flee from the Scent of Galbanum , Scorpions abhor Wolves-bane ; Flies , Brimstone ; Goats , Bazil ; and Ants , Organy . The Cause of this Sympathy , or Antipathy , must be derived from the Organ of Smelling ; which receives the diversity of Odours , according to the different affection and disposition of its fibres . For if the Steam that proceeds from an odoriferous Object , be delicate , and doth smoothly affect the Nerves of the Nostrils , it will cause a grateful Odour ; but if the said Nerves be more rudely shaken or vellicated , this gives an unpleasing Scent . For Odour is nothing else , but the thin and insensible parts of Bodies , which being separate from each other , fly up and down in the Air , and being by the drawing in of our Breath received into our Nostrils , do excite a motion in the Extremities of the Nerves . So that the diversity of Motions , produceth difference of Odours ; and as the fibres of the Organ are more softly or roughly struck upon , accordingly are they diversified . For this Reason we find , that Roses , Musk , Ambergris , and such like , afford a sweet Smell ; because the Steam that proceeds from them , consists of subtil and flexible Filaments , which easily enter the Organ , and without any roughness are communicated to the Nerves . But Brimstone affords a strong and unpleasant Smell , because of the Ruggedness and Unevenness of its filaments . For Brimstone being very easily inflammable , we must suppose it to consist of many fat Steams , which being mingled with a sharp Matter , do make the filaments rough and prickly , which cannot but affect the fibres of the Organ unpleasantly and painfully . II. How sweet Scents may be produced from strong and unpleasant things . And on the contrary , when the strong Scent of Brimstone , is dulled by the joyning of some other Body with it , a grateful Odour is produced . Thus tho' Civet in a bulk , and by it self , have a very strong Scent ; yet if 3 Grains be mixed with 10 Grains of Ambergris , and one Drop of the Juice of Lemons , and ground together , it will produce a most rich and grateful Perfume . In like manner , Musk , when it is by it self , yields a strong and overcoming Scent ; but being mixt with some of the Spirit of Roses , it affords a most pleasing and delightful Smell . And they who bring Musk from the Indies , after that the Smell of it is in great part exhaled , do wrap it up in the Skin of the Animal from whence it is taken , or in Bladders , and hang it up for some days in some stinking place , having first made several Holes in the said Skins or Bladders ; and by this means recover the Musk to its former fragrancy . Forasmuch as by this Fermentation , its parts are so separated and attenuated , that they cannot but gratefully tickle the Organs of Smelling . III. How some Bodies that have little or no scent , may be made odorous . And it is for the same Reason , that the Oyl of Roses , drawn by distillation , being put into water in a considerable Quantity , hath almost no odour at all , but being mingled with the Salt of Tartar , it makes a fluid composition , whereof some part being put into water , yields a very great and sweet perfume ; the reason whereof is , to be a ascribed to the Salt of Tartar , which being a very powerful Alkali , exalts the Oyl , and renders it more volatile , and consequently more proper to be attracted together with the Air in Respiration . IV. To the perception of Odours , some distance is required . When a Man is too near to odoriferous Bodies , he cannot so well perceive their Effluvia . And therefore it is that Flowers do smell more sweetly when they are at some distance from the Organ , than when they are too near it . The Cause is , because the smell or odour of Objects doth not consist in their more gross and moist , as before hath been said of Taste , but in their thin and dry parts ; and therefore he who is too near to the odorous Object , doth not only take in the steams that proceed from it , but also those that come forth from the Earth . But if he be somewhat further at a distance from it , he receives nothing but the more vivid and subtil steams , because the Grosser cannot go far off , but soon fall down to the Earth again . Wherefore some distance is necessary , that the more brisk particles of the odorous Object , may freely and purely exert its power , and excite a grateful smell . V. Perfumes are least perceived when too near . Hence it is that Perfumes cannot be so powerfully perceived when we are too near to them ; for they consisting of nothing else but a steam , flowing from the odoriferous Body , by passing through some interval it becomes more purified and discharged from its more thick and terrene particles , which dull and allay the sweetness of the odour . As we find that Wine mixed with Water is less tasted , because water doth break and allay its force . VI. Plants in Syria and Arabia do far excel ours in smell . Plants in hot Countries shed a far more fragrant odour than in cold . Thus it is known that in , Syria , Arabia , the East-Indies , &c. many Spices are produced , and that the Fruits of the Trees that grow there , have more lasting and pungent odours . The Reason is , the heat of the Sun in those Countries , which conduceth very much to the briskness and sweetness of odours : For by means thereof the Alimentary Juice of Plants becomes exalted and depurated in the highest degree ; and thereby prepared to yield copious matter for those odoriferous steams proceeding from the Leaves , Fruits , and Flowers of them . For it is certain that odours consist of Sulphur or Salt , and that those Bodies which abound with these , do shed more abundant odours . Because heat is a great strengthner and exalter of the Sulphureous Parts , causing them to exert their force with greater efficacy ; for after that the watry Humour is separated , the remaining substance is more throughly concocted , and consequently yields a more fragrant odour . And therefore in order to the preserving of this Fragrancy , we make use of Oyl wherewith to cover them , or else shut them up in Boxes , to hinder the vapour from exhaling continually . For we find that all odorous Bodies do smell more strongly when they are hot , than when cold ; in the Day time , than in the Night ; in the Spring , than in Winter ; and in Summer , than in the Spring , because then their parts are in greater motion . VII . Heat conduceth very much to the sweetness of Odours . For the same Reason it is , that Fruits attain a more grateful scent by being prepared with fire ; and that all things smell sweeter during the heat of the Summer , than when they are congealed with cold ; because then their Sulphureous Parts are lockt up : whereas in hot Seasons the same is agitated and diffused through the Air. And therefore we find that there are very few Seeds that afford any sent from them : for being of a very compact substance , and consisting of a clammy substance , they do not easily send forth any Effluvia . And on the contrary , we find that Contusion or Bruising is a great means to excite that sweetness of odour which is found in dry things . Thus the pricking of the Rinds of Citrons or Oranges , renders them much more odorous . And Spanish Wax , which is without odour before it be put to the Fire , becomes very odoriferous , by the resolution of some of its parts into Smoak . The same may be said of Incense , Myrrh , and many other odoriferous Gums and Drugs , which do not exert their fragrancy till they be dissipated into Air. VIII . What is the Cause of that sweet or strong smel● which proceeds from some persons . All Men do not smell alike , for some yield a very fragrant and pleasing odour , which Historians relate concerning Alexander the Great , whose Sweat was very pleasing and grateful to all that smelt it . Whereas others stink , or scent very strongly ; which is observed of Flat-nos'd Persons , who are commonly tainted with loathsom steams proceeding from them . A Sweet Odour proceeds from those persons , whose Alimentary Juice is exactly and throughly concocted ; which then happens , when by the agitation of the Body , the Pores are opened , to let out the particles of any crude Humours . The same may also be an effect of the Temperament of Men , as when Heat is greatly predominant in them ; for if the said Heat be free , and is disintangled from any superfluous Humour , it cannot fail of producing a sweet odour . Now that such was the Temperament of Alexander the Great , is evident from his inclination to the excess of Anger , the continual exercise of his Body , and the smoothness and thinness of his Skin . But when on the contrary , the Alimentary Juice is not well digested , or by some means or other becomes depraved , this must needs produce an abominable and loathsom smell ; such as we perceive commonly in Flat-nos'd Persons , whose steams are observed to be very nauseous ; and that because the Pores , through which the Snot or Snivel is conveyed from the Brain , is too much straitned , and by reason thereof putrifies and corrupts there . For Corruption is the most genuine cause of Stinks . IX . Of the various Vertue and Nature of Odours . And accordingly some smells are very refreshing , and conducing to Health , whereas other are very inimical to Nature , and our Vital Spirits . Thus we are told that there is a People in the most remote Borders of the East Indies , about the Springs of the River Ganges , called Astomi or Mouthless , who ( if we may give credit to some Historians ) live only by the odours they take in from Flowers and Fruits . So likewise it is notorious , that there be many Scents which recall Persons that are in a Swoond ; and more particularly the smell of Vinegar : And every body knows how much Cats are delighted with the Herb Nepota , or Catmint ; which acceptableness and congruity proceeds only from the odour of these things . And on the contrary , some smells are the cause of distraction , as it is related of the Sabaeans , that they used to be stupified by odours : And of Cats , that they became mad by the smell of some Ointments : because these exhalations cause so violent an agitation in the Organ , that thereby the natural Temperament of the Brain is destroyed , whence proceeds that tumultuary confusion of the Spirits . X. Why distilled Waters lose their fragrancy , when the Flowers from whence they are drawn , are in their Prime . Rose and Orange-flower Water , with other such like Waters distilled from Flowers , keep their sweet smell all the year , except only when the Flowers , from whence they are drawn , are most fragrant , for then they lose their Scent . The Cause whereof is , not because those Waters are indeed destitute of all Odour at that time : but the Earth then abounding with Flowers , which diffuse their steams throughout the whole Air , the Organ of Smelling is so much charged with them , that it cannot be affected with the smell that proceeds from those waters ; and upon this account they are supposed destitute of all smell . XI . The Fragrancy of things may be separated from their gross Body . Tinctures , Essences , &c. of Roses , Cinamon , and such like odoriferous Bodies , retain the same smell , which the things themselves had before . The Reason is , because the nature of Odour consists in a certain texture of Sulphur and Salt. By Sulphur , the Chymists understand a Fat and Oily Substance , which according to its various mixture in various Bodies is different . Now since this Substance may by Chymical Art be extracted from Bodies , it must not be thought strange that it retains the same Odour , which the Bodies themselves before did . XII . They who are troubled with Cold , lose their Smeling . They who have got a Cold , do in a manner perceive no Odours at all . Because the Rheum doth so obstruct the Pipes of the Olfactory Organ , into which the Odorous Steams use to insinuate themselves , that they can no longer enter them . For in this case the obstruction sometimes is so great , that there is no passage left in the Nostrils to draw ones Breath ; and therefore it is no wonder , if the Nerves , being filled with this humour , cannot admit the Steams proceeding from odorous Objects , or if they do , yet cannot receive any due impression from them . XIII . Why we perceive the odours of things better in the Summer than in the Winter . In Cold Weather , odorous Objects do more weakly affect our Organ of Smelling . This is , because in Winter time the pores are obstructed and contracted , so that their odorous Steams do not then break forth from the Bodies to which they belong . To which may be added , that the Air is thicker and more gross at that time , which therefore the odorous Steams are less able to penetrate . Hence it is that Congealed Bodies shed no fragrancy or smell at all , because by reason of the obstruction of the Pores , the Steam cannot disperse it self in the Air , nor affect the olfactory Organ . Whereas on the contrary , in the Summer-time , smells are much better and strongly perceived , because the intense heat doth then agitate and excite the particles , and sends them in greater abundance to the Organ . We observe also , that according as the wind is for or against us , so we either smell odorous Objects , or not smell them ; for when the wind comes from those Objects , the smell of them doth more strongly affect the Organ ; whereas when it is contrary , it carries the said odorous Steams from us , so as that we perceive no Scent at all . XIV . Dogs exceed Men in the quickness of Smelling . Many Beasts excel Men in the sense of Smelling ; and more especially Dogs , who not only exceed Men , but all other Beasts in this regard . The reason whereof may very probably be ascribed to their Organ of Smelling , as abounding with very fine and subtil Fibres , and those more fitly disposed for the reception of Odours . For it is observed that the Olfactory Organ of Dogs is drier than that of other Creatures ; because their Snot doth not flow the ordinary way , but through some Pores , which may distinctly be perceived at the end of their Noses . Or else the cause of this more quick Scenting that is in Dogs , may be attributed to their not being subject to those gross Fumes arising from the Stomachs of Men , who feed upon such various sorts of Meat , which hinder the reception or perception of the subtil odorous Steams proceeding from Objects . Hence it is that Dogs , that are too much conversant in Kitchins , and are too much fed , do by degrees lose their Sagacity , and become much inferiour to those who are kept shut up , and are only fed with Food , proper for hunting Dogs . XV. Why the Sense of Smelling is weaker in Men than in Beasts . Neither is there any question to be made , but that if Men lived only upon vegetables , they would far excell others in this Sense , who fare more deliciously , and pamper themselves with Flesh and variety of Meats . Thus Sir Kenelm Digby , in his Treatise of Bodies , relates this story of one John of Liege , who fleeing into the Woods to avoid the violence of some Soldiers , lived there many years , feeding all the while on Wild Apples , Acorns and Roots ; who after he had been catched by some Country People , after having attained the use of speech , he declared to them , That as long as he lived in the Woods , he could by his smelling find out his Food , and distinguish that which was good , from that which was hurtful ; that by the same he was aware frequently of Hunters that had a design to take him , and by this means oft escaped their Hands . Which Example makes it evident , that the quickness of the Sense of Smelling is spoiled by the vapours of divers and dainty Viands ; and the chief reason why Men are inferiour to Beasts in this Sense is , because their Diet is not so simple as theirs is . XVI . Some Animals are signal for their quickness of Smelling . It may also be allowed , that many Animals do exceed Man in this Sense , because of the vivacity of their Organs ; as it is evident in Ravens , Vultures and Dogs , which by their Sagacity pursue their Prey , or follow the footsteps of their Masters : Tigers , who by their smelling , follow them who have taken away their Whelps : Roughfooted Pigeons , who by the same sense , fetch back their Young , tho' carried into some House above 200 paces distant from them . Neither is it any contradiction to what is here alledged , that Dogs in hunting , are sometimes at a loss , beecause this only proceeds from the great distance either of time or place in which the Odour is diffused , or when the odorous Steams are carried away by the Wind , or being mingled with other Steams produce a confusion . XVII . How some odorous Bodies may retain their Sent for a long time . It is certain that odorous Bodies by continual expiration , become flaggy and are consumed ; because their substance is continually wasted and dispersed by the exhalations that proceed from them ▪ Yet as to the great , and almost inconceivable subtilty of these Fumes , we have a very pregnant demonstration , in a piece of Ambergris , which after a continual expiration of odorous Steams for several years together , doth to our senses appear to be of the same Bulk . So that it may seem probable , that these Fumes do by a continual Circulation return to their source again : Much in like manner as we have shewed in our Institution of Philosophy , that the Striate Matter moves circucularly about the Loadstone ; according to which Hypothesis it may be made out , that an odorous Body may continually shed its exhalations without losing ought of its substance by that means . CHAP. VII . Of Sound . I. Liquid Bodies when dasht together , make a noise . SOund doth not only proceed from hard and solid Bodies , but also from fluid , and which because of the pliablness of their parts , do give way to the motions of other Bodies . For the Air , when it is struck , conveys a Sound to our Ears ; the Waves when they dash against each other , cause a great noise ; and all Waters , according as they run through a plain Channel , or are interrupted with Rocks and Stones , make a different impression upon the Nerves . The Reason is , because the parts of the Air , as well as of other liquid Bodies , by their beating against each other , become divided into innumerable small particles , which being most swiftly moved , and dashing against each other , must needs produce a Sound . For a Sound is nothing else but a trembling and waving motion of the Air : And as we see that by the throwing of a Stone into the water many Circles are formed , which uniformly extend themselves to the Shoar or Banks ; so likewise the Sound that proceeds from Bodies that are struck , is by reciprocal vibrations propagated through the Air. II. How a Sound comes to be dispersed round . Which will more clearly appear in the Figure . Let there be supposed a String that is struck , which may be conceived as a Cylinder , whereof the semisection will make an half Circle , MBR , so as that whilst it restores it self , every one of its points are moved with a strait motion , and by parallel Lines , as AB , PC , OD , NE , MF , Let us then suppose in the several points of this Section some particles of pure Air , or Moisture , which may be considered as Globuli , or small round Bodies L , K , I , H , G , &c. which touch the Section in the points BCDEF : Now if right Lines be drawn from the Center A , through the foresaid points , they will terminate in the Centers of the Globuli ; and if one Globe fall upon another , it will move the same by a Line joining the Centers of both together : So that the Arc MB , of the Section of the Circle , diffuseth that most light matter according to the Angle MAB , and in like manner the Arc BR , according to the Angle BAR. III. Why the Breath that is sent out of our Lungs is not heard . Thus we observe that our Breath , when gently sent forth from our Lungs , is not heard , nor when it is easily blown through a Pipe , because there are none of those frequent wavings , between the sides of the VVind-Pipe and the Pipe , which are necessary to convey the stroaks of them to the Organ . In like manner , as we see that a Hammer gently applied to the Anvil , doth produce no sound at all , because the Air is not sufficiently beaten back or undulated , as to produce that frequency of motion that may reach the Ear. IV. Why Musical Instruments are commonly hollow . Musical Instruments are commonly made hollow , and often approach to a Sphaerical Figure . The Reason is , because the passing and repassing percussions of the Air , are multiplied in a Hollow , and therefore do the longer detain and please the Ear. For in hollow Bodies , not only the outward Air is agitated by frequent concussions , but also the Internal . The depth also of Musical Instruments is of great use , because then Sounds are the better mingled in them , and one part being agitated , doth more easily make the other parts partaker of the Motion . V. The make of the Instrument , and the Place , do conduce to the variety of Sounds . Thus Hawk-bells , by reason of the slit and holes they have on their sides , do yield a greater Sound , than when in the open Air we strike upon any Brass Vessel ; because the Sound of the Bell being pent up within the sides of it , doth break forth whole and strong . And it is for the same reason , that Musick within doors in cold weather is more agreeable , because then the Strings or VVood of the Instruments are more wrinkled , as it were , and become more hollow and porous . And on the other hand it is observed , that the Sound of Musical Instruments is not so distinct in Chambers that are hung , as in those that are VVainscotted , because the Sound doth more briskly rebound from a smooth and hard body , than from that which is soft and yielding . For indeed all soft Bodies are less fit for the generation of Sounds , and do easily transmit them . And it is for the same Reason , that the Sound of hot Iron is more dull , than that which is cold , even because it is more soft , and the parts of this latter do yield more frequent vibrations . VI. What is the Reason that a Deaf Man can perceive the Sound of a Lute , whilst he holds his Teeth upon the Neck of it . A person that is Deaf may perceive the Sound of a Lute , or any other Instrument , whilst he holds the Neck of it between his Teeth . Some have conceived that this is to be attributed to some conveyances , reaching from the Mouth to the Ears , which carry the Sound thither , and impress the same affection upon them , which is transmitted by the Organ of Hearing . But that this is not so , is apparent , because the same effect doth not follow when we hold our Mouth open . Besides , if this were sufficient , why might not sounds be perceived by the touch of the Forehead or Nose ; seeing that from these parts there be passages to the Ears , and an equal communication between them ? Book . 2. Part. 2. Chap. 7. G Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp VII . Why a grating , skreaking Noise is very offensive to the Ears . But of all Sounds , none are more ungrateful to the Ear , and indeed intolerable , than the skreaking Noise of a Saw , or the filing of Iron . The Reason whereof is , because the particles of the Air , which strike against the Ear , do , because of their irregular figure , too violently vellicate the fibres of the Auditory Nerves , so as that thereby they are in danger of being broken , and sometimes break actually , whence that troublesom and painful Sensation doth arise . The same also , tho' in a less degree , is caused by the hearing of false Tones , which is extreamly offensive to a Musical Ear. And accordingly , by means of the foresaid Sounds the Teeth are sometimes set on edge ; forasmuch as by this inordinate undulation of the Air , the Nervous fibres which are at the Root of the Teeth , are in a manner loosed and separated from their former stability . VIII . What is the Reason why , when the one of two Unison Strings are struck , the other trembles . If 2 Lutes or Citterns , whose strings are made Unison , are placed at some distance from each other , when the strings of the one are smartly struck , those of the other tremble also , and that so strongly , that they will shake off a bit of Paper laid upon them . The Reason is , because the string being struck by a certain number of Vibrations , shakes the Air , which lighting upon the Unison strings of the other Instrument , doth shake it likewise . And this more especially , if the said strings be consonant in an Eighth or Fifth , for then their Vibrations will be less confused , and agree in their certain and frequent Intervals . For in an Eighth , all the Vibrations of a more lax and longer Chord or String , agree with a Second , Fourth and Fifth of a more stretched and shorter Chord ; in a Fifth , with a Third , Sixth and Ninth , and so of the rest . Wherefore this Trembling motion never follows where two Strings are differently tuned : Whereas Concords do not only excite each other , but others also , by reason of the similitude of their motions , and do so assist each other , as mutually to impart the same Affections . As may be experienced in any Musical Instrument . IX . Whether there be such a thing as white Gunpowder , whereby Guns may be discharged without Noise . It is a common Report amongst the many , that there is a White Gunpowder , with which Guns may be discharged without giving any Report . This , tho' very confidently asserted , appears to be a meer figment . For it is impossible that the pent up Air should be able to break forth without making a Noise : For that which is of such a force as to be able to drive a Bullet with as great swiftness , as the Flame breaks forth from the Gunpowder , must needs strike the Air with a like force , and consequently produce an answerable Sound . X. Why Men and Birds only can give forth Musical Sounds . Of all Animals , Men and Birds only are able to make Musical Sounds . The Reason hereof must be fetch'd from the structure of the Throat and Wind-pipe , the Rings whereof in Men and Birds are capable of being contracted and extended . For there is a double recurring Nerve in the Wind-pipe , which turning round about it , doth by the help of some of its Branches move the Rings of it downwards ; and forasmuch as the same is terminated in the Nerve , proceeding from the Plexus Ganglioformis , it moves the folds of the Wind-pipe upwards . So that whilst the Rings of the Wind-pipe , by means of the recurrent Nerve , are moved downwards , it causeth a deep or bass Tone ; which becomes more high and shrill , when the said Rings are raised higher by the Branches of the 6 th pair of Nerves , disseminated in the Wind-pipe ; because the Wine-pipe being strained by this means , doth in a manner break the Sound that passeth through it . XI . The Smoak of a Candle , is agitated by the motion of the Strings of a Musical Instrument . If a Lute be play'd upon near a Smoaking-Candle , the same motion of the Strings will be communicated to the Smoak . The Reason hereof is , because the trembling Vibrations of the Strings do move the fluctuating Air , by the reiterated onsets whereof , the Flame ( which of it self is very moveable ) begins to be shaken , and to conform it self to the motions of the Strings . Hence it is , that when a Ray of the Sun is let in into a dark Room , and a Musical Instrument be plaid upon near the said Ray or Sun-beam , the Motes in the Sun will be seen to leap and skip in the Air , and , as it were , to dance to the Musick of the Instrument . The same may be also observed in the Water , when the Surface of it is very smooth and even ; for then upon the Noise of stringed Instruments , it will become ruffled and curled . The same also may be observed in 2 Glasses , into which if we put water to the height of 1 or 2 Fingers breadth , and bring them to an Unison , ( which may be easily done by the Ear , in drawing our Finger round the Edge of them ; ) for then , if we fix a Crooked-Pin upon the Brim of one of the Glasses , we shall see it move and skip , as we press the Brim of the other Glass with our Fingers . XII . Tones , or Musical Sounds , are not so proper to cause sleep , as some other Natural sounds . Musical Sounds are not so conducive to provoke Sleep ; as the Humming of Bees , the Noise of the Wind , the Murmur of Running-water , and an equal and smooth Tone of Reading . For seeing that the Sound is diffused from the Sonorous Body to the Drum of the Ear , and from thence to the Acoustick Nerve , and so to the Brain , the Center of the Nerves , and last of all from thence to the Arteries , Veins and Guts , it cannot be but that the Blood and the Spirits must be moved also : And because Musical Sounds are not carried with an Equal Course , nor do pass by the Ears , they do affect the Sense of Hearing more than other Sounds , and more awake the Attention , which is the reason that they are not so fit for the provoking of Sleep . XIII . Musick corrupts Manners . Long Experience hath taught , that soft and Effeminate strains of Musick , are very proper to corrupt the Manners of men : Whereas , on the other hand , the Sound of Cornet , Trumpets and Drums , do fill Men with a Couragious and War like Spirit . For seeing that Human Affections are nothing but Sensations , produced by the motion of the Spirits , we need not wonder that the Sound arriving at those Vessels in which the Passions are generated , should produce various Passions . And forasmuch as the Manners of Men commonly follow their Passions , it is evident that Sounds must needs be of great use , either for the corrupting or correcting of Mens Manners . Accordingly PLATO was of Opinion , that all soft Tunes ought to be banished out of a well-governed City . And the Lacedaemonians assign'd a great Punishment to those that used any soft or effeminate kind of Musick ; and made a Law , that none should play upon a Harp that had above 7 strings . XIV . Why upon the stopping of our Ear , we hear a kind of humming Noise . When we stop our Ear with our Finger , we suddenly hear a buzzing kind of Noise . Because it is owned by Physicians , that a Steam or Vapour , doth proceed out of the Hollowwinding of the Ear ; so that when the Ear is stopt , this pent up Steam , as well as the Air , seeking to get out , do beat and distend the Drum of the Ear ; from which Motion , an Affection is produced like to a great Buzzing . Yea , it is frequently found , that the Ears , tho' not stopt by our Finger , are fill'd with this Buzzing Noise , produced by the blast of a most thin Steam or Vapour breaking forth from some little Artery or Vein , which striking against the Drum of the Ear , affects it much in the same manner , as it would be by the sound of a Bell. XV. Sound more easily passeth through a Beam of Wood , than through the Air. A Sound is more easily diffused through the length of a Beam , struck at one end , than through the Air only . For as soon as one end of the Beam is moved , in the same instant the motion is communicated to the other . The Reason is , because there is a greater Continuity of Parts in the Beam , than in the Ai● . For , when you move one end of the Beam A , at the same time the other B is moved also ; but if you push the Air at C , it must at least move as far as D , before it can move E , because all its parts give way like a Sponge ; and because it takes up some time in passing from C to D , it loseth also part of its Force . Whence it comes to pass , that the Sound , which is nothing else but a motion of the Air , is both sooner and more strongly heard at the Point D , than at the Point E. XVI . Why Sounds are more clearly and distinctly heard near the Banks of Rivers . Which is the Reason why the sounds of Great Guns and Bells , are more distinctly perceived along the Banks of Rivers , than when we are at a distance from them ; and it is universally true , that all and every sound is both sooner , and at a greater distance , communicated by water ; for the parts of the water being more close and stiff than those of the Air , when once put in motion , do communicate their Force to others . To this moreover may be added , the smooth surface of the water ▪ which doth not in the least break or turn aside the sound . Thus by laying our Ear to the ground , we can perceive the trampling of Horses at a great distance ; and if a Drum be set upon the Ground , and the Ear laid to the upper Skin of it , the Noise of the marching of Horses can be perceived at some Miles distance . XVII . How the Voice of one man comes to be diffused to the Ears of so many . The Voice of a Preacher in a Church , or Actor upon a Stage , reacheth the Ears of some Thousands of his Hearers . This is not , because the whole Voice of one man comes to the Ears of all that hear him ; for the Voice , as soon as it comes forth out of the Mouth , is broken into many parcels all like the whole ; much in like manner as when Fullers spout out water out of their Mouths ; for then the water is dispersed into innumerable drops , and fills a very large space . From the Mouth of the Speaker an entire Voice doth indeed proceed ; but is afterwards divided into innumerable Voices : And therefore sure it is , that no two Auditors receive the same Voice , tho' they be said to hear the same , because of the likeness of these divided partial Voices , with the entire or total Voice . In the same sense , as they are said to drink the same Liquor , who drink out of the same Fountain . XVIII . Sounds are diffused along some certain Tract or Currents , more than others . Tho' Experience shews , that the whole Atmosphere of the sonorous Body , is moved to such a proportionate Circumference ; yet is not the said fluctuation of the Air equally diffused through all parts of the Air , but the sound seems rather to be carried along some certain Tracts or Currents . And therefore it is that the Words of a Preacher or Oratour , tho' they move the whole Atmosphere of the Auditory ; yet it agitates that Tract most which his Mouth more directly answers to , where the Auditors do also more distinctly hear his Voice , than those who are more remote from that Tract . Thus it is well known , that those only hear the hissing Noise of a Bullet , discharg'd from a Musquet , who are near to the Line described by the Bullet , whilst those who are at some distance perceive nothing of it . XIX . Sounds are equally diffused . Sounds that are excited in any one place , be they Loud or Low , are in equal time conveighed to the place , where they are heard . The Reason is , because the Air being a Continuous Body , when struck , is formed into Orbs or Circles : As we see that still-water , when a Stone is cast into it , becomes waved into Circles ; and as the said Circles , at an Equal distance , spread themselves to the Banks , whether they be caused by a little or great Stone ; so likewise doth the sound , at an equal distance of Time , come to the Ear , whether it proceed from a great Gun , or a Musquet , or any other thing . XX. Whence it is that a double Sound is perceived from the striking of one String . It sometimes happens , that 2 Sounds are heard , when one only string is struck . This proceeds from some defect in the string , which when they are false and uneven do admit 2 several kind of shakings at one and the same time , whereof the one , and which gives the deeper sound , proceeds from the whole string ; the other , which affords a more shrill sound , depends on the unevenness of the string . Suppose , for Example , that when the string A B is struck , as often as it passeth and repasseth from 1 to 6 , to produce its Natural sound , at the same time the Unevenness of its parts produce another shaking in it , by means whereof , when it hath moved from 1 to 2 , it runs back to 3 , and from thence towards 4 , and from 4 to 5 , and lastly to 6 , which produceth a sound that is by a Twelfth more shrill than the former : In like manner , if the second shaking be only double to the former , it will yield an Eighth ; if Quadruple , a Fifth ; and if Quintuple , a Seventeenth more than before . XXI . Why we see the Lightning before we hear the Thunder . A Sound takes more time to arrive at our Ears , than the Light to come to our Eyes ; which is the Reason why we perceive the Lightning before we hear the Thunder ; and we see the Ax of one that hews Timber , when we are at some considerable distance , lifted up to make a second stroke , before we hear the first . The Cause whereof is the Air , which altho' it consist of subtil parts , and divided from each other ; yet being withal Branchy and flexible , when one of them is moved , the other parts are not presently moved at the same instance , but by degrees ; so as that one part being agitated , pusheth on the next , and so on ; like the Circles in the Water , which do not in an instant spread themselves over the whole surface of it , but proceed in a continual order till they come to the Banks of the River , or that they cease upon the failing of the force , which caused them at first . But Light is much more swiftly conveighed to our Eyes , as being caused by inflexible and solid Globuli . For it is the Nature of solid Bodies , that when one end of them is prest upon , the said pression is felt at the same moment of time , at the other end of it . Whence it is that , as was said before , a Sound is sooner conveighed through a whole Beam , than through the Air ; because the parts of the Beam are more closely joyned together , than the parts of the Air , which are flexible , and easily give way to other Bodies . XXII . Strings of an unequal length , yield a different sound . Let there be 2 Strings of the same thickness , and wound-up at the same height , whereof the one is longer than the other ; that which is the shorter of the two will yeild the shrillest , or most treble sound ; and the longer , the deeper sound and less perceptible . This difference of the Sound proceeds from the more frequent , or fewer Vibrations of the said strings : For seeing that a shorter String makes more wavings , and beats the Air with more reiterated stroaks , by so much shriller is its sound , and the sooner it conveighs the sound to the Ear. Because the difference of a deep and shrill sound , doth not proceed from the more swift or slow motion of a string , as ARISTOTLE was of Opinion , but from the variety of the Vibrations , which , if they be frequent , produce a treble or shrill sound ; but if fewer , are the cause of a deep or bass sound . XXIII . In like manner we may give an account , why the lesser of 2 strings that are wound-up alike , but of different length , makes its Vibrations more swiftly . The Reason is , because tho' both the strings make their Excursions with an Equal motion , with respect to Space and Time ; yet because the lesser , by its motion of Contraction , runs through a less space than the longer ; and that a less Space is sooner run through with an Equal motion than a Greater , it must needs be that the motion of the Lesser Cord be swifter . Why the Sound ceaseth upon touching the Strings with ones Finger . Whence it is evident , that if you lay your Finger upon a String presently after you have struck it , before it have made many of its Vibrations , you will indeed hear some kind of Noise , but without being able to distinguish whether it be shrill or deep , because your Finger hinders the Vibrations , and doth not suffer the string by its pression to dilate the Air , and to drive it away by a successive beating of it . Hence it is that a slow and soft blast , blown into a Pipe , produceth no sound , nor that which from the Lungs is breathed out by the Mouth ; because there is no rebounding of the Air , between the sides of a Pipe , nor in the Wind-pipe or Mouth of an Animal , which bounding this way and that way , is the cause of a sound ; and according as their Repetitions are more swift or slow , so they produce either a shrill or deep sound . XXIV . Why the Eccho repeats the same Voice several times . An Eccho doth frequently repeat the same Voice , and renders the same sound at distinct Intervals . So CLAUDIAN makes mention of one that rendred the Voice no less than 7 times : And GASSENDUS tells us , that he had Experienced , that in the Chapel of Charenton , which is about 3 or 4 Miles distant from Paris , one Syllable pronounced at either end of it , was repeated 17 times , and that the same word spoken in the midst of it , was as many times repeated from both Sides . The Cause of this is , the Reflection of the Sound from some interposed let or hindrance : For as innumerable Rays are conveighed from the visible Object , not only to the Eye , but every way round ; so besides the Voice which is carried to the Ear , innumerable other sounds are dispersed in the Air , which meeting with hard and concave Bodies , are dispersed through the Air , which makes the same Voice to rebound several times . For Sound is not conveighed like the Light , in one moment , but stands in need of time , to propagate it self : And therefore when the former sound becomes extinct , or vanisheth in the neighbouring Air , another is generated in that which is farther off ; which being reflected from solid and tolerably smooth Bodies , doth frequently beat the Air that is nearer the Ear. A Sound therefore is oftentimes repeated by the Eccho in the Chapel at Charenton ; because the place there is so disposed , that the nearer places do first repeat the Voices , and the more distant afterwards . It conduceth also to the forming of an Eccho , that the Bodies which reflect the Sound be opposite to each other , and send back the same by turns ; as it was in the Chapel at Charenton , before that the Monastery of the Carmelites was built there : For at that time there was a double Row of Pillars , between which the uttered Voice was rebounded ; much like a Ball , which lighting against one Wall , rebounds thence to the other . XXV . Why the Eccho is heard only in one part . Tho' the Eccho be a Sound which is every way circularly extended , yet can it only be heard in one part of the Circle ; because it can only be received from the Reflexion of that part of the Circles , which is the farthest extended ; and in that part where the said Reflexion is made . As we observe , that when a Stone is cast into a River , the Circles which are there formed ; are further extended towards that part , where the Stone was cast in , than towards the opposite . XXVI . A reflected Sound is of longer continuance , than one that is not reflected . A Sound that hath been frequently rebounded , is preserved or continued a longer time , than that which without repercussion is propagated in a Right line . The Reason is , because by the several Bodies and Cavities against which the Repercussion is made , the sound is strengthned and increased , and therefore is longer a vanishing , than if it were only extended in a Strait line , without repercussion . Moreover , it is evident from the Observations of many , that in the Village of Simonetta , about a mile distant from Milan , the Voice is often repeated 30 times , and in every one of its passings and repassings , it runs through 156 Paces and upwards ; whence it follows , that the same Voice being separated 32 times , before it be altogether extingu●●ht , must run through 5002 Paces and upward . From whence it may be easily gathered , that the sound must needs be greatly increased in the said Concamerations , by means whereof it is enabled to continue so long , seeing it doth not seem possible , that by continual direct Motion , a sound should be able to reach 5 Miles , in which motion of the sound 25 Horary minutes must be spent . XXVII . A Sound is hindred by the Interposition of a solid Body . When a Man speaks to another , a thick Glass Window being between them , his Voice will scarcely be heard ; but if there be only a Paper Window between them , the Voice may be well enough discerned . The Reason is , because the sound is an effect of the motion of the Air , and therefore because little or no Air can pass through the pores of the Glass , the Organ of Hearing cannot be affected thereby . Forasmuch as the Intervening Glass is supposed to be so firm , that it is not capable of being shaken by the sound ; whereas the Air easily passeth through the pores of Paper , especially if the same be stretched , because by this means it is the more easily shaken , and its pores are made more lax and open . XXVIII . A Bell when struck on the upper part of it , yields a shriller sound , than when hit lower . A Bell yields a more shrill sound when struck on the upper part of it , than when it is hit Lower . The Reason is , because the hollowness conduceth to the Deepness of a sound ; and because the further that the sound is propagated the more Bass or deep it is . Thus the lower Holes of a Recorder afford a deeper sound ; for the slower the beating of the Air is , the deeper is the sound . As we find that the more water there is in a Glass , when we press our Finger round the Edge of it , the more shrill the sound is , for then the Vibration of the Air is the swifter , as when less water is in the Glass , so much the more deep the sound is . XXIX . How it comes to pass , that Glass may be broken by a Voice or sound . It is observed , that a Drinking Glass may be broken by a man's Voice only , and that by reason of the repeated Vibrations of the parts of a more solid Body . For the effecting whereof , first , we must try by a stroak with our Finger , what Tone the parts of the Glass do yield , and then must set our Voice as near as we can to the same Tone , and increase the same by degrees , till we come beyond a Diapazon or Eighth : Whereupon the insensible parts of the Glass being struck with iterated stroaks , become agitated by a tremulous motion , which increaseth as they are struck in fit places , so that at last , by the augmentation of the force of the sound , the parts of the Glass leap asunder . But for this Experiment , a smooth and even Glass must be made choice of , and such as when filipt with the Finger doth not sound so shrill , but that the Voice of him that sings , may equal it , or go beyond it . XXX . Why a Sound can sometimes be better heard by one that is a● a distance , than by him that is nearer . Sir KENELM DIGBY relates in his Treatise of Bodies , that he had seen the Walls of a large and round Tower ( tho' I rather suppose it to have been of an Elliptical figure ) which were so Artificially built , that 2 men standing at the opposite points of the Diameter , might easily and distinctly talk together , whilst those that stood in the midst , could not perceive the least of any thing that was spoken . The Reason of this must be fetched from the Coition or meeting of all the sounds , which are dispersed through the whole Room : For seeing that all the Air in the Room is shaken by the uttered Voice , the motions thereof being diffused through that large Space , are reflected from the Wall of an Elliptical figure , and so by Reflexion become united in the uttermost part of the Chamber ; and therefore he that lays his Ear , must needs hear the Voice of him that speaks at the other end , tho' with a very Low Voice . XXXI . How a Sound becomes increased by the means of a Pipe. Upon the same account it is , that by means of a Pipe , contracted in manner of a Cone , sounds may be increased , and made to be heard further off , better than nearer hand ; and this , because the sound is increased proportionably , as the Tube is contracted ; for by this means the sound must needs be increased in its passage through the Pipe. And accordingly they who are Deaf , make use of a Horn , whereof the one end is wider than the other , which they apply to their Ear , by it to receive the Voice of him that speaks to them . And by this means , a Prince might easily hear the Voices of those that walk in his Garden , by having Pipes conveyed from thence to his Closet , the widest Mouths of them being set outward , and the narrowest inward . XXXII . How a Sound comes to be propagated at that great distance by the Stenterophonick Tube . The Stenterophonick Tube , sometime since Invented by Sir SAMUEL MORELAND , which carries the Voice to the distance of a Mile or two ; and that other Trumpet , which ALEXANDER the Great made use of , in giving Orders to his Army ; whereof the Figure is to be seen in an Ancient Manuscript of the Vatican Library , are made after another manner ; for they are streight or narrow at the Mouth , to the end that the particles , which are to make the Reflexion , being close together , may be the more easily beaten , and from thence the Trumpet grows wider and wider to the very end of it , in order to augment the agitation of the Air , by the multiplication of all the Reflexions which are made throughout the whole length thereof ; yet with this Circumstance , that the Bore of the Pipe might be so great , and the Trumpet so long , that the sound would be no longer increased , because the Reflexions would become so weak , as not to be longer in a condition to move the particles of the Trumpet , and consequently cause a new Reflexion . XXXIII . Why bees , when they swarm , are recall'd by making of a Noise . Swarming Bees are recalled by beating upon Frying-pans and Sithes . Some suppose the cause hereof to be , because Bees are delighted with these Noises , and being thereby allured , do all unite themselves in one great hanging Bunch or Cluster . But this is not at all probable , because when the Bees are got up into any height of the Air , how much soever the said Instruments may be beaten , this will not bring them down , or hinder them from flying away . Wherefore the true Cause hereof seems to be , because the Air being much shaken , and agitated with the Sound , the Bees not being able to bear the same , are forced to unite themselves and settle in a heap . For Bees have very thin VVings , not feathered ones like Birds , but consisting of a thin Skin ; by means whereof they cannot endure this concussion of the Air : Which probably also is the reason , why they never leave their Hives when there is a great VVind , or at Midnight , but only in calm and hot weather . CHAP. VIII . Of Light. I. Light may be excited without a Luminous Body . UPON the rubbing of our Eye , tho' it be shut , there appears a round spot of Light , and the same will be by so much clearer , the nearer the rubbed part of the Eye , is to the bottom of it . This is an Argument that Light doth not exist without the Eye , but is only in the Eye of him that sees ; and consequently that the Bodies , which are commonly called Luminous , are only said to be such Potentially ; that is , in case they strike the Eye of the Seer : So that if there were no living Creatures in the World , which could see the Light , neither could any Light properly be said to be in it . And therefore we must conclude , that Light is not in the things which are called Bright or Luminous , but in him that perceives it ; in like manner , as Pain is not in the Sword , but in him that feels it . II. Why the Rays of ●ight , by passing through a narrow hole , do cross each other . The Light passing through a small hole into a Dark Room , enters the same cross-wise . The Reason is , because the Rays flow from each point of the Lucid Body , in Right Lines : Wherefore because the Object , without the hole , is bigger than it , it is impossible the Rays should pass through it , without crossing each other ; and by this means it comes to pass , that the situation of the whole Lucid Body is represented upside-down , on an Opake Body . III. Light passing through the holes of two Walls , is not perceived by those who are in the Room . Let a hole be made in one of the VValls of a Room of that bigness as may admit the flame of a Torch or Candle ; and just over-against the said hole , let another more large be made in the opposit VVall ; then in the Night let the Flame of a Candle be held on the outside of the less hole , so as that the Rays that pass through it , may be admitted by the opposit hole , and pass through it also ; by which means the whole Chamber will continue dark , as if no Rays at all were transmitted through it . The Reason of this Experiment is , because none of the Rays that pass through the Chamber , do reach the Eye , nor affect it ; and yet must , before any vision can follow . And for the same Reason it is , that those who in a clear Night lift up their Eyes on high , perceive all spaces above the Horizon to be equally covered with Darkness ; when as yet those immense Spaces , except only that part of them which is vail'd by the Cone of the Earths Shadow , are no less guilded by the Sun , than they were at Noon-day . And this because the Rays which are diffused through those immense Spaces , cannot reach our Organs , nor produce any motion in them . IV. There can be no Light without the Eye . From which Experiment it is evident , that the Light depends on the Eye ; so that if there were no Eye , or no Eye open , neither could there be any Light , or Brightness , such as we perceive when we lift up our Eyes to Heaven , and behold this most beautiful appearance of things . V. A Spark of Fire , by means of a Prospective may be perceived at 50 Leagues distance . A Spark of Fire sheds its Light through a very large space . For a Spark of Fire , without any Prospective Glass , may be perceived in the Night , at the distance of 500 paces ; and with a Prospective may be discerned at the distance of 50 Leagues , and probably much farther . It seems strange to some , that such a small Lucid Body should be of so great a force , as to push the intervening matter of the Second Element in a Right Line . But this their wonder will cease , if they consider that this subtil matter , which is diffused through the Pores of Diaphanous Bodies , is like a most Fluid Liquor , whereof one part cannot be prest upon , but that all the part must be moved by it . As for Example , let there be a double Tube or Pipe , ABC , filled with water , and of a length as great as you please ; if whilst the water is at rest , and destitute of all motion , you put a drop of water into one of the ends , viz. A , no Body will deny but that the weight of that one drop will be sufficient to raise the water towards the other end C , and consequently to put the whole mass of water contained in the said Pipe , ABC into motion . And for the same Reason , who will not acknowledge that a Spark of Fire may be sufficient to agitate the Heavenly Matter , diffused through a large space of Air ? Forasmuch as the action of Fire doth far surpass the force of Gravity ; as also because the subtil matter which is contained within the pores of the Air , and of the Water too , is more fluid than either of them . Wherefore it is evident , that the flame of a Candle , must needs move the subtil matter that is contain'd in the round of 50 leagues Diameter ; forasmuch as by the force of its motion it pusheth the circumambient Air , much in the same manner , as a Stone that is whirl'd round in a Sling , presseth down the bottom of it ; and by the vertue of its Circular motion , doth extend the String of it in a straight Line . For the subtil matter , which on every side surrounds the Spark , is also turned round , and strives to withdraw from that place . VI. How it comes to pass , that the Rays of Light do not hinder one another . But from this Explication of Light , no small Difficulty seems to arise , viz. how it comes to pass , that the Spark which pusheth the subtil matter contained in the Pores of the Air to Right Lines , can be perceived , when another of the same force and virtue is opposed to it . For let us suppose some one Globule of the Air ABCD , whose Center is E ; and at A and B , 2 Lucid Bodies of the same force , it will follow , that either the said Lucid Bodies will not be perceived from the opposit places C and D , which is contrary to Experience ; or that the subtil matter in the Center E , will be in many places at once , which is repugnant to the nature of Bodies . Which may be thus proved ; A cannot be perceived at C , but that the subtil central matter E , must be push'd towards C. in a straight Line : And by the same reason B cannot be seen at D ; but that the same matter E , must be driven towards D ; and the same may be said of infinite Lucid Bodies , placed on the surface of that Globe . This Difficulty only ariseth from hence , because it is hard for us to apprehend how the parts of Liquid Bodies can receive various actions at one and the same time ; because we have observed , that a hard Body cannot at the same time be moved divers ways at the same time . When yet in liquid things we know it is so ; as may be seen by Experience in 2 or 3 Tubes , by Example AC , BD , FG , whose Diameter I suppose to be equal , and which are so placed crossing one another , as that the space in the middle E , be common to them all 3 , and yet no greater than if it served only for one of them . For let us suppose that 3 Men do blow into the ends of all 3 of them ABF , the Air which is in the midst of these 3 Pipes ; E will at the same time be driven towards C , D , and G. Not as if therefore it were possible , for every one of the said parts to remove at the same time to these 3 several points ; but it is sufficient if some one of them be moved towards C , others towards D , and others again towards G , and that 3 times swifter , than those that fill the other parts of these Pipes ; which is credible enough , forasmuch as they are with triple stronger force push'd forwards . Now to apply this to the subtil matter , it will by this instance be easily conceiv'd , how the same transmits the different Actions of various Lucid Bodies , to different parts at one and the same time . VII . How it comes to pass , that a Man who shakes a Torch , doth at the very same instant perceive the same in an opposit Looking-Glass . When a Man in the Night hath a lighted Torch in his Hand , and shakes it towards a Looking-Glass , at a quarter of a miles distance , he will no sooner perceive the shaking in his own Hand , but that at the same time he will perceive it in the opposit Looking-Glass . The Reason is , because Light is rather an endeavour or tendency toward motion , than motion it self . For tho' motion cannot be performed in an instant ; yet is it not repugnant , for the action of Light to be transmitted in a moment at any distance whatsoever . For it is one thing to say , that motion is performed in an instant , and another , that Light is transmitted in an instant . The Light is transmitted after the manner of the Action of a Stick , every part whereof may be perceived or felt , at either end of the Stick , at the very same instant wherein it is produced . And consequently nothing hinders but that a lighted Torch , being shaken , may be perceived in a Looking-Glass at a distance , at the same instant that the shaking is felt in the Hand ; because the propagation of Light is momentaneous , and needs no time for its passage . VIII . Why a certain Stone , found near Bononia , doth retain a Light in the Dark . Some Stones shine in the Night , especially the Diamond . There is a Stone very common in the Country about Bononia , which if it be gently calcin'd , and afterwards exposed to the Sun , doth take in so much Light , that when put into a dark Room , it is observed to retain some part of it , much like a glowing Coal that is covered with a little Ashes , the Light whereof decreaseth by degrees , and is at last quite put out . We must not imagin , with some , as if the Light of the Sun were preserved in the foresaid Stone ; forasmuch as that Light , upon the withdrawing of the Sun , doth altogether vanish , as not being able to subsist a moment without its presence ; but rather conclude , that within the Pores , made by the Fire in the said Stone , there be some Fibres , so very moveable , as that upon the presence of the Light they are put into a great agitation , and upon the withdrawing thereof do still continue the motion imprest upon them ; and consequently move the surrounding Globuli of the Second Element . And therefore , when either in process of Time , or by the strength of Fire , such Fibres are taken away , that Luminous Virtue immediately vanisheth . The Light of this Stone , as was said , can only be perceived in a Dark Room , because it is very weak , and therefore easily overcome of a stronger Light. As is evident in Rotten-wood , Crickets , and other things that shine in the Night , which by Day give no Light at all . IX . Why a Diamond shines in the Night . The Reason why a Diamond shines in the Dark , seems to be this , because in the Pores thereof the particles of the 3 d Element are so comprest , that those of the 2 d Element being push'd out , some of them are surrounded only with the 1 st Element , by which they are carried away , and the Globuli are driven or push'd forwards . X. Why it is that when a Man is struck on the Head , he perceives Sparks of Light. When we receive a knock on the Head , or a blow on the Eye , we seem to perceive many Sparks of Light. The Reason is , because the motion of the Globuli is very much accelerated by the striking Fist , which makes them break forth from the Eye with great force , and so cause the appearance of those Sparks , which we see at that time . For by means of such a stroke , the Humours are put into a great Commotion , and more especially the Arterial Blood , which driving with a great force against the Optick Nerve , seems to exhibit the appearance of many Sparks of Light. For the Sense of Seeing is nothing else but a local Motion , or rather Pression , whereby the fine filaments of the Net-like Coat of the Eye are struck . XI . Why if we shut our Eyes after that we have , for a good while , been gazing on the Sun , we perceive an appearance of Light or Fire . The Affection which the Light impresseth upon the Eye , doth continue for some time . For when we shut our Eyes , after we have beheld the Sun , we think we see an appearance of several Colours . The Reason whereof is , because the fine Fibres of the Optick Nerve , do still continue agitated by an unusual motion . But forasmuch as the said Commotion wherewith they are shaken , even after that the Eyes are shut , is not strong enough to afford such a clear Light , as that is from whence it did proceed , therefore it represents only to us some weak Colours . And for the same Reason it is that some persons do perceive some kind of Light , for some time after that a Light hath been put out . Yea sometimes , tho' there be no Lucid Body to affect the neighbouring Air ; yet sometimes some sharp Humour or Vapor , only moving the Filaments of the Retina , causeth an appearance of Light to the Eye . XII . The Light of a Candle doth appear more at Night , than in the Day time . The Light of a Candle , doth appear greater at Night , than in the Day-time , if the Eye be at some distance from it . This may proceed from 2 Causes . First , It may be occasioned by something in him that sees , who when he doth not exactly know the distance of the Candle , may imagin that it is as far from him as a Star. Moreover , seeing that the Image of a Candle , framed in the bottom of the Eye , doth much exceed that of a Star ; it may make him think that it is really greater than a Star. Another Cause of this mistake , may be from the thing it self which is seen . For when at Night we look upon a Candle , that shines at a distance , we do not only perceive the Light , which comes to the Eye in a straight Line , but that also which proceeds from the thick Air , and the Opake Bodies that surround it ; for they also convey to the Eye the Light they have received , which being ascribed to the Candle it self , it cannot but appear much greater , than indeed it is . XIII . Why some Worms and Flies do shine in the Dark . Some Worms and Flies do shine in the dark , shedding a kind of Brightness from their Bodies , through the Air. It is probable that these Insects have a certain matter exhaling from them , that resembles the sweat of other Animals ; and that the same pusheth the Globuli of the 2 d Element . And this seems to be the more probable , because these Animals cease to shine as soon as they are dead . XIV . Some Plants do shine . Thus we see that Rotten Wood appears shining and Bright in the Dark , because by the access and recess of its parts , the Pores thereof are so straitned , that they contain nothing else but the first Element , whereby the 2 d is agitated . Thus Sea-water , being vehemently driven and beaten with Oars and Storms , doth appear all on a flame , because the Sea-water doth consist of stiff particles of Salt ; for by these penetrating little Bodies , the particles of the 2 d Element they meet with in their way , may be so expelled , as that some of the particles of the 3 d Element , may be only surrounded with the 1 st Element , and by it be carried away , and driven on to the Eye , by a continued Range of the Globuli . XV. How Cats and Owls see by night . 'T is commonly believed that some Animals do emit Light from their Eyes , and thereby see in the dark , as Cats , Owls , Dogs , and other Creatures that hunt their Prey at Night , avoid dangers , and search out hidden things . But for all this is so confidently asserted , I question not but that it will be found otherwise . For if any Light did proceed from the Eye , the same might be perceived by others , or might be concentrated in a Burning Glass , which could never yet be proved by any Experiment . We are therefore to conclude , that the foresaid Animals , do only see by that Action which proceeds from the objects . For there is always more or less of Light in the Night ; and therefore we see that Snow gives some Light in the dark , because it reflects the Rays of Light it hath received , better than other Bodies , that are less white than it self . Wherefore Cats , Owls , and other Animals perceive Objects in the Night , not because they shed Light from their Eyes , which is afterward reflected from the Object to their Eyes again ; but because their Retina is more accurately framed , and more fit to receive the Beams of Light , so as that it can be affected by a very weak Light. For it is notorious , that the Apple of the Eye in Cats is so straitned in the Day-light , especially when the Sun shines strong , that it appears scarce so broad as a Thread ; whereas in the shadow it is so enlarged , as to be almost equal to the whole Eye . XVI . The Rays of Light do more easily pass through Glass , than the Water . The Rays of Light do more easily pass through Glass than Water , and through Water than Air. The Reason is , because the Action of the Subtil Matter , wherein the Nature of Light doth consist , is more hindred by the Parts of the Air that are soft and not well knit together , than by those of the Water , which do more strongly resist it . For the more firm and solid the parts of any Pellucid Body are , so they be small , the more easily do they transmit the Light. Hence it is that Glass and Crystal , because of the firmness of their parts , do the more easily admit the Beams of Light. XVII . Why Paper dipt in Oyl is Transparent . And much the same Reason may be given , why Paper besmear'd with Oyl , becomes diaphanous ; because the Oyl entring into the Pores of it , which before , by reason of their winding or crookedness , could not transmit the Rays of Light , it doth smooth them , and change the Figure and bigness of them ; and by this means causeth a different disposition of the parts of the Paper . XVIII . Why Reflected Light is less bright , than that which is not Reflected . Reflected Light is always less bright and shining , than that which is direct , or not reflected . For take the smoothest Looking-Glass , and the most perfectly polish'd , whether by Nature or Art , yet will it never be endued with an entire and most absolute continuity of its parts , without any inequality of the Pores , roughness or sign of division . Hence it is , that tho' all the Beams of Light fall upon it , yet some entring into the Pores , are swallowed up of them ; or if they do reflect from it , because of some inconspicuous inequality of the extream parts , yet are they insensibly dispersed ; so that the entire Light is never so dully reflected , but that more or less it is lost , and never reaches the Eye . CHAP. IX . Of Colours . I. Whether the Colours of a Peacocks Tail , and the Necks of Doves be true Colours . A Peacocks Tail , and the Feathers of a Pigeon do wonderfully change their Colours ; as LUCRETIUS elegantly expresseth it . So Plumes that grow around the Pigeons Head , Sometimes look brisker with a Deeper Red ; And then in different position seen , Shew a gay Skie , all intermixt with Green : And so in Peacocks Tails , all fill'd with Light , The Colour varies with the change of sight . These Colours are caused when the Peacocks Tails , and Necks of Pigeons are turned towards the Light ; and by reflexion or refraction do send back the said Rays to the Eye . They are commonly called appearing Colours only , and reckon'd amongst those Images that deceive us , and whose entire Essence or Nature consists in their appearance , or seeming such . But the reason why they assert this , I cannot apprehend : For if they admit Colour to be nothing else , than the Light it self , modified in the surface of Bodies , why may not they own those Colours , which they call seeming , to have as truly the Nature of Colour as any other ? For can the short duration of the Cause , destroy the Truth of the Effect ? Or doth not a Son deserve that name , because he dies almost as soon as he is born ? Who will affirm , that the Greenness of Grass or Herbs , which for some days only doth delight our Eyes , is less a Colour than the Greenness of an Emrald , which continues so much longer ? For by the same Argument , the flame of Lightning or Gun-powder will be no true Flame , because of its suddain vanishing and disappearance . For the lasting or continuance of Colours imports nothing to their Truth and Reality ; and those which continue only for a moment , are no less Colours , than those which lastingly do affect the Eyes . II. How Colours come to be varied . The Cause therefore of the variation of Colours in the Peacocks Tail , and the Necks of Doves , is the different Reflexion and Refr●ction of the Rays , made by the thin Hairs of their Feathers , because of their various admission of the Luminous Beams . Thus those Pictures , made of Feathers , which are brought out of the East Indies , according to the variety of their situation , do exhibit a Violet Colour , or bright Blue , or a curious Emrald Green ; forasmuch as the soft Feathers whereof they do consist , have their surfaces so ordered , as diversly to reflect the Light. But this being besides my present scope , I return to prosecute my Experiments . III. Two Looking-Glasses , made of different Marble , do differently reflect the Image of the Sun. Let two Llooking-Glasses be made , the one of white , the other of black Marble ; that of white being exposed to the Suns Beams , will represent to us a more clear and distinct Image of the Sun , than that of the black , from which only some weak Rays will rebound , which being not sufficiently united together , will only produce a confused Image or Similitude of the Object . The Reason of this is , because the action of the Light , whereby the Parts of the Subtil Matter , push'd on by the Lucid Body , do tend towards the Black Marble , is almost quite extinguish'd or swallowed up by it , so as that very few of the Rays are reflected : Whereas the White doth altogether remit the Action of Light , and almost reflect all the Beams that fall upon them . For tho' White and Black Marble , consist almost of the very same parts , and no difference is discernible between them by sense ; yet it is not to be questioned , but that in the Black some soft parts are to be found , which swallow up part of the Beams , and break the force of them . So that the Black Marble differs from the White , much alike as a Pumice-stone , whose Pores are filled with melted Pitch , differs from another Pumice-stone , whose Pores are only filled with Air : For as the Grains of Sand cast against the latter , would rebound thence , whereas those cast against the other would be deaded ; in like manner , all the Light which falls upon the White Marble is reflected ; whereas that which lights on the Black , is mostly swallowed up . IV. What is the Cause of the Whiteness that is in Bodies . The same is apparent in other Bodies ; for if Water , for instance , be strongly agitated and shaken together , it becomes of a White Colour , and after that the Bubbles of the Froth are broken , it is Transparent ; which is a great Argument , that the cause of this Whiteness is , when the Light is wholly and entirely reflected from the small Bubbles of the Froth , as from so many Looking-Glasses . And accordingly the Black Marble is like Hangings , which upon the casting of a Ball a-against it , doth receive motion , but doth not rebound ; whereas the White is like a hard Wall , which sends it back , and without any motion of its own , doth reflect it . V. W●y White Marble is less su●●●ptive of Heat , than Black Marble . Hence it is , that if you take 2 Polish'd pieces of Marble , the one White , the other Black ; and in hot weather expose them to the Sun-beams for some time , you 'l find that the Black will be very hot , whereas the White will , for all that , in a great measure , continue cold . Whereof no other reason can be given , but that the Black , because of its many Cavities , doth freely admit the Globuli of Light ; whereas the White , because of its closeness , doth reverberate the received Light , retaining nothing of it . Accordingly as we daily observe in whited Rooms , which do reflect more Light , and do , in a manner , send it all back again from them . Hence it is , that when the Light of the Sun is admitted into a Darkned Room , through a little hole , if the Rays be received upon a white Paper , they appear very bright and shining ; whereas they shew very weak and faint , when they light upon a black Body . VI. Polish'd Marble appears of a blacker Colour than that which is Rough. Polish'd Marble is of a blacker Colour , than that which is Rough. The Reason is , because in the Rough there be many Prominences , which every way reflect the Light. For the Ray which is reflected from one part of the Body , goes one way , and that which is reverberated from another part , another way . But a Polish'd Body , forasmuch as it consists only of one continued Superficies , therefore it reflects fewer Rays to the Eye . Moreover , seeing there is no Body , in Nature , so Black , which doth not consist of many parts , which being separated from the rest , would constitute a white Body , as the difference there is between the Polish'd and Rough Marble doth abundantly testifie : We may say that Polish'd Marble is most black , because its white parts do reflect the Light they receive , towards the same part ; where if there be never an Eye to admit it , it is the same with respect to it , as if the Light were quite extinquish'd . But when the Eye is placed in that part to which the reflexion tends , it perceives this Light in the Marble , together with the Colours and Figure of the Objects , from whence the Light doth proceed ; no otherwise than if it did proceed from a Looking-Glass . VII . A perfectly Polish'd Body can only be seen on one side . Now that an absolutely Polish'd Body doth only reflect one Ray to the same point of the Eye , may be thus demonstrated . Let BF , be suppos'd to be a perfectly polish'd Plain , and let the Light be in the Point A , and the Eye at H , let the reflex Ra● be DH , so as that the Angles ADB , and HDF be equal ; it is evident , that no other Ray derived from A , will be reflected to H , supposing that the surface BF , be absolutely smooth and even . For let there be any other Ray of incidence , suppose AC , I say , that the Angle ACB , is greater than the Angle ADB ; wherefore supposing an equal Angle of Reflexion ACI , the reflected Ray , CI , will never reach to H , nor will ever concur with DH , but rather fall wider from it , the further it is drawn . And the same must be said of all the other direct incident Rays between B and D. Wherefore there will only one Ray be reflected at H , viz. DH . I have said before , if the Body be perfectly smooth , for if it be not , the case will be otherwise , upon the changing of the nature of the Plain . VIII . Some Bodies retain always the same constant Colou● ▪ as Coals , Snow , &c. Some Bodies do constantly keep the same Colour , and which way soever they are turned towards the Light , do always reflect it a●ter same manner ; so Coals always appear Black , common Snow , White . The cause of this constant Colour is to be ascribed to the Disposition and Situation of the Parts , which as long as it continues the same in Bodies , they admit the Light at certain Angles , and accordingly reflect it to the Sight . For Charcoal is black , because its surface is rough and uneven , by reason of innumerable furrows and chinks , which choak the Rays of Light , and break their force . Which may be evinced , not only by reason , but by our very Senses . For if a man do gently handle Charcoal , he will be sensible of a kind of Roughness , something like that we feel in a Pumice-stone ; which , as I said before , is not capable of being polished . For whilst Wood is burning , much Smoak and Exhalation flies away from it , by the force of the Heat ; and therefore the Fire being rarefied between the Cavities of the Wood , doth break its prison and dilate the pores ; into which , when the Rays of Light enter , they are there swallowed up and entangled , so that they cannot rebound to the Eye . IX . In what sense it is that Colours are said to be in Bodies . But yet we must not imagine with some , that Colours do formally exist in Bodies , but effectively only , inasmuch as they produce them in the Eye , by means of a certain disposition of the Insensible parts , and the Reflexion of the Light : In the same manner as a Needle , which is destitute of all pain , yet being thrust into the Skin , doth by its motion , figure and hardness , produce Pain there . Thus all Sulphurous matters exhibit a Red Colour : As when the Spirit of Turpentine being digested with the Calx of Lead , yields a deep Red ; and the Spirit of Soot mixt with any acid Liquor , or Common water , affords a white or milky Colour . Thus the Light proceeding from 2 Lanthorns , the one of red Glass , the other of blew , being receiv'd on a Paper , will represent there a Purple Colour . All which Instances manifestly evince , that Colour is not inherent or fixed in a Body , but only a result of the Reflexion of Light. X. Why beaten Glass seems to be white . Glass , when it is whole and extended in Panes , is transparent , that is , of no Colour , or if it have any , it is rather of a black than white Colour ; but when beaten in a Mortar , it appears white . The Reason is , because beaten Glass hath many Surfaces , which every one of them do receive the Light and reflect it again , as so many Looking-Glasses . For seeing that Glass is destitute of all Moisture , and that all its parts are of a round figure , as may be experienc'd by the help of a Microscope , one of them reflects one part of the Light , and the other , another , and so on , so that they reflect the whole Light , and that after the very same manner as they have received it . Hence it is that White Bodies are , of all others , the least opake ; because they reflect the Rays of Light from every point of them , and suffer none to be swallowed up of any of their Cavities . XI . What is the Cause of the Whiteness in Snow . Neither is there any other Cause of the whiteness of Snow , which consisting of Bubbles , doth send the Rays to the Eye , according to the multitude of the Bubbles whereof it is composed . No● is this contrary to what hath been said before , tha● from every Bubble , one Ray only is sent to the Eye : For since they are not sensible , neither do they hinder , but that abundance of continual Rays may be directed to the Eye . Hence it is that Snow , which is nothing else but Frozen-water , yet doth appear whiter than Ice ; for seeing that the surface of Ice is not so much curled , as the surface of Snow , and that there are many Devexities or Roundings in Snow , from whence the Light may be reflected , which are not to be found in Ice ; i● cannot be , but that Snow must appear whiter than Ice . And for the same Reason it is , that water beaten together , turns to froth , by its being divided into round and small parts : For if the Bubbles , whereof the Froth consists , be so great , they will cease to yield a white Colour . Thus likewise the Whites of Eggs , when beaten , lose their Transparency , and become white ; and Crystalline Glass , heated in a strong Fire , and quenched with water , is resolved into so many slits , that it appears altogether white . XII . Fishes tending to putrefaction , do yield no Colour at all in the Pneumatick Engin. Rotten Wood , as also stinking Fish , are of a kind of whitish Colour , when exposed to the Air ; but when put into the Pneumatick Engin , upon the extraction of the Air , do lose all Colour . The Reason is , because the particles of putrefying Bodies , are agitated in such a manner as is necessary , for the causing of the Sense of Light. For the Corruption of any Body is caused by the motion of its parts , whereof some fly away and are separated from the rest ; and those that remain , impart their Vibration or Motion to the interjacent Air , and by this means do afford a weak Light to it . But seeing that all the Air is supposed to be extracted out of the Pneumatick Engin , it needs not seem strange to us , if the Fish which shined before , doth no longer shed any Light. For the Air , by its Elastick virtue , doth assist the agitation of the Light , and where its motion is stronger , there the Light also is increased . XIII . Why the lower part of the Blood in a Porringer appears of a darker Colour , than that at the top . Thus FRACASI is of Opinion , that the Reason why the Blood appears of a darker Colour at the bottom of a Porringer , than at the top , is not because , as the common Opinion is , that part is the more Melancholy portion of the Blood ; but because the lower part of the Blood is not so much exposed to the Air , and therefore appears less Ruddy and Florid , than that which is on the top . XIV . Why the Blood that is contain'd in the Arteries and Veins , is Red. Why the Blood that is in the Arteries and Veins is Red , appears from what hath been said in my Institution of Philosophy , viz. That the motion of the Globuli of the second Element , which are the Cause of Light , is twofold , the one whereby in a strait Line they are carried to our Eye ; the other , whereby they are whirled about their own Centers . So that if they be whirl'd about much slower , than they move in a right Line , then the Body whence they are reflected will appear blew to us ; but if they be whirl'd about much swifter , then it will seem red . Now no Body can be disposed to make them whirl about more swiftly , but such an one as consists of Branchy parts , and those so thin and near one another , as to have nothing about them , save only the Matter of the first Element , such as the Parts of Blood are . For the Globuli of the second Element meeting with the Matter of the first Element in the surface of the Blood ; which Matter doth without ceasing obliquely pass through the same , and that with great swiftness , out of one pore into another , so as to be moved after a different manner from the Globuli ; they are forced to whirl about their own Centers , by the Matter of the first Element , and that more swiftly than they could be forced by any other Cause , because the first Element exceeds all other Bodies in swiftness . XV. Why bu●ning Coals , or Red hot-Iron are not so red as Blood. And the same is the Reason , why Red-hot-Iron and Burning-Coals are red ; even because very many of their pores are fill'd only with the first Element . But because the said pores are not so narrow as those of the Blood , and that there is much of the first Element in them , to produce Light , hence it is that their Redness differs from the Redness of the Blood. XVI . Of a Person that distinguisheth Colours by the touch of his hand . Very Famous and Credible persons give us an account of a certain blind Organist , who lived near Utrecht upon the Maes , who had such an ●xactness of Feeling , that by the touch of his Hand only , he was able to distinguish several Colours . It will not be very difficult to assign the Reason of this wonderful Effect , if we consider that the interruption of parts in Bodies , doth very much conduce to the production of Colours ; forasmuch as it is evident , that most Colours proce●d from the roughness of Bodies , and the figure , order , situation and motion of the parts . As is evident in red Marble , the polisht part whereof is very different in Colour , from that which is rough . So likewise we may perceive by a Microscope , that the yellow parts in a piece of Silk , are very different from the blew . Forasmuch therefore as there is so great a variety of Parts in Colour'd Bodies , which may admit a Reflexion or Refraction of Rays , we may conclude , that it seems probable enough that the foresaid blind Man might have such a quick Touch , as to be able to distinguish colour'd Objects by the roughness or unevenness of their parts . XVII . The mixture of Bodies produceth new Colours . Several Bodies mingled together obtain a different Colour from what they had before : Thus Oil of Anniseed , mixed with Oil of Vitriol , turns red ; Spirit of Turpentine poured upon Sugar of Lead , or calcin'd Lead , produceth a red Tincture ; and the yellow Gall in Animal Bodies , according to the Opinion of Physicians , is the product of the mixture of adust Sulphur and Salt. This production of different Colours is caused by the inward disposition of the parts of Bodies . For it is certain , that from the alteration of the least parts of one Body , a different Colour must arise ; as appears evidently to the Eye in Herbs that are beaten in a Mortar . For the temperament and ranging of the Parts , is , as it were , the first Rudiment of Colours , which upon the appearance of Light , and its being diversly reflected and refracted from those particles , doth super ▪ add the last and most absolute perfection to Colours . Thus the Stone Magnesia , which for colour and hardness doth resemble a Load-Stone , being in a certain proportion added to Glass , renders it perspicuous , and quits it of its green Colour ; but if more than is necessary be added to it , it makes it black . Thus an Apple cut in two , at first appears white , then turns yellow , and last of all black , according as the surface of it becomes differently disposed , by the drying of its parts . XVIII . How two pe●●●●id Bo●●es can pr●duce a black Body . The transparent and clear Infusion of Galls being mixed with a Solution of Vitriol , makes Ink ; to which if you afterwards add Spirit of Vitriol , or Aqua-fortis , the black Ink will become transparent again , as Spring ▪ water ; and if you drop some Drops of Oil of Tartar into this clear Liquor , it will be turned again into Ink. The blew Tincture of Violets , infused into the Oil of Vitriol , becomes of a purple Colour ; to which if you add a few Drops of Spirit of Harts-horn , the purple Colour will be changed to a green . The Reason why 2 clear Liquors mingled together make Ink , is , because the particles of either of them are brought nearer together , so as to hinder the passage of the Rays of Light. And whereas the said Ink afterwards , upon the pouring another Liquor into it , becomes clear again , the Reason is , because the particles of the new added Body , do separate the Parts that before were contiguous , and consequently make an open passage for the Light , to pass freely , as before . XIX . The Cause of the variety of Colours , proceeding from the mixture of Liquors . The Difference of Colours proceeding from the mixture of Liquors , is to be fetch'd from the small particles contained within the pores of each Liquor , which being changed in situation and position by the Liquor that is poured into them , do transmit the Rays of Light , variously refract or reflect them , and consequently produce different appearances of Colours . For , as was mentioned before , when the Globuli have more Right motion than Circular , they afford a Violet Colour ; if they have more Circular motion than Strait , the Liquor appears yellow ; but if the Globuli have much more Circular motion , than Right motion , they produce a Red colour'd Liquor : Again , if the Aethereal Globuli have more Right motion , than Circular ; but yet less than the Globuli of those Rays that produce a Violet Colour , then they yield a blew . And in like manner we are to conclude concerning all other Colours , the variety and sudden changes whereof , in Liquid Bodies , is chiefly to be attributed to precipitation . XX. Sharp and sowre Salts alter the Colours of Bodies . Thus we find , that sharp and acid Salts cause a thousand changes in the Colours of those Liquors with which they are mixed , according to the different Nature of the said Liquors . As for Instance , the Oil of Vitriol makes a black composition , with the infusion of Galls . Common Brimstone dissolved in the Oil of Tartar , becomes of a fair Citron colour . Spirit of Nitre turns the Juice of Herbs as white as Milk. Spirit of Wine turns red , when it hath been digested a while with the Salt of Tartar. The Syrup of Violets turns green , by the mixture of an Alkali ; and red , by adding an Acid to it . Acids , or Sowre things destroy blew Colours , and Alkali's do restore them again . The Infusion of the Indian Wood , affords an amber Colour , when mingled with Acids . And the Solution of Common Brimstone , made by an Alkali , turns white , by adding an Acid to it . All which solely proceeds from those Dispositions which Acid and Alkali Salts produce in the pores of those Liquors to which they are added , which is such , that the Light which penetrates them , receives all the Modifications that are necessary for the several Colours we find produced by these mixtures . XXI . Why Powders are generally white . Most Powders are white , if they be dry and beaten , or ground very small . Because all those small Bodies into which the Powder is resolved , are Spherical , and like so many Globuli , which reflect all the Rays of Light to one point . And if it happen that the grains of any Powder do terminate in a Point or Angle ; then they do not give a white Colour , but some other . For I have often taken notice , by making use of a good Microscope , that the grains of white Sand are either Round , or approaching to a Conical figure , that is , of a smooth crooked surface ; but that the grains of Sand of any Colour , were Rough and furnished with many prominent Angles . XXII . Why Veal , after it is drest by the Fire , looks white . Veal , and Hens or Capons , are of a white Colour , when boiled or roasted , and lose the red Colour they had , when they were yet Raw. The Reason is , because the Heat hath chas'd away the Moisture that was before in the Veal , as well as in the flesh of Hens , &c. for moisture shut up in the pores of Bodies , is a hindrance to Whiteness , as is evident in all dry things , which by the separation of their moisture become white ; because Moisture doth not permit so much fraction as the Air doth ; and yet so much is necessary to cause Reflexion . Hence it is , that a Body that is newly whited with Quick-lime , appears at first to be of a dusky Colour , and afterwards , in success of time , becomes white ; because at first it hath much moisture mixed with it ; which being exhal'd into the Air , and the Quick-lime dried , yields a white Colour . XXIII . Cloth expos●d to the Sun changet● its Colour . Colours wherewith Cloth or Silks are died , do soon lose their Lustre , by being long exposed to the Sun , and degenerate into a faint Liveless Colour . This proceeds from a twofold Cause : First , Because many of the particles of Dyed Bodies , which compose the Tincture are exhaled , by the Suns agitation . Secondly , Because many little Bodies , that wander up and down the Air , do thrust themselves into the pores of the Cloth , which by covering its Lustre , efface its former Colour . Wherefore they that deal in Cloaths , have a care that they be not long exposed to the Air , but keep them shut up . XXIV . The Spirit of Vitriol is hurtful to the Teeth . Some make use of the Spirit of Vitriol , to whiten their Teeth . But this may well be reckon'd amongst Vulgar Errors , since it is notorious , that the Spirit of Vitriol , in conjunction with an Alkali , doth produce a yellow : And forasmuch as something of an Alkalous Nature is continually transfused from the Gums and other parts of the Body , it must follow that the Spirit of Vitriol being commixt with such a Salt , must rather make them of a yellow Colour , than any whit conduce to the whitening of them . XXV . Sugar , and hot Meat , blacken the Teeth . It is observed , that the frequent use of Sugar , and too hot Meat , does blacken the Teeth ; because Sugar abounds with Volatile Salt , whose sharp-pointed particles do Worm-eat the substance of the Teeth , and make great pores in them ; wherein the Lucid Rays being suffocated , do produce a black Colour . And the same effect is also caused by hot Meat , the agitation of whose particles do likewise bore many Cavities in the Teeth . XXVI . What is the cause of those various Colours which appear in a long figur'd Glass expos'd to the Su● . A Glass Vessel of a long figure , like a Gourd or Cucurbit , being fill'd with water , and expos'd to the Sun-beams , so as that they may enter obliquely through the narrow Mouth , at the upper part of the Vessel ; these Sun-beams falling upon a white Paper , or piece of Linnen , will represent various Colours . For the uppermost Colour will be Red , the Lowermost Blew , and the Middlemost Whitish . The Reason of this appearance , is to be fetch'd from the various Transmission of the Rays : For Experience tells us , that Rays passing obliquely or slantingly through a Hole , must needs be refracted , which Refraction is the cause of all this variety of Colours ; forasmuch as the parts of the subtil matter , which we conceive as so many little round Bodies , which role continually through the pores of Earthly Bodies , are variously moved , according to the diversity of the Causes which determine their motion . So as that the Colour , which is represented at the upper part of the Glass , is red ; because the Heavenly Globuli , which transmit the Action of the Light , are much more swiftly whirl'd round , than they tend in a Right line . But a blue Colour is represented in the lower part , because the same Globuli are more slowly in their circular motion , than in their direct and strait tendency . Because there is supposed to be a Caus● which hinders their Circumvolution . But in the Midst a white Colour is seen , because the Heavenly Matter there hath an equal proportion of Circumrotation and Procession . For those Bodies are called White , in which the circular motion of the Globuli is equal to their tendency in Right lines . So that the whole difference of Colours doth only depend on the different proportion of these motions of the Celestial Matter . As hath been more at large declared in my Institution of Philosophy . XXVII . Of a Wood brought from Mexico , which gives a various colour to Water . ATHANASIUS KIRCHERUS , in his Book of the Art of Light and Darkness , tells us of a sort of Wood growing about Mexico , which the Inhabitants call Coati , which communicates a great variety of Colours to water . For if a Vessel be made of the same , and filled with the clearest water , it after a little time standing turns the water into a blue Colour , which continues in the water as long as it stands in the said Vessel ; but being poured out into a Crystalline Bottle , and expos'd to a full Light , it recovers its former perspicuity ; but if it be brought into the shade , it turns green , and if it be brought into a yet darker shade , it appears red , and that very deep , as approaching somewhat to blackness . The water put into a Vessel of this Wood , appears first to be of a blue Colour , because it cannot be question'd , but that the infused Liquor doth enter the pores of the Wood , and fetcheth out many of the small particles thereof ; which being mixed with the moisture , are the cause why the Rays of Light are in that manner refracted and reflected , as is necessary for the production of a blue Colour . Again , when this water is pour'd into a Glass Bottle , it appears clear and transparent , because of the full brightness of the Sun , to which it is exposed . For tho' the particles , which the water had fetched out of the wood , did reflect or refract some of the beams ; yet now the prevailing power of the Light doth efface that disposition of Parts , and makes its way without any let or hindrance through the water . Thus we find by daily Experience , that the Sun shining through a Glass Prism , doth not exhibit the Colours of the Rainbow , tho' they be exactly represented on a piece of Paper that receives the said Rays . Then afterwards this Bottle being removed out of this great and strong Light ▪ into a more moderate or shaded Light , is turned into a curious and pleasant Green ; because from the brightness of the Sun , which affords abundance of Light , the blue Colour , which the Wooden Vessel did produce , is changed into a green , which is compounded of a blue and a yellow . And last of all , when the Bottle is brought into a more shady place , the water appears of a deep or dark red ; because the Redness is weakned by the decrease of the Light , and is changed into a kind of Rusty Colour . XXVIII . Brazile Wood communicates a Red tincture to water . In like manner we know , that Brazile Wood communicates a red Colour to the water wherein it is boiled ; which being put into a Drinking glass , if a little distill'd Vinegar be added to it , it immediately is turned into the colour of Straw or Amber ▪ From which sudden change of Colours , we have good reason to conclude , that all Colours do arise from the various texture of the parts , and the different reflexion of the Light. XXIX . Nephritick Wood yeilds a Golden , blue , and yellow Colour . There is also another kind of Wood , which hath taken its name of Nephritick Wood , from the great use it is of in curing the Gravel , the parts whereof being infused in water , and put into a Glass Vial , do after a few hours ●●●ge the water of a Golden Colour if the Vial be placed between the Eye and the Window , but if the Eye be placed between the Window and the Vial , it will appear of a blue Colour . For when the Rays of Light do enter into the Liquor , they become tinged with a yellow Colour ; but the same represent a blue , when the Rays reflect from the Vial. And if you pour an Acid Liquor upon it , then the blue Colour will vanish , and the whole Liquor will appear of a Gold Colour . The Reason of this is probably no other , than that of the foregoing : For it is evident , that this Wood doth consist of Tinging particles , which are easily resolved in the water , and so far seem to be much of the Nature of Salt ; which particles entring the pores of the Water do so refract the Rays , that they appear tinged with a Gold Colour . And if you admit the Light of the Sun through some Hole , into a dark Room , and place the Vial full of the Infusion of this Nephritick Wood , partly within the Cone of Light , and partly without it , you will observe a vast variety of Colours , caused by the various degrees of the Refraction of the Light. Now the Reason why , after that the blue Colour hath been extinguisht by an Acid Liquor , it should be restored by the Affusion of Oil of Tartar , or a Sulphureous Salt ; and on the contrary why , when the Gold Colour is vanished , it is restored by the addition of an Acid Liquor , is , because Acid Salts do cut and slash the tinging particles into lesser divisions , or at least precipitate them , and so make the Colour to appear more weak and dilute . CHAP. X. Of Occult Qualities . I. What Occult Qualities are . OCcult Qualities , are by the Peripaticks called Hidden Powers , by which Natural things do act or suffer any thing , and whereof no prior Reason can be assigned , as immediately proceeding from the substantial Forms of things . But our Modern Philosophers are at a loss about what the ARISTOTELEANS means by all this Gibberish , who denying all substantial Forms , despair of ever knowing what these Occult Qualities are , which are the immediate products of them . Wherefore the abstruseness of some Qualities doth seem only to depend on the different Hypotheses of Natural Principles ; so as that to those who follow the Peripatetick Hypothesis , the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , and the Conjunction of the Iron with the Load-stone , appear to be abstruse and hidden Qualities ; whereas , according to the Principles of Corpuscular Philosophy they are most clear and evident effects . II. Of the Common Opinion , that a Sponge attracts water . A Sponge is commonly supposed to attract water , and to draw it upwards . If we warily consider the thing , we shall find that a Sponge is very improperly said to attract water ; whereas on the contrary , the water doth rather mount upwards to the Sponge , and intrude it self into its pores . For as soon as the Sponge toucheth the water , it somewhat presseth the some , and makes the pressed part of the water to mount up , and enter into the pores of the Sponge , as is evident in a writing Pen , which no sooner toucheth the Ink , but it mounteth up into the Pen by means of the Slit of it . For if the Point of a Pen without a Slit be applied to the Ink , no part of the Liquor will ascend ; or if any part of it stick to the Quill , it immediately drops down . The mounting up therefore of the Water is caused by the pression of the Sponge , whereby the Air is thrust out of its place ; which Air afterwards pushing against the surface of the Water , drives it upwards , and by some Force makes it to enter the Body that lies upon it . III. How New Bread attracts water . New Bread put into Wine , or any other Liquor , will draw up the same 2 or 3 Fingers breadths high , and contrary to the Laws of Nature , without any Pression , operates at a distance . The Wine enters into the Cavities of the Bread , because they are bigger than is necessary , for admitting the parts of the Air only ; and therefore the parts of the Air that are shut up in them , are on every side surrounded with the Subtil Matter , which doth more swiftly agitate them , than they would be moved elsewhere , in case they continued entangled amongst themselves . And forasmuch as all Bodies , which move in places that are too narrow for them , do strive to get out of them ; it accordingly happens , that whilst the parts of the Air do go forth from the pores of the surface of the Liquor , that toucheth it , the parts of the Water , or any other Liquor , do immediately follow it , and possess themselves of the relinquisht place . And because also the parts of the Liquor do better fill the Cavities of the Bread , they are not so swiftly agitated in them , as the parts of the Air ; and therefore do not endeavour to quit the same , except only in order to enter the higher pores of the Bread , and take up the place of the Air , which strives to get out of the Pores thereof . Book . 2. Part. 2. Chap. 10 G. Freman I● . I. Kip. To the Right Honourable Thomas Herbert Earle of Pembrock and Montgomery , Baron Herbert of Shurland , Cardiff , Ross of Kendale , Parr , Marmion & Sr. Quintin , Lord of the Lordships of Vsk , Carleon , Newport and Tredeg , Lord Leivtenant of Wiltshire , one of the Lords of the Admiralty , Lord Privy Scale , and one of the Lords of their Ma t ys . most Honourable Privy Councell &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . V. A Sheep flees from a Wolf , a Chick from a Kite , and a Pigeon from a Hawk . A Sheep trembles at the sight of a Wolf ; a Chicken at the sight of a Kite ; and the Pigeon , dreads the approach of a Hawk . Philosophers commonly attribute these Aversions to the mutual hatred that is between these Creatures ; but without sufficient ground . For a Wolf doth not hate a Sheep , but is delighted with it , and pursues it as a convenient Good for him . And the same may be said of a Kite , that pursues a Chicken ; and of a Hawk , that sets upon a Dove . A Sheep therefore at the sight of a Wolf betakes himself to flight , because it is endued with such a Texture of Fibres , that the Light reflected from the Wolfs Body , doth produce such an affection , upon which the motion of running follows . For there are some Rays or Spirits which are continually darted from the Wolfs Body , which painfully affecting the thin Fibres of the Sheeps Optick Nerves , do suitably move the Brain and the Spirits contained therein , and convey them into the Muscles , in such a manner , as is necessary to put them upon a flight . For these Spirits are of a wonderful force to affect and agitate the Body which they push upon , and whose most inward parts they pierce into . VI. Whether any shade can be hurtful to the Body . Some Shades are commonly accounted to be of a hurtful nature , and to cause either Pain , or some other inconvenience . Thus a Serpent flees the shade of an Ash . And those who sit down in shady places , are apt to be overtaken with sleep . These Effects are not caused by the Shade , which being somewhat Privative , cannot have any positive Vertue or Effect ; but from the steaming current of particles proceeding from Bodies , and more particularly from the neighbouring Trees , Plants , Pools , or any other Bodies . And that a person that sits , or lies down in the Shade , is very susceptive of these steaming particles that continually flow from Bodies , and very like to be affected by them , may be easily conceived , for that in Summer-time the Pores of the Body are more open , and stand ready to receive these outflowing little Bodies ; and therefore no wonder if they be affected by them . VII . How Quicksilver kills Worms . Thus the Effects do prove that subtil and invisible Steams do continually proceed from Quicksilver ; for which Reason those Artificers , who are much conversant about it , are used to keep Gold in their Mouths , with which they intercept the noxious Steams of the Quicksilver , which set themselves about the Gold , and cleave to it , and discolour it . Moreover , drops of Quicksilver have been found in the Heads of these Artificers , and in other parts of their Bodies . For there are certain pure and subtil Effluvia or out-flowings , which proceed almost from all Bodies , which retain the Nature and Vertue of the Body whence they proceed . Neither is it to be doubted , but that Quicksilver boil'd in Water , doth communicate a Vertue to it , of killing Worms . VIII . There is no vertue in bare words . It is a common assertion amongst the Cabbalists , that there is a great Vertue in Words ; as by which , extraordinary Effects may be performed . And I remember to have read somewhere in Paracelsus , that upon pronouncing the words Osy , Osya , Serpents stop their motion , and lie still as if they were dead . But this is an ungrounded Opinion of the Cabbalists , forasmuch as the bare words of the most worthy Tongue have no efficacy at all ; no more than the Vertue of a Man , or the signification of some Holy Thing , can communicate any Vertue to the Words pronounced by the one , or importing the other . For tho' it cannot be denyed , but that Orators and Poets do excite Passions in the Minds of their Auditors ; yet this is not by any hidden Vertue that is in their Words , but by the strength of their Reasons , and the aptness and Musical cadence of their words . Wherefore what PLINY tells us in the 2 d Chapter of his Natural History of the Preservation of the Fruits of the Earth from harm , by some words pronounced over them , and of the charming of Serpents , ought to be lookt upon as Fiction . Seeing that words can operate nothing in a natural way , and have nothing of any Sympathetical Connexion with intelligences or the Powers of Heaven . IX . That a Nose cut out of another mans flesh , doth rot or perish upon the death of that man. It is a common Story , that a Nose cut out of the Flesh of another Man , upon the death of him from whom it was taken , corrupts and rots as the Body of the dead Person doth . And the same is said of the effect of the biting of a Mad Dog , which continues till the Death of the Dog , and then ceaseth . No sufficient Reason can be given to verifie these Effects ; and therefore I suppose that these things are reported by Authors without sufficient faithfulness ; or if any such thing ever hapned , that it was an effect of chance , and not of any Physical Causality . X. Whether VVounds at a distance are curable by the Sympathetick Powder . It is also believed by many , that wounds at any distance may be healed by the Sympathetical Powder , by applying the Powder to the Weapon that made the Wound , or to a Rag that hath any of the Blood of the Wound upon it . But tho' many great Authors maintain this for a truth , yet I am not easily persuaded to confide therein . For we do not find in calcined Vitriol , which is the Basis of that Powder , any thing conducive to the healing of Wounds , besides an adstringent Vertue , which is very proper to stop Blood , and to close and heal a Wound . And tho' the Spirits proceeding from the Vitriol , may be supposed to exert some of their efficacy at a small distance , yet is it not certain , that the Power thereof can be conveyed so far as is reported . Neither will the instances that are brought to prove this effect , be of any great weight with those who consider how apt the Minds of Men are to believe any stories , and how many do seem to take delight in being imposed upon , rather than to be lookt upon as incredulous . So that it seems that these Cures ought rather to be attributed to the cleanness of the Wounds ; since in the Sympathetical Cure , charge is always given to wash them with Urin , which is endued with an abstersive Power , by reason of the Salt that is contained therein . And this is no more than the Dogs themselves do , who are used to cure their wounds by licking them . XI . By what means some may be cured by the Sympathetick Powder . But if wounds , at any time , have been cured with this Powder , the same must be performed by the Effluvia of little Bodies : Which tho' not always , yet very frequently retain the nature of those Bodies from whence they stream forth , and transmit the same to a vast distance ; and by this means the particles proceeding from one Body , entring the pores of others , may there produce the same effect , and move the Senses much in the same manner as the said Bodies themselves would do by Corporal Contact . XII . VVhence it is that that Twins are touched with the same affections . There is a great Sympathy observed between Twins ; so that if one of them chance to be sick of any disease , the other is frequently seized with the same . The Reason whereof is , because they both have the same Texture of their Fibres , and the same Temperament of Humours ; so that if it happen , that if by any distemper of the Air , or by any hurtful Meat or Drink , the one of them falls sick , it cannot well be otherwise , but that the same effect must happen to the other , because of the great conformity of their Frame and Temper . And therefore it is that they are subject to the same motions of Passions ; so that what produceth loathing in one , will effect it in the other ; and whatsoever is desired by one , will also be desired by the other ; because a like Texture receives the same affection from one and the same Object , and consequently stirs up the same Appetite and Passion . XIII . How some Old VVomen bewitch little Children . It is commonly said , that some Old Women bewitch Infants . Which may be , because these Old Women , by the strength of their Imagination , intending their Nerves and Muscles , may dart forth from their Eyes some noxious Spirits , whereby the tender and easily susceptive Body of the Infant may be greatly prejudiced , especially if the Infant be near to the Woman . For bewitching , as PLINY tells us , proceeds from the Spirits of the Witch , entring through the Eyes of the Bewitched , into their very Heart . Indeed it seems probable enough , that by this darting forth of Spirits , much mischief may be done ; since it is notorious , that a Woman that hath Those upon her , doth produce Spots and Stains in a Looking-Glass : And that one who Coughs , stirs up Coughing in others ; and one that Yawns , a Yawning in him that sees him . XIV . VVho are most obnoxious to VVitchcraft . Whence we may understand the Reason , why all are not equally obnoxious to Witchcraft or Fascination , but only Infants and Youth , and others who have their Pores more open ; and therefore are liable to suffer from the incursions of the Spirits and effluvia proceeding from others : Especially if the imagination of the Witch be heightned by Love or Hatred ; because in this case they attack the party bewitched with greater force and violence . Wherefore care ought to be taken to keep little Children at a distance , and out of the sight of such persons . XV. How a Scorpion applied to the place stung by him , draws out the Poison . A Spider or Scorpion that hath bit or stung a person , being bruised , and applied to the part affected , draws out the poison . The Reason is , because the substance of a Spider or Scorpion is like a Sponge ; which , whilst the parts that are sever'd by the contusion , shrink by means of the Nerves , do take up the adhering venom , and draw away that which is got in . For this is effected much in the same manner , as Oyl is washed out of a Cloath by means of Soap ; for as the particles of Oyl which are got into the Cloath , do easily embrace those of the Soap , as being of a like nature , and are carried away with them : So the particles of the Poison sticking to the wound , do easily join themselves with those that are found in the bruised Animal applied to it , and by this means the wound is freed of them . XVI . VVhence it is that some Stones perform the like effects . KIRCHER tells us , that in China there be many Serpents , which are called by the Portuguese Hat-bearers , because they have a Skin that starts up on their Heads , not much unlike a Hat , in which little stones are found , which being reduced to Powder , and mixed with Terra Sigillata , and applied to a poisonous wound , stick fast to it and draw out all the Poison , and then fall off from the wound of themselves , which are afterward washed clean in Milk , in order to be used again as before . For indeed most poisons are better overcome by Alexipharmacs , than by Vomits or Purges . XVII . VVhether a VVolf causeth a Hoarsness in those whom he sees first . It is commonly believed , that a Man who is seen of a Wolf before he sees him , grows dumb , and is unable to utter a word , or make the least noise . Tho' this be an old Story , yet there appears no ground at all for it : Seeing that Experience teacheth , that whether a Wolf see a Man first , or or whether a Man see the Wolf , the same commotion or disturbance follows . I my self have very often lookt upon Wolves , yet never perceived thereby any Hoarsness , or the least defect in my Voice ; but on the contrary , have many times by my shouting , made them run away . But how does it come to pass then , that some persons at the sight of a VVolf do contract a Hoarsness , and become Dumb of a suddain ? Why this proceeds only from Fear , when the great concern they either have for their own lives , or for the safety of their Company , puts them into a suddain consternation ; for then endeavouring suddainly to cry out for help , they hurt their Lungs by the great force put upon them , and the VVind Pipe by fetching in of too much breath , becomes , as it were , choaked . To which may be added , that the Muscles of the Tongue being slackned , by the great defect of Spirits , cannot readily be made use of , for the forming of the voice . So that by the failing of all these Instruments , it cannot be otherwise but that a Hoarsness must be caused , and the Tongue disabled from uttering an articulate sound . XVIII . VVhat is the Reason of the Antipathy which is found amongst Plants . Some Plants have an Antipathy against each other ; as the Oak and the Olive Tree , Cabbage and Rue , Fern and Reed , which cannot endure the neighbouring of each other , nor can touch one another without some prejudice . The Reason of this hatred is , because these Plants are desirous of one and the same Alimental Juice ; and therefore the stronger of them doth draw all that juice to it self , and by this means robs the weaker of its necessary food , which must needs hinder it from growing and thriving as otherwise it would . Or else we may say that Plants set near one another , may hinder each others growth , in that the emanations or effluvia which proceed from their Roots , may be noxious to each other . For the Olive Tree communicates such a bitterness to the ground round about it , that it spoils the Cabbage and Lettice that grows near it . And Fern hinders the growth of Reeds by the steams proceeding from it , which obstructs their Pores , and disturbs the Texture of their Fibres . XIX . VVhat the Reason is of the Sun-flower turning towards the Sun. The Heliotrope or Sun-flowers , always turns it self towards the Sun , and doth so follow its motion , as to face it continually . Theophrastus makes mention of some of these Heliotropick Plants , growing about the River Euphrates , which at the going down of the Sun , do so drop their Heads and Flowers into the River , that they cannot be reached with the Hand ; but as soon as the Sun riseth , lift them up again to their former height . This , I suppose happens , because that Plant abounds with much and gross moisture , which being agitated by the Beams of the Sun , and thereby rarefied , cannot be contained within the same bounds , and therefore strives to make its way through the most open Pores , that is , those which are over against the Sun : and forasmuch as the Neck of this Plant is very plyable , the agitated moisture which breaks forth from it in the finest Threds , turns it self that way towards which the particles of the moisture tend . The extraordinary moisture of this Flower may be confirmed from that Dew which lies upon the midst of it , when the Sun is at the highest and hottest ; which cannot be said to be the remainders of the morning Dew ; forasmuch as that vanisheth a few hours after the Sun Rising ; and therefore must be that humour , which upon the presence of the Sun , doth flow from its Stalk , and is carried up to the Flower . XX. The Explication of a wonderful Sundial . In like manner a reason also may be given of that admirable Dial , invented by F. Linus at Liege , whereby a little Ball , swimming upon the water , did shew the hours , and exactly imitate the motion of Heaven , after the Example of KIRCHER , who having put some Seeds of the Sun-flower into a piece of Cork , found that they turned the Cork towards the Sun , and that by fixing a hand to it , they exactly pointed out the hours placed round the inside of the Vessel . For seeing that the Sun-flower is turned towards the Sun , not only Eastward , but VVestward also , it must needs point to the hours noted on the sides of the Vessel . XXI . VVhether the Bones of Animals , and Shell-fish be fuller at full Moon , than in the wane of it . The Bones of Animals are filled with Marrow at the full Moon ; and Crabs at the same time do more abound with flesh ; whereas in the wane of the Moon both are decreased . These Effects , tho' commonly asserted to be so , yet many most exact observers of the works of Nature testifie , they could never discern in either of these any such encrease or decrease , but that the Bones of Animals , as also Shell-fish at any time of the Moon are promiscuously found either full or empty , or more or less fleshy , according as it may happen from other accidental Causes . XXII . Why Crabs and Lobsters are more full of fl●sh at one time than another . So that if at any time it happen that Crabs , Lobsters or Oysters be found more full of flesh at one time than at another ; the reason is , because they have then met with more plentiful Aliment : For we find that of Fishes that are taken at the same time , and in the same place , some are much fuller of flesh and fatter than others ; and that those Fish which are taken out of the Nets , as soon as they are caught , are fuller of flesh , than those which are left in the Net a good while before that they be taken out . XXIII . VVhy the Skin of a Stag swims above all other Skins . The Skin of a Stag , if it be put by Tanners at the bottom of their Fat , and the Hides of other Beasts laid upon it , as soon as water is poured into it , never rests till it have got above them all , at the top of the Tanning Pit. GASSENDUS imputes the cause hereof to the wider cavity of the Stags Hairs ( for the Microscope assures us , that the Hairs of Animals are all of them so many hollow Pipes ) which being filled with Air , endeavour to get above the water , as a Bladder full of Air doth . He supposeth also , that this is a great help and furtherance to the swiftness of that Animal , because the said Pipes being dilated by the heat of the motion of the Stag , doth much contribute to their Lightness : as it is also very probable , that the Quill part of the Feathers of Birds are a great help to their being easily supported in the Air. XXIV . VVhy Persons bit of the Tarantula , do skip and dance . They who are bit by the Tarantula , are so delighted with some certain Tunes , as to be thereby stirred up to strong and continual Dancing . The Reason whereof is , because the poison of the Tarantula doth alter the Temperament of the Body , and particularly so affect the Organ of Hearing , as to comport with those Tunes , wherewith that Insect is delighted . For as there are several sorts of these Tarantulae , whereof some are affected with these Tunes , some with others ; so that as the Piper or Fidler plays these , or the other Notes , so these , or other of their Insects begin to frisk , and cease as soon as ever the Tune is done . Accordingly it seems , that the venom of these Insects , being diffused through the Body of Man , and mingled with the Spirits , and afterwards excited by such notes , is moved after the same manner , and also impresseth the same motions on the Spirits , which by means of the Nerves and Muscles , produce a Dancing , corresponding with such notes . And this is the Cause of the recovery of him that is bit , because by this quick motion , the poison is discust and exhaled together with the Sweat , provoked on this occasion . XXV . How Medicaments do purge . Some Medicaments do purge by their smell only ; others by being handled , or applied to the Navel . The Reason is , because the odour only of a Medicament doth as strongly affect the Nerves , as they are affected by it , when taken inwardly ; that is , when the Fibres or Strings of the Stomach and Guts are twinged and vellicated after the same manner , as they are when the Medicin is swallowed down into the Stomack . For the parts of Medicaments are commonly very small and sharp , hard , swiftly agitated , and very penetrative ; so as that by this means they do irritate and excite the Membranous and Nervous parts of the Body , and provoke them to expulsion . Whence we may conclude , that almost all the properties and virtues of Medicaments , which are commonly added to the Catalogue of occult Qualities , may be explained and resolved by mechanical Principles and Affections , whether they produce these effects , by a likeness , analogy and familiarity of Nature , or whether they exert this their efficacy by way of irritation . The Third Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF THE WORLD , AND HEAVEN . CHAP. I. Of the Beginning of the World. I. The Opinion of Aristotle and Epicurus concerning the Worlds Original . THO' we be sufficiently assured by Revelation , concerning the Worlds Original ; yet it will not be altogether useless , to see what Reason can say in the case , and whether by her conduct we may not be able to discover the Beginning thereof . ARISTOTLE maintains the World to have existed from Eternity , in his VIII th Book of the Physicks , and in his 1 st of Heaven , where he endeavours to prove Motion to be from Eternity , and that no temporal Principle of Motion can be admitted . To which he adds also , that it is no way agreeable to the First Cause , to be Idle ; and that therefore we must of necessity own , that there must have been something moveable from all Eternity . And as for EPICURUS , he makes Matter to be Eternal , but the World , Temporary , and proceeding from the fortuitous concourse of Atoms ; whereof LUCRETIUS treats in his 4 th Book of the Nature of things . II. The Opinion of Plato . The chiefest amongst the Ancients , that attributed a Beginning to the World , was the Divine PLATO , who tho' he acknowledgeth it to have been begot from Eternity , yet asserts it to have proceeded from GOD by a kind of Emanation , as the Sun-beams from the Sun. And surely he very well deserv'd his Name , forasmuch as from the Contemplation of Created Things ; he discovered the Maker of them ; and from the nature of Effects , raised himself to a view of the Efficiency of the Supream Cause . But let us hear him discoursing the Point in his TIMAEUS : The Universe , saith he , is seen , felt , and hath a Body ; all which things move the Senses , and those things which move the Senses , are known or discerned by the Senses . Now it is apparent , that such things as these are of that nature as to be generable and generated ; but whatsoever is generated , we assert must be generated by some Cause . It is a thing of difficulty indeed to find out the Maker and Father of this World ; and after that you have discovered him , to declare him to the Common People . III. The Disposition of the Parts of the World , proves the Maker of it . Indeed there is nothing in the Universe , which doth not preach the Creatour of it ; not doth Nature represent any thing to the Eyes of Men , which doth not speak its Author , and excite us to adore and praise him . Who is there , that by the Disposition of the Parts of the World , is not forced to own its Orignal , and to confess that it is not Eternal ? Shall we imagine that all these things , as EPICURUS will have it , were the effect of blind Chance , and that it stumbled upon all these curious and beautiful Effects we do admire ? Were the Earth , the Heavens , the Stars their own Causes , and stated in that necessary and comly Order , without the Deliberation of a Contriver ? What virtue or force is there in Atoms ? What power in Matter , towards the production of a World , beautified with such an infinite variety of Wonders ? Or , if these Atoms were the Framers of the Sun , Earth and Planets ; why did not these blind and stupid Artificers , jumble themselves as well into Cities , Houses , Churches , and Piazza's for us ? Since these are Instances of a more easie and obvious Artifice , and such as human Industry can furnish . Book . 2. Part 3 Chap. 1. G. Freman Inv I. Kip To the Right Honourable Iohn Caecill , Earle of Exeter , Baron Caecill of Burleigh &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . V. The Parts of the World being Corruptible , constitute the whole so . The Whole is of the same nature as its Parts , as being the result of them , and deriving its distinction from their Diversity . Now nothing is more notorious , than that the Parts whereof the World is composed , are subject to Rise and Fall , to Generation and Corruption . The Earth is nothing else , but a great Theater , where these Changes are continually represented , and which , according to the different Vicissitudes of Time , is differently drest and mark'd . The Fire perisheth daily , and that which seems of such insuperable Force , vanisheth in a moment . Water is suckt out of dry Bodies , and by its motion wherewith it penetrates Bodies , becomes turned into Flowers and Grass . Nothing in the World is of any long continuance ; and it is a clear Demonstration , that that had a beginning of its being , which is continually hasting to its end . VI. An Objection . Some endeavour to avoid the dint of this Argument , by saying that Generation and Corruption are incident indeed to the Parts of the World ; but that nothing hinders , but that the Whole may continue for all this for ever ; forasmuch as the Total Sum continues still the same , and is only changed as to some Externals , much in the same manner as Wax , by admitting the various impressions of Seals , only changeth its figure , still retaining its substance unalter'd . VII . Answer . We readily grant them , that no other Change happens to this World , but what is Accidentary ; yet can it not be concluded from thence , that the Whole is capable of being dissolved . For if one or the other Part may perish , why not 20 , or 100 , or 1000 , nay , all of them ; since we find various Destructions hapning in divers places , and that many things are oft ruin'd in one day , which had continued untoucht for many Ages ? And tho' , it may be , these things may not be very frequent , and have the Intervals of many Years between them ; yet cannot we thence infer , that they can't happen : Seeing that many things throng in upon the World at one time , which have been unknown and unheard of for many Ages . The Instance of the Wax is nothing to the purpose , whose Change is only outward : For the World is capable of those Intestine motions , which one day or other will be the overthrow of it . Do not we daily see New things start up , and Old things sinking and perishing ? We have therefore good reason to conclude , that as we see that Changes happen to the Parts of the World , so the whole is obnoxious to the same alterations and perturbations . Hence LUCAN ▪ in his First Book : One Common Fun'ral-Pile the World shall burn , Mix Bones with Stars , and all to ruin turn . VIII . History bears witness to the Beginning of the World. But forasmuch as our design here is , to set down an History of Nature , we will endeavour to derive the Original of the World from the Monuments of the Ancients . We have no History that gives us any account of things that passed before the Theban and Trojan War. But if the World be Eternal , and consequently without all Beginning , how could it be that the Historians and Poets of fore-going Ages should not have deliver'd to us the Deeds of the Heroes of their Times , which they atchieved during such immense Spaces of Time , or the Laws enacted by Legislators ? Wherefore since nothing of these is any where to be found , it affords us a tacit Argument , that the World was Created , and had its beginning not long before those Times . IX . The same proved from the Inventors of things . Besides , who will say , that the VVorld hath been from Eternity , when as , besides the Testimony of Historians , the Improvement and Invention of Things and Arts , shew it to be of no over long standing ? For the account which the Ancients give us of Men , is , that they liv'd after a Barbarous manner , not much different from that of Beasts ; and that they did not Feed , as we do now-a-days , but maintain'd their Lives in the open Woods and Fields , with Acorns and Berries , as MACROBIUS tells us ; and that it was not till long after , that they began to Till the Ground . Besides , is not this a strong Argument for the proof of the Non-Eternity of the VVorld , that the Greek History it self doth not make mention of any Matter of Fact , beyond the Space of 2000 Years , there being nothing memorable related in History before NINUS , who was the Father of SEMIRAMIS . Now if the World was from Eternity , why were not all things highly improved , during that vast Vicissitude of innumerable Ages ? Or , how comes it to pass , that New things are yet Invented ? All these things are strong Arguments against the Eternity of the VVorld , and give us great Reason to suppose , that as the VVorld had its Beginning ; so all things in successive Years were Invented , Cultivated , and Improved . X. The Eternity of GOD doth not prove the Eternity of th● World. Neither are we pinch'd by that Objection which is commonly made by the Platonists , that nothing hinders , but that the VVorld might have been produc'd from Eternity ; seeing it is not repugnant for some Effects to be coexistent with the Principle of their Emanation . For the Question here is not , Whether the VVorld might not have been Eternal , and Coexistent with its Creat●ur ; but whether it be really so ? Since it is evident , that GOD doth not act of Necessity , but freely and spontaneously , after the same manner as a Workman is the Cause of his VVork . For tho' the Idea of the VVorld be granted to be from Eternity in the Mind of GOD ; yet doth it not follow from thence , that the Work made by it is Eternal also , except we should affirm , that the thing conceived is inseparable from the perception of it ; and that a House is built , as soon as the Architect hath conceiv'd the Draught of it in his Mind . XI . Arts prove the World , not to be of any long standing . Arts also prove the Beginning of the VVorld ; seeing that most of them can be traced up to their first Inventors , and that not through any vast Interval of Time. For we know who first Invented the Plough ; who furnish'd Men with the use of Iron , for the destruction of their own kind : who first taught the Art of Fencing ; who , that of Dancing . But if the VVorld never had any Beginning , why were not Things and Arts improved many Ages ago to the same height , and beyond what they are now ? How came it to pass , that the Art of Printing hath been so lately known in the VVorld ? What was the Reason that Vines were no sooner planted ; and that Olive-Trees , for the succession of innumerable Ages , were banisht from the Fields ? What can be imagin'd the Reason , why the Mariners Compass was not found out till near our Days , which is of that use to us for the Crossing of the Seas , and towards the discovery of New-found Lands and Men ? All these Instances plainly overthrow the VVorlds Eternity , and prove it not to be of any very long standing . Which made LUCRETIUS say , — the VVorld is new , Nor can it many Ages of its standing shew . XII . What time of the year the VVorld was made . It is a thing controverted amongst Authors , about what time of the year the VVorld was made ; some allowing this advantage to the Spring , and others to the Autumn . Tho' indeed I can see no Reason at all , why either of these Seasons should be preferred before the other , seeing that both continually reign in one part or other of the VVorld . Moreover , it seems absur'd to determine the Beginning of the VVorld to one Season of the year , forasmuch as all the 4 are found in it . But if this Question be meant of that part of the VVorld where GOD at first Created Man , and where Men first inhabited , it seems probable that the VVorld was Created at the time when it was Autumn there ; seeing that it is most agreeable to Reason , that all things were Created by GOD , and that nothing is made by him , but what is most absolute and perfect in all degees . CHAP. II. Of the Creation of Things , and of the Ranging of the several parts of the World. I. The Creation of Heaven and Earth , as it is described by Moses . MOSES , whose History is owned not only by Modern Philosophers , but by the Ancients also , in the 1 st Chapter of Genesis , describes at large the Creation of the VVorld , beginning with the production of Heaven and Earth , in which two , as the Center and Circumference , he comprehended the whole Universe : In the Beginning , saith he , GOD created the Heaven and the Earth : But the Earth which was cover'd with the water , and involved in Darkness , was empty and void . For the Spirit , or Subtil Matter , did lye upon the whole Mass of the Earth , to excite and stir up its sluggish consistence ; yet because it was only moved in a huddle , and without any certain determinate motion , the Earth all this while continued void , that is , Invisible , until by the Commanding word of the Almighty , Light was made , which might distinguish the Times , and discover the distinct appearance of all things in their several places . II. How GOD ●t first moved the Created Matter . For we are to suppose , that GOD having Created this Immense , Extended Substance , which fills the the Length , Breadth and Depth of the VVorld , he divided the same into infinite Parts , some of one figure , and others of another ; some greater , others less ; and that this Variety is much greater than our Spirits can reach . We are also to conceive , that GOD , in dividing the Parts of the VVorld , hath not left any void Spaces between them ; but that all the difference or division he hath made between them , consists in the diversity of their motion , which he hath given to every one of them ; ordering it so , that from the very first instant of their motion , some of them began to move one way , and other another : To which if we add this , that the Parts of the Matter are impenetrable , it will appear evidently , that GOD could not continue to move them , without causing an infinite Variety in their motion , until at last they all agreed to move about different Centers , and consequently to constitute divers Vortices or VVhirlpools . III. How Stars came to be formed in the Center of every Vortex . And forasmuch as all Bodies that move Circularly , do continually endeavour to withdraw from the Center of their motion ; and that the strongest always withdraw themselves further than the weaker , it follows of necessity that the Matter of the Second Element , which is more strong than that of the First , as being more solid , must withdraw themselves further from the said Center of their motion ; and that in this their withdrawing , they drive downwards to the Center those Particles of the First Element , that are more than are necessary to fill the Spaces , which the Particles of the 2 d Element leave open between them . Whence it follows , that about the Axis of each Vortex , there must of necessity be a Body which is only composed of the Matter of the First Element , which every way pusheth the Second Element , that surrounds it , and pusheth it with Force enough , to have the motion transmitted , almost in an instant , at certain Distances . And it is in this pression of this Subtil Matter , which is at the Center of each Vortex , and which endeavours to withdraw from it , that that Light doth consist which appeared the first Day of the Creation . IV. The First Days work . But forasmuch as at the Beginning , there was not any great store of the Subtil Matter in the Centers of the Vortexes , the Action wherewith the Globuli were pressed , could not reach far ; and therefore those Spaces to which the Effect of that Action could not reach , continued obscure , and cover'd with Darkness . And accordingly , by this mixture of Light and Darkness , the World became distinguisht into several Provinces , and by the penetration of the Subtil Matter through all Bodies , the thinner and more subtil Parts were distinguisht from the more thick and gross , and the light from the heavy . And this was the Work of the First day , and an Argument of the Omnipotence of the First Being . For nothing was produc'd anew the following days , but the things already made were ranged and order'd , and a proper place assigned to every Body . V. How the Vortexes were formed . And forasmuch as GOD could not move the parts of Matter with different or opposite determinations , without making them to hit directly or indirectly against one another , those which run against one another indirectly , must of necessity be reflected different ways ▪ by Angles of Reflexion equal to those of their incidence : But they could not so reflect themselves , without meeting with other Parts , which turned them aside in like manner : So that meeting with a 2 d repulse , and afterward with a 3 d , 4 th , and so on , they were at last forced to move about different Centers , somewhat in the same manner as the water of a River , is forced to move so , when it meets with new stops in its way ; and thus made up several Vortexes , differently situated with respect to each other . VI. The Second Days work . On the 2 d Day , after that a Firmament was interpos'd betwixt the Waters , some of them had a place allotted above it , others under it , to water the surface of the Earth , and for the generating and feeding of Fish . For if we enquire into the Etymology of Firmament , we shall find it to signifie no more than a great and diffused Extension , which we suppose to be nothing else , but the Disposition of the Vortexes , by means whereof they became so ranged , as that the Ecliptick of one Vortex , did answer to the Poles of its Neighbouring Vortexes , by which means they were so far from hindring the motion of each other , that they rather promoted the same . Whilst therefore the Heavenly Matter did continually run through these vast Bodies , the waters became divided from the waters ; and those which covered the Earth , by the portion of the Firmament , were separated at a vast distance from those other waters which did lye upon solid and thick Bodies . And consequently , the waters that were under the Firmament , were divided from the waters that were above the Firmament . For it is evident , that Moses calls the Heavenly Bodies , Upper or Superiour ; and the Earth , Inferiour or Beneath , with respect to us . VII . The Third Days work . On the 3 d Day , the waters were gathered into one place , and the dry Land appeared ; because when the Earth was wholly cover'd with water , so as that no part of it did appear , it seemed good to the Author of Nature , to gather the waters into some certain places , to the end that the Surface of the Earth being freed from them , might bring forth Grass , Herbs and Trees , from those several Juices , which running through the Bowels of the Earth , were joyned to divers Seeds , whose pores suited best with the figures of them . Where upon the Earth was called the Dry Land ; and the gathering together of the waters was called , Sea. But forasmuch as the Roundness of the Earth did hinder the water from running into one place , and that there was no Cavity sufficient to receive that immense Heap of waters , we are to believe that the Mountains were created on the same Day , and other Rising parts of the Earth , which leaving deep Vallies between them , made way for the Reception of the waters . VIII . The Fourth Days work . The Matter of the VVorld being thus orderly ranged , the next work was to adorn the same : For on the 4 th Day , 2 Great Lights were placed in the Firmament of Heaven , that they might be for times , days and years ; that is , that by them the Diurnal and Annual Circumvolution of the Earth , and the other Planets , as likewise the Circumvolutions of the Sun , might be known and determined . At the same time there were also created many Stars , having a Light of their own , which they dart abroad every way . For seeing that the Matter of the First Element did continually increase , by means of the motion of the particles of the Second , and that there was a greater quantity of it in the Universe than was necessary , to fill those Spaces that are left betwixt the Globuli ; all the remainder of it , after that those Spaces were filled , run to the Centers of the Vortexes , where it composed some most fluid Spherical Bodies , viz. the Sun and the fixt Stars . For after that the particles of the 2 d Element were still more worn away , they took up less place than they did before , and consequently did not diffuse themselves quite to the Centers ; but equally drawing from them , left their Spherical Spaces , which were filled with the Matter of the First Element , flowing thither from all parts . And therefore the collection of the Subtil Matter , in the Center of our Vortex , in which the Earth is , with respect to it , was the Greater Light , or the Sun ; and the Collections in the Centers of the other Vortexes , Stars : And that Matter , which of those great Masses which approached near to the Earth , was found most fit to drive the Light of the Sun towards it , became the lesser Light , that is , the Moon . IX . The work of the Fifth day . On the 5 th Day , GOD commanded the waters to bring forth Living Creatures , and the Fowl that fly above the Earth , in the Firmament of Heaven : And the Creeping things also , which without Feet crawl upon the Earth . And tho' the Scripture seems to attribute to Fishes and other Beasts , a Soul , produc'd out of the VVater and Earth ; yet nothing else is to be understood there by the word Soul , but only some Bodies in such a manner fitted and adapted to the Organs of Fishes , and other Animals , that they cause them to live , to feed and grow . X. The Sixth Days work . Lastly , After that the House was now perfected , and the Palace fully furnish'd and adorn'd for the reception of its great Guest , the Little-VVorld enter'd the Greater , being endued with Life , Sense and Reason ; that he might be the Lord and Commander of the Universe , to whom the Fishes of the Sea , the Birds of the Air , and all the other Living Creatures of the Earth , might pay their Homage and Obedience . These things thus order'd , GOD made an end of the Works he had made . This Creation of the VVorld hath , by DANAEUS , been comprehended in short Verses , in his Christian Natural Philosophy ; which in English speak thus : The First Day made the Heavens , the Earth , and Light : The Second , brought the Firmament in sight : The Third , gave the Sea Bounds , and Grass to th' Earth : The Fourth , to Sun and Moon , and Stars gave Birth : The Fifth , made Fish o' th' Sea , and Birds o' th' Air : The Sixth , gave Beasts , and Man , GOD's chiefest Care : The Seventh , and last , appointed was for Rest. XI . Why the World was Created in the time of Six Days . We need not here insist upon the Opinion of some of the Jews , who do not think it probable that the World was Created in 6 Days ; and therefore do suppose , that this determination of Days , is to be taken Allegorically : To which some of the Ancient Fathers have been inclin'd ; forasmuch as GOD , in Creating of the World , did not proceed in such a manner , as absolutely he might have done , but in such a manner as may be best understood and apprehended by us Mortals . For he ordered the Creation thus , that we weak Men might know , that he works nothing without the greatest exactness and order ; because we are not able to conceive , how any Order could be observed in a simultaneous Creation . CHAP. III. Of the End or Destruction of the World. I. Whatsover hath had a beginning , must of necessity have an End also . FRom what hath been said , it is evident that the World was Created , and that those things that had a Beginning , are subject to Corruption and Dissolution . For why may not we attribute a Principle of Destruction to that , which we own to have had one of Production ; and suppose that that which once began to be , will meet with a time wherein it must cease to be ? For is not the Matter , whereof the whole Universe doth consist , the Original and Cause of Dissolution ? And do not all things that we see , decay daily , and hasten to their End ? For he seems to be but little acquainted with Natural Philosophy , who supposeth that to be Eternal which hath had a Beginning , as VELLEJUS saith , according to the Opinion of PLATO , as CICERO sets it down in his 1 st Book de Natura Deorum . For where can we find a thing put together , that is not subject to be taken in pieces again ? Or , where is that thing which hath Beginning , and shall not have an End ? And accordingly LUCRETIUS tells us , in his First Book . As Beasts depriv'd of Food , so things must die , As soon as Matter fails of just supply . II. The Opinion of the Ancients , concerning the Duration of the World. But you will say , that there have not been wanting some Philosophers who have attributed Eternity to the World , and have conceived this Great Fabrick so admirably contriv'd and built , as not to be capable of Dissolution . Which Opinion hath been maintain'd by ZENOPHANES , MELISSUS , ARISTOTLE , and others , who accused those of Impiety , who maintain'd , that the World would perish . Neither were PLATO and PYTHAGORAS Enemies to this Opinion : For tho' they believed that the World would have an End ; yet withal they supposed , that GOD only was to be the Dissolver of it ; as thinking it unbecoming him , to make a Work that should be dissolvable by any other Hand than his own . That it is the property of Parents , to desire the preservation of their Off-spring , and by no means to desire their Destruction . III. The World is of its own nature Corruptible . But these are the Judgments of Blind-men , who without having a due regard to the Constitution of the World , thought the parts thereof to be joyned together by such strong Ties , which no Ages could be able to dissolve . But to oppose Authority to Authority , were not the Epicureans and Stoicks of another Opinion ? The latter of whom supposed nothing to be Immortal , but Jupiter alone , and asserted that the Earth , Sea , Air and Heaven , were all to have an End , and to be changed into other Bodies ; as the Tragical Poet seems to foretel , in Hercul . Oct. The splendid Roof of Heaven shall fall , A certain Ruin doth it attend : Yea , Glorious gods themselves , and all , In Chaos and Dark-Night shall end . But what need have we of the Testimonies of the Ancient Philosophers , to assert the Corruption of the World ; seeing that the present decays of the VVorld do manifestly prove its declining , if not decrepit Age ? Who doth not perceive , that all things are in a state of Decadence , and hastning on to their last end ? Do not we see , that the Seasons of the year decline , and want much of their former force and vigour ? Doth not the Heat of Summer grow less every year than other ? And is not the VVinter Season changed from what it used to be ? How late , cold , and wet are our Springs ? And how few seasonable and fruitful Autumns do we enjoy ? So that all things apparently fall short of their Primaeval virtue . If we descend into the Bowels of the Earth , what a small quantity of Gold and Silver do we meet with there ? How few Veins of Metals are now-a-days discover'd , if we compare them with those multitudes that were found of Old , and in the Times of our Forefathers ? IV. The general Decadence and Declination of things , portends the approaching End of the World. This Failure and Decrease is also observable in other things ; for who doth not find , that there are not so many Men in the VVorld as formerly , and that the Fields begin to want Husbandmen , the Camps , Souldiers ; and the Sea , Seamen ? And shall not we from this General defection conclude , that Old Age hath overtaken the VVorld , and that all Creatures are hastning to their Exit ? This therefore is the unalterable Law and Decree of GOD , that oll things which have had a Beginning , must decrease , grow old , and die at last . V. The shortness of the Life of Man is an Argument that the World grows Old. But what needs so many words to prove , that the VVorld is grown Old , since we s●e that mens Lives grow shorter every day , being now contained within a narrow compass , as LUCRETIUS expresseth it in his First Book : Man's Age declin'd in Ancient Homer's days ; But now his Strength and Stature both decays . Formerly Men lived 800 or 900 years , and upward ; whereas now it is look'd upon as a Prodigy , to reach 100 only ; and if any by great chance reach so far , then are they encumbred and tormented with so many Ails of Mind and Body , that they long for nothing more than Death . And shall we , after all this , suppose that the Eternity of this VVorld can be consistent with the continual crumbling away thereof ; the defection of the Seasons of the year , and the shortning of mens lives ? Or that that can be perpetual , which is always changing and fleeting ? VI. The Elements conspire to the destruction of the World. Another Argument to prove the Dissolution of the World , may be fetched from those particular changes which antidate the total destruction of the World , and divers ways conspire to the Ruin thereof : What vast desolations hath not the Fire caused in the World ? How many Countries hath not the Sun , whom they call the Parent of Life , and the Soul of the World , laid waste and barren ? How often hath Water been destructive to the World ? How many Deluges have spoiled it , and renduced it to little better than its primaeval Chaos ? And for us that are yet alive , tho' we may hope to live still longer ; yet Reason , if we will not stop our Ears against her , doth assure us that Death follows us at the Heels , and will e're long trip us into our Graves . And tho' we never saw the Total Ruin of the World , or do not perceive any certain passages of its end , yet we have reason to conjecture it not to be far off , since we find it sick of the same Diseases , Old Age and other Infirmities , which have led so many of her Off-spring to death . CHAP. IV. Of the Generation , and Corruption of Things . I. How Fire becomes generated out of Wood. NOthing is more common with us , than the Generation of Fire out of Wood , by which means a Fluid and Subtil Body is produced from one that is Thick and Hard. This Generation of Fire out of Wood , is not by the Production of any New form , as the Peripateticks hold , but from the alone disposition of the parts ; their situation and other modifications which constitute the form of every Body . For nothing of the substance of the Wood is lost , when it burns , and is changed into Flame and Coals , only the connexion of the parts becomes changed , and another mode of Existence is acquired : When therefore , at any time , Wood is changed by Fire into Fire , no new Being ariseth , that was not before ; but the old Being or Body is so changed in its modes , as that it seems to be a quite different thing . For there is no other change made in Generation , save only that which is Local , whereby things are so altered , as to appear as other things to our Senses . II. The generation of a Chicken . This change of the Disposition of Parts is the cause of the Generation of a Chicken ; for we need not make any difficulty to acknowledge , that the first Rudiment of the Chicken , grows in the Egg after the same manner , as the Chickens do that are already hatched , viz. that all the Fibres , whether straight or crooked , whereof their Organs do consist , become dilated by the addition of some parts of matter , which joining themselves successively one to another , make the Pullet to grow by little and little , and cause the parts of it to appear one after another . III. VVhether Salt be generated out of VVood , or any other matter . Salt is generated out of Burnt Wood , as Chymists well know , who in their distillations do separate Mercury , Sulphur and Salt from Bodies ; the parts of which last Body , mingle with the water , and become incorporated with it . It is improperly that the word of Generation is attributed to these kind of Extractions ; forasmuch as in them , there happens no adaption of parts , as to Figure , Quantity and Motion ; which is necessary to the true Nature of Generation , but only a separation of Parts . For the Particles of Salt being very small and slender , are easily overwhelmed by the parts of the wood , which do never prick the Tongue , nor become savoury , except they be separated from the grosser parts thereof by Fire . It is manifest , that an ounce of Silver may be so throughly mingled with a great mass of Gold , that there shall be never a part of the Gold , which hath not some Silver joined with it : Neither will any sound Philosopher affirm , that Silver is generated , when it is separated from Gold , by the means of Aqua-fortis ; but only that those particles which before were mixed with the Gold , are now separated from it , and set at liberty . Salt therefore , whilst it continues mingled with the Wood , retains its own Nature , tho' it cannot be perceived by the Senses , nor exert its force ; and that because it is covered over with innumerable particles of Wood , and because the points of it are blunted and broken by its being involved in other Bodies . IV. How Metals are dissolved by Vapour only . Metals are sometimes dissolved by a vapor only , as is common amongst the Chymists to dissolve Gold and other hard Bodies by External Heat , as in Hot Water , by the Balneum Mariae ; or by a Balneum Roris , that is , the steam only of Hot Water . This is performed , when the steam passing through the Pores of the Vessel , and entring the Pores of the Gold , doth dissolve the weaving of its parts . For tho' that Heat be slow , yet because it is of long continuance , it hath the same effect as a drop of water , which by its perpetual falling , hollows a Stone , and penetrates to the inmost parts of it . Hence it is that Chymists having experienced the virtue of this continual heat , do by means thereof promise us wonderful Fermentations , and hope to obtain their Elixir , which changeth inferiour Metals into Gold or Silver . V. How Liquid Bodies corrupt those that are Hard. Liquid Bodies often corrupt hard Bodies , so water doth corrupt Sugar and Salt ▪ for a pound of Sugar , being cast into a large Vessel of water , doth disppear in a short time . Forasmuch as the insensible parts of Liquors are in continual agitation , it must not seem strange to us , that the parts of the water , do so shake the parts of hard Bodies , about which they move continually , so as to make them leave their places . Thus we seee that the Parts of Sugar and Salt , do vanish in a short time , and are so scattered and dispersed through all the parts of water , that there is not one which hath not its share of it . VI. VVhy Glass is not subject to Corruption . Some Bodies are altogether exempt from Corruption , as Glass , which cannot be destroyed by the utmost violence of the Fire . The Reason is , because every corruption of Bodies proceeds from strange particles , intruding themselves into their Pores ; and by this means altering and destroying , the Texture , Connexion and Order of their Parts . And therefore those Bodies that have more subtil and strait pores , are for the most part more durable , and less subject to corruption . And it is for this Reason that Glass is incorruptible ; for tho' whilst it is red hot in the Fire , many particles do infinuate themselves into the Pores of it , and do dilate them ; yet do they not enter into all the Pores thereof ; so as that the least particles of Air , or Water , which do more closely cleave to those , of the Earth , can wholly be separated from them , and consequently Exhale . VII . Gold and Quicksilver are the most Incorruptible of all other Metals . And it is for the same Reason , that Gold and Quicksilver are the most incorruptible of all Metals , because they have the most narrow pores of any other ; as may be demonstrated by their Ponderosity . Wherefore also their parts cannot without great difficulty be separated from each other , by the Art of Chymistry ; so as that the Form of Gold and Quicksilver be utterly destroyed , or that the Gold be reduced into its first Nature . The same also may be said of Talk , for the reduction of which into a watry Substance or Oyl , many Chymists have laboured in vain . VIII . A Rotten Apple corrupts many that are Sound . A Rotten Apple , if it be put to a sound one , doth corrupt it ; so that frequently it happens , that many sound ones are spoiled by one rotten one . Which effect proceeds from the steam which flows from the rotten Apple ; which penetrating into the sound one , and agitated by the subtil matter that is in it , doth dispose the parts thereof in the same manner as they are disposed in the Rotten Apple . In like manner one Apple laid uppon another , promotes Ripeness of each other : And therefore those that intend to make Cyder of their Apples , lay them up in heaps together , to make them ripen the sooner . IX . How Worms are generated in Vinegar . Worms commonly breed in Vinegar , when it begins to be weakned and putrifie ; which are very small and long , and like little Serpents swim upon it . Forasmuch as in every Corruption , the Connexion of the Parts is dissolved , by reason of the evaporating of the Sulphureous Parts , together with the dissolved Saline Particles , it happens that some of them breaking forth from the compound , do unite together in some near part , and there constitute these little Animals . After the same manner as Mites are bred in Cheese , and like Insects in the Grain and Fruits of the Earth ; since it cannot well be questioned , but that soft Bodies are subject to perpetual intestine agitations , by which they are driven into Confusion . X. Animals are produced by other Animals . In the mean time it seems most certain , that all Animals are the Products of certain Seeds ; so as not so much as a VVorm can be produced from the Tumultuary concourse of Atoms , but from a Seed , in which is lodged a formative Virtue : And there fore we must conclude , that the very least Animals are the effect of others ; tho' , it may be , it is not necessary that the Eggs whence they proceed , be produced from other Animals of the same kind . Which seems probable as to those VVorms which breed in Galls and other Fruits . XI . Spices preserve Bodies from Putrefaction . There is a Virtue found in Spices , whereby they preserve Bodies from Putrefaction : Hence proceeds the custom of Embalming Dead Bodies with Spices . The Reason is , because Spices consist of those parts , which can easily be agitated by the subtil matter ; so that by exciting a new fermentation in Bodies , they put the matter , which before wa● at rest , into motion also , and put a stop to many of their out flowing particles . Thus Flowers and Fruits are preserved by means of Sugar ; forasmuch as by its clamminess , it retains their thin and volatil particles from flying away ; and besides affords them a pleasant Taste . XII . How Corn comes to be changed into Bread , and afterward into Blood. The Grains of VVheat , being ground in a Mill or otherwise , is turned into Flower , which being mingled with water is kneaded into Dough , and afterwards being baked in the Oven , becomes Bread ; which after it hath been chewed in the Mouth , and let down into the Stomach , is there by means of an Acid penetrating moisture turned into Chyle , and afterwards into Blood. The Cause of which several Mutations is only to be attributed to Motion , by means whereof almost all alterations , that happen to Bodies are effected , and all that diversity is produced , which we see in Heaven and Earth . For we are not to imagin , that any new thing is acquired in the Generation of Things , nor any thing lost in their Corruption , that was before in them , besides only a new Connexion of Parts , and a different Mode of Existence . So that when the Grains of Corn are changed into Flower , afterwards into Bread , and lastly into Chyle and Blood ; there is nothing in all this progress of changes , but local motion ; tho' the Species it self may seem to be changed , as Ovid appositly describes the same in the XV. Book of his Metamorph. All alter , nothing finally decays ; Hither and thither still the Spirit strays : There 's nothing permanent , all ebb and flow ; Each Image form'd , doth wander to and fro : VVhat was before , is not ; what was not , is ; All in a moment change from that to this . But where there is no such change , either of the insensible or sensible parts , there no alteration can be brought about ; as appears in Gold , Quicksilver , Talk , and other Subjects , whose parts are so closely joined , as that they cannot by any force be separated ; or so altered , but that they may return to their former appearance again . XIII . How Vapours are said to turn to VVater . Nothing is more common with Philosophers , than that VVater is changed into Vapours , and Vapours again condensed into VVater . I know that the Peripateticks do not hold this change to be mutual , since they suppose in every Generation a new substantial form is acquired , and that the old one perisheth ; and therefore ARISTOTLE expresseth himself thus , in his 2 d Book of Generation , the last Chapter : VVhen Air is turned into VVater , and VVater into Air , that Air will be the same Kind , but not the same in Number . But this doth not seem probable at all , seeing that in these changes there may be restitution of the very same parts . For as an Engine or Machin , that consists of 100 or 200 parts , when it is taken to pl●ces , can by a Skilful Artist be put together again such as it was before : So in like manner may water return again to its former subsistence and appearance , by the coming together again of the particles , which had been dissolved into vapour ? Who will say that a drop of water , which riseth up in a vapour to the head of the Alembick , and there is turned into water again , is not numerically the same ; seeing that all its parts may be again united , and take up the same Figure and place they had before . All the difference therefore that there is betwixt water and vapour , depends only on the motion and figure of its parts , because the parts of vapour are more agitated , and are at a greater distance from each other , than the parts of water , whose motion is less , and which takes up a lesser space . XIV . The change of Bodies depends on the Transposition of their Parts . Thus we see that VVood , by a multifarious transposition of its parts is changed into Flame and Soot , and lastly into Ashes . Thus Vegetables , when they are putrified , turn into dust , or a slimy substance . Neither can we imagin any other way whereby Mites are bread in Cheeses , but that Flies or other Insects do lay their Eggs in them , which afterwards become dilated , and undergo various changes as to their figure , situation , &c. CHAP. V. Of the Heaven , or most subtil Aether . I. Why the Heaven is a most loose Body . THAT the Heaven is a most loose or rarefied Body , and consists of many most subtil parts , may be demonstrated from the Light of the Sun and the fixt Stars , which through the same is transmitted with unconceivable swiftness to an incredible distance . To which may be added the perpetual action of these Stars , and the excitation of Heat in these inferiour parts , by means whereof , tho' these particles had not been most subtil before , yet must they have necessarily become such , especially those which are higher , and nearer to the Lucid Bodies , as being more particularly the subjects of their Activity . II. What we are to understand by the word Heaven . For by the word Heaven , we are to understand nothing else but that immense Extension of the matter of the First and Second Element , which reacheth from the Star that is placed in the center of a Vortex , to the circumference of it . Thus the Vortex wherein we are , contains all that space in which the 7 Planets are whirl'd round ; the middle part whereof is most swiftly snatched about , and all the other parts still slower , as they are at a farther distance from the Center . III. What is the Cause of the Changes that are observed in the Planet Venus . It is evident that the Heavenly Bodies are no less changeable , than those that are upon the Earth , and that they alter their Figures and Colours ; as appears from those Phases or Changes that are observed in the Planet Venus , which differ but little from those of the Moon , and are much alike represented to the Eye . The Cause of these Changes is the motion of that Planet , which swiming in the fluid Heaven , makes its circumvolution about the Sun , and produceth new changes , according as it is carried above , below or sideways of the Sun. For seeing that the Planets shine with a borrowed Light they receive from the Sun ; they likewise represent several Faces to us , suitable to their position , with respect to the Sun , as whether in Conjunction with it , Opposition to it , or any other Aspect . IV. Whence it is that the Planet Venus appears sometimes greater , and at othertimes less . It is notorious , that Venus doth at some times appear 40 times bigger than at other times ; and that when she is biggest , she appears Crescent-wise , and Round when she is least . Which proves that Venus , when she appears round , is in her highest station ; and in her lowest , when she is seen like a Crescent . Which appearances do sufficiently evince , that Venus , as well as Mercury do not run round the Earth , but are whirld about the Sun ; and consequently that our Earth is placed between Venus and Mars . V. The Come's pass from one Heaven into another The Comets run through several Regions of Heaven , and are moved so swiftly , that within a few days they quite vanish from our Eyes . For they are found to pass through vast spaces beyond the Sun , and to run from one Heaven into another . This Motion of the Comets is a strong and convincing proof of the fluidity of the Heavens , which we have demonstrated in our Institution of Philosophy , without which there could be no passage of Bodies through them . For how could the Stars or Comets move from one place to another , if they were surrounded with a Solid Body ? The Comets therefore are swiftly moved through the Heavenly Spaces , because the Heaven is like our Air , tho' much more pure , which with the greatest ease yields to Solid Bodies , and makes way for them . But of the Comets more hereafter . VI. The Bodies in Heaven , that are once moved , do always continue their Course The Bodies that are moved in the Heaven , do pass every way without stop , and move with such a force , that they run through all spaces with an equal swiftness ; the contrary to which we find in our Air ; where the Birds cannot fly without wearying themselves , because of the opposition it makes to their motion . GASSENDUS , to avoid this difficulty , supposed empty spaces in the Heavens , to which he attributes the swift motion of the Stars , as supposing them void of all Matter , excepting only the Beams of the Sun and Stars which pass through them . He also supposeth that the Stars , how bulky soever they may be , have no ponderosity , and consequently that they do not stand in need of any Medium to support them ; as Birds stand in need of the Air , and Fishes of the Water to bear them up . But forasmuch as we have already confuted this Opinion of Gassendus , and proved that there can be no Vacuity in the World ; I shall only add one word , that in case a Vacuum be once admitted , there can no longer be any distance between those Bodies that are most remote from one another : Which is the same , as if one should say , that there is extended space in the World without extension ; and that there is that which is high and deep , without Heighth and Depth . The Reason therefore why some Stars do freely wander through the Heavens , and meet with no stop in their Course in the Heavens , is not because the Fluid Body , through which they are carried , doth not hinder their motion ; since it is a contradiction , that there should be any such Body in Nature ; but because the parts of this Liquid Substance , which are variously moved , without tending one way more than another , are determined by the subtil matter ; and complying with the motion thereof , are carried towards a certain Region of the Heavens . Not much unlike that which we observe in the other Scale of a Ballance ; which with the least impulse from without , is either raised or deprest . VII . Why the Heaven doth not hinder the motion of Bodies . For as the Particles of the Heavenly Matter are most subtil , so are they most apt to admit motion , or any determination of it : Partly because most of them are of a Spherical Figure ; and partly because the Motion , and the Resistance , which Bodies meet with in their motion , are proportionable to their Bulk : And therefore a weaker cause , and which is not endued with the greatest force , may easily suffice , either to push forwards these most subtil particles , or to determine their motion . VIII . Why the Heaven , when it is clear , appears of a Blue Colour . The Heaven , when it is free from Clouds , appears of a Blue Colour ; which Colour also is seen at the rising of the Sun , if before Day-break it was full spangled with Stars : For then , as well in the place where they shine , as where they become extinct by the Light of the Sun , every way this Blue Colour doth appear . This Adventitious Colour , is not so much to be attributed to the Heavenly Body it self , as to the Vapours and Exhalations which hang over us . For it is certain , that the Heaven fends forth no Light , and that indeed it would appear very dark to us , if there were not other intervening Bodies , which did reflect some Beams to us , or which sent back to our Eyes those Globuli of the 2 d Element , which the Sun or Stars have dasht against them . For since these Vapours are very loose , and are very much dilated , the Heavenly Globuli do not meet with particles enough , so as to be with equal swiftness moved round their own Centers , as in a straight Line ; and this is the Reason why the Heaven appears of a Blue Colour , as before hath been said . And it is for the same reason also , that the water of the Sea , where it is most clear and deep , shews of a Blueish , or Sea-green Colour . IX . Why the Heaven cannot be really of a Blue Colour But that the Heaven is not indeed ting'd with a Blue Colour , is evident from hence , because if it were so , all the Stars which we see through it , would appear to us of the same colour , as those things which are beheld through a colour'd Glass , seem to us of the same Colour as the Glass is . X. How it comes to pass that some new Stars do arise in the Heavens . Many Stars do appear in the Heavens , which were never seen there before ; according to what Astronomers tell us of the Star Mero●us or Electra ; which having appeared in the Heaven a long time before the Trojan War ▪ did afterwards vanish by degrees . TYCHO BRAHE ulso hath observed another , which shone for many years together in the Heaven , and afterwards disappeared . The Cause of these and other New Stars , is by Astronomers attributed to the Corruptibility of the Heavens . For whatsoever is generated in another , doth borrow the matter whereof it consists from the same , and takes its Rise from the Dissolution thereof . There being no greater Argument of the Corruptibility of any thing , than that many things are generated and corr●pted in it . But no● more particularly , there New Sta●s do arise , o● appear , when at any time the most subtil matter ▪ collected in the Center of its Vortex , having gispe●●ed its Spots , doth press the Globuli of the 2 d Element ▪ as before : Or when the matter of the fir●● Element , flowing in great abundance from a neighbouring vortex to the obscured Star , doth diffuse it self over the Spots that cover'd it , whereupon it shines forth again . CHAP. VI. Of the Sun. I. Why the Sun appears to move from East to West . THE Sun is observed daily to describe a Circle Parallel to the Aequator , from East to West . In order to the explication of which appearance , we are to suppose some things ●●t down in our Institution of Philosophy . 1 st . That the Heavenly Matter which surrounds the Sun , doth whirl continually round about it . 2 dly . That the Vortex of the Sun carries the Elementary Matter along with it . 3 dly . That the Circle which the Elementary Matter doth describe , is Excentrical . 4 thly . That the Axis of the said Circle is always Parallel to it self . 5 thly . That the said Axis inclines on the Plain of the Excentrick Circle , which the Earth describes . 6 thly . That the Elementary Mass doth turn round about its Center , at the same time that it whirls about the Sun. These things thus supposed , It is manifest that the Sun , and whatever else appears in the Heaven , must appear to us , as daily describing a Circle Parallel to the Aequator . For seeing that the Earth is turned about the Sun , the Sun also must appear to take the same course , and to describe a Circle ; which would be the same with the Aequator , in case the Axis of the Earth were Parallel to the Plain of the Excentrical Circle , which it describes about the Sun , but which necessarily differs from it , and which it intersects , by withdrawing from it 23 degrees and an half ; because the Axis of the Earth is just so much inclined upon the Plain of its Excentrical Center . The Earth therefore roling about its own Center , from West to East , within the space of 24 hours , the Sun , and whatsoever else we suppose to be immoveable in the World , must needs appear as if it were carried by a contrary motion from East to West . II. Why the Sun appears greater in some Signs than in others . The Sun appears greater to us , when in the Southern part of Heaven , than in the Northern . Because then the Earth is in its Perigaeum , or in that part of its Excentrical Center which is nearest to the Earth : And besides , the Sun must of necessity appear more days under the Southern Signs , than under the Northern ; because the Aequator cuts the Excentrick of the Earth into 2 unequal parts ; and that the Earth describes the greater half from the Day wherein the Sun doth appear to us under the beginning of the Rain , ●ill the day that he enters the Balance ; which is the reason that it makes more diurnal Revolutions in this half , than in the other . III. How the Sun is said to be hot . The chiefest and most common effect of the Sun , is Heat ; which it every way transmits to us . For wheresoever the Sun-beams come , they bring Heat along with them , and cause those effects , which we see the Flame daily produceth . And therefore PARMENIDES and HERACLITUS , as Stobaeus tells us , did believe the Heaven to be Fire , and that the Stars were so many flaming Torches placed in it ; by which the Light is conveyed to us , and from whence , as so many Fountains , the vigour and life of all things here below do proceed . Book . 2. Part. 3. Chap. ● G. 〈…〉 To the Right Honourable Edward Lord Radclyffe , Son and heyre of the Right Honourable Francis Earle of Darwentwater , Viscount Radclyffe & Langley , and Baron of Tindale &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated , by Richard Blome . They who follow ARISTOTLE , attribute this effect to the virtue of the Sun , and not to its substance , which they will not allow to be endued with a Fiery Nature , and that it is only virtually hot ; but not to the Touch. Like Ginger , or Spirit of Wine , which excite a heat in the Mouth and Stomach ; tho' it cannot be felt with the Hand . But how doth it appear to these Philosophers , that the Sun is only Eminently hot , and not Actually ? Were they ever so near it , as to touch it with their Hand ? Had not they much better attribute a Natural and Real heat to it , since they find it in all things to be like Fire ? There is nothing here on Earth that is more moveable than Flame , which by its great Activity and Mobility , dissolves all Bodies . Have not the Astronomers observ'd as much , who , with the assistance of an Helioscope , have seen the Sun in appearance of Gold boyling in a Furnace ; or like a Sea of Fire , with its waves rouling through and over one another ? And what else is Formal Heat , but the various Motion of the Parts of a Body , whilst they are diversly agitated and carried against one another ? Now that this happens in the Sun no Man will deny , but he who is ignorant of the Nature of it . And as to the Instance they alledge of Ginger and Spirit of Wine , that makes more for us , than for them ; seeing that they are not perceived to be hot , till the subtil Matter hath excited a motion in their parts , and separated them from each other . But the Particles of the Sun are in perpetual motion ; and tho' they do not make any Excursions beyond the Bounds wherein they are contained ; yet do they vary their situation , and are carried divers ways . IV. Why the Sun , at his Rising and Setting , doth commonly appear Red. The Sun commonly appears Red at his rising or setting . Because the Light at that time passeth through abundance of Nitrous Vapours , which make it subject to Refractions , much like those which a Prism is the cause of ; and we shall be easily persuaded to be of this Opinion , if we will take the pains to observe , that when we distil Saltpeter , in order to the making of Aqua-fortis , the Vapours which arise and circulate in the Recipient , do make a Candle , held on the other side of the Recipient , and viewed through those Steams , to appear very Red. And by the same Reason it is , that the Sun appears red to us , when we look upon it through a Glass , upon which we have put some Ink or Soot . V. Why the Sun is of a Spherical figure . The Sun appears round to the Eye , especially if it be assisted with a good Telescope , whose Concave-glass is tinged with some pale Colour , especially a Violet ; for then it doth not appear Round like a Dish , but Spherical . The Reason of this is , because the Matter of the first Element , which constitutes the Body of the Sun , doth endeavour every way to withdraw from its Center , and by an equal pressure pusheth forward the surrounding matter . For it is a Law of Nature , that Bodies which are circularly moved , withdraw , as much as they can , from the Center of the Circle they describe , and consequently leave those Round spaces , which are afterwards filled with the Subtil matter of the first Element . And forasmuch also as the Vortex , wherein the Sun is formed , is on every side pressed by the encompassing Vortexes ; and so is hindred from prosecuting its motion in a strait line ; therefore it must of necessity continue Round , and never attain any other figure . As appears in a Glass , which is formed of a Round figure , whilst the Air that is blown into it through a Pipe , doth equally press the parts of the Glass one way as much as another . VI. Why the Sun sometimes appears of an Elliptical figure . The Sun seems sometimes to be of an Elliptical figure , viz. about his setting . The Reason whereof is to be fetch'd from the Refraction of its Rays : For the Sun-beams are refracted in a thick Vapour about the Horizon , at a greater distance to the Right and Left hand , than upwards and downwards , as those that have skill in Dioptricks demonstrate , which it will be sufficient to have only mention'd here . For who doth not know that a Circle is changed into an Elliptical or Oval figure , by Reflexion , as in a a Cylindrical Glass , and by Projection upon a Plain obliquely oppos'd ; and also by Refraction . VII . The Sun always appears of the same bigness and figure . The Astronomers never observed any change in the Sun , but own it to consist of the same Bulk , and to enjoy the same force and virtue , as it had from the beginning . Which some alledge , as an Argument to prove , that it cannot be of a fiery Nature , because Fire always stands in need of Fewel to maintain it , upon the withdrawing whereof it becomes extinguish'd . Tho' the Sun be consider'd as a flame , and seems obnoxious to the same defects , as a Flame is ; yet cannot we conclude from thence , that it stands in need of fewel , as our fire doth . For , according to the Laws of Nature , Every Body always continues in the same state , till it be forced by a foreign Body . Whence it is evident , that Fire , being of a fluid and moveable Nature , is easily destroy'd and choaked by the Matter that doth surround it , and that consequently it stands in need of continual Fewel to support it , that as fast as any of its Matter vanisheth , other may be restored in the stead of it . But the case is not the same with the Sun , whose Ruin is not conspired by the parts of Heaven that are about it . But yet it doth stand in need of some aliment or fewel , which is no other than the same Matter of the first Element , which as it runs out by the Ecliptick , or those places which are most remote from the Poles of the Sun ; so new Matter enters again to the Sun , by the Poles , and recruits the defect of that which is gone away . Wherefore as a River is said ever to continue the same , as long as it is recruited by the continual succession of new Parts of water : So likewise the Sun , by this entrance of New matter , doth continue the same , and keeps the same bulk and figure . VIII . Why the Sun is felt more hot in the Torrid Zone , than elsewhere . Tho' the Sun causeth different Seasons over the whole World , and by his presence produceth Heat every where : Yet we find the contrary in the Torrid Zone ; where there is nothing else , but continual extream Heat , even when the Sun is most remote from it ; whereas it grows weaker , when the Sun is perpendicular to it : So that they who live between the Aequinoctial and the Tropicks , do begin their Summer about Christmass , and their Winter about the Feast of St. John Baptist : This difference of Seasons proceeds from the Sun it self , which hovering directly over the Heads of the Inhabitants of the Torrid Zone , doth raise up many Vapours to that height , that by their meeting with the cold Air , they are immediately turned into water , and consequently cause almost continual Rains , which do very much cool and refresh the Air : But when the Sun is no longer perpendicular to them , the Rain ceaseth , and the Air being deprived of its coolness , grows so hot , as scarcely is tolerable . IX . Why the Sun doth blacken some Men , and not the Fire . In some Parts of the World Men are colour'd black , as those who live in Guinea and Aethiopia : Which effect the Fire doth not produce , tho' it exert a greater force upon Bodies , than the Sun. And hence it is that those who make Glass , are rather of a pale , than a black Colour . The Reason whereof is , because Fire exerts its Force most upon the Blood and the Spirits , causing them to exhale ; which makes Men that labour much in the Fire to be of a pale and somewhat tawny Complexion : Whereas the more benign heat of the Sun only draws the Blood towards the outward parts of the Body , and does rather concoct it there , than cause it to evaporate . And therefore it is that the Ethiopians are indeed of a Fleshy habit of Body , but not so well and handsomly made , and generally have thick Hips , which shews that their moisture is shut up rather , than exhausted . X. Whence the Twilight , and the differences thereof do proceed . In the Morning before the Sun riseth , and in the Evening after its setting , we have the Twilights , which in some parts of the Earth are perpetual , and exclude the Nights Dominion . The Cause of these Twilights is , when the Sun-beams falling obliquely upon the surface of the Air and Atmosphere , become refracted towards the Earth , and entring the same , are reflected back again by the particles of Air and Vapour they meet with . These Twilights begin and end , when the Sun is 18 Degrees distant from the Horizon ; for if it sink lower , it makes Night . Whence it is evident , that in those Countries where the Sun in Summer time doth not sink 18 Degrees below the Horizon , there they enjoy a continual Twilight , and have no perfect Night . XI . Why the Sun appears sometimes , to be in the place where it is not . This Refraction of the Sun-beams , is the cause that the Stars , which are near to the Horizon , do seem to make a stop there , and to set , as it were , with some delay or reluctancy ; and accordingly towards Evening , reach the Lines that point out the Hours on Sun-Dials more slowly , and so make the Hours longer . As also that sometimes the Sun appears together with the Moon , at the time of its Eclipse , tho' it be necessary for the producing of an Eclipse , that the Moon be interpos'd between the Earth and the Sun. And that the Hollanders in Nova Zembla , after a continual Night of 3 Months , see the Sun above their Horizon , and at the very Meridian , 15 Days sooner than according to the position of the Sphere they ought to find him there . The Reason whereof is , because the Ray which is betwixt the Eye and that Point of the Atmosphere , wherein the Refraction is performed , is not terminated in the Sun , but somewhat above it : Which is the true cause , why the Sun appears higher than indeed it is . Thus the Virgins Ear of Corn , a very refulgent Star , appears to us to rise , when it is yet ●2 Minutes under our Horizon ; which we conclude from hence , because it seems to rise when the Lions Tail is 34 Degrees and 30 Minutes high , and in the same quarter in which that Star of the Lion then is . But the Lions Tail , and the Spike of the Virgin , are distant from each other 35 Degrees and 2 Minutes . XII . Why the Eclipse of the Sun always begins at the West side , and that of the Moon on the East . The Eclipse of the Sun always begins from the West , but that of the Moon from the East . The Reason is , because the Moon , by her motion towards the Earth , doth with her Eastern part enter upon the Western part of the Earths shadow , as well as of the Sun. And therefore it is that she , in her Eastern part , begins to be Eclipsed by the Western part of the Shadow : and the Sun on the contrary , on its Western part , because of the Eastern shadow of the Moon . And forasmuch as that which last suffers the Eclipse , doth last recover its Light , it always happens that the Eclipse of the Moon ends towards the West , and that of the Sun to the East . XIII . Why the Heat of the Sun is most vehement after the Summer Solstice . It is observed , that the Heat is not so great at the Solstice , when the Sun darts his Rays more perpendicularly down upon us ; as some days after , when the Sun begins to decline from our Hemisphere : The Reason is , because the Sun , in its approach to our Horizon , doth every day heat the Air with more direct and perpendicular Rays , and makes a longer stay above our Horizon , until the time of the Solstice . And since these direct Rays , together with this longer stay of the Sun , doth sensibly continue for some days ; and that continually like degrees of Heat are still added to the Heat that is already acquired , it cannot be otherwise , but that the Heat by this means must be much increased . So that the Heat cannot decrease till the Sun-beams do very sensibly deflect from their former Directness , and till the stay of the Sun above our Horizon , be considerably shorter . XIV . Why the Sun at his Rising and Setting , appears greater , than in the Meridian . The Sun , when it is nearest to the Horizon , appears greater , than when it is farther from it , towards the Meridian ; because there it is conceived to be highest . The Reason of this Deception must be fetch'd from the Refraction of the Rays ( according to the Opinion of almost all Philosophers ) in the Dewy Vapour , which inflexion of the Rays doth dilate the visive Angle , and thereby increase the Bulk of the Object . For seeing that the Vapour is but lifted up a little way above the Horizon , on the Plain whereof , notwithstanding it is far and wide extended , it so happens that more of the Solar Beams do meet on this and that side , than upwards , and consequently make the longer Diameter of the Sun , which is then seen to be parallel to the Plain of the Equator . But the Sun , when it is about the Meridian and Vertical to us , doth appear higher , because the Rays which proceed from the Sun , passing through Bodies of different Rarity or loosness of the Parts , viz. the Aether and the Air , are refracted towards a Perpendicular , and therefore reach the Eye through a great Refraction . And thus it comes to pass , that the Eye apprehends the Sun to be much higher than indeed it is : For the Eye , or rather the Mind of Man , doth measure the Greatness of the Object according to the Right Line , which last of all reacheth his Retina , or Net-like-Coat of his Eye . it happens also that the Ray which is understood to be continued from the Point of the Atmosphere , whence the Refraction is made to the Eye , is not terminated at the Sun ; but doth reach somewhat above him ; where the Mind takes occasion to apprehend him higher than indeed he is . It may also be said , that the Sun being near the Horizon , the Eye doth wink less , because of those Vapours which dull the Sun-beams , and therefore suffer the Apple of the Eye to be more dilated , than when the Sun being up on high , near the Meridian , there are few or no Vapours interposed between him and our Sight ; by which means , when the Apple of our Eye is fixt upon him , it becomes the more contracted . Now it is evident , that the Image introduced through the more dilated Apple of the Eye , doth produce a larger appearance of the Object , than when it enters through a contracted Apple of the Eye . Because probably in the former case it doth strike more of those little Nerves , whereof the Organ consists . Thus we find that the Moon appears less in the Day , than at Night : For in the Day-time the Hole of the Uvea is more narrow , and therefore the Rays that enter through it being nearer to the Axis , are not so much dispersed . XV. The Sun , about the time of its Rising and Setting , seems to tremble The Sun , at his Rising and Setting , seems to tremble , to whirl about its own Axis , and to leap , as it were , according to that of CLAUDIAN , in his 1 st Book of the Praises of Stilico : Then did Bright Titan's Horses lead a dance To th' following Stars . And hence it is , that that Story arose amongst the Common People , of the Sun 's Dancing on Easter-day in the Morning ; as believing , that all Created things do testifie their Joy on that Day , because of our Saviours Resurrection , and that the Sun in particular testifies the same by his Dancing at that time . Some there are , that attribute this effect to the Sun 's turning round , as if in so doing the Brim or Edges of it were really shaken , and so with a kind of Palpitation whirl'd round about his Axis : But this is found to be false , because the motion of the Sun about its own Center is insensible ; which Rotation therefore cannot be perceived , but after many repeated Observations . This seeming Trembling therefore is caused , by those Vapours that interpose between the Sun and our Eye , which being agitated by its heat , do represent a kind of Trembling motion ; and therefore the Beams that pass through them , do shake the Retina in such a manner , that the Sun appears to the Eye to leap and skip . In the very same manner as the Sun is seen to tremble on a Paper , or against a Wall , when the Smoak of a Candle doth intercept its Rays ; or like as a Stone , that rests at the bottom of the River , seems to tremble , because of the Stream or Current of Water that runs over it . XVI . Why Redness in the Sky , at the Sun rising , i● a sign of Rain ; and at his Setting , of Fair-weather . If the Heaven appears Red at Sun-rising , it doth presage Wind or Rain ; whereas at Sun-set , the same Redness doth promise Fair-weather . Redness , appearing in the Morning , fore-bodes Wind or Rain ; because this is a Sign , that seeing there are but a few Clouds in the East , the Sun may elevate many Vapours before Noon , and that those Mists which will produce the same , are already Rising . Whereas on the contrary , this Redness appearing in the Evening , portends Fair-weather ; because this shews , that there are none , or very few Clouds gather'd in the West ; and consequently , that Eastern-winds have the predominance , and that the Mists will be driven downwards during the Night-season . CHAP. VII . Of the Fixed Stars . I. How the Stars are moved from West to East . THe Fixed Stars , besides their motion from East to West in 24 Hours , have another from West to East , within Circles Parallel to the Ecliptick ; according to which Circle they move only 2 Degrees in the space of 200 Years , and finish the whole Round in 36000 Years . The Diurnal , or Daily Motion of the Stars , is evidently deduc'd from the Circumrotation of the Earth upon its own Axis ; and as to the other Motion , which they call Periodical , it will be sufficient to say , that the Earth , when it wheels every year about the Sun , doth not so exactly observe its Parallelism ; but that it doth , as it were , reel a little from it , by which means it comes to pass , that its Poles do answer to different parts of the Firmament , and that consequently its Poles , during the space of many Thousand years , describes a Circle from East to West . This being suppos'd , forasmuch as we conceive the Aequator of the Earth to correspond to different parts of the Heavens , it follows , that the Aequator of the Earth is changed after the same manner , and divides the Ecliptical at various Points , whose sequel is from East to West . And because the Longitude of the Fixt Stars , is taken from the common Section of the Aequator and the Ecliptick , it is necessary that the Stars , how fixt and immoveable soever they be , must every Hundred years appear , to have moved somewhat from the West to the East . II. The motion of the Fixt Stars , is irregular . Wherefore it is no wonder , if the motion of the Stars be irregular , and that the Astronomers , who followed HIPPARCHUS , discover'd , that their motion from West to East was so much increased , that the Longitude of every Star was augmented to 28 Degrees , beyond what it was observed to be at the time of our Saviour . Because probably this Reeling motion of the Earth , may have been more manifest in one Age , than in another . III. The Fixt Stars shine with a Light of their own . The Fixt Stars do twinkle , and dart their Beams from them , as the Sun doth , who shines with a Light of his own . The Reason whereof is , because the Fixt Stars are as so many Suns in their proper Vortexes , consisting of a most fluid Matter , which with the greatest swiftness is whirled about its own Center : Whence it is that they always press that Matter , which is continuously extended from the Stars to our Eyes , and thereby produce the Sense of Light. For if the Sun were placed amongst the Fixt Stars , he would not appear greater to us , than the very least of them : And on the other hand , if the Little Dog-Star , by Example , which is accounted the least of all the Fixt Stars , should be in the place of the Sun , there is no question to be made , but that he would be equal to the Sun , both in Bigness and Light. From whence we may gather , that the Sun hath not strength or force enough to lend his Light to the Stars , and that therefore we must conclude , that they must shine with their own proper Light , without borrowing it from any other Body : Tho' PLINY and METRODORUS were so much taken with the admiration of the Sun , that they thought him sufficient to illustrate the whole World. IV. Why the fixt Stars are conspicuous to us , and not the Comets , when they are out of our Heaven . Hence it is , that the Light of the Fixt Stars reacheth our Eyes , and not that of Comets , except only when they are within our Heaven ; because the fixt Stars having a Light of their own , do dart the same much more strongly , than the Comets can , who only reflect the Light to us , which they have borrowed from the Sun. And therefore cannot be seen by us , when they are too remote from our Heaven : For it is well known , that the greater the distance of any Body is , so much the less is the Angle under which it is seen by us . V. Why Stars are seen by us in those places where they are not . There are many Stars which are not seen by us in their Right places ; yea , sometimes it happens , that one and the same Star appears in different places . This proceeds from the Vortexes of those Stars that surround our Heaven : For their surfaces having several Corners , cannot be so aptly joyned , but that the Beams which proceed from them , must suffer divers Refractions . Whence it is , that when they are viewed from the Earth , they do not appear in those places , where indeed they are ; but as if they were in those places of the surface of our Vortex , through which those Beams pass , which come from them to the Earth . And seeing that those Places , since the time that they were first observed by Astronomers , are not found to have been changed , therefore the fixt Stars are said to keep the same situation or distance from each other , and to continue in the same station . Which gave occasion to MACROBIUS to say ; Behold the 7 Stars , which never scatter themselves from each other , no more than their Neighbours the Hyades , nor quit the station they have near to the Constellation of Orion . Neither do the Great and Less Bear desert their places ; nor the Serpent , that glides between them , ever change the Ring wherewith he winds himself round about them . VI. Why the Stars are only seen by Night . The fixt Stars are not perceived by us , save in the Night ; and in the Day time are inconspicuous to us . The Light of the fixt Stars cannot be seen in the Day time , because the Rays of the Sun are of greater force , than the Rays of the fixt Stars , so as to disable them from affecting our Eyes . And therefore it is that by how much the nearer the Eye is to the Sun , the less can it perceive the Light of the fixt Stars ▪ Because their Force becomes altogether weakned by the far more vigorous heat of the Sun ; according to that Rule which always takes place in the meeting of Bodies , viz. That those things , wh●se Force exceeds that of others , they obtain their effect . Tho' sometimes it may so happen , that Stars may in the Day time be seen by us , as , according to what Historians tell us , it hapned under the Empire of COMMODUS , when the Stars appeared for a whole Day , as if they had been fixed in the Air. The cause whereof I suppose to have been , because the Sun , at that time , being cover'd with Darkness , did give forth weak or almost no Rays at all , which being not sufficient to resist the Action of the Light of the fixt Stars , they consequently appear'd visibly to men . As we see that Persons let down into a dark and deep Pit , or Well , can thence see the Stars in the Day time . VII . The fixt Stars always appear in the same situation . The fixt Stars do always appear the same to us , and never increase or diminish their Bigness . Whence it is , that the Stars which pass over our Vertical Point in the Crab , are seen the same in Capricorn . The Reason is , because the Axis , about which the Earth whirls round every Day , doth always continue unchanged . Whence it is , that that Point which is Vertical to us , when the Earth is in the Crab , is as far from that which is over our Heads , when it is in Capricorn , as the one Tropick is from the other in the Great Orb. But forasmuch as all this distance , and the whole Great Orb , is but as a Point with regard to the Heavens , therefore also the Interval , that comes between the 2 Vertical Points , is also to be esteemed no other than a Point . VIII . How New Stars come to appear in the Heavens . New Stars do now and then arise in the Heavens , which some time after do vanish again : As that which appeared in the Swan , in 1600 , much about the Bigness of one of the third Magnitude ; and that other which appeared in Serpentarius , in 1604 , which was almost of the same bigness with Venus ; whereof the one continued for many years ; but the other disappeared , after having continued its station for one Year only . The Cause of the Rise of New Stars is , as was said before , the dissolution of Spots , wherewith sometimes the Body of a Star becomes so cover'd , that by their thickness , or hardness , they hinder it from shedding any of its Rays . When therefore it so happens that a Star becomes freed from those spots , by one means or other , then immediately a New Star appears to our Eyes , which it may be had not been seen for some hundred years before . Now the dissolution of those spots happens , when the Vortex that encompasseth the spots , doth with greater force press upon its Neighbouring Vortexes , than they push upon it : For then the said Vortex enlarging its own Borders , causeth the Matter of the first Element , which flows forth from the Eclipticks of other Vortexes , to run in greater abundance towards the obscure Star , where spreading it self over the spot that covers it , and making an impression on the Heavenly Globuli , it doth by this means conveigh the Action of the Light to our Eyes . IX . How comes it to pass that Stars vanish from our sight . And on the other hand we find , that sometimes Stars which have appeared many years , afterwards disappear . Thus formerly the Astronomers counted 7 Pleiades , whereas now 6 only of them are to be seen . Book . 2. Part. 3. Chap. 8. To the Right Honourable Elizabeth Countess Dowager of Winchelsea , Viscountess Maidston , and Baroness of East-well &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Ric : Blome . The Reason whereof is , because the spots about these Stars grow so thick and close , that they can no longer be dissipated or dispelled by the said Star , nor the Heavenly Globuli be push'd forwards . Because nothing doth more conduce to the preservation of a Vortex , and keeping it from being destroyed , than when the Star that is in the Center of it , is in a vigorous condition to push forwards the Globuli of the 2 d Element , and by that means hinders the neighbouring Vortexes from encroaching upon his Territories , and hurrying away of his Globuli . Thus the Star in Cassiopeia appeared in 1572 , and the other in the Breast of the Swan ; which being first discovered by KEPLER in 1602 , vanished in 1626 ; and after this was seen again by the Famous HEVELIUS in 1656 , of the same magnitude as it had before been observed by Kepler . About the beginning of the year 1660 , it appeared less than formerly ; and in 1661 , it disappeared again till the year 1666. Thus at the beginning of this Century , there was a Star observed in the Neck of the Whale , which presently after becoming extinct , appeared again in the year 1648 , till the Learned BULLIALDUS , had calculated the motion of it . For after a Circle of 333 days it appeared again . The same Reason must be given of that misty Star , which at sometimes is conspicuous in the Girdle of Andromeda . X. Why Stars do sometimes appear in the day-time . Stars are seen in the Day-time , either when the Sun suffers a total Eclipse , or when the Spectator beholds them from the bottom of a deep Well . For seeing that in these cases there is no reflexion of the Sun-beams , and that the Spectator is placed in nocturnal darkness ; the Apple of the Eye being by this means dilated , and the Optick Nerve free from the dazling splendor of the Sun , or at least being not comprest by it , the smallest Beams of the Stars are capable of affecting it , so as to make the Stars become sensible . XI . The Fixt Stars are sometimes changed into Comets , or Planets . The Stars are sometimes changed into Comets and Planets , and losing their own Light , only reflect that which they borrow from others . The Reason of this is deduced from what was said before . For when a Star is altogether covered with Spots , and hath lost all its force of pushing forwards the matter of the 2 d Element , it may easily be so prest upon by the neighbouring Vortexes , as to be swallowed up by one of his strong and vigorous Neighbours . And when the Vortex of the Star is thus swallowed , and the Star being wholly covered with Spots , and carried into another Vortex , it then either passeth farther , and is driven again from that Vortex , which first swallowed it , into another Vortex , and so becomes a Comet ; or because of its being less solid , doth descend lower , keeping a certain distance from the Star which possesseth the Center of that Voxtex , and thus becomes a Planet ; and continually wheeling about the said Star , doth reflect its Light ; and thus the Body which was Lucid and Fluid before , by the access of these Spots becomes hard and solid . CHAP. VIII . Of the Moon . I. VVhy the Moon hath always the same side turned towards the Earth . THE Moon hath always one and the same Face turned toward the Earth ; neither could ever any Telescope inform us , that its Body hath changed its former situation . The Reason is , because that part of the Moon which is furthest from the Earth is more solid , that is , contains more of the matter of the 3 d Element , and hath fewer pores that are filled with the matter of the 1 st and 2 d Element . For it is apparent , that solid Bodies do withdraw themselves further from the Center of the Vortex , in which they are , than those which are less close , and abound with more Pores . Because they have a greater force to continue their motion , and to abide in the state wherein they were put at first . As it is evident in Gold , Lead , and other metals , which do longer retain the impulse imprest upon them , than Wood or Stones of the same bulk and Figure . The Reason therefore why the same Face of the Moon is always turned towards us is , because that part of her which reflects Light from the Earth , is less solid , and doth contain less matter of the 3 d Element , and therefore requires a less space to move in . Now that that part of the Moon which faceth the Earth , is less solid than the other part , may be gathered from those Spots and Shades which appear up and down in it ; and which by letting in , and swallowing up the Sun-beams , produce darkness , and make an Opake Body . II. An Objection Answered . But there are some Philosophers that pretend , that the Moon is whirld about her own Axis , all the while that she is turning round about the Earth , within the time of about 29 days and an half ; because , say they , the Sun in a months time , enlightens all the parts of the Moon one after another . But it is an easie matter to make it appear , that the Moon will be enlightned in a months time in all its parts , tho' we should suppose it not to move at all about its own Axis , but only to be moved about the Earth . For Example , let T be the Body of the Earth , S the Sun , BCDE the Circle , which the Moon describes about the Earth in 29 days and an half ; and let the Moon be so placed in this Circle , as to be in Conjunction with the Sun at the point B , opposite to the point D , in her first quarter at the point C , and in the last quarter at the point E. This supposed , it is evident , that the Moon being at B , shall have her upper half 1 , 2 , 3 , enlightned ; and that being in her opposition to the Sun at D , her lower half 3 , 4 , 1 , will be so . That when she is at her first quarter at C , the half of her 2 , 3 , 4 , will be illuminated : And lastly , that when the Moon is in her last quarter at E , the half of her marked 4 , 1 , 2 , will receive the Rays of the Sun. Which makes it evident , that the Moon , in order to her being illuminated in all her parts , hath no need to turn round about her own Center , seeing that her running through the Circle wherewith she encompasseth the Earth , is alone sufficient for that purpose . III. The Moon from all parts reflects Beams to the Earth . The Moon diffuseth her light every way , and doth so reflect the same , as that the Rays do not unite in one point only , but are dispersedly reflected , and scattered every way . This proceeds from the Rugged Surface of the Sun , which dilates the Light it receives , and shews its Brightness to all that behold it . For Rough Bodies do consist of many Surfaces ; which are so disposed , as that some of them reflect their Beams this way , and others that way . But if the Moon , whom all Philosophers grant to be Spherical , were smooth and like a Convex Looking-Glass , not in all its parts thus polisht , but in one part only ; it would convey its Light to the Spectators Eye in one point only , as hath been before demonstrated . For certain it is , that an Opake Globe , having a polish'd surface , doth not reflect its Light , but as it were , from one point , as is manifest in Brass Globes , exactly polish'd , when they are exposed to the Sun. For tho' the whole Hemisphere were exposed to the Light of the Sun , yet would only the least part of the Moon , transmit the Light thereof to the Eye of a Spectator ; which because of the smallness of it , and its vast distance from that Star , must needs be extinguish'd , before it could arrive to his Eyes . IV. VVhilst the Sun shines , the compass of the Moon seems less than in the night-time . When the Sun shines , the Moon appears less than in the Night : which GASSENDUS assures us he had experienced by the help of a Telescope ; and found the Compass of the Moon , at full in the Night-times , to be 5 minutes bigger than her true Diameter . Which may also be confirmed by a more familiar Experiment , viz. by beholding the Moon when it begins first to appear at eventide , whilst the Sun is yet above the Horizon : for then its Crescent will appear so very slender , that it appears but like a Thred ; whereas when the Sun is wholly gone down , it grows broader and broader , as the darkness encreaseth . This encrease of the Light must not be ascribed to the Body of the Moon , as if it had Power of sending forth Beams from it self , and of dilating them in the Night-time ; but only because the Aether , or that Matter which is analogous to our Air , and encompasseth the Moon , is enlightned by the Sun-beams , which she reflects , and seems the same as the Body of the Moon : For being most intimately joined to the same , it is supposed to belong to the same Circle . But by making use of a Telescope , this false Light is easily discerned , for then that space , which is supposed to be illuminated , doth appear dark , and not at all touch'd by the Arc of the enlightned part . V. VVhy the Moon is not seen , whilst she is in Conjunction with the Sun. The Moon , when in Conjunction with the Sun , doth not shed any Light , neither can she be seen till she be 2 degrees distant from the Sun. And afterwards changeth her Faces , according to her different aspects to the Sun. This diversity of appearances is caused , for that the Moon doth borrow her Light from the Sun , and shines no otherwise than a Looking-Glass doth , which sends back the Beams that light upon it . Wherefore it is no wonder , if at the Conjunction , nothing of the illuminated part of the Moon be discerned by us , because then her whole enlightned half faceth the Sun , the other part being turned towards us . But during the following days , whilst she turns sideways , and hath a Sextile Aspect to the Sun , some part of her is perceived in the form of a thin Sickle or Crescent : But in the 7 th or 8 th day in her Quadrant Aspect , when she is one Quarter of the Zodiack distant from the Sun , the one half of her appears in sight . But whilst she is in the 3 d part of the Zodiack distant from the Sun , above one half of her Rim doth appear ; and on the 14 th or 15 th day , when the Moon is directly opposite to the Sun , her whole Face is turned to us . VI. VVhence the perpetual variety of the Motion of the Moon doth proceed . The Moons motion changeth every day , hour and moment : for she moves most swiftly at the Full and New ; and thence her swiftness decreaseth from the Full to the First Quarter , where she moves more slowly , and then her Motion encreaseth again till the New. The Reason of this perpetual variety is , because the concave or hollow surface of her Sphere is not round but oval : So that the Vortex of the Earth must of necessity move with unequal degrees of swiftness in its circumference : For every Fluid Body , passing through a narrower space , doth accelerate its motion , as we see in a River , when it runs through the Arches of a Bridge , whereby it becomes strained in its Current , and therefore is hastned in its motion , by the following water pressing upon it . Forasmuch therefore as an oval Figure hath one Diameter longer , and the other shorter , the Fluid Aether passing through the latter , where it is more straitned for Room , doth of necessity move more swiftly , than when it passeth through the longer Diameter , where it hath more Room ; and because in every part of an Oval Figure , there is a different wideness or capacity , there must needs follow a variety in the swiftness of motion through those spaces of different wideness ; and accordingly there must be a longer Oval Diameter betwixt the Quarters , and a shorter between the Full and New Moon , or thereabouts . VII . VVhy the distance of the Moon , from the Earth , is sometimes more , and at other times less . From what hath been said , we may easily be satisfied about the Reason of the variety of the Distance , Bulk and Brightness of the Moon ; because when the Moon is in her Quarters , near the longer Oval Diameters , she is at a greater distance from the Earth , than in the New or Full Moon , when she is near , or at her shorter Diameters ; and forasmuch as the magnitude and the light do grow or decrease equally with the distance , therefore the Swiftness , Distance , Bulk or Splendor must appear greater or less , not only about the four extream oval Points , but at all the other points of the Planetary Circle , according as the Capacity or Room betwixt the oval sides of the said Circle is greater or less . VIII . VVhence the Secundary Light of the Moon doth proceed . The Moon , whilst she is in an Eclipse , doth present an obscure light to our Eyes . It seems probable , that this Secondary Light proceeds from the Sun-beams , reflected from the Earth : If we speak of that ●ight which is seen in the New or Old Moon ; but that Light which appears in her , whilst she is Eclipsed , must be attributed to the Refraction of the said Beams , from the Air that surrounds the Earth . For seeing that the Sun doth continually dart his Beams against the Earth , they cannot be so admitted by it , but that they must rebound again from the Earth towards the Sun ; and because the Sun , when New and Old , is in that Region , she must needs receive the more Beams , as she is nearer to the Sun. And accordingly it is necessary that the Moon be enlightned with the said reflected Light , especially in that part of her , which is not directly illuminated by the Sun ; altogether in a like manner , as the Earth is enlightned by a light reflected from the Body of the Moon , in that part of her which is turned from the Sun. Now that this Secondary Light doth proceed also from the Refraction of the Air that surrounds the Earth , doth appear from hence , because the Globe of the Earth encompassed with its Atmosphere , doth project a Conical Shadow , whose length consists of about 250 Semidiameters of the Earth . And because the Sun-beams , horizontally falling upon the Atmosphere , are according to TYCHO's observation refracted at an Angle of 34 minutes ; and that they double this Angle in their passage from it , therefore consequently they are united in the Axis of the Shadow , and there are decussated or cross one another , and so pass away , and produce the Cone of a Shadow , whose top , or extremity is not above 43 Semidiameters of the Earth high , on this side the Decussation , or before they come to cross each other ; and beyond their Decussation an inverted Cone , which afterwards is confounded with the residue of the greater Cone . IX . Why the Moon is moved more swiftly than the Earth . The Moon ☽ which moves round in a peculiar Vortex ABCD , that compasseth the Earth T , is whirl'd as swiftly again about the Earth , as the Earth whirls round its own Axis . For the Moon runs round her own Circle ABCD , which 60 times exceeds the Circumference of the Earth T , in the time that the Earth only 30 times runs round its own Axis , by its Diurnal Motion . Tho' some boast themselves to have cleared this Phaenomenon , yet there seems no other reason assignable of it , but only the littleness of the Moon . For seeing that the Earth , as well as the Moon it self , is moved by the same Celestial Matter , no other cause can be imagined of this greater degree of swiftness in the Moon , than that she is less than the Earth . For this is the Rule of all moving Bodies , that whilst one is moved as swiftly again as another that is twice as big , there will be but just as much motion found in the less Body as in the greater . Now forasmuch as the swiftness of the motion of the Body of the Moon ☽ , and of the Earth T , is from the Celestial Matter , which is much the same about the Earth as about the Moon ; the Earth ought to whirl about as swift again , as it doth , in order to the running over its Cirtle 60 times in the same time that the Moon once runs through hers , ABCD , 60 times greater , but that its Bulk doth hinder it . X. Why the Moon appears greater at her Rising and Setting , than when she is elevated above the Horizon . When the Moon Riseth or Sets , she appears to us much greater , than when she is high raised above our Horizon . The Reason is , because when she is very high above our Horizon , there are no objects that interpose between her and our Eyes , whose magnitude is known by us ; that by comparing her with them , we might be able to judge of her Bulk : But when she is newly got above our Horizon , or is near Setting , we see betwixt her and our selves many Fields , the largeness whereof is in some part known to us , by which we know her to be farther from us , and consequently judge her to be greater . XI . The Moon moves swifter at the New and Full , than in other parts of her Circle The Moon doth not observe an equal tenor in running through her Circle : For when she is in Conjunction with , or in Opposition to the Sun , that is , at New and Full , she is more swiftly moved than in any other of her Aspects . The Cause of this Inequality of her Motion , is her particular Heaven ABCD , the Circumference whereof is not absolutely Spherical , but is somewhat Elliptical . For when the Globuli of the 2 d Element , which are comprehended within the Circumference ABCD , differ in motion and magnitude as well as solidity ; it must needs follow , that the more solid ones must more freely diffuse themselves towards A and C , than towards B and D , and so constitute an Oval or Elliptical Figure . And therefore it is that the Heavenly Matter is more slowly moved betwixt C and A , which is the larger part of that particular Heaven , than that which is betwixt B and D , which is the more narrow part . For it is consonant to Reason , that the Matter which carries the Planet , should flow more slowly in a broader space , and more swiftly in a narrower . As is evident in Rivers , whose Course is so much the swifter as their Channel becomes more narrow , and more slow where it widens . XII . Why the Moon is beheld under a greater Diameter at her Conjunction and Opposition . This Oval Figure of the Moons Circle also , is the Cause why the Moon at her Conjunction and Opposition is less distant from the Earth , than at her Quarters ; and consequently is seen under a greater Diameter at the time of her New and Full. XIII . How it comes to pass , that the Moon doth not fall down to the Earth . There is one difficulty still remaining , which is this : If the Moon , because of its littleness , be capable of a swifter motion ; how is it , that when she is carried about by the Heavenly matter that surrounds her , she doth not sink down towards the Earth ; and why , leaving her Circular motion when she is at C , she does not decline towards Z , rather than go to D , and then turn upwards again . We shall extricate our selves from this Difficulty , by considering that the Moon doth altogether follow the motion of the Celestial matter , tho' it have not all the degrees of swiftness which the said matter hath . For seeing that the Earth , and all the Celestial matter contained in the Vortex ABCD , is turned round about the Center T ; it follows , that the Moon which is whirl'd about the Celestial matter , must continue its motion towards the Center of the Earth T ; and that after it hath reached the point C , it dos not proceed towards Z , but goes towards D ; and that because the Heavenly matter drives it that way , and carries it along with it . XIV . Whether the Colours of the Moon be any certain Signs of the Weather . It is a common received opinion , that the Moon , as she appears under several Colours , presages changes of Weather : Which gave occasion to these Verses . The Pale Fac'd Moon , gives Rain ; When Red , 't will blow amain : But when she 's Fair and Clear , Like Weather will appear . But we must not imagine that this variety of Colour is in the Body of the Moon ; but in that exhalation or steam which is between the Eye and it . Hence it is , that when Rainy Clouds are interpos'd between our sight and the Moon , she appears of a Pale and Dusky Colour ; and again Red , when she is surrounded with many windy exhalations , and a moderate quantity of Vapour . It being a thing notorious that Colours are changed , according to the diversity of the medium through which they are transmitted . And accordingly when the Air is free from all manner of Exhalations , then the Moon appears fair and Clear. XV. Why Eclipses of the Moon do appear alike , to those that live in the same hemisphere , but not those of the Sun. An Eclipse of the Moon appears alike in Quantity , to all those who live in the same Hemisphere of the Earth , and have the Moon above their Horizon . Whereas a Solar Eclipse appears to some Inhabitants of the same Hemisphere , Partial ; to others , Total ; and to some again none at all . The Reason hereof is evident from what hath been delivered in my Institutions of Philosophy . For seeing that the Moon is destitute of any Light of her own , she must of necessity appear as much to some , as she is perceived of others deprived of Light. Whereas the Sun having an inborn Light of his own , and being only hidden by the Body of the Moon , which is interposed between the Sun and the Earth , and is less than either of them ; i● may so happen , that some part of the Earth appearing equal to the Sun , or bigger , may hide the whole Sun ; another the half of him ; another a greater or less part ; and another again no part at all . Thus that Eclipse which THALES is recorded to have observed about the Hellespont , was Total ; whereas at Alexandria in Egypt , it was only of 9 digits , with 3 fifths : Or as CLEOMEDES reports it , of 4 fifths of a Diameter . CHAP. IX . Of the Planets , Mercury , Venus , Jupiter , and Saturn . I. The Planets , Mercury and Venus , seem to move variously . MErcury and Venus appear sometimes to move from East to West ; and at othertimes the contrary way , from West to East . Forasmuch as the Earth is turn'd round about its Center from West to East , within the space of 24 hours , it follows that the Planets , Mercury and Venus must seem to move from East to West , and every day to describe a Circle Parallel to the Aequator . In like manner they must also trace a Circle about the Sun from West to East ; forasmuch as they are comprehended in the Heavenly matter , which carries the Earth that way . II. Why the foresaid Planets are more swiftly carried about the Sun , than the Earth . These 2 Planets are also more swiftly rolled about the Sun , than the Earth , which doth not finish its Circumvolution in less than a Year . The Reason is , because the Circles which Mercury and Venus run through , about the Sun , are lesser than that in which the Earth is carried ; and therefore it is necessary , that the true Circumvolutions of these 2 Planets be absolved in less than a years time . III. Why Mercury and Venus seem to move more slowly , than indeed they do . These 2 Planets seem to take up more time in their Circumvolution , than indeed they do . The Reason is , because if we fix the beginning of one of their Revolutions , when these Planets are placed betwixt the Sun and the Moon , this Period cannot be said to be finished , till they be come back to the same place again . Now forasmuch as the Earth it self hath changed its place , whilst those Planets run through their Circles , and at the end of their circumvolution is no more at the same place where it was at the beginning of it ; it follows that the appearing Period of every Planet , must of necessity comprehend , not only the whole Circumvolution it hath absolved ; but besides all that space to which the Earth hath past through during the time of the Planets Circumvolution . IV. Cassinus his Observations about the Planet Mercury . CASSINUS observes concerning the Planet Mercury , that the same is scarcely visible , because of his great nearness to the Sun , so as that it but very seldom gets free of his Rays . For he is not above 27 or 28 degrees distant from the Sun , and often turns back to the Sun again , by that time he is got 18 degrees from him , so that his greatest elongations , from the Sun , do not differ above 9 degrees from each other . The Circle of Mercuries Motion divides the Ecliptick ; and with it makes an Angle of 6 degrees ; so as that the line of Section , is not far from the Center of the Sun. The Northern Intersection , which some call the Node , is reduced to the 13 th degree of Scorpio : and these Nodes proceed one degree within the space of 40 years . Forasmuch therefore as Mercury doth not appear to us , but in his withdrawing from the Sun , he can scarcely be perceived with the help of a Telescope , in the form of a Globe or Round Body , but sometimes as if he were cut in 2 , as the Moon appears at her Quarters ; and sometimes more swell'd , and at others more deprest . And when at any time he is near the Horizon , or darkned with vapours , then nothing but his Bulk or Figure can be detected . However it is apparent that he receives his Light from the Sun , and is carried round him . V. Cassinus his Observations about the Planet Venus . Concerning the Planet Venus , the foresaid Cassinus hath observed ; first that this Planet is sometimes 40 degrees and an half distant from the Sun , that is , as far as the Moon at 4 days old is distant from him . Tho' sometimes it happens that she returns to the Sun , after a recess from him to 45 degrees ; so as that the furthest elongations of this Planet do not differ above 2 degrees . The Aphelium , or farthest distance of Venus from the Sun , is in the 2 d degree of Aquarius ; her Perihelium , or nearest approximation in the 2 d of Taurus : and these Points do continually move onwards towards the East , so as that within the space of 46 years , they proceed one degree . The foresaid famous man found that these 2 Planets moved about their own Centers . For when in the year 1666 , he had observed one part of Venus to be brighter than all the other parts of her Circumference , on the 14 th of October , 5 hours and 15 minutes after Noon ; and the year following on the 24 th day of April , about a quarter of an hour before Sun-set , had found the same bright part , near to the Line which separates the Lucid part of Venus from the Opake , and distant from her Southern Horn , above a quarter of the Diameter of Venus : and when after Sun-rising he had observed that the said Bright Part was further removed from the Southern Horn , from which it was distant the 3 d part of her Diameter ; he immediately concluded , that some kind of motion , at least , must be assigned to the Globe of Venus , tho' he dares not determine whether ▪ the same be a motion of Rotation , or of Libration only : Because Venus doth not present her self to her view but for a short time . But supposing that bright part , which he had so often seen , to have been always the same , he is not afraid to affirm that the said motion is finisht in about 23 hours ; after which the said bright part of Venus returns again to the same place . Book . 2. Part. 3. Chap. 9. I. Kip ▪ 〈◊〉 To Mr. Edward , Mr. Nicholas , M is . Ann , M is . Iane , and M is . Sarah Ieffreys , Sons and Daughters of the Worshipfull Ieffrey Ieffreys of the Priory in Brecknockshire and of the Citty of London Esq r , by Sarah his Wife . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . VI. Why Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn do unequally observe their Course . Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn , seem to roll about like other Planets , within the space of 24 Hours , from East to West about the Earth ; but not equally within the same term of Time. The Reason is , because the Circles they describe do include the Circle of the Earth , and because they , as well as the Earth , do swim in the Celestial matter ; and consequently must appear , as the other Planets , to turn from East to West , within the space of 24 Hours . And forasmuch as , according to the Law of Mechanicks , the Circles which Mars , Jupiter , and Saturn do describe , must be found under the Zodiack , and are greater than that which the Earth moves in , we shall easily apprehend , that they cannot finish their Circuit in so short a time as it doth . Accordingly we know , that Mars takes up 2 years in performing his Circumvolution , Jupiter 12 , and Saturn 30 ; for they being at a farther distance from the Sun , than the Earth , the Heavenly matter which carries them about , must take up the same time in absolving of its Course . VII . Cassinus , his Observations concerning Mars . CASSINUS also gathers from those spots , that obscure the Aspect of Mars , that this Planet moves about his own Center , in the space of 24 Hours and 40 Minutes , because these spots return to the same place , at the same distance of time . He observed in Mars one part more bright than all the rest , and always in the same situation ; tho' the other spots had their different places . Jupiter , when he is in Conjunction with the Sun , appears at a greater distance to us , than when he is in opposition to him ; insomuch that we see him almost bigger by one half , when he is oppos'd to the Sun , than when conjoyn'd with him . And Mars appears five-fold greater , when he is nearest to the Earth , than when he is at his furthest Elongation from it . VIII . The secondary Planets about Jupiter , first discover'd by Galilaeus . GALILAEUS , in the year 1610 , the 7 th of January , at the first Hour of the Night , discovered 4 less Planets about Jupiter , which like so many little Moons are whirl'd round him . Those of them which are nearest to Jupiter , move more swiftly , than those which are more remote . The Revolutions of which secondary Planets are thus calculated by SIMON MARIUS : The first and inmost of them takes up , D. 1 H. 18 M. 28 S. 30 The Second . D. 03 H. 13 M. 18 S. 0 The Third D. 7 H. 03 M. 56 S. 34 The Fourth . D. 16 H. 18 M. 09 S. 15 These Attendants of Jupiter , whenever they enter the Verge of his shadow , do suffer an Eclipse after the same manner , as the Moon doth when she dips in the shadow of the Earth , and are totally depriv'd of Light ; as being Opake Bodies , which borrow their Light from the Sun. The 3 first of these in every Revolution , produce 4 Eclipses ; the 1 st , when the Satelles enters into the Rim of Jupiter ; the 2 d , when the shadow of the Satelles doth darken the Rim of the said Planet ; the 3 d , when the upper part of Jupiter , at his Elongation from us ▪ doth hide the Satelles ▪ and the 4 th , when the Satelles dips in the shadow of Jupiter : So as that the first Satelles , within the space of 7 Days , doth effect 16 Eclipses ; the second , 8 ; the third , 4 ; so as that all of them together produce 28 Eclipses : The fourth , after that he hath reached the Nodes , doth make 4 Eclipses in 17 days ; but when near his bounds , he never suffers a defect of his Light , because his Latitude is so large , that he never touches the Rim of Jupiter , or reacheth his shadow . These Eclipses are of great use , in order to the determining of the Longitudes of Places . IX . The Satellites of Saturn , discover'd by Cassinus and Hugenius . Saturn hath also been found guarded by 3 Satellites : The first of these was discovered by CASSINUS , at Paris , in the Royal Observatory , in the Year 1672 ; and the same is remov'd from the Center of Saturn , 1 Diameter of the Ring , ( mention'd by the Author , Chap. 16. ) and 2 Thirds , and absolves his motion about the Planet in 12 Days , 4 Hours , and 27 Minutes . The second was long before detected by HUGENIUS , and is much more bright than the former ; and is distant from the Center of Saturn , 4 Diameters of the said Ring , and turns round him within the space of 16 Days and 23 Hours . The third was first observed by CASSINUS , in the year 1671 , towards the End of October , at his furthest digression from Saturn . But soon after he vanish'd out of sight , and did not appear again till the 15 th of December ; and presently after disappeared , until about the beginning of February 1673 , when he continued in sight for 13 Days together . X. What is the Cause of the variation of Light , which is observed in the last Satelles of Saturn . No other Reason seems assignable for this great variation of Light in this last Satelles , than that some part of his Body doth strongly reflect the Light , whereas the other cannot do so . According as we see it happens in the Globe of Earth , where that part which is cover'd with water , is not fit to reflect the Sun-beams ; whereas the other parts of it send them back every way . This Satelles therefore either i● rolled about his own Center , or else is carried about Saturn ▪ as the Moon is carried about the Earth . And therefore when that par● of him , which is like the Continent of our Earth is turned towards us , then we see him , and he vanisheth again from our ●ight , when that part which is of the Nature o● Sea , faceth the Earth . XI . Why Saturn appears under different figures . They who first observed Saturn with a short and imperfect Telescope , were astonished when they perceived him sometimes of an Oval figure , sometimes as having 3 Bodies , that is , with ● other added to the middlemost ; sometimes solitary and perfectly round . But when these unlook'd for Appearances had stirr'd up others to the viewing of this Planet , some making use of more exquisite Instruments , ●ound , that those which before were taken to be the Lateral Globes , were in the figure of Handles or Arms , that is , hollowed out and bent , so that joyned to the middle Globe , they constituted a figure not unlike a Weavers ▪ shuttle . But at last , by the use of the most absolute Telescopes , it was ●ound that this Planet hath a round Body , as all the rest ; but hath this peculiar , that it is encompas● , as it were , with a broad Ring , not much unlike the Brim of a Hat , when the Head i● out of it ; or that of a Dish , when the bottom or hollow is taken away . And therefore this ambient Body , which before was called the Handle or Arms of Saturn , was since called the Ring . In order to the explaining of this Appearance , we must represent to our selves this Planet , as a great Globe , resembling that of the Earth , and in which we conceive 2 Poles , an Equator , and a Torrid Zone ; and that round about the said Torrid Zone there is elevated an opake Matter , which fills the space of a considerable breadth , and is disposed in the figure of a Ring , resembling that broad Circle we call the Horizon . This being thus supposed , it is certain that we must of necessity see Saturn , according as he appears at A , when we view him from a place that is much higher than the Level of the Ring ; afterwards he must appear to us , as at B , or at C , when we behold him from a place where we are not so high as the said Level . And last of all he must appear altogether round to us , as at D , when we are so placed with respect to his Body , that if his Ring were continued , it would pass through our Eye ; for then the inconsiderableness of the Thickness it hath , by reason of its great distance , makes it altogether invisible . To which may be added , that probably we fail of seeing this Ring of Saturn , because this Planet passing over against some fixt Star , and having deprived us of the view of it by one of the Tops of the Oval G , in the Figure A , the said Star will afterwards be seen at the place E , where we see a kind of Blackness , which is nothing else but the defect of the Circle , and a part of the Heaven , which offers it self to our view , by that space which remains betwixt the said Ring and Body of Saturn . CHAP. X. Of the Spots about the Sun , and the fixt Stars . I. The Sun viewed through a Telescope , appears dark and shaded . THo' the Sun , to an unassisted Eye , appears bright , and to have an uniform Aspect ; yet when we make use of a Telescope , with 2 Convex-Glasses in the figure of Lentils , it doth represent such a vast variety of bright and shaded Bodies , as if it were nothing but a continued Checker-work . This various mixture in the Body of the Sun , is not caused by the foresaid Glasses , as some have feigned , supposing that they , by reason of their Impurity , might represent shadows to our Eyes : Because when those Glasses are turn'd round , the Solar spots are not turned round with them , but keep their former situation : And moreover those of these spots which one day are seen towards the East , in the following days move forwards and are seen towards the West . These spots therefore of the Sun , are generated from those striate Particles , which entring through its Poles do run towards the Center ; from whence , because of their irregular figures , which they have got by passing the Triangular spaces , they are expell'd , as not being able to comply with the motion of the subtil Matter , which whirls round in the Sun's Center , and are cast off like Scum from a boyling Liquor ▪ so that being endued with rugged and many Corner'd figures , and running round more slowly than those which wheel about with the Sun ; they become easily entangled and grow to a great bulk , which being contiguous to the Sun , and lying upon the face of it , do cover and involve it with Darkness . II. These Spots are Fumes proceeding from the Sun. It seems very probable , that as Steams do proceed from the Body of the Earth ; so likewise Fumes and Vapours do exhale from the Sun , and are dissipated again , like those that sublime from the Earth . For tho' the whole Sun , at some time may be altogether free from any spots ; yet is he frequently so beset with them , that GASSENDUS hath observed no less than 40 of them ; yea , they sometimes increase to that bulk , as to be visible without a Telescope ; which hapned not only at the time of CHARLEMAIN , but also of late years , when KEPLER took one of those spots to be the Planet of Mercury . III. Why sometimes the outward parts of these Spots be bright and shining , and the middle parts dark . The Out-parts of the Spots are sometimes bright , and represent several Colours ; when in the mean time their Middle parts continue still opake . This proceeds from the Matter of the Sun that surrounds these spots ; for tho' probably all of them may at the beginning be of the same thickness , and equally resist the Light ; yet it may so happen , that afterwards they may be more extenuated in the Circumference , than in the midst ; and by this means the Sun-beams being refracted through these thin brims of the spots , do exhibit several Colours ; whilst all this while , the middle of them continues opake and impervious to the Solar Rays . Because the most subtil Matter , which is predominant in the Sun , and in every fixt Star , hath not force enough to transmit its own Action , because its strength is broken by meeting with the soft parts of Matter : Or , if by chance the Heavenly Globuli , being whirl'd about by the force of the Matter of the first Element , endeavour to withdraw from the Center , and to communicate the Action of Light to our Eyes ; yet is not that impulse strong enough to affect the Sense , except it be accompanied with a continual pressure of the Sun and fixt Stars , such as may be sufficient to overcome this Reluctancy , and dispose it for the reception of the Action of Light. IV. The Spots of the Sun are more frequently perceived about the Ecliptick , than about the Poles . These Solar spots are more commonly discerned about the Ecliptick , than towards the Poles , according to the unanimous Assertion of most Astronomers ; some whereof have been so acurate in the description they have given of their progress , as to declare that these spots move about the Rim of the Sun , not in perfect parallel Lines to the Ecliptick , but with an inclination towards 3 Degrees and an half . The Cause of this Appearance is , that tho' the Particles , whereof these spots be composed , have Action enough , when they proceed from the Eclipticks of other Vortexes , to pass through the Poles of the Sun , and to be carried towards its Ecliptick ; yet when they are once mingled with the most subtil Matter of the Sun , not being able to comply with the most swift agitation thereof , are flung off towards the Heaven , where the motion is not so swift ; as before hath been said concerning the Scum. Now the Reason why they are rather expell'd towards the Ecliptick , than towards the Poles , is this , because the new Matter , which continually enters through the Poles of the Sun , thrusts out the striate Particles , and all others that are easily entangled together , and drives them upwards . For the better clearing of this , let us suppose 2 Rivers flowing from opposite Points , the one from A to S , and the other from B towards the same S ; and that their Streams meeting at S , and driving each other forward , make a deep Hole or Whirl-pool , d e f g ; where , after having performed several Circulations , they continue their Course towards M and Y. Besides , let us suppose that by this forceable meeting of these Streams , much Froth is produced , which swims on the top of the Vortex S , and follows the motion of the Water : We shall easily apprehend , that this Froth cannot tend to A or B , that is , towards the Poles ; but after having taken some compasses in the said Whirlpool , will take its Course towards M and Y , that is , towards the Ecliptick . V. The Spots of the Sun are sometimes changed into Torches , and Torches sometimes into Solar spots . The Spots of the Sun are sometimes changed into Torches ; and those Parts which before were dark and misty , appear bright and shining : And , on the contrary , these Torches are sometimes turned into Spots . The cause of this Change is the Ebullition of the Sun , whereby it continually casts out some of its parts , and soon after swallows , or takes them in again . For Spots are turned into Torches , when the Solar matter , which flows about them , is raised above their Rims , and by exerting its force upon them , does produce that Action , which reaching our Eyes , produceth that which we call Light. For seeing that the Matter of the Sun is intercepted between the spots themselves , and the surface of the Neighbouring Heaven , the swiftness of the motion is increased , because of the narrowness of the Space ; which therefore must render the Light of the Sun more intense . As we find by Experience in Rivers , whose swiftness is increased , and becomes more strong , the narrower the Channel is , or when straitned by great Stones . But Torches are changed into Spots , and those which before were the more bright parts of the Sun become darkned , when that more subtil Matter , which lay upon their surfaces , is swallowed up by the Sun , into the room whereof , when abundance of New matter comes , whose particles cling together , they produce a close and dark Body . VI. What the Reason is , why the Sun hath for some days been without Light. Histories assure us , that the Light of the Sun hath been frequently intercepted to that degree , that his Light did not much exceed that of the Moon . Yea , what is more , Histories tell us , that in PLINY's time , the Sun for 12 Days together was not to be found ; and that when CONSTANTINE had his Eyes put out , it did not shine for 17 Days together , and that Darkness cover'd the Earth all that while . I suppose , that no more proper Cause can be assign'd for this Obnubilation , than the Spots which at these several times did beset the surface of the Sun , and hinder the diffusion of his Light. For tho' these spots , at their first Gathering , be very soft and loose Bodies , which are able to break the force of the most subtil matter ; yet the Matter of the Suns Substance , continually beating against them , makes them smooth and hard , whilst the other part of them , which is turned towards the Heaven , still continues soft and loose , as before . And therefore they cannot without difficulty be dissolved , because the Matter of the Sun doth continually rush against the inside surface of them ; but rather increase continually , as long as these their Edges , which are raised above the surface of the Sun , are not made hard by the constant pushing of the said Matter . And therefore whenever this happens , it cannot seem strange , that one and the same spot should so spread it self over the surface of the Sun , as to intercept the Light of it , not only for many Days , but also for some Months . VII . How these Spots come to appear of divers figures . These Spots sometimes appear of an Oval , and sometimes of some other figure , when they move in the utmost Circumference of the Suns Body . The Reason is , because there they must needs appear less , when their Illuminated part is invisible to us , and the lesser dark part is only perceived by us ; but the more they approach towards the middle of the Sun 's Round , and in a right Line to our Eye , so much the greater and rounder do they appear to us . Another Reason also of their different Appearance , may be the various Configuration and Disposition they have amongst themselves , as when some of them happen to meet in the same Line of our Sight , and by this means do in part hide one another , for then they appear of a kind of Oval figure . And forasmuch as many of them do frequently thus meet together , and are afterwards separated again ; it so happens , that some of them seem to us to be generated , and others again to be destroy'd or vanish ; which then comes to pass , when spots of different Magnitudes and Distance ( some of them moving more swiftly , and others more slowly ) do hide one another ; and when some of the lesser of them , and that are nearer to the Sun , are by degrees Eclipsed , and afterwards again uncover'd , and so appear , as before . CHAP. XI . Of Spots that appear in the Orb of the Moon . I. Of the Perpetual and Temporary Spots in the Moon . THere be 2 sorts of Spots perceiv'd in the Moon , some are perpetual , and which from the beginning have appeared in it , as proceeding from the make and disposition of her Parts : And others Temporary , which only are about the surface of her Body , and after a short time vanish and disappear again . The Perpetual spots , do always appear of the same dark and dusky Colour ; and which way soever they be posited , with respect to the Sun , do always retain the same degree of Obscurity , and are much darker than those spots that are temporary . This Phaenomenon proves , that there is a great affinity betwixt our Earth and the Lunar Globe , and that like Bodies are found in them both . For we cannot imagine these constant or perpetual spots to be any thing else , but Seas which are diffused over the Body of it . For it is evident , that the Light reflected from Water , is much weaker than that which is reflected from the Earth , or any other solid matter ; as we may see in our Sea , which doth not appear of a white , but of blewish , or Sea-green Colour . We observe also , that white things , when moistned , do become more obscure , and draw towards a black Colour . Let but some Water be spilt upon a Floor ( to make use of GALILAEUS his Example ) and presently the moistned Bricks will appear of a darker Colour than the rest , because the water filling their pores , makes their surfaces plain and even ; which consequently do unite the Rays , and direct them to one Point only . And seeing that fewer Rays are reflected from a Convex surface , than from one that is plain , the Light which from the Moon can be reflected to our Eyes , must be so inconsiderable in quantity and strength , as not to be so much as one 14000 th part of her Diameter . II. What the Reason is of those bright parts which sometimes appear in the Moon . The Moon has some parts which are much brighter than the rest , and which do so strongly affect our Sight , as that they seem to be very distant from one another . Whence GASSENDUS tells us , that about the 3d or 4th day after the New Moon , we may for the most part observe , beyond the lower point of her Body , at the distance of about a 27th part of her Circumference , a certain bright Point , and sometimes also a 2d and a 3d , at a greater distance , whilst the Intervals betwixt them continue still in obscurity . These Appearances give us good ground to conclude , that there be Mountains in the Moon , seeing that with the assistance of a Telescope , the Ridges of several of them are perceived very bright , which cast a most thick shadow , and that greater or less , according as those Eminencies are more or less distant from the Confines , which separate the enlightned part of the Moon from the dark . For it is observed , that these shadows decrease , according as the Illumination is increased , until that they do altogether vanish away upon the diffusion of the Light over the whole Hemisphere . And after that the Lunar Beams are come to the other Hemisphere , the same Ridges or Tops of Mountains do appear again , and cast their shadows , but towards an opposite Point . Which Appearances afford us an incontestable Proof , that the Moon hath her Mountains , as well as our Earth , whose Tops are illustrated by the Sun , and shed a great Light , whilst in the mean time her lower and more deprest parts , continue obsc●●e and dusky . III. Whence proceeds that appearance of a Face , which is seen in the Moon . About the 6 th day of the Moon , towards the Western part of it , there appears the Face of a Man , with a broad Fore-head , a crooked Nose , a wide Mouth , and Eyes deep sunk . This Appearance is caused by several Spots , that are deprest between the foresaid Prominences . For seeing that the Mountains in the Moon , do far exceed ours in height , they accordingly project great shadows , which renders their Intervals dark and obscure , and makes them look like spots residing in those places . This we find by Experience in the Mountainous parts of the Earth , which are thick set with Trees , and therefore appear more dark than bare and open Fields ; because the Trees make a great shade , and hinder the Rays from proceeding further . Thus forasmuch as not only Rocks and Banks are discover'd in the Moon , but also very high Mountains ; the shadows which they cast , may be so ranged as to represent the Fore-head , Nose , Mouth , Eyes , and Lips of a Man , but very deformed : Seeing that it cannot be question'd , but that the even or plain parts of the Moon , which lye between the Mountains , are dark and reflect no Light at all towards us ; and that therefore the spots , which represent to us the parts of some deformed Countenance , do not proceed from the Tops of the Mountains , but must rather be attributed to their Intervals , between which the shadows are projected . IV. Why the Face of a Man , rather than any other figure , is perceived in the Moon . But if any one enquire further , how it comes to pass that when we behold the Moon , we seem to see the Face of a Man , with Eyes , Nose , Mouth , &c. when indeed there is no such thing there . To this I answer , that no other Reason can be assign'd for this Appearance , save only that the Footsteps or Traces of a human Countenance , are so deeply imprest in our Brain , from our frequent , and almost continual beholding of the Faces of Men ; that the Animal spirits , which have their Rendevous in the Brain , not being able to penetrate the other parts of it , because of their Resistance , are easily turned aside , by the direct Light of the Moon imprest upon them , and made to betake themselves to those Traces , to which the Idea's of a human Face are linked by Nature . And tho' others seem to behold in the Moon , a Man standing , or any other Appearance , this is only to be attributed to their Imagination , which having been strongly imprest by such like Objects , have some Traces left in it , which are easily open'd again , by any thing that hath the least resemblance with them . V. Why the Moon increasing , appears with Teeth like a Saw. The Moon increasing , being look'd upon through a Telescope , doth appear rugged and , as it were , with Teeth like a Saw ; as if in the very confines of the Luminous part of it , there were some rugged and uneven Bodies , that did terminate that part of its surface . The Reason is , because the Sun being then newly risen , and only darting his Rays side-ways , doth cast shadows towards the opposite part . And because this Section of the shadow is very unequal , because of the great variety and multiplicity of the Mountains against which the Solar Rays are reflected , the Face of the Moon must needs appear uneven and jagged . VI. Why the Moon at the Full doth appear bright all over . No spots or shadows are discerned in the Moon , when she is at the Full ; yea , those very parts which appear'd very black at the time of her Conjunction , do at the Full Moon appear most bright and refulgent . The Reason is , because all the parts the Moon then discovers to us , are illuminated by the Sun , who being directly opposite to her , doth enlighten all her most abstruse parts : Or , if any of her parts , by reason of their bending downwards , continue unenlightned , the same are cover'd by some nearer Parts , which turned towards us and them , and so do not appear to us at that time . To which may be added , that those Intercals which before were shaded , do not only at the Full Moon receive the direct Rays of the Sun ; but also the Beams which are reflected from the sides of the Mountains , by which reflexion all the parts of the Moon cannot but appear white and refulgent to our Eyes . CHAP. XII . Of Comets . I. Comets run through several Regions of the Heavens . COmets observe no certain Tract in the Heavens , but perform their Courses sometimes through this , and sometimes through another part of them . For some do first appear at the Sun 's rising , others at his setting . The Comet which appeared in the Year 1585 , was almost directly opposite to the Sun , and wanted but little of receiving his Rays directly : Whereas another that appeared in 1607 , was first seen about the Bear , when the Sun was near the Winter Tropick . The Cause of these Appearances will be evident to us , if we consider that Comets , are Stars cover'd with spots , and swallowed up of other Vortexes . Now , forasmuch as they may happen to fall into any Quarter of the Heavens , accordingly they may sometimes pass through one , and at other times through another part of the Heaven ; neither is there any part through which they may not take their course at some time or other . The place therefore of the appearance of Comets , is very uncertain , seeing that they promiscuously may pass by the Stars of any Asterism . So that Comet which appeared in 1618 , did seem to come forth from the Rays of the Rising-Sun ; when as others have been seen to appear from under the Beams of the Setting-Sun . II. Why some Comets move towards the East , others towards the West . Comets seem to move every day , from East to West about the Earth ; because the Earth moves the quite contrary way . But yet forasmuch as their own proper motion is indeterminate , those which come from a Vortex , which is towards the East , supposing they can continue their motion , will move towards the West ; and those which proceed from a Vortex towards the West , must consequently move twards the East ; yet with this Circumstance , that when they have once taken their determination towards the East , or towards the West , their Course is every whit as exact as that of the Planets ; for after having 2 or 3 times calculated their Diurnal motion , it is easie to compose an Ephemerides of their whole Course , and to know as perfectly the degrees of their swiftness and slowness , as we know all the degrees of Heaven , through which they are to take their progress , and their various Configurations with the Stars . III. Why the Comets vanish at last . From what hath been said , may be gather'd the Reason why a Comet at first appears greater , and afterwards continually decreaseth , until its total disappearance : For seeing that Comets receive their Light from the Sun , after that they are past out of our Vortex , they can no longer appear to our Eyes . IV. The Time of the Continuance of Comets , is uncertain . Comets have no time prefixt to their motion : For sometimes many years pass without the appearance of any of them ; and at other times many are seen in one and the same year : As Historians tell us , that in the year 1618 , there appeared no less than 3 or 4. Forasmuch as Comets proceed from several Vortexes into ours , it is very difficult to determine , whether their Appearance be fortuitous and casual , or regulated and necessary : But howsoever it be , we are to consider it as fortuitous , because all the Observations that have be been made hitherto about this Matter , are not over exact . And if so be that Comets do never begin to appear in the Zodiack , it is without doubt , because the motion of our Vortex , which is very rapid in that part of it , makes their entrance that way more difficult , or , it it may be , altogether impossible . V. Why Comets do generally appear under the same Magnitude . Comets do generally appear under the same Magnitude , insomuch as that being beheld through a Telescope ( if we will believe the Assertions of some ) they do not appear greater , than when beheld without it . The Reason is , because they are so far from us , that one and the same Comet may be perceived at the same time by several Spectators , tho' at a vast distance from one another , and that without any Parallax . So that they are probably concluded to be in that vast Space which is supposed to be betwixt Saturn and the fixt Stars . For the Comets are such vast Bodies , and are moved with such extraordinary swiftness , that they stand in need of that immense Space for the performing of their Courses ; neither can any other places be assigned , wherein they can conveniently absolve them . VI. Comets being in the highest Heavens , cannot have any Parallax . But how can it be , may some say , That Comets being beheld by Spectators with a vast Tract of the Earth between them , should exhibit no Parallax or variation of Aspect ? This difficulty will be fully cleared by the Figure . For suppose we that some Luminous Body A , or F , placed in the lower part of Heaven , should be beheld by 2 Persons at a distance , D and B , at the same time ; then will the Luminous Body A , which is seen by the Spectator D , appear over against the Luminous Body E ; and the Luminous Body F , seen by the other , will appear over against the Luminous Body H. But the same Luminous Body A , when perceived by another Person at a distance B , will appear to him about the Luminous Body C. And the Luminous Body E , seen at the same time by the Person B , will be discover'd by him over against the Body G. And thus the Aspects of these 2 Bodies , A and F , according to their different situation , will produce a greater or less Parallax , as is C and E , or G and H. But if the Luminous Body be placed in the upper part of Heaven , about I ; it will appear to both Persons , at a distance from each other , in the same place , that is , over against the Luminous Body K. VII . Why the Comets do vanish after a few Months appearance . Comets , after a few Months or Days , do disappear and vanish . And therefore PLINY determines their longest appearance to 185 Days : Seeing that which was seen in Nero's time , and was lookt to be of the longest continuance of any other , was conspicuous only the time of 6 Months , tho' in all that time it scarce run through the one half of Heaven . The Reason whereof is , because Comets , by passing from one Vortex to another , are driven towards the Circumference of them , because of their solidity : And tho' they every where retain the same degree of Celerity ; yet because they have more Agitation , than to be stopt by the Matter of the Vortex , through which they pass , they slip into a Neighbouring Vortex , much like a Ship , which being carried contrary to the Stream of a River , doth in some degree comply with the motion of the River , but is at last driven to the Shoar . Thus a Comet Coursing it sometimes through this , and sometimes through another part of Heaven , doth continually keep it self at a distance from the Center of the Heaven , wandering only in the Circumference of it ; and so by this means it comes to leave our Heaven within a few Days or Months , and pass into others which are invisible to us . Wherefore , if we measure the Space which the Comets run through , we shall seldom perceive it to reach the half of a Circle , and that most frequently it doth not exceed the quarter of one . And if at any time it happens , that their Appearance is continued 4 Months , or longer , this is because they enter into our Vortex , near the Poles of it , where they find the Matter less agitated . VIII . Comets move much more slowly towards the End of their Course , than at the beginning of it . Comets about the beginning of their Appearance are most swiftly moved , and but slowly towards the end of it ; according to the account which Astronomers give us of that which appeared in 1572 ; which at the beginning of its motion , proceeded 5 Degrees every day , and towards the End thereof scarcely Half a Degree . The Reason hereof must be fetched from the distance of the Comets ; for tho' Comets by passing through the Extremities or utmost parts of the Vortexes , do always keep the same degree of swiftness ; yet because at first they have run a good way of their Course before we see them , by reason of the Matter they bring along with them , which too much refracts the Rays of Light ; and then do by little and little move towards other Vortexes , and withdraw from our sight , therefore their Courses appear more slow towards the end of them . After the same manner as when we see a Traveller , passing on his way with the same pace , as long as he is not at any considerable distance from us , we perceive no difference in his gate , until he be come to a greater distance , when he appears to us to move more slowly ; not because of his moving so indeed , but because of his greater distance from us . IX . The Motion of Comets appears swifter in the middle of their motion . Tho' Comets move more swiftly , when they first enter into any Vortex , than after that they have been there for some time ; yet is the midst of their Course swifter than any other parts of it ; because being then in their Perigaeum , or place nearest to the Earth , they are also in those parts of the Line they describe , which are nearest to the Earth : Whereas , when they are at the beginning or end of their Course , they are about those parts of the same Line , which are the most remote from us . To this we must add , that when a Comet at the same time is in his Perigaeum , and his opposition with the Sun , his motion must appear much more swift , because he is then nearer to us by the whole quantity of the Excentrick of the Earth . X. What is the Cause of the Tail and Beard of Comets . Comets commonly shed Hairs from them , especially on that side which is opposite to the Sun : But after a various manner ; for some drag a Tail after them , others have a long Beard , others represent a Rose , by having these Hairs scatter'd round them . This variety proceeds from the different Heavenly Globuli , that are found in our Heaven . For we suppose those that are near to the Center of our Vortex to be less , but that they increase by degrees , as they draw nearer to the Orb of Saturn ; which after they have once past , they are all of them equal , and whirl'd about with the same degree of swiftness . Forasmuch therefore as Comets are carried in the utmost parts of the Vortex , and borrow all the Light they reflect to us from the Sun , it follows , that those Beams of Light , which are communicated by the greater of those Globuli , by that time they come to the lesser , do not only pass according to Right Lines , by which , as being the chiefest , the Head of the Comet is seen by us , but are also refracted and dispersed side-ways . As if a Vessel should be so fill'd with Bullets , as that the great ones did lye upon the lesser , we shall find , that upon boring a Hole at the bottom of the Vessel , the greater Bullets lying at the top , must in their descent press upon more of the lesser , and drive them down to Right Lines . And the same thing is observed in Comets : For seeing that the Sun is much about in the midst between the Comet and the Earth , his Rays beating against the Comet , and scatter'd on every side of it , do produce the Hair of it : But when the Earth withdraws from the Right Line , which joyns the Centers of the Sun and a Comet , then the Beams of the Sun which are reflected towards us , do represent the Body or Head of the Comet ; and those which are diffused towards the Edges of it , do represent its Beard or Tail. Which are called by either of their Names , as they either go before , or follow the Body of it . XI . How Comets come to appear with Tails , Hair , or Beams like Roses . The Figure will fully clear this Point . Let the Sun be S , the Circle through which the Earth runs in a Years time , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , according to the order of the said Ciphers . The term or limit from whence the Globuli begin to grow less and less , DEFG , and the Comet in our Heaven C. It is apparent that the Rays of the Sun darted against this Comet , towards all the parts of the Circle DEFGH , are in such a manner reflected thence , that those that fall perpendicularly upon F , do most of them tend towards 3 ; but some of them are scatter'd this way and that way ; and those which fall obliquely upon G , do not only tend directly towards 4 ; but are in part refracted towards 3 : And lastly , that those which fall upon H , do not reach directly to the Circle of the Earth 2 3 4 5 , but being reflected , tend towards 4 and 5. Whence it is evident , that when the Earth is in the part 3 of her Orb , the Comet C will appear to those that view it from thence , with Hair scatter'd on all sides of it , which sort of Comets are commonly called Roses : For the Rays that come directly from the Comet C , to 3 , do represent the Head of it ; and the weaker , which proced from E and G , towards 3 , do afford the appearance of its Hair. But if the Earth be at 4 , then the same Comet will be perceived by the strait Rays CG 4 , and its Tail will appear directed only to one part , by the Rays that are reflected from H , and other places between G and H , towards 4. And in like manner , when the Earth is at 2 , the Comet will be perceived by means of the direct Rays CE 2 , and the Hair of it by the oblique Rays , which are plac'd between CE 2 , and CD 2. Neither will there be any difference , save that when the Spectator is placed at 2 , the Comet will appear in the Morning , with its Hair going before it , but to the Spectator placed at 4 , the Comet will appear in the Evening , with a Tail trailing after it . XII . Why none of these appearances are ever perceived in the Planets . The Reason why the Planets never appear with Tails , Beards , or Hair scattered round them like Comets , is because the particles of the 2 d Element , which encompasseth them , are not big enough to make Beams that enlarge and divide themselves into many others ; whereas those that are about the Comets , are always big enough for that purpose . XIII . Whether Comets presage future events . Comets are commonly look'd upon as the forerunners of great Calamities , and are supposed to presage Storms and Tempestuous Weather , Devastations , Famine , Wars , Death of Princes , Plague . Thus the Comet that appeared in VESPASIANS time , is said to have presaged his Death ; others the taking of Rome by ALARICUS ; the Murther of the Emperour MAURICE , and destruction of MAHOMET ; the Death of CHARLEMAIN ; the irruption of the TARTARS into Silesia , and the cutting off of the Inhabitants Ears . Such Stories as these are common amongst the vulgar , and believed also by many who think themselves much wiser than their Neighbours . But if we examine the matter , we shall find that the appearance of these Stars had no connexion at all with the things that hapned soon after their appearance . For if Comets be the signs of Wars , the death of Princes , &c. Why do these ever happen without the foregoing presages ? Why do Kings die , Famin and Plague prevail , when no Comets at all have discovered themselves to give warning of these accidents to the World ? True it is , that these events are sometimes ushered in by Comets , but more frequently happen without them . Moreover , seeing that Comets pass about the Earth , how is it that they foretell Overthrow and Destruction to some , Success and Victory to others ? Probably indeed we might be induced to own this power in Comets , if Kings only died when they appeared ; if they could distinguish between persons , or if they only aspect Great-Men . But since we always find the Funerals of Princes and Great-Men , accompanied with so many thousand of vulgar Exequies , have we not great reason to conclude , that they have no greater force or influence upon the former , than upon these latter ? XIV . The Affairs of Men are covered with great darkness . But some Body will say ; it is certain that these kind of Stars are sometimes sent by God to denounce some calamity or other to the World. Be it so , for I will not deny it ; but by what Argument can it be proved , that the appearance of a Comet is to denounce this or the other particular event , rather than another ? Has GOD ever by Revelation made known to us , that when a Comet moves towards the West , it denotes danger from things Foreign and without ; and when to the East , danger from within ? It is sure enough , that the Comets have no Power over us , and that it is only our Folly or Ignorance that makes us affraid of them . CHAP. XIII . Of the Productions of the Stars . I. How the Sun is said to be the Author of the works of Nature . IT hath hitherto been the common belief of most Men , that the Stars govern these inferiour things ; and by an universally diffused Virtue , preside over Human Affairs . Hence it is that they have attributed Heat to Mars , Cold to Mercury , Moisture to the Moon , as supposing their Dominion chiefly to consist in these qualities , and that they impart these to all their inferiour Subjects . Therefore it is that they call the Sun , the Parent of the Universe , and the Great Artificer of all Natural Works ; because they find that his presence imparts Life and Vigour to all Natural Things , as his absence , on the contrary , is the cause of their failing , wasting and Death . Some Fancy Influences in the Sun , by which he concurs to the production of all sublunary things . But would they diligently give heed to the Suns Action , they would find him to have no other but that of Illumination ; or if they meet with any other , that they are reducible to it , as to their original . For that the Sun doth heat , dry and burn Bodies , proceeds from this Act of Illumination , which produceth these various effects according to the different disposition of the Subjects . II. How the Sun may be said to be the Cause of moisture and cold . If any one say that Cold and Moisture , wherewith Bodies are affected , cannot be derived from the Sun. I Answer , That these also by accident do proceed from the Sun ; forasmuch as during his absence , the moisture is no more discust and extenuated , and therefore the Vapours , either by their abundance , or by supervening Cold , become condensed , and moisten . III. How the Sun produceth fair weather and tempestuous . The Sun is the Cause of the Tempestuous and Fair Weather ; and therefore when he is about the midst of Sagittary , upon the dissolution of those humours which before were bound up , and the Earth being watered with them , he produceth fruitful Western Winds : He stirs up the forces of the Pleiades and Hyades in Taurus ; those of the Kids towards the North ; those of his Neighbour Orion towards the South ; and of Arcturus over against him , which stir up Southern blasts , and for some days together , do moisten with Rains the sown Seeds . These and the like effects do not proceed from the Sun , as from a special Cause , but only as from a General , who diffusing his Rays every where , and promiscuously illuminating all Bodies , is not determined more to this effect , than to another . But if the Sun produce stormy Weather in one part of the Earth , and Fair in another , this is not so much to be attributed to him , as to the situation and disposition of the several parts of the Earth , which receiving his Beams after a different manner , are differently affected by them . For that we , for instance , have a pleasant Summer , and that our Antipodes , at the same time , suffer an unpleasant and sluggish Winter Season , doth depend on the Sun , who with a constant and even Course runs through the Zodiack , and uniformly diffuseth his heat . Who will say that the Sun is the Cause of Tempests and Fair Weather ; when at the same time , he is the same on this side , or beyond the Equator ? The reason therefore why the Sun doth more copiously impart his Light and Heat , when it is Summer with us , is to be imputed to the situation of the Earth , that we tread upon , and which makes the difference between us and the Antipodes , with whom it is Winter ; but not all to the Sun , to whom it is meerly accidentary , that they are cold , whilst we have heat , or who darts his Beams obliquely upon them , whilst he is perpendicular to us . IV. In what sense the Stars are said to be for Signs and Seasons Neither doth it contradict any thing that we have said , what the Scripture declares concerning the Sun , Moon and Stars , that they were to be for Signs and Seasons , and for Days and Years . Because these things are no otherwise signified by the Stars , than by the Swallows , who by their coming and going , do presage the Spring and Winter ; or as Rainbows , Lightning , Darkness and other changes of the Air , do indicate Showers , Thunder or Fair Weather . For as Swallows are not the Cause of the Spring , nor the Rainbow of Fair Weather , but only signs of either of them : So neither is the Dog-Star a cause of the great Heats we have at the latter end of Summer , but only a sign of the time wherein they happen . As shall be declared hereafter . V. Whether the Moon hath any Dominion ●ver Sublunary things . The Moon contributes very much to the changes we have here below , for she not only raiseth violent Winds , excites Storms , and reduceth condensed Vapours into Rain : but moreover doth make Seeds to grow , and ripens the Fruits of the Earth , and encreaseth or lesseneth moisture , according as she encreaseth , or is in the wane . Tho' all these things pass with the most of People for indubitable , yet we have good reason to affirm , that they are taken up without sufficient ground or reason ; because Storms are raised , Showers moisten the Earth , and Plants encrease and ripen , as well when she is opposite to the Sun , as when she is in her first , or last Quarter ; except we should say that she hath the power by the weak light she draws from the Sun , of moving or stirring those humours , which she is not able to discuss , and therefore is said to foment and encrease them . But let that virtue be what it will , sure it is that it cannot with any reason be ascribed to her , seeing that it belongs only to the Sun as a General Cause ; who by his Beams produceth all the vicissitudes of times and things , which we see here on Earth . Hence are those Rules of Astrologers , that Millet should be sown in April , whilst the Sun is in Taurus ; and Wheat in October , when the Sun riseth together with Scorpius , and when the Pleiades sink out of sight , as the same is elegantly described by Virgil , in the first Book of his Georgicks . And Millet then your Annual care awakes , When Taurus Golden-horns open the Year ; And Syrius leaves to other Stars the Sphear . But if for Wheat and stronger Corn , thy ground Thou exercise , and but a Crop propound ; First let the Eastern Pleiades go down , And the bright Star of Ariadnes Crown : Commit due Seed to Furrows then , and here Trust● Earth with hope of the ensuing year . Hence it is that the Poets call Orion , Stormy or Tempestuous ; the Vergiliae or Pleiades , Showery or Cloudy , because upon their appearance the Seas are troubled with Storms , and the Earth with Rainy and Cloudy Weather . I do not deny but that the Stars may be said to be the Signs of changes of weather and seasons ; but by no means the Causes of them , as if by their Influence and Activity Plants did grow , and attain their Maturity ; but only point out those times , wherein the Sun is more favourable to the growth of Corn , or when the Sea is most subject to Storms . VI. The Dog-star hath no virtue for the producing of Heat or Diseases . The Dog-star excites extream heats , and is sometimes so malignant , as to produce dangerous and Epidemical Diseases . But this event is to be resolved as the former ; for this intense Heat doth not proceed from the Dog-star , as if there were any virtue in him , to cause , and excite some extream hot Spirits , proper to inflame and destroy the healthful temper of mens Bodies : But because this Star doth arise at that time , when the Sun by his nearness to the Earth , doth very much dry up its moisture , and draw forth those exhalations , which infecting the Air first of all , do afterwards communicate the same corruption to Bodies . Hence it is that the Air at Rome is at that time counted very unwholsome , because the Country thereabouts abounds with may Caves and Holes , whence the Sun raiseth many exhalations that are very prejudicial to health . But it is evident , that these effects cannot be attributed to the Dog-star , because that Constellation , when the Heat is at the height , is not advancing towards our vertical point , but withdrawing towards that of our Antipodes , and therefore ought rather to affect them , than us . For this is common to all Stars and Constellations , that they affect most those parts of the Earth , on which they dart their more direct Rays . Which since it doth not happen in the Dog-star , and that our Antipodes , at that time , are opprest with Cold , when our Climate is scorcht with Heat ; we may safely conclude , that the Heats we are sensible of , at that time , do not proceed from the Dog-star , but that there is a quite different Principle to be assigned for our heat . VII . It is absurd to ascribe acute Diseases to the Dog-star . How absurd it is to attribute Acute Diseases to the Dog-star , is evident from hence , because whereas that Constellation about 2000 years since , did arise about 23 or 24 days after the Solstice , that is , about the 7 th of July , of our Style ; it is still supposed to rise at the same time ; whereas indeed the Dog-star doth not rise now till a month after , by reason of the motion of the Fixt Stars towards the East , according to the order of the Signs . And notwithstanding Acute Diseases , Fevers , &c. are commonly attributed to the former term , beginning at the 7 th day of July . But who can believe that those extream Heats , we are sensible of in July , will ever be translated to January ? When yet it is most certain , that after 10000 Years , if the World continue so long , the Dog-star will arise about that time . VIII . The Planets do not contribute to the Moisture or Drought of Sublunary Bodies . The Virtue and Efficacy of the Planets are proved by certain Experiments ; as that some of them influence Cold , others Heat ; some under such an Aspect communicate Moisture , and under another Drought . Whence is that of PLINY , When the Grass and Herbs are grown , and that they stand in need of more Moisture , whereby they may arrive to their full growth and perfection ; the Sun by entring the Constellation of Cancer , doth furnish and supply the same . This also , in a good Sense , may be said to be false and erroneous ; for seeing that all the Planets , act only by the light which they borrow from the Sun , and that they reflect nothing but it , there can no diversity of Effects be inferr'd from the variation of it . For all that can be gathered from their Conjunction with the Sun , is only this , that the Air is Hot in Summer , and Cold in Winter . But as to what Weather it will be the next Year , when the Sun shall enter this or the other House ; when the Dog-star shall arise ; or when Arcturus shall set ; whether the Winds will be boisterous ; whether we shall have a hot Summer , cannot with any certainty be known from any presage that can be taken from the Stars ; since it frequently happens that the very Seasons of the Year are confounded , so as that we have cold Summers , clear and mild Winters , a hot Spring , and Winter-like Autumns . For the World is not governed in such an exact and setled order , but that great alterations happen in the Seasons of it , and make it look as if it were governed by hap and chance . IX . The Stars have no Power over Sublunary things . Conclude we therefore , that no Stars , besides the Sun , who acts only by his Light and Heat , have any influence on things here below : And that therefore it is a vain thing for Astrologers to predict Wind or Rain from the Position or Aspects of the Moon , or from the same indication to prescribe the taking of a Potion , or Blood-letting , or to determine that it will be good or bad Sailing Weather ; that Trees are to be planted , Flowers and Herbs watered in the encrease of the Moon . From all which notions , I question not but men will be delivered , by considering their vanity , and that they are only grounded on such suppositions , the truth whereof can never be proved . CHAP. XIV . Of the Predictions of Astrologers . I. Whether Thales , by the help of Astrology , foretold the Dearth of Oyl . IT is a thing notorious , that THALES the Philosopher , was skilful in Astronomy and Astrology ; and that from this Knowledge of his , he was assured of a Dearth of Oyl , which came to pass accordingly . Tho' this be a Story , commonly avouched by Astrologers , to maintain the Glory of their Science , yet it may easily be made out , that he did not conjecture this from any Rules or Precepts of Astrology , but from his continual Study of Nature . For being a great Natural Philosopher , and being well acquainted with the virtue and efficacy of Water ( which he maintained to be the Principle of all things ) he could not be ignorant what Fruits stood in most need of moisture , and how much they were beholden to Rain for their growth and increase ; and in what season of the Year they thrive best . All these things he might easily know without the Precepts of Astrology , they being such , as no man , skill'd in Natural Philosophy , can be ignorant of . But if they will needs have it , that Thales foreknew this by his Skill in Astrology , why do not they do as much , who pretend to be so well vers'd in the said Art ? How comes it to pass that they are always poor , if they , by their Skill , have the same opportunities of enriching themselves which Thales had ? But the case is plain , that they themselves cannot trust the Truth of their own Principles , and are affraid of spoiling their Credit , by a too peremptory assertion of any thing that is built on them . II. Reasons that prove Judicial Astrology to be vain and false . And not without good Reason : For 1 st , They are not certain of the Nature and Virtue , even of those Stars that are most known . 2 dly . Because the Nature and Virtues of most of the Stars are utterly unknown to them ; which unknown Virtues may variously change and alter the operations and effects of those Stars that are known . 3 dly . Because they can give no Reason , why a Figure erected for a Childs Nativity , to guess at his Fate , Manners , &c. must be taken from the time of his Birth , rather than from that of his Conception . 4 thly . Forasmuch as the Aspects of the Stars are greatly changed in a small moment of time , by reason of the incredible swiftness of their motion ; how will any Mother or Midwife be able so exactly to determine the very just moment of the Childs Birth , so as to make the Astrologers Judgment true and certain , which cannot be pretended , except the exact point of time be given him . Besides , 5 thly . We find that those persons , who were born and conceived at the same moment of time , are found to have different Natures , Manners and Destinies : And that persons of both Sexes , of all Ages , and born under several Aspects of the Planets , and in different Countries , do perish at the same moment of time by Earthquakes , falling of Houses , taking of Cities or Shipwracks . 6 thly . I would demand of these Men that are for Influences , whether Discipline , Learning and Good Education , or Divine Providence it self have no influence upon the Manners of men , to oppose and countermine this force and efficacy of the Stars ? Probably it was for these , or the like reasons , that Astrologers , Magicians and Diviners , were by a most severe Edict of the Emperor Tiberius , banished out of Rome , and all Italy , according to the account Dion gives us , Lib. 57. III. Whence the Stars took their Names . Neither is it of any consideration in this case , that the Ancient Poets have put the names of Bears , Lions , Perseus , Hercules , &c. upon the Constellations ; forasmuch as this was not done by them , because they supposed them to have any particular influence upon Bears , Lions , &c. but only in commemoration of some strange and wonderful accidents , or to celebrate the memory of some of their Antient Heroes , and their Atchievements : In the same manner as GALILAEUS not long since , gave the name of the Medicaean Stars , to the secundary Planets by him discovered about Jupiter ; not because of any Medicinal Virtue he supposed to be in them , but in honour to the Great Duke of Tuscany , whose Name is de Medicis . IV. Many have had their Death foretold them by Astrologers , but without any certainty . Many have had the time of their death foretold to them : Thus SENECA makes mention of a certain person , who being told by an Astrologer , that his Death was at hand , went home , and 2 days after died . To which I answer , that this effect doth not prove the Truth of the Prediction ; for tho' a Prognostication be never so vain and ungrounded , yet it may strike such a fear into the person to whom it is declared , as may cause his Death to follow thereupon : For a person in this Case , finding himself altered and discomposed with the fright , he presently imagines , that this Illness is the sure forerunner runner of his Death , and so kills himself by the strength of his Imagination . How many have by this means hastned their own ends , and have died for fear of Death ? For it is not always the greatness of the Evil we suffer that troubles or torments us , but the conceit we have taken of it . Who doth not deride ARCHELAUS , who , according to what Seneca tells us of him , at the time when the Sun suffered an Eclipse , commanded his Palace to be shut up , and had is Sons Hair cut off ; which was never done but in sign and token of the extreamest Grief and Calamity ? Or who would not deride the superstition of the Thebans , who shouted , beat upon Brass Instruments , and rung Bells , to rescue the Moon , whom they supposed that some Witches were , by their Charms , about to pull down from her station in Heaven ? For people commonly are not so much troubled with things , as with the Opinions and Imaginations they have taken up concerning them . V. Various things seem to have been truly foretold by some Astrologers . But some will say , that at least it cannot be denied , but that P. Nigidius , the Astrologer , foretold to Augustus , that he should be Lord of the Earth , and the Successor of Julius Caesar . Scribonius declared concerning Tiberius , when he was yet an Infant , lying in his Cradle , that he should come to the Empire ; and after having overcome manifold difficulties , should be the Sovereign of the World. Largius Procilus determined the day of Domitians Death ; and Ascletarius fixt the manner of it ; who being thereupon demanded by the Emperour , whether he knew what kind of death he should die himself , answered that he should be torn to pieces by Dogs : Whereupon the Emperor to prove him a Lyar , and to expose the vanity and groundlesness of his Predictions , commanded him presently to be burnt ; which being put in Execution , as he was burning , a suddain storm of Rain falling , extinguish'd the Fire , whereupon the Dogs falling upon the half-burnt Body pulled it to pieces and devoured it . To all which I Answer , 1 st . That we have ground to question the Truth of many of these Relations ; not that I would make the veracity of all Historians doubtful , or suppose them to have inserted Lies , on set purpose into their Relations ; but because I conceive them to have been too apt to give credit to the Report and Talk of the Common People , especially about those Rumours that were spread abroad concerning the Birth or Death of their Kings and Emperors . 2 dly . It is a thing notorious beyond dispute , that many of them did by all means endeavour to please and flatter their Princes ; which they had no better way to do , than by inventing some things they knew would be grateful and acceptable to them ; as by shewing that they had been by GOD elected and appointed to the Government ; that they should be prosperous in their Reign , and enjoy long Life , and lasting felicity . But that I may not seem to be too injurious to Historians , let SENECA speak instead of me ; who living at the same time with them , was fully acquainted with their Manners and Temper . Neither , saith he , need we take much pains to invalidate the Authority of Ephorus : For , to say no more , he is an Historian : And how many are there of these , who hunt for praise , by relating of things strange and incredible ; and stir up their Readers Appetite ( who should they relate common and ordinary things only , would never think them worth the reading ) with some prodigy or miracle ? Some of them are credulous , others are negligent ; some of them are overtaken with Lies , others are pleased and delighted with them . Some do not take the care they ought , to avoid all falsities , and others desire them ; and this may be said in common of them all , who think their Work will never be approved of , or become Popular , except it have a sprinkling of Lies . And as for Ephorus , it is well enough known , that he is not a Writer of the most Religious Veracity , but that he is often deceived himself , and as oft deceives others . Indeed it may easily be proved , that many Historians , besides EPHORUS , have both deceived others , and been deceived themselves , in their Relations concerning Augustus . For seeing that Augustus could not be possest of the Empire , till after the Death of Caesar and Pompey , of whom the Chaldaeans had foretold , that they should die , not by violent Deaths , the one in the Senate , the other in Egypt , but in their own Houses , and full of Years and Glory ; how can we give credit to them , seeing they pronounce things contrary ? And whilst they stumble upon one Truth , pronounce many Lies , and are deceived in all the rest ? VI. How Ascletarion might foreknow Domitians Death . But they will further urge the instance of Ascletarion , who precisely told the manner of Domitians Death , and his own too ; Whence had he this , but from the Stars ? I will not here alledge the Opinion of several Authors , who have look'd upon this whole story of Ascletarion , as one of those Fables that run amongst the Vulgar . But shall only hint this one thing , that Ascletarion might foreknow the Death of Domitian , without any assistance from his skill in Astrology , and that by very certain and unerring signs . First . For that Tyrants are hated by all men , and that few of them die in their Beds . 2 dly . He knew that many did lie in wait for Domitian to kill him , and that he was every way surrounded with Enemies . But as to what he foretold of himself , that he should be torn to pieces by Dogs , this he could not foreknow , but by mear guessing at a venture ; and therefore it seems most probable , that this was only a fiction superadded by the Common People , to make the Story look more strange and wonderful ; seeing that the most skilfull Astrologers do not extend their Predictions beyond Death ; and therefore it is probable that Ascletarion supposed not that his dead Carkass should be devoured by Dogs , but that Domitian would have exposed it to be torn to pieces alive by Dogs , for a punishment of this Boldness , in foretelling his Death . And if so , it is apparent he was mistaken , and that the Predictions of Astrologers are vain and uncertain ; or if any thing they prognosticate comes to pass , it is only by chance and conjecture . Such were the foolish Prognostications of a certain Astrologer ▪ who from the condition of the weather on New-years-day , would determine the Fate and State of the whole following Year . But who is so sensless as to believe such stuff as this , or to amuse himself with groundless Conceits and Imaginations ? Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. ● G. Freman Inv. I. Kip S● The Fourth Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF EARTH , WATER , FIRE and AIR . CHAP. I. Of the Globe of Earth . I. Why the Earth , as containing the Water , is called a Terraqueous Globe . THE Earth , forasmuch as it contains in its Cavities the Waters , and together with them constitutes one Globe , is called the Terraqueous Globe . For when we take a Voyage by Sea , sailing in the Atlantick Ocean , and passing through the Magellan Straits , towards the South Sea , and so on to the East and Aethiopick Seas , we find that all these Seas are encompast with Shores. And in like manner , when we travel by Land , we shall find the Land bounded , on one side with the Atlantick and Aethiopick Seas , and on the other with the South Seas ; and again , this way with the Eastern and Arabian ; and that way with the Tartarian , Atlantick and Aethiopick Seas . II. The Earth is but a Point , compared with the vast extent of Heaven . Tho' the Earth be of that vast extent , that its compass is of about 7000 French Leagues ; or according to the later investigation of WILLOBRORDUS SNELLIUS , of 24624 Miles : Yet if we will believe Astronomers , it is no more than a Point , compared with the vast Circumference of Heaven . Neither is this Assertion of theirs without ground : For so great is the distance betwixt the Earth and the fixt Stars , that it cannot be certainly determined , as exceeding all Calculation ; and can scarcely be apprehended by our Imagination . The distance of the Planets may be discerned by their Parallax , or that variation of Aspect they afford to several Spectators in distant places ; but the Fixt Stars are at so prodigious a distance , that no Parallax is to be found in the beholding of them , and the Semidiameter of the Earth , with relation to them , is as nothing . So that if some one of us should be supposed to continue in the place of the Earth , whilst it was carried up towards Heaven ; there is no question , but at its first rising , it would shew like a vast Globe ; but as it mounted higher , would still decrease to our sight ; till being got up as high as Jupiter , it would appear no bigger than one of the lesser Stars ; and rising higher towards the Fixt Stars , would become invisible to us . And therefore the Earth which contains so many Seas , so many Kingdoms , so many Islands , yet is no more than a point , with respect to the Heavens . Yea , when compared to our Vortex , which hath the Sun in its Center , we shall find it so inconsiderable , that they who make Sundials , suppose the top of the Pins of them to be placed in the center of the Earth , whence they cast their shadows upon the surface of it ; as if the difference were so small , that it comes to the same thing , whether they cast their shadows from the Center , or the surface of it , the distance being so very inconsiderable in comparison to the Suns distance . III. How vain Men are , that make such pother and fighting about a silly point of Earth . This may give us an estimate of the folly of Men , who for one point of Earth , wage so many Bloody Wars , yea , for the 1000 th or 100000 th part of it . This forsooth , as PLINY saith , is the matter of our Glory . Here we enjoy our Honour ; here we exercise our Dominion ; here we have our Riches and Possessions ; here mankind continually Bustles , Toyls and Turmoyls it self ; here we wage Wars , and soak the Earth with one anothers Blood ; and our Swords destroy our own kind . But not to speak now of the publick feuds , and fury of whole Nations against each other : Here it is that we endeavour to lay one clod of Earth to anotherl ; and after having purchased all the poor pittances of our Neighbours about us , what a brave purchase have we made after all ? And what great Reason have we to boast in being Possessors of not so much as the thousand thousandth part of a point ? But this is to sing a Song to a Deaf-man ; return we therefore to our Earth . IV. How the Earth hangs pois'd in the Air , without any thing to support it . The Earth hangs in the midst of Heaven , without any Pillars to uphold it ; and , as if it were immoveable , doth ever keep the same distance from the Heavenly Orbs. This happens to the Earth , ●ot 〈…〉 Center of the Universe , as it is comm●nly su●posed , and that all the Celestial Orbs , are rolled about its Circumference : For should we grant this to be , yet would the difficulty still remain , why the Earth ▪ d●es not re●l from its pl●ce why it doth not e●ther mount upwards , o● fa● down . For if it be Heavy by Nature , how comes it to pass that it doth not rush downwards ? If it be Light , why does it not fly upwards ? Conclude we therefore , that the Earth doth hang pois'd in the mi●st of the A●r , by means o● the subtil matter , which cont●●u●lly whirls ro●nd 〈◊〉 and p●●reeth all the por●s o● it . For see●●g ●hat the Heavenly matter , which on all sides surrounds the Earth , is whirl'd about it with one and the same degree of Swiftness , which far exceeds that wherewith 〈◊〉 Eart● ●s moved ▪ it cann●t but hind●● 〈◊〉 from fa●●ing , or mounting highe● . For as ●ir●s are upheld by the Air from falling ; so the Earth and the Moon , wh●ch circ●●ate in th● same Vortex , are supported by the same Ma●ter that ca●●ies them along , and hindred from Reeling any way from their Centers . V. Why the Eart●● by its weight , doth not come nearer to the Sun. The Earth , notwithstanding its weight , yet is not driven to the Circumference of the Sun 's Vortex ; but being kept within its bounds by the Heavenly Globuli that surround it , continues at a certain distance , viz. in the midst , between Mars and Mercury , without passing any further . The Reason is , because the Planets , amongst which the Earth is , by reason of their different degrees of solidity , are more or less removed from the Center of their Vortex : So that Saturn , who is at the greatest distance from the Sun , is more solid than all the rest . And the Earth , tho' it seem to be a close and compact Body , yet is not of that solidity , as to sway it more towards the Circumference of its Vortex ; forasmuch as Mars , who is much less than the Earth , yet is also more solid , by reason of the closer entanglement of its parts . For tho' the Earth , as to its surface , be very compact and solid , yet with respect to its bulk , it may well be accounted light ; because the surface of it is not above 2 or 3 Mile in thickness , which is very inconsiderable , if compared to those vast Cavities it hides within its Bowels . And therefore as little Ships , such as have no great force , are easily kept in the River , and carried by its motion : So likewise the Earth , being fallen into the Vortex of the Sun , always keeps the same place , in which , by reason of its solidity it is ranged , and cannot be pusht any further towards the Circumference of the Sun 's Vortex . VI. The Magnetical virtue of the Earth , doth but weakly affect Iron . The Earth communicates a Magnetick force to Iron ; but the same is so weak , that it easily loseth it , and admits the contrary . Thus when we turn the End of a Bar of Iron , as yet not endued with any Magnetick virtue towards the Earth , immediately in that End which is inclin'd towards the Ground , it will obtain the force of the Southern Pole in these Northern parts , which in a moment it will lose again , and obtain the contrary ; if that End which was towards the Earth be turned upwards , and the other End inclined downwards . The Reason whereof is the weakness of the Magnetick ●or●● that is in the Earth : For seeing th●● the str●●t● Part●●les , which proceed from out of the Earth , do retur●●hi●●er again through the inner Crust o● its upper Region , whence the Metals are dug up , it so happens that very few , or none of them return through our Air ; those only ●●cepted , who do not find ▪ a Passage in the said i●●er Crust o●●● for them . Hence it i● th●● Load●●●nes , that h●v● fit pores f●● the reception of the said particles , have also a greater force to attract Iron ; because the striate Particles meet with pores in the Load-stone , which are ranged in like manner , as ●●e those of the in●er Crust of the Earth : Where●● , when they p●●s through the Air ▪ or throug● other Bodies of ●he outward Crust 〈◊〉 the Earth , where they find no such pores , they move wi●h more difficulty , and consequently also fewer of them come to us . VII . They who Travel from North to South , find the Northern parts to be withdrawn from their sights . Pe●son● that Travel from North to South , ●ind that the Northern parts of Heaven sink lower and lower , and by degrees withdraw from their sight ; but they who pass from So●●h to North , do find the Nor●●ern parts of Heaven to be ●●●sed higher ; so that after having Trav●lled 73 Italian miles in length , or 24 common French Leagues , the Northern Pole will be raised a Degree higher . This Experiment proves the Earth to be Round ; for if the Earth were plain , no such Change could be perceived . For tho' we should suppose a Man to be plac'd directly under the P●l● , yet would there be no change in the elev●●ion or height of the Pole ; for if he should wi●hdraw from it in a Right Line , the depression wi●● not be equal , nor after he hath Travelled onwards 73 Miles , would he find one Degree left behind , but the withdrawing will become still less and less , because of the continual decreasing of the Angle : So as that at last 73 Miles would scarcely make a depression of 1 minute of a Degree : Which is contrary to daily Experience . VIII . The Mountains do not hinder the Roundness of the Earth . The Roundness of the Earth is not hindred by those high Mountains that are found on the surface of it , many of which rise much higher than the Clouds , as Olympus , Athus , and the Peak of Teneriff . Because the Roundness that is attributed to the Earth is not Mathematical , as if the Lines drawn from the Center to its Circumference were all perfectly Equal ; but only Physical , that is , such a Roundness , as is suitable and convenient for the Universe ; forasmuch as these Inequalites are of so great moment , that they do not come into any consideration , when compar'd with the vast amplitude of the Body . For seeing that the Semidiameter of the Earth ▪ is of 860 miles , the proportion of the greatest height of the Mountains , to the Semidiameter of the Earth , will be as one 1 to 860. And forasmuch as there be but very few Mountains that are perpendicularly so high , and that the most of them are scarcely one Quarter of a Mile in Height , it is evident that they can no more spoil the Roundness of the Earth , than some small Unevennesses in the Round Balls made by Artificers , do hinder their being Round . For indeed , there is not a Body to be found in the whole Universe that is perfectly and absolutely Round , that is , which hath an exact Geometrical Roundity . IX . The Variation of the Altitude of the Pole , proves the Roundness of the Earth . This Physical Roundness of the Earth may be demonstrated by the following Experiment : When a Man travels North or South , he will find the Altitude or Elevation of the Pole to vary continually , whether he go a Plain-way , or Up-hill and Down-hill : So that if being at the Foot of a Mountain , and having observed the Elevation of the Pole , he Travel the whole day towards the South , he will not perceive the Elevation of the Pole to be increased , but rather decreased , by that time he comes to the top of the said Mountain . Neither will he in like manner find the same Altitude decreased , but diminished , if having taken the Elevation of the Pole at the top of the Mountain , he goes down again to the bottom of it . Which is an evident Proof , that the Devexity or bending downwards of the Earth , is every where perceptible , and that a perpendicular falling upon any different Points , whether of Acclivity or Declivity , do all tend downwards by different Lines , that will meet at last in the Center . CHAP. II. Of Water . I. Water is more hard to be congealed , than Oil. WE daily Experience , that Water is more difficultly congealed than Oil , and that it never is frozen without there be a vehement Cold in the Air : Whereas Oil is apt to congeal in any place , where the Air is only inclining to Cold. And , on the other hand , Water is sooner turned to Vapours than Oil , if they be both exposed to the Sun , or set over a Fire of the same heat . The Reason why Water is fluid , and doth not so easily congeal as Oil , is , because it hath smooth and slippery parts , like Eels ; which tho' they lye close , and be entangled together ; yet they never stick so close , but that they may be easily separated again . Whereas Oil consists of Parts which are easily entangled , and stick fast and close together : Which is the Reason why Oil is not so easily resolved into Vapours , as Water , the parts whereof , by the agitation of the subtil matter , are easily separable and hang but loose together . II. Why Water will not easily mix with Oil. From hence it appears also , why Oil , or Air , cannot , without great difficulty , be mingled with Water ; because their parts do more easily joyn together , than with the parts of this : For if you beat Water and Oil so long together in a Vessel , till they appear as one and the same Liquor ; yet cannot they continue so long , but that the parts of Oil meeting again with one another , will cling together , and form several Drops , which being carried to the top of the Water by their Lightness , will there continue , whilst the parts of the Water , at the same time , do likewise run together into Drops , and so by their weight fall down to the bottom of the Vessel . III. That Water is not Cold , as Aristotle would have it . From what hath been said , may likewise be gathered , that Water is not cold of its own Nature , according to ARISTOTLE's Opinion , seeing that it admits heat , and doth not let it go , but by imparting it to the Air , which is colder than it . We find also , that when a River freezeth , the Ice begins at the Top , that is , in that part which is touch'd by the cold Air : Which would not happen so , if the Water were cold of its own Nature ; for then it would begin to freez either in the midst , or at the bottom ; or at least would freez as soon in the midst , as at the top ; which yet is contrary to Experience . IV. Why Wine is frozen sooner than Water . And for the same Reason it is , that Wine is not so easily congealed as Water ; because in the Wine there be many subtil particles , easily moveable , and which are swiftly and readily agitated by the Celestial matter , which because of their subtilty are called Spirits . And therefore it is , that by how much stronger the Wine is , so much the harder it is to be frozen ; and that the Spirit of Wine , when freed from its Phlegm , doth elude all the extreamest force of Cold. And accordingly it hath been found by Experience , that if a Vessel of some Rich Wine be exposed to the Air , in extream Cold weather the watry part of the Wine will be frozen , and the Spirits will continue liquid and fluid in the Center of it . V. A Man under Water , doth not feel the weight of it . The weight of Water is not felt at the bottom of a River : Which is a thing experienced by Divers , who are not prest down by the water that lies upon their Heads ; but are as much at liberty for all that , as if they were in the free and open Air. The Reason whereof i● ▪ because no more of the water doth exert is gravity upon the Body , than would desoend , in case the Body did remove out of its place . For suppose we a Man placed at the bottom of the Vessel B , and lying in such a manner with his Body on the Hole A , as to hinder the water from running out of the Vessel , he will find that the whole weight of the Cylinder of water ABC doth lye upon him , the Basis whereof I suppose to be of the same bigness with the Hole A ; who , if he himself should pass down through the Hole , the whole Cylinder of water would descend likewise ; but if we should suppose the man placed somewhat higher at B , so as not to hinder the Eg●ess of the water at A , then would he no longer perceive any weight of the water which lies upon him between B and C ; because if he should sink down towards A , yet the water would not fall down with him ; but on the contrary , that part of the water which lies under him towards A , to the same bulk as his Body is , would come up into his place : Whence it appears , that the water rather carries him upwards , than bears him down , as may be proved by the Example and Experience of Divers . For which Reason also it is , that they cannot reach the bottom of the Sea , without some weight hung at their Feet . VI. Things weighed , that are found to be of equal poise in the Air , do lose the same when weighed in the Water . For the same Reason it is , that Bodies which being weighed in the Air , are found to be of Equal weight , do lose the same equality when they are weighed in the water . Thus when Lead and Copper being weighed in the Air , are found of equal weight , if they he weighed under water , they lose the same : Because the Lead takes up less place in the water , than Copper of the same weight does ; and therefore in water it must needs preponderate , tho' in the Air it was of equal poise with the Copper . VII . How water comes to putrefie or corrupt . Water , if it stands still without motion for a while , or if it be kept close in a Vessel , doth putrefie and stink . The Reason is , because tho' some small quantity of Salt and Sulphur be found in water ; yet , because upon its standing still , they become loosed from the union they had with the parts of the water , and run together , they consequently do easily evaporate , and thereby cause Putrefaction . Whereas , as long as the Water continues in motion , the particles of the Salt and Sulphur , are mixed with those of the water , and by this means become entangled , and are hindred from flying away , and leaving the water destitute of that which doth preserve it from Putrefaction . VIII . Why the Water sinks , or riseth higher in a Vessel . Water contain'd in a Glass-Vessel or Tube , without filling it to the top , appears lower in the midst , than at the Sides or Edges . Whereas , on the contrary , if the said Vessel be fill'd to the very top , it will appear swell'd and higher at the top , and inclining to a Spherical figure . The Reason is , because the Air presseth down the middle part of the water on every side , in a Vessel that is not quite full ; whereas it only presseth the outsides of it more obliquely . But when the Vessel is full of water , besides that the water is more firmly closed in the Vessel , its middle parts are only drawn together by the Air that lies above them ; whereas the Extream parts are comprest , as well by the Air that is above them , as by that which is on the Edge or Brim of it . IX . What is the Cause of the Roundness we find in the Drops of Water . The Drops or Bubbles that are seen in water , are Round ; but as soon as they touch others , they unite , and are confounded with them . The Reason of their Roundness , is the equal pressure of the ambient or enclosed Air. For a Drop of water , being , as it were , pois'd on its point of Contact , is equally prest on all sides by the Circum-ambient Air. And as soon as it toucheth another Drop , because the pression in the place of Contact is thereby weakned , it presently becomes joyned with it . And therefore it is , that those hanging Drops , which are , as it were , supported every where , and surrounded by the Air that doth encompass them , are driven that way , where there is no Compression ; that is , towards that part where they rest upon solid Bodies . And if you touch a hanging Drop , at the lower part of it , it immediately follows ; because the Air doth not press at the point where it touches a solid Body . X. Whether the same Roundness is not observed in the Drops of Spirit of Wine . But the Drops of Spirit of Wine are never Round ; for seeing that this Spirit is very light , it consequently abounds with so many Pores , and its surface is so much interrupted , that but few parts of the Air can apply themselves to it , in order to their compressing of it into a Round figure , seeing that the most of them run through it , endeavouring the destruction of it . And therefore if this Liquor be poured down from on high , it doth not fall down in Drops like water , especially if it be highly rectified , but is immediately dissipated in the Air , that no sensible part of it comes to the Ground : Or , if it be pour'd on a Table , cover'd with Dust , it doth not turn into round Drops , but spreads it self every way , and mingles it self with all the Bodies it meets with . XI . Whether Water may be made of Air. Air is sometimes condensed into water : Which we see in the production of Fountains , the Cause whereof the Ancients very probably assign'd to be , the changing of the Air into Water ; which change is facilitated by the rest or stagnation of the Air in those parts , and by the coldness of the Rocks . For it is found by Experience , that Fountains are most commonly generated in such places as these . The Maintainers of this Opinion do very well to add the word , Probably , seeing there be several that utterly deny this , and prove the contrary by Experiment . A Modern Person , and great searcher into the Nature of things , took a Glass-Vessel with a long Neck , containing a Quart , and sealed it Hermetically ; which Vessel , wherein was contained nothing but Air , he plac'd in a Barrel full of water , and left it there the space of 3 years , and never removed it thence all that time , save only to observe , whether any change had hapned to the Air ; but he never could perceive the least alteration , or that any part of the Air was changed into Water ; which according to the former Supposition ought to have hapned , because of the moist and cold water , wherewith the Air was surrounded on every side . Which proves them to have been mistaken , who supposed that that which was sufficient to turn Water into Ice , would also turn Air into Water : Since this change could not be brought about , by means of cold and moisture , in the time of 3 years . And the Reason of it is plainly this , because the particles of the Air being very subtil , are so continually agitated by the motion of the subtil matter , that they always are tost through one another , and therefore can never be turned into Water , no not by means of the most intense Cold. XII . Why a Rope being sprinkled with water becomes shorter . A Rope , or Cord , if it be sprinkled with water , so that it sink through it , becomes contracted , and is not so long as it was before . The Reason is , because the several Threds , whereof the Rope is composed , are as it were so many Pipes , which are blown up by the letting in of water into them , and so become shorter . Hence it is that the Strings of a Lute break in moist and wet weather , if they be wound up too high : For that the Threds of them , turning round like a Screw about other greater Cylinders , do by this means become contracted , and lose something of their length . XIII . In what sense Water is said to be insipid . All Water , but more especially Rain-water , is insipid , and hath either no taste at all , or such as is hardly perceptible . Tho' , to speak exactly , there be no Bodies in this Universe that are altogether insipid ; yet are some so called , because they are not endued with any eminent or very perceptible Taste ; such as are some cold and waterish Herbs , the Raw white of an Egg , and Common water ; because their particles have smooth surfaces , which do not enter the pores of the Tongue , nor can vellicate or twitch , but only glide over it . Thus Air is look'd upon to be insipid , because it swims upon our Spittle , and not mingling with it , makes no impression at all upon the Nerves . And for the same Reason it is , that fat Liquors do relish less less than others . XIV . In Order to the filtring of any Liquor by a slip of Cloth , the Cloth must first be moistned . Filtration cannot be performed , but with a piece of Cloth , that is throughly made wet with water : Or , if you will , Water will not ascend by a Label of Linnen or Woollen cloth , nor run down by that part which reaches down on the outside of the Vessel , except this part be first throughly made wet : For if the propendent part continues dry , the filtration can never proceed . The Reason is , because in filtration , the outward parts of the water , wherewith the cloath is wetted , do so insinuate themselves into the Threds of it , that they produce there a kind of thin skin , through which the inner parts of the water , which are in continual agitation , run downwards , and are carried towards that part of the Cloth which hangs down without the Vessel . Whereas , when any part of the Cloth continues dry , and unextended by any Liquior , so long this Pipe cannot be compleated , which is necessary for the conveying of the water ; and therefore it is necessary that the whole Cloth be moistned . For we must not imagine , that the part of Cloth which hangs down without , becomes moistned , because the water that is contained in the Vessel is driven upwards , for this would be contrary to Nature ; but the reason of it is this , because that part of the filter being dipt in the water , its Pores are thereby widened , and so prepared to admit more water , which by degrees entring more copiously into the same , doth still more widen the parts , and so continually makes way for the following Liquor to ascend . XV. Why the water ascends in a Pipe fill'd with Sand. After the same manner as Liquors mount up by filters , so likewise doth water ascend in a Pipe full of Sand , placed perpendicularly in a Vessel full of water , and whose bottom or lower end , is stopt with such a Body through which the water can penetrate . For if we leave this Pipe thus , the time of 24 hours , we shall find the water to be mounted up in the Pipe through the Sand , about 18 inches high above the Level of the water , that is in the Vessel . XVI . Why the water that is at the bottom of Rivers runs more slowly than that which is at the top . Those that Swim take notice , that the water of Rivers doth not every where flow alike , and that the stream of the River runs more slowly at the bottom , than at the top . It is not so in all Rivers , but only in such whose bottom or channel is uneven , and hath deep holes in it ; for where all the parts of a Channel are level , there is no reason why the course of the River should be more slow at the bottom than at the top . Conclude we therefore , that this happens in such Rivers only when the bottom is interrupted with deep holes , where the water is detained longer , than it would be on a level , and consequently doth not move so swiftly as the Surface . XVII . Why the water only runs down Hill. Hence it is evident that water always takes its course that way , where it finds a down-hill ; for seeing that the upper parts of the water , do by their weight press those that are under them ; and that they by reason of their fluidity , except they be kept in on the sides , do spread and slip away ; it must needs be that when the water is upon a hanging ground , and its lower parts prest by the upper , it must give way and run downwards , to avoid that pressure . For a down-hill ground , is more open than a plain or level , for seeing it is nothing else , but a range of perpendiculars the one shorter than the other it , cannot be otherwise , but that the water that lies upon a shelving ground , upon its being prest must slide down , towards the shorter perpendicular . So that it is manifest that no water flows upon the Earth , but what moves down-hill , by reason of the shorter perpendicular . XVIII . Water containded in a Vessel of unequal thickness it not driven forwards by a greater bulk of water . Let a Glass Vessel be made , with a narrow Arm , and fill'd with water : The water which is in the Vessel , will not be able to thrust the small quantity of water , which is in the Arm out of its place , nor lift it up higher , tho' it be in much greater quantity , and exceed it in weight . This effect is to be attributed to the Heavenly matter , which is most swiftly carried round the Earth , and drives all Earthly Bodies towards the Center of their motion . For seeing that the water , which is in the Vessel , and that in the Arm of it have an equal Surface , they are consequently alike pressed downwards by the Heavenly matter ; and therefore that great quantity of water which is in that large Vessel , hath no power to push the little water that is in the Arm out of its place , or to raise it higher . XIX . Why a Needle Swims on the top of the water . The Surface of the water is more difficultly divided , than the more inward parts of it : For little Steel needles , being laid crossways on the Surface of the water swim upon it , but as soon as they have divided the top of it , do without stop sink to the bottom . The Reason is , because tho' the parts of the water be uniformly moved , and constitute a smooth and even Surface ; yet the parts of the Air , that surround the water , are agitated after a different manner , without any such uniformity in their Motion ; by which means it comes to pass , that the Surfaces of Air and Water become smooth and polished ; as we see that rough Bodies are polished by rubbing against each other . Now it is apparent that smooth Bodies are more apt to resist , and exert a greater force in putting by other Bodies . And therefore it cannot seem strange , seeing that the Surface of water is more difficultly divided , than it s under parts , that it should support Steel needles laid upon it . Yet to this end , the Needle must be very slender , and must be laid a thwart upon the water , for otherwise the effect would not follow . XX. The sharper the Keel of any Ship is the more water is draws . From what hath been said may be gathered , why a Ship with a sharp Keel , doth draw more water , and better cuts the waves , than that which hath a broader . For a Ship pusheth and takes up so much water , as its weight is , and all it contains , that so the water may be prest equally on all sides . Now the sharper the Keel is , with so much the lesser compass it doth beat back and push against the water , and doth more easily divide it , than when it is broader ; for then it draws but little water , and pusheth away a greater quantity of it . And therefore it is , that the Foundations of the Arches of a Bridge are made sharp pointed towards the water , that it may slantingly slide by without exerting its force upon them . CHAP. III. Of the wonderful Properties of some sorts of Waters . I. Of the cause of hot Waters or Baths . SOme Waters are hot when they break out of the Ground ; yea there are some Springs that are so hot , as to boil an Egg hard that is put into them . Some derive this heat that is found in hot Baths from Subterraneous Fires , which lye hid in the Bowels of the Earth , and are diffused up and down through it by certain Channels , which as the water passeth through , it becomes heated . But this doth not seem agreeable to Reason ; for whence are these Subterraneous Fires fed and maintained , where is their Fewel , or how can the same be kindled into a flame under ground ? Or how comes it to pass that these Fires are not choaked by the smoak that proceeds from them ? Or why do not they dilate themselves , and breaking out at the Surface devour all before them ? It seems therefore more probable , that this heat of some waters is the effect of a mixture of Liquors , proper to produce that quality ; as we find that water poured upon quick Lime grows hot ; and the same effect ariseth from the mixture of Oyl of Tartar , with Oyl of Vitriol ; and Butter of Antimony , with Spirit of Niter : Which tho' singly they be cold Liquors , yet when put together , produce a very intense heat ; for if Oyl of Tartar be poured into Aquafortis wherein Iron is dissolved , it will not only work and boil , but break forth into a Flame . Conclude we therefore , that the heat of Baths proceeds from a mixture of Jews Lime and Brimstone , which being united together produce heat by effervescence . II. The heat of Baths , doth not proceed from subterraneous Fires . That this is so , may be evidently proved from hence , that the water of hot Baths being set upon the Fire , is as long a boiling as any other cold water : Neither doth it scortch and burn the Tongue as common water doth , which hath acquired a like degree of heat from our Culinary Fire ; which shews that the Subject of this heat is a thin Vapour , which doth not so much penetrate the parts of the Tongue and Mouth . It is found likewise that this water , doth not boil and make tender , soft and juicy Herbs that are put into it , such as Sorrel , &c. as soon as common water , that hath the same degree of heat . The reason whereof seems to be , because the Volatile Sulphurs , that produce the heat in these waters , do so insinuate themselves into the Pores of the Mouth , or of the Leaves of Sorrel , that they hinder the water from entring into them ; or because the heat of these waters doth wholly consist in these Sulphurs , the parts whereof are so Subtile , that they cannot exert their force , neither upon the Mouth , nor upon the Leaves of Sorrel ; for the very same reason that the flame of Spirit of Wine , will not burn a Handkerchief that hath been dipt in it . III. Corrosive Spirits do dissolve Metals , and rather act upon hard than soft Bodies . Corrosive Spirits , or Stygian waters , as the Chymists call them , do penetrate the hardest of Metals , and in a short time do dissolve them ; but act little or nothing at all upon Wax which is soft , but leave it in a manner untoucht . The said waters do also more easily dissolve Iron and Steel , than Lead , which is softer than they , and more easily divisible . The reason is , because these Corrosive Spirits do not meddle with those Bodies that give way to them , but crumble them to pieces that oppose and resist their entrance . Which will be easily apprehended by those who know that all Bodies , do not consist of the same parts , nor have their parts joyned in one and the same manner , but suitable to the variety of their Bulk and Figures . For as a heap of Earthen Vessels , may with a Stick be broken into a Thousand pieces , whereas Wool being struck with the same Stick and force , doth admit no change at all ; and as Wool may be easily cut with the edge of Knives and Scissars , whereas Earthen Vessels cannot ; so we may easily understand ▪ how some Bodies are easily dissolved by Corrosive Spirits , whereas others are scarcely toucht by them . IV. A Fountain of Epirus extinguisheth flaming Torches , and kindles those which are extinguisht ▪ Historians tell us of a River in Epirus , producing contrary effects . In DODONA , saith PLINY , Is a Fountain dedicated to Jupiter , which tho' it be cold and doth extinguish the lighted Torches that are put into it , yet doth it kindle those which are extinguisht when approacht to it . This seems at first sight impossible , that inflammation should proceed from a cold Body as the water is : Yet for the clearing of this difficulty we may say , that the water of this Fountain being cold , does extinguish a flaming Torch that is dipt into it , this being the property of water to quench and choak Fire , and so put a stop to the motion of its agitated parts ; but the rekindling of extinguisht Torches , cannot be attributed to the water , but to the Bituminous and Sulphurous ▪ exhalations , that rise up from the water . For it is probable , that this Fountain did send forth Vapours mixt of Jews-Lime , Brimstone and Nitre , which rising up through the Fountain as through a Chimny , became inflammable in the open Air , especially when a newly extinguisht Torch was approacht to them . V. The cause of the Interruption of the flowing of the Collismartian Fountain . GASSENDUS upon occasion of a Fountain mentioned by PLINY , which Flows and Ebbs thrice a day , mentions the Collismartian Fountain , which Ebbs and Flows 8 times in an hour ; for the water being ready to break forth , discovers it self by a soft purling noise , and for about half a minutes time swells and encreaseth , and the 6 following minutes decreaseth again ; and when the decrease is ceased , the water continues in the same state for a little while , and then begins to flow again . But the intervals between one Eruption and another , are not equal , being sometimes more , and at other times less ; tho' it very seldom happens , but that in one hour 8 flowings or Eruptions , and as many Cessations or Ebbings may be perceived in an hour . It is certainly a difficult matter to render a satisfactory reason of this interrupted flowing of the water ; neither will the instance of the Fountain in Epirus , be of any great help to us towards the solving of it . For whereas the same abounds with water in the day time , which fails and ceaseth in the night , this may be attributed to the heat of the Sun , whereby Fountains in Summer-time are often dried up , and overflow in the Winter . But this cant be applied to the Collismartian Fountain , which observes its interrupted Ebbings and Flowings in the night , as well as in the day time . However , if I may speak my conjecture concerning so abstruse a Riddle in Nature , I am apt to believe , that within the Hill whence this Spring breaks forth , there is some hollow , or pit , which a Rivulet continually fills up : As likewise a passage through which some subterranean steam , or breeze continually blows , and keeps back the water , sending it back to the place opposite to that from whence it came ; where it then swells and encreaseth , till being overcome by its own weight , it overbears the force of the Wind , and so runs down , until the hollow or pit be almost exhausted and remain dry . And after this the Wind having recovered its free passage again , doth as before withold the waters that would run out , and continually drives it back , until by force of the water that breaks in , it be driven away again , and give way to it . VI. Another like River . A like Fountain to this is mentioned by F. MAIGNAM TOLOSAS in his Horary Perspective , which in Summer time doth every hour flow from a vast , and most deep hollow , and for a quarter of an hour encreaseth bydegrees , with a very great noise ; and the next quarter becomes a great River ; the following quarter it sinks again , and the last quarter , lies still , and is in a manner quite dry'd up . VII . What is the cause of poisonous or deadly Fountains . Some Fountains are Poisonous and deadly , as was that famous one of Terracina , which was called Neptunes , in the Country of the Volsci , which was the death of all those that drunk of it , and therefore was stopt up with Stones , by the Inhabitants . This may be occasioned when the waters of such Springs run through Arsenical , Mercurial or Antimonial Mines . For as the Fumes of Arsenick do kill living Creatures , so waters impregnated with the said steam , produce the same effect . Of this kind is the Lake Asphaltites , because of the Arsenical Jews-Lime it abounds with ; and many other Fountains that are found in the Countries about the Alps ; but as soon as they are discovered they are filled up and stopt with Stones , which is the reason why so few of these deadly Springs are known . VIII . Whether it be true that the Fountain of Jupiter Ammon was cold and hot by turns . In the Povince of Cyrene , as Historians tell us , was a Fountain of the Sun , which was hot at Midnight , and afterwards growing luke warm by degrees , was cold at the breaking of day ; and as the Sun rose higher , grew still more cold , so that at Noon it was cold to extremity ; and from that time began by little and litle to grow luke warm again , till at the beginning of night it was hot , and so grew hotter and hotter till Midnight . Some Philosophers have endeavoured to give a reason of this change , by asserting that there are some Seeds of heat in water , which the Earth , when chill'd and contracted with the coldness of the night sends forth , but when dilated by the heat of the day , doth take in again . But I fear that in this case , we are vainly employed in searching for a true cause of a meer figment ; seeing that ARRIAN , CURTIUS , PLINIUS , MELA and other Historians and Geographers , who give the description of this Fountain , did never see it , and had only by report whatsoever they relate concerning it . Every body knows how basely the Priests of Jupiter Ammon did flatter Alexander , when he visited that Temple , and therefore we cannot think strange if they made him believe many things , which they feigned , or by some imposture represented to him , to make him conceive a greater veneration for the place and them . And therefore I think it is but reasonable that we should be fully assured of the truth of the thing , before we trouble our selves about searching out the cause of it . IX . What is the reason of the heat that is found in Well water in the Winter season . Well water in Summer is cold , and in the Winter hot , or at least somewhat luke warm . This cold and heat doth not proceed so much from the water , as from our Sense , which finds the water colder in Summer than Winter . For when we touch any thing with a very cold Hand , it appears warm to us ; as those things feel cold , which we touch with a hot Hand . This we experience when we enter into hot Baths , which are distinguisht by several Degrees of heat ; for when we are enter'd into the first Bath , we think it warm , because our Body is yet cold , but when we return again from the hottest Baths to the first where we entred , we take that to be cold then , and not hot as we thought it was at our first entrance into it . And the same is the case of Grottos and Caverns , which always are of the same temperature , but are thought to be cold , because in the Summer we come into them out of the hot Air , in comparison of which they seem cold to us : And in the Winter seem hot , because the External Air is much colder , than those Grottos or Caves are , with respect to which we think them warm . As before hath been shewed by the Example of Oil. X. The steam that lies upon the water doth not communicate any heat to it . We must not conceit , as some Peripateticks do , that the steam which in the Winter time appears upon Well water , doth impart any heat to them , because that steam when felt by the Hand , will be found as cold , as the Air that surrounds it : Whereas the water it self will be found to be hot ; which is a sufficient proof , that the water borrows no heat from the steam that lies upon it . Moreover we find as much steam lying upon the surface of hot Baths , as upon Well-water , and yet no body will say , that this heat which is in those hot Baths , proceeds from the said steam or vapor , seeing that it scarcely covers the water , and disappears in a Moment . The reason therefore why Well-water in Winter time seems to be hot to us , is , because we come to it from the External Air , which is many Degrees colder . XI . Of Springs that make the Persons that Drink of them , Drunk , and others that make the Drinkers to run Mad. The water of some Springs does inebriate like Wine or other strong Drink , and this effect is attributed to the River Lethe , which being drunk of too freely , does produce the same effect as , Wine does . Others again being drunk cause Madness , or Dull stupidity . The cause whereof must be ascribed , to the Jews-lime wherewith those waters do abound . For Jews-lime , doth strongly affect the Brain , and by obstructing the Pores of the Nerves , doth dull and stupifie the Senses ; much in the same manner as the seeds of wild Parsneps , ( as AGRICOLA tells us in his 2d Book of things flowing out of the Earth ) being wrapt in a thin Linnen , and put in Wine do ; as also the powder of the Flowers of Hermodactils , which being put into Wine , do presently , and strongly inebriate . And thus Jews-lime being mixt with water , doth inebriate those that Drink of it , and makes the Body heavy and lumpish . XII . A Fountain that makes the Drinkers of it to hate Wine . We are told of a Fountain in Arcadia , near the City Clitor , and from thence called Clitorius , which makes those that Drink of it to have an aversion for Wine , as Ovid assures us . Who with Clitorian Streams his Thirst allays , Doth Wine abhor , and water Drinks always . The Reason is , because , as Wine doth cause a nauseousness , not only to those that are drunk , but also after that they are grown sober ; so those who drink of those Fountains , impregnated with Jews-Lime , and having had their Heads clouded and troubled thereby , become affected after the same manner as those who are sick of an Ague , and abhor VVine and the smell of it . XIII . Some Diseases are cured by Medicinal Waters . Some VVaters are endued with a Medicinal Virtue , and are made use of by Physicians for the curing of several Diseases . The waters derive this their virtue , from some Metalline or Mineral Matter which they pass through , as Brimstone , Salt , Vitriol , Alome , Nitre and Jews-Lime . And hence proceeds that great variety which we find in VVaters ; for Sulphurous VVaters do heat and attenuate ▪ Bituminous do dull and cloud the Brain ; Aluminous do dry moist and running Sores ; and Vitriolick do adstringe . Some of them are immediately conveyed to the Bladder and Urinary passages , by opening and dilating the pores that make way for the said water to pass to those parts . XIV . Of pretended Miraculous Fountains . As to those Fountains , of which many Miraculous Effects are reported , we may take it for granted , that their highly extolled Virtues are commonly grounded upon the reports of some poor People , who are many times set on by others , for Mony , to tell many Lies concerning the Miraculous Effects they have performed . For whatever some may talk , there is no Universal Remedy , or such as is able to cope with , and overcome all Diseases . And seeing that great numbers of People do drink , or otherways make use of these Miraculous Fountains ; those that suppose themselves to have been benefited by them , do extol them ; when in the mean time we hear nothing of those to whom they have been of no use at all . CHAP. IV. Of Fountains and Rivers . I. How Fountains come to spring on the top of Mountains . NOthing is more frequent , than to see Springs break forth from the Bowels of the Earth , and mounting upwards , contrary to the natural weight of Waters , to make their way through the tops of Mountains . Different Reasons are given by several Men of this Eruption of Fountains . Some suppose that the subterranean waters do mount upwards through certain Pipes or Channels , much in the same manner as the Blood in the Body of an Animal is conveyed through the Veins to all the parts of it , to the Head , as well as to the Feet . This Opinion PLINY seems to favour in his 2 d Book , Chap. 65. For seeing that the Earth is dry and thirsty , and cannot consist of it self without Moisture ; nor the Water neither without the Earth , supporting and containing of it ; it seems necessary that we admit some Veins , through which the Water may be conveyed , and get up to the tops of the Mountains . But yet it does not seem probable that the water should be this way conveyed in the Earth , as Blood is in the Body of an Animal : For tho' the water be driven out of the Sea into the subterranean cavities , and by this force imprest upon it , do continue to mount upwards ; yet no sufficient Reason can be given , why the water , by that time it is risen as high as the surface of the Sea , should not stand still there , or fall back again , seeing that the force wherewith it was pusht upwards , now ceaseth . Whereupon it seems more likely , that the original of Fountains ought to be ascribed to Vapours , or particles of Water , separated from each other by the force of subterraneous heat . For seeing that under Plains and Mountains great Cavities lie hid , that are filled with water , it cannot be questioned but that a great part of them are continually resolved into Vapours , and sublim'd to the surface of the Earth , and the tops of the highest Mountains ; which by succeeding Cold being afterwards turn'd into water again , cannot return back the same way by which they mounted , and therefore find out other open passages between the Intervals of the Crusts or Shells whereof the Earths surface doth consist . II. Why some Springs flow equally at all times ▪ and others not . Some Fountains flow continually , and much with the same force , and abundance of waters ; whereas others are subject to a great decrease in Summer and Autumn , and some do wholly dry up . The reason of this decrease in some Springs is , because the pores of the Earth are very open during those Seasons of the Year , by reason of the Heat that dilates them ; and by this means furnish the Vapours a ready and open way to fly away , and mingle with the Air , and therefore can no more supply the Spring with water , as they did whilst they continued shut up within the Earth . And it sometimes happens , that this Evaporation is so great , as to dry up the Spring altogether . But as to those Springs , that flow continually , and much with an equal force , the reason of their perpetuity is , because the Channels by which their waters are conveyed , are so deeply lodged in the Earth , the Summers Heat cannot reach them to dilate their Pores : which is the reason why the Vapours , being always furnish'd in the same quantity , must also produce an equal and continual springing , or flowing of the water . III. How Fountains of Oyl are generated . Hence it is also , that in some hollow parts of the Earth , Oyl breaks forth instead of water , viz. when the Heat , that is in the Bowels of the Earth , is of force enough to lift up thick and gross Exhalations ; which meeting with the cold parts of the Mountain , become thereby condensed , and joining together , constitute a thick Liquor , very like Oyl . Thus we are told of a Valley in Alsatia , called Leberthal , from whence there breaks forth a fat and thick Liquor , which Waggoners make use of to grease their Wheels . In Scotland also , 2 miles from Edinburg , there is a Spring , the surface whereof is covered with a Black Oyl , which the Inhabitants make use of to soften their Skins , and to heal the Chops and Roughness of it . So likewise amongst the Antients , the River Liparis , in Cilicia , was very famous , because those that bathed themselves in it , were as good as anointed with the water of it , which was so soft and Oily . But such Springs as these are very rare , forasmuch as thick exhalations do arise with much more difficulty than watry vapours , and stand in need of a great degree of heat to raise them to the surface of the Earth . Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. 4 ▪ G. Freman ▪ Inv. I. Kip Sculp To the Right Worshipfull Sr. Basil Firebrace Knight , Alderman and Sheriff of the Citty of London Anno Domini j688 . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Spring-water is generally fresh , without retaining ought of the saltness of the Sea , whence it is derived . The Reason is , because the fresh particles of the Sea-water are most proper for sublimation , as being both thin and limber ; whereas the saline particles , being stiff and hard , cannot be changed into vapours , nor pass through the crooked and winding pores of the Earth . Fountains therefore are fresh , because they consist only of those parts of the water that have been strained through the narrow pores and windings of the Earth ▪ or that have been sublimed into Vapours by the force of Heat . V. The Original of Salt Fountains . There are some Salt Fountains in France , as near Caen and Bordeaux , besides several here in England ; and a great many almost every where upon the Coast of Africa ; in the East Indies , near Cormandel , almost all the Wells are Salt. So likewise in the Island of St. Vincent , many of these Salt Springs are found : and on the Shoars of Peru , several Salt Lakes . Besides all these waters which had their original , either from an inundation of the Sea , or by some inlet from the Sea ; such is that Lake in Holland , commonly called Haerlem-Meer . There is also a Salt Lake in the Island of Madagascar , and in that of Cuba , which is 2 Leagues in compass , and is not far distant from the Sea. Now the cause of these Springs and Lakes is , because the passages of the Earth , through which their water is conveyed , are very large and open , so that very few or none of their Saline Particles can be strained from them ; or else because their waters pass through some Saline Veins , and so become impregnated with Salt. VI. Why some Springs abound with water in the Winter , and in Summer are dried up . Some Springs run copiously all the Winter long , but during the heats of Summer , their waters fail and run no longer . Such Fountains as these , owe their Rise to Rain and Snow , which supply them with their current . For there are many great Caverns under the Earth , and especially under high Hills and Mountains ; which being fill'd with Rain and Snow-water , do , according to their largeness , in a longer or shorter time , exonerate themselves . And thus we find , that after long and contiued Rains , new Springs are seen to break forth ; which upon great and long continued Heat and Drought , are dried up again , until the said Caverns be supplied again , and filled by frequent Showers , or the melting of Snow , and so begin to run as before . Thus we read , that in the time of Elias the Prophet , the Springs were all dryed up ; for the Doors of Heaven being shut up , neither Rain nor Snow fell down upon the Earth , to supply the continual expence of the said Springs . VII . Why Rivers cannot run but on a shelving ground . All Rivers have their Current from a shelving ground , and where they lie upon a perfect level , they continue unmoveable . The Reason is , as before hath been hinted , because those parts of the water that are uppermost , do by their weight press those that lie under them ; which being fluid , and readily giving way , slide downwards , where they have more room to spread themselves , and are not so much straitned . For a shelving ground , or down-hill , is , as it were a continued Range of Perpendicular Lines , in which the water cannot be pressed , but it must fall upon the bottom of the shorter perpendicular . For if the Channel , along which the Rivers run , were not shelving , no reason could be assigned , why they should run this way , more than that way ; more towards the East , than towards the VVest . Moreover , the Sea , when it swells with the Tide , would be of an equal altitude in the Rivers , in case they did run along an Horizontal Plain , and not along a shelving ground . VIII . From the Course of Rivers , we know the Altitude of Places . Thus from the Springs and Current of Rivers , we know that some parts of the Earth are lower than others . Forasmuch as that part of the Earth , to which the water flows , is lower than from whence it flows . Hence it is that we know Bohemia to be higher than Holstein , from the Current of the Elbe . And thus likewise from the Danube , Visurgis , the Rhine , the Maes , &c. we take our Judgment of the Altitude of the several places through which the said Rivers pass . Thus Switzerland and the Country of the Grizons , are counted by some to be the highest ground of Europe , because the Rhine , the Rhone and the Danube proceed from them . Now as great as is the Down-hill of these Rivers , so great is the altitude of the Mediterranean places , above those on the Sea-coasts . IX . What is the reason of the swift current of Rivers . And the greater the Down-hill or Declivity of the Channels of Rivers is , the swifter is their Current ; and the less it is , the slower is their Course . And the same thing is the reason ▪ why one and the same River , runs more swiftly in one part of its Course than in another , which is observable in many places of the River Rhine . For if the bottom of a River , within the compass of 200 paces , lean down one pace , the water runs so swiftly , that it cannot be navigated without danger . In those places therefore where there are Cataracts , or Downfulls of Water , there the Rivers run with the greatest swiftness . And therefore it is that Brooks run with that violence , because they are precipitated from the tops of Mountains . X. Whether the Course of Rivers be always towards the West . All great Rivers flow towards the West , and none of them towards the East . This hath been generally believed , but without sufficient ground ; seeing it is evident , that the Rhine , the Nile and Ob flow towards the North ; the Rhone , and the River Indus , towards the South ; the Danube , the River of the Amazons , and that of St. Laurence , towards the East . Whence we conclude , that Rivers do not tend to one particular part of the World , but are indifferently carried to any part of it . XI . How it comes to pass that fresh water sometimes springs in the midst of the Sea. It is sometimes found that fresh water springs in the Sea , tho' not far from the Shoar . Yea , some Historians assure us , that in the Province of Jucatan , in America , a vein of fresh water springs a cubit high , above the surface of the Sea. The reason whereof is , because the Receptacles of water that are in the neighbouring Mountains , have their vents or out-lets so disposed , as not to tend upwards towards the top of those Mountains , but downwards : So that the waters flowing out from them , do meet together with a large Channel , where they constitute a Spring or Fountain ; and therefore must needs break forth in some low place , that is , from the bottom of the Sea ; and because their eruption is forcible , they spring sometime above the surface of the Sea-water . The reason why some Rivers , running into the Sea , do for a great way retain their freshness is , because their Current is so swift and violent , that they push back the Sea-water , and keep it from mingling with them , till at last , by a longer process , their force being weakned , they mingle with the Salt-water , and are lost in it . XII . The Cause of the constant Inundation of the River Nile , after the Summer Solstice . The River Nile , which is but 18 foot deep , doth sometimes swell to the height of 18 Cubits , that is , 27 foot , and at other times to 12 Cubits : And this Inundation is so constant , that it always happens at a set time , that is , presently after the Summer Solstice . The Common Opinion of the Antients was , that this swelling of the Nile was caused by the anniversary winds , called Etesiae , which did blow about that time ; and driving against the mouths of this River , did stop the vent of its waters into the Sea , and by consequence made its Channel to swell , and run over its Banks ; according to the account the Poet Lucretius gives us of this Inundation , in his 6 th Books . In Summer Nile o're-flows , his Streams do drown The Fruitful Egypts Fields , and his alone ; Because the Mouth of that wide River lies Oppos'd to North , from whence th' Ethesia's rise ▪ From heavy Northern Clouds , and fiercely blow Against the Streams ; those stop , and rise , and flow . But this doth not seem to be the genuine cause of the overflowing of Nile ; since it is certain , that the Nile sometimes overflows , before that these soft winds begin to blow , and consequently before they can stop the Mouths of it , in order to cause the said Inundation . And that this overflowing ceaseth , before they cease to blow , and to drive its waters upwards , as is supposed . Wherefore the cause of this Inundation may , with more ground be ascribed to the great and frequent Rains that fall in Ethiopia , from about the middle of June , till September ; because the time of their Winter is from the end of May , to the beginning of September . And in like manner , the River Paraguay , or as the Spaniards call it , Rio de la Plata doth overflow , at the time when great Rains fall on the Mountains of Peru , which obligeth the Inhabitants for 3 Months to live in Boats. XIII . What is the reason of the suddain rising and vanishing of some Fountains . It is observed , that Fountains do sometimes , all on a suddain , break forth on the Mountains , which were never seen before ; and that others on the contrary , do as suddainly vanish and disappear . This sometimes is caused by Earthquakes , whereby the hidden Sources of Springs are broken up , and the obstacles that retain'd and kept them from breaking forth , are removed . And they dry up , and suddainly disappear , when some new obstacles are cast up to stop their way ; or when the water is sunk down into such deep Caverns , from whence it can no more be elevated : For in this case it is forced to change its course , and turn aside another way . Who does not know that a vast heap of waters is hid in the hollows of Mountains , which being opened by an Earthquake , way is made for the said waters to break forth ? XIV . Why some Rivers run under Ground . Some Rivers , in the midst of their Course , run and hide themselves under ground , and afterwards start up again like new Rivers . Thus the River Niger , in Africa , which some suppose to be derived from the Nile , by a subterraneous passage , by that time it meets with the Mountains of Nubia , runs down under ground , and breaks out again on the VVest side of the said Mountains . The Reason of this is twofold . 1 st . The obstacle of a higher ground than is the bottom of the River . 2 dly . The Hollow that is under the ground , at the place where the River hides it self , or the looseness of the ground , which easily gives way to the force of the River . Thus the River Tigris , in Mesopotamia , after it hath passed the River Arethusa , meeting with the Mountain Taurus , runs down into a Cave , and ariseth again on the other side of the Mountain ; and afterwards having passed the Lake Thespis , hides it self again under ground , and riseth up again about 6 German miles farther . CHAP. V. Of the Sea. I. Why the Sea seems to be higher than the Earth . THE great Mass of the VVaters of the Sea , appears higher than the Earth , and seems to be raised much above the surface of it . And therefore to those who take a prospect of the Sea , from the Shoar , the Sea seems higher than the Land ; and when from the Sea , they look to the Shoar , that appears lower than the Sea. Some persons , measuring all things by their Eye-sight , suppose the Sea , because of the same convexty it hath with the Earth , to rise by degrees above the Earth ; and that it is not only higher than the ground or bottom of the Earth that supports it , but is also higher than the Islands and Continents . But this is no better than a deception of the fight , which reaching forwards towards the more remote parts of the Sea , is directed towards them by Rays , which the more they recede from a Perpendicular , the further distant and higher it represents them . This we find by experience , not only in the Sea , but in any great Plain . And on the other hand , the reason why the Shoar , beheld from the Sea , appears lower than it , is because the height thereof is contained in the least Visory Angle , which the Roling Waves do intercept , and take away the sight of ; so that it is no wonder if the Shoar seems to be more deprest than the VVater . II. That the VVater is not higher than the Earth , proved . But besides this , we have a very convincing Argument to prove , that the Sea , setting aside the swelling of its VVaves , is not higher than the Earth . For this supposed , it must follow , that the VVater , by its natural gravity , would overflow , and quitting the upper part of the Earth , would only take up the lower . Or forasmuch as the parts of the VVater do push forwards one another , and the upper parts press those that are under them , the whole surface of the Earth would presently be covered by them , and both Islands and Mountains be overwhelmed by the Sea. Besides , how would Rivers be able to return to the Sea , if the Sea were higher than the Earth ; and if the surface of the Earth were lower than that of the Sea ? For nothing that is heavy does naturally tend upwards , as every Body does that tends to a Body , that lies higher than it self . Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. 5 ▪ G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip Sculp ▪ To the Honourable Sr. Ralph Delaval , of Seaton-Delaval in Northumberland Knight , one of the Comissioners for Executing the office of Lord high Admirall of England ; and joint and Seperate Admirall of their Majesties Fleet. This Plate is humbly Dedicated , by Richard Blome . And therefore it was a vain Fear into which the Mathematicians cast the Kings of Egypt , when they dissuaded them from cutting a Channel from the Red-Sea into the Nile , or the Mediterranean ; supposing the Red-Sea to be 3 Cubits higher than the Mediterranean , and that therefore a Deluge would be the consequent of that Enterprize . For indeed , had the Red-Sea been only one Fingers-breadth higher than that part of the Mediterranean which washeth the Shoars of Egypt , the whole compass of Africa , would not hinder it from running thither , till both Seas were reduc'd to a Level . Thus , because th Caspian Sea is higher than the Euxine , therefore it empties it self into it : And because the Euxine-Sea is higher than the Aegean or Archipelago , therefore it falls down into it . IV. Aristotle's Mistake about the height of the Sea. This discovers ARISTOTLE's Error , who asserts the Ocean and the Earth , to be higher toward the North , than about the Aequator ; because the Ocean seems to flow from the North parts of the World , as from its Head or Fountain . But indeed , nothing of certainty can be thence inferr'd : For it is doubtful as yet , and hath never been sufficiently proved , neither from that motion can it sufficiently be cleared , whether the Northern Countries , and more particularly the Channels of Northern Rivers , be higher or lower than the Channels of those that are about the Aequator . The Reason is , because this motion is not General or Universal , as not being found in all Northern Countries . And tho' we should grant this motion of the Ocean from the North , yet doth it not follow from thence , that the Ocean there is higher , because it is to avoid this greater height , that the Sea flows from the North towards the Aequator . V. VVhy a Ship cannot without difficulty be brought out of the Haven into the Sea. But some Body may Object : If it be so that the Sea is not higher than the surface of the Earth , how comes it to pass , that it is more hard to get Ships out of the Haven into the Sea ; than it is to enter into it from the Sea ? I Answer , That the Reason of this is , not because the Sea is higher than the Earth ; but because when a Ship is getting out of the Haven , it hath but little Wind , because the Shoars and Banks break the force of it , and hinder it from rushing with a full swing against the Sails ▪ Whereas , when a Ship enters the Haven , nothing hinders the Wind from coming with full force against them . VI. How it comes to pass that the Rivers return to the Sea. Rivers continually exonerate themselves into the Sea , and having past through several Tracts of the Earth , return to it again ; and yet the Sea is never increased by this accession of the VVater of innumerable Rivers , that continually , without ceasing , run into it . The Cause hereof is , that continual Change , whereby the Sea-water is turned into Vapours , and they again changed into water . For as we see in an Animal , that the Blood runs out of the Hollow Vein into the Heart , and presently after is from thence dispersed through the Great Artery , to all the parts of the Body : So the Vapours arising from the Sea , are conveighed through the Passages of the Earth , to the tops of Mountains , and there being condensed by the Coldness of the place into water , become Springs , and afterwards Rivers ; which through the slanting places of the surface the Earth , are carried again towards the Sea , which is the place from whence they first proceeded : So that as much water as is thus evaporated from out of the Bowels and Caverns of the Earth , so much flows into them again from the Sea ; and as much as runs from the Sea through these subterranean Passages , so much the Rivers return to the Sea again . VII . VVhy the Sea always preserves the same degree of saltness . Neither is it any matter of wonder , that the Water of the Sea continues salt , notwithstanding she receives the Fresh-water of so many Rivers into her Bosom : And so much Salt-water continually flows from her into the Bowels of the Earth , and which leaves its Salt in the places where they are distill'd into Vapours . For besides that the Sea-water may be conveighed into the Earth to those places where it is thus distill'd , by such large and open Passages , that the water which is left after the Evaporation , may carry back all the Salt which it could not elevate , into the Sea ; the water which runs continually through the Mines of Salt , do carry along with them at least as much of it to the Sea , as the Sea-water conveighs into the Bowels of the Earth : Whence it is evident , that the Sea must always keep its saltness , as we see it doth . VIII . VVhy the Sea is found to be more salt in the heat of Summer . In the Heat of Summer the Sea is found by Experience to be Salter than at other times : Which they who live under the Aequator and Torrid Zone are very sensible of . The Reason is , because the Sun , which is extream hot in those parts , doth evaporate the thinner and fresher parts of the Sea , leaving the more thick and gross parts behind . And the more vehement this heat of the Sun is , the more are the outward parts of the Water agitated , and a greater abundance of Vapours are sublim'd ; which being condensed in the Air , and reduced again to water , do not always fall down in the same place from whence they proceeded ; but frequently having taken a large turn in the Air , fall down to the Earth , at a great distance from the place of their first elevation . An Example whereof we have in Salt-water that is boyled over the Fire , which the longer it is boyl'd , the salter it grows ; because the fresh particles are continually exhaled from it . IX . How it may be prov'd , that our Spittle is salt . Hence it is that our Modern Physicians suppose our Spittle to be salt and sowrish ; for when we spit upon a hot Briok or Iron , it leaves a white Spot behind it , which is nothing else but a collection of saline particles , that because of their Stiffness and Heaviness , could not fly away together with the watry particles . X. VVhy the Sea is more salt betwixt ▪ the Tropicks , than elsewhere . The Reason why the Sea is more salt betwixt the Tropicks is , because the Sun dispenseth more heat towards the Aequinoctial Line , than in places at a farther distance from it , and consequently resolves more of the Particles of fresh water into Vapours , and by the extraction of them leaves the Sea-water salter than it was before . To which may be added , that the Sea is of a far greater extent between the Tropicks , than in the Frigid and Temperate Zones , and less Rivers empty themselves into it . XI . VVhy Sea-water near the Aequator is more proper for Salt , than others . And from hence we may easily perceive the Reason , why the water of the German Ocean , and of other parts of the Northern Sea , is not so good to be boiled into Salt , as is the water of the Spanish Sea , the Canary Islands , and Cape Verd , or the Green Promontory in Africa ; viz. because th●se last parts of the Sea are nearer to the Torrid Zone , and receive its waters from the Ocean of that Place . But yet it cannot be deny'd , but that some of these Seas are more proper for the making of Salt , than others . Thus the Sea-water that is upon the Coast of Guinea , in the Aethiopick Ocean , doth at one boyling afford a Salt as white as Sugar , such as neither the Spanish-Sea , nor the Sea-water of any part of Europe can afford at the first boyling . XII . How Sea-water may be made fresh . Dig a Pit on the Sea-shoar , a little higher than the Tide reacheth , and as deep as the lowest Sea-mark ; and when the Tide comes in , you 'l find it fill'd with Fresh-water . This is an Experiment commonly try'd by the Inhabitants of the Sea-Coast of Barbary , who have little other Fresh-water , but what they get after this manner . The Reason of this Experiment is , because the Sea-water loseth its saltness by straining through the Sand , between which it leaves its Corner'd parts , which are the cause of its saltness . But yet it is not necessary , in order to the ridding of Sea-water from its saltness , that the pores through which it is strained , be extream strait and narrow ; for if they were so , they would presently be stopt up , by the first saline Particles that entred them , and so there would be no way left for the particles of the Fresh-water to pass . But it is rather necessary , that the Sea-water be strained through those Bodies , whose pores are large enough , and full of Corners and Windings , proper to stop the particles of Salt from running along with the Fresh-water . It is also necessary , that the Body through which it is strained be large enough , that so , since it can rid it self of the Salt all at once , it may have a sufficient space to drain through , to rid it self thereof by degrees , by passing through the several Crooked windings of it ; and therefore some time is required , before the Sea-water can pass through that space , which is necessary by filtration to separate its Salt from it . XIII . VVhy the Sea-water is salt . Reasons may also be assigned , why it pleased the Creator of all Things that the Sea should be salt ; viz. 1 st , That it might not be apt to putrifie , corrupt and stink . 2 dly , That the Sea-water might not be so easily resolved into Vapours , as the Fresh is , by reason of the Heaviness the Salt imparts to it . 3 dly , That the flesh or substance of the Fishes , that breed and live in it , might be the firmer . 4 thly , That it might be the more able to resist the violence of Winds and Storms . For Salt-water is more firm and consistent , than Fresh . 5 thly , That it might be the better able to resist cold , and not be so easily frozen , as Fresh . XIV . VVhy the VVater of the Sea runs VVestward . Constant and known Experience hath informed Sea ▪ men , that the Sea moves from East to West : So that by this means Ships have a shorter or more speedy Navigation to the West-Indies , than to the East . And all Navigations to the East , are found more difficult , and take up more time . This proceeds from the Inequality of the parts , whereof the Earth and Water do consist . For tho' this Terraqueous Globe , by its Diurnal motion , moves from West to East , about its own Center ; yet because the Earth is more solid and heavy than the Water , therefore it is whirl'd about its Center more swiftly , than the water : So that the water , which is more slowly carried about , seems to move towards the West ; in like manner as a Boat , that moves more slowly towards the same place , appears to tend the quite contrary way to another Boat that moves more swiftly . XV. This motion is only perceptible between the Tropicks . This motion of the Sea-water from East to West , is most perceived between the Tropicks , and in the Torrid Zone ; because tho' the Earth be Spherical , yet because that part of its Roundness which is between the Tropicks , is whirl'd about with the greatest force towards the East , as being furthest from the Poles ; whereas that part which is without them , because of its nearness to the Poles , is moved more slowly , therefore it is that this motion is only perceptible between the Tropicks . XVI . Of Currents observed in the Sea. Besides the General motion of the Sea , which belongs to the whole Mass or Body of it , there are also several particular motions observed in it , which are called Currents ; whereof some happen constantly at certain Seasons of the year , but others are not subject to any fixt time . They that Sail to the East-Indies , observe some very swift Currents in their way thither : For tho' the Tide , in those Seas , do not rise above 2 or 3 Foot ; yet they extend themselves the space of 12 or 13 Hours towards the North , and the rest towards the South , with such an extream Violence , that it sometimes breaks the strongest Cables of Ships lying at Anker . XVII . The Cause of certain and fixed Currents . There be 2 sorts of these Currents , the one constant and fixt , the other inconstant and irregular . It seems probable , that the constant Currents that are observed between the Tropicks , do proceed from hence , because the waters that run Westward , are more straitned in some places , than in others ; either because the Bottom of the Sea is more deep there , or because of a range of Rocks in Parallel Lines , which oblige them to follow their direction . And as to those Currents that are found without the Tropicks , and which continue always the same , it is very likely that they proceed from some Rivers , which continually discharge themselves into the Sea. For as there are some Rivers which appear above the Earth ; so there are others also that lye hid , and which flow beneath the surface of it . XVIII . The Cause of inconstant and irregular Currents . As to those Currents which are Incertain and Irregular , both as to the time , and the determination of their motion , they seem to be caused by the Unevenness of the Bottom of the Sea , by reason of divers Rocks ranged in Lines , differently tending towards the 4 Principal parts of the Horizon . For this supposed , whenever there is a stiff Gale of Wind , it must needs drive the water forceably between these Rocks , and by so doing must force them to take a Course by so much the more violent , as the Wind is stronger , and the space betwixt the Rocks straiter . XIX . The Sea-water can bear more heavy burthens , than the Fresh-water . The Sea-water doth more powerfully resist the Bodies that are put into it , than River-water : As we see that sometimes those Ships which were born up by the Sea , do sink in the River or Haven . The Reason is , because the water of the Sea is more heavy , as consisting of more thick and solid Parts , and which may lye in a less room , and therefore are more able to bear the burthens put upon them . This is most evident in the Dead-Sea , which because of its extream saltness , will buoy up a Man , that is cast into it with his Hands and Feet bound . HIERONYMUS FLORENTINUS relates , that he saw a Man that was cast headlong , bound Hands and Feet , into the water , yet was kept up by it for a whole Night : And POSSIDONIUS affirms , that he saw in Spain , Tiles made of an Earth wherewith they scour Plate , swimming on the top of the water . Neither can any other Reason be given , why a Ship draws more water when she Rides in an Haven , than at Sea ; but because the water in the Haven is not so salt as the Sea-water , and therefore doth not buoy up the Vessel so strongly , as the more Salt-water of the Sea. XX. Why Wine through a Flannen or Linnen-Bag , of a Conical figure , loseth its strength . This also is the Reason why Wine that is strained through a Flannen-Bag , commonly called Hippocrates his Sleeve , doth lose the greatest part of its strength ; because many of those particles , wherein the strength of the Wine doth consist , do continue sticking in the pores of the Filter , by which means the Wine being deprived of them , proves much more weak than it was before . XXI . Salt-water is not proper to quench Fire , but rather increaseth it . Salt-water is not good to quench Fire with , for it rather promotes it . The Reason is , because the particles of Salt , which predominate in Salt-water , being stiff and inflexible , are easily agitated by the Bodies they meet with ; and being thus agitated , are very proper to increase the Flame , seeing that of themselves they oft produce a flame , when at any time they break forth violently from the Bodies in which they are contained . To this may be added , that the Sea-water is much thicker and fatter , than Fresh-water , and so is more proper to feed and foment the flame , than to extinguish it . It was by this means that the Fire-works cast into MARK ANTONY's Fleet , in the Sea-fight at Actium , did much greater Execution , because the Souldiers not understanding the Nature of Sea-water , endeavouring to quench the Fire kindled in their Vessels , by pouring Sea-water upon the flame , did thereby strengthen and increase it . XXII . When Fire hath got the Mastery , it is rather increased by pouring a little Water upon it . Yea , it may be observed , that tho' Water be very contrary to Fire ; yet there be some Bodies , which after they have water cast upon them , do flame so much the more . And therefore it is that Smiths sprinkle water upon their Sea-Coal , to make them burn the more violently . And nothing is more evident , than that a small quantity of water cast upon a strong flame , doth but augment it . But Salt-water doth this with greater efficacy , because of the stiffness of the parts of it , which darting into the flame like so many little Arrows , and hitting against other Bodies , have a great force to shake and agitate them : Which is the Reason why Salts are made use of for the melting and solution of Metals . CHAP. VI. Of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea. I. The Cause of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea , is the Moon . THe Sea , in the space of 24 Hours and almost 50 Minutes , does flow and ebb twice . The Cause of this wonderful Effect , is ascribed to the Body of the Moon , which by pressing the Matter that runs between her and the Earth , doth drive the water also towards the shoars . For as that part of the Street is made more narrow , which hath some part of its breadth taken up by some thick Body ; and as that Wind is the strongest and most forceable , which passeth through a narrow place ; so likewise , because the presence of the Moons Body doth streighten the space that is between her and the Earth , the Air and the Water , which are fluid Bodies , must needs give way , and rise higher towards the shoar . In the very same manner as we see , that water , or any other Liquor , poured into a Vessel , riseth about the sides of the Vessel , if it be prest by any thing , and leaving the middle of it , is carried towards the Edge of it . But to clear this yet further , let us suppose T to be the Earth , and EFGH , the water which compasseth the Earth ; B , the Moon , running through her Circle in a Months time ; NOPQ , the Vortex of Heaven , which hath the Earth T for its Center , and which together with the Moon is continually whirled about the Earth . For the same Heavenly matter which tends to O , and thence continues its course to P and Q , requires as much space on one side of the Earth , as on the other , and so would press it every where alike . But because the Moon is at B , and doth not move so swift as the Heavenly matter ; therefore the said Matter cannot but press the Earth more towards P , than towards O or Q , and consequently the Earth must remove a little from the Center of the Vortex , and come nearer to D ; and by this means depress the water which is at F and H. Moreover , because the Earth is whirl'd in 24 Hours about its own Center , that part of it which is now at the Point F , where the Sea falls , within 6 Hours , will be at the Point G , where the Sea swells ; and after 12 Hours at the Point H , where it falls again . And forasmuch as the Moon all this while makes some small progress also , and finisheth her Circumvolution about the Earth in the space of almost 30 Days , we must add 12 Minutes of an Hour to the time of each Ebbing and Flowing ; so that the Sea takes up 12 Hours and 24 Minutes , in her Ebbing and Flowing , at one and the same place . II. The Moon is the Cause of this Reciprocation . Whence it is evident , that this motion of the Sea must be attributed to the Moon ; seeing that we find , that the Tide riseth every Day one Hour later , according to the motion of the Moon . For suppose we the Tide to come in to day at 12 of the Clock , to Morrow it will not begin till One , which is a sufficient Argument , that the Tide proceeds from the Moon . III. Whence the great difference of the Tides doth arise , The Tide doth not always observe the same time , but comes to some Shoars sooner , and to others later . This difference may proceed from many Causes ; but chiefly from the unevenness of the Bottoms or Channels , wherein the waters are contained , or from the situation and disposition of the shoars , by which the motion of the water is much advanced or hindred . Whereof we have an Instance in the Banks of Rivers , between which the water , according to the diversity of their situation , either runs headlong , or flows gently ; goes winding , or else strait along . IV. What is the reason of the great Tides that are one the Coasts of Normandy . Hence it is also that they have such great Tides , on the Coasts of Normandy and Britanny , so as that about S. Michael , and S. Macluo , the Tides rise sometime above 60 Foot high . For the Sea being driven from South to North , are beaten back by the British Shoar , and afterwards rebounding from the Coasts of Normandy and Britany they joyn in one Angle , and because of the narrowness of the place do swell and encrease . V. The flowing of the Sea rends at the same time from the East to the West , and from the Tropicks to the Poles . The Tide doth not only tend from East to West , but also at the same time from the Tropicks to the Poles : But yet so , as that in certain places , the one of these is greater and more sensible than the other , which depends on the position or direction of the Coasts . As for Example , in the Atlantick Ocean , the Tide seems only to tend from the Tropicks to the Poles , and this because the Coasts of America do resist its motion from East to West . But on the contrary in the Magellan straits , no other motion is perceived but from East to West ; because the Coasts there resist the motion from the Tropicks towards the Poles . VI. Why there is no Tide in the Mediterranean . The Reason why only a very small Tide , or none at all is perceived in the Mediterranean is , because it contains many Islands , which resist and hinder it , as also because of the narrowness of its Channel , which does not afford the waters room enough to display themselves in . For tho' that part of the Mediterranean , which is beyond the Tropicks , hath entercourse with the Ocean by means of the straits of Gibraltar ; yet because that passage is not above 3 or 4 Leagues over , all the water that can enter this way within the space of 6 Hours , is very inconsiderable , if considered with the height and breadth of that Sea. And moreover , as soon as the water is entred , it finds the Sea broad , and the Shoars so disposed , that it only moves along the Shoars ; and therefore it is necessary , that there be only a continual course of the water , without any Flood . VII . Whence the Tide proceeds , which is found in the Gulf of Venice . But yet we must here except the Gulf of Venice ; for seeing that the waters that are there , being beaten back from the Coasts of the Morea , do soon reach the end of that Channel ; it must needs follow that because the first rebounds are seconded and supported by the latter , they must cause a sensible Tide , as experience doth witness they do . VIII . On the Coast of Provence there is but a small Tide . On the Coast of Provence in France , a small Tide only is observed , esecially at the New and Full Moon of the Aequinoxes ; for seeing that from that Shoar , to the opposit Coast of Africa , there are almost 8 Degrees of Latitude , without any Island lying between ; and because it hath an open way from South to North , the Sea there , about the Aequinoxes , flows about 2 Foot high . IX . Why there is no Tide in the North Sea. So likewise in the North Sea beyond Scotland , towards Norway and Greenland , scarcely any Tide at all is observed , because that part of the Earth , is at a great distance from the Tract the Moon moves in ; or because that Sea is extended from West to East , and is interrupted with many Is●ands , and jetting Points of Land : Whereas in Hudsons Bay , a great Tide is observed , because that Sea lies open from East to West . X. Why the Tide varies in some places . And much a like account must be given , of that great variety of Tides observed in other places , for that the Sea flows many Foot high at Venice , and at Ancona riseth but little or nothing at all ; that on the Coast of Syria , it flows much higher , than in several parts of France , where it scarcely riseth 1 Foot high ; the reason of this is , because the Coast of Syria is at the end of the Mediterranean Channel , and those of France about the midst of it ; as we find in a Boat , that the rising and falling of the agitated water , is only perceived in the extreams parts of it , not about the midst , where the water is smooth and even . XI . The Sea water sometimes takes up more time in flowing than in Ebbing . Accordingly also , a Reason may be given why the Tide , in the River of Garonne in France , flows almonst 120 Miles , in the space of 18 Hours , whereas the ebbing is performed in 12 only . For if the motion of this Tide be exactly Calculated it will be found , that if the Flood comes in at the New Moon at 3 of the Clock at Midnight , it will proceed almost 50 Miles in 6 Hours , that is , by 9 a Clock in the Morning ; and afterwards in so many Hours more , will come to Bordeaux , and at 3 a Clock in the Afternoon it turns the Ships about , which shews that the Tide is coming in : And then at 9 of the Clock it reaches as far as the Town of S. Merceur , but is very weak and small there ; and without making any stay there , is presently followed with the Ebb , which it is evident must not take up so much time by 6 Hours as the Flood did ; because the water by its innate heaviness runs more swiftly to the Sea , than from the Sea into the Rivers . For the Sea being low , and much deeper than the Rivers , it cannot be otherwise but that the further the Tide reacheth up in Rivers , the more slow must its motion be , because it mounts all the way , and moves up-hill . For the flowing of the Tide continues , till the water of the Rivers and of the Sea be of one and the same height . XII . Why the Tide at Havre de Grace in France doth set sooner at the Full Moon , than at Diep . Havens that are under the same Meridian , have not always their Tides at the same time , as is evident in that famous French Haven of Havre de Grace , which at the Full and New Moon hath high water at 9 a Clock in the Morning ; whereas at Diep it is not high water till 10 a Clock , tho' these Havens be but at a little distance from one another , and scarcely differ half a Degree . The reason hereof is , the many windings and turnings that are in the Channel , which change and turn the course of the water : As likewise the violence of the Winds , which is very considerable there . Thus at Calice and Sluys in Flanders , at Full and New Moon it is high water , about 11 a Clock , the Moon being enlightned on that part which looks Southward ; at Arnmuyden and Middelburg , at 2 a Clock in the Afternoon or Morning ; at Zierick-zee at 3 a Clock when the Moon is at South-west , and the Sun enters Capricorn ; at Bergen 2 Hours and an half later ; at Antwerp and Dort , the Moon being turned toward the Aequinoctial West , almost at 6 a Clock ; at Mechelen at 8 , but yet so as that the Tide sometimes comes in faster , and as other times slower , according as the Weather is Fair and Calm , or Stormy . XIII . The Tides are greater at the New and Full Moon than at other times . The greatest Tides are at the Conjunctions about D , and at the oppositions about B , that is , at the New and Full Moon , than at the Quarters , or Quadrate Aspects at A , and C. And therefore the Sea men at the New and Full Moon , because the Tides are then greater and swifter , call it a live Sea , and at the Quarters a dead Sea. Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. 7. G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip. To the Right Hon ble . Henry Lord Viscount Sydney of Shepey , Baron of Milton , Ld. Leivtenant of Kent , Constable of Dover Castle , Lord Warden of the Cinqueports , Mr. Generall of their Ma ties . Ordnance , Collonel of their Ma ties . first Regiment of foot Guards , one of the Gentlemen of his Majesties Bedchamber , and one of the Lords of their Majesties most Honourable privy Councell &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated , by Richard Blome . The Reason is , because the Heaven A , B , C , D , is not of a Spherical , but almost Elliptical figure , and hath more room in that part of it , which is between the Earth and A , C , than in the opposit part about B , and D. Now seeing that the Moon when she is about the Quarters , moves in these larger spaces , she consequently advanceth more slowly , and so presseth the waters less , and causeth a less Tide . Whereas at the New or Full Moon , she moves in the narrowest part of her Ellipsis , and therefore causeth a greater pression of the waters , and a greater and swifter Tide . XIV . What is the Reason of the great Tides that are in the River Seine about the Aequinoxes and Solstices . It is for the same Reason , that 3 great Tides are observed in the River Seine in France , about the Aequinoxes and Solstices : For the 1 st of them riseth almost 4 Foot high , the 2 d 8 , and the 3 d 12 and upwards , and that with so great swiftness , that in 4 Hours it advanceth 25 french Leagues with a great Noise . For seeing that the Tides exceed about the Aequinoxes , and about the Full and New Moon , the motion of the waters must be greater also ; and seeing also that the Channel of the River Seine with respect to its Mouth , where it enters the Sea , doth resemble a Trumpet , which grows narrower and narrower by degrees , it cannot be otherwise , but that the waters must rush in with a great force into such a narrow Chanel . XV. Whether the River Euripus Ebb and Flow so many times a day , as some antient Historians have le●t upon Record . The River or rather the narrow Sea Euripus , if we may believe the Antients , Ebbs and Flows 9 times a day . The cause of this effect may also be ascribed to the Interposition of the Moon , by the pressing whereof the River runs down , not towards one part of the World , as the Seas do , but every way ; so as that one part goes to the South , another to the North , &c. which as they light upon the Straits of a narrow Sea , or upon neighbouring Shoars , accordingly the Ebbing is hastned or retarded . Tho' indeed we may have good reason to question , whether what the Antients have related of this River , be all agreeable to Truth ; seeing that TITUS LIVIUS in his 8 th Book , Decad 3d denies it , and gives us sufficient occasion , to doubt of the faithfulness of Authors as to that Point . The Strait of Euripus , saith he , doth not ebb and flow at set times 7 times a day , as the common report is , but according to the Wind is sometimes hurried this way , and sometimes that way , like a Brook that falls headlong from a steep Mountain ; so that it does not suffer the Ships to rest night or day . XVI . Why there is no Tide in Rivers and Lakes . Rivers and Lakes have no Tides , and receive no change from the opposition of the Moon . XVII . Nor any Tide in the Dead Sea , nor in the Euxine Sea. The Reason is , because their Banks are not sufficiently distant from one another , nor is their surface large enough to admit the pressure of the Heavenly matter . For even as Vessels the narrower they are , the less motion is perceived in them ; so no other water , but the Sea which surrounds the whole Earth can have so much room , as at the same time to rise or swell in 2 several places , and to fall or sink in 2 others . And therefore it is that the Rivers , Bays and Lakes that are between the Tropicks , cannot admit of any Ebbings and Flowings . As to those Lakes and Rivers that are without the Tropicks , neither are they subject to Tides , no nor the Seas neither , that are considerably great , in case they have no entercourse with the Ocean , or if they have any , yet the communication of the waters , is by a strait and narrow passage . Thus the dead Sea in Asia , and the Euxine Sea in Europe have no Tides , because they have no communication with the Ocean ; neither hath the Baltick Sea any , for tho' it be united with the Ocean , yet the strait of the Sound by which it communicates with the Ocean , is so far turn'd aside , from the straight Line , in which the waters move that are driven from the Tropicks towards the Poles , that they cannot enter in sufficient quantity into it , within the time of 6 Hours , to cause any sensible Elevation of the waters . CHAP. VII . Of Fire . I. How Fire ▪ produceth or propagates Fire . ONE Fire is produced or propagated by another . The Reason hereof is , because the parts of the 3 d Element , being carried away by the First that surrounds them , meet with like parts of the 3 d Element , which they not only separate from their like parts , but also from those of the 2 d Element , so that these also being surrounded with the first , are snatch'd away by it . For as a Ship that is carried along by the stream of a River , doth more forceably push forwards other Bodies it meets with , than the River it self can ; so these parts of the 3 d Element , being hurried along by the 1 st Element that surounds them , do agitate more strongly than the first alone can . Wherefore , if the force of these parts that are hurried away by the first be so great , that they be able to push far from them all the parts of the second , which the neighbouring Air is full of , and keep them so ; then the Flame appears , as we see in Wax , Grease , Oyl , Brimstone and Gunpowder set on Fire : But if they be not of force enough to do this , then the Fire lies overwhelm'd with much Ashes , as in Leaves , Touchwood , or any other dry Fewel . II. How Fire is generated by concentration of the Beams of the Sun. Fire is also generated by concentring the Rays of the Sun. The Reason is , because Light is nothing else but the motion of the 2 d Element , produced by the 1 st , whereby the 3 d Element is made visible . For it may happen , that upon the uniting of several Rays , some part of the 3 d , may be separated from its other like parts , and from the 2 d , and consequently be surrounded only with the 1 st , whose motion it must then follow . Thus in our time Burning-glasses have been invented , by which Metals may be Melted , and Wood suddainly set on Fire . III. There be some Fires that shine without heat . Some kinds of Fire do shine , and yet are destitute of all heat . For they who use the Sea , observe that at sometimes when Waves are dasht against Rocks , they appear as if flames of Fire rebounded from them . And thus also Rays of Light proceed from Rotten-wood , and Saltfish , but without any sensible heat . The Reason is , because the Matter of the 1 st Element , which is shut up in the Pores of such Bodies as these , tho' they be of force enought to push the Globuli of the 2 d Element , and to move the Retina , as much as is sufficient to produce the perception of Light ; yet is it too weak , to separate the Earthly parts from one another , and to excite that agitation in them , which is strong enough to produce heat . Fire therefore only shines , when the Pores of the Terrestrial Particles are so narrow , that they can only admit the first Element , and shut out every thick Body . Thus when the pointed Needles , as it were , of Salt do enter the strait Pores of Fishes , and drive thence the Globuli of the 2 d Element , so as to be open only for the admission of the matter of the 1 st Element , they by this means make the Fishes Scales to shine like Glow-worms . Historians tell us of a certain Fly in New Spain , of the bigness of a Beetle , called Cocujus , whose Eyes do enlighten the Night like a Wax Candle , so that it serves for a Lanthorn to those that walk by Night , and for a Lamp to burn in ones Chamber ; and by the Light whereof one may read or write ; and have the same effect when the Insect is dead , as when yet alive . IV. Some Fires burn without giving Light. Some Bodies afford great Heat , but are distitute of all manner of Light : As the Blood of Live Animals , Horsdung tending to putrefaction , Quick-Lime sprinkled with water , in which things there is a hidden Fire that burns and scorcheth , without the appearance of any Flame . The Reason is , because in such Bodies as these , the parts that surround the 1 st Element , and that are agitated by it , are too soft and limber to transmit the Action of Light. For tho' some of them swim on the top of the matter of the 1 st Element ; and comply with its motions ; yet because some Watry and Aiery plyable parts , are mingled with them , they have the power to kindle heat and fire , but not of receiving the action of Light. Hence it is that when the Spirit of Vitriol and Oyl of Tartar are poured together , an effervescence or boyling is caused , because the free passage of the subtil matter being hindred in them , doth produce a wrestling or contest betwixt these 2 Liquors , which is the cause of a vehement heat . And for this Reason Horsdung , and the Blood of Live Animals are hot , because the 1 st Element is pent up by a softer matter , within the narrow pores of the parts . And therefore they are only hot , that is they have only the force to move those Nerves that are subservient to the Touch , but not of pushing the Celestial Globuli , wherein the nature of Light doth consist . Quick-Lime sprinkled with water , waxeth hot , because its parts are so suited and disposed , as to admit the water surrounded only with the matter of the 1 st Element ; so that the Globuli , being expelled , the matter of the 1 st Element only bears sway . For those Bodies are said to have the form of Fire , whose particles do separately comply with the motion of the 1 st Element , and imitate the agitation thereof . V. Why the Flame mounts upwards . Flame , by a natural propensity , mounts upwards towards Heaven ; and to the end it may the sooner get thither , it quits its thickness , and takes to i● self a Conical Figure . It may be said that the Flame doth not so much affect to mount upwards , as it is by out ward force driven up thither ; for being on all sides surrounded by the Air , and by reason of its less degree of agitation , as it were , continually beaten by it , it rather tends upwards than downwards , because it meets with less resistance there . The way this is performed take as follows . The matter of the 1 st Element , which is predominant in the Flame , being in perpetual motion , strives continually to depart from the place where it is ; and being lighter than the Globuli of the 2 d Element , it is carried upwards , and withdraws it self from the Center of the Earth ; and forasmuch as no Body can be moved , except some other , by a circular motion , enter into its place , as much Air returns towards the Flame , as there is Smoak that goes from it ; and therefore the Air , which , as it were , licks the upper part of the Candle , mixing it self with the parts of the Wax or Tallow , affords fewel to the Flame : So that the power of dilating the Fire , and driving it upwards , may in some sort be attributed to the Air. Now the reason why the Flame is of a Conical Figure , and ends in a sharp point , is evident , because the middlemost parts of the Flame have more agitation , and consequently move with more force , and are sooner carried upwards , than the outward parts , whose agitation is diminished by the nearness and contact of the Air. VI. A Pyramidal Figure is accidental to Flame . From what hath been said , it is evident , that a Pyramidal Figure is accidental to fire , because the Air , by compressing the parts of the Flame , doth form it into that figure . For if we take a Wax-Candle , and place it in an Iron Pipe , and put the said Pipe into a Porringer full of Spirit of Wine , and afterwards set the Wax-Candle and Spirit of Wine upon the fire , we shall find that the flame of the Wax-Candle will be dilated , and swell 4 or 5 times greater than it was , and will then appear of a round , and not of a Pyramidal Figure . VII . The Fire burns more fiercely in the Winter than in the Summer . In the Winter , when the Air is most comprest and condenst with Cold , the Fire burns most fiercely ; and in Rainy Weather , and more especially when the Sun shines upon the hearth more weakly . The Reason is , because Sulphureous Particles are necessary for the preservation of the Fire , which do break forth from the combustible matter ; and Nitrous also , which are mingled with our Air : Now seeing that the Air in Winter , doth most of all abound with these Nitrous Corpuscles , it cannot be otherwise , but that the greater quantity of these must make the Fire burn more fiercely . Whereas , when the Sun shines upon the Hearth , the Nitrous Particles in the Air are scattered , and consequently the force of the Fire debilitated and almost extinguish'd . Hence it is that when a Lamp or other Light is put into a large Glass , fit for that purpose , as soon as the Air is pumpt out , it is presently extinguish'd ; not so much because it is choaked by its own Smoak , as because it wants this Nitrous Aliment contained in the Air. VIII . Why a Candle with a long Wiek , smoaks more than that with a short one . A Candle that burns with a long Wiek , smoaks more than another that is new snuft . The Reason is , because in a longer Wiek , the thicker parts of the Candle being mingled with the sulphureous , are without any loss carried upwards . But in a snuft Candle , that more fat and sulphureous matter which constitutes the Smoak , by being much agitated in the Flame , is reduced into most minute parts , as may be easily gathered from the crackling noise they make . This is the reason also , why a Plate of Iron , or other Metal being approach'd to the utmost parts of the Flame , contracts only some little smuttiness , because the Terrestrial Matter is by the force of the heat reduc'd to so small parts , that they are no longer perceptible in their egress from the Flame , nor adhere to any Body : But when this Plate is thrust into the midst of the Flame , it is covered all over with Smut and Soot ; and that by means of those grosser particles , that are not throughly subdu'd by the heat of the Flame . IX . How a Candle may be made to burn without smoak . But if a Cotten Wiek be laid to steep 24 hours in Whitewine Vinegar , impregnated with half its quantity of pure Nitre , and afterwards expos'd to the Sun to be dried , it will not send forth any Smoak , because the saline and volatil parts of the Nitre and Vinegar , do so divide and agitate all the moisture , that no part of it can escape the force of the Flame . X. How two liquors pour'd together , produce heat . Spirit of Vitriol and Oyl of Tartar pour'd together , produce an Ebullition , or Effervescence . The Reason is , because the pores of one of these liquors are so formed , that they can only admit the branchy parts of the other liquor , wrapt about with the matter of the first Element ; by which means the first Element having repulst the Globuli of the 2 d , does alone bear sway . Or because the subtil matter , being wont ▪ to flow and move otherwise in the Spirit of Vitriol , than in the Oyl of Tartar , when its free passage is stopt , it causeth a kind of contest between the 2 liquors , and an effervescence or ebullition by reason of the mutual agitation of their parts . XI . Why Fire is kindled by a blast . Fire is commonly kindled by a Blast , whether of a Bellows , or otherwise . Because by this means the Ashes which cover the surface of the Coals , and obstruct their more open pores , is driven away ; by which means the Fire that was about to break forth , is driven inward , and there so separates and divides the parts of the Coals , and throughly penetrates them , as to invade and kindle the fat and inflamable particles also . And hence it is that the flame , when blown upon , makes a noise , which is caused by the resistance of its parts , and the mutual combination that is between them . XII . How Fire comes to be quenched . Fire is quenched , when its parts are scattered and disperst , as it is kindled by the uniting of them . Thus we find , that either too fierce and violent a Blast of Wind , or a copious affusion of Water , doth dissipate the particles of Fire : The same effect is also caused by a steam that is shut up , and hath no vent to get out by ; for then the said Vapour being beat back , and rebounding upon it self , doth divide the parts of Fire . And by this means it is that a Candle is often put out in a VVine Cellar , filled with the steams of New VVine . XIII . Smoak hurts the Eyes , and moves Tears . The Smoak that proceeds from Wood , makes the Eyes smart , and produceth Tears . The Cause thereof are the sharp and biting particles whereof the Smoak consists ; which , twitching the surface of the Eye , and contracting the same , cannot but cause Tears to break forth . Forasmuch , as by this contraction , the Kernels in the Corners of the Eyes are squeezed , and consequently let out the humour contained in them . Onions produce the same effect , when they are cut , or otherwise divided into Parts ; at which time a sharp vapour or steam proceeds from them ; which reaching the Eye , provokes Tears . And probably it is for the same reason , that some Fumes are of use to still the Toothach , whilst by their sharp particles they do open the pores of the Gums , and not only make way for the Pain-causing Humour to pass away , but also excite it to evacuation . Thus a Fumigation is made with the Bran of Wheat , mixt with fine Sugar , which is found to be of use for this purpose . XIV . Greek fires , so called , cannot be quenched with water . Some sorts of Fire , by Authors called Greek-fires , cannot be quench'd with water . These Fires derive this effect from the solidity of their parts , and the swiftness of their Agitation , whereby they beat back the parts of the water . For one of the chiefest things required to the preservation of Fire , is this , that it have a sufficient quantity of earthly particles , which being driven and agitated by the first Element , have the power to hinder the choaking of it by the Air , or other Liquors pour'd upon it . Which force doth most of all abound in Bituminous , Oily and Sulphureous Substances , whereof these Greek-fires are composed . Forasmuch as these , by reason of their Thickness , and the sticking together of their Branchy Parts , are most proper to keep their station , and so to move the water , as to beat back the Aetherial Globuli , which by their irruption might extinguish the Fire . XV. Why Fire is easily quenched in Wine-Cellars . The contrary hereunto happens in Vaults and Wine-cellers , especially when the New Wine is working in the Vessels ; for then not only the Candles that are brought lighted into the Cellar , are extinguish'd , but even Torches also ; because their flames being fill'd with the steams of the New Wine , do not consist of any such matter as is able to repress and put by the Air that hangs over them ; nor are they strong enough to force it to enter into it self . XVI . How Fire is to be struck out of Flint , Steel , Stones , and some sorts of Wood. Fire is struck out of a Flint , with a Steel ; yea one piece of Steel rub'd against another , doth produce fire . There are also some Stones , that are called Live-stones , that being struck with a Nail , or hit with another Stone , do send forth Sparks . And in like manner the Indians also procure fire by joining 2 Sticks together , and then take a 3 d , which they very swiftly twirl about between them , till they be set on fire . The cause of this production of Fire is , because when the hard and brittle parts of the Flint , and the other mentioned Bodies , are hit against by a hard Body , many of the spaces , which lie between their particles , and which were wont to be filled with the Globuli of the 2 d Element , are made more narrow than they were before ; and therefore as soon as the Heavenly Globuli are driven away by the force of the said stroak , nothing remains besides the most subtil matter , for to receive these thick particles , and to turn them round very swiftly . And therefore , forasmuch as the parts of Flint are very stiff , and apt to fly into shivers , they do indeed give way to the force of the stroak , but immediately rebound again ; and thereupon being separated from each other , and hurried away by the motion of the first Element , they turn to Sparks , and constitute the form of fire . And thus in like manner is fire kindled by the vehement rubbing of Sticks against one another ; because by this continued violent motion , their particles are first drawn together , and afterwards being with great force separated from one another , whirl round ; by which means , not only the parts of the Air , but also the Aethereal Globuli , that surround them , are separated from each other ; and being whirl'd round by the vehement agitation of the first Element , turn to sparks , and exhibit the appearance of fire . Thus the Apulians wind Cords about a Stick ; and by swiftly twitching them this way and that way , do set them on fire . XVII . Why Hay , when it is shut up close , grows hot . When Hay is laid up before it is thorow dry , it grows hot , and burns ; which never happens when it is spread in a large and open field . The Reason is , because Hay , whilst it is yet New , doth abound with many Spirits , and several Juices ; which being accustomed to move thorow the pores of the Green Herbs from their Roots , to their upper parts , do still continue in them for some time after that they are cut down . Which as soon as they are shut up in a close place , the particles of these Juices , passing from one Herb into another , do find the pores of them more narrow than they were , by reason of the contraction of their Fibres , so that they cannot enter them , without leaving the Globuli of the 2 d Element behind them ; and being only surrounded with the particles of the first , and so complying with their most rapid motion , are of sufficient force to agitate and heat the thicker parts of the Hay . As for Example , if the Interval , which lies between the 2 Bodies B and C , be supposed to represent one of the Pores of a green Herb , and the small strings 1 , 2 , 3 , surrounded with little round Bodies , exhibit the pieces carried by the matter of the 2 d Element ; and the Interval D and E , another narrow pore of an Herb , that is in part dried , through which the foresaid particles 1 , 2 , 3 , pass , no longer swimming on the 2 d Element , but on the 1 st only : It is evident , that those that are between B and C , must follow the temperate agitation of the 2 d Element ; whereas those betwixt D and E , will be forced to comply with the most swift agitation of the 1 st Element . I said , In case the Hay , before it is fully dry , be laid up in some narrow or close place ; because as long as it is exposed in any open place , the juice which runs through the pores of the Herbs , is easily dissipated in the Air , with out passing through the pores of the other strings , wherein it might excite a heat , and cause a Conflagration . XVIII . What the reason is why Gunpowder is so easily kindled . Nothing is more easily kindled than Gunpowder . The Reason is , because it is compounded of Brimstone , Nitre and Charcoal , which of all things do most easily take fire : For Brimstone , we know , flames immediately , because it consists of particles of sharp juices , which are wrapt about with the thin and close branchy particles of an Oily Matter , so as that many pores between the said Branches , can only admit the matter of the first Element . But Nitre consists of longish and stiff Particles , which being agitated by the particles of Brimstone , do diffuse themselves into a larger space . And seeing that the Charcoal also doth abound with many Pores , the Brimstone and Nitre do readily enter the same , and by them are straitned . By which means it happens , that as soon as any fire toucheth a grain of Powder , composed of these materials , it presently enters the same through the pores of the Coals , and presently agitates the parts of the Brimstone , which afterwards move those of the Nitre and Charcoal . XIX . Some Lamps have been found that have burnt many years in Sepulchers . Authors tell us of Lamps , that of old times were used to be put into the Sepulchers of the Dead , and continued burning many ages , without any diminution of their Light. LUDOVICUS VIVES in his notes upon the XXI Book of St. Austin de Civitate Dei , tells us , That upon the breaking open of a certain Grave , a Lamp was found that had burnt 1500 years , but that as soon as it was touched with the hand it mouldred into the smallest Ashes . FORTUNIUS LICETUS also informs us , that about 100 years since , in the Papacy of Paul III , a Lamp was found in the Sepulcher of TULLIA , Cicero's Daughter , but upon the admission of the Air , and Light , was presently extinguish'd . GASSENDUS reckons these Lamps amongst those Ludicrous Lights , which burn when the Air is shut out , and vanish as soon as it is admitted ; when according to him , they ought to be rather kindled a-new upon the letting in of the Air , and so burn the stronger . But as for my part I see no reason why a fire or flame may not be preserved in subterraneous places , where it cannot be impaired or disturbed by the blowing of the Wind , or the distemperature of the Air. For it may so happen , that the particles of the Soot , which proceed from the Candle or Lamp , may close together about the Flame of the Lamp , and so constitute a kind of little Vault or Arch about it , by which the Air may be kept off from rushing upon the flame , and so overwhelm and choak it . For such an Arch as this would be of use to infringe the force of the flame from kindling the further parts of the Oyl or Wiek . So that by this means the 1 st Element in such a Lamp , being wrapt up round like a Star , would repel the Aethereal Globuli that are round about it , and so diffuse its Light throughout the whole Sepulcher ; which tho' but weak and duskish , yet upon breaking in of the Air , and the dispelling of the Soot , which did encompass it , doth discover a bright and shining Lamp. XX. A Flame proceeding from Spirit of Wine , doth not burn a Linnen Rag , but only the Spirit of Wine it self . The Flame of Spirit of Wine doth not consume a Rag of Linnen . The Reason is , because that to the end a Body may be fit to feed the fire , it must have many particles fit and suited to the fire which it is to preserve , and the same so joined to one another , or to other thicker than themselves , that by the driving or impulse of the particles of the said fire , they may be separated as well from themselves , as from the adjoining Globuli of the 2 d Element , and by this means take upon them the form of fire : Whereas the particles of the Linnen Rag are not thin enough to be agitated by the flame of the Spirit of Wine , and to be separated from one another . XXI . All fat things are not kindled after one and the same manner . For every fire is by so much the more strong and vehement , the more fat and tenacious the matter is that feeds it . Again , amongst fat Bodies , some are much more apt to kindle than others . For Spirit of Wine , the purer it is , and the more highly rectified , the more inflammable it is also , because it hath little or no Phlegm remaining with it . Thus that kind of Stone which is burnt into Quick-Lime , cannot without great difficulty take fire , because its parts being very ▪ closely joined together , the fatness that is contained in them , cannot easily be disentangled or driven out from them , to the end it may be kindled into a flame . Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. ● G. Freman In ▪ I. Kip XXII . What the Reason is , that sparks of Fire sometimes appear upon strongly Rubbing a Cats Back . When a Cats Back is strongly rubb'd with ones hand , Sparks of Fire seem to proceed from it . The Reason whereof seems to be this , because this Rubbing drives out some Particles of Moisture , and causeth them to be dissipated into the Air ; whereupon the particles of the fire , or if you will , the Sulphureous , greasy Particles , wherewith the Hair and Skins of Animals do abound , and those of Cats more than any other , croud and meet together , whence proceeds fire , and from the fire , light . Now this fiery Steam , or Exhalation , is easily retain'd or kept close in this Thicket of Hair , which consisting wholly of Sulphureous filaments , becomes easily entangled amongst the said Hairs . Which is the true Reason , why a Garment lin'd with Fur doth so obstinately retain the heat committed to it , and keep off the Cold. But it is to be noted , that these sparks of Light , which by stroaking are forc'd from the Back of a Cat , do only appear in the Dark , because a greater Light obscures and swallows them , as the Light of the Sun does that of the Stars . CHAP. VIII . Of Earthquakes , and Subterraneous Fires . I. The Cause of Earthquakes . THe Country of Campagna di Roma , in Italy , Trembled for many days , by an Earthquake in the beginning of the year , when L. CORNELIUS and Q. MINUTIUS were Consuls , and that with such frequent and reiterated Concussions , that , as LIVY acquaints us , the People were not only tired and afflicted with the frequent returns of the Earthquake , but also by reason of the Holy-days that were appointed upon that account , to deprecate the Wrath of Heaven . Some do impute the Cause of Earthquakes to the Sun , as supposing that by his heat , he doth attract those Exhalations out of the Caverns and Holes of the Earth , to the surface of it . But Reason assures us that this cannot be , because the Sun's Rays cannot penetrate so great a Depth of Earth : For tho' the Earthy particles , being beat upon by the Rays of the Sun , do agitate others which are near to them , and to which the Rays themselves ▪ cannot reach ; and these again , others that lye near to them , and so on ; yet is not this Commotion of the parts of the Earth sufficient to kindle a fire in it . Wherefore it seems more Rational for us to attribute the Cause of these Earthquakes to those Exhalations , which mounting through the Chinks and Cavities of the Earth , do there compose fat and thick Fumes , not much unlike to those which proceed from a Candle newly extinguish'd , and fill the whole space that is about it , which by a spark of Fire , either from Flints hitting against each other , or by some Candle that Miners make use of in their labour , are presently kindled ; and being thereby vastly rarefied , shatter to pieces all the confinements of their too narrow Prisons , and force all the Bodies that stand in their way . II. Misnia in Germany , and the Island del Moro , have subterraneous Fires ▪ that burn in the Bowels of them . Thus AGRICOLA tells us , that in the Country of Misnia in Germany , there is a Mountain of Smiths-Coals that burns continually ; where , according as the Flames spread and consume the Coals , the Earth sinks down and leaves deep Holes , which appear like so many burning Furnaces ; the flame whereof sets any fit Matter on fire , that is at 4 Foot distance from them . In like manner , in the Island Del Moro , the Fire bursts forth with such extream Noise , that it equals the Thundering of the greatest Cannon , and with so thick a Smoak , that it may be compared with Midnight-Darkness ; and with such a prodigious quantity of Ashes and Cinders , that Houses are crush'd under the weight of it , Cattle and other Beasts destroyed , and Fresh-waters turned into bitter . Now whenever the Exhalations that are kindled in these Caverns , are not of force enough to break their way through the surface of the Earth , they only produce a shaking or trembling , that is , they only cause the Earth that is above them to rise : In like manner as Gunpowder heaves up the Ground under which the Mines are laid : And the said Exhalations appear outwardly , when they have strength enough to open the ground . III. Why in some Earthquakes there be several successive shakings . In Earthquakes , there are many times repeated shakings succeeding one another . The Reason of this is , because the Matter that is kindled , is not always altogether in one and the same Cavity ; but in many , which are only separated by a little sulphureous Earth : And therefore when the Fire takes in one of these Cavities , it gives the first shake to the Earth , and a second , when it kindles that which is in the next , after having consumed the sulphurour Matter that did separate them , and so on to the very last Cavity . IV. An Earthquake never assaults the whole Earth , but only some particular parts of it . Some parts only of the Earth are shaken in Earthquakes , not the whole Ball thereof . The Reason is evident , for that the Exhalations which abound in the Earth , and which have the power of shaking it , do not every where meet with a space wherein to dilate themselves . For since there are innumerable subterranean Cavities , and various hollows and windings , ready to admit any foreign Bodies , we cannot well conceive them to be all fill'd with the same Matter . For some of them contain Waters , which because of their innate Coldness , and the thickness and foeculency of their parts , do stagnate without any motion . Others are full of a thick and foggy Air , which being pent up within narrow Walls , is never driven out of its Holes without some force . Others again are taken up by fire , or rather fiery Steams and Exhalations ; but such as are shut up in their Dungeons , and being unable to break forth , lye very quiet there without doing any mischief . Now these Steams or Exhalations , pent up within the Bowels of the Earth , from the various coalition whereof , Brimstone , Jews-lime , and other such like inflamable Bodies are made , like a smoaking Torch , are kindled either by another Fire , or by the striking of hard Bodies against one another , or by the mixture of Liquors proper to produce an effervescence , and a consequent flame ; and by means whereof being now more dilated , they push against the sides of their Dungeons and shake the Earth , till at last having broke through their Prison-walls , they burst forth , and rush to take possession of a free and open Career . And forasmuch as these Exhalations are very inconsiderable , and bear no proportion to the whole Globe of the Earth , they can only shake some parts of it , without concerning the whole . V. What places are most subject to Earthquakes . Sea-Coasts of all other places are most subject to Earthquakes , because much fat and slimy Matter flows from the Sea , into the several subterraneous Cavities , which are very proper to feed the Fire . And therefore we find that Earthquakes very seldom are heard of in the Northern parts of the World , especially those that are remote from the Sea ; because they have not Matter enough to produce these Concussions , the same being either drawn off by the heat of the Sun , or else because it is but gradually and in small quantities conveyed from the Sea. To which we may add , that in the Parts now mention'd , there are but few subterranean Caverns to admit this Matter : For this loosness of the Earth , and the wide and open Cavities contain'd in the Bowels of it , do much conduce towards the causing of these Earthquakes ; because fresh Matter is laid up in store in them , for the producing of these Effects . VI. When and where Earthquakes are most frequent . Accordingly we find , that Earthquakes are most frequent in those places where the Earth abounds with Caverns and subterraneous Cavities , which are the proper and fit receptacle for those Exhalations ; except the said Cavities be open towards Heaven , and so afford a free passage for the Exhalations to fly away . Wherefore also Earthquakes chiefly happen , when abundance of such Exhalations are found in the Earth ; as in the Spring and Autumn . VII . What is the Cause of the great Noise that is consequent upon Earthquakes . Every Earthquake is followed by a Noise , not much unlike that of Thunder , which always accompanies , and sometimes goes before it . The Reason hereof is , because the Fire which is rarefied within the Cavities of the Earth , doth rebound and return upon it self : For seeing that in these Caverns there be innumerable winding Passages , which the kindled Exhalations go through , it cannot be but that the sound must needs be multiplied in its passage through them . Thus we know that Eccho's are most frequent in Caves and Hollow places : And thus we find , that from certain crooked Horns , which the Musicians from their windings call Serpents , a kind of Lowing Noise doth proceed , which is only to be attributed to those windings and turnings by which the said found is conveyed to our Ears . Every Earthquake therefore is accompanied either with a greater or less Noise , according as the matter is more swiftly or more slowly kindled , and as the rarefied Exhalations , do break forth with greater or weaker force , and display themselves by many or fewer Concussions . VIII . VVhence that great Fire that proceeds from Aetna and Vesuvius , is caused . The Earth in many places casts forth Fire through the top of many Mountains : Thus Mount Aetna in Sicily , Vesuvius in Naples , Hecla in Iseland , &c. do disgorge Flames , and cover the Neighbouring Countries with Ashes . The Mountain Vesuvius , now called Monte di Soma , according to the Relation of DION CASSIUS did burn in the year that TITUS VESPASIANUS and FLAVIUS DOMITIANUS were the 7 th time Consuls , and breaking forth at the top , at first cast forth Stones , and afterwards such a vast quantity of Flames , that 2 Towns , Herculaneum and Pompeium were thereby consumed ; such thick Smoak , that they darkned the Light of the Sun , and last of all pour'd forth such a storm of thick Ashes , that it cover'd all the Neighbouring Country like a high Snow , and which by the force of the Wind was carried over into Africa . There is no question to be made , but that Fire is generated in the Earth , seeing that a vast quantity of Brimstone and Jews-lime is contained in the same , which are of a very Fat substance above all others , and are most readily kindled : Neither do we find any matter within the Bowels of the Earth , is better suited for the production of Fire ; and therefore we may well conclude , that whatsoever burns , or is hot , is preserved and maintained by the mixture of both these . And therefore no Fire breaks forth any where , neither doth any heat manifest it self , where both of these , or at least the one of them doth not bear sway . The Wind also may contribute not a little to the increase and dilatation of the Fire that lies hid in the Caverns of the Earth , whilst by entring into them , it doth more or less blow them up and kindle them , and makes the flame more violent . IX VVhen Aetna first began to burn . When Fires first began to break forth from this Mountain , doth not appear from History : VIRGIL tells us , that in AENEAS his time , when in his Voyage to Italy he put in at Sicily , Mount Aetna poured forth Smoak and Cinders , with a horrid roaring Noise . And THUCYDIDES acquaints us , that this Mountain burnt in the 76 th Olympiad , that is , 476 years before the Birth of Christ . And several times after that , as in the time of CALIGULA , &c. X. VVhen the Mountain in the Isle of Java began to burn . In the Year 1580 , a Mountain in the Isle of Java , not far from the City Panacura , began to burn , the top of it being burst open with a violent eruption of Brimstone , so that 10000 Persons were consumed in the Country thereabouts , and cast forth vast great Stones upon the City Panacura . Moreover , for 3 days together it sent forth so much thick Smoak , mixt with Flames and Cinders , that it did cover the Sun , and almost turned the Day into Night . XI . Of some Mountains that burnt formerly , and have now ceased . There are found some other Mountains , that now burn no longer . Thus in the Island Queimoda , not far from the Mouth of the River Rio de la Plata , there is a Mountain that burnt formerly , but hath now ceased . So likewise there are several Mountains in Congo and Angola , as also in the Azores , especially those of Tercera and St. Michael , which formerly cast forth flames , whereas now nothing but smoak proceeds from them ; and this , because the Sulphurous and Bituminous matter , which is the most proper to kindle and feed Fire , is quite consumed in them . XII . Why these subterraneous Fires do commonly break forth at the Tops of Mountains . The Reason why these Subterranean flames , do generally get up to the tops of Mountains , and thence make their terrible Eruptions , is to be taken from the Nature of Fire , which being pent up in these Cavities , and not being able to dilate and spread it self , makes a breach in the Walls of its Prison upwards , rather than elsewhere , because there it finds less resistance , and being once broke forth , it continues burning as long as the fewel lasts . XIII . Why the Fire doth not break forth from lower Grounds , as well as from Mountains . Subterraneous Fires seldom break forth from lower grounds ; but very frequently from the Bowels of Mountains . Of this , a twofold Reason may be given ; First , Because Mountains contain many Cavities : And , 2 dly , because those great fragments , whereof the outward Crust of the Earth doth consist , and which are so posited as to lean upon one another , do afford a more easie Egress to the flame , than the other parts . And tho' these Openings of the Earth , do close again , as soon as the flame is broke forth from them ; yet there may be so great a quantity of Brimstone , and Bitumen or Jews-lime carried up from the Bowels towards the top of the Mountain , as may furnish sufficient Matter for a long continued burning . And as for those Steams which are afterwards gather'd again in these Cavities , and kindled , they easily afterwards make their way by the passage that is already open'd for them . XIV . Why these Flames break forth from Mountains only at certain times and seasons . Burning Mountains , after some time cease to cast forth Flame and Smoak , and after this Cessation return to the same task again . The Reason is , because that when the Sides of these Mountains are burst open , Water comes flowing in to the said Cavities , and stops up the Passages to them , so as that the Matter of Exhalations cannot so quickly be gather'd there again , and afford Matter to succeeding flames . It also very frequently happens , that by means of this vehement eruption of flames , the parts of the Mountain are overthrown , and fall down into the bottom of the Deep , from whence the fire did proceed ; and the way for the Exhalations to break forth at , being thus stopt up , no further Burnings can be expected , till a fresh quantity of Brimstone and Jews-lime be gathered and kindled , which by its breaking forth may open those stopt Passages again , by casting up that which obstructed them . And this is the Reason why these Fire-vomiting-Mountains do not always retain the same Bigness : For Vesuvius , in Ancient Times , was of far greater bulk than now it is , and is scarcely an Italian Mile high , all its windings and turnings reckon'd in . Nor will scorcht Aetna ever vomit Flame , Since from beginning 't did not do the same . Ovid. XV. Metamorph. XV. Why upon an approaching Earthquake VVell-water becomes troubled . When an Earthquake is near , the Water of Wells becomes troubled and muddy , and sends forth a stinking smell . This Effect is produced by the steam proceeding from the Subterraneous fire , which like a smoak breaking forth from a piece of Wood that is not throughly kindled , insinuates it self into the narrow pores of the Earth , and mingles it self with the said Well-waters . The said waters do likewise send forth a Noisom smell , because this steam , which ariseth from the Bowels of the Earth , proceeds from sulphureous and bituminous Bodies , wherewith the inward parts of the Earth do abound ; which being of a strong and unpleasant smell , no wonder if their steams communicate a like odour to the waters . CHAP. IX . Of Ashes and Coals . I. VVhy Ashes are called Snow . AShes , or that light powder which remains after that the flame hath consumed all its fewel , in Combustible Bodies , are by Chymists compared unto Snow , and they commonly call it the Snow of the Earth . Because , as Snow doth consist of most small Drops , which by means of a subtil Vapour are woven or entangled together into flocks ; so in Ashes , the smallest particles of the Earth , by a subtil interweaving of filaments , are joyned together in lesser flocks , which may be discerned by the help of a Microscope . II. How it comes to pass , that a Vessel full of Ashes , contains almost as much water , as another Vessel of the same bigness that i● Empty . Ashes soak up so much Water , that a Vessel fill'd with them doth very near contain as much Water , as another empty Vessel of the same bigness . The Reason is , because the Pores that are intercepted between the parts of the Ashes , are like so many flocks , that take in the Liquor poured upon them . And they are perceived to have little Bodies , like to cast Skins that suck in the water , and hide the same within their thin surfaces . But yet we must not from hence conclude with the Peripateticks , that there is the same quantity of water in a Vessel fill'd with Ashes , as there is in an empty one , seeing that the Ashes can scarcely imbibe a 5 th part . III. VVhy Ashes are of use for the cleansing of Linnen and VVoolen . Ashes are of great use for the scouting and washing clean of Bodies . And therefore those who take the spots of Oil , or any other greasy Matter out of Bodies , do make great use of Ashes , by means whereof they restore things to their former cleanness and neatness . The Reason of this Effect is , because Bodies are made smooth by rubbing against one another , and lose all their Roughness : And therefore by the rubbing of Bodies with Ashes , all the dirt and the filth that sticks to them is washt away with ●elp of Water , which is that Vehicle , whereby the Ashes are carried into the most intimate retreats of the Body , where the filth or stains do lurk ; for having some part both of fatness and sharpness , they become entangled with them , and by rubbing fetch out whatsoever Unevenness remains in the Cloth. And thus by the mixture of Ashes and Water , a Lye is made , whilst the water being as it were strained through the pores of the Ashes , and taking along with it their sharpness and fatness , it is made very efficacious for the washing and cleansing of things , from those stains and spots that stick to them . IV. The Ashes of Fig-trees very proper for the washing out of Spots . Hence it is observed , that the Ashes of Fig-trees have a peculiar virtue for the Cleansing of Bodies from filth and stains ; because the leaves and wood , whereof they consist , do abound with fatness and sharpness , or acrimony , which entring into the inmost parts of Bodies , do carry the filth along with them . And it is for the same Reason , that these Ashes are found to be a good Remedy to stop the Fluxes of the Belly , and for the opening of Obstructions , making the Humors to run freely through the Body , and through the passages appointed for them . V. Ashes preserve the Roots of Plants from the cold . The Roots of Plants in Winter are covered with Ashes , to preserve them from being damaged by the cold , and that the melted Snow or Ice running down to them , may not hurt or injure them . The Reason of this common use is , be●●use Ashes are dry , and almost destitute of all m●nner of Juke , and therefore drink up the melted Snow , and hide it within their Pores . For Ashes are not , and are agitated with intestine motions . For as Vinegar and the Lees of Wine , do retain a warming Virtue ; so Ashes are partakers of a Fiery quality , and are endued with a Virtue , that resists the effects of cold . VI. How Ashes contribute towards the making of the Earth fruitful . And for the same Reason it is , that Ashes conduce to make the g●ound fruitful , because of the Salt that is in them . For the Fatness of the Earth is lodged in Salt and Nitre , which being resolved by moisture , and heated by the Sun , doth ferment , and yields new productions . And therefore those Ashes whence the Salt hath been extracted , are of no use for this purpose , which may be prov●d by this Experiment : Dig a quantity of Earth deep out of the Ground , and having divided it into● parts expose them to the Air , the one in the same Condition as it came out of the Ground , and the other washt several times by pouring water upon it , and suffering the same to run through it ▪ And you shall find , that this , latter ▪ will produce nothing , whereas the other will bring forth Herbs , Worms and little Pebbles within some short time after . VII . Why Coals are of a black colour . Coals and all other adust things , as Soot and such like are of a black colour . The Reason is , because there are more Pores in Coals , and also in the burnt parts of Animals and Vegetables , than there were in the same Subjects before the Fire had touched them , and which may be seen in Charcoal , by means of a Microscope . Now this multiplicity of Pores swallows up the Light , and hinders it from being reflected to the Eye . And from the multiplicity and largeness of these Pores , remaining in stead of the grosser matter , that hath been turned into Smoak and Steam , the Lightness of Charcoal doth proceed . VIII . Why Coals keep Fire a great while . Coals do preserve Fire a good while , especially if they be covered with Ashes , and so kept from the Air coming to them . The Reason is , because the Fire which lies hid in the Coals , is lodged in some thin and branchy Particles , which being intangled with others that are thicker , tho' they be most swiftly agitated , yet can only get out successively , that is , one after another . The Fire that is hid within the Pores of any Body , doth stand in need of some time , to have all its Particles dissolved , that by this means it may extricate it self from them ; and probably before they can get thus free , the parts of the Coal must be worn and wasted by a long motion , and every one of them be subdivided into other parts again . But as long as the Air hath free access to Glowing Coals , they are much sooner consumed , because the Air doth by its motion blow away the Ashes , and entring into the Pores of the Coal , dilates them more than ordinary , and so makes way for the Fiery Particles to fly away . IX . How Wood is turned into Charcoal , and how into Smoak and Ashes . Thus a piece of Wood being put into a Vessel and covered with Sand , within a short time after that Fire hath been put under the said Vessel , the Wood becomes turned into Charcoal , if so be the Vessel cover'd with Sand be not presently removed from the Fire , but so ordered that it may cool by degree● , not too suddainly lose all its heat . For if as soon as the Vessel is taken from the Fire , the Sand be removed , the Wood upon the letting in of the Air , will presently begin to Flame , and be wholly resolved into Ashes . Because the Branchy particles of the Wood , become by ●his means sep●rated from each other , and upon the removing of that which hindred , are dissipated in the Air. X. A Live Coal being sprinkled with water , grows the hotter . If a little water be sprinkled upon a ●ive Coal , the heat is thereby encreased . Because the moisture by entring into the Pores of the k●ndled Body , doth drive the Particles of the Fire into the inmost parts of it , and becomes mingled with them , but being forced to return by reason of the predominating heat , it carries the Particles of Fire , which lay hid in the Pores along with it , to the extream parts of the Body . And the same is the reason , why water which extinguisheth small Fires , yet by the fatness which it contains doth make great Fires burn more fiercely , because by the motion of its flexible parts , it carries forth the heat , and raiseth the flame to a greater height . XI . Why Charcoal enters the composition of Gunpowder . In the making of Gunpowder , Charcoal-dust is mixed with Brimstone and Nitre , and being moistned with some Liquor , this Composition is formed into small Grains , which of all other matter do most readily kindle and take Fire . The Reason why Charcoal-dust is made an ingredient of Gunpowder is , because it abounds with Pores , and therefore is most easily penetrable ▪ And no wonder that Charcoal is very porous , seeing that before the Fire had wrought upon it , the Wood it self had many little passages , which afterwards by the operation of the Fire , and the evaporation of so many Particles in Smoak and Steam , were mnch encreased : To which may be added , that Charcoal chiefly consists of 2 kind of parts , whereof the one are Thin and Branchy , which as soon as they come near the Fire are easily kindled ; as having already been agitated by the force of the Fire , but yet continuing entangled together by their slender and manifold Branches , which also would have made their escape , if the quenching of the Fire , had not stopt their flight . The other parts contained in Charcoal are thicker , which if the Fire had acted longer upon them , would have been turned into Ashes . So that in this Composition of Gunpowder , the Branchy Particles of the Brimstone , and the sharp Needles of the Nitre , penetrating into the large Pores of the Charcoal , become entangled with its Branchy parts and closely drawn together , especially by that time they are dried , after that the whole mixture , by the addition of some moisture , hath been formed into small Grains . This composition becomes kindled in this manner ; First , the Fire being applied , immediately kindles the Brimstone , and at the same time puts the Particles of Nitre into motion , which thereupon requiring a greater space wherein to take their turns , do rend the Bands of the Charcoal , and resolve the Grain into Flame and Smoak . For the resistenee of the Charcoal doth greatly promote that swiftness , whereby the whirled Needles of the Nitre do break forth into a suddain Flame . XII . Why Ashes are white . Ashes are commonly of a whitish colour , which grows much darker when water is cast upon them , Ashes are white , because the Particles which constitute them , are Sph●●rical , which our Touch can convince us of , for asmuch as ●hey feel smooth without any roughness at all . And consequently reflecting the ligh● on all sides , they exhibit a white colo●● ; which becomes darker upon the affusion of water , because , moisture , as ha● been said , promotes blackn●ss . XIII . How Wheat comes to grow from the Ashes of it . Credible Authors answer us , that Wheat hath sprung from the Ashes of it Sown in the Gound . The Reason is , because the Salt which remains in the Ashes is a solid substance , and contains a great portion of Earth , and consequently is most proper for the generation of Plants , since it cannot easily be exhaled , and becomes resolved by the force of Heat . Wherefore these rudiments of the Plants remaining in the Ashes , being dissolved by some convenient moisture , and the warmth of the Air , spring forth into a new Plant. Thus Hogs-dung produceth Sowthistles , and that because it is common for those Animals , to feed upon them ; for the Seed of Sowthistles remaining in the Dung , and resolved by heat and moisture , produce other Plants of the same nature . XIV . The Ashes of a Plant contain the principles of a new Plant. Hence it is that if we put the Ashes of any Plant into a Vessel with water , and expose the same to the Air in the Winter-time , as soon as the water is frozen , the resemblance of the Plant will be exprest on the Ice , at least the Leaves of it . Which is a pregnant Argument , that in the Ashes there remains a Principle of a new Life . CHAP. X. Of Glass . I. What Ashes are most proper for the making of Glass . THE most proper Ashes that are known , for the making of Glass , are those of the Herb Kali , and Fern. Tho' the parts of Ashes be very gross and irregular , and cannot , tho' they lean one upon another , so unite together , as to compose a hard Body , because the Air which fills the Pores that are left between them , doth hinder their Rest ; yet the Ashes of the Herb Kali and Fern , are therefore the most proper of all others for the making of Glass , because they abound with abundance of fixt Salts , which are very porous and spungy ; so that when these Ashes are put into a violent Fire , their corners are consumed by it , and by this means the surface of their parts is made so smooth and even , that they touch in more Points than they did before , and afford a free passage to the Beams of Light , and cannot be rendred dark or opake without the mixture of some Forrein Matter . II. Why Glass is Transparent . Glass notwithstanding that it is a hard Body , and made up of the thick and irregular Particles of Ashes , yet doth constitute Transparent and Lightsome Body . The cause of this perspicuity of Glass , may be easily gathered from the make of it . For whilst the matter of it , was by the violence of the Fire reduced to a liquid form , and all its Particles in agitation , the Fire flowing round about them , hollowed many Cavities in them , which the 2 d Element freely entring , diffused the action of Light to all parts , in right Line● . And forasmuch as the said Pords , are after the Glass is made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preserved and kept open , by th● i●cessan● passage of the subtil matter , and are filled as before , they cannot but transmit the L●ght as foremerly , so that the same transparency which was in the molten and liquid Glass , remains in the cold and hardned . For this i● a thing common to all Bodies that are melted in the Fired that whilst they are yet in that liquid form their parts do easily accommodate themselves to any Figure , which they retain after that they are grown cold ▪ If at any time any darkness be perceived in Gl●ss , that proceeds from some Dr●g●● Clouds or Bubbles that are mingled in its texture , which since they are much more numerous in thick Glass than 〈◊〉 thin , therefore we must inpute the darkness of thick Glass to them . III Why Glass is Brittle . Glass is very Brittle , and will not suffer it self to be extended , but upon the least stroak breaks to shivers , The Reason is , because tho' Glass be a hard Body , and does consist of parts that are thick enough , yet forasmuch as the surfaces by which they touch one another , are very small , so that they joyn only in Points , for this reason it ●s , that if they be never so little separated from each other , they lose their union and fly into bits . Whereas many soft Bodies are much harder to be broken , because they have their parts so intangled , that they cannot be separated , without the breaking of many of those Branches , by which they were held together . IV. Glass sometimes breaks of it self . It is a thing known by long experience , that Glasses after they have lasted a long time , do at last break of themselves . More particularly this is notorious to them , who grind those Glasses that are used in Prospective Glasses ; for they find that after they have been polished a long time , they slit of themselves . The cause whereof is , because the Saline Particles , being agitated by the subtil Matter , do endeavour to break loose : As may be gathered from hence , that in the Winter season , and Rainy weather , something may be wiped from Glasses , that hath a Saltish taste . And not long since there was a certain man at Amsterdam , who broke Rhenish-wine Glasses only with his Voice , and that not very strong neither , but tuned to a certain Pitch . V. Why Glass that is newly taken out of the Furnace doth break when exposed to the Air. A Glass newly taken out of the Furnace , if it be exposed to the cold Air breaks immediately ; and so likewise if any water be cast upon it . The Reason is , because when the cold doth draw together and narrow the Pores of the Glass , the subtil Matter and the fiery Particle● are by this means lockt up in them : And whilst the former of these press to make their way through the Pores of the Glass , and the others endeavour to get out from it , they by striving to widen the Pores , make the Glass to fly in pieces . VI. A cold Glass ●eld to ne●● the Fire cracks If a cold Glass be held so near to the Fire , that it heat in one part more than in another , it presently breaks . The Reason is , because when the Fire is got in to the Glass , the Pores of it are not all equally dilated by it , and therefore when the subtil matter gets into them , seeing the Pores where the Glass is cold , are not wide enough for its free passage , it makes way for it self by rending the Glass to pi●ce● ▪ But if it be by degrees , and by little and little held b● the fire ▪ it will suffer no hurt at all ; b●cause all 〈◊〉 po●●s will by this means be sufficien●ly 〈◊〉 so as to afford a free and open passage for the subtil matter . And therefore when Glasses that have contained any hot Liquor , are suddainly ●mptied and exposed to the Air , they crack immediately ; because the subtil matter , which is pent up in the pores of Glass Vessels , striving to get out , finds no way for it self , because the pores are constringed by the coldness of the Air ; and therefore makes its way by breaking the 〈◊〉 sides of the Glass . VII . How the breaking of Glasses may be prevented . To avoid this breaking of Glasses , they that belong to the Glass houses ▪ take the Glasses that are newly blown , and set them in a place at some distance from the fire to Neal , as they call it , removing them every 6 hours , the distance of 8 or 10 Foot , before they expose them to the Air ; by which means all the parts of the Glass being insensibly and equally cool'd , there is an equal constriction of the Pores , so as that the subtil matter which can pass one of them , can with like ease pass all the rest . VIII . How Glass comes to have an Attractive Virtue . Glass seems to have something of a Magnetick Virtue ; for when it is strongly rubb'd , so as to be heated thereby , it draws the neighbouring Bodies to it self . The Reason is , because the agitated particles of the 1 st Element , continually pass from the Glass into the Air , and others from the Air return to the Glass , to take up the room of the former ; and because those particles which return from the Air , have not all of them the same degree of Agitation , those which have less , are driven towards the little slits ; which have no correspondent Pores in the Air , and being , as it were , heaped upon one another , do constitute certain wreaths , which in process of time acquire determinate Figures , which afterwards are not easily changed . Wherefore when Glass is strongly rubb'd , so as to grow hot , these wreathed particles being driven out , are diffused indeed through the neighbouring Air , and enter into the pores of Bodies that are about them : But forasmuch as they do not there find an open and ready way for themselves , they return to the Glass immediately , and carry along with them any little Bodies they meet with in their way . IX . Glass becomes variously coloured , by being mingled with Metals . When in the melting of Glass , a Metal is mix'd with it , the parts whereof cannot so easily be smoothed and polished by the action of the Fire , as those of the Ashes are whereof the Glass is made , then the Glass becomes ting'd of divers Colours . The Reason is , because the metalline particles , which are very irregular , do insinuate themselves into the pores of the Glass ; and by this means , make the parts of the 2 d Element , that pass through the same , to move and roll differently from what they did before , and consequently to represent those Colours which are caused by these their different rolings . X. What is the reason of the stifness of Glass . Glass is very stiff , and cannot be bent without the danger of Breaking . Wherefore , if it be never so little bended one way , it presently springs back like a Bow , and returns to its former Figure . The Reason is , because this bending doth somewhat change the figure of the Glass , and straitens the pores of it ; so that the particles of the 1 st Element , that before past through them , finding then way not so easie as before , and yet pursuing their motion as far as they are able , force the sides of them , and endeavour to reduce them to their former figure . For this property of leaping back , is not peculiar to Glass only , but to all hard Bodies , whose particles are joined by immediate contact , and not by the weaving or intangling of Branchy parts . As is evident in a bended Bow of Steel or Wood , which presently leaps back to its former state , except it have continued bent too long ▪ and that the subtil matter hath found or made it self other passages to run through ▪ XI . Why Glass melts by the force of Fire . Glass is melted by the action of fire , and whilst 〈…〉 so , is easily formed into all sorts of figures . The Reason is , because the parts of Glass having been before worn and polished by the force of fire , are easily moved , and obliquely creeping , and flowing one upon another , they begin to touch each other in some small part of their surfaces , and following one another , constitute a fluid Body , which may be formed into any figures , according to the pleasure of the Artist . Moreover this fluid Body , as it grows Cold , becomes tough like Birdlime , so as that it may be drawn into thin Threds ; because as long as that motion is continued in it , whereby its parts do flow ; lying obliquely upon one another , it may the more easily be drawn out into Threds , than it can be broken . XII . Glass beaten to Powder becomes a Poison . Glass beaten into Powder , according to the opinion of some Physicians , becomes Poison . The Reason of this , as I suppose , may be , because the pieces of Glass are hard and sharp , which hurting and wounding the Membrans of the Stomach and Guts , as well as of the other smaller vessels , become destructive to the Body of Man. For I do take Glass , when it is yet whole , to be no Poison at all ; forasmuch as many have swallowed it without any hurt ; which is an argument , that all the hurt that can accrue to our Bodies from Glass , must proceed from the hardness and figure of its little particles . CHAP. XI . Of the Air. I. Why the Air is insipid . THE Air is insipid , and makes no impression on of Taste upon the Tongue . The Reason is , because it swims upon our Spittle , and doth not mingle with it , and therefore cannot affect the Nerves of the Tongue . And hence also we may see the reason why water is insipid ; as likewise why fat Liquors are less discernible by their taste , than dry things . II Why the Air that is nearer to the Earth , is hotter than that which is further off . The Region of the Air , which is nearest to the Earth , is found to be warmer than that above it , where Cold hath a greater dominion , and where Hail , Snow , and other cold Bodies are generated . Book . 2. Part. 4. Chap. 11. G. Freman . In. 〈◊〉 K●p 〈◊〉 III. How the Air may be made more heavy . The Air being thrust and crouded into any vessel , does become more heavy , than that which is diffused in a free and open place . Which GALILAEUS made an Experiment of after this manner . I took , saith he , a large Glass Bottle , and carefully applied to the Mouth of it the Neck of a Bagpipe , by which means I crouded into it a very great quantity of Air ; for because of its easie condensation , 2 or 3 Bottles full of Air were thrust into it over and above that which was in it at first . Now by this Experiment Galilaeus learnt , that the crouded Air had made the Bottle more heavy than before ; and that as soon as the Mouth was unstopt again , the weight of it was again diminished . The Reason is clear and evident ; because in the condensation of Bodies , the parts come nearer together and are more intimately joyned ; And therefore being in greater quantity , they cannot but weigh more than before ; for a greater quantity of Air makes the Vessel more heavy than a less quantity . As will be evident , if this Bottle with Air be fitted to another Bottle full of Water , with a hole at the bottom of it , which may be opened at pleasure : For when the Bottles are thus joined together , and a passage left open for the Air to enter into the Bottle full of Water , as much Water will run out as there was of condensed Air that was crouded into the other Bottle . And therefore we are to suppose , that the quantity of Air , that was with force driven into the Bottle , is equal to the quantity of Water , that was driven out from it through the Bottle . IV. How much the Water is Heavier than the Air. It seems to be difficult to determine how much the Water is heavier than the Air ; forasmuch as the weight of the Air is not the same in all places . Yet may the same be , in some sort , determined from a late Experiment ; by which , well-nigh , all the Air having been contracted out of the great Glass Vessel of the Pneumatick Engin , and the Mouth of it stopt , it was laid in a Scale , to know exactly how much the Vessel weighed without Air ; and afterwards when the Air was let in again , it was weighed a 2 d time , and then found that the Vessel weighed about an ounce and half more than it did before : So that according to this Experiment the Water should seem to be almost 1000 times heavier than the Air. V. A Description of the Pneumatick Engin. For the further clearing of this , and the following Phaenomena , I think it will not be useless to give here a description of the foresaid Engin or Machin . It consists chiefly of 2 parts , viz. of a Syringe or Pump , and a Glass Vessel , which is called a Recipient , whence the Air is pumped . Between the Syringe and the Recipient is a Copper Pipe , through which the Air passeth out of the Recipient into the Syringe ; and in the Pipe is a Peg , by the turning of which the Air is either suffered to pass out of the Glass into the Syringe , or stopt from passing . When therefore the Sucker is pulled up , the lower part of the Syringe is stopt with ones Finger , that the Air may pass out of the Recipient into the Syringe ; and when the Sucker is prest down , then by turning of the Peg the Air is hindred from passing out of the Recipient into the Pump ; and by removing ones Finger , the Air is driven out of the lower end of the Syringe ; the rest will be easily perceived by the Eye , or understood from the Figure . A is the Pump , at the bottom whereof B is a little hole , which is shut with ones Finger , when the Sucker is drawn up ▪ by means of the Handle belonging to the indented Wheel , and of a plate of Iron also indented , which is fastned to the Sucker . When the Sucker is drawn up , the Air rusheth forth out of the Recipient F , through the Pipe I , into the Pump : For then by turning the Peg L , the Air hath an open passage afforded it into the Syringe ; but when the Sucker is thrust downwards , and the Peg turned the contrary way , the Air is stopt from returning into the Recipient ; and then upon taking away ones Finger B , the Air is thrust out through B , and the Recipient , by degrees , is emptied : And this pumping must be reiterated so long , until the Recipient F be emptied of all the Air that was in it . Having thus set down the Frame of this Engine , we will proceed to some Experiments that are made by it . VI. According as the Air i●●ither exhausted or let in , so the Stopple of it is either more hardly , or more easily removed . 1 st . After that the greatest part of the Air , contained in this Engin , is evacuated , the Stopple which shuts the upper Mouth of it , cannot without difficulty be removed , as being prest down with a greater weight ; but is most easily removed , when by turning of the Peg the Air is let in again ; for when that Hole is shut , the outward Air doth more strongly press the Engin , than when it is open . VII . The same effect happens to the Plug . 2 dly . Upon the same Evacuation , the Sucker is very difficultly drawn upwards ; but being drawn up , doth of it self run down again , tho' an 100 pound weight were fastned to it ; because upon the exhausting of the shut up Air , which before ballanced the outward Air , this being now become more heavy , forceth the Sucker to enter into the Pneumatick Pipe , so as that being , as it were , bound with strong Bonds , it cannot be separated . VIII . A Square Glass Bottle breaks upon the evacuation of the Air. 3 dly . A Square Glass Bottle , tho' it be of thick Glass , upon the evacuation of the Air , breaks immediately ; whereas a round Glass , tho' it have a crack in it already , doth not only not break , but also keeps the external Air from entring into it ; because , by how much the External Air doth more press the parts of the Glass , the more they do mutually support each other , as we see it is in arched Roofs , so that none of them can give way : But the case is different in a Square Bottle , which hath much less force to resist , as being unable to withdraw the force and weight of the External Air. IX . A Bladder , upon the evacuation of the Air , swells in the Pneumati●k Engin . Hence it is , that if you tie the neck of a Bladder , after that you have squeezed the Air out of it , and so put it into the Glass Recipient , upon the Evacuation of the Air , that was in the Recipient , you will find the Bladder begin to swell , and to that degree , that sometimes it bursts , with a great noise . The same thing may be seen in the common Torricellian Experiment : For if you put the Bladder of a Carp , almost void of Air , into the Pipe , it is presently blown up , because the remaining parts of the Air , being loosened by the neighbouring Air in the Pipe do extricate themselves . And therefore as soon as the Air is let in again into the Recipient , or into the Pipe , the swoln Bladder immediately falls again . The same thing also happens when the parts of the Air are agitated by Heat ; for we see that a Bladder , which is not above half full of Air , if it be laid near the Fire , is blown up to the utmost , and becomes very hard . X. Aqua Fortis and Vinegar do swell in the Pneumatick Engin. Aqua Fortis , in which a Metal hath been dissolved , and Vinegar impregnated with the solution of Coral , do wonderfully swell in the Recipient , upon the extraction of the Air , and seem to boil ; because the Particles of the Air , that are shut up in the pores of these Liquors , being set at liberty by the pression of the Ambient Air , do diffuse themselves into a larger space . And so likewise it hath been observed , that i● a shrivel'd Apple , be put into the Recipient , after that the Air is drawn out , it becomes plump up again , and looks as fresh , as if it had been but newly pluck'd from the Tree ; and if the Skin of it be broke , a kind of a froth breaks forth from it , as if it were roasted at the Fire . XI . How Bullets are discharged from Wind-Guns by the compression of 〈◊〉 Air. The Air when shut up in any Vessel , and comprest by outward force , becomes endowed with a power to leap back or rebound , as is evident in Wind Guns , from which leaden Bullets are discharged with so great force , as they seem to exceed the force of those that are discharged by Gunpowder . So likewise there are many other Engins , which by compressing of the Air only , cast up waters to a great height . The Reason is , for that when the Air is comprest within these Pipes or Engins , every one of its particles cannot enjoy that round space it stands in need of , to turn round about its own Center ; but other neighbouring particles encroach upon it . And seeing that the same force of heat , or the same agitation of the said Particles , is preserved by the motion of the Heavenly Globuli , and that they cannot freely display themselves , being hindred by their neighbours pressing in upon them , they hit and push one another with their Corners , driving each other out of their places . And thus with united forces strive to recover their former liberty , and a larger space to move in . XII . What is the reason of the suddain and violent eruption of fermented Liquors out of the Bottles , wherein they have been pent up . In like manner small Wines , and new Beer or Ale , being put up into Bottles , break forth , as soon as they are opened with a great force ; because the parts of the Tartar or Wine-Lees , being pent up within the sides of the Bottles , cannot be separated , or flee from one another ; and therefore by means of their intestine agitation , do so cut and divide one another , that tho' they be mixed , yet there is no connexion between them ; which is the Cause , that as soon as the Bottle is unstop'd , they break forth with great noise and violence , in the form of froth . XIII . Why a Blader that is blown up ▪ being struck against the ground ▪ doth rebound again . Thus also blown up Bladders , being struck against the Ground , do rebound again : for the Air being comprest in the Bladder , is agitated by the subtil matter , which is lodg'd between the parts of it ; and striving to recover its former freedom , lifts up the Bladder ; and being unable to bear any greater ▪ compression , beats back the hard Bodies it meets with . The same Elastick Force is clearly demonstrated , by putting a Swines Bladder , distended with Air , into the Pneumatick Engin ; which upon the evacuation the Air , doth ordinarily distend it self to bursting : Sometimes lifts up 50 pound weight , because the shut up Air being delivered from the weight of the External Air , doth endeavour a greater dilatation , and by extricating it self , takes up a greater place . XIV . Why the water is prest ▪ ●●wnward 〈◊〉 ● Weather-Glass , in hot weather . Accordingly also a reason may be given of the descent of the water in a Weather-glass , when it is hot : For the Air that is contained in the Glass , being agitated by stronger Beams of the Sun , or with more Heavenly Matter , doth dilate it self , and consequently bears down the water ; which cause is no sooner removed , and the dilatation diminished , but the water riseth again as before . XV. How it comes to pass , that a weak brittle Glass can resist this Elastick force of the Air. But you 'l say , if the Air ▪ be endued with an Elastick Force , how comes it to pass , that when it is shut up in thin Glass Bubbles or Drops , Hermetically Sealed , it doth ▪ not break through the thin Walls of its Prison ? I Answer , that these weak Bubbles are not broken ; because as the Glass is prest by the inward Air , so in like manner the outward Air dasheth against the said Glass , and because the force is on both sides equal , it cannot break the Glass . For the same reason it is , that Bubbles swimming on the water , continue whole for a considerable time without breaking ; and so making way for the pent up Air to get out . Which could never be , without the pression of the Ambient Air ; forasmuch as the Air , by its Elastick Force , is able to break very thick Glass to pieces . XVI . How the Heaviness of the Air may be proved . Take a Glass Pipe 3 foot long , having one end of it stopt up , and the other open , and fill it with Quicksilver to the top , then turn it with the open end of it downwards into a Vessel likewise full of Quicksilver , so that it may run down into the Vessel . And you will find that the Quicksilver will not descend to the Bottom of the Pipe , but will continue 27 Fingers breadths high , or thereabouts . The weight of the Air is the cause which keeps the Quicksilver at the height , and doth not suffer it to sink lower . For tho' the Quicksilver that is in the Pipe be very heavy , yet can it not run down into the Vessel that lies under it , without raising the Quicksilver that is in it , and consequently the whole Mass of the Air that lies above it . Now the thick and agitated parts of the Air , do hinder its further condensation , because it is not without reluctance that they suffer any compression , and are reduced to a more narrow space and compass . But yet we must not imagine that every Air hath a like force to resist , but that the same varies according to the degrees of its Rarity or Density , that is , its looseness or compactness : For a loose and thin Air , and whose parts are more weakly dilated by Heat , is more easily bent , and doth less resist the pressure of the Quicksilver , than that Air which is more thick , and the Particles whereof are more vehemently expanded . And for this reason it is that the Quicksilver sinks lower in Fair , than in Cloudy and Rainy Weather , and that the Air which is on the top of Mountains , doth less oppose the driving of the Quicksilver , than in a Valley or shady place ; because in this latter place the Air is thicker , and more weakly agitated by the heat of the Sun. Wherefore it is evident that the Quicksilver contained in the Pipe , is kept up by the weight of the Air , and that it would sink till it came to be level with that which is in the Vessel , in case it were not hindred by the weight of the Air that lies upon it . XVII . The Quicksilver in a Weather-Glass is variously raised , according to the Change of th● weather . Thus we experience , that when the North-wind blows , and it is Fair-weather , the Quicksilver riseth higher , and sometimes to 28 fingers breadths ; whereas when the South-wind blows , and in Rainy-weather , the Air is much lighter , and the Quicksilver only riseth to 27 fingers breadths . Thus also by the means of Pumps , the higher that the Quicksilver is in the Bar●metrum , or Instrument to distinguish the weight of thing● , the higher the water riseth , that is , 32 fo●● high , when the North-wind blows ; but during a South or West-wind , and in Rainy ▪ weather , scarcely 31 foot high , and so much the less as the Pump is placed on higher ground . XVIII . The Contact or Connexion of Bodies is caused by the Heaviness of the Air. The mutual contact of Bodies , whence they derive their firmness and connexion , is a pregnant Evidence of the weight of the Air : For we find , that 2 Marble Polisht Bodies , besmear'd with Oil , do sometimes so closely stick together , that a closer Connexion can scarcely be apprehended . But no sooner are these 2 Bodies put into the Pneumatick Engin , but immediately , upon the evacuation of the Air , the piece of Marble that lies undermost , is immediately separated from the upper ; because the Air , that lies under the Lower Marble , doth no longer bear it up , and is no longer able to keep it close joyned with the upper . XIX . How it comes to pass , that sometimes 2 Marbles stick close together in a place that is void of Air. And if at any time it happen , that 2 Marbles stick close together in a vacuum , the Cause is only this , because the subtil Air , which pierceth through the sides of the Glass , doth not find any entrance between 2 exactly polisht Marbles : And therefore the lower Marble cannot fall down without pressing and raising the foresaid Substance , which resists more than it can be pressed by the Body that lies upon it . But when Marbles are anointed with Oil or Spirit of Wine , that by means thereof they may be the more closely glewed together , then , as soon as the Thicker part of the Air is drawn out of the Recipient , Aiery Bubbles do immediately arise from the said Oil and Spirit ; which Bubbles being afterwards dilated by the Elastick virtue of the Aethereal substance , do separate the Marbles , that before stuck together . XX. Why a Bladder fill'd with Air doth sink the slower , the nearer it comes to the bottom of the Water . Hence we may conclude , that a Bladder fill'd with Air requires the greater force to press it downwards , by how much the nearer it comes to the bottom of the Water ; because the Air riseth the more slowly from the bottom of the Water , towards the Region of the Air , by much the nearer it approacheth to it . And the Reason is , because fewer parts of Water do lye upon it , which by lifting up the Bladder or Air from beneath , push it upwards . Wherefore , if we should suppose the Flame to mount up through the Air , quite to the Orb of the Moon , it would still move slower and slower , the higher it ascended ; because the fire doth not mount upwards by any virtue of its own , but is only driven upwards by the Air that surrounds it . For the Parts of the Air that are nearer to the Earth , being more comprest by those that lye upon them , they do with more force push forwards the flame , than when they are more remote from the Earth ; where , because they have fewer parts pressing them downwards , they lye the looser , and consequently drive up the flame more faintly . XXI . By what means the Quicksilver is hindred from sinking lower in the Glass-Pipe . If a Glass-Pipe that is not 27 fingers ▪ breadth long , after the manner as before explained , be filled with Quicksilver , it will not at all sink down in it ; but will continue fill'd in the top , without any subsidence . The Reason is , because the particles of the External Air are so agitated , and do so comply with the motions of the Heavenly Globuli , that they cannot be comprest by the weight of the Quicksilver , that is , less than 27 fingers breadths high , and consequently do so dull its force ▪ 〈◊〉 to hinder its descent . XXII . Why the Water in Pump● cannot rise above 31 Foot high . The Water is raised in Pump● by the motion of the Sucker ; but cannot be raised above 31 foot high . The Water mounts up , together with the Sucker , when it is drawn upwards ; because there is no Vacuum in Nature , and all Spaces are fill'd with Bodies , so that there can be in motion , without a total Circulation of the Bodies , that are about the thing which is moved . And therefore it happens , that as soon as the Sucker is drawn up , it makes the Air that was above the Pump , to move about the midst of it ; and that which was about the midst ●f i● , to come into the place where the water is , which ●●unting upwards comes in the room of the Sucker . For the Water chiefly moves that way , where is ●he least pressure of Air , that is within the Bore of the Pump , which the Sucker hath left . Now the Reason why the water , by means of Pump● , cannot ascend above 31 foot , is , because the Air , by its natural weight , having driven up the water without condensation , and being afterwards unable to bear a greater weight of water , is by the motion of the Sucker shaken with greater violence than ordinary , and by this means plyes and is broken ; and because the subtil matter is driven out above the water in the Bore of the Pump , the water settles at the due height of 31 foot . XXIII . How Sucking is performed . And it is for the same Reason that the water mounts up in a Pipe , upon the sucking of it ; for the Air by its weight presseth all the parts of the Water , or other Liquor that is in the Vessel , in which one end of the Quill or Pipe is dipt , except only those parts which are directly under the Lower-end of the Quill , which is opposite to the upper part of it , which is in the Mouth of him that sucks : Whereupon , as soon as the Muscles have lifted up the Palat and the Breast , the Air within dilates it self , and being dilated , is not of strength enough to hinder the water from entring the Pipe , into which the external Air drives it ; whence it is , that when we suck through a Pipe of a certain length , it is all one as if the Mouth it self were extended so far . And it is by the same Reason , that an Infant , by applying his Mouth round the Nipple of his Mothers Breast , draws the Milk from it . XXIV . Why a mans Hand stretched out in the Air , doth not perceive any weight . A Hand held forth in the midst of the Air , feels no Heaviness ; tho' indeed the Air it self be Heavy , and consequently must needs press the Hand . The Reason is , because the Hand is prest on every side by the ambient Air , and as much by that which is under it , as by that which lies upon it . For the Air which is under the Hand , is driven by the weight of the other parts of the Air that are on the sides of it . Like as the water which answers to the bottom of a fraighted Ship , is driven towards the bottom of the Ship , by the weight of the water that surrounds it at the top . Seeing therefore that the upper Pillar of the Air hath no more Power to drive the Hand downwards , than the lower hath to drive it upwards ; it is no wonder that we are not sensible of any weight , when we reach our Hand out into the Air. Hence it is also , that when we lay our Hand upon the Mouth of a Vessel , whence the Air is extracted , it begins to swell . XXV . VVhy a Glass Vial breaks , when put into the Recipient of the Pneumatick Engin , after that the Air is exhausted . And the same Reason must be given why a Glass Vi●l being put into the Recipient of the Pneumatick Engin , after that the Air is pumped out of it , breaks to pieces ; for seeing that there is no outward Air that might repel the force of the inward , and resist the force of its endeavouring to dilate it self , the Air which is within the Viol , bearing against the sides of the Recipient , hath the power to press and draw i● together , and at last to break it to pieces . XXVI . VVhy the flesh swells upon the application of Cupping-Glasses . And for the same Reason it is , that when the Air is dilated by the Flame in Cupping Glasses that Chyrurgeons make use of , as soon as the Fire is extinguish'd , the Flesh that is contain'd within the Cupping Glass , begins presently to swell ; because that part is less prest upon by the rarefied Air , than that which bears the weight of the outward Air. And this makes it appear , that the Sucker in the Pneumatick Engin , after that the Air hath been exhausted out of the Syringe , the under Orifice whereof is stopt , cannot be drawn up because of the weight of the Air. For the Pillar of Air which is of the same Bulk with the Sucker , must first be removed out of its place . But when this outward Air is extracted , then the Sucker is without any trouble at all drawn out of the Syringe , tho' the lower Orifice be stopt . XXVII . VVhy the water that is in a Glass , doth sometimes appear lower i● the midst , and sometimes higher . The same Reason also must be assigned why water , that is in a Glass or Cup that is not filled to the brim , seems to be low in the midst , and more raised towards the Edge , as hath been already mentioned ; for the middle part of the water is prest on every side , but not the extream or outside parts , upon which the Air exerts its force more weakly and obliquely . But on the contrary , when the Glass is fill'd to the top , the water swells in the midst . For besides that the water cleaves close to the sides of Glass , its middle parts are only comprest by the Air that lies above it , whereas the outsides are prest every way ; and the Air that lies under it , and i● beneath the Horizontal Line , exerts its force upon that part of the water which toucheth the sides of the Glass ; which makes the water strive to get thither , where the pressure is weakest . XXVIII . VVhy the Air grows lighter upon the approach of Stormy VVeather . Before a Shower or Storm , the Air is not so heavy as it was before ; and the same is when the South-wind blows , tho' no Shower follow . The Reason of this seems to be , because the Steams or Vapours which arise out of the Earth , and which mingle themselves with the Particles of the Air , are precipitated , and condensed into Clouds : By which means the upper part of the Air becomes much dilated , and quitting those Bodies that mixed with it , becomes more thin and subtil . For there is no question to be made , but that the Air contains in it self many parts of water , from the Coagulation and Condensation whereof Clouds and Showers are formed . This appears in Mr. BOYLES Pneumatick Engin ; for as soon as the Air enters the void Recipient , it appears , as if it were all covered with a Mist . Book . 2. Part. 5. Chap. 1. G. Freman I I. Kip To the Worshipfull Phillip-Bickerstaff of Chirton in the County of Northumberland Esqr. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . The Fifth Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF Things dug out of the Earth . CHAP. I. Of Metals in General . I. Whence the variety of the Metals that are in the Earth doth arise . THE great use that Metals afford to the Life and Convenience of Mankind , may seem in some degree to excuse their Covetousness , who break up the Bowels of the Earth to come at them . For doth not Gold and Silver furnish us with Mony , Rings , Jewels , and a thousand Ornaments and Utensils , for our Cloaths , Houses and Tables ? And who is ignorant of the absolute necessity of Iron , or of the great usefulness of Tin , Lead and Copper ? Provident Nature having so order'd it , that there should be a variety of Metals , suitable to our several Necessities . The Reason of this multifarious production , must be fetch'd from the different Juices that lodge in the Bowels of the Earth , and are condensed there ; for seeing that to the generation of Metals are required sharp Spirits , Oily Exhalations , and the Fumes of Quicksilver ; these continually ascending from the Bowels of the Earth , to the more Exteriour parts , do there leave the Metalline particles they bring along with them , and according to their difference , are generated a great variety of Minerals , Metals , and other things dug out of the Ground . For as we find , that in the Fruits of Trees , the grosser Matter doth constitute such parts of them , and the more pure and subtil , others : So sometimes in the same Vein many Metals are generated , whereof some require a more crude and less elaborate Matter , as Iron , Lead , &c. and others a better prepared and more refined Matter , as Gold. Which is the Reason why a greater quantity of ignoble Metals are found in the Mines , than of the pure and noble ; forasmuch as Nature needs much more time for the bringing these to Perfection , than the other . II. Why Metals are malleable . All Metals , except Quicksilver , are Malleable . This Property of Metals , is the consequent of their Nature and frame ; for seeing that Metals are nothing else but hard Bodies , composed of many Integral parts , which , as to their figure are long and branchy , it cannot seem strange to any Considerative person , that they are malleable and ductil when they are forged on the Anvil , or drawn into Wire : For it may be easily conceived , that their parts being thus figured , may be so disposed , as that they may glide a good while one over another , or side-ways to each other , without wholly separating from one another . After this manner Lead , Iron , Silver and Gold , more than any of them , may be drawn into Wire , or beat into Leaves , of an incredible thinness . III. Why Metals are found at the Bottoms of Mountains , lying East and South . Mines of Metals are chiefly found under Mountains , and especially in those parts that face the East or South-Sun . The Reason is , because at the bottom of Mountains there be many Cavities and Clefts , in which the sublimed particles of Metal may unite , and mount up together to the outward surface of the Earth , especially in those places which are most expos'd to the Sun , and admit its strongest and greatest heat . For tho' the Sun-beams do terminate on the surface of the Earth , and do not penetrate to the inmost parts of it ; yet is it not to be question'd , but that the Heat produc'd by them , doth reach to the most abstruse and inward parts of it , and most strongly affect those parts which they most directly strike against . For the Earth , by the heat of the Sun , being Cleft into Gaps and Slits , way is made for the more easy mounting of the Juices , that are hid in its Bowels , and which deposit their Burthens , to wit , the Metalline particles they are charg'd with in the Upper parts of the Earth . And for the same Reason it is , that Springs do frequently rise at the Foot of Mountains , because the water finds a more easie passage through , and more ready ascent to them . Wherefore , whensoever any Mineral or Metal is found mingled with the Upper-part of the Earth , we may conclude , that the same was carried up thither , together with the ascending Vapours and Exhalations . IV. What places do most abound with Metals . And this is the Reason why Metals are most frequent in those places , which are most expos'd to the Solar Rays , and which receive most of their heat ; because Heat , by wasting of the moisture , makes such places full of Clefts and Slits , through which the Juices and Metalline Exhalations , may more easily ascend . V. Metals first detected by the Burning down of Woods . Tho' Metals consist of several Juices , and are now generally found in the Mines ; yet it seems very probable , that their first Invention or Detection was owing to the conflagration of Woods . Thus ARISTOTLE tells us , that in Spain , when some Shepherds had set a Wood on fire ▪ which kindled the Earth ●●so , molten Silver was perceived to run down in the same place . Neither will this seem strange to any who shall consider , that in many places the Veins of Metals are found , reaching to the Roots of Great Trees , about which they are wrapped ▪ wherefore when such Trees are burnt down , no wonder if the said Metals , that are entangled amongst the Roots , do melt down with the heat of the fire : In like manner as in the dreadful Fire of London 1666 , the Bells in some Steeples were melted . VI. The Ground that is most rich in Metals , appears outwardly most barren . The Ground which is rich in Mines , is generally Barren : And besides exhales noxious steams and vapours , which are very prejudicial to the health of the Inhabitants , and are the cause of many Diseases . The Reason of this Barrenness is , because the Alimentary Juice , appointed by Nature for the Nourishment of Herbs and Plants , is otherways diverted , viz. to furnish Matter for Metals . And it is for want of this Sap or Juice , that in such places the Trees do languish , Herbs wither , and the Earth it self is bereft of its Vigour , Beauty and Ornament . These parts of the Earth also are more subject to noxious Exhalations ▪ because of the great quantity of steams and vapours that abound within the Bowels of them . For we must not suppose , that all their Matter is spent in the making of Metals , but that the more subtil part of them being agitated by the Matter of the first Element passeth through Clefts to the surface of the Earth , and there mingling with the Air , doth infect the same , and becomes injurious to those that breath in it . This may be seen in most of the Lakes and Pools of Zealand , from whence they dig their Turf , which abound with Bitumen , and in burning give forth a nasty stink : Yea , the steams and fumes that proceed from them , do , as it were , gild over all the Furniture and Utensils of Iron , Copper , Tin and Silver , that are in the Houses where it is commonly burnt , and discolour all things but Gold. VII . Why Metals are found in some Rivers . Metals are sometimes found in Rivers , according to what Historians tell us of the Rivers Tagus , Ganges and Pactolus , as abounding with particles of Gold and Silver , which are gathered by the Inhabitants , and melted down into Ingots . We must not imagin that Metals are generated in these Rivers , as they are in the Bowels of the Earth ; but because the waters of those Rivers runing through the Grounds which abound with Metalick Veins , carry great store of their particles along with them . For Water of it self is not a fit Element for the generation of Metals , forasmuch as nothing can be expected from its onion with Earth , save only a little Mud or Clay . VIII . Why Metals are more capable of Rarefaction , than Condensation . Metals are considerably rarefied by Heat ; but are not subject to be condensed by Cold. The Reason of this is , because Metals are already in the state of the highest compression , and have the whole weight o● the Atm●●ph●●e lying ●●on them . Being there●ore already t●us comprest , they are not capable of any further condensation ; but well of Rarefaction . Thus we observe , that the Air is but little condensed by Cold , but very much rarefied by Heat ; and that whenever it 〈◊〉 freed from the ●eight of the Air that ●●es upon it ▪ it becomes much more extended ; than it can be comprest or condensed by the most strong and effectual Engins . IX . Why Calcined Metals flow like Sand , and being melted , run like water . When Metals are calcin'd , that is , are reduced into Powder , by the means of Corrosive Spirits , they flow in grains like Sand ; but if they be melted , they run like water . The Reason is , because in Calcination they are not resolved into the very least particles they are capable to be resolved into ; but only into small grains , which are still capable of a further dissolution or division . But when the said Grains are dissolved by the violence of fire , they are divided into much smaller particles , and constitute a more continuous Body , like water . X. Why Metals are resolved into Vapours . And much for the same Reason it happens , that Metals , by reason of an Acid sulph●●s ▪ which abounds in them , do fly away with it , and are dissipated into fumes . For when Silver is melted with Lead , as soon as a little Brimstone is cast into it , the Silver vanisheth , and is turned into fumes , except that its flight be stopt by wet Linnen . In like manner , Copper that is mixed with a piece of Gold , and cemented with common Salt , and the Powder of Bricks , it mounts upwards , and carries up some Gold along with it ; except the Pot , in which the Operation is performed , be covered . Because the Particles of the Metals are carried upwards by the force of the Fire , and do not quit their agitation , but by meeting with some cold Body . CHAP. II. Of Quicksilver and Brimstone . I. Why Quicksilver is more heavy than any other Metals , besides Gold. QUicksilver , to which Chymists give the Name of Mercury , is the heaviest of all Metals , excepting Gold : And therefore all other Bodies swim on the top of it , without sinking to the bottom . The Reason of this Ponderosity is , because there are fewer pores in Quicksilver for the subtil matter to pass through , than in other Metals : For the multitude or deficiency of Pores is the only Cause of the Heaviness or Lightness of Bodies . For tho it might be granted , that the Parts of other Metals are of the same bulk and figure , and alike moved ; yet forasmuch as they have many more Pores , they must needs be lighter than it ▪ And this is the only Reason why Gold is heavier than Quicksilver , and sinks down in it , even because it hath fewer Pores , and doth not admit so much of the matter of the 1 st Element ; tho' indeed in this respect it doth not much exceed Quicksilver , seeing that the proportion between them , is as 44 to 43. Which makes me the more admire , what ground PLINY could have to assert , lib. 33. cap. 3. that Gold is not so heavy as Lead , when experience assures us , that Gold is as heavy again , and compared with Blacklead , is as 10 to 6 , and to common Lead , as 10 to 5 ¼ . II. What is the cause of the Fluidity of Quicksilver . Quicksilver is liquid , and except it be contained in some Vessel , it runs away like water . The Reason is , because Quicksilver is divided into many little Particles , which are agitated by peculiar motions differing from one another , and continually shift their places . And tho' it doth not wet or moisten the Hand that handles it , yet cannot this hinder its fluidity : Because Moistness and Liquidity are not one and the same Quality , nor are they of the same Nature . For Fire is liquid , and Molten Metals flow , and yet neither of them can be said to wet or moisten . Forasmuch as nothing else is required to constitute the nature of Fluidity , but the motion of the insensible parts of any Body , or their being so loose , as to be easily put into motion by the subtil mater . The cause therefore of the Fluidity in Quicksilver is , because the Particles whereof it consists , are so smooth and slippery , that they cannot be closely compacted together , and because being thicker than the parts of the water , they scarcely afford any entrance to the Globuli of the 2 d Element , but only to that most subtil matter , which we call the 1 st Element . III. Quicksilver loseth nothing of its weight . Hence it is said , that Quicksilver when put on the Fire , doth not become dissipated into Fumes ; but being received into a Vessel , it soon after returns to the same form it had before , without the loss of any part of its weight . IV. How Mercury may be fixed , and afterwards reduced to its liquid state again . Quicksilver that hath been fixed with Quick-lime , being put into a coated Retort , passeth into the Recipient , and there appears in its former shape . Quicksilver is fixed when the Particles of Brimstone , and of many other ingredients unite themselves with those of the Quicksilver , fixing the Points or extremities of their little Branches , in their Pores ; and if it chance that the Particles of the Quick-lime , being put in motion by the Fire , carry away with them the Particles of the Brimstone , or of any of the other ingredients , that united themselves with those of the Quicksilver , and hindred them from being moved , whether by stopping the passage of the subtil matter , or by rendring their figures too irregular , the Quicksilver returns again to its former state . V. Why the drops of Quicksilver are round . Quicksilver always forms it self into round drops . Because the Intervals , which the Particles of the Quicksilver leave between themselves , are so little , that neither the more gross , nor the more subtil Air can enter them , and therefore can only act upon the surface of it , that is , by continually pushing back the parts of the Quicksilver towards the Center , until the said parts resist them equally on all sides ; which they never do , till they form themselves into a spherical figure . Whence it follows , that the Air must of necessity make the drops of Quicksilver more exactly round , than those of any other Liquors whatsoever . VI. How Quicksilver may be fixed . But notwithstanding the parts of Quicksilver be thus Round , Polisht and Slippery , yet doth not this hinder , but that by means of Quick-lime , Brimstone and other Ingredients , it may be fixed , by darting the extremities of their little Branches into the Pores of it , which makes the surface of them so irregular , that the subtil matter which moved them before , being no longer able to agitate them , the Quicksilver becomes changed into a hard Body . VII . Why a Gold Ring attracts Quicksilver . Quicksilver seems to bear a great affection to Gold ; and therefore they who are anointed with any Mercurial Ointment , if they hold a gold ring in their Mouths , the Quicksilver penetrating through the Body , fixeth it self on the Ring , and maketh it to appear as if it were Silver , but being put into the Fire recovers its former Brightness . The Reason is , because Quicksilver , which we have said to be a Fluid Body , and to have its parts in continual agitation , by a moderate heat doth exhale , and fly away into Fumes , and therefore being mixt with those Steams , which together with the Breath are thrust forth from the Lungs , it is carried upwards to the Mouth , where meeting with the ring , which is a compact and cold Body , it is stopt there , and by the union of its parts returns to its former state ▪ Much after the same manner as water , in an Alembick by heat is turned into Vapors , till meeting with a cold Body , it loseth its agitation , and is changed again into the form of water . The Quicksilver therefore doth not attract the Gold , as some suppose , but only cleaves to it , and by thrusting it self into its Pores becomes coagulated again , and recoves its former state . And therefore Phisicians advise those that have been anointed , with such Mercurial Ointments , to keep a ring of Gold in their Mouths , or to take Gold inwardly , that the Fumes of the Quicksilver may stick to it . And therefore those persons , who do frequently handle Quicksilver , as those who Guild Metals , or are employed in Chymical operations , do commonly hold a piece of Gold in their Mouths , to catch the Fumes of Quicksilver , which otherwise might prove dangerous to their Bodies . VIII . Why Quicksilver betakes it self to Gold. But you 'l demand of me , why the evaporating Fumes or Particles of Quicksilver , do rather tend towards the Gold , than any other way . IX . Gold and Silver are delivered from their dross by ▪ the means of Quicksilver . The Reason is , because the most subtil parts of the Quicksilver , being carried away by the agitation communicated to them , betake themselves that way , where they find it most easy for them to continue their motion ; and it is certain that they can pursue the same more readily in the Gold , than in the Air , because there is nothing in the Pores of the Gold that doth oppose them , whereas the Particles of the Air do continually thwart and cross their tendency . And accordingly we find , that when we handle Quicksilver with one Hand , and have Rings on the other , the same presently become discoloured by the Quicksilver . Whereas formerly the Spaniards at the Mines of Potosi in Peru , did separate the Gold and Silver from the Dross , with incredible charge and labour , Fernandes de Velasco taught them a more compendious way , which they ever since put in practice , to their great profit and advantage . He took Quicksilver and Salt , which he mixed with the Mine , and so put them together into close covered Pots , which he placed in convenient Furnaces , and by this means the Gold and Silver uniting themselves with Quicksilver , became separated from their dross , the Amalgama or mixture of the Quicksilver , and Silver being afterwards cleansed , and made bright by reiterated Lotion X. Litharge mortifies the sourness of Vinegar . Litharge when put into Vinegar , doth take away its sharpness , and communicates a kind of sweet tast to it . The Reason is , because the sharp pointed and unequal Particles of Vinegar , which do constitute its sourness , cleaving to the Particles of the Litharge , are thrust down to the bottom with it , and therefore no wonder , if the Vinegar being freed from those sharp pointed Particles , prick the Gums and Tongue , appear to be of a sweetish tast . XI . Sublimate loseth all is corrosive acrimony , by being sublimed with Quicksilver . If to Mercury Sublimate , which is extreamly corrosive , an equal quantity of Quicksilver be added , and exposed to Sublimation , the Sublimate loseth all its venemous corrosiveness , and becomes insipid , and a good Medicin in many cases . Because the added Particles of Quicksilver , become increased in bulk by the Particles of Salt that are in Sublimate , by why means they become thicker , and their Points are blunted . After the same manner as when Spirit of Vitriol , and Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium , when mingled together lose all their sharpness : For these Salts being of different kinds , the one an acid Salt , and the other an Alkali , are no sooner mixed , but they act upon one another , by which means both their Points are blunted , much in like sort as when by rubbing the edge of one Knife against the other , both thereby become blunted . XII . Quicksilver taken inwardly , in any considerable quantity causeth Death . If a considerable quantity of Quicksilver be taken inwardly , it endangers the Life and often causeth Death . The Reason is , because Quicksilver being a very Heavy and fluid Body , doth easily enter the Veins , and mingling with the Blood , doth interrupt or quite stop its motion . Forasmuch as by the weight of this Metal , the Blood becomes so condensed , and its motion so much retarded , that it cannot furnish Spirits enough to the Brain , for the supply of the Nerves . For the Particles of the Quicksilver , lying upon one another because of their weight , do condense the Blood , and stop its agitation ; and by this means , so small a quantity of Spirits are conveighed from the Brain to the Nerves , that they can only interruptedly , and by intervals fill and distend the Muscles . And this is the true cause , why those who get Quicksilver out of the Miner have their Gums flaggy , and their Teeth loose , because the Mercury entring into the inmost parts of the Body , doth destroy and weaken their connexion . XIII . Quicksilver is very hurtful to the Body of Man by reason of its Acidity . The Miners that labour in the Quicksilver M●nes of Carinthia , and others who are much conversant about Quicksilver , are generally subject to those Diseases , which are caused by the excessive use of Acid things , as with the Palsy , shaking of the Limbs , and other such like Diseases which affect ▪ the Nerves . For Sourness and Harshness , seems to be predominant qualities in Quicksilver . For by its Acidity , it doth corrode most Metals ; and being mixed with Vitriol and Salt , doth provoke copious Salivation ; but when Alkalious or Lixivous Salts are mixed with it , it Salivates less , because these do mortifie the force of Acids . And tho' these Miners fasten Bladders to their Mouths , to keep off the poisonous fumes of this Metal , yet they commonly dye of the Consumption or Palsy ; because Mercury by the tenuity of its parts , doth attack the original of the Nerves , and relaxes the Veins , and above all the Lymphatick Vessels . XIV . How Mercury operates upon the Body of Man. Whence we may take notice that Quicksilver then chiefly exerts its Virtue , when it is divided into the smallest Particles . For seeing that its parts are very Penetrative , they disturb the Mass of the Blood , excite Fermentations , and frequently hurt the Members of the Stomack , whence Bloody Fluxs , Vomiting of Blood , and terrible Gripes do proceed . Because the Blood , which by a continual Circulation runs through the Body , not being able to endure this troublesome guest , and finding it self unable to discharge him by Sweat or Urin , because the Pores of the Skin and Kidnies are too small for that purpose , sends all away by the Caeliacal Arteries , and so causeth a Bloody Flux or violent Loosness . XV. Why Brimstone doth abound in the Country about Sienna in Italy , in some Isslands in Sicily , and in Naples . Brimstone is found in great quantity , in the Country about Sienna , and in several Islands in Sicily , and in Naples , which abound with Subterraneous Fires . The Reason is , because the Branchy Particles of the Exhalations , which in conjunctions with those of sharp and Metallick pieces do constitute Brimstone , are put into motion by the force of the Subterraneous ●eat , and carried upwards to the surface of the Ground , where they are coagulated into a fat and oily concretion , which we call Brimstone . And for the same reason it is , that Grease and Fat , which likewise consist of soft and thin Particles , do affect hot places , as abounding most in those parts , where the heat is strongest , as about the Heart and Reins , and other such like where the heat abounds most . And as the Fat or Grease is generated in the Bodies of Animals , so is Brimstone formed in the Earth , when the most Oily parts , by heat are carried up , and become condensed about the surface of the Earth . XVI . Why Brimstone is so inflamable . Brimstone is very apt to be kindled , and in a moment , as soon as it toucheth the Fire , breaks forth into a Flame . The Reason is , because it consists of the Particles of sharp Juices , which are so intangled with the thin , and close Branches of an Oily matter , that many of the Pares between the said Branches , can only transmit the Particles of the first Element . Now it is evident , that the most thin parts are first put into motion , and seized by the intercurrent matter . And therefore Brimstone is judged by Physicians to be hot in a high degree . But yet we are told , that a kind of Red Brimstone is dug up in Carniola , which neither burns like other sorts of Brimstone , nor hath a stinking smell , but when it is put to the Fire it melts like Wax . And therefore the Romans and Grecians made use of this in the Expiation and Lustration , of their Houses and other Places . CHAP. III. Of Salt. I. Of the several sorts of Salt. THere be different kinds of Salt , which do vary according to the different places of their Generation . There is one sort of Salt that is dug out of the ground , and is called Salt Gem , which is either taken up with Sand , or cut out of Rocks . For there are Mountains of Salt in several places , where Salt is cut , as Stones out of a Quarry , and grows again . Not far from Astracan , there are 2 Mountains so vastly great , and so abounding with Salt , that tho' every day 20000 great pieces of Salt are cut out of them , yet they do not appear the least diminished , the same quantity still growing up in the stead of that which was taken away . Another sort is that we call Sea Salt , which is made by conveighing the Sea-water into certain Beds , where by the heat of the Sun it is turn'd into Salt , by the evaporation of its watry Particles . The last is Spring or Fountain-Salt , which proceeds from Salt Springs or Well-water , and is boiled into Salt. All the difference between Salt that is dug out of the ground , and Sea or Spring Salt , is this , that the first of these , hath no watry parts mingled with it , and therefore doth not stand in need of any evaporation , as the other two sorts do . The Reason of this difference is , because the water consists of 2 sorts of Particles , the one Flexible , the other Inflexible , which tho' they be confounded together , and constitute only one Body , yet do each of them retain their several Nature ; and are never so closely united , but that they may be separated by means of the Fire or the Sun. When therefore the Sea water , which hath been conveighed into Beds , yields Salt , this is not because the Particles of the water are coagulated into Salt , as some suppose , but by the separation of them , forasmuch as the Flexible and Fluid parts are evaporated into Fire , leaving the Stiff and Inflexible behind them . Whence we may conclude , that the different kinds of Salt that are in the World , are such , because of the different figure of their parts : For the Particles of some Salts are like Cylinders , that is , round and long , of an equal thickness : Whereas others terminate in a Point , as may be experienced by the dissolution of them ; and therefore an Acid Salt , will dissolve a mixt Body , which another cannot penetrate . II. How Salt is generated in the Mountains . Salt is generated in Mountains , when the Salt water being conveighed thither in great abundance , and separated from the flexible Particles of the fresh water running another way , the Salt Particles only remain in the cavities that happen to be there , and continually encreasing by the afflux of new Sea water , do at last wholy fill them up . III. Why Salt water is Transparent . Salt water is more Transparent than Fresh water ; as appears , in that the Bodies that are in the Sea , are more distinctly perceived , than in Fresh water . The Reason is , because the matter of the 2 d Element , which is contained within the Pores of Salt water , doth retain more of its motion , than that which passeth through the parts of Fresh water , and consequently is more fit to transmit the action of Lucid Bodies . For water is therefore only said to be Transparent , because the Aethereal matter which fills the Pores of it , can transmit the action of Lucid Bodies . IV. Whence the different Virtue of Salts doth arise . All Salts , not only those of different kinds , but also those that are of the same kind , do differ in their Virtues . For we find , as was said before , that an Acid Salt , will dissolve a mixed Body , which other Salts of the same kind , cannot penetrate nor dissolve . The Reason is , because the insensible parts of an Acid Salt , are of different sizes and figures , according to the different size and figure , of the strait Pores of the inward part of the Earth where they are formed . Therefore it is that Vinegar dissolves Lead , which the Stygian waters cannot do : And Aquafortis dissolves Mercury or Quicksilver , which Vinegar cannot penetrate : Aqua Regalis dissolves Gold , which Aquafortis will not touch ; and on the contrary , Silver is dissolved in Aquafortis , which cannot fasten upon Gold. Now the reason of this variety of effects is , that amongst these Acid Salts , some have long , thick and stiff points , whereas those of others are short , thin , and somewhat flexible , wherefore also their Virtues must needs be different . V. Why Nitre increaseth the heat of Fire , and strengthens the cold of water . Nitre or Saltpeter , which in many things agrees with common Salt , increaseth the heat of Fire , and strengthens the coldness of water . The Reason is , because the Needle-like Particles of Nitre are much more stiff than the sharp pointed Particles of the Fire , which are flexible , and therefore when these stiff Saline Needles , are mingled with those of the Fire , and are whirled about with them , they do much more strongly waste and consume , than the Fire which hath none of these mingled with it . And on the other hand , when these Saline Needle like Particles , fix their points into the Liquid Globuli , they retard their whirling about , and sometimes quite put a stop to it , and by this means it is very probable , that they promote congelation . Neither ought this diversity of effects be matter of any greater wonder to us , than when we see the same heat to soften Wax and harden Clay . VI. Why Nitre cannot be kindled but by a burning coal , or Flame . Nitre cannot be set on Fire by the most intense heat , but with a Flame , or a burning Coal . The Reason is , because there can be no Flame without Brimstone . Now we find , that as soon as any Brimstone is cast into a Crucible , wherein melted Nitre is , a Flame immediately breaks forth from it , because the volatile parts of the Nitre , do afford a vehicle to the Brimstone , by means whereof it flies away in the form of a Flame . And this is the reason , why Nitre cannot be kindled into a Flame , by the most violent heat , but only by Flame , or by casting of a burning Coal into it . VII . Why common Salt crackles when it is cast whole into the Fire , but not so when it is be●ten small . Common Salt being cast into the Fire in whole Grains , crackles , but when beaten into Powder it doth not ; as neither doth that which is generated in Lakes , by the heat of the Sun. The Reason of this is , the rarefaction of the fresh water , which is pent up within the Grains of Salt. For seeing that the parts of Salt that constitute these Grains , are only confusedly joyned together , without any intimate contact , they leave room enough , for some Particles of fresh water to come between them , which as long as they are not agitated , do continue there crowed together : But when they begin to be tossed by a violent heat , they dilate themselves , and breaking their Prison walls , make their escape with a noise . But the smaller Powder of these Grains , as likewise that Salt , which is coagulated on the surface of Lakes , do not make any crackling noise in the Fire , because their Prison walls , are already supposed to be broken , and contain no water , that might be rarefied by the Fire . And hence also it is , that the Particles of Salt that have been dried with a slow Fire , do not melt without great difficulty , because they are destitute of all manner of moisture , and have no Liquor remaining , to promote their Fluxing . VIII . Salt easily turns to a Liquor . Common Salt , Nitre , Salt of Tartar and any other such like , turns to Liquor . Thus the Salt of Tartar , for Example , being set in a Cellar in the Summer time especially , on a shelving plate , or dish , dissolves into a fattish kind of Liquor , which Chymists call the Oyl of Tartar per Deliquium . This effect must be ascribed to the watry Particles that fly in the Air , under the appearance of Vapours . For Salt of Tartar being very ponderous , it is easily penetrated by the watry Atoms that are in the Air , and which afterwards agitating the Particles of the Salt , do separate them from one another . IX . Why comcom Salt Melts being exposed to the Air. For the same Reason it is , that common Salt melts when it is exposed to the Air ; not as if the pure Air , which consists of thinner parts , were able to put the parts of Salt in motion , which it toucheth ; but this is done by the Particles of water , that fly up and down in the Air , in the form of Vapors ; and hence it is , that Salt seldom melts , except the Weather be inclined to moisture . X. Why distilled Salts diss●lve Metals . Acid Spirits distilled from Nitre , common Salt , Alom , Vitriol , &c. dissolve all manner of Metals . Because the Dart-like Particles of these distill'd Salts , entring the Pores of the Metals , do cut and tear them to pieces : For the insensible parts of these distill'd Salts , being in a continual motion cannot enter the Pores of these Bodies without dividing , and breaking them to pieces . XI . Whether flowers may be raised from their Salt. Chymists boast , that they can resuscitate the Flowers of Plants from the Salt that is extracted from them , and restore them to a new life . Tho' this be confidently asserted by some , yet I take it only to be a figment , without any sufficient ground or Foundation . For we experience , that the Spirits distill'd from Vegetables , are endued with very different Virtues from those that are in the Plant , whence they were extracted . Thus we find that Vinegar , Brandy and Wine , which tho' they be the product of the same Grapes , yet differ so much in their Virtues , as that they seem to have nothing common with one another . XII . Whence it is that the Sea water seems to sparkle by night . The Sea water , more especially at sometimes , seems to sparkle in the night . The Reason is , because the Particles of Salt being stiff , and not in a condition to be bent or made plyable by the Action of the subtil matter , when they dash against a Rock , or meet with any hard Body in their way , these Saline ▪ Particles do extricate themselves , from those of the fresh water , with which they were wrapt about , and thus standing singly , and at some distance from one another , they produce the appearance of sparks of Fire , not unlike to those that are struck out of a Flint . But yet all the Saline Particles , that are in the Sea water , do not produce this effect , but only those that move with their points forward . Which is the reason , why these sparks are not seen in all Waves , nor in all the Drops of one and the same Wave . XIII . Why Salt pricks and vellicates the Tongue . Salt put upon the Tongue , as soon as it begins to be dissolved by the Spittle , doth prick and pierce it . Because Salt chiefly consists of slender and ●tiff parts , which bristling their points , do slash and cut the Pores and Fibres of the Tongue . For the Saline Particles are like so many small Darts , which entring the Pores of the Tongue , do with great force vellicate and rend the parts of it . Wherefore they who will not admit that a Salt Tast doth consist in this , that the parts of the Salt , do with their Points prick the Pores of the Tongue , forasmuch as they think they might as well touch the Pores , and Fibres of the Tongue sideways only , without penetrating them with their Points , ought to consider , that a Needle doth not prick but with its point , nor a Sword cut , but with its edge , the other parts of either of these being unable to inflict any wound : So that since a great many of these Points , are found in every crum of Salt , it can no more be conceived , that when the same melts in the Mouth , it should strike none of its little Darts into the Pores of the Tongue , than it can be imagin'd , that a man should be able to walk with his Feet upon Thorns , without being hurt by them . XIV . Why Salt preserves Meat from Corruption . Salt preserves Flesh from Corruption , and in time makes i to grow hard . The Reason hereof may be gathered from the foregoing discourse ; for the parts of the Salt entring point-wise into the Pores of Flesh , do not only rid it of the moisture it did abound with ; but besides are like so many Wedges , driven in between the parts of it , where continuing unmoveable , they support the same , and hinder the more slippery and plying parts of the Flesh , to drive the others they are mixt with , out of their places , and by this means reduce the Body to Corruption . Salt therefore preserves Flesh and other things from Putrefaction , by the hardness and inflexibility of its parts ; even as Boards are strengthened , and made more firm with Nails , and as the stiffness of a Sword keeps the Scabbard from breaking . XV. Salt makes Bodies hard Thus we read that a Girl in Holland , by eating too much Salt became so stiff , and of so dry a Temperament , that she could no longer move the Members of her Body . And from a parity of reason it is , that the Venetians to harden the Wood , wherewith they design to build their Ships , whilst they are yet green , do lay them in water , and keep them there for many years ; because by this means the Salt Alkali , is hindred from exhaling , by which means the Wood is made more hard , and less subject to Corruption . XVI . How Salt promotes the Concoction of Meat in the Stomach . Common Salt helps and furthers the Concoction of Meat in the Stomach , and that because it doth penetrate and divide it by degrees , and so disposeth it for its more ready and speedy Concoction , by the Ferment of the Stomach , and its reduction into the form of Chyle . XVII . Salt makes the water liquid . Tho' Salt makes some Bodies harder , yet it makes the water more liquid ; for the parts of the water being long and pliable , they can easily twirl themselves about those of dissolved Salt , which are long and stiff ; which greatly facilitates their motion , because they move always bended , after one and the same manner : And it is for this Reason , that Salt hinders water from freezing , as Experience teacheth us . XVIII . Salt makes the Earth fruitful , and produceth the same effect on fat or Corpulent VVomen . Salt conduceth to the Fruitfulness of the Earth ; and fat and corpulent Women , who for the most part are barren , by the moderate use thereof , become fruitful . The Reason is , because Salt penetrating into the pores of the Ground , doth suck up the noxious moisture . For Salt hath a signal drying virtue , as hath before been mention'd : And therefore when an Old Vine begins to grow barren , if old Urine be poured to the Roots of it , it will become fruitful ; for being before choaked with over-much moisture , the salt that is in the Urine communicating a new heat to it , which dries up its superfluous moisture , makes it to bring forth copious and fair Fruit. And for the same Reason , the moderate use of Salt may be of good use , to make fat and corpulent Women fruitful ; because Salt , by its drying , heating and abstersive quality , corrects and removes the superfluous moisture of the Womb , which otherwise might hinder the most Spirituous parts of the Masculine Seed from reaching the Female Ovarium . It is also notorious , that Salt , by its acrimony , excites Lust not only in Women , but also in Men. Now that Salt is a great promoter of fruitfulness , may be proved from that prodigious increase of Mice and Rats which is observed in Ships ; and because Women that are employed about Salt-works , are commonly more fruitful than others . And so likewise it is found , that the frequent eating of Oisters , Shrimps , Lobsters , Crabs , and other Shel-fish , do stimulate Venery . For tho' Salt of its own Nature be hard , and being destitute of all motion , may be said to be Cold ; yet if we consider it with relation to the effects it produceth in the Blood , and the whole Body , we must denominate it hot , because it greatly excites and increaseth the heat of the Blood ; forasmuch as it is a great promoter of Fermentation . XIX . A Grain of Salt , mixt with the Oil of a Lamp , hinders it from being so swiftly consumed . A Grain or 2 of Salt being added to the Oil that is in a Lamp , hinders it from being so soon wasted , as otherwise it would . The Reason hereof is , because the Salt being shaken with the heat of the Lamp , becomes dilated , and communicates some adstringent particles , which being conveyed to the wiek , give some stop to the Oil in its passage , and prevent its ascending and evaporating so suddenly , as it would , if there were none of these saline Particles to hinder it . CHAP. IV. Of Gold. I. VVhy Gold is yellow . GOLD is of a yellow Colour , and the same very bright and pleasant . To understand the Reason of this , we are to consider that the Nature of Colours consists in this , that the Particles of the subtil matter that transmit the Action of the Light , are differently received , by reason of the greater or lesser Roughness or Smoothness of the Bodies they light upon , and according as they obtain a stronger or weaker agitation from the manner or modification of their Reflexion ; that is , according as the force of the rotation of the Globuli , that constitute the Rays of Light , doth exceed their motion in right Lines ; or on the contrary . Thus , because the particles which constitute the Texture of Gold , are so very rough and solid , as to produce a reverberation , whereby the Globuli are less twirl'd round , than when they produce a red Colour , and less than when they represent a white ; this makes the surface of Gold to appear of a yellow Colour . For a yellow Colour seems to be nothing else , but a mixture of white and red , as may be proved by the mingling of a red Liquor with a white , whereupon a yellow Colour will ensue . II. Gold struck yields a dull sound . Gold struck with a Hammer , or other Instrument , yields a dull sound . The Reason is , because Gold hath but a few Pores , and those small ones too ; and seeing that the Aiery matter contained in them , is the vehicle of the Sound , when the Body is struck upon , it is very evident , that where the quantity of Pores is less in largeness and number , there must also be a less concussion of the Air , and consequently a weaker impression made upon the Organ of Hearing . III. VVhy Gold cannot be consumed in the fire . Gold being melted by the violence of Fire , is not the least diminished thereby , or loseth any thing of its weight or built . Hence proceeds that Common Saying of the Chymists , Gold cannot be destroyed by Fire ; for tho' it should continue for some Ages in a Furnace , it would not suffer any perceptible loss thereby . The Reason is , because Gold consists of such thin particles , and those so firmly woven together , that they cannot be separated from one another . For tho' Gold , as well as all other Bodies , hath pores for the free passage of the most subtil matter ; yet doth it not admit the Globuli of the 2 d Element ; which makes it extreamly solid , as containing a great quantity of thick matter under a small bulk and surface . Now the solidity of any Body consists in nothing else , but the close connexion of its parts , and the small number of its pores , both which make a Body indissoluble by any outward force . IV. Gold is the Heaviest of all Bodies . Such is the weight of Gold , that it far exceeds that of the most heavy Bodies . According to the Paris Pound , a Foot square of it weighs 1368 pound : And compared with other Bodies , according to the calculation of some Curious Enquirers , if so much Gold weigh 100 Pound , the like quantity of Quicksilver will weigh 71½ ; Lead , 60½ ; Silver , 54½ ; Copper , 47½ ; Iron , 42 ; Common Tin , 39 ; Loadstone , 26 ; Marble , 21 ; Common Stone , 14 ; Crystal , 12⅕ ; Wax , 5 ; Oil , 4¾ . The Cause of the great Heaviness of Gold is , because its Terrestrial and Aqueous parts , or , if you will , its Sulphur and Mercury are more perfectly and exactly mingled , than in any other Bodies ; which is the Cause also , why their pores are less both in number and bulk : For besides this compression and compaction of the parts , we can allow of no other thing to be the Cause of the Heaviness orgreater weight of Bodies . V. Whence the malleability and ductility of Gold doth proceed . Neither is there any Body that is more capable of being divided and dilated , than Gold is , seeing that one Ounce of it only , as PLINY informs us , may be beat out into 750 Leaves , each of them being 4 fingers-breadth square : Yea , some tell us , that an Ounce of Gold may be beaten out to that degree , as to cover 10 Acres of Ground . But tho' this extension of Gold into Leaves be very surprizing ; yet is it not to be compared with that Extension which the Wire-Drawers give to it . For one single grain of Gold , will yield a Thred of 400 Foot long ; so that proportionably an Ounce will afford a Thred of the length of 230400 Foot. The Cause of this vast Extensibility must be ascribed to the softness of its parts , and the singularity of their Texture ; for the softness of the parts of Gold , makes them to yield without separation , so as that those parts which before were close and compact , are now drawn out at length . We experience something like this in Potters-Clay , and fat Earth , wherein tho' there be less of Extension , yet may they , by reason of their softness , be dilated into a considerable amplitude , according to the degree of their closeness and solidity , which furnisheth a sufficiency for the Matter to be extended , and enlarged into a vast capacity of figure . For the closeness and compactness of a Body doth furnish parts , which the more they are diminished in depth , the more they grow in breadth . Thus Geometricians demonstrate , that there may be figures of equal capacity , which yet are of an unequal compass : So that amongst equally capacious figures , those which do most deviate from a Spherical figure , do acquire a greater compass , without any increase of their Capacity , but only differenced according to Length and Breadth ; whereas before it was gathered together about a Common Point . VI. The Connexion of the Parts , doth greatly hinder its divisibility . The peculiar Connexion which there is between the Parts of Gold , doth also greatly oppose their division and separation from one another : So that how much soever it be attenuated with a Hammer , or any other Instrument , it still retains the Connexion of its parts ; and tho' it be not without some little pores , yet are they so entangled and woven together , and become pervious , that the particles of Liquor may run every way through them . VII . Why Gold suffers no diminution in the Fire . From the said close Connexion of the Parts of Gold , it is , as was said before , that it suffers nothing by the Fire ; for tho' the parts of it being put into motion by the Fire , constitute a liquid or fluid Body ; yet hath not the fire the power to separate any of them from one another , or to make them fly away into the Air. Provided it be pure Gold , such as is that which is found in the River Hebrus in Thrace , Pactolus in Lydia , Tagus in Spain , and the River Po in Italy . For whatsoever the Fire can separate from Gold , is something that is of a Foreign and Heterogeneous Nature to it , not being able to diminish or separate the least Integral part of it . VIII . Neither can it be destroyed or spoiled by all the Co●r●●●ve Spirits of the Chymists . And the same may be said of Stygian-water ; for tho' these do with great ease dissolve and corrode other Metals ; yet cannot they enter the impregnable Fortress of Gold , nor with their Dart-like particles , loosen the Texture of its Parts . And tho' Gold may be dissolved in a peculiar Stygian-water , called by Chymists Aqua-Regia , as shall be said hereafter ; yet is not the Gold in the least prejudiced by this Solution , or essentially changed : But may be restored to its former Condition , by pouring some drops of Oil of Tartar , into the Solution , with some Common-water , whereupon the Gold will fall to the bottom , and quit the particles of Salt which kept them suspended in the Menstruum . IX . Why heated Gold doth burn and scorch more intensely , than any other Metals . Molten Gold , or that which is only heated , doth scorch more violently than other Metals , and preserves its heat longer . This Effect is also to be attributed to the Cohaesion of its Parts ; which being fat , and most closely compacted together , do long retain the fire that hath once entred them , and burn the Bodies that touch them more vehemently . For seeing that the Pores of Gold are very small , and only make way for the Matter of the first Element , the Fiery particles become so entangled in them , that notwithstanding their most swift and rapid motion , they cannot in haste disentangle themselves again ; which is the reason that the effect of them is so vehemently imprest upon combustible Bodies that touch it . X. How Gold comes to be dissolved in Aqua-Regia . The Corrosive Spirit , called Aqua-Regia , which is distill'd from equal parts of Nitre and Vitriol dissolves Gold ; but not if you add thereto an 8 th Part of Common Salt , or a 4 th Part of Sal-Armoniack ; for then it dissolves only Lead and Silver . This proceeds only from the various Contexture of these Metals : For Gold hath its pores so disposed , as that the particles of Nitre and Vitriol may easily enter them , if they be alone without any mixture of common Salt , because of the likeness of figure that is between them . Whereas on the contrary the pores of Silver are so ranged , that they cannot admit the particles of Vitriol and Nitre . But the particles of Common Salt or Salt Armoniack being mixed with the Vitriol and Nitre , do so change the disposition of the parts of the Menstruum or Dissolvent , and make them so stiff , as to be able to thrust themselves into the pores thereof , and to dissolve it . There is also another sort of Aqua-fortis made of Nitre , Alom and Vitriol , which dissolves Silver , and is used for to separate it from the Gold that is mixed with it , which it doth not touch . For the particles that are in these corrosive Spirits do dissolve the connexion , which was between the particles of Gold and Silver ; and that because of the different sorts of little Bodies that are found in these Stygian-waters , whereof some do agree with the particles of Silver , and disagree with the particles of Gold ; and others , on the contrary , have an Analogy with the particles of Gold , but do not harmonize with those of Silver . XI . Why the Chymical Prepararation , called Aurum-fulminans , doth make such a great Report , when it is fired . Gold reduced to Powder after a certain manner , and being afterwards kindled , gives a great Report , and like Thunder pierceth and breaks through whatsoever stands in its way , and therefore is called Aurum-fulminans , or Thundering-Gold . This Effect will not appear so strange , if we consider the manner how this Powder is prepared . For first the Gold is dissolved in Aqua-Regia , and afterwards is precipitated with Oil of Tartar , and being taken out and dried , affords a Powder , which when it is heated by the fire , breaks forth into a Flame , with a vehement noise : For all the particles of the Powder , being kindled in one and the same moment , the force of the Flame proceeding from them , opens the pores of the neighbouring Bodies , and dissolves the contexture of their parts , to make way for the Gold that is flying away , which breaks forth with that suddainness and violence , that it seems to imitate the noise of thunder , and the quick Flame of Lightning , both at once . XII . Aurum fulminans exerts its force upwards , as well as downwards Some have supposed , that the force of this Aurum fulminans did only tend downwards : But this is a mistake , and the contrary may be proved by experiment . For if we put 2 grains of this Powder into a Silver Spoon , and cover it with a Crown Piece ; as soon as the bottom of the Spoon is made hot by holding a lighted Candle under it , we shall find not only a deep dint made in the Spoon , but also that the piece of Mony is carried upwards . Which is an evident argument , that the force of this Powder doth not only tend downwards , but is diffused every way . XIII . How this Action of Fulminating Powder may be explained . This Powder is composed of 3 parts of Nitre , 2 parts of Salt of Tartar , and 1 part of Brimstone ; which being heated in a Spoon , flies away with a thundring report . For it seems very probable , that the Brimstone and the Salt of Tartar contain abundance of the first Element in their Pores , which makes their parts very much disposed to swim on the said matter , and to fly away as soon as the volatil part of the Saltpeter is sufficiently agitated by the heat of the Candle , to put them into motion ; and as soon as the Acid Salt of Sulphur is sufficiently divided , for to penetrate the Salt of Tartar. XIV . Why this Powder makes but a little noise , when it is kindled by a vehement Fire . Experience seems to confirm this , for when we kindle this Fulminating Powder with a vehement fire , it makes but very little noise , which probably proceeds from hence ; because the Brimstome having not had time enough to melt , the Acid Salts could not sufficiently divide themselves , in order to their penetrating the parts of the Salt of Tartar ; which makes the Salt to rise with more difficulty , and consequently less able to give a great report . XV. In Gold is hidden a great virtue against many Diseases , if we may believe the assertion of some Physicians . Gold contains a virtue , proper to cure many Diseases . For it is found to afford manifest relief to those that are infected with the Venereal Distemper ; it cures the Elephantiasis , which is supposed to be the same with the modern Leprosie : It fastens loose Teeth , and heals all Ulcers and Sores of the Mouth . But for my part I cannot think that Gold can cure any Diseases in the Body of Man , unless it can be digested in the Stomach , or altered by the heat of the Body . For the virtue of a Medicament consists in this , that the particles of it do insinuate themselves into the Body , expel the noxious humours , or by their congruity , cherish and corroborate the diseased parts . But how can this be done as long as the Gold continues whole and entire , and loseth nothing of its substance ? Is it not notorious that the Leaf Gold wherewith the Apothecaries guild their Pills , doth pass through the Stomach and Bowels untoucht , and is cast out whole with the Excrements ? And yet the said Leaves are so very thin , that if the natural heat could exert any efficiency upon Gold , it would not fail to do it upon them , by reason of their great tenuity . XVI . Whether there be any Potable Gold. Neither is it to any more purpose that Physicians do boast of their Potable Gold , forasmuch as this is found a meer invention of some Mountebanks to pick peoples Pockets . But should we suppose that such a Potable Gold might be prepared , yet would it be of no use in Physick , because there would be no difference between this Potable Gold , and the common Solid Gold , but that the one is compact , and the other in a state of solution or fusion . XVII . If Potable Gold could be had , it would be unprofitable and dangerous to be given inwardly . But you 'l say , that Corrosive Spirits , distilled from Salts , can dissolve Gold , and make it fit for a Medicinal use . I do not deny that Gold can be dissolved in Saline Spirits ; but yet I affirm , that this solution cannot be of any use to the Body for the cure of Diseases , because of the mixture of the said Corrosive Spirits which are of a Deleterious Nature . And tho' it be common with Physicians to order the boiling of pieces of Gold in the Broths and Gellies of their Patients , for the strengthning and reviving of them ; yet is not this their practice founded upon any sufficient experience , that Gold thus used , doth produce this effect ; but only upon an inveterate Tradition received amongst them . For seeing that nothing of the substance of Gold is communicated to these Broths or Gellies , it doth not appear how they can be of any use to the Patient ; so that this custom may very well be reckoned amongst those usages which neither hurt nor help , and are only , as we say , like a Chip in Pottage . XVIII . Whether Lead or Iron may be changed into Gold. Chymists can change Lead and Iron into Gold , of which that famous Nail kept in the Duke of Florence his Repository of Rarities , is a pregnant instance , which is so far Gold , as it was dipt in a certain liquor by a German Chymist . Tho' all persons that see this Nail , generally believe the one part of it to be pure Gold , and to have been made such by a transmutation of the Iron into Gold. Yet for my part , I am more apt to be of TACHENIUS his Opinion , who supposeth that this part of Gold hath been artificially joined to the Iron part of the Nail , by Apposition , without any Transmutation at all . For after that this Artist had thus joined a piece of Gold to the part of an Iron Nail , it was easie for him to give to the Golden part the Colour of Iron , that so the whole Nail might appear to be Iron : But being afterwards put into the Fire , and then held in Oyl for sometime , the superadded part appeared to be true Gold. XIX . Gold is not subject to Rust . Another thing observable in Gold is , that it is not obnoxious to Rust ; and this because no steams proceed from it ; and tho' sometimes it seem to be Tarnisht , this doth not proceed from it self , but from the too frequent handling of it . CHAP. V. Of Silver and Tin. I. Why Silver is hard to melt . SILVER doth strangely resist Fire , and is hard to melt , because its parts being very small and solid , makes a Body so compact and continuous , that the Fire cannot easily penetrate it ; which is the reason that Silver Smiths and others , are obliged to make use of some expedients to make it melt the more readily . II. Why Silver may be beaten into thin leaves . Silver is easily extended under the Hammer , because its parts being long and branchy , they may glide a long while one over another , without breaking asunder . III. Why Silver is of a white colour . The reason of the whiteness of Silver is , the solidity of its parts , which reflect the whole light they have received ; and with the same action wherewith they have received it . For the particles of Silver being of a Spherical Figure , and having a circular motion , consequently make no change in the Rays of Light ; and tho' some of them may be conceived to be rough , yet do they reflect the Rays every way , and send them to the Eye , without any detorsion , or turning of them aside . Yet is not this Colour constant and perpetual to this metal ; for when it is polisht , it loseth its whiteness , and becomes Bright and Shining ; because its white particles do now reflect the Light towards one part , which makes all the other parts to look dark and black , as being hindred to reflect the Beams they have received , to the Eye . IV. How it comes to pass that Silver draws black lines upon Paper . Silver , tho it be white , yet draws black Lines upon Paper ; because by this rubbing of it against the Paper , some small particles of the Silver are rubb'd off ; which forasmuch as they are thin and rough , do as it were imbibe or swallow the Beams of Light , and consequently exhibit a Black Colour But yet they retain something of their former splendor , because some of the greatest particles stick out above the rest ; which preserving their former Texture , do reflect the Rays after the same manner as they did before ; because being very solid , and consequently very capable of being reduced under an even and polisht surface , they resist the Suns Beams ; and causing them to be reflected under the same Angles , as they received them , they produce the sensation of Light , for the reasons we have set down at large in our Institution of Philosophy . V. Why Silver yields a shriller sound than Gold. Silver yields a most shrill sound , and being struck with a Hammer or other Instrument , doth affect the Ears with a more smart and loud noise than Gold. The reason of this is , because Silver is bent like a Bow , whose parts being left at liberty , do presently return to their former state . For it is evident that the Strings of a Lute yield a shriller or more Treble sound , the higher they are wound up , because it is then they are most swiftly moved , that is , make most frequent Excursions . Whereas Gold being softer , and having fewer pores , doth more easily give way to its being struck , and doth more slowly move the Air. Now the swiftness of the trembling motion , or undulation of the Air , makes a shrill or Treble sound ; as the slowness of them , a Base or Deep Sound . And therefore Speaking or Singing makes a greater noise , than a violent Wind , because the Air that strikes the Wind-Pipe , when we are Singing , is much more swiftly moved than the Winds are . Silver therefore gives forth a more shrill sound than Gold , because its bent parts do more swiftly drive the Air , and impart a greater trembling or undulation unto it . VI. If Brimstone be cast upon Silver that is melted , it reduceth it to powder . Melted Silver , by casting Brimstone upon it , becomes turned into a Calx , and is reduced into a small Powder . This Change is brought about by the flaming Brimstone , which enters the pores of the Silver , and mingles with it , and by this means breaks some of the thinner parts of it , or drives some of them away from the rest , leaving the grosser , and in a manner , the whole substance behind . For by Calcination , the Chymists understand nothing else , but the reducing of the Body of a Metal into Powder , by the ridding of it from its volatil parts only . This being the difference between the Ashes and Calx of a thing , that Ashes are the Remainders of those Bodies , whose greatest part hath been consumed by Fire ; but Calx of those Bodies , which do in a manner remain whole and entire after they have been burnt in the Fire . VII . Spirit of Nitre easily dissolves Silver . Silver is readily dissolved in the Spirit of Nitre , or Aqua Fortis , but not in Aqua Regalis , which dissolves Gold. The Reason is , because the Spirit of Nitre hath such an Analogy with the Pores of the Silver , that it enters the same , only accompanied with the matter of the first Element , by which means the particles of it have all the quickness of that Element communicated to them , and thereby is made fit to unravel the whole Texture of that Metal . And the reason why the Aqua Regalis doth not touch Silver is , because the Pores of the Silver are so small , in comparison of those of Gold , that the Royal Water which enters the body of this latter only surrounded with the first Element , cannot penetrate the Pores of the former . VIII . The Pores of Silver are less than those of other Metals . That the Pores of Silver are lesser than those of Gold , and of all other Metals appears in that the particles of Lead in fusion , do mingle and join themselves more readily with any other Metal than with Silver , which they do only slide over . The same may also be gathered from this Experiment , that when we make the Infernal Stone , which is nothing else but Silver , made corrosive by the Salts of the Spirit of Nitre , we find that one ounce of Plate Silver is only encreased 3 drams in weight ; whereas when we employ courser Silver for this Operation , we find the weight augmented no less than 5 drams . Which difference , in all probability , ariseth from hence ; for that Plate Silver , being more fire and pure , hath lesser Pores than the courser Silver , which has an allay of other Metals , and therefore retain more of the acid parts of the Nitre . IX . A Vessel that is tin'd over , doth more resist the Fire than another that is not . Tin , which Chymists , look upon as a middle thing between Silver and Lead , hath properties distinct from them both ; for Vessels that are tin'd over , are found to resist the Fire better than others , and are not so easily melted . The Reason is , because Tin , which abounds with Quicksilver , doth easily stop up the Pores and Cavities of Vessels , and therefore hinders the particles of the fire from separating the parts of it so readily , as they would otherwise do . And therefore Chymists commonly call Tin the Defender of Metals , because it preserves them from the force of the Fire ; for it enters so deep into the pores of the Metals , that it cannot , without extream heat , be expelled thence . But yet if we touch the Tin with a Red hot Iron , it presently melts ; because by this means the particles of the Fire are introduced into the wider pores , which causeth the immediate separation of the parts of it . X. Why Calcin'd Tin is more heavy than that is not . Tin is the lightest of all Metals , but when Calcined it is heavier , than when it is whole and entire . The Lightness of Tin is not to be attributed to the less quantity of moisture it contains , in comparison of other Metals , as Silver , Copper , &c. but to the magnitude of the pores . For seeing that Tin is no simple Body , but contains many Heterogeneous Parts , which cannot so exactly close together , consequently large intervals must be left between them , to be filled with the subtil matter . Now nothing is more evident , than that the Lightness of Bodies proceeds from the magnitude and multiplicity of their pores : And therefore the reason why one Metal is lighter than another , is only this , because it hath more and wider pores , which set their parts at a greater distance from one another . But that Calcined Tin should be more heavy than uncalcined , seems strange , forasmuch as we find the contrary in other Bodies . Thus Dough is more heavy than Baked Bread , and a Calcined Stone is much lighter than another that is not calcined : However no other reason can be assigned hereof , but that the pores of the Tin , by Calcination , are more contracted , which is sufficient to make it more heavy , than it was before Calcination . XI . How Tin may be reduced to Powder . But how comes it to pass , that seeing Tin is malleable , yet it may easily be turned to powder , if being melted , it be stirred continually till it be grown cold . The Reason is , because this continual motion separates its parts one from another , in such a manner , as that they can no longer unite themselves together ; not only because the Air , which is got between them opposeth their union ; but also because their small Branches , being grown Cold , are not pliable enough to entangle one another , and therefore they remain in Powder . XII . Why a Tin Bullet proves more dangerous to the Body that is wounded with it , than a Lead Bullet A Tin Bullet , shot into a Mans Body , makes a more dangerous wound than a Leaden Bullet , tho' they be both of the same bigness , and discharged with the like quantity of Gunpowder . The Reason is , because the outward parts of Tin are more rough , and abound with sharp prominences : By this means , as they enter the Body , they do much more plentifully affect the Fibres , by tearing and rending them to pieces : Or else we may say , that those small Bits and Shavings as it were , which the Bullet leaves in the wound , do infect and taint it ; as we see that the Teeth of a Mad Dog , and of a Viper , do poison the wound , which poison soon after is conveyed throughout the whole Body , and causeth the Death and Corruption of it . CHAP. VI. Of Lead , and Copper . I. Why Lead is so easily melted . LEAD is easily bent , and as readily melted when put upon the Fire . The Reason hereof is , the weak and slender adhaesion of its parts ; for Lead consists of such particles , as are all of them easily separable from one another , and therefore they are no sooner set upon the fire , but that they are immediately put into motion , and readily separated from one another . For soft Bodies differ from Hard , in that the parts of the latter touch one another , and are at rest ; whereas the parts of fluid Bodies , whose Nature soft Bodies partake of , are agitated with various motions , and whirl'd about their own Centers . Lead therefore readily melts , because the fire with great ease enters the pores of it , dissolves its parts , and varies their Position . Hence some have been of opinion that a Lead Bullet might be melted , meerly by a swift motion . But I cannot imagine that this can ever be effected by motion alone ; for it was never found that Lead Bullets were ever found melted upon their being discharged from a Musquet . II. Why Lead is more heavy than Iron . Lead doth not differ from Iron , save only in this , that it consists of parts that are less , and more smooth , and whose Branches are more tender and pliable than those of Iron : For because the parts of Lead are smoother , therefore they lie more close together , and so compose a more compact Body , such as contains more of its own matter than Iron doth under an equal surface . III Why Lead is less hard than Iron . And seeing that the Branchy Particles which constitute Lead , are more soft and pliant , than those that compose Iron , therefore they less resist division , and consequently are not so hard as those of Iron . IV. How Lead comes to be useful in Physick and Chyrurgery . Lead is endowed with a Cooling Virtue , and mitigates the praeternatural Heat excited in Mans Body : Yea some , whose recovery hath been doubted , have been restored to their former health , only by the application of a Plate of Lead ; as it is related of a certain Musician , who wearing a Leaden Plate upon his Breast , only to preserve his Voice , was by the same means cured of a most dangerous disease . The Reason of this Refrigerating Virtue in Lead is , because its parts are very slowly and remisly moved ; and lying upon one another , are in a manner quite at rest . For Cold doth not consist in absolute Rest , or a total privation of motion , but it is sufficient to constitute a Body Cold , if the parts of it be very slowly moved , and that the Organ of him that toucheth it , be more than ordinarily affected therewith . For a Body , whose parts are very swiftly moved , is more sensible of Cold , than another whose parts are more remisly agitated . A Plate of Lead therefore doth cool an overheated Body , because it diminisheth the motion of its particles , and doth mitigate and allay the noxious heat , which consists in motion . Hence it is that Plates of Lead are applied to the Reins of those who are troubled with involuntary Emissions , caused by the heat of their Reins . CALVUS , the Orator , made use of this means to quell and repress the motions of Lust , to the end he might preserve all his Bodily Vigour and strength , for his Study . Chyrurgeons also make use of Lead , for the drying and healing of Wounds ; for by obstructing the pores of the Body , by its coldness , it stops the humour , and hinders it from spreading any further . V. Why Lead , being melted , and stirred with a Stick till it be cold , turns to Powder . Molten Lead , being stirred with a Stick continually , turns into a fine Powder . The Reason is , because by this vehement and continual motion , the more thin and slippery parts of the Lead , that kept the grosser parts together , fly away into the Air ; as we see in Boiling Water , which , when it is stirred , doth send forth a thicker smoak ; for the heat having separated the particles of the Water , many of them fly up into the Air. And thus the more Oily particles of the Lead , being left by themselves , do come nearer together , and are joined together more firmly than ever before , much after the same manner , as by the continual beating and concussion of Cream , its superfluous particles unite together , and constitute the Body of Butter , a-part from the Whey , wherewith they were mingled before . VI. Why Lead cannot be dissolved in Aqua-fortis . Lead is not dissolved in Aqua-fortis , tho' it be left in it never so long . The Reason is , because the Particles of Lead are not proportioned to the bigness or figure of the Particles of that water , or corrosive Spirit , which therefore cannot penetrate them ; or if they do , which indeed seems more probable , they penetrate them accompanied with the matter of the 1 st and 2 d Element , yea , and it may be with the more subtil part of the Air also , which makes the motion of them so slow , that they are not strong enough to break the Ranks and Files of the Particles of the Lead . VII . Why Copper is so hard to be melted except is be kindled with Fire . Copper is accounted amongst the hard Metals , which because of the close connexion of its parts doth long resist the Fire , and is not melted except that it be first kindled , and shed so much Light , as that it appears like a bright shining Star in the Furnace . The Reason hereof is , because the 1 st Element is so shut up in the strait and narrow Pores of the Copper , that the insensible parts of that Metal swim upon it , and are so violently tost together by the said Element , and whirled round about their own Centers , that they affect the Optick Nerve at a distance , and the Nerves of the Touch nearer hand . However when it is thus melted , it cannot endure any moisture to touch it ; for if water be pour'd upon it , or any moist Body be dipt into it , it causeth a great noise , and the Copper leaps out of the Vessel . Because the water which is heavier than it , doth easily enter its Pores , where it becomes dilated because of the intense heat of the Copper , and being not able to continue there by reason of the straitness of the place , it breaks forth with violence , and carries the neighbouring Particles of the Copper along with it , and scatters and spills them : In a manner not much unlike to that whereby Gunpowder , that is covered over with little Stones , as soon as it is kindled , breaks forth with a noise and scatters all the Stones abroad . VIII . Whence the Effervescence or Ebullition proceeds which is seen in the dissolution of Copper . When Spirit of Nitre is poured upon Silver , it presently causeth a great Ebullition , so that it heats the Vessel , and continues till the dissolution of the Metal be performed . The cause of this Effervescence is , because the Particles of the Spirit of Nitre , are of such a magnitude and figure , that they enter the Pores of the Copper only , accompanied with the matter of the 1 st Element , which carries them along with it , with so much swiftness , as that they are able to separate the parts of the Copper , and to cause that Ebullition and heat which upon the solution of the parts is produced . Which is an evident proof , that the Pores of Copper are much more open , than those of any other Metals . For this great Effervence which happens upon the dissolution of Silver in this Spirit , seems probably to proceed from nothing else , but from the largness of the Pores of Copper , which are so great that the acid Particles of the Spirit of Nitre , enter into them surrounded with much of the matter of the 1 st Element . IX . Why Tin and Copper when melted together become so very hard . Copper and Tin being melted together grow very hard , beyond what each of them were apart , before they were mingled . The Reason is , because the Tin doth penetrate and fill up the Pores of the Copper : For certain it is , that Tin is a Metal of such a penetrating subtilty , that it joyns it self with other Metals , after a most peculiar manner ; for it penetrates them even before that they be melted together , and by this means hardens them , as may be seen in Iron , that is tind over , and Pins , which when made red hot in the Fire , are dipt into Tin for to whiten them , and to bring them to that hardness which we find they have . X. Why Copper contracts a Rust call'd Verdigrease Copper easily contracts a Blewish coloured Rust which is proper to it , and therefore called in Latin Aerugo , which grows to it , and sullies it . This Aerugo or Copper rust proceeds from the Exhalations , and Sulphureous Particles , which contiually steam forth from the Particles of the Copper , and stop the Orifices of the Pores thereof . It derives its original from the moisture of the Air , which is mingled with the parts of the Copper , which being put into motion by the subtil matter , doth break forth , and being stopt on the surface of it , doth there grow together into a Rust . After the same manner as we see that an hoary moldiness doth grow on the outside of Flesh , Leather , Bread , and other like Bodies , if they be kept in a moist place , and especially if they be sprinkled with Salt , because the Salt doth open and widen their Pores , and makes an open way for the Sulphureous Spirits to evaporate . Hence it is , that clean and smooth Copper , doth more easily contract its Rust , than that which hath a rough surface ; because in smooth and scoured Copper the Pores are wider , and consequently the moist ▪ Air doth with more ease insinuate it self into them . XI . How Copper Rust is caused , and why Gold is not subject to Rust . This Copper-rust is caused by sprinkling Salt , and Vinegar upon plates of Copper ; because both these do open and widen the Pores of it , and makes a ready way for the steams to come forth : Moreover , this mixture of Salt and Vinegar stops the Particles of these Exhalations on the surface of the Copper , and causeth them to grow together there , so as to cover the top of it . And it is for the contrary reason , that Gold is not subject to any Rust , because no steams proceed from it , so that it is not subject to be sullied or discoloured by any thing that comes from it self . CHAP. VII . Of Iron and Steel . I. How Iron which is so hard a Metal comes to be extended by being made red hot . IRon is the hardest of all other Metals , as being more difficult to be melted than any of the rest ; and yet being put into the Furnace and made red hot , it becomes extended in length . For if we take a Plate of Iron of the same bigness with a piece of Wood , and cast it into the Fire till it be red hot , we shall find upon the taking of it out , that it is grown longer than it was when we put it in . The Reason is , because the Fire that is got into the Pores of the Iron doth widen them ; for seeing that there can be no penetration of dimensions , and that 2 extended substances cannot be in one and the same place , it cannot be , but that the Iron must be dilated by admission of the fiery Particles , and consequently acquire a new Extension . II. Why Iron is one of the lightest Metals . Tho' Iron be hard to melt , yet it is one of those Metals that are lightest , and are most easily dissolved in corrosive Spirits , and destroyed by Rust ; for the small Branches of the parts that compose it , being greater and at a farther distance from one another , than those of the other Metals , make this Metal much more Porous and Spungious , than some of the more compact and solid Metals . III. By what means Iron may be changed into Copper . Iron besmeared with Vinegar and Alom becomes like Copper . At Smolnick there is a Well , the water whereof being turn'd in Channels disposed in 3 rows , turns plates of Iron into Copper . The cause of this Transmutation is not as some would have it , the loss of a former substantial Form , and the generation of a new one , but only an accession of new parts , whilst the Particles of Alom and Vinegar fill the parts of the Iron , and so change the former connexion of its parts . For seeing that Vinegar is of that sharpness , whereby it easily penetrates into the Pores of the Iron , by this its penetration it changeth the order and disposition of them , and by this means a new colour is produced in the Iron . Neither doth the Allom conduce less to this Transmutation , which being endued with a very adstringent Virtue , doth transplace those Particles which before stuck very close together , and were firmly entangled . And therefore it is no wonder , that when the Texture of the parts of Iron is changed , it should by this means come to resemble Copper . IV. Why Iron grows harder by being cast into water when it is red hot . If Red-hot Iron be taken out of a Forge or Furnace , and put into the water , it becomes harder , than when it is only exposed to the Air , and cooled there by degrees . The reason is , because the Pores of Iron when red hot , are very open , and only filled with the matter of the 1 st Element , but mingled with many particles of the 3 d Element , which swimming upon the Fire , do continually enter them , and come out again . Whence it comes to pass , that when , in this state , it is exposed to the Air , to grow cool , the self-same particles of the Air , continuing their course through its pores , cause the pores to be straitned by degrees , and make the parts of the Iron to retain the same Form they had in the Furnace . Whereas , when red hot Iron is plunged into Water , it cannot indeed hinder the matter of the 1 st Element from breaking out from the pores of the Iron ; but because there is nothing that can take up those places , besides the subtil matter which is in the Water , whose particles are too small to keep the pores open in the same manner as they did before , they thereupon become suddainly straitned , and consequently come nearer together ; which is the cause of its attaining a greater degree of hardness ; which is nothing else but a close compression of the parts of a Body , and their mutual contact . V. Why Rust stops , and hinders conception . Rust stops the Courses of Women , and given inwardly , hinders Conception . The Reason is , because Rust consists of Sulphureous , Branchy and Angulous parts , which are very adstringent , and stop-up the Orifices of the Pores they light into . As may be seen in the Hands of those that handle it , which cannot without grat difficulty be washed clean . VI. How it comes to pass that Iron and Steel have Pores turned like Screws . It is found by Experience , that Iron and Steel have abundance of Pores , which are turned and go winding like Screws , and that by means of these , it approacheth to the Loadstone . The cause of these Screw-like Pores that are in Iron and Steel is , those little Striate Particles , which according to what we have delivered in our Institution of Philosophy , continually coming forth from the inward parts of the Earth , and passing into the outward , have so penetrated the substance of the Iron and Steel , as to make passages for themselves through it , which they will still keep open by continuing their motion through them . Which they could not do , without framing the Pores of the Steel and Iron like so many Screws , which differ nothing from the Screw-like Pores that are in the Loadstone , save only in this , that the little Branches of the Particles of the Iron and Steel , which rise in their Pores , stand in need to be beaten down , and smoothed by the Particles of the Loadstone , for to afford them a free passage . VII . Wherein Iron and the Loadstone do agree . And therefore Iron is said to be of kin to the Loadstone , because both of them are dug out of the same Mines , and are of the same colour ; but more especially , because they agree and correspond in their Fibres and Pores : For the striate matter finds a free passage through both of them , much in the same manner , as it doth through the midst of the Earth , which it cannot do through any other Body . Hence Iron is said to cherish and strengthen the Virtue and Life of the Loadstone , much in the same manner , as the water and Virtue of Fountains , is preferved by conveniently disposed Channels for it to pass through . VIII . Why Steel becomes softer by being cooled leisurely and by degrees . Steel that is made by fusion in a vehement Fire , becomes softer if it be made red hot again , and afterwards cooled by degrees . The Reason is , because when it is thus cooled , the cornerd and rugged Particles of it , which by the force of the heat were driven from the surfaces of the Clots of it to the more inward parts , begin to appear outword , and entangling together , do as it were with little Hooks , joyn the Clots of the Steel together : By which means it happens , that these Particles are no longer so closely joyned to their Clots , nor do the Clots any longer so immediately touch one another , but do only hang together as it were by Hooks or Links ; and consequently the Steel is not very hard and stiff , nor brittle , but soft and flexible . In which respect it doth not differ from the common Iron , save only in this , that when Steel is made red hot a 2 d time , and afterwards suddainly quenched , its former hardness and stiffness is restored , whereas by the same means , the same is not performed in Iron . IX . What is the reason that Wood in some Pools is changed into Iron . Some Historians tell us , that Wood by being put into some Pools , becomes turned into Iron . Thus MAGINUS tells us of a Pool in Ireland , into which if a Stake be thrust , that part which is covered with the Mud becomes changed into Iron , and the other that is covered with Water , into Stone . The Reason of this is , because the Wood by being long buried in the Mud , becomes penetrated by a Metallick steam , which insinuating it self betwixt the Fibres of it , becomes one Body with it , and filling up all its Pores by degrees , at last communicates to it the hardness and appearance of Iron . X. How Bones and Wood are sometimes changed into Stone . In like manner , Bones and pieces of Wood are changed into Stone . Thus many Bones are to be seen at Rome , Amsterdam and in other places which have been turned into Stone . Thus pieces of Wood have sometime since been taken up at Aqua-Sparta in Italy , which seem to be nothing else , but the fragments of Stakes , which having for a long time been covered with the Earth , have been so penetrated by a Bituminous and Sulphureous steam , and grown to that Stony hardness , as to be no longer capable of being cleft . Thus likewise Cockle-shells are turned into Stone , by being fill'd with such a kind of Petrifying Juice , which in time reduceth them to the hardness and consistence of Stones . For the same Cockle-shells that abound on the Sea-shoar , have been often found far from the Sea on High Mountains . Thus in the Guerinean Cavern or Grotto , Leaves of Oak , Holm , Alder , Poplar , Bay , Ivy and other Trees have been found turn'd into stone , by means of a Petrifying Humour . XI . Why Steel is more stiff and brittle than Iron . Steel is more stiff and hard than Iron , and hath a greater force to leap back , than any other Metal . The Reason is , because the parts of Steel are not joyn'd together with entangling Branches , as those of Lead are ; but by a multiplicity of surfaces lying one upon another like Glass , which is the reason that when Steel is bent , the ranging of its Parts is not changed , but only the figure of its pores ; upon the change whereof , the force of the Body running against them is increased . And by this means the Steel-Spring of a Watch is of great use to the performing of all the motions of it . And for the same Reason , Steel must needs be more brittle than Iron , because the Drops whereof it is composed , are only joyn'd together by the contact of their surfaces , which , like the parts of Glass , only touch one another in a few Points , and must therefore be somewhat Brittle . XII . How Iron may be preserved from Rust . For the cleansing of Iron from Rust , Ceruss-Plaister , and other such like , are commonly made use of ; but there is nothing that takes it away better or more speedily , than Oil of Tartar , which presently looseth the Rust , and is then easily wiped off . And to prevent Iron from Rusting , there is nothing better than to besmear it with the Marrow of a Deer , or with Oil , which by obstructing the pores by their clammy Matter , hinder any watry Moisture from entring into , or Steams from coming out of them . CHAP. VIII . Of the various Generation of Stones . I. Stones are generated of Sand or Clay . ALL Stones have their Rise either from Sand or Clay ; and that either from Sand dissolved , or Sand consolidated . Stones are generated of dissolved Sand , when any quantity thereof becomes coagulated ; whence therefore proceeds a Stone , transparent like a grain of Sand , and of a different figure , as it is variously compressed by its Neighbouring Bodies : So some Precious Stones are found of no distinct shape or figure , and others that have 6 sides or surfaces . Again , Stones are generated of consolidated Sand , that is , when a great number of the grains of Sand do grow together , by means of Steams or Exhalations filling the Intervals between them , and joyning them together ; and there fore these Stones are opake or dark , and rugged , by means of many Prominences , and therefore may be made use of for the sharpning of Stones . It may be also added , that Stones may be made of Clay , which by the admission of some petrifying Exhalations may become stone . II. Whence it it that some Stones are found in Provence in France , of the figure of a Lozenge , or Quarry of Glass . There is a sort of Stones found in Provence in France , whereof some are Red , and others transparent like Crystal , and of the figure of a Lozenge , which when they are broken , fall into parts of the same figure , tho' subdivided never so often . The Reason of this is to be attributed , to the more perfect and elaborate disposition of the Matter whereof these Stones are generated , which is so regularly distributed , that every one of its least particles bestow their own figure upon the whole , and upon the lesser , as well as greater parts of it . We must therefore suppose , that in the first formation of these Stones , some particles of the petrifying Juice , were by the force of Heat stretched out in length , to which others joyning , themselves , did by degrees constitute some small Tables , to which others afterwards were joyned , lying athwart them , so that the Angles somewhat resembled those of Talk or Izinglass . As we find that in the formation of Salts their basis is of a square figure . Thus the particles of Sal Gem are of a square figure like a Dice , and breaks into Bits of the same figure ; and after the same manner , and for the same Reason , do these Stones before-mentioned break into bits that express the figure of Lozenges , and tho' broke never so small , retain the same figure inviolably . III. What is the Cause of those Glassy-Stones that are sometimes sound in the Earth . Sometimes Glassy-stones are found in the Earth , which do equal others in weight , as well as hardness ; save only that they are brittle like Glass , and are easily broke to pieces . The Original of these Stones must be attributed to Sand , which being melted by a most vehement fire , and afterwards cooled , become as hard as Stone . After the same manner as the particles of Ashes , when agitated by a most vehement fire , have their Ruggedness pared off , and become smooth , and sticking together constitute Glass . Thus it sometimes happens , that after great Burnings of the Earth , many of these Glassy-stones are digg'd forth from the Bowels of it , which are of different shapes and figures , according to the variety of those places into which the melted Salt lighted . PLINY is of Opinion , that the making of Glass was first found out by a Casual melting of Sand and Nitre : It is reported , saith he , that a Merchant's Ship , laden with Nitre , being arrived , when the Ships Company were about to prepare a Feast upon the Shoar , and wanted Stones to fix their Kettles upon , they took great lumps of Salt-Peter out of the Ship for that purpose , which catching fire , and being mingled with the Sand of the shoar , made transparent Rivulets of Liquid Glass to run down . Book 36. Chap. 20. IV. How Stones are generated in the Body of Man. Stones are generated in the Body of Man , differing in bigness as well as hardness : For some of them are easily crumbled to pouder , whereas others are hard , and cannot easily be dissolved . The Original of Stones , that are formed in the Kidneys , or in the Bladder , is the same with those that are generated in the Earth , viz. when by reason of the obstruction of the pores , the grains of Sand are lockt in , and at last growing together , do constitute a hard Body . For it is certain , that the Blood and Urine are strained , and do carry along with them the particles of Terrestrial Bodies , which are endued with such figures , as that when the Blood or Urine are more slowly moved in the Reins or Bladder , they grow into a Stone . For the Sand or Gravel which is generated in the Body of Man , have very uneven and rough surfaces , by means whereof they are easily entangled together , and constitute a mass or lump of Stone . And this is the Reason why they are discharged out of the Body of Man with such extream pain ; for being carried with the Urine , and hitting against the Membrans with their sharp Corners , they rend and tear them . V. Why Women are less troubled with the Stone , than Men. Women are less troubled with the Stone than Men , because they can discharge the peccant Matter with greater ease than they , by reason of the wideness of the Passages through which it is to pass , as also because they are both straiter and shorter , their Terms also being beneficial to them in this case . Moreover it is observed , that Fat and Pursy persons are most troubled with this Disease , because such Bodies abound with Earthy dregs and volatile acids ; as also , for that by reason of the bulk and weight of their Body , they are fain to live an idle and sedentary Life , which alone contributes not a little to the forming of this Disease . VI. Some suppose that Stones are generated in the Body of Man , by a petrifying Spirit . Some suppose that there is a Petrifying Spirit in the Body of Man , which is the Cause of this generation of Stones , more especially in the pores of the Kidneys and Bladder , which transmutes the dreggy and thicker parts of the Blood into Stone , to which formation that Volatile Salt , which is hid in the Stone , and drawn thence by Chimistry , doth not a little contribute ; for by means of these saline Volatile particles , the thicker parts of the Blood are joyned together . Now that there is such a Petrifying Spirit in Nature , may be proved from many Springs , which turn all the things that are cast into them into Stone ; such as is that Spring which is near Bergen in Norway , and many others elsewhere . And therefore some think , that the like spirit may lye hid in the Bodies of Men , seeing that it is evident beyond contradiction , that a spirit not much unlike this is found in it , which changeth the parts of the Chyle into Bones , Gristles , &c. VII . Sometimes the Kidneys themselves , yea , and whole Infants in the Womb , have been turned into Stone . That Stones in the Bodies of Men do sometimes grow to a great bulk , is testified by ISRAEL , a Professour of Heidelberg , who says , that a Woman had a Kidney cut out of her Body , that was wholly turned to stone : Yea , what is far more strange , he tells us , that a whole and entire Birth , compleat and formed in all his parts , and which the Mother had carried in her Body no less than 28 years , was after her Death found as hard as Marble , and taken out of her Body . Which wonderful Effect cannot be ascribed to any thing else , but this Petrifying or Volatile acid Spirit , which is always endued with a great virtue of acting , figuring , and congealing : For the swiftness of this spirit doth readily pass through all pores , and clinging to them , makes the Body to become harder , much like Coral , which being taken out of the bottom of the Sea , is hardned by the Volatile Acid which is lodged in the Air , and becomes stony . VIII . The Stone is esten Hereditary . The Disease of the Stone is frequently conveyed from Parents to their Children ; for seeing that the Particles whereof the Stone is formed , owe much of their tendency towards the producing of this Disease , to the Texture of the Fibres through which they are strained ; and that the same depends on the first forming of the Parts of the Body , which proceeds from the Parents , this Disease may very well be said to be traduced by them to their Posterity . IX . Of a Stone which lies still in Fresh-water ; but being put into Vinegar moves up and down . MERSENNUS makes mention of a Stone , which being cast into Fresh-water lies quiet ; but when put into Vinegar , or Spirit of Vitriol , is moved ; and more in Spirit of Vitriol , than in Vinegar . The Reason of this may be supposed to be , because this Stone is full of pores , which do readily admit the particles of Vinegar and Spirit of Vitriol ; but are not fitted to receive the particles of Fresh-water . So that Particles of Vinegar entring the pores of this Stone , drive out the particles of the Air or Water , which dilating themselves at their coming forth , do lift up and agitate the same . X. Whether it be true that Stone is turned into Wood , not far from Rome Some Historians tell us , that there are certain Quarries of Stone near Rome , the stones whereof are changed into wood . But I should be much more apt to believe , that these Stones are not changed into the substance of Wood , but only represent the outward appearance of it . Much in the same manner as that Vein of Stones which is found at Novigentum , on the River Sein , do imitate the figures of certain Plants and Trees . XI . Of a Stone that being cast into the water , changeth its colour . There is a certain Stone as white as Alabaster , by some called the Eye of the World , which being for some time suffer'd to lye in the water , doth not only become more heavy , but likewise grows transparent , and receives a new Colour . The Reason is , because the Liquor that enters into the pores of this Stone , doth more dilate and diffuse the Light , and refracts the Rays much in the same manner as the grains of Sand might do . For it cannot be doubted , but that this Stone hath many pellucid particles , and that the Air which is got into the pores , being thrust out by the particles of the water , make the stone to lose its transparency , and to be changed into a white Colour ; for as soon as the Stone is dried , it loseth its white Colour , and becomes transparent , as before . XII . How the Stones are produc'd , which are found at the bottom of Rivers . Stones are frequently generated in Rivers ; yea , it hath been found that the whole bottoms of some Rivers have been changed into stone . PATRITIUS tells us , that whilst he studied at Avignon , he frequently went to swim , in the lesser Arm or branch of the River Rhone , and that he found that the Bottom , which he had known before to be soft and smooth , was all cover'd with stone . The Cause of this Change might be from the Earthquake , which sometime before hapned about the shut-up Valley , so called . For the Earthquake might probably cast up a great heap of Sand , which being conveyed from the River Sorga into the lesser Channel of the River Rhone , and setling there , might grow into a great multiplicity of stones . And this Conjecture seems the more probable ; because those who frequent the the River Rhone and Druent , assure us , that they very often found at the Bottom of them , Horsesshoes , shee s , Nails , and other Iron-work , to which the Sands did stick so close , and were grown so thick about them , that they were wholly cover'd with a Crust of stone , by the coalition or growing together of the said Sands upon the Iron . XIII . Whence those Stones proceed , which are found on the surface of the Ground . Great abundance of Stones are frequently found in Fields , that are in all respects like to those that we meet with at the bottom of Rivers ; being of the same bulk and figure , somewhat Oval and inclining to a round figure . It is probable , that these Stones were carried by the force of waters from the Tops of Mountains to the Fields that lye under them , or else by the overflowing of the Rivers . For it is apparent that the Stones which are scattered up and down the Fields of Crautia , come from the overflowings of the Rivers Rhone and Druent , which left Mud and Sand enough behind them , for the forming of the said Stones . For all the Stones that are found there are not equal , but different in bulk , tho' not in figure : For those that are about the midst are bigger than the rest , and are lessened as they withdraw from it ; and those are least of all that are towards the Extream parts ; because the fore-mentioned two Rivers having stagnated there for a good while , more Sand was gathered about the midst , than about the other more remote and outward parts . And that this was the true Cause of the generation of these Stones may be gather'd from hence , that those Plains , which are far remote from any Mountains , are destitute of these Stones , there being not so much as the least footsteps of them to be seen . XIV . What is the cause of these Shells that are found near Bristol . In some places not far from the City of Bristol , are found the shells of Fishes of a different colour and form ; for some of them are twirl'd about like the Tendrils of a Vine ; others , otherwise . As to the Original of these , it seems most probable , that they are not the effect of any Juice or Moisture , but were brought thither either by means of an Earthquake , or an Inundation ; or by the entrance of some foreign Matter into their pores , which sticking there hath rendred them hard and stony . XV. What is the Cause of those Stones which are found in Springs . Stones are likewise found to be generated in Springs ; yea , sometimes the Bottom of them is so full of Stones , that they rise much higher than they were formerly . GASSENDUS makes mention of a Fountain of Dinia , which covers all the Channels it runs through with a Stony Crust . The Cause which generates Stones in Springs , is this : The Waters that constitute these Fountains , running through Rocks , do carry some particles of them along to the said Spring ; which being no longer swiftly agitated , as they were when they were when they passed through the Rocks , begin to settle and grow together . And that some Waters in their passage through Rocks , are impregnated with Stony particles , may be proved from that Fountain which is at Rome , which hath so covered all the sides of the Pipe that it runs through , that it hath long since been quite stopt with a kind of Alabaster . And the same happens in a Grotto near the City Tours in France , where the Drops of Water dropping down , are turned to Stone . XVI . New Stones are formed daily . Wherefore we may conclude with P●ireskius , that all Stones were not created at the Beginning of the World ; but that many are formed in process of time , as owing their original to certain proper Seeds , but their configuration , partly to Nature , and partly to chance . For seeing that a petrifying Seed is found in several places , when the same is received into any Liquor , it immediately coagulates the same , as Rennet doth milk , and imparts a special form to it . XVII . Why Flints are for the most part of a roundish figure . Flints are for the most part of a round figure or approaching to it . The Reason is , because the surface or outward part of the Earth abounding with many Slits , it cannot be , but that the Air which circulates continually in them , must force the parts of Flints , to range themselves into a round figure , because by this means they do less hinder or obstruct its motion . CHAP. IX . Of Pearls and precious Stones . I. Why precious Stones and Pearls have the same figure . GEMS and Pearls are commonly called Stones , but with addition of the Epithet Precious , because they are highly valued , and not acquired without great labor , or high price . Precious Stones agree with Pearls in this , that they have all the same Figure , and tho' they be the product of several places , yet are never of a different form . The Reason is , because Pearls are generated in Shells , that are so smooth and polisht that they shine , which Politeness the Stones , that are generated in them do partake of . For Pearls in their first rise are a kind of swellings like Warts , or excrescences proceeding from the matter of the said Shells , which in progress of time become Pearls . But Gems owe their generation to certain exactly percolated Juices , which being only in small quantity , every drop of them constitutes a particular Gem , and cannot be encreased to a greater number , but by the occasion of more of these drops . And tho' it may be , they may differ in bulk , yet because the action of the subtil matter is the same in them all , they are all of them partakers of an uniform figure . II. Various precious Stones have various figures . Hence it is that all Crystal is 6 cornerd , Emralds cornerd , Diamants and Rubies 8 cornerd , and so for the rest : Because in their coagulation they are split , and multiplied like the Grains of an Ear of Corn , within the same sheath or hull , and that by reason of their special Seeds , according to which Stones obtain as constant Configurations , as either Plants or Animals . Thus we see that Jaspis Stones , Porphyry and Marble are naturally streak'd and embellisht with various colours , waved through one another . And a Nutmeg in divers colours , represents the winding turnings of the substance of the Brain . And the same may be observed in the Oak , Walnut and other Trees , which being sawn into Boards , and plained , exhibit a pleasing Labyrinth of multifariously windings Veins . III. Whence the variety of colours that is in precious Stones doth proceed . Almost all precious Stones do differ in colour , for some of them are perspicuous , others are in a great measure Opake ; neither do those that are Transparent agree in all things . For the Carbuncle is of a Purple Colour , an Emrald Green ; a Saphire Blue , a facinth of a Fiery Yellow , an Amethyst of a Violet Colour , an Opal , various , &c. Precious Stones are Transparent , when the Steams and Vapours whereof the Juices consist , are not congealed till their slippery and fluid particles be exhaled , so as that the Globuli of the 2 d Element can readily pass , and convey the action of Light through them . And on the other hand they become Opake or Dusky , when the said Steams are stopt in some narrow Crevices of the Earth , and become there so entangled with several Terrestrial Particles , that the Globuli of the 2 d Element can have no passage through them . The reason why some Precious Stones are adorned with several Colours , proceeds from the various mixture of Metalline Particles , which variously reflect the Light , and differently affect our Eyes . This is evident from the mixture of Wine and Water , where the Colours of both are so confounded , that the Water espouseth the Redness of the Wine , and the Wine embraceth the Paleness of the Water . IV. This variety of Colours in Precious Stones , proceeds from the various mixture of Metallick Particles . For we observe that coloured Gems are , for the most part , found in Mineral Veins , or near to them ; and sometimes amongst the very Oar of Metals . Thus it is notorious , that Granates are found in the Iron Mines of Norway . And Mr. BOYLE assures us , that Amethysts are drawn out of Iron and Tin Mines . And those who have visited the Copper Mines of Hungary tell us , that besides the Vitriolick Water , which changeth Iron into Copper , there is found another White Water which changeth the remainder into a hard and white Stone : But if before its coagulation it pass through a Copper Mine , then it produceth a Stone called Malochis , of a Blue Colour , which Colour would be Brighter , and of the Tincture of a Turkois , in case this petrifying Juice should happen to pass through a Mine , wherein it meets with any Silver Oar. From all which it appears highly probable , that the Colour of Gems proceeds from the mixture of Metallick Particles . V. What is the Cause of those Spots that appear in some Precious Stones . Stains do arise in some Gems , and Spots in others , as in the Agat , &c. The Reason is , because the juice , whereof they are formed , is gathered together in some receptacles , as it were in a Matrix , and there rests for some time before it is coagulated , by which means , any thing of impurity contain'd in it , doth by degrees sink to the bottom . But if the Juices be congealed before that the Heterogeneous parts be sunk to the bottom , and united into one Mass , the Precious Stones become blemished with several Spots , or Streaks ; thus Flies , Pismires and other Insects are found sometimes in Crystal , because falling into the Petrifying Juice , the same was coagulated into a hard lump , before they had time to settle to the bottom . Yea , Historians tell us , that a Serpent has been found in the midst of a Stone , and a live Toad in the midst of another , without the least footstep of any passage through which the Animal might have entred . VI. Amber is a matter that is dug out of the Ground . From hence we may infer , how fabulous it is what some Authors relate of Amber , that there are some very high Trees in Norway , from whence it distils in the form of a Gum , and that falling down , it becomes hard . Seeing that it is well known , that Amber is dug out of the Earth in Sicily . Which may be farther confirmed from the Flies and other Insects that are found in it . And whereas abundance of Amber is taken up in the Baltick Sea , we must conclude the same to have been carried thither by the force of the Waves , which often driveth it to the Shoar , where it is frequently found . VII . Crystal is frequently found in Mountains . Crystal is found in Mountains , especially those which are continually covered with Snow , and where the most intense Cold bears sway . The Antients were of opinion , that Crystal was generated of Frost and Snow , or as others , that it was nothing but water , congealed to that degree of Hardness , by extream Cold. And accordingly SENECA expresseth himself thus concerning the Generation of Crystal , The Heavenly Water , that hath little or nothing of Earthly Feculence mixt with it , being once congealed , by the obstinate continuance of Frost , grows still harder and harder ; till that all the Air being excluded , it become most closely comprest in it self ; so that that which before was Water , is now become a hard Stone . In the 3 d Book of his Natural Questions . But we have many Arguments to prove this a mistake . First , Because Crystal doth not melt when it is set to the Fire ; neither is any thing diminished by the most intense heat , which yet is the Property of all moisture , that is coagulated by Cold only . Again , if Crystal owes its original to Snow Frozen to such a degree of Hardness , how comes it to pass , that Fire , by a strong Rubbing may be struck out of it ? Who ever could strike Fire out of a piece of Ice , as it may be out of Crystal ? Lastly , if places abounding and covered with Snow , do favour the rise and growth of Crystal , why is it not found in those Mountains where the Snow is perpetual , and where the Cold never suffers intermission ? VIII . The Generation of Crystal is much like that of Sand. Conclude we therefore , that Crystal , as well as other Gems , is the effect of a strained petrifying Juice , and that the same derives its difference in Transparency and Hardness , from the diversity of the matter whereof it consists . We have great reason to believe this , because we find that Artificial Crystal is the product of Sand melted by the help of Salts . And tho' sometimes Crystal be found in Rocks , as if it were something produced by them ; yet is this only to be ascribed to this Petrifying Juice , which falling into the Chinks of Rocks , becomes there congealed , in the form of falling drops . IX . Why the Bottom of Precious Stones is somewhat dusky and dark . From what hath been said , we may understand the reason why Precious Stones have a thick and dark ground : For seeing that the clear Liquor whereof they are formed , doth for some time rest in their peculiar Vessel or Womb , it must needs happen , that whatsoever is impure in the said Liquor , must sink to the bottom ; and this makes the ground of them more dull and dark than the other parts of them . X. Precious Stones are formed of a clear Liquor . Now it is apparent , that not only Crystal but Diamonds and Amethysts derive their original from a Limpid Liquor . But yet we must not imagin , that when they are coagulated , the entire Liquor grows into one Lump or Mass , but that they are all by slits divided into several Stones ; and like the many Grains in an ear of Corn are multiplied within the same Sheath ; so as that according to the peculiar nature of the Seed , they are formed into a different Figure , as was mentioned before . XI . Whether a Diamond cannot be hart by Fire , and yields only to the Blood of a Goat , by means whereof it may be reduced to Powder . The common or vulgar opinion concerning the Diamond is , that it is of an insuperable Hardness , which doth not in the least yield to any Iron Instrument , Hammer or Anvil : No not to the force of Fire it self ; for that being cast into the most violent hot Furnace , it never so much as grows hot ; and yet is reduced to powder , by the newly shed hot Blood of a Goat . These particulars , tho' commonly received , are by experience found to be false ; for it is certain that a Diamond yields both to the force of Fire and Iron . Thus BODINUS assures us in his 2 d Book of Nature , that a Diamond may with a Hammer be reduced to dust , and ground to powder with an Iron Pestel . The Fire also masters it , for by a continual flame it is reduced to a Calx . Neither is that common report truer than all the rest , that if the Powder of it be taken inwardly , it procures the Bloody Flux , since it is certain , that some Servants , to hide their Stealth , have swallowed whole Diamonds , and without the least impairing of their Healths , have voided them again . Yea , The Powder of it hath been given inwardly to the quantity of a whole dram , without prejudicing the Health of the Taker , any more than if he had eaten so much Bread. Cardan . 2 d Book Tract . 5. Contrad . 9. XII . The Electrick Virtue in Diamonds is hangeable . The Electrick Virtue in the Diamond is not always unchangeably one and the same . For Mr. BOYLE hath observed concerning a Diamond of his own , that this Electrick Virtue was frequently changed , being at some times much more strong , than at others . The Reason is , for that a Diamond , tho' it be a Solid Body , and that its parts do seem very closely compacted , yet are not they altogether free from some inward motions ; it being very probable that there are no Bodies so solid , but that their parts are more or less partakers of some motion . Now supposing this intestine motion in Bodies , it cannot seem strange , that upon the changing of the Texture of their parts , their virtue should be changed also . Besides the changes of Colour that are observed in a Diamond , are an evident proof of the motion of its parts ; because being rubb'd , it shines and sparkles much more bright and briskly at one time than at another ; which change cannot be without motion . XIII . What is the Reason of the Sparkling Brightness of a Diamond . A Diamond sparkles the brightest of all other Precious Stones , and striks the Eye with the most brisk and dazling splendor . The Reason is , because it consists of a most pure Juice , whose parts are so divided by straining , that they Reflect and Refract the Rays they have received from all sides of them . For all the particles of it are as so many Looking-Glasses , which reverberate the light after the same manner as they receive it . This effect may also be ascribed to the Tincture , whereof it is capable in a high degree , not because of any connate likeness , as some suppose ; but because such is the disposition and situation of its parts , that all the strokes of the Tincture do appositely agree together , and take up all the Pores of it ; which how much it doth conduce to the Reflexion of the Rays of light , those who are any thing versed in Opticks , cannot be ignorant of . XIV . Precious Stones do not always afford the same appearance . Mr. BOYLE makes mention of a Turcois , which frequently changed its Colour , and afforded a different representation to the Eye . For after that it had caused a Painter to express most exactly the Colour of it , he found that at other times , it not only appeared to him variously from what it appeared when the Painter took a draft of it , but also perceived several Spots in it , which continually had shifted their places . All this must certainly be attributed to that Intestine Motion which is in the parts , even of the most solid Bodies . Tho' indeed this motion be imperceptible , and not subject to our Sight . For what other reason can be assigned why the Stones whereof Houses are built , grow harder in process of time , except we allow this motion of their parts , whereby they come closer together ? Mr. BOYLE hath also observed the vanishing of a Spot that was in an Agate , and that the Electrical and Radiant Virtue is not always the same in a Diamond , but is at sometimes much more strong and brisk , than at others ; which is a sufficient proof , that the parts of the most solid Bodies are not altogether exempt from motion . XV. Whether there be any Medicinal Virtue in Precious Stones . Very considerable Physical Virtues are attributed to some Precious Stones , whereby not only outward hurts , but many and great inward Diseases are cured . It cannot be denyed , but that many things which are commonly reported concerning the Virtues of Precious Stones , sound little better than Fables . But in case they have any such , which I would not absolutely deny , because it is a thing unanimously attested by many very Learned and Famous Men , they must proceed from some Mineral Juices that are mingled with the matter of the Precious Stones , whilst they are yet fluid . And that such Juices do mingle with them , is evident from hence , because they may sometimes be separated from them , as we see they may in Granates ; and for that they frequently encrease the specifick weight of Gems , and endue them with various Tinctures . For seeing that such penetrating Effluvia proceed from the hard Loadstone , and that Precious Stones are endued with an Electrical Virtue , it cannot be questioned , but that many thin and subtil steams do proceed from Precious Stones . Again , what a vast number of Minerals and Metals are there in the Bowels of the Earth , which may be coagulated with petrifying Juices , and unite themselves with the same before their coagulation ; and being so united , may exert greater Virtues than are to be found in Minerals that are melted in the Fire , or dissolved in Stigian Waters , and by means whereof Precious Stones may dry , adstringe , consolidate , and produce many other effects . XVI . Why Coral , which is soft under Water , grows hard as soon as it comes to the Air. Coral that grows under the Sea-water , in the manner of a Shrub , and is soft whilst it continues there , as soon as it is brought up into the Air , becomes hard , and loseth its former softness . Book . 2. Part. 5. Chap. 10 ▪ G. Freman . In. I. Kip. To Leivtenant Collonell Andrew Pitcarne alias Wheler of Datchet in the County of Bucks , one of the Captains of their Ma ties : first Regiment of foot Guards . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . XVII . Coral is not soft whilst it is under water . But when I consider that Coral is of a Mineral Nature , and a kind of Precious Stone , I am more apt to believe , that it is the product of some Glutinous Juice , which being turned into Stone by the binding Virtue of Salt , wherewith it abounds , springs up like a Shrub . For Salt conduceth very much to the encrease of Plants , and is that which causeth them to spread into Sprigs and Branches . And Signior Paulo Boccone witnesseth himself to have experienced as much , who being present , when some were fishing for Coral at Messina in Sicily , he put his Hand into the net before it was drawn out of the water , and found the Coral to be hard . CHAP. X. Of the Magnet or Loadstone . I. Why a Loadstone points towards the North Pole. IF a Loadstone be hung up in the Air , or be suffered to swim on the top of Quicksilver , it will wave this way and that way , till one of its Poles look towards the North , and the other towards the South : Yet not altogether in an even Horizontal Situation , but so as that that part which points to the North , will be deprest beneath the Level of the Horizon , to the end it may the better be directed towards the Northern Pole of the Earth . The Reason of this Conversion must be fetch'd from the striate matter , whence the Magnet receives all its virtue ; the particles whereof are so twisted , that those which proceed from the South Pole , cannot enter in at the opposite Northern Pole ; and therefore rushing obliquely into the pores of the Loadstone , swimming in the Quicksilver , they do by the force they have , drive them to continue their motion according to Right Lines . And by this means it comes to pass , that the Magnet , after some motions this and that way , returns to its natural state . So that being left to its liberty , the South Pole of the Magnet tends to the North Pole of the Earth , and the North to the South ; because the striate matter , which passeth from the North Pole of the Earth , and takes its course through the Air , towards the South , comes first from the South part of Heaven , through the midst of the Earth ; as that comes from the Northern part of the Earth , which returns to the North. Furthermore the reason why the Loadstone doth not keep it self in an Horizontal Situation , but declines towards the North Pole is , because we live in the North part of the World , and consequently have the North Pole nearer our Horizon , than the South . II. Why one Loadstone approacheth to another , or withdraws from it . Wherefore if you apply the North Pole of a Loadstone ▪ you hold in your hand , to the North Pole of another swimming on Quicksilver ; or water with the help of a Cork ; this latter will withdraw from the Loadstone you hold in your hand , because the striate matter that proceeds from it , in taking its compass , doth hinder the other . But when this latter Loadstone turns its South Pole to that which is immoveable in your hand , then it will approach to it ; because the interposing Air being driven away by the striate matter , the Loadstone , by how much the less resistance it finds , is the more forcibly driven on by the Air that doth surround it . III. Arguments proving that there is a Vortex of the Magnetick Matter . Now that the Magnetick matter doth make a kind of Vortex about every Loadstone , may be evinced by several Arguments . We find that the Needle of a Compass , is put into various situations , according as it is differently posited about the Loadstone : being placed even with the Poles of the Loadstone , it lies in a straight line , and makes one Line with the Axis of the Loadstone ; but is variously inclined when it is otherwise placed . Another experiment that makes out this , is , that if you pour out the filings of Steel upon Paper , having a Loadstone fitly placed in the midst of it , we shall find in the said filings the plain draught and appearance of a Vortex . For upon the shaking of the Paper , we shall with pleasure behold the filings of Steel ranging themselves , as it were , into certain Rings , whereof those are the largest which shall return to those parts that are nearer to the Poles . And if afterwards another Magnet be laid near to the former , then those Rings of the Vortex will appear under another Figure , to the end they may pass now through the Poles of this last placed Loadstone , in case that care be taken , that the South Pole of the one of these Magnets , be turned towards the North Pole of the other . Which Experiments demonstrate to the Eye , the various Rings and turnings the magnetical matter makes about every Loadstone . IV. When a Loadstone is divided , its Poles are changed . When a Loadstone is divided in length , its Poles by this means are changed , and those parts of the Fragments or Pieces , which before this Division were join'd together , and pointed to the same Poles , do now withdraw and flee from one another . For if the Parts A and a were before join'd together , and so likewise B and b at the other end ; as soon as this division is made , a will turn to B , and b towards A ; so that the North Pole of the one doth no longer agree with the North Pole of the other ; nor the South with the South Pole. The Reason is , because the Southern striate Particles , which come forth through the Northern Part of one Section , must enter into the other through the Southern Part , and come forth through the North. Forasmuch therefore as the striate Particles , which come forth from the greater Fragment AB , are Southern , they must turn about the upper piece a b , and so fit and dispose the same , as that they may freely enter through a , and go out again through B. For A is supposed to be the South Pole , by which the Southern Particles do enter , that come forth from the other part of the Segment or Division through b , and which therefore cannot enter through b into the upper part of the Loadstone , because it is Northern , and therefore unfit to admit the Northern striate matter . V. How a Knife that hath acquired a Magnetick Virtue , by being rubbed on a Loadstone , comes to be deprived of its Virtue . A Knife that hath been rubb'd with a Loadstone , attracts Iron after the same manner as the Magnet it self doth ; but if we pass it over the Pole of the Loadstone , a quite contrary way , than we passed it at first , it will lose the virtue of drawing Iron , which by the former rubbing or passing of it over the Loadstone it had acquired . The Reason hereof is , because the Knife by being passed over the Loadstone , or rubb'd against it , was become a perfect Loadstone , for this reason only , because the magnetical matter had opened its Pores , and had smoothed those prominent little Branches of the metallick particles in the said pores that before hindred their free and ready passage through them . And so in like manner it loseth the quality of a Perfect Loadstone , by being passed in a quite contrary way over the same Pole of the Loadstone ; because the magnetical matter , exerts now a contrary effect upon the Knife to what it did before , that is , it now raiseth again the prominent extremities of the Branchy Particles in the Pores of the Knife , which it had before couched , and smoothed . Now that this is so , appears evidently from this Experiment , that if we lay some filings of Steel upon a Paper , as was before-mentioned , and draw or pass a Loadstone over them , we shall see that the parts of the said filings will range themselves one upon the top of another , and constitute , as it were , so many Hairs , which all of them lie one way ; and if then we pass the Loadstone over them the contrary way , we shall find the said Hairs to turn themselves , and to lay themselves a quite contrary way to what they were before . VI. What is the Cause of the Declination that is found in the Magnet . The Poles of the Loadstone do not always point directly to the Poles of the World , but variously decline from the same , as may be seen in Dr. GILBERTS Treatise of the Loadstone , who gives us an account of the observation of one Mr. BORROUGHS , who in the year 1580 at Limehouse near London , observed that the Declination of the Loadstone was 13 degrees and 35 minutes : And of Mr. GUNTER , who in the year 1622 found the said Declination to be only of 6 degrees , and 13 minutes : And last of all his own observation , who in the year 1634 , found it to be only of 4 degrees and 2 minutes . The decrease of these Declinations , proceeds from the Earths inequalities . For it is certain that some places abound with Iron Mines more than others , and that the Loadstone is not equally disperst in all places ; but is found much more plentiful in one than another . And therefore it is that the striate particles , which find a more free passage through the Magnetical Bodies than through any other , breaking forth from the inward part of the Earth , do flow in more abundance towards some places , than towards others : And by this means do frequently deviate from their course , and turn aside towards other Bodies , through which they pass more easily and readily . And forasmuch as the turning of the Poles of the Magnet , or of the Points of the Needle , doth only depend on the course of those Particles , it must needs point that way where there is a greater quantity of matter , that is proper to draw it . This is evident in any Loadstone that is not of a Round or Spherical Figure : For if a small Needle be applied to the different parts of it , it will not always turn it self to the Poles of it in one and the same manner , but will frequently decline a little from them . And therefore it cannot seem strange to us , if the Declination of the Loadstone be changed in one and the same place ; and that in process of time its Poles do not exactly point to the Poles of the Earth ; Because this matter may shift its place ; as for instance , in the bottom of the Sea , or in the cavities of the Earth ; or the Iron may be dug out of the Earth in some parts , or be corrupted , and degenerate into another Body . VII . Magnetical Bodies are not always turned from South to North. Hence it appears , with how little reason some Philosophers do endeavour to explain the Declination of the Magnet , by the Deviation of the Little Bear , or of the Poles of the Ecliptick , from the Pole of the World : Seeing that there be many places found , where this Declination is towards the West , as it is generally on the Eastern side of the North part of America ; on the Western Coast of Nova Zembla ; on the Eastern Shoar of Africa , and the Western of Goa . Yea , in the Azores Islands , which lie betwixt Europe to the East , and America to the West , it declines neither way : As in Trinity Isle , at the Promontory of Needles , near to the Promontory or Cape of Good Hope , at Vienna in Austria , and other places . VIII . VVhat ●s the Reason that a less Declination is found in a Loadstone that is placed upright on one of its Poles . Some tell us that a Spherical Loadstone being placed upright on one of its Poles , hath less declination , than when its Poles are at an equal distance from the Earth . The Reason of this may be , because the striate particles that are in the upper part of this our Earth , do not only turn from one Pole to the other , by Lines that are at an equal distance from its center ; but also because every where ( the Equator only excepted ) some of the said particles do ascend from its inward parts , the turning of the Magnet set upright on its Poles , depending on these latter particles , but its declination chiefly on the former . IX . Iron , being touched by a Loadstone , acquires a Magnetick Virtue . The Loadstone communicates its virtue to Iron , and doth so change it with a Touch , as to make it point towards the Poles of the World , in the same manner as it self doth . The famous GASSENDUS observes , that the Iron Cross , which had been fixt a long time on the top of the Great Church of Aix , being cast down by a Storm , did acquire a Magnetick Virtue from the Earth , so as that the parts of it did attract Iron Nails , and turn themselves towards the Poles of the World. So likewise it is observed , that when a Rod of Iron has toucht the Earth , the lower part of the Rod draws the point of the Needle of a Compass that points to the South , to it self . This happens because of the great affinity there is between the Loadstone and Iron : for they are so much alike , that the Loadstone may be called Raw and Undigested Iron ; and Iron the Riper and more Pure part of the Loadstone . For Iron is melted out of the Loadstone , as out of its proper Vein . Hence it is , that in England , Germany , Italy , and other places where Iron is found , the Loadstone is found also , as proceeding both of them from the same Matrix . But as for the manner how Iron is made partaker of the Virtue of the Magnet , and by touching it , doth acquire the same Inclination : This we shall understand if we suppose that Iron is endued with fit pores to receive the striate matter , and that it wants nothing towards the obtaining of this Magnetick Virtue ; but only that some little branchy particles sticking out in the pores of it , which do make them somewhat rough and uneven , must be bended one way for the easie passage thereof . Now upon the application of a Loadstone to Iron , the striate matter which continually takes a round from one Pole of the Earth to another , with vehement force and in great quantity , rushing like a Torrent into the Pores of the Iron , doth bend these prominent extremities of the branchy particles all one way ; and therefore effects whatsoever is necessary to the making of it fit partaker of this Magnetical Virtue . X. Why Steel is more proper and fit to admit this Magnetick Virtue than Iron . Hence it is that Steel is more proper to receive this Magnetick Force than Iron , because it hath more , and more accurately framed Pores for the reception of these striate particles . And doth also preserve the said Virtue longer , because the prominences of the extremities of these branchy particles that are in the Pores of the Earth , are less flexible , and therefore cannot so easily be bent the contrary way . XI . How Steel Scissars may be made partakers of Magnetick Virtue . The Famous Mathematician Mr. BUOT hath found by experience , that Steel Scissars or Penknives having been heated in a Forge till they be of a Red Colour , and then suddainly extinguisht in cold water , and afterwards neal'd in the fire again , till they be of a Blue or Purple Colour , and then whetted and made bright on a Whetstone , if presently after they be made to cut , or pierce through Plates of Iron or Steel , by this means a Magnetick Virtue will be communicated to them , so as to attract Iron Nails . Of which no other reason can be assigned , but this , because the Pores are so disposed in Steel prepared after this manner , that the Heavenly matter can with more ease have Egress and Regress through them : So as that no out flowing particles from the Magnet do remain , but doth only afford a free passage to the External matter . XII . Why an Armed Leadstone doth attract stronger than one that is Unarmed . The Armed Loadstone A , doth bear up more Iron B and C , than another that is not : For GALILAEUS hath observed , that a piece of Loadstone weighing 6 ounces , will scarcely bear 2 ounces unarmed ; whereas the same Loadstone armed will bear up 160 ounces ; so as that it attracts 8 times more than when it is unarmed , and a weight 25 times greater than its own weight . The cause of this encrease of the attractive Virtue is , because the Iron DE , wherewith the Magnet A is armed , is endued with Magnetical Parts , that are purged from Terrestrial Filth , and Heterogeneous Impurities ; for which reason its Pores do most fitly correspond and agree with the Pores of the Iron that hangs at it B and C , and by this means the striate particles that pass through these Pores from the one Iron into the others , do drive away all the intermediate air , and makes their surfaces to touch one another immediately ; by which means they cannot , without great difficulty , be separated ; and therefore the weight B , or C , doth stick more strongly to the Iron DE For nothing can be more proper to join 2 Bodies together , than immediate contact . XIII . A Loadstone throughly heated loseth its force to draw Iron . A Loadstone , being throughly heated , loseth its force of drawing of Iron , and doth no longer turn towards the Poles of the World. For if you heap live Coals about a Loadstone , you will see a Blue Sulphurous Flame to break forth from it ; upon the dissipation of which you will judge it to have lost its attractive Virtue . The Cause of this Loss of the Magnetical Virtue is , for that the Fire entring into the Pores of the Magnet , many of its thin and slippery parts are driven away ; upon the removal whereof , a new texture of Parts is produced in the Magnet . As we see that a Stick being put into the Fire , becomes crooked by degrees ; because the force of Heat brings some of its parts closer together , and at the same time separates others of them . The Fire therefore having thus changed and confounded the former situation of the particles of the Loadstone , the striate matter which was used to pass through them , finding the Pores much wider than they were before , doth exert but a very small force , or rather none at all upon them . XIV . A Magnet that hath been heated , may recover its lost Virtue again . Tho' there be many great Philosophers , who deny that a heated Magnet can ever recover its lost Virtue again ; yet the contrary hath been found by experience . Some indeed have observed , that a Magnet that hath been made red hot , is by this means robb'd of the gre●test part of its Virtue , and changeth its Poles in ●ase it be p●ace● to cool in an inverted situation towards the North. Or if when it is a cooling , the situation of it be frequently changed from one position to another that is opposit , it will wholly change its Poles ▪ so 〈◊〉 that that which was before the North Pole , will become the South , notwithstanding that the Loadstone be then placed perpendicularly upon the Horizon . XV. Glass drops when put to the Fire , lose their Elastick Virtue . Thus those Glass-Drops , which upon the breaking off of their Points become shattered into the smallest Dust , being by degrees pu● to the fire , do lose their Elastick virtue . The Reason is , because the Parts which before were stretched , are made wider by the admission of Heat , and by degrees sit looser from one another ; and thus the Texture of the parts being changed , they are now no longer like Sticks , with Wreaths twisted hard about them , and therefore do not so strongly resist the force of the Hammer , and become wholly deprived of their Elastick virtue . XVI . A Loadstone upon the changing of its Poles , doth lose its Virtue also . But if a Piece of Iron be applied to the Pole of a Magnet from the Right to the Left , it presently loseth the virtue it had before acquired ; because the parts of the Magnet are changed , by this contrary passage of the subtil matter through them , and the pores differently ranged and forme ▪ from what they were before . And on the contrary , it hath been frequently found by Experience , that the Iron-bars of Windows looking towards the North or South , do retain a perpetual Magnetick virtue : Because the striate Matter that proceeds from the said Poles , by process of time , do hollow pores for themselves through the said Iron-bars . XVII . How a Magnet may be some time hindred from drawing the Needle to it . A Plate of Iron , which we have said before , being joyned to the Pole of the Loadstone , doth increase its force to bear Iron , doth hinder the virtue it hath of turning Iron towards it . For the Iron-Plate DCD , doth hinder the Loadstone AB , to whose Pole it is joyned , from drawing the Needle EF towards it . The Reason is , because the striate Particles that proceed from the Loadstone , do rather pass through Iron , than any other Body ; and therefore the said particles are diverted by the Iron-Plate , from passing through the Air to EF. And certainly , besides the Iron or Magnet , no other Body can be substituted in place of the Iron-plate CD , by which the Loadstone AB is hindred from exerting its force upon the Needle EF ; as hath been said in the Institution of Philosophy . XVIII . Whether there be any thing of Truth in the story of Mahomets Tomb. There is a Common Story goes of MAHOMET's Tomb , that it is pois'd in the midst of the Air , between 2 Loadstones , without touching either the top or the bottom of the Temple at Mecha . I take this to be a meer Fable : For it is beyond the power or wit of Man , to get 2 or more Magnets that are altogether of the very same force and virtue ; and if these could be got , yet would it still be as impracticable , or rather impossible to place them so , as that the Iron placed between them , should not be drawn in one part of it more than in the other : Seeing that a very small and inconsiderable difference in the Loadstone , Iron , or in the place it self , would be sufficient to overthrow that Equality . Neither are we to ascribe any greater Authority to the Stories that some Authors tell us of the Horse of Bellerophon , and of the Statue that was in the Temple of Serapis . These being nothing else but pure invented Stories , which have gained Authority by the Credulity of the Vulgar . The Sixth Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF METEORS . CHAP. I. Of Vapours and Exhalations . I. Why Vapours are more copious in Winter , than in Summer , MORE Vapours do seem to arise from the Earth in the Winter , than in the Summer , when the Sun with more direct Beams beats against the Earth , and more strongly agitates the fluid particles of Pools and Rivers . Hence it is that we have then greater store of Rain , and that the Air is more darkned with Mists and Clouds . This is the sentiment of the Common People , who judge of the OEconomy of Nature , only by the outward Senses , and without examining , embrace whatsoever they offer first . But Reason will perswade us to be of another opinion : For the Sun , who , by his presence , raiseth Vapours and Exhalations into the Air , doth in Summer display his heat more upon Pools , and moist and boggy places , than in Winter ; when his Beams do only obliquely or slantingly strike against the Earth ; and consequently at that time produce a weaker agitation in the waters . Moreover , we find that the waters in Summer do signally decrease . Wherefore the true reason why Vapours are in greater abundance in Winter is , because the Air being then Cold by reason of the Suns absence , the Vapours cannot mount up to any considerable height in the Air , but are presently condensed , and so becoming heavy , fall down again to the Earth . II. Why more Exhalations do arise from one part of the Earth , than from another . It is observed that Exhalations proceed more copiously from some parts of the Earth than from others ; not only from those which are covered with thick and close Woods , but even in those which are equally enlightned by the Sun. III. Vapours and Exhalations stop in the Air at a certain distance from the Earth . The Reason of this may be , some subterraneous Fires , which by putting the moisture that is shut up in the Earth into motion , do , through various passages , transmit and disperse it . For it is not to be questioned , but that there are Fires hidden in many parts of the Earth ; which meeting with matter fit to be turn'd into Steams or Exhalations , do drive the same upwards . As we find that Gardens that are kept in good order , and Ploughed Ground do send forth more effluvia than other places , especially if they be much exposed to the heat of the Sun. Vapours and Exhalations do not mount up to any considerable height in the Air , but there stop at different distances from the Earth . The Lower Region of the Air is hotter than the Middle , and the Middle hotter than the Highest , not only because they are nearer the subterraneous Fires , and those firmentations which are excited in the more outward parts of the Earth ; but also by reason of the Reflexion of the Suns Beams , which is the chief cause why the heat of this Star is greater in those Regions . Now this supposed , it is evident that the Vapours , being lighter , may ascend to the highest Region of the Air , whilst the Exhalations can scarcely get up to the middle , where most of the Meteors are forged and produced ; and this by reason of the great variety of degrees of Cold and Heat , which by turns do there bear sway . IV. Why Water , when turned into a Vapour , doth take up more place than it did before . Water , when it is turned into Vapour , takes up much more room than before ; forasmuch as the parts whereof the Vapour consists , because of their swift agitation , do spread themselves every way , and are swiftly whirl'd about , and thereby extend more in length ; so that by this means every one of them are of force enough to drive away any neighbouring parts that would make an irruption into the Rings , which by their circulation they describe . Much in the same manner , as when the Stick LM , through which the piece of Cord NP , is put , being violently turn'd round , the Cord , by this means , is extended at its full length , and fills up the whole space of the Circle NOPQ , so that no other Body can enter the said space , but that the Cord , in this its motion , would drive it away . V. Rarefied Air doth not turn to Fire , as Aristotle ●eld . This shews ARISTOTLES mistake , who was of opinion , that the Air may be so dilated , as to change its nature , and to take upon it the form of Fire : For it is found by experience , that if the Bladder of a Pike be prickt with a Pin , and all the Air let out , and then it be so closely tied up again , that no Air can enter into it ; if afterwards the said Bladder be put into a Glass Pipe , having a broad Bottom , and a wide Mouth , being tied close about with a Hogs Bladder , and Quicksilver put into it , it will display it self , and swell into the same dimensions , as it was when first it came out of the Fish , tho' the Air in the Bladder be above an 100 fold rarefied above what it was before , by the agitation of the subtil matter contained in it . VI. Why the steam of a Mans Breath is condensed into water against Glass Windows . The Steam proceeding out of a Mans Mouth , in cold weather , is condensed on the Panes of a Glass Window , into drops of Water or Ice . The Reason is , because the Vapours by the heat of the Stomach , are carried to the Windows , and being not able , because of their thickness , to pass through them , become there condensed into Water ; and if the Weather be very cold and frosty , they turn to Ice , and represent several figures on the Glass . VII . Why some Bodies send forth healthful , and others hurtful Exhalations . The Steams that proceed from Bodies , are distinguish'd by their smell ; for some are good and healthful , others evil and hurtful . In places where abundance of Roses grow , the whole neighbouring Air is filled with a sweet Rosie Odour : Whereas on the contrary , in places where Dug or Carrion is cast forth , the Air is annoyed with abominable and noxious Vapours , and stinking Smells . The Reason is , because these Effluvia which wander through the Air , are nothing else but lively and active particles of Earthly Bodies ; which being agitated by the heat of the Sun , are carried upwards , in the very same manner as we see that a wet Cloath , hung before the Fire , doth send forth vapourous Steams . Wherefore all manner of Exhalations , are either healthy or hurtful , according as the Bodies from whence they proceed , are either sound , or tending to putrefaction . Thus we find that the Vapours which arise out of the Earth are dry , because they consist of dry terrestrial particles : Whereas those that are sublimed from the Sea , are moist and cold ; because they consist of fluid and slippery Aqueous particles , which running together , constitute a liquid and cold Body . VIII . Why so many die in London of the Consumption . Accordingly we find that observation to be very true which Sir KENELM DIGBY makes of London , in his Treatise of the Sympathetical Powder , viz. that in the Winter especially , the Air is filled with Soot and volatil Salt , from the Smiths Coals that are generally there burnt , which flying in the Air , enter the closest shut Rooms , Trunks and Chests ; sullies and spoils the Furniture of Beds and Hangings . And it is not without reason , that Physitians attribute to this cause , that so many are troubled with , and die of Consumptions of the Lungs ; because the Air abounding with such particles , is very apt to inflame and exulcerate the Lungs . IX . Why some steams are noxious to the Body . From what hath been said , we may easily see the reason why Steams are the cause of the infection of the Air , and of the corruption of the Bodies of Animals . For as the particles of Rennet being disperst through the substance of Milk , do change the situation of its parts , and make that which before was liquid , a fixed and hard Body : So likewise the particles of pestilential Steams , penetrating the pores of the Air , do pervert and overthrow the Texture of its parts , and cause malignant Distempers . X. Exhalations are the cause of innumerable distempers . And accordingly it is most certain , that innumerable Diseases are caused from poisonous Steams . And forasmuch as these Fumes do commonly proceed from Mineral Juices , therefore the destruction that is caused by them is so much the greater , as abounding with sharp and corrosive particles , which are the fruitful seeds of many malignant Distempers , and are very noxious to the vital Spirits . Thus we find that in several places such poisonous Exhalations break forth out of the ground ; as at Puteoli , where there is a Pool or Lake which sends forth sulphureous Steams that are pernicious to the very Birds that flie over it . In like manner there are many places in Campania , where abundance of sulphureous and bituminous Exhalations proceed from some subterranean Cavities , some whereof are healthful , and others hurtful . XI . The Evening Air is found to be hurtful to many . To these Exhalations and Steams , now mentioned , may be added that subtil Steam or Breez , which being sublimed from the Earth in the day time , and falling down again after Sun set , is call'd the cool evening Air , and found to be hurtful to many , especially to those who are of a less compact frame of Body , and whose pores are more open . This Steam is also wont to be more hurtful about the time of the Aequinoxes , especially in places that abound with Mineral Exhalations . For a moderate heat raiseth a vast number of Vapours , especially in moist and morish places ; which steams , because they abound with sharp and corrosive particles , enter through the pores into the Head , and cause Tooth-ach , and many defluxions ; as also by their sharpness , opening the Capillary Veins , they occasion great bleeding and watchings , and are in a particular manner noxious to the instruments of Respiration . XII . Exhalations are not so easily carried upwards as Vapours . Vapours are more easily carried upwards than Exhalations , as may be seen in the distillation of common Salt , Nitre and Vitriol , whose Exhalations do not rise without a great force of Fire . The Reason is , because the water which furnisheth the matter of Vapours , consists of long smooth and slippery parts , figured somewhat like Eels ; which tho' they be entangled together , yet are never so closely joined , but that they may be easily separated from one another . Whereas the Earth , whence Exhalations do arise , consists of more irregular parts , which , like Sprigs , grow close together in Hedges , are easily twisted together , and cannot without difficulty be separated again . Wherefore Vapours that consist of the thin and slippery parts of the water do more readily mount up than Exhalations ; which because of the closer texture of their parts are kept down , and cannot ascend , except they be born up by other Bodies . XIII . Why our Breath feels more hot when breathed with an open Mouth , than when our Mouth is drawn together . A hotter Steam or Breath proceeds from an open Mouth , than from one half shut . The Reason is , because heat consists in the agitation of the little particles of the terrestrial Bodies ; wherefore when we blow strongly against our Fingers , close joined together , we find that our Breath feels cold in the outward surface of our Hand ; because being carried there most swiftly , and with equal force , doth not produce any considerable agitation ; whereas on the contrary we perceive it to be considerably hot betwixt our Fingers , because being more slowly and unevenly moved betwixt them , it puts their small parts into a greater motion . And it is for the same reason that we feel that breath hot , which is breathed from our open Mouths , whereas that which is blown from them when almost shut , seems cold to us . As we find that commonly violent Winds are cold , and the gentle are commonly the hottest . XIV Why we can see our Breath in the Winter , and not in the Summer . The Breath of Animals is visible in Winter , as also the Steams that proceed from them in sweating ; but not in the Summer . The Reason is , because the particles of the Vapours , which in Summer are carried through the Air , do more comply with the motions of the subtil matter , and give way to all its impulses . But in the Winter , when the subtil matter is more weakly agitated , the breath is condensed by the coldness of the Air , and is frequently turned into water ; and in extream cold and frosty weather doth turn to Isicles on the Hair of Mens Heads and Beards . Whereas in the Summer they are not perceived at all , because of the heat of the Air , which disperseth them far and near . XV. Steams proceed from all Bodies . Wherefore it cannot be questioned , but that the most solid Bodies do send forth some Steams or Effluvia from them , which compose a kind of Atmosphere about them . As is evident , not only in Amber , Camphire , Spanish-wax , and the like , which diffuse their Odour through the Ambient Air ; but also in Wooden Vessels , which being exactly weighed , will be found to have lost something of their weight : And in Eggs , whose substance evaporates , even in the coldest season ; yea and in Ice it self , which being exposed to the Air in the Night , doth decrease in heaviness , and is considerably diminish'd as to its substance . And if in some Bodies , such an efflux of particles be not perceived , the reason hereof probably may be , because we have no Scales exact to discover the same , seeing that the Scales and Weights themselves are subject to this decrease by a continual efflux of particles , and are not always the same weight . XVI . But most of all from Human Bodies . But these Effluvia are no where more sensibly perceived , than in the insensible Transpiration of Human Bodies . For SANCTORIUS affirms , that he by an exact weighing of himself , found that more than one half of our Food and Drink , passeth by insensible Transpiration ; and that we evacuate more of our Aliments through the pores of our Skin , in one day , than we do by Siege in 15 days ; which is an incontestable proof of the Steams that continually proceed from our Bodies . CHAP. II. Of Winds . I. Why Winds are more frequent in the Spring and Autumn , than at other Seasons of the Year . WINDS are more frequent in the Spring and Autumn , and do blow with greater violence , than in Summer or Winter . The Reason why it thus happens in the Spring is , partly because of the melting of Snow , especially in Mountainous Places ; and partly because the pores of the Earth are then opened , and send forth more Steams or Vapours ; and partly also because the Air and Vapours are then more rarefied than in Winter . And in Autumn , the reason is to be ascribed to the frequency of Rains that then fall , as well as to the greater quantity of Exhalations ; because the Suns moderate heat , which then takes place , doth raise Vapours and Exhalations , but gross ones , and not sufficiently rarefied . Whereas in the heat of Summer , there are for the most part no winds , for the same reason that Rains are very scarce then ; and because the Sun doth too much extenuate the Exhalations , and so prevents them from uniting in that quantity , which is requisit for the Generation of Winds . And in the midst of Winter , winds are less frequent , not only because less quantity of Vapours is at that time raised from the Earth , but also because those which are so raised , are either condensed into Snow , or at least by reason of the cold , are not so rarefied and dispersed as to be able to produce a Wind. II. Why an East Wind commonly blows in the Morning , and a West wind in the Evening . About the Suns Rising , an East wind is commonly perceived , and about Sun Set a Western : which difference they are most sensible of , who sail in the Ocean , at a great distance from Land. Book . 2. Part. 6. Chap. ● ▪ G. Freman I● ▪ III. Whence the difference of Winds doth proceed . Whence it follows , that the Fermentations that appen between the Tropicks , produce Winds that are either contrary to , or agree with the East-wind , according as that part of the Earth , where they are generated , is differently situated with regard to the Sun : Whence it comes to pass , that the East-wind , which reigns constantly betwixt the Tropicks , is sometimes stronger , and at other times weaker , as Experience sheweth . I have said before , that this diversity of Winds is most of all perceptible to them that Sail in the vast Ocean ; because at Land there be many things that hinder us , that we cannot so well observe this order of the Winds , viz. the height of Mountains , and the great variety of Climats . IV. Why East-winds are dryer , than VVest-winds . East-winds for the most part are dryer ; and produce fair and clear weather ; whereas those from the West are commonly moist , and bring Vapours . The Reason hereof must be deduced from the motion of the Air , which is carried about the Earth from East to West : For seeing that the Winds that are generated at C , follow the motion of the Air , they consequently drive before them all the Vapours they meet with , and dissipate them , and so hinder them from being condensed and turned into Rain . But those which are produc'd in the West A , seeing that they strive against the motion of the Air , and take a different course from it , they stop the motion of the Vapours they meet with , and drive them together into Clouds . And for the same Reason , winds that proceed from the East C , are generally stronger , and blow with greater force , than those that blow from the West A ; because those which are forged at C , follow the course of the whole Mass of Air. Or else , because by reason of the longer absence of the Sun , the Vapours are more closely condensed in that part of the Earth which is between C and D , than in that which is betwixt D and A. Now it is certain , that the Condensation of Vapours , contributes to the force and violence of winds ; which are by so much the more vehement , the more heavy the parts are whereof they consist . V. VVhy about the Sea-Coasts , the VVind at Night blows from the Land , and in the Day-time from the Sea. On the Sea-Coast , the winds are found to blow from the Sea in the Day-time , and from the Land in the Night . This shifting of the Wind depends on the Illumination of the Sun , whereby it differently raiseth up Vapours from the Sea and Earth . For whilst the Sun shines , he commonly raiseth more Vapours from the Sea , than the Earth ; because the Earth is dry in many places , and doth not afford such plentiful matter for Vapours , as the Water : And , on the contrary , when the Sun withdraws , more Vapours rise from the Earth , than from the Sea ; because the Earth being a compact Body , and abounding with moisture , doth longer retain the Heat imprest upon it , than the Sea. And therefore those strong winds , which blow from Midland places upon the Sea , are strongest next to the Shoar ; but grow weaker , the further they proceed on the Sea. From whence COLUMBUS , the first Discoverer of the West-Indies , gather'd , that there were other Countries beyond the Atlantick Ocean , and those not far off neither ; because he found such strong and violent winds to blow from the Sea towards Europe , which he concluded to be too vehement to proceed from the Sea. VI. VVhat the Cause is of the winds called Etesiae , and of other Constant winds . There be some Winds that return at certain times , and always observe the same course ; as the Etesiae , which every Year blow for 40 Days together , beginning 2 days after the Rising of the Dog-Star . West-winds , which blow from the Vernal Aequinox , to the Autumnal , in the Mediterranean Sea : And South-winds , which are produc'd under the Torrid Zone , and have their daily , monthly , and 6 monthly Returns , or Reciprocations . The Sun is the only Cause of all these constant or stationary winds , who , according to his various approaches to , or recesses from the several Parts of the World , effects this great diversity herein . For as to the Etesiae , which are observed after the Summer Solstice , it is probable that they proceed from Vapours , sublimed by the virtue of the Sun from the Earth and Water , that are in the Northern parts , after that he hath continued a great while about the Tropick of Cancer . For it is certain , that he continues longer at the Tropicks , than in the Space that is between them . And we are to consider , that in the Months of March , April and May , the greatest part of the Clouds and Snow which were about our Pole , are resolved into vapours and winds ; and that these winds , from the beginning of the Spring ( at which time they are at the strongest ) towards the Summer Solstice do grow weaker , as the Matter of them decreaseth . And that in June , the Earth and VVater is not yet sufficiently heated there , to furnish Matter for a new wind : But when the Sun continues about the Tropick of Cancer , they become more strongly heated , and by this means produce the Ethesiae , when the Noon of that long Day , which continues there 6 Months , begins a little to decline . VII . The winds called Ornithiae , are near akin to those Etesiae . These Et●siae have a great affinity with the winds called Ornithiae , which blow from South to North , and bring back the Birds from the beyond Sea hotter Countries into Europe , and are therefore called Ornithiae , or Bird-blowing-winds . But yet sometimes these winds stop in the midst of their course ; and therefore it is observed , that Swallows are very rare in France , when North winds have blown much towards Africa at the beginning of the Spring . VIII . In the Indian Seas , and those of Arabia , the Winds blow constantly . Experience teacheth us , that in the Indian and Arabian Seas , which are so situated with respect to the Continent of Asia , when the Sun heats the same from April to October , the Air which is condensed on the South-side of the Aequator , doth transport it self with so much impetuosity , towards the North-side of it , that it makes the North-east-wind not to be perceived , which blows at the same Latitude in the Atlantick Ocean . And , on the other hand , when the Sun doth heat the Seas which are on the South-side , from October to April , then the Air which becomes condensed towards the North by the Cold of the VVinter , that remains there , doth take its course with that violence towards the South , that it doth entirely over-power the South-east-wind . Which is the Reason , why in these Seas there is only perceived a Periodical-wind , which blows one half of the Year on one side of the Aequator , and the other on the other side . IX . The West-winds blow at a certain time of the year in the Mediterranean . In like manner West-winds usually blow in the Mediterranean-Sea , from the time of the Vernal Aequinox to the Autumnal ; because a great quantity of Vapours is , during the Heat of Summer , drawn up from the Atlantick-Ocean ; and some Hours after Sun-Rising , which answer to a set space of Time after Midnight , are driven to wards the East , and continue their activity till Sun-setting . The winds betwixt the Tropicks are certain and stationary ; because the Sun there darting direct and perpendicular Rays towards the Earth , doth by this means raise many Vapours , which being put into motion by the Action of the Light , do diffuse themselves and prod●ce a wind . And in like manner it may be said of other winds , which rise at certain times ; as of the Southwest-wind by West , which blows from the Eastern-shoar of Africa , towards Morambique , from the beginning of August to the 15 th of September ; that they are caused by the Sun , who raiseth plenty of Vapours out of the Indian-Sea , from April to August , which take their course towards Africa , and having got more room , do there dilate themselves . X. How Artificial-winds may be made . Winds may be raised by Art , as appears by that Instrument called the Chymists Bellows ; which consists of a hollow Copper-Globe , so contrived as that it may be filled with water , and afterwards shut up close ; having a Pipe with a very narrow Mouth jetting out from one part of it , which Instrument thus fill'd with water , is plac'd near a Fire , the Pipe being turn'd towards that Fire which is to be blown up : Whereupon , as soon as this Globe grows hot , the water becomes rarefied , and bursts forth through the narrow Mouth of the Pipe , in the manner of a strong blast or wind , and so serves for a Bellows till all the water be consumed . In this case the particles of the water being agitated by the fire , dash together , and with strong Endeavours strive to get away from one another ; and because they cannot dilate themselves , nor depart from each other , but only so far as some of them get out through the Pipe , all this force wherewith so many of them clash together , being united , doth drive the parts that are next to the Pipe , with great violence into the open Air , and by this means a blast or wind is caused . And forasmuch as by the fires continual Action , other parts of the water are still rarefied , and being whirl'd about , do withdraw from one another , whilst others of them endeavour to get out of the Pipe ; by this means the wind ceaseth not , until all the water that is in the Globe be evaporated , or that the fire be removed from it . XI . Why winds are most vehement in the Winter . Winds do rage most in the Winter , and cause more stormy weather , than at other times ; which Sea-men are very well aware of . The Reason is , because the Sun at that time draws towards the Southern Tropick , and therefor● occasions a less Resistance against the North-winds . To which may be added , That in the VVinter , the South-west , or South west and by VVest-wind comes down with more force from the Mountain Atlas , or the Southeast-wind from the Mountains of Syria and Arabia . But the VVinds are never more stormy than in March and September , because the Heaven then is subject to many mutations , and frequent vicissitudes of heat and cold , moisture and drought . XII . Why the South-wind is unhealthful . The South-wind is , for the most part , unhealthful , and causeth Colds or Stuffings of the Head. Hence it is , that when the South-wind blows , People grow more peevish , and more unfit for their Studies . The Reason is , because the South-wind being moist , carries many Vapours along with it , which enter into the open pores of the Body , and are carried to the Inward parts of it . Whence proceed Colds and Stuffings of the Head , and Dulness of the Senses , which when a man perceives , he is apt to be troubled and peevish ; and consequently is less disposed for his Studies , or other Affairs , that require a clear and serene Mind . XIII . Why the North-wind commonly brings fair weather , and the South-wind , Rain . Northern-winds do clear the Air , and cause Fair-weather . Because by their impetuous blasts they drive away and disperse the Clouds that are already formed , and by their Coldness hinder the Generation of New ones : Whereas on the contrary , South winds must needs produce a quite different Temperature in the Air , which is abundantly confirm'd by Experience in the Isle of France , Burgundy and Campagne , whither the South-wind always brings great Rains ; for being opposed to the course of those Vapours , that are raised towards the North , and which blow towards the South , it stops them , and by its heat , doth in a short time change them into showers . XIV . Some winds blow only in some particular Regions . There are some winds that blow in some particular Countries only ; as that North-wind which blows on the West-side of the Alps. Such also is the North-east-wind in Apulia , and in other places . The Reason of these VVinds must be deduced from the situation of the several Places , the Narrowness of the Valleys , and the Caverns of the Mountains . For it is evident , that a wind must blow with greater violence between the Streights of Mountains , by the same Reason that the water of a River runs more swiftly where its Channel is streightest , because the Fore-parts of the water are prest forwards by those that are behind . And therefore it is , that a VVind that breaks from a streight place into an open Country , doth rage with an extraordinary violence . Book . 2 Part. 6. Chap. 3. G. Freman . In. I ▪ Kip S●● XV. Why the North-wind is cold , and the South , hot . The North-wind is generally Cold , because it passeth through a Region cover'd with Snow , whence it brings many cold Vapours along with it . But the South-wind is Hot , because it comes to us from those parts that are nearer to the Torrid Zone , whence it brings along many hot Exhalations , which the Sun hath call'd forth , which makes it to feel hot to us . This Mr. BOYLE made an Experiment of in a Weather-Glass , in which there was a hanging Cylinder , or long Glass-Pipe fill'd with Water , and after having blown into it with a pair of Bellows , the water did not fall down , as it happens when the Cold is increased ; but on the contrary , the Glass-Pipe began to grow hot , and received some degree of warmth upon blowing in of the wind : But when the outside of the Bellows was surrounded with a mixture of Snow and Salt , a colder wind came forth from it , and made the hanging water to descend . By which Experiment it sufficiently appears , that all winds bring some Steams and Exhalations along with them , that impart a different Temperature to the Air , which they fan with their Blasts . XVI . The Winds that blow in Temperate Zones are Irregular . The winds that bear sway in these Temperate Zones , are generally irregular ; that is , are tied to no certain Rules or Laws . The Cause of this Inconstancy is to be fetched from the different situation of the Zones ; for seeing that the Temperate Zones are placed betwixt the Torrid and the Polar frigid Zone , they sometimes receive the most intense heat from the former ; and at other times , most extream cold from the latter . Whereas the Cold and Hot Zones , for the contrary Reason , are accustomed to more Regular winds , which at certain set-times use to be very violent . Thus because Southern-winds with us , do most of all depend on the different force of Exhalations , therefore also they are free , and tied up to no Laws . XVII . Winds blow regularly only , on the Main Sea. But after all , it may be said , that winds are scarcely Regular to exactness , save only on the Main-Sea , where the Fermentations that commonly happen in the Earth , cannot produce any Alteration ; and that on the contrary , on the Land and in Seas , that are not very far from it , the winds must needs appear with all the Irregularities imaginable ; not only with respect to the different parts of the Horizon , whence they blow , but also with respect to the force wherewith they exert their activity . XVIII . The most violent Winds are dry , and the most gentle are the moistest . The most violent winds are such as are dry ; and the most gentle and soft , are those that are moistest . The Reason is , because the most violent winds are able to carry away with them the watry particles that are in the pores of Bodies , that are exposed to their action ; whereas on the contrary , the softest and gentlest winds must needs be the moistest ; not only because the particles of Air , and the Vapours whereof they are composed , are not of force enough to carry away the particles of the water , which are either in the pores , or on the surface of Bodies which they meet with ; but also because the Vapours which are in the wind , being only endued with a small degree of Agitation , do stop at those Bodies , and make them moist . XIX . Why the Wind h●th so great force against the Sails of a Ship. A wind blowing against a Plate of Iron , or a wooden Board , exerts but little force upon it ; whereas when it is driven against the Sails of a Ship , it hath so great a force as to drive forwards the greatest Ships so swiftly , as that they can run near 80 Leagues in 24 Hours . The Reason of this difference is to be ascribed to the difference of the pores in these several Bodies ; for those that are in Sails are formed by the weaving of Threds , through which , when the wind passeth , it doth as it were divide it self at the several Threds of the Sail , that separate the pores from each other , and exerts its force against them : Like a Torrent of water , which exerts a greater violence against a Dam , that hath slits or intervals between them , than against a wooden Board , or a stone Wall , which affords no passage to any part of the water . XX. VVhy the VVind is felt colder than the Air , whereas indeed it is not colder than it . Winds seem to be colder , than the still and calm Air , tho' they be little or nothing colder than it , as may be seen in a Weather-Glass , in which the water doth not mount higher when the wind blows , which yet ought to be , in case the Air that is shut up in the Glass , were made colder by the outward wind . The Reason is , because the still Air doth only reach the outside of our Skin , which being colder than the Flesh which is hid under it , is therefore less sensible of the Cold that comes against it : Whereas the wind being more agitated , is driven deeper into our Bodies , and piercing the Flesh , is conveyed into the Inward parts , which being much hotter than the Skin , are more sensible of the coldness of the wind that reacheth them . For the same Reason that a hot Hand is made sensible of more cold when it touches a piece of Ice , than a Hand which is only luke-warm . CHAP. III. Of Clouds and Mists . I. How Clouds come to be poised in the Air. CLouds are suspended and poised in the Air , tho' they seem to be thick and heavy . The Reason is , because the particles of Ice , or Snow , whereof they consist , are very small , and of much Surface , according to their bulk ; and therefore are more hindred by the resistance of the Air from falling downwards , than they are driven down by their own weight ; much like as a heavy loaden Ship is born up by the resistance of the water that surrounds it . Besides , the winds that commonly blow near the Earth , consisting of a more thick and gross Matter , than those which are in the higher parts of the Air , are not only of force enough to stay and poise the Clouds in the Air ; but also to raise them above that part of the Air wherein they are . Again , tho' the particles of Ice , being driven by the wind , do become contiguous to one another ; yet are they not therefore closely joyned together , but on the contrary do constitute a Body which is so loose , light , and diffused , that except heat do melt some of the parts of them , and by this means do condense and make them more heavy , they would never be able to fall to the ground . II. VVhy there be more Mists in the Spring , than at other times . Mists are very frequent in the Spring , more than at other Seasons of the Year . The Reason is , because at that time there is a greater Inequality between the heat of the Day and the cold of the Night ; by which means it happens that a great quantity of Vapours do meet with the Coldness of the Air. For there are two things required to the turning of Vapours into Water or Ice : The first is , that their particles come so close together , that they may touch one another : The 2 d is , that there be Cold enough to stop and unite them , when they are come thus close together . For the Cold would be of no use , if the particles of the Vapours were at a distance from one another , and separated . And their Connexion would be of as little use , in case the agitation of Heat were so great to hinder their union . And therefore when in the Spring , Vapours are carried upwards by the heat of the Day , which by the cold of the following Night are again condensed , it cannot be otherwise , but that Mists must more frequently appear at that time , and the Earth be more abundantly moistned with them . And for the same Reason it is , that on the Sea-Coast , and in Marshy places , Mists are more frequently generated than in Upland places , and such as are remote from the Sea ; for the Water in those places sooner losing its heat , than the Earth , imparts a coldness to the Air , where afterwards the Vapours , that proceed in great abundance from the hot and moist Earth , are condensed . III. VVhat is the Cause why one Cloud seems to lie upon another . Sometimes a double range of Clouds appear in the Air , whereof the one is carried below the other . The Reason is , because the Vapours , of which the Clouds are generated , do not with an equal force mount up into the Air , but some get up higher than others , before that they are sufficiently condensed for the forming of them . Whence it is , that we see some of them further from the Earth , and others nearer to it , and these too sometimes driven by different winds . Which is more especially perceived in Mountainous places , whe●e the sublimed Vapours are more unequally driv●n by the heat , than in other places . Hence it is , that according to the greater , lesser , or equal weight of the Cloud , the same Cloud doth either ascend , descend , or hang equally poised in the Air : As a Ship , according to her greater , less , or equal weight , doth rise higher , sink lower , or keep in an equal station in the water . IV. The highest Clouds consist of Icy particles . The highest Clouds are composed of particles of Ice , which may be gather'd from the Tops of the highest Mountains , which even in the midst of Summer are cover'd with Snow . The Reason is , the great Coldness of that Region of the Air , which without doubt is colder , than that which lies upon the tops of the Mountains , or at least as cold ; and because the Vapours , the higher they ascend , the more cold they meet with to condense them , and are the less liable to b● pressed by the winds ; therefore , for the most part , do the highest parts of the Clouds only consist of the thinnest Capillaments of Ice , situate at a great distance from one another . V. VVhat is the Cause of the various Colours of Clouds . Clouds appear of different Colours , sometimes black , at other times white , and sometimes are painted with all the Colours of the Rain-bow . A Cloud appears black , when little or no Light is reflected from it , and then it is a sign of Rain ; because the lower part of the Cloud is either already turned into water , or will be so suddenly . So on the other hand , when the Light is reflected from the Cloud , only by changing the Order of the Rays lighting upon the Cloud , without any other change of the Beams , then the Cloud appears white , and is a fore-runner of Fair-weather ; because the said Cloud , consisting of distinct Globuli , or round particles , doth more readily vanish into the Air. And so lastly , when the Light is reflected from a Cloud in the same manner , as it is sent back from the Matter of a Rainbow ; then that Cloud appears of many Colours , like a Rainbow , viz. Red , Green , and Purple , and may be a sign of Changeable-weather . VI. VVhy Mists commonly arise about the Morning . Mists commonly are generated in the Morning , when a clear Night hath gone before , and when the weather is calm and free from the least Blast of wind . And if any one of these be wanting , either no Mists at all do arise , or if they do , they presently vanish . The Reason is , because a Mist chiefly riseth from a Vapour , which breaks forth from the surface of the Earth , being raised by a gentle heat , from Boggy places and Rivers , especially if they run slowly . Wherefore if the Heat be over-great , it doth too much dilate the Vapours , and makes them fly upwards and vanish away . The extream sharpness of the Winter coldness , and great and violent winds , are also a hindrance to the production of Mists , because then the Vapour cannot be kept in by the ambient Cold , and the Thickness is lost , which is necessary to the constitution of a Mist . Moreover , a Rainy or Cloudy Night , hinders it , because the Rain extinguisheth that warmth which is necessary for the raising of Exhalations . Lastly , When a Cloudy Night hath gone before , no Mist will ascend ; for seeing that no Dew falls at that time , there is no matter for the raising of Vapours ; and therefore it is necessary in order to the forming of a Mist above the ground , that the weather be still and calm , that the Earth be warm , and that a fair Night hath gone before . VII . VVhy a Mist is dark and dusky . A Mist is dark and dusky , and deprives us of the Light of the Sun. The Reason is , because a Body that consists of many particles so ranged , that the Light , by reason of the said parts lying one upon the top of another , is the less transmitted , the deeper it drives amongst these little Bodies ; such a Body as this is , I say , tho' at first it be transparent , yet will at last , by this its swallowing up of the Light , become dark and dusky . For after this manner it is , that beaten Glass , foaming Waves , and a thick or close Wood become Dark or Dusky . And the same is the case with a Mist : For water attenuated into its least particles , which is a Vapour , and the Matter of a Mist , tho' with these its divided particles it be so tost up and down in the Air , that it scarcely hinders the strait course of the Light ; yet when the said particles come together again , it constitutes some Drops , which tho' every one of them singly taken be transparent , do so receive the Light , that not so much as one of the beams is transmitted or passeth through the whole heap of them . VIII . When a Mist is a sign of Rain . When a Mist having its parts united is carried downwards it threatens Rain ; but if it be rarefied by degrees , and so ascend , it is a sign of fair Weather . The Reason is , because when a Mist in an united Body is carried upwards into the Air , it joyns to its self many particles of Dew , which are scattered up and down the cold morning Air , which being soon after put into a motion by the least heat , are dissolved into Rain . Whence we observe that a Mist is often suddainly raised , whereas the Sky before was very clear , and promised nothing less than Rain . For the heat agitating more forceably the little drops whereof the Mist doth consist , makes many of them to run together , into such great drops , that the Air being no longer able to bear them up , they are forced to fall down in Rain . IX . Great Mists and Clouds are generated by the meeting of two Winds . When 2 or more Winds meet one another in their course , then Mists are formed in the place of their meeting . The Reason is , because these Winds drive many vapors together to that place , which being united do either form Mists , if the Air thereabouts be very cold ; or else produce Clouds , if the neighbouring Air be not cold enough to condense them , and so the matter of these Vapors mounting up higher into the Air , is there by the coldness of the place coagulated into Clouds . Yea , sometimes such a vast quantity of Vapors is gathered together in those places where 2 or more Winds meet , that the Winds cannot pass for them , neither above , nor under them , and so are forced to move round them , by which means they form a great Cloud of the said Misty matter , which being pressed on all sides by the Winds , gets a round and smooth surface . X. A Mist magnifies and lessens Objects . If a man be look'd upon through a Mist , he appears like a Giant : Whereas the Sun being beheld through it , appears much less . The Reason is , because many Rays are refracted in those drops , whereof the Mist doth consist , which being gathered within the Eye , do dilate and extend the Object . But the Sun appears less , because the Beams proceeding from him , by reason of their great distance are dissipated , and do not all of them light upon the Eye ; so that some of the lateral Rays are lost , which are wont chiefly to magnifie Objects . CHAP. IV. Of Rain . I. Why the Drops of Rain are round . DRops of Rain as they fall down do settle themselves into a Round or Globular figure . Some suppose this to proceed from an innate instinct in things , whereby they endeavour to preserve themselves from destruction ; and that therefore the drops of water reduce themselves into a round figure , the better to preserve themselves from the injury of the Air , or the action of any other Body coming in their way . But this is to attribute Understanding and Will unto insensible things . Say we rather that the drops of water become smooth and round , by means of the Heavenly Globuli which surround them , and thrust themselves within the Pores of them . And because the Heavenly Globuli have another motion amongst the parts of the water , than in the ambient Air , and endeavour to move in right lines , thus it comes to pass , that those of them which wander in the Air , are less hindered in their motion , when the drops of the water they meet with are Globular , than if they were of any other figure . Wherefore if any part of them chance to be prominent and not comporting with a Globular figure , the Heavenly Globuli in their Career through the Air , do with greater force dash against these prominences , than against the other parts ; and so drive them towards the Center . But if the said part chance by this force to be driven too near the Center , then the Heavenly Globuli that are within the drop , do with greater force , drive it from the Center , and by this means it is that all drops of water are formed into an exact Spherical figure . II. Why Drops lose their roundness when they run together . Hence it is , that when drops touch one another they lose their roundness , and run together ; for in the point where drops touch , the Aethereal water presseth them more weakly than in others , and doth not drive all the parts of them equally towards the Center , as it did before . III. Why it Rains some times in the Summer when no Clouds appear . It happens sometimes in the Summer , and in still and calm Weather , accompanied with great and sultry Heat , that Rain falls , before any Cloud can be seen . The Reason is , because the Vapors , which are then in great quantity in the Air , being prest upon by the Winds of other places , as appears by the calmness of the Weather , and the sultriness of the Heat , are turned into drops of Rain , which fall down as fast as they are formed in the Air. IV. Why it doth not Rain in Egypt , and some other Countries . In some Countries it never , or very seldom Rains , as in Egypt , and more especially the upper parts of it . And the same is also asserted by PLUTARCH concerning Lybia , and some Countries of India , which are always dry , and never refreshed with any Moisture . V. Why Rains are more frequent in some Countries than they are in others . I cannot conceive that this is to be ascribed to the over-great Heat that reigns in those Countries , seeing there be others that are much Hotter , where it doth Rain . Wherefore the cause of this want of Rain , may with greater probability be attributed to the Dryness of the Earth , and the disposition of its parts , that have no water hidden under them , which being turned into Vapors might produce Rain ; or if there be any such Moisture , yet because of the over-close compactness of the Earth , the same cannot get out into the Air. For as Dogs do never sweat , because of the compactness of their Skins , which is such that they cannot make way for the steams to get through : So the ground of Egypt may be of such a close and compact texture , as not to have Pores large enough for the transmission of Vapors . Neither can the Etesiae , which blow from the Mediterranean Sea towards Egypt conveigh any Clouds thither , that might turn to Rain ; for it is not probable , that Vapors can be carried so far by the force of Winds ; and besides , these Winds are not continual , but altogether cease at the first approach of the Night . Rains are more frequent in some Countries than in others , as in Languedoc in France , and in Ireland , &c. The Reason is , because the Situation of these Countries is such , that the Clouds which proceed more abundantly from the Sea , than the Earth , being full loaden by that time they come there , are forced to fall to the ground . It is found by experience in Languedoc , that the Clouds that come from the West , where the Ocean is , and those which rise from the South , where the Mediterranean lies , are so loaden with Rain , the former when they arrive in the upper Languedoc , and the other in the lower , that they can pass no further without falling down : But yet so as that those Clouds that come from the Ocean , do seldom come to the lower Languedoc , nor those from the Mediterranean to the upper ; whence it is that it seldom Rains , with a West or North-west Wind beyond Carcassone , in the way towards the lower Languedoc ; as it very rarely Rains with a South Wind , or South-West , beyond the same City , towards the upper Languedoc . And forasmuch as the force of these 2 Winds is spent about this place , it cannot be otherwise but that the Clouds must there fall down into Rain , which is the very reason why the Rains are so abundant about that City . VI. What is the cause of those continual Rains that fall betwixt the Tropicks . Between the Tropicks almost continual Rains fall from July to September . The Reason is , because the Sun at that time doth extreamly rarefie the Air that is in the Northern part of the World , which makes the Air that is in the South part , to drive that way , and in its passage takes along with it all the Vapors that arise from the Sea of Aethiopia and the East-Indies , which are very copious , and being come between the Tropicks , where the Air is hotter than else where , they are forced to turn into many small drops , which falling down in Rain , abundantly moisten the Earth , and make the heat of those Countries the more supportable . VII . What is the cause of the raining of Milk and Blood. It Rains sometimes Milk and Blood. Thus PLINY tells us in the 56 Chapter of his natural History , that it rained Milk when M. Acilius and C. Porcius were Consuls . And LIVY makes mention of a Bloody Rain in his 4 Decad ▪ Book 9 th which fell for 2 Days together , in the Yard of the Temple of Concord . And amongst our modern Authors GEMMA FRISIUS relates Libro 2. Cosmocrit . cap. 2. that in the County of Embden in East-Friesland it rained Blood one Night in that abundance , that for the space of 5 or 6 miles all the Herbs and Linnen Cloth , and all things else exposed to the Air , were changed into the colour of Blood. GASSENDUS supposeth Milky Rain to be nothing else , but a Whitish water , made so by the mixture of some Particles of Lead , Sugar of Saturn , Saltpeter and Vinegar , which are proper to tinge water of a White colour . And that a Bloody colour'd Rain proceeds from Vitriolick and Bituminous steams , which impart a Red colour to the drops of Rain , as soon as they reach the ground . But it seems more probable , that these Rains are the product of Vapors , which proceed from places that abound with Red-Lead , or Ruddle : As Historians tell us , that Red Snow sometimes is seen to fall in Armenia , because of the Red-Lead wherewith that Country doth abound , or from places where much Blood hath been shed ; or this Red colour may be occasioned by the extream heat of the Sun ; as we see that the Urines of those who are sick of an Ague or Fever , look Red , and the water that is made to run through hot Ashes acquires the same colour . VIII . What is the cause of those Bloody spots , that are sometimes seen upon Stones Some are of Opinion that the Bloody spots which sometimes are seen upon Stones , do not proceed from any Rain of Blood , but are caused by Caterpillars which turn to Butter-flies , and upon the changing of their Skin , leave those Bloody spots behind them : Which they confirm by this , first , that these spots can scarcely be ever washt off with water ; and in the next place , because they are never found on the tops of Houses , and very rarely in Towns , but frequently in the Country , and in those holes where Caterpillars commonly do nestle . IX . The cause of a Silver Rain . What some relate of a Silver Rain , is not so altogether improbable , that it should be rejected as fabulous ; seeing it is possible for Quicksilver to be sublimed so high in the Air , as that afterwards it may fall down in drops again , which may very well by the common people be taken for Silver drops . And that this is the true cause of this kind of Rain , may be confirmed from what the Historian DION hath Recorded , that it rained Silver in the Reign of the Emperor Severus , which lighting upon pieces of Copper communicated the colour of Silver to them , which after 3 days time vanished again . X. Whether it be true what Avicenna relates , that a Calf rained down from Heaven . AVICENNA tells us , that a Calf fell down from Heaven to the Earth in a great Storm of Rain . I do not think that AVICENNA ever supposed that this Calf could be produced in the Clouds , or that there is any matter in them proper for the generation of Animals : But only that the Calf might have been snatcht up with a Whirlwind , and cast down elsewhere with a shower of Rain . For the Fluid substance of Heaven is altogether unfit , for the forming of such Bodies ; neither could a thing of that weight be kept up in the Clouds , but would fall down , before it was fully formed . XI . Of the Mouse called Lemnar which falls from the Clouds in Norway . And we are to pass the same Judgment , concerning that Norway Mouse called Lemnar ; for tho' it be supposed to come down out of the Clouds , yet OLAUS upon dissecting of one of them found some raw Herbs in its Stomack , which is a pregnant Argument , that it was never generated in the Air , but snatcht up from the ground by some strong Wind , and carried into Norway , as it is certain that Locusts are sometimes after this manner carried from one place to another . XII . What i● the cause of the Raining of Frogs . There is nothing more common amongst both antient and modern Writers , than the Raining of Frogs , wherewith the Fields , Hills and Ways have been frequently after such a shower , covered and annoyed . Tho' I dare not absolutely deny , but that Frogs may be generated in the Clouds ; yet neither can I wholly assent to those , who do so confidently assert it . My reason is , because we never read of their falling upon the Tops of Houses , or into Rivers , but either in the high ways , or other places abounding with dust , and perhaps their Spawn , of which , upon the falling down of the Rain it is probable they are formed . This conjecture of mine is confirmed by AELIAN in his 2 Book of Animals Chap. 5. I remember , saith he , that in my Journy from Naples towards Dicaearcia , it rained Frogs , that had their fore-parts formed , so that they crept with their fore-Legs , whilst the hind part of them was nothing , but a muddy slime without form . Which is a very pregnant Argument , that these Frogs were formed out of a Seed in the said Dust , mingled with the fallen drops of Rain , and that consequently they had their rise not in the Clouds , but on the Earth . Besides , when should the Air or Clouds be furnished with matter , proper for the generating of such vast multitudes of Frogs ? Or how could they be kept up in the Air without falling down ? Or why should they at last fall down , before they were perfectly and fully formed ? Wherefore it is most probable , that these and all others that seem to come down from the Clouds , are generated in manner as above said . Thus we see , that after the over flowings of Rivers many Insects do swarm in the Fields : And that after Rain , a vast number of Snails are produced ; so likewise Oysters and other Shell fish are sometimes formed of the drops of Rain , mixing with Mud or Slime . XIII . The Seed of Frogs may be carried up to the Clouds . Except it be said that the Seeds of these Animals , being mingled with the Vapors or Winds , may be sometimes carried up to the Clouds ; as they are at other times to Pools and other places , abounding with Mud and Moisture . As we read that Coals , standing Corn and other such like things , have been carried away by the Wind into other places , where falling down , the people concluded that it rained Coals , Corn , &c. XIV . But it is most probable that they are generated on the Earth . But indeed it seems more probable , that these Frogs were at first generated in Ditches or other places , but that at first they are so little as not to be perceptible by the Eye , they being for some days after they are first hatcht very small without Feet , and with a long Tail , without bearing the least resemblance with Frogs ; and do afterwards by degrees get Feet , and lose their Tails . So that hiding themselves under the Hedges , and under the Grass , it is a difficult thing to discern them from the Dust or Mud of the Ground ; so that the Rain serves only to bring them forth out of their lurking Holes , and present them to our view . And that this is so , we have the greater reason to believe , because Food hath been found in their Stomacks , and Excrements in their Guts . So that we may well conclude , that these Frogs are not then formed , but only do then first appear , tho' they were long before . XV. The Sun shining at a time when the Heaven is covered with Clouds , is a great sign of Rain . The Sky covered with Clouds , is a sign of Rain , tho' the Sun may shine very clear in the East . The Reason is , because there are no other Clouds in the Neighbourhood of our Air towards the East , which might hinder the Heat of the Sun , from condensing those that hang over our heads , or raise new Vapors from the Earth , whereby the said Clouds might be encreased . But this cause taking place only in the Morning , if it doth not Rain before Noon , it can be no sign of what will happen in the Evening . XVI . Signs of Rain taken from inanimate things . Other signs of approaching Rain are these ; the Sun shining bright early in the Morning , or appearing of a Blewish colour ; for this is a token , that there is great store of Vapors in the Air. So likewise when the Moon appears of a Pale colour , it is a forerunner of Rain : And when the Stars seem to twinkle more than ordinary . Yellow Clouds also near the rising of the Sun , are a prognostick of Wet-weather ; but the same colour'd Clouds in the Evening , do promise Fair-weather the next day . For the Vapors at Sun-rising are carried upwards , and are resolved into Rain . XVII . Signs of the Weather appearing in Living Creatures , and other things . From other inanimate things and Animals , Prognosticks may be taken of the changes of Weather ; for the subtil Vapor which is diffused in the Air , enters into the Pores of their Bodies . Hence it is that Doors creak , that Wood laid upon the Fire crackles . And as for Animals , Kine lift up their Heads towards Heaven , Gnats and Flies ▪ sting more violently , Hogs pick straws , Earth worms creep forth out of the Earth , Pismires retire to their hillocks , Leeches swim on the top of the Water , because they then lye in wait for Flies and other Insects , which the steams or winds do bear down toward the Earth . Frogs croak more frequently , because they delight in a moist Air ; or because they are more prest upon by the lowering Clouds . XVIII . Why the drops of Rain are greater i● Summer than in Winter . The drops of Rain are commonly greater in the Summer , than in the VVinter . The Reason is , because the drops in the Summer , do fall down from a much higher place , and having a long tract to pass through the Air , they grow bigger in their passage . For Rain falls from the Clouds 2 several ways , either when the lower Air by giving way , or the upper Air by falling upon the Clouds , doth give them occasion to fall down . Wherefore when the Air that is under a Cloud doth contract it self , then a small Rain like dust falls down upon the ground . So in Egypt no Rain is known , but what falls down in very small drops . But thick Rain and violent Showers happen when a Cloud descends being born down by the Air that is above it ; for then the drops of VVater falling down from a great height , do meet with other particles of water , and joyning with them become greater than they were before . CHAP. V. Of Hail and Snow . I. Why Hail falls more commonly in the day time than at night . HAIL falls more generally in the day than at night , and oftner in the Spring , Summer and Autumn , than in the VVinter . The Reason is , because a Cloud cannot be melted but by Heat , and therefore it is that Hail falls only at that time , when there is sufficient Heat to produce this effect . Wherefore tho' Hail may be generated in the VVinter , Spring , Summer and Autumn , and in the night , as well as in the day ; yet does it fall more seldome in the night , and in Winter , because then the Heat is too weak to be reflected up to the higher Clouds , so as to dissolve them into drops of water of which Hail is made . II. Why the less Hail-stones are Transparent and the greater Opake . Small Hailstones are sometimes Transparent ; whereas the greater are only so towards the Surface , having some Snow within them , and are of a white colour . The Transparency of Hail proceeds from the coldness of the VVind , which freezeth the drops of water into Ice . Because in this case , the Pores remain much the same as they were before in the water , through which the Globuli of the 2 d Element passing without hindrance , transmitted the action of Light every way in Right lines : As was said before concerning Glass . But when the cold VVind approacheth the Flocks of Snow , that are not quite melted , it drives the Heat , that is , the most swiftly agitated subtil matter into their Pores ; because the VVind it self , cannot so easily or so swiftly enter them as the Heat or subtil matter that is in the Air can . Now when this Heat is thus shut up within the Pores of these Flocks of Snow , it endeavours to approach their Circumference , rather than their Centers , because the subtil matter ( in the agitation whereof Heat consists ) is more freely moved there , and so proceeds to melt them more and more , before they begin to Freeze again , and the most Fluid , that is , the most agitated particles of water , which are else where found in the said Flocks , approach to their Circumferences ; the rest of them , which cannot melt so suddainly , abiding about the Centers of them . Which is the reason , why the greater Hail-stones are Transparent towards their Surface , and inwardly of a white colour . III. What is the reason of the unusual greatness of some Hailstones . Sometimes Hail equal in bigness to great Stones falls down from Heaven . And I have heard an acquaintance of mine relate , that he had seen Hailstones as big as ten Eggs. And Historians relate of some that were no less than a mans Fist . In the year 1666 , in Gelderland , some were seen of about 3 pound weight . This bigness proceeds from the Cold VVind , by which the Hail is formed , which driving the Snow downwards from on high , drives many of the Flocks of it together , and by means of the Cold condenseth them into one Mass . Or else we may say , that such great Hailstones are generated in the highest Clouds , and that they encrease continually all the way they come down , and by this means grow into a great and extraordinary bulk . For it may so happen , that they may meet in their way with much moisture , which sticking to them , may be Frozen into one Mass with them . And by this means the Hail is encreased , by the addition of new Surfaces or Coats : As we find that Candles by repeated dipping into the melted grease , do still grow thicker . IV. Why Hail-stones are of different figures . Hailstones are sometimes of a Spherical figure , and at other times appear under various configurations . The Reason is , because the Flocks out of which the Hailstones are formed , being seized of the Cold VVind , are congealed by it . For if the Cold VVind , that is the efficient of Hail , meets with drops of water already formed , it makes the Hail-stones round , save only that it frequently makes them somewhat flattish on that side , where it drives against them . But if it meets with Flocks of Snow that are not quite melted , then it frames them into irregular figures . V. What is the reason of the great noise that is heard before the fall of Hail . Commonly before the Hail comes down , a great noise is heard in the Air. This is caused when the frozen drops dash against one another . And when this noise is heard some interval before the Hail falls , it is an Argument that the said Hail is formed in the upper parts of the Air ; so that there is no necessity at all in this case , to have recourse to an Antiperistasis . VI. How the Snow comes to be condensed . We find by experience , that the Snow whereof the Clouds do consist , becomes condensed , and reduced to a less extension . To apprehend this well , we need only to consider that the Heat which commonly rarefies most Bodies , doth commonly condense Snow , the parts whereof are so scatter'd and divided , that the very least agitation is sufficient to bring them nearer together . Whence it comes to pass , that when the Air which is so near to the Earth , and is always hotter than that which is at a greater distance from it , begins to raise it self towards the Clouds , either by the driving of some VVind , or by the action of some new Fermentation , which causeth it to swell , it cannot but condense the Snow , whereof the Clouds do consist . VII . What is the reason of Starry , Rose-like and Hairy Snow . The particles of Snow are commonly figured like Stars , as may be perceived by catching the Flocks of Snow on a dry Cloth , and separating the parts of it from one another : Tho' sometimes also they be found Hairy , and sometimes in the figure of Roses . The reason of this various Configuration is , because the Flocks of Snow , before that they fall to the ground , do undergo manifold changes in the Air , and according to the vicissitudes of Heat and Cold partake of different figures . Starry figur'd Snow is formed , when the Leaves of it , as the Heat approacheth , are melted leisurely , so that the Liquor into which they are dissolved spreading it self over the Surfaces of the Leaves , doth fill up all the little inequalities it meets with there ; and makes them so smooth and even , as those parts of the Liquid Bodies are , tho' it presently after freezeth there again . For seeing that the Heat then is no stronger , than what is required to resolve those small Capillaments , on all sides surrounded with Air , into water , the others still remaining whole and entire ; it cannot be strong enough , to hinder that small quantity of water , that is fallen upon their Icy surfaces , from being congealed again by Cold. Afterwards this Heat passing through other Capillaments , which every one of the Flocks of Snow have in their Circumference , where they are surrounded with 6 other such like Capillaments , doth promiscuously bend this way and that way those Capillaments which are at the furthest distance from the 6 nearest Globuli , and by this means joyns them to those which stand over against these 6 Globuli . For these being kept Cold by the neighbourhood of the said 6 Globuli , do not melt , but on the contrary do immediately Freeze or turn to Ice , the matter of the others that are joyned to them ; and by this means 6 Points or Rays are formed about every one of the said Flocks , which are capable of receiving divers figures , according as they are more or less comprest , the Capillaments thick and long , and the Heat which forms them slow and moderate . Again , Hairy Snow is generated , when the Icy particles whereof the Flocks do consist , are condensed by the Heat , and soon after being Frozen by the Cold , are turned about their Center , and are bound up by other Icy fragments . So likewise Snow formed in the figure of Roses is produced when the Rays that shoot out from the Snow , are bended by the Heat , and falling together with their points , are in that manner congealed again . VIII . Why Snow is visible in the Night . The Night , which renders most other Bodies invisible , hath not that effect upon Snow . The Reason is , because Snow consisting of an infinite quantity of little round Bodies , doth reflect the Rays of Light better than any other white Body . For tho' in the Night there be but a very weak and scatter'd Light spread over the Earth ; yet there is that in Snow , which by a stronger Reflexion of it , doth make it self visible . IX . What is the Cause of the great whiteness that is in Snow , and why the same is changed when water is cast upon it . An extraordinary whiteness is proper to Snow , which yet it loseth , when mixed with water , and returns to water , whence it proceeded at first . The Reason is , because Snow is like a Vapour turn'd into Froth , the Flocks whereof consisting of innumerable Globuli , reflect the Light every way ; forasmuch as there is never a Point in all those Globuli , from which Rays are not reflected to every Point of the Medium . And this is the Reason why Snow is hurtful to the Eye-sight , because that by reason of the foresaid Globuli , it darts forth on all sides a fuller and stronger light . Hence it is , that when we come into a House , after we have walked through Fields cover'd with Snow , we cannot well discern the Objects we meet with . It is also found by Experience , that those who live in places that abound with Snow , have weak Eyes ; and some tell us , That Souldiers , by long Marches through places cover'd with Snow , have lost their Sight . X. How the Snow comes to change its colour . But if the new fallen Snow seems to be of a blackish Colour , the Reason is , because some Cavities are interspersed between the flocks , which swallow up the Rays , and do not rebound them back into the Air. But Snow wholly changeth its colour , when mingled with water , which filling up the Cavities of the Snow , hinders the Reflexion or Refraction of the Rays , and causeth the Light to be modified after another manner . Hence it is that the white Colour of some Fruits , is only owing to the parts of it that are formed into Bubbles : For we see that Apples , when squeezed , lose their Colour , because these Bubbles being broken by this compression , hinders that Refraction which is necessary to constitute a white Colour , as likewise such a copious reflexion of Rays , as is requisite to that purpose . XI . Why the handling of Snow makes the Hands to glow . Upon the handling of Snow , we find our Hands soon after to glow and burn . Some suppose this to be done by an Antiperistasis , because when the Cold is driven out , Heat is introduc'd . But we own no such Contrariety in Nature , and therefore rather conclude , that this Heat proceeds from the Frozen particles of Snow , which having the watry humour for their Vehicle , do enter into the pores of the Hand , beat back the Blood , and hinder it from being dispersed through the Veins in the Hands ; by which means the Hands swell , and appear of a red Colour . And therefore if we chance to put them to the Fire , we are sensible of a very sharp pricking and shooting pain ; for the Fire being forceably thrust into their pores , doth dilate the Icy particles more than ordinary , and doth not drive them thence , without some twitching of the parts . Wherefore we ought to keep our Hands in a moderate warmth , to grow hot by degrees , and so be restored to their former condition . XII . Snow preserves the Corn in the Ground from being frozen . Snow , tho' it be a Frozen-water , yet doth warm the Earth , and keeps the Corn from freezing . The Reason is , because the pores of Corn , that is cover'd with Snow , having been drawn together by the fore-going Frost , and the Matter of the 2 d Element , endeavouring to enter through them , as soon as it begins to thaw , would not fail of rending the Texture of its parts , if it were not hindred by the presence of the Snow , which having nothing in its pores , besides the most subtil matter of the 2 d Element , can easily open again the pores of the Wheat by degrees , without tearing them , till they be open'd large enough to let the biggest Matter of the 2 d Element pass through them . XIII . How Snow conduceth to make the Ground fruitful . Snow doth also contribute to the making of the Ground fruitful , if it lye on for some time , and be dissolved by degrees . The Reason is , because when Snow covers the the Ground , it keeps in the Alimental Juice of Plants , and hinders the strength of the Ground from evapourating into Steams and Exhalations . And therefore Countrymen tell us , that their Grounds yield a more abundant Increase , after they have been a long time cover'd with Snow , because it keeps back those fat Exhalations , which would otherwise break forth , and turns them into Aliment for the Fruits of the Earth . Or , it may be said , that the Snow melting by degrees , doth afford a fat and cherishing Moisture to the Plants ; whereby they are fed , and become more vigorous . As is manifest when the Snow is thaw'd , and the Earth expos'd again to the heat of the Sun ; and therefore it frequently happens , that in those Mountains that are cover'd with Snow , the Exhalations that break forth , do make a kind of Arch or Crust , under which the Grass springs forth very thick . XIV . How Snow may be hurtful to the Roots of Plants . I know well , that some Physicians are of another Opinion , who order Gardiners , to cover the surface of the Ground , in which Plants are set , with Stubble or Straw , to preserve it from the injury of the Snow : But I suppose they do not give these Instructions , because they suppose the Snow to be prejudicial thereunto , but lest the Roots being throughly moistned by the thawing of the Snow , a sharp Cold or Frost following upon it , might freez the Juice within their pores ; since it is evident , that the Roots of Plants throughly soak'd therewith , do presently dye ; nothing being more hurtful to Plants , than melted Ice or Snow , to chil and kill the Roots after a cold Thaw . CHAP. VI. Of the Dew , Hoar-frost , Honey and Manna . I. Why the Dew is more copious in moist , than in dry places . THe Dew is observed to be more copious in moist and moorish Places , than in dry . Hence it is that the Banks of Rivers are commonly cover'd with Dew , when in dry and barren places there is no appearance of it . The Reason hereof is commonly ascribed to the Vapours which mount up from the Earth in great abundance , about the Banks of Rivers , and being raised a little way up into the Air , do fall down to the same place whence first they broke forth . But I cannot altogether concur with this Opinion ; forasmuch as the highest Mountains are in the Summer moistned with Dew , and in the Winter cover'd with Hoar-frost . For Vapours are not only condensed near the Earth , but also on high in the Air : For those which are carried up a great height by the Sun's force , are afterwards by the cold of the Night condensed and turned to Dew . And whereas Shoars are more abundantly cover'd with moisture at Break-of-Day , than other more dry places ; the Reason is , because the dry Earth drinks up the Drops of Dew as fast as they come down upon it , and does not suffer them to be condensed on the surface of the Ground . But Shoars , or the Banks of Rivers being , as it were , glutted with moisture , do not take in the Dew , but leave it on the surface . Thus the drops of Dew run together upon Cabbage-Leaves , because their surface is somewhat fat and oily ; but are immediately drunk up , when they light upon Sand. II. Why the Dew is more copious in the Spring and Autumn , than at other times . The Dew is observed to fall more copiously in the Spring and Autumn , than in the Winter or Summer . The Reason is , because in the 2 former Seasons , the heat of the Sun is strong enough to raise Vapours , and the cold of the Night sufficient to condense them ; whereas in the Winter , the Plants being depriv'd of their Leaves , are no longer able to turn the Vapours that light upon them , into little drops : And the heat is so violent in the Summer , that the Vapours can't be sufficiently condensed , by the cold of the Night , to fall down again into small drops . III. Why the Drops of Dew are round . The drops of Dew are Round , or at least resemble the figure of an Hemisphere . The Reason is , the motion of the particles of the 2 d Element , which equally pushing upon all the parts of the drops of Dew , makes them to be equally distant from the Center . For as the water of a River running freely through the Herbs it meets with in its course , is so diverted by the Stones that interrupt its Current , that re-bounding upon it self , it makes several little Whirl pools : So the Globuli of the 2 d Element , freely flowing through the Earthy parts wherewith they are interrupted , their fluid parts are so diverted by the Air that meets them , that turning into a Round drop , they drive the Terrestrial parts of the said Drop , with an equal force towards the Center . For then any liquid Body becomes round , when all the parts of the Circumference of that Body , being driven with equal force , are at an equal distance from the Center of that Body . IV. When no Dew is found upon the Ground in the Morning , it is a sign of Rain . If in the Morning the Ground be not sprinkled with the Dew ; and that the Mist which is wont to moisten the Earth , is carried upwards , and leaves the Earth wholly dry , this is a sign of Rain . The Reason is , because this can scarce happen , but when the Earth hath not been sufficiently cooled in the Night , or over-heated in the Morning , and therefore sends forth many Vapours , which driving the Mist upwards , cause the Drops of it to run together , and by this means become so thick and heavy , that soon after they are forc'd to fall down in Rain . V. Why the Hoar-frost makes some Herbs more tender . The Hoar-Frost is observed to make some Herbs more tender , as Coleworts , and the like , which being in Winter expos'd to the Air , become more short and tender . The Reason is , because the supervening Cold doth constringe , and , as it were , draw together those Herbs , and by bringing together their particles nearer to one another , doth quite change the order and situation of them . So as that having already undergon this preparatory Alteration , when the Culinary fire begins to act upon them , their Texture is easily broken , and their Fibres being before lessened , and in part dissolved , are wholly separated from one another . Thus Flesh , exposed to the cold of the Night , becomes also more tender , because the parts of it being more closely joyned and drawn together by the cold are afterwards slackned by the heat , and more readily comply with its motions . VI. Why the parts of Hoar-frost hang together . The parts of Hoar-Frost stick together , the contrary of which we Experience in Hail ; which is distinguish'd into several Stones , which have no Connexion at all together . The Reason is , because Hail stones falling from on high , as soon as they are come to the inward Tract of the Air , because of the great heat they meet with there , their outsides begin to melt , and lose their prominent particles , which make them rough ; but the case is not so with the Hoar-Frost , which always retains its sharp-pointed protuberances ; and therefore the particles , by reason of this their Roughness , are easily entangled and cling together . To which may be added , That the Hoar-frost consists of a more viscid or clammy substance , than Hail ; because the Rain , whereof Hail is made , is meer Water , which presently mounts up into the Air : Whereas the Hoar-frost is a kind of condensed Dew , which is much fatter than the Rain , as being made up of diverse particles , proceeding from Animals , Plants , and Things dug out of the Ground . Now it is manifest , that a moisture that is extracted from such great variety of Bodies , must needs be more clammy , than a pure watry Humour ; which is the reason why the parts of Hoar-frost cling together , whereas Hail-stones are all several . VII . How Honey is made by Bees . Those who give their minds to Husbandry , and more diligently search into the Miracles of Nature , observe that Bees do in a very short time make Honey , and fill their Hives . Some , who have been very exact Observers of the Labour of Bees , have observed , that the Bee-Hives are sometimes quite Empty in the beginning of May , and within a short time after have found them fill'd up with Honey . Book . 2. Part. 6. Chap. 7 To the Worshipfull Francis Gosfright of the Citty of London Esqr. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . VIII . Why Honey is not gather'd in all places . Tho' Honey be made of Dew , yet is it not gather'd either by Bees , or Men , from Plants , in all places . The Reason is , because these Exhalations do not every where meet with such a disposition , as is proper to retain them ; for seeing that the most clammy and Earthy particles of the Dew , are the chief Matter of Honey , and that these can only be gather'd in dry places , we cannot think it strange that these are not found on the moist Leaves of some Plants . Hence it is that Bees do not gather their Honey very Early in the Morning , but after that the watry Vapours have been dispersed by the heat of the Sun. IX . What is the Reason of the difference of Manna in several Countries . Manna is very different , according to the Countries where it falls , and is only gather'd from the Leaves of some certain sort of Trees . PLINY's Opinion is , that it is most commonly coagulated upon Oaks or Lime-Trees . In Calabria , it is chiefly found on Ash-Trees , and in Syria , on Cedars . The Reason is , because Manna is only coagulated on the Leaves of Trees , which contribute much to its consistence and hardness . For seeing that Manna only consists of Exhalations , its particles are of such figures , that they cannot so well stick close to the Leaves of other Trees . And therefore the Lord BACON tells us , that the Country of Calabria affords the best Manna , and in the greatest plenty ; for he supposes , that there is a kind of Coagulating virtue in the Leaves of Mulberry-Trees , on which it is commonly gather'd , whereby the Dew is thickned . Which Virtue he is the rather inclin'd to attribute to the Mulberry-Leaves , because they are rough and hairy , and therefore very proper to retain a Liquor that lights upon them . But yet this Juice must not be confounded with Honey , forasmuch as it is of a different Nature , and different Efficacy : For Honey doth stimulate and increase Gall , whereas Manna drives it out of the Body ; for the Nitrous Salt , which Manna is not destitute of , doth provoke Nature to evacuate by Siege . CHAP. VII . Of Storms and Thunder . I. Storms at Sea are more violent than about the Shoar . THe same Storms rage more violently on the Sea , than on the Land. The Reason is , because the Vapours that are sublimed from the Waters , are more moist and gross , than those that breath forth from the Earth , and that proceed from dry Bodies . Hence it is that those Steams carrying more Air and Exhalations along with them , do furnish Matter for the strongest Winds , And for the same Reason it is , that Winds in all places are not endued with the same Qualities ; but those which are dry in one Country , may be moist in another . Thus it is observed , that South-winds , which generally in all places are moist , yet are dry in Egypt , where the dry Desarts of Africa , parch'd with heat , and destitute of all moisture , supply the Matter of them . II. Why Swallows , upon the approach of a Storm or Tempest , fly near the Earth . Swallows , upon the approach of a Storm , fly near the Earth . The Reason is , because the Clouds which then fall lower , and press down the intervening Bodies with their weight , drive the Flies , which Swallows feed upon towards the Earth , which in Fair-weather are wont to fly aloft in the Air. III. What is the reason of those dreadful Storms called Travados . The Sea doth never Rage more dangerously , than in those Storms which are called by the Portuguese , Travados , these of all other being most formidable to Sea-men . These Tempestuous Gusts are chiefly perceived beyond the Cape of Good-Hope , because there , the Vapours , which in great quantity are raised from the Sea of Ethiopia ( as being of a vast extent , and exposed to the greatest heats of the Sun , ) can easily produce a West-wind , and stop the violence of those Vapours , which proceed from the Indian-Sea ▪ that is opposite to it ; and by this means drive them together into a Cloud : Which Cloud , since it riseth from the Inequality that is interposed between those two great Seas , and this Tract of Earth , which is also of a vast breadth , must of necessity be of a greater bulk , than that which is formed in our Regions , where it depends only on those lesser Inequalities , which divide our Champion Countries , and separate Lakes and Mountains : So that this high Cloud , having acquir'd a great weight , doth fall down all together , and driving the Air before it , raiseth a great Tempest , which commonly is so much the more vehement , the lesser the Cloud did appear at first ; because it is supposed to be very high , and at a greater distance from the Earth . Now it is evident , that the force of a Ponderous Body , is by so much the stronger , by how much higher the place is whence it descends , and the greater the Space is it runs through . IV. In what Places these Tempests are most freq uent . These Storms are frequent about the Equator , especially in those Months in which constant Winds are less frequent . They are very common upon the Coast of Guinea , and at the first their Force is very violent , and by the help of them Sea-men often pass the Line , forasmuch as the setled Winds are now and then wanting in the Months of April , May and June , and also at other times . Wonderful Storms of this kind do also happen in the Entrance of the Sea of Arabia , when a thick and black Cloud , mixed with a number of Flame-colour'd little Clouds , like a Burning-Furnace , vomiting thick Smoak , darkens the Day , whereupon a sudden and most vehement ( but not long lasting ) Storm ariseth , which casts down a great quantity of red Sand upon the Land and Sea. V. Whence proceeds that boyling of the Waters , which is observed in the Gulf of Lions , and in the Garonne . In the Gulf of Lions the Waters are sometimes as much agitated , as in the most violent Storms , tho' the Air be very calm . This extraordinary Agitation proceeds from those Vapours , which penetrate quite through the Waters . For it cannot be question'd , but that there is an inward Heat at work under the Sea , besides that of the Sun , which loosens , or sets at liberty a vast number of Vapours and Exhalations , which proceed with extraordinary precipitancy , and in great abundance from the said Gulf of Lions . And from the same Cause we may deduce the Boyling or Agitation that is observed in the River Garonne in France , near to Bourdeaux , which is an infallible prognostick of a certain Wind called Mascaret ; and conclude it to be produc'd by Vapours or Exhalations , which ferment or work successively from Bourdeaux , towards the Head of the River ; as that Ebullition which is observed in the Gulf of Lions , is caused by the Vapours and Exhalations , which in that part mount up in great abundance through the Sea. VI. What is the Cause of those Hurricans that happen about the Caribby Isles . Hurricans are very frequent in some of the Caribby Islands . The Reason is , because many sulphurous and Nitrous Exhalations are sublimed from divers parts of the Earth , that lies below that Sea , which do agitate the Waters with that extream Violence . Whereof this is a pregnant Instance , That after every Hurrican , a vast number of Fishes are found dead ; which shews , that the Waters have been violently dash'd together , not only on the surface of the Sea , but at the bottom also . VII . Of Castor and Pollux , and why they are accounted to be signs of a happy Voyage by Sea-men . It sometimes happens in great Storms , that certain Meteors , in the appearance of Fire , fix themselves on the Tops of Masts , which are called by Sea-men Castor and Pollux , if there be two of them ; but if only one appears , it is called Helen : The former being look'd upon to be a happy Omen ; but the latter , unhappy , as portending an increase of the Storm . These Fires are produc'd by Exhalations , which are mix'd with Vapours , that compose a Cloud ; which , forasmuch as by reason of the solidity of their parts , and their irregular figures , they cannot be pusht forwards by the falling Cloud , with the same force as the Vapours are , by the motion of the Air , are separated from them : And accordingly these Exhalations being united into several Curles , flying as high as they can along with the Cloud , meeting with Ships in their way , stick to the Masts , or to the Tackle ; the Cloud in approaching to the end of its motion , driving them down thither . And the Reason why two of these Fires are a sign of better Hope , is , because Storms are commonly more violent towards their going off ; and therefore when these Fires are more than one , the Tempests are broken , and many Clouds lying one upon the top of another , are in a short time dispersed . But when a single Fire appears , a greater Storm is to be look'd for , because there may be many other Clouds remaining , which falling down , may with renewed Violence dash the Waves together . VIII . Why Thunder is more frequent in Summer than Winter . Thunder is much more frequent in Summer than Winter . The Reason is , because Thunder is caused after the same manner as Storms are , viz. by the falling of Clouds one upon another , that is , when the higher Clouds rushing down violently upon the lower , do produce that Noise in the Air , we call Thunder . Now this could not happen , if a warm Air surrounding the Upper Clouds , did not by degrees condense them , and make them more heavy . And seeing that in the Winter , a heat sufficient to melt the Upper Clouds cannot get up so high , it is evident that Thunder , for this Reason , must be more frequent in Summer . IX . What is the Reason of the different Noise that is made by Thunder . The Noise caused by Thunder is very different ; and doth not always strike our Sense of Hearing alike ; for sometimes it represents a continual Rumbling , and at other times the repeated Discharges of Great Guns . The continued Noise is to be ascribed to the various Reflexion of Bodies , and the Resounding of the ambient Air. For as the Noise caus'd by the Discharge of a Great Gun , is heard with a continued noise or rumbling , because of the Hills , Buildings , and other things , that beat back the Sound : So the rumbling Noise of Thunder is continued the longer , because of the Air that every way surrounds it , and the Bodies that are so disposed to reverberate it . And whereas Thunder sometimes gives different and interrupted Claps , the Reason is , because the parts of the higher Clouds , do either all of them fall down together , or one after another ; or more slowly or swiftly ; or , for that the lower Clouds are greater or less , thicker or thinner , and so make more or less Resistance . X. VVhy Thunder commonly ceaseth after a great shower of Rain . After a great Shower of Rain commonly the Thunder ceaseth . The Reason is , because the Upper Cloud falling upon the Lower , is of such force as to cast it wholly down ; and tho' perhaps it be not of force enough to drive it down altogether , yet it shakes out some flocks of Snow , which passing through the warmth of the lower Region of the Air , are turned into Rain . And it is for the same Reason , that Men endeavour to abate the violence of Thunder by the discharging of Guns ; for the Snow being shaken by the agitation of the Air , is discust , and forced to descend . XI . VVhy a great Noise dissipates Thunder . But we are here to observe , that tho' the Discharging of our Great Guns be useful to dispel Thunder , when the Clouds are somewhat remote from the places where the said Noises are made ; yet is the effect quite contrary , when the Clouds are directly over against those places . The Reason is , because when the Clouds that carry the Thunder , are at some considerable distance , the agitation of the Air , caused by the Sound is capable to disperse them , or at least to oppose their approach ; but when they are just over against the places where the Guns are discharged , the Air being shaken by their Sound , and dashing against the lower part of the Clouds , weakens them , and so determines them to break at the bottom , and to let the Lightning escape . XII . Why the Thunder is always heard after the Lightning , tho' indeed it be before it . The Lightning is much more swift than Thunder , and therefore is always seen before the other is heard , tho' indeed the Thunder is ever before the Lightning . The Reason is , because the Sight is performed by the help of the Heavenly Globuli ; which being solid , and not capable of any division , do neither waver nor turn aside : Whereas the Hearing is performed by the Tremulous Agitation of the Air , whose particles being very flexible , and separated from one another , do bend upon themselves and waver , not having the direct steadiness of the Globuli of the Second Element . XIII . Why fermented Liquors are apt to turn sower after Thunder . The Noise and Concussion of the Air , caused by Thunder , makes Wine and other fermented Liquors to be troubled , and change their former Qualities . The Reason is , because Fluid Bodies are not moved of themselves , but receive their agitation from the intercurrent subtil matter , wherefore also their motion must necessarily be proportionate to the Agitation of the said Aethereal Matter . And forasmuch as when the Aether is shaken with Thunder , the matter that is intercepted between the Pores of it , is very much dissipated , and put into irregular motions ; thereupon the particles of the Liquor are also variously tost and bent , and by this means do introduce a confusion in it . Thus Physicians also observe , that tho' the Blood be not changed at all as to its outward appearance , yet it contracts a malignant poisonous quality ; or on a suddain causeth a Fever , and this meerly from the disturbed motion of the subtil matter , which in a confused manner agitates the whole mass of Blood. CHAP. VIII . Of Lightning and Thunder-Bolts . I. Why the Lightning commonly strikes Steeples and Tall Trees . HIgh Places are more frequently struck with Lightning , than low and level Grounds . Hence it is that Mountains feel more its effects than Valleys ; and that the tallest Trees are most obnoxious to be hurt by it . The Reason is , because Lightning consists of kindled Exhalations ; which because of their loose Texture and volatility , are distinguisht from Vapours , and therefore rushing down towards the Earth , must rather strike the tops of Steeples and Mountains , than lower places . For the Lightning , upon the breaking of a Cloud , doth commonly dart forth from that part of it , which is most weak , and least able to resist the force of it : And seeing that Steeples , Rocks , Mountains and other Eminences do most of all oppose it , therefore the Clouds are most easily broken by meeting with such like Bodies , and consequently also discharge their force and violence against them . II. Why the Bodies that are struck with Lightning , do tremble a little before . Things that are struck with Lightning , do tremble before they are smitten , being shaken by the Wind. The Reason is , because when ever this Fiery Exhalation is darted from any Cloud , at the same time a great quantity of the Air that lies between the Clouds , is pusht away together with it : Which Air , as the Forerunner of the Lightning , shakes high Steeples , lofty Mountains and tall Trees , as being nearer to it , before the Lightning can reach them . III. What is the cause of the Stone , which is produced by Lightning ▪ and is commonly call'd the Thunder Bolt . Sometimes there is a Stone generated by the Lightning , which is discharged together with it from the Clouds , which is commonly called the Thunder-Bolt ; because it breaks all Bodies it meets with , and casts them down . This happens when many Fat and Sulphureous Exhalations , consisting of thick and dreggy parts , and like unto the setling of those ▪ Vessels wherein Rain water hath stood for some considerable time , are joined with those that form the Lightning . For as Experience informs us , that if we mix a certain proportion of Saltpeter and Brimstone with this Earth or Mud ; and then set this mixture on fire , it will in a moment be turned into a hard Stone : So in like manner we may conclude , that a Thunder-Bolt is generated of clammy and Terrestrial Exhalations , mingled with Brimstone , which it may meet with , either in the Cloud it self , or in its descent through the Air. Wherefore sometimes not only Stones are thus hurled down together with the Lightning , but also Iron , and other metals . AGRICOLA tells us , lib. 5. de Ortu Subterraneorum , that when it lightens in Persia , pieces of Brass fall down , which will not melt in the hottest Furnaces , but the moisture of them is turned into Smoke , and the rest of the Body into Ashes . IV. There is some reason to question the truth of these Thunder Bolts . But for all this , some think there is reason enough for us to look upon this Story of Stones , that are together with the Lightning discharged from the Clouds , as a meer fiction . Certain it is , that none of the Ancients ever made mention of it before AVICENNA : And it seems very strange , that if there be any such , none of them should ever be found in great Cities , such as London or Paris . V. How the Lightning can melt Gold in a Purse , and consume Wine in a Barrel , without hurting either the Purse or Barrel . Gold , Copper and Silver are by the Lightning melted in Peoples Pockets , without the least scotching of them : And the Wine that is kept in Barrels is consumed , without the least sign of hurt done to the Vessels . And MARCIA , a Roman Princess , being struck with Lightning when she was big with Child , had the Birth in her Womb killed without suffering the least hurt her self . Pliny , lib. 2. Cap. 51. These strange effects must be ascribed to the various matter whereof the Lightning consists . For some consist of very subtil Exhalations , which are of the nature of Volatil Salt , or approach to that of Aqua Fortis . Now such as these do not touch loose and soft Bodies , but break and dissolve those that are solid and compact , and do resist their force . And therefore no wonder if such sort of Lightning do melt Brass , Silver and Gold without touching the Purse or Bag wherein they are : As we see that Aqua-Fortis doth not corrode Wax , tho' in a very short time it dissolves Iron , and other hard metallick Bodies . Whereof SENECA gives this Reason in Chap. 52. of his Natural Questions . The Lightning , saith he , doth dissipate strong and solid Bodies with more vehemence , because they oppose a greater resistance to it ; whereas it frequently passeth yielding substances , without the least hurt to them : It contends with Stones , Iron , and other very hard and solid Bodies , because it cannot make its way through them but by force ; and therefore by extream violence opens it self a passage whereby it may get out . But on the other hand , spares loose and soft Bodies , tho' they seem the most proper for its Flames to fasten upon , because they let it pass without opposition . VI. How the Lightning 〈◊〉 the Wine in Vessels without touching them . As to the Lightning consuming Wine , without touching the Vessel ; the Reason is , because the most subtil matter , passing through the Pores of the Vessel , by its most swift and violent agitation , doth so diminish the parts of the Wine , and reduceth them to that extream littleness , that they can freely pass through the pores of the Vessel . By which means the Wine being wholly turned into Vapours , is in a short time thrust through the sides of the Vessel . Wherefore some , to prevent this disaster , lay a Bar of Iron with Flints and Salt upon the Vessel , which being hard Bodies , the Lightning exerts all its force upon them , and so the Wine or other Liquor in the Vessel escapes without hurt . VII . How Beer or Ale may be preserved from being spoiled by Lightning . Accordingly Mr. BOYLE assures us , that having seal'd up a Glass Bottle Hermetically , which he had fill'd with Beer ; he found upon the opening , that the Thunder had not in the least changed the Taste , or any other of its Qualities ; when at the same time that which was kept in Vessels was all turn'd sour . The Reason is , because the Exhalations that constitute the Lightning , being diffused through the Air , do penetrate the Vessels , but not the Glass . He also tells us , that when Smiths Coals are kindled in Wine-Cellars , when it Thunders and Lightens , it preserves the Beer from turning sour ; and this either because the Fire doth dispel and discuss those Sulphureous Exhalations , or because it dulls the force of them , by changing the Figure , Magnitude or Texture of the particles whereof the said steams do consist . VIII . How a Woman may have the Birth in her Womb killed by Lightning , without any hurt to her self . As to the Story of MARCIA , who being struck with Lightning , brought forth a dead Child ; this effect needs not to be attributed to the Power of Lightning , since probably it might be only the effect of her Fear ; who being affrighted at the Lightning , miscarried thereupon . Or if we will suppose that she was struck with Lightning , the cause why it killed the Infant in her Womb , without hurting of her , might be , because the Exhalations , whereof that Lightning did consist , was of an Oily Nature , and burning only with a weak Flame , could only exert its force upon the weak and tender Body of the Infant , without touching the Mothers Body , which was more hard and solid . For so we find that Lightning sometimes consumes soft and tender Bodies , without hurting those that are more strong and solid ; as the Hair , Cloaths , and the like , without any injury done to the Flesh : And that because the particles of the Exhalation , that form the Lightning , are like those of Spirit of Wine , which when set on fire do not touch a piece of Linnen so as to consume it , as being too weak and slender to separate the particles of the Earthly Bodies they meet with from others that are like to them , or from those of the 2 d. Element . IX . How Animals are kill'd by Lightning . These Exhalations are also supposed the cause of the death of some Animals , found dead without the least sign of Burning or Scorching . For by the violence of these Exhalations , Animals may be so overpowered , as that thereby their Muscles design'd for Respiration may grow stiff and without motion ; whereupon , no wonder if they be presently choaked . For these Exhalations may be so extreamly subtil and pure , as to be able readily to enter the Body , and hurt the inward parts of it , without the least sign of damage appearing upon the outward parts thereof . X. VVhether the Bay-Tree be never struck with Lightning . Nothing is more commonly received amongst Ancient Authors , than that a Bay-tree is never toucht with Lightning , as being endued with a peculiar virtue , which resists and repels its deleterious Spirits . It was for this Reason that the Emperor TIBERIUS wore a Crown of Bay-leaves , when the face of the Sky seemed to threaten Thunder and Lightning . And COLUMELLA adviseth to cover the Eggs on which a Hen sits with twigs of the Bay-tree . Some attribute this virtue of the Bay-tree , to the figure of it , which is very round , and hath a very smooth and close Bark : From whence they infer , that the Exhalations of the Lightning cannot fix upon it , but gliding from it , leave it untoucht . But this seems to be but a very weak Reason , forasmuch as Marble Pillars , which for Roundness and Hardness do far exceed the Trunk or Body of the Bay-tree , are frequently struck with Lightning , and damaged by it ; as CARDAN assures us , Subtil . lib. 2. At Florence in the Great Church is to be seen a Marble Pillar , struck and hurt with the Lightning . For I suppose it to be a meer Fable , what is commonly reported of the Bay-tree ; seeing that many Authors do assert , that Bay-trees have been sometimes struck with Lightning ; as amongst others the Conimbricenses , and Vicomercatus in his Comentaries upon Aristotles Treatise of Meteors , by several instances proves the exemption of the Bay-tree from being hurt by Lightning , to be fabulous . The Reason probably why the Ancients attributed this virtue thereunto might be , because they abound with Balsamick , Odoriferous and Spirituous Steams , which may be of some force , in keeping off the efficacy of poisonous Exhalations . Tho indeed it be not at all probable , that the Leaves or Stock of the Bay-tree should be of such a superlative virtue , as to resist the force of Lightning , or to secure those that shelter themselves under its Branches , or wear the Leaves of it . And the same may be said of Coral , whatsoever PLINY saith to the contrary , Lib. cap. 55. XI . VVhether a Sea Calf can never be hurt with Lightning . Authors assure us , that Sea-Calves are never struck with Lightning ; and for this Reason the Generals Tents were used to be made of the Skins of this Animal . And SUETONIUS tells , that AUGUSTUS CAESAR was so afraid of Lightning , that he always had some of them along with him in his marches . Book . 2. Part. 6. Chap. 9. Frema● In CHAP. IX . Of the Rainbow . I. The Primary or Original Rainbow is of more strong and lively Colours than the Secondary . THE Primary or Original Rainbow , and which for the most part doth appear alone , is of more strong and sprightly Colours , than the Secundary , which is seen above the former ; whose Colours are not only weaker , but also appear in an opposite situation to those of the Primary Rainbow . The Reason hereof are the Rays , which from both these Rainbows arrive at the Eye . For they which proceed from the Primary and Interior , as in a Glass Viol arrive at our Eye after two Refractions and one Reflexion . And therefore the Rays meet under the same Angle they make with the common Axis , in the same point of the Eye , from the same base of the Cone . But the more outward or Secondary Rainbow is produced because the Beams that fall upon the lowest quarter of the drops , get out from them and reach the Eye after two Refractions , and as many Reflexions ; which makes the Red , Yellow and Green Colours with all the rest , that are very conspicuous in the Primary Rainbow , to be very weak , and exhibited in an inverted posture , in the outward or secundary . Forasmuch as the Rays , which after two Refractions and one Reflexion , leave a lesser Angle of Elevation , when another Reflexion is added , will make a greater ; and on the contrary those which made a greater , for the most part , at least , will make a lesser . II. VVhy the ends of a Rainbow appear sometimes at an unequal distance . The two ends of a Rainbow appear unequally distant . This happens when the Rain is bounded on that side where the Spectator stands on a Plain so inclined to the Axis of Vision , as to make an Acute Angle towards the Left Hand , and an Obtuse one towards the Right : For then it is necessary that the Conical Figure which determins the drops that we must see coloured , do meet with them in such a manner , as that those which are on the Left , be much nearer to the Eye of the Spectator , or to the Axis of the Vision , than those which are on the Right Hand : And because these two sorts of Drops do form the two ends of the Rainbow , therefore it is that they appear at an unequal distance : And if we have a mind to fix the center of this Rainbow , in a point equally distant from both the ends of it , then must they of necessity meet without the Axis of Sight or Vision . III. VVhether ever any inverted Rainbows do appear . Some tell us , that they have seen a Rainbow , with the ends of it turned upwards towards Heaven , as the same represented in the Figure by FFF . Many suppose this to be no better than a Dream or Imagination : Yet for my part , I cannot see but that the thing may be possible enough ; that is , when the Rays of the Sun by Reflexion , light upon the surface of some Sea or Lake ; and this at a time when there is a great Calm , without the least brieze of Wind to wrinkle the Water . Especially if at the same time a Cloud , such as is represented by G , do lie over the said Water , and hinder the Light of the Sun , directly tending towards that part of Heaven where the Rain is , from suppressing or extinguishing that Light , which the water sends back thither . True it is , that such Rainbows as these are seen but very seldom : But it is not therefore presently to be rejected as an Imagination , because there are but few that ever saw such a one . It is sufficient , if ever it was seen , to make us enquire into the cause of it . IV. The Explication of an inverted Rainbow . Let us suppose therefore , that the Sun Beams , proceeding from that part of the Heaven , marked SS , fall upon the water DAE , and from thence rebound to the Rain CF , the Eye placed in B , will see the Rainbow FF , whose Center is in the point C. so as that when the Line CB. is drawn out further to A , and AS , passing through the Center of the Sun , the Angles SAD , and BAE , be equal , and the Angle CBF , of about 42 Degrees . Yet may the Eye be so placed , with respect to the Sun and Rain , as to behold only the lower part of the Circle , which makes up the whole Rainbow , without seeing the upper part ; and so may make us to take it for an inverted Rainbow , tho it be then beheld , not by those that look towards the Heaven , but by those that look towards the Earth or Water . V. VVhy the Rainbow is a sign of Rain . The Rainbow is commonly lookt upon to be a certain sign of Rain . Tho' this be commonly received by Philosophers as an undoubted truth , yet cannot it be universally admitted , forasmuch as experience shews us , that Fair Weather follows after the appearance of a Rainbow , as well as Rainy Weather . For tho' the Cloud , in which it is represented , be Dewy and big with Rain , yet may the Temper of the Air be such at that time , that all the water that is contained in it may be evaporated , and by the heat of the Sun , vanish away into the Air : Which being so , it will not seem strange to any , if no Rain should follow upon it , but Fair Weather . Whence it is Evident , that it is not generally true what Aristotle asserts , that a Rainbow that begins presently after Noon , doth always bring copious Showers ; but that which appears about Sun-set , doth only threaten some small sprinklings , rather than any great Rain . Seeing that these signs do often fail , and that Rainbows appearing in the Afternoon , are sometimes followed by Fair VVeather ; and on the contrary , those that are seen about Sun-set are accompanied with great Showers . And therefore I am more inclined to be of Pliny's opinion in this case , who saith , that frequent Rainbows do not with any certainty portend either Rain or Fair VVeather . VI. VVhat is the Reason why sometimes three Rainbows have been seen at one time . Sometimes three Rainbows have been seen at a time , so as that the third supervening , hath encompast the two common ones , but withall hath appeared paler , and less strong and refulgent than the other , and at the same distance from the 2 d. as the 2 d. was from the 1 st . The appearance of this 3 d. Rainbow , is caused by the Hail that is mingled with the Dewy or Rainy Cloud . For seeing that the Hailstones are round and transparent , and that a greater Refraction is produced in them , than there is in the Air , the outward Rainbow must needs be much greater , and so appear above , and surrounding the other . And the inmost , which for the same reason must have been much less than the middlemost of Rain , may by reason of the great Brightness of the former , have altogether lost its appearance , so as that both of them may have been taken for one ; but yet for such a one , the Colours whereof were otherwise placed than in the Ordinary or Common Rainbow . Wherefore the 3 d. Rainbow agrees with the Primary , because it is formed by Rays falling on the upper part of the Drops , and therefore do both of them represent their Colours in the same order , save only that in the 2 d. the Colour does by degrees grow weaker than in the 1 st . and in the 3 d. than in the 2 d. VII . VV● the Rainbow affords a Sweet Odor . The Ancients have observed , that a sweet Odor is perceived in all places whither the Rainbow inclines , or which it hovers over . The Reason is , because the soft and pleasant Dew of the Rainbow is proper to draw forth the perfume of Odorous Bodies . For we find that moderate Showers have the same effect , tho' not in so high a degree ; for nothing affords to the Ground , or fills the whole Air with a sweeter fragrancy , than the Dewy Rain of the Rainbow , wheresoever it falls . So that for ought we know , there may be a fragrancy in the water it self that composeth the Dewy Cloud ; seeing that a Rainbow is nothing else than drops of water clustered together , which cannot come down in Rain , but from that part of the Air which is near the Earth , and therefore more proper to imbibe and retain the fragrancy of the Herbs and Flowers , like a distilled water . For Rain or any other Dew that falls from a great height cannot retain the sweetness which was dissipated whilst the Exhalation was mounting so high . And therefore PLINY observes , lib. 12. cap. 24. That whatsoever Plant the Rainbow hangs over , it doth impart to the same a sweetness like to that of the Rose of Jerusalem ; but to that Plant a most inexpressible fragrancy . VIII . The Rainbow doth not appear the same to all . The Rainbow appears not the same to all , but every one sees his particular Bow : So that as many Bows are represented in the Dewy Cloud , as there be Eyes directed towards it . The Reason of this multiplicity is manifest ; because the Rays which come to the Eyes of one person , do not reach the Eyes of another . For tho' every drop do reflect one of the Suns Beams , yet the whole Cloud only sets forth the coloured representation of the Rainbow , whilst it is so posited , that it makes its Reflexion at a certain Angle : Wherefore as any approacheth nearer to the Rainbow , or withdraws further from it , he doth not see the self same Bow , but still a different one , according as the said Angle encreaseth by his approach to , or decreaseth by his withdrawing from it . IX . The Moon sometimes forms a Rainbow . The Moon sometimes affords the appearance of a Rainbow , which ARISTOTLE tells us , happens only one day of the Month , viz. that of the Full Moon . It cannot be questioned , but that the Lunar Beams may fall upon a Cloud , and exert its action in such a manner upon every one of the drops of it , as that by reflexion to our Eye , they may represent a Rainbow , which is weaker indeed than that which is formed by the Sun , nor deckt with so great a variety of Colours . BOMBACHIUS assures us that he saw such a one at Oxford in the Month of June 1606. But whereas ARISTOTLE tells us , that it is only to be seen at a certain time , that I suppose to be without ground of Truth , since there are Authors who assure us that they have seen the same twice in the space of two years , and that on several days , and that not at the Full Moon , but at the Quarters . And SCALIGER in his 8 th . Exercitation , speaks of it as a common thing in the Isle of St. Thomas ; where he saith , If Rain hath preceeded , there is always a Rainbow formed by the Moon , the Colour whereof represents , as it were , a whitish Mist . I my self once beheld a coloured Lunar Rainbow in England , near Hampton Court , about the middle of October , when the Moon was at her Quarter ; and had Sir Charles Waldegrave for a witness of this unusual sight , and who was not a little surprized to see such a one in the Night . For it appeared so plain , and with such distinct Colours , that it was very like a Solar Rainbow , save only that the representation of it was not so strong and refulgent . X. How Circles come to be formed about Candles . It happens sometimes that we see circles of the colour of the Rainbow about Lamps and Candles . Such as are in the Figure represented by the Letters AB , CD , more especially after that any one hath for some time kept one of his Eyes shut . Figure 26. There are some who attribute this effect to the Air that compasseth the Candle , which by its thickness reflects the Rays , and transverts them . But that this is a mistake , is most evident from hence , because this Circle is not seen by all , which must be in case it were an effect of the thickness of the Air. We shall therefore easily apprehend the manner of the forming of it , by discovering the cause of the Transverse or Cross Rays , which sometimes appear there . Which I say may then happen , when there are one or two little wrinckles in any one of the surfaces of the Coats or Membrans of the Eye EMP , which because of the Figure of the Eye FO , SMN , wee 'l suppose to be circular , and have their Center in the Line EO ; as frequently there be there others also extended according to the Right Lines , which discussate or intersect one another in this Line EO , and make us see some great Rays scattered this way and that way , about the burning Candles ; and this notwithstanding , any Opake Body might intervene , either betwixt E and P , or elsewhere on the side , as long as it doth but circularly diffuse it self . Or lastly , The same may happen , because the Humours or Membrans of the Eye have in some sort or other changed their Temperament or Figure . For it is very common with those who have sore or weak Eyes , to see these Circles , neither do they appear to all persons alike . XI . VVhy the outward Rims of these Circles are commonly Red. Particularly we are here to take notice , that their outward Rims , represented by A and C , are for the most part Red , quite contrary to those which we sometimes see represented about the Stars . The reason whereof will evidently appear if we consider that in the production of those Colours whereof they consist , the Crystallin Humour PNM , performs the office of a Prisme , and the Retina FGF , the part of the Linnen-cloath that receives the Beams passing through the Prisme . But some may question , forasmuch as the Crystalline Humour is able to perform this , why it doth not do as much to all other Objects , by representing the colours of the Rainbow about them ? Wherefore we must take notice , that many Rays , from every single point of the Objects , do arrive at the several points of the Retina ; and because some of them pass through the part N , of the Crystalline Humour , and other of them through the part S , therefore also they act in a contrary manner upon them , and destroy one another , at least as to the production of Colours : But that here all those which come to the part of the Retina FGF , do only pass through the part N , of the Crystalline Humour , and therefore that the Rotation which they acquire there may be felt . All which perfectly agree with those things which we have delivered in our Institutions of Philosophy concerning Colours . CHAP. X. Of Fires kindled in the Air. I. Why those Meteors called Wills with the Wisp , do lead men towards Pools and Rivers . WILLS with the Wisp or Wandring Lights , do frequently lead persons to Lakes and Boggy Places ; and make them fall into Precipices , or lose their way . This effect may be explained from what we have said before concerning Winds . For seeing that more Vapours are raised in the Night from the Earth , than from the Water , this is the cause why these Wandring Lights or Fires , that follow the motion of the Air , do take their course towards Waters and Pools , because thereabouts the Air is more cool , by reason of a lesser agitation , and consequently becomes thicker and more condensate , than that which lies close upon the Earth ; so that these Wandring Fires , being in a manner born up by the Wings of the Air , and complying with the motion of the same , are carried thither from the neighbouring grounds . II. Why these wandring Fires follow those that flee from them , and flee from those that follow them Nothing is more commonly asserted by Philosophers , than that Wills with the Wisp do flee from those that pursue them , and follow those that flee from them . And this they prove from many Examples , as may be seen in FROMUNDUS . The cause of this is imputed to the Air , which being light and fluid , and shaken by the agitation of the person that walks along , doth either drive them forwards , or drags them along after him , when he runs from them . For if this Meteor stand before him that walks , by his driving the Air before him , it is driven forwards , and so flees from him that follows it : But if it be behind him that walks , forasmuch as the following Air accompanies him , it also follows him fleeing from it . III. Why these Fires are much seen about Church-yards and Common-sewers . Wills with the Wisp are commonly seen about Churchyards , Common-sewers , Fire-vomiting Mountains , and other places where great slaughter of Men or Beasts have been made . The Reason is , because these Wandring Fires consist of fat and viscous steams , which having no such quantity of subtil particles mixed with them , by means whereof they might be carried upwards , do fluctuate in the lower part of the Air , and are forced , because of the cleaving tenacity of their parts , and the Earthly Matter that is mixed with them , to tend downwards by their weight , rather than mount upwards ; and move especially about Church-yards , Laystalls and such like places , as abounding with a greater quantity of Fat and Oily Particles . IV. What is the cause of those Flames that sometimes appear about , or upon the Hair ●f Childr●n . We read in the Writings of the Ancients , of Fires or Flames that have been seen hanging upon the Hair of Children , and that without hurting or scorching their Hair. According as VIRGIL tells us , that this hapned to Ascanius the Son of Aeneas , Lib. 2. Aeneidos . Lo from Julus Crown a flaming Light Was seen to rise , and harmless Fire did spread , With a soft touch , and round his Temples fed . The cause of these flames is , when a subtil and penetrating Exhalation ( such as participates of the nature of Salt ) doth enter the Pores of another that is Fat and Sulphureous . This being of it self sufficient to kindle some thin and subtil flames , as well on high , as in the lower parts of the Air. For certain it is , that not only a violent agitation , but the mixture only of different Bodies , is sufficient to produce Fire . As we see in Quick-lime that is sprinkled with Water ; and innumerable other Examples which daily occur to Chymists . V. Th●se Flames may also proceed from a Commotion of the Spirits . These Lambent Flames may also be caused from a commotion of the Spirits , that rush out from the Body , and being intangled together , represent the appearance of Fire : Thus Historians tell us , that ALEXANDER the Great , in the heat of Battle , darted sparks from his Body ; and that something like this hapned to the fierce Horse of the Emperour TIBERIUS , from whose Head a flame was seen to break forth . For Alexander being of a fiery complexion , and addicted to the drinking of Wine , it cannot seem strange that he sent through his Pores such Spirits as were proper to kindle flames : No more than that from TIBERIUS his Horse , when he had heated himself with running , a fat and viscous sweat did break forth , which kindled into a flame , but such a one as was harmless , and without any burning or scorching quality . In like manner as the flame of Spirit of Wine , which hath some aqueous particles mixt with it , doth not burn the Linnen Cloth that is moistned with them . VI. Why s●arks of Fire proceed from a Cats Back when rub'd . And it is for the same reason , that when we rub a Cats back contrary to the hair , especially in the Winter , sparks of fire dart forth from it , because Cats in the Winter are fatter than in the Summer , and therefore are able to furnish a greater quantity of a fat clammy humour , proper for the exciting of these Sparks . But because in the Summer these steams do more easily break forth into the Air , and are disperst there , it cannot seem strange , that when the proper matter for the generating of these Sparks fail , they should cease also , and not then appear upon the rubbing of the Cats back . VII . What Falling Stars are . In clear Nights , Stars seem to shoot or fall from the Sky . The cause is , when after a very hot and dry season , the space which is between two Clouds , is filled with copious Exhalations , that are very subtil , and proper to take fire : For if these be so light and loose of Texture , that one of them falling from on high , doth not produce any noise of Thunder , nor cause any Tempest in the Air , yet the Exhalations lying between the said Clouds , may be so twisted together , as to exhibit the appearance of some lesser flames , which are commonly called falling or shooting Stars . Because by inflammation the combustible particles , which were the cause of their ascent , were thereby consumed and vanish ; and therefore the Star , which at the beginning of its deflagration , complied with the motion of the Air that carried it , was called a running or shooting Star ; afterwards , when it s more subtil parts were burnt away , falls down , because the weight of the Earthy and viscous matter , doth exceed the heaviness of the Air that lies under it ; and then is called a falling Star. And therefore these Meteors receive a different denomination from the various specification of the kindled Exhalation . For if an Exhalation that lies at length , becomes kindled , it is called a Beam if at the bottom it be somewhat broader , 't is called a Pyramid ; if it be broad about the midst , and small at both ends , 't is called a flying Dragon , &c. VIII . Why those Fires which are formed ●●ar the Earth do continue for some time , whereas those that are produced high in the Air are of no long continuance Fires generated near the Earth , continue for some time ; whereas those formed in the uppermost part of the Air do presently vanish . The Reason is , because a flame doth cleave more strongly or weakly to any matter , according as the said matter is more or less close and compact . Now forasmuch as these Meteors which are formed in the upper Region of the Air , do consist of a very loose and thin matter , it is plain that their flame cannot continue long . For indeed if this matter were thick and close , it would by its own weight sink towards the Earth , and leave its former station . And therefore ARISTOTLE in the first Book of his Meteors , supposeth them to be like that flame , which runs along the smoak or steam of a newly put out Candle , which is apt to be kindled again by another that stands near it . IX . What is the cause of the Appearance of Armies in the Skies In the Sky is sometimes represented the appearance of Armies , and Soldiers sighting . Such a Representation as this is reported to have been seen in Silesia in 1545. A Bear appeared in the East at the head of an Army , and was met by a Lion , who led an Army from the West : Between both these Armies there appeared also a most bright Star ; and presently after they engaged , so that the blood seemed to drop from the Bodies o● those who were wounded , and many as it were fell down dead . As these Armies were fighting , an Eagle coming from an high Rock , hovered over the Lions Army . And after the Battle was ended , the Lion shone bright in the midst of his Forces ; but there was no appearance of the Bear. The place where both the Armies stood was all covered with dead bodies , and by them some old Men , venerable for their Gray Hairs . Afterwards the Lion led off his Army towards the West ; who after he was got some way from the place of the Battle , a person ●iding upon a white Horse , adorn'd with Trappings , returned from the Army to the place where the Battle was fought , and set a young Man armed Cap-a-pee upon that Horse , and having accompanied him some part of the way towards the East , vanished together with all the other Apparitions . X. The Common-People very apt to believe such Stories as these . I am very well aware how greedily such storie● as these are embraced by the common People , and how ready they are to lay hold of any thing , which they imagin may discover to them the knowledge of future Events . And therefore if they do but see two Clouds standing over against one another , and enterchanging some Refractions or Reflexions , this is sufficient for them to appehend two Armies fighting , that the more bright portions of them are Soldiers in whole and bright Armour , that they hear the clashing of Arms , discharging of Musquets , &c. I my self once in a clear night in Flanders saw some Vapours scatter'd in the Air , in an unusual manner , and giving some light from them , which did so terrifie the Inhabitants , that the next day all the news was that they had seen Armies in the Air , heard the ratling of Pikes , the discharging of Musquets , the clashing of Swords and the sound of Trumpets . XI . What may be the cause of an Army appearing in the Air. But because it may happen that such appearances as these may really be seen in the Air , I w●ll here add two probable causes whence the same may proceed . The First is , That there may be in the Air various Clouds of that smallness , as that every one may exhibit the appearance of a Soldier , and rushing one upon another , may contain a sufficient quantity of Exhalations , to produce some small flashes of Lightning , and cause some sounds or noises ; and so represent the fighting of Souldiers . The other is , when all these small Clouds do shine , and reverberate that light which the Lightning of some great Tempest hapning at so great a distance , as that they cannot be perceived there from the Earth , do reflect upon them . CHAP. XI . Of Circles about the Sun , or Moon , and of Mock Suns . I. Why no Circles appear about the Sun or Moon but in fair weather . CIrcles about the Sun or Moon , never appear but in fair weather , and in this are distinguished from the Rainbow , which seldom appears but in rainy weather , tho' perhaps it may not rain in that place where the Spectator is . The Reason of this difference is , the variety of their composition . Because these Circles are not formed by the Refraction of Rays from drops of water , as the Rainbow is generated , but by that Refraction which proceeds from the little Stars or Spires of transparent Ice ; and tho' these Stars do never fall from the Sky but in cold weather , and the frosty Months of the Year ; yet reason convinceth us , that they are produced at any other time also : Yea , and forasmuch as they stand in need of warmth , which of white as they are at first , may make them transparent , it seems very probable that the Summer time may be the most proper for the forming of them . II. What is the cause of double Circles . Sometimes double Circles have been seen in the Sky , so placed as that one of them did seem to encompass the other , and to appear concentrical with it . This is caused when two Ranks of such particles of Ice are placed together , so as not to exclude the Rays of the Sun : For then those Rays which pass through both these Ranks at the end of these little Stars , being almost bent as much again as those others that pass through one Rank only , will produce another coloured Circle , much greater in compass than the former , but less bright . So as to make two Circles appear , whereof the one doth encompass the other , the more outward whereof is of less lively colours than the inward . III. Why these Circles are never seen about the Sun or Moon at their Rising or Setting . Circles are not usually seen about the Sun or Moon , whilst they are near to the Horizon , that is , when they do either rise or set . The Reason is , because then the rays of these Luminaries do fall so obliquely upon the particles of Ice , that by reason thereof they cannot penetrate them : And consequ●ntly there can be none of those Refactions which ●re the formers of these Circles . IV. VVhat is the cause of many Suns appearing in one Circle . Many Mock Suns sometimes appear in the same Circle . Thus it is recorded , that in the year 1625. the King of Poland saw no less than six of them ; and five appeared to the People of Rome in the year 1629. and that for four hours together . These Parhelia or Mock Suns are formed in a Cloud , consisting of a continuous piece of Ice , the surface whereof being very even and smooth , is illustra●ed by the S●n ●levated towards its Meridian Height , and re●●e●ts the rays it hath receiv'd against the Snow of the Cloud that do●h compass it . For then the Snow appears to those who behold it from the Earth , like a great white Circle , wherein one Circle is seen by means of the rays which flow from the Sun direct●y ; and the two following from their refraction , ●nd the rest by the reflexion of them . V. How it comes to pass that some see more Suns in the same Circle than others . Many Suns appearing in the Heavens , are not seen alike by all ; for some Spectators see more Suns in one and the same Circle , others less . The Reason is , because the rays that proceed from these Suns , are not after the same manner conveyed to every Spectator ; forasmuch as some may be so placed , as to see no more than two of them ; and others again so as that they can see three , four or more of them , according as the place is from whence they direct their Eyes towards them . For the rays do not affect the Eyes of all Spectators alike ; neither do those which fall upon the Eyes of one Spectator , reach those of another : Seeing it is certain , that he who moves from one place to another , doth set still other and other Stars ; and as upon shifting places , we see other Circles about the Sun or Moon , so likewise different Mock Suns . Moreover , seeing it is certain , that either the Earth or Sun must move , it cannot be but that when the Sun shifts its station , or when the Spectator is whirl'd about together with the Earth , the Angle of Sight must needs be changed , and those Stars which he saw before , will have lost the Latitude under which they appeared to him at first . Whence it is that every Spectator sees such and such Mock Suns , according to the difference of the place , where he is at this or other times . VI. VVhy Mock Suns have commonly long Tails . Mock Suns commonly have a long Tail , of a very bright and refulgent white Colour . The cause is , either the reflexions which are made on the surfaces of the little Icy Bodies which are turned towards the Sun ; or those contrary refractions which the rays suffer in passing through them : Or , it may be , from both these causes together ; as seems to be confirmed by Experience in those small drops of Rain which are about a great Cloud , that hides the Sun from us : For we see that these little drops of Rain , or particles of Snow half melted , receive a bright whiteness , not only by the rays reflected from their surface , but also from those which by penetrating them , do suffer contrary refractions , that is to say , which destry one another . VII . VVhat is the cause of the Suns being sometimes seen at night . Historians assure us , that the Sun hath been sometimes seen at Night , and appeared above our Horizon , when yet it was certainly far under it . The Reason of this strange appearance was this , because there were Clouds made up of little Icy Stars , placed in so high a Region of the Air , as that the rays of the Sun , then below the Horizon , could reach them . For if we do well consider those reflexions and refractions which two or three little Clouds , situate in divers place , and receiving lig●● one from another , can produce , we shall easily apprehend how they may in the night-time exhibit a very strange and unwonted light , and cause , as it were , the Sun to appear above our Horizon , at that time when it is indeed under it ; and the shadows on our Sundials to be nearer or farther off than they ought to be , and consequently point at another hour than it is indeed . VIII . VVhether Mock Suns be the foreboding signs of great Calamities . It is observed that the appearance of Mock Suns have been the fore-running signs of the revolution of Kingdoms , the deat● and mur●er of Princes . Hence it is that almos● all Meteorologists assert , that those six Mock Suns which were seen by the King of Poland , did prognosticate the taking of Francis I. of France at the Battle of Pavia : And that those Mock Suns which appeared in the year 1157. did foretell the great dissention that hapned soon after amongst the Electors , in their choosing of a King of the Romans . It cannot be denied but that after the appearance of Mock Suns , some strange and uncommon effects do frequently happen : But who will say that they proceeded from this Meteor , and not rather by meer accident , and without any the least reference to the same ? Or shall we say that there is such a close Union and near Relation between the Heavenly Bodies , and the Affairs of Mankind , that when ever such and such Meteors appear , such effects must follow in the other ? Sure it is that Mock Suns would appear , tho' no such effects were to follow ; and strange things would happen in the World , tho' no signs in Heaven should usher them in . Or shall we suppose , that Nature will surcease its activity , and natural causes not unite in order to the producing of their effcts ; except Kings wage War , People dispatch their Princes , and overturnings , devastations and slaughtens happen to Governments ? How many Kings leave this world , how many Countries are wasted , when yet no Mock Suns have appeared to give any warning of these Accidents ? If therefore after the appearing of Mock Suns any great Slaughters or Revolutions chance to happen , this cannot seem strange , if we consider the Temper of Men , who are never content with their own condition , but are alway● reaching after that which is anothers . Besides , why should Mock Suns portend such events any more than many other natural Phanomena ? And is it not meerly accidental , that they appear this time rather than another ? What an unaccountable Pride and Vanity is it in Man , to imagin himself to be of that value and consideration , that for his sake Prodigies must be formed in Heaven , that Comets must appear when ever the humour takes him to wage War ; and that Suns must be multiplied , when the great Men of the Earth are at variance together , or some other Emblems must be represented in the Air , when ever they are Sick , or drawing near to their last end ! Pray let us never have so high an opinion and conceit of our selves , as to imagine that all these appearances are formed in the Heavens on purpose to warn us of future events . But let us rather consider that all these are natural effects , which cannot but be formed and appear when ever their causes do concur and meet together . That their appearing but very seldom , cannot in the least conduce to their efficacy , or to render them more considerable : For their Rarity or In●requence doth no more prove them to be Prodigies , than it is an argument that a Lion is a miracle in Nature , because we very seldom see any , or for that they are not so common as other Beasts that are frequent amongst us . The Seventh Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF PLANTS . CHAP. I. Of the Parts of Plants . I. VVhy every Plant hath a Ro●t . EVERY Plant hath a Root , neither is there any supposed to want this necessary part , except only the Indian Plant called Malabathrum , whose Leaves grow spreading upon the Water as if they had not any Root at all . The nec●ssity of this part is obvious from the nature of Plants , to the conservation whereof it is absolutely necessary , that some part of it cleave and stick fast in the Earth . For a Plant with its Root , as with a hand or claw lays hold on the Earth , and by its spreading Fibres takes possession of a part of it . To this may be added that Vegetables make use of their Roots fo● a Mouth , wherewith they suck in their Nourishment out of the Earth . For seeing that the life of Vegetables consists in perpetual motion , their inward moist●re would be soon consumed , except a new supply were continually conveyed to them from the Root . Neither indeed , if the matter be narrowly examined , will the Indian Leaf called Malabathrum , nor the Herb common amongst us , called Duck-weed be found altogether without Roots , whats●ever Antient Writers may have left recorded concerning them : For when we do more narrowly behold these Plants , we shall find them to have a small stalk which reaches to the bottom of the place whence they are taken . And therefore when we dissect a Root , we find parts in it that are as substantially the same with the little Root of the Seed , as the Members of a Man are the same with the Organs of a Birth in the Womb. So that the Root of a Plant seems to be nothing else but a spreading of the Stalk or Stem into several little Branches and Capillaments . Neither doth it contradict what we have here asserted , that Misselto Dodder of Thyme , and others of the same nature , have no Roots that stick in the ground ; for tho' they have none , yet the Plants on which they grow , and to which they are fastned , have theirs fixed in the Earth . II. VVhy straight timber'd Trees are not so lasting as others . Hence it was that DEMOCRITUS was of opinion , that straight Trees were shorter liv'd than crooked ones , forasmuch as their Roots were weaker , and for that the straightness of their Passages or Vessels were not so proper to retain their Aliment . Tho' we find the contrary in the Palm , Fir and Cypress Trees , which tho' they be very straight , yet are long lasting , and that because of their thick and long Roots by which they suck in their Aliment . Book . 2. Part. ● Chap G. Freman . Inv I. Kip To George London of their Majes●ies Royall Garden in St. James-Parke Gent ▪ Deputy Superintendant and Master Gardiner ' of their Majesties-Gardens and Plantations in England . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome The Roots of some Plants grow more thin and slender , as they enter deeper into the ground , and end in a Cone or slender Point , as the Roots of Trees . But the Roots of other Vegetables swell into a round Root , as Turneps , Tulips , Onions , &c. The Reason why the Roots of Trees , and most other Vegetables are slender towards the ends , is because the Juice passing through them , is carried upwards , and abides longer in the upper part of the Plants ; for tho' the heat , by the virtue whereof Nutrition is performed , doth extend it self into all parts , and be carried upwards and downwards , yet it is certain , that it is always more strongly conveyed to the upper parts , than towards the lower ; and therefore seeing that the upper part of Trees doth receive more nourishment , and is longer nourished , it is no wonder if be also bigger and larger , and that the Roots end in a point . But the Roots of Turneps , &c. are Round , because their nourishment is received into the first joint of them , which consisting of several entangled parts , and being endued with narrow pores , the nourishment cannot freely pass or be strained through them , and therefore it is necessary that the said matter be diffused sideways , and that the Fibres which are big and swell'd with juice , spread and enlarge themselves . IV. The Compression of the Earth makes the Roots to grow the faster . If an Herb be cut up by the Roots , and put again into the Earth , and the same be strongly beaten down , and this about the beginning of Winter , the Roots will be found extreamly encreased the following Summer . The Reason is , because moisture having by this means been hindred from entring into the inward parts of the Plant , doth the longer continue in the Root , and dilate the same . And therefore it is common with Gardners after they have sowed Onions and Turneps , to press down the loose Earth round about them with Rowlers or the like . V. Why the Stalks of some Herbs are hollow ▪ Some Plants have hollow Stalks , as all sorts of Reeds , and the Straw of Corn , but with joints . The Reason is , because the Fibres which serve to convey the nourishment , are not derived from the Pith of the Plant , but from the sides of the budding Knot ; which because they withdraw from the middle , and observe a certain distance , do leave a certain space there , and produce a Cavity . Hence it is that in Onions the Pipe is larger about the midst , because the ends of the Fibres spread further from one another , and affect a spherical Figure . For the several Coats of Onions are like so many Leaves , which being broader about the midst , are roll'd together like the surface of a Cylinder . VI. Why the Bodies of Trees are round . Almost all the Bodies or Trunks of Trees have the same Figure , viz. a round one , tho' they differ in length , and other manifold varieties . The Reason of the roundness of the Trunks of Trees , is the same with that of the Roundness of the drops of Liquid Bodies . For as the Coelestial Globuli , by their equal pressing of the parts of water towards their Center , do make them spherical ; so the same Globuli , by dashing against the outside of Trees , drive the same to a Roundness . And tho' Plants be much inferiour in softness to Water , and therefore cannot be so readily figured by the surrounding subtil matter ; yet this doth not hinder but that the same which is done , as it were in a moment , in the parts of Liquid Bodies , may be done in a larger time , and with often reiterated attempts in harder Bodies . So we see that Iron Work which was rough before , becomes smooth'd and polish'd by frequent handling , or even rubbing against ones Cloaths . VII . What is the reason of the hardness of the Barks of Trees . The outward part of the Tree , and which covers it like a Shift , is wont to be harder than its inward Substance . Hence it is that most Trees shed their Bark in the Spring . The hardness of the outside of Trees proceeds from other Bodies that dash against it . For there are innumerable little Bodies , not only of the 1 st and 2 d Element , but also particles of the 3 d Element , which continually push and dash against the surface thereof , and drive all the parts towards the midst . Thus our Hands and Feet by the impulse of other Bodies , do contract a brawny hardness ; likewise so the Crust of Bread , and the surface of Roastmeat , grows hard by the heat of the Fire acting upon it , and much compacter than the inward substance . The reason why Trees in the Spring do lose their Barks , is , because the copious affluence of the alimental moisture , being at that time in greater abundance betwixt the Trunk and the Bark , doth loosen the Glew wherewith they were fastned together . VIII . The Aliment of Trees is not only transmitted through the Pith , nor only between the Bark and the Wood. But for all this , we are not to suppose with some , that all the nourishment of Trees is conveyed betwixt the Bark and the Wood ; or , which is the opinion of others , through the Pith only , but rather both ways ; tho' indeed nothing hinders but there may be a mutual communication or irroration of both these ways with each other . Forasmuch as we see there are some Trees which live and grow , when their Pith is quite consumed , as Wallnut , Willow , &c. as on the other hand there be Trees which grow after that their Barks are taken from them . IX . What is the cause of the great variety of the Leaves of Plants . Almost all the Leaves of Plants differ , and are of different Figures . For some are large and broad , as those of a Gourd ; others small and slender like Hair , as the Pine Tree ; and some thick and fleshy , as in Purslain , &c. The conformation of the Leaves is caused by the different texture of the Fibres , which as they do diversly meet together , and become entangled , or else separate from one another , so they form Leaves of different shape and figure . For tho' the Leaves of all Plants consist of the same parts as their Branches and Trunk doth ( because the thin Skin of the Leaf is nothing else but the enlargement of the thin Skin of the Branch , which partly by the occasion of new parts , and partly by the extension of its former parts becomes spread into that breadth ) yet do they receive their figure from the various disposition of the Fibres . Hence it is that some Leaves are long because their Fibres lie only stretched out in length , others round , when the Fibres display themselves more winding and turning , and so for the rest . For seeing that most of them derive their original not from the Bark alone , but from the inward substance , so it is that Alimentary Juice is differently suck'd and strain'd , according to the disposition of the Navel Knot of the Tree , whence the diversity of the Fibres , and of the figure of the Leaves doth arise . X. Of the different Leaves of Plants . Hence it is that some Plants have long and slender Leaves , as the Willow ; others bent and crooked , like Orris ; others round and hollow , like Navelwart ; some like a Sithe , as Moonwort . So likewise the surface of some Leaves is smooth and shining , as those of the Ivy ; others hairy or downy , as the Malabathrum ; fome curled , as in some sorts of Cabbage ; in some rough , as those of the Fig Tree ; in some stinging and prickly , as the Nettle and Thistle ; and in some the Leaf is nothing else but prickle , as the Juniper Tree . XI . What is the reason of the variety of Leaves that is seen in the same Tree . Neither do the Leaves only of different Trees vary from each other , but even those of the same Tree ; so as it will be hard to find two Leaves on the same Tree that are exactly alike . Who would not think that the Leaves of Olive Trees , above all others , were most exactly like one another ? And yet you 'll find that all of them differ . And the reason is plain , for tho' the Principles whereof they are formed do perfectly agree together , yet for all this similitude there may be a very great difference between them in relation to the magnitude , number or figure of their parts , and in many other Circumstances . XII . Why some Trees keep their leaves all the Winter . So likewise it proceeds from the same cause , that some Trees shed their Leaves in Winter , because when the Pores of the Bark are drawn together by cold , the Alimentary Juice can no longer pass through them . But in those Trees whose Leaves proceed from the Inner Bark or Rind , they are not so apt to fall off , by reason of Cold , but only by the en●rease of the Shoot that proceeds from the Bud or Knob , which takes possession of the Leaves place , and so causeth it to drop off . Hence it is that in Brazile and Aegypt , the Trees are ever Green , nor ever lose their Leaves . XIII . What is the cause of that liquor which in Spring time doth in great abundance proceed from some Trees . There is a certain Liquor or clear Juice , which in the Spring doth in so great abundance mount upwards into the Trees , that it is tapt in great quantity from them , without any prejudice to the Trees , as the Birch . The cause why this Liquor , at the beginning of the Spring , mounts up through those wooden Pipes , called Spiral , is because the Lymphaeducts or Vessels of the Bark , through which it is conveyed all the Summer , begin but then first to be formed : Wherefore seeing it finds no passage this way , it takes its course through the Aiery Vessels . But as soon as the foresaid Lymphaeducts have attained their due consistence and extension , then the Juice returns out of this by-way into the great road , and quitting the Air or Wind pipes , betakes it self to these as its proper Receptacle . XIV . Why Leaves and Fruits , when they have attained their maturity , appear of a Yellow Colour . Leaves and Fruits , when they are come to their full maturity , are of a Yellow Colour . The Reason is , because that after the Juice hath been well strained and concocted in them , their particles become like to those that compose Gold , which are so rough , that they produce such a Reverberation of the Light , wherein the Globuli are less whirl'd round , than they are when they exhibit the appearance of a Red Colour , and more altered than those that represent a White Colour ; which is the reason why their superficies is Yellow . This may be further confirmed by looking upon them through a Microscope , for then their surface appears distinguisht with many rising little Pellets or round Bodies , which leaving great Intervals betwixt them , do cause a great variety in the Reflection of the Light. CHAP. II. Of the Virtues and Efficacy of Plants . I. Some Vegetables are endued with a warming , and others with a cooling virtue . SOME Vegetables have a Warming Virtue , and a power to dilate Bodies , as Coleworts or Cabbage , Capers , Cinamon , Radish , Onions , Rocket , &c. others have a power of Cooling Bodies , and drawing them together , as Barly , Cowcumber , Purslan , &c. The warming virtue that is in Plants consists in this , that their thinnest particles surrounded with the subtil matter , do enter the Pores of the Bodies , and do so penetrate them , and agitate their parts , as to dissolve their texture , and interrupt their continuity . And therefore from this hindered course of the subtil matter , a kind of contest or variance ariseth , and consequently a greater heat , and agitation of the Parts . As may be seen in the mixture of Spirit of Vitriol and Oil of Tartar , which produceth an Ebullition or effervescence , because the accustomed motions of them both are disturbed , and one of them exerts its force upon the other . Again there are other Vegetables which produce Cold , whose insensible particles are of such a make , that they are able to hinder , or lessen the agitation of the parts of our Body . Thus Purslan and Barley are said to be Cold , because their particles are not easily discust by the subtil matter , and because they either altogether stop , or allay the motion of the Vital Spirits . And consequently we may conclude , that the greater particles of the subtil matter are predominant in warm Bodies , but the lesser and weaker in cold ones , because these are less agitated , and more easily reduced to Rest . II. The difference or several degrees of coldness in Plants . Amongst Vegetables , some are cold in the 1 st , others in the 2 d , others in the 3 d , and others again in the 4 th Degree . Coldness in the 1 st belongs to Roses , Violets , Mallows , Barley , Prunes , &c. In the 2 d to Sorrel , Lettice , Plantan , Gourds , Oranges , &c. In the 3 d to Opium , Poppy , Purslan , &c. In the 4 th to Meconium or the juice of the Heads of Poppy and Hemlock , which latter by its extream coldness extinguisheth Life , by stopping the circulation of the Blood. III. Why some Vegetables provoke Lust . Beans , Asparagus , the Roots Satyrion , Parsnips , Rice and such like , do provoke Lust , and encrease Seed . For Seed consists of Blood that hath been very well concocted and strained , and the fore-mentioned Vegetables have the power of agitating , loosening , and so disposing the Organs ▪ appointed for the generation thereof ; that as soon as the Blood comes to those parts , it is readily strained through them , and by this means the quantity of Seed is encreased . Amongst these Earth-nuts or Pig-nuts may also be ckon'd , as producing the same effect . But on the contrary , Lettice , Anice , Hemlock , Purslan and the Seed of Rue diminish Seed , because they , with their particles do obstruct the Pores of those wonderful Strainers ; and besides , by thickning the Blood , make it less fit to be strained . IV. How Purslan restores our Teeth when set on Edge . Purslan cures the Teeth when set on Edge , and restores the Gums to their natural disposition , when by the eating of any sour or harsh things , they are drawn together . The Reason is , because this Numbness of the Teeth proceeds from the particles of sour Bodies , which penetrating through the Gums , draw together the Jaw-bone , and consequently the Teeth themselves . And forasmuch as Parslan aboundeth with Clammy Juice , which as soon as it comes into the pores of the Gums , the foresaid sour and sharp particles stick to them , and are carried off by the Spittle . Salt is also said to produce the same effect ; for when we rub our Teeth with it , it opens the pores of the Gums , whence the Spittle flowing in great abundance , carries those sharp Bodies along with it . Thus the Root of Pellitory of Spain , is often with good success held in the Mouth by those who are troubled with the Tooth-ach , because it draws the humours powerfully into the Mouth together with our Spittle . For it causeth a kind of Salivation , being held in the Mouth only , which may it be it would do both for a longer time , and more copiously , in case it were taken inwardly in a small , but often repeated Dose . V. How some Vegetables make Bodies hard , and others make them soft and flexible . Some Vegetables make Bodies hard and solid ; whereas others make them soft and flexible . Bodies grow hard by the mixture of some Herbs , when the particles whereof they consist , having before been agitated by heat , and separated from one another , are seized by the Juice of these Vegetables ; which entring their Pores , and putting a stop to their Agitation , makes them to come nearer to one another ; for by the operating of their thinner particles , the remaining become so much the closer united together . And on the other hand hard Bodies become flexible , when their particles being separated by heat , a forrein moisture getting between them , keeps them at a distance , and by its interposition makes them flexible . For the softness or pliableness of any Body consists in this , that its parts are divided from one another , and have something running between them . Amongst those Vegetables that are endued with a consolidating virtue Thorough Wax is one . VI. Wherein the Diuretick Virtue of Vegetables doth consist . Some Herbs are endued with a Diuretick Virtue , as the Roots of Fennel , Saxifrax , Smallage , Juniper Berries , Nettles , Bitter Almonds , and the like , which provoke Urin. This faculty in these Plants proceeds chiefly from their heat , because their particles are easily agitated by the subtil matter . For seeing that obstructions are the cause of the retention of Urin , these are endued with a penetrative power , and consequently are proper to remove those obstructions which stop the free course of Urin. For entring into the pores , they attenuate and cut the tough Flegm , and dissipate the grains of Gravel , which before , by means of some slimy moisture stuck together , and carry them off . So that the pores of the Kidneys being loosned by this commotion , the matter contained in them becomes dissolved , and easily passeth through them in order to its evacuation by urinary passages . And the case is much the same with those Herbs that move Womens Courses , by thinning and diluting their stagnating Blood , such as Saffron , Penny Royal and Sage , because by their heat they open the obstructions of those vessels by which the Blood is conveyed to the Womb. And accordingly we find by experience , that almost all Diuretick Plants are hot , as Rhadish , Rocket , Cinamon , &c. VII . Dandelion and Sesel●m provoke Ur●n . Dandelion is reckon'd amongst Diuretick Plants , which by opening of the obstructions of the Meseraick Veins , conveys a greater quantity of Urin into the Bladder , than little Children are able to contain , and so makes them let go their Urin when they are asleep in their Beds : And therefore the name of Pissabed is also given to this Herb. So likewise the Decoction , Juice and distilled water of Seseli or Hart-wort , or the Seed of it in Powder is very efficacious for the moving of Urin , breaking of the Stone and expelling it ; and is to that purpose exhibited to Infants as well as grown Persons . VIII . Why some Herbs cure Griefs and VVounds . Some Vegetables have an Anodyne Virtue , that is , such as mitigates the pains of the Flesh , and heals Wounds . All Adstringent Plants are endued with this virtue , and which consist of Particles like to those of Alome ; which entangling together , and penetrating the inward parts , do suck and draw out the hurtful and superfluous moisture from them ; by which means the part is disposed to admit and receive its due and proper Aliment , so that the Wound by degrees is filled with new Flesh , and so brought to a Scarr . IX . Of Vulnerary Plants . Amongst Vulnerary Herbs are accounted Adders Tongue , which is an excellent Wound-herb , whether inwardly taken , or outwardly applied . The Green Leaves of it do conglutinate Wounds and cure those that are troubled with Ruptures : It is exhibited in the distilled water of Horsetail for the healing of inward Wounds : And some Physicians assure us , that the Powder exhibited for many days together cures all manner of Ruptures . The Herb called Ladies Mantle , is also an excellent Traumatick or Wound-herb , it heals , dries , adstringeth , stops bleeding , and stops the Whites and Courses of Women . The Leaves , Top and Root of this Herb is often added to vulnerary Potions , Plaisters and Ointments . X. Of the use of Styptick or Adstringent Herbs . Thus Marsh mallows , Wheat , the Root of White Lillies and Camomile do asswage pain ; and St. Johns Wort , Mastick , Barley-flower and Birthwort do restore the Flesh in a Wound or Ulcer . Thus Plantan , Pomgranate-shells , &c. have a Glutinating Virtue , because they are Styptick or Adstringent , and consist of such particles which entangle one another , and pressing upon the part that lies under them , do as it were squeeze the superfluous moisture of it . XI . Poppies and Quinces are endued with a virtue te stop fluxes of Blood. Poppies , Quinces , the Juice of Pomegranates , and other such like , stop fluxes of blood . The Reason is , because the particles of these Bodies insinuating themselves into the Pores , do divide the agitated particles of the blood , and by interposing themselves , make a separation between them : So as by this means they are no longer so much agitated as they were , and by this means come closer together . Or else the cause of this effect may be , because the Juice of Pomegranates , for instance , lying upon the mouths of the Veins and Arteries , obstructs their narrow passages , and doth not suffer the Blood to come forth . For we find by experience , that the efflux of blood is stopt by cold ; as when in the bleeding of the Nose we apply cold water to our Temples or Nostrils , or a plate of Iron or a Key to the Nape of our Necks . XII . Of Styptick or Adstringent Plants Horsetail is a powerful Adstringent , and is accordingly used with great success in spitting or vomiting of Blood , stops excessive blood-fluxes , and all othes fluxes of the Belly : For which purpose either the Herb it self may be taken in powder to the weight of one Dram , or of the decoction of it in Wine four Ounces , Morning and Evening , or if three Spoonfuls of the distilled water be drunk for two or three days together . Much the same virtue is also found to be in the Herb call'd Great-water-dock , all the parts whereof , Stalks , Leaves , Flowers , Seeds , but more especially the Roots , do very powerfully adstringe , harden and conglutinate . And therefore this Herb succesfully puts a stop to , and heals all putrefying spreading Sores , as the Rose , whether whole or ulcerated , Ringworms , Fretting , Evils , Gangrenes , &c. And stops all manner of Fluxes of Blood whether of Emrods , or of Womens Courses . XIII . VVhy some H●rbs encrease Milk. Some Herbs conduce much to the encrease of Milk , as Fennel , Poly-mountain , Milkwort , &c. Others encrease Seed , as Sparagus , Pine-nuts , Rice , &c. The former of these help to encrease Milk , because they nourish much ; and therefore being mingled with the Alimental Juice , they open the pores , and remove the obstructions of those passages through which the Chyle is conveyed to the Breasts . For it is certain , that by a slight straining only , the Chyle becomes changed into Milk. And the Reason is much the same as to those Herbs which promote the generation of Seed ; save only in this one thing wherein they differ from the former , viz. that they abound with more Salt , and diffuse a greater heat through the Body . By which means the Organs appointed by nature for the generation of Seed , are more opened , and consequently give a more free passage to the matter . XIV . VVhy VVormwood , Bitter Almonds , &c. destroy VVorms . Wormwood , Bitter Almonds , Hartshorn Philosophically calcin'd , &c. kill Worms and expel them out of the Body of Men. The Reason is , because these Simples are bitter : For Worms delight only in things that are of a sweet taste , and with which they are nourished , as well as they were generated at first from them . For bitter things consist of rough particles , and which on all sides are surrounded with prickles , and consequently entring into the soft and spungy Bodies of Worms , they rend and tear their inwards . And by this means the Worms are killed , or avoiding the said bitter things , are expell'd by Stool , or sometimes tending upwards , are voided at the Mouth or Nostrils . Corallina or the Sea-moss that grows upon Coral is very famous for its efficacy in destroying Worms and expelling them , being given in Powder mixt with Wine , Milk , or the extract of Cassia , to the quantity of half a dram to Children under 14 years of age , and to those who are elder to the quantity of a whole dram . XV. How the qualities of the Herbs that Animals ●eed upon , come to be communicated to their Milk. Nurses Milk oft partakes of the Odor and Taste of the Herbs they have eaten : And it is notorious that Cows according to the difference of the Herbs they feed upon , do give a different Smell , Taste and Colour to the Butter that is made of their Milk. The Reason is , because the Milk is made immediately of the Chyle , and not out of the Blood , which hath been formerly the common opinion . For the Chyle is carried from the Stomach to the Breasts , and by some particular passages is carried from the Guts to the Receptacles of Milk. This is confirmed by the daily practice of Physicians , who give Purges to Nurses , when their Nurslings stand in need of being purged , because the purging quality of the Medicin is communicated from the Chyle to the Milk ; but not to the Blood , which takes a much longer circuit through the windings of the Heart and Arteries , and undergoing several changes , cannot possibly retain the Cathartick Virtue of the Medicines . For how can it be that , when a Nurse drinks Milk ting'd with Saffron , within half an hour after the Milk in her Breasts should be of the same colour , smell , and Taste , if Milk were made of the Blood , and not of the Chyle , which by some secret and short passages , is conveyed to the Breasts ? All which is further confirm'd by that Leaf of Succory which a Surgeon took out of the Breast of a Roman Matron , and which she had eaten the night before . CHAP. III. Of the obvious , or known Qulities of Plants . I. VVhy Vegetables are commonly Green. GREEN is the common colour belonging to Plants , not only to them that are yet young and flourishing , but also to some when they are old and withered . It is evident from what hath been said before , that the nature of Colours depends on the various Reflexion of Light , and the various disposition of the surfaces of those visible Bodies upon which it falls . So that those Bodies are of different Colours , whose outward particles are variously posited , and reflect the Beams of Light to the Eye . Thus the Green Colour we find in growing Plants , proceeds from the copious moisture wherewith they abound , the particles whereof are so mixed with other foreign particles , that they reflect and refract the Light in the same manner as those Bodies do , which in Rivers or standing waters are turned into Moss . And thus according to the various mixture of this moisture with the External matter , a different degree of Greeness is observed in Vegetables . For some of them are of a most deep Green , and such as these abound most with moisture , but their juice is not so exactly percolated as that of some others . Others are of a more pale Green , that is , such whose Leaves are of longer standing , or whose Fruits are come to their full maturity . Because in process of time a great part of the moisture flies away , and the crude or raw Juice being digested by heat , arrives at perfect Ripeness and Concoction . Hence it is that the Leaves of Plants sometimes put on other colours , and become Yellow or Red. II. VVhy the Fruits of Plants are of various colours . And whereas Fruits do very much differ in their colours , Pears and Apples being whitish , Plums yellow , Blue or Purple , Cherries Red or Black ; this proceeds only from the various percolation of their Juices , and the different texture of their parts . For it is apparent that the Juice in an Apple or Pear is first coagulated into Froth , which afterwards becomes a hard Flesh ; whereas in Apricocks , Figs , Cherries and Grapes , the same Juice is turned into a much softer substance . And therefore no wonder if from this different disposition of their particles , such different colours are produced in them . III. Why the Roots of most Plants are white . The Root which lies hid in the ground , is commonly more tender than the other parts of the Plant , and for the most part of a white colour . The Reason is , because the particles of the Juice , which by heat are agitated within the pores of the Roots , endeavour to get out , and accordingly in effect many of them do break their Prison and fly away . But being hindred by the Earth , that lies about them , from going further , they return to the Root again , where undergoing a 2 d Concoction , they make the Root the more tender . And forasmuch as that moisture which imparts a Greenness to the Leaves , is by the warmth of the Earth changed into froth , this makes the Root to look white , because according to the multipliciy of its surfaces , it reflects various parts of Light. Hence it is common with Gardners to cover some Plants with Mould or Sand , as Succory Endive , Cabbage , Leeks , &c. to make them tender , and to give them a white colour . IV. Whence the Odours of Herbs do proceed . Some Vegetables are much more odorous than others : For such as grow in Arabia , and other hot Climates , are of a stronger fragrancy than others ; as appears in Cinnamon , whick keeps its odour for many years . The Reason is , because the odoriferous Steams that proceed from Bodies , do consist of sulphurous or fat matter , which being attenuated by Heat , and reaching the mamillary processes of the Nostrils , doth affect them either softly and pleasantly , or harshly . And forasmuch as those Vegetables which grow in hotter Countries , are more exposed to the Rays of the Sun , which exhale the watry humours , the fat and sulphurous humour only remains , which furnisheth the matt●r of all Odours , and is the more readily conveyed to our Nostrils , as being disentangled from the encumbrances of the watry particles . Now that this fat and sulphurous matter , is that wherein the Odours of Bodies doth consist is evident from hence , because when this sulphurous matter is taken away by distillation , the odour or fragrancy that is in that Body is taken away together with it , as appears in the Caput Mortuum , or remaining Dregs that are left in the Alembick after distillation which hath no scent at all . And therefore it is no wonder , that those Plants are of a stronger scent , whose fat and oleous particles are resolved by heat ; and that those are of a weaker scent , and do less affect our Organs , which grow in moist and wet places . Because their Juice is not throughly digested for want of heat , and the abundance of moisture hinders the due concoction of the sulphurous matter , and keeps it from being dilated and rarefied . Hence it is that such Plants as these do smell more strongly when they are dry , than when moist and green , because then the odorous particles breath forth more freely , as being no longer drowned or entangled in moisture . V. Why Fruits in their progress to maturity change their smell . Fruits have not always the same smell , but change the same according to their several stations : For such as are near their perfect Ripeness , do smell more sweetly than those that are green and unripe . The Reason is , because since odour consists in the dry and thin parts of Bodies , the same is made the more pleasant , and doth more softly affect the Organ of smelling , by how much the matter of the said odorous Steams is more thin and better digested : Which certainly is then , when Fruits are arrived to the pitch of perfect maturity , and ready to be gathered . For then by reason of a long decoction the Juice is more purified , the parts digested , and their perfect percolation advanced . And when this happens , no wonder if copious steams proceed from Fruit at this time , and more pleasant smells than when they are only in their first tendency to maturity . VI. The ca use of the different Taste that is in Fruits . Almost all Fruits are distinguish'd by their Taste , as affecting the Tongue and Palat after a peculiar manner . Some are of a harsh taste , as Sloes ; other of a smart or sharp taste , as Onions , Mustard , &c. some sweet , as Wheat ; some sower , as Sorrel ; some bitter , as Wormwood , Aloes , &c. This difference of Taste in Vegetables , proceeds from the different texture of their particles whereof the Fruit consists , and which entring the Organ of the Taste , do affect the same . For these little Bodies , when they are mixed with the Spittle , have the power of moving the Tongue , and impressing several affections upon it . Wherefore the particles of such Bodies which draw the Tongue together , and make it rough and harsh , are said to be of a harsh or sower and adstringent taste as unripe Fruit. And such whose particles prick the Tongue , and divide it with the sense of a kind of dilating heat , are said to be of a sharp , smart and biting taste , as Pepper , Mustard , Arsmart , &c. Those which smooth the Tongue , and pleasantly affect , are called sweet , as Licorish , &c. Those which prick the Tongue , and affect it with a constringent sensation of cold , are called sharp and styptick , as Cypress Nuts , the Rind of Pomegranates . Such as impress a kind of dryness upon the Tongue , are called bitter , as Aloes , Coloquintida , the Lesser Centaury , Wormwood , &c. So that the whole difference of these Bodies consists only in this , that their particles are of a different magnitude , and vary also in their Figure , Motion , Hardness , Lightness and several other ways . VII . Why the smoak of Tobacco seems sweet after the tasting of Vitriol . Thus we find by daily Experience , that when a Man hath tasted Vitriol before his taking a Pipe of Tobacco , the smoak will seem as sweet to him as Hony , and with a pleasant tickling will affect his Organ of Taste ; because the styptick or adstringent saline particles that are in the Vitriol , being impregnated with the sulphureous particles evaporated from the Tobacco , do produce a sweet Taste . VIII . Why Garlick and Onions lose their bitterness by boyling . Some Fruits do change their Tastes , so as that those which before were biting and bitter , become sweet and grateful ; thus Garlick and Onions , being boiled in water , lose their Acrimony . The Reason is , because the Taste of Fruits consists in their stiff and pricking saline particles . And therefore Garlick and Onions become sweet and pleasant when they are boil'd , because the fire opening their pores , makes way for the saline particles to exhale . Hence it is also , that all Fruits , as they ripen , grow sweeter ; forasmuch as upon the evaporating of their moisture , their salt Armoniack and other volatil saline particles fly away , leaving these only behind them that procure a sweet Taste to the Fruits . And it is for the same reason that Garlick and Onions , being soaked in boiling water , acquire a milder Taste , viz. because the particles of Salt that were in them are dissolved by the water , and being intangled with it , do evaporate into the Air. Thus the Root of Arum , when new took up out of the Ground , is of an extream smart , biting and pungent Taste , but being dried , and especially being long kept so , becomes insipid , and consequently inefficacious and of little or no virtue . CHAP. IV. Of the Ocoult Qualities of Plants . I. Wherein the Purgative Virtue of Plants doth consist . THE Occult Qualities of Plants , are generally such as belong to Medicin , and are di●●ernible by Reason , rather than by the Senses . Amongst these we will first speak of the Purgative Virtue or Quality wherewith several Plants are endued , and by means whereof they expel excrementitious and corrupt humours out of the Body by siege . Thus Rhubarb and Scammony purge Choler ; Sena , Polypody of the Oak , Dodder of Thyme , Hellebor , &c. Black Choler or Melancholy ; Carthamus or Wild Saffron , Agarick , Herb Mercury , Spurge , and the several sorts of it , Phlegm and watry Humours ; Fumitory , Cassia Fistula , Prunes , Bugloss , purge and cleanse the Blood from its dregginess . The Opinion of the Antient Physicians was , that Medicins that are endued with a purgative virtue , exert the same by a likeness of substance to those Humours they attract and expel out of the Body . And therefore GALEN who made the purging virtue of Simples to consist in attraction , Simpl. Lib. 3. asserts a similitude between the substance that purgeth , and that which is purged : So that Purging Medicins , according to his Opinion , do pick out some particular humour , which they expel out of the Body , viz. some , Choler ; others , Phlegm ; some , Melancholy ; &c. But I cannot be induced to comply with this opinion , seeing that daily experience teacheth that the Melancholy Humour which is tough and clammy , is expelled by Cassia and Coloquintida , which have no affinity at all , or likeness of substance with that Humour . So likewise the watry or serous humours of Persons afflicted with the Dropsie , are evacuated by Aloes and Rhubarb , when yet there is no similitude between their substance and that of the Moisture they expel . II. There is no need of this similitude between the Medicins and Humours they evacuate . But if we examin this point more narrowly , we shall find that contraries are rather cured by contraries . For what Physician doth not know that the detersive quality that is in Wormwood consists in its sulphurous Spirit ; that the Roots of Plantan and Bugloss do thicken thin Choler by the clammy consistence of their Juices ; that all the Sorrels , Juice of Limons , and all Acids do thin and cool the Blood , and allay its Fury , not with adust Sulphur , but with their acid and cold Spirits ? Besides infinite other Simples , which either by softning or asswaging do purge those Humours with which they have no similitude at all . III. Purgative Plants exert their efficiency by fermentation . Conclude we therefore , that Purging Med cins expel corrupt humours by fermentation in this manner : The Medicament as soon as it is taken into the Stomach , doth there meet with a sharp humour , which flows from the Heart through the Arteries , whereby , as with an Aqua-Fortis it is dissolved : But forasmuch as it is of a different substance from the said Juice , and therefore doth not mingle with it without difficulty , the Juice by means of the Medicin , begins to swell and ferment ; as we see that Wine doth , by reason of its Sulphureous Lees , or by the mixture of some Heterogeneous Substance with it . Afterwards this Medicament is carried to the Lacteal Veins , and from thence to the common Receptacle detected by Pecquet , and thence to the Ductus Thoracicus or Breast-passage , and so is conveyed into the left Axillary Vein where it is confounded with the Blood. But because by reason of the Heterogeneousness of its Parts it cannot be united with the Blood , therefore it joins it self with the Choler , Phlegm , or other Humour lurking in the Blood. And forasmuch as it is carried with the Blood throughout the whole Body , it doth in its passage twitch and prick the parts , whereupon they become contracted , and squeez out the humours that were lodged in the Vessels belonging to the said parts . Now while all the parts of the Body do thus successively expel these humours , and they find no refuge for themselves in the Veins , they are driven towards the Stomach and Guts , which they irritate to expulsion , and so are evacuated with the common excrements of the Food . Thus according to the difference of the Plants , different Humours are expelled ; as Choler by Scammony , Phlegm by Coloquintida , Melancholy by Black Hellebor ; Black Choler , so called , by Dodder of Thyme , Sweat by Sarsaparilla , &c. IV. VVhat is the cause of the Vomitive Virtue of some Plants . Some Vegetables excite Vomiting , and evacuate Humours by the Mouth ; as the middle Bark of Wallnut-trees , Coloquintida , Broom Leaves , Nux-vomica , &c. The virtue of these Vegetables is not much unlike that of Purging Medicaments , save only in this , that their operation is more swift , by exciting a quicker Fermentation . Corrupt Humours therefore are expelled by Vomit , when the Stomach being vellicated or twitched by the particles of the Medicament , becomes so contracted and drawn together , that it can no longer contain the matter that is in it , and consequently drives forth the Humours that oppress it . And therefore it is dangerous to exhibit Vomiting Medicaments to those who are troubled with the Pthisick or Consumption , or that have strait Chests , lest the Stomach should not have room enough to display it self in vomiting , or by a too violent compression of its Fibres should occasion a dangerous Convulsion . This vomitive virtue is found in the Herb Groundsel ; the Juice whereof being taken in Beer , or the decoction of it in Water with Currans or Hony , affords a gentle Vomit . So the Water of a certain Thistle called Silybum , being drunk causeth vomiting : And the Root of the Herb Thapsia , as well as the Juice or Decoction thereof , doth purge upwards and downwards with great violence , and therefore is not safe to be given inwardly . V. Of the different virtues that are in Plants . Some Plants cure the Diseases and Griefs of some parts : Thus Betony , Hysop , Maiden-hair , &c. are good for the Head ; and particularly Sweet Marjerom do help the cold affections of the Head and Brain , which way soever it be taken ; the Powder of the dried Herb snuft up , provokes Sneezing , evacuates Phlegm and stregthens the Brain ; and the same effect is caused by the Juice of the Herb snuft up . Borrage , Angelica , Bugloss and Balm , strengthen the Heart , and remove the Distempers of it : Wormwood , Sage and Anniseed are good for the Stomach . Thus Endive and Succory are appropriated to the Liver , and afford a most excellent Remedy to remove the Heat of the Liver or its obstructions , which way soever it be taken , whether the Leaves of them be eaten raw or boyled , or the Juice , distilled Water or Decoction of them ; and therefore greatly commended in Fevers . The Reason of all these manifold virtues is to be lookt for in the different texture of their parts . For seeing that the disposition of the parts of the Head , Heart , Stomach and Liver is different , they must consequently be cured by different Remedies . Now Bodies , according to their various Figures , produce also various effects . Thus subtil and thin Bodies are aperitive or opening ; thick Bodies , incrassate ; sharp and biting are abstersive , and cutting or inciding . VI. VVhy the Odour of Herbs sometimes performs the same effect which the substance of the Herb taken doth produce . There are some , who with the smell of Herbs or Drugs , are purged , much after the same manner as if they had taken a purging Medicament inwardly . Thus I knew an English Gentleman in Flanders , who when ever he passed by an Apothecaries Shop , was moved to go to Stool , as if he had taken a Purge . The Reason of this was , because the particles flowing from the Purgative Drugs or Medicins , did so agitate the Brain , and consequently the Nerves of this Person , that thereby they put the Humours in the same motion , as might have been expected from a purging Medicin ; viz. by the rushing of the Spirits against the Fibres of the Stomach and Guts . VII . VVhy Cats are so much delighted with Catmint . Cats take a very particular pleasure in Catmint , tumble themselves over it , and seem wonderfully pleased with the touching of it . The Reason is , because Catmint consists of such particles as have a great sympathy and agreement with the Brains of Cats : For seeing that Beasts are not led by Reason or Judgment , but by a meer impulse of Nature , or rather by the disposition or make of their Organs , they cannot but be allured by those objects that present themselves to them ; which could not be , except some steams did proceed from them , with the scent whereof they are affected . Wherefore we may conclude that in Catmint there is such a Texture of Fibres , as hath a great agreement and correspondence with that of the Brains of Cats . VIII . VVhy a piece of Pompion being put into a Pot wherein Flesh is boyling , makes the same tender . A piece of Pompion put into a Pot in which Flesh is boyling , doth make the same more tender than ordinary . The Reason is , because the Pompion abounds with strong Spirits , and a sowrish Juice : Now it is manifest that all sowr things are endued with a resolving virtue , which daily experience shews us concerning Vinegar . And PLINY assures the same concerning sharp pointed Docks , viz. that being boyld with Flesh , it makes it more soft and tender ; because its sharp and corroding quality doth dissolve the Texture of the Fibres . IX . The same virtue is also found in the Herb Patience . The same virtue is by Botanists attributed to Hippolapathum or Patience , which renders the oldest and toughest Flesh , when boyl'd with it , tender and fit to be eaten . For this Herb being of a slippery and moist nature , it makes the oldest and toughest Beef , or any other Meat , soft and tender . And for this reason the use of it was very frequent amongst the Antients , because it renders the Meats boyl'd with it , easie to be concocted , and besides , makes the Body soluble . X. VVhy some Plants are of a deleterious quality , and kill living Creatures . Some Plants are endued with a pernicious power of killing Animals . Thus the Herb Napellus , which is a kind of Wolfsbane , doth by its extream heat burn the Body , and scorch and consume the firmer parts of it . This effect is also to be attributed to the figure and motion of Plants , by means whereof they exert their virtues , and perform those effects we are surprised at . For it is most consentaneous to reason , that the parts whereof Poisons consist , are very stiff , penetrating , hard , and armed with Prickles : In the same manner as we find by the Microscope that Nettles are armed with an infinite number of prickles ; wherefore such Bodies as these being fermented in the Stomach , and mingled with the various Humours therein contained , doth excite a very violent Ebullition , especially when it is conveyed out of the Vena Cava into the left Ventricle of the Heart , and from thence into the right . For its heat being here encreased , it breaks forth with extream violence , and rushing upon the inward parts , doth with its sharp points and prickles penetrate , corrode and tear their substance . XI . Hemlock kills by its great coldness , and Scammony choakes men by drawing of the VVind-pipe together . Again , there are other Plants which are of a contrary virtue , and which kill Animals by their coldness , as Hemlock , which kills People , or makes them go mad or sensless ; and Scammony which doth so draw the Wind-pipe together , that it sometimes choaks and kills Men. The efficacy of these Plants consists in this , that they stop the circulation of the Blood , and suppress the Native Heat ; for seeing that the motion of the Blood is smooth and easie , as passing through all the parts of the Body with an even Course , when ever cold , or slowly moved Bodies do enter into the mass of it , they disturb and confound the motion thereof , and dull or diminish the heat of the Plants : And being through the Veins carried to the Heart , they cool it , and reduce it to a kind of lukewarmness . For whether the agitation of the particles of the Poison , be contrary to the motion of the Blood , or whether the slowness of their motion do destroy its heat , still the same effect will follow , if by their entring into the Heart a change is made , and the Orifices through which the Blood is conveyed thither , be never so little obstructed . For no other reason can be assigned why the eating of Hemlock , makes persons mad or sensless , but because the said Herb taken inwardly , causeth disorderly twitchings or vellications of the Brain , by which means the Spirits are hindred from their natural and due motion through the Fibres of it . XII . How the Plague is propagated . Thus Phycitians tell us , that when the Air is corrupted by noxious exhalations , the Plague and other Epidemical Diseases are produced ; for the particles of the Pestilential Steam being taken in with the Breath , and insinuating themselves into the Blood , do confound the natural ranging of its particles : Even as the Rennet when mingled with Milk , and diffused through the substance thereof , doth so change the ranging of its parts , as to make a fixt Body of that which was fluid . XIII . The Root of the Tree Baxana is present Poison . And probably it is for no other reason , that the Root of a certain Tree called Baxana , growing in a Kingdom belonging to the Dominions of the Great Mogul , doth immediately cause death to them that take it , by stirring up a sluggish drowziness or heaviness over the whole Body ; but because as soon as it enters into the Blood , it doth by its coldness allay the heat of the Heart , and by this means diminish the heat that is in the extream parts of the Body , and afterwards by degrees cools the Blood that is in the Veins and Arteries , whereby soon after the Heart it self is seised and nummed . But what is most wonderful is that Historians tell us , that the Fruit of the said Tree is altogether harmless , and is safely eaten by the Inhabitants ; the reason whereof probably is , because the Fruit is better concocted by the heat of the Sun , and the cold Humours discust and exhaled . XIV . Hemlock is not hurtful to all living Creatures . Neither is Hemlock always hurtful to all living Creatures : For Starlings , if we may believe GALEN , do commonly feed upon it , and without receiving the least hurt thereby . And some Anatomists tell us , that they have found the Crop of a Bustard full of Hemlock Seeds , which had only 4 or 5 grains of Wheat mingled amongst them . And the Poet LUCRETIUS adds , Thus with cold Hemlock Goats we fatted see , Tho' it to Man a present Poison be . Wherefore it appears that Hemlock is not deadly to all Animals ; seeing that the use of it inwardly is commended by Modern Physitians in the Swelling and Inflammation of the Spleen , as the Juice of it is an ingredient in Splenick Plaisters to soften the hard swellings thereof . XV. VVhence VVild Fig-trees hath the power of taming a mad Bull A Mad Bull is tamed by tying a twig of the Wild Fig-tree to his Neck ; and the same virtue is also attributed to the Herb oen●theris . This may come from the Steam proceeding from that Plant , which being diffused through the Wild Bulls Brains , doth so affect the Nerves thereof , as to cast him into a stupidity or numness , whereby he loseth all his strength . The same is related by some concerning the Lion , that as soon as he is but toucht with the Herb Adamantis , he lies with his Mouth open upon his Back , as having quite forgot his wonted strength and fierceness . XVI . VVhence some Herbs have a virtue of resisting Poison . Some Herbs are endued with a virtue against Poison , and therefore are called Antidotal , or Alexipharmacal . Thus Purslain cures the biting of Serpents ; Endive that of Spiders . Wine resists the cold Poison of Hemlock . And besides these , Marygolds , Carduus Benedictus , Angelica , Rue , &c. do powerfully resist Poisons , and break the force of them . The Reason is , because these Plants consist of such parts as have a great affinity with the particles of those poisons which they overcome , and therefore easily join with them ; and by this means do by their interposition break the force of them , and change the ranging and figures of those Bodies , which without their conjunction , do fix and coagulate the Blood. For hot things do easily discuss and overcome the violence and malignity of cold Poisons ; and therefore the Publick Executioner adviseth Crito , that he should not suffer Socrates to dispute too earnestly , lest his Body should be too much heated , SCALIGER Exercit. 52. Moreover cold Plants also are found to be of use for the curing of cold Poisons , by drawing them out of the Body ; because when the Blood is coagulated by cold , it is dissolved again by the supervening liquor , and its nimblest particles are put into motion again ; and both of them being thus confounded together , are variously agitated , and at last thrust together out of the Body . CHAP. V. Of the Sympathy and Antipathy of Plants . I. VVhy the Female Palm-tree delights in the Neighbourhood of the Male Palm . THE Female Palm-tree seems to delight in the nearness of the Male Palm , and becomes more fruitful by standing in its Neighbourhood ; and therefore inclines her Top and Branches that way ; and being removed farther from the Male Palm , languisheth , and sometimes withers and dies . The Reason of this sympathy between both these sorts of Palm trees , is a certain steam which proceeds from the Male Palm to the Female , which abounds with a seminal and faecundating virtue , and insinuating it self into the Female Plant , make her more flourishing and fruitful . For it seems that in this case it happens with the Palm-tree , as with Hens , which lay Eggs indeed without the Cocks Treading , but yet the said Eggs cannot be animated or become prolifick , tho' the Hen sit never so long Brooding upon them . So Herbs being endued with a vegetating virtue , as well as Animals , which propagate themselves by a moist Seed , do transfuse the generating virtue and vital spirit from one to another by mutual embraces , and this by a tacit consent of nature , and are cherished , animated , flourish , and produce Fruits and Seeds by a hidden and secret inspiration . II. VVhy Cucumbers and Gourds have such an aversion from Oyl . Cucumbers and Gourds have an antipathy against Oyl ; so that when ever it is put to them , they seem to turn away from it . The Reason is , because the Effluvia that proceed from Oyl , consist of such particles , as do with their sharp prickles and points run into them , and cause their Fibres thereby to be contracted , so as that they seem to avoid , or withdraw themselves from the Oyl . III. VVhy the Ivy hath an Antipathy against a Vine . The same Antipathy is found between the Ivy and the Vine , insomuch that a Cup made of Ivy will not admit of Wine . For if we may believe CATO , if a Cup be made of Ivy , and be filled with Wine , if the same be mingled with Water , immediately the Wine will run out of the Cup. And it was probably for this cause that the Ivy-tree was consecrated to Baechus , forasmuch as it resists Drunkenness , and removes pains of the Head , caused by too much drinking of Wine . IV. VVhy Cabbage is said to be an Enemy to the Vine . Cabbage is said to abhor the neighbourhood of the Vine : And Rue to be an Enemy to Hemlock . One Plant is said to be friendly or inimical to another , not by reason of any Sympathy or Antipathy that is between them : For such a concord or enmity is not to be found among Plants ; but on the contrary when one Plant is nourished with the same kind of Juice that another is , their Neighbourhood becomes hurtful to one another , because then the one robs the other of his due Aliment . But if two Plants are maintained by a different Juice , then they are said to sympathize together , as Rue flourisheth , when planted near to a Fig-tree , because they draw a contrary Aliment from the Ground ; the one of them taking in a moisture which gives it a sweet taste , and the other such as affords it a bitter taste . And it is for the same Reason that a Rose-tree which grows near Garlick , brings forth sweeter scented Roses than that which is in the neighbourhood of other Plants , because the noisome and offensive Juice being suckt in by the Garlick , the purer and more fragrant Juice is left for the Rose-tree . V. Why some Herbs avoid touching . The Live Plant so called , to which the Arabians and Persians give the name of Suluc or Saluc ; and to which Philosophers have given the Title of Chaste or Shamefac'd , if whilst it is Green it be touched never so slightly with ones hand , or be never so little squeez'd with ones finger , it presently starts back , and contracts it self ; but no sooner is the hand of him that toucheth it withdrawn , but it returns again to its natural posture . And THEOPHRASTUS tells us , in the 4 th Book of his Histories , Chap. 3. that there was a Tree growing about Memphis in Egypt , which to outward appearance was thorny and prickly , and its Leaves resembled Fern , the Branches whereof beiong touched , the Leaves immediately fall and wither , and afterwards recovering their strength , rise again and return to their former state , as is exprest in the Figures . HENRICUS REGIUS , in the 4 th Book of his Natural Philosophy , endeavours to give a reason of this Miracle ; supposing in the first place this Plant to be of a very tender and pliant substance , which upon the least touch is wounded and bruised . 2 dly , That there are some inward Nerves or Fibres marked 1. 1. wider than other outward ones , signed 2. 2. by which means the steams proceeding from the Earth T. are in more abundance sent up into the upper Fibres of the Leaves b b , than into the lower c c. For when a Hand toucheth the upper part of the Leaves about d d of the Figure A , the Spirit contained in those parts , are by the inward Nerves 1. 1. carried downwards , and consequently open the Flap Doors and Pores that are about 5 5 , and pass out of the wide Nerves into the narrower 2 2. And forasmuch as they cannot go downwards , because they are hindred by the upward tending Flappets 6 6 , they ascend , and in their ascent shut the Flappets 4 4 , opening from the narrower Nerves to the wider , and thus necessarily pass to the inward Muscles or Fibres c c , and blowing them up , draw the Leaves downwards , as far as the Joint marked .... reacheth , according to the situation and figure expressed Figure A and B. But afterwards when those Leaves are bent or prest downwards , and that the Hand be removed again from the Herb , then the said steams do move more copiously out of the Earth T through the inward and wider Nerves 1 1 , and the ascending Flappets 3 3 , than through the outward and more narrow 2 2 , into the Stalk , and therefore first shut the Flappets that are about 5 5 , and that lead from the wider and inward Nerves , to the outward 2 2 ; and proceeding further , enter into the Muscles of the Leaves b b , and blowing them up , do somewhat lift up the Leaves d d that before were prest down ; and by this their lifting up of the Leaves do press those steams which are in great abundance in the lower Muscles of the Leaves b b ; which being pressed , do open in the narrow Nerves 2 2 , the Flappets 4 4 that lead from the outward Nerves to the inward , and pass into the broader and more inward Nerves 1 1 ; and there forasmuch as by reason of the copious exhalations ascending from the Earth T , and shutting the Flappets 5 5 , which lead towards the narrow Nerves , they can neither descend , nor pass sideways , they are by those copious exhalations , which continually ascend into those wider nerves , necessarily determined , to the upper Muscles of the Leaves b b ; and entring into them , together with steams that ascend out of the Earth through the broader Nerves , they lift up the upper parts b b of the Leaves that are filled with these copious exhalations , but emptied with respect to their inward parts c c , and so reduce them to the same situation they had before , and the same that is expressed in the Figures . VI. Another Explication of the contraction of Leaves of the Sensitive Plant. But this contraction of the Leaves may also assigned to Cold. For the coldness of the Finger represseth the spreading motion of the Juice in the Nerves , and in a good measure stops the influence thereof ; whereupon the Fibres do immediately contract or draw in themselves , and at the same time bend the Leaves downwards : After the same manner as we find that Cold doth condense and wrinkle the Skin of our Body , whereas on the contrary , Heat doth extend the same . And the Lappets of the Leaves are drawn inwardly together , because probably the upper Fibres of the Nerves are drier , and consequently are more readily and sooner contracted ; and the lower Fibres softer , and therefore do more easily give way to be extended . Now that this contraction is caused by Cold , may be gathered from some Flowers , which shut themselves in the night , as Marygolds , Succory and Woodbind-Flowers . So likewise we read of a Plant , the least stalk whereof , if it be wounded with a Knife , immediately the Flowers fall from it , because of the contraction or shrinking of the cut Nerves to which the Flowers are fastned . VII . Why the Pudefitan Tree abhors the Breath of Man. Some Historians tell us of a Tree called Pudifetana , which cannot so much as endure the breath of Man. The Reason of this may be , because the particles of the exhalation are so strongly driven against this Plant , that its tender Nerves are thereby dissolved , and their Texture disturbed , As we find that the tender Bodies of Children become sometimes infected by the Breath of an Old Woman . VIII . Of a Tree in Japan , that hath sympathy with Iron . Travellers who have visited the Island of Japan , do make mention of a certain Tree , which hath such a friendship with Iron , that if a Branch of it be lopt off , it may be joined and fastned to it again , by means of a Nail struck through it into the Tree , and flourish again as much as ever . Yea if the Tree begin to decline or wither , it presently recovers as soon as filings of Iron are laid to the Roots of it . Supposing this Relation to be true , this effect does seem to be attributable to nothing else but to the indented particles of Iron , which do open the pores of the Root , and so cause the Alimentary Juice to pass up more freely into the Stem of the Tree . And forasmuch as some of these particles do continually break forth from the Iron of the Nail that is struck through the Branch , no wonder if by this means , the obstructions are taken away , and the ready passage of the Juice be furthered . IX . Why Maidenhair and Cabbage cannot endure water . Maidenhair and Cabbage seem to abhor water , and to keep it off from themselves . And therefore if they be dipt in water they do not grow wet , but are taken up out of the water as dry as when they were dipt in . The Reason is , the great smoothness of their surface , which is such , that it will not suffer any water to stick to it . For water cannot stick to any Body , except its surface have some small roughness or wrinckles , wherein the liquor may stick and be intangled . Hence it is that all fat and greasie things can admit of no water to stick to them , because Fat hath a very smooth surface , and doth render those things smooth that are besmeared with it . Or this quality in Maidenhair and Cabbage whereby they reject water , may be attributed to a very thin Down that covers their Leaves , such as we see there is in some Fruits , which gather all the drops of water upon their points , and keep them rounded there , so that they cannot penetrate any deeper , nor wet them except after a long lying in water . X. Why Water Mallows seem to have an Antipathy against Lead . A Man that hath dipt his hand in the Juice of the Root of Water-Mallows , Purslain and Herb Mercury , may put it into melted Lead , and receive no hurt thereby . This proceeds from the natural coldness of these Juices , and also from the clammy thickness of them , which covers the hand as it were with a skin , and hinders it from being touched by the melted Lead . To which may be added , that they leave also a great smoothness upon the skin , which makes the Lead immediately to glide from it , so that the heat of it hath not leisure to penetrate the pores of it . XI . How Dittany draws any Iron Weapon out of a wound . So great is the sympathy betwixt Dittany and Iron , that upon the touch of it Iron Weapons drop out of the Wound of any living Creature . According to what TULLY tells us in his 2 d Book de Natura Deorum : It is reported that the Goats in Crete , when they are wounded with Arrows , do seek for the Herb Dittany , which they have no sooner tasted , but the Arrows drop out of their Bodies . Some have supposed this effect to be caused by a kind of Magnetical Virtue in Dittany , whereby it attracts Iron ; but daily experience hath convinced this conceit of falsity . For this Herb when applied to Iron , exerts no Magnetical Virtue at all upon it . Conclude we therefore rather , that Iron Weapons drop out of the Body upon the eating of this Herb , because it makes the Wound wider , and opens the Orifice by its agitation of the parts of it ; so that by this means the Iron either drops out , or is easily pulled out with the least touch . To which may also be added the force or impulse of irritated Nature , which beiong assisted with the particles of the Herb , or some Effluvia proceeding from it , doth endeavour to thrust out that which is hurtful to it . XII . Wild Pennyroial is a great enemy to the Rattle-Snake . Those that have lived in Virginia tell us , that a sort of Wild Pennyroyal grows there , which is so hateful to a Serpent called the Rattle-Snake , that if the bruised Leaves be but held to the Nostrils of this Serpent for about half an hour , it infallibly kills it . And therefore this Snake is never found in those places where this Herb grows . XIII . There is no such virtue in Plants whereby they can chase away Devils . There are no Plants that have the power of driving Devils away . For Bodily Substances cannot exert any activity upon Spiritual or Immaterial Ones . And tho' some Herbs are applied to persons possest , in hope to yield them some relief , yet must not we conclude from thence , that they have any power against the Devils themselves , for the reason above-mentioned . CHAP. VI. Of the Original of Plants . I. Whether Plants grow without Seed . IT is believed that some Plants grow of themselves without Seed ; such as Asarabacca which grows sometimes upon Walls ; and a kind of Maidenhair which grows on the sides of Wells and near moist places . Besides , many other Herbs which of themselves sprout out of the mould that hath been deep dug out of the ground . II. The opinion of the Cabalists . They who attribute the virtue of inferiour things to the Stars , and suppose that nothing can be done upon Earth , without the concurring help of the Heavenly Influences , refer the original of Plants to the Sun , or any of the other Planets or Stars , as making them the Authors of all Sublunary Generations . And therefore such as these are of the opinion of the Cabalists who precisely assert , That there is no Herb or Plant here below , which hath not his Star in the Firmament , which strikes with its Rays , and bids it grow . But having before treated to the power of the Stars , and taken it for granted that our Modern Philosophers are not so weak as to attribute all particular effects to general Causes , we must look out elsewhere for the Original of Plants . III. The opinion of some Philosophers . Some are of opinion , that all Plants spring from the fortuitous meeting of some Earthly particles , as when the insensible parts of the Earth being agitated in the upper Crust of the Ground by the subtil matter do acquire such a figure , together with such a situation and motion , as is necessary for the first formation of the Plant : And from whence , as to the foundation , all the other parts afterwards are reared , whilst the Nutritious Juice mounting up through this first Rudiment of the Plant , doth dilate the parts , and assigns a certain figure to them . They suppose indeed that the Generation of Plants is somewhat Analogous to that of Animals , viz. when Plants do arise or spring from a Seed sown : Because the Seed in this case resembles the Egg of Animals , as confisting of a Bud , a Shell , Membrans , and a Yolk . Yet with this difference , that the distinction of Sexes is not requisit to the generation of a Plant , because every Plant gives forth its Seed in the Fruit it produceth ; which Seed doth not stand in need of a Womb to receive and cherish it , since the Fruit it self supplies that place . But yet for all this they suppose also that Plants may be Generated without either Root or Seed . IV. Herbs sometimes grow on the surface of the Sea-water . For they observe with the Antients , that Herbs grow on the top of the Sea , and that these are the product or effect of the coagulated Sliminess of the Water , wherein the heat of the Fire is most predominant , and the Sea moves more slowly than in other parts of it . Yea there are some who have made it their observation more than once , that Herbs have sprung out of Snow that hath been kept a long while , which Herbs they have found to be of a bitter Taste . Neither can this be any matter of so great wonder to us , when we find that Worms , not much unlike those which are generated in our Bodies , are sometimes generated out of Snow , as some ingenious persons in Germany have lately observed . V. From calcin'd Earth several Plants have been produced . Others again have observed , that Herbs have sprung forth from burnt or calcin'd Earth , especially after it hath been watered with a copious Shower . Because by the power of Heat , the particles of Bodies are as it were let out of their prisons , and joining variously together , do form the Rudiments of Plants ; which the moisture doth further unite and work together . Now that in this Earth the Seeds of Vegetables lie hid , may be gathered from this , that if after it is burnt it be exposed to the Air and Rain again , it brings forth divers Vegetables . VI. By what means a Wood could spring up without the sowing of any Seeds . Historians tell us , that a great Wood sprung up out of the ground in Cyrene , after the falling of great and copious Showers , which extended it self to many miles . And THEOPHRASTUS Histor. Lib. 6. Cap. 3. says that a famous Tree called Laser ( which PLINY reckons amongst one of the excellent gifts of Nature , as being of great use in many Medicinal Compositions , and strengthning concoction in Old Men and Women ) sprang out of the Earth in those parts , after a shower of Rain , whereas before it had been there altogether unknown . Some imagine that this great Wood and useful Tree did not spontaneosly , or of themselves spring out of the ground , but from Seeds carried thither by the Winds . But they suppose there is no necessity to grant this , forasmuch as THEOPHRASTUS tells us , that the ground in Crete can scarcely be turn'd up , but that Cypress Trees do spring up from it , and this not from any foreign Seeds conveyed thither , but because the ground there abounds with particles , which , when exposed to the Air and agitation of the Sun Beams , do form the Rudiments of those Trees . And the reason , say they , why the same doth not happen in other ground , is because the particles of Seed , cannot be so mingled and grow together , as is necessary to form the first organization of those Plants . For it is a thing notorious beyond all dispute , that every ground is not proper to bring forth all manner of Plants ; for we see that those Plants which grow in great abundance in both the Indies , Brasile , Arabia , &c. will not grow in England or Flanders , or other northern parts of the World. Yea in one and the same Country some Plants grow in one part , and not in the other of it , according to the peculiar quality and disposition of the ground . So that they suppose that Woods may be generated , not only by the industry of Man , or by Seeds carried by the Winds , but from particles found in the ground , which by heat may be so disposed , as to shoot up into different Plants . VII . Hedg Mustard grows without Seed . Wherefore it cannot seem strange that on the Dikes that are cast up in the Isle of Ely for the draining of the Fenny Grounds such vast quantities of Mustard Seed should grow , tho' never any known in the memory of men to have grown there before . So likewise after the Dreadful Fire of London great quantities of the Narrow Leav'd Neapolitan Hedge-Mustard was known to grow in the Ruins of this City , according to the relation of many Credible Authors , whereas for many hundreds of years the ground had been built with Houses , nor ever any such Herb was known to grow there , so that it must be concluded , that either this Herb did grow of it self there , or that it grew up from Seeds that had so long been hid in the ground , which none will easily admit . VIII . How Plants grow upon the tops of Houses and Rocks . But all difficulty will be removed as to this point , if we consider how Plants grow upon Walls , the tops of Houses and Rocks : To which places it is not easie to be conceived how any Seeds should be conveyed ; and therefore it seems most obvious to conclude , that they proceed from large and plentiful Showers , which leave some slimy matter upon the said Walls and Rocks , which being cherished and assisted by the Suns Prolifick Heat doth bring forth Herbs . It cannot be doubted , but that many particles of the Earth do mingle themselves with the steams that do continually ascend from it ; which afterwards when the said steams or vapors are turned into Rain , fall down again , and cleave to rough Bodies , and when the water is again rarefied into vapor , do remain behind upon the said Bodies in the form of Slime or Mud , out of which afterwards many Plants do bud . IX . All Plants proceed from Seeds . But notwithstanding all these Reasons and Experiments , our modern Philosophers believe that all Vegetables are formally contained in their Seeds ▪ and that they are not formed by apposition of parts as Stones and Metals are , but at once and all together like perfect Animals . They cannot imagin how the fortuitous concourse of divers particles can form that vast number of similar parts as well as organical , which enter the composition of every Plant. Neither can they any more conceive how the pores of the grain of Seed that is cast into the ground should be so disposed , as that the Juices which penetrate them , should of themseves range themselves into that order , wherein consists the form of each Plant. Wherefore they conclude that all Plants were formed together and at once , and that they are so comprised one in another , that the latter are only an uncasing or unfolding of that which was contained in the first Plants . X. This confirmed by the instanc● of a Bean. Accordingly we see that a Bean contains formally the Root , Stalks and Leaves of the other Bean that is to grow from it ; which therefore makes it probable that this 2 d Bean does again contain a 3 d , and this 3 d a 4 th , and so on to an infinity . So that we are to consider the growing of Plants only as a repetition of Generations performed every year , by the production of new Leaves , Flowers and Fruits , whose Branches actually contain an infinity of others ; and to conceive that of all the Leaves , Flowers and Fruits that are actually formed in the Branches , there be only a certain number that can be unfolded every year . XI . Malpighius's Experiment to this purpose . MALPIGHIUS designing to make a trial whether Earth , without being sown with any Seed , could bring forth Herbs of it self , put some Earth which had been dug deep out of the ground into a Glass Vessel , and bound over it a manifold doubled piece of Silk , so as that the Air and Water might pass through it to the Mould , and yet keep off those small Seeds that are carried up and down in the Air ; but he could never find that any Herb ever sprouted in the said Glass . XII . God is the Author of the first Plant of very Spe●s or Kind . So that we must conclude that the first Plant of every kind was at the beginning produced by God , when he divided the matter of the World into parts of that exact bigness and figure , as they were to be in order to their composing the Buds of each kind of Plants . But not that they were produced according to the before-mentioned opinion of some Philosophers , from the fortuitous concourse of many principles , which so united themselves together , as to form such a Plant ; for if this were so , we should see sometimes Plants of new kinds produced , which never hapning , we must conclude , that God is the Author of the first Plants of each kind . XIII . The cutting or lopping of Plants conduceth to the conservation of them . Plants that are frequently cut , cropt or lopt , do grow the better , and live so much the longer . The Reason is , because frequent Amputation doth renew the Juice of the Plant , by keeping it from spending it self too much in luxuriant and supernumerary Branches . So that Plants that are wont to live one year only , if they be not cut in time , when they are duly cropt , will outlive that time ; such as Lettice , Purslain , Cucumbers and the like . And as to Trees , we find that such as are not used to be lopt , do never attain to the tallness of other Trees of the same kind , on which Amputation is celebrated . XIV . Why Plants growing in different places , are endued with different properties . Plants that grow in the Philippine Islands are indued with different qualities , and as they are planted or grow towards several quarters of the World , they are accordingly indued with various affections . For those Leaves which grow towards the East are good and healthful ; whereas those which grow towards the West are poisonous and deleterious . So with us , those Apples that grow near those places where there is great store of Cabbage , yield a strong and stinking smell . The Reason is , because some Effluvia do exhale either from the Earth , or some neighbouring Plants , which impart some noxious qualities to the Leaves and Fruits of the said Trees or Plants . For it is notorious , that poisonful Trees or Herbs do communicate their venom to Bodies that grow near them . Because the ascending vapors carry always somewhat of the same Earth along with them , from whence they ascend ; and young and tender Plants that grow near to stinking or noxious , are easily affected and infected by them . XV. Plants are endued with the qualities of the Nutriment they take in . Thus we see that the Wine that is made of the Grapes of a Vine that hath had White Hellebor or Herb Mercury grow near it , becomes purgative : And in like manner , that the Fruits of any Tree become Narcotick , Venomous , Diuretick , &c. if their Roots be moistned with such like Juices . Wherefore to make Plumbs purgative , it is a common thing to bore several holes in the Trunk of the Trees , and put into them the Juice of Hellebor or Colloquintida , by which means their qualities are imparted to the Tree . XVI . What is the reason of the degenerating of Plants . It is matter of common Experience , for Plants to grow wild , and degenerate from what they were . Thus a Fig-tree degenerates into the Wild Fig-tree , Barley into Oats ; besides many other such like Transmutations . This degenerating of Plants proceeds either from the negligence of the Husbandman , the situation of the place , or the quantity of the Ambient Air. For Plants grow wild , except they be set in places that are fit and suitable to them , and that they be so cultivated as their Nature doth require . Which tho' it is evident in many Plants , yet in none more than in Violets set or sown for encrease , which if they be not every 3 years transplanted , do degenerate into a pitiful Flower without any scent at all . The Reason of which deficiency is , because the Rudiments of Plants in their first original do require a certain determinate matter , out of which their texture and disposition of Plants must be produced . And forasmuch as such matter is not to be met with in all places , where the Seed is sown , it is no wonder if the Plants in such ground do degenerate and become changed into others . For this change is not made in the Root , but in the Seed it self , whilst it doth not find convenient and suitable matter , or when by reason of old age , having lost its vigor , it must necessarily change its nature . Hence skilful Gardners are wont to make trial of the goodness of their Seeds by putting them into boiling water , which if they be lively and vigorous , will in an hours time begin to sprout . XVII . Why the quarter of Heaven to which the parts of a Plant were directed , is to be observed in the translating of them . Amongst the Rules that are given by the Antients for the setting of Plants , this is one ; that care be had that the Plants removed from one place to another , be set so , as that their parts may answer to the same quarters of Heaven , as they did in their former station . The Reason is , because when the aspect of Trees is changed from one quarter of the Heaven to another , the inward disposition of the parts is changed together with it , and the passages whereby the nourishment is conveyed , are altered , and acquire another situation . For if any will make the Experiment by cutting the stem of a Tree grown in an open Field , with a Sithe , he will perceive several Circles that are broader towards the South , and narrower towards the North. Which cannot be adscribed to any other cause , but to the Heat , which proceeding more copiously from the South , doth more strongly agitate the particles of the Tree , and more extends the Veins of it , than that warmth which comes from the North. And tho' this difference be not to be found in Brazile-wood , all the Circles whereof are Concentrical , and at an equal distance from each other , the Reason is , because in the Torrid Zone Trees receive an equal degree of heat from the North , as from the South . Hence it is that from the position of these Circles some have taught how to find out the Meridian : And the more skilful Gardners and Husbandmen enjoin transplanted Trees to be set with the same respect to the quarter of Heaven , which they had in their former position . CHAP. VII . Of the Nourishment of Plants . I. How the Root grows and is encreased . AS soon as that part of the Sprout which is to constitute the Root , is become such , we perceive presently that it is nourished and encreased as to all dimensions , that is , in Length , Breadth and Depth . The Reason is , because the Juice of the Earth passing through the thin Skin , doth some part of it enter into the Bark , and in part also into the Woody Fibres . Now that which enters into the Fibres , doth by little and little mount upwards , as well by reason of the agitation it hath received from the Sun , or from some Fermentation , as from the circular motion of the Earth ; according to which every Body that is so moved , strives to withdraw from the Center of its Motion . Now proportionably as this new Juice mounts upwards , it must of necessity pass from the Woody Fibres into the Bladders , where meeting with the old Juice , it by commixtion therewith produceth a Fermentation ; from which , as from all other Fermentations in Chymistry , certain concretions are produced , which at the same time do encrease the dimensions of the Bladders and of the Woody Fibres . II. Dunging of the grounds conduceth much to their bearing or fruitfulness To the end that ground may be the more fit to bear Plants , it is dunged before the great Rains begin to fall . For the Barrenness of Vines , Wheat and other Corn is overcome by Stercoration . The Reason is , because Dung abounds with Salt , which being disperst through the Pores of the Earth doth allay the moisture and coldness of it , and promotes growth or germination . For the life of Plants consists in heat and moisture , whereof the one is the Agent , and the other the Patient ; yet sometimes it may so happen , that dunging of ground may do more hurt than good , viz. when there is no moisture to rot the Dung , and dissolve the saline parts of it . Hence it is common with Husbandmen to dung their grounds at such a season , when they have reason to expect there will be copious Rains to dilute it , as before the beginning of Spring , or towards the latter end of Autumn , to the end that the moisture having dissolved the Salt that is in the Dung , it may be conveyed by this vehicle of the water to the inmost pores of the Roots . For otherwise the Corn that is sown will be in danger of being burnt by heat , in case the Salt be not dissolved , or that the surface of the ground be overmuch cumbred with abundance of Dung. And therefore it is PLINY's observation , Lib. 18. That Fields , if they be not dunged , are too chill and cold ; and when over dunged , are burnt up . For there is a great difference between the dungs of several Animals ; for Pigeons Dung is the hottest of all , and next to it Sheeps Dungs , which two are only proper to recover those grounds that are chil'd with over ▪ much cold and crudity . Hogs Dung is of a sharp and biting nature , such as is found in Onions . But the Dungs that are more moderate , and of a middle nature between these , are Horse Dung , Asses Dung and Cow Dung. III. Dung conduceth to the encrease of Plants . By this means the life of languishing , and almost dead and withered Trees is recovered and restored , viz. by laying Dung to the Roots of them . Hence the Grain called Panick ; which is so called from the Paniculae or Beards it is armed with , if it be laid to the lower part of the Root ; it is known to be of good use to promote the growth of the Tree : For being of a clammy and spungy substance , it sucks in the moisture of the Earth , and so furnishing the Root with copious nourishment , it dilates and makes it grow . IV. The stones of Grapes promote the nourishing and encrease of vines . In like manner some tell us , that the Stones of Grapes , laid in great quantities to the Roots of Vines , do greatly conduce to their thriving and encrease : Because these Stones are furnisht with pores suitable to admit the Juice , which serves for nourishment to Vines , which after they have suckt good store of the said Juice , communicate the same to the Roots of the Vine . V. Why Fields that have lain follow , are more fruitful than such as are continually sown . Fallow Grounds , that is , such as are only tilled every other year , are more fruitful than such as are sown continually ; and are the more fruitful , the longer they have been suffered to lie fallow , especially without soiling . The Reason is , because by tilling , the pores of the Earth are opened , by which , as through so many , on purpose prepared passages , the Juice is carried upwards into the Air. Whereas in fallow grounds , the said pores are shut up , and there is no way for the steams to escape . And for the same reason it is , that Husbandmen burn the surface of the Earth , because when the Stubble is burnt after that the ground hath been reaped , d the watry parts fly away , and the solid substance that remains is dissolved by the moisture of the Earth , which by its thickness promotes the fruitfulness of the ground . And therefore VIRGIL tells us in the First Book of his Georgicks , From burning Barren Fields , oft plenty comes , When brittle Stubble crackling Fire consumes ; Whether from this , new force and nourishment The Earth receives ; or else all Venom spent By Fire , and forth superfluous moisture sweats . VI. Why Herbs grow better in a level Field than on hang●ng groun● . A Level Field is more proper to nourish Herbs and Plants , than a hanging ground ; for it is observed , that those which grow in this latter do very seldom arrive at their due magnitude . For seeing that Salt doth greatly conduce to the nourishment of Plants , the same is easily dissolved in a hanging ground , upon the falling of Rain , and is carried downward , without any , or very little profit to the ground . Whereas a plain or level ground , besides that it keeps all the Salt that is laid upon it , for to improve it , receives the fatness which is conveyed to it , together with Rain from other places . Hence it is that some assure us , that Sea-weed being laid to the Roots of Cabbage , do promote their growth , which can be adscribed to nothing else , but to the Salt which abounds in the said Sea-weed , and therefore imparts fruitfulness to the ground . VII . Cucumbers are made tender by steeping their Seeds in Milk. Cucumbers become tender and delicious by steeping their Seeds in Milk before that they be sown . The Experiment might very probably be of use if applied to the Seeds of Artichocks and other Plants , for the taking away of their harshness and bitterness . The cause of this change may be , that upon the steeping of the Seeds in Milk , the Fibres which are formed in the Roots , take upon them such a Figure , and such Texture , as to give way only to such particles which constitute sweetness , and to reject all other thicker Juices . Whence it is that those who endeavour to advance the smell of Flowers , and exhale it by Art , order the Rose-trees to be planted near Garlick , which draws to it self all the nasty stinking Juices of the place , leaving the sweeter and more refined to serve for nourishment to the Rose-tree . VIII . The steeping of Seeds cannot prejudice the goodness of the Plant or Tree that comes from it . Neither need we to fear lest the steeping of Seeds should be any prejudice to the goodness of the Fruit by over-hastning its Ripeness ; since that always depends upon the vigor and virtue of the Seed , which the hasty or slow ripening of it are not able to change . And therefore this Experiment may be extended to all Grains , Seeds , Stones , Kernels , Roots , or any other things that are committed to the ground . IX . Why some Plants grow more swiftly , others more ●lowly . Some Plants grow more slowly , or swiftly than others : For Willows , Vines , Gourds , &c. encrease much in a very short space of time , and more especially Gourds , which grow to that bigness , that according to PLINY's relation , they can scarcely be carried . Whereas on the contrary , the Oak , Medlar , and other such like , admit of very slow encreases . The Reason of this difference is , because the nourishment of Plants depends on their Juice , which from the Roots is driven through the pores , as through so many little veins , which it fills to that degree , that they swell big with it , and are not able to contain all the particles of it . And forasmuch as the sides of the pores are too hard to be extended by the Aliment , therefore it is that their encrease also is very slow , and sometimes that they altogether cease from growing , according as it happens to Old Trees , which receive no encrease from the matter that comes to them , but continue at a stand . But soft Bodies , having pliant pores , and such as are easily penetrable , it is no wonder if the Plants that are so qualified are of swift and great encrease . Hence it is that Gourds grow to that vast bulk in the East Indies , that as SCALIGER saith , some of them are of 13 Palms breadth , and such as a Porter is not able to carry . X. The South VVind favours the growth of Plants . Plants are very vigorous when a South Wind blows , and advance more in growth than when other Winds bear sway . For seeing that the South Wind is warm , and brings many hot Exhalations along with it from the Torrid Zone , it readily opens the pores of the Plants , and causeth the nourishment to mount up more copiously out of the ground , and to be distributed through all their parts . XI . VVhy Plants do not grow in the Winter . On the contrary , Trees do not grow in the Winter , because the coldness of the Season fixeth and congeals the Juices in the pores of the Earth , and consequently deprives the Trees of their nourishment . XII . S●me Trees are set towards the Meridian . Those Trees which delight in the warm Sun , such as the Plumb Tree , the Fig Tree , the Vine , the Apricock , and such like , are commonly set upon a Bank or Wall , facing the South Sun. The Reason is , because a double convenience accrues to these Trees from this position or situation : The first is , that the warmth of the Wall caused by the reflexion of the Beams of the South Sun , doth greatly cherish and promote the growth and fruitfulness of these Trees . The 2 d is , that they keep off the shade : For when Trees grow round , that is , with their Branches spreading circularly , the upper Branches do shade the lower , but being spread against a Wall , this inconvenience is prevented . XIII . VVater is turned into the substance of Plants . The Famous VAN HELMONT put 200 pounds of Earth , dried in an Oven , into an Earthen Pot , and set in it the stem of a Willow of about 15 pound weight . After the time of 5 years he took up the Willow , and found it to weigh 165 pound , whereas the weight of the Earth was not above two ounces diminished , and had only been watered with Rain-water . And in another place of his Writings he tells us , that many Fishes live upon water alone , and particularly supposeth the Salmons to do so . This encrease does not proceed only from the substance of the water , but from the Nitrous and Aerial Ferment , which furnisheth Plants and other Bodies with their nourishment . For whenever a Plant wants this , it becomes altogether unfruitful . For we must not suppose that water is a simple Body , but consisting of many Heterogeneous particles , as may be easily proved from this , that water is subject to putrefaction , which it could not be in case it were simple , and devoid of all composition . XIV . How Fruits become meliorated by graffing . If an incision be made in a Wild Tree , and a Graff taken from a set Tree be Ingraffed into it , by this means the Fruit is meliorated , and of wild and harsh , becomes mild and delicious . And the same happens also , if the Scion be taken out of the same Tree , into which it is afterwards Graffed . The Reason of this seems to be , because the Fibres of the Ingraffed Scion do not so perfectly correspond with the Fibres of the Tree ; and the Juice which passeth from the latter , cannot freely enter into the former ; because the ranging of the pores is changed , and so other ways must be prepared for the conveying of the alimentitious matter : So that by this means the Aliment , as it were , undergoes a 2 d digestion in another Stomach , and the occurring Juices are wrought or elaborated after a new manner . Hence it is that the Fruit growing upon a Garden Scion , graffed on a Wild Tree , becomes meliorated ; because the Alimental Juice , which ascends through the parts of the Plant , having been already digested in the first Stomach , is sent into the second to pass through a second Concoction . And if any body will take the pains to multiply the said incisions , and graff a second or a third Scion upon the first , he will find that by every insertion the Fruit will attain a higher degree of melioration , because the Alimentary Matter , passing through so many different Strainers , is the more exactly prepared , and higher exalted and purified . An Example whereof we have in the History of CORELLIUS a Roman Knight , who , when he at his Country House , near Naples , ingraffed upon a Chestnut Tree a Scion , taken from its own stock , it brought forth a Chestnut , much exceeding the common in goodness , and which afterwards were called from his name Corellianae or Corellian ; and when afterwards a Freeman , whom he had made his Heir , had Ingraffed the same a second time , it did not bring forth Chestnuts in that plenty as before , but much better than the Corellian . XV. A Branch cut off from a Graff , doth not bring forth so good fruit as the Graff it self . But the contrary happens when we cut off a Branch or Twig from a Graffed Tree , and put it into the ground . The Reason is , because this Branch being put in the ground , and taking Root there , doth draw all its nourishment from thence only , which is prepared by one continual percolation or straining : And for this Reason brings forth less and worse Fruits than the graffed Tree whence it was taken ; because in it there is a double concoction of the Alimental Juice , viz. in the Stem or Stock into which the Scion is graffed , and in the Scion it self ; whereas in the Branch cut off from the graff , there is but one digestion or preparation of the Aliment . CHAP. VIII . Of the Germination , Sprouting or Budding of Vegetables . I. How Germination is performed . THE Germination of Vegetables is that whereby the Bark , Leaves or Branches do send forth Buds , Fruits and Seeds , by a propagation of their Fibres . And so in a like manner a Seed is said to Germinate or Sprout , when the outward shell of the Seed is burst open by the breaking out of the Bud which appears above ground . II. VVhy Plants send forth their buds upwards . It is natural to all Vegetables to send forth their Buds upwards , tho' they be sown in a hanging ground ; whereas on the contrary , the Roots of Plants tend downwards , and are but seldom seen on the surface of the Earth . It will not be difficult to give a reason of this , if we consider how the Germination or Sprouting of Vegetables is performed , and by what means the Seminal Virtue presseth through the surface of the ground . For seeing that Germination is nothing else but a kind of Dilatation of a Plant , caused by the entrance of the Juice , which makes it swell , distend it self , and to sprout or break forth upwards : And forasmuch as no Expansion can be without heat , it is evident that the Bud which breaks forth from a Plant , doth proceed from heat , by the impulse whereof it is also carried upwards . For the nature of heat is always to mount upwards , and to drive all the Bodies it meets with , that way . And the reason is the same with regard to those Vegetables which grow on a down-hill : For as fire that is kindled in a shelving or hanging place , doth not follow the declination or declivity of the place , but mounts up directly : So Plants that grow on the sides of Hills , do always tend upwards , as being directed and carried by the heat which always keeps that course . True it is , that for the same reason it seems that the Root also ought to mount upwards , forasmuch as it is likewise dilated by heat , and so it would without doubt , but that it is swayed downwards by its Aliment which is in the Earth , to which it tends . For as the flame of a Torch doth insensibly sink downwards , to feed upon the Wax , and to carry up the same to the upper parts : So the heat which is contained within the Roots , tends to the lower parts of them , where it draws in that nourishment , which it afterwards sends up to the Stem , Branches and Leaves , for their support and growth . III. VVhy moist and watry Fruits are ripe soonest . Watry and moist Fruits , as Pease , Cherries , Goosberries , Currans and Strawberries are the first that are Ripe . The reason is , because the watry Juices are always the first that mount upwards , forasmuch as their smooth and even figures make it easie for them to separate themselves from others : Seeing therefore that Pease , Cherries , &c. contain more of this watery Juice , and are more nourished by it , therefore they must needs be ripe before other Fruit. IV. VVhy Oninions sprout and grow tho' they be not set in the ground . All Vegetables that have round or bulbous Roots , that is , such as consist of Coats or coverings one above another , as Onions , Aloes , Herb Penny-worth , Saffron , Squills , Leeks , &c. do shoot and grow , tho' they be taken out of the ground , and hung up in the Air within doors . The Reason is , because bulbous Plants do not suck their Aliment out of the Earth by the strings of their Roots , as other Vegetables do ; but draw it in from above , viz. that Juice which lies hid in their Bodies , and those thick Coats wherewith they are covered ; whence it comes to pass , that these Roots , being filled with moisture , and containing much alimentitious humours within their Membrans , whensoever the same is excited by heat , they begin to shoot forth . And that this is so , daily experience teacheth ; for when bulbous Plants grow , their Roots are sensibly diminished , because the Juice , which swell'd them up before , becomes by degrees exhausted , and turns into Stalk and Seeds ; as it is evident in Pennyroyal and Orpin , wherewith some Country People adorn their Chimneys , by tying them to little Lathes , on which they grow and continue green for a great while . But most of all is this visible in Housleek , which will bring forth Leaves and Branches 2 or 3 years together , if its Root be only wrapt up in a Linnen Rag dipt in Oyl , and be renewed every half year . V. VVhy some Leaves of the American Aloes fall off , and others grow in the stead of them . It is observed concerning the American Aloes , with indented or saw ▪ like Leaves , that every year some of its Leaves do wither , and as many grow in the stead of them , tho' it be not sprinkled with Oyl , but only wrapt up in a Red Cloath , and so hung up in a Kitchin. The Reason is , because the alimentary Juice in this Plant does continually circulate from the Root to the Leaves , and from them again to the Root . For how else could it be , that the Root continuing undiminished , so much nourishment should be furnished for the production of new Leaves , except the said Juice were continually pusht forwards from the withered Leaves to the Root , in order to a new Production ? VI. How a Rose may be made to bud about November . If the top of a Rose-tree , presently after its budding be cut off , it will bud , and bring forth Roses again , about the month of November following . Which sprouting doth not proceed exactly from the top that hath been cut , but from the shoots or twigs that grow near it . The Reason is , because the Juice which is contained within the Plant , which otherwise would have gon to nourish the top of it , upon the cutting of it off , is conveyed to the Sprigs that grow about it , and from them produces Roses of a late growth . And the same effect will be produced if you pluck the Buds of a Rose , as soon as they are first knotted . Yet it is probable that the budding of Rose-trees may be retarded , by tying a Packthred , or other Cord very strait about the Rose-tree , because this ligature , will hinder the Juice from mounting so soon , as otherways it would . Some Trees have only Branches proceeding from the tops of them , as the Fir , Pitch-tree , Cypress-tree and Cedar ; whereas others shoot forth Branches from all parts of them . The Reason of this different Germination of Trees is from the pores , by which the Alimental Juice passeth from the Root to the Branches ; for if they be strait and perpendicular , the Juice is carried up along through them to the top , where the Juice , by reason of the great abundance of it , is forced to break forth , and to spread it self into Branches . To which also may be added , that the Juice which ascends in these Trees is fat and clammy . Whereas the pores of those Trees whose Branches proceed from all parts of their Stems , are more crooked and winding , by which means the Juice ever and anon breaks forth sideways . Or likewise , because their Juice is not so ropy and glewy , as it is in resiniferous or rosin bearing Trees : Wherefore as a great Fire or Flame which passeth up through a Pipe , with holes on the side of it like a Recorder , doth continually pass some of its parts through the said side holes : So the Juice in Trees being carried up through the pores , breaks forth by all the ways it finds open for it , and more especially through the tender shoots , the softness and tenderness whereof afford it a more easie passage . VIII . VVhy the Leaves of some Trees are always green . The Leaves of some Trees and Plants are always green , as the Bay-tree , the Laurel , Cypress , Ivy , Fir , Box , Rosemary , &c. whereas others towards the end of Autumn lose their greeness , and are spoiled of the Ornament of their Leaves . The Reason of the perpetual verdure of some Trees and Plants is , because their Leaves consist of a more solid matter , and do abound with such hot Juices , that the pores through which they run , cannot be shut up by the cold of the Air. And for this reason it is , that in Brazile all the Trees enjoy this priviledge : And that in Egypt about Memphis , according to the account THEOPHRASTUS gives us , the very Vines and Fig-trees themselves never shed their Leaves , whereas others do lose their Leaves , and continue without them all the Winter , because their Leaves are more soft and tender , and therefore cannot resist the rigor of the cold , which contracts and draws their pores together , and by this means hinders sufficient Aliment from being conveyed from the Roots to the Leaves , which for want thereof , wither and fall to the ground . IX . VVhy tender Shoots are not fit to be graffed . Soft and tender Shoots or Twigs , and whose sides are not yet sufficiently hardned , are not fit to make Graffs of . The Reason is , because in Graffing the Fibres of the Scion must be suited with those of the Stock , that the nourishment which comes from the Root , may have its free passage to both . For their Orifices must so answer one another , that the nourishment may pass from the fibres of the stalk into those of the Scion . Now very soft and tender twigs , because of the tender texture of their fibres , are so bound up and straitned between their Rinds , that they cannot readily take in their Aliment , and therefore thrive but badly , or wither within a short time . For the twig that is to be graffed , must be of a years growth , to the end it may the better cleave to , and unite with the stock . Thus on the contrary dry twigs , or which by reason of their Age or sapless , are also unfit for graffing , because they want moisture , by means whereof both their Fibres might be joined together , and become one Plant. As we see that dry and thirsty ground is Barren , and scarce able to quicken the Seeds that are committed to it . X. VVhy ripe Fruits fall from the Trees . Fruits when they are fully ripe , drop down from the Trees of themselves , and fall upon the ground . The Reason is , because at that time , the lateral fibres of the Fruits do swell , and are no longer able to contain their Aliment ; by which means it comes to pass , that that part of it which was used to ascend to the upper parts , finding no passage , runs downwards again , leaving the stalk by which it was fastned to the Tree dry and sapless . Hence it is that some Fruits fall down with their stalks , as Apples , Pears , &c. others without them , as Plumbs , Apricocks , Peaches , &c. according as the Alimentary Matter fails nearer to , or farther from the Fruit. XI . VVhence it is that Stags Horns fall every year . But the Reason why Stags cast their Horns every year , at a set season , doth not proceed , as some suppose , from the same cause now produced , but indeed from a quite contrary , viz. from an over-great abundance of a volatile saline Juice , wherewith Stags are filled at that time . For this matter continually flowing from all the parts of the Body of that Animal , and pusht upwards towards the Head , thrusts the old Horns out of their places ; and being afterwards condensed by meeting with the cold Air , becomes turned into new Horns , and such as are more tender . CHAP. IX . Of the Decay and Death of Vegetables . I. VVhy Plants dye when they are pluckt up out of the ground . PLants pluckt up out of the Ground do wither ; and tho' Trees that are cut down in the Spring , do seem to bud and grow , as long as they are suffered to lie upon the ground , yet they are no sooner taken from thence , but they by degrees wither and dye . Plants pluckt out of the ground do not wither immediately , because the Juice doth not all on a suddain cease from flowing , neither are the pores so soon changed , but that the Aliment is still for some short time carried to their utmost Fibres . For Vegetables never die , till their Juice stagnates , and is no longer heated and agitated by the subtil matter . For upon the failing of heat all motion ceaseth , and consequently all Germination and Nutrition also , wherein the Life of Plants doth consist . And therefore Plants in the Winter season cannot properly be said to be dead ; because , tho' they produce nothing , and there appears no sensible transmission of the Alimental Juice , yet it cannot be denied , but that it is still in them , because the self same dispositions remain in them , that are found in Living Bodies , and that their condition is very different from those Bodies that are withered and dead . II. How it comes to pass that the Rose of Jerusalem , after it is withered , grows green and flourisheth again . Moreover , it happens sometimes that the parts of Plants , as their Leaves , Sprigs , &c. which have been shrivel'd and contracted by drought , are again , by the return of their Juice and Moisture , distended and displayed , as is evident in the Beards of Oats , and in the Plant called the Rose of Jerusalem ; the Root whereof , when dry and withered , if it be put into luke warm water , immediately distends it self , and displays its Sprigs , and this by means of the moisture which insinuates it self into the pores of the said Sprigs , and so swells and extends them . III. The Juice circulates through the whole Body of the Plant For it can no longer be questioned , but that the Juice hath its course or circulation in Plants , like as the Blood in Animals , as may be perceived more especially in Lettice , Bastard Saffron and the Greater Celandine , in which Plants the Juice never rests , but as soon as their outward Rind is taken away , runs forth continually as the Blood doth out of Animals when a Vein is opened . Besides , the Juice of Plants is not found in them disperst every where throughout their Bodies without any Vessels to contain it , seeing that pipes or passages are found in them , resembling the Veins of Animals . As may visibly be perceived in those Plants , whose Juice is White , Red or Yellow . The Principal Cause of which Circulation is , for that all here beneath , which partake of the Circular Motion of the Earth , strive to withdraw themselves from the Center of their Motion : For therefore it is that the Juice of the Earth , being entred into the pores of the Root , in the which it moves with the more ease than in the Air , endeavours to mount upwards , towards the higher parts of the Plants , and distributes its self to them , according to their several requirings , and that in such a manner , that the remaining crude Portion of the Juice , returns towards the Root , in order to receive there a new and further preparation . IV. Why Oyl is an enemy to Plants . Oyl is very hurtful to Plants , as being always destructive to them , when it reacheth their inward parts . And the same is observed by Chymists concerning Quicksilver , which is deleterious to Trees when ever it enters into the pith of them . The Reason is , because Oyl by its fatness doth so obstruct the pores of the Plants , that the particles of the Alimentitious Juice cannot pass through them : Whereupon the Plants wither and die for want of due nourishment to support them . And Quicksilver is a poison to Plants , because by reason of its subtilty , it pierceth into their inward parts , dissolves the Texture of their Fibres , and introduceth a new disposition of their parts . And when this is done , the Alimental Juice can be no longer strained as it ought , and thereupon the Plant must needs fade and die . V. Why some Winds are hurtful to Plants . Trees sometimes wither upon the blowing of some Winds , and the young Shoots or Sprigs of them grow so dry and sapless , that they may be rub'd to powder with ones hand . The Reason is , because these Winds abound with a nitrous or vitriolick Spirit , which invading the green and tender Shoots of Trees , do blast them with a consumptive infection , forasmuch as the tender strings or fibres which are like the nerves of the Leaves and Sprigs , become so comprest and drawn together by the cold blast of the Winds , that they can no longer take in the Aliment conveyed from the Root . By which means the Trees , being deprived of all their moisture , become dried up , and die . VI. Why the top of a Sprig or Shoot sometimes withers . The top of a Sprig or Shoot sometimes withers , when yet that part which is near to the Stem continues fresh and vigorous . This may happen from several Causes ; either from an obstruction of the pores , or from some knot , or from a dissolution of the twisting of the Fibres : For by any of these means the nourishment is hindred from ascending after its usual manner , and from distributing it self to all the parts : Whereupon when the moisture which was at the top of the Sprig is exhaled , and the way stopt through which other should come to it , it must needs wither and die . VII . How Trees come to die by being bruised or bored . Trees do often wither and die by being bruised , slit , bor'd , or by some other wound . The Reason is , because by contusion the order of the parts of a Tree is disturbed and confounded , and the passages obstructed , through which the nourishment passeth , and is conveyed to the further parts . Whence it comes to pass , that those parts which are above the contusion , do waste for want of nourishment , whilst those that are below it are choaked with too great abundance of it . In like manner Plants die also by splitting , or some other kind of wounds , because in this case , the Alimentary Matter ceaseth from passing through its pores , neither can it be distributed as it was before : And whereas some Trees , as the Pine , Fir and Turpentine , when they are wounded do thrive the better ; this proceeds from the great abundance of their moisture , part whereof being evacuated by the wound , the Plants being rid of that which was their Burthen , bring forth fruits with more ease , and in greater abundance . VIII . Why some Plants perish by Heat , and others by Cold. Some Plants perish by too much heat , especially those that are young and tender , which are not yet sufficiently armed against the injuries of the weather . Others are destroyed by cold , and being seised with the Frost , die . The Reason is , because the life of Plants consists in the temperature of Heat and Moisture , as hath been before-mentioned ; so that moisture cannot continue long in a Plant without a mixture of heat ; nor heat without moisture . Wherefore when either of these doth predominate , and destroy its compeer or fellow , the Body must of necessity die , and be deprived of Life . Young and tender Plants therefore are much sooner than others destroyed , because the outward heat does easily penetrate their tender Bodies , and by putting their parts into too vehement an agitation , doth extract and consume the moisture , not only out of the Stem , but out of the Roots themselves : And forasmuch as the loss thereof cannot be restored from out of the Earth , because it is likewise parcht up with too much heat , the Plants must needs wither and die . Others again do perish by over-hard Frost , which by locking up and contracting the pores , drives away the heat ; whereupon the motion of the Alimentary Juice ceaseth , so that the nutrition , and consequently the growth of the Plants must in time cease also , and all their vital functions be interrupted . And for the same reason it is , that Plants are often killed by Winds , which if they be very hot , do open and widen the pores , and exhaust the hidden moisture : Whereas when they are cold , they compress the pores , and by expelling the heat , do weaken and waste the natural strength and vigor of them . IX . Why Wild Plants are longer liv'd than th●se which grow in Gardens . Wild Plants , and such as grow on Mountains and Hilly Places , are of longer continuance than those which are cultivated in Gardens . The Reason whereof seems to be this , because the Plants which grow in Gardens , are frequently overcram'd by the abundance of Alimentary Juice , which does extinguish , or at least weaken their natural heat . For since the design of Gardning is to bring forth goodly and early Ripe Fruits , the Gardner makes it his whole business to make his ground fat and fruitful ; and is not at all concerned that his Plants be strong and long lasting , so they do but thrive and bring forth abundance of Fruit. Now it is certain , that the pores of Trees are widened by the too great abundance of the Alimentary Matter , and an easie way being thus made for the vital moisture to escape , the heat must needs vanish together with it . Another thing that shortens the Life of Plants is , because the dung which is made use of to improve them , lies round about them , and that not far from the surface of the Earth ; and by this means it happens , that they do not strike down their Roots so deep in the ground , as otherwise they would : Whereas the Plants that grow wild in the Fields , being surrounded with more hungry and dry Earth , where they meet with but little moisture , sink their Roots deeper into the Earth , to provide themselves a sufficiency of sustenance , and by this means grow much stronger , and more able to resist all outward injuries , and consequently endure longer . For it cannot be questioned , but that the spreading and thickness of the Root conduceth much to the lasting condition of Plants . X. Why hot Water destroys Plant● Hence it is that Gardners observe , that those Plants die within a short time , that are watered with hot water : For tho' by this means their growth for the present seem to be promoted , and it makes their Fruits to be ripe the sooner ; yet because the Fibres of the Plants , by this unaccustomed heat , are too much relaxated , and so take in too much Moisture or Juice , they are either quite choaked by the too copious affluence of the Alimentary Juice , or else their pores become obstructed by the bigness of the particles that come thronging in into them . XI . Why too cold Water is hurtful to Plants . And as it is of ill consequence to Plants , if they be watered with hot water , so neither doth too cold water agree with them . And therefore skilful Gardners take care to set the Spring or Well-Water they make use of for th● watering of their Plants , in the Sun , that the coldness of it may be somewhat temper'd and allay'd , for fear otherwise it might be prejudicial to the growth and thriving of them . Book . 2. Part. 8. Chap. 1. G. Freman . In. I. Kip. Sculp To the Right Worshipfull Sr. William Hooker of Greenwich in the County of Kent , and of the Citty of London Knight , and Lord Major thereof Anno Domini ●673 . This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . The Eighth Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF ANIMALS . CHAP. I. Of Animals which are commonly supposed to be of a Spontaneous Birth . I. Whether there are any Animals produc'd without Seed . THERE is nothing more vulgarly taken for granted among Authors , than that certain Animals , particularly Insects , are generated without Seed , as Bugs and Lice out of Human Excretion and Filth ; Book-worms out of Books , Wood-lice out of Wood , Moths out of Garments , and innumerable others , which , as they say , breed and are produced without Copulation of different Sexes . Some Physicians who pretend to be the only Inspectors into things of this nature , because they discern not with their Eyes , nor can any way comprehend the Causes which produce these Animals , call the formation of them Aequivocal , as if they sprang from different Principles , and their production had no manner of agreement with that of others ; whereas indeed their Generations , by the same right as other Generations , are to be called Univocal ; since they are effected by the same necessity , and no less than others , require a praevious Seed and requisit Dispositions therein . For whatsoever in Nature is produc'd , proceeds from Seed , and nothing in the Earth is generated by Chance , or contrary to the Course of Nature . True it is , that that sort of Seed is chiefly internal , and not always appearing to the sight ; but that there is such a Seed latent in those Bodies , is not to be denied , since we find that Lice , Bugs , Maggots , &c. are curiously wrought and formed , each in their kind , and exactly agree among themselves in similitude of parts . For there is nothing wanting to their perfection ; and they may be said to be no less compleat as to their internal , than external parts . For who can imagine , that so great a variety of Members , so exact a Form of each , so wonderful a proportion and contexture of parts , should fortuitously , and by an accidental Concourse of Atoms be produc'd , and that there should not rather be some necessarily determined Seed to bring them forth ? For if we allow , for Example , that Daws among Birds , or Cats among Beasts , are produc'd of Seed , as being too elaborately fram'd to be compos'd by an uncertain Agent , why may not the same thing be judged of other Animals , when as we may observe in them a Structure no less exact and curious , and Parts no less correspondent each to other ? II. Every Animal is engendred of Seed . But some Philosophers suppose , that Bugs , Lice , Maggots , and such like Animals are generated , while many seminal particles , as they call them , being agitated by a subtle matter or heat , are so disposed as to compose or constitute certain convenient Figures and Organs . For this motion , as they say , not rashly and by chance , but according to the Laws of Nature , and its Seminary Virtues proceed out of an aptly and well-disposed Matter , and determinated Heat ; whereby it comes to pass , that the parts of the Matter so exagitated , not only conduce to the formation of the Heart and Veins , and the union of them with the Arteries , but also to compose the Principle of the Brain , the Sensory and Motory Organ of the Fibres , Nerves and Spirits , which things being first laid as a foundation , a farther progress is made to the forming of the perfect Instruments , those namely which contribute and are inservient to Sensation and the Local Motion of the Body . III. Of the breeding of Ducks or Geese from Trees in Scotland . To this production of Animals may be referred that which HECTOR BOETIUS makes mention of in his History of Scotland , namely , that on the Sea-side in some parts of Scotland , there is a sort of Bird ingendred of a certain Tree , that is , of the Fruit of it falling off and dropping into the Sea. The same thing or the like , he reports to be on the Sea-costs of the Hebrides Islands , where such a strange kind of Production is said to be brought about two manner of ways . The one from Ships , or old Planks and pieces of Timber , which being left upon the Shore , and there remaining some time , breed from their corruption certain Worms or such like Insects , which discovering first Feet , then Wings , lastly Plumes , come at length to bear the similitude of Ducks or Geese , and like them take their ●light up into the Air. The other is a Hatching as it were of certain little Birds out of Excerscences ▪ ●ike Snailes , Cockles , or some kind of Shel fish sticking to the Sea-w●●d that grows in those parts , which are therefore supposed to proceed from the Fruits of Trees , because they are chiefly hatcht about that time , in which the Leaves or Fruits of those Trees that grow by the Sea-side appear and d●op● into the Sea. And indeed if Fruits hanging on a Tree can bread Worms , Maggots and such like Insects , why may there not as well out of the same Fruits be bred such Animals , as like other Birds take wing and glide to and fro in the Air ? IV. Fishes engendred of Dew . I have been informed by Men of very good Credit , that if a Hurdle be plac'd over any water , whether a running Stream or standing Pool , and dewy Turfs be so laid upon it before Sun-rising , that the Hearby-side may be turned downward without shaking off too suddenly the drops of Dew ▪ so many drops as afterward● upon the Sun-rising , and heating the Turf shall fall into the water , so many Fishes will be ingendred of them , and various , according to the diversity of the Herbs on which the drops of Dew ●ate . Upon the truth hereof a certain Famous Man infers that from Lakes , Rivers , Seas , Fishponds , and all places in general , disposed to the ingendring of Fish , there are Seeds variously exhal'd , being conveyed through the Air , mixt and incorporated with the Dew , and falling upon the Herbs , are so cherish'd by the Spirit of them , and acquire such a disposition from them , that being receiv'd into the water , they are there form'd into these Fishes . In the same manner as from the Dew lying upon the Leaves of Nightshade , and warmed by the heat of the Sun , are ingendred Worms , as SCALIGER affirms ; and as in Chili , a Province of South America , there grows a Tree , from whose Leaves small Serpents are said to fall . V. All Animals whatsoever are generated from the Egg. Now , tho' it hath been from Antiquity to this day the general opinion , that divers Animals , particularly small Insects are produc'd only by corruption ; It is of late plainly evinc'd to the contrary by many Experiences . For besides those which I have quoted in my Institution of Philosophy touching Insects , we see that Butterflies by Copulation , produce an infinite number of Eggs , from which are hatcht Canker-worms of all sorts . Whence we may conclude , that all those Animals which are thought to be spontaneously ingendred , which are found in Cheeses , Fruits , and other sorts of Food , proceed from real Eggs , or at least from something equivalent to the Seed that comes from Females after they have been impregnated by the Company of the Males . VI. How Serpents have been generated in a Mans Brain . But HOLLERIUS in his 10 th Book De Morbis Internis , Chap. 10. makes observation of a Scorpion bred in the Brain of a certain Italian by the frequent smelling of the Herb Basil . And RAIMUNDUS in his Mercurius Italicus affirms , that he found by experience , that the foresaid Plant , plac'd under a Stone in a moist place , within two days produc'd a Scorpion , which much at the same time , while he resided at Siena , a very rare and memorable accident confirmed . A certain Gentleman of Siena , wonderfully taken and delighted with the smell of this Plant , used frequently to snuff up into his Nose the powder thereof dried , but highly to his cost , for in a short time he died Mad ; whereupon his Skull being open'd by a Surgeon , a Scorpions Nest was there ●ound : And this might possibly be , in regard the Scorpion , being delighted with the smell of that Plant , creeps with a great desire to it , lodges in it , and haply feeds upon it , and may chance also 〈◊〉 lay its Eggs in its Leaves and Buds : Whence 〈◊〉 might easily happen , that the foresaid ▪ Gentleman might , together with the Powder snuff up into his Nostrils some of the Scorpions Eggs , which cherish'd by the heat of the Head , might well enough hatch young Scorpions . VII . Locusts bred of the Seed of Flies . So the Ukrainians are mightily infected , especially in a dry Summer ▪ with swarms of Locusts , by reason these sorts of Insects , before they expire , leave each of them behind them 2 or 300 Eggs in Autumn , which afterwards by the next Summer● heat are hatcht into Locusts , which unless they be swept away by the following Rain , or driven by the Northerly Winds into the Euxin Sea , spoil all the Corn , and inflict vast damages upon those Provinces through which they travail . Some there are , who , by diligent observation , have made this remark , that never any Insects are generated of the Flesh of Beasts or Fish , except they have been first Fly-blown , or tainted with the Seed of Flies ; and consequently that Vermination in Flesh proceeds only from Flies , altogether like to those which afterwards breed in Flesh . VIII . Bees generated out of Heifers . VIRGIL in his 4 th Book of Georgicks affirms , that from a Heifer of two year old , having its Nose stopt , and being beaten to death , its Bowels , after it is killed , being spread over its whole Skin , Bees are generated , provided this be done about the beginning of the Spring , and before Herbs shoot forth into Flowers . This , ( as we suppose ) may very well be , in regard the Heifers about the beginning of the Spring , feed upon Thyme and Cassia , which soon after shooting forth into Flowers , contain little Eggs , which being agitated by heat and the subtil matter , are dilated , and at length are delivered of these little Animals . For what the common belief is of most men , is absolutely false , namely , that Bees are generated out of the corrupted Carcases of Oxen. However this seems more likely than that exterior Causes should be able to meet so opportunely , as to build or frame Organs of Animals , such , as whose fabrick or structure can be comprehended by no human understanding unless perhaps some Seminary and Plastick Virtue lie hid in the said Bodies , which being scarce credible , it seems a much greater probability , that all Generation is univocal , and that almost all Animals are procreated by others of the same kind . IX . Animals discovered in a mixture of Pepper and Water . And much after the same we may determin concerning Animals discovered in water , wherein Pepper hath for the space of three days been infused . For altho' they are too minute to be well discerned by our Senses , yet they are fram'd with so great and almost infinite variety of Organs , that they must needs be allowed to be the progeny of others of that kind , and most likely it is that their Eggs have lain hid in the Pepper . X. Worms bred in Fruits . Worms are generated in Fruits ; and Flies which are so numerous in Summer , cannot be produc'd by any act of Generation , since the whole race of Flies being destroyed , there can be none surviving to produce others . Worms are bred within the Pulps of Fruits , not spontaneously , as if there were nothing in the Fruit before , from whence they may be generated , but from a premised Seed , that is to say , while Bees or Flies , sitting upon Flowers , leave behind them certain little Eggs , which being intercepted within the Fruits , are disclosed by the urging heat , and turn into Worms . Thus Fruits and Herbs breed Worms , when they are exposed to the Air ; and sometimes in one and the same Plant , divers sorts of Insects are to be seen : But if any Plant be inclosed within a Vessel , and the said Vessel be kept close stopt , so that the Air can have no access , no Worms will there breed from any putrefaction ; nor is Cheese capable of breeding Mitcs , if kept in a Glass Vial well stopt and Hermetically sealed . XI . Flies are generated of other Flies . So Flies are not bred spontaneously , but by a premised copulation , and of Eggs laid , which being promiscuously dispers'd in the Earth , and afterwards cherish'd by vernal heat , are deliver'd of the respective Animal : For if PLINY may be credited , Flies , as also Ants , Beetles , Bees , Spiders , Wasps , and other such like Animals generate by commixture or copulation ; and this is chiefly to be prov'd by this one Argument , namely , because some years , Flies , Locusts , &c. are more abundant than others , make greater waste and havock in the Fields , and more infest Mankind , which certainly can be from no other cause , but for that in a mild Winter they were preserv'd and not destroyed by the coldness or moisture of the Earth . XII . How Worms breed in the Maws of Infants . Wherefore by no means can we assent to those Peripatetick Physicians , who affirm that Maw-worms are bred in the Intestines out of putrefaction , by the means of Heat ; as in like manner they assert of other Insects , that by the heat of the Sun they are produc'd out of Horses , Cows or other Animals Dung. But it may more probably be alledged , that the Maw-worms have their production from the little Eggs of Insects swallowed down by Children with their Meat . For our Meat cannot be so exactly preserved , but that it may by some way or other be contaminated by invisible Insects , which continually fly up and down in the Air. And whereas the meats swarming with those Eggs , are conveyed into the stomach ; the said Eggs by this means remain entire , and being cherish'd by a gentle heat , are at length delivered of these Worms : And for a clear demonstration hereof it is to be observed , that Children during the time they suck , are never troubled with Worms , nor are they in the least subject to this Distemper , till they come to feed upon more solid meat ; whereas before they immediately drew their nutriment from the Breasts , in which none of these little Eggs could harbour . But when they come to feed upon external nutriments , they are then more exposed to the breeding of Worms , because the fermentations in those nutriments are not powerful enough to destroy the Eggs. XIII . That some Fies are viviparous ALDROVANDUS in his first Book of Insects affirms , that some Flies are viviparous or capable of bringing forth living Flies : I took , saith he , when I was young , being entitc'd by the specious form thereof , one of the bigger sort of Flies , streakt with several white Lines ; which when I had kept some time in the hollow of my hand , I perceived at last proceeding from it , certain small white Worms crawling up and down . And tho' he speaks but of his catching one only Fly , which had Worms living and moving within her womb , yet it may easily be imagin'd , and inferred that the rest of that kind are also viviparous . XIV . Whether Mares may be impregnated by the Wind. Some Animals become pregnant by the wind , as PLINY relates of Mares in Spain and Cappadocia , in his Eighth Book , Chap. 42. It is certain , saith he , that in Portugal on the Banks of the River Tagus , near Lisbon , there are certain Mares , which turning their Face to the West-wind , when it blows , conceive thereby an Animal Spirit , which proceeds to a Birth , that is brought forth into the world with wonderful ease and expedition , but retains not life beyond the term of three years . This the Ancients gave credit to , but I fear , not upon so exact examination and enquiry , as a matter of this nature requires ; since sure enough it is that Generation cannot be effected without the coition of Male and Female , unless perhaps that which they call Hippomanes , be taken for a Birth , that I say , which Mares , while they are exposed to the wind , emit . I have ask'd some Portugueses whether or no it were true which some Ancient Authors have delivered concerning the fruitfulness of the Portugal Mares , and whether any sort of Wind was so efficacious as to deserve to be termed a Father of Living Creatures . Of these persons , some professed themselves totally ignorant of the matter ; others , whom the reading of Ancient Authors had incited to a more narrow search and enquiry into Antiquity said , that they had heard indeed that Mares sometimes bring forth certain mishapen and formless Masses , or lumps of Flesh , having nothing of resemblance with the shape of a Horse , or any other Animal : But this happens very rarely , and that too , only when they are high fed , and raging with desire of Copulation , are kept from the company of the Male. Whence we cannot but admire that PLINY , COLUMELLA , and other Accurate Writers of Natural Causes , should make mention of this strange sort of Geniture , which neither they themselves had observed , nor could warrant the truth thereof to the World by any sufficient Testimonies ; except we compare this opinion of theirs concerning the fruitfulness of those Mares , and their celerity of Birth , with some conceits of Justine the Epitomizer . XV. Vulturs falsly given out to conceive by the Wind. Nor is it with less incertainty , that AELIAN in his 2 d Book of Animals , asserts the Conception of Vulturs by the Wind , and their exposing their hinder part to the North-wind , to be as it were trodden and impregnated by the said Wind , since among Vulturs there is known to be a Male and Female , by the conjunction whereof Generation is produc'd , according to the common direction of Nature . Moreover , their Neasts are discovered , and they are known to couple at set times of the year . Nor signifies it any thing to say , that some Animals lay Eggs , which from the Wind are called Hypenemious or Subventaneous , that is to say , indeed Wind-trodden Eggs , as Hens , Partridges , &c. which before such time as they have experienc'd Coition , emit those subventaneous Births : Since these sorts of Eggs are barren , smaller and more liquid than those , which being produc'd by Copulation , are capable of faecundity . Nor can the liquor of them by any brooding of the Hen be brought to thicken , but still remains what it was at first . XVI . The Pyraustae breed in flames of fire . In the Brass Fornaces in the Isle of Cyprus , where the Stone Chalcites being cast in , is many days a burning , there spring up on a sudden in the very midst of the Fire , certain little winged Animals , called Pyraustae , somewhat bigger than great Flies ; which nimbly run and frisk up and down in the fire . ARISTOTLE makes mention of them in the 5 th Book of his History of Animals , Chap. 19. These Pyraustae breed not of the simple substance of the fire , but out of Eggs left by this kind of Animal in the Stone Chalcites ; for I cannot but perswade my self , that this Chalcites in the Mines is condenst out of a certain Juice , from which , as from a kind of Vehicle , certain Eggs , apt for the generating of these Pyraustae , proceed out of some Vegetable Body ; so that in fine the Pyraustae themselves are procreated out of these Eggs , the fat humour being mixt to the Metallick Matter , and thereupon live unhurt in the fire . In regard such is the temper of the Matter whereof they consist as long to endure the fire , and like Adianthum to elude the strength of the flames . St. AUGUSTIN in the 21 st Book of his Teatise De Civitate Dei , mentions also a sort of Worms found in bubling Streams of Water , so hot , as not to be touch'd without scalding . XVII . A certain sort of Wood incombustible . TORNIELLUS in his Book of the World , takes notice of a light kind of Wood , and to all outward appearance combustible , said to be brought from the Mountains of Java , whereof a small portion hath been cut off with a Knife , and cast into a large Coal Fire , and not been consumed , nay , not so much as lighted , impaired or diminished ; but being taken out , hath appeared as if it had never been cast into the fire . XVIII . The vulgar opinion of the Salamander . And altho' the same thing be vulgarly reported of the Salamander , yet I dare not maintain it as a compleat truth , since most certain it is , that at Rome a Salamander being cast into the fire by Corrini , a Roman Knight , immediately swell'd , and sent forth a fat thick matter which quench'd the Coals , and by repeated vomitings endeavoured to defend himself from the cruel Ardours of the fire . XIX . Some sort of Linnen which no fire consumes . LEMNIUS saw , as himself attests , Mantles Knit or Woven of a certain incombustible sort of Flax which yield not to the fire , and are invincible to the hottest flames ; insomuch that if at any time these Clothes come to be sullied , or contract any thing of Soil or Spots , there is no need of Soap or Lie for the taking out of these Spots , but the Garments are thrown whole into a great fire , and immediately become all in a blaze as if bedawb'd with Grease ; but being taken out , they are fresh , and cleansed of all their Spots . The same sort of Plant is said to grow in the Desert and Sandy Parts of India , whereof some Stocks , acquire from the condition of the Soil , and quality of the Ambient Air , such disposition as to be capable of being woven into Linnen . CHAP. II. Of Animals produc'd of Seed . I. Whether Whitings and such like Fishes are of one Sex only . SOME Animals are thought to be of one Sex only , and to Generate and bring forth without the Male , as ARISTOTLE in the 11 th Chapter of the 4 th Book of his Natural History , relates of Rochets and Plaice among Fishes ; which when they are taken , are found to have Eggs. The same thing is affirmed of Oisters , and some other Shell-fish , that they are impregnated with their own proper Seed , and that they breed and bring forth their like without Natural Coition . Those that stand up for Aristotle and right or wrong defend whatsoever hath been wrought by him , admit , without the least difficulty , this assertion of his , because ●e Judges so , Writes so , and will have it so : But we who prefer Truth before Aristotle , and think nothing fit to be received which is not consentaneous to Reason and Experience , reject his Assertion as Fabulous , as having conferred with Men of undoubted Credit and Reputation , who affirm that they have seen Rochets without Spawn , and Plaice , Male and Female , in conjunction together . And indeed it is utterly repugnant to Reason , that any Animal should procreate by it self , and propagate its Species without the help of another . So that I am apt to believe that Aristotle delivered not this to be his Sentiment , as totally relying upon his own proper Judgment or Experience , but rather by suffering himself to be led aside by the Credit of those Fishermen whom he had hired to discover to him the Nature and Properties of Fish . The same may be said of Oisters and such like Shell-fish ; since there are many who affirm that they have seen Horn-fish and Purples in Conjunction each with their kind : Nay , and that they have observed their Meeting at set times of the year to perform the said work of Generation . II. That Children sometimes inherit the defects of their Parents . Women that are maimed or deprived of one or more Limbs , sometimes bring forth Children affected with the like Mutilation , as that Woman mentioned by GASSENDUS , who having formerly brought forth many Children perfect and intire , afterwards when she had lost one of her Fingers , brought forth several Children , in like manner , deficient . Sir KENELM DIGBY gives us a Relation of a certain Woman whom he saw in Barbary , who having two Thumbs on her Left Hand , was attended by four Daughters , whom she brought forth thumb'd in like manner . Ancient Physitians generally alledge one main cause of these and the like effects , namely the deflux of the Seed from all parts of the Body : Forasmuch as since the Blood is carried by a perpetual motion through the Body of the Animal , it is not to be doubted but that the subtil part thereof adapted to Generation , by passing through all its parts , is concocted by every one of them , and affected in a certain peculiar manner , so that it partakes of the qualities of each , and carries them along with it to the Heart , whereunto it tends ; and where it is separated from another more gross part , and laid up in receptacles appointed by Nature . And this , say they , is the Seed which every Animal makes use of for the Generation of others like it self . So that if it chance that the Animal from which that Spermatick Matter is drawn , wants any Limb or Member , no virtue of the said Member will be in the Blood , and consequently the Birth will come forth maimed , or destitute of some part or parts . Or if any part or parts in the Annimal exceed , as Sir Kenelm relates of the African Woman , or there be any exuberance or excrescence of Flesh , the same deformity will be also concomitant to the Birth , unless this redundancy be temper'd by the Seed of the other Parent , or the superfluity of the Blood be corrected . III. Defects , Diseases and Vices of Parents entailed upon their Children . And for the same cause they say it is , that they who are troubled with the Gout , Epilepsie , Leprosie , or any such like contagious disease , impart the same to their Births : Especially the Mothers , since they afford them Aliment , and together with the Blood , the habit of Body , as they likewise communicate the manners and dispositions of the Mind . Hence commonly it falls out that lewd and drunken Women bring forth Children of the same temper and like themselves entailing their vices on their Offspring . IV. How Children come to be markt with their Parents defects . But as in Fruits it may possibly be conjectur'd , that the Buds and Efflorescences have been form'd in their original exemplar from the beginning of the world ; so the like is to be inferr'd in the production of all Animals ; and tho' it may seem very difficult to comprehend how the form and features of Parents are imprinted in the Births ; yet if we seriously consider it , we shall find it not so hard a matter to conceive as we think , that the figure of a Body so small , and so flexible as is that of an Embrio , may be diversly modified , whether it be by the Bodies which serve to extend and enlarge it , or by those which close or compress it , or by the imagination of the Mother which hath power to remove the humours , and consequently to cause them to flow towards some parts rather than others . For when they fail to bend their motion towards some parts of the Infant , then it is that the Infant is born with the Defects of the maimed Parent . V. How Exuberances or Additions of Parts happen . And on the contrary , if it happen that they have exuberances or more parts than belong to a compleat Birth , as two Heads , or the like ; this addition of parts may be attributed to the meeting of two Eggs hitting together , or whose parts have been disordered , intermingled , or crusht together through the motion of the Humours , several ways , by the imagination of the Mother . VI. The Cause of Womens Barrenness . Some Women are undoubtedly barren and uncapable of ever bringing forth Children , and the reason is evident from things already discourst of in our Institution of Philosophy ; namely , that every Egg , in its proper receptacle , that is , the Womens Testicles is rendred fruitful by the Virile Contact , that the Egg thus faecundated or fructified , increases daily more and more , and is at length shut up in the Womb , and is there , as it were , ripened with heat , till such time as it hath received all its Lineaments . So that Women are Barren when their Eggs are either intemperate , or hardned , or wrapt in a Membran too thick to be fermented by the touch of the Virile or Male Seed ; or because their Eggs are too small or juiceless , so as to contain little or nothing in them , or else because their whole Bodies are intemperate or full of gross humours , or are over fat , or because they are troubled with the Whites , or have their Courses too much . But of all others , the chief cause of Sterility is said to consist in the obstruction of the Fallopian Tubes , since if these chance to be obstructed , the Seminal Spirit cannot reach the Ovary to fructifie it . VII . Women deprived of the usual benefit of Nature , are barren . Women , whom the Monthly benefit of Nature fails , are barren and void of all faecundity . The Reason is , because at such a time the Vessels being obstructed , the passage is rendred uncapable to transmit the Genital Air to the Ovarium . Whereas Women , when their Courses begin , and more especially when newly over , are sooner impregnated and conceive , because the Womb is moist with a certain roscid humour , and more easily attracts and retains the Seed . VIII . When the Menstruous Fluor begins in VVomen . Women have not their Courses at the same time in all Countries . In very hot Climats , for the most part , the Profluvium begins in the 7 th or 8 th year : So the story goes of an Indian Girl , who was married at seven years old , and at eight brought forth a Boy . In temperate Regions at 12 or 14 ; in cold Regions seldom before the 16 th or 18 th year of Age : In persons very young these Fluors break not out , both in regard the Blood is for the most part taken up in the nutrition of the Body , as also because the Blood is not sharp enough to open easily the Mouths of the Vessels : In Women growing into years it ceases , in regard the Blood thickning for want of due fermentation , is not so fluid as in the strong and youthful . IX . VVhether She Mules are barren , and for what cause . She Mules are generally accounted barren and uncapable to bring forth their like . The Cause of this sterility in Mules , Modern Physitians attribute to the want of Eggs in the Womb. For STENO , who first discovered and made publick the Ovary in Women , affirms that Mules have indeed Testicles , but are destitute of Eggs , and therefore no wonder they are so barren , since they have not like other Animals , Eggs in those Testicles . However some there are that question this Tradition , and assert that she Mules are not altogether barren , since there have been Mules known which have brought forth ; particularly there was one of late in Auvergn that brought forth a young Mule. And PLINY quotes Theophrastus his Testimony , that Mules in Cappadocia bring forth not only those that are generated of a He Ass and Mare , but also such as are begot of Mares , and wild Asses , tho' this seldom happens by reason of the great difference of parts which constitute the Womb of a she Ass , and those which constitute that of a Mare ; forasmuch as the Asinine Birth possesses those Caruncles , Placents and Zones which the Equine Birth is destitute of . Wherefore it must needs be , that whereas a She Mule partakes not of all those parts , she cannot but be barren , unless some extraordinary accident happen . XI . A too frequent effusion of Seed hurtful to the Brain . Overmuch effusion of Seed is very hurtful to the Brain and Nerves , and creates an extraordinary weakness in them , as those persons by experience find , that too much indulge to Venery . HIPPOCRATES was of opinion , and to this day it is the belief of many Physitians , that the Genital Humour is derived from the Brain into the Spermatick Vessels , whereof when ▪ ever there is any evacuation made , the Brain must of necessity be weakned . But since there appears no peculiar Channels from the Brain , which can convey the foresaid humour to the Spermatick Parts , it is most consentaneous to reason , that this noble humour is generated out of the mass of Blood , or as others will have , out of the Nutricious Juice and Animal Spirit well compounded , whereof some part is no less diffused to the Genitals than to the Brain . But that the overmuch wastings of the Genital Humour should endamage and weaken the Brain , that arises from hence , namely because the Blood to repair the spent Seed , puts the Brain to the expence of its most subtil part to supply the Spermatick Vessels with a sufficient quantity of Animal Spirits . Nay , when the Blood out of its own substance cannot contribute sufficiently to the Genitals , it claims of the Brain a Grant of new matter formerly borrowed on purpose . XI . Children generally resemble one or other of their Parents . Children most commonly are like to one or other of their Progenitors , and sometimes resemble both . Some Women have the resemblance of the Grand Father , Great Grand Father , or some other of their Ancestors . As that Graecian Woman , mention'd by PLINY , being accused of Adultery because she had brought forth a Black , was acquitted and judged innocent when it appeared that she was but the fourth degree removed from an Aethiopian Ancestry . It is a common opinion of ancient Physitians , that if the Womans Seed abound , the Birth becomes like the Mother ; if the Mans Seed predominate , it is most like to the Father ; but if there be an equal proportion on both sides , that then there is a resemblance to each party alike ; and to this purpose and almost in the same terms LACTANTIUS expresses himself . XII . The Reason of the resemblance of Children to their Progenitors . But I rather think , as I said a little before , comparing the Germination of Plants with the Production of Animals , that the resemblance of Children to Parents , is not caused by the exceeding quantity of Seed , either of the one or the other Parent , but rather because the Seed of the Male , making way into the Pores of the Eggs , opens them in such a manner , that they are more disposed to receive the matter whose particles resemble those of the Male Seed than to admit of others , by reason whereof the particles , which make up the composition of the Infants Body , rank themselves in such sort as those are rank'd which compose the Fathers ; and this is the true cause of Father and Sons resembling each other . The same reason may be given of Infants being born with a resemblance to the Grand Father , or any other Ancestor , whom neither Father nor Mother ever knew . For it may easily be conceiv'd , that Ancestors may possibly have imprest in their begotten Off-spring such sort of dispositions , that the parts of their Seed cause in the particles of the Eggs those particular structures which are proper to produce in the Birth a Figure modified rather one way than another . XIII . VVhence it is that some Children are born Lame , others Gibbous . But some will say , if Infants are thus inclosed , and as if it were fenc'd about in Eggs , how comes it that some are born Lame , others Gibbous or bunch backt ? This happens when the Infant is so streightned in the Womb , that all the parts cannot grow proportionably ; whether it be that that the Womb is too little , or because the parts of the Birth are diversly affected by some exteriour cause . For by this means the Infant must needs be out of order , that is , must have some Member greater or smaller , or otherwise dispos'd than the natural construction of the Body requires . XIV . How it tomes to pass that sometimes VVise Men beget Fools . Hence it is that wise men oft beget Changelings , or Children of little or no understanding : Because having their minds imployed in subtil inventions , or some serious points of Learning or Art , they little mind the Sports of Venus , and are very slack and indifferent in the performances thereof . On the contrary , those that are eagerly bent upon the Act of Generation , for the most part beget Children of like Affections , Manners , Studies and Inclinations of Mind . For those Children in whom vigour of Soul and Vital Spirit is infused from the faculty of the Seed , cannot but be of the same Disposition , Nature and Temperament with their Progenitors . XV. VVhence it is that the VVomen of Holland bring forth Harelipt Children . The Matrons of Holland by looking earnestly upon a Hare , oft-times bring forth Children with the Upper-Lip divided , or as we commonly call them Hare-Lipt . In like manner , some have Flat Noses , Wry Mouths , Blubber Lips , and a habit of Body , all over deformed . The Reason is , because Women in the time of their conception or going with Child , have many times their Eyes , Thoughts and Fancies strongly fixt upon some or other misshapen or ill favour'd sight : For such is the force of Imagination , that when a Woman Locks or Thinks upon any thing very earnestly , she commonly brings forth some thing very nearly resembling the thing so seen or thought on . So a certain Woman not forgotten in story , who having cast away all shame , while her Husband was absent , and prostituted her self to another person , brought forth a Child no way like to the Gallant , but the very Picture of her absent Husband : The cause whereof is Elegantly and Wittily described by Sir Thomas More in one of his Epigrams . XVI . VVhence it is that Children are brought forth like to the things beheld . The like is related by GALEN , namely , that a certain Woman brought forth a Child not at all like the Father , who was naturally deformed in Body , and of an ill-favour'd Visage , but to a fair Image or Picture which her Husband had often desired her frequently to cast her Eyes upon . And PORTAEUS makes relation of another Woman , who delighting as it were by a natural propensity , to have frequently in her sight , and oftner in her mind a Statue of Marble representing a Fat Boy , brought forth a kind of Man Child Pale and Wa● , and indeed wholly resembling the said Statue . Nor is this peculiar only to Human Race , but common also to Brute Animals , of which more in the following Chapter . XVII . How Twins are generated . Whence it is that Twins are brought forth at one Birth . Ancient Physitians were of opinion , that the Womb is distinguisht into so many Cavities or Cells , divided by Membrans from one another as there are Births generated in the Womb ; but the contrary is proved by experience . For the Womb hath in reality but one continued Cavity ; and the truth of the matter is this , when several Births , at one time are generated in the Womb , they are contained each in their proper Membrans ; so that if two , three or more Births are conceived , it is when the Male Seed hath been very spirituous , even to the impregnation of so many Eggs , with the same fruitfulness through the Fallopian Tubes , as if there were but one , which being driven down to the bottom of the Womb , are there each of them fructified . XVIII . Whether Issues dispose to Barrenness . It is a Vulgar Maxim among Women , and by some taken for a certain truth , especially here in England , that if a Woman have but one Issue , she is condemned to Sterility or Barrenness , and much more , if more . Therefore to married Women that are in expectation of Childing , this sort of application , tho' otherwise thought very conducible to health , is most strictly forbidden . But of this Interdiction I have yet found no just reason alledged , only there are cited some stories of Barren Women with Issues about them ; but it would not be difficult to produce relations of very many Barren Women without Issues , and of many Fruitful ones which have them . CHAP. III. Of Monsters . I. VVhat a Monster is . THOSE we call Monsters are Natural Births , or Natural Living Creatures degenerating from the due and wonted disposition of their Species . Now they are said to degenerate if there happen any superfluous Member , or any necessary one be wanting , or any part be in a wrong place , or be of another kind than what it ought to be ; so that those persons are said to be Monstrous who are either born without Arms , or with more than ought to be , or have them in a wrong place , as in the Thighs , or have the Head of a Ram , or other unhuman Creature , not to mention several other accidents of this nature . II. Of a Two-headed Twin Fac'd and double-breasted Birth . There goes a tradition of a Boy , born in the Reign of the Emperor Theodosius at Emaus , who from the Navil downward was perfect as others of his kind , but upwards was all double ; Head , Face and Breast , had the use of his Senses , and of all his double parts by turns , while one eat and drank the other abstained , and with the like vicissitude while one slept , the other waked ; while one sported , the other was serious ; discovering hereby effects of a different Mind and Temper , and in this manner he lived near two years . III. A Child born without a Head. Another without Feet , others without Hands or Feet . In 1504. in Misnia , a Child was born without a Head , his Eyes being placed in his Breast . Another in Nebritz , not far from the City Wutz was born without Feet . Others the Roman History mentions born without Hands and Feet . IV. A Monster with one Arm in the Ear , and another in the Side . In Stetin was born a Monster shaped as followeth , in the place of the Head there was an unformed Mass or Lump , rising and sinking like a Sheeps Intrals ; in the place of one Ear stood out an Arm , where the Face should be , there was a tuft of Hair like a Cats Fur , and the Spawn of a Pike Fish , through the lower part whereof the Eyes cast a splendor like Glass ; the Mouth was contracted into a little hole , without Lips ; there was something like a Nose , but wonderfully small ; nor was there any appearance of a Neck : Another Arm stuck out from one side , but there was no sign either of Back or Breast , excepting that a little small Line seemed to supply the place of the Back-bone ; it was neither Hermaphrodite , nor of any Sex. There was also in the year 1516. another strange Creature born , which lived to be a Man , having no other Head but what grew out from the Navil , yet it took in nourishment as freely as if it had been in its proper place . V. A Monster born with the Head of a Dog or Ape . In 1560. there was born at Basil a Man-child with a fierce and grim Visage , having indeed an indifferent well compacted Body , but Head and Face all hairy , and more resembling that of a Dog , Cat or Ape , than of a Human Creature . He liv'd no longer than about an hour and a half . Near Lauffenburg , a Town in Germany , on the Borders of Switzerland , a Child was born with a rough and frightful Head , and the Feet of a Goose . VI. There might possibly be a foundation of Monsters from the beginning . Of all these strange Births various causes may be assigned : For in the first place , we may without offence believe that the first Seed-plot of Monsters as well as of perfect Creatures , was planted in the beginning , and that Generation only conduces to render them capable of a sensible growth ; nor doth it avail to say , that GOD cannot be the Author of Monsters , for he would be so nevertheless , tho' the first Seed-plot of Monsters were not till after the beginning ; and there is a ready answer , viz. That there is nothing in the World except Immorality , of which GOD is not the Author . VII . Or some Canse may be in the Conception . 2 dly , The cause of any Monstrous defect is either in the Conception , or the Egg , in which some passages are by accident obstructed , or some Fibres pluckt off ; or in the Womb , when the Placenta , into which the Male Stock is ingraffed , hath suffered any defect ; or in the decision ▪ of the Conception , or last efflorescence . VIII . Or from the streightness of the VVomb . 3 dly , These Monstrous Bodies may possibly proceed from the streightness of the Womb , whence HIPPOCRATES compares an over-streight Womb to a stony place , which causes the Tree that springs up there , to become bent or dismembred ; or to the narrow Neck of a Vessel which stifles the growth of the Cucumber when tender , and contracts and curtails it when growing to maturity . IX . Or from the Imagination . 4 ly . The force of Imagination may produce a defect , or exorbitancy in the Birth , as we oft see Warts and Spots imprest upon the Birth by Imagination ; and these Spots are not always the simple resemblances of Cherries , Mulberries , but also sometimes of Entrails , as Liver , Heart , &c. Now if this Imagination have such a power upon one part , why may it not have the like upon many , nay upon all ? X. How Twins come to be born with Bodies joined or fastned to each other . Animals which bear Twins , sometimes bring forth Monstrous Births . So we see may times out of one and the same Egg , a double Monster produc'd , a Chicken with four Wings and as many Feet , and sometimes with two Heads . Twins oft-times are born with their two Bodies joined together into one ; as at Constance , near a place called Abronium , there were born two Children , Male and Female , with two Heads , four Arms , and as many Feet , that is , each of them had all their Members compleat , only they were joined together about the Navil . The Reason seems to be , because altho' Twins in most Animals are wrapt up in the same Membran , called Chorion , yet each of the Births hath its proper Membran , called Amnion , and therein a separate Conception ; yet sometimes it happens that these two Membrans , mix as it were into one , or at last mutually intersect each other , whence certainly arises a great confusion of parts , for this the Fibres and the Canals have proper to themselves , viz. that they easily join into a Contexture ; so there is not a total confusion of the Colliquaments , but only some commixture and compression which will cause the two Twins , thus united together , to have some parts in common ; and the Colliquament , upon the consumption of one of the salient points , to turn into a duplicated Animals , and consequently some Members will prove superfluous . The same thing happens in Fruits , if they be crowded up in straight places before they arrive to their due magnitude , as hath been already hinted , tho' Plants seldom undergo this sort of failures and lapses of Nature , because they are more plain and simple , and the Organs of their Body are lesser and less exact ; so that in their constitution they give Generating Nature less occasion to err . For it is very obvious to err in composing works of divers parts join'd each to other with most curious Artifice , as the Members of Animals are . Whence it appears , that Mothers consult very ill for themselves and Children , while they live idely and lasily at home , and incommode the Child within them , while they sit double or cross-leg'd at their Needle-work . Forasmuch as by this overmuch contraction , they bring Children into the World Bunch-Backt , Splay-Footed , Crooked or Awry , or some way or other Mishapen . XI . How Africa comes chiefly to abound in Monsters . Sometimes also Monsters are produc'd from the various commixture of divers Seeds , that is , when the sorts of Seeds are taken in at several times one before , another after . Hence it is that Africa is generally said to abound in Monsters , because Animals of different kind resort from all parts of the Country to drink of what Streams of Fresh Water they can find , which are fewer than in any other quarter of the World ; and so rencountring each other , they couple promiscuously together , and bring forth productions never intended by Nature . XII . How it may be known whether Monsters , having double parts , be two Animals , or but one . The next thing to be considered is , whether Monsters that have double parts , can be said to be two Animals or one . To determine this the better , it is to be supposed , that the Heart is the principal part of every Animal ; forasmuch as all other parts derive their original from it ; so that if there be two Hearts in any Animal , it will necessarily follow that the Animal possessing those two Hearts is a double Animal . For as it is the principle of the Operations of the sensitive Soul , according to the Internal Senses , and in part according to the motions of the Appetite ; so it is vulgarly said to be the principle of the Vegetative and sensitive Soul , according to the motions of the Appetite . Hereupon SENNERTUS infers , that that Monstrous Birth of Emaus having two Heads and two Hearts , was to be accounted two Men : But that the other born in the year 1531 , who had two Heads , and but only one Heart and lived to Mans Estate , was to be reckned no more than but one Man , which he proved by this Argument viz. that the two Heads perpetually testified their consent to the same actions , had the same appetite , the same hanger and thirst , spake in the same manner , had the same desire to accompany with their Wife , the same desire to exonerate Nature . But in the other who had two Hearts , there was not found the same conspiracy and consent of Affections and desires : what this would have at one time , the other affected at another time ; sometimes they agreed , sometimes they squabled . XIII . Monstrous Births in other Animals besides Mankind . Monstrous Births proceed not only from Mankind , but also from other Animals ; forasmuch as being equally endued with Corporeal Imagination , they may be as eagerly intent in the beholding of any Object , and by this means may induce various Forms upon their Births . So Jacob made a great part of his Unkle Labans Flock his own , by the ringstreaked and variously spotted Rods he cast before the Ews when they were ready to conceive : Thus we draw fine Pictures upon the Wings and Tails of divers sorts of Birds ; thus we produce delicate breeds of Dogs and Horses curiously streakt and spotted ; and who knows but that that wonderfully shapt Monster described by FINCELIUS might be produced by this or some such like artifice ; that Monster , I say , which being calv'd by a Cow , had the Feet of a Calf , a Mans Head , with both Ears also like a Man , and Hair of an indifferent length , a Breast also and Teats on them like a Human Creature . Nor must the Turky Hen be past by , which had the Body of a Peacock , the Crest and Dewlap of a Game Cock , a Voice like that of the Peacock , and a noble display of Colours on the Tail ; for such is the force and power of the imaginary , tho' corporeal Faculty , that when Animals behold any thing attentively , it makes so deep an impression in them , that they impart those impressions of various forms upon their Births . XIV . But most in Mankind . But there are more differences and varieties in Man than in other Creatures , by reason that swiftness of Thought , readiness of Mind and variety of Fancy and Ingenuity makes impressions of various forms , whereas other Creatures , have for the most part the same reception of Images which are produc'd from the variety of Tracts imprest in the Brain , whereby it comes to pass , that a Womans Imagination induces a strange and borrowed Form and Image , no way like to the begetter , but totally differing from them . XV. Whence the deformity of some Bodies . Now upon serious reflection of all that hath been said on this Subject , there is nothing more odious and detestable to me , than to see wanton Women so excessively delight themselves with Dogs and Apes , as to carry them in their Bosoms , hug them , stroak them , and be continually handling and making much of them ; since by this familiarity , and having these Creatures perpetually in their sight , the imperfect Nature of Women is apt to conceive in the Mind one or other strange form or feature , and so fix upon the Birth a Face like some of those Animals they converse with , or at least some way or other specially illfavoured . Yea , sometimes Children are brought into the world with odd kind of shap'd Bodies , Visages out of the common road of Human Aspect , distorted Mouths and Cheeks , inflate like the Picture of the North-wind , and all by the Mothers regards continually and intently fixt upon brutal and unwonted Objects . CHAP. IV. Of the Birth of Animals . I. Why Women bring forth but one Child at a Birth . WOmen lie in commonly but of one Child , whereas other Creatures bring forth many of their kind at a Birth . This is , because in those Animals there are divers Cells or Fleshy Eminences , to which small Eggs are fastned , one to each : But it is not so with Women , for tho' the Virile Seed ascends in vapors to the Testicles through the Tubes of the Matrice ; yet notwithstanding Women do not commonly conceive two Children , by reason that the Womb hath but one Cavity ; and that for the accomplishing of Generation , it is not enough that it be receiv'd into Testicles , but it must also be received into the pores of the Eggs to cause them to ferment ; nor can these pores receive it till after the Egg is brought to a certain point of maturity , to which commonly , in Women , they attain not to , but only one after another ; as we see in the Ovaries of Hens , whence the Eggs for the most part are not unfastned but successively . We must therefore suppose that when Women bring forth two Children at once , it either proceeds from hence , namely that two Eggs fall at one and the same time into the Womb , and that there are two places for them to be fastned to , and for that the two Eggs have been in such sort formed in the first Creation as to be apt to fasten to the same Placenta . II. Whether there be any sign to discover whether a Woman shall have Twins or not . There are some who brag that by a certain sign or mark , they can easily guess whether a Big-bellied Woman shall have Twins or not . But their boast is vain and groundless , for of this matter there can be no certainty , rule or knowledge . It can neither be the big swelling of the Belly , which sometimes is greater in the bearing of a single Birth , than in that of Twins ; nor the diversity of motions , which many times some have taken such strict observation of from an abortive Embrio only , especially by the slow motion thereof , as to believe that the VVoman would certainly have had Twins , had she gone out her time . Nor an external Line dividing the VVomb in the middle , which several Anatomists have , even from their own Wives , found experimentally to be a vain conceit : Nor the swelling of their Legs and Feet in the last Month , or Months of their going with Child , since they swell in that manner , even in the bearing of single Births : Nor lastly , the large distension of the Belly towards the Sides , which the various situation of a single Birth may be the cause of . Rebecca indeed from the extraordinary motion of two Embrio's strugling one against the other , guest that she had Twins within her ; but this might also be partly a Divine Instinct . III. What the Cause is of Abortion in Women . VVomen oftentimes happen to bring forth an Immature Birth , and to suffer an Efflux or Abortion before the due time appointed by Nature for their Delivery . Abortion , or the untimely Exclusion of a Birth , not yet perfected , happens according to the opinion of the Galenists , either from the overmuch abundance of Blood , by reason of the great afflux thereof to the VVomb , more at that time than another ; or else from the want of Blood in the Mother to nourish the Infant . But in my Judgment there are several Causes to be enquired into , as well relating to the Mother , as to the Birth . On the of the Birth , Abortion happens when the Uterine Glands are so infirm , that they are soon broken ; or the Membrans so thin , as upon the least occasion to burst ; upon which the humours breaking forth , the Birth decays . On the part of the Childing VVoman , if she be of a weaker Nature than ordinary , and hath not strength sufficient for the bearing of such a burthen : Sometimes it happens from a suddain fright , or the noxious temperament of the Air. To which purpose AELIAN relates , that VVomen inhabiting the Southern Countries are more subject to Abortion than those that live more Northerly , because there the Limbs are more supple ; and those parts which conduce to Childbearing are more loosened . IV. When Abortive Births use to happen . An Abortion may happen from the first moment of Conception to the beginning of the seventh Month ; but it is most frequent about the end of the third : not but there have been examples thereof both before and after that time . Before the tenth Week after Conception , exclusions are scarcely taken for a real Abortion , because till after that time scarce any rudiment of a Birth appears ; so that it is then rather accounted for a Mole . For unless the Birth appears in the body of the Placenta , it is not allowed to be a true Conception , and consequently the exclusion thereof cannot be said to be an Abortion . V. Why Infants are born at nine Months end . The end of nine Months is the usual time of an Infants coming into the world . The Reason of this is , partly because of the overmuch Meconium of the Intestins made by the excrements , which is nothing else but the mixture of Phlegm , Choler and Pancreatick Juice , which because of overmuch delay , become oversharp , whence by a troublesom vellication of the Fibres of the Intestins , it causes an influx of the Animal Spirits into all parts , and so the Birth overmuch stirring it self by its calcitration or kicking , breaks the two Membrans , the Amnion and the Chorion , in which it is wrapt , and gathering it self round , shoots downward towards the internal Orifice of the VVomb , which by dilating , it naturally makes its way into the world . VI. The Viper does not let out her young ones through her dissected Sides . The Viper brings not forth but with the loss of Life , for on the third day shutting in her young ones into her VVomb , having about twenty to bring forth , and having brought one a day for two or three days before , the rest impatient of their slow Birth , and hastning into the Light , bite through the Sides of their Dam , and thereby open a gap to their own Life and her death . Whence Mantuan ; The Viper wounded by the fatal bite Of the young Vipers , dies to give them light . This Tradition , from the Age of Herod●tus to this very time , hath been received for an undoubted Truth , namely , that the Male Viper loses its Life in the midst of Copulation , by thrusting its Head into the Mouth of the Female , who through the height of pleasure bites it off : As also that the young ones not tarrying their time , make a speedier way by tearing the VVomb , and gnawing through the Breast of the Dam. But the vanity of this assertion they find by experience , who preserve them in Glass Vessels for their use , in certain Medicinal Compositions . It may well enough be conjectur'd that this fancy took its original from hence , namely , because Vipers are brought forth fenc'd about with their Membrans , which in regard some of them break not till the third day after their being brought forth , and others free themselves of them in the VVomb ; hereupon some have taken the Membran for the VVomb , and delivered in writing that the Brood of Vipers gnaw through the sides of the Dam , and by that corrosion cause her Death . VII . But the Fish Acus . But this is known for a certain , that the Belly of the Fish called Acus , in the midst of her breeding , cleaves into a gaping Aperture by reason of the multitude of young ones within her , which cleft is not effected by the corrosion or gnawing of the young Fry , but by the rupture of the Skin making a gap under the bottom of its Belly , by which , contrary to the custom of other Fish , its VVomb is extended in time of breeding , and in which it lays up its Spawn . For RONDELETIUS upon his own experience attests , that as he was dissecting of one of this sort of Fish , he found abundance of Spawn in that very gap ; and likewise that as he was inspecting into the said gap , he found in two other lesser ones , some Spawn newly hatch'd , and many Births just perfected ; whereof some of the biggest moved , but others imperfect , whose Eyes and Mouths were only to be perceived . From all which it may be gathered , that the Fish Acus does not so much bring forth young ones , as exclude them out of that bursted Gap , and that the Viper suffers no damage by the production of her Viperous Blood. VIII . How it comes that Animals have each their set season of bringing forth from the time of Copulation . Animals observe each of them , their certain and determinate time in bringing forth . Elephants go go 2 years , Mares 11 Months , Camels 12 Months , Cows 10 , Sheep 5 , Bitches 9 Weeks . Birds also lay their Eggs at a set time from the Seed received . Women also have their ninth or tenth Month for their delivery , which if they exceed , the Birth is accounted either not Natural , or not Legitimate . There is one common Cause of all these different Seasons , namely , for that the Birth as it grows bigger and bigger , being more and more unsatisfied with its nourishment , makes a stir and eagerly indeavours to enlarge its Commons , and provide it self with a more plentiful subsistence ; as also for that being shut up in too narrow a compass , and streightned by the Membrans wherein it is wrapt , it shakes the Walls of its Prison to get free . And this is to be observed , not only in Animals of the bigger sort , and viviparous or live-bearing , but also in the Oviparous or Egg-bearing . For a Chicken shut up in its Egg , as soon as the Yolk upon which it hath lived is consumed , with the help of its Dam , the Hen , breaks the Shell and gets its liberty . Thus the Egg , after formation compleated , becomes so burdensom to the Womb , that being in a sort exasperated , indeavours to expel the said Egg , and to free it self from so troublesom a burthen . IX . Why Animals are born with their Head downward . All Creatures , if they are brought forth according to Nature , are carried inverse , and prone upon the Head , open the Mouth of the Womb. The Reason is , because that part of the Body , from the Navel upwards , to the Head , is more ponderous than that which from the Navel reaches downward ; and since heavy things tend to the lower parts , the Head of the Infant must of necessity be carried first to the Orifice of the Womb. As of two Skales of a Ballance , the heavier tends downward , and the other upward . And if at any time it happens otherwise , that Birth is said to be not Natural , but as it were perverting the course of Nature ; as when it comes out with its Feet forward , or with one Foot stretcht out , another tending to one side ; or when with one or both Hands it offers it self to the Mouth of the Womb. X. Why Infants born in the 7th Month ▪ live , and not those born in the 8th . Ancient Physitians are of opinion , that a Septimestrian-Birth , or a Child born in the seventh Month may live , but that an Octimestrian or Eight-month Birth is for the most part fatal . The Cause hereof HIPPOCATES attributes to the order of the seven Planets , that preside over Human Affairs , and have their domination or Government over them , each in their turn . So that according to his assertion , the first Month belongs to Saturn , the second to Jupiter , and so of the rest , till the dominion comes to Mercury , who is the lowest of the Planets ; which Circuit being finish'd , it returns again to Saturn . But how comes Hippocrates to understand so well this power of the wandring Stars ? Wherein is it that this great force of theirs consists ? What Instruments guide them to the Infant wrapt up in his Membrans ? But looking upon these things as the Dreams of a wise or rather industrious Person , I choose to adhere to PLINY , who affirms the contrary to have hapned in Aegypt , in which Country he saith , there is nothing more frequent than for Octomestrian Births to live , and brings for example , Caesonia , the Wife of the Emperor Caius , who came into World in the eighth Month. This account is confirmed by CARDANUS , bringing an instance of Cardinal S●ondano and others , who being born in the eighth Month , nevertheless lived to a very considerable Age. And what should hinder us from asserting , that Persons born in the eighth Month are more long liv'd than others ; since it is a great Argument of vigor that they anticipate the ordinary course of Nature , and as it were take it in dudgeon to be shut up longer in a Prison , unless the blame be laid upon the Mothers weakness , and the Birth be accelerated by an overmuch irritation of the Womb. XI . How Infants are said to be born in the 12th or 13th Month. It is delivered by some Physitians , as well Ancient as Modern , that there are Births of eleven Months : PLINY makes relation in his seventh Book , Chap. 5. of a Woman who was brought to Bed in her thirteenth Month ; and AVICEN writes of another that was delivered in her tenth Month. This Computation may possibly have hapned from the roguery of some Women , and the simplicity of others in misreckning their time : Roguery when a Woman having no Children at her Husbands death , may for enjoyment of his Inheritance , and Personal Estate , accompany with another Person , and have a Child by him within 11 , 12 , 13 , or 14 Months , and so lay the getting of it to her deceased Husband ; which kind of Villany is so common , that all the World over in all Judicial Courts ring of it . And this is the reason that these late kind of Births are seldom heard of except in such sort of Widows , but very rarely in those Women whose Husbands live , and constantly Bed with them . But as to the misreckning , VVomen generally compute the beginning of their Conception from the first stoppage of their Courses , whereas it may possibly fall out , that for some other cause they may stop two or three Months before Conception ; so that if a VVoman begins the computation of her being with Child , the very first time of their stoppage , she must needs be in an error , and by reason thereof it will be thought that the Infant came into the World on the 11 th or 12 Month , when indeed it was born after the wonted manner at the end of the 9 th Month. XII . Why Infants kick a little before their Birth . A Great Birth , when Mature , for the most part kicks , and gathering it self up in a heap , breaks the Membrans in which 't is wrapt . This Kicking proceeds from a necessity of refreshment or respiration ; for the heat of the Embrio is small at the beginning , and setting it self at first to shoot out like a small sparkle , it hath then no need of refreshment , but augmentation ; but as the bulk encreases by little and little , so also the Actions and Motions of the Birth encrease . But at length the heat is so encreased , that then it chiefly wants ▪ ventilation and refrigeration , which not being found , the Birth begins by little and little to be more and more disturbed , and by reason of that disturbance and anxiety , to stir and kick at length so much the more strongly , and by that strong motion to incite the Uterine Vapors to a violent Effervescence or boiling , and thereby to endeavour to make its passage out into a freer Air. XIII . Why the Milk encreases in the Breasts the fourth Child-bearing . Womens Breasts immediately after their delivery , swell and abound with Milk , but especially on the 3 d , 4 th or 5 th day . That is , because Childbed Women the three or four first days after delivery , seldom bend their Minds intently upon any business , or serious affairs , and thereupon having but very little appetite , they eat and drink less than usual , and breed less Chyle ; but in the following days they eat more , and the Infant begins to cry more , and then they presently begin to think of Nutriment for the Child , and desire to quiet it from crying . From which affection the passages being loosned by a determinate influx of Animal Spirits , which before were carried to the VVomb , the Chylie Juice is then converted to the Breasts . XIV . Imagination impells the Chyle to the Breasts . And this their strong intent and frequent rumination about their Milk , and the suckling of their Young Ones , may possibly cause the Chyle to be the better conveyed to the Breasts : Which most evidently appears from what SANTORELLUS relates of a Man , who after the death of his VVife , not being able to hire a Nurse , one time above the rest , to still the Child , when it cryed , took it to his Breast , and gave it the Dug , doubtless with great desire of satisfying its Appetite with Milk : and by this iterated application , together with an earnest intention of Mind , and the Childs sucking of the Teat from time to time , the Chyliferous Passages were opened , and the Paps afforded plenty enough of Milk for the Childs nourishment . Thus Imagination , and great apprehension of Danger , sometimes causes a Man to tremble , to be in a cold sweat , to fall into a swoon and the like . XV. Children sucking the Breasts of a Woman with Child , contract Diseases . Infants that suck the Milk of a VVoman with Child , become sick and weakly , and many times contract dangerous Diseases , as we see in too many , who by reason of the Nurses avarice , get a sickly habit , which shortens their days , and never ends but with their Lives . The Reason is , because the sweetest and grossest portion of the Alimentary Liquor is attracted by the Birth , and nothing but what is serous , and tainted with excrementitious depravity is carried up to the Paps . For tho' the said Paps , as HIPPOCRATES affirms , are rendred so much the larger , by how much they attract any thing of Fat from the Belly ; yet in regard before Child-birth , the passages are too narrow for the fatter and sweeter parts of the Milk to pass through ; therefore nothing but what is serous and most hurtful to the Infant , can get up to the Paps . XVI . The occasion of a Womans bringing forth a dead Child . A VVoman , within the verge of our memory , upon the sight of the Naked Arm of a lusty well-flesh'd Man , longed to eat some of it , and the Honest Man in pity to her Condition , and to satisfie her extravagant Appetite , permitted her to bite thereof : But upon her second longing he thought it too much to sacrifice his Arm to her ill-govern'd Appetite , and made bold to deny her ; whereupon the unhappy VVoman , who doubtless could not help her irregular desire , overcome with trouble , fell in Labour . Of this there can be no other Reason , than for that the VVomans Heart , having contracted a deep sorrow , the vital Spirits were diminish'd , and the Humours design'd for the nourishment of the Child , averted another way , and not conveyed as at other times to the Womb. So that the Infant destitute of that Aliment , wherewith the Mother would have had it satisfied , languish'd and at length died . For the Passages and Conveyances by which sustenance used to be conducted into the Womb , being shut , the Infant must be destitute of Nutriment , and so deprived of Life . XVII . How the marks of a Woman stabb'd with a Dagger were imprest upon the Child in the Womb. A certain VVoman in France , being stabb'd with a Dagger , an Embrio was taken out of her Body , mark'd with as many livid spots as she had received stabs , and in the very same parts of the Body . The Reason is , because the Embrio , carried in the Mothers VVomb , makes up but one Body with the Mother ; and as it is nourish'd with the same sort of Aliment , so it is vegetated with the same Spirits according to all its parts . Wherefore no wonder if so tender a Body as that of the Embrio is subject to the same accidents as the Body of the Mother is subject ; and any Mark or Brand whatsoever is the more easily imprest upon it , in regard the Animal Spirits , which convey the conceived Image , are directed by the Mother , whilst she touches any part of the Childs Body , and as it were marks it out . CHAP. V. Of Hunger and Thirst . I. How all Animals at one time or other come to be afflicted with hunger and thirst . ALL sorts of Animals are some way or other , or at some time or other pinch'd with hunger ; and if we should except the Chamelion , which is said neither to eat nor drink , there are at least none besides which feel not a vellication of the Stomach , and have not sometimes dry and juiceless Jaws . II. That the Chamelion lives not upon the Air alone . Before we come to discuss the Reason of this Affection in Animals , it will not be amiss to premise something concerning the falsity of this Old Tradition , viz. that Chamelions live only by the Air , since it is well known by experience , that they greedily receive as for a great delicacy a sort of little Worms pick'd out of Meal-troughs , and that they make use of a Probose●● instead of a Tongue , which they manage like a Dart , with such incredible speed , as not to be discerned by the Eye of Man. III. Whence Hunger in Animals proceeds . The Reason of that trouble and pain caused by Hunger , is the great plenty of a certain Acid Liquor flowing into the Stomach , which Liquor being conveyed from the Heart through the Arteries , insinuates it self among the particles of the chew'd Meats , and by diluting them , composes the Chyle . But when this humour finds nothing of Meat in the Stomach to be diluted , it exerts all its force into the Membranules , whereof the Stomach consists , and agitates the Nerves , whose Extremities adhere to the said Membranules , in such sort as is required to the causing of the sense of Hunger : Whence no wonder if the Stomach being empty , and the Meats consumed by the Native Heat , Hunger succeeds with a gnawing of the Belly which attends it . In like manner , all Creatures are affected with a desire of quenching their Thirst by Drink , whilst the serous part of the Blood , which is accustomed to take its course to the Stomach and Throat , under the species of water , thereby to moisten those parts , sometimes also repairs thither in Vapor , and so dries the Throat and the VVind-pipe , and at the same time moves the Nerves in such a manner as is required to excite a desire of drinking . IV. Why great drinkers of Wine and Strong Liquors are little Eaters . Hence those that are great Drinkers of VVine , Brandy , or any kind of Strong Liquors , more or less lose their Appetite to Meat ; in regard the said VVine or Brandy , being full of Volatile Salt , cause the ferment of the Stomach to be either too volatile , so as that over-running the most subtle pores thereof , it leaves the Stomach destitute of all Incitement or Provocation , which produces Hunger , or at least takes away that correspondence that ought to be between the Salt and that Acid Ferment which is required in the Stomach to excite Appetite . V. How Sparrows come to-be so voracious . VAN HELMONT is of opinion , that Sparrows are therefore so very voracious and desirous of Meat , as having much of acidity in the Throat , and the Stomach irritated with some pungent Liqnor . Hence the most dry and juiceless Meats are commonly eaten with some or other Acid Liquor or Pungent Sauce , as Vinegar , Limon-juice , Pepper , Olives , Capers , Mustard , &c. to stir up an Appetite , so far as they are capable of helping the foresaid vellication of the Acid Juice by their own proper acidity . But all kind of Fat Meats , Broths , or Fat Soops soon satisfie hunger , by glutting the Stomach , in regard the foresaid acidity of the Vellicant Juice , being as it were drowned in those sort of Glutinous Bodies , gives not that provocation before-mentioned to the Stomach . VI. Not the heat of the Stomach , but the Acid Juice performs the Concoction of Meats . By this we may easily see into the error of Ancient Physitians , who attribute the Concoction of Meats to the heat of the Stomach ; and imagined that the alteration of them was the effect of some extraordinary aestuation . Forasmuch as if we should take some certain Bones of a Sheep or other Animal , and cast some of them into a Kettle of water seething over a great Fire , and throw the rest to a Dog to be devoured ; it will appear plainly to the Eye , that those in the water , tho' boyling never so fiercely for some hours , have suffered no diminution , but those eaten by the Dog will be found upon the dissection of his Stomach three or four hours after , allmost wholly converted into Chyle ; whereas it would happen quite contrary , were the Concoction of Meats performed by heat alone , since no Man can make any doubt , but that the heat of the Kettle vastly exceeds that of the Dogs Stomach . VII . How it is that Meat received into the Stomach , turns white . Meat conveyed into the Stomach , and converted into Chyle , turns white like Milk. This whiteness of the Chyle is effected , not by any assimilating faculty , as Physitians have all along , and still do commonly fancy , but by an action wholly mechanick ; for as we see in an Apothecaries Shop , that many times Fat and Oily Ingredients , mixt with Watry , turn of a whitish Colour : So likewise in our Stomach , the Essence of the Aliments extracted , seems to us of an Oily or Fatty Substance , as the drink resembles water . So that no wonder , if from the mixture of these two , there ariseth a whitish and Milk-like Colour , which is the reason that the Chyle is always white . And as in the mixture of Oil and Water , a little Sugar , which is a species of Salt , is required to make them mix the more easily ; so also in what we generally take in for sustenance , a great deal of Salt is supposed to be . Or to speak more like a Chymist , it may be said that this Colour proceeds from a Sulphureous Matter : That is , it arises from Sulphureous dissolved together with Saline Particles , mixt with an Acid Ferment ; for we find by daily experience , that if an Acid Humour be infused into a liquor impregnated with Salt or Sulphur , a white Colour is hereby immediately produc'd . As appears in the Spirit of Harts-horn , or Soot , imbibing a sufficient quantity of Volatil Salt , which being incorporated with an Acid Liquor , obtains a whitish Colour , and very near resemblance of Milk. VIII . Persons sick of a Fever are the more difficultly cured if great Eaters . Of Persons that lie sick of a Fever , those are most difficulty cured who are great Eaters , especially those , who by virtue of their distemper , become more voratious than before . Hence Physitians observe , that those Fevers are more lasting , by which Mens Appetites are increased , but those which excite Thirst , shorter . The Reason is , because thirsty people are more easily satisfied by the taking down of Liquor , which breathing out of the Body by Sweat , leaves nothing behind to nourish the Fever : But th●●e whose Fever is inflamed by an Acid and Salt Humour , as being over-greedy of Meat , load and surcharge the Stomach , and so nourish the Disease . The appetite of Meats is irregular , and affects us not always in the same manner . IX . How it comes that some are tormented with unquenchable Thirst . Some are so excessively opprest with Thirst , that all they can drink is not able to quench it . The Cause of this excessive Thirst in the Mouth of Sick Persons is obvious ; namely , when the Salival Vessels are so obstructed , that they cannot discharge their moisture into the Mouth ; whereupon the Mouth being excessively dry , and parch'd , excessive thirst must needs follow . Nor can it be removed , how much Liquor soever is pour'd in , so long as that obstruction of the vessels lasts . Another Cause of Thirst is , when Moisture only is wanting in the Blood ; but this Thirst may easily be expelled by a large draught of Drink , by reason that in this case the vessels are open enough . Now when the vessels are obstructed , to remove that obstruction , opening Gargarisms are to be used , that is , such as are composed of Lapis Prunella , and other Nitrous Medicaments . X. How it comes that sometimes Persons , well in health , have little or no appetite to their Meat . It oft happens that persons who are very well in health , eat indifferently , and with little or no appetite , and can remain a long time fasting without any pain or trouble . Roger Bacon makes mention of a certain Maid that eat nothing for the space of twenty years ; as also of a French Priest , who in the time of Pope Nicolas the 5 th , lived two years without any manner of Meat or Drink . The want of Appetite may proceed from several Causes , sometimes from Obstructions , that is , when the Acid Liquor that provokes Hunger , is obstructed , and denied all access to the Ventricle or Stomach : Sometimes from cold and glutinous Humours , by which its vigor is weakned and hindred from exercising any power upon the Membranules : Sometimes from the corrupt temperament of the Blood , whereby the foresaid Juice impelled from the Arteries into the Stomach , degenerates and becomes of a different nature from what it uses to be ; or because the Juice or Ferment of the Stomach hath been thrown out by purgatives ; whence the Nervous Fibrils are no longer provoked ; or because the Heat or Flame ( as Physitians call it ) of the Heart , is agitated but with a gentle motion , and thereupon consumes but a small quantity of Blood ; as we see commonly in Maids troubled with the Green Sickness , who being taken with an Anorexie or want of Appetite , have wholly abstained from all sorts of Meats for a considerable time , and without much falling away of the Body . XI . Hunger proceeds not from any liquor in the Milt . For I cannot assent to those who will have it , that Hunger proceeds from a Liquor flowing out of the Milt , since there is a short Ligature of the Venous Vessel between the Stomach and the Milt , which by its intumescence or rising up in a living Animal , hinders any thing from passing out of the Milt into the Stomach , as appears from those Valvulae which are in the said Venous Vessel ; being so disposed , that tho' any thing may have a passage from the Stomach into the Milt , yet from the Milt through any Veins into the Stomach it cannot pass . XII . How a Maid could live several years without Meat or Drink . As to that English Girl , mentioned by Roger Bacon , who eat nothing for the space of twenty years , it will prove a very difficult task to make out clearly the Cause of so long and continued an abstinence from Meat and Drink , unless it be allowed , that from an extraordinary moistness of the Brain , a certain thin and pituitous matter flow'd down from the Head into the Stomach , which might possibly turn to Nourishment in the Body , as we see in Dormice and several other Animals , namely , Bears and Brocks , that pass whole Winters , and receive no sustenance from without , but are nourish'd only by their inward Fat. It may also be asserted , that the Vital Flame , and as Philosophers vulgarly call it , inmate heat in the aforesaid Green Sickness Girl , moved slowly , and consumed but a small quantity of that Blood which turns to Nourishment in the Body . XIII . Hunger expelled by the taking of Tobacco . Hunger and Appetite is many times abated , and sometimes expelled by the taking of Tobacco , as we see frequently among Soldiers and Seamen , who upon the taking of a Pipe of Tobacco , are often very well refresh'd , and their Hunger satisfied . The Reason hereof seems to be , that in the common sort of Tobacco , being strong and full body'd , there is much Opium , which keeps the Blood from being over Acid , and restrains the Spirits from flying away in too great a quantity : For herein Hunger and Appetite chiefly consist , that the Acid Humours vellicate the Nerves of the Stomach ; which Acidity , if it be drown'd and stifl'd in the Viscosity of the Tobacco , the appetite and desire of Meat must of necessity cease ; and if by reason of the said Viscosity , the Acidity of the whole mass of Blood be blunted and impair'd , consequently the fewer Volatil Spirits must be left ; the loss whereof will be attended by debility of Body , and at length by death it self . XIV . Some are always hungry . Some there are who are scarce ever satisfied with Eating , but are still ravening after more Meat ; and such are they who are said to be affected with a Canine Hunger or Appetite . FRISCUS Lib. Cap. 7. makes mention of a Woman of a great Age , who was not able to live a moment longer than she was eating . The Emperour Maximus , surnamed the Thracian , who succeeded Alexander the Son of Mammaea , had for his daily allowance a prodigious quantity of Meat and Drink . This extraordinary Voracity may proceed from two Causes , first by reason of the Acid Juice in the Stomach , so excessively abounding , that tho' Food be never so fast cramm'd in , yet it remains so acid and pungent , that it still corrodes the Stomach , and continues a violent Vellication ; and since the Meat in the Stomach is thereupon not dissolv'd in such a manner as it ought , the Mucilage thereof hapning for the most part to be corrupted , comes back at his Mouth , and is cast off as unprofitable and superfluous Aliment . 2 dly , This unreasonable desire of Meat may proceed from Worms which swarm in the Belly , and cease not to gnaw and feed upon it any longer than they are fed themselves with fresh supply of Nutriment . And to this purpose there goes a story of a certain Woman , who having voided a Worm of twelve inches long , return'd to her wonted moderation in eating ; and likewise of another that did the same after she had voided 100 little Worms . XV. How it comes to pass that some persons can live a long time without Hunger or Appetite There are some , who , for several days together feel no Hunger , and remain fasting without any disturbance of Mind . The occasion of this is , because that Liquor which affects the Membranules with its acidity , is too dilute or weak to be capable of vellicating the Stomach , or because at that time it may possibly be separated from the purity of the Blood , or pass away into Sweat , either by insensible transpiration , or by urine . And this confirms the story of a certain Man , who being shut up under ground , and not able to get out for the space of three weeks , kept himself alive all that time by drinking his own water : For whilst he was so imprisoned , his Blood was less diminished by insensible transpiration , than when he breathed in the free Air above ground . XVI . How it comes that Women with Child covet the eating of odd sorts of Meats . Women with Child , especially the first three Months , when they begin to be subject to their Breeding Qualms , delight to feed upon things of a strange Nature , and unfit for Human ▪ Food . Some delight in Tan'd Hides or Leather ; some can eat Shreds of Woollen or Linnen ; others Chalk , Tobacco Pipes , Cinders , or the like . The Reason of this strange deprav'd Appetite is deduc'd from the Reason of Hunger it self ; for when the Liquor which proceeds from the mass of Blood , continually takes its course through the extremities of the Arteries into the Stomach , it preys upon it , as hath been said , for want of Food , by agitating more vehemently than usual , the Filaments of its Nerves . But if the said Humour be of that Nature as to exert its ability rather upon some meats than others , after the same manner as Aqua-fortis more easily dissolves Metal than Wax ; it thereupon affects the Nerves of the Stomach with some singular quality or other . Whence it comes to pass that the Soul inclines to some sorts of Meat rather than others , and at such time as aforesaid , most vehemently covets , what at another time it would loath . XVII . Why some that are great eaters ▪ nevertheless are spare and lean . Some Persons , tho' they eat much , yet are never the fatter , but always thin and lean : Others on the contrary , eating but little , grow very fat and corpulent . The Reason is , because some people consist of a Fibrous Blood , and their Fibres are of a very soft and pliable contexture ; so that by the accession of new Fibres , their Flesh must needs become inflate and loosened into a fat consistence . Whereas those that are lean have drier Fibres , and which consist of a harder contexture ; which being uncapable of access or addition , cannot be augmented or dilated . Another Reason is this , because too great quantity of Meats devoured , cannot well be fermented or attenuated ; whereupon there arises a thick and viscous Chyle , which being conveyed to the Lacteal Veins , and by reason of its thickness not being able to pass , is forced to stop , and this stoppage produces obstructions , which hinder the Chyle from passing freely to the Blood. So that no wonder if some great Eaters are frequently leaner than those of a sparer and more slender Diet. XVIII . Why after Meat some feel more cold than before . It is a common observation , that many persons are more cold than ordinary after Meat . The followers of GALEN alledge for a reason , that the heat draws inward , and returns toward the Heart ; but we rather assert , that the true reason of this cold is , because the cruder part of the Chyle transmitted from the Stomach and Intestines through the Lacteal Vessels to the Blood , diminishes in some sort the rarefaction thereof in the Heart , and hinders the Blood from being carried with such a force as it was wont , to the solid parts ; whereupon the Vapors arising from thence into those parts , meet some stop , and thereby the Fibrils suffer a tremour of the parts less than usual , and herein consists the reason of the Cold. CHAP. VI. Of the Motion of the Heart , and Circulaon of the Blood. I. How Laughter comes to hinder the Motion of the Blood. PHysitians observe , that Respiration is hindred by Laughter , and if it be excessive , that then the Motion of the Heart , and Circulation of the Blood is stop'd . The Reason is , because in Laughter the Diaphragma or Midriff seems to be driven by the Muscles of the lowermost Ventricle , which press the Entrals upon it , upwards as far as the Cavity of the Breast , and with a tremulous progress to be relax'd or loosened , as it were to expel the Air by parts , for the forming of a Laughter within the Larinx , whereby it comes to pass , that adhering to to the very Pericardium , it drives up the heart , and its Basis close to its Vessels , as well where it uses to take in the Blood , as where it lets it out : So that the Doors , as it were , of the Heart being shut up , the Circulation of the Blood is for a time intermitted , as plainly appears from a swelling of all the Veins in the Neck , Face and Forehead . That this is the real Cause , may certainly be hence collected , namely , because in long fits of Laughter , especially in young Children , they look black in the Face , from the over abundance of Blood , because of the stoppage of its course , and even Death it self sometimes puts an end to these over-gamesom Frolicks . II. How an Ague-fit , or large draught of Wine accelerates the motion of the Blood. Some things accelerate the Motion of the Blood , as a Fit of a Fever or Ague , and an over-large draught of strong Wine . The Reason hereof in Fevers is , not because the Blood , with an excessive ebullition , flies up into the Aorta , but because its aestuation and sense of heat , hurtful to the Ventricles of the Heart , being transmitted to the Cerebellum or hinder part of the Head , provokes the Spirits to accelerate its motion sooner or later , as occasion requires . Partly also because some parts of the Blood thus roused and carried into the Brain , exagitate the Spirits there abiding , and raise them as it were into a mutiny ; so that those parts that fly up into the Brain from high drinking of Wine or other strong Liquors , stir up the Inhabitants of the said Brain into the like tumults . III. How it is that the Heart of some Fishes , severed from the Body , moves , and sometimes tho' cut in pieces . A Heart taken from the Body in some Animals , leaps and discovers a sensible motion ; nay , and sometimes , tho' dissected and cut into small pieces , it does not presently cease from motion , but beats for some time after , especially in Fishes , whose Hearts move longer than those of any Terrestrial Animal . But how can it be that a Mans Heart can borrow its pulsation from the Soul ▪ when-as the Soul is indivisible , and hath not parts of its own , separate from the Body . We may better attribute this Motion , as well in Man , as in other Creatures , to the Blood contained within the Fibres , which Motion in the Heart is oft times discerned by the Eye , or may be supposed to lurk , or lie hid within the Fibres of the Heart . For a very small portion of Blood flowing from one part of the Heart to the other , being a little hotter , suffices for the effecting of this Pulsation . For by how much the less the quantity of any Liquor is , so much the more easily it rarefies , and is dilated . And as some Members of our Body so much the more easily repeat any motion , by how much the more frequently they have exercised it before : So the Heart , in regard it hath been accustomed to the Diastole and Systole , from the first moment of its formation , may be impelled by the smallest force imaginable to continue it . Whereupon since some remnants of the Blood are dispersed in the Hearts taken out of the Body , it comes to pass , that upon their being dilated by heat , the Hearts for some time beat , and by turns rise and sink . IV. This appears in the Hearts of Eels and other Animals . This is more particularly discern'd in the Hearts of Eels dissevered from their Bodies , in which Hearts some pulsation still remains for a time , that is , because the Spirit of those Eels , implanted in their Hearts , is by a small heat easily raised into Act , and thereby acts upon the Blood , inhering in the substance , and by dilating it in some measure , contracts the Fibres , after which that dilated matter being a little dispersed , the said Fibres are again loosened . And this appears not only in intire Hearts , but also in the Hearts of some Animals dissected into pieces , and that in every several particle , as in each whereof such a dilatation happens about the dissected Fibres . V. The Pulse of an Artery is stopt upon the insertion of a Pipe or Quill into it . Upon the thrusting of any solid Body into an Artery to stop the course of the Blood , immediately the motion of the Artery ceases ; nay , if a Silver Pipe or Quill be put into the incision of an Artery , and the Artery be bound about with a Fillet thereupon , the same effect will immediately follow , altho' the Blood pass through it . The Reason of the first Experiment is plain , because the pulse of the Arteries is made by the Blood , rarefied by turns , and flowing into the Arteries , that is to say , whilst the blood of the great Artery , possessing the place of that next the Heart , thrusts forward and agitates all the rest of the blood contained in that Artery , and its Branches . But a thick Body being thrust into the Artery , the course of the blood is stopp'd ; and that portion of blood entring the Aorta , is not able to thrust forward the other parts contained therein . As to the 2 d Experiment , there must be a distinction to explain it aright . For either the Pipe , thrust into the Artery , is of such a thickness as to fill the whole capacity of the Artery , and thereby to be so join'd to its internal superficies , as that it may not be able to overtop the blood , and to have so narrow a cavity within , as that it cannot without great difficulty be penetrated by the blood . In this case it is evident , that the Pipe , tho' free from any sort of bending , will stop the Motion of the Artery . Or else the Pipe thrust into the Artery , is of that Cavity as to afford a free passage to the blood ; and then whether it be bound with a Fillet or not , it will not way hinder the pulsation of the Artery . VI. Why the Blood runs quicker in the uppermost parts of the Body , ●lower in lowermost . The Blood hath a quicker course in the upper parts of the Body , than in the lower . The Reason is , because in the upper part it flows easily into the Heart without help , ( for the most part ) of any thing else ; but not in the lower part , except by the impulse of the Arterious Blood , and sometimes by reason of the contraction of the Muscles it exerciseth , it is not without difficulty driven upward . And therefore of necessity the Circulation thereof must be quicker in the upper parts . VII . Why the Veins have no Pulse . The Veins have no Pulse , notwithstanding they are no less full of blood than the Arteries , and as well convey into the Heart , the blood returning from the whole Body . The Reason is , because the extremities of the Veins , by which the blood enters , are narrower than their Channels into which it flows , whereby it comes to pass , that by passing from a narrower place into a broader , it loses a great part of its force and vigor : Whence tho' it may fill the Veins with a continual afflux , and make them swell , yet it cannot agitate them with continual subsults , so as to be sufficient for the effecting of a sensible pulsation . VIII . The Veins being bound , the Arm swells , and with continual Ligature drys up . If a Mans Arm be so bound , that all the Veins which tend thither , ( by reason of the pressure of binding ) are so obstructed that the blood is denied all farther access to them ; that Arm in a short space will swell and be puffed up to a high degree ; but afterwards if the ligature be not loosned it will dry up and wither . The Veins being bound , the Arm swells and is puffed up beyond its usual pitch , because the blood flows from the Arteries into those Veins , and not finding a passage , cannot but inflate them , and increase their bulk ; but by little and little this tumor is diminished , and the Veins grow flaccid , because the blood , stagnating in the Veins so bound up , becomes in a short time more gross ; and by reason the Ligature presses the Veins too long , not only the Branches of the Veins are obstructed , but also the passages of the Arteries are also shut up , and hindred from any farther transmitting the blood into tho Veins . Whence the serous part of the blood therein contained , evaporating by insensible transpiration , the Arm must needs fall from its swelling , dry up and wither . IX . During the pulsation of the Heart , all the Arteries do not always beat . We find by experience , that during the pulsation of the Heart , sometimes all the Arteries beat , even to the utmost extremities of them , and sometimes that they do not all beat . When the pulsations of the Heart are very great and perceptible , then the Arteries are perceived to beat sensibly ; but when the Pulses are small and languid , then there is perceived no sensible motion in the extremities of them . Whence HARVEY upon very good ground and consideration , observes as followeth ; The impulse of the Heart , saith he , is diminished as it were in all its parts , at every division of an Artery ; so that at the last division , the Arteries in a manner becoming Capillary , are like to the Veins , not only to their structure and tunicles , but also in their rest , and cessation from beating , since they have no sensible Pulse , or at least not always , except when the Heart beats very vehemently , and the Artery that attends is over-much dilated . And this is the Reason why we sometimes feel a Pulse at the Fingers ends , and sometimes not ; and from hence Dr. HARVEY commonly made his indication of a Fever in Children , when he sensibly perceived a pulsation at their Fingers Ends. X. Whence Women have their Monthly ●luores . Women , when they arrive to a certain Age , have a flux of blood every Month. The Cause of this Profluvium , some attribute to a Nitrous Salt which excites a fermentation in the blood : Whence the Orifices of those Tubuli which reach to the Womb , being dilated by an effervescence , or as it were boyling of the blood , draw the said blood , and as freely refund it back again . But when the blood flows without any stop , the Ferment reinforcing , dries it up , much after the same manner , as water gushing forth , casts out the Nitre which it washes out of the Earth . Then the Womb being reduc'd to its former state , the same Ferment is raised in the same manner as formerly , and if not hindred , being collected together in the same space of time , and in a like quantity , and advanced to a like exaltation , produces a new Fermentation in the Womb. XI . Why sometimes dying Persons Live for a time without any circulation of the Blood. Persons at the point of Death , oft-times live a considerable while without any circulation of the blood . This is most intelligible to Anatomists , who in their dissection of Bodies , often find the Vena Cava empty , and wholly destitute of all Sanguineous Liquor . This may well enough be , by reason of the contraction of those vessels which serve for the transmitting of the blood . For tho' the blood of a dying Person is first refrigerated in the lesser Veins , and farthest distant from the Heart , and then thickned for want of heat ; and thereupon the wonted motion of the blood passing out of the Arteries into the Veins is stopt ; yet the Vena Cava may nevertheless be able to contain something of the hot and fluid blood ; which by contracting it self , serves for a fomentation to the Heart , in the same manner as a Hogs-bladder , blown up and distended by the Air , the Mouth being taken off from the Ureter , expels by a spontaneous contraction , and drives forth part of the said Air. Forasmuch as the Life of the Dying Person is no other way ended , but upon the ceasing of the circulation of the blood : Since all the vital sustenance contained in the Vena Cava is consumed , and the Vena Cava dispossessed of the blood . XII . Why in strangled Persons the Arteries are found to be void of Blood. Hence it comes to pass , that in strangled Persons or Animals , the Arteries are wholly destitute of blood , when as at the same time the Veins are filled . For when the motion of the Lungs begins to fail , and the motion of the Heart still continues vigorous , the blood is forcibly ejected out of the left Ventricle of the Heart into the Arteries , and yet at the same time no new blood flows out of the Lungs into the said Ventricle of the Heart . Hence in a short time the Arteries become empty , a great argument nevertheless that at every pulsation or beat , the blood flows plentifully from the Heart into the Arteries : Whence upon the binding of the Aorta near the Heart , the Carotides or Arteries in the Throat seem empty , not the Veins ; whence it appears , that the blood flows not out of the Veins into the Arteries , but rather out of the Arteries into the Veins . XIII . Why Surgeons tie the Arm in Blood ▪ letting . Surgeons when they let blood , bind the Arm indifferent streight , above the place where they design their incision , to the end the Veins may swell the more , and the blood issue out more freely . The Reason is plain to those that admit the circulation of the blood in Human Bodies ; forasmuch as a gentle binding cannot hinder the blood which is in the Arm from returning to the Heart through the Veins , nor new blood from being always impelled by the motion of the Heart out of the Arteries into the Veins . For the Arteries are placed beneath the Veins , and their skin is harder than to be compressed or bent by any slight ligature or pressure ; besides that , the blood proceeding from the Heart , strives with greater force to advance through the Arteries towards the Hand , than to return from thence to the Heart through the Veins . XIV . An Experiment proving the motion of the Blood. This may be proved by another Experiment : For if upon the swelling of the Veins , for example of the Hand , the blood be pressed by the Finger towards the Branches , the Vein towards the Branches swells , the Trunk in the mean time falling , which immediately upon the drawing back of the Finger , rises and becomes inflate ; that is , because the motion of the blood inclines from the Branches towards the Trunk , which while it is hindred by the apposition of the Finger , the Trunk must of necessity grow flaccid , and the Branches swell : Whence , when-ever it happens , as in a Plurisie , that the passages , for the conveyance of the blood through the whole Body , are streigthned , the Person is in danger , unless immediate Phlebotomy be applied , by which the pores of the Intercostal Capillaries are at length opened , and the blood regains its accustomed passage . XV. How Animals live some time after their Heart is pluckt out . Some Animals having their Heart cut out , still move , as Lizards , Eels , and the like . I have seen a Frog , which having its Heart taken out , remained some time alive . The Reason possibly may be , because motion in Animals is effected by means of the subtiler parts of their blood which pass from the Heart to the Brain through the Magna Arteria or great Artery . But when there is a great abundance of those subtile particles in the ventricles of the Brain , it happens that the Frog remains alive for some time . Since no doubt but new Spirits have flowed from the blood contained in the Arteries : But if the Head be cut off all motion thereof immediately ceases , because then no more Spirits can pass from the Arteries into the Muscles . So that if any parts of these Animals still move after the Head is cut off , it proceeds from the Spirits only , which yet a while adhere to the Muscles , as is to be seen in the Tails of Lizards cut off ; and in Pidgeons , who having their Heads pluck'd off , still move their Wings and Feet for a good while , in regard the Animal Spirits are still fluttering in those inferiour parts , and by those aforesaid intermediate Canals , tend from one Muscle to another , until at length they are dissipated , and after that their motion wholly ceases . CHAP. VII . Of the Actions of Animals . I. How the Badger deceives the Hart. THE Badger Ajachtlus or Tatus in Brasil , lies with his Face upward in rainy weather , and takes in the water by a large passage into the Belly between the Ribs , that looks like a little Pool , and so continues after the shower is over , sometimes for a whole day together , or till such time as the thirsting Hart coming near by chance , sets his Mouth to the Imagined Pool to drink , which the said Badger perceiving , catches hold of the poor Beasts Mouth and Nose , and never lets it go , till tired with strugling it loses its Life together with its wasted Spirits . II. How the Fox deceives the Geese and Hens . The Fox is a very crafty Creature , who sometimes counterfeits himself dead , and lies without all sense of motion , till the inveigled Geese and Hens approach so near that they are easily snapt and devoured by him . Many hereupon attribute Reason , however imperfect , and as they call it Umbratile , to Brute Beasts , by which they manage their actions and effect their designs , with a semblance of Cogitation . And to this Opinion they are induc'd by their being indued with Tongue , Ears , Eyes , and other Organs of Sense : From whence they conclude , that they have a perception like to that of ours . For since in our way of Sensation , Perception , or Cogitation is included , they will have it that the like sort of Cogitation is also to be attributed to them . But these men seem not sufficiently instructed in the nature of Cogitation , when they assign it to Brute Animals : Forasmuch as those effects of sensibility mentioned , are proper as well to the Body as to the Mind . Otherwise all other Animals might be asserted to be equally indowed with Intellect and Will , and must of necessity be judged , not only equal , but even superiour to Mankind ; since we find that they comprehend objects at one view , and attain to what they design the very first time they attempt it ; a thing scarcely to be allowed , even to the wisest of Men , who make their conclusions and results , not without long Discourse , Study and Cogitation , which these Creatures at once , and by a simple apprehension attain to . III. There are affections in Brutes , but not reason . I acknowledge indeed certain affections in them , by which they are impelled to the performance of their actions , but not Cogitation , and the modes of thinking proceeding from it . So the Badger lying on his Back in the open Air , to retain the Water which the Rain had poured into his Belly , as it were into a Trough , and being wakened by the approach of the Hart to drink , is led by instinct to catch hold of his Mouth , by the closing and shutting together of its strong Coat of Mail , to get possession of his Prey ; and afterwards calling to mind the said accident , he might from time to time , as often as hunger urg'd , make use of the same stratagem for the getting of new provision . All which things might very well be effected , without the help of Reason , Design or premeditation , but only by the disposition of the parts of the Body , and the frame or structure of the Organs . IV. How Brutes come to have a memory . Brutes indeed have a memory , not by virtue of a Rational Soul or Mind , of which they are destitute , but of motions formerly received by tracts heretofore impressed by the sense upon the Brain , which motions are presented again singly to the common Sensorium . V. Whether the Dogs make any rational choice in following their Game . Dogs oftentimes having lost the Scent , are at a stand , and if it happen that there are several ways or paths , for example three , having by the smell try'd two , they fall into the third without any demur , not in the least doubting , but certainly assured that the Deer or Fox hath taken that course . This Action , which seems to carry some semblance of Reason in it , is only the work of a Corporeal Organ . For the Dogs , while they pursue the Deer with extraordinary earnestness , it may possibly happen , that they may make but a slight search in the first Path , and then leaving that way betake themselves to the search of the others , but finding therein no tract of the Beast , may lastly return again to the first , wherein the Scent being recovered , and all demur set aside , they follow the track , and at length catch the Beast . VI. How Dogs know their Masters from other Men. Dogs in a mixt Company of men , keep close to and follow their own Masters , as knowing and distinguishing them from other Men. Of this there can be no other reason given , than because from divers persons different exhalations arise , which the Dogs discerning , are affected with none so much as those which exhale from their Master , as being longer accustomed to them . For these particles exhaling from the Body of the Master , so affect the Fibrils of the Nerves that are extended into the Dogs Nose ; that thereupon there follows such a concourse of the Animal Spirits into the Muscles of the Dog , as disposes him to fawn upon his Master . VII . How Camels are taught to Dance . Camels , that delight very much in Musick , are oft-times taught to dance : Some have been seen to keep exact Time and Order in their movements at the sound of a Drum , sometimes in a round , sometimes meeting , sometimes falling off . Their manner of Institution in this faculty was thus . When they were yet young and tender jointed , they were shut up in a Hot House , whose Pavement was on purpose heated ; then just before the Door there was a Tabour or Drum beat , mean while the Beasts not well-induring the heat of the Floor , lifted up sometimes one Leg , sometimes another , and by such a continual motion , were forced to bestir themselves . This exercise being thus continued for divers Months , they were so accustomed to it , that when-ever they came in publick , and were brought forth into the open Air , at the sound of a Drum , on purpose beat , they lifted up their Legs according as they had been accustomed , but with a motion somewhat more regular than what they had been used to , as being now more unforced , and so framed a compleat Dance in exact time and measure . VIII . Whence proceeds the diversity of tones in Hens . A Hen , when she calls her Chickens , Clucks , when she warns them to flight by reason of the Kite , she holds it out longer and advances it louder , when taken she vehemently , and , as it were , repeats a sobbing tone : When she laies an Egg , she Exults or Cackles ; when she hatches her Eggs to produce the Chickens , she utters a rougher , thicker and slender tone , than when she calls them to her ; when she broods over her Chickens , she uses a lower and more depressed voice , and different from all the rest . This diversity of sounds which is observed in Hens and other Animals , proceeds from their various affections or passions which move them and alter the disposition of their Body . For whereas the Voice is produced by the emission of the Breath out of the Mouth , through the Aspera Arteria . It is apparent that according to the various disposition of the Instruments which conduce to the forming of the Voice ; peculiar Voices or Sounds must needs arise . And since according to the different passions wherewith they are moved , the Organs obtain a different disposition : Hence it comes to pass that Animals utter different Voices , and signifie by various Tones their trouble or delight ; which Sounds being conveyed to Animals , either of the same or different kinds , variously affect them . So the Howling of a Baboon , toles the rest of that kind , tho' remote from him , and calls them to his Aid . So a Hog , when he is set upon by Dogs , by his loud grunting and crying out , calls the neighbouring Hogs to come and help him . So a Hen by its different pipations , signifies its various passions , according to the various disposition of the Vocal Organs , which the predominant passion produces in its Heart . So that whoever will penetrate into the Nature of Brute Animals , and dive into their most hidden affections , may easily and without labour discover the reason of their several Cries and Vociferations , and unfold by what motion of the Heart they are impelled ; as I have more at large made out in my Dissertation of the want of Sense and Knowledge in Brutes . IX . The reason of the Crnft used by Hares to avoid the Dogs . Hares , the better to elude the quick Scent of the pursuing Dogs , confound their Tracks , by shifting and traversing from one course to another , and most especially they avoid shrubby and brambly Places , lest by rubbing off their Hairs against them , they should afford the stronger Scent to the Hounds as they pass by . Sometimes they betake themselves to Hedges , where they lie and skulk ; sometimes they run into the midst of a flock of Sheep , that so the scent of their Bodies may be drown'd and lost by the overpowring scent of so many other Bodies : Nay if they are overmuch pressed by the Dogs , they come back the same way again , or by a huge leap bounce into their Cave or Lodging . All these tricks which are ascribed by some to the Craft and Policy of the Hare , are only the effects of their Fear . For what can be more obvious to Hares , when the Hounds pursue , than to have recourse to places of retreat , and by their shelter to preserve themselves from their Enemy ? When there are no Woods to fly to , haply Herds of Deer or Flocks of Sheep present themselves to Eye ; thither then immediately they run , and intermingle themselves for refuge , till by the cry of the Hounds they find themselves freed for the present , and so continue their flight homewards ; or if they take their flight , as soon as the Dogs are in pursuit , it is to be imputed to their fear . By which the Spirits of the Brain being agitated , will not suffer them to sit down in quiet , and neglect the imminent danger . As we see in persons tired and wearied , who not having an immediate opportunity of resting , are forced still to keep moving a little ▪ by reason of the commotion of the Spirits , which haply is the cause that Hares by reiterated Vaultings , leap to and fro , and springing high in the Air , recover their abodes : Nor can there be any other reason given why tired Hares make so many windings and turnings , oft ▪ times repeating the same Tracks over again ; but because hurried with overmuch fear , they become affected with great distraction ; and are thereby diverted from their first intended course , unless the Hounds in their close pursuit are so inevitably hard upon them , as to force them back into their first Path. X. How Birds with such Art and Order build their Neasts and bring up their ●oung Ones . Birds are indued with wonderful ingenuity in the bringing up of their Young ; for presently after Copulation , their main business is to build their Neasts ; they pick up Moss , Chaff , Straws , Feathers , &c. with which they build their Neasts round ; and having laid their Eggs , they sit upon them , hatch their Young , and in a short time teach them to fly . All these things may be effected without the help of Reason , for it is certainly natural and innate to Birds to couple at certain set times , and to this they are impelled , either by the Season of the year , or by the Meats upon which they feed ▪ Likewise certain it is , that Eggs are produced from Copulation , which being shut up in the Belly of the Female , cannot but be burthensome to the bearer of them ; as soon as they are arrived to any magnitude , whereby it comes to pass , that desiring to unburthen themselves of them , they choose a place fitting wherein to lay them , and underlay it with the softest things they can procure , and which are especially grateful at that time by reason of the weight of the Eggs ; and all this by no other conduct of Reason than Cats and Dogs make use of , when upon the approaching time of their Whelping or Kittening , they seek out a place commodious for the bringing forth of their Litter . The Eggs being laid , they sit upon them , by reason of a certain contexture of the Fibres at that time whereby they are disposed hereunto , as we see in Hens , which at a certain time of the year ; sit cowring on the ground , as if they were sitting over their Eggs , when as indeed there are none under them ; which plainly shews , that at that season they are affected with a certain indisposition which brooding eases and removes . Whence it appears that all these things are not effected by Ratiocination or Cognition , but by the motion only of the Spirits , and the disposition of the other parts of the Body . In like manner as artificial Fountains , Clocks and such like Automata , wrought by Human Ingenuity , which perform many things that cause wonder , and all by the orderly structure of their parts only . XI . How the Castor bu lds its Cottage . The Castor or Beaver , an Amphibious Animal in Virginia , thus fortifies it self against the force of the approaching Winter ; they choose a place upon a declining ground near a Rivers side , against which with great Industry and Labour , raising a kind of Bulwark with Turf , Boughs of Trees and the like , they stop the course of the water , and make a little Lake or Pool ; and about the Head thereof they choose a little rising Hillock whereon to build a Cottage or little House ; on the topmost part whereof they leave an open Portal for the Air , here they lay up Boughs cut from Trees , on which they feed ; moreover digging Mines under the water to pass to and fro , when and where they please , they bid defiance to all the Hunters Arts. XII . That there is no more of Cogitation in Brutes than in a Vine , or in the Stomach . And all this may be performed both by Beavers and other Creatures without the help of Councel or Rational Cognition , but by a certain blind impulse of Nature ; for if Cognition be allowed of in these Creatures , it may as well be allowed of in a Vine , which as if it foresaw its inability to sustain its future burthen , hath recourse to the Elm , which it catches hold on for a Prop to bear the load of those heavy Clusters it must hereafter bring forth , and winds about it with its wreathed tendrels , as with so many grasping Hands : Or as in the Stomach either of Man or Beast , wherein the Aliment is so digested , as if by foresight and design there were made a distinction between the profitable and unprofitable Juice , and a distribution ordered accordingly , part being sent out to the intestines , part to the Heart , thence to be conveyed to the Limbs and Head , according to the several occasions and necessities of each part . And certainly since the fore-mentioned Animals , build their Habitations , and manage all other affairs by the same impulse ; it is a great argument that this proceeds from Nature , that is , from the disposition of the Organs , rather than from any rational Cognition . XIII . How the Remora puts a stop to Ships in the Sea. The Remora retards a Ship under Sail , and stops its Course . An instance whereof we have of a Ship of Francis , Cardinal of Turon , sailing from France , and stop'd in its mid course , from the Relation of Petro Melata of Bononia . This so great force of the Remora baffles the subtile apprehension of all the Philosophers I ever yet read of , who frankly acknowledging the slenderness of their understanding , profess themselves wholly ignorant of the cause of this so stupendious a matter , and have nothing but that Asylum of Asses to have recourse to , their Occult Quality forsooth : Nor is it without Reason that they are at this loss ; for indeed it must be a very difficult thing to be resolved of the Reason of a thing that never was . For if the Writings of Authors that make mention of the Remora be seriously considered ; it will plainly appear that what they delivered concerning it , depends not upon their own Testimony or Opinion , but is taken upon trust from others . Whence ARISTOTLE in his 2 d Book of Natural History , having delivered all he had to say concerning the Nature and Qualities of this Creature , adds at last , as some relate , PLINY writes in his 9 th Book ; This Creature sticking to the Keel , the Ship is supposed to move the slower : And Plutarch in his Symposia , Some , saith he , there were who laught at this tradition of the Remora , as an Idle and Fabulous Story . And many others there are , too long here to recount , who believe the Story of this Fish to be but the subject of an Idle Fiction imposed upon the credulity of Mankind . But that Ships have been hindred on a suddain from Sailing is not denied . Must therefore a little Footless Fish , which according to Aristotle , is but a kind of Murex or Purple Fish , and like to a Snail , effect so great a wonder ? Why may we not as well impute it to a suddain Ebb of the Sea ; such as in the Bay of Sicily divers have had experience of , by which Ships in their full career of Sail have on a suddain been retarded and rendred wholly destitute of Motion ? Who knows not that very vehement gusts of Wind sometimes break forth in a moment from the bottom of the Sea , and with a vast force drive against the Stream ? Do not such accidents as these suffice to retard Ships under Sail , without the help of a poor despicable little Fish ? Doubtless they do , and I cannot but positively look upon them as the real cause of the Ships immobility . Besides if the Remora be able of it self to act such a wonderful thing , why may it not as well do the same being received into the Ship ? Since it is reported of it , that it hath been by the Mariners taken sticking to the Rudder , and brought into the Ship. Which was the very observation of the Emperour Cajus , who sailing from Astura to Antium , when a Remora that was said to have stuck to his Gally , was taken and brought into it , wondred why it could not then as well do the same thing , and transfuse its virtue as well within as without . XIV . How Brute Animals come to presage appr●aching Weather . Brute Animals foretel Winds , Fair Weather , Rain , &c. Hedghogs drawing in their Quills , are a great sign of Stormy Weather ; Halcyons betaking themselves to their Neasts ▪ betoken a Fair Season : All tame Foul , as Ducks , Geese , Game-Cocks , &c. give certain presages of change of Weather . This faculty they have from a perfect disposition of their Organs . For since there are in the Air certain prognosticks of future Weather , Brute Animals by reason of that vigour of some Senses more than others , with which they are indued , more easily presage those Seasons than Men , whose Imaginations are taken up with variety of Objects , and whose common Senses are not altogether so sharp as those of Beasts . However they cannot properly be said to foretell any more than Warts on a Mans Toes , or Limbs out of joint can be said to be indued with praescience , or the knowledge of future things . XV. How Mens Bodies presage Storms and wet Weather . Whatsoever Dislocation , Fracture or Solution of Parts happens to be in any Member of the Body , portends by a greater pain at that time than any other , a Stormy or Wet Season ; but especially that Venereal Distemper , that with a far more exceeding pain attends persons of a lewd and incontinent course of Life : Forasmuch as these Men , when the Northern Winds begin to blow , are sooner assaulted with those pains , in regard at that time their Nerves are intended and their Muscles grow stiff , and are cruelly tormented with those vitiated humours that are rivetted in the Members ; for in these parts chiefly lurks the said Distemper , which influenc'd by the Season , exercises a kind of butchery in the inmost recess of the Body . By the same sensibility of Weather , Frogs Croaking more than usually ; Swine routing in a bundle of Hay ; Cows and Oxen holding up their Snouts to the Sky , and snuffing , presage Rain from the humidity of the Air. CHAP. VIII . Of the Aversion and Affection of Animals . I. Whether the Basilisk be Mischievous in its looks . THE Basilisk hath that kind of pernicious Venom , that it is said to destroy a Serpent , tho never so great , by breathing upon it : Nay , if credit may be given to Historians about this matter , if it espy any Man approaching to its Cave , it kills him with its looks . I cannot easily perswade my self that the Basilisk can prove so mischievous to Mankind with its Eyes only ; for how should it come by so fatal a malignity in its Looks ? With what a vast force must Rays be darted from his Eyes , to pierce quite through the whole Body of Man , and destroy him even at a distance ? But I am rather apt to believe , if what is reported of the Basilisks fatal presence be true , that the killing stroke he gives , proceeds not so much from Spirits darted from his Eyes , as from the pestiferous blast of Breath blown out of his Mouth . Since it is certain , that he causes Trees and Shrubs to wither and die ; breaks Stones , blasts Herbs , and that not by contact only , but parches and burns them up by his Breath . Hence all other kinds of Serpents dread and shun his poison , and fly him as a Common Enemy of all Creatures : And as such a one Lucan describes him in his 9 th Book , where among other things of him he saith , Lord Paramount he reigns of th' empty Sand , And from him drives all Creatures near at hand . II. The same is done by Dragons . Well therefore may such a destructive Breath as this , blown out of his pernicious Mouth , and lighting upon any Man as he chances to pass by , penetrate through his whole Substance , by its subtil and virulent quality , and by inverting the contexture of the Fibres , so afflict him , as to render him less capable of performing the Offices of Life . The same is related of Dragons in the time of Philip , King of Macedon , for that the Soldiers passing through two Mountains , fell dead as they marched . The Reason ▪ as Socrates reported was , that by his prospective Glass he discerned two Dragons , one upon each Mountain , breathing forth their Venemous Breath one against the other : By the power whereof whatsoever went between escaped not Death : For this story we have the authority of Libanius De Origine Rerum . III. O● the Be●●ming ●●sh . There goes a Story of a Fish in the Island called Cay●nne , not much unlike a larger sort of Eel , which by touching the utmost end of the Fingers , or the very Staff or Stick held in the Hand , strikes a numbness through the whole Arm , and the parts near about it , accompany'd with a kind of Scotomy or heavy dimness of Sight . It is also related of this Fish , that to make a prey of other Fishes , and prepare them for his Tooth , he strikes them with the extremity of his Tail , and so benumbs them into an irresistance . This Mischief is to be imputed to the virulency of those Breathings , Evaporations and Effluviums which proceed from these Creatures ; much like those that steam from Aqua-Fortis , Quicksilver , and such like sort of Minerals . IV. Why the Lion dreads the Voice of the Cock. The Elephant that of the Sow . So great is the Antipathy between the Cock and the Lyon , that the noise of his Crowing , or the very fluttering of his Wings strikes a terror into the Lion. The Elephant starts at the grunting of a Sow , and tho' the strongest of all Beasts , trembles when he hears that noise . This Aversion in both these Creatures proceeds from such a Contexture of the Organs , as that the noises of the Cocks Crowing , and the Sows grunting , being conveyed to them , pierce their Bodies with a sort of Vellication , and as it were rend them a sunder with a kind of sharp smiting violence ; insomuch that being received into their Ears , they open the Pores of the Brain , not only into the Muscles , that serve for the moving of the Members , but also into those Fibres of the Heart that conduce to the exciting of Fear . Who knows not that the grating noise of a Sow is very harsh and ungrateful to the Ear ? In fine , therefore it is that a Lion trembles at the Crowing of a Cock ; and an Elephant is affrighted at the Grunting of a Sow , because their Organs are so disposed , that they cannot receive in those sounds without great trouble and offence . V. How it ●●mes to pass that Elephants cannot endure the ●ight of any thing that appears Red. To the same cause we may refer that which is related in the History of the Macchabees , namely that Elephants loaden with Wooden Towers full of Armed Men , at the sight of ruddy colour'd Grapes or Mulberries , were so exasperated thereby , that they could not forbear rushing into the midst of the Enemy , without regard either to their own or their Charges danger ; and all upon this occasion , that Elephants have their Eyes so disposed as to be ill affected with Red , or any Colour inclining thereunto ; and by certain Rays flowing from such a Body , to have those passages of the Brain dilated , which open those Fibres of the Heart that conduce to the exciting of Rage and Fury . VI. The reason of the Aversion between a Camel and Horse , Cat and Mouse . A Camel and a Horse have great aversion to each other , so that these two Creatures can by no means be brought to live together without extraordinary dissention and hostility . The Weesel abhors the Toad , and comes not near it , but with great reluctance . The Mouse flies the Cat as its mortal Enemy . The Pheasant designs against the Hart , and to do him a mischief sits upon his Back , twitches up his Hair by the Roots and pecks his Flesh with its Bill . The Peripateticks express all these Enmities and Aversions by no other name than that of Antipathy , thinking they have discharged themselves very well , and given a sufficient explication , when they tell us , that it is a certain natural hatred between one Animal and another , by which they fly and abhor each others sight . But who is there so ignorant as not to understand that we are not one jot the wiser by this Answer ? That there is a dissention and hatred in several Creatures one with another ; but how this enmity arises , or in what motives it is founded , certainly it can be no otherwise than from some passion transmitted into the Brain , through the external Senses by the help of the Nerves . For such is the disposition of the Brain , and such the contexture of the Fibres in Animals , that from such a species proceeding from without , such an affection must needs arise , no otherwise than as Heat hardens some Bodies , and softens and melts others . And hence it is that the smell of a Camel so disturbs the Brain of a Horse , that it renders him wholly unfit for service in the War. The evaporations only of Effluviums from a Horse , hath such a power over an Elephant , as to drive it into a frantick rage , which effect can certainly be Imputed to nothing but such or such a disposition of the Organs , or contexture of the Fibres . And much after the same manner it is that a Blood-Colour disorders an Elephant : The smell of a Panther attracts Apes , and Fear seizes a Lion at the sight of a Cock. VII . Whether a slain Body bleeds a-fresh at the sight of the Murtherer . Blood is said to gush out of a Wound , tho' bound up , upon the approach of the Person that gave it ; and the Lawyers of some Countries take it for more than a half proof of Murther , when in the presence of any suspected , the Body of a slain Person begins to fall a bleeding a-fresh . Lemnius in his 2 d Book Of the Occult Miracles of Nature , assigns no other Cause to this Effect but Imagination only . So great , saith he , and powerful is the force of hidden Nature , and so strong is Imagination , that so long as any spark of Life is left , and the slain Body not quite cold , the Blood may possibly gush out a-fresh , and boil by means of the Choler 's retained heat . Others refer it to the Antipathy that is between the Carcase and the Murtherer , as if there were still remaining some strugling of the Spirits , somewhat like to that which struck the horror at the time of the Murther . But these Examples carry little weight with me who look upon the thing as dubious ; and if I may take the boldness to contradict so many Assertors of this accident , altogether false : Forasmuch as I my self have seen the Dead Body bleed at the Nose and Mouth after three or four days , when the Murtherer hath not been present , nay , not living . Besides , I presume there has scarce been any one heard of that could confidently attest upon Oath the truth of the thing , but rather relied upon the credit of Relaters or authority of Writers . But let it be granted sometimes to happen , that in the presence of the Murtherer , a Murthered Body may fall a bleeding ; must therefore the Presence of the Murtherer be immediately concluded from this accident of the Bodies bleeding , or at least a suspicion thereof be implied ? Why may not the said accident of bleeding be rather imputed to Natural Causes , a thing indeed scarcely to be avoided , if all things which commonly happen about these Dead Bodies be well examined . The Body is carried into a Room where there is generally a great confluence of Spectators . By the breath then of so many Men the Air must needs be heated , and the Blood , tho' cold , be excited by this warmth , and consequently some small quantity of it may break forth out of the Nose or Mouth . From all which may be concluded how weak a testimony this bleeding is , and how slight those determinations are which Judges have made about the presence of the Murtherer , unless we assert with PLATO that the Souls of Persons murthered persecute those by whom they have been deprived of Life . Thy Ghost I 'le ever haunt , where e're it is ; Thy Soul , Bad Man , shall dearly pay for this . Virg. 4. Aeneid . VIII . Beasts have an aversion to the killers of their Kind . Beasts have a notable aversion to the Killers of their Kind , and to the utmost of their ability prosecute them : I have wondred , when being some time in the Country , I have observed all the Swine , and even the very Pigs of a certain Village grunting out their Clamours against one Passenger particularly more than others , and as it were preparing to set upon him ; and asking the reason hereof , was told that this person was a Butcher , imploy'd in the killing of all the Hogs and Pigs of the said Country Town . This Aversion of the Swine might very well be caused by the smell of the slain Hogs , or of some of the blood that stuck upon the Butchers Cloaths , which being corrupted and debased from its natural temperament , offended their Sense , and begat a certain horror in them . For it is not to be doubted but that the degeneration of any thing from its natural temperament , makes an ungrateful impression upon Animals , especially if it be from those of the same kind , and hurts and offends them much more than if it proceeded from those of a different kind . IX . Why some Insects have an aversion to Oil. If the Bodies of certain Insects , especially of the Silkworm , Grashopper , Bee , Locust or Wasp were so besmeared with Hony or Oil , that the black specks , running along their Bodies , were all covered , they would presently die , nor could they by any Art possibly be recalled to Life . The Reason is , as Malpighius very well observes , because Insects have not only Lungs as other Creatures , but are so abounding with that sort of Bowel , that every Section of them is furnish'd with double Lungs : Nay , those blackish Holes are as it were so many gaps , which lead to so many rough Arteries which convey the Air into the Heart , Spinal Marrow and other Internal parts ; so that no wonder if upon the stopping up of their Orifices , the said Insects or little Animals perish and die for want of respiration . CHAP. IX . Of Sleep and Waking . I. Why Infants are most chiefly addicted to sleep . INfants and Children soon fall asleep , and being in a sound Nap , sleep long and are not easily wakened . Children are very much abounding with moisture , with the thickness whereof the Pores of the Choroidal Contexture , and the Arteries called Carotides are somewhat streightly closed and shut , and consequently afford not a very free passage to the Animal Spirits . For as we see sometimes the Sails of Ships slack and lank , when there blows but a gentle gale of Wind , not strong enough to stretch and expand them ; so when there is not so great a plenty of Animal Spirits proceeding from the Heart as to fill the Marrow of the Brain , and to keep all its passages open , Sleep must needs arise . Since then in Children and Infants , Humours very much abound , the Motion of the Animal Spirits is by the resort of them to the Brain , much diminish'd , and the Pores of the Brain apt to be obstructed . II. Who they are that soonest fall asleep . Hence it comes to pass , that they who have a more than ordinary Cold and Moist Brain , as persons of a decrepit Age generally have , soon fall a sleep . On the contrary , those that are of a more dry and hot temperament , pass many times whole Nights without sleep , and being vigorous and in the prime of their Age , are satisfied with a smaller portion of sleep than Children or old People . III. Why we fall sooner asleep sitting by a Fire , than in another place . We Sleep sooner lying down than in any other posture , and sooner by a Fire than elsewhere . That we sooner sleep lying than otherwise , is because our Heart is then parallel with the Horizon ; whence it comes to pass , that the Blood proceeding from the sinister Ventricle of the Heart , passes to and fro with an equal force , which , when we stand or sit , it cannot do , for then the more subtile part of the Blood only ascends ; so that in regard the grosser part is conveyed to the Head through the two Carotides , and the two Vertebral Arteries , consequently the fewer Spirits are from thence generated ; the want whereof causes an inclination to Sleep . But that we sooner than ordinary sleep by the Fire , is because the Pores of our Body are much enlarged by the fiery particles , so that our Body becomes like a course Sieve or Cullender , by reason whereof the Animal Spirits take their flight the faster ; thus the Body tired and debilitated , drops at last into a sweet sleep . IV. How Tobacco taking , both procures and drives away sleep . It is vulgarly affirmed that the smoaking of Tobacco both induces sleep and drives it away ; and that it both excites and expels Hunger and Thirst . The Reason is , because the Animal Spirits being stroak'd , and as it were led into a Dance by this sort of Fume , grow absolutely deaf to all troublesom accidents ; nay , whatsoever of difficulty lies upon them to be done or suffered by them , they go through with ease and undisturbed : Wherefore to Soldiers and Mariners the use of Tobacco is a thing not only of advantage , but almost of necessity , forasmuch as it renders them undaunted and fearless , and ready to undergo all dangers , patient of Hunger , Cold and Labour ; as gently raising and exalting , and as it were tickling the Animal Spirits to quick and expansive motions , and is a recreation to them , no less than the carousing of full Glasses of Wine to others . V. Poppy , Saffron , &c. cause sleep . Poppy , Saffron , Mandrakes , and the like stupefie , benumb and lay asleep those that take them . The Reason seems to be , because Plants of this Nature are full of a very Uliginous or Clammy sort of Juice , with which the Pores of the Choroidal Contexture , being stopped , are disabled from conveying to the Brain the Spirits proceeding from the Heart . For as some Plants are obstructive to the Spleen , others to the Liver , and hinder them from performing their usual office ; so the Poppy , Mandrake , Saffron , &c. have a sensible power of obstructing the said Contexture , and causing fewer Spirits to be transmitted from the Heart to the Brain . For all Somniferous or sleeping things , whether outwardly applied , or taken inwardly , infuse a certain moistning all over the Body , and so induce a Refrigeration or Cooling , by which the abundance of Spirits is diminish'd , or their motion retarded . By the like Reason , those who are troubled with a Catarrh or Rheum , are apt to fall asleep , and to be opprest with a kind of stupidity or heaviness , by reason of the abundance of Humour which lies about the Fountains of the Nerves and stops their passages . VI. Why Baths excite to sleep . Balneo's generally cause sleep in those that use them . This they do , not so much from the immediate virtue of Bathing , but so far as they communicate to the Humours circulating through the Pores certain sweet particles proceeding from those emollient Herbs infused in the Bath , whereby it comes to pass , that the Blood is somewhat restrained , and disturbed in its over-violent Career , so as that it drives not into the Brain with so much vehemence as before , nor is there so great a quantity of Spirits to be discerned , from the want whereof sleep arises . VII . How the L●●hargy induces sleep . Certain Diseases , as the Lithargy and others , create in the Patient an excessive drousiness , and at length plunge him into a deep sleep . And this by reason that the proximate cause of this affection is the obstruction of the Pores of the Brain , proceeding from a gross Humour , and the want of Animal Spirits immerst in the overflowing stagnation of Humour , by which means those affected with this Distemper , must needs be apt to fall asleep . And such a sleep it is , that it may be accounted not only the Chain and Fetter of all the exteriour Senses , but also the Oblivion of all things . Wherefore those that have taken in the Infection of the Plague , if they are of a sleepy Constitution , and give themselves up to repose , become the more deeply infected , and Nature is the less able to resist the Contagion . Moreover , those that have drunk Poisoned Potions , if upon the drinking of them they are overtaken with sleep , they suffer in a higher degree , and the Poison the sooner reaches their Vitals . Because too much evaporation oppresses the Natural Faculties and renders them dull , heavy and uncapable of overcoming the Evil. VIII . Why the Cock wakes at Midnight . The wakeful Cock certainly shakes off Sleep about Midnight ; Whence MANTUAN , The Bird that 's sacred to the Sun 's bright Ray , Bids Night adieu , salutes th' approaching day . Cicero in his 2 d Book of Divination judges DEMOCRITUS to have most excellently explain'd the reason why Cocks Crow before Day , as follows , The Meat being gone off from the Stomach , and dispers'd into the whole Body , the Cock , saith he , in the silence of the Night , having digested his Meat , and being satisfied with rest , to express his content , lifts up his Crowing Voice , and displays his Gay Wings . But with this opinion of Democritus I am no way satisfied . Because if the Cock rowses from sleep , and Crows after Midnight , by reason of the digestion of his Meat , it should follow from thence , that afterwards he would no more indulge to rest ; but this Experience contradicts . Besides , he Crows as well at Noon , being full , as also after treading of the Hen ; so that this Reason might better be given , namely , that the Sun having past the Nights Meridian , and now steering towards the Morning , agitates and drives before him a cold Nocturnal Gale , by the shuddering approach whereof the Cock being roused out of his sleep , flutters with his Wings and sets a Crowing . Or why may we not affirm , that certain times are allotted to all Creatures for sleep , and this particularly to the Cock , at which by an innate motion it wakes , and having its Spirits in agitation , sets a Crowing , and by his Crowing testifies his wakefulness ? For why may not the Spirits of the Cock , as well as of a Goose , or any other Bird of that Nature , inclosed in the Brain , excited either by its own abundance , or by some external murmuring noise , so open those passages in which the said Spirits use to have their course from the Brain to the proper Organs of the Senses , as from the Center to the Circumference , as by a concourse made to move the Nerves attendant to the foresaid motions ? IX . Why we are most apt to be sleepy after Meals . Soon after Dinner or Supper we are more apt to fall asleep than at other times . Whence many have taken up a custom of setting themselves to sleep after Meat , to which Custom Nature seems to invite , and few can put it off without much reluctance . The Reason is to be derived from the very concoction of the Meats ; for when at that time a cruder Chyle from the Stomach and the Intestines is mingled with the Blood , and hinders the rarefaction thereof , it must needs follow that the Brain , by the loss of Spirits , is refrigerated at that time , and so contracts a certain sleepy disposition , so that the Spirits which remain are scarce sufficient to keep the passages of the Nerves open and tite : Hence we find by experience , that the external parts of the Body are after Meat refrigerated , so that the Head hangs down , and the Eye-brows fall , if we do not rouze and set upon some serious affair , and find work for the Animal Spirits . X. How it comes that we are more apt to wake out of our Sleep by Night than by day . Sleep is not so easily broke off by Day as by Night , as we find by experience in the Spring and Summer , in which , by reason of the Suns light coming in at the Chamber Window , we are more difficultly rous'd from Sleep than in the Winter when the Sun is at a distance , and we are surrounded with Mist and Darkness . This proceeds not from Light , as from the effient Cause ; as if Light were indued with a faculty of procuring Sleep ; but only by accident , forasmuch as our Eyes , being weak , and smitten with sudden cold , are apt to wink , and at last to close and be quite shut : For when we open our Eyes , the Light comes upon them , and smites them , and they not knowing how to send back the Rays , are offended and disturbed to be so smitten by them , shut down the Eye-lids again , and betake themselves immediately to a renovation of Sleep and Repose . Hence it comes to pass that waking at broad day , and opening our Eyes , we feel a kind of force and pain in so doing ; in regard the Light smites not the Retine Tunicle by degrees , but all on a suddain . XI . Why the extream parts of our Body are apter to be cold in sleep than when we are awake . When we are asleep , we are more apt than at other times to be cold in the extreme parts of our Body , but hot within . This most probably proceeds from hence , namely , for that the Blood not being at that time agitated by any passion , or any violent exercise , flows so quietly that it hath not force enough to convey any heat to the extremities of the Body , whence they become cold , at least in those persons whose Lungs are in a good temper : But for those that are troubled with bad humours , or are Asthmatick , they cannot indure to lie covered , by reason that the heat which they bring upon themselves by being covered , very much augments their inward heat . XII . Why those that lie ●ll at ease , are easily wakened . Those that lie not at ease , by reason of the Sheets not lying smooth under them , or the hardness of the Bed , or a necessity of making Water ; are very often interrupted in their Sleep , and forc'd to lie awake a long time . The Reason is , because the Animal Spirits which are bred during Sleep , and continually repair'd by the motion of the Blood through the Heart , can have such a plentiful confluence , as that having thereby the power of opening the Orifices of the Nerves , they fill them in such a manner as is necessary to extricate their Filaments , and give occasion to the Soul to perceive those Objects : For whatsoever gives disturbance to any sense , and interrupts the usual rate of motion , is an absolute Enemy to all Repose . XIII . Why attentive reading after Meals , induces sleep . We find by experience , that when we are very attentive in Reading or Studying presently after Dinner or Supper , we are apt to fall asleep , but not in the least when we are present at the acting of a Comedy , or the sight of any thing that moves to Laughter . The Reason is , because any studious attention , or serious exercise of Mind , draws the Blood more copiously toward the Head , and gathers it together from all parts of the Body towards the very midst of the Brain . By which means it comes to pass , that upon the Blood penetrating the Brain there follows a great recourse of Nervous Juice that way , by which the Spirits are presently obstructed , and their intermediate places taken ; but it falls out otherwise , when after Dinner we repair to a Comedie , because then the Animal Spirits being diffused with pleasure , distend and enlarge the Brain ; so as that the passages being streightned by that inflation , stop the course of the Sopori●erous Humour , and hinders it from forcing into the Brain . XIV . How Coffee happens to drive away sleep . Coffee is said very much to keep away sleep , and procures an extraordinary disposition to wakefulness , and an unwearied exercise of the Animal Faculty ; forasmuch as upon the drinking of this Liquor any one may sit late at night for the carrying on of any Studious Contemplative or Wakeful business . This effect in my Judgment may very well be imputed to those adust particles of the Coffee , which mingling first with the Blood , then with the Nervous Juice , keep by their agility and restlesness the pores of the Brain open , and the Spirits having now shaken off all Curb or Bridle , are prick'd as it were with Goads and Stimulations to the longer and more continued performance of their Offices . In like manner the Cause of a very wakeful temper may be imputed to a torrid and Melancholick Blood which supplies the exteriour Brain with such a sort of Nervous Juice as is parch'd and fill'd with adust particles , and is neither fit to remain longer within the pores of the Brain , nor kindly to receive and contain the Animal Spirits . XV. In what the excess of Coffee is hurtful . This kind of Drink , tho' of very common use , and in some cases very wholesom and medicinable , yet at other times , and in other cases it may be hurtful and unwholesom ; and this not only Reason , but also common Observation tells us ; forasmuch as excessive drinkers of Coffee are very often Lean and Paralytick , and many times unapt for Generation : In regard , since the Blood , by the frequent and excessive use thereof , becomes in a great measure acid and adust , it is consequently the less apt and capable to nourish . XVI . How it is that Children are rock'd asleep by the motion of Libration . In Children Sleep is procur'd by the motion of Libration , so called , or rocking in a Cradle . The Reason is , because this rocking to and again stirs the Humours of the Brain ; by the access of which Humours to the Brain and Origin of the Nerves , Obstructions are created : As when any sort of Liquor is injected with a force upon whatsoever Object is capable to receive it , it sinks in the deeper , especially if the Body into which it enters be tender and soft , as the Brain of Children most certainly is . XVII . How some duly come to wake at set hours . Some wake constantly at set hours . This comes to pass , partly by reason of daily custom , and partly because at certain set hours those men have sufficient plenty of Animal Spirits to puff up the Tubes of the Nerves , and also the Muscles ; as appears in those that are more hungry at some times than others : Of which there can be no other reason given , than because by that set time the Blood has made several circulations through the Heart , and by that means hath obtained such a due degree of acidity , as is requisite for the exciting of Hunger in the Stomach . XVIII . How many hours are to be allotted for sleep . As for the time allotted for Sleep . That which the Schola Salernitana hath decreed in this point , is most generally received . Seven hours in Sleep the Eyes to hold , Is long enough for Young and Old. But in this matter a certain set time cannot be appointed to all alike , but rather the different temperament of this or that person is to be consulted . For to those whose Blood is more thin and subtile , as the Spaniards , Italians and French , a shorter time of Sleep is sufficient ; for example , the space of five hours or thereabout , which would be too short for those that have their Blood more gross and viscous , for such Blood should be allowed time to pass often through the Heart before it can be made thin enough to afford matter for the generating of Spirits . CHAP. X. Of the Diseases , and Death of Animals . I. What the Cause of Diseases is in Animals . THERE are no Creatures whatsoever totally exempted from Diseases , but according to their different temperament are affected with some or other Bodily Distempers . Some are troubled with a Shaking or Trembling of their Limbs ; others are in a manner choak'd up with an Inflammation of the Jaws , commonly called a Quinsie ; others are afflicted with the rising of the Lights , &c. The Reason is plain , because Sanity or Health is a certain disposition of the Body , by which it is rendred capable to perform its Offices . So that when-ever the temperaments of the parts chance to be altered , or its Organs to be intercepted , the Order or Course of Nature being hereby inverted , the Creature must needs be deprived of Health , as falling from its primitive State of Body . So the tremour or shaking of the Limbs proceeds from a debility of the Nerves , or some depraved affection which haply some foregoing Convulsion had left behind it ; or by reason of some frigid Humour , which insinuating through the hidden passages , impells the Members to this motion . So the Quinsie in such sort streightens and shuts up the Jaws of some persons , that they are hardly able to breath , much less to swallow any thing , by reason the Inflammation or malignant Humour so wholly takes possession of the Nerves , that they are rendred in a manner uncapable of motion , and scarce sufficient for the opening of the Jaws : So the rising of the Lights is incident to those whose Stomach is obstructed by certain humours . For since the Blood is strained through the Liver , it may very well so happen , that that which is transmitted from the Milt through the Splenick Vessel , or flows from the Mesentery is corrupted and shuts up the pores through which it is to pass . In like manner we may inquire into the reason of any other Disease which is incident to Animals , ever perverting or disturbing their actions , and hindring their faculties from performing freely the offices of Life . II. Whence it is that the pain of the Teeth is so sharp and vehement . The pain of the Teeth is a most acute and sensible pain . It is not to be imagined , that the Teeth have any sense of pain , since they are all Bone and solid : But this pain vulgarly ascribed to the Teeth , proceeds from those Nerves which terminate at their Roots , and the pain is the greater , First , because those Nerves being of a very short extent , so much the sooner transmit the imprest motion to the common sensorium . 2 dly , Because they happen to be overmuch stretcht , whereupon that action of the Internal Object is the more lively propagated . As we may observe in Musical Chords , that those which are stretcht to the highest pitch , give the acutest or highest sound . 3 dly , Because they go right forward without any deviation , by which means the imprest motion is carried the more easily to the inmost parts of the Brain , as appears in the difference between a Rope drawn out into a strait Line , and another laid crooked or winding . But this most acute pain of the Teeth usually ceases upon drawing out of the Tooth , in regard by this means the over-much tension of the Nerves is remov'd , by reason whereof the imprest motion cannot continue to be transmitted so vivaciously to the sensorie . III. Why some Infants die with breeding Teeth . Hereupon it is that Infants die through the excessive pain of Teeth , which when they begin to breed , they by the violence of their crying so excessively shake the Brain , and the Membrans covering it , which are very soft and tender , that all the natural faculties of the Infant are exceedingly disturbed and out of order , whereupon the Milk and Blood become corrupt , and the Spirits bred of them , contract an acrimony , which entring into the Nerves through the Muscles excite them more than ordinary , and cause Convulsive Fits , of which they oft die , because the efforts they make , cause the blood to flow in such abundance into the cavities of the Heart , that they become too inflate , and cannot give it a free course , and continue that circulation which is necessary for Life . IV. Why the Small Pox and Measels are so common . The Small Pox and Measels are incident to all persons , and most especially when they are Children , but if not then , yet at least at some time or other of their Life . This is because they brought into the world some impure particles which lie skulking here and there in some lurking places of the solid parts , and which in process of time are drawn forth from thence by a ferment or peculiar matter of the first Element introduc'd by fermentations , and are pour'd upon the mass of blood in which they excite a violent motion , until at length they are cast out through the pores , and appear upon the superficies like little small Vesicles or Bladders . Those that have but few feculencies stagnating in the Body , are for the most part but lightly invested with them ; those that have none of these feculencies , are never troubled with this Distemper during their whole Life , but there are very few that escape . Those that once have them very much , seldom have them again , which is a great sign that the place which gave harbour to the Peccant Matter , is totally clear'd and empty'd thereof . But those who , who having in their Bodies a plentiful stock of this said matter , yet have put forth but few , are in much danger of being infected with them a second time , if not a third . These Distempers are epidemical , and sweep away yearly , especially out of all great Towns and Cities . V. Whence i● happens that some feel greater pains at one time than another . Many feel great pains returning yearly at some set time , especially such as proceed from old Wounds , or some acute Distempers , which , tho' cured , yet leave a remembrance behind them . The Reason seems to be this , because in the scars which those Wounds have left , the pores are very much altered , both as to their Magnitude and Figure , and wholly different from the pores of the rest of the Body . When therefore any change of Air or Season is at hand , another Aether usually approaches our Earth than before , which rushing into the pores of our Body , easily passes them all , those only excepted which are in the Scar of the Wound , in regard they have a perfectly different Figure from any of the rest ; whereupon the said Aether must needs make a more forcible entrance into the intorted pores of the Scar , and consequently excite a Vellication and Sense of Pain . VI. The Original of the Fre●ch Pox. The Distemper , commonly called the French Disease , had its beginning among the French at the siege of Naples , being till then unknown to all but the Canibals of India . The Cause of this so foul and poisonous a Murrain , the French ascribe to certain Mariners , who coming from Mauritania to the said Siege to vend their Merchandise , sold instead of the Sea Hogs the Flesh of Men newly killed , salted and barrelled up . Which sort of Meat the Soldiers feeding very much on , contracted this Disease , which afterwards spread very much by Contagion , and infected those Women with whom they had to do . Nor is this Reason of the French any way dissonant from truth , since certain it is that the Canibals who feed upon Mens Flesh , are greatly punish'd with this Disease . And History testifies , that the Indians , when first discovered , were known to have this Venereal Distemper frequently among them . Because the Eating of Human Flesh begets foul and fulsom Vapours , by which the Head being wrought upon is Vitiated ▪ and the contexture of the Fibres of the Brain corrupted . VII . Why Men in a Fever are restless . Persons in a Fever are wont to lie all night as if they were sound asleep , when in the mean time they have not one minutes rest , but lie muttering to themselves , and in a very restless condition . The Cause is to be sought from the pores or tracts in the Brain , by which the Animal Spirits are conveyed to the Brain , which are very much obstructed by a certain gross matter which proceeds from the mass of Blood , in regard the Spirits being at that time not allowed their wonted dilatation , a heaviness to Sleep seems just falling upon them ; but by reason of certain acid or aculeated Corpuscles adhering to the said Spirits which put them into motion , It happens that some of them break the way , tho' barricadoed or shut up , and stumble upon each other by an oblique course . Whereupon so great an agitation of them , tho' confused , by reason of the divaricated obstacles , cannot but disturb the quiet and cessation of the Animal Function . VIII . Why in the Palsie the Body drys and falls away . In a Palsie the parts being loosened , pine away , and by little and little consume , till at last scarce any thing is left but Skin and Bone ; altho' the Blood at the same time have a free and plentiful course , and circulates after its wonted manner through the whole Body . The Reason hereof must be supposed to be , for that in this Disease the Nerves are ill-affected , and cannot perform their office , for the Blood is not , as some of the Ancients believed , an adequate nourishment of the parts of the Body , but a certain Juice transfused to them from the Brain , and the Medulla Spinalis , by the mediation of the Nerves . So that since in Paralyticks or those troubled with the Palsie , the Nerves are obstructed , and can no longer supply nourishment ; no wonder if in that Disease the parts of the Body dry and wither , and the fleshy substance falls away . Hence it comes to pass , that those who have spongy and moist pores , by reason of their reception of their greater plenty of Alimentary Juice , grow fat : But those on the other side are apt to be lean who abound with Blood ; yet by reason of overmuch heat , have their passages straight , and their Nerves not wide enough for the drawing in of Juice . IX . How some Diseases come to be more tolerable than in former times . The Elephantiasis , or vulgar Leprosie , as also that which is called Stomacacce and Scelotyrbe , are now much more mild and gentle than in former Ages , in which persons were wonderfully tormented and felt intolerable pains . The Reason is , either because the rigor of the Distemper is much taken off by powerful Medicaments now better known than formerly , or because Nature accustomed to those Distempers , hath induc'd such a Callosity , that they seem now more tolerable than of old , and so much the more tolerable by how much they have been the longer indured . The Reason whereof may possibly be , because the Ardour and Ebullition of the Distemper is diminish'd . Or else Nature accustomed to a pain of so long continuance , ceases any longer to struggle so much with it , as being now familiar , and as it were domestick : Or Lastly , Being nourished even by those corrupt humours is the less offended by them . For even as those nasty sorts of Fellows that empty Houses of Office , and cleanse Sinks and Common Sewers , are made by long custom unsensible of the filthy smell : So those that are diseased , for examples sake with the French Pox , after they are used to it , as if they had lost their Sense , are no longer sensible of the defects of the Body , and debilities of Nature ; by reason that Nature and the Disease grow at last to be of a party and agree together , and the Humours of the one are mixt with the Humours of the other . X. Why Pain increases at Night . When Night comes , pains increase , and are exasperated to a greater heighth . The Reason is , for that the Humours , quiet before under covertures and bindings , are mov'd and stirr'd up , so that those Acid Particles formerly imprisoned , take thenceforth an occasion to Vellicate , more than before the Nervous Fibrils of those parts in which they are fixt . Whence there must necessarily follow a notable aggravation of pain ; as appears in those who are distempared with the Venereal Disease . XI . Why some sort of Fevers begin with Cold. Some Fevers ( or rather Agues , for so they are commonly called in English ) begin with cold , in such sort , that not only the extream parts of the Body are seised with cold , but with a certain kind of Action of Horror , the whole Body trembles and shakes . The Reason is , because Fevers proceed from a certain Humour falling into the Mesentery , or some other part of the Body , which Humour flowing through the Veins , and by that means mixing it self with the Blood , is at length conveyed therewith , to the Heart , which gives an obstacle to the Blood from being heated there , and dilated as before , and conveys that heat which it borrows from the Heart to other parts of the Body . Whereupon a certain tremour must needs arise ; and the Febricitant or Fever-seised Persons be taken with a suddain shaking of the Members : Which yet never happens , but at the beginning of a Fit. For as Green Wood thrown upon a Fire puts it out , or at least opposes , and resists its heat , but being once kindled , sends forth a fiercer flame than any other Wood : So after that the said Vitiated Humour hath been for some time mixt with the Blood , it grows hot at length , and is dilated in the Heart more than the Blood it self . And this causes the return of the Fit , which lasts so long , till the said corrupted matter is exhaled and reduced to the natural constitution of the Blood. XII . Whence the diversity of Fevers arises . Fevers , which are so very incident to Mankind , afflict not the Body always after the same manner : For some affect with a continual burning or violent heat ; others intermit ; some return more suddainly , some more leasurely , and some anticipate and come before their usual time . The difference of all these Fevers , arises from the Morbifick Matter which creates the Fit. For tho' that Matter in the former Fit hath been all purg'd away , yet there still remains some fewel or depraved disposition in that place wherein the Humour was first vitiated . Whence it comes to pass , that that which succeeds there anew , is first coagulated , then corrupted , and after some certain time growing to maturity , flows toward the Heart , in the same manner as the former , and creates the same symptoms . Whereupon , if the Morbifick Humour which succeeds into the same place wherein the former was corrupted , wants the maturation of three days , before it mix with the Blood , it produces a Quartan Fever or Ague ; if it stand in need of two only , a Tertian : But when the said matter applies to the Heart with a continual onset , and vellicates or twitches it without ceasing , it induces a Quotidian , or continual distemper . Lastly , If the Blood be so vitiated , that between the time wherein the last drop of the depraved Humour flowed out , and that wherein the first drop of the new gathered Humour began to take its course , it cannot be purified , the Fever renues with a more ardent inflammation than ever . XIII . How a Fever arises sometimes from Pain . Besides all these several kinds of Fevers , Physitians observe that a Fever sometimes proceeds meerly from a previous pain . The Reason of all this we shall soon understand , when we consider that pain hence arises , namely , for that the Fibres of the Parts incur danger of Ruption or breaking , if not Ruption it self . Whence sensation of pain arises in the Mind , which is followed by an immoderate influx of the Spirits into all the Nervous Tribe ; since therefore many little Branches of the Nerves are implanted into the Arteries , and feel the said inordinate influx of Spirits ; hence it comes to pass , that the Arteries are hurtfully smitten and battered , and that the Blood contained in them is wonderfully streightned and pent in , and its mixture confounded and disturbed . And hence it is that the Fever arises . XIV . Why after the fit of a Fever the whole Body i● in pain . After a fit of the Fever we feel a pain all over the Body . Because since the Feverish Heat which uses to succeed the shakings and cold fit , depends meerly upon this , namely , that the Blood by means of this admixture of the Febrile Matter , rises into a preternatural and vehement heat and ebullition , as moist and green Sticks of Wood laid upon a Fire , do not very easily catch , and burn into a blaze , but when they have once taken , cast a most ardent heat above all the rest of the fewel : Hence it is that by this great effervescence of Blood within the Heart , the particles thereof are more subtiliz'd , and as if abundance of Salt were mixt with it , the said Blood makes an irruption into the Fibres of the solid parts , and by corroding them , creates that pain which so afflicts us after the Fit. XV. The Head-ach hath also its accesses at a certain time . The like dissertation we may make concerning the periodical accesses of the Head-ach , which are daily , by reason of the Morbifick Matter rising and boiling up to a heighth at a set time . But so far varying as to be either before or after Meat , according as the offices of Digestion and Distribution of the Aliments are sooner or later performed . XVI . Why sick persons grow lean . Those that are sick of a Fever , and opprest with an excessive and unwonted Heat , Leanness and Consumption attend them . The Reason is , because the particles of the Blood , or Nutricious Juice which are for the nourishment of the Body , and ought to make some stay in the Members , to which they take their course , are more hastily moved and agitated , than to be able to make their due stay , and afford their due nourishment , but either are thrown off by those Members in a nature of Sweat , or pass away by insensible Transpiration ; whence the Body must needs be exhausted and become thin and lean for want of nourishment : Just as Plants are dried up and wither , when by the overmuch heat of the Sun , the Juice assigned for their nourishment is too quickly strained within their pores , and without making that stay there which is required , passes away and drops off . XVII . Whether Diseasescan be known by theUrin . Some there are that pretend to know all Diseases by Urines , as commonly your Quacks and Mountibanks , and some reputed Physitians are not ashamed to undertake the same thing ; nay they go so far as to make us believe , that they can tell the Diseases of each part of the Body by the Urin , and whether it be the water of a Young Man or an Old , of a Man or a Woman , of a Woman with Child , or not with Child . But these things I look upon as trifles , for how can it be resolved from the Urin , whether the Eye akes , or the Noso , or the Ear ? Whence the Head-ach arises ? Whether there lie any obstructions there undiscovered ? whether there be any Distemper in the Arms ; whence its pain comes ? For that all these things are impossible , both Reason and Experience testifie . I confess indeed that something may be conjectured from Urines , but it can be nothing but what is very general . So if Matter be voided together with the Urin , we may conclude that there is some part Ulcerated , but what part that is , who can resolve ? For we see that Matter is voided when the Lungs or Bowels are Ulcerated ; and tho' the Urin passes through these Ultimate Parts ; yet it is a difficult thing to resolve whether it proceeds from the Reins or from the Bladder . This is certainly found by experience , that Physitians are very often deceived in this matter . Our judgment therefore of Diseases , especially of those parts through which the Urin passes not , ought not to rely upon the inspection of the Urin only , but upon the indications that are to be gathered from complaints of the Sick. XVIII . Whence Deliriums arise in Acute Diseases . Acute Diseases are frequently attended with those unsettlements of Mind , with which sick people are mightily subject to be molested , and by which they are hurried into divers hurtful and unquiet thoughts . The occasion of this is , because the Animal Spirits , which by chance , and without any design wander in the Brain , are carried by their own proper motions to open certain pores thereof , in the same manner as they were formerly opened at the presence of some Objects ; whereby it comes to pass , that those Objects are perceived under the same Images , as if they were really present , and so affect the Soul residing in the Brain , as if it were smitten by their Species . So Drunken Men are affected with a kind of Delirium , while the Spirituous Particles of the Wine or Beer boiling by the heat of their Stomach , passes the pores of the Brain , and the Spirits residing therein take away the poise of the common Sensorium , which nevertheless was required , if a right determination of the Animal Spirits had been made by the Soul. But since the Soul is uncapable of governing all these Spirits , hence it comes to pass , that they flutter up and down without any order , and without any determination of Mind , fall sometimes upon these , sometimes upon those pores , which occasions all those antick postures , as Dancings , loud Laughters , idle Songs , &c. which are commonly taken notice of in Drunkards , which actions last so long , till at length , the choicer part of the Spirits being dispersed , the common Sensorium hath its Aequilibrium or Poise restored it , so that the Mind can at pleasure dispose of the Spirits through the whole Body . XIX . How a Fever causes a Delirium in many People . Thus the Blood estuating in Fevers , causes either a simple Phrensie , whether the Blood it self takes fire , or carries along with it into the Brain , certain strange and unruly corpuscles , which enter the passages of the Brain , exagitate the Spirits , and either drive them into confusion , or utterly overwhelm them , as commonly happens in Drunkards . Especially if the Brain be weak and loose , and the bilious Blood be turgid and swell with copious sulphur . Neither are there wanting saline and piercing Particles , which enter the pores of the Brain . XX. How Animals come at length to die . Animals living spontaneously , freely and without any force upon them , are however at length taken away by Death . Because the Fermentation● in them grow daily weaker and weaker ; hence first results a gross Chyle , a viscous and earthy Blood , and consequently less moveable , and which introduces various obstructions in the Capillary Vessels . For as age comes on , the said Fermentations are more and more diminish'd , and almost totally extinguish'd , whence there must needs arise a sort of Blood yet much more Earthy , and scarce moveable out of its place . The Fibres and Pores of the parts are streightned and grow stiff , and still less and less admit of , and take in nourishment . Hereupon follow Universal Obstructions , and by degrees all parts of the Body grow lean and waste away , till at length the very snuff of Old Age brings along with it death , or a total dissolution of the Automatick Conjunction in Brute Animals , but in Mankind a separation of the Soul from the Body : For there is nothing so natural as that every thing should be dissolved in a retrograde order and manner to that wherein it was formed into a composition and subsistence . The Ninth Part OF THE HISTORY OF NATURE . OF MAN. CHAP. I. Of the Sense of Touching , or Feeling . I. The Skin partakes more of the Sense of Touching , than all other parts of the Body . ALTHO' the Sense of Touching is spread all over the Body of Man , yet it is generally allowed that the Skin partakes more of this Sense than all the other parts , and the reason is , because the Nervous Fibres which are spread almost through all parts of the Body , run through the Skin in a particular manner , and in effect , the whole construction thereof is particular : For besides , that it is form'd of Nervous Fibres which are interwoven one with another , there spring from among these Fibres , certain small threds disposed into the form of Pyramids , and are Nervous Eminences , covered with a Cuticle or Upper Skin , under which is discover'd an Oily Humour , which keeps them always very supple . Whence it must needs follow , that the immediate Organ of Touch is no other than the Nervous Fibres extended all over through the Skin . But this Sense of Touching or Feeling is chiefly predominant in the hand , as MALPIGHIUS confirms , who observed by a Microscope , that in the hollow of the hand , and the extremities of the Fingers , there were certain elevated wrinkles spirally drawn , in which were hidden those Nervous Bodies that serve for the act of Touching . II. Of a Woman , who after the cutting off of her Leg , complained of great pains she felt . A Certain Noble Woman in Dauphiny had one of her Legs , newly affected with a Gangreen , cut off , but with such Art and Industry , that she had not the least suspicion thereof , being deceived by a Wooden Leg which the Surgeons brought along with them , wrapt up in a Cloth ; but some considerable time after the amputation , she complained of very sharp prickings and shootings , not only in her Leg , but down to her very Toes ends . Nor did she cease complaining after the matter discovered , but still asserted that she felt pain in her Leg. The cause hereof can be no other than this , namely , that such is the constitution of our Body , that no part thereof can in the least be stirred by any other remote part , but it may also after the same manner be moved by intermediate parts , altho ' the remoter conduce not at all to the motion : For who ever draws the last part of the given Rope ABCD , the first part A , will be moved in the same manner as it might be moved if it were drawn by one of the intermediates B or C , the last part D remaining unmoved ; so when the Noble Woman felt the pain of the Joints of her Leg and Foot , the reason hereof was , because the Nerves which first descended to the Foot from the Brain , and were then terminated in the Thigh near the Knee , were there moved in the same manner as they were to have been moved before in the Foot , upon the sense of this or that Toe aking to be imprest upon the Soul residing in the Brain : Hence an Argument may be brought against the Aristotelians , who will have the Soul to be actually present in each part of the Body ; for were it so , how could the Soul of this Lady judge her pain to be in her Leg , which was cut off , or in her Toes , when it was indeed in her surviving Thigh ? III. How the Sense of Touching may be deceived . Thus it happens in us many times that when we lean longer than ordinary upon our Elbow , we feel a numbness in the Little Finger , so that the Nerve which is deduc'd from the Brain to that Finger being comprest more than it can indure , moves the common Sensorium with the like affection , as if it were prest in the said Finger . IV. Why any one touch'd on a suddain , hath a horror upon him . When any one , on a suddain , and having his Mind intent upon other things , is touch'd by any one , he is seised by a suddain trembling or horror . The cause seems to be , upon an apprehension that by the said suddain stroke some mischief is design'd against him , whereupon he recollects himself , and indeavours to decline it . For then the Animal Spirits are suddainly stirred up , and tend in greater plenty to the Brain than that they can possibly be derived thence in order into the Muscles . For that which comes to the Soul by the Senses , affects it more , than that which is represented to it by reason , tho' for the most part it comes short in truth and reality : Whence in regard by that unexpected contact , there is but a slight impression made in the Body , and he finds the mischief which he apprehended coming upon him , to be nothing but a vain apprehension , he returns immediately to himself , and after a little time lays aside all horror . V. Why they who tickle themselves , are not touch'd with horror . Hence it comes to pass , that when we touch or tickle our selves with our own hand , we are not so shaken or smitten with horror , because therein is no surprise , but we act at pleasure , and consequently following our own way and method , we are not touch'd with that apprehension of evil , which is the principal cause of the said Horror . VI. Why Titillation is chiefly raised in the Soles of the Feet . Titillation is chiefly raised in the Soles of the Feet , which delighting the Patient by a grateful Pruriency or Itching affects him with a sensibility of Pleasure . Titillation is produc'd when the Nerves terminating in the Skin of the whole Body , are agitated more vehemently than ordinary . Yet so as that there follows thence nothing of hurt ; or when the Filaments which are carried from the Brain to the other remoter parts of the Body , are drawn with the like force , so as they be not broken , nor divided from the Members to which they adhere ; which Titillation or Itching is chiefly perceived in the Soles of the Feet , by reason of the tension of the Skin which is impell'd by a light contact , and transmits motion to the Nerves , the Organs of the Senses : Or else , when through the unwontedness of the way of promoting the agitation of the Spirits , new force accrews to them . So a Feather or Bulrush lightly running over the Lips or Cheeks , causes a titillation there , by reason of the thinness of the Skin , and the seldomness of any contact hapning in those parts : Whereas if things harder than those aforesaid are applied , or the parts are more frequently touch'd the Titillation ceases ; nor are those parts affected in any unwonted manner . But the pleasure which proceeds from Titillation hence arises , viz. because the Objects excite a certain motion in the Nerves which might possibly hurt them , unless they had strength enough to resist it ; or unless that Body were well disposed , which causes such an impression in the Brain , which being instituted by Nature , to contest this good disposition and strength , represents it to the Soul , as a Good that belongs to it , so far as it is joined with the Body . VII . How it is that some certain Diseases abolish all Sense of Touch in Man. In persons affected with the Elephantiasis or Leprosie , and in some that are craz'd in their Brain , and are , as they are commonly term'd , besides themselves , the sense of Touching is wholly taken away , tho' the Locomotive Faculty remains entire : For we often see Madmen go barefooted , and lie almost naked on the ground , their Skin being so benumb'd and sensless , that they hardly feel the incisions of a Knife , or the running of Pins or Needles into their Flesh . This Case , tho' it be very difficult to unfold , by reason the Nerves convey both the Instincts of Motions , and the impressions of Sensibles to the Brain ; yet it may be affirmed , that not the same Fibres , which attend upon Motion , are inservient to the Sense . For the Musculous and Tendinous Fibres execute the motive power , but the Membraneous receive the sensible Species , and convey it to the Brain : So that it may possibly be , that the Hurt or haply the Loss of the Sense of Feeling may be caused by reason of some harm inflicted upon the exteriour Members ; as namely , when their Fibres are overlaid by some gross matter , or condens'd by excess of cold . On the contrary in the Palsie , it falls out that the Sense , and not the Motion is hindred , in regard that not the same Fibres that are the Organs of Sense are the Organs of Motion . VIII . How it is that the Skin being pulled off , Objects are felt more acutely . The Skin being pulled off from any part of the Body , Objects are the more acutely felt . This happens , because , tho' the Cuticle or upper Skin be intersperc'd with Filaments , by which the affection is transmitted to the Brain , yet it contains many insensible Fibres , which like Dead Flesh are not affected by any Object . In so much that they may be taken off with a Penknife without any Pain or Sense : Or at least it may be made out that they are harder than to admit of any Impression . For the Interiour Fibres which compose the Flesh , being more tender and nervous , are therefore the more apt to admit even of the least affection , and consequently are the more sharply prick'd with the asperity of a Body . IX . How it is than any part of the Body becomes numb'd , or as they call it , asleep . He who leans or puts a stress long upon any part of the Body , makes it stupid and numb'd , or , according to the vulgar expression , asleep ; as hath been already intimated . The Reason is , because by the said compression the Spirits are stopp'd , and all access to them obstructed ; whence it comes to pass that when that part of the Body is relax'd , there is felt a little pricking , trouble or pain , by reason of the Spirits being at length agitated afresh , and repeating their interrupted motion . X. That Males in Winter , and Females in Summer are m●st desirous of Copulation . It is vulgarly affirmed , that Females in the Summer , and Males in the Winter are most desirous of Copulation . The Reason is , because the Bodies of the Males being more hot and dry , the Summer hath more power by exhalation to dissipate the Animal Spirits ; whereas the Winters Frost condenses more , and preserves them intire : For in cold and moist Bodies , such as are those of Females , the Summers heat cherishes , and calls forth the Spirits , when as Winters cold blunts and repels them . XI . Man excels other Animals in Feeling . Of all Animals whatsoever , Man excels in the faculty of Feeling , and more distinctly perceives the first qualities of things , and other qualities relating to Touch in general , as Humidity , Siccity , Hardness , Gravity , and the like . This Prerogative we commonly attribute to the Spider , who ( as the Boar surpasses in Hearing , the Ape in Tasting , the Vultur in Smelling ) is generally believed to be the more quick and vigorous in the faculty of Feeling ; but this vigorous sense of Touch is upon no other account ascribed to the Spider than upon its quick perception of motion , when sitting in the midst of its Web , it perceives the Fly lighting upon the most remote part thereof , which is not in the least to be wondred at , since all the Lines are equal which are derived from the Center ; so that lying in ambush in the middle , and holding the extremities of the Threds with its Feet , it easily deprehends all things which are transacted about it : But Man surmounts in the Prerogative of Feeling above all Creatures , by reason of the excelleent temperament of his Skin , and the subtile contexture of Fibres in which he excels all other Animals . His most excellent Faculty of Touching , is most chiefly discerned in the hollow of his Hand , and the extremities of his Toes , because that in those parts the Filaments of the Nerves are very slender , and moved with small ado . Whence it happens , that , as it were by instinct of Nature , when we go about to grope out any thing by Feeling , we reach out our Hand , but chiefly make use of the extremities of our Fingers . XII . The Sense of Touch is sometimes augmented by the failure of the Sense of ●ight . The Sense of Touching in some Men is so admirable , that it mightily helps the want of Sight in them , as appears most evidently in that renowned Organist of Falcembourg , who by his Touch alone , not only knew how to play most elegantly , but also could distinguish Coins and Colours of all sorts from each other ; nay , and to very great advantage plaid at Cards with other persons , especially if he dealt the Cards , since he could easily understand by the Pulps of his Fingers what sort of Cards they were which he dealt to his Partners . Of this thing there can be no other cause assigned , than because all persons , like the said Organist , deprived of their Sight , are by consequence no longer distracted by the multiplicity of external Objects , which hinder us from keeping our thoughts fixt upon any particular thing , so that by daily exercise , and a most accurate attention of all circumstances , it must needs of necessity be that Blind Men must in the Sense of Touching , for examples sake , as in the rest of the Senses , of which they are not deprived , excel all other Men. XIII . How it is that in touching , the Object seems to be double . Touching sometimes causes the Object to seem to be felt double , when as indeed it is but single : For the Globe G , being touch'd with the two Fingers laid a cross D and A , feels like two . The Reason is , because while these Fingers keep themselves thus crossed , the Muscles indeavour to deduce A into C , and D into F : Whence it happens that the parts of the Brain , out of which the Nerves , inservient to these Muscles , derive their original , are disposed in such a manner as is requisite for the said Fingers to be , viz. A into B , and D into E , and consequently that the two Globules H and I , must seem to touch each other . For when we lay the Middle Finger A , for example sake , upon the Fore Finger B , then the part of the said Fore Finger B , which being next to the Thumb F , is disposed together with the said Thumb , to lay hold upon any thing , and the part of the Middle Finger A , which joined to the Ring Finger H , is apt , together with the said Ring Finger , to catch hold on any thing , are not very capable , both at the same time , to grasp the said Globe . And the Mind then seated in the Glandule , perceives the Globe , not as single but double , and as it were placed in two places ; and from the different Motion of the Nerves hath an apprehension of two Globes , not one . XIV . How things appear double . By the same Reason , or not much unlike , when we hold up one Eye with our Finger , and behold any thing with dissevered Rays , we cannot but perceive it as double : Forasmuch as the superior Rays of one Eye , are ever wont to act with the superior Rays of the other ; as likewise the Middle with the Middle , the Inferior with the Inferior , and to conspire together to the percept●on of one and the same thing , as it were to make a report that it is indeed but one and the same . But if the Eyes chance by any means whatsoever , to be so distorted , that the Right Rays of one Eye agree not with the Left Rays of the other ; or the Superior Rays of one with the Inferior of the other , all single Objects whatsoever are look'd upon as divers . As in a Concave Glass , the Flame of a Candle appears double , by reason that from the Left Side of the said Glass , the Rays are reflected into the Right Eye , and from the Right Side into the Left Eye . CHAP. II. Of Taste . I. Why the same sort of Meat is not always alike grateful to us . THE same sort of Meat doth not always please . For that which is gratefully receiv'd by the Hungry Stomach , becomes unpleasant and unsavoury to the same Stomach well satisfied ; and the same Drink which delights the Thirsty , becomes loathsom to those that are fill'd with Drink . The Reason is , because all Savoury Things impress an affection in the Organ of Taste , according to the Contexture and disposition wherewith it is imbued : So the Tongue over-dry , or void of Moisture , perceives little or no taste in any thing ; and so on the contrary , a Tongue which is turgid or swelling with too much Moisture , and hath its pores stopt up with liquid Bodies , cannot be affected with any Savour . Since therefore the disposition of the Tongue , in a person fasting , and in a Person full , is quite different ; hence it comes to pass , that the same sort of Meat or Drink is not always in the same manner received in its little chinks and small pores , and consequently induces a different affection therein . This may possibly arise from a Mutation of Temperament , whilst the Spittle , proceeding from the Stomach , according to the qualities of the Humour wherewith the Stomach is repleated , mingles it self with the particles of the Meat in the Mouth , and promotes their acting . II. The Gross Error of the Peripateticks about Savors . This very Experiment alone is sufficient plainly to discover how grosly the Peripateticks are deceived when they affirm , that the savor in savory Bodies does every way agree with the sentiment we have thereof . Since were it according to their opinion , it would follow , that the same Man could not at several times have a different taste of the same sort of Meat , which is contrary to experience . It may also happen , that from the various situation of the Nerves conducing to Taste , all sense of Taste may be taken away , according to the mention made by REALDUS COLUMBUS , of one Lazarus , vulgarly Sirnamed the Glass-devourer , who not distinguishing in any thing bitter from sweet , fresh from salt , used to devour Stones , Glass , Charcoals , Fish drawn alive out of a Fish-pond . Of which Monster of Nature , when after his death , a Dissection was appointed by a Person of Curiosity inquisitive into the Cause of so uncouth a thing : It was found that the sixth Conjugation of the Nerves , which was ordained by Nature , for Tastes sake in other Men , in this Glass-devourer reached neither to the Palate , nor to the Tongue , but turned back to the hinder part of the Head. IV. They that are troubl'd with the Jaundise , think all things they taste to be bitter . They that are troubled with the Jaundise , think all sorts of Meat they taste to be bitter , and imbued with a quality noxious to them . This mistake proceeds from the Choler which is diffused through the Tongue , for such a sort of humour , mingled with the Spittle , infects the Meats , and imbues and depraves the Organ of Taste with its bitterness : So that these l●terick Persons are not so much deceived about the Affection imprest ( for they do really taste that which is bitter , and the Organ is certainly ill affected ) as about its Cause , since they look upon the said Savor as received from the Meat , when as indeed it is to be imputed to the humour only . For some without any Meat , seem to themselves to taste a certain Savor , in regard this humour sliding into the Tongue or Jaws , vitiates and corrupts their Temperament . The same thing happens in the Touch , as when any one fancies he feels the force of heat , and thinks Fire to be applied to his Body , when indeed Fire is far enough off from it , and only a defluent humour , either a tension of parts alone , or a tumor with it impresses such an affection , as Flame the Instrument of Pain , were it present , would impress . V. How it is that the Tongue discovers any disease . The Tongue is the chief Indicator of any Disease , and by whatsoever Infirmity we are opprest , 't is thither we have recourse for all the Signs and Discoveries thereof . In so much , that it hath been always the custom of all Physitians , the first thing they do , to bid the Patient hold out his Tongue . The Reason is , because the Tongue being the tenderest of all parts of the Body , is most easily wrought upon ; for since it is of a Spongeous Nature , and abounding with Blood , it is soon seiz'd with the force of a Disease , or infected by vitiated Blood , by both which being ill-affected , no wonder if it soon discover the alterations of the Body , and reveal with what infirmities it is assaulted ; sometimes it looks Red , sometimes Yellow ; and when its plexure is singular , it is subject only to a singular affection . VI. They that eat Bread in a Morning , have a vellication at the root of the Tongue . They that take a Crust of Bread with a draught of Wine , for Breakfast , seem in a manner to feel certain prickles in the innermost recess of the Tongue . Because the Meal of which the Bread is made , is for the most part kneaded with Ferment and Salt , the latter whereof still imparts something of Acrimony : For the parts immingled are rendred more sharp , than those that are more solute and loose , and adhere to it with a lesser tie . Whence New Bread pleases more , and is more grateful to the Organ of Taste , in regard the particles thereof being less interwoven , are better chewed by the Spittle , and more gently move and affect the innermost tract of the Palate . VII . Why it is that those who have no savor of Meats , seem also not to have any smell . They that have not the faculty of perceiving Savors , must in all likelihood be deprived also of the sense of Smelling , as is many times observed in a Distemper called the Pose , where the sense of Smelling being taken away , that of Taste also fails . The Cause of this Consequence depends upon the Corpuscles which are inservient to both Senses ; forasmuch as they are the same , and differ in nothing but their various Expansion . For the sense of Smelling proceeds from particles of Emanations flying in the Air , which being mixt with the Air we breathe , are conveyed to the Nose . But the particles which conduce to Taste are indeed less subtile , and are to be imbibed by some humour , that they may smite the Organ of the Tongue ; yet they are really the same , and are only distinguish'd in this , viz. that being diluted with humour , they cause Savor , and being exhaled and transmitted through the Air , they cause Odour . VIII . When Nauseation comes , or a vomiting up of certain Meats . Many who have an aversion to certain sorts of Meats ; for example , to Old Cheese , or the like , when they happen to taste of the same unawares , certainly contract a great loathing , and immediately , if possibly , vomit it up ; but if they cannot , presently fall sick , or find themselves very much indisposed . The Reason is no other than that the said Meats , either by their Odor or Vapor inflict damage upon those Fibrels or pores of the Nerves : For while they ill affect the Nerves inserted into the Ventricle , they first cause a tremour of the Lips or Nauseation ; and if the said Vellication of the Nerves continue , there will at length follow a Vomiting , which Nauseation ever precedes ; nor is the said Nausea any thing else than the tremulous Motion of the innermost Membran investing the Mouth , which proceeds even from the vellication of the Ventricle , as to which Tunicles , that of the Mouth is continuous . IX . Why upon defect of Taste , defect of Smell should follow . It may also be otherwise said , that the privation of Taste induces the failure of another Sense , viz. Smell ; by reason that both Sensories being planted near each other , are apt to be both together overwhelmed and glutted by the same serous matter squeesed out of the Blood : In as much as the tubulated Membrans of the Nostrils , and the structure of the Tongue it self consist of a very rare , and as it were spongious composure : Wherefore the pores of either Organ , and the passages from the Serous floating matter are apt to be overflowed , and the sensile Fibres in both at the same time to be obstructed ; to which may be added , that whereas the Nostrils and Tongue ought to b● supplied with a continual moisture ; both of them as they most grievously , and more than other parts , undergo a deflux of superabundant Serum , so both are equally obnoxious to the same mischief upon any slight cause . X. Why sick Persons have an aversion to Meats that are sweet . Sick Persons , and those that are of a Crasie Body , reject all sweet things , and are only delighted with what is acid and sharp . The Reason why these sickly people have such an aversion to all Meats that are sweet , is because of the vitiated Blood , and the malignant quality of the Morbifick Humour , which being for the most part Choler , breaks into the Tongue , as being a very tender place , and causes innumerable obstructions , hindring a just perception of the Meats that are presented . Hence it is that sharp Meats please the Sick , in regard the Tongue is covered with a certain Uliginous tegument , so that sweet things cannot enter and pass through it ; whereas Acids affect in another manner , as consisting of long and inflexible parts . Nor is it for any other cause that Beasts covet Salt , and are very much taken with the eating thereof , because their Tongue is scabrous and rough , and overlaid with a certain Crust . XI . Sweet Meats hinder others from being relish'd . Who ever hath a relish of sweet things , hath not a right relish of other Meats of a more accurate taste . Because all Esculent or Eatable Things are no otherwise tasted , but so far as the Tongue induces and insinuates within the pores certain Savoury Corpuscles reduced and made small by manducation or Chewing . But whereas sweet things are viscous or clammy , and for the most part obstruct the passages of the Tongue , they hinder the supervenient savoury particles from being carried into , and affecting the Sensorium . Wherefore the better to restore again the faculty of Tasting , we use to feed upon sharp or salt things , to the end that they may loosen the passages of the Tongue , and wear away , and take off the inherent Viscosities . XII . How it is ●hat Spittle is excited at the sight of things grateful to the Pa●a e. Spittle at the sight of things grateful , and with which we are chiefly delighted , increases and fills the Mouth . This happens by reason those sorts of Meat , which before are apprehended to be grateful to us , now again excite an Appetite in the Soul to receive them : Whence it comes to pass , that the Soul being intent upon this alone , sends more copious Spirits into the Glandules of the Mouth , so that they being so much the more compressed , the Spittle at the sight of those grateful appearances is squeesed out in greater abundance . CHAP. III. Of the Sense of Smelling . I. Man is the dullest of all Animals in the sense of Smelling . OF all Animals , Man is thought to be that of the grossest Smell , and who the most slowly takes in the Emanations flowing from Bodies . The Reason is fetch'd from the Constitution of the Brain it self , which being spongy , and abounding with much moisture , blunts the edge of smell , and is the less affected by the said Emanations . Hence those that are troubled with a Catarrh or excessive deflux of Humour , many times have no smell , in regard the pituitous Humour blocks up the Nostrils and the Cribriformous or Siveformed Bone , to which the Emanations flowing , clot together , and are in a manner choak'd up : So likewise little or no smell is perceived under water , in regard the moisture takes in the exhaled Corpuscles , and obstructs their diffusion . II. They who have large Nostrils smell best . They who have broad and open Nostrils , and in whom the spongy passages of the said Bone are from their Birth dilated , admit more easily and strongly all Odours or Smells . The Reason is , because a greater abundance of Emanations is conveyed through those Cavities to the Brain , which being gathered therein , and with mutual application aiming at the Nerves of the Brain , impress the greater affection . In a manner not much different from that whereby the Air inspired through a broad and well purged Ear , enters more copiously the Auditory Passage , or whereby the smoak ascends more easily through a wide Chimney than through a narrower . III. The Ox , Goat , and the like , excel other Creatures in smell . Hence in dissections , we see in a Goat , Ox , Sheep , and other such like Animals , that feed upon Grass and Herbs , that the Mammillary Processes are larger than in Carnivorous or Flesh-eating Animals , because they have more need of an exquisite Organ of Smell to distinguish divers sorts of Herbs , and to select the more agreeable from the more noxious . For the same reason Brute Animals are indued with far larger Olfactory Nerves than Man , by reason that they discern their food by no other guide than smell alone ; whereas Man , as one indued with Reason , knows many things by Reason and discourse , and is led not so much by smell as by seeing and tasting , to the choice of his Diet. IV. Those things which are grateful in smell to one , are very ungrateful to another . Those things which are grateful in smell to some , are to others ungrateful . The Reason lies in the diversity of the pores in the Olfactory Nerves of this or that Person ; so some are highly delighted with the smell of Roses , while others reject them , in regard the Volatile Particles exhaling from Roses , have such a Figure that they can easily , and without any trouble pass through the pores of some , but not without great difficulty and violence the pores of others ; whence in these there arises a notable aversion of the rosie smell , in the others a wonderful delight therein . So Men without any disgust or trouble accept the smell of Musk or Civet , which at the same time to Women generally is odious and pernicious . Nay it causes in them Hysterick Passions , whereof there can be no other reason but this , viz. that the Volatile Particles of the Civet or Musk cannot so easily and freely pass the pores of a Womans Body as of a Mans , whence Women are most refresh'd by the odour of the most ill-scented things , as Assa-faetida , and such like smells , which Men can hardly indure . V. A Man that stinks is not sensible of his own stink . A Man that stinks , as they say , above ground , is not sensible of the ill-scented Vapour proceeding from him . The Reason is , because the Organ of smelling is so disposed , that the inbreathed smell cannot be perceived but according as it falls upon adverse Fibres ; for there are in the Nostrils certain Valvules , or little Caverns , whose Mouth towards the extremity of the Nose is most open , and consequently the sense of smelling is only effected , when the Breath emitted from without arrives at the Nostrils , and falls upon the adverse Fibres : But when the foresaid Vavules lie not open to the exspirated Breath ( that is to say , because it falls not upon the adverse Fibres ) it comes to pass that the Organ of smell is not touch'd , and consequently no affection follows . VI. Continual Odour or Perfume ceaseth to be smelt . Those that long hold any perfumed thing to the Nose , or live for any considerable time in a place full of perfumes , are at last sensible of no Odour at all . This happens because the Emanations or Breathings from Bodies perpetually , exhale forth , and are successively conveyed through the Air to the Nostrils , which when they arrive to , they do not immediately return back , but stick there some time , and so fill the Appendices or Suburbs , if I may so call them , of the Brain , that those which follow after cannot penetrate them and make a fresh assault upon the Sensorium . This appears plain by those that lay among their Cloaths Civet or Musk Bags , or powder their Hair with Jessamin or other sweet Powders . Forasmuch as after some time , they cease to have any Odour of them , and as if they were no longer respiring , are not in the least affected with any Scent of these expirations : So that those who love to smell to Flowers , or to enjoy the Flagrancy of any place , hold them by turns to their Nose , and go and come several times to the place , to the end that the particles of Flowers or Spices may have time allowed them to depart from the Organ of smelling , and way be made for those that come after . VII . How it comes to pass that a Woman with Child miscarries upon an ill scent . Sometimes it happens that a Woman with Child miscarries upon an ill smell . I knew one who smelling the Snuff of a Candle blown out , fell thereupon in Labour , and brought forth an abortive Child , when near her time , and that not without great danger of her Life . The Reason is , because ill Odours grate and perplex as they pass by , and so compress the Organ of smelling , that such a sort of motion being transmitted to the Brain , affects also the Fibres of the Womb which are connected with the Fibres of the Birth , and induces such a disposition , that the Birth forcing the Umbilicar Vessels , breaks forth , and makes its passage out . On the contrary a grateful Odour refreshes and comforts the Gravid Person , and renews her strength , which suffers from the grievous and faetid Vapours wherewith she is chiefly at that time infected , and therefore must needs be relieved by a sweet Odour , as it were by a tenifying or emulgent draught , unless by chance the Womb labours with an overcorrupt Humour , and swells with Crudities . VIII . Smells are better perceived in Summer than in Winter . Smells are less scented in Winter than in Summer , and hence it is that Hounds follow the Game better in Summer than in the Winter . Of this there can be no other reason than that the Heat which prevails in Summer dilates or widens the pores of all Bodies , which causes the Vapours the more easily to be diffused and spread through the ambient Air ; whereas the cold by condensation compresses the pores and hinders the particles of Bodies from being resolv'd , and turn'd into Vapour ; almost in the same manner as Smoak , which being excited by the heat of the Fire , is extended ; but being invironed by Frost , is contracted , and ascends in slender Columns through the Frigid Air. Altho' it may also be said that Summer is more apt and disposed for the receiving of Odours than Winter , because in Winter the pores of the Body are contracted , and less of Vapour is educed out of them ; whereas in Summer all Odours are too much dissipated by reason of the heat of the Air , and by the over-abundance of them , the Organ of smelling is disturbed and disordered . IX . Why Flat-Nos'd People for the most part send forth a stinking Breath . Those who have flat Noses send forth for the most part a very unsavoury Breath , whence proceed the many scoffs of Poets upon Flat-Nosed People , in which their stinking Breath is brought upon the Stage . The Reason is , because the pores through which the Humour flowing from the Brain to the Nostrils passes , are obstructed , or at least are too narrow for it to run freely through them , so that by gathering and clodding there , it corrupts and putrifies . To which also may be added , that Flat-Nosed Persons have for the most part vitiated Lungs , in regard that since the Air cannot pass through so short a passage or winding of the Nostrils , so as to be well purged , the Brain and Lungs must needs be infected , and thereby cause a stinking Breath . X. The most ingenious Persons are the most dull of smell . Those who excel in Wit , are dull of smell , and sometimes totally lose that faculty . The Reason is , because those are most Ingenious , whose Brains are best purged , that is , exonerated of all their superfluous and excrementitious pituitous humour , from which the Brain being freed , is rendred the more prompt to execute those works which depend upon the faculty of Wit. But they who have a deflux of Flegm or Spittle distilling down to the Nostrils , must certainly of necessity become yet more dull of scent , in regard the Flegm obstructs the Nostrils , drives away the supervening Odours , and blunts their Edge . CHAP. IV. Of Hearing . I. We hear better by Night than by Day . WE are quicker of Hearing by Night than by Day . The Reason is , because in the Night the Air is still and quiet , and not troubled with any loud noises or sounds , which in the Day hinder us from hearing anothers Voice at any distance , in regard it presently meets with various undulations of Air raised from external sounds , into which immediately it transfers its motion , so that the Voice becomes as it were stifled in the Air. II. How Human Speech comes to be so various . Speech among Men is various , by reason that some Men in speaking utter a great and manly sound , others an indifferent , and others a shrill and effeminate voice . The Reason is , because in some the Aspera Arteria is more ample or large , and so puts forth a grave or big sound ; but they whose Aspera Arteria is of a mean or middle size , send out a Voice or Tone somewhat sweeter , and as it were ▪ mixt of a grave and shrill Tone together : Lastly , they who have it narrow and streight , utter a Tone yet more shrill and also soft , such as is for the most part that of Women . III. How it is that upon the Mutilation of the Ears they receive Sounds confusedly . Those that have their Ears cut off , relate that they confusedly take in all sounds ; so they seem to hear upon all occasions some inarticulate sound or other , as the chirping of a Grashopper , the murmer of a flowing Stream , or the like . The Reason is , because the exteriour Ears are hollowed and inlarged , so that the moved Air by passing through the turnings and windings , is gathered and made intense . For the Air enters so much the more copiously into the Auditory Passage , as coming from an ampler space , it falls into the streights . So that Deaf People oft-times supply the defect of that Sense by holding their Hand hollowed , or a Horn to their Ear ; for as the sound is inlarged in winding Cavities , and enters the Ears with the greater force ; so Animals that have moveable Ears , at the hearing of any noise , prick them up that the sound may enter in more copious and direct : Therefore the Ears being cut off , the sound falls directly into the Auditory Passage , which causes the failure of that determination which ought to be , and which happens but at the instant of the said Illapse . And thereupon the sound comes to them no other way , than if it proceeded from various parts , as it happens in the instances before-mentioned . IV. A Tune plaid on a Pipe is more charming than that plaid on a Harp. A Tune plaid on the Pipe is more sweet and charms the Organ of the Ear , more than if plaid on a Harp. The Reason is , because the sound of a Pipe is more continuous and less disjointed , than that of a Harp. For in regard we are delighted with modulation , and take greater pleasure to hear proportionate Movements , we are most taken with those which keep a certain Tenour , and smite the Soul with repeated strokes . To this may be added , that the sound of a Pipe is as the Voice performed with respiration , and consequently the Notes are the more easily mixt one with another . For the Harp produces a certain asperity , and howsoever struck creates harshness to the Ear. V. Persons smitten by a Tarantula , are cured by Musick . Those that are smitten with the sting of a Tarantula , are said to be cured by Musick ; in so much that let a Musitian be brought to the Person so smitten , and let him sing by him to his Lute or Harp , and the Patient shall rise from his Couch as he were wakened out of his sleep , and shall so exercise his Feet for some hours by his strenuous Dancing , that all the poison shall effectually evaporate by sweat out of his Body . The Reason of this so wonderful effect , is to be attributed to the motion caused by the Musical Instrument , by which the Drum of the Ear , and afterwards the Brain being smitten , by their help , also the Arteries , Nerves and Muscles are excited ; so that upon the excellent and well-followed performance on the Harp , the Patient to free himself from the Tarantula's poisonous stroke , falls a dancing with all his might ; and by this means not only hinders the force of the Venom from spreading farther , but also by the continual agitation of his Body expels and breaths it out by sweat , in regard the playing on the Harp so far stirs up a motion in the Nerves , as to dissipate the force of the Venom which possesses the Arteries . VI. Why some so stang are not cured by Dancing . But if it happens at any time that some are not cured by dancing , ( for it hath been found by experience , that persons stung by the Tarantula have danc'd thirty or forty years without cure . ) It is because the Sting possessing the Arteries , Nerves and the Spirits , contained in them , hath been more tenacious and viscous , than to be capable of exhaling and being rarefied . VII . Deaf Persons have been brought to hear better by a great Noise made about them . It hath been known that persons of vitiated Ears , and almost deprived of the sense of Hearing , have by a very loud sound ( for example of Drums and Trumpets ) been brought to that pass as to receive the words of people speaking to them , and to give answers to their Interrogations . This happens from the Drum plac'd in the recess of the Ear , which being loosened , admits of no affection from the soft impulse of sound , but upon the din of a very great noise , acquires its due tension ; so as commodiously enough to perform its office ; and thus the Cause is made plain why a certain Deaf Man of Orleance living near a great Steeple of Bells could easily hear the words of those that stood talking with him , so long as the several Bells were ringing ; but upon the ceasing of that noise , he fell back to his wonted deafness , and could no longer hold discourse with those about him . So ● certain young Nobleman born near Oxford , plainly heard the words of those that were near him while he passed through London-streets in a Chair , or any loud Noise was made about him , by reason that upon a notable concussion of the Air , the tympanum was reduc'd to its due tension , and acquir'd its turgescence . VIII . How it comes to pass that by keeping in the Breath , we hear the more plainly . When the Breath is kept in , we receive so much the more easily and plainly the approaching sound ; whence in hearkning earnestly to any sounds which come from afar off , we commonly keep our Breath . The Reason is , because all expiration is a motion ad extra , as my Lord Verulam calls it , rather repelling than attracting the sound ; so upon whatsoever thing we are most industriously bent , and labour with most vehement intension , we stop and keep in our Breath ; for a catching with a difficulty at any flying sound is but a certain sort of laborious work . IX . We hear not all Sounds with like suddenness . It happens frequently , especially in a confused multitude of sounds and words , that we presently hear the speeches of some certain Person ; but those of another Man , tho' speaking at the same time , we are not sensible of , till some time after . The Reason is , because the sound or voice of one Man taken in with that of another , is not altogether at the same moment of time , conveyed to the common sensorium , but one after another enters the Ear. Whence it is probable in such a case , that the first sound , one winding of the Ear alone being gained , is thereupon sooner transmitted from the first Branch of the Auditory Nerve to the common Organ ; but the later as it were sensible , because it cannot be transferred together at the same time in the same Nerve , making therefore another circuit through the second winding , it is at length removed from the second Branch of the Auditory Nerve , and consequently succeeding the former , is later taken in . X. Words pronounced without , are better heard from within a Chamber , than on the contrary . Let any one be plac'd in a Chamber , and he shall more clearly and distinctly hear the words which are delivered from without , than were he plac'd without , he could hear them , being utter'd in the Chamber . This comes to pass , because the sound diffus'd through the Air , is reflected by interposed Bodies , as sufficiently appears from an Eccho ; for in regard there are many solid Bodies within the Chamber , as Walls , Planks , Tables , &c. which drive back the emitted words , it happens that the sound becomes the stronger , and more forcibly smites the Ear , than in the free Air , where those obstacles are not to be met with , from whence sounds result . Hence it is that he who speaks from any high place is better heard by him who is beneath , than on the contrary he that speaks from a low place is heard by one above ; because more Bodies occur from which the voice may be reflected , whilst it tends downwards , than whilst it flies up , and wanders through the Air. XI . Why the sound of a Bell is not always heard from the place where it is . The sound of a Bell happens sometimes to be heard in such a manner , that it seems to proceed not from the place where it is , or whence it really proceeded , but from the opposite part . This fallacy proceeds from the reverberation of sound , which coming last to the Ear , seems therefore to proceed from that place from whence it was reflected : For as by the reflection of Rays , a thing appear● not where it is , but in that place whence the Rays are last derived : So a Bell or any other sonorous Body is judged to be in that place where the sound came last to the Ears : For a sound reflected by an oblique Line , arrives at the opposite part . In like manner a Bell being rung from the Northward , if the Chamber Window where we are , open to the South , we seem to hear the sound from the Southward : So if a Beggar , as we are sitting in a Chair or Sedan , make his Speech on that side the Chair where the Glass Window is up , he will seem to be on the other side where the Window is open or let down . XII . Whence it is that a kind of murmuring sound is heard upon stopping the Ears . If any one stop both Ears , or either of them very well , he will nevertheless hear a certain tremulous and murmuring sound . The Reason is , because of the agitation of the Air included in the Ears : For in regard there is a continual efflux of very much Breath from the Ears , if upon a stoppage applied , the said efflux be barricadoed or shut up , the Air pent in within the Cavities of the Ears , and impatient of its narrow confinement , drives and forces into the tympanum , from which vehemence of agitation a certain murmuring noise must needs arise , and affect the Ears in such sort , as if it proceeded from some sonorous object . Which that it is so , is from hence sufficiently evident , namely that a vehement external noise being raised , that internal humming sound is suppressed , and that indeed for no other reason but because a new agitation inwardly induc'd , directs the tumultuating Air , and forms it into Rays . XIII . How it is that two unequal sounds are equally quick . We oftentimes equally soon , at one and the same distance hear two unequal sounds . This so happens , for that the agitation of the Air which makes the noise , hath always an equal swiftness at the same distance , tho' it is made with a greater or lesser effort , so that the noise of a sonorous Body extends it self with the same swiftness at one and the same distance , altho' the Body be smitten with an unequal force : For a greater force may indeed contribute to the making of a greater sound , but not in the least to the making it to be of a farther extent . XIV . Why sound cannot be heard under water . That famous Diver in France , wrapt up in his own Machine , which takes not away Hearing from any one so long as he continues above water , affirms that when he was about ten fathom under water in the Occan , not far from Diep , he heard not the least report of those Guns which the Ship was obliged to discharge as it sailed out of the Port. The Reason is , because sound cannot be procreated , except in a moveable Object ; so that if that Medium through which it is to be transmitted , cannot conceive any tremour , or resist the tremour of other Bodies , it can produce no sound . Wherefore since the bulk of the Water is so great that it cannot be agitated by the moved Air , and resists its tremours : No wonder if the noise produced above the waters reach not so far as the bottom ; for as we find by experience , that a Ssone falling into a River from a high place , makes no noise when it come to the bottom , tho' it hit against other stones : So an exterior sound cannot so penetrate the extraordinary heighth of the Waters as to be received by it ; and so they who swim upon their Backs , scarce hear any thing so long as they have their Ears immerst , and lie beneath the surface of the Water . XV. F shes in the water hear not . Whence it is evidently made out , that all Fishes are deaf , or void of hearing , except those of grand bulk , as the Whale , Dolphin , the Phocas or Sea-Calf , which raising their Heads above Water both take in sounds , and utter a voice from their Mouth . The Reason why other Fishes seem to be deaf , or void of hearing , is because they are wholly mute ; for there seems to be that correspondence between the Voice and the Ear , that those very Animals which want Voice , the same also are destitute of Hearing , by which at the same time the word and the thing signified thereby are apprehended . Now if it be objected that Fishes decline the noise of the Oars , and that the Fishermen commonly beware of the tottering of their Boat , or of making a noise with their Nets , when they beset the Shoal : I answer , that all this is , lest upon the motion of the Water stirred up by the force of the Oar , or the overmuch tottering of the Vessel , the Fish should apprehend the said motion , either by touch or sight . For we may observe in a Fish-pond , that the Pikes and other sorts of Fish swimming therein , are terrified by no sort of noise , murmur or sound , but upon the least unusual agitation or motion made in the Water , they immediately fly and shift their places , and if being called to Meat they sometimes come ; this comes to pass , either because they are mov'd at the sight of the Person calling , or because the Water is moved by the lowdness of the Voice . CHAP. V. Of Sight . I. Why the Eyes move both together . AS we go about to look upon any thing , both Eyes tend to the beholding of the said Object with one and the same motion , while in the mean time each of them hath its Muscles distinct , and proper to its self . The Reason hereof proceeds from the Mind , which when it sets its self intently to behold any thing , it is not to be imagined that one Eye is bent upon the beholding of that thing , and that the other is imployed upon another Object ; for by that means there would be a confusion of the Rays , and of the perception in the common sensorium . But both Eyes must necessarily be directed at the same time , to the same Object . And to this end the Spirits are always disposed to the service of those Muscles which are capable of converting both Eyes to this one place , and not to those which serve to draw either Eye one way , and another another ; for the Mind is always bent upon seeing one thing ; and tho' it often designs to have the sight of many things , yet to take the better view of each , it takes it in a certain order , and views them one after another ; which may quickly be done , if the things to be seen are near enough and big enough to be easily and soon beheld . II. How a Flea and a Horse may both seem to be of the same magnitude . Who ever looks upon a Flea near at hand , and extends his sight to a Horse or other Animal of like magnitude at a very great distance , they will appear equal , and offer themselves to view under the same magnitude . This is evident from Opticks , by which it is thus made out , namely that the faculty of seeing , or rather the Soul residing in the Brain , apprehends Objects to be greater or lesser , according as they were represented to the sight under a greater or lesser angle . So that when as a Flea being seen very near at hand , and a Horse at a remote distance , seem both under the same angle , they are look'd upon by the Soul as equal : For it is evident that an Object is therefore apprehended greater , because it impresses a greater affection upon the Retin Tunicle or Optick Nerve , and lesser so far as the lesser proportion of the Organ is affected . Hence it is that the farther a thing recedes from us , so much the lesser it appears ; and by how much the nearer it approaches us , so much the bigger it shews , in regard the Object , by how much the farther it is removed from us , appears with so much the acuter and smaller angle , and impresses the lesser affection . The Reason of all this is , because while the Object recedes and withdraws it self by little and little from the Eyes , it is not only diminished as to its circumference , but as to all the parts which are turned towards the Eye , because tho' it always remits its Rays in like manner from each point , yet most of them according to the rate of their recess and elongation , slip beside the Eye , and are elsewhere disposed . III. Convex things appear afar off as if thy were plain . In like manner those things which are seen afar off , tho' they are square and angular , yet they seem round in regard the distance of the angles cuts off the excursions and asperities ; so we receive Convexes as they were plain , because all inequality of parts , by reason of so great an interval totally disappears . Hence the Sun and all the Stars appear to our sight not convex but plain ; for tho' their middle parts are nearer to our Eyes than the extreme , yet that difference is but very small , if compared with so great a distance . IV. Why an appearance in a Looking Glass seems to be beyond the Person looking . An Image of any one beheld in a Looking Glass , appears as much beyond it , as the Spectator Stands on this side it . The Reason is , because the Spectator beholds his Face in the Glass , not as fix'd therein , but as sliding from him ; and consequently the matter is to be considered , as if the Spectator were from the Looking Glass behind himself ; whence it comes to pass , that the same distance is repeatedly apprehended by a reciprocal comparison : And because this reflexion causeth no necessity of the Spectators being transferred into the place of the Looking Glass , or altering his situation to be converted again into himself , it comes to pass , that after the Axis which is directed from the Spectator to the Glass , he immediately receives an Axis which tends from the Glass to the Spectator ; and because of the unalterableness of the situation , hath both for the same continued Right Line , whose middle is from the Spectator to the Glass , the other half from the Glass to the Image beyond the Glass , where the Spectator represents from whence he comes . V. How it is that an Object may distinctly be discerned through a small hole . An Object which appears too confused , as being too near the sight , may distinctly enough be seen , if any one behold it through a little hole made with a Pin or Needle in a Card or piece of Writing Paper . The Reason is , because the Eye then receiving a lesser quantity of Rays from every point of the Object , every one of them describes its Image alone in a very narrow space ; and so they which proceed from the two Neighbouring Points , scarce make any confusion in their Actings . VI. Those that dive into the water , see Objects only confusedly . Urinators or Divers see Objects confusedly in the bottom of the Waters , except they make use of very Convex Glasses . The Reason is , because the Rays of Light are not sensibly broken when they pass from the water into the aqueous or watry humour of the Eye ; and so those that proceed from the same point are not again compelled by falling into the Retin Tunicle , which may be gained by the use of very Convex Glasses . VII . How low Objects come to seem high , and high , low . Things presented to the sight , by how much the farther they are distant , so much the higher they appear , and on the contrary high things so much the lower . The Reason is , because things near at hand emit those Rays which smite the superiour parts of the Eye , or Retin Tunicle ; whereas things remote send forth those Rays which arrive at the inferiour region of the Eye ; and when the Objects in the Retin Tunicle are form'd with an inverted situation , those must needs seem more deprest and low , these more sublime . On the contrary it happens , when we convert the sight of the Eye to things plac'd on high ; for then those things which are at a greater distance seem lower , in so much that the utmost bound of Heaven appears as it were conterminous to the Horizon : Forasmuch as that part of the Heaven which is our Vertical point , affects the lowest part of the Eye , and the other parts emit Rays , so much the more sublime by how much the more remote they are ; hence that appears the supream of all , and the rest are so much the more sublime , by how much the nearer they approach to the Vertex ; and so much the more deprest and low , by how much the farther they receed from it . VIII . Objects ceasing to be seen when the Pupil is contracted . Objects sometimes by the contraction of the Pupil or Apple of the Eye are hidden to the sight , as if any one should direct his sight to some remarkable Star , for example , Venus or Jove , and by some Art should contract the Pupil of the Eye , the Star at first seen will by degrees disappear , and at length totally fly the sight . The Reason of this is drawn from part of the said Pupil , which according to the rate of the said coarctation or dilatation , causes the Object to be seen , or to fly the sight : For since upon the contraction of the Pupil it receives fewer Rays under a smaller angle , it causes the Object to appear less , and consequently if they are so few as to be comprehended in an insensible angle , they will no way affect the Retin Tunicle , so far as is required to Vision ; and as that affection is not perceived , so neither will the Object which ought to be perceived by the mediation thereof , be any farther deprehended . For it conduces to the rendring of that affection insensible , that in the contraction of the Pupil , the Chrystallin Humour be somewhat relaxt ; whence it comes to pass , that the bottom of the Retin Tunicle goes back so little , and becomes more weak by the incidence of the Elapsed Rays ; which two things are sufficient to make the Object , at the contraction of the Pupil , to disappear , and what was seen before , to become afterwards invisible . IX . How the Stars come to appear bigger by Night , and lesser by Day . Hence it is that the Stars appear lesser by Day than by Night , when our Hemisphere is overlaid with darkness , namely by reason of the Pupil in the light , and the expansion of it when it is dark . For it is certain , that the Pupil , when ever light takes place , is rendred more narrow , and consequently that fewer Rays from a flame of Fire enter the Eyes , and that a lesser portion of the Retin Tunicle is affected ; but the Air being overspread with darkness , it plainly appears that the Pupil is dilated , and consequently that many more Rays arrive at the Eye , and that a greater portion of the Retin Tunicle being affected , a greater species also of the Object is produc'd therein . Hence also it comes to pass , that the magnitude of the Stars seems in the Evening to increase , and so in the Morning to decrease ; by reason that the Pupil in the Evening Season is by little and little dilated , and in the Morning by little and little contracted , and by this means the Retin Tunicle is ever less and less affected . So the flame of a Candle , if by Day it be beheld a hundred paces off , it appears very small , but upon the coming on of the Evening , it began to grow bigger , till Night at length increased it to the appearance of a considerable Torch . X. How some Men discern Objects at a very great didistance . It is reported of STRABO , that he was of so sharp and quick an Eyesight , that he could discern Fleets setting Sail from out of Lilybaeum , a Port of the Carthaginians , at the distance of above a hundred miles : Moreover , LOPEZ , a Spaniard at Gades , is related to have been able to discern from the top of the Mountain Calpe on the Europaean side , to the opposite Shore of Africa , over the whole Bay between , which by the Testimony of Cleonardus in his Epistle to Jacob Laboc , is in a Calm Sea no less than three or four hours sail , and that so distinctly , that he could relate many things he saw there done . This so wonderful a sharpness of sight depends mainly upon a double disposition of the Persons so indued , first from the docility of the Chrystallin Humour , and the easie use of the Ciliary Processes ; namely , whilst according to the different incidence of Rays reflected from the Objects , the Chrystallin Humour is in such a manner adapted and disposed as an exact projection requires . 2 dly , It is necessary that the Capillaments of the Retin Tunicle be so exquisitly disposed , as to receive the least affection . Because altho' those things which we behold with our Eyes cannot be discerned , but so far as in some sort they differ in colour , yet a distinct perception of Colours proceeds not only in this , that all the Rays proceeding from all points of Bodies meet in the bottom of the Eye , in so many other Rays , or thereabout ; but also from the multitude of the Capillaments of the Optick Nerve , whose extremities are contain'd in that space which the Image in the bottom of the Eye possesses . Whence no doubt is to be made but STRABO and that Spanish LOPEZ injoyed so accurate a contexture of the Retin Tunicle , and had so docile a Chrystallin Humour , that they were able to contemplate Objects more distinctly than others , and have a prospect of them at so vast a distance . XI . How it is that some Men see by Night . From this very cause it happens , that some Men , like Owls , see even in the darkest Night , as it is related of the Emperour NERO and others , namely , that they have most slender and very moveable Fibres , of which their Optick Nerves are framed ; so that that little Light which remains in the most obscure Nights , suffices to affect their Fibres , and to excite the sense of seeing in them . XII . How a Body appears where it is not . If a Stick fired at the end be swiftly whirl'd about , there will appear to our sight the Image of a fiery Circle , tho' the Stick be not in all points of the Circle . The Reason hereof is , because the Stick makes an impression in those parts of the Retin Tunicle which are circularly disposed ; so as that the fore-parts being agitated by the celerity of the motion , still retain something of its impression , whilst it agitates the last parts . For this motion is not at one and the s●me individual time , but in divers successions of Moments , so swiftly performed , that the Vibration of Fire imprest upon the Eye , remains in the first parts of the Retin Tunicle ▪ when the Stick hath declined to the other parts of the Circle . When no wonder if the Rays entring the Eye by the Pupil , oft-times effect at once a sensation of Greenness , Redness , Blackness , Whiteness , and other Colours ; because the Rays modified by divers Colours , in divers successions of Motions following each other with incredible swiftness , hit upon the Retin Tunicle , and leave a little while their agitation , till other Rays presently entring the Pupil , impart in their turn their motion , and there leave it some time with oothers . XIII . How it is that they who have a Cataract concht , see obscurely . Those that have a Cataract Couch'd , discern but obscurely all visible Objects ; whereupon that they may the more clearly and distinctly see them , they make use of Convex Glasses . To make this the more clear and evident , we must observe , that a Cataract is not any Skin ( as hath been long believed ) growing between the Chrystallin Humour and the Uveous Tunicle , which may be taken off by a Needle , and drawn down to the inferiour part of the Eye , but that it is the Chrystallin Humour it self , which in tract of time grows flaccid and weak , and is separated from the Ciliary processes , as an Acorn when ripe , is easily separated from its Cup , forasmuch as it is removed with little or no trouble , and deprest to the very bottom of the Vitreous or Glassy Humour , a small part , in the mean time , of the said Vitreous Humour succeeding in its place . The Cataract therefore being thus taken away , the Chrystallin Humour also must of necessity be taken away , or at least be rendred more plain , or less convex , whereby it comes to pass that the Rays proceeding from all points of the Object , are not sufficiently broken or made bending , so as to be united in the Retin , when they arrive there : Whence the Vision or act of Sight must needs be confused . To which infirmity the Chrystallin Convexity only gives relief , as causing the Rays which before were divergent to become convergent , and to enter the Eye with such a disposition . XIV . Divers Colours appear upon sight of the Sun. Upon sight of the Sun , or any other Glaring Light , we seem to behold various Colours . The Reason is , because such is the nature of our Mind , as by virtue of the motions that occur in that part of the Brain whence the tender Filaments of the Optick Nerves proceed , to be capable of having a Sense of Colour ; whereupon in regard the Agitation by which , after the Eyes shut , the Capillaments of the Optick Nerve still palpitate , and as it were tremble , is not strong enough to render the Light so bright , as that was from whence it came , it represents Colours less intense , and as it were dilute ; but that these Colours are produc'd from motion , may from hence be easily concluded , namely that growing pale by little and little , they are changed , and passing mutually into each other , vanish by degrees . XV. How it comes that the top of a Mountain far distant seems contiguous to the Horizon . The top of a Mountain reaching far beyond the visible Horizon , appears to us as joined with it , together with the Hill it self , and the Sun when it rises or sets seems to adhere to , and be united with the said Horizon . The Reason of this appearance is , because things appear at no distance from us , when the Rays cohere , and without the interposition of other Bodies apply to our Eyes ; as it happens in the forementioned case : Forasmuch as tho' there is a vast distance between the Sun and the Horizon , and many Bodies are contain'd therein , yet because none of those Rays arrive at us , but only from the Sun and the Horizon , it happens that they seem among themselves contiguous and cohering . For the distance of the Horizon is no other ways known by us , than from the diversity of Bodies interpos'd between us and them ; whence if those intermediate spaces should happen to be obstructed , and nothing of them could possibly be transmitted to us , we must needs judge those things which we see afar off , to be contiguous and separated by no interval . Wherefore GASSENDUS thinks that Dogs bark at the Moon , because they apprehend it to rise near the House top , and so to be very little more distant than the House it self , and not much bigger than that part of the House comprehended by it . XVI . Ditches from a low place appear joined together . So if we behold many Ditches , the sides of them plainly appear to us as not much distant from each other , because they are represented to us by Rays from the Eye , to which many also that slide from the bottom , mingling themselves , are carried upward ; but if we behold those Ditches Horizontally , or from a low place , their sides seem to us to have no distance at all , because no Rays proceeding from the bottom , reach the Eye , and those which proceed from the sides , stick as they arrive . XVII . Why Drunken Men see double . Drunken Men see every Object double , which VIRGIL asserts also of Mad Men. 4 Aeneid . This proceeds from the dark and malignant Vapours , either flowing from the Wine , or stirred up by the malignity of the Distemper , which while they pervert the situation of the Optick Nerves , they make such a percussion of the Brain at the same time , as if the Rays exhaling from the Objects , proceeded from detorted Eyes : Whence those that by Nature , or any chance or accident , have their Eyes drawn awry , see all things double . XVIII . Why we see from the dark , things set in the light We find by daily experience , that standing in the dark , we plainly see things put in a lightsom place , but not on the contrary , from a light place things set in the dark . The Reason is , because the Rays of Light may be directed to the Eye , being in a misty or dark place , that some of them may make their way into the said obscure place , if the passage be open enough , and the Light gliding through it into the Pupil of the Beholder , arrive as far as the Retin Tunicle . But he who is in the midst of the Light , cannot apprehend those things which are in an obscure place , because from thence no Rays proceed , which either directly or by reflection can touch the Retin Tunicle ; unless by chance the darkness be some way or other intermingled , and remit some Rays of Light ; for then nothing would hinder , but that a few Rays reflext from things would sensibly affect the Eye , and represent some sort of Image of things . XIX The Hyperboreans have generally very weak Eyes . The Hyperboreans or Inhabitants of the most Northern Countries , have generally bad Eyes , and are dim-sighted . The Reason is , because they are perpetually conversant in Snow , which above all things reflects back the Light , by reason whereof their Eyes must needs be strain'd , or because their Retin Tunicle , hardned by the external brightness , is less capable of expressing , or entertaining an affection necessary for Sight . When as we see that the Chrystallin Humour becomes congealed with cold , and attains to such a rigidity or stifness , that it can neither be bent , nor contracted , nor unfolded . XX. Bodies moved with a rapid swiftness are not perceived . A Cannon Bullet , or any dark Body , passing with incredible swiftness through a whited Wall , becomes altogether imperceptible . The Reason is , because the dark Body , as likewise that so rapidly moved , making no impression upon the Eyes , so lightly , at that time , interrupts the reflection of the Rays of Light from the Wall , that the Eye , for that small interval of time , preserves the commotion which those Rays immediately before produc'd . The contrary whereof we find by experience in a Firebrand whirl'd round , in regard the Brand impresses its force upon the parts of the Retin Tunicle formed into a round , because then the rapidity of the motion causes the part first moved to keep yet a little while that impression which the Brand makes upon the last . XXI . Why Goggle-eyed Persons cannot see clearly at any great distance . Those that have prominent or Goggle Eyes , as the Myopes or Purblind People , see not Objects distinctly at any great distance . The Reason is , because the Rays of Light driven and refracted upon the prominent Eyes , meet sooner than they can arrive at the bottom of the Eye ; Forasmuch as they represent the Image , not in the Retin Tunicle , but on this side ; namely in the Vitreous Humour . Wherefore Goggle-eyed Persons are wont to make use of Prospective Glasses , because by them the Rays are divided , and do not so soon concur and meet together . XXII . The Object is varied according as it is represented in divers Glasses . An Object in a plain Glass appears just as big as it is , but in a Convex , less ; and in a Concave , greater . The Reason is , because a plain Glass remits towards the Eye all the Rays from each direct point of the Object , and thereby every thing must needs be represented just as big as it is . Whereas the Convex , by reason of the obliquity of the incidence , diversly disperses this way and that way a great part of the Rays ; whence it is that few of them are directed into the Sensorium ; and on the contrary , the Concave not only remits to the Eye the Rays which are reflected from the plain , but also very many more , which come from the little devexitated regions of particles , and those of points also elsewhere obverted . Whence it comes to pass , that the Figure is increas'd , and exceeds in magnitude the represented Object . XXIII . Why some Men see nothing , but at some certain distance . Some Men perceive not Objects , except at some certain distance , in so much that either very near , or very far off , they see but confusedly . The Cause hereof is chiefly custom , as when Men use themselves to look at such a distance ; for the Muscles which are disposed to the immutation of Figure , are rendred as it were stupid , and unapt for their wonted functions ; not otherwise than the rest of the Muscles of the Body become unuseful for the motion of the Members , after they have stood long unmoved . To which may be added , that the Membrans which contain the three Humours of the Eye , may possibly have become so hard , as not to be so flexible as formerly . XXIV . How a Blindman saw a little , by compressing his Eye . A certain Young Man being blind , while he prest either Eye towards his Nose with his Finger , could see a little , otherwise nothing at all . Possibly this might be , because by the said compressing of the Eye , he inverted the convexity of the Chrystallin or Uveous Humour ; whence followed a change of the Projection , and consequently another Affection . In like manner as when holding to our Eyes a Leaf of a Book printed in a very small Character , we keep one Eye shut , and press the other down with two Fingers , we shall fancy the Letters to be increased , and become bigger . XXV . Why the whole Sun cannot be seen in an Optick Tube . The whole Discus of the Sun cannot be seen by the help of an Optick Tube , tho' the whole Image be projected upon an opposite sheet of Paper . The Cause hereof is , by reason that the Optick Tube , in respect of its Cavity , divides the many Rays , and suffers them not to fall into the Eye ; whereas all the Rays of the Sun fall upon the Paper , and form therein a far more large Effigies of the Sun. XXVI . Vision is made much more distinct , by a hole made by a Needle in a Card or Paper . An Object which appears confused , as being too near the Eye , may be seen distinctly enough at the same distance , by any one through a hole made with a Needle in a thin Card or piece of Writing Paper . The Reason is , because the Eye , then receiving a lesser quantity of Rays from every point of the Object , each of them forms its Image , even in a very narrow space ; so that those which proceed from the two Neighbouring points scarcely confound their actions . XXVII . How a Stone at the bottom of a Vessel comes to be seen by the pouring in of Water . If any one putting a Stone or Counter into a Vessel , so place it , that he can no longer discern it , yet by pouring water into the Vessel , directing his Eye precisely to the same place , he will see the Counter or Pebble sticking at the bottom of the Vessel , tho' it did not appear there before . To this there can be assigned no other Cause , than that the Rays reflected before from the Counter , there being then no sort of Body interposed between , were directly sent into the Air , and by consequence smote nothing but the Forefront , and neighbouring parts of the Eye : But upon the infusion of the Water , the Beams passing through it , are refracted , and so applying towards the Eye , render the Stone visible and conspicuous thereunto . Thus we see in the refraction of the Rays made in the Horizon , the Sun being 34 minutes high or thereabouts , appears much higher to us , than it would appear , if those Vapours were absent , through which the Rays of Light are transmitted , and consequently being half a degree and 30 minutes diameter , it may be all seen , tho' deprest and wholly underneath the Diameter . XXVIII . How things viewed through a Convex Chrystal Glass appear . Things appear bigger than they really are , through a Convex Chrystal Round : As we find by experience in old Men , who being not able to discern Letters , tho' near at hand , help their sight in reading , by using the Convex Glasses of a pair of Spectacles : As also in those that make use of Microscope Glasses , for the viewing and discerning of the Hairs of a Flea , and even the minutest and smallest Bodies imaginable . The Reason is , because in a Convex Glass plac'd between the visible Objects and the Eye , the Rays which before came short , and hardly reach'd the Ball of the Eye , are forc'd into the Pupil , so that the Eye receives the Rays from the particles of the Objects formerly hid ; and since the Rays before join'd with them are separated from those interposed , and many particles seen from each part , they must needs be thereby inlarged , and represent the whole bigger . For when the angle is inereast , the visible Object coming next in view , by reason of the great divarication of the Rays entring cross-ways the Pupil of the Eye toward the Retin Tunicle , must needs form a great Image in the bottom of the Eye . XXIX . Through a Telescope things appear greater . Hence it comes to pass , that through a Telescope or Optick Tube , we see things at a good distance , in their full magnitude , and discern them very distinctly . For this advantage a Telescope brings , that it causes the visible Object , by reason of the great Pupil of the Tube to be discerned with more Rays , and by reason of the convexity of the utmost Glass gathering the Rays under a greater angle of Vision . Moreover the divarication becomes great , of those Rays , which entring cross-ways the Pupil or utmost extremity of the Tube , towards the Retin Tunicle of the Eye , cause a large Image of the visible Object to be described in the bottom of the Eye . XXX . Why from two Eyes any Object appears singular . The Object appears singular , or but one , tho' transmitted to the Brain through both Eyes ; and tho' the Optick Nerves meet not in conjunction , as appeared in the dissection of a certain Young Man , in which VESALIUS found them to be separate or divided . The Reason of the simplicity of Objects is referred to the Conarion or Pineal Glandule , situate in the midst of the Brain , in which the two Images , which proceed from the two Eyes , are united before they arrive at the Soul. For there is no other part in the Brain which is not double . For as for the Cerebellum , except in superficies and name , it is not one : Nay , it is manifest that its Vermiformous or Worm-formed Process , and the Marrow of the Spina Dorsi consists of four parts ; two whereof proceed from the two Medieties of the Brain ; the other two from the two Medieties of the Cerebel : But the transparent Septum , or Fence which separates the two formost Ventricles is also double , and consequently that Pineal Glandule only is single , in which the Species proceeding from both Eyes may meet , before they are conveyed to the Soul. XXXI . Why the Picture of a Man seems to look upon all Persons in the Room . A Painted Person seems to cast an Eye upon every part round about him , and as it were to look upon every one in the Room particularly . The Reason hereof is , that the Eye of the Picture is in plain , and consequently the Rays may be brought from all its points to the Eye of the Beholder . But the Eye of the Living Person being of a Convex Figure , and a great part of it hid , it is not able to send out its Rays every way , as we find apparent in Carved Images , whose Eyes being exerted or sticking out , and shapt into a certain Curvity or Convexity , cannot emit the Rays every way . CHAP. VI. Of Imagination . I. Whence arises the diversity of Wit and Imagination . ALMOST all Men differ some way or other in Wit , and Imagination . This chiefly proceeds from the various Conformation , Figure and Magnitude of the Brain , Texture of parts , substance and motion of Animal Spirits . For all these things very greatly conduce to the quickness or slowness of Wit and Imagination . Forasmuch as if the bulk of the Brain be either lesser or bigger than is fit , the Wit will either be precipitate or slow ; either because the Spirits themselves have not a passage free and open enough , or because the equal motion of them is put out of order through the default of the Figure ; or perhaps because in a larger bulk the Contexture of the minute parts is courser , or there is some other more occult Cause , which represents the Images of things distorted or ill delineated . II. Whenee proceeds the various Inclinations of Men , some to one Art or Science , some to another . Whence according to the various degrees of Imagination , Men are variously carried by a certain innate Inclination , some to the Mathematical Arts , others to Eloquence and Poetry , others to the Art of Medicin , that is , the Practice ; for the speculation thereof , which comprehends the Principles and Rules of Medicin more properly relates to the Intellect or Understanding ; as the Practick Part of it which examins all the Indications and Circumstances of a Disease , and takes opportunities of healing , belongs chiefly to the Imagination : Whence it happens that the most learned and acute Physitians are not always the most happy in curing of Diseases . The same thing is for the most part observable in other Sciences : For those Men who are the most Learned and Skilful in the Law , are judged the least fit for other Civil Imployments . III. Many things occur to our Imagination , which never offer'd themselves to our Senses . Many things , through our inadvertency , occur , which before were never offered to our Senses , not left any Vestigium of themselves ; as when , for Example , we conceive in our Imagination a Hippocentaur , and other Chimaera's , which never presented themselves to our Eyes , such as we form'd them in our Fancy . But tho' perchance those things which we conceive in our Imagination , were not before in our Senses , as to their Composition ; nevertheless it cannot be doubted , but that the parts of which they were constituted , have at some time or other entred the Brain ; or if haply not by themselves , yet by some other thing which had a great affinity with them . For if a Horse and a Man , for example , be represented to our Eyes , and the Species of both be imprest upon the Organ of Imagination , we easily compound them together , and conceive a Hippocentaur or Animal , consisting of Man and Horse . In like manner we may determin of the vestigia of other Objects , by the sight whereof we form many things which before fell not under our Senses . IV. Why those that look upon the ground from any high place , are taken with a Vertigo . They who , not being so accustomed , pass over high Bridges , or from a high Tower cast their Eyes upon the ground , are commonly taken with a Vertigo , and fancy all visible Objects to turn round . This proceeds from Imagination , which apprehends danger from the situation or posture of the Body , and dreads the hapning of any mischief to it , whence being very cautious how it transmits the Spirits into the Nerves , and how to direct them more securely , it recalls them into the Meditullium or inmost part of the Brain , and so perverts them from their accustomed afflux and Irradiation ; and while it indeavours to direct them into better order , overmuch sollicitude compels them into a certain confusion and irregular motion . And for this very Reason it is , that bold Persons , and Men in Drink , in regard they take little care of the Regimen or Government of the Animal Spirits , suffer no such Vertigo . V. Why Men in a Fever fancy they suffer th●se things which they really do not . Some Men seised with a Disease , especially those in a Fever , fancy they do or suffer many things which indeed they do not : For I have known one in a Tertian Ague often complaining that he was grievously afflicted with a wound in his Shoulder , when at the same time he had in reality no wound at all . This happens by reason that the Species which are imprest by the course of the Spirits , or raised by means of the Vestigia of the Memory are equally vivacious , and indued with no less strength than those which proceed from the Senses . For when at that time the Animal Spirits are agitated above what health requires , they concur with the Vestigia of the memory to the creation of other Species , which represent all things to us as being without us , and present to our Senses . It also happens sometimes in a Disease , that Objects make no impression with which the Mind can compare those Species , which the memory , or the force of the Spirits there ingender . VI. Witches in Imagination , see places f●● remote . Thus it is probable that Witches , buried in a deep sleep , imagine they see Places far remote , Towns , Cities , Palaces , Troops of Men and Women , &c. and being awake describe them to a tittle , as if they had seen them with their Eyes . Which doubtless is done by the help of the Devil , who represents the Ideas of those things to their Imagination , and so strongly imprints it in them , that they make no manner of doubt but that they were present at those sorts of Shows . Book . 2. Part. 9. Chap. 6. G. Freman I. Kip Scu To the Right Honourable Charles Sackvile ▪ Earle of Dorset and Middlesex , Baron Buckhurst and Cranfield , Knight of the most noble order of the Garter , Lord Leivtenant of Sussex , Lord Chamberlaine of his Majesties Household , and one of the Lords of their Ma t ys . most Hon ble . Privy Councell &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . Some Marks or Characters are imprinted in Births by the force of the Mothers Imagination ; this appears in Mothers that long for any thing : For upon their touching of the Cheek , or any other part of the Body , the thing so earnestly coveted , for example , a Cherry , Grape , or whatever else it be , is commonly imprest in the same member . And FORESTUS makes mention of a certain Noble Woman , who , whilst she was with Child , having broke her Arm , brought forth a Male Child with a broken Arm. The Reason hereof is , that the Image of the Cherry or Grape imprinted in the Brain of the Parent , is conveyed by the motion of the Spirits to the Infant , by reason that the same disposition which inheres in the Mothers Brain , and moves in her the desire of the said Fruit , passes also into the Brain of the Infant , corresponding to the part affected : Whence the Mother touching her self in that part , in the time of her longing , produces there the effect of her Imagination . Because the Mother thus touching her self , there comes presently into her mind , the figure of the Image to be imprinted on the Birth ; from whence a motion of some kind of shame , and also fear arises ; without both which no mark is ever imprinted in the Bodies of any Infants . So also for the other Instance : For since every one of the Infants members is answerable to every one of the Parents , and the Fibres and Humours of both are continuous , no wonder if the Male Child of the foresaid Noble Woman was born with a Broken Arm , and the same remedies being applied to the Arms of both Mother and Infant , both were separately cured . VIII . The powerful force of Imagination . To the same cause may be referred what hapned to an Apothecaries Wife at Bononia , who being with Child , and seeing through a Window in a Neighbours House , Snakes flea'd , and hung to dry in the Air , brought forth a Child with a Snakes Head : So another Woman in Sicily , according to the Testimony of ALDROVANDUS , observing a Lobster or Sea ▪ Crab taken by a Fisherman , and being taken with an earnest longing for it , brought forth , together with the Birth , a Lobster altogether like what she had seen and long'd for . IX . A Party-Colour'd Child born of a white Woman . Hereunto may be added another History , quoted by JOHANNES SWAMMERDAMUS in his Treatise entitled , Uteri Muliebris Fabrica , In which the force of Imagination in a Woman with Child is clearly demonstrated . A certain Woman of Utretcht being with Child , and going to a Shop to furnish her self with some things for her Domestick Use , upon her first entrance , sees a Negro , at which sight being affrighted , she went home , thinking no other but that she should bring forth a perfect Black. But at last recollecting her self , she borrows a remedy against this strong Imagination , from another equally strong , perswading her self that all the Blackness in her Imagination might be wash'd off with hot water ; in order whereunto she kindles a Fire , heats a Skillet of Water , and washes her self all over from Head to Foot. What follows ? The time of her Delivery arrives , the Child is born , hath all his Teeth entire , and appears a perfect White , those places excepted to which in the Mother , while she wash'd her self , the water reach'd not ; such as in the Hands and Feet , the Interstices or innermost parts of the Fingers and Toes , and some other parts of the Body , where there appeared manifest signs of blackness and black Spots . X. How it came to pass that an Aethiopian Queen brought forth a White Child . PERSINA an Aethiopian Queen , beholding , in the midst of Copulation , the Picture of a White Child , brought forth a perfect White ; and on the contrary , another Queen an European , on the like occasion , brought forth a Negro Child . This some Physitians attribute to the Seed , which according to its various quality , induces various forms : So that if it be Yellowish , they will have it to produce a Ruddy Colour , if Cinericious or Ashes-like , a Brown Colour ; if whitish , a White . Which Opinion , tho' it be common , yet in this matter , Imagination must claim the principal part . Because in regard the Nerves , through which the courses of the Spirits are incessantly carried , are extended from the Brain into all parts of the Body ; the force of Imagination , especially if it be a little more strong than ordinary , by operating upon the Bowels , and exciting the motions of the Humours , may very well induce a Black or White , or any other Colour . So Jacob's Sheep , according to the different aspect of the Rods set before them , brought forth their Young of a various Colour . XI . Imagination performs wonderful things . By the certainty of this conclusion , HIPPOCRATES cleared a Woman that lay under suspicion of Adultery , upon bringing forth a Child utterly unlike her Husband ; finding that it was very like a Picture which hanging up in her Bed-Chamber , the said Woman look'd upon very stedfastly in the time of Coition . For the same Reason is to be excused that Lady of the Noble Family of the Ursini , who brought forth a Male Child like a Hairy Bear , because all the while she was big , she had very frequently before her Eyes , and consequently in her mind the Pourtraitures of Bears , which are the Arms of the Ursini . XII . Deformed Whelps are to be removed from the sight of bigbellied Women . Wherefore I judge nothing more blame-worthy among a sort of light and wanton Women , than the great delight they take in Whelps , young Apes and Monkies , taking them up in their Arms , hugging , stroaking , and continually handling them , since by this frequent having them in their Laps and Sight , they habituate their Imagination to I know not what strange and deformed Ideas , and so often bring forth a Birth that hath something of an odd , ill favoured sort of Meen in its Countenance . Wherefore I cannot but look upon it as very convenient that those sort of Dogs , vulgarly called Camusii , should be sent away , that the sight of them may not prejudice bigbellied Women , and be the occasion of deformed Births . XIII . Why some delirant Persons have always the same discourse . Such a kind of madness possesses the Minds of some Men , and so perverts their judgment , that in their discourse they have always one thing by the end , and neither give attention nor answer to the words of other Men. I saw a Phrenetick at Paris , who for a whole day together repeated the same words over and over again ; and if by chance he was interrupted by any one , he would stare upon the Person so speaking to him , as it were intending to answer him word by word , but no sooner had the said Person done speaking to him , but he was at the same Story as before . In such sort of Men it falls out , that so great a perturbation possesses the Animal Spirits , as to suffer the impression of other words to adhere to the Glandule , but a very little space , whereby it comes to pass , that the first Image of things by which it is detain'd , immediately returning , they ( as having forgotten the words last said ) are not able to give any answer to them , but only conformably to those things which impel the Glandule , and are at that time represented to their Mind . For I am apt to think that these sort of Men are not troubled with a Phrensie , but only so long as their Soul has no command over the motions of the Glandule ; or because the Animal Spirits are in such commotion , and are carried above it with so unequal a course , that they shatter it without measure , and raise upon it innumerable species , which presently flow out and slip away . Or else , because the course of the Spirits imbues the Glandule with some Vestigia of Memory so tenaciously , that the same Image is always represented from which the Soul is not able to disingage it self . XIV . How it comes to pass that sometimes we are not sensible of things present . In like manner some Persons are not sensible even of those very things which their Organs perform , as it happens when the Soul is wholly taken up or diverted by any strong thought , by reason that the Animal Spirits flow in so great a quantity through the tract upon which this thought depends , that those which remain are no longer able to supply the tract , which the Object present indeavours to impress . For which Reason it is , that those who are seiz'd with any acute pain , cannot possibly fix their thoughts upon any other thing but that . XV. Some Men are carried by their distemper to fancy themseves Kings Some imagine their Nose to be of so great a bulk , as not to be passable through any Door : Others believe themselves to be Kings , as that Spanish Servant whereof JOHANNES HUARTUS makes mention , who verily believing himself to be a King , made many grave and wise Discourses concerning Government . MONTANUS speaks of some who fancied the surface of the World to be made of Fine Glass , and that Serpents lay lurking every where underneath the said Glass ; upon which conceit he kept his Bed , thinking himself there safe as in an Island , and that if he should stir out of it , he should break the Glass and so fall upon the Serpents . The Reason of this extravagance may be drawn from what hath been said ; for whilst by any tenacious disposition of the Spirits , and certain firm tracts of the Memory , the Glandule is converted to that part of the Brain where the pores are opened ; by the opening whereof the Species of King , Serpent , Glass , &c. may be revoqu'd , or else is form'd at that very time ; the Soul beholding such a Species , considers it self as joined to that very King , Serpent , Glass , &c. which are represented by the said Species , and as it were a Composition , making together with it one whole . I knew one at London , who took upon him to be Archbishop of Canterbury , so created by the King , and undoubtedly ordained to succeed the present Incumbent in that See , when as at the same time in all other things he seemed to be a person sufficiently discreet and serious , and labouring under no other Phantasm ; for he carefully minded his own affairs , spent his time seriously and wisely , and providently behaved himself in executing the Imploy he was ingaged in : All which I suppose may well enough be if the agitation of the Spirits by which the Glandule was formerly governed , ceases at that time , so long as nothing comes in its way that can renew those pristin motions , until the Fit returns , and a new access comes upon the persons affected as it were upon those that are subject to a feverish Distemper . XVI . Of one that imagined he had Frogs in his Guts . A certain Person , when by chance fell into a Well , where there were abundance of Spawn of Frogs , and taking into his Body , by the fall , some of the Well-water , he afterwards took a deep conceit , of his having young Frogs in his Belly , that he could not be otherwise perswaded for many years ; in so much that for seven years together , he betook himself to the study of Physick , meerly for the finding out of a Remedy for this supposed Distemper ; moreover he travelled into Italy , France and Germany to consult the Physitians of those Parts concerning the said affair , still fancying that the rumbling of his Guts was the Croaking of Frogs , nor was he otherwise cur'd at last but by deception ; forasmuch as a Physitian , acting above others by policy , conveyed live Frogs into his Excrement , and so made him believe that he had voided them by Stool . And all this while , setting aside the recourse of this Imagination , if it did recur , in all other things he acted very prudently , and made not the least discovery of any extravagancy : Which might be , because the Animal Spirits ceased sometimes to flow through that tract of his Imagination where the extravagance was imprest , as being diverted by some other occasions ; so that he appeared discreet enough till such time , as upon the renewing of the cause , the access of his whimsical Fit returned , that is to say , till such time as some cause had disposed the Animal Spirits to the same course . CHAP. VII . Of Memory . I. How it comes to pass that Men differ in Memory . AS Men differ in Wit and force of Imagination , so also in Memory . For some there are who presently get a thing by heart , and as soon forget it : Others get it soon , and firmly retain it : Others are slow in getting a thing into their Memory , yet when once gotten they do not easily lose it . Lastly there are who slowly learn a thing , but forget it soon . Book . 2. Part. 9. Chap. 7 G. Freman . Inv. I. Kip. Scul . To the most Honourable Henry Marquess of Worcester , Son and Heyre of the Right Noble Henry Duke of Beaufort &c. a. This Plate is humbly Dedicated by Richard Blome . II. Why Infants are deficient in Memory . Children and Infants are less indued with memory , and sooner forget those things which they have learn'd , than those who are more advanc'd in years , or have arriv'd to their middle Age. The Reason is , because the Memory depends upon certain Vestigia or Tracts in the Brain , after that the Species of any thing hath been imprest upon it . Whence if it happens that any parts of the Brain are changed by accretion or diminution , those Vestigia must needs be all of them disturbed , and some of them vanish . But whereas Children are continually growing , and something of new substance always added to them , the Pleits in the Brain form'd by the transcurse of the Animal Spirits are easily perverted and lose their pristin Order ; as the Pleits or Folds in Paper are easily effaced if any of them be worn , or any new substance be super-induc'd : To this may be added , that the Brain of Children is too soft and moist to retain tenaciously any thing committed to it . For tho' it easily receives things , yet it retains not any distinction of them one from another , being like nothing so much as Mud tempered with a great deal of Water . III. The Memory very prompt in Young Men. The contrary happens in Young Men , who having a Brain very well tempered , that is , neither too moist nor too dry ; have also their Fibrils more subtile and flexil ; and hence it is that the impressions of Objects are more easily received in their Brain , and longer conserved ; and hence it is that Infants are much more capable of new habitudes than those of riper years , by reason that having the Nerves , Muscles and the Brain more tender , the Animal Spirits might the more easily form their passages : Whence it comes to pass , that Infants indeavouring and labouring to speak , get , in time , so great a facility of expressing themselves , that they pronounce their words with an incredible swiftness . IV. Some easily learn the things they hear . Some Persons learn Tunes with little or no trouble , and afterwards without any study or labour of the Brain , express them , so as to make true and exact Harmony . This so happens by reason that the Animal Spirits acting within the Brain from the distinct accents of the harmony heard , are disposed into peculiar divisions , according to which , when they flow into the process of the Auditory Nerve , like Antomata , as it were spontaneously , and by a certain succession of species they easily express the Tunes of the Voice , or Instrument which they had taken in with their Ears . So Musitians , tho' intent upon other affairs , yet neverthess can so guide their Fingers to find out the Musical Stops formerly taught them , that they touch the Instrument plaid on with wonderful skill , dexterity and sweetness . V. The Memory of a certain Learned Man , hurt by taking Tobacco . The Smoke of Tobacco getting up into the Brain , weakens the Memory , and causeth stupidity and dulness , an excellent example whereof we have had in a Person of extraordinary Learning and Ingenuity ▪ and once endowed with an excellent Memory . And this might very well happen from the Corpuscles of the fume suck'd in , which entring the Brain , obstructed those Vestigia which represent the Images of Things , and consequently rendred them uncapable of recalling any thing to Mind . Yet the said Fume being exhaled and drawn out , he recovered his former faculty , and called to mind many things which he had formerly known ; much after the Nature of an Apoplexy , by which the Blood being effused out of its Vessels into the substance of the Brain , utterly obliterates the Idea of all things formerly known , no Vestigia of them remaining in the Brain . VI. Old Men , tho' they easily forget what they did but a little before , yet firmly remember all the actions of their Youth . Old Men , when they arrive to their decrepit Age , are almost totally devested of their Memory , and scarcely remember any thing which they did but a little before . Yet at the same time remember the Actions of their Youth , retaining them firmly in memory . The Reason why Memory decays in Old Men is , because of the over-dryness of the Brain . For dry things cannot be easily wrought upon , so as to be able to receive impression ; or if they do admit of an entrance or impression , they soon return to their pristin state , and recover their former dispositions . But Old Men retain those things which they have received into their Memory a long time since , because the parts of the Brain are hardned , and its pores in which the Spirits formerly ran up and down , have acquired a certain facility of opening themselves in the same manner at the presence of any object upon the Spirits repairing to them . Hence it is , that they highly extol the times past , because they have a remembrance of things done heretofore , but presently forget late actions and occurrences . VII . How Artificial Memory may be obtain'd . Some Persons willing to supply this natural defect of the Memory , have invented a way of Artificial Memory ; as thus , having hired a Chamber , they hang upon the Walls thereof several Pictures , to each of which they apply their Cogitations , and afterwards when they have sufficiently exercised themselves in uniting certain thoughts with certain figures , they make use of this their Artificial Memory , as they grow older and older , thus habituating themselves to recall this or that thing again into their Memory , according as they contemplate this or that Picture . For they cannot look on the said Picture , but presently there is excited in them that very thought which they had formerly join'd with the said Picture : For those things which are once joined in the Mind , remain joined there for ever . VIII . Why we cannot remember one thing without another to which it was join'd . Hence if any thing that we knew before slip out of the memory , and we call it afterwards to mind , that thing also presently occurs which was joined with it . So that if any particular Man comes into our remembrance , we also call to mind the injury we have received , if we have received any from him . The Reason is , because when the Vestigia of , the Memory have brought the Image of any thing upon the Glandule , the Spirits in like manner returning through the same pores , bring back also another Species to which the former was joined ; whereby it comes to pass , that the Spirits flowing into the same Muscles , dispose our Body to put forth the same actions again , which it put forth upon occasion of the Object which first excited them , and this by experience we find to happen not only in Man , but also in Beasts ; for if we receive with a good Cudgel , a Dog ready to fly upon us , and so put him to flight , the said Dog , if we afterwards meet him , tho' without any Weapon , will as soon avoid us , as if armed ; because by the means of the blows wherewith he was formerly entertain'd , the course of the Spirits which our aspect excites , becomes joined with that course which the Spirits produc'd . So that those two ways meeting in the Brain , and being confused into one , it matters not which of them opens to effect the motion of the Muscles , and excite the said actions . IX . Our Memory is more vigorous in the Morning than in the following part of the day . Those Things which we revolve in our Mind in the Morning , we both more easily commit to memory , and more firmly retain , than whatsoever we think on the remaining part of the day . The Reason is , because at that time the Brain is free , and not yet hindred by any Vestigia of things ; for as in Paper a multitude of Pleits , and in the Air a great number of sounds brings confusion ; so in the Brain the delineation of many things disturbs the Vestigia , and suffers them not to repose in their due places , nor to be perceived according to their proper nature . For the Sense being intent upon many things , is so much the more distracted and lessened , by how much the more it is imployed in contemplating several distinct things . Add hereunto , that the Brain in the Morning is less hindred with Vapours , in regard the concoction of Meats being now finish'd , the Fibres thereupon are the more expedite , both for quickning the motions of the Brain , and putting on a new affection . X. Things seen are better remembred than things imagined . We find always by experience , that we better remember those things which we have seen by a Corporal View , than what we have apprehended by the Eyes of Imagination ; forasmuch as the Nerves which are the Organs of Sense , more invigorate the Brain , and impress in it deeper Vestigia or tracts than the Animal Spirits do which open the Vestigia of Imagination , and consequently we must of necessity more distinctly remember things seen , than things imagined ; and for this reason it is that we know better the distribution of the Veins in the Liver upon the sight of one dissection of that part , than by reading it often times in a Book of Anatomy . XI . Some persons after a fit of Sickness , forget even the very Names of their Parents and Kindred . A Fit of Sickness or Distemper sometimes takes away all Memory , and so weakens that faculty , that they who before were indowed with an excellent Memory , after the said Disease scarcely remember any thing . PLINY makes mention of one , who falling from a high place , totally forgot , during the remainder of his Life , the Names of his Parents , Friends and Kinsfolks . And MESSALA CORVINUS after a great fit of Sickness forgot not only the Names of his Relations and Domesticks , but even his own Name also . Moreover a certain Student of MARSEILLES , after a wound received , so utterly lost his Memory , that he was forced to learn all over again , the first Rudiments of the Arts and Sciences . The Reason is to be taken from the force of the Distemper or Blew given to the Head ; which changes the disposition of the Brain , and perverts the pores formed by the means of the Spirits . Whence it comes to pass , that the Vestigia are expunged , or the contexture of the Fibres left in such a state , as renders it less apt for the foresaid Function . For as Liquor spilt upon Paper , washes out all its pleits or folds so utterly , that when the Paper is dry there are left no signs of them ; so it may come to pass that the Morbifick Humour may so far prevail as to take away all the Pleits of the Brain , so that no Vestigia of them may remain which the Sick Man knew before . On the contrary , it may possibly happen , that they who before had a dull and heavy Memory , may from the same causes acquire a happy and lively one . As is related of Pope CLEMENT the Sixth , having so happy a Memory , that whatsoever he read he made absolutely his own , and never forgot it . The Cause of which Faculty PETRARCH ascribes to him from a wound given him in his Head , by which doubtless some Obstructions were dissolved , and the passages of the Brain opened , whereby a commodious way was made for the Spirits to pass to and fro . Another Person is mentioned by FULGOSUS , Lib. 1. Cap. 6. in the Reign of the Emperor Friderick the Sixth , who after breathing of a Vein , keeping his Memory intire in all other things , forgot to Read and Write as utterly as if he had never learnt either : But a year after , being let blood again , he recovered his knowledge of Reading and Writing , and became as it were a new Man. XII . Why very soon ripe Wits soon decay . In like manner it happens , that they who in Youth are brisk and active , when Age comes on , grow heavy and slow , and have little or no appearance of their former Wit and Ingenuity . Which proceeds either from the Blood vitiated , or from the Obstructions of the Brain , or from that Nervous Liquor , which being , according to the Modern Physitians , the Vehicle of the Animal Spirits , after too much Agitation or Evaporation grows flat . Hence oversoon ripe Wits which make such a clutter before their usual time , are not of long continuance , but in a short time decay and languish . Since such is the state of Nature , that those things which are best tempered , and to last a long time , are ripened by little and little , and as it were by degrees ; so Summer Fruits soon decay , because the active principles of which they consist , quickly evaporate . CHAP. VIII . Of Slumbers and Dreams . I. How Sleep comes to be interrupted . SLumbers or reposes of Sleep are for the most part interrupted , and but seldom hold out continued . This hence proceeds , namely , because the Spirits being diversly agitated , and ●●nding the Vestigia of various impressions , direct their course through such pores , rather than others . For the Animal Spirits running through the Pleits of the Brain , render the series of them in a manner inflate , and according to their various agitation , either move them with one single motion , or skip from one to the other . Hence if it happen , that the Spirits , leaving one series of the Vestigia , skip first into one , then another , and so forward , various Imaginations must of necessity arise , which hang together by no connexion one with another ; and yet they are all of a Company , tho' with some small interruption . Whence ARISTOTLE compares such Impressions , as are formed by Sleep in the Brain , to Frogs made of Cork , which being stuft with Salt , are plunged into the Water , where as soon as the Salt is melted , they seem to struggle alternately , and without observing any Order , rise up to the surface of the Water . II. Whether there be any that never Dream . ARISTOTLE in his Book of Dreams , Chapter the last , makes mention of some who are look'd upon as Persons that never Dream'd ; such a one PLUTARCH mentions Cleon in his time to have been : And I my self was familiarly acquainted with a Doctor of Physick at London , who protested often times to me that he never had any apprehension of any thing in a Dream . Altho' such sort of Men never remember that they dream'd of any thing , yet nevertheless they cannot be said to have been totally free from Dreams , for the Soul never wholly ceaseth from Cogitation ; and whatsoever Body is laid asleep , that loses not its Essence which is constituted in Cogitation . So that because those sort of Men remember not that they had any Nocturnal Cogitations , it doth not therefore follow that they had none , since it many times happens to us not only to forget our Dreams , but even those thoughts which we had waking , altho' in the mean time we may be sufficiently assured that we saw in Imagination , or distinctly perceived something in our Dream : So Cleon , and those other Persons mentioned by Aristotle , were not free from Dreams , but forgetful of those things whose species were obliterated by reason of the quality of their temperament . III. How the Night More comes upon those that are asleep . Some in their Sleep fancy such a load or weight lying upon them , as if some Daemon lay heavy upon their Breast , and hindred the freeness of their Breathing . Hence this sort of suppression which the Latins call Incubus , is named by the Greeks , Ephi●ltes or Insultor , we call it in English , the Night Mare . The Cause of this Nocturnal Asthma proceeds from the Animal Spirits being denied their influx into the Nerves and Muscles designed for the Organs of Respiration ; for if in Sleep the Animal Spirits have not their free Influx into their Muscles , the like motion is induc'd ; whence the Soul in such an affection judges according to Custom , as if some weight were incumbent , and hindred the motion of the Diaphragma or Midriff . Add hereunto that those things which come into our Imagination , when asleep or in a Dream , more strongly affect the Brain than those which are conveyed into it by the Senses when awake . So while we indulge to Sleep , if Spittle abound in the Mouth , it follows that we seem to chew some certain Meats , and to mash them with much lteration , which never happens to us when we are awake . The same distemper may be caused when any thick Vapour fills the Womb , which by reason of its thickness cannot evaporate , but by an excited heat distends that part , whereupon the Diaphragma or Midriff is pressed , and therefore cannot be so commodiously drawn down , especially in the midst of Sleep , wherein by reason of the lesser influx of Animal Spirits it becomes less vehemently inflate , and is prest downward . IV. The Cause of unchast Dreams . So the Genital Humour growing turgid in the Spermatick Vessels , and agitating them with a certain irritation procures unchast Dreams ; so the more gross and undigestible sort of meats being taken at Supper , in regard they surcharge and lie heavy upon the Stomach , cause disturbances and frightful Phantasms in the Sleep . V. How it comes to pass that some rise out of their Bed , and walk in their Sleep . It is usual with some persons to rise out of Bed at Midnight , and have recourse to those places and do those actions , which awake they would not dare to venture on ; some hurry up and down , and without any help or assistance climb up Trees , and get up to House-tops . HORSTIUS makes mention of a certain Nobleman , who climbing up a High Tower , and ransaking the Birds-Neasts there , got down again by the help of a Rope . Physitians are of opinion that these things proceed from turgid Blood , and an Effervescence of the Spirits , which being carried into the seat of the Mind , agitate those Instruments of Motion , and impel them to perform those effects ; whence it comes to pass , that the Body by the impulse of the Animal Spirits is wrapp'd up in Imagination , and by vertue thereof is incited to such actions : But I am of opinion , that all these things would signifie nothing without the help of Imagination which in a manner alone performs and brings to pass all these difficult things . For Imagination is not only incited by External Objects , but also by those things which are represented in Sleep , whence being agitated by the reserved Species of things , it both excites extraordinary motions , and impels to the performance of those things which str●ke both admiration and astonishment into the Beholders . VI. An Example brought of Galen and others . It is reported of GALEN , that sometimes he walk'd almost a whole furlong in his Sleep ; and of a Servant of Pericles , that he used frequently in his Sleep to walk upon the House-top . Others make mention of a Schoolmaster , who , in his Sleep , not only was wont to teach his Scholars , but went one time armed to kill a Colleague of his by whom he had been sharply reproved , of which when he wak'd he remembred not any thing . Moreover , some persons of undoubted credit have delivered a relation of two Young Men , whereof one tho' wholly ignorant of the Art of Swimming , yet used to rise in his Sleep , repair to the water and Swim ; the other was also a Nightwalker , who one time above the rest , went down into his Masters Kitchin , and there in presence , and to the admiration of some of the Servants , not yet gone to Bed , spitted the Brooms like joints of Meat , and laid them to the Fire ; thus he bestirred himself , till at last waking , and being ashamed of what he had done he sneak'd away to Bed as fast as he could . And all these things proceeded from the helgtth of Imagination , and the persons deeply fixing their Minds , each of them upon the things they acted , whereby the passages through which the Animal Spirits , first entred , remained so wide and open , that the same Spirits at length insinuated themselves , and the Soul by their motion became affected in like manner . VII . Dreams are usually of those things which were thought on in the Day time . In Dreams the same imployments and actions run in our Minds , upon which we were intent and busied the day before . The Reason is , because the parts of the Brain , which have formerly been shatter'd by the acting of an Inferior Object , are more easily moved by the Animal Spirits , than those which have always remained quiet ; whence when the Vestigia of those things which we have first imagined , are discovered and remain after a sort laid open , the Spirits running slightly over them , bring back those Images of the Soul which it imprest upon it when awake . Wherefore unless the Body be indisposed and disturbed by noxious Humours , no other Cogitations can be offered to the Mind than those which possest it waking . VIII . How it happens that some in their Sleep let go their water . Some persons in their sleep emit their Urin , and as if they were standing against a Wall , or holding a Chamberpot in their hands make water . This never happens but when the Bladder swells with fulness , and is extended beyond its usual extension , because then the vellication of the Sphincter so opens the pores in the interiour superficies of the Ventricles of the Brain , that the Spirits running to and fro above the Glandule , take their course toward those Nerves which are inservient to the emitting of the Urin , and thereby procure such a motion , that not only the appetite of making water is produc'd , but also the Image of the Wall or Chamberpot is presented , which they that thus dream were wont to make use of upon this occasion . CHAP. IX . Of the External Passions . I. Sanguine Persons are chiefly prone to Laughter . MEN of a jolly Temper and sanguine Complexion , upon any the slightest occasion , burst forth into Laughter , nor are they , when any one else Laughs able to contain themselves , or when any matter of sport or merriment comes into their Mind . This sort of Passion in Men of this Constitution arises from the moveableness of the Fibres which are stirred up , and as it were frisk at the occurrence of any sportive Object , by which affection drawn through the Diaphragma or Midriff a certain change of the Countenance with a sonorous and inarticulate Voice is created . For herein consists the reason of Laughter ; that the Blood passing from the right Cavity of the Heart through the Vena Arteriosa suddenly , and with a repeated shaking , puffs up the Lungs , and causes the Air which they contain , to be compelled to break forth forcibly through the Aspera Arteria , in which it forms the Inarticulate and Sonorous Voice , and as well the Lungs by being inflate , as this Air by going out impel all the Muscles of the Diaphragma , Breast and Throat , by which means they mov● those Muscles of the Countenance that have any connexion with them . Wherefore no wonder if many times persons of great Sense and Ingenuity cannot contain themselves , tho' using their utmost means to repress the said Motions . II. Whence arises the Impulse of Animals to Venery . By the impulse of Nature it is that Animals are carried to Venery , or as it were forc'd by a certain violent inclination to a conjunction with their like , for the propagation of their Species . This Inclination of Animals hence arises , namely , because at their fit Age the Seed increast in the Vessels appropriate to Generation , and the reception of the said Seed upon some access of heat from the afflux of the Spirits , provokes Concupiscence , which in Males from the sight of the Female , and on the contrary in Females from the presence of the Male , by a vehement agitation of the Animal Spirits , impels Animals by a certain amorous rage to a Mutual Conjunction , with which they are inflamed , much after the same manner as a rapid Fire shut up in a close Fornace . III. Whence Sardonie Laughter proceeds . There sometimes happens to one a Laughter against his Will , even in excess of pain , or else at the point of death ; and such a kind of Laughter is called Canine or Sardonick . Old Women impute this sort of Laughter in Infants to a sign of Joy , when indeed it is nothing but a Convulsion of the Muscles of the Face , which is very often attended by Epileptick Fits. So likewise among Gladiators and such sort of Combatants it is a most certain sign of instant death ; forasmuch as it denotes that the Animal Spirits are no longer under the Government of the Mind , but in a tumultuary manner rush sometimes upon these , sometimes upon those Nerves , and so that the Link of the Mind with the Body is almost broken . IV. How it come to pass the Mens Hairs stand on end who are struck with horror . When any one is struck with horror , his Hair ( as it were ) stands on end . Because when the Blood , by reason of the said astonishment , withdraws to the Bowels , the external parts of the Body , especially the Skin , are contracted ; nor can it be but that by the contraction of the Skin , the pores also are comprest , and thereupon the Hairs start up . Because the pores of the Body are like Repositories in which the Hairs are disposed , which according to their different situation , obtains a various position . The same effect is stirred up in other Animals by the motion of some affection or other ; as for example , Anger in a Dog , fear in a Hen , whose Feathers rise up a main , if the Enemy be at hand ready to seize her . V. Some after a full Meal fetch deep Sighs . In some it is observed , that after Meat , from the fulness of their Stomach they fetch deep sighs , and draw their Breath from the very bottom of their Breast , like persons affected with some languishing distemper . This I judge proceeds from a motion which Nature makes use of , the sooner to transmit the juice of the Meats through the Heart , to the end the Stomach may the more speedily be relieved by them . For sighs by agitating the Lungs , cause the Blood which is contained therein to flow the more speedily through the Arteria Venosa into the left Ventricle of the Heart , and thus the new Blood created of the Meats juice flowing from the Stomach , the Lacteal Veins and Heart , as far as the Lungs may the more easily be admitted into it . VI. Why of sad Persons , some covet Meat , others refuse it . In some Persons affected with Sadness , the Appetite being quite taken away , all sorts of Meat become loathsom to them . On the other side , others languishing with sorrow , covet Meat with a more sharp and greedy propensity , The difference arises from the different original of these two sorts of sadness . The original of the first , which affects some from their very Birth , is from hence ▪ namely , because they took not in nourishment enough , but were kept short of such an allowance of Meat as might satisfie the appetite . Of the Second sort , that the nourishment they first took was grievous and hurtful to them , and thereupon the motion of the Spirits in them which takes away the desire of Meat , remain'd join'd with sadness . For such is the Conjunction of Body and Soul , that these very Cogitations which have accompanied any motions of the Body from the very first entrance into life , continue to accompany them . VII . Suddain Joy causes Swooning and Fainting away , and sometimes even to death . Some fall into swooning fits upon their being seised with excess of joy , as for example , that Woman mentioned by VALERIUS MAXIMUS , who at the sight of her Son , whom she thought to have been long since slain in Battel , fell immediately dead . I have heard of a certain Merchants Wife in England , whose Husband , taking a voyage into the East-Indies , was by some Friends reported to be dead , that when after three years she heard that he was returned , and even just at the very doors to enter , she running hastily to meet and embrace him , fell down dead on the Threshold at her Husbands Feet . The cause of this I judge to be , for that the said excessive , suddain and unwonted joy , by opening the orifices of the Heart ▪ forces the Blood of the Veins to enter with such violence ▪ and in such abundance into the Heart , that it could not be there dilated and rarefied soon enough to remove those valvules which close the Orifices of the said Veins , whereby it came to pass that the Fire in the Heart was suffocated , and the Life which consists in the motion thereof perisht . VIII . Why upon the Yawning of one Person , others also Yawn . It happens very often , that upon the yawning of one Person , the rest of the Company fall a yawning or gaping also . Oscitation or Yawning is nothing but the deduction or parting asunder of the lower Jaw from the upper , which diduction proceeds from some sharp particles there sticking and gently vellicating the Fibrils of the Nerves , whereby the Spirits have a more copious influx towards those Muscles of the Mouth , and so produce the said motion . But that upon one Persons Yawning , others should do the like , it proceeds from no other cause but this , namely , that the said diduction of the Jaws so disposes the Animal Spirits , that they rush towards that part , and so excite an Oscitation or Yawning together , much after the same manner as two Musical Chords or Strings , which being screw'd up and tun'd to the same note , so sympathise together , that when one being struck sends forth a sound , the other at the same time , though not struck , sends forth the same . IX . How it comes to pass that Persons excessively grieving , fall into a Swoon . A Lipothymie or Swooning away through failure of the Spirits , oftentimes proceeds from great grief . The original of a Lipothymie is when the Animal Spirits , be it for what cause it will , are carried impetuously through the Nerves to the Heart , and contract its Ventricles at that very time when they ought to be dilated by the Blood entring in ; whence it comes to pass , that the fermentation of the Blood is hindred , and consequently that the Blood within the very Ventricles of the Heart cannot be sufficiently rarefied , nor strongly enough thrust out into the great Arterie adjoining ; whence it is that this Lipothymie proceeds from great grief , in regard the whole contexture of the Nerves is thereby shattered , and consequently the Arteries themselves that receive the Ramules or little Branches of the Nerves are also shattered , whereupon the Blood contained in the Arteria Magna or Great Artery is forc'd upward towards the left Ventricle of the Heart , and thereby hinders the Blood contained therein from being able to pass . This is the true cause of the Lipothymie or Swooning Distemper . X. How it comes to pass that Persons affected with Sadness or Grief , are apt to shed Tears . Those that are sad and dejected of Mind , are very prone and apt to shed Tears , especially if the heaviness of Heart be not very excessive , and any sense of Love attends it . The Reason is , because tho' from all parts of the Body , Vapours exhale , yet there is no part which sends forth more than the two Eyes , both in respect of the magnitude of the Optick Nerves , as also the multitude of the little Veins through which the said Vapours tend thither . But , whereas sadness by cooling the Blood , contracts the passages of the Eyes , and keeps back the agitation of Vapours : Sadness alone is not sufficient to draw ▪ forth tears , unless there be also an accession of Love , which is an occasion of discharging the Blood towards the Heart , and of increasing the quantity of Vapours : Whence it is observable that the Sad do not shed tears continually , but only by Intervals , whilst the Object they love recurs to their Mind , and is represented anew to their Imagination . The Ancients have allowed this expression of Grief even to Brute Animals . Horses , saith PLINY , bewail the loss of their Masters , and weep for want of them ; and concerning the Horse of slain Pallas , Virgil thus writes . The War ▪ Horse Aethon , spurning now aside His Warlike Trappings , Ornaments of Pride , Weeps as he goes ; and for resentment sour , Down from his Cheeks the great drops trickling pour . XI . How it comes to pass that those who weep , not only shed Tears , but also send forth loud ▪ Shrieks and Out-crys . A loud Outcry is oftentimes adjoined to Weeping , especially in Children and Women , who , tho' they are both prone to Laughter , yet send forth louder and shriller Crys in Weeping than in Laughter . These Shrieks are produc'd when the Lungs are in a moment puft up by the abundance of Blood entring into them , which expels from thence the Air that filled them , which Air being transmitted through the Throat , produces those howlings and crys which accompany weeping . But because the Nerves that are inservient to the dilating or contracting the Organs of the voice to render the said Voice more acute or gracile , are joined with those , which in time of joy open the Orifices of the Heart , and in sadness contract them : Hence it comes to pass , that these Organs are at that time dilated or contracted . Hereupon in weeping the Brows are contracted and deprest , the contrary whereof we find in Laughter . XII . Why Lovers so often sigh . Lovers commonly fetch deep sighs , and as an argument of their solitude and grief , pant and draw their Breath thick from the bottom of their Breast . The Reason is , because in Love the Imagination of Hope or Joy opens the orifice of the Arteria Venosa , which Sadness had before contracted . Wherefore when that small quantity of Blood which remained in the Lungs , is in a moment conveyed through this Vena Arteriosa , into the left Cavity of the Heart , and is impelled thither , by a desire of obtaining that Joy , where at the same time all the Muscles of the Midriff and Breast are agitated ; it comes thence to pass , that the Air is very quickly impelled through the Mouth into the Lungs to possess that place which is forsaken by the said Blood. XIII . How it comes that the Sad have not always in their Countenance the same Colour The Sad carry not always the same Countenance ; for sometimes they look Pale , other times are of a Ruddy Colour . Sadness inclines to Paleness , when by contracting the Orifices of the Heart it causes the Blood to flow more slowly into the Veins , and as being made colder and thicker , to possess less place ; whereby it comes to pass , that betaking it self into the broader Veins , and those nearest the Heart only , it forsakes the remoter , whereof the most conspicuous are those in the Face : And by this means the Lover is rendred the more Pallid and Macilent . But when the Sad look Red , and discover a certain Ardour in their Countenance : It is not so much to be imputed to Sadness as to other Affections which are joined to this Passion , namely , Love or Desire , or possibly sometimes Hatred it self . Forasmuch as these Passions moving and heating the Blood which proceeds from the Liver , Entrails , and other interiour Parts , and impelling it first to the Heart , thence through the Aorta to the Veins of the Face , cause the said Face to look Red and High Colour'd . CHAP. X. Of some Persons Natural Inclinations and Aversions . I. How it comes to pass , that of two Gamesters we favour one more than the other . IF by chance we fall into the Company of two Gamesters equally unknown to us ; We by I know not what Instinct of Nature are apt to favour one more than another : And so likewise if we see two Persons playing at Tennis , we wish success to some one of them rather than the other . The Peripateticks impute the Cause of these Natural Inclinations and Aversions to that which they call Sympathy and Antipathy ; which obscure and insignificant Terms , serve only for one main end , namely , for a Cloak to cover our Ignorance under the umbrage of a few large striding and big swelling words . We therefore assert , that this Inclination whereby we favour one Party rather than another ; if this propension continues no longer than the Game lasts , proceeds from hence , viz. that our Will which flies all Indifference , and affects to be concerned about some or other Object , takes an occasion to join it self to some Party , altho' the Soul be induc'd by no apparent Reason , more to favour one than the other , or to wish success on any particular side , but only suffers it self to be drawn over towards that Dice-thrower , or Tennis-player , who at that time most swe●tly sooths ▪ his Brain according to the tenour of its disposition . But if this Affection survies the Game , and after the Match ended remains still fixed in his Heart , it proceeds from the Vestigia or tracts of the Inclinations , the original whereof I have shewn in my Institution of Philosophy , Part 9. Cap. 14. II. Why we should so favour , when nothing occurs that should impel us to it . But if we remember not the agreement or similitude which the Objects we love or reject at present , have with those which we f●rmerly had a love or aversion for , it is because the first Passions out of which the Second proceeded , were mightily confused , as being the very first Passions of our Infancy , or at least such as we no way ever considered with attention , and were of the number of those whose Object we loved or hated , without any trial or weighing of Reasons , or Animad version of what might be worthy in them of Love or Hatred . Wherefore the Second also are partakers of the same obscurity and confusion as the First ; and we are very often forc'd to say with the Poet , I love thee not Labidius , say no more ; I love thee not , but cannot tell wherefore . III. Whence it is that many have an aversion to Cheese . There is scarce a Country or Province , in which there are not many persons who have not an extraordinary aversion to Cheese , of whom some there are , who not only have a great abhorrence from the eating of it , but also cannot without much trouble and offence behold the sight of it . IV. Sir Kenelm Digby's Opinion . The Cause of this Aversion , Sir KENELM DIGBY judges to be , for that Children many times are suckled by Nurses with Child , and in whose Breasts consequently by reason of a new conception the Milk is curdled , which may possibly offend the weak Stomach of the Infant . For without doubt a very great alteration must needs be made in the Milk , by reason of the Nurses pregnancy ; and the Milk thus corrupted being suck'd in by the Infant , degenerates in his Stomach into a vitious curdle of Cheese grievously distasteful to the Child 's weak Stomach ; whereupon this aversation sticks upon it as a lasting brand during the Parties whole life . So a certain Lawyer in London , going to sup up a Rear Egg , and chancing unawares to swallow the Embrio of a Chicken , entertained from that time forth such an aversion for Eggs , that upon no occasion , nor by any perswasion of Physitians , could ever be brought to eat any more Eggs. This cause for nauseating of Cheese in many , I can well enough allow , but that all who suck coagulated Milk should for this cause only have this aversation I can never admit , when as we daily see a vast number of Women , especially of the common and meaner sort so fruitful , that they bring Children every year , whom they suckle at the time of their being with Child , and never wean them till they are near their time . So that if all the Children who have suck'd the Milk of Big-bellied Women , should be initiated in this aversion for Cheese , and increase it with their Age , how vast would their number be ? And in how short a time would Cheese grow cheap ? V. A more probable Opinion . Wherefore my Opinion is , that there may be another cause of this Aversion , either their Mothers Longing , or greedy desire of certain Meats , which when the● cannot be obtained , the Infants soon after born ▪ abhor and l●ath them , or else because Cheese , especially Old Cheese abounding with Volatile Salt , and many other putrid particles , might possibly raise such a confusion of particles in the Blood , that great inconveniences might thereupon arise , especially to Infants . What wonder therefore , that this effect should be continued in Adult or full grown Persons ? So far as that the very smell of Cheese cannot be indured by many . Nay , though it be fraudulently mixt with other Meats , and administred to the Party not knowing the cheat ; nevertheless it will either cause a violent Vomiting , or if that happen not , many inconveniences and disturbances will thence arise . VI. How it comes to pass that some are so impatiently affected with the stink of a Candle carelesly put out . A certain Nobleman of England , of my particular acquaintance , had so great an abhorrence of the fuming snuff of a Tallow Candle put out , that if by chance it hapned at any time through the negligence of the Servants to be carelesly blown out , and not covered with an Extinguisher , he was so disturbed with the smell thereof , that he became all of a sweat , and was discerned to tremble every Joint of him . This could not happen to him upon any other account , than because this Organ of Smelling was so attempered according to the insensible particles , that the more ●●●tile pa●ticles of the said Fumous Vapour begat in his Nose an ungrateful motion , that is to say , a most abominable smell , much in the same manner a● Smoak falling into the Eyes provokes to Tears , and pricks and vellicates the Tongue it self . VII . How it happens that some mightily abhor the sight of a Cat , or such like Animal . Some Persons can by no means indure the sight of certain Animals ; nay , are highly disturbed if they happen to be in the same place where they are , tho' not seen ; particularly some have such an aversion for the presence of a Cat , that at the sight thereof they fall into a Swoon . This may very well be , for that when they were yet Infants , and in their tender years , they were hurt by a Dog , Cat , or some other noxious and hostile Animal , tho' perhaps retaining no memory of the Wound inflicted , and consequently they may experiment in themselves , at the first sight of the Animal , the same commotions as well of Body as of Mind , with which heretofore they were affected , either upon the foresaid occasion , or else because their Mothers when they bore them in the Womb , were affrighted at the sight of the said Animals ; or lastly , because their temperament of Blood and Spirits is such , that the Evaporation continually exhaling from the Body of the Cat , and transmitted by respiration , coagulates , fixes , and after an unwonted manner exaggerates the Blood and Spirits with which it is intermixt . Whence no wonder they undergo so great a perturbation , and sometimes fall into a Swoon . If other Men have the fortune not to be taken with these Passions , it is because they are of a different temperament , and are not affected with the exhalement of the Cat , evaporated by the circumambient Air. VIII . How it come to pass that some abhor the smell of Roses . Upon the same ground we must suppose that OLIVER CARAFFA abhorred the smell of Roses , when ev●ry year in Rose time he was forced to withdraw from Rome , and live recluse among the Gardens in the Quirinal , Guards being set at his Gates to hinder any of his Friends and Visitants from carrying in a Rose with them . In like manner a certain English Lady , mentioned by Sir KENELM DIGBY had such an abhorrence to the smell of Roses , that when one of her acquaintance put a Rose upon her Knee when she was asleep , to try whether she had so great an Antipathy to that Flower as was reported ; there grew Pimples immediately upon the Place . IX . The Reason of this Aversion . The Original Cause hereof might be from a strong scent in the Mothers Womb , or in the Cradle , or haply some other place , tho' totally forgotten ; by which the temperament of the Brain hath been hurt , and the Mind affected with trouble and disturbance . And these or the like affections as well of the Body as of Mind , may easily be allowed , tho' a long time after , to survive , in the Parties , the Original Cause . To which we may add , that in regard the Fibres of the Sensory or Organ of Smelling are according to the diversity of Men , diversly configurated : It thence comes to pass , that things of any Odour or Smell , affect not all persons alike , since that some Obj●cts , as being indued with rough and pungent Effiuviums , are by some accounted sordid and odious , which very things to others that have notable strong and tough Fibres in that Sensory , are sweet and grateful . I know a great Lady that takes much delight in the smell of stinking Flesh , and admires the fuming Snuff of a Candle new put out . X. Of one who abhorred a Wasp . A Gentlewoman in Oxford hated a Wasp to that degree , that in the hot Summer Months , when Wasps fly frequently about in Houses , she used to keep her self close shut up in a Chamber , not daring to stir out into a Dining Room , or any such like large or open place , till such time as she had news from those that she durst give credit to , that this sort of Insect was destroyed , or at least was no longer seen . This Aversion probably hapned to her from some mischief or incommodity she had received from this kind of Animal : As they who having drunk for a Medicin some kind of bitter Potion , take such a distast from thence forward at it , that they will not indure to taste , nor even to behold , nay not so much as to look upon any thing that is like it . Likewise there goes a Report of a French Nobleman , who had such an Antipathy to Garlick , that he could not taste the least Crumb of it without Vomiting ; and after he had with good satisfaction made an end of a Mess of Broth , into which , for his sake , no Garlick was put , yet when one of the Company , to play the Wag with him , told him there was a little Garlick shred in it to give it a relish , he vomited up both the Broth , and all that he had eaten besides . XI . How it comes to pass that Men have various Natural ▪ Inclin●ti●ns . All Persons by Nature are incited 〈◊〉 certai● Passions , some to one , and some to another ; som● are prone to Anger , and fly into Rage upon every slight occasion ; others are 〈◊〉 a disposition that inclines them to Sadness ; 〈◊〉 are addicted to Joy , Fear and the like . The diversity of these Passions proceeds from the contexture of the Fibres , and the different habitude of the Humours . Forasmuch ●s Choler incites to Anger , Melancholy to Sadness ; Blood boundin g to Joy. In regard Choler vellicates the ●●●res , Melancholy compresses them ; Blood dilates them , 〈…〉 Which effects we find certain ▪ 〈…〉 Waking . Those 〈◊〉 whom Choler aboun●● , th●●k of nothing but Firebrands , Burnings , Fights and Br●wl● . The Sanguine mind Dancing , Musick , Laughter , Sport , and all that tend to Lasciviousness . The Phlegmatick Fancy watry Places , and overflowings of Rivers ; and soo of the rest accordi●g as they abound in Humours , or have their Spirits disturbed . ADVERTISEMENT . THERE are some things taken notice of in this HISTORY of NATURE , which probably may seem impossible to some ; But the Author Mr. LE GRAND is ready to justifie the same , as well from Authentick Authors , as from Natural Causes , to such as shall be dissatisfied therein . And the same being Printed in all the Latin Impressions , and so well received , there is little room left for any real Dispute . To the Honoured Sir Henry Hobart OF Blickling in Norfolk , Knight and Baronet . Sir , THE Authors Opinion in relation to BRUTE ANIMALS , as discoursed of in this ensuing Tract , being an Opinion not commonly received ; requires the Protection and Patronage of some Person , Eminent for his Learning , and one whose high Reputation may defend the Opinion against the cavelling Critick , and wrangling Disputant . For this Reason , Sir , 't is that I have selected You from amidst the number of those Ingenious Persons , I have the honour of knowing , as reasonably believing , You who are allowed by all that are so happy to be acquainted with You , to be excelling in the ingenious performance of Learning , may , by Your favouring that Opinion , if not totally recommend it as an uncontroverted Position , yet stamp it so , as to make it currant with the Ingenious : For which Kindness and Generosity I might blush , should I not gratefully make my acknowledgment ; assuring You that none would more willingly serve You to the height of his Power , than , Sir , Your most Humble and Devoted Servant , Richard Blome . To the Honourd Sr. Henry Hobart of Blickling in the County of Norfolk Knight and Baronet . This Plate with the Discours of the. want of senc e & Knowledg in Brute Anemalls , is most humbly Dedicated by Ric : Blome Lens . Inv. I. Kip Sculp THE THIRD PART . A DISSERTATION Of the want of SENSE AND KNOWLEDGE IN BRUTES . I. What it is that moves some Philosophers to believe that Beasts have knowledge . SO far hath the Opinion concerning the Knowledge of BRUTE ANIMALS prevailed amongst Men , and so infixt hath it been in their Minds , that they who dare think otherwise , and refuse to patronise a Cause which to them appears so clear , can hardly escape the censure of Folly and Temerity . In this Opinion almost all Philosophers agree , and whether induc'd by the industry and vivacity of Sense , which they observe some Beasts to be indued with , or fancying that they see some Idea's of Reason in them , they make no scruple to attribute Knowledge and Ratiocination to them , and pronounce them capable of those perceptions and apprehensions , which in reality distinguish human kind from all other Creatures , not being able to imagin ●ow without the help of Reason , BRUTE ANIMALS should bring such wonderful things to pass , and discover in their actings such a world of Ingenuity ; as for example , how BEES if void of Knowledge , should build so Geometrically their sexangular Cells , and fill them so exactly at their certain times with Hony. What , say they , can these Creatures Act so regularly , Consult so deliberately , make Choice so prudently of their Kings and Captains , and send out so seasonably their Scouts to watch and bring in a supply of Provisions , and not at the same time give an evident proof of a Rational Knowledge ; since in all these Performances they cannot be supposed to be carried on by a blind and unaccountable impulse of Nature . For what impulse of Nature or Corporeal Energy can be capable to inspire a meer living and moving Machine with Sense , and apprehension enough to constitute a King , obey his Commands , give him their presence , attendance and assistance upon all occasions ? How comes that band of Souldiers appointed for his Gard ? How comes it that one more than another performs this Satellitory Office ? Is it likely that by meer chance Serjeants and Officers should be chosen for his preservation , and sometimes to bear him up , when weary , upon their Shoulders ? If destitute of Reason , they are totally ignorant of what they do in all these performances : Yet let us further inquire how the Living of them should carry out their Dead , and after the manner of Mourners accompany their Exequies ? Certainly it must needs be very absurd , not to attribute to Reason so many plain signs and evidences of Reason , and after the discovery of such effects , not to find out the latent Cause . II. The Industry of Spiders , implies a supposal of Reason , latent in them . No less discoveries the SPIDERS make of their Industry and Ingenuity in the curious weaving of their Webs , and hanging them loose in Doors and open Passages , wherein is likewise observable the manner of their lying in wait for Flies : For why should they place their selves to lie upon the watch rather in the center than in the extremities of the Web , but that they are sensible of the equality of the Lines drawn from the Center ; and like skilful Fowlers understand that the Net is more easily drawn in that place . Moreover , if we well observe the ingenuity of certain other Animals , we shall find in them no weaker evidences of Ratiocination , than in those already mentioned . What providential care and forecast is to be seen in the GEESE of Cilicia , who conscious to themselves of their garrulous Nature when they pass the Mountain Taurus , for fear of the Eagles , take each a Pebble Stone in their Bills , by which means they are forc'd to silence , and do not give notice to the Enemy of their coming . Moreover , who can but admire the Industry and Art of the ANTS , who build their Cities with so much design and regularity , that the several Offices in them , may easily be discerned , some for holding their Assemblies , some for laying up their Provisions against the following year , and some for the burying t●e●r Dead . Aldrovandus was an Eye-witness of a City of a Quadrangular form , four foot broad , in which the Ants were seen to run to and fro through their several Paths in great diligence , as it were about their earnest affairs ▪ It● was exactly drawn in streight Lines and Angl●s , and the length thereof was just divided in the midst by a streight Path of a Fingers depth and breadth , through which ran three other ways directly , intersecting it at equal distance one from the other , and of the same depth and breadth . In the extream Angles of these ways , as it were at so many Streets ends , their Eggs were laid up together in heaps . In another part of the City were Granaries filled up with Grains of Wheat , so full that the Paths were strewed with the overplus , but else all the ways were kept very clean : Lastly , one only Gate there was at the end of the Cities length which looked toward the West . These and the like things reported of these Animals , do more than enough evince the Natural Knowledge they are endued with , and are sufficient to force a Confession from the most Refractory . III. The Souls of Brutes , as some of the Ancients are of Opinion , differ not from ours . By these Reasons the Ancients were induced to believe the Souls of Brutes were incorporeal , and no way differing from those by which the Bodies of Men are animated ; or if there were any difference between them , that it did not consist in the Essence , but was caused by certain accidents ; or by the several degrees of perfection . Hence that passage in GALEN about the beginning of his Exhortations : Whether those Animals , which are commonly called Brutes , be totally void of Reason , is not yet sufficiently made out to us ; for tho' perhaps they have not that Reason common with us , which is called Enuntiation or Vocal Expression , yet they have that Reason common with us which belongs to the Soul , that is , a Reason capable of Affections , tho' some more , some less . IV. And are also affirmed by them to be parts of the Universal Soul of the World. Very much inclinable to this Opinion were Plato and Pythagoras , by the Testimony of Laertius ; and Thales , by that of Plutarch ; and almost all those who gloried in the Learning and Authority of those great Philosophers : Forasmuch as supposing that there is one Universal Soul , by which Plants have their Vegetation , Brutes their Nourishment , and Men their Form and Understanding : They thence infer , that the Souls as well of Brutes as Men , are parts of this General Soul , and that they all arise and spring from the manifold division thereof . Upon the confidence of this Opinion , Thales took the boldness to aff●rm , that all things are full of Divinity ; consequently that there is no Body existent , which hath not its particular Daemon ; and so compriseth in it self something of Divine . B●inded also by this conceit , the Disciples of PLATO asserted that the Souls both of Men , and all other Creatures are equally mortal and void of all corruption : For since they are active and move themselves by their own proper Force , they cannot by any external Agent be urged to Rest , for that must of necessity perpetually exist which depends not upon another , and borrows not the permanency of its duration from any . V. This Opinion of theirs admitted , there will be no difference between Brutes and Men. But this Opinion hath long since grown out of d●te , ●nd is reckned by the Fathers among Plato's Childish Fictions , so that there is no necessity of encountring them with Arguments : Let it suffice to take notice what enormous absurdities must needs arise from the admitting of this Opinion , and what confusion in Nature would follow : For if the Souls of Beasts be eternal and invested with immortality , what distinction will there be between Men and other Animals ? Doth the same felicity attend them as us ? However , not to be over sollicitous about the beatitude of Beasts , let us at lea●● examine where those Souls are disposed , which have been existent from the beginning of the World ; what Places are allotted for them ? Whether they have any peculiar Elysian Fields assigned them to wander and exspatiate in ? What is become of all the Gnats and Flies with which the Aegyptians were heretofore disturbed ? What was their business after Death ? And to what end were they kept ? Or what advantage accrewed from their Death ; when it must be confest by all Men , that God governs all things by his wonderful Wisdom , and directs all Creatures to a certain end . All these things considered , it is most consentaneous to Reason , that the Souls of Brutes return to the Earth from whence they had their first beginning , and cease to live , when they cease to be among us . VI. The Order of things to be said in the First Part of this Dissertation But not to wander too far in the very entrance of this Discourse , let us come to the purpose , and examine whether Animals are indued with a Real Knowledge , or can judge or reason of things that are without them ; which that we may the more easily compass , it will be worth our while in the First Part of this Discourse to inquire , First , what the Soul is , and what sort of Soul is proper to Brute Animals . Next what Knowledge is , and wherein the formal Reason thereof consists . Lastly whether Beasts perceive , and what Principle guides them in all their Actions . VII . Aristotles definition of a Soul , vain and frivolous . To begin with that which in the first place was proposed , it will be of great consequence to know what the Soul is , and what is imported by that Vulgar Name ; for when Men first imposed Names upon things , before they well understood their Natures , and enquir'd into the Properties of each distinct one from the other , it followed of consequence , that the name of Soul was indifferently attributed to all Living Creatures ; and as well Plants and Trees , as Men , and all other Living Creatures were said to be indued with Souls . But in this affair no Man erred more than Aristotle ; forasmuch as going to define the Soul in general Terms , this cunning Philosopher took great care that he might not be carpt at by Posterity , and thereupon brought forth such a definition of a Soul as might be applied almost to all things , and so serve as a common Plaister for the healing of all Sores . For in his Second Book De Anima , going about to explain the Essence of the Soul , he defines it thus . A Perfection or Act of a Natural Organick Body , potentially endued with Life . But how wild a definition this is , may be hence collected , namely , for that Divines , Physitians , and others , do all make use of it alike , and in so doing , appropriate it to things of a quite different Nature . For Theologists and Interpreters of Holy Writ assert , that the Soul of Brutes is the Blood or Spirit exhaling from the Blood. To make this good , Aristotle is presently at hand , and suggests that the Blood is the Act of a Natural Organick Body , having Life potentially . The Physitians are pleased to make the Soul a temperament of the Body , and a harmony of the Humours which abound therein . This according to Aristotle must be that Act of an Organick Body which hath Life potentially in it . Antient Philosophers maintain that the Air is the Soul , taken in at the Mouth , cooled in the Lungs , and diffused into the Body ; this comes up in conclusion with Aristotles definition of a Soul , since he also defines Air to be the perfection of a Natural Body , potentially indued with Life . Others suppose the Soul to consist in heat , or at least that it is a subtile Spirit , which gives sense and motion to the Body ; this Aristotle doth not wholly gainsay , yet withall obstinately maintains that this sort of heat or Spirit is nothing else but the Act of a Natural Organick Body , having Life potentially in it , so that whatsoever shall be alledged , or fancied concerning the Soul , tho' never so obscure , must be comprehended under this definition , and will challenge to it self both the Genus and Difference . VIII . Nay obscure , and explaining nothing distinctly . But tho' this definition did not dilate it self so far , and were only confined to certain things , yet were it not fit to be retained among Philosophers ; for what is there in it , that ought not to be rejected , it containing in it no absolute attribute which can any way explicate the essence of a Soul ; nor do things only respectively and generally predicated , and which may be mixt , and as it were link'd with other things , produce any more than a confused Knowledge . Besides , what is there distinct , that can be made intelligible to us by the word Act , no more indeed than if any one should define Light to be the Act of a Lucid Body , or Heat the Act of a Calid Body ; which definitions are so far from rendring us any whit more wise than before , that they serve only to involve us in an inextricable Labyrinth , and by a strange ambages of words render that obscure which was far more clear of it self . In so much that HERMOLAUS BARBARUS , a Learned Man , and for his great Wit and Parts very eminent among those of his Profession , when he had ambitiously sought , and at length obtained a Meeting with a Daemon , is said to have requested of him no greater matter than to be resolved in the signification of the word Actus , in the foresaid definition of Aristotle , that so he might approve himself a worthy Disciple of so great a Philosopher . These things I have the rather added to make it appear what obscurity the Notion of Soul would incur , by being divided into Vegetative , Sensitive and Rational ; and how little of Light is to be gained from those who make a vast confusion , by comprehending under one and the same distinction , things very different and remote in their own Nature . IX . There are only two sorts of things , Material and Spiritual . To proceed therefore more accurately as to the Souls of Beasts , and to the Knowledge they are indued with ; we are to suppose from the Institution of Philosophy , that there are in Nature only two sorts of things ; one Intellectual or Thinking , the other Material or Corporeal . Under the first are comprehended MINDS and SPIRITS ; under the latter all BODIES , which are vulgarly named Natural . Nothing can gainsay , but that Man is partaker of both Natures , and possesseth at once both Cogitation and Extension : Forasmuch as Man is not a thing simple and of one kind , but composite , and as it were a Medium , including both extremes ; so that it is evident that Brute Animals are of a different Nature from Man , and no way indued with Mind or Spirit ; forasmuch as all things which Beasts contain , are to be referred to a Material Principle , and have nothing of affinity with Men , except what refers to Body . We must therefore inquire what Principle it is in Beasts , by which they are not only Nourish'd , Grow , Breathe , are Moved , &c. but also by which they operate and perform those wonderful things in which they seem not only to come near the Wit and Subtilty of Men , but even to exceed them . X. Gassendus his Opinion of the Nature of the Soul of Brutes . GASSENDUS an eminent Philosopher amongst the Moderns , and so much the more praise-worthy , for that he hath refined and given new light to the Opinions of the Antients , imagins the Sensitive Soul of Brutes , ( and a more than Sensitive Soul no Man that I know will allow them ) to be a sort of Flame or Species of most subtile Fire which infuses Life into the Animal , and actuates and performs all its parts ; so that the Animal lives so long as this little Flame continues in vigor , and dies when it is extinguished . For tho' this Fire be a Body , yet in respect of its subtilty , it may be reckoned immaterial , if compared to the rest of the Corporeal Mass , and may justly for that Reason obtain the name of Anima or Soul ; and the Animal thereupon be rightly said to consist of Body and Soul. Wherefore if the Essence of a Brute consists in this , that its parts are subtile and continuous , and are agitated by a quick motion , and there be also a continual succession of some parts into the room of others destroyed ; in like manner the Fire or Flame wherewith Beasts are animated , is a Congeries and contexture of most subtile Atoms , which are stirred up by a quick motion , and by a continual generation of some , and departure of others , always preserve and maintain the same Essence : For into what other principle is the heat of the Body to be referred but to the Internal Fire ? Whence comes its motion ? How shall the Organs of the Senses receive the impressions of Objects , unless they be cherish'd by heat ? And whence that heat , but from the Soul , which performs and executes all the functions of the said Animal ; for tho' it may well enough be said that the Soul may rather be kept from heat , than heat from the Soul ; yet it is manifest that heat depends upon motion , and is not existent in the Body , but for that action of an internal Principle ; so that it m●st necessarily come to this , that there is a Material Anima , as GASSENDUS expresses it , to produce heat , give motion to the Members , and perform other Acts of the Animal . XI . That the Soul of Brutes is a Pure Fire , according to Honoratus Fabri . Not much differing in Opinion is Honoratus Fabri in his ▪ Second Book de Homine , where he concludes , That the Soul of Brutes is indeed a Fire , but pure and free from the mixture of other Elements ; to the asserting whereof he is chiefly induc'd , because Fire vegetates ; and there is most virtue ( as experience tells us ) where there is most heat , and where that stronger Element prevails . For whereas in other simple Bodies there is no footstep of action to be discerned , and Fire only is powerful by its productive virtue , Reason evinceth , saith Fabri , That if any Element be armed with the force of Sense , it must be allowed rather to Fire , than to any of the rest : Not that Fire absolutely taken is invested with such a power as to supply the place of a Sensitive Soul , but so far as it is constituted in such a frame of the Organ , such a disposition of Parts , such a Conduct , Communion and Texture of the Fibres . XII . Cartesius his Opinion that the Soul of Brutes is the Blood. The most Illustrious CARTESIUS , who hath refined Philosophy , and purged it from all its folly and obscurity , and teacheth nothing but what is highly consonant to Reason , supposes the Souls of Brutes to be nothing else but the Blood , and and that there is no occasion of a Sensitive Soul for the performance of their operations , and the production of the faculty of moving , and being sensible ; for this most Sagacious Person , when he considered the Blood to be a fluid Body , and that the more subtile part thereof is carried by a continual circuit from the Arteries into the Brain , thence into the Nerves and Muscles , doubted not to assert that the Blood heated in the Heart , and attenuated into Spirit , constitutes the Soul of Brutes ; and that from its motion alone , their various motions do proceed . This Opinion several places of Holy Writ seem to favour , and vindicate from the pertinacie of certain Detractors , who will needs take upon them , that it paves a way to Atheists , and gives them incouragement to think the same of Men , and consequently to divorce the Rational Soul from the Human Body ; when as indeed so great is the distinction between the Souls of Men and other Animals , and so great the difference between the operations of the one and the other , that it can hardly be doubted , even by the most stupid of all Mankind , but that they arise from different Principles . XIII . The Life of Animals consists in the continual motion of the Blood. Be it granted then , that the Life of Animals consists in the incessant motion of the Blood , which beginning its course from the right Ventricle of the Heart , passes through the Vena Arteriosa into the Lungs , whence flowing into the left Ventricle of the Heart , it passeth into the Aorta or great Artery , whose Branches are dispers'd through the whole Body , and being joined to the Branches of the Vena Cava , convey the same Blood again into right side of the Heart ; so that the Blood again into right side of the Heart ; so that the Blood heated in the Heart , and converted into Spirits , obtains the name of Vegetative and Sensitive Soul in Animals , and is the immediate and principal Organ of all Actions , as may be apparently discovered in certain Animals ; for examples , in Flies , Serpents , Scorpions , Frogs , &c. , which through the extremity of cold in the Winter , lie void of sense and motion ; and for the time in all appearance , totally deprived of Life , that is , while the Blood ceases to be in agitation , and the generation of Spirits is for the present stopt ; which Animals , when the Genial Spring , as Mantuan expresseth it , gives new pri mordia to things , the motion of the Blood being renewed by heat , are again raised to Life , and resume their long intermitted functions . The same thing may be seen in Men who are hanged or drowned , forasmuch as in a very short time they expire , by reason that the Blood stagnates for want of respiration , there being no passages open from the right Ventricle of the Heart into the left . The Blood therefore must needs be the principal part of Animals , from whence the native Heat and Spirits flow , and from which to those that are born , Life first begins , and to those that Die , last ends . XIV . How it ought to be understood that Beasts have no Soul. Altho' in explaining the functions of Beasts , we make no mention of their Soul ; yet at the same time we deny them not Life nor Sentiment , provided always that by Life and Sentiment of Animals , no other thing is to be understood , but the heat of their Blood , and the particular motions of their Organs of Sense which depend thereupon : Nor is this more unreasonable , than to attribute to Beasts a Soul , which should be really distinct from the Body , and which nevertheless cannot subsist without the Body , it being the same thing as to say , that the Soul of a Beast is at one and the same time a Substance and a Mode ; a Substance by supposition , and a Mode as having need of a subject for its existence . XV. What Cognition is , and wherein its Nature consisteth . Now it being made out , that the Blood overflowing the whole Body , and having by iterated turns a continual orbicular rotation to the Heart , from whence it had its first source , is the real Soul of Brutes , we must pass on to the Second Foundation , as it may be called , namely , what we are to apprehend by that which is commonly called their Cognition or Knowledge , what it is that constitutes their Ingenuity , and into what species chiefly it is to be distributed . The Idea of Cognition is so manifest , that there is scarce any thing which occurs to our Mind , which is more certainly known ; and if by chance any persons in the explaining thereof have erred , I conceive the occasion thereof hath been , for that they have by their crabbed Terms , rendred that obscure , which of it self was sufficiently plain ; and were minded , as they say , to hold a Torch to the Sun : For in this very thing , I find that all Philosophers have very oftentimes made great mistakes , namely , in indeavouring by Logical Definitions to explicate the most ordinary and simple matters , tho' in their own Nature intelligible ; and by certain circumlocutions of words to go about to render those things perspicuous , which voluntarily offer themselves to our understanding ; for what Object can present it self more clearly to us than Cognition , when as , if I perceive any thing , I seem to have its Image or Idea before me , and to behold it as it were present , with the Eyes of my Mind . For tho' perchance I be doubtful of all things existing in Nature , and may call in question what I touch with my Hands , see with my Eyes , hear with my Ears , smell with my Nose , or taste with my Tongue ; yet all this I cannot choose but think , and my very dubitation is a certain thinking , which I cannot but be sensible of . XVI . Every Cognition includes a Consciousness . Wherefore by the name of Cognition we are to understand all that which so proceeds from us , that we are immediately conscious to our selves thereof . So that to think or know , is nothing else but to have a perception of those things which are in us . But to make the matter more plain by an Example , How doth any one know that he is indued with a faculty of Understanding , Willing , Affirming or Denying ? but because he experiments in himself this sort of Faculty , and is conscious to himself of such a power so long as he exerciseth it . But this is not to be understood of Reflex Cognition only , that is to say , by which any one perceives or observes that he hath observed any thing , but also of any primary Perception or Intellection whatsoever , by which he gives attention to any thing . Whence it follows , that if one have not a consciousness to himself of those things which he acts or suffers , he experiments in himself no knowledge of them , and thereupon may be said to be destitute of Sense and Cognition , properly so called : For how can the Sense of Action or Passion be attributed to him , if he knows not that he Acts or Suffers ? Hence it comes to pass , that if Men attentively fix'd upon any thing are so taken up in contemplation , that they perceive not a Torch lighted before their Eyes , they cannot indeed be said to have any sense or perception of those things . And therefore that they may be said to be sensible , to perceive , judge , affirm , deny , &c. they must needs be knowing of those things which they are sensible of , perceive , judge , &c. XVII . Cognition is divided into four Kinds . All Cogitations which include Consciousness , are most especially two fold , Actions and Passions . All species of Perceptions or Cognitions , which are found in us , or which proceed from the power we have of perceiving or knowing , are called Passions ; and all such Operations are divided into four kinds , the first is Intellect , by which the Mind without the help of any Corporeal Species perceives all manner of Objects , as well immaterial as material : The second is Sense , as well that which is external , as internal : The third is Imagination , containing under it common Sense ; forasmuch as they are both actuated by the same Organ , and are imployed about the same Objects : The fourth is Memory or Reminiscence , being that faculty by which we deprehend that we had formerly the same Cogitation . Those Cogitations which are called Actions , are all our Wills , because we find them to proceed directly from our Soul , of which alone they seem to depend ; and to these are to be referred all our Judgments , Inclinations , Appetites , and all the Motions of our Will , which always accompany the power of our Willing and determining . XVIII . How Corporeal Matter differs from Immaterial and Incorporeal . These things being thus explained , as far as the brevity of our Subject would permit , and premised as the foundation of our Discourse ; We come now to examin whether the Cognition above-mentioned and defined be to be attributed to Brute Animals , or to speak in more express Terms , whether Beasts perceive , are sensible , imagin , remember , &c. and whether they imitate Men in these Operations , so far as to carry in them any semblance of Reason ; which to make out the more clearly , we are to call to mind , that the Nature of Corporeal Matter consists precisely in this , that it contains Longitude , Latitude and Profundity , or that it is a Matter Extensive ; for to consist of these three dimensions , is no other thing than to be extended , and to be extended is no other than to be capable of those three proprieties : To Body or Matter the Spiritual Part is diametrically opposite , whose Nature consists in Cogitation , and which admits of no dimension , either Longitude , Latitude or Profundity ; for all that is known to be in a Spiritual Essence is , that it is a thinking thing , that is , Perceiving , Affirming , Denying , Willing , Nilling , &c. All which are understood without any Idea of Extension , and have no affinity with Divisibility , Figure , Situation , or any other Affections of the Body ; and thence we must conclude , that Cogitation is an Attribute of a Substance containing no Extension ; and on the contrary that Extension is an Attribute of a Substance admitting of no Cogitation : For those two Idea's are utterly different , and represent to our Mind nothing that is any way alike . What conduces more to the evidence of one thing being distinguish'd from another , than that one may be conceived without the other ? For if we rightly infer that those Bodies which are not square , may be of Sphaerical Figure , and that those which are least capable of motion , are square , since Imagination can soon distinguish quadrature from rotundity , and ascertain that it is the nature of a square Body , to be least apt for motion ; may not the same Reason serve to conclude , that there may be certain Substances void of Extension , because the Idea which we form to our selves of Extension , differs from the notion of Cogitation ? Forasmuch as to establish a difference beween two things , it sufficeth that one may be distinctly perceived without the other . XIX . Whatsoever the Soul of Brutes is fancied to be , it is void of Cognition . From this Principle then being granted , it is most clearly to be inferred , that Brute Animals are not only incapable of Cogitation , but are also void of every simple Perception : For whatsoever sort of Soul may be fancied to be in them , whether Blood circumfused through the whole Body , as the Noble CARTESIUS maintains , or a pure Fire or Flame , as FABRI and GASSENDUS will have it ; giving Life and Spirit to all the parts thereof ; we must of necessity admit that this sort of Soul is Corporeal , and contains not any thing alien from the nature of matter ; forasmuch as tho' Blood rarified in the Heart , should evaporate into Animal Spirits , which like a most subtile Wind , ascend up into the Brain , and are conveyed through the Nerves into the Muscles ; and tho' this Flammula be composed of the most subtile parts , and emerging as it were out of the grosser Mass , may seem to emulate the agility , as I may so say , of Spiritual Things , yet nevertheless it doth not for all this cease to be material ; nor do those accidental qualities advance it above the condition of a Body : So that if Cogitation be denied to Matter , and a thing extended be not in a capacity to be conscious of that which happens to it , that very thing will be against materiality , tho' never so subtile , and diffusing it self through any whole Body : For the tenuity of Parts takes not away the Being of the Matter ; and whatsoever is capable of being extended , that Capacity is sufficient to give it the name of Matter , and to invest it with , and make it partaker of its imbecility : Who can say that that subtile Matter which enters the Pores of Gold , Adamant , Steel , or whatsoever other solid Body , is of a nature different from Body ? Accidents change not the Essence of things , and the subject must of necessity remain always the same as to Essential Proprieties , let it be changed never so much , or undergo never so many new Denominations . XX. Body is incapable of Cognition . What is it that can conduce to the making up of a Body ? All that we conceive of it , is that it may be touch'd , remov'd , and have its Figure alter'd , and that it may upon occasion take in , and give back heat ; that it is dry or moist , that it gives a sound when it is struck , or else deads the sound , that it may increase or be diminish'd divers ways ; and thus you have all that can happen to a Body : But what signifies all this to Perception and Cognition ? Certainly to be Touch'd , remov'd , Chang'd in Figure or Shape , or be heated is quite another thing , from to perceive . Take a piece of Wax , give it what Figure or Posture you please , or let what Impression you think fit be made upon it by the most excellent Engraver in the World ; turn it which way you please , shake it , move it up and down with never so much violence , put it into all forms or postures Imaginable , be sure the Wax will never complain of any of these ill treatments , or give the least thanks for any of the fine Figures imprest upon it ; since all this is done without the least Cognition thereof in the matter so handled . XXI . Nothing of Body can have perception . All this that hath been said of the Wax , is also to be said of any other sort of Body imaginable : For any one may very well think that Wax cannot perceive all these mutations , in regard it is not animated ; but that if it had a Soul like to that of Animals , then surely this Soul would without any difficulty perceive whatever could happen in the body of the Wax ; but all this comes not up to the purpose : For if this Soul of the Wax or of Animals were a Spiritual Substance like ours , I conceive it would have the faculty of knowing and perceiving the motions of any other Body near it , or intirely present : But if the Soul of the Wax , like that of Beasts , be a Corporal Substance , that is to say , be Body it self , one may say of that as of the Wax , that it may be moulded into divers shapes , that it may receive a world of Figures , that it may be capable of cold and heat , and such like qualities ; but that all this together will not be sufficient to cause it to perceive . XXII . Whether Matter be the Cause of its own Motion . Now let us go a little back , and fetch our Argument more from the Root of the Business , and shew that Matter or Body is not only not capable of Perception , but also not so much as of producing its own motion ; for as we have demonstrated in our General Physicks , GOD is the Primary and total Cause of all motion in the World , and consequently a Body cannot give it self any motion whatever . XXIII . Matter is passive and incapable of all Action . I am not ignorant that some Philosophers will oppose this Argument , and not suffer Matter to be so undervalued , as to be reputed altogether sluggish , and totally alien from all Action ; how can it concur , say they , to the constituting of a Compound Body , if it be meerly passive , and have no other motion , but from without ? Do not we see the Atoms in our Sublunary Region to be moved , and spontaneously carried to and fro ? Whence proceeds this impulse ? What is the cause of this continual agitation ? What but a certain inbred Power of matter , by which it determinates it self to motion , and according as occasion requires , agitates and winds it self ? Who can deny but that the Heavy Bodies descend of their own accord ? That a Bent Bow , when the obstacle is removed , springs back , and returns to its pristin State ? But what invisible Agent is it that here interposeth , and comes to restore a bent Stick to its former place ? If therefore Matter be capable of action , and hath in it self a power of agitating , and moving to and fro ; what should hinder but that it may obtain a power of perceiving , and by a certain impression of the Great Creator , being furnish'd with certain Organs fitted for that purpose , may think , apprehend , imagin , remember and exercise all other functions of an Intelligent Nature ? XXIV . Matter is only Potential , not Action . I am sufficiently assured that I have comprehended in brief whatever can be alledged against the inactivity of Matter : So that I have nothing more to do but to invalidate these Reasons , and to make good that Matter is only an Unactive Mass , and no less uncapable of Motion than of Cognition . All Philosophers that know any thing of the Nature of Matter , know that it is only potential , and that it differs chiefly in this from an Intellectual Thing , namely , that this last is Actual , the other Potential only , that is to say , if the thing be well understood , that it is only a dead sluggish Lump , and void of all Activity . For this is the difference between a thinking and an extended Substance , namely , that Cogitation is always present to the mind ; whereas Motion is never contingent but to a Body , and that while it is impelled by an External Agent , and borrows the power of moving another Body . XXV . Aristotle's Authority to prove that Matter is slothful . But because Aristotle's authority hath been always held in high esteem , and all things that have been quoted or excepted from his Writings , lookt upon as Oracle ; it will not a little conduce to the establishing of our assertion to declare the said Philosophers Opinion in this matter : And first in his Book of Generation and Corruption , he acknowledges the Matter is bare of it self , and only passive , unless some External Agent intervenes which actuates it , and from which taking impression it cannot be hindred from both moving it self , and exciting to motion some other Body : Also moreover in the same Book he affirms , in several places , that to suffer , and to be moved , are proper to Matter ; but that to move and to actuate are from a power without : Also in the Third Chapter of his First Book of Metaphysicks , where he more exactly inquires into the Original Cause of Motion , he sharply reproves the Antients , for that in their Physicks they considered Matter only , neglecting at the same time the Primary Principle of Motion ; and in his Meteorologies , explaining his Opinion more clearly , he affirms that neither Form nor Motion do belong to Matter ; but only so far as they are imprest from without . Nor will it suffice to answer , that Aristotle spoke here only of Matter in common ; forasmuch as he absolutely makes his Discourse of Particular Bodies indued with a certain Figure , which generally in Physicks are called Bodies Natural ; and in express words and terms labours to demonstrate , that no Natural Body hath a motion from it self , and that Animals themselves which seem to be spontaneously moved , are indeed moved with an external Agent : For when in the Second Chapter of his Eighth Book of Physicks , he makes to himself this Vulgar Objection , that an Animal at first lying still and motionless , afterwards visibly appears to move and walk , without any appearance of any external Movent : The said Philosopher presently replies , that this is false ; for we see , saith he , something of those things which are innate to the Animal , to be always in motion , but that of this motion not the Animal it self is the Cause , but most probably the circumambient Air. XXVI . An Explication how Atoms in the Air are moved , and how a bent Bow springs back . From which places it evidently appears that ARISTOTLE thought Matter to be a Principle purely Passive , that it was from an External Cause , both that it was moved it self , and that it had power of moving any other Body ; notwithstanding what is alledged of Atoms flying about in the Air , and of the Action they manifest by passing from one place to another : Forasmuch as the said motion is not to be imputed to the Atoms themselves , but to a certain Subtile Matter , which in our Institution of Philosophy we have made mention of , as being in continual motion , and entring and piercing into the pores of all Bodies ; and since it is not to be doubted but that a vast quantity of this Subtile Matter is contain'd and dispers'd throughout in the Air , no wonder if such small and slender Bodies as Atoms , proceeding from neighbouring Bodies , are agitated up and down according to the various motions of the said Subtile Matter . By the same Reason is the experiment of the Bended Bow to be resolved , in regard that Elastick Force by which a Bow flies back to its former state , is not to be referr'd to the very matter of the Bow , but to the Aether , that subtilest of Bodies , which entring through the more open Pores of the superficies , and finding them streighter and streighter as they are more and more inward , forcibly urges its way , and makes a kind of an attempt to loosen those streightned pores , by a drawing together of the extremities , so to make its passage the freer . XXVII . The Subtile Matter borrows the force of its activity from the first Mover . Now if it be demanded , upon what account then do we deny motion to Matter , if this most subtile Aether we speak of , be not only moved it self , but also have a power of moving , penetrating and impelling other Bodies ? Hold a little , good Inquirer , and take notice , we do not allow this most Subtile Matter to be the Principle of its own motion , but the first Mover , namely GOD , who from the first instant of Created Matter imparted a various motion to its parts : And by the same Action by which he conserves Matter , retains in the World altogether the same quantity of impressed motion , and preserves it intire . XXVIII . There is no intrinsecal gravity in Bodies . No more can the activity of Matter be any better defended by the objected gravity of Bodies , since it is an absurd thing to imagin that there is inbred gravity in Terrestrial Bodies , by which they are carried downward to the Earth , or have an inclination to be so carried ; for thus to imagin what is it else , but to impute Intellect or Understanding , to things meerly passive , and to attribute to them the Actions of the Will ? For in truth , there is nothing else to be understood by Gravity , but that the Subtile Matter interposed between us and the Orb of the Moon , and by a most swift motion roll'd about the Mass of the Earth , drives all Bodies towards the Center , and denies them any abode in the Higher Regions ; so that could the force of this most fluid Liquor be taken away or removed ; no Body would be heavy , and a Stone placed in the middle of the Air , would hang there and remain in that suspended posture , and never slide downward , unless that subtile Agent were at hand to drive it down towards the Earth : No Body therefore is mov'd by it self , but must be said rather to Suffer than to Act , till such time as it is forced to remove from place to place . XXIX . Parts in Matter ▪ whether Homogeneous or Heterogeneous , cannot move themselves . This also will appear more plainly , if we consider the parts of which a Material Substance consists ; whether they be Homogeneous or Heterogeneous : For if they be supposed to be Homogeneous , and to be all moved immediately by themselves ; in all probability they could never rest , or be so compact one with another , as to keep together , and compose those Bodies which daily appear to our Eyes ; because whereas such a motion is innate to the parts of Matter , and must necessarily flow from them , they could not possibly coalesce , but would remain distinct from each other , and refuse all consistence : Otherwise if they were able to abstain from that motion , and at their pleasure compose themselves to rest , what could we do less than set them free , and acknowledge that things inanimate are indued with Counsel and Deliberation ? But if the parts of which this Material Substance is compil'd , be Heterogeneous , and some of them be active , as GASSENDUS thinks possible , and others stiff and void of all capacity of moving , no less confusion would arise in the World from this position of Parts , than if all Parts were indued with the capacity of moving , in regard that when those which are invested with this Power , cannot but impel their neighbouring Parts , and those so impelled cannot lay aside their borrowed motion , unless by imparting it to other contiguous and less agitated ; nor these last lose any thing of their celerity , since it is inbred in them and unchangeable ; it follows that the whole Frame and Machin of the World would be immediately shattered , not the last particle thereof ceasing from motion ; whence the Famous Dr. MORE in his Exchiridion Metaphysicum , altho' he generally makes it his business to oppose the Doctrin of DESCARTES , yet in this Foundation of Physicks , he is forc'd to subscribe to his Opinion , whilst he thus defines a Body in general , a Body , saith he , is a Material Substance altogether of it self destitute of Life and all manner of Motion : Or thus , Body is a Material Substance incorporated into one by an External Power , and by the same manner participating Life and Motion ; by which words this most Eminent Person gives to understand , that Matter of it self is altogether a Slug and void of Action . XXX . As Matter is void of Motion , so its uncapable of Perception . It having been thus demonstrated , that Corporeal Things are not indued with any moving Power , and consequently that their motion must proceed from elsewhere : It will be no difficult matter now to evince that they are also destitute of Cognition , and can by no manner of Right aspire to any kind of Thought or Imagination . For what affinity can Extension have with Perception ? What acquaintance can there be between Mind and Body , except that both are equally subjected to the same Genus or Kind , namely , Substance , and each of them equally called Ens per Se ? But it is sufficiently known among Logicians , that the Species of any Supream Genus do not agree , except in the Essential Attributes of the same kind , otherwise they would not deserve to be called the Principal Species thereof ; and that highest Genus would more properly be called an Interjected Genus , dividing those Species from another Superiour Genus . But Substance is the Supreme Genus , and its immediate Species are Body and Spirit , so that they cannot agree except in the Essential Attributes of Substance ▪ such as are Ens per Se , &c. But of the number of these , neither Perception nor Extension are to be reckoned , since there are some Substances which perceive not , and others which are not extended ; so that Cogitation and Extension belong not to Substance in general . Now to proceed a little further ; That which appears only in Essential Attributes , ought to be differenc'd from all others ; but Mind and Body agree not , except in Essential Attributes ; therefore Mind and Body differ from all the rest , and are opposed to them in those things which have not an ingress into the Nature of Substance : For it implies a contradiction , that two things should be united in that very particular wherein they differ and contract an association by that wherein their opposition formally consists . XXXI . Cogitation cannot belong to Extension , neither as an Essential Part , nor as a Propriety or Mode . To this Ratiocination no small light will accrew , if it be demonstrated that Cogitation can by no means consist with Extension , and that in this manner : If Percep●ion may be attributed to Extension , it belongs to it as a thing constituting its Essence ; or as a Propriety which accompanies its Essence ; or , lastly , as a Mode or Accident which denominates it : Cogitation cannot as an Essential Attribute , agree to Body , for then it would follow , that all Bodies are indued with Cogitation , and consequently that not only Brutes , but also Trees , Stones , Stocks , &c. are indued with Cognition . Not as a Propriety of Essence , in regard since Propriety is applicative , omni , soli , & semper , to every of the kind , to that kind alone , and always : It would thence follow that the perceptive faculty would belong to every material thing , and there would be no sort of Body , tho' never so contemptible , to which Cogitation might not be attributed . Lastly , Not as a Mode affecting the Substance , in regard such is the nature of Mode , that tho' a Subject may be understood without its Mode , yet on the contrary , Mode cannot without its Subject ; but we can clearly and distinctly apprehend Cogitation , at the same time secluding all Corporeal Substance , nay denying that there is any such thing in Rerum Natura . So that Cogitation cannot , as a Mode , be attributed to Matter , and consequently Cogitation is utterly a stranger to Material Substance . XXXII . Regius his Argument against the Premises . Some there be , who perhaps adhering to the Opinion of HENRICUS REGIUS will maintain that what we have said is only true , so long as no Existence yet appears ; but nothing less if it be supposed to be in Rerum Natura ; for then what should hinder but that it may be modified by Cogitation , and gain a new denomination by the presence thereof ? For altho' perchance one should know for certain , that he carries about him in his Purse the Effigies of Caesar , but knows not whether the Graving be in Gold , Silver , or other Metal , he may safely affirm that he hath Caesars Image , tho' no representation of Gold or other Metal occur to him at the same time . Nay , tho' a doubt should come into his Mind , whether any such thing as Metal be to be found in the World , yet nevertheless it cannot be thence inferred , that the Image of Caesar , and the Gold or Silver it is graven in , are two distinct things , tho' apart one may understand them to be so . In like manner , tho' one ▪ may possibly conceive Cogitation as a thing distinct from Body , yet we cannot rightly conclude that they are two Substances distinct from each other , induc'd only by this motive , that we can conceive them separately one from the other . XXXIII . Regius his Argument solved . But this or any such like example that may be brought by our Adversaries , is so far from favouring them , that it rather makes against them , and strengthens our Assertion ; forasmuch as not Gold , or any other Metal is the Primary Subject of Caesars Effigies , but Extension ; that is to say , that the Gold in which Caesars Effigies is Graven , is not therefore susceptive of that Image , because it is the Nature of that Metal to be so ; for then Images could be made of Gold only , and no other Metal , but because Gold is a Material Substance , that is , a thing extended , and in which the Images of any Men may be impressed or drawn . On the contrary , this Example makes on our ●ide : For if upon this account , namely , because some one carries the Image of Caesar in his Purse , and considers the same in his Mind , he cannot therefore imagin that there is such a thing as Body in the World , and consequently that the said Image ought to be the Mode of the Body : I find not why by the same Reason we may not infer , that Cogitation belongs not to Body , or is not an Attribute thereof , since we can suppose , that there is no Body existing in Rerum Natura , at the same time that we perceive we think . It appears therefore manifest in the conception of Cogitation , that nothing of Matter is concerned therein ; and that Body whatsoever Figure it may receive , and howsoever agile , pure or subtile it may be supposed , cannot conduce any thing to Perception ; for if a Corporeal Thing be indowed with Perception , and apprehends Objects offered , what distinction will there be between Soul and Body ? After what manner will Animals differ from Men ? Ho● will Brutes be Brutes if they enjoy the use of Reason , and have the same Sense as we ; if in the same manner they Perceive , Imagin , Judge and Discourse ? In vain doubtless Men challenge to themselves Rationality , and boast of a Spiritual Soul , so long as there is allowed a Matter capable of those Functions which belong to Incorporeal Substances , and distinguish them from other things . XXXIV . Hobbes his Reason to prove Cogitation to be a continual Motion . But methinks I hear Mr. HOBBES crying out , that there is no necessity I should have recourse to an Immaterial Principle for the producing of Cogitation , since motion it self , or the reaction of one part of matter against the other , or at least a due continuation of the said reaction can as well effect the same . For who finds not in himself that the Head is heated , and that all parts of the Brain are disturbed and out of order , when a Man is excessively taken up with serious Contemplation , or very eagerly confines himself to his Study for a long continuance of time ? This certainly would not happen if Sensation or Perception were not the work of Matter , or proceeded not from the agitation and motion of its parts , which being granted , what should gainsay , but that the diversity of Cogitations may be allowed to arise from the diversity of the Reactions of Parts upon each other , namely , while they compress themselves divers ways , and react , and are as it were beaten back upon one another ? Whereupon such will be the Cogitation of every Particle as the motion produced therein , and as this or that pulsation or pressure shall happen among them . XXXV . Hobbes his Hypothesis examined and argued of Falsity . Mr. HOBBES would make out something by this Argument if he could , first so far bring us to his Opinion , as to believe that there is nothing substantial existing in the World but Matter , and that whatsoever is produc'd , is extensive and divisible . For when as it is certain that Men are indow'd with Perception , and receive impressions of External Things , from Organs destin'd by Nature ; were this Hypothesis granted , there could not in my judgment , be assigned a more proper cause of Perception , than Reaction of one part of Matter upon another , and variety of Motion excited therein : But whereas this Hypothesis is altogether false , and it is certain that this World contains something thing else besides a meer heap of Bodies , and that what is in no wise Corporeal makes up a great part thereof ; Mr. Hobbes must excuse me for being of a different Sentiment , and totally averse from his Opinion . For according to this Doctrin , what should hinder but that Animals not only laid asleep in their Dormitories , but even their very Carcases after the Vital Flame is extinct , may be said to be sensible , and to be indued with the power of Perceiving , when as they are then no less capable of Reactions and susceptible of Corporeal Impressions . What should hinder but that the Eye of a dead Ox may be affirmed to see and perceive Objects , being so let in at the Casement of a Window , that the fore part thereof may look towards the Floor and several Objects illuminated by the Sun ; and the hinder part the innermost recess , which being all dark , must admit of no other Light but what enters by the Eye , all the Tunicles being taken away at the bottom , and to hinder the humour from falling , an Egg-shell , or some other white Body applied , by which at the same time one may behold the Image of External Objects no less distinctly formed therein , than they are form'd upon the retin Tunicle of a living Animal , especially if it be prest somewhat more or less , according to the distance . Well may the Head ake in serious Meditations , and some parts of the Brain be in an extraordinary manner disturbed , in regard such sort of local motions do only denote that the Mind , so long as it is tied to the Body , depends upon certain motions of the Body ; and that the action of the Body intervenes our sensations . So that to make us sensible , it must be required that an Organ of some one of our Senses be disposed in some such certain way as cannot be done without motion : For there is a great difference between that which in our sensations hath reference to the Body , and that which belongs to the Mind . Motion indeed impresses an External Object , and the mutation of an Organ and of the Brain relate to Body , but that comprehends no Perception , because that Perception consists not in motion , nor in reaction , nor in impression of Species , but in the conscientiousness or internal Cognition , which of our selves we immediately perceive , when we are conscious of those things which we do , or which are performed in us : But since such a Conscientiousness is something altogether distinct from local Motion , the Essence of Cogitation cannot consist in local motion . XXXVI . Not the parts of Matter , nor the whole , consisting of those , can be capable of Cognition . But let us examin a little more closely the Nature of Matter , and divide it into Monades or the most Minute Physical Particles . Next I inquire whether each of these Monades , separate from each other , can perceive , or are capable of Sense , or the whole Composition only resulting from them ? I cannot suppose any one so much a friend to Atoms , as to attribute intelligence to any one single Atom ; for who can be so stupid as to believe that the least particle of Matter imaginable , can be indued with Sense , and perceive , and think upon impressions of Objects coming from without ; but if the whole , consisting only of these Monades , perceives , and is indued with Intelligence , by what means , or by what artifice can it be brought to pass , that of things insensible , a thing capable of Sense should arise ? How from the various coition of Atoms , which are void of all quality , an Animal Cogitant , that is , Seeing , Hearing , Perceiving , &c. can result ? It is most evident that if when the Flesh is prick'd with a Needle , one Atom feels it not , two , three , four or more will never feel , no more than if an incision were made into the sides of a mass of Adamants , or other invulnerable things . And as Fingers connext , are separated without pain , so it is most evident that Atoms only conjoined with one another , may be divided without any sense of Pain : And for the better confirmation of this matter , we have Plotinus concurring in a high degree : If any one , saith he , shall affirm that the concurrent Atoms make a Soul , he is refuted by the consention of Passion , and the copulation of Nature ; forasmuch as a thing cannot intirely be one and compatient of Bodies not patient , nor admitting any union , and yet the Soul may be altogether compatient to it self . XXXVII . How a thing sensible , according to Gassendus , may be made of insensible things . The most Famous GASSENDUS , following Epicurus in this matter , answers , that one Atom is indeed void of Sense , but that nothing hinders but that Nature commixt after a certain manner , of many Atoms , may be capable of Alteration and Sense , and consequently that it is no wonder if a heap of Adamants , and such like Materials is not sensible , in regard it is not so composed , nor consists of parts so affected as to obtain the power of being sensible ; for he is of opinion , that sensible and insensible differ not much otherwise from one another , than a thing kindled and unkindled ; and as we see , saith he , a stick of Wood lighted by a Torch , and a Flame created in a new Subject : So what hinders but that a sensible thing may be made of insensibles , and that from dead things , as I may say , living may arise ? For as Lucretius saith , as Living Flesh is formed of Bread or Herbs , which are insensible ; and as from insensible Wood , certain particles may be produc'd , which so long as they are infixt into the substance of the Wood , remain unmoved , and as it were stupid and benum'd ; but upon the approach of Fire to them , are streightway roused and put into motion ; and being thus disposed into a new way of proceeding , they become invested with a power of giving Light and Warmth : So it is to be understood that the Fiery Particles , so long as they are divided , and lie skulking as it were in the Bowels of Matter , are quite destitute of Sense ; but when once they expand themselves , and rally into a state of motion , they agitate , vegitate and animate what ever Body falls to their Province , and impart Sense and Perception to it . XXXVIII . It is repugnant to Reason , that Sense should arise out of Insensible things . Altho' we should willingly yeild to GASSENDUS in what he asserts , and gran● that the Soul is kindled in the Body like Fire ; and that the Sense is that part thereof by which it is distinguished from other insensible things , yet still there would be no less difficulty to apprehend how it should come to pass , that since the Atoms of Fire or Flame , being divided from each other , do not perceive , or are sensible they should obtain the faculty of being sensible , or perceiving , when they come into conjunction , and are as it were associated and link'd together . For the grand Quaere will still be , by what way , or after what manner , out of those mixt Monades , Perception should arise , and from their union so great a power should accrew , that those things which before were insensible , should be rendred sensible . Here GASSENDUS is at a stand , and ingenuously confesseth that he cannot conceive , how a thing wanting Sense should , being mixt with others , procure sensation , and give that perception to others , of which it is destitute it self . Indeed , saith he , we must confess there is little hope of appearance how this thing can be manifested , since either we are altogether deceived , or all human Wit is wholly at a loss to comprehend what the Contexture or Contemperation should be either of this Flame to entitle it to be thought the Soul or Principle of Sense , or of that part or Organ , which being animated and vegitated , the Soul makes use of to perceive by . True it is , that a little after he brings certain Examples to make out the progress , by which sensible things may arise out of insensible ; first by the Fruits of Trees , which of sour , become sweet ; of unsmelling , odoriferous ; of green , yellow ; in a space of time so imperceptible , that at the beginning nothing of that quality which succeeds can be discerned ; and for the most part toward the end , nothing of that which was at the beginning ; by which he labours to insinuate , that in the like progress of time , that is imperceptible , a thing insensible becomes sensible and perceptive , which was at first void of Cognition . XXXIX . Gassendus his Examples prove not that a thing Sensible can be made of Insensible . But these Examples of GASSENDUS signifie little , for it is easie to be understood , that Fruit whilst it is ripening changes its Savour , and that that which was sour becomes sweet , namely , because the Juice , subdued by the adjutant Heat is refined , concocted , and strained , by which action the rough Particles breaking forth , the digested humour remains , which gratifies the taste , and produces a grateful savour ; and for the Colour we may eaeasily enough apprehend how the Fruit changes , and laying aside its Green Colour puts on a Yellow , that is to say , while the Fruits are ripening , the percolation is perfected , the parts subdued , the juice purified , which swells , froths and ferments ; all which things , since they cannot be without transposition of the parts , the colour also consequently must needs be changed , and its aspect affect the Eyes in another manner than formerly . But we can by no means conceive that many Atoms joined together can beget Perception , and that from their various Perception a Sensitive Faculty should arise . For since Consciousness , as hath been before observed , is included in Cognition and Sensation , the Atoms or Monades of Matter cannot obtain such a Disposition , or so enter into an Association one with another , as to produce that affection in the Body , as being proper to Immaterial Substance alone , and inseparable from it . XL. Cogitation can no w●● belong to a Corporeal Soul. Besides , it is very difficult to be understood how Cogitation can be received into that Corporeal Soul which they call Igneous ; for either Cogitation is received whole , in the whole Matter , or whole in several Monades or small Particles : Or lastly , The several parts of Perceptions are in the several parts of the Matter . If the whole Matter , that is , the Soul of the Brute , admits the species of an Object , it appears not how the Senses can be distinguish'd in it , since each of the Monades must supply the place of a Sensorium , and the emitted Species be promiscuously effused ; for how shall the Ear be deputed for the receiving of sounds , rather than the Eye , if in the whole Soul this sensation be received , and every particle thereof hears , and is smitten with the undulation of the Air ? Why should the Eye rather than the Nose be assigned the Organ for the discovery of Objects without , if the whole Soul by a very swift perception apprehend things far distant , and in every point thereof the species of things be represented ? And so in like manner of other Senses . But if the several parts admit the whole Image of the Object , one point of the percipient must needs behold innumerable Species of one and the same Object , and equal that Object by which it is exceeded almost an infinite number of Senses , which I think no Man in his right Senses will allow . For how can it possibly be imagined , that one Physical Monade , which is taken for granted to be the least particle of Matter , should receive the whole Image of any expanded Object , or variously tincted Colour ? If lastly each part , of Matter answer to each part of Perception , the whole Object can never be discerned , in regard when each of the parts of the Percipient only admits each of the parts of the objected Image , there will remain nothing which can perceive the whole Object , and make the judgment thereof , no more than if three Musicians , singing a Song of three parts were intent each upon his own part only , any of them could hear the part of the other , or be able to judge of the whole Symphony . XLI . If Brutes perceive , how are Men distinguish'd from them ? The Idea's therefore of Perception and Extension are wholly disjunct , so that neither Perception can be the attribute of a thing extended , nor on the contrary Extension of a thing perceiving ; neither doth it any way make for those who believe that our Souls die with our Bodies ; forasmuch as if we grant Cogitation to Beasts in like manner as to Men , certainly we must needs determine that our Souls are different from the forms of Animals , not so much in Species and Nature , as in Degree and Perfection ; for if they can remember things past , perceive things present , and provide against things to come , and propose an end to themselves , I see not what is left for Man , whereby he can have any praeeminence over Beasts , except perhaps that he performs the Functions with greater ease , and in a far more excellent manner ; so that it is to be feared , if we should attribute to Beasts an intellectual Memory , and a proposal of an end to any thing they do , and a certain reflexion upon any of their own actions , it would arm the Impious against the immortality of a Rational Soul. XLII . God concreate Machins which may imitate the actions of ●rutes . Now therefore that it is apparent and confirmed by divers Arguments , that Matter cannot be a principle of Motion , and that it is of so obtuse a Nature , that it cannot be conscious of any thing it suffers , or be able any manner of way to perceive any thing ; who can be so bold as to deny that the Great Creator of all things , upon whose beck all Created Beings do depend , could have framed such sort of Machins as might resemble the same motions , and exert all manner of actions exactly like those which we see performed in Brute Animals ? That GOD is able to frame such Machins is confessed by all Men , and paticularly is clearly maintained and proved by the wise and learned St. Austin , in his 102 d. Epistle in these words , I wonder you should believe that the ●ound of the Voice , which said , Thou art my Son , could be so uttered by a Corporeal Nature only , without the mediation of Human Thought , and only by Divine Instinct ; and not conclude at the same time , that the Corporeal Species of any Animal whatsoever might not be made in the same manner , as likewise a motion like to that of a Living Creature , by Divine Will , without the interposition of any Animal Spirit : For if every Corporeal Creature be at GOD's command without the Ministery of a Life-giving Soul , so far as that such sounds may be uttered as come from an Animate Body , and by which a● articulate form of speaking may be conveyed to the Ear ; why may not the like obsequiousness be shewn in this , that without the Ministry of a Life-giving Soul , a Figure and swift Motion , may by the same power of the Creator , be conveyed to the sight ? I will not here repeat what I quoted in the Preface concerning a Machin which carried Letters to the King of Morocco . Who can but admire that a portable Dyal or Watch , should by a certain figure of parts , disposition of Wheels , Spring or elastick Force of Steel , measure the times , and declare to the least part of a Minute all the Hours of the Day and Night ? Who without wonder and astonishment can think of that Machin which Sir Kenelm Digby affirms he saw in the Mint of Segovia in Spain , which was contrived with that Artifice , that every part thereof had its various Offices , and was assigned for its proper Action . One part extends into its due latitude , the Mass of Gold or Silver , and gives it that thickness which the Coin requires ; the next to this shapes the Plate so distended , and designs the Stamp ; and having so done , transmits it thus stampt to another , from which it receives its Weight and due Figure according to the Stamp imprest upon it . At length the Coin thus perfected , is conveyed into a receptacle built for that purpose , where he , whose Office it is to collect and keep the same , finds all the Mony ready prepared to his Hand . Who could be otherwise than highly astonished that had seen Daedalus his Wooden Venus , which with Rowling Eyes seem'd to look upon , and take a perfect view of all Sp●ctators , and likewise to move up and down with her Feet , and exactly to imitate all the actions of a Woman , so that she might be judged by all to be a Living Creature , and to have a free faculty of moving from place to place ? XLIII . Several Machins made by Man to imitate the motions and actions of Brutes . Who can but wonder that hears of the Wooden Pigeon of Archytas the Tarentin , which having Wings set on it , flew up and down like a Living Bird ? No less an object of wonder was that Statue of a Man , framed by Albertus Magnus , which moved up and down with distinct Steps and Paces , and uttered Words as articulate as any Human Voice could utter . Most wonderful also is that which Historians report of the Norimberg Eagle , which was so framed by Athanasius Kircher , that it flew to meet the Emperor Maximilian , and hovering with its Wings over his Head , accompanied him all the way in his return to the City . To conclude , the Statue must not be forgotten , which being made by an Ancient Artist , and set upon a high Mountain , saluted the Sun each Morning at his Rising with a Hymn , composed in exact musical Harmony . Yet no Man can be so foolish as to imagin , that in such like Machins , there is any Soul or Cognition required for the performance of all these things ; but on the contrary must of necessity acknowledge , that all operations of this Nature proceed from Figure , Order , and a certain magnitude of Parts . Why may we not therefore conclude the same thing of Animals , since all their parts may be so fitted and connected that the same circuit of Blood , the same vigour of Spirits may actuate them , as we find to be in a Living Dog , since those various movements , fram'd by Human Industry , are effected by the help of little Wheels and other Instruments , which are but very few in comparison of the almost infinite multitude of Bones , Muscles , Nerves , Arteries , Veins , and other Organick Parts which are in the Body of every Animal ? And therefore no wonder if this sort of Machin have more admirable motions than any that can possibly be made by Human Art. XLIV . The comparison of a Living Dog with the Automata made by Art. But to make out more clearly the similitude between these Antomata made by the Hands of an Artist , and real Auimals : Let it be supposed that GOD should compose a Machin exactly imitating the Actions and Passions , for Example , of a Dog , and place it among other Dogs , by what ways and evidences should we be able to discover the true Dog , whose movements are thought to be effected by Cognition and Design , from the Machin , whose motions and actions are all produc'd by the disposition only of its Organs , and the impulsation of Objects ? Certainly I think no manner of ways , for that there might be justly as●igned to both a like force , like Ingenuity , and an equal faculty of Acting , Moving and Thinking . Now to make the matter a little more manifest , let us take into examination what that Mans judgment would be , who should live confined in a desert Island , and being barred from the sight of all Animals which we call Brutes , should through the whole course of his life , see no other Creature but Man , and who at the same time should be addicted to Mechanick Arts , and to imploy his time wholly in the making of these Automata , or at least to be conversant with those who made it their business to frame Machinaments of divers sorts ; as of Man , Horse , Bird , &c. Let us also suppose that these Automata did not only go up and down , eat , breath , &c. but also so far imitate all the motions of Animals as to represent their ●erfect Species , in so much that upon a blow given , they should set up a Cry , and with great noise and tumult betake themselves to their Feet ; nay more , should come when they were called ; in a word , should do all things which Men are wont to do when they are hurried with passions , and wreath themselves into various motions : Undoubtedly this Man , setting aside all ambiguity , and uncertainty of Mind , would judge such sort of Machins to be real Animals , and that they live , move , act , desire , think and know as we do . As a certain Prince of the Chineses , when he first saw a WATCH , judged it indued , not only with Life , but also with Sense and Reason , in regard of the constancy of the motions which he observed in it , till upon the opening of the Watch , the sight of the Wheels wound up into motion , discovered the Artifice , and awakened him out of the error he had entertain'd . XLV . Whether these Machins can be called Animals . It will be doubtless replied to all this , that should GOD frame Machins to move thus by Springs , however they could not be called Animals , since an Animal is not a thing which meerly moves and makes a noise , for so a Machin may easily be made to do , but that it is in the nature of an Animal to be sensible , and to perform all its motions by a vital and internal Principle , which hath the faculty of perceiving and being sensible , which Properties can never be allowed to a Machin . But the grand matter in dispute is , whether it be in the Nature of Animals which have not a Spiritual Soul , to think and perceive , and we say no : And that all we observe of Beasts is , that they are but Corporeal Movements , and so a Machin may be ; so that to say that these Movements proceed from a principle which perceives and is sensible , is to Divine . Moreover it is impossible they should act in such a manner , at least so far as to be allowed Souls wholly spiritual as the Soul of Man is . XLVI . The Error of those , who from the external form of the Members of Brutes , imagin they are indued with Cognition like us . Hence we may see how gross their Error is , who observing that the Members of Brutes differ not from ours in the external form , and that their motions are like to our motions , presently infer that the same principle is common to both , and consequently that there is a Soul in us which produceth these effects , and which imparts motion to the Body , and is indowed with the faculty of thinking ; so that there must needs be a Soul in Animals which executes the like offices , or which actuates their Members , and is a principle of Cognition in them : For say they , it is not to be doubted , but that there is great affinity between divers actions of Animals , which gives the youngest capacity occasion to judge that they perform their actions in like manner as we do , and by the means of the Soul , have passions alike ; that they have an Appetite to things agreeable to them , and an aversion to things disagreeable ; that they delight in some Images of Objects , and dread the sight of others : But the truth is , if we come to a strict examination of the matter , and inquire throughly what that is which we make the principle of Animal Functions , it will evidently appear , that we are led out of the way by a meer Childish prejudice , and that we are prepossest with this Opinion , only by a natural and unthinking apprehension of things ; for if these sort● of Machinaments were set before our Eyes , we should find no footsteps of Reason in them , tho' never so much resembling the Species of a Dog or a Horse , or should imitate all their actions ; and hence it is to be concluded , that Animals are indeed nothing but meer Machins , destitute of all Cognition and Sense . XLVII . What difference is between Men and Brutes . Why may not , you will say , the same judgment be given of Machins , representing our Bodies , since those also imitate Human Actions , and have motions as like as may be , to ours ; and consequently as we infer that Machins like to Animals are void of Cognition , since we see the same or the like Actions in the Automata which are framed after their Species : By the same Argument is might be inferred , that Men also are destitute of Cognition , because their motions are altogether like to those in the Machinaments , as to the external Figure , and it is apparent that Apes have all those which appear in Men. To this I answer , that tho' those Automata represent the Figure of Men , and imitate as much as morally can be all our Actions , yet they are to be discerned from real Men two manner of ways ; First , because they could never be indued with the faculty of speaking , so as to express their thoughts by words or signs , or to answer appositely to those things of which they might be interrogated , as Men in discourse use to ; who by certain signs open their Mind to others , and discover the secrets of their Hearts : For tho' we may fancy a Machin made with that Artifice , as to utter , nay distinctly to pronounce certain words which may exactly answer the presentment of Objects , moving its external Organs ; as for example , if it should chance to be smitten in some one part , it may act what we mean , and if it be toucht in another part with a lighter Hand , it may say we favour it , and such like expressions ; yet never so as to adapt its words appositely , and in a proper stile , so as to answer congruously to all things that may be proposed to it ; as we find daily Men of the meanest capacity , and sometimes those hardly in their senses to do . The Second way is , that altho' the motions of such Machins are orderly , and sometimes also exceed the motions of the wisest of Men , yet in many things they err , and deviate most from us in those things wherein they should chiefly imitate us . Whence it is manifest , that those sort of Machins are not conducted by Reason , nor indued with Cognition , but impelled to these performances by the disposition of their Organs only . Whereas Men , tho' never so stupid , nay even sensless , are able to put divers words aptly together , and of them to compose an orderly Speech , whereby they can discover their thoughts , and declare what they design in their Minds . On the contrary no Animal is found so perfect , and born under so favourable a Star , that he can approach towards intelligence , or perform any thing that can come near it . All which happens to Beasts , not through the imbecillity of their Organs , nor through the defect , nor impotence of forming words ; forasmuch as we find by experience , that Magpies and Parrots are Loquacious , and utter human expression , yet cannot speak as we , that is , in such manner as that by uttering certain words , their answers can correspond to our interrogations , and manifest to us that they understand what they utter ; whereas daily experience informs , that Men deaf and dumb from their Birth , ( and doubtless such Men have a defect in the structure of their Organs more than Beasts ) yet in the same manner as we make use of signs ; nay , and by their own ingenuity find out some ways to make known their Conceptions , and discover what they have in their Minds to those with whom they converse ; which since Brute Animals cannot do , it is apparent that they are not only indued with a lesser power of Cognition , but are altogether void of Reason ; and that they not only want Human Cognition , but are also destitute of whatever other way can be thought on to express themselves ; in a word , that they are Automata , and act not by Choice , but by meer impulse : And here we are given to understand , how vain the Opinion is of some certain People of the East-Indies , who think that Apes and Baboons , which are with them in great numbers , are indued with understanding , and that they can speak but will not for fear they should be imployed , and set to work . XLVIII . The Brutes cannot discover their thoughts by any signs . But that Brute Animals are indued with no Cognition , may easily be demonstrated ; for if they could discover to us their Cognition by any signs , they must of necessity do it by Speech , or by some other notes , accommodated to whatsoever obvious Object , as namely , variations of their voice , or some other Actions of their Body , which should be concluded on as signs of their Cogitations , and such signs as should not only signifie naturally , but by design . But since we can apprehend no such signs in Brute Animals , and observe in them only natural signs of their Passions , and no moral or designed marks can be discerned in them ; we may boldly conclude that Beasts are not indued with any faculty of thinking . Now the Reasons which induce me to assert , that there are no designed hints in Beasts to be discerned , are especially two . The first is , because intimations by design , when they depend only upon the will and pleasure of the thing thinking , and borrow their efficacy from the will thereof ; it seems morally impossible but that they must be various according to the diversity of Times , Places and Persons concern'd , in regard the Cognitions and Aims of the thing thinking , can have no necessary connexion with the actions with which they correspond . The second is , that if the Clocking of a Hen , upon notice of a Kite's lying in watch for her Chickens , or the Outc●y of any other Animal were plainly by design ; it would be impossible for the Chickens or Young ones , ever to understand such sort of sounds which are uttered at pleasure , and according to the humour of the Animals that uttered them : For tho' the Young Ones of the Swallows mentioned by Gassendus upon the hearing of I know not what noise of the Old Ones , presently fled away , and leaving the Tree , where they neasted , followed the tract of their Parents : For so this Eminent Person relates , viz. that walking alone in the High-way , and passing unde a low Bough of a Holm Tree , he spied three young Swallows , who sitting upon the said Bough as he passed by , could not choose but see him , yet never stirr'd or offer'd to flie away ; whereupon passing by the third time , he reached out his Hand , as it were to take them , yet still they remained immoveable , no sign being given to prepare for flight ; but when the two Old Ones came to the place , and uttered I know not what kind of murmuring tone , they fled in an instant , and with a swift Wing betook themselves to the Air. If this chattring were design'd , how could the Young Ones , being not long hatch'd , know it ? Nay , which is more , and which exceeds all belief , how comes it that Chickens newly broke out of their Shells , and other Animals newly yeaned from their Dams , send forth sounds always alike , and imitate the Speech , as I may so say , of their Parents ? These things sufficiently declare that these sort of voices are inbred , and that they are taught by nature to signifie and discover their Affections by certain signs . XLIX . There are in Man two principles of motion , Mechanical and Spiritual . Hence , as I said before , may be gathered how grosly those Persons are deceived , who , because they observe in Brutes , Motions like to those in Man , and Organs also alike , perswade themselves , that there is the same principle of motion in them as in us , and that they proceed alike in both from the Soul ; so that there must be a like Soul assigned to Brutes , upon which their motions depend : Contrary to whom we plainly discern that there are in us two Principles of our motions viz. one mechanical and Corporeal , which depends only upon the disposition of the Organs , and a continual afflux of Animal Spirits ; forasmuch as the Essence of the sensitive Soul consists only in the motive Power . Another spiritual and incorporeal , namely the Mind or the Soul , which we have formerly defin'd to be a thinking Substance , by reason that all its Nature and Property is placed in Cogitation . We have concluded that all motions as well in us as in Brute Animals , may flow from a mechanical and corporeal Principle , and consequently that there is no necessity to imagin any Soul in Brutes , besides the force of spirits and conformity of members . L. All motions in all Animals are explicated by a Mechanick Principle . The thing will more evidently appear , if we briefly , and as it were in transitu make out that all motions in Man are mechanically effected , that is , without any impulse of the Soul , but only by the help of Organs and Instruments , as may be performed in a Machin , which the more happily to go through with , it will not be amiss to begin from the motion of the Blood , because on the circulation thereof depends the animal Life , which upon the ceasing of the said circulation is extinguish'd . LI. The motion of the Heart is performed without the help of the Soul. Suppose therefore according to DESCARTES , that in the Heart of the Soul there is a fire , not lucid , but as it were occult , and not much unlike that which is kindled in Aqua-fortis by throwing a sufficient quantity of pulverised Steel , or which is to be observed in fermentations , or as some of the Moderns will have it , that a certain heat is excited by the help of the Blood in the Heart , not much different from that which ariseth from the mixture of Oil of Tartar and Oil of Vitriol . But from whatever cause this heat of the Heart proceeds , whether from some external calidity , or from some corrosive Salts or sulphureous mixtures acting mutually upon each other ; or lastly from the Blood , continually circulating through it : Certain it is , that the Blood impregnated with heat , must needs be dilated , and affect a larger place . For the nature of heat consists in motion ; and its chief property is to expand those Bodies in which it is predominant , and to augment their bulk by division of parts : As appears in Milk , Oil and other Liquors , which being held to the Fire grow turgid by degrees , and are inlarged by the conceived Fervour ; So that when by this latent Fire the Blood wherewith the cavities of the Heart are filled , becomes extended , and is necessitated to possess a greater space , it must pass from the right Cavity into the Vena Arteriosa , and from the left into the Great Artery , because these two Vessels are alway filled with Blood ; and their Orifices which are toward the Heart cannot be closed up . This evacuation being made , however the motion of the Heart never the more ceases , by reason that the Blood , which had been rarefied in both Ventricles of the Heart being broke out through the Vena Arteriosa , and the Aorta , that little Blood which still remains in those Cavities , and that which being new , slides into the said Auricles of the Heart , are like the foresaid Liquors , of which one supplies the place of a ferment to dilate and heat the other , and this is the only thing which gives motion to the Heart , and causeth it incessantly to flow , and with wonderful swiftness to be diffused through the whole Body . LII . By the same Mechanick Operation the Blood circulates through the whole Body . But that we may the more easily conceive after what manner this Motion perseveres , and how the Blood , during Life , is carried from the Heart into the Arteries , and from them into the Veins , we must imagin that as often as the Vena Arteriosa receives the Blood just dilated in the right Ventricle , that very Blood propels other Blood with which it had been repleted before , and causeth it to exonerate it self of a part great thereof , and transmits it into the Arteria Venosa into which it flows , not only through those Anastomoses , which are discerned by the Eye , but also through infinite other Spiracles which are in the extremeties of the Branches of the Vena Arteriosa , and which meet in the extremities of the Branches of the Arteria Venosa . It may at the same time be imagined , that as often as the Aorta draws the Blood , which a little before dilated it self in the left Cavity of the Heart , that Blood thrusts forward other Blood contained in that Cavity , and compels it to free it self from that burthen , by driving it into the Branches of the Vena Cava into which it penetrates , not only by sensible Anastomoses , but also by innumerable other passages , which are invisible to our Eyes . From such a disposition of the Vessels which contain the Blood , it necessarily follows , that the whole mass of Blood flows about the whole Body , and still returning to the Heart , from which , as from its original Fountain it first sprung , is agitated and forc'd to move in a perpetual Round . For the Arteries and Veins of the Body are like Rivulets , through which the Blood incessantly , and with wonderful speed flows , taking its course from the Veins into the Arteries through the Ventricles of the Heart as in Animals , yet living , is manifestly seen ; forasmuch as upon the cutting of a Vein , the Blood flows out in an intire Body , and the Veins by degrees become lank , that is to say , the Liquor being let out wherewith they before swell'd . The Blood therefore being impell'd from the extreme parts of the Body towards the Heart , flows through the Vena Cava into the right Lobe of the Heart , and then into the Arteria Magna , which drives it upwards , downwards and sideways into the Great Veins , thence into the lesser , and oftentimes into the very substance of the Flesh , in regard the Branches of the Arteria Magna , being dispersed through the whole Body , are knit to the Branches of the Vena Cava ; which at length carry the same Blood into the right Ventricle of the Heart , in order to begin a new Circuit . LIII . Whence ariseth the Pulse of the Heart and Arteries . Upon this continual Circuit of the Blood depends the Pulse of the Heart and Arteries ; for since these two are no other than a Species of alteration which is perform'd by turns , and in such a measure that the Pulses of the Arteries answer to the Pulses of the Heart ; it may be easily concluded , that those motions proceed both from the same principle , and consequently that that principle is no other than the very Alteration which the Blood undergoes in the Heart . Wherefore it is most rational to believe , that as often as any portion of the Blood falls into the two Cavities of the Heart , it mingles it self with another portion , which was there remaining before ; which filling the inmost recesses of the Ventricles of the Heart , gains there a new degree of heat , and as hath been already hinted , gains a certain nature , as it were , of a Ferment ; whence it comes to pass , that the substance of the Heart is forced to dilate and extend it self . Afterwards a greater portion , which was included in those Cavities , breaking forth through the Aorta and Vena Arteriosa , the Heart falls in and stretches its Longitude . And in this perpetual mutation of the Figure of the Heart its motion consists . The Diastole or Dilatation of it is when the Blood being rarefied within its Ventricles , the Mucro or point is drawn in towards the Base ; the Systole or Contraction is , when the Blood being expelled , the Heart falls in , and comes to its proper shape ; for the Diastole and Systole of the Heart are no other than its Intumescence and Subsidence , that is to say , as the Blood by turns thrusts forward and retires , the Heart alternately swells , and is deprest . LIV. Upon the motion of the Heart depends the Pulse of the Arteries . The Pulse of the Arteries follows the motion of the Heart , and consists chiefly in this , that by the Blood dilated in the Heart , and insinuating by a motion of Vibration through their Tunicles , they become inflate , as may be experimented in opening the Breast of an Animal , yet respiring and labouring for Life ; for at the same instant wherein the Finger put to the Artery is impell'd , the Mucro or Point of the Heart is withdrawn to the Basis , and its Flaccid sides which are toward the right and left Ribs , are lifted up towards the Midiastin-wall of the Heart ; and the side of the Heart which is directed towards the Stern , is totally , but especially at the Basis erected , and so the Heart is sensibly inflate and extended , beats the Breast , and begets a sensible Pulse ; but the Arteries abate of their swelling whilest the force of the Blood is remitted , that is , some part of its agitation being lost , because then the Arteries sink and return to their pristin state , which may be discerned in the Breast of an Animal yet breathing , and especially being near the last gasp ; for at the same moment in which the Artery ceaseth from its impulse , the side of the Heart which is towards the Stern appears to sink , and all its substance to become soft and flaccid , from whence it is apparent , that the circulation of the Blood is attendant upon the motions of the Arteries , and that this motion is reiterated as often as new Blood makes its ingress into the Heart , and is varied according to the diversity of qualities found in the Blood , which render it susceptive of a quicker or slower motion . LV. That the Animal Life , as also the concoction of Meats depends upon a Principle only Corporeal . If the Animal Life depend upon a Mechanick Principle , if the motion of the Heart , the pulsation of the Arteries , the flux of the Blood , and its circuit through the whole Body proceed from a corporal and mechanick Cause only , what hinders but all other motions , for example , the Concoction of Meats , Nutrition , Respiration , and the like , may be attributed to the same Principle ; when as we see that all these things , without any of our Labour , and even Sleep , are performed by the Functions of the Soul , and require no immaterial Cause to their assistance ? For what is there of the Mind or of Spiritual Substance that intervenes in the business of Chylification , whether in the first or second Concoction of the Aliment ? What happens in Meat converted into Chyle , which may not be performed by conformation of the Members ? The Meat well chewed and macerated by the Spittle , is conveyed into the Stomach ; by whose means ? Certainly by no other means but of the Tongue , and the Oesophagus or Wind-pipe ; the first of which having turned the Meat up and down some time in the Mouth , and being as it were the Hand of the Ventricle , commits it to the Mouth of the Oesophagus , and by a certain force casts it in ; the latter by the help of its Fibres , contracting it self after the manner of an Earthworm , swallows the ingested matter , and conveys it farther in ; but in regard the Meat is but lightly shred by the Teeth , and there ought to be a further dissolution of it in the Stomach , so as to reduce it into Chyle , there is an acid and piquant humour , which issuing out of the Arteries , slips into the Stomach , and finishes the work begun in the Mouth . For since there are many Branches of the Arteries , which terminate in the interiour superficies of the Ventricle , a great quantity of the foresaid humour distills through them , which being mingled with the Spittle wherewith the Meats are macerated , helps their digestion , and also brings it to perfection , the said Liquor being as it were a certain Species of Aqua-fortis , which getting in among the particles of the Meats , swallowed and eaten , help their dissolution , and makes a Chyle out of them . The Meats thus digested , slip towards the Intestines , where the Chymosis and Haematosis , or second and third Concoction may be said to be performed , because the Gall which flows into them , and which imparts a colour to the Meats as soon as ever they pass out of the Ventricle , puts the last hand , as we say , and brings to perfection that which only was begun by the foregoing Liquors . LVI . How Sanguification is made is made in the Body of any Animal . The Meat thus dissolved into Chyle , as soon as it hath gently and gradually flow'd through the Intestins , is pressed forth , and is conducted through the Lacteal Veins , which running out in small but almost innumerable Pipes , receive the Liquor as it grows white , and convey it into that which is called the Pecquetian Receptacle , so called , because Dr. John Pecquet in his Book which he wrote concerning this matter , challenges to himself the first invention of it ; from which Receptacle other Chyliferous Pipes arise , which proceeding directly upward through the Breast it self , conduct it onward to the Subclavian Branches of the Vena Cava : From whence the Chyle running at that very place into the decurrent Blood ; and being well mixt therewith , and passing through the Vena Cava , as well above as below , enters the Heart ; where by a fermentaceous effervescence there excited by the heat of the Heart , it changes its colour , namely , from White to Red , whence appears the falsity of that opinion received by the Antients , namely , that the Blood is wrought in the Liver , and that the Chyle is carried through the mesaraic Veins in the Mesenterium , so into the Vena Portae , and from thence into the concavity of the Liver , where it is peculiarly fermented , and as the Chymists call it , digested and separated from the admixed Choler , and turns into a Red Juice ; when as indeed no part of the Chyle at all arrives so near the Liver , as that it can thereby be changed into Blood : For how can it be , that the Liver should create Blood , and bring a redness upon the Chyle , when not the least part of the Chyle is ever conveyed thither , and it hath been sufficiently made out by innumerable diffections of Animals , that it passeth through the Subclavian Branches , and is by them infused through the shortest Trunk of the Vena Cava into the Heart . LVII . The Nutrition of Animals is made by the Circulating of the Blood through the whole Body . These things have undesignedly slipt my Pen , my intent being only in this Discourse to describe in a few words the Oeconomy of Animals , and to evince , that all the functions of the Body may be mechanically explained . Let us therefore follow the tract of the Blood , and go on according as we are led by the course thereof . The Blood being rarified in the Body , and going out with a force into the Arieries , it cannot be otherwise but that many particles thereof must make a stop in those members which they are nearest to , and there possess the place of some parts which they thence expel , and according to the figure , situation or exility of the Pores which they find , cause some parts rather than others to flow into certain places , in a manner not much unlike what we see done by some sort of Sieves , which in regard they are contrived with holes of a different kind of bore , serve to separate from each other Grains of Corn that are of various Species : or as the same Rain adapts it self to Plants of a different kind , and in Mustard , grows sour ; in Rue , bitter ; and in Liquorice , sweet ; so the Blood being diffused through the whole Body , transmutes it self into the substance of every part , and is dispens'd according to the diversity of their Pores , and agglutinated by a certain streight Union . I have said that the particles of the Blood stop in the members to which they are nearest , and possess the place of others which they thence expel , because it cannot be doubted , as experience teacheth us , but that there is a continual transpiration of sensible parts through the pores of the Body , and that some particles are ejected . For , if we consider the thing well , saith the Famous Glisson , in his Anatomy of the Liver , we breathe out almost as much again as we take in ; and when any one breathes upon a Looking glass , a little Cloud is left upon it in the nature of a balmy dew : And as to what concerns the other parts , if by the inner part of the Thumb a little warm , a Plate of Polish'd Silver or Pewter be touch'd , the Vapour thence breathing out , will presently leave a spot upon the Metal : And to him that considers well , that the same expiration is made from all parts of the Body , Sanctorius his Calculation will not seem much from the purpose , who upon trial made of his Observations in this matter , affirms , that of all we eat and take in , more than a half part is consumed by insensible Evaporations ; nay , and that as much of Aliment is voided in a day through the latent pores of the Skin , as by Stool in fifteen . LVIII Respiration is also Mechanically performed . With the same facility Respiration may be explicated , by the same principle ; forasmuch as the Chest being dilated by the help of the Muscles , and especially of the Diaphragma , the Lungs are inlarged or contracted , and by the means hereof we draw the Air , and immediately expel it again with the admixture of Vapours : For the Diaphragma is a certain Muscle dividing the Breast from the interiour Ventricle , of a singular Nature and Fabrick , and aptly framed both for self-motion , and for impelling the gristles of the Ribs to which it adheres ; whence upon its tending downward , the Air must of necessity enter the Lungs through the Trachea , or Aspera Arteria for the effecting of respiration ; but when the Diaphragma ascends upwards to recover its former situation , the Thorax or Chest is contracted , by which means the Lungs are prest , and expel through the Aspera Arteria , the Air contain'd and kept in ; and this is that which is called Expiration . Nor is it to be thought , as some will have it , that in Inspiration the Air enters into the Breast for fear of a Vacuum ; or that it penetrates into it spontaneously , and without any compulsion ; for this sort of attraction or spontaneous Ingress is a meer figment ; when as the motion of Bodies cannot be performed but by Pulsation ; for the external Air is brought into the Lungs for no other cause , but for that the Cavity of the Thorax is inlarged , and forcibly driven into the Breast , because when the nearest Air , the Breast being unfolded , is expell'd ; and because of its thickness , cannot plentifully and speedily enough enter it ; Nor , because of the subtile Matter intervening and dilating it , be condens'd , it follows that it must needs be driven through the Aspera Arteria into the Thorax , as we see daily in the blowing of a pair of Bellows , where the Air is propell'd into its cavity , while the sides are expanded , so that the Diaphragma is of all parts serving to respiration , the first mover ; and from whence , as from the Fountain , the motion of all those parts ariseth and depends : To believe which I am chiefly induc'd by this Reason , ( tho' I could produce many others of no less moment ) namely , that upon the opening of the Thorax , presently the Lobes of the Lung fall in , and for a little space are deprived of all motion , while at the same time the Diaphragma nevertheless intermits not its motion , but contracts and extends up and down , and attracts , as Gassendus calls it , and moves at once the Gristles , and the extreme part of the Spurious Ribs , to which it adheres : Whence it comes to pass , that the Air is attracted by a wound into the cavity of the Breast ; so that no wonder if , as the same Author relates , the Wound hath sometimes suck'd in a piece of Candle into it , as appears by the relation of Bonanus the Surgeon , who in curing an Empyema , near to the Diaphragma , when the better to make his inspection for the extracting of the putrid matter , he drew asunder the Orifices of the wound entring into the Breast , and bid the Servant hold a piece of a lighted Wax Candle ; the said Candle being not held very fast , was snatch'd away , and attracted into the Wound , and not till after eight days space , and the indurance of may grievous symptoms drawn out of the mouth of the wound with much ado ; so that by this we may plainly see that it is the Diaphragma , which alone contributes to our Natural Respiration , when asleep , or ceasing from pains and labour ; and that all the Muscles , whether of the Abdomen or others , do nothing but obey its motion ; whereas to a violent Respiration , and not Natural , and which at pleasure we hasten , retard , restrain , intend or remit , somewhat more than the Diaphragma must contribute ; since the Organs of voluntary motion are the Muscles , and consequently both the Diaphragma it self is concerned , as it is a kind of Muscle , and also other Muscles as they attract , lay open , press and urge divers parts to which the Diaphragma is tied , or is contiguous . LIX . That there are Animal Spirits , and of what parts a Muscle consists . Besides , the foresaid motions of Animals , whose Original and Causes have been already treated of , there is another called Muscular , to be made out ; namely , that which is performed by the influx of the Animal Spirits , and depends altogether upon their action : Which the more clearly and easily to do , we must suppose in the first place , that by the name of Animal Spirits , there is nothing else to be understood , but the more vivacious and refined parts of the Blood , which being strained as it were through a Sieve , through the Branches of the Arteries called Carotides , are separated from the grosser parts , and are thence conveyed through the Vessels of the Brain ; from which they are diffused through the Nerves into all the Muscles : But why the parts of the Blood which heat hath rarified in the Heart , should tend to the Brain , rather than elsewhere , there is no other reason to be given , than because the Arteries which convey them thither , proceed from the Heart , by the most streight Line , and are driven directly without any declination into the Brain ; but according to Mechanick Rules , which are the same as the Rules of Nature , when divers things tend to one and the same place , where there is not space enough , they must betake themselves to any other where they can , because the ways are very narrow , as happens in the pores of the Brain , the more subtile and more quick particles alone enter the Brain , the rest diffusing themselves through all parts of the Body ; so that those which do enter , are to be look'd upon as most subtile winds , and purest Flames : In the second place we must suppose that a Muscle is not only fleshy , that is , of a thin , and as it were Spongy Substance , the more easily to receive the Animal Spirits , but also many times contain Nerve , Ligament , Tendon , Membrane , Artery and Vein . It consists of Nerve , as of a certain Canal , through which the Animal Spirits are deduc'd into it from the Brain , and the Medulla Spinalis : Of Ligament to render it the stronger , and be able to resist the incumbent Members , and to exercise its motions the freer : Of a Tendon , that it may perform its motion the more promptly , and regulate its actions the more strongly : Of a Membran , lest the foresaid parts of the Organ of Motion being deprived of a Covering , should be exposed to the injuries of External Bodies , and lest the Animal Spirits , being entred into its substance , should be dissipated , and evaporate by Transpiration : Of Veins and Arteries , thereby to supply it with Aliment and Vital Heat , by the influx whereof all the Members of the Body are enlivened and corroborated . LX. What a Muscle is , and why the Ancients distinguish it into Head , Tail and Belly . Ancient Anatomists described the Fabrick of a Muscle by a distinction of Head , Tail and Belly , taking for the Head of the Muscle the Extremity joined to that part , at which the contraction is made ; for the Tail of the Muscle , they took the end or portion inserted into that part which causeth motion ; and lastly , they called the Belly , that intermediate part of the Muscle , which appears more tumid than the mass of Flesh . But we may further observe that a Muscle is , as the Famous Willis hints from the most Learned Steno , either simple , which consists of one only Ventricle , and two Tendons , of which sort there are several in the Arm and Leg , which are the Movers of the Fingers and Toes ; but they are also frequent up and down in other parts of the Body ; or Composite , which hath several Ventricles , upon each whereof there hangs two opposite Tendons , yet so , that where-ever the Tendons are Composite , that is to say , two joined together , one Composite Tendon may enter the middle fleshy parts , and the other surround the middle fleshy part on each side ; as most apparently is seen in the Muscle called the Masseter , the Deltoides , and some others ; in all which in like manner , as in the simple Muscle , two Fleshy Fibres ( to which alone the Motive Power belongs ) are contracted , and the opposite Angles , according to the insertion of the Tendons are inlarged , and thereupon the Ventricles becoming shorter , and at the same time grosser , rise into a Tumour . LXI . The Motion of the Muscles is made by the help of the Animal Spirits . These things thus briefly , and by the by explained , we infer that the motion of the Muscles is made in general , while the Animal Spirits , being swiftly moved , and like the parts of Flame shooting out from a Brand , being conveyed into the Muscle by the conduct of the Nerves , and there copiously laid up , as in their proper Promptuaries , and dilating themselves by their agility , enter into the Carne●us Fibres , and become inflate , because then the Muscle contracted and expanded in Latitude , draws that part into which it is inserted , towards the Head of the said Muscle ; but when the Spirits retire into another place , the contraction is at an end ; and the Muscle , formerly more contract , becomes longer , and is restored to its pristin position : So that the only cause of all the motions of the Members which are performed in an Animal is , because certain Muscles upon the Spirits emanation , are contracted , and those which answer them on the adverse part , by the departure of the said Spirits , are dilated and extended . LXII . How it comes to pass , that when one Muscle is contracted another is dilated , and so contrarywise . But if it be ask'd why this Muscle should be rather contracted , than those which are opposite to it , and all the Fleshy Fibres of one Muscle should be drawn into wrinkles , and be more tumid and rough than those of another ? I answer , that it so falls out , because more Spirits flow to this than to the other , so that they render it shorter , grosser and broader . Not that the Spirits which immediately proceed from the Brain , are sufficient to move these Muscles , but because they dispose other Spirits which are already in these two Muscles , to pass out of one of them into the other ; by which means that from which they pass becomes longer and more remiss ; and that which they enter into becoming soon inflate by them , is contracted , and draws along with it the Member to which it is knit , which may easily be conceived , as Cartesius observes , if it be but seriously considered , that there are but very few Animal Spirits which proceed from the Brain towards any one of the Muscles , but that there are always many others inclosed in that very Muscle , which Spirits are moved therein with a very swift motion . Sometimes by moving only circularly in the place wherein they are , that is , when they find no open ways to get out at , and sometimes by flowing into the opposite Muscle , because the Apertures are small in every one of these Muscles , by which the said Spirits may flow from one to the other , and are so disposed , that when as the Spirits which pass from the Brain towards one of them , have a little more force than those which pass towards the other , they open all those Orifices by which the Spirits of this may have a passage into the other , by which means all those Spirits formerly contained in these two Muscles , gain a very speedy Conflux into one of them , and so puff up and contract that , while the other is extended and remitted . LXIII . The Force and Efficacy of the Animal Spirits in moving the Muscles . And that Animal Spirits have this efficacy , is most evidently evinc'd from their agility and mobility ; forasmuch as in the twinkling of an Eye they pass through the whole Body ; and having in some sort obtained the Nature as it were of an immaterial Soul , are carried with a most wonderful swift force into the Muscles , and in a moment induce a change of Figure into the Members . Hence Galen in the 13 th Chapter of his First Book De Motu Musculorum , There is , saith he , in the Ventricle of the Brain , a Spirit , the first Instrument of the Soul , by which the Soul transmits both sense and motion through all parts of the Body . In the second place we see in our selves , that no action of Life is performed , but by the help of the Animal Spirits ; and hence it is that a Man having his Spirits exhausted , faints and languishes : Likewise hence it is that the passage of the Spirits being obstructed , the Apoplexy and Palsie , nay , the Epilepsie and Vertigo also arise : Also hence it is , that by a too intense study , the Head is debilitated , and a great dissipation of the Spirits follows . In like manner as in a vehement motion of Passion , there is a perturbation of the same . Thirdly , The influx of Animal Spirits is plainly represented to the Sense , by a Snail inclosed in a Glass Phial , as Henricus Regius observes ; for as soon as she begins to make her progress , first some , and then other Spirits with conspicuous Bubbles , are continually driven on from the Tail to the Mid Body , and thence to the Head ; but as soon as the said Snail stops her progress , and lies still , immediately the motion of the Bubbles from the Tail to the Head is also stop'd . Moreover , in the motion of the Snail there seems to be a certain circulation of Spirits , passing from the Tail by the Belly to the Head , and returning from the Head by the Back to the Tail , being thence again to take their progress as before . LXIV . How there should be so great a force in the Spir●ts , as to move the whole Body . Now if any one should object , that there seems not to be so great a force in the Animal Spirits as to be able to move the whole Body , since in regard they are the most subtile parts of the Blood , how should so great a force come to be in so very thin a matter as to stir up and down , not only the Leg or Arm of an Animal , but also to Move , Govern , Heave and Carry from one Place to another the whole Machin of the Body ? Who can be made to believe , that so great a Body as that of a Bull or Elephant can be impell'd by so thin a substance , and be disposed and excited to so swift a pace ; nay and sometimes to a kind of Dance ? I answer that this needs not seem strange at all , if we do but remember that the Animal Spirits have been already proved to be in the Nature of a most pure and subtile Flame , whose force appears no less in the Body of an Animal , than in Fire stirr'd up by Gunpowder , which being inclos'd in a Great Gun , or Piece of Ordnance , causes it , tho' a thing of that massy bulk and weight , to recoil a great way backward , and sometimes to burst ; and with that force to shoot out and drive into so swift a motion a weighty Bullet . Since therefore an Animal is a sort of Machin , and all its motions are Mechanically performed , it must act according to the manner of other Machins ; for example , Bars , Wedges , Scales , Pullies , Cranes , and the like , by which a small help or stress being added , things of great bulk and weight are lifted and remov'd . LXV . Twosorts of Bars which have an Analogy to the Organs of Motion in Animals . There are two sorts of that Engin they call Vectis , saith the most learned Gassendus , which because they draw up Burthens by Cords and Ropes , they have the more peculiar Analogy to the Organs of Motion in Animals , forasmuch as one of the principal Motions is attraction , which is made by Tendons , as it were by Cords : Of these two sorts of Vectis , the Trochlea or Pully , than which there is nothing more known , and Tympanum or Peritrochium which is also very much in use , that is to say , when the Axis or Cylinder being fixt to it at one end , and in another part sustained by two Props upon which it may be turned , it winds about it self the Cord fastned to it at one end , and drawing up the Burthen by the other , is turned round by Pegs fixt into it all about this Machin . The Latins call a Sucula , a Crane ; the Vulgar Tornus , a Torn . In the Trochlea , the Diameter of a small Orb supplies the place of the Vectis , which bearing upon a little immovable Axis as its Hypomoclion or Underpropper , obtains a power of pression in that end where the Cord prest by the Attractor , urges most ; and because the Burthen makes its stress upon no other extreme , but is tied to the uttermost Cord , it thence comes to pass that while that extreme gives way to the pressing power , or is lifted up ; that part also of the Cord to which the Burthen is tied , is at the same time lifted up , and another Diameter , that is , another Vectis or Bar , and after that another immediately succeeds , and thus the attraction or lifting up of the Burthen is brought about ; whereas in the Tympanum or Sucula , every Scutula or Peg is apparently a Vectis , in the extreme whereof the force is incumbent from the Hand , deducing or drawing down ; and whereas the Fulciment or Prop is allowed to be in the Cylinder it self , another extreme Fulciment must be allowed to be at the adverse part of the Cylinder , upon which in regard the Burthen makes no stress , but hangs upon the main Rope , it thence comes to pass , that while that gives way , the Rope , is wound about the Cylinder , and being still shortn'd as it winds , lifts up the weight , and this is continued by Pegs or Bars , continually succeeding one after another : Now in an Animal there are not indeed such things as Trochleae to be seen , but to supply their place , there are so many as it were Corrugations , by which the Tendons are contracted , and the Muscles , themselves abbreviated as to Longitude . So that from them proceeds as it were a certain Series of Trochleae , in imitation of the Polyspastic , whose force is wonderfully vast ; nor doth there appear any Circumduction or Winding about , in regard the revolved Tendon is shortned , neverthelss there is that which supplies the place thereof ; namely , the Contraction , and as it were Complication of the Tendon upon it self , by the help of the Animal Spirits ; whence it follows , that the part contracted comes nearer and nearer to the Head of the Muscle . LXVI . It is concluded that Animals are meer Automata . From this similitude of the Vectis with the Machin of an Animal , and from the manner by which we have above made out , that the functions of the Body are performed ; it is clear enough evinc'd , that there is no necessity of a Soul in Beasts , for the producing of a Pulse of the Heart or Arteries , the Concoction of Meats , Nutrition , Respiration and Procreation of Spirits ; but that they are produc'd without any Cogitation , and consequently that the parts of the Body in Animals are moved from place to place , in the nature of Pneumatick or Hydraulic Automata . LXVII . Whence the diversity of motions in Animals , if they have no Soul. This hinders not but that the motions which are performed by the help of the Muscles , and influx of Animal Spirits are various , and not always excited in Animals ; for example , that Beasts walk sometimes with a swift , sometimes with a slow pace , that they turn this way or that way , &c. Since this diversity of motions argues not any Cognition in them , as if they had any design in what they did or understood , what to Fly from , or what to Follow after , but because they are of such a Constitution and Fabrick that the Pores in their Brain are opened sometimes one way , sometime another , and their Spirits have a different influx into various Fibres , Nerves and Muscles , according as the Organs are moved by the Objects , and suggest manifold Species to them : For example , if a Dog be benum'd , or seis'd by Cold , or any bad Weather , seeing a Fire a far off , he makes haste to come to it , not induc'd by any other reason , but because such an Object as that opens the passages of the Brain which terminate in the Muscles of the Legs , and so the Animal Spirits are transmitted to them , which causes him to approach near the said Fire ; and being thus arrived , and finding the kind and grateful heat thereof ; there ariseth thereupon such a commotion of Spirits in the Brain , that immediately they direct their course into those Muscles , which is the cause that he makes his stay there and lays him down to repose and cherish his benummed Members ; but if it chance that when he is thus laid , and inclining to Sleep , the Fire should be over-hot and scorching , or a Spark should shoot out from a burning Coal , and leap upon his Skin and burn him , this agitation of the singeing heat immediately opens those Pores of the Brain which draw down to the Muscles of the Neck , Eyes and Feet , and attend their motions ; so as that he presently rouses himself , looks upon the Fire , and with a swift pace retires from it . Or if the Master of the House by chance , from abroad comes home , and comes in view of the Dog , immediately upon sight of him , the passages of his Brain are open'd , as by custom so disposed , in so much that he directs his course to his said Master , and testifying his joy by wagging his Tail , fawns upon him . But if a Stranger enters , whose Countenance and Habit of Body are unknown to him , his Aspect and unwonted Scent he brings along with him , stir up the Dog to a contrary motion , by opening those Muscles which attend upon his Barking-fit , and conduce to the warfare of his Teeth , and stirring up of his Anger ; so that all the motions which are performed by a Dog , are excited by Objects , which being received into the Sensories , dispose the Spirits to an Influx into several parts of the Body , which are adapted and conducible to move them , LXVIII . In Man also many motions are effected without the concurrence nay , against the consent of the Soul. The Peripateticks ought not to be troubled , that we attribute the motions of Animals to the disposition of their Organs only , and make out all their sensible actions without any help of the Soul , when as if they would seriously inspect into themselves , and consider well what is done within them , they would find the same thing altogether in themselves : For who is there that is not taught by experience , that various motions daily arise in his Body without any concurrence ; nay , oftentimes against the Will , and with the reluctance of the Soul ? In Convulsions or the Colick Passion some part of the Abdomen are twitch'd , whence an acute Pain arises , the Bellows are contracted , and the Navil is drawn in : Often-times the Intestines by an inverse motion of the Fibres , are pulled upwards , the Ureters and Urinary Vessels are so impelled one against the other , that in the whole Fit , Urin is either totally supprest , or is voided very sparingly and by drops : All this while no Man certainly will maintain , that the Soul connives at these motions , when he that suffers such grievous Maladies , cannot but most earnestly wish himself free ; and there is no Man but must vehemently complain of Pain during the Contraction , Inflation or Astriction . The same might be demonstrated in a world of other Examples , but let these few suffice , that we may not seem to dwell too long upon a thing perspicuous enough of it self . They that fall down from any high place , fall so that their Hands come first to the Earth , so as thereby to save the Head ; and this they do not any way consulting , but because the sight of the impendent fall , reaching to the Brain , directs the Animal Spirits into the Nerves in such a manner as is necessary to produce this motion , as it were in a Machin . Likewise if any one unexpectedly should hold up his Hand towards our Eyes , as it were offering to strike us , tho' we were sure of his Friendship , and well satisfied that he did it but in Jest , and designed nothing less than to do us a mischief , yet we should hardly refrain from shutting our Eyes : Which evidently shews , that this shutting of them is not any work or design of the Soul , since it is done against our Will , and our Will is the only , or at least principal action , but because the Machin of our Body is so compos'd , that the motion of the said Hand to our Eyes , excites another motion in our Brain , which draws down the Animal Spirits into those Muscles that let down and depress the Eye-lids . The same thing is to be supposed of other moiions of the Body , for upon the sight of any delicate or inticing Meat , not only the innermost Jaws are moved with a desire thereof ; but the Tongue and Palate being moistned with Spittle , cause a certain , as it were praemansion or fore ▪ chewing , as we may so call it : So that this sort of Meat is the occasion that the Spirits direct their course towards those Muscles which are inservient to the Jaws , Tongue and Palate , and contribute motion to them . The same is to be said of Itching and the Venereal Motions , which upon the sight of any Venereal Object , are excited in those parts that conduce to the performance of this Scene . LXIX . I● all the motions of the Body depended upon our Will there would be no Paralyticks . For doubtless if all the motions of our Body depended upon our Will , and we could govern our Members at pleasure , there would certainly be found no Paralyticks , or Persons troubled with a Palsie ; none deprived of motion all the Body over , or in any of its parts . Forasmuch as there is no Man , in whom there is not a Will to move his own Members , and free himself from that resolution or untying of the Nervous Parts which takes away Sense and Motion from him . Who would suffer the use of any of the parts of the Body to be taken from him , if it were in his power to open the Obstructed Passages , and make way for the Animal Spirits , by which they may be transmitted , and may influence , plump up and actuate with vigour the Nervous Parts ? LXX . There are also certain spontaneous Motions without Design or Will. Now there are not only Natural Motions which are performed in us without the help of our Knowledge or our Will ; but there are also a world of those which they call voluntary or spontaneous Motions , which are effected by the disposition only of the Machin of the Body , without any thought or design contributed thereunto by our Soul : For if , while we think upon any other thing , a spark of Fire chances to light upon our Hand , we presently start back with all imaginable swiftness , there needs no deliberation for so doing , our Will not being concerned in this motion , our Hand is drawn back before we can have so much as a thought thus to snatch it away . LXXI . Of motions made to hinder us from falling . If we have a mind to stoop for the taking up of any thing upon the Ground , we draw back one Leg , so to give us the better advantage to counterpoise the rest of the Body , which hereupon leans forward : If walking upon a dangerous path , we chance to slip , we immediately lift up that Arm which is opposite to the ●lace where our Body just before inclin'd upon its fall , and by this means we give a stop to the force of the fall , and sustain our selves the better , in regard the Arm , thus lifted up , keeps off its whole weight from the middle of the Body where the center is ; and by this enlightment gains sufficient force to counterpoise the rest of the Body which inclined on the other side ; as we see that in a Ballance , a small weight hung at a distance from the Center thereof , holds an aequilibrium against another far greater which is nearer the Center . LXXII . That motions proceed not from any Cognition or Knowledge ▪ And this we learn'd when we were but Infants , that weights far distant from the Center , have always so much the more force , and that the Arm lifted up hath the more power to sustain the weight of the Body when it begins to fall , and that the Center of gravity must be always under our Feet . But tho' we practise all these Rules with the same exactness as the most able Philosophers , all the reflexions we make upon the Laws of Motion and of Aequilibrium are useless and unprofitable in the Practick , and so far are these Sciences from being able to serve us upon any occasion , that they would be rather very prejudicial , were we minded to make use of them ; since certain it is , that we perform better all these motions when we think not on them , than when we are intent upon them . We must therefore of necessity acknowledge , that whatever is acted in us , is without our Knowledge ; at least that knowledge we have sometimes by reflexion , is not at all the cause , since these motions prevent us in our thoughts ; and these thoughts imployed about them , rather hinder than help us . If then these motions so regular , so proportioned to their performances , so conformable to the Laws and Rules of the most refined Philosophy , can be performed so effectually and to the purpose in Man without any Cognition or Knowledge , how comes it that Brutes act by Knowledge ? And why should it not rather be generally allowed what we maintain , that they are able to act by the disposition of the Machin of the Body only , according as we act by the like disposition of ours ? LXXIII . How improperly some Physitians speak , who attribute certain Passions to Nature . How unaptly and improperly do some Philosophers and Physitians speak , tho' seeming to utter great things , when with a Magisterial Countenance they pronounce that Nature abhors a Vacuum , and shews an aversion to what is disagreeable to her ; that a Medicin chooses what Humours to attract , and passes by and leaves untoucht others ; Nature disposes her self to a Crisis , as to a Combat ; that she indeavours to subdue or throw off the Hostile Matter of the Distemper , that being vanquish'd , she is reduc'd as it were to desperation , and as it were throws away , or lays down her Arms. By which ways of speaking , they do but fly to a pretty handsome way of concealing their ignorance ; and that they may not seem to be put to a nonplus , and have nothing to say , they attribute to occult Effects , some , tho' no less Cause . Because , since Appetite , Election , Will , Hatred , proceed from our Mind , and are no other than various modes of thinking ; we could not but be conscious of them , if they were found in us . But since we neither have a Will or Aversion to any of those things aforesaid , to which these motions tend , nay , are ignorant after what manner they are effected ; they must maintain that these sort of motions are not found in us , or if they are found , that they have the Body only , that is , the dispo●ition of the Organs , and influx of Animal Spirits for a Principle . Which how absurd it is to assert , no Man in his Senses can be ignorant , who knows that the Mind is distinguish'd from the Body , and that the ways of each are different one from the other . Otherwise what have we to do but to agree with the most Illustrious Verulam , That to all Bodies , of whatsoever quality , destitute of Sense , there is inherent a certain faculty of perception , if it be true , that when Body is applied to Body , there may be deprehended in them something very Analogous and Cognate to Election , in admitting things agreeable , and excluding or rejecting things ungrateful . What should we do , but allow Cognition to Plants , if some of them contract a friendship with others , and covet some parts of the Earth to harbour in more than others , and make choice to themselves of what Aliment is most agreable to them ? And if others on the contrary fly so much as the touch of Neighbouring Plants , are pleased with a sandy or a plashy Soil , one more than the other ; and several of them have an abhorrence , some of Cold , some of overmuch Heat ? What should hinder us from believing that the Stomach is indued with Understanding , if it discerns what is hurtful , from what is wholesome , and hath an Appetite to things only agreeable to it , and having taken Poison , is provoked to Vomit ? For these actions belong to the Soul , and that thing must needs be indued with Cogitation , which loves and makes choice , which hath an aversion , which hath an abhorrence , which is delighted with one thing more than another , and hath an Appetite : So that I can by no means agree with the most Famous Harvey in his Opinion , that all parts of the Body , which by their own motion strive against provocation and injuries , injoy a certain sense by which they are impelled to motion , and consequently that the motions and actions which the Physitians call Natural , are not performed without Sense ; and that there is a certain Latent Sense , by which they are excited , provok'd and altered ; for were it so , we must consequently acknowledge that the palpitation of the Heart , trembling , fainting fits , swooning fits and alterations of the Pulse in Magnitude , Celerity , Order or Harmony which proceed from Morbifick Causes , altering and hurting the Sense , are indued with Sense . LXXIV . Nor less improperly they who attribute Sense to Brutes . Nor am I more inclinable to the Opinion of the Peripateticks , who attribute Sense to Brute Animals , and are perswaded that they See , Hear , Smell , &c. in the same manner as we do ; which certainly no Man will allow , who forms to himself a true Idea of Sense , and hath attain'd so much Judgment as to understand what is included in the Notion or Conception of it ; forasmuch as Sense is not distinguished from Cogitation , and is applicable to a thing Spiritual only and Incorporeal , from which it cannot be separated . Hence Hippocrates in his Sixth Aphorism , and Second Section , They , who being agrieved in any part of the Body , yet feel no pain , their Mind is certainly sick . If therefore they are not sensible when the Mind is sick , so as not to be intent upon the Organs of the Senses , much less can any other Creature be sensible of those things which beat upon the Sense less violently , unless the Mina be present ; as we also find by experience in our selves . For it very often happens , that we run over with our Eyes the Letters of any Writing , and that our Ears are smitten with the sound of Words , tho' we neither understand nor perceive either the one or the other , because our Mind is set upon certain things , each of which nevertheless afterwards returns , and is represented to our Cogitation : If therefore Men who are indued with Mind , when they attend not , but are imployed elsewhere , are not sensible , much less can Animals be sensible , who are Senseless and destitute of Mind . So that Plutarch rightly concludes in his Book De Sagacitate Animalium , Mentem tantum videre & intelligere , &c. That the Mind only sees and understands , and that all things else are surd and blind , in regard the passion of the Eyes and Ears , when they are smitten by Objects , stirs up no Sense , if the Cogitation of the Mind be absent . LXXV . Aristotle's Opinion , that Mind only is sensible . Nor do Aristotles own words , Section II. Problem 33. make less for our business ; for the Philosopher having made an inquiry , why Night is more accommodated for hearing than Day , after he had quoted Anaxagoras his Opinion , who judged the reason to be because the Air in the Day time , heated by the Sun , hisses and makes a Noise , but by Night is silent and at rest , the heat being then gon ; goes on with his Discourse in these words , Quonians Corpora interdiu , &c. because Bodies by Day , variously divide and disperse the force of Understanding , and put it upon divers operations , so that the sense of hearing plain is taken away ; and by reason we act and manage all things more by Day than by Night , the Intelligence it self is hindred and interrupted by the affairs of the Body : But Sense when it is separated from Intelligence , is upon , as it were , an insensible work ; whence that saying , Mens videt , Mens audit , the Mind sees , the Mind hears ; that is , perceives Objects which smite the Organs of the Body , for no other things are thus perceived by the Mind ; whence it follows necessarily , that those things which are void of Mind , are also destitute of Sense . LXXVI . The Vulgar Objection to shew that there is Sense in Animals . But some will start up , and cry out against this Opinion as Cruel , and will call it the utter extirpation of Animals . What , will they say , will you deprive all Animals , not only of Intelligence , but also of all Sense ? O Barbarity ! What can be more oppugnant to Experience , and the common Opinion of all Men ? Do we not daily behold Beasts coming nearer and nearer to perfection , looking seriously upon visible Objects , and receiving sounds in at their Ears , by which sounds they are excited to Labour , to the running of Races , to Meat , to Drink , and other such like actions ? who knows not that a Cat , Dog or Ape distinguish their Food by smelling , and hunt after that which is agreeable and grateful , and fly and eschew that which is ungrateful and noxious ? How can it be that a Spider , sitting in the midst of his Web , can feel when a Fly is intangled in the remotest part , and yet be destitute of the Sense of Touching ? LXXVI . Sense is to be distinguished by three degrees . Our business therefore is to shew , for what reason we exclude Sense from Beasts ; and how it comes to pass , that they have Eyes , yet see not ; are provided with Ears , yet perceive no sounds ; are not without a Nose , yet smell not ; have the use of a Tongue , yet discern nothing by any different relish or Savour ; which the better to effect , we propose a thing Note-worthy ; that our Sense is to be distinguish'd into three degrees . The first degree contains that simple motion which the Object impresses upon the Nerves , or that whereby the Organ of the Body is immediately affected by external Objects , which can be nothing else but the agitation of the particles of the said Organ , the change of Figure and situation proceeding from this agitation : For Sense consists in Motion , and as Aristotle asserts in his Third Book , De Animalibus , Chap. 13. no motion can be had without contact . So that a Corporeal Organ must needs be touch'd after a Corporeal manner , and motton must needs be imprest upon sensible things . When , I say , that the motion of an Object is imprest upon a Corporeal Organ , I would not have it understood that the motion , for example , of the Eye , is only made there , but that it passes up to the Brain , from whence the Fibres of the Nerves , like Lutestrings in a Lute , are stretcht out to other Members . The Second Degree contains Perception , which is tied to that motion , whenever this impression is carried to the Pineal Glandule , or seat of the Soul. Such are the perceptions of Pain , Titillation , Thirst , Hunger , Heat , Sound , Savour , and the like ; which , we say , arise from the substantial Union of the Soul with the Body . The Third contains all those Judgments which attend those Perceptions , that is to say , those Judgments which , from the very first we have ever used to make of things without us upon occasion of the motions of a Corporeal Organ . Or to comprehend these three Degrees of Sense in fewer words . The first Degree is the affection or motion of a Corporeal Organ : The second the perception of that impression which is proper to a Corporeal Organ : The third the determination of Judgment to affirm , or deny any thing . And still to render the matter a little more plain , when any one beholds , for example , the Moon , the Corporeal Organ , that is to say , the Eye is moved , or affected by the Light which is reflected by the Lunar Body ; and herein consists the first Degree : The Mind presently perceives the Light or Colour , and this is the effect of the second Degree . Moreover the Mind assigns Colour to the Moon , that is , delivers its Judgment , as asserting that the Moon is coloured , and this is the result of the third Degree . LXXVIII . How Sense may be applied to Brutes . These things thus premised , it manifestly follows , that Animals are void of Sense , properly so call'd , unless we admit for Sense , that Corporeal Motion which preceeds Perception , and hath reference to it , as to something begun and imperfect . For it is of Corporeal Motion only that Animals are capable ; nor do we deprehend any thing to be in them , which can persuade us that they are sensible , if the word Sense be taken for any other than the impression of the external Object upon the Organ of the Senses : So that those persons that think the motion of a Corporeal Organ deserves the name of Sense , are no less absurdly persuaded , than they who maintain that the Optick Cubicle sees while it receives the Species of external Objects , and represents things done without . That the Eye of a slain Ox sees wherein all things are distinctly delineated , no less in than the Retin or Network Tunicle of a surviving Ox. That Men see , who , like Hares sleep with their Eyes open ; and cannot be discern'd to be awake , any otherwise than by the loosning of their Eyelids . When as the Optick Chamber , the Eye of the dead Ox , the Retin Tunicle of a sleeping Person , receive the Species of external things ; and in the same manner as they represent the Picture of Objects : So that if Corporeal Motion be allowed to injoy the name of Sense ; by the same force of Reason it may be inferr'd , that it may be attributed to Inanimate Things . LXXIX . Sense consists not in the motion of a Corporeal Organ , but in Perception . But I can easily imagin what may be objected against this Ratiocination ; namely , that a Body is the Instrument of Sense , whose action must needs intervene to our Sensations , and consequently that for producing of Sense , there is required an Organ disposed after a certain manner ; that is to say , into which the Animal Spirits may flow , and whose motion may reach up to the Brain , which without motion cannot be done . All these Conditions I willingly grant , and I confess it is requisite for the making of us sensible , that an Organ be modified by certain dispositions ; but I only insist , that neither the action of an external Object , by which the Organ is moved and disposed ; nor the mutation of Figure and Situation , which promotes that Action ; nor that transmission which is made to the Brain , are Senses or Apprehensions ; but that which immediately results in the Mind , which is joined to the Corporeal Organ , so disposed : For how can that saying of the Prophet Isaiah be understood , In hearing ye shall hear , and shall not understand ; and seeing ye shall see , and shall not discern : Unless the first degree be supposed to be distinguished from the Second , and that Corporeal Motion may be disjoined from Perception , or attention of Mind . LXXX . Corporeal Motion may be had without Sense . But what need is there to have recourse to Holy Scripture , to prove Perception to belong to the essence of Sense ; and that the work of the Mind is required to be concerned , when we are said to hear , see , smell , &c. since we find it not seldom by experience in us , as namely when the Mind being very much taken up in contemplating other things , a Man may pass by us , and not be taken notice of , tho' our Eyes be open , and directed towards him , there being no obstacle in the way to hinder ; and so likewise not observe his Speech , tho' our Ears be open , and immediately take in sound ; We may also not taste the relish of Meat , tho' the Fibres of the Tongue be smitten by the Corpuscles of the Meat ; and the whole plexure of the Organ be never so clean , and void of all clog or impediment : Lastly , we may be exempted from the pain of Cold , tho' in a rigid Climat , and the Air ready to freez , through the bitterness of the weather . All which things sufficiently prove , that not the Members or Organs , but the Mind only do see , hear , taste and feel . LXXXI . How those are mistaken , who from external actions judge Brutes to be sensible as we are . Whence it is apparent how foolishly those persons reason , who because they observe Brute Animals to be mov'd by the Species of external things , and to feed as Men do on Meats offer'd them , to be affected with sounds , to be taken with the aspect of some Objects , and frighted with that of others , presently infer that Beasts also are sensible ; that is , that they think and give attention to any thing that is offered ; whereas indeed all those motions in Animals are performed without any concurrence of the Soul , and only effected by a blind impulse of Organs and Animal Spirits . This error hath grown up with us from our Infancy , as Claubergius observes in his Prolegomena Logicae , by reason that at that time , and in that very moment , in which our Corporeal Organs were moved by external things , the Mind joined to the Body had still a perception of some thing , and so we taking both for one , attribute perception to the Corporeal Organs of the Senses ; which the Wise attribute only to the Intellect or Understanding . Hence we say generally by way of familiar speech , that the Eye sees , that the Ear hears , that the Tongue tastes , that the Nose smells , that the Hand feels ; nay , which is more because whilst the Body was affected with external things , the Mind also perceived something , and thereupon presently made a judgment of something ; hence we ascribe estimation and judgment to Corporeal Organs , to which nevertheless the Philosopher knew well enough that Body is not desired , but that besides the apprehension of the Intellect , the assent of the Will is also required . For just as it often happens in other things , so doth it also in these Acts of Understanding , Imagination , Perception and Judgment , namely that they are often taken one for the other , and confounded together , and only for this reason , because they exist together at the same time . So because whilst the Eye is moved by the Light , the Mind also joined to the Body perceives something , and at the same time judges ; therefore these three different things , viz. the motion of the Body , the perception of the Mind , and the judgment , are all taken by the Vulgar for one and the same thing , and are all exprest by that one term of Seeing , as when they say I see the Sun. But the Wise are far above this manner of speaking , as well knowing the difference between that which , in our sensations belongs to Body , and that which belongs to Mind ; for the motion which an external Object impresseth , and the mutation of Organ belongs indeed to Body ; but it comprehends no Perception or Cogitation which is proper to the Mind , and from which it cannot be separated . LXXXII . According to Plato there is no Sense but from the Soul. This Opinion Divine Plato maintains in Marsilius Ficinus , in his Argument against Thetaetus : We must note , saith FICINUS , that Plato allows no Cognition to Body , as likewise no Life : That which lives , is sensible ; the Soul lives , and the Soul is sensible ; but in the Body there is neither Life nor Sense ; yet the works of Life and Sense are visible in it . So that those which some call the Five Senses , he will have to be called the Five Organs of Sense , and asserts that nothing hath any sensibility by these Instruments , but that through these , as it were , passages , each part of Sense is performed by one certain force of the Soul , which operation he calls the Common Sense ; into which various passions have influx as Lines from the circumference to the Centre of a Circle . Colours , through the Eyes ; Sounds , through the Ears ; Odours , through the Nose ; Savours , through the Tongue : Lastly , heat , cold , moist , dry , grave , light , soft , hard , smooth , rough , rare , dense , acute and obtuse , through the whole Body . That this Soul is sensible , not by many , but by one power , is apparent , since when we feel heat , we do not give this Sense the appellation of Voice ; nor when we perceive any thing of a Savour , do we call it Odour . He cannot distinguish one thing from another , who knows not both . No one Organ performs the same things as another doth ; or if the same things , not in the same manner ; so that the distinction of those things which are perceived is not in the Organs , but in one certain power of the Soul , perceiving each thing , and distinguishing all things one from another . All which , since the Soul alone is able to effect , as the Peripateticks themselves cannot deny , what need is there of many Senses . LXXXIII . Corporeal Organs perceive nothing . From which words of Plato , we may thus argue : If Sense resided in a Corporeal Organ , it might be said the Eye sees , or the Ear hears ; but according to Plato's Opinion , neither the Ear hears , nor the Eye sees ; nay in the Body , there is neither Life nor Sense ; only by it the works of Life and Sense are made to appear : And it is the Soul as Marsilius saith in another place , which is in pain or rejoiceth , not the bulk of the Body ; consequently there is no Sense in a Corporeal Organ . From hence also it is clearly to be deduc'd , that Brutes , since they are void of Mind , and have nothing but Corporeal Motion , do not , for example , see like us , that is , as being sensible , or taking notice that they see , but only as we do when our Mind is elsewhere imployed , or called aside , tho' the Images of external Objects are painted in our Retin Tunicle , and perhaps also their impressions being made in the Optick Nerves , dispose our Members to different motions ; yet nevertheless we perceive nothing of them : In which case it appears also , that we are moved no otherwise than as Automata , as hath been already declared by several Examples . LXXXIV . For what reason Animals are said to have five Senses . Wherefore if all the Freaks of the Brain , and all the motions of the Animal Spirits , which are caused by the Nerves , must needs be called Senses ; it may be said that Animals have five exterior Senses , because there are five sorts of Nerves which convey the impressions of Objects to the Brain , and which dispose the Animal Spirits to insinuate divers ways into the Muscles , for the moving of the Members : Hence it is , for example , that Animals are said to see , when the Light enlightens the Optick Nerves , and by them the parts of the Brain , from whence they have their Original ; that they hear when the Air which hath been smitten by any resounding Body , strikes upon the Nerves , which terminate in the Ears : That they taste when the particles of the Viands which they chewed , have force enough to enter the pores of the Tongue , and so excite the Nerves : That they smell when the most subtile parts of the Body which they inviron , being mingled with the Air , which causes Respiration , hit against the Nerves that terminate in the Nose ; and that there is simply a Sense of Feeling , when any exteriour object is immediately applied to some part of their Body , and have force enough to agitate the Nerves which there terminate . It is said likewise that they have Sense of Pain when the agitation of the Nerves is very violent , and that they have relaxation of Pain , when this agitation is indifferent ; but all these sentiments are nothing else but the power which the Animal Spirits have to be disposed by the presence of Objects , to pass through the Brain , and through the Nerves into some certain Muscles rather than others ; and by consequence that there are no Senses but according to the first degree , that is to say , that they have none but Corporeal Motions . LXXXV . Dr. Willis his Opinion about the Cognition of Brutes . The Famous Dr. WILLIS in his Exercitation concerning the Soul of Brutes , where he acknowledges a Corporeal Soul in Brute Animals , and fancies it to be of an igneous or fiery Nature , and of kin to flame , thinks it no absurd thing that there should be allowed in Animals , a power to speculate and discern the Images of sensible things delineated in the Brain , and to draw forth , according to the impressions there conceived , Appetites and respective Acts of other Faculties . In regard tho' the Soul and Body , taken apart may not have the same power ; yet this hinders not , but that from a certain Law of the Creation , as he calls it , or Institution of Almighty GOD , an animated Body may be so disposed , that from Soul and Body joined together , there may result a confluence of such sort of faculties , as shall be needful for every Animal , for the ends and uses designed it . In many things framed by Human Art , the Workmanship hath exceeded the Materials , as who would think that of Iron and Brass , the most fixt and unactive of Metals , an Instrument should be composed , whose Orbs imitating the Coelestial Orbs , should observe motions little differing from perpetual , whose periods renewed by a constant vicissitude should most certainly measure the spaces of Times ? No wonder that from a Wind blown into a Pipe , a rude and simple Sound should be produc'd , but that from a Breath infused into Musical Organs , and so variously transmitted through manifold apertures of Valves , or stops into such and such Pipes , a most grateful harmony should arise ; this , I say , we cannot but admire , and confess withall , that this effect far exceeds , as well the matter of the Instrument , as the Hand of the Musitian playing , tho' the Musical Organ require for the most part the skill of the said Artist , by whose direction the Breath admitted , now into some , now into other Pipes , performs manifold Harmonies , and almost an infinite variety of Moods . So in some Brutes of the more perfect kind , whose Actions are ordained for many and more noble uses , there ought to be attributed a certain faculty , that is , the Brutal Soul it self , naturally so endowed , as to be rendred knowing and active about some things necessary for it , by various accidents with which it uses daily to be affected , and afterwards is taught to know other things , and to exert far more , and more difficult Actions , LXXXVI . Dr. Willis his Opinion concerning the knowledge of Brutes discust . This similitude I easily admit , as from which much Light is added to the foresaid Reasons , demonstrating , that Brutes are meerly Machins , which act according to the Laws ordained by the Creator , and after the manner of a Musical Instrument , which by a touch or breath infused , produces most admirable Harmony : Forasmuch as by the circuit of the Blood through the whole Body , they effect all their motions . But still I am not able to comprehend how from the union of two material , and consequently insensible substances , sense and perception should arise : For however in Machins the Matter is exceeded by Art , and from the mixture of divers Metals Instruments are framed for wonderful performances , yet this argues not that Matter can ever be brought to that perfection , as to be apprehensive of things that occur to them , and to be sensible that they apprehend them . But suppose that by a certain Law of the Creator , there may be attributed to a Body instructed with Organs , and designed for certain uses , some power of sensibility , which cannot belong to Body , nor Soul taken apart , but only to a compound resulting from both . Yet by the leave of this most Learned Man , I would gladly know what that Principle of Sensibility is , whether some substantial Mode , by which a thing Animate is differenc'd from a thing Inanimate and insensible , by the access whereof an Animal is constituted ? But nothing is found in an Animal , which can distinguish it from things Inanimate , excepting the Blood , which by an incessant Motion , is impelled into the Veins and Arteries , to nourish the parts of the Body . Now what activity is there in the Blood that it should impart sensibility to the Body ? Is there haply a certain Universal Soul coaevous to Matter , which actuates it , and brings it to perfection , according to its various dispositions ? This being granted , who will not see a necessity , that then not only Animals , but Plants also and Stones must have Sense : Forasmuch as that active and Energetick Power , by the same right may as well be infused into them by the great Founder of Nature ; or is it some Principle Emerging from Soul and Body joined ; by which an Animal is rendred capable of knowing the impressions of Objects ? Surely whatever this Principle may be fancied to be , since it must need be Material and Extense , it cannot be indued with the power of Acting , Thinking , Perceiving and giving Intention . For it is not to be understood , how from insensible things , another thing should arise which is sensible , and perceptive ? By what means a corporeal thing should produce spiritual Acts ; and that which is extense , should bring forth that which is void of all extension ? LXXXVII . The Idea of Local Motion is something distinct from the Idea of Cognition . But if this most famous Author , while he allows a Principle of Cognition is nothing else but the reception of a material Species , or a various motion of some interiour part of the Brain , we give our Hand and subscribe to his Judgment ; since we acknowledge and confess , that these sorts of different motions in Brutes are affected by various impressions of Objects . But we can by no means be induc'd to grant , that the Idea of Local Motion agrees with the Idea of Cognition , or that the Perception and the Motion of a Corporeal Organ are not distinguish'd from each other , in regard since Body and Mind are totally different in their kind , and the distinction which is between the mode of one Substance , and the mode of another Substance , is real ; it must needs be that the difference between Perception and the Motion of a Corporeal Organ is equal , and consequently that they cannot both proceed from the same Principle . LXXXVIII If Brutes should have Knowledge , they would exceed Men in Perfection . Haply , for this cause some of the more Modern Philosophers deny rationality and discourse to Brutes , as being inconsistent with Material Organs , since they judge Beasts uncapable of beholding any thing with reflection ; yet cannot persuade themselves , that they do not perceive , so long as they behold Objects . What , say they , shall they behold Objects with their Eyes , receive Sounds into their Ears , and yet not conceive these different Species or Images painted in some part of the Brain ? What should hinder , but that as there is allowed a double Memory , one Sensitive the other Intellectual ; so in like manner , there may be supposed one Sensitive Perception , another Intellectual ? To this , besides what hath been already urged in some former parts of this Discourse , there needs no other answer , but to affirm , that by admitting such a Perception in Brutes , they grant them a degree of Perfection equal to that of Men , if not greater : For wherein do they imagin Sense to be distinguish'd from Reason ? Doubtless herein the Cognition is apprehensive of Sense , and simple , therefore not obnoxious to falsity : whereas the Cognition of Reason is a little more Composite ; and it may be made out by the conclusions of Syllogisms , that it seems no way to argue a greater perfection , especially since they affirm the Cognitions of GOD and of Angels to be most simple , and only intuitive or apprehensive , and perplex'd by no intricacies of Discourses ; so that by them , if we may so say , the Sense of Animals comes nearer to the Cognition of GOD , and of Angels , than Human Reason . There is a Sensitive Memory to be found in Beasts . As to the Sensitive Memory , or memory of material things , we easily allow it to Beasts , since it is fixt to a Corporeal Organ , and depends upon the Vestigia or footsteps remaining in the Brain after some Image had been imprest upon it ; forasmuch as those Vestigia are no other , as I have at large made out in my Institution of Philosophy , than certain Paths , which the course of the Animal Spirits hath left among the Fibres of the Brain , through which at first they passed , in the same manner as folds in Paper or Linnen render the said Paper or Linnen the more apt to readmit the same folds as before , I say more apt than if no folds had been made there ; whereby it comes to pass , that the Fibres of the Brain are indued with a Power of attracting and disposing the Spirits ; so that the next time they may have egress through the same Vestigia , in the same manner as they had egress the first time . So that this sort of sensitive memory , consists in the disposition of the parts of the Brain , induc'd from the Objects through the Senses . Which disposition , if it happen to be inverted , or destroy'd , the Memory immediately must of necessity be either weakned or utterly perish : As may be proved by many examples in those , who either by the blow of a Stone , or by the sharpness of some Distemper , or by a fall from a high place , have lost the use of their Memory , forgetting all those things which they knew before . See the Natural History , the last Part. Nay some there are who have had the Vestigia of their Brain so far disturb'd by the overmuch taking of Tobbacco , as to abolish all signs of things , and to overthrow the Characters long since there imprest . Whence it is plain that the Memory is a Corporeal Faculty , which by the Vestigia which it conserves from the Species of Objects , hath a power of exciting those Images anew , and of procreating the Idea's of things formerly done . XC . Divers Brutes are void of the Intellective Memory . Nothing therefore hinders , but that Animals may remember , And mindful Goats unto their Huts return . ( as Virgil hath it in his Georgicks ) while the Images of Corporeal Objects recur in the same order as they entred the Loculi or Cells of the Brain , and stir up the same kind of motion in their Nerves . Yet all this while they do not perceive that they remember , nor do they , neglecting other things , make any choice of what they chiefly have need of , nor search after new things , nor call to mind former configurations , but act after the manner of Minstrels , who play upon the Harp , touch the Chords , and produce various sorts of Harmony ; without any care or heed to what they are about . So the Dog Argus knew , and fawned upon Ulisses after his twenty years travel . So the Birds flying out of their Neasts for food into the Woods , return from a far off : So Fishes upon signs given , run to the Meat thrown them in their Ponds and Lakes , and afterwards retire to their holes : So the Wild Beasts return each to their Dens , tho' far apart , and by their Scent find out their way when-ever they chance to lose it . Because the Animal Spirits , finding the pores of the Brain through which they formerly began their course , enter them more easily than others , by which means they excite a special motion in the Glandula Pinealis , whereby the same Object is again represented to them ; haply for want of these Vestigia , the Tucani are indued with little or no memory , in so much that going out of their Den , they know not the way in again , but are forc'd to dig another to repose in . The Second Part. A DISSERTATION Of the want of SENSE AND KNOWLEDGE IN BRUTES . I. The order of things to be declared in the Second part of this Dissertation . ALTHO' it hath been made out by Reasons strong enough , that Brute Animals are destitute of Sense and Perception , and that nothing of Cognition is to be discern'd in their Operations , and consequently , that a well-contrived Structure of the Members , and a precise direction of Animal Spirits through certain Passages , must needs be the Principle of all their Actions ; yet in all this we cannot pretend to have done any thing to the purpose , unless we descend to particulars , and make it appear , that all the Actions of Animals may be mechanically demonstrated , and that the motions which we think proceed from a certain Soul in Beasts , are of kin to those which are produc'd in Automata , by virtue of a Spring , and disposition of Wheels . It is indeed a difficult Labour , yet nenertheless necessary to be undertaken , if we intend to bring the Work begun to its desired end , and make a solid superstructure to the foundations we have laid : But the better to observe a certain Order and Method in this Second Part of this Dissertation ; we judge it expedient to reduce all the Operations of Brutes into Five Classes or Ranks . The First of them is those which are inbred in Beasts , to the exercise whereof they are carried by a certain innate force . The Second is of some Actions , which argue a sort of Craft in them , and bear some signs or semblance of Intellect , Judgment and Discourse . The Third is of those which insinuate the docility of Animals , and their aptitude to be instructed ; implying that something of Reason shines in them as well as in us . The Fourth is of Actions , which discover a kind of Mutual Speech in Animals , and which seem to make a kind of necessity of allowing the use of Language common with us . The Fifth and Last is of some Actions , by which Animals seem to excel the cunning and sagacity of Men , and that there is peculiar to them a Providence , and Foreknowledge of things to come , above what falls to Mans share and lot to be indued with . II. Some Operations of Beasts produc'd by Natural Instinct . As to the First it is evident , that there are Actions proper to every Species of Beasts , and that they are so determined to certain Operations ; that they all design and perform the same thing without any difference . CAMELS fly from pure Streams , and hunt after muddy and troubled Waters , in so much that when ever they go into a River to drink , if the Water be not muddy , they raise the Mud by a vehement scraping on the Ground with their Feet . CONIES continually dig themselves Burrows to lodge , and cover them with Sand , that they may not lie open , and be exposed to the rapines of the Ferrets . HARTS shot in their Side with a Dart , presently seek after the Herb Dittany for the curing of their Wound , and expelling the Pain with which they are afflicted . If the Root of Valerian be thrown before CATS , they run to catch it , they lick it , make much of it , and like Persons Dancing and Skipping , they run about and discover many signs of Joy and Pleasure . A HEN at the sight of a Kite makes a clocking , and as it were exhorting her Chickens to flight , she still advances her Voice , and calls them under her Wings . III. The same Nature is in all Animals of the same Species The cause of all these Actions can be referred to nothing else but Natural Inclination and Instinct , by which Animals are instigated to such and such motions , and resolve upon what things are convenient for them : So that this , or that whole Brutal Species is carried with one propension , and there is the same force , and the same impulse found in all of that Kind . So every HARE is a like fearful , and by the method of subtilty declines all Dangers and Inconveniences of Life . Every HOUND hath a kind of Craft and Innate Industry in following after Wild Beasts . All FOXES are shrewdly cunning , and generally use the same sort of Art and Method in laying Snares for Birds . Every APE expresses human gestures , and with one and the same sort of imitation receives whatsoever is offered or comes in its way ; whence it is evident that nothing of Reason is concern'd in any of these actions , but that Brutes are impelled to them by a certain necessity , and according to that familiar saying in Schools , they rather suffer than act . For how can a CAMEL know that a draught of Water , the purer it is , the more it causes the Gripes of the Belly in him ; or that in regard of the simplicity of its Substance , it affords him the less nourishment ? How knows a CONY that the Ferrets lay ambuscadoes for them , and that if they did not cover their Hole to keep them out , they should be expelled themselves by the injury of their Teeth and Feet , and whatever hostility besides ? How should a HART know that the Herb Dittany is available for the drawing out of a D●●● shot into his Side ? A HEN , that a Kite lays wait for her Chickens to snatch them away and devour them ? Certainly if they did , Beasts would be wiser than Men , as having the faculty to explore and find out things before they came to make trial , or have experience of them ; and being able to understand occurrences , before they could arrive at the Organs of their Senses . For BEES , we see , scarcely brought forth into the Light , begin to build Hony-Combs , gather Hony , attend their King , and perform all the Offices of their little Commonwealth . Young ANTS testifie no less providence than those of more age . CHICKENS newly hatch'd out of the Shell , dread and avoid the Kite . The Kite by no other Instructor but natural Instinct , lays wait for the Hen. The WOLF from his very Cradle , if we may so say , with an innate hostility prosecutes the Sheep . The SWALLOW builds and covers its Neast : The SPIDER its Web , without any other Teacher but natural Instinct . By which it is plain , that Animals are not directed by Reason , but by the Conduct of Nature only , which is alike prevalent in all . IV. That Beasts of every Kind cannot but do actions which are proper to them . And for the better conceiving that Beasts of every Kind ought to perform Actions which are proper to them , we need but consider , that they act no otherwise but by the force of their Mechanism or Structure , and by the disposition of their Organs : For as we ought to believe , that they are destin'd to different uses , according to the diversity of their Species , so we need not doubt on the other side , but that the Author of Nature hath furnish'd every one of them with Organs proper for the performance of those functions which are most agreeable to their Nature ; as for example , there are in Ants , motions very regular and very necessary to lead them in Summer time , to those Objects which they have need to make provision of against the Winter . Swallows build their Neasts with more artifice than the skilfullest of Men can do : And a Dog in finding out his Master shews more sagacity than in matters of that nature is usually discerned in Man. V. After what manner Bees make their Cells so ingen●ously . Moreover there occur to us some Works of Nature , which seem not possible to be performed without Sense and Reason , as hath been observed in the beginning of this Discourse : For how comes it to pass that Spiders weave their Webs so Geometrically , and Bees compose their Cells so neatly and orderly , each being appointed their several Offices ; some to lay up the Hony , others to exclude the Drones ? To which end they make some of their Cells oblong , the better to receive the forms of their Bodies ; and on the other side make them open to leave egress and regress , yet at the same time it is so ordered , that not above two rows of Cells can be opposite one to the other , namely , one at the top , and the other at the occluded part . Besides , when in framing the Walls of their Cells , there is a necessity that the Wax be separated , and carried out from all parts : How do the Bees so contrive it , that every Bee taking its round with comprest Wings , six other Cells should be drawn circularly near the Wax-Cell towards the sides , and as many towards the top , and all for the convenience of the circular Figure ; which is so ordered as to be touch'd by six , other equal and conformable Cells : Furthermore , there must be a Hexagonic or Sixangled , and a Hexaedric or six-sided Figure , conformable as well at the Sides as at the Top , in such manner , as while six Circles are contiguous about a seventh , and make a compression , this compression is to be mutual so far as till it falls into six Sides , equal to a Semidiameter , and common as well to the containing as the contained Circles . VI. The whole operation of Bees proceeds not from Reason , but instinct of Nature . But these and the like Operations are not to be attributed properly to Cognition or Cogitation , but to some other intelligence , which Averroes calls Non Errant : So as that the Corporeal Nature must follow the conduct of Divine Reason ; and its Works be look'd upon as Darts or Arrows which are directed by a skilful Marksman , to the Aim or Mark which the Darts or Arrows themselves have no suspicion or apprehension of . So that this Natural Force infused into every Animal , is the Original , and as it were the Source of all those Motions and admirable Effects , which do not only exceed all our Efforts , but which we can hardly attain to by our greatest application of Wit and Ingenuity : Whence the Great DESCARTES in his 45 th Epistle to a certain Nobleman , I am not ignorant ( saith he ) that many things are performed by Brutes , far better than by us ; but this I do not in the least wonder at , since it helps to prove that they perform them Naturally and as it were by Springs ; no otherwise than a Clock or Dial , which declares the Hours far better than we can find it out by our exactest Judgment : And doubtless when the Swallows approach in Spring time , they act therein in the manner of Clocks or Dials : And whatsoever Bees perform , is of the same nature , as is also the Order which Cranes observe in flying , Apes in fighting ; if at least they observe any . Lastly , the instinct by which they are carried to bury their Dead , hath nothing more to be wondred at , than the instinct of Dogs and Cats , who , going about to cover their Excrements , scrape up the Earth in order thereunto , tho' perhaps they never proceed so far as to cover them ; which shews that they act unthinking , and only by instinct . But if after all this any one still remains obstinate , and will have it that Intellect and Reason must be allowed in Beasts to produce all those wonderful Operations ; what hinders but that whatsoever things in Nature give occasion of admiration , may be said to proceed from Reason ? Why may we not by the same reason maintain , that a Clock or Dial is indued with Intellect , as long as the Index , turning about by a Spring of Motion infixt , sometimes by a deflux of Water , sometimes by the stress of a Weight hung on , sometimes turned about by the reflex of an intorted Steel , designs the Hours ? Why may not the Needle be said to be prompted by Reason to fly to the adjacent Loadstone , for the obtaining of its imbraces ? The Bees therefore erect their Habitations , as HARVEY admirably expresseth it , by a Natural impulse , and as it were by a fatal necessity , or a certain mandate , working according to the Law of the Creator , but act nothing by Providence , Design or Councel . For what in us is the Principle of Artifical Operations , and is called Art , Intellect or Providence ; that in these Natural Works is meer Nature , depending upon no Mans Instruction . VII . Whence ariseth the diversity of Actions in Brutes . But if it be required , how it comes to pass that so great a diversity of actions should be produc'd among Beasts ? How each Animal should have its proper Machination , if they operate according to inbred impressions , and are impelled as it were by a certain weight ? I answer , that this happens from the various disposition of the Brain , and the Organ , which according as it varies in Animals of a different Species , so it brings to pass , that an affection of the same Object is directed to different Motions : Forasmuch as nothing else can be understood by the name of Natural Instinct , than the Local Motion as of the whole , so of the minute parts indued with a certain magnitude and Figure , according to which natural things are distinguish'd , and obtain various denominations . Now those motions which follow corporeal dispositions , may be reduc'd to three Heads . The First is of those , by which Animals , through a certain inbred impulse , hate and decline those things which are hurtful and troublesome to them ; as a Sheep abhors the sight of the Wolf , and immediately upon the said sight thereof , betakes it self to flight with all imaginable haste : Almost all sorts of Animals dread the Lion , and are terrified at the sight of him : On the other side , the Lion fears the Cock , and trembles both at the hearing of his Crowing , and sight of his Crest : So the Chickens fear and fly the Kite , &c. The Second is of those by which Beasts apply themselves to the propagation of their Kind , and the generating of their like ; so the Silkworm weaves its Egg ; so Fishes and other Animals , by a certain inbred propensity , do many things which tend to the foresaid end . The Third is of those things by which Brutes provide for their own preservation , and sustain themselves from perishing , they go out to get their Food , they make choice of their Meats , they lay up Provision against the approaching Winter , and do several other such like actions which conduce to the said end . VIII . Whence ariseth the Hatred and or Antipathy between some Animals . The Motions of the first Kind are easily made out , when we affirm that by the sight of such Objects , certain impressions are transmitted through the Fibres of the Nerves into the Brain , which convey the Animal Spirits into the Nerves ; which upon turning the Back , or moving the Thighs , are readily disposed to help on the flight ; and also partly upon those Nerves which dilate or contract the Orifices of the Heart , or which agitate other parts from whence the Blood is sent into it : That this Blood being rarified , after another manner than is usual , sends into the Brain those Spirits which are adapted to the cherishing and fomenting of Terror , that is , which are apt to keep open , as also to open again those passages of the Brain which conduct them into the said Nerves : So the Sight of the Eye , from the Body of a Wolf , reflected upon the Eyes of a Sheep , hath the force of disposing the Spirits , and diffusing them into the Nerves in such a manner as is necessary for promoting the flight of the Sheep : The like may be said of Chickens flying the Kite ; the Lion the Cock , and other Beasts the Lion. For it is the nature of the Brain , and of the contexture of the Fibres , into which an impression is made in the said Beasts , to produce such an affection . And that such a Disposition and Temperament is found is Beasts is sufficiently manifested by the steam exhaling from the body of a Camel , by which a Horse is so terrified , that he becomes incapable of standing a fight : Of such a Nature likewise is the smell of a Horse , that thereby an Elephant is driven into madness : The Root also of the Herb Valerian sends forth a Vapour , which works so upon Cats , that they are thereby driven into a merry Pin , and skip and frisk about like mad . In regard that such or such an affection is not grateful or ungrateful of it self , but upon this account , that there is such or such a conformation of the Organs , and contexture of the Fibres , which is found in these Animals . Nor is it haply for any other cause that the Cock awakes before light , and by his Crowing proclaims the approach of Day , than because the Sun having passed the Circle of Midnight , and having almost overtaken the Morning , puts to flight the cold Air of the Night by his approach ; by which coldness the Cock being raised and awakned , is so stirred up and alarm'd , that he presently sets up his Note , and by his loud Crowing calls up mortal Men to their tasks and labours . IX . Whence proceeds the Love of Beasts one towards the other . By the same reason may the Love of Beasts be set forth , for example , when an Object is agreeaable , the Light which is reflected towards the Eyes of the Animal , strikes the Optick Nerves in such sort , that they dispose the Animal Spirits to insinuate , part into the Muscles , which have their course toward the Tail , Head , Legs , &c. part into those which serve to inlarge the Orifices of the Heart , and to press the parts of the Heart , whence the Chyle and the Blood may come in greater abundance ; which not only causes the Animal Spirits to mount up to the Brain in the greater quantity , but also gives them a freer course into the same Muscles , and by this means to conserve , entertain and fortifie those motions which the presence of an agreeable Object hath caused . X. Whence their Passions . So that the Passions of Animals , taken not for Simple Faculties but for Actions , are nothing else but the emotions of the Brain , caused by the presence of whatsoever Object , whether hurtful or favourable , and fortified by some particular courses of the Animal Spirits , which depend principally upon the disposition , which the Heart and others of the Principal Bowels put into the Blood. XI . The Composition of the Machin of a Beast more exact than any other . You will , possibly , have much ado to conceive that Beasts should do all that we see them do , after the manner of things Inanimate ; as for Example , of a Clock which marks the Hours , and strikes by virtue of the disposition of its Wheels , and the force of its Counterweights : For tho' in Beasts we take notice only of their motions , yet the great number of those motions is very surprising , and it is a hard matter for any one to persuade himself that so many can be included in a Machin . But I will easily deliver you out of this pain , if you have the representation before you of a Clock , for Example , composed but of 15 or 20 pieces , which nevertheless strikes all the Hours , marks the Half-hours , the quarters , and all other parts of Time which are numberless . Now if a Machin , which is composed of so small a number of Pieces , is capable of so many things , how many must we imagin the Machin of a Beast capable of , which is compos'd of Spring-Fibres , whose number and due disposure surpasses , without compare , the structure of the exactest Machin that ever was made by any Workman . XII . The Machins of Beasts are wound up as other Machins . If it be answered , that there is a great difference between a Beast and an Artificial Machin , in that a Clock may be wound up every day ; but that the Machin , for example , of a Dog , cannot be so wound up . It is evident , that all Machins are not wound up , or renewed after one and the same manner . Pocket Clocks or Watches have their Springs ; certain Turn-broches or Jacks have the smoke of the Chimney to make them move ; Mills have Water or Wind ; Thermometers have heat or coldness of the Air ; the Hydrometer divers degrees of Moisture : So likewise Beasts have their Aliment . So that we may well say , that their Machins are wound up as often as they have any thing given them to eat or drink . XIII . A Dog is not carried by Cognition to snatch at a piece of Bread. But if there be no difference between Beasts and other Machins , whence comes it that a Dog can snatch at one bit of Bread or Meat , and reject or refuse another bit which is offered him , if he have not a Cognition or discerning Sense to accept the one and reject the other ? Who can think it necessary , that there should be Cognition in a piece of Iron , to cause it to move towards the Adamant or Loadstone , and not as well to move towards a Flint when it is offered to it ? Or who will think himself obliged to admit of Cognition in a Dog , to cause him to run away at the sight of a Cudgel , when it is offered to him , any more than in a piece of Iron shunning when the opposite Pole is presented , that very Adamant by which formerly it had been attracted . XIV . A Dog fsels never the more pain , because he crys when he is beaten . And certainly these who believe that a Dog feels pain , because he crys when he is beaten , have as little reason for their belief ; since the greatest sound that can be heard when the Organs are touch'd in certain places , is not a sign that there is any pain in those Organs : So that there cannot be proposed any such action of Beasts , but I can produce something like it , which you must necessarily confess does happen in other subjects , which can no way be imagined capable of Cognition ; and you need do no more but see with your Eye , and touch with your Hand the several Organs of Beasts , and their different Structures , to make you comprehend how the greatest part of their Actions may be performed without Cognition , after which you will find no great difficulty to acknowledge , that the same may be said of all the rest . XV. A Swallow shews nothing of Cognition in building her Neast . No more doubt need to be made , that a Swallow may without knowledge , imploy it self in building a Neast of Mud , with the greatest Artifice imaginable ; may gather up heaps of Straw and Chaff to make a curious sort of Straw-work , may search about for Feathers to lay a-top , for the making of her Bed the more soft and warm , the disposing of her Eggs , and the covering and cherishing of her Young Ones after they are hatcht , till such time as they are in a condition to fly , and shift for themselves , and seek their own Food ; since there are many things that have not the least Cognition , which exactly perform that which Men cannot do with all their Ingenuity . I might here recount a world of Examples , but I shall only add , that a Stone hung at the end of a Pole , marks out the direct way to be kept for to go to the Center of the Earth , that the Needle of the Compass points out the North , that a Fane shews the Course of the Wind , that a Clock or Dial marks out the Hours more exactly than the Learnedest Man of the World can do . Moreover , there is not a Goldsmith , the cunningest of them living , who having the filing of Iron mingled with that of Gold or Silver , can in the dark separate the one from the other , and even by plain day-light it would cost him much time and labour to effect it ; whereas a Loadstone performs the same in a moment , without the help of Day or any other Light. By this we may see that the exactness with which many Beasts perform certain operations , is not an undoubted sign that they perform them with Cognition : And besides , with what exactness or curiosity soever some Beasts may act , they have never produc'd any thing that can come near that rare skill wherewith the least Flower of the Field pushes forth its Bud , its Blossoms and its Leaves . XVI . Nor a Bee in the contrivance of its Comb. Nor did ever any Bee make Compartments in his Comb more exact and curious than those of a Pomegranate . And if it be so marvelous a thing to see a Dog seemingly sensible , when his Machin is wholly disposed to move after a piece of Bread , or in pursuit of a Hare : So that tho' we perhaps may think our selves obliged to admit of Cognition in him , yet it is true , that his whole Machin , which is infinitely more strange in its Fabrick , than it is strange to see it go when it is made , hath nevertheless been so composed , as to be without Art or Cognition , and to act by motion only , and the disposition of its parts : Moreover the Argument drawn from the exactness with which Beasts perform many different Actions , proves too much : For we should thence be forced to conclude , that Beasts have more perfect Cognitions than Men , as we have said before , and that the principle of these Cognitions is more noble than theirs , which certainly no rational person will easily grant . XVII . How Brutes are impelled to Generation . But let us repeat our Discourse , interrupted by this long digression , concerning the operations of inanimate things , compared with the actions of Animals , and explain the Motions of the Second Kind , with the same ease as we have those of the First . For that Beasts are incited to Generation and Propagation , proceeds from the alteration made in their Bodies , by which their Fibres , and the Contextures of them are so disposed , that from thence a certain affection is derived , ( especially in those Organs that are inservient to Generation ) which is directed to the foresaid Motions . For Lust is a certain disposition of the Animal Phantasie , proceeding from the motion of the Genital Parts ; that is , while those parts are tickled by the fervid Spirits , and impelled to Coition . So when a Proud Bitch is brought to , or comes in company of a Dog , she by her smell so disposes the unquiet Spirits in the Head of the Dog , that they make a conflux into the parts adapted for Generation to perfect the Coition . Whence that Tentigo , which in many Males accompanies Lust , is wont to be made by the Animal Spirits , whilst they flow down to the Fungous Nerves of the Masculine Member , and are hindred from returning by the Prostates , swelling with the Fervid Seed , and stopping up the Pores of those Fungous Nerves ; so that Animals , when they are libidinously inclin'd , are of that disposition , as easily to be directed to those Motions which tend to Propagation , and the preserving of their Kind , as shall hereafter be more largely discourst of concerning Birds . XVIII . What Imagination is in Animals . When , I say , that Lust is a certain disposition of the Animal Phantasie , I would not have it so understood , as if it were some internal Principle , from whence a certain Imagination should proceed , but only that it is a simple motion , proceeding from the course which the Animal Spirits take of themselves across the Fibres of the Brain ; whence it follows , that the Imagination of Animals , taken for a simple Faculty , is no other than a power which the Animal Spirits have to flow , as of themselves , from the Brain into some certain Muscles , rather than others , for the moving of some particular Members . XIX . How it comes that Brutes are concerned for themselves , and the preservation of their lives . With the same clearness may the Motions of the Third Kind be made out : For Nature hath been beneficial to all Creatures , in furnishing each of them with their proper Organs , and impressing that habit of Body , by the help of which , and of the said Organs , they are enabled to stir up those Motions , by which they may the better provide for their Life , and prosecute those things which are necessary for the preservation of themselves . It is infused by Nature into all sorts of Animals , as saith the Latin Orator , to defend themselves , and take care of their Life and Body , and to decline those things which seem hurtful to them , and to search after , and endeavour to obtain all things that are necessary for the preservation of Life . Wherefore it is no wonder , if Brutes , with so much application , are intent upon their preservation , by building themselves places of abode ; by seeking their Food , even rather than fail , by force and rapin ; by providing and laying up sustenance , by discerning and distinguishing some Meats from others , and doing such like actions as tend to sustain and keep themselves from perishing : Forasmuch as Beasts are so framed by Nature , that by their Meats , by their Retiring Places , &c. they are disposed to those Motions , from which they use to be prompted to Feed , and to betake themselves to their Receptacles : Whence it comes to pass , that they distinguish the Meat agreeable to them , from that which is not ; and that they decline some things , and accept of others : For Example , for the curing of Diseases , and restoring to Health from any Distemper ; the Ring-Dove and Blackbird make use of Laurel . For purging the Belly , the Dog hath recourse to Grass ; the Hen , to the Wall-flower ; the Swallow useth Celandine for clearing the Sight ; the Tortois , Origanie against all sorts of Poison : To which choice doubtless , they are only prompted by the very inspection of the Herb , because of the different temper of the Body , and the various contexture of the Fibres . Forasmuch as from Trees and Herbs such Emanations arise , as are proportionate to the Sensorium so affected , and not like those which flow from other sorts of Plants ; and therefore , as Animals , when they are prest with Hunger , are not promiscuously allured by all sorts of Meat alike : So when they labour under any Distemper , they are not by the same impulse carried all to one and the same Herbs , but to those only , by which they are disposed , and in a sort attracted by the peculiar odour which affects them . Nor can any other reason be assigned , why the Stork makes use of his Bill and long Neck instead of a Clyster-Pipe to purge its self of all Noxious Humours ; or why the Serpent rubs himself upon Fennel to heal his diseased Eyes , except because the ill affection of the Belly and Eyes , prompts , allures and impels to these motions ; whence it plainly appears , how prodigal of Reason they are , who allow it to Brute Animals , and have recourse to I know not what Soul , which must forsooth lie latent in them , and be attributed as a principle to all their works , when as at the same time , there is no mutation to be discerned in them ; things are always performed after one and the same manner ; variety of place , time and age , produces no diversity in their Operations , which happens not so in Man , as being participant of Reason : There being innumerable ways and modes of Human Actions : And there is not in every Man one only action , or one propensity as in Beasts , but in each Man a several Inclination , some proper to one , some to another , according to the condition of the Soul ; whence it comes to pass , that there is so great a diversity of Opinions in the minds of Men , so that few Men think one and the same thing , hate one and the same thing , affect one and the same thing . Of the first Class of the Actions of Animals , enough hath been said already ; let us now hasten to examin the others , in which there are apprehended some appearances , not only of Perception , but also of Judgment and Ratiocination , such as are Dubitation , Invention , Determination , &c. XX. How it is that Animals doubt . It can scarce be denied , or indeed so much as questioned , but that Animals may sometimes seem to doubt , demur , or be , as they say , at a Non-plus . We find that a Horse , when two bundles of Hay , or two measures of Corn are set before him , makes choice of one and rejects the other ; and it is not unpleasant , sometimes to behold a Cat , when Meat a little too hot is thrown to her , at a stand whether she should refuse it , or fall to : For first touching it with a light Foot , then nicely putting her Mouth to it , she hesitates a while , with her Ears shrunk up , as it were meditating in her mind which of the two she should prefer , feasting or abstinence , till at length declining the latter , she makes choice of the first , and sticks to that resolution . These and the like actions , which seem to argue in Brutes a liberty and indifference , are to be attributed only to different motions which are in the Brain : For different Objects produce different Motions in the Organs of the external Senses , which by the help of the Nerves being carried into the Brain , excite some other motions , by which the Spirits being directed variously , impel the Conarion , and so bring it into an aequilibrium , so as not to incline more to one part than another : Whence it comes to pass , that Brute Animals remain indifferent , and seem unresolved whether to take , or leave their Meat : For since these Spirits are Corporeal , they excite opposite motions in the Glandule , which thwarting one another keep the said Glandule unmoved , and suffer it not to decline to one part more than another ; and this happens not only to Brutes , but sometimes also to Men , that is , to those , who , being deprived of their Senses , act without Counsel or Design . MEDINA makes mention of a certain Madman , who having two Apples offered him at the same time , could not resolve which to fix upon , and so in much perplexity remained a good while in suspence without tasting of either , till at length a certain Friend of his took the Apples , and presenting him with one , reserved the other till that was eaten ; whence it evidently appears how different the hesitation of Brutes is from the suspension of Judgment . For when by Perception we discover any thing which was hid from us before , and of which we had not yet made any judgment , Our Mind by the help of the Will , that is , of that faculty which it hath of moving it self , and determining , remains doubtful , and suspends the Judgment ; if it apprehends any obscurity in the thing , afterwards deliberates ; and as soon as it finds the matter cleared , gives its assent , which it denies to other things which do not appear so clear and evident . But in regard Beasts want Will , and are only prompted by Corporeal Objects ; no wonder they do not in reality either doubt or make choice of any thing with judgment , because not reflexion , but only a recourse of certain Images , causes the said dubitation . XXI . The Craft and Subtilty of some Creatures . The Craft which most Animals make shew of , and the Wiles which they use in their Actions , are not thought to be made out with the like facility ; forasmuch as so great a semblance of Reason appears in them , that some may possibly be induc'd to think , that the said Animals are led by Cognition , and act by an inspection of some end or design . But because the Fox excels all other Beasts in cunning and stratagems , and is therefore propos'd by some Writers as an example of subtilty , it will not be amiss to relate some of the Tricks and Machinations of this subtil Creature , in regard they being laid open , it will the better appear after what manner the operations of other Animals are brought about . PLINY makes relation that the Foxes in Thrace do nothing inconsiderately , insomuch that being to pass frozen Rivers , they do not presently commit themselves to the hazardous passage of them ; but first going softly , and with a light Foot , they apply their Ear and listen the better to make trial of the thickness of the Ice : For when they hear any thing of the murmur of the underflowing Water , they stop their course , and unless any danger attend them behind , stir not a foot farther ; but in case no noise be heard , nor any fear of danger be discovered , they pursue their course and get clear over . For they seem to reason with themselves after this manner : That which makes a noise is moved , that which is moved is not firm , that which is not firm must needs be fluid or liquid , that which is liquid cannot be retained or kept back , but may give way ; therefore this River is not to be passed . Another subtilty is related of this Creature by the same Author , in catching and getting possession of its Prey : When-ever he beholds a flight of Birds in the Air , rowling himself in Red Sand , that he may appear all bloody , holding his Breath and lolling out his Tongue , counterfeits himself dead ; by which means when the Birds come to settle upon his Body , he on a suddain snaps them , and devours them . Likewise when he is hunted , and the Dogs drive so close upon him , that he is in danger of being taken , he makes use of this stratagem : Having stail'd he besprinkles his Tail with the Urin , then shaking it all about , he indeavours to avert the Dogs by the stink thereof , thereby to free himself from the harm that attends him . The like trick he makes use of to drive the Badgers from their Kennels ; as soon as he perceives them gone out , he enters in , and leaves such a stink with the Excrements he voids there , that they are forc'd to make their Lodgings elsewhere . No less Fox-craft is shewn in freeing themselves from the Fleas with which they are oft-times molested : For taking a wisp of Straw , or any sort of soft Stubble , they plunge the hinder part of the Body in cold water , from which the Fleas flying , get up to their Heads , which then they plunge in like manner in the water , upon which the Fleas make their escape into the Straw or Stubble ; and by this means the Foxes get away and leave their Guests behind them . A greater stratagem than all these the famous Sir KENELM DIGBY relates of a Fox , who being hard pressed by the Dogs , entred into a Warren , and there hung upon a Rafter among the Carcases of the slain Animals , until such time as the Dogs having lost the scent , were passed by the place . Also of another , who urged by the like necessity , caught hold of a Broom Shrub which shot up over the Mouth of his Kennel , which was plac'd in the broken clift of a Rock , and to which there was an easier access by another way , and so by an accustomed and well-known passage , slipt safe into the Hole , whilst the Dogs eager in pursuit , and not suspecting the danger of the passage , fell down among the Rocks to their destruction . XXII . Passion always follows Appetite , and the alteration of Animal Spirits is made in the Body . Now that the Cause of these Operations may be the better demonstrated , two things are to be supposed out of what hath been already said ; First , That always some affection accompanies the sensitive Appetite . For it cannot be otherwise to make every Animal have an Appetite or Aversation , but that some perturbation must spring up in his Body , which taking its source from the Blood and Spirits , dilates or contracts the Vessels or Ventricles of the Heart , and at the same time agitates other parts of the Body ; by which it comes to pass , that according to the various reception of Spirits , some passages of the Nerves are incited to an opening or shutting , and thereupon the Animal is rendred prone to follow after or decline : Hence Brutes if they are prest with Hunger , are unquiet , and by the Nerve of the Sixth Conjugation , inordinately agitated in the Ventricle are impelled to the motions of the Members adapted to the pursuit of Aliment . Secondly , When as all the motion of the Body of an Animal is stirred up by the contacts of exteriour Objects , it comes to pass that in the Ventricles of the Brain certain Pores are opened by the transcourse of Animal Spirits , which retain a greater facility of opening themselves , than those through which the Spirits have not yet pierc'd : Whence it comes to pass , that if any Object occur , like to that at whose presence those distinct draughts are delineated , the Animal Spirits stirred up into motion , fall into the Vestigia formerly made , and after the same manner as before , move the Members of the Body . As if ● Bull , for examples sake , be several times removed from a fertile into a barren and unfruitful S●il ; the Stomach being stirred up with Hunger , and pricking the Membrans with an acrimonious Humour , the passages of the Ventricle are twitcht by the Spirits , which being carried to the Brain , and making their Course through paths already formed , represent to the Bull the more delicious Meat formerly fed on , and those more fertile Fields where heretofore he used to feed , and which entring the sources of the Nerves , pass into the Muscles designed for the moving of the Legs , and as it were compel them to make after their former Pastures : For tho' their Memory be not indued with any great activity , and that facility , and those draughts which are imprest in the Brain , and which the Spirits leave in the Fibres through which they are carried , may seem to perform little ; yet they produce all those wonderful effects which are observed to be in Brute Animals , and induce the greatest part of Mankind to believe that they make use of Cognition , and are govern'd and prompted by some Spiritual latent Principle . Nay , if the matter were throughly searcht into and examined , Memory is the effective cause of most of the Actions which we negligently and without attention perform , as I have formerly hinted concerning the Minstrels . XXIII . How the Foxes in Thrace being to pass a River , lay their Ear to the Ice . These things thus premised , let us return to our Foxes : As for those in Thrace , which refuse to commit themselves to the congealed Rivers till they have first made proof of the solidity of the Ice ; it is certain that they do not do this by Judgment , but by the benefit of Memory ; since it might possibly happen , that the noise of the Water being heard from another place under the same covering , they might notwithstanding their politick listning , fall in and suffer no small prejujudice in those Bodies of theirs they take all this care of : Or that in the Winter time when they have discovered the course of the Waters , they have been seised with cold , the Memory whereof smiting their Phantasie , deters them from swimming at that time : But as to their moving their Ear to the Ice to explore the thickness thereof , that proceeds from fear , by which the Spirits being excited , betake themselves to those Muscles which are inservient to the bending of the Head , and terminate at the Ear which is to be applied to the Ice : Whence it is apparent , that the Fox in this case makes no use of Ratiocination , but is impelled by Affection ; is not indued by Cognition , but actuated by Passion alone to such like Motions . XXIV . How the Fox to get Birds , counterfeits himself another Creature . But as to their lying as dead in ambush to catch by surprise the unwary Birds ; as to their lifting up and setting their hinder Feet against the stem of a Tree with their Head downward and their Fore-Feet on the ground , and smiting often with their Tail against the Tree , thereby to strike a terror into the Hens , and cheat with a shew of some other Animal leaning against the Tree : As to the shooting the light of their sparkling Eyes upon the Hens , while their whole Bodies besides lie hid in the umbrage of the Night ; that being inticed by the said light , they may forsake their Perches where they roost , and lighting on the ground , fall into their Clutc●es : All this is to be attributed not so much to their Craft as to Chance . For it might probably happen , that a Fox wearied with a long march , might lie down upon the ground and fall asleep , to whom , lying as it were dead , the Hens might very well approach without fear ; which the awaking Fox perceiving , still counterfeits himself asleep , the better to take his opportunity of falling upon them unawares . The like luck hapned to a Fox mentioned by PETRARCH , which Fox when the Fishermen that carry Fish to the City , as commonly they do in a Summers Night , found lying for dead across the way , they took him up , intending to flea him for his Skin , and threw him into the Pannier of Fish , whereof when he had plentifully feasted , out leapt the Fox , and to the great astonishment and vexation of the Fishermen , got clear away with his Belly full of Fish . By the like fortune it might be , that when a Fox saw Hens roosting on a Tree , and not being able to reach them , ran round about the Tree , as seeking some place of advantage whereby to raise himself to a higher station , mean while the Prey fell into his Mouth , and he injoyed his wish without any further trouble . Whence it is probable , these tricks so happily succeeding , that afterwards upon the barking of an empty Stomach , and the instigation of Hunger , the Spirits repeat those passages of the Brain which they entred , when lying as asleep or dead upon the ground , he thereby got his Prey . Which Artifice , often repeated , becomes a custom , and fixes deep into his Memory , so that when ever after he hunts for Food and lights upon any Prey , he repeats the same series of actions , and makes use of the same stratagem , as hath formerly proved so prosperous and successful to him . The truth of it is , many actions which appear not a little strange in Beasts , at first were performed by them , by some certain casualty , which actions having afterwards been made familiar by frequent experience , passed into habit● , which seemed to carry in them a great deal of Wit and Sagacity ; and such in all probability was the chance of a certain Wood-Fo● ( mentioned by the famous Dr. WILLIS ) who to get into his Clutches a Turky , pearching upon the Bough of a Tree , made use of this device to catch it : He circuits about the Tree with a very swift and eager pace , keeping an intent Eye all the while upon the Bird , and by this means obliged him to return the like intention of aspect , which to do , he was forc'd to turn about his Head so often , till at length becoming giddy , and taken with a Vertigo , he falls from his Pearch into the very Jaws of his Enemy . XXV . How the Foxes deceive the Hens by directing their Eyes towards them . By the same reason it is that Foxes , by casting fixedly their Eyes upon the Hens , either seduce them , or attract them ; forasmuch as it was likely enough to come to pass by chance , that while the Foxes were prest with hunger , and stood gaping after their prey that sate aloft , they might so long direct their Eyes upon the Hens , that they either astonish'd at the Foxes sparkling Eyes , or struck with suddain fear , might slip down , and fall into the Jaws of the Insidiatours , by reason that the Hens , either affrighted by the continual sparkling brightness of the Foxes Eyes , or thinking themselves already taken by the Enemy , are seised with such a sudden astonishment and confusion , that they cease and let fall all their natural Functions ; as if their Bodies had no offices to perform : By which means it happens that they first begin to totter , and immediately thereupon by the solution of the Nerves in their Legs , drop half dead upon the ground . The same thing is also observed in other Birds , who when the Cats get upon the Boughs of the Trees , and thence fix their Eyes upon them , as if a suddain Vertigo seised them , they drop down from their Pearches upon the ground . XXVI . How the Fox pursued by the Dogs , comes to dip his Tail in Urin. As to the Craft of Foxes , when they are in danger , watering their Tail in their own Urin , and sprinkling the Dogs Eyes , this I take to proceed not from the Foxes cunning , but the fear that seiseth him . For it is a common thing among all Creatures upon the apprehension of an approaching danger , to let their Urin pass from them , as it were unawares ; in regard the Spirits being then disturbed , are hindred from their wonted Functions , and the Nerves in the Bowels being relaxed , there follows a profluvium of the Excrements ; and whereas upon the said fear they contract their Tails , and draw them in between their hind Legs , they must needs be soak'd in Urin , which upon the shaking of their Tails is sprinkled into the Dogs Eyes , and almost blinding them , hinders their pursuit . XXVII . How it is that Foxes free themselves from Fleas . Nor doth that Craft of the Fox to free himself when he is bitten by Fleas , depend upon a higher cause : For in the Summer time , when itching accompanied with heat is stirred up in his Body , to remove the same , he enters into a River , where first having found some refrigeration in his Feet , he ventures to enter deeper , and by degrees immergeth all the other parts of the Body ; but to avoid the necessity of plunging in too deep , and the trouble of swimming , which would probably heat him afresh , he carries along with him in his Mouth into the River boughs of Trees , or wisps of Hay or Stubble , to which the Fleas flying for refuge to avoid drowning , and sticking thereupon , leave their Landlord clear of them . In the mean time the Fox finding his Limbs finely cool'd and refresh'd , returns into the Wood from his importunate Train , and delivered from the vexatious itching that had so lately molested him . Whereupon afterwards mindful of the pleasure and profit he thus received in the water , whenever the like occasion happens , he resolves upon the same method , betakes himself to the same actions , till at length the trick becomes familiar , and by frequent reiteration turns into a habit , because after the Vestigia of the Memory have brought back upon the Glandule the first Image of the thing , the Spirits returning by the same passages flow into the same Muscles , and so dispose the Foxes Body to produce the same actions he had produc'd by occasion of the Object that first excited : So that all Arts which Animals put forth on several occasions , depend upon the observation that comes into their Memory , of what before succeeded or not succeeded , as may be demonstrated in Thales his Ass , who when laden with Salt , had a River to pass , and by chance plunging somewhat deep in , melted the Salt , found himself eas'd of his burthen thereby , by which success being incouraged , he as often as he entred the said River , went in on purpose the farther , and rolled himself with his burthen in the waters , nor could he be reclaimed from this manner of acting , till in the place of the Salt , a Sack of Wool was put on his Back , which being made more ponderous by sucking in the waters , eluded his Asinine subtilty , and caused the Master from thenceforth to take new measures , and abolish a custom so incommodious to him . XXVIII . What is the cause that Beasts remember . For when Sense or Imagination hath disposed the Animal Spirits to begin their course , the tracts thereof which are formed in the Brain , are so much the more deeply imprest , as the Action of the Animal Spirits hath been the stronger , or hath lasted a longer time , or hath been the oftner reiterated ; for such strength , duration and reiteration are the causes that these tracts are not easily to be effac'd , and that they are in such sort conserved , that they may be raised there again , a long time after . And thus you have in a few words what it is that occasions the Memory of Beasts , tho' they are not capable by Discourse or Speech to express it . XXIX . How it is that the Fox drives the Badger out of his own Hole . As to the trick made use of by the Fox to drive the Badger out of his Hole , that is to say , by staling or voiding his Excrement ; I find not in the performance thereof , that there can be any necessity of having recourse either to Judgment or Providence , since there is nothing in it but what may be ver● ▪ well effected by instinct of Nature : For what is more natural to Beasts , than to defile with their Urin or Dung any place where they have continued never so small a time , if necessity at that time urgeth ; so that it need not in the least be questioned , but that a Fox entring a Badgers Den when he is absent , may very well leave a notable stink behind him , and that through the abhorrence thereof the Badger may be driven to seek out for another place to Kennel in . XXX . Whether it be an evidence of Reason , that the Fox when he is hard pursued by the Dogs should hang himself up by the Teeth among dead Carcases . I must confess it is not so easie to make out , how a Fox should without Knowledge , so industriously defend himself from the Hounds following him with a great Cry , by intermingling himself ( if what is related of him be true ) among the Carcases , which by chance were hung up in the Warren , unless with the Illustrious DIGBY , we grant it might so happen , that the Fox through fear or lassitude , seeking out for a skulking hole , and not finding in that plain tract of Earth ( such as a Cony Borough or Hare Warren useth to be ) any Bush , Bramble or Hillock , or any other place to betake himself to , except that Animals Gallows ( as we may call it ) where such sort of Beasts were hung up , might be induc'd , his Phantasie so suggesting , especially when he was driven to the utmost of his Course , to intermingle himself among the said Carcases , which seemed to him in a state of deep repose ; and since it could be no other way effected but by hanging himself up by the Teeth , he put himself in that posture , and so continued till such time as the Dogs running under the place , overshot their Prey , which they little suspected to be hanging in the Air , and so lost the scent , which while they endeavoured to recover , he by hastning into the next Woods and Coverts , and getting away by stealth , took another Path , and thereby clearly evaded the danger and streights he had been reduc'd to . XXXI . How it is that the Fox close followed by the Dogs , had the luck to catch hold on a Broom Bough which hung ●ver a Precipice . As to that Fox , who from a Broom Bough which he laid hold on , threw himself into his skulking Hole ( the ordinary place of refuge whenever near it ) being so hard prest behind by the Dogs , that he could not go the readier way where there was an easier passage in ; on the one side , the ingress taking up his whole Phantasie , on the other side the Precipice , which he had often seen , being called to mind , it could not be otherwise but upon the concurrence of these two things , he must needs be admonish'd to use great Caution for his safety in getting into this Hole ; and it was but natural for a Creature that was to undergo so great a danger , to catch hold upon any thing that might help him in his leap ; and since there was nothing that offered it self at that instant besides the Broom Bough , which by chance hung over the Hole , he caught hold on the same with his Mouth , and thereby gaining an opportunity of poising himself for the better fetching of a new sort of leap , he threw himself cleverly into the said Hole ; mean while the Dogs pursuing the Chace with the same speed and eagerness as before , were upon the brink of the Precipice before they perceived there was any danger there , in which extremity , neither being able to retreat back , nor to put a stop to their career , they fell in and perish'd in their fall . Yet all this while there is no necessity to imagine , that the Fox contrived this destruction for them , or brought them designedly into this destructive Path ; but in the first place it was effected by his meeting with this refuge from the hard pursuit of the Dogs ; and next he was prompted by his Memory , which had upon some such like case before suggested to him , how to shift for himself when-ever the necessity of declining the like danger should require . XXXII . Certain Phaenomena which indeavour to prove that Ratiocination belongs to Brutes . And here what hath been already said , induceth us not to pass by certain Phaenomena , by which some take upon them to attribute to Brute Animals the faculty of Ratiocination , and judge them to be indued not only with Cognition and Perception , but with Discourse also . For example , when a Dog hath two ways to go in quest of his Master , he thus seems to reason with himself ; my Master certainly went one of these two ways , as is evident from the scent of his Footsteps , but he went not this way , therefore he must needs have gone this way . And when a Dog in pursuit of his Prey , comes to a threefold Path , the first and second being smelt to , and found not to be the right , he immediately without delay , or putting his Nose any more to the Ground , takes his progress through the third . But the real cause of these two actions is no other than the instinct which Nature hath infused into these sort of Animals to perform such and such actions . For in regard a Scent evaporates by a continual effluvium from Man , Hart , Buck , Hare , &c. and adheres to other things , the Dog hunts out the scent of Master , Hare , Hart , &c. imprest upon the Vestigia or Footsteps , and being not in the least moved by the scent of the traces of any other Body , no wonder if he take that way by which his Master or the Hare went. Nor is it to be objected that the Dog doth not this by his Scent , but only induc'd by this sort of reasoning , The Hare hath made his escape by one of these three ways , but he is not gone this way nor that way , therefore it must needs be that he hath made his escape by the third way . Forasmuch as this is but a meer fiction , and not the reasoning of a Dog , but of a Man : For the Dog is no other ways but by the scent led into that Path to which he is induc'd by his quick scented Nose ; for when he finds it , he pricks up his Ears , and with great speed pursues his Prey , because the vapour of the scent filling his Nose , he hath no more to do , but to give himself the loose and follow the tract of it . Whereby it evidently appears , how different this way of Operation is from Discourse or Ratiocination ; since the Dog advances not from one Cognition to another , nor discovers any unknown Verity by the help of another known . For such a power is capable of Intellect , because of its Perception ; and of Will , because it applies the Intellect to Inquisition , and Consideration of its Object . Which Faculty seems to be instead of a consequence of a Created Mind . For Brute Animals , as LUDOVICUS VIVES observes in his Second Book De Anima , begin not from A and so pass on to B to know C , nor from B as conjunct and proceeding from A , but because A pleaseth not , they seek another thing , and so fall upon B ; as when a Dog follows his Master hunting after a Wild Beast , he both by scent and sight discerns him to be a Man : If it be correspondent with the scent and aspect of his Master , he rests satisfied , tho' it be not the very same person ; but if otherwise , leaving him , he betakes him to another , thence to another , tho' having no coherence with the former , till he lights upon him whom he seeks . XXXIII . How it is that the Torpedo catches other Fishes . Among the subtile Wiles of Brute Animals , the Craft of the Torpedo or Cramp-fish uses to be made mention of . This Creature is skulking in muddy places , the better to lie in wait for small Fishes which it feeds upon , casting such a numness upon them , that as soon as ever they rise above water it easily catches them , and devours them . Moreover , the Writers of the Wonders of Art and Nature , deliver of this Fish , that by touching only the Line of an Angle Rod , let down into the Water , it conveys quite up to the very Hand of him that holds the Rod , such a benumming quality , that be he never so strong a Man , he finds all the Joints and Sinews of his Hands and Arms so enfeebled , as not to be able to hold any thing in his Hand , and so likewise in his Legs and Feet , as not to go at least with any speed or swiftness of pace . The Cause of all which it will not be very difficult to demonstrate , if we consider that it is Natural to this and other sorts of Fish of a cold Nature , so to cover and as it were arm themselves with Mud , that the Fishes when they approach , are upon the emission of this Venenous quality , immediately seiz'd with such a Numness as if they were all frozen and bound in Ice . Forasmuch as such sort of Spirits are emitted from the Body of the Torpedo , as penetrating the substance of the Fish , or reaching the Hands , Feet , or other Members of those that touch , benum their Spirits coming forth to meet them , and consequently stupifying those parts of the Body , render them feeble , tremulous , and unapt for motion , and that so throughly , that the business is effected before the Fish are taken either by Net or Angling-Rod . The same may be said of the Sepia or Cuttle-Fish , who finding danger approaching from the hands of the Fisherman , sends forth a certain black Liquor , by which the Water being all ting'd , and putting on a black or sable Hue , he dexterously failing all the Arts of the Fishermen gets away safe and secure . But neither doth this Stratagem any more , than any of the rest , proceed from any Discoursive Faculty or act of Reason , but from a laxation or loosning of the Nerves caused by Fear ; as hath been already discourst concerning the Fox , who for fear voids his Urine ; so the Cuitle-Fish vomits out a Liquor much like Ink , from the diffusion whereof through the Waters proceeds the fore-mentioned Effect . XXXIV . How comes it to pass that Brute Beasts fear Men , and fly the sight of them . Neither doth it argue more of Reason , that Beasts stand in fear of Men , and usually fly and decline the sight of them as Enemies , since that fear proceeds from the remembrance of some damage which at some time or other they have received . For the Cause of Passions , as well in Brute Animals as in us , is nothing else but the Agitation by which the Spirits stir up the Glandula which is placed in the midst of the Brain , from the inequality of whose agitation , and the variety of parts whereof they consist , the Spirits themselves are diversly deduc'd into the Muscles , and create different Affections . Whereupon , when the Spirits , which constitute the Idea of any thing , have once form'd a way to themselves , and intruded themselves among the filaments , of which the substance of the Brain is composed , there is not requir'd so great a force by which they are obliged a second time to repeat that way , as was needful at first to prepare the said way for them ; whence it comes to pass , that when the like Species shall be form'd upon the Glandula , that facility alone which they find of advancing through their first path , will suffice for them again to enter it . Wherefore , no wonder if Brute Animals for damages offer'd them by Men , or Terrors thereby incurr'd , are not able for the future to look upon them , but that the Idea of the harm must presently occur , and they thereby be stirr'd up to flight ; as we see in some Men , who having drunk a Medicin with great aversion , cannot after that eat or drink any thing that hath the like kind of taste or savour , but with great abhorrence and aversion ; nor can in like manner so much as think of the aversion usual in taking of such Medicins , but that the same must return again into their Minds . And that this is the true and genuine Cause why Beasts fly the sight of Men , may hence be confirm'd , viz. because there are many Regions discover'd ( especially in the New ▪ World ) where it is found by Experience , that neither Birds nor Beasts do in the same manner fear or fly the sight of Men as among us , who treat them more inhumanly , and suffer no place where such Creatures harbour to be at rest from our Fowling-Pieces , and our Venatory Instruments . Moreover , it is observ'd in the Island of Chio and other places , that Partridges never fly away , but are kept tame in great Covies , and oftentimes betake themselves in great numbers into thick inhabited and frequented Towns and Villages , no otherwise than as Sheep are fed and kept in Folds among us . XXXV . How it comes to pass that young Animals , who never saw Men before , should fly them at first sight . But there remains yet one Difficulty to be solv'd ; for tho' Beasts , who have suffer'd injury from Men , may by the benefit of their Corporeal Memory be affrighted at the sight of Men , and upon discovery thereof betake themselves to flight ; yet how comes it , that young Animals who have not seen the Face of Man before , should shrink back and be shy at the sight of what they have not yet seen ? For the solution of this Difficulty , it will be sufficient to mind what hath been discoursed in my Philosophical Institution and History of Nature , concerning some Sympathies and Antipathies of Men , namely , that the Image of a thing seen being depainted in the Brain , is by the help of the Animal Spirits convey'd into the common Sensorium , or Seat of the Sensus Communis , and from thence by the mediation of the Blood and Spirits , to the Uterus or Womb , and through the Umbilical Vein to the Birth it self , in which the Image of the thing seen , because of its softness is strongly imprinted , which tho' in the beginning it be but small , yet by little and little the substance of the Birth being enlarg'd , it increaseth just as a Letter engraven with a Penknife in a Pompion , or the Barks of Trees , is dilated , and by degrees receives Increment through the Bark . For it cannot be doubted , but that Brute Animals having receiv'd damage from Men , or an impression of Fear , transmit the Species thereof into the Birth , forasmuch as by those motions their Temperament is alter'd , and the disposition of Parts inverted , which afterwards being communicated to the Birth , by the Seed , generate the same propension therein . For we see it happens very often in the Sons of Mathematicians , that they are more delighted than any other sort of Men in the Drawing of Figures , and designing of Proportions , and that they are led as it were by a certain Instinct of Nature to the learning of those kind of Arts , which undoubtedly from their Nativity they are addicted to , and that upon no other ground but from the Imagination of the Parents , which altering the Nature of the Seed , and inverting the Temperament of the whole Body , imbues the Birth thence springing with the same propensities . XXXVI . How some Beasts come to be so Capable by Instruction and Discipline . The time now requires , that we should pass on to the third Classis of Actions , that is , of such as Animals attain to by Exercise and Discipline , and which seem so wonderful to those that observe and consider them , that they can hardly be otherwise persuaded , but there is Cogitation in these Creatures . The Hawk is taught by his Instructor how to hunt after Partridges , and other sorts of Birds , and with erected Ears receives his Instructors words , andwhen he is let fly to catch the Prey , upon the Falconers hortatory Outcries , encouraging him still to a stouter prosecution of his work , he grows fiercer and fiercer , and follows the Enemy with an extraordinary ardour of Spirit . The Famous Jastus Lipsius , in his first Century of Epistles to the Hollanders , makes mention of a Dog of a British Race , who was taught to go to Market , to carry the Mony , and to bring home the Meat . It was thus perform'd : They hung a Handbasket about his Neck , with Mony in it for so many Joints of Meat as there was occasion for ; with this the Dog goes directly without stop or stay into the Market , to a known Butchers-Stall , there receives the Meat , and away comes the Dog with his Marketting home . Setting-Dogs , who have an innate Inclination to set upon Partridges , are so taught by Art , that upon the sight of them they are to stand unmov'd , and never till the Sign be given , to rise or move a Foot. ARRIAN US is Cited by CARDAN , as relating that he saw an Elephant , who having two Cymbals in his Ears , toucht them alternately with his Snout or Trunk , to a certain Tune that was set for that purpose , and danc'd to the Measure of the said Tune in Consort with others that were engaged and had a part in the said Dance . XXXVII . The Cause of the diversity of Motions in Animals . These Operations in Animals will be more clearly made out , if it be granted that the double Nature of Brutes proceeds from the different texture of the Fibres and quality of the Humors ; whereby it comes to pass that some are more propense to one Motion of Passion , others to another , to which the unequal commotion of the Spirits in them doth not a little conduce . For since some of those parts of which the Spirits consist are more gross than others , and rais'd to a quicker Motion , the said Spirits pass on by a direct Line into the Cavities of the Brain , and from thence are led into other Muscles , into which they had not been led had they been endued with less force . XXXVIII . How a Hawk is to be brought up for the better catching of its Prey . The Hawk therefore being a Creature Voracious by Nature , and adapted by Kind to follow Prey , is without any difficulty taught to bring it to us , if we contribute to the improving its Nature , and accommodate our selves to its Inclination , since this whole business chiefly consists in this , namely , to keep the Hawk as much as may be from Sleep , and almost continually to be stroaking it , so to make it to become Tame to that degree , as scarcely to take any Meat , but from the Fist ; which familiarity being for some days used , it becomes accustomed in time to fly after its Food , thrown at some distance from it : In the next place , to hunt after a blind Pigeon let loose before it , which if it catch , that being snactht out of its Talons , another piece of Flesh is cast before it , to feed upon , as given for a reward of its Labour ; which Exercise being for some time repeated , the Hawk accustoms himself by degrees to fly after all Birds whatsoever , and when taken leaves them for the Master , being himself contented with a small Reward . Whence it is to be concluded , that all this work consists chiefly in this , That the Hawk , as is inbred in him by Nature to do , accommodates himself to the Art , and follows that Rule of feeding which Nature hath prescribed potentially , but which is improv'd by the Instruction by us given for our advantage and pleasure , in which obsequiousness of the Hawk nothing of Reason is to be discern'd , but only the Industry of the Instructor appears . XXXIX . How Animals are capable of Discipline . As to those Animals that are capable of Discipline , as are Dogs , Elephants , &c. it must be consider'd , that the Discipline whereof they are capable depends principally on the 7 th pair of Nerves , for from thence it is that the Nerve Auditive hath communication by its Envelopement , and , it may be , likewise by its Fibres with the Branches , which advance some to the Exteriour Ear , others to the Muscles of the Larinx , others to other parts of the Body ; and hence it is that Animals , when they hear any Noise , cannot but erect their Ears , utter their Cries , and move themselves after their several ways ; the Reason is , because when the Nerve Auditive is touch'd and excited , the other Nerves with which it hath communication are mov'd in such sort , that the Animal Spirits are disposed to flow into the Muscles , which serve for the Moving of the Ears and other Members . XL. How we are to conceive of a Dogs Catchinghold of a thing . This Communication of the Nerves of the Hearing with that of the Voice , and other parts being granted : It is evident that when we see a Dog ready , for Example , to catch hold of any thing , there needs no more to be done , but to shew him a piece of Bread , and to cry at the same time that he is in this posture , Hold fast , for the Noise of that Saying will not fail to cause the Animal Spirits to flow across from the Brain at that very time that the presence of the Object causeth others to flow into the Muscles , which serve to make the Dog catch hold , which being reiterated several times , the habit thereof may in such sort joyn the two Courses of the Animal Spirits , that at last the only uttering these words , Hold-fast , will be capable not only to excite the Courses of the Animal Spirits , which are answerable to one another , but also that which serves to cause the Dog to Catch hold without any necessity of the Bread being there . XLI . By what Art the Dog at Brussels was taught to go to the Butchers and bring home Meat . By the like Care and Art Dogs are taught to carry Letters and other things to any certain place , as LIPSIUS reports of the Dog at Brussels , who doubtless was brought to it by continual Use and Custom . There is no question , but a Master or Servant taking a Dog along with him to the Shambles , gave him Meat for a reward of his Labour , and afterwards hanging a Hand-basket about his Neck return'd with him to the same place , and renew'd the Reward ; to which Service the Dog was so accustom'd , that whenever the said Basket was hung about his Neck , he made to the Shambles of his own accord , and having received his Burthen , return'd home . But no Man I think will attribute this action to Judgment or Reason , but only to Assuefaction or Custom gain'd by long use , which may be easily evinc'd from the Event : For if it hapned , as the same LIPSIUS observes , that in his way home other Dogs invited by the scent should come smelling a bout him , and set upon him to take it away , then must he be driven either to defend the Basket and put the Invaders to flight ; or if overcome by number or strength , to fall in with the rest and take his share of the Prey ; by which it is evidently demonstrated , that the Image imprest in his Brain , of carrying the Basket to his Master , was disturb'd by another stronger Image , namely of repelling the Invaders , which latter Image a third yet follow'd in order , to wit , of taking share of that Flesh , for the preservation whereof he had a little enter'd Combat , that is to say , this last Image conducting the Spirits , which are inservient to the Motion of the Body into the Muscles , another conformable Action objected , was produc'd , which was at the same time delineated in the Brain , and this could be no other , than that of partaking of the Flesh , which as the case then stood was represented as the most convenient and profitable for him . And not much unlike this last , was the Education of another Dog mention'd by PLUTARCH , who was so well Instructed , to represent Arguments and Persons in a Scene , that no Stage-Player could do it more neatly and exquisitly , and particularly he took upon him the person of a Man that took Poyson in a piece of Bread , that is to say , a Morsel of Bread dipt in a Liquor which was feign'd to be Poyson , upon which he counterfeited to tremble , to totter in his gate , to be taken with a deadness and heaviness , and in the end he fell , and with his Limbs stretch'd out lay for dead , then was removed and laid out as for Burial , as the Argument requir'd ; yet after all this , when nothing less was expected , in the twinkling of an Eye , he first came to himself as it were out of a Dream , began to move his Head and Members , to open and roll his Eyes about , and lastly arose and went joyful and brisk , to shew himself to him for whom he had done all this . XLII . How a Dog is taught to Set for Partridges . But to proceed farther , That some Animals are taught to act contrary to their own proper Instinct , and omit that which they seem to be impell'd to by a certain force of Nature , doth no more than the rest evince , that they are any way endued with Reason ; since we see in Men , that divers Motions of Fibres or Spirits which represent Objects to the Mind , or excite certain Affections , do by long use , and sometimes also by accident , excite other successive Motions . For although the Motions , as CARTESIUS excellently , after his manner , affirms in his Treatise of the Passions , both of the Glandule , Spirits and Brain , which represent some certain Objects to the Soul , be naturally joyn'd with those which excite therein certain Passions ; nevertheless they may by Habit be thence separated , and be joyn'd with others of a very different Nature ; nay , this Habit may be acquir'd by one only Action , and that without long use . As for Example , when on a sudden and beyond Expectation some very loathsom thing shall be found in Meat that is eaten with a very greedy Appetite , this sudden chance may so alter the disposition of the Brain , that thenceforth the very sight of that Meat may possibly not be endur'd , which formerly was eaten with great delight , which very thing is also observ'd in Beasts : For tho' they are void of Reason , and all manner of Cogitation ; yet all Motions of the Spirits and of the Glandule , which excite Passions in us , are also in them , and serve for the preserving and confirming , not as in us of the Affections , but of the Motions of the Nerves and Muscles , which use to accompany them . So when a Dog sees a Partridge , he is Naturally inclined to run after it , and when he hears the sound of a Musquet shot off , that Sound naturally disposes to flight ; yet it is an ordinary thing for a Setting-Dog to be so Instructed , as to stop at the sight of a Partridge , and on the other side , to run after any thing shot out of a Gun upon hearing the Report thereof ; to do which they are not led by Judgment , as I said before , but by the fear of Stripes , or some kind of Discipline , by which the Motions of the Spirits and Nerves , joyn'd by Nature with certain impressions of Objects , are totally diverted and remove into other parts . XLIII . How an Elephant is taught to beat upon Cimbals . But that an Elephant should beat upon Cimbals tied to his Ears , is no great matter of Admiration , since by a small deal of Industry and Discipline he might easily be brought to it ; in regard this Animal is of a very capacious and hot Brain , and consequently easily imitates those things which are proposed to it . Add hereunto , that he hath a prompt and ready Proboscis , capable of touching the Cimbals alternately , and thereby producing a certain rude , if we may so call it , Harmony , by which all those who were present were induced to a Dance , according to the Laws or Rules aforehand prescribed . XLIV . The Cause of these Operations in Brutes is only Memory , and the disposition of the Parts of the Body . From these few examples it plainly appears , that Cognition is not required to the performances which we behold in Brute Animals ; but that Memory , the hability of the Members of the Body and Custom suffices : Or if any one will needs call them the works of Reason or Intelligence , they may indeed be so allowed , but not of the Reason of the Animals , but of those who have instructed and taught them . Now if any one will have it , that Beasts are taught some actions by example and the imitation of others of the same Kind , and by institution ; VIVES answers them in the above cited place . Brutes , saith he , teach their Young Ones to do that sooner , which nevertheless they would do of themselves ; as a Bird teacheth her Young Ones to fly , a Cat her Kittens to hunt after Mice , that they may have the benefit of seeing them like themselves as soon as may be , that is to say , perfect in their Kind ; but we teach them to do what we would have them do , which they else would either never do , or at least in another manner than we design . Nor is our Doctrin any other thing in them than meer Assuefaction or accustoming themselves , and that to nothing else but to some Corporeal Exercise , as to Speak , to Run , or in some manner or other to move their Body , or some part of their Body . XLV . By some Examples it is shewn , that Beasts discourse one another , and understand Human Speech . As to that manner of Speech or Discourse by which some Animals seem to speak to one another , and to discover thereby what their thoughts or designs are ; this appears most clearly in the Hen , who according to pleasure varies , and by divers Tones makes manifest the several Affections wherewith she is impelled ; for if she calls out her Chickens , she feigns the Tone of a Raven ; if the Kite be hovering over her , she drawls out , and somewhat elevates her Voice ; if the Chicken chances to be catcht , she as it were groans and repeats that Tone with a kind of a Sob , &c. Hence PORPHYRIUS imagined , that Animals had converse with each other by Speech , and that Thales , Melampus , Tiresias and Apollonius Thyaneus understood their Language , as Virgil relates of Helenus , in the Third Book of his Aeneids , — Who knowst the Stars , And Speech of Birds . A Parrot falling out of a Window , in Whitehall , in the time of King Henry VIII . into the River Thames , flowing by the said Palace , began to cry out a Boat , a Boat , 20 l. for a Boat ; whereupon being taken up all wet by a Waterman , he was brought to the King in expectation of the promised hire , but the Parrot , then altering his Tone , cried out , Give the Knave a Shilling . A Magpie sometimes so exactly imitates the Voice of the Fowler , as thereby to impose upon the Dogs , and draw them on , while they take it to be the Voice of the Master . The same thing PLINY relates of the Hyaena , who counterfeiting Human Voice among the Shepherds Cottages , and having learnt the Name of some particular Person , calls him out by the said Name , whom coming forth by Night , he sets upon and tears to pieces . Horses , Dogs and Apes we find understand very well the speech of Man ; forasmuch as they receive all their Dictates and Commands , and accordingly execute them . An Example hereof JUSTUS LIPSIUS gives us in a Dog at Lovain , who having letters sowed up in his Collar , and understanding by the words spoken to him , whither they were to be carried , went directly to Brussels with them , to a certain House well known to him , and there left them . XLVI . How a Hen varies her Voice . That certain Animals do as it were attemper and manage their Voices , and seem after a sort to utter various sounds at pleasure , is not to be supposed to proceed from Reason , and as if there were a certain Mind latent in them , by which their sounds were directed , but only from the Passions by which they are agitated : Which Passions inducing a various disposition in the Organs , are the cause that the Spirits are diversly emitted through the Aspera Arteria , and accordingly Beasts utter their various Tones , even as we experiment in our selves , who inflamed with Love , speak after one manner ; affected with Hatred or Anger , after another . And altho' Cogitation may accompany the Motions of our Passion , that is to say , in regard we are indued with a faculty of thinking , yet it is most evident , that those Motions do no way depend upon this Cogitation , in regard they oftentimes arise against our Will , and consequently the said Motions may very well be in Brutes , nay , and possibly more vehement than in Man. Yet can it not be from thence concluded , that they are indued with Cogitation . Different is the Pipation of a Hen , in regard she is affected with one Passion when she falls upon her Food , with another when she sees the Kite , with another when she is taken , with another when she calls away her Chickens , with another when she goes to Roost : So that we can never enough condemn those Persons of Vanity , who in Antient Times have taken upon them to understand the Languages of Beasts , and pretended to know by their manner of Speech what they designed or acted . XLVII . Parrots do not properly speak . Parrots indeed are taught to form articulate sounds , and by Custom are brought to pronounce many words , and yet they cannot properly be said to speak . For to Loquution or Speaking , two things are chiefly required , Motion of a Corporeal Organ , and Perception of Mind . For as in Sensibility there are three Degrees to be distinguished , as I have already hinted , viz. Motion of a Corporeal Organ , Cogitation of Mind , and determination of Will to judge ; so in speaking , the first Degree is Perception of Mind ; the second , Judgment and Will to discover to another that which we conceive ; the third , the Motion of the Corporeal Organ . Now in some Animals there is the third Degree of Speaking , but not the second or third : Because whereas Beasts are void of Mind , they design not by those words which they utter , to discover their internal Conceptions , but only declare those things , which by long labour they have learnt of Men , and whose signification , in time , utterly slips from them : For if some Birds have been so instructed , as to give some things their right Names , and promptly to answer to Questions ask'd them , this is only to be attributed to their Memory , no to their Understanding or Reason ; as particularly in that Parrot , who , falling out of a Window of the King's Palace into the River of Thames , called out for a Boat , since there is no doubt , but he had formerly learn'd to pronounce those words , whereby it came to pass , that the species of them being by very frequent repetition imprest in the Brain , the Spirits and Organs were determined to put forth ●he like sounds . As in that Magpie , which upon the sight or approach of his Mistress , used to utter the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. God save you , in regard this Sound or Voice accompanied such an affection , namely the hope of some good thing for the Belly , in regard that upon the uttering of this word he had been always used to be presented by her with some or other more delicate Bit than ordinary . In like manner , all those things which Dogs , Horses , or Apes are taught , are no other than the Motions in them of Hope , Fear or Joy ; in so much that there is not in the least any need of Cogitation in them for the performance of these things . XLVIII . How the Hyaena counterfeits Human Speech for the devouring of Shepherds . As for the Magpie , Hyaena , and such like Creatures imitating Human Voice , it can be attributed to nothing else , but to the sensitive plexus or texture of the Fibres , and the disposition of their Organs . For their Bodies are so disposed , that when a human sound or accent smites their Ear , the Animal Spirits conduct it into the Muscles which are inservient to the formation of the Voice . And that the Hyaena should with a Voice , much resembling human , call forth Shepherds to make a Prey of them , arises from hence ; that his Stomach being empty , the species of those Animals on which he used to feed , causes the Glandule , inclining it self to impel the Spirits into that part of the Brain in which are the Vestigia or Tracts which the aspect of these Animals left ; and since the Image of the Object recurs not to the Brain , but when that also recurs which accompanied it : No wonder the Hyaena should feign or imitate Human Voice , being indued with a wonderful docility of Corporeal Organs , and able promptly to express what ever comes to the Ear. XLIX . How i● i● to be understood that some Animals have more Instinct than others . Th●s when they say that these Animals have more of Instinct than others ; nothing else ▪ i● to be understood , but that the interiour and secret disposition of the invisible parts of their Bodies , and principally of their Brai●● is such , that it receives more easily the different impressions of exteriour Objects , and causes the Members to move in more different manners than those of other Animals . L. How it comes that Dogs , Horses &c. obey our Words , and execute our Commands . Horses , Dogs and Baboons , upon certain words or signs given , obey us , and execute our Commands ; nor is it therefore just to conclude , that they are indowed with Reason and Intellect , because we find by experience , that if other signs be given them , which tho' in reality more faci●e , yet are not suited to their innate capacity ▪ they take no notice of the Commands there hinted ▪ For Examples sake , if we should command a Dog to seek out for a Handkerchief lost a Month ago in a Garden , Closet or such like place , as we usually command him to fetch a Stick , just now thrown into a Pond , the Dog , instead o● speeding to the Garden or Closet , where it i● signified that the Handkerchief was lost , will doubtless make directly to the Pond to look out for the Staff : Whence it plainly appears , that the Dog does not perform what he is commanded , as apprehending the Words spoken or Signs given him ; but because the whole Machin of his Body hath obtain'd that habit and disposition by Labour and oft repeated Instructions , so that as soon as the Sign is given him , the Animal Spirits are streight carried into the Nerves and Muscles , which dispose him to the doing of this or that thing ; and so no wonder if the Dog of Lovain , having the Letters made fast to his Collar , made streight for Brussels , went to the House assign'd , and having discharg'd himself of his Letters , return'd directly to his Master , since all things which we see done by Beasts , and which so much stir up Admiration in us , are the meer effects of their Passions and Motions , by which we teach them and have a curb upon them , through the long exercise , labour and use which we are at in the Instructing of them . LI. Certain Actions of Animals , wherein they even seem to exceed Men in Sagacity of Wit. There are now remaining to be Explained those Actions of Brutes which constitute the fifth Class , namely those Actions wherein they discover so much acuteness of Wit , that they seem even to exceed in that Rationality by which Men are commonly differenc'd and distinguished from them . In the first place it is admirable to see how delicately and ingenuously some Birds proceed in making of their Nests . For Example , when the Swallows begin to be sensible of that alteration of their Condition , which desire and eagerness of Propagation is likely to bring upon them , they design their Nests after this manner : The biggest Straws and strongest of the Chaff being first laid as a foundation , they afterwards lay the softer and the lesser over : To this Fabrick they use Mud for a Cement , and daub their Nest all over with it , as with Mortar , and when this Mud is wanting , they fly to the next Pond , and there wetting the end of their Wings gather up Dust , with which as with Mud , they plaister up the rough places , close up the gaping Holes , and in all their Architecture so accommodate the dimension of their Fabrick to the shape of their Body , that they may have room to turn round so as commodiously to hatch upon their Eg● ▪ and in such manner to plant themselves , that they may distribute an equal force of heat to all parts . And now their Nest being strewed wi●h Chaff , Moss and Feathers they lay ●heir Eggs , sit upon them , hatch their Chickens , and feed them . Another argument of Providence in Animals is , that upon the approach of Winter they remove into foreign Regions , the better to consult ▪ for their advantage and subsistence . Of this sort are the Cranes , who every year in Spring time fly from South to North , and in Autumn fly back from North to South . The third Argument is , that some Animals presage things to come , and by a certain Cognition foretel those Phaenomena in the Air which hang over us ; as the Heron , when she flies very high , and soars more than usually above the Clouds , predicts future Rain . The Kite , on the contrary , mounting up to the highest Region of the Air , and there hovering till the Evening , proclaims fair Weather . The same thing we find by experience of other Animals ; for Example , the Cat , the Mole , the Bull , the Ram , the Dolphin , the Duck , the Cock , &c. which either by Voice uttered , by Crowing , by Frisking about , or the like , presage various sorts of Weather . LII With what impulse Birds are carried in building their Nests . As to the Birds building their Nests at a certain season of the year , afterwards sitting upon their Eggs , hatching their Young Ones , nourishing defending and covering them , &c. this ariseth only from the mutation of the temperature of their Body ; by which the Fibres , and their Contextures , in those Organs , especially which serve to Propagation , are so dispos'd , that that affection is easily thence derived , which prompts them to build their Nests , brood upon their Chickens , feed them when hatcht , &c. For to close with the Sentiment of the most Noble DIGBY , I think there is no Man will deny but that the desire of Copulation in Birds , proceeds not from any impulsion or design of begetting their like , but from the temperament of the Blood and Spirits , produc'd by quality of the Food wherewith they are fed , together with the Season of the Year ; however , after Copulation it must of necessity follow , that the Eggs grow in the Belly of the Female , and still increasing create trouble to her , and stir up a desire in her of being at rest , and of freeing her self from the burthen she labours with . And as Dogs and Cats , when necessity urges , are wont to look about for some commodious place , not only for the bringing forth of their Young , but also for voiding their Excrements . So Birds when the weight of their Eggs burthens them , and renders them unapt for flight , begin to indulge themselves very much to their repose , and take much delight in soft and warm places , so that Chaff , Moss , and the like , please them with their softness , which they therefore carry to their Nest . But that this action is not guided by Reason , is evident even from the very manner by which it is performed : For when they light upon Chaff , or any other thing commodious for the Litter of their Nests , they do not , as I have often observ'd in several Birds , carry it directly to their Nests , but first make towards the Bough of some Tree , or the Top of some House , and there with this piece of Housholdstuff in their Bill , hop up and down for some time , then leaving this place , fly to another , where after a small time of some such like diversion , they at length betake themselves to their Nests ; wherein if the Straws or chaffy Stalks should lie in a confused heap , they would be subject to be prickt by the sharp ends of them ; whereupon they turn them up and down , till all the said sharp ends be laid smooth , and their decumbiture be softned and made easie . Which we only seeing done , and comparing the Production thereof with the Method which we our selves should use in an exercise of the like actions , may possibly allow this disposition of Chaff Stalk to be prudent and directed by Reason . But whereas it proceeds from Birds themselves , it is no other than a frequent turning this way and that , of Bodies which offend the Sense , till such time as they bring no further pain or trouble with them . As to the dawbing over their Nest with Mud , it may be ascribed to the vehement heat which predominates at that time of the Year ; for hence it comes to pass , that they delight to be conversant in Mud , Water and Sand , without which all Birds would quickly sicken and be deprived , first of sight and then of Life ; but the same Mud , which , because it refrigerates or cools , they carry to their Nest in their Bills and Feet ; the same , I say , when it begins to grow hard and troublesom , they wipe off , and making a hole through in the place where they rest , they fly out to get that which is fresh and cool . LIII . Those Birds are not led by prudence , which remove from one Region to another . As to those Birds , which upon the approach of Winter , remove from one Region to another . It is not to be ascribed to their Prudence or Providence , but to their Natural Inclination , by which they are easily impelled to remove from a colder to a warmer place , into which afterwards the same temperament succeeding anew , they return again , provided the said Regions be not very far distant from each other , and not uneasie in access ; otherwise I am apt to believe that the said Birds would betake themselves into certain hiding Holes like Dormice , Serpents and Insects , and there lie dormant all the Winter , which might be proved by many instances , but it will be sufficient to mention the Swallows , which in the congealed Lakes of Poland , lie all the Winter time unmoved , and as it were , dead ; but the returning heat dissipating the Frost , and the Ice dissolving into Water , they rise out of their Lakes , and betake themselves anew to their flight . Which when that Possevinus , who went Embassador into Russia , as Gassendus mentions , would not give credit to , a great flake of Ice was commanded to be brought into his Stove , in which a cluster of Swallows lay crouded together ; which when the Ice began to melt by the heat of the place , were observed by degrees to move Feet , Wings , Head , and then the whole Body ; lastly to fly out ; but after some rounds of flight about the Stove , they fell down dead upon the ground , as having undergone too hasty and unwonted a change of Air. Much of the same nature is what hath been observed of other Birds , particularly in Germany , in Oaks and other hollow Trees , when cut down , Kites and Cuckows are found to have hid themselves there all the Winter . Something like to this may be also thought of the Storks , since it is yet undiscovered whence they come , and whither they betake themselves . Whence PLINY in his First Book , Chap. 23. No Man discerns when they depart , tho' it is apparent that they do go ; nor knows when they come , tho' we find that they do come . Both doubtless , i. e. their coming and going is done in the Night time ; and tho' they are commonly seen to fly to and fro , yet they are thought never to make their first approach but by Night . From which words it plainly appears , that the Storks come not from any far Region , nor go from us into any very remote parts , but so keep their way along the Ponds and Lakes , that neither their ingress nor egress can well be observ'd by us . LIV. How some Animals seem to portend future things . Lastly , As to Beasts seeming to foreknow some things , we need not for this ascribe to them any thing of Divination , or acknowledge any latent Rationality in them , for the making out of these presages ; since they depend only upon those mutations which happen in exteriour Objects ; which when Animals have received into their Bodies , they are touch'd with certain affections , which dispose them to Crowing or shaking of their Wings . For there are always in the Air some forerunners of fair Weather , Tempests , Winds , &c. which when Animals foresee , it cannot be but that certain affections must arise in those Organs which dispose to the forenamed Motions : For in the vivacity of their Senses Brutes excel Men ; and as those who are depriv'd of sight , hear more quick than others ; so it seems that Animals being void of Mind , and destitute of all Perception , have this recompence , that they have their Senses more acute . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A50014-e4390 ANAXIMINES . ANAXAGORAS . ARCHELAUS . HERACLITUS DEMOCRITUS Notes for div A50014-e56160 The first Mode . Bar-ba-ra . VIII . The first Figure . Ce-la-rent . Da-ri-i . Fe-ri-o . Ce-sa-re . X. The second Figure . Ca-me-stres . Fe-sti-no . Ba-ro-co . XI . The third Figure . Dar-ap-ti . Fel-ap-ton . Di-sa-mis . Da-ri-si . Bo-car-do . Fe-ri-son . Notes for div A50014-e184380 Figure 11. Figure 3. How it com●s to pass that liquor doth not run out of . XII . Figure 4. a Tasting Pipe. Figure 5. Figure 6. Figure 7. Figure 8 ▪ Figure 9. Figure 10. Figure 11. Figure 12. Figure 13. Figure 14. Figure 14. Notes for div A50014-e254350 Figure 15. Figure 16. Figure 17. Figure 18. Figure 19. Figure 20. Figure 20. Figure 21. Figure 20. Figure 25. Figure 26. Figure 27. Figure 28. Figure 29 ▪ Figure 30. Figure 31. Figure 32. Figure 33. Figure 34. Notes for div A50014-e334650 Figure 35. Fig. 36. Figure 37. Figure 38. Figure 38. Figure 39. Fig. 40. Figure 41. Figure 42. Figure 43. Figure 44. Figure 45. Figure 46. Figure 47. Figure 48. Figure 49. Figure 50. Figure 51. Figure 52. Figure 53. Figure 54 Figure 55. Figure 56. Figure 57. Figure 58. Figure 59. Notes for div A50014-e425340 III. What kind of Heat it is wherein the Life of Animals doth consist Figure 60. Notes for div A50014-e491230 Figure 62. Figure 63. Figure 64. Figure 65. Figure 66. Figure 67. IV. The Tongue is the Organ of Tasting . Figure 68. Figure 69. Figure 69. Figure 72. Figure 73. Figure 74 Figure 75. Figure 76. Notes for div A50014-e629520 III. Ethicks ●●rts the Diseases of the Soul. III. What a Promise is . II. Of the three kinds or forms of Government . Notes for div A50014-e714460 Figure 1. Figure 2 Figure 3. Figure 50. in the Institution . Figure 4. Figure 5. Figure 6. Figure 7. Notes for div A50014-e743920 I. Why boiling water riseth up to the very bri● of the Vessel , when before it reached only half way . Figure 8. Figure 9. Figure 10. Figure 11. Figure 12. Figure 13. Notes for div A50014-e798120 Figure 14. Figure 29. in the Institutions . Figure 15. Figure 16. Figure 17. Figure 27. in the Institutions . Notes for div A50014-e840560 Figure 18. IV. Why Spring Water is fresh . III. The Red-Sea is not higher than the Mediterranean . Figure 46 ▪ in the Institution . Figure 19. Figure 20. Notes for div A50014-e886280 Figure 21. Figure 22. Figure 45. in the Institution . Notes for div A50014-e922120 Figure 23. Figure 25. Notes for div A50014-e958500 III. Why the Roots of some Plants are round , others long and slender . Figure 27. 〈…〉 ●nd other such like Trees , do only send forth Branches at their tops . Notes for div A50014-e1031060 Figure 28. VII . What the cause is of marks imprinted in Births .